transcriber's note a table of contents has been added to this ebook for the reader's convenience. the index has been moved from its original place at the beginning of the text to the end of the text. the index has been transcribed to match that of the original document; the reader may find the browser's search function to be a more robust way of locating specific items. variant and inconsistent spellings and punctuation have been retained in this ebook to match the original document. only suspected typographical errors have been corrected. details of these corrections can be found in a second transcriber's note at the end of this text. an appeal in favor of that class of americans called africans. by mrs. child, author of the mother's book, the girl's own book, the frugal housewife, etc. "we have offended, oh! my countrymen! we have offended very grievously, and been most tyrannous. from east to west a groan of accusation pierces heaven! the wretched plead against us; multitudes, countless and vehement, the sons of god, our brethren!" coleridge. new-york: published by john s. taylor. . preface. reader, i beseech you not to throw down this volume as soon as you have glanced at the title. read it, if your prejudices will allow, for the very truth's sake:--if i have the most trifling claims upon your good will, for an hour's amusement to yourself, or benefit to your children, read it for _my_ sake:--read it, if it be merely to find fresh occasion to sneer at the vulgarity of the cause:--read it, from sheer curiosity to see what a woman (who had much better attend to her household concerns) will say upon such a subject:--read it, on any terms, and my purpose will be gained. the subject i have chosen admits of no encomiums on my country; but as i generally make it an object to supply what is most needed, this circumstance is unimportant; the market is so glutted with flattery, that a little truth may be acceptable, were it only for its rarity. i am fully aware of the unpopularity of the task i have undertaken; but though i _expect_ ridicule and censure, it is not in my nature to _fear_ them. a few years hence, the opinion of the world will be a matter in which i have not even the most transient interest; but this book will be abroad on its mission of humanity, long after the hand that wrote it is mingling with the dust. should it be the means of advancing, even one single hour, the inevitable progress of truth and justice, i would not exchange the consciousness for all rothchild's wealth, or sir walter's fame. contents page chapter i. brief history of negro slavery.--its inevitable effect upon all concerned in it. chapter ii. comparative view of slavery, in different ages and nations. chapter iii. free labor and slave labor.--possibility of safe emancipation. chapter iv. influence of slavery on the politics of the united states. chapter v. colonization society, and anti-slavery society. chapter vi. intellect of negroes. chapter vii. moral character of negroes. chapter viii. prejudices against people of color, and our duties in relation to this subject. an appeal, &c. chapter i. brief history of negro slavery.--its inevitable effect upon all concerned in it. the lot is wretched, the condition sad, whether a pining discontent survive, and thirst for change; or habit hath subdued the soul depressed; dejected--even to love of her dull tasks and close captivity. wordsworth. my ear is pained, my soul is sick with every day's report of wrong and outrage, with which this earth is filled. there is no flesh in man's obdurate heart, it does not feel for man. cowper. while the portuguese were exploring africa, in , prince henry ordered anthony gonsalez to carry back certain moorish prisoners, whom he had seized two years before near cape bajador: this order was obeyed, and gonsalez received from the moors, in exchange for the captives, ten negroes, and a quantity of gold dust. unluckily, this wicked speculation proved profitable, and other portuguese were induced to embark in it. in , the west india islands were discovered by columbus. the spaniards, dazzled with the acquisition of a new world and eager to come into possession of their wealth, compelled the natives of hispaniola to dig in the mines. the native indians died rapidly, in consequence of hard work and cruel treatment; and thus a new market was opened for the negro slaves captured by the portuguese. they were accordingly introduced as early as . those who bought and those who sold were alike prepared to trample on the rights of their fellow-beings, by that most demoralizing of all influences, the accursed love of gold. cardinal ximenes, while he administered the government, before the accession of charles the fifth, was petitioned to allow a regular commerce in african negroes. but he rejected the proposal with promptitude and firmness, alike honorable to his head and heart. this earliest friend of the africans, living in a comparatively unenlightened age, has peculiar claims upon our gratitude and reverence. in , charles the fifth granted a patent for an annual supply of four thousand negroes to the spanish islands. he probably soon became aware of the horrible and ever-increasing evils, attendant upon this traffic; for twenty-five years after he emancipated every negro in his dominions. but when he resigned his crown and retired to a monastery, the colonists resumed their shameless tyranny. captain hawkins, afterward sir john hawkins, was the first englishman, who disgraced himself and his country by this abominable trade. assisted by some rich people in london, he fitted out three ships, and sailed to the african coast, where he burned and plundered the towns, and carried off three hundred of the defenceless inhabitants to hispaniola. elizabeth afterwards authorized a similar adventure with one of her own vessels. "she expressed her concern lest any of the africans should be carried off without their free consent; declaring that such a thing would be detestable, and call down the vengeance of heaven upon the undertakers." for this reason, it has been supposed that the queen was deceived--that she imagined the negroes were transported to the spanish colonies as voluntary laborers. but history gives us slight reasons to judge elizabeth so favorably. it was her system always to preserve an _appearance_ of justice and virtue. she was a shrewd, far-sighted politician; and had in perfection the clear head and cold heart calculated to form that character. whatever she might believe of the trade at its beginning, she was too deeply read in human nature, not to foresee the inevitable consequence of placing power in the hands of avarice. a roman priest persuaded louis the thirteenth to sanction slavery for the sake of converting the negroes to christianity; and thus this bloody iniquity, disguised with gown, hood, and rosary, entered the fair dominions of france. to be violently wrested from his home, and condemned to toil without hope, by christians, to whom he had done no wrong, was, methinks, a very odd beginning to the poor negro's course of religious instruction! when this evil had once begun, it, of course, gathered strength rapidly; for all the bad passions of human nature were eagerly enlisted in its cause. the british formed settlements in north america, and in the west indies; and these were stocked with slaves. from to , _two million, one hundred and thirty thousand_ negroes were imported into the british colonies! in almost all great evils there is some redeeming feature--_some_ good results, even where it is not intended: pride and vanity, utterly selfish and wrong in themselves, often throw money into the hands of the poor, and thus tend to excite industry and ingenuity, while they produce comfort. but slavery is _all_ evil--within and without--root and branch,--bud, blossom and fruit! in order to show how dark it is in every aspect--how invariably injurious both to nations and individuals,--i will select a few facts from the mass of evidence now before me. in the first place, its effects upon _africa_ have been most disastrous. all along the coast, intercourse with europeans has deprived the inhabitants of their primitive simplicity, without substituting in its place the order, refinement, and correctness of principle, attendant upon true civilization. the soil of africa is rich in native productions, and honorable commerce might have been a blessing to her, to europe, and to america; but instead of that, a trade has been substituted, which operates like a withering curse, upon all concerned in it. there are green and sheltered valleys in africa,--broad and beautiful rivers,--and vegetation in its loveliest and most magnificent forms.--but no comfortable houses, no thriving farms, no cultivated gardens;--for it is not safe to possess permanent property, where each little state is surrounded by warlike neighbors, continually sending out their armed bands in search of slaves. the white man offers his most tempting articles of merchandise to the negro, as a price for the flesh and blood of his enemy; and if we, with all our boasted knowledge and religion, are seduced by money to do such grievous wrong to those who have never offended us, what can we expect of men just emerging from the limited wants of savage life, too uncivilized to have formed any habits of steady industry, yet earnestly coveting the productions they know not how to earn! the inevitable consequence is, that war is made throughout that unhappy continent, not only upon the slightest pretences, but often without any pretext at all. villages are set on fire, and those who fly from the flames, rush upon the spears of the enemy. private kidnapping is likewise carried on to a great extent, for he who can catch a neighbor's child is sure to find a ready purchaser; and it sometimes happens that the captor and his living merchandise are both seized by the white slave-trader. houses are broken open in the night, and defenceless women and children carried away into captivity. if boys, in the unsuspecting innocence of youth, come near the white man's ships, to sell vegetables or fruit, they are ruthlessly seized and carried to slavery in a distant land. even the laws are perverted to this shameful purpose. if a chief wants european commodities, he accuses a parent of witchcraft; the victim is tried by the ordeal of poisoned water;[a] and if he sicken at the draught, the king claims a right to punish him by selling his whole family. in african legislation, almost all crimes are punished with slavery; and thanks to the white man's rapacity, there is always a very powerful motive for finding the culprit guilty. he must be a very good king indeed, that judges his subjects impartially, when he is sure of making money by doing otherwise! [footnote a: judicial trials by the ordeal of personal combat, in which the vanquished were always pronounced guilty, occurred as late as the sixteenth century, both in france and england.] the king of dahomy, and other despotic princes, do not scruple to seize their own people and sell them, without provocation, whenever they happen to want anything, which slave-ships can furnish. if a chief has conscience enough to object to such proceedings, he is excited by presents of gunpowder and brandy. one of these men, who could not resist the persuasions of the slave-traders while he was intoxicated, was conscience-stricken when he recovered his senses, and bitterly reproached his _christian_ seducers. one negro king, debarred by his religion from the use of spirituous liquors, and therefore less dangerously tempted than others, abolished the slave-trade throughout his dominions and exerted himself to encourage honest industry; but his people must have been as sheep among wolves. relentless bigotry brings its aid to darken the horrors of the scene. the mohammedans deem it right to subject the heathen tribes to perpetual bondage. the moors and arabs think alla and the prophet have given them an undisputed right to the poor caffre, his wife, his children, and his goods. but mark how the slave-trade deepens even the fearful gloom of bigotry! these mohammedans are by no means zealous to enlighten their pagan neighbors--they do not wish them to come to a knowledge of what they consider the true religion--lest they should forfeit the only ground, on which they can even pretend to the right of driving them by thousands to the markets of kano and tripoli. this is precisely like our own conduct. we say the negroes are so ignorant that they must be slaves; and we insist upon keeping them ignorant, lest we spoil them for slaves. the same spirit that dictates this logic to the arab, teaches it to the european and the american:--call it what you please--it is certainly neither of heaven nor of earth. when the slave-ships are lying on the coast of africa, canoes well armed are sent into the inland country, and after a few weeks they return with hundreds of negroes, tied fast with ropes. sometimes the white men lurk among the bushes, and seize the wretched beings who incautiously venture from their homes; sometimes they paint their skins as black as their hearts, and by this deception suddenly surprise the unsuspecting natives; at other times the victims are decoyed on board the vessel, under some kind pretence or other, and then lashed to the mast, or chained in the hold. is it not very natural for the africans to say "devilish white?" all along the shores of this devoted country, terror and distrust prevail. the natives never venture out without arms, when a vessel is in sight, and skulk through their own fields, as if watched by a panther. all their worst passions are called into full exercise, and all their kindlier feelings smothered. treachery, fraud and violence desolate the country, rend asunder the dearest relations, and pollute the very fountains of justice. the history of the negro, whether national or domestic, is written in blood. had half the skill and strength employed in the slave-trade been engaged in honorable commerce, the native princes would long ago have directed their energies towards clearing the country, destroying wild beasts, and introducing the arts and refinements of civilized life. under such influences, africa might become an earthly paradise;--the white man's avarice has made it a den of wolves. having thus glanced at the miserable effects of this system on the condition of africa, we will now follow the poor _slave_ through his wretched wanderings, in order to give some idea of his physical suffering, his mental and moral degradation. husbands are torn from their wives, children from their parents, while the air is filled with the shrieks and lamentations of the bereaved. sometimes they are brought from a remote country; obliged to wander over mountains and through deserts; chained together in herds; driven by the whip; scorched by a tropical sun; compelled to carry heavy bales of merchandise; suffering with hunger and thirst; worn down with fatigue; and often leaving their bones to whiten in the desert. a large troop of slaves, taken by the sultan of fezzan, died in the desert for want of food. in some places, travellers meet with fifty or sixty skeletons in a day, of which the largest proportion were no doubt slaves, on their way to european markets. sometimes the poor creatures refuse to go a step further, and even the lacerating whip cannot goad them on; in such cases, they become the prey of wild beasts, more merciful than white men. those who arrive at the seacoast, are in a state of desperation and despair. their purchasers are so well aware of this, and so fearful of the consequences, that they set sail in the night, lest the negroes should know when they depart from their native shores. and here the scene becomes almost too harrowing to dwell upon. but we must not allow our nerves to be more tender than our consciences. the poor wretches are stowed by hundreds, like bales of goods, between the low decks, where filth and putrid air produce disease, madness and suicide. unless they die in _great_ numbers, the slave-captain does not even concern himself enough to fret; his live stock cost nothing, and he is sure of such a high price for what remains at the end of the voyage, that he can afford to lose a good many. the following account is given by dr. walsh, who accompanied viscount strangford, as chaplain, on his embassy to brazil. the vessel in which he sailed chased a slave-ship; for to the honor of england be it said, she has asked and obtained permission from other governments, to treat as pirates such of their subjects as are discovered carrying on this guilty trade north of the equator. doctor walsh was an eyewitness of the scene he describes; and the evidence given, at various times, before the british house of commons, proves that the frightful picture is by no means exaggerated. "the vessel had taken in, on the coast of africa, three hundred and thirty-six males, and two hundred and twenty-six females, making in all five hundred and sixty-two; she had been out seventeen days, during which she had thrown overboard fifty-five. they were all inclosed under grated hatchways, between decks. the space was so low, and they were stowed so close together, that there was no possibility of lying down, or changing their position, night or day. the greater part of them were shut out from light and air; and this when the thermometer, exposed to the open sky, was standing, in the shade on our deck, at eighty-nine degrees. "the space between decks was divided into two compartments, three feet three inches high. two hundred and twenty-six women and girls were thrust into one space two hundred and eighty-eight feet square; and three hundred and thirty-six men and boys were crammed into another space eight hundred feet square; giving the whole an average of twenty-three inches; and to each of the women not more than thirteen inches; though several of them were in a state of health, which peculiarly demanded pity.--as they were shipped on account of different individuals, they were branded like sheep, with the owner's marks of different forms; which, as the mate informed me with perfect indifference, had been burnt in with red-hot iron. over the hatchway stood a ferocious looking fellow, the slave-driver of the ship, with a scourge of many-twisted thongs in his hand; whenever he heard the slightest noise from below, he shook it over them, and seemed eager to exercise it. "as soon as the poor creatures saw us looking down at them, their melancholy visages brightened up. they perceived something of sympathy and kindness in our looks, to which they had not been accustomed; and feeling instinctively that we were friends, they immediately began to shout and clap their hands. the women were particularly excited. they all held up their arms, and when we bent down and shook hands with them, they could not contain their delight; they endeavored to scramble upon their knees, stretching up to kiss our hands, and we understood they knew we had come to liberate them. some, however, hung down their heads in apparently hopeless dejection: some were greatly emaciated; and some, particularly children, seemed dying. the heat of these horrid places was so great, and the odor so offensive, that it was quite impossible to enter them, even had there been room. "the officers insisted that the poor, suffering creatures, should be admitted on deck to get air and water. this was opposed by the mate of the slaver, who (from a feeling that they deserved it,) declared they should be all murdered. the officers, however, persisted, and the poor beings were all turned out together. it is impossible to conceive the effect of this eruption--five hundred and seventeen fellow-creatures, of all ages and sexes, some children, some adults, some old men and women, all entirely destitute of clothing, scrambling out together to taste the luxury of a little fresh air and water. they came swarming up, like bees from a hive, till the whole deck was crowded to suffocation from stem to stern; so that it was impossible to imagine where they could all have come from, or how they could have been stowed away. on looking into the places where they had been crammed, there were found some children next the sides of the ship, in the places most remote from light and air; they were lying nearly in a torpid state, after the rest had turned out. the little creatures seemed indifferent as to life or death; and when they were carried on deck, many of them could not stand. after enjoying for a short time the unusual luxury of air, some water was brought; it was then that the extent of their sufferings was exposed in a fearful manner. they all rushed like maniacs towards it. no entreaties, or threats, or blows, could restrain them; they shrieked, and struggled, and fought with one another, for a drop of this precious liquid, as if they grew rabid at the sight of it. there is nothing from which slaves in the mid-passage suffer so much as want of water. it is sometimes usual to take out casks filled with sea-water as ballast, and when the slaves are received on board, to start the casks, and re-fill them with fresh. on one occasion, a ship from bahia neglected to change the contents of their casks, and on the mid-passage found to their horror, that they were filled with nothing but salt water. all the slaves on board perished! we could judge of the extent of their sufferings from the afflicting sight we now saw. when the poor creatures were ordered down again, several of them came, and pressed their heads against our knees, with looks of the greatest anguish, with the prospect of returning to the horrid place of suffering below." alas! the slave-captain proved by his papers that he confined his traffic strictly to the south of the line, where it was yet lawful; perhaps his papers were forged; but the english officers were afraid to violate an article of the treaty, which their government had made with brazil. thus does cunning wickedness defeat benevolence and justice in this world! dr. walsh continues: "with infinite regret, therefore, we were obliged to restore his papers to the captain, and permit him to proceed, after nine hours' detention and close investigation. it was dark when we separated, and the last parting sounds we heard from the unhallowed ship, were the cries and shrieks of the slaves, suffering under some bodily infliction." i suppose the english officers acted politically right; but not for the world's wealth, would i have acted politically right, under such circumstances![b] [footnote b: dr. walsh's book on brazil was published in . he says; "notwithstanding the benevolent and persevering exertions of england, this horrid traffic in human flesh is nearly as extensively carried on as ever, and under circumstances perhaps of a more revolting character. the very shifts at evasion, the necessity for concealment, and the desperate hazard, cause inconvenience and sufferings to the poor creatures in a very aggravated degree."] arrived at the place of destination, the condition of the slave is scarcely less deplorable. they are advertised with cattle; chained in droves, and driven to market with a whip; and sold at auction, with the beasts of the field. they are treated like brutes, and all the influences around them conspire to make them brutes. "some are employed as domestic slaves, when and how the owner pleases; by day or by night, on sunday or other days, in any measure or degree, with any remuneration or with none, with what kind or quantity of food the owner of the human beast may choose. male or female, young or old, weak or strong, may be punished with or without reason, as caprice or passion may prompt. when the drudge does not suit, he may be sold for some inferior purpose, like a horse that has seen his best days, till like a worn-out beast he dies, unpitied and forgotten! kept in ignorance of the holy precepts and divine consolations of christianity, he remains a pagan in a christian land, without even an object of idolatrous worship--'having no hope, and without god in the world.'" from the moment the slave is kidnapped, to the last hour he draws his miserable breath, the white man's influence directly cherishes ignorance, fraud, treachery, theft, licentiousness, revenge, hatred and murder. it cannot be denied that human nature thus operated upon, _must_ necessarily yield, more or less, to all these evils.--and thus do we dare to treat beings, who, like ourselves, are heirs of immortality! and now let us briefly inquire into the influence of slavery on the _white man's_ character; for in this evil there is a mighty re-action. "such is the constitution of things, that we cannot inflict an injury without suffering from it ourselves: he who blesses another, benefits himself; but he who sins against his fellow-creature, does his own soul a grievous wrong." the effect produced upon _slave-captains_ is absolutely frightful. those who wish to realize it in all its awful extent, may find abundant information in clarkson's history of slavery: the authenticity of the facts there given cannot be doubted; for setting aside the perfect honesty of clarkson's character, these facts were principally accepted as evidence before the british parliament, where there was a very strong party of slave-owners desirous to prove them false. indeed when we reflect upon the subject, it cannot excite surprise that slave-captains become as hard-hearted and fierce as tigers. the very first step in their business is a deliberate invasion of the rights of others; its pursuit combines every form of violence, bloodshed, tyranny and anguish; they are accustomed to consider their victims as cattle, or blocks of wood;[c] and they are invested with perfectly despotic powers. [footnote c: i have read letters from slave-captains to their employers, in which they declare that they shipped such a number of _billets of wood_, or _pieces of ebony_, on the coast of africa. near the office of the richmond inquirer in virginia, an auction flag was hoisted one day this last winter, with the following curious advertisement: "on monday the th inst., will be sold in front of the high constable's office, one bright mulatto woman, about twenty-six years of age; also, _some empty barrels, and sundry old candle-boxes_."] there is a great waste of life among white seamen employed in this traffic, in consequence of the severe punishment they receive, and diseases originating in the unwholesome atmosphere on board. clarkson, after a long and patient investigation, came to the conclusion that two slave voyages to africa, would destroy more seamen than eighty-three to newfoundland; and there is this difference to be observed, that the loss in one trade is generally occasioned by weather or accident, in the other by cruelty or disease. the instances are exceedingly numerous of sailors on board slave-ships, that have died under the lash, or in consequence of it. some of the particulars are so painful that it has made me sicken to read them; and i therefore forbear to repeat them. of the alexander's crew, in , no less than eleven deserted at bonny, on the african coast, because life had become insupportable. they chose all that could be endured from a most inhospitable climate, and the violence of the natives, rather than remain in their own ship. nine others died on the voyage, and the rest were exceedingly abused. this state of things was so universal that seamen were notoriously averse to enter the hateful business. in order to obtain them it became necessary to resort to force or deception. (behold how many branches there are to the tree of crime!) decoyed to houses where night after night was spent in dancing, rioting and drunkenness, the thoughtless fellows gave themselves up to the merriment of the scene, and in a moment of intoxication the fatal bargain was sealed. encouraged to spend more than they owned, a jail or the slave-ship became the only alternatives. the superiority of wages was likewise a strong inducement; but this was a cheat. the wages of the sailors were half paid in the currency of the country where the vessel carried her slaves; and thus they were actually lower than in other trades, while they were nominally higher. in such an employment the morals of the seamen of course became corrupt, like their masters; and every species of fraud was thought allowable to deceive the ignorant africans, by means of false weights, false measures, adulterated commodities, and the like. of the cruelties on board slave-ships, i will mention but a few instances; though a large volume might be filled with such detestable anecdotes perfectly well authenticated. "a child on board a slave-ship, of about ten months old, took sulk and would not eat; the captain flogged it with a cat-o'-nine-tails; swearing that he would make it eat, or kill it. from this, and other ill-treatment, the limbs swelled. he then ordered some water to be made hot to abate the swelling. but even his tender mercies were cruel. the cook, on putting his hand into the water, said it was too hot. upon this the captain swore at him, and ordered the feet to be put in. this was done. the nails and skin came off. oiled cloths were then put around them. the child was at length tied to a heavy log. two or three days afterwards, the captain caught it up again, and repeated that he would make it eat, or kill it. he immediately flogged it again, and in a quarter of an hour it died. and after the babe was dead, whom should the barbarian select to throw it overboard, but the wretched mother! in vain she tried to avoid the office. he beat her, till he made her take up the child and carry it to the side of the vessel. she then dropped it into the sea, turning her head the other way, that she might not see it."[d] [footnote d: clarkson's history of the abolition of the slave trade.] "in , a slave-trader, detained by contrary winds on the american coast, and in distress, selected one hundred and thirty-two of his sick slaves, and threw them into the sea, tied together in pairs, that they might not escape by swimming. he hoped the insurance company would indemnify him for his loss; and in the law-suit, to which this gave birth, he observed that 'negroes cannot be considered in any other light than as beasts of burden; and to lighten a vessel it is permitted to throw overboard its least valuable effects.' "some of the unhappy slaves escaped from those who attempted to tie them, and jumped into the sea. one of them was saved by means of a cord thrown by the sailors of another vessel; and the monster who murdered his innocent companions had the audacity to claim him as his property. the judges, either from shame, or a sense of justice, refused his demand."[e] [footnote e: the abbé grégoire's inquiry into the intellect and morals of negroes.] some people speculate in what are called refuse slaves; i. e. the poor diseased ones. many of them die in the piazzas of the auctioneers; and sometimes, in the agonies of death, they are sold as low as a dollar. even this is better than to be unprotected on the wide ocean, in the power of such wild beasts as i have described. it may seem incredible to some that human nature is capable of so much depravity. but the confessions of pirates show how habitual scenes of blood and violence harden the heart of man; and history abundantly proves that despotic power produces a fearful species of moral insanity. the wanton cruelties of nero, caligula, domitian, and many of the officers of the inquisition, seem like the frantic acts of madmen. the public has, however, a sense of justice, which can never be entirely perverted. since the time when clarkson, wilberforce and fox made the horrors of the slave-trade understood, the slave-captain, or slave-jockey, is spontaneously and almost universally regarded with dislike and horror. even in the slaveholding states it is deemed disreputable to associate with a professed slave-trader, though few perhaps would think it any harm to bargain with him. this public feeling makes itself felt so strongly, that men engaged in what is called the african traffic, kept it a secret, if they could, even before the laws made it hazardous. no man of the least principle could for a moment think of engaging in such enterprises; and if he have any feeling, it is soon destroyed by familiarity with scenes of guilt and anguish. the result is, that the slave-trade is a monopoly in the hands of the very wicked; and this is one reason why it has always been profitable. yet even the slave-_trade_ has had it champions--of course among those who had money invested in it. politicians have boldly said that it was a profitable branch of commerce, and ought not to be discontinued on account of the idle dreams of benevolent enthusiasts. they have argued before the house of commons, that others would enslave the negroes, if the english gave it up--as if it were allowable for one man to commit a crime because another was likely to do it! they tell how merciful it is to bring the africans away from the despotism and wars, which desolate their own continent; but they do not add that the white man is himself the cause of those wars, nor do they prove our right to judge for another man where he will be the happiest. if the turks, or the algerines saw fit to exercise this right, they might carry away captive all the occupants of our prisons and penitentiaries. some of the advocates of this traffic maintained that the voyage from africa to the slave-market, called the middle passage, was an exceedingly comfortable portion of existence. one went so far as to declare it "the happiest part of a negro's life." they aver that the africans, on their way to slavery, are so merry, that they dance and sing. but upon a careful examination of witnesses, it was found that their singing consisted of dirge-like lamentations for their native land. one of the captains threatened to flog a woman, because the mournfulness of her song was too painful to him. after meals they jumped up in their irons for exercise. this was considered so necessary for their health, that they were whipped, if they refused to do it. and this was their dancing! "i," said one of the witnesses, "was employed to dance the men, while another person danced the women." these pretences, ridiculous as they appear, are worth about as much as any of the arguments that can be brought forward in defence of any part of the slave system. the engraving on the next page will help to give a vivid idea of the elysium enjoyed by negroes, during the middle passage. fig. a represents the iron hand-cuffs, which fasten the slaves together by means of a little bolt with a padlock. [illustration: iron hand-cuffs] [illustration: iron shackles] [illustration: thumb-screw and speculum oris] b represents the iron shackles by which the ancle of one is made fast to the ancle of his next companion. yet even thus secured, they do often jump into the sea, and wave their hands in triumph at the approach of death. e is a thumb-screw. the thumbs are put into two rounds holes at the top; by turning a key a bar rises from c to d by means of a screw; and the pressure becomes very painful. by turning it further, the blood is made to start; and by taking away the key, as at e, the tortured person is left in agony, without the means of helping himself, or being helped by others. this is applied in case of obstinacy, at the discretion of the captain. i, f, is a speculum oris. the dotted lines represent it when shut; the black lines when open. it opens at g, h, by a screw below with a knob at the end of it. this instrument was used by surgeons to wrench open the mouth in case of lock-jaw. it is used in slave-ships to compel the negroes to take food; because a loss to the owners would follow their persevering attempts to die. k represents the manner of stowing in a slave-ship. [illustration: stowing slaves] according to clarkson's estimate, about two and a half out of a hundred of human beings die annually, in the ordinary course of nature, including infants and the aged; but in an african voyage, where few babes and no old people are admitted, so that those shipped are at the firmest period of life, the annual mortality is forty-three in a hundred. in vessels that sail from bonny, benin, and the calabars, whence a large proportion of slaves are brought, this mortality is so much increased by various causes, that eighty-six in a hundred die yearly. he adds, "it is a destruction, which if general but for ten years, would depopulate the world, and extinguish the human race." we next come to the influence of this diabolical system on the _slave-owner_; and here i shall be cautioned that i am treading on delicate ground, because our own countrymen are slaveholders. but i am yet to learn that wickedness is any the better for being our own. let the truth be spoken--and let those abide its presence who can. the following is the testimony of jefferson, who had good opportunities for observation, and who certainly had no new-england prejudices: "there must, doubtless, be an unhappy influence on the manners of the people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. our children see this and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. the parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners undepraved in such circumstances." in a community where all the labor is done by one class there must of course be another class who live in indolence; and we all know how much people that have nothing to do are tempted by what the world calls pleasures; the result is, that slaveholding states and colonies are proverbial for dissipation. hence, too, the contempt for industry, which prevails in such a state of society.--where none work but slaves, usefulness becomes degradation. the wife of a respectable mechanic, who accompanied her husband from massachusetts to the south, gave great offence to her new neighbors by performing her usual household avocations; they begged her to desist from it, (offering the services of their own blacks,) because the sight of a white person engaged in any labor was extremely injurious to the slaves; they deemed it very important that the negroes should be taught, both by precept and example, that they alone were made to work! whether the undue importance attached to merely external gentility, and the increasing tendency to indolence and extravagance throughout this country, ought to be attributed, in any degree, to the same source, i am unable to say; if _any_ influence comes to us from the example and ridicule of the slaveholding states, it certainly must be of this nature. there is another view of this system, which i cannot unveil so completely as it ought to be. i shall be called bold for saying so much; but the facts are so important, that it is a matter of conscience not to be fastidious. the negro woman is unprotected either by law or public opinion. she is the property of her master, and her daughters are his property. they are allowed to have no conscientious scruples, no sense of shame, no regard for the feelings of husband, or parent; they must be entirely subservient to the will of their owner, on pain of being whipped as near unto death as will comport with his interest, or quite to death, if it suit his pleasure. those who know human nature would be able to conjecture the unavoidable result, even if it were not betrayed by the amount of mixed population. think for a moment, what a degrading effect must be produced on the morals of both blacks and whites by customs like these! considering we live in the nineteenth century, it is indeed a strange state of society where the father sells his child, and the brother puts his sister up at auction! yet these things are often practised in our republic. doctor walsh, in his account of brazil, tells an anecdote of one of these fathers, who love their offspring at market price. "for many years," says he, "this man kept his son in slavery, and maintained the right to dispose of him, as he would of his mule. being ill, however, and near to die, he made his will, left his child his freedom, and apprised him of it. some time after he recovered, and having a dispute with the young man, he threatened to sell him with the rest of his stock. the son, determined to prevent this, assassinated his father in a wood, got possession of the will, demanded his freedom, and obtained it. this circumstance was perfectly well known in the neighborhood, but no process was instituted against him. he was not chargeable, as i could hear, with any other delinquency than the horrible one of murdering his father to obtain his freedom." this forms a fine picture of the effects of slavery upon human relations![f] [footnote f: a short time ago a reverend and very benevolent gentleman suggested as the subject of a book, _the beauty of human relations_.--what a bitter jest it would be, to send him this volume, with the information that i had complied with his request!] i have more than once heard people, who had just returned from the south, speak of seeing a number of mulattoes in attendance where they visited, whose resemblance to the head of the family was too striking not to be immediately observed. what sort of feeling must be excited in the minds of those slaves by being constantly exposed to the tyranny or caprice of their own brothers and sisters, and by the knowledge that these near relations, will on a division of the estate, have power to sell them off with the cattle? but the vices of white men eventually provide a scourge for themselves. they increase the negro race, but the negro can never increase theirs; and this is one great reason why the proportion of colored population is always so large in slaveholding countries. as the ratio increases more and more every year, the colored people must eventually be the stronger party; and when this result happens, slavery must either be abolished, or government must furnish troops, of whose wages the free states must pay their proportion. as a proof of the effects of slavery on the temper, i will relate but very few anecdotes. the first happened in the bahamas. it is extracted from a despatch of mr. huskisson to the governor of those islands: "henry and helen moss have been found guilty of a _misdemeanor_, for their cruelty to their slave kate; and those facts of the case, which seem beyond dispute, appear to be as follows: "kate was a domestic slave, and is stated to have been guilty of theft: she is also accused of disobedience, in refusing to mend her clothes and do her work; and this was the more immediate cause of her punishment. on the twenty-second of july, eighteen hundred and twenty-six, she was confined in the stocks, and she was not released till the eighth of august following, being a period of seventeen days. the stocks were so constructed that she could not sit up or lie down at pleasure, and she remained in them night and day. during this period she was flogged repeatedly, one of the overseers thinks about six times; and red pepper was rubbed upon her eyes to prevent her sleeping. tasks were given her, which, in the opinion of the same overseer, she was incapable of performing; sometimes because they were beyond her powers, at other times because she could not see to do them, on account of the pepper having been rubbed on her eyes; and she was flogged for failing to accomplish these tasks. a violent distemper had prevailed on the plantation during the summer. it is in evidence, that on one of the days of kate's confinement, she complained of fever; and that one of the floggings she received was the day after she made the complaint. when she was taken out of the stocks, she appeared to be cramped, and was then again flogged. the very day of her release, she was sent to field labor, (though heretofore a house-servant;) and on the evening of the third day ensuing was brought before her owners, as being ill, and refusing to work; and she then again complained of having fever. they were of opinion that she had none then, but gave directions to the driver, if she should be ill, to bring her to them for medicines in the morning. the driver took her to the negro-house, and again flogged her; though at this time apparently without orders from her owners to do so. in the morning at seven o'clock she was taken to work in the field, where she died at noon. "the facts of the case are thus far incontrovertibly established; and i deeply lament, that, heinous as the offences are which this narrative exhibits, i can discover no material palliation of them amongst the other circumstances detailed in the evidence." a bill of indictment for murder was preferred against mr. and mrs. moss: the grand jury threw it out. upon two other bills, for misdemeanors, a verdict of guilty was returned. five months' imprisonment, and a fine of three hundred pounds, was the only punishment for this deliberate and shocking cruelty! in the next chapter, it will be seen that similar _misdemeanors_ are committed with equal impunity in this country. i do not know how much odium mr. and mrs. moss generally incurred in consequence of this transaction; but many of "the most respectable people in the island petitioned for a mitigation of their punishment, visited them in prison, did every thing to identify themselves with them, and on their liberation from jail, gave them a public dinner as a matter of triumph!" the witnesses in their favor even went so far as to insist that their character stood high for humanity among the neighboring planters. i believe there never was a class of people on earth so determined to uphold each other, at all events, as slave-owners. the following account was originally written by the rev. william dickey, of bloomingsburgh, to the rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio. it was published in , in a little volume of letters, on the subject of slavery, by the rev. mr. rankin, who assures us that mr. dickey was well acquainted with the circumstances he describes. "in the county of livingston, kentucky, near the mouth of cumberland river, lived lilburn lewis, the son of jefferson's sister. he was the wealthy owner of a considerable number of slaves, whom he drove constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. the consequence was, they would run away. among the rest was an ill-grown boy, about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was sent to the spring for water, and, in returning, let fall an elegant pitcher, which dashed to shivers on the rocks. it was night, and the slaves were all at home. the master had them collected into the most roomy negro-house, and a rousing fire made." (reader, what follows is very shocking; but i have already said we must not allow our nerves to be more sensitive than our consciences. if such things are done in our country, it is important that we should know of them, and seriously reflect upon them.) "the door was fastened, that none of the negroes, either through fear or sympathy, should attempt to escape; he then told them that the design of this meeting was to teach them to remain at home and obey his orders. all things being now in train, george was called up, and by the assistance of his younger brother, laid on a broad bench or block. the master then cut off his ancles with a broad axe. in vain the unhappy victim screamed. not a hand among so many dared to interfere. having cast the feet into the fire, he lectured the negroes at some length. he then proceeded to cut off his limbs below the knees. the sufferer besought him to begin with his head. it was in vain--the master went on thus, until trunk, arms, and head, were all in the fire. still protracting the intervals with lectures, and threatenings of like punishment, in case any of them were disobedient, or ran away, or disclosed the tragedy they were compelled to witness. in order to consume the bones, the fire was briskly stirred until midnight: when, as if heaven and earth combined to show their detestation of the deed, a sudden shock of earthquake threw down the heavy wall, composed of rock and clay, extinguished the fire, and covered the remains of george. the negroes were allowed to disperse, with charges to keep the secret, under the penalty of like punishment. when his wife asked the cause of the dreadful screams she had heard, he said that he had never enjoyed himself so well at a ball as he had enjoyed himself that evening. next morning, he ordered the wall to be rebuilt, and he himself superintended, picking up the remains of the boy, and placing them within the new wall, thus hoping to conceal the matter. but some of the negroes whispered the horrid deed; the neighbors tore down the wall, and finding the remains, they testified against him. he was bound over to await the sitting of the court; but before that period arrived, he committed suicide." "n. b. this happened in ; if i be correct, it was on the th of december. it was on the sabbath." mr. rankin adds, there was little probability that mr. lewis would have fallen under the sentence of the law. notwithstanding the peculiar enormity of his offence, there were individuals who combined to let him out of prison, in order to screen him from justice. another instance of summary punishment inflicted on a runaway slave, is told by a respectable gentleman from south carolina, with whom i am acquainted. he was young, when the circumstance occurred, in the neighborhood of his home; and it filled him with horror. a slave being missing, several planters united in a negro hunt, as it is called. they set out with dogs, guns, and horses, as they would to chase a tiger. the poor fellow, being discovered, took refuge in a tree; where he was deliberately shot by his pursuers. in some of the west indies, blood-hounds are employed to hunt negroes; and this fact is the foundation of one of the most painfully interesting scenes in miss martineau's demerara. a writer by the name of dallas has the hardihood to assert that it is mere sophistry to censure the practice of training dogs to devour men. he asks, "did not the asiatics employ elephants in war? if a man were bitten by a mad dog, would he hesitate to cut off the wounded part in order to save his life?" it is said that when the first pack of blood-hounds arrived in st. domingo, the white planters delivered to them the first negro they found, merely by way of experiment: and when they saw him immediately torn in pieces, they were highly delighted to find the dogs so well trained to their business. some authentic records of female cruelty would seem perfectly incredible, were it not an established law of our nature that tyranny becomes a habit, and scenes of suffering, often repeated, render the heart callous. a young friend of mine, remarkable for the kindness of his disposition and the courtesy of his manners, told me that he was really alarmed at the change produced in his character by a few months' residence in the west indies. the family who owned the plantation were absent, and he saw nothing around him but slaves; the consequence was that he insensibly acquired a dictatorial manner, and habitual disregard to the convenience of his inferiors. the candid admonition of a friend made him aware of this, and his natural amiability was restored. the ladies who remove from the free states into the slaveholding ones almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first exceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and, after awhile, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive servants. this reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance, who is considered an unusually fervent christian. yet christianity expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. this shows how dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become _accustomed_ to what is wrong. a judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of her relatives, who married a slave-owner, and removed to his plantation. the lady in question was considered very amiable, and had a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. after several years' residence among her slaves, she visited new-england. "her history was written in her face," said my friend; "its expression had changed into that of a fiend. she brought but few slaves with her; and those few were of course compelled to perform additional labor. one faithful negro-woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing, ironing, and scouring. if, after a sleepless night with the restless babes, (driven from the bosom of their own mother,) she performed her toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood resounded with the cries of her victim. the instrument of punishment was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her new-england visiters. for my part," continued my friend, "i did not try to be polite to her; for i was not hypocrite enough to conceal my indignation." the following occurred near natchez, and was told to me by a highly intelligent man, who, being a diplomatist and a courtier, was very likely to make the best of national evils: a planter had occasion to send a female slave some distance on an errand. she did not return so soon as he expected, and he grew angry. at last he gave orders that she should be severely whipped when she came back. when the poor creature arrived, she pleaded for mercy, saying she had been so very ill, that she was obliged to rest in the fields; but she was ordered to receive another dozen lashes, for having had the impudence to speak. she died at the whipping-post; nor did she perish alone--a new-born baby died with her. the gentleman who told me this fact, witnessed the poor creature's funeral. it is true, the master was universally blamed and shunned for the cruel deed; but the laws were powerless. i shall be told that such examples as these are of rare occurrence; and i have no doubt that instances of excessive severity are far from being common. i believe that a large proportion of masters are as kind to their slaves as they can be, consistently with keeping them in bondage; but it must be allowed that this, to make the best of it, is very stinted kindness. and let it never be forgotten that the negro's fate depends entirely on the character of his master; and it is a mere matter of chance whether he fall into merciful or unmerciful hands; his happiness, nay, his very life, depends on chance. the slave-owners are always telling us, that the accounts of slave misery are abominably exaggerated; and their plea is supported by many individuals, who seem to think that charity was made to _cover_ sins, not to _cure_ them. but without listening to the zealous opposers of slavery, we shall find in the judicial reports of the southern states, and in the ordinary details of their newspapers, more than enough to startle us; besides, we must not forget that where one instance of cruelty comes to our knowledge, hundreds are kept secret; and the more public attention is awakened to the subject, the more caution will be used in this respect. why should we be deceived by the sophistry of those whose interest it is to gloss over iniquity, and who from long habit have learned to believe that it is no iniquity? it is a very simple process to judge rightly in this matter. just ask yourself the question where you could find a set of men, in whose power you would be willing to place yourself, if the laws allowed them to sin against you with impunity? but it is urged that it is the interest of planters to treat their slaves well. this argument no doubt has some force; and it is the poor negro's only security. but it is likewise the interest of men to treat their cattle kindly; yet we see that passion and short-sighted avarice do overcome the strongest motives of interest. cattle are beat unmercifully, sometimes unto death; they are ruined by being over-worked; weakened by want of sufficient food; and so forth. besides, it is sometimes directly _for_ the interest of the planter to work his slaves beyond their strength. when there is a sudden rise in the prices of sugar, a certain amount of labor in a given time is of more consequence to the owner of a plantation than the price of several slaves; he can well _afford_ to waste a few lives. this is no idle hypothesis--such calculations are gravely and openly made by planters. hence, it is the slave's prayer that sugars may be cheap. when the negro is old, or feeble from incurable disease, is it his master's _interest_ to feed him well, and clothe him comfortably? certainly not: it then becomes desirable to get rid of the human brute as soon as convenient. it is a common remark, that it is not quite safe, in most cases, for even parents to be entirely dependant on the generosity of their children; and if human nature be such, what has the slave to expect, when he becomes a mere bill of expense? it is a common retort to say that new-englanders who go to the south, soon learn to patronize the system they have considered so abominable, and often become proverbial for their severity. i have not the least doubt of the fact; for slavery contaminates all that comes within its influence. it would be very absurd to imagine that the inhabitants of one state are worse than the inhabitants of another, unless some peculiar circumstances, of universal influence, tend to make them so. human nature is every where the same; but developed differently, by different incitements and temptations. it is the business of wise legislation to discover what influences are most productive of good, and the least conducive to evil. if we were educated at the south, we should no doubt vindicate slavery, and inherit as a birthright all the evils it engrafts upon the character. if they lived on our rocky soil, and under our inclement skies, their shrewdness would sometimes border upon knavery, and their frugality sometimes degenerate into parsimony. we both have our virtues and our faults, induced by the influences under which we live, and, of course, totally different in their character. _our_ defects are bad enough; but they cannot, like slavery, affect the destiny and rights of millions. all this mutual recrimination about horse-jockeys, gamblers, tin-pedlers, and venders of wooden-nutmegs, is quite unworthy of a great nation. instead of calmly examining this important subject on the plain grounds of justice and humanity, we allow it to degenerate into a mere question of _sectional_ pride and vanity. [pardon the americanism, would we had less _use_ for the word!] it is the _system_, not the _men_, on which we ought to bestow the full measure of abhorrence. if we were willing to forget ourselves, and could like true republicans, prefer the common good to all other considerations, there would not be a slave in the united states, at the end of half a century. the arguments in support of slavery are all hollow and deceptive, though frequently very specious. no one thinks of finding a foundation for the system in the principles of truth and justice; and the unavoidable result is, that even in _policy_ it is unsound. the monstrous fabric rests on the mere _appearance_ of present expediency; while, in fact, all its tendencies, individual and national, present and remote, are highly injurious to the true interests of the country. the slave-owner will not believe this. the stronger the evidence against his favorite theories, the more strenuously he defends them. it has been wisely said, "honesty _is_ the best policy; but policy without honesty never finds that out." i hope none will be so literal as to suppose i intend to say that no planter can be honest, in the common acceptation of that term. i simply mean that all who ground their arguments in policy, and not in duty and plain truth, are really blind to the highest and best interests of man. among other apologies for slavery, it has been asserted that the bible does not forbid it. neither does it forbid the counterfeiting of a bank-bill. it is the _spirit_ of the holy word, not its particular _expressions_, which must be a rule for our conduct. how can slavery be reconciled with the maxim, "do unto others, as ye would that others should do unto you?" does not the command, "thou shalt not _steal_," prohibit _kidnapping_? and how does whipping men to death agree with the injunction, "thou shalt do no _murder_?" are we not told "to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke?" it was a jewish law that he who stole a man, or sold him, or he in whose hands the stolen man was found, should suffer death; and he in whose house a fugitive slave sought an asylum was forbidden to give him up to his master. modern slavery is so unlike hebrew servitude, and its regulations are so diametrically opposed to the rules of the gospel, which came to bring deliverance to the captive, that it is idle to dwell upon this point. the advocates of this system seek for arguments in the history of every age and nation; but the fact is, negro-slavery is totally different from any other form of bondage that ever existed; and if it were not so, are we to copy the evils of bad governments and benighted ages? the difficulty of subduing slavery, on account of the great number of interests which become united in it, and the prodigious strength of the selfish passions enlisted in its support, is by no means its least alarming feature. this hydra has ten thousand heads, every one of which will bite or growl, when the broad daylight of truth lays open the secrets of its hideous den. i shall perhaps be asked why i have said so much about the slave-_trade_, since it was long ago abolished in this country? there are several good reasons for it. in the first place, it is a part of the system; for if there were no slaves, there could be no slave-trade; and while there are slaves, the slave-trade _will_ continue. in the next place, the trade is still briskly carried on in africa, and slaves are smuggled into these states through the spanish colonies. in the third place, a very extensive internal slave-trade is carried on in this country. the breeding of negro-cattle for the foreign markets, (of louisiana, georgia, alabama, arkansas, and missouri,) is a very lucrative branch of business. whole coffles of them, chained and manacled, are driven through our capital on their way to auction. foreigners, particularly those who come here with enthusiastic ideas of american freedom, are amazed and disgusted at the sight.[g] a troop of slaves once passed through washington on the fourth of july, while drums were beating, and standards flying. one of the captive negroes raised his hand, loaded with irons, and waving it toward the starry flag, sung with a smile of bitter irony, "hail columbia! _happy_ land!" [footnote g: see the second volume of stuart's "three years in north america." instead of being angry at such truths, it would be wise to profit by them.] in the summer of , a coffle of slaves, driven through kentucky, was met by the rev. james h. dickey, just before it entered paris. he describes it thus: "about forty black men were chained together; each of them was hand-cuffed, and they were arranged rank and file. a chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between the two ranks, to which short chains were joined, connected with the hand-cuffs. behind them were about thirty women, tied hand to hand. every countenance wore a solemn sadness; and the dismal silence of despair was only broken by the sound of two violins. yes--as if to add insult to injury, the foremost couple were furnished with a violin a-piece; the second couple were ornamented with cockades; while near the centre our national standard was carried by hands literally in chains. i may have mistaken some of the punctilios of the arrangement, for my very soul was sick. my landlady was sister to the man who owned the drove; and from her i learned that he had, a few days previous, bought a negro-woman, who refused to go with him. a blow on the side of her head with the butt of his whip, soon brought her to the ground; he then tied her, and carried her off. besides those i saw, about thirty negroes, destined for the new-orleans market, were shut up in the paris jail, for safe-keeping." but washington is the great emporium of the internal slave-trade! the united states jail is a perfect storehouse for slave merchants; and some of the taverns may be seen so crowded with negro captives that they have scarcely room to stretch themselves on the floor to sleep. judge morrel, in his charge to the grand jury at washington, in , earnestly called their attention to this subject. he said, "the frequency with which the streets of the city had been crowded with manacled captives, sometimes even on the sabbath, could not fail to shock the feelings of all humane persons; that it was repugnant to the spirit of our political institutions, and the rights of man; and he believed it was calculated to impair the public morals, by familiarizing scenes of cruelty to the minds of youth." a free man of color is in constant danger of being seized and carried off by these slave-dealers. mr. cooper, a representative in congress from delaware, told dr. torrey, of philadelphia, that he was often afraid to send his servants out in the evening, lest they should be encountered by kidnappers. wherever these notorious slave-jockeys appear in our southern states, the free people of color hide themselves, as they are obliged to do on the coast of africa. the following is the testimony of dr. torrey, of philadelphia, published in : "to enumerate all the horrid and aggravating instances of man-stealing, which are known to have occurred in the state of delaware, within the recollection of many of the citizens of that state, would require a volume. in many cases, whole families of free colored people have been attacked in the night, beaten _nearly_ to death with clubs, gagged and bound, and dragged into distant and hopeless captivity, leaving no traces behind, except the blood from their wounds. "during the last winter, the house of a free black family was broken open, and its defenceless inhabitants treated in the manner just mentioned, except, that the mother escaped from their merciless grasp, while on their way to the state of maryland. the plunderers, of whom there were nearly half a dozen, conveyed their prey upon horses; and the woman being placed on one of the horses, behind, improved an opportunity, as they were passing a house, and sprang off. not daring to pursue her, they proceeded on, leaving her youngest child a little farther along, by the side of the road, in expectation, it is supposed, that its cries would attract the mother; but she prudently waited until morning, and recovered it again in safety. "i consider myself more fully warranted in particularizing this fact, from the circumstances of having been at newcastle, at the time that the woman was brought with her child, before the grand jury, for examination; and of having seen several of the persons against whom bills of indictment were found, on the charge of being engaged in the perpetration of the outrage; and also that one or two of them were the same who were accused of assisting in seizing and carrying off another woman and child whom i discovered at washington. a monster in human shape, was detected in the city of philadelphia, pursuing the occupation of courting and marrying mulatto women, and selling them as slaves. in his last attempt of this kind, the fact having come to the knowledge of the african population of this city, a mob was immediately collected, and he was only saved from being torn in atoms, by being deposited in the city prison. they have lately invented a method of attaining their object, through the instrumentality of the laws:--having selected a suitable free colored person, to make a _pitch_ upon, the kidnapper employs a confederate, to ascertain the distinguishing marks of his body; he then claims and obtains him as a slave, before a magistrate, by describing those marks, and proving the truth of his assertions, by his well-instructed accomplice. "from the best information that i have had opportunities to collect, in travelling by various routes through the states of delaware and maryland, i am fully convinced that there are, at this time, within the jurisdiction of the united states, several thousands of legally free people of color, toiling under the yoke of involuntary servitude, and transmitting the same fate to their posterity! if the probability of this fact could be authenticated to the recognition of the congress of the united states, it is presumed that its members, as agents of the constitution, and guardians of the public liberty, would, without hesitation, devise means for the restoration of those unhappy victims of violence and avarice, to their freedom and constitutional personal rights. the work, both from its nature and magnitude, is impracticable to individuals, or benevolent societies; besides, it is perfectly a national business, and claims national interference, equally with the captivity of our sailors in algiers." it may indeed be said, in palliation of the internal slave-trade, that the horrors of the _middle passage_ are avoided. but still the amount of misery is very great. husbands and wives, parents and children, are rudely torn from each other;--there can be no doubt of this fact: advertisements are very common, in which a mother and her children are offered either in a lot, or separately, as may suit the purchaser. in one of these advertisements, i observed it stated that the youngest child was about a year old.[h] [footnote h: in niles's register, vol. xxxv, page , i find the following: "dealing in slaves has become a large business. establishments are made at several places in maryland and virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. these places are strongly built, and well supplied with thumbscrews, gags, cowskins and other whips, oftentimes bloody. but the laws permit the traffic, and it is suffered."] the captives are driven by the whip, through toilsome journeys, under a burning sun; their limbs fettered; with nothing before them but the prospect of toil more severe than that to which they have been accustomed.[i] [footnote i: in the sugar-growing states the condition of the negro is much more pitiable than where cotton is the staple commodity.] the disgrace of such scenes in the capital of our republic cannot be otherwise than painful to every patriotic mind; while they furnish materials for the most pungent satire to other nations. a united states senator declared that the sight of a drove of slaves was so insupportable that he always avoided it when he could; and an intelligent scotchman said, when he first entered chesapeake bay, and cast his eye along our coast, the sight of the slaves brought his heart into his throat. how can we help feeling a sense of shame, when we read moore's contemptuous couplet, "the fustian flag that proudly waves, in splendid mockery, o'er a land of slaves?" the lines would be harmless enough, if they were false; the sting lies in their truth. finally, i have described some of the horrors of the slave-trade, because when our constitution was formed, the government pledged itself not to abolish this traffic until . we began our career of freedom by granting a twenty years' lease of iniquity--twenty years of allowed invasion of other men's rights--twenty years of bloodshed, violence, and fraud! and this will be told in our annals--this will be heard of to the end of time! while the slave-trade was allowed, the south could use it to advance their views in various ways. in their representation to congress, five slaves counted the same as three freemen; of course, every fresh cargo was not only an increase of property, but an increase of _political power_. ample time was allowed to lay in a stock of slaves to supply the new slave states and territories that might grow up; and when this was effected, the prohibition of foreign commerce in human flesh, operated as a complete _tariff_, to protect the domestic supply. every man who buys a slave promotes this traffic, by raising the value of the article; every man who owns a slave, indirectly countenances it; every man who allows that slavery is a lamentable _necessity_, contributes his share to support it; and he who votes for admitting a slave-holding state into the union, fearfully augments the amount of this crime. chapter ii. comparative view of slavery, in different ages and nations. "e'en from my tongue some heartfelt truths may fall; and outraged nature claims the care of all. these wrongs in _any_ place would force a tear; but call for stronger, deeper feeling _here_." "oh, sons of freedom! equalize your laws-- be all consistent--plead the negro's cause-- then all the nations in your code may see, that, black or white, americans are free." between ancient and modern slavery there is this remarkable distinction--the former originated in motives of humanity; the latter is dictated solely by avarice. the ancients made slaves of captives taken in war, as an amelioration of the original custom of indiscriminate slaughter; the moderns attack defenceless people, without any provocation, and steal them, for the express purpose of making them slaves. modern slavery, indeed, in all its particulars, is more odious than the ancient; and it is worthy of remark that the condition of slaves has always been worse just in proportion to the freedom enjoyed by their masters. in greece, none were so proud of liberty as the spartans; and they were a proverb among the neighboring states for their severity to slaves. the slave code of the roman republic was rigid and tyrannical in the extreme; and cruelties became so common and excessive, that the emperors, in the latter days of roman power, were obliged to enact laws to restrain them. in the modern world, england and america are the most conspicuous for enlightened views of freedom, and bold vindication of the equal rights of man; yet in these two countries slave laws have been framed as bad as they were in pagan, iron-hearted rome; and the customs are in some respects more oppressive;--_modern_ slavery unquestionably wears its very worst aspect in the colonies of england and the united states of north america. i hardly know how to decide their respective claims. my countrymen are fond of pre-eminence, and i am afraid they deserve it here--especially if we throw into the scale their loud boasts of superiority over all the rest of the world in civil and religious freedom. the slave codes of the united states and of the british west indies were originally almost precisely the same; but _their_ laws have been growing milder and milder, while _ours_ have increased in severity. the british have the advantage of us in this respect--they long ago dared to describe the monster as it is; and they are now grappling with it, with the overwhelming strength of a great nation's concentrated energies.--the dutch, those sturdy old friends of liberty, and the french, who have been stark mad for freedom, rank next for the severity of their slave laws and customs. the spanish and portuguese are milder than either. i will give a brief view of some of our own laws on this subject; for the correctness of which, i refer the reader to stroud's sketch of the slave laws of the united states of america. in the first place, we will inquire upon what ground the negro slaves in this country are claimed as property. most of them are the descendants of persons kidnapped on the coast of africa, and brought here while we were british colonies; and as the slave-trade was openly sanctioned more than twenty years after our acknowledged independence, in , and as the traffic is still carried on by smugglers, there are, no doubt, thousands of slaves, now living in the united states, who are actually stolen from africa.[j] [footnote j: in the new slave states, there are a great many negroes, who can speak no other language than some of the numerous african dialects.] a provincial law of maryland enacted that any white woman who married a negro slave should serve his master during her husband's lifetime, and that all their children should be slaves. this law was not repealed until the end of eighteen years, and it then continued in full force with regard to those who had contracted such marriages in the intermediate time; therefore the descendants of white women so situated may be slaves unto the present day. the doctrine of the common law is that the offspring shall follow the condition of the _father_; but slave law (with the above temporary exception) reverses the common law, and provides that children shall follow the condition of the _mother_. hence mulattoes and their descendants are held in perpetual bondage, though the _father_ is a free white man. "any person whose _maternal_ ancestor, even in the _remotest_ degree of distance, can be shown to have been a negro, indian, mulatto, or a mestizo, _not_ free at the time this law was introduced, although the _paternal_ ancestor at each successive generation may have been a _white free_ man, is declared to be the subject of perpetual slavery." even the code of jamaica, is on this head, more liberal than ours; by an express law, slavery ceases at the _fourth_ degree of distance from a negro ancestor: and in the other british west indies, the established custom is such, that quadroons or mestizoes (as they call the second and third degrees) are rarely seen in a state of slavery. here, neither law nor public opinion favors the mulatto descendants of free white men. this furnishes a convenient game to the slaveholder--it enables him to fill his purse by means of his own vices;--the right to sell one half of his children provides a fortune for the remainder.--had the maxim of the common law been allowed,--i. e. that the offspring follows the condition of the _father_,--the mulattoes, almost without exception, would have been free, and thus the prodigious and alarming increase of our slave population might have been prevented. the great augmentation of the servile class in the southern states, compared with the west india colonies, has been thought to indicate a much milder form of slavery; but there are other causes, which tend to produce the result. there are much fewer white men in the british west indies than in our slave states; hence the increase of the _mulatto_ population is less rapid. here the descendants of a colored mother _never_ become free; in the west indies, they cease to be slaves in the _fourth generation_, at farthest; and their posterity increase the _free_ colored class, instead of adding countless links to the chain of bondage. the manufacture of sugar is extremely toilsome, and when driven hard, occasions a great waste of negro life; this circumstance, together with the tropical climate of the west indies, furnish additional reasons for the disproportionate increase of slaves between those islands and our own country, where a comparatively small quantity of sugar is cultivated. it may excite surprise, that _indians_ and their offspring are comprised in the doom of perpetual slavery; yet not only is _incidental_ mention of them as slaves to be met with in the laws of most of the states of our confederacy, but in one, at least, _direct legislation_ may be cited to sanction their enslavement. in virginia, an act was passed, in , declaring that "for _the better encouragement of soldiers_, whatever indian prisoners were taken in a war, in which the colony was then engaged, should be _free purchase_ to the soldiers taking them;" and in , it was decreed that "all servants brought into virginia, by sea or land, not being _christians_, whether negroes, moors, mulattoes, or indians, (except turks and moors in amity with great britain) and all indians, which should thereafter be _sold by neighboring indians_, or any other trafficking with us, as slaves, _should be slaves to all intents and purposes_." these laws ceased in ; but the descendants of all indians sold in the intermediate time are now among slaves. in order to show the true aspect of slavery among us, i will state distinct propositions, each supported by the evidence of actually existing laws. . _slavery is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants, to the latest posterity._ . _the labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensated; while the kind of labor, the amount of toil, and the time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. no bargain is made, no wages given. a pure despotism governs the human brute; and even his covering and provender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on the master's discretion._ . _the slave being considered a personal chattel, may be sold, or pledged, or leased, at the will of his master. he may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts, or taxes, either of a living, or a deceased master. sold at auction, "either individually, or in lots to suit the purchaser," he may remain with his family, or be separated from them for ever._ . _slaves can make no contracts, and have no legal right to any property, real or personal. their own honest earnings, and the legacies of friends belong, in point of law, to their masters._ . _neither a slave, nor free colored person, can be a witness against any white or free man, in a court of justice, however atrocious may have been the crimes they have seen him commit: but they may give testimony against a fellow-slave, or free colored man, even in cases affecting life._ . _the slave may be punished at his master's discretion--without trial--without any means of legal redress,--whether his offence be real, or imaginary: and the master can transfer the same despotic power to any person, or persons, he may choose to appoint._ . _the slave is not allowed to resist any free man under any circumstances: his only safety consists in the fact that his owner may bring suit, and recover, the price of his body, in case his life is taken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor._ . _slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary for their personal safety._ . _the slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic relations._ . _the laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where the master is willing to enfranchise them._ . _the operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation._ . _the whole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance._ . _there is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. what is a trifling fault in the white man, is considered highly criminal in the slave; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollars only, are punished in the negro with death._ . _the laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color._ proposition .--_slavery hereditary and perpetual._ in maryland the following act was passed in , and is still in force: "all negroes and other slaves, already imported, or hereafter to be imported into this province, and all children now born, or hereafter to be born, of such negroes and slaves, shall be slaves during their natural lives." the law of south carolina is, "all negroes, _indians_, (free indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, who are _now_ free, excepted,) mulattoes or mestizoes, who now are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issue born, or to be born, shall be and remain for ever hereafter absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of _the mother_." laws similar exist in virginia, georgia, mississippi, and louisiana. in consequence of these laws, people so nearly white as not to be distinguished from europeans, may be, and have been, legally claimed as slaves. prop. .--_labor compulsory and uncompensated, &c._ in most of the slave states the law is silent on this subject; but that it is the established custom is proved by laws restraining the excessive abuse of this power, in some of the states. thus in one state there is a fine of ten shillings, in another of two dollars, for making slaves labor on sunday, unless it be in works of absolute necessity, or the necessary occasions of the family. there is likewise a law which provides that "any master, who withholds proper sustenance, or clothing, from his slaves, or overworks them, so as to injure their health, shall upon _sufficient information_ [here lies the rub] being laid before the grand jury, be by said jury presented; whereupon it shall be the duty of the attorney, or solicitor-general, to prosecute said owners, who, on conviction, shall be sentenced to pay a fine, or be imprisoned, or both, at the discretion of the court." the negro act of south carolina contains the following language: "whereas many owners of slaves, and _others_, who have the care, management, and overseeing of slaves, _do confine them so closely to hard labor, that they have not sufficient time for natural rest_; be it therefore enacted, that if any owner of slaves, or others having the care, &c., shall put such slaves to labor more than _fifteen_ hours in twenty-four, from the twenty-fifth of march to the twenty-fifth of september; or more than _fourteen_ hours in twenty-four hours, from the twenty-fifth of september to the twenty-fifth of march, any such person shall forfeit a sum of money not exceeding twenty pounds, nor under five pounds, current money, for every time he, she, or they, shall offend therein, at the discretion of the justice before whom complaint shall be made." in louisiana it is enacted, that "the slaves shall be allowed half an hour for breakfast, during the whole year; from the first of may to the first of november, they shall be allowed two hours for dinner; and from the first of november to the first of may, one hour and a half for dinner: provided, however, that the owners, who will themselves take the trouble of having the meals of their slaves prepared, be, and they are hereby authorized to abridge, by half an hour a day, the time fixed for their rest." all these laws, _apparently_ for the protection of the slave, are rendered perfectly null and void, by the fact, that the testimony of a negro or mulatto is _never_ taken against a white man. if a slave be found toiling in the field on the sabbath, who can _prove_ that his master commanded him to do it? the law of louisiana stipulates that a slave shall have _one_ linen shirt,[k] and a pair of pantaloons for the summer, and _one_ linen shirt and a woollen great-coat and pantaloons for the winter; and for food, one pint of salt, and a barrel of indian corn, rice, or beans, every month. in north carolina, the law decides that a quart of corn per day is sufficient. but, if the slave does not receive this poor allowance, who can _prove_ the fact. the withholding of proper sustenance is absolutely incapable of proof, unless the evidence of the sufferer himself be allowed; and the law, as if determined to obstruct the administration of justice, permits the master to exculpate himself by an oath that the charges against him are false. clothing may, indeed, be ascertained by _inspection_; but who is likely to involve himself in quarrels with a white master because a poor negro receives a few rags less than the law provides? i apprehend that a person notorious for such gratuitous acts of kindness, would have little peace or safety, in any slaveholding country. [footnote k: this shirt is usually made of a coarse kind of bagging.] if a negro be compelled to toil night and day, (as it is said they sometimes are,[l] at the season of sugar-making) who is to _prove_ that he works more than his fourteen or fifteen hours? no slave can be a witness for himself, or for his fellow-slaves; and should a white man happen to know the fact, there are ninety-nine chances out of a hundred, that he will deem it prudent to be silent. and here i would remark that even in the island of jamaica, where the laws have given a most shocking license to cruelty,--even in jamaica, the slave is compelled to work but _ten_ hours a day, beside having many holidays allowed him. in maryland, virginia, georgia, pennsylvania, and new-jersey, the _convicts_ condemned to hard labor in the penitentiaries, are required by law to toil only from _eight_ to _ten_ hours a day, according to the season of the year; yet the law providing that the innocent slave should labor but _fourteen_ or _fifteen_ hours a day, professes to have been made as a merciful amelioration of his lot!--in rome, the slaves had a yearly festival called the saturnalia, during which they were released from toil, changed places with their masters, and indulged in unbounded merriment; at first it lasted but one day; but its duration afterwards extended to two, three, four, and five days in succession. we have no saturnalia here--unless we choose thus to designate a coffle of slaves, on the fourth of july, rattling their chains to the sound of a violin, and carrying the banner of freedom in hands loaded with irons. [footnote l: see western review, no. , on the agriculture of louisiana.] in georgia, "the inferior courts of the several counties on _receiving information on oath_ of any _infirm_ slave or slaves, being in a suffering condition, from the neglect of the owner or owners, can make _particular inquiries_ into the situation of such slaves, and render such relief as they think proper. and the said courts may sue for and recover from the owner of such slaves the amount appropriated for their relief." the information must, in the first place, be given by a _white man_ upon oath; and of whom must the "particular inquiries" be made? not of the slave, nor of his companions,--for their evidence goes for nothing; and would a master, capable of starving an aged slave, be likely to confess the whole truth about it? the judges of the inferior courts, if from defect of evidence, or any other cause, they are unable to _prove_ that relief was absolutely needed, must pay all the expenses from their own private purses. are there many, think you, so desperately enamored of justice, as to take all this trouble, and incur all this risk, for a starving slave? prop. .--_slaves considered personal chattels, liable to be sold, pledged, &c._ the advertisements in the southern papers furnish a continued proof of this; it is, therefore, unnecessary to go into the details of evidence.[m] the power to separate mothers and children, husbands and wives, is exercised only in the british west indies, and the _republic_ of the united states! [footnote m: a white man engaged in a disturbance was accompanied by three or four slaves; his counsel contended that there were not _persons_ enough in the affair to constitute a riot, because the slaves were mere _chattels_ in the eye of the law. it was, however, decided that when liable to the _punishment_ of the law, they were persons.] in louisiana there is indeed a humane provision in this respect: "if at a public sale of slaves, there happen to be some who are disabled through old age or otherwise, and who have children, such slaves shall not be sold but with such of his or of her children, whom he or she may think proper to go with." but though parents cannot be sold apart from their children, without their consent, yet the master may keep the parents and sell the _children_, if he chooses; in which case the separation is of course equally painful.--"by the _code noir_, of louis the fourteenth, husbands and wives, parents and children, are not allowed to be sold separately. if sales contrary to this regulation are made by process of law, under _seizure for debts_, such sales are declared void; but if such sales are made _voluntarily_ on the part of the owner, a wiser remedy is given--the wife, or husband, children, or parent retained by the seller, may be claimed by the purchaser, without any additional price; and thus the separated family may be re-united again. the most solemn agreement between the parties contrary to this rule has been adjudged void." in the spanish, portuguese, and french colonies, plantation slaves are considered _real estate_, attached to the soil they cultivate, and of course not liable to be torn from their homes whenever the master chooses to sell them; neither can they be seized or sold by their master's creditors. the following quotation shows how the citizens of this country bear comparison with men _called_ savages. a recent traveller in east florida says: "another trait in the character of the seminole indians, is their great indulgence to their slaves. the greatest pressure of hunger or thirst never occasions them to impose onerous labors on the negroes, or to dispose of them, though tempted by high offers, if the latter are unwilling to be sold." prop. .--_slaves can have no legal claim to any property._ the civil code of louisiana declares: "_all that a slave possesses belongs to his master_--he possesses nothing of his own, except his peculium, that is to say, the sum of money or moveable estate, which _his master chooses he should possess_."--"slaves are incapable of inheriting or transmitting property."--"slaves cannot dispose of, or receive, by donation, unless they have been enfranchised conformably to law, or are expressly enfranchised by the act, by which the donation is made to them." in south carolina "it is not lawful for any slave to buy, sell, trade, &c., without a license from his owner; nor shall any slave be allowed to keep any boat or canoe, for his own benefit, or raise any horses, cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiting all the goods, boats, canoes, horses, &c., &c.; and it shall be lawful for _any person_ to seize and take away from any slave all such goods, boats, &c., and to deliver the same into the hands of the nearest justice of the peace; and if the said justice be satisfied that such seizure has been made according to law, he shall order the goods to be sold at public outcry; one half of the moneys arising from the sale to go to the state, and the other half to him or them that sue for the same." in north carolina there is a similar law; but half of the proceeds of the sale goes to the county poor, and half to the informer. in georgia, a fine of thirty dollars a week is imposed upon any master who allows his slave to hire himself out for his own benefit. in virginia, if a master permit his slave to hire himself out, he is subject to a fine, from ten to twenty dollars; and it is lawful for any person, and the _duty_ of the sheriff, to apprehend the slave. in maryland, the master, by a similar offence, except during twenty days at harvest time, incurs a penalty of twenty dollars per month. in mississippi, if a master allow his slave to cultivate cotton for his own use, he incurs a fine of fifty dollars; and if he license his slave to trade on his own account, he forfeits fifty dollars for each and every offence. any person trading with a slave forfeits four times the value of the article purchased; and if unable to pay, he receives thirty-nine lashes, and pays the cost. among the romans, the grecians, and the ancient germans, slaves were permitted to acquire and enjoy property of considerable value, as their own. this property was called the slave's _peculium_; and "the many anxious provisions of the imperial code on the subject, plainly show the general extent and importance of such acquisitions."--"the roman slave was also empowered by law to enter into commercial and other contracts, by which the master was bound, to the extent of the value of the slave's _peculium_."--"the grecian slaves had also their _peculium_; and were rich enough to make periodical presents to their masters, as well as often to purchase their freedom." "the helots of sparta were so far from being destitute of property, or of legal powers necessary to its acquisition, that they were farmers of the lands of their masters, at low fixed rents, which the proprietor could not raise without dishonor." "in our own day, the polish slaves, prior to any recent alleviations of their lot, were not only allowed to hold property, but endowed with it by their lords."--"in the spanish and portuguese colonies, the money and effects, which a slave acquires, by his labor at times set apart for his own use, or by any other honest means, are legally his own, and cannot be seized by the master."--"in africa, slaves may acquire extensive property, which their sable masters cannot take away. in new-calabar, there is a man named amachree, who has more influence and wealth than all the rest of the community, though he himself is a purchased slave, brought from the braspan country; he has offered the price of a hundred slaves for his freedom; but according to the laws of the country he cannot obtain it, though his master, who is a poor and obscure individual, would gladly let him have it." among the jews, a servant, or slave, often filled the highest offices of honor and profit, connected with the family. indeed slavery among this ancient people was in its mildest, patriarchal form; and the same character is now stamped upon the _domestic_ slavery of africa. st. paul says, "the heir, as long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, [the hebrew word translated _servant_ means _slave_] though he be lord of all." gal. iv. . again; "a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." proverbs, xvii. . the wealthy patriarch abraham, before the birth of isaac, designed to make his head servant, eleazer of damascus, his heir. prop. .--_no colored man can be evidence against a white man, &c._ this is an almost universal rule of slave law. the advocates of slavery seem to regard it as a necessary consequence of the system, which neither admits of concealment, nor needs it. "in one or two of our states this rule is founded upon _usage_; in others it is sanctioned by _express legislation_." so long as this rule is acted upon, it is very plain, that all regulations made for the protection of the slave are perfectly useless;--however grievous his wrongs, they _cannot be proved_. the master is merely obliged to take the precaution not to starve, or mangle, or murder his negroes, _in the presence of a white man_. no matter if five hundred colored people be present, they cannot testify to the fact. blackstone remarks, that "rights would be declared in vain, and in vain directed to be observed, if there were no method of recovering and asserting those rights, when wrongfully withheld, or invaded." stephens says: "it seems to result from the brief and general accounts which we have of the law of the spanish and portuguese settlements, though i find it nowhere expressly noticed, that slaves there are not, in all cases at least, incompetent witnesses. but even in the french windward islands the evidence of negro slaves was admitted against all free persons, the master only excepted; and that in criminal as well as in civil cases, where the testimony of white people could not be found to establish the facts in dispute. the _code noir_ merely allowed a slave's testimony to be heard by the judge, as a suggestion which might throw light on other evidence, without amounting of itself to any degree of legal proof. but the sovereign council of martinique, humbly represented to his majesty that great inconveniences might result from the execution of this law, by the _impunity_ of many crimes, which _could not be proved otherwise than by the testimony of slaves_; and they prayed that such evidence might be received in all cases in which there should not be sufficient proof by free witnesses. in consequence of this, the article in question was varied so far as to admit the testimony of slaves, when white witnesses were wanting, except against their masters." prop. .--_the master has absolute power to punish a slave, &c._ stroud says, "there was a time in many, if not in all the slaveholding districts of our country, when the murder of a slave was followed by a pecuniary fine only. in one state, the change of the law in this respect has been very recent. at the present date ( ) i am happy to say the wilful, malicious, deliberate murder of a slave, by whomsoever perpetrated, is _declared_ to be punishable with death in every state. the evil is not that the laws _sanction_ crime, but that they do not _punish_ it. and this arises chiefly, if not solely, from the exclusion of the testimony, on the trial of a white person, of all those who are _not_ white." "the conflicting influences of humanity and prejudice are strangely contrasted in the law of north carolina on this subject. an act passed in , runs thus: 'whereas by another act of assembly, passed in the year , the killing of a slave, however wanton, cruel, and deliberate, is only punishable in the first instance by imprisonment, and paying the value thereof to the owner, which distinction of criminality between the murder of a white person and one _who is equally a human creature, but merely of a different complexion_, is disgraceful to humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and principles of a free christian, and enlightened country, be it enacted, &c., that if any person shall hereafter be guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, such offender shall, upon the first conviction thereof, be adjudged guilty of murder, and shall suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a free man; _provided always, this act shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of assembly of this state, or to any slave in the act of resistance[n] to his lawful owner or master, or to any slave_ dying _under_ moderate correction.'" [footnote n: "it has been judicially determined that it is _justifiable_ to kill a slave, resisting, or _offering to resist_ his master by force."--_stroud._] in the laws of tennessee and georgia, there is a similar proviso. where could such a monstrous anomaly be found, save in a code of slave laws? _die_ of _moderate_ punishment!! truly, this _is_ an unveiling of consciences! "to set the matter in its proper light, it may be added that a proclamation, of _outlawry_[o] against a slave is authorized, whenever he runs away from his master, conceals himself in some obscure retreat, and to sustain life, kills a _hog_, or some animal of the cattle kind! [footnote o: "the outlawry of a slave is not, i believe, an unusual occurrence. very recently, a particular account was given of the killing of a black man, _not charged with any offence_, by a person in pursuit of an _outlawed_ slave; owing, as it was stated, to the person killed not _answering_ a call made by his pursuers. whether the call was _heard_ or not, of course could not be assertained, nor did it appear to have excited any inquiry."--_stroud._] "a pecuniary mulct was the only restraint upon the wilful murder of a slave, from the year to , a period of more than eighty years. i find in the case of _the state vs. m'gee, bay's reports_, , it is said incidentally by messrs. pinckney and ford, counsel for the state, that the _frequency_ of the offence was owing to the nature of the punishment. this was said in the public court-house by men of great respectability; nevertheless, thirty years elapsed before a change of the law was effected. so far as i have been able to learn, the following section has disgraced the statute-book of south carolina from the year to the present hour: 'in case any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the eye, _cruelly_ scald, burn, or deprive any slave of any limb, or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment,--[_otherwise than by whipping, or beating, with a horsewhip, cowskin, switch, or small stick, or by putting irons on, or confining, or imprisoning such slave_,]--every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds, current money.' here is direct legislation to _sanction_ beating without limit, with horsewhip or cowskin,--the application of irons to the human body,--and perpetual incarceration in a dungeon, according to the will of the master; and the mutilation of limbs is paid by a trifling penalty! "the revised code of louisiana declares: 'the slave is entirely subject to the will of the master, who may correct and chastise him, though not with _unusual_ rigor, nor so as to maim or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of life, or to cause his death.'" who shall decide what punishment is _unusual_? in missouri, if a slave refuses to obey his or her master, mistress, overseer, or employer, in any lawful commands, such slaves may be committed to the county jail, there to remain as long as his owner pleases. in some of the states there are indeed restraining laws; but they are completely ineffectual, from the difficulty of obtaining the evidence of _white men_. "the same despotic power can be exerted by the attorney, manager, driver, or any other person who is, for the time being, placed over the slave by order of the owner, or his delegates. the following is the language of the louisiana code; and it represents the established customs of all the slaveholding states: 'the condition of a slave being merely a passive one, his subordination to his master, and to all who _represent_ him, is not susceptible of any modification, or restriction, [except in what can incite the slave to the commission of crime] in such manner, that he owes to his master, and to all his family, a respect without bounds, and an absolute obedience; and he is consequently to execute all the orders, which he receives from his said master, or from them.'" what chance of mercy the slave has from the generality of overseers, may be conjectured from the following testimony given by a distinguished virginian: mr. wirt, in his "life of patrick henry," speaking of the different classes in virginia, says: "last and lowest, a _feculum_ of beings called overseers--the _most abject_, _degraded_, _unprincipled_ race--always cap in hand to the dons who employed them, and furnishing materials for the exercise of their pride, insolence, and spirit of domination." the gentoo code, the most ancient in the world, allowed a wife, a son, a pupil, a younger brother, or a slave, to be whipped with a lash, or bamboo twig, in such a manner as not to occasion any dangerous hurt; and whoever transgressed the rule, suffered the punishment of a thief. in this case, the slave and other members of the family were _equally_ protected. the mosaic law was as follows: "if a man smite the eye of his servant, or the eye of his maid, that it perish, _he shall let him go free_ for his eye's sake. and if he smite out his man-servant's tooth, or his maid-servant's tooth, _he shall let him go free_ for his tooth's sake." exodus, xxi. , . prop. .--_the slave never allowed to resist a white man._ it is enacted in georgia, "if any slave shall presume to strike _any_ white man, such slave, upon trial and conviction before the justice, shall for the _first_ offence, suffer such punishment as the said justice thinks fit, not extending to life or limb; and for the second offence, _death_." it is the same in south carolina, excepting that death is there the punishment of the _third_ offence. however wanton and dangerous the attack upon the slave may be, he must submit; there is only one proviso--he may be excused for striking in defence of his _master_, _overseer_, &c., and of _their_ property. in maryland, a colored man, even if he be _free_, may have his ears cropped for striking a white man. in kentucky, it is enacted that "if any negro, mulatto, or indian, bond or _free_, shall at any time lift his or her hand, in opposition to _any_ person not colored, they shall, the offence being proved before a justice of the peace, receive thirty lashes on his or her bare back, well laid on." there is a ridiculous gravity in the following section of a law in louisiana: "free people of color ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites; but on the contrary, they ought to yield to them _on every occasion_, and never speak or answer them but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature of the offence." such laws are a positive _inducement_ to violent and vicious white men to oppress and injure people of color. in this point of view, a negro becomes the slave of every white man in the community. the brutal drunkard, or the ferocious madman, can beat, rob, and mangle him with perfect impunity. dr. torrey, in his "portraiture of domestic slavery," relates an affecting anecdote, which happened near washington. a free negro walking along the road, was set upon by two intoxicated ruffians on horseback, who, without any provocation, began to torture him for _amusement_. one of them tied him to the tail of his horse, and thus dragged him along, while the other followed, applying the lash. the poor fellow died by the roadside, in consequence of this treatment. the _owner_ may prosecute when a slave is rendered unfit for labor, by personal violence; and in the reports of these cases many painful facts come to light which would otherwise have remained for ever unknown. see judicial reports. prop. .--_slaves cannot redeem themselves or change masters._ stroud says, "as to the right of _redemption_, this proposition holds good in all the slaveholding states; and is equally true as it respects the right to compel a _change of masters_, except in louisiana. according to the new civil code of that state, the latter privilege may sometimes, perhaps, be obtained by the slave. but the master must first be _convicted_ of cruelty--a task so formidable that it can hardly be ranked among possibilities; and secondly, it is _optional_ with the judge, whether or not, to make the decree in favor of the slave." if a slave should _not_ obtain a decree in his favor, what has he to expect from a master exasperated against him, for making the attempt? at athens, so deservedly admired for the mildness of her slave laws, the door of freedom was opened widely. the abused slaves might fly to the temple of theseus, whence no one had a right to take them, except for the purpose of publicly investigating their wrongs. if their complaints were well founded, they were either enfranchised, or delivered to more merciful hands. in the roman empire, from the time of adrian and the antonines, slaves were protected by the laws, and undue severity being proved, they received freedom or a different master. by the _code noir_ of the french islands, a slave cruelly treated is forfeited to the crown; and the court, which judges the offence, has power to confer freedom on the sufferer. in the spanish and portuguese colonies, a slave on complaint of ill-usage obtains public protection; he may be manumitted, or change his master. prop. .--_slave unprotected in his domestic relations._ in proof of this, it is only necessary to repeat that the slave and his wife, and his daughters, are considered as the _property_ of their owners, and compelled to yield implicit obedience--that he is allowed to give no evidence--that he must not resist _any_ white man, under _any_ circumstances which do not interfere with his _master's_ interest--and finally, that public opinion ridicules the slave's claim to any exclusive right in his own wife and children. in athens, the female slave could demand protection from the magistrates; and if her complaints of insulting treatment were well founded, she could be sold to another master, who, in his turn, forfeited his claim by improper conduct. prop. .--_the laws obstruct emancipation._ in nearly all slaveholding states, a slave emancipated by his master's will, may be seized and sold to satisfy _any debt_. in louisiana, fraud of creditors is by law considered as _proved_, if it can be made to appear that the master, at the moment of executing the deed of enfranchisement, had not sufficient property to pay all his debts; and if after payment of debts, there be not personal estate enough to satisfy the widow's claim to one third, his slaves, though declared to be free by his last will, are nevertheless liable to be sold for the widow's portion.--in south carolina, georgia, alabama, and mississippi, a valid emancipation can only be gained by authority of the legislature, expressly granted. a slave-owner _cannot_ manumit his slaves without the formal consent of the legislature. "in georgia, any attempt to free a slave in any other manner than the prescribed form, is punished by a fine of two hundred dollars for each _offence_; and the slave or slaves are still, to all intents and purposes, in a state of slavery." a new act was passed in that state in , by which any person, who endeavors to enfranchise a slave by will, testament, contract, or stipulation, or who contrives indirectly to confer freedom by allowing his slaves to enjoy the profit of their labor and skill, incurs a penalty not exceeding _one thousand dollars_; and the slaves who have been the object of such benevolence, are ordered to be seized and sold at public outcry. in north carolina, "no slave is allowed to be set free, except for _meritorious services_, to be adjudged of and allowed by the county court, and license first had and obtained thereupon;" and any slave manumitted contrary to this regulation may be seized, put in jail, and sold to the highest bidder. in mississippi _all_ the above obstacles to emancipation are combined in one act. in kentucky, missouri, virginia, and maryland, greater facilities are afforded to emancipation. an instrument in writing, signed by two witnesses, or acknowledged by the owner of the slave in open court, is sufficient; the court reserving the power to demand security for the maintenance of aged or infirm slaves. by the virginia laws, an emancipated negro, more than twenty-one years old, is liable to be again reduced to slavery, if he remain in the state more than twelve months after his manumission. in louisiana, a slave cannot be emancipated, unless he is thirty years old and has behaved well at least four years preceding his freedom; except a slave who has saved the life of his master, his master's wife, or one of his children. it is necessary to make known to the judge the intention of conferring freedom, who may authorize it, after it has been advertised at the door of the court-house forty days, without exciting any opposition. stephens, in his history of west india slavery, supposes that the colonial codes of england are the only ones expressly framed to obstruct emancipation. he is mistaken;--the american _republics_ share that distinction with their mother country. there are plenty of better things in england to imitate. according to the mosaic law, a hebrew could not retain his brother, whom he might buy as a servant, more than six years, against his consent, and in the seventh year he went out free for nothing. if he came by himself, he went out by himself; if he were married when he came, his wife went with him. _exodus_ xxi, _deut._ xv, _jeremiah_ xxxiv. besides this, hebrew slaves were, without exception, restored to freedom by the _jubilee_.--"ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout the land, and unto all the inhabitants thereof." _leviticus_ xxv, . at athens, if the slave possessed property enough to buy his freedom, the law compelled the master to grant it, whenever the money was offered. the severe laws of rome discouraged manumission; but it was a very common thing for slaves to pay for freedom, out of their _peculium_; and public opinion made it dishonorable to retain them in bondage under such circumstances. "according to cicero, sober and industrious slaves, who became such by captivity in war, seldom remained in servitude above six years." "in turkey, the right of redemption is expressly regulated by the koran. the master is commanded to give to all his slaves, that behave themselves faithfully, a writing, fixing beforehand the price at which they may be redeemed; and which he is bound to accept, when tendered by them, or on their behalf." "in brazil, a slave who can pay the value of his servitude, (the fair price of which may be settled by the magistrate,) has a right to demand his freedom. and the case frequently happens; for the slaves have one day in the week, and in some places two days, exclusively of sundays and other festivals, which the industrious employ in providing a fund for their redemption." "in the spanish colonies, the law is still more liberal. the civil magistrates are empowered to decide upon the just price of a slave, and when the negro is able to offer this sum, his master is compelled to grant his freedom. he may even redeem himself progressively. for instance, by paying a sixth part of his appreciation, he may redeem for his own use one day in the week; by employing this industriously, he will soon be enabled to buy another day; by pursuing the same laudable course, the remainder of his time may be redeemed with continually accelerated progress, till he becomes entitled to entire manumission." prop. .--_operation of the laws interferes with religious privileges._ no places of public worship are prepared for the negro; and churches are so scarce in the slaveholding states, compared with the number of _white_ inhabitants, that it is not to be supposed great numbers of them follow their masters to such places; and if they did, what could their rude, and merely sensual minds comprehend of a discourse addressed to educated men? in georgia, there is a law which forbids any congregation or company of negroes to assemble themselves contrary to the act regulating patrols. every justice of the peace may go in person, or send a constable, to disperse any assembly or meeting of slaves, which _may_ disturb the peace, endanger the safety, &c., and every slave taken at such meetings may, by order of the justice, _without trial_, receive on the bare back twenty-five stripes with whip, switch, or cowskin. in south carolina, an act forbids the police officers to break into any place of religious meeting before nine o'clock, provided a _majority_ of the assembly are _white persons_; but if the quorum of white people should happen to be wanting, every slave would be liable to twenty-five lashes of the cowskin. these, and various similar regulations, are obviously made to prevent insurrections; but it is plain that they must materially interfere with the slave's opportunities for religious instruction. the fact is, there are _inconveniences_ attending a general diffusion of christianity in a slaveholding state--light must follow its path, and that light would reveal the surrounding darkness,--slaves might begin to think whether slavery could be reconciled with religious precepts,--and then the system is quite too republican--it teaches that all men are children of the same heavenly father, who careth alike for all. the west india planters boldly and openly declared, that slavery and christianity could not exist together; in their minds the immediate inference was, that christianity must be put down; and very consistently they began to fine and imprison methodist missionaries, burn chapels,[p] &c. [footnote p: the slaves of any one owner may meet together for religious purposes, if authorized by their master, and private chaplains may be hired to preach to them. the domestic slaves, who are entirely employed in the family, no doubt fare much better in this respect, than the plantation slaves; but this, and all other negro privileges, depend entirely upon the slave's _luck_ in the character of his master.] in rome, the introduction of "christianity abolished slavery; the idea of exclusive property in our fellow-men was too obviously at variance with its holy precepts; and its professors, in the sincerity of their hearts, made a formal surrender of such claims. in various ancient instruments of emancipation, the masters begin by declaring, that, 'for the love of god and jesus christ, for the easing of their consciences, and the safety of their souls,' they set their bondmen free." "it is remarkable that the ancient inhabitants of great britain used to sell their countrymen, and even their own children, to the irish. the port of bristol, afterwards so famous for the african slave-trade, was then equally distinguished as a market for the same commodity, though of a different color. but when ireland, in the year , was afflicted with public calamities, the clergy and people of that generous nation began to reproach themselves with the unchristian practice of holding their fellow-men in slavery. their english bondmen, though fully paid for, were, by an unanimous resolution of the armagh assembly, set at liberty. _their_ repentance dictated present restitution to the injured. more than six hundred years afterwards, when mr. wilberforce made his first motion for the abolition of the slave-trade, he was supported by every irish member of the house of commons." may god bless thee, warm-hearted, generous old ireland! in the english and dutch colonies, baptism was generally supposed to confer freedom on the slave; and for this reason, masters were reluctant to have them baptized. they got over this difficulty, however, and married self-interest to conscience, by making a law that "no slave should become free by being a christian." this is a striking proof how closely christianity and liberty are associated together. a french planter of st. domingo, in a book which he published concerning that colony, admits that it is desirable to have negroes know enough of religion to make them friends to humanity, and grateful to their creator; but he considers it very wrong to load their weak minds with a belief in supernatural dogmas, such as a belief in a future state. he says, "such knowledge is apt to render them intractable, averse to labor, and induces them to commit suicide on themselves and their children, _of which the colony, the state, and commerce have equal need_." our slaveholders, in general, seem desirous to have the slave just religious enough to know that insurrections and murder are contrary to the maxims of christianity; but it is very difficult to have them learn just so much as this, without learning more. in georgia, i have been told, that a very general prejudice prevails against white missionaries. to avoid this danger, old domestic slaves, who are better informed than the plantation slaves, are employed to hear sermons and repeat them to their brethren; and their repetitions are said to be strange samples of pulpit eloquence. one of these old negroes, as the story goes, told his hearers that the bible said slaves ought to get their freedom; and if they could not do it in any other way, they must murder their masters. the slaves had never been allowed to learn to read, and of course they could not dispute that such a doctrine was actually in the scriptures. thus do unjust and absurd laws "return to plague the inventor." prop. .--_whole power of the laws exerted to keep negroes in ignorance._ south carolina made the first law upon this subject. while yet a _province_, she laid a penalty of one hundred pounds upon any person who taught a slave to write, or allowed him to be taught to write.[q] in virginia, any school for teaching reading and writing, either to slaves, or to free people of color, is considered _an unlawful assembly_, and may accordingly be dispersed, and punishment administered upon each pupil, not exceeding twenty lashes. [footnote q: yet it has been said that these laws are entirely owing to the rash efforts of the abolitionists.] in south carolina, the law is the same. the city of savannah, in georgia, a few years ago, passed an ordinance, by which "any person that teaches a person of color, slave or free, to read or write, or causes such persons to be so taught, is subjected to a fine of thirty dollars for each offence; and every person of color who shall teach reading or writing, is subject to a fine of thirty dollars, or to be imprisoned ten days and whipped thirty-nine lashes." from these facts it is evident that legislative power prevents a master from giving liberty and instruction to his slave, even when such a course would be willingly pursued by a benevolent individual. the laws allow almost unlimited power to do _mischief_; but the power to do _good_ is effectually restrained. prop. .--_there is a monstrous inequality of law and right._ in a civilized country, one would expect that if any disproportion existed in the laws, it would be in favor of the ignorant and defenceless; but the reverse is lamentably the case here. _obedience_ to the laws is the price freemen pay for the _protection_ of the laws;--but the same legislatures which absolutely sanction the negro's _wrongs_, and, to say the least, make very inadequate provisions for his _safety_, claim the right to _punish_ him with inordinate severity. "in kentucky, white men are condemned to death for _four_ crimes only; slaves meet a similar punishment for _eleven_ crimes. in south carolina, white persons suffer death for _twenty-seven_ crimes; slaves incur a similar fate for _thirty-six_ crimes. in georgia, whites are punished capitally for _three_ crimes only; slaves for _at least nine_." stroud says there are _seventy-one_ crimes in the slave states, for which negroes are punished with _death_, and for each and every one of these crimes the white man suffers nothing worse than imprisonment in the penitentiary. "trial by jury is utterly denied to the slave, _even in criminal accusations which may affect his life_; in south carolina, virginia, and louisiana, instead of a jury, is substituted a tribunal composed of two justices of the peace and from three to five _free_-holders, (i. e. _slave_-holders.) in virginia, it is composed of five justices merely. what chance has an ignorant slave before a tribunal chosen by his accuser, suddenly convoked, and consisting of but five persons?" if a slave is found out of the limits of the town in which he lives, or beyond the plantation on which he is usually employed, without a written permission from his master, or the company of some white person, _any body_ may inflict twenty lashes upon him; and if the slave resist such punishment, he may be lawfully _killed_. if a slave visit another plantation without leave in writing from his master, the owner of the plantation may give him ten lashes. more than seven slaves walking or standing together in the road, without a white man, may receive twenty lashes each from any person. any slave, or indian, who takes away, or lets loose a boat, from any place where it is fastened, receives thirty-nine lashes for the first offence; and, according to some laws, one ear is cut off for the second offence. for carrying a gun, powder, shot, a club, or any weapon whatsoever, offensive or defensive, thirty-nine lashes by order of a justice; and in some states, twenty lashes from the nearest constable, _without_ a conviction by the justice. for selling any article, without a specific ticket from his master, ten lashes by the captain of the patrollers,[r] or thirty-nine by order of a magistrate. the same punishment for being at any assembly deemed _unlawful_. [footnote r: the patrols are very generally low and dissipated characters, and the cruelties which negroes suffer from them, while in a state of intoxication, are sometimes shocking. the law endows these men with very great power.] for travelling by himself from his master's land to any other place, unless by the most accustomed road, forty lashes; the same for travelling in the night without a pass; the same for being found in another negro's kitchen, or quarters; and every negro found _in company_ with such vagrant, receives twenty lashes. for hunting with dogs, even in the woods of his master, thirty lashes. for running away and lurking in swamps, a negro may be lawfully _killed_ by any person. if a slave _happen_ to die of _moderate_ correction, it is likewise justifiable homicide. for endeavoring to entice another slave to run away, if provisions are prepared, the slave is punished with death; and any negro aiding or abetting suffers death. thirty-nine stripes for harboring a runaway slave one hour. for disobeying orders, imprisonment as long as the master chooses. for riding on horseback, without written permission, or for keeping a dog, twenty-five lashes. for rambling, riding, or going abroad in the night, or riding horses in the day without leave, a slave may be whipped, cropped, or branded on the cheek with the letter r, or otherwise punished, not extending to life, nor _so as to unfit him for labor_. for beating the patuxent river, to catch fish, ten lashes; for placing a seine across transquakin and chickwiccimo creeks, thirty-nine lashes by order of a justice. for advising the murder of a person, one hundred lashes may be given. a runaway slave may be put into jail, and the jailer must forthwith send a letter by mail, to the man whom the negro says is his owner. if an answer does not arrive at the proper time, the jailer must inflict twenty-five lashes, well laid on, and interrogate anew. if the slave's second statement be not corroborated by the letter from the owner, twenty-five lashes are again administered.--the act very coolly concludes thus: "and so on, for the space of _six months_, it shall be the duty of the jailer to interrogate and whip as aforesaid." the letter may miscarry, the owner may reside at a great distance from the post-office, and thus long delays may occur--the ignorant slave may not know his master's christian name--the jailer may not spell it aright; but no matter--"it is the jailer's duty to interrogate and whip, as aforesaid." the last authorized edition of the laws of maryland, comprises the following: "if any slave be convicted of any petit treason, or murder, or wilfully burning of dwelling-houses, it may be lawful for the justices to give judgment against such slave to have the right hand cut off, to be hanged in the usual manner, the head severed from the body, the body divided into four quarters, and the head and quarters set up in the most public places of the county," &c. the laws of tennessee and missouri are comparatively mild; yet in missouri it is _death_ to prepare or administer medicine without the master's consent, unless it can be _proved_ that there was no evil intention. the law in virginia is similar; it requires proof that there was no evil intention, and that the medicine produced no bad consequences. to estimate fully the cruel injustice of these laws, it must be remembered that the poor slave is without religious instruction, unable to read, too ignorant to comprehend legislation, and holding so little communication with any person better informed than himself, that the chance is, he does not even know the _existence_ of half the laws by which he suffers. this is worthy of nero, who caused his edicts to be placed so high that they could not be read, and then beheaded his subjects for disobeying them. prop. .--_the laws operate oppressively on free colored people._ free people of color, like the slaves, are excluded by law from all means of obtaining the common elements of education. the free colored man may at any time be taken up on suspicion, and be condemned and imprisoned as a runaway slave, unless he can _prove_ the contrary; and be it remembered, none but _white_ evidence, or written documents, avail him. the common law supposes a man to be innocent until he is proved guilty; but slave law turns this upside down. every colored man is _presumed_ to be a slave till it can be proved otherwise; this rule prevails in all the slave states, except north carolina, where it is confined to negroes. stephens supposes this harsh doctrine to be peculiar to the british colonial code; but in this he is again mistaken--the american _republics_ share the honor with england. a law passed in december, , in south carolina, provides that any free colored persons coming into port on board of any vessel shall be seized and imprisoned during the stay of the vessel; and when she is ready to depart, the captain shall take such free negroes and pay the expenses of their arrest and imprisonment; and in case of refusing so to do, he shall be indicted and fined not less than one thousand dollars, and imprisoned not less than two months; and such free negroes shall be sold for slaves. the circuit court of the united states, adjudged the law unconstitutional and void. yet nearly _two years_ after this decision, four colored english seamen were taken out of the brig marmion. england made a formal complaint to our government. mr. wirt, the attorney-general, gave the opinion that the law was unconstitutional. this, as well as the above-mentioned decision, excited strong indignation in south carolina. notwithstanding the decision, the law still remains in force, and other states have followed the example of south carolina, though with a more cautious observance of appearances. in south carolina, if any free negro harbor, conceal, or entertain, any runaway slave, or a slave charged with _any_ criminal matter, he forfeits ten pounds for the first day, and twenty shillings for every succeeding day. in case of inability to pay, the free negro is sold at auction, and if any overplus remain, after the fines and attendant expenses are paid, it is put into the hands of the public treasurer. the free negro may entertain a slave without _knowing_ that he has done any thing wrong; but his declaration to that effect is of no avail. where every effort is made to prevent colored people from obtaining any money, they are of course often unable to pay the penalties imposed. if any omission is made in the forms of emancipation established by law, _any person whatsoever_ may seize the negro so manumitted, and appropriate him to their own use. if a free colored person remain in virginia twelve months after his manumission, he can be sold by the overseers of the poor for the benefit of the _literary fund_! in georgia, a free colored man, except a regular articled seaman, is fined one hundred dollars for coming into the state; and if he cannot pay it, may be sold at public outcry. this act has been changed to one of increased severity. a free colored person cannot be a witness against a white man. they may therefore be robbed, assaulted, kidnapped and carried off with impunity; and even the legislatures of the old slave states adopt it as a maxim that it is very desirable to get rid of them. it is of no avail to _declare_ themselves free; the law _presumes_ them to be slaves, unless they can _prove_ to the contrary. in many instances written documents of freedom have been wrested from free colored people and destroyed by kidnappers. a lucrative internal slave-trade furnishes constant temptation to the commission of such crimes; and the _new_ states of alabama, mississippi, missouri, and the territories of arkansas, and the floridas, are not likely to be glutted for years to come. in philadelphia, though remote from a slave market, it has been ascertained that _more than thirty_ free persons of color, were stolen and carried off within _two_ years. stroud says: "five of these have been restored to their friends, by the interposition of humane gentlemen, though not without great expense and difficulty. the others are still in bondage; and if rescued at all, it must be by sending _white_ witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles." i know the names of four colored citizens of massachusetts, who went to georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that state, and sold as slaves. they have sent the most earnest exhortations to their families and friends to do something for their relief; but the attendant expenses require more money than the friends of negroes are apt to have, and the poor fellows as yet remain unassisted. a new-york paper, november, , contains the following caution: "_beware of kidnappers!_--it is _well understood_ that there is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation of stealing colored children for the southern market! it is believed that three or four have been stolen within as many days. a little negro boy came to this city from the country three or four days ago. some strange white persons were very friendly to him, and yesterday morning he was mightily pleased that they had given him some new clothes. and the persons pretending thus to befriend him, entirely secured his confidence. this day he cannot be found. nor can he be traced since seen with one of his new friends yesterday. there are suspicions of a foul nature, connected with some who serve the police in subordinate capacities. it is hinted that there may be those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical practices. let the public be on their guard! it is still fresh in the memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove, of negroes, was made up from this city and philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation of all the negroes in this state took place under our present constitution, and were taken through virginia, the carolinas, and tennessee, and disposed of in the state of mississippi. some of those who were taken from philadelphia were persons of intelligence, and after they had been driven through the country in chains, and disposed of by sale on the mississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were rescued from bondage. the persons who were guilty of this abominable transaction are known, and now reside in north carolina; they may, very probably, be engaged in similar enterprises at the present time--at least there is reason to believe that the system of kidnapping free persons of color from the northern cities has been carried on more extensively than the public are generally aware of." this, and other evils of the system, admit of no radical cure but the utter extinction of slavery. to enact _laws_ prohibiting the slave traffic, and at the same time tempt avarice by the allurements of an _insatiable market_, is irreconcilable and absurd. to my great surprise, i find that the free states of ohio and indiana disgrace themselves by admitting the same maxim of law, which prevents any black or mulatto from being a witness against a white man! it is naturally supposed that free negroes will sympathize with their enslaved brethren, and that, notwithstanding all exertions to the contrary, they will become a little more intelligent; this excites a peculiar jealousy and hatred in the white population, of which it is impossible to enumerate all the hardships. even in the _laws_, slaves are always mentioned before free people of color; so desirous are they to degrade the latter class below the level of the former. to complete the wrong, this unhappy class are despised in consequence of the very evils we ourselves have induced--for as slavery inevitably makes its victims servile and vicious, and as none but negroes are allowed to be slaves, we, from our very childhood, associate every thing that is degraded with the _mere color_; though in fact the object of our contempt may be both exemplary and intelligent. in this way the africans are doubly the victims of our injustice; and thus does prejudice "_make_ the meat it feeds on." i have repeatedly said that our slave laws are continually increasing in severity; as a proof of this i will give a brief view of some of the most _striking_, which have been passed since stroud published his compendium of slave laws, in . in the first class are contained those enactments _directly_ oppressive to people of color; in the second are those which injure them _indirectly_, by the penalties or disabilities imposed upon the whites who instruct, assist, or employ them, or endeavor in any way to influence public opinion in their favor. _class first._--the legislature of virginia passed a law in , by which any free colored person who undertakes to preach, or conduct any religious meeting, by day or night, may be whipped not exceeding thirty-nine lashes, at the discretion of _any_ justice of the peace; and any body may apprehend any such free colored person without a warrant. the same penalty, adjudged and executed in the same way, falls upon any slave, or free colored person, who attends such preaching; and any slave who listens to any _white_ preacher, in the night time, receives the same punishment. the same law prevails in georgia and mississippi. a master may permit a slave to preach on _his_ plantation, to none but _his_ slaves. there is a _naiveté_ in the following preamble to a law passed by north carolina, in , which would be amusing, if the subject were not too serious for mirth: "_whereas teaching slaves to read and write has a tendency to excite dissatisfaction in their minds_, and to produce insurrection and rebellion," therefore it is enacted that teaching a slave to read or write, or giving or selling to a slave _any_ book or pamphlet, shall be punished with thirty-nine lashes, if the offender be a free black, or with imprisonment at the discretion of the court; if a slave, the _offence_ is punishable with thirty-nine lashes, on his or her bare back, on conviction before a justice of the peace. in georgia, any slave, or free person of color, is for a similar offence, fined or whipped, or fined _and_ whipped, at the discretion of the court. in louisiana, twelve months' imprisonment is the penalty for teaching a slave to read or write. for publishing, or circulating, in the state of north carolina, any pamphlet or paper having an _evident tendency_ to excite slaves, or free persons of color, to insurrection or resistance, imprisonment not less than one year, _and_ standing in the pillory, _and_ whipping, at the discretion of the court, for the first offence; and death for the second. the same offence punished with death in georgia, without any reservation. in mississippi, the same as in georgia. in louisiana, the same offence punished either with imprisonment for life, or death, at the discretion of the court. in virginia, the first offence of this sort is punished with thirty-nine lashes, the second with death. with regard to publications having a _tendency_ to promote discontent among slaves, their masters are so very jealous, that it would be difficult to find _any_ book, that would not come under their condemnation. the bible, and the declaration of independence are certainly unsafe. the preamble to the north carolina law declares, that the _alphabet_ has a tendency to excite dissatisfaction; i suppose it is because _freedom_ may be spelt out of it. a storekeeper in south carolina was nearly ruined by having unconsciously imported certain printed _handkerchiefs_, which his neighbors deemed seditious. a friend of mine asked, "did the handkerchiefs contain texts from scripture? or quotations from the constitution of the united states?" emancipated slaves must quit north carolina in ninety days after their enfranchisement, on pain of being sold for life. free persons of color who shall _migrate into_ that state, may be seized and sold as runaway slaves; and if they _migrate out_ of the state for more than ninety days, they can never return under the same penalty. this extraordinary use of the word _migrate_ furnishes a new battering ram against the free colored class, which is every where so odious to slave-owners. a _visit_ to relations in another state may be called _migrating_; being taken up and detained by _kidnappers_, over ninety days, may be called _migrating_;--for where neither the evidence of the sufferer nor any of his own color is allowed, it will evidently amount to this. in south carolina, if a free negro cross the line of the state, he can _never_ return. in , mississippi passed a law to expel all free colored persons under sixty and over sixteen years of age from the state, within ninety days, unless they could prove good characters, and obtain from the court a certificate of the same, for which they paid three dollars; these certificates might be revoked at the discretion of the county courts. if such persons do not quit the state within the time specified, or if they return to it, they may be sold for a term not exceeding five years. in tennessee, slaves are not allowed to be emancipated unless they leave the state forthwith. any free colored person emigrating into this state, is fined from ten to fifty dollars, and hard labor in the penitentiary from one to two years. north carolina has made a law subjecting any vessel with _free_ colored persons on board to thirty days' quarantine; as if freedom were as bad as the cholera! any person of color coming on shore from such vessels is seized and imprisoned, till the vessel departs; and the captain is fined five hundred dollars; and if he refuse to take the colored seaman away, and pay all the expenses of his imprisonment, he is fined five hundred more. if the sailor do not depart within ten days after his captain's refusal, he must be whipped thirty-nine lashes; and all colored persons, bond or free, who _communicate_ with him, receive the same. in georgia, there is a similar enactment. the prohibition is, in both states, confined to _merchant_ vessels, (it would be imprudent to meddle with _vessels of war_;) and any colored person communicating with such seaman is whipped not exceeding _thirty_ lashes. if the captain refuse to carry away seamen thus detained, and _pay the expenses of their imprisonment_, he shall be fined five hundred dollars, and also imprisoned, not exceeding three months. these state laws are a direct violation of the laws of nations, and our treaties; and may involve the united states in a foreign war. colored seamen are often employed in spanish, portuguese, french, and english vessels. these nations are bound to know the united states laws; but can they be expected to know the enactments of particular states and cities? and if they know them, are they bound to observe them, if they interfere with the established rules of nations? when mr. wirt pronounced these laws unconstitutional, great excitement was produced in south carolina. the governor of that state, in his message to the legislature, implied that separation from the union was the only remedy, if the laws of the southern states could not be enforced. they seem to require unconditional submission abroad as well as at home. the endeavor to prevent insurrections in this way, is as wise as to attempt to extinguish fire with spirits of wine. the short-sighted policy defeats itself. a free colored sailor was lately imprisoned with seven slaves: here was a fine opportunity to sow the seeds of sedition in their minds! the upholders of slavery will in vain contend with the liberal spirit of the age; it is too strong for them. they may as well try to bottle up the sunshine for their own exclusive use, as to attempt to keep knowledge and freedom to themselves. we all know that such an experiment would result in bottling up darkness for themselves, while exactly the same amount of sunshine remained abroad for the use of their neighbors. in north carolina, free negroes are whipped, fined, and imprisoned, at the discretion of the court, for intermarrying with slaves. in georgia, free colored persons when unable to pay _any_ fine, may be sold for a space of time not exceeding five years. this limitation does not probably avail much; if sold to another master before the five years expired, they would never be likely to be free again. several other laws have been passed in georgia, prohibiting slaves from living apart from their master, either to labor for other persons, or to sell refreshments, or to carry on any trade or business although with their master's consent. any person of color, bond or free, is forbidden to occupy any tenement except a _kitchen_ or an _outhouse_, under penalty of from twenty to fifty lashes. some of these laws are applicable only to particular cities, towns, or counties; others to several counties. sundry general laws of a penal nature have been made more penal; and the number of offences, for which a colored person may suffer _death_, is increased. a law passed in tennessee, in , provides that negroes for conspiracy to rebel, shall be punished with whipping, imprisonment and pillory, at the discretion of the court; it has this curious proviso--"householders _may_ serve as jurors, if _slaveholders_ cannot be had!"[s] the southern courts need to have a great deal of _discretion_, since so much is trusted to it. [footnote s: the common law assigns for the trial of a foreigner, six jurors of his own nation, and six native englishmen.] _class second._--in virginia, _white_ persons who teach any colored person to read or write, are fined not exceeding fifty dollars; for teaching slaves for pay, from ten to twenty dollars for each offence. in georgia, a similar offence is fined not exceeding five hundred dollars, and imprisoned at the discretion of the court. knowledge seems to be peculiarly _pokerish_ in georgia. in north carolina, if a white person teach a slave to read or write, or give or sell him _any_ book, &c., he is fined from one to two hundred dollars. in louisiana, any white person, who teaches a slave to read or write, is imprisoned one year. and if any person shall use any language from the _bar_, _bench_, _stage_, _pulpit_, or any other place,--or hold any conversation having a _tendency_ to promote discontent among free colored people, or insubordination among slaves, he may be imprisoned at hard labor, not less than three, nor more than twenty-one years; or he may suffer death--at the discretion of the court. in mississippi, a white man, who prints or circulates doctrines, sentiments, advice, or _innuendoes_, likely to produce discontent among the colored class, is fined from one hundred to a thousand dollars, and imprisoned from three to twelve months. all the states which have pronounced an anathema against books and alphabets, have likewise forbidden that any colored man shall be employed in a printing-office, under the penalty of ten dollars for every offence. in mississippi, any white who employs, or receives a free colored person, without a certificate of freedom, written on parchment, forfeits _one thousand dollars_. if any master, in that state, allows his slaves to sell any wares or merchandise out of the incorporated towns, he is liable to a fine of from fifty to five hundred dollars. in virginia, any person who buys of a slave any article belonging to his master, forfeits from ten to fifty dollars; if the purchase be made on sunday, ten dollars more are added to the fine for each article. this enactment is evidently made to prevent a slave from obtaining any money, or holding communication with freemen; a particular proviso is made against sunday, because the slave has usually more leisure on that day. it is to be remembered that all a slave has belongs to his master. to carry a slave out of north carolina, or conceal him with intent to carry him out, is punished with death. if a runaway slave die in prison, before he or she can be sold, _the county pays the sheriff and jailer_; formerly these officers depended on the life and marketableness of their prisoners for security; but even this poor motive for kindness is now taken away. if ninety-nine out of a hundred die in prison, they will be heard of only in the _jailer's bill_. i never heard or read of an _inquest_ upon the body of a slave found dead. under the term "runaway slaves" are included many free colored persons taken up unjustly. well might jefferson say, "i tremble for my country, when i reflect that god is just!" in travelling over this dreary desert, it is pleasant to arrive at one little oasis: louisiana _has_ enacted that slaves brought into that state for sale, shall forthwith be set free; but they must be sent out of the state. it is worthy of remark that england pursues a totally different course with regard to allowing slaves to communicate with free people. their recent laws are all calculated to make it easy for the slave to obtain a fair hearing from people who have no interest to suppress his complaints. he may go upon any plantation, and communicate with any person; and whoever tries to prevent his going to a magistrate is guilty of a misdemeanor. they have abolished all distinction between white and colored witnesses. the law expressly stipulates the quality and quantity of provisions. inquest is held upon the bodies of slaves dying suddenly, or from any suspected violence. use of the cart-whip prohibited; and no female to be punished except by order of the court. only fifteen lashes allowed as a punishment to men for one offence, and in one day: two kinds of punishment never allowed for one offence. when a slave is punished, two competent witnesses must be present. the owner is obliged to keep a record of domestic punishments and the causes. marriages among slaves are encouraged, and husband and wife are not allowed to be sold separately. children under sixteen years old cannot be separated from their parents. masters illegally punishing their slaves, are subject to fine, imprisonment, and loss of the slave, for the first offence; for the second offence, sequestration of all their slaves. free colored representatives are allowed to take their seats in the legislature, and share all the other privileges of british subjects. yet these humane laws, so carefully framed in favor of the defenceless, have been found insufficient to protect the slave. experience proves, what reason clearly points out, that the force of good laws must be weakened by the very nature of this unholy relation. where there is knowledge and freedom on one side, and ignorance and servitude on the other, evasions and subterfuges will of course be frequent. hence english philanthropists have universally come to the conclusion that nothing effectual can be done, unless slavery itself be destroyed. the limits of this work compel me to pass by many enactments in our slaveholding states, which would throw still more light on this dark subject. i have laid open some of the laws which do actually exist, and are constantly enforced in this free country; and knowing all this, and still more, to be true, i blush and hang my head, whenever i hear any one boast of our "glorious institutions." the slaveholders insist that their _humanity_ is so great, as to render all their ferocious laws perfectly harmless. are the laws then made on purpose to urge tender-hearted masters to be so much worse than they really desire to be? the democrats of the south appear to be less scrupulous about the liberties of others, than the autocrat of the russias;--for, when madame de staël told the emperor alexander that his _character_ answered instead of a _constitution_ for his country, he replied, "then, madam, i am but a lucky _accident_." how much more emphatically may it be said, that the slave's destiny is a matter of chance! reader, would you trust the very best man you know, with your time, your interests, your family, and your life, unless the contract were guarded on every side by the strong arm of the law? if a money-loving neighbor could force you to toil, and could gain a certain number of dollars for every hour of your labor, how much rest should you expect to have? it is utter nonsense to say that generosity of disposition is a protection against tyranny, where all the power is on one side. it may be, and it no doubt is so, in particular instances; but they must be exceptions to the general rule. we all know that the southerners have a high sense of what the world calls honor, and that they are brave, hospitable, and generous to people of their own color; but the more we respect their virtues, the more cause is there to lament the demoralizing _system_, which produces such unhappy effects on all who come within its baneful influence. most of them may be as kind as can be expected of human nature, endowed with almost unlimited power to do wrong; and some of them may be even more benevolent than the warmest friend of the negro would dare to hope; but while we admit all this, we must not forget that there is in every community a class of men, who will not be any better than the laws compel them to be. captain riley, in his narrative, says: "strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proud-spirited countrymen still hold a million and a half[t] of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery; who are kept at hard labor, and smarting under the lash of inhuman mercenary drivers; in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. this is no picture of the imagination. for the honor of human nature, i wish likenesses were nowhere to be found! i myself have witnessed such scenes in different parts of my own country; and the bare recollection of them now chills my blood with horror." [footnote t: there are now over two million.] when the slave-owners talk of their gentleness and compassion, they are witnesses in their own favor, and have strong motives for showing the fairest side. but what do the laws themselves imply? are enactments ever made against exigencies which do not exist? if negroes have never been scalded, burned, mutilated, &c., why are such crimes forbidden by an express law, with the marvellous proviso, except said slave _die_ of "_moderate_ punishment!" if a law sanctioning whipping to any extent, incarceration at the discretion of the master, and the body loaded with irons, is called a _restraining_ law, let me ask what crimes must have been committed, to require _prohibition_, where so much is _allowed_? the law which declares that slaves shall be compelled to labor _only_ fourteen or fifteen hours a day, has the following preamble: "whereas _many_ owners of slaves, managers, &c. _do_ confine them so closely to hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest," &c. mr. pinckney, in a public argument, speaking of slaves murdered by severe treatment, says: "the _frequency_ of the crime is no doubt owing to the nature of the punishment." the reader will observe that i carefully refrain from quoting the representations of party spirit, and refer to _facts_ only for evidence. where the laws are made by the people, a majority of course approve them; else they would soon be changed. it must therefore in candor be admitted, that the _laws_ of a state speak the prevailing _sentiments_ of the inhabitants. judging by this rule, what inference must be drawn from the facts stated above? "at sparta, the freeman is the freest of all men, and the slave is the greatest of slaves." our republic is a perfect pandora's box to the negro, only there is no _hope_ at the bottom. the wretchedness of his fate is not a little increased by being a constant witness of the unbounded freedom enjoyed by others: the slave's labor must necessarily be like the labor of sisiphus; and here the torments of tantalus are added. slavery is so inconsistent with free institutions, and the spirit of liberty is so contagious under such institutions, that the system must either be given up, or sustained by laws outrageously severe; hence we find that our slave laws have each year been growing more harsh than those of any other nation. shall i be told that all these regulations are necessary for the white man's safety? what then, let me indignantly ask, what must the system be that _requires_ to be supported by such unnatural, such tyrannical means? the very apology pronounces the condemnation of slavery--for it proves that it cannot exist without producing boundless misery to the oppressed, and perpetual terror to the oppressor. in our fourth of july orations, we are much in the habit of talking about the tyranny of england! and there is no doubt that broad and deep stains do rest upon her history. but there is a vulgar proverb that "those who live in glass houses should not throw stones." in judging of national, as well as individual wrong, it is fair to consider the amount of temptation. england has had power, more extensive and permanent than any nation since the decline of rome: the negroes and the indians are the only people who have been dependant on _our_ justice and generosity--and how have we treated _them_? it is a favorite argument that we are not to blame for slavery, because the british engrafted it upon us, while we were colonies. but did we not take the liberty to _change_ english laws and customs, when they did not suit us? why not put away _this_, as well as other evils of much less consequence? it could have been done easily, at the time of our confederation; it _can_ be done now.--have not other nations been making alterations for the better, on this very subject, since we became independent? is not england trying with all her might to atone for the wrong she has done? does not the constitution of the united states, and the constitution of each individual state, make provision for such changes as shall tend to the public good? the plain truth is, the continuation of this system is a sin; and the sin rests upon us: it has been eloquently said that "by this excuse, we try to throw the blame upon our ancestors, and leave repentance to posterity." chapter iii. free labor and slave labor.--possibility of safe emancipation. wo unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work.--_jeremiah_ xxii, . who can reflect, unmoved, upon the round of smooth and solemnized complacences, by which, on christian lands, from age to age, profession mocks performance. earth is sick, and heaven is weary, of the hollow words, which states and kingdoms utter when they talk of truth and justice. wordsworth. political economists found their systems on those broad and general principles, the application of which has been proved by reason and experience to produce the greatest possible happiness to the greatest number of people. all writers of this class, i believe without exception, prefer free labor to slave labor. indeed a very brief glance will show that slavery is inconsistent with _economy_, whether domestic or political. the slave is bought, sometimes at a very high price; in free labor there is no such investment of capital. when the slave is ill, a physician must be paid by the owner; the free laborer defrays his own expenses. the children of the slave must be supported by his master; the free man maintains his own. the slave is to be taken care of in his old age, which his previous habits render peculiarly helpless; the free laborer is hired when he is wanted, and then returns to his home. the slave does not care how slowly or carelessly he works; it is the free man's interest to do his business well and quickly. the slave is indifferent how many tools he spoils; the free man has a motive to be careful. the slave's clothing is indeed very cheap, but it is of no consequence to him how fast it is destroyed--his master _must_ keep him covered, and that is all he is likely to do; the hired laborer pays more for his garments, but makes them last three times as long. the free man will be honest for reputation's sake; but reputation will make the slave none the richer, nor invest him with any of the privileges of a human being--while his poverty and sense of wrong both urge him to steal from his master. a salary must be paid to an overseer to compel the slave to work; the free man is impelled by the desire of increasing the comforts of himself and family. two hired laborers will perform as much work as three slaves; by some it is supposed to be a more correct estimate that slaves perform only _half_ as much labor as the same number of free laborers. finally, _where_ slaves are employed, manual industry is a degradation to white people, and indolence becomes the prevailing characteristic. slave-owners have indeed frequently shown great adroitness in defending this bad system; but, with few exceptions, they base their arguments upon the necessity of continuing slavery because it is already begun. many of them have openly acknowledged that it was highly injurious to the prosperity of the state. the hon. henry clay, in his address before the colonization society of kentucky, has given a view of the causes affecting, and likely to affect, slavery in this country, which is very remarkable for its completeness, its distinctness, and its brevity. the following sentences are quoted from this address: "as a mere laborer, the slave feels that he toils for his master, and not for himself; that the laws do not recognise his capacity to acquire and hold property, which depends altogether upon the pleasure of his proprietor, and that all the fruits of his exertions are reaped by others. he knows that, whether sick or well, in times of scarcity or abundance, his master is bound to provide for him by the all-powerful influence of self-interest. he is generally, therefore, indifferent to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of his master, being contented if he can escape his displeasure or chastisement, by a careless and slovenly performance of his duties. "this is the state of the relation between master and slave, prescribed by the law of its nature, and founded in the reason of things. there are undoubtedly many exceptions, in which the slave dedicates himself to his master with a zealous and generous devotion, and the master to the slave with a parental and affectionate attachment. but it is my purpose to speak of the _general_ state of this unfortunate relation. "that labor is best, in which the laborer knows that he will derive the profits of his industry, that his employment depends upon his diligence, and his reward upon this assiduity. he then has every motive to excite him to exertion, and to animate him in perseverance. he knows that if he is treated badly, he can exchange his employer for one who will better estimate his service; and that whatever he earns is _his_, to be distributed by himself as he pleases, among his wife and children, and friends, or enjoyed by himself. in a word, he feels that he is a free agent, with rights, and privileges, and sensibilities. "wherever the option exists to employ, at an equal hire, free or slave labor, the former will be decidedly preferred, for the reasons already assigned. it is more capable, more diligent, more faithful, and in every respect more worthy of confidence. "it is believed that nowhere in the _farming_ portion of the united states would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the southern market, which keeps it up in his own." speaking of an attempt more than thirty-five years ago, to adopt gradual emancipation in kentucky, mr. clay says: "we were overpowered by numbers, and submitted to the decision of the majority, with the grace which the minority, in a republic, should ever yield to such a decision. i have nevertheless never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a decision, the effects of which have been, to place us in the rear of our neighbors, who are exempt from slavery, in the state of agriculture, the progress of manufactures, the advance of improvement, and the general prosperity of society." mr. appleton, in his reply to mr. mcduffie in the winter of ,--a speech distinguished for its good temper and sound practical sense,--says: "i do not think the gentleman from south carolina has overrated the money price of new-england labor at fifty cents; but most of the labor is performed by the _owners of the soil_. it is great industry alone, which makes new-england prosperous. the circumstance that with this cheap slave labor, the south is complaining of suffering, while the north is content and prosperous with dear free labor, is a striking fact and deserves a careful and thorough examination. the experience of all ages and nations proves that high wages are the most powerful stimulus to exertion, and the best means of attaching the people to the institutions under which they live. it is apparent that this political effect upon the character of society cannot have any action upon slaves. having no choice or volition, there is nothing for stimulus to act upon; they are in fact no part of society. so that, in the language of political economy, they are, like machinery, merely capital; and the productions of their labor consists wholly of profits of capital. but it is not perceived how the tariff can lessen the value of the productions of their labor, in comparison with that of the other states. new-york and virginia both produce wheat; new-york with dear labor is content, and virginia with cheap labor is dissatisfied. "what is the _occupation_ of the white population of the planting states? i am at a loss to know how this population is employed. we hear of no products of these states, but those produced by slave labor. it is clear the white population cannot be employed in raising cotton or tobacco, because in doing so they can earn but twelve and a half cents per day, since the same quantity of labor performed by a slave is worth no more. i am told also that the wages of overseers, mechanics, &c. are higher than the white labor of the north; and it is well known that many mechanics go from the north to the south, to get employment during the winter. these facts suggest the inquiry whether this cheap slave labor does not paralyze the industry of the whites? whether _idleness_ is not the greatest of their evils?" during the famous debate in the virginia legislature, in the winter of , mr. brodnax made the following remark: "that slavery in virginia is an evil, and a transcendent evil, it would be more than idle for any human being to doubt or deny. it is a mildew which has blighted every region it has touched, from the creation of the world. illustrations from the history of other countries and other times might be instructive and profitable, had we the time to review them; but we have evidence tending to the same conviction nearer at hand and accessible to daily observation, in the short histories of the different states of this great confederacy, which are impressive in their admonitions and conclusive in their character." during the same session, mr. faulkner of virginia said: "sir, i am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in this hall, the avowed _advocate_ of slavery. the day has gone by, when such a voice could be listened to with patience, or even forbearance. i even regret, sir, that we should find one amongst us, who enters the lists as its _apologist_, except on the ground of uncontrolable necessity. if there be one, who concurs with the gentleman from brunswick (mr. gholson) in the harmless character of this institution, let me request him to compare the condition of the slaveholding portion of this commonwealth--barren, desolate, and seared as it were by the avenging hand of heaven,--with the descriptions which we have of this same country from those who first broke its virgin soil. to what is this change ascribable? alone to the withering and blasting effects of slavery. if this does not satisfy him, let me request him to extend his travels to the northern states of this union,--and beg him to contrast the happiness and contentment which prevails throughout the country--the busy and cheerful sounds of industry--the rapid and swelling growth of their population--their means and institutions of education--their skill and proficiency in the useful arts--their enterprise and public spirit--the monuments of their commercial and manufacturing industry;--and, above all, their devoted attachment to the government from which they derive their protection, with the division, discontent, indolence, and poverty of the southern country. to what, sir, is all this ascribable? to that vice in the organization of society, by which one half of its inhabitants are arrayed in interest and feeling against the other half--to that unfortunate state of society in which freemen regard labor as disgraceful--and slaves shrink from it as a burden tyranically imposed upon them--to that condition of things, in which half a million of your population can feel no sympathy with the society in the prosperity of which they are forbidden to participate, and no attachment to a government at whose hands they receive nothing but injustice. "if this should not be sufficient, and the curious and incredulous inquirer should suggest that the contrast which has been adverted to, and is so manifest, might be traced to a difference of climate, or other causes distinct from slavery itself, permit me to refer him to the two states of kentucky and ohio. no difference of soil--no diversity of climate--no diversity in the original settlement of those two states, can account for the remarkable disproportion in their national advancement. separated by a river alone, they seem to have been purposely and providentially designed to exhibit in their future histories the difference, which necessarily results from a country free from, and a country afflicted with, the curse of slavery. the same may be said of the two states of missouri and illinois. "slavery, it is admitted, is an evil--it is an institution which presses heavily against the best interests of the state. it banishes free white labor--it exterminates the mechanic--the artisan--the manufacturer. it deprives them of occupation. it deprives them of bread. it converts the energy of a community into indolence--its power into imbecility--its efficiency into weakness. sir, being thus injurious, have we not a right to demand its extermination! shall society suffer, that the slaveholder may continue to gather his _vigintial crop_ of human flesh? what is his mere pecuniary claim, compared with the great interests of the common weal? must the country languish and die, that the slaveholder may flourish? shall all interest be subservient to one?--all rights subordinate to those of the slaveholder? has not the mechanic--have not the middle classes their rights?--rights incompatible with the existence of slavery?" sutcliff, in his travels in north america, says: "a person not conversant with these things would naturally think that where families employ a number of slaves, every thing about their houses, gardens, and plantations, would be kept in the best order. but the reverse of this is generally the case. i was sometimes tempted to think that the more slaves there were employed, the more disorder appeared. i am persuaded that one or two hired servants, in a well-regulated family, would preserve more neatness, order, and comfort, than treble the number of slaves. "there is a very striking contrast between the appearance of the horses or teams in pennsylvania, and those in the southern states, where slaves are kept. in pennsylvania we meet with great numbers of wagons, drawn by four or more fine fat horses, the carriages firm and well made, and covered with stout good linen, bleached almost white; and it is not uncommon to see ten or fifteen together, travelling cheerfully along the road, the driver riding on one of his horses. many of these come more than three hundred miles to philadelphia, from the ohio, pittsburg, and other places; and i have been told by a respectable friend, a native of philadelphia, that more than one thousand covered carriages frequently come to philadelphia market." "the appearance of things in the slave states is quite the reverse of this. we sometimes meet a ragged black boy or girl driving a team, consisting of a lean cow or a mule, sometimes a lean bull, or an ox and a mule; and i have seen a mule, a bull, and a cow, each miserable in its appearance, composing one team, with a half-naked black slave or two, riding or driving, as occasion suited. the carriage or wagon, if it may be called such, appeared in as wretched a condition as the team and its driver. sometimes a couple of horses, mules, or cows, &c., would be dragging a hogshead of tobacco, with a pivot, or axle, driven into each end of the hogshead, and something like a shaft attached, by which it was drawn, or rolled along the road. i have seen two oxen and two slaves pretty fully employed in getting along a single hogshead; and some of these come from a great distance inland." the inhabitants of free states are often told that they cannot argue fairly upon the subject of slavery because they know nothing about its actual operation; and any expression of their opinions and feelings with regard to the system, is attributed to ignorant enthusiasm, fanatical benevolence, or a wicked intention to do mischief. but mr. clay, mr. brodnax, and mr. faulkner, belong to slaveholding states; and the two former, if i mistake not, are slave-owners. _they_ surely are qualified to judge of the system; and i might fill ten pages with other quotations from southern writers and speakers, who acknowledge that slavery is a great evil. there are zealous partisans indeed, who defend the system strenuously, and some of them very eloquently. thus, mr. hayne, in his reply to mr. webster, denied that the south suffered in consequence of _slavery_; he maintained that the slaveholding states were prosperous, and the principal cause of all the prosperity in the union. he laughed at the idea of any danger, however distant, from an overgrown slave population, and supported the position by the fact that slaves had always been kept in entire subjection in the british west indies, where the white population is less than ten per cent. of the whole. but the distinguished gentleman from south carolina did not mention that the _peace_ establishment of the british west indies costs england _two million pounds annually_! yet such is the fact. this system is so closely entwined with the apparent interests and convenience of individuals, that it will never want for able defenders, so long as it exists. but i believe i do not misrepresent the truth, when i say the prevailing opinion at the south is, that it would have been much better for those states, and for the country in general, if slavery had never been introduced. miss martineau, in her most admirable little book on demerara, says: "labor is the product of mind as much as of body; and to secure that product, we must sway the mind by the natural means--by motives. laboring against self-interest is what nobody ought to expect of white men--much less of slaves. of course every man, woman and child, would rather play for nothing than work for nothing. "it is the mind, which gives sight to the eye, and hearing to the ear, and strength to the limbs; and the mind cannot be purchased. where a man is allowed the possession of himself, the purchaser of his labor is benefitted by the vigor of his mind through the service of his limbs: where man is made the possession of another, the possessor loses at once and for ever all that is most valuable in that for which he has paid the price of crime. he becomes the owner of that which only differs from an idiot in being less easily drilled into habits, and more capable of effectual revenge. "cattle are fixed capital, and so are slaves: but slaves differ from cattle on the one hand, in yielding (from internal opposition) a less return for their maintenance; and from free laborers on the other hand, in not being acted upon by the inducements which stimulate production as an effort of mind as well as of body. in all three cases the labor is purchased. in free laborers and cattle, all the faculties work together, and to advantage; in the slave they are opposed; and therefore he is, so far as the amount of labor is concerned, the least valuable of the three. the negroes _can_ invent and improve--witness their ingenuity in their dwellings, and their skill in certain of their sports; but their masters will never possess their faculties, though they have purchased their limbs. our true policy would be to divide the work of the slave between the ox and the hired laborer; we should get more out of the sinews of the one and the soul of the other, than the produce of double the number of slaves." as a matter of humanity, let it be remembered that men having more _reason_ than brutes, must be treated with much greater severity, in order to keep them in a state of abject submission. it seems unnecessary to say that what is unjust and unmerciful, can never be expedient; yet men often write, talk, and act, as if they either forgot this truth, or doubted it. there is genuine wisdom in the following remark, extracted from the petition of cambridge university to the parliament of england, on the subject of slavery: "a firm belief in the providence of a benevolent creator assures us that no system, founded on the oppression of one part of mankind, _can_ be beneficial to another." but the tolerator of slavery will say, "no doubt the system is an evil; but we are not to blame for it; we received it from our english ancestors. it is a lamentable _necessity_;--we cannot do it away if we would:--insurrections would be the inevitable result of any attempt to remove it"--and having quieted their consciences by the use of the word _lamentable_, they think no more upon the subject. these assertions have been so often, and so dogmatically repeated, that many truly kind-hearted people have believed there was some truth in them. i myself, (may god forgive me for it!) have often, in thoughtless ignorance, made the same remarks. an impartial and careful examination has led me to the conviction that slavery causes insurrections, while emancipation prevents them. the grand argument of the slaveholder is that sudden freedom occasioned the horrible massacres of st. domingo.--if a word is said in favor of abolition, he shakes his head, and points a warning finger to st. domingo! but it is a remarkable fact that this same vilified island furnishes a strong argument _against_ the lamentable necessity of slavery. in the first place, there was a bloody civil war there before the act of emancipation was passed; in the second place enfranchisement produced the most blessed effects: in the third place, no difficulties whatever arose, until bonaparte made his atrocious attempt to _restore slavery_ in the island. colonel malenfant, a slave proprietor, resident in st. domingo at the time, thus describes the effect of sudden enfranchisement, in his historical and political memoir of the colonies: "after this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and in the west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. there were estates which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors where there were any, even inferior agents, to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of provisions; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blacks continued to labor as quietly as before." colonel malenfant says, that when many of his neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison, the negroes of their plantations came to him to beg him to direct them in their work. he adds, "if you will take care not to talk to them of the restoration of slavery, but to talk to them of freedom, you may with this word chain them down to their labor. how did toussaint succeed?--how did i succeed before his time in the plain of the culde-sae on the plantation gouraud, during more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the slaves? let those who knew me at that time, let the blacks themselves, be asked: they will all reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work: and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. i inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which i had the management. if all the negroes had come from africa within six months, if they had the love of independence that the indians have, i should own that force must be employed; but ninety-nine out of a hundred of the blacks are aware that without labor they cannot procure the things that are necessary for them; that there is no other method of satisfying their wants and their tastes. they know that they must work, they wish to do so, and they will do so." such was the conduct of the negroes for the first nine months after their liberation, or up to the middle of . in the latter part of , malenfant says, "the colony was flourishing under toussaint, the whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them." general lecroix, who published his "memoirs for a history of st. domingo" in , says, that in the most wonderful progress had been made in agriculture. "the colony," says he, "marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor: cultivation prospered; every day produced perceptible proof of its progress." general vincent,[u] who was a general of brigade of artillery in st. domingo and a proprietor of estates in the island, was sent by toussaint to paris in to lay before the directory the new constitution which had been agreed upon in st. domingo. he arrived in france just at the moment of the peace of amiens, and found that bonaparte was preparing an armament for the purpose of restoring slavery in st. domingo. he remonstrated against the expedition; he stated that it was totally unnecessary and therefore criminal, for every thing was going on well in st. domingo. the proprietors were in peaceable possession of their estates; cultivation was making rapid progress; the blacks were industrious and beyond example happy. he conjured him, therefore, not to reverse this beautiful state of things; but his efforts were ineffectual, and the expedition arrived upon the shores of st. domingo. at length, however, the french were driven from the island. till that time the planters had retained their property, and then it was, and not till then, that they lost their all. in , dessalines was proclaimed emperor; in process of time a great part of the black troops were disbanded, and returned to cultivation again. from that time to this, there has been no want of subordination or industry among them." [footnote u: clarkson's thoughts, p. .] the following account of hayti at a later period is quoted from mr. harvey's sketches of that island, during the latter part of the reign of christophé: "those who by their exertions and economy were enabled to procure small spots of land of their own, or to hold the smaller plantations at an annual rent, were diligently engaged in cultivating coffee, sugar, and other articles, which they disposed of to the inhabitants of the adjacent towns and villages. it was an interesting sight to behold this class of the haytians, now in possession of their freedom, coming in groups to the market nearest which they resided, bringing the produce of their industry for sale; and afterwards returning, carrying back the necessary articles of living which the disposal of their commodities had enabled them to purchase; all evidently cheerful and happy. nor could it fail to occur to the mind that their present condition furnished the most satisfactory answer to that objection to the general emancipation of slaves, founded on their alleged unfitness to value and improve the benefits of liberty. "though of the same race and possessing the same general traits of character as the negroes of the other west india islands, they are already distinguished from them by habits of industry and activity, such as slaves are seldom known to exhibit. as they would not suffer, so they do not require, the attendance of one acting in the capacity of a driver with the instrument of punishment in his hand." "in guadaloupe, the conduct of the freed negroes was equally satisfactory. the perfect subordination which was established and the industry which prevailed there, are proved by the official reports of the governor of guadaloupe, to the french government. in liberty was proclaimed universally to the slaves in that island, and during their ten years of freedom, their governors bore testimony to their regular industry and uninterrupted submission to the laws." "during the first american war, a number of slaves ran away from their north american masters and joined the british army. when peace came, it was determined to give them their liberty, and to settle them in nova scotia, upon grants of land, as british subjects and as free men. their number, comprehending men, women and children, was two thousand and upwards. some of them worked upon little portions of land as their own; others worked as carpenters; others became fishermen; and others worked for hire in various ways. in time, having embraced christianity, they raised places of worship of their own, and had ministers of their own from their own body. they led a harmless life, and gained the character of an industrious and honest people from their white neighbors. a few years afterwards, the land in nova scotia being found too poor to answer, and the climate too cold for their constitutions, a number of them to the amount of between thirteen and fourteen hundred, volunteered to form a new colony which was then first thought of at sierra leone, to which place they were accordingly conveyed. many hundreds of the negroes who had formed the west indian black regiments were removed in to sierra leone, where they were set at liberty at once, and founded the villages of waterloo, hastings, and others. several hundred maroons, (runaway slaves and their descendants,) being exiled from jamaica, were removed in to sierra leone, where they were landed with no other property than the clothes which they wore and the muskets which they carried in their hands. a body of revolted slaves were banished from barbadoes in , and sent also to sierra leone. the rest of the population of this colony consists almost entirely of negroes who have been recaptured from slave ships, and brought to sierra leone in the lowest state of misery, debility and degradation: naked, diseased, destitute, wholly ignorant of the english language, in this wretched, helpless condition, they have been suddenly made free, and put into possession at once of the rights and privileges of british subjects. all these instances of sudden emancipation have taken place in a colony where the disproportion between black and white is more than a hundred to one. yet this mixed population of suddenly emancipated slaves--runaway slaves--criminal slaves--and degraded recaptured negroes, are in their free condition living in order, tranquillity and comfort, and many of them in affluence." "during the last american war, seven hundred and seventy-four slaves escaped from their masters, and were at the termination of the war settled in trinidad as free laborers, where they are earning their own livelihood with industry and good conduct. the following extract of a letter, received in from trinidad by mr. pownall, will show the usefulness and respectability of these liberated negroes. 'a field negro brings four hundred dollars, but most of the work is done by free blacks and people from the main at a much cheaper rate; and as these are generally employed by foreigners, this accounts for their succeeding better than our own countrymen, who are principally from the old islands, and are unaccustomed to any other management than that of slaves; however, they are coming into it fast. in trinidad, there are upwards of fifteen thousand free people of color; _there is not a single pauper amongst them_; they live independently and comfortably, and nearly half of the property of the island is said to be in their hands. it is admitted that they are highly respectable in character, and are rapidly advancing in knowledge and refinement.' mr. mitchell, a sugar planter who had resided twenty-seven years in trinidad, and who is the superintendent of the liberated negroes there, says he knows of no instance of a manumitted slave not maintaining himself. in a paper printed by the house of commons in , (no. ,) he says of the liberated blacks under his superintendence, that each of them possessed an allotment of land which he cultivated, and on which he raised provisions and other articles for himself and his family; his wife and children aiding him in the work. a great part, however, of the time of the men (the women attending to the domestic menage) was freely given to laboring on the neighboring plantations, on which they worked not in general by the day, but by the piece. mr. mitchell says that their work is well executed, and that they can earn as much as four shillings a day. if, then, these men who have land on which they can support themselves are yet willing to work for hire, how is it possible to doubt that in case of general emancipation, the freed negroes who would have no land of their own would gladly work for wages?" "a few years ago, about one hundred and fifty negro slaves, at different times, succeeded in making their escape from kentucky into canada. captain stuart, who lived in upper canada from to , was generally acquainted with them, and employed several of them in various ways. he found them as good and as trustworthy laborers, in every respect, as any emigrants from the islands, or from the united states, or as the natives of the country. in , he again visited that country, and found that their numbers had increased by new refugees to about three hundred. they had purchased a tract of woodland, a few miles from amherstburgh, and were settled on it, had formed a little village, had a minister of their own number, color, and choice, a good old man of some talent, with whom captain stuart was well acquainted, and though poor, were living soberly, honestly and industriously, and were peacefully and usefully getting their own living. in consequence of the revolution in colombia, all the slaves who joined the colombian armies, amounting to a considerable number, were declared free. general bolivar enfranchised his own slaves to the amount of between seven and eight hundred, and many proprietors followed his example. at that time colombia was overrun by hostile armies, and the masters were often obliged to abandon their property. the black population (including indians) amounted to nine hundred thousand persons. of these, a large number was suddenly emancipated, and what has been the effect? where the opportunities of insurrection have been so frequent, and so tempting, what has been the effect? m. ravenga declares that the effect has been a _degree of docility on the part of the blacks, and a degree of security on the part of the whites_, unknown in any preceding period of the history of colombia." "dr. walsh[v] states that in brazil there are six hundred thousand enfranchised persons, either africans or of african descent, who were either slaves themselves or are the descendants of slaves. he says they are, generally speaking, 'well conducted and industrious persons, who compose indiscriminately different orders of the community. there are among them merchants, farmers, doctors, lawyers, priests and officers of different ranks. every considerable town in the interior has regiments composed of them.' the benefits arising from them, he adds, have disposed the whites to think of making free the whole negro population." [footnote v: walsh's notes on brazil, vol. ii. page .] "mr. koster, an englishman living in brazil, confirms mr. walsh's statement.[w] 'there are black regiments,' he observes, 'composed entirely and exclusively of black creole soldiers, commanded by black creole officers from the corporal to the colonel. i have seen the several guard-houses of the town occupied by these troops. far from any apprehension being entertained on this score, it is well known that the quietude of this country, and the feeling of safety which every one possesses, although surrounded by slaves, proceed from the contentedness of the free people.'" [footnote w: amelioration of slavery, published in no. of the pamphleteer.] "the actual condition of the hundred thousand emancipated blacks and persons of color in the british west india colonies, certainly gives no reason to apprehend that if a general emancipation should take place, the newly freed slaves would not be able and willing to support themselves. on this point the returns from fourteen of the slave colonies, laid before the house of commons, in , give satisfactory information: they include a period of five years from january , , to december , , and give the following account of the state of pauperism in each of these colonies. "_bahamas._--the only establishment in the colony for the relief of the poor, appears to be a hospital or poor-house. the number passing through the hospital annually was, on the average, fifteen free black and colored persons and thirteen whites. the number of free black and colored persons is about _double_ that of the whites; so that the proportion of white to that of colored paupers in the bahamas, is nearly two to one. "_barbadoes._--the average annual number of persons supported in the nine parishes, from which returns have been sent, is nine hundred and ninety-eight, all of whom, with a single exception, are white. the probable amount of white persons in the island is fourteen thousand five hundred--of free black and colored persons, four thousand five hundred. "_berbice._--the white population appears to amount to about six hundred, the free black and colored to nine hundred. in , it appears that there were seventeen white and two colored paupers. "_demerara._--the free black and colored population, it is supposed, are twice the number of the whites. the average number of white pensioners on the poor fund appears to be fifty-one, that of colored pensioners twenty-six. in occasional relief, the white paupers receive about three times as much as the colored. "_dominica._--the white population is estimated at about nine hundred; the free black and colored population was ascertained, in , to amount to three thousand one hundred and twenty-two. during the five years ending in november, , thirty of the former class had received relief from the poor fund, and only ten of the latter, making the proportion of more than nine white paupers to one colored one in the same number of persons. "_jamaica_ is supposed to contain twenty thousand whites, and double that number of free black and colored persons. the returns of paupers from the parishes which have sent returns, exhibit the average number of white paupers to be two hundred ninety-five, of black and colored paupers, one hundred and forty-eight; the proportion of white paupers to those of the other class, according to the whole population, being as four to one. "_nevis._--the white population is estimated at about eight hundred, the free black and colored at about eighteen hundred. the number of white paupers receiving relief is stated to be twenty-five; that of the other class, two; being in the proportion of twenty-eight to one. "_st. christophers._--the average number of white paupers appears to be one hundred and fifteen; that of the other class, fourteen; although there is no doubt that the population of the latter class greatly outnumbers that of the former. "_tortola._--in the free black and colored population amounted to six hundred and seven. the whites are estimated at about three hundred. the number of white paupers relieved appears to be twenty-nine: of the other class, four: being in the proportion of fourteen to one. "in short, in a population of free black and colored persons amounting to from eighty thousand to ninety thousand, only two hundred and twenty-nine persons have received any relief whatever as paupers during the years , to ; and these chiefly the concubines and children of destitute whites; while of about sixty-five thousand whites, in the same time, sixteen hundred and seventy-five received relief. the proportion, therefore, of enfranchised persons receiving any kind of aid as paupers in the west indies, is about one in three hundred and seventy: whereas the proportion among the whites of the west indies is about one in forty; and in england, generally one in twelve or thirteen--in some counties, one in eight or nine. "can any one read these statements, made by the colonists themselves, and still think it necessary to keep the negroes in slavery, lest they should be unable to maintain themselves if free? "in , the assembly of grenada passed a resolution, declaring that the free colored inhabitants of these colonies, were a respectable, well behaved class of the community, were possessed of considerable property, and were entitled to have their claims viewed with favor. "in , when jamaica had been disturbed for months by unfounded alarms relating to the slaves, a committee of the legislative assembly declared that 'the conduct of the freed people evinced not only zeal and alacrity, but a warm interest in the welfare of the colony, and every way identified them with those who are the most zealous promoters of its internal security.' the assembly confirmed this favorable report a few months ago, by passing a bill conferring on all free black and colored persons the same privileges, civil and political, with the white inhabitants. "in the orders issued in , by the british government, in st. lucia, placing all freemen of african descent upon the footing of equal rights with their white neighbors, the loyalty and good conduct of that class are distinctly acknowledged, and they are declared 'to have shown, hitherto, readiness and zeal in coming forward for the maintenance of order.' as similar orders have been issued for trinidad, berbice, and the cape of good hope, it may be presumed that the conduct of the free blacks and colored persons in those colonies has likewise given satisfaction to government. "in the south african commercial advertiser, of the th of february, , we are happy to find recorded one more of the numerous proofs which experience affords of the safety and expediency of immediate abolition. "_three thousand_ prize negroes have received their _freedom_; _four hundred in one day_; but not the least difficulty or disorder occurred;--_servants found masters--masters hired servants; all gained homes, and at night scarcely an idler was to be seen_. in the last month, one hundred and fifty were liberated under precisely similar circumstances, and with the same result. these facts are within our own observation; and to state that sudden and abrupt emancipation would create disorder and distress to those you mean to serve, is not reason, but the plea of all men who are adverse to emancipation. "as far as it can be ascertained from the various documents which have been cited, and from others, which, from the fear of making this account too long, are not particularly referred to, it appears that in every place and time in which emancipation has been tried, _not one drop of white blood has been shed, or even endangered by it_; that it has everywhere greatly improved the condition of the blacks, and in most places has removed them from a state of degradation and suffering to one of respectability and happiness. can it, then, be justifiable, on account of any vague fears of we know not what evils, to reject this just, salutary and hitherto uninjurious measure; and to cling to a system which we know, by certain experience, is producing crime, misery and death, during every day of its existence?" in mexico, september , , the following decree was issued; "slavery is for ever abolished in the republic; and consequently all those individuals, who, until this day, looked upon themselves as slaves, are free." the prices of slaves were settled by the magistrates, and they were required to work with their master, for stipulated wages, until the debt was paid. if the slave wished to change masters he could do so, if another person would take upon himself the liability of payment, in exchange for his labor; and provided the master was secured against loss, he was obliged to consent to the transaction. similar transfers might take place to accommodate the master, but never without the consent of the servant. the law regulated the allowance of provisions, clothing, &c., and if the negro wished for more, he might have it charged, and deducted from his wages; but lest masters should take advantage of the improvidence of their servants, it was enacted, that all charges exceeding half the earnings of any slave, or family of slaves, should be void in law. the duties of servants were defined as clearly as possible by the laws, and magistrates appointed to enforce them; but the master was entrusted with no power to punish, in any manner whatever. it was expressly required that the masters should furnish every servant with suitable means of religious and intellectual instruction. a vermont gentleman, who had been a slaveholder in mississippi, and afterward resident at matamoras, in mexico, speaks with enthusiasm of the beneficial effects of these regulations, and thinks the example highly important to the united states. he declares that the value of the plantations was soon increased by the introduction of free labor. "no one was made poor by it. it gave property to the servant, and increased the riches of the master." the republics of buenos ayres, chili, bolivia, peru, colombia, guatemala and monte video, likewise took steps for the abolition of slavery, soon after they themselves came into possession of freedom. in some of these states, means were taken for the instruction of young slaves, who were all enfranchised by law, on arriving at a certain age; in others, universal emancipation is to take place after a certain date, fixed by the laws. the empire of brazil, and the united states are the only american nations, that have taken no measures to destroy this most pestilent system; and i have recently been assured by intelligent brazilians, that public opinion in that country is now so strongly opposed to slavery that something effectual will be done toward abolition, at the very next meeting of the cortes. if this _should_ take place, the united states will stand alone in most hideous pre-eminence. when necker wrote his famous book on french finances, he suggested a universal compact of nations to suppress the slave trade. the exertions of england alone have since nearly realized his generous plan, though avarice and cunning do still manage to elude her vigilance and power. she has obtained from spain, portugal, france, holland, and denmark, a mutual right to search all vessels suspected of being engaged in this wicked traffic.[x] i believe i am correct in saying that ours is now the _only_ flag, which can protect this iniquity from the just indignation of england. when a mutual right of search was proposed to us, a strong effort was made to blind the people with their own prejudices, by urging the old complaint of the impressment of seamen; and alas, when has an unsuccessful appeal been made to passion and prejudice? it is evident that nothing on earth ought to prevent co-operation in a cause like this. besides, "it is useless for us to attempt to linger on the skirts of the age that is departing. the action of existing causes and principles is steady and progressive. it cannot be retarded, unless we would 'blow out all the moral lights around us;' and if we refuse to keep up with it, we shall be towed in the wake, whether we are willing or not."[y] [footnote x: the british government actually paid spain four hundred thousand pounds, as an indemnity to those engaged in the slave trade, on condition that the traffic should be abolished by law throughout her dominions.] [footnote y: speech of mr. brodnax, of virginia.] when i think of the colonies established along the coast of africa--of algiers, conquered and civilized--of the increasing wealth and intelligence of hayti--of the powerful efforts now being made all over the world to sway public opinion in favor of universal freedom--of the certain emancipation of slaves in all british colonies--and above all, the evident union of purpose existing between the french and english cabinets,--i can most plainly see the hand of god working for the deliverance of the negroes. we may resist the blessed influence if we will; but we cannot conquer. every year the plot is thickening around us, and the nations of the earth, either consciously or unconsciously, are hastening the crisis. the defenders of the slave system are situated like the man in the iron shroud, the walls of whose prison daily moved nearer and nearer, by means of powerful machinery, until they crushed all that remained within them. but to return to the subject of emancipation. nearly every one of the states north of mason and dixon's line once held slaves. these slaves were manumitted without bloodshed, and there was no trouble in making free colored laborers obey the laws. i am aware that this desirable change must be attended with much more difficulty in the southern states, simply because the evil has been suffered until it is fearfully overgrown; but it must not be forgotten that while they are using their ingenuity and strength to sustain it for the present, the mischief is increasing more and more rapidly. if this be not a good time to apply a remedy, when will be a better? they must annihilate slavery, or slavery will annihilate them. it seems to be forgotten that emancipation from tyranny is not an emancipation from law; the negro, after he is made free, is restrained from the commission of crimes by the same laws which restrain other citizens: if he steals, he will be imprisoned: if he commits murder, he will be hung. it will, perhaps, be said that the free people of color in the slave portions of _this_ country are peculiarly ignorant, idle, and vicious? it may be so: for our laws and our influence are peculiarly calculated to make them bad members of society. but we trust the civil power to keep in order the great mass of ignorant and vicious foreigners continually pouring into the country; and if the laws are strong enough for this, may they not be trusted to restrain the free blacks? in those countries where the slaves codes are mild, where emancipation is rendered easy, and inducements are offered to industry, insurrections are not feared, and free people of color form a valuable portion of the community. if we persist in acting in opposition to the established laws of nature and reason, how can we expect favorable results? but it is pronounced _unsafe_ to change our policy. every progressive improvement in the world has been resisted by despotism, on the ground that changes were dangerous. the emperor of austria thinks there is need of keeping his subjects ignorant, that good order may be preserved. but what he calls good order, is sacrificing the happiness of many to the advancement of a few; and no doubt knowledge _is_ unfavorable to the continuation of such a state of things. it is precisely so with the slaveholder; he insists that the welfare of millions must be subordinate to his private interest, or else all good order is destroyed. it is much to be regretted that washington enfranchised his slaves in the manner he did; because their poverty and indolence have furnished an ever ready argument for those who are opposed to emancipation.[z] to turn slaves adrift in their old age, unaccustomed to take care of themselves, without employment, and in a community where all the prejudices were strongly arrayed against free negroes, was certainly an unhappy experiment. [footnote z: with all my unbounded reverence for washington, i have, i confess, sometimes found it hard to forgive him for not manumitting his slaves long before his death. a fact which has lately come to my knowledge, gave me great joy; for it furnishes a reason for what had appeared to me unpardonable. it appears that washington possessed a gang of negroes in right of his wife, with which his own negroes had intermarried. by the marriage settlement, the former were limited, in default of issue of the marriage, to the representatives of mrs. washington at her death; so that her negroes could not be enfranchised. an unwillingness to separate parents and children, husbands and wives, induced washington to postpone the manumission of his own slaves. this motive is briefly, and as it were accidentally, referred to in his will.] but if slaves were allowed to redeem themselves progressively, by purchasing one day of the week after another, as they can in the spanish colonies, habits of industry would be gradually formed, and enterprise would be stimulated, by their successful efforts to acquire a little property. and if they afterward worked better as free laborers than they now do as slaves, it would surely benefit their masters as well as themselves. that strong-hearted republican, la fayette, when he returned to france in , felt strongly urged by a sense of duty, to effect the emancipation of slaves in the colony of cayenne. as most of the property in the colony belonged to the crown, he was enabled to prosecute his plans with less difficulty than he could otherwise have done. thirty thousand dollars were expended in the purchase of plantations and slaves for the sole purpose of proving by experiment the safety and good policy of conferring freedom. being afraid to trust the agents generally employed in the colony, he engaged a prudent and amiable man at paris to undertake the business. this gentleman, being fully instructed in la fayette's plans and wishes, sailed for cayenne. the first thing he did when he arrived, was to collect all the cart-whips, and other instruments of punishment, and have them burnt amid a general assemblage of the slaves; he then made known to them the laws and rules by which the estates would be governed. the object of all the regulations was to encourage industry by making it the means of freedom. this new kind of stimulus had a most favorable effect on the slaves, and gave promise of complete success. but the judicious agent died in consequence of the climate, and the french revolution threw every thing into a state of convulsion at home and abroad. the new republic of france bestowed unconditional emancipation upon the slaves in her colonies; and had she persevered in her promises with good faith and discretion, the horrors of st. domingo might have been spared. the emancipated negroes in cayenne came in a body to the agents, and declared that if the plantations still belonged to general la fayette they were ready and willing to resume their labors for the benefit of one who had treated them like men, and cheered their toil by making it a certain means of freedom. i cannot forbear paying a tribute of respect to the venerable moses brown, of providence, rhode island, now living in virtuous and vigorous old age. he was a slave-owner in early life, and, unless i have been misinformed, a slave-dealer, likewise. when his attention became roused to religious subjects, these facts troubled his conscience. he easily and promptly decided that a christian could not consistently keep slaves; but he did not dare to trust his own nature to determine the best manner of doing justice to those he had wronged. he therefore appointed a committee, before whom he laid a statement of the expenses he had incurred for the food and clothing of his slaves, and of the number of years, during which he had had the exclusive benefit of their labors. he conceived that he had no right to charge them for their freedom, because god had given them an inalienable right to that possession, from the very hour of their birth; but he wished the committee to decide what wages he ought to pay them for the work they had done. he cordially accepted the decision of the committee, paid the negroes their dues, and left them to choose such employments as they thought best. many of the grateful slaves preferred to remain with him as hired laborers. it is hardly necessary to add that moses brown is a quaker. it is commonly urged against emancipation that white men cannot possibly labor under the sultry climate of our most southerly states. this is a good reason for not sending the slaves out of the country, but it is no argument against making them free. no doubt we do need their labor; but we ought to pay for it. why should their presence be any more disagreeable as hired laborers, than as slaves? in boston, we continually meet colored people in the streets, and employ them in various ways, without being endangered or even incommoded. there is no moral impossibility in a perfectly kind and just relation between the two races. if white men think otherwise, let _them_ remove from climates which nature has made too hot for their constitutions. wealth or pleasure often induces men to change their abode; an emigration for the sake of humanity would be an agreeable novelty. algernon sidney said, "when i cannot live in my own country, but by such means as are worse than dying in it, i think god shows me that i ought to keep myself out of it." but the slaveholders try to stop all the efforts of benevolence, by vociferous complaints about infringing upon their _property_; and justice is so subordinate to self-interest, that the unrighteous claim is silently allowed, and even openly supported, by those who ought to blush for themselves, as christians and as republicans. let men _simplify_ their arguments--let them confine themselves to one single question, "what right can a man have to compel his neighbor to toil without reward, and leave the same hopeless inheritance to his children, in order that _he_ may live in luxury and indolence?" let the doctrines of _expediency_ return to the father of lies, who invented them, and gave them power to turn every way for evil. the christian knows no appeal from the decisions of god, plainly uttered in his conscience. the laws of venice allowed _property_ in human beings; and upon this ground shylock demanded his pound of flesh, cut nearest to the heart. those who advertise mothers to be sold separately from their children, likewise claim a right to human flesh; and they too cut it nearest to the _heart_. the personal liberty of one man can never be the property of another. all ideas of property are founded upon the mutual agreement of the human race, and are regulated by such laws as are deemed most conducive to the general good. in slavery there is no _mutual_ agreement; for in that case it would not be slavery. the negro has no voice in the matter--no alternative is presented to him--no bargain is made. the beginning of his bondage is the triumph of power over weakness; its continuation is the tyranny of knowledge over ignorance. one man may as well claim an exclusive right to the air another man breathes, as to the possession of his limbs and faculties. personal freedom is the birthright of every human being. god himself made it the first great law of creation; and no human enactment can render it null and void. "if," says price, "you have a right to make another man a slave, he has a right to make you a slave;" and ramsay says, "if we have in the beginning no right to sell a man, no person has a right to buy him." am i reminded that the _laws_ acknowledge these vested rights in human flesh? i answer the laws themselves were made by individuals, who wished to justify the wrong and profit by it. we ought never to have recognised a claim, which cannot exist according to the laws of god; it is our duty to atone for the error; and the sooner we make a beginning, the better will it be for us all. must our arguments be based upon justice and mercy to the slaveholders _only_? have the negroes no right to ask compensation for their years and years of unrewarded toil? it is true that they have food and clothing, of such kind, and in such quantities, as their masters think proper. but it is evident that this is not the worth of their labor; for the proprietors can give from one hundred to five and six hundred dollars for a slave, beside the expense of supporting those who are too old or too young to labor. they could not _afford_ to do this, if the slave did not earn more than he receives in food and clothing. if the laws allowed the slave to redeem himself progressively, the owner would receive his money back again; and the negro's years of uncompensated toil would be more than lawful interest. the southerners are much in the habit of saying they really wish for emancipation, if it could be effected in safety; but i search in vain for any proof that these assertions are sincere. (when i say this i speak collectively; there are, no doubt, individual exceptions.) instead of profiting by the experience of other nations, the slave-owners, as a body, have resolutely shut their eyes against the light, because they preferred darkness. every change in the laws has riveted the chain closer and closer upon their victims; every attempt to make the voice of reason and benevolence heard has been overpowered with threatening and abuse. a cautious vigilance against improvement, a keen-eyed jealousy of all freedom of opinion, has characterized their movements. there _can_ be no doubt that the _majority_ wish to perpetuate slavery. they support it with loud bravado, or insidious sophistry, or pretended regret; but they never abandon the point. their great desire is to keep the public mind turned in another direction. they are well aware that the ugly edifice is built of rotten timbers, and stands on slippery sands--if the loud voice of public opinion could be made to reverberate through its dreary chambers, the unsightly frame would fall, never to rise again. since so many of their own citizens admit that the policy of this system is unsound, and its effects injurious, it is wonderful that they do not begin to destroy the "costly iniquity" in good earnest. but long-continued habit is very powerful; and in the habit of slavery are concentrated the strongest evils of human nature--vanity, pride, love of power, licentiousness, and indolence. there is a minority, particularly in virginia and kentucky, who sincerely wish a change for the better; but they are overpowered, and have not even ventured to speak, except in the great virginia debate of . in the course of that debate, the spirit of slavery showed itself without disguise. the members _talked_ of emancipation; but with one or two exceptions, they merely wanted to emancipate, or rather to send away, the _surplus_ population, which they could neither keep nor sell, and which might prove dangerous. they wished to get rid of the consequences of the evil, but were determined to keep the evil itself. some members from western virginia, who spoke in a better spirit, and founded their arguments on the broad principles of justice, not on the mere convenience of a certain class, were repelled with angry excitement. the eastern districts threatened to separate from the western, if the latter persisted in expressing opinions opposed to the continuance of slavery. from what i have uniformly heard of the comparative prosperity of eastern and western virginia, i should think this was very much like the town's poor threatening to separate from the town. the mere circumstance of daring to debate on the subject was loudly reprimanded; and there was a good deal of indignation expressed that "reckless editors, and imprudent correspondents, had presumed so far as to allude to it in the columns of a newspaper." discussion in the legislature was strongly deprecated until a plan had been formed; yet they must have known that no plan could be formed, in a republican government, without previous discussion. the proposal contained within itself that self-perpetuating power, for which the schemes of slave-owners are so remarkable. mr. gholson sarcastically rebuked the restless spirit of improvement, by saying "he really had been under the _impression_ that he _owned_ his slaves. he had lately purchased four women and ten children, in whom he thought he had obtained a great bargain; for he supposed they were his own property, _as were his brood mares_." to which mr. roane replied, "i own a considerable number of slaves, and am perfectly sure they are mine; and i am sorry to add that i have occasionally, though not often, been compelled to make _them_ feel the _impression_ of that ownership. i would not touch a hair on the head of the gentleman's slave, any sooner than i would a hair in the _mane of his horse_." mr. roane likewise remarked, "i think slavery as much a correlative of liberty as cold is of heat. history, experience, observation and reason, have taught me that the torch of liberty has ever burned brighter when surrounded by the dark and filthy, yet _nutritious_ atmosphere of slavery! i do not believe in the fanfaronade that all men are by nature equal. but these abstract speculations have nothing to do with the question, which i am willing to view as one of cold, sheer state policy, in which the safety, prosperity, and happiness of the _whites alone_ are concerned." would mr. roane carry out his logic into all its details? would he cherish intemperance, that sobriety might shine the brighter? would he encourage theft, in order to throw additional lustre upon honesty? yet there seems to be precisely the same relation between these things that there is between slavery and freedom. such sentiments sound oddly enough in the mouth of a republican of the nineteenth century! when mr. wirt, before the supreme federal court, said that slavery was contrary to the laws of nature and of nations, and that the law of south carolina concerning seizing colored seamen, was unconstitutional, the governor directed several reproofs at him. in , mr. king laid on the table of the united states senate a resolution to appropriate the proceeds of the public lands to the emancipation of slaves, and the removal of free negroes, provided the same could be done under and agreeable to, the laws of the respective states. he said he did not wish it to be debated, but considered at some future time. yet kindly and cautiously as this movement was made, the whole south resented it, and governor troup called to the legislature and people of georgia, to "stand to their arms." in , the people of baltimore presented a memorial to congress, praying that slaves born in the district of columbia after a given time, specified by law, might become free on arriving at a certain age. a famous member from south carolina called this an "impertinent interference, and a violation of the principles of _liberty_," and the petition was not even _committed_. another southern gentleman in congress objected to the panama mission because bolivar had proclaimed liberty to the slaves. mr. hayne, in his reply to mr. webster, says: "there is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is constantly walking to and fro about the earth, seeking whom it may devour; it is the spirit of _false philanthropy_. when this is infused into the bosom of a statesman (if one so possessed can be called a statesman) it converts him at once into a visionary enthusiast. then he indulges in golden dreams of national greatness and prosperity. he discovers that 'liberty is power,' and not content with vast schemes of improvement at home, which it would bankrupt the treasury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign lands to fulfil 'obligations to the human race, by inculcating the principles of civil and religious liberty,' &c. this spirit had long been busy with the slaves of the south; and it is even now displaying itself in vain efforts to drive the government from its _wise_ policy in relation to the indians." governor miller, of south carolina, speaking of the tariff and "the remedy," asserted that slave labor was preferable to free, and challenged the free states to competition on fair terms. governor hamilton, of the same state, in delivering an address on the same subject, uttered a eulogy upon slavery; concluding as usual that nothing but the tariff--nothing but the rapacity of northerners, could have nullified such great blessings of providence, as the cheap labor and fertile soil of carolina. mr. calhoun, in his late speech in the senate, alludes in a tone of strong disapprobation, and almost of reprimand, to the remarkable debate in the virginia legislature; the occurrence of which offence he charges to the opinions and policy of the north. if these things evince any real desire to do away the evil, i cannot discover it. there are many who inherit the misfortune of slavery, and would gladly renounce the miserable birthright if they could; for their sakes, i wish the majority were guided by a better spirit and a wiser policy. but this state of things cannot last. the operations of divine providence are hastening the crisis, and move which way we will, it must come in some form or other; if we take warning in time, it may come as a blessing. the spirit of philanthropy, which mr. hayne calls 'false,' _is_ walking to and fro in the earth; and it will not pause, or turn back, till it has fastened the golden band of love and peace around a sinful world. the sun of knowledge and liberty is already high in the heavens--it is peeping into every dark nook and corner of the earth--and the african cannot be always excluded from its beams. the advocates of slavery remind me of a comparison i once heard differently applied: even thus does a dog, unwilling to follow his master's carriage, bite the wheels, in a vain effort to stop its progress. chapter iv. influence of slavery on the politics of the united states. _casca._ i believe these are portentous things unto the climate that they point upon. _cicero._ indeed it is a strange disposed time: but men may construe things after their fashion, clean from the purpose of the things themselves. julius cÃ�sar. when slave representation was admitted into the constitution of the united states, a wedge was introduced, which has ever since effectually sundered the sympathies and interests of different portions of the country. by this step, the slave states acquired an undue advantage, which they have maintained with anxious jealousy, and in which the free states have never perfectly acquiesced. the latter would probably never have made the concession, so contrary to their principles, and the express provisions of their state constitutions, if powerful motives had not been offered by the south. these consisted, first, in taking upon themselves a proportion of _direct taxes_, increased in the same ratio as their representation was increased by the concession to their slaves. second.--in conceding to the small states an entire equality in the senate. this was not indeed proposed as an item of the adjustment, but it operated as such; for the small states, with the exception of georgia, (which in fact expected to become one of the largest,) lay in the north, and were either free, or likely soon to become so. during most of the contest, massachusetts, then one of the large states, voted with virginia and pennsylvania for unequal representation in the senate; but on the final question she was divided, and gave no vote. there was probably an increasing tendency to view this part of the compromise, not merely as a concession of the large to the small states, but also of the largely slaveholding, to the free, or slightly slaveholding states. the two questions of slave representation with a proportional increase of direct taxes, and of perfect equality in the senate, were always connected together; and a large committee of compromise, consisting of one member from each state, expressly recommended that both provisions should be adopted, but neither of them without the other. such were the equivalents, directly or indirectly offered, by which the free states were induced to consent to slave representation. it was not without very considerable struggles that they overcame their repugnance to admitting such a principle in the construction of a republican government. mr. gerry, of massachusetts, _at first_ exclaimed against it with evident horror, but _at last_, he was chairman of the committee of compromise. even the slave states themselves, seem to have been a little embarrassed with the discordant element. a curious proof of this is given in the language of the constitution. the ugly feature is covered as cautiously as the deformed visage of the veiled prophet. the words are as follows: "representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the states according to their respective numbers; which shall be ascertained by adding to the whole number of free persons, _including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons_." in this most elaborate sentence, a foreigner would discern no slavery. none but those already acquainted with the serpent, would be able to discover its sting. governor wright, of maryland, a contemporary of all these transactions, and a slaveholder, after delivering a eulogy upon the kindness of masters[aa] expressed himself as follows: "the constitution guaranties to us the services of these persons. it does not say _slaves_; for the feelings of the framers of that glorious instrument would not suffer them to use _that_ word, on account of its anti-congeniality--its incongeniality to the idea of a constitution for freemen. it says, '_persons held to service, or labor_.'"--_governor wright's speech in congress, march, ._ [footnote aa: it was stated, at the time, that this person frequently steamed his negroes, in order to reduce their size to an equal weight for riding race-horses. this practice is understood to be common at the south.] this high praise bestowed on the _form_ of our constitution, reminds me of an anecdote. a clergyman in a neighboring state, being obliged to be absent from his parish, procured a young man to supply his place, who was very worldly in his inclinations, and very gay in his manners. when the minister returned, his people said, somewhat reproachfully, "how could you provide such a man to preach for us; _you might at least have left us a hypocrite_." while all parties agreed to act in opposition to the _principles_ of justice, they all concurred to pay homage to them by hypocrisy of _language_! men are willing to try all means to _appear_ honest, except the simple experiment of _being_ so. it is true, there were individuals who distrusted this compromise at the time, if they did not wholly disapprove of it. it is said that washington, as he was walking thoughtfully near the schuylkill, was met by a member of the convention, to whom, in the course of conversation, he acknowledged that he was meditating whether it would not be better to separate, without proposing a constitution to the people; for he was in great doubt whether the frame of government, which was now nearly completed, would be better for them, than to trust to the course of events, and await future emergencies. this anecdote was derived from an authentic source, and i have no doubt of its truth: neither is there any doubt that washington had in his mind this great compromise, the pivot on which the system of government was to turn. if avarice was induced to shake hands with injustice, from the expectation of increased direct taxation upon the south, she gained little by the bargain. with the exception of two brief periods, during the french war, and the last war with england, the revenue of the united states has been raised by _duties on imports_. the heavy debts and expenditures of the several states, which they had been accustomed to provide for by direct taxes, and which they probably expected to see provided for by the same means in time to come, have been all paid by duties on imports. the greatest proportion of these duties are, of course, paid by the free states; for here, the poorest laborer daily consumes several articles of foreign production, of which from one-eighth to one-half the price is a tax paid to government. the clothing of the slave population increases the revenue very little, and their food almost none at all. wherever free labor and slave labor exist under the same government, there must be a perpetual clashing of interests. the legislation required for one, is, in its spirit and maxims, diametrically opposed to that required for the other. hence mr. madison predicted, in the convention which formed our federal constitution, that the contests would be between the great geographical sections; that such had been the division, even during the war and the confederacy. in the same convention, charles pinckney, a man of great sagacity, spoke of the equal representation of large and small states as a matter of slight consequence; no difficulties, he said, would ever arise on that point; the question would always be between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding interests. if the pressure of common danger, and the sense of individual weakness, during our contest for independence, could not bring the states to mutual confidence, nothing ever can do it, except a change of character. from the adoption of the constitution to the present time, the breach has been gradually widening. the south has pursued a uniform and sagacious system of policy, which, in all its bearings, direct and indirect, has been framed for the preservation and extension of slave power. this system has, in the very nature of the two things, constantly interfered with the interests of the free states; and hitherto the south have always gained the victory. this has principally been accomplished by yoking all important questions together _in pairs_, and strenuously resisting the passage of one, unless accompanied by the other. the south was desirous of removing the seat of government from philadelphia to washington, because the latter is in a slave territory, where republican representatives and magistrates can bring their slaves without danger of losing them, or having them contaminated by the principles of universal liberty. the assumption of the state debts, likely to bring considerable money back to the north, was _linked_ with this question, and both were carried. the admission of maine into the union as a free state, and of missouri as a slave state, were two more of these siamese twins, not allowed to be separated from each other. a numerous smaller progeny may be found in the laying of imposts, and the successive adjustment of protection to navigation, the fisheries, agriculture, and manufactures. there would perhaps be no harm in this system of compromises, or any objection to its continuing in infinite series, if no injustice were done to a third party, which is never heard or noticed, except for purposes of oppression. i reverence the wisdom of our early legislators; but they certainly did very wrong to admit slavery as an element into a free constitution; and to sacrifice the known and _declared_ rights of a third and weaker party, in order to cement a union between two stronger ones. such an arrangement ought not, and could not, come to good. it has given the slave states a controlling power which they will always keep, so long as we remain together. president john adams was of opinion, that this ascendency might be attributed to an early mistake, originating in what he called the "frankford advice." when the first congress was summoned in philadelphia, doctor rush, and two or three other eminent men of pennsylvania, met the massachusetts delegates at frankford, a few miles from philadelphia, and conjured them, as they valued the success of the common cause, to let no measure of importance _appear_ to originate with the north, to yield precedence in all things to virginia, and lead her if possible to commit herself to the revolution. above all, they begged that not a word might be said about "independence;" for that a strong prejudice already existed against the delegates from new-england, on account of a supposed design to throw off their allegiance to the mother country. "the frankford advice" was followed. the delegates from virginia took the lead on all occasions. his son, john q. adams, finds a more substantial reason. in his speech on the tariff, february , , he said: "not three days since, mr. clayton, of georgia, called that species of population (viz. slaves) the machinery of the south. now that machinery had twenty odd representatives[ab] in that hall,--not elected by the machinery, but by those who owned it. and if he should go back to the history of this government from its foundation, it would be easy to prove that its decisions had been affected, in general, by less majorities than that. nay, he might go farther, and insist that that very representation had ever been, in fact, _the ruling power of this government_." [footnote ab: there are now twenty-five _odd_ representatives--that is, representatives of slaves.] "the history of the union has afforded a continual proof that this representation of property, which they enjoy, as well in the election of president and vice-president of the united states, as upon the floor of the house of representatives, has secured to the slaveholding states the entire control of the national policy, and, almost without exception, the possession of the highest executive office of the union. always united in the purpose of regulating the affairs of the whole union by the standard of the slaveholding interest, their disproportionate numbers in the electoral colleges have enabled them, in ten out of twelve quadrennial elections, to confer the chief magistracy upon one of their own citizens. their suffrages at every election, without exception, have been almost exclusively confined to a candidate of their own caste. availing themselves of the divisions which, from the nature of man, always prevail in communities entirely free, they have sought and found auxiliaries in the other quarters of the union, by associating the passions of parties, and the ambition of individuals, with their own purposes, to establish and maintain throughout the confederated nation the slaveholding policy. the office of vice-president, a station of high dignity, but of little other than contingent power, had been usually, by their indulgence, conceded to a citizen of the other section; but even this political courtesy was superseded at the election before the last, and both the offices of president and vice-president of the united states were, by the preponderancy of slaveholding votes, bestowed upon citizens of two adjoining and both slaveholding states. at this moment the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and the chief justice of the united states, are all citizens of that favored portion of the united republic. the last of these offices, being under the constitution held by the tenure of good behaviour, has been honored and dignified by the occupation of the present incumbent upwards of thirty years. an overruling sense of the high responsibilities under which it is held, has effectually guarded him from permitting the sectional slaveholding spirit to ascend the tribunal of justice; and it is not difficult to discern, in this inflexible impartiality, the source of the obloquy which that same spirit has not been inactive in attempting to excite against the supreme court of the united states itself: and of the insuperable aversion of the votaries of nullification to encounter or abide by the decision of that tribunal, the true and legitimate umpire of constitutional, controverted law." it is worthy of observation that this slave representation is always used to protect and extend slave power; and in this way, the slaves themselves are made to vote for slavery: they are compelled to furnish halters to hang their posterity. machiavel says that "the whole politics of rival states consist in checking the growth of one another." it is sufficiently obvious, that the slave and free states are, and must be, rivals, owing to the inevitable contradiction of their interests. it needed no machiavel to predict the result. a continual strife has been going on, more or less earnest, according to the nature of the interests it involved, and the south has always had strength and skill to carry her point. of all our presidents, washington alone had power to keep the jealousies of his countrymen in check; and he used his influence nobly. some of his successors have cherished those jealousies, and made effective use of them. the people of the north have to manage a rocky and reluctant soil; hence commerce and the fisheries early attracted their attention. the products of these employments were, as they should be, proportioned to the dexterity and hard labor required in their pursuit. the north grew opulent; and her politicians, who came in contact with those of the south with any thing like rival pretensions, represented the commercial class, which was the nucleus of the old federal party. the southerners have a genial climate and a fertile soil; but in consequence of the cumbrous machinery of slave labor, which is slow for every thing, (except exhausting the soil,) they have always been less prosperous than the free states. it is said, i know not with how much truth, but it is certainly very credible, that a great proportion of their plantations are deeply mortgaged in new-york and philadelphia. it is likewise said that the expenses of the planters are generally one or two years in advance of their income. whether these statements be true or not, the most casual observer will decide, that the free states are uniformly the most prosperous, notwithstanding the south possesses a political power, by which she manages to check-mate us at every important move. when we add this to the original jealousy spoken of by mr. madison, it is not wonderful that southern politicians take so little pains to conceal their strong dislike of the north. a striking difference of manners, also caused by slavery, serves to aggravate other differences. slaveholders have the habit of command; and from the superior ease with which it sits upon them, they seem to imagine that they were "born to command," and we to obey. in time of war, they tauntingly told us that we might furnish the _men_, and they would furnish the _officers_; but in time of peace they find our list of pensioners so large, they complain that we did furnish so many men. at the north, every body is busy in some employment, and politics, with very few exceptions, form but a brief episode in the lives of the citizens. but the southern politicians are men of leisure. they have nothing to do but to ride round their plantations, hunt, attend the races, study politics for the next legislative or congressional campaign, and decide how to use the prodigious mechanical power, of slave representation, which a political archimedes may effectually wield for the destruction of commerce, or any thing else, involving the prosperity of the free states.[ac] [footnote ac: the hon. w. b. seabrook, a southern gentleman, has lately written a pamphlet on the management of slaves, in which he says: "an addition of one million dollars to the private fortune of daniel webster, would not give to massachusetts more than she now possesses in the federal councils. on the other hand, every increase of slave property in south carolina, is a fraction thrown into the scale, by which her representation in _congress_ is determined."] it has been already said, that most of the wealth in new-england was made by commerce; consequently the south became unfriendly to commerce. there was a class in new-england, jealous, and not without reason, of their own commercial aristocracy. it was the policy of the south to foment their passions, and increase their prejudices. thus was the old democratic party formed; and while that party honestly supposed they were merely resisting the encroachments of a nobility at home, they were actually playing a game for one of the most aristocratic classes in the world--viz. the southern planters. a famous slave-owner and politician openly boasted, that the south could always put down the aristocracy of the north, by means of her own democracy. in this point of view, democracy becomes a machine used by one aristocratic class against another, that has less power, and is therefore less dangerous. there are features in the organization of society, resulting from slavery, which are conducive to any thing but the union of these states. a large class are without employment, are accustomed to command, and have a strong contempt for habits of industry. this class, like the nobility of feudal times, are restless, impetuous, eager for excitement, and prompt to settle all questions with the sword. like the fierce old barons, at the head of their vassals, they are ever ready to resist and nullify the _central_ power of the state, whenever it interferes with their individual interests, or even approaches the strong holds of their prejudices. all history shows, that men possessing hereditary, despotic power, cannot easily be brought to acknowledge a superior, either in the administrators of the laws, or in the law itself. it was precisely such a class of men that covered europe with camps, for upwards of ten centuries. a southern governor has dignified duelling with the name of an "institution;" and the planters generally, seem to regard it as among those which they have denominated their "peculiar institutions." general wilkinson, who was the son of a slave-owner, expresses in his memoirs, great abhorrence of duelling, and laments the powerful influence which his father's injunction, when a boy, had upon his after life: "james," said the old gentleman, "if you ever take an insult, i will disinherit you." a young lawyer, who went from massachusetts to reside at the south, has frequently declared that he could not take any stand there as a lawyer, or a gentleman, until he had fought: he was subject to continual insult and degradation, until he had evinced his readiness to kill, or be killed. it is obvious that such a state of morals elevates mere physical courage into a most undue importance. there are indeed emergencies, when all the virtues, and all the best affections of man, are intertwined with personal bravery; but this is not the kind of courage, which makes duelling in fashion. the patriot nobly sacrifices himself for the good of others; the duellist wantonly sacrifices others to himself. browbeating, which is the pioneer of the pistol, characterizes, particularly of late years, the southern legislation. by these means, they seek to overawe the representatives from the free states, whenever any question even remotely connected with slavery is about to be discussed; and this, united with our strong reverence for the union, has made our legislators shamefully cautious with regard to a subject, which peculiarly demands moral courage, and an abandonment of selfish considerations. if a member of congress does stand his ground firmly, if he wants no preferment or profit, which the all-powerful southern influence can give, an effort is then made to intimidate him. the instances are numerous in which northern men have been insulted and challenged by their southern brethren, in consequence of the adverse influence they exerted over the measures of the _federal_ government. this turbulent evil exists only in our slave states; and the peace of the country is committed to their hands whenever _twenty-five_ votes in congress can turn the scale in favor of war. the statesmen of the south have generally been planters. their agricultural products must pay the merchants--foreign and domestic,--the ship-owner, the manufacturer,--and all others concerned in the exchange or manipulation of them. it is universally agreed that the production of the raw materials is the least profitable employment of capital. the planters have always entertained a jealous dislike of those engaged in the more profitable business of the manufacture and exchange of products; particularly as the existence of slavery among them destroys ingenuity and enterprise, and compels them to employ the merchants, manufacturers, and sailors, of the free states.[ad] hence there has ever been a tendency to check new-england, whenever she appears to shoot up with vigorous rapidity. whether she tries to live by _hook_ or by _crook_, there is always an effort to restrain her within certain limited bounds. the embargo, passed without limitation of time, (a thing unprecedented,) was fastened upon the bosom of her commerce, until life was extinguished. the ostensible object of this measure, was to force great britain to terms, by distressing the west indies for food. but while england commanded the seas, her colonies were not likely to starve; and for the sake of this doubtful experiment, a certain and incalculable injury was inflicted upon the northern states. seamen, and the numerous classes of mechanics connected with navigation, were thrown out of employment, as suddenly as if they had been cast on a desert island by some convulsion of nature. thousands of families were ruined by that ill-judged measure. has any government a right to inflict so much direct suffering on a very large portion of their own people, for the sake of an indirect and remote evil which may possibly be inflicted on an enemy? [footnote ad: virginia has great natural advantages for becoming a manufacturing country; but slavery, that does evil to all and good to none, produces a state of things which renders that impossible.] it is true, agriculture suffered as well as commerce; but agricultural products could be converted into food and clothing; they would not decay like ships, nor would the producers be deprived of employment and sustenance, like those connected with navigation. whether this step was intended to paralyze the north or not, it most suddenly and decidedly produced that effect. we were told that it was done to save our commerce from falling into the hands of the english and french. but our merchants earnestly entreated not to be thus saved. at the very moment of the embargo, underwriters were ready to _insure_ at the _usual_ rates. the non-intercourse was of the same general character as the embargo, but less offensive and injurious. the war crowned this course of policy; and like the other measures, was carried by slave votes. it was emphatically a southern, not a national war. individuals gained glory by it, and many of them nobly deserved it; but the amount of benefit which the country derived from that war might be told in much fewer words than would enumerate the mischiefs it produced. the commercial states, particularly new-england, have been frequently reproached for not being willing to go to war for the protection of their own interests; and have been charged with pusillanimity and ingratitude for not warmly seconding those who were so zealous to defend their cause. mr. hayne, during the great debate with mr. webster, in the senate, made use of this customary sarcasm. it is revived whenever the sectional spirit of the south, or party spirit in the north, prompts individuals to depreciate the talents and character of any eminent northern man. the southern states have even gone so far on this subject, as to assume the designation of "_patriot states_," in contra-distinction to their northern neighbors--and this too, while bunker hill and faneuil hall are still standing! it certainly was a pleasant idea to exchange the appellation of _slave_ states for that of _patriot_ states--it removed a word which in a republic is unseemly and inconsistent. whatever may be thought of the justice and expediency of the last war, it was certainly undertaken against the earnest wishes of the commercial states--two thirds of the representatives from those states voted in opposition to the measure. according to the spirit of the constitution it ought not to have passed unless there were two thirds in favor of it. why then should the south have insisted upon conferring a boon, which was not wanted; and how happened it, that _yankees_, with all their acknowledged shrewdness in money matters, could never to this day perceive how they were protected by it? yet new-england is reproached with cowardice and ingratitude to her southern benefactors! if one man were to knock another down with a broad-axe, in the attempt to brush a fly from his face, and then blame him for not being sufficiently thankful, it would exactly illustrate the relation between the north and the south on this subject. if the protection of commerce had been the real object of the war, would not some preparations have been made for a navy? it was ever the policy of the slave states to destroy the navy. vast conquests by _land_ were contemplated, for the protection of northern commerce. whatever was intended, the work of destruction was done. the policy of the south stood for awhile like a giant among ruins. new-england received a blow, which crushed her energies, but could not annihilate them. where the system of free labor prevails, and there is work of any kind to be done, there is a safety-valve provided for _any_ pressure. in such a community there is a vital and active principle, which cannot be long repressed. you may dam up the busy waters, but they will sweep away obstructions, or force a new channel. immediately after the peace, when commerce again began to try her broken wings, the south took care to keep her down, by multiplying permanent embarrasments, in the shape of duties. the _direct_ tax (which would have borne equally upon them, and which in the original compact was the equivalent for slave representation,) was forthwith repealed, and commerce was burdened with the payment of the national debt. the encouragement of _manufactures_, the consumption of domestic products, or _living within ourselves_, was then urged upon us. this was an ancient doctrine of the democratic party. mr. jefferson was its strongest advocate. did he think it likely to bear unfavorably upon "the nation of shopkeepers and pedlers?"[ae] the northerners adopted it with sincere views to economy, and more perfect independence. the duties were so adjusted as to embarrass commerce, and to guard the interests of a few in the north, who from patriotism, party spirit, or private interest, had established manufactures on a considerable scale. this system of protection opposed by the north, was begun in by southern politicians, and enlarged and confirmed by them in . it was carried nearly as much by southern influence, as was the war itself; and if the votes were placed side by side, there could not be a doubt of the identity of the interests and passions, which lay concealed under both. but enterprise, that moral perpetual motion, overcomes all obstacles. neat and flourishing villages rose in every valley of new-england. the busy hum of machinery made music with her neglected waterfalls. all her streams, like the famous pactolus, flowed with gold. from her discouraged and embarrassed commerce arose a greater blessing, apparently indestructible. walls of brick and granite could not easily be overturned by the southern _lever_, and left to decay, as the ship-timber had done. thus mordecai was again seated in the king's gate, by means of the very system intended for his ruin. as soon as this state of things became perceptible, the south commenced active hostility with manufactures. doleful pictures of southern desolation and decay were given, and all attributed to manufactures. the north was said to be plundering the south, while she, poor dame, was enriching her neighbors, and growing poor upon her extensive labors. (if this statement be true, how much gratitude do we owe the _negroes_; for they do all the work that is done at the south. their masters only serve to keep them in a condition, where they do not accomplish half as much as they otherwise would.) [footnote ae: mr. jefferson's description of new-england.] new-england seems to be like the poor lamb that tried to drink at the same stream with the wolf. "you make the water so muddy i can't drink," says the wolf: "i stand below you," replied the lamb, "and therefore it cannot be." "you did me an injury last year," retorted the wolf. "i was not born last year," rejoined the lamb. "well, well," exclaimed the wolf, "then it was your father or mother. i'll eat you, at all events." the bitter discussions in congress have grown out of this strong dislike to the free states; and the crown of the whole policy is nullification. the single state of south carolina has undertaken to abolish the revenues of the whole nation, and threatened the federal government with cecession from the union, in case the laws were enforced by any other means, than through the judicial tribunals. "it is not a little extraordinary that this new pretention of south carolina, the state which above all others enjoys this unrequited privilege of excessive representation, released from all payment of the direct taxes, of which her proportion would be nearly double that of any non-slaveholding state, should proceed from that very complaint that she bears an unequal proportion of duties of imposts, which, by the constitution of the united states, are required to be uniform throughout the union. vermont, with a free population of two hundred and eighty thousand souls, has five representatives in the popular house of congress, and seven electors for president and vice-president. south carolina, with a free population of less than two hundred and sixty thousand souls, sends nine members to the house of representatives, and honors the governor of virginia with eleven votes for the office of president of the united states. if the rule of representation were the same for south carolina and for vermont, they would have the same number of representatives in the house, and the same number of electors for the choice of president and vice-president. she has nearly double the number of both." what would the south have? they took the management at the very threshold of our government, and, excepting the rigidly just administration of washington, they have kept it ever since. they claimed slave representation and obtained it. for their convenience the revenues were raised by imposts instead of direct taxes, and thus they give little or nothing in exchange for their excessive representation. they have increased the slave states, till they have twenty-five votes in congress--they have laid the embargo, and declared war--they have controlled the expenditures of the nation--they have acquired louisiana and florida for an eternal slave market, and perchance for the manufactory of more slave states--they have given five presidents out of seven to the united states--and in their attack upon manufactures, they have gained mr. clay's _concession_ bill. "but all this availeth not, so long as mordecai the jew sitteth in the king's gate." the free states must be kept down. but change their policy as they will, free states _cannot_ be kept down. there is but one way to ruin them; and that is to make them slave states. if the south with all her power and skill cannot manage herself into prosperity, it is because the difficulty lies at her own doors, and she will not remove it. at one time her deserted villages were attributed to the undue patronage bestowed upon settlers on the public lands: at another, the tariff is the cause of her desolation. slavery, the real root of the evil, is carefully kept out of sight, as a "delicate subject," which must not be alluded to. it is a singular fact in the present age of the world, that delicate and indelicate subjects mean precisely the same thing. if any proof were wanted, that _slavery_ is the cause of all this discord, it is furnished by eastern and western virginia. they belong to the same state, and are protected by the same laws; but in the former, the slaveholding interest is very strong--while in the latter, it is scarcely any thing. the result is, warfare, and continual complaints, and threats of separation. there are no such contentions between the different sections of _free_ states; simply because slavery, the exciting cause of strife, does not exist among them. the constant threat of the slaveholding states is the dissolution of the union; and they have repeated it with all the earnestness of sincerity, though there are powerful reasons why it would not be well for them to venture upon that untried state of being. in one respect only, are these threats of any consequence--they have familiarized the public mind with the subject of separation, and diminished the reverence, with which the free states have hitherto regarded the union. the farewell advice of washington operated like a spell upon the hearts and consciences of his countrymen. for many, many years after his death, it would almost have been deemed blasphemy to speak of separation as a possible event. i would that it still continued so! but it is now an every-day occurrence, to hear politicians, of all parties, conjecturing what system would be pursued by different sections of the country, in case of a dissolution of the union. this evil is likewise chargeable upon slavery. the threats of separation have _uniformly_ come from the slaveholding states; and on many important measures the free states have been awed into acquiescence by their respect for the union. mr. adams, in the able and manly report before alluded to, says: "it cannot be denied that in a community spreading over a large extent of territory, and politically founded upon the principles proclaimed in the declaration of independence, but differing so widely in the elements of their social condition, that the inhabitants of one-half the territory are wholly free, and those of the other half divided into masters and slaves, deep if not irreconcilable collisions of interest must abound. the question whether such a community can exist under one common government, is a subject of profound, philosophical speculation in theory. whether it can continue long to exist, is a question to be solved only by the experiment now making by the people of this union, under that national compact, the constitution of the united states." the admission of missouri into the union is another clear illustration of the slaveholding power. that contest was marked by the same violence, and the same threats, as have characterized nullification. on both occasions the planters were pitted against the commercial and manufacturing sections of the country. on both occasions the democracy of the north was, by one means or another, induced to throw its strength upon the southern _lever_, to increase its already prodigious power. on both, and on all occasions, some little support has been given to northern principles in maryland, virginia, and north carolina; because in portions of those states there is a considerable commercial interest, and some encouragement of free labor. so true it is, in the minutest details, that slavery and freedom are always arrayed in opposition to each other. at the time of the missouri question, the pestiferous effects of slavery had become too obvious to escape the observation of the most superficial statesman. the new free states admitted into the union enjoyed tenfold prosperity compared with the new slave states. give a free laborer a barren rock, and he will soon cover it with vegetation; while the slave and his task-master, would change the garden of eden to a desert. but missouri must be admitted as a slave state, for two strong reasons. first, that the planters might perpetuate their predominant influence by adding to the slave representation,--the power of which is always concentrated against the interests of the free states. second, that a new market might be opened for their surplus slaves. it is lamentable to think that two votes in favor of missouri slavery, were given by massachusetts men; and that those two votes would have turned the scale. the planters loudly threatened to dissolve the union, if slavery were not extended beyond the mississippi. if the union cannot be preserved without crime, it is an eternal truth that nothing good can be preserved _by_ crime. the immense territories of louisiana, arkansas, and florida, are very likely to be formed into slave states; and every new vote on this side, places the free states more and more at the mercy of the south, and gives a renewed and apparently interminable lease to the duration of slavery. the purchase or the conquest of the texas, is a favorite scheme with southerners, because it would occasion such an inexhaustible demand for slaves. a gentleman in the virginia convention thought the acquisition of the texas so certain, that he made calculations upon the increased value of negroes. we have reason to thank god that the jealousy of the mexican government places a barrier in that direction. the existence of slavery among us prevents the recognition of haytian independence. that republic is fast increasing in wealth, intelligence and refinement.--her commerce is valuable to us and might become much more so. but our northern representatives have never even made an effort to have her independence acknowledged, because a colored ambassador would be so disagreeable to our prejudices. few are aware of the extent of _sectional_ dislike in this country; and i would not speak of it, if i thought it possible to add to it. the late john taylor, a man of great natural talent, wrote a book on the agriculture of virginia, in which he acknowledges impoverishment, but attributes it all to the mismanagement of _overseers_. in this work, mr. taylor has embodied more of the genuine spirit, the ethics and politics, of planters, than any other man; excepting perhaps, john randolph in his speeches. he treats merchants, capitalists, bankers, and all other people not planters, as so many robbers, who live by plundering the slave-owner, apparently forgetting by what plunder they themselves live. mr. jefferson and other eminent men from the south, have occasionally betrayed the same strong prejudices; but they were more guarded, lest the democracy of the north should be undeceived, and their votes lost. mr. taylor's book is in high repute in the southern states, and its sentiments widely echoed; but it is little known here. a year or two since, i received a letter from a publisher who largely supplies the southern market, in which he assured me that no book from the north would sell at the south, unless the source from which it came, were carefully concealed! yet new-england has always yielded to southern policy in preference to uniting with the middle states, with which she has, in most respects, a congeniality of interests and habits. it has been the constant policy of the slave states to prevent the free states from acting together. who does not see that the american people are walking over a subterranean fire, the flames of which are fed by slavery? the south no doubt gave her influence to general jackson, from the conviction that a slave-owner would support the slaveholding interest. the proclamation against the nullifiers, which has given the president such sudden popularity at the north, has of course offended them. no person has a right to say that proclamation is insincere. it will be extraordinary if a slave-owner does in _reality_ depart from the uniform system of his brethren. in the president's last message, it is maintained that the wealthy landholders, that is, the planters, are the _best_ part of the population;--it admits that the laws for raising of revenue by imposts have been in their operation oppressive to the south;--it recommends a gradual withdrawing of protection from manufactures;--it advises that the public lands shall cease to be a source of revenue, as soon as practicable--that they be sold to settlers--and in a _convenient time_ the disposal of the soil be surrendered to _the states respectively in which it lies_;--lastly, the message tends to discourage future appropriations of public money for purposes of internal improvement. every one of these items is a concession to the slaveholding policy. if the public lands are taken from the nation, and given to the states in which the soil lies, who will get the largest share? that _best_ part of the population called planters. the proclamation and the message are very unlike each other. perhaps south carolina is to obtain her own will by a route more certain, though more circuitous, than open rebellion. time will show. chapter v. colonization society, and anti-slavery society. it is not madness that i have utter'd:----for love of grace, lay not that flattering unction to your soul, that not your trespass but my madness speaks: it will but _skin_ and _film_ the ulcerous place; while rank corruption, mining all within, _infects unseen_. confess yourself to heaven; repent what's past; avoid what is to come; and do not spread the compost on the weeds, to make them ranker. hamlet, _act iii, scene d_. when doctrines meet with general approbation, it is not heresy, but reformation. garrick. so much excitement prevails with regard to these two societies at present, that it will be difficult to present a view of them which will be perfectly satisfactory to all. i shall say what appears to me to be candid and true, without any anxiety as to whom it may please, and whom it may displease. i need not say that i have a decided predilection, because it has been sufficiently betrayed in the preceding pages; and i allude to it for the sake of perfect sincerity, rather than from any idea that my opinion is important. the american colonization society was organized a little more than sixteen years ago at the city of washington, chosen as the most central place in the union. auxiliary institutions have since been formed in almost every part of the country; and nearly all the distinguished men belong to it. the doing away of slavery in the united states, by gradually removing all the blacks to africa, has been generally supposed to be its object. the project at first excited some jealousy in the southern states; and the society, in order to allay this, were anxious to make all possible concessions to slave-owners, in their addresses, reports, &c. in mr. clay's speech, printed in the first annual report of the society, he said, "it is far from the intention of this society to affect, in _any manner_, the tenure by which a certain species of property is held. i am myself a slaveholder, and i consider that kind of property as inviolable as any other in the country. i would resist encroachment upon it as soon, and with as much firmness, as i would upon any other property that i hold. nor am i prepared to go as far as the gentleman who has just spoken, (mr. mercer) in saying that i would emancipate my slaves, if the means were provided of sending them from the country." at the same meeting mr. randolph said, "he thought it necessary, being himself a slaveholder, to show that so far from being in the _smallest degree_ connected with the abolition of slavery, the proposed society _would prove one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession his own property_." in mr. clay's speech, in the second annual report, he declares: "it is not proposed to deliberate upon, or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or any that is _connected_ with the abolition of slavery. on this condition alone gentlemen from the south and west can be expected to co-operate. on this condition only, i have myself attended." in the seventh annual report it is said, "an effort for the benefit of the blacks, in which all parts of the country can unite, of course must not have the abolition of slavery for its immediate object; _nor may it aim directly at the instruction of the blacks_." mr. archer, of virginia, fifteenth annual report, says: "the object of the society, if i understand it aright, involves no intrusion on property, _nor even upon prejudice_." in the speech of james s. green, esq. he says: "this society have ever disavowed, and they do yet disavow that their object is the emancipation of slaves. they have no _wish_ if they _could_ to interfere in the smallest degree with what they deem the most interesting and fearful subject which can be pressed upon the american public. there is no people that treat their slaves with so much kindness and so little cruelty." in almost every address delivered before the society, similar expressions occur. on the propriety of discussing the evils of slavery, without bitterness and without fear, good men may differ in opinion; though i think the time is fast coming, when they will all agree. but by assuming the ground implied in the above remarks, the colonization society have fallen into the habit of glossing over the enormities of the slave system; at least, it so appears to me. in their constitution they have pledged themselves not to speak, write, or do anything to offend the southerners; and as there is no possible way of making the truth pleasant to those who do not love it, the society must perforce keep the truth out of sight. in many of their publications, i have thought i discovered a lurking tendency to palliate slavery; or, at least to make the best of it. they often bring to my mind the words of hamlet: "forgive me this my virtue; for in the fatness of these pursy times, virtue itself of vice must pardon beg; yea, curb and woo, for leave to do him good." thus in an address delivered march, , we are told, "it ought never to be forgotten that the slave-trade between africa and america, had its origin in a compassionate endeavor to relieve, by the substitution of negro labor, the toils endured by native indians. it was the _simulated form of mercy_ that piloted the first slave-ship across the atlantic." i am aware that las cases used this argument; but it was less unbecoming in him than it is in a philanthropist of the present day. the speaker does indeed say that "the 'infinite of agonies' and the infinite of crime, since suffered and committed, proves that mercy cannot exist in opposition to justice." i can hardly realize what sort of a conscience it must be, that needed the demonstration. the plain truth was, the spaniards were in a hurry for gold; they overworked the native indians, who were inconsiderate enough to die in very inconvenient numbers; but the gold must be had, and that quickly; and so the africans were forced to come and die in company with the indians. and in the nineteenth century, we are told it is our duty not to forget that this was a "simulated form of mercy!" a _dis_simulated form would have been the better expression. if we may believe slave-owners, the whole system, from beginning to end, is a matter of mercy. they have described the middle passage, with its gags, fetters, and thumb-screws, as "the happiest period of a negro's life;" they say they do the slaves a great charity in bringing them from barbarous africa to a civilized and christian country; and on the plantation, under the whip of the driver, the negroes are so happy, that a west india planter publicly declared he could not look upon them, without wishing to be himself a slave. in the speech above referred to, we are told, that as to any political interference, "the slave states are _foreign_ states. we can alienate their feelings until they become foreign enemies; or, on the other hand, we can conciliate them until they become allies and auxiliaries in the sacred cause of emancipation." but so long as the south insist that slavery is _unavoidable_, and say they will not tolerate any schemes _tending_ to its abolition--and so long as the north take the _necessity_ of slavery for an unalterable truth, and put down any discussions, however mild and candid, which tend to show that it _may_ be done away with safety--so long as we thus strengthen each other's hands in evil, what remote hope is there of emancipation? if by political interference is meant _hostile_ interference, or even a desire to promote insurrection, i should at once pronounce it to be most wicked; but if by political interference is meant the liberty to investigate this subject, as other subjects are investigated--to inquire into what has been done, and what may be done--i say it is our sacred duty to do it. to enlighten public opinion is the best way that has yet been discovered for the removal of national evils; and slavery is certainly a _national_ evil. the southern states, according to their own evidence, are impoverished by it; a great amount of wretchedness and crime inevitably follows in its train; the prosperity of the north is continually checked by it; it promotes feelings of rivalry between the states; it separates our interests; makes our councils discordant; threatens the destruction of our government; and disgraces us in the eyes of the world. i have often heard americans who have been abroad, declare that nothing embarrassed them so much as being questioned about our slaves; and that nothing was so mortifying as to have the pictures of runaway negroes pointed at in the newspapers of this republic. la fayette, with all his admiration for our institutions, can never speak of the subject without regret and shame. now a common evil certainly implies a common right to remedy; and where is the remedy to be found, if the south in all their speeches and writings repeat that slavery _must_ exist--if the colonization society re-echo, in all their addresses and reports, that there is no help for the evil, and it is very wicked to hint that there is--and if public opinion here brands every body as a fanatic and madman, who wishes to _inquire_ what can be done? the supineness of new-england on this subject, reminds me of the man who being asked to work at the pump, because the vessel was going down, answered, "i am only a passenger." an error often and urgently repeated is apt to receive the sanction of truth; and so it is in this case. the public take it for granted that slavery is a "lamentable _necessity_." nevertheless there _is_ a way to effect its cure, if we all join sincerely, earnestly, and kindly in the work; but if we expend our energies in palliating the evil, or mourning over its hopelessness, or quarrelling about who is the most to blame for it, the vessel,--crew, passengers, and all,--will go down together. i object to the colonization society, because it tends to put public opinion asleep, on a subject where it needs to be wide awake. the address above alluded to, does indeed inform us of one thing which we are at liberty to do: "we must _go_ to the master and _adjure_ him, by all the sacred rights of humanity, by all the laws of natural justice, by his dread responsibilities,--which, in the economy of providence, are always co-extensive and commensurate with power,--to _raise the slave_ out of his abyss of degradation, to give him a participation in the benefits of mortal existence, and to make him a member of the _intellectual_ and moral world, from which he, and his fathers, for so many generations, have been exiled." the practical _utility_ of such a plan needs no comment. slave-owners will smile when they read it. i will for a moment glance at what many suppose is still the intention of the colonization society, viz., gradually to remove all the blacks in the united states. the society has been in operation more than fifteen years, during which it has transported between two and three thousand _free_ people of color. there are in the united states two million of slaves and three hundred thousand free blacks; and their numbers are increasing at the rate of seventy thousand annually. while the society have removed less than three thousand,--five hundred thousand have been born. while one hundred and fifty _free_ blacks have been sent to africa in a _year_, two hundred _slaves_ have been born in a _day_. to keep the evil just where it is, seventy thousand a year must be transported. how many ships, and how many millions of money, would it require to do this? it would cost three million five hundred thousand dollars a year, to provide for the safety of our southern brethren in this way! to use the language of mr. hayne, it would "bankrupt the treasury of the world" to execute the scheme. and if such a great number could be removed annually, how would the poor fellows subsist? famines have already been produced even by the few that have been sent. what would be the result of landing several thousand destitute beings, even on the most fertile of our own cultivated shores? and why _should_ they be removed? labor is greatly needed, and we are glad to give good wages for it. we encourage emigration from all parts of the world; why is it not good policy, as well as good feeling, to improve the colored people, and pay them for the use of their faculties? for centuries to come, the means of sustenance in this vast country must be much greater than the population; then why should we drive away people, whose services may be most useful? if the moral cultivation of negroes received the attention it ought, thousands and thousands would at the present moment be gladly taken up in families, factories, &c. and, like other men, they ought to be allowed to fit themselves for more important usefulness, as far and as fast as they can. there will, in all human probability, never be any decrease in the black population of the united states. here they are, and here they must remain, in very large numbers, do what we will. we may at once agree to live together in mutual good-will, and perform a mutual use to each other--or we may go on, increasing tyranny on one side, and jealousy and revenge on the other, until the fearful elements complete their work of destruction, and something better than this sinful republic rises on the ruins. oh, how earnestly do i wish that we may choose the holier and safer path! to transport the blacks in such annual numbers as has hitherto been done, cannot have any beneficial effect upon the present state of things. it is dame partington with her pail mopping up the rushing waters of the atlantic! so far as this gradual removal _has_ any effect, it tends to keep up the price of slaves in the market, and thus perpetuate the system. a writer in the kentucky luminary, speaking of colonization, uses the following argument: "none are obliged to follow our example; and those who do not, _will find the value of their negroes increased by the departure of ours_." if the value of slaves is kept up, it will be a strong temptation to smuggle in the commodity; and thus while one vessel carries them out from america, another will be bringing them in from africa. this would be like dipping up the water of chesapeake bay into barrels, conveying it across the atlantic, and emptying it into the mediterranean: the chesapeake would remain as full as ever, and by the time the vessel returned, wind and waves would have brought the _same_ water back again. slave-owners have never yet, in any part of the world, been known to favor, as a body, any scheme, which could ultimately _tend_ to abolish slavery; yet in this country, they belong to the colonization society in large numbers, and agree to pour from their state treasuries into its funds. individuals object to it, it is true; but the scheme is very generally favored in the slave states. the following extract from mr. wood's speech in the legislature of virginia, will show upon what ground the owners of slaves are willing to sanction any schemes of benevolence. the "colonization society may be a part of the grand system of the ruler of the universe, to provide for the transfer of negroes to their _mother_ country. their introduction into this land may have been one of the inscrutable ways of providence to confer blessings upon that race--it may have been decreed that they shall be the means of conveying to the minds of their benighted countrymen, the blessing of religious and civil liberty. but i fear there is little ground to believe the means have yet been created to effect so glorious a result, or that the present race of slaves are to be benefited by such a removal. _i shall trust that many of them may be carried to the south-western states as slaves._ should this door be closed, how can virginia get rid of so large a number as are now annually deported to the different states and territories where slaves are wanted? can the gentleman show us how from _twelve thousand to twenty thousand_ can be _annually_ carried to liberia?" yet notwithstanding such numbers of mothers and children are yearly sent from a single state, "separately or in lots," to supply the demands of the internal _slave-trade_, mr. hayne, speaking of _freeing_ these people and sending them away, says: "it is wholly irreconcilable with our notions of humanity to _tear asunder the tender ties_, which they had formed among us to gratify the feelings of a false philanthropy!" as for the _removal_ of blacks from this country, the real fact is this; the slave states are very desirous to get rid of their troublesome _surplus_ of colored population, and they are willing that we should help to pay for the transportation. a double purpose is served by this; for the active benevolence which is eager to work in the cause, is thus turned into a harmless and convenient channel. neither the planters nor the colonization society, seem to ask what _right_ we have to remove people from the places where they have been born and brought up,--where they have a home, which, however miserable, is still their home,--and where their relatives and acquaintances all reside. africa is no more their native country than england is ours,[af]--nay, it is less so, because there is no community of language or habits;--besides, we cannot say to them, as gilpin said to his horse, "'twas for _your_ pleasure you came here, you shall go back for mine." [footnote af: at the close of the last war, general jackson issued a proclamation to the colored people of the south, in which he says: "i knew that you _loved the land of your nativity_, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is dear to man. but you surpass my hopes. i have found in you, united to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds."] in the virginia debate of , it was agreed that very few of the free colored people would be _willing_ to go to africa; and this is proved by several petitions from them, praying for leave to remain. one of the virginian legislators said, "either _moral_ or _physical_ force must be used to compel them to go;" some of them advised immediate coercion; others recommended persuasion first, until their numbers were thinned, and coercion afterward. i believe the resolution finally passed the house without any proviso of this sort; and i mention it merely to show that it was generally supposed the colored people would be unwilling to go. the planters are resolved to drive the free blacks away; and it is another evil of the colonization society that their funds and their influence co-operate with them in this project. they do not indeed thrust the free negroes off, at the point of the bayonet; but they make their _laws_ and _customs_ so very unequal and oppressive, that the poor fellows are surrounded by raging fires on every side, and must leap into the atlantic for safety. in slave ethics i suppose this is called "_moral_ force." if the slave population is left to its own natural increase, the crisis will soon come; for labor will be so very cheap that slavery will not be for the interest of the whites. why should we retard this crisis? in the next place, many of the colonizationists (i do not suppose it applies to all) are averse to giving the blacks a good education; and they are not friendly to the establishment of schools and colleges for that purpose. now i would ask any candid person why colored children should _not_ be educated? some say, it will raise them above their situation; i answer, it will raise them _in_ their situation--not _above_ it. when a high school for white girls was first talked of in this city, several of the wealthy class objected to it; because, said they, "if everybody is educated, we shall have no servants." this argument is based on selfishness, and therefore cannot stand. if carried into operation, the welfare of many would be sacrificed to the convenience of a few. we might as well protest against the sunlight, for the benefit of lamp-oil merchants. of all monopolies, a monopoly of _knowledge_ is the worst. let it be as active as the ocean--as free as the wind--as universal as the sunbeams! lord brougham said very wisely, "if the higher classes are afraid of being left in the rear, they likewise must hasten onward." with our firm belief in the natural inferiority of negroes, it is strange we should be so much afraid that knowledge will elevate them quite too high for our convenience. in the march of improvement, we are several centuries in advance; and if, with this obstacle at the very beginning, they can outstrip us, why then, in the name of justice, let them go ahead! nay, give them three cheers as they pass. if any nation, or any class of men, can obtain intellectual pre-eminence, it is a sure sign they deserve it; and by this republican rule the condition of the world will be regulated as surely as the waters find their level. besides, like all selfish policy, this is not _true_ policy. the more useful knowledge a person has, the better he fulfils his duties in _any_ station; and there is no kind of knowledge, high or low, which may not be brought into _use_. but it has been said, that information will make the blacks discontented; because, if ever so learned, they will not be allowed to sit at the white man's table, or marry the white man's daughter. in relation to this question, i would ask, "is there anybody so high, that they do not see others above them?" the working classes of this country have no social communication with the aristocracy. every day of my life i see people who can dress better, and live in better houses, than i can afford. there are many individuals who would not choose to make my acquaintance, because i am not of their _caste_--but i should speak a great untruth, if i said this made me discontented. they have their path and i have mine; i am happy in my own way, and am willing they should be happy in theirs. if asked whether what little knowledge i have produces discontent, i should answer, that it made me happier, infinitely happier, than i could be without it. under every form of government, there will be distinct classes of society, which have only occasional and transient communication with each other; and the colored people, whether educated or not, will form one of these classes. by giving them means of information, we increase their happiness, and make them better members of society. i have often heard it said that there was a disproportionate number of crimes committed by the colored people in this state. the same thing is true of the first generation of irish emigrants; but we universally attribute it to their ignorance, and agree that the only remedy is to give their children as good an education as possible. if the policy is wise in one instance, why would it not be so in the other! as for the possibility of social intercourse between the different colored races, _i_ have not the slightest objection to it, provided they were equally virtuous, and equally intelligent; but i do not wish to war with the prejudices of others; i am willing that all, who consult their consciences, should keep them as long as ever they can. one thing is certain, the blacks will never come into your houses, unless you _ask_ them; and you need not ask them unless you choose. they are very far from being intrusive in this respect. with regard to marrying your daughters, i believe the feeling in opposition to such unions is quite as strong among the colored class, as it is among white people. while the prejudice exists, such instances must be exceedingly rare, because the consequence is degradation in society. believe me, you may safely trust to any thing that depends on the pride and selfishness of unregenerated human nature. perhaps, a hundred years hence, some negro rothschild may come from hayti, with his seventy _million_ of pounds, and persuade some white woman to _sacrifice_ herself to him.--stranger things than this do happen every year.--but before that century has passed away, i apprehend there will be a sufficient number of well-informed and elegant colored women in the world, to meet the demands of colored patricians. let the sons and daughters of africa _both_ be educated, and then they will be fit for each other. they will not be forced to make war upon their white neighbors for wives: nor will they, if they have intelligent women of their own, see any thing so very desirable in the project. shall we keep this class of people in everlasting degradation, for fear one of their descendants _may_ marry our great-great-great-great-grandchild? while the prejudice exists, such unions cannot take place; and when the prejudice is melted away, they will cease to be a degradation, and of course cease to be an evil. my third and greatest objection to the colonization society is, that its members write and speak, both in public and private, as if the prejudice against skins darker colored than our own, was a fixed and unalterable law of our nature, which cannot possibly be changed. the very _existence_ of the society is owing to this prejudice: for if we could make all the colored people white, or if they could be viewed as impartially as if they were white, what would be left for the colonization society to do? under such circumstances, they would have a fair chance to rise in their moral and intellectual character, and we should be glad to have them remain among us, to give their energies for our money, as the irish, the dutch, and people from all parts of the world are now doing. i am aware that some of the colonizationists make large professions on this subject; but nevertheless we are constantly told by this society, that people of color must be removed, not only because they are in our way, but because they _must_ always be in a state of degradation here--that they never _can_ have all the rights and privileges of citizens--and all this is because the _prejudice_ is so great. "the managers consider it clear that causes exist and are operating to prevent their (the blacks) improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power. _christianity will not_ do for them _here_, what it will do for them in _africa_. this is not the fault of the colored man, nor christianity but _an ordination of providence_, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature!"--_last annual report of american colonization society._ "the habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society--prejudices which neither _refinement_, nor _argument_, nor _education_, nor religion itself, can subdue--mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of degradation _inevitable_ and _incurable_. the african _in this country_ belongs _by birth_ to the very lowest station in society; and from that station he can never rise, be his _talents, his enterprise, his virtues, what they may_. they constitute a class by themselves--a class out of which _no individual can be elevated_, and below which none can be depressed."--_african repository_, vol. iv, pp. , . this is shaking hands with iniquity, and covering sin with a silver veil. our prejudice against the blacks is founded in sheer pride; and it originates in the circumstance that people of their color only, are universally allowed to be slaves. we made slavery, and slavery makes the prejudice. no christian, who questions his own conscience, can justify himself in indulging the feeling. the removal of this prejudice is not a matter of opinion--it is a matter of _duty_. we have no right to palliate a feeling, sinful in itself, and highly injurious to a large number of our fellow-beings. let us no longer act upon the narrow-minded idea, that we must always continue to do wrong, because we have so long been in the habit of doing it. that there is no _necessity_ for the prejudice is shown by facts. in england, it exists to a much less degree than it does here. if a respectable colored person enters a church there, the pews are readily opened to him; if he appears at an inn, room is made for him at the table, and no laughter, or winking, reminds him that he belongs to an outcast race. a highly respectable english gentleman residing in this country has often remarked that nothing filled him with such utter astonishment as our prejudice with regard to color. there is now in old england a negro, with whose name, parentage, and history, i am well acquainted, who was sold into west indian slavery by his new-england master; (i know _his_ name.) the unfortunate negro became free by the kindness of an individual, and has now a handsome little property and the command of a vessel. he must take care not to come into the ports of our southern republics!--the anecdote of prince saunders is well known; but it will bear repeating. he called upon an american family, then residing in london. the fashionable breakfast hour was very late, and the family were still seated at the table. the lady fidgetted between the contending claims of politeness and prejudice. at last, when all but herself had risen from the table, she said, as if struck by a sudden thought, "mr. saunders, i forgot to ask if you had breakfasted." "i thank you, madam," replied the colored gentleman; "but i have engaged to breakfast with the prince regent this morning." mr. wilberforce and mr. brougham have often been seen in the streets of london, walking arm in arm with people of color. the same thing is true of brissot, la fayette, and several other distinguished frenchmen. in this city, i never but once saw such an instance: when the philadelphia company were here last summer, i met one of the officers walking arm in arm with a fine-looking black musician. the circumstance gave me a good deal of respect for the white man; for i thought he must have kind feelings and correct principles, thus fearlessly to throw off a worse than idle prejudice. in brazil, people of color are lawyers, clergymen, merchants and military officers; and in the portuguese, as well as the spanish settlements, intermarriages bring no degradation. on the shores of the levant, some of the wealthiest merchants are black. if we were accustomed to see intelligent and polished negroes, the prejudice would soon disappear. there is certainly no law of our nature which makes a _dark color_ repugnant to our feelings. we admire the swarthy beauties of spain; and the finest forms of statuary are often preferred in bronze. if the whole world were allowed to vote on the question, there would probably be a plurality in favor of complexions decidedly dark. every body knows how much the africans were amused at the sight of mungo park, and what an ugly misfortune they considered his pale color, prominent nose, and thin lips. ought we to be called christians, if we allow a prejudice so absurd to prevent the improvement of a large portion of the human race, and interfere with what all civilized nations consider the most common rights of mankind? it cannot be that my enlightened and generous countrymen will sanction any thing so narrow-minded and so selfish. having found much fault with the colonization society, it is pleasant to believe that one portion of their enterprise affords a distant prospect of doing more good than evil. they now principally seek to direct the public attention to the founding of a colony in africa; and this may prove beneficial in process of time. if the colored emigrants were _educated_ before they went there, such a colony would tend slowly, but certainly, to enlighten africa, to raise the character of the negroes, to strengthen the increasing liberality of public opinion, and to check the diabolical slave-trade. if the colonizationists will work zealously and judiciously in this department, pretend to do nothing more, and let others work in another and more efficient way, they will deserve the thanks of the country; but while it is believed that they do all the good which _can_ be done in this important cause, they will do more harm in america, than they can atone for in africa. very different pictures are drawn of liberia; one party represents it as thriving beyond description, the other insists that it will soon fall into ruin. it is but candid to suppose that the colony is going on as well as could possibly be expected, when we consider that the emigrants are almost universally ignorant and vicious, without property, and without habits of industry or enterprise. the colored people in our slave states must, almost without exception, be destitute of information; and in choosing negroes to send away, the masters would be very apt to select the most helpless and the most refractory. hence the superintendents of liberia have made reiterated complaints of being flooded with shiploads of "vagrants." these causes are powerful drawbacks. but the negroes in liberia have schools and churches, and they have freedom, which, wherever it exists, is always striving to work its upward way. there is a palpable contradiction in some of the statements of this society. "we are told that the colonization society is to civilize and evangelize africa. '_each emigrant_,' says henry clay, the ablest advocate which the society has yet found, '_is a missionary_, carrying with him _credentials_ in the holy cause of civilization, religion and free institutions!!'" "who are these emigrants--these _missionaries_?" "the free people of color. 'they, and they _only_,' says the african repository, 'are qualified for colonizing africa.'" what are their _qualifications_? let the society answer in its own words: "'free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves.'"--_african repository_, vol. ii, p. . "'a horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion--subsisting by plunder.'"--_c. f. mercer._ "'an anomalous race of beings, the most debased upon earth.'"--_african repository_, vol. vii, p. . "'of all classes of our population the most vicious is that of the free colored.'"--_tenth annual report of colonization society._ an education society has been formed in connection with the colonization society, and their complaint is principally that they cannot find proper subjects for instruction. why cannot such subjects be found? simply because our ferocious prejudices compel the colored children to grow up in ignorance and vicious companionship, and when we seek to educate them, we find their minds closed against the genial influence of knowledge. when i heard of the education society, i did hope to find one instance of _sincere_, _thorough disinterested_ good-will for the blacks. but in the constitution of that society, i again find the selfish principle predominant. they pledge themselves to educate no colored persons unless they are solemnly bound to _quit the country_. the abolitionists are told that they must wait till the slaves are more fit for freedom. but if this system is pursued, when are they to be more fit for freedom?--never--never--to the end of time. whatever other good the colonization society may do, it seems to me evident that they do not produce _any_ beneficial effect on the condition of colored people in america; and indirectly they produce much evil. in a body so numerous as the colonization society, there is, of course, a great variety of character and opinions. i presume that many among them believe the ultimate tendency of the society to be very different from what it really is. some slave-owners encourage it because they think it cannot decrease slavery, and will keep back the inconvenient crisis when free labor will be cheaper than slave labor; others of the same class join it because they really want to do some act of kindness to the unfortunate african race, and all the country insist upon it that this is the only way; some politicians in the free states countenance it from similar motives, and because less cautious measures might occasion a loss of southern votes and influence; the time-serving class--so numerous in every community,--who are always ready to flatter existing prejudices, and sail smoothly along the current of popular favor, join it, of course; but i am willing to believe that the largest proportion belong to it, because they have compassionate hearts, are fearful of injuring their southern brethren, and really think there is no other way of doing so much good to the negroes. with this last-mentioned class, i sympathize in feeling, but differ in opinion. the anti-slavery society was formed in january, . its objects are distinctly stated in the second article of their constitution, which is as follows: "art. . the objects of the society shall be, to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the united states; to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites." from this it will be seen that they think it a duty to give colored people all possible means of education, and instead of removing them away from the prejudice, to remove the prejudice away from them. they lay it down as a maxim that immediate emancipation is the only just course, and the only safe policy. they say that slavery is a common evil, and therefore there is a common right to investigate it, and search for modes of relief. they say that new-england shares, and ever has shared, in this national sin, and is therefore bound to atone for the mischief, as far as it can be done. the strongest reason why the anti-slavery society wish for the emancipation of slaves, is because they think no other course can be pursued which does not, in its very nature, involve a constant violation of the laws of god. in the next place, they believe there is no other sure way of providing for the safety of the white population in the slave states. i know that many of the planters affect to laugh at the idea of fearing their slaves; but why are their laws framed with such cautious vigilance? why must not negroes of different plantations communicate together? why are they not allowed to be out in the evening, or to carry even a stick to defend themselves, in case of necessity? in the virginia legislature a gentleman said, "it was high time for something to be done when men did not dare to open their own doors without pistols at their belts;" and mr. randolph has publicly declared that a planter was merely "a sentry at his own door." mr. roane, of virginia, asks,--"is there an intelligent man who does not know that this _excess_ of slavery is increasing, and will continue to increase in a ratio which is alarming in the extreme, and must overwhelm our descendants in ruin? why then should we shut our eyes and turn our backs upon the evil? will delay render it less gigantic, or give us more herculean strength to meet and subdue it at a future time? oh, no--delay breeds danger--procrastination is the thief of time, and the refuge of sluggards." it is very true that insurrection is perfect madness on the part of the slaves; for they are sure to be overpowered. but such madness has happened; and innocent women and children have fallen victims to it. a few months ago, i was conversing with a very mild and judicious member of the anti-slavery society, when a gentleman originally from the south came in. as he was an old acquaintance, and had been a long time resident in new-england, it was not deemed necessary, as a matter of courtesy, to drop the conversation. he soon became excited. "whatever you may think, mrs. child," said he, "the slaves are a great deal happier than either of us; the less people know the more merry they are." i replied, "i heard you a short time since talking over your plans for educating your son; if knowledge brings wretchedness, why do you not keep him in happy ignorance?" "the fashion of the times requires some information," said he; "but why do you concern yourself about the negroes? why don't you excite the horses to an insurrection, because they are obliged to work, and are whipped if they do not?" "one _horse_ does not whip another," said i; "and besides, i do not wish to promote insurrections. i would on the contrary, do all i could to prevent them." "perhaps you do not like the comparison between slaves and horses," rejoined he; "it is true, the horses have the advantage." i made no reply; for where such ground is assumed, what _can_ be said; besides, i did not then, and i do not now, believe that he expressed his real feelings. he was piqued, and spoke unadvisedly. this gentleman denied that the lot of the negroes was hard. he said they loved their masters, and their masters loved them; and in any cases of trouble or illness, a man's slaves were his best friends. i mentioned some undoubted instances of cruelty to slaves; he acknowledged that such instances might very rarely happen, but said that in general the masters were much more to be pitied than the negroes. a lady, who had been in south carolina when an insurrection was apprehended, related several anecdotes concerning the alarm that prevailed there at the time: and added, "i often wish that none of my friends lived in a slave state." "why should you be anxious?" rejoined the southern gentleman; "you know that they have built a strong citadel in the heart of the city, to which all the inhabitants can repair in case of insurrection." "so," said i, "they have built a _citadel_ to protect them from their happy, contented servants--a citadel against their _best friends_!" i could not but be amused at the contradictions that occurred during this conversation. that emancipation has in several instances been effected with safety has been already shown. but allowing that there is some danger in discontinuing slavery, is there not likewise danger in continuing it? in one case, the danger, if there were any, would soon be subdued; in the other, it is continually increasing. the planter tells us that the slave is very happy, and bids us leave him as he is. if laughter is a sign of happiness, the irishman, tumbling in the same mire as his pigs, is happy. the merely sensual man is no doubt merry and heedless; but who would call him happy? is it not a fearful thing to keep immortal beings in a state like beasts? the more the senses are subjected to the moral and intellectual powers, the happier man is,--the more we learn to sacrifice the present to the future, the higher do we rise in the scale of existence. the negro may often enjoy himself, like the dog when he is not beaten, or the hog when he is not starved; but let not this be called _happiness_. how far the slave laws are conducive to the enjoyment of those they govern, each individual can judge for himself. in the southern papers, we continually see pictures of runaway negroes, and sometimes the advertisements identify them by scars, or by letters branded upon them. is it natural for men to run away from comfort and happiness, especially when any one who meets them may shoot them, like a dog! and when, whipping nearly unto death is authorized as the punishment? i forbear to describe how much more shocking slave-whipping is than any thing we are accustomed to see bestowed upon cattle. but the advocates of slavery tell us, that on the negro's own account, it is best to keep him in slavery; that without a master to guide him and take care of him, he is a wretched being; that freedom is the greatest curse that can be bestowed upon him. then why do their legislatures grant it as a reward for "_meritorious services to the state_?" why do benevolent masters bequeath the legacy of freedom, "in consideration of long and faithful service?" why did jefferson so earnestly, and so very humbly request the legislature of virginia to ratify the manumission of his five _favorite_ slaves? notwithstanding the disadvantageous position of free negroes in a community consisting of whites and slaves, it is evident that, even upon these terms, freedom is considered a blessing. the anti-slavery society agree with harriet martineau in saying, "patience with the _men_, but no patience with the _principles_. as much patience as you please in enlightening those who are unaware of the abuses, but no patience with social crimes!" the colonization society are always reminding us that the _master_ has rights as well as the slave: the anti-slavery society urge us to remember that the _slave_ has rights as well as the master. i leave it for sober sense to determine which of these claims is in the greatest danger of being forgotten. the abolitionists think it a duty to maintain at all times, and in all places, that slavery _ought_ to be abolished, and that it _can_ be abolished. when error is so often repeated it becomes very important to repeat the truth; especially as good men are apt to be quiet, and selfish men are prone to be active. they propose no _plan_--they leave that to the wisdom of legislatures. but they never swerve from the _principle_ that slavery is both wicked and unnecessary.--their object is to turn the public voice against this evil, by a plain exposition of facts. perhaps it may seem of little use for individuals to maintain any particular _principle_, while they do not attempt to prescribe the ways and means by which it can be carried into operation: but the voice of the public is mighty, either for good or evil; and that far-sounding echo is composed of single voices. schiller makes his fiesco exclaim, "spread out the thunder into its _single_ tones, and it becomes a lullaby for children; pour it forth in one quick peal and the royal sound shall move the heavens!" if the work of abolition must necessarily be slow in its progress, so much the more need of beginning soon, and working vigorously. my life upon it, a safe remedy can be found for this evil, whenever we are sincerely desirous of doing justice for its own sake. the anti-slavery society is loudly accused of being seditious, fanatical, and likely to promote insurrections. it seems to be supposed, that they wish to send fire and sword into the south, and encourage the slaves to hunt down their masters. slave-owners wish to have it viewed in this light, because they know the subject will not bear discussion; and men here, who give the tone to public opinion, have loudly repeated the charge--some from good motives, and some from bad. i once had a very strong prejudice against anti-slavery;--(i am ashamed to think _how_ strong--for mere prejudice should never be stubborn,) but a candid examination has convinced me, that i was in an error. i made the common mistake of taking things for granted, without stopping to investigate. this society do not wish to see any coercive or dangerous measures pursued. they wish for universal emancipation, because they believe it is the only way to _prevent_ insurrections. almost every individual among them, is a strong friend to peace societies. they wish to move the public mind on this subject, in the same manner that it has been moved on other subjects: viz., by open, candid, fearless discussion. this is _all_ they want to do; and this they are determined to do, because they believe it to be an important duty. for a long time past, public sympathy has been earnestly directed in the wrong way; if it could be made to turn round, a most happy change would be produced. there are many people at the south who would be glad to have a safe method of emancipation discovered; but instead of encouraging _them_, all our presses, and pulpits, and books, and conversation, have been used to strengthen the hands of those who wish to perpetuate the "costly iniquity." divine providence _always_ opens the way for the removal of evils, individual or national, whenever man is sincerely willing to have them removed; it may be difficult to do right, but it is never impossible. yet a majority of my countrymen do, in effect, hold the following language: "we know that this evil _cannot_ be cured; and we will speak and publish our opinion on every occasion: but you must not, for your lives, dare to assert that there is a possibility of our being mistaken." if there were any apparent wish to get rid of this sin and disgrace, i believe the members of the anti-slavery society would most heartily and courageously defend slave-owners from any risk they might incur in a sincere effort to do right. they would teach the negro that it is the christian's duty meekly and patiently to _suffer_ wrong; but they dare not excuse the white man for continuing to _inflict_ the wrong. they think it unfair that all arguments on this subject should be founded on the convenience and safety of the master _alone_. they wish to see the white man's claims have their due weight; but they insist that the negro's rights ought not to be thrown out of the balance. at the time a large reward was offered for the capture of mr. garrison, on the ground that his paper excited insurrections, it is a fact, that he had never sent or caused to be sent, a single paper south of mason and dixon's line. he _afterwards_ sent papers to some of the leading politicians there; but they of course were not the ones to promote negro insurrections. "but," it has been answered, "the papers did find their way there." are we then forbidden to publish our opinions upon an important subject, for fear _somebody_ will send them _somewhere_? is slavery to remain a sealed book in this most communicative of all ages, and this most inquisitive of all countries? if so, we live under an actual censorship of the press. this is like what the irishman said of our paved cities--tying down the stones, and letting the mad dogs run loose. if insurrections do occur, they will no doubt be attributed to the anti-slavery society. but we must not forget that there were insurrections in the west indies long before the english abolitionists began their efforts; and that masters were murdered in this country, before the anti-slavery society was thought of. neither must we forget that the increased severity of the laws is very likely to goad an oppressed people to madness. the very cruelty of the laws against resistance under any circumstances, would be thought to justify a white man in rebellion, because it gives resistance the character of self-defence. "the law," says blackstone, "respects the passions of the human mind; and when external violence is offered to a man himself, or those to whom he bears a near connexion, makes it lawful in him to do himself that immediate justice, to which he is prompted by nature, and which no prudential motives are strong enough to restrain." as it respects promoting insurrections by discussing this subject, it should be remembered that it is very rare for any colored person at the south to know how to read or write. furthermore, if there be any danger in the discussion, _our_ silence cannot arrest it; for the whole world is talking and writing about it. a good deal of commotion has been excited in the south because some mustard has arrived there, packed in english newspapers, containing parliamentary speeches against slavery;--even children's handkerchiefs seem to be regarded as sparks falling into a powder magazine. how much better it would be not to live in the midst of a powder magazine. the english abolitionists have labored long and arduously. every inch of the ground has been contested. after obtaining the decision that negroes brought into england were freemen, it took them _thirty-five years_ to obtain the abolition of the slave _trade_. but their progress, though slow and difficult, has been certain. the slaves are now emancipated in every british colony; and in effecting this happy change, not one drop of blood has been spilt, nor any property destroyed, except two sheds, called _trash houses_, which were set on fire by some unknown hand. in antigua and bermuda, emancipation was unqualified; that is, the slaves at once received the stimulus of wages. in those islands, there has not been the slightest difficulty. in the other colonies, the slaves were made apprentices, and obliged to work five years more, before they received their freedom, and magistrates decided what proportion of time should be employed for their own benefit. the planters had been so violent in opposition to abolition, and had prophesied such terrible disasters resulting from it, that they felt some anxiety to have their prophecies fulfilled. the abolition act, by some oversight, did not stipulate that while the apprentices worked without wages, they should have all the privileges to which they had been accustomed as slaves. it had been a universal practice for one slave to cook for all the rest, so that their food was ready the moment they left the field; and aged female slaves tended the little children, while their mothers were at work. the planters changed this. every slave was obliged to go to his cabin, whether distant or near, and cook his own dinner; and the time thus lost must be made up to the masters from the hours set apart for the benefit of the apprentices. the aged slaves were likewise sent into the field to work, while mothers were obliged to toil with infants strapped at their backs. under these circumstances, the apprentices very naturally refused to work. they said, "we are worse off than when we were slaves; for they have taken away privileges to which we were accustomed in bondage, without paying us the wages of freemen." still under all these provocations, they offered merely _passive_ resistance. the worst enemies of the cause have not been able to discover that a single life has been lost in the west indies, or a single plantation destroyed in consequence of emancipation! it is a lamentable proof of the corrupt state of the american press, on the subject of slavery, that the irritating conduct of the west indian planters has been passed over in total silence, while every effort has been made to represent the _passive_ resistance of the apprentices as some great "raw-head and bloody-bones story." while the good work was in progress in england, it was for a long time called by every odious name. it was even urged that the abolition of the slave _trade_ would encourage the massacre of white men. clarkson, who seems to have been the meekest and most patient of men, was stigmatized as an insurrectionist. it was said he wanted to bring all the horrors of the french revolution into england, merely because he wanted to abolish the slave _trade_. it was said liverpool and bristol would sink, never to rise again, if that traffic were destroyed. the insurrection at barbadoes, in , was ascribed to the influence of missionaries infected with the wicked philanthropy of the age; but it was discovered that there was no missionary on the island at the time of that event, nor for a long time previous to it. the insurrection at demerara, several years after, was publicly and angrily ascribed to the methodist missionaries; they were taken up and imprisoned; and it was lucky for these innocent men, that out of their twelve hundred black converts, only _two_ had joined the rebellion. ridicule and reproach has been abundantly heaped upon the laborers in this righteous cause. power, wealth, talent, pride, and sophistry, are all in arms against them; but god and truth is on their side. the cause of anti-slavery is rapidly gaining ground. wise heads as well as warm hearts, are joining in its support. in a few years i believe the opinion of new-england will be unanimous in its favor. maine, which enjoys the enviable distinction of never having had a slave upon her soil, has formed an anti-slavery society composed of her best and most distinguished men. those who are determined to be on the popular side, should be cautious how they move just now: it is a trying time for such characters, when public opinion is on the verge of a great change. men who _think_ upon the subject, are fast coming to the conclusion that slavery can never be much ameliorated, while it is allowed to exist. what mr. fox said of the _trade_ is true of the _system_--"you may as well try to _regulate_ murder." it is a disease as deadly as the cancer; and while one particle of it remains in the constitution, no cure can be effected. the relation is unnatural in itself, and therefore it reverses all the rules which are applied to other human relations. thus a free government which in every other point of view is a blessing, is a curse to the slave. the liberty around him is contagious, and therefore the laws must be endowed with a tenfold crushing power, or the captive will break his chains. a despotic monarch can follow the impulses of humanity without scruple. when vidius pollio ordered one of his slaves to be cut to pieces and thrown into his fish-pond, the emperor augustus commanded him to emancipate immediately, not only that slave, but all his slaves. in a free state there is no such power; and there would be none needed, if the laws were equal,--but the slave-owners are legislators, and _make_ the laws, in which the negro has no voice--the master influences public opinion, but the slave cannot. miss martineau very wisely says; "to attempt to combine freedom and slavery is to put new wine into old skins. soon may the old skins burst? for we shall never want for better wine than they have ever held." a work has been lately published, written by jonathan dymond, who was a member of the society of friends, in england; it is entitled "essays on the principles of morality"--and most excellent essays they are. every sentence recognises the principle of sacrificing all selfish considerations to our inward perceptions of duty; and therefore every page shines with the mild but powerful light of true christian philosophy. i rejoice to hear that the book is likely to be republished in this country. in his remarks on slavery the author says: "the supporters of the _system_ will hereafter be regarded with the same public feelings, as he who was an advocate of the slave _trade_ now is. how is it that legislators and public men are so indifferent to their fame? who would now be willing that biography should record of him,--_this man defended the slave trade?_ the time will come when the record,--_this man opposed the abolition of slavery_, will occasion a great deduction from the public estimate of weight of character." chapter vi. intellect of negroes. "we must not allow negroes to be _men_, lest we ourselves should be suspected of not being _christians_." montesquieu. in order to decide what is our duty concerning the africans and their descendants, we must first clearly make up our minds whether they are, or are not, human beings--whether they have, or have not, the same capacities for improvement as other men. the intellectual inferiority of the negroes is a common, though most absurd apology, for personal prejudice, and the oppressive inequality of the laws; for this reason, i shall take some pains to prove that the present degraded condition of that unfortunate race is produced by artificial causes, not by the laws of nature. in the first place, naturalists are universally agreed concerning "the identity of the _human_ type;" by which they mean that all living creatures, that can, by any process, be enabled to perceive moral and intellectual truths, are characterized _by similar peculiarities of organization_. they may differ from each other widely, but they still belong to the same class. an eagle and a wren are very unlike each other; but no one would hesitate to pronounce that they were both birds: so it is with the almost endless varieties of the monkey tribe. we all know that beasts, however sagacious, are incapable of abstract thought, or moral perception. the most wonderful elephant in the world could not command an army, or govern a state. an ourang-outang may eat, and drink, and dress, and move like a man; but he could never write an ode, or learn to relinquish his own good for the good of his species. the _human_ conformation, however it may be altered by the operation of physical or moral causes, differs from that of all other beings, and on this ground, the negro's claim to be ranked as a _man_, is universally allowed by the learned. the condition of this people in ancient times is very far from indicating intellectual or moral inferiority. ethiopia held a conspicuous place among the nations. her princes were wealthy and powerful, and her people distinguished for integrity and wisdom. even the proud grecians evinced respect for ethiopia, almost amounting to reverence, and derived thence the sublimest portions of their mythology. the popular belief that all the gods made an annual visit to the ethiopians, shows the high estimation in which they were held; for we are not told that such an honor was bestowed on any other nation. in the first book of the iliad, achilles is represented as anxious to appeal at once to the highest authorities; but his mother tells him: "jupiter set off yesterday, attended by all the gods, on a journey toward the ocean, to feast with the excellent ethiopians, and is not expected back at olympus till the twelfth day." in ethiopia, was likewise placed the table of the sun, reported to kindle of its own accord, when exposed to the rays of that great luminary. in africa was the early reign of saturn, under the appellation of ouranus, or heaven; there the impious titans warred with the sky; there jupiter was born and nursed; there was the celebrated shrine of ammon, dedicated to theban jove, which the greeks reverenced more highly than the delphic oracle; there was the birth-place and oracle of minerva; and there, atlas supported both the heavens and the earth upon his shoulders. it will be said that fables prove nothing. but there is probably much deeper meaning in these fables than we now understand; there was surely some reason for giving them such a "local habitation." why did the ancients represent minerva as born in africa,--and why are we told that atlas there sustained the heavens and the earth, unless they meant to imply that africa was the centre, from which religious and scientific light had been diffused? some ancient writers suppose that egypt derived all the arts and sciences from ethiopia; while others believe precisely the reverse. diodorus supported the first opinion,--and asserts that the ethiopian vulgar spoke the same language as the learned of egypt. it is well known that egypt was the great school of knowledge in the ancient world. it was the birth-place of astronomy; and we still mark the constellations as they were arranged by egyptian shepherds. the wisest of the grecian philosophers, among whom were solon, pythagoras and plato, went there for instruction, as our young men now go to england and germany. the eleusinian mysteries were introduced from egypt; and the important secret which they taught, is supposed to have been the existence of one, invisible god. a large portion of grecian mythology was thence derived; but in passing from one country to the other, the form of these poetical fables was often preserved, while the original meaning was lost. herodotus, the earliest of the greek historians, informs us that the egyptians were negroes. this fact has been much doubted, and often contradicted. but herodotus certainly had the best means of knowing the truth on this subject; for he travelled in egypt, and obtained his knowledge of the country by personal observation. he declares that the colchians must be a colony of egyptians, because, "like them, they have a black skin and frizzled hair." the statues of the sphinx have the usual characteristics of the negro race. this opinion is confirmed by blumenbach, the celebrated german naturalist, and by volney, who carefully examined the architecture of egypt. concerning the sublimity of the architecture in this ancient negro kingdom, some idea may be conceived from the description of thebes given by denon, who accompanied the french army into egypt: "this city, renowned for numerous kings, who through their wisdom have been elevated to the rank of gods; for laws, which have been revered without being known; for sciences, which have been confided to proud and mysterious inscriptions; for wise and earliest monuments of the arts, which time has respected;--this sanctuary, abandoned, isolated through barbarism, and surrendered to the desert from which it was won; this city, shrouded in the veil of mystery by which even colossi are magnified; this remote city, which imagination has only caught a glimpse of through the darkness of time--was still so gigantic an apparition, that, at the sight of its scattered ruins, the army halted of its own accord, and the soldiers, with one spontaneous movement, clapped their hands." the honorable alexander everett, in his work on america, says: "while greece and rome were yet barbarous, we find the light of learning and improvement emanating from the continent of africa, (supposed to be so degraded and accursed,) out of the midst of this very woolly-haired, flat-nosed, thick-lipped, coal-black race, which some persons are tempted to station at a pretty low intermediate point between men and monkeys. it is to egypt, if to any nation, that we must look as the real _antiqua mater_ of the ancient and modern refinement of europe. the great lawgiver of the jews was prepared for his divine mission by a course of instruction in all the wisdom of the egyptians." "the great assyrian empires of babylon and nineveh, hardly less illustrious than egypt in arts and arms, were founded by ethiopian colonies, and peopled by blacks. "palestine, or canaan, before its conquest by the jews, is represented in scripture, as well as in other histories, as peopled by blacks; and hence it follows that tyre and carthage, the most industrious, wealthy, and polished states of their time, were of this color." another strong argument against the natural inferiority of negroes may be drawn from the present condition of africa. major denham's account of the sultan of sackatoo proves that the brain is not necessarily rendered stupid by the color of the face: "the palace as usual in africa, consisted of a sort of inclosed town, with an open quadrangle in front. on entering the gate, he was conducted through three huts serving as guard-houses, after which he found sultan bello seated on a small carpet in a sort of painted and ornamented cottage. bello had a noble and commanding figure, with a high forehead and large black eyes. he gave the traveller a hearty welcome, and after inquiring the particulars of his journey, proceeded to serious affairs. he produced books belonging to major denham, which had been taken in the disastrous battle of dirkullah; and though he expressed a feeling of dissatisfaction at the major's presence on that occasion, readily accepted an apology, and restored the volumes. he only asked to have the subject of each explained, and to hear the sound of the language, which he declared to be beautiful. he then began to press his visiter with theological questions, and showed himself not wholly unacquainted with the controversies which have agitated the christian world; indeed, he soon went beyond the depth of his visiter, who was obliged to own he was not versant in the abstruser mysteries of divinity. "the sultan now opened a frequent and familiar communication with the english envoy in which he showed himself possessed of a good deal of information. the astronomical instruments, from which, as from implements of magic, many of his attendants started with horror, were examined by the monarch with an intelligent eye. on being shown the planisphere, he proved his knowledge of the planets and many of the constellations, by repeating their arabic names. the telescope, which presented objects inverted,--the compass, by which he could always turn to the east when praying,--and the sextant, which he called 'the looking-glass of the sun,' excited peculiar interest. he inquired with evident jealousy, into some parts of english history; particularly the conquest of india and the attack upon algiers." the same traveller describes the capital of loggun, beneath whose high walls the river flowed in majestic beauty. "it was a handsome city, with a street as wide as pall mall, bordered by large dwellings, having spacious areas in front. manufacturing industry was honored. the cloths woven here were superior to those of bornou, being finely dyed with indigo, and beautifully glazed. there was even a current coin, made of iron, somewhat in the form of a horseshoe; and rude as this was, none of their neighbors possessed any thing similar. the women were handsome, intelligent and lively." all travellers in africa agree, that the inhabitants, particularly of the interior, have a good deal of mechanical skill. they tan and dye leather, sometimes thinning it in such a manner that it is as flexible as paper. in houssa, leather is dressed in the same soft, rich style as in morocco; they manufacture cordage, handsome cloths, and fine tissue. though ignorant of the turning machine, they make good pottery ware, and some of their jars are really tasteful. they prepare indigo, and extract ore from minerals. they make agricultural tools, and work skilfully in gold, silver and steel. dickson, who knew jewellers and watchmakers among them, speaks of a very ingenious wooden-clock made by a negro. hornemann says the inhabitants of haissa give their cutting instruments a keener edge than european artists, and their files are superior to those of france or england. golberry assures us that some of the african stuffs are extremely fine and beautiful. mungo park says "the industry of the foulahs, in pasturage and agriculture, is everywhere remarkable. their herds and flocks are numerous, and they are opulent in a high degree. they enjoy all the necessaries of life in the greatest profusion. they display much skill in the management of their cattle, making them extremely gentle by kindness and familiarity." the same writer remarks that the negroes love instruction, and that they have advocates to defend the slaves brought before their tribunals. speaking of wasiboo, he says: "cultivation is carried on here on a very extensive scale; and, as the natives themselves express it, 'hunger is never known.'" on mr. park's arrival at one of the sego ferries for the purpose of crossing the niger to see the king, he says: "we found a great number waiting for a passage; they looked at me with silent wonder. the view of this extensive city; the numerous canoes upon the river; the crowded population, and the cultivated state of the surrounding country, formed altogether a prospect of civilization and magnificence, which i little expected to find in the bosom of africa." "the public discussions in africa, called _palavers_, exhibit a fluent and natural oratory, often accompanied with much good sense and shrewdness. above all, the passion for poetry is nearly universal. as soon as the evening breeze begins to blow, the song resounds throughout all africa,--it cheers the despondency of the wanderer through the desert--it enlivens the social meetings--it inspires the dance,--and even the lamentations of the mourners are poured forth in measured accents. "in these extemporary and spontaneous effusions, the speaker gives utterance to his hopes and fears, his joys and sorrows. all the sovereigns are attended by singing men and women, who like the european minstrels and troubadours celebrate interesting events in verse, which they repeat before the public. like all, whose business it is to rehearse the virtues of monarchs, they are, of course, too much given to flattery. the effusions of the african muse are inspired by nature and animated by national enthusiasm. from the few specimens given, they seem not unlikely to reward the care of a collector. how few among our peasantry could have produced the pathetic lamentation uttered in the little bambarra cottage over the distresses of mungo park! these songs, handed down from father to son, evidently contain all that exists among the african nations of traditional history. from the songs of the jillimen, or minstrels, of soolimani, major laing was enabled to compile the annals of that small kingdom for more than a century."[ag] [footnote ag: english family library, no. xvi.] in addition to the arguments drawn from the ancient conditions of africa, and the present character of people in the interior of that country, there are numerous individual examples of spirit, courage, talent, and magnanimity. history furnishes very few instances of bravery, intelligence, and perseverance, equal to the famous zhinga, the negro queen of angola, born in . like other despotic princes, her character is stained with numerous acts of ferocity and crime; but her great abilities cannot be for a moment doubted. during her brother's reign, zhinga was sent as ambassadress to loanda, to negotiate terms of peace with the portuguese. a palace was prepared for her reception; and she was received with the honors due to her rank. on entering the audience-chamber, she perceived that a magnificent chair of state was prepared for the portuguese viceroy, while in front of it, a rich carpet, and velvet cushions, embroidered with gold, were arranged on the floor for her use. the haughty princess observed this in silent displeasure. she gave a signal with her eyes, and immediately one of her women knelt on the carpet, supporting her weight on her hands. zhinga gravely seated herself upon her back, and awaited the entrance of the viceroy. the spirit and dignity with which she fulfilled her mission excited the admiration of the whole court. when an alliance was offered, upon the condition of annual tribute to the king of portugal, she proudly answered: "such proposals are for a people subdued by force of arms; they are unworthy of a powerful monarch, who voluntarily seeks the friendship of the portuguese, and who scorns to be their vassal." she finally concluded a treaty, upon the single condition of restoring all the portuguese prisoners. when the audience was ended, the viceroy, as he conducted her from the room, remarked that the attendant upon whose back she had been seated, still remained in the same posture. zhinga replied: "it is not fit that the ambassadress of a great king should be twice served with the same seat. i have no further use for the woman." charmed with the politeness of the europeans, and the evolutions of their troops, the african princess long delayed her departure. having received instruction in the christian religion, she professed a deep conviction of its truth. whether this was sincere, or merely assumed from political motives, is uncertain. during her visit, she received baptism, being then forty years old. she returned to angola loaded with presents and honors. her brother, notwithstanding a solemn promise to preserve the treaty she had formed, soon made war upon the portuguese. he was defeated, and soon after died of poison; some said his death was contrived by zhinga. she ascended the throne, and having artfully obtained possession of her nephew's person, she strangled him with her own hands. revenge, as well as ambition, impelled her to this crime; for her brother had, many years before, murdered _her_ son, lest he should claim the crown. the portuguese increased so fast in numbers, wealth, and power, that the people of angola became jealous of them, and earnestly desired war. zhinga, having formed an alliance with the dutch, and with several neighboring chiefs, began the contest with great vigor. she obtained several victories, at first, but was finally driven from her kingdom with great loss. her conquerors offered to re-establish her on the throne, if she would consent to pay tribute. she haughtily replied, "if my cowardly _subjects_ are willing to bear shameful fetters, _i_ cannot endure even the thought of dependence upon any foreign power." in order to subdue her stubborn spirit, the portuguese placed a king of their own choosing upon the throne of angola. this exasperated zhinga to such a degree, that she vowed everlasting hatred against her enemies, and publicly abjured their religion. at the head of an intrepid and ferocious band, she, during eighteen years, perpetually harassed the portuguese. she could neither be subdued by force of arms, nor appeased by presents. she demanded complete restitution of her territories, and treated every other proposal with the utmost scorn. once, when closely besieged in an island, she asked a short time to reflect on the terms of surrender. the request being granted, she silently guided her troops through the river at midnight, and carried fire and sword into another portion of the enemy's country. the total defeat of the hollanders, and the death of her sister, who had been taken captive during the wars, softened her spirit. she became filled with remorse for having renounced the christian religion. she treated her prisoners more mercifully, and gave orders that the captive priests should be attended with the utmost reverence. they perceived the change, and lost no opportunity of regaining their convert. the queen was ready to comply with their wishes, but feared a revolt among her subjects and allies, who were strongly attached to the customs of their fathers. the priests, by numerous artifices, worked so powerfully upon the superstitious fears of the people, that they were prepared to hail zhinga's return to the catholic faith with joy. the queen, thus reconciled to the church, signed a treaty of peace; took the capuchins for her counsellors; dedicated her capital city to the virgin, under the name of saint mary of matamba; and erected a large church. idolatry was forbidden, under the most rigorous penalties; and not a few fell martyrs to zhinga's fiery zeal. a law prohibiting polygamy excited discontent. zhinga, though seventy-five years old, publicly patronized marriage, by espousing one of her courtiers; and her sister was induced to give the same example. the portuguese again tried to make her a vassal to the crown; but the priests, notwithstanding their almost unlimited influence, could never obtain her consent to this degradation. in , one of her tributaries having violated the treaty of peace, she marched at the head of her troops, defeated the rebel, and sent his head to the portuguese. in , she made war upon a neighboring king, who had attacked her territories; and returned in triumph, after having compelled him to submit to such conditions as she saw fit to impose. the same year, she abolished the cruel custom of immolating human victims on the tombs of princes; and founded a new city, ornamented with a beautiful church and palace. she soon after sent an embassage to the pope, requesting more missionaries among her people. the pontiff's answer was publicly read in the church, where zhinga appeared with a numerous and brilliant train. at a festival in honor of this occasion she and the ladies of her court performed a mimic battle, in the dress and armor of amazons. though more than eighty years old, this remarkable woman displayed as much strength, agility, and skill, as she could have done at twenty-five. she died in , aged eighty-two. arrayed in royal robes, ornamented with precious stones, with a bow and arrow in her hand, the body was shown to her sorrowing subjects. it was then, according to her wish, clothed in the capuchin habit, with crucifix and rosary.[ah] [footnote ah: see biographie universelle.] the commandant of a portuguese fort, who expected the arrival of an african envoy, ordered splendid preparations, that he might be dazzled with the idea of european wealth. when the negro entered the richly-ornamented saloon, he was not invited to sit down. like zhinga, he made a signal to an attendant, who knelt upon the floor, and thus furnished him a seat. the commandant asked, "is thy king as powerful as the king of portugal?" the colored envoy replied: "my king has a hundred servants like the king of portugal; a thousand like thee; and but one like myself." as he said this, he indignantly left the room. michaud, the elder, says that in different places on the persian gulf, he has seen negroes as heads of great commercial houses, receiving orders and expediting vessels to various parts of india. their intelligence in business is well known on the levant. the czar peter of russia, during his travels became acquainted with annibal, an african negro, who was intelligent and well educated. peter the great, true to his generous system of rewarding merit wherever he found it, made annibal lieutenant-general and director of the russian artillery. he was decorated with the riband of the order of st. alexander nenski. his son, a mulatto, was lieutenant-general of artillery, and said to be a man of talent. st. pierre and la harpe were acquainted with him. _job ben solomon_, was the son of the mohammedan king of bunda, on the gambia. he was taken in , and sold in maryland. by a train of singular adventures he was conveyed to england, where his intelligence and dignified manners gained him many friends; among whom was sir hans sloane, for whom he translated several arabic manuscripts. after being received with distinction at the court of st. james, the african company became interested in his fate, and carried him back to bunda, in the year . his uncle embracing him, said, "during sixty years, you are the first slave i have ever seen return from the american isles." at his father's death, solomon became king, and was much beloved in his states. the son of the king of congo, and several of the young people of rank were sent to the portuguese universities, in the time of king immanuel. some of them were distinguished scholars, and several of them promoted to the priesthood. in , a negro in england was ordained by doctor keppell, bishop of exeter. in prevot's general history of voyages, there is an account of a black bishop who studied at rome. _antonio perrura reboucas_, who is at the present time deputy from bahia, in the cortes of brazil, is a distinguished lawyer, and a good man. he is learned in political economy and has written ably upon the currency of brazil. i have heard intelligent white men from that country speak of him in terms of high respect and admiration. _henry diaz_, who is extolled in all the histories of brazil, was a negro and slave. he became colonel of a regiment of foot-soldiers, of his own color; and such was his reputation for sagacity and valor, that it was considered a distinction to be under his command. in the contest between the portuguese and hollanders, in , henry diaz fought bravely against the latter. he compelled them to capitulate at arecise, and to surrender fernanbon. in a battle, struggling against the superiority of numbers, and perceiving that some of his soldiers began to give way, he rushed into the midst of them, exclaiming, "are these the brave companions of henry diaz!" his example renewed their courage, and they returned so impetuously to the charge, that the almost victorious army were compelled to retreat hastily. having wounded his left-hand in battle, he caused it to be struck off, rather than to lose the time necessary to dress it. this regiment, composed of blacks, long existed in brazil under the popular name of henry diaz. _antony william amo_, born in guinea, was brought to europe when very young. the princess of brunswick, wolfenbuttel, defrayed the expenses of his education. he pursued his studies at halle and at wittenberg, and so distinguished himself by his character and abilities, that the rector and council of wittenberg thought proper to give public testimony of their respect in a letter of congratulation. in this letter they remark that terence also was an african--that many martyrs, doctors, and fathers of the church were born in the same country, where learning once flourished, and which by losing the christian faith, again fell back into barbarism. amo delivered private lectures on philosophy, which are highly praised in the same letter. he became a doctor. _lislet geoffroy_, a mulatto, was an officer of artillery and guardian of the depôt of maps and plans of the isle of france. he was a correspondent of the french academy of sciences, to whom he regularly transmitted meteorological observations, and sometimes hydrographical journals. his map of the isles of france and reunion is considered the best map of those islands that has appeared. in the archives of the institute of paris is an account of lislet's voyage to the bay of st. luce. he points out the exchangeable commodities and other resources which it presents; and urges the importance of encouraging industry by the hope of advantageous commerce, instead of exciting the natives to war in order to obtain slaves. lislet established a scientific society at the isle of france, to which some white men refused to belong, because its founder had a skin more deeply colored than their own. _james derham_, originally a slave at philadelphia, was sold to a physician, who employed him in compounding drugs; he was afterward sold to a surgeon, and finally to doctor robert dove, of new-orleans. in , at the age of twenty-one, he became the most distinguished physician in that city, and was able to talk with french, spanish, and english, in their own languages. doctor rush says, "i conversed with him on medicine, and found him very learned. i thought i could give him information concerning the treatment of diseases; but i learned from him more than he could expect from me." _thomas fuller_, an african residing in virginia, did not know how to read or write, but had great facility in arithmetical calculations. he was once asked, how many seconds has an individual lived when he is seventy years, seven months, and seven days old? in a minute and a half he answered the question. one of the company took a pen, and after a long calculation, said fuller had made the sum too large. "no," replied the negro, "the error is on your side. you did not calculate the leap years." these facts are mentioned in a letter from doctor rush, published in the fifth volume of the american museum. in , _othello_, a negro, published at baltimore an essay against slavery. addressing white men, he says, "is not your conduct, compared with your principles, a sacrilegious irony? when you dare to talk of civilization and the gospel, you pronounce your own anathema. in you the superiority of power produces nothing but a superiority of brutality and barbarism. your fine political systems are sullied by the outrages committed against human nature and the divine majesty." _olandad equiano_, better known by the name of gustavus vasa, was stolen in africa, at twelve years old, together with his sister. they were torn from each other; and the brother, after a horrible passage in a slave-ship, was sold at barbadoes. being purchased by a lieutenant, he accompanied his new master to england, guernsey, and the siege of louisbourg. he afterwards experienced great changes of fortune, and made voyages to various parts of europe and america. in all his wanderings, he cherished an earnest desire for freedom. he hoped to obtain his liberty by faithfulness and zeal in his master's service; but finding avarice stronger than benevolence, he began trade with a capital of three pence, and by rigid economy was at last able to purchase--_his own body and soul_; this, however, was not effected, until he had endured much oppression and insult. he was several times shipwrecked, and finally, after thirty years of vicissitude and suffering, he settled in london and published his memoirs. the book is said to be written with all the simplicity, and something of the roughness, of uneducated nature. he gives a _naive_ description of his terror at an earthquake, his surprise when he first saw snow, a picture, a watch, and a quadrant. he always had an earnest desire to understand navigation, as a probable means of one day escaping from slavery. having persuaded a sea-captain to give him lessons, he applied himself with great diligence, though obliged to contend with many obstacles, and subject to frequent interruptions. doctor irving, with whom he once lived as a servant, taught him to render salt water fresh by distillation. some time after, when engaged in a northern expedition, he made good use of this knowledge, and furnished the crew with water they could drink. his sympathies were, very naturally, given to the weak and the despised, wherever he found them. he deplores the fate of modern greeks, nearly as much degraded by the turks as the negroes are by their white brethren. in , vasa presented a petition to the british parliament, for the suppression of the slave-trade. his son, named sancho, was assistant librarian to sir joseph banks, and secretary to the committee for vaccination. another negro, named _ignatius sancho_, was born on board a guinea ship, where his parents were both captives, destined for the south american slave market. change of climate killed his mother, and his father committed suicide. at two years old the orphan was carried to england, and presented to some ladies residing at greenwich. something in his character reminded them of don quixote's squire, and they added sancho to his original name of ignatius. the duke of montague saw him frequently and thought he had a mind worthy of cultivation. he often sent him books, and advised the ladies to give him a chance for education; but they had less liberal views, and often threatened to send the poor boy again into slavery. after the death of his friends, he went into the service of the duchess of montague, who at her death left him an annuity of thirty pounds; beside which he had saved seventy pounds out of his earnings. something of dissipation mixed with his love of reading, and sullied the better part of his character. he spent his last shilling at drury lane, to see garrick, who was extremely friendly to him. at one time he thought of performing african characters on the stage, but was prevented by a bad articulation. he afterward became very regular in his habits, and married a worthy west indian girl. after his death, two volumes of his letters were printed, of which a second edition was soon published, with a portrait of the author, designed by gainsborough, and engraved by bartolozzi. sterne formed an acquaintance with ignatius sancho; and in the third volume of his letters, there is an epistle addressed to this african, in which he tells him that varieties in nature do not sunder the bands of brotherhood; and expresses his indignation that certain men wish to class their equals among the brutes, in order to treat them as such with impunity. jefferson criticises sancho with some severity, for yielding too much to an eccentric imagination; but he acknowledges that he has an easy style, and a happy choice of expressions. the letters of sancho are thought to bear some resemblance to those of sterne, both in their beauties and defects. _francis williams_, a negro, was born in jamaica. the duke of montaigne, governor of the island, thinking him an unusually bright boy, sent him to england to school. he afterward entered the university of cambridge, and became quite a proficient in mathematics. during his stay in europe, he published a song which became quite popular, beginning, "welcome, welcome, brother debtor." after his return to jamaica, the duke tried to obtain a place for him in the council of the government, but did not succeed. he then became a teacher of latin and mathematics. he wrote a good deal of latin verse, a species of composition of which he was very fond. this negro is described as having been pedantic and haughty; indulging a profound contempt for men of his own color. where learning is a rare attainment among any people, or any class of people, this effect is very apt to be produced. _phillis wheatly_, stolen from africa when seven or eight years old, was sold to a wealthy merchant in boston, in . being an intelligent and winning child, she gained upon the affections of her master's family, and they allowed her uncommon advantages. when she was nineteen years old, a little volume of her poems was published, and passed through several editions, both in england and the united states. lest the authenticity of the poems should be doubted, her master, the governor, the lieutenant-governor, and fifteen other respectable persons, acquainted with her character and circumstances, testified that they were really her own productions. jefferson denies that these poems have any merit; but i think he would have judged differently, had he been perfectly unprejudiced. it would indeed be absurd to put phillis wheatly in competition with mrs. hemans, mary hewitt, mrs. sigourney, miss gould, and other modern writers; but her productions certainly appear very respectable in comparison with most of the poetry of that day. phillis wheatly received her freedom in ; and two years after married a colored man, who, like herself, was considered a prodigy. he was at first a grocer; but afterward became a lawyer, well known by the name of doctor peter. he was in the habit of pleading causes for his brethren before the tribunals of justice, and gained both reputation and fortune by his practice. phillis had been flattered and indulged from her earliest childhood; and, like many literary women in old times, she acquired something of contempt for domestic occupations. this is said to have produced unhappiness between her and her husband. she died in . mr. wilberforce, (on whom may the blessing of god rest for ever!) aided by several benevolent individuals, established a seminary for colored people at clapham, a few leagues from london. the first scholars were twenty-one young negroes, sent by the governor of sierra leone. the abbé grégoire says, "i visited this establishment in , to examine the progress of the scholars; and i found there existed no difference between them and european children, except that of color. the same observation has been made, first at paris, in the ancient college of la marche, where coesnon, professor of the university, taught a number of colored boys. many members of the national institute, who have carefully examined this college, and watched the progress of the scholars in their particular classes, and public exercises, will testify to the truth of my assertion." correa de serra, the learned secretary of the academy at portugal, informs us that several negroes have been able lawyers, preachers, and professors. in the southern states, the small black children are proverbially brighter and more forward than white ones of the same age. repartees, by no means indicative of stupidity, have sometimes been made by negroes. a slave was suddenly roused with the exclamation, "why don't you wake, when your master calls!" the negro answered, "_sleep has no master._" on a public day the new-england museum, in boston, was thronged with visiters to see the representation of the salem murder. some colored women being jostled back by a crowd of white people, expostulated thus: "don't you know it is always proper to let the _mourners_ walk first?" it argues some degree of philosophy to be able to indulge wit at the expense of what is, most unjustly, considered a degradation. public prejudice shamefully fetters these people; and it has been wisely said, "if we cannot _break_ our chains, the next best thing we can do, is to _play_ with them."[ai] [footnote ai: in a beautiful little volume called mary's journey, by francis graeter.] among bonaparte's officers there was a mulatto general of division, named alexander dumas. in the army of the alps, with charged bayonet, he ascended st. bernard, defended by a number of redoubts, took possession of the enemy's cannon, and turned their own ammunition against them. he likewise signalized himself in the expedition to egypt. his troop, composed of blacks and mulattoes, were everywhere formidable. near lisle, alexander dumas, with only four men, attacked a post of fifty austrians, killed six, and made sixteen prisoners. napoleon called him the horatius cocles of the tyrols. on his return from egypt, dumas unluckily fell into the hands of the neapolitan government, and was two years kept in irons. he died in . between and , some fugitive negroes, united with some brazilians, formed two free states in south america, called the great and little palmares; so named on account of the abundance of palm trees. the great palmares was nearly destroyed by the hollanders, in ; but at the close of the war, the slaves in the neighborhood of fernanbouc, resolved to form an establishment, which would secure their freedom. like the old romans, they obtained wives by making incursions upon their neighbors, and carrying off the women. they formed a constitution, established tribunals of justice, and adopted a form of worship similar to christianity. the chiefs chosen for life were elected by the people. they fortified their principal towns, cultivated their gardens and fields, and reared domestic animals. they lived in prosperity and peace, until , when the portuguese prepared an expedition against them. the palmarisians defended themselves with desperate valor, but were overcome by superior numbers. some rushed upon death, that they might not survive their liberty; others were sold and dispersed by the conquerors. thus ended this interesting republic. had it continued to the present time, it might have produced a very material change in the character and condition of the colored race. in the seventeenth century, when jamaica was still under the dominion of the spaniards, a party of slaves under the command of john de bolas, regained their independence. they increased in numbers, elected the famous cudjoe as their chief, and became very formidable. cudjoe established a confederation among all the maroon tribes, and by his bravery and skilful management compelled the english to make a treaty, in which they acknowledged the freedom of the blacks, and ceded to them for ever a portion of the territory of jamaica. the french national assembly admitted free colored deputies from st. domingo, and promised a perfect equality of rights, without regard to complexion. but, as usual, the white colonists made every possible exertion to set aside the claims of their darker-faced brethren. it was very short-sighted policy; for the planters absolutely needed the friendship of the free mulattoes and negroes, as a defence against the slaves. oge, one of the colored deputies, an energetic and shrewd man, was in paris, watching political movements with intense interest,--resolved to maintain the rights of his oppressed companions, "quietly if he could--forcibly if he must." day after day, a hearing was promised; and day after day, upon some idle pretext or other, it was deferred. oge became exasperated. his friends in france recommended the only medicine ever offered by the white man to the heart-sick african,--patience--patience. but he had long observed the operation of slavery, and he knew that patience, whatever it might do for the white man, brought upon the negro nothing but contempt and accumulated wrong. discouraged in his efforts to make head against the intrigues of the slaveholders, he could not contain his indignation: "i begin," said he to clarkson, "not to care whether the national assembly will hear us or not. but let it beware of the consequences. we will no longer continue to be held in a degraded light. despatches shall go directly to st. domingo; and we will soon follow them. we can produce as good soldiers on our own estates, as those in france. our own arms shall make us independent and respectable. if we are forced to desperate measures, it will be in vain that thousands are sent across the atlantic to bring us back to our former state." the french government issued orders to prevent the embarkation of negroes and mulattoes; but oge, by the way of england, contrived to return to st. domingo. on his arrival, he demanded the execution of decrees made in favor of his brethren, but either resisted or evaded by their white oppressors. his plea, founded in justice, and sanctioned by divine authority, was rejected. the parties became exasperated, and an attack ensued. the spanish government basely and wickedly delivered oge to his enemies. he asked for a defender to plead his cause; but he asked in vain. thirteen of his companions were condemned to the galleys; more than twenty to the gibbet; and oge and chavanne were tortured on the wheel. where rests the guilt in this case? let those blame oge, who can. my heart and conscience both refuse to do it. _toussaint l'ouverture_, the celebrated black chieftain, was born a slave, in the year , upon the plantation of count de noé. his amiable deportment as a slave, the patience, mildness, and benevolence of his disposition, and the purity of his conduct amid the general laxity of morals which prevailed in the island, gained for him many of those advantages which afterwards gave him such absolute ascendency over his insurgent brethren. his good qualities attracted the attention of m. bayou de libertas, the agent on the estate, who taught him reading, writing, and arithmetic,--elements of knowledge, which hardly one in ten thousand of his fellow-slaves possessed. m. bayou made him his postillion, which gave him advantages much above those of the field slaves. when the general rising of the blacks took place, in , much solicitation was used to induce toussaint to join them; but he declined, until he had procured an opportunity for the escape of m. bayou and his family to baltimore, shipping a considerable quantity of sugar for the supply of their immediate wants. in his subsequent prosperity, he availed himself of every occasion to give them new marks of his gratitude. having thus provided security for his benefactor, he joined a corps of blacks, under the orders of general biassou; but was soon raised to the principal command, biassou being degraded on account of his cruelty and ferocity. indeed, toussaint was every way so much superior to the other negroes, by reason of his general intelligence and education, his prudence, activity and address, not less than his bravery, that he immediately attained a complete ascendency over all the black chieftains. in , toussaint received from the french government a commission of general-in-chief of the armies of st. domingo, and as such signed the convention with general maitland for the evacuation of the island by the british. from until , the island continued tranquil under the government of toussaint, who adopted and enforced the most judicious measures for healing the wounds of his country, and restoring its commercial and agricultural prosperity. his efforts would have been attended with much success, but for the ill-judged expedition, which bonaparte sent against the island, under the command of le clerc. this expedition, fruitless as it was in respect of its general object, proved fatal to the negro chieftain. toussaint was noted for private virtues; among the rest, warm affection for his family. le clerc brought out from france toussaint's two sons, with their preceptor, whose orders were to carry his pupils to their father, and make use of them to work on his tenderness, and induce him to abandon his countrymen. if he yielded, he was to be made second in command to le clerc; if he refused, his children were to be reserved as hostages of his fidelity to the french. notwithstanding the greatness of the sacrifice demanded of him, toussaint remained faithful to his brethren. we pass over the details of the war, which at length, ended in a treaty of peace concluded by toussaint, dessalines and christophe, against their better judgment, but in consequence of the effect of le clerc's professions upon their simple followers, who were induced to lay down their arms. toussaint retired to his plantation, relying upon the solemn assurances of le clerc, that his person and property should be held sacred. notwithstanding these assurances, he was treacherously seized in the night, hurried on board a ship of war, and conveyed to brest. he was conducted first to close prison in chateaux de joux, and from thence to besançon, where he was plunged into a cold, wet, subterranean prison, which soon proved fatal to a constitution used only to the warm skies and free air of the west indies. he languished through the winter of - ; and his death, which happened in april, , raised a cry of indignation against the government, which had chosen this dastardly method of destroying one of the best and bravest of the negro race. toussaint l'ouverture is thus spoken of by vincent, in his reflections on the state of st. domingo: "toussaint l'ouverture is the most active and indefatigable man, of whom it is possible to form an idea. he is always present wherever difficulty or danger makes his presence necessary. his great sobriety,--the power of living without repose,--the facility with which he resumes the affairs of the cabinet, after the most tiresome excursions,--of answering daily a hundred letters,--and of habitually tiring five secretaries--render him so superior to all around him, that their respect and submission almost amount to fanaticism. it is certain no man in modern times has obtained such an influence over a mass of ignorant people, as general toussaint possesses over his brethren of st. domingo. he is endowed with a prodigious memory. he is a good father and a good husband." toussaint re-established religious worship in st. domingo; and on account of his zeal in this respect, a certain class of men called him, in derision, the capuchin. with the genius and energy of bonaparte, general toussaint is said to have possessed the same political duplicity, and far-sighted cunning. these are qualities which almost inevitably grew out of the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed, and the obstacles with which they were obliged to contend. wordsworth addressed the following sonnet to toussaint l'ouverture: "toussaint, thou most unhappy man of men! whether the whistling rustic tends his plough within thy hearing, or thou liest now buried in some deep dungeon's earless den;-- oh, miserable chieftain! where and when wilt thou find patience? yet die not; do thou wear rather in thy bonds a cheerful brow: though fallen thyself, never to rise again, live, and take comfort. thou hast left behind powers that will work for thee; air, earth and skies; there's not a breathing of the common wind that will forget thee; thou hast great allies. thy friends are exultations, agonies, and love, and man's unconquerable mind." godwin, in his admirable lectures on colonial slavery, says: "can the west india islands, since their first discovery by columbus, boast a single name which deserves comparison with that of toussaint l'ouverture?" if we are willing to see and believe, we have full opportunity to convince ourselves that the colored population are highly susceptible of cultivation. st. domingo produces black legislators, scholars, and gentlemen. the very negroes who had been slaves, formed a constitution that would do credit to paler-faced statesmen--americans may well blush at its _consistent_ republicanism. the enemies of true freedom were very ready to predict that the government of hayti could not continue for any length of time; but it has now lasted nearly thirty years, constantly increasing in respectability and wealth. the affairs of greece have been managed with much less ability and discretion, though all the cabinets of europe have given assistance and advice. st. domingo achieved her independence alone and unaided--nay, in the very teeth of prejudice and scorn. the greeks had loans from england, and contributions from america, and sympathy from half the world; the decisive battle of navarino was gained by the combined fleets of england, france and russia. is it asked why hayti has not produced any examples of splendid genius? in reply let me inquire, how long did the europeans ridicule _us_ for our poverty in literature? when raynal reproached the united states with not having produced one celebrated man, jefferson requested him to wait until we had existed "as long as the greeks before they had a homer, the romans a virgil, and the french a racine." half a century elapsed before our republic produced irving, cooper, sedgwick, halleck, and bryant. we must not forget that the cruel prejudice, under which colored people labor, makes it extremely difficult for them to gain admission to the best colleges and schools; they are obliged to contend with obstacles, which white men never encounter. it might seem wonderful that the descendants of wise ethiopia, and learned egypt, are now in such a state of degradation, if history did not furnish a remarkable parallel in the condition of the modern greeks. the land of homer, pericles, and plato, is now inhabited by ignorant, brutal pirates. freedom made the grecians great and glorious--tyranny has made them stupid and miserable. yet their yoke has been light, compared with african bondage. in both cases the wrongs of the oppressed have been converted into an argument against them. we first debase the nature of man by making him a slave, and then very coolly tell him that he must always remain a slave because he does not know how to use freedom. we first crush people to the earth, and then claim the right of trampling on them for ever, because they are prostrate. truly, human selfishness never invented a rule, which worked so charmingly both ways! no one thinks of doubting the intellect of indians; yet civilization has certainly advanced much farther in the interior of africa, than it did among the north american tribes. the indians have strong untutored eloquence,--so have the africans. and where will you find an indian chieftain, whose pride, intellect, and valor, are more than a match for zhinga's? both of these classes have been most shamefully wronged; but public prejudice, which bows the negro to the earth, has borne with a far less crushing power upon the energies of the red man; yet they have not produced a shakspeare or a newton. but i shall be asked how it is that the nations of africa, having proceeded so far in the arts of civilization, have made a full stop, and remained century after century without any obvious improvement? i will answer this by another question: how long did the ancient helvetians, gauls, and saxons, remain in such a state of barbarism, that what they considered splendor and refinement, would be called poverty and rudeness, by their german, french, and english descendants? what was it that changed the intellectual and moral character of these people, after ages of ignorance and ferocity? it was the _art of printing_. but, alas, with the introduction of printing, modern slavery was introduced! while commerce has carried books and maps to other portions of the globe, she has sent kidnappers, with guns and cutlasses into africa. we have not preached the gospel of peace to her princes; we have incited them to make war upon each other, to fill our markets with slaves. while knowledge, like a mighty pillar of fire, has guided the european nations still onward, and onward, a dark cloud has settled more and more gloomily over benighted africa. the lessons of time, the experience of ages, from which we have learned so much, are entirely lost to this vast continent. i have heard it asserted that the indians were evidently superior to the negroes, because it was impossible to enslave _them_. our slave laws prove that there are some exceptions to this remark; and it must be remembered that the indians have been fairly met in battle, contending with but one nation at a time; while the whole world have combined against the africans--sending emissaries to lurk for them in secret places, or steal them at midnight from their homes. the indian will seek freedom in the arms of death--and so will the negro. by thousands and thousands, these poor people have died for freedom. they have stabbed themselves for freedom--jumped into the waves for freedom--starved for freedom--fought like very tigers for freedom! but they have been hung, and burned, and shot--and their tyrants have been their historians! when the africans have writers of their own, we shall hear their efforts for liberty called by the true title of heroism in a glorious cause. we are told in the fable that a lion, looking at the picture of one of his own species, conquered and trampled on by man, calmly said, "we lions have no painters." i shall be told that in the preceding examples i have shown only the bright side of the picture. i readily grant it; but i have deemed it important to show that the picture _has_ a bright side. i am well aware that most of the negro authors are remarkable principally because they are negroes. with considerable talent, they generally evince bad taste. i do not pretend that they are scotts or miltons; but i wish to prove that they are _men_, capable of producing their proportion of scotts and miltons, if they could be allowed to live in a state of physical and intellectual freedom. but where, at the present time, _can_ they live in perfect freedom, cheered by the hopes and excited by the rewards, which stimulate white men to exertion? every avenue to distinction is closed to them. even where the body is suffered to be free, a hateful prejudice keeps the soul in fetters. i think every candid mind must admit that it is more wonderful they have done so much, than that they have done no more. as a class, i am aware that the negroes, with many honorable exceptions, are ignorant, and show little disposition to be otherwise; but this ceases to be the case just in proportion as they are free. the fault is in their unnatural situation, not in themselves. tyranny always dwarfs the intellect. homer tells us, that when jupiter condemns a man to slavery, he takes from him half his mind. a family of children treated with habitual violence or contempt, become stupid and sluggish, and are called fools by the very parents or guardians who have crushed their mental energies. it was remarked by m. dupuis, the british consul at mogadore, that the generality of europeans, after a long captivity and severe treatment among the arabs, seemed at first exceedingly dull and insensible. "if they had been any considerable time in slavery," says he, "they appeared lost to reason and feeling; their spirits broken; and their faculties sunk in a species of stupor, which i am unable adequately to describe. they appeared degraded even below the negro slave. the succession of hardships, without any protecting law to which they can appeal for alleviation, or redress, seems to destroy every spring of exertion, or hope in their minds. they appear indifferent to every thing around them; abject, servile, and brutish." lieutenant hall, in his travels in the united states, makes the following just remark: "cut off hope for the future, and freedom for the present; superadd a due pressure of bodily suffering, and personal degradation; and you have a slave, who, (of whatever zone, nation or complexion,) will be what the poor african is, torpid, debased, and lowered beneath the standard of humanity." the great virginian, patrick henry, who certainly had a fair chance to observe the effects of slavery, says, "if a man be in chains, he droops and bows to the earth, because his spirits are broken; but let him twist the fetters off his legs and he will stand erect." the following is the testimony of the rev. r. walsh, on the same subject; he is describing his first arrival at rio janeiro: "the whole labor of bearing and moving burdens is performed by these people, and the state in which they appear is revolting to humanity. here were a number of beings entirely naked, with the exception of a covering of dirty rags, tied about their waists. their skins, from constant exposure to the weather, had become hard, crusty, and seamed, resembling the coarse black covering of some beast, or like that of an elephant, a wrinkled hide scattered with scanty hairs. on contemplating their persons, you saw them with a physical organization resembling beings of a grade below the rank of man; long projecting heels, the gastronymic muscle wanting, and no calves to their legs; their mouths and chins protruded, their noses flat, their foreheads retiring, having exactly the head and legs of the baboon tribe. some of these beings were yoked to drays, on which they dragged heavy burdens. some were chained by the neck and legs, and moved with loads thus encumbered. some followed each other in ranks, with heavy weights on their heads, chattering in the most inarticulate and dismal cadence as they moved along. some were munching young sugar-canes, like beasts of burden eating green provender; and some were seen near the water, lying on the bare ground among filth and offal, coiled up like dogs, and seeming to expect or require no more comfort or accommodation, exhibiting a state and conformation so unhuman, that they not only seemed but actually were, far below the inferior animals around them. horses and mules were not employed in this way; they were used only for pleasure, and not labor. they were seen in the same streets, pampered, spirited, and richly caparisoned, enjoying a state far superior to the negroes, and appearing to look down on the fettered and burdened wretches they were passing, as on beings of an inferior rank in the creation. some of the negroes actually seemed to envy the caparisons of their fellow-brutes, and eyed with jealousy their glittering harness. in imitation of this finery, they were fond of thrums of many-colored threads; and i saw one creature, who supported the squalid rag that wrapped his waist by a suspender of gaudy worsted, which he turned every moment to look at on his naked shoulder. the greater number, however, were as unconscious of any covering for use or ornament, as a pig or an ass. "the first impression of all this on my mind, was to shake the conviction i had always felt, of the wrong and hardship inflicted on our black fellow-creatures, and that they were only in that state which god and nature had assigned them; that they were the lowest grade of human existence, and the link that connected it with the brute; and that the gradation was so insensible, and their natures so intermingled, that it was impossible to tell where one had terminated and the other commenced; and that it was not surprising that people who contemplated them every day, so formed, so employed, and so degraded, should forget their claims to that rank in the scale of being in which modern philanthropists are so anxious to place them. i did not at the moment myself recollect, that the white man, made a slave on the coast of africa, suffers not only a similar mental but physical deterioration from hardships and emaciation, and becomes in time the dull and deformed beast i now saw yoked to a burden. "a few hours only were necessary to correct my first impressions of the negro population, by seeing them under a different aspect. we were attracted by the sound of military music, and found it proceeded from a regiment drawn up in one of the streets. their colonel had just died, and they attended to form a procession to celebrate his obsequies. they were all of different shades of black, but the majority were negroes. their equipment was excellent; they wore dark jackets, white pantaloons, and black leather caps and belts, all which, with their arms, were in high order. their band produced sweet and agreeable music, of the leader's own composition, and the men went through some evolutions with regularity and dexterity. they were only a militia regiment, yet were as well appointed and disciplined as one of our regiments of the line. here then was the first step in that gradation by which the black population of this country ascend in the scale of humanity; he advances from the state below that of a beast of burden into a military rank, and he shows himself as capable of discipline and improvement as a human being of any other color. "our attention was next attracted by negro men and women bearing about a variety of articles for sale; some in baskets, some on boards and cases carried on their heads. they belonged to a class of small shopkeepers, many of whom vend their wares at home, but the greater number send them about in this way, as in itinerant shops. a few of these people were still in a state of bondage, and brought a certain sum every evening to their owners, as the produce of their daily labor. but a large proportion, i was informed, were free, and exercised this little calling on their own account. they were all very neat and clean in their persons, and had a decorum and sense of respectability about them, superior to whites of the same class and calling. all their articles were good in their kind and neatly kept, and they sold them with simplicity and confidence, neither wishing to take advantage of others, nor suspecting that it would be taken of themselves. i bought some confectionary from one of the females, and i was struck with the modesty and propriety of her manner; she was a young mother, and had with her a neatly-dressed child, of which she seemed very fond. i gave it a little comfit, and it turned up its dusky countenance to her and then to me, taking my sweetmeat and at the same time kissing my hand. as yet unacquainted with the coin of the country, i had none that was current about me, and was leaving the articles; but the poor young woman pressed them on me with a ready confidence, repeating in broken portuguese, _outo tempo_. i am sorry to say, the 'other time' never came, for i could not recognise her person afterwards to discharge her little debt, though i went to the same place for the purpose. "it soon began to grow dark, and i was attracted by a number of persons bearing large lighted wax tapers, like torches, gathering before a house. as i passed by, one was put into my hand by a man who seemed in some authority, and i was requested to fall into a procession that was forming. it was the preparation for a funeral, and on such occasions, i learned that they always request the attendance of a passing stranger, and feel hurt if they are refused. i joined the party, and proceeded with them to a neighboring church. when we entered we ranged ourselves on each side of a platform which stood near the choir, on which was laid an open coffin, covered with pink silk and gold borders. the funeral service was chanted by a choir of priests, one of whom was a negro, a large comely man, whose jet-black visage formed a strong and striking contrast to his white vestments. he seemed to perform his part with a decorum and sense of solemnity, which i did not observe in his brethren. after scattering flowers on the coffin, and fumigating it with incense, they retired, the procession dispersed, and we returned on board. "i had been but a few hours on shore for the first time, and i saw an african negro under four aspects of society; and it appeared to me, that in every one, his character depended on the state in which he was placed, and the estimation in which he was held. as a despised slave, he was far lower than other animals of burden that surrounded him; more miserable in his look, more revolting in his nakedness, more distorted in his person, and apparently more deficient in intellect, than the horses and mules that passed him by. advanced to the grade of a soldier, he was clean and neat in his person, amenable to discipline, expert at his exercises, and showed the port and bearing of a white man similarly placed. as a citizen, he was remarkable for the respectability of his appearance, and the decorum of his manners in the rank assigned him; and as a priest, standing in the house of god, appointed to instruct society on their most important interests, and in a grade in which moral and intellectual fitness is required, and a certain degree of superiority is expected, he seemed even more devout in his impressions, and more correct in his manners, than his white associates. i came, therefore, to the irresistible conclusion in my mind, that color was an accident affecting the surface of a man, and having no more to do with his qualities than his clothes--that god had equally created an african in the image of his person, and equally given him an immortal soul; and that a european had no pretext but his own cupidity, for impiously thrusting his fellow-man from that rank in the creation which the almighty had assigned him, and degrading him below the lot of the brute beasts that perish." the honorable a. h. everett, in his able work on the political situation of america, says, "nations, and races, like individuals, have their day, and seldom have a second. the blacks had a long and glorious one; and after what they have been and done, it argues not so much a mistaken theory, as sheer ignorance of the most notorious historical facts, to pretend that they are naturally inferior to the whites. it would seem indeed, that if any race have a right claim to a sort of pre-eminence over others, on the fair and honorable ground of talents displayed, and benefits conferred, it is precisely this very one, which we take upon us, in the pride of a temporary superiority, to stamp with the brand of essential degradation. it is hardly necessary to add, that while the blacks were the leading race in civilization and political power, there was no prejudice among the whites against their color. on the contrary, we find that the early greeks regarded them as a superior variety of the human species, not only in intellectual and moral qualities, but in outward appearance. 'the ethiopians,' says herodotus, 'surpass all other men in longevity, stature, and personal beauty.'" then let the slaveholder no longer apologize for himself by urging the stupidity and sensuality of negroes. it is upon the _system_, which thus transforms men into beasts, that the reproach rests in all its strength and bitterness. and even if the negroes were, beyond all doubt, our inferiors in intellect, this would form no excuse for oppression, or contempt. the use of law and public opinion is to protect the weak against the strong; and the government, which perverts these blessings into means of tyranny, resembles the priest, who administered poison with the holy sacrament. is there an american willing that the intellectual and the learned should bear despotic sway over the simple and the ignorant? if there be such a one, _he_ may consistently vindicate our treatment of the africans. chapter vii. moral character of negroes. "fleecy locks and black complexion cannot forfeit nature's claim; skins may differ, but affection dwells in black and white the same. "slaves of gold! whose sordid dealings tarnish all your boasted powers, prove that you have human feelings, ere you proudly question ours." the negro's complaint; by cowper. the opinion that negroes are naturally inferior in intellect is almost universal among white men; but the belief that they are worse than other people, is, i believe, much less extensive: indeed, i have heard some, who were by no means admirers of the colored race, maintain that they were very remarkable for kind feelings, and strong affections. homer calls the ancient ethiopians "the most honest of men;" and modern travellers have given innumerable instances of domestic tenderness, and generous hospitality in the interior of africa. mungo park informs us that he found many schools in his progress through the country, and observed with pleasure the great docility and submissive deportment of the children, and heartily wished they had better instructers and a purer religion. the following is an account of his arrival at jumbo, in company with a native of that place, who had been absent several years: "the meeting between the blacksmith and his relations was very tender; for these rude children of nature, free from restraint, display their emotions in the strongest and most expressive manner. amidst these transports, the aged mother was led forth, leaning upon a staff. every one made way for her, and she stretched out her hand to bid her son welcome. being totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with great care, and seemed highly delighted that her latter days were blessed by his return, and that her ears once more heard the music of his voice. from this interview, i was fully convinced, that whatever difference there is between the negro and the european, in the conformation of the nose, and the color of the skin, there is none in the genuine sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common nature." at a small town in the interior, called wawra, he says, "in the course of the day, several women, hearing that i was going to sego, came and begged me to inquire of mansong, the king, what was become of their children. one woman, in particular, told me that her son's name was mamadee; that he was no heathen; but prayed to god morning and evening; that he had been taken from her about three years ago by mansong's army, since which she had never heard from him. she said she often dreamed about him, and begged me, if i should see him in bambarra, or in my own country, to tell him that his mother and sister were still alive." at sego, in bambarra, the king, being jealous of mr. park's intentions, forbade him to cross the river. under these discouraging circumstances, he was advised to lodge at a distant village; but there the same distrust of the white man's purposes prevailed, and no person would allow him to enter his house. he says, "i was regarded with astonishment and fear, and was obliged to sit all day without food, under the shade of a tree. the wind rose, and there was great appearance of a heavy rain, and the wild beasts are so very numerous in the neighborhood, that i should have been under the necessity of resting among the branches of the tree. about sunset, however, as i was preparing to pass the night in this manner, and had turned my horse loose, that he might graze at liberty, a woman, returning from the labors of the field, stopped to observe me. perceiving that i was weary and dejected, she inquired into my situation, which i briefly explained to her; whereupon, with looks of great compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle and told me to follow her. having conducted me into her hut, she lighted a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and told me i might remain there for the night. finding that i was hungry, she went out, and soon returned with a very fine fish, which being broiled upon some embers, she gave me for supper. the women then resumed their task of spinning cotton, and lightened their labor with songs, one of which must have been composed extempore, for i was myself the subject of it. it was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in a kind of chorus. the air was sweet and plaintive, and the words literally translated, were these: "the winds roar'd, and the rains fell; the poor white man, faint and weary, came and sat under our tree.-- he has no mother to bring him milk; no wife to grind his corn. chorus. "let us pity the white man; no mother has he to bring him milk, no wife to grind his corn." [illustration: engraving] the reader can fully sympathize with this intelligent and liberal-minded traveller, when he observes, "trifling as this recital may appear, the circumstance was highly affecting to a person in my situation. i was oppressed with such unexpected kindness, and sleep fled from my eyes. in the morning, i presented my compassionate landlady with two of the four brass buttons remaining on my waistcoat; the only recompense i could make her." the duchess of devonshire, whose beauty and talent gained such extensive celebrity, was so much pleased with this african song, and the kind feelings in which it originated, that she put it into english verse, and employed an eminent composer to set it to music: the loud wind roar'd, the rain fell fast; the white man yielded to the blast; he sat him down beneath our tree, for weary, faint, and sad was he; and ah, no wife or mother's care, for him the milk or corn prepare. chorus. the white man shall our pity share; alas! no wife, or mother's care, for him the milk or corn prepare. the storm is o'er, the tempest past, and mercy's voice has hush'd the blast; the wind is heard in whispers low; the white man far away must go;-- but ever in his heart will bear remembrance of the negro's care. chorus. go, white man, go--but with thee bear the negro's wish, the negro's prayer, remembrance of the negro's care. at another time, mr. park thus continues his narrative: "a little before sunset, i descended on the northwest side of a ridge of hills, and as i was looking about for a convenient tree, under which to pass the night, (for i had no hopes of reaching any town) i descended into a delightful valley, and soon afterward arrived at a romantic village called kooma. i was immediately surrounded by a circle of the harmless villagers. they asked me a thousand questions about my country, and in return for my information brought corn and milk for myself, and grass for my horse; kindled a fire in the hut where i was to sleep, and appeared very anxious to serve me." afterward, being robbed and stripped by a banditti in the wilderness, he informs us that the robbers stood considering whether they should leave him quite destitute; even in _their_ minds, humanity partially prevailed over avarice; they returned the worst of two shirts, and a pair of trowsers; and as they went away, one of them threw back his hat. at the next village, mr. park entered a complaint to the dooty, or chief man, who continued very calmly smoking while he listened to the narration; but when he had heard all the particulars, he took the pipe from his mouth, and tossing up the sleeve of his cloak, with an indignant air, he said, "you shall have every thing restored to you--i have sworn it." then, turning to an attendant, he added, "give the white man a draught of water; and with the first light of morning go over the hills, and inform the dooty of bammakoo, that a poor white man, the king of bambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of foolodoo's people." he then invited the traveller to remain with him, and share his provisions, until the messenger returned. mr. park accepted the kind offer most gratefully: and in a few days his horse and clothes were restored to him. at the village of nemacoo, where corn was so scarce that the people were actually in a state of starvation, a negro pitied his distress and brought him food. at kamalia, mr. park was earnestly dissuaded by an african named karfa, from attempting to cross the jalonka wilderness during the rainy season; to which he replied that there was no alternative--for he was so poor, that he must either beg his subsistence from place to place, or perish with hunger. karfa eagerly inquired if he could eat the food of the country, adding that, if he would stay with him, he should have plenty of victuals, and a hut to sleep in; and that after he had been safely conducted to the gambia, he might make what return he thought proper. he was accordingly provided with a mat to sleep on, an earthern jar for holding water, a small calabash for a drinking cup, and two meals a day, with a supply of wood and water, from karfa's own dwelling. here he recovered from a fever, which had tormented him several weeks. his benevolent landlord came daily to inquire after his health, and see that he had every thing for his comfort. mr. park assures us that the simple and affectionate manner of those around him contributed not a little to his recovery. he adds, "thus was i delivered, by the friendly care of this benevolent negro, from a situation truly deplorable. distress and famine pressed hard upon me; i had before me the gloomy wilderness of jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for five successive days. i had observed, at a distance, the rapid course of the river kokaro, and had almost marked out the place where i thought i was doomed to perish, when this friendly negro stretched out his hospitable hand for my relief." mr. park having travelled in company with a coffle of thirty-five slaves, thus describes his feelings as they came near the coast: "although i was now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome journey, and expected in another day to meet with countrymen and friends, i could not part with my unfortunate fellow-travellers,--doomed as i knew most of them to be, to a life of slavery in a foreign land,--without great emotion. during a peregrination of more than five hundred miles, exposed to the burning rays of a tropical sun, these poor slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater sufferings, would commiserate mine, and frequently, of their own accord, bring water to quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves to prepare me a bed in the wilderness. we parted with mutual regret and blessings. my good wishes and prayers were all i could bestow upon them, and it afforded me some consolation to be told that they were sensible i had no more to give." the same enlightened traveller remarks, "all the negro nations that fell under my observation, though divided into a number of petty, independent states, subsist chiefly by the same means, live nearly in the same temperature, and possess a wonderful similarity of disposition. the mandingoes, in particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful, inquisitive, credulous, simple, and fond of flattery. perhaps the most prominent defect in their character, was that insurmountable propensity, which the reader must have observed to prevail in all classes, to steal from me the few effects i was possessed of. no complete justification can be offered for this conduct, because theft is a crime in their own estimation; and it must be observed that they are not habitually and generally guilty of it towards each other. but before we pronounce them a more depraved people than any other, it were well to consider, whether the lower class of people in any part of europe, would have acted, under similar circumstances, with greater honesty towards a stranger. it must be remembered that the laws of the country afforded me no protection; that every one was permitted to rob me with impunity; and that some part of my effects were of as great value in the estimation of the negroes, as pearls and diamonds would have been in the eyes of a european. let us suppose a black merchant of hindostan had found his way into england, with a box of jewels at his back, and the laws of the kingdom afforded him no security--in such a case, the wonder would be, not that the stranger was robbed of any part of his riches, but that any part was left for a second depredator.[aj] such, on sober reflection, is the judgment i have formed concerning the pilfering disposition of the mandingo negroes toward me. [footnote aj: or suppose a colored pedler with valuable goods travelling in slave states, where the laws afford little or no protection to negro property; what would probably be his fate?] "on the other hand, it is impossible for me to forget the disinterested charity, and tender solicitude, with which many of these poor heathens, from the sovereign of sego, to the poor women, who at different times received me into their cottages, sympathized with my sufferings, relieved my distress, and contributed to my safety. perhaps this acknowledgment is more particularly due to the female part of the nation. among the men, as the reader must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, was sometimes otherwise. it varied according to the tempers of those to whom i made application. avarice in some, and bigotry in others, had closed up the avenues to compassion; but i do not recollect a single instance of hard-heartedness towards me in the women. in all my wanderings and wretchedness, i found them uniformly kind and compassionate; and i can truly say, as mr. ledyard has eloquently said before me--'to a woman, i never addressed myself in the language of decency and friendship, without receiving a decent and friendly answer. if i was hungry, or thirsty, wet, or ill, they did not hesitate, like the men, to perform a generous action. in so free and so kind a manner, did they contribute to my relief, that if i were thirsty, i drank the sweeter draught; and if i were hungry, i ate the coarsest meal with a double relish.' "it is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and amiable sympathy of nature, thus spontaneously manifested to me in my distress, is displayed by these poor people as occasion requires, much more strongly toward those of their own nation and neighborhood. maternal affection, neither suppressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the solicitudes of civilized life, is every where conspicuous among them, and creates reciprocal tenderness in the child. 'strike me,' said a negro to his master, who spoke disrespectfully of his parent, 'but do not curse my mother.' the same sentiment i found to prevail universally." "i perceived, with great satisfaction, that the maternal solicitude extended not only to the growth and security of the person, but also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of the character; for one of the first lessons, which the mandingo women teach their children, is the practice of truth. a poor unhappy mother, whose son had been murdered by a moorish banditti, found consolation in her deepest distress from the reflection that her boy, in the whole course of his blameless life, had never told a lie." adanson, who visited senegal, in , describes the negroes as sociable, obliging, humane, and hospitable. "their amiable simplicity," says he, "in this enchanting country, recalled to me the idea of the primitive race of man; i thought i saw the world in its infancy. they are distinguished by tenderness for their parents, and great respect for the aged." robin speaks of a slave at martinico, who having gained money sufficient for his own ransom, preferred to purchase his mother's freedom. proyart, in his history of loango, acknowledges that the negroes on the coast, who associate with europeans, are inclined to licentiousness and fraud; but he says those of the interior are humane, obliging, and hospitable. golberry repeats the same praise, and rebukes the presumption of white men in despising "nations improperly called savage, among whom we find men of integrity, models of filial, conjugal, and paternal affection, who know all the energies and refinements of virtue; among whom sentimental impressions are more deep, because they observe, more than we, the dictates of nature, and know how to sacrifice personal interest to the ties of friendship." joseph rachel, a free negro of barbadoes, having become rich by commerce, consecrated all his fortune to acts of charity and beneficence. the unfortunate of all colors shared his kindness. he gave to the needy, lent without hope of return, visited prisoners, and endeavored to reform the guilty. he died in . the philanthropists of england speak of him with the utmost respect. jasmin thoumazeau was born in africa, , and sold at st. domingo, . having obtained his freedom, he returned to his native country, and married a negro girl of the gold coast. in , he established a hospital for poor negroes and mulattoes. during more than forty years, he and his wife devoted their time and fortune to the comfort of such invalids as sought their protection. the philadelphian society, at the cape, and the agricultural society of paris, decreed medals to this worthy and benevolent man. louis desrouleaux was the slave of m. pinsum, _a captain in the negro trade_, who resided at st. domingo. the master having amassed great riches, went to reside in france, where circumstances combined to ruin him. depressed in fortune and spirits, he returned to st. domingo; but those who had formerly been proud of his friendship, now avoided him. louis heard of his misfortunes and immediately went to see him. the scales were now turned; the negro was rich, and the white man poor. the generous fellow offered every assistance, but advised m. pinsum by all means to return to france, where he would not be pained by the sight of ungrateful men. "but i cannot gain a living there," replied the white man. "will the annual revenue of fifteen thousand francs be sufficient?" asked louis. the frenchman's eyes filled with tears. the negro signed the contract, and the pension was regularly paid, till the death of louis desrouleaux, in . benoit of palermo, also named benoit of santo fratello, sometimes called _the holy black_, was a negro, and the son of a female slave. roccho pirro, author of the _sicilia sacra_, eulogizes him thus: "nigro quidem corpore sed candore animi præclarisimus quem miraculis deus contestatum esse voluit." "his body was black, but it pleased god to testify by miracles the whiteness of his soul." he died at palermo, in , where his tomb and memory are much revered. a few years ago, it was said the pope was about to authorize his canonization. whether he is yet registered as a saint in the calendar, i know not; but many writers agree that he was a saint indeed--eminent for his virtues, which he practised in meekness and silence, desiring no witness but his god. the moral character of toussaint l'ouverture is even more worthy of admiration than his intellectual acuteness. what can be more beautiful than his unchanging gratitude to his benefactor, his warm attachment to his family, his high-minded sacrifice of personal feeling to the public good? he was a hero in the sublimest sense of the word. yet he had no white blood in his veins--he was all negro. the following description of a slave-market at brazil is from the pen of doctor walsh: "the men were generally less interesting objects than the women; their countenances and hues were very varied, according to the part of the african coast from which they came; some were soot-black, having a certain ferocity of aspect that indicated strong and fierce passions, like men who were darkly brooding over some deep-felt wrongs, and meditating revenge. when any one was ordered, he came forward with a sullen indifference, threw his arms over his head, stamped with his feet, shouted to show the soundness of his lungs, ran up and down the room, and was treated exactly like a horse put through his paces at a repository; and when done, he was whipped to his stall. "many of them were lying stretched on the bare boards; and among the rest, mothers with young children at their breasts, of which they seemed passionately fond. they were all doomed to remain on the spot, like sheep in a pen, till they were sold; they have no apartment to retire to, no bed to repose on, no covering to protect them; they sit naked all day, and lie naked all night, on the bare boards, or benches, where we saw them exhibited. "among the objects that attracted my attention in this place were some young boys, who seemed to have formed a society together. i observed several times in passing by, that the same little group was collected near a barred window; they seemed very fond of each other, and their kindly feelings were never interrupted by peevishness; indeed, the temperament of a negro child is generally so sound, that he is not affected by those little morbid sensations, which are the frequent cause of crossness and ill-temper in our children. i do not remember that i ever saw a young black fretful, or out of humor; certainly never displaying those ferocious fits of petty passion, in which the superior nature of infant whites indulges. i sometimes brought cakes and fruit in my pocket, and handed them in to the group. it was quite delightful to observe the generous and disinterested manner in which they distributed them. there was no scrambling with one another; no selfish reservation to themselves. the child to whom i happened to give them, took them so gently, looked so thankfully, and distributed them so generously, that i could not help thinking that god had compensated their dusky hue, by a more than usual human portion of amiable qualities." several negroes in jamaica were to be hung. one of them was offered his life, if he would hang the others; he preferred death. a negro slave who was ordered to do it, asked time to prepare; he went into his cabin, chopped off his right hand with an axe, and then came back, saying he was ready. sutcliff in his travels, speaks of meeting a coffle of slaves in maryland, one of whom had voluntarily gone into slavery, in hopes of meeting her husband, who was a free black and had been stolen by kidnappers. the poor creature was in treacherous hands, and it is a great chance whether she ever saw her husband again. an affecting instance of negro friendship may be found in bay's report, - . a female slave in south carolina was allowed to work out in the town, on condition that she paid her master a certain sum of money, per month. being strong and industrious, her wages amounted to more than had been demanded in their agreement. after a time she earned enough to buy her freedom; but she preferred to devote the sum to the emancipation of a negro girl, named sally, for whom she had conceived a strong affection. for a long time the master pretended to have no property in his slave's manumitted friend, never paid taxes for her, and often spoke of her as a free negro. but, from some motive or other, he afterward claimed sally as his slave, on the ground that no slave could make any purchase on his own account, or possess any thing which did not legally belong to his master. it is an honor to chief justice rutledge that his charge was given in a spirit better than the laws. he concluded by saying, "if the wench choose to appropriate the savings of her extra labor to the purchase of this girl, in order to set her free, will a jury of the country say, no? i trust not. i hope they are too upright and humane, to do such manifest violence to such an extraordinary act of benevolence." by the prompt decision of the jury, sally was declared free.[ak] [footnote ak: stroud says of the above, "this is an isolated case, of pretty early date; it deserves to be noticed because it is in opposition to the spirit of the laws, and to _later_ decisions of the courts."] in speaking of the character of negroes, it ought not to be omitted that many of them were brave and faithful soldiers during our revolution. some are now receiving pensions for their services. at new-orleans, likewise, the conduct of the colored troops was deserving of the highest praise. it is common to speak of the negroes as a very unfeeling race; and no doubt the charge has considerable truth when applied to those in a state of bondage; for slavery blunts the feelings, as well as stupifies the intellect. the poor negro is considered as having no right in his wife and children. they may be suddenly torn from him to be sold in a distant market; but he cannot prevent the wrong. he may see them exposed to every species of insult and indignity; but the law, which stretches forth her broad shield to guard the white man's rights, excludes the negro from her protection. they may be tied to the whipping-post and _die_ under _moderate_ punishment; but he dares not complain. if he murmur, there is the tormenting lash; if he resist, it is death. and the injustice extends even beyond the grave; for the story of the slave is told by his oppressor, and the manly spirit which the poor creature shows, when stung to the very heart's core, is represented as diabolical revenge. a short time ago, i read in a georgia paper, what was called a horrid transaction, on the part of the negro. a slave stood by and saw his wife whipped, as long as he could possibly endure the sight; he then called out to the overseer, who was applying the lash, that he would kill him if he did not use more mercy. this probably made matters worse; at all events the lashing continued. the husband goaded to frenzy, rushed upon the overseer, and stabbed him three times. white men! what would _you_ do, if the laws admitted that your wives might "_die_" of "_moderate punishment_," administered by your employers? the overseer died, and his murderer was either burned or shot,--i forget which. the georgia editor viewed the subject only on one side--viz., the monstrous outrage against the white man--the negro's wrongs passed for nothing! it was very gravely added to the account (probably to increase the odiousness of the slave's offence,) that the overseer belonged to the presbyterian church! i smiled,--because it made me think of a man, whom i once heard described as "a most excellent christian, that would steal timber to build a church." this instance shows that even slaves are not quite destitute of feeling--yet we could not wonder at it, if they were. who could expect the kindly affections to expand in such an atmosphere! where there is no hope, the heart becomes paralyzed: it is a merciful arrangement of divine providence, by which the acuteness of sensibility is lessened when it becomes merely a source of suffering. but there are exceptions to this general rule; instances of very strong and deep affection are sometimes found in a state of hopeless bondage. godwin, in his eloquent lectures on colonial slavery, quotes the following anecdote, as related by mr. t. pennock, at a public meeting in england: "a few years ago it was enacted, that it should not be legal to transport once established slaves from one island to another; and a gentleman owner, finding it advisable to do so before the act came in force, the removal of a great part of his _live stock_ was the consequence. he had a female slave, a methodist, and highly valuable to him, (not the less so for being the mother of eight or nine children,) whose husband, also of our connection, was the property of another resident on the island, where i happened to be at the time. their masters not agreeing on a sale, separation ensued, and i went to the beach to be an eye-witness of their behavior in the greatest pang of all. one by one, the man kissed his children, with the firmness of a hero, and blessing them, gave as his last words--(oh! will it be believed, and have no influence upon our veneration for the negro?) 'farewell! _be honest, and obedient to your master!_' at length he had to take leave of his wife: there he stood, (i have him in my mind's eye at this moment,) five or six yards from the mother of his children, unable to move, speak, or do any thing but gaze, and still to gaze, on the object of his long affection, soon to cross the blue waves for ever from his aching sight. the fire of his eyes alone gave indication of the passion within, until after some minutes standing thus, he fell senseless on the sand, as if suddenly struck down by the hand of the almighty. nature could do no more; the blood gushed from his nostrils and mouth, as if rushing from the terrors of the conflict within; and amid the confusion occasioned by the circumstance, the vessel bore off his family for ever from the island! after some days he recovered, and came to ask advice of me. what _could_ an englishman do in such a case? i felt the blood boiling within me; but i conquered. i browbeat my own manhood, and gave him the humblest advice i could." the following account is given by mr. gilgrass, one of the methodist missionaries at jamaica: "a master of slaves, who lived near us in kingston, exercised his barbarities on a sabbath morning while we were worshiping god in the chapel; and the cries of the female sufferers have frequently interrupted us in our devotions. but there was no redress for them, or for us. this man wanted money; and one of the female slaves having two fine children, he sold one of them, and the child was torn from her maternal affection. in the agony of her feelings, she made a hideous howling; and for that crime she was flogged. soon after he sold her other child. this 'turned her heart within her,' and impelled her into a kind of madness. she howled night and day in the yard; tore her hair; ran up and down the streets and the parade, rending the heavens with her cries, and literally watering the earth with her tears. her constant cry was, '_da wicked massa, he sell me children. will no buckra master pity nega? what me do! me have no child!_' as she stood before my window, she said, lifting her hands towards heaven, '_do, me master minister, pity me! me heart do so, _(shaking herself violently,)_ me heart do so, because me have no child. me go a massa house, in massa yard, and in me hut, and me no see em;_' and then her cry went up to god. i durst not be seen looking at her." a similar instance of strong affection happened in the city of washington, december, . a negro woman, with her two children, was sold near bladensburg, to georgia traders; but the master refused to sell her husband. when the coffle reached washington, on their way to georgia, the poor creature attempted to escape, by jumping from the garret window of a three-story brick tavern. her arms and back were dreadfully broken. when asked why she had done such a desperate act, she replied, "_they brought me away, and wouldn't let me see my husband; and i didn't want to go. i was so distracted that i didn't know what i was about: but i didn't want to go--and i jumped out of the window._" the unfortunate woman was given to the landlord as a compensation for having her taken care of at his house; her children were sold in carolina; and thus was this poor forlorn being left alone in her misery. in all this wide land of benevolence and freedom, there was no one who could protect her: for in such cases, the _laws_ come in, with iron grasp, to check the stirrings of human sympathy. another complaint is that slaves have most inveterate habits of laziness. no doubt this is true--it would be strange indeed if it were otherwise. where is the human being, who will work from a disinterested love of toil, when his labor brings no improvement to himself, no increase of comfort to his wife and children? pelletan, in his memoirs of the french colony of senegal, says, "the negroes work with ardor, because they are now unmolested in their possessions and enjoyments. since the suppression of slavery, the moors make no more inroads upon them, and their villages are rebuilt and re-peopled." bosman, who was by no means very friendly to colored people, says: "the negroes of cabomonte and juido, are indefatigable cultivators, economical of their soil, they scarcely leave a foot-path to form a communication between the different possessions; they reap one day, and the next they sow the same earth, without allowing it time for repose." it is needless to multiply quotations; for the concurrent testimony of all travellers proves that industry is a common virtue in the interior of africa. again, it is said that the negroes are treacherous, cunning, dishonest, and profligate. let me ask you, candid reader, what you would be, if you labored under the same unnatural circumstances? the daily earnings of the slave, nay, his very wife and children, are constantly wrested from him, under the sanction of the laws; is this the way to teach a scrupulous regard to the property of others? how can purity be expected from him, who sees almost universal licentiousness prevail among those whom he is taught to regard as his superiors? besides, we must remember how entirely unprotected the negro is in his domestic relations, and how very frequently husband and wife are separated by the caprice, or avarice, of the white man. i have no doubt that slaves are artful; for they _must_ be so. cunning is always the resort of the weak against the strong; children, who have violent and unreasonable parents, become deceitful in self-defence. the only way to make young people sincere and frank, is to treat them with mildness and perfect justice. the negro often pretends to be ill in order to avoid labor; and if you were situated as he is, you would do the same. but it is said that the blacks are malignant and revengeful. granting it to be true,--is it their fault, or is it owing to the cruel circumstances in which they are placed? surely there are proofs enough that they are naturally a kind and gentle people. true, they do sometimes murder their masters and overseers; but where there is utter hopelessness, can we wonder at occasional desperation? i do not believe that any class of people subject to the same influences, would commit fewer crimes. dickson, in his letters on slavery, informs us that "among one hundred and twenty thousand negroes and creoles of barbadoes, only three murders have been known to be committed by them in the course of thirty years; although often provoked by the cruelty of the planters." in estimating the vices of slaves, there are several items to be taken into the account. in the first place, we hear a great deal of the negroes' crimes, while we hear very little of their provocations. if they murder their masters, newspapers and almanacs blazon it all over the country; but if their masters murder _them_, a trifling fine is paid, and nobody thinks of mentioning the matter. i believe there are twenty negroes killed by white men, where there is one white man killed by a black. if you believe this to be mere conjecture, i pray you examine the judicial reports of the southern states. the voice of _humanity_, concerning this subject, is weak and stifled; and when a master kills his own slave we are not likely to hear the tidings--but the voice of _avarice_ is loud and strong; and it sometimes happens that negroes, "die under a moderate punishment" administered by other hands: then prosecutions ensue, in order to recover the price of the slave; and in _this_ way we are enabled to form a tolerable conjecture concerning the frequency of such crimes. i have said that we seldom hear of the grievous wrongs which provoke the vengeance of the slave; i will tell an anecdote, which i know to be true, as a proof in point. within the last two years, a gentleman residing in boston, was summoned to the west indies in consequence of troubles on his plantation. his overseer had been killed by the slaves. this fact was soon made public; and more than one exclaimed, "what diabolical passions these negroes have!" to which i replied, that i only wondered they were half as good as they were. it was not long, however, before i discovered the particulars of the case: and i took some pains that the public should likewise be informed of them. the overseer was a bad, licentious man. how long and how much the slaves endured under his power i know not, but at last, he took a fancy to two of the negroes' wives, ordered them to be brought to his house, and in spite of their entreaties and resistance, compelled them to remain as long as he thought proper. the husbands found their little huts deserted, and knew very well where the blame rested. in such a case, you would have gone to law; but the law does not recognise a negro's rights--he is the _property_ of his master, and subject to the will of his agent. if a slave should talk of being protected in his domestic relations, it would cause great merriment in a slaveholding state; the proposition would be deemed equally inconvenient and absurd. under such circumstances, the negro husbands took justice into their own hands. they murdered the overseer. four innocent slaves were taken up, and upon very slight circumstantial evidence were condemned to be shot; but the real actors in this scene passed unsuspected. when the unhappy men found their companions were condemned to die, they avowed the fact, and exculpated all others from any share in the deed. was not this true magnanimity? can you help respecting those negroes? if you can, i pity you. since the condition of slaves is such as i have described, are you surprised at occasional insurrections? you may _regret_ it most deeply; but _can_ you wonder at it. the famous captain smith, when he was a slave in tartary, killed his overseer and made his escape. i never heard him blamed for it--it seems to be universally considered a simple act of self-defence. the same thing has often occurred with regard to white men taken by the algerines. the poles have shed russian "blood enough to float our navy;" and we admire and praise them, because they did it in resistance of oppression. yet they have suffered less than black slaves, all the world over, are suffering. we honor our forefathers because they rebelled against certain principles dangerous to political freedom; yet from actual, personal tyranny, they suffered nothing: the negro on the contrary, is suffering all that oppression _can_ make human nature suffer. why do we execrate in one set of men, what we laud so highly in another? i shall be reminded that insurrections and murders are totally at variance with the precepts of our religion; and this is most true. but according to this rule, the americans, poles, parisians, belgians, and all who have shed blood for the sake of liberty, are more to blame than the negroes; for the former are more enlightened, and can always have access to the fountain of religion; while the latter are kept in a state of brutal ignorance--not allowed to read their bibles--knowing nothing of christianity, except the examples of their masters, who profess to be governed by its maxims. i hope i shall not be misunderstood on this point. i am not vindicating insurrections and murders; the very thought makes my blood run cold. i believe revenge is _always_ wicked; but i say, what the laws of every country acknowledge, that great provocations are a palliation of great crimes. when a man steals food because he is starving, we are more disposed to pity, than to blame him. and what _can_ human nature do, subject to continual and oppressive wrong--hopeless of change--not only unprotected by law, but the law itself changed into an enemy--and to complete the whole, shut out from the instructions and consolations of the gospel! no wonder the west india missionaries found it very difficult to decide what they ought to say to the poor, suffering negroes! they could indeed tell them it was very impolitic to be rash and violent, because it could not, under existing circumstances, make their situation better, and would be very likely to make it worse; but if they urged the maxims of religion, the slaves might ask the embarrassing question, is not our treatment in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel? our masters can read the bible--they have a chance to know better. why do not christians deal justly by us, before they require us to deal mercifully with them? think of all these things, kind-hearted reader. try to judge the negro by the same rules you judge other men; and while you condemn his faults, do not forget his manifold provocations. chapter viii. prejudices against people of color, and our duties in relation to this subject. "a negro has a _soul_, an' please your honor," said the corporal, (_doubtingly_.) "i am not much versed, corporal," quoth my uncle toby, "in things of that kind; but i suppose god would not leave him without one any more than thee or me." "it would be putting one sadly over the head of the other," quoth the corporal. "it would so," said my uncle toby. "why then, an' please your honor, is a black man to be used worse than a white one." "i can give no reason," said my uncle toby. "only," cried the corporal, shaking his head, "because he has no one to stand up for him." "it is that very thing, trim," quoth my uncle toby, "which recommends him to protection." while we bestow our earnest disapprobation on the system of slavery, let us not flatter ourselves that we are in reality any better than our brethren of the south. thanks to our soil and climate, and the early exertions of the excellent society of friends, the _form_ of slavery does not exist among us; but the very _spirit_ of the hateful and mischievous thing is here in all its strength. the manner in which we use what power we have, gives us ample reason to be grateful that the nature of our institutions does not intrust us with more. our prejudice against colored people is even more inveterate than it is at the south. the planter is often attached to his negroes, and lavishes caresses and kind words upon them, as he would on a favorite hound: but our cold-hearted, ignoble prejudice admits of no exception--no intermission. the southerners have long continued habit, apparent interest and dreaded danger, to palliate the wrong they do; but we stand without excuse. they tell us that northern ships and northern capital have been engaged in this wicked business; and the reproach is true. several fortunes in this city have been made by the sale of negro blood. if these criminal transactions are still carried on, they are done in silence and secrecy, because public opinion has made them disgraceful. but if the free states wished to cherish the system of slavery for ever, they could not take a more direct course than they now do. those who are kind and liberal on all other subjects, unite with the selfish and the proud in their unrelenting efforts to keep the colored population in the lowest state of degradation; and the influence they unconsciously exert over children early infuses into their innocent minds the same strong feelings of contempt. the intelligent and well-informed have the least share of this prejudice; and when their minds can be brought to reflect upon it, i have generally observed that they soon cease to have any at all. but such a general apathy prevails and the subject is so seldom brought into view, that few are really aware how oppressively the influence of society is made to bear upon this injured class of the community. when i have related facts, that came under my own observation, i have often been listened to with surprise, which gradually increased to indignation. in order that my readers may not be ignorant of the extent of this tyrannical prejudice, i will as briefly as possible state the evidence, and leave them to judge of it, as their hearts and consciences may dictate. in the first place, an unjust law exists in this commonwealth, by which marriages between persons of different color is pronounced illegal. i am perfectly aware of the gross ridicule to which i may subject myself by alluding to this particular; but i have lived too long, and observed too much, to be disturbed by the world's mockery. in the first place, the government ought not to be invested with power to control the affections, any more than the consciences of citizens. a man has at least as good a right to choose his wife, as he has to choose his religion. his taste may not suit his neighbors; but so long as his deportment is correct, they have no right to interfere with his concerns. in the second place, this law is a _useless_ disgrace to massachusetts. under existing circumstances, none but those whose condition in life is too low to be much affected by public opinion, will form such alliances; and they, when they choose to do so, _will_ make such marriages, in spite of the law. i know two or three instances where women of the laboring class have been united to reputable, industrious colored men. these husbands regularly bring home their wages, and are kind to their families. if by some of the odd chances, which not unfrequently occur in the world, their wives should become heirs to any property, the children may be wronged out of it, because the law pronounces them illegitimate. and while this injustice exists with regard to _honest_, industrious individuals, who are merely guilty of differing from us in a matter of taste, neither the legislation nor customs of slaveholding states exert their influence against _immoral_ connexions. in one portion of our country this fact is shown in a very peculiar and striking manner. there is a numerous class at new-orleans, called quateroons, or quadroons, because their colored blood has for several successive generations been intermingled with the white. the women are much distinguished for personal beauty and gracefulness of motion; and their parents frequently send them to france for the advantages of an elegant education. white gentlemen of the first rank are desirous of being invited to their parties, and often become seriously in love with these fascinating but unfortunate beings. prejudice forbids matrimony, but universal custom sanctions temporary connexions, to which a certain degree of respectability is allowed, on account of the peculiar situation of the parties. these attachments often continue for years--sometimes for life--and instances are not unfrequent of exemplary constancy and great propriety of deportment. what eloquent vituperations we should pour forth, if the contending claims of nature and pride produced such a tissue of contradictions in some other country, and not in our own! there is another massachusetts law, which an enlightened community would not probably suffer to be carried into execution under any circumstances; but it still remains to disgrace the statutes of this commonwealth. it is as follows: "no african or negro, other than a subject of the emperor of morocco, or a citizen of the united states, (proved so by a certificate of the secretary of the state of which he is a citizen,) shall tarry within this commonwealth longer than two months; and on complaint a justice shall order him to depart in ten days; and if he do not then, the justice may commit such african or negro to the house of correction, there to be kept at hard labor; and at the next term of the court of common pleas, he shall be tried, and if convicted of remaining as aforesaid, shall be whipped not exceeding ten lashes; and if he or she shall not _then_ depart, such process shall be repeated, and punishment inflicted, _toties quoties_." stat. , ch. . an honorable haytian or brazilian, who visited this country for business or information, might come under this law, unless public opinion rendered it a mere dead letter. there is among the colored people an increasing desire for information, and laudable ambition to be respectable in manners and appearance. are we not foolish as well as sinful, in trying to repress a tendency so salutary to themselves, and so beneficial to the community? several individuals of this class are very desirous to have persons of their own color qualified to teach something more than mere reading and writing. but in the public schools, colored children are subject to many discouragements and difficulties; and into the private schools they cannot gain admission. a very sensible and well-informed colored woman in a neighboring town, whose family have been brought up in a manner that excited universal remark and approbation, has been extremely desirous to obtain for her eldest daughter the advantages of a private school; but she has been resolutely repulsed on account of her complexion. the girl is a very light mulatto, with great modesty and propriety of manners; perhaps no young person in the commonwealth was less likely to have a bad influence on her associates. the clergyman respected the family, and he remonstrated with the instructer; but while the latter admitted the injustice of the thing, he excused himself by saying such a step would occasion the loss of all his white scholars. in a town adjoining boston, a well behaved colored boy was kept out of the public school more than a year, by vote of the trustees. his mother, having some information herself, knew the importance of knowledge, and was anxious to obtain it for her family. she wrote repeatedly and urgently; and the schoolmaster himself told me that the correctness of her spelling, and the neatness of her hand-writing, formed a curious contrast with the notes he received from many white parents. at last, this spirited woman appeared before the committee, and reminded them that her husband, having for many years paid taxes as a citizen, had a right to the privileges of a citizen; and if her claim were refused, or longer postponed, she declared her determination to seek justice from a higher source. the trustees were, of course, obliged to yield to the equality of the laws, with the best grace they could. the boy was admitted, and made good progress in his studies. had his mother been too ignorant to know her rights, or too abject to demand them, the lad would have had a fair chance to get a living out of the state as the occupant of a workhouse, or penitentiary. the attempt to establish a school for african girls at canterbury, connecticut, has made too much noise to need a detailed account in this volume. i do not know the lady who first formed the project, but i am told that she is a benevolent and religious woman. it certainly is difficult to imagine any other motives than good ones, for an undertaking so arduous and unpopular. yet had the pope himself attempted to establish his supremacy over that commonwealth, he could hardly have been repelled with more determined and angry resistance. town-meetings were held, the records of which are not highly creditable to the parties concerned. petitions were sent to the legislature, beseeching that no african school might be allowed to admit individuals not residing in the town where said school was established; and strange to relate, this law, which makes it impossible to collect a sufficient number of pupils, was sanctioned by the state. a colored girl, who availed herself of this opportunity to gain instruction, was warned out of town, and fined for not complying; and the instructress was imprisoned for persevering in her benevolent plan. it was said, in excuse, that canterbury would be inundated with vicious characters, who would corrupt the morals of the young men; that such a school would break down the distinctions between black and white; and that marriages between people of different colors would be the probable result. yet they assumed the ground that colored people _must_ always be an inferior and degraded class--that the prejudice against them _must_ be eternal; being deeply founded in the laws of god and nature. finally, they endeavored to represent the school as one of the _incendiary_ proceedings of the anti-slavery society; and they appealed to the colonization society, as an aggrieved child is wont to appeal to its parent. the objection with regard to the introduction of vicious characters into a village, certainly has some force; but are such persons likely to leave cities for a quiet country town, in search of moral and intellectual improvement? is it not obvious that the _best_ portion of the colored class are the very ones to prize such an opportunity for instruction? grant that a large proportion of these unfortunate people _are_ vicious--is it not our duty, and of course our wisest policy, to try to make them otherwise? and what will so effectually elevate their character and condition, as knowledge? i beseech you, my countrymen, think of these things wisely, and in season. as for intermarriages, if there be such a repugnance between the two races, founded in the laws of _nature_, methinks there is small reason to dread their frequency. the breaking down of distinctions in society, by means of extended information, is an objection which appropriately belongs to the emperor of austria, or the sultan of egypt. i do not know how the affair at canterbury is _generally_ considered: but i have heard individuals of all parties and all opinions speak of it--and never without merriment or indignation. fifty years hence, the _black_ laws of connecticut will be a greater source of amusement to the antiquarian, than her famous _blue_ laws. a similar, though less violent opposition arose in consequence of the attempt to establish a college for colored people at new-haven. a young colored man, who tried to obtain education at the wesleyan college in middletown, was obliged to relinquish the attempt on account of the persecution of his fellow students. some collegians from the south objected to a colored associate in their recitations; and those from new-england promptly and zealously joined in the hue and cry. a small but firm party were in favor of giving the colored man a chance to pursue his studies without insult or interruption; and i am told that this manly and disinterested band were all southerners. as for those individuals, who exerted their influence to exclude an unoffending fellow-citizen from privileges which ought to be equally open to all, it is to be hoped that age will make them wiser--and that they will learn, before they die, to be ashamed of a step attended with more important results than usually belong to youthful follies. it happens that these experiments have all been made in connecticut; but it is no more than justice to that state to remark that a similar spirit would probably have been manifested in massachusetts, under like circumstances. at our debating clubs and other places of public discussion, the demon of prejudice girds himself for the battle, the moment negro colleges and high schools are alluded to. alas, while we carry on our lips that religion which teaches us to "love our neighbors as ourselves," how little do we cherish its blessed influence within our hearts! how much republicanism we have to _speak_ of, and how little do we practise! let us seriously consider what injury a negro college could possibly do us. it is certainly a fair presumption that the scholars would be from the better portion of the colored population; and it is an equally fair presumption that knowledge would improve their characters. there are already many hundreds of colored people in the city of boston. in the street they generally appear neat and respectable; and in our houses they do not "come between the wind and our nobility." would the addition of one or two hundred more even be perceived? as for giving offence to the southerners by allowing such establishments--they have no right to interfere with our internal concerns, any more than we have with theirs. why should they not give up slavery to please us, by the same rule that we must refrain from educating the negroes to please them? if they are at liberty to do wrong, we certainly ought to be at liberty to do right. they may talk and publish as much about us as they please; and we ask for no other influence over them. it is a fact not generally known that the brave kosciusko left a fund for the establishment of a negro college in the united states. little did he think he had been fighting for a people, who would not grant one rood of their vast territory for the benevolent purpose! according to present appearances, a college for colored persons will be established in canada; and thus by means of our foolish and wicked pride, the credit of this philanthropic enterprise will be transferred to our mother country. the preceding chapters show that it has been no uncommon thing for colored men to be educated at english, german, portuguese, and spanish universities. in boston there is an infant school, three primary schools, and a grammar school. the two last are, i believe, supported by the public; and this fact is highly creditable. i was much pleased with the late resolution awarding franklin medals to the colored pupils of the grammar school; and i was still more pleased with the laudable project, originated by josiah holbrook, esq., for the establishment of a colored lyceum. surely a better spirit _is_ beginning to work in this cause; and when once begun, the good sense and good feeling of the community will bid it go on and prosper. how much this spirit will have to contend with is illustrated by the following fact. when president jackson entered this city, the white children of all the schools were sent out in uniform, to do him honor. a member of the committee proposed that the pupils of the african schools should be invited likewise; but he was the only one who voted for it. he then proposed that the yeas and nays should be recorded; upon which, most of the gentlemen walked off, to prevent the question from being taken. perhaps they felt an awkward consciousness of the incongeniality of such proceedings with our republican institutions. by order of the committee the vacation of the african schools did not commence until the day after the procession of the white pupils; and a note to the instructer intimated that the pupils were not expected to appear on the common. the reason given was because "their numbers were so few;" but in private conversation, fears were expressed lest their sable faces should give offence to our slaveholding president. in all probability the sight of the colored children would have been agreeable to general jackson, and seemed more like home, than any thing he witnessed. in the theatre, it is not possible for respectable colored people to obtain a decent seat. they must either be excluded, or herd with the vicious. a fierce excitement prevailed, not long since, because a colored man had bought a pew in one of our churches. i heard a very kind-hearted and zealous democrat declare his opinion that "the fellow ought to be turned out by constables, if he dared to occupy the pew he had purchased." even at the communion-table, the mockery of human pride is mingled with the worship of jehovah. again and again have i seen a solitary negro come up to the altar meekly and timidly, after all the white communicants had retired. one episcopal clergyman of this city, forms an honorable exception to this remark. when there is room at the altar, mr. ---- often makes a signal to the colored members of his church to kneel beside their white brethren; and once, when two white infants and one colored one were to be baptized, and the parents of the latter bashfully lingered far behind the others, he silently rebuked the unchristian spirit of pride, by first administering the holy ordinance to the little dark-skinned child of god. an instance of prejudice lately occurred, which i should find it hard to believe, did i not positively know it to be a fact. a gallery pew was purchased in one of our churches for two hundred dollars. a few sabbaths after, an address was delivered at that church, in favor of the africans. some colored people, who very naturally wished to hear the discourse, went into the gallery; probably because they thought they should be deemed less intrusive there than elsewhere. the man who had recently bought a pew, found it occupied by colored people, and indignantly retired with his family. the next day, he purchased a pew in another meeting-house, protesting that nothing would tempt him again to make use of seats, that had been occupied by negroes. a well known country representative, who makes a very loud noise about his democracy, once attended the catholic church. a pious negro requested him to take off his hat, while he stood in the presence of the virgin mary. the white man rudely shoved him aside, saying, "you son of an ethiopian, do you dare to speak to me!" i more than once heard the hero repeat this story; and he seemed to take peculiar satisfaction in telling it. had he been less ignorant, he would not have chosen "son of an _ethiopian_" as an _ignoble_ epithet; to have called the african his own equal would have been abundantly more sarcastic. the same republican dismissed a strong, industrious colored man, who had been employed on the farm during his absence. "i am too great a democrat," quoth he, "to have any body in my house, who don't sit at my table; and i'll be hanged, if i ever eat with the son of an ethiopian." men whose education leaves them less excuse for such illiberality, are yet vulgar enough to join in this ridiculous prejudice. the colored woman, whose daughter has been mentioned as excluded from a private school, was once smuggled into a stage, upon the supposition that she was a white woman, with a sallow complexion. her manners were modest and prepossessing, and the gentlemen were very polite to her. but when she stopped at her own door, and was handed out by her curly-headed husband, they were at once surprised and angry to find they had been riding with a mulatto--and had, in their ignorance, been really civil to her! a worthy colored woman, belonging to an adjoining town, wished to come into boston to attend upon a son, who was ill. she had a trunk with her, and was too feeble to walk. she begged permission to ride in the stage. but the passengers with _noble_ indignation, declared they would get out, if she were allowed to get in. after much entreaty, the driver suffered her to sit by him upon the box. when he entered the city, his comrades began to point and sneer. not having sufficient moral courage to endure this, he left the poor woman, with her trunk, in the middle of the street, far from the place of her destination; telling her, with an oath, that he would not carry her a step further. a friend of mine lately wished to have a colored girl admitted into the stage with her, to take care of her babe. the girl was very lightly tinged with the sable hue, had handsome indian features, and very pleasing manners. it was, however, evident that she was not white; and therefore the passengers objected to her company. this of course, produced a good deal of inconvenience on one side, and mortification on the other. my friend repeated the circumstance to a lady, who, as the daughter and wife of a clergyman, might be supposed to have imbibed some liberality. the lady seemed to think the experiment was very preposterous; but when my friend alluded to the mixed parentage of the girl, she exclaimed, with generous enthusiasm, "oh, that alters the case, _indians_ certainly _have_ their rights." every year a colored gentleman and scholar is becoming less and less of a rarity--thanks to the existence of the haytian republic, and the increasing liberality of the world! yet if a person of refinement from hayti, brazil, or other countries, which we deem less enlightened than our own, should visit us, the very boys of this republic would dog his footsteps with the vulgar outcry of "nigger! nigger!" i have known this to be done, from no other provocation than the sight of a colored man with the dress and deportment of a gentleman. were it not that republicanism, like christianity, is often perverted from its true spirit by the bad passions of mankind, such things as these would make every honest mind disgusted with the very name of republics. i am acquainted with a gentleman from brazil who is shrewd, enterprising, and respectable in character and manners; yet he has experienced almost every species of indignity on account of his color. not long since, it became necessary for him to visit the southern shores of massachusetts, to settle certain accounts connected with his business. his wife was in a feeble state of health, and the physicians had recommended a voyage. for this reason, he took passage for her with himself in the steam-boat; and the captain, as it appears, made no objection to a colored gentleman's money. after remaining on deck some time, mrs. ---- attempted to pass into the cabin; but the captain prevented her; saying, "you must go down forward." the brazilian urged that he had paid the customary price, and therefore his wife and infant had a right to a place in the ladies' cabin. the captain answered, "your wife a'n't a lady; she is a nigger." the forward cabin was occupied by sailors; was entirely without accommodations for women, and admitted the sea-water, so that a person could not sit in it comfortably without keeping the feet raised in a chair. the husband stated that his wife's health would not admit of such exposure; to which the captain still replied, "i don't allow any niggers in my cabin." with natural and honest indignation, the brazilian exclaimed, "you americans talk about the poles! you are a great deal more russian than the russians." the affair was concluded by placing the colored gentleman and his invalid wife on the shore, and leaving them to provide for themselves as they could. had the cabin been full, there would have been some excuse; but it was occupied only by two sailors' wives. the same individual sent for a relative in a distant town on account of illness in his family. after staying several weeks, it became necessary for her to return; and he procured a seat for her in the stage. the same ridiculous scene occurred; the passengers were afraid of losing their dignity by riding with a neat respectable person, whose face was darker than their own. no public vehicle could be obtained, by which a colored citizen could be conveyed to her home; it therefore became absolutely necessary for the gentleman to leave his business and hire a chaise at great expense. such proceedings are really inexcusable. no authority can be found for them in religion, reason, or the laws. the bible informs us that "a man of ethiopia, a eunuch of great authority under candace, queen of the ethiopians, who had charge of all her treasure, came to jerusalem to worship." returning in his chariot, he read esaias, the prophet; and at his request philip went up into the chariot and sat with him, explaining the scriptures. where should we now find an apostle, who would ride in the same chariot with an ethiopian! will any candid person tell me why respectable colored people should not be allowed to make use of public conveyances, open to all who are able and willing to pay for the privilege? those who enter a vessel, or a stage-coach, cannot expect to select their companions. if they can afford to take a carriage or boat for themselves, then, and then only, they have a right to be exclusive. i was lately talking with a young gentleman on this subject, who professed to have no prejudice against colored people, except so far as they were ignorant and vulgar; but still he could not tolerate the idea of allowing them to enter stages and steam-boats. "yet, you allow the same privilege to vulgar and ignorant white men, without a murmur," i replied; "pray give a good republican reason why a respectable colored citizen should be less favored." for want of a better argument, he said--(pardon me, fastidious reader)--he implied that the presence of colored persons was less agreeable than otto of rose, or eau de cologne; and this distinction, he urged was made by god himself. i answered, "whoever takes his chance in a public vehicle, is liable to meet with uncleanly white passengers, whose breath may be redolent with the fumes of american cigars, or american gin. neither of these articles have a fragrance peculiarly agreeable to nerves of delicate organization. allowing your argument double the weight it deserves, it is utter nonsense to pretend that the inconvenience in the case i have supposed is not infinitely greater. but what is more to the point, do you dine in a fashionable hotel, do you sail in a fashionable steam-boat, do you sup at a fashionable house, without having negro servants behind your chair. would they be any more disagreeable as _passengers_ seated in the corner of a stage, or a steam-boat, than as _waiters_ in such immediate attendance upon your person?" stage-drivers are very much perplexed when they attempt to vindicate the present tyrannical customs; and they usually give up the point, by saying they themselves have no prejudice against colored people--they are merely afraid of the public. but stage-drivers should remember that in a popular government, they, in common with every other citizen, form a part and portion of the dreaded public. the gold was never coined for which i would barter my individual freedom of acting and thinking upon any subject, or knowingly interfere with the rights of the meanest human being. the only true courage is that which impels us to do right without regard to consequences. to fear a populace is as servile as to fear an emperor. the only salutary restraint is the fear of doing wrong. our representatives to congress have repeatedly rode in a stage with colored servants at the request of their masters. whether this is because new-englanders are willing to do out of courtesy to a southern gentleman, what they object to doing from justice to a colored citizen,--or whether those representatives, being educated men, were more than usually divested of this absurd prejudice,--i will not pretend to say. the state of public feeling not only makes it difficult for the africans to obtain information, but it prevents them from making profitable use of what knowledge they have. a colored man, however intelligent, is not allowed to pursue any business more lucrative than that of a barber, a shoe-black, or a waiter. these, and all other employments, are truly respectable, whenever the duties connected with them are faithfully performed; but it is unjust that a man should, on account of his complexion, be prevented from performing more elevated uses in society. every citizen ought to have a fair chance to try his fortune in any line of business, which he thinks he has ability to transact. why should not colored men be employed in the manufactories of various kinds? if their ignorance is an objection, let them be enlightened, as speedily as possible. if their moral character is not sufficiently pure, remove the pressure of public scorn, and thus supply them with motives for being respectable. all this can be done. it merely requires an earnest wish to overcome a prejudice, which has "grown with our growth and strengthened with our strength," but which is in fact opposed to the spirit of our religion, and contrary to the instinctive good feelings of our nature. when examined by the clear light of reason, it disappears. prejudices of all kinds have their strongest holds in the minds of the vulgar and the ignorant. in a community so enlightened as our own, they must gradually melt away under the influence of public discussion. there is no want of kind feelings and liberal sentiments in the american people; the simple fact is, they have not _thought_ upon this subject. an active and enterprising community are not apt to concern themselves about laws and customs, which do not obviously interfere with their interests or convenience; and various political and prudential motives have combined to fetter free inquiry in this direction. thus we have gone on, year after year, thoughtlessly sanctioning, by our silence and indifference, evils which our hearts and consciences are far enough from approving. it has been shown that no other people on earth indulge so strong a prejudice with regard to color, as we do. it is urged that negroes are civilly treated in england, because their numbers are so few. i could never discover any great force in this argument. colored people are certainly not sufficiently rare in that country to be regarded as a great show, like a giraffe, or a sandwich island king; and on the other hand, it would seem natural that those who were more accustomed to the sight of dark faces would find their aversion diminished, rather than increased. the absence of prejudice in the portuguese and spanish settlements is accounted for, by saying that the white people are very little superior to the negroes in knowledge and refinement. but doctor walsh's book certainly gives us no reason to think meanly of the brazilians; and it has been my good fortune to be acquainted with many highly intelligent south americans, who were divested of this prejudice, and much surprised at its existence here. if the south americans are really in such a low state as the argument implies, it is a still greater disgrace to us to be outdone in liberality and consistent republicanism by men so much less enlightened than ourselves. pride will doubtless hold out with strength and adroitness against the besiegers of its fortress; but it is an obvious truth that the condition of the world is rapidly improving, and that our laws and customs must change with it. neither ancient nor modern history furnishes a page more glorious than the last twenty years in england; for at every step, free principles, after a long and arduous struggle, have conquered selfishness and tyranny. almost all great evils are resisted by individuals who directly suffer injustice or inconvenience from them; but it is a peculiar beauty of the abolition cause that its defenders enter the lists against wealth, and power, and talent, not to defend their own rights, but to protect weak and injured neighbors, who are not allowed to speak for themselves. those who become interested in a cause laboring so heavily under the pressure of present unpopularity, must expect to be assailed by every form of bitterness and sophistry. at times, discouraged and heart-sick, they will perhaps begin to doubt whether there are in reality any unalterable principles of right and wrong. but let them cast aside the fear of man, and keep their minds fixed on a few of the simple, unchangeable laws of god, and they will certainly receive strength to contend with the adversary. paragraphs in the southern papers already begin to imply that the united states will not look tamely on, while england emancipates her slaves; and they inform us that the inspection of the naval stations has become a subject of great importance since the recent measures of the british parliament. a republic declaring war with a monarchy, because she gave freedom to her slaves, would indeed form a beautiful moral picture for the admiration of the world! mr. garrison was the first person who dared to edit a newspaper, in which slavery was spoken of as altogether wicked and inexcusable. for this crime the legislature of georgia have offered five thousand dollars to any one who will "arrest and prosecute him to conviction _under the laws of that state_." an association of gentlemen in south carolina have likewise offered a large reward for the same object. it is, to say the least, a very remarkable step for one state in this union to promulgate such a law concerning a citizen of another state, merely for publishing his opinions boldly. the disciples of fanny wright promulgate the most zealous and virulent attacks upon christianity, without any hindrance from the civil authorities; and this is done upon the truly rational ground that individual freedom of opinion ought to be respected--that what is false cannot stand, and what is true cannot be overthrown. we leave christianity to take care of itself; but slavery is a "delicate subject,"--and whoever attacks that must be punished. mr. garrison is a disinterested, intelligent, and remarkably pure-minded man, whose only fault is that he cannot be moderate on a subject which it is exceedingly difficult for an honest mind to examine with calmness. many who highly respect his character and motives, regret his tendency to use wholesale and unqualified expressions; but it is something to have the truth told, even if it be not in the mildest way. where an evil is powerfully supported by the self-interest and prejudice of the community, none but an ardent individual will venture to meddle with it. luther was deemed indiscreet even by those who liked him best; yet a more prudent man would never have given an impetus sufficiently powerful to heave the great mass of corruption under which the church was buried. mr. garrison has certainly the merit of having first called public attention to a neglected and very important subject.[al] i believe whoever fairly and dispassionately examines the question, will be more than disposed to forgive the occasional faults of an ardent temperament, in consideration of the difficulty of the undertaking, and the violence with which it has been opposed. [footnote al: this remark is not intended to indicate want of respect for the early exertions of the friends, in their numerous manumission societies; or for the efforts of that staunch, fearless, self-sacrificing friend of freedom--benjamin lundy; but mr. garrison was the first that boldly attacked slavery as a sin, and colonization as its twin sister.] the palliator of slavery assures the abolitionists that their benevolence is perfectly quixotic--that the negroes are happy and contented, and have no desire to change their lot. an answer to this may, as i have already said, be found in the judicial reports of slaveholding states, in the vigilance of their laws, in advertisements for runaway slaves, and in the details of their own newspapers. the west india planters make the same protestations concerning the happiness of their slaves; yet the cruelties proved by undoubted and unanswerable testimony are enough to sicken the heart. it is said that slavery is a great deal worse in the west indies than in the united states; but i believe precisely the reverse of this proposition has been true within late years; for the english government have been earnestly trying to atone for their guilt, by the introduction of laws expressly framed to guard the weak and defenceless. a gentleman who has been a great deal among the planters of both countries, and who is by no means favorable to anti-slavery, gives it as his decided opinion that the slaves are better off in the west indies, than they are in the united states. it is true we hear a great deal more about west indian cruelty than we do about our own. english books and periodicals are continually full of the subject; and even in the colonies, newspapers openly denounce the hateful system, and take every opportunity to prove the amount of wretchedness it produces. in this country, we have not, until very recently, dared to publish any thing upon the subject. our books, our reviews, our newspapers, our almanacs, have all been silent, or exerted their influence on the wrong side. the negro's crimes are repeated, but his sufferings are never told. even in our geographies it is taught that the colored race _must_ always be degraded. now and then anecdotes of cruelties committed in the slaveholding states are told by individuals who witnessed them; but they are almost always afraid to give their names to the public, because the southerners will call them "a disgrace to the soil," and the northerners will echo the sentiment. the promptitude and earnestness with which new-england has aided the slaveholders in repressing all discussions which they were desirous to avoid, has called forth many expressions of gratitude in their public speeches, and private conversation; and truly we have well earned randolph's favorite appellation, "the white slaves of the north," by our tameness and servility with regard to a subject where good feeling and good principle alike demand a firm and independent spirit. we are told that the southerners will of themselves do away slavery, and they alone understand how to do it. but it is an obvious fact that all their measures have tended to perpetuate the system; and even if we have the fullest faith that they mean to do their duty, the belief by no means absolves us from doing ours. the evil is gigantic; and its removal requires every heart and head in the community. it is said that our sympathies ought to be given to the masters, who are abundantly more to be pitied than the slaves. if this be the case, the planters are singularly disinterested not to change places with their bondmen. our sympathies _have_ been given to the masters--and to those masters who seemed most desirous to remain for ever in their pitiable condition. there are hearts at the south sincerely desirous of doing right in this cause; but their generous impulses are checked by the laws of their respective states, and the strong disapprobation of their neighbors. i know a lady in georgia who would, i believe, make any personal sacrifice to instruct her slaves, and give them freedom; but if she were found guilty of teaching the alphabet, or manumitting her slaves, fines and imprisonment would be the consequence; if she sold them, they would be likely to fall into hands less merciful than her own. of such slave-owners we cannot speak with too much respect and tenderness. they are comparatively few in number, and stand in a most perplexing situation; it is a duty to give all our sympathy to _them_. it is mere mockery to say, what is so often said, that the southerners, as a body, really wish to abolish slavery. if they wished it, they certainly would make the attempt. when the majority heartily desire a change, it is effected, be the difficulties what they may. the americans are peculiarly responsible for the example they give; for in no other country does the unchecked voice of the people constitute the whole of government. we must not be induced to excuse slavery by the plausible argument that england introduced it among us. the wickedness of beginning such a work unquestionably belongs to her; the sin of continuing it is certainly our own. it is true that virginia, while a province, did petition the british government to check the introduction of slaves into the colonies; and their refusal to do so was afterward enumerated among the public reasons for separating from the mother country: but it is equally true that when we became independent, the southern states stipulated that the slave-trade should not be abolished by law until . the strongest and best reason that can be given for our supineness on the subject of slavery, is the fear of dissolving the union. the constitution of the united states demands our highest reverence. those who approve, and those who disapprove of particular portions, are equally bound to yield implicit obedience to its authority. but we must not forget that the constitution provides for any change that may be required for the general good. the great machine is constructed with a safety-valve, by which any rapidly increasing evil may be expelled whenever the people desire it. if the southern politicians are determined to make a siamese question of this also--if they insist that the union shall not exist without slavery--it can only be said that they join two things, which have no affinity with each other, and which cannot permanently exist together. they chain the living and vigorous to the diseased and dying; and the former will assuredly perish in the infected neighborhood. the universal introduction of free labor is the surest way to consolidate the union, and enable us to live together in harmony and peace. if a history is ever written entitled "the decay and dissolution of the north american republic," its author will distinctly trace our downfall to the existence of slavery among us. there is hardly any thing bad, in politics or religion, that has not been sanctioned or tolerated by a suffering community, because certain powerful individuals were able to identify the evil with some other principle long consecrated to the hearts and consciences of men. under all circumstances, there is but one honest course; and that is to do right, and trust the consequences to divine providence. "duties are ours; events are god's." policy, with all her cunning, can devise no rule so safe, salutary, and effective, as this simple maxim. we cannot too cautiously examine arguments and excuses brought forward by those whose interest or convenience is connected with keeping their fellow-creatures in a state of ignorance and brutality; and such we shall find in abundance, at the north as well as the south. i have heard the abolition of slavery condemned on the ground that new-england vessels would not be employed to export the produce of the south, if they had free laborers of their own. this objection is so utterly bad in its spirit, that it hardly deserves an answer. assuredly it is a righteous plan to retard the progress of liberal principles, and "keep human nature for ever in the stocks," that some individuals may make a few hundred dollars more per annum! besides the experience of the world abundantly proves that all such forced expedients are unwise. the increased prosperity of one country, or of one section of a country, always contributes, in some form or other, to the prosperity of other states. to "love our neighbor as ourselves," is, after all, the shrewdest way of doing business. in england, the abolition of the _traffic_ was long and stoutly resisted, in the same spirit, and by the same arguments, that characterize the defence of the _system_ here; but it would now be difficult to find a man so reckless, that he would not be ashamed of being called a slave-dealer. public opinion has nearly conquered one evil, and if rightly directed, it will ultimately subdue the other. is it asked what can be done? i answer, much, very much, can be effected, if each individual will try to deserve the commendation bestowed by our saviour on the woman of old--"she hath done what she could." the friends,--always remarkable for fearless obedience to the inward light of conscience,--early gave an example worthy of being followed. at their annual meeting in pennsylvania, in , many individuals urged the incompatibility of slavery and christianity; and their zeal continued until, in , all quakers who bought or sold a slave, or refused to emancipate those they already owned, were excluded from communion with the society. had it not been for the early exertions of these excellent people, the fair and flourishing state of pennsylvania might now, perchance, be withering under the effects of slavery. to this day, the society of friends, both in england and america, omit no opportunity, public or private, of discountenancing this bad system; and the methodists (at least in england) have earnestly labored in the same glorious cause. the famous anthony benezet, a quaker in philadelphia, has left us a noble example of what may be done for conscience' sake. being a teacher, he took effectual care that his scholars should have ample knowledge and christian impressions concerning the nature of slavery; he caused articles to be inserted in the almanacs likely to arrest public attention upon the subject; he talked about it, and wrote letters about it; he published and distributed tracts at his own expense; if any person was going a journey, his first thought was how he could make him instrumental in favor of his benevolent purposes; he addressed a petition to the queen for the suppression of the slave-trade; and another to the good countess of huntingdon, beseeching that the rice and indigo plantations belonging to the orphan-house, which she had endowed near savannah, in georgia, might not be cultivated by those who encouraged the slave-trade; he took care to increase the comforts and elevate the character of the colored people within his influence; he zealously promoted the establishment of an african school, and devoted much of the two last years of his life to personal attendance upon his pupils. by fifty years of constant industry he had amassed a small fortune; and this was left after the decease of his widow, to the support of the african school. similar exertions, though on a less extensive scale, were made by the late excellent john kenrick, of newton, mass. for more than thirty years the constant object of his thoughts, and the chief purpose of his life, was the abolition of slavery. his earnest conversation aroused many other minds to think and act upon the subject. he wrote letters, inserted articles in the newspapers, gave liberal donations, and circulated pamphlets at his own expense. cowper contributed much to the cause when he wrote the "negro's complaint," and thus excited the compassion of his numerous readers. wedgewood aided the work, when he caused cameos to be struck, representing a kneeling african in chains, and thus made even capricious fashion an avenue to the heart. clarkson assisted by patient investigation of evidence; and fox and wilberforce by eloquent speeches. mungo park gave his powerful influence by the kind and liberal manner in which he always represented the africans. the duchess of devonshire wrote verses and caused them to be set to music; and wherever those lines were sung, some hearts were touched in favor of the oppressed. this fascinating woman made even her far-famed beauty serve in the cause of benevolence. fox was returned for parliament through her influence, and she is said to have procured more than one vote, by allowing the yeomanry of england to kiss her beautiful cheek. all are not able to do so much as anthony benezet and john kenrick have done; but we can all do something. we can speak kindly and respectfully of colored people upon all occasions; we can repeat to our children such traits as are honorable in their character and history; we can avoid making odious caricatures of negroes; we can teach boys that it is unmanly and contemptible to insult an unfortunate class of people by the vulgar outcry of "nigger!--nigger!" even mahmoud of turkey rivals us in liberality--for he long ago ordered a fine to be levied upon those who called a christian a dog; and in his dominions the _prejudice_ is so great that a christian must be a degraded being. a residence in turkey might be profitable to those christians who patronize the eternity of prejudice; it would afford an opportunity of testing the goodness of the rule, by showing how it works both ways. if we are not able to contribute to african schools, or do not choose to do so, we can at least refrain from opposing them. if it be disagreeable to allow colored people the same rights and privileges as other citizens, we can do with our prejudice, what most of us often do with better feeling--we can conceal it. our almanacs and newspapers can fairly show both sides of the question; and if they lean to either party, let it not be to the strongest. our preachers can speak of slavery, as they do of other evils. our poets can find in this subject abundant room for sentiment and pathos. our orators (provided they do not want office) may venture an allusion to our _in_-"glorious institutions." the union of individual influence produces a vast amount of moral force, which is not the less powerful because it is often unperceived. a mere change in the _direction_ of our efforts, without any increased exertion, would in the course of a few years, produce an entire revolution of public feeling. this slow but sure way of doing good is almost the only means by which benevolence can effect its purpose. _sixty thousands_ petitions have been addressed to the english parliament on the subject of slavery, and a large number of them were signed by women. the same steps here would be, with one exception, useless and injudicious; because the general government has no control over the legislatures of individual states. but the district of columbia forms an exception to this rule. _there_ the united states have power to abolish slavery; and it is the duty of the citizens to petition year after year, until a reformation is effected. but who will present remonstrances against slavery? the hon. john q. adams was intrusted with fifteen petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia; yet clearly as that gentleman sees and defines the pernicious effects of the system, he offered the petitions only to protest against them! another petition to the same effect, intrusted to another massachusetts representative, was never noticed at all. "brutus is an honorable man:--so are they all--all honorable men." nevertheless, there is, in this popular government, a subject on which it is _impossible_ for the people to make themselves heard. by publishing this book i have put my mite into the treasury. the expectation of displeasing all classes has not been unaccompanied with pain. but it has been strongly impressed upon my mind that it was a duty to fulfil this task; and worldly considerations should never stifle the voice of conscience. the end. index. adams, john, adams, j. quincy, africa benighted by slavery, african repository, extracts from, , , african individuals of distinction, to amalgamation, , ancient and modern slavery compared, anti-slavery society, appleton, mr. baptism supposed to confer freedom, bible opposed to slavery, blood-hounds, brown, moses, brodnax, mr. capt. riley, charles th, refused to sanction the slave-trade, child follows the condition of its mother, christianity abolished slavery, clay, henry, , clothing of slaves, code noir, , , colonization, cruelties to slaves, , , , devonshire, duchess of, democracy of the north, district of columbia, duelling, dymond, jonathan, eastern and western virginia, effect of slavery on the masters, egyptians, elizabeth of england tolerated the trade, emancipation safe, english formerly sold to irish, entailed upon us by england, ethiopians, everett, alexander h. evidence of colored persons not admitted, , faulkner, mr. female slaves unprotected, fierceness and pride induced by slavery, food of slaves, french planter's ideas of religion for slaves, free labor, garrison, mr. gentoo code, gholson, mr. grecian slavery, , , , happiness of slaves, hayne, mr. hayti, , hebrews, , , helots, humanity of masters, how far a protection, indian treatment of slaves, inequality of laws for offences, insurrections, intellect of africans, , internal slave-trade, interest to treat slaves well, jefferson, thomas, kenrick, john, kidnapping, , labor compulsory and uncompensated, lafayette, laws regulating labor, , laws obstruct emancipation, laws to perpetuate ignorance, , , laws against free colored people, louis th, marriages, laws concerning, martineau, harriet, masters have absolute power to punish, miller, gov. of s. carolina, missouri question, moral character of africans, moss, mary and helen, new-england kept in check by jealousy of the slave states, north and south, ohio and kentucky, offences punished in slaves, park, mungo, pauperism, comparative in west indies, petitions, pinckney, charles, political power of slave states, portuguese, , , prejudice against color almost unknown in other countries, , prejudice cherished by colonization, prejudice, instances of, to quakers, religious privileges of slaves, roane, mr. roman slaves, , , runaways, , sectional dislike, slave trade, beginning of, slave ship, description of, slave trade, cruelties of, slave trade defended in house of commons, slave trade sanctioned by constitution of the united states for twenty years, slave cut in pieces, slave codes, different degrees of mildness, slavery, hereditary and perpetual, slaves cannot own property, , slaves considered as chattels, slaves in africa, slaves never allowed to resist, slaves in u. s. cannot redeem themselves, slaves unprotected in domestic relations, slave representation, slavery veiled in the constitution, son, who murdered his father to obtain freedom, southerners do not desire the abolition of slavery, southerner, conversation with, spanish slaves, , , , st. domingo, sutcliff's travels, toussaint l'ouverture, turkey, union, washington's slaves, washington had doubts, wirt, william, wright, gov. of maryland, zhinga, transcriber's note this ebook retains the spelling variations and inconsistencies of the original document. where corrections to quotation marks seemed necessary, changes were made, as detailed below. however, quotation-mark usage in this text is variable. some quoted passages have end-quotes after each paragraph; some after only the final paragraph quoted. this style matches that of the original document published in . the following typographical corrections have been made to this text: title page: added missing quotation marks (our brethren!") p. : added missing end punctuation (wordsworth.) p. : changed igenuity to ingenuity (excite industry and ingenuity) changed diastrous to disastrous (have been most disastrous) changed intercouse to intercourse (intercourse with europeans) p. : added missing end punctuation (spears of the enemy.) p. : changed 'two' to 'too' (becomes almost too harrowing) p. : added missing quotation marks ("the officers insisted) changed kness to knees (against our knees) p. : changed stong to strong (a very strong party) changed consequnce to consequence (consequence of the severe) added missing quotation marks (old candle-boxes.") p. : changed consience to conscience (a matter of conscience) p. : changed jeferson's to jefferson's (the son of jefferson's) p. : added missing quotation marks (for safe-keeping.") p. : added missing quotation marks ("all that a slave) p. : added missing comma (his or her master, mistress) p. : added missing quotation marks (_at least nine_.") p. : a set of quotation marks appears omitted but it was not possible to determine where they were to have been added. p. : changed agreeaable to agreeable (an agreeable novelty) p. : changed 'them-themselves' to 'themselves' (pledge themselves) removed stray quotation marks (their _qualifications_?) p. : removed duplicate word 'been' (to have been the meekest) p. : changed opnion to opinion (influences public opinion) p. : added missing end punctuation (in the year .) p. : changed geoffrroy to geoffroy (lislet geoffroy) p. : added missing punctuation (to negro property; what would) p. : added missing quotation marks ("among one hundred) p. : added missing quotation marks (your honor," said the corporal) p. : changed 'to' to 'too' (too much respect) p. : changed onr to our (an allusion to our) the underground rail road. a record of facts, authentic narratives, letters, &c., narrating the hardships hair-breadth escapes and death struggles of the slaves in their efforts for freedom, as related by themselves and others, or witnessed by the author together with sketches of some of the largest stockholders, and most liberal aiders and advisers, of the road. by william still for many years connected with the anti-slavery office in philadelphia, and chairman of the acting vigilant committee of the philadelphia branch of the underground rail road. philadelphia: porter & coates, thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee.--_deut._ xxiii. . illustrated with fine engravings by bensell, schell and others, and portraits from photographs from life. sold only by subscription. , chestnut street. entered according to act of congress, in the year , by w.m. still, in the office of the librarian of congress, at washington. [illustration: w. still] preface to revised edition. * * * * * like millions of my race, my mother and father were born slaves, but were not contented to live and die so. my father purchased himself in early manhood by hard toil. mother saw no way for herself and children to escape the horrors of bondage but by flight. bravely, with her four little ones, with firm faith in god and an ardent desire to be free, she forsook the prison-house, and succeeded, through the aid of my father, to reach a free state. here life had to be begun anew. the old familiar slave names had to be changed, and others, for prudential reasons, had to be found. this was not hard work. however, hardly months had passed ere the keen scent of the slave-hunters had trailed them to where they had fancied themselves secure. in those days all power was in the hands of the oppressor, and the capture of a slave mother and her children was attended with no great difficulty other than the crushing of freedom in the breast of the victims. without judge or jury, all were hurried back to wear the yoke again. but back this mother was resolved never to stay. she only wanted another opportunity to again strike for freedom. in a few months after being carried back, with only two of her little ones, she took her heart in her hand and her babes in her arms, and this trial was a success. freedom was gained, although not without the sad loss of her two older children, whom she had to leave behind. mother and father were again reunited in freedom, while two of their little boys were in slavery. what to do for them other than weep and pray, were questions unanswerable. for over forty years the mother's heart never knew what it was to be free from anxiety about her lost boys. but no tidings came in answer to her many prayers, until one of them, to the great astonishment of his relatives, turned up in philadelphia, nearly fifty years of age, seeking his long-lost parents. being directed to the anti-slavery office for instructions as to the best plan to adopt to find out the whereabouts of his parents, fortunately he fell into the hands of his own brother, the writer, whom he had never heard of before, much less seen or known. and here began revelations connected with this marvellous coincidence, which influenced me, for years previous to emancipation, to preserve the matter found in the pages of this humble volume. and in looking back now over these strange and eventful providences, in the light of the wonderful changes wrought by emancipation, i am more and more constrained to believe that the reasons, which years ago led me to aid the bondman and preserve the records of his sufferings, are to-day quite as potent in convincing me that the necessity of the times requires this testimony. and since the first advent of my book, wherever reviewed or read by leading friends of freedom, the press, or the race more deeply represented by it, the expressions of approval and encouragement have been hearty and unanimous, and the thousands of volumes which have been sold by me, on the subscription plan, with hardly any facilities for the work, makes it obvious that it would, in the hands of a competent publisher, have a wide circulation. and here i may frankly state, that but for the hope i have always cherished that this work would encourage the race in efforts for self-elevation, its publication never would have been undertaken by me. i believe no more strongly at this moment than i have believed ever since the proclamation of emancipation was made by abraham lincoln, that as a class, in this country, no small exertion will have to be put forth before the blessings of freedom and knowledge can be fairly enjoyed by this people; and until colored men manage by dint of hard acquisition to enter the ranks of skilled industry, very little substantial respect will be shown them, even with the ballot-box and musket in their hands. well-conducted shops and stores; lands acquired and good farms managed in a manner to compete with any other; valuable books produced and published on interesting and important subjects--these are some of the fruits which the race are expected to exhibit from their newly gained privileges. if it is asked "how?" i answer, "through extraordinary determination and endeavor," such as are demonstrated in hundreds of cases in the pages of this book, in the struggles of men and women to obtain their freedom, education and property. these facts must never be lost sight of. the race must not forget the rock from whence they were hewn, nor the pit from whence, they were digged. like other races, this newly emancipated people will need all the knowledge of their past condition which they can get. the bondage and deliverance of the children of israel will never be allowed to sink into oblivion while the world stands. those scenes of suffering and martyrdom millions of christians were called upon to pass through in the days of the inquisition are still subjects of study, and have unabated interest for all enlightened minds. the same is true of the history of this country. the struggles of the pioneer fathers are preserved, produced and re-produced, and cherished with undying interest by all americans, and the day will not arrive while the republic exists, when these histories will not be found in every library. while the grand little army of abolitionists was waging its untiring warfare for freedom, prior to the rebellion, no agency encouraged them like the heroism of fugitives. the pulse of the four millions of slaves and their desire for freedom, were better felt through "the underground railroad," than through any other channel. frederick douglass, henry bibb, wm. wells brown, rev. j.w. logan, and others, gave unmistakable evidence that the race had no more eloquent advocates than its own self-emancipated champions. every step they took to rid themselves of their fetters, or to gain education, or in pleading the cause of their fellow-bondmen in the lecture-room, or with their pens, met with applause on every hand, and the very argument needed was thus furnished in large measure. in those dark days previous to emancipation, such testimony was indispensable. the free colored men are as imperatively required now to furnish the same manly testimony in support of the ability of the race to surmount the remaining obstacles growing out of oppression, ignorance, and poverty. in the political struggles, the hopes of the race have been sadly disappointed. from this direction no great advantage is likely to arise very soon. only as desert can be proved by the acquisition of knowledge and the exhibition of high moral character, in examples of economy and a disposition to encourage industrial enterprises, conducted by men of their own ranks, will it be possible to make political progress in the face of the present public sentiment. here, therefore, in my judgment is the best possible reason for vigorously pushing the circulation of this humble volume--that it may testify for thousands and tens of thousands, as no other work can do. william still, author. september, . philadelphia, pa. illustrations. the author peter still--"the kidnapped and the ransomed" charity still twice escaped from slavery desperate conflict in a barn death of romulus hall resurrection of henry box brown rescue of jane johnson and her children passmore williamson jane johnson escaping from portsmouth, va twenty-eight fugitives escaping from eastern shore of maryland escaping from alabama on top of a car crossing the river on horseback in the night a bold stroke for freedom--contest with fire-arms abram galloway the mayor and police of norfolk searching captain fountain's schooner maria weems escaping as jo wright john henry hill dry-goods merchant searching the cars escape with a lady, as her coachman, with master's horse and carriage six on two horses up a tree samuel green sentenced to the penitentiary for ten years for having a copy of "uncle tom's cabin" in his house lear green escaping in a chest escape of eleven passengers from maryland in two carriages the christiana tragedy william and ellen craft members of the acting committee: n.w. depee jacob c. white charles wise edwin h. coates knifing his victim living in a hollow tree in a cave a narrow escape suspended by the hands with block and tackle crossing the bay breaking him in mother escaping with seven children fight in chesapeake bay john w. dungee mary milburn (secreted in a box) heavy weights--arrival of a party at league island sketches and portraits of station-masters, prominent anti-slavery men, and supporters of the u.g.r.r.: abigail goodwin thomas garrett daniel gibbons lucretia mott j. miller m'kim william h. furness william lloyd garrison lewis tappan elijah f. pennypacker william wright dr. bartholomew fussell robert purvis john hunn samuel rhoads william whipper samuel d. burris charles d. cleveland grace anna lewis mrs. frances e.w. harper john needles contents. seth concklin underground railroad letters. from thomas garrett--g.a. lewis--e.l. stevens--sydney howard gay--john henry hill--j. bigelowe--ham and eggs--rev. h. wilson--sheridan ford--e.f. pennypacker--j.c. bustill--slave secreted in richmond--g.s. nelson--john thompson--wm. penn william box peel jones came boxed up _viâ_ erricson line of steamers. wesley harris alias robert jackson, craven matterson and two brothers. clarissa davis arrived in male attire. anthony blow alias henry levison secreted ten months--eight days on the steamship city of richmond bound for philadelphia. perry johnson, of elkton, maryland. eye knocked out. isaac forman, william davis and willis redick. hearts full of joy for freedom--very anxious for wives in slavery. joseph henry camp sold, the day he escaped, for fourteen hundred dollars--slave trader loses his bargain. sheridan ford secreted in the woods--escapes in a steamer. joseph kneeland alias joseph hulson young master had a "malignant spirit". ex-president tyler's household loses an aristocratic article. edward morgan, henry johnson, james and stephen butler. "two thousand dollars reward" offered. henry predo daniel hughes, thomas elliott, and five others betrayed into dover jail. mary epps alias emma brown, joseph and robert robinson. a slave mother loses her speech at the sale of her child ... bob escapes from his master, a trader, with fifteen hundred dollars in north carolina money. george solomon, daniel neall, benjamin r. fletcher and maria dorsey. henry box brown arrived by adams express. trial of the emancipators of col. j.h. wheeler's slaves, jane johnson and her two little boys. the arrivals of a single month. sixty passengers came in one month--twenty-eight in one arrival--great panic and indignation meeting--interesting correspondence from masters and fugitives. a slave girl's narrative. cordelia loney, slave of mrs. joseph cahell, (widow of the late hon. joseph cahell, of virginia)--cordelia's escape from her mistress in philadelphia. arrival of jackson, isaac and edmondson turner from petersburg. touching scene on meeting their old blind father at the u.g.r.r. depot. robert brown alias thomas jones. crossing the river on horseback in the night. anthony loney alias william armstead and cornelius scott. samuel williams alias john williams. barnaby grigby alias john boyer, and mary elizabeth his wife, frank wanzer alias robert scott, emily foster alias ann wood. william jordan alias william price. joseph grant and john speaks. two passengers _viâ_ liverpool. william n. taylor. "one hundred dollars reward". louisa brown, jacob waters, and alfred goulden. arrival from baltimore. jefferson pipkins alias david jones, louisa pipkins, elizabeth brit, harriet brown, alias jane wooton, gracy murry alias sophia sims, edward williams _alias_ henry johnson, charles lee alias thomas bushier. several arrivals from different places. henry anderson, charles and margaret congo, chaskey brown, william henry washington, james alfred frisley, charles henry salter, stephen taylor, charles brown, charles h. hollis, luther dorsey. arrival from richmond. jeremiah w. smith and wife julia. eight arrivals. james massey, perry henry trusty, george rhoads, james rhoads, george washington, sarah elizabeth rhoads, and child, mary elizabeth stephenson. charles thompson. carrier of "the national american". blood flowed freely. abram galloway and richard eden--secreted in a vessel loaded with spirits of turpentine--shrouds prepared to prevent being smoked to death--abram a soldier under father abraham--senator of north carolina. john pettifoot. "one hundred dollars reward" offered--mchenry and mcculloch anxious about john. emanuel t. white. "would rather fight than eat". the escape of a child fourteen months old. letter from "j.b."--letters from e.l. stevens ... great anxiety and care. escape of a young slave mother. baby, little girl and husband left behind--three hundred dollars reward offered. samuel w. johnson. arrival from the richmond daily dispatch office--"uncle tom's cabin" turned sam's brain--affecting letters. family from baltimore. stephen amos _alias_ henry johnson, harriet _alias_ mary jane johnson, and their four children, ann rebecca, william h., elizabeth and mary ellen. elijah hilton. from richmond--"five hundred dollars reward" offered by r.j. christian.... grateful letter from canada. solomon brown. arrived per city of richmond--letter from canada containing expressions of gratitude. william hogg alias john smith. traveler from maryland--william was much troubled about his wife left behind--letter from canada. two female passengers from maryland. ann johnson and lavina woolfley sold--out of the frying pan into the fire. captain f. and the mayor of norfolk. twenty-one passengers secreted in captain fountain's boat--mayor and posse of officers on the boat searching for u.g.r.r. passengers. arrivals from different places. matilda mahoney--dr. j.w. pennington's brother and sons--great adventure to deliver a lover. fleeing girl of fifteen in male attire. ann maria weems alias joe wright--great triumph--arrival on thanksgiving day--interesting letters from j. bigelow. five years and one month secreted. john henry, hezekiah and james hill. from virginia, maryland and delaware. archer barlow, alias emet robins--samuel bush _alias_ william oblebee--john spencer and his son william and james albert--robert fisher--nathan harris--hansel waples--rosanna tonnell, _alias_ maria hyde--mary ennis _alias_ licia hemmit and two children--lydia and louisa caroline. sam, isaac, perry, charles and green. "one thousand dollars reward". from richmond and norfolk, va. william b. white, susan brooks, and wm. henry atkinson. four arrivals. charlotte and harriet escape in deep mourning--white lady and child with a colored coachman--three likely young men from baltimore--four large and two small hams--u.g.r.r. passengers travelling with their master's horses and carriage--six passengers on two horses, &c. from virginia, maryland, delaware, north carolina, washington, d.c. and south carolina. charles gilbert, fleeing from davis, a negro trader--secreted under a hotel--up a tree--under a floor--in a thicket--on a steamer. liberty or death. jim bowlegs alias bill paul. salt-water fugitive. samuel green alias wesley kinnard. ten years in the penitentiary for having a copy of uncle tom's cabin in his house. an irish girl's devotion to freedom. in love with a slave--gets him off to canada--follows him--marriage, &c. "sam" nixon alias dr. thomas bayne. the escape of a dentist on the u.g.r.r. &c. sundry arrivals. from loudoun county, va., norfolk, baltimore, md., petersburg, va., &c. heavy reward. "two thousand six hundred dollars reward" offered. slave-trader hall is foiled. robert mccoy alias william donar, and elizabeth sanders, arrived per steamer. the protection of slave property in virginia. a bill providing additional protection for the slave property of citizens of this commonwealth. escaping in a chest. "one hundred and fifty dollars reward"--lear green. isaac williams, henry banks and kit nickless. arrival of five prom the eastern shore of maryland. cyrus mitchell alias john steel, joshua handy alias hambleton hamby, charles button alias william robinson, ephraim hudson alias john spry, francis molock alias thomas jackson. sundry arrivals about august st, . francis hilliard and others. deep furrows on the back. thomas madden. peter mathews alias samuel sparrows. "i might as well be in the penitentiary as in slavery." "moses" arrives with six passengers. escaped from "a worthless sot." john atkinson. william butcher alias wm. t. mtchell. "he was abuseful". "white enough to pass". escaping with master's carriages and horses. harriet shephard, and her five children with five other passengers. eight and a half months secreted. washington somlor alias james moore. arthur fowler alias benjamin johnson. sundry arrivals. about the st of june, --emory roberts and others. sundry arrivals about january st, . verenea mercer and others. slave-holder in maryland with three colored wives. james griffin alias thomas brown. captain f. arrives with nine passengers. names of passengers. owen and otho taylor's flight with horses, &c. heavy reward. three hundred dollars reward--"tom" gone. capt. f. arrives with fourteen "prime articles" on board. sundry arrivals, latter part of december, , and beginning of january, . joseph cornish and others. part of the arrivals in december, . thomas j. gooseberry and others. the fugitive slave bill of . "an act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the services of their masters." the slave hunting tragedy in lancaster county, in september, . "treason at christiana". william and ellen craft. female slave in male attire, fleeing as a planter, with her husband as her body servant. arrivals from richmond. lewis cobb and nancy brister. passengers from north carolina, [by schooner.] major latham, william wilson, henry goram, wiley madison, and andrew shepherd. thomas clinton, sauney pry and benjamin ducket. passed over the u.g.r.r. in the fall of . arrivals in april, . charles hall and others. five from georgetown cross-roads. mother and child from norfolk, va., &c. passengers from maryland. william henry moody, belinda bivans, &c. arrival from maryland. arrival from washington, d.c., &c., . george carroll, randolph branson, john clagart and william royan. arrival from unionville, . israel todd and bazil aldridge. arrival from maryland, . ordee lee and richard j. booce. arrival from cambridge, . silas long and solomon light--"the mother of twelve children"--old jane davis. benjamin ross and his wife harriet fled from caroline county, eastern shore of maryland, june, . arrival from virginia, . arrival from delaware, . arrival from alexandria, in . arrival from unionville, . from new orleans, . arrival from washington, d.c. arrival from virginia, . arrival from maryland. arrival from georgetown cross roads and alexandria. arrival from maryland. arrival from norfolk, va. arrival from washington, d.c. four able bodied "articles" in one arrival, . arrival from arlington, md., . five passengers, . arrival from howard county, md., . arrival from prince george's county, md. arrival from rappahannock county, . arrival from north carolina, . alfred hollon, george and charles n. rodgers. arrival from kent county, . arrival from baltimore county, . mary cooper and moses armstead, . arrival from near washington, d.c. hon. l. mclane's property, soon after his death, travels via the underground rail road--william knight, esq. loses a superior "article." arrival from harford county, . arrival from maryland, . arrival from norfolk, va., . arrival from hooperville, md., . arrival from maryland, . arrival from queen anne county, . arrival from baltimore. arrived from dunwoody county, . arrived from alexandria, va., . arrival from maryland, . arrival from petersburg, . arrival from maryland. arrival of a party of six, . arrival from richmond, . arrival from baltimore, . arrival from hightstown, . arrival from virginia, . arrival from bellair. arrival from maryland, . arrival from virginia, . arrival from richmond, . arrival from norfolk, va., . arrival from near baltimore, . arrival from virginia, . arrival from washington, . arrival from virginia, . arrival from the old dominion. arrival from delaware, . arrival from delaware, . arrival from maryland, . arrival from north carolina and delaware. arrival from maryland. arrival from maryland. arrival from the district of columbia, . arrival from honey brook township, . arrival from alexandria, va., . arrival from the seat of government. crossing the bay in a skiff. arrival from kent county, md., . arrival from washington, . arrival from cecil county, . arrival from georgetown, d.c., . arrival from sussex county, . sundry arrivals in . arrival from richmond, . arrival from delaware, . arrival from richmond, . arrival from maryland, . sundry arrivals, . arrival from maryland, . arrival from delaware, . arrival from virginia, . sundry arrivals from maryland, . arrival from richmond, . arrival from maryland. arrival from maryland, virginia, and the district of columbia. sundry arrivals from maryland and virginia. arrival from seaford, . arrival from taps' neck, md., . arrival from maryland, . sundry arrivals from virginia, maryland and delaware. arrival from different points. sundry arrivals from maryland, . arrival from virginia, . arrival from baltimore, . arrival from maryland. arrival from fredericksburg, . sundry arrivals from maryland, . crossing the bay in a batteau. arrival from dorchester county, . arrival from maryland, . twelve months in the woods, . arrival from maryland. a slave catcher caught in his own trap. to whom it might concern. arrival from richmond, . arrival from richmond, . arrival from richmond. "aunt hannah moore." kidnapping of rachel and elizabeth parker--murder of joseph c. miller, in and . arrival from virginia, . arrival from norfolk. arrival of fifteen from norfolk, virginia. the case of euphemia williams. helpers and sympathizers at home and abroad--interesting letters. pamphlet and letters. letters to the writer. woman escaping in a box, . organization of the vigilance committee. portraits and sketches. esther moore. abigail goodwin. thomas garrett. daniel gibbons. lucretia mott. james miller mckim. william h. furness, d.d. william lloyd garrison. lewis tappan. elijah f. pennypacker. william wright. dr. bartholomew fussell. thomas shipley. robert purvis. john hunn. samuel rhoads. george corson. charles d. cleveland. william whipper. isaac t. hopper. samuel d. burris. mariann, grace anna, and elizabeth r. lewis. cunningham's rache. frances ellen watkins harper. the underground railroad * * * * * seth concklin. in the long list of names who have suffered and died in the cause of freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor family of slaves were more christlike than seth concklin's, whose noble and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery. except john brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found with respect to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be sacrificed for the deliverance of the oppressed. by chance one day he came across a copy of the pennsylvania freeman, containing the story of peter still, "the kidnapped and the ransomed,"--how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy six years old; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to serve under the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his parents' whereabouts; how the intense love of liberty and desire to get back to his mother had unceasingly absorbed his mind through all these years of bondage; how, amid the most appalling discouragements, prompted alone by his undying determination to be free and be reunited with those from whom he had been sold away, he contrived to buy himself; how, by extreme economy, from doing over-work, he saved up five hundred dollars, the amount of money required for his ransom, which, with his freedom, he, from necessity, placed unreservedly in the confidential keeping of a jew, named joseph friedman, whom he had known for a long time and could venture to trust,--how he had further toiled to save up money to defray his expenses on an expedition in search of his mother and kindred; how, when this end was accomplished, with an earnest purpose he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart throbbing for his old home and people, he turned his mind very privately towards philadelphia, where he hoped, by having notices read in the colored churches to the effect that "forty-one or forty-two years before two little boys[a] were kidnapped and carried south"--that the memory of some of the older members might recall the circumstances, and in this way he would be aided in his ardent efforts to become restored to them. [footnote a: sons of levin and sidney--the last names of his parents he was too young to remember.] and, furthermore, seth concklin had read how, on arriving in philadelphia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the first man whom peter still sought advice from was his own unknown brother (whom he had never seen or heard of), who made the discovery that he was the long-lost boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped in sadness so long, and for whom his mother had shed so many tears and offered so many prayers, during the long years of their separation; and, finally, how this self-ransomed and restored captive, notwithstanding his great success, was destined to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow for his wife and children, whom he had left in alabama bondage. seth concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and humane not to feel now for peter, and especially for his wife and children left in bonds as bound with them. hence, as seth was a man who seemed wholly insensible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, than whenever the claims of the suffering and the wronged appealed to him, to respond unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his nearest kin or the greatest strangers,--it mattered not to what race or clime they might belong,--he, in the spirit of the good samaritan, owning all such as his neighbors, volunteered his services, without pay or reward, to go and rescue the wife and three children of peter still. the magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. it was literally laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed whom he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted with. at this juncture even peter was not prepared to accept this proposal. he wanted to secure the freedom of his wife and children as earnestly as he had ever desired to see his mother, yet he could not, at first, hearken to the idea of having them rescued in the way suggested by concklin, fearing a failure. to j.m. mckim and the writer, the bold scheme for the deliverance of peter's family was alone confided. it was never submitted to the vigilance committee, for the reason, that it was not considered a matter belonging thereto. on first reflection, the very idea of such an undertaking seemed perfectly appalling. frankly was he told of the great dangers and difficulties to be encountered through hundreds of miles of slave territory. seth was told of those who, in attempting to aid slaves to escape had fallen victims to the relentless slave power, and had either lost their lives, or been incarcerated for long years in penitentiaries, where no friendly aid could be afforded them; in short, he was plainly told, that without a very great chance, the undertaking would cost him his life. the occasion of this interview and conversation, the seriousness of concklin and the utter failure in presenting the various obstacles to his plan, to create the slightest apparent misgiving in his mind, or to produce the slightest sense of fear or hesitancy, can never be effaced from the memory of the writer. the plan was, however, allowed to rest for a time. in the meanwhile, peter's mind was continually vacillating between alabama, with his wife and children, and his new-found relatives in the north. said a brother, "if you cannot get your family, what will you do? will you come north and live with your relatives?" "i would as soon go out of the world, as not to go back and do all i can for them," was the prompt reply of peter. the problem of buying them was seriously considered, but here obstacles quite formidable lay in the way. alabama laws utterly denied the right of a slave to buy himself, much less his wife and children. the right of slave masters to free their slaves, either by sale or emancipation, was positively prohibited by law. with these reflections weighing upon his mind, having stayed away from his wife as long as he could content himself to do, he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and turned his face toward alabama, to embrace his family in the prison-house of bondage. his approach home could only be made stealthily, not daring to breathe to a living soul, save his own family, his nominal jew master, and one other friend--a slave--where he had been, the prize he had found, or anything in relation to his travels. to his wife and children his return was unspeakably joyous. the situation of his family concerned him with tenfold more weight than ever before, as the time drew near to make the offer to his wife's master to purchase her with his children, his heart failed him through fear of awakening the ire of slaveholders against him, as he knew that the law and public sentiment were alike deadly opposed to the spirit of freedom in the slave. indeed, as innocent as a step in this direction might appear, in those days a man would have stood about as good a chance for his life in entering a lair of hungry hyenas, as a slave or free colored man would, in talking about freedom. he concluded, therefore, to say nothing about buying. the plan proposed by seth concklin was told to vina, his wife; also what he had heard from his brother about the underground rail road,--how, that many who could not get their freedom in any other way, by being aided a little, were daily escaping to canada. although the wife and children had never tasted the pleasures of freedom for a single hour in their lives, they hated slavery heartily, and being about to be far separated from husband and father, they were ready to assent to any proposition that looked like deliverance. so peter proposed to vina, that she should give him certain small articles, consisting of a cape, etc., which he would carry with him as memorials, and, in case concklin or any one else should ever come for her from him, as an unmistakable sign that all was right, he would send back, by whoever was to befriend them, the cape, so that she and the children might not doubt but have faith in the man, when he gave her the sign, (cape). again peter returned to philadelphia, and was now willing to accept the offer of concklin. ere long, the opportunity of an interview was had, and peter gave seth a very full description of the country and of his family, and made known to him, that he had very carefully gone over with his wife and children the matter of their freedom. this interview interested concklin most deeply. if his own wife and children had been in bondage, scarcely could he have manifested greater sympathy for them. for the hazardous work before him he was at once prepared to make a start. true he had two sisters in philadelphia for whom he had always cherished the warmest affection, but he conferred not with them on this momentous mission. for full well did he know that it was not in human nature for them to acquiesce in this perilous undertaking, though one of these sisters, mrs. supplee, was a most faithful abolitionist. having once laid his hand to the plough he was not the man to look back,--not even to bid his sisters good-bye, but he actually left them as though he expected to be home to his dinner as usual. what had become of him during those many weeks of his perilous labors in alabama to rescue this family was to none a greater mystery than to his sisters. on leaving home he simply took two or three small articles in the way of apparel with one hundred dollars to defray his expenses for a time; this sum he considered ample to start with. of course he had very safely concealed about him vina's cape and one or two other articles which he was to use for his identification in meeting her and the children on the plantation. his first thought was, on reaching his destination, after becoming acquainted with the family, being familiar with southern manners, to have them all prepared at a given hour for the starting of the steamboat for cincinnati, and to join him at the wharf, when he would boldly assume the part of a slaveholder, and the family naturally that of slaves, and in this way he hoped to reach cincinnati direct, before their owner had fairly discovered their escape. but alas for southern irregularity, two or three days' delay after being advertised to start, was no uncommon circumstance with steamers; hence this plan was abandoned. what this heroic man endured from severe struggles and unyielding exertions, in traveling thousands of miles on water and on foot, hungry and fatigued, rowing his living freight for seven days and seven nights in a skiff, is hardly to be paralleled in the annals of the underground rail road. the following interesting letters penned by the hand of concklin convey minutely his last struggles and characteristically represent the singleness of heart which impelled him to sacrifice his life for the slave-- eastport, miss., feb. , . to wm. still:--our friends in cincinnati have failed finding anybody to assist me on my return. searching the country opposite paducah, i find that the whole country fifty miles round is inhabited only by christian wolves. it is customary, when a strange negro is seen, for any white man to seize the negro and convey such negro through and out of the state of illinois to paducah, ky., and lodge such stranger in paducah jail, and there claim such reward as may be offered by the master. there is no regularity by the steamboats on the tennessee river. i was four days getting to florence from paducah. sometimes they are four days starting, from the time appointed, which alone puts to rest the plan for returning by steamboat. the distance from the mouth of the river to florence, is from between three hundred and five to three hundred and forty-five miles by the river; by land, two hundred and fifty, or more. i arrived at the shoe shop on the plantation, one o'clock, tuesday, th. william and two boys were making shoes. i immediately gave the first signal, anxiously waiting thirty minutes for an opportunity to give the second and main signal, during which time i was very sociable. it was rainy and muddy--my pants were rolled up to the knees. i was in the character of a man seeking employment in this country. end of thirty minutes gave the second signal. william appeared unmoved; soon sent out the boys; instantly sociable; peter and levin at the island; one of the young masters with them; not safe to undertake to see them till saturday night, when they would be at home; appointed a place to see vina, in an open field, that night; they to bring me something to eat; our interview only four minutes; i left; appeared by night; dark and cloudy; at ten o'clock appeared william; exchanged signals; led me a few rods to where stood vina; gave her the signal sent by peter; our interview ten minutes; she did not call me "master," nor did she say "sir," by which i knew she had confidence in me. our situation being dangerous, we decided that i meet peter and levin on the bank of the river early dawn of day, sunday, to establish the laws. during our interview, william prostrated on his knees, and face to the ground; arms sprawling; head cocked back, watching for wolves, by which position a man can see better in the dark. no house to go to safely, traveled round till morning, eating hoe cake which william had given me for supper; next day going around to get employment. i thought of william, who is a christian preacher, and of the christian preachers in pennsylvania. one watching for wolves by night, to rescue vina and her three children from christian licentiousness; the other standing erect in open day, seeking the praise of men. during the four days waiting for the important sunday morning, i thoroughly surveyed the rocks and shoals of the river from florence seven miles up, where will be my place of departure. general notice was taken of me as being a stranger, lurking around. fortunately there are several small grist mills within ten miles around. no taverns here, as in the north; any planter's house entertains travelers occasionally. one night i stayed at a medical gentleman's, who is not a large planter; another night at an ex-magistrate's house in south florence--a virginian by birth--one of the late census takers; told me that many more persons cannot read and write than is reported; one fact, amongst many others, that many persons who do not know the letters of the alphabet, have learned to write their own names; such are generally reported readers and writers. it being customary for a stranger not to leave the house early in the morning where he has lodged, i was under the necessity of staying out all night saturday, to be able to meet peter and levin, which was accomplished in due time. when we approached, i gave my signal first; immediately they gave theirs. i talked freely. levin's voice, at first, evidently trembled. no wonder, for my presence universally attracted attention by the lords of the land. our interview was less than one hour; the laws were written. i to go to cincinnati to get a rowing boat and provisions; a first class clipper boat to go with speed. to depart from the place where the laws were written, on saturday night of the first of march. i to meet one of them at the same place thursday night, previous to the fourth saturday from the night previous to the sunday when the laws were written. we to go down the tennessee river to some place up the ohio, not yet decided on, in our row boat. peter and levin are good oarsmen. so am i. telegraph station at tuscumbia, twelve miles from the plantation, also at paducah. came from florence to here sunday night by steamboat. eastport is in mississippi. waiting here for a steamboat to go down; paying one dollar a day for board. like other taverns here, the wretchedness is indescribable; no pen, ink, paper or newspaper to be had; only one room for everybody, except the gambling rooms. it is difficult for me to write. vina intends to get a pass for catharine and herself for the first sunday in march. the bank of the river where i met peter and levin is two miles from the plantation. i have avoided saying i am from philadelphia. also avoided talking about negroes. i never talked so much about milling before. i consider most of the trouble over, till i arrive in a free state with my crew, the first week in march; then will i have to be wiser than christian serpents, and more cautious than doves. i do not consider it safe to keep this letter in my possession, yet i dare not put it in the post-office here; there is so little business in these post-offices that notice might be taken. i am evidently watched; everybody knows me to be a miller. i may write again when i get to cincinnati, if i should have time. the ex-magistrate, with whom i stayed in south florence, held three hours' talk with me, exclusive of our morning talk. is a man of good general information; he was exceedingly inquisitive. "i am from cincinnati, formerly from the _state of new york_." i had no opportunity to get anything to eat from seven o'clock tuesday morning till six o'clock wednesday evening, except the hoe cake, and no sleep. florence is the head of navigation for small steamboats. seven miles, all the way up to my place of departure, is swift water, and rocky. eight hundred miles to cincinnati. i found all things here as peter told me, except the distance of the river. south florence contains twenty white families, three warehouses of considerable business, a post-office, but no school. mckiernon is here waiting for a steamboat to go to new orleans, so we are in company. princeton, gibson county, indiana, feb. , . to wm. still:--the plan is to go to canada, on the wabash, opposite detroit. there are four routes to canada. one through illinois, commencing above and below alton; one through to north indiana, and the cincinnati route, being the largest route in the united states. i intended to have gone through pennsylvania, but the risk going up the ohio river has caused me to go to canada. steamboat traveling is universally condemned, though many go in boats, consequently many get lost. going in a skiff is new, and is approved of in my case. after i arrive at the mouth of the tennessee river, i will go up the ohio seventy-five miles, to the mouth of the wabash, then up the wabash, forty-four miles to new harmony, where i shall go ashore by night, and go thirteen miles east, to charles grier, a farmer, (colored man), who will entertain us, and next night convey us sixteen miles to david stormon, near princeton, who will take the command, and i be released. david stormon estimates the expenses from his house to canada, at forty dollars, without which, no sure protection will be given. they might be instructed concerning the course, and beg their way through without money. if you wish to do what should be done, you will send me fifty dollars, in a letter, to princeton, gibson county, inda., so as to arrive there by the th of march. eight days should be estimated for a letter to arrive from philadelphia. the money to be state bank of ohio, or state bank, or northern bank of kentucky, or any other eastern bank. send no notes larger than twenty dollars. levi coffin had no money for me. i paid twenty dollars for the skiff. no money to get back to philadelphia. it was not understood that i would have to be at any expense seeking aid. one half of my time has been used in trying to find persons to assist, when i may arrive on the ohio river, in which i have failed, except stormon. having no letter of introduction to stormon from any source, on which i could fully rely, i traveled two hundred miles around, to find out his stability. i have found many abolitionists, nearly all who have made propositions, which themselves would not comply with, and nobody else would. already i have traveled over three thousand miles. two thousand and four hundred by steamboat, two hundred by railroad, one hundred by stage, four hundred on foot, forty-eight in a skiff. i have yet five hundred miles to go to the plantation, to commence operations. i have been two weeks on the decks of steamboats, three nights out, two of which i got perfectly wet. if i had had paper money, as mckim desired, it would have been destroyed. i have not been entertained gratis at any place except stormon's. i had one hundred and twenty-six dollars when i left philadelphia, one hundred from you, twenty-six mine. telegraphed to station at evansville, thirty-three miles from stormon's, and at vinclure's, twenty-five miles from stormon's. the wabash route is considered the safest route. no one has ever been lost from stormon's to canada. some have been lost between stormon's and the ohio. the wolves have never suspected stormon. your asking aid in money for a case properly belonging east of ohio, is detested. if you have sent money to cincinnati, you should recall it. i will have no opportunity to use it. seth concklin, princeton, gibson county, ind. p.s. first of april, will be about the time peter's family will arrive opposite detroit. you should inform yourself how to find them there. i may have no opportunity. i will look promptly for your letter at princeton, till the th of march, and longer if there should have been any delay by the mails. in march, as contemplated, concklin arrived in indiana, at the place designated, with peter's wife and three children, and sent a thrilling letter to the writer, portraying in the most vivid light his adventurous flight from the hour they left alabama until their arrival in indiana. in this report he stated, that instead of starting early in the morning, owing to some unforeseen delay on the part of the family, they did not reach the designated place till towards day, which greatly exposed them in passing a certain town which he had hoped to avoid. but as his brave heart was bent on prosecuting his journey without further delay, he concluded to start at all hazards, notwithstanding the dangers he apprehended from passing said town by daylight. for safety he endeavored to hide his freight by having them all lie flat down on the bottom of the skiff; covered them with blankets, concealing them from the effulgent beams of the early morning sun, or rather from the "christian wolves" who might perchance espy him from the shore in passing the town. the wind blew fearfully. concklin was rowing heroically when loud voices from the shore hailed him, but he was utterly deaf to the sound. immediately one or two guns were fired in the direction of the skiff, but he heeded not this significant call; consequently here ended this difficulty. he supposed, as the wind was blowing so hard, those on shore who hailed him must have concluded that he did not hear them and that he meant no disrespect in treating them with seeming indifference. whilst many straits and great dangers had to be passed, this was the greatest before reaching their destination. but suffice it to say that the glad tidings which this letter contained filled the breast of peter with unutterable delight and his friends and relations with wonder beyond degree.[a] no fond wife had ever waited with more longing desire for the return of her husband than peter had for this blessed news. all doubts had disappeared, and a well grounded hope was cherished that within a few short days peter and his fond wife and children would be reunited in freedom on the canada side, and that concklin and the friends would be rejoicing with joy unspeakable over this great triumph. but alas, before the few days had expired the subjoined brief paragraph of news was discovered in the morning ledger. [footnote a: in some unaccountable manner this the last letter concklin ever penned, perhaps, has been unfortunately lost.] runaway negroes caught.--at vincennes, indiana, on saturday last, a white man and four negroes were arrested. the negroes belong to b. mckiernon, of south florence, alabama, and the man who was running them off calls himself john h. miller. the prisoners were taken charge of by the marshall of evansville.--_april th_. how suddenly these sad tidings turned into mourning and gloom the hope and joy of peter and his relatives no pen could possibly describe; at least the writer will not attempt it here, but will at once introduce a witness who met the noble concklin and the panting fugitives in indiana and proffered them sympathy and advice. and it may safely be said from a truer and more devoted friend of the slave they could not have received counsel. evansville, indiana, march st, . wm. still: _dear sir_ ,--on last tuesday i mailed a letter to you, written by seth concklin. i presume you have received that letter. it gave an account of his rescue of the family of your brother. if that is the last news you have had from them, i have very painful intelligence for you. they passed on from near princeton, where i saw them and had a lengthy interview with them, up north, i think twenty-three miles above vincennes, ind., where they were seized by a party of men, and lodged in jail. telegraphic dispatches were sent all through the south. i have since learned that the marshall of evansville received a dispatch from tuscumbia, to look out for them. by some means, he and the master, so says report, went to vincennes and claimed the fugitives, chained mr. concklin and hurried all off. mr. concklin wrote to mr. david stormon, princeton, as soon as he was cast into prison, to find bail. so soon as we got the letter and could get off, two of us were about setting off to render all possible aid, when we were told they all had passed, a few hours before, through princeton, mr. concklin in chains. what kind of process was had, if any, i know not. i immediately came down to this place, and learned that they had been put on a boat at p.m. i did not arrive until . now all hopes of their recovery are gone. no case ever so enlisted my sympathies. i had seen mr. concklin in cincinnati. i had given him aid and counsel. i happened to see them after they landed in indiana. i heard peter and levin tell their tale of suffering, shed tears of sorrow for them all; but now, since they have fallen a prey to the unmerciful blood-hounds of this state, and have again been dragged back to unrelenting bondage, i am entirely unmanned. and poor concklin! i fear for him. when he is dragged back to alabama, i fear they will go far beyond the utmost rigor of the law, and vent their savage cruelty upon him. it is with pain i have to communicate these things. but you may not hear them from him. i could not get to see him or them, as vincennes is about thirty miles from princeton, where i was when i heard of the capture. i take pleasure in stating that, according to the letter he (concklin) wrote to mr. d. stewart, mr. concklin did not abandon them, but risked his own liberty to save them. he was not with them when they were taken; but went afterwards to take them out of jail upon a writ of habeas corpus, when they seized him too and lodged him in prison. i write in much haste. if i can learn any more facts of importance, i may write you. if you desire to hear from me again, or if you should learn any thing specific from mr. concklin, be pleased to write me at cincinnati, where i expect to be in a short time. if curious to know your correspondent, i may say i was formerly editor of the "new concord free press," ohio. i only add that every case of this kind only tends to make me abhor my (no!) _this_ country more and more. it is the devil's government, and god will destroy it. yours for the slave, n.r. johnston. p.s. i broke open this letter to write you some more. the foregoing pages were written at night. i expected to mail it next morning before leaving evansville; but the boat for which i was waiting came down about three in the morning; so i had to hurry on board, bringing the letter along. as it now is i am not sorry, for coming down, on my way to st. louis, as far as paducah, there i learned from a colored man at the wharf that, that same day, in the morning, the master and the family of fugitives arrived off the boat, and had then gone on their journey to tuscumbia, but that the "white man" (mr. concklin) had "got away from them," about twelve miles up the river. it seems he got off the boat some way, near or at smithland, ky., a town at the mouth of the cumberland river. i presume the report is true, and hope he will finally escape, though i was also told that they were in pursuit of him. would that the others had also escaped. peter and levin could have done so, i think, if they had had resolution. one of them rode a horse, he not tied either, behind the coach in which the others were. he followed apparently "contented and happy." from report, they told their master, and even their pursuers, before the master came, that concklin had decoyed them away, they coming unwillingly. i write on a very unsteady boat. yours, n.r. johnston. a report found its way into the papers to the effect that "miller," the white man arrested in connection with the capture of the family, was found drowned, with his hands and feet in chains and his skull fractured. it proved, as his friends feared, to be seth concklin. and in irons, upon the river bank, there is no doubt he was buried. in this dreadful hour one sad duty still remained to be performed. up to this moment the two sisters were totally ignorant of their brother's whereabouts. not the first whisper of his death had reached them. but they must now be made acquainted with all the facts in the case. accordingly an interview was arranged for a meeting, and the duty of conveying this painful intelligence to one of the sisters, mrs. supplee, devolved upon mr. mckim. and most tenderly and considerately did he perform his mournful task. although a woman of nerve, and a true friend to the slave, an earnest worker and a liberal giver in the female anti-slavery society, for a time she was overwhelmed by the intelligence of her brother's death. as soon as possible, however, through very great effort, she controlled her emotions, and calmly expressed herself as being fully resigned to the awful event. not a word of complaint had she to make because she had not been apprised of his movements; but said repeatedly, that, had she known ever so much of his intentions, she would have been totally powerless in opposing him if she had felt so disposed, and as an illustration of the true character of the man, from his boyhood up to the day he died for his fellow-man, she related his eventful career, and recalled a number of instances of his heroic and daring deeds for others, sacrificing his time and often periling his life in the cause of those who he considered were suffering gross wrongs and oppression. hence, she concluded, that it was only natural for him in this case to have taken the steps he did. now and then overflowing tears would obstruct this deeply thrilling and most remarkable story she was telling of her brother, but her memory seemed quickened by the sadness of the occasion, and she was enabled to recall vividly the chief events connected with his past history. thus his agency in this movement, which cost him his life, could readily enough be accounted for, and the individuals who listened attentively to the story were prepared to fully appreciate his character, for, prior to offering his services in this mission, he had been a stranger to them. the following extract, taken from a letter of a subsequent date, in addition to the above letter, throws still further light upon the heart-rending affair, and shows mr. johnston's deep sympathy with the sufferers and the oppressed generally-- extract of a letter from rev. n.r. johnston. my heart bleeds when i think of those poor, hunted and heart-broken fugitives, though a most interesting family, taken back to bondage ten-fold worse than egyptian. and then poor concklin! how my heart expanded in love to him, as he told me his adventures, his trials, his toils, his fears and his hopes! after hearing all, and then seeing and communing with the family, now joyful in hopes of soon seeing their husband and father in the land of freedom; now in terror lest the human blood-hounds should be at their heels, i felt as though i could lay down my life in the cause of the oppressed. in that hour or two of intercourse with peter's family, my heart warmed with love to them. i never saw more interesting young men. they would make remonds or douglasses, if they had the same opportunities. while i was with them, i was elated with joy at their escape, and yet, when i heard their tale of woe, especially that of the mother, i could not suppress tears of deepest emotion. my joy was short-lived. soon i heard of their capture. the telegraph had been the means of their being claimed. i could have torn down all the telegraph wires in the land. it was a strange dispensation of providence. on saturday the sad news of their capture came to my ears. we had resolved to go to their aid on monday, as the trial was set for thursday. on sabbath, i spoke from psalm xii. . "for the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now will i arise," saith the lord: "i will set him in safety from him that puffeth at (from them that would enslave) him." when on monday morning i learned that the fugitives had passed through the place on sabbath, and concklin in chains, probably at the very time i was speaking on the subject referred to, my heart sank within me. and even yet, i cannot but exclaim, when i think of it--o, father! how long ere thou wilt arise to avenge the wrongs of the poor slave! indeed, my dear brother, his ways are very mysterious. we have the consolation, however, to know that all is for the best. our redeemer does all things well. when he hung upon the cross, his poor broken hearted disciples could not understand the providence; it was a dark time to them; and yet that was an event that was fraught with more joy to the world than any that has occurred or could occur. let us stand at our post and wait god's time. let us have on the whole armor of god, and fight for the right, knowing, that though we may fall in battle, the victory will be ours, sooner or later. * * * * * may god lead you into all truth, and sustain you in your labors, and fulfill your prayers and hopes. adieu. n.r. johnston. letters from levi coffin. the following letters on the subject were received from the untiring and devoted friend of the slave, levi coffin, who for many years had occupied in cincinnati a similar position to that of thomas garrett in delaware, a sentinel and watchman commissioned of god to succor the fleeing bondman-- cincinnati, th mo., th, . friend wm. still:--we have sorrowful news from our friend concklin, through the papers and otherwise. i received a letter a few days ago from a friend near princeton, ind., stating that concklin and the four slaves are in prison in vincennes, and that their trial would come on in a few days. he states that they rowed seven days and nights in the skiff, and got safe to harmony, ind., on the wabash river, thence to princeton, and were conveyed to vincennes by friends, where they were taken. the papers state, that they were all given up to the marshal of evansville, indiana. we have telegraphed to different points, to try to get some information concerning them, but failed. the last information is published in the _times_ of yesterday, though quite incorrect in the particulars of the case. inclosed is the slip containing it. i fear all is over in regard to the freedom of the slaves. if the last account be true, we have some hope that concklin will escape from those bloody tyrants. i cannot describe my feelings on hearing this sad intelligence. i feel ashamed to own my country. oh! what shall i say. surely a god of justice will avenge the wrongs of the oppressed. thine for the poor slave, levi coffin. n.b.--if thou hast any information, please write me forthwith. cincinnati, th mo., th, . wm. still:--_dear friend_--thy letter of st inst., came duly to hand, but not being able to give any further information concerning our friend, concklin, i thought best to wait a little before i wrote, still hoping to learn something more definite concerning him. we that became acquainted with seth concklin and his hazardous enterprises (here at cincinnati), who were very few, have felt intense and inexpressible anxiety about them. and particularly about poor seth, since we heard of his falling into the hands of the tyrants. i fear that he has fallen a victim to their inhuman thirst for blood. i seriously doubt the rumor, that he had made his escape. i fear that he was sacrificed. language would fail to express my feelings; the intense and deep anxiety i felt about them for weeks before i heard of their capture in indiana, and then it seemed too much to bear. o! my heart almost bleeds when i think of it. the hopes of the dear family all blasted by the wretched blood-hounds in human shape. and poor seth, after all his toil, and dangerous, shrewd and wise management, and almost unheard of adventures, the many narrow and almost miraculous escapes. then to be given up to indianians, to these fiendish tyrants, to be sacrificed. o! shame, shame!! my heart aches, my eyes fill with tears, i cannot write more. i cannot dwell longer on this painful subject now. if you get any intelligence, please inform me. friend n.r. johnston, who took so much interest in them, and saw them just before they were taken, has just returned to the city. he is a minister of the covenanter order. he is truly a lovely man, and his heart is full of the milk of humanity; one of our best anti-slavery spirits. i spent last evening with him. he related the whole story to me as he had it from friend concklin and the mother and children, and then the story of their capture. we wept together. he found thy letter when he got here. he said he would write the whole history to thee in a few days, as far as he could. he can tell it much better than i can. concklin left his carpet sack and clothes here with me, except a shirt or two he took with him. what shall i do with them? for if we do not hear from him soon, we must conclude that he is lost, and the report of his escape all a hoax. truly thy friend, levi coffin. stunning and discouraging as this horrible ending was to all concerned, and serious as the matter looked in the eyes of peter's friends with regard to peter's family, he could not for a moment abandon the idea of rescuing them from the jaws of the destroyer. but most formidable difficulties stood in the way of opening correspondence with reliable persons in alabama. indeed it seemed impossible to find a merchant, lawyer, doctor, planter or minister, who was not too completely interlinked with slavery to be relied upon to manage a negotiation of this nature. whilst waiting and hoping for something favorable to turn up, the subjoined letter from the owner of peter's family was received and is here inserted precisely as it was written, spelled and punctuated-- mckiernon's letter. south florence ala augest mr william still _no north fifth street philadelphia_ sir a few days sinc mr lewis tharenton of tuscumbia ala shewed me a letter dated june from cincinnati signd samuel lewis in behalf of a negro man by the name of peter gist who informed the writer of the letter that you ware his brother and wished an answer to be directed to you as he peter would be in philadelphi. the object of the letter was to purchis from me negros that is peters wife & children sons & girl the name of said negres are the woman viney the (mother) eldest son peter or years old second son leven or years girl about or years old. the husband & father of these people once belonged to a relation of mine by the name of gist now decest & some few years since he peter was sold to a man by the name of freedman who removed to cincinnati ohio & tuck peter with him of course peter became free by the volentary act of the master some time last march a white man by the name of miller apperd in the nabourhood & abducted the bove negroes was caut at vincanes indi with said negroes & was thare convicted of steling & remanded back to ala to abide the penalty of the law & on his return met his just reward by getting drownded at the mouth of cumberland river on the ohio in attempting to make his escape i recovered & braught back said negroes or as you would say coulard people under the belief that peter the husband was accessory to the offence thareby putting me to much expense & truble to the amt $ which if he gets them he or his friends must refund these negroes are worth in the market about for thea are extraordinary fine & likely & but for the fact of elopement i would not take dollars for them but as the thing now stands you can say to peter & his new discovered relations in philadelphia i will take for the culerd people & if this will suite him & he can raise the money i will delever to him or his agent at paduca at mouth of tennessee river said negroes but the money must be deposeted in the hands of some respectabl person at paduca before i remove the property it wold not be safe for peter to come to this countery write me a line on recpt of this & let me know peters views on the above i am yours &c b. mckiernon n b say to peter to write & let me know his viewes amediately as i am determined to act in a way if he don't take this offer he will never have an other oppertunity b mckiernon wm. still's answer. philadelphia, aug. th, . to b. mckiernon, esq.: _sir_--i have received your letter from south florence, ala., under date of the th inst. to say that it took me by surprise, as well as afforded me pleasure, for which i feel to be very much indebted to you, is no more than true. in regard to your informants of myself--mr. thornton, of ala., and mr. samuel lewis, of cincinnati--to them both i am a stranger. however, i am the brother of peter, referred to, and with the fact of his having a wife and three children in your service i am also familiar. this brother, peter, i have only had the pleasure of knowing for the brief space of one year and thirteen days, although he is now past forty and i twenty-nine years of age. time will not allow me at present, or i should give you a detailed account of how peter became a slave, the forty long years which intervened between the time he was kidnapped, when a boy, being only six years of age, and his arrival in this city, from alabama, one year and fourteen days ago, when he was re-united to his mother, five brothers and three sisters. none but a father's heart can fathom the anguish and sorrows felt by peter during the many vicissitudes through which he has passed. he looked back to his boyhood and saw himself snatched from the tender embraces of his parents and home to be made a slave for life. during all his prime days he was in the faithful and constant service of those who had no just claim upon him. in the meanwhile he married a wife, who bore him eleven children, the greater part of whom were emancipated from the troubles of life by death, and three only survived. to them and his wife he was devoted. indeed i have never seen attachment between parents and children, or husband and wife, more entire than was manifested in the case of peter. through these many years of servitude, peter was sold and resold, from one state to another, from one owner to another, till he reached the forty-ninth year of his age, when, in a good providence, through the kindness of a friend and the sweat of his brow, he regained the god-given blessings of liberty. he eagerly sought his parents and home with all possible speed and pains, when, to his heart's joy, he found his relatives. your present humble correspondent is the youngest of peter's brothers, and the first one of the family he saw after arriving in this part of the country. i think you could not fail to be interested in hearing how we became known to each other, and the proof of our being brothers, etc., all of which i should be most glad to relate, but time will not permit me to do so. the news of this wonderful occurrence, of peter finding his kindred, was published quite extensively, shortly afterwards, in various newspapers, in this quarter, which may account for the fact of "miller's" knowledge of the whereabouts of the "fugitives." let me say, it is my firm conviction that no one had any hand in persuading "miller" to go down from cincinnati, or any other place, after the family. as glad as i should be, and as much as i would do for the liberation of peter's family (now no longer young), and his three "likely" children, in whom he prides himself--how much, if you are a father, you can imagine; yet i would not, and could not, think of persuading any friend to peril his life, as would be the case, in an errand of that kind. as regards the price fixed upon by you for the family, i must say i do not think it possible to raise half that amount, though peter authorized me to say he would give you twenty-five hundred for them. probably he is not as well aware as i am, how difficult it is to raise so large a sum of money from the public. the applications for such objects are so frequent among us in the north, and have always been so liberally met, that it is no wonder if many get tired of being called upon. to be sure some of us brothers own some property, but no great amount; certainly not enough to enable us to bear so great a burden. mother owns a small farm in new jersey, on which she has lived for nearly forty years, from which she derives her support in her old age. this small farm contains between forty and fifty acres, and is the fruit of my father's toil. two of my brothers own small places also, but they have young families, and consequently consume nearly as much as they make, with the exception of adding some improvements to their places. for my own part, i am employed as a clerk for a living, but my salary is quite too limited to enable me to contribute any great amount towards so large a sum as is demanded. thus you see how we are situated financially. we have plenty of friends, but little money. now, sir, allow me to make an appeal to your humanity, although we are aware of your power to hold as property those poor slaves, mother, daughter and two sons,--that in no part of the united states could they escape and be secure from your claim--nevertheless, would your understanding, your heart, or your conscience reprove you, should you restore to them, without price, that dear freedom, which is theirs by right of nature, or would you not feel a satisfaction in so doing which all the wealth of the world could not equal? at all events, could you not so reduce the price as to place it in the power of peter's relatives and friends to raise the means for their purchase? at first, i doubt not, but that you will think my appeal very unreasonable; but, sir, serious reflection will decide, whether the money demanded by you, after all, will be of as great a benefit to you, as the satisfaction you would find in bestowing so great a favor upon those whose entire happiness in this life depends mainly upon your decision in the matter. if the entire family cannot be purchased or freed, what can vina and her daughter be purchased for? hoping, sir, to hear from you, at your earliest convenience, i subscribe myself, your obedient servant, wm. still. to b. mckiernon, esq. no reply to this letter was ever received from mckiernon. the cause of his reticence can be as well conjectured by the reader as the writer. time will not admit of further details kindred to this narrative. the life, struggles, and success of peter and his family were ably brought before the public in the "kidnapped and the ransomed," being the personal recollections of peter still and his wife "vina," after forty years of slavery, by mrs. kate e.r. pickard; with an introduction by rev. samuel j. may, and an appendix by william h. furness, d.d., in . but, of course it was not prudent or safe, in the days of slavery, to publish such facts as are now brought to light; all such had to be kept concealed in the breasts of the fugitives and their friends. [illustration: peter still ] [illustration: charity still ] the following brief sketch, touching the separation of peter and his mother, will fitly illustrate this point, and at the same time explain certain mysteries which have been hitherto kept hidden-- the separation. with regard to peter's separation from his mother, when a little boy, in few words, the facts were these: his parents, levin and sidney, were both slaves on the eastern shore of maryland. "i will die before i submit to the yoke," was the declaration of his father to his young master before either was twenty-one years of age. consequently he was allowed to buy himself at a very low figure, and he paid the required sum and obtained his "free papers" when quite a young man--the young wife and mother remaining in slavery under saunders griffin, as also her children, the latter having increased to the number of four, two little boys and two little girls. but to escape from chains, stripes, and bondage, she took her four little children and fled to a place near greenwich, new jersey. not a great while, however, did she remain there in a state of freedom before the slave-hunters pursued her, and one night they pounced upon the whole family, and, without judge or jury, hurried them all back to slavery. whether this was kidnapping or not is for the reader to decide for himself. safe back in the hands of her owner, to prevent her from escaping a second time, every night for about three months she was cautiously "kept locked up in the garret," until, as they supposed, she was fully "cured of the desire to do so again." but she was incurable. she had been a witness to the fact that her own father's brains had been blown out by the discharge of a heavily loaded gun, deliberately aimed at his head by his drunken master. she only needed half a chance to make still greater struggles than ever for freedom. she had great faith in god, and found much solace in singing some of the good old methodist tunes, by day and night. her owner, observing this apparently tranquil state of mind, indicating that she "seemed better contented than ever," concluded that it was safe to let the garret door remain unlocked at night. not many weeks were allowed to pass before she resolved to again make a bold strike for freedom. this time she had to leave the two little boys, levin and peter, behind. on the night she started she went to the bed where they were sleeping, kissed them, and, consigning them into the hands of god, bade her mother good-bye, and with her two little girls wended her way again to burlington county, new jersey, but to a different neighborhood from that where she had been seized. she changed her name to charity, and succeeded in again joining her husband, but, alas, with the heart-breaking thought that she had been compelled to leave her two little boys in slavery and one of the little girls on the road for the father to go back after. thus she began life in freedom anew. levin and peter, eight and six years of age respectively, were now left at the mercy of the enraged owner, and were soon hurried off to a southern market and sold, while their mother, for whom they were daily weeping, was they knew not where. they were too young to know that they were slaves, or to understand the nature of the afflicting separation. sixteen years before peter's return, his older brother (levin) died a slave in the state of alabama, and was buried by his surviving brother, peter. no idea other than that they had been "kidnapped" from their mother ever entered their minds; nor had they any knowledge of the state from whence they supposed they had been taken, the last names of their mother and father, or where they were born. on the other hand, the mother was aware that the safety of herself and her rescued children depended on keeping the whole transaction a strict family secret. during the forty years of separation, except two or three quaker friends, including the devoted friend of the slave, benjamin lundy, it is doubtful whether any other individuals were let into the secret of her slave life. and when the account given of peter's return, etc., was published in , it led some of the family to apprehend serious danger from the partial revelation of the early condition of the mother, especially as it was about the time that the fugitive slave law was passed. hence, the author of "the kidnapped and the ransomed" was compelled to omit these dangerous facts, and had to confine herself strictly to the "personal recollections of peter still" with regard to his being "kidnapped." likewise, in the sketch of seth concklin's eventful life, written by dr. w.h. furness, for similar reasons he felt obliged to make but bare reference to his wonderful agency in relation to peter's family, although he was fully aware of all the facts in the case. underground rail road letters. here are introduced a few out of a very large number of interesting letters, designed for other parts of the book as occasion may require. all letters will be given precisely as they were written by their respective authors, so that there may be no apparent room for charging the writer with partial colorings in any instance. indeed, the originals, however ungrammatically written or erroneously spelt, in their native simplicity possess such beauty and force as corrections and additions could not possibly enhance-- letter from thomas garrett (u.g.r.r. depot). wilmington, mo. d, . dear friend, william still:--since i wrote thee this morning informing thee of the safe arrival of the eight from norfolk, harry craige has informed me, that he has a man from delaware that he proposes to take along, who arrived since noon. he will take the man, woman and two children from here with him, and the four men will get in at marcus hook. thee may take harry craige by the hand as a brother, true to the cause; he is one of our most efficient aids on the rail road, and worthy of full confidence. may they all be favored to get on safe. the woman and three children are no common stock. i assure thee finer specimens of humanity are seldom met with. i hope herself and children may be enabled to find her husband, who has been absent some years, and the rest of their days be happy together. i am, as ever, thy friend, thos. garrett. letter from miss g.a. lewis (u.g.r.r. depot). kimberton, october th, . esteemed friend;--this evening a company of eleven friends reached here, having left their homes on the night of the th inst. they came into wilmington, about ten o'clock on the morning of the th, and left there, in the town, their two carriages, drawn by two horses. they went to thomas garrett's by open day-light and from thence were sent hastily onward for fear of pursuit. they reached longwood meeting-house in the evening, at which place a fair circle had convened, and stayed a while in the meeting, then, after remaining all night with one of the kennet friends, they were brought to downingtown early in the morning, and from thence, by daylight, to within a short distance of this place. they come from new chestertown, within five miles of the place from which the nine lately forwarded came, and left behind them a colored woman who knew of their intended flight and of their intention of passing through wilmington and leaving their horses and carriages there. i have been thus particular in my statement, because the case seems to us one of unusual danger. we have separated the company for the present, sending a mother and five children, two of them quite small, in one direction, and a husband and wife and three lads in another, until i could write to you and get advice if you have any to give, as to the best method of forwarding them, and assistance pecuniarily, in getting them to canada. the mother and children we have sent off of the usual route, and to a place where i do not think they can remain many days. we shall await hearing from you. h. kimber will be in the city on third day, the th, and any thing left at green street directed to his care, will meet with prompt attention. please give me again the direction of hiram wilson and the friend in elmira, mr. jones, i think. if you have heard from any of the nine since their safe arrival, please let us know when you write. very respectfully, g.a. lewis. _ d day morning, th_.--the person who took the husband and wife and three lads to e.f. pennypecker, and peart, has returned and reports that l. peart sent three on to norristown. we fear that there they will fall into the hands of an ignorant colored man daniel ross, and that he may not understand the necessity of caution. will you please write to some careful person there? the woman and children detained in this neighborhood are a very helpless set. our plan was to assist them as much as possible, and when we get things into the proper train for sending them on, to get the assistance of the husband and wife, who have no children, but are uncle and aunt to the woman with five, in taking with them one of the younger children, leaving fewer for the mother. of the lads, or young men, there is also one whom we thought capable of accompanying one of the older girls--one to whom he is paying attention, they told us. would it not be the best way to get those in norristown under your own care? it seems to me their being sent on could then be better arranged. this, however, is only a suggestion, hastily yours, g.a. lewis. letter from e.l. stevens, esq. _(the reader will interpret for himself_.) washington, d.c., july th, . my dear sir:--susan bell left here yesterday with the child of her relative, and since leaving i have thought, perhaps, you had not the address of the gentleman in syracuse where the child is to be taken for medical treatment, etc. his name is dr. h.b. wilbur. a woman living with him is a most excellent nurse and will take a deep interest in the child, which, no doubt, will under providence be the means of its complete restoration to health. be kind enough to inform me whether susan is with you, and if she is give her the proper direction. _ten packages_ were sent to your address last evening, one of them belongs to susan, and she had better remain with you till she gets it, as it may not have come to hand. susan thought she would go to harrisburg when she left here and stay over sunday, if so, she would not get to philadelphia till monday or tuesday. please acknowledge the receipt of this, and inform me of her arrival, also when the packages came safe to hand, inform me especially if susan's came safely. truly yours, e.l. stevens. letter from s.h. gay, esq., ex-editor of the anti-slavery standard and new york tribune. friend still:--the two women, laura and lizzy, arrived this morning. i shall forward them to syracuse this afternoon. the two men came safely yesterday, but went to gibbs'. he has friends on board the boat who are on the lookout for fugitives, and send them, when found, to his house. those whom you wish to be particularly under my charge, must have careful directions to this office. there is now no other sure place, but the office, or gibbs', that i could advise you to send such persons. those to me, therefore, must come in office hours. in a few days, however, napoleon will have a room down town, and at odd times they can be sent there. i am not willing to put any more with the family where i have hitherto sometimes sent them. when it is possible i wish you would advise me two days before a shipment of your intention, as napoleon is not always on hand to look out for them at short notice. in special cases you might advise me by telegraph, thus: "one m. (or one f.) this morning. w.s." by which i shall understand that one male, or one female, as the case may be, has left phila. by the _o'clock train_--one or more, also, as the case may be. aug. th, . truly yours, s.h. gay. letter from john h. hill, a fugitive, appealing in behalf of a poor slave in petersburg, va. hamilton, sept. th, . dear friend still:--i write to inform you that miss mary wever arrived safe in this city. you may imagine the happiness manifested on the part of the two lovers, mr. h. and miss w. i think they will be married as soon as they can get ready. i presume mrs. hill will commence to make up the articles to-morrow. kind sir, as all of us is concerned about the welfare of our enslaved brethren at the south, particularly our friends, we appeal to your sympathy to do whatever is in your power to save poor willis johnson from the hands of his cruel master. it is not for me to tell you of his case, because miss wever has related the matter fully to you. all i wish to say is this, i wish you to write to my uncle, at petersburg, by our friend, the capt. tell my uncle to go to richmond and ask my mother whereabouts this man is. the best for him is to make his way to petersburg; that is, if you can get the capt. to bring him. he have not much money. but i hope the friends of humanity will not withhold their aid on the account of money. however we will raise all the money that is wanting to pay for his safe delivery. you will please communicate this to the friends as soon as possible. yours truly, john h. hill. letter from j. bigelow, esq. washington, d.c., june d, . mr. william still:--_sir_--i have just received a letter from my friend, wm. wright, of york sulphur springs, pa., in which he says, that by writing to you, i may get some information about the transportation of some _property_ from this neighborhood to your city or vicinity. a person who signs himself wm. penn, lately wrote to mr. wright, saying he would pay $ to have this service performed. it is for the conveyance of _only one_ small package; but it has been discovered since, that the removal cannot be so safely effected without taking _two larger_ packages with it. i understand that the _three_ are to be brought to this city and stored in safety, as soon as the forwarding merchant in philadelphia shall say he is ready to send on. the storage, etc., here, will cost a trifle, but the $ will be promptly paid for the whole service. i think mr. wright's daughter, hannah, has also seen you. i am also known to prof. c.d. cleveland, of your city. if you answer this promptly, you will soon hear from wm. penn himself. very truly yours, j. bigelow. letter from ham & eggs, slave (u.g.r.r. ag't). petersburg, va., oct. th, . mr. w. still:--_dear sir_--i am happy to think, that the time has come when we no doubt can open our correspondence with one another again. also i am in hopes, that these few lines may find you and family well and in the enjoyment of good health, as it leaves me and family the same. i want you to know, that i feel as much determined to work in this glorious cause, as ever i did in all of my life, and i have some very good hams on hand that i would like very much for you to have. i have nothing of interest to write about just now, only that the politics of the day is in a high rage, and i don't know of the result, therefore, i want you to be one of those wide-a-wakes as is mentioned from your section of country now-a-days, &c. also, if you wish to write to me, mr. j. brown will inform you how to direct a letter to me. no more at present, until i hear from you; but i want you to be a wide-a-wake. yours in haste, ham & eggs. letter from rev h. wilson (u.g.r.r. ag't). st. catharine, c.w., july d, . my dear friend, wm. still:--mr. elias jasper and miss lucy bell having arrived here safely on saturday last, and found their "companions in tribulation," who had arrived before them, i am induced to write and let you know the fact. they are a cheerful, happy company, and very grateful for their freedom. i have done the best i could for their comfort, but they are about to proceed across the lake to toronto, thinking they can do better there than here, which is not unlikely. they all remember you as their friend and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks. my means of support are so scanty, that i am obliged to write without paying postage, or not write at all. i hope you are not moneyless, as i am. in attending to the wants of numerous strangers, i am much of the time perplexed from lack of means; but send on as many as you can and i will divide with them to the last crumb. yours truly, hiram wilson. letter from sheridan ford, in distress. boston, mass., feb. th, . no. , change avenue. my dear friend:--allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at the same time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so very important that i can not but ask not in my name but in the name of the lord and humanity to do something for my poor wife and children who lays in norfolk jail and have been there for three month i would open myself in that frank and hones manner. which should convince you of my cencerity of purpoest don't shut your ears to the cry's of the widow and the orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and god for he knows the heart of all men. please ask the friends humanity to do something for her and her two lettle ones i cant do any thing place as i am for i have to lay low please lay this before the churches of philadelphaise beg them in name of the lord to do something for him i love my freedom and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change with her but cant be done for she is jail and you most no she suffer for the jail in the south are not like yours for any thing is good enough for negros the slave hunters says & may god interpose in behalf of the demonstrative race of africa whom i claim desendent i am sorry to say that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in philada i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend for you treaty as such please do all you can and please ask the anti slavery friends to do all they can and god will reward them for it i am shure for the earth is the lords and the fullness there of as this note leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you and family enjoying all the pleasure life please answer this and pardon me if the necessary sum can be required i will find out from my brotherinlaw i am with respectful consideration. sheridan w. ford. yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home sence i left and i have not got any thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is in my eyes now for god knows it is tha truth i sue for your pity and all and may god open their hearts to pity a poor woman and two children. the sum is i believe hundred dollars please write to day for me and see if the cant do something for humanity. letter from e.f. pennypacker (u.g.r.r. depot). schuylkill, th mo., th day, . wm. still:--_respected friend_--there are three colored friends at my house now, who will reach the city by the phil. & reading train this evening. please meet them. thine, &c., e.f. pennypacker. we have within the past mos. passed through our hands, transported most of them to norristown in our own conveyance. e.f.p. letter from jos. c. bustill (u.g.r.r. depot). harrisburg, march , ' . friend still:--i suppose ere this you have seen those five large and three small packages i sent by way of reading, consisting of three men and women and children. they arrived here this morning at - / o'clock and left twenty minutes past three. you will please send me any information likely to prove interesting in relation to them. lately we have formed a society here, called the fugitive aid society. this is our first case, and i hope it will prove entirely successful. when you write, please inform me what signs or symbols you make use of in your despatches, and any other information in relation to operations of the underground rail road. our reason for sending by the reading road, was to gain time; it is expected the owners will be in town this afternoon, and by this road we gained five hours' time, which is a matter of much importance, and we may have occasion to use it sometimes in future. in great haste, yours with great respect, jos. c. bustill, letter from a slave secreted in richmond. richmond, va, oct. th, . to mr. william still:--_dear sir_--please do me the favor as to write to my uncle a few lines in regard to the bundle that is for john h. hill, who lives in hamilton, c.w. sir, if this should reach you, be assured that it comes from the same poor individual that you have heard of before; the person who was so unlucky, and deceived also. if you write, address your letter john m. hill, care of box no. . i am speaking of a person who lives in p.va. i hope, sir, you will understand this is from a poor individual. letter from g.s. nelson (u.g.r.r. depot). mr. still:--_my dear sir_--i suppose you are somewhat uneasy because the goods did not come safe to hand on monday evening, as you expected--consigned from harrisburg to you. the train only was from harrisburg to reading, and as it happened, the goods had to stay all night with us, and as some excitement exists here about goods of the kind, we thought it expedient and wise to detain them until we could hear from you. there are two small boxes and two large ones; we have them all secure; what had better be done? let us know. also, as we can learn, there are three more boxes still in harrisburg. answer your communication at harrisburg. also, fail not to answer this by the return of mail, as things are rather critical, and you will oblige us. g.s. nelson. _reading, may , ' _. we knew not that these goods were to come, consequently we were all taken by surprise. when you answer, use the word, goods. the reason of the excitement, is: some three weeks ago a big box was consigned to us by j. bustill, of harrisburg. we received it, and forwarded it on to j. jones, elmira, and the next day they were on the fresh hunt of said box; it got safe to elmira, as i have had a letter from jones, and all is safe. yours, g.s.n. letter from john thompson. mr. still:--you will oblige me much iff you will direct this letter to vergenia for me to my mother & iff it well sute you beg her in my letter to direct hers to you & you can send it to me iff it sute your convenience. i am one of your chattle. john thompson, syracuse, jeny th. direction--matilda tate care of dudley m pattee worrenton farkiear county verginia. letter from john thompson, a fugitive, to his mother. my dear mother:--i have imbrace an opportunity of writing you these few lines (hoping) that they may fine you as they leave me quite well i will now inform you how i am geting i am now a free man living by the sweet of my own brow not serving a nother man & giving him all i earn but what i make is mine and iff one plase do not sute me i am at liberty to leave and go some where elce & can ashore you i think highly of freedom and would not exchange it for nothing that is offered me for it i am waiting in a hotel i supose you remember when i was in jail i told you the time would be better and you see that the time has come when i leave you my heart was so full & yours but i new their was a better day a head, & i have live to see it. i hird when i was on the underground r. road that the hounds was on my track but it was no go i new i was too far out of their reach where they would never smell my track when i leave you i was carred to richmond & sold & from their i was taken to north carolina & sold & i ran a way & went back to virginna between richmond & home & their i was caught & put in jail & their i remain till the oner come for me then i was taken & carred back to richmond then i was sold to the man who i now leave he is nothing but a but of a feller remember me to your husband & all in quirin friends & say to miss rosa that i am as free as she is & more happier i no i am getting $ per month for what little work i am doing i hope to here from you a gain i your son & ever by john thompson. letter from "wm. penn" (of the bar). washington, d.c., dec. th, . dear sir:--i was unavoidably prevented yesterday, from replying to yours of th instant, and although i have made inquiries, i am unable _to-day_, to answer your questions satisfactorily. although i know some of the residents of loudon county, and have often visited there, still i have not practiced much in the courts of that county. there are several of my acquaintances here, who have lived in that county, and _possibly_, through my assistance, your commissions might be executed. if a better way shall not suggest itself to you, and you see fit to give me the _facts_ in the case, i can better judge of my ability to help you; _but i know not the man resident there, whom i would trust with an important suit_. i think it is now some four or five weeks since, that some packages left this vicinity, said to be from fifteen to twenty in number, and as i suppose, went through your hands. it was at a time of uncommon vigilance here, and to me it was a matter of extreme wonder, _how and through whom_, such a work was accomplished. can you tell me? it is _needful_ that i should know! not for curiosity merely, but for the good of others. an enclosed slip contains the _marks_ of one of the packages, which you will read and then _immediately burn_. if you can give me any light that will _benefit others_, i am sure you will do so. a traveler here, _very reliable_, and who knows his business, has determined not to leave home again till spring, at least not without extraordinary temptations. i think, however, he or others, might be tempted to travel in virginia. yours, wm. p. letter from miss theodocia gilbert. skaneateles (glen haven) chuy., . william still:--_dear friend and brother_--a thousand thanks for your good, generous letter! it was so kind of you to have in mind my intense interest and anxiety in the success and fate of poor concklin! that he desired and intended to hazard an attempt of the kind, i well understood; but what particular one, or that he had actually embarked in the enterprise, i had not been able to learn. his memory will ever be among the sacredly cherished with me. he certainly displayed more real disinterestedness, more earnest, unassuming devotedness, than those who _claim_ to be the sincerest friends of the slave can often boast. what more _saviour_-like than the _willing_ sacrifice he has rendered! never shall i forget that night of our extremest peril (as we supposed), when he came and so heartily proffered his services at the hazard of his liberty, of life even, in behalf of william l. chaplin. _such_ generosity! at _such_ a moment! the emotions it awakened no words can bespeak! they are to be sought but in the inner chambers of one's own soul! he as earnestly devised the means, as calmly counted the cost, and as unshrinkingly turned him to the task, as if it were his own freedom he would have won. through his homely features, and humble garb, the intrepidity of soul came out in all its lustre! heroism, in its native majesty, _commanded_ one's admiration and love! most truly can i enter into your sorrows, and painfully appreciate the pang of disappointment which must have followed this sad intelligence. but so inadequate are words to the consoling of such griefs, it were almost cruel to attempt to syllable one's sympathies. i cannot bear to believe, that concklin has been actually murdered, and yet i hardly dare hope it is otherwise. and the poor slaves, for whom he periled so much, into what depths of hopelessness and woe are they again plunged! but the deeper and blacker for the loss of their dearly sought and new-found freedom. how long must wrongs like these go unredressed? "_how long, o god, how long_?" very truly yours, theodocia gilbert. william peel, alias william box peel jones. arrived per erricson line of steamers, wrapped in straw and boxed up, april, . william is twenty-five years of age, unmistakably colored, good-looking, rather under the medium size, and of pleasing manners. william had himself boxed up by a near relative and forwarded by the erricson line of steamers. he gave the slip to robert h. carr, his owner (a grocer and commission merchant), after this wise, and for the following reasons: for some time previous his master had been selling off his slaves every now and then, the same as other groceries, and this admonished william that he was liable to be in the market any day; consequently, he preferred the box to the auction-block. he did not complain of having been treated very badly by carr, but felt that no man was safe while owned by another. in fact, he "hated the very name of slaveholder." the limit of the box not admitting of straightening himself out he was taken with the cramp on the road, suffered indescribable misery, and had his faith taxed to the utmost,--indeed was brought to the very verge of "screaming aloud" ere relief came. however, he controlled himself, though only for a short season, for before a great while an excessive faintness came over him. here nature became quite exhausted. he thought he must "die;" but his time had not yet come. after a severe struggle he revived, but only to encounter a third ordeal no less painful than the one through which he had just passed. next a very "cold chill" came over him, which seemed almost to freeze the very blood in his veins and gave him intense agony, from which he only found relief on awaking, having actually fallen asleep in that condition. finally, however, he arrived at philadelphia, on a steamer, sabbath morning. a devoted friend of his, expecting him, engaged a carriage and repaired to the wharf for the box. the bill of lading and the receipt he had with him, and likewise knew where the box was located on the boat. although he well knew freight was not usually delivered on sunday, yet his deep solicitude for the safety of his friend determined him to do all that lay in his power to rescue him from his perilous situation. handing his bill of lading to the proper officer of the boat, he asked if he could get the freight that it called for. the officer looked at the bill and said, "no, we do not deliver freight on sunday;" but, noticing the anxiety of the man, he asked him if he would know it if he were to see it. slowly--fearing that too much interest manifested might excite suspicion--he replied: "i think i should." deliberately looking around amongst all the "freight," he discovered the box, and said, "i think that is it there." said officer stepped to it, looked at the directions on it, then at the bill of lading, and said, "that is right, take it along." here the interest in these two bosoms was thrilling in the highest degree. but the size of the box was too large for the carriage, and the driver refused to take it. nearly an hour and a half was spent in looking for a furniture car. finally one was procured, and again the box was laid hold of by the occupant's particular friend, when, to his dread alarm, the poor fellow within gave a sudden cough. at this startling circumstance he dropped the box; equally as quick, although dreadfully frightened, and, as if helped by some invisible agency, he commenced singing, "hush, my babe, lie still and slumber," with the most apparent indifference, at the same time slowly making his way from the box. soon his fears subsided, and it was presumed that no one was any the wiser on account of the accident, or coughing. thus, after summoning courage, he laid hold of the box a third time, and the rubicon was passed. the car driver, totally ignorant of the contents of the box, drove to the number to which he was directed to take it--left it and went about his business. now is a moment of intense interest--now of inexpressible delight. the box is opened, the straw removed, and the poor fellow is loosed; and is rejoicing, i will venture to say, as mortal never did rejoice, who had not been in similar peril. this particular friend was scarcely less overjoyed, however, and their joy did not abate for several hours; nor was it confined to themselves, for two invited members of the vigilance committee also partook of a full share. this box man was named wm. jones. he was boxed up in baltimore by the friend who received him at the wharf, who did not come in the boat with him, but came in the cars and met him at the wharf. the trial in the box lasted just seventeen hours before victory was achieved. jones was well cared for by the vigilance committee and sent on his way rejoicing, feeling that resolution, underground rail road, and liberty were invaluable. on his way to canada, he stopped at albany, and the subjoined letter gives his view of things from that stand-point-- mr. still:--i take this opportunity of writing a few lines to you hoping that tha may find you in good health and femaly. i am well at present and doing well at present i am now in a store and getting sixteen dollars a month at the present. i feel very much o blige to you and your family for your kindnes to me while i was with you i have got a long without any trub le a tal. i am now in albany city. give my lov to mrs and mr miller and tel them i am very much a blige to them for there kind ns. give my lov to my brother nore jones tel him i should like to here from him very much and he must write. tel him to give my love to all of my perticnlar frends and tel them i should like to see them very much. tel him that he must come to see me for i want to see him for sum thing very perticler. please ansure this letter as soon as posabul and excuse me for not writting sooner as i don't write myself. no more at the present. william jones. derect to one hundred lydus. stt his good friend returned to baltimore the same day the box man started for the north, and immediately dispatched through the post the following brief letter, worded in underground rail road parables: baltimo april , . w. still:--dear brother i have taken the opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you that i am well an hoping these few lines may find you enjoying the same good blessing please to write me word at what time was it when isreal went to jerico i am very anxious to hear for thare is a mighty host will pass over and you and i my brother will sing hally luja i shall notify you when the great catastrophe shal take place no more at the present but remain your brother n.l.j. * * * * * wesley harris,[a] alias robert jackson, and the matterson brothers. [footnote a: shot by slave-hunters.] in setting out for freedom, wesley was the leader of this party. after two nights of fatiguing travel at a distance of about sixty miles from home, the young aspirants for liberty were betrayed, and in an attempt made to capture them a most bloody conflict ensued. both fugitives and pursuers were the recipients of severe wounds from gun shots, and other weapons used in the contest. wesley bravely used his fire arms until almost fatally wounded by one of the pursuers, who with a heavily loaded gun discharged the contents with deadly aim in his left arm, which raked the flesh from the bone for a space of about six inches in length. one of wesley's companions also fought heroically and only yielded when badly wounded and quite overpowered. the two younger (brothers of c. matterson) it seemed made no resistance. in order to recall the adventures of this struggle, and the success of wesley harris, it is only necessary to copy the report as then penned from the lips of this young hero, while on the underground rail road, even then in a very critical state. most fearful indeed was his condition when he was brought to the vigilance committee in this city. underground rail road record. _november d_, .--arrived: robert jackson (shot man), _alias_ wesley harris; age twenty-two years; dark color; medium height, and of slender stature. robert was born in martinsburg, va., and was owned by philip pendleton. from a boy he had always been hired out. at the first of this year he commenced services with mrs. carroll, proprietress of the united states hotel at harper's ferry. of mrs. carroll he speaks in very grateful terms, saying that she was kind to him and all the servants, and promised them their freedom at her death. she excused herself for not giving them their freedom on the ground that her husband died insolvent, leaving her the responsibility of settling his debts. but while mrs. carroll was very kind to her servants, her manager was equally as cruel. about a month before wesley left, the overseer, for some trifling cause, attempted to flog him, but was resisted, and himself flogged. this resistance of the slave was regarded by the overseer as an unpardonable offence; consequently he communicated the intelligence to his owner, which had the desired effect on his mind as appeared from his answer to the overseer, which was nothing less than instructions that if he should again attempt to correct wesley and he should repel the wholesome treatment, the overseer was to put him in prison and sell him. whether he offended again or not, the following christmas he was to be sold without fail. wesley's mistress was kind enough to apprise him of the intention of his owner and the overseer, and told him that if he could help himself he had better do so. so from that time wesley began to contemplate how he should escape the doom which had been planned for him. "a friend," says he, "by the name of c. matterson, told me that he was going off. then i told him of my master's writing to mrs. carroll concerning selling, etc., and that i was going off too. we then concluded to go together. there were two others--brothers of matterson--who were told of our plan to escape, and readily joined with us in the undertaking. so one saturday night, at twelve o'clock, we set out for the north. after traveling upwards of two days and over sixty miles, we found ourselves unexpectedly in terrytown, md. there we were informed by a friendly colored man of the danger we were in and of the bad character of the place towards colored people, especially those who were escaping to freedom; and he advised us to hide as quickly as we could. we at once went to the woods and hid. soon after we had secreted ourselves a man came near by and commenced splitting wood, or rails, which alarmed us. we then moved to another hiding-place in a thicket near a farmer's barn, where we were soon startled again by a dog approaching and barking at us. the attention of the owner of the dog was drawn to his barking and to where we were. the owner of the dog was a farmer. he asked us where we were going. we replied to gettysburg--to visit some relatives, etc. he told us that we were running off. he then offered friendly advice, talked like a quaker, and urged us to go with him to his barn for protection. after much persuasion, we consented to go with him. "soon after putting us in his barn, himself and daughter prepared us a nice breakfast, which cheered our spirits, as we were hungry. for this kindness we paid him one dollar. he next told us to hide on the mow till eve, when he would safely direct us on our road to gettysburg. all, very much fatigued from traveling, fell asleep, excepting myself; i could not sleep; i felt as if all was not right. "about noon men were heard talking around the barn. i woke my companions up and told them that that man had betrayed us. at first they did not believe me. in a moment afterwards the barn door was opened, and in came the men, eight in number. one of the men asked the owner of the barn if he had any long straw. 'yes,' was the answer. so up on the mow came three of the men, when, to their great surprise, as they pretended, we were discovered. the question was then asked the owner of the barn by one of the men, if he harbored runaway negroes in his barn? he answered, 'no,' and pretended to be entirely ignorant of their being in his barn. one of the men replied that four negroes were on the mow, and he knew of it. the men then asked us where we were, going. we told them to gettysburg, that we had aunts and a mother there. also we spoke of a mr. houghman, a gentleman we happened to have some knowledge of, having seen him in virginia. we were next asked for our passes. we told them that we hadn't any, that we had not been required to carry them where we came from. they then said that we would have to go before a magistrate, and if he allowed us to go on, well and good. the men all being armed and furnished with ropes, we were ordered to be tied. i told them if they took me they would have to take me dead or crippled. at that instant one of my friends cried out--'where is the man that betrayed us?' spying him at the same moment, he shot him (badly wounding him). then the conflict fairly began. the constable seized me by the collar, or rather behind my shoulder. i at once shot him with my pistol, but in consequence of his throwing up his arm, which hit mine as i fired, the effect of the load of my pistol was much turned aside; his face, however, was badly burned, besides his shoulder being wounded. i again fired on the pursuers, but do not know whether i hit anybody or not. i then drew a sword, i had brought with me, and was about cutting my way to the door, when i was shot by one of the men, receiving the entire contents of one load of a double barreled gun in my left arm, that being the arm with which i was defending myself. the load brought me to the ground, and i was unable to make further struggle for myself. i was then badly beaten with guns, &c. in the meantime, my friend craven, who was defending himself, was shot badly in the face, and most violently beaten until he was conquered and tied. the two young brothers of craven stood still, without making the least resistance. after we were fairly captured, we were taken to terrytown, which was in sight of where we were betrayed. by this time i had lost so much blood from my wounds, that they concluded my situation was too dangerous to admit of being taken further; so i was made a prisoner at a tavern, kept by a man named fisher. there my wounds were dressed, and thirty-two shot were taken from my arm. for three days i was crazy, and they thought i would die. during the first two weeks, while i was a prisoner at the tavern, i raised a great deal of blood, and was considered in a very dangerous condition--so much so that persons desiring to see me were not permitted. afterwards i began to get better, and was then kept privately--was strictly watched day and night. occasionally, however, the cook, a colored woman (mrs. smith), would manage to get to see me. also james matthews succeeded in getting to see me; consequently, as my wounds healed, and my senses came to me, i began to plan how to make another effort to escape. i asked one of the friends, alluded to above, to get me a rope. he got it. i kept it about me four days in my pocket; in the meantime i procured three nails. on friday night, october th, i fastened my nails in under the window sill; tied my rope to the nails, threw my shoes out of the window, put the rope in my mouth, then took hold of it with my well hand, clambered into the window, very weak, but i managed to let myself down to the ground. i was so weak, that i could scarcely walk, but i managed to hobble off to a place three quarters of a mile from the tavern, where a friend had fixed upon for me to go, if i succeeded in making my escape. there i was found by my friend, who kept me secure till saturday eve, when a swift horse was furnished by james rogers, and a colored man found to conduct me to gettysburg. instead of going direct to gettysburg, we took a different road, in order to shun our pursuers, as the news of my escape had created general excitement. my three other companions, who were captured, were sent to westminster jail, where they were kept three weeks, and afterwards sent to baltimore and sold for twelve hundred dollars a piece, as i was informed while at the tavern in terrytown." [illustration: desperate conflict in a barn.] the vigilance committee procured good medical attention and afforded the fugitive time for recuperation, furnished him with clothing and a free ticket, and sent him on his way greatly improved in health, and strong in the faith that, "he who would be free, himself must strike the blow." his safe arrival in canada, with his thanks, were duly announced. and some time after becoming naturalized, in one of his letters, he wrote that he was a brakesman on the great western r.r., (in canada--promoted from the u.g.r.r.,) the result of being under the protection of the british lion. * * * * * death of romulus hall--new name george weems. in march, , abram harris fled from john henry suthern, who lived near benedict, charles county, md., where he was engaged in the farming business, and was the owner of about seventy head of slaves. he kept an overseer, and usually had flogging administered daily, on males and females, old and young. abram becoming very sick of this treatment, resolved, about the first of march, to seek out the underground rail road. but for his strong attachment to his wife (who was owned by samuel adams, but was "pretty well treated"), he never would have consented to suffer as he did. here no hope of comfort for the future seemed to remain. so abram consulted with a fellow-servant, by the name of romulus hall, alias george weems, and being very warm friends, concluded to start together. both had wives to "tear themselves from," and each was equally ignorant of the distance they had to travel, and the dangers and sufferings to be endured. but they "trusted in god" and kept the north star in view. for nine days and nights, without a guide, they traveled at a very exhausting rate, especially as they had to go fasting for three days, and to endure very cold weather. abram's companion, being about fifty years of age, felt obliged to succumb, both from hunger and cold, and had to be left on the way. abram was a man of medium size, tall, dark chestnut color, and could read and write a little and was quite intelligent; "was a member of the mount zion church," and occasionally officiated as an "exhorter," and really appeared to be a man of genuine faith in the almighty, and equally as much in freedom. in substance, abram gave the following information concerning his knowledge of affairs on the farm under his master-- "master and mistress very frequently visited the protestant church, but were not members. mistress was very bad. about three weeks before i left, the overseer, in a violent fit of bad temper, shot and badly wounded a young slave man by the name of henry waters, but no sooner than he got well enough he escaped, and had not been heard of up to the time abram left. about three years before this happened, an overseer of my master was found shot dead on the road. at once some of the slaves were suspected, and were all taken to the court house, at serentown, st. mary's county; but all came off clear. after this occurrence a new overseer, by the name of john decket, was employed. although his predecessor had been dead three years, decket, nevertheless, concluded that it was not 'too late' to flog the secret out of some of the slaves. accordingly, he selected a young slave man for his victim, and flogged him so cruelly that he could scarcely walk or stand, and to keep from being actually killed, the boy told an untruth, and confessed that he and his uncle henry killed webster, the overseer; whereupon the poor fellow was sent to jail to be tried for his life." but abram did not wait to hear the verdict. he reached the committee safely in this city, in advance of his companion, and was furnished with a free ticket and other needed assistance, and was sent on his way rejoicing. after reaching his destination, he wrote back to know how his friend and companion (george) was getting along; but in less than three weeks after he had passed, the following brief story reveals the sad fate of poor _romulus hall_, who had journeyed with him till exhausted from hunger and badly frost-bitten. a few days after his younger companion had passed on north, romulus was brought by a pitying stranger to the vigilance committee, in a most shocking condition. the frost had made sad havoc with his feet and legs, so much so that all sense of feeling had departed therefrom. [illustration: death of romulus hall.] how he ever reached this city is a marvel. on his arrival medical attention and other necessary comforts were provided by the committee, who hoped with himself, that he would be restored with the loss of his toes alone. for one week he seemed to be improving; at the expiration of this time, however, his symptoms changed, indicating not only the end of slavery, but also the end of all his earthly troubles. lockjaw and mortification set in in the most malignant form, and for nearly thirty-six hours the unfortunate victim suffered in extreme agony, though not a murmur escaped him for having brought upon himself in seeking his liberty this painful infliction and death. it was wonderful to see how resignedly he endured his fate. being anxious to get his testimony relative to his escape, etc., the chairman of the committee took his pencil and expressed to him his wishes in the matter. amongst other questions, he was asked: "do you regret having attempted to escape from slavery?" after a severe spasm he said, as his friend was about to turn to leave the room, hopeless of being gratified in his purpose: "don't go; i have not answered your question. i am glad i escaped from slavery!" he then gave his name, and tried to tell the name of his master, but was so weak he could not be understood. at his bedside, day and night, slavery looked more heinous than it had ever done before. only think how this poor man, in an enlightened christian land, for the bare hope of freedom, in a strange land amongst strangers, was obliged not only to bear the sacrifice of his wife and kindred, but also of his own life. nothing ever appeared more sad than seeing him in a dying posture, and instead of reaching his much coveted destination in canada, going to that "bourne whence no traveler returns." of course it was expedient, even after his death, that only a few friends should follow him to his grave. nevertheless, he was decently buried in the beautiful lebanon cemetery. in his purse was found one single five cent piece, his whole pecuniary dependence. this was the first instance of death on the underground rail road in this region. the committee were indebted to the medical services of the well-known friends of the fugitive, drs. j.l. griscom and h.t. childs, whose faithful services were freely given; and likewise to mrs. h.s. duterte and mrs. williams, who generously performed the offices of charity and friendship at his burial. from his companion, who passed on canada-ward without delay, we received a letter, from which, as an item of interest, we make the following extract: "i am enjoying good health, and hope when this reaches you, you may be enjoying the same blessing. give my love to mr. ----, and family, and tell them i am in a land of liberty! i am a man among men!" (the above was addressed to the deceased.) the subjoined letter, from rev. l.d. mansfield, expressed on behalf of romulus' companion, his sad feelings on hearing of his friend's death. and here it may not be inappropriate to add, that clearly enough is it to be seen, that rev. mansfield was one of the rare order of ministers, who believed it right "to do unto others as one would be done by" in practice, not in theory merely, and who felt that they could no more be excused for "falling down," in obedience to the fugitive slave law under president fillmore, than could daniel for worshiping the "golden image" under nebuchadnezzar. auburn, new york, may th, . dear br. still:--henry lemmon wishes me to write to you in reply to your kind letter, conveying the intelligence of the death of your fugitive guest, geo. weems. he was deeply affected at the intelligence, for he was most devotedly attached to him and had been for many years. mr. lemmon now expects his sister to come on, and wishes you to aid her in any way in your power--as he knows you will. he wishes you to send the coat and cap of weems by his sister when she comes. and when you write out the history of weems' escape, and it is published, that you would send him a copy of the papers. he has not been very successful in getting work yet. mr. and mrs. harris left for canada last week. the friends made them a purse of $ or $ , and we hope they will do well. mr. lemmon sends his respects to you and mrs. still. give my kind regards to her and accept also yourself, yours very truly, l.d. mansfield. * * * * * james mercer, wm. h. gilliam, and john clayton. stowed away in a hot berth. this arrival came by steamer. but they neither came in state-room nor as cabin, steerage, or deck passengers. a certain space, not far from the boiler, where the heat and coal dust were almost intolerable,--the colored steward on the boat in answer to an appeal from these unhappy bondmen, could point to no other place for concealment but this. nor was he at all certain that they could endure the intense heat of that place. it admitted of no other posture than lying flat down, wholly shut out from the light, and nearly in the same predicament in regard to the air. here, however, was a chance of throwing off the yoke, even if it cost them their lives. they considered and resolved to try it at all hazards. henry box brown's sufferings were nothing, compared to what these men submitted to during the entire journey. they reached the house of one of the committee about three o'clock, a.m. all the way from the wharf the cold rain poured down in torrents and they got completely drenched, but their hearts were swelling with joy and gladness unutterable. from the thick coating of coal dust, and the effect of the rain added thereto, all traces of natural appearance were entirely obliterated, and they looked frightful in the extreme. but they had placed their lives in mortal peril for freedom. every step of their critical journey was reviewed and commented on, with matchless natural eloquence,--how, when almost on the eve of suffocating in their warm berths, in order to catch a breath of air, they were compelled to crawl, one at a time, to a small aperture; but scarcely would one poor fellow pass three minutes being thus refreshed, ere the others would insist that he should "go back to his hole." air was precious, but for the time being they valued their liberty at still greater price. after they had talked to their hearts' content, and after they had been thoroughly cleansed and changed in apparel, their physical appearance could be easily discerned, which made it less a wonder whence such outbursts of eloquence had emanated. they bore every mark of determined manhood. the date of this arrival was february , , and the following description was then recorded-- arrived, by steamer pennsylvania, james mercer, william h. gilliam and john clayton, from richmond. james was owned by the widow, mrs. t.e. white. he is thirty-two years of age, of dark complexion, well made, good-looking, reads and writes, is very fluent in speech, and remarkably intelligent. from a boy, he had been hired out. the last place he had the honor to fill before escaping, was with messrs. williams and brother, wholesale commission merchants. for his services in this store the widow had been drawing one hundred and twenty-five dollars per annum, clear of all expenses. he did not complain of bad treatment from his mistress, indeed, he spoke rather favorably of her. but he could not close his eyes to the fact, that at one time mrs. white had been in possession of thirty head of slaves, although at the time he was counting the cost of escaping, two only remained--himself and william, (save a little boy) and on himself a mortgage for seven hundred and fifty dollars was then resting. he could, therefore, with his remarkably quick intellect, calculate about how long it would be before he reached the auction block. he had a wife but no child. she was owned by mr. henry w. quarles. so out of that sodom he felt he would have to escape, even at the cost of leaving his wife behind. of course he felt hopeful that the way would open by which she could escape at a future time, and so it did, as will appear by and by. his aged mother he had to leave also. wm. henry gilliam likewise belonged to the widow white, and he had been hired to messrs. white and brother to drive their bread wagon. william was a baker by trade. for his services his mistress had received one hundred and thirty-five dollars per year. he thought his mistress quite as good, if not a little better than most slave-holders. but he had never felt persuaded to believe that she was good enough for him to remain a slave for her support. indeed, he had made several unsuccessful attempts before this time to escape from slavery and its horrors. he was fully posted from a to z, but in his own person he had been smart enough to escape most of the more brutal outrages. he knew how to read and write, and in readiness of speech and general natural ability was far above the average of slaves. he was twenty-five years of age, well made, of light complexion, and might be put down as a valuable piece of property. this loss fell with crushing weight upon the kind-hearted mistress, as will be seen in a letter subjoined which she wrote to the unfaithful william, some time after he had fled. letter from mrs. l.e. white. richmond, th, . dear henry:--your mother and myself received your letter; she is much distressed at your conduct; she is remaining just as you left her, she says, and she will never be reconciled to your conduct. i think henry, you have acted most dishonorably; had you have made a confidant of me i would have been better off; and you as you are. i am badly situated, living with mrs. palmer, and having to put up with everything--your mother is also dissatisfied--i am miserably poor, do not get a cent of your hire or james', besides losing you both, but if you can _reconcile_ so do. by renting a cheap house, i might have lived, now it seems starvation is before me. martha and the doctor are living in portsmouth, it is not in her power to do much for me. i know you will repent it. i heard six weeks before you went, that you were trying to persuade him off--but we all liked you, and i was unwilling to believe it--however, i leave it in god's hands he will know what to do. your mother says that i must tell you servant jones is _dead_ and old _mrs. galt_. kit is well, but we are very uneasy, losing your and _james' hire_, i fear poor little fellow, that he will be obliged to go, as i am compelled to live, and it will be your fault. i am quite unwell, but of course, you don't care. yours, l.e. white. if you choose to come back you could. i would do a very good part by you, toler and cooke has none. this touching epistle was given by the disobedient william to a member of the vigilant committee, when on a visit to canada, in , and it was thought to be of too much value to be lost. it was put away with other valuable u.g.r.r. documents for future reference. touching the "rascality" of william and james and the unfortunate predicament in which it placed the kind-hearted widow, mrs. louisa white, the following editorial clipped from the wide-awake richmond despatch, was also highly appreciated, and preserved as conclusive testimony to the successful working of the u.g.r.r. in the old dominion. it reads thus-- "rascality somewhere.--we called attention yesterday to the advertisement of two negroes belonging to mrs. louisa white, by toler & cook, and in the call we expressed the opinion that they were still lurking about the city, preparatory to going off. mr. toler, we find, is of a different opinion. he believes that they have already cleared themselves--have escaped to a free state, and we think it extremely probable that he is in the right. they were both of them uncommonly intelligent negroes. one of them, the one hired to mr. white, was a tip-top baker. he had been all about the country, and had been in the habit of supplying the u.s. pennsylvania with bread; mr. w. having the contract. in his visits for this purpose, of course, he formed acquaintances with all sorts of sea-faring characters; and there is every reason to believe that he has been assisted to get off in that way, along with the other boy, hired to the messrs. williams. that the two acted in concert, can admit of no doubt. the question is now to find out how they got off. they must undoubtedly have had white men in the secret. have we then a nest of abolition scoundrels among us? there ought to be a law to put a police officer on board every vessel as soon as she lands at the wharf. there is one, we believe for inspecting vessels before they leave. if there is not there ought to be one. "these negroes belong to a widow lady and constitute all the property she has on earth. they have both been raised with the greatest indulgence. had it been otherwise, they would never have had an opportunity to escape, as they have done. their flight has left her penniless. either of them would readily have sold for $ ; and mr. toler advised their owner to sell them at the commencement of the year, probably anticipating the very thing that has happened. she refused to do so, because she felt too much attachment to them. they have made a fine return, truly." no comment is necessary on the above editorial except simply to express the hope that the editor and his friends who seemed to be utterly befogged as to how these "uncommonly intelligent negroes" made their escape, will find the problem satisfactorily solved in this book. however, in order to do even-handed justice to all concerned, it seems but proper that william and james should be heard from, and hence a letter from each is here appended for what they are worth. true they were intended only for private use, but since the "true light" (freedom) has come, all things may be made manifest. letter from william henry gilliam. st. catharines, c.w., may th, . my dear friend:--i receaved yours, dated the th and the papers on the th, i also saw the pice that was in miss shadd's paper about me. i think tolar is right about my being in a free state, i am and think a great del of it. also i have no compassion on the penniless widow lady, i have served her yers months, i think that is long enough for me to live a slave. dear sir, i am very sorry to hear of the accadent that happened to our friend mr. meakins, i have read the letter to all that lives in st. catharines, that came from old virginia, and then i sented to toronto to mercer & clayton to see, and to farman to read fur themselves. sir, you must write to me soon and let me know how meakins gets on with his tryal, and you must pray for him, i have told all here to do the same for him. may god bless and protect him from prison, i have heard a great del of old richmond and norfolk. dear sir, if you see mr. or mrs. gilbert give my love to them and tell them to write to me, also give my respect to your family and a part for yourself, love from the friends to you soloman brown, h. atkins, was. johnson, mrs. brooks, mr. dykes. mr. smith is better at presant. and do not forget to write the news of meakin's tryal. i cannot say any more at this time; but remain yours and a true friend ontell death. w.h. gilliam, the widow's mite. "our friend minkins," in whose behalf william asks the united prayers of his friends, was one of the "scoundrels" who assisted him and his two companions to escape on the steamer. being suspected of "rascality" in this direction, he was arrested and put in jail, but as no evidence could be found against him he was soon released. james mercer's letter. toronto, march th, . my dear friend still:--i take this method of informing you that i am well, and when this comes to hand it may find you and your family enjoying good health. sir, my particular for writing is that i wish to hear from you, and to hear all the news from down south. i wish to know if all things are working right for the rest of my brotheran whom in bondage. i will also say that i am very much please with toronto, so also the friends that came over with. it is true that we have not been employed as yet; but we are in hopes of be'en so in a few days. we happen here in good time jest about time the people in this country are going work. i am in good health and good spirits, and feeles rejoiced in the lord for my liberty. i received cople of paper from you to-day. i wish you see james morris whom or abram george the first and second on the ship penn., give my respects to them, and ask james if he will call at henry w. quarles on may street oppisit the jews synagogue and call for marena mercer, give my love to her ask her of all the times about richmond, tell her to send me all the news. tell mr. morris that there will be no danger in going to that place. you will also tell m. to make himself known to her as she may know who sent him. and i wish to get a letter from you. james m. mercer. john h. hill's letter. my friend, i would like to hear from you, i have been looking for a letter from you for several days as the last was very interesting to me, please to write right away. yours most respectfully, john h. hill. instead of weeping over the sad situation of his "penniless" mistress and showing any signs of contrition for having wronged the man who held the mortgage of seven hundred and fifty dollars on him, james actually "feels rejoiced in the lord for his liberty," and is "very much pleased with toronto;" but is not satisfied yet, he is even concocting a plan by which his wife might be run off from richmond, which would be the cause of her owner (henry w. quarles, esq.) losing at least one thousand dollars, st. catharine, canada, june th, . mr. still, dear friend:--i received a letter from the poor old widow, mrs. l.e. white, and she says i may come back if i choose and she will do a good part by me. yes, yes i am choosing the western side of the south for my home. she is smart, but cannot bung my eye, so she shall have to die in the poor house at last, so she says, and mercer and myself will be the cause of it. that is all right. i am getting even with her now for i was in the poor house for twenty-five years and have just got out. and she said she knew i was coming away six weeks before i started, so you may know my chance was slim. but mr. john wright said i came off like a gentleman and he did not blame me for coming for i was a great boy. yes i here him enough he is all gas. i am in canada, and they cannot help themselves. about that subject i will not say anything more. you must write to me as soon as you can and let me here the news and how the family is and yourself. let me know how the times is with the u.g.r.r. co. is it doing good business? mr. dykes sends his respects to you. give mine to your family. your true friend, w.h. gilliam. john clayton, the companion in tribulation of william and james, must not be lost sight of any longer. he was owned by the widow clayton, and was white enough to have been nearly related to her, being a mulatto. he was about thirty-five years of age, a man of fine appearance, and quite intelligent. several years previous he had made an attempt to escape, but failed. prior to escaping in this instance, he had been laboring in a tobacco factory at $ a year. it is needless to say that he did not approve of the "peculiar institution." he left a wife and one child behind to mourn after him. of his views of canada and freedom, the following frank and sensible letter, penned shortly after his arrival, speaks for itself-- toronto, march th, . dear mr. still:--i take this method of informing you that i am well both in health and mind. you may rest assured that i fells myself a free man and do not fell as i did when i was in virginia thanks be to god i have no master into canada but i am my own man. i arrived safe into canada on friday last. i must request of you to write a few lines to my wife and jest state to her that her friend arrived safe into this glorious land of liberty and i am well and she will make very short her time in virginia. tell her that i likes here very well and hopes to like it better when i gets to work i don't meane for you to write the same words that are written above but i wish you give her a clear understanding where i am and shall remain here untel she comes or i hears from her. nothing more at present but remain yours most respectfully, john clayton. you will please to direct the to petersburg luenena johns or clayton john is best. clarissa davis. arrived dressed in male attire. clarissa fled from portsmouth, va., in may, , with two of her brothers. two months and a half before she succeeded in getting off, clarissa had made a desperate effort, but failed. the brothers succeeded, but she was left. she had not given up all hope of escape, however, and therefore sought "a safe hiding-place until an opportunity might offer," by which she could follow her brothers on the u.g.r.r. clarissa was owned by mrs. brown and mrs. burkley, of portsmouth, under whom she had always served. of them she spoke favorably, saying that she "had not been used as hard as many others were." at this period, clarissa was about twenty-two years of age, of a bright brown complexion, with handsome features, exceedingly respectful and modest, and possessed all the characteristics of a well-bred young lady. for one so little acquainted with books as she was, the correctness of her speech was perfectly astonishing. for clarissa and her two brothers a "reward of one thousand dollars" was kept standing in the papers for a length of time, as these (articles) were considered very rare and valuable; the best that could be produced in virginia. in the meanwhile the brothers had passed safely on to new bedford, but clarissa remained secluded, "waiting for the storm to subside." keeping up courage day by day, for seventy-five days, with the fear of being detected and severely punished, and then sold, after all her hopes and struggles, required the faith of a martyr. time after time, when she hoped to succeed in making her escape, ill luck seemed to disappoint her, and nothing but intense suffering appeared to be in store. like many others, under the crushing weight of oppression, she thought she "should have to die" ere she tasted liberty. in this state of mind, one day, word was conveyed to her that the steamship, city of richmond, had arrived from philadelphia, and that the steward on board (with whom she was acquainted), had consented to secrete her this trip, if she could manage to reach the ship safely, which was to start the next day. this news to clarissa was both cheering and painful. she had been "praying all the time while waiting," but now she felt "that if it would only rain right hard the next morning about three o'clock, to drive the police officers off the street, then she could safely make her way to the boat." therefore she prayed anxiously all that day that it would rain, "but no sign of rain appeared till towards midnight." the prospect looked horribly discouraging; but she prayed on, and at the appointed hour (three o'clock--before day), the rain descended in torrents. dressed in male attire, clarissa left the miserable coop where she had been almost without light or air for two and a half months, and unmolested, reached the boat safely, and was secreted in a box by wm. bagnal, a clever young man who sincerely sympathized with the slave, having a wife in slavery himself; and by him she was safely delivered into the hands of the vigilance committee. clarissa davis here, by advice of the committee, dropped her old name, and was straightway christened "mary d. armstead." desiring to join her brothers and sister in new bedford, she was duly furnished with her u.g.r.r. passport and directed thitherward. her father, who was left behind when she got off, soon after made his way on north, and joined his children. he was too old and infirm probably to be worth anything, and had been allowed to go free, or to purchase himself for a mere nominal sum. slaveholders would, on some such occasions, show wonderful liberality in letting their old slaves go free, when they could work no more. after reaching new bedford, clarissa manifested her gratitude in writing to her friends in philadelphia repeatedly, and evinced a very lively interest in the u.g.r.r. the appended letter indicates her sincere feelings of gratitude and deep interest in the cause-- new bedford, august , . mr. still:--i avail my self to write you thes few lines hopeing they may find you and your family well as they leaves me very well and all the family well except my father he seams to be improveing with his shoulder he has been able to work a little i received the papers i was highly delighted to receive them i was very glad to hear from you in the wheler case i was very glad to hear that the persons ware safe i was very sory to hear that mr williamson was put in prison but i know if the praying part of the people will pray for him and if he will put his trust in the lord he will bring him out more than conquer please remember my dear old farther and sisters and brothers to your family kiss the children for me i hear that the yellow fever is very bad down south now if the underground railroad could have free course the emergrant would cross the river of gordan rapidly i hope it may continue to run and i hope the wheels of the car may be greesed with more substantial greese so they may run over swiftly i would have wrote before but circumstances would not permit me miss sanders and all the friends desired to be remembered to you and your family i shall be pleased to hear from the underground rail road often. yours respectfully, mary d. armstead. * * * * * anthony blow, alias henry levison. secreted ten months before starting--eight days stowed away on a steamer bound for philadelphia. arrived from norfolk, about the st of november, . ten months before starting, anthony had been closely concealed. he belonged to the estate of mrs. peters, a widow, who had been dead about one year before his concealment. on the settlement of his old mistress' estate, which was to take place one year after her death, anthony was to be transferred to mrs. lewis, a daughter of mrs. peters (the wife of james lewis, esq.). anthony felt well satisfied that he was not the slave to please the "tyrannical whims" of his anticipated master, young lewis, and of course he hated the idea of having to come under his yoke. and what made it still more unpleasant for anthony was that mr. lewis would frequently remind him that it was his intention to "sell him as soon as he got possession--the first day of january." "i can get fifteen hundred dollars for you easily, and i will do it." this contemptuous threat had caused anthony's blood to boil time and again. but anthony had to take the matter as calmly as possible, which, however, he was not always able to do. at any rate, anthony concluded that his "young master had counted the chickens before they were hatched." indeed here anthony began to be a deep thinker. he thought, for instance, that he had already been shot three times, at the instance of slave-holders. the first time he was shot was for refusing a flogging when only eighteen years of age. the second time, he was shot in the head with squirrel shot by the sheriff, who was attempting to arrest him for having resisted three "young white ruffians," who wished to have the pleasure of beating him, but got beaten themselves. and in addition to being shot this time, anthony was still further "broke in" by a terrible flogging from the sheriff. the third time anthony was shot he was about twenty-one years of age. in this instance he was punished for his old offence--he "would not be whipped." this time his injury from being shot was light, compared with the two preceding attacks. also in connection with these murderous conflicts, he could not forget that he had been sold on the auction block. but he had still deeper thinking to do yet. he determined that his young master should never get "fifteen hundred dollars for him on the st of january," unless he got them while he (anthony) was running. for anthony had fully made up his mind that when the last day of december ended, his bondage should end also, even if he should have to accept death as a substitute. he then began to think of the underground rail road and of canada; but who the agents were, or how to find the depot, was a serious puzzle to him. but his time was getting so short he was convinced that whatever he did would have to be done quickly. in this frame of mind he found a man who professed to know something about the underground rail road, and for "thirty dollars" promised to aid him in the matter. the thirty dollars were raised by the hardest effort and passed over to the pretended friend, with the expectation that it would avail greatly in the emergency. but anthony found himself sold for thirty dollars, as nothing was done for him. however, the st day of january arrived, but anthony was not to be found to answer to his name at roll call. he had "took out" very early in the morning. daily he prayed in his place of concealment how to find the u.g.r.r. ten months passed away, during which time he suffered almost death, but persuaded himself to believe that even that was better than slavery. with anthony, as it has been with thousands of others similarly situated, just as everything was looking the most hopeless, word came to him in his place of concealment that a friend named minkins, employed on the steamship city of richmond, would undertake to conceal him on the boat, if he could be crowded in a certain place, which was about the only spot that would be perfectly safe. this was glorious news to anthony; but it was well for him that he was ignorant of the situation that awaited him on the boat, or his heart might have failed him. he was willing, however, to risk his life for freedom, and, therefore, went joyfully. the hiding-place was small and he was large. a sitting attitude was the only way he could possibly occupy it. he was contented. this place was "near the range, directly over the boiler," and of course, was very warm. nevertheless, anthony felt that he would not murmur, as he knew what suffering was pretty well, and especially as he took it for granted that he would be free in about a day and a half--the usual time it took the steamer to make her trip. at the appointed hour the steamer left norfolk for philadelphia, with anthony sitting flat down in his u.g.r.r. berth, thoughtful and hopeful. but before the steamer had made half her distance the storm was tossing the ship hither and thither fearfully. head winds blew terribly, and for a number of days the elements seemed perfectly mad. in addition to the extraordinary state of the weather, when the storm subsided the fog took its place and held the mastery of the ship with equal despotism until the end of over seven days, when finally the storm, wind, and fog all disappeared, and on the eighth day of her boisterous passage the steamship city of richmond landed at the wharf of philadelphia, with this giant and hero on board who had suffered for ten months in his concealment on land and for eight days on the ship. anthony was of very powerful physical proportions, being six feet three inches in height, quite black, very intelligent, and of a temperament that would not submit to slavery. for some years his master, col. cunnagan, had hired him out in washington, where he was accused of being in the schooner pearl, with capt. drayton's memorable "seventy fugitives on board, bound for canada." at this time he was stoker in a machine shop, and was at work on an anchor weighing "ten thousand pounds." in the excitement over the attempt to escape in the pearl, many were arrested, and the officers with irons visited anthony at the machine shop to arrest him, but he declined to let them put the hand-cuffs on him, but consented to go with them, if permitted to do so without being ironed. the officers yielded, and anthony went willingly to the jail. passing unnoticed other interesting conflicts in his hard life, suffice it to say, he left his wife, ann, and three children, benjamin, john and alfred, all owned by col. cunnagan. in this brave-hearted man, the committee felt a deep interest, and accorded him their usual hospitalities. perry johnson, of elkton, maryland. eye knocked out, etc. perry's exit was in november, . he was owned by charles johnson, who lived at elkton. the infliction of a severe "flogging" from the hand of his master awakened perry to consider the importance of the u.g.r.r. perry had the misfortune to let a "load of fodder upset," about which his master became exasperated, and in his agitated state of mind he succeeded in affixing a number of very ugly stationary marks on perry's back. however, this was no new thing. indeed he had suffered at the hands of his mistress even far more keenly than from these "ugly marks." he had but one eye; the other he had been deprived of by a terrible stroke with a cowhide in the "hand of his mistress." this lady he pronounced to be a "perfect savage," and added that "she was in the habit of cowhiding any of her slaves whenever she felt like it, which was quite often." perry was about twenty-eight years of age and a man of promise. the committee attended to his wants and forwarded him on north. * * * * * isaac forman, william davis, and willis redick. hearts full of joy for freedom--very anxious for wives in slavery. these passengers all arrived together, concealed, per steamship city of richmond, december, . isaac forman, the youngest of the party--twenty-three years of age and a dark mulatto--would be considered by a southerner capable of judging as "very likely." he fled from a widow by the name of mrs. sanders, who had been in the habit of hiring him out for "one hundred and twenty dollars a year." she belonged in norfolk, va.; so did isaac. for four years isaac had served in the capacity of steward on the steamship augusta. he stated that he had a wife living in richmond, and that she was confined the morning he took the u.g.r.r. of course he could not see her. the privilege of living in richmond with his wife "had been denied him." thus, fearing to render her unhappy, he was obliged to conceal from her his intention to escape. "once or twice in the year was all the privilege allowed" him to visit her. this only added "insult to injury," in isaac's opinion; wherefore he concluded that he would make one less to have to suffer thus, and common sense said he was wise in the matter. no particular charges are found recorded on the u.g.r.r. books against the mistress. he went to canada. in the subjoined letters (about his wife) is clearly revealed the sincere gratitude he felt towards those who aided him: at the same time it may be seen how the thought of his wife being in bondage grieved his heart. it would have required men with stone hearts to have turned deaf ears to such appeals. extract from letter soon after reaching canada--hopeful and happy-- extract of letter from isaac forman. toronto, feb. th, . mr. william still:--_sir_--your kind letter arrived safe at hand on the th, and i was very happy to receive it. i now feel that i should return you some thanks for your kindness. dear sir i do pray from the bottom of my heart, that the high heavens may bless you for your kindness; give my love to mr. bagnel and mr. minkins, ask them if they have heard anything from my brother, tell mr. bagnel to give my love to my sister-in-law and mother and all the family. i am now living at russell's hotel; it is the first situation i have had since i have been here and i like it very well. sir you would oblige me by letting me know if mr. minkins has seen my wife; you will please let me know as soon as possible. i wonder if mr. minkins has thought of any way that he can get my wife away. i should like to know in a few days. your well wisher, isaac forman. another letter from isaac. he is very gloomy and his heart is almost breaking about his wife. second letter. toronto, may , . mr. w. still:--_dear sir_--i take this opportunity of writing you these few lines and hope when they reach you they will find you well. i would have written you before, but i was waiting to hear from my friend, mr. brown. i judge his business has been of importance as the occasion why he has not written before. dear sir, nothing would have prevented me from writing, in a case of this kind, except death. my soul is vexed, my troubles are inexpressible. i often feel as if i were willing to die. i must see my wife in short, if not, i will die. what would i not give no tongue can utter. just to gaze on her sweet lips one moment i would be willing to die the next. i am determined to see her some time or other. the thought of being a slave again is miserable. i hope heaven will smile upon me again, before i am one again. i will leave canada again shortly, but i don't name the place that i go, it may be in the bottom of the ocean. if i had known as much before i left, as i do now, i would never have left until i could have found means to have brought her with me. you have never suffered from being absent from a wife, as i have. i consider that to be nearly superior to death, and hope you will do all you can for me, and inquire from your friends if nothing can be done for me. please write to me immediately on receipt of this, and say something that will cheer up my drooping spirits. you will oblige me by seeing mr. brown and ask him if he would oblige me by going to richmond and see my wife, and see what arrangements he could make with her, and i would be willing to pay all his expenses there and back. please to see both mr. bagnel and mr. minkins, and ask them if they have seen my wife. i am determined to see her, if i die the next moment. i can say i was once happy, but never will be again, until i see her; because what is freedom to me, when i know that my wife is in slavery? those persons that you shipped a few weeks ago, remained at st. catherine, instead of coming over to toronto. i sent you two letters last week and i hope you will please attend to them. the post-office is shut, so i enclose the money to pay the post, and please write me in haste. i remain evermore your obedient servant, i. forman. willis redick. he was owned by s.j. wilson, a merchant, living in portsmouth, va. willis was of a very dark hue, thick set, thirty-two years of age, and possessed of a fair share of mind. the owner had been accustomed to hire willis out for "one hundred dollars a year." willis thought his lot "pretty hard," and his master rather increased this notion by his severity, and especially by "threatening" to sell him. he had enjoyed, as far as it was expected for a slave to do, "five months of married life," but he loved slavery no less on this account. in fact he had just begun to consider what it was to have a wife and children that he "could not own or protect," and who were claimed as another's property. consequently he became quite restive under these reflections and his master's ill-usage, and concluded to "look out," without consulting either the master or the young wife. this step looked exceedingly hard, but what else could the poor fellow do? slavery existed expressly for the purpose of crushing souls and breaking tender hearts. * * * * * william davis. william might be described as a good-looking mulatto, thirty-one years of age, and capable of thinking for himself. he made no grave complaints of ill-usage under his master, "joseph reynolds," who lived at newton, portsmouth, va. however, his owner had occasionally "threatened to sell him." as this was too much for william's sensitive feelings, he took umbrage at it and made a hasty and hazardous move, which resulted in finding himself on the u.g.r.r. the most serious regret william had to report to the committee was, that he was compelled to "leave" his "wife," catharine, and his little daughter, louisa, two years and one month, and an infant son seven months old. he evidently loved them very tenderly, but saw no way by which he could aid them, as long as he was daily liable to be put on the auction block and sold far south. this argument was regarded by the committee as logical and unanswerable; consequently they readily endorsed his course, while they deeply sympathized with his poor wife and little ones. "before escaping," he "dared not" even apprise his wife and child, whom he had to leave behind in the prison house. * * * * * joseph henry camp. the auction block is defeated and a slave trader loses fourteen hundred dollars. in november, , in the twentieth year of his age, camp was held to "service or labor" in the city of richmond, va., by dr. k. clark. being uncommonly smart and quite good-looking at the same time, he was a saleable piece of merchandise. without consulting his view of the matter or making the least intimation of any change, the master one day struck up a bargain with a trader for joseph, and received _fourteen hundred dollars cash_ in consideration thereof. mr. robert parrett, of parson & king's express office, happened to have a knowledge of what had transpired, and thinking pretty well of joseph, confidentially put him in full possession of all the facts in the case. for reflection he hardly had five minutes. but he at once resolved to strike that day for freedom--not to go home that evening to be delivered into the hands of his new master. in putting into execution his bold resolve, he secreted himself, and so remained for three weeks. in the meantime his mother, who was a slave, resolved to escape also, but after one week's gloomy foreboding, she became "faint-hearted and gave the struggle over." but joseph did not know what surrender meant. his sole thought was to procure a ticket on the u.g.r.r. for canada, which by persistent effort he succeeded in doing. he hid himself in a steamer, and by this way reached philadelphia, where he received every accommodation at the usual depot, was provided with a free ticket, and sent off rejoicing for canada. the unfortunate mother was "detected and sold south." * * * * * sheridan ford. secreted in the woods--escapes in a steamer. about the twenty-ninth of january, , sheridan arrived from the old dominion and a life of bondage, and was welcomed cordially by the vigilance committee. miss elizabeth brown of portsmouth, va. claimed sheridan as her property. he spoke rather kindly of her, and felt that he "had not been used very hard" as a general thing, although, he wisely added, "the best usage was bad enough." sheridan had nearly reached his twenty-eighth year, was tall and well made, and possessed of a considerable share of intelligence. not a great while before making up his mind to escape, for some trifling offence he had been "stretched up with a rope by his hands," and "whipped unmercifully." in addition to this he had "got wind of the fact," that he was to be auctioneered off; soon these things brought serious reflections to sheridan's mind, and among other questions, he began to ponder how he could get a ticket on the u.g.r.r., and get out of this "place of torment," to where he might have the benefit of his own labor. in this state of mind, about the fourteenth day of november, he took his first and daring step. he went not, however, to learned lawyers or able ministers of the gospel in his distress and trouble, but wended his way "directly to the woods," where he felt that he would be safer with the wild animals and reptiles, in solitude, than with the barbarous civilization that existed in portsmouth. the first day in the woods he passed in prayer incessantly, all alone. in this particular place of seclusion he remained "four days and nights," "two days suffered severely from hunger, cold and thirst." however, one who was a "friend" to him, and knew of his whereabouts, managed to get some food to him and consoling words; but at the end of the four days this friend got into some difficulty and thus sheridan was left to "wade through deep waters and head winds" in an almost hopeless state. there he could not consent to stay and starve to death. accordingly he left and found another place of seclusion--with a friend in the town--for a pecuniary consideration. a secret passage was procured for him on one of the steamers running between philadelphia and richmond, va. when he left his poor wife, julia, she was then "lying in prison to be sold," on the simple charge of having been suspected of conniving at her husband's escape. as a woman she had known something of the "barbarism of slavery", from every-day experience, which the large scars about her head indicated--according to sheridan's testimony. she was the mother of two children, but had never been allowed to have the care of either of them. the husband, utterly powerless to offer her the least sympathy in word or deed, left this dark habitation of cruelty, as above referred to, with no hope of ever seeing wife or child again in this world. the committee afforded him the usual aid and comfort, and passed him on to the next station, with his face set towards boston. he had heard the slaveholders "curse" boston so much, that he concluded it must be a pretty safe place for the fugitive. * * * * * joseph kneeland, alias joseph hulson. joseph kneeland arrived november , . he was a prepossessing man of twenty-six, dark complexion, and intelligent. at the time of joseph's escape, he was owned by jacob kneeland, who had fallen heir to him as a part of his father's estate. joseph spoke of his old master as having treated him "pretty well," but he had an idea that his young master had a very "malignant spirit;" for even before the death of his old master, the heir wanted him, "joe," sold, and after the old man died, matters appeared to be coming to a crisis very fast. even as early as november, the young despot had distinctly given "joe" to understand, that he was not to be hired out another year, intimating that he was to "go somewhere," but as to particulars, it was time enough for joe to know them. of course "joe" looked at his master "right good" and saw right through him, and at the same time, saw the u.g.r.r., "darkly." daily slavery grew awfully mean, but on the other hand, canada was looked upon as a very desirable country to emigrate to, and he concluded to make his way there, as speedily as the u.g.r.r. could safely convey him. accordingly he soon carried his design into practice, and on his arrival, the committee regarded him as a very good subject for her british majesty's possessions in canada. * * * * * ex-president tyler's household loses an aristocratic "article." james hambleton christian is a remarkable specimen of the "well fed, &c." in talking with him relative to his life as a slave, he said very promptly, "i have always been treated well; if i only have half as good times in the north as i have had in the south, i shall be perfectly satisfied. any time i desired spending money, five or ten dollars were no object." at times, james had borrowed of his master, one, two, and three hundred dollars, to loan out to some of his friends. with regard to apparel and jewelry, he had worn the best, as an every-day adornment. with regard to food also, he had fared as well as heart could wish, with abundance of leisure time at his command. his deportment was certainly very refined and gentlemanly. about fifty per cent. of anglo-saxon blood was visible in his features and his hair, which gave him no inconsiderable claim to sympathy and care. he had been to william and mary's college in his younger days, to wait on young master james b.c., where, through the kindness of some of the students he had picked up a trifling amount of book learning. to be brief, this man was born the slave of old major christian, on the glen plantation, charles city county, va. the christians were wealthy and owned many slaves, and belonged in reality to the f.f.v's. on the death of the old major, james fell into the hands of his son, judge christian, who was executor to his father's estate. subsequently he fell into the hands of one of the judge's sisters, mrs. john tyler (wife of ex-president tyler), and then he became a member of the president's domestic household, was at the white house, under the president, from to . though but very young at that time, james was only fit for training in the arts, science, and mystery of waiting, in which profession, much pains were taken to qualify him completely for his calling. after a lapse of time; his mistress died. according to her request, after this event, james and his old mother were handed over to her nephew, william h. christian, esq., a merchant of richmond. from this gentleman, james had the folly to flee. passing hurriedly over interesting details, received from him respecting his remarkable history, two or three more incidents too good to omit must suffice. "how did you like mr. tyler?" said an inquisitive member of the vigilance committee. "i didn't like mr. tyler much," was the reply. "why?" again inquired the member of the committee. "because mr. tyler was a poor man. i never did like poor people. i didn't like his marrying into our family, who were considered very far tyler's superiors." "on the plantation," he said, "tyler was a very cross man, and treated the servants very cruelly; but the house servants were treated much better, owing to their having belonged to his wife, who protected them from persecution, as they had been favorite servants in her father's family." james estimated that "tyler got about thirty-five thousand dollars and twenty-nine slaves, young and old, by his wife." what prompted james to leave such pleasant quarters? it was this: he had become enamored of a young and respectable free girl in richmond, with whom he could not be united in marriage solely because he was a slave, and did not own himself. the frequent sad separations of such married couples (where one or the other was a slave) could not be overlooked; consequently, the poor fellow concluded that he would stand a better chance of gaining his object in canada than by remaining in virginia. so he began to feel that he might himself be sold some day, and thus the resolution came home to him very forcibly to make tracks for canada. in speaking of the good treatment he had always met with, a member of the committee remarked, "you must be akin to some one of your master's family?" to which he replied, "i am christian's son." unquestionably this passenger was one of that happy class so commonly referred to by apologists for the "patriarchal institution." the committee, feeling a deep interest in his story, and desiring great success to him in his underground efforts to get rid of slavery, and at the same time possess himself of his affianced, made him heartily welcome, feeling assured that the struggles and hardships he had submitted to in escaping, as well as the luxuries he was leaving behind, were nothing to be compared with the blessings of liberty and a free wife in canada. * * * * * edward morgan, henry johnson, james and stephen butler. "two thousand dollars reward.--the above reward will be paid for the apprehension of two blacks, who escaped on sunday last. it is supposed they have made their way to pennsylvania. $ will be paid for the apprehension of either, so that we can get them again. the oldest is named edward morgan, about five feet six or seven inches, heavily made--is a dark black, has rather a down look when spoken to, and is about years of age. "henry johnson is a colored negro, about five feet seven or eight inches, heavily made, aged nineteen years, has a pleasant countenance, and has a mark on his neck below the ear. "stephen butler is a dark-complexioned negro, about five feet seven inches; has a pleasant countenance, with a scar above his eye; plays on the violin; about twenty-two years old. "jim butler is a dark-complexioned negro, five feet eight or nine inches; is rather sullen when spoken to; face rough; aged about twenty-one years. the clothing not recollected. they had black frock coats and slouch hats with them. any information of them address elizabeth brown, sandy hook p.o., or of thomas johnson, abingdon p.o., harford county, md. "elizabeth brown. "thomas johnson." from the underground rail road records. the following memorandum is made, which, if not too late, may afford some light to "elizabeth brown and thomas johnson," if they have not already gone the way of the "lost cause"-- _june_ , .--edward is a hardy and firm-looking young man of twenty-four years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and "likely,"--would doubtless bring $ , in the market. he had been held as the property of the widow, "betsy brown," who resided near mill green p.o., in harford county, md. "she was a very bad woman; would go to church every sunday, come home and go to fighting amongst the colored people; was never satisfied; she treated my mother very hard, (said ed.); would beat her with a walking-stick, &c. she was an old woman and belonged to the catholic church. over her slaves she kept an overseer, who was a very wicked man; very bad on colored people; his name was 'bill eddy;' elizabeth brown owned twelve head." henry is of a brown skin, a good-looking young man, only nineteen years of age, whose prepossessing appearance would insure a high price for him in the market--perhaps $ , . with edward, he testifies to the meanness of mrs. betsy brown, as well as to his own longing desire for freedom. being a fellow-servant with edward, henry was a party to the plan of escape. in slavery he left his mother and three sisters, owned by the "old woman" from whom he escaped. james is about twenty-one years of age, full black, and medium size. as he had been worked hard on poor fare, he concluded to leave, in company with his brother and two cousins, leaving his parents in slavery, owned by the "widow pyle," who was also the owner of himself. "she was upwards of eighty, very passionate and ill-natured, although a member of the presbyterian church." james may be worth $ , . stephen is a brother of james', and is about the same size, though a year older. his experience differed in no material respect from his brother's; was owned by the same woman, whom he "hated for her bad treatment" of him. would bring $ , , perhaps. in substance, and to a considerable extent in the exact words, these facts are given as they came from the lips of the passengers, who, though having been kept in ignorance and bondage, seemed to have their eyes fully open to the wrongs that had been heaped upon them, and were singularly determined to reach free soil at all hazards. the committee willingly attended to their financial and other wants, and cheered them on with encouraging advice. they were indebted to "the baltimore sun" for the advertisement information. and here it may be further added, that the "sun" was quite famous for this kind of u.g.r.r. literature, and on that account alone the committee subscribed for it daily, and never failed to scan closely certain columns, illustrated with a black man running away with a bundle on his back. many of these popular illustrations and advertisements were preserved, many others were sent away to friends at a distance, who took a special interest in the u.g.r.r. matters. friends and stockholders in england used to take a great interest in seeing how the fine arts, in these particulars, were encouraged in the south ("the land of chivalry"). * * * * * henry predo. broke jail, jumped out of the window and made his escape. henry fled from buckstown, dorchester co., md., march, . physically he is a giant. about years of age, stout and well-made, quite black, and no fool, as will appear presently. only a short time before he escaped, his master threatened to sell him south. to avoid that fate, therefore, he concluded to try his luck on the underground rail road, and, in company with seven others--two of them females--he started for canada. for two or three days and nights they managed to outgeneral all their adversaries, and succeeded bravely in making the best of their way to a free state. in the meantime, however, a reward of $ , was offered for their arrest. this temptation was too great to be resisted, even by the man who had been intrusted with the care of them, and who had faithfully promised to pilot them to a safe place. one night, through the treachery of their pretended conductor, they were all taken into dover jail, where the sheriff and several others, who had been notified beforehand by the betrayer, were in readiness to receive them. up stairs they were taken, the betrayer remarking as they were going up, that they were "cold, but would soon have a good warming." on a light being lit they discovered the iron bars and the fact that they had been betrayed. their liberty-loving spirits and purposes, however, did not quail. though resisted brutally by the sheriff with revolver in hand, they made their way down one flight of stairs, and in the moment of excitement, as good luck would have it, plunged into the sheriff's private apartment, where his wife and children were sleeping. the wife cried murder lustily. a shovel full of fire, to the great danger of burning the premises, was scattered over the room; out of the window jumped two of the female fugitives. our hero henry, seizing a heavy andiron, smashed out the window entire, through which the others leaped a distance of twelve feet. the railing or wall around the jail, though at first it looked forbidding, was soon surmounted by a desperate effort. at this stage of the proceedings, henry found himself without the walls, and also lost sight of his comrades at the same time. the last enemy he spied was the sheriff in his stockings without his shoes. he snapped his pistol at him, but it did not go off. six of the others, however, marvellously got off safely together; where the eighth went, or how he got off, was not known. * * * * * daniel hughes. daniel fled from buckstown, dorchester co., also. his owner's name was richard meredith, a farmer. daniel is one of the eight alluded to above. in features he is well made, dark chestnut color, and intelligent, possessing an ardent thirst for liberty. the cause of his escape was: "worked hard in all sorts of weather--in rain and snow," so he thought he would "go where colored men are free." his master was considered the hardest man around. his mistress was "eighty-three years of age," "drank hard," was "very stormy," and a "member of the methodist church" (airy's meeting-house). he left brothers and sisters, and uncles and aunts behind. in the combat at the prison he played his part manfully. * * * * * thomas elliott. thomas is also one of the brave eight who broke out of dover jail. he was about twenty-three years of age, well made, wide awake, and of a superb black complexion. he too had been owned by richard meredith. against the betrayer, who was a black man, he had vengeance in store if the opportunity should ever offer. thomas left only one brother living; his "father and mother were dead." the excitement over the escape spread very rapidly next morning, and desperate efforts were made to recapture the fugitives, but a few friends there were who had sympathy and immediately rendered them the needed assistance. the appended note from the faithful garrett to samuel rhoads, may throw light upon the occurrence to some extent. wilmington, d mo. th, . dear cousin, samuel rhoads:--i have a letter this day from an agent of the underground rail road, near dover, in this state, saying i must be on the look out for six brothers and two sisters, they were decoyed and betrayed, he says by a colored man named thomas otwell, who pretended to be their friend, and sent a _white scamp_ ahead to wait for them at dover till they arrived; they were arrested and put in jail there, with tom's assistance, and some officers. on third day morning about four o'clock, they broke jail; six of them are secreted in the neighborhood, and the writer has not known what became of the other two. the six were to start last night for this place. i hear that their owners have persons stationed at several places on the road watching. i fear they will be taken. if they could lay quiet for ten days or two weeks, they might then get up safe. i shall have two men sent this evening some four or five miles below to keep them away from this town, and send them (if found to chester county). thee may show this to still and mckim, and oblige thy cousin, thomas garrett. further light about this exciting contest, may be gathered from a colored conductor on the road, in delaware, who wrote as follows to a member of the vigilance committee at philadelphia. camden, del., march d, . dear sir;--i tak my pen in hand to write to you, to inform you what we have had to go throw for the last two weaks. thir wir six men and two woman was betraid on the tenth of this month, thea had them in prison but thea got out was conveyed by a black man, he told them he wood bring them to my hows, as he wos told, he had ben ther befor, he has com with harrett, a woman that stops at my hous when she pases tow and throw yau. you don't no me i supos, the rev. thomas h. kennard dos, or peter lowis. he road camden circuit, this man led them in dover prisin and left them with a whit man; but tha tour out the winders and jump out, so cum back to camden. we put them throug, we hav to carry them mils and cum back the sam night wich maks mils. it is tou much for our littel horses. we must do the bes we can, ther is much bisness dun on this road. we hay to go throw dover and smerny, the two wors places this sid of mary land lin. if you have herd or sean them ples let me no. i will com to phila be for long and then i will call and se you. there is much to do her. ples to wright, i remain your frend, william brinkly. remember me to thom. kennard. the balance of these brave fugitives, although not named in this connection, succeeded in getting off safely. but how the betrayer, sheriff and hunters got out of their dilemma, the committee was never fully posted. the committee found great pleasure in assisting these passengers, for they had the true grit. such were always doubly welcome. * * * * * mary epps, alias emma brown--joseph and robert robinson. a slave mother loses her speech at the sale of her child--bob escapes from his master, a trader, with $ in north carolina money. mary fled from petersburg and the robinsons from richmond. a fugitive slave law-breaking captain by the name of b., who owned a schooner, and would bring any kind of freight that would pay the most, was the conductor in this instance. quite a number of passengers at different times availed themselves of his accommodations and thus succeeded in reaching canada. his risk was very great. on this account he claimed, as did certain others, that it was no more than fair to charge for his services--indeed he did not profess to bring persons for nothing, except in rare instances. in this matter the committee did not feel disposed to interfere directly in any way, further than to suggest that whatever understanding was agreed upon by the parties themselves should be faithfully adhered to. many slaves in cities could raise, "by hook or by crook," fifty or one hundred dollars to pay for a passage, providing they could find one who was willing to risk aiding them. thus, while the vigilance committee of philadelphia especially neither charged nor accepted anything for their services, it was not to be expected that any of the southern agents could afford to do likewise. the husband of mary had for a long time wanted his own freedom, but did not feel that he could go without his wife; in fact, he resolved to get her off first, then to try and escape himself, if possible. the first essential step towards success, he considered, was to save his money and make it an object to the captain to help him. so when he had managed to lay by one hundred dollars, he willingly offered this sum to captain b., if he would engage to deliver his wife into the hands of the vigilance committee of philadelphia. the captain agreed to the terms and fulfilled his engagement to the letter. about the st of march, , mary was presented to the vigilance committee. she was of agreeable manners, about forty-five years of age, dark complexion, round built, and intelligent. she had been the mother of fifteen children, four of whom had been sold away from her; one was still held in slavery in petersburg; the others were all dead. at the sale of one of her children she was so affected with grief that she was thrown into violent convulsions, which caused the loss of her speech for one entire month. but this little episode was not a matter to excite sympathy in the breasts of the highly refined and tender-hearted christian mothers of petersburg. in the mercy of providence, however, her reason and strength returned. she had formerly belonged to the late littleton reeves, whom she represented as having been "kind" to her, much more so than her mistress (mrs. reeves). said mary, "she being of a jealous disposition, caused me to be hired out with a hard family, where i was much abused, frequently flogged, and stinted for food," etc. but the sweets of freedom in the care of the vigilance committee now delighted her mind, and the hope that her husband would soon follow her to canada, inspired her with expectations that she would one day "sit under her own vine and fig tree where none dared to molest or make her afraid." the committee rendered her the usual assistance, and in due time, forwarded her on to queen victoria's free land in canada. on her arrival she wrote back as follows-- toronto, march th, . dear mr. still:--i take this opportunity of addressing you with these few lines to inform you that i arrived here to-day, and hope that this may find yourself and mrs. still well, as this leaves me at the present. i will also say to you, that i had no difficulty in getting along. the two young men that was with me left me at suspension bridge. they went another way. i cannot say much about the place as i have ben here but a short time but so far as i have seen i like very well. you will give my respect to your lady, & mr & mrs brown. if you have not written to petersburg you will please to write as soon as can i have nothing more to write at present but yours respectfully emma brown (old name mary epps). now, joseph and robert (mary's associate passengers from richmond) must here be noticed. joseph was of a dark orange color, medium size, very active and intelligent, and doubtless, well understood the art of behaving himself. he was well acquainted with the auction block--having been sold three times, and had had the misfortune to fall into the hands of a cruel master each time. under these circumstances he had had but few privileges. sundays and week days alike he was kept pretty severely bent down to duty. he had been beaten and knocked around shamefully. he had a wife, and spoke of her in most endearing language, although, on leaving, he did not feel at liberty to apprise her of his movements, "fearing that it would not be safe so to do." his four little children, to whom he appeared warmly attached, he left as he did his wife--in slavery. he declared that he "stuck to them as long as he could." george e. sadler, the keeper of an oyster house, held the deed for "joe," and a most heartless wretch he was in joe's estimation. the truth was, joe could not stand the burdens and abuses which sadler was inclined to heap upon him. so he concluded to join his brother and go off on the u.g.r.r. robert, his younger brother, was owned by robert slater, esq., a regular negro trader. eight years this slave's duties had been at the slave prison, and among other daily offices he had to attend to, was to lock up the prison, prepare the slaves for sale, etc. robert was a very intelligent young man, and from long and daily experience with the customs and usages of the slave prison, he was as familiar with the business as a pennsylvania farmer with his barn-yard stock. his account of things was too harrowing for detail here, except in the briefest manner, and that only with reference to a few particulars. in order to prepare slaves for the market, it was usual to have them greased and rubbed to make them look bright and shining. and he went on further to state, that "females as well as males were not uncommonly stripped naked, lashed flat to a bench, and then held by two men, sometimes four, while the brutal trader would strap them with a broad leather strap." the strap being preferred to the cow-hide, as it would not break the skin, and damage the sale. "one hundred lashes would only be a common flogging." the separation of families was thought nothing of. "often i have been flogged for refusing to flog others." while not yet twenty-three years of age, robert expressed himself as having become so daily sick of the brutality and suffering he could not help witnessing, that he felt he could not possibly stand it any longer, let the cost be what it might. in this state of mind he met with captain b. only one obstacle stood in his way--material aid. it occurred to robert that he had frequent access to the money drawer, and often it contained the proceeds of fresh sales of flesh and blood; and he reasoned that if some of that would help him and his brother to freedom, there could be no harm in helping himself the first opportunity. the captain was all ready, and provided he could get three passengers at $ each he would set sail without much other freight. of course he was too shrewd to get out papers for philadelphia. that would betray him at once. washington or baltimore, or even wilmington, del., were names which stood fair in the eyes of virginia. consequently, being able to pack the fugitives away in a very private hole of his boat, and being only bound for a southern port, the captain was willing to risk his share of the danger. "very well," said robert, "to-day i will please my master so well, that i will catch him at an unguarded moment, and will ask him for a pass to go to a ball to-night (slave-holders love to see their slaves fiddling and dancing of nights), and as i shall be leaving in a hurry, i will take a grab from the day's sale, and when slater hears of me again, i will be in canada." so after having attended to all his disagreeable duties, he made his "grab," and got a hand full. he did not know, however, how it would hold out. that evening, instead of participating with the gay dancers, he was just one degree lower down than the regular bottom of captain b's. deck, with several hundred dollars in his pocket, after paying the worthy captain one hundred each for himself and his brother, besides making the captain an additional present of nearly one hundred. wind and tide were now what they prayed for to speed on the u.g.r.r. schooner, until they might reach the depot at philadelphia. the richmond _dispatch_, an enterprising paper in the interest of slaveholders, which came daily to the committee, was received in advance of the passengers, when lo! and behold, in turning to the interesting column containing the elegant illustrations of "runaway negroes," it was seen that the unfortunate slater had "lost $ in north carolina money, and also his dark orange-colored, intelligent, and good-looking turnkey, bob." "served him right, it is no stealing for one piece of property to go off with another piece," reasoned a member of the committee. in a couple of days after the dispatch brought the news, the three u.g.r.r. passengers were safely landed at the usual place, and so accurate were the descriptions in the paper, that, on first seeing them, the committee recognized them instantly, and, without any previous ceremonies, read to them the advertisement relative to the "$ in n.c. money, &c.," and put the question to them direct: "are you the ones?" "we are," they owned up without hesitation. the committee did not see a dollar of their money, but understood they had about $ , after paying the captain; while bob considered he made a "very good grab," he did not admit that the amount advertised was correct. after a reasonable time for recruiting, having been so long in the hole of the vessel, they took their departure for canada. from joseph, the elder brother, is appended a short letter, announcing their arrival and condition under the british lion-- saint catharine, april , . mr. william still, dear sir:--your letter of date april th i have just got, it had been opened before it came to me. i have not received any other letter from you and can get no account of them in the post office in this place, i am well and have got a good situation in this city and intend staying here. i should be very glad to hear from you as soon as convenient and also from all of my friends near you. my brother is also at work with me and doing well. there is nothing here that would interest you in the way of news. there is a masonic lodge of our people and two churches and societys here and some other institutions for our benefit. be kind enough to send a few lines to the lady spoken of for that mocking bird and much oblige me. write me soon and believe me your obedient serv't love & respects to lady and daughter joseph robinson. as well as writing to a member of the committee, joe and bob had the assurance to write back to the trader and oyster-house keeper. in their letter they stated that they had arrived safely in canada, and were having good times,--in the eating line had an abundance of the best,--also had very choice wines and brandies, which they supposed that they (trader and oyster-house keeper) would give a great deal to have a "smack at." and then they gave them a very cordial invitation to make them a visit, and suggested that the quickest way they could come, would be by telegraph, which they admitted was slightly dangerous, and without first greasing themselves, and then hanging on very fast, the journey might not prove altogether advantageous to them. this was wormwood and gall to the trader and oyster-house man. a most remarkable coincidence was that, about the time this letter was received in richmond, the captain who brought away the three passengers, made it his business for some reason or other, to call at the oyster-house kept by the owner of joe, and while there, this letter was read and commented on in torrents of billingsgate phrases; and the trader told the captain that he would give him "two thousand dollars if he would get them;" finally he told him he would "give every cent they would bring, which would be much over $ ," as they were "so very likely." how far the captain talked approvingly, he did not exactly tell the committee, but they guessed he talked strong democratic doctrine to them under the frightful circumstances. but he was good at concealing his feelings, and obviously managed to avoid suspicion. * * * * * george solomon, daniel neall, benjamin r. fletcher and maria dorsey. the above representatives of the unrequited laborers of the south fled directly from washington, d.c. nothing remarkable was discovered in their stories of slave life; their narratives will therefore be brief. george solomon was owned by daniel minor, of moss grove, va. george was about thirty-three years of age; mulatto, intelligent, and of prepossessing appearance. his old master valued george's services very highly, and had often declared to others, as well as to george himself, that without him he should hardly know how to manage. and frequently george was told by the old master that at his "death he was not to be a slave any longer, as he would have provision made in his will for his freedom." for a long time this old story was clung to pretty faithfully by george, but his "old master hung on too long," consequently george's patience became exhausted. and as he had heard a good deal about canada, u.g.r.r., and the abolitionists, he concluded that it would do no harm to hint to a reliable friend or two the names of these hard places and bad people, to see what impression would be made on their minds; in short, to see if they were ready to second a motion to get rid of bondage. in thus opening his mind to his friends, he soon found a willing accord in each of their hearts, and they put their heads together to count up the cost and to fix a time for leaving egypt and the host of pharaoh to do their own "hewing of wood and drawing of water." accordingly george, daniel, benjamin and maria, all of one heart and mind, one "saturday night" resolved that the next sunday should find them on the u.g.r.r., with their faces towards canada. daniel was young, only twenty-three, good looking, and half white, with a fair share of intelligence. as regards his slave life, he acknowledged that he had not had it very rough as a general thing; nevertheless, he was fully persuaded that he had "as good a right to his freedom" as his "master had to his," and that it was his duty to contend for it. benjamin was twenty-seven years of age, small of stature, dark complexion, of a pleasant countenance, and quite smart. he testified, that "ill-treatment from his master," henry martin, who would give him "no chance at all," was the cause of his leaving. he left a brother and sister, belonging to martin, besides he left two other sisters in bondage, louisa and letty, but his father and mother were both dead. therefore, the land of slave-whips and auction-blocks had no charms for him. he loved his sisters, but he knew if he could not protect himself, much less could he protect them. so he concluded to bid them adieu forever in this world. turning from the three male companions for the purpose of finding a brief space for maria, it will be well to state here that females in attempting to escape from a life of bondage undertook three times the risk of failure that males were liable to, not to mention the additional trials and struggles they had to contend with. in justice, therefore, to the heroic female who was willing to endure the most extreme suffering and hardship for freedom, double honors were due. maria, the heroine of the party, was about forty years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and possessed of a good share of common sense. she was owned by george parker. as was a common thing with slave-holders, maria had found her owners hard to please, and quite often, without the slightest reason, they would threaten to "sell or make a change." these threats only made matters worse, or rather it only served to nerve maria for the conflict. the party walked almost the entire distance from washington to harrisburg, pennsylvania. in the meantime george parker, the so-called owner of daniel and maria, hurriedly rushed their good names into the "baltimore sun," after the following manner-- "four hundred dollars reward.--ranaway from my house on saturday night, august , my negro man 'daniel,' twenty-five years of age, bright yellow mulatto, thick set and stout made. also, my negro woman, 'maria,' forty years of age, bright mulatto. the above reward will be paid if delivered in washington city. george parker." while this advertisement was in the baltimore papers, doubtless these noble passengers were enjoying the hospitalities of the vigilance committee, and finally a warm reception in canada, by which they were greatly pleased. of benjamin and daniel, the subjoined letter from rev. h. wilson is of importance in the way of throwing light upon their whereabouts in canada: st. catharine, c.w., sept. th, . mr. william still:--_dear sir_--two young men arrived here on friday evening last from washington, viz: benjamin r. fletcher and daniel neall. mr. neall (or neale) desires to have his box of clothing forwarded on to him. it is at washington in the care of john dade, a colored man, who lives at doct. w.h. gilman's, who keeps an apothecary store on the corner of - / and pennsylvania avenue. mr. dade is a slave, but a free dealer. you will please write to john dade, in the care of doct. w.h. gilman, on behalf of daniel neale, but make use of the name of george harrison, instead of neale, and dade will understand it. please have john dade direct the box by express to you in philadelphia; he has the means of paying the charges on it in advance, as far as philadelphia; and as soon as it comes, you will please forward it on to my care at st. catherine. say to john dade, that george harrison sends his love to his sister and uncle allen sims, and all inquiring friends. mr. fletcher and mr. neale both send their respects to you, and i may add mine. yours truly, hiram wilson. p.s.--mr. benjamin r. fletcher wishes to have mr. dade call on his brother james, and communicate to him his affectionate regards, and make known to him that he is safe, and cheerful and happy. he desires his friends to know, through dade, that he found mrs. starke here, his brother alfred's wife's sister; that she is well, and living in st. catharine, c.w., near niagara palls. h.w. * * * * * henry box brown. arrived by adams' express. although the name of henry box brown has been echoed over the land for a number of years, and the simple facts connected with his marvelous escape from slavery in a box published widely through the medium of anti-slavery papers, nevertheless it is not unreasonable to suppose that very little is generally known in relation to this case. briefly, the facts are these, which doubtless have never before been fully published-- brown was a man of invention as well as a hero. in point of interest, however, his case is no more remarkable than many others. indeed, neither before nor after escaping did he suffer one-half what many others have experienced. he was decidedly an unhappy piece of property in the city of richmond, va. in the condition of a slave he felt that it would be impossible for him to remain. full well did he know, however, that it was no holiday task to escape the vigilance of virginia slave-hunters, or the wrath of an enraged master for committing the unpardonable sin of attempting to escape to a land of liberty. so brown counted well the cost before venturing upon this hazardous undertaking. ordinary modes of travel he concluded might prove disastrous to his hopes; he, therefore, hit upon a new invention altogether, which was to have himself boxed up and forwarded to philadelphia direct by express. the size of the box and how it was to be made to fit him most comfortably, was of his own ordering. two feet eight inches deep, two feet wide, and three feet long were the exact dimensions of the box, lined with baize. his resources with regard to food and water consisted of the following: one bladder of water and a few small biscuits. his mechanical implement to meet the death-struggle for fresh air, all told, was one large gimlet. satisfied that it would be far better to peril his life for freedom in this way than to remain under the galling yoke of slavery, he entered his box, which was safely nailed up and hooped with five hickory hoops, and was then addressed by his next friend, james a. smith, a shoe dealer, to wm. h. johnson, arch street, philadelphia, marked, "this side up with care." in this condition he was sent to adams' express office in a dray, and thence by overland express to philadelphia. it was twenty-six hours from the time he left richmond until his arrival in the city of brotherly love. the notice, "this side up, &c.," did not avail with the different expressmen, who hesitated not to handle the box in the usual rough manner common to this class of men. for a while they actually had the box upside down, and had him on his head for miles. a few days before he was expected, certain intimation was conveyed to a member of the vigilance committee that a box might be expected by the three o'clock morning train from the south, which might contain a man. one of the most serious walks he ever took--and they had not been a few--to meet and accompany passengers, he took at half past two o'clock that morning to the depot. not once, but for more than a score of times, he fancied the slave would be dead. he anxiously looked while the freight was being unloaded from the cars, to see if he could recognize a box that might contain a man; one alone had that appearance, and he confessed it really seemed as if there was the scent of death about it. but on inquiry, he soon learned that it was not the one he was looking after, and he was free to say he experienced a marked sense of relief. that same afternoon, however, he received from richmond a telegram, which read thus, "your case of goods is shipped and will arrive to-morrow morning." at this exciting juncture of affairs, mr. mckim, who had been engineering this important undertaking, deemed it expedient to change the programme slightly in one particular at least to insure greater safety. instead of having a member of the committee go again to the depot for the box, which might excite suspicion, it was decided that it would be safest to have the express bring it direct to the anti-slavery office. but all apprehension of danger did not now disappear, for there was no room to suppose that adams' express office had any sympathy with the abolitionist or the fugitive, consequently for mr. mckim to appear personally at the express office to give directions with reference to the coming of a box from richmond which would be directed to arch street, and yet not intended for that street, but for the anti-slavery office at north fifth street, it needed of course no great discernment to foresee that a step of this kind was wholly impracticable and that a more indirect and covert method would have to be adopted. in this dreadful crisis mr. mckim, with his usual good judgment and remarkably quick, strategical mind, especially in matters pertaining to the u.g.r.r., hit upon the following plan, namely, to go to his friend, e.m. davis,[a] who was then extensively engaged in mercantile business, and relate the circumstances. having daily intercourse with said adams' express office, and being well acquainted with the firm and some of the drivers, mr. davis could, as mr. mckim thought, talk about "boxes, freight, etc.," from any part of the country without risk. mr. davis heard mr. mckim's plan and instantly approved of it, and was heartily at his service. [footnote a: e.m. davis was a member of the executive committee of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society and a long-tried abolitionist, son-in-law of james and lucretia mott.] [illustration: resurrection of henry box brown.] "dan, an irishman, one of adams' express drivers, is just the fellow to go to the depot after the box," said davis. "he drinks a little too much whiskey sometimes, but he will do anything i ask him to do, promptly and obligingly. i'll trust dan, for i believe he is the very man." the difficulty which mr. mckim had been so anxious to overcome was thus pretty well settled. it was agreed that dan should go after the box next morning before daylight and bring it to the anti-slavery office direct, and to make it all the more agreeable for dan to get up out of his warm bed and go on this errand before day, it was decided that he should have a five dollar gold piece for himself. thus these preliminaries having been satisfactorily arranged, it only remained for mr. davis to see dan and give him instructions accordingly, etc. next morning, according to arrangement, the box was at the anti-slavery office in due time. the witnesses present to behold the resurrection were j.m. mckim, professor c.d. cleveland, lewis thompson, and the writer. mr. mckim was deeply interested; but having been long identified with the anti-slavery cause as one of its oldest and ablest advocates in the darkest days of slavery and mobs, and always found by the side of the fugitive to counsel and succor, he was on this occasion perfectly composed. professor cleveland, however, was greatly moved. his zeal and earnestness in the cause of freedom, especially in rendering aid to passengers, knew no limit. ordinarily he could not too often visit these travelers, shake them too warmly by the hand, or impart to them too freely of his substance to aid them on their journey. but now his emotion was overpowering. mr. thompson, of the firm of merrihew & thompson--about the only printers in the city who for many years dared to print such incendiary documents as anti-slavery papers and pamphlets--one of the truest friends of the slave, was composed and prepared to witness the scene. all was quiet. the door had been safely locked. the proceedings commenced. mr. mckim rapped quietly on the lid of the box and called out, "all right!" instantly came the answer from within, "all right, sir!" the witnesses will never forget that moment. saw and hatchet quickly had the five hickory hoops cut and the lid off, and the marvellous resurrection of brown ensued. rising up in his box, he reached out his hand, saying, "how do you do, gentlemen?" the little assemblage hardly knew what to think or do at the moment. he was about as wet as if he had come up out of the delaware. very soon he remarked that, before leaving richmond he had selected for his arrival-hymn (if he lived) the psalm beginning with these words: "_i waited patiently for the lord, and he heard my prayer_." and most touchingly did he sing the psalm, much to his own relief, as well as to the delight of his small audience. he was then christened henry box brown, and soon afterwards was sent to the hospitable residence of james mott and e.m. davis, on ninth street, where, it is needless to say, he met a most cordial reception from mrs. lucretia mott and her household. clothing and creature comforts were furnished in abundance, and delight and joy filled all hearts in that stronghold of philanthropy. as he had been so long doubled up in the box he needed to promenade considerably in the fresh air, so james mott put one of his broad-brim hats on his head and tendered him the hospitalities of his yard as well as his house, and while brown promenaded the yard flushed with victory, great was the joy of his friends. after his visit at mr. mott's, he spent two days with the writer, and then took his departure for boston, evidently feeling quite conscious of the wonderful feat he had performed, and at the same time it may be safely said that those who witnessed this strange resurrection were not only elated at his success, but were made to sympathize more deeply than ever before with the slave. also the noble-hearted smith who boxed him up was made to rejoice over brown's victory, and was thereby encouraged to render similar service to two other young bondmen, who appealed to him for deliverance. but, unfortunately, in this attempt the undertaking proved a failure. two boxes containing the young men alluded to above, after having been duly expressed and some distance on the road, were, through the agency of the telegraph, betrayed, and the heroic young fugitives were captured in their boxes and dragged back to hopeless bondage. consequently, through this deplorable failure, samuel a. smith was arrested, imprisoned, and was called upon to suffer severely, as may be seen from the subjoined correspondence, taken from the new york tribune soon after his release from the penitentiary. the deliverer of box brown--meeting of the colored citizens of philadelphia. [correspondence of the n.y. tribune.] philadelphia, saturday, july , . samuel a. smith, who boxed up henry box brown in richmond, va., and forwarded him by overland express to philadelphia, and who was arrested and convicted, eight years ago, for boxing up two other slaves, also directed to philadelphia, having served out his imprisonment in the penitentiary, was released on the th ultimo, and arrived in this city on the st. though he lost all his property; though he was refused witnesses on his trial (no officer could be found, who would serve a summons on a witness); though for five long months, in hot weather, he was kept heavily chained in a cell four by eight feet in dimensions; though he received five dreadful stabs, aimed at his heart, by a bribed assassin, nevertheless he still rejoices in the motives which prompted him to "undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free." having resided nearly all his life in the south, where he had traveled and seen much of the "peculiar institution," and had witnessed the most horrid enormities inflicted upon the slave, whose cries were ever ringing in his ears, and for whom he had the warmest sympathy, mr. smith could not refrain from believing that the black man, as well as the white, had god-given rights. consequently, he was not accustomed to shed tears when a poor creature escaped ftom his "kind master;" nor was he willing to turn a deaf ear to his appeals and groans, when he knew he was thirsting for freedom. from up to the day he was incarcerated, many had sought his aid and counsel, nor had they sought in vain. in various places he operated with success. in richmond, however, it seemed expedient to invent a new plan for certain emergencies, hence the box and express plan was devised, at the instance of a few heroic slaves, who had manifested their willingness to die in a box, on the road to liberty, rather than continue longer under the yoke. but these heroes fell into the power of their enemies. mr. smith had not been long in the penitentiary before he had fully gained the esteem and confidence of the superintendent and other officers. finding him to be humane and generous-hearted--showing kindness toward all, especially in buying bread, &c., for the starving prisoners, and by a timely note of warning, which had saved the life of one of the keepers, for whose destruction a bold plot had been arranged--the officers felt disposed to show him such favors as the law would allow. but their good intentions were soon frustrated. the inquisition (commonly called the legislature), being in session in richmond, hearing that the superintendent had been speaking well of smith, and circulating a petition for his pardon, indignantly demanded to know if the rumor was well founded. two weeks were spent by the inquisition, and many witnesses were placed upon oath, to solemnly testify in the matter. one of the keepers swore that his life had been saved by smith. col. morgan, the superintendent, frequently testified in writing and verbally to smith's good deportment; acknowledging that he had circulated petitions, &c.; and took the position, that he sincerely believed, that it would be to the interest of the institution to pardon him; calling the attention of the inquisition, at the same time, to the fact, that not unfrequently pardons had been granted to criminals, under sentence of death, for the most cold-blooded murder, to say nothing of other gross crimes. the effort for pardon was soon abandoned, for the following reason given by the governor: "i can't, and i won't pardon him!" in view of the unparalleled injustice which mr. s. had suffered, as well as on account of the aid he had rendered to the slaves, on his arrival in this city the colored citizens of philadelphia felt that he was entitled to sympathy and aid, and straightway invited him to remain a few days, until arrangements could be made for a mass meeting to receive him. accordingly, on last monday evening, a mass meeting convened in the israel church, and the rev. wm. t. catto was called to the chair, and wm. still was appointed secretary. the chairman briefly stated the object of the meeting. having lived in the south, he claimed to know something of the workings of the oppressive system of slavery generally, and declared that, notwithstanding the many exposures of the evil which came under his own observation, the most vivid descriptions fell far short of the realities his own eyes had witnessed. he then introduced mr. smith, who arose and in a plain manner briefly told his story, assuring the audience that he had always hated slavery, and had taken great pleasure in helping many out of it, and though he had suffered much physically and pecuniarily for the cause' sake, yet he murmured not, but rejoiced in what he had done. after taking his seat, addresses were made by the rev. s. smith, messrs. kinnard, brunner, bradway, and others. the following preamble and resolutions were adopted-- whereas, we, the colored citizens of philadelphia, have among us samuel a. smith, who was incarcerated over seven years in the richmond penitentiary, for doing an act that was honorable to his feelings and his sense of justice and humanity, therefore, _resolved_, that we welcome him to this city as a martyr to the cause of freedom. _resolved_, that we heartily tender him our gratitude for the good he has done to our suffering race. _resolved_, that we sympathize with him in his losses and sufferings in the cause of the poor, down-trodden slave. w.s. during his stay in philadelphia, on this occasion, he stopped for about a fortnight with the writer, and it was most gratifying to learn from him that he was no new worker on the u.g.r.r. but that he had long hated slavery thoroughly, and although surrounded with perils on every side, he had not failed to help a poor slave whenever the opportunity was presented. pecuniary aid, to some extent, was rendered him in this city, for which he was grateful, and after being united in marriage, by wm. h. furness, d.d., to a lady who had remained faithful to him through all his sore trials and sufferings, he took his departure for western new york, with a good conscience and an unshaken faith in the belief that in aiding his fellow-man to freedom he had but simply obeyed the word of him who taught man to do unto others as he would be done by. * * * * * trial of the emancipators of col. j.h. wheeler's slaves, jane johnson and her two little boys. among other duties devolving on the vigilance committee when hearing of slaves brought into the state by their owners, was immediately to inform such persons that as they were not fugitives, but were brought into the state by their masters, they were entitled to their freedom without another moment's service, and that they could have the assistance of the committee and the advice of counsel without charge, by simply availing themselves of these proffered favors. many slave-holders fully understood the law in this particular, and were also equally posted with regard to the vigilance of abolitionists. consequently they avoided bringing slaves beyond mason and dixon's line in traveling north. but some slave-holders were not thus mindful of the laws, or were too arrogant to take heed, as may be seen in the case of colonel john h. wheeler, of north carolina, the united states minister to nicaragua. in passing through philadelphia from washington, one very warm july day in , accompanied by three of his slaves, his high official equilibrium, as well as his assumed rights under the constitution, received a terrible shock at the hands of the committee. therefore, for the readers of these pages, and in order to completely illustrate the various phases of the work of the committee in the days of slavery, this case, selected from many others, is a fitting one. however, for more than a brief recital of some of the more prominent incidents, it will not be possible to find room in this volume. and, indeed, the necessity of so doing is precluded by the fact that mr. williamson in justice to himself and the cause of freedom, with great pains and singular ability, gathered the most important facts bearing on his memorable trial and imprisonment, and published them in a neat volume for historical reference. in order to bring fully before the reader the beginning of this interesting and exciting case, it seems only necessary to publish the subjoined letter, written by one of the actors in the drama, and addressed to the new york tribune, and an additional paragraph which may be requisite to throw light on a special point, which judge kane decided was concealed in the "obstinate" breast of passmore williamson, as said williamson persistently refused before the said judge's court, to own that he had a knowledge of the mystery in question. after which, a brief glance at some of the more important points of the case must suffice. letter copied from the new york tribune. [correspondence of the n.y. tribune.] philadelphia, monday, july , . as the public have not been made acquainted with the facts and particulars respecting the agency of mr. passmore williamson and others, in relation to the slave case now agitating this city, and especially as the poor slave mother and her two sons have been so grossly misrepresented, i deem it my duty to lay the facts before you, for publication or otherwise, as you may think proper. on wednesday afternoon, week, at - / o'clock, the following note was placed in my hands by a colored boy whom i had never before seen, to my recollection: "mr. still--_sir_: will you come down to bloodgood's hotel as soon as possible--as there are three fugitive slaves here and they want liberty. their master is here with them, on his way to new york." the note was without date, and the signature so indistinctly written as not to be understood by me, having evidently been penned in a moment of haste. without delay i ran with the note to mr. p. williamson's office, seventh and arch, found him at his desk, and gave it to him, and after reading it, he remarked that he could not go down, as he had to go to harrisburg that night on business--but he advised me to go, and to get the names of the slave-holder and the slaves, in order to telegraph to new york to have them arrested there, as no time remained to procure a writ of habeas corpus here. i could not have been two minutes in mr. w.'s office before starting in haste for the wharf. to my surprise, however, when i reached the wharf, there i found mr. w., his mind having undergone a sudden change; he was soon on the spot. i saw three or four colored persons in the hall at bloodgood's, none of whom i recognized except the boy who brought me the note. before having time for making inquiry some one said they had gone on board the boat. "get their description," said mr. w. i instantly inquired of one of the colored persons for the desired description, and was told that she was "a tall, dark woman, with two little boys." mr. w. and myself ran on board of the boat, looked among the passengers on the first deck, but saw them not. "they are up on the second deck," an unknown voice uttered. in a second we were in their presence. we approached the anxious-looking slave-mother with her two boys on her left-hand; close on her right sat an ill-favored white man having a cane in his hand which i took to be a sword-cane. (as to its being a sword-cane, however, i might have been mistaken.) the first words to the mother were: "are you traveling?" "yes," was the prompt answer. "with whom?" she nodded her head toward the ill-favored man, signifying with him. fidgeting on his seat, he said something, exactly what i do not now recollect. in reply i remarked: "do they belong to you, sir?" "yes, they are in my charge," was his answer. turning from him to the mother and her sons, in substance, and word for word, as near as i can remember, the following remarks were earnestly though calmly addressed by the individuals who rejoiced to meet them on free soil, and who felt unmistakably assured that they were justified by the laws of pennsylvania as well as the law of god, in informing them of their rights: "you are entitled to your freedom according to the laws of pennsylvania, having been brought into the state by your owner. if you prefer freedom to slavery, as we suppose everybody does, you have the chance to accept it now. act calmly--don't be frightened by your master--you are as much entitled to your freedom as we are, or as he is--be determined and you need have no fears but that you will be protected by the law. judges have time and again decided cases in this city and state similar to yours in favor of freedom! of course, if you want to remain a slave with your master, we cannot force you to leave; we only want to make you sensible of your rights. _remember, if you lose this chance you may never get such another," etc_. [illustration: rescue of jane johnson and her children.] this advice to the woman was made in the hearing of a number of persons present, white and colored; and one elderly white gentleman of genteel address, who seemed to take much interest in what was going on, remarked that they would have the same chance for their freedom in new jersey and new york as they then had--seeming to sympathize with the woman, etc. during the few moments in which the above remarks were made, the slaveholder frequently interrupted--said she understood all about the laws making her free, and her right to leave if she wanted to; but contended that she did not want to leave--that she was on a visit to new york to see her friends--afterward _wished to return to her three children whom she left in virginia, from whom it would be_ hard _to separate her_. furthermore, he diligently tried to constrain her to say that she did not want to be interfered with--that she wanted to go with him--that she was on a visit to new york--had children in the south, etc.; but the woman's desire to be free was altogether too strong to allow her to make a single acknowledgment favorable to his wishes in the matter. on the contrary, she repeatedly said, distinctly and firmly, "_i am not free, but i want my freedom_--always _wanted to be free!! but he holds me_." while the slaveholder claimed that she belonged to him, he said _that she was free_! again he said that he was _going to give her her freedom_, etc. when his eyes would be off of hers, such eagerness as her looks expressed, indicative of her entreaty that we would not forsake her and her little ones in their weakness, it had never been my lot to witness before, under any circumstances. the last bell tolled! the last moment for further delay passed! the arm of the woman being slightly touched, accompanied with the word, "come!" she instantly arose. "go along--go along!" said some, who sympathized, to the boys, at the same time taking hold of their arms. by this time the parties were fairly moving toward the stairway leading to the deck below. instantly on their starting, the slave-holder rushed at the woman and her children, to prevent their leaving; and, if i am not mistaken, he simultaneously took hold of the woman and mr. williamson, which resistance on his part caused mr. w. to take hold of him and set him aside quickly. the passengers were looking on all around, but none interfered in behalf of the slaveholder except one man, whom i took to be another slaveholder. he said harshly, "let them alone; they are his _property_!'" the youngest boy, about years of age--too young to know what these things meant--cried "massa john! massa john!" the elder boy, years of age, took the matter more dispassionately, and the mother _quite calmly_. the mother and her sympathizers all moved down the stairs together in the presence of quite a number of spectators on the first deck and on the wharf, all of whom, as far as i was able to discern, seemed to look upon the whole affair with the greatest indifference. the woman and children were assisted, but not forced to leave. nor were there any violence or threatenings as i saw or heard. the only words that i heard from any one of an objectionable character, were: "knock him down; knock him down!" but who uttered it or who was meant i knew not, nor have i since been informed. however, if it was uttered by a colored man, i regret it, as there was not the slightest cause for such language, especially as the sympathies of the spectators and citizens seemed to justify the course pursued. while passing off of the wharf and down delaware-avenue to dock st., and up dock to front, where a carriage was procured, the slaveholder and one police officer were of the party, if no more. the youngest boy on being put in the carriage was told that he was "a fool for crying so after 'massa john,' who would sell him if he ever caught him." not another whine was heard on the subject. the carriage drove down town slowly, the horses being fatigued and the weather intensely hot; the inmates were put out on tenth street--not at any house--after which they soon found hospitable friends and quietude. the excitement of the moment having passed by, the mother _seemed very cheerful, and rejoiced greatly that herself and boys had been, as she thought, so "providentially delivered from the house of bondage_!" for the first time in her life she could look upon herself and children and feel free! having felt the iron in her heart for the best half of her days--having been sold with her children on the auction block--having had one of her children sold far away from her without hope of her seeing him again--she very naturally and wisely concluded to go to canada, fearing if she remained in this city--as some assured her she could do with entire safety--that she might again find herself in the clutches of the tyrant from whom she had fled. a few items of what she related concerning the character of her master may be interesting to the reader-- within the last two years he had sold all his slaves--between thirty and forty in number--having purchased the present ones in that space of time. she said that before leaving washington, coming on the cars, and at his father-in-law's in this city, a number of persons had told him that in bringing his slaves into pennsylvania they would be free. when told at his father-in-law's, as she overheard it, that he "could not have done a worse thing," &c., he replied that "jane would not leave him." as much, however, as he affected to have such implicit confidence in jane, he scarcely allowed her to be out of his presence a moment while in this city. to use jane's own language, he was "on her heels every minute," fearing that some one might get to her ears the sweet music of freedom. by the way, jane had it deep in her heart before leaving the south, and was bent on succeeding in new york, if disappointed in philadelphia. at bloodgood's, after having been belated and left by the o'clock train, while waiting for the o'clock line, his appetite tempted her "master" to take a hasty dinner. so after placing jane where he thought she would be pretty secure from "evil communications" from the colored waiters, and after giving her a double counselling, he made his way to the table; remained but a little while, however, before leaving to look after jane; finding her composed, looking over a bannister near where he left her, he returned to the table again and finished his meal. but, alas, for the slave-holder! jane had her "top eye open," and in that brief space had appealed to the sympathies of a person whom she ventured to trust, saying, "i and my children are slaves, and we want liberty!" i am not certain, but suppose that person, in the goodness of his heart, was the cause of the note being sent to the anti-slavery office, and hence the result. as to her going on to new york to see her friends, and wishing to return to her three children in the south, and his going to free her, &c., jane declared repeatedly and very positively, that there was not a particle of truth in what her master said on these points. the truth is she had not the slightest hope of freedom through any act of his. she had only left one boy in the south, who had been sold far away, where she scarcely ever heard from him, indeed never expected to see him any more. in appearance jane is tall and well formed, high and large forehead, of genteel manners, chestnut color, and seems to possess, naturally, uncommon good sense, though of course she has never been allowed to read. thus i have given as truthful a report as i am capable of doing, of jane and the circumstances connected with her deliverance. w. still. p.s.--of the five colored porters who promptly appeared, with warm hearts throbbing in sympathy with the mother and her children, too much cannot be said in commendation. in the present case they acted nobly, whatever may be said of their general character, of which i know nothing. how human beings, who have ever tasted oppression, could have acted differently under the circumstances i cannot conceive. the mystery alluded to, which the above letter did not contain, and which the court failed to make mr. williamson reveal, might have been truthfully explained in these words. the carriage was procured at the wharf, while col. wheeler and mr. williamson were debating the question relative to the action of the committee, and at that instant, jane and her two boys were invited into it and accompanied by the writer, who procured it, were driven down town, and on tenth street, below lombard, the inmates were invited out of it, and the said conductor paid the driver and discharged him. for prudential reasons he took them to a temporary resting-place, where they could tarry until after dark; then they were invited to his own residence, where they were made welcome, and in due time forwarded east. now, what disposition was made of them after they had left the wharf, while williamson and wheeler were discussing matters--(as was clearly sworn to by passmore, in his answer to the writ of habeas corpus)--he williamson did not know. that evening, before seeing the member of the committee, with whom he acted in concert on the boat, and who had entire charge of jane and her boys, he left for harrisburg, to fulfill business engagements. the next morning his father (thomas williamson) brought the writ of habeas corpus (which had been served at passmore's office after he left) to the anti-slavery office. in his calm manner he handed it to the writer, at the same time remarking that "passmore had gone to harrisburg," and added, "thee had better attend to it" (the writ). edward hopper, esq., was applied to with the writ, and in the absence of mr. williamson, appeared before the court, and stated "that the writ had not been served, as mr. w. was out of town," etc. after this statement, the judge postponed further action until the next day. in the meanwhile, mr. williamson returned and found the writ awaiting him, and an agitated state of feeling throughout the city besides. now it is very certain, that he did not seek to know from those in the secret, where jane johnson and her boys were taken after they left the wharf, or as to what disposition had been made of them, in any way; except to ask simply, "are they safe?" (and when told "yes," he smiled) consequently, he might have been examined for a week, by the most skillful lawyer, at the philadelphia bar, but he could not have answered other than he did in making his return to the writ, before judge kane, namely: "_that the persons named in the writ, nor either of them, are now nor was at the time of issuing of the writ, or the original writ, or at any other time in the custody, power, or possession of the respondent, nor by him confined or restrained; wherefore he cannot have the bodies," etc._. thus, while mr. w. was subjected to the severest trial of his devotion to freedom, his noble bearing throughout, won for him the admiration and sympathy of the friends of humanity and liberty throughout the entire land, and in proof of his fidelity, he most cheerfully submitted to imprisonment rather than desert his principles. but the truth was not wanted in this instance by the enemies of freedom; obedience to slavery was demanded to satisfy the south. the opportunity seemed favorable for teaching abolitionists and negroes, that they had no right to interfere with a "chivalrous southern gentleman," while passing through philadelphia with his slaves. thus, to make an effective blow, all the pro-slavery elements of philadelphia were brought into action, and matters looked for a time as though slavery in this instance would have everything its own way. passmore was locked up in prison on the flimsy pretext of contempt of court, and true bills were found against him and half a dozen colored men, charging them with "riot," "forcible abduction," and "assault and battery," and there was no lack of hard swearing on the part of col. wheeler and his pro-slavery sympathizers in substantiation of these grave charges. but the pro-slaveryites had counted without their host--passmore would not yield an inch, but stood as firmly by his principles in prison, as he did on the boat. indeed, it was soon evident, that his resolute course was bringing floods of sympathy from the ablest and best minds throughout the north. on the other hand, the occasion was rapidly awakening thousands daily, who had hitherto manifested little or no interest at all on the subject, to the wrongs of the slave. it was soon discovered by the "chivalry" that keeping mr. williamson in prison would indirectly greatly aid the cause of freedom--that every day he remained would make numerous converts to the cause of liberty; that mr. williamson was doing ten-fold more in prison for the cause of universal liberty than he could possibly do while pursuing his ordinary vocation. with regard to the colored men under bonds, col. wheeler and his satellites felt very confident that there was no room for them to escape. they must have had reason so to think, judging from the hard swearing they did, before the committing magistrate. consequently, in the order of events, while passmore was still in prison, receiving visits from hosts of friends, and letters of sympathy from all parts of the north, william still, william curtis, james p. braddock, john ballard, james martin and isaiah moore, were brought into court for trial. the first name on the list in the proceedings of the court was called up first. against this individual, it was pretty well understood by the friends of the slave, that no lack of pains and false swearing would be resorted to on the part of wheeler and his witnesses, to gain a verdict. mr. mckim and other noted abolitionists managing the defense, were equally alive to the importance of overwhelming the enemy in this particular issue. the hon. charles gibbons, was engaged to defend william still, and william s. pierce, esq., and william b. birney, esq., the other five colored defendants. in order to make the victory complete, the anti-slavery friends deemed it of the highest importance to have jane johnson in court, to face her master, and under oath to sweep away his "refuge of lies," with regard to her being "abducted," and her unwillingness to "leave her master," etc. so mr. mckim and the friends very privately arranged to have jane johnson on hand at the opening of the defense. mrs. lucretia mott, mrs. mckim, miss sarah pugh and mrs. plumly, volunteered to accompany this poor slave mother to the court-house and to occupy seats by her side, while she should face her master, and boldly, on oath, contradict all his hard swearing. a better subject for the occasion than jane, could not have been desired. she entered the court room veiled, and of course was not known by the crowd, as pains had been taken to keep the public in ignorance of the fact, that she was to be brought on to bear witness. so that, at the conclusion of the second witness on the part of the defense, "jane johnson" was called for, in a shrill voice. deliberately, jane arose and answered, in a lady-like manner to her name, and was then the observed of all observers. never before had such a scene been witnessed in philadelphia. it was indescribable. substantially, her testimony on this occasion, was in keeping with the subjoined affidavit, which was as follows-- "_state of new york, city and county of new york_. "jane johnson being sworn, makes oath and says-- "my name is jane--jane johnson; i was the slave of mr. wheeler of washington; he bought me and my two children, about two years ago, of mr. cornelius crew, of richmond, va.; my youngest child is between six and seven years old, the other between ten and eleven; i have one other child only, and he is in richmond; i have not seen him for about two years; never expect to see him again; mr. wheeler brought me and my two children to philadelphia, on the way to nicaragua, to wait on his wife; i didn't want to go without my two children, and he consented to take them; we came to philadelphia by the cars; stopped at mr. sully's, mr. wheeler's father-in-law, a few moments; then went to the steamboat for new york at o'clock, but were too late; we went into bloodgood's hotel; mr. wheeler went to dinner; mr. wheeler had told me in washington to have nothing to say to colored persons, and if any of them spoke to me, to say i was a free woman traveling with a minister; we staid at bloodgood's till o'clock; mr. wheeler kept his eye on me all the time except when he was at dinner; he left his dinner to come and see if i was safe, and then went back again; while he was at dinner, i saw a colored woman and told her i was a slave woman, that my master had told me not to speak to colored people, and that if any of them spoke to me to say that i was free; but i am not free; but i want to be free; she said: 'poor thing, i pity you;' after that i saw a colored man and said the same thing to him, he said he would telegraph to new york, and two men would meet me at o'clock and take me with them; after that we went on board the boat, mr. wheeler sat beside me on the deck; i saw a colored gentleman come on board, he beckoned to me; i nodded my head, and could not go; mr. wheeler was beside me and i was afraid; a white gentleman then came and said to mr. wheeler, 'i want to speak to your servant, and tell her of her rights;' mr. wheeler rose and said, 'if you have anything to say, say it to me--she knows her rights;' the white gentleman asked me if i wanted to be free; i said 'i do, but i belong to this gentleman and i can't have it;' he replied, 'yes, you can, come with us, you are as free as your master, if you want your freedom come now; if you go back to washington you may never get it;' i rose to go, mr. wheeler spoke, and said, 'i will give you your freedom,' but he had never promised it before, and i knew he would never give it to me; the white gentleman held out his hand and i went toward him; i was ready for the word before it was given me; i took the children by the hands, who both cried, for they were frightened, but both stopped when they got on shore; a colored man carried the little one, i led the other by the hand. we walked down the street till we got to a hack; nobody forced me away; nobody pulled me, and nobody led me; i went away of my own free will; i always wished to be free and meant to be free when i came north; i hardly expected it in philadelphia, but i thought i should get free in new york; i have been comfortable and happy since i left mr. wheeler, and so are the children; i don't want to go back; i could have gone in philadelphia if i had wanted to; i could go now; but i had rather die than go back. i wish to make this statement before a magistrate, because i understand that mr. williamson is in prison on my account, and i hope the truth may be of benefit to him." [illustration: jane johnson] [illustration: passmore williamson.] jane [her x mark.] johnson. it might have been supposed that her honest and straightforward testimony would have been sufficient to cause even the most relentless slaveholder to abandon at once a pursuit so monstrous and utterly hopeless as wheeler's was. but although he was sadly confused and put to shame, he hung on to the "lost cause" tenaciously. and his counsel, david webster, esq., and the united states district attorney, vandyke, completely imbued with the pro-slavery spirit, were equally as unyielding. and thus, with a zeal befitting the most worthy object imaginable, they labored with untiring effort to convict the colored men. by this policy, however, the counsel for the defense was doubly aroused. mr. gibbons, in the most eloquent and indignant strains, perfectly annihilated the "distinguished colonel john h. wheeler, united states minister plenipotentiary near the island of nicaragua," taking special pains to ring the changes repeatedly on his long appellations. mr. gibbons appeared to be precisely in the right mood to make himself surpassingly forcible and eloquent, on whatever point of law he chose to touch bearing on the case; or in whatever direction he chose to glance at the injustice and cruelty of the south. most vividly did he draw the contrast between the states of "georgia" and "pennsylvania," with regard to the atrocious laws of georgia. scarcely less vivid is the impression after a lapse of sixteen years, than when this eloquent speech was made. with the district attorney, wm. b. mann, esq., and his honor, judge kelley, the defendants had no cause to complain. throughout the entire proceedings, they had reason to feel, that neither of these officials sympathized in the least with wheeler or slavery. indeed in the judge's charge and also in the district attorney's closing speech the ring of freedom could be distinctly heard--much more so than was agreeable to wheeler and his pro-slavery sympathizers. the case of wm. still ended in his acquittal; the other five colored men were taken up in order. and it is scarcely necessary to say that messrs. peirce and birney did full justice to all concerned. mr. peirce, especially, was one of the oldest, ablest and most faithful lawyers to the slave of the philadelphia bar. he never was known, it may safely be said, to hesitate in the darkest days of slavery to give his time and talents to the fugitive, even in the most hopeless cases, and when, from the unpopularity of such a course, serious sacrifices would be likely to result. consequently he was but at home in this case, and most nobly did he defend his clients, with the same earnestness that a man would defend his fireside against the approach of burglars. at the conclusion of the trial, the jury returned a verdict of "not guilty," as to all the persons in the first count, charging them with riot. in the second count, charging them with "assault and battery" (on col. wheeler) ballard and curtis were found "guilty," the rest "not guilty." the guilty were given about a week in jail. thus ended this act in the wheeler drama. the following extract is taken from the correspondence of the new york tribune touching jane johnson's presence in the court, and will be interesting on that account: "but it was a bold and perilous move on the part of her friends, and the deepest apprehensions were felt for a while, for the result. the united states marshal was there with his warrant and an extra force to execute it. the officers of the court and other state officers were there to protect the witness and vindicate the laws of the state. vandyke, the united states district attorney, swore he would take her. the state officers swore he should not, and for a while it seemed that nothing could avert a bloody scene. it was expected that the conflict would take place at the door, when she should leave the room, so that when she and her friends went out, and for some time after, the most intense suspense pervaded the court-room. she was, however, allowed to enter the carriage that awaited her without disturbance. she was accompanied by mr. mckim, secretary of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, lucretia mott and george corson, one of our most manly and intrepid police officers. the carriage was followed by another filled with officers as a guard; and thus escorted she was taken back in safety to the house from which she had been brought. her title to freedom under the laws of the state will hardly again be brought into question." mr. williamson was committed to prison by judge kane for contempt of court, on the th day of july, , and was released on the d day of november the same year, having gained, in the estimation of the friends of freedom every where, a triumph and a fame which but few men in the great moral battle for freedom could claim. * * * * * the arrivals of a single month. sixty passengers came in one month--twenty-eight in one arrival--great panic and indignation meeting--interesting correspondence from masters and fugitives. the great number of cases to be here noticed forbids more than a brief reference to each passenger. as they arrived in parties, their narratives will be given in due order as found on the book of records: william griffen, henry moor, james camper, noah ennells and levin parker. this party came from cambridge, md. william is thirty-four years of age, of medium size and substantial appearance. he fled from james waters, esq., a lawyer, living in cambridge. he was "wealthy, close, and stingy," and owned nine head of slaves and a farm, on which william served. he was used very hard, which was the cause of his escape, though the idea that he was entitled to his freedom had been entertained for the previous twelve years. on preparing to take the underground, he armed himself with a big butcher-knife, and resolved, if attacked, to make his enemies stand back. his master was a member of the methodist church. henry is tall, copper-colored, and about thirty years of age. he complained not so much of bad usage as of the utter distaste he had to working all the time for the "white people for nothing." he was also decidedly of the opinion that every man should have his liberty. four years ago his wife was "sold away to georgia" by her young master; since which time not a word had he heard of her. she left three children, and he, in escaping, also had to leave them in the same hands that sold their mother. he was owned by levin dale, a farmer near cambridge. henry was armed with a six-barreled revolver, a large knife, and a determined mind. james is twenty-four years of age, quite black, small size, keen look, and full of hope for the "best part of canada." he fled from henry hooper, "a dashing young man and a member of the episcopal church." left because he "did not enjoy privileges" as he wished to do. he was armed with two pistols and a dirk to defend himself. noah is only nineteen, quite dark, well-proportioned, and possessed of a fair average of common sense. he was owned by "black-head bill lecount," who "followed drinking, chewing tobacco, catching 'runaways,' and hanging around the court-house." however, he owned six head of slaves, and had a "rough wife," who belonged to the methodist church. left because he "expected every day to be sold"--his master being largely in "debt." brought with him a butcher-knife. levin is twenty-two, rather short built, medium size and well colored. he fled from lawrence g. colson, "a very bad man, fond of drinking, great to fight and swear, and hard to please." his mistress was "real rough; very bad, worse than he was as 'fur' as she could be." having been stinted with food and clothing and worked hard, was the apology offered by levin for running off. stebney swan, john stinger, robert emerson, anthony pugh and isabella ----. this company came from portsmouth, va. stebney is thirty-four years of age, medium size, mulatto, and quite wide awake. he was owned by an oysterman by the name of jos. carter, who lived near portsmouth. naturally enough his master "drank hard, gambled" extensively, and in every other respect was a very ordinary man. nevertheless, he "owned twenty-five head," and had a wife and six children. stebney testified that he had not been used hard, though he had been on the "auction-block three times." left because he was "tired of being a servant." armed with a broad-axe and hatchet, he started, joined by the above-named companions, and came in a skiff, by sea. robert lee was the brave captain engaged to pilot this slavery-sick party from the prison-house of bondage. and although every rod of rowing was attended with inconceivable peril, the desired haven was safely reached, and the overjoyed voyagers conducted to the vigilance committee. john is about forty years of age, and so near white that a microscope would be required to discern his colored origin. his father was white, and his mother nearly so. he also had been owned by the oysterman alluded to above; had been captain of one of his oyster-boats, until recently. and but for his attempt some months back to make his escape, he might have been this day in the care of his kind-hearted master. but, because of this wayward step on the part of john, his master felt called upon to humble him. accordingly, the captaincy was taken from him, and he was compelled to struggle on in a less honorable position. occasionally john's mind would be refreshed by his master relating the hard times in the north, the great starvation among the blacks, etc. he would also tell john how much better off he was as a "slave with a kind master to provide for all his wants," etc. notwithstanding all this counsel, john did not rest contented until he was on the underground rail road. robert was only nineteen, with an intelligent face and prepossessing manners; reads, writes and ciphers; and is about half anglo-saxon. he fled from wm. h. wilson, esq., cashier of the virginia bank. until within the four years previous to robert's escape, the cashier was spoken of as a "very good man;" but in consequence of speculations in a large hotel in portsmouth, and the then financial embarrassments, "he had become seriously involved," and decidedly changed in his manners. robert noticed this, and concluded he had "better get out of danger as soon as possible." anthony and isabella were an engaged couple, and desired to cast their lot where husband and wife could not be separated on the auction-block. the following are of the cambridge party, above alluded to. all left together, but for prudential reasons separated before reaching philadelphia. the company that left cambridge on the th of october may be thus recognized: aaron cornish and wife, with their six children; solomon, george anthony, joseph, edward james, perry lake, and a nameless babe, all very likely; kit anthony and wife leah, and three children, adam, mary, and murray; joseph hill and wife alice, and their son henry; also joseph's sister. add to the above, marshall button and george light, both single young men, and we have twenty-eight in one arrival, as hearty-looking, brave and interesting specimens of slavery as could well be produced from maryland. before setting out they counted well the cost. being aware that fifteen had left their neighborhood only a few days ahead of them, and that every slave-holder and slave-catcher throughout the community, were on the alert, and raging furiously against the inroads of the underground rail road, they provided themselves with the following weapons of defense: three revolvers, three double-barreled pistols, three single-barreled pistols, three sword-canes, four butcher knives, one bowie-knife, and one paw.[a] thus, fully resolved upon freedom or death, with scarcely provisions enough for a single day, while the rain and storm was piteously descending, fathers and mothers with children in their arms (aaron cornish had two)--the entire party started. of course, their provisions gave out before they were fairly on the way, but not so with the storm. it continued to pour upon them for nearly three days. with nothing to appease the gnawings of hunger but parched corn and a few dry crackers, wet and cold, with several of the children sick, some of their feet bare and worn, and one of the mothers with an infant in her arms, incapable of partaking of the diet,--it is impossible to imagine the ordeal they were passing. it was enough to cause the bravest hearts to falter. but not for a moment did they allow themselves to look back. it was exceedingly agreeable to hear even the little children testify that in the most trying hour on the road, not for a moment did they want to go back. the following advertisement, taken from _the cambridge democrat_ of november , shows how the rev. levi traverse felt about aaron-- [footnote a: a paw is a weapon with iron prongs, four inches long, to be grasped with the hand and used in close encounter.] $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, from the neighborhood of town point, on saturday night, the th inst., my negro man, aaron cornish, about years old. he is about five feet ten inches high, black, good-looking, rather pleasant countenance, and carries himself with a confident manner. he went off with his wife, daffney, a negro woman belonging to reuben e. phillips. i will give the above reward if taken out of the county, and $ if taken in the county; in either case to be lodged in cambridge jail. [illustration: runaway] october , . levi d. traverse. to fully understand the rev. mr. traverse's authority for taking the liberty he did with aaron's good name, it may not be amiss to give briefly a paragraph of private information from aaron, relative to his master. the rev. mr. traverse belonged to the methodist church, and was described by aaron as a "bad young man; rattle-brained; with the appearance of not having good sense,--not enough to manage the great amount of property (he had been left wealthy) in his possession." aaron's servitude commenced under this spiritual protector in may prior to the escape, immediately after the death of his old master. his deceased master, william d. traverse, by the way, was the father-in-law, and at the same time own uncle of aaron's reverend owner. though the young master, for marrying his own cousin and uncle's daughter, had been for years the subject of the old gentleman's wrath, and was not allowed to come near his house, or to entertain any reasonable hope of getting any of his father-in-law's estate, nevertheless, scarcely had the old man breathed his last, ere the young preacher seized upon the inheritance, slaves and all; at least he claimed two-thirds, allowing for the widow one-third. unhesitatingly he had taken possession of all the slaves (some thirty head), and was making them feel his power to the fullest extent. to aaron this increased oppression was exceedingly crushing, as he had been hoping at the death of his old master to be free. indeed, it was understood that the old man had his will made, and freedom provided for the slaves. but, strangely enough, at his death no will could be found. aaron was firmly of the conviction that the rev. mr. traverse knew what became of it. between the widow and the son-in-law, in consequence of his aggressive steps, existed much hostility, which strongly indicated the approach of a law-suit; therefore, except by escaping, aaron could not see the faintest hope of freedom. under his old master, the favor of hiring his time had been granted him. he had also been allowed by his wife's mistress (miss jane carter, of baltimore), to have his wife and children home with him--that is, until his children would grow to the age of eight and ten years, then they would be taken away and hired out at twelve or fifteen dollars a year at first. her oldest boy, sixteen, hired the year he left for forty dollars. they had had ten children; two had died, two they were compelled to leave in chains; the rest they brought away. not one dollar's expense had they been to their mistress. the industrious aaron not only had to pay his own hire, but was obliged to do enough over-work to support his large family. though he said he had no special complaint to make against his old master, through whom he, with the rest of the slaves, hoped to obtain freedom, aaron, nevertheless, spoke of him as a man of violent temper, severe on his slaves, drinking hard, etc., though he was a man of wealth and stood high in the community. one of aaron's brothers, and others, had been sold south by him. it was on account of his inveterate hatred of his son-in-law, who, he declared, should never have his property (having no other heir but his niece, except his widow), that the slaves relied on his promise to free them. thus, in view of the facts referred to, aaron was led to commit the unpardonable sin of running away with his wife daffney, who, by the way, looked like a woman fully capable of taking care of herself and children, instead of having them stolen away from her, as though they were pigs. joseph viney and family--joseph was "held to service or labor," by charles bryant, of alexandria, va. joseph had very nearly finished paying for himself. his wife and children were held by samuel pattison, esq., a member of the methodist church, "a great big man," "with red eyes, bald head, drank pretty freely," and in the language of joseph, "wouldn't bear nothing." two of joseph's brothers-in-law had been sold by his master. against mrs. pattison his complaint was, that "she was mean, sneaking, and did not want to give half enough to eat." for the enlightenment of all christendom, and coming posterity especially, the following advertisement and letter are recorded, with the hope that they will have an important historical value. the writer was at great pains to obtain these interesting documents, directly after the arrival of the memorable twenty-eight; and shortly afterwards furnished to the new york _tribune_, in a prudential manner, a brief sketch of these very passengers, including the advertisements, but not the letter. it was safely laid away for history-- $ , reward.--ran away from the subscriber on saturday night, the th inst, fourteen head of negroes, viz: four men, two women, one boy and seven children. kit is about years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, dark chestnut color, and has a scar on one of his thumbs. joe is about years old, very black, his teeth are very white, and is about five feet eight inches high. henry is about years old, five feet ten inches high, of dark chestnut color and large front teeth. joe is about years old, about five feet six inches high, heavy built and black. tom is about years old, about five feet high, light chestnut color. susan is about years old, dark chestnut color, and rather stout built; speaks rather slow, and has with her four children, varying from one to seven years of age. leah is about years old, about five feet high, dark chestnut color, with three children, two boys and one girl, from one to eight years old. [illustration: runaway] i will give $ , if taken in the county, $ , if taken out of the county and in the state, and $ , if taken out of the state; in either case to be lodged in cambridge (md.) jail, so that i can get them again; or i will give a fair proportion of the above reward if any part be secured. samuel pattison, october , . near cambridge, md. p.s.--since writing the above, i have discovered that my negro woman, sarah jane, years old, stout built and chestnut color, has also run off. [illustration: ] s.p. samuel pattison's letter. cambridge, nov. th, . l.w. thompson:--sir, this morning i received your letter wishing an accurate description of my negroes which ran away on the th of last month and the amt of reward offered &c &c. the description is as follows. _kit_ is about years old, five feet, six or seven inches high, dark chestnut color and has a scar on one of his thumbs, he has a very quick step and walks very straight, and can read and write. _joe_, is about years old, very black and about five feet eight inches high, has a very pleasing appearance, he has a free wife who left with him she is a light molatoo, she has a child not over one year old. _henry_ is about years old, five feet, ten inches high, of dark chestnut coller and large front teeth, he stoops a little in his walk and has a downward look. _joe_ is about years old, about five feet six inches high, heavy built, and has a grum look and voice dull, and black. _tom_ is about years old about five feet high light chestnut coller, smart active boy, and swagers in his walk. susan is about years old, dark chesnut coller and stout built, speaks rather slow and has with her _four children, three boys_ and one _girl_--the girl has a thumb or finger on her left hand (part of it) cut off, the children are from months to years old. (the youngest a boy months and the oldest whose name is lloyd is about years old) the husband of susan (joe viney) started off with her, he is a slave, belonging to a gentleman in alexandria d.c. he is about years old and dark chesnut coller rather slender built and about five feet seven or eight inches high, he is also the father of henry, joe and tom. a _reward_ of $ . will be given for his apprehension. _leah_ is about years old about five feet high dark chesnut coller, with three children. boys and girl, they are from one to eight years old, the oldest boy is called adam, leah is the wife of kit, the first named man in the list. _sarah jane_ is about years old, stout built and chesnut coller, quick and active in her walk. making in all head, men, women and children belonging to me, or head including joe viney, the husband of my woman susan. _a reward_ of $ . will be given for my negroes if taken out of the state of maryland and lodged in cambridge or baltimore jail, so that i can get them or a fair proportion for any part of them. and including joe viney's reward $ . . at the same time eight other negroes belonging to a neighbor of mine ran off, for which a reward of $ . has been offered for them. if you should want any information, witnesses to prove or indentify the negroes, write immediately on to me. or if you should need any information with regard to proving the negroes, before i could reach philadelphia, you can call on mr. burroughs at martin & smith's store, market street, no . phila and he can refer you to a gentleman who knows the negroes. yours &c saml. pattison. this letter was in answer to one written in philadelphia and signed, "l.w. thompson." it is not improbable that mr. pattison's loss had produced such a high state of mental excitement that he was hardly in a condition for cool reflection, or he would have weighed the matter a little more carefully before exposing himself to the u.g.r.r. agents. but the letter possesses two commendable features, nevertheless. it was tolerably well written and prompt. here is a wonderful exhibition of affection for his contented and happy negroes. whether mr. pattison suspended on suddenly learning that he was minus fifteen head, the writer cannot say. but that there was a great slave hunt in every direction there is no room to doubt. though much more might be said about the parties concerned, it must suffice to add that they came to the vigilance committee in a very sad plight--in tattered garments, hungry, sick, and penniless; but they were kindly clothed, fed, doctored, and sent on their way rejoicing. daniel stanly, nat amby, john scott, hannah peters, henrietta dobson, elizabeth amby, josiah stanly, caroline stanly, daniel stanly, jr., john stanly and miller stanly (arrival from cambridge.) daniel is about , well-made and wide-awake. fortunately, in emancipating himself, he also, through great perseverance, secured the freedom of his wife and six children; one child he was compelled to leave behind. daniel belonged to robert calender, a farmer, and, "except when in a passion," said to be "pretty clever." however, considering as a father, that it was his "duty to do all he could" for his children, and that all work and no play makes jack a dull boy, daniel felt bound to seek refuge in canada. his wife and children were owned by "samuel count, an old, bald-headed, bad man," who "had of late years been selling and buying slaves as a business," though he stood high and was a "big bug in cambridge." the children were truly likely-looking. nat is no ordinary man. like a certain other nat known to history, his honest and independent bearing in every respect was that of a natural hero. he was full black, and about six feet high; of powerful physical proportions, and of more than ordinary intellectual capacities. with the strongest desire to make the port of canada safely, he had resolved to be "carried back," if attacked by the slave hunters, "only as a dead man." he was held to service by john muir, a wealthy farmer, and the owner of or slaves. "muir would drink and was generally devilish." two of nat's sisters and one of his brothers had been "sold away to georgia by him." therefore, admonished by threats and fears of having to pass through the same fiery furnace, nat was led to consider the u.g.r.r. scheme. it was through the marriage of nat's mistress to his present owner that he came into muir's hands. "up to the time of her death," he had been encouraged to "hope" that he would be "free;" indeed, he was assured by her "dying testimony that the slaves were not to be sold." but regardless of the promises and will of his departed wife, muir soon extinguished all hopes of freedom from that quarter. but not believing that god had put one man here to "be the servant of another--to work," and get none of the benefit of his labor, nat armed himself with a good pistol and a big knife, and taking his wife with him, bade adieu forever to bondage. observing that lizzie (nat's wife) looked pretty decided and resolute, a member of the committee remarked, "would your wife fight for freedom?" "i have heard her say she would wade through blood and tears for her freedom," said nat, in the most serious mood. the following advertisement from _the cambridge democrat_ of nov. , speaks for itself-- $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, on saturday night last, th inst., my negro woman lizzie, about years old. she is medium sized, dark complexion, good-looking, with rather a down look. when spoken to, replies quickly. she was well dressed, wearing a red and green blanket shawl, and carried with her a variety of clothing. she ran off in company with her husband, nat amby (belonging to john muir, esq.), who is about feet in height, with slight impediment in his speech, dark chestnut color, and a large scar on the side of his neck. [illustration: ] i will give the above reward if taken in this county, or one-half of what she sells for if taken out of the county or state. in either ease to be lodged in cambridge jail. cambridge, oct. , . alexander h. bayly. p.s.--for the apprehension of the above-named negro man nat, and delivery in cambridge jail, i will give $ reward. john muir. now since nat's master has been introduced in the above order, it seems but appropriate that nat should be heard too; consequently the following letter is inserted for what it is worth: auburn, june th, . mr. william still:--sir, will you be so kind as to write a letter to affey white in straw berry alley in baltimore city on the point. say to her at nat ambey that i wish to know from her the last letar that joseph ambie and henry ambie two brothers and ann warfield a couisin of them two boys i state above. i would like to hear from my mother sichy ambie you will please write to my mother and tell her that i am well and doing well and state to her that i perform my relissius dutys and i would like to hear from her and want to know if she is performing her relissius dutys yet and send me word from all her children i left behind say to affey white that i wish her to write me a letter in hast my wife is well and doing well and my nephew is doing well. please tell affey white when she writes to me to let me know where joseph and henry ambie is. mr. still please look on your book and you will find my name on your book. they was eleven of us children and all when we came through and i feal interrested about my brothers. i have never heard from them since i left home you will please be kind annough to attend to this letter. when you send the answer to this letter you will please send it to p.r. freeman auburn city cayuga county new york. yours truly nat ambie. william is , complexion brown, intellect naturally good, with no favorable notions of the peculiar institution. he was armed with a formidable dirk-knife, and declared he would use it if attacked, rather than be dragged back to bondage. hannah is a hearty-looking young woman of or , with a countenance that indicated that liberty was what she wanted and was contending for, and that she could not willingly submit to the yoke. though she came with the cambridge party, she did not come from cambridge, but from marshall hope, caroline county, where she had been owned by charles peters, a man who had distinguished himself by getting "drunk, scratching and fighting, etc.," not unfrequently in his own family even. she had no parents that she knew of. left because they used her "so bad, beat and knocked" her about. "jack scott." jack is about thirty-six years of age, substantially built, dark color, and of quiet and prepossessing manners. he was owned by david b. turner, esq., a dry goods merchant of new york. by birth, turner was a virginian, and a regular slave-holder. his slaves were kept hired out by the year. as jack had had but slight acquaintance with his new york owner, he says but very little about him. he was moved to leave simply because he had got tired of working for the "white people for nothing." fled from richmond, va. jack went to canada direct. the following letter furnishes a clew to his whereabouts, plans, etc. montreal, september st . dear sir:--it is with extreme pleasure that i set down to inclose you a few lines to let you know that i am well & i hope when these few lines come to hand they may find you & your family in good health and prosperity i left your house nov. d, , for canada i received a letter here from james carter in peters burg, saying that my wife would leave there about the th or the first september and that he would send her on by way of philadelphia to you to send on to montreal if she come on you be please to send her on and as there is so many boats coming here all times a day i may not know what time she will. so you be please to give her this direction, she can get a cab and go to the donegana hotel and edmund turner is there he will take you where i lives and if he is not there cabman take you to mr taylors on durham st. nearly opposite to the methodist church. nothing more at present but remain your well wisher john scott. c. hitchens.--this individual took his departure from milford, del., where he was owned by wm. hill, a farmer, who took special delight in having "fighting done on the place." this passenger was one of our least intelligent travelers. he was about . major ross.--major fled from john jay, a farmer residing in the neighborhood of havre de grace, md. but for the mean treatment received from mr. jay, major might have been foolish enough to have remained all his days in chains. "it's an ill wind that blows nobody any good." henry oberne.--henry was to be free at , but preferred having it at , especially as he was not certain that would ever come. he is of chestnut color, well made, &c., and came from seaford, md. perry burton.--perry is about twenty-seven years of age, decidedly colored, medium size, and only of ordinary intellect. he acknowledged john r. burton, a farmer on indian river, as his master, and escaped because he wanted "some day for himself." alfred hubert, israel whitney and john thompson. alfred is of powerful muscular appearance and naturally of a good intellect. he is full dark chestnut color, and would doubtless fetch a high price. he was owned by mrs. matilda niles, from whom he had hired his time, paying $ yearly. he had no fault to find with his mistress, except he observed she had a young family growing up, into whose hands he feared he might unluckily fall some day, and saw no way of avoiding it but by flight. being only twenty-eight, he may yet make his mark. israel was owned by elijah money. all that he could say in favor of his master was, that he treated him "respectfully," though he "drank hard." israel was about thirty-six, and another excellent specimen of an able-bodied and wide-awake man. he hired his time at the rate of $ a year, and had to find his wife and child in the bargain. he came from alexandria, va. interesting letter from israel. hamilton, oct. , . william still--_my dear friend_:--i saw carter and his friend a few days ago, and they told me, that you was well. on the seventh of october my wife came to hamilton. mr. a. hurberd, who came from virginia with me, is going to get married the th of november, next. i wish you would write to me how many of my friends you have seen since october, . montgomery green keeps a barber shop in cayuga, in the state of new york. i have not heard of oscar ball but once since i came here, and then he was well and doing well. george carroll is in hamilton. the times are very dull at present, and have been ever since i came here. please write soon. nothing more at present, only i still remain in hamilton, c.w. israel whitney. john is nineteen years of age, mulatto, spare made, but not lacking in courage, mother wit or perseverance. he was born in fauquier county, va., and, after experiencing slavery for a number of years there--being sold two or three times to the "highest bidder"--he was finally purchased by a cotton planter named hezekiah thompson, residing at huntsville, alabama. immediately after the sale hezekiah bundled his new "purchase" off to alabama, where he succeeded in keeping him only about two years, for at the end of that time john determined to strike a blow for liberty. the incentive to this step was the inhuman treatment he was subjected to. cruel indeed did he find it there. his master was a young man, "fond of drinking and carousing, and always ready for a fight or a knock-down." a short time before john left his master whipped him so severely with the "bull whip" that he could not use his arm for three or four days. seeing but one way of escape (and that more perilous than the way william and ellen craft, or henry box brown traveled), he resolved to try it. it was to get on the top of the car, instead of inside of it, and thus ride of nights, till nearly daylight, when, at a stopping-place on the road, he would slip off the car, and conceal himself in the woods until under cover of the next night he could manage to get on the top of another car. by this most hazardous mode of travel he reached virginia. it may be best not to attempt to describe how he suffered at the hands of his owners in alabama; or how severely he was pinched with hunger in traveling; or how, when he reached his old neighborhood in virginia, he could not venture to inquire for his mother, brothers or sisters, to receive from them an affectionate word, an encouraging smile, a crust of bread, or a drink of water. success attended his efforts for more than two weeks; but alas, after having got back north of richmond, on his way home to alexandria, he was captured and put in prison; his master being informed of the fact, came on and took possession of him again. at first he refused to sell him; said he "had money enough and owned about thirty slaves;" therefore wished to "take him back to make an example of him." however, through the persuasion of an uncle of his, he consented to sell. accordingly, john was put on the auction-block and bought for $ , by green mcmurray, a regular trader in richmond. mcmurray again offered him for sale, but in consequence of hard times and the high price demanded, john did not go off, at least not in the way the trader desired to dispose of him, but did, nevertheless, succeed in going off on the underground rail road. thus once more he reached his old home, alexandria. his mother was in one place, and his six brothers and sisters evidently scattered, where he knew not. since he was five years of age, not one of them had he seen. if such sufferings and trials were not entitled to claim for the sufferer the honor of a hero, where in all christendom could one be found who could prove a better title to that appellation? it is needless to say that the committee extended to him brotherly kindness, sympathized with him deeply, and sent him on his way rejoicing. of his subsequent career the following extract from a letter written at london shows that he found no rest for the soles of his feet under the stars and stripes in new york: i hope that you will remember john thompson, who passed through your hands, i think, in october, , at the same time that mr. cooper, from charleston, south carolina, came on. i was engaged at new york, in the barber business, with a friend, and was doing very well, when i was betrayed and obliged to sail for england very suddenly, my master being in the city to arrest me. (london, december st, .) [illustration: escaping from alabama on top of a car.] jeremiah colburn.--jeremiah is a bright mulatto, of prepossessing appearance, reads and writes, and is quite intelligent. he fled from charleston, where he had been owned by mrs. e. williamson, an old lady about seventy-five, a member of the episcopal church, and opposed to freedom. as far as he was concerned, however, he said, she had treated him well; but, knowing that the old lady would not be long here, he judged it was best to look out in time. consequently, he availed himself of an underground rail road ticket, and bade adieu to that hot-bed of secession, south carolina. indeed, he was fair enough to pass for white, and actually came the entire journey from charleston to this city under the garb of a white gentleman. with regard to gentlemanly bearing, however, he was all right in this particular. nevertheless, as he had been a slave all his days, he found that it required no small amount of nerve to succeed in running the gauntlet with slave-holders and slave-catchers for so long a journey. the following pointed epistle, from jeremiah colburn alias william cooper, beautifully illustrates the effects of freedom on many a passenger who received hospitalities at the philadelphia depot-- syracuse, june th, . mr. still:--_dear sir_:--one of your underground r.r. passenger drop you these few lines to let you see that he have not forgoten you one who have done so much for him well sir i am still in syracuse, well in regard to what i am doing for a living i no you would like to hear, i am in the painting business, and have as much at that as i can do, and enough to last me all the summer, i had a knolledge of painting before i left the south, the hotell where i was working last winter the proprietor fail & shot up in the spring and i loose evry thing that i was working for all last winter. i have ritten a letter to my friend p. christianson some time a goo & have never received an answer, i hope this wont be the case with this one, i have an idea sir, next winter iff i can this summer make enough to pay expenses, to goo to that school at mcgrowville & spend my winter their. i am going sir to try to prepair myself for a lectuer, i am going sir by the help of god to try and do something for the caus to help my poor breathern that are suffering under the yoke. do give my respect to mrs stills & perticular to miss julia kelly, i supose she is still with you yet, i am in great hast you must excuse my short letter. i hope these few lines may fine you as they leave me quite well. it will afford me much pleasure to hear from you. yours truly, william cooper. john thompson is still here and doing well. it will be seen that this young charlestonian had rather exalted notions in his head. he was contemplating going to mcgrawville college, for the purpose of preparing himself for the lecturing field. was it not rather strange that he did not want to return to his "kind-hearted old mistress?" thomas henry, nathan collins and his wife mary ellen.--thomas is about twenty-six, quite dark, rather of a raw-boned make, indicating that times with him had been other than smooth. a certain josiah wilson owned thomas. he was a cross, rugged man, allowing not half enough to eat, and worked his slaves late and early. especially within the last two or three months previous to the escape, he had been intensely savage, in consequence of having lost, not long before, two of his servants. ever since that misfortune, he had frequently talked of "putting the rest in his pocket." this distressing threat made the rest love him none the more; but, to make assurances doubly sure, after giving them their supper every evening, which consisted of delicious "skimmed milk, corn cake and a herring each," he would very carefully send them up in the loft over the kitchen, and there "lock them up," to remain until called the next morning at three or four o'clock to go to work again. destitute of money, clothing, and a knowledge of the way, situated as they were they concluded to make an effort for canada. nathan was also a fellow-servant with thomas, and of course owned by wilson. nathan's wife, however, was owned by wilson's son, abram. nathan was about twenty-five years of age, not very dark. he had a remarkably large head on his shoulders and was the picture of determination, and apparently was exactly the kind of a subject that might be desirable in the british possessions, in the forest or on the farm. his wife, mary ellen, is a brown-skinned, country-looking young woman, about twenty years of age. in escaping, they had to break jail, in the dead of night, while all were asleep in the big house; and thus they succeeded. what mr. wilson did, said or thought about these "shiftless" creatures we are not prepared to say; we may, notwithstanding, reasonably infer that the underground has come in for a liberal share of his indignation and wrath. the above travelers came from near new market, md. the few rags they were clad in were not really worth the price that a woman would ask for washing them, yet they brought with them about all they had. thus they had to be newly rigged at the expense of the vigilance committee. _the cambridge democrat_, of nov. , , from which the advertisements were cut, said-- "at a meeting of the people of this county, held in cambridge, on the d of november, to take into consideration the better protection of the interests of the slave-owners; among other things that were done, it was resolved to enforce the various acts of assembly * * * * relating to servants and slaves. "the act of , chap. , sec. , provides 'that from and after the publication thereof no servant or servants whatsoever, within this province, whether by indenture or by the custom of the counties, or hired for wages shall travel by land or water ten miles from the house of his, her or their master, mistress or dame, without a note under their hands, or under the hands of his, her or their overseer, if any be, under the penalty of being taken for a runaway, and to suffer such penalties as hereafter provided against runaways.' the act of , chap. , sec. , provides, 'that any person taking up such runaway, shall have and receive $ ,' to be paid by the master or owner. it was also determined to have put in force the act of , chap. , and the act of , chap. , relative to idle, vagabond, free negroes, providing for their sale or banishment from the state. all persons interested, are hereby notified that the aforesaid laws, in particular, will be enforced, and all officers failing to enforce them will be presented to the grand jury, and those who desire to avoid the penalties of the aforesaid statutes are requested to conform to these provisions." as to the modus operandi by which so many men, women and children were delivered and safely forwarded to canada, despite slave-hunters and the fugitive slave law, the subjoined letters, from different agents and depots, will throw important light on the question. men and women aided in this cause who were influenced by no oath of secresy, who received not a farthing for their labors, who believed that god had put it into the hearts of all mankind to love liberty, and had commanded men to "feel for those in bonds as bound with them," "to break every yoke and let the oppressed go free." but here are the letters, bearing at least on some of the travelers: wilmington, th mo. st, . esteemed friend william still:--i write to inform thee that we have either or , i am not certain which, of that large gang of god's poor, and i hope they are safe. the man who has them in charge informed me there were safe and one boy lost during last night, about years of age, without shoes; we have felt some anxiety about him, for fear he may be taken up and betray the rest. i have since been informed there are but so that i cannot at present tell which is correct. i have several looking out for the lad; they will be kept from phila. for the present. my principal object in writing thee at this time is to inform thee of what one of our constables told me this morning; he told me that a colored man in phila. who professed to be a great friend of the colored people was a traitor; that he had been written to by an abolitionist in baltimore, to keep a look out for those slaves that left cambridge this night week, told him they would be likely to pass through wilmington on th day or th day night, and the colored man in phila. had written to the master of part of them telling him the above, and the master arrived here yesterday in consequence of the information, and told one of our constables the above; the man told the name of the baltimore writer, which he had forgotten, but declined telling the name of the colored man in phila. i hope you will be able to find out who he is, and should i be able to learn the name of the baltimore friend, i will put him on his guard, respecting his phila. correspondents. as ever thy friend, and the friend of humanity, without regard to color or clime. thos. garrett. how much truth there was in the "constable's" story to the effect, "that a colored man in philadelphia, who professed to be a great friend of the colored people, was a traitor, etc.," the committee never learned. as a general thing, colored people were true to the fugitive slave; but now and then some unprincipled individuals, under various pretenses, would cause us great anxiety. letter from john augusta. norristown oct th o'clock pm dear sir:--there is six men and women and five children making eleven persons. if you are willing to receve them write to me imediately and i will bring them to your to morrow evening i would not have wrote this but the times are so much worse financialy that i thought it best to hear from you before i brought such a crowd down pleas answer this and oblige john augusta. this document has somewhat of a military appearance about it. it is short and to the point. friend augusta was well known in norristown as a first-rate hair-dresser and a prompt and trustworthy underground rail road agent. of course a speedy answer was returned to his note, and he was instructed to bring the eleven passengers on to the committee in brotherly love. letter from miss g. lewis about a portion of the same "memorable twenty-eight." sunnyside, nov. th, . dear friend:--eight more of the large company reached our place last night, direct from ercildown. the eight constitute one family of them, the husband and wife with four children under eight years of age, wish tickets for elmira. three sons, nearly grown, will be forwarded to phila., probably by the train which passes phoenixville at seven o'clock of to-morrow evening the seventh. it would be safest to meet them there. we shall send them to elijah with the request for them to be sent there. and i presume they will be. if they should not arrive you may suppose it did not suit elijah to send them. we will send the money for the tickets by c.c. burleigh, who will be in phila. on second day morning. if you please, you will forward the tickets by to-morrow's mail as we do not have a mail again till third day. yours hastily, q. lewis. please give directions for forwarding to elmira and name the price of tickets. at first miss lewis thought of forwarding only a part of her fugitive guests to the committee in philadelphia, but on further consideration, all were safely sent along in due time, and the committee took great pains to have them made as comfortable as possible, as the cases of these mothers and children especially called forth the deepest sympathy. in this connection it seems but fitting to allude to captain lee's sufferings on account of his having brought away in a skiff, by sea, a party of four, alluded to in the beginning of this single month's report. unfortunately he was suspected, arrested, tried, convicted, and torn from his wife and two little children, and sent to the richmond penitentiary for twenty-five years. before being sent away from portsmouth, va., where he was tried, for ten days in succession in the prison five lashes a day were laid heavily on his bare back. the further sufferings of poor lee and his heart-broken wife, and his little daughter and son, are too painful for minute recital. in this city the friends of freedom did all in their power to comfort mrs. lee, and administered aid to her and her children; but she broke down under her mournful fate, and went to that bourne from whence no traveler ever returns. captain lee suffered untold misery in prison, until he, also, not a great while before the union forces took possession of richmond, sank beneath the severity of his treatment, and went likewise to the grave. the two children for a long time were under the care of mr. wm. ingram of philadelphia, who voluntarily, from pure benevolence, proved himself to be a father and a friend to them. to their poor mother also he had been a true friend. the way in which captain lee came to be convicted, if the committee were correctly informed and they think they were, was substantially in this wise: in the darkness of the night, four men, two of them constables, one of the other two, the owner of one of the slaves who had been aided away by lee, seized the wife of one of the fugitives and took her to the woods, where the fiends stripped every particle of clothing from her person, tied her to a tree, and armed with knives, cowhides and a shovel, swore vengeance against her, declaring they would kill her if she did not testify against lee. at first she refused to reveal the secret; indeed she knew but little to reveal; but her savage tormentors beat her almost to death. under this barbarous infliction she was constrained to implicate captain lee, which was about all the evidence the prosecution had against him. and in reality her evidence, for two reasons, should not have weighed a straw, as it was contrary to the laws of the state of virginia, to admit the testimony of colored persons against white; then again for the reason that this testimony was obtained wholly by brute force. but in this instance, this woman on whom the murderous attack had been made, was brought into court on lee's trial and was bid to simply make her statement with regard to lee's connection with the escape of her husband. this she did of course. and in the eyes of this chivalric court, this procedure "was all right." but thank god the events since those dark and dreadful days, afford abundant proof that the all-seeing eye was not asleep to the daily sufferings of the poor bondman. * * * * * a slave girl's narrative. cordelia loney, slave of mrs. joseph cahell (widow of the late hon. joseph cahell, of va.), of fredericksburg, va.--cordelia's escape from her mistress in philadelphia. rarely did the peculiar institution present the relations of mistress and maid-servant in a light so apparently favorable as in the case of mrs. joseph cahell (widow of the late hon. jos cahell, of va.), and her slave, cordelia. the vigilance committee's first knowledge of either of these memorable personages was brought about in the following manner. about the th of march, in the year , a member of the vigilance committee was notified by a colored servant, living at a fashionable boarding-house on chestnut street that a lady with a slave woman from fredericksburg, va., was boarding at said house, and, that said slave woman desired to receive counsel and aid from the committee, as she was anxious to secure her freedom, before her mistress returned to the south. on further consultation about the matter, a suitable hour was named for the meeting of the committee and the slave at the above named boarding-house. finding that the woman was thoroughly reliable, the committee told her "that two modes of deliverance were open before her. one was to take her trunk and all her clothing and quietly retire." the other was to "sue out a writ of habeas corpus; and bring the mistress before the court, where she would be required, under the laws of pennsylvania, to show cause why she restrained this woman of her freedom." cordelia concluded to adopt the former expedient, provided the committee would protect her. without hesitation the committee answered her, that to the extent of their ability, she should have their aid with pleasure, without delay. consequently a member of the committee was directed to be on hand at a given hour that evening, as cordelia would certainly be ready to leave her mistress to take care of herself. thus, at the appointed hour, cordelia, very deliberately, accompanied the committee away from her "kind hearted old mistress." in the quiet and security of the vigilance committee room, cordelia related substantially the following brief story touching her relationship as a slave to mrs. joseph cahell. in this case, as with thousands and tens of thousands of others, as the old adage fitly expresses it, "all is not gold that glitters." under this apparently pious and noble-minded lady, it will be seen, that cordelia had known naught but misery and sorrow. mrs. cahell, having engaged board for a month at a fashionable private boarding-house on chestnut street, took an early opportunity to caution cordelia against going into the streets, and against having anything to say or do with "free niggers in particular"; withal, she appeared unusually kind, so much so, that before retiring to bed in the evening, she would call cordelia to her chamber, and by her side would take her prayer-book and bible, and go through the forms of devotional service. she stood very high both as a church communicant and a lady in society. for a fortnight it seemed as though her prayers were to be answered, for cordelia apparently bore herself as submissively as ever, and madame received calls and accepted invitations from some of the _elite_ of the city, without suspecting any intention on the part of cordelia to escape. but cordelia could not forget how her children had all been sold by her mistress! cordelia was about fifty-seven years of age, with about an equal proportion of colored and white blood in her veins; very neat, respectful and prepossessing in manner. from her birth to the hour of her escape she had worn the yoke under mrs. c., as her most efficient and reliable maid-servant. she had been at her mistress' beck and call as seamstress, dressing-maid, nurse in the sickroom, etc., etc., under circumstances that might appear to the casual observer uncommonly favorable for a slave. indeed, on his first interview with her, the committee man was so forcibly impressed with the belief, that her condition in virginia had been favorable, that he hesitated to ask her if she did not desire her liberty. a few moments' conversation with her, however, convinced him of her good sense and decision of purpose with regard to this matter. for, in answer to the first question he put to her, she answered, that, "as many creature comforts and religious privileges as she had been the recipient of under her 'kind mistress,' still she 'wanted to be free,' and 'was bound to leave,' that she had been 'treated very cruelly,' that her children had 'all been sold away' from her; that she had been threatened with sale herself 'on the first insult,'" etc. she was willing to take the entire responsibility of taking care of herself. on the suggestion of a friend, before leaving her mistress, she was disposed to sue for her freedom, but, upon a reconsideration of the matter, she chose rather to accept the hospitality of the underground rail road, and leave in a quiet way and go to canada, where she would be free indeed. accordingly she left her mistress and was soon a free woman. the following sad experience she related calmly, in the presence of several friends, an evening or two after she left her mistress: two sons and two daughters had been sold from her by her mistress, within the last three years, since the death of her master. three of her children had been sold to the richmond market and the other in nelson county. paulina was the first sold, two years ago last may. nat was the next; he was sold to abram warrick, of richmond. paulina was sold before it was named to her mother that it had entered her mistress's mind to dispose of her. nancy, from infancy, had been in poor health. nevertheless, she had been obliged to take her place in the field with the rest of the slaves, of more rugged constitution, until she had passed her twentieth year, and had become a mother. under these circumstances, the overseer and his wife complained to the mistress that her health was really too bad for a field hand and begged that she might be taken where her duties would be less oppressive. accordingly, she was withdrawn from the field, and was set to spinning and weaving. when too sick to work her mistress invariably took the ground, that "nothing was the matter," notwithstanding the fact, that her family physician, dr. ellsom, had pronounced her "quite weakly and sick." in an angry mood one day, mrs. cahell declared she would cure her; and again sent her to the field, "with orders to the overseer, to whip her every day, and make her work or kill her." again the overseer said it was "no use to try, for her health would not stand it," and she was forthwith returned. the mistress then concluded to sell her. one sabbath evening a nephew of hers, who resided in new orleans, happened to be on a visit to his aunt, when it occurred to her, that she had "better get nancy off if possible." accordingly, nancy was called in for examination. being dressed in her "sunday best" and "before a poor candle-light," she appeared to good advantage; and the nephew concluded to start with her on the following tuesday morning. however, the next morning, he happened to see her by the light of the sun, and in her working garments, which satisfied him that he had been grossly deceived; that she would barely live to reach new orleans; he positively refused to carry out the previous evening's contract, thus leaving her in the hands of her mistress, with the advice, that she should "doctor her up." the mistress, not disposed to be defeated, obviated the difficulty by selecting a little boy, made a lot of the two, and thus made it an inducement to a purchaser to buy the sick woman; the boy and the woman brought $ . in the sale of her children, cordelia was as little regarded as if she had been a cow. "i felt wretched," she said, with emphasis, "when i heard that nancy had been sold," which was not until after she had been removed. "but," she continued, "i was not at liberty to make my grief known to a single white soul. i wept and couldn't help it." but remembering that she was liable, "on the first insult," to be sold herself, she sought no sympathy from her mistress, whom she describes as "a woman who shows as little kindness towards her servants as any woman in the states of america. she neither likes to feed nor clothe well." with regard to flogging, however, in days past, she had been up to the mark. "a many a slap and blow" had cordelia received since she arrived at womanhood, directly from the madam's own hand. one day smarting under cruel treatment, she appealed to her mistress in the following strain: "i stood by your mother in all her sickness and nursed her till she died!" "i waited on your niece, night and day for months, till she died." "i waited upon your husband all my life--in his sickness especially, and shrouded him in death, etc., yet i am treated cruelly." it was of no avail. her mistress, at one time, was the owner of about five hundred slaves, but within the last few years she had greatly lessened the number by sales. she stood very high as a lady, and was a member of the episcopal church. to punish cordelia, on several occasions, she had been sent to one of the plantations to work as a field hand. fortunately, however, she found the overseers more compassionate than her mistress, though she received no particular favors from any of them. asking her to name the overseers, etc., she did so. the first was "marks, a thin-visaged, poor-looking man, great for swearing." the second was "gilbert brower, a very rash, portly man." the third was "buck young, a stout man, and very sharp." the fourth was "lynn powell, a tall man with red whiskers, very contrary and spiteful." there was also a fifth one, but his name was lost. thus cordelia's experience, though chiefly confined to the "great house," extended occasionally over the corn and tobacco fields, among the overseers and field hands generally. but under no circumstances could she find it in her heart to be thankful for the privileges of slavery. after leaving her mistress she learned, with no little degree of pleasure, that a perplexed state of things existed at the boarding-house; that her mistress was seriously puzzled to imagine how she would get her shoes and stockings on and off; how she would get her head combed, get dressed, be attended to in sickness, etc., as she (cordelia), had been compelled to discharge these offices all her life. most of the boarders, being slave-holders, naturally sympathized in her affliction; and some of them went so far as to offer a reward to some of the colored servants to gain a knowledge of her whereabouts. some charged the servants with having a hand in her leaving, but all agreed that "she had left a very kind and indulgent mistress," and had acted very foolishly in running out of slavery into freedom. a certain doctor of divinity, the pastor of an episcopal church in this city and a friend of the mistress, hearing of her distress, by request or voluntarily, undertook to find out cordelia's place of seclusion. hailing on the street a certain colored man with a familiar face, who he thought knew nearly all the colored people about town, he related to him the predicament of his lady friend from the south, remarked how kindly she had always treated her servants, signified that cordelia would rue the change, and be left to suffer among the "miserable blacks down town," that she would not be able to take care of herself; quoted scripture justifying slavery, and finally suggested that he (the colored man) would be doing a duty and a kindness to the fugitive by using his influence to "find her and prevail upon her to return." it so happened that the colored man thus addressed, was thomas dorsey, the well-known fashionable caterer of philadelphia, who had had the experience of quite a number of years as a slave at the south,--had himself once been pursued as a fugitive, and having, by his industry in the condition of freedom, acquired a handsome estate, he felt entirely qualified to reply to the reverend gentleman, which he did, though in not very respectful phrases, telling him that cordelia had as good a right to her liberty as he had, or her mistress either; that god had never intended one man to be the slave of another; that it was all false about the slaves being better off than the free colored people; that he would find as many "poor, miserably degraded," of his own color "down-town," as among the "degraded blacks"; and concluded by telling him that he would "rather give her a hundred dollars to help her off, than to do aught to make known her whereabouts, if he knew ever so much about her." what further steps were taken by the discomfited divine, the mistress, or her boarding-house sympathizers, the committee was not informed. but with regard to cordelia: she took her departure for canada, in the midst of the daniel webster (fugitive) trial, with the hope of being permitted to enjoy the remainder of her life in freedom and peace. being a member of the baptist church, and professing to be a christian, she was persuaded that, by industry and assistance of the lord, a way would be opened to the seeker of freedom even in a strange land and among strangers. this story appeared in part in the _n.y. evening post_, having been furnished by the writer, without his name to it. it is certainly none the less interesting now, as it may be read in the light of universal emancipation. * * * * * arrival of jackson, isaac and edmondson turner from petersburg. touching scene on meeting their old blind father at the u.g.r.r. depot. letters and warning to slaveholders. about the latter part of december, , isaac and edmondson, brothers, succeeded in making their escape together from petersburg, va. they barely escaped the auction block, as their mistress, mrs. ann colley, a widow, had just completed arrangements for their sale on the coming first day of january. in this kind of property, however, mrs. colley had not largely invested. in the days of her prosperity, while all was happy and contented, she could only boast of "four head:" these brothers, jackson, isaac and edmondson and one other. in may, , jackson had fled and was received by the vigilance committee, who placed him upon their books briefly in the following light: "runaway--_fifty dollars reward_,--ran away some time in may last, my _servant-man_, who calls himself _jackson turner_. he is about years of age, and has one of his front teeth out. he is quite black, with thick lips, a little bow-legged, and looks down when spoken to. i will give a reward of fifty dollars if taken out of the city, and twenty five dollars if taken within the city. i forewarn all masters of vessels from harboring or employing the said slave; all persons who disregard this notice will be punished as the law directs. ann colley. petersburg, june th, ." jackson is quite dark, medium size, and well informed for one in his condition. in slavery, he had been "pressed hard." his hire, "ten dollars per month" he was obliged to produce at the end of each month, no matter how much he had been called upon to expend for "doctor bills, &c." the woman he called mistress went by the name of ann colley, a widow, living near petersburg. "she was very quarrelsome," although a "member of the methodist church." jackson seeing that his mistress was yearly growing "harder and harder," concluded to try and better his condition "if possible." having a free wife in the north, who was in the habit of communicating with him, he was kept fully awake to the love of freedom. the underground rail road expense the committee gladly bore. no further record of jackson was made. jackson found his poor old father here, where he had resided for a number of years in a state of almost total blindness, and of course in much parental anxiety about his boys in chains. on the arrival of jackson, his heart overflowed with joy and gratitude not easily described, as the old man had hardly been able to muster faith enough to believe that he should ever look with his dim eyes upon one of his sons in freedom. after a day or two's tarrying, jackson took his departure for safer and more healthful localities,--her "british majesty's possessions." the old man remained only to feel more keenly than ever, the pang of having sons still toiling in hopeless servitude. in less than seven months after jackson had shaken off the yoke, to the unspeakable joy of the father, isaac and edmondson succeeded in following their brother's example, and were made happy partakers of the benefits and blessings of the vigilance committee of philadelphia. on first meeting his two boys, at the underground rail road depot, the old man took each one in his arms, and as looking through a glass darkly, straining every nerve of his almost lost sight, exclaiming, whilst hugging them closer and closer to his bosom for some minutes, in tears of joy and wonder, "my son isaac, is this you? my son isaac, is this you, &c.?" the scene was calculated to awaken the deepest emotion and to bring tears to eyes not accustomed to weep. little had the old man dreamed in his days of sadness, that he should share such a feast of joy over the deliverance of his sons. but it is in vain to attempt to picture the affecting scene at this reunion, for that would be impossible. of their slave life, the records contain but a short notice, simply as follows: "isaac is twenty-eight years of age, hearty-looking, well made, dark color and intelligent. he was owned by mrs. ann colley, a widow, residing near petersburg, va. isaac and edmondson were to have been sold, on new year's day; a few days hence. how sad her disappointment must have been on finding them gone, may be more easily imagined than described." edmondson is about twenty-five, a brother of isaac, and a smart, good-looking young man, was owned by mrs. colley also. "this is just the class of fugitives to make good subjects for john bull," thought the committee, feeling pretty well assured that they would make good reports after having enjoyed free air in canada for a short time. of course, the committee enjoined upon them very earnestly "not to forget their brethren left behind groaning in fetters; but to prove by their industry, uprightness, economy, sobriety and thrift, by the remembrance of their former days of oppression and their obligations to their god, that they were worthy of the country to which they were going, and so to help break the bands of the oppressors, and undo the heavy burdens of the oppressed." similar advice was impressed upon the minds of all travelers passing over this branch of the underground rail road. from hundreds thus admonished, letters came affording the most gratifying evidence that the counsel of the committee was not in vain. the appended letter from the youngest brother, written with his own hand, will indicate his feelings and views in canada: hamilton, canada west mar. , . mr. still, dear sir:--i have taken the oppertunity to enform you yur letter came to hand th i ware glad to hear from you and yer famly i hope this letter may fine you and the famly well i am well my self my brother join me in love to you and all the frend. i ware sorry to hear of the death of mrs freaman. we all must die sune or late this a date we all must pay we must perpar for the time she ware a nise lady dear sir the all is well and san thar love to you emerline have ben sick but is better at this time. i saw the hills the war well and san thar love to you. i war sory to hear that my brother war sol i am glad that i did come away when i did god works all the things for the best he is young he may get a long in the wole may god bless hem ef you have any news from petersburg va plas rite me a word when you anser this letter and ef any person came form home letter me know. please sen me one of your paper that had the under grands r wrod give my love to mr careter and his family i am seving with a barber at this time he have promust to give me the trad ef i can lane it he is much of a gentman. mr still sir i have writing a letter to mr brown of petersburg va pleas reed it and ef you think it right plas sen it by the mail or by hand you wall see how i have writen it the will know how sent it by the way this writing ef the ancer it you can sen it to me i have tol them direc to yor care for ed. t. smith philadelphia i hope it may be right i promorst to rite to hear please rite to me sune and let me know ef you do sen it on write wit you did with that ma a bught the cappet bage do not fergit to rite tal john he mite rite to me. i am doing as well is i can at this time but i get no wagges but my bord but is satfid at that thes hard time and glad that i am hear and in good helth. northing more at this time yor truly edmund turner. the same writer sent to the corresponding secretary the following "warning to slave-holders." at the time these documents were received, slaveholders were never more defiant. the right to trample on the weak in oppression was indisputable. "cinnamon and odors, and ointments, and frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour and wheat, and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men," slave-holders believed doubtless were theirs by divine right. little dreaming that in less than three short years--"therefore shall her plagues come in one day, death, and mourning, and famine." in view of the marvelous changes which have been wrought by the hand of the almighty, this warning to slave-holders from one who felt the sting of slavery, as evincing a particular phase of simple faith and christian charity is entitled to a place in these records. a warning to slave-holders. well may the southern slaveholder say, that holding their fellow men in bondage is no sin, because it is their delight as the egyptians, so do they; but nevertheless god in his own good time will bring them out by a mighty hand, as it is recorded in the sacred oracles of truth, that ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands to god, speaking in the positive (shall). and my prayer is to you, oh, slaveholder, in the name of that god who in the beginning said, let there be light, and there was light. let my people go that they may serve me; thereby good may come unto thee and to thy children's children. slave-holder have you seriously thought upon the condition yourselves, family and slaves; have you read where christ has enjoined upon all his creatures to read his word, thereby that they may have no excuse when coming before his judgment seat? but you say he shall not read his word, consequently his sin will be upon your head. i think every man has as much as he can do to answer for his own sins. and now my dear-slave-holder, who with you are bound and fast hastening to judgment? as one that loves your soul repent ye, therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out when the time of refreshing shall come from the presence of the lord. in the language of the poet: stop, poor sinner, stop and think, before you further go; think upon the brink of death of everlasting woe. say, have you an arm like god, that you his will oppose? fear you not that iron rod with which he breaks his foes? is the prayer of one that loves your souls. edmund turner. n.b. the signature bears the name of one who knows and felt the sting of slavery; but now, thanks be to god, i am now where the poisonous breath taints not our air, but every one is sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none dare to make him ashamed or afraid. edmund turner, formerly of petersburg, va. hamilton, june d, , c.w. to mr. wm. still, dear sir:--a favorable opportunity affords the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of letters and papers; certainly in this region they were highly appreciated, and i hope the time may come that your kindness will be reciprocated we are al well at present, but times continue dull. i also deeply regret the excitement recently on the account of those slaves, you will favor me by keeping me posted upon the subject. those words written to slaveholder is the thought of one who had sufferd, and now i thought it a duty incumbent upon me to cry aloud and spare not, &c., by sending these few lines where the slaveholder may hear. you will still further oblige your humble servant also, to correct any inaccuracy. my respects to you and your family and all inquiring friends. your friend and well wisher, edmund turner. the then impending judgments seen by an eye of faith as set forth in this "warning," soon fell with crushing weight upon the oppressor, and slavery died. but the old blind father of jackson, isaac and edmondson, still lives and may be seen daily on the streets of philadelphia; and though "halt, and lame, and blind, and poor," doubtless resulting from his early oppression, he can thank god and rejoice that he has lived to see slavery abolished. robert brown, alias thomas jones. crossing the river on horseback in the night. in very desperate straits many new inventions were sought after by deep-thinking and resolute slaves, determined to be free at any cost. but it must here be admitted, that, in looking carefully over the more perilous methods resorted to, robert brown, alias thomas jones, stands second to none, with regard to deeds of bold daring. this hero escaped from martinsburg, va., in . he was a man of medium size, mulatto, about thirty-eight years of age, could read and write, and was naturally sharp-witted. he had formerly been owned by col. john f. franie, whom robert charged with various offences of a serious domestic character. furthermore, he also alleged, that his "mistress was cruel to all the slaves," declaring that "they (the slaves), could not live with her," that "she had to hire servants," etc. in order to effect his escape, robert was obliged to swim the potomac river on horseback, on christmas night, while the cold, wind, storm, and darkness were indescribably dismal. this daring bondman, rather than submit to his oppressor any longer, perilled his life as above stated. where he crossed the river was about a half a mile wide. where could be found in history a more noble and daring struggle for freedom? the wife of his bosom and his four children, only five days before he fled, were sold to a trader in richmond, va., for no other offence than simply "because she had resisted" the lustful designs of her master, being "true to her own companion." after this poor slave mother and her children were cast into prison for sale, the husband and some of his friends tried hard to find a purchaser in the neighborhood; but the malicious and brutal master refused to sell her--wishing to gratify his malice to the utmost, and to punish his victims all that lay in his power, he sent them to the place above named. in this trying hour, the severed and bleeding heart of the husband resolved to escape at all hazards, taking with him a daguerreotype likeness of his wife which he happened to have on hand, and a lock of hair from her head, and from each of the children, as mementoes of his unbounded (though sundered) affection for them. after crossing the river, his wet clothing freezing to him, he rode all night, a distance of about forty miles. in the morning he left his faithful horse tied to a fence, quite broken down. he then commenced his dreary journey on foot--cold and hungry--in a strange place, where it was quite unsafe to make known his condition and wants. thus for a day or two, without food or shelter, he traveled until his feet were literally worn out, and in this condition he arrived at harrisburg, where he found friends. passing over many of the interesting incidents on the road, suffice it to say, he arrived safely in this city, on new year's night, , about two hours before day break (the telegraph having announced his coming from harrisburg), having been a week on the way. the night he arrived was very cold; besides, the underground train, that morning, was about three hours behind time; in waiting for it, entirely out in the cold, a member of the vigilance committee thought he was frosted. but when he came to listen to the story of the fugitive's sufferings, his mind changed. scarcely had robert entered the house of one of the committee, where he was kindly received, when he took from his pocket his wife's likeness, speaking very touchingly while gazing upon it and showing it. subsequently, in speaking of his family, he showed the locks of hair referred to, which he had carefully rolled up in paper separately. unrolling them, he said, "this is my wife's;" "this is from my oldest daughter, eleven years old;" "and this is from my next oldest;" "and this from the next," "and this from my infant, only eight weeks old." these mementoes he cherished with the utmost care as the last remains of his affectionate family. at the sight of these locks of hair so tenderly preserved, the member of the committee could fully appreciate the resolution of the fugitive in plunging into the potomac, on the back of a dumb beast, in order to flee from a place and people who had made such barbarous havoc in his household. his wife, as represented by the likeness, was of fair complexion, prepossessing, and good looking--perhaps not over thirty-three years of age. * * * * * anthony loney, alias william armstead. anthony had been serving under the yoke of warring talvert, of richmond, va. anthony was of a rich black complexion, medium size, about twenty-five years of age. he was intelligent, and a member of the baptist church. his master was a member of the presbyterian church and held family prayers with the servants. but anthony believed seriously, that his master was no more than a "whitened sepulchre," one who was fond of saying, "lord, lord," but did not do what the lord bade him, consequently anthony felt, that before the great judge his "master's many prayers" would not benefit him, as long as he continued to hold his fellow-men in bondage. he left a father, samuel loney, and mother, rebecca also, one sister and four brothers. his old father had bought himself and was free; likewise his mother, being very old, had been allowed to go free. anthony escaped in may, . * * * * * cornelius scott. cornelius took passage _per_ the underground rail road, in march, , from the neighborhood of salvington, stafford county, va. he stated that he had been claimed by henry l. brooke, whom he declared to be a "hard drinker and a hard swearer." cornelius had been very much bleached by the patriarchal institution, and he was shrewd enough to take advantage of this circumstance. in regions of country where men were less critical and less experienced than southerners, as to how the bleaching process was brought about, cornelius scott would have had no difficulty whatever in passing for a white man of the most improved anglo-saxon type. although a young man only twenty-three years of age, and quite stout, his fair complexion was decidedly against him. he concluded, that for this very reason, he would not have been valued at more than five hundred dollars in the market. he left his mother (ann stubbs, and half brother, isaiah), and traveled as a white man. * * * * * samuel williams, alias john williams. this candidate for canada had the good fortune to escape the clutches of his mistress, mrs. elvina duncans, widow of the late rev. james duncans, who lived near cumberland, md. he had very serious complaints to allege against his mistress, "who was a member of the presbyterian church." to use his own language, "the servants in the house were treated worse than dogs." john was thirty-two years of age, dark chestnut color, well made, prepossessing in appearance, and he "fled to keep from being sold." with the underground rail road he was "highly delighted." nor was he less pleased with the thought, that he had caused his mistress, who was "one of the worst women who ever lived," to lose twelve hundred dollars by him. he escaped in march, . he did not admit that he loved slavery any the better for the reason that his master was a preacher, or that his mistress was the wife of a preacher. although a common farm hand, samuel had common sense, and for a long time previous had been watching closely the conduct of his mistress, and at the same time had been laying his plans for escaping on the underground rail road the first chance. $ reward!--my negro man richard has been missing since sunday night, march d. i will give $ to any one who will secure him or deliver him to me. richard is thirty years old, but looks older; very short legs, dark, but rather bright color, broad cheek bones, a respectful and serious manner, generally looks away when spoken to, small moustache and beard (but he may have them off). he is a remarkably intelligent man, and can turn his hand to anything. he took with him a bag made of brussels carpet, with my name written in large, rough letters on the bottom, and a good stock of coarse and fine clothes, among them a navy cap and a low-crowned hat. he has been seen about new kent c.h., and on the pamunky river, and is no doubt trying to get off in some vessel bound north. [illustration: ] april th, . j.w. randolph, richmond, va. even at this late date, it may perhaps afford mr. r. a degree of satisfaction to know what became of richard; but if this should not be the case, richard's children, or mother, or father, if they are living, may possibly see these pages, and thereby be made glad by learning of richard's wisdom as a traveler, in the terrible days of slave-hunting. consequently here is what was recorded of him, april d, , at the underground rail road station, just before a free ticket was tendered him for canada. "richard is thirty-three years of age, small of stature, dark color, smart and resolute. he was owned by captain tucker, of the united states navy, from whom he fled." he was "tired of serving, and wanted to marry," was the cause of his escape. he had no complaint of bad treatment to make against his owner; indeed he said, that he had been "used well all his life." nevertheless, richard felt that this underground rail road was the "greatest road he ever saw." when the war broke out, richard girded on his knapsack and went to help uncle sam humble richmond and break the yoke. * * * * * barnaby grigby, alias john boyer, and mary elizabeth, his wife; frank wanzer, alias robert scott; emily foster, alias ann wood. (two others who started with them were captured.) all these persons journeyed together from loudon co., va. on horseback and in a carriage for more than one hundred miles. availing themselves of a holiday and their master's horses and carriage, they as deliberately started for canada, as though they had never been taught that it was their duty, as servants, to "obey their masters." in this particular showing a most utter disregard of the interest of their "kind-hearted and indulgent owners." they left home on monday, christmas eve, , under the leadership of frank wanzer, and arrived in columbia the following wednesday at one o'clock. as willfully as they had thus made their way along, they had not found it smooth sailing by any means. the biting frost and snow rendered their travel anything but agreeable. nor did they escape the gnawings of hunger, traveling day and night. and whilst these "articles" were in the very act of running away with themselves and their kind master's best horses and carriage--when about one hundred miles from home, in the neighborhood of cheat river, maryland, they were attacked by "six white men, and a boy," who, doubtless, supposing that their intentions were of a "wicked and unlawful character" felt it to be their duty in kindness to their masters, if not to the travelers to demand of them an account of themselves. in other words, the assailants positively commanded the fugitives to "show what right" they possessed, to be found in a condition apparently so unwarranted. the _spokesman_ amongst the fugitives, affecting no ordinary amount of dignity, told their assailants plainly, that "no gentleman would interfere with persons riding along civilly"--not allowing it to be supposed that they were slaves, of course. these "gentlemen," however, were not willing to accept this account of the travelers, as their very decided steps indicated. having the law on their side, they were for compelling the fugitives to surrender without further parley. at this juncture, the fugitives verily believing that the time had arrived for the practical use of their pistols and dirks, pulled them out of their concealment--the young women as well as the young men--and declared they would not be "taken!" one of the white men raised his gun, pointing the muzzle directly towards one of the young women, with the threat that he would "shoot," etc. "shoot! shoot!! shoot!!!" she exclaimed, with a double barrelled pistol in one hand and a long dirk knife in the other, utterly unterrified and fully ready for a death struggle. the male _leader_ of the fugitives by this time had "pulled back the hammers" of his "pistols," and was about to fire! their adversaries seeing the weapons, and the unflinching determination on the part of the _runaways_ to stand their ground, "spill blood, kill, or die," rather than be "taken," very prudently "sidled over to the other side of the road," leaving at least four of the victors to travel on their way. at this moment the four in the carriage lost sight of the two on horseback. soon after the separation they heard firing, but what the result was, they knew not. they were fearful, however, that their companions had been captured. the following paragraph, which was shortly afterwards taken from a southern paper, leaves no room to doubt, as to the fate of the two. six fugitive slaves from virginia were arrested at the maryland line, near hood's mill, on christmas day, but, after a severe fight, four of them escaped and have not since been heard of. they came from loudoun and fauquier counties. [illustration: ] though the four who were successful, saw no "severe fight," it is not unreasonable to suppose, that there was a fight, nevertheless; but not till after the number of the fugitives had been reduced to two, instead of six. as chivalrous as slave-holders and slave-catchers were, they knew the value of their precious lives and the fearful risk of attempting a capture, when the numbers were equal. the party in the carriage, after the conflict, went on their way rejoicing. the young men, one cold night, when they were compelled to take rest in the woods and snow, in vain strove to keep the feet of their female companions from freezing by lying on them; but the frost was merciless and bit them severely, as their feet very plainly showed. the following disjointed report was cut from the _frederick (md.) examiner_, soon after the occurrence took place: "six slaves, four men and two women, fugitives from virginia, having with them two spring wagons and four horses, came to hood's mill, on the baltimore and ohio railroad, near the dividing line between frederick and carroll counties, on christmas day. after feeding their animals, one of them told a mr. dixon whence they came; believing them to be fugitives, he spread the alarm, and some eight or ten persons gathered round to arrest them; but the negroes drawing revolvers and bowie-knives, kept their assailants at bay, until five of the party succeeded in escaping in one of the wagons, and as the last one jumped on a horse to flee, he was fired at, the load taking effect in the small of the back. the prisoner says he belongs to charles w. simpson, esq., of fauquier county, va., and ran away with the others on the preceding evening." this report from the _examiner_, while it is not wholly correct, evidently relates to the fugitives above described. why the reporter made such glaring mistakes, may be accounted for on the ground that the bold stand made by the fugitives was so bewildering and alarming, that the "assailants" were not in a proper condition to make correct statements. nevertheless the _examiner's_ report was preserved with other records, and is here given for what it is worth. these victors were individually noted on the record thus: barnaby was owned by william rogers, a farmer, who was considered a "moderate slaveholder," although of late "addicted to intemperance." he was the owner of about one "dozen head of slaves," and had besides a wife and two children. barnaby's chances for making extra "change" for himself were never favorable; sometimes of "nights" he would manage to earn a "trifle." he was prompted to escape because he "wanted to live by the sweat of his own brow," believing that all men ought so to live. this was the only reason he gave for fleeing. mary elizabeth had been owned by townsend mcvee (likewise a farmer), and in mary's judgment, he was "severe," but she added, "his wife made him so." mcvee owned about twenty-five slaves; "he hardly allowed them to talk--would not allow them to raise chickens," and "only allowed mary three dresses a year;" the rest she had to get as she could. sometimes mcvee would sell slaves--last year he sold two. mary said that she could not say anything good of her mistress. on the contrary, she declared that her mistress "knew no mercy nor showed any favor." it was on account of this "domineering spirit," that mary was induced to escape. frank was owned by luther sullivan, "the meanest man in virginia," he said; he treated his people just as bad as he could in every respect. "sullivan," added frank, "would 'lowance the slaves and stint them to save food and get rich," and "would sell and whip," etc. to frank's knowledge, he had sold some twenty-five head. "he sold my mother and her two children to georgia some four years previous." but the motive which hurried frank to make his flight was his laboring under the apprehension that his master had some "pretty heavy creditors who might come on him at any time." frank, therefore, wanted to be from home in canada when these gentry should make their visit. my poor mother has been often flogged by master, said frank. as to his mistress, he said she was "tolerably good." ann wood was owned by mcvee also, and was own sister to elizabeth. ann very fully sustained her sister elizabeth's statement respecting the character of her master. the above-mentioned four, were all young and likely. barnaby was twenty-six years of age, mulatto, medium size, and intelligent--his wife was about twenty-four years of age, quite dark, good-looking, and of pleasant appearance. frank was twenty-five years of age, mulatto, and very smart; ann was twenty-two, good-looking, and smart. after their pressing wants had been met by the vigilance committee, and after partial recuperation from their hard travel, etc., they were forwarded on to the vigilance committee in new york. in syracuse, frank (the leader), who was engaged to emily, concluded that the knot might as well be tied on the u.g.r.r., although penniless, as to delay the matter a single day longer. doubtless, the bravery, struggles, and trials of emily throughout the journey, had, in his estimation, added not a little to her charms. thus after consulting with her on the matter, her approval was soon obtained, she being too prudent and wise to refuse the hand of one who had proved himself so true a friend to freedom, as well as so devoted to her. the twain were accordingly made one at the u.g.r.r. station, in syracuse, by superintendent--rev. j.w. loguen. after this joyful event, they proceeded to toronto, and were there gladly received by the ladies' society for aiding colored refugees. the following letter from mrs. agnes willis, wife of the distinguished rev. dr. willis, brought the gratifying intelligence that these brave young adventurers, fell into the hands of distinguished characters and warm friends of freedom: toronto, th january, monday evening, . mr. still, dear sir:--i have very great pleasure in making you aware that the following respectable persons have arrived here in safety without being annoyed in any way after you saw them. the women, two of them, viz: mrs. greegsby and mrs. graham, have been rather ailing, but we hope they will very soon be well. they have been attended to by the ladies' society, and are most grateful for any attention they have received. the solitary person, mrs. graves, has also been attended to; also her box will be looked after. she is pretty well, but rather dull; however, she will get friends and feel more at home by and bye. mrs. wanzer is quite well; and also young william henry sanderson. they are all of them in pretty good spirits, and i have no doubt they will succeed in whatever business they take up. in the mean time the men are chopping wood, and the ladies are getting plenty sewing. we are always glad to see our colored refugees safe here. i remain, dear sir, yours respectfully, agnes willis, treasurer to the ladies' society to aid colored refugees. for a time frank enjoyed his newly won freedom and happy bride with bright prospects all around; but the thought of having left sisters and other relatives in bondage was a source of sadness in the midst of his joy. he was not long, however, in making up his mind that he would deliver them or "die in the attempt." deliberately forming his plans to go south, he resolved to take upon himself the entire responsibility of all the risks to be encountered. not a word did he reveal to a living soul of what he was about to undertake. with "twenty-two dollars" in cash and "three pistols" in his pockets, he started in the lightning train from toronto for virginia. on reaching columbia in this state, he deemed it not safe to go any further by public conveyance, consequently he commenced his long journey on foot, and as he neared the slave territory he traveled by night altogether. for two weeks, night and day, he avoided trusting himself in any house, consequently was compelled to lodge in the woods. nevertheless, during that space of time he succeeded in delivering one of his sisters and her husband, and another friend in the bargain. you can scarcely imagine the committee's amazement on his return, as they looked upon him and listened to his "noble deeds of daring" and his triumph. a more brave and self-possessed man they had never seen. he knew what slavery was and the dangers surrounding him on his mission, but possessing true courage unlike most men, he pictured no alarming difficulties in a distance of nearly one thousand miles by the mail route, through the enemy's country, where he might have in truth said, "i could not pass without running the gauntlet of mobs and assassins, prisons and penitentiaries, bailiffs and constables, &c." if this hero had dwelt upon and magnified the obstacles in his way he would most assuredly have kept off the enemy's country, and his sister and friends would have remained in chains. the following were the persons delivered by frank wanzer. they were his trophies, and this noble act of frank's should ever be held as a memorial and honor. the committee's brief record made on their arrival runs thus: "august , . frank wanzer, robert stewart, alias gasberry robison, vincent smith, alias john jackson, betsey smith, wife of vincent smith, alias fanny jackson. they all came from alder, loudon county, virginia." robert is about thirty years of age, medium size, dark chestnut color, intelligent and resolute. he was held by the widow hutchinson, who was also the owner of about one hundred others. robert regarded her as a "very hard mistress" until the death of her husband, which took place the fall previous to his escape. that sad affliction, he thought, was the cause of a considerable change in her treatment of her slaves. but yet "nothing was said about freedom," on her part. this reticence robert understood to mean, that she was still unconverted on this great cardinal principle at least. as he could see no prospect of freedom through her agency, when frank approached him with a good report from canada and his friends there, he could scarcely wait to listen to the glorious news; he was so willing and anxious to get out of slavery. his dear old mother, sarah davis, and four brothers and two sisters, william, thomas, frederick and samuel, violet and ellen, were all owned by mrs. hutchinson. dear as they were to him, he saw no way to take them with him, nor was he prepared to remain a day longer under the yoke; so he decided to accompany frank, let the cost be what it might. vincent is about twenty-three years of age, very "likely-looking," dark color, and more than ordinarily intelligent for one having only the common chances of slaves. he was owned by the estate of nathan skinner, who was "looked upon," by those who knew him, "as a good slave-holder." in slave property, however, he was only interested to the number of twelve head. skinner "neither sold nor emancipated." a year and a half before vincent escaped, his master was called to give an account of his stewardship, and there in the spirit land vincent was willing to let him remain, without much more to add about him. vincent left his mother, judah smith, and brothers and sisters, edwin, angeline, sina ann, adaline susan, george, john and lewis, all belonging to the estate of skinner. vincent was fortunate enough to bring his wife along with him. she was about twenty-seven years of age, of a brown color, and smart, and was owned by the daughter of the widow hutchinson. this mistress was said to be a "clever woman." * * * * * william jordon, alias william price under governor badger, of north carolina, william had experienced slavery in its most hateful form. true, he had only been twelve months under the yoke of this high functionary. but william's experience in this short space of time, was of a nature very painful. previous to coming into the governor's hands, william was held as the property of mrs. mary jordon, who owned large numbers of slaves. whether the governor was moved by this consideration, or by the fascinating charms of mrs. jordon, or both, william was not able to decide. but the governor offered her his hand, and they became united in wedlock. by this circumstance, william was brought into his unhappy relations with the chief magistrate of the state of north carolina. this was the third time the governor had been married. thus it may be seen, that the governor was a firm believer in wives as well as slaves. commonly he was regarded as a man of wealth. william being an intelligent piece of property, his knowledge of the governor's rules and customs was quite complete, as he readily answered such questions as were propounded to him. in this way a great amount of interesting information was learned from william respecting the governor, slaves, on the plantation, in the swamps, etc. the governor owned large plantations, and was interested in raising cotton, corn, and peas, and was also a practical planter. he was willing to trust neither overseers nor slaves any further than he could help. the governor and his wife were both equally severe towards them; would stint them shamefully in clothing and food, though they did not get flogged quite as often as some others on neighboring plantations. frequently, the governor would be out on the plantation from early in the morning till noon, inspecting the operations of the overseers and slaves. in order to serve the governor, william had been separated from his wife by sale, which was the cause of his escape. he parted not with his companion willingly. at the time, however, he was promised that he should have some favors shown him;--could make over-work, and earn a little money, and once or twice in the year, have the opportunity of making visits to her. two hundred miles was the distance between them. he had not been long on the governor's plantation before his honor gave him distinctly to understand that the idea of his going two hundred miles to see his wife was all nonsense, and entirely out of the question. "if i said so, i did not mean it," said his honor, when the slave, on a certain occasion, alluded to the conditions on which he consented to leave home, etc. against this cruel decision of the governor, william's heart revolted, for he was warmly attached to his wife, and so he made up his mind, if he could not see her "once or twice a year even," as he had been promised, he had rather "die," or live in a "cave in the wood," than to remain all his life under the governor's yoke. obeying the dictates of his feelings, he went to the woods. for ten months before he was successful in finding the underground road, this brave-hearted young fugitive abode in the swamps--three months in a cave--surrounded with bears, wild cats, rattle-snakes and the like. while in the swamps and cave, he was not troubled, however, about ferocious animals and venomous reptiles. he feared only man! from his own story there was no escaping the conclusion, that if the choice had been left to him, he would have preferred at any time to have encountered at the mouth of his cave a ferocious bear than his master, the governor of north carolina. how he managed to subsist, and ultimately effected his escape, was listened to with the deepest interest, though the recital of these incidents must here be very brief. after night he would come out of his cave, and, in some instances, would succeed in making his way to a plantation, and if he could get nothing else, he would help himself to a "pig," or anything else he could conveniently convert into food. also, as opportunity would offer, a friend of his would favor him with some meal, etc. with this mode of living he labored to content himself until he could do better. during these ten months he suffered indescribable hardships, but he felt that his condition in the cave was far preferable to that on the plantation, under the control of his excellency, the governor. all this time, however, william had a true friend, with whom he could communicate; one who was wide awake, and was on the alert to find a reliable captain from the north, who would consent to take this "property," or "freight," for a consideration. he heard at last of a certain captain, who was then doing quite a successful business in an underground way. this good news was conveyed to william, and afforded him a ray of hope in the wilderness. as providence would have it, his hope did not meet with disappointment; nor did his ten months' trial, warring against the barbarism of slavery, seem too great to endure for freedom. he was about to leave his cave and his animal and reptile neighbors,--his heart swelling with gladness,--but the thought of soon being beyond the reach of his mistress and master thrilled him with inexpressible delight. he was brought away by captain f., and turned over to the committee, who were made to rejoice with him over the signal victory he had gained in his martyr-like endeavors to throw off the yoke, and of course they took much pleasure in aiding him. william was of a dark color, stout made physically, and well knew the value of freedom, and how to hate and combat slavery. it will be seen by the appended letter of thomas garrett, that william had the good luck to fall into the hands of this tried friend, by whom he was aided to philadelphia: wilmington, th mo., th, . dear friend, william still:--the bearer of this is one of the twenty-one that i thought had all gone north; he left home on christmas day, one year since, wandered about the forests of north carolina for about ten months, and then came here with those forwarded to new bedford, where he is anxious to go. i have furnished him with a pretty good pair of boots, and gave him money to pay his passage to philadelphia. he has been at work in the country near here for some three weeks, till taken sick; he is, by no means, well, but thinks he had better try to get farther north, which i hope his friends in philadelphia will aid him to do. i handed this morning captain lambson's[a] wife twenty dollars to help fee a lawyer to defend him. she leaves this morning, with her child, for norfolk, to be at the trial before the commissioner on the th instant. passmore williamson agreed to raise fifty dollars for him. as none came to hand, and a good chance to send it by his wife, i thought best to advance that much. [footnote a: captain lambson had been suspected of having aided in the escape of slaves from the neighborhood of norfolk, and was in prison awaiting his trial.] thy friend, thos. garrett. joseph grant and john speaks. two passengers on the underground rail road, via liverpool. it is to be regretted that, owing to circumstances, the account of these persons has not been fully preserved. could justice be done them, probably their narratives would not be surpassed in interest by any other in the history of fugitives. in , when these remarkable travelers came under the notice of the vigilance committee, as slavery seemed likely to last for generations, and there was but little expectation that these records would ever have the historical value which they now possess, care was not always taken to prepare and preserve them. besides, the cases coming under the notice of the committee, were so numerous and so interesting, that it seemed almost impossible to do them anything like justice. in many instances the rapt attention paid by friends, when listening to the sad recitals of such passengers, would unavoidably consume so much time that but little opportunity was afforded to make any record of them. particularly was this the case with regard to the above-mentioned individuals. the story of each was so long and sad, that a member of the committee in attempting to write it out, found that the two narratives would take volumes. that all traces, of these heroes might not be lost, a mere fragment is all that was preserved. the original names of these adventurers, were joseph grant and john speaks. between two and three years before escaping, they were sold from maryland to john b. campbell a negro trader, living in baltimore, and thence to campbell's brother, another trader in new orleans, and subsequently to daniel mcbeans and mr. henry, of harrison county, mississippi. though both had to pass through nearly the same trial, and belonged to the same masters, this recital must be confined chiefly to the incidents in the career of joseph. he was about twenty-seven years of age, well made, quite black, intelligent and self-possessed in his manner. he was owned in maryland by mrs. mary gibson, who resided at st. michael's on the eastern shore. she was a _nice woman_ he said, but her property was under mortgage and had to be sold, and he was in danger of sharing the same fate. joseph was a married man, and spoke tenderly of his wife. she "promised" him when he was sold that she would "never marry," and earnestly entreated him, if he "ever met with the luck, to come and see her." she was unaware perhaps at that time of the great distance that was to divide them; his feelings on being thus sundered need not be stated. however, he had scarcely been in mississippi three weeks, ere his desire to return to his wife, and the place of his nativity constrained him to attempt to return; accordingly he set off, crossing a lake eighty miles wide in a small boat, he reached kent island. there he was captured by the watchman on the island, who with _pistols, dirk and cutlass_ in hand, threatened if he resisted that death would be his instant doom. of course he was returned to his master. he remained there a few months, but could content himself no longer to endure the ills of his condition. so he again started for home, walked to mobile, and thence he succeeded in stowing himself away in a steamboat and was thus conveyed to montgomery, a distance of five hundred and fifty miles through solid slave territory. again he was captured and returned to his owners; one of whom always went for immediate punishment, the other being mild thought persuasion the better plan in such cases. on the whole, joseph thus far had been pretty fortunate, considering the magnitude of his offence. a third time he summoned courage and steered his course homewards towards maryland, but as in the preceding attempts, he was again unsuccessful. in this instance mr. henry, the harsh owner, was exasperated, and the mild one's patience so exhausted that they concluded that nothing short of stern measures would cause joe to reform. said mr. henry; "_i had rather lose my right arm than for him to get off without being punished, after having put us to so much trouble_." _joseph_ will now speak for himself. "he (master) sent the overseer to tie me. i told him i would not be tied. i ran and stayed away four days, which made mr. henry very anxious. mr. beans told the servants if they saw me, to tell me to come back and i should not be hurt. thinking that mr. beans had always stood to his word, i was over persuaded and came back. he sent for me in his parlor, talked the matter over, sent me to the steamboat (perhaps the one he tried to escape on.) after getting cleverly on board the captain told me, i am sorry to tell you, you have to be tied. i was tied and mr. henry was sent for. he came; 'well, i have got you at last, beg my pardon and promise you will never run away again and i will not be so hard on you.' i could not do it. he then gave me three hundred lashes well laid on. i was stripped entirely naked, and my flesh was as raw as a piece of beef. he made john (the companion who escaped with him) hold one of my feet which i broke loose while being whipped, and when done made him bathe me in salt and water. "then i resolved to 'go or die' in the attempt. before starting, one week, i could not work. on getting better we went to ship island; the sailors, who were englishmen, were very sorry to hear of the treatment we had received, and counselled us how we might get free." the counsel was heeded, and in due time they found themselves in liverpool. there their stay was brief. utterly destitute of money, education, and in a strange land, they very naturally turned their eyes again in the direction of their native land. accordingly their host, the keeper of a sailor's boarding-house, shipped them to philadelphia. but to go back, joseph saw many things in new orleans and mississippi of a nature too horrible to relate, among which were the following: i have seen mr. beans whip one of his slaves to death, at the tree to which he was tied. mr. henry would make them lie down across a log, stripped naked, and with every stroke would lay the flesh open. being used to it, some would lie on the log without being tied. in new orleans, i have seen women stretched out just as naked as my hand, on boxes, and given one hundred and fifty lashes, four men holding them. i have helped hold them myself: when released they could hardly sit or walk. this whipping was at the "_fancy house_." the "chain-gangs" he also saw in constant operation. four and five slaves chained together and at work on the streets, cleaning, &c., was a common sight. he could hardly tell sunday from monday in new orleans, the slaves were kept so constantly going. * * * * * william n. taylor. one hundred dollars reward.--ran away from richmond city on tuesday, the d of june, a negro man named wm. n. taylor, belonging to mrs. margaret tyler of hanover county. [illustration: ] said negro was hired to fitzhugh mayo, tobacconist; is quite black, of genteel and easy manners, about five feet ten or eleven inches high, has one front tooth broken, and is about years old. he is supposed either to have made his escape north, or attempted to do so. the above reward will be paid for his delivery to messrs. hill and rawlings, in richmond, or secured in jail, so that i get him again. jas. g. tyler, trustee for margaret tyler. june th &c t-- _richmond enquirer, june , _. william unquestionably possessed a fair share of common sense, and just enough distaste to slavery to arouse him most resolutely to seek his freedom. the advertisement of james g. tyler was not altogether accurate with regard to his description of william; but notwithstanding, in handing william down to posterity, the description of tyler has been adopted instead of the one engrossed in the records by the committee. but as a simple matter of fair play, it seems fitting, that the description given by william, while on the underground rail road, of his master, &c., should come in just here. william acknowledged that he was the property of walter h. tyler, brother of ex-president tyler, who was described as follows: "he (master) was about sixty-five years of age; was a barbarous man, very intemperate, horse racer, chicken-cock fighter and gambler. he had owned as high as forty head of slaves, but he had gambled them all away. he was a doctor, circulated high amongst southerners, though he never lived agreeably with his wife, would curse her and call her all kinds of names that he should not call a lady. from a boy of nine up to the time i was fifteen or sixteen, i don't reckon he whipped me less than a hundred times. he shot at me once with a double-barrelled gun. "what made me leave was because i worked for him all my life-time and he never gave me but two dollars and fifteen cents in all his life. i was hired out this year for two hundred dollars, but when i would go to him to make complaints of hard treatment from the man i was hired to, he would say: "g----d d----n it, don't come to me, all i want is my money." "mr. tyler was a thin raw-boned man, with a long nose, the picture of the president. his wife was a tolerably well-disposed woman in some instances--she was a tall, thin-visaged woman, and stood high in the community. through her i fell into the hands of tyler. at present she owns about fifty slaves. his own slaves, spoken of as having been gambled away, came by his father--he has been married the second time." twice william had been sold and bought in, on account of his master's creditors, and for many months had been expecting to be sold again, to meet pressing claims in the hands of the sheriff against tyler. he, by the way, "now lives in hanover county, about eighteen miles from richmond, and for fear of the sheriff, makes himself very scarce in that city." at fourteen years of age, william was sold for eight hundred dollars; he would have brought in , probably twelve hundred and fifty dollars; he was a member of the baptist church in good and regular standing. * * * * * louisa brown. louisa is a good-looking, well-grown, intelligent mulatto girl of sixteen years of age, and was owned by a widow woman of baltimore, md. to keep from being sold, she was prompted to try her fortune on the u.g.r.r., for freedom in canada, under the protection of the british lion. * * * * * jacob waters and alfred goulden. jacob is twenty-one years of age, dark chestnut color, medium size, and of prepossessing manners. fled from near frederick, md., from the clutches of a farmer by the name of william dorsey, who was described as a severe master, and had sold two of jacob's sisters, south, only three years prior to his escape. jacob left three brothers in chains. alfred is twenty-three years of age, in stature quite small, full black, and bears the marks of ill usage. though a member of the methodist church, his master, fletcher jackson, "thought nothing of taking the shovel to alfred's head; or of knocking him, and stamping his head with the heels of his boots." repeatedly, of late, he had been shockingly beaten. to escape those terrible visitations, therefore, he made up his mind to seek a refuge in canada. * * * * * arrival from baltimore. jefferson pipkins, alias david jones, louisa pipkins, elizabeth brit, harriet brown, alias jane wooton, gracy murry, alias sophia sims, edward williams, alias henry johnson, chas. lee, alias thomas bushier. six very clever-looking passengers, all in one party from baltimore, md., the first sunday in april, . baltimore used to be in the days of slavery one of the most difficult places in the south for even free colored people to get away from, much more for slaves. the rule forbade any colored person leaving there by rail road or steamboat, without such applicant had been weighed, measured, and then given a bond signed by unquestionable signatures, well known. baltimore was rigid in the extreme, and was a never-failing source of annoyance, trouble and expense to colored people generally, and not unfrequently to slave-holders too, when they were traveling north with "colored servants." just as they were ready to start, the "rules" would forbid colored servants until the law was complied with. parties hurrying on would on account of this obstruction "have to wait until their hurry was over." as this was all done in the interest of slavery, the matter was not very loudly condemned. but, notwithstanding all this weighing, measuring and requiring of bonds, many travelers by the underground rail road took passage from baltimore. the enterprising individual, whose name stands at the head of this narrative, came directly from this stronghold of slavery. the widow pipkins held the title deed for jefferson. she was unfortunate in losing him, as she was living in ease and luxury off of jefferson's sweat and labor. louisa, harriet and grace owed service to geo. stewart of baltimore; edward was owned by chas. moondo, and chas. lee by the above stewart. those who would have taken this party for stupid, or for know-nothings, would have found themselves very much mistaken. indeed they were far from being dull or sleepy on the subject of slavery at any rate. they had considered pretty thoroughly how wrongfully they, with all others in similar circumstances, had been year in and year out subjected to unrequited toil so resolved to leave masters and mistresses to shift for themselves, while they would try their fortunes in canada. four of the party ranged in age from twenty to twenty-eight years of age, and the other two from thirty-seven to forty. the committee on whom they called, rendered them due aid and advice, and forwarded them to the committee in new york. the following letter from jefferson, appealing for assistance on behalf of his children in slavery, was peculiarly touching, as were all similar letters. but the mournful thought that these appeals, sighs, tears and prayers would continue in most cases to be made till death, that nothing could be done directly for the deliverance of such sufferers was often as painful as the escape from the auction block was gratifying. letter from jefferson pipkins. sept. , . to wm. still. sir:--i take the liberty of writing to you a few lines concerning my children, for i am very anxious to get them and i wish you to please try what you can do for me. their names are charles and patrick and are living with mrs. joseph g. wray murphysborough hartford county, north carolina; emma lives with a lawyer baker in gatesville north carolina and susan lives in portsmouth virginia and is stopping with dr. collins sister a mrs. nash you can find her out by enquiring for dr. collins at the ferry boat at portsmouth, and rose a coloured woman at the crawford house can tell where she is. and i trust you will try what you think will be the best way. and you will do me a great favour. yours respectfully, jefferson pipkins. p.s. i am living at yorkville near toronto canada west. my wife sends her best respects to mrs. still. * * * * * several arrivals from different places. in order to economize time and space, with a view to giving an account of as many of the travelers as possible, it seems expedient, where a number of arrivals come in close proximity to each other, to report them briefly, under one head. henry anderson, _alias_ william anderson. in outward appearance henry was uninteresting. as he asserted, and as his appearance indicated, he had experienced a large share of "rugged" usage. being far in the south, and in the hands of a brutal "captain of a small boat," chances of freedom or of moderate treatment, had rarely ever presented themselves in any aspect. on the d of the preceding march he was sold to a negro trader--the thought of having to live under a trader was so terrible, he was moved to escape, leaving his wife, to whom he had only been married three months. henry was twenty-five years of age, quite black and a little below the medium size. he fled from beaufort, north carolina. the system of slavery in all the region of country whence henry came, exhibited generally great brutality and cruelty. charles congo and wife, margaret. charles and his wife were fortunate in managing to flee together. their attachment to each other was evidently true. they were both owned by a farmer, who went by the name of david stewart, and resided in maryland. as charles' owner did not require their services at home, as he had more of that kind of stock than he had use for--he hired them out to another farmer--charles for $ per annum; how much for the wife they could not tell. she, however, was not blessed with good health, though she was not favored any more on that account. charles' affection for his wife, on seeing how hard she had to labor when not well, aroused him to seek their freedom by flight. he resolved to spare no pains, to give himself no rest until they were both free. accordingly the underground rail road was sought and found. charles was twenty-eight, with a good head and striking face, as well as otherwise well made; chestnut color and intelligent, though unable to read. left two sisters in bondage. margaret was about the same age as her husband, a nice-looking brown-skinned woman; worth $ . charles was valued at $ . the atmosphere throughout the neighborhood where charles and margaret had lived and breathed, and had their existence, was heavily oppressed with slavery. no education for the freeman of color, much less for the slave. the order of the day was literally, as far as colored men were concerned: "no rights which white men were bound to respect." chaskey brown, wm. henry washington, james alfred frisley, and charles henry salter. chaskey is about twenty-four years of age, quite black, medium size, sound body and intelligent appearance, nevertheless he resembled a "farm hand" in every particular. his master was known by the name of major james h. gales, and he was the owner of a farm with eighteen men, women and children, slaves to toil for him. the major in disposition was very abusive and profane, though old and grey-headed. his wife was pretty much the same kind of a woman as he was a man; one who delighted in making the slaves tremble at her bidding. chaskey was a member of the "still pond church," of kent county, md. often chaskey was made to feel the lash on his back, notwithstanding his good standing in the church. he had a wife and one child. in escaping, he was obliged to leave them both. chaskey was valued at $ . william henry was about years of age, and belonged to doctor b. grain, of baltimore, who hired him out to a farmer. not relishing the idea of having to work all his life in bondage, destitute of all privileges, he resolved to seek a refuge in canada. he left his mother, four sisters and two brothers. james is twenty-four years of age, well made, quite black and pretty shrewd. he too was unable to see how it was that he should be worked, and flogged, and sold, at the pleasure of his master and "getting nothing;" he "had rather work for himself." his master was a "_speckled-faced--pretty large stomach man_, but was not very abuseful." he only owned one other. charles henry is about thirty years of age, of good proportion, nice-looking and intelligent; but to rough usage he was no stranger. to select his own master was a privilege not allowed; privileges of all kinds were rare with him. so he resolved to flee. left his mother, three sisters and five brothers in slavery. he was a member of "albany chapel," at massey's cross roads, and a slave of dr. b. crain. charles left his wife anna, living near the head of sassafras, md. the separation was painful, as was everything belonging to the system of slavery. these were all gladly received by the vigilance committee, and the hand of friendship warmly extended to them; and the best of counsel and encouragement was offered; material aid, food and clothing were also furnished as they had need, and they were sent on their way rejoicing to canada. stephen taylor, charles brown, charles henry hollis, and luther dorsey. stephen was a fine young man, of twenty years of age; he fled to keep from being sold. he "supposed his master wanted money." his master was a "tall, spare-faced man, with long whiskers, very wicked and very quick-tempered," and was known by the name of james smithen, of sandy hook, harford county, md. his wife was also a very "close woman." they had four children growing up to occupy their places as oppressors. stephen was not satisfied to serve either old or young masters any longer, and made up his mind to leave the first opportunity. before this watchful and resolute purpose the way opened, and he soon found it comparatively easy to find his way from maryland to pennsylvania, and likewise into the hands of the vigilance committee, to whom he made known fully the character of the place and people whence he had fled, the dangers he was exposed to from slave-hunters, and the strong hope he cherished of reaching free land soon. being a young man of promise, stephen was advised earnestly to apply his mind to seek an education, and to use every possible endeavor to raise himself in the scale of manhood, morally, religiously and intellectually; and he seemed to drink in the admonitions thus given with a relish. after recruiting, and all necessary arrangements had been made for his comfort and passage to canada, he was duly forwarded. "one more slave-holder is minus another slave worth at least $ , which is something to rejoice over," said committee. stephen's parents were dead; one brother was the only near relative he left in chains. charles brown was about twenty-five years of age, quite black, and bore the marks of having been used hard, though his stout and hearty appearance would have rendered him very desirable to a trader. he fled from william wheeling, of sandy hook, md. he spoke of his master as a "pretty bad man," who was "always quarreling," and "would drink, swear and lie." left simply because he "never got anything for his labor." on taking his departure for canada, he was called upon to bid adieu to his mother and three brothers, all under the yoke. his master he describes thus-- "his face was long, cheek-bones high, middling tall, and about twenty-six years of age." with this specimen of humanity, charles was very much dissatisfied, and he made up his mind not to stand the burdens of slavery a day longer than he could safely make his way to the north. and in making an effort to reach canada, he was quite willing to suffer many things. so the first chance charles got, he started, and providence smiled upon his resolution; he found himself a joyful passenger on the underground rail road, being entertained free, and receiving attentions from the company all along the line through to her british majesty's boundlessly free territory in the canadas. true, the thought of his mother and brothers, left in the prison house, largely marred his joy, as it did also the committee's, still the committee felt that charles had gained his freedom honorably, and at the same time, had left his master a poorer, if not a wiser man, by at least $ . charles henry was a good-looking young man, only twenty years of age, and appeared to possess double as much natural sense as he would require to take care of himself. john webster of sandy hook, claimed charles' time, body and mind, and this was what made charles unhappy. uneducated as he was, he was too sensible to believe that webster had any god-given right to his manhood. consequently, he left because his master "did not treat him right." webster was a tall man, with large black whiskers, about forty years of age, and owned charles' two sisters. charles was sorry for the fate of his sisters, but he could not help them if he remained. staying to wear the yoke, he felt would rather make it worse instead of better for all concerned. luther dorsey is about nineteen years of age, rather smart, black, well made and well calculated for a canadian. he was prompted to escape purely from the desire to be "_free_." he fled from a "very insulting man," by the name of edward schriner, from the neighborhood of sairsville mills, frederick co., md. this schriner was described as a "low chunky man, with grum look, big mouth, etc.," and was a member of the german reformed church. "don't swear, though might as well; he was so bad other ways." luther was a member of the methodist church at jones hill. left his father in chains; his mother had wisely escaped to canada years back, when he was but a boy. where she was then, he could not tell, but hoped to meet her in canada. * * * * * arrival from richmond. jeremiah w. smith and wife julia. richmond was a city noted for its activity and enterprise in slave trade. several slave pens and prisons were constantly kept up to accommodate the trade. and slave auctions were as common in richmond as dress goods auctions in philadelphia; notwithstanding this fact, strange as it may seem, the underground rail road brought away large numbers of passengers from richmond, petersburg and norfolk, and not a few of them lived comparatively within a hair's breadth of the auction block. many of those from these localities were amongst the most intelligent and respectable slaves in the south, and except at times when disheartened by some grave disaster which had befallen the road, as, for instance, when some friendly captain or conductor was discovered in aiding fugitives, many of the thinking bondmen were daily manoeuvering and watching for opportunities to escape or aid their friends so to do. this state of things of course made the naturally hot blood of virginians fairly boil. they had preached long and loudly about the contented and happy condition of the slaves,--that the chief end of the black man was to worship and serve the white man, with joy and delight, with more willingness and obedience indeed than he would be expected to serve his maker. so the slave-holders were utterly at a loss to account for the unnatural desire on the part of the slaves to escape to the north where they affirmed they would be far less happy in freedom than in the hands of those so "kind and indulgent towards them." despite all this, daily the disposition increased, with the more intelligent slaves, to distrust the statements of their masters especially when they spoke against the north. for instance if the master was heard to curse boston the slave was then satisfied that boston was just the place he would like to go to; or if the master told the slave that the blacks in canada were freezing and starving to death by hundreds, his hope of trying to reach canada was made tenfold stronger; he was willing to risk all the starving and freezing that the country could afford; his eagerness to find a conductor then would become almost painful. the situations of jeremiah and julia smith, however, were not considered very hard, indeed they had fared rather better than most slaves in virginia, nevertheless it will be seen that they desired to better their condition, to keep off of the auction-block at least. jeremiah could claim to have no mixture in his blood, as his color was of such a pure black; but with the way of the world, in respect to shrewdness and intelligence, he had evidently been actively conversant. he was about twenty-six years of age, and in stature only medium, with poor health. the name of james kinnard, whom he was obliged to call master and serve, was disgusting to him. kinnard, he said, was a "close and severe man." at the same time he was not considered by the community "a hard man." from the age of fifteen years jeremiah had been hired out, for which his owner had received from $ to $ per annum. in consequence of his master's custom of thus letting out jeremiah, the master had avoided doctors' bills, &c. for the last two years prior to his escape, however, jeremiah's health had been very treacherous, in consequence of which the master had been compelled to receive only $ a year, sick or well. about one month before jeremiah left, he was to have been taken on his master's farm, with the hope that he could be made more profitable there than he was in being hired out. his owner had thought once of selling him, perhaps fearing that jeremiah might unluckily die on his hands. so he put him in prison and advertised; but as he had the asthma pretty badly at that time, he was not saleable, the traders even declined to buy him. while these troubles were presenting themselves to jeremiah, julia, his wife, was still more seriously involved, which added to jeremiah's perplexities, of course. julia was of a dark brown color, of medium size, and thirty years of age. fourteen years she had been the slave of a. judson crane, and under him she had performed the duties of nurse, chamber-maid, etc., "faithfully and satisfactorily," as the certificate furnished her by this owner witnessed. she actually possessing a certificate, which he, crane, gave her to enable her to find a new master, as she was then about to be sold. her master had experienced a failure in business. this was the reason why she was to be sold. mrs. crane, her mistress, had always promised julia that she should be free at her death. but, unexpectedly, as mrs. crane was on her journey home from cape may, where she had been for her health the summer before julia escaped, she died suddenly in philadelphia. julia, however, had been sold twice before her mistress' death; once to the trader, reed, and afterwards to john freeland, and again was on the eve of being sold. freeland, her last owner, thought she was unhappy because she was denied the privilege of going home of nights to her husband, instead of being on hand at the beck and call of her master and mistress day and night. so the very day julia and her husband escaped, arrangements had been made to put her up at auction a third time. but both julia and her husband had seen enough of slavery to leave no room to hope that they could ever find peace or rest so long as they remained. so there and then, they resolved to strike for canada, via the underground rail road. by a little good management, berths were procured for them on one of the richmond steamers (berths not known to the officers of the boat), and they were safely landed in the hands of the vigilance committee, and a most agreeable interview was had. the committee extended to them the usual hospitalities, in the way of board, accommodations, and free tickets canadaward, and wished them a safe and speedy passage. the passengers departed, exceedingly light-hearted, feb. , . * * * * * eight arrivals: james massey, perry henry trusty, george rhoads, james rhoads, george washington, sarah elizabeth rhoads and child, mary elizabeth stevenson. doubtless there was a sensation in "the camp," when this gang was found missing. james was a likely-looking young man of twenty years of age, dark, tall, and sensible; and worth, if we may judge, about $ , . he was owned by a farmer named james pittman, a "crabid kind of a man," grey-headed, with a broken leg; drank very hard, at which times he would swear that he would "sell them all to georgia;" this threat was always unpleasant to the ears of james, but it seemed to be a satisfaction to the master. fearing that it would be put into execution, james thought he had better let no time be lost in getting on towards canada, though he was entitled to his freedom at the age of twenty-five. left his father, four brothers and two sisters. also left his wife, to whom he had been married the previous christmas. his master's further stock of slaves consisted of two women, a young man and a child. the name of his old mistress was amelia. she was "right nice," james admitted. one of james' brothers had been sold to georgia by pittman, although he was also entitled to his freedom at the age of twenty-five. his near relatives left in bondage lived near level square, queen ann's county, maryland. his wife's name was henrietta. "she was free." interesting letter from james massey to his wife. it was forwarded to the corresponding secretary, to be sent to her, but no opportunity was afforded so to do, safely. st. catharines, c.w., april , . dear wife--i take this opertunity to inform you that i have arive in st catharines this eving. after jorney of too weeks, and now find mysilf on free ground and wish that you was here with me but you are not here, when we parted i did not know that i should come away so soon as i did. but for that of causin you pain i left as i did, i hope that you will try to come. but if you cannot, write to me as soon as you can and tell me all that you can but don't be desscuredged i was sory to leave you, and i could not help it for you know that i promest see you to sister, but i was persuaded by another man go part with it grived mutch, you must not think that i did not care for you. i cannot tell how i come, for i was some times on the earth and some times under the earth do not bee afraid to come but start and keep trying, if you are afrid fitch your tow sister with you for compeny and i will take care of you and treat you like a lady so long as you live. the talk of cold in this place is all a humbug, it is wormer here than it was there when i left, your father and mother has allways treated me like their own child i have no fault to find in them. i send my respects to them both and i hope that they will remember me in prayer, if you make a start come to philidelpa tell father and mother that i am safe and hope that they will not morn after me i shall ever remember them. no more at present but yours in body and mind, and if we no meet on earth i hope that we shall meet in heven. your husbern. good night. jame masey. perry was about thirty-one years of age, round-made, of dark complexion, and looked quite gratified with his expedition, and the prospect of becoming a british subject instead of a maryland slave. he was not free, however, from the sad thought of having left his wife and three children in the "_prison house_," nor of the fact that his own dear mother was brutally stabbed to the heart with a butcher knife by her young master, while he (perry) was a babe; nor of a more recent tragedy by which a fellow-servant, only a short while before he fled, was also murdered by a stab in the groin from another young master. "powerful bad" treatment, and "no pay," was the only reward poor perry had ever received for his life services. perry could only remember his having received from his master, in all, eleven cents. left a brother and sister in slavery. perry was worth $ perhaps. perry was compelled to leave his wife and three children--namely, hannah (wife), perry henry, william thomas and alexander, who were owned by john mcguire, of caroline county, maryland. perry was a fellow-servant of james massey, and was held by the same owner who held james. it is but just, to say, that it was not in the pittman family that his mother and his fellow-servant had been so barbarously murdered. these occurrences took place before they came into the hands of pittman. the provocation for which his fellow-servant was killed, was said to be very trifling. in a moment of rage, his young master, john piper, plunged the blade of a small knife into perry's groin, which resulted in his death twenty-six hours afterwards. for one day only the young master kept himself concealed, then he came forward and said he "did it in self-defense," and there the matter ended. the half will never be told of the barbarism of slavery. perry's letter subjoined, explains where he went, and how his mind was occupied with thoughts of his wife, children and friends. st. catharines, c.w. june , . dear sir.--i take this opportunity to inform you that i am well at present, and hope that these few lines may find you injoying the same blessing, i have been for some time now, but have not written to you before, but you must excuse me. i want you to give my respects to all my inquiring friends and to my wife, i should have let you know but i was afraid and all three of my little children too, p.h. trusty if he was mine wm. t. trusty and to alexander i have been a man agge but was assurd nuthin, h. trusty, a hard grand citt. i should lie know how times is, henry turner if you get this keep it and read it to yourself and not let any one else but yourself, tell ann henry, samuel henry, jacob bryant, wm claton, mr james at almira receved at mr jones house the best i could i have been healthy since i arrived here. my best respect to all and my thanks for past favours. no more at present but remain youre obedented servent &c. henry trusty. please send me an answer as son as you get this, and, oblige yours, mr trusty. george rhoads is a young man of twenty-five years of age, chestnut color, face round, and hating slavery heartily. he had come from under the control of john p. dellum a farmer, and a crabbed master, who "would swear very much when crossed, and would drink moderately every day," except sometimes he would "take a _spree_," and would then get pretty high. withal he was a member of the presbyterian church at perryville, maryland; he was a single man and followed farming. within the last two or three years, he had sold a man and woman; hence, george thought it was time to take warning. accordingly he felt it to be his duty to try for canada, via underground rail road. as his master had always declared that if one run off, he would sell the rest to georgia, george very wisely concluded that as an effort would have to be made, they had better leave their master with as "few as possible to be troubled with selling." consequently, a consultation was had between the brothers, which resulted in the exit of a party of eight. the market price for george would be about $ . a horrid example professed christians set before the world, while holding slaves and upholding slavery. james rhoads, brother of george, was twenty-three years of age, medium size, dark color, intelligent and manly, and would doubtless have brought, in the richmond market, $ . fortunately he brought his wife and child with him. james was also held by the same task-master who held george. often had he been visited with severe stripes, and had borne his full share of suffering from his master. george washington, one of the same party, was only about fifteen years of age; he was tall enough, however, to pass for a young man of twenty. george was of an excellent, fast, dark color. of course, mentally he was undeveloped, nevertheless, possessed of enough mother-wit to make good his escape. in the slave market he might have been valued at $ . george was claimed as the lawful property of benjamin sylves--a presbyterian, who owned besides, two men, three girls, and a boy. he was "tolerable good" sometimes, and sometimes "bad." some of the slaves supposed themselves to be on the eve of being emancipated about the time george left; but of this there was no certainty. george, however, was not among this hopeful number, consequently, he thought that he would start in time, and would be ready to shout for freedom quite as soon as any other of his fellow-bondmen. george left a father and three sisters. sarah elizabeth rhoads, wife of james rhoads, was seventeen years of age, a tall, dark, young woman, who had had no chances for mental improvement, except such as were usual on a farm, stocked with slaves, where learning to read the bible was against the "rules." sarah was a young slave mother with a babe (of course a slave) only eight months old. she was regarded as having been exceedingly fortunate in having rescued herself and child from the horrid fate of slaves. mary elizabeth stephenson is a promising-looking young woman, of twenty years of age, chestnut color, and well made. hard treatment had been her lot. left her mother, two sisters and four brothers in bondage. worth $ . although these travelers were of the "field hand" class, who had never been permitted to see much off of the farm, and had been deprived of hearing intelligent people talk, yet the spirit of freedom, so natural to man, was quite uppermost with all of them. the members of the committee who saw them, were abundantly satisfied that these candidates for canada would prove that they were able to "take care of themselves." their wants were attended to in the usual manner, and they were sent on their way rejoicing, the committee feeling quite a deep interest in them. it looked like business to see so many passing over the road. * * * * * charles thompson, carrier of "the national american," off for canada. the subjoined "pass" was brought to the underground rail road station in philadelphia by charles, and while it was interesting as throwing light upon his escape, it is important also as a specimen of the way the "pass" system was carried on in the dark days of slavery in virginia: "nat. american office, richmond, july th, . permit charles to pass and repass from this office to the residence of rev b. manly's on clay st., near th, at any hour of the night for one month. wm. w. hardwick." it is a very short document, but it used to be very unsafe for a slave in richmond, or any other southern city, to be found out in the evening without a legal paper of this description. the penalties for being found unprepared to face the police were fines, imprisonment and floggings. the satisfaction it seemed always to afford these guardians of the city to find either males or females trespassing in this particular, was unmistakable. it gave them (the police) the opportunity to prove to those they served (slaveholders), that they were the right men in the right place, guarding their interests. then again they got the fine for pocket money, and likewise the still greater pleasure of administering the flogging. who would want an office, if no opportunity should turn up whereby proof could be adduced of adequate qualifications to meet emergencies? but charles was too wide awake to be caught without his pass day or night. consequently he hung on to it, even after starting on his voyage to canada. he, however, willingly surrendered it to a member of the committee at his special request. but in every way charles was quite a remarkable man. it afforded the committee great pleasure to make his acquaintance, and much practical and useful information was gathered from his story, which was felt to be truthful. the committee feeling assured that this "chattel" must have been the subject of much inquiry and anxiety from the nature of his former position, as a prominent piece of property, as a member of the baptist church, as taking "first premiums" in making tobacco, and as a paper carrier in the national american office, felt called upon to note fully his movements before and after leaving richmond. in stature he was medium size, color quite dark, hair long and bushy--rather of a raw-boned and rugged appearance, modest and self-possessed; with much more intelligence than would be supposed from first observation. on his arrival, ere he had "shaken hands with the (british) lion's paw," (which he was desirous of doing), or changed the habiliments in which he escaped, having listened to the recital of his thrilling tale, and wishing to get it word for word as it flowed naturally from his brave lips, at a late hour of the night a member of the committee remarked to him, with pencil in hand, that he wanted to take down some account of his life. "now," said he, "we shall have to be brief. please answer as correctly as you can the following questions:" "how old are you?" "thirty-two years old the st day of last june." "were you born a slave?" "yes." "how have you been treated?" "badly all the time for the last twelve years." "what do you mean by being treated badly?" "have been whipped, and they never give me anything; some people give their servants at christmas a dollar and a half and two dollars, and some five, but my master would never give me anything." "what was the name of your master?" "fleming bibbs." "where did he live?" "in caroline county, fifty miles above richmond." "what did he do?" "he was a farmer." "did you ever live with him?" "never did; always hired me out, and then i couldn't please him." "what kind of a man was he?" "a man with a very severe temper; would drink at all times, though would do it slyly." "was he a member of any church?" "baptist church--would curse at his servants as if he wern't in any church." "were his family members of church, too?" "yes." "what kind of family had he?" "his wife was a tolerable fair woman, but his sons were dissipated, all of them _rowdies_ and _gamblers. his sons has had children by the servants. one of his daughters had a child by his grandson last april_. they are traders, buy and sell." "how many slaves did he own?" "sam, richmond, henry, dennis, jesse, addison, hilliard, jenny, lucius, julia, charlotte, easte, joe, taylor, louisa, two more small children and jim." did any of them know that you were going to leave? "no, i saw my brother tuesday, but never told him a word about it." "what put it into your head to leave?" "it was bad treatment; for being put in jail for sale the th of last january; was whipped in jail and after i came out the only thing they told me was that i had been selling newspapers about the streets, and was half free." "where did you live then?" "in richmond, va.; for twenty-two years i have been living out." "how much did your master receive a year for your hire?" "from sixty-five to one hundred and fifty dollars." "did you have to find yourself?" "the people who hired me found me. the general rule is in richmond, for a week's board, seventy-five cents is allowed; if he gets any more than that he has got to find it himself." "how about sunday clothing?" "find them yourself?" "how about a house to live in?" "have that to find yourself." "suppose you have a wife and family." "it makes no difference, they don't allow you anything for that at all." "suppose you are sick who pays your doctor's bill?" "he (master) pays that." "how do you manage to make a little extra money?" "by getting up before day and carrying out papers and doing other jobs, cleaning up single men's rooms and the like of that." "what have you been employed at in richmond?" "been working in tobacco factory in general; this year i was hired at a printing-office. the national american. i carried papers." "had you a wife?" "i did, but her master was a very bad man and was opposed to me, and was against my coming to his place to see my wife, and he persuaded her to take another husband in preference to me; being in his hands she took his advice." "how long ago was that?" "very near twelve months; she got married last fall." "had you any children?" "yes." "how many?" "five." "where are they?" "three are with joel luck, her master, one with his sister eliza, and the other belongs to judge hudgins, of bowling green court house." "do you ever expect to see them again?" "no, not till the day of the great i am!" "did you ever have any chance of schooling?" "not a day in my life." "can you read?" "no, sir, nor write my own name." "what do you think of slavery any how?" "i think it's a great curse, and i think the _baptists_ in _richmond_ will go to the deepest hell, if there is any, for they are so wicked they will work you all day and part of the night, and _wear cloaks and long faces_, and try to get all the work out of you they can by telling you about jesus christ. all the extra money you make they think you will give to hear talk about jesus christ. out of their extra money they have to pay a white man _five hundred dollars a year for preaching_." "what kind of preaching does he give them?" "he tells them if they die in their sins they will go to hell; don't tell them any thing about their elevation; he would tell them obey their masters and mistresses, for good servants make good masters." "did you belong to the baptist church?" "yes, second baptist church." "did you feel that the preaching you heard was the true gospel?" "one part of it, and one part burnt me as bad as ever insult did. they would tell us that we must take money out of our pockets to send it to africa, to enlighten the african race. i think that we were about as blind in richmond as the african race is in africa. all they want you to know, is to have sense enough to say master and mistress, and _run_ like lightning, when they speak to you, to do exactly what they want you to do," "when you made up your mind to escape, where did you think you would go to?" "i made up my mind not to stop short of the british protection; to shake hands with the _lion's_ paw." "were you not afraid of being captured on the way, of being devoured by the abolitionists, or of freezing and starving in canada?" "well, i had often thought that i would be in a bad condition to come here, without money and clothes, but i made up my mind to come, live or die." "what are your impressions from what little you have seen of freedom?" "i think it is intended for all men, and all men ought to have it." "suppose your master was to appear before you, and offer you the privilege of returning to slavery or death on the spot, which would be your choice?" "_die right there_. i made up my mind before i started." "do you think that many of the slaves are anxious about their freedom?" "the third part of them ain't anxious about it, because the white people have _blinded_ them, telling about the north,--they _can't live here_; telling them that the people are worse off than they are there; they say that the 'niggers' in the north have no houses to live in, stand about freezing, dirty, no clothes to wear. they all would be very glad to get their time, but want to stay where they are." just at this point of the interview, the hour of midnight admonished us that it was time to retire. accordingly, said mr. thompson, "i guess we had better close," adding, if he "could only write, he could give seven volumes!" also, said he, "give my best respects to mr. w.w. hardwicke, and mr. perry in the national american office, and tell them _i wish they will pay the two boys who carry the papers for me, for they are as ignorant of this matter as you are_." charles was duly forwarded to canada to shake hands with the lion's paw, and from the accounts which came from him to the committee, he was highly delighted. the following letter from him afforded gratifying evidence, that he neither forgot his god nor his friends in freedom: detroit, sept. , . dear brother in christ--it affords me the greatest pleasure imaginable in the time i shall occupy in penning these few lines to you and your dear loving wife, not because i can write them to you myself, but for the love and regard i have for you, for i never can forget a man who will show kindness to his neighbor when in distress. i remember when i was in distress and out of doors, you took me in; i was hungry, and you fed me; for these things god will reward you, dear brother. i am getting along as well as i can expect. since i have been out here, i have endeavored to make every day tell for itself, and i can say, no doubt, what a great many men cannot say, that i have made good use of all the time that god has given me, and not one week has been spent in idleness. brother william, i expect to visit you some time next summer to sit and have a talk with you and mrs. still. i hope to see that time, if it is god's will. you will remember me, with my wife, to mrs. still. give my best respects to all inquiring friends, and believe me to be yours forever. well wishes both soul and body. please write to me sometimes. c.w. thompson. * * * * * blood flowed freely. abram galloway and richard eden, two passengers secreted in a vessel loaded with spirits of turpentine. shrouds prepared to prevent being smoked to death. the philadelphia branch of the underground rail road was not fortunate in having very frequent arrivals from north carolina. of course such of her slave population as managed to become initiated in the mysteries of traveling north by the underground rail road were sensible enough to find out nearer and safer routes than through pennsylvania. nevertheless the vigilance committee of philadelphia occasionally had the pleasure of receiving some heroes who were worthy to be classed among the bravest of the brave, no matter who they may be who have claims to this distinction. in proof of this bold assertion the two individuals whose names stand at the beginning of this chapter are presented. abram was only twenty-one years of age, mulatto, five feet six inches high, intelligent and the picture of good health. "what was your master's name?" inquired a member of the committee. "milton hawkins," answered abram. "what business did milton hawkins follow?" again queried said member. "he was chief engineer on the wilmington and manchester rail road" (not a branch of the underground rail road), responded richard. "describe him," said the member. "he was a slim built, tall man with whiskers. he was a man of very good disposition. i always belonged to him; he owned three. he always said he would sell before he would use a whip. his wife was a very mean woman; she would whip contrary to his orders." "who was your father?" was further inquired. "john wesley galloway," was the prompt response. "describe your father?" "he was captain of a government vessel; he recognized me as his son, and protected me as far as he was allowed so to do; he lived at smithfield, north carolina. abram's master, milton hawkins, lived at wilmington, n.c." "what prompted you to escape?" was next asked. "because times were hard and i could not come up with my wages as i was required to do, so i thought i would try and do better." at this juncture abram explained substantially in what sense times were hard, &c. in the first place he was not allowed to own himself; he, however, preferred hiring his time to serving in the usual way. this favor was granted abram; but he was compelled to pay $ per month for his time, besides finding himself in clothing, food, paying doctor bills, and a head tax of $ a year. [illustration: hon. abram galloway] even under this master, who was a man of very good disposition, abram was not contented. in the second place, he "always thought slavery was wrong," although he had "never suffered any personal abuse." toiling month after month the year round to support his master and not himself, was the one intolerable thought. abram and richard were intimate friends, and lived near each other. being similarly situated, they could venture to communicate the secret feelings of their hearts to each other. richard was four years older than abram, with not quite so much anglo-saxon blood in his veins, but was equally as intelligent, and was by trade, a "fashionable barber," well-known to the ladies and gentlemen of wilmington. richard owed service to mrs. mary loren, a widow. "she was very kind and tender to all her slaves." "if i was sick," said richard, "she would treat me the same as a mother would." she was the owner of twenty, men, women and children, who were all hired out, except the children too young for hire. besides having his food, clothing and doctor's expenses to meet, he had to pay the "very kind and tender-hearted widow" $ . per month, and head tax to the state, amounting to twenty-five cents per month. it so happened, that richard at this time, was involved in a matrimonial difficulty. contrary to the laws of north carolina, he had lately married a free girl, which was an indictable offence, and for which the penalty was then in soak for him--said penalty to consist of thirty-nine lashes, and imprisonment at the discretion of the judge. so abram and richard put their heads together, and resolved to try the underground rail road. they concluded that liberty was worth dying for, and that it was their duty to strike for freedom even if it should cost them their lives. the next thing needed, was information about the underground rail road. before a great while the captain of a schooner turned up, from wilmington, delaware. learning that his voyage extended to philadelphia, they sought to find out whether this captain was true to freedom. to ascertain this fact required no little address. it had to be done in such a way, that even the captain would not really understand what they were up to, should he be found untrue. in this instance, however, he was the right man in the right place, and very well understood his business. abram and richard made arrangements with him to bring them away; they learned when the vessel would start, and that she was loaded with tar, rosin, and spirits of turpentine, amongst which the captain was to secrete them. but here came the difficulty. in order that slaves might not be secreted in vessels, the slave-holders of north carolina had procured the enactment of a law requiring all vessels coming north to be smoked. to escape this dilemma, the inventive genius of abram and richard soon devised a safe-guard against the smoke. this safe-guard consisted in silk oil cloth shrouds, made large, with drawing strings, which, when pulled over their heads, might be drawn very tightly around their waists, whilst the process of smoking might be in operation. a bladder of water and towels were provided, the latter to be wet and held to their nostrils, should there be need. in this manner they had determined to struggle against death for liberty. the hour approached for being at the wharf. at the appointed time they were on hand ready to go on the boat; the captain secreted them, according to agreement. they were ready to run the risk of being smoked to death; but as good luck would have it, the law was not carried into effect in this instance, so that the "smell of smoke was not upon them." the effect of the turpentine, however, of the nature of which they were totally ignorant, was worse, if possible, than the smoke would have been. the blood was literally drawn from them at every pore in frightful quantities. but as heroes of the bravest type they resolved to continue steadfast as long as a pulse continued to beat, and thus they finally conquered. the invigorating northern air and the kind treatment of the vigilance committee acted like a charm upon them, and they improved very rapidly from their exhaustive and heavy loss of blood. desiring to retain some memorial of them, a member of the committee begged one of their silk shrouds, and likewise procured an artist to take the photograph of one of them; which keepsakes have been valued very highly. in the regular order of arrangements the wants of abram and richard were duly met by the committee, financially and otherwise, and they were forwarded to canada. after their safe arrival in canada, richard addressed a member of the committee thus: kingston, july , . mr. william still--_dear friend_:--i take the opertunity of wrighting a few lines to let you no that we air all in good health hoping thos few lines may find you and your family engoying the same blessing. we arived in king all saft canada west abram galway gos to work this morning at $ . per day and john pediford is at work for mr george mink and i will opne a shop for my self in a few days my wif will send a daugretipe to your cair whitch you will pleas to send on to me richard edons to the cair of george mink kingston c w yours with respect, richard edons. abram, his comrade, allied himself faithfully to john bull until uncle sam became involved in the contest with the rebels. in this hour of need abram hastened back to north carolina to help fight the battles of freedom. how well he acted his part, we are not informed. we only know that, after the war was over, in the reconstruction of north carolina, abram was promoted to a seat in its senate. he died in office only a few months since. the portrait is almost a "fac-simile." * * * * * john pettifoot. anglo-african and anglo-saxon were about equally mixed in the organization of mr. pettifoot. his education, with regard to books, was quite limited. he had, however, managed to steal the art of reading and writing, to a certain extent. notwithstanding the patriarchal institution of the south, he was to all intents and purposes a rebel at heart, consequently he resolved to take a trip on the underground rail road to canada. so, greatly to the surprise of those whom he was serving, he was one morning inquired for in vain. no one could tell what had become of jack no more than if he had vanished like a ghost. doubtless messrs. mchenry and mcculloch were under the impression that newspapers and money possessed great power and could, under the circumstances, be used with entire effect. the following advertisement is evidence, that jack was much needed at the tobacco factory. $ reward--for the apprehension and delivery to us of a mulatto man, named john massenberg, or john henry pettifoot, who has been passing as free, under the name of sydney. he is about feet or inches high, spare made, bright, with a bushy head of hair, curled under and a small moustache. absconded a few days ago from our tobacco factory. [illustration: ] mchenry & mcculloch. ju t. jack was aware that a trap of this kind would most likely be set for him, and that the large quantity of anglo-saxon blood in his veins would not save him. he was aware, too, that he was the reputed son of a white gentleman, who was a professional dentist, by the name of dr. peter cards. the doctor, however, had been called away by death, so jack could see no hope or virtue in having a white father, although a "chivalric gentleman," while living, and a man of high standing amongst slave-holders. jack was a member of the baptist church, too, and hoped he was a good christian; but he could look for no favors from the church, or sympathy on the score of his being a christian. he knew very well were it known, that he had the love of freedom in his heart, or the idea of the underground rail road in his head, he would be regarded as having committed the "unpardonable sin." so jack looked to none of these "broken reeds" in richmond in the hour of his trial, but to him above, whom he had not seen, and to the underground rail road. he felt pretty well satisfied, that if providence would aid him, and he could get a conductor to put him on the right road to canada, he would be all right. accordingly, he acted up to his best light, and thus he succeeded admirably, as the sequel shows. john henry pettifoot. john is a likely young man, quite bright in color and in intellect also. he was the son of peter cards, a dentist by profession, and a white man by complexion. as a general thing, he had been used 'very well;' had no fault to find, except this year, being hired to mchenry & mcculloch, tobacconists, of petersburg, va., whom he found rather more oppressive than he agreed for, and supposing that he had 'no right' to work for any body for nothing, he 'picked up his bed and walked.' his mistress had told him that he was '_willed_ free,' at her death, but john was not willing to wait her "motions to die." he had a wife in richmond, but was not allowed to visit her. he left one sister and a step-father in bondage. mr. pettifoot reached philadelphia by the richmond line of steamers, stowed away among the pots and cooking utensils. on reaching the city, he at once surrendered himself into the hands of the committee, and was duly looked after by the regular acting members. * * * * * emanuel t. white. emanuel was about twenty-five years of age, with seven-eighths of white blood in his veins, medium size, and a very smart and likely-looking piece of property generally. he had the good fortune to escape from edward h. hubbert, a ship timber merchant of norfolk, va. under hubbert's yoke he had served only five years, having been bought by him from a certain aldridge mandrey, who was described as a "very cruel man," and would "rather fight than eat." "i have licks that will carry me to my grave, and will be there till the flesh rots off my bones," said emanuel, adding that his master was a "_devil_," though a member of the reformed methodist church. but his mistress, he said, was a "right nice little woman, and kept many licks off me." "if you said you were sick, he would whip it out of you." from mandrey he once fled, and was gone two months, but was captured at williamsburg, va., and received a severe flogging, and carried home. hubbert finally sold emanuel to a mr. grigway of norfolk; with emanuel mr. g. was pretty well suited, but his wife was not--he had "too much white blood in him" for her. grigway and his wife were members of the episcopal church. in this unhappy condition emanuel found a conductor of the underground rail road. a secret passage was secured for him on one of the richmond steamers, and thus he escaped from his servitude. the committee attended to his wants, and forwarded him on as usual. from syracuse, where he was breathing quite freely under the protection of the rev. j.w. loguen, he wrote the following letter: syracuse, july , . my dear friend, mr. still:--i got safe through to syracuse, and found the house of our friend, mr. j.w. loguen. many thanks to you for your kindness to me. i wish to say to you, dear sir, that i expect my clothes will be sent to dr. landa, and i wish, if you please, get them and send them to the care of mr. loguen, at syracuse, for me he will be in possession of my whereabouts and will send them to me. remember me to mr. landa and miss millen jespan, and much to you and your family. truly yours, manual t. white. the escape of a child fourteen months old. there is found the following brief memorandum on the records of the underground rail road book, dated july, : "a little child of fourteen months old was conveyed to its mother, who had been compelled to flee without it nearly nine months ago." while the circumstances connected with the coming of this slave child were deeply interesting, no further particulars than the simple notice above were at that time recorded. fortunately, however, letters from the good friends, who plucked this infant from the jaws of slavery, have been preserved to throw light on this little one, and to show how true-hearted sympathizers with the slave labored amid dangers and difficulties to save the helpless bondman from oppression. it will be observed, that both these friends wrote from washington, d.c., the seat of government, where, if slavery was not seen in its worst aspects, the government in its support of slavery appeared in a most revolting light. letter from "j.b." washington, d.c., july , . dear sir:--some of our citizens, i am told, lately left here for philadelphia, three of whom were arrested and brought back. i beg you will inform me whether two others--(i., whose wife is in philadelphia, was one of them), ever reached your city. to-morrow morning mrs. weems, _with her baby_, will start for philadelphia and see you probably over night. yours truly, j.b. "j.b." was not only a trusty and capable conductor of the underground rail road in washington, but was also a practical lawyer, at the same time. his lawyer-like letter, in view of the critical nature of the case, contained but few words, and those few naturally enough were susceptible of more than one construction. doubtless those styled "our citizens,"--"three of whom were arrested and brought back,"--were causing great anxiety to this correspondent, not knowing how soon he might find himself implicated in the "running off," etc. so, while he felt it to be his duty, to still aid the child, he was determined, if the enemy intercepted his letter, he should not find much comfort or information. the cause was safe in such careful hands. the following letters, bearing on the same case, are also from another good conductor, who was then living in washington. letters from e.l. stevens. washington, d.c., july , . my dear sir:--i write you now to let you know that the children of e. are yet well, and that mrs. arrah weems will start with one of them for philadelphia to-morrow or next day. she will be with you probably in the day train. she goes for the purpose of making an effort to redeem her last child, now in slavery. the whole amount necessary is raised, except about $ . she will take her credentials with her, and you can place the most implicit reliance on her statements. the story in regard to the weems' family was published in frederick douglass' paper two years ago. since then the two middle boys have been redeemed and there is only one left in slavery, and he is in alabama. the master has agreed to take for him just what he gave, $ . mr. lewis tappan has his letter and the money, except the amount specified. there were about $ raised in england to redeem this family, and they are now all free except this one. and there never was a more excellent and worthy family than the weems' family. i do hope, that mrs. w. will find friends who can advance the amount required. truly yours, e.l. stevens. washington, d.c., july th, . my friend:--your kind letter in reply to mine about arrah was duly received. as she is doubtless with you before this, she will explain all. i propose that a second journey be made by her or some one else, in order to take the other. they have been a great burden to the good folks here and should have been _at home_ long ere this. arrah will explain everything. i want, however, to say a word in her behalf. if there is a person in the world, that deserves the hearty co-operation of every friend of humanity, that person is arrah weems, who now, after a long series of self-sacrificing labor to aid others in their struggle for their god-given rights, solicits a small amount to redeem the last one of her own children in slavery. never have i had my sympathies so aroused in behalf of any object as in behalf of this most worthy family. she can tell you what i have done. and i do hope, that our friends in philadelphia and new york will assist her to make up the full amount required for the purchase of the boy. after she does what she can in p., will you give her the proper direction about getting to new york and to mr. tappan's? inform him of what she has done, &c. please write me as soon as you can as to whether she arrived safely, &c. give me your opinion, also, as to the proposal about the other. had you not better keep the little one in p. till the other is taken there? inform me also where e. is, how she is getting along, &c., who living with, &c. yours truly, e.l.s. in this instance, also, as in the case of "j.b.," the care and anxiety of other souls, besides this child, crying for deliverance, weighed heavily on the mind of mr. stevens, as may be inferred from certain references in his letters. mr. stevens' love of humanity, and impartial freedom, even in those dark days of slavery, when it was both unpopular and unsafe to allow the cries of the bondman to awaken the feeling of humanity to assist the suffering, was constantly leading him to take sides with the oppressed, and as he appears in this correspondence, so it was his wont daily to aid the helpless, who were all around him. arrah weems, who had the care of the child, alluded to so touchingly by mr. stevens, had known, to her heart's sorrow, how intensely painful it was to a mother's feelings to have her children torn from her by a cruel master and sold. for arrah had had a number of children sold, and was at that very time striving diligently to raise money to redeem the last one of them. and through such kind-hearted friends as mr. stevens, the peculiar hardships of this interesting family of weems' were brought to the knowledge of thousands of philanthropists in this country and england, and liberal contributions had already been made by friends of the slave on both sides of the ocean. it may now be seen, that while this child had not been a conscious sufferer from the wicked system of slavery, it had been the object of very great anxiety and suffering to several persons, who had individually perilled their own freedom for its redemption. this child, however, was safely brought to the vigilance committee, in philadelphia, and was duly forwarded, _viâ_ friends in new york, to its mother, in syracuse, where she had stopped to work and wait for her little one, left behind at the time she escaped. * * * * * escape of a young slave mother. left her little baby-boy, little girl and husband behind. she anxiously waits their coming in syracuse, n.y. not until after the foregoing story headed, the "escape of a child," etc., had been put into the hands of the printer and was in type, was the story of the mother discovered, although it was among the records preserved. under changed names, in many instances, it has been found to be no easy matter to cull from a great variety of letters, records and advertisements, just when wanted, all the particulars essential to complete many of these narratives. the case of the child, alluded to above, is a case in point. thus, however, while it is impossible to introduce the mother's story in its proper place, yet, since it has been found, it is too important and interesting to be left out. it is here given as follows: $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber on saturday, the th of august, , my servant woman, named emeline chapman, about years of age; quite dark, slender built, speaks short, and stammers some; with two children, one a female about two and a half years old; the other a male, seven or eight months old, bright color. i will give the above reward if they are delivered to me in washington. [illustration: ] mrs. emily thompson, s -tu, th&st& capitol hill, washington, d.c. emeline chapman, so particularly described in the "baltimore sun" of the d of september, , arrived by the regular underground rail road train from washington. in order to escape the responsibility attached to her original name, she adopted the name of susan bell. thus for freedom she was willing to forego her name, her husband, and even her little children. it was a serious sacrifice; but she had been threatened with the auction block, and she well understood what that meant. with regard to usage, having lived away from her owner, emeline did not complain of any very hard times. true, she had been kept at work very constantly, and her owner had very faithfully received all her hire. emeline had not even been allowed enough of her hire to find herself in clothing, or anything for the support of her two children--for these non-essentials, her kind mistress allowed her to seek elsewhere, as best she could. emeline's husband was named john henry; her little girl she called margaret ann, and her babe she had named after its father, all with the brand of slavery upon them. the love of freedom, in the breast of this spirited young slave-wife and mother, did not extinguish the love she bore to her husband and children, however otherwise her course, in leaving them, as she did, might appear. for it was just this kind of heroic and self-sacrificing struggle, that appealed to the hearts of men and compelled attention. the letters of biglow and stevens, relative to the little child, prove this fact, and additional testimony found in the appended letter from rev. j.w. loguen conclusively confirms the same. indeed, who could close his eyes and ears to the plaintive cries of such a mother? who could refrain from aiding on to freedom children honored in such a heroic parent? syracuse, oct. , . dear friend still:--i write to you for mrs. susan bell, who was at your city some time in september last. she is from washington city. she left her dear little children behind (two children). she is stopping in our city, and wants to hear from her children very much indeed. she wishes to know if you have heard from mr. biglow, of washington city. she will remain here until she can hear from you. she feels very anxious about her children, i will assure you. i should have written before this, but i have been from home much of the time since she came to our city. she wants to know if mr. biglow has heard anything about her husband. if you have not written to mr. biglow, she wishes you would. she sends her love to you and your dear family. she says that you were all kind to her, and she does not forget it. you will direct your letter to me, dear brother, and i will see that she gets it. miss f.e. watkins left our house yesterday for ithaca, and other places in that part of the state. frederick douglass, wm. j. watkins and others were with us last week; gerritt smith with others. miss watkins is doing great good in our part of the state. we think much indeed of her. she is such a good and glorious speaker, that we are all charmed with her. we have had thirty-one fugitives in the last twenty-seven days; but you, no doubt, have had many more than that. i hope the good lord may bless you and spare you long to do good to the hunted and outraged among our brethren. yours truly, j.w. loguen, agent of the underground rail road. * * * * * samuel w. johnson. arrival from the "daily dispatch" office. "sam" was doing slave labor at the office of the richmond "daily dispatch," as a carrier of that thoroughly pro-slavery sheet. "sam" had possessed himself somehow of a knowledge of reading and writing a little, and for the news of the day he had quite an itching ear. also with regard to his freedom he was quite solicitous. being of an ambitious turn of mind, he hired his time, for which he paid his master $ per annum in regular quarterly payments. besides paying this amount, he had to find himself in board, clothing, and pay doctor's expenses. he had had more than one owner in his life. the last one, however, he spoke of thus: "his name is james b. foster, of richmond, a very hard man. he owns three more slaves besides myself." in escaping, "sam" was obliged to leave his wife, who was owned by christian bourdon. his attachment to her, judging from his frequent warm expressions of affection, was very strong. but, as strong as it was, he felt that he could not consent to remain in slavery any longer. "sam" had luckily come across a copy of uncle tom's cabin, and in perusing it, all his notions with regard to "masters and servants," soon underwent an entire change, and he began to cast his eyes around him to see how he might get his freedom. one who was thoroughly awake as he was to the idea of being free, with a fair share of courage, could now and then meet with the opportunity to escape by the steamers or schooners coming north. thus samuel found the way open and on one of the steamers came to philadelphia. on arriving, he was put at once in the charge of the committee. while in their hands he seemed filled with astonishment at his own achievements, and such spontaneous expressions as naturally flowed from his heart thrilled and amazed his new found friends, and abundant satisfaction was afforded, that samuel washington johnson would do no discredit to his fugitive comrades in canada. so the committee gladly aided him on his journey. after arriving in canada, samuel wrote frequently and intelligently. the subjoined letter to his wife shows how deeply he was attached to her, and, at the same time, what his views were of slavery. the member of the committee to whom it was sent with the request, that it should be forwarded to her, did not meet with the opportunity of doing so. a copy of it was preserved with other underground rail road documents. letter from samuel w. johnson to his wife. my dear wife i now embrace this golden opportunity of writing a few lines to inform you that i am well at present engoying good health and hope that these few lines may find you well also. my dearest wife i have left you and now i am in a foreign land about fourteen hundred miles from you but though my wife my thoughts are upon you all the time. my dearest frances i hope you will remember me now gust as same as you did when i were there with you because my mind are with you night and day the love that i bear for you in my breast is greater than i thought it was if i had thought i had so much love for you i dont think i ever could left being i have escape i and has fled into a land of freedom. i can but stop and look over my past life and say what a fool i was for staying in bondage as long. my dear wife i dont want you to get married before you send me some letters because i never shall get married until i see you again. my mind dont deceive and it appears to me as if i shall see you again at my time of writing this letter i am desitute of money i have not got in no business yet but when i do get into business i shall write you and also remember you. tell my mother and brother and all enquiring friends that i am now safe in free state. i cant tell where i am at present but direct your letters to mr. william still in philadelphia and i will get them. answer this as soon as you can if you please for if you write the same day you receive it it will take a fortnight to reach me. no more to relate at present but still remain your affectionate husband. mr. still please defore this piece out if you please samuel washington johnson. whether samuel ever met with the opportunity of communicating with his wife, the writer cannot say. but of all the trials which slaves had to endure, the separations of husbands and wives were the most difficult to bear up under. although feeling keenly the loss of his wife, samuel's breast swelled with the thought of freedom, as will be seen from the letter which he wrote immediately after landing in canada: st. catharine, upper canada west. mr. william still:--i am now in safety. i arrived at home safe on the th inst at o'clock m. so i hope that you will now take it upon yourself to inform me something of that letter i left at your house that night when i left there and write me word how you are and how is your wife. i wish you may excuse this letter for i am so full that i cannot express my mind at all. i am only got $ . and i feel as if i had an independent fortune but i don't want you to think that i am going to be idle because i am on free ground and i shall always work though i am not got nothing to do at present. direct your letter to the post office as soon as possible. samuel w. johnson. * * * * * family from baltimore. stephen amos, _alias_ henry johnson, harriet, _alias_ mary jane johnson (man and wife), and their four children, ann rebecca, wm. h., elizabeth and mary ellen. doubtless, in the eyes of a slaveholder, a more "likely-looking" family could not readily be found in baltimore, than the one to be now briefly noticed. the mother and her children were owned by a young slave-holder, who went by the name of william giddings, and resided in prince george's county, md. harriet acknowledged, that she had been treated "tolerably well in earlier days" for one in her condition; but, as in so many instances in the experience of slaves, latterly, times had changed with her and she was compelled to serve under a new master who oft-times treated her "very severely." on one occasion, seven years previously, a brother of her owner for a trifling offence struck and kicked her so brutally, that she was immediately thrown into a fit of sickness, which lasted "all one summer"--from this she finally recovered. on another occasion, about one year previous to her escape, she was seized by her owner and thrust into prison to be sold. in this instance the interference of the uncle of harriet's master saved her from the auction block. the young master, was under age, and at the same time under the guardianship of his uncle. the young master had early acquired an ardent taste for fast horses, gambling, etc. harriet felt, that her chances for the future in the hands of such a brutal master could not be other than miserable. her husband had formerly been owned by john s. giddings, who was said to have been a "mild man." he had allowed stephen (her husband) to buy himself, and for eighteen months prior to the flight, he had been what was called a free man. it should also be further stated in justice to stephen's master, that he was so disgusted with the manner in which stephen's wife was treated, that he went so far as to counsel stephen to escape with his wife and children. here at least is one instance where a maryland slave-holder lends his influence to the underground rail road cause. the counsel was accepted, and the family started on their perilous flight. and although they necessarily had manifest trials and difficulties to discourage and beset them, they battled bravely with all these odds and reached the vigilance committee safely. harriet was a bright mulatto, with marked features of character, and well made, with good address and quite intelligent. she was about twenty-six years of age. the children also were remarkably fine-looking little creatures, but too young to know the horrors of slavery. the committee at once relieved them of their heavy load of anxiety by cheering words and administering to their necessities with regard to food, money, etc. after the family had somewhat recovered from the fatigue and travel-worn condition in which they arrived, and were prepared to resume their journey, the committee gave them the strictest caution with regard to avoiding slave-hunters, and also in reference to such points on the road where they would be most in danger of going astray from a lack of knowledge of the way. then, with indescribable feelings of sympathy, free tickets were tendered them, and they having been conducted to the depot, were sent on their way rejoicing. * * * * * elijah hilton. from richmond. after many years of hard toiling for the support of others, the yoke pressed so heavily upon elijah's shoulders, that he could not endure slave life any longer. in the hope of getting rid of his bondage, by dexterous management and a resolute mind, which most determined and thoughtful men exercise when undertaking to accomplish great objects, he set about contriving to gain his freedom. in proof of elijah's truthfulness, the advertisement of mr. r.j. christians is here offered, as taken from a richmond paper, about the time that elijah passed through philadelphia on the underground rail road, in . ran away--$ reward.--left the tobacco factory of the subscriber on the th inst., on the pretence of being sick, a mulatto man, named elijah, the property of maj. edward johnson, of chesterfield county. he is about feet or inches high, spare made, bushy hair, and very genteel appearance; he is supposed to be making his way north. the above reward will be paid if delivered at my factory. [illustration: ] ro. j. christians. jy --ts. from his infancy up to the hour of his escape, not a breath of free air had he ever been permitted to breathe. he was first owned by mrs. caroline johnson, "a stingy widow, the owner of about fifty slaves, and a member of dr. plummer's church." elijah, at her death, was willed to her son, major johnson, who was in the united states service. elijah spoke of him as a "favorable man," but added, "i'd rather be free. i believe i can treat myself better than he can or anybody else." for the last nineteen years he had been hired out, sometimes as waiter, sometimes in a tobacco factory, and for five years in the _coal mines_. at the mines he was treated very brutally, but at cornelius hall's tobacco factory, the suffering he had to endure seems almost incredible. the poor fellow, with the scars upon his person and the unmistakable earnestness of his manner, only needed to be seen and heard to satisfy the most incredulous of the truth of his story. for refusing to be flogged, one time at hall's factory, the overseer, in a rage, "took up a hickory club" and laid his head "open on each side." overpowered and wounded, he was stripped naked and compelled to receive three hundred lashes, by which he was literally excoriated from head to foot. for six months afterwards he was "laid up." last year he was hired out for "one hundred and eighty dollars," out of which he "received but five dollars." this year he brought "one hundred and ninety dollars." up to the time he escaped, he had received "two dollars," and the promise of "more at christmas." left brothers and sisters, all ignorant of his way of escape. the following pass brought away by elijah speaks for itself, and will doubtless be interesting to some of our readers who are ignorant of what used to be republican usages in the "land of the free." richmond, july d, . permit the bearer _elijah_ to pass to and from my factory, to _frederick williams, in the vallie_, for one month, untill o'clock at night. by _a.b. wells_, r.j. christian. [pine apple factory.] as usual, the vigilance committee tendered aid to elijah, and forwarded him on to canada, whence he wrote back as follows: toronto, canada west, july . dear friend in due respect to your humanity and nobility i now take my pen in hand to inform you of my health. i am enjoying a reasonable proportion of health at this time and hope when these few lines come to hand they may find you and family the same dear sir i am in toronto and are working at my ole branch of business with meny of my friends. i want you to send those to toronto to mr tueharts on edward st what i have been talking about is my clothes i came from richmond va and expect my things to come to you. so when they come to you then you will send them to jesse tuehart edward st no . i must close by saying i have no more at present. i still remain your brother, elijah hilton. * * * * * solomon brown. arrived per city of richmond. this candidate for canada managed to secure a private berth on the steamship city of richmond. he was thus enabled to leave his old mistress, mary a. ely, in norfolk, the place of her abode, and the field of his servitude. solomon was only twenty-two years of age, rather under the medium size, dark color, and of much natural ability. he viewed slavery as a great hardship, and for a length of time had been watching for an opportunity to free himself. he had been in the habit of hiring his time of his mistress, for which he paid ten dollars per month. this amount failed to satisfy the mistress, as she was inclined to sell him to north carolina, where slave stock, at that time, was commanding high prices. the idea of north carolina and a new master made solomon rather nervous, and he was thereby prompted to escape. on reaching the committee he manifested very high appreciation of the attention paid him, and after duly resting for a day, he was sent on his way rejoicing. seven days after leaving philadelphia, he wrote back from canada as follows: st. catharines, feb. th, . mr. still--dear sir:--it is with great pleasure that i have to inform you, that i have arrived safe in a land of freedom. thanks to kind friends that helped me here. thank god that i am treading on free soil. i expect to go to work to-morrow in a steam factory. i would like to have you, if it is not too much trouble, see mr. minhett, the steward on the boat that i came out on, when he gets to norfolk, to go to the place where my clothes are, and bring them to you, and you direct them to the care of rev. hiram wilson, st. catharines, niagara district, canada west, by rail-road via suspension bridge. you mentioned if i saw mr. foreman. i was to deliver a message--he is not here. i saw two yesterday in church, from norfolk, that i had known there. you will send my name, james henry, as you knew me by that name; direct my things to james henry. my love to your wife and children. yours respectfully, solomon brown. * * * * * william hogg, alias john smith. traveler from maryland. william fled from lewis roberts, who followed farming in baltimore county, md. in speaking of him, william gave him the character of being a "fierce and rough man," who owned nine head of slaves. two of william's sisters were held by roberts, when he left. his excuse for running away was, "ill-treatment." in traveling north, he walked to columbia (in pennsylvania), and there took the cars for philadelphia. the committee took charge of him, and having given him the usual aid, sent him hopefully on his way. after safely reaching canada, the thought of his wife in a land of bondage, pressed so deeply upon his mind, that he was prompted to make an effort to rescue her. the following letter, written on his behalf by the rev. h. wilson, indicates his feelings and wishes with regard to her: st. catharines, canada west, th july, . dear friend, william still:--your encouraging letter, to john smith, was duly received by him, and i am requested to write again on his behalf. his colored friend in baltimore county, who would favor his designs, is thomas cook, whom he wishes you to address, baltimore post-office, care of mr. thomas spicer. he has received a letter from thomas cook, dated the th of june, but it was a long time reaching him. he wishes you to say to cook, that he got his letter, and that he would like to have him call on his wife and make known to her, that he is in good health, doing well here, and would like to have her come on as soon as she can. as she is a free woman, there will, doubtless, be no difficulty in her coming right through. he is working in the neighborhood of st. catharines, but twelve miles from niagara falls. you will please recollect to address thomas cook, in the care of thomas spicer, baltimore post-office. smith's wife is at, or near the place he came from, and, doubtless, thomas cook knows all about her condition and circumstances. please write again to john smith, in my care, if you please, and request thomas cook to do the same. very respectfully yours in the cause of philanthropy. hiram wilson. * * * * * two female passengers feom maryland. as the way of travel, _viâ_ the underground rail road, under the most favorable circumstances, even for the sterner sex, was hard enough to test the strongest nerves, and to try the faith of the bravest of the brave, every woman, who won her freedom, by this perilous undertaking, deserves commemoration. it is, therefore, a pleasure to thus transfer from the old record book the names of ann johnson and lavina woolfley, who fled from maryland in . their lives, however, had not been in any way very remarkable. ann was tall, and of a dark chestnut color, with an intelligent countenance, and about twenty-four years of age. she had filled various situations as a slave. sometimes she was required to serve in the kitchen, at other times she was required to toil in the field, with the plow, hoe, and the like. samuel harrington, of cambridge district, maryland, was the name of the man for whose benefit ann labored during her younger days. she had no hesitation in saying, that he was a very "ill-natured man;" he however, was a member of the "old time methodist church." in slave property he had invested only to the extent of some five or six head. about three years previous to ann's escape, one of her brothers fled and went to canada. this circumstance so enraged the owner, that he declared he would "sell all" he owned. accordingly ann was soon put on the auction block, and was bought by a man who went by the name of william moore. moore was a married man, who, with his wife, was addicted to intemperance and carousing. ann found that she had simply got "out of the fire into the frying-pan." she was really at a loss to tell when her lot was the harder, whether under the "rum drinker," or the old time methodist. in this state of mind she decided to leave all and go to canada, the refuge for the fleeing bondman. lavina, ann's companion, was the wife of james woolfley. she and her husband set out together, with six others, and were of the party of eight who were betrayed into dover jail, as has already been described in these pages. after fighting their way out of the jail, they separated (for prudential reasons). the husband of lavina, immediately after the conflict at the jail, passed on to canada, leaving his wife under the protection of friends. since that time several months had elapsed, but of each other nothing had been known, before she received information on her arrival at philadelphia. the committee was glad to inform her, that her husband had safely passed on to canada, and that she would be aided on also, where they could enjoy freedom in a free country. * * * * * captain f. and the mayor of norfolk. twenty-one passengers secreted in a boat. november, . captain f. was certainly no ordinary man. although he had been living a sea-faring life for many years, and the marks of this calling were plainly enough visible in his manners and speech, he was, nevertheless, unlike the great mass of this class of men, not addicted to intemperance and profanity. on the contrary, he was a man of thought, and possessed, in a large measure, those humane traits of character which lead men to sympathize with suffering humanity wherever met with. it must be admitted, however, that the first impressions gathered from a hasty survey of his rough and rugged appearance, his large head, large mouth, large eyes, and heavy eye-brows, with a natural gift at keeping concealed the inner-workings of his mind and feelings, were not calculated to inspire the belief, that he was fitted to be entrusted with the lives of unprotected females, and helpless children; that he could take pleasure in risking his own life to rescue them from the hell of slavery; that he could deliberately enter the enemy's domain, and with the faith of a martyr, face the dread slave-holder, with his bowie-knives and revolvers--slave-hunters, and blood-hounds, lynchings, and penitentiaries, for humanity's sake. but his deeds proved him to be a true friend of the slave; whilst his skill, bravery, and success stamped him as one of the most daring and heroic captains ever connected with the underground rail road cause. at the time he was doing most for humanity in rescuing bondsmen from slavery, slave-laws were actually being the most rigidly executed. to show mercy, in any sense, to man or woman, who might be caught assisting a poor slave to flee from the prison-house, was a matter not to be thought of in virginia. this was perfectly well understood by captain f.; indeed he did not hesitate to say, that his hazardous operations might any day result in the "sacrifice" of his life. but on this point he seemed to give himself no more concern than he would have done to know which way the wind would blow the next day. he had his own convictions about dying and the future, and he declared, that he had "no fear of death," however it might come. still, he was not disposed to be reckless or needlessly to imperil his life, or the lives of those he undertook to aid. nor was he averse to receiving compensation for his services. in richmond, norfolk, petersburg, and other places where he traded, many slaves were fully awake to their condition. the great slave sales were the agencies that served to awaken a large number. then the various mechanical trades were necessarily given to the slaves, for the master had no taste for "greasy, northern mechanics." then, again, the stores had to be supplied with porters, draymen, etc., from the slave population. in the hearts of many of the more intelligent amongst the slaves, the men, as mechanics, etc., the women, as dress-makers, chamber-maids, etc., notwithstanding all the opposition and hard laws, the spirit of freedom was steadily burning. many of the slaves were half brothers, and sisters, cousins, nephews, and nieces to their owners, and of course "blood would tell." it was only necessary for the fact to be made known to a single reliable and intelligent slave, that a man with a boat running north had the love of freedom for all mankind in his bosom to make that man an object of the greatest interest. if an angel had appeared amongst them doubtless his presence would not have inspired greater anxiety and hope than did the presence of captain f. the class most anxious to obtain freedom could generally manage to acquire some means which they would willingly offer to captains or conductors in the south for such assistance as was indispensable to their escape. many of the slaves learned if they could manage to cross mason and dixon's line, even though they might be utterly destitute and penniless, that they would then receive aid and protection from the vigilance committee. here it may be well to state that, whilst the committee gladly received and aided all who might come or be brought to them, they never employed agents or captains to go into the south with a view of enticing or running off slaves. so when captains operated, they did so with the full understanding that they alone were responsible for any failures attending their movements. the way is now clear to present captain f. with his schooner lying at the wharf in norfolk, loading with wheat, and at the same time with twenty-one fugitives secreted therein. while the boat was thus lying at her mooring, the rumor was flying all over town that a number of slaves had escaped, which created a general excitement a degree less, perhaps, than if the citizens had been visited by an earthquake. the mayor of the city with a posse of officers with axes and long spears repaired to captain f.'s boat. the fearless commander received his honor very coolly, and as gracefully as the circumstances would admit. the mayor gave him to understand who he was, and by what authority he appeared on the boat, and what he meant to do. "very well," replied captain f., "here i am and this is my boat, go ahead and search." his honor with his deputies looked quickly around, and then an order went forth from the mayor to "spear the wheat thoroughly." the deputies obeyed the command with alacrity. but the spears brought neither blood nor groans, and the sagacious mayor obviously concluded that he was "barking up the wrong tree." but the mayor was not there for nothing. "take the axes and go to work," was the next order; and the axe was used with terrible effect by one of the deputies. the deck and other parts of the boat were chopped and split; no greater judgment being exercised when using the axe than when spearing the wheat; captain f. all the while wearing an air of utter indifference or rather of entire composure. indeed every step they took proved conclusively that they were wholly ignorant with regard to boat searching. at this point, with remarkable shrewdness, captain f. saw wherein he could still further confuse them by a bold strategical move. as though about out of patience with the mayor's blunders, the captain instantly reminded his honor that he had "stood still long enough" while his boat was being "damaged, chopped up," &c. "now if you want to search," continued he, "give me the axe, and then point out the spot you want opened and i will open it for you very quick." while uttering these words he presented, as he was capable of doing, an indignant and defiant countenance, and intimated that it mattered not where or when a man died provided he was in the right, and as though he wished to give particularly strong emphasis to what he was saying, he raised the axe, and brought it down edge foremost on the deck with startling effect, at the same time causing the splinters to fly from the boards. the mayor and his posse seemed, if not dreadfully frightened, completely confounded, and by the time captain f. had again brought down his axe with increased power, demanding where they would have him open, they looked as though it was time for them to retire, and in a few minutes after they actually gave up the search and left the boat without finding a soul. daniel in the lions' den was not safer than were the twenty-one passengers secreted on captain f.'s boat. the law had been carried out with a vengeance, but did not avail with this skilled captain. the "five dollars" were paid for being searched, the amount which was lawfully required of every captain sailing from virginia. and the captain steered direct for the city of brotherly love. the wind of heaven favoring the good cause, he arrived safely in due time, and delivered his precious freight in the vicinity of philadelphia within the reach of the vigilance committee. the names of the passengers were as follows: [illustration: mayor and police of norfolk on capt. fountain's schooner.] alan tatum, daniel carr, michael vaughn, thomas nixon, frederick nixon, peter petty, nathaniel gardener, john brown, thomas freeman, james foster, godfrey scott, willis wilson, nancy little, john smith, francis haines, david johnson, phillis gault, alice jones, ned wilson, and sarah c. wilson, and one other, who subsequently passed on, having been detained on account of sickness. these passengers were most "likely-looking articles;" a number of them, doubtless, would have commanded the very highest prices in the richmond market. among them were some good mechanics--one excellent dress-maker, some "prime" waiters and chambermaids;--men and women with brains, some of them evincing remarkable intelligence and decided bravery, just the kind of passengers that gave the greatest satisfaction to the vigilance committee. the interview with these passengers was extremely interesting. each one gave his or her experience of slavery, the escape, etc., in his or her own way, deeply impressing those who had the privilege of seeing and hearing them, with the fact of the growing spirit of liberty, and the wonderful perception and intelligence possessed by some of the sons of toil in the south. while all the names of these passengers were duly entered on the underground rail road records, the number was too large, and the time they spent with the attempts to escape were made by daniel, after being sold to north carolina; for this offence, he was on one occasion stripped naked, and flogged severely. this did not cure him. prior to his joining captain f.'s party, he had fled to the swamps, and dwelt there for three months, surrounded with wild animals and reptiles, and it was this state of solitude that he left directly before finding captain f. daniel had a wife in portsmouth, to whom he succeeded in paying a private visit, when, to his unspeakable joy, he made the acquaintance of the noble captain f., whose big heart was delighted to give him a passage north. daniel, after being sold, had been allowed, within the two years, only one opportunity of visiting his wife; being thus debarred he resolved to escape. his wife, whose name was hannah, had three children--slaves--their names were sam, dan, and "baby." the name of the latter was unknown to him. michael vaughn. michael was about thirty-one years of age, with superior physical proportions, and no lack of common sense. his color was without paleness--dark and unfading, and his manly appearance was quite striking. michael belonged to a lady, whom he described as a "very disagreeable woman." "for all my life i have belonged to her, but for the last eight years i have hired my time. i paid my mistress $ a year; a part of the time i had to find my board and all my clothing." this was the direct, and unequivocal testimony that michael gave of his slave life, which was the foundation for alleging that his mistress was a "very disagreeable woman." michael left a wife and one child in slavery; but they were not owned by his mistress. before escaping, he felt afraid to lead his companion into the secret of his contemplated movements, as he felt, that there was no possible way for him to do anything for her deliverance; on the other hand, any revelation of the matter might prove too exciting for the poor soul;--her name was esther. that he did not lose his affection for her whom he was obliged to leave so unceremoniously, is shown by the appended letter: new bedford, august d, . dear sir:--i send you this to inform you that i expect my wife to come that way. if she should, you will direct her to me. when i came through your city last fall, you took my name in your office, which was then given you, michael vaughn; since then my name is william brown, no. kempton street. please give my wife and child's name to dr. lundy, and tell him to attend to it for me. her name is esther, and the child's name louisa. truly yours, william brown. michael worked in a foundry. in church fellowship he was connected with the methodists--his mistress with the baptists. thomas nixon was about nineteen years of age, of a dark hue, and quite intelligent. he had not much excuse to make for leaving, except, that he was "tired of staying" with his "owner," as he "feared he might be sold some day," so he "thought" that he might as well save him the trouble. thomas belonged to a mr. bockover, a wholesale grocer, no. brewer street. thomas left behind him his mother and three brothers. his father was sold away when he was an infant, consequently he never saw him. thomas was a member of the methodist church; his master was of the same persuasion. frederick nixon was about thirty-three years of age, and belonged truly to the wide-awake class of slaves, as his marked physical and mental appearance indicated. he had a more urgent excuse for escaping than thomas; he declared that he fled because, his owner wanted "to work him hard without allowing him any chance, and had treated him rough." frederick was also one of mr. bockover's chattels; he left his wife, elizabeth, with four children in bondage. they were living in eatontown, north carolina. it had been almost one year since he had seen them. had he remained in norfolk he had not the slightest prospect of being reunited to his wife and children, as he had been already separated from them for about three years. this painful state of affairs only increased his desire to leave those who were brutal enough to make such havoc in his domestic relations. peter petty was about twenty-four years of age, and wore a happy countenance; he was a person of agreeable manners, and withal pretty smart. he acknowledged, that he had been owned by joseph boukley, hair inspector. peter did not give mr. boukley a very good character, however; he said, that mr. b. was "rowdyish in his habits, was deceitful and sly, and would sell his slaves any time. hard bondage--something like the children of israel," was his simple excuse for fleeing. he hired his time of his master, for which he was compelled to pay $ a year. when he lost time by sickness or rainy weather, he was required to make up the deficiency, also find his clothing. he left a wife--lavinia--and one child, eliza, both slaves. peter communicated to his wife his secret intention to leave, and she acquiesced in his going. he left his parents also. all his sisters and brothers had been sold. peter would have been sold too, but his owner was under the impression, that he was "too good a christian" to violate the laws by running away. peter's master was quite a devoted methodist, and was attached to the same church with peter. while on the subject of religion, peter was asked about the kind and character of preaching that he had been accustomed to hear; whereupon he gave the following graphic specimen: "servants obey your masters; good servants make good masters; when your mistress speaks to you don't pout out your mouths; when you want to go to church ask your mistress and master," etc., etc. peter declared, that he had never heard but one preacher speak against slavery, and that "one was obliged to leave suddenly for the north." he said, that a quaker lady spoke in meeting against slavery one day, which resulted in an outbreak, and final breaking up of the meeting. phillis gault. phillis was a widow, about thirty years of age; the blood of two races flowed in about equal proportions through her veins. such was her personal appearance, refinement, manners, and intelligence, that had the facts of her slave life been unknown, she would have readily passed for one who had possessed superior advantages. but the facts in her history proved, that she had been made to feel very keenly the horrifying effects of slavery; not in the field, for she had never worked there; nor as a common drudge, for she had always been required to fill higher spheres; she was a dress-maker--but not without fear of the auction block. this dreaded destiny was the motive which constrained her to escape with the twenty others; secreted in the hold of a vessel expressly arranged for bringing away slaves. death had robbed her of her husband at the time that the fever raged so fearfully in norfolk. this sad event deprived her of the hope she had of being purchased by her husband, as he had intended. she was haunted by the constant thought of again being sold, as she had once been, and as she had witnessed the sale of her sister's four children after the death of their mother. phillis was, to use her own striking expression in a state of "great horror;" she felt, that nothing would relieve her but freedom. after having fully pondered the prospect of her freedom and the only mode offered by which she could escape, she consented to endure bravely whatever of suffering and trial might fall to her lot in the undertaking--and as was the case with thousands of others, she succeeded. she remained several days in the family of a member of the committee in philadelphia, favorably impressing all who saw her. as she had formed a very high opinion of boston, from having heard it so thoroughly reviled in norfolk, she desired to go there. the committee made no objections, gave her a free ticket, etc. from that time to the present, she has ever sustained a good christian character, and as an industrious, upright, and intelligent woman, she has been and is highly respected by all who know her. the following letter is characteristic of her: boston, march , . my dear sir--i received your photograph by mr cooper and it afforded me much pleasure to do so i hope that these few lines may find you and your family well as it leaves me and little dicky at present i have no interesting news to tell you more than there is a great revival of religion through the land i all most forgoten to thank you for your kindness and our little dick he is very wild and goes to school and it is my desire and prayer for him to grow up a useful man i wish you would try to gain some information from norfolk and write me word how the times are there for i am afraid to write. i wish yoo would see the doctor for me and ask him if he could carefully find out any way that we could steal little johny for i think to raise nine or ten hundred dollars for such a child is outraigust. just at this time i feel as if i would rather steal him than to buy him. give my kinde regards to the dr and his family tell miss margret and mrs landy that i would like to see them out here this summer again to have a nice time in cambridge miss walker that spent the evening with me in cambridge sens much love to yoo and mrs. landy give my kindes regards to mrs still and children and receive a portion for yoo self. i have no more to say at present but remain yoor respectfully. flarece p. gault. when you write direct yoo letters mrs. flarece p. gault, no pinkney st. * * * * * arrivals from different places. matilda mahoney,--dr. j.w. pennington's brother and sons captured and carried back. while many sympathized with the slave in his chains, and freely wept over his destiny, or gave money to help buy his freedom, but few could be found who were willing to take the risk of going into the south, and standing face to face with slavery, in order to conduct a panting slave to freedom. the undertaking was too fearful to think of in most cases. but there were instances when men and women too, moved by the love of freedom, would take their lives in their hands, beard the lion in his den, and nobly rescue the oppressed. such an instance is found in the case of matilda mahoney, in baltimore. the story of matilda must be very brief, although it is full of thrilling interest. she was twenty-one years of age in , when she escaped and came to philadelphia, a handsome young woman, of a light complexion, quite refined in her manners, and in short, possessing great personal attractions. but her situation as a slave was critical, as will be seen. her claimant was wm. rigard, of frederick, md., who hired her to a mr. reese, in baltimore; in this situation her duties were general housework and nursing. with these labors, she was not, however, so much dissatisfied as she was with other circumstances of a more alarming nature: her old master was tottering on the verge of the grave, and his son, a trader in new orleans. these facts kept matilda in extreme anxiety. for two years prior to her escape, the young trader had been trying to influence his father to let him have her for the southern market; but the old man had not consented. of course the trader knew quite well, that an "article" of her appearance would command readily a very high price in the new orleans market. but matilda's attractions had won the heart of a young man in the north, one who had known her in baltimore in earlier days, and this lover was willing to make desperate efforts to rescue her from her perilous situation. whether or not he had nerve enough to venture down to baltimore to accompany his intended away on the underground rail road, his presence would not have aided in the case. he had, however, a friend who consented to go to baltimore on this desperate mission. the friend was james jefferson, of providence, r.i. with the strategy of a skilled soldier, mr. jefferson hurried to the monumental city, and almost under the eyes of the slave-holders, and slave-catchers, despite of pro slavery breastworks, seized his prize and speeded her away on the underground railway, before her owner was made acquainted with the fact of her intended escape. on matilda's arrival at the station in philadelphia, several other passengers from different points, happened to come to hand just at that time, and gave great solicitude and anxiety to the committee. among these were a man and his wife and their four children, (noticed elsewhere), from maryland. likewise an interesting and intelligent young girl who had been almost miraculously rescued from the prison-house at norfolk, and in addition to these, the brother of j.w. pennington, d.d., with his two sons. while it was a great gratification to have travelers coming along so fast, and especially to observe in every countenance, determination, rare manly and womanly bearing, with remarkable intelligence, it must be admitted, that the acting committee felt at the same time, a very lively dread of the slave-hunters, and were on their guard. arrangements were made to send the fugitives on by different trains, and in various directions. matilda and all the others with the exception of the father and two sons (relatives of dr. pennington) successfully escaped and reached their longed-for haven in a free land. the penningtons, however, although pains had been taken to apprize the doctor of the good news of the coming of his kin, whom he had not seen for many, many years, were captured after being in new york some twenty-four hours. in answer to an advisory letter from the secretary of the committee the following from the doctor is explicit, relative to his wishes and feelings with regard to their being sent on to new york. th avenue, new york, may th, . my dear mr. still:--your kind letter of the d inst has come to hand and i have to thank you for your offices of benevolence to my bone and my flesh, i have had the pleasure of doing a little for your brother peter, but i do not think it an offset. my burden has been great about these brethren. i hope they have started on to me. many thanks, my good friend. yours truly. j.w.c. pennington. this letter only served to intensify the deep interest which had already been awakened for the safety of all concerned. at the same time also it made the duty of the committee clear with regard to forwarding them to n.y. immediately, therefore, the doctor's brother and sons were furnished with free tickets and were as carefully cautioned as possible with regard to slave-hunters, if encountered on the road. in company with several other underground rail road passengers, under the care of an intelligent guide, all were sent off in due order, looking quite as well as the most respectable of their race from any part of the country. the committee in new york, with the doctor, were on the look out of course; thus without difficulty all arrived safely in the empire city. it would seem that the coming of his brother and sons so overpowered the doctor that he forgot how imminent their danger was. the meeting and interview was doubtless very joyous. few perhaps could realize, even in imagination, the feelings that filled their hearts, as the doctor and his brother reverted to their boyhood, when they were both slaves together in maryland; the separation--the escape of the former many years previous--the contrast, one elevated to the dignity of a doctor of divinity, a scholar and noted clergyman, and as such well known in the united states, and great britain, whilst, at the same time, his brother and kin were held in chains, compelled to do unrequited labor, to come and go at the bidding of another. were not these reflections enough to incapacitate the doctor for the time being, for cool thought as to how he should best guard against the enemy? indeed, in view of slavery and its horrid features, the wonder is, not that more was not done, but that any thing was done, that the victims were not driven almost out of their senses. but time rolled on until nearly twenty-four hours had passed, and while reposing their fatigued and weary limbs in bed, just before day-break, hyena-like the slave-hunters pounced upon all three of them, and soon had them hand-cuffed and hurried off to a united states' commissioner's office. armed with the fugitive law, and a strong guard of officers to carry it out, resistance would have been simply useless. ere the morning sun arose the sad news was borne by the telegraph wires to all parts of the country of this awful calamity on the underground rail road. scarcely less painful to the committee was the news of this accident, than the news of a disaster, resulting in the loss of several lives, on the camden and amboy road, would have been to its managers. this was the first accident that had ever taken place on the road after passengers had reached the philadelphia committee, although, in various instances, slave-hunters had been within a hair's breadth of their prey. all that was reported respecting the arrest and return of the doctor's kin, so disgraceful to christianity and civilization, is taken from the liberator, as follows: three fugitive slaves arrested in new york, and given up to their owners. new york, may th. about three o'clock this morning, three colored men, father and two sons, known as jake, bob, and stephen pennington, were arrested at the instance of david smith and jacob grove, of washington co., md., who claimed them as their slaves. they were taken before commissioner morton, of the united states court, and it was understood that they would be examined at o'clock; instead of that, however, the case was heard at once, no persons being present, when the claimnants testified that they were the owners of said slaves and that they escaped from their service at baltimore, on sunday last. from what we can gather of the proceedings, the fugitives acknowledged themselves to be slaves of smith and grove. the commissioner considering the testimony sufficient, ordered their surrender, and they were accordingly given up to their claimants, who hurried them off at once, and they are now on their way to baltimore. a telegraph despatch has been sent to philadelphia, as it is understood an attempt will be made to rescue the parties, when the cars arrive. there was no excitement around the commissioner's office, owing to a misunderstanding as to the time of examination. the men were traced to this city by the claimants, who made application to the united states court, when officers horton and de angeles were deputied by the marshal to effect their arrest, and those officers, with deputy marshal thompson scoured the city, and finally found them secreted in a house in broome st. they were brought before commissioner morton this morning. no counsel appeared for the fugitives. the case being made out, the usual affidavits of fear of rescue were made, and the warrants thereupon issued, and the three fugitives were delivered over to the u.s. marshal, and hurried off to maryland. they were a father and his two sons, father about forty-five and sons eighteen or nineteen. the evidence shows them to have recently escaped. the father is the brother of the rev. dr. pennington, a highly respected colored preacher of this city. new york, may . last evening the church at the corner of prince and marion streets was filled with an intelligent audience of white and colored people, to hear dr. pennington relate the circumstance connected with the arrest of his brother and nephews. he showed, that he attempted to afford his brother the assistance of counsel, but was unable to do so, the officers at the marshal's office having deceived him in relation to the time the trial was to take place before the commissioners. hon. e.f. culver next addressed the audience, showing, that a great injustice had been done to the brother of dr. pennington, and though he, up to that time, had advocated peace, he now had the spirit to tear down the building over the marshal's head. intense interest was manifested during the proceedings, and much sympathy in behalf of dr. pennington. the fugitive slaves in baltimore. the u.s. marshal, a.t. hillyer, esq., received a dispatch this morning from officers horton and dellugelis, at baltimore, stating, that they had arrived there with the three slaves, arrested here yesterday (the penningtons), the owners accompanying them. the officers will return to new york, this evening.--_n.y. express_, _th_. new york, may . the rev. dr. pennington has received a letter from mr. grove, the claimant of his brother, who was recently taken back from this city, offering to sell him to dr. pennington, should he wish to buy him, and stating, that he would await a reply, before "selling him to the slave-drivers." mr. groce, who accompanied his "sweet heart," matilda, in the same train which conveyed the penningtons to new york, had reason to apprehend danger to all the underground rail road passengers, as will appear from his subjoined letter: elmira, may th. dear luke:--i arrived home safe with my precious charge, and found all well. i have just learned, that the penningtons are taken. had he done as i wished him he would never have been taken. last night our tall friend from baltimore came, and caused great excitement here by his information. the lady is perfectly safe now in canada. i will write you and mr. still as soon as i get over the excitement. this letter was first intended for mr. gains, but i now send it to you. please let me hear their movements. yours truly, c.l. groce. but sadly as this blow was felt by the vigilance committee, it did not cause them to relax their efforts in the least. indeed it only served to stir them up to renewed diligence and watchfulness, although for a length of time afterwards the committee felt disposed, when sending, to avoid new york as much as possible, and in lieu thereof, to send _viâ_ elmira, where there was a depot under the agency of john w. jones. mr. jones was a true and prompt friend of the fugitive, and wide-awake with regard to slavery and slave-holders, and slave hunters, for he had known from sad experience in virginia every trait of character belonging to these classes. in the midst of the doctor's grief, friends of the slave soon raised money to purchase his brother, about $ , ; but the unfortunate sons were doomed to the auction block and the far south, where, the writer has never exactly learned. "fleeing girl of fifteen," in male attire. professors h. and t. offer their services--captains b. also are enlisted--slave-trader grasping tightly his prey, but she is rescued--long conflict, but great triumph--arrival on thanksgiving day, nov. , . it was the business of the vigilance committee, as it was clearly understood by the friends of the slave, to assist all needy fugitives, who might in any way manage to reach philadelphia, but, for various reasons, not to send agents south to incite slaves to run away, or to assist them in so doing. sometimes, however, this rule could not altogether be conformed to. cases, in some instances, would appeal so loudly and forcibly to humanity, civilization, and christianity, that it would really seem as if the very stones would cry out, unless something was done. as an illustration of this point, the story of the young girl, which is now to be related, will afford the most striking proof. at the same time it may be seen how much anxiety, care, hazard, delay and material aid, were required in order to effect the deliverance of some who were in close places, and difficult of access. it will be necessary to present a considerable amount of correspondence in this case, to bring to light the hidden mysteries of this narrative. the first letter, in explanation, is the following: letter from j. bigelow, esq. washington, d.c., june , . mr. wm. still--_dear sir_:--i have to thank you for the prompt answer you had the kindness to give to my note of d inst. having found a correspondence so quick and easy, and withal so very flattering, i address you again more fully. the liberal appropriation for _transportation_ has been made chiefly on account of a female child of ten or eleven years old, for whose purchase i have been authorized to offer $ (refused), and for whose sister i have paid $ , , and some $ , for their mother, &c. this child sleeps in the same apartment with its master and mistress, which adds to the difficulty of removal. she is some ten or twelve miles from the city, so that really the chief hazard will be in bringing her safely to town, and in secreting her until a few days of _storm_ shall have abated. all this, i think, is now provided for with entire safety. the child has two cousins in the immediate vicinity; a young man of some twenty-two years of age, and his sister, of perhaps seventeen--_both slaves_, but bright and clear-headed as anybody. the young man i have seen often--the services of _both_ seem indispensable to the main object suggested; but having once rendered the service, they cannot, and ought not return to slavery. they look for _freedom_ as the reward of what they shall now do. out of the $ , cheerfully offered for the whole enterprise, i must pay some reasonable sum for transportation to the city and sustenance while here. it cannot be much; for the balance, i shall give a draft, which will be _promptly paid_ on their arrival in new york. if i have been understood to offer the whole $ , _it shall be paid_, though i have meant as above stated. among the various ways that have been suggested, has been that of taking _all of them_ into the cars here; that, i think, will be found impracticable. i find so much vigilance at the depot, that i would not deem it safe, though, in any kind of carriage they might leave in safety at any time. all the rest i leave to the experience and sagacity of the gentleman who maps out the enterprise. now i will thank you to reply to this and let me know that it reaches you in safety, and is not put in a careless place, whereby i may be endangered; and state also, whether all my propositions are understood and acceptable, and whether, (pretty quickly after i shall inform you that _all things are ready_), the gentleman will make his appearance? i live alone. my office and bed-room, &c., are at the corner of e. and th streets, opposite the east end of the general post office, where any one may call upon me. it would, of course, be imprudent, that this letter, or any other _written_ particulars, be in his pockets for fear of accident. yours very respectfully, j. bigelow. while this letter clearly brought to light the situation of things, its author, however, had scarcely begun to conceive of the numberless difficulties which stood in the way of success before the work could be accomplished. the information which mr. bigelow's letter contained of the painful situation of this young girl was submitted to different parties who could be trusted, with a view of finding a person who might possess sufficient courage to undertake to bring her away. amongst those consulted were two or three captains who had on former occasions done good service in the cause. one of these captains was known in underground rail-road circles as the "powder boy."[a] he was willing to undertake the work, and immediately concluded to make a visit to washington, to see how the "land lay." accordingly in company with another underground rail road captain, he reported himself one day to mr. bigelow with as much assurance as if he were on an errand for an office under the government. the impression made on mr. bigelow's mind may be seen from the following letter; it may also be seen that he was fully alive to the necessity of precautionary measures. [footnote a: he had been engaged at different times in carrying powder in his boat from a powder magazine, and from this circumstance, was familiarly called the "powder boy."] second letter from lawyer bigelow. washington, d.c., september th, . mr. wm. still, dear sir:--i strongly hope the little matter of business so long pending and about which i have written you so many times, will take a move now. i have the promise that the merchandize shall be delivered in this city to-night. like so many other promises, this also may prove a failure, though i have reason to believe that it will not. i shall, however, know before i mail this note. in case the goods arrive here i shall hope to see your long-talked of "professional gentleman" in washington, as soon as possible. he will find me by the enclosed card, which shall be a satisfactory introduction for him. you have never given me his name, nor am i anxious to know it. but on a pleasant visit made last fall to friend wm. wright, in adams co., i suppose i accidentally learned it to be a certain dr. h----. well, let him come. i had an interesting call a week ago from two gentlemen, masters of vessels, and brothers, one of whom, i understand, you know as the "powder boy." i had a little light freight for them; but not finding enough other freight to ballast their craft, they went down the river looking for wheat, and promising to return soon. i hope to see them often. i hope this may find you returned from your northern trip,[a] as your time proposed was out two or three days ago. [footnote a: mr. bigelow's correspondent had been on a visit to the fugitives to canada.] i hope if the whole particulars of jane johnson's case[b] are printed, you will send me the copy as proposed. [footnote b: jane johnson of the passmore williamson slave case.] i forwarded some of her things to boston a few days ago, and had i known its importance in court, i could have sent you one or two witnesses who would prove that her freedom was intended by her before she left washington, and that a man was _engaged_ here to go on to philadelphia the same day with her to give notice there of her case, though i think he failed to do so. it was beyond all question her purpose, _before leaving washington and provable too_, that if wheeler should make her a free woman by taking her to a free state "_to use it rather_." tuesday, th september. the attempt was made on sunday to forward the merchandize, but failed through no fault of any of the parties that i now know of. it will be repeated soon, and you shall know the result. "whorra for judge kane." i feel so indignant at the man, that it is not easy to write the foregoing sentence, and yet who is helping our cause like kane and douglas, not forgetting stringfellow. i hope soon to know that this reaches you in safety. it often happens that light freight would be offered to captain b., but the owners cannot by possibility _advance_ the amount of freight. i wish it were possible in some such extreme cases, that after advancing _all they have_, some public fund should be found to pay the balance or at least lend it. [i wish here to caution you against the supposition that i would do any act, or say a word towards helping servants to escape. although i hate slavery so much, i keep my hands clear of any such wicked or illegal act.] yours, very truly, j.b. will you recollect, hereafter, that in any of my future letters, in which i may use [] whatever words may be within the brackets are intended to have no signification whatever to you, only to blind the eyes of the uninitiated. you will find an example at the close of my letter. up to this time the chances seemed favorable of procuring the ready services of either of the above mentioned captains who visited lawyer bigelow for the removal of the merchandize to philadelphia, providing the shipping master could have it in readiness to suit their convenience. but as these captains had a number of engagements at richmond, petersburg, &c., it was not deemed altogether safe to rely upon either of them, consequently in order to be prepared in case of an emergency, the matter was laid before two professional gentlemen who were each occupying chairs in one of the medical colleges of philadelphia. they were known to be true friends of the slave, and had possessed withal some experience in underground rail road matters. either of these professors was willing to undertake the operation, provided arrangements could be completed in time to be carried out during the vacation. in this hopeful, although painfully indefinite position the matter remained for more than a year; but the correspondence and anxiety increased, and with them disappointments and difficulties multiplied. the hope of freedom, however, buoyed up the heart of the young slave girl during the long months of anxious waiting and daily expectation for the hour of deliverance to come. equally true and faithful also did mr. bigelow prove to the last; but at times he had some painfully dark seasons to encounter, as may be seen from the subjoined letter: washington, d.c., october th, . mr. still, dear sir:--i regret exceedingly to learn by your favor of th instant, that all things are not ready. although i cannot speak of any immediate and positive danger. [_yet it is well known that the city is full of incendiaries_.] perhaps you are aware that any colored citizen is liable at any hour of day or night without any show of authority to have his house ransacked by constables, and if others do it and commit the most outrageous depredations none but white witnesses can convict them. such outrages are always common here, and no kind of property exposed to colored protection only, can be considered safe. [i don't say that _much liberty_ should not be given to constables on account of numerous runaways, but it don't always work for good.] before advertising they go round and offer rewards to sharp colored men of perhaps _one or two hundred dollars_, to betray runaways, and having discovered their hiding-place, seize them and then cheat their informers out of the money. [_although a law-abiding man_,] i am anxious in this case of _innocence_ to raise no conflict or suspicion. [_be sure that the manumission is full and legal_.] and as i am _powerless_ without your aid, _i pray you_ don't lose a moment in giving me relief. the idea of waiting yet for weeks seems dreadful; do reduce it to days if possible, and give me notice of the _earliest possible time_. the property is not yet advertised, but will be, [and if we delay too long, may be sold and lost.] it was a great misunderstanding, though not your fault, that so much delay would be necessary. [i repeat again that i must have the thing done legally, therefore, please get a good lawyer to draw up the deed of manumission.] yours truly, j. bigelow. great was the anxiety felt in washington. it is certainly not too much to say, that an equal amount of anxiety existed in philadelphia respecting the safety of the merchandise. at this juncture mr. bigelow had come to the conclusion that it was no longer safe to write over his own name, but that he would do well to henceforth adopt the name of the renowned quaker, wm. penn, (he was worthy of it) as in the case of the following letter. washington, d.c., november th, . dear sir:--doctor t. presented my card last night about half past eight which i instantly recognized. i, however, soon became suspicious, and afterwards confounded, to find the doctor using your name and the well known names of mr. mck. and mr. w. and yet, neither he nor i, could conjecture the object of his visit. the doctor is agreeable and sensible, and doubtless a true-hearted man. he seemed to see the whole matter as i did, and was embarrassed. he had nothing to propose, no information to give of the "p. boy," or of any substitute, and seemed to want no particular information from me concerning my anxieties and perils, though i stated them to him, but found him as powerless as myself to give me relief. i had an agreeable interview with the doctor till after ten, when he left, intending to take the cars at six, as i suppose he did do, this morning. this morning after eight, i got your letter of the th, but it gives me but little enlightenment or satisfaction. you simply say that the doctor is a _true man_, which i cannot doubt, that you thought it best we should have an interview, and that you supposed i would meet the expenses. you informed me also that the "p. boy" left for richmond, on friday, the d, to be gone _the length of time named in your last_, i must infer that to be _ten days_ though in your last _you assured me_ that the "p. boy" would certainly start for _this place_ (not richmond) in two or three days, though the difficulty about freight might cause delay, and the whole enterprise might not be accomplished under ten days, &c., &c. that time having elapsed and i having agreed to an extra fifty dollars to ensure promptness. i have scarcely left my office since, except for my hasty meals, awaiting his arrival. you now inform me he has gone to richmond, to be gone ten days, which will expire tomorrow, but you do not say he will return here or to phila, or where, at the expiration of that time, and dr. t. could tell me nothing whatever about him. had he been able to tell me that this _best plan_, which i have so long rested upon, would fail, or was abandoned, i could then understand it, but he says no such thing, and you say, as you have twice before said, "ten days more." now, my dear sir, after this recapitulation, can you not see that i have reason for great embarrassment? i have given assurances, both here and in new york, founded on your assurances to me, and caused my friends in the latter place great anxiety, so much that i have had no way to explain my own letters but by sending your last two to mr. tappan. i cannot doubt, i do not, but that you wish to help me, and the cause too, for which both of us have made many and large sacrifices with no hope of reward in this world. if in this case i have been very urgent since september dr. t. can give you some of my reasons, they have not been selfish. the whole matter is in a nutshell. can i, in your opinion, depend on the "p. boy," and when? if he promises to come here next trip, will he come, or go to richmond? this i think is the best way. can i depend on it? dr. t. promised to write me some explanation and give some advice, and at first i thought to await his letter, but on second thought concluded to tell you how i feel, as i have done. will you answer my questions with some explicitness, and without delay? i forgot to inquire of dr. t. who is the head of your vigilance committee, whom i may address concerning other and further operations? yours very truly, wm. penn. p.s. i ought to say, that i have no doubt but there were good reasons for the p. boy's going to richmond instead of w.; _but what can they be_? whilst there are a score of other interesting letters, bearing on this case, the above must suffice, to give at least, an idea of the perplexities and dangers attending its early history. having accomplished this end, a more encouraging and pleasant phase of the transaction may now be introduced. here the difficulties, at least very many of them, vanish, yet in one respect, the danger became most imminent. the following letter shows that the girl had been successfully rescued from her master, and that a reward of five hundred dollars had been offered for her. washington, d.c., october , . mr. wm. still:--as you pick up all the news that is stirring, i contribute a few scraps to your stock, going to show that the poor slave-holders have their troubles as well as other people. four heavy losses on one small scrap cut from a single number of the "sun!" how vexatious! how provoking! on the other hand, think of the poor, timid, breathless, flying child of fifteen! five hundred dollars reward! oh, for succor! to whom in all this wide land of freedom shall she flee and find safety? alas!--alas!--the law points to no one! is she still running with bleeding feet?[a] or hides she in some cold cave, to rest and starve? "$ reward." yours, for the weak and the poor. perish the reward. [footnote a: at the time this letter was written, she was then under mr. b.'s protection in washington, and had to be so kept for six weeks. his question, therefore, "is she still running with bleeding feet," etc., was simply a precautionary step to blind any who might perchance investigate the matter.] j.b. having thus succeeded in getting possession of, and secreting this fleeing child of fifteen, as best they could, in washington, all concerned were compelled to "possess their souls in patience," until the storm had passed. meanwhile, the "child of fifteen" was christened "joe wright," and dressed in male attire to prepare for traveling as a lad. as no opportunity had hitherto presented itself, whereby to prepare the "package" for shipment, from washington, neither the "powder boy" nor dr. t.[b] was prepared to attend to the removal, at this critical moment. the emergency of the case, however, cried loudly for aid. the other professional gentleman (dr. h.), was now appealed to, but his engagements in the college forbade his absence before about thanksgiving day, which was then six weeks off. this fact was communicated to washington, and it being the only resource left, the time named was necessarily acquiesced in. in the interim, "joe" was to perfect herself in the art of wearing pantaloons, and all other male rig. soon the days and weeks slid by, although at first the time for waiting seemed long, when, according to promise, dr. h. was in washington, with his horse and buggy prepared for duty. the impressions made by dr. h., on william penn's mind, at his first interview, will doubtless be interesting to all concerned, as may be seen in the following letter: [footnote b: dr. t. was one of the professional gentlemen alluded to above, who had expressed a willingness to act as an agent in the matter.] washington, d.c., november , . my dear sir:--a recent letter from my friend, probably has led you to expect this from me. he was delighted to receive yours of the d, stating that the boy was _all right_. he found the "prof. gentleman" a _perfect gentleman_; cool, quiet, thoughtful, and _perfectly competent to execute his undertaking_. at the first three minutes of their interview, he felt assured that all would be right. he, and all concerned, give you and that gentleman sincere thanks for what you have done. may the blessings of him, who cares for the poor, be on your heads. the especial object of this, is to inform you that there is a half dozen or so of packages here, _pressing for transportation_; twice or thrice that number are also pressing, but less so than the others. their aggregate means will average, say, $ each; besides these, we know of a few, say three or four, _able and smart_, but utterly destitute, and kept so purposely by their oppressors. for all these, we feel deeply interested; $ each would not be enough for the "powder boy." is there any fund from which a pittance could be spared to help these poor creatures? i don't doubt but that they would honestly repay a small loan as soon as they could earn it. i know full well, that if you begin with such cases, there is no boundary at which you can stop. for years, one half at least, of my friend's time here has been gratuitously given to cases of distress among this class. he never expects or desires to do less; he literally has the _poor always with him_. he knows that it is so with you also, therefore, he only states the case, being especially anxious for at least those to whom i have referred. [illustration: maria weems escaping in male attire] i think a small lot of hard coal might always be sold here _from the vessel_ at a profit. would not a like lot of cumberland coal always sell in philadelphia? my friend would be very glad to see the powder boy here again, and if he brings coal, there are those here, who would try to help him sell. reply to your regular correspondent as usual. wm. penn. by the presence of the dr., confidence having been reassured that all would be right, as well as by the "inner light," william penn experienced a great sense of relief. everything having been duly arranged, the doctor's horse and carriage stood waiting before the white house (william penn preferred this place as a starting point, rather than before his own office door). it being understood that "joe" was to act as coachman in passing out of washington, at this moment he was called for, and in the most polite and natural manner, with the fleetness of a young deer, he jumped into the carriage, took the reins and whip, whilst the doctor and william penn were cordially shaking hands and bidding adieu. this done, the order was given to joe, "drive on." joe bravely obeyed. the faithful horse trotted off willingly, and the doctor sat in his carriage as composed as though he had succeeded in procuring an honorable and lucrative office from the white house, and was returning home to tell his wife the good news. the doctor had some knowledge of the roads, also some acquaintances in maryland, through which state he had to travel; therefore, after leaving the suburbs of washington, the doctor took the reins in his own hands, as he felt that he was more experienced as a driver than his young coachman. he was also mindful of the fact, that, before reaching pennsylvania, his faithful beast would need feeding several times, and that they consequently would be obliged to pass one or two nights at least in maryland, either at a tavern or farm-house. in reflecting upon the matter, it occurred to the doctor, that in earlier days, he had been quite intimately acquainted with a farmer and his family (who were slave-holders), in maryland, and that he would about reach their house at the end of the first day's journey. he concluded that he could do no better than to renew his acquaintance with his old friends on this occasion. after a very successful day's travel, night came on, and the doctor was safely at the farmer's door with his carriage and waiter boy; the doctor was readily recognized by the farmer and his family, who seemed glad to see him; indeed, they made quite a "fuss" over him. as a matter of strategy, the doctor made quite a "fuss" over them in return; nevertheless, he did not fail to assume airs of importance, which were calculated to lead them to think that he had grown older and wiser than when they knew him in his younger days. in casually referring to the manner of his traveling, he alluded to the fact, that he was not very well, and as it had been a considerable length of time since he had been through that part of the country, he thought that the drive would do him good, and especially the sight of old familiar places and people. the farmer and his family felt themselves exceedingly honored by the visit from the distinguished doctor, and manifested a marked willingness to spare no pains to render his night's lodging in every way comfortable. the dr. being an educated and intelligent gentleman, well posted on other questions besides medicine, could freely talk about farming in all its branches, and "niggers" too, in an emergency, so the evening passed off pleasantly with the dr. in the parlor, and "joe" in the kitchen. the dr., however, had given "joe" precept upon precept, "here a little, and there a little," as to how he should act in the presence of master white people, or slave colored people, and thus he was prepared to act his part with due exactness. before the evening grew late, the dr., fearing some accident, intimated, that he was feeling a "little languid," and therefore thought that he had better "retire." furthermore he added, that he was "liable to vertigo," when not quite well, and for this reason he must have his boy "joe" sleep in the room with him. "simply give him a bed quilt and he will fare well enough in one corner of the room," said the dr. the proposal was readily acceded to, and carried into effect by the accommodating host. the dr. was soon in bed, sleeping soundly, and "joe," in his new coat and pants, wrapped up in the bed quilt, in a corner of the room quite comfortably. the next morning the dr. arose at as early an hour as was prudent for a gentleman of his position, and feeling refreshed, partook of a good breakfast, and was ready, with his boy, "joe," to prosecute their journey. face, eyes, hope, and steps, were set as flint, pennsylvania-ward. what time the following day or night they crossed mason and dixon's line is not recorded on the underground rail road books, but at four o'clock on thanksgiving day, the dr. safely landed the "fleeing girl of fifteen" at the residence of the writer in philadelphia. on delivering up his charge, the dr. simply remarked to the writer's wife, "i wish to leave this young lad with you a short while, and i will call and see further about him." without further explanation, he stepped into his carriage and hurried away, evidently anxious to report himself to his wife, in order to relieve her mind of a great weight of anxiety on his account. the writer, who happened to be absent from home when the dr. called, returned soon afterwards. "the dr. has been here" (he was the family physician), "and left this 'young lad,' and said, that he would call again and see about him," said mrs. s. the "young lad" was sitting quite composedly in the dining-room, with his cap on. the writer turned to him and inquired, "i suppose you are the person that the dr. went to washington after, are you not?" "no," said "joe." "where are you from then?" was the next question. "from york, sir." "from york? why then did the dr. bring you here?" was the next query, "the dr. went expressly to washington after a young girl, who was to be brought away dressed up as a boy, and i took you to be the person." without replying "the lad" arose and walked out of the house. the querist, somewhat mystified, followed him, and then when the two were alone, "the lad" said, "i am the one the dr. went after." after congratulating her, the writer asked why she had said, that she was not from washington, but from york. she explained, that the dr. had strictly charged her not to own to any person, except the writer, that she was from washington, but from york. as there were persons present (wife, hired girl, and a fugitive woman), when the questions were put to her, she felt that it would be a violation of her pledge to answer in the affirmative. before this examination, neither of the individuals present for a moment entertained the slightest doubt but that she was a "lad," so well had she acted her part in every particular. she was dressed in a new suit, which fitted her quite nicely, and with her unusual amount of common sense, she appeared to be in no respect lacking. to send off a prize so rare and remarkable, as she was, without affording some of the stockholders and managers of the road the pleasure of seeing her, was not to be thought of. in addition to the vigilance committee, quite a number of persons were invited to see her, and were greatly astonished. indeed it was difficult to realize, that she was not a boy, even after becoming acquainted with the facts in the case. the following is an exact account of this case, as taken from the underground rail road records: "thanksgiving day, nov., . arrived, ann maria weems, _alias_ 'joe wright,' _alias_ 'ellen capron,' from washington, through the aid of dr. h. she is about fifteen years of age, bright mulatto, well grown, smart and good-looking. for the last three years, or about that length of time, she has been owned by charles m. price, a negro trader, of rockville, maryland. mr. p. was given to 'intemperance,' to a very great extent, and gross 'profanity.' he buys and sells many slaves in the course of the year. 'his wife is cross and peevish.' she used to take great pleasure in 'torturing' one 'little slave boy.' he was the son of his master (and was owned by him); this was the chief cause of the mistress' spite." ann maria had always desired her freedom from childhood, and although not thirteen, when first advised to escape, she received the suggestion without hesitation, and ever after that time waited almost daily, for more than two years, the chance to flee. her friends were, of course, to aid her, and make arrangements for her escape. her owner, fearing that she might escape, for a long time compelled her to sleep in the chamber with "her master and mistress;" indeed she was so kept until about three weeks before she fled. she left her parents living in washington. three of her brothers had been sold south from their parents. her mother had been purchased for $ , , and one of her sisters for $ , for freedom. before ann maria was thirteen years of age $ was offered for her by a friend, who desired to procure her freedom, but the offer was promptly refused, as were succeeding ones repeatedly made. the only chance of procuring her freedom, depended upon getting her away on the underground rail road. she was neatly attired in male habiliments, and in that manner came all the way from washington. after passing two or three days with her new friends in philadelphia, she was sent on (in male attire) to lewis tappan, of new york, who had likewise been deeply interested in her case from the beginning, and who held himself ready, as was understood, to cash a draft for three hundred dollars to compensate the man who might risk his own liberty in bringing her on from washington. after having arrived safely in new york, she found a home and kind friends in the family of the rev. a.n. freeman, and received quite an ovation characteristic of an underground rail road. after having received many tokens of esteem and kindness from the friends of the slave in new york and brooklyn, she was carefully forwarded on to canada, to be educated at the "buxton settlement." an interesting letter, however, from the mother of ann maria, conveying the intelligence of her late great struggle and anxiety in laboring to free her last child from slavery is too important to be omitted, and hence is inserted in connection with this narrative. letter from the mother. washington, d.c., september th, . wm. still, esq., philadelphia, pa. sir:--i have just sent for my son augustus, in alabama. i have sent eleven hundred dollars which pays for his body and some thirty dollars to pay his fare to washington. i borrowed one hundred and eighty dollars to make out the eleven hundred dollars. i was not very successful in syracuse. i collected only twelve dollars, and in rochester only two dollars. i did not know that the season was so unpropitious. the wealthy had all gone to the springs. they must have returned by this time. i hope you will exert yourself and help me get a part of the money i owe, at least. i am obliged to pay it by the th of next month. i was unwell when i returned through philadelphia, or i should have called. i had been from home five weeks. my son augustus is the last of the family in slavery. i feel rejoiced that he is soon to be free and with me, and of course feel the greatest solicitude about raising the one hundred and eighty dollars i have borrowed of a kind friend, or who has borrowed it for me at bank. i hope and pray you will help me as far as possible. tell mr. douglass to remember me, and if he can, to interest his friends for me. you will recollect that five hundred dollars of our money was taken to buy the sister of henry h. garnett's wife. had i been able to command this i should not be necessitated to ask the favors and indulgences i do. i am expecting daily the return of augustus, and may heaven grant him a safe deliverance and smile propitiously upon you and all kind friends who have aided in his return to me. be pleased to remember me to friends, and accept yourself the blessing and prayers of your dear friend, earro weems. p.s. direct your letter to e.l. stevens, in duff green's row, capitol hill, washington, d.c. e.w. that william penn who worked so faithfully for two years for the deliverance of ann maria may not appear to have been devoting all his time and sympathy towards this single object it seems expedient that two or three additional letters, proposing certain grand underground rail road plans, should have a place here. for this purpose, therefore, the following letters are subjoined. letters from william penn. washington, d.c., oct. , dear sir:--i address you to-day chiefly at the suggestion of the lady who will hand you my letter, and who is a resident of your city. after stating to you, that the case about which i have previously written, remains just as it was when i wrote last--full of difficulty--i thought i would call your attention to another enterprise; it is this: to find a man with a large heart for doing good to the oppressed, who will come to washington to live, and who will _walk out to penn'a., or a part of the way there, once or twice a week_. he will find parties who will _pay him for doing so_. parties of say, two, three, five or so, who will pay him _at least_ $ each, for the privilege of following him, but _will never speak to him_; but will keep just in sight of him and obey any sign he may give; say, he takes off his hat and scratches his head as a sign for them to go to some barn or wood to rest, &c. no living being shall be found to say he ever spoke to them. a white man would be best, and then even parties led out by him could not, if they would, testify to any _understanding_ or anything else against a white man. i think he might make a good living at it. can it not be done? if one or two safe stopping-places could be found on the way--such as a barn or shed, they could walk quite safely all night and then sleep all day--about two, or _easily_ three nights would convey them to a place of safety. the traveler might be a peddler or huckster, with an old horse and cart, and bring us in eggs and butter if he pleases. let him once plan out his route, and he might then take ten or a dozen at a time, and they are often able and willing to pay $ a piece. i have a hard case now on hand; a brother and sister to years old, whose mother lives in your city. they are cruelly treated; they want to go, they _ought_ to go; but they are utterly destitute. can nothing be done for such cases? if you can think of anything let me know it. i suppose you know me? washington, d.c., april , . dear sir:--i sent you the recent law of virginia, under which all vessels are to be searched for fugitives within the waters of that state. it was long ago suggested by a sagacious friend, that the "powder boy" might find a better port in the chesapeake bay, or in the patuxent river to communicate with this vicinity, than by entering the potomac river, even were there no such law. suppose he opens a trade with some place south-west of annapolis, or miles from here, or less. he might carry wood, oysters, &c., and all his customers from this vicinity might travel in _that direction_ without any of the suspicions that might attend their journeyings _towards this city_. in this way, doubtless, a good business might be carried on without interruption or competition, and provided the plan was conducted without affecting the inhabitants along that shore, no suspicion would arise as to the manner or magnitude of his business operations. how does this strike you? what does the "powder boy" think of it? i heretofore intimated a _pressing necessity_ on the part of several females--they are variously situated--two have children, say a couple each; some have none--of the latter, one can raise $ , another, say or dollars--another who was gazetted last august (a copy sent you), can raise, through her friends, or dollars, &c., &c. none of these can walk so far or so fast as scores of _men_ that are constantly leaving. i cannot shake off my anxiety for these poor creatures. can you think of anything for any of these? address your other correspondent in answer to this at your leisure. yours, wm. penn. p.s.--april d. since writing the above, i have received yours of st. i am rejoiced to hear that business is so successful and prosperous--may it continue till _the article_ shall cease to be merchandize. i spoke in my last letter of the departure of a "few friends." i have since heard of their good health in penn'a. probably you may have seen them. in reference to the expedition of which you think you can "hold out some little encouragement," i will barely remark, that i shall be glad, if it is undertaken, to have all the notice of the _time and manner_ that is possible, so as to make ready. a friend of mine says, anthracite coal will always pay here from philadelphia, and thinks a small vessel might run often--that she never would be searched in the potomac, unless she went outside. you advise caution towards mr. p. i am precisely of your opinion about him, that he is a "queer stick," and while i advised him carefully in reference to his own undertakings, i took no counsel of him concerning mine. yours, w.p. washington, d.c., april d, . dear sir:--i have to thank you for your last two encouraging letters of st of march and th april. i have seen nothing in the papers to interest you, and having bad health and a press of other engagements, i have neglected to write you. enclosed is a list of persons referred to in my last letter, all most anxious to travel--all meritorious. in some of these i feel an especial interest for what they have done to help others in distress. i suggest for yours and the "powder boy's" consideration the following plan: that he shall take in coal for washington and come directly here--sell his coal and go to georgetown for freight, and _wait_ for it. if any fancy articles are sent on board, _i understand he has a place_ to put them in, and _if he has_ i suggest that he lies still, still waiting for freight till the first anxiety is over. vessels that have _just left_ are the ones that will be inquired after, and perhaps chased. if he lays still a day or two all suspicion will be prevented. if there shall be occasion to refer to any of them hereafter, it may be by their numbers in the list. the family-- to --will be missed and inquired after soon and urgently; and will also be soon missed, but _none of the others_. if all this can be done, some little time or notice must be had to get them all ready. they tell me they can pay the sums marked to their names. the aggregate is small, but as i told you, they are poor. let me hear from you when convenient. [illustration: john henry hill] truly yours, wm. penn. . a woman, may be years old, $ . . a woman, may be years old, with children, say , , and [a] . . a sister of the above, younger . . a very genteel mulatto girl about . . a woman, say , these are all one . a daughter, , family, either of . a son, , them leaving . a son, , alone, they think, . . a daughter, , would cause the . a son, say , balance to be sold. . a man, the uncle, , . a very genteel mulatto girl, say . . a very genteel mulatto girl, say . * * * * * five years and one month secreted. john henry, hezekiah, and james hill.--john makes a desperate resistance at the slave auction and escapes after being secreted nine months. hezekiah escaped from a trader and was seceeted thirteen months before his final deliverance.--james was secreted three years in a place of great suffering, and escaped. in all five years and one month. many letters from john henry show how incessantly his mind ran out towards the oppressed, and the remarkable intelligence and ability he displayed with the pen, considering that he had no chance to acquire book knowledge. after having fled for refuge to canada and having become a partaker of impartial freedom under the government of great britain, to many it seemed that the fugitive should be perfectly satisfied. many appeared to think that the fugitive, having secured freedom, had but little occasion for anxiety or care, even for his nearest kin. "change your name." "never tell any one how you escaped." "never let any one know where you came from." "never think of writing back, not even to your wife; you can do your kin no good, but may do them harm by writing." "take care of yourself." "you are free, well, be satisfied then." "it will do you no good to fret about your wife and children; that will not get them out of slavery." such was the advice often given to the fugitive. men who had been slaves themselves, and some who had aided in the escape of individuals, sometimes urged these sentiments on men and women whose hearts were almost breaking over the thought that their dearest and best friends were in chains in the prison-house. perhaps it was thoughtlessness on the part of some, and a wish to inspire due cautiousness on the part of others, that prompted this advice. doubtless some did soon forget their friends. they saw no way by which they could readily communicate with them. perhaps slavery had dealt with them so cruelly, that little hope or aspiration was left in them. it was, however, one of the most gratifying facts connected with the fugitives, the strong love and attachment that they constantly expressed for their relatives left in the south; the undying faith they had in god as evinced by their touching appeals on behalf of their fellow-slaves. but few probably are aware how deeply these feelings were cherished in the breasts of this people. forty, fifty, or sixty years, in some instances elapsed, but this ardent sympathy and love continued warm and unwavering as ever. children left to the cruel mercy of slave-holders, could never be forgotten. brothers and sisters could not refrain from weeping over the remembrance of their separation on the auction block: of having seen innocent children, feeble and defenceless women in the grasp of a merciless tyrant, pleading, groaning, and crying in vain for pity. not to remember those thus bruised and mangled, it would seem alike unnatural, and impossible. therefore it is a source of great satisfaction to be able, in relating these heroic escapes, to present the evidences of the strong affections of this greatly oppressed race. john henry never forgot those with whom he had been a fellow-sufferer in slavery; he was always fully awake to their wrongs, and longed to be doing something to aid and encourage such as were striving to get their freedom. he wrote many letters in behalf of others, as well as for himself, the tone of which, was always marked by the most zealous devotion to the slave, a high sense of the value of freedom, and unshaken confidence that god was on the side of the oppressed, and a strong hope, that the day was not far distant, when the slave power would be "suddenly broken and that without remedy." notwithstanding the literary imperfections of these letters, they are deemed well suited to these pages. of course, slaves were not allowed book learning. virginia even imprisoned white women for teaching free colored children the alphabet. who has forgotten the imprisonment of mrs. douglass for this offense? in view of these facts, no apology is needed on account of hill's grammar and spelling. in these letters, may be seen, how much liberty was valued, how the taste of freedom moved the pen of the slave; how the thought of fellow-bondmen, under the heel of the slave-holder, aroused the spirit of indignation and wrath; how importunately appeals were made for help from man and from god; how much joy was felt at the arrival of a fugitive, and the intense sadness experienced over the news of a failure or capture of a slave. not only are the feelings of john henry hill represented in these epistles, but the feelings of very many others amongst the intelligent fugitives all over the country are also represented to the letter. it is more with a view of doing justice to a brave, intelligent class, whom the public are ignorant of, than merely to give special prominence to john and his relatives as individuals, that these letters are given. escape of john henry hill from the slave auction in richmond, on the first day of january, . john henry at that time, was a little turned of twenty-five years of age, full six feet high, and remarkably well proportioned in every respect. he was rather of a brown color, with marked intellectual features. john was by trade, a carpenter, and was considered a competent workman. the year previous to his escape, he hired his time, for which he paid his owner $ . this amount john had fully settled up the last day of the year. as he was a young man of steady habits, a husband and father, and withal an ardent lover of liberty; his owner, john mitchell, evidently observed these traits in his character, and concluded that he was a dangerous piece of property to keep; that his worth in money could be more easily managed than the man. consequently, his master unceremoniously, without intimating in any way to john, that he was to be sold, took him to richmond, on the first day of january (the great annual sale day), and directly to the slave-auction. just as john was being taken into the building, he was invited to submit to hand-cuffs. as the thought flashed upon his mind that he was about to be sold on the auction-block, he grew terribly desperate. "liberty or death" was the watchword of that awful moment. in the twinkling of an eye, he turned on his enemies, with his fist, knife, and feet, so tiger-like, that he actually put four or five men to flight, his master among the number. his enemies thus suddenly baffled, john wheeled, and, as if assisted by an angel, strange as it may appear, was soon out of sight of his pursuers, and securely hid away. this was the last hour of john henry's slave life, but not, however, of his struggles and sufferings for freedom, for before a final chance to escape presented itself, nine months elapsed. the mystery as to where, and how he fared, the following account, in his own words, must explain-- nine months i was trying to get away. i was secreted for a long time in a kitchen of a merchant near the corner of franklyn and th streets, at richmond, where i was well taken care of, by a lady friend of my mother. when i got tired of staying in that place, i wrote myself a pass to pass myself to petersburg, here i stopped with a very prominent colored person, who was a friend to freedom stayed here until two white friends told other friends if i was in the city to tell me to go at once, and stand not upon the order of going, because they had hard a plot. i wrot a pass, started for richmond, reached manchester, got off the cars walked into richmond, once more got back into the same old den, stayed here from the th of aug. to th sept. on the th of sept. o'clock p.m. a message came to me that there had been a state room taken on the steamer city of richmond for my benefit, and i assured the party that it would be occupied if god be willing. before o'clock the next morning, on the th, a beautiful sept. day, i arose early, wrote my pass for norfolk left my old den with a many a good bye, turned out the back way to th st., thence to main, down main behind night waich to old rockett's and after about minutes of delay i succeed in reaching the state room. my conductor was very much excited, but i felt as composed as i do at this moment, for i had started from my den that morning for liberty or for death providing myself with a brace of pistels. yours truly j.h. hill. a private berth was procured for him on the steamship city of richmond, for the amount of $ , and thus he was brought on safely to philadelphia. while in the city, he enjoyed the hospitalities of the vigilance committee, and the greetings of a number of friends, during the several days of his sojourn. the thought of his wife, and two children, left in petersburg, however, naturally caused him much anxiety. fortunately, they were free, therefore, he was not without hope of getting them; moreover, his wife's father (jack mccraey), was a free man, well known, and very well to do in the world, and would not be likely to see his daughter and grandchildren suffer. in this particular, hill's lot was of a favorable character, compared with that of most slaves leaving their wives and children. first letter on arriving in canada. toronto, october th, . dear sir:--i take this method of informing you that i am well, and that i got to this city all safe and sound, though i did not get here as soon as i expect. i left your city on saterday and i was on the way untel the friday following. i got to new york the same day that i left philadelphia, but i had to stay there untel monday evening. i left that place at six o'clock. i got to albany next morning in time to take the half past six o'clock train for rochester, here i stay untel wensday night. the reason i stay there so long mr. gibbs given me a letter to mr morris at rochester. i left that place wensday, but i only got five miles from that city that night. i got to lewiston on thurday afternoon, but too late for the boat to this city. i left lewiston on friday at one o'clock, got to this city at five. sir i found this to be a very handsome city. i like it better than any city i ever saw. it are not as large as the city that you live in, but it is very large place much more so than i expect to find it. i seen the gentleman that you given me letter to. i think him much of a gentleman. i got into work on monday. the man whom i am working for is name myers; but i expect to go to work for another man by name of tinsly, who is a master workman in this city. he says that he will give me work next week and everybody advises me to work for mr. tinsly as there more surity in him. mr. still, i have been looking and looking for my friends for several days, but have not seen nor heard of them. i hope and trust in the lord almighty that all things are well with them. my dear sir i could feel so much better sattisfied if i could hear from my wife. since i reached this city i have talagraphed to friend brown to send my thing to me, but i cannot hear a word from no one at all. i have written to mr. brown two or three times since i left the city. i trust that he has gotten my wife's letters, that is if she has written. please direct your letters to me, near the corner sarah and edward street, until i give you further notice. you will tell friend b. how to direct his letters, as i forgotten it when i writt to him, and ask him if he has heard anything from virginia. please to let me hear from him without delay for my very soul is trubled about my friends whom i expected to of seen here before this hour. whatever you do please to write. i shall look for you paper shortly. believe me sir to be your well wisher. john h. hill. second letter. _expressions of gratitude_--_the custom house refuses to charge him duty_--_he is greatly concerned for his wife_ toronto, october th, . my dear friend:--i now write to inform you that i have received my things all safe and sound, and also have shuck hand with the friend that you send on to this place one of them is stopping with me. his name is chas. stuert, he seemes to be a tolerable smart fellow. i rec'd my letters. i have taken this friend to see mr. smith. however will give him a place to board untell he can get to work. i shall do every thing i can for them all that i see the gentleman wish you to see his wife and let her know that he arrived safe, and present his love to her and to all the friend. mr. still, i am under ten thousand obligation to you for your kindness when shall i ever repay? s. speek very highly of you. i will state to you what custom house master said to me. he ask me when he presented my efects are these your efects. i answered yes. he then ask me was i going to settle in canada. i told him i was. he then ask me of my case. i told all about it. he said i am happy to see you and all that will come. he ask me how much i had to pay for my paper. i told him half dollar. he then told me that i should have my money again. he a rose from his seat and got my money. so my friend you can see the people and tell them all this is a land of liberty and believe they will find friends here. my best love to all. my friend i must call upon you once more to do more kindness for me that is to write to my wife as soon as you get this, and tell her when she gets ready to come she will pack and consign her things to you. you will give her some instruction, but not to your expenses but to her own. when you write direct your letter to phillip ubank, petersburg, va. my box arrived here the th. my dear sir i am in a hurry to take this friend to church, so i must close by saying i am your humble servant in the cause of liberty and humanity. john h. hill. third letter. _canada is highly praised_--_the vigilance committee is implored to send all the fugitives there_--"_farmers and mechanics wanted_"--"_no living in canada for negroes," as argued by_ "_masters," flatly denied, &c., &c., &c._ so i ask you to send the fugitives to canada. i don't know much of this province but i beleaves that there is rome enough for the colored and whites of the united states. we wants farmers mechanic men of all qualification &c., if they are not made we will make them, if we cannot make the old, we will make our children. now concerning the city toronto this city is beautiful and prosperous levele city. great many wooden codages more than what should be but i am in hopes there will be more of the brick and stonn. but i am not done about your republicanism. our masters have told us that there was no living in canada for a negro but if it may please your gentlemanship to publish these facts that we are here able to earn our bread and money enough to make us comftable. but i say give me freedom, and the united states may have all her money and her luxtures, yeas give liberty or death. i'm in america, but not under such a government that i cannot express myself, speak, think or write so as i am able, and if my master had allowed me to have an education i would make them american slave-holders feel me, yeas i would make them tremble when i spoke, and when i take my pen in hand their knees smote together. my dear sir suppose i was an educated man. i could write you something worth reading, but you know we poor fugitives whom has just come over from the south are not able to write much on no subject whatever, but i hope by the aid of my god i will try to use my midnight lamp, untel i can have some influence upon the american slavery. if some one would say to me, that they would give my wife bread untel i could be educated i would stoop my trade this day and take up my books. but a crisis is approaching when assential requisite to the american slaveholders when blood death or liberty will be required at their hands. i think our people have depened too long and too much on false legislator let us now look for ourselves. it is true that england however the englishman is our best friend but we as men ought not to depened upon her remonstrace with the americans because she loves her commercial trade as any nations do. but i must say, while we look up and acknowledge the power greatness and honor of old england, and believe that while we sit beneath the silken folds of her flag of perfect liberty, we are secure, beyond the reach of the aggressions of the blood hounds and free from the despotism that would wrap around our limbs by the damable slaveholder. yet we would not like spoiled childeren depend upon her, but upon ourselves and as one means of strengthening ourselves, we should agitate the emigration to canada. i here send you a paragraph which i clipted from the weekly glob. i hope you will publish so that mr. williamson may know that men are not chattel here but reather they are men and if he wants his chattle let him come here after it or his thing. i wants you to let the whole united states know we are satisfied here because i have seen more pleasure since i came here then i saw in the u.s. the years that i served my master. come poor distress men women and come to canada where colored men are free. oh how sweet the word do sound to me yeas when i contemplate of these things, my very flesh creaps my heart thrub when i think of my beloved friends whom i left in that cursid hole. oh my god what can i do for them or shall i do for them. lord help them. suffer them to be no longer depressed beneath the bruat creation but may they be looked upon as men made of the bone and blood as the anglo-americans. may god in his mercy give liberty to all this world. i must close as it am late hour at night. i remain your friend in the cause of liberty and humanity, john h. hill, a fugitive. if you know any one who would give me an education write and let me know for i am in want of it very much. your with respect, j.h.h. if the sentiments in the above letter do not indicate an uncommon degree of natural intelligence, a clear perception of the wrongs of slavery, and a just appreciation of freedom, where shall we look for the signs of intellect and manhood? fourth letter. _longs for his wife--in hearing of the return of a fugitive from philadelphia is made sorrowful--his love of freedom increases, &c., &c._ toronto, november th, . my dear still:--your letter of the th came to hand thursday and also three copes all of which i was glad to received they have taken my attention all together every time i got them. i also rec'd. a letter from my friend brown. mr. brown stated to me that he had heard from my wife but he did not say what way he heard. i am looking for my wife every day. yes i want her to come then i will be better satisfied. my friend i am a free man and feeles alright about that matter. i am doing tolrable well in my line of business, and think i will do better after little. i hope you all will never stop any of our brotheran that makes their escep from the south but send them on to this place where they can be free man and woman. we want them here and not in your state where they can be taken away at any hour. nay but let him come here where he can enjoy the rights of a human being and not to be trodden under the feet of men like themselves. all the people that comes here does well. thanks be to god that i came to this place. i would like very well to see you all but never do i expect to see you in the united states. i want you all to come to this land of liberty where the bondman can be free. come one come all come to this place, and i hope my dear friend you will send on here. i shall do for them as you all done for me when i came on here however i will do the best i can for them if they can they shall do if they will do, but some comes here that can't do well because they make no efford. i hope my friend you will teach them such lessons as mrs. moore give me before i left your city. i hope she may live a hundred years longer and enjoy good health. may god bless her for the good cause which she are working in. mr. still you ask me to remember you to nelson. i will do so when i see him, he are on the lake so is stewart. i received a letter to-day for stewart from your city which letter i will take to him when he comes to the city. he are not stoping with us at this time. i was very sorry a few days ago when i heard that a man was taken from your city. send them over here, then let him come here and take them away and i will try to have a finger in the pie myself. you said that you had written to my wife ten thousand thanks for what you have done and what you are willing to do. my friend whenever you hear from my wife please write to me. whenever she come to your city please give instruction how to travel. i wants her to come the faster way. i wish she was here now. i wish she could get a ticket through to this place. i have mail a paper for you to day. we have had snow but not to last long. let me hear from you. my respect friend brown. i will write more when i have the opportunity. yours with respect, john h. hill. p.s. my dear sir. last night after i had written the above, and had gone to bed, i heard a strange voice in the house, saying to mr. myers to come quickly to one of our colod brotheran out of the street. we went and found a man a carpenter laying on the side walk woltun in his blood. done by some unknown person as yet but if they stay on the earth the law will deteck them. it is said that party of colord people done it, which party was seen to come out an infame house. mr. myers have been down to see him and brought the sad news that the poor fellow was dead. mr. scott for henry scott was the name, he was a fugitive from virginia he came here from pittsburg pa. oh, when i went where he laid what a shock, it taken my sleep altogether night. when i got to sopt his body was surrounded by the policeman. the law has taken the woman in cusidy. i write and also send you a paper of the case when it comes out. j.h. hill. fifth letter. _he rejoices over the arrival of his wife_--_but at the same time, his heart is bleeding over a dear friend whom he had promised to help before he left slavery_. toronto, december th, . my dear friend:--it affords me a good deel of pleasure to say that my wife and the children have arrived safe in this city. but my wife had very bad luck. she lost her money and the money that was belonging to the children, the whole amount was dollars. she had to go to the niagara falls and telegraph to me come after her. she got to the falls on sat'dy and i went after her on monday. we saw each other once again after so long an abstance, you may know what sort of metting it was, joyful times of corst. my wife are well satisfied here, and she was well pleased during her stay in your city. my trip to the falls cost ten eighty seven and half. the things that friend brown shiped to me by the express costed $ - / . so you can see fiting out a house niagara falls and the cost for bringing my things to this place, have got me out of money, but for all i am a free man. the weather are very cold at present, the snow continue to fall though not as deep here as it is in boston. the people haves their own amousements, the weather as it is now, they don't care for the snow nor ice, but they are going from ten a.m. until twelve p.m., the hous that we have open don't take well because we don't sell spirits, which we are trying to avoid if we can. mr. still, i hold in my hand a letter from a friend of south, who calls me to promise that i made to him before i left. my dear sir, this letter have made my heart bleed, since i received it, he also desires of me to remember him to his beloved brethren and then to pray for him and his dear friends who are in slavery. i shall present his letter to the churches of this city. i forward to your care for mrs. moore, a few weeks ago. mrs. hill sends her love to your wife and yourself. please to write, i sincerely hope that our friends from petersburg have reached your city before this letter is dated. i must close by saying, that i sir, remain humble and obedient servant, j.h.h. sixth letter. _he is now earnestly appealing in behalf of a friend in slavery, with a view to procuring aid and assistance from certain parties, by which this particular friend in bondage might be rescued_. toranto, march th, . my dear friend still:--we will once more truble you opon this great cause of freedom, as we know that you are a man, that are never fatuged in such a glorious cause. sir, what i wish to say is this. mr. forman has received a letter from his wife dated the th ult. she states to him that she was ready at any time, and that everything was right with her, and she hoped that he would lose no time in sending for her for she was ready and awaiting for him. well friend still, we learnt that mr. minkens could not bring her the account of her child. we are very sorry to hear such news, however, you will please to read this letter with care, as we have learnt that minkens cannot do what we wishes to be done; we perpose another way. there is a white man that sale from richmond to boston, that man are very safe, he will bring f's wife with her child. so you will do us a favour will take it upon yourself to transcribe from this letter what we shall write. i.e. this there is a colored gen. that workes on the basin in r---- this man's name is esue poster, he can tell mrs. forman all about this saleor. so you can place the letter in the hands of m. to take to forman's wife, she can read it for herself. she will find foster at ladlum's warehouse on the basin, and when you write call my name to him and he will trust it. this foster are a member of the old baptist church. when you have done all you can do let us know what you have done, if you hears anything of my uncle let me know. seventh letter. _he laments over his uncle's fate, who was suffering in a dungeon-like place of concealment daily waiting for the opportunity to escape_. toronto, march th, . my dear still:--yours of the th reached on the th, found myself and family very well, and not to delay no time in replying to you, as there was an article in your letter which article roused me very much when i read it; that was you praying to me to be cautious how i write down south. be so kind as to tell me in your next letter whether you have at any time apprehended any danger in my letters however, in those bond southward; if there have been, allow me to beg ten thousand pardon before god and man, for i am not design to throw any obstacle in the way of those whom i left in south, but to aide them in every possible way. i have done as you requested, that to warn the friends of the dager of writing south. i have told all you said in yours that mr. minkins would be in your city very soon, and you would see what you could do for me, do you mean or do speak in reference to my dear uncle. i am hopes that you will use every ifford to get him from the position in which he now stand. i know how he feels at this time, for i have felt the same when i was a runway. i was bereft of all participation with my family for nearly nine months, and now that poor fellow are place in same position. oh god help i pray, what a pitty it is that i cannot do him no good, but i sincerely hope that you will not get fatigued at doing good in such cases, nay, i think other wises of you, however, i say no more on this subject at present, but leave it for you to judge. on the th inst. you made some remarks concerning friend forman's wife, i am satisfied that you will do all you can for her release from slavery, but as you said you feels for them, so do i, and mr. foreman comes to me very often to know if i have heard anything from you concerning his wife, they all comes to for the same. god save the queen. all my letters southward have passed through your hands with an exception of one. john h. hill. eighth letter. _death has snatched away one of his children and he has cause to mourn. in his grief he recounts his struggles for freedom, and his having to leave his wife and children. he acknowledges that he had to "work very hard for comforts," but he declares that he would not "exchange with the comforts of ten thousand slaves_." toronto sept th my dear friend still:--this are the first oppertunity that i have had to write you since i reed your letter of the th july, there have been sickness and death in my family since your letter was reed, our dear little child have been taken from us one whom we loved so very dear, but the almighty god knows what are best for us all. louis henry hill, was born in petersburg va may th . and died toronto august th at five o'clock p.m. dear still i could say much about the times and insidince that have taken place since the coming of that dear little angle jest spoken of. it was months and days from the time that i took departure of my wife and child to proceed to richmond to awaite a conveyance up to the day of his death. it was thursday the th that i lift richmond, it was saturday the th that i land to my great joy in the city of phila. then i put out for canada. i arrived in this city on friday the th and to my great satisfaction. i found myself upon briton's free land, not only free for the white man bot for all. this day months i was not out of the reach the slaveholders, but this th day of sept. i am as free as your president pearce. only i have not been free so long however the th of the month i will have been free only months. it is true that i have to work very hard for comfort but i would not exchange with ten thousand slave that are equel with their masters. i am happy, happy. give love to mrs. still. my wife laments her child's death too much, wil you be so kind as to see mr. brown and ask him to write to me, and if he have heard from petersburg va. yours truely j.h. hill. ninth letter. _he is anxiously waiting for the arrival of friends from the south. hints that slaveholders would be very unsafe in canada, should they be foolish enough to visit that country for the purpose of enticing slaves back_. toronto, jan. th . my dear still:--your letter of the th came to hand just in time for my perpose i perceivs by your statement that the money have not been to petersburg at all done just what was right and i would of sent the money to you at first, but my dear friend i have called upon you for so many times that i have been ashamed of myself to call any more so you may perceive by the above written my obligations to you, you said that you had written on to petersburg, you have done right which i believes is your general way of doing your business, the money are all right i only had to pay a d on the ten dollars. this money was given to by a friend in the city n. york, the friend was from richmond virginia (a white man) the amount was fifteen dollars, i forward a letter to you yesterday which letter i forgot to date. my friend i wants to hear from virginia the worst of all things. you know that we expect some freneds on and we cannot hear any thing from them which makes us uneasy for fear that they have attempt to come away and been detected. i have ears open at all times, listen at all hours expecting to hear from them please to see friend brown and know from him if he has heard anything from our friends, if he have not. tell him write and inquiare into the matter why it is that they have not come over, then let me hear from you all. we are going to have a grand concert &c i mean the abolisnous socity. i will attend myself and also my wife if the lord be willing you will perceive in previous letter that i mension something concerning mr forman's wife if there be any chance whatever please to proceed, mr foreman sends his love to you requested you to do all you can to get his wife away from slavery. our best respects to your wife. you promisted me that you would write somthing concerning our arrival in canada but i suppose you have not had the time as yet, i would be very glad to read your opinion on that matter i have notice several articles in the freeman one of the canada weaklys concerning the christiana prisoners respecting castnor hanway and also mr. rauffman. if i had one hundred dollars to day i would give them five each, however i hope that i may be able to subscribe something for their relefe. in regards to the letters have been written from canada to the south the letters was not what they thought them to be and if the slave-holders know when they are doing well they had better keep their side for if they comes over this side of the lake i am under the impression they will not go back with somethin that their mother boned them with whether thiar slaves written for them or not. i know some one here that have written his master to come after him, but not because he expect to go with him home but because he wants to retaleate upon his persecutor, but i would be sorry for man that have written for his master expecting to return with him because the people here would kill them. sir i cannot write enough to express myself so i must close by saying i remain yours. john h. hill. tenth letter. _great joy over an arrival--twelve months praying for the deliverance of an uncle groaning in a hiding-place, while the slave-hunters are daily expected--strong appeals for aid, &c., &c._ toronto, january th, . my dear friend:--it is with much pleasure that i take this opportunity of addressing you with these few lines hoping when they reeches you they may find yourself and family enjoying good health as they leaves us at present. and it is with much happiness that i can say to you that mrs. mercer arrived in this city on yesterday. mr. mercer was at my house late in the evening, and i told him that when he went home if hear anything from virginia, that he must let me know as soon as possible. he told me that if he went home and found any news there he would come right back and inform me thereof. but little did he expect to find his dearest there. you may judge what a meeting there was with them, and may god grant that there may be some more meetings with our wives and friends. i had been looking for some one from the old sod for several days, but i was in good hopes that it would be my poor uncle. but poor fellow he are yet groaning under the sufferings of a horrid sytam, expecting every day to receive his doom. oh, god, what shall i do, or what can i do for him? i have prayed for him more than months, yet he is in that horrid condition. i can never hear anything directly from him or any of my people. once more i appeal to your humanity. will you act for him, as if you was in slavery yourself, and i sincerely believe that he will come out of that condition? mrs. m. have told me that she given some directions how he could be goten at, but friend still, if this conductor should not be successfull this time, will you mind him of the poor slave again. i hope you will as mrs. mercer have told the friend what to do i cannot do more, therefore i must leve it to the mercy of god and your exertion. the weather have been very mile ever since the rd of dec. i have thought considerable about our condition in this country seeing that the weather was so very faverable to us. i was thinking a few days ago, that nature had giving us a country & adopted all things sutable. you will do me the kindness of telling me in your next whether or not the ten slaves have been brought out from n.c. i have not hard from brown for nine month he have done some very bad letting me alone, for what cause i cannot tell. give my best respect to mr. b. when you see him. i wish very much to hear from himself and family. you will please to let me hear from you. my wife joines me in love to yourself and family. yours most respectfully, john h. hill. p.s. every fugitive regreated to hear of the death of mrs. moore. i myself think that there are no other to take her place. yours j.h.h. eleventh letter. [extract.] _rejoices at hearing of the success of the underground rail road--inquires particularly after the "fellow" who "cut off the patrol's head in maryland_." hamilton, august th, . dear friend:--i am very glad to hear that the underground rail road is doing such good business, but tell me in your next letter if you have seen the heroic fellow that cut off the head of the patrol in maryland. we wants that fellow here, as john bull has a great deal of fighting to do, and as there is a colored captain in this city, i would seek to have that fellow promoted, provided he became a soldier. great respect, john h. hill. p.s.--please forward the enclosed to mr. mccray. twelfth letter. [extract.] _believes in praying for the slave--but thinks "fire and sword" would be more effective with slave-holders_. hamilton, jan. th, . mr. still:--our pappers contains long details of insurrectionary movements among the slaves at the south and one paper adds that a great nomber of generals, captains with other officers had being arrested. at this day four years ago i left petersburg for richmond to meet the man whom called himself my master, but he wanted money worser that day than i do this day, he took me to sell me, he could not have done a better thing for me for i intended to leave any how by the first convaiance. i hard some good prayers put up for the suffers on last sunday evening in the baptist church. now friend still i beleve that prayers affects great good, but i beleve that the fire and sword would affect more good in this case. perhaps this is not your thoughts, but i must acknowledge this to be my polacy. the world are being turned upside down, and i think we might as well take an active part in it as not. we must have something to do as other people, and i hope this moment among the slaves are the beginning. i wants to see something go on while i live. yours truly, john h. hill. thirteenth letter. _sad tidings from richmond--of the arrest of a captain with slaves on board as underground rail road passengers_. hamilton, june th, . dear friend still:--i have just heard that our friend capt. b. have being taken prisoner in virginia with slaves on board of his vessel. i hard this about an hour ago. the person told me of this said he read it in the newspaper, if this be so it is awfull. you will be so kind as to send me some information. send me one of the virginia papers. poor fellow if they have got him, i am sorry, sorry to my heart. i have not heard from my uncle for a long time if have heard or do hear anything from him at any time you will oblige me by writing. i wish you to inquire of mr. anderson's friends (if you know any of them), if they have heard anything from him since he was in your city. i have written to him twice since he was here according to his own directions, but never received an answer. i wants to hear from my mother very much, but cannot hear one word. you will present my best regards to the friend. mrs. hill is quite sick. yours truly, j.h. hill. p.s.--i have not received the anti-slavery standard for several weeks. please forward any news relative to the capt. j.h.h. * * * * * the escape of hezekiah hill. (uncle of john henry hill.) impelled by the love of freedom hezekiah resolved that he would work no longer for nothing; that he would never be sold on the auction block: that he no longer would obey the bidding of a master, and that he would die rather than be a slave. this decision, however, had only been entertained by him a short time prior to his escape. for a number of years hezekiah had been laboring under the pleasing thought that he should succeed in obtaining freedom through purchase, having had an understanding with his owner with this object in view. at different times he had paid on account for himself nineteen hundred dollars, six hundred dollars more than he was to have paid according to the first agreement. although so shamefully defrauded in the first instance, he concluded to bear the disappointment as patiently as possible and get out of the lion's mouth as best he could. he continued to work on and save his money until he had actually come within one hundred dollars of paying two thousand. at this point instead of getting his free papers, as he firmly believed that he should, to his surprise one day he saw a notorious trader approaching the shop where he was at work. the errand of the trader was soon made known. hezekiah simply requested time to go back to the other end of the shop to get his coat, which he seized and ran. he was pursued but not captured. this occurrence took place in petersburg, va., about the first of december, . on the night of the same day of his escape from the trader, hezekiah walked to richmond and was there secreted under a floor by a friend. he was a tall man, of powerful muscular strength, about thirty years of age just in the prime of his manhood with enough pluck for two men. a heavy reward was offered for him, but the hunters failed to find him in this hiding-place under the floor. he strongly hoped to get away soon; on several occasions he made efforts, but only to be disappointed. at different times at least two captains had consented to afford him a private passage to philadelphia, but like the impotent man at the pool, some one always got ahead of him. two or three times he even managed to reach the boat upon the river, but had to return to his horrible place under the floor. some were under the impression that he was an exceedingly unlucky man, and for a time captains feared to bring him. but his courage sustained him unwaveringly. finally at the expiration of thirteen months, a private passage was procured for him on the steamship pennsylvania, and with a little slave boy, seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him) though placed in a very hard berth, he came safely to philadelphia, greatly to the astonishment of the vigilance committee, who had waited for him so long that they had despaired of his ever coming. the joy that filled hezekiah's bosom may be imagined but never described. none but one who had been in similar straits could enter into his feelings. he had left his wife louisa, and two little boys, henry and manuel. his passage cost one hundred dollars. hezekiah being a noted character, a number of the true friends were invited to take him by the hand and to rejoice with him over his noble struggles and his triumph; needing rest and recruiting, he was made welcome to stay, at the expense of the committee, as long as he might feel disposed so to do. he remained several days, and then went on to canada rejoicing. after arriving there he returned his acknowledgment for favors received, &c., in the following letter: toronto jan th . mr. still:--this is to inform you that myself and little boy, arrived safely in this city this day the th, at ten o'clock after a very long and pleasant trip. i had a great deal of attention paid to me while on the way. i owes a great deel of thanks to yourself and friends. i will just say hare that when i arrived at new york, i found mr. gibbs sick and could not be attended to there. however, i have arrived alright. you will please to give my respects to your friend that writes in the office with you, and to mr smith, also mr brown, and the friends, mrs still in particular. friend still you will please to send the enclosed to john hill petersburg i want him to send some things to me you will be so kind as to send your direction to them, so that the things to your care. if you do not see a convenient way to send it by hands, you will please direct your letter to phillip ubank petersburg. yours respectfully h hill. * * * * * james--(brother of john henry hill). for three years james suffered in a place of concealment, before he found the way opened to escape. when he resolved on having his freedom he was much under twenty-one years of age, a brave young man, for three years, with unfailing spirit, making resistance in the city of richmond to the slave power! such heroes in the days of slavery, did much to make the infernal system insecure, and to keep alive the spirit of freedom in liberty-loving hearts the world over, wherever such deeds of noble daring were made known. but of his heroism, but little can be reported here, from the fact, that such accounts as were in the possession of the committee, were never transferred from the loose slips of paper on which they were first written, to the regular record book. but an important letter from the friend with whom he was secreted, written a short while before he escaped (on a boat), gives some idea of his condition: richmond, va., february th, . dear brother still:--i received a message from brother julius anderson, asking me to send the bundle on but i has no way to send it, i have been waiting and truly hopeing that you would make some arrangement with some person, and send for the parcel. i have no way to send it, and i cannot communicate the subject to a stranger there is a way by the n.y. line, but they are all strangers to me, and of course i could not approach them with this subject for i would be indangered myself greatly. this business is left to you and to you alone to attend to in providing the way for me to send on the parcel, if you only make an arrangement with some person and let me know the said person and the article which they is to be sent on then i can send the parcel. unless you do make an arrangement with some person, and assure them that they will receive the funs for delivering the parcel this business cannot be accomplished. it is in your power to try to make some provision for the article to be sent but it is not in my power to do so, the bundle has been on my hands now going on years, and i have suffered a great deal of danger, and is still suffering the same. i have understood sir that there were no difficul about the mone that you had it in your possession ready for the bundle whenever it is delivered. but sir as i have said i can do nothing now. sir i ask you please through sympathy and feelings on my part & his try to provide a way for the bundle to be sent and relieve me of the danger in which i am in. you might succeed in making an arrangement with those on the new york steamers for they dose such things but please let me know the man that the arrangement is made with--please give me an answer by the bearer. yours truly friend c.a. at last, the long, dark night passed away, and this young slave safely made his way to freedom, and proceeded to boston, where he now resides. while the committee was looked to for aid in the deliverance of this poor fellow, it was painful to feel that it was not in their power to answer his prayers--not until after his escape, was it possible so to do. but his escape to freedom gave them a satisfaction which no words can well express. at present, john henry hill is a justice of the peace in petersburg. hezekiah resides at west point, and james in boston, rejoicing that all men are free in the united states, at last. * * * * * from virginia, maryland and delaware. archer barlow, alias emit robins. this passenger arrived from norfolk, va. in . for the last four years previous to escaping, he had been under the yoke of dr. george wilson. archer declared that he had been "very badly treated" by the doctor, which he urged as his reason for leaving. true, the doctor had been good enough to allow him to hire his time, for which he required archer to pay the moderate sum of $ per annum. as archer had been "sickly" most of the time, during the last year, he complained that there was "no reduction" in his hire on this account. upon reflection, therefore, archer thought, if he had justice done him, he would be in possession of this "one hundred and twenty" himself, and all his other rights, instead of having to toil for another without pay; so he looked seriously into the matter of master and slave, and pretty soon resolved, that if others chose to make no effort to get away, for himself he would never be contented, until he was free. when a slave reached this decision, he was in a very hopeful state. he was near the underground rail road, and was sure to find it, sooner or later. at this thoughtful period, archer was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and belonged to the two leading branches of southern humanity, _i.e._, he _was_ half white and half colored--a dark mulatto. his arrival in philadelphia, per one of the richmond steamers, was greeted with joy by the vigilance committee, who extended to him the usual aid and care, and forwarded him on to freedom. for a number of years, he has been a citizen of boston. * * * * * samuel bush, alias william oblebee. this "piece of property" fled in the fall of . as a specimen of this article of commerce, he evinced considerable intelligence. he was a man of dark color, although not totally free from the admixture of the "superior" southern blood in his veins; in stature, he was only ordinary. for leaving, he gave the following reasons: "i found that i was working for my master, for his advantage, and when i was sick, i had to pay just as much as if i were well--$ a month. but my master was cross, and said that he intended to sell me--to do better by me another year. times grew worse and worse, constantly. i thought, as i had heard, that if i could raise thirty dollars i could come away." he at once saw the value of money. to his mind it meant liberty from that moment. thenceforth he decided to treasure up every dollar he could get hold of until he could accumulate at least enough to get out of "old virginia." he was a married man, and thought he had a wife and one child, but on reflection, he found out that they did not actually belong to him, but to a carpenter, by the name of bailey. the man whom samuel was compelled to call master was named hoyle. the committee's interview with samuel was quite satisfactory, and they cheerfully accorded to him brotherly kindness and material aid at the same time. * * * * * john spencer and his son william, and james albert. these individuals escaped from the eastern shore of maryland, in the spring of , but were led to conclude that they could enjoy the freedom they had aimed to find, in new jersey. they procured employment in the neighborhood of haddonfield, some six or eight miles from camden, new jersey, and were succeeding, as they thought, very well. things went on favorably for about three months, when to their alarm "slave-hunters were discovered in the neighborhood," and sufficient evidence was obtained to make it quite plain that, john, william and james were the identical persons, for whom the hunters were in "hot pursuit." when brought to the committee, they were pretty thoroughly alarmed and felt very anxious to be safely off to canada. while the committee always rendered in such cases immediate protection and aid, they nevertheless, felt, in view of the imminent dangers existing under the fugitive slave law, that persons disposed to thus stop by the way, should be very plainly given to understand, that if they were captured they would have themselves the most to blame. but the dread of slavery was strong in the minds of these fugitives, and they very fully realized their folly in stopping in new jersey. the committee procured their tickets, helped them to disguise themselves as much as possible, and admonished them not to stop short of canada. * * * * * hetty scott alias margaret duncans and daughter priscilla. this mother and daughter had been the "chattels personal" of daniel coolby of harvard, md. their lot had been that of ordinary slaves in the country, on farms, &c. the motive which prompted them to escape was the fact that their master had "threatened to sell" them. he had a right to do so; but hetty was a little squeamish on this point and took great umbrage at her "kind master." in this "disobedient" state of mind, she determined, if hard struggling would enable her, to defeat the threats of mr. daniel coolby, that he should not much longer have the satisfaction of enjoying the fruit of the toil of herself and offspring. she at once began to prepare for her journey. she had three children of her own to bring, besides she was intimately acquainted with a young man and a young woman, both slaves, to whom she felt that it would be safe to confide her plans with a view of inviting them to accompany her. the young couple were ready converts to the eloquent speech delivered to them by hetty on freedom, and were quite willing to accept her as their leader in the emergency. up to the hour of setting out on their lonely and fatiguing journey, arrangements were being carefully completed, so that there should be no delay of any kind. at the appointed hour they were all moving northward in good order. arriving at quakertown, pa., they found friends of the slave, who welcomed them to their homes and sympathy, gladdening the hearts of all concerned. for prudential reasons it was deemed desirable to separate the party, to send some one way and some another. thus safely, through the kind offices and aid of the friends at quakertown, they were duly forwarded on to the committee in philadelphia. here similar acts of charity were extended to them, and they were directed on to canada. * * * * * robert fisher. this passenger avails himself of holiday week, between christmas and new year's, to make his northern trip. robert was about thirty years of age, dark color, quite tall, and in talking with him a little while, it was soon discovered that slavery had not crushed all the brains out of his head by a good deal. nor was he so much attached to his "kind-hearted master," john edward jackson, of anne arundel, md., or his old fiddle, that he was contented and happy while in bondage. far from it. the fact was, that he hated slavery so decidedly and had such a clear common sense-like view of the evils and misery of the system, that he declared he had as a matter of principle refrained from marrying, in order that he might have no reason to grieve over having added to the woes of slaves. nor did he wish to be encumbered, if the opportunity offered to escape. according to law he was entitled to his freedom at the age of twenty-five. but what right had a negro, which white slave-holders were "bound to respect?" many who had been willed free, were held just as firmly in slavery, as if no will had ever been made. robert had too much sense to suppose that he could gain anything by seeking legal redress. this method, therefore, was considered out of the question. but in the meantime he was growing very naturally in favor of the underground rail road. from his experience robert did not hesitate to say that his master was "mean," "a very hard man," who would work his servants early and late, without allowing them food and clothing sufficient to shield them from the cold and hunger. robert certainly had unmistakable marks about him, of having been used roughly. he thought very well of nathan harris, a fellow-servant belonging to the same owner, and he made up his mind, if nathan would join him, neither the length of the journey, the loneliness of night travel, the coldness of the weather, the fear of the slave-hunter, nor the scantiness of their means should deter him from making his way to freedom. nathan listened to the proposal, and was suddenly converted to freedom, and the two united during christmas week, , and set out on the underground rail road. it is needless to say that they had trying difficulties to encounter. these they expected, but all were overcome, and they reached the vigilance committee, in philadelphia safely, and were cordially welcomed. during the interview, a full interchange of thought resulted, the fugitives were well cared for, and in due time both were forwarded on, free of cost. * * * * * hansel waples. this traveler arrived from millsboro, indian river, delaware, where he was owned by wm. e. burton. while hansel did not really own himself, he had the reputation of having a wife and six children. in june, some six months prior to her husband's arrival, hansel's wife had been allowed by her mistress to go out on a begging expedition, to raise money to buy herself; but contrary to the expectation of her mistress she never returned. doubtless the mistress looked upon this course as a piece of the most highhanded stealing. hansel did not speak of his owner as being a hard man, but on the contrary he thought that he was about as "good" as the best that he was acquainted with. while this was true, however, hansel had quite good ground for believing that his master was about to sell him. dreading this fate he made up his mind to go in pursuit of his wife to a free state. exactly where to look or how to find her he could not tell. the committee advised him to "search in canada." and in order to enable him to get on quickly and safely, the committee aided him with money, &c., in . * * * * * rose anna tonnell alias maria hyde. she fled from isaac tonnell of georgetown, delaware, in christmas week, . a young woman with a little boy of seven years of age accompanied rose anna. further than the simple fact of their having thus safely arrived, except the expense incurred by the committee, no other particulars appear on the records. * * * * * mary ennis alias licia hemmin. mary arrived with her two children in the early spring of . the mother was a woman of about thirty-three years of age, quite tall, with a countenance and general appearance well fitted to awaken sympathy at first sight. her oldest child was a little girl seven years of age, named lydia; the other was named louisa caroline, three years of age, both promising in appearance. they were the so called property of john ennis, of georgetown, delaware. for their flight they chose the dead of winter. after leaving they made their way to west chester, and there found friends and security for several weeks, up to the time they reached philadelphia. probably the friends with whom they stopped thought the weather too inclement for a woman with children dependent on her support to travel. long before this mother escaped, thoughts of liberty filled her heart. she was ever watching for an opportunity, that would encourage her to hope for safety, when once the attempt should be made. until, however, she was convinced that her two children were to be sold, she could not quite muster courage to set out on the journey. this threat to sell proved in multitudes of instances, "the last straw on the camel's back." when nothing else would start them this would. mary and her children were the only slaves owned by this ennis, consequently her duties were that of "jack of all trades;" sometimes in the field and sometimes in the barn, as well as in the kitchen, by which, it is needless to say, that her life was rendered servile to the last degree. to bind up the broken heart of such a poor slave mother, and to aid such tender plants as were these little girls, from such a wretched state of barbarism as existed in poor little delaware, was doubly gratifying to the committee. * * * * * "sam," "isaac," "perry," "charles," and "green." one thousand dollars reward.--ran away on saturday night, the th september, , from the subscriber, living in the ninth district of carroll county, maryland, two negro men, sam and isaac. sam calls himself samuel sims; he is very black; shows his teeth very much when he laughs; no perceptible marks; he is feet inches high, and about thirty years of age, but has the appearance of being much older. [illustration: ] isaac calls himself isaac dotson he is about nineteen years of age, stout made, but rather chunky; broad across his shoulders, he is about five feet five or six inches high, always appears to be in a good humor; laughs a good deal, and runs on with a good deal of foolishness; he is of very light color, almost yellow, might be called a yellow boy; has no perceptible marks. they have such a variety of clothing that it is almost useless to say anything about them. no doubt they will change their names. i will give the above reward for them, of one thousand dollars, or five hundred dollars for either of them, if taken and lodged in any jail in maryland, so that i get them again. also two of mr. dade's, living in the neighborhood, went the same time; no doubt they are all in company together. thomas b. owings. s - twit*|| these passengers reached the philadelphia station, about the th of september, , five days after they escaped from carroll county. they were in fine spirits, and had borne the fatigue and privation of travel bravely. a free and interesting interview took place, between these passengers and the committee, eliciting much information, especially with regard to the workings of the system on the farms, from which they had the good luck to flee. each of the party was thoroughly questioned, about how time had passed with them at home, or rather in the prison house, what kind of men their masters were, how they fed and clothed, if they whipped, bought or sold, whether they were members of church, or not, and many more questions needless to enumerate bearing on the domestic relation which had existed between themselves and their masters. these queries they answered in their own way, with intelligence. upon the whole, their lot in slavery had been rather more favorable than the average run of slaves. no record was made of any very severe treatment. in fact, the notices made of them were very brief, and, but for the elaborate way in which they were described in the "baltimore sun," by their owners, their narratives would hardly be considered of sufficient interest to record. the heavy rewards, beautiful descriptions, and elegant illustrations in the "sun," were very attractive reading. the vigilance committee took the "sun," for nothing else under the sun but for this special literature, and for this purpose they always considered the "sun" a cheap and reliable paper. a slave man or woman, running for life, he with a bundle on his back or she with a babe in her arms, was always a very interesting sight, and should always be held in remembrance. likewise the descriptions given by slave-holders, as a general rule, showed considerable artistic powers and a most thorough knowledge of the physical outlines of this peculiar property. indeed, the art must have been studied attentively for practical purposes. when the advertisements were received in advance of arrivals, which was always the case, the descriptions generally were found so lifelike, that the committee preferred to take them in preference to putting themselves to the labor of writing out new ones, for future reference. this we think, ought not to be complained of by any who were so unfortunate as to lose wayward servants, as it is but fair to give credit to all concerned. true, sometimes some of these beautiful advertisements were open to gentle criticism. the one at the head of this report, is clearly of this character. for instance, in describing isaac, mr. thomas b. owings, represents him as being of a "very light color," "almost yellow," "might be called a yellow boy." in the next breath he has no perceptible marks. now, if he is "very light," that is a well-known southern mark, admitted everywhere. a hint to the wise is sufficient. however, judging from what was seen of isaac in philadelphia, there was more cunning than "foolishness" about him. slaves sometimes, when wanting to get away, would make their owners believe that they were very happy and contented. and, in using this kind of foolishness, would keep up appearances until an opportunity offered for an escape. so isaac might have possessed this sagacity, which appeared like nonsense to his master. that slave-holders, above all others, were in the habit of taking special pains to encourage foolishness, loud laughing, banjo playing, low dancing, etc., in the place of education, virtue, self-respect and manly carriage, slave-holders themselves are witnesses. as mr. robert dade was also a loser, equally with mr. thomas b. owings, and as his advertisement was of the same liberality and high tone, it seems but fitting that it should come in just here, to give weight and completeness to the story. both owings and dade showed a considerable degree of southern chivalry in the liberality of their rewards. doubtless, the large sums thus offered awakened a lively feeling in the breasts of old slave-hunters. but it is to be supposed that the artful fugitives safely reached philadelphia before the hunters got even the first scent on their track. up to the present hour, with the owners all may be profound mystery; if so, it is to be hoped, that they may feel some interest in the solution of these wonders. the articles so accurately described must now be permitted to testify in their own words, as taken from the records. green modock acknowledges that he was owned by william dorsey, perry by robert dade, sam and isaac by thomas owings, all farmers, and all "tough" and "pretty mean men." sam and isaac had other names with them, but not such a variety of clothing as their master might have supposed. sam said he left because his master threatened to sell him to georgia, and he believed that he meant so to do, as he had sold all his brothers and sisters to georgia some time before he escaped. but this was not all. sam declared his master had threatened to shoot him a short while before he left. this was the last straw on the camel's back. sam's heart was in canada ever after that. in traveling he resolved that nothing should stop him. charles offered the same excuse as did sam. he had been threatened with the auction-block. he left his mother free, but four sisters he left in chains. as these men spoke of their tough owners and bad treatment in slavery, they expressed their indignation at the idea that owings, dade and dorsey had dared to rob them of their god-given rights. they were only ignorant farm hands. as they drank in the free air, the thought of their wrongs aroused all their manhood. they were all young men, hale and stout, with strong resolutions to make canada their future home. the committee encouraged them in this, and aided them for humanity's sake.--mr. robert dade's advertisement speaks for itself as follows: ran away--on saturday night, th inst., from the subscriber, living near mount airy p.o., carroll county, two negro men, perry and charles. perry is quite dark, full face; is about feet or inches high; has a scar on one of his hands, and one on his legs, caused by a cut from a scythe; years old. charles is of a copper color, about feet or inches high; round shouldered, with small whiskers; has one crooked finger that he cannot straighten, and a scar on his right leg, caused by the cut of a scythe; years old. i will give two hundred and fifty dollars each, if taken in the state and returned to me, or secured in some jail so that i can get them again, or a $ , for the two, or $ each, if taken out of the state, and secured in some jail in this state so that i can get them again. robert dade. [illustration: ] s - f. from richmond and norfolk, va. william b. white, susan brooks and william henry atkins.--stowed away in the steamship city of richmond. but for their hope of liberty, their uncomfortable position could hardly have been endured by these fugitives. william had been compelled to dig and delve, to earn bread and butter, clothing and luxuries, houses and land, education and ease for h.b. dickinson, of richmond. william smarted frequently; but what could he do? complaint from a slave was a crime of the deepest dye. so william dug away mutely, but continued to think, nevertheless. he was a man of about thirty-six years of age, of dark chestnut color, medium size, and of pleasant manners to say the least. his owner was a tobacco manufacturer, who held some thirty slaves in his own right, besides hiring a great many others. william was regularly employed by day in his master's tobacco factory. he was likewise employed, as one of the carriers of the richmond dispatch; the time allotted to fill the duties of this office, was however, before sunrise in the morning. it is but just to state, in favor of his master, that william was himself the receiver of a part of the pay for this night work. it was by this means william procured clothing and certain other necessaries. from william's report of his master, he was by no means among the worst of slave-holders in richmond; he did not himself flog, but the overseer was allowed to conduct this business, when it was considered necessary. for a long time william had cherished a strong desire to be free, and had gone so far on several occasions as to make unsuccessful attempts to accomplish this end. at last he was only apprised of his opportunity to carry his wishes into practice a few moments before the hour for the starting of the underground rail road train. being on the watch, he hailed the privilege, and left without looking back. true he left his wife and two children, who were free, and a son also who was owned by warner toliver, of gloucester county, va. we leave the reader to decide for himself, whether william did right or wrong, and who was responsible for the sorrow of both husband and wife caused by the husband's course. the committee received him as a true and honest friend of freedom, and as such aided him. * * * * * susan brooks. susan was also a passenger on the same ship that brought wm. b. white. she was from norfolk. her toil, body and strength were claimed by thomas eckels, esq., a man of wealth and likewise a man of intemperance. with those who regarded slavery as a "divine institution," intemperance was scarcely a mote, in the eyes of such. for sixteen years, susan had been in the habit of hiring her time, for which she was required to pay five dollars per month. as she had the reputation of being a good cook and chambermaid, she was employed steadily, sometimes on boats. this sum may therefore be considered reasonable. owing to the death of her husband, about a year previous to her escape, she had suffered greatly, so much so, that on two or three occasions, she had fallen into alarming fits,--a fact by no means agreeable to her owner, as he feared that the traders on learning her failing health would underrate her on this account. but susan was rather thankful for these signs of weakness, as she was thereby enabled to mature her plans and thus to elude detection. her son having gone on ahead to canada about six months in advance of her, she felt that she had strong ties in the goodly land. every day she remained in bondage, the cords bound her more tightly, and "weeks seemed like months, and months like years," so abhorrent had the peculiar institution become to her in every particular. in this state of mind, she saw no other way, than by submitting to be secreted, until an opportunity should offer, via the underground rail road. so for four months, like a true and earnest woman, she endured a great "fight of affliction," in this horrible place. but the thought of freedom enabled her to keep her courage up, until the glad news was conveyed to her that all things were ready, providing that she could get safely to the boat, on which she was to be secreted. how she succeeded in so doing the record book fails to explain. one of the methods, which used to succeed very well, in skillful and brave hands, was this: in order to avoid suspicion, the woman intending to be secreted, approached the boat with a clean ironed shirt on her arm, bare headed and in her usual working dress, looking good-natured of course, and as if she were simply conveying the shirt to one of the men on the boat. the attention of the officer on the watch would not for a moment be attracted by a custom so common as this. thus safely on the boat, the man whose business it was to put this piece of property in the most safe underground rail road place, if he saw that every thing looked favorable, would quickly arrange matters without being missed from his duties. in numerous instances, officers were outwitted in this way. as to what susan had seen in the way of hardships, whether in relation to herself or others, her story was most interesting; but it may here be passed in order to make room for others. she left one sister, named mary ann tharagood, who was wanting to come away very much. susan was a woman of dark color, round built, medium height, and about forty years of age when she escaped in . * * * * * william henry atkins. william henry was also a fellow-passenger on the same boat with william b. white and susan cooke. these might be set down, as first-class underground rail road travelers. henry was a very likely-looking article. he was quite smart, about six feet high, a dark mulatto, and was owned by a baptist minister. for some cause not stated on the books, not long before leaving, henry had received a notice from his owner, (the baptist minister) that he might hunt himself a new master as soon as possible. this was a business that henry had no relish for. the owner he already had, he concluded bad enough in all conscience, and it did not occur to him that hunting another would mend the matter much. so in thinking over the situation, he was "taken sick." he felt the need of a little time to reflect upon matters of very weighty moment involving his freedom. so when he was called upon one day to go to his regular toil, the answer was, "i am sick, i am not able to budge hardly." the excuse took and henry attended faithfully to his "sick business," for the time being, while on the other hand, the baptist minister waited patiently all the while for william to get well enough for hunting a new master. what had to be done, needed to be done quickly, before his master's patience was exhausted. william soon had matters arranged for traveling north. he had a wife, eliza, for whom he felt the greatest affection; but as he viewed matters at that time, he concluded that he could really do more for her in canada than he could in norfolk. he saw no chance, either under the baptist minister, or under a new master. his wife was owned by susan langely. when the hour arrived to start, as brave men usually do, henry, having counted all the cost, was in his place on the boat with his face towards canada. how he looked at matters on john bull's side of the house, letters from henry will abundantly reveal as follows: st. catharines, august , . my dear sir:--it is with plesure that i now take my pen to inform you that i am well at present and i hope that these few lines may find you injoying good health, and will you plese to be so kind as to send a leter down home for me if you plese to my wife, the reason that i beg the favor of you i have written to you several times and never recieve no answer, she don't no whar i am at i would like her to no, if it is posible elizeran actkins, and when you write will you plese to send me all the news, give my respect to all the fambley and allso to mr lundey and his fambley and tell him plese to send me those books if you plese the first chance you can git. mrs. wood sends her love to mr. still answer this as soon as on hand, the boys all send their love to all, the reason why i sends for a answer write away i expect to live this and go up west nex mounth not to stay to git some land, i have no more at present, i remain your friend. w.h. actkins. st. catharines, c.w., october th, . mr. william still:--_dear friend_:--i take the liberty to address to you a few lines in behalf of my wife, who is still at norfolk, va. i have heard by my friend richmond bohm, who arrived lately, that she was in the hands of my friend henry lovey (the same who had me in hand at the time i started). i understood that she was about to make her start this month, and that she was only waiting for me to send her some means. i would like for you to communicate the substance of this letter to my wife, through my friend henry lovey, and for her to come on as soon as she can. i would like to have my wife write to me a few lines by the first opportunity. she could write to you in philadelphia, north fifth street. i wish to send my love to you & your family & would like for you to answer this letter with the least possible delay in the care of hiram wilson. very respectfully yours, w.h. atkins. p.s. i would like for my friend henry lovey to send my wife right on to philadelphia; not to stop for want of means, for i will forward means on to my friend wm still. my love to my father & mother, my friend lovey & to all my inquiring friends. if you cannot find it convenient to write, please forward this by the boat. h.w.a. * * * * * four arrivals. charlotte and harriet escape in deep mourning--master in the same car hunting for them, sees them, but does not know them--white lady and child with a colored coachman, traveling--at chambersbueg at a hotel, the proprietor detects them as u.g.r.r. passengers--three "likely" young men from baltimore--"four large and two small hams"--police offices imparting information at the anti-slavery office--u.g.r.r. passengers traveling with their masters' horses and carriages--"break down"--conflict with white men--six passengers riding two horses, &c. about the st of may, , an exceedingly anxious state of feeling existed with the active committee in philadelphia. in the course of twenty-four hours four arrivals had come to hand from different localities. the circumstances connected with the escape of each party, being so unusual, there was scarcely ground for any other conclusion than that disaster was imminent, if not impossible to be averted. it was a day long to be remembered. aside from the danger, however, a more encouraging hour had never presented itself in the history of the road. the courage, which had so often been shown in the face of great danger, satisfied the committee that there were heroes and heroines among these passengers, fully entitled to the applause of the liberty-loving citizens of brotherly love. the very idea of having to walk for days and nights in succession, over strange roads, through by-ways, and valleys, over mountains, and marshes, was fitted to appal the bravest hearts, especially where women and children were concerned. being familiar with such cases, the committee was delighted beyond measure to observe how wisely and successfully each of these parties had managed to overcome these difficulties. [illustration: ] party no. consisted of charlotte giles and harriet eglin, owned by capt. wm. applegarth and john delahay. neither of these girls had any great complaint to make on the score of ill-treatment endured. so they contrived each to get a suit of mourning, with heavy black veils, and thus dressed, apparently absorbed with grief, with a friend to pass them to the baltimore depot (hard place to pass, except aided by an individual well known to the r.r. company), they took a direct course for philadelphia. while seated in the car, before leaving baltimore (where slaves and masters both belonged), who should enter but the master of one of the girls! in a very excited manner, he hurriedly approached charlotte and harriet, who were apparently weeping. peeping under their veils, "what is your name," exclaimed the excited gentleman. "mary, sir," sobbed charlotte. "what is your name?" (to the other mourner) "lizzie, sir," was the faint reply. on rushed the excited gentleman as if moved by steam--through the cars, looking for his property; not finding it, he passed out of the cars, and to the delight of charlotte and harriet soon disappeared. fair business men would be likely to look at this conduct on the part of the two girls in the light of a "sharp practice." in military parlance it might be regarded as excellent strategy. be this as it may, the underground rail road passengers arrived safely at the philadelphia station and were gladly received. a brief stay in the city was thought prudent lest the hunters might be on the pursuit. they were, therefore, retained in safe quarters. in the meantime, arrival no. reached the committee. it consisted of a colored man, a white woman and a child, ten years old. this case created no little surprise. not that quite a number of passengers, fair enough to pass for white, with just a slight tinge of colored blood in their veins, even sons and daughters of some of the f.f.v., had not on various occasions come over the u.g.r.r. but this party was peculiar. an explanation was sought, which resulted in ascertaining that the party was from leesburg, virginia; that david, the colored man, was about twenty-seven years of age, intelligent, and was owned, or claimed by joshua pusey. david had no taste for slavery, indeed, felt that it would be impossible for him to adapt himself to a life of servitude for the special benefit of others; he had, already, as he thought, been dealt with very wrongfully by pusey, who had deprived him of many years of the best part of his life, and would continue thus to wrong him, if he did not make a resolute effort to get away. so after thinking of various plans, he determined not to run off as a slave with his "budget on his back," but to "travel as a coachman," under the "protection of a white lady." in planning this pleasant scheme, david was not blind to the fact that neither himself nor the "white lady," with whom he proposed to travel, possessed either horse or carriage. but his master happened to have a vehicle that would answer for the occasion. david reasoned that as joshua, his so called master, had deprived him of his just dues for so many years, he had a right to borrow, or take without borrowing, one of joshua's horses for the expedition. the plan was submitted to the lady, and was approved, and a mutual understanding here entered into, that she should hire a carriage, and take also her little girl with them. the lady was to assume the proprietorship of the horse, carriage and coachman. in so doing all dangers would be, in their judgment, averted. the scheme being all ready for execution, the time for departure was fixed, the carriage hired, david having secured his master joshua's horse, and off they started in the direction of pennsylvania. white people being so accustomed to riding, and colored people to driving, the party looked all right. no one suspected them, that they were aware of, while passing through virginia. [illustration: ] on reaching chambersburg, pa., in the evening, they drove to a hotel, the lady alighted, holding by the hand her well dressed and nice-looking little daughter, bearing herself with as independent an air as if she had owned twenty such boys as accompanied her as coachman. she did not hesitate to enter and request accommodations for the night, for herself, daughter, coachman, and horse. being politely told that they could be accommodated, all that was necessary was, that the lady should show off to the best advantage possible. the same duty also rested with weight upon the mind of david. the night passed safely and the morning was ushered in with bright hopes which were overcast but only for a moment, however. breakfast having been ordered and partaken of, to the lady's surprise, just as she was in the act of paying the bill, the proprietor of the hotel intimated that he thought that matters "looked a little suspicious," in other words, he said plainly, that he "believed that it was an underground rail road movement;" but being an obliging hotel-keeper, he assured her at the same time, that he "would not betray them." just here it was with them as it would have been on any other rail road when things threaten to come to a stand; they could do nothing more than make their way out of the peril as best they could. one thing they decided to do immediately, namely, to "leave the horse and carriage," and try other modes of travel. they concluded to take the regular passenger cars. in this way they reached philadelphia. in harrisburg, they had sought and received instructions how to find the committee in philadelphia. what relations had previously existed between david and this lady in virginia, the committee knew not. it looked more like the time spoken of in isaiah, where it is said, "and a little child shall lead them," than any thing that had ever been previously witnessed on the underground rail road. the underground rail road never practised the proscription governing other roads, on account of race, color, or previous condition. all were welcome to its immunities, white or colored, when the object to be gained favored freedom, or weakened slavery. as the sole aim apparent in this case was freedom for the slave the committee received these travellers as underground rail road passengers. arrival no. . charles h. ringold, robert smith, and john henry richards, all from baltimore. their ages ranged from twenty to twenty-four years. they were in appearance of the class most inviting to men who were in the business of buying and selling slaves. charles and john were owned by james hodges, and robert by wm. h. normis, living in baltimore. this is all that the records contain of them. the exciting and hurrying times when they were in charge of the committee probably forbade the writing out of a more detailed account of them, as was often the case. with the above three arrivals on hand, it may be seen how great was the danger to which all concerned were exposed on account of the bold and open manner in which these parties had escaped from the land of the peculiar institution. notwithstanding, a feeling of very great gratification existed in view of the success attending the new and adventurous modes of traveling. indulging in reflections of this sort, the writer on going from his dinner that day to the anti-slavery office, to his surprise found an officer awaiting his coming. said officer was of the mayor's police force. before many moments had been allowed to pass, in which to conjecture his errand, the officer, evidently burdened with the importance of his mission, began to state his business substantially as follows: "i have just received a telegraphic despatch from a slave-holder living in maryland, informing me that six slaves had escaped from him, and that he had reason to believe that they were on their way to philadelphia, and would come in the regular train direct from harrisburg; furthermore i am requested to be at the depot on the arrival of the train to arrest the whole party, for whom a reward of $ is offered. now i am not the man for this business. i would have nothing to do with the contemptible work of arresting fugitives. i'd rather help them off. what i am telling you is confidential. my object in coming to the office is simply to notify the vigilance committee so that they may be on the look-out for them at the depot this evening and get them out of danger as soon as possible. this is the way i feel about them; but i shall telegraph back that i will be on the look-out." while the officer was giving this information he was listened to most attentively, and every word he uttered was carefully weighed. an air of truthfulness, however, was apparent; nevertheless he was a stranger and there was cause for great cautiousness. during the interview an unopened telegraphic despatch which had come to hand during the writer's absence, lay on the desk. impressed with the belief that it might shed light on the officer's story, the first opportunity that offered, it was seized, opened, and it read as follows: (copied from the original.) harrisburg, may st, . wm. still, n. th st.:--i have sent via at two o'clock four large and two small hams. jos. c. bustill. here there was no room for further doubt, but much need for vigilance. although the despatch was not read to the officer, not that his story was doubted, but purely for prudential reasons, he was nevertheless given to understand, that it was about the same party, and that they would be duly looked after. it would hardly have been understood by the officer, had he been permitted to read it so guardedly was it worded, it was indeed dead language to all save the initiated. in one particular especially, relative to the depot where they were expected to arrive, the officer was in the dark, as his despatch pointed to the regular train, and of course to the depot at eleventh and market streets. the underground rail road despatch on the contrary pointed to broad and callowhill streets "via," _i.e._ reading. as notified, that evening the "four large and two small hams" arrived, and turned out to be of the very finest quality, just such as any trader would have paid the highest market price for. being mindful of the great danger of the hour, there was felt to be more occasion just then for anxiety and watchfulness, than for cheering and hurrahing over the brave passengers. to provide for them in the usual manner, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, could not be thought of. in this critical hour it devolved upon a member of the committee, for the safety of all parties, to find new and separate places of accommodation, especially for the six known to be pursued. to be stored in other than private families would not answer. three or four such were visited at once; after learning of the danger much sympathy was expressed, but one after another made excuses and refused. this was painful, for the parties had plenty of house room, were identified with the oppressed race, and on public meeting occasions made loud professions of devotion to the cause of the fugitive, &c. the memory of the hour and circumstances is still fresh. accommodations were finally procured for a number of the fugitives with a widow woman, (ann laws) whose opportunities for succor were far less than at the places where refusals had been met with. but mrs. l. was kind-hearted, and nobly manifested a willingness to do all that she could for their safety. of course the committee felt bound to bear whatever expense might necessarily be incurred. here some of the passengers were kept for several days, strictly private, long enough to give the slave-hunters full opportunity to tire themselves, and give up the chase in despair. some belonging to the former arrivals had also to be similarly kept for the same reasons. through careful management all were succored and cared for. whilst much interesting information was obtained from these several arrivals: the incidents connected with their lives in slavery, and when escaping were but briefly written out. of this fourth arrival, however, the following intelligence will doubtless be highly gratifying to the friends of freedom, wherever the labors of the underground rail road may be appreciated. the people round about hagerstown, maryland, may like to know how these "articles" got off so successfully, the circumstances of their escape having doubtless created some excitement in that region of the country. arrival no. . charles bird, george dorsey, angeline brown, albert brown, charles brown and jane scott. charles was twenty-four years of age, quite dark, of quick motion, and ready speech, and in every way appearing as though he could take care of himself. he had occupied the condition of a farm laborer. this calling he concluded to forsake, not because he disliked farming, but simply to get rid of david clargart, who professed to own him, and compelled him to work without pay, "for nothing." while charles spoke favorably of clargart as a man, to the extent, at all events, of testifying that he was not what was called a hard man, nevertheless charles was so decidedly opposed to slavery that he felt compelled to look out for himself. serving another man on the no pay principle, at the same time liable to be flogged, and sold at the pleasure of another, charles felt was worse than heathenish viewed in any light whatsoever. he was prepared therefore, to leave without delay. he had four sisters in the hands of clargart, but what could he do for them but leave them to providence. the next on the list was george dorsey, a comrade of charles. he was a young man, of medium size, mixed blood, intelligent, and a brave fellow as will appear presently. this party in order to get over the road as expeditiously as possible, availed themselves of their master's horses and wagon and moved off civilly and respectably. about nine miles from home on the road, a couple of white men, finding their carriage broken down approached them, unceremoniously seized the horses by the reins and were evidently about to assume authority, supposing that the boys would surrender at once. but instead of so doing, the boys struck away at them with all their might, with their large clubs, not even waiting to hear what these superior individuals wanted. the effect of the clubs brought them prostrate in the road, in an attitude resembling two men dreaming, (it was in the night.) the victorious passengers, seeing that the smashed up carriage could be of no further use to them, quickly conceived the idea of unhitching and attempting further pursuit on horseback. each horse was required to carry three passengers. so up they mounted and off they galloped with the horses' heads turned directly towards pennsylvania. no further difficulty presented itself until after they had traveled some forty miles. here the poor horses broke down, and had to be abandoned. the fugitives were hopeful, but of the difficulties ahead they wot not; surely no flowery beds of ease awaited them. for one whole week they were obliged to fare as they could, out in the woods, over the mountains, &c. how they overcame the trials in this situation we cannot undertake to describe. suffice it to say, at the end of the time above mentioned they managed to reach harrisburg and found assistance as already intimated. [illustration: ] george and angeline, (who was his sister) with her two boys had a considerable amount of white blood in their veins, and belonged to a wealthy man by the name of george schaeffer, who was in the milling business. they were of one mind in representing him as a hard man. "he would often threaten to sell, and was very hard to please." george and angeline left their mother and ten brothers and sisters. jane was a well-grown girl, smart, and not bad-looking, with a fine brown skin, and was also owned by schaeffer. letters from the enterprising charlotte and harriet (arrival no. ), brought the gratifying intelligence, that they had found good homes in western new york, and valued their freedom highly. three out of quite a number of letters received from them from time to time are subjoined. sennett, june, . mr. william still:--_dear sir_:--i am happy to tell you that charlotte gildes and myself have got along thus far safely. we have had no trouble and found friends all the way along, for which we feel very thankful to you and to all our friends on the road since we left. we reached mr. loguen's in syracuse, on last tuesday evening & on wednesday two gentlemen from this community called and we went with them to work in their families. what i wish you would do is to be so kind as to send our clothes to this place if they should fall into your hands. we hope our uncle in baltimore will get the letter charlotte wrote to him last sabbath, while we were at your house, concerning the clothes. perhaps the best would be to send them to syracuse to the _care of mr. loguen_ and he will send them to us. this will more certainly ensure our getting them. if you hear anything that would be interesting to charlotte or me from baltimore, please direct a letter to us to this place, to the care of revd. chas. anderson, sennett, cayuga co., n.y. please give my love and charlotte's to mrs. still and thank her for her kindness to us while at your house. your affectionate friend, harriet eglin. second letter. sennett, july st, . mr. wm. still:--_my dear friend_:--i have just received your note of th inst. and allow me dear sir, to assure you that the only letter i have written, is the one you received, an answer to which you sent me. i never wrote to baltimore, nor did any person write for me there, and it is with _indescribable grief_, that i hear what your letter communicates to me, of those who you say have gotten into difficulty on my account. my cousin charlotte who came with me, got into a good place in this vicinity, but she could not content herself to stay here but just _one week_--she then went to canada--and she is the one who by writing (if any one), has brought this trouble upon those to whom you refer in baltimore. she has written me two letters from canada, and by neither of them can i ascertain _where she lives_--her letters are mailed at suspension bridge, but she does not live there as her letters show. in the first she does not even sign her name. she has evidently employed some person to write, who is nearly as ignorant as herself. if i knew where to find her i would find out _what_ she has written. i don't know but she has told where i live, and may yet get me and my friends here, in trouble too, as she has some in other places. i don't wish to have you trouble yourself about my clothes, i am in a place where i can get all the clothes i want or need. will you please write me when convenient and tell me what you hear about those who i fear are suffering as the result of their kindness to me? may god, in some way, grant them deliverance. oh the misery, the sorrow, which this cursed system of slavery is constantly bringing upon millions in this land of boasted freedom! can you tell me where sarah king is, who was at your house when i was there? she was going to canada to meet her husband. give my love to mrs. still & accept the same yourself. your much indebted & obliged friend, harriet eglin. the "difficulty" about which harriet expressed so much regret in the above letter, had reference to a letter supposed to have been written by her friend charlotte to baltimore, about her clothing. it had been intercepted, and in this way, a clue was obtained by one of the owners as to how they escaped, who aided them, etc. on the strength of the information thus obtained, a well-known colored man, named adams, was straightway arrested and put in prison at the instance of one of the owners, and also a suit was at the same time instituted against the rail road company for damages--by which steps quite a huge excitement was created in baltimore. as to the colored man adams, the prospect looked simply hopeless. many hearts were sad in view of the doom which they feared would fall upon him for obeying a humane impulse (he had put the girls on the cars). but with the rail road company it was a different matter; they had money, power, friends, etc., and could defy the courts. in the course of a few months, when the suit against adams and the rail road company came up, the rail road company proved in court, in defense, that the prosecutor entered the cars in search of his runaway, and went and spoke to the two young women in "mourning" the day they escaped, looking expressly for the identical parties, for which he was seeking damages before the court, and that he declared to the conductor, on leaving the cars, that the said "two girls in mourning, were not the ones he was looking after," or in other words, that "neither" belonged to him. this positive testimony satisfied the jury, and the rail road company and poor james adams escaped by the verdict not guilty. the owner of the lost property had the costs to pay of course, but whether he was made a wiser or better man by the operation was never ascertained. third letter. sennett, october th, . dear mr. still:--i am happy to tell you that i am well and happy. i still live with rev. mr. anderson in this place, i am learning to read and write. i do not like to trouble you too much, but i would like to know if you have heard anything more about my friends in baltimore who got into trouble on our account. do be pleased to write me if you can give me any information about them. i feel bad that they should suffer for me. i wish all my brethren and sisters in bondage, were as well off as i am. the girl that came with me is in canada, near the suspension bridge. i was glad to see green murdock, a colored young man, who stopped at your house about six weeks ago, he knew my folks at the south. he has got into a good place to work in this neighborhood. give my love to mrs still, and believe me your obliged friend, harriet eglin. p.s. i would like to know what became of johnson,[a] the man whose foot was smashed by jumping off the cars, he was at your house when i was there. [footnote a: johnson was an unfortunate young fugitive, who, while escaping, beheld his master or pursuer in the cars, and jumped therefrom, crushing his feet shockingly by the bold act.] h.e. from virginia, maryland, delaware, north carolina, washington, d.c., and south carolina. james burrell, daniel wiggins, wm. robinson, edward peaden, and wife, alex boggs, samuel stater, harrison bell and daughter, harriet ann,daniel davis, _alias_ david smith, james stewart, _alias_ william jackson, harriet haley, _alias_ ann richardson, benj. duncans, _alias_ george scott, moses wines, sarah smith, _alias_ mildreth page, lucy garrett, _alias_ julia wood, ellen forman, _alias_ elizabeth young, wm. wooden, _alias_ wm. nelson, james edward handy, _alias_ dennis cannon, james henry delany _alias_ smart stanley, james henry blackson, george freeland, miles white, louisa clayton, lewis snowden, _alias_ lewis williams, wm. johnson, john hall _alias_ john simpson. in order to keep this volume within due limits, in the cases to be noticed in this chapter, it will be impossible to state more than a few of the interesting particulars that make up these narratives. while some of these passengers might not have been made in the prison house to drink of the bitter cup as often as others, and in their flight might not have been called upon to pass through as severe perils as fell to the lot of others, nevertheless justice seems to require, that, as far as possible, all the passengers passing over the philadelphia underground rail road shall be noticed. james burrell. james was certainly justifiable in making his escape, if for no other reason than on the score of being nearly related to the chivalry of the south. he was a mulatto (the son of a white man evidently), about thirty-two years of age, medium size, and of an agreeable appearance. he was owned by a maiden lady, who lived at williamsburg, but not requiring his services in her own family, she hired him out by the year to a mr. john walker, a manufacturer of tobacco, for which she received $ annually. this arrangement was not satisfactory to james. he could not see why he should be compelled to wear the yoke like an ox. the more he thought over his condition, the more unhappy was his lot, until at last he concluded, that he could not stand slavery any longer. he had witnessed a great deal of the hardships of the system of slavery, and he had quite enough intelligence to portray the horrors thereof in very vivid colors. it was the auction-block horror that first prompted him to seek freedom. while thinking how he would manage to get away safely, his wife and children were ever present in his mind. he felt as a husband should towards his "wife betsy," and likewise loved his "children, walter and mary;" but these belonged to another man, who lived some distance in the country, where he had permission to see them only once a week. this had its pleasure, it also had its painful influence. the weekly partings were a never-failing source of unhappiness. so when james' mind was fully made up to escape from slavery, he decided that it would not be best to break the secret to his poor wife and children, but to get off to canada, and afterwards to try and see what he could do for their deliverance. the hour fixed to leave virginia arrived, and he started and succeeded in reaching philadelphia, and the committee. on arriving he needed medicine, clothing, food, and a carriage for his accommodation, all which were furnished freely by the committee, and he was duly forwarded to canada. from canada, with his name changed, he wrote as follows: toronto, march th, . sir, mr. still--it does me pleasure to forward you this letter hopeing when this comes to hand it may find your family well, as they leaves me at present. i will also say that the friends are well. allow me to say to you that i arrived in this place on friday last safe and sound, and feeles well under my safe arrival. its true that i have not been employed as yet but i lives hopes to be at work very shortly. i likes this city very well, and i am in hopes that there a living here for me as much so as there for any one else. you will be please to write. i am bording at mr. phillip's centre street. i have nothing more at present. yours most respectfull. w. boural. daniel wiggins, _alias_ daniel robinson. daniel fled from norfolk, va., where he had been owned by the late richard scott. only a few days before daniel escaped, his so-called owner was summoned to his last account. while ill, just before the close of his career, he often promised d. his freedom and also promised, if restored, that he would make amends for the past, by changing his ways of living. his son, who was very reckless, he would frequently allude to and declared, "that he," the son, "should not have his 'property.'" these dying sentiments filled daniel with great hopes that the day of his enslavement was nearly at an end. unfortunately, however, death visited the old master, ere he had made provision for his slaves. at all events, no will was found. that he might not fall a prey to the reckless son, he felt, that he must nerve himself for a desperate struggle to obtain his freedom in some other way, by traveling on the underground rail road. while he had always been debarred from book learning, he was, nevertheless, a man of some intelligence, and by trade was a practical corker. he was called upon in this trying hour to leave his wife with three children, but they were, fortunately, free. coming to the committee in want, they cheerfully aided him, and forwarded him on to canada. thence, immediately on his arrival, he returned the following grateful letter: new bedford, mass., march d, . dear sir:--i am happy to inform you that i arrived in this place this morning well and cheerful. i am, sir, to you and others under more obligations for your kindly protection of me than i can in any way express at present. may the lord preserve you unto eternal life. remember my respects to mr. lundy and family. should the boat lay up please let me know. yours respectfully, david robinson. please forward to dr. h. lundy, after you have gotten through. with respects, &c. d.r. wm. robinson, _alias_ thos. harred. william gave satisfactory evidence, at first sight, that he was opposed to the unrequited labor system _in toto_, and even hated still more the flogging practices of the chivalry. although he had reached his twenty-eighth year, and was a truly fair specimen of his race, considering his opportunities, a few days before william left, the overseer on the plantation attempted to flog him, but did not succeed. william's manhood was aroused, and he flogged the overseer soundly, if what he averred was true. the name of william's owner was john g. beale, esq., of fauquier county, va. beale was considered to be a man of wealth, and had invested in slave stock to the number of seventy head. according to william's account of beale, he was a "hard man and thought no more of his black people than he did of dogs." when william entered upon the undertaking of freeing himself from beale's barbarism, he had but one dollar and twenty-five cents in his possession; but he had physical strength and a determined mind, and being heartily sick of slavery, he was willing to make the trial, even at the cost of life. thus hopeful, he prosecuted his journey with success through strange regions of country, with but little aid or encouragement before reaching philadelphia. this feat, however, was not performed without getting lost by the way. on arriving, his shoes were gone, and his feet were severely travel-worn. the committee rendered needed aid, etc., and sent william on to canada to work for himself, and to be recognized as a subject of great britain. edward peaden and wife harriet, and sister celia. this man and his wife and wife's sister were a nice-looking trio, but they brought quite a sad story with them: the sale of their children, six in number. the auction block had made such sad havoc among them, that no room was left to hope, that their situation would ever be improved by remaining. indeed they had been under a very gloomy cloud for some time previous to leaving, fearing that the auction block was shortly to be their doom. to escape this fate, they were constrained to "secrete themselves for one month," until an opportunity offered them to secure a passage on a boat coming to philadelphia. edward (the husband), was about forty-four years of age, of a dark color, well made, full face, pleasant countenance, and talked fluently. dr. price claimed him as his personal property, and exacted all his hire and labor. for twelve years he had been hired out for $ per annum. harriet, the wife of edward, belonged to david baines, of norfolk. her general appearance indicated, that nature had favored her physically and mentally, although being subjected to the drudgery of slave life, with no advantages for development, she was simply a living testimony to the crushing influence of slavery--with a heart never free from the saddened recollection of the auction block, on which all of her children had been sacrificed, "one by one." celia, the sister, also belonged to d. baines, and was kept hired out--was last in the service of the mayor of norfolk. of her story nothing of any moment was recorded. on their arrival in philadelphia, as usual they were handed over to the committee, and their wants were met. william davis. all that the records contain of william is as follows: he left emmitsburg, md., the previous friday night, where he had been held by dr. james shoul. william is thirty-two years of age, dark color, rather below medium stature. with regard to his slave life, he declared that he had been "roughly used." besides, for some time before escaping, he felt that his owner was in the "notion of trading" him off. the fear that this apprehended notion would be carried into execution, was what prompted him to leave his master. alexander boggs, alias johnson henson. this subject was under the ownership of a certain john ernie, who lived about three miles from baltimore. mr. ernie had only been in possession of the wayward alexander three weeks, having purchased him of a trader named dennit, for $ . this was not the first time, however, that he had experienced the trouble of changing masters, in consequence of having been sold. previously to his being disposed of by the trader dennit, he had been owned by senator merrick, who had the misfortune to fail in business, in consequence whereof, his slaves had all to be sold and alexander with the rest, away from his wife, caroline, and two children, james and eliezer. this was a case that appealed for sympathy and aid, which were cheerfully rendered by the committee. alexander was about fifty years of age, of dark color. on the records no account of cruel treatment is found, other than being sold, &c. john brown, alias jacob williams, arrived from fredericktown, md., where he had been working under the yoke of joseph postly. john was a young man of twenty-nine years of age. up to the hour of his escape, his lot had been that of an ordinary slave. indeed, he had much less to complain of with reference to usage than most slaves; the only thing in this respect the records contain, is simply a charge, that his master threatened to sell him. but this did not seem to have been the motive which prompted john to take leave of his master. although untutored, he had mind enough to comprehend that postly had no right to oppress him, and wrong him out of his hire. john concluded that he would not stand such treatment any longer, and made up his mind to leave for canada. after due examination the committee, finding his story reasonable, gave him the usual assistance, advice and instruction, and sent him on canada-ward. samuel slater, alias patterson smith, came from a place called power bridge, md. he gave a satisfactory account of himself, and was commended for having wisely left his master, william martin, to earn his bread by the sweat of his own brow. martin had held up the vision of the auction-block before sam; this was enough. sam saw that it was time for him to be getting out of danger's way without delay, so he presumed, if others could manage to escape, he could too. and he succeeded. he was a stout man, about twenty-nine years of age, of dark complexion. no particular mention of ill treatment is found on the records. after arriving in canada, his heart turned with deep interest and affection to those left in the prison-house, as the following letter indicates. st. cathrines oct th. my dear friend:--yours of the th came to hand and i was glad to hea from you and your dear family were well and the reason that i did not write sooner i expected get a letter from my brother in pennsylvania but i have not received any as yet when i wrote last i directed my letter to philip scott minister of the asbury church baltimore and that was the reason that i thought it strange i did not get an answer but i did not put my brother name to it i made arrangements before i left home with a family of smiths that i was to write to and the letter that i enclose in this i want you to direct it to d philip scott in his care for mrs cassey jackson duke jacksons wife and she will give to priana smith or sarah jane smith those are the persons i wish to write to i wish you to write on as quick as you can and let them know that there is a lady coming on by the name of mrs holonsworth and she will call and see you and you will find her a very interesting and inteligent person one worthy of respect and esteem and a high reputation i must now bring my letter to a close no more at present but remain your humble servant patterson smith in my letters i did not write to my friends how they shall write to me but in the letter that you write you will please to tell them how they shall write to me. harrison bell and daughter harriet ann. father and daughter were fortunate enough to escape together from norfolk, va. harrison was just in the prime of life, forty years of age, stout made, good features, but in height was rather below medium, was a man of more than ordinary shrewdness, by trade he was a chandler. he alleged that he had been used hard. harriet ann was a well-grown girl of pleasant appearance, fourteen years of age. father and daughter had each different owners, one belonged to james snyder, the other to john g. hodgson. harrison had been informed that his children were to be sold; to prevent this shocking fate, he was prompted to escape. several months previous to finding a chance to make a safe flight, he secreted himself with his children in norfolk, and so remained up to the day he left, a passage having been secured for them on one of the boats coming to philadelphia. while the records contain no definite account of other children, it is evident that there were others, but what became of them is not known. if at the time of their arrival, it had been imagined that the glorious day of universal freedom was only about eight years off, doubtless much fuller records would have been made of these struggling underground rail road passengers. if harrison's relatives and friends, who suddenly missed him and his daughter harriet ann, in the spring of , are still ignorant of his whereabouts, this very brief account of their arrival in philadelphia, may be of some satisfaction to all concerned, not excepting his old master, whom he had served so faithfully. the committee finding them in need, had the pleasure of furnishing them with food, material aid and a carriage, with cheering words and letters of introduction to friends on the road to canada. daniel davis, alias david smith, adam nicholson, alias john wynkoop, reuben bowles, alias cunnigan, arrived from hedgeville, va. daniel was only about twenty, just at a capital age to make a bold strike for freedom. the appearance and air of this young aspirant for liberty indicated that he was not of the material to be held in chains. he was a man of medium size, well-built, dark color, and intelligent. hon. charles j. fortner, m.c. was the reputed owner of this young fugitive, but the honorable gentleman having no use for his services, or because he may have profited more by hiring him out, daniel was placed in the employ of a farmer, by the name of adam quigley. it was at this time he resolved that he would not be a slave any longer. he declared that quigley was a "very mean man," one for whom he had no respect whatever. indeed he felt that the system of slavery was an abomination in any form it might be viewed. while he was yet so young, he had pretty clear views with regard to slavery, and remembered with feelings of deep indignation, how his father had been sold when he himself was a boy, just as a horse might have been sold; and how his mother was dragging her chains in slavery, up to the hour he fled. thus in company with his two companions he was prepared for any sacrifice. adam's tale is soon told; all that is on the old record in addition to his full name, is in the following words: "adam is dark, rugged and sensible, and was owned by alexander hill, a drunkard, gambler, &c." reuben had been hired out to john sabbard near hedgeville. startled at hearing that he was to be sold, he was led to consider the propriety of seeking flight via the underground rail road. these three young men were all fine specimens of farm hands, and possessed more than average common sense, considering the oppression they had to labor under. they walked the entire distance from hedgeville, va., to greenville, pa. there they took the cars and walked no more. they appeared travel-worn, garments dirty, and forlorn; but the committee had them cleanly washed, hair cut and shaved, change of clothing furnished, &c., which at once made them look like very different men. means were appropriated to send them on free of cost. james stewart, _alias_ wm. jackson. james had been made acquainted with the peculiar institution in fauquier county, va. being of sound judgment and firm resolution, he became an enemy to slavery at a very early age; so much so, that by the time he was twenty-one he was willing to put into practice his views of the system by leaving it and going where all men are free. very different indeed were these notions, from those held by his owner, wm. rose, who believed in slavery for the black man. so as james could neither enjoy his freedom nor express his opinion in virginia, he determined, that he had better get a passage on the underground rail road, and leave the land of slavery and the obnoxious sentiments of his master. he, of course, saw formidable difficulties to be encountered all the way along in escaping, but these, he considered, would be more easy for him to overcome than it would be for him to learn the lesson--"servants, obey your masters." the very idea made james sick. this, therefore, was the secret of his escape. harriet haley, _alias_ ann richardson, and elizabeth haley, _alias_ sarah richardson. these travelers succeeded in escaping from geo. c. davis, of harford county, md. in order to carry out their plans, they took advantage of whitsuntide, a holiday, and with marked ingenuity and perseverance, they managed to escape and reach quakertown underground rail road station without obstruction, where protection and assistance were rendered by the friends of the cause. after abiding there for a short time, they were forwarded to the committee in philadelphia. their ages ranged from nineteen to twenty-one, and they were apparently "servants" of a very superior order. the pleasure it afforded to aid such young women in escaping from a condition so loathsome as that of slavery in maryland, was unalloyed. benjamin duncans, _alias_ george scott. this individual was in bonds under thomas jeffries, who was a firm believer in the doctrine: "servants, obey your masters," and, furthermore, while laboring "pretty hard" to make benjamin a convert to this idea, he had made benjamin's lot anything else than smooth. this treatment on the part of the master made a wise and resolute man of the slave. for as he looked earnestly into the fact, that he was only regarded by his owner in the light of an ox, or an ass, his manhood rebelled straightway, and the true light of freedom told him, that he must be willing to labor, and endure suffering for the great prize, liberty. so, in company with five others, at an appointed time, he set out for freedom, and succeeded. the others, alluded to, passed on to canada direct. benjamin was induced to stop a few months in pennsylvania, during which time he occupied himself in farming. he looked as if he was well able to do a full day's work at this occupation. he was about twenty-five years of age, of unmixed blood, and wore a pleasant countenance. moses wines. portsmouth, va., lost one of her most substantial laborers in the person of moses, and madam abigail wheeler, a very "likely article" of merchandise. "no complaint" as to "ill treatment" was made by moses against "miss abigail." the truth was, he admitted, that he had been used in a "mild way." with some degree of pride, he stated that he "had never been flogged." but, for the "last fifteen years, he had been favored with the exalted privilege of 'hiring' his time at the 'reasonable' sum of $ per month." as he stood pledged to have this amount always ready, "whether sick or well," at the end of the month, his mistress "never neglected to be in readiness to receive it" to the last cent. in this way moses was taught to be exceedingly punctual. who would not commend such a mistress for the punctuality, if nothing more? but as smoothly as matters seemed to be going along, the mischievous idea crept into moses' head, that he ought to have some of the money claimed by his "kind" mistress, and at the same time, the thought would often forcibly press upon his mind that he might any day be sold. in addition to this unpleasant prospect, virginia had just about that time passed a law "prohibiting slaves from hiring their time"--also, a number of "new police rules with reference to slaves and free colored people," all of which, the "humane slave-holders" of that "liberal state," regarded as highly essential both for the "protection and safety of master and slave." but the stupid-headed moses was not pleased with these arrangements. in common with many of the slaves, he smarted severely under his heavy oppression, and felt that it was similar to an old rule, which had been once tried under pharaoh--namely, when the children of israel were required to "make bricks without straw." but moses was not a fit subject to submit to be ruled so inhumanly. despite the beautiful sermons he had often listened to in favor of slavery, and the many wise laws, above alluded to, he could not reconcile himself to his condition. the laws and preaching were alike as "sounding brass, and tinkling cymbals" to him. he made up his mind, therefore, that he must try a free country; that his manhood required him to make the effort at once, even at the risk of life. father and husband, as he was, and loving his wife, grace, and son, alphonso, tenderly as he did, he nevertheless felt himself to be in chains, and that he could do but little for them by remaining. he conceived that, if he could succeed in gaining his freedom, he might possibly aid them away also. with this hope in him, he contrived to secure a private passage on the steamship city of richmond, and in this way reached philadelphia, but not without suffering fearfully the entire journey through, owing to the narrowness of the space into which he was obliged to be stowed in order to get away. moses was a man of medium size, quite dark, and gave promise of being capable of taking care of himself in freedom. he had seen much of the cruelties of slavery inflicted upon others in various forms, which he related in a way to make one shudder; but these incidents were not recorded in the book at the time. sarah smith, alias mildreth page, and her daughter, nine years of age. sarah and her child were held to service by the rev. a.d. pollock, a resident of wilmington, del. until about nine months before she escaped from the reverend gentleman, she was owned by mrs. elizabeth lee of fauquier co., va., who had moved with sarah to wilmington. how mr. pollock came by sarah is not stated on the records; perhaps by marriage; be that as it may, it was owing to ill treatment from her mistress that sarah "took out" with her child. sarah was a woman of becoming manners, of a dark brown complexion, and looked as though she might do a fair share of housework, if treated well. as it required no great effort to escape from wilmington, where the watchful garrett lived, she reached the committee in philadelphia without much difficulty, received assistance and was sent on her way rejoicing. lucy garrett, alias julia wood. john williams, who was said to be a "very cruel man," residing on the western shore of va., claimed lucy as his chattel personal. julia, having a lively sense of his meanness stood much in fear of being sold; having seen her father, three sisters, and two brothers, disposed of at auction, she was daily on the look-out for her turn to come next. the good spirit of freedom made the way plain to her by which an escape could be effected. being about nineteen years of age, she felt that she had served in slavery long enough. she resolved to start immediately, and did so, and succeeded in reaching pennsylvania. her appearance recommended her so well, that she was prevailed upon to remain and accept a situation in the family of joseph a. dugdale, so well known in reformatory circles, as an ardent friend of humanity. while in his family she gave great satisfaction, and was much esteemed for uprightness and industry. but this place was not canada, so, when it was deemed best, she was sent on. ellen forman, alias elizabeth young. ellen had formerly been owned by dr. thomas, of the eastern shore of maryland, but about one year before escaping, she was bought by a lady living in baltimore known by the name of mrs. johnson. ellen was about thirty years of age, of slender stature, and of a dark brown complexion. the record makes no mention of cruel treatment or very hard usage, as a slave. from traveling, probably, she had contracted a very heavy cold, which threatened her with consumption. the committee cheerfully rendered her assistance. william wooden, alias william nelson. while delaware was not far from freedom, and while slavery was considered to exist there comparatively in a mild form, nevertheless, what with the impenetrable ignorance in which it was the wont of pro-slavery whites to keep the slaves, and the unwillingness on the part of slave-holders generally to conform to the spirit of progress going on in the adjacent state of pennsylvania, it was wonderful how the slaves saw through the thick darkness thus prevailing, and how wide-awake they were to escape. it was from this state, that william wooden fled. true, william was said to belong to judge wooden, of georgetown, del., but, according to the story of his "chattel," the judge was not of the class who judged righteously. he had not only treated william badly, but he had threatened to sell him. this was the bitter pill which constrained william to "take out." the threat seemed hard at first, but its effect was excellent for this young man; it was the cause of his obtaining his freedom at the age of twenty-three. william was a tall, well-built man, of dark complexion and promising. no further particulars concerning him are on the records. james edward handy, _alias_ daniel canon. at seaford, delaware, james was held in bonds under a slave-holder called samuel lewis, who followed farming. lewis was not satisfied with working james hard and keeping all his earnings, but would insolently talk occasionally of handing him "over to the trader." this "stirred james' blood" and aroused his courage to the "sticking point." nothing could induce him to remain. he had the name of having a wife and four children, but according to the laws of delaware, he only had a nominal right in them. they were "legally the property of capt. martin." therefore they were all left in the hands of capt. martin. the wife's name was harriet delaney, _alias_ smart stanley. james henry delaney came as a fellow-traveler with james edward. he had experienced oppression under capt. martin, and as a witness, was prepared to testify, that martin "ill-treated his slaves, especially with regard to the diet, which was very poor." nevertheless james was a stout, heavy-built young man of twenty-six years of age, and looked as if he might have a great deal of valuable work in him. he was a single man. james henry blackson. james henry had only reached twenty-five, when he came to the "conclusion, that he had served long enough under bondage for the benefit of charles wright." this was about all of the excuse he seemed to have for escaping. he was a fine specimen of a man, so far as physical strength and muscular power were concerned. very little was recorded of him. george freeland. it was only by the most indomitable resolution and perseverance, that freeland threw off the yoke. capt. john pollard of petersburg, va., held george to service. as a slave-holder, pollard belonged to that class, who did not believe in granting favors to slaves. on the contrary, he was practically in favor of wringing every drop of blood from their bodies. george was a spare-built man, about twenty-five years of age, quite dark, but had considerable intelligence. he could read and write very well, but how he acquired these arts is not known. in testifying against his master, george used very strong language. he declared that pollard "thought no more of his servants than if they had been dogs. he was very mean. he gave nothing to his servants. he has given me only one pair of shoes the last ten years." after careful inquiry, george learned that he could get a private passage on the city of richmond, if he could raise the passage money. this he could do cheerfully. he raised "sixty dollars" for the individual who was to "secrete him on the boat." in leaving the land of slave auctions, whips and chains, he was obliged to leave his mother and father and two brothers in petersburg. pollard had been offered $ , for george. doubtless he found, when he discovered george had gone, that he had "overstood the market." this was what produced action prompt and decisive on the part of george. so the old adage, in this case, was verified--"it's an ill wind that blows nobody any good." on arriving in canada, george did not forget to express gratitude to those who aided him on his road there, as the following note will show: sincathans, canada west. brother still:--i im brace this opportunity of pening you a few lines to in form you that i am well at present & in hopes to find you & family well also i hope that god will bless you & and your family & if i never should meet you in this world i hope to meet you in glory remember my love to brother brown & tell him that i am well & hearty tell him to writ thomas word that i am well at present you must excuse me i will rite when i return from the west. george w. freeland send your letters in the name of john anderson. miles white. this passenger owed service to albert kern, of elizabeth city, n.c. at least kern, through the oppressive laws of that state, claimed miles as his personal property. miles, however, thought differently, but he was not at liberty to argue the case with kern; for on the "side of the oppressor there was strength." so he resolved, that he would adopt the underground rail road plan. as he was only about twenty-one years of age, he found it much easier to close his affairs with north carolina, than it would have been had he been encumbered with a family. in fact, the only serious difficulty he had to surmount was to find a captain with whom he could secure a safe passage north. to his gratification it was not long before his efforts in this direction were crowned with success. a vessel was being loaded with shingles, the captain of which was kind enough to allow miles to occupy a very secure hiding-place thereon. in course of time, having suffered to the extent usual when so closely conveyed, he arrived in philadelphia, and being aided, was duly forwarded by the committee. john hall, _alias_ john simpson. john fled from south carolina. in this hot-bed of slavery he labored and suffered up to the age of thirty-two. for a length of time before he escaped, his burdens were intolerable; but he could see no way to rid himself of them, except by flight. nor was he by any means certain that an effort in this direction would prove successful. in planning the route which he should take to travel north he decided, that if success was for him, his best chance would be to wend his way through north carolina and virginia. not that he hoped to find friends or helpers in these states. he had heard enough of the cruelties of slavery in these regions to convince him, that if he should be caught, there would be no sympathy or mercy shown. nevertheless the irons were piercing him so severely, that he felt constrained to try his luck, let the consequences be what they might, and so he set out for freedom or death. mountains of difficulties, and months of suffering and privations by land and water, in the woods, and swamps of north carolina and virginia, were before him, as his experience in traveling proved. but the hope of final victory and his daily sufferings before he started, kept him from faltering, even when starvation and death seemed to be staring him in the face. for several months he was living in dens and caves of the earth. ultimately, however, the morning of his ardent hopes dawned. how he succeeded in finding a captain who was kind enough to afford him a secret hiding-place on his boat, was not noted on the records. indeed the incidents of his story were but briefly written out. similar cases of thrilling interest seemed almost incredible, and the committee were constrained to doubt the story altogether until other testimony could be obtained to verify the statement. in this instance, before the committee were fully satisfied, they felt it necessary to make inquiry of trustworthy charlestonians to ascertain if john were really from charleston, and if he were actually owned by the man that he represented as having owned him, dr. philip mazyck, by name; and furthermore, to learn if the master was really of the brutal character given him. the testimony of thoroughly reliable persons, who were acquainted with master and slave, so far as this man's bondage in charleston was concerned, fully corroborated his statement, and the committee could not but credit his story; indeed they were convinced, that he had been one of the greatest of sufferers and the chief of heroes. nevertheless his story was not written out, and can only be hinted at. perhaps more time was consumed in its investigation and in listening to a recital of his sufferings than could well be spared; perhaps it was thought, as was often the case, unless full justice could be given him, the story would be spoiled; or perhaps the appalling nature of his sufferings rendered the pen powerless, and made the heart too sick for the task. whether it was so or not in this case, it was not unfrequently so in other instances, as is well remembered. it will be necessary, in the subsequent pages of this work, to omit the narratives of a great many who, unfortunately, were but briefly noted on the books at the time of their arrival. in the eyes of some, this may prove disappointing, especially in instances where these pages are turned to with the hope of gaining a clue to certain lost ones. as all, however, cannot be mentioned, and as the general reader will look for incidents and facts which will most fittingly bring out the chief characteristics in the career and escape of bondmen, the reasonableness of this course must be obvious to all. * * * * * charles gilbert. fleeing from davis a negro trader, secreted under a hotel, up a tree, under a floor, in a thicket, on a steamer. in charles was owned in the city of richmond by benjamin davis, a notorious negro trader. charles was quite a "likely-looking article," not too black or too white, but rather of a nice "ginger-bread color." davis was of opinion that this "article" must bring him a tip-top price. for two or three months the trader advertised charles for sale in the papers, but for some reason or other charles did not command the high price demanded. while davis was thus daily trying to sell charles, charles was contemplating how he might escape. being uncommonly shrewd he learned something about a captain of a schooner from boston, and determined to approach him with regard to securing a passage. the captain manifested a disposition to accommodate him for the sum of ten dollars, provided charles could manage to get to old point comfort, there to embark. the point was about one hundred and sixty miles distant from richmond. a man of ordinary nerve would have declined this condition unhesitatingly. on the other hand it was not charles' intention to let any offer slide; indeed he felt that he must make an effort, if he failed. he could not see how his lot could be made more miserable by attempting to flee. in full view of all the consequences he ventured to take the hazardous step, and to his great satisfaction he reached old point comfort safely. in that locality he was well known, unfortunately too well known, for he had been raised partly there, and, at the same time, many of his relatives and acquaintances were still living there. these facts were evidently well known to the trader, who unquestionably had snares set in order to entrap charles should he seek shelter among his relatives, a reasonable supposition. charles had scarcely reached his old home before he was apprised of the fact that the hunters and watch dogs of slavery were eagerly watching for him. even his nearest relatives, through fear of consequences had to hide their faces as it were from him. none dare offer him a night's lodging, scarcely a cup of water, lest such an act might be discovered by the hunters, whose fiendish hearts would have found pleasure in meting out the most dire punishments to those guilty of thus violating the laws of slavery. the prospect, if not utterly hopeless, was decidedly discouraging. the way to boston was entirely closed. a "reward of $ " was advertised for his capture. for the first week after arriving at old point he entrusted himself to a young friend by the name of e.s. the fear of the pursuers drove him from his hiding-place at the expiration of the week. thence he sought shelter neither with kinfolks, christians, nor infidels, but in this hour of his calamity he made up his mind that he would try living under a large hotel for a while. having watched his opportunity, he managed to reach higee hotel, a very large house without a cellar, erected on pillars three or four feet above the ground. one place alone, near the cistern, presented some chance for a hiding-place, sufficient to satisfy him quite well under the circumstances. this dark and gloomy spot he at once willingly occupied rather than return to slavery. in this refuge he remained four weeks. of course he could not live without food; but to communicate with man or woman would inevitably subject him to danger. charles' experience in the neighborhood of his old home left no ground for him to hope that he would be likely to find friendly aid anywhere under the shadow of slavery. in consequence of these fears he received his food from the "slop tub," securing this diet in the darkness of night after all was still and quiet around the hotel. to use his own language, the meals thus obtained were often "sweet" to his taste. one evening, however, he was not a little alarmed by the approach of an irish boy who came under the hotel to hunt chickens. while prowling around in the darkness he appeared to be making his way unconsciously to the very spot where charles was reposing. how to meet the danger was to charles' mind at first very puzzling, there was no time now to plan. as quick as thought he feigned the bark of a savage dog accompanied with a furious growl and snarl which he was confident would frighten the boy half out of his senses, and cause him to depart quickly from his private apartment. the trick succeeded admirably, and the emergency was satisfactorily met, so far as the boy was concerned, but the boy's father hearing the attack of the dog, swore that he would kill him. charles was a silent listener to the threat, and he saw that he could no longer remain in safety in his present quarter. so that night he took his departure for bay shore; here he decided to pass a day in the woods, but the privacy of this place was not altogether satisfactory to charles' mind; but where to find a more secure retreat he could not,--dared not venture to ascertain that day. it occurred to him, however, that he would be much safer up a tree than hid in the bushes and undergrowth. he therefore climbed up a large acorn tree and there passed an entire day in deep meditation. no gleam of hope appeared, yet he would not suffer himself to think of returning to bondage. in this dilemma he remembered a poor washer-woman named isabella, a slave who had charge of a wash-house. with her he resolved to seek succor. leaving the woods he proceeded to the wash-house and was kindly received by isabella, but what to do with him or how to afford him any protection she could see no way whatever. the schooling which charles had been receiving a number of weeks in connection with the most fearful looking-for of the threatened wrath of the trader made it much easier for him than for her to see how he could be provided for. a room and comforts he was not accustomed to. of course he could not expect such comforts now. like many another escaping from the relentless tyrant, charles could contrive methods which to his venturesome mind would afford hope, however desperate they might appear to others. he thought that he might be safe under the floor. to isabella the idea was new, but her sympathies were strongly with charles, and she readily consented to accommodate him under the floor of the wash-house. isabella and a friend of charles, by the name of john thomas, were the only persons who were cognizant of this arrangement. the kindness of these friends, manifested by their willingness to do anything in their power to add to the comfort of charles, was proof to him that his efforts and sufferings had not been altogether in vain. he remained under the floor two weeks, accessible to kind voices and friendly ministrations. at the end of this time his repose was again sorely disturbed by reports from without that suspicion had been awakened towards the wash-house. how this happened neither charles nor his friends could conjecture. but the arrival of six officers whom he could hear talking very plainly in the house, whose errand was actually to search for him, convinced him that he had never for a single moment been in greater danger. the officers not only searched the house, but they offered his friend john thomas $ if he would only put them on charles' track. john professed to know nothing; isabella was equally ignorant. discouraged with their efforts on this occasion, the officers gave up the hunt and left the house. charles, however, had had enough of the floor accommodations. he left that night and returned to his old quarters under the hotel. here he stayed one week, at the expiration of which time the need of fresh air was so imperative, that he resolved to go out at night to allen's cottage and spend a day in the woods. he had knowledge of a place where the undergrowth and bushes were almost impenetrable. to rest and refresh himself in this thicket he felt would be a great comfort to him. without serious difficulty he reached the thicket, and while pondering over the all-absorbing matter as to how he should ever manage to make his escape, an old man approached. now while charles had no reason to think that he was sought by the old intruder, his very near approach admonished him that it would neither be safe nor agreeable to allow him to come nearer. charles remembering that his trick of playing the dog, when previously in danger under the hotel, had served a good end, thought that it would work well in the thicket. so he again tried his power at growling and barking hideously for a moment or two, which at once caused the man to turn his course. charles could hear him distinctly retreating, and at the same time cursing the dog. the owner of the place had the reputation of keeping "bad dogs," so the old man poured out a dreadful threat against "stephens' dogs," and was soon out of the reach of the one in the thicket. [illustration: ] notwithstanding his success in frightening off the old man, charles felt that the thicket was by no means a safe place for him. he concluded to make another change. this time he sought a marsh; two hours' stay there was sufficient to satisfy him, that that too was no place to tarry in, even for a single night. he, therefore, left immediately. a third time, he returned to the hotel, where he remained only two days. his appeals had at last reached the heart of his mother--she could no longer bear to see him struggling, and suffering, and not render him aid, whatever the consequences might be. if she at first feared to lend him a helping hand, she now resolutely worked with a view of saving money to succor him. here the prospect began to brighten. a passage was secured for him on a steamer bound for philadelphia. one more day, and night must elapse, ere he could be received on board. the joyful anticipations which now filled his breast left no room for fear; indeed, he could scarcely contain himself; he was drunk with joy. in this state of mind he concluded that nothing would afford him more pleasure before leaving, than to spend his last hours at the wash house, "under the floor." to this place he went with no fear of hunters before his eyes. charles had scarcely been three hours in this place, however, before three officers came in search of him. two of them talked with isabella, asked her about her "boarders," etc.; in the meanwhile, one of them uninvited, made his way up stairs. it so happened, that charles was in this very portion of the house. his case now seemed more hopeless than ever. the officer up stairs was separated from him simply by a thin curtain. women's garments hung all around. instead of fainting or surrendering, in the twinkling of an eye, charles' inventive intellect, led him to enrobe himself in female attire. here, to use his own language, a "thousand thoughts" rushed into his mind in a minute. the next instant he was going down stairs in the presence of the officers, his old calico dress, bonnet and rig, attracting no further attention than simply to elicit the following simple questions: "whose gal are you?" "mr. cockling's, sir." "what is your name?" "delie, sir." "go on then!" said one of the officers, and on charles went to avail himself of the passage on the steamer which his mother had procured for him for the sum of thirty dollars. in due time, he succeeded in getting on the steamer, but he soon learned, that her course was not direct to philadelphia, but that some stay would be made in norfolk, va. although disappointed, yet this being a step in the right direction, he made up his mind to be patient. he was delayed in norfolk four weeks. from the time charles first escaped, his owner (davis the negro trader), had kept a standing reward of $ advertised for his recovery. this showed that davis was willing to risk heavy expenses for charles as well as gave evidence that he believed him still secreted either about richmond, petersburg, or old point comfort. in this belief he was not far from being correct, for charles spent most of his time in either of these three places, from the day of his escape until the day that he finally embarked. at last, the long looked-for hour arrived to start for philadelphia. he was to leave his mother, with no hope of ever seeing her again, but she had purchased herself and was called free. her name was margaret johnson. three brothers likewise were ever in his thoughts, (in chains), "henry," "bill," and "sam," (half brothers). but after all the hope of freedom outweighed every other consideration, and he was prepared to give up all for liberty. to die rather than remain a slave was his resolve. charles arrived per steamer, from norfolk, on the th day of november, . the richmond papers bear witness to the fact, that benjamin davis advertised charles gilbert, for mouths prior to this date, as has been stated in this narrative. as to the correctness of the story, all that the writer has to say is, that he took it down from the lips of charles, hurriedly, directly after his arrival, with no thought of magnifying a single incident. on the contrary, much that was of interest in the story had to be omitted. instead of being overdrawn, not half of the particulars were recorded. had the idea then been entertained, that the narrative of this young slave-warrior was to be brought to light in the manner and time that it now is, a far more thrilling account of his adventures might have been written. other colored men who knew both davis and charles, as well as one man ordinarily knows another, rejoiced at seeing charles in philadelphia, and they listened with perfect faith to his story. so marvellous were the incidents of his escape, that his sufferings in slavery, previous to his heroic struggles to throw off the yoke, were among the facts omitted from the records. while this may be regretted it is, nevertheless, gratifying on the whole to have so good an account of him as was preserved. it is needless to say, that the committee took especial pleasure in aiding him, and listening to so remarkable a story narrated so intelligently by one who had been a slave. * * * * * liberty or death. jim bow-legs, _alias_ bill paul. in a traveler arrived with the above name, who, on examination, was found to possess very extraordinary characteristics. as a hero and adventurer some passages of his history were most remarkable. his schooling had been such as could only be gathered on plantations under brutal overseers;--or while fleeing,--or in swamps,--in prisons,--or on the auction-block, etc.; in which condition he was often found. nevertheless in these circumstances his mind got well stored with vigorous thoughts--neither books nor friendly advisers being at his command. yet his native intelligence as it regarded human nature, was extraordinary. his resolution and perseverance never faltered. in all respects he was a remarkable man. he was a young man, weighing about one hundred and eighty pounds, of uncommon muscular strength. he was born in the state of georgia, oglethorpe county, and was owned by dr. thomas stephens, of lexington. on reaching the vigilance committee in philadelphia, his story was told many times over to one and another. hour after hour was occupied by friends in listening to the simple narrative of his struggles for freedom. a very full account of "jim," was forwarded in a letter to m.a. shadd, the then editress of the "provincial freeman." said account has been carefully preserved, and is here annexed as it appeared in the columns of the above named paper: "i must now pass to a third adventurer. the one to whom i allude, is a young man of twenty-six years of age, by the name of 'jim,' who fled from near charleston, s.c. taking all the facts and circumstances into consideration respecting the courageous career of this successful adventurer for freedom, his case is by far more interesting than any i have yet referred to. indeed, for the good of the cause, and the honor of one who gained his liberty by periling his life so frequently:--shot several times,--making six unsuccessful attempts to escape from the far south,--numberless times chased by bloodhounds,--captured, imprisoned and sold repeatedly,--living for months in the woods, swamps and caves, subsisting mainly on parched corn and berries, &c., &c., his narrative ought, by all means, to be published, though i doubt very much whether many could be found who could persuade themselves to believe one-tenth part of this marvellous story. though this poor fugitive was utterly ignorant of letters, his natural good sense and keen perception qualified him to arrest the attention and interest the heart in a most remarkable degree. his master finding him not available, on account of his absconding propensities, would gladly have offered him for sale. he was once taken to florida, for that purpose; but, generally, traders being wide awake, on inspecting him, would almost invariably pronounce him a 'd----n rascal,' because he would never fail to eye them sternly, as they inspected him. the obedient and submissive slave is always recognized by hanging his head and looking on the ground, when looked at by a slave-holder. this lesson jim had never learned, hence he was not to be trusted. his head and chest, and indeed his entire structure, as solid as a rock, indicated that he was physically no ordinary man; and not being under the influence of the spirit of "non-resistance," he had occasionally been found to be a rather formidable customer. his father was a full-blooded indian, brother to the noted indian chief, billy bowlegs; his mother was quite black and of unmixed blood. for five or six years, the greater part of jim's time was occupied in trying to escape, and in being in prison for sale, to punish him for running away. his mechanical genius was excellent, so were his geographical abilities. he could make shoes or do carpenter's work very handily, though he had never had the chance to learn. as to traveling by night or day, he was always road-ready and having an uncommon memory, could give exceedingly good accounts of what he saw, etc. when he entered a swamp, and had occasion to take a nap he took care first to decide upon the posture he must take, so that if come upon unexpectedly by the hounds and slave-hunters, he might know in an instant which way to steer to defeat them. he always carried a liquid, which he had prepared, to prevent hounds from scenting him, which he said had never failed. as soon as the hounds came to the place where he had rubbed his legs and feet with said liquid, they could follow him no further, but howled and turned immediately. quite a large number of the friends of the slave saw this noble-hearted fugitive, and would sit long and listen with the most undivided attention to his narrative--none doubting for a moment, i think, the entire truthfulness of his story. strange as his story was, there was so much natural simplicity in his manner and countenance, one could not refrain from believing him." * * * * * salt-water fugitive. this was an exceptional case, as this passenger did not reach the vigilance committee of philadelphia, yet to exclude him on this account, would be doing an injustice to history. the facts in his case were incontestably established in the philadelphia register in april, , from which the following thrilling account is taken: the steamship, keystone state, which arrived at this port on saturday morning, had just entered delaware bay, when a man was discovered secreted outside of the vessel and under the guards. when brought from his hiding-place, he was found to be a fugitive slave, who had secreted himself there before the vessel left savannah on wednesday, and had remained in that place from the time of starting! his position was such, that the water swept over and around him almost constantly. he had some bread in his pocket, which he had intended for subsistence until he could reach a land of liberty. it was saturated with sea-water and dissolved to a pulp. when our readers remember the high winds of friday, and the sudden change to cold during that night, and the fact that the fugitive had remained in that situation for three days and nights, we think it will be conceded that he fully earned his liberty, and that the "institution," which was so intolerable that he was willing to run the risk of almost certain death to escape from it had no very great attractions for him. but the poor man was doomed to disappointment. the captain ordered the vessel to put into newcastle, where, the fugitive, hardly able to stand, was taken on shore and incarcerated, and where he now awaits the order of his owner in savannah. the following additional particulars are from the same paper of the st. the keystone state case.--our article yesterday morning brought us several letters of inquiry and offers of contributions to aid in the purchase from his master of the unfortunate inmate of newcastle jail. in answer to the former, we would say, that the steamer keystone state, left savannah, at a.m., last wednesday. it was about the same hour next morning that the men engaged in heaving lead, heard a voice from under the guards imploring help. a rope was procured, and the man relieved from his dangerous and suffering situation. he was well cared for immediately; a suit of dry clothes was furnished him, and he was given his share of the contents of the boat pantry. on arriving at newcastle, the captain had him placed in jail, for the purpose, as we are informed, of taking him back to savannah. to those who have offered contributions so liberally, we answer, that the prospect is, that only a small amount will be needed--enough to fee a lawyer to sue out a writ of habeas corpus. the salt water fugitive claims to be a free man, and a native of philadelphia. he gives his name as edward davis, and says that he formerly lived at no. steel's court, that he was a pupil in bird's school, on sixth st. above lombard, and that he has a sister living at mr. diamond's, a distiller, on south st. we are not informed why he was in georgia, from which he took such an extraordinary means to effect his escape. if the above assertion be true, we apprehend little trouble in restoring the man to his former home. the claim of the captain to take him back to savannah, will not be listened to for a moment by any court. the only claim the owners of the "keystone state" or the captain can have on salt water davis, is for half passenger fare; he came half the way as a fish. a gentleman who came from wilmington yesterday, assures us that the case is in good hands at newcastle. full particulars of the abduction, enslaving and escape of davis. attempt to seduce him to slavery again. the case of the colored man davis, who made such a bold stroke to regain his liberty, by periling his life on board the steamer keystone state, has excited very general attention. he has given a detailed account of his abduction and sale as a slave in the state of maryland and georgia, and some of his adventures up to the time of reaching delaware. his own story is substantially as follows: he left philadelphia on the th of september, , and went to harrisburg, intending to go to hollidaysburg; took a canal boat for havre de grace, where he arrived next day. there he hired on board the schooner thomas and edward (oyster boat), of baltimore. went from havre de grace to st. michael's, for oysters, thence to baltimore, and thence to havre de grace again. he then hired to a mr. sullivan, who kept a grocery store, to do jobs. while there, a constable, named smith, took him before a magistrate named graham, who fined him fifteen or twenty dollars for violating the law in relation to free negroes coming into the state. this fine he was not able to pay, and smith took him to bell air prison. sheriff gaw wrote to mr. maitland in philadelphia, to whom he referred, and received an answer that mr. maitland was dead and none of the family knew him. he remained in that prison nearly two months. he then had a trial in court before a judge grier (most unfortunate name), who sentenced him to be sold to pay his fine and expenses, amounting to fifty dollars. after a few days and _without being offered at public sale_, he was taken out of jail at two o'clock in the morning and carried to campbell's slave pen, in baltimore, where he remained several months. while there, he was employed to cook for some fifty or sixty slaves, being told that he was working out his fine and jail fees. after being there about six months, he was taken out of prison, handcuffed by one winters, who took him and two or three others to washington and thence to charleston, s.c. here winters left them, and they were taken by steamboat to savannah. while on board the boat, he learned that himself and the other two had been sold to mr. william dean, of macon, where he stayed two days, and was taken from that place to the east valley railroad. subsequently he was sent to work on the possum tail railroad. here he was worked so hard, that in one month he lost his health. the other two men taken on with him, failed before he did. he was then sent to macon, and thence to the cotton plantation again. during the time he worked on the railroad he had allowed him for food, one peck of corn meal, four pounds of bacon, and one quart of molasses per week. he cooked it himself at night, for the next day's use. he worked at packing cotton for four or five months, and in the middle of november, , was sent back to the railroad, where he was again set to wheeling. he worked at "task work" two months, being obliged to wheel _sixteen_ square yards per day. at the end of two months he broke down again, and was sick. they tried one month to cure him, but did not succeed. in july, , he was taken to an infirmary in macon. dr. nottinghan and dr. harris, of that institution, both stated that his was the worst case of the kind they ever had. he remained at the infirmary two months and partially recovered. he told the story of his wrongs to these physicians, who tried to buy him. one of his legs was drawn up so that he could not walk well, and they offered four hundred dollars for him, which his master refused. the doctors wanted him to attend their patients, (mostly slaves). while in georgia he was frequently asked where he came from, being found more intelligent than the common run of slaves. on the th of march he ran away from macon and went to savannah. there he hid in a stable until tuesday afternoon at six o'clock, when he secreted himself on board the keystone state. at o'clock the next morning the keystone state left with davis secreted, as we have before stated. with his imprisonment in newcastle, after being pronounced free, our readers are already familiar. we subjoin the documents on which he was discharged from his imprisonment in newcastle, and his subsequent re-committal on the oath of capt. hardie. copy of first order of commitment. new castle county, ss., state of delaware.--to wm. r. lynam, sheriff of said county. ---- davis (negro) is delivered to your custody for further examination and hearing for traveling without a pass, and supposed to be held a slave to some person in the state of georgia. [seal]. witness the hand and seal of john bradford, one of the justices of the peace for the county of newcastle, the th day of march, . john bradford, j.p. copy of discharge. to wm. r. lynam, sheriff of newcastle county: you will discharge ---- davis from your custody, satisfactory proof having been made before me that he is a free man. john bradford, j.p. witnesses--joanna diamond, john h. brady, martha c. maguire. copy of order of re-commitment. new castle county, ss., the state of delaware to wm. r. lynam, and to the sheriff or keeper of the common jail of said county, whereas ---- davis hath this day been brought before me, the subscriber, one of the justices of the peace, in and for the said county, charged upon the oath of robert hardie with being a runaway slave, and also as a suspicious person, traveling without a pass, these are therefore to command you, the said wm. r. lynam, forthwith to convey and deliver into the custody of the said sheriff, or keeper of the said jail, the body of the said davis, and you the said sheriff or receiver of the body of the said davis into your custody in the said jail, and him there safely keep until he be thence delivered by due course of the law. given under my hand and seal at new castle this st day of march, a.d., . john bradford, j.p. on the fourth of april, the marshal of macon called at the jail in newcastle, and demanded him as a fugitive slave, but the sheriff refused to give him up until a fair hearing could be had according to the laws of the state of delaware. the marshal has returned to georgia, and will probably bring the claimant on the next trip of the keystone state. the authorities of delaware manifest no disposition to deliver up a man whose freedom has been so clearly proved; but every effort will be made to reduce him again to slavery by the man who claims him, in which, it seems, he has the hearty co-operation of capt. hardie. a trial will be had before u.s. commissioner guthrie, and we have every reason to suppose it will be a fair one. the friends of right and justice should remember that such a trial will be attended with considerable expense, and that the imprisoned man has been too long deprived of his liberty to have money to pay for his own defence. * * * * * samuel green alias wesley kinnard, august th, . ten years in the penitentiary for having a copy of uncle tom's cabin. the passenger answering to the above name, left indian creek, chester co., md., where he had been held to service or labor, by dr. james muse. one week had elapsed from the time he set out until his arrival in philadelphia. although he had never enjoyed school privileges of any kind, yet he was not devoid of intelligence. he had profited by his daily experience as a slave, and withal, had managed to learn to read and write a little, despite law and usage to the contrary. sam was about twenty-five years of age and by trade, a blacksmith. before running away, his general character for sobriety, industry, and religion, had evidently been considered good, but in coveting his freedom and running away to obtain it, he had sunk far below the utmost limit of forgiveness or mercy in the estimation of the slave-holders of indian creek. during his intercourse with the vigilance committee, while rejoicing over his triumphant flight, he gave, with no appearance of excitement, but calmly, and in a common-sense like manner, a brief description of his master, which was entered on the record book substantially as follows: "dr. james muse is thought by the servants to be the worst man in maryland, inflicting whipping and all manner of cruelties upon the servants." while sam gave reasons for this sweeping charge, which left no room for doubt, on the part of the committee, of his sincerity and good judgment, it was not deemed necessary to make a note of more of the doctor's character than seemed actually needed, in order to show why "sam" had taken passage on the underground rail road. for several years, "sam" was hired out by the doctor at blacksmithing; in this situation, daily wearing the yoke of unrequited labor, through the kindness of harriet tubman (sometimes called "moses"), the light of the underground rail road and canada suddenly illuminated his mind. it was new to him, but he was quite too intelligent and liberty-loving, not to heed the valuable information which this sister of humanity imparted. thenceforth he was in love with canada, and likewise a decided admirer of the u.r. road. harriet was herself, a shrewd and fearless agent, and well understood the entire route from that part of the country to canada. the spring previous, she had paid a visit to the very neighborhood in which "sam" lived, expressly to lead her own brothers out of "egypt." she succeeded. to "sam" this was cheering and glorious news, and he made up his mind, that before a great while, indian creek should have one less slave and that canada should have one more citizen. faithfully did he watch an opportunity to carry out his resolution. in due time a good providence opened the way, and to "sam's" satisfaction he reached philadelphia, having encountered no peculiar difficulties. the committee, perceiving that he was smart, active, and promising, encouraged his undertaking, and having given him friendly advice, aided him in the usual manner. letters of introduction were given him, and he was duly forwarded on his way. he had left his father, mother, and one sister behind. samuel and catharine were the names of his parents. thus far, his escape would seem not to affect his parents, nor was it apparent that there was any other cause why the owner should revenge himself upon them. the father was an old local preacher in the methodist church--much esteemed as an inoffensive, industrious man; earning his bread by the sweat of his brow, and contriving to move along in the narrow road allotted colored people bond or free, without exciting a spirit of ill will in the pro-slavery power of his community. but the rancor awakened in the breast of slave-holders in consequence of the high-handed step the son had taken, brought the father under suspicion and hate. under the circumstances, the eye of slavery could do nothing more than watch for an occasion to pounce upon him. it was not long before the desired opportunity presented itself. moved by parental affection, the old man concluded to pay a visit to his boy, to see how he was faring in a distant land, and among strangers. this resolution he quietly carried into effect. he found his son in canada, doing well; industrious; a man of sobriety, and following his father's footsteps religiously. that the old man's heart was delighted with what his eyes saw and his ears heard in canada, none can doubt. but in the simplicity of his imagination, he never dreamed that this visit was to be made the means of his destruction. during the best portion of his days he had faithfully worn the badge of slavery, had afterwards purchased his freedom, and thus become a free man. he innocently conceived the idea that he was doing no harm in availing himself not only of his god-given rights, but of the rights that he had also purchased by the hard toil of his own hands. but the enemy was lurking in ambush for him--thirsting for his blood. to his utter consternation, not long after his return from his visit to his son "a party of gentlemen from the new market district, went at night to green's house and made search, whereupon was found a copy of uncle tom's cabin, etc." this was enough--the hour had come, wherein to wreak vengeance upon poor green. the course pursued and the result, may be seen in the following statement taken from the cambridge (md.), "democrat," of april th, , and communicated by the writer to the "provincial freeman." sam green. the case of the state against sam green (free negro) indicted for having in his possession, papers, pamphlets and pictorial representations, having a tendency to create discontent, etc., among the people of color in the state, was tried before the court on friday last. this case was of the utmost importance, and has created in the public mind a great deal of interest--it being the first case of the kind ever having occurred in our country. it appeared, in evidence, that this green has a son in canada, to whom green made a visit last summer. since his return to this county, suspicion has fastened upon him, as giving aid and assisting slaves who have since absconded and reached canada, and several weeks ago, a party of gentlemen from new market district, went at night, to green's house and made search, whereupon was found a volume of "uncle tom's cabin," a map of canada, several schedules of routes to the north, and a letter from his son in canada, detailing the pleasant trip he had, the number of friends he met with on the way, with plenty to eat, drink, etc., and concludes with a request to his father, that he shall tell certain other slaves, naming them, to come on, which slaves, it is well known, did leave shortly afterwards, and have reached canada. the case was argued with great ability, the counsel on both sides displaying a great deal of ingenuity, learning and eloquence. the first indictment was for the having in possession the letter, map and route schedules. notwithstanding the mass of evidence given, to show the prisoner's guilt, in unlawfully having in his possession these documents, and the nine-tenths of the community in which he lived, believed that he had a hand in the running away of slaves, it was the opinion of the court, that the law under which he was indicted, was not applicable to the case, and that he must, accordingly, render a verdict of not guilty. he was immediately arraigned upon another indictment, for having in possession "uncle tom's cabin," and tried; in this case the court has not yet rendered a verdict, but holds it under _curia_ till after the somerset county court. it is to be hoped, the court will find the evidence in this case sufficient to bring it within the scope of the law under which the prisoner is indicted (that of , chap. ), and that the prisoner may meet his due reward--be that what it may. that there is something required to be done by our legislators, for the protection of slave property, is evident from the variety of constructions put upon the statute in this case, and we trust, that at the next meeting of the legislature there will be such amendments, as to make the law on this subject, perfectly clear and comprehensible to the understanding of every one. in the language of the assistant counsel for the state, "slavery must be protected or it must be abolished." from the same sheet, of may th, the terrible doom of samuel green, is announced in the following words: in the case of the state against sam green, (free negro) who was tried at the april term of the circuit court of this county, for having in his possession abolition pamphlets, among which was "uncle tom's cabin," has been found guilty by the court, and sentenced to the penitentiary for the term of ten years--until the th of may, . the son, a refugee in canada, hearing the distressing news of his father's sad fate in the hands of the relentless "gentlemen," often wrote to know if there was any prospect of his deliverance. the subjoined letter is a fair sample of his correspondence: salford, , . dear sir i take my pen in hand to request a faver of you if you can by any means without duin injestus to your self or your bisness to grant it as i bleve you to be a man that would sympathize in such a ones condition as my self i reseved a letter that stats to me that my fater has ben betraed in the act of helping sum frend to canada and the law has convicted and sentanced him to the stats prison for yeares his white frands ofered thousen dollers to redem him but they would not short three thousen. i am in canada and it is a dificult thing to get a letter to any of my frands in maryland so as to get prop per infermation abot it--if you can by any means get any in telligence from baltimore city a bot this event plese do so and rit word and all so all the inform mation that you think prop per as regards the evant and the best mathod to redeme him and so plese rite soon as you can you will oblige your sir frand and drect your letter to salford p. office c.w. samuel green. in this dark hour the friends of the slave could do but little more than sympathize with this heart-stricken son and grey-headed father. the aged follower of the rejected and crucified had like him to bear the "reproach of many," and make his bed with the wicked in the penitentiary. doubtless there were a few friends in his neighborhood who sympathized with him, but they were powerless to aid the old man. but thanks to a kind providence, the great deliverance brought about during the rebellion by which so many captives were freed, also unlocked samuel green's prison-doors and he was allowed to go free. after his liberation from the penitentiary, we had from his own lips narrations of his years of suffering--of the bitter cup, that he was compelled to drink, and of his being sustained by the almighty arm--but no notes were taken at the time, consequently we have nothing more to add concerning him, save quite a faithful likeness. [illustration: ] * * * * * an irish girl's devotion to freedom. in love with a slave--gets him off to canada--follows him--marriage, &c. having dwelt on the sad narratives of samuel green and his son in the preceding chapter, it is quite a relief to be able to introduce a traveler whose story contains incidents less painful to contemplate. from the record book the following brief account is taken: "april , . john hall arrived safely from richmond, va., per schooner, (captain b). one hundred dollars were paid for his passage." in richmond he was owned by james dunlap, a merchant. john had been sold several times, in consequence of which, he had possessed very good opportunities of experiencing the effect of change of owners. then, too, the personal examination made before sale, and the gratification afforded his master when he (john), brought a good price--left no very pleasing impressions on his mind. by one of his owners, named burke, john alleged that he had been "cruelly used." when quite young, both he and his sister, together with their mother, were sold by burke. from that time he had seen neither mother nor sister--they were sold separately. for three or four years the desire to seek liberty had been fondly cherished, and nothing but the want of a favorable opportunity had deterred him from carrying out his designs. he considered himself much "imposed upon" by his master, particularly as he was allowed "no choice about living" as he "desired." this was indeed ill-treatment as john viewed the matter. john may have wanted too much. he was about thirty-five years of age, light complexion--tall--rather handsome-looking, intelligent, and of good manners. but notwithstanding these prepossessing features, john's owner valued him at only $ , . if he had been a few shades darker and only about half as intelligent as he was, he would have been worth at least $ more. the idea of having had a white father, in many instances, depreciated the pecuniary value of male slaves, if not of the other sex. john emphatically was one of this injured class; he evidently had blood in his veins which decidedly warred against submitting to the yoke. in addition to the influence which such rebellious blood exerted over him, together with a considerable amount of intelligence, he was also under the influence and advice of a daughter of old ireland. she was heart and soul with john in all his plans which looked canada-ward. this it was that "sent him away." it is very certain, that this irish girl was not annoyed by the kinks in john's hair. nor was she overly fastidious about the small percentage of colored blood visible in john's complexion. it was, however, a strange occurrence and very hard to understand. not a stone was left unturned until john was safely on the underground rail road. doubtless she helped to earn the money which was paid for his passage. and when he was safe off, it is not too much to say, that john was not a whit more delighted than was his intended irish lassie, mary weaver. john had no sooner reached canada than mary's heart was there too. circumstances, however, required that she should remain in richmond a number of months for the purpose of winding up some of her affairs. as soon as the way opened for her, she followed him. it was quite manifest, that she had not let a single opportunity slide, but seized the first chance and arrived partly by means of the underground rail road and partly by the regular train. many difficulties were surmounted before and after leaving richmond, by which they earned their merited success. from canada, where they anticipated entering upon the matrimonial career with mutual satisfaction, it seemed to afford them great pleasure to write back frequently, expressing their heartfelt gratitude for assistance, and their happiness in the prospect of being united under the favorable auspices of freedom! at least two or three of these letters, bearing on particular phases of their escape, etc., are too valuable not to be published in this connection: first letter. hamilton, march th, . mr. still:--sir and friend--i take the liberty of addressing you with these few lines hoping that you will attend to what i shall request of you. i have written to virginia and have not received an answer yet. i want to know if you can get any one of your city to go to richmond for me. if you can, i will pay the expense of the whole. the person that i want the messenger to see is a white girl. i expect you know who i allude to, it is the girl that sent me away. if you can get any one to go, you will please write right away and tell me the cost, &c. i will forward the money and a letter. please use your endeavors. yours respectfuliy, john hall. direct yours to mr. hill. second letter. hamilton, sept. th, . to mr. still, dear sir:--i take this opportunity of addressing these few lines to you hoping to find you in good health i am happy to inform you that miss weaver arrived here on tuesday last, and i can assure you it was indeed a happy day. as for your part that you done i will not attempt to tell you how thankful i am, but i hope that you can imagine what my feelings are to you. i cannot find words sufficient to express my gratitude to you, i think the wedding will take place on tuesday next, i have seen some of the bread from your house, and she says it is the best bread she has had since she has been in america. sometimes she has impudence enough to tell me she would rather be where you are in philadelphia than to be here with me. i hope this will be no admiration to you for no honest hearted person ever saw you that would not desire to be where you are, no flattery, but candidly speaking, you are worthy all the praise of any person who has ever been with you, i am now like a deserted christian, but yet i have asked so much, and all has been done yet i must ask again, my love to mrs. still. dear mr. still i now ask you please to exercise all your influence to get this young man willis johnson from richmond for me it is the young man that miss weaver told you about, he is in richmond i think he is at the corner of fushien street, & grace in a house of one mr. rutherford, there is several rutherford in the neighborhood, there is a church call'd the third baptist church, on the r.h. side going up grace street, directly opposite the baptist church at the corner, is mrs. meads old school at one corner, and mr. rutherfords is at the other corner. he can be found out by seeing fountain tombs who belongs to mr. rutherford and if you should not see him, there is james turner who lives at the governors, please to see captain bayliss and tell him to take these directions and go to john hill, in petersburgh, and he may find him. tell captain bayliss that if he ever did me a friendly thing in his life which he did do one friendly act, if he will take this on himself, and if money should be lacking i will forward any money that he may require, i hope you will sympathize with the poor young fellow, and tell the captain to do all in his power to get him and the costs shall be paid. he lies now between death or victory, for i know the man he belongs to would just as soon kill him as not, if he catches him, i here enclose to you a letter for mr. wm. c. mayo, and please to send it as directed. in this letter i have asked him to send a box to you for me, which you will please pay the fare of the express upon it, when you get it please to let me know, and i will send you the money to pay the expenses of the carriage clear through. please to let mr. mayo know how to direct a box to you, and the best way to send it from richmond to philadelphia. you will greatly oblige me by so doing. in this letter i have enclosed a trifle for postage which you will please to keep on account of my letters i hope you wont think hard of me but i simply send it because i know you have done enough, and are now doing more, without imposing in the matter i have done it a great many more of our people who you have done so much fore. no more from your humble and oldest servant. john hall, norton's hotel, hamilton. third letter. monday, sept. , . sir:--i take this opportunity of informing you that we are in excellent health, and hope you are the same, i wrote a letter to you about weeks ago and have not yet had an answer to it i wish to inform you that the wedding took place on tuesday last, and mrs. hall now sends her best love to you, i enclose a letter which i wish you to forward to mr. mayo, you will see in his letter what i have said to him and i wish you would furnish him with such directions as it requires for him to send them things to you. i have told him not to pay for them but to send them to you so when you get them write me word what the cost of them are, and i will send you the money for them. mary desires you to give her love to mrs. still. if any letters come for me please to send to me at nortons hotel, please to let me know if you had a letter from me about days ago. you will please direct the enclosed to mr. w.c. mayo, richmond, va. let me know if you have heard anything of willis johnson mr. & mrs. hill send their kind love to you, they are all well, no more at present from your affect., john hall nortons hotel. fourth letter. hamilton, december d, . dear sir:--i am happy to inform you that we are both enjoying good health and hope you are the same. i have been expecting a letter from you for some time but i suppose your business has prevented you from writing. i suppose you have not heard from any of my friends at richmond. i have been longing to hear some news from that part, you may think "out of sight and out of mind," but i can assure you, no matter how far i may be, or in what distant land, i shall never forget you, if i can never reach you by letters you may be sure i shall always think of you. i have found a great many friends in my life, but i must say you are the best one i ever met with, except one, you must know who that is, 'tis one who if i did not consider a friend, i could not consider any other person a friend, and that is mrs. hall. please to let me know if the navigation between new york & richmond is closed. please to let me know whether it would be convenient to you to go to new york if it is please let me know what is the expense. tell mrs still that my wife would be very happy to receive a letter from her at some moment when she is at leisure, for i know from what little i have seen of domestic affairs it keeps her pretty well employed, and i know she has not much time to write but if it were but two lines, she would be happy to receive it from her, my reason for wanting you to go to new york, there is a young man named richard myers and i should like for you to see him. he goes on board the orono to richmond and is a particular friend of mine and by seeing him i could get my clothes from richmond, i expect to be out of employ in a few days, as the hotel is about to close on the st january and i hope you will write to me soon i want you to send me word how you and all the family are and all the news you can, you must excuse my short letter, as it is now near one o'clock and i must attend to business, but i have not written half what i intended to, as time is short, hoping to hear from you soon i remain yours sincerely, john hall. mr. and mrs. hill desire their best respects to you and mrs. still. it cannot be denied that this is a most extraordinary occurrence. in some respects it is without a parallel. it was, however, no uncommon thing for white men (slave-holders) in the south to have colored wives and children whom, they did not hesitate to live with and acknowledge by their actions, with their means, and in their wills as the rightful heirs of their substance. probably there is not a state in the union where such relations have not existed. seeing such usages, mary might have reasoned that she had as good a right to marry the one she loved most as anybody else, particularly as she was in a "free country." * * * * * "sam" nixon alias dr. thomas bayne. the escape of a dentist on the u.g.r.r.--he is taken for an impostor--elected a member of city council in new bedford--studying medicine, etc. but few could be found among the underground rail road passengers who had a stronger repugnance to the unrequited labor system, or the recognized terms of "master and slave," than dr. thomas bayne. nor were many to be found who were more fearless and independent in uttering their sentiments. his place of bondage was in the city of norfolk, va., where he was held to service by dr. c.f. martin, a dentist of some celebrity. while with dr. martin, "sam" learned dentistry in all its branches, and was often required by his master, the doctor, to fulfil professional engagements, both at home and at a distance, when it did not suit his pleasure or convenience to appear in person. in the mechanical department, especially, "sam" was called upon to execute the most difficult tasks. this was not the testimony of "sam" alone; various individuals who were with him in norfolk, but had moved to philadelphia, and were living there at the time of his arrival, being invited to see this distinguished professional piece of property, gave evidence which fully corroborated his. the master's professional practice, according to "sam's" calculation, was worth $ , per annum. full $ , of this amount in the opinion of "sam" was the result of his own fettered hands. not only was "sam" serviceable to the doctor in the mechanical and practical branches of his profession, but as a sort of ready reckoner and an apt penman, he was obviously considered by the doctor, a valuable "article." he would frequently have "sam" at his books instead of a book-keeper. of course, "sam" had never received, from dr. m., an hour's schooling in his life, but having perceptive faculties naturally very large, combined with much self-esteem, he could hardly help learning readily. had his master's design to keep him in ignorance been ever so great, he would have found it a labor beyond his power. but there is no reason to suppose that dr. martin was opposed to sam's learning to read and write. we are pleased to note that no charges of ill-treatment are found recorded against dr. m. in the narrative of "sam." true, it appears that he had been sold several times in his younger days, and had consequently been made to feel keenly, the smarts of slavery, but nothing of this kind was charged against dr. m., so that he may be set down as a pretty fair man, for aught that is known to the contrary, with the exception of depriving "sam" of the just reward of his labor, which, according to st. james, is pronounced a "fraud." the doctor did not keep "sam" so closely confined to dentistry and book-keeping that he had no time to attend occasionally to outside duties. it appears that he was quite active and successful as an underground rail road agent, and rendered important aid in various directions. indeed, sam had good reason to suspect that the slave-holders were watching him, and that if he remained, he would most likely find himself in "hot water up to his eyes." wisdom dictated that he should "pull up stakes" and depart while the way was open. he knew the captains who were then in the habit of taking similar passengers, but he had some fears that they might not be able to pursue the business much longer. in contemplating the change which he was about to make, "sam" felt it necessary to keep his movements strictly private. not even was he at liberty to break his mind to his wife and child, fearing that it would do them no good, and might prove his utter failure. his wife's name was edna and his daughter was called elizabeth; both were slaves and owned by e.p. tabb, esq., a hardware merchant of norfolk. no mention is made on the books, of ill-treatment, in connection with his wife's servitude; it may therefore be inferred, that her situation was not remarkably hard. it must not be supposed that "sam" was not truly attached to his wife. he gave abundant proof of true matrimonial devotion, notwithstanding the secrecy of his arrangements for flight. being naturally hopeful, he concluded that he could better succeed in securing his wife after obtaining freedom himself, than in undertaking the task beforehand. the captain had two or three other underground rail road male passengers to bring with him, besides "sam," for whom, arrangements had been previously made--no more could be brought that trip. at the appointed time, the passengers were at the disposal of the captain of the schooner which was to bring them out of slavery into freedom. fully aware of the dangerous consequences should he be detected, the captain, faithful to his promise, secreted them in the usual manner, and set sail northward. instead of landing his passengers in philadelphia, as was his intention, for some reason or other (the schooner may have been disabled), he landed them on the new jersey coast, not a great distance from cape island. he directed them how to reach philadelphia. sam knew of friends in the city, and straightway used his ready pen to make known the distress of himself and partners in tribulation. in making their way in the direction of their destined haven, they reached salem, new jersey, where they were discovered to be strangers and fugitives, and were directed to abigail goodwin, a quaker lady, an abolitionist, long noted for her devotion to the cause of freedom, and one of the most liberal and faithful friends of the vigilance committee of philadelphia. this friend's opportunities of witnessing fresh arrivals had been rare, and perhaps she had never before come in contact with a "chattel" so smart as "sam." consequently she was much embarrassed when she heard his story, especially when he talked of his experience as a "dentist." she was inclined to suspect that he was a "shrewd impostor" that needed "watching" instead of aiding. but her humanity forbade a hasty decision on this point. she was soon persuaded to render him some assistance, notwithstanding her apprehensions. while tarrying a day or two in salem, "sam's" letter was received in philadelphia. friend goodwin was written to in the meantime, by a member of the committee, directly with a view of making inquires concerning the stray fugitives, and at the same time to inform her as to how they happened to be coming in the direction found by her. while the mind of the friend was much relieved by the letter she received, she was still in some doubt, as will be seen by the appended extract from a letter on the subject: letter from a. goodwin. salem, mo., , ' . dear friend:--thine of the d came to hand yesterday noon. i do not believe that any of them are the ones thee wrote about, who wanted dr. lundy to come for them, and promised they would pay his expenses. they had no money, the minister said, but were pretty well off for clothes. i gave him all i had and more, but it seemed very little for four travelers--only a dollar for each--but they will meet with friends and helpers on the way. he said they expected to go away to-morrow. i am afraid, it's so cold, and one of them had a sore foot, they will not get away--it's dangerous staying here. there has been a slave-hunter here lately, i was told yesterday, in search of a woman; he tracked her to our alms-house--she had lately been confined and was not able to go--he will come back for her and his infant--and will not wait long i expect. i want much to get her away first--and if one had a c.c. torney here no doubt it would be done; but she will be well guarded. how much i wish the poor thing could be secreted in some safe place till she is able to travel northward; but where that could be it's not easy to see. i presume the carolina freed people have arrived ere now. i hope they will meet many friends, and be well provided for. mary davis will be then paid--her cousins have sent her twenty-four dollars, as it was not wanted for the purchase money--it was to be kept for them when they arrive. i am glad thee did keep the ten for the fugitives. samuel nixon is now here, just come--a smart young man--they will be after him soon. i advise him to hurry on to canada; he will leave here to-morrow, but don't say that he will go straight to the city. i would send this by him if he did. i am afraid he will loiter about and be taken--do make them go on fast--he has left. i could not hear much he said--some who did don't like him at all--think him an impostor--a great brag--said he was a dentist ten years. he was asked where he came from, but would not tell till he looked at the letter that lay on the table and that he had just brought back. i don't feel much confidence in him--don't believe he is the one thee alluded to. he was asked his name--he looked at the letter to find it out. says nobody can make a better set of teeth than he can. he said they will go on to-morrow in the stage--he took down the number and street of the anti-slavery office--you will be on your guard against imposition--he kept the letter thee sent from norfolk. i had then no doubt of him, and had no objection to it. i now rather regret it. i would send it to thee if i had it, but perhaps it is of no importance. he wanted the names taken down of nine more who expected to get off soon and might come here. he told us to send them to him, but did not seem to know where he was going to. he was well dressed in fine broad-cloth coat and overcoat, and has a very active tongue in his head. but i have said enough--don't want to prejudice thee against him, but only be on thy guard, and do not let him deceive thee, as i fear he has some of us here. with kind regards, a. goodwin. in due time samuel and his companions reached philadelphia, where a cordial welcome awaited them. the confusion and difficulties into which they had fallen, by having to travel an indirect route, were fully explained, and to the hearty merriment of the committee and strangers, the dilemma of their good quaker friend goodwin at salem was alluded to. after a sojourn of a day or two in philadelphia, samuel and his companions left for new bedford. canada was named to them as the safest place for all refugees; but it was in vain to attempt to convince "sam" that canada or any other place on this continent, was quite equal to new bedford. his heart was there, and there he was resolved to go--and there he did go too, bearing with him his resolute mind, determined, if possible, to work his way up to an honorable position at his old trade, dentistry, and that too for his own benefit. aided by the committee, the journey was made safely to the desired haven, where many old friends from norfolk were found. here our hero was known by the name of dr. thomas bayne--he was no longer "sam." in a short time the dr. commenced his profession in an humble way, while, at the same time, he deeply interested himself in his own improvement, as well as the improvement of others, especially those who had escaped from slavery as he himself had. then, too, as colored men were voters and, therefore, eligible to office in new bedford, the doctor's naturally ambitious and intelligent, turn of mind led him to take an interest in politics, and before he was a citizen of new bedford four years, he was duly elected a member of the city council. he was also an outspoken advocate of the cause of temperance, and was likewise a ready speaker at anti-slavery meetings held by his race. some idea of his abilities, and the interest he took in the underground rail road, education, etc., may be gathered from the appended letters: new bedford, june d, . w. still:--sir--i write you this to inform you that i has received my things and that you need not say any thing to bagnul about them--i see by the paper that the under ground rail road is in operation. since weeks a go when saless party was betrayed by that capt whom we in mass. are so anxious to learn his name--there was others started last saturday night--they are all my old friends and we are waiting their arrival, we hope you will look out for them they may come by way of salem, n.j. if they be not overtaken. they are from norfolk--times are very hard in canada of our old friends has left canada and come to bedford for a living. every thing are so high and wages so low they cannot make a living (owing to the war) others are expected shortly--let me hear from sales and his party. get the name of the capt. that betrayed him let me know if mrs. goodwin of salem are at the same place yet--john austin are with us. c. lightfoot is well and remembers you and family. my business increases more since i has got an office. send me a norfolk paper or any other to read when convenient. let me hear from those people as soon as possible. they consist of woman and child or men belonging to marsh bottimore, l. slosser and herman & co--and turner--all of norfolk, va. truly yours, thos. bayne. direct to box no. , new bedford, mass. don't direct my letters to my office. direct them to my box . my office is - / william st. the same street the post office is near the city market. the doctor, feeling his educational deficiency in the enlightened city of new bedford, did just what every uncultivated man should, devoted himself assiduously to study, and even applied himself to abstruse and hard subjects, medicine, etc., as the following letters will show: new bedford, jan., . no. , cheapside, opposite city hall. my dear friend:--yours of the d inst. reached me safely in the midst of my misfortune. i suppose you have learned that my office and other buildings burned down during the recent fire. my loss is $ , insured $ . i would have written you before, but i have been to r.i. for some time and soon after i returned before i examined the books, the fire took place, and this accounts for my delay. in regard to the books i am under many obligations to you and all others for so great a piece of kindness, and shall ever feel indebted to you for the same. i shall esteem them very highly for two reasons, first, the way in which they come, that is through and by your vigilance as a colored man helping a colored man to get such knowledge as will give the lie to our enemies. secondly--their contents being just the thing i needed at this time. my indebtedness to you and all concerned for me in this direction is inexpressible. there are some books the doctor says i must have, such as the medical dictionary, physician's dictionary, and a work on anatomy. these i will have to get, but any work that may be of use to a student of anatomy or medicine will be thankfully received. you shall hear from me again soon. truly yours, thos. bayne. new bedford, march th, . mr. wm. still:--dear sir--dr. powell called to see me and informed me that you had a medical lexicon (dictionary) for me. if you have such a book for me, it will be very thankfully received, and any other book that pertains to the medical or dental profession. i am quite limited in means as yet and in want of books to prosecute my studies. the books i need most at present is such as treat on midwifery, anatomy, &c. but any book or books in either of the above mentioned cases will be of use to me. you can send them by express, or by any friend that may chance to come this way, but by express will be the safest way to send them. times are quite dull. this leaves me well and hope it may find you and family the same. my regards to your wife and all others. yours, &c., thomas bayne, cheapside, opposite city hall. thus the doctor continued to labor and improve his mind until the war removed the hideous institution of slavery from the nation; but as soon as the way opened for his return to his old home, new bedford no longer had sufficient attractions to retain him. with all her faults he conceived that "old virginia" offered decided inducements for his return. accordingly he went directly to norfolk, whence he escaped. of course every thing was in the utmost confusion and disorder when he returned, save where the military held sway. so as soon as the time drew near for reorganizing, elections, &c., the doctor was found to be an aspirant for a seat in congress, and in "running" for it, was found to be a very difficult candidate to beat. indeed in the first reports of the election his name was amongst the elected; but subsequent counts proved him to be among the defeated by only a very slight majority. at the time of the doctor's escape, in , he was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and about as purely colored, as could readily be found, with a full share of self-esteem and pluck. * * * * * sundry arrivals from loudon co., va., norfolk, baltimore, md., petersburg, va., &c., about the month of june, . arrival st. david bennett and family. arrival d. henry washington, alias anthony hanly, and henry stewart. arrival d. william nelson and wife, william thomas, louisa bell, and elias jasper. arrival th. maria joiner. arrival th. richard green and his brother george. arrival th. henry cromwell. arrival th. henry bohm. arrival th. ralph whiting, james h. forman, anthony atkinson, arthur jones, isaiah nixon, joseph harris, john morris, henry hodges. arrival th. robert jones and wife. the first arrival to be here noticed consisted of david bennett, and his wife martha, with their two children, a little boy named george, and a nameless babe one month old. this family journeyed from loudon county, va. david, the husband, had been in bonds under captain james taylor. martha, the wife, and her two children were owned by george carter. martha's master was represented as a very barbarous and cruel man to the slaves. he made a common practice of flogging females when stripped naked. this was the emphatic testimony of martha. martha declared that she had been so stripped, and flogged by him after her marriage. the story of this interesting young mother, who was about twenty-seven years of age, was painful to the ear, particularly as the earnestness and intelligence of this poor, bruised, and mangled soul bore such strong evidence to the truthfulness of her statements. during the painful interview the mind would involuntarily picture this demon, only as the representative of thousands in the south using the same relentless sway over men and women; and this fleeing victim and her little ones, before escaping, only as sharers of a common lot with many other mothers and children, whose backs were daily subjected to the lash. if on such an occasion it was hard to find fitting words of sympathy, or adequate expressions of indignation, the pleasure of being permitted to give aid and comfort to such was in part a compensation and a relief. david, the husband of this woman, was about thirty-two years of age. no further notice was made of him. arrival no. consisted of henry washington, alias anthony hanly, and henry stewart. henry left norfolk and a "very mild master," known by the name of "seth march," out of sheer disgust for the patriarchal institution. directly after speaking of his master in such flattering terms he qualified the "mild," &c. by adding that he was excessively close in money matters. in proof of this assertion, henry declared, that out of his hire he was only allowed $ . per week to pay his board, clothe himself, and defray all other expenses; leaving no room whatever for him to provide for his wife. it was, therefore, a never-failing source of unhappiness to be thus debarred, and it was wholly on this account that he "took out," as he did, and at the time that he did. his wife's name was "sally." she too was a slave, but "had not been treated roughly." for fifty long years henry had been in the grasp of this merciless system--constrained to toil for the happiness of others, to make them comfortable, rich, indolent, and tyrannical. to say that he was like a bird out of a cage, conveys in no sense whatever the slightest idea of his delight in escaping from the prison house. and yet, his pleasure was sadly marred by the reflection that his bosom companion was still in bondage in the gloomy prison-house. henry was a man of dark color, well made, and of a reflective turn of mind. on arriving in canada, he manifested his gratitude through rev. h. wilson, as follows-- st. catharines, aug. th, . dear br. still:--i am requested by henry washington to inform you that he got through safe, and is here in good business. he returns to you his sincere thanks for your attention to him on his way. i had the pleasure of receiving seven fugitives last week. send them on, and may god speed them in the flight. i would like to have a miracle-working power, that i could give wings to them all so that they could come faster than by railroads either underground or above. yours truly, hiram wilson. while he was thus hopefully succeeding in canada, separated from his companion by many hundreds of miles, death came and liberated her from the yoke, as the subjoined letter indicates-- st. catharines, c.w. nov. , . mr. william still:--_dear sir_:--i have received a letter from joseph g. selden a friend in norfolk, va., informing me of the death of my wife, who deceased since i saw you here; he also informs me that my clothing will be forwarded to you by jupiter white, who now has it in his charge. you will therefore do me a great favor, if you will be so good as to forward them to me at this place st. catharines, c.w. the accompanying letter is the one received from mr. selden which i send you, that you may see that it is all right. you will please give my respects to mrs. still and family. most respectfully yours, henry washington. henry stewart, who accompanied the above mentioned traveler to canada, had fled a short while before from plymouth, north carolina. james monroe woodhouse, a farmer, claimed stewart as his property, and "hired him out" for $ per annum. as a master, woodhouse was considered to be of the "moderate" type, according to stewart's judgment. but respecting money matters (when his slaves wanted a trifle), "he was very hard. he did not flog, but would not give a slave a cent of money upon any consideration." it was by procuring a pass to norfolk, that henry managed to escape. although a father and a husband, having a wife (martha) and two children (mary ann and susan jane), he felt that his lot as a slave utterly debarred him from discharging his duty to them; that he could exercise no rights or privileges whatever, save as he might obtain permission from his master. in the matter of separation, even although the ties of husband and wife, parents and children were most closely knit, his reason dictated that he would be justified in freeing himself if possible; indeed, he could not endure the pressure of slavery any longer. although only twenty-three years of age, the burdens that he had been called upon to bear, made his naturally intelligent mind chafe to an unusual degree, especially when reflecting upon a continued life of slavery. when the time decided upon for his flight arrived, he said nothing to his wife on the subject, but secured his pass and took his departure for norfolk. on arriving there, he sought out an underground rail road captain, and arranged with him to bring him to philadelphia. whether the sorrow-stricken wife ever afterwards heard of her husband, or the father of his two little children, the writer is unable to say. it is possible that this narrative may reveal to the mother and her offspring (if they are still living), the first ray of light concerning the missing one. indeed it is not unreasonable to suppose, that thousands of anxious wives, husbands and children, who have been scattered in every direction by slavery, will never be able to learn as much of their lost ones as is contained in this brief account of henry stewart. arrival no. , brought william nelson, his wife, susan, and son, william thomas, together with louisa bell, and elias jasper. these travelers availed themselves of the schooner of captain b. who allowed them to embark at norfolk, despite the search laws of virginia. it hardly need be said, however, that it was no trifling matter in those days, to evade the law. captains and captives, in order to succeed, found that it required more than ordinary intelligence and courage, shrewdness and determination, and at the same time, a very ardent appreciation of liberty, without which, there could be no success. the simple announcement then, that a party of this number had arrived from norfolk, or richmond, or petersburg, gave the committee unusual satisfaction. it made them quite sure that there was pluck and brain somewhere. these individuals, in a particularly marked degree, possessed the qualities that greatly encouraged the efforts of the committee. william nelson, was a man of a dark chestnut color, medium size, with more than an ordinary degree of what might be termed "mother wit." apparently, william possessed well settled convictions, touching the questions of morals and religion, despite the overflowing tide of corruption and spurious religious teachings consequent on the existing pro-slavery usages all around him. he was a member of the methodist church, under the charge of the rev. mr. jones. for twenty years, william had served in the capacity of a "packer" under messrs. turner and white, who held a deed for william as their legal property. while he declared that he had been very "tightly worked" he nevertheless admitted that he had been dealt with in a mild manner in some respects. for his board and clothing, william had been allowed $ . per week. truly a small sum for a hard-working man with a family--yet this was far more than many slaves received from their masters. in view of receiving this small pittance, he had toiled hard--doing over-work in order to make "buckle and strap meet." once he had been sold on the auction-block. a sister of his had also shared the same fate. while seriously contemplating his life as a slave, he was soon led to the conclusion that it was his duty to bend his entire energies towards freeing himself and his family if possible. the idea of not being able to properly provide for his family rendered him quite unhappy; he therefore resolved to seek a passage north, via the underground rail road. to any captain who would aid him in the matter, he resolved to offer a large reward, and determined that the amount should only be limited by his inability to increase it. finally, after much anxious preparation, agreement was entered into with captain b., on behalf of himself, wife, child, and louisa bell, which was mutually satisfactory to all concerned, and afforded great hope to william. in due time the agreement was carried into effect, and all arrived safely and were delivered into the hands of the committee in philadelphia. the fare of the four cost $ , and william was only too grateful to think, that a captain could be found who would risk his own liberty in thus aiding a slave to freedom. the committee gladly gave them aid and succor, and agreed with william that the captain deserved all that he received for their deliverance. the arrival of william, wife, and child in canada was duly announced by the agent at st. catharines, rev. h. wilson, as follows: st. catharines, c.w., june th, . mr. wm. still:--_my dear friend_:--i am happy to announce the safe arrival of thomas russell with his wife and child. they have just arrived. i am much pleased with their appearance. i shall do what i can for their comfort and encouragement. they stopt at elmira from monday night till this morning, hoping that lucy bell would come up and join them at that place. they are very anxious to hear from her, as they have failed of meeting with her on the way or finding her here in advance of them. they wish to hear from you as soon as you can write, and would like to know if you have forwarded lucy on, and if so, what route you sent her. they send their kind respects to you and your family and many thanks for your kindness to them. they wish you to inquire after lucy if any harm has befallen her after her leaving philadelphia. please write promptly in my care. yours truly in the love of freedom, hiram wilson. the man who came to us as wm. nelson, is now known only as "thomas russell." it may here be remarked, that, owing to the general custom of changing names, as here instanced, it is found difficult to tell to whom the letters severally refer. where the old and new names were both carefully entered on the book there is no difficulty, of course, but it was not always thus. susan bell, the wife of william, was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, rather above medium size, well-made, good-looking, and intelligent--quite equal to her husband, and appeared to have his affections undividedly. she was owned by thomas baltimore, with whom she had lived for the last seven years. she stated that during a part of her life she had been treated in a "mild manner." she had no complaint to make until after the marriage of her master. under the new wife and mistress, susan found a very marked change for the worse. she fared badly enough then. the mistress, on every trifling occasion for complaint, was disposed to hold the auction-block up to susan, and would likewise influence her husband to do the same. from the fact, that four of susan's sisters had been sold away to "parts unknown," she was not prepared to relish these almost daily threats from her irritable mistress, so she became as anxious for a trip on the underground rail road as was her husband. about one hundred miles away in the country, her father, mother, three brothers, and one sister were living; but she felt that she could not remain a slave on their account. susan's owner had already fixed a price on her and her child, twenty-two months old, which was one thousand dollars. from this fate she was saved only by her firm resolution to seek her freedom. louisa bell was also of wm. nelson's party, and a fair specimen of a nice-looking, wide awake woman; of a chestnut color, twenty-eight years of age. she was the wife of a free man, but the slave of l. stasson, a confectioner. the almost constant ringing in her ears of the auction-block, made her most miserable, especially as she had once suffered terribly by being sold, and had likewise seen her mother, and five sisters placed in the same unhappy situation, the thought of which never ceased to be most painful. in reflecting upon the course which she was about to pursue in order to free herself from the prison-house, she felt more keenly than ever for her little children, and readily imagined how sadly she would mourn while thinking of them hundreds of miles distant, growing up only to be slaves. and particularly would her thoughts dwell upon her boy, six years of age; full old enough to feel deeply the loss of his mother, but without hope of ever seeing her again. heart-breaking as were these reflections, she resolved to leave robert and mary in the hands of god, and escape, if possible from her terrible thraldom. her plan was submitted to her husband; he acquiesced fully and promised to follow her as soon as an opportunity might present itself. although the ordeal that she was called upon to pass through was of the most trying nature she bravely endured the journey through to canada. on her arrival there the rev. h. wilson wrote on behalf of herself, and the cause as follows: st. catherines, c.w. july th, . dear br. still:--i have just received your letters touching u.g.r.r. operations. all is right. jasper and mrs. bell got here on saturday last, and i think i dropt you a line announcing the fact. i write again thus soon because two more by name of smith, john and wm., have arrived the present week and were anxious to have me inform you that they are safely landed and free in this refuge land. they wish me to communicate their kind regards to you and others who have aided them. they have found employment and are likely to do well. the of last week have gone over to toronto. i gave them letters to a friend there after furnishing them as well as i could with such clothing as they required. i am afraid that i am burdening you too much with postage, but can't help doing so unless i fail to write at all, as my means are not half equal to the expenses to which i am subject. faithfully and truly yours, hiram wilson. elias jasper, who was also a fellow-passenger with wm. nelson and co., was noticed thus on the underground rail road: age thirty-two years, color dark, features good, and gifted both with his tongue and hands. he had worked more or less at the following trades: rope-making, carpentering, engineering, and photographing. it was in this latter calling that he was engaged when the underground rail road movement first arrested his attention, and so continued until his departure. for several years he had been accustomed to hire his time, for which he had been required to pay $ per month. in acquiring the above trades he had been at no expense to his master, as he had learned them solely by his own perseverance, endowed as he was with a considerable share of genius. occasionally he paid for lessons, the money being earned by his over-work. his master, bayham, was a "retired gentleman." elias had been sold once, and had suffered in various other ways, particularly from being flogged. he left his wife, mary, but no child. of his intention to leave elias saw not how to impart to his wife, lest she should in some way let the "cat out of the bag." she was owned by a miss portlock, and had been treated "tolerably well," having had the privilege of hiring her time. she had $ to pay for this favor, which amount she raised by washing, etc. elias was a member of the methodist church, as were all of his comrades, and well did they remember the oft-repeated lesson, "servants obey your masters," etc. they soon understood this kind of preaching after breathing free air. the market value of elias was placed at $ . arrival, no. . maria joiner. captain f. arrived, from norfolk, with the above named passenger, the way not being open to risk any other on that occasion. this seemed rather slow business with this voyager, for he was usually accustomed to bringing more than one. however, as this arrival was only one day later than the preceding one noticed, and came from the same place, the committee concluded, that they had much reason for rejoicing nevertheless. as in the case of a great number among the oppressed of the south, when simply looking at maria, no visible marks of ill usage in any way were discernible. indeed, as she then appeared at the age of thirty-three, a fine, fresh, and healthy-looking mulatto woman, nine out of every ten would have been impressed with the idea, that she had never been subjected to hard treatment; in other words, that she had derived her full share of advantages from the "patriarchal institution." the appearance of just such persons in southern cities had often led northerners, when traveling in those parts, to regard the lot of slaves as quite comfortable. but the story of maria, told in an earnest and intelligent manner, was at once calculated to dissipate the idea of a "comfortable" existence in a state of bondage. she frankly admitted, however, that prior to the death of her old master, she was favorably treated, compared with many others; but, unfortunately, after his death, she had fallen into the hands of one of the old man's daughters, from whom, she declared, that she had received continued abuse, especially when said daughter was under the influence of liquor. at such times she was very violent. being spirited, maria could not consent to suffer on as a slave in this manner. consequently she began to cogitate how she might escape from her mistress (catharine gordon), and reach a free state. none other than the usual trying and hazardous ways could be devised--which was either to be stowed away in the hold of a schooner, or concealed amongst the rubbish of a steamer, where, for the time being, the extreme suffering was sure to tax every nerve even of the most valiant-hearted men. the daily darkening prospects constrained her to decide, that she was willing to suffer, not only in adopting this mode of travel, but on the other hand, that she had better be dead than remain under so cruel a woman as her mistress. maria's husband and sister (no other relatives are noticed), were naturally formidable barriers in the way of her escape. notwithstanding her attachment to them, she fully made up her mind to be free. immediately she took the first prerequisite step, which was to repair to a place of concealment with a friend in the city, and there, like the man at the pool, wait until her turn came to be conveyed thence to a free state. in this place she was obliged to wait eight long months, enduring daily suffering in various ways, especially during the winter season. but, with martyr-like faith, she endured to the end, and was eventually saved from the hell of slavery. maria was appraised at $ . arrival no. . richard green, alias wm. smith, and his brother george. these young brothers fled from george chambers of baltimore. the elder brother was twenty-five, the younger twenty-three. both were tall and well made and of a chestnut color, and possessed a good degree of natural ability. when desiring to visit their parents, their request was positively refused by their owner. taking offence at this step, both mutually resolved to run away at the earliest opportunity. thus in accordance with well premeditated plans, they set out and unobstructedly arrived in philadelphia. at first it was simply very pleasant to take them by the hand and welcome them; then to listen for a few moments to their intelligent narration of how they escaped, the motives that prompted them, etc. but further inquiries soon brought out incidents of the most thrilling and touching nature--not with regard to hardships which they had personally experienced, but in relation to outrages which had been perpetrated upon their mother. such simple facts as were then written are substantially as follows: nearly thirty years prior to the escape of richard and his brother their mother was in very bad health, so much so that physicians regarded her incurable. her owner was evidently fully impressed with the belief that instead of being profitable to him, she might be an expense, which he could not possibly obviate, while he retained her as a slave. now there was a way to get out of this dilemma. he could emancipate her and throw the responsibility of her support upon, herself. accordingly he drew up papers, called for his wife's mother to witness them, then formally put them into the hands of the invalid slave woman (dinah), assuring her at the same time, that she was free--being fully released as set forth in her papers. "take notice i have no more claim on you nor you on me from this time." marvellous liberality! after working the life out of a woman, in order that he should not have her to bury, he becomes hastily in favor of freedom. he is, however, justified by the laws of maryland. complaint, therefore, would simply amount to nothing. in the nature of the case dinah was now free, but she was not wholly alone in the world. she had a husband, named jacob green, who was owned by nathan childs for a term of years only, at the expiration of which time he was to be free. all lived then in talbot county, md. at the appointed time jacob's bondage ended, and he concluded that he might succeed better by moving to baltimore. indeed the health of his wife was so miserable that nothing in his old home seemed to offer any inducement in the way of a livelihood. so off they moved to baltimore. after a time, under careful and kind treatment, the faithful jacob was greatly encouraged by perceiving that the health of his companion was gradually improving--signs indicated, that she might yet become a well woman. the hopes of husband and wife, in this particular, were, in the lapse of time, fully realized. dinah was as well as ever, and became the mother of another child--a little boy. everything seemed to be going on happily, and they had no apparent reason to suspect any troubles other than such as might naturally have to be encountered in a state of poverty and toil. the unfettered boy was healthy, and made rapid advance in a few years. that any one should ever claim him was never for a moment feared. the old master, however, becoming tired of country life, had also moved to baltimore. how, they knew not, but he had heard of the existence of this boy. that he might satisfy himself on this point, he one day very slyly approached the house with george. no sooner was the old man within the enclosures than he asked dinah, "whose child is that?" pointing to the boy. "ask jacob," was the reply of the mother. the question was then put to jacob, the father of the boy. "i did not think that you would ask such a question, or that you would request anything like that," jacob remarked, naturally somewhat nervous, but he added, "i have the privilege of having any one i please in my house." "where is he from?" again demanded the master. the father repeated, "i have a right to have," etc., "i am my own man," etc. "i have found out whose he is," the hunter said. "i am going presently to take him home with me." at this juncture he seized the little fellow, at the same time calling out, "dinah, put his clothes on." by this time the father too had seized hold of the child. mustering courage, the father said, "take notice that you are not in the country, pulling and hauling people about." "i will have him or i will leave my heart's blood in the house," was the savage declaration of the master. in his rage he threatened to shoot the father. in the midst of the excitement george called in two officers to settle the trouble. "what are you doing here?" said the officers to the slave-holder. "i am after my property--this boy," he exclaimed. "have you ever seen it before?" they inquired. "no," said the slave-holder. "then how do you know that he belongs to you?" inquired the officers. "i believe he is mine," replied the slave-holder. all the parties concerned were then taken by the officers before an alderman. the father owned the child but the mother denied it. the alderman then decided that the child should be given to the father. the slave-holder having thus failed, was unwilling, nevertheless, to relinquish his grasp. whereupon he at once claimed the mother. of course he was under the necessity of resorting to the courts in order to establish his claim. fortunately the mother had securely preserved the paper given her by her master so many years before, releasing her. notwithstanding this the suit was pending nearly a year before the case was decided. everything was so clear the mother finally gained the suit. this decision was rendered only about two months prior to the escape of richard and george. arrival no. . henry cromwell. this passenger fled from baltimore county, md. the man that he escaped from was a farmer by the name of william roberts, who also owned seven other young slaves. of his treatment of his slaves nothing was recorded. henry was about six feet high, quite black, visage thin, age twenty-five. he left neither wife, parents, brothers nor sisters to grieve after him. in making his way north he walked of nights from his home to harrisburg, pa., and there availed himself of a passage on a freight car coming to philadelphia. arrival no. . henry bohm. henry came from near norfolk, va. he was about twenty-five years of age, and a fair specimen of a stout man, possessed of more than ordinary physical strength. as to whom he fled from, how he had been treated, or how he reached philadelphia, the record book is silent. why this is the case cannot now be accounted for, unless the hurry of getting him off forbade sufficient delay to note down more of the particulars. arrival no. . ralph whiting, james h. forman, anthony atkinson, arthur jones, isaiah nixon, joseph harris, john morris, and henry hodges. a numerous party like this had the appearance of business. they were all young and hopeful, and belonged to the more intelligent and promising of their race. they were capable of giving the best of reasons for the endeavors they were making to escape to a free country. they imparted to the committee much information respecting their several situations, together with the characters of their masters in relation to domestic matters, and the customs and usages under which they had been severally held to service--all of which was listened to with deep interest. but it was not an easy matter, after having been thus entertained, to write out the narratives of eight such persons. hundreds of pages would hardly have contained a brief account of the most interesting portion of their histories. it was deemed sufficient to enter their names and their forsaken homes, etc., as follows: "ralph was twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, dark, well made, intelligent, and a member of the methodist church. he was claimed by geo. w. kemp, esq., cashier of the exchange bank of norfolk, va. ralph gave mr. kemp the credit of being a 'moderate man' to his slaves. ralph was compelled to leave his wife, lydia, and two children, anna eliza, and cornelius." "james was twenty-three years of age, dark mulatto, nearly six feet high, and of prepossessing appearance. he fled from james saunders, esq. nothing, save the desire to be free, prompted james to leave his old situation and master. his parents and two sisters he was obliged to leave in norfolk." two brief letters from james, one concerning his "sweet-heart," whom he left in norfolk, the other giving an account of her arrival in canada and marriage thereafter will, doubtless, be read with interest. they are here given as follows: niagara falls, june th, . mr. still:--sir--i take my pen in hand to write you theas few lines to let you know that i am well at present and hope theas few lines may find you the same. sir my object in writing to you is that i expect a young lady by the name of miss mariah moore, from norfolk, virginia. she will leave norfolk on the th of this month in the steamship virginia for philadelphia you will oblige me very much by seeing her safely on the train of cars that leaves philadelphia for the suspension bridge niagara falls pleas to tell the lady to telegraph to me what time she will leave philadelphia so i may know what time to meet her at the suspension bridge my brother isaac porman send his love also his family to you and your family they are all well at present pleas to give my respects to mr. harry londay, also miss margaret cunigan, no more at present. i remain your friend, james h. forman. when you telegraph to me direct to the international hotel, niagara falls, n.y. niagara falls, july th, . dear sir:--i take this opportunity of writing these few lines to you hoping that they may find you enjoying good health as these few lines leave me at present. i thank you for your kindness. miss moore arrived here on the th of june and i was down to the cars to receive her. i thought i would have written to you before, but i thought i would wait till i got married. i got married on the d of july in the english church canada about o'clock my wife sends all her love to you and your wife and all enquiring friends please to kiss your two children for her and she says she is done crying and i am glad to hear she enjoyed herself so well in philadelphia give my respects to miss margaret cuningham and i am glad to hear her sister arrived my father sends his respects to you no more at present but remain your friend, james h. forman. direct your letter to the international hotel, niagara falls. anthony was thirty-six years of age, and by blood, was quite as nearly related to the anglo-saxon as the anglo-african. he was nevertheless, physically a fine specimen of a man. he was about six feet high, and bore evidence of having picked up a considerable amount of intelligence considering his opportunities. he had been sold three times. anthony was decidedly opposed to having to pass through this ordeal a fourth time, therefore, the more he meditated over his condition, the more determined he became to seek out an underground rail road agent, and make his way to canada. concluding that josiah wells, who claimed him, had received a thousand times too much of his labor already, anthony was in a fit state of mind to make a resolute effort to gain his freedom. he had a wife, but no children. his father, one sister, and two brothers were all dear to him, but all being slaves "one could not help the other," anthony reasoned, and wisely too. so, at the command of the captain, he was ready to bear his part of the suffering consequent upon being concealed in the hold of a vessel, where but little air could penetrate. arthur was forty-one years of age, six feet high--chestnut color, well made, and possessed good native faculties needing cultivation. he escaped from a farmer, by the name of john jones, who was classed, as to natural temperament, amongst "moderate slave-holders." "i wanted my liberty," said arthur promptly and emphatically, and he declared that was the cause of his escape. he left his mother, two sisters, and three brothers in slavery. isaiah was about twenty-two, small of stature, but smart, and of a substantially black complexion. he had been subjected to very hard treatment under samuel simmons who claimed him, and on this account he was first prompted to leave. his mother and three brothers he left in bondage. joseph was twenty-three years of age, and was, in every way, "likely-looking." according to the laws of slavery, he was the property of david morris, who was entitled to be ranked amongst the more compassionate slave-holders of the south. yet, joseph was not satisfied, deprived of his freedom. he had not known hardships as many had, but it was not in him notwithstanding, to be contented as a slave. in leaving, he had to "tear himself away" from his parents, three brothers, and two sisters. henry escaped from s. simmons of plymouth, north carolina, and was a fellow-servant with isaiah. simmons was particularly distinguished for his tyrannical rule and treatment of his slaves--so henry and isaiah had the good sense to withdraw from under his yoke, very young in life; henry being twenty-three. john was about twenty-one years of age, five feet eight inches high, dark color, and well-grown for his years. before embarking, he had endured seven months of hard suffering from being secreted, waiting for an opportunity to escape. it was to keep his master from selling him, that he was thus induced to secrete himself. after he had remained away some months, he resolved to suffer on until his friends could manage to procure him a passage on the underground rail road. with this determined spirit he did not wait in vain. arrival no. . robert jones and wife:--in the majority of cases, in order to effect the escape of either, sad separations between husbands and wives were unavoidable. fortunately, it was not so in this case. in journeying from the house of bondage, robert and his wife were united both in sympathies and in struggles. robert had experienced "hard times" just in what way, however, was not recorded; his wife had been differently treated, not being under the same taskmaster as her husband. at the time of their arrival all that was recorded of their bondage is as follows-- august d, , robert jones and wife, arrived from petersburg, va. robert is about thirty-five, chestnut color, medium size, of good manners, intelligent, had been owned by thomas n. lee, "a very hard man." robert left because he "wanted his liberty--always had from a boy." eliza, his wife, is about forty years of age, chestnut color, nice-looking, and well-dressed. she belonged to eliza h. richie, who was called a "moderate woman" towards her slaves. notwithstanding the limited space occupied in noting them on the record book, the committee regarded them as being among the most worthy and brave travelers passing over the underground rail road, and felt well satisfied that such specimens of humanity would do credit in canada, not only to themselves, but to their race. robert had succeeded in learning to read and write tolerably well, and had thought much over the condition and wrongs of the race, and seemed to be eager to be where he could do something to lift his fellow-sufferers up to a higher plane of liberty and manhood. after an interview with robert and his wife, in every way so agreeable, they were forwarded on in the usual manner, to canada. while enjoying the sweets of freedom in canada, he was not the man to keep his light under a bushel. he seemed to have a high appreciation of the potency of the pen, and a decidedly clear idea that colored men needed to lay hold of many enterprises with resolution, in order to prove themselves qualified to rise equally with other branches of the human family. some of his letters, embracing his views, plans and suggestions, were so encouraging and sensible, that the committee was in the habit of showing them to friendly persons, and indeed, extracts of some of his letters were deemed of sufficient importance to publish. one alone, taken from many letters received from him, must here suffice to illustrate his intelligence and efforts as a fugitive and citizen in canada. hamilton, c.w., august th, . mr. wm. still;--_dear friend_:--i take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you of my health, which is good at present, &c. * * * * i was talking to you about going to liberia, when i saw you last, and did intend to start this fall, but i since looked at the condition of the colored people in canada. i thought i would try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place them in the proper position to stand where they ought to stand. in order to do this, i have undertaken to get up a military company amongst them. they laughed at me to undertake such a thing; but i did not relax my energies. i went and had an interview with major j.t. gilepon, told him what my object was, he encouraged me to go on, saying that he would do all he could for the accomplishment of my object. he referred to _sir allan mcnab, &c._ * * * * i took with me mr. j.h. hill to see him--he told me that it should be done, and required us to write a petition to the _governor general_, which has been done. * * * * the company is already organized. mr. howard was elected captain; j.h. hill, st lieutenant; hezekiah hill, ensign; robert jones, st sergeant. the company's name is, queen victoria's rifle guards. you may, by this, see what i have been doing since i have been in canada. when we receive our appointments by the government. i will send by express, my daguerreotype in uniform. my respects, &c. &c., robert jones. * * * * * heavy reward. two thousand six hundred dollars reward--ran away from the subscriber, on saturday night, november th, , josiah and william bailey, and peter pennington. joe is about feet inches in height, of a chestnut color, bald head, with a remarkable scar on one of his cheeks, not positive on which it is, but think it is on the left, under the eye, has intelligent countenance, active, and well-made. he is about years old. bill is of a darker color, about feet inches in height, stammers a little when confused, well-made, and older than joe, well dressed, but may have pulled kearsey on over their other clothes. peter is smaller than either the others, about years of age, dark chestnut color, feet or inches high. [illustration: ] a reward of fifteen hundred dollars will be given to any person who will apprehend the said joe bailey, and lodge him safely in the jail at easton, talbot co., md., and $ for bill and $ for peter. w.r. hughlett john c. henry, t. wright. when this arrival made its appearance, it was at first sight quite evident that one of the company was a man of more than ordinary parts, both physically and mentally. likewise, taking them individually, their appearance and bearing tended largely to strengthen the idea that the spirit of freedom was rapidly gaining ground in the minds of the slaves, despite the efforts of the slave-holders to keep them in darkness. in company with the three men, for whom the above large reward was offered, came a woman by the name of eliza nokey. as soon as the opportunity presented itself, the active committee feeling an unusual desire to hear their story, began the investigation by inquiring as to the cause of their escape, etc., which brought simple and homely but earnest answers from each. these answers afforded the best possible means of seeing slavery in its natural, practical workings--of obtaining such testimony and representations of the vile system, as the most eloquent orator or able pen might labor in vain to make clear and convincing, although this arrival had obviously been owned by men of high standing. the fugitives themselves innocently stated that one of the masters, who was in the habit of flogging adult females, was a "moderate man." josiah bailey was the leader of this party, and he appeared well-qualified for this position. he was about twenty-nine years of age, and in no particular physically, did he seem to be deficient. he was likewise civil and polite in his manners, and a man of good common sense. he was held and oppressed by william h. hughlett, a farmer and dealer in ship timber, who had besides invested in slaves to the number of forty head. in his habits he was generally taken for a "moderate" and "fair" man, "though he was in the habit of flogging the slaves--females as well as males," after they had arrived at the age of maturity. this was not considered strange or cruel in maryland. josiah was the "foreman" on the place, and was entrusted with the management of hauling the ship-timber, and through harvesting and busy seasons was required to lead in the fields. he was regarded as one of the most valuable hands in that part of the country, being valued at $ , . three weeks before he escaped, joe was "stripped naked," and "flogged" very cruelly by his master, simply because he had a dispute with one of the fellow-servants, who had stolen, as joe alleged, seven dollars of his hard earnings. this flogging, produced in joe's mind, an unswerving determination to leave slavery or die: to try his luck on the underground rail road at all hazards. the very name of slavery, made the fire fairly burn in his bones. although a married man, having a wife and three children (owned by hughlett), he was not prepared to let his affection for them keep him in chains--so anna maria, his wife, and his children ellen, anna maria, and isabella, were shortly widowed and orphaned by the slave lash. william bailey was owned by john c. henry, a large slave-holder, and a very "hard" one, if what william alleged of him was true. his story certainly had every appearance of truthfulness. a recent brutal flogging had "stiffened his back-bone," and furnished him with his excuse for not being willing to continue in maryland, working his strength away to enrich his master, or the man who claimed to be such. the memorable flogging, however, which caused him to seek flight on the underground rail road, was not administered by his master or on his master's plantation. he was hired out, and it was in this situation that he was so barbarously treated. yet he considered his master more in fault than the man to whom he was hired, but redress there was none, save to escape. the hour for forwarding the party by the committee, came too soon to allow time for the writing of any account of peter pennington and eliza nokey. suffice it to say, that in struggling through their journey, their spirits never flagged; they had determined not to stop short of canada. they truly had a very high appreciation of freedom, but a very poor opinion of maryland. * * * * * slave trader hall is foiled. robert mccoy _alias_ william donar. in october, , the committee received per steamer, directly from norfolk, va., robert mccoy and elizabeth saunders. robert had constantly been in the clutches of the negro-trader hall, for the last sixteen years, previous to his leaving, being owned by him. he had, therefore, possessed very favorable opportunities for varied observation and experience relative to the trader's conduct in his nefarious business, as well as for witnessing the effects of the auction-block upon all ages--rending asunder the dearest ties, despite the piteous wails of childhood or womanhood, parental or conjugal relations. but no attempt will be made to chronicle the deeds of this dealer in human flesh. those stories fresh from the lips of one who had just escaped, were painful in the extreme, but in the very nature of things some of the statements are too revolting to be published. in lieu of this fact, except the above allusions to the trader's business, this sketch will only refer to robert's condition as a slave, and finally as a traveler on the underground rail road. robert was a man of medium size, dark mulatto, of more than ordinary intelligence. his duties had been confined to the house, and not to the slave pen. as a general thing, he had managed, doubtless through much shrewdness, to avoid very severe outrages from the trader. on the whole, he had fared "about as well" as the generality of slaves. yet, in order to free himself from his "miserable" life, he was willing, as he declared, to suffer almost any sacrifice. indeed, his conduct proved the sincerity of this declaration, as he had actually been concealed five months in a place in the city, where he could not possibly avoid daily suffering of the most trying kind. his resolve to be free was all this while maturing. the trader had threatened to sell robert, and to prevent it robert (thus) "took out." successfully did he elude the keen scent and grasp of the hunters, who made diligent efforts to recapture him. although a young man--only about twenty-eight years of age, his health was by no means good. his system had evidently been considerably shattered by slavery, and symptoms of consumption, together with chronic rheumatism, were making rapid headway against the physical man. under his various ills, he declared, as did many others from the land of bondage, that his faith in god afforded him comfort and hope. he was obliged to leave his wife, eliza, in bonds, not knowing whether they should ever meet again on earth, but he was somewhat hopeful that the way would open for her escape also. after reaching philadelphia, where his arrival had long been anticipated by the vigilance committee, his immediate wants were met, and in due order he was forwarded to new bedford, where, he was led to feel, he would be happy in freedom. scarcely had he been in new bedford one month, before his prayers and hopes were realized with regard to the deliverance of his wife. on hearing of the good news of her coming he wrote as follows-- new bedford, nov. , . dear sir:--i embrace this opertunity to inform you that i received your letter with pleasure, i am enjoying good health and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying the same blessing. i rejoise to hear from you i feel very much indetted to you for not writing before but i have been so bissy that is the cause, i rejoise to heare of the arrival of my wife, and hope she is not sick from the roling of the sea and if she is not, pleas to send her on here monday with a six baral warlian and a rifall to gard her up to my residance i thank you kindly for the good that you have don for me. give my respects to mrs. still, tell her i want to see her very bad and you also i would come but i am afraid yet to venture, i received your letter the second, but about the first of spring i hope to pay you a visit or next summer. i am getting something to do every day. i will write on her arrivall and tell you more. mr. r. white sends his love to you and your famerly and says that he is very much indetted to you for his not writing and all so he desires to know wheather his cloths has arived yet or not, and if they are please to express them on to him or if at preasant by mrs. donar. not any more at preasent. i remain your affectionate brother, william donar. by the same arrival, and similarly secreted, elizabeth frances, alias ellen saunders, had the good luck to reach philadelphia. she was a single young woman, about twenty-two, with as pleasant a countenance as one would wish to see. her manners were equally agreeable. perhaps her joy over her achieved victory added somewhat to her personal appearance. she had, however, belonged to the more favored class of slaves. she had neither been over-worked nor badly abused. elizabeth was the property of a lady a few shades lighter than herself, (elizabeth was a mulatto) by the name of sarah shephard, of norfolk. in order the more effectually to profit by elizabeth's labor, the mistress resorted to the plan of hiring her out for a given sum per month. against this usage elizabeth urged no complaint. indeed the only very serious charge she brought was to the effect, that her mistress sold her mother away from her far south, when she was a child only ten years old. she had also sold a brother and sister to a foreign southern market. the reflections consequent upon the course that her mistress had thus pursued, awakened elizabeth to much study relative to freedom, and by the time that she had reached womanhood she had very decided convictions touching her duty with regard to escaping. thus growing to hate slavery in every way and manner, she was prepared to make a desperate effort to be free. having saved thirty-five dollars by rigid economy, she was willing to give every cent of it (although it was all she possessed), to be aided from norfolk to philadelphia. after reaching the city, having suffered severely while coming, she was invited to remain until somewhat recruited. in the healthy air of freedom she was soon fully restored, and ready to take her departure for new bedford, which place she reached without difficulty and was cordially welcomed. the following letter, expressive of her obligations for aid received, was forwarded soon after her arrival in new bedford: new bedford, mass., october th, . mr. still:--dear sir--i now take my pen in my hand to inform you of my health which is good at present all except a cold i have got but i hope when these few lines reach you you may be enjoying good health. i arrived in new bedford thursday morning safely and what little i have seen of the city i like it very much my friends were very glad to see me. i found my sister very well. give my love to mrs. still and also your dear little children. i am now out at service. i do not think of going to canada now. i think i shall remain in this city this winter. please tell mrs. still i have not met any person who has treated me any kinder than she did since i left. i consider you both to have been true friends to me. i hope you will think me the same to you. i feel very thankful to you indeed. it might been supposed, out of sight out of mind, but it is not so. i never forget my friends. give my love to florence. if you come to this city i would be very happy to see you. kiss your dear little children for me. please to answer this as soon as possible, so that i may know you received this. no more at present. i still remain your friend, ellen saunders. eliza mccoy--the wife of robert mccoy, whose narrative has just been given--and who was left to wait in hope when her husband escaped--soon followed him to freedom. it is a source of great satisfaction to be able to present her narrative in so close proximity to her husband's. he arrived about the first of october--she about the first of november, following. from her lips testimony of much weight and interest was listened to by several friends relative to her sufferings as a slave--on the auction-block, and in a place of concealment seven months, waiting and praying for an opportunity to escape. but it was thought sufficient to record merely a very brief outline of her active slave life, which consisted of the following noticeable features. eliza had been owned by andrew sigany, of norfolk--age about thirty-eight--mulatto, and a woman whose appearance would readily command attention and respect anywhere outside of the barbarism of slavery. she stated that her experience as a sufferer in cruel hands had been very trying, and that in fretting under hardships, she had "always wanted to be free." her language was unmistakable on this point. neither mistress nor servant was satisfied with each other; the mistress was so "queer" and "hard to please," that eliza became heartily sick of trying to please her--an angel would have failed with such a woman. so, while matters were getting no better, but, on the contrary, were growing worse and worse, eliza thought she would seek a more pleasant atmosphere in the north. in fact she felt that it would afford her no little relief to allow her place to be occupied by another. when she went into close quarters of concealment, she fully understood what was meant and all the liabilities thereto. she had pluck enough to endure unto the end without murmuring. the martyrs in olden times who dwelt in "dens and caves of the earth," could hardly have fared worse than some of these way-worn travelers. after the rest, needed by one who had suffered so severely until her arrival in philadelphia, she was forwarded to her anxiously waiting husband in new bedford, where she was gladly received. from the frequent arrivals from virginia, especially in steamers, it may be thought that no very stringent laws or regulations existed by which offenders, who might aid the underground rail road, could be severely punished--that the slave-holders were lenient, indifferent and unguarded as to how this property took wings and escaped. in order to enlighten the reader with regard to this subject, it seems necessary, in this connection, to publish at least one of the many statutes from the slave laws of the south bearing directly on the aid and escape of slaves by vessels. the following enactment is given as passed by the legislature of virginia in : the protection of slave property in virginia. a bill providing additional protection for the slave property of citizens of this commonwealth. ( .) be it enacted, by the general assembly, that it shall not be lawful for any vessel, of any size or description, whatever, owned in whole, or in part, by any citizen or resident of another state, and about to sail or steam for any port or place in this state, for any port or place north of and beyond the capes of virginia, to depart from the waters of this commonwealth, until said vessel has undergone the inspection hereinafter provided for in this act, and received a certificate to that effect. if any such vessel shall depart from the state without such certificate of inspection, the captain or owner thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars, to be recovered by any person who will sue for the same, in any court of record in this state, in the name of the governor of the commonwealth. pending said suit, the vessel of said captain or owner shall not leave the state until bond be given by the captain or owner, or other person for him, payable to the governor, with two or three sureties satisfactory to the court, in the penalty of one thousand dollars, for the payment of the forfeit or fine, together with the cost and expenses incurred in enforcing the same; and in default of such bond, the vessel shall be held liable. provided that nothing contained in this section, shall apply to vessels belonging to the united states government, or vessels, american or foreign, bound direct to any foreign country other than the british american provinces. ( .) the pilots licensed under the laws of virginia, and while attached to a vessel regularly employed as a pilot boat, are hereby constituted inspectors to execute this act, so far as the same may be applicable to the chesapeake bay, and the waters tributary thereto, within the jurisdiction of this state, together with such other inspectors as may be appointed by virtue of this act. ( .) the branch or license issued to a pilot according to the provisions of the d chapter of code, shall be sufficient evidence that he is authorized and empowered to act as inspector as aforesaid. ( .) it shall be the duty of the inspector, or other person authorized to act under this law, to examine and search all vessels hereinbefore described, to see that no slave or person held to service or labor in this state, or person charged with the commission of any crime within the state, shall be concealed on board said vessel. such inspection shall be made within twelve hours of the time of departure of such vessel from the waters of virginia, and may be made in any bay, river, creek, or other water-course of the state, provided, however, that steamers plying as regular packets, between ports in virginia and those north of, and outside of the capes of virginia, shall be inspected at the port of departure nearest old point comfort. ( .) a vessel so inspected and getting under way, with intent to leave the waters of the state, if she returns to an anchorage above back river point, or within old point comfort, shall be again inspected and charged as if an original case. if such vessel be driven back by stress of weather to seek a harbor, she shall be exempt from payment of a second fee, unless she holds intercourse with the shore. ( .) if, after searching the vessel, the inspector see no just cause to detain her, he shall give to the captain a certificate to that effect. if, however, upon such inspection, or in any other manner, any slave or person held to service or labor, or any person charged with any crime, be found on board of any vessel whatever, for the purpose aforesaid, or said vessel be detected in the act of leaving this commonwealth with any such slave or person on board, or otherwise violating the provisions of this act, he shall attach said vessel, and arrest all persons on board, to be delivered up to the sergeant or sheriff of the nearest port in this commonwealth, to be dealt with according to law. ( .) if any inspector or other officer be opposed, or shall have reason to suspect that he will be opposed or obstructed in the discharge of any duty required of him under this act, he shall have power to summon and command the force of any county or corporation to aid him in the discharge of such duty, and every person who shall resist, obstruct, or refuse to aid any inspector or other officer in the discharge of such duty, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof, shall be fined and imprisoned as in other cases of misdemeanor. ( .) for every inspection of a vessel under this law, the inspector, or other officer shall be entitled to demand and receive the sum of five dollars; for the payment of which such vessel shall be liable, and the inspector or other officer may seize and hold her until the same is paid, together with all charges incurred in taking care of the vessel, as well as in enforcing the payment of the same. provided, that steam packets trading regularly between the waters of virginia and ports north of and beyond the capes of virginia, shall pay not more than five dollars for each inspection under the provisions of this act; provided, however, that for every inspection of a vessel engaged in the coal trade, the inspector shall not receive a greater sum than two dollars. ( .) any inspector or other person apprehending a slave in the act of escaping from the state, on board a vessel trading to or belonging to a non-slave-holding state, or who shall give information that will lead to the recovery of any slave, as aforesaid, shall be entitled to a reward of one hundred dollars, to be paid by the owner of such slave, or by the fiduciary having charge of the estate to which such slave belongs; and if the vessel be forfeited under the provisions of this act, he shall be entitled to one-half of the proceeds arising from the sale of the vessel; and if the same amounts to one hundred dollars, he shall not receive from the owner the above reward of one hundred dollars. ( .) an inspector permitting a slave to escape for the want of proper exertion, or by neglect in the discharge of his duty, shall be fined one hundred dollars; or if for like causes he permit a vessel, which the law requires him to inspect, to leave the state without inspection, he shall be fined not less than twenty, nor more than fifty dollars, to be recovered by warrant by any person who will proceed against him. ( .) no pilot acting under the authority of the laws of the state, shall pilot out of the jurisdiction of this state any such vessel as is described in this act, which has not obtained and exhibited to him the certificate of inspection hereby required; and if any pilot shall so offend, he shall forfeit and pay not less than twenty, or more than fifty dollars, to be recovered in the mode prescribed in the next preceding section of this act. ( .) the courts of the several counties or corporations situated on the chesapeake bay, or its tributaries, by an order entered on record, may appoint one or more inspectors, at such place or places within their respective districts as they may deem necessary, to prevent the escape or for the recapture of slaves attempting to escape beyond the limits of the state, and to search or otherwise examine all vessels trading to such counties or corporations. the expenses in such cases to be provided for by a levy on negroes now taxed by law; but no inspection by county or corporation officers thus appointed, shall supersede the inspection of such vessels by pilots and other inspectors, as specially provided for in this act. ( .) it shall be lawful for the county court of any county, upon the application of five or more slave-holders, residents of the counties where the application is made, by an order of record, to designate one or more police stations in their respective counties, and a captain and three or more other persons as a police patrol on each station, for the recapture of fugitive slaves; which patrol shall be in service at such times, and such stations as the court shall direct by their order aforesaid; and the said court shall allow a reasonable compensation, to be paid to the members of such patrol; and for that purpose, the said court may from time to time direct a levy on negroes now taxed by law, at such rate per capita as the court may think sufficient, to be collected and accounted for by the sheriff as other county levies, and to be called, "the fugitive slave tax." the owner of each fugitive slave in the act of escaping beyond the limits of the commonwealth, to a non-slave-holding state, and captured by the patrol aforesaid, shall pay for each slave over fifteen, and under forty-five years old, a reward of one hundred dollars; for each slave over five, and under fifteen years old, the sum of sixty dollars; and for all others, the sum of forty dollars. which reward shall be divided equally among the members of the patrol retaking the slave and actually on duty at the time; and to secure the payment of said reward, the said patrol may retain possession and use of the slave until the reward is paid or secured to them. ( .) the executive of this state may appoint one or more inspectors for the rappahannock and potomac rivers, if he shall deem it expedient, for the due execution of this act. the inspectors so appointed to perform the same duties, and to be invested with the same powers in their respective districts, and receive the same fees, as pilots acting as inspectors in other parts of the state. a vessel subject to inspection under this law, departing from any of the above-named counties or rivers on her voyage to sea, shall be exempted from the payment of a fee for a second inspection by another officer, if provided with a certificate from the proper inspecting officer of that district; but if, after proceeding on her voyage, she returns to the port or place of departure, or enters any other port, river, or roadstead in the state, the said vessel shall be again inspected, and pay a fee of five dollars, as if she had undergone no previous examination and received no previous certificate. if driven by stress of weather to seek a harbor, and she has no intercourse with the shore, then, and in that case, no second fee shall be paid by said vessel. ( .) for the better execution of the provisions of this act, in regard to the inspection, of vessels, the executive is hereby authorized and directed to appoint a chief inspector, to reside at norfolk, whose duty it shall be, to direct and superintend the police, agents, or inspectors above referred to. he shall keep a record of all vessels engaged in the piloting business, together with a list of such persons as may be employed as pilots and inspectors under this law. the owner or owners of each boat shall make a monthly report to him, of all vessels inspected by persons attached to said pilot boats, the names of such vessels, the owner or owners thereof, and the places where owned or licensed, and where trading to or from, and the business in which they are engaged, together with a list of their crews. any inspector failing to make his report to the chief inspector, shall pay a fine of twenty dollars for each such failure, which fine shall be recovered by warrant, before a justice of the county or corporation. the chief inspector may direct the time and station for the cruise of each pilot boat, and perform such other duty as the governor may designate, not inconsistent with the other provisions of this act. he shall make a quarterly return to the executive of all the transactions of his department, reporting to him any failure or refusal on the part of inspectors to discharge the duty assigned to them, and the governor, for sufficient cause, may suspend or remove from office any delinquent inspector. the chief inspector shall receive as his compensation, ten per cent, on all the fees and fines received by the inspectors acting under his authority, and may be removed at the pleasure of the executive. ( .) all fees and forfeitures imposed by this act, and not otherwise specially provided for, shall go one half to the informer, and the other be paid into the treasury of the state, to constitute a fund, to be called the "fugitive slave fund," and to be used for the payment of rewards awarded by the governor, for the apprehension of runaway slaves, and to pay other expenses incident to the execution of this law, together with such other purposes as may hereafter be determined on by the general assembly. ( .) this act shall be in force from its passage. * * * * * escaping in a chest. $ reward. ran away from the subscriber, on sunday night, th inst., my negro girl, lear green, about years of age, black complexion, round-featured, good-looking and ordinary size; she had on and with her when she left, a tan-colored silk bonnet, a dark plaid silk dress, a light mouslin delaine, also one watered silk cape and one tan colored cape. i have reason to be confident that she was persuaded off by a negro man named wm. adams, black, quick spoken, feet inches high, a large scar on one side of his face, running down in a ridge by the corner of his mouth, about inches long, barber by trade, but works mostly about taverns, opening oysters, &c. he has been missing about a week; he had been heard to say he was going to marry the above girl and ship to new york, where it is said his mother resides. the above reward will be paid if said girl is taken out of the state of maryland and delivered to me; or fifty dollars if taken in the state of maryland. [illustration: ] james noble, m - t. no. broadway, baltimore. lear green, so particularly advertised in the "baltimore sun" by "james noble," won for herself a strong claim to a high place among the heroic women of the nineteenth century. in regard to description and age the advertisement is tolerably accurate, although her master might have added, that her countenance was one of peculiar modesty and grace. instead of being "black," she was of a "dark-brown color." of her bondage she made the following statement: she was owned by "james noble, a butter dealer" of baltimore. he fell heir to lear by the will of his wife's mother, mrs. rachel howard, by whom she had previously been owned. lear was but a mere child when she came into the hands of noble's family. she, therefore, remembered but little of her old mistress. her young mistress, however, had made a lasting impression upon her mind; for she was very exacting and oppressive in regard to the tasks she was daily in the habit of laying upon lear's shoulders, with no disposition whatever to allow her any liberties. at least lear was never indulged in this respect. in this situation a young man by the name of william adams proposed marriage to her. this offer she was inclined to accept, but disliked the idea of being encumbered with the chains of slavery and the duties of a family at the same time. after a full consultation with her mother and also her intended upon the matter, she decided that she must be free in order to fill the station of a wife and mother. for a time dangers and difficulties in the way of escape seemed utterly to set at defiance all hope of success. whilst every pulse was beating strong for liberty, only one chance seemed to be left, the trial of which required as much courage as it would to endure the cutting off the right arm or plucking out the right eye. an old chest of substantial make, such as sailors commonly use, was procured. a quilt, a pillow, and a few articles of raiment, with a small quantity of food and a bottle of water were put in it, and lear placed therein; strong ropes were fastened around the chest and she was safely stowed amongst the ordinary freight on one of the erricson line of steamers. her intended's mother, who was a free woman, agreed to come as a passenger on the same boat. how could she refuse? the prescribed rules of the company assigned colored passengers to the deck. in this instance it was exactly where this guardian and mother desired to be--as near the chest as possible. once or twice, during the silent watches of the night, she was drawn irresistibly to the chest, and could not refrain from venturing to untie the rope and raise the lid a little, to see if the poor child still lived, and at the same time to give her a breath of fresh air. without uttering a whisper, that frightful moment, this office was successfully performed. that the silent prayers of this oppressed young woman, together with her faithful protector's, were momentarily ascending to the ear of the good god above, there can be no question. nor is it to be doubted for a moment but that some ministering angel aided the mother to unfasten the rope, and at the same time nerved the heart of poor lear to endure the trying ordeal of her perilous situation. she declared that she had no fear. after she had passed eighteen hours in the chest, the steamer arrived at the wharf in philadelphia, and in due time the living freight was brought off the boat, and at first was delivered at a house in barley street, occupied by particular friends of the mother. subsequently chest and freight were removed to the residence of the writer, in whose family she remained several days under the protection and care of the vigilance committee. [illustration: ] such hungering and thirsting for liberty, as was evinced by lear green, made the efforts of the most ardent friends, who were in the habit of aiding fugitives, seem feeble in the extreme. of all the heroes in canada, or out of it, who have purchased their liberty by downright bravery, through perils the most hazardous, none deserve more praise than lear green. she remained for a time in this family, and was then forwarded to elmira. in this place she was married to william adams, who has been previously alluded to. they never went to canada, but took up their permanent abode in elmira. the brief space of about three years only was allotted her in which to enjoy freedom, as death came and terminated her career. about the time of this sad occurrence, her mother-in-law died in this city. the impressions made by both mother and daughter can never be effaced. the chest in which lear escaped has been preserved by the writer as a rare trophy, and her photograph taken, while in the chest, is an excellent likeness of her and, at the same time, a fitting memorial. * * * * * isaac williams, henry banks, and kit nickless. months in a cave,--shot by slave-hunters. rarely were three travelers from the house of bondage received at the philadelphia station whose narratives were more interesting than those of the above-named individuals. before escaping they had encountered difficulties of the most trying nature. no better material for dramatic effect could be found than might have been gathered from the incidents of their lives and travels. but all that we can venture to introduce here is the brief account recorded at the time of their sojourn at the philadelphia station when on their way to canada in . the three journeyed together. they had been slaves together in the same neighborhood. two of them had shared the same den and cave in the woods, and had been shot, captured, and confined in the same prison; had broken out of prison and again escaped; consequently their hearts were thoroughly cemented in the hope of reaching freedom together. isaac was a stout-made young man, about twenty-six years of age, possessing a good degree of physical and mental ability. indeed his intelligence forbade his submission to the requirements of slavery, rendered him unhappy and led him to seek his freedom. he owed services to d. fitchhugh up to within a short time before he escaped. against fitchhugh he made grave charges, said that he was a "hard, bad man." it is but fair to add that isaac was similarly regarded by his master, so both were dissatisfied with each other. but the master had the advantage of isaac, he could sell him. isaac, however, could turn the table on his master, by running off. but the master moved quickly and sold isaac to dr. james, a negro trader. the trader designed making a good speculation out of his investment: isaac determined that he should be disappointed; indeed that he should lose every dollar that he paid for him. so while the doctor was planning where and how he could get the best price for him, isaac was planning how and where he might safely get beyond his reach. the time for planning and acting with isaac was, however, exceedingly short. he was daily expecting to be called upon to take his departure for the south. in this situation he made known his condition to a friend of his who was in a precisely similar situation; had lately been sold just as isaac had to the same trader james. so no argument was needed to convince his friend and fellow-servant that if they meant to be free they would have to set off immediately. that night henry banks and isaac williams started for the woods together, preferring to live among reptiles and wild animals, rather than be any longer at the disposal of dr. james. for two weeks they successfully escaped their pursuers. the woods, however, were being hunted in every direction, and one day the pursuers came upon them, shot them both, and carried them to king george's co. jail. the jail being an old building had weak places in it; but the prisoners concluded to make no attempt to break out while suffering badly from their wounds. so they remained one month in confinement. all the while their brave spirits under suffering grew more and more daring. again they decided to strike for freedom, but where to go, save to the woods, they had not the slightest idea. of course they had heard, as most slaves had, of cave life, and pretty well understood all the measures which had to be resorted to for security when entering upon so hazardous an undertaking. they concluded, however, that they could not make their condition any worse, let circumstances be what they might in this respect. having discovered how they could break jail, they were not long in accomplishing their purpose, and were out and off to the woods again. this time they went far into the forest, and there they dug a cave, and with great pains had every thing so completely arranged as to conceal the spot entirely. in this den they stayed three months. now and then they would manage to secure a pig. a friend also would occasionally serve them with a meal. their sufferings at best were fearful; but great as they were, the thought of returning to slavery never occurred to them, and the longer they stayed in the woods, the greater was their determination to be free. in the belief that their owner had about given them up they resolved to take the north star for a pilot, and try in this way to reach free land. kit, an old friend in time of need, having proved true to them in their cave, was consulted. he fully appreciated their heroism, and determined that he would join them in the undertaking, as he was badly treated by his master, who was called general washington, a common farmer, hard drinker, and brutal fighter, which kit's poor back fully evinced by the marks it bore. of course isaac and henry were only too willing to have him accompany them. in leaving their respective homes they broke kindred ties of the tenderest nature. isaac had a wife, eliza, and three children, isaac, estella, and ellen, all owned by fitchhugh. henry was only nineteen, single, but left parents, brothers, and sisters, all owned by different slave-holders. kit had a wife, matilda, and three children, sarah ann, jane frances, and ellen, slaves. * * * * * september , . arrival of five from the eastern shore of maryland. cyrus mitchell, _alias_ john steel; joshua handy, _alias_ hambleton hamby; charles dulton, _alias_ william robinson; ephraim hudson, _alias_ john spry; francis molock, _alias_ thomas jackson; all in "good order" and full of hope. the following letter from the fearless friend of the slave, thomas garrett, is a specimen of his manner of dispatching underground rail road business. he used uncle sam's mail, and his own name, with as much freedom as though he had been president of the pennsylvania central rail road, instead of only a conductor and stock-holder on the underground rail road. mo. th, . respected friend:--william still, i send on to thy care this evening by rail road, able-bodied men, on their way north; receive them as the good samaritan of old and oblige thy friend, thomas garrett. the "able-bodied men" duly arrived, and were thus recorded on the underground rail road books as trophies of the success of the friends of humanity. cyrus is twenty-six years of age, stout, and unmistakably dark, and was owned by james k. lewis, a store-keeper, and a "hard master." he kept slaves for the express purpose of hiring them out, and it seemed to afford him as much pleasure to receive the hard-earned dollars of his bondmen as if he had labored for them with his own hands. "it mattered not, how mean a man might be," if he would pay the largest price, he was the man whom the store-keeper preferred to hire to. this always caused cyrus to dislike him. latterly he had been talking of moving into the state of virginia. cyrus disliked this talk exceedingly, but he "said nothing to the white people" touching the matter. however, he was not long in deciding that such a move would be of no advantage to him; indeed, he had an idea if all was true that he had heard about that place, he would be still more miserable there, than he had ever been under his present owner. at once, he decided that he would move towards canada, and that he would be fixed in his new home before his master got off to virginia, unless he moved sooner than cyrus expected him to do. those nearest of kin, to whom he felt most tenderly allied, and from whom he felt that it would be hard to part, were his father and mother. he, however, decided that he should have to leave them. freedom, he felt, was even worth the giving up of parents. believing that company was desirable, he took occasion to submit his plan to certain friends, who were at once pleased with the idea of a trip on the underground rail road, to canada, etc; and all agreed to join him. at first, they traveled on foot; of their subsequent travel, mention has already been made in friend garrett's epistle. joshua is about twenty-seven years of age, quite stout, brown color, and would pass for an intelligent farm hand. he was satisfied never to wear the yoke again that some one else might reap the benefit of his toil. his master, isaac harris, he denounced as a "drunkard." his chief excuse for escaping, was because harris had "sold" his "only brother." he was obliged to leave his father and mother in the hands of his master. charles is twenty-two years of age, also stout, and well-made, and apparently possessed all the qualifications for doing a good day's work on a farm. he was held to service by mrs. mary hurley. charles gave no glowing account of happiness and comfort under the rule of the female sex, indeed, he was positive in saying that he had "been used rough." during the present year, he was sold for $ . ephraim is twenty-two years of age, stout and athletic, one who appears in every way fitted for manual labor or anything else that he might be privileged to learn. john campbell henry, was the name of the man whom he had been taught to address as master, and for whose benefit he had been compelled to labor up to the day he "took out." in considering what he had been in maryland and how he had been treated all his life, he alleged that john campbell henry was a "bad man." not only had ephraim been treated badly by his master but he had been hired out to a man no better than his master, if as good. ephraim left his mother and six brothers and sisters. francis is twenty-one, an able-bodied "article," of dark color, and was owned by james a. waddell. all that he could say of his owner, was, that he was a "hard master," from whom he was very glad to escape. * * * * * sundry arrivals, about august st, . arrival st. frances hilliard. arrival d. louisa harding, alias rebecca hall. arrival d. john mackintosh. arrival th. maria jane houston. arrival th. miles hoopes. arrival th. samuel miles, alias robert king. arrival th. james henson, alias david caldwell. arrival th. laura lewis. arrival th. elizabeth banks. arrival th. simon hill. arrival th. anthony and albert brown. arrival th. george williams and charles holladay. arrival th. william govan. while none in this catalogue belonged to the class whose daring adventures rendered their narratives marvellous, nevertheless they represented a very large number of those who were continually on the alert to get rid of their captivity. and in all their efforts in this direction they manifested a marked willingness to encounter perils either by land or water, by day or by night, to obtain their god-given rights. doubtless, even among these names, will be found those who have been supposed to be lost, and mysteries will be disclosed which have puzzled scores of relatives longing and looking many years in vain to ascertain the whereabouts of this or that companion, brother, sister, or friend. so, if impelled by no other consideration than the hope of consoling this class of anxious inquirers, this is a sufficient justification for not omitting them entirely, notwithstanding the risk of seeming to render these pages monotonous. arrival no. . first on this record was a young mulatto woman, twenty-nine years of age--orange color, who could read and write very well, and was unusually intelligent and withal quite handsome. she was known by the name of frances hilliard, and escaped from richmond, va., where she was owned by beverly blair. the owner hired her out to a man by the name of green, from whom he received seventy dollars per annum. green allowed her to hire herself for the same amount, with the understanding that frances should find all her own clothes, board herself and find her own house to live in. her husband, who was also a slave, had fled nearly one year previous, leaving her widowed, of course. notwithstanding the above mentioned conditions, under which she had the privilege of living, frances said that she "had been used well." she had been sold four times in her life. in the first instance the failure of her master was given as the reason of her sale. subsequently she was purchased and sold by different traders, who designed to speculate upon her as a "fancy article." they would dress her very elegantly, in order to show her off to the best advantage possible, but it appears that she had too much regard for her husband and her honor, to consent to fill the positions which had been basely assigned her by her owners. frances assisted her husband to escape from his owner--taits--and was never contented until she succeeded in following him to canada. in escaping, she left her mother, sarah corbin, and her sister, maria. on reaching the vigilance committee she learned all about her husband. she was conveyed from richmond secreted on a steamer under the care of one of the colored hands on the boat. from here she was forwarded to canada at the expense of the committee. arriving in toronto, and not finding her hopes fully realized, with regard to meeting her husband, she wrote back the following letter: toronto, canada, u.c., october th, . my dear mr. still:--sir--i take the opportunity of writing you a few lines to inform you of my health. i am very well at present, and hope that when these few lines reach you they may find you enjoying the same blessing. give my love to mrs. still and all the children, and also to mr. swan, and tell him that he must give you the money that he has, and you will please send it to me, as i have received a letter from my husband saying that i must come on to him as soon as i get the money from him. i cannot go to him until i get the money that mr. swan has in hand. please tell mr. caustle that the clothes he spoke of my mother did not know anything about them. i left them with hinson brown and he promised to give them to mr. smith. tell him to ask mr. smith to get them from mr. brown for me, and when i get settled i will send him word and he can send them to me. the letters that were sent to me i received them all. i wish you would send me word if mr. smith is on the boat yet--if he is please write me word in your next letter. please send me the money as soon as you possibly can, for i am very anxious to see my husband. i send to you for i think you will do what you can for me. no more at present, but remain yours truly, frances hilliard. send me word if mr. caustle had given mr. smith the money that he promised to give him. for one who had to steal the art of reading and writing, her letter bears studying. arrival no. . louisa harding, alias rebecca hall. louisa was a mulatto girl, seventeen years of age. she reported herself from baltimore, where she had been owned by lawyer magill. it might be said that she also possessed great personal attractions as an "article" of much value in the eye of a trader. all the near kin whom she named as having left behind, consisted of a mother and a brother. arrival no. . john mackintosh. john's history is short. he represented himself as having arrived from darien, georgia, where he had seen "hard times." age, forty-four. this is all that was recorded of john, except the expenses met by the committee. arrival no. . maria jane houston. the little state of delaware lost in the person of maria, one of her nicest-looking bond-maids. she had just arrived at the age of twenty-one, and felt that she had already been sufficiently wronged. she was a tall, dark, young woman, from the neighborhood of cantwell's bridge. although she had no horrible tales of suffering to relate, the committee regarded her as well worthy of aid. arrival no. . miles hooper. this subject came from north carolina; he was owned by george montigue, who lived at federal mills, was a decided opponent to the no-pay system, to flogging, and selling likewise. in fact nothing that was auxiliary to slavery was relished by him. consequently he concluded to leave the place altogether. at the time that miles took this stand he was twenty-three years of age, a dark-complexioned man, rather under the medium height, physically, but a full-grown man mentally. "my owner was a hard man," said miles, in speaking of his characteristics. his parents, brothers, and sisters were living, at least he had reason to believe so, although they were widely scattered. arrival no. . samuel miles, alias robert king. samuel was a representative of revel's neck, somerset co., md. his master he regarded as a "very fractious man, hard to please." the cause of the trouble or unpleasantness, which resulted in samuel's underground adventure, was traceable to his master's refusal to allow him to visit his wife. not only was samuel denied this privilege, but he was equally denied all privileges. his master probably thought that sam had no mind, nor any need of a wife. whether this was really so or not, sam was shrewd enough to "leave his old master with the bag to hold," which was sensible. thirty-one years of samuel's life were passed in slavery, ere he escaped. the remainder of his days he felt bound to have the benefit of himself. in leaving home he had to part with his wife and one child, sarah and little henry, who were fortunately free. on arriving in canada samuel wrote back for his wife, &c., as follows: st. catharines, c.w., aug. th, . to mr. wm. still, dear friend:--it gives me pleasure to inform you that i have had the good fortune to reach this northern canaan. i got here yesterday and am in good health and happy in the enjoyment of freedom, but am very anxious to have my wife and child here with me. i wish you to write to her immediately on receiving this and let her know where i am you will recollect her name sarah miles at baltimore on the corner of hamburg and eutaw streets. please encourage her in making a start and give her the necessary directions how to come. she will please to make the time as short as possible in getting through to canada. say to my wife that i wish her to write immediately to the friends that i told her to address as soon as she hears from me. inform her that i now stop in st. catharines near the niagara falls that i am not yet in business but expect to get into business very soon--that i am in the enjoyment of good health and hoping that this communication may find my affectionate wife the same. that i have been highly favored with friends throughout my journey i wish my wife to write to me as soon as she can and let me know how soon i may expect to see her on this side of the niagara river. my wife had better call on dr. perkins and perhaps he will let her have the money he had in charge for me but that i failed of receiving when i left baltimore. please direct the letter for my wife to mr. george lister, in hill street between howard and sharp. my compliments to all enquiring friends. very respectfully yours, samuel miles. p.s. please send the thread along as a token and my wife will understand that all is right. s.m. arrival no. . james henson, alias david caldwell. james fled from cecil co., md. he claimed that he was entitled to his freedom according to law at the age of twenty-eight, but had been unjustly deprived of it. having waited in vain for his free papers for four years, he suspected that he was to be dealt with in a manner similar to many others, who had been willed free or who had bought their time, and had been shamefully cheated out of their freedom. so in his judgment he felt that his only hope lay in making his escape on the underground rail road. he had no faith whatever in the man who held him in bondage, jacob johnson, but no other charges of ill treatment, &c., have been found against said johnson on the books, save those alluded to above. james was thirty-two years of age, stout and well proportioned, with more than average intelligence and resolution. he left a wife and child, both free. arrival no. . laura lewis. laura arrived from louisville, kentucky. she had been owned by a widow woman named lewis, but as lately as the previous march her mistress died, leaving her slaves and other property to be divided among her heirs. as this would necessitate a sale of the slaves, laura determined not to be on hand when the selling day came, so she took time by the forelock and left. her appearance indicated that she had been among the more favored class of slaves. she was about twenty-five years of age, quite stout, of mixed blood, and intelligent, having traveled considerably with her mistress. she had been north in this capacity. she left her mother, one brother, and one sister in louisville. arrival no. . elizabeth banks, from near easton, maryland. her lot had been that of an ordinary slave. of her slave-life nothing of interest was recorded. she had escaped from her owner two and a half years prior to coming into the hands of the committee, and had been living in pennsylvania pretty securely as she had supposed, but she had been awakened to a sense of her danger by well grounded reports that she was pursued by her claimant, and would be likely to be captured if she tarried short of canada. with such facts staring her in the face she was sent to the committee for counsel and protection, and by them she was forwarded on in the usual way. she was about twenty-five years of age, of a dark, and spare structure. arrival no. . simon hill. this fugitive had escaped from virginia. the usual examination was made, and needed help given him by the committee who felt satisfied that he was a poor brother who had been shamefully wronged, and that he richly deserved sympathy. he was aided and directed canada-ward. he was a very humble-looking specimen of the peculiar institution, about twenty-five years of age, medium size, and of a dark hue. arrival no. . anthony and albert brown (brothers), jones anderson and isaiah. this party escaped from tanner's creek, norfolk, virginia, where they had been owned by john and henry holland, oystermen. as slaves they alleged that they had been subjected to very brutal treatment from their profane and ill-natured owners. not relishing this treatment, albert and anthony came to the conclusion that they understood boating well enough to escape by water. they accordingly selected one of their master's small oyster-boats, which was pretty-well rigged with sails, and off they started for a northern shore. they proceeded on a part of their voyage merely by guess work, but landed safely, however, about twenty-five miles north of baltimore, though, by no means, on free soil. they had no knowledge of the danger that they were then in, but they were persevering, and still determined to make their way north, and thus, at last, success attended their efforts. their struggles and exertions having been attended with more of the romantic and tragical elements than had characterized the undertakings of any of the other late passengers, the committee felt inclined to make a fuller notice of them on the book, yet failed to do them justice in this respect. the elder brother was twenty-nine, the younger twenty-seven. both were mentally above the average run of slaves. they left wives in norfolk, named alexenia and ellen. while anthony and albert, in seeking their freedom, were forced to sever their connections with their companions, they did not forget them in canada. how great was their delight in freedom, and tender their regard for their wives, and the deep interest they felt for their brethren and friends generally, may be seen from a perusal of the following letters from them: hamelton, march th . mr. wm. still--_sir_--i now take the opportunity of writing you a few lins hoping to find yourself and famly well as thes lines leves me at present, myself and brother, anthony & albert brown's respects. we have spent quite agreeable winter, we ware emploied in the new hotel, name anglo american, wheare we wintered and don very well, we also met with our too frends ho came from home with us, jonas anderson and izeas, now we are all safe in hamilton, i wish to cale you to youre prommos, if convenient to write to norfolk, va, for me, and let my wife mary elen brown, no where i am, and my brothers wife elickzener brown, as we have never heard a word from them since we left, tel them that we found our homes and situation in canady much better than we expected, tel them not to think hard of us, we was boun to flee from the rath to come, tel them we live in the hopes of meting them once more this side of the grave, tel them if we never more see them, we hope to meet them in the kingdom of heaven in pece, tel them to remember my love to my cherch and brethren, tel them i find there is the same prayer-hearing god heare as there is in old va; tel them to remember our love to all the enquiring frends, i have written sevrel times but have never reseived no answer, i find a gret meny of my old accuiantens from va, heare we are no ways lonesom, mr. still, i have written to you once before, but reseve no answer. pleas let us hear from you by any means. nothing more at present, but remane youre frends, anthony & albert brown. hamilton june th, , mr. wm. still:--_kine sir_:--i am happy to say to you that i have jus reseved my letter dated of the present month, but previeously had bin in form las night by mr. j.h. hall, he had jus reseved a letter from you stating that my wife was with you, oh my i was so glad it case me to shed tears. mr. still, i cannot return you the thanks for the care of my wife, for i am so glad that i don't now what to say, you will pleas start her for canaday. i am yet in hamilton, c.w., at the city hotel, my brother and joseph anderson is at the angle american hotel, they send there respects to you and family my self also, and a greater part to my wife. i came by the way of syracruse remember me to mrs. logins, tel her to writ back to my brothers wife if she is living and tel her to com on tel her to send joseph andersons love to his mother. i now send her dollers and would send more but being out of employment some of winter it pulls me back, you will be so kine as to forward her on to me, and if life las i will satisfie you at some time, before long. give my respects and brothers to mr. john dennes, tel him mr. hills famly is wel and send there love to them, i now bring my letter to a close, and am youre most humble servant, anthony brown. p.s. i had given out the notion of ever seeing my wife again, so i have not been attending the office, but am truly sorry i did not, you mention in yours of mr. henry lewey, he has left this city for boston about weeks ago, we have not herd from him yet. a. brown. arrival no. . george williams and charles holladay. these two travelers were about the same age. they were not, however, from the same neighborhood--they happened to meet each other as they were traveling the road. george fled from st. louis, charles from baltimore. george "owed service" to isaac hill, a planter; he found no special fault with his master's treatment of him; but with mrs. hill, touching this point, he was thoroughly dissatisfied. she had treated him "cruelly," and it was for this reason that he was moved to seek his freedom. charles, being a baltimorean, had not far to travel, but had pretty sharp hunters to elude. his claimant, f. smith, however, had only a term of years claim upon him, which was within about two years of being out. this contract for the term of years, charles felt was made without consulting him, therefore he resolved to break it without consulting his master. he also declined to have anything to do with the baltimore and wilmington r.r. co., considering it a prescriptive institution, not worthy of his confidence. he started on a fast walk, keeping his eyes wide open, looking out for slave-hunters on his right and left. in this way, like many others, he reached the committee safely and was freely aided, thenceforth traveling in a first class underground rail road car, till he reached his journey's end. arrival no. . william govan. availing himself of a passage on the schooner of captain b., william left petersburg, where he had been owned by "mark davis, esq., a retired gentleman," rather, a retired negro trader. william was about thirty-three years of age, and was of a bright orange color. nothing but an ardent love of liberty prompted him to escape. he was quite smart, and a clever-looking man, worth at least $ , . * * * * * deep furrows on the back. thomas madden. of all the passengers who had hitherto arrived with bruised and mangled bodies received at the hands of slave-holders, none brought a back so shamefully lacerated by the lash as thomas madden. not a single spot had been exempted from the excoriating cow-hide. a most bloody picture did the broad back and shoulders of thomas present to the eye as he bared his wounds for inspection. while it was sad to think, that millions of men, women, and children throughout the south were liable to just such brutal outrages as thomas had received, it was a satisfaction to think, that this outrage had made a freeman of him. he was only twenty-two years of age, but that punishment convinced him that he was fully old enough to leave such a master as e. ray, who had almost murdered him. but for this treatment, thomas might have remained in some degree contented in slavery. he was expected to look after the fires in the house on sunday mornings. in a single instance desiring to be absent, perhaps for his own pleasure, two boys offered to be his substitute. the services of the boys were accepted, and this gave offence to the master. this thomas declared was the head and front of his offending. his simple narration of the circumstances of his slave life was listened to by the committee with deep interest and a painful sense of the situation of slaves under the despotism of such men as ray. after being cared for by the committee he was sent on to canada. when there he wrote back to let the committee know how he was faring, the narrow escape he had on the way, and likewise to convey the fact, that one named "rachel," left behind, shared a large place in his affections. the subjoined letter is the only correspondence of his preserved: stanford, june st, , niagara districk. dear sir:--i set down to inform you that i take the liberty to rite for a frend to inform you that he is injoying good health and hopes that this will finde you the same he got to this cuntry very well except that in albany he was vary neig taking back to his oald home but escaped and when he came to the suspention bridg he was so glad that he run for freadums shore and when he arived it was the last of october and must look for sum wourk for the winter he choped wood until feruary times are good but money is scarce he thinks a great deal of the girl he left behind him he thinks that there is non like her here non so hansom as his rachel right and let him hear from you as soon as convaniant no more at presant but remain yours, albert metter. "pete matthews," alias samuel sparrows. "i might as well be in the penitentiary, &c." up to the age of thirty-five "pete" had worn the yoke steadily, if not patiently under william s. matthews, of oak hall, near temperanceville, in the state of virginia. pete said that his "master was not a hard man," but the man to whom he "was hired, george matthews, was a very cruel man." "i might as well be in the penitentiary as in his hands," was his declaration. one day, a short while before pete "took out," an ox broke into the truck patch, and helped himself to choice delicacies, to the full extent of his capacious stomach, making sad havoc with the vegetables generally. peter's attention being directed to the ox, he turned him out, and gave him what he considered proper chastisement, according to the mischief he had done. at this liberty taken by pete, the master became furious. "he got his gun and threatened to shoot him," "open your mouth if you dare, and i will pat the whole load into you," said the enraged master. "he took out a large dirk-knife, and attempted to stab me, but i kept out of his way," said pete. nevertheless the violence of the master did not abate until he had beaten pete over the head and body till he was weary, inflicting severe injuries. a great change was at once wrought in pete's mind. he was now ready to adopt any plan that might hold out the least encouragement to escape. having capital to the amount of four dollars only, he felt that he could not do much towards employing a conductor, but he had a good pair of legs, and a heart stout enough to whip two or three slave-catchers, with the help of a pistol. happening to know a man who had a pistol for sale, he went to him and told him that he wished to purchase it. for one dollar the pistol became pete's property. he had but three dollars left, but he was determined to make that amount answer his purposes under the circumstances. the last cruel beating maddened him almost to desperation, especially when he remembered how he had been compelled to work hard night and day, under matthews. then, too, peter had a wife, whom his master prevented him from visiting; this was not among the least offences with which pete charged his master. fully bent on leaving, the following sunday was fixed by him on which to commence his journey. the time arrived and pete bade farewell to slavery, resolved to follow the north star, with his pistol in hand ready for action. after traveling about two hundred miles from home he unexpectedly had an opportunity of using his pistol. to his astonishment he suddenly came face to face with a former master, whom he had not seen for a long time. pete desired no friendly intercourse with him whatever; but he perceived that his old master recognized him and was bent upon stopping him. pete held on to his pistol, but moved as fast as his wearied limbs would allow him, in an opposite direction. as he was running, pete cautiously, cast his eye over his shoulder, to see what had become of his old master, when to his amazement, he found that a regular chase was being made after him. need of redoubling his pace was quite obvious. in this hour of peril, pete's legs saved him. after this signal leg-victory, pete had more confidence in his "understandings," than he had in his old pistol, although he held on to it until he reached philadelphia, where he left it in the possession of the secretary of the committee. considering it worth saving simply as a relic of the underground rail road, it was carefully laid aside. pete was now christened samuel sparrows. mr. sparrows had the rust of slavery washed off as clean as possible and the committee furnishing him with clean clothes, a ticket, and letters of introduction, started him on canada-ward, looking quite respectable. and doubtless he felt even more so than he looked; free air had a powerful effect on such passengers as samuel sparrows. the unpleasantness which grew out of the mischief done by the ox on george matthews' farm took place the first of october, . pete may be described as a man of unmixed blood, well-made, and intelligent. * * * * * "moses" arrives with six passengers. "not allowed to seek a master;"--"very devilish;"--father "leaves two little sons;"--"used hard;"--"feared falling into the hands of young heirs," etc. john chase, alias daniel floyd; benjamin ross, alias james stewart; henry ross, alias levin stewart; peter jackson, alias staunch tilghman; jane kane, alias catharine kane, and robert ross. the coming of these passengers was heralded by thomas garrett as follows: thomas garrett's letter. wilmington, mo. th, . esteemed friend, j. miller mckim:--we made arrangements last night, and sent away harriet tubman, with six men and one woman to allen agnew's, to be forwarded across the country to the city. harriet, and one of the men had worn their shoes off their feet, and i gave them two dollars to help fit them out, and directed a carriage to be hired at my expense, to take them out, but do not yet know the expense. i now have two more from the lowest county in maryland, on the peninsula, upwards of one hundred miles. i will try to get one of our trusty colored men to take them to-morrow morning to the anti-slavery office. you can then pass them on. thomas garrett. harriet tubman had been their "moses," but not in the sense that andrew johnson was the "moses of the colored people." she had faithfully gone down into egypt, and had delivered these six bondmen by her own heroism. harriet was a woman of no pretensions, indeed, a more ordinary specimen of humanity could hardly be found among the most unfortunate-looking farm hands of the south. yet, in point of courage, shrewdness and disinterested exertions to rescue her fellow-men, by making personal visits to maryland among the slaves, she was without her equal. her success was wonderful. time and again she made successful visits to maryland on the underground rail road, and would be absent for weeks, at a time, running daily risks while making preparations for herself and passengers. great fears were entertained for her safety, but she seemed wholly devoid of personal fear. the idea of being captured by slave-hunters or slave-holders, seemed never to enter her mind. she was apparently proof against all adversaries. while she thus manifested such utter personal indifference, she was much more watchful with regard to those she was piloting. half of her time, she had the appearance of one asleep, and would actually sit down by the road-side and go fast asleep when on her errands of mercy through the south, yet, she would not suffer one of her party to whimper once, about "giving out and going back," however wearied they might be from hard travel day and night. she had a very short and pointed rule or law of her own, which implied death to any who talked of giving out and going back. thus, in an emergency she would give all to understand that "times were very critical and therefore no foolishness would be indulged in on the road." that several who were rather weak-kneed and faint-hearted were greatly invigorated by harriet's blunt and positive manner and threat of extreme measures, there could be no doubt. after having once enlisted, "they had to go through or die." of course harriet was supreme, and her followers generally had full faith in her, and would back up any word she might utter. so when she said to them that "a live runaway could do great harm by going back, but that a dead one could tell no secrets," she was sure to have obedience. therefore, none had to die as traitors on the "middle passage." it is obvious enough, however, that her success in going into maryland as she did, was attributable to her adventurous spirit and utter disregard of consequences. her like it is probable was never known before or since. on examining the six passengers who came by this arrival they were thus recorded: december th, --john is twenty years of age, chestnut color, of spare build and smart. he fled from a farmer, by the name of john campbell henry, who resided at cambridge, dorchester co., maryland. on being interrogated relative to the character of his master, john gave no very amiable account of him. he testified that he was a "hard man" and that he "owned about one hundred and forty slaves and sometimes he would sell," etc. john was one of the slaves who were "hired out." he "desired to have the privilege of hunting his own master." his desire was not granted. instead of meekly submitting, john felt wronged, and made this his reason for running away. this looked pretty spirited on the part of one so young as john. the committee's respect for him was not a little increased, when they heard him express himself. benjamin was twenty-eight years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and shrewd. he was the so-called property of eliza ann brodins, who lived near buckstown, in maryland. ben did not hesitate to say, in unqualified terms, that his mistress was "very devilish." he considered his charges, proved by the fact that three slaves (himself one of them) were required to work hard and fare meagerly, to support his mistress' family in idleness and luxury. the committee paid due attention to his ex parte statement, and was obliged to conclude that his argument, clothed in common and homely language, was forcible, if not eloquent, and that he was well worthy of aid. benjamin left his parents besides one sister, mary ann williamson, who wanted to come away on the underground rail road. henry left his wife, harriet ann, to be known in future by the name of "sophia brown." he was a fellow-servant of ben's, and one of the supports of eliza a. brodins. henry was only twenty-two, but had quite an insight into matters and things going on among slaves and slave-holders generally, in country life. he was the father of two small children, whom he had to leave behind. peter was owned by george wenthrop, a farmer, living near cambridge, md. in answer to the question, how he had been used, he said "hard." not a pleasant thought did he entertain respecting his master, save that he was no longer to demand the sweat of peter's brow. peter left parents, who were free; he was born before they were emancipated, consequently, he was retained in bondage. jane, aged twenty-two, instead of regretting that she had unadvisedly left a kind mistress and indulgent master, who had afforded her necessary comforts, affirmed that her master, "rash jones, was the worst man in the country." the committee were at first disposed to doubt her sweeping statement, but when they heard particularly how she had been treated, they thought catharine had good ground for all that she said. personal abuse and hard usage, were the common lot of poor slave girls. robert was thirty-five years of age, of a chestnut color, and well made. his report was similar to that of many others. he had been provided with plenty of hard drudgery--hewing of wood and drawing of water, and had hardly been treated as well as a gentleman would treat a dumb brute. his feelings, therefore, on leaving his old master and home, were those of an individual who had been unjustly in prison for a dozen years and had at last regained his liberty. the civilization, religion, and customs under which robert and his companions had been raised, were, he thought, "very wicked." although these travelers were all of the field-hand order, they were, nevertheless, very promising, and they anticipated better days in canada. good advice was proffered them on the subject of temperance, industry, education, etc. clothing, food and money were also given them to meet their wants, and they were sent on their way rejoicing. escaped from "a worthless sot." john atkinson. john was a prisoner of hope under james ray, of portsmouth, va., whom he declared to be "a worthless sot." this character was fully set forth, but the description is too disgusting for record. john was a dark mulatto, thirty-one years of age, well-formed and intelligent. for some years before escaping he had been in the habit of hiring his time for $ per annum. daily toiling to support his drunken and brutal master, was a hardship that john felt keenly, but was compelled to submit to up to the day of his escape. a part of john's life he had suffered many abuses from his oppressor, and only a short while before freeing himself, the auction-block was held up before his troubled mind. this caused him to take the first daring step towards canada,--to leave his wife, mary, without bidding her good-bye, or saying a word to her as to his intention of fleeing. john came as a private passenger on one of the richmond steamers, and was indebted to the steward of the boat for his accommodations. having been received by the committee, he was cared for and sent on his journey canada-ward. there he was happy, found employment and wanted for nothing but his wife and clothing left in virginia. on these two points he wrote several times with considerable feeling. some slaves who hired their time in addition to the payment of their monthly hire, purchased nice clothes for themselves, which they usually valued highly, so much so, that after escaping they would not be contented until they had tried every possible scheme to secure them. they would write back continually, either to their friends in the north or south, hoping thus to procure them. not unfrequently the persons who rendered them assistance in the south, would be entrusted with all their effects, with the understanding, that such valuables would be forwarded to a friend or to the committee at the earliest opportunity. the committee strongly protested against fugitives writing back to the south (through the mails) on account of the liability of getting parties into danger, as all such letters were liable to be intercepted in order to the discovery of the names of such as aided the underground rail road. to render needless this writing to the south the committee often submitted to be taxed with demands to rescue clothing as well as wives, etc., belonging to such as had been already aided. the following letters are fair samples of a large number which came to the committee touching the matter of clothing, etc.: st. catharines, sept. th. dear sir:--i now embrace this favorable opportunity of writing you a few lines to inform you that i am quite well and arrived here safe, and i hope that these few lines may find you and your family the same. i hope you will intercede for my clothes and as soon as they come please to send them to me, and if you have not time, get dr. lundy to look out for them, and when they come be very careful in sending them. i wish you would copy off this letter and give it to the steward, and tell him to give it to henry lewy and tell him to give it to my wife. brother sends his love to you and all the family and he is overjoyed at seeing me arrive safe, he can hardly contain himself; also he wants to see his wife very much, and says when she comes he hopes you will send her on as soon as possible. jerry williams' love, together with all of us. i had a message for mr. lundy, but i forgot it when i was there. no more at present, but remain your ever grateful and sincere friend, john atkinson. st. catharines, c.w., oct. th, . mr. wm. still:--dear sir--i have learned of my friend, richmond bohm, that my clothes were in philadelphia. will you have the kindness to see dr. lundy and if he has my clothes in charge, or knows about them, for him to send them on to me immediately, as i am in great need of them. i would like to have them put in a small box, and the overcoat i left at your house to be put in the box with them, to be sent to the care of my friend, hiram wilson. on receipt of this letter, i desire you to write a few lines to my wife, mary atkins, in the care of my friend, henry lowey, stating that i am well and hearty and hoping that she is the same. please tell her to remember my love to her mother and her cousin, emelin, and her husband, and thomas hunter; also to my father and mother. please request her to write to me immediately, for her to be of good courage, that i love her better than ever. i would like her to come on as soon as she can, but for her to write and let me know when she is going to start. affectionately yours, john atkins. w.h. atkinson, fugitive, oct., . * * * * * william butcher, alias william t. mitchell. "he was abuseful." this passenger reported himself from massey's cross-roads, near georgetown, maryland. william gave as his reason for being found destitute, and under the necessity of asking aid, that a man by the name of william boyer, who followed farming, had deprived him of his hard earnings, and also claimed him as his property; and withal that he had abused him for years, and recently had "threatened to sell" him. this threat made his yoke too intolerable to be borne. he here began to think and plan for the future as he had never done before. fortunately he was possessed with more than an average amount of mother wit, and he soon comprehended the requirements of the underground rail road. he saw exactly that he must have resolution and self-dependence, very decided, in order to gain the victory over boyer. in his hour of trial his wife, phillis, and child, john wesley, who were free, caused him much anxiety; but his reason taught him that it was his duty to throw off the yoke at all hazards, and he acted accordingly. of course he left behind his wife and child. the interview which the committee held with william was quite satisfactory, and he was duly aided and regularly despatched by the name of william t. mitchell. he was about twenty-eight years of age, of medium size, and of quite a dark hue. "white enough to pass." john wesley gibson represented himself to be not only the slave, but also the son of william y. day, of taylor's mount, maryland. the faintest shade of colored blood was hardly discernible in this passenger. he relied wholly on his father's white blood to secure him freedom. having resolved to serve no longer as a slave, he concluded to "hold up his head and put on airs." he reached baltimore safely without being discovered or suspected of being on the underground rail road, as far as he was aware of. here he tried for the first time to pass for white; the attempt proved a success beyond his expectation. indeed he could but wonder how it was that he had never before hit upon such an expedient to rid himself of his unhappy lot. although a man of only twenty-eight years of age, he was foreman of his master's farm, but he was not particularly favored in any way on this account. his master and father endeavored to hold the reins very tightly upon him. not even allowing him the privilege of visiting around on neighboring plantations. perhaps the master thought the family likeness was rather too discernible. john believed that on this account all privileges were denied him, and he resolved to escape. his mother, harriet, and sister, frances, were named as near kin whom he had left behind. john was quite smart, and looked none the worse for having so much of his master's blood in his veins. the master was alone to blame for john's escape, as he passed on his (the master's) color. [illustration: ] escaping with master's carriages and horses. harriet shephard, and her five children, with five other passengers. one morning about the first of november, in , the sleepy, slave-holding neighborhood of chestertown, maryland, was doubtless deeply excited on learning that eleven head of slaves, four head of horses, and two carriages were missing. it is but reasonable to suppose that the first report must have produced a shock, scarcely less stunning than an earthquake. abolitionists, emissaries, and incendiaries were farther below par than ever. it may be supposed that cursings and threatenings were breathed out by a deeply agitated community for days in succession. harriet shephard, the mother of five children, for whom she felt of course a mother's love, could not bear the thought of having her offspring compelled to wear the miserable yoke of slavery, as she had been compelled to do. by her own personal experience, harriet could very well judge what their fate would be when reaching man and womanhood. she declared that she had never received "kind treatment." it was not on this account, however, that she was prompted to escape. she was actuated by a more disinterested motive than this. she was chiefly induced to make the bold effort to save her children from having to drag the chains of slavery as she herself had done. anna maria, edwin, eliza jane, mary ann, and john henry were the names of the children for whom she was willing to make any sacrifice. they were young; and unable to walk, and she was penniless, and unable to hire a conveyance, even if she had known any one who would have been willing to risk the law in taking them a night's journey. so there was no hope in these directions. her rude intellect being considered, she was entitled to a great deal of credit for seizing the horses and carriages belonging to her master, as she did it for the liberation of her children. knowing others at the same time, who were wanting to visit canada, she consulted with five of this class, males and females, and they mutually decided to travel together. it is not likely that they knew much about the roads, nevertheless they reached wilmington, delaware, pretty direct, and ventured up into the heart of the town in carriages, looking as innocent as if they were going to meeting to hear an old-fashioned southern sermon--"servants, obey your masters." of course, the distinguished travelers were immediately reported to the noted thomas garrett, who was accustomed to transact the affairs of the underground rail road in a cool masterly way. but, on this occasion, there was but little time for deliberation, but much need of haste to meet the emergency. he at once decided, that they must immediately be separated from the horses and carriages, and got out of wilmington as quickly as possible. with the courage and skill, so characteristic of garrett, the fugitives, under escort, were soon on their way to kennett square (a hot-bed of abolitionists and stock-holders of the underground rail road), which place they reached safely. it so happened, that they reached long wood meeting-house in the evening, at which place a fair circle had convened. being invited, they stayed awhile in the meeting, then, after remaining all night with one of the kennett friends, they were brought to downingtown early in the morning and thence, by daylight, within a short distance of kimberton, and found succor with friend lewis, at the old headquarters of the fugitives. [a letter may be found from miss g.a. lewis, on page thirty-nine, throwing much light on this arrival]. after receiving friendly aid and advice while there, they were forwarded to the committee in philadelphia. here further aid was afforded them, and as danger was quite obvious, they were completely divided and disguised, so that the committee felt that they might safely be sent on to canada in one of the regular trains considered most private. considering the condition of the slave mother and her children and friends, all concerned rejoiced, that they had had the courage to use their master's horses and vehicles as they did. eight and a half months secreted. washington somlor, alias james moore. but few could tell of having been eye-witnesses to outrages more revolting and disgraceful than washington somlor. he arrived per steamer pennsylvania (secreted), directly from norfolk, virginia, in . he was thirty-two years of age--a man of medium size and quite intelligent. a merchant by the name of smith owned washington. eight and a half months before escaping, washington had been secreted in order to shun both master and auction-block. smith believed in selling, flogging, cobbing, paddling, and all other kinds of torture, by which he could inflict punishment in order to make the slaves feel his power. he thus tyrannized over about twenty-five head. being naturally passionate, when in a brutal mood, he made his slaves suffer unmercifully. said washington, "on one occasion, about two months before i was secreted, he had five of the slaves (some of them women) tied across a barrel, lashed with the cow-hide and then cobbed--this was a common practice." such treatment was so inhuman and so incredible, that the committee hesitated at first to give credence to the statement, and only yielded when facts and evidences were given which seemed incontestible. the first effort to come away was made on the steamship city of richmond. within sixty miles of philadelphia, in consequence of the ice obstruction in the river, the steamer had to go back. how sad washington felt at thus having his hopes broken to pieces may be imagined but cannot be described. great as was his danger, when the steamer returned to norfolk, he was safely gotten off the boat and under the eye of officers walked away. again he was secreted in his old doleful quarters, where he waited patiently for the spring. it came. again the opportunity for another trial was presented, and it was seized unhesitatingly. this time, his tried faith was rewarded with success. he came through safely to the committee's satisfaction as well as his own. the recital of his sufferings and experience had a very inspiring effect on those who had the pleasure of seeing wash. in philadelphia. although closely secreted in norfolk, he had, through friends, some little communication with the outside world. among other items of information which came to his ears, was a report that his master was being pressed by his creditors, and had all his slaves advertised for sale. an item still more sad also reached his ear, to the effect that his wife had been sold away to north carolina, and thus separated from her child, two years old. the child was given as a present to a niece of the master. while this is only a meagre portion of his interesting story, it was considered at the time sufficient to identify him should the occasion ever require it. we content ourselves, therefore, simply with giving what was recorded on the book. wash. spent a short while in philadelphia in order to recruit, after which, he went on north, where colored men were free. * * * * * arthur fowler, alias benjamin johnson. arthur came from spring hill, maryland. edward fowler held arthur in fetters and usurped authority over him as his lord and master. arthur saw certain signs connected with his master's family which presaged to him that the day was not far distant, when somebody would have to be sold to raise money to pamper the appetites of some of the superior members of the patriarchal institution. among these provocations were indulgence in a great deal of extravagance, and the growing up of a number of young masters and mistresses. arthur would often look at the heirs, and the very thought of their coming into possession, would make him tremble. nothing so affected arthur's mind so much in moving him to make a bold stroke for freedom as these heirs. under his old master, the usage had been bad enough, but he feared that it would be a great deal worse under the sons and daughters. he therefore wisely concluded to avoid the impending danger by availing himself of the underground rail road. after completing such arrangements as he deemed necessary, he started, making his way along pretty successfully, with the exception of a severe encounter with jack frost, by which his feet were badly bitten. he was not discouraged, however, but was joyful over his victory and hopeful in view of his prospects in canada. arthur was about thirty years of age, medium size, and of a dark color. the committee afforded him needed assistance, and sent him off. * * * * * sundry arrivals. about the st of june, , the following arrivals were noted in the record book: emory roberts, _alias_ william kemp, talbot co., maryland; daniel payne, richmond, virginia; harriet mayo, john judah, and richard bradley, petersburg and richmond; james crummill, samuel jones, tolbert jones, and henry howard, haverford co., maryland; lewis childs, richmond, daniel bennett, _alias_ henry washington, and wife (martha,) and two children (george and a nameless babe). the road at this time, was doing a fair business, in a quiet way. passengers were managing to come, without having to suffer in any very violent manner, as many had been called upon to do in making similar efforts. the success attending some of these passengers was partly attributable to the intelligence of individuals, who, for years, had been planning and making preparations to effect the end in view. besides, the favorableness of the weather tended also to make travel more pleasant than in colder seasons of the year. while matters were thus favorable, the long stories of individual suffering and of practices and customs among young and old masters and mistresses, were listened to attentively, although the short summer nights hardly afforded sufficient opportunity for writing out details. emory arrived safely from talbot county. as a slave, he had served edward lloyd. he gave his master the character of treating his slaves with great severity. the "lash" was freely used "on women as well as men, old and young." in this kind of property lloyd had invested to the extent of "about five hundred head," so emory thought. food and clothing for this large number were dealt out very stintedly, and daily suffering was the common lot of slaves under lloyd. emory was induced to leave, to avoid a terrible flogging, which had been promised him for the coming monday. he was a married man, but exercised no greater control over his wife than over himself. she was hired on a neighboring plantation; the way did not seem open for her to accompany him, so he had to leave her behind. his mother, brothers, and sisters had to be left also. the ties of kindred usually strong in the breasts of slaves, were hard for emory to break, but, by a firm resolution, that he would not stay on lloyd's plantation to endure the impending flogging, he was nerved to surmount every obstacle in the way of carrying his intention into execution. he came to the committee hungry and in want of clothing, and was aided in the usual way. daniel payne. this traveler was a man who might be said to be full of years, infirm, and well-nigh used up under a virginia task-master. but within the old man's breast a spark was burning for freedom, and he was desirous of reaching free land, on which to lay his body when life's toil ended. so the committee sympathized with him, aided him and sent him on to canada. he was owned by a man named m.w. morris, of richmond, whence he fled. harriet mayo, john judah, and richard bradley were the next who brought joy and victory with them. harriet was a tall, well-made, intelligent young woman, twenty-two years of age. she spoke with feelings of much bitterness against her master, james cuthbert, saying that he was a "very hard man," at the same time, adding that his "wife was still worse." harriet "had been sold once." she admitted however, having been treated kindly a part of her life. in escaping, she had to leave her "poor old mother" with no hope of ever seeing her again; likewise she regretted having to leave three brothers, who kindly aided her to escape. but having her heart bent on freedom, she resolved that nothing should deter her from putting forth efforts to get out of slavery. john was a mulatto, of genteel address, well clothed, and looked as if he had been "well fed." miss eliza lambert had the honor of owning john, and was gracious enough to allow him to hire his time for one hundred and ten dollars per annum. after this sum was punctually paid, john could do what he pleased with any surplus earnings. now, as he was fond of nice clothing, he was careful to earn a balance sufficient to gratify this love. by similar means, many slaves were seen in southern cities elegantly dressed, and, strangers and travelers from the north gave all the credit to "indulgent masters," not knowing the facts in the case. john accused his mistress of being hard in money matters, not caring how the servants fared, so she got "plenty of money out of them." for himself, however, he admitted that he had never experienced as great abuses as many had. he was fortunate in being wedded to a free wife, who was privy to all his plans and schemes looking forth to freedom, and fully acquiesced in the arrangement of matters, promising to come on after he should reach canada. this promise was carried out in due time, and they were joyfully re-united under the protection of the british lion. richard was about twenty-seven. for years the hope of freedom had occupied his thoughts, and many had been the longing desires to see the way open by which he could safely get rid of oppression. he was sufficiently intelligent to look at slavery in all its bearings, and to smart keenly under even ordinarily mild treatment. therefore, he was very happy in the realization of his hopes. in the recital of matters touching his slave life, he alluded to his master, samuel ball, as a "very hard man," utterly unwilling to allow his servants any chance whatever. for reasons which he considered judicious, he kept the matter of his contemplated escape wholly private, not even revealing it to his wife. probably he felt that she would not be willing to give him up, not even for freedom, as long as she could not go too. her name was emily, and she belonged to william bolden. how she felt when she learned of her husband's escape is for the imagination to picture. these three interesting passengers were brought away snugly secreted in captain b's. schooner. james crummill, samual and tolbert jones and henry howard. this party united to throw off the yoke in haverford county, md. james, samuel and tolbert had been owned by william hutchins. they agreed in giving hutchins the character of being a notorious "frolicker," and a "very hard master." under him, matters were growing "worse and worse." before the old master's death times were much better. henry did not live under the same authority that his three companions were subjected to, but belonged to philip garrison. the continual threat to sell harassed henry so much, that he saw no chance of peace or happiness in the future. so one day the master laid the "last straw on the camel's back," and not another day would henry stay. many times it required a pretty heavy pressure to start off a number of young men, but in this instance they seemed unwilling to wait to be worn out under the yoke and violent treatment, or to become encumbered with wives and children before leaving. all were single, with the exception of james, whose wife was free, and named charlotte; she understood about his going to canada, and, of course, was true to him. these young men had of course been reared under circumstances altogether unfavorable to mental development. nevertheless they had fervent aspirations to strike for freedom. lewis giles belonged, in the prison-house of bondage, in the city of richmond, and owed service to a mr. lewis hill, who made it a business to keep slaves expressly to hire out, just as a man keeps a livery stable. lewis was not satisfied with this arrangement; he could see no fair play in it. in fact, he was utterly at variance with the entire system of slavery, and, a long time before he left, had plans laid with a view of escaping. through one of the underground rail road agents the glad tidings were borne to him that a passage might be procured on a schooner for twenty-five dollars. lewis at once availed himself of this offer, and made his arrangements accordingly. he, however, made no mention of this contemplated movement to his wife, louisa; and, to her astonishment, he was soon among the missing. lewis was a fine-looking "article," six feet high, well proportioned, and of a dark chestnut color, worth probably $ , in the richmond market. touching his slave life, he said that he had been treated "pretty well," except that he "had been sold several times." intellectually he was above the average run of slaves. he left on the twenty-third of april, and arrived about the second of june, having, in the meantime, encountered difficulties and discouragements of various kinds. his safe arrival, therefore, was attended with unusual rejoicing. daniel bennett and his wife and children were the next in order. a woman poorly clad with a babe just one month old in her arms, and a little boy at her side, who could scarcely toddle, together with a husband who had never dared under penalty of the laws to protect her or her little ones, presented a most painfully touching picture. it was easy enough to see, that they had been crushed. the husband had been owned by captain james taylor--the wife and children by george carter. the young mother gave carter a very bad character, affirming, that it was a "common practice with him to flog the slaves, stripped entirely naked"--that she had herself been so flogged, since she had been a married woman. how the husband was treated, the record book is silent. he was about thirty-two--the wife about twenty-seven. especial pains were taken to provide aid and sympathy to this family in their destitution, fleeing under such peculiarly trying circumstances and from such loathsome brutality. they were from aldie p.o., london county, virginia, and passed through the hands of the committee about the th of june. what has been their fate since is not known. * * * * * sundry arrivals about january first, . verenea mercer. the steamship pennsylvania, on one of her regular trips from richmond, brought one passenger, of whom the captain had no knowledge; no permission had been asked of any officer of the boat. nevertheless, verenea mercer managed, by the most extraordinary strategy, to secrete herself on the steamer, and thus succeeded in reaching philadelphia. she was following her husband, who escaped about nine months before her. verenea was about forty-one years of age, of a dark chestnut color, prepossessing in manners, intelligent and refined. she belonged to the slave population of richmond, and was owned by thomas w. quales. according to her testimony, she had not received severe treatment during the eight and a half years that she had been in his hands. previous to his becoming the owner of verenea, it might have been otherwise, although nothing is recorded in proof of this inference, except that she had the misfortune to lose her first husband by a sale. of course she was left a widow, in which state she remained nine years, at the expiration of which period, she married a man by the name of james mercer, whose narrative may be found on p. . how james got off, and where he went, verenea knew quite well; consequently, in planning to reach him, she resorted to the same means by which he achieved success. the committee rendered her the usual aid, and sent her on direct to her husband in canada. without difficulty of any kind she reached there safely, and found james with arms wide open to embrace her. frequent tidings reached the committee, that they were getting along quite well in toronto. on the same day (january st), peter derrickson and charles purnell arrived from berlin, worcester county, maryland. both were able-bodied young men, twenty-four and twenty-six years of age, just the kind that a trader, or an experienced slave-holder in the farming business, would be most likely to select for doing full days' work in the field, or for bringing high prices in the market. peter toiled and toiled, with twenty others, on john derrickson's farm. and although derrickson was said to be a "mild master," peter decidedly objected to working for him for nothing. he thought over his situation a great deal, and finally came to the conclusion, that he must get from under the yoke, if possible, before entering another new year. his friend charles he felt could be confided in, therefore he made up his mind, that he would broach the question of canada and the underground rail road to him. charles was equally ready and willing to enter into any practical arrangements by which he could get rid of his no-pay task-master, and be landed safely in canada. after taking into account the dangers likely to attend such a struggle, they concluded that they would risk all and try their luck, as many had done before them. "what made you leave, charles?" said a member of the committee. "i left because i wanted my time and money for myself." no one could gainsay such a plain common-sense answer as that. the fact, that he had to leave his parents, three brothers, and five sisters, all in slavery, brought sad reflections. lloyd hacket, alias perry watkins and william henry johnson, alias john wesley. no weather was too cold for travel, nor way too rough, when the slave was made to feel by his heartless master, that he was going to sell him or starve him to death. lloyd had toiled on until he had reached fifty-five, before he came to the conclusion, that he could endure the treatment of his master, john griffin, no longer, simply because "he was not good to feed and clothe," and was a "great fighter." moreover, he would "never suffer his slaves to stop work on account of bad weather." not only was his master cruel in these particulars, but he was equally cruel with regard to selling. georgia was continually held up to the slaves with a view of producing a wholesome fear, but in this instance, as in many similar ones, it only awakened desires to seek flight via the underground rail road. lloyd, convinced by experience, that matters with him would be no better, but worse and worse, resolved that he would start with the opening of the new year to see if he could not find a better country than the one that he was then in. he consulted william, who, although a young man of only twenty-four years of age, had the hate of slavery exceedingly strong in his heart, and was at once willing to accompany lloyd--ready to face cold weather and start on a long walk if freedom could be thus purchased, and his master, john hall, thus defeated. so lloyd took a heroic leave of his wife, mary ann, and their little boy, one brother, one sister, and two nieces, and at once set out with william, like pilgrims and strangers seeking a better country--where they would not have to go "hungry" and be "worked hard in all weather," threatened with the auction-block, and brutally flogged if they merely seemed unwilling to endure a yoke too grievous to be borne. both these travelers were mulattoes, and but for the crushing influences that they had lived under would have made smart men--as it was they showed plainly, that they were men of shrewd sense. inadvertently at the time of their arrival, the names of the state and place whence they fled were not entered on the book. in traveling they suffered severely from hunger and the long distance they had to walk, but having succeeded victoriously they were prepared to rejoice all the more. david edwards. john j. slater, coachmaker of petersburg, virginia, if he is still living, and should see these items, may solve what may have been for years a great mystery to him--namely, that david, his man-servant, was enjoying himself in philadelphia about the first week in january, , receiving free accommodations and obtaining letters of introduction to friends in canada. furthermore, that david alleged that he was induced to escape because he (the coachmaker) was a very hard man, who took every dollar of his earnings, from which he would dole out to him only one dollar a week for board, etc., a sum less than david could manage to get along with. david was thirty years of age, black, weighed one hundred and forty-five pounds, and was worth one thousand dollars. he left his wife behind. beverly good and george walker, alias austin valentine. these passengers came from petersburg, per steamship pennsylvania. richard perry was lording it over beverly, who was a young man of twenty-four years of age, dark, medium size, and possessed of a quick intellect--just the man that an underground rail road agent in the south could approach with assurance with questions such as these--"what do you think of slavery?" "did you ever hear of the underground rail road?" "how would you like to be free?" "would you be willing to go to canada if you could get off safely," etc., etc. such questions at once kindled into a flame the sparks of freedom lying dormant in the heart. although uttered in a whisper, they had a wondrous ring about them, and a wide-awake bondman instantly grasped their meaning. beverly was of this class; he needed no arguments to prove that he was daily robbed of his rights--that slavery was merciless and freedom the god-given right of all mankind. of him, therefore, there was no fear that he would betray his trust or flinch too soon when cramped up in his hiding-place on the steamer. his comrade, george, was likewise of the same mettle, and was aided in the same way. george, however, had more age on his side, being about forty-three. he was about six feet high, with marked physical and mental abilities, but slavery had had its heel upon his neck. and who could then have risen? eliza jones held the deed for george, and by her he was hired as foreman in a tobacco factory, in which position his duties were onerous--especially to one with a heavy, bleeding heart, throbbing daily for freedom, while, at the same time, mournfully brooding over past wrongs. of these wrongs one incident must suffice. he had been married twice, and had been the father of six children by his first wife; at the command of his owner the wedded relations were abruptly broken, and he was obliged to seek another wife. in entering this story on the book at the time of the arrival, the concluding words were written thus: "this story is thrilling, but time will not allow its being penned." although safely under the protection of the british lion, george's heart was in virginia, where his wife was retained. as he could not return for her deliverance, he was wise enough to resort to the pen, hoping in this way to effect his grand object, as the following letter will show: toronto, january th, . dear friend still:--george walker, of petersburg, va., is now in my office, and requests me to write a letter to you, and request you to write to his wife, after or according to the instructions he gave to his friend, john brown, in your city, with whom he says you are acquainted. you will understand, of course, his reason for wanting the letter wrote and posted at philadelphia. you will please attend to it and address a letter to him (walker) in my care. he and beverly good, his comrade, tender much love to you. send them on; we are prepared for them. yours in great haste, j.b. smith. p.s.--be sure and follow the directions given to brown. adam brooks, alias william smith. hardtown, montgomery county, maryland, lost a rather promising "article of merchandise," in the person of adam. the particulars of his going are on this wise: john phillips, his so-called master, believed in selling, and practiced accordinglv, to the extent at least of selling adam's mother, brother, and sister only two years before his escape. if adam had known nothing else against phillips, this was enough in all conscience to have awakened his deadly hate; but, added to this, phillips was imprudent in his habit of threatening to "sell," etc. this kept the old wound in adam's heart continually bleeding and forced him to the conclusion, that his master was not only a hard man, as a driver on the farm, but that at heart he was actually a bad man. furthermore, that it was his duty to break his fetters and seek his freedom in canada. in thus looking at his situation, his mind was worked up to fever heat, and he resolved that, let the consequences be what they might, go he must. in this promising state of mind he started, at an appointed time, for pennsylvania, and, sure enough, he succeeded. having the appearance of a desirable working-hand, a pennsylvania farmer prevailed on him to stop for a time. it was not long before the folly of this halt was plainly discernible, as his master had evidently got wind of his whereabouts, and was pretty hot in pursuit. word reached adam, however, barely in time for him to make his escape through the aid of friends. in coming into the hands of the committee he needed no persuading to go to canada; he was occupied with two interesting problems, to go back or to go forward. but he set his face hopefully towards canada, and had no thought of stopping short thereof. in stature, he was small; color, black; countenance, pleasant, and intellect, medium. as to his fitness for making a good citizen in canada the committee had no doubt. sarah a. dunagan. having no one to care for her, and, having been threatened with the auction-block, sarah mustered pluck and started out in search of a new home among strangers beyond the borders of slave territory. according to her story, she "was born free" in the state of delaware, but had been "bound out" to a man by the name of george churchman, living in wilmington. here she averred, that she "had been flogged repeatedly," and had been otherwise ill-treated, while no one interfered to take her part. consequently she concluded, that although she was born free, she would not be likely to be benefited thereby unless she made her escape on the underground rail road. this idea of freedom continued to agitate sarah's mind until she decided to leave forthwith. she was a young mulatto woman, single, and told her story of hardships and of the dread of being sold, in a manner to elicit much sympathy. she had a mother living in new castle, named ann eliza kingslow. it was no uncommon thing for free-born persons in slave states to lose their birth-right in a manner similar to that by which sarah feared that she had lost hers. "arrived joseph hall, jr., son of joseph hall, of norfolk, virginia." this is all that is recorded of this passenger, yet it is possible that this item of news may lead to the recognition of joseph, should he still happen to be of the large multitude of fugitives scattered over the land amongst the living. isaac d. davis. in fleeing from bondage, in maryland, davis was induced to stop, as many others were, in pennsylvania. not comprehending the fugitive slave law he fancied that he would be safe so long as he kept matters private concerning his origin. but in this particular he labored under a complete delusion--when he least dreamed of danger the slave-catchers were scenting him close. of their approach, however, he was fortunate enough to be notified in time to place himself in the hands of the committee, who soon held out canada to him, as the only sure refuge for him, and all others similarly situated. his fears of being carried back opened his eyes, and understanding, so that he could readily see the force of this argument, and accepting the proffered aid of the committee was sent on his way rejoicing. he had been away from his master eighteen months, and in the meanwhile had married a wife in pennsylvania. what became of them after this flight the book contains no record. jacob matthias boyer left at about the age of twenty. he had no idea of working in the condition of a slave, but if he had not been threatened with the auction-block, he might have remained much longer than he did. he had been owned by richard carman, cashier of one of the annapolis banks, and who had recently died. jacob fled from annapolis. very little record was made of either master or slave. probably no incidents were related of sufficient importance, still the committee felt pleased to receive one so young. indeed, it always afforded the committee especial satisfaction to see children, young people, and females escaping from the prison-house. jacob was of a dark hue, a little below medium stature. zechariah mead, alias john williams. this traveler had been in the house of bondage in maryland, doing service for charles c. owens, to whom he belonged. according to zechariah's statement, his mistress had been very unfortunate with her slave property, having lost fifteen head out of twenty in a similar manner to that by which she lost zechariah. thus she had been considerably reduced in circumstances. but zechariah had no compassion on her whatever, but insisted that she was a hard mistress. doubtless zechariah was prompted to flee by the "bad" example of others who had succeeded in making good their escape, before he had made up his mind to leave. he was not yet quite twenty-one, but was wide-awake, and it appeared from his conversation, that he had done some close thinking before he started for freedom. he left his father, mother, and three brothers, all slaves except his father. * * * * * slave-holder in maryland with three colored wives. james griffin alias thomas brown. james was a tiller of the soil under the yoke of joshua hitch, who lived on a farm about seventeen miles from baltimore. james spoke rather favorably of him; indeed, it was through a direct act of kindness on the part of his master that he procured the opportunity to make good his escape. it appeared from his story, that his master's affairs had become particularly embarrassed, and the sheriff was making frequent visits to his house. this sign was interpreted to mean that james, if not others, would have to be sold before long. the master was much puzzled to decide which way to turn. he owned but three other adult slaves besides james, and they were females. one of them was his chief housekeeper, and with them all his social relations were of such a nature as to lead james and others to think and say that they "were all his wives." or to use james's own language, "he had three slave women; two were sisters, and he lived with them all as his wives; two of them he was very fond of," and desired to keep them from being sold if possible. the third, he concluded he could not save, she would have to be sold. in this dilemma, he was good enough to allow james a few days' holiday, for the purpose of finding him a good master. expressing his satisfaction and gratification, james, armed with full authority from his master to select a choice specimen, started for baltimore. on reaching baltimore, however, james carefully steered clear of all slave-holders, and shrewdly turned his attention to the matter of getting an underground rail road ticket for canada. after making as much inquiry as he felt was safe, he came to the conclusion to walk of nights for a long distance. he examined his feet and legs, found that they were in good order, and his faith and hope strong enough to remove a mountain. besides several days still remained in which he was permitted to look for a new master, and these he decided could be profitably spent in making his way towards canada. so off he started, at no doubt a very diligent pace, for at the end of the first night's journey, he had made much headway, but at the expense of his feet. his faith was stronger than ever. so he rested next day in the woods, concealed, of course, and the next evening started with fresh courage and renewed perseverance. finally, he reached columbia, pennsylvania, and there he had the happiness to learn, that the mountain which at first had tried his faith so severely, was removed, and friendly hands were reached out and a more speedy and comfortable mode of travel advised. he was directed to the vigilance committee in philadelphia, from whom he received friendly aid, and all necessary information respecting canada and how to get there. james was thirty-one years of age, rather a fine-looking man, of a chestnut color, and quite intelligent. he had been a married man, but for two years before his escape, he had been a widower--that is, his wife had been sold away from him to north carolina, and in that space of time he had received only three letters from her; he had given up all hope of ever seeing her again. he had two little boys living in baltimore, whom he was obliged to leave. their names were edward and william. what became of them afterwards was never known at the philadelphia station. james's master was a man of about fifty years of age--who had never been lawfully married, yet had a number of children on his place who were of great concern to him in the midst of other pressing embarrassments. of course, the committee never learned how matters were settled after james left, but, in all probability, his wives, nancy and mary (sisters), and lizzie, with all the children, had to be sold. * * * * * captain f. arrives with nine passengers. names of passengers. peter heines, eatontown, north carolina; matthew bodams, plymouth, north carolina; james morris, south end, north carolina; charles thompson, charity thompson, nathaniel bowser, and thomas cooper, portsmouth, virginia; george anderson, elkton, maryland. their arrival was announced by thomas garrett as follows: wilmington, th mo., th, . respected friend, william still:--i now have the pleasure of consigning to thy care four able-bodied human beings from north carolina, and five from virginia, one of which is a girl twelve or thirteen years of age, the rest all men. after thee has seen and conversed with them, thee can determine what is best to be done with them. i am assured they are such as can take good care of themselves. elijah pennypacker, some time since, informed me he could find employment in his neighborhood for two or three good hands. i should think that those from carolina would be about as safe in that neighborhood as any place this side of canada. wishing our friends a safe trip, i remain thy sincere friend, thos. garrett. after conferring with harry craige, we have concluded to send five or six of them tonight in the cars, and the balance, if those go safe, to-morrow night, or in the steam-boat on second day morning, directed to the anti-slavery office. there was much rejoicing over these select passengers, and very much interesting information was elicited from them. peter was only twenty-one years of age, composed of equal parts of anglo-saxon and anglo-african blood--rather a model-looking "article," with a fair share of intelligence. as a slave, he had fared pretty well--he had neither been abused nor stinted of food or clothing, as many others had been. his duties had been to attend upon his master (and reputed father), elias heines, esq., a lawyer by profession in north carolina. no charges whatever appear to have been made against mr. heines, according to the record book; but peter seemed filled with great delight at the prospects ahead, as well as with the success that had attended his efforts thus far in striking for freedom. james was twenty-seven years of age. his experience had been quite different from that of peter's. the heel of a woman, by the name of mrs. ann mccourt, had been on james's neck, and she had caused him to suffer severely. as james recounted his grievances, while under the rule, he by no means gave her a very flattering character, but, on the contrary, he plainly stated, that she was a "desperate woman"--that he had "never known any good of her," and that he was moved to escape to get rid of her. in other words she had threatened to sell him; this well nigh produced frenzy in james's mind, for too well did he remember, that he had already been sold three times, and in different stages of his bondage had been treated quite cruelly. in the change of masters he was positive in saying, that he had not found a good one, and, besides, he entertained the belief that such personages were very rare. those of the committee who listened to james were not a little amazed at his fluency, intelligence and earnestness, and acknowledged that he dealt unusually telling blows against the patriarchal institution. matthew was twenty-three years of age, very stout--no fool--a man of decided resolution, and of the very best black complexion produced in the south. matthew had a very serious bill of complaints against samuel simmons, who professed to own him (matthew), both body and mind, while in this world at least. among these complaints was the charge of ill-treatment. nevertheless matthew's joy and pleasure were matchless over his underground rail road triumph, and the prospect of being so soon out of the land and reach of slavery, and in a land where he could enjoy his freedom as others enjoyed theirs. indeed the entire band evinced similar feelings. matthew left a brother in martin county. further sketches of this interesting company were not entered on the book at the time, perhaps on account of the great press of underground rail road business which engaged the attention of the acting committee. however, they were all duly cared for, and counselled to go to canada, where their rights would be protected by a strong and powerful government, and they could enjoy all the rights of citizenship in common with "all the world and the rest of mankind." and especially were they advised to get education; to act as men, and remember those still in bonds as bound with them, and that they must not forget to write back, after their arrival in canada, to inform their friends in philadelphia of their prospects, and what they thought of the "goodly land." thus, with the usual underground rail road passports, they were again started canada-ward. without difficulty of any kind they duly reached canada, and a portion of them wrote back as follows: "toronto, c.w., aug. th, . mr, still:--dear sir--these few lines may find you as they leave us, we are well at present and arrived safe in toronto. give our respects to mrs. s.---- and daughter. toronto is a very extensive place. we have plenty of pork, beef and mutton. there are five market houses and many churches. female wages is - / cents per day, men's wages is $ and york shilling. we are now boarding at mr. george blunt's, on centre street, two doors from elm, back of lawyer's hall, and when you write to us, direct your letter to the care of mr. george blunt, &c. (signed), james monroe, peter heines, henry james morris, and matthew bodame." this intelligence was very gratifying, and most assuredly added to the pleasurable contemplation of having the privilege of holding out a helping hand to the fleeing bondman. from james morris, one of this company, however, letters of a painful nature were received, touching his wife in bonds, setting forth her "awful" situation and appealing to the committee to use their best endeavors to rescue her, with her child, from slavery. one of these letters, so full of touching sentiments of affection and appeal on behalf of his wife, is as follows: toronto, canada west, upper, th day of the th mo., . mr. william still:--dear sir--i hope these lines may find you and your family as they leave me give my respects to little caroline and her mother. dear sir, i have received two letters from my wife since i saw you, and the second was awful. i am sorry to say she says she has been treated awful since i left, and she told the lady she thought she was left free and she told her she was as much slave as ever she was that the state was not to be settled until her death and it would be a meracle if she and her child got it then and that her master left a great many relations and she diden no what they would do. mr. still dear sir i am very sorry to hear my wife and child are slaves if you please dear sir inform me what to do for my dear wife and child. she said she has been threatened to be put in jail three times since i left also she tells me that she is washing for the captain of a vesel that use to run to petersburg but now he runs to baltimore and he has promas to take her to delaware or new york for dollars and she had not the money, she sent to me and i sent her all i had which was dollars dear sir can you inform me what to do with a case of this kind the captains name is thomas. my wife is name lucy an morris my child is name lot, if you please dear sir answer me as soon as you can posable. henry james morris, toronto c.w. henry james morris in care of wm. george blunt, centre st., doors from elam. this sad letter made a mournful impression, as it was not easy to see how her deliverance was to be effected. one feature, however, about this epistle afforded much satisfaction, namely, to know, that james did not forget his poor wife and child, who were in the prison-house. many months after this first letter came to hand, mrs. dr. willis, one of the first ladies in toronto, wrote on his behalf as follows: toronto, th june, monday morning, . to mr. still, dear sir:--i write you this letter for a respectable young man (his name is james morris), he passed through your hands july of last year ( ), and has just had a letter from his wife, whom he left behind in virginia, that she and her child are likely to be sold. he is very anxious about this and wishful that she could get away by some vessel or otherwise. his wife's name is lucy morris; the child's name is lot morris; the lady's name she lives with is a mrs. hine (i hope i spell her name right, hine), at the corner of duke street and washington street, in norfolk city, virginia. she is hired out to this rich old widow lady. james morris wishes me to write you--he has saved forty dollars, and will send it to you whenever it is required, to bring her on to toronto, canada west. it is in the bank ready upon call. will you please, sir, direct your letter in reply to this, to a mrs. ringgold, centre street, two doors from elam street, toronto, canada west, as i will be out of town. i write this instead of mr. thomas henning, who is just about leaving for england. hoping you will reply soon, i remain, sir, respectfully yours, agnes willis. whether james ever succeeded in recovering his wife and child, is not known to the writer. many similarly situated were wont to appeal again and again, until growing entirely hopeless, they would conclude to marry. here it may be remarked, with reference to marrying, that of the great number of fugitives in canada, the male sex was largely in preponderance over the female, and many of them were single young men. this class found themselves very acceptable to irish girls, and frequently legal alliances were the result. and it is more than likely, that there are white women in canada to-day, who are married to some poor slave woman's fugitive husband. verily, the romantic and tragic phases of the underground rail road are without number, if not past finding out. scarcely had the above-mentioned nine left the philadelphia depot, ere the following way-worn travelers came to hand: perry shephard, and isaac reed, eastern shore, maryland; george sperryman, _alias_ thomas johnson, richmond; valentine spires, near petersburg; daniel green, _alias_ george taylor, leesburg, virginia; james johnson, _alias_ william gilbert and wife harriet, prince george's county, maryland; henry cooper, and william israel smith, middletown, delaware; anna dorsey, maryland. although starting from widely separated localities without the slightest communication with each other in the south, each separate passenger earnestly bent on freedom, had endured suffering, hunger, and perils, by land and water, sustained by the hope of ultimate freedom. perry shephard and isaac reed reported themselves as having fled from the eastern shore of maryland; that they had there been held to service or slavery by sarah ann burgess, and benjamin franklin houston, from whom they fled. no incidents of slave life or travel were recorded, save that perry left his wife milky ann, and two children, nancy and rebecca (free). also isaac left his wife, hester ann louisa, and the following named children: philip henry, harriet ann and jane elizabeth. george sperryman's lot was cast amongst the oppressed in the city of richmond, va. of the common ills of slave life, george could speak from experience; but little of his story, however, was recorded at the time. he had reached the committee through the regular channel--was adjudged worthy of aid and encouragement, and they gave it to him freely. nickless templeman was the loser in this instance; how he bore the misfortune the committee was not apprised. without question, the property was delighted with getting rid of the owner. valentine spires came a fellow-passenger with george, having "took out" the previous christmas, from a place called dunwoody, near petersburg. he was held to service in that place by dr. jesse squires. under his oppressive rules and demands, valentine had been convinced that there could be no peace, consequently he turned his attention to one idea--freedom and the underground rail road, and with this faith, worked his way through to the committee, and was received, and aided of course. david green, fled from warrington, near leesburg. elliott curlett so alarmed david by threatening to sell him, that the idea of liberty immediately took possession in david's mind. david had suffered many hardships at the hands of his master, but when the auction-block was held up to him, that was the worst cut of all. he became a thinker right away. although he had a wife and one child in slavery, he decided to flee for his freedom at all hazards, and accordingly he carried out his firm resolution. james johnson. this "article" was doing unrequited labor as the slave of thomas wallace, in prince george county, maryland. he was a stout and rugged-looking man, of thirty-five years of age. on escaping, he was fortunate enough to bring his wife, harriet with him. she was ten years younger than himself, and had been owned by william t. wood, by whom she said that she had "been well treated." but of late, this wood had taken to liquor, and she felt in danger of being sold. she knew that rum ruined the best of slave-holders, so she was admonished to get out of danger as soon as possible. charles henry cooper and william israel smith. these passengers were representatives of the peculiar institution of middletown, delaware. charles was owned by catharine mendine, and william by john p. cather. according to their confession, charles and william it seemed had been thinking a good deal over the idea of "working for nothing," of being daily driven to support others, while they were rendered miserable thereby. so they made up their minds to try the underground rail road, "hit or miss." this resolution was made and carried into effect (on the part of charles at least), at the cost of leaving a mother, three brothers, and three sisters in slavery, without hope of ever seeing them again. the ages of charles and william were respectively twenty-two and twenty-one. both stout and well-made young men, with intellects well qualified to make the wilderness of canada bud and blossom as the rose, and thitherward they were dispatched. anna dorset became tired of slavery in maryland, where she reported that she had been held to service by a slave-holder, known by the name of eli molesworth. the record is silent as to how she was treated. as a slave, she had been brought up a seamstress, and was quite intelligent. age twenty-two, mulatto. * * * * * owen and otho taylor's flight with horses, etc. three brothers, two of them with wives and children. about the latter part of march, , owen taylor and his wife, mary ann, and their little son, edward, together with a brother and his wife and two children, and a third brother, benjamin, arrived from near clear springs, nine miles from hagerstown, maryland. they all left their home, or rather escaped from the prison-house, on easter sunday, and came _viâ_ harrisburg, where they were assisted and directed to the vigilance committee in philadelphia. a more interesting party had not reached the committee for a long time. the three brothers were intelligent, and heroic, and, in the resolve to obtain freedom, not only for themselves, but for their wives and children desperately in earnest. they had counted well the cost of this struggle for liberty, and had fully made up their minds that if interfered with by slave-catchers, somebody would have to bite the dust. that they had pledged themselves never to surrender alive, was obvious. their travel-worn appearance, their attachment for each other, the joy that the tokens of friendship afforded them, the description they gave of incidents on the road, made an impression not soon to be effaced. in the presence of a group like this sumner's great and eloquent speech on the barbarism of slavery, seemed almost cold and dead,--the mute appeals of these little ones in their mother's arms--the unlettered language of these young mothers, striving to save their offspring from the doom of slavery--the resolute and manly bearing of these brothers expressed in words full of love of liberty, and of the determination to resist slavery to the death, in defence of their wives and children--this was sumner's speech enacted before our eyes. owen was about thirty-one years of age, but had experienced a deal of trouble. he had been married twice, and both wives were believed to be living. the first one, with their little child, had been sold in the baltimore market, about three years before, the mother was sent to louisiana, the child to south carolina. father, mother, and child, parted with no hope of ever seeing each other again in this world. after owen's wife was sent south, he sent her his likeness and a dress; the latter was received, and she was greatly delighted with it, but he never heard of her having received his likeness. he likewise wrote to her, but he was not sure that she received his letters. finally, he came to the conclusion that as she was forever dead to him, he would do well to marry again. accordingly he took to himself another partner, the one who now accompanied him on the underground rail road. omitting other interesting incidents, a reference to his handiwork will suffice to show the ability of owen. owen was a born mechanic, and his master practically tested his skill in various ways; sometimes in the blacksmith shop--at other times as a wheelwright--again at making brushes and brooms, and at leisure times he would try his hand in all these crafts. this jack-of-all-trades was, of course, very valuable to his master. indeed his place was hard to fill. henry fiery, a farmer, "about sixty-four years of age, a stout, crusty old fellow," was the owner of owen and his two brothers. besides slaves, the old man was in possession of a wife, whose name was martha, and seven children, who were pretty well grown up. one of the sons owned owen's wife and two children. owen declared, that they had been worked hard, while few privileges had been allowed them. clothing of the poorest texture was only sparingly furnished. nothing like sunday raiment was ever given them; for these comforts they were compelled to do over-work of nights. for a long time the idea of escape had been uppermost in the minds of this party. the first of january, past, was the time "solemnly" fixed upon to "took out," but for some reason or other (not found on the record book), their strategical minds did not see the way altogether clear, and they deferred starting until easter sunday. on that memorable evening, the men boldly harnessed two of mr. fiery's steeds and placing their wives and children in the carriage, started off _viâ_ hagerstown, in a direct line for chambersburg, pennsylvania, at a rate that allowed no grass to grow under the horses' feet. in this manner they made good time, reached chambersburg safely, and ventured up to a hotel where they put up their horses. here they bade their faithful beasts good-bye and "took out" for harrisburg by another mode of travel, the cars. on their arrival they naturally fell into the hands of the committee, who hurried them off to philadelphia, apprising the committee there of their approach by a dispatch sent ahead. probably they had scarcely reached philadelphia ere the fierys were in hot haste after them, as far as harrisburg, if not farther. it hardly need be hinted, that the community in which the fierys lived was deeply agitated for days after, as indeed it was along the entire route to chambersburg, in consequence of this bold and successful movement. the horses were easily captured at the hotel, where they were left, but, of course, they were mute as to what had become of their drivers. the furious fierys probably got wind of the fact, that they had made their way to harrisburg. at any rate they made very diligent search at this point. while here prosecuting his hunting operations, fiery managed to open communication with at least one member of the harrisburg committee, to whom his grievances were made known, but derived little satisfaction. after the experience of a few weeks, the pursuers came to the conclusion, that there was no likelihood of recovering them through these agencies, or through the fugitive slave law. in their despair, therefore, they resorted to another "dodge." all at once they became "sort-o'-friendly"--indeed more than half disposed to emancipate. the member of the committee in harrisburg had, it is probable, frequently left room for their great delusion, if he did not even go so far as to feed their hopes with plausible suggestions, that some assistance might be afforded by which an amicable settlement might be made between masters and slaves. the following extract, from the committee's letter, relative to this matter, is open to this inference, and may serve to throw some light on the subject: harrisburg, april , ' . friend still:--your last came to hand in due season, and i am happy to hear of the safe arrival of those gents. i have before me the power of attorney of mr. john s. fiery, son of mr. henry fiery, of washington county, md., the owner of those three men, two women and three children, who arrived in your town on the th or th of march. he graciously condescends to liberate the oldest in a year, and the remainder in proportional time, if they will come back; or to sell them their time for $ . he is sick of the job, and is ready to make any conditions. now, if you personally can get word to them and get them to send him a letter, in my charge, informing him of their whereabouts and prospects, i think it will be the best answer i can make him. he will return here in a week or two, to know what can be done. he offers $ to see them. or if you can send me word where they are, i will endeavor to write to them for his special satisfaction; or if you cannot do either, send me your latest information, for i intend to make him spend a few more dollars, and if possible get a little sicker of this bad job. do try and send him a few bitter pills for his weak nerves and disturbed mind. yours in great haste, jos. c. bustill. a subsequent letter from mr. bustill contains, besides other interesting underground rail road matter, an item relative to the feeling of disappointment experienced by mr. fiery on learning that his property was in canada. harrisburg, may , ' . friend still:--i embrace the opportunity presented by the visit of our friend, john f. williams, to drop you a few lines in relation to our future operations. the lightning train was put on the road on last monday, and as the traveling season has commenced and this is the southern route for niagara falls, i have concluded not to send by way of auburn, except in cases of great danger; but hereafter we will use the lightning train, which leaves here at - / and arrives in your city at o'clock in the morning, and i will telegraph about - / o'clock in the afternoon, so it may reach you before you close. these four are the only ones that have come since my last. the woman has been here some time waiting for her child and her beau, which she expects here about the first of june. if possible, please keep a knowledge of her whereabouts, to enable me to inform him if he comes. _i have nothing more to send you, except that john fiery has visited us again and much to his chagrin received the information of their being in canada_. yours as ever, jos. c. bustill. whilst the fierys were working like beavers to re-enslave these brave fugitives, the latter were daily drinking in more and more of the spirit of freedom and were busy with schemes for the deliverance of other near kin left behind under the galling yoke. several very interesting letters were received from otho taylor, relative to a raid he designed making expressly to effect the escape of his family. the two subjoined must suffice, (others, much longer, cannot now be produced, they have probably been loaned and not returned.) april th, . sir--we arrived here safely. mr. syrus and his lady is well situated. they have a place for the year round dollars per month. we are all well and hope that you are all the same. now i wish to know whether you would please to send me some money to go after those people. send it here if you please. yours truly, otho taylor. william still. st. catharines, jan. , . mr. wm. still:--dear sir--i write at this time in behalf of otho taylor. he is very anxious to go and get his family at clear spring, washington county, md. he would like to know if the society there would furnish him the means to go after them from philadelphia, that you will be running no risk in doing this. if the society can do this, he would not be absent from p. more than three days. he is so anxious to get his family from slavery that he is willing to do almost anything to get them to canada. you may possibly recollect him--he was at your place last august. i think he can be trusted. if you can do something for him, he has the means to take him to your place. please let me know immediately if you can do this. respectfully yours, m.a.h. wilson. such appeals came very frequently from canada, causing much sadness, as but little encouragement could be held out to such projects. in the first place, the danger attendant upon such expeditions was so fearful, and in the second place, our funds were so inadequate for this kind of work, that, in most cases, such appeals had to be refused. of course, there were those whose continual coming, like the poor widow in the gospel, could not be denied. * * * * * heavy reward. three hundred dollars reward.--ran away from the subscriber, residing near bladensburg, prince george's county, maryland, on saturday night, the d of march, , my negro man, tom matthews, aged about years, about feet or inches high, dark copper color, full suit of bushy hair, broad face, with high cheek bones, broad and square shoulders, stands and walks very erect, though quite a sluggard in action, except in a dance, at which he is hard to beat. he wore away a black coat and brown pantaloons. i will give the above reward if taken and brought home, or secured in jail, so that i get him. [illustration: ] e.a. jones, near bladensburg, md. as mr. jones may be unaware which way his man tom traveled, this item may inform him that his name was entered on the underground rail road book april th, , at which date he appeared to be in good health and full of hope for a safe sojourn in canada. he was destitute, of course, just as anybody else would have been, if robbers had stripped him of every dollar of his earnings; but he felt pretty sure, that he could take care of himself in her majesty's dominion. the committee, encouraged by his efforts, reached him a helping hand and sent him on to swell the goodly number in the promised land--canada. on the same day that tom arrived, the committee had the pleasure of taking james jones by the hand. he was owned by dr. william stewart, of king george's court house, maryland. he was not, however, in the service of his master at the time of his escape but was hired out in alexandria. for some reason, not noticed in the book, james became dissatisfied, changed his name to henry rider, got an underground rail road pass and left the dr. and his other associations in maryland. he was one of the well-cared for "articles," and was of very near kin to the white people, at least a half-brother (mulatto, of course). he was thirty-two years of age, medium size, hard-featured and raw-boned, but "no marks about him." james looked as if he had had pretty good health, still the committee thought that he would have much better in canada. after hearing a full description of that country and of the great number of fugitives there from maryland and other parts of the south, "jim" felt that that was just the place he wanted to find, and was soon off with a free ticket, a letter of introduction, etc. * * * * * captain f. arrives with fourteen "prime articles" on board. thomas garrett announced this in the following letter: wilmington, d mo., d, . dear friend, william still:--captain fountain has arrived all safe, with the human cargo thee was inquiring for, a few days since. i had men waiting till o'clock till the captain arrived at his berth, ready to receive them; last night they then learned, that he had landed them at the rocks, near the old swedes church, in the care of our efficient pilot, who is in the employ of my friend, john hillis, and he has them now in charge. as soon as my breakfast is over, i will see hillis and determine what is best to be done in their case. my own opinion is, we had better send them to hook and there put them in the cars to-night and send a pilot to take them to thy house. as marcus hook is in pennsylvania, the agent of the cars runs no risk of the fine of five hundred dollars our state imposes for assisting one of god's poor out of the state by steamboat or cars. as ever thy friend, thos. gareett. names of the "articles." rebecca jones, and her three daughters, sarah frances, mary, and rebecca; isaiah robinson, arthur spence, caroline taylor, and her two daughters, nancy, and mary; daniel robinson; thomas page; benjamin dickinson; david cole and wife. from the tenor of thomas garrett's letter, the committee was prepared for a joyful reception, knowing that captain f. was not in the habit of doing things by the halves--that he was not in the habit of bringing numbskulls; indeed he brought none but the bravest and most intelligent. yet notwithstanding our knowledge of his practice in this respect, when he arrived we were surprised beyond measure. the women outnumbered the men. the two young mothers, with their interesting, hearty and fine-looking children representing in blood the two races about equally--presented a very impressive spectacle. the men had the appearance of being active, smart, and well disposed, much above the generality of slaves; but, compared with those of the opposite sex, their claims for sympathy were very faint indeed. no one could possibly avoid the conclusion, that these mothers, with their handsome daughters, were valued on the ledger of their owners at enormously high prices; that lustful traders and sensualists had already gloated over the thought of buying them in a few short years. probably not one of those beautiful girls would have brought less than fifteen hundred or two thousand dollars at the age of fifteen. it was therefore a great satisfaction to think, that their mothers, who knew full well to what a fate such slave girls were destined, had labored so heroically to snatch them out of this danger ere the critical hour arrived. rebecca jones was about twenty-eight years of age; mulatto, good-looking, considerably above medium size, very intelligent, and a true-born heroine. the following reward, offered by the notorious negro-trader, hall, proved that rebecca and her children were not to be allowed to go free, if slave-hunters could be induced by a heavy pecuniary consideration to recapture them: $ reward is offered for the apprehension of negro woman, rebecca jones and her three children, and man isaiah, belonging to w.w. davidson, who have disappeared since the th inst. the above reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery of the said negroes to my jail, by the attorney in fact of the owner, or the sum of $ for the man alone, or $ for the woman and three children alone. [illustration: ] wm. w. hall, for the attorney, feb. . years before her escape, her mistress died in england; and as rebecca had always understood, long before this event, that all the slaves were to be freed at the death of her mistress, she was not prepared to believe any other report. it turned out, however, as in thousands of other instances, that no will could be found, and, of course, the administrators retained the slave property, regardless of any verbal expressions respecting freeing, etc. rebecca closely watched the course of the administrators, and in the meanwhile firmly resolved, that neither she nor her children should ever serve another master. rather than submit, she declared that she would take the lives of her children and then her own. notwithstanding her bold and decided stand, the report went out that she was to be sold, and that all the slaves were still to be held in bondage. rebecca's sympathizers and friends advised her, as they thought for the best, to get a friend or gentleman to purchase her for herself. to this she replied: "not three cents would i give, nor do i want any of my friends to buy me, not if they could get me for three cents. it would be of no use," she contended, "as she was fully bent on dying, rather than remain a slave." the slave-holders evidently understood her, and were in no hurry about bringing her case to an issue--they rather gave her time to become calm. but rebecca was inflexible. six years before her arrival, her husband had escaped, in company with the noted fugitive, "shadrach." for a time after he fled, she frequently received letters from him, but for a long while he had ceased to write, and of late she had heard nothing from him. in escaping stowed away in the boat, she suffered terribly, but faithfully endured to the end, and was only too happy when the agony was over. after resting and getting thoroughly refreshed in philadelphia, she, with others, was forwarded to boston, for her heart was there. several letters were received from her, respecting her prospects, etc., from which it appears that she had gained some knowledge of her husband, although not of a satisfactory nature. at any rate she decided that she could not receive him back again. the following letter has reference to her prospects, going to california, her husband, etc.: parker house, school street, boston, oct. th, ' . my dear sir:--i can hardly express the pleasure i feel at the receipt of your kind letter; but allow me to thank you for the same. and now i will tell you my reasons for going to california. mrs. tarrol, a cousin of my husband, has sent for me. she says i can do much better there than in boston. and as i have my children's welfare to look to, i have concluded to go. of course i shall be just as likely to hear from home _there_ as _here_. please tell mr. bagnale i shall expect one letter from him before i leave here. i should like to hear from my brothers and sisters once more, and let me hear every particular. you never can know how anxious i am to hear from them; do please impress this upon their minds. i have written two letters to dr. lundy and never received an answer. i heard mrs. lundy was dead, and thought that might possibly be the reason he had not replied to me. please tell the doctor i should take it as a great favor if he would write me a few lines. i suppose you think i am going to live with my husband again. let me assure you 'tis no such thing. my mind is as firm as ever. and believe me, in going away from boston, i am going away from him, for i have heard he is living somewhere near. he has been making inquiries about me, but that can make no difference in my feelings to him. i hope that yourself, wife and family are all quite well. please remember me to them all. do me the favor to give my love to all inquiring friends. i should be most happy to have any letters of introduction you may think me worthy of, and i trust i shall ever remain yours faithfully, rebecca jones. p.s.--i do not know if i shall go this fall, or in the spring. it will depend upon the letter i receive from california, but whichever it may be, i shall be happy to hear from you very soon. isaiah, who was a fellow-servant with rebecca, and was included in the reward offered by hall for rebecca, etc., was a young man about twenty-three years of age, a mulatto, intelligent and of prepossessing manners. a purely ardent thirst for liberty prompted him to flee; although he declared that he had been treated very badly, and had even suffered severely from being shamefully "beaten." he had, however, been permitted to hire his time by the year, for which one hundred and twenty dollars were regularly demanded by his owner. young as he was, he was a married man, with a wife and two children, to whom he was devoted. he had besides two brothers and two sisters for whom he felt a warm degree of brotherly affection; yet when the hour arrived for him to accept a chance for freedom at the apparent sacrifice of these dearest ties of kindred, he was found heroic enough for this painful ordeal, and to give up all for freedom. caroline taylor, and her two little children, were also from norfolk, and came by boat. upon the whole, they were not less interesting than rebecca jones and her three little girls. although caroline was not in her person half so stately, nor gave such promise of heroism as rebecca--for caroline was rather small of stature--yet she was more refined, and quite as intelligent as rebecca, and represented considerably more of the anglo-saxon blood. she was a mulatto, and her children were almost fair enough to pass for white--probably they were quadroons, hardly any one would have suspected that they had only one quarter of colored blood in their veins. for ten years caroline had been in the habit of hiring her time at the rate of seventy-five dollars per year, with the exception of the last year, when her hire was raised to eighty-four dollars. so anxious was she to have her older girl (eleven years old) at home with her, that she also hired her time by the year, for which she was compelled to pay twenty-four dollars. as her younger child was not sufficiently grown to hire out for pay, she was permitted to have it at home with her on the conditions that she would feed, clothe and take good care of it, permitting no expense whatever to fall upon the master. judging from the appearance and manners of the children, their mother had, doubtless, been most faithful to them, for more handsome, well-behaved, intelligent and pleasing children could not easily be selected from either race or any station of life. the younger, mary by name, nine years of age, attracted very great attention, by the deep interest she manifested in a poor fugitive (whom she had never seen before), at the philadelphia station, confined to the bed and suffering excruciating pain from wounds he had received whilst escaping. hours and hours together, during the two or three days of their sojourn, she spent of her own accord, by his bed-side, manifesting almost womanly sympathy in the most devoted and tender manner. she thus, doubtless, unconsciously imparted to the sufferer a great deal of comfort. very many affecting incidents had come under the observation of the acting committee, under various circumstances, but never before had they witnessed a sight more interesting, a scene more touching. caroline and her children were owned by peter march, esq., late of norfolk, but at that time, he was living in new york, and was carrying on the iron business. he came into possession of them through his wife, who was the daughter of caroline's former master, and almost the only heir left, in consequence of the terrible fever of the previous summer. caroline was living under the daily fear of being sold; this, together with the task of supporting herself and two children, made her burden very grievous. not a great while before her escape, her new york master had been on to norfolk, expressly with a view of selling her, and asked two thousand dollars for her. this, however, he failed to get, and was still awaiting an offer. these ill omens aroused caroline to think more seriously over the condition of herself and children than she had ever done before, and in this state of mind she came to the conclusion, that she would strive to save herself and children by flight on the underground rail road. she knew full well, that it was no faint-hearted struggle that was required of her, so she had nerved herself with the old martyr spirit to risk her all on her faith in god and freedom, and was ready to take the consequences if she fell back into the hands of the enemy. this noble decision was the crowning act in the undertakings of thousands similarly situated. through this faith she gained the liberty of herself and her children. quite a number of the friends of the slave saw these interesting fugitives, and wept, and rejoiced with them. col. a. cammings, in those days publisher of the "evening bulletin," for the first time, witnessed an underground rail road arrival. some time previous, in conversation with mr. j.m. mckim, the colonel had expressed views not altogether favorable to the underground rail road; indeed he was rather inclined to apologize for slavery, if not to defend the fugitive slave law. while endeavoring somewhat tenaciously to maintain his ground, mr. mckim opposed to him not only the now well established anti-slavery doctrines, but also offered as testimony underground rail road facts--the results of personal knowledge from daily proofs of the heroic struggles, marvellous faith, and intense earnestness of the fugitives. in all probability the colonel did not feel prepared to deny wholly mr. mckim's statement, yet, he desired to see "some" for himself. "well," said mr. mck., "you shall see some." so when this arrival came to hand, true to his promise, mr. mck. called on the colonel and invited him to accompany him to the underground rail road station. he assured the colonel that he did not want any money from him, but simply wanted to convince him of his error in the recent argument that they had held on the subject. accordingly the colonel accompanied him, and found that twenty-two passengers had been on hand within the past twenty-four hours, and at least sixteen or seventeen were then in his presence. it is needless to say, that such a sight admitted of no contradiction--no argument--no doubt. the facts were too self-evident. the colonel could say but little, so complete was his amazement; but he voluntarily attested the thoroughness of his conversion by pulling out of his pocket and handing to mr. mck. a twenty dollar gold piece to aid the passengers on to freedom. in these hours of rest and joyful anticipation the necessities of both large and small were administered to according to their needs, before forwarding them still further. the time and attention required for so many left but little opportunity, however, for the secretary to write their narratives. he had only evening leisure for the work. ten or twelve of that party had to be sent off without having their stories recorded. daniel robertson was one of this number; his name is simply entered on the roll, and, but for letters received from him, after he passed on north, no further knowledge would have been obtained. in petersburg, whence he escaped, he left his wife, for whose deliverance he felt bound to do everything that lay in his power, as the subjoined letters will attest: havana, august , , schuylkill co., n.y. mr. wm. still--dear sir:--i came from virginia in march, and was at your office the last of march. my object in writing you, is to inquire what i can do, or what can be done to help my wife to escape from the same bondage that i was in. you will know by your books that i was from petersburg, va., and that is where my wife now is. i have received two or three letters from a lady in that place, and the last one says, that my wife's mistress is dead, and that she expects to be sold. i am very anxious to do what i can for her before it is too late, and beg of you to devise some means to get her away. capt. the man that brought me away, knows the colored agent at petersburg, and knows he will do all he can to forward my wife. the capt. promised, that when i could raise one hundred dollars for him that he would deliver her in philadelphia. tell him that i can now raise the money, and will forward it to you at any day that he thinks that he can bring her. please see the captain and find when he will undertake it, and then let me know when to forward the money to you. i am at work for the hon. charles cook, and can send the money any day. my wife's name is harriet robertson, and the agent at petersburg knows her. please direct your answer, with all necessary directions, to n. coryell, of this village, and he will see that all is right. very respectfully, daniel robertson. havana, aug. , . mr. wm. still--dear sir:--yours of the th, for d. robertson, was duly received. in behalf of daniel, i thank you kindly for the interest you manifest in him. the letters that have gone from him to his friends in virginia, have been written by me, and sent in such a manner as we thought would best ensure safety. yet i am well aware of the risk of writing, and have restrained him as far as possible, and the last one i wrote was to be the last, till an effort was made to reclaim his wife. daniel is a faithful, likely man, and is well liked by all who know him. he is industrious and prudent, and is bending his whole energies toward the reclaiming his wife. he can forward to you the one hundred dollars at any day that it may be wanted, and if you can do anything to forward his interests it will be very gratefully received as an additional favor on your part. he asks for no money, but your kindly efforts, which he regards more highly than money. very respectfully, n. coryell. the letters that have been written for him were dated "niagara falls, canada west," and his friends think he is there--none of them know to the contrary--it is important that they never do know. n.c. havana, sept. , . mr. wm. still--dear sir:--i enclose herewith a draft on new york, payable to your order, for $ , to be paid on the delivery at philadelphia of daniel robertson's wife. you can readily see that it has been necessary for daniel to work almost night and day to have laid up so large an amount of money, since the first of april, as this one hundred dollars. daniel is industrious and prudent, and saves all of his earnings, above his most absolute wants. if the captain is not successful in getting daniel's wife, you, of course, will return the draft, without charge, as you said. i hope success will attend him, for daniel deserves to be rewarded, if ever man did. yours, &c. n. coryell. havana, jan. , . dear sir:--your favor containing draft on n. york, for daniel robertson, came to hand on the st ult. daniel begs to tender his acknowledgments for your kind interest manifested in his behalf, and says he hopes you will leave no measure untried which has any appearance of success, and that the money shall be forthcoming at a moment's notice. daniel thinks that since christmas, the chances for his wife's deliverance are fewer than before, for at that time he fears she was disposed of and possibly went south. the paper sent me, with your well-written article, was received, and on reading it to daniel, he knew some of the parties mentioned in it--he was much pleased to hear it read. daniel spent new year's in elmira, about miles from this place, and there he met two whom he was well acquainted with. yours, &c., n. coryell. wm. still, esq., phila. such devotion to freedom, such untiring labor, such appeals as these letters contained awakened deep interest in the breasts of daniel's new friends, which spoke volumes in favor of the slave and against slave-holders. but, alas, nothing could be done to relieve the sorrowing mind of poor daniel for the deliverance of his wife in chains. the committee sympathized deeply with him, but could do no more. what other events followed, in daniel's life as a fugitive, were never made known to the committee. arthur spence also deserves a notice. he was from north carolina, about twenty-four years of age, and of pleasing appearance, and was heart and soul in sympathy with the cause of the underground rail road. in north carolina he declared that he had been heavily oppressed by being compelled to pay $ per annum for his hire. in order to get rid of this heavy load, by shrewd management he gained access to the kind-hearted captain and procured an underground rail road ticket. in leaving bondage, he was obliged to leave his mother, two brothers and one sister. he appeared to be composed of just the kind of material for making a good british subject. ben dickinson. ben was also a slave in north carolina--located at eatontown, being the property of "miss ann blunt, who was very hard." in slave property miss blunt was interested to the number of about "ninety head." she was much in the habit of hiring out servants, and in thus disposing of her slaves ben thought she was a great deal more concerned in getting good prices for herself than good places for them. indeed he declared that "she did not care how mean the place was, if she could only get her price." for three years ben had canada and the underground rail road in view, having been "badly treated." at last the long-looked for time arrived, and he conferred neither with master nor mistress, but "picked himself up" and "took out." age twenty-eight, medium size, quite dark, a good carpenter, and generally intelligent. left two sisters, etc. of this heroic and promising party we can only mention, in conclusion, one more passenger, namely: tom page. at the time of his arrival, his name only was enrolled on the book. yet he was not a passenger soon to be forgotten--he was but a mere boy, probably eighteen years of age; but a more apt, ready-witted, active, intelligent and self-reliant fellow is not often seen. judging from his smartness, under slavery, with no chances, it was easy to imagine how creditably he might with a white boy's chances have climbed the hill of art and science. obviously he had intellect enough, if properly cultivated, to fill any station within the ordinary reach of intelligent american citizens. he could read and write remarkably well for a slave, and well did he understand his advantages in this particular; indeed if slave-holders had only been aware of the growing tendency of tom's mind, they would have rejoiced at hearing of his departure for canada; he was a most dangerous piece of property to be growing up amongst slaves. after leaving the committee and going north his uncaged mind felt the need of more education, and at the same time he was eager to make money, and do something in life. as he had no one to depend on, parents and relatives being left behind in norfolk, he felt that he must rely upon himself, young as he was. he first took up his abode in boston, or new bedford, where most of the party with whom he escaped went, and where he had an aunt, and perhaps some other distant kin. there he worked and was a live young man indeed--among the foremost in ideas and notions about freedom, etc., as many letters from him bore evidence. after spending a year or more in massachusetts, he had a desire to see how the fugitives were doing in upper and lower canada, and if any better chances existed in these parts for men of his stamp. some of his letters, from different places, gave proof of real thought and close observation, but they were not generally saved, probably were loaned to be read by friendly eyes. nevertheless the two subjoined will, in a measure, suffice to give some idea of his intelligence, etc. boston, mass., feb. th, . william still, esq.:--dear sir--i have not heard from you for some time. i take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to let you and all know that i am well at present and thank god for it. dear sir, i hear that the under ground railroad was in operation. i am glad to hear that. give my best respects to your family and also to dr. l., mr. warrick, mr. camp and familys, to mr. fisher, mr. taylor to all friends names too numerous to mention. please to let me know when the road arrived with another cargo. i want to come to see you all before long, if nothing happens and life lasts. mrs. gault requested me to learn of you if you ask mr. bagnal if he will see father and what he says about the children. please to answer as soon as possible. no more at present from a friend, thomas f. page. niagara falls, n.y., oct. th, ' . dear sir:--i received your kind letter and i was very glad to hear from you and your family. this leaves me well, and i hope when this comes to hand it may find you the same. i have seen a large number of your u.g.r.r. friends in my travels through the eastern as well as the western states. well there are a good many from my own city who i know--some i talk to on private matters and some i wont. well around here there are so many--tom, dick and harry--that you do not know who your friend is. so it don't hurt any one to be careful. well, somehow or another, i do not like canada, or the provinces. i have been to st. john, n.b., lower province, or lower canada, also st. catharines, c.w., and all around the canada side, and i do not like it at all. the people seem to be so queer--though i suppose if i had of went to canada when i first came north to live, i might like it by this time. i was home when aunt had her ambro-type taken for you. she often speaks of your kindness to her. there are a number of your friends wishes you well. my little brother is going to school in boston. the lady, mrs. hillard, that my aunt lives with, thinks a good deal of him. he is very smart and i think, if he lives, he may be of some account. do you ever see my old friend, capt. fountain? please to give my love to him, and tell him to come to boston, as there are a number of his friends that would like to see him. my best respects to all friends. i must now bring my short epistle to a close, by saying i remain your friend truly, thomas f. page. while a portion of the party, on hand with him, came as passengers with capt. p., another portion was brought by capt. b., both parties arriving within twelve hours of each other; and both had likewise been frozen up on the route for weeks with their respective live freight on board. the sufferings for food, which they were called upon to endure, were beyond description. they happened to have plenty of salt fat pork, and perhaps beans, indian meal and some potatoes for standing dishes; the more delicate necessaries did not probably last longer than the first or second week of their ice-bondage. without a doubt, one of these captains left norfolk about the twentieth of january, but did not reach philadelphia till about the twentieth of march, having been frozen up, of course, during the greater part of that time. men, women and children were alike sharers in the common struggle for freedom--were alike an hungered, in prison, naked, and sick, but it was a fearful thing in those days for even women and children to whisper their sad lamentations in the city of philadelphia, except to those friendly to the underground rail road. doubtless, if these mothers, with their children and partners in tribulation, could have been seen as they arrived direct from the boats, many hearts would have melted, and many tears would have found their way down many cheeks. but at that time cotton was acknowledged to be king--the fugitive slave law was supreme, and the notorious decision of judge taney, that "black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," echoed the prejudices of the masses too clearly to have made it safe to reveal the fact of their arrival, or even the heart-rending condition of these fugitives. nevertheless, they were not turned away empty, though at a peril they were fed, aided, and comforted, and sent away well clothed. indeed, so bountifully were the women and children supplied, that as they were being conveyed to the camden and amboy station, they looked more like a pleasuring party than like fugitives. some of the good friends of the slave sent clothing, and likewise cheered them with their presence. [before the close of this volume, such friends and sympathizers will be more particularly noticed in an appropriate place.] * * * * * sundry arrivals--latter part of december, , and beginning of january, . joseph cornish, dorchester co., md.; lewis francis, _alias_ lewis johnson, harford co., md.; alexander munson, chestertown, md.; samuel and ann scott, cecil cross-roads, md.; wm. henry laminson, del.; isaac stout, _alias_ george washington, caroline graves, md.; henry and eliza washington, alexandria, va.; henry chambers, john chambers, samuel fall, and thomas anderson, md. joseph cornish was about forty years of age when he escaped. the heavy bonds of slavery made him miserable. he was a man of much natural ability, quite dark, well-made, and said that he had been "worked very hard." according to his statement, he had been an "acceptable preacher in the african methodist church," and was also "respected by the respectable white and colored people in his neighborhood." he would not have escaped but for fear of being sold, as he had a wife and five children to whom he was very much attached, but had to leave them behind. fortunately they were free. of his ministry and connection with the church, he spoke with feelings of apparent solemnity, evidently under the impression that the little flock he left would be without a shepherd. of his master, captain samuel le count, of the u.s. navy, he had not one good word to speak; at least nothing of the kind is found on the record book; but, on the contrary, he declared that "he was very hard on his servants, allowing them no chance whatever to make a little ready money for themselves." so in turning his face towards the underground rail road, and his back against slavery, he felt that he was doing god service. the committee regarded him as a remarkable man, and was much impressed with his story, and felt it to be a privilege and a pleasure to aid him. lewis francis was a man of medium size, twenty-seven years of age, good-looking and intelligent. he stated that he belonged to mrs. delinas, of abingdon, harford co., md., but that he had been hired out from a boy to a barber in baltimore. for his hire his mistress received eight dollars per month. to encourage lewis, his kind-hearted mistress allowed him out of his own wages the sum of two dollars and fifty cents per annum! his clothing he got as best he could, but nothing did she allow him for that purpose. even with this arrangement she had been dissatisfied of late years, and thought she was not getting enough out of lewis; she, therefore, talked strongly of selling him. this threat was very annoying to lewis, so much so, that he made up his mind that he would one day let her see, that so far as he was concerned, it was easier to talk of selling than it would be to carry out her threat. with this growing desire for freedom he gained what little light he could on the subject of traveling, canada, etc., and at a given time off he started on his journey and found his way to the committee, who imparted substantial aid as usual. alexander munson, alias samuel garrett. this candidate for canada was only eighteen years of age; a well-grown lad, however, and had the one idea that "all men were born free" pretty deeply rooted in his mind. he was quite smart, and of a chestnut color. by the will of his original owner, the slaves were all entitled to their freedom, but it appeared, from alexander's story, that the executor of the estate did not regard this freedom clause in the will. he had already sold some of the slaves, and others--he among them--were expecting to be sold before coming into possession of their freedom. two of them had been sold to alabama, therefore, with these evil warnings, young alexander resolved to strike out at once for canada, despite maryland slave-holders. with this bold and manly spirit he succeeded, of course. anna scott and husband, samuel scott. this couple escaped from cecil cross-roads, md. the wife, in this instance, evidently took the lead, and acted the more manly part in striking for freedom; therefore, our notice of this arrival will chiefly relate to her.. anna was owned by a widow, named mrs. ann elizabeth lushy, who resided on a farm of her own. fifteen slaves, with other stock, were kept on the place. she was accustomed to rule with severity, being governed by a "high temper," and in nowise disposed to allow her slaves to enjoy even ordinary privileges, and besides, would occasionally sell to the southern market. she was calculated to render slave life very unhappy. anna portrayed her mistress's treatment of the slaves with much earnestness, especially when referring to the sale of her own brother and sister. upon the whole, the mistress was so hateful to anna, that she resolved not to live in the house with her. during several years prior to her escape, anna had been hired out, where she had been treated a little more decently than her mistress was wont to do; on this account she was less willing to put up with any subsequent abuse from her mistress. to escape was the only remedy, so she made up her mind, that she would leave at all hazards. she gave her husband to understand, that she had resolved to seek a home in canada. fortunately, he was free, but slavery had many ways of putting the yoke on the colored man, even though he might be free; it was bound to keep him in ignorance, and at the same time miserably abject, so that he would scarcely dare to look up in the presence of white people. sam, apparently, was one of the number who had been greatly wronged in this particular. he had less spirit than his wife, who had been directly goaded to desperation. he agreed, however, to stand by her in her struggles while fleeing, and did so, for which he deserves credit. it must be admitted, that it required some considerable nerve for a free man even to join his wife in an effort of this character. in setting out, anna had to leave her father (jacob trusty), seven sisters and two brothers. the names of the sisters were as follows: emeline, susan ann, delilah, mary eliza, rosetta, effie ellender and elizabeth; the brothers--emson and perry. for the commencement of their journey they availed themselves of the christmas holidays, but had to suffer from the cold weather they encountered. yet they got along tolerably well, and were much cheered by the attention and aid they received from the committee. william henry laminson came from near newcastle, delaware. he was smart enough to take advantage of the opportunity to escape at the age of twenty-one. as he had given the matter his fullest attention for a long time, he was prepared to make rapid progress when he did start, and as he had no great distance to travel it is not unlikely, that while his master was one night sleeping soundly, this young piece of property (worth at least $ , in the market), was crossing mason and dixon's line, and steering directly for canada. francis harkins was the name of the master. william did not give him a very bad character. george washington gooseberry, alias isaac stout, also took advantage of the holidays to separate from his old master, anthony rybold, a farmer living near newcastle, delaware. nothing but the desire to be free moved george to escape. he was a young man about twenty-three years of age, of a pure black color, in stature, medium size, and well-made. nothing remarkable is noted in the book in any way connected with his life or escape. caroline graves. caroline was of the bond class belonging to the state of maryland. having reached the age of forty without being content, and seeing no bright prospect in the future, she made up her mind to break away from the bonds of slavery and seek a more congenial atmosphere among strangers in canada. she had had the privilege of trying two masters in her life-time; the first she admitted was "kind" to her, but the latter was "cruel." after arriving in canada, she wrote back as follows: toronto, jan. , . dear sir:--william still--i have found my company they arrived here on monday eving i found them on tusday evening. please to be so kind as to send them boxes we are here without close to ware we have some white frendes is goin to pay for them at this end of the road. the reason that we send this note we are afraid the outher one woudent go strait because it wasent derected wright. please to send them by the express then thay wont be lost. please to derect these boxes for carline graives in the car of mrs. brittion. please to send the bil of the boxes on with them. mrs. brittion, lousig street near young street. george graham and wife, jane, alias henry washington and eliza. the cold weather of january was preferred, in this instance, for traveling. indeed matters were so disagreeable with them that they could not tarry in their then quarters any longer. george was twenty-four years of age, quite smart, pleasant countenance, and of dark complexion. he had experienced "rough usage" all the way along through life, not unfrequently from severe floggings. twice, within the last year, he had been sold. in order to prevent a renewal of these inflictions he resorted to the underground rail road with his wife, to whom he had only been married six months. in one sense, they appeared to be in a sad condition, it being the dead of winter, but their condition in alexandria, under a brutal master and mistress which both had the misfortune to have, was much sadder. to give all their due, however, george's wife acknowledged, that she had been "well treated under her old mistress," but through a change, she had fallen into the hands of a "new one," by whom her life had been rendered most "miserable;" so much so, that she was willing to do almost anything to get rid of her, and was, therefore, driven to join her husband in running away. henry chambers, john chambers, samuel fall, and jonathan fisher. this party represented the more promising-looking field-hand slave population of maryland. henry and john were brothers, twenty-four and twenty-six years of age, stout made, chestnut color, good-looking, but in height not quite medium. henry "owed service or labor," to a fellow-man by the name of william rybold, a farmer living near sassafras neck, md. henry evidently felt, that he did master rybold no injustice in testifying that he knew no good of him, although he had labored under him like a beast of burden all his days. he had been "clothed meanly," and "poorly fed." he also alleged, that his mistress was worse than his master, as she would "think nothing of knocking and beating the slave women for nothing." john was owned by thomas murphy. from that day to this, thomas may have been troubling his brain to know why his man john treated him so shabbily as to leave him in the manner that he did. jack had a good reason for his course, nevertheless. in his corn field-phrase he declared, that his master murphy would not give you half clothes, and besides he was a "hard man," who kept jack working out on hire. therefore, feeling his wrongs keenly, jack decided, with his other friends, to run off and be free. sam, another comrade, was also owned by william rybold. sam had just arrived at his maturity (twenty-one), when he was invited to join in the plot to escape. at first, it might be thought strange, why one so young should seek to escape. a few brief words from sam soon explained the mystery. it was this: his master, as he said, had been in the habit of tying him up by the hands and flogging him unmercifully; besides, in the allowance of food and clothing, he always "stinted the slaves yet worked them very hard." sam's chances for education had been very unfavorable, but he had mind enough to know that liberty was worth struggling for. he was willing to make the trial with the other boys. he was of a dark chestnut color, and of medium size. jonathan belonged to a. rybold, and was only nineteen years of age. all that need be said in relation to his testimony, is, that it agreed with his colleague's and fellow-servant's, samuel. before starting on their journey, they felt the need of new names, and in putting their wits together, they soon fixed this matter by deciding to pass in future by the following names: james and david green, john henry, and jonathan fisher. in the brief sketches given in this chapter, some lost ones, seeking information of relatives, may find comfort, even if the general reader should fail to be interested. part of the arrivals in december, . thomas jervis gooseberry and william thomas freeman, _alias_ ezekiel chambers; henry hooper; jacob hall, _alias_ henry thomas, and wife, henrietta and child; two men from near chestertown, md.; fenton jones; mary curtis; william brown; charles henry brown; oliver purnell and isaac fidget. thomas jervis gooseberry and william thomas freeman. the coming of this party was announced in the subjoined letter: schuylkill, th mo., th, . william still: dear friend:--those boys will be along by the last norristown train to-morrow evening. i think the train leaves norristown at o'clock, but of this inform thyself. the boys will be sent to a friend at norristown, with instructions to assist them in getting seats in the last train that leaves norristown to-morrow evening. they are two of the eleven who left some time since, and took with them some of their master's horses; i have told them to remain in the cars at green street until somebody meets them. e.f. pennypacker. having arrived safely, by the way and manner indicated in e.f. pennypacker's note, as they were found to be only sixteen and seventeen years of age, considerable interest was felt by the acting committee to hear their story. they were closely questioned in the usual manner. they proved to be quite intelligent, considering how young they were, and how the harrow of slavery had been upon them from infancy. they escaped from chestertown, md., in company with nine others (they being a portion of the eleven who arrived in wilmington, with two carriages, etc., noticed on page ), but, for prudential reasons they were separated while traveling. some were sent on, but the boys had to be retained with friends in the country. many such separations were inevitable. in this respect a great deal of care and trouble had to be endured for the sake of the cause. thomas jervis, the elder boy, was quite dark, and stammered somewhat, yet he was active and smart. he stated that sarah maria perkins was his mistress in maryland. he was disposed to speak rather favorably of her, at least he said that she was "tolerably kind" to her servants. she, however, was in the habit of hiring out, to reap a greater revenue for them, and did not always get them places where they were treated as well as she herself treated them. tom left his father, thomas gooseberry, and three sisters, julia ann, mary ellen, and katie bright, all slaves. ezekiel, the younger boy, was of a chestnut color, clever-looking, smart, and well-grown, just such an one as a father enjoying the blessings of education and citizenship, might have felt a considerable degree of pride in. he was owned by a man called john dwa, who followed "farming and drinking," and when under the influence of liquor, was disposed to ill-treat the slaves. ezekiel had not seen his mother for many years, although she was living in baltimore, and was known by the name of "dorcas denby." he left no brothers nor sisters. the idea of boys, so young and inexperienced as they were, being thrown on the world, gave occasion for serious reflection. still the committee were rejoiced that they were thus early in life, getting away from the "sum of all villanies." in talking with them, the committee endeavored to impress them with right ideas as to how they should walk in life, aided them, of course, and sent them off with a double share of advice. what has been their destiny since, is not known. henry hooper, a young man of nineteen years of age, came from maryland, in december, in a subsequent underground rail road arrival. that he came in good order, and was aided and sent off, was fully enough stated on the book, but nothing else; space, however was left for the writing out of his narrative, but it was never filled up. probably the loose sheet on which the items were jotted down, was lost. jacob hall, alias henry thomas, wife henrietta, and child, were also among the december passengers. on the subject of freedom they were thoroughly converted. although jacob was only about twenty years of age, he had seen enough of slavery under his master, "major william hutchins," whom he described as a "farmer, commissioner, drunkard, and hard master," to know that no hope could be expected from him, but if he remained, he would daily have to be under the "harrow." the desire to work for himself was so strong, that he could not reconcile his mind to the demands of slavery. while meditating upon freedom, he concluded to make an effort with his wife and child to go to canada. his wife, henrietta, who was then owned by a woman named sarah ann mcgough, was as unhappily situated as himself. indeed henrietta had come to the conclusion, that it was out of the question for a servant to please her mistress, it mattered not how hard she might try; she also said, that her mistress drank, and that made her "wus." besides, she had sold henrietta's brother and sister, and was then taking steps to sell her,--had just had her appraised with this view. it was quite easy, therefore, looking at their condition in the light of these plain facts, for both husband and wife to agree, that they could not make their condition any worse, even if they should be captured in attempting to escape. henrietta also remembered, that years before her mother had escaped, and got off to canada, which was an additional encouragement. thus, as her own faith was strengthened, she could strengthen that of her husband. their little child they resolved to cling to through thick and thin; so, in order that they might not have so far to carry him, father and mother each bridled a horse and "took out" in the direction of the first underground rail road station. their faithful animals proved of incalculable service, but they were obliged to turn them loose on the road without even having the opportunity or pleasure of rewarding them with a bountiful feed of oats. although they had strange roads, woods and night scenes to pass through, yet they faltered not. they found friends and advisers on the road, however, and reached the committee in safety, who was made to rejoice that such promising-looking "property" could come out of ladies' manor, maryland. the committee felt that they had acted wisely in taking the horses to assist them the first night. the next arrival is recorded thus: "dec. , , arrived, two men from near chestertown, md. they came to wilmington in a one horse wagon, and through aid of t.g. they were sent on." (further account at the time, written on a loose piece of paper, is among the missing). fenton jones escaped from frederick, md. after arriving in the neighborhood of ereildoun, pa., he was induced to tarry awhile for the purpose of earning means to carry him still farther. but he was soon led to apprehend danger, and was advised and directed to apply to the vigilance committee of philadelphia for the needed aid, which he did, and was dispatched forthwith to canada. about the same time a young woman arrived, calling herself mary curtis. she was from baltimore, and was prompted to escape to keep from being sold. she was nineteen years of age, small size, dark complexion. no special incidents in her life were noted. william brown came next. if others had managed to make their way out of the prison-house without great difficulties, it was far from william to meet with such good luck, as he had suffered excessively for five weeks while traveling. it was an easy matter for a traveler to get lost, not knowing the roads, nor was it safe to apply to a stranger for information or direction--therefore, in many instances, the journey would either have to be given up, or be prosecuted, suffering almost to the death. in the trying circumstances in which william found himself, dark as everything looked, he could not consent to return to his master, as he felt persuaded, that if he did, there would be no rest on earth for him. he well remembered, that, because he had resisted being flogged (being high spirited), his master had declined to sell him for the express purpose of making an example of him--as a warning to the other slaves on the place. william was as much opposed to being thus made use of as he was to being flogged. his reflections and his stout heart enabled him to endure five weeks of severe suffering while fleeing from oppression. of course, when he did succeed, the triumph was unspeakably joyous. doubtless, he had thought a great deal during this time, and being an intelligent fugitive, he interested the committee greatly. the man that he escaped from was called william elliott, a farmer, living in prince george's county, md. william elliott claimed the right to flog and used it too. william, however, gave him the character of being among the moderate slave-holders of that part of the country. this was certainly a charitable view. william was of a chestnut color, well made, and would have commanded, under the "hammer," a high price, if his apparent intelligence had not damaged him. he left his father, grand-mother, four sisters and two brothers, all living where he fled from. charles henry brown. this "chattel" was owned by dr. richard dorsey, of cambridge, maryland. up to twenty-seven years of age, he had experienced and observed how slaves were treated in his neighborhood, and he made up his mind that he was not in favor of the institution in any form whatever. indeed he felt, that for a man to put his hand in his neighbor's pocket and rob him, was nothing compared to the taking of a man's hard earnings from year to year. really charles reasoned the case so well, in his uncultured country phrases, that the committee was rather surprised, and admired his spirit in escaping. he was a man of not quite medium size, with marked features of mind and character. oliver purnell and isaac fidget arrived from berlin, md. each had different owners. oliver stated that mose purnell had owned him, and that he was a tolerably moderate kind of a slave-holder, although he was occasionally subject to fractious turns. oliver simply gave as his reason for leaving in the manner that he did, that he wanted his "own earnings." he felt that he had as good a right to the fruit of his labor as anybody else. despite all the pro-slavery teachings he had listened to all his life, he was far from siding with the pro-slavery doctrines. he was about twenty-six years of age, chestnut color, wide awake and a man of promise; yet it was sadly obvious that he had been blighted and cursed by slavery even in its mildest forms. he left his parents, two brothers and three sisters all slaves in the hands of purnell, the master whom he deserted. isaac, his companion, was about thirty years of age, dark, and in intellect about equal to the average passengers on the underground rail road. he had a very lively hope of finding his wife in freedom, she having escaped the previous spring; but of her whereabouts he was ignorant, as he had had no tidings of her since her departure. a lady by the name of mrs. fidget held the deed for isaac. he spoke kindly of her, as he thought she treated her slaves quite as well at least as the best of slave-holders in his neighborhood. his view was a superficial one, it meant only that they had not been beaten and starved half to death. as the heroic adventures and sufferings of slaves struggling for freedom, shall be read by coming generations, were it not for unquestioned statutes upholding slavery in its dreadful heinousness, people will hardly be able to believe that such atrocities were enacted in the nineteenth century, under a highly enlightened, christianized, and civilized government. having already copied a statute enacted by the state of virginia, as a sample of southern state laws, it seems fitting that the fugitive slave bill, enacted by the congress of the united states, shall be also copied, in order to commemorate that most infamous deed, by which, it may be seen, how great were the bulwarks of oppression to be surmounted by all who sought to obtain freedom by flight. the fugitive slave bill of . "an act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters." be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled: that the persons who have been, or may hereafter be appointed commissioners, in virtue of any act of congress, by the circuit courts of the united states, and who, in consequence of such appointment, are authorized to exercise the powers that any justice of the peace or other magistrate of any of the united states, may exercise in respect to offenders for any crime or offence against the united states, by arresting, imprisoning, or bailing the same under and by virtue of the thirty-third section of the act of the twenty-fourth of september, seventeen hundred and eighty-nine, entitled, "an act to establish the judicial courts of the united states," shall be, and are hereby authorized and required to exercise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this act. sec. . and be it further enacted: that the superior court of each organized territory of the united states, shall have the same power to appoint commissioners to take acknowledgments of bail and affidavit, and to take depositions of witnesses in civil causes, which is now possessed by the circuit courts of the united states, and all commissioners, who shall hereafter be appointed for such purposes, by the superior court of any organized territory of the united states, shall possess all the powers, and exercise all the duties conferred by law, upon the commissioners appointed by the circuit courts of the united states for similar purposes, and shall, moreover, exercise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this act. sec. . and be it further enacted: that the circuit courts of the united states, and the superior courts of each organized territory of the united states, shall, from time to time, enlarge the number of commissioners, with a view to afford reasonable facilities to reclaim fugitives from labor, and to the prompt discharge of the duties imposed by this act. sec. . and be it further enacted, that the commissioners above named, shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the judges of the circuit and district courts of the united states, in their respective circuits and districts within the several states, and the judges of the superior courts of the territories severally and collectively, in term time and vacation; and shall grant certificates to such claimants, upon satisfactory proof being made, with authority to take and remove such fugitives from service or labor, under the restrictions herein contained, to the state or territory from which such persons may have escaped or fled. sec. . and be it further enacted: that it shall be the duty of all marshals and deputy marshals, to obey and execute all warrants and precepts issued under the provisions of this act, when to them directed; and should any marshal or deputy marshal refuse to receive such warrant or other process when tendered, or to use all proper means diligently to execute the same, he shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in the sum of one thousand dollars to the use of such claimant, on the motion of such claimant by the circuit or district court for the district of such marshal; and after arrest of such fugitive by the marshal, or his deputy, or whilst at any time in his custody, under the provisions of this act, should such fugitive escape, whether with or without the assent of such marshal or his deputy, such marshal shall be liable, on his official bond, to be prosecuted, for the benefit of such claimant, for the full value of the service or labor of said fugitive in the state, territory or district whence he escaped; and the better to enable the said commissioners, when thus appointed, to execute their duties faithfully and efficiently, in conformity with the requirements of the constitution of the united states, and of this act, they are hereby authorized and empowered, within their counties respectively, to appoint in writing under their hands, any one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute all such warrants and other process as may be issued by them in the lawful performance of their respective duties, with an authority to such commissioners, or the persons to be appointed by them, to execute process as aforesaid, to summon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse comitatus, of the proper county, when necessary to insure a faithful observance of the clause of the constitution referred to, in conformity with the provisions of this act; and all good citizens are hereby commanded to aid and assist in the prompt and efficient execution of this law, whenever their services may be required, as aforesaid, for that purpose; and said warrants shall run and be executed by said officers anywhere in the state within which they are issued. sec. . and be it further enacted, that when a person held to service or labor in any state or territory of the united states, has heretofore, or shall hereafter escape into another state or territory of the united states, the person or persons to whom such service or labor may be due, or his, her or their agent or attorney, duly authorized, by power of attorney, in writing, acknowledged and certified under the seal of some legal office or court of the state or territory, in which the same may be executed, may pursue and reclaim such fugitive person, either by procuring a warrant from some one of the courts, judges, or commissioners aforesaid, of the proper circuit, district or county, for the apprehension of such fugitive from service or labor, or by seizing and arresting such fugitive, where the same can be done without process, and by taking, or causing such person to be taken, forthwith, before such court, judge or commissioner, whose duty it shall be to hear and determine the case of such claimant in a summary manner, and upon satisfactory proof being made, by deposition or affidavit, in writing, to be taken and certified by such court, judge or commissioner, or by other satisfactory testimony, duly taken and certified by some court, magistrate, justice of the peace, or other legal officer authorized to administer an oath and take depositions under the laws of the state or territory from which such person owing service or labor may have escaped, with a certificate of such magistrate, or other authority, as aforesaid, with the seal of the proper court or officer thereto attached, which seal shall be sufficient to establish the competency of the proof, and with proof also, by affidavit, of the identity of the person whose service or labor is claimed to be due, as aforesaid, that the person so arrested does in fact owe service or labor to the person or persons claiming him or her, in the state or territory from which such fugitive may have escaped, as aforesaid, and that said person escaped, to make out and deliver to such claimant, his or her agent or attorney, a certificate setting forth the substantial facts as to the service or labor due from such fugitive to the claimant, and of his or her escape from the state or territory in which such service or labor was due, to the state or territory, in which he or she was arrested, with authority to such claimant, or his or her agent or attorney, to use such reasonable force and restraint as may be necessary, under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such fugitive person back to the state or territory from whence he or she may have escaped, as aforesaid. in no trial or hearing, under this act, shall the testimony of such alleged fugitives be admitted in evidence, and the certificates in this and the first section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of the person or persons in whose favor granted to remove such fugitives to the state or territory from which they escaped, and shall prevent all molestation of said person or persons by any process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person whomsoever. sec. . and be it further enacted, that any person who shall knowingly and willfully obstruct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, his agent, or attorney, or any person or persons lawfully assisting him, her or them from arresting such a fugitive from service or labor, either with or without process, as aforesaid, or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, such fugitive from service or labor, or from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent, or attorney, or other person or persons lawfully assisting, as aforesaid, when so arrested, pursuant to the authority herein given and declared, or shall aid, abet, or assist such person, so owing service or labor, as aforesaid, directly or indirectly, to escape from such claimant, his agent or attorney, or other person or persons legally authorized, as aforesaid, or shall harbor or conceal such fugitive, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such person, after notice or knowledge of the fact that such person was a fugitive from service or labor, as aforesaid, shall, for either of said offences, be subject to a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding six months, by indictment and conviction before the district court of the united states, for the district in which such offence may have been committed, or before the proper court of criminal jurisdiction, if committed within any one of the organized territories of the united states; and shall, moreover, forfeit and pay, by way of civil damages, to the party injured by such illegal conduct, the sum of one thousand dollars for each fugitive so lost, as aforesaid, to be recovered by action of debt in any of the district or territorial courts aforesaid, within whose jurisdiction the said offence may have been committed. sec. . and be it further enacted, that the marshals, their deputies, and the clerks of the said districts and territorial courts, shall be paid for their services the like fees as may be allowed to them for similar services in other cases; and where such services are rendered exclusively in the arrest, custody, and delivery of the fugitives to the claimant, his or her agent, or attorney, or where such supposed fugitive may be discharged out of custody from the want of sufficient proof, as aforesaid, then such fees are to be paid in the whole by such complainant, his agent or attorney, and in all cases where the proceedings are before a commissioner, he shall be entitled to a fee of ten dollars in full for his services in each case, upon the delivery of the said certificate to the claimant, his or her agent or attorney; or a fee of five dollars in cases where proof shall not, in the opinion of said commissioner, warrant such certificate and delivery, inclusive of all services incident to such arrest and examination, to be paid in either case, by the claimant, his or her agent or attorney. the person or persons authorized to execute the process to be issued by such commissioners for the arrest and detention of fugitives from service or labor, as aforesaid, shall also be entitled to a fee of five dollars each for each person he or they may arrest and take before any such commissioners, as aforesaid, at the instance and request of such claimant, with such other fees as may be deemed reasonable by such commissioner for such other additional services as may be necessarily performed by him or them; such as attending to the examination, keeping the fugitive in custody, and providing him with food and lodgings during his detention, and until the final determination of such commissioner; and in general for performing such other duties as may be required by such claimant, his or her attorney or agent or commissioner in the premises; such fees to be made up in conformity with the fees usually charged by the officers of the courts of justice within the proper district or county as far as may be practicable, and paid by such claimants, their agents or attorneys, whether such supposed fugitive from service or labor be ordered to be delivered to such claimants by the final determination of such commissioners or not. sec. . and be it further enacted, that upon affidavit made by the claimant of such fugitive, his agent or attorney, after such certificate has been issued, that he has reason to apprehend that such fugitive will be rescued by force from his or their possession before he can be taken beyond the limits of the state in which the arrest is made, it shall be the duty of the officer making the arrest to retain such fugitive in his custody, and to remove him to the state whence he fled, and there to deliver him to said claimant, his agent or attorney. and to this end the officer aforesaid is hereby authorized and required to employ so many persons as he may deem necessary, to overcome such force, and to retain them in his service so long as circumstances may require; the said officer and his assistants, while so employed, to receive the same compensation, and to be allowed the same expenses as are now allowed by law for the transportation of criminals, to be certified by the judge of the district within which the arrest is made, and paid out of the treasury of the united states. sec. . and be it further enacted, that when any person held to service or labor in any state or territory, or in the district of columbia, shall escape therefrom, the party to whom such service or labor shall be due, his, her, or their agent, or attorney may apply to any court of record therein, or judge thereof in vacation, and make such satisfactory proof to such court or judge in vacation, of the escape aforesaid, and that the person escaping owed service or labor to such party. thereupon the court shall cause a record to be made of the matters so proved, and also a personal description of the person so escaping, with such convenient certainty as may be; and a transcript of such record, authenticated by the attestation of the clerk, and of the seal of said court being produced in any other state, territory or district in which the person so escaping may be found, and being exhibited to any judge, commissioner, or other officer authorized by the law of the united states to cause persons escaping from, service or labor to be delivered up, shall be held and taken to be full and conclusive evidence of the fact of escape, and that the service or labor of the person escaping is due to the party in such record mentioned. and upon the production, by the said party, of other and further evidence, if necessary, either oral or by affidavit, in addition to what is contained in said record of the identity of the person escaping, he or she shall be delivered up to the claimant. and said court, commissioners, judge, or other persons authorized by this act to grant certificates to claimants of fugitives, shall, upon the production of the record and other evidence aforesaid, grant to such claimant a certificate of his right to take any such person, identified and proved to be owing service or labor as aforesaid, which certificate shall authorize such claimant to seize, or arrest, and transport such person to the state or territory from which he escaped: provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed as requiring the production of a transcript of such record as evidence as aforesaid, but in its absence, the claim shall be heard and determined upon other satisfactory proofs competent in law. * * * * * the slave-hunting tragedy in lancaster county, in september, . "treason at christiana." having inserted the fugitive slave bill in these records of the underground rail road, one or two slave cases will doubtless suffice to illustrate the effect of its passage on the public mind, and the colored people in particular. the deepest feelings of loathing, contempt and opposition were manifested by the opponents of slavery on every hand. anti-slavery papers, lecturers, preachers, etc., arrayed themselves boldly against it on the ground of its inhumanity and violation of the laws of god. on the other hand, the slave-holders south, and their pro-slavery adherents in the north demanded the most abject obedience from all parties, regardless of conscience or obligation to god. in order to compel such obedience, as well as to prove the practicability of the law, unbounded zeal daily marked the attempt on the part of slave-holders and slave-catchers to refasten the fetters on the limbs of fugitives in different parts of the north, whither they had escaped. in this dark hour, when colored men's rights were so insecure, as a matter of self-defence, they felt called upon to arm themselves and resist all kidnapping intruders, although clothed with the authority of wicked law. among the most exciting cases tending to justify this course, the following may be named: james hamlet was the first slave case who was summarily arrested under the fugitive slave law, and sent back to bondage from new york. william and ellen craft were hotly pursued to boston by hunters from georgia. adam gibson, a free colored man, residing in philadelphia, was arrested, delivered into the hands of his alleged claimants, by commissioner edward d. ingraham, and hurried into slavery. euphemia williams (the mother of six living children),--her case excited much interest and sympathy. shadrach was arrested and rescued in boston. hannah dellum and her child were returned to slavery from philadelphia. thomas hall and his wife were pounced upon at midnight in chester county, beaten and dragged off to slavery, etc. and, as if gloating over their repeated successes, and utterly regardless of all caution, about one year after the passage of this nefarious bill, a party of slave-hunters arranged for a grand capture at christiana. one year from the passage of the law, at a time when alarm and excitement were running high, the most decided stand was taken at christiana, in the state of pennsylvania, to defeat the law, and defend freedom. fortunately for the fugitives the plans of the slave-hunters and officials leaked out while arrangements were making in philadelphia for the capture, and, information being sent to the anti-slavery office, a messenger was at once dispatched to christiana to put all persons supposed to be in danger on their guard. among those thus notified, were brave hearts, who did not believe in running away from slave-catchers. they resolved to stand up for the right of self-defence. they loved liberty and hated slavery, and when the slave-catchers arrived, they were prepared for them. of the contest, on that bloody morning, we have copied a report, carefully written at the time, by c.m. burleigh, editor of the "pennsylvania freeman," who visited the scene of battle, immediately after it was over, and doubtless obtained as faithful an account of all the facts in the case, as could then be had. "last thursday morning, (the th inst,), a peaceful neighborhood in the borders of lancaster county, was made the scene of a bloody battle, resulting from an attempt to capture seven colored men as fugitive slaves. as the reports of the affray which came to us were contradictory, and having good reason to believe that those of the daily press were grossly one-sided and unfair, we repaired to the scene of the tragedy, and, by patient inquiry and careful examination, endeavored to learn the real facts. to do this, from the varying and conflicting statements which we encountered, scarcely two of which agreed in every point, was not easy; but we believe the account we give below, as the result of these inquiries, is substantially correct. very early on the th inst. a party of slave-hunters went into a neighborhood about two miles west of christiana, near the eastern border of lancaster county, in pursuit of fugitive slaves. the party consisted of edward gorsuch, his son, dickerson gorsuch, his nephew, dr. pearce, nicholas hutchins, and others, all from baltimore county, md., and one henry h. kline, a notorious slave-catching constable from philadelphia, who had been deputized by commissioner ingraham for this business. at about day-dawn they were discovered lying in an ambush near the house of one william parker, a colored man, by an inmate of the house, who had started for his work. he fled back to the house, pursued by the slave-hunters, who entered the lower part of the house, but were unable to force their way into the upper part, to which the family had retired. a horn was blown from an upper window; two shots were fired, both, as we believe, though we are not certain, by the assailants, one at the colored man who fled into the house, and the other at the inmates, through the window. no one was wounded by either. a parley ensued. the slave-holder demanded his slaves, who he said were concealed in the house. the colored men presented themselves successively at the window, and asked if they were the slaves claimed; gorsuch said, that neither of them was his slave. they told him that they were the only colored men in the house, and were determined never to be taken alive as slaves. soon the colored people of the neighborhood, alarmed by the horn, began to gather, armed with guns, axes, corn-cutters, or clubs. mutual threatenings were uttered by the two parties. the slave-holders told the blacks that resistance would be useless, as they had a party of thirty men in the woods near by. the blacks warned them again to leave, as they would die before they would go into slavery. from an hour to an hour and a half passed in these parleyings, angry conversations, and threats; the blacks increasing by new arrivals, until they probably numbered from thirty to fifty, most of them armed in some way. about this time, castner hanaway, a white man, and a friend, who resided in the neighborhood, rode up, and was soon followed by elijah lewis, another friend, a merchant, in cooperville, both gentlemen highly esteemed as worthy and peaceable citizens. as they came up, kline, the deputy marshal, ordered them to aid him, as a united states officer, to capture the fugitive slaves. they refused of course, as would any man not utterly destitute of honor, humanity, and moral principle, and warned the assailants that it was madness for them to attempt to capture fugitive slaves there, or even to remain, and begged them if they wished to save their own lives, to leave the ground. kline replied, "do you really think so?" "yes," was the answer, "the sooner you leave, the better, if you would prevent bloodshed." kline then left the ground, retiring into a very safe distance into a cornfield, and toward the woods. the blacks were so exasperated by his threats, that, but for the interposition of the two white friends, it is very doubtful whether he would have escaped without injury. messrs. hanaway and lewis both exerted their influence to dissuade the colored people from violence, and would probably have succeeded in restraining them, had not the assailing party fired upon them. young gorsuch asked his father to leave, but the old man refused, declaring, as it is said and believed, that he would "go to hell, or have his slaves." finding they could do nothing further, hanaway and lewis both started to leave, again counselling the slave-hunters to go away, and the colored people to peace, but had gone but a few rods, when one of the inmates of the house attempted to come out at the door. gorsuch presented his revolver, ordering him back. the colored man replied, "you had better go away, if you don't want to get hurt," and at the same time pushed him aside and passed out. maddened at this, and stimulated by the question of his nephew, whether he would "take such an insult from a d----d nigger," gorsuch fired at the colored man, and was followed by his son and nephew, who both fired their revolvers. the fire was returned by the blacks, who made a rush upon them at the same time. gorsuch and his son fell, the one dead the other wounded. the rest of the party after firing their revolvers, fled precipitately through the corn and to the woods, pursued by some of the blacks. one was wounded, the rest escaped unhurt. kline, the deputy marshal, who now boasts of his miraculous escape from a volley of musket-balls, had kept at a safe distance, though urged by young gorsuch to stand by his father and protect him, when he refused to leave the ground. he of course came off unscathed. several colored men were wounded, but none severely. some had their hats or their clothes perforated with bullets; others had flesh wounds. they said that the lord protected them, and they shook the bullets from their clothes. one man found several shot in his boot, which seemed to have spent their force before reaching him, and did not even break the skin. the slave-holders having fled, several neighbors, mostly friends and anti-slavery men, gathered to succor the wounded and take charge of the dead. we are told that parker himself protected the wounded man from his excited comrades, and brought water and a bed from his own house for the invalid, thus showing that he was as magnanimous to his fallen enemy as he was brave in the defence of his own liberty. the young man was then removed to a neighboring house, where the family received him with the tenderest kindness and paid him every attention, though they told him in quaker phrase, that "they had no unity with his cruel business," and were very sorry to see him engaged in it. he was much affected by their kindness, and we are told, expressed his regret that he had been thus engaged, and his determination, if his life was spared, never again to make a similar attempt. his wounds are very severe, and it is feared mortal. all attempts to procure assistance to capture the fugitive slaves failed, the people in the neighborhood either not relishing the business of slave-catching, or at least, not choosing to risk their lives in it. there was a very great reluctance felt to going even to remove the body and the wounded man, until several abolitionists and friends had collected for that object, when others found courage to follow on. the excitement caused by this most melancholy affair is very great among all classes. the abolitionists, of course, mourn the occurrence, while they see in it a legitimate fruit of the fugitive slave law, just such a harvest of blood as they had long feared that the law would produce, and which they had earnestly labored to prevent. we believe that they alone, of all classes of the nation, are free from responsibility for its occurrence, having wisely foreseen the danger, and faithfully labored to avert it by removing its causes, and preventing the inhuman policy which has hurried on the bloody convulsion. the enemies of the colored people, are making this the occasion of fresh injuries, and a more bitter ferocity toward that defenceless people, and of new misrepresentation and calumnies against the abolitionists. the colored people, though the great body of them had no connection with this affair, are hunted like partridges upon the mountains, by the relentless horde which has been poured forth upon them, under the pretense of arresting the parties concerned in the fight. when we reached christiana, on friday afternoon, we found that the deputy-attorney thompson, of lancaster, was there, and had issued warrants, upon the depositions of kline and others, for the arrest of all suspected persons. a company of police were scouring the neighborhood in search of colored people, several of whom were seized while at their work near by, and brought in. castner hanaway and elijah lewis, hearing that warrants were issued against them, came to christiana, and voluntarily gave themselves up, calm and strong in the confidence of their innocence. they, together with the arrested colored men, were sent to lancaster jail that night. the next morning we visited the ground of the battle, and the family where young gorsuch now lives, and while there, we saw a deposition which he had just made, that he believed no white persons were engaged in the affray, beside his own party. as he was on the ground during the whole controversy, and deputy marshall kline had discreetly run off into the corn-field, before the fighting began, the hireling slave-catcher's eager and confident testimony against our white friends, will, we think, weigh lightly with impartial men. on returning to christiana, we found that the united states marshal from the city, had arrived at that place, accompanied by commissioner ingraham, mr. jones, a special commissioner of the united states, from washington, the u.s. district attorney ashmead, with forty-five u.s. marines from the navy yard, and a posse of about forty of the city marshal's police, together with a large body of special constables, eager for such a manhunt, from columbia and lancaster and other places. this crowd divided into parties, of from ten to twenty-five, and scoured the country, in every direction, for miles around, ransacking the houses of the colored people, and captured every colored man they could find, with several colored women, and two other white men. never did our heart bleed with deeper pity for the peeled and persecuted colored people, than when we saw this troop let loose upon them, and witnessed the terror and distress which its approach excited in families, wholly innocent of the charges laid against them." on the other hand, a few extracts from the editorials of some of the leading papers, will suffice to show the state of public feeling at that time, and the dreadful opposition abolitionists and fugitives had to contend with. from one of the leading daily journals of philadelphia, we copy as follows: "there can be no difference of opinion concerning the shocking affair which occurred at christiana, on thursday, the resisting of a law of congress by a band of armed negroes, whereby the majesty of the government was defied and life taken in one and the same act. there is something more than a mere ordinary, something more than even a murderous, riot in all this. it is an act of insurrection, we might, considering the peculiar class and condition of the guilty parties, almost call it a servile insurrection--if not also one of treason. fifty, eighty, or a hundred persons, whether white or black, who are deliberately in arms for the purpose of resisting the law, even the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves, are in the attitude of levying war against the united states; and doubly heavy becomes the crime of murder in such a case, and doubly serious the accountability of all who have any connection with the act as advisers, suggesters, countenancers, or accessories in any way whatever." in those days, the paper from which this extract is taken, represented the whig party and the more moderate and respectable class of citizens. the following is an extract from a leading democratic organ of philadelphia: "we will not, however, insult the reader by arguing that which has not been heretofore doubted, and which is not doubted now, by ten honest men in the state, and that is that the abolitionists are implicated in the christiana murder. all the ascertained facts go to show that they were the real, if not the chief instigators. white men are known to harbor fugitives, in the neighborhood of christiana, and these white men are known to be abolitionists, known to be opposed to the fugitive slave law, and _known_ to be the warm friends of william f. johnston, (governor of the state of pennsylvania). and, as if to clinch the argument, no less than three white men are now in the lancaster prison, and were arrested as accomplices in the dreadful affair on the morning of the eleventh. and one of these white men was committed on a charge of high treason, on saturday last, by united states commissioner ingraham." another daily paper of opposite politics thus spake: "the unwarrantable outrage committed last week, at christiana, lancaster county, is a foul stain upon the fair name and fame of our state. we are pleased to see that the officers of the federal and state governments are upon the tracks of those who were engaged in the riot, and that several arrests have been made. we do not wish to see the poor misled blacks who participated in the affair, suffer to any great extent, for they were but tools. the men who are really chargeable with treason against the united states government, and with the death of mr. gorsuch, an estimable citizen of maryland, are unquestionably _white_, with hearts black enough to incite them to the commission of any crime equal in atrocity to that committed in lancaster county. pennsylvania has now but one course to pursue, and that is to aid, and warmly aid, the united states in bringing to condign punishment, every man engaged in the riot. she owes it to herself and to the union. let her in this resolve, be just and fearless." from a leading neutral daily paper the following is taken: "one would suppose from the advice of forcible resistance, so familiarly given by the abolitionists, that they are quite unaware that there is any such crime as treason recognized by the constitution, or punished with death by the laws of the united states. we would remind them, that not only is there such a crime, but that there is a solemn decision of the supreme court, that all who are concerned in a conspiracy which ripens into treason, whether present or absent from the scene of actual violence, are involved in the same liabilities as the immediate actors. if they engage in the conspiracy and stimulate the treason, they may keep their bodies from the affray without saving their necks from a halter. it would be very much to the advantage of society, if an example could be made of some of these persistent agitators, who excite the ignorant and reckless to treasonable violence, from which they themselves shrink, but who are, not only in morals, but in law, equally guilty and equally amenable to punishment with the victims of their inflammatory counsels." a number of the most influential citizens represented the occurrence to the governor as follows: "to the governor of pennsylvania: the undersigned, citizens of pennsylvania, respectfully represent: that citizens of a neighboring state have been cruelly assassinated by a band of armed outlaws at a place not more than three hours' journey distant from the seat of government and from the commercial metropolis of the state: that this insurrectionary movement in one of the most populous parts of the state has been so far successful as to overawe the local ministers of justice and paralyze the power of the law: that your memorialists are not aware that 'any military force' has been sent to the seat of insurrection, or that the civil authority has been strengthened by the adoption of any measures suited to the momentous crisis. they, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive magistrate of pennsylvania to take into consideration the necessity of vindicating the outraged laws, and sustaining the dignity of the commonwealth on this important and melancholy occasion." under this high pressure of public excitement, threatening and alarm breathed so freely on every hand, that fugitive slaves and their friends in this region of pennsylvania at least, were compelled to pass through an hour of dreadful darkness--an ordeal extremely trying. the authorities of the united states, as well as the authorities of the state of pennsylvania and maryland, were diligently making arrests wherever a suspected party could be found, who happened to belong in the neighborhood of christiana. in a very short time the following persons were in custody: j. castner hanaway, elijah lewis, joseph scarlett, samuel kendig, henry spins, george williams, charles hunter, wilson jones, francis harkins, benjamin thomson, william brown (no. ), william brown (no. ), john halliday, elizabeth mosey, john morgan, joseph berry, john norton, denis smith, harvey scott, susan clark, tansy brown, eliza brown, eliza parker, hannah pinckney, robert johnson, miller thompson, isaiah clark, and jonathan black. these were not all, but sufficed for a beginning; at least it made an interesting entertainment for the first day's examination; and although there were two or three non-resistant quakers, and a number of poor defenceless colored women among those thus taken as prisoners, still it seemed utterly impossible for the exasperated defenders of slavery to divest themselves of the idea, that this heroic deed, in self-defence, on the part of men who felt that their liberties were in danger, was anything less than actually levying war against the united states. accordingly, therefore, the hearing gravely took place at lancaster. on the side of the commonwealth, the following distinguished counsel appeared on examination: hon. john l. thompson, district attorney; wm. b. faulney, esq.; thos. e. franklin, esq., attorney-general of lancaster county; george l. ashmead, esq., of philadelphia, representative of the united states authorities; and hon. robert brent, attorney-general of maryland. for the defence--hon. thaddeus stevens, reah frazer, messrs. ford, cline, and dickey, esquires. from a report of the first day's hearing we copy a short extract, as follows: "the excitement at christiana, during yesterday, was very great. several hundred persons were present, and the deepest feeling was manifested against the perpetrators of the outrage. at two o'clock yesterday afternoon, the united states marshal, mr. roberts, united states district attorney, j.h. ashmead, esq., mr. commissioner ingraham, and recorder lee, accompanied by the united states marines, returned to the city. lieut. johnson, and officers lewis s. brest, samuel mitchell, charles mccully, samuel neff, jacob albright, robert mcewen, and ---- perkenpine, by direction of the united states marshal, had charge of the following named prisoners, who were safely lodged in moyamensing prison, accompanied by the marines:--joseph scarlett, (white), william brown, ezekiel thompson, isaiah clarkson, daniel caulsberry, benjamin pendergrass, elijah clark, george w.h. scott, miller thompson, and samuel hanson, all colored. the last three were placed in the debtors' apartment, and the others in the criminal apartment of the moyamensing prison to await their trial for treason, &c." in alluding to the second day's doings, the philadelphia ledger thus represented matters at the field of battle: "the intelligence received last evening, represents the country for miles around, to be in as much excitement as at any time since the horrible deed was committed. the officers sent there at the instance of the proper authorities are making diligent search in every direction, and securing every person against whom the least suspicion is attached. the police force from this city, amounting to about sixty men, are under the marshalship of lieut. ellis. just as the cars started east, in the afternoon, five more prisoners who were secured at a place called the welsh mountains, twelve miles distant, were brought into christiana. they were placed in custody until such time as a hearing will take place." although the government had summoned its ablest legal talent and the popular sentiment was as a hundred to one against william parker and his brave comrades who had made the slave-hunter "bite the dust," most nobly did thaddeus stevens prove that he was not to be cowed, that he believed in the stirring sentiment so much applauded by the american people, "give me liberty, or give me death," not only for the white man but for all men. thus standing upon such great and invulnerable principles, it was soon discovered that one could chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight in latter as well as in former times. at first even the friends of freedom thought that the killing of gorsuch was not only wrong, but unfortunate for the cause. scarcely a week passed, however, before the matter was looked upon in a far different light, and it was pretty generally thought that, if the lord had not a direct hand in it, the cause of freedom at least would be greatly benefited thereby. and just in proportion as the masses cried, treason! treason! the hosts of freedom from one end of the land to the other were awakened to sympathize with the slave. thousands were soon aroused to show sympathy who had hitherto been dormant. hundreds visited the prisoners in their cells to greet, cheer, and offer them aid and counsel in their hour of sore trial. the friends of freedom remained calm even while the pro-slavery party were fiercely raging and gloating over the prospect, as they evidently thought of the satisfaction to be derived from teaching the abolitionists a lesson from the scaffold, which would in future prevent underground rail road passengers from killing their masters when in pursuit of them. through the efforts of the authorities three white men, and twenty-seven colored had been safely lodged in moyamensing prison, under the charge of treason. the authorities, however, had utterly failed to catch the hero, william parker, as he had been sent to canada, _viâ_ the underground rail road, and was thus "sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none dared to molest, or make him afraid." as an act of simple justice it may here be stated that the abolitionists and prisoners found a true friend and ally at least in one united states official, who, by the way, figured prominently in making arrests, etc., namely: the united states marshal, a.e. roberts. in all his intercourse with the prisoners and their friends, he plainly showed that all his sympathies were on the side of freedom, and not with the popular pro-slavery sentiment which clamored so loudly against traitors and abolitionists. two of his prisoners had been identified in the jail as fugitive slaves by their owners. when the trial came on these two individuals were among the missing. how they escaped was unknown; the marshal, however, was strongly suspected of being a friend of the underground rail road, and to add now, that those suspicions were founded on fact, will, doubtless, do him no damage. in order to draw the contrast between freedom and slavery, simply with a view of showing how the powers that were acted and judged in the days of the reign of the fugitive slave law, unquestionably nothing better could be found to meet the requirements of this issue than the charge of judge kane, coupled with the indictment of the grand jury. in the light of the emancipation and the fifteenth amendment, they are too transparent to need a single word of comment. judge and jury having found the accused chargeable with treason, nothing remained, so far as the men were concerned, but to bide their time as best they could in prison. most of them were married, and had wives and children clinging to them in this hour of fearful looking for of judgment. the law of treason, as laid down by judge kane. the following charge to the grand jury of the united states district court, in reference to the slave-hunting affray in lancaster county, and preparatory to their finding bills of indictment against the prisoners, was delivered on monday, september , by judge kane: "gentlemen of the grand jury:--it has been represented to me, that since we met last, circumstances have occurred in one of the neighboring counties in our district, which should call for your prompt scrutiny, and perhaps for the energetic action of the court. it is said, that a citizen of the state of maryland, who had come into pennsylvania to reclaim a fugitive from labor, was forcibly obstructed in the attempt by a body of armed men, assaulted, beaten and murdered; that some members of his family, who had accompanied him in the pursuit, were at the same time, and by the same party maltreated and grievously wounded; and that an officer of justice, constituted under the authority of this court, who sought to arrest the fugitive, was impeded and repelled by menaces and violence, while proclaiming his character, and exhibiting his warrant. it is said, too, that the time and manner of these outrages, their asserted object, the denunciations by which they were preceded, and the simultaneous action of most of the guilty parties, evinced a combined purpose forcibly to resist and make nugatory a constitutional provision, and the statutes enacted in pursuance of it: and it is added, in confirmation of this, that for some months back, gatherings of people, strangers, as well as citizens, have been held from time to time in the vicinity of the place of the recent outbreaks, at which exhortations were made and pledges interchanged to hold the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves as of no validity, and to defy its execution. such are some of the representations that have been made in my hearing, and in regard to which, it has become your duty, as the grand inquest of the district, to make legal inquiry. personally, i know nothing of the facts, or the evidence relating to them. as a member of the court, before which the accused persons may hereafter be arraigned and tried, i have sought to keep my mind altogether free from any impressions of their guilt or innocence, and even from an extra-judicial knowledge of the circumstances which must determine the legal character of the offence that has thus been perpetrated. it is due to the great interests of public justice, no less than to the parties implicated in a criminal charge, that their cause should be in no wise and in no degree prejudged. and in referring, therefore, to the representations which have been made to me, i have no other object than to point you to the reasons for my addressing you at this advanced period of our sessions, and to enable you to apply with more facility and certainty the principles and rules of law, which i shall proceed to lay before you. if the circumstances, to which i have adverted, have in fact taken place, they involve the highest crime known to our laws. treason against the united states is defined by the constitution, art. , sec. , cl. , to consist in "levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." this definition is borrowed from the ancient law of england, stat. , edw. , stat. , chap. , and its terms must be understood, of course, in the sense which they bore in that law, and which obtained here when the constitution was adopted. the expression, "levying war," so regarded, embraces not merely the act of formal or declared war, but any combination forcibly to prevent or oppose the execution or enforcement of a provision of the constitution, or of a public statute, if accompanied or followed by an act of forcible opposition in pursuance of such combination. this, in substance, has been the interpretation given to these words by the english judges, and it has been uniformly and fully recognized and adopted in the courts of the united states. (see foster, hale, and hawkins, and the opinions of iredell, patterson, chase, marshall, and washington, j.j., of the supreme court, and of peters, d.j., in u.s. vs. vijol, u.s. vs. mitchell, u.s. vs. fries, u.s. vs. bollman and swartwout, and u.s. vs. burr). the definition, as you will observe, includes two particulars, both of them indispensable elements of the offence. there must have been a combination or conspiring together to oppose the law by force, and some actual force must have been exerted, or the crime of treason is not consummated. the highest, or at least the direct proof of the combination may be found in the declared purposes of the individual party before the actual outbreak; or it may be derived from the proceedings of meetings, in which he took part openly; or which he either prompted, or made effective by his countenance or sanction,--commending, counselling and instigating forcible resistance to the law. i speak, of course, of a conspiring to resist a law, not the more limited purpose to violate it, or to prevent its application and enforcement in a particular case, or against a particular individual. the combination must be directed against the law itself. but such direct proof of this element of the offence is not legally necessary to establish its existence. the concert of purpose may be deduced from the concerted action itself, or it may be inferred from facts occurring at the time, or afterwards, as well as before. besides this, there must be some act of violence, as the result or consequence of the combining. but here again, it is not necessary to prove that the individual accused was a direct, personal actor in the violence. if he was present, directing, aiding, abetting, counselling, or countenancing it, he is in law guilty of the forcible act. nor is even his personal presence indispensable. though he be absent at the time of its actual perpetration, yet, if he directed the act, devised, or knowingly furnished the means for carrying it into effect, instigated others to perform it, he shares their guilt. in treason there are no accessories. there has been, i fear, an erroneous impression on this subject, among a portion of our people. if it has been thought safe, to counsel and instigate others to acts of forcible oppugnation to the provisions of a statute, to inflame the minds of the ignorant by appeals to passion, and denunciations of the law as oppressive, unjust, revolting to the conscience, and not binding on the actions of men, to represent the constitution of the land as a compact of iniquity, which it were meritorious to violate or subvert, the mistake has been a grievous one; and they who have fallen into it may rejoice, if peradventure their appeals and their counsels have been hitherto without effect. the supremacy of the constitution, in all its provisions, is at the very basis of our existence as a nation. he, whose conscience, or whose theories of political or individual right, forbid him to support and maintain it in its fullest integrity, may relieve himself from the duties of citizenship, by divesting himself of its rights. but while he remains within our borders, he is to remember, that successfully to instigate treason, is to commit it. i shall not be supposed to imply in these remarks, that i have doubts of the law-abiding character of our people. no one can know them well, without the most entire reliance on their fidelity to the constitution. some of them may differ from the mass, as to the rightfulness or the wisdom of this or the other provision that is found in the federal compact, they may be divided in sentiment as to the policy of a particular statute, or of some provision in a statute; but it is their honest purpose to stand by the engagements, all the engagements, which bind them to their brethren of the other states. they have but one country; they recognize no law of higher social obligation than its constitution and the laws made in pursuance of it; they recognize no higher appeal than to the tribunals it has appointed; they cherish no patriotism that looks beyond the union of the states. that there are men here, as elsewhere, whom a misguided zeal impels to violations of law; that there are others who are controlled by false sympathies, and some who yield too readily and too fully to sympathies not always false, or if false, yet pardonable, and become criminal by yielding, that we have, not only in our jails and almshouses, but segregated here and there in detached portions of the state, ignorant men, many of them without political rights, degraded in social position, and instinctive of revolt, all this is true. it is proved by the daily record of our police courts, and by the ineffective labors of those good men among us, who seek to detach want from temptation, passion from violence, and ignorance from crime. but it should not be supposed that any of these represent the sentiment of pennsylvania, and it would be to wrong our people sorely, to include them in the same category of personal, social, or political morals. it is declared in the article of the constitution, which i have already cited, that 'no person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.' this and the corresponding language in the act of congress of the th of april, , seem to refer to the proofs on the trial, and not to the preliminary hearing before the committing magistrate, or the proceeding before the grand inquest. there can be no conviction until after arraignment on bill found. the previous action in the case is not a trial, and cannot convict, whatever be the evidence or the number of witnesses. i understand this to have been the opinion entertained by chief justice marshall, burr's trial, , and though it differs from that expressed by judge iredell on the indictment of fries, ( whart. am. st. tr. ), i feel authorized to recommend it to you, as within the terms of the constitution, and involving no injustice to the accused. i have only to add that treason against the united states, may be committed by any one resident or sojourning within its territory, and under the protection of its laws, whether he be a citizen or an alien. (fost. c.l. , .-- hale , , . hawk. ch. , § , kel. ). besides the crime of treason, which i have thus noticed, there are offences of minor grades, against the constitution and the state, some or other of which may be apparently established by the evidence that will come before you. these are embraced in the act of congress, on the th of sept., , ch. , sec. , on the subject of obstructing or resisting the service of legal process,--the act of the d of march, , chap. , sec. , which secures the jurors, witnesses, and officers of our courts in the fearless, free, and impartial administration of their respective functions,--and the act of the th of september, , ch. , which relates more particularly to the rescue, or attempted rescue of a fugitive from labor. these acts were made the subject of a charge to the grand jury of this court in november last, of which i shall direct a copy to be laid before you; and i do not deem it necessary to repeat their provisions at this time. gentlemen of the grand jury: you are about to enter upon a most grave and momentous duty. you will be careful in performing it, not to permit your indignation against crime, or your just appreciation of its perilous consequences, to influence your judgment of the guilt of those who may be charged before you with its commission. but you will be careful, also, that no misguided charity shall persuade you to withhold the guilty from the retributions of justice. you will inquire whether an offence has been committed, what was its legal character, and who were the offenders,--and this done, and this only, you will make your presentments according to the evidence and the law. your inquiries will not be restricted to the conduct of the people belonging to our own state. if in the progress of them, you shall find, that men have been among us, who, under whatever mask of conscience or of peace, have labored to incite others to treasonable violence, and who, after arranging the elements of the mischief, have withdrawn themselves to await the explosion they had contrived, you will feel yourselves bound to present the fact to the court,--and however distant may be the place in which the offenders may have sought refuge, we give you the pledge of the law, that its far-reaching energies shall be exerted to bring them up for trial,--if guilty, to punishment. the offence of treason is not triable in this court; but by an act of congress, passed on the th of august, , chap. , it is made lawful for the grand jury, empanelled and sworn in the district court, to take cognizance of all the indictments for crimes against the united states within the jurisdiction of either of the federal courts of the district. there being no grand jury in attendance at this time in the circuit court, to pass upon the accusations i have referred to in the first instance, it has fallen to my lot to assume the responsible office of expounding to you the law in regard to them. i have the satisfaction of knowing, that if the views i have expressed are in any respect erroneous, they must undergo the revision of my learned brother of the supreme court, who presides in this circuit, before they can operate to the serious prejudice of any one; and that if they are doubtful even, provision exists for their re-examination in the highest tribunal of the country." on the strength of judge kane's carefully-drawn up charge the grand jury found true bills of indictment against forty of the christiana offenders, charged with treason. james jackson, an aged member of the society of friends (a quaker), and a well-known non-resistant abolitionist, was of this number. with his name the blanks were filled up; the same form (with regard to these bills) was employed in the case of each one of the accused. the following is a copy of the indictment. eastern district of pennsylvania, ss.: the grand inquest of the united states of america, inquiring for the eastern district of pennsylvania, on their oaths and affirmations, respectfully do present, that james jackson, yeoman of the district aforesaid, owing allegiance to the united states of america, wickedly devising and intending the peace and tranquility of said united states, to disturb, and prevent the execution of the laws thereof within the same, to wit, a law of the united states, entitled "an act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of their masters," approved february twelfth, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, and also a law of the united states, entitled "an act to amend, and supplementary to, the act entitled, an act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of their masters, approved february the twelfth, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three," which latter supplementary act was approved september eighteenth, one thousand eight hundred and fifty, on the eleventh day of september, in the year of our lord, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one, in the county of lancaster, in the state of pennsylvania and district aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, wickedly and traitorously did intend to levy war against the united states within the same. and to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him, the said james jackson, he, the said james jackson afterward, to wit, on the day and year aforesaid, in the state, district and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with a great multitude of persons, whose names, to this inquest are as yet unknown, to a great number, to wit, to the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there unlawfully and traitorously assembled, did traitorously assemble and combine against the said united states, and then and there, with force and arms, wickedly and traitorously, and with the wicked and traitorous intention to oppose and prevent, by means of intimidation and violence, the execution of the said laws of the united states within the same, did array and dispose themselves in a warlike and hostile manner against the said united states, and then and there, with force and arms, in pursuance of such their traitorous intention, he, the said james jackson, with the said persons so as aforesaid, wickedly and traitorously did levy war against the united states. and further, to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him, the said james jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said laws of the united states from being carried into execution, he, the said james jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, in the state, district and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid, with the said persons whose names to this inquest are as yet unknown, did, wickedly and traitorously assemble against the said united states, with the avowed intention by force of arms and intimidation to prevent the execution of the said laws of the united states within the same; and in pursuance and execution of such their wicked and traitorous combination, he, the said james jackson, then and there with force and arms, with the said persons to a great number, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there, unlawfully and traitorously assembled, did wickedly, knowingly, and traitorously resist and oppose one henry h. kline, an officer, duly appointed by edward d. ingraham, esq., a commissioner, duly appointed by the circuit court of the united states, for the said district, in the execution of the duty of the office of the said kline, he, the said kline, being appointed by the said edward ingraham, esq., by writing under his hand, to execute warrants and other process issued by him, the said ingraham, in the performance of his duties as commissioner, under the said laws of the united states, and then and there, with force and arms, with the said great multitude of persons, so as, aforesaid, unlawfully and traitorously assembled, and armed and arrayed in manner as aforesaid, he, the said, james jackson, wickedly and traitorously did oppose and resist, and prevent the said kline, from executing the lawful process to him directed and delivered by the said commissioner against sundry persons, then residents of said county, who had been legally charged before the said commissioner as being persons held to service or labor in the state of maryland, and owing such service or labor to a certain edward gorsuch, under the laws of the said state of maryland, had escaped therefrom, into the said eastern district of pennsylvania; which process, duly issued by the said commissioner, the said kline then and there had in his possession, and was then and there proceeding to execute, as by law he was bound to do; and so the grand inquest, upon their respective oaths and affirmations aforesaid, do say, that the said james jackson, in manner aforesaid, as much as in him lay, wickedly and traitorously did prevent, by means of force and intimidation, the execution of the said laws of the united states, in the said state and district. and further, to fulfill and bring to effect, the said traitorous intention of him, the said james jackson, and in further pursuance, and in the execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to expose, resist, and prevent the execution of the said laws of the said united states, in the state and district aforesaid, he, the said james jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, in the state, county, and district aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with the said persons whose names to the grand inquest aforesaid, are as yet unknown, did, wickedly and traitorously assemble against the said united states with the avowed intention, by means of force and intimidation, to prevent the execution of the said laws of the united states in the state and district aforesaid, and in pursuance and execution of such, their wicked and traitorous combination and intention, then and there to the state, district, and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with force and arms, with a great multitude of persons, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there unlawfully and traitorously assembled, he, the said james jackson, did, knowingly, and unlawfully assault the said henry h. kline, he, the said kline, being an officer appointed by writing, under the hand of the said edward d. ingraham, esq., a commissioner under said laws, to execute warrants and other process, issued by the said commissioner in the performance of his duties as such; and he, the said james jackson, did, then and there, traitorously, with force and arms, against the will of the said kline, liberate and take out of his custody, persons by him before that time arrested, and in his lawful custody, then and there being, by virtue of lawful process against them issued by the said commissioner, they being legally charged with being persons held to service or labor in the state of maryland, and owing such service or labor to a certain edward gorsuch, under the laws of the said state of maryland, who had escaped therefrom into the said district; and so the grand inquest aforesaid, upon their oaths and affirmations, aforesaid, do say, that he, the said james jackson, as much as in him lay, did, then and there, in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination and intention, wickedly and traitorously, by means of force and intimidation, prevent the execution of the said laws of the united states, in the said state and district. and further to fulfill and bring to effect, the said traitorous intention of him, the said james jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said laws of the united states from being carried into execution, he, the said james jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, and on divers other days, both before and afterwards in the state and district aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with the said persons to this inquest as yet unknown, maliciously and traitorously did meet, conspire, consult, and agree among themselves, further to oppose, resist, and prevent, by means of force and intimidation, the execution of the said laws herein before specified. and further to fulfill, perfect, and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him the said james jackson, and in pursuance and execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose and resist the said laws of the united states from being carried into execution, in the state and district aforesaid, he, the said james jackson, together with the other persons whose names are to this inquest as yet unknown, on the day and year first aforesaid, and on divers other days and times, as well before and after, at the district aforesaid, within the jurisdiction of said court, with force and arms, maliciously and traitorously did prepare and compose, and did then and there maliciously and traitorously cause and procure to be prepared and composed, divers books, pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers and writings, and did then and there maliciously and traitorously publish and disperse and cause to be published and dispersed, divers other books and pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers and writings; the said books, pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers and writings, so respectively prepared, composed, published and dispersed, as last aforesaid, containing therein, amongst other things, incitements, encouragements, and exhortations, to move, induce and persuade persons held to service in any of the united states, by the laws thereof, who had escaped into the said district, as well as other persons, citizens of said district, to resist, oppose, and prevent, by violence and intimidation, the execution of the said laws, and also containing therein, instructions and directions how and upon what occasion, the traitorous purposes last aforesaid, should and might be carried into effect, contrary to the form of the act of congress in such case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the united states. john w. ashmead, attorney of the u.s. for the eastern district of pennsylvania. the abolitionists were leaving no stone unturned in order to triumphantly meet the case in court. during the interim many tokens of kindness and marks of christian benevolence were extended to the prisoners by their friends and sympathizers; among these none deserve more honorable mention than the noble act of thomas l. kane (son of judge kane, and now general), in tendering all the prisoners a sumptuous thanksgiving dinner, consisting of turkey, etc., pound cake, etc., etc. the dinner for the white prisoners, messrs. hanaway, davis, and scarlett, was served in appropriate style in the room of mr. morrison, one of the keepers. the u.s. marshal, a.e. roberts, esq., several of the keepers, and mr. hanes, one of the prison officers, dined with the prisoners as their guests. mayor charles gilpin was also present and accepted an invitation to test the quality of the luxuries, thus significantly indicating that he was not the enemy of freedom. mrs. martha hanaway, the wife of the "traitor" of that name, and who had spent most of her time with her husband since his incarceration, served each of the twenty-seven colored "traitors" with a plate of the delicacies, and the supply being greater than the demand, the balance was served to outsiders in other cells on the same corridor. the pro-slavery party were very indignant over the matter, and the hon. mr. brent thought it incumbent upon him to bring this high-handed procedure to the notice of the court, where he received a few crumbs of sympathy, from the pro-slavery side, of course. but the dinner had been so handsomely arranged, and coming from the source that it did, it had a very telling effect. long before this, however, mr. t.l. kane had given abundant evidence that he approved of the underground rail road, and was a decided opponent of the fugitive slave law; in short, that he believed in freedom for all men, irrespective of race or color. castnor hanaway was first to be tried; over him, therefore, the great contest was to be made. for the defence of this particular case, the abolitionists selected j.m. read, thaddeus stevens, joseph s. lewis and theodore cuyler, esqs. on the side of the fugitive slave law, and against the "traitors," were u.s. district attorney, john w. ashmead, hon. james cooper, james r. ludlow, esq., and robert g. brent, attorney general of maryland. mr. brent was allowed to act as "overseer" in conducting matters on the side of the fugitive slave law. on this infamous enactment, combined with a corrupted popular sentiment, the pro-slavery side depended for success. the abolitionists viewed matters in the light of freedom and humanity, and hopefully relied upon the justice of their cause and the power of truth to overcome and swallow up all the pharaoh's rods of serpents as fast as they might be thrown down. the prisoners having lain in their cells nearly three months, the time for their trial arrived. monday morning, november th, the contest began. the first three days were occupied in procuring jurors. the pro-slavery side desired none but such as believed in the fugitive slave law and in "treason" as expounded in the judge's charge and the finding of the grand jury. the counsel for the "traitors" carefully weighed the jurors, and when found wanting challenged them; in so doing, they managed to get rid of most all of that special class upon whom the prosecution depended for a conviction. the jury having been sworn in, the battle commenced in good earnest, and continued unabated for nearly two weeks. it is needless to say, that the examinations and arguments would fill volumes, and were of the most deeply interesting nature. no attempt can here be made to recite the particulars of the trial other than by a mere reference. it was, doubtless, the most important trial that ever took place in this country relative to the underground rail road passengers, and in its results more good was brought out of evil than can easily be estimated. the pro-slavery theories of treason were utterly demolished, and not a particle of room was left the advocates of the peculiar institution to hope, that slave-hunters in future, in quest of fugitives, would be any more safe than gorsuch. the tide of public sentiment changed--hanaway, and the other "traitors," began to be looked upon as having been greatly injured, and justly entitled to public sympathy and honor, while confusion of face, disappointment and chagrin were plainly visible throughout the demoralized ranks of the enemy. hanaway was victorious. an effort was next made to convict thompson, one of the colored "traitors." to defend the colored prisoners, the old abolition society had retained thaddeus stevens, david paul brown, william s. pierce, and robert p. kane, esqs., (son of judge kane). stevens, brown and pierce were well-known veterans, defenders of the slave wherever and whenever called upon so to do. in the present case, they were prepared for a gallant stand and a long siege against opposing forces. likewise, r.p. kane, esq., although a young volunteer in the anti-slavery war, brought to the work great zeal, high attainments, large sympathy and true pluck, while, in view of all the circumstances, the committee of arrangements felt very much gratified to have him in their ranks. by this time, however, the sandy foundations of "overseer" brent and co., (on the part of slavery), had been so completely swept away by the hon. j.m. read and co., on the side of freedom, that there was but little chance left to deal heavy blows upon the defeated advocates of the fugitive slave law. thompson was pronounced "not guilty." the other prisoners, of course, shared the same good luck. the victory was then complete, equally as much so as at christiana. underground rail road stock arose rapidly and a feeling of universal rejoicing pervaded the friends of freedom from one end of the country to the other. especially were slave-holders taught the wholesome lesson, that the fugitive slave law was no guarantee against "red hot shot," nor the charges of u.s. judges and the findings of grand juries, together with the superior learning of counsel from slave-holding maryland, any guarantee that "traitors" would be hung. in every respect, the underground rail road made capital by the treason. slave-holders from maryland especially were far less disposed to hunt their runaway property than they had hitherto been. the deputy marshal likewise considered the business of catching slaves very unsafe. * * * * * william and ellen craft. female slave in male attire, fleeing as a planter, with her husband as her body servant. a quarter of a century ago, william and ellen craft were slaves in the state of georgia. with them, as with thousands of others, the desire to be free was very strong. for this jewel they were willing to make any sacrifice, or to endure any amount of suffering. in this state of mind they commenced planning. after thinking of various ways that might be tried, it occurred to william and ellen, that one might act the part of master and the other the part of servant. ellen being fair enough to pass for white, of necessity would have to be transformed into a young planter for the time being. all that was needed, however, to make this important change was that she should be dressed elegantly in a fashionable suit of male attire, and have her hair cut in the style usually worn by young planters. her profusion of dark hair offered a fine opportunity for the change. so far this plan looked very tempting. but it occurred to them that ellen was beardless. after some mature reflection, they came to the conclusion that this difficulty could be very readily obviated by having the face muffled up as though the young planter was suffering badly with the face or toothache; thus they got rid of this trouble. straightway, upon further reflection, several other very serious difficulties stared them in the face. for instance, in traveling, they knew that they would be under the necessity of stopping repeatedly at hotels, and that the custom of registering would have to be conformed to, unless some very good excuse could be given for not doing so. [illustration: william craft] [illustration: ellen craft.] here they again, thought much over matters, and wisely concluded that the young man had better assume the attitude of a gentleman very much indisposed. he must have his right arm placed carefully in a sling; that would be a sufficient excuse for not registering, etc. then he must be a little lame, with a nice cane in the left hand; he must have large green spectacles over his eyes, and withal he must be very hard of hearing and dependent on his faithful servant (as was no uncommon thing with slave-holders), to look after all his wants. william was just the man to act this part. to begin with, he was very "likely-looking;" smart, active and exceedingly attentive to his young master--indeed he was almost eyes, ears, hands and feet for him. william knew that this would please the slave-holders. the young planter would have nothing to do but hold himself subject to his ailments and put on a bold air of superiority; he was not to deign to notice anybody. if, while traveling, gentlemen, either politely or rudely, should venture to scrape acquaintance with the young planter, in his deafness he was to remain mute; the servant was to explain. in every instance when this occurred, as it actually did, the servant was fully equal to the emergency--none dreaming of the disguises in which the underground rail road passengers were traveling. they stopped at a first-class hotel in charleston, where the young planter and his body servant were treated, as the house was wont to treat the chivalry. they stopped also at a similar hotel in richmond, and with like results. they knew that they must pass through baltimore, but they did not know the obstacles that they would have to surmount in the monumental city. they proceeded to the depot in the usual manner, and the servant asked for tickets for his master and self. of course the master could have a ticket, but "bonds will have to be entered before you can get a ticket," said the ticket master. "it is the rule of this office to require bonds for all negroes applying for tickets to go north, and none but gentlemen of well-known responsibility will be taken," further explained the ticket master. the servant replied, that he knew "nothing about that"--that he was "simply traveling with his young master to take care of him--he being in a very delicate state of health, so much so, that fears were entertained that he might not be able to hold out to reach philadelphia, where he was hastening for medical treatment," and ended his reply by saying, "my master can't be detained." without further parley, the ticket master very obligingly waived the old "rule," and furnished the requisite tickets. the mountain being thus removed, the young planter and his faithful servant were safely in the cars for the city of brotherly love. scarcely had they arrived on free soil when the rheumatism departed--the right arm was unslung--the toothache was gone--the beardless face was unmuffled--the deaf heard and spoke--the blind saw--and the lame leaped as an hart, and in the presence of a few astonished friends of the slave, the facts of this unparalleled underground rail road feat were fully established by the most unquestionable evidence. the constant strain and pressure on ellen's nerves, however, had tried her severely, so much so, that for days afterwards, she was physically very much prostrated, although joy and gladness beamed from her eyes, which bespoke inexpressible delight within. never can the writer forget the impression made by their arrival. even now, after a lapse of nearly a quarter of a century, it is easy to picture them in a private room, surrounded by a few friends--ellen in her fine suit of black, with her cloak and high-heeled boots, looking, in every respect, like a young gentleman; in an hour after having dropped her male attire, and assumed the habiliments of her sex the feminine only was visible in every line and feature of her structure. her husband, william, was thoroughly colored, but was a man of marked natural abilities, of good manners, and full of pluck, and possessed of perceptive faculties very large. it was necessary, however, in those days, that they should seek a permanent residence, where their freedom would be more secure than in philadelphia; therefore they were advised to go to headquarters, directly to boston. there they would be safe, it was supposed, as it had then been about a generation since a fugitive had been taken back from the old bay state, and through the incessant labors of william lloyd garrison, the great pioneer, and his faithful coadjutors, it was conceded that another fugitive slave case could never be tolerated on the free soil of massachusetts. so to boston they went. on arriving, the warm hearts of abolitionists welcomed them heartily, and greeted and cheered them without let or hindrance. they did not pretend to keep their coming a secret, or hide it under a bushel; the story of their escape was heralded broadcast over the country--north and south, and indeed over the civilized world. for two years or more, not the slightest fear was entertained that they were not just as safe in boston as if they had gone to canada. but the day the fugitive bill passed, even the bravest abolitionist began to fear that a fugitive slave was no longer safe anywhere under the stars and stripes, north or south, and that william and ellen craft were liable to be captured at any moment by georgia slave hunters. many abolitionists counselled resistance to the death at all hazards. instead of running to canada, fugitives generally armed themselves and thus said, "give me liberty or give me death." william and ellen craft believed that it was their duty, as citizens of massachusetts, to observe a more legal and civilized mode of conforming to the marriage rite than had been permitted them in slavery, and as theodore parker had shown himself a very warm friend of their's, they agreed to have their wedding over again according to the laws of a free state. after performing the ceremony, the renowned and fearless advocate of equal rights (theodore parker), presented william with a revolver and a dirk-knife, counselling him to use them manfully in defence of his wife and himself, if ever an attempt should be made by his owners or anybody else to re-enslave them. but, notwithstanding all the published declarations made by abolitionists and fugitives, to the effect, that slave-holders and slave-catchers in visiting massachusetts in pursuit of their runaway property, would be met by just such weapons as theodore parker presented william with, to the surprise of all boston, the owners of william and ellen actually had the effrontery to attempt their recapture under the fugitive slave law. how it was done, and the results, taken from the _old liberator_, (william lloyd garrison's organ), we copy as follows: from the "liberator," nov. , . slave-hunters in boston. our city, for a week past, has been thrown into a state of intense excitement by the appearance of two prowling villains, named hughes and knight, from macon, georgia, for the purpose of seizing william and ellen craft, under the infernal fugitive slave bill, and carrying them back to the hell of slavery. since the day of ' , there has not been such a popular demonstration on the side of human freedom in this region. the humane and patriotic contagion has infected all classes. scarcely any other subject has been talked about in the streets, or in the social circle. on thursday, of last week, warrants for the arrest of william and ellen were issued by judge levi woodbury, but no officer has yet been found ready or bold enough to serve them. in the meantime, the vigilance committee, appointed at the faneuil hall meeting, has not been idle. their number has been increased to upwards of a hundred "good men and true," including some thirty or forty members of the bar; and they have been in constant session, devising every legal method to baffle the pursuing bloodhounds, and relieve the city of their hateful presence. on saturday placards were posted up in all directions, announcing the arrival of these slave-hunters, and describing their persons. on the same day, hughes and knight were arrested on the charge of slander against william craft. the chronotype says, the damages being laid at $ , ; bail was demanded in the same sum, and was promptly furnished. by whom? is the question. an immense crowd was assembled in front of the sheriff's office, while the bail matter was being arranged. the reporters were not admitted. it was only known that watson freeman, esq., who once declared his readiness to hang any number of negroes remarkably cheap, came in, saying that the arrest was a shame, all a humbug, the trick of the damned abolitionists, and proclaimed his readiness to stand bail. john h. pearson was also sent for, and came--the same john h. pearson, merchant and southern packet agent, who immortalized himself by sending back, on the th of september, , in the bark niagara, a poor fugitive slave, who came secreted in the brig ottoman, from new orleans--being himself judge, jury and executioner, to consign a fellow-being to a life of bondage--in obedience to the law of a slave state, and in violation of the law of his own. this same john h. pearson, not contented with his previous infamy, was on hand. there is a story that the slave-hunters have been his table-guests also, and whether he bailed them or not, we don't know. what we know is, that soon after pearson came out from the back room, where he and knight and the sheriff had been closeted, the sheriff said that knight was bailed--he would not say by whom. knight being looked after, was not to be found. he had slipped out through a back door, and thus cheated the crowd of the pleasure of greeting him--possibly with that rough and ready affection which barclay's brewers bestowed upon haynau. the escape was very fortunate every way. hughes and knight have since been twice arrested and put under bonds of $ , (making $ , in all), charged with a conspiracy to kidnap and abduct william craft, a peaceable citizen of massachusetts, etc. bail was entered by hamilton willis, of willis & co., state street, and patrick riley, u.s. deputy marshal. the following (says the chronotype), is a _verbatim et literatim_ copy of the letter sent by knight to craft, to entice him to the u.s. hotel, in order to kidnap him. it shows, that the school-master owes knight more "service and labor" than it is possible for craft to: boston, oct. , , oclk p.m. wm. craft--sir--i have to leave so eirley in the moring that i cold not call according to promis, so if you want me to carry a letter home with me, you must bring it to the united states hotel to morrow and leave it in box , or come your self to morro eavening after tea and bring it. let me no if you come your self by sending a note to box u.s. hotel so that i may know whether to wate after tea or not by the bearer. if your wife wants to see me you cold bring her with you if you come your self. john knight. p.s. i shall leave for home eirley a thursday moring. j.k. at a meeting of colored people, held in belknap street church, on friday evening, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted: _resolved_, that god willed us free; man willed us slaves. we will as god wills; god's will be done. _resolved_, that our oft repeated determination to resist oppression is the same now as ever, and we pledge ourselves, at all hazards, to resist unto death any attempt upon our liberties. _resolved_, that as south carolina seizes and imprisons colored seamen from the north, under the plea that it is to prevent insurrection and rebellion among her colored population, the authorities of this state, and city in particular, be requested to lay hold of, and put in prison, immediately, any and all fugitive slave-hunters who may be found among us, upon the same ground, and for similar reasons. spirited addresses, of a most emphatic type, were made by messrs. remond, of salem, roberts, nell, and allen, of boston, and davis, of plymouth. individuals and highly respectable committees of gentlemen have repeatedly waited upon these georgia miscreants, to persuade them to make a speedy departure from the city. after promising to do so, and repeatedly falsifying their word, it is said that they left on wednesday afternoon, in the express train for new york, and thus (says the chronotype), they have "gone off with their ears full of fleas, to fire the solemn word for the dissolution of the union!" telegraphic intelligence is received, that president fillmore has announced his determination to sustain the fugitive slave bill, at all hazards. let him try! the fugitives, as well as the colored people generally, seem determined to carry out the spirit of the resolutions to their fullest extent. ellen first received information that the slave-hunters from georgia were after her through mrs. geo. s. hilliard, of boston, who had been a good friend to her from the day of her arrival from slavery. how mrs. hilliard obtained the information, the impression it made on ellen, and where she was secreted, the following extract of a letter written by mrs. hilliard, touching the memorable event, will be found deeply interesting: "in regard to william and ellen craft, it is true that we received her at our house when the first warrant under the act of eighteen hundred and fifty was issued. dr. bowditch called upon us to say, that the warrant must be for william and ellen, as they were the only fugitives here known to have come from georgia, and the dr. asked what we could do. i went to the house of the rev. f.t. gray, on mt. vernon street, where ellen was working with miss dean, an upholsteress, a friend of ours, who had told us she would teach ellen her trade. i proposed to ellen to come and do some work for me, intending not to alarm her. my manner, which i supposed to be indifferent and calm, _betrayed_ me, and she threw herself into my arms, sobbing and weeping. she, however, recovered her composure as soon as we reached the street, and was _very firm_ ever after. my husband wished her, by all means, to be brought to our house, and to remain under his protection, saying 'i am perfectly willing to meet the penalty, should she be found here, but will never give her up.' the penalty, you remember, was six months' imprisonment and a thousand dollars fine. william craft went, after a time, to lewis hayden. he was at first, as dr. bowditch told us, 'barricaded in his shop on cambridge street.' i saw him there, and he said, 'ellen must not be left at your house.' 'why? william,' said i, 'do you think we would give her up?' 'never,' said he, 'but mr. hilliard is not only our friend, but he is a u.s. commissioner, and should ellen be found in his house, he must resign his office, as well as incur the penalty of the law, and i will not subject a friend to such a punishment for the sake of our safety.' was not this noble, when you think how small was the penalty that any one could receive for aiding slaves to escape, compared to the fate which threatened them in case they were captured? william c. made the same objection to having his wife taken to mr. ellis gray loring's, he also being a friend and a commissioner." this deed of humanity and christian charity is worthy to be commemorated and classed with the act of the good samaritan, as the same spirit is shown in both cases. often was mrs. hilliard's house an asylum for fugitive slaves. after the hunters had left the city in dismay, and the storm of excitement had partially subsided, the friends of william and ellen concluded that they had better seek a country where they would not be in daily fear of slave-catchers, backed by the government of the united states. they were, therefore, advised to go to great britain. outfits were liberally provided for them, passages procured, and they took their departure for a habitation in a foreign land. much might be told concerning the warm reception they met with from the friends of humanity on every hand, during a stay in england of nearly a score of years, but we feel obliged to make the following extract suffice: extract of a letter from wm. farmer, esq., of london, to wm. lloyd garrison, june , --"fugitive slaves at the great exhibition." fortunately, we have, at the present moment, in the british metropolis, some specimens of what were once american "chattels personal," in the persons of william and ellen craft, and william w. brown, and their friends resolved that they should be exhibited under the world's huge glass case, in order that the world might form its opinion of the alleged mental inferiority of the african race, and their fitness or unfitness for freedom. a small party of anti-slavery friends was accordingly formed to accompany the fugitives through the exhibition. mr. and mrs. estlin, of bristol, and a lady friend, mr. and mrs. richard webb, of dublin, and a son and daughter, mr. mcdonnell, (a most influential member of the executive committee of the national reform association--one of our unostentatious, but highly efficient workers for reform in this country, and whose public and private acts, if you were acquainted with, you would feel the same esteem and affection for him as is felt towards him by mr. thompson, myself and many others)--these ladies and gentlemen, together with myself, met at mr. thompson's house, and, in company with mrs. thompson, and miss amelia thompson, the crafts and brown, proceeded from thence to the exhibition. saturday was selected, as a day upon which the largest number of the aristocracy and wealthy classes attend the crystal palace, and the company was, on this occasion, the most distinguished that had been gathered together within its walls since its opening day. some fifteen thousand, mostly of the upper classes, were there congregated, including the queen, prince albert, and the royal children, the anti-slavery duchess of sutherland, (by whom the fugitives were evidently favorably regarded), the duke of wellington, the bishops of winchester and st. asaph, a large number of peers, peeresses, members of parliament, merchants and bankers, and distinguished men from almost all parts of the world, surpassing, in variety of tongue, character and costume, the description of the population of jerusalem on the day of pentecost--a season of which it is hoped the great exhibition will prove a type, in the copious outpouring of the holy spirit of brotherly union, and the consequent diffusion, throughout the world, of the anti-slavery gospel of good will to all men. in addition to the american exhibitors, it so happened that the american visitors were particularly numerous, among whom the experienced eyes of brown and the crafts enabled them to detect slave-holders by dozens. mr. mcdonnell escorted mrs. craft, and mrs. thompson; miss thompson, at her own request, took the arm of wm. wells brown, whose companion she elected to be for the day; wm. craft walked with miss amelia thompson and myself. this arrangement was purposely made in order that there might be no appearance of patronizing the fugitives, but that it might be shown that we regarded them as our equals, and honored them for their heroic escape from slavery. quite contrary to the feeling of ordinary visitors, the american department was our chief attraction. upon arriving at powers' greek slave, our glorious anti-slavery friend, punch's 'virginia slave' was produced. i hope you have seen this production of our great humorous moralist. it is an admirably-drawn figure of a female slave in chains, with the inscription beneath, 'the virginia slave, a companion for powers' greek slave.' the comparison of the two soon drew a small crowd, including several americans, around and near us. although they refrained from any audible expression of feeling, the object of the comparison was evidently understood and keenly felt. it would not have been prudent in us to have challenged, in words, an anti-slavery discussion in the world's convention; but everything that we could with propriety do was done to induce them to break silence upon the subject. we had no intention, verbally, of taking the initiative in such a discussion; we confined ourselves to speaking at them, in order that they might be led to speak to us; but our efforts were of no avail. the gauntlet, which was unmistakably thrown down by our party, the americans were too wary to take up. we spoke among each other of the wrongs of slavery; it was in vain. we discoursed freely upon the iniquity of a professedly christian republic holding three millions of its population in cruel and degrading bondage; you might as well have preached to the winds. wm. wells brown took 'punch's virginia slave' and deposited it within the enclosure by the 'greek slave,' saying audibly, 'as an american fugitive slave, i place this 'virginia slave' by the side of the 'greek slave,' as its most fitting companion.' not a word, or reply, or remonstrance from yankee or southerner. we had not, however, proceeded many steps from the place before the 'virginia slave' was removed. we returned to the statue, and stood near the american by whom it had been taken up, to give him an opportunity of making any remarks he chose upon the matter. whatever were his feelings, his policy was to keep his lips closed. if he had felt that the act was wrongful, would he not have appealed to the sense of justice of the british bystanders, who are always ready to resist an insult offered to a foreigner in this country? if it was an insult, why not resent it, as became high-spirited americans? but no; the chivalry of the south tamely allowed itself to be plucked by the beard; the garrulity of the north permitted itself to be silenced by three fugitive slaves.... we promenaded the exhibition between six and seven hours, and visited nearly every portion of the vast edifice. among the thousands whom we met in our perambulations, who dreamed of any impropriety in a gentleman of character and standing, like mr. mcdonnell, walking arm-in-arm with a colored woman; or an elegant and accomplished young lady, like miss thompson, (daughter of the hon. george thompson, m.c.), becoming the promenading companion of a colored man? did the english peers or peeresses? not the most aristocratic among them. did the representatives of any other country have their notions of propriety shocked by the matter? none but americans. to see the arm of a beautiful english young lady passed through that of 'a nigger,' taking ices and other refreshments with him, upon terms of the most perfect equality, certainly was enough to 'rile,' and evidently did 'rile' the slave-holders who beheld it; but there was no help for it. even the new york broadway bullies would not have dared to utter a word of insult, much less lift a finger against wm. wells brown, when walking with his fair companion in the world's exhibition. it was a circumstance not to be forgotten by these southern bloodhounds. probably, for the first time in their lives, they felt themselves thoroughly muzzled; they dared not even to bark, much less bite. like the meanest curs, they had to sneak through the crystal palace, unnoticed and uncared for; while the victims who had been rescued from their jaws, were warmly greeted by visitors from all parts of the country. * * * * * brown and the crafts have paid several other visits to the great exhibition, in one of which, wm. craft succeeded in getting some southerners "out" upon the fugitive slave bill, respecting which a discussion was held between them in the american department. finding themselves worsted at every point, they were compelled to have recourse to lying, and unblushingly denied that the bill contained the provisions which craft alleged it did. craft took care to inform them who and what he was. he told them that there had been too much information upon that measure diffused in england for lying to conceal them. he has subsequently met the same parties, who, with contemptible hypocrisy, treated "the nigger" with great respect. in england the crafts were highly respected. while under her british majesty's protection, ellen became the mother of several children, (having had none under the stars and stripes). these they spared no pains in educating for usefulness in the world. some two years since william and ellen returned with two of their children to the united states, and after visiting boston and other places, william concluded to visit georgia, his old home, with a view of seeing what inducement war had opened up to enterprise, as he had felt a desire to remove his family thither, if encouraged. indeed he was prepared to purchase a plantation, if he found matters satisfactory. this visit evidently furnished the needed encouragement, judging from the fact that he did purchase a plantation somewhere in the neighborhood of savannah, and is at present living there with his family. the portraits of william and ellen represent them at the present stage of life, (as citizens of the u.s.)--of course they have greatly changed in appearance from what they were when they first fled from georgia. obviously the fugitive slave law in its crusade against william and ellen craft, reaped no advantages, but on the contrary, liberty was greatly the gainer. * * * * * arrivals from richmond. lewis cobb and nancy brister. no one southern city furnished a larger number of brave, wide-awake and likely-looking underground rail road passengers than the city of richmond. lewis and nancy were fair specimens of the class of travelers coming from that city. lewis was described as a light yellow man, medium size, good-looking, and intelligent. in referring to bondage, he spoke with great earnestness, and in language very easily understood; especially when speaking of samuel myers, from whom he escaped, he did not hesitate to give him the character of being a very hard man, who was never satisfied, no matter how hard the slaves might try to please him. myers was engaged in the commission and forwarding business, and was a man of some standing in richmond. from him lewis had received very severe floggings, the remembrance of which he would not only carry with him to canada, but to the grave. it was owing to abuse of this kind that he was awakened to look for a residence under the protection of the british lion. for eight months he longed to get away, and had no rest until he found himself on the underground rail road. his master was a member of the century methodist church, as was also his wife and family; but lewis thought that they were strangers to practical christianity, judging from the manner that the slaves were treated by both master and mistress. lewis was a baptist, and belonged to the second church. twelve hundred dollars had been offered for him. he left his father (judville), and his brother, john harris, both slaves. in view of his prospects in canada, lewis' soul overflowed with pleasing anticipations of freedom, and the committee felt great satisfaction in assisting him. nancy was also from richmond, and came in the same boat with lewis. she represented the most "likely-looking female bond servants." indeed her appearance recommended her at once. she was neat, modest, and well-behaved--with a good figure and the picture of health, with a countenance beaming with joy and gladness, notwithstanding the late struggles and sufferings through which she had passed. young as she was, she had seen much of slavery, and had, doubtless, profited by the lessons thereof. at all events, it was through cruel treatment, having been frequently beaten after she had passed her eighteenth year, that she was prompted to seek freedom. it was so common for her mistress to give way to unbridled passions that nancy never felt safe. under the severest infliction of punishment she was not allowed to complain. neither from mistress nor master had she any reason to expect mercy or leniency--indeed she saw no way of escape but by the underground rail road. it was true that the master, mr. william bears, was a yankee from connecticut, and his wife a member of the episcopal church, but nancy's yoke seemed none the lighter for all that. fully persuaded that she would never find her lot any better while remaining in their hands, she accepted the advice and aid of a young man to whom she was engaged; he was shrewd enough to find an agent in richmond, with whom he entered into a covenant to have nancy brought away. with a cheerful heart the journey was undertaken in the manner aforesaid, and she safely reached the committee. her mother, one brother and a sister she had to leave in richmond. one thousand dollars were lost in the departure of nancy. having been accommodated and aided by the committee, they were forwarded to canada. lewis wrote back repeatedly and expressed himself very gratefully for favors received, as will be seen by the appended letters from him: toronto, april , . to mr. wm. still--dear sir:--i take this opportunity of addressing these few lines to inform you that i am well and hope that they may find you and your family enjoying the same good health. please to give my love to you and your family. i had a very pleasant trip from your house that morning. dear sir, you would oblige me much, if you have not sent that box to mr. robinson, to open it and take out the little yellow box that i tied up in the large one and send it on by express to me in toronto. lift up a few of the things and you will find it near the top. all the clothes that i have are in that box and i stand in need of them. you would oblige me much by so doing. i stopped at mr. jones' in elmira, and was very well treated by him while there. i am now in toronto and doing very well at present. i am very thankful to you and your family for the attention you paid to me while at your house. i wish you would see mr. ormsted and ask him if he has not some things for mr. anthony loney, and if he has, please send them on with my things, as we are both living together at this time. give my love to mr. anthony, also to mr. ormsted and family. dear sir, we both would be very glad for you to attend to this, as we both do stand very much in need of them at this time. dear sir, you will oblige me by giving my love to miss frances watkins, and as she said she hoped to be out in the summer, i should like to see her. i have met with a gentleman here by the name of mr. truehart, and he sends his best love to you and your family. mr. truehart desires to know whether you received the letter he sent to you, and if so, answer it as soon as possible. please answer this letter as soon as possible. i must now come to a close by saying that i remain your beloved friend, lewis cobb. the young man who was there that morning, mr. robinson, got married to that young lady. toronto, june d, . to mr. wm. still--dear sir:--i received yours dated may th, and was extremely happy to hear from you. you may be surprised that i have not answered you before this, but it was on account of not knowing anything concerning the letter being in the post-office until i was told so by a friend. the box, of which i had been inquiring, i have received, and am infinitely obliged to you for sending it. mr. and mrs. renson are living in hamilton, c.w. they send their best love to you and your family. i am at present residing in toronto, c.w. mr. anthony loney has gone on to boston, and is desirous of my coming on to him; and as i have many acquaintances there, i should like to know from you whether it would be advisable or not. give, if you please, my best love to your family and accept the same for yourself, and also to mr. james ormsted and family. tell james ormsted i would be glad if he would send me a pair of thick, heavy boots, for it rains and hails as often out here in the summer, as it does there in the winter. tell him to send no. , and anything he thinks will do me good in this cold country. please to give to mr. james ormsted to give to mr. robert seldon, and tell him to give it to my father. mr. and mrs. truehart send their love to you and your family. if the gentleman, mr. r.s., is not running on the boat now, you can give directions to ludwill cobb, in care of mr. r. seldon, richmond, va. tell mr. ormsted not to forget my boots and send them by express. no more at present, but remain yours very truly, please write soon. lewis cobb. * * * * * passengers from north carolina. [by schooner.] major latham, william wilson, henry gorham, wiley maddison, and andrew shepherd. the above named passengers were delivered into the hands of thomas garrett by the captain who brought them, and were aided and forwarded to the committee in philadelphia, as indicated by the subjoined letter: wilmington, th mo., th, . respected friend:--william still:--thine of yesterday, came to hand this morning, advising me to forward those four men to thee, which i propose to send from here in the steam boat, at two o'clock, p.m. to day to thy care; one of them thinks he has a brother and cousin in new bedford, and is anxious to get to them, the others thee can do what thee thinks best with, after consulting with them, we have rigged them up pretty comfortably with clothes, and i have paid for their passage to philadelphia, and also for the passage of their pilot there and back; he proposed to ask thee for three dollars, for the three days time he lost with them, but that we will raise here for him, as one of them expects to have some money brought from carolina soon, that belongs to him, and wants thee when they are fixed, to let me know so that i may forward it to them. i will give each of them a card of our firm. hoping they may get along safe, i remain as ever, thy sincere friend, thos. garrett. the passengers by this arrival were above the ordinary plantation or farm hand slave, as will appear from a glance at their condition under the yoke. major latham was forty-four years of age, mulatto, very resolute, with good natural abilities, and a decided hater of slavery. john latham was the man whom he addressed as "master," which was a very bitter pill for him to swallow. he had been married twice, and at the time of his escape he was the husband of two wives. the first one, with their three children, in consequence of changes incident to slave life, was sold a long distance from her old home and husband, thereby ending the privilege of living together; he could think of them, but that was all; he was compelled to give them up altogether. after a time he took to himself another wife, with whom he lived several years. three more children owned him as father--the result of this marriage. during his entire manhood major had been brutally treated by his master, which caused him a great deal of anguish and trouble of mind. only a few weeks before he escaped, his master, in one of his fits of passion, flogged him most cruelly. from that time the resolution was permanently grounded in his mind to find the way to freedom, if possible, before many more weeks had passed. day and night he studied, worked and planned, with freedom uppermost in his mind. the hour of hope arrived and with it captain f. william, a fellow-passenger with major, was forty-two years of age, just in the prime of life, and represented the mechanics in chains, being a blacksmith by trade. dr. thomas warren, who followed farming in the neighborhood of eatontown, was the owner of william. in speaking of his slave life william said: "i was sold four times; twice i was separated from my wives. i was separated from one of my wives when living in portsmouth, virginia," etc. in his simple manner of describing the trials he had been called upon to endure, it was not to be wondered at that he was willing to forsake all and run fearful risks in order to rid himself not only of the "load on his back," but the load on his heart. by the very positive character of william's testimony against slavery, the committee felt more than ever justified in encouraging the underground rail road. henry gorham was thirty-four years of age, a "prime," heavy, dark, smart, "article," and a good carpenter. he admitted that he had never felt the lash on his back, but, nevertheless, he had felt deeply on the subject of slavery. for years the chief concern with him was as to how he could safely reach a free state. slavery he hated with a perfect hatred. to die in the woods, live in a cave, or sacrifice himself in some way, he was bound to do, rather than remain a slave. the more he reflected over his condition the more determined he grew to seek his freedom. accordingly he left and went to the woods; there he prepared himself a cave and resolved to live and die in it rather than return to bondage. before he found his way out of the prison-house eleven months elapsed. his strong impulse for freedom, and intense aversion to slavery, sustained him until he found an opportunity to escape by the underground rail road. one of the tried agents of the underground rail road was alone cognizant of his dwelling in the cave, and regarding him as a tolerably safe passenger (having been so long secreted), secured him a passage on the schooner, and thus he was fortunately relieved from his eleven months' residence in his den. no rhetoric or fine scholarship was needed in his case to make his story interesting. none but hearts of stone could have listened without emotion. andrew, another fellow-passenger, was twenty-six years of age, and a decidedly inviting-looking specimen of the peculiar institution. he filled the situation of an engineer. he, with his wife and one child, belonged to a small orphan girl, who lived at south end, camden county, n.c. his wife and child had to be left behind. while it seemed very hard for a husband thus to leave his wife, every one that did so weakened slavery and encouraged and strengthened anti-slavery. numbered with these four north carolina passengers is found the name of wiley maddison, a young man nineteen years of age, who escaped from petersburg on the cars as a white man. he was of promising appearance, and found no difficulty whatever on the road. with the rest, however, he concluded himself hardly safe this side of canada, and it afforded the committee special pleasure to help them all. thomas clinton, sauney pry and benjamin ducket. passed over the u.g.r.r., in the fall of . thomas escaped from baltimore. he described the man from whom he fled as a "rum drinker" of some note, by the name of benjamin walmsly, and he testified that under him he was neither "half fed nor clothed," in consequence of which he was dissatisfied, and fled to better his condition. luckily thomas succeeded in making his escape when about twenty-one years of age. his appearance and smartness indicated resolution and gave promise of future success. he was well made and of a chestnut color. sauney pry came from loudon co., va. he had been one of the "well-cared for," on the farm of nathan clapton, who owned some sixty or seventy slaves. upon inquiry as to the treatment and character of his master, sauney unhesitatingly described him as a "very mean, swearing, blustering man, as hard as any that could be started." it was on this account that he was prompted to turn his face against virginia and to venture on the underground rail road. sauney was twenty-seven years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and in intellect was at least up to the average. benjamin ducket came from bell mountain, prince george's co., maryland. he stated to the committee that he escaped from one sicke perry, a farmer. of his particular master he spoke thus: "he was one of the baddest men about prince george; he would both fight and kill up." these characteristics of the master developed in ben very strong desires to get beyond his reach. in fact, his master's conduct was the sole cause of his seeking the underground rail road. at the time that he came to philadelphia, he was recorded as twenty-three years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and wide awake. he left his father, mother, two brothers, and three sisters, owned by marcus devoe. about the same time that the passengers just described received succor, elizabeth lambert, with three children, reached the committee. the names of the children were, mary, horace, and william henry, quite marketable-looking articles. they fled from middletown, delaware, where they had been owned by andrew peterson. the poor mother's excuse for leaving her "comfortable home, free board, and kind-hearted master and mistress," was simply because she was tired of such "kindness," and was, therefore, willing to suffer in order to get away from it. hill jones, a lad of eighteen, accompanied elizabeth with her children from middletown. he had seen enough of slavery to satisfy him that he could never relish it. his owner was known by the name of john cochran, and followed farming. he was of a chestnut color, and well-grown. arrivals in april, . charles hall, james johnson, charles carter, george, and john logan, james henry watson, zebulon green, lewis, and peter burrell, william williams, and his wife--harriet tubman, with four passengers. charles hall. this individual was from maryland, baltimore co., where "black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," according to the decision of the late chief justice taney of the supreme court of the united states. charles was owned by atwood a. blunt, a farmer, much of whose time was devoted to card playing, rum-drinking and fox-hunting, so charles stated. charles gave him the credit of being as mild a specimen of a slaveholder as that region of country could claim when in a sober mood, but when drunk every thing went wrong with him, nothing could satisfy him. charles testified, however, that the despotism of his mistress was much worse than that of his master, for she was all the time hard on the slaves. latterly he had heard much talk about selling, and, believing that matters would soon have to come to that, he concluded to seek a place where colored men had rights, in canada. james johnson. james fled from deer creek, harford co., md., where he was owned by william rautty. "jim's" hour had come. within one day of the time fixed for his sale, he was handcuffed, and it was evidently supposed that he was secure. trembling at his impending doom he resolved to escape if possible. he could not rid himself of the handcuffs. could he have done so, he was persuaded that he might manage to make his way along safely. he resolved to make an effort with the handcuffs on. with resolution his freedom was secured. what master rautty said when he found his property gone with the handcuffs, we know not. the next day after jim arrived, charles carter, george and john logan came to hand. charles had been under the yoke in the city of richmond, held to service by daniel delaplain, a flour inspector. charles was hired out by the flour inspector for as much as he could command for him, for being a devoted lover of money, ordinary wages hardly ever satisfied him. in other respects charles spoke of his master rather favorably in comparison with slaveholders generally. a thirty years' apprenticeship as a slave had not, however, won him over to the love of the system; he had long since been convinced that it was nonsense to suppose that such a thing as happiness could be found even under the best of masters. he claimed to have a wife and four little children living in alexandria va.; the name of the wife was lucinda. in the estimation of slave-holders, the fact of charles having a family might have offered no cause for unhappiness, but charles felt differently in relation to the matter. again, for reasons best known to the owner, he talked of selling charles. on this point charles also felt quite nervous, so he began to think that he had better make an attempt to get beyond the reach of buyers and sellers. he knew that many others similarly situated had got out of bondage simply by hard struggling, and he felt that he could do likewise. when he had thus determined the object was half accomplished. true, every step that he should take was liable to bring trouble upon himself, yet with the hope of freedom buoying him up he resolved to run the risk. charles was about thirty years of age, likely-looking, well made, intelligent, and a mulatto. george was twenty-three years of age, quite dark, medium size, and bore the marks of a man of considerable pluck. he was the slave of mrs. jane coultson. no special complaint of her is recorded on the book. she might have been a very good mistress, but george was not a very happy and contented piece of property, as was proved by his course in escaping. the cold north had many more charms for him than the sunny south. john has been already described in the person of his brother george. he was not, however, the property of mrs. coultson, but was owned by miss cox, near little georgetown, berkeley co., va. these three individuals were held as slaves by that class of slave-holders, known in the south as the most kind-hearted and indulgent, yet they seemed just as much delighted with the prospects of freedom as any other passengers. the next day following the arrival of the party just noticed james henry watson reached the committee. he was in good condition, the spring weather having been favorable, and the journey made without any serious difficulty. he was from snowhill, worcester county, md., and had escaped from james purnell, a farmer of whom he did not speak very favorably. yet james admitted that his master was not as hard on his slaves as some others. for the benefit of james' kinsfolk, who may still perchance be making searches for him, not having yet learned whither he went or what became of him, we copy the following paragraph as entered on our book april th, : james henry is twenty years of age, dark, well-made, modest, and seems fearful of apprehension; was moved to escape in order to obtain his freedom. he had heard of others who had run away and thus secured their freedom; he thought he could do the same. he left his father, mother, three brothers and five sisters owned by purnell. his father's name was ephraim, his mother's name mahala. the names of his sisters and brothers were as follows: hetty, betsy, dinah, catharine and harriet; homer, william and james. zebulon green was the next traveler. he arrived from duck creek, md. john appleton, a farmer, was chargeable with having deprived zeb of his rights. but, as zeb was only about eighteen years of age when he made his exit, mr. appleton did not get much the start of him. in answer to the question as to the cause of his escape, he replied "bad usage." he was smart, and quite dark. in traveling, he changed his name to samuel hill. the committee endeavored to impress him thoroughly, with the idea that he could do much good in the world for himself and fellow-men, by using his best endeavors to acquire education, etc., and forwarded him on to canada. lewis burrell and his brother peter arrived safely from alexandria, virginia, april , . lewis had been owned by edward m. clark, peter by benjamin johnson hall. these passengers seemed to be well posted in regard to slavery, and understood full well their responsibilities in fleeing from "kind-hearted" masters. all they feared was that they might not reach canada safely, although they were pretty hopeful and quite resolute. lewis left a wife, winna ann, and two children, joseph and mary, who were owned by pembroke thomas, at culpepper, va., nearly a hundred miles distant from him. once or twice in the year, was the privilege allowed him to visit his wife and little ones at this long distance. this separation constituted his daily grief and was the cause of his escape. lewis and peter left their father and mother in bondage, also one brother (reuben), and three sisters, two of whom had been sold far south. after a sojourn in freedom of nearly three years, lewis wrote on behalf of his wife as follows: toronto, c.w., feb. , . mr. wm. still: dear sir:--it have bin two years since i war at your house, at that time i war on my way to cannadia, and i tould you that i had a wife and had to leave her behind, and you promiest me that you would healp me to gait hir if i ever heaird from hir, and i think my dear frend, that the time is come for me to strick the blow, will you healp me, according to your promis. i recived a letter from a frend in washington last night and he says that my wife is in the city of baltimore, and she will come away if she can find a frend to healp hir, so i thought i would writ to you as you are acquanted with foulks theare to howm you can trust with such matthas. i could write to mr noah davis in baltimore, who is well acquanted with my wife, but i do not think that he is a trew frend, and i could writ to mr samual maden in the same city, but i am afread that a letter coming from cannada might be dedteced, but if you will writ to soume one that you know, and gait them to see mr samual maden he will give all the information that you want, as he is acquanted with my wife, he is a preacher and belongs to the baptis church. my wifes name is winne ann berrell, and she is oned by one dr. tarns who is on a viset to baltimore, now mr still will you attend to this thing for me, fourthwith, if you will i will pay you four your truble, if we can dow any thing it must be don now, as she will leave theare in the spring, and if you will take the matter in hand, you mous writ me on to reseption of this letter, whether you will or not. yours truly, lewis burrell. no. victoria st., toronto, c.w. as in the case of many others, the way was so completely blocked that nothing could be done for the wife's deliverance. until the day when the millions of fetters were broken, nothing gave so much pain to husbands and wives as these heart-breaking separations. william williams and his wife were the next who arrived. they came from haven manor, md. they had been owned by john peak, by whom, according to their report, they had been badly treated, and the committee had no reason to doubt their testimony. the next arrival numbered four passengers, and came under the guidance of "moses" (harriet tubman), from maryland. they were adults, looking as though they could take care of themselves very easily, although they had the marks of slavery on them. it was no easy matter for men and women who had been ground down all their lives, to appear as though they had been enjoying freedom. indeed, the only wonder was that so many appeared to as good advantage as they did, after having been crushed down so long. the paucity of the narratives in the month of april, is quite noticeable. why fuller reports were not written out, cannot now be accounted for; probably the feeling existed that it was useless to write out narratives, except in cases of very special interest. * * * * * five from georgetown cross roads. mother and child from norfolk, va., etc. abe fineer, sam davis, henry saunders, wm. henry thompson and thomas parker arrived safely from the above named place. upon inquiry, the following information was gleaned from them. abe spoke with feelings of some bitterness of a farmer known by the name of george spencer, who had deprived him of the hard earnings of his hands. furthermore, he had worked him hard, stinted him for food and clothing and had been in the habit of flogging him whenever he felt like it. in addition to the above charges, abe did not hesitate to say that his master meddled too much with the bottle, in consequence of which, he was often in a "top-heavy" state. abe said, however, that he was rich and stood pretty high in the neighborhood--stinting, flogging and drinking were no great disadvantages to a man in georgetown, maryland. abe was twenty-three years of age, pure black, ordinary size, and spirited, a thorough convert to the doctrine that all men are born free, and although he had been held in bondage up to the hour of his escape, he gave much reason for believing that he would not be an easy subject to manage under the yoke, if ever captured and carried back. sam was about thirty years of age, genuine black, common size, and a hater of slavery; he was prepared to show, by the scars he bore about his person, why he talked as he did. forever will he remember james hurst, his so-called master, who was a very blustering man oft-times, and in the habit of abusing his slaves. sam was led to seek the underground rail road, in order to get rid of his master and, at the same time, to do better for himself than he could possibly do in slavery. he had to leave his wife, phillis, and one child. william henry was about twenty-four years of age, and of a chestnut color. he too talked of slave-holders, and his master in particular, just as any man would talk who had been shamefully robbed and wronged all his life. tom, likewise, told the same story, and although they used the corn-field vernacular, they were in earnest and possessed an abundance of mother-wit, so that their testimony was not to be made light of. the following letter from thomas garrett speaks for itself: wilmington, mo. th, . esteemed friends--mckim and still:--i purpose sending to-morrow morning by the steamboat a woman and child, whose husband, i think, went some nine months previous to new bedford. she was furnished with a free passage by the same line her husband came in. she has been away from the person claiming to be her master some five months; we, therefore, think there cannot be much risk at present. those four i wrote thee about arrived safe up in the neighborhood of longwood, and harriet tubman followed after in the stage yesterday. i shall expect five more from the same neighborhood next trip. captain lambdin is desirous of having sent him a book, or books, with the strongest arguments of the noted men of the south against the institution of slavery, as he wishes to prepare to defend himself, as he has little confidence in his attorney. cannot you send to me something that will be of benefit to him, or send it direct to him? would not w. goodell's book be of use? his friends here think there is no chance for him but to go to the penitentiary. they now refuse to let any one but his attorney see him. as ever your friend, thos. garrett. the woman and child alluded to were received and noted on the record book as follows: winnie patty, and her daughter, elizabeth, arrived safely from norfolk, va. the mother is about twenty-two years of age, good-looking and of chestnut color, smart and brave. from the latter part of october, , to the latter part of march, , this young slave mother, with her child, was secreted under the floor of a house. the house was occupied by a slave family, friends of winnie. during the cold winter weather she suffered severely from wet and cold, getting considerably frosted, but her faith failed not, even in the hour of greatest extremity. she chose rather to suffer thus than endure slavery any longer, especially as she was aware that the auction-block awaited her. she had already been sold three times; she knew therefore what it was to be sold. jacob shuster was the name of the man whom she spoke of as her tormentor and master, and from whom she fled. he had been engaged in the farming business, and had owned quite a large number of slaves, but from time to time he had been selling off, until he had reduced his stock considerably. captain lambdin, spoken of in thomas garrett's letter, had, in the kindness of his heart, brought away in his schooner some underground rail road passengers, but unfortunately he was arrested and thrust into prison in norfolk, va., to await trial. having no confidence in his attorney there he found that he would have to defend himself as best he could, consequently he wanted books, etc. he was in the attitude of a drowning man catching at a straw. the committee was powerless to aid him, except with some money; as the books that he desired had but little effect in the lions' den, in which he was. he had his trial, and was sent to the penitentiary, of course. one hundred dollars reward.--ran away from the subscriber, living in rockville. montgomery county, md., on saturday, st of may last, negro man, alfred, about twenty-two years of age; five feet seven inches high; dark copper color, and rather good looking. [illustration: ] he had on when he left a dark blue and green plaid frock coat, of cloth, and lighter colored plaid pantaloons. i will give the above reward if taken out of the county, and in any of the states, or fifty dollars if taken in the county or the district of columbia, and secured so that i get him again. john w. anderson. j - ww . a man calling himself alfred homer, answering to the above description, came to the vigilance committee in june, . as a memorial we transferred the advertisement of john w. anderson to our record book, and concluded to let that suffice. alfred, however, gave a full description of his master's character, and the motives which impelled him to seek his freedom. he was listened to attentively, but his story was not entered on the book. * * * * * passengers from maryland, . william henry moody, belinda bivans, etc. william was about twenty years of age, black, usual size, and a lover of liberty. he had heard of canada, had formed a very favorable opinion of the country and was very desirous of seeing it. the man who had habitually robbed him of his hire, was a "stout-built, ill-natured man," a farmer, by the name of william hyson. to meet the expenses of an extensive building enterprise which he had undertaken, it was apparent that hyson would have to sell some of his property. william and some six others of the servants got wind of the fact that they would stand a chance of being in the market soon. not relishing the idea of going further south they unanimously resolved to emigrate to canada. accordingly they borrowed a horse from dr. wise, and another from h.k. tice, and a carriage from f.j. posey, and joseph p. mong's buggy (so it was stated in the baltimore sun, of may th), and off they started for the promised land. the horses and carriages were all captured at chambersburg, a day or two after they set out, but the rest of the property hurried on to the committee. how mr. hyson raised the money to carry out his enterprise, william and his "ungrateful" fellow-servants seemed not to be concerned. belinda bivans. belinda was a large woman, thirty years of age, wholly black, and fled from mr. hyson, in company with william, and those above referred to, with the idea of reaching canada, whither her father had fled eight years before. she was evidently pleased with the idea of getting away from her ill-natured mistress, from poor fare and hard work without pay. she had experienced much hardship, and had become weary of her trial in bondage. she had been married, but her husband had died, leaving her with two little girls to care for, both of whom she succeeded in bringing away with her. in reference to the church relations of her master and mistress, she represented the former as a backslider, and added that money was his church; of the latter she said, "she would go and take the sacrament, come back and the old boy would be in her as big as a horse." belinda could see but little difference between her master and mistress. joseph winston. in the richmond dispatch, of june th, the following advertisement was found: one hundred dollars reward.--ran away from the subscriber, runaway.--$ reward will be given if taken in the state, and $ if taken out of the state. [illustration: ] run away, my negro boy joe, sometimes called joe winston; about years old, a little over feet high, rather stout-built, dark ginger-bread color, small moustache, stammers badly when confused or spoken to, took along two or three suits of clothes, one a blue dress coat with brass buttons, black pants, and patent leather shoes, white hat, silver watch with gold chain; was last seen in this city on tuesday last, had a pass to hanover county, and supposed to be making his way towards york river, for the purpose of getting on board some coasting vessel. samuel ellis. the passenger above described reached the underground rail road station, june th, . "why did you leave your master?" said a member of the committee to joe. "i left because there was no enjoyment in slavery for colored people." after stating how the slaves were treated he added, "i was working all the time for master and he was receiving all my money for my daily labor." "what business did your master follow?" inquired the committee. "he was a carpenter by trade." "what kind of a looking man was he?" again inquired the committee. "he was a large, stout man, don't swear, but lies and cheats." joe admitted that he had been treated very well all his life, with the exception of being deprived of his freedom. for eight years prior to his escape he had been hired out, a part of the time as porter in a grocery store, the remainder as bar-tender in a saloon. at the time of his escape he was worth twenty-two dollars per month to his master. joe had to do overwork and thus procure clothing for himself. when a small boy he resolved, that he never would work all his days as a slave for the white people. as he advanced in years his desire for freedom increased. an offer of fifteen hundred dollars was made for joe, so he was informed a short time before he escaped; this caused him to move promptly in the matter of carrying out his designs touching liberty. his parents and three brothers, slaves, were to be left; but when the decisive hour came he was equal to the emergency. in company with william naylor secreted in a vessel, he was brought away and delivered to the committee for aid and counsel, which he received, and thus ended his bondage. the reward offered by his master, samuel ellis, proved of no avail. * * * * * arrival from maryland. william scott. william was about twenty-four years of age, well made, though not very heavy--stammered considerably when speaking--wide awake and sensible nevertheless. for two years the fear of being sold had not been out of his mind. to meet a security agreement, which had been contracted by his mistress--about which a law-suit had been pending for two years--was what he feared he should be sold for. about the first of may he found himself in the hands of the sheriff. on being taken to stafford court-house jail, however, the sheriff permitted him to walk a "little ways." it occurred to william that then was his only chance to strike for freedom and canada, at all hazards. he soon decided the matter, and the sheriff saw no more of him. susan fox was the name of the person he was compelled to call mistress. she was described as a "large, portly woman, very gross, with a tolerably severe temper, at times." william's mother and one of his brothers had been sold by this woman--an outrage to be forever remembered. his grandmother, one sister, with two children, and a cousin with five children, all attached by the sheriff, for sale, were left in the hands of his mistress. he was married the previous christmas, but in the trying hour could do nothing for his wife, but leave her to the mercy of slave-holders. the name of the sheriff that he outgeneralled was walter cox. william was valued at $ , . perhaps, after all, but few appreciated the sorrow that must have filled the hearts of most of those who escaped. though they succeeded in gaining their own liberty--they were not insensible to the oppression of their friends and relatives left in bondage. on reaching canada and tasting the sweets of freedom, the thought of dear friends in bondage must have been acutely painful. william had many perils to encounter. on one occasion he was hotly chased, but proved too fleet-footed for his pursuers. at another time, when straitened, he attempted to swim a river, but failed. his faith remained strong, nevertheless, and he succeeded in reaching the committee. * * * * * arrival from washington, d.c., etc., . george carroll, randolph branson, john clagart, and william royan. these four journeyed from "egypt" together--but did not leave the same "kind protector." george was a full black, ordinary size, twenty-four years of age, and a convert to the doctrine that he had a right to himself. for years the idea of escape had been daily cherished. five times he had proposed to buy himself, but failed to get the consent of his "master," who was a merchant, c.c. hirara, a man about sixty years of age, and a member of the methodist church. his property in slaves consisted of two men, two women, two girls and a boy. three of george's brothers escaped to canada many years prior to his leaving--there he hoped on his arrival to find them in the possession of good farms. $ , walked off in the person of george. randolph, physically, was a superior man. he was thirty-one years of age and of a dark chestnut color. weary with bondage he came to the conclusion that he had served a master long enough "without privileges." against his master, richard reed, he had no hard things to say, however. he was not a "crabbed, cross man"--had but "little to say," but "didn't believe in freedom." three of his brothers had been sold south. left his father, two sisters and one brother. randolph was worth probably $ , . john was a well-made yellow man, twenty-two years of age, who had counted the cost of slavery thoroughly, besides having experienced the effects of it. accordingly he resolved to "be free or die," "to kill or be killed, in trying to reach free land somewhere!" having "always been hired out amongst very hard white people," he was "unhappy." his owner, george coleman, lived near fairfax, va., and was a member of the methodist church, but in his ways was "very sly," and "deadly against anything like freedom." he held fifteen of his fellow-men in chains. for john's hire he received one hundred and fifty dollars a year. he was, therefore, ranked with first-class "stock," valued at $ , . william was about thirty-five years of age, neat, and pleasing in his manners. he would be the first selected in a crowd by a gentleman or a lady, who might want a very neat-looking man to attend to household affairs. though he considered captain cunningham, his master, a "tolerable fair man," he was not content to be robbed of his liberty and earnings. as he felt that he "could take care of himself," he decided to let the captain have the same chance--and so he steered his course straight for canada. * * * * * arrival from unionville, . israel todd, and bazil aldridge. israel was twenty-three years of age, yellow, tall, well made and intelligent. he fled from frederick county, md. through the sweat of his brow, dr. greenberry sappington and his family had been living at ease. the doctor was a catholic, owning only one other, and was said to be a man of "right disposition." his wife, however, was "so mean that nobody could stay with her." israel was prompted to escape to save his wife, (had lately been married) and her brother from being sold south. his detestation of slavery in every shape was very decided. he was a valuable man, worth to a trader fifteen hundred dollars, perhaps. bazil was only seventeen years of age. about as near a kin to the "white folks" as to the colored people, and about as strong an opponent of slavery as any "saxon" going of his age. he was a brother-in-law of israel, and accompanied him on the underground rail road. bazil was held to service or labor by thornton pool, a store-keeper, and also farmer, and at the same time an ardent lover of the "cretur," so much so that "he kept about half-drunk all the time." so bazil affirmed. the good spirit moved two of bazil's brothers to escape the spring before. a few months afterwards a brother and sister were sold south. to manage the matter smoothly, previous to selling them, the master pretended that he was "only going to hire them out a short distance from home." but instead of doing so he sold them south. bazil might be put down at nine hundred dollars. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . ordee lee, and richard j. booce. both of these passengers came from maryland. ordee was about thirty-five years of age, gingerbread color, well made, and intelligent. being allowed no chances to make anything for himself, was the excuse offered for his escape. though, as will appear presently, other causes also helped to make him hate his oppression. the man who had daily robbed him, and compelled him to call him master, was a notorious "gambler," by the name of elijah thompson, residing in maryland. "by his bad habits he had run through with his property, though in society he stood pretty tolerably high amongst some people; then again some didn't like him, he was a mean man, all for himself. he was a man that didn't care anything about his servants, except to get work out of them. when he came where the servants were working, he would snap and bite at them and if he said anything at all, it was to hurry the work on." "he never gave me," said ordee, "a half a dollar in his life. didn't more than half feed, said that meat and fish was too high to eat. as for clothing, he never gave me a new hat for every day, nor a sunday rag in his life." of his mistress, he said, "she was stingy and close,--made him (his master) worse than what he would have been." two of his brothers were sold to georgia, and his uncle was cheated out of his freedom. left three brothers and two sisters in chains. elijah thompson had at least fifteen hundred dollars less to sport upon by this bold step on the part of ordee. richard was about twenty-two years of age, well grown, and a very likely-looking article, of a chestnut color, with more than common intelligence for a slave. his complaints were that he had been treated "bad," allowed "no privileges" to make anything, allowed "no sunday clothing," &c. so he left the portly-looking dr. hughes, with no feeling of indebtedness or regret. and as to his "cross and ill-natured" mistress, with her four children, they might whistle for his services and support. his master had, however, some eighteen or twenty others to rob for the support of himself and family, so they were in no great danger of starving. "would your owner be apt to pursue you?" said a member of the committee. "i don't think he will. he was after two uncles of mine, one time, saw them, and talked with them, but was made to run." richard left behind his mother, step-father, two sisters, and one brother. as a slave, he would have been considered cheap at sixteen hundred dollars. he was a fine specimen. * * * * * arrival from cambridge, . silas long and solomon light. silas and solomon both left together from cambridge, md. silas was quite black, spare-built and about twenty-seven years of age. he was owned by sheriff robert bell, a man about "sixty years of age, and had his name up to be the hardest man in the county." "the sheriff's wife was about pretty much such a woman as he was a man--there was not a pin's point of difference between them." the fear of having to be sold caused this silas to seek the underground rail road. leaving his mother, one brother and one cousin, and providing himself with a bowie-knife and a few dollars in money, he resolved to reach canada, "or die on the way." of course, when slaves reached this desperate point, the way to canada was generally found. solomon was about twenty-three years of age, a good-natured-looking "article," who also left cambridge, and the protection of a certain willis branick, described as an "unaccountable mean man." "he never gave me any money in his life," said sol., "but spent it pretty freely for liquor." "he would not allow enough to eat, or clothing sufficient." and he sold sol.'s brother the year before he fled, "because he could not whip him." the fear of being sold prompted sol. to flee. the very day he escaped he had a serious combat with two of his master's sons. the thumb of one of them being "badly bit," and the other used roughly--the ire of the master and sons was raised to a very high degree--and the verdict went forth that "sol. should be sold to-morrow." unhesitatingly, he started for the underground rail road and canada--and his efforts were not in vain. damages, $ , . * * * * * "the mother of twelve children." old jane davis--fled to escape the auction-block. the appended letter, from thomas garrett, will serve to introduce one of the most remarkable cases that it was our privilege to report or assist: wilmington, mo., th, . esteemed friend--william still:--we have here in this place, at comegys munson's an old colored woman, the mother of twelve children, one half of which has been sold south. she has been so ill used, that she was compelled to leave husband and children behind, and is desirous of getting to a brother who lives at buffalo. she was nearly naked. she called at my house on th day night, but being from home, did not see her till last evening. i have procured her two under garments, one new; two skirts, one new; a good frock with cape; one of my wife's bonnets and stockings, and gave her five dollars in gold, which, if properly used, will put her pretty well on the way. i also gave her a letter to thee. since i gave them to her she has concluded to stay where she is till th day night, when comegys munson says he can leave his work and will go with her to thy house. i write this so that thee may be prepared for them; they ought to arrive between and o'clock. perhaps thee may find some fugitive that will be willing to accompany her. with desire for thy welfare and the cause of the oppressed, i remain thy friend, thos. garrett. jane did not know how old she was. she was probably sixty or seventy. she fled to keep from being sold. she had been "whipt right smart," poorly fed and poorly clothed, by a certain roger mczant, of the new market district, eastern shore of maryland. his wife was a "bad woman too." just before escaping, jane got a whisper that her "master" was about to sell her; on asking him if the rumor was true, he was silent. he had been asking "one hundred dollars" for her. remembering that four of her children had been snatched away from her and sold south, and she herself was threatened with the same fate, she was willing to suffer hunger, sleep in the woods for nights and days, wandering towards canada, rather than trust herself any longer under the protection of her "kind" owner. before reaching a place of repose she was _three weeks in the woods_, almost wholly without nourishment. jane, doubtless, represented thousands of old slave mothers, who, after having been worn out under the yoke, were frequently either offered for sale for a trifle, turned off to die, or compelled to eke out their existence on the most stinted allowance. * * * * * benjamin ross, and his wife harriet. fled from caroline county, eastern shore of maryland, june, . this party stated that dr. anthony thompson had claimed them as his property. they gave the committee a pretty full report of how they had been treated in slavery, especially under the doctor. a few of the interesting points were noted as follows: the doctor owned about twenty head of slaves when they left; formerly he had owned a much larger number, but circumstances had led him to make frequent sales during the few years previous to their escape, by which the stock had been reduced. as well as having been largely interested in slaves, he had at the same time been largely interested in real estate, to the extent of a dozen farms at least. but in consequence of having reached out too far, several of his farms had slipped out of his hands. upon the whole, benjamin pronounced him a rough man towards his slaves, and declared, that he had not given him a dollar since the death of his (the master's) father, which had been at least twenty years prior to benjamin's escape. but ben. did not stop here, he went on to speak of the religious character of his master, and also to describe him physically; he was a methodist preacher, and had been "pretending to preach for twenty years." then the fact that a portion of their children had been sold to georgia by this master was referred to with much feeling by ben and his wife; likewise the fact that he had stinted them for food and clothing, and led them a rough life generally, which left them no room to believe that he was anything else than "a wolf in sheep's clothing." they described him as a "spare-built man, bald head, wearing a wig." these two travelers had nearly reached their three score years and ten under the yoke. nevertheless they seemed delighted at the idea of going to a free country to enjoy freedom, if only for a short time. moreover some of their children had escaped in days past, and these they hoped to find. not many of those thus advanced in years ever succeeded in getting to canada. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . william jackson. william was about fifty years of age, of usual size, of good address, and intelligent. he was born the property of a slaveholder, by the name of daniel minne, residing in alexandria in virginia. his master was about eighty-four years of age, and was regarded as kind, though he had sold some of his slaves and was in favor of slavery. he had two sons, robert and albert, "both dissipated, would layabout the tippling taverns, and keep low company, so much so that they were not calculated to do any business for their father." william had to be a kind of a right hand man to his master. the sons seeing that the "property" was trusted instead of themselves, very naturally hated it, so the young men resolved that at the death of their father, william should be sent as far south as possible. knowing that the old man could not stand it much longer, william saw that it was his policy to get away as fast as he could. he was the husband of a free wife, who had come on in advance of him. for thirty years william had been foreman on his old master's plantation, and but for the apprehension caused by the ill-will of his prospective young masters, he would doubtless have remained in servitude at least until the death of the old man. but when william reflected, and saw what he had been deprived of all his life by being held in bondage, and when he began to breathe free air, with the prospect of ending his days on free land, he rejoiced that his eyes had been opened to see his danger, and that he had been moved to make a start for liberty. * * * * * arrival from delaware, . john wright and wife, elizabeth ann, and charles connor. this party arrived from sussex county. john was about thirty years of age, ordinary size, full black and clear-headed. in physical appearance he would have readily passed for a superior laborer. the keenness of his eyes and quickness of his perception, however, would doubtless have rendered him an object of suspicion in some parts of the south. the truth was that the love of liberty was clearly indicated in his expressive countenance. william s. phillips, a farmer, had been "sucking" john's blood, and keeping him poor and ignorant for the last eight years at least; before that, phillips' father had defrauded him of his hire. under the father and son john had found plenty of hard work and bad usage, severe and repeated floggings not excepted. old master and mistress and young master and mistress, including the entire family, belonged to what was known as the "farmer church," at portsville. outwardly they were good christians. "occasionally," john said, "the old man would have family prayers," and to use john's own words, "in company he would try to moralize, but out of company was as great a rowdy as ever was." in further describing his old master, he said that he was a large man, with a red face and blunt nose, and was very quick and fiery in his temper; would drink and swear--and even his wife, with all hands, would have to run when he was "raised." of his young master he said: "he was quite a long-bodied, thin-faced man, weighing over one hundred and fifty pounds. in temper just like his father, though he did not drink--that is all the good quality that i can recommend in him." john said also that his master, on one occasion, in a most terribly angry mood, threatened that he would "wade up to his knees in his (john's) blood." it so happened that john's blood was up pretty high just at that time; he gave his master to understand that he would rather go south (be sold) than submit to the scourging which was imminent. john's pluck probably had the effect of allaying the master's fire; at any rate the storm subsided after awhile, and until the day that he took the underground rail road car the servant managed to put up with his master. as john's wife was on the eve of being sold he was prompted to leave some time sooner than he otherwise would have done. the wife's statement she was thirty-two years of age, of good physical proportions, and a promising-looking person, above the ordinary class of slaves belonging to delaware. she was owned by jane cooper, who lived near laurel, in sussex county. she had been more accustomed to field labor than house-work; ploughing, fencing, driving team, grubbing, cutting wood, etc., were well understood by her. during "feeding times" she had to assist in the house. in this respect, she had harder times than the men. her mistress was also in the habit of hiring elizabeth out by the day to wash. on these occasions she was required to rise early enough to milk the cows, get breakfast, and feed the hogs before sunrise, so that she might be at her day's washing in good time. it is plainly to be seen, that elizabeth had not met with the "ease" and kindness which many claimed for the slave. elizabeth was sensible of the wrongs inflicted by her delaware mistress, and painted her in very vivid colors. her mistress was a widow, "quite old," but "very frisky," and "wore a wig to hide her gray hairs." at the death of her husband, the slaves believed, from what they had heard their master say, that they would be freed, each at the age of thirty. but no will was found, which caused elizabeth, as well as the rest of the slaves, to distrust the mistress more than ever, as they suspected that she knew something of its disappearance. her mistress belonged to the presbyterian church, but would have "family prayers only when the minister would stop;" elizabeth thought that she took greater pains to please the minister than her maker. elizabeth had no faith in such religion. both elizabeth and her husband were members of the methodist church. neither had ever been permitted to learn to read or write, but they were naturally very smart. john left his mother and one sister in bondage. one of his brothers fled to canada fifteen years before their escape. his name was abraham. charles connor, the third person in the party, was twenty-seven years of age--fast color, and a tough-looking "article," who would have brought twelve hundred dollars or more in the hands of a baltimore trader. the man from whom charles fled was known by the name of john chipman, and was described as "a fleshy man, with rank beard and quick temper, very hard--commonly kept full of liquor, though he would not get so drunk that he could not go about." for a long time charles had been the main dependence on his master's place, as he only owned two other slaves. charles particularly remarked, that no weather was too bad for them to be kept at work in the field. charles was a fair specimen of the "corn-field hand," but thought that he could take care of himself in canada. * * * * * arrival from alexandria, . oscar d. ball, and montgomery graham. four hundred dollars reward.--ran away from the owner in alexandria, va., on the night of the th inst., two young negro men, from twenty to twenty-five years of age. montgomery is a very bright mulatto, about five feet, six inches in height, of polite manners, and smiles much when speaking or spoken to. oscar is of a tawny complexion, about six feet high, sluggish in his appearance and movements, and of awkward manners. one hundred dollars each will be paid for the delivery of the above slaves if taken in a slave state, or two hundred dollars each if taken in a free state. one or more slaves belonging to other owners, it is supposed, went in their company. address: john t. gordon, alexandria, va. [illustration: ] although the name of john t. gordon appears signed to the above advertisement, he was not the owner of montgomery and oscar. according to their own testimony they belonged to a maiden lady, by the name of miss elizabeth gordon, who probably thought that the business of advertising for runaway negroes was rather beneath her. while both these passengers manifested great satisfaction in leaving their mistress they did not give her a bad name. on the contrary they gave her just such a character as the lady might have been pleased with in the main. they described her thus: "mistress was a spare woman, tolerably tall, and very kind, except when sick, she would not pay much attention then. she was a member of the southern methodist church, and was strict in her religion." having a good degree of faith in his mistress, oscar made bold one day to ask her how much she would take for him. she agreed to take eight hundred dollars. oscar wishing to drive a pretty close bargain offered her seven hundred dollars, hoping that she would view the matter in a religious light, and would come down one hundred dollars. after reflection instead of making a reduction, she raised the amount to one thousand dollars, which oscar concluded was too much for himself. it was not, however, as much as he was worth according to his mistress' estimate, for she declared that she had often been offered fifteen hundred dollars for him. miss gordon raised oscar from a child and had treated him as a pet. when he was a little "shaver" seven or eight years of age, she made it a practice to have him sleep with her, showing that she had no prejudice. being rather of a rare type of slave-holders she is entitled to special credit. montgomery the companion of oscar could scarcely be distinguished from the white folks. in speaking of his mistress, however, he did not express himself in terms quite so complimentary as oscar. with regard to giving "passes," he considered her narrow, to say the least. but he was in such perfectly good humor with everybody, owing to the fact that he had succeeded in getting his neck out of the yoke, that he evidently had no desire to say hard things about her. judging from his story he had been for a long time desiring his freedom and looking diligently for the underground rail road, but he had had many things to contend with when looking the matter of escape in the face. arriving in philadelphia, and finding himself breathing free air, receiving aid and encouragement in a manner that he had never known before, he was one of the happiest of creatures. oscar left his wife and one child, one brother and two sisters. montgomery left one sister, but no other near kin. instead of going to canada, oscar and his comrade pitched their tents in oswego, n.y., where they changed their names, and instead of returning themselves to their kind mistress they were wicked enough to be plotting as to how some of their friends might get off on the underground rail road, as may be seen from the appended letters from oscar, who was thought to be sluggish, etc. oswego, oct th, . dear sir:--i take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you that i am well and hope these few lines will find you the same (and your family you must excuse me for not writing to you before. i would have written to you before this but i put away the card you gave me and could not find it until a few days sins). i did not go to canada for i got work in oswego, but times are very dull here at present. i have been out of employ about five weeks i would like to go to australia. do you know of any gentleman that is going there or any other place, except south that wants a servant to go there with him to wait on him or do any other work, i have a brother that wants to come north. i received a letter from him a few days ago. can you tell me of any plan that i can fix to get him give my respects to mrs. still and all you family. please let me know if you hear of any berth of that kind. nothing more at present i remain your obedient servant, oscar d. ball but my name is now john delaney. direct your letter to john delaney oswego n.y. care of r. oliphant. oswego, nov. st, . mr. william still, esq. dear sir:--your letter of the th came duly to hand i am glad to hear that the underground rail road is doing so well i know those three well that you said come from alex i broke the ice and it seems as if they are going to keep the track open, but i had to stand and beg of those two that started with me to come and even give one of them money and then he did not want to come. i had a letter from my brother a few days ago, and he says if he lives and nothing happens to him he will make a start for the north and there is many others there that would start now but they are afraid of getting frost bitten. there was two left alex about five or six weeks ago. ther names are as follows lawrence thornton and townsend derrit. have they been to philadelphia from what i can learn they will leave alex in mourning next spring in the last letter i got from my brother he named a good many that wanted to come when he did and the are all sound men and can be trusted. he reads and writes his own letters. william triplet and thomas harper passed through hear last summer from my old home which way did those three that you spoke of go times are very dull here at present and i can get nothing to do. but thank god have a good boarding house and will be sheltered from the weather this winter give my respects to your family montgomery sends his also nothing more at presant yours truly john delaney. the acting committee [illustration: n.w. depee.] [illustration: jacob c. white.] [illustration: charles wise,] [illustration: edwin h. coates] * * * * * arrival from unionville, . caroline aldridge and john wood. caroline was a stout, light-complexioned, healthy-looking young woman of twenty-three years of age. she fled from thornton poole, of unionville, md. she gave her master the character of being a "very mean man; with a wife meaner still," "i consider them mean in every respect," said caroline. no great while before she escaped, one of her brothers and a sister had been sent to the southern market. recently she had been apprized that herself and a younger brother would have to go the same dreadful road. she therefore consulted with the brother and a particular young friend, to whom she was "engaged," which resulted in the departure of all three of them. though the ordinary steps relative to marriage, as far as slaves were allowed, had been complied with, nevertheless on the road to canada, they availed themselves of the more perfect way of having the ceremony performed, and went on their way rejoicing. since the sale of caroline's brother and sister, just referred to, her mother and three children had made good their exit to canada, having been evidently prompted by said sale. long before that time, however, three other brothers fled on the underground rail road. they were encouraged to hope to meet each other in canada. john wood. john was about twenty-eight years of age, of agreeable manners, intelligent, and gave evidence of a strong appreciation of liberty. times with john had "not been very rough," until within the last year of his bondage. by the removal of his old master by death, a change for the worse followed. the executors of the estate--one of whom owed him an old grudge--made him acquainted with the fact, that amongst certain others, he would have to be sold. judge birch (one of the executors), "itching" to see him "broke in," "took particular pains" to speak to a notorious tyrant by the name of boldin, to buy him. accordingly on the day of sale, boldin was on hand and the successful bidder for john. being familiar with, the customs of this terrible boldin,--of the starving fare and cruel flogging usual on his farm, john mustered courage to declare at the sale, that he "_would not serve him_." in the hearing of his new master, he said, "_before i will serve him i will_ cut _my throat_!" the master smiled, and simply asked for a rope; "had me tied and delivered into the hands of a constable," to be sent over to the farm. before reaching his destination, john managed to untie his hands and feet and flee to the woods. for three days he remained secreted. once or twice he secretly managed to get an interview with his mother and one of his sisters, by whom he was persuaded to return to his master. taking their advice, he commenced service under circumstances, compared with which, the diet, labor and comforts of an ordinary penitentiary would have been luxurious. the chief food allowed the slaves on the plantation consisted of the pot liquor in which the pork was boiled, with indian-meal bread. the merest glance at what he experienced during his brief stay on the plantation must suffice. in the field where john, with a number of others was working, stood a hill, up which they were repeatedly obliged to ascend, with loads on their backs, and the overseer at their heels, with lash in hand, occasionally slashing at first one and then another; to keep up, the utmost physical endurance was taxed. john, though a stout young man, and having never known any other condition than that of servitude, nevertheless found himself quite unequal to the present occasion. "i was surprised," said he, "to see the expertness with which all flew up the hill." "_one woman, quite_ lusty, _unfit to be out of the house, on_ running up the hill, fell; in a moment she was up again with her brush on her back, and an hour afterwards the overseer was whipping her." "my turn came." "what is the reason you can't get up the hill faster?" exclaimed the overseer, at the same time he struck me with a cowhide. "i told him i would not stand it." "old uncle george washington never failed to get a whipping every day." so after serving at this only a few days, john made his last solemn vow to be free or die; and off he started for canada. though he had to contend with countless difficulties he at last made the desired haven. he hailed from one of the lower counties of maryland. john was not contented to enjoy the boon alone, but like a true lover of freedom he remembered those in bonds as bound with them, and so was scheming to make a hazardous "adventure" south, on the express errand of delivering his "family," as the subjoined letter will show: glandford, august th, . dear sir:--i received your letter and was glad to hear that your wife and family was all well and i hope it will continue so. i am glad to inform you that this leaves me well. also, mr. wm. still, i want for you to send me your opinion respecting my circumstances. i have made up my mind to make an adventure after my family and i want to get an answer from you and then i shall know how to act and then i will send to you all particulars respecting my starting to come to your house. mr. still i should be glad to know whare abraham harris is, as i should be as glad to see him as well as any of my own brothers. his wife and my wife's mother is sisters. my wife belongs to elson burdel's estate. abraham's wife belongs to sam adams. mr. still you must not think hard of me for writing you these few lines as i cannot rest until i release my dear family. i have not the least doubt but i can get through without the least trouble. so no more at present from your humble servant, john b. woods. * * * * * arrival from new orleans, . james conner, shot in different parts of the body. james stated to the committee that he was about forty-three years of age, that he was born a slave in nelson county, ky., and that he was first owned by a widow lady by the name of ruth head. "she (mistress) was like a mother to me," said jim. "i was about sixteen years old when she died; the estate was settled and i was sold south to a man named vincent turner, a planter, and about the worst man, i expect, that ever the sun shined on. his slaves he fairly murdered; two hundred lashes were merely a promise for him. he owned about three hundred slaves. i lived with turner until he died. after his death i still lived on the plantation with his widow, mrs. virginia turner." about twelve years ago (prior to jim's escape) she was married to a mr. charles parlange, "a poor man, though a very smart man, bad-hearted, and very barbarous." before her second marriage cotton had always been cultivated, but a few years later sugar had taken the place of cotton, and had become the principal thing raised in that part of the country. under the change sugar was raised and the slaves were made to experience harder times than ever; they were allowed to have only from three to three and a half pounds of pork a week, with a peck of meal; nothing else was allowed. they commenced work in the morning, just when they could barely see; they quit work in the evening when they could not see to work longer. mistress was a large, portly woman, good-looking, and pretty well liked by her slaves. the place where the plantation was located was at point copee, on falls river, about one hundred and fifty miles from new orleans. she also owned property and about twenty slaves in the city of new orleans. "i lived there and hired my time for awhile. i saw some hard times on the plantation. many a time i have seen slaves whipped almost to death--well, i tell you i have seen them whipped to death. a slave named sam was whipped to death tied to the ground. joe, another slave, was whipped to death by the overseer: running away was the crime. "four times i was shot. once, before i would be taken, all hands, young and old on the plantation were on the chase after me. i was strongly armed with an axe, tomahawk, and butcher knife. i expected to be killed on the spot, but i got to the woods and stayed two days. at night i went back to the plantation and got something to eat. while going back to the woods i was shot in the thigh, legs, back and head, was badly wounded, my mind was to die rather than be taken. i ran a half mile after i was shot, but was taken. i have shot in me now. feel here on my head, feel my back, feel buck shot in my thigh. i shall carry shot in me to my grave. i have been shot four different times. i was shot twice by a fellow servant; it was my master's orders. another time by the overseer. shooting was no uncommon thing in louisiana. at one time i was allowed to raise hogs. i had twenty-five taken from me without being allowed the first copper. "my mistress promised me at another time forty dollars for gathering honey, but when i went to her, she said, by and by, but the by and by never came. in my freedom was promised; for five years before this time i had been overseer; during four years of this time a visit was made to france by my owners, but on their return my freedom was not given me. my mistress thought i had made enough money to buy myself. they asked eleven hundred and fifty dollars for me. i told them that i hadn't the money. then they said if i would go with them to virginia after a number of slaves they wished to purchase, and would be a good boy, they would give me my freedom on the return of the trip. we started on the th of june, . i made fair promises wishing to travel, and they placed all confidence in me. i was to carry the slaves back from virginia. "they came as far as baltimore, and they began to talk of coming farther north, to philadelphia. they talked very good to me, and told me that if they brought me with them to a free state that i must not leave them; talked a good deal about giving me my freedom, as had been promised before starting, etc. i let on to them that i had no wish to go north; that baltimore was as far north as i wished to see, and that i had rather be going home than going north. i told them that i was tired of this country. in speaking of coming north, they made mention of the alleghany mountains. i told them that i would like to see that, but nothing more. they hated the north, and i made believe that i did too. mistress said, that if i behaved myself i could go with them to france, when they went again, after they returned home--as they intended to go again. "so they decided to take me with them to philadelphia, for a short visit, before going into virginia to buy up their drove of slaves for louisiana. my heart leaped for joy when i found we were going to a free state; but i did not let my owners know my feelings. "we reached philadelphia and went to the girard hotel, and there i made up my mind that they should go back without me. i saw a colored man who talked with me, and told me about the committee. he brought me to the anti-slavery office," etc., etc., etc. the committee told jim that he could go free immediately, without saying a word to anybody, as the simple fact of his master's bringing him into the state was sufficient to establish his freedom before the courts. at the same time the committee assured him if he were willing to have his master arrested and brought before one of the judges of the city to show cause why he held him a slave in pennsylvania, contrary to the laws of the state, that he should lack neither friends nor money to aid him in the matter; and, moreover, his freedom would be publicly proclaimed. jim thought well of both ways, but preferred not to meet his "kind-hearted" master and mistress in court, as he was not quite sure that he would have the courage to face them and stand by his charges. this was not strange. indeed not only slaves cowed before the eye of slave-holders. did not even northern men, superior in education and wealth, fear to say their souls were their own in the same presence? jim, therefore, concluded to throw himself upon the protection of the committee and take an underground rail road ticket, and thereby spare himself and his master and mistress the disagreeableness of meeting under such strange circumstances. the committee arranged matters for him to the satisfaction of all concerned, and gave him a passport for her british majesty's possession, canada. the unvarnished facts, as they were then recorded substantially from the lips of jim, and as they are here reproduced, comprise only a very meagre part of his sadly interesting story. at the time jim left his master and mistress so unceremoniously in philadelphia, some excitement existed at the attempt of his master to recover him through the police of philadelphia, under the charge that he (jim) had been stealing, as may be seen from the following letter which appeared in the "national anti-slavery standard:" another slave hunt in philadelphia. _philadelphia, monday, july_ , . yesterday afternoon a rumor was afloat that a negro man named jim, who had accompanied his master (mr. charles parlange), from new orleans to this city, had left his master for the purpose of tasting the sweets of freedom. it was alleged by mr. parlange that the said "jim" had taken with him two tin boxes, one of which contained money. mr. parlange went, on his way to new york, _viâ_ the camden and amboy railroad, and upon his arrival at the walnut street wharf, with two ladies, "jim" was missing. mr. parlange immediately made application to a mr. wallace, who is a police officer stationed at the walnut street depot. mr. wallace got into a carriage with mr. parlange and the two ladies, and, as mr. wallace stated, drove back to the girard house, where "jim" had not been heard of since he had left for the walnut street wharf. a story was then set afloat to the effect, that a negro of certain, but very particular description (such as a louisiana nigger-driver only can give), had stolen two boxes as stated above. a notice signed "clarke," was received at the police telegraph office by the operator (david wunderly) containing a full description of jim, also offering a reward of $ for his capture. this notice was telegraphed to all the wards in every section. this morning mr. wunderly found fault with the reporters using the information, and, in presence of some four or five persons, said the notice signed "clarke," was a private paper, and no reporter had a right to look at it; at the same time asserting, that if he knew where the nigger was he would give him up, as $ did not come along every day. the policeman, wallace, expressed the utmost fear lest the name of mr. parlange should transpire, and stated, that he was an intimate friend of his. it does not seem that the matter was communicated to the wards by any official authority whatever, and who the "clarke" is, whose name was signed to the notice, has not yet transpired. some of the papers noticed it briefly this morning, which has set several of the officers on their tips. there is little doubt, that "jim" has merely exercised his own judgment about remaining with his master any longer, and took this opportunity to betake himself to freedom. it is assumed, that he was to precede his master to walnut street wharf with the baggage; but, singular enough to say, no complaint has been made about the baggage being missed, simply the two tin boxes, and particularly the one containing money. this is, doubtless, a ruse to engage the services of the philadelphia police in the interesting game of nigger hunting. mr. parlange, if he is sojourning in your city, will doubtless be glad to learn that the matter of his man "jim" and the two tin boxes has received ample publicity. w.h. rev. hiram wilson, the underground rail road agent at st. catharines, c.w., duly announced his safe arrival as follows: buffalo, aug. th, . my dear friend--wm. still:--i take the liberty to inform you, that i had the pleasure of seeing a man of sable brand at my house in st. c. yesterday, by name of james connor, lately from new orleans, more recently from the city of brotherly love, where he took french leave of his french master. he desired me to inform you of his safe arrival in the glorious land of freedom, and to send his kind regards to you and to mr. williamson; also to another person, (the name i have forgotten). poor malinda smith, with her two little girls and young babe is with us doing well. affectionately yours, hiram wilson. * * * * * arrival from washington, d.c. harrison cary. the passenger bearing this name who applied to the committee for assistance, was a mulatto of medium size, with a prepossessing countenance, and a very smart talker. with only a moderate education he might have raised himself to the "top round of the ladder," as a representative of the down-trodden slave. seeking, as usual, to learn his history, the subjoined questions and answers were the result of the interview: q. "how old are you?" a. "twenty-eight years of age this coming march." q. "to whom did you belong?" a. "mrs. jane e. ashley." q. "what kind of a woman was she?" a. "she was a very clever woman; never said anything out of the way." q. "how many servants had she?" a. "she had no other servants." q. "did you live with her?" a. "no. i hired my time for twenty-two dollars a month." q. "how could you make so much money?" a. "i was a bricklayer by trade, and ranked among the first in the city." as harrison talked so intelligently, the member of the committee who was examining him, was anxious to know how he came to be so knowing, the fact that he could read being very evident. harrison proceeded to explain how he was led to acquire the art both of reading and writing: "slaves caught out of an evening without passes from their master or mistress, were invariably arrested, and if they were unable to raise money to buy themselves off, they were taken and locked up in a place known as the 'cage,' and in the morning the owner was notified, and after paying the fine the unfortunate prisoner had to go to meet his fate at the hands of his owner." often he or she found himself or herself sentenced to take thirty-nine or more lashes before atonement could be made for the violated law, and the fine sustained by the enraged owner. harrison having strong aversion to both of the "wholesome regulations" of the peculiar institution above alluded to, saw that the only remedy that he could avail himself of was to learn to write his own passes. in possessing himself of this prize he knew that the law against slaves being taught, would have to be broken, nevertheless he was so anxious to succeed, that he was determined to run the risk. consequently he grasped the boon with but very little difficulty or assistance. valuing his prize highly, he improved more and more until he could write his own passes satisfactorily. the "cage" he denounced as a perfect "hog hole," and added, "it was more than i could bear." he also spoke with equal warmth on the pass custom, "the idea of working hard all day and then being obliged to have a pass," etc.,--his feelings sternly revolted against. yet he uttered not a disrespectful word against the individual to whom he belonged. once he had been sold, but for what was not noted on the record book. his mother had been sold several times. his brother, william henry gary, escaped from washington, d.c., when quite a youth. what became of him it was not for harrison to tell, but he supposed that he had made his way to a free state, or canada, and he hoped to find him. he had no knowledge of any other relatives. in further conversation with him, relative to his being a single man, he said, that he had resolved not to entangle himself with a family until he had obtained his freedom. he had found it pretty hard to meet his monthly hire, consequently he was on the look-out to better his condition as soon as a favorable opportunity might offer. harrison's mistress had a son named john james ashley, who was then a minor. on arriving at majority, according to the will of this lad's father, he was to have possession of harrison as his portion. harrison had no idea of having to work for his support--he thought that, if john could not take care of himself when he grew up to be a man, there was a place for all such in the poor-house. harrison was also moved by another consideration. his mistress' sister had been trying to influence the mistress to sell him; thus considering himself in danger, he made up his mind that the time had come for him to change his habitation, so he resolved to try his fortune on the underground rail road. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . joe ellis. the subject of this sketch was one of two hundred slaves, owned by bolling ellis, who possessed large plantations at cabin point, surrey co., va. joe pictured his master, overseers, and general treatment of slaves in no favorable light. the practice of punishing slaves by putting them in the stocks and by flogging, was dwelt upon in a manner that left no room to doubt but that joe had been a very great sufferer under his master's iron rule. as he described the brutal conduct of overseers in resorting to their habitual modes of torturing men, women, and children, it was too painful to listen to with composure, much more to write down. joe was about twenty-three years of age, full black, slender, and of average intellect, considering the class which he represented. on four occasions previous to the final one he had made fruitless efforts to escape from his tormentors in consequence of brutal treatment. although he at last succeeded, the severe trials through which he had to pass in escaping, came very near costing him his life. the effects he will always feel; prostration and sickness had already taken hold upon him in a serious degree. during joe's sojourn under the care of the committee, time would not admit of the writing out of further details concerning him. * * * * * arrival from maryland. christopher green and wife, ann maria, and son nathan. christopher had a heavy debt charged against clayton wright, a commission merchant, of baltimore, who claimed him as his property, and was in the habit of hiring him out to farmers in the country, and of taking all his hire except a single dollar, which was allotted him every holiday. the last item in his charge against wright, suggested certain questions: "how have you been used?" was the first query. "sometimes right smart, and then again bad enough for it," said christopher. again he was asked, "what kind of a man was your master?" "he was only tolerable, i can't say much good for him. i got tired of working and they getting my labor and i getting nothing for my labor." at the time of his escape, he was employed in the service of a man by the name of cook. christopher described him as "a dissatisfied man, who couldn't be pleased at nothing and his wife was like him." this passenger was quite black, medium size, and in point of intellect, about on a par with ordinary field hands. his wife, ann, in point of go-ahead-ativeness, seemed in advance of him. indeed, she first prompted her husband to escape. ann bore witness against one james pipper, a farmer, whom she had served as a slave, and from whom she fled, saying that "he was as mean a man as ever walked--a dark-complected old man, with gray hair." with great emphasis she thus continued her testimony: "he tried to work me to death, and treated me as mean as he could, without killing me; he done so much i couldn't tell to save my life. i wish i had as many dollars as he has whipped me with sticks and other things. his wife will do tolerable." "i left because he was going to sell me and my son to georgia; for years he had been threatening; since the boys ran away, last spring, he was harder than ever. one was my brother, perry, and the other was a young man by the name of jim." "david, my master, drank all he could get, poured it down, and when drunk, would cuss, and tear, and rip, and beat. he lives near the nine bridges, in queen ann county." ann was certainly a forcible narrator, and was in every way a wideawake woman, about thirty-seven years of age. among other questions they were asked if they could read, etc. "read," said ann. "i would like to see anybody (slave) that could read our way; to see you with a book in your hand they would almost cut your throat." ann had one child only, a son, twenty years of age, who came in company with his parents. this son belonged to the said pipper already described. when they started from the land of bondage they had large hopes, but not much knowledge of the way; however, they managed to get safely on the underground rail road track, and by perseverance they reached the committee and were aided in the usual manner. * * * * * arrival from georgetown cross-roads, . leeds wright and abram tilison. for three years leeds had been thirsting for his liberty; his heart was fixed on that one object. he got plenty to eat, drink, and wear, but was nevertheless dissatisfied. the name of his master was rev. john wesley pearson, who was engaged in school teaching and preaching, and belonged to the more moderate class of slave-holders. once when a boy leeds had been sold, but being very young, he did not think much about the matter. for the last eight or ten years previous to his escape he had not seen his relatives, his father (george wright) having fled to canada, and the remainder of the family lived some fifty miles distant, beyond the possibility of intercourse; therefore, as he had no strong ties to break, he could look to the time of leaving the land of bondage without regret. abram, the companion of leeds, had been less comfortably situated. his lot in slavery had been cast under samuel jarman, by whom he had been badly treated. abram described him as a "big, tall, old man, who drank and was a real wicked man; he followed farming; had thirteen children. his wife was different; she was a pretty fine woman, but the children were all bad; the young masters followed playing cards." no chance at all had been allowed them to learn to read, although abram and leeds both coveted this knowledge. as they felt that they would never be able to do anything for their improvement by remaining, they decided to follow the example of abram's father and others and go to canada. * * * * * arrival from alexandria. william triplett and thomas harper. ran away from the subscriber, on saturday night, d instant, william triplett, a dark mulatto, with whiskers and mustache, to years of age; lately had a burn on the instep of his right foot, but perhaps well enough to wear a boot or shoe. he took with him very excellent clothing, both summer and winter, consisting of a brown suit in cloth, summer coats striped, check cap, silk hat, &c. $ reward will be paid if taken within thirty miles of alexandria or in the state of virginia, and $ and necessary expenses if taken out of the state and secured so that i get him again. he is the property of mrs. a.b. fairfax, of alexandria, and is likely to make his way to cincinnati, where he has friends, named hamilton and hopes, now living. robt. w. wheat. [illustration: ] william, answering to the above description, arrived safely in company with thomas harper, about six days after the date of their departure from the house of bondage. mrs. a.b. fairfax was the loser of this "article." william spoke rather favorably of her. he said he did not leave because he was treated badly, but simply because he wanted to own himself--to be free. he also said that he wanted to be able to take care of his family if he should see fit to marry. as to slavery, he could see no justice in the system; he therefore made up his mind no longer to yield submission thereto. being a smart "chattel," he reasoned well on the question of slavery, and showed very conclusively that even under the kindest mistress it had no charms for him--that at best, it was robbery and an outrage. thomas harper, his comrade, fled from john cowling, who also lived near alexandria. his great trouble was, that he had a wife and family, but could do nothing for them. he thought that it was hard to see them in want and abused when he was not at liberty to aid or protect them. he grew very unhappy, but could see no remedy except in flight. cowling, his master, was an englishman by birth, and followed black-smithing for a living. he was a man in humble circumstances, trying to increase his small fortune by slave-labor. he allowed thomas to hire himself for one hundred dollars a year, which amount he was required to raise, sick or well. he did not complain, however, of having received any personal abuse from his blacksmith master. it was the system which was daily grinding the life out of him, that caused him to suffer, and likewise escape. by trade thomas was also a blacksmith. he left a wife and three children. * * * * * arrival from maryland. harry wise. $ reward.--ran away, on the th inst., negro man, harry wise. he is about years of age, and feet inches high; muscular, with broad shoulders, and black or deep copper color; roundish, smooth face, and rather lively expression. he came from harford county, and is acquainted about belair market, baltimore. i will pay $ reward for him, if taken in this or prince george's county, or $ if arrested elsewhere. [illustration: ] elliott burwell, a -eo t* west river, anne arundel county. harry reached the station in philadelphia, the latter part of august, . his excuse for leaving and seeking a habitation in canada, was as follows: "i was treated monstrous bad; my master was a very cross, crabbed man, and his wife was as cross as he was. the day i left they had to tie me to beat me, what about i could not tell; this is what made me leave. i escaped right out of his hands the day he had me; he was going with me to the barn to tie me across a hogshead, but i broke loose from him and ran. he ran and got the gun to shoot me, but i soon got out of his reach, and i have not seen him since." harry might never have found the underground rail road, but for this deadly onslaught upon him by his master. his mind was wrought up to a very high state of earnestness, and he was deemed a very fitting subject for canada. * * * * * arrival from norfolk, va. abram wooders. although slave-holders had spared no pains to keep abram in the dark and to make him love his yoke, he proved by his actions, that he had no faith in their doctrines. nor did he want for language in which to state the reasons for his actions. he was just in the prime of life, thirty-five years of age, chestnut color, common size, with a scar over the left eye, and another on the upper lip. like many others, he talked in a simple, earnest manner, and in answer to queries as to how he had fared, the following is his statement: "i was held as the property of the late taylor sewell, but when i escaped i was in the service of w.c. williams, a commission merchant. my old master was a very severe man, but he was always very kind to me. he had a great many more colored folks, was very severe amongst them, would get mad and sell right away. he was a drinking man, dissipated and a gambler, a real sportsman. he lived on newell creek, about twelve miles from norfolk. for the last eight years i was hired to w.c. williams, for $ a year--if i had all that money, it might do me some good. i left because i wanted to enjoy myself some. i felt if i staid and got old no one would care for me, i wouldn't be of no account to nobody." "but are not the old slaves well cared for by their masters?" a member of the committee here remarked. "take care of them! no!" abram replied with much earnestness, and then went on to explain how such property was left to perish. said abram, "there was an old man named ike, who belonged to the same estate that i did, he was treated like a dog; after they could get no more work out of him, they said, 'let him die, he is of no service; there is no use of getting a doctor for him.' accordingly there could be no other fate for the old man but to suffer and die with creepers in his legs." it was sickening to hear him narrate instances of similar suffering in the case of old slaves. abram left two sisters and one brother in bondage. * * * * * arrival from washington, d.c. george johnson, thomas and adam smith. $ reward.--ran away from kalorama, near washington city, d.c., on saturday night, the d of august, , negro man, george johnson, aged about years. height about six feet; of dark copper color; bushy hair; erect in stature and polite in his address. [illustration: ] i will give the above reward if taken in a free state; $ if taken within the district of columbia, or $ if taken in maryland. in either case he must be secured so that i get him. miss eleanor j. conway, baltimore, md., or oliver dufour, washington city, d.c. sl-eod w. "polite in his address" as george was, he left his mistress, eleanor j. conway, without bidding her good-bye, or asking for a pass. but he did not leave his young mistress in this way without good reasons for so doing. in his interview with the committee about five days after his departure from his old home, he stated his grievances as follows: "i was born the slave of a mr. conway, of washington, d.c." under this personage george admitted that he had experienced slavery in rather a mild form until death took the old man off, which event occurred when george was quite young. he afterwards served the widow conway until her death, and lastly he fell into the hands of miss eleanor j. conway, who resided in baltimore, and derived her support from the labor of slaves whom she kept hired out as was george. of the dead, george did not utter very hard things, but he spoke of his young mistress as having a "very mean principle." said george, "she has sold one of my brothers and one of my cousins since last april, and she was very much opposed to freedom." judging from the company that she kept she might before a great while change her relations in life. george thought, however agreeable to her, it might not be to him. so he made up his mind that his chances for freedom would not be likely to grow any better by remaining. in the neighborhood from which he fled he left his father, mother and two sisters, each having different owners. two brothers had been sold south. whether they ever heard what had become of the runaway george is not known. thomas, the companion of george, was of a truly remarkable structure; physically and mentally he belonged to the highest order of the bond class. his place of chains was in the city of washington, and the name of the man for whom he had been compelled to do unrequited labor was william rowe, a bricklayer, and a "pretty clever fellow,--always used me well," said thomas. "why did you leave then?" asked a member of the committee. he replied, "i made a proposition to my master to buy myself for eight hundred dollars, but he refused, and wanted a thousand. then i made up my mind that i would make less do." thomas had been hired out at the national hotel for thirty dollars a month. adam was well described in the following advertisement taken from the _baltimore sun_: $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, near beltsville, prince george's county, md., on saturday night, the d of august, , negro man, adam smith, aged about . height feet or inches; black bushy hair, and well dressed. he has a mother living at mr. hamilton's, on capitol hill, washington, d.c. [illustration: ] i will give the above reward if taken in a free state; $ if taken in the district of columbia or counties of montgomery and prince george's, or $ if taken elsewhere and secured so that i get him. isaac scaggs. a - t* with his fellow-passengers, george and thomas, he greatly enjoyed the hospitalities of the underground rail road in the city of brotherly love, and had a very high idea of canada, as he anticipated becoming a british subject at an early day. the story which adam related concerning his master and his reasons for escaping ran thus: "my master was a very easy man, but would work you hard and never allow you any chance night or day; he was a farmer, about fifty, stout, full face, a real country ruffian; member of no church, a great drinker and gambler; will sell a slave as quick as any other slave-holder. he had a great deal of cash, but did not rank high in society. his wife was very severe; hated a colored man to have any comfort in the world. they had eight adult and nine young slaves." adam left because he "didn't like the treatment." twice he had been placed on the auction-block. he was a married man and left a wife and one child. * * * * * four able-bodied "articles" in one arrival, . edward, and joseph haines, thomas harris, and james sheldon. "this certainly is a likely-looking party," are the first words which greet the eye, on turning to the record, under which their brief narratives were entered at the philadelphia station, september th, . edward was about forty-four years of age, of unmixed blood, and in point of natural ability he would rank among the most intelligent of the oppressed class. without owing thanks to any body he could read and write pretty well, having learned by his own exertions. tabby and eliza fortlock, sisters, and single women, had been deriving years of leisure, comfort, and money from the sweat of edward's brow. the maiden ladies owned about eighteen head of this kind of property, far more than they understood how to treat justly or civilly. they bore the name of being very hard to satisfy. they were proverbially "stingy." they were members of the christ episcopal church. edward, however, remembered very sensibly that his own brother had been sold south by these ladies; and not only he, but others also, had been sent to the auction-block, and there made merchandise of. edward, therefore, had no faith in these lambs of the flock, and left them because he thought there was reason in all things. "yearly my task had been increased and made heavier and heavier, until i was pressed beyond what i could bear." under this pressure no hope, present, or future, could be discerned, except by escaping on the underground rail road. joseph was also one of the chattels belonging to the misses portlock. a more active and wide-awake young man of twenty years of age, could not easily be found among the enslaved; he seemed to comprehend slavery in all its bearings. from a small boy he had been hired out, making money for the "pious ladies" who owned him. his experience under these protectors had been similar to that of edward given above. joseph was of a light brown color, (some of his friends may be able to decide by this simple fact whether he is a relative, etc.). tom, a full-faced, good-natured-looking young man, was also of this party. he was about twenty-seven years of age, and was said to be the slave of john hatten, esq., cashier of the virginia bank of portsmouth. tom admitted that he was treated very well by mr. hatten and his family, except that he was not allowed his freedom; besides he felt a little tired of having to pay twelve dollars a month for his hire, as he hired his time of his master. of course he was not insensible to the fact also that he was liable to be sold any day. in pondering over these slight drawbacks, tom concluded that slavery was no place for a man who valued his freedom, it mattered not how kind masters or mistresses might be. under these considerations he made up his mind that he would have to let the cashier look out for himself, and he would do the same. in this state of mind he joined the party for canada. james was another associate passenger, and the best-looking "article" in the party; few slaves showed a greater degree of intelligence and shrewdness. he had acquired the art of reading and writing very well, and was also a very ready talker. he was owned by mrs. maria hansford of new york. when he was quite small he remembered seeing his mistress, but not since. he was raised with her sister, who resided in norfolk, the place of james' servitude. james confessed that he had been treated very kindly, and had been taught to read by members of the family. this was an exceptional case, worthy of especial note. notwithstanding all the kindness that james had received, he hated slavery, and took a deep interest in the underground rail road, and used his intelligence and shrewdness to good purpose in acting as an underground rail road agent for a time. james was a young man, about twenty-five years of age, well made, and of a yellow complexion. although none of this party experienced brutal treatment personally, they had seen the "elephant" quite to their satisfaction in norfolk and vicinity. * * * * * arrival from arlington, md. . john alexander butler, william henry hipkins, john henry moore and george hill. this party made, at first sight, a favorable impression; they represented the bone and sinew of the slave class of arlington, and upon investigation the committee felt assured that they would carry with them to canada industry and determination such as would tell well for the race. john alexander butler was about twenty-nine years of age, well made, dark color, and intelligent. he assured the committee that he had been hampered by slavery from his birth, and that in consequence thereof he had suffered serious hardships. he said that a man by the name of wm. ford, belonging to the methodist church at arlington, had defrauded him of his just rights, and had compelled him to work on his farm for nothing; also had deprived him of an education, and had kept him in poverty and ignorance all his life. in going over the manner in which he had been treated, he added that not only was his master a hard man, but that his wife and children partook of the same evil spirit; "they were all hard." true, they had but three slaves to oppress, but these they spared not. john was a married man, and spoke affectionately of his wife and children, whom he had to leave behind at cross-roads. william henry, who was heart and soul in earnest with regard to reaching canada, and was one of this party, was twenty-three years of age, and was a stout, yellow man with a remarkably large head, and looked as if he was capable of enjoying canada and caring for himself. in speaking of the fettered condition from which he had escaped, the name of ephraim swart, "a gambler and spree'r" was mentioned as the individual who had wronged him of his liberty most grievously. against swart he expressed himself with much manly feeling, and judging from his manner he appeared to be a dangerous customer for master swart to encounter north of mason and dixon's line. william complained that swart "would come home late at night drunk, and if he did not find us awake he would not attempt to wake us, but would begin cutting and slashing with a cowhide. he treated his wife very bad too; sometimes when she would stand up for the servants he would knock her down. many times at midnight she would have to leave the house and go to her mother's for safety; she was a very nice woman, but he was the very old satan himself." while william henry was debarred from learning letters under his brutal overseer, he nevertheless learned how to plan ways and means by which to escape his bondage. he left his old mother and two brothers wholly ignorant of his movements. john henry moore, another one of the arlington party, was about twenty-four years of age, a dark, spare-built man. he named david mitchell, of havre-de-grace, as the individual above all others who had kept his foot on his neck. without undertaking to give john henry's description of mitchell in full, suffice it to give the following facts: "mitchell would go off and get drunk, and come home, and if the slaves had not as much work done as he had tasked them with, he would go to beating them with clubs or anything he could get in his hand. he was a tall, spare-built man, with sandy hair. he had a wife and family, but his wife was no better than he was." when charges or statements were made by fugitives against those from whom they escaped, particular pains were taken to find out if such statements could be verified; if the explanation appeared valid, the facts as given were entered on the books. john henry could not read, but greatly desired to learn, and he looked as though he had a good head for so doing. before he left there had been some talk of selling him south. this rumor had a marked effect upon john henry's nervous system; it also expanded his idea touching traveling, the underground rail road, etc. as he had brothers and sisters who had been sold to georgia he made up his mind that his master was not to be trusted for a single day; he was therefore one of the most willing-hearted passengers in the party. george hill, also a fellow-passenger, was about twenty-four years of age, quite black, medium size, and of fair, natural mother wit. in looking back upon his days of bondage, his mind reverted to dr. savington, of harford county, as the person who owed him for years of hard and unrequited toil, and at the same time was his so-called owner. the doctor, it seemed, had failed to treat george well, for he declared that he had never received enough to eat the whole time that he was with him. "the clothes i have on i got by overwork of nights. when i started i hadn't a shoe on my foot, these were given to me. he was an old man, but a very wicked man, and drank very hard." george had been taught field work pretty thoroughly, but nothing in the way of reading and writing. george explained why he left as follows: "i left because i had got along with him as well as i could. last saturday a week he was in a great rage and drunk. he shot at me. he never went away but what he would come home drunk, and if any body made him angry out from home, he would come home and take his spite out of his people." he owned three grown men, two women and six children. thus hating slavery heartily, george was enthusiastically in favor of canada. * * * * * five passengers, . eliza jane johnson, harriet stewart, and her daughter mary eliza, william cole, and hanson hall. eliza jane was a tall, dark, young woman, about twenty-three years of age, and had been held to service by a widow woman, named sally spiser, who was "anything but a good woman." the place of her habitation was in delaware, between concord and georgetown. eliza jane's excuse for leaving was this: she charged her mistress with trying to work her to death, and with unkind treatment generally. when times became so hard that she could not stand her old mistress "sally" any longer, she "took out." harriet did not come in company with eliza jane, but by accident they met at the station in philadelphia. harriet and daughter came from washington, d.c. harriet had treasured up a heavy account against a white man known by the name of william a. linton, whom she described as a large, red-faced man, who had in former years largely invested in slave property, but latterly he had been in the habit of selling off, until only seven remained, and among them she and her child were numbered; therefore, she regarded him as one who had robbed her of her rights, and daily threatened her with sale. harriet was a very likely-looking woman, twenty-nine years of age, medium size, and of a brown color, and far from being a stupid person. her daughter also was a smart, and interesting little girl of eight years of age, and seemed much pleased to be getting out of the reach of slave-holders. the mother and daughter, however, had not won their freedom thus far, without great suffering, from the long and fatiguing distance which they were obliged to walk. sometimes the hardness of the road made them feel as though they would be compelled to give up the journey, whether or not; but they added to their faith, patience, and thus finally succeeded. heavy rewards were offered through advertisements in the baltimore sun, but they availed naught. the vigilance committee received them safely, fully cared for them, and safely sent them through to the land of refuge. harriet's daring undertaking obliged her to leave her husband, john stewart, behind; also one sister, a slave in georgetown. one brother had been sold south. her mother she had laid away in a slave's grave: but her father she hoped to find in canada, he having escaped thither when she was a small girl; at least it was supposed that he had gone there. * * * * * arrival from howard co., md., . bill cole and hanson. $ reward.--ran away on saturday night, september th, bill cole, aged about years, of copper complexion, stout built, ordinary height, walks very erect, earnest but squint look when spoken to. [illustration: ] also, hanson, copper complexion, well made, sickly look, medium height, stoops when walking, quick when spoken to; aged about years. three hundred dollars will be paid for the apprehension and delivery of bill, if caught out of the state, and two hundred if in the state. two hundred dollars for hanson if out of the state, and one hundred dollars if in the state. w. baker dorsey, hammond dorsey, savage p.o., howard county, md. such notoriety as was given them by the above advertisement, did not in the least damage bill and hanson in the estimation of the committee. it was rather pleasing to know that they were of so much account as to call forth such a public expression from the messrs. dorsey. besides it saved the committee the necessity of writing out a description of them, the only fault found with the advertisement being in reference to their ages. bill, for instance, was put down ten years younger than he claimed to be. which was correct, bill or his master? the committee were inclined to believe bill in preference to his master, for the simple reason that he seemed to account satisfactorily for his master's making him so young: he (the master) could sell him for much more at thirty-seven than at forty-seven. unscrupulous horse-jockies and traders in their fellow-men were about on a par as to that kind of sharp practice. hanson, instead of being only thirty, declared that he was thirty-seven the fifteenth of february. these errors are noticed and corrected because it is barely possible that bill and hanson may still be lost to their relatives, who may be inquiring and hunting in every direction for them, and as many others may turn to these records with hope, it is, therefore, doubly important that these descriptions shall be as far as possible, correct, especially as regards ages. hanson laughed heartily over the idea that he looked "sickly." while on the underground rail road, he looked very far from sickly; on the contrary, a more healthy, fat, and stout-looking piece of property no one need wish to behold, than was this same hanson. he confessed, however, that for some time previous to his departure, he had feigned sickness,--told his master that he was "sick all over." "ten times a day hanson said they would ask him how he was, but was not willing to make his task much lighter." the following description was given of his master, and his reason for leaving him: "my master was a red-faced farmer, severe temper, would curse, and swear, and drink, and sell his slaves whenever he felt like it. my mistress was a pretty cross, curious kind of a woman too, though she was a member of the protestant church. they were rich, and had big farms and a good many slaves. they didn't allow me any provisions hardly; i had a wife, but they did not allow me to go see her, only once in a great while." bill providentially escaped from a well-known cripple, whom he undertook to describe as a "very sneaking-looking man, medium size, smooth face; a wealthy farmer, who owned eighteen or twenty head of slaves, and was judge of the orphans' court." "he sells slaves occasionally." "my mistress was a very large, rough, irish-looking woman, with a very bad disposition; it appeared like as if she hated to see a 'nigger,' and she was always wanting her husband to have some one whipped, and she was a member of the methodist church. my master was a trustee in the episcopal church." in consequence of the tribulation bill had experienced under his christian master and mistress, he had been led to disbelieve in the protestant faith altogether, and declared that he felt persuaded that it was all a "pretense," and added that he "never went to church; no place was provided in church for 'niggers' except a little pen for the coachmen and waiters." bill had been honored with the post of "head man on the place," but of this office he was not proud. * * * * * arrival from prince george's county, md. "jim belle." $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber on saturday night, negro man jim belle. jim is about five feet ten inches high, black color, about years of age has a down look; speaks slow when spoken to; he has large, thick lips, and a mustache. he was formerly owned by edward stansbury, late of baltimore county, and purchased by edward worthington, near reisterstown, in baltimore county, at the late stansbury's sale, who sold him to b.m. and w.l. campbell, of baltimore city, of whom i purchased jim on the th of june last. his wife lives with her mother, ann robertson, in corn alley, between lee and hill streets, baltimore city, where he has other relations, and where he is making his way. i will give the above reward, no matter where taken, so he is brought home or secured in jail so i get him again. [illustration: ] zachariah berry, of w., near upper marlboro', prince george's county, md. mr. zachariah berry, who manifested so much interest in jim, may be until this hour in ignorance of the cause of his running off without asking leave, etc. jim stated, that he was once sold and flogged unmercifully simply for calling his master "mr.," instead of master, and he alleged that this was the secret of his eyes being opened and his mind nerved to take advantage of the underground rail road. while it may not now do zachariah berry much good to learn this secret, it may, nevertheless, be of some interest to those who were of near kin to jim to glean even so small a ray of light. * * * * * arrival from rappahannock county, . pascal quantence. pascal fled from virginia, and accused bannon and brady of doing violence to his liberty. he had, however, been in their clutches only a short while before escaping, but that short while seemed almost an age, as he was treated so meanly by them compared with the treatment which he had experienced under his former master. according to pascal's story, which was evidently true, his previous master was his own father (john quantence), who had always acknowledged pascal as his child, whom he did not scruple to tell people he should set free; that he did not intend that he should serve anybody else. but, while out riding one day, he was thrown from his horse and instantly killed. naturally enough, no will being found, his effects were all administered upon and pascal was sold with the farm. bannon and brady were the purchasers, at least of pascal. in their power, immediately the time of trouble began with pascal, and so continued until he could no longer endure it. "hoggishness," according to pascal's phraseology, was the most predominant trait in the character of his new masters. in his mournful situation and grief he looked toward canada and started with courage and hope, and thus succeeded. such deliverances always afforded very great joy to the committee. * * * * * arrival from north carolina, . harry grimes, george upsher, and edward lewis. feet slit for running away, flogged, stabbed, stayed in the hollow of a big poplar tree, visited by a snake, abode in a cave. the coming of the passengers here noticed was announced in the subjoined letter from thomas garrett: wilmington, th mo. th, . respected friend, william still:--i write to inform thee, that captain fountain has arrived this evening from the south with three men, one of which is nearly naked, and very lousy. he has been in the swamps of carolina for eighteen months past. one of the others has been some time out. i would send them on to-night, but will have to provide two of them with some clothes before they can be sent by rail road. i have forgotten the number of thy house. as most likely all are more or less lousy, having been compelled to sleep together, i thought best to write thee so that thee may get a suitable place to take them to, and meet them at broad and prime streets on the arrival of the cars, about o'clock to-morrow evening. i have engaged one of our men to take them to his house, and go to philadelphia with them to-morrow evening. johnson who will accompany them is a man in whom we can confide. please send me the number of thy house when thee writes. thomas garrett. this epistle from the old friend of the fugitive, thomas garrett, excited unusual interest. preparation was immediately made to give the fugitives a kind reception, and at the same time to destroy their plagues, root and branch, without mercy. they arrived according to appointment. the cleansing process was carried into effect most thoroughly, and no vermin were left to tell the tale of suffering they had caused. straightway the passengers were made comfortable in every way, and the spirit of freedom seemed to be burning like "fire shut up in the bones." the appearance alone of these men indicated their manhood, and wonderful natural ability. the examining committee were very desirous of hearing their story without a moment's delay. as harry, from having suffered most, was the hero of this party, and withal was an intelligent man, he was first called upon to make his statement as to how times had been with him in the prison house, from his youth up. he was about forty-six years of age, according to his reckoning, full six feet high, and in muscular appearance was very rugged, and in his countenance were evident marks of firmness. he said that he was born a slave in north carolina, and had been sold three times. he was first sold when a child three years of age, the second time when he was thirteen years old, and the third and last time he was sold to jesse moore, from whom he fled. prior to his coming into the hands of moore he had not experienced any very hard usage, at least nothing more severe than fell to the common lot of slave-boys, therefore the period of his early youth was deemed of too little interest to record in detail. in fact time only could be afforded for noticing very briefly some of the more remarkable events of his bondage. the examining committee confined their interrogations to his last taskmaster. "how did moore come by you?" was one of the inquiries. "he bought me," said harry, "of a man by the name of taylor, nine or ten years ago; he was as bad as he could be, couldn't be any worse to be alive. he was about fifty years of age, when i left him, a right red-looking man, big bellied old fellow, weighs about two hundred and forty pounds. he drinks hard, he is just like a rattlesnake, just as cross and crabbed when he speaks, seems like he could go through you. he flogged richmond for not ploughing the corn good, that was what he pretended to whip him for. richmond ran away, was away four months, as nigh as i can guess, then they cotched him, then struck him a hundred lashes, and then they split both feet to the bone, and split both his insteps, and then master took his knife and stuck it into him in many places; after he done him that way, he put him into the barn to shucking corn. for a long time he was not able to work; when he did partly recover, he was set to work again." we ceased to record anything further concerning richmond, although not a fourth part of what harry narrated was put upon paper. the account was too sickening and the desire to hear harry's account of himself too great to admit of further delay; so harry confined himself to the sufferings and adventures which had marked his own life. briefly he gave the following facts: "i have been treated bad. one day we were grubbing and master said we didn't do work enough. 'how came there was no more work done that day?' said master to me. i told him i did work. in a more stormy manner he 'peated the question. i then spoke up and said: 'massa, i don't know what to say.' at once massa plunged his knife into my neck causing me to stagger. massa was drunk. he then drove me down to the black folk's houses (cabins of the slaves). he then got his gun, called the overseer, and told him to get some ropes. while he was gone i said, 'massa, now you are going to tie me up and cut me all to pieces for nothing. i would just as leave you would take your gun and shoot me down as to tie me up and cut me all to pieces for nothing.' in a great rage he said 'go.' i jumped, and he put up his gun and snapped both barrels at me. he then set his dogs on me, but as i had been in the habit of making much of them, feeding them, &c. they would not follow me, and i kept on straight to the woods. my master and the overseer cotched the horses and tried to run me down, but as the dogs would not follow me they couldn't make nothing of it. it was the last of august a year ago. the devil was into him, and he flogged and beat four of the slaves, one man and three of the women, and said if he could only get hold of me he wouldn't strike me, 'nary-a-lick,' but would tie me to a tree and empty both barrels into me. [illustration: ] in the woods i lived on nothing, you may say, and something too. i had bread, and roasting ears, and 'taters. i stayed in the hollow of a big poplar tree for seven months; the other part of the time i stayed in a cave. i suffered mighty bad with the cold and for something to eat. once i got me some charcoal and made me a fire in my tree to warm me, and it liked to killed me, so i had to take the fire out. one time a snake come to the tree, poked its head in the hollow and was coming in, and i took my axe and chopped him in two. it was a poplar leaf moccasin, the poisonest kind of a snake we have. while in the woods all my thoughts was how to get away to a free country." [illustration: ] subsequently, in going back over his past history, he referred to the fact, that on an occasion long before the cave and tree existence, already noticed, when suffering under this brutal master, he sought protection in the woods and abode twenty-seven months in a cave, before he surrendered himself, or was captured. his offence, in this instance, was simply because he desired to see his wife, and "stole" away from his master's plantation and went a distance of five miles, to where she lived, to see her. for this grave crime his master threatened to give him a hundred lashes, and to shoot him; in order to avoid this punishment, he escaped to the woods, etc. the lapse of a dozen years and recent struggles for an existence, made him think lightly of his former troubles and he would, doubtless, have failed to recall his earlier conflicts but for the desire manifested by the committee to get all the information out of him they could. he was next asked, "had you a wife and family?" "yes, sir,". he answered, "i had a wife and eight children, belonged to the widow slade." harry gave the names of his wife and children as follows: wife, susan, and children, oliver, sabey, washington, daniel, jonas, harriet, moses and rosetta, the last named he had never seen. "between my mistress and my master there was not much difference." [illustration: ] of his comrades time admitted of writing out only very brief sketches, as follows: edward lewis. $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, on the th of november, negro slave, edgar. he is years old, feet high, of dark brown complexion, very high forehead, is a little bald, and is inclined to stoop in the shoulders. edgar says he was raised in norfolk county, has worked about norfolk several years. i bought him at the auction house of messrs. pulham & davis, the th of july, . the bill of sale was signed by w.y. milmer for jas. a. bilisoly, administrator of g.w. chambers, dec'd. he told one of my negroes he was going to norfolk to sell some plunder he had there, then go to richmond, steal his wife, get on board a boat about norfolk, and go to a free state. he can read and write well, and i have no doubt he has provided himself with papers of some kind. he may have purchased the papers of some free negro. i will give the above reward of one hundred dollars to any person who will arrest and confine him, so i can get him. [illustration: ] c.h. gay. my post office is laurel, n.c. no. . the above advertisement, which was cut from a southern paper, brought light in regard to one of the passengers at least. it was not often that a slave was so fortunate as to get such a long sketch of himself in a newspaper. the description is so highly complimentary, that we simply endorse it as it stands. the sketch as taken for the record book is here transcribed as follows: "edward reported himself from franklin county, n.c., where, according to statement, a common farmer by the name of carter gay owned him, under whose oppression his life was rendered most unhappy, who stinted him daily for food and barely allowed him clothing enough to cover his nakedness, who neither showed justice nor mercy to any under his control, the 'weaker vessels' not excepted; therefore edward was convinced that it was in vain to hope for comfort under such a master. moreover, his appetite for liquor, combined with a high temper, rendered him a being hard to please, but easy to excite to a terrible degree. scarcely had edward lived two years with this man (gay) when he felt that he had lived with him long enough. two years previous to his coming into the hands of gay, he and his wife were both sold; the wife one day and he the next. she brought eleven hundred and twenty-five dollars, and he eight hundred and thirty-five dollars; thus they were sold and resold as a matter of speculation, and husband and wife were parted." after the fugitives had been well cared for by the committee, they were forwarded on north; but for some reason they were led to stop short of canada, readily finding employment and going to work to take care of themselves. how they were received and in what way they were situated, the subjoined letter from edward will explain: skaneateles, dec. , . dear sir:--as i promised to let you hear from me as soon as i found a home, i will now fulfill my promise to you and say that i am alive and well and have found a stopping place for the winter. when we arrived at syracuse we found mr. loguen ready to receive us, and as times are rather hard in canada he thought best for us not to go there, so he sent us about twenty miles west of syracuse to skaneateles, where george upshur and myself soon found work. henry grimes is at work in garden about eight miles from this place. if you should chance to hear any of my friends inquiring for me, please direct them to skaneateles, onondaga county, n.y. if you can inform me of the whereabouts of miss alice jones i shall be very much obliged to you, until i can pay you better. i forgot to ask you about her when i was at your house. she escaped about two years ago. please not to forget to inquire of my wife, rachel land, and if you should hear of her, let me know immediately, george upshur and myself send our best respects to you and your family. remember us to mrs. jackson and miss julia. i hope to meet you all again, if not on earth may we so live that we shall meet in that happy land where tears and partings are not known. let me hear from you soon. this from your friend and well wisher, edward lewis, formerly, but now william brady. george upsher.--the third in this arrival was also a full man. slavery had robbed him shamefully it is true; nevertheless he was a man of superior natural parts, physically and intellectually. despite the efforts of slave-holders to keep him in the dark, he could read and write a little. his escape in the manner that he did, implied a direct protest against the conduct of dr. thomas w. upsher, of richmond, va., whom, he alleged, deprived him of his hire, and threatened him with immediate sale. he had lived in north carolina with the doctor about two years. as a slave, his general treatment had been favorable, except for a few months prior to his flight, which change on the part of his master led him to fear that a day of sale was nigh at hand. in fact the seventh of july had been agreed upon when he was to be in richmond, to take his place with others in the market on sale day; his hasty and resolute move for freedom originated from this circumstance. he was well-known in norfolk, and had served almost all his days in that city. these passengers averaged about six feet, and were of uncommonly well-developed physical structure. the pleasure of aiding such men from the horrors of carolina slavery was great. * * * * * alfred hollon, george and charles n. rodgers. the loss of this party likewise falls on maryland. with all the efforts exerted by slave-holders, they could not prevent the underground rail road from bringing away passengers. alfred was twenty-eight years of age, with sharp features, dark color, and of medium size. he charged one elijah j. johnson, a commissioner of baltimore co., with having deprived him of the fruits of his labor. he had looked fully into his master's treatment of him, and had come to the conclusion that it was wrong in every respect, for one man to make another work and then take all his wages from him; thus decided, alfred, desiring liberty, whereby he could do better for himself felt that he must "took out" and make his way to canada. nevertheless, he admitted that he had been "treated pretty well" compared with others. true, he had "not been fed very well;" elijah, his master, was an old man with a white head, tall and stout, and the owner of fifteen head of slaves. at the same time, a member of st. john's church. alfred had treasured up the sad remembrance against him of the sale of his mother from him when a little boy, only three years old. while he was then too young to have retained her features in his memory, the fact had always been a painful one to reflect upon. george was twenty-six years of age, stout, long-faced, and of dark complexion. he looked as though he might have eagerly grasped education if the opportunity had been allowed him. he too belonged to elijah j. johnson, against whom he entertained much more serious objections than alfred. indeed, george did not hesitate to say with emphasis, that he neither liked his old master, mistress, nor any of the family. without recording his grievances in detail, a single instance will suffice of the kind of treatment to which he objected, and which afforded the pretext for his becoming a patron of the underground rail road. it was this, said george: "i went into the corn-field and got some corn. this made my master and mistress very mad, and about it dr. franklin rodgers, my young mistress' husband, struck me some pretty heavy blows, and knocked me with his fist, etc." thus, george's blood was raised, and he at once felt that it was high time to be getting away from such patriarchs. it was only necessary to form a strong resolution and to start without delay. there were two others who, he believed, could be trusted, so he made known his intentions to them, and finding them sound on the question of freedom he was glad of their company. for an emergency, he provided himself with a pair of pistols and a formidable-looking knife, and started, bent on reaching canada; determined at least, not to be taken back to bondage alive. charles was twenty-four years of age, a very dark-colored individual, and also belonged to said johnson. charles was well acquainted with his old master and mistress, and made very quick work of giving his experience. after hearing him, from the manner in which he expressed himself, no one could doubt his earnestness and veracity. his testimony ran substantially thus: "for the last three years i have been treated very hard. in the presence of the servants, old johnson had me tied, stripped, and with his own hands, flogged me on the naked back shamefully. the old mistress was cross too." it was some time before the smarting ceased, but it was not long ere the suffering produced very decided aspirations to get over to john bull's dominions. he resolved to go, at all hazards. in order that he might not be surprised on the underground rail road without any weapons of defense, determined as he was to fight rather than be dragged back, he provided himself with a heavy, leaden ball and a razor. they met, however, with no serious difficulty, save from hard walking and extreme hunger. in appearance, courage, and mother-wit, this party was of much promise. * * * * * arrival from kent county, . samuel benton, john alexander, james henry, and samuel turner. these passengers journeyed together from the land of whips and chains. sam benton was about twenty-six years of age, medium size, pretty dark color, and possessed a fair share of intelligence. he understood very well how sadly slavery had wronged him by keeping him in ignorance and poverty. he stated as the cause of his flight that william campbell had oppressed him and kept him closely at hard labor without paying him, and at the same time "did not give him half enough to eat, and no clothing." john alexander was about forty-four years of age, a man of ordinary size, quite black, and a good specimen of a regular corn-field hand. "why did you leave, john?" said a member of the committee. he coolly replied that "handy (his master was named george handy) got hold of me twice, and i promised my lord that he should never get hold of me another time." of course it was the severity of these two visitations that made john a thinker and an actor at the same time. the evil practices of the master produced the fruits of liberty in john's breast. james henry, the third passenger, was about thirty-two years of age, and quite a spirited-looking "article." a few months before he fled he had been sold, at which time his age was given as "only twenty." he had suffered considerably from various abuses; the hope of canada however tended to make him joyful. the system of oppression from which these travelers fled had afforded them no privileges in the way of learning to read. all that they had ever known of civilization was what they perchance picked up in the ordinary routine of the field. notice of the fourth passenger unfortunately is missing. * * * * * arrival from baltimore county, . elizabeth williams. elizabeth fled in company with her brother the winter previous to her arrival at the philadelphia station. although she reached free land the severe struggle cost her the loss of all her toes. four days and nights out in the bitter cold weather without the chance of a fire left them a prey to the frost, which made sad havoc with their feet especially--particularly elizabeth's. she was obliged to stop on the way, and for seven months she was unable to walk. elizabeth was about twenty years of age, chestnut color, and of considerable natural intellect. although she suffered so severely as the result of her resolution to throw off the yoke, she had no regrets at leaving the prison-house; she seemed to appreciate freedom all the more in consequence of what it cost her to obtain the prize. in speaking of the life she had lived, she stated that her mistress was "good enough," but her "master was a very bad man." his name was samuel ward; he lived in baltimore county, near wrightstown. elizabeth left her mother, four brothers and one sister under the yoke. * * * * * mary cooper and moses armstead, . mary arrived from delaware, moses from norfolk, virginia, and happened to meet at the station in philadelphia. mary was twenty years of age, of a chestnut color, usual size, and well disposed. she fled from nathaniel herne, an alderman. mary did not find fault with the alderman, but she could not possibly get along with his wife; this was the sole cause of her escape. moses was twenty-four years of age, of a chestnut color, a bright-looking young man. he fled from norfolk, virginia, having been owned by the estate of john halters. nothing but the prevailing love of liberty in the breast of moses moved him to seek his freedom. he did not make one complaint of bad treatment. * * * * * arrival from near washington, d.c. john johnson and lawrence thornton. john escaped from near washington. he stated that he was owned by an engraver, known by the name of william stone, and added that himself and seven others were kept working on the farm of said stone for nothing. john did not, however, complain of having a hard master in this hard-named personage, (stone); for, as a slave, he confessed that he had seen good times. yet he was not satisfied; he felt that he had a right to his freedom, and that he could not possibly be contented while deprived of it, for this reason, therefore, he dissolved his relationship with his kind master. john was about twenty-seven years of age, smart, possessed good manners, and a mulatto. lawrence was about twenty-three years of age, tall and slender, of dark complexion, but bright intellectually. with lawrence times had been pretty rough. dr. isaac winslow of alexandria was accused of defrauding lawrence of his hire. "he was anything else but a gentleman," said lawrence. "he was not a fair man no way, and his wife was worse than he was, and she had a daughter worse than herself." "last sunday a week my master collared me, for my insolence he said, and told me that he would sell me right off. i was tied and put up stairs for safe keeping. i was tied for about eight hours. i then untied myself, broke out of prison, and made for the underground rail road immediately." lawrence gave a most interesting account of his life of bondage, and of the doctor and his family. he was overjoyed at the manner in which he had defeated the doctor, and so was the committee. * * * * * hon. l. mclane's property, soon after his death, travels _viâ_ the underground rail road.--william knight, esq., loses a superior "article." jim scott, tom pennington, sam scott, bill scott, abe bacon, and jack wells. an unusual degree of pleasure was felt in welcoming this party of young men, not because they were any better than others, or because they had suffered more, but simply because they were found to possess certain knowledge and experience of slave life, as it existed under the government of the chivalry; such information could not always be obtained from those whose lot had been cast among ordinary slave-holders. consequently the committee interviewed them closely, and in point of intellect found them to be above the average run of slaves. as they were then entered on the record, so in like manner are the notes made of them transferred to these pages. jim was about nineteen years of age, well grown, black, and of prepossessing appearance. the organ of hope seemed very strong in him. jim had been numbered with the live stock of the late hon. l. mclane, who had been called to give an account of his stewardship about two months before jim and his companions "took out." as to general usage, he made no particular charge against his distinguished master; he had, however, not been living under his immediate patriarchal government, but had been hired out to a farmer by the name of james dodson, with whom he experienced life "sometimes hard and sometimes smooth," to use his own words. the reason of his leaguing with his fellow-servants to abandon the old prison-house, was traceable to the rumor, that he and some others were to appear on the stage, or rather the auction-block, in baltimore, the coming spring. tom, another member of the mclane institution, was about twenty-five years of age, of unmixed blood, and a fair specimen of a well-trained field-hand. he conceived that he had just ground to bring damages against the hon. l. mclane for a number of years of hard service, and for being deprived of education. he had been compelled to toil for the honorable gentleman, not only on his own place, but on the farms of others. at the time that tom escaped, he was hired for one hundred dollars per annum (and his clothes found him), which hire mclane had withheld from him contrary to all justice and fair dealing; but as tom was satisfied, that he could get no justice through the maryland courts, and knew that an old and intimate friend of his master had already proclaimed, that "negroes had no rights which white men are bound to respect;" also, as his experience tended to confirm him in the belief, that the idea was practically carried out in the courts of maryland; he thought, that it would be useless to put in a plea for justice in maryland. he was not, however, without a feeling of some satisfaction, that his old master, in giving an account of his stewardship at the bar of the just one, would be made to understand the amount of his indebtedness to those whom he had oppressed. with this impression, and the prospects of equal rights and canada, under her british majesty's possessions, he manifested as much delight as if he was traveling with a half million of dollars in his pocket. sam, another likely-looking member of this party, was twenty-two years of age, and a very promising-looking young fugitive, having the appearance of being able to take education without difficulty. he had fully made up his mind, that slavery was never intended for man, and that he would never wear himself out working for the "white people for nothing." he wanted to work for himself and enjoy the benefits of education, etc. bill scott, another member of the mclane party, was twenty-one years of age, "fat and slick," and fully satisfied, that canada would agree with him in every particular. not a word did he utter in favor of maryland, but said much against the manner in which slaves were treated, how he had felt about the matter, etc. abe was also from the mclane estate. he possessed apparently more general intelligence than either of his companions. he was quite bright-witted, a ready talker, and with his prospects he was much satisfied. he was twenty-two years of age, black, good-looking, and possessed very good manners. he represented, that his distinguished master died, leaving thirteen head of slaves. his (abe's) father, tom's mother and the mother of the scotts were freed by mclane. strong hopes were entertained that before the old man's death he would make provision in his will for the freedom of all the other slaves; when he died, the contrary was found to be the fact; they were still left in chains. the immediate heirs consisted of six sons and five daughters, who moved in the first circle, were "very wealthy and aristocratic." abe was conversant with the fact, that his master, the "hon. l. mclane, was once secretary under president jackson;" that he had been "sent to england on a mission for the government," and that he had "served two terms in congress." some of the servants, abe said, were "treated pretty well, but some others could not say anything in the master's favor." upon the whole, however, it was manifest that the mclane slaves had not been among the number who had seen severe hardships. they came from his plantation in cecil county, maryland, where they had been reared. in order to defend themselves on the underground rail road, they were strongly armed. sam had a large horse pistol and a butcher knife; jack had a revolver; abe had a double-barrelled pistol and a large knife; jim had a single-barrelled pistol and counted on "blowing a man down if any one touched" him. bill also had a single-barrelled pistol, and when he started resolved to "come through or die." although this party was of the class said to be well fed, well clothed, and not over-worked, yet to those who heard them declare their utter detestation of slavery and their determination to use their instruments of death, even to the taking of life, rather than again be subjected to the yoke, it was evident that even the mildest form of slavery was abhorrent. they left neither old nor young masters, whom they desired to serve any longer or look up to for care and support. jack, who was not of the mclane party, but who came with them, had been kept in ignorance with regard to his age. he was apparently middle-aged, medium size, dark color, and of average intelligence. he accused william knight, a farmer, of having enslaved him contrary to his will or wishes, and averred that he fled from him because he used him badly and kept mean overseers. jack said that his master owned six farms and kept three overseers to manage them. the slaves numbered twenty-one head. the names of the overseers were given in the following order: "alfred king, jimmy allen, and thomas brockston." in speaking of their habits, jack said, that they were "very smart when the master was about, but as soon as he was gone they would instantly drop back." "they were all mean, but the old boss was meaner than them all," and "the overseers were 'fraider' of him than what i was," said jack. his master (mr. knight), had a wife and seven children, and was a member of the episcopal church, in "good and regular standing." he was rich, and, with his family, moved in good society. "his wife was too stingy to live, and if she was to die, she would die holding on to something," said jack. jack had once had a wife and three children, but as they belonged to a slave-holder ("jim price") jack's rights were wholly ignored, and he lost them. * * * * * arrival from harford co., . john myers. john fled from under the yoke of dr. joshua r. nelson. until within two years of "jack's" flight, the doctor "had been a very fine man," with whom jack found no fault. but suddenly his mode of treatment changed; he became very severe. nothing that jack could do, met the approval of the doctor. jack was constantly looked upon with suspicion. the very day that jack fled, four men approached him (the doctor one of them), with line in hand; that sign was well understood, and jack resolved that they should not get within tying distance of him. "i dodged them," said jack. never afterwards was jack seen in that part of the country, at least as long as a fetter remained. the day that he "dodged" he also took the underground rail road, and although ignorant of letters, he battled his way out of maryland, and succeeded in reaching pennsylvania and the committee. he was obliged to leave four children behind--john, abraham, jane and ellen. jack's wife had been freed and had come to philadelphia two years in advance of him. his master evidently supposed that jack would be mean enough to wish to see his wife, even in a free state, and that no slave, with such an unnatural desire, could be tolerated or trusted, that the sooner such "articles" were turned into cash the better. this in substance, was the way jack accounted for the sudden change which had come over his master. in defense of his course, jack referred to the treatment which he had received while in servitude under his old master, in something like the following words: "i served under my young master's father, thirty-five years, and from him received kind treatment. i was his head man on the place, and had everything to look after." * * * * * arrival from maryland, . william lee, susan jane boile and amarian lucretia rister. although these three passengers arrived in philadelphia at the same time, they did not come from maryland together. william lee found himself under the yoke on a farm in the possession of zechariah merica, who, wm. said, was a "low ignorant man, not above a common wood-chopper, and owned no other slave property than william." against him, however, william brought no accusation of any very severe treatment; on the contrary, his master talked sometimes "as though he wanted to be good and get religion, but said he could not while he was trying to be rich." everything looked hopeless in william's eyes, so far as the master's riches and his own freedom were concerned. he concluded that he would leave him the "bag to hold alone." william therefore laid down "the shovel and the hoe," and, without saying a word to his master, he took his departure, under the privacy of the night, for canada. william represented the white and colored races about equally; he was about twenty-seven years of age, and looked well fitted for a full day's work on a farm. susan jane came from new market, near georgetown cross-roads, where she had been held to unrequited labor by hezekiah masten, a farmer. although he was a man of fair pretensions, and a member of the methodist church, he knew how to draw the cords very tightly, with regard to his slaves, keeping his feet on their necks, to their sore grievance. susan endured his bad treatment as long as she could, then left, destitute and alone. her mother and father were at the time living in elkton, md. whether they ever heard what became of their daughter is not known. amarian was twenty-one years of age, a person of light color, medium size, with a prepossessing countenance and smart; she could read, write, and play on the piano. from a child, amarian had been owned by mrs. elizabeth key scott, who resided near braceville, but at the time of her flight she was living at westminster, in the family of a man named "boile," said to be the clerk of the court. in reference to treatment, amarian said: "i have always been used very well; have had it good all my life, etc." this was a remarkable case, and, at first, somewhat staggered the faith of the committee, but they could not dispute her testimony, consequently they gave her the benefit of the doubt. she spoke of having a mother living in hagerstown, by the name of amarian ballad, also three sisters who were slaves, and two who were free; she also had a brother in chains in mississippi. * * * * * arrival from norfolk, va. . william carney and andrew allen. william was about fifty-one years of age, a man of unmixed blood. physically he was a superior man, and his mental abilities were quite above the average of his class. he belonged to the estate of the late mrs. sarah twyne, who bore the reputation of being a lady of wealth, and owned one hundred and twelve slaves. most of her slave property was kept on her plantation not far from old point comfort. according to william's testimony "of times mrs. twyne would meddle too freely with the cup, and when under its influence she was very desperate, and acted as though she wanted to kill some of the slaves." after the evil spirit left her and she had regained her wonted composure, she would pretend that she loved her "negroes," and would make a great fuss over them. not infrequently she would have very serious difficulty with her overseers. having license to do as they pleased, they would of course carry their cruelties to the most extreme verge of punishment. if a slave was maimed or killed under their correction, it was no loss of theirs. "one of the overseers by the name of bill anderson once shot a young slave man called luke and wounded him so seriously that he was not expected to live." "at another time one of the overseers beat and kicked a slave to death." this barbarity caused the mistress to be very much "stirred up," and she declared that she would not have any more white overseers; condemned them for everything, and decided to change her policy in future and to appoint her overseers from her own slaves, setting the property to watch the property. this system was organized and times were somewhat better. william had been hired out almost his entire life. for the last twelve or fifteen years he had been accustomed to hire his time for one hundred and thirty dollars per annum. in order to meet this demand he commonly resorted to oystering. by the hardest toil he managed to maintain himself and family in a humble way. for the last twenty years (prior to his escape) the slaves had constantly been encouraged by their mistress' promises to believe that at her death all would be free, and transported to liberia, where they would enjoy their liberty and be happy the remainder of their days. with full faith in her promises year by year the slaves awaited her demise with as much patience as possible, and often prayed that her time might be shortened for the general good of the oppressed. fortunately, as the slaves thought, she had no children or near relatives to deprive them of their just and promised rights. in november, previous to william's escape, her long looked-for dissolution took place. every bondman who was old enough to realize the nature and import of the change felt a great anxiety to learn what the will of their old mistress said, whether she had actually freed them or not. alas! when the secret was disclosed, it was ascertained that not a fetter was broken, not a bond unloosed, and that no provision whatever had been made looking towards freedom. in this sad case, the slaves could imagine no other fate than soon to be torn asunder and scattered. the fact was soon made known that the high sheriff had administered on the estate of the late mistress; it was therefore obvious enough to william and the more intelligent slaves that the auction block was near at hand. the trader, the slave-pen, the auction-block, the coffle gang, the rice swamp, the cotton plantation, bloodhounds, and cruel overseers loomed up before him, as they had never done before. without stopping to consider the danger, he immediately made up his mind that he would make a struggle, cost what it might. he knew of no other way of escape than the underground rail road. he was shrewd enough to find an agent, who gave him private instructions, and to whom he indicated a desire to travel north on said road. on examination he was deemed reliable, and a mutual understanding was entered into between. william and one of the accommodating captains running on the richmond and philadelphia line, to the effect that he, william, should have a first class underground rail road berth, so perfectly private that even the law-officers could not find him. the first ties to be severed were those which bound him to his wife and children, and next to the baptist church, to which he belonged. his family were slaves, and bore the following names: his wife, nancy, and children, simon henry, william, sarah, mary ann, elizabeth, louis, and cornelius. it was no light matter to bid them farewell forever. the separation from them was a trial such as rarely falls to the lot of mortals; but he nerved himself for the undertaking, and when the hour arrived his strength was sufficient for the occasion. thus in company with andrew they embarked for an unknown shore, their entire interests entrusted to a stranger who was to bring them through difficulties and dangers seen and unseen. andrew was about twenty-four years of age, very tall, quite black, and bore himself manfully. he too was of the same estate that william belonged to. he had served on the farm as a common farm laborer. he had had it "sometimes rough and sometimes smooth," to use his own language. the fear of what awaited the slaves prompted andrew to escape. he too was entangled with a wife and one child, with whom he parted only as a friend parts with a companion when death separates them. catharine was the name of andrew's wife; and anna clarissa the name of his child left in chains. * * * * * arrival from hoopesville, md., . james cain, "general andrew jackson," and anna perry. these passengers came from the field where as slaves very few privileges had been afforded them. jim was about thirty-five years of age, a dark brown skin with average intellect for one in his condition. he had toiled under john burnham, in dorchester county, from whom he had received hard treatment, but harder still from his mistress. he averred that she was the cause of matters being so hard with the slaves on the place. jim contented himself under his lot as well as be could until within a short time of his escape when he learned that measures were on foot to sell him. the fear of this change brought him directly to meditate upon a trip to canada. being a married man he found it hard to leave his wife, mary, but as she was also a slave, and kept in the employment of her owners at some distance from where he lived, he decided to say nothing to her of his plans, but to start when ready and do the best he could to save himself, as he saw no chance of saving her. "general andrew jackson." when the above "article" gave the committee his name they were amused and thought that he was simply jesting, having done a smart thing in conquering his master by escaping; but on a fuller investigation they found that he really bore the name, and meant to retain it in canada. it had been given him when a child, and in slavery he had been familiarly called "andy," but since he had achieved his freedom he felt bound to be called by his proper name. general andrew was about twenty-seven years of age, a full black, and a man of extraordinary muscular powers, with coarse hard features, such as showed signs that it would not be safe for his master to meddle with him when the general's blood was up. he spoke freely of the man who claimed him as a slave, saying that his name was shepherd houston, of lewistown, delaware, and that he owned seven head of "god's poor," whom he compelled to labor on his farm without a cent of pay, a day's schooling, or an hour's freedom; furthermore, that he was a member of the ebenezer methodist church, a class-leader, and an exhorter, and in outward show passed for a good christian. but in speaking of his practical dealings with his slaves, general said that he worked them hard, stinted them shamefully for food, and kept them all the time digging. also when testifying with regard to the "weaker vessel," under whose treatment he had suffered much, the general said that his master's wife had a meaner disposition than he had; she pretended to belong to church too, said general, but it was nothing but deceit. this severe critic could not read, but he had very clear views on the ethics of his master and mistress, agreeing with scripture concerning whited sepulchres, etc. the question of christian slave-holders, for a great while, seriously puzzled the wise and learned, but for the slave it was one of the easiest of solution. all the slaves came to the same conclusion, notwithstanding the teaching of slave-holders on the one idea, that "servants should obey their masters," etc. general had a brother in baltimore, known by the name of josephus, also two sisters anna and annie; his father was living at cannon's ferry. anna perry was the intended of general. she was about nineteen years of age, of a dark brown color, and came from the same neighborhood. according to law anna was entitled to her freedom, but up to the time of her escape she had not been permitted to enjoy the favor. she found that if she would be free she would have to run for it. john smith. a better specimen of one who had been ill treated, and in every way uncared for, could not be easily found. in speech, manners, and whole appearance he was extremely rude. he was about twenty years of age, and in color was of a very dark hue. that john had received only the poorest kind of "corn-field fare" was clearly evidenced both by body and mind. master george h. morgan was greatly blamed for john's deficiencies; it was on his farms, under mean overseers that john had been crushed and kept under the harrow. his mother, mary smith, he stated, his master had sold away to new orleans, some two years before his escape. the sad effect that this cruel separation had upon him could only be appreciated by hearing him talk of it in his own untutored tongue. being himself threatened with the auction-block, he was awakened to inquire how he could escape the danger, and very soon learned that by following the old methods which had been used by many before him, resolution and perseverance, he might gain the victory over master and overseers. as green as he seemed he had succeeded admirably in his undertaking. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . george russell and james henry thompson. james, for convenience' sake, was supplied with two other names (milton brown and john johnson), not knowing exactly how many he would need in freedom or which would be the best adapted to keep his whereabouts the most completely veiled from his master. george reported that he fled from henry harris, who lived near baltimore on the peach orchard road, and that he had lived with said harris all his life. he spoke of him as being a "blustering man, who never liked the slaves to make anything for themselves." george bore witness that the usage which he had received had been hard; evidently his intellect had been seriously injured by what he had suffered under his task-master. george was of a very dark hue, but not quite up to medium size. james henry thompson did not accompany george, but met him at the station in philadelphia. he contrasted favorably with george, being about twenty-eight years of age, with a countenance indicative of intelligence and spirit. he was of a chestnut color and of average size. he charged one dennis mannard, of johnsonville, with being his personal enemy as an oppressor, and added that he could "say nothing good of him." he could say, however, that mannard was bitterly opposed to a slave's learning how to read, would not listen to the idea of giving them any privileges, and tried to impress them with the idea that they needed to know nothing but simply how to work hard for the benefit of their masters and mistresses; in fulfilling these conditions faithfully the end for which they had been designed would be accomplished according to his doctrine. notwithstanding so much pains had been resorted to throughout the south to impress these ideas upon the slaves, no converts were made. james thought that the doctrine was infamous, and that it was dangerous to live with such a man as his master; that freedom was as much his right as it was his master's; and so he resolved to leave for canada as soon as he could see any chance for escape. * * * * * arrival from queen ann county, . catharine jones and son henry, etna elizabeth dauphus, and george nelson washington. these passengers, although interesting, and manifesting a strong desire to be free, had no remarkable tales of personal suffering to relate; their lot had evidently been cast among the more humane class of slave-holders, who had acted towards their slaves with some moderation. catharine was twenty-four years of age, of a dark chestnut color, possessed a fair share of mother wit, and was fitted to make a favorable impression. in no degree whatever did she think well of slavery; she had had, as she thought, sufficient experience under joshua duvall (who professed to own her) to judge as to the good or evil of the system. while he was by no means considered a hard man, he would now and then buy and sell a slave. she had no fault to find with her mistress. etna was about twenty years of age, of a "ginger-bread" color, modest in demeanor, and appeared to have a natural capacity for learning. she was also from under the duvall yoke. in setting forth her reasons for escaping she asserted that she was tired of slavery and an unbeliever in the doctrine that god made colored people simply to be slaves for white people; besides, she had a strong desire to "see her friends in canada." george also escaped from duvall; happily he was only about nineteen years of age, not too old to acquire some education and do well by himself. he was greatly elated at the prospect of freedom in canada. william henry was a plump little fellow only two years of age. at the old price (five dollars per pound) he was worth something, fat as he was. being in the hands of his mother, the committee considered him a lucky child. * * * * * arrival from baltimore. elijah bishop and william williamson. elijah represented to the committee that he had been held under the enthrallment of a common "gambler and drunkard," who called himself by the name of campbell, and carried on his sporting operations in baltimore. under this gambler elijah had been wronged up to the age of twenty-eight years, when he resolved to escape. having had several opportunities of traveling through the united states and south america with his sporting master, he managed to pick up quite an amount of information. for the benefit of elijah's relatives, if any should have occasion to look for particulars concerning this lost individual, we add, that he was a spare-built man of a dark color. william williamson fled from mrs. rebecca davidge, of perrymanville. he declared that he had been used badly--had been worked hard and had been fed and clothed but poorly. under such treatment he had reached his twenty-fourth year. being of a resolute and determined mind, and feeling considerably galled by the burdens heaped upon him, he resolved that he would take his chances on the underground rail road. the only complaint that he had to make against his mistress was, that she hired him to a man named smith, a farmer, and a slave-holder of the meanest type, in william's opinion. for many a day william will hold her responsible for abuses he received from him. * * * * * arrival from dunwoody county, . darius harris. one of the most encouraging signs connected with the travel _viâ_ the underground rail road was, that passengers traveling thereon were, as a general thing, young and of determined minds. darius, the subject of this sketch, was only about twenty-one when he arrived. it could be seen in his looks that he could not be kept in the prison-house unless constantly behind bars. his large head and its formation indicated a large brain. he stated that "thomas h. hamlin, a hard case, living near dunwoody," had professed to own him. darius alleged that this same hamlin, who had thus stripped him of every cent of his earnings was doing the same thing by sixty others, whom he held in his grasp. with regard to "feeding and clothing" darius set hamlin down as "very hoggish;" he also stated that he would sell slaves whenever he could. he (darius), had been hired out in petersburg from the age of ten; for the last three years previous to his escape he had been bringing one hundred and fifty dollars a year into the coffers of his owners. darius had not been ignorant of the cruelties of the slave system up to the time of his escape, for the fetters had been galling his young limbs for several years; especially had the stringent slave laws given him the horrors. loathing the system of slavery with his whole heart, he determined to peril his all in escaping therefrom; seeking diligently, he had found means by which he could carry his designs into execution. in the way of general treatment, however, darius said that bodily he had escaped "abuses tolerably well." he left in slavery his father and mother, four brothers and one sister. he arrived by one of the richmond boats. * * * * * arrived from alexandria, va., . townsend derrix. the above-named escaped from a "dutchman" by the name of gallipappick, who was in the confectionery business. for the credit of our german citizens, it may be said, that slave-holders within their ranks were very few. this was a rare case. the committee were a little curious to know how the german branch of civilization conducted when given unlimited control over human beings. in answering the requisite questions, and in making his statement, townsend gave entire satisfaction. his german master he spoke of as being a tolerably fair man, "considering his origin." at least he (townsend), had not suffered much from him; but he spoke of a woman, about sixty, who had been used very badly under this dutchman. he not only worked her very hard, but, at the same time, he would beat her over the head, and that in the most savage manner. his mistress was also "dutch," a "great swabby, fat woman," with a very ill disposition. master and mistress were both members of the episcopal church. "mistress drank, that was the reason she was so disagreeable." townsend had been a married man for about seven months only. in his effort to obtain his own freedom he sought diligently to deliver his young wife. they were united heart and hand in the one great purpose to reach free land, but unfortunately the pursuers were on their track; the wife was captured and carried back, but the husband escaped. it was particularly with a view of saving his poor wife that townsend was induced to peril his life, for she (the wife) was not owned by the same party who owned townsend, and was on the eve of being taken by her owners some fifty miles distant into the country, where the chances for intercourse between husband and wife would no longer be favorable. rather than submit to such an outrage, townsend and his wife made the attempt aforementioned. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . edward carroll. edward, a youthful passenger about twenty-one years of age, slow of speech, with a stammering utterance, and apparently crushed in spirits, claimed succor and aid of the committee. at first the committee felt a little puzzled to understand, how one, apparently so deficient, could succeed in surmounting the usual difficulties consequent upon traveling, via the underground rail road; but in conversing with him, they found him possessed of more intelligence than they had supposed; indeed, they perceived that he could read and write a little, and that what he lacked in aptness of speech, he supplied as a thinker, and although he was slow he was sure. he was owned by a man named john lewis, who also owned about seventy head of slaves, whom he kept on farms near the mouth of the sassafras river, in sussex county. lewis had not only held edward in bondage, but had actually sold him, with two of his brothers, only the saturday before his escape, to a georgia trader, named durant, who was to start south with them on the subsequent monday. moved almost to desperation at their master's course in thus selling them, the three brothers, after reflection, determined to save themselves if possible, and without any definite knowledge of the journey, they turned their eyes towards the north star, and under the cover of night they started for pennsylvania, not knowing whether they would ever see the goodly land of freedom. after wandering for about two weeks, having been lost often and compelled to lie out in all weathers, a party of pursuers suddenly came upon them. both parties were armed; the fugitives therefore resolved to give their enemies battle, before surrendering. edward felt certain that one of the pursuers received a cut from his knife, but the extent of the injury was unknown to him. for a time the struggle was of a very serious character; by using his weapons skillfully, however, edward managed to keep the hand-cuff off of himself, but was at this point separated from his two brothers. no further knowledge of them did he possess; nevertheless, he trusted that they succeeded in fighting their way through to freedom. how any were successful in making their escape under such discouraging circumstances is a marvel. edward took occasion to review his master's conduct, and said that he "could not recommend him," as he would "drink and gamble," both of which, were enough to condemn him, in edward's estimation, even though he were passable in other respects. but he held him doubly guilty for the way that he acted in selling him and his brothers. so privately had his master transacted business with the trader, that they were within a hair's breadth of being hand-cuffed, ere they knew that they were sold. probably no outrage will be remembered with feelings of greater bitterness, than this proceeding on the part of the master; yet, when he reflected that he was thereby prompted to strike for freedom, edward was disposed to rejoice at the good which had come out of the evil. * * * * * arrival from petersburg, . james mason. this passenger brought rare intelligence respecting the manner in which he had been treated in slavery. he had been owned by a lady named judith burton, who resided in petersburg, and was a member of the baptist church. she was the owner of five other slaves. james said that she had been "the same as a mother" to him; and on the score of how he came to escape, he said: "i left for no other cause than simply to get my liberty." this was an exceptional case, yet he had too much sense to continue in such a life in preference to freedom. when he fled he was only twenty-four years of age. had he remained, therefore, he might have seen hard times before he reached old age; this fact he had well considered, as he was an intelligent young man. * * * * * arrival from maryland. robert carr. $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, on the th december, , negro man robert carr. he had on when last seen on west river, a close-bodied blue cloth coat with brass buttons, drab pantaloons, and a low crown and very narrow brim beaver hat; he wore a small goatee, is pleasant when spoken to, and very polite; about five feet ten inches high; copper-colored. i will give $ if taken in anne arundel, prince george's, calvert or montgomery county, $ if taken in the city of baltimore; or $ if taken out of the state and secured so that i get him again. [illustration: ] thos. j. richardson, west river, anne arundel county, maryland. j -w&s w robert was too shrewd to be entrapped by the above reward. he sat down and counted the cost before starting; then with his knowledge of slaveholders when traveling he was cautious enough not to expose himself by day or night where he was liable to danger. he had reached the age of thirty, and despite the opposition he had had to encounter, unaided he had learned to read, which with his good share of native intelligence, he found of service. whilst robert did not publish his mistress, he gave a plain statement of where he was from, and why he was found in the city of brotherly love in the dead of winter in a state of destitution. he charged the blame upon a woman, whose name was richardson, who, he said, was quite a "fighter, and was never satisfied, except when quarreling and fighting with some of the slaves." he also spoke of a certain t.j. richardson, a farmer and a "very driving man" who was in the habit of oppressing poor men and women by compelling them to work in his tobacco, corn, and wheat fields without requiting them for their labor. robert felt if he could get justice out of said richardson he would be the gainer to the amount of more than a thousand dollars in money besides heavy damages for having cheated him out of his education. in this connection, he recalled the fact of richardson's being a member of the church, and in a sarcastic manner added that his "religious pretensions might pass among slave-holders, but that it would do him no good when meeting the judge above." being satisfied that he would there meet his deserts robert took a degree of comfort therefrom. * * * * * arrival of a party of six, . plymouth cannon, horatio wilkinson, lemuel mitchell, josiah mitchell, george henry ballard, and john mitchell. thomas garrett announced the coming of this party in the subjoined letter: wilmington, mo. th, . esteemed friend:--william still:--i have information of able-bodied men that are expected here to-morrow morning; they may, to-morrow afternoon or evening, take the cars at chester, and most likely reach the city between and at night; they will be accompanied by a colored man that has lived in philadelphia and is free; they may think it safer to walk to the city than to go in the cars, but for fear of accident it may be best to have some one at the cars to look out for them. i have not seen them yet, and cannot certainly judge what will be best. i gave a man dollars to bring those men miles to-night, and i have been two miles in the country this afternoon, and gave a colored man dollars to get provisions to feed them. hoping all will be right, i remain thy friend, humanitas. arriving as usual in due time these fugitives were examined, and all found to be extra field hands. plymouth was forty-two years of age, of a light chestnut color, with keen eyes, and a good countenance, and withal possessed of shrewdness enough to lead double the number that accompanied him. he had a strong desire to learn to read, but there was no possible way of his gaining the light; this he felt to be a great drawback. the name of the man who had made merchandise of plymouth was nat horsey, of horsey's cross roads. the most striking characteristic in horsey's character, according to plymouth's idea was, that he was very "hard to please, did not know when a slave did enough, had no idea that they could get tired or that they needed any privileges." he was the owner of six slaves, was engaged in farming and mercantile pursuits, and the postmaster of the borough in which he lived. when plymouth parted with his wife with a "full heart," he bade her good-night, without intimating to her that he never expected to see her again in this world; she evidently supposed that he was going home to his master's place as usual, but instead he was leaving his companion and three children to wear the yoke as hitherto. he sympathized with them deeply, but felt that he could render them no real good by remaining; he could neither live with his wife nor could he have any command over one of his children. slavery demanded all, but allowed nothing. notwithstanding, plymouth admitted that he had been treated even more favorably than most slaves. the family thus bound consisted of his wife jane, and four children, as follows: dorsey, william francis, mary ellen, and baby. horatio was a little in advance of plymouth in years, being forty-four years of age. his physical outlines gave him a commanding appearance for one who had worn the yoke as he had for so many years. he was of a yellow complexion, and very tall. as a slave laborer he had been sweating and toiling to enrich a man by the name of thomas j. hodgson, a farmer on a large scale, and owning about a dozen slaves. horatio gave him the character of being "a man of a hidden temper," and after the election of buchanan he considered him a great deal worse than ever. horatio told of a visit which his master made to canada, and which, on his return, he had taken much pains to report to the slaves to the effect that he had been there the previous summer, and saw the country for himself, adding in words somewhat as follows: "canada is the meanest part of the globe that i ever found or heard of;--did not see but one black or colored person in canada,--inquired at the custom-house to know what became of all the blacks from the south, and was told that they shipped them off occasionally and sent them round cape horn and sold them." in addition to this report he said that "the suffering from deep snows and starvation was fearful," all of which horatio believed "to be a lie." of course he concealed this opinion from his master. many such stories were sounded in the ears of slaves but without much effect. lemuel, john and josiah were brothers. lemuel was thirty-five, and might be called a jet-black. he was uncommonly stout, with a head indicative of determination of purpose, just suited to an underground rail road passenger. he fled from james r. lewis, "a tall, stout man, very wealthy and close." lemuel said that he fed and clothed the slaves pretty well. he had invested to the extent of twelve head. no money or privileges were allowed, and for a small offence the threat to sell was made. it was lemuel's opinion that his master's wife made him worse than he otherwise would have been. john was twenty-four years of age, of unmixed blood, and of a quiet demeanour. he belonged to miss catharine cornwell, of viana. john described her as "tolerable good-looking, but real bad." his sister and one other slave besides himself comprised her entire stock (of slaves). according to john's story, his mistress was in the habit of telling her slaves that she did not "intend that any of them should be free if she could help it;" this sentiment was uttered so "scornfully" that it "insulted" jack very much. indeed, it was this that put the idea of canada into his mind. the more she kept the idea of perpetual slavery before the slaves, the more jack resolved to make her arrogance cost her one slave at least. miss cornwell was not only a warm advocate of slavery, but was likewise a member of the methodist church, under the pastoral charge of the rev. j.c. gregg. on one occasion, when the minister was visiting miss c., the subject of slavery was introduced in john's hearing. the reverend gentleman took the ground that it was not right to hold slaves,--said there were none in pennsylvania, etc. the young mistress showed little or no sign of thinking otherwise while he remained, "but, after he was gone, she raved and went on in a great way, and told her brother if he (the minister), ever married her, he would have to come out of his notions about freedom." it was john's opinion that the subject of matrimony was then under consideration between them. for himself, he was highly delighted with the minister's "notions of freedom," as he had heard so many high notions of slavery. in reference to the labor usage under the young mistress, john said that they had been "worked very hard, and especially last, and the present year." "last year," he stated, "they had hardly any meat, but were fed chiefly on herring. seeing that it was going to be the same thing this year too, i thought that if i could make my escape to canada, i would do it." he had strong parental and kindred ties to break, but resolved to break them rather than remain under miss cornwell. josiah was twenty-three. a more promising-looking subject to represent the fugitives in canada, was not readily to be found. his appearance indicated that he was a young man of extra physical powers, at least, one not likely to turn his face again towards egypt. josiah's gain was the loss of thomas j. hodgson (above alluded to). for full three years this desire and determination to be free had been in josiah's heart. the denial of his manhood nerved him to seek for refuge in a foreign clime. george, the last named in this party, gave his age as twenty-six. in appearance he was not behind any of his comrades. he fled from a farmer, (the late william jackson), who owned, it was said, "sixteen head." he had recently died, leaving all his slaves in bondage. seeing that the settlement of the estate might necessitate the sale of some of the slaves, george thought that he had better not wait for the division of the property or anything else, but push ahead with the first train for canada. slavery, as he viewed it, was nothing more nor less than downright robbery. he left his mother, one sister, and other near kin. after george went to canada, his heart yearned tenderly after his mother and sister, and, as the following letter will show, he was prepared to make commendable exertions in their behalf: st. catharines, july th, . dear sir:--with pleasure i now inform you that i am well, and hope this may find you and yours the same also. i hope kind sir you will please to see mr. paul hammon, to know when he will try to get my mother and sister i wish him to send me word when he will go so i may meet him in philadelphia. and i will endevor to meet him there with some money to assist him in getting them. let me know when you start for them so i may be able to meet you there, please after this letter passes from you sir, give it to john camper tell him to give it to his mother, so that my mother can get it, be careful and not let no white man get hold of it. i am now living with my cousin leven parker, near saint catharines, $ a month. no more at present, from your friend, george ballard. the inquiry may arise, as to how such passengers managed to get through maryland and delaware. but it cannot be expected that the manner in which each arrival traveled should be particularly described. it might not be prudent even now, to give the names of persons still living in the south, who assisted their fellow-men in the dark days of slavery. in order, however, that some idea may be gathered as to the workings of one branch of the road in delaware (with names suppressed) we insert the following original letter for what it may be worth. camden, june , . mr. still:--i writ to inform you that we stand in need of help if ever we wonted help it is in theas day, we have bin trying to rais money to by a hors but there is so few here that we can trust our selves with for fear that they may serve us as tom otwell served them when he got them in dover jail. but he is dun for ever, i wont to no if your friends can help us, we have a road that more than past over in . it is one we made for them, in march after the lions had them there is no better in the state, we are miles from delaware bay. you may understand what i mean. i wrote last december to the anti slavery society for james mot and others concerning of purchasing a horse for this bisnes if your friends can help us the work must stil go on for ther is much frait pases over this road, but ther has ben but conductors for sum time, you may no that there is but few men, sum talks all dos nothing, there is horses owned by collard peopel but not for this purpose. we wont one for to go when called for, one of our best men was nigh cut by keeping of them too long, by not having means to convay them tha must be convad if they pass over this road safe tha go through in nights to wilmington, for i went there with in one gang last november, tha had to ride for when thea com to us we go miles, it is hard road to travel i had sum conversation with mr. evens and wos down here on a visit, pleas try what you can do for us this is the place we need help, mile i live from mason and dixson line. i wod have come but cant have time, as yet there has been some fuss about a boy ho lived near camden, he has gone away, he ses me and my brother nose about it but he don't. there is but slaves near us, never spoke to one of them but wonce she never gos out pleas to tri and help, you can do much if you will it will be the means of saving ourselves and others. ancer this letter. pleas to writ let me no if you can do anything for us. i still remain your friend. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . ebenezer allison. "eb" was a bright mulatto, handsome, well-made, and barely twenty years of age. he reported that he fled from mr. john tilghman foster, a farmer, living in the vicinity of richmond. his master, ebenezer unhesitatingly declared, was a first-rate man. "i had no right to leave him in the world, but i loved freedom better than slavery." after fully setting forth the kind treatment he had been accustomed to receive under his master, a member of the committee desired to know of him if he could read, to which he answered that he could, but he admitted that what knowledge he had obtained in this direction was the result of efforts made stealthily, not through any license afforded by his master. john tilghman foster held deeds for about one hundred and fifty head of slaves, and was a man of influence. ebenezer had served his time in the barber's shop. on escaping he forsook his parents, and eight brothers and sisters. as he was so intelligent, the committee believed he would make his mark in life some time. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . john thompson carr, ann mountain and child, and william bowler. john was a sturdy-looking chattel, but possessed far less intelligence than the generality of passengers. he was not too old, however, to improve. the fact that he had spirit enough to resent the harsh treatment of one albert lewis, a small farmer, who claimed to own him, showed that he was by no means a hopeless case. with all his apparent stupidity he knew enough to give his master the name of a "free whiskey drinker," likewise of "beating and fighting the slaves." it was on this account that john was compelled to escape. ann mountain arrived from delaware with her child about the same time that john did, but not in company with him; they met at the station in philadelphia. that slavery had crippled her in every respect was very discernible; this poor woman had suffered from cuffing, etc., until she could no longer endure her oppression. taking her child in her arms, she sought refuge beyond the borders of slave territory. ann was about twenty-two years of age, her child not quite a year old. they were considered entitled to much pity. william was forty-one years of age, dark, ordinary size, and intelligent. he fled from richmond, where he had been held by alexander royster, the owner of fifteen slaves, and a tobacco merchant. william said that his master was a man of very savage temper, short, and crabbed. as to his social relations, william said that he was "a member of nothing now but a liquor barrel." knowing that his master and mistress labored under the delusion that he was silly enough to look up to them as kind-hearted slave-holders, to whom he should feel himself indebted for everything, william thought that they would be sadly puzzled to conjecture what had become of him. he was sure that they would be slow to believe that he had gone to canada. until within the last five years he had enjoyed many privileges as a slave, but he had since found it not so easy to submit to the requirements of slavery. he left his wife, nancy, and two children. * * * * * arrival from baltimore, . roberta taylor. the subject of this sketch was a young mulatto woman, twenty-three years of age, who fled from the city of baltimore. both before and after her escape roberta appeared to appreciate her situation most fully. her language concerning freedom had in it the ring of common sense, as had her remarks touching her slave life. in making her grievances known to the committee she charged mr. and mrs. mccoy with having done great violence to her freedom and degrading her womanhood by holding her in bonds contrary to her wishes. of mr. mccoy, however, she spoke less severely than she did of his "better half." indeed she spoke of some kind traits in his character, but said that his wife was one of "the torn down, devilish dispositions, all the time quarreling and fighting, and would swear like an old sailor." it was in consequence of these evil propensities that her ladyship was intolerable to roberta. without being indebted to her owners for any privileges, she had managed to learn to read a little, which knowledge she valued highly and meant to improve in canada. roberta professed to be a christian, and was a member of the bethel methodist church. her servitude, until within four years of her escape, had been passed in virginia, under mrs. mccoy's father, when to accommodate the daughter she was transferred to baltimore. of her parentage or relatives no note was made on the book. it was sad to see such persons destitute and homeless, compelled to seek refuge among strangers, not daring to ask the slightest favor, sympathy or prayer to aid her, christian as she was, from any christian of baltimore, wearing a fair skin. * * * * * arrival from hightstown, . robert thompson (a preacher). slavery exempted from the yoke no man with a colored skin no matter what his faith, talent, genius, or worth might be. the person of christ in a black skin would scarcely have caused it to relinquish its tyrannical grasp; neither god nor man was regarded by men who dealt in the bodies and souls of their fellow-men. robert stated to the committee that he fled from "john r. laten, a very harsh kind of a farmer, who drank right smart," that on the morning he "took out," while innocent of having committed any crime, suddenly in a desperate fit of passion, his master took him "by the collar," at the same time calling loudly to "john" for "ropes." this alarming assault on the part of his master made the preacher feel as though his satanic majesty had possession of him. in such a crisis he evidently felt that preaching would do no good; he was, however, constrained to make an effort. to use his own words, he said: "i gave a sudden jerk and started off on a trot, leaving my master calling, 'stop! stop!' but i kept on running, and was soon out of sight." the more he thought over the brutal conduct of his master the more decided he became never to serve him more, and straightway he resolved to try to reach canada. being in the prime of his life (thirty-nine years of age) and having the essential qualifications for traveling over the underground rail road, he was just the man to endure the trials consequent upon such an undertaking. said robert: "i always thought slavery hard, a very dissipated life to live. i always thought we colored people ought to work for ourselves and wives and children like other people." the committee saw that robert's views were in every word sound doctrine, and for further light asked him some questions respecting the treatment he had received at the hands of his mistress, not knowing but that he had received kindness from the "weaker vessel;" while enduring suffering under his master; but robert assured them in answer to this inquiry that his mistress was a very "ill, dissipated woman," and "was not calculated to sympathize with a poor slave." robert was next interviewed with regard to religious matters, when it was ascertained that he bore the name of being a "local preacher of the gospel of the bethel methodist denomination." thus in leaving slavery he had to forsake his wife and three children, kinfolks and church, which arduous task but for the brutal conduct of the master he might have labored in vain for strength to perform. as he looked calmly back upon the past, and saw how he and the rest of the slaves had been deprived of their just rights he could hardly realize how providence could suffer slave-holders to do as they had been doing in trampling upon the poor and helpless slaves. yet he had strong faith that the almighty would punish slave-holders severely for their wickedness. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . alfred s. thornton. the subject of this sketch was a young man about twenty-two years of age, of dark color, but bright intellectually. alfred found no fault with the ordinary treatment received at the hands of his master; he had evidently been on unusually intimate terms with him. nor was any fault found with his mistress, so far as her treatment of him was concerned; thus, comparatively, he was "happy and contented," little dreaming of trader or a change of owners. one day, to his utter surprise, he saw a trader with a constable approaching him. as they drew nearer and nearer he began to grow nervous. what further took place will be given, as nearly as possible, in alfred's own words as follows: "william noland (a constable), and the trader was making right up to me almost on my heels, and grabbed at me, they were so near. i flew, i took off-my hat and run, took off my jacket and run harder, took off my vest and doubled my pace, the constable and the trader both on the chase hot foot. the trader fired two barrels of his revolver after me, and cried out as loud as he could call, g----d d----n, etc., but i never stopped running, but run for my master. coming up to him, i cried out, lord, master, have you sold me? 'yes,' was his answer. 'to the trader,' i said. 'yes,' he answered. 'why couldn't you sold me to some of the neighbors?' i said. 'i don't know,' he said, in a dry way. with my arms around my master's neck, i begged and prayed him to tell me why he had sold me. the trader and constable was again pretty near. i let go my master and took to my heels to save me. i run about a mile off and run into a mill dam up to my head in water. i kept my head just above and hid the rest part of my body for more than two hours. i had not made up my mind to escape until i had got into the water. i run only to have little more time to breathe before going to georgia or new orleans; but i pretty soon made up my mind in the water to try and get to a free state, and go to canada and make the trial anyhow, but i didn't know which way to travel." such great changes in alfred's prospects having been wrought in so short a while, together with such a fearful looking-for of a fate in the far south more horrid than death, suddenly, as by a miracle, he turns his face in the direction of the north. but the north star, as it were, hid its face from him. for a week he was trying to reach free soil, the rain scarcely ceasing for an hour. the entire journey was extremely discouraging, and many steps had to be taken in vain, hungry and weary. but having the faith of those spoken of in the scriptures, who wandered about in dens and caves of the earth, being destitute, afflicted and tormented, he endured to the end and arrived safely to the committee. [illustration: ] he left his father and mother, both slaves, living near middleburg, in virginia, not far from where he said his master lived, who went by the name of c.e. shinn, and followed farming. his master and mistress were said to be members of the "south baptist church," and both had borne good characters until within a year or so previous to alfred's departure. since then a very serious disagreement had taken place between them, resulting in their separation, a heavy lawsuit, and consequently large outlays. it was this domestic trouble, in alfred's opinion, that rendered his sale indispensable. of the merits of the grave charges made by his master against his mistress, alfred professed to have formed no opinion; he knew, however, that his master blamed a school-master, by the name of conway, for the sad state of things in his household. time would fail to tell of the abundant joy alfred derived from the fact, that his "heels" had saved him from a southern market. equally difficult would it be to express the interest felt by the committee in this passenger and his wonderful hair-breadth escape. * * * * * arrival from belleair. julius smith, wife mary, and boy james, henry and edward smith, and jack christy. while this party was very respectable in regard to numbers and enlisted much sympathy, still they had no wounds or bruises to exhibit, or very hard reports to make relative to their bondage. the treatment that had been meted out to them was about as tolerant as slavery could well afford; and the physical condition of the passengers bore evidence that they had been used to something better than herring and corn cake for a diet. julius, who was successful enough to bring his wife and boy with him, was a wonderful specimen of muscular proportions. although a young man, of but twenty-five, he weighed two hundred and twenty-five pounds; he was tall and well-formed from the crown of his head to the soles of his feet. nor was he all muscle by a great deal; he was well balanced as to mother wit and shrewdness. in looking back into the pit from whence he had been delivered he could tell a very interesting story of what he had experienced, from which it was evident that he had not been an idle observer of what had passed relative to the peculiar institution; especially was it very certain that he had never seen anything lovely or of good report belonging to the system. so far as his personal relations were concerned, he acknowledged that a man named mr. robert hollan, had assumed to impose himself upon him as master, and that this same man had also wrongfully claimed all his time, denied him all common and special privileges; besides he had deprived him of an education, etc., which looked badly enough before he left maryland, but in the light of freedom, and from a free state stand-point, the idea that "man's inhumanity to man" should assume such gigantic proportions as to cause him to seize his fellow-man and hold him in perpetual bondage, was marvellous in the extreme. julius had been kept in the dark in maryland, but on free soil, the light rushed in upon his astonished vision to a degree almost bewildering. that his master was a man of "means and pretty high standing"--julius thought was not much to his credit since they were obtained from unpaid labor. in his review allusion was made not only to his master, but also to his mistress, in which he said that she was "a quarrelsome and crabbed woman, middling stout." in order to show a reason why he left as he did, he stated that "there had been a fuss two or three times" previous to the escape, and it had been rumored "that somebody would have to be sold soon." this was what did the mischief so far as the "running away" was concerned. julius' color was nearly jet black, and his speech was very good considering his lack of book learning; his bearing was entirely self-possessed and commendable. his wife and boy shared fully in his affections, and seemed well pleased to have their faces turned canada-ward. it is hardly necessary to say more of them here. henry was about twenty-three years of age, of an active turn, brown skin, and had given the question of freedom his most serious attention, as his actions proved. while he could neither read nor write, he could think. from the manner in which he expressed himself, with regard to robert hollan, no man in the whole range of his recollections will be longer remembered than he; his enthralment while under hollan will hardly ever be forgotten. any being who had been thus deprived of his rights, could hardly fail to command sympathy; in cases like this, however, the sight and language of such an one was extremely impressive. of this party, edward, a boy of seventeen, called forth much sympathy; he too was claimed by hollan. he was of a good physical make-up, and seemed to value highly the great end he had in view, namely, a residence in canada. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . john wesley combash, jacob taylor, and thomas edward skinner. the revelations made by these passengers were painful to listen to, and would not have been credited if any room had existed for doubt. john wesley was thirty-two years of age, of a lively turn, pleasant countenance, dark color, and ordinary size. in unburdening his mind to the committee the all-absorbing theme related to the manner in which he had been treated as a slave, and the character of those who had oppressed him. he stated that he had been the victim of a man or party, named johnson, in whose family john had been a witness to some of the most high-handed phases of barbarism; said he, "these johnsons were notorious for abusing their servants. a few years back one of their slaves, a coachman, was kept on the coach box one cold night when they were out at a ball until he became almost frozen to death, in fact he did die in the infirmary from the effects of the frost about one week afterwards." "another case was that of a slave woman in a very delicate state, who was one day knocked down stairs by mrs. johnson herself, and in a few weeks after, the poor woman died from the effects of the injury thus received. the doctor who attended the injured creature in this case was simply told that she slipped and fell down stairs as she was coming down. colored witnesses had no right to testify, and the doctor was mute, consequently the guilty escaped wholly unpunished." "another case," said john wesley, "was a little girl, half-grown, who was washing windows up stairs one day, and unluckily fell asleep in the window, and in this position was found by her mistress; in a rage the mistress hit her a heavy slap, knocked her out of the window, and she fell to the pavement, and died in a few hours from the effects thereof. the mistress professed to know nothing about it, simply said, 'she went to sleep and fell out herself.' as usual nothing was done in the way of punishment." these were specimens of the inner workings of the peculiar institution. john, however, had not only observed slavery from a domestic stand-point, he had also watched master and mistress abroad as visitors and guests in other people's houses, noticed not only how they treated white people, but also how they treated black people. "these johnsons thought that they were first-rate to their servants. when visiting among their friends they were usually very polite, would bow and scrape more than a little, even to colored people, knowing that their names were in bad odor, on account of their cruelty, for they had been in the papers twice about how they abused their colored people." as to advertising him, john gave it as his opinion that they would be ashamed to do it from the fact that they had already rendered themselves more notorious than they had bargained for, on account of their cruelty towards their slaves; they were wealthy, and courted the good opinion of society. besides they were members of the presbyterian church, and john thought that they were very willing that people should believe that they were great saints. on the score of feeding and clothing john gave them credit, saying that "the clothing was good enough, they liked to see the house servants dressed;" he spoke too of the eating as being all right, but added, that "very often time was not allowed them to finish their meals." respecting work, john bore witness that they were very sharp. with john's intelligence, large observation, good memory, and excellent natural abilities, with the amount of detail that he possessed, nothing more would have been needed for a thrilling book than the facts and incidents of slave life, as he had been conversant with it under the johnsons in maryland. as the other two companions of john wesley were advertised in the _baltimore sun_, we avail ourselves of the light thus publicly afforded: $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, living on the york turnpike, eight miles from baltimore city, on sunday, april th, my negro man, jacob, aged years: feet inches high; chestnut color; spare made; good features. i will give $ reward if taken in baltimore city or county, and $ if taken out of the state and secured in jail so that i get him again. [illustration: ] wm. j.b. parlett. a - t*|| "jacob," answering to the description in mr. wm. j.b. parlett's advertisement, gave his views of the man who had enslaved him. his statement is here transferred from the record book: "my master," said jacob, "was a farmer, a very rough man, hard to satisfy. i never knew of but one man who could ever please him. he worked me very hard; he wanted to be beating me all the time." this was a luxury which jacob had no appetite for, consequently he could not resist signifying his unwillingness to yield, although resistance had to be made at some personal risk, as his master had "no more regard for a colored man than he had for a stone under his feet." with him the following expression was common: "the niggers are not worth a d----n." nor was his wife any better, in jacob's opinion. "she was a cross woman, and as much of a boss as he was." "she would take a club and with both hands would whack away as long as you would stand it." "she was a large, homely woman; they were common white people, with no reputation in the community." substantially this was jacob's unvarnished description of his master and mistress. as to his age, and also the name of his master, jacob's statement varied somewhat from the advertisement. for instance, jacob taylor was noticed on the record book as being twenty-three years of age, and the name of his master was entered as "william pollit;" but as jacob had never been allowed to learn to read, he might have failed in giving a correct pronunciation of the name. when asked what first prompted him to seek his freedom, he replied, "oh my senses! i always had it in my mind to leave, but i was 'jubus', (dubious?) of starting. i didn't know the way to come. i was afraid of being overtaken on the way." he fled from near baltimore, where he left brothers and other relatives in chains. $ reward.--ran way at the same time and in company with the above negro man, a bright mulatto boy named thomas skinner, about years old, feet inches high and tolerable stout made; he only has a term of years to serve. i will pay $ reward if delivered to me or lodged in jail so i can get him again. [illustration: ] geo. h. carman, towsontown, baltimore county, md. a - t*||. about the same time that this advertisement came to hand a certain young aspirant for canada was entered on the underground rail road book thus: "thomas edward skinner, a bright mulatto, age eighteen years, well formed, good-looking, and wide awake; says, that he fled from one g.h. carman, esq., head clerk of the county court." he bore voluntary testimony to carman in the following words: "he was a very good man; he fed and clothed well and gave some money too occasionally." yet thomas had no idea of remaining in slavery under any circumstances. he hated everything like slavery, and as young as he was, he had already made five attempts to escape. on this occasion, with older and wiser heads, he succeeded. * * * * * arrival from new market, . elijah shaw. this "article" reported himself as having been deprived of his liberty by dr. ephraim bell, of baltimore county, maryland. he had no fault to find with the doctor, however; on the contrary, he spoke of him as a "very clever and nice man, as much so as anybody need to live with;" but of his wife he could not speak so favorably; indeed, he described her as a most tyrannical woman. said elijah, "she would make a practice of rapping the broomstick around the heads of either men, women, or children when she got raised, which was pretty often. but she never rapped me, for i wouldn't stand it; i shouldn't fared any better than the rest if i hadn't been resolute. i declared over and over again to her that i would scald her with the tea kettle if she ever took the broomstick to me, and i meant it. she took good care to keep the broomstick from about my head. she was as mischievous and stingy as she could live; wouldn't give enough to eat or wear." these facts and many more were elicited from elijah, when in a calm state of mind and when feeling much elated with the idea that his efforts in casting off the yoke were met with favor by the committee, and that the accommodations and privileges on the road were so much greater than he had ever dreamed of. such luck on the road was indeed a matter of wonder and delight to passengers generally. they were delighted to find that the committee received them and forwarded them on "without money and without price." elijah was capable of realizing the worth of such friendship. he was a young man twenty-three years of age, spare made, yellow complexion, of quick motion and decidedly collected in his bearing. in short, he was a man well adapted to make a good british subject. arrival from virginia, . mary frances melvin, eliza henderson, and nancy grantham. mary frances hailed from norfolk; she had been in servitude under mrs. chapman, a widow lady, against whom she had no complaint to make; indeed, she testified that her mistress was very kind, although fully allied to slavery. she said that she left, not on account of bad treatment, but simply because she wanted her freedom. her calling as a slave had been that of a dress-maker and house servant. mary frances was about twenty-three years of age, of mixed blood, refined in her manners and somewhat cultivated. eliza henderson, who happened at the station at the same time that frances was on hand, escaped from richmond. she was twenty-eight years of age, medium size, quite dark color, and of pleasant countenance. eliza alleged that one william waverton had been wronging her by keeping her down-trodden and withholding her hire. also, that this same waverton had, on a late occasion, brought his heavy fist violently against her "jaws," which visitation, however "kindly" intended by her chivalrous master, produced such an unfavorable impression on the mind of eliza that she at once determined not to yield submission to him a day longer than she could find an underground rail road conductor who would take her north. the blow that she had thus received made her almost frantic; she had however thought seriously on the question of her rights before this outrage. in waverton's household eliza had become a fixture as it were, especially with regard to his children; she had won their affections completely, and she was under the impression that in some instances their influence had saved her from severe punishment; and for them she manifested kindly feelings. in speaking of her mistress she said that she was "only tolerable." it would be useless to attempt a description of the great satisfaction and delight evinced by eliza on reaching the committee in philadelphia. nancy grantham also fled from near richmond, and was fortunate in that she escaped from the prison-house at the age of nineteen. she possessed a countenance peculiarly mild, and was good-looking and interesting, and although evidently a slave her father belonged strictly to the white man's party, for she was fully half white. she was moved to escape simply to shun her master's evil designs; his brutal purposes were only frustrated by the utmost resolution. this chivalric gentleman was a husband, the father of nine children, and the owner of three hundred slaves. he belonged to a family bearing the name of christian, and was said to be an m.d. "he was an old man, but very cruel to all his slaves." it was said that nancy's sister was the object of his lust, but she resisted, and the result was that she was sold to new orleans. the auction-block was not the only punishment she was called upon to endure for her fidelity to her womanhood, for resistance to her master, but before being sold she was cruelly scourged. nancy's sorrows first commenced in alabama. five years previous to her escape she was brought from a cotton plantation in alabama, where she had been accustomed to toil in the cotton-field. in comparing and contrasting the usages of slave-holders in the two states in which she had served, she said she had "seen more flogging under old christian" than she had been accustomed to see in alabama; yet she concluded, that she could hardly tell which state was the worst; her cup had been full and very bitter in both states. nancy said, "the very day before i escaped, i was required to go to his (her master's) bed-chamber to keep the flies off of him as he lay sick, or pretended to be so. notwithstanding, in talking with me, he said that he was coming to my pallet that night, and with an oath he declared if i made a noise he would cut my throat. i told him i would not be there. accordingly he did go to my room, but i had gone for shelter to another room. at this his wrath waxed terrible. next morning i was called to account for getting out of his way, and i was beaten awfully." this outrage moved nancy to a death-struggle for her freedom, and she succeeded by dressing herself in male attire. after her harrowing story was told with so much earnestness and intelligence, she was asked as to the treatment she had received at the hand of mrs. christian (her mistress). in relation to her, nancy said, "mrs. christian was afraid of him (master); if it hadn't been for that i think she would have been clever; but i was often threatened by her, and once she undertook to beat me, but i could not stand it. i had to resist, and she got the worst of it that time." all that may now be added, is, that the number of young slave girls shamefully exposed to the base lusts of their masters, as nancy was--truly was legion. nancy was but one of the number who resisted influences apparently overpowering. all honor is due her name and memory! she was brought away secreted on a boat, but the record is silent as to which one of the two or three underground rail road captains (who at that time occasionally brought passengers), helped her to escape. it was hard to be definite concerning minor matters while absorbed in the painful reflections that her tale of suffering had naturally awakened. if one had arisen from the dead the horrors of slavery could scarcely have been more vividly pictured! but in the multitude of travelers coming under the notice of the committee, nancy's story was soon forgotten, and new and marvellous narratives were told of others who had shared the same bitter cup, who had escaped from the same hell of slavery, who had panted for the same freedom and won the same prize. arrival from richmond, . orlando j. hunt. when orlando escaped from richmond the underground rail road business was not very brisk. a disaster on the road, resulting in the capture of one or two captains, tended to damp the ardor of some who wanted to come, as well as that of sympathizers. the road was not idle, however. orlando's coming was hailed with great satisfaction. he was twenty-nine years of age, full black, possessed considerable intelligence, and was fluent in speech; fully qualified to give clear statements as to the condition of slavery in richmond, etc. while the committee listened to his narrations with much interest, they only took note of how he had fared, and the character of the master he was compelled to serve. on these points the substance of his narrations may be found annexed: "i was owned by high holser, a hide sorter, a man said to be rich, a good catholic, though very disagreeable; he was not cruel, but was very driving and abusive in his language towards colored people. i have been held in bondage about eighteen years by holser, but have failed, so far, to find any good traits in his character. i purchased my mother for one hundred dollars, when she was old and past labor, too old to earn her hire and find herself; but she was taken away by death, before i had finished paying for her; twenty-five dollars only remained to be paid to finish the agreement. owing to her unexpected death, i got rid of that much, which was of some consequence, as i was a slave myself, and had hard work to raise the money to purchase her." thus, finding the usages of slavery so cruel and outlandish, he resolved to leave "old virginny" and "took out," via the underground rail road. he appeared to be of a religious turn of mind and felt that he had "a call to preach." after his arrival in canada, the following letter was received from him: st. catharines, c.w., may th, . my dear friend:--wm. still:--mr. orlando j. hunt, who has just arrived here from richmond, va., desires me to address to you a line in his behalf. mr. hunt is expecting his clothing to come from richmond to your care, and if you have received them, he desires you to forward them immediately to st. catharines, in my care, in the safest and most expeditious way in your power. mr. hunt is much pleased with this land of freedom, and i hope he may do well for himself and much good to others. he preached here in the baptist church, last evening. he sends his kind regards and sincere thanks to you and your family, and such friends as have favored him on his way. very respectfully yours, hiram wilson, for orlando hunt. * * * * * arrival from norfolk, va., . william mackey. william made no complaint against his master of a serious nature touching himself. true, he said his "master was a frolicker, and fond of drink," but he was not particularly unkind to him. his name was tunis; he was a military man, and young; consequently william had not been in his hands long. prior to his being owned by the young master, he had lived with old mistress tunis. concerning her the following is one of william's statements: "my sister about the first of this month, three weeks after her confinement, had word sent to her by her mistress, mrs. tunis, that she thought it was time for her to come out and go to work, as she had been laying by long enough." in reply to this message, william said that "his sister sent word to her mistress, that she was not well enough, and begged that her mistress would please send her some tea and sugar, until she got well enough to go to work. the mistress' answer was to the effect that she did not intend to give her anything until she went to work, and at the same time she sent word to her, that she had better take her baby down to the back of the garden and throw it away, adding 'i will sell her, etc.'" it was owing to the cruelty of mrs. tunis that william was moved to flee. according to his statement, which looked reasonable and appeared truthful, he had been willed free by his master, who died at the time that the plague was raging in norfolk. at the same time his mistress also had the fever, and was dreadfully frightened, but recovered. not long after this event it was william's belief that the will was made away with through the agency of a lawyer, and in consequence thereof the slaves were retained in bondage. * * * * * arrival from near baltimore, . henry tucker. henry fled from baltimore county; disagreement between him and his so-called master was the cause of his flight. elias sneveley, a farmer, known on the arabella creek place as a "hard swearer," an "old bachelor," and a common tormentor of all around him, was the name of the man that harry said he fled from. not willing to be run over at the pleasure of sneveley, on two occasions just before his escape serious encounters had arisen between master and slave. henry being spirited and hungering for freedom, while his master was old and hardened in his habits, very grave results had well nigh happened; it was evident, therefore, in harry's opinion that the sooner he took his departure for canada the better. his father's example was ever present to encourage him, for he had escaped when henry was a little boy; (his name was benjamin tucker). a still greater incentive, however, moved him, which was that his mother had been sold south five years prior to his escape, since which time he had heard of her but once, and that vaguely. although education was denied him, henry had too much natural ability to content himself under the heel of slavery. he saw and understood the extent of the wrongs under which he suffered, and resolved not to abide in such a condition, if, by struggling and perseverance, he could avoid it. in his resolute attempt he succeeded without any very severe suffering. he was not large, rather below the ordinary size, of a brown color, and very plucky. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . peter nelson. (resembled an irishman.) the coming of this strange-looking individual caused much surprise, representing, as he did, if not a full-blooded irishman, a man of irish descent. he was sufficiently fair to pass for white anywhere, with his hat on--with it off, his hair would have betrayed him; it was light, but quite woolly. nor was he likely to be called handsome; he was interesting, nevertheless. it was evident, that the "white man's party" had damaged him seriously. he represented that he had been in the bonds of one james ford, of stafford county, virginia, and that this "ford was a right tough old fellow, who owned about two dozen head." "how does he treat them?" he was asked. "he don't treat them well no way," replied the passenger. "why did you leave?" was the next question. "because of his fighting, knocking and carrying on so," was the prompt answer. the committee fully interviewed him, and perceived that he had really worn the fetters of slavery, and that he was justified in breaking his bonds and fleeing for refuge to canada, and was entitled to aid and sympathy. peter was about twenty-four years of age. he left nine brothers and sisters in bondage. * * * * * arrival from washington, . mary jones and susan bell. these "weaker vessels" came from the seat of government. mary confessed that she had been held to service as the property of mrs. henry harding, who resided at rockville, some miles out of washington. both mr. and mrs harding she considered "bad enough," but added, "if it had not been for the young set i could get along with them; they can't be pleased." yet mary had not fared half so hard under the hardings as many slaves had under their claimants. intellectually, she was quite above the average; she was tall, and her appearance was such as to awaken sympathy. through the permission of her claimant she had been in the habit of hiring her time for three dollars per month and find herself; she was also allowed to live in washington. such privileges, with wages at so low a rate, were thought to be extra, and could only be obtained in exceptional cases. "in nine years," said mary, "i have not even as much as received an apron from them," (her owners). the meanness of the system under which she had been required to live, hourly appeared clearer and clearer to her, as she was brought into contact with sympathizing spirits such as she had never known before. susan, who was in mary's charge, was an invalid child of four years of age, who never walked, and whose mother had escaped to canada about three years before under circumstances which obliged her to leave this child, then only a year old. susan had been a great sufferer, and so had her mother, who had been a long time anxiously looking and praying for her coming, as she had left her in charge of friends who were to take care of her until the way might open for her safe delivery to her mother. many letters, fitted to awaken very deep feelings came from the mother about this child. it was a satisfaction to the committee to feel that they could be the medium in aiding in the reunion of mother and child. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . william carpenter. escaped from the father of the fugitive slave law--senator mason. it was highly pleasing to have a visit from a "chattel" belonging to the leading advocate of the infamous fugitive slave bill. he was hurriedly interviewed for the sake of reliable information. that william possessed a fair knowledge of slave life under the senator there was no room to doubt, although incidents of extreme cruelty might not have been so common on mason's place as on some others. while the verbal interchange of views was quite full, the hour for the starting of the underground rail road train arrived too soon to admit of a full report for the record book. from the original record, however, the following statement is taken as made by william, and believed to be strictly true. we give it as it stands on the old underground rail road book: "i belonged to senator mason. the senator was down on colored people. he owned about eighty head--was very rich and a big man, rich enough to lose all of them. he kept terrible overseers; they would beat you with a stick the same as a dog. the overseers were poor white trash; he would give them about sixty dollars a year." the fugitive slave law and its father are both numbered with the "lost cause," and the "year of jubilee has come." * * * * * arrival from the old dominion. nine very fine "articles." lew jones, oscar payne, mose wood, dave diggs, jack, hen, and bill dade, and joe ball. the coming of this interesting party was as gratifying, as their departure must have been disagreeable to those who had been enjoying the fruits of their unpaid labor. stockholders of the underground rail road, conductors, etc., about this time were well pleased with the wonderful success of the road, especially as business was daily increasing. upon inquiry of these passengers individually, the following results were obtained: lewis was about fifty-two years of age, a man of superior stature, six feet high, with prominent features, and about one third of anglo-saxon blood in his veins. the apparent solidity of the man both with respect to body and mind was calculated to inspire the idea that he would be a first-rate man to manage a farm in canada. of his bondage and escape the following statement was obtained from him: "i was owned by a man named thomas sydan, a catholic, and a farmer. he was not a very hard man, but was very much opposed to black folks having their liberty. he owned six young slaves not grown up. it was owing to sydan's mother's estate that i came into his hands; before her death i had hoped to be free for a long time as soon as she died. my old mistress' name was nancy sydan; she was lame for twenty years, and couldn't walk a step without crutches, and i was her main support. i was foreman on the farm; sometimes no body but me would work, and i was looked up to for support. a good deal of the time i would have to attend to her. if she was going to ride, i would have to pick her up in my arms and put her in the carriage, and many times i would have to lift her in her sick room. no body couldn't wait upon her but me. she had a husband, and he had a master, and that was rum; he drank very hard, he killed himself drinking. he was poor support. when he died, fifteen years ago, he left three sons, thomas, james, and stephen, they were all together then, only common livers. after his death about six years mistress died. i felt sure then i would be free, but was very badly disappointed. i went to my young masters and asked them about my freedom; they laughed at me and said, no such thought had entered their heads, that i was to be free. the neighbors said it was a shame that they should keep me out of my freedom, after i had been the making of the family, and had behaved myself so faithful. one gentleman asked master john what he would take for me, and offered a thousand dollars; that was three months before i ran away, and massa john said a thousand dollars wouldn't buy one leg. i hadn't anything to hope for from them. i served them all my life, and they didn't thank me for it. a short time before i come away my aunt died, all the kin i had, and they wouldn't let me go to the funeral. they said 'the time couldn't be spared.'" this was the last straw on the camel's back. in lewis' grief and disappointment he decided that he would run away the first chance that he could get, and seek a home in canada. he held counsel with others in whom he could confide, and they fixed on a time to start, and resolved that they would suffer anything else but slavery. lewis was delighted that he had managed so cunningly to leave master tom and mistress margaret, and their six children to work for their own living. he had an idea that they would want lew for many things; the only regret he felt was that he had served them so long, that they had received his substance and strength for half a century. fortunately lewis' wife escaped three days in advance of him, in accordance with a mutual understanding. they had no children. the suffering on the road cost lewis a little less than death, but the joy of success came soon to chase away the effects of the pain and hardship which had been endured. oscar, the next passenger, was advertised as follows: $ reward.--ran away from the service of the rev. j.p. mcguire, episcopal high school, fairfax county, va., on saturday, th inst, negro man, oscar payne aged years, feet inches in height, square built, mulatto color, thick, bushy suit of hair, round, full face, and when spoken to has a pleasant manner--clothes not recollected. [illustration: ] i will give $ for his recovery if taken out of the state, or $ if taken in the state, and secured that i can get him. t.d. fendall. jyl - t. such announcements never frightened the underground rail road committee; indeed, the committee rather preferred seeing the names of their passengers in the papers, as, in that case, they could all the more cautiously provide against messrs. slave-hunters. oscar was a "prime, first-class article," worth $ . the above description of him is endorsed. his story ran thus: "i have served under miss mary dade, of alexandria--miss dade was a very clever mistress, she hired me out. when i left i was hired at the school--high school of virginia. with me times had been very well. no privilege was allowed me to study books. i cannot say that i left for any other cause than to get my freedom, as i believe i have been used as well as any slave in the district. i left no relatives but two cousins; my two brothers ran away, brooks and lawrence, but where they went i can't tell, but would be pleased to know. three brothers and one sister have been sold south, can't tell where they are." such was oscar's brief narrative; that he was truthful there was no room to doubt. the next passenger was moses or "mose," who looked as though he had been exceedingly well-cared for, being plump, fat, and extra-smart. he declared that general briscoe, of georgetown, d.c., had been defrauding him out of thirteen dollars per month, this being the amount for which he was hired, and, instead of being allowed to draw it for himself, the general pocketed it. for this "kind treatment" he summed up what seemed to be a true bill for ten years against the general. but he made another charge of a still graver character: he said that the general professed to own him. but as he (moses) was thoroughly tired, and believed that slavery was no more justifiable than murder, he made up his mind to leave and join the union party for canada. he stated that the general owned a large number of slaves, which he hired out principally. moses had no special fault to find with his master, except such as have been alluded to, but as to mistress briscoe, he said, that she was pretty rough. moses left four sisters in bondage. david, the next member of this freedom-loving band, was an intelligent man; his manners and movements were decidedly prepossessing. he was about thirty-seven years of age, dark, tall, and rather of a slender stature, possessing very large hopes. he charged dr. josiah harding of rockville, montgomery county, with having enslaved him contrary to his wish or will. as a slave, david had been required at one time to work on a farm, and at another time to drive carriage, of course, without pay. again he had been bound as a waiter on the no pay system, and again he had been called into the kitchen to cook, all for the benefit of the doctor--the hire going into the dr.'s pocket. this business david protested against in secret, but when on the underground rail road his protestations were "over and above board." of the doctor, david said, that "he was clever, but a catholic;" he also said, that he thought his wife was "tolerable clever," although he had never been placed under her where he would have had an opportunity of learning her bad traits if she had any. the doctor had generously bargained with david, that he could have himself by paying $ ; he had likewise figured up how the money might be paid, and intimated what a nice thing it would be for "dave" to wake up some morning and find himself his own man. this was how it was to be accomplished: dave was to pay eighty-five dollars annually, and in about twelve years he would have the thousand, and a little over, all made up. on this principle and suggestion dave had been digging faithfully and hard, and with the aid of friends he had nearly succeeded. just when he was within sight of the grand prize, and just as the last payment was about to be made, to dave's utter surprise the doctor got very angry one day about some trifling matter (all pretension) and in his pretended rage he said there were too many "free niggers" going about, and he thought that dave would do better as a slave, etc. after that, all the satisfaction that he was able to get out of the doctor, was simply to the effect, that he had hired him to mr. morrison for one hundred and fifty dollars a year. after his "lying and cheating" in this way, david resolved that he would take his chances on the underground rail road. not a spark of faith did he have in the doctor. for a time, however, before the opportunity to escape offered, he went to mr. morrison as a waiter, where it was his province to wait on six of the judges of the supreme court of the united states. in the meantime his party matured arrangements for their trip, so dave "took out" and left the judges without a waiter. the more he reflected over the nature of the wrongs he had suffered under, the less he thought of the doctor. joe, who also came with this band, was half anglo-saxon; an able-bodied man, thirty-four years of age. he said, that "miss elizabeth gordon, a white woman living in alexandria," claimed him. he did not find much fault with her. she permitted him to hire his time, find his own clothing, etc., by which regulation joe got along smoothly. nevertheless he declared, that he was tired of wearing the yoke, and felt constrained to throw it off as soon as possible. miss gordon was getting old, and joe noticed that the young tribe of nephews and nieces was multiplying in large numbers. this he regarded as a very bad sign; he therefore, gave the matter of the underground rail road his serious attention, and it was not long ere he was fully persuaded that it would be wisdom for him to tarry no longer in the prison-house. joe had a wife and four children, which were as heavy weights to hold him in virginia, but the spirit of liberty prevailed. joe, also, left two sisters, one free, the other a slave. his wife belonged to the widow irwin. she had assured her slaves, that she had "provided for them in her will," and that at her death all would be freed. they were daily living on the faith thus created, and obviously thought the sooner the lord relieved the old mistress of her earthly troubles the better. although joe left his wife and children, he did not forget them, but had strong faith they would be reunited. after going to canada, he addressed several letters to the secretary of the committee concerning his family, and as will be seen by the following, he looked with ardent hopes for their arrival: toronto, nov. th, . dear mr. still:--as i must again send you a letter fealing myself oblidge to you for all you have done and your kindness. dear sir my wife will be on to philadelphia on the th th, and i would you to look out for her and get her an ticket and send her to me toronto. her name are may ball with five children. please send her as soon as you can. yours very truly, joseph ball. will you please to telegrape to me, no. dummer st. jake, another member of the company of nine, was twenty-two years of age, of dark hue, round-made, keen eyes, and apparently a man of superior intelligence. unfortunately his lot had been of such a nature that no helping opportunity had been afforded for the cultivation of his mind. he condemned in very strong terms a man by the name of benjamin b. chambers, who lived near elkton, but did not there require the services of jake, hiring jake out just as he would have hired a horse, and likewise keeping his pay. jake thought that if justice could have been awarded him, chambers would either have had to restore that of which he had wronged him, or expiate the wrong in prison. jake, however, stood more in awe of a young master, who was soon likely to come into power, than he did of the old master. this son had already given jake to understand that once in his hands it "wouldn't be long before he would have him jingling in his pocket," signifying, that he would sell him as soon as his father was gone. the manner of the son stirred jake's very blood to boiling heat it seemed. his suffering, and the suffering of his fellow-bondsmen had never before appeared so hard. the idea that he must work, and be sold at the pleasure of another, made him decide to "pull up stakes," and seek refuge elsewhere. such a spirit as he possessed could not rest in servitude. mary ann, the wife of jake, who accompanied him, was a pleasant-looking bride. she said that she was owned by "elias rhoads, a farmer, and a pretty fair kind of a man." she had been treated very well. john and henry dade, ages twenty and twenty-five years, were from washington. they belonged to the class of well-cared for slaves; at least they said that their mistress had not dealt severely with them, and they never would have consented to pass through the severe sufferings encountered on their journey, but for the strong desire they had to be free. from canada john wrote back as follows: st. catharines, canada. mr. still, sir:--i ar rivd on friday evenen bot i had rite smart troble for my mony gave out at the bridge and i had to fot et to st. catherin tho i went rite to worke at the willard house for dolor month bargend for to stae all the wentor bot i havent eny clouse nor money please send my tronke if et has come. derate et to st. catharines to the willard house to john dade and if et ant come plice rite for et soon as posable deract your letter to rosenen dade washington send your deraction please tend to this rite a way for i haf made a good start i think that i can gate a longe en this plase. if my brother as well send him on for i haf a plase for him ef he ant well please don't send him for this as no plase for a sik possan. the way i got this plase i went to see a fran of myen from washington. dan al well and he gave me werke. pleas ancer this as soon as you gat et you must excues this bad riting for my chance wars bot small to line this mouch, john h. dade. if yon haf to send for my tronke to washington send the name of john trowharte. sir please rite as soon as you gat this for et as enporten. john h. dade. * * * * * arrival from delaware, . george laws and comrade--tied and hoisted with block and tackle, to be cowhided. george represented the ordinary young slave men of delaware. he was of unmixed blood, medium size and of humble appearance. he was destitute of the knowledge of spelling, to say nothing of reading. slavery had stamped him unmistakably for life. to be scantily fed and clothed, and compelled to work without hire, george did not admire, but had to submit without murmuring; indeed, he knew that his so-called master, whose name was denny, would not be likely to hear complaints from a slave; he therefore dragged his chain and yielded to his daily task. one day, while hauling dirt with a fractious horse, the animal manifested an unwillingness to perform his duty satisfactorily. at this procedure the master charged george with provoking the beast to do wickedly, and in a rage he collared george and bade him accompany him "up stairs" (of the soap house). not daring to resist, george went along with him. ropes being tied around both his wrists, the block and tackle were fastened thereto, and george soon found himself hoisted on tip-toe with his feet almost clear of the floor. [illustration: ] the "kind-hearted master" then tore all the poor fellow's old shirt off his back, and addressed him thus: "you son of a b----h, i will give you pouting around me; stay there till i go up town for my cowhide." george begged piteously, but in vain. the fracas caused some excitement, and it so happened that a show was to be exhibited that day in the town, which, as is usual in the country, brought a great many people from a distance; so, to his surprise, when the master returned with his cowhide, he found that a large number of curiosity-seekers had been attracted to the soap house to see mr. denny perform with his cowhide on george's back, as he was stretched up by his hands. many had evidently made up their minds that it would be more amusing to see the cowhiding than the circus. the spectators numbered about three hundred. this was a larger number than mr. denny had been accustomed to perform before, consequently he was seized with embarrassment; looking confused he left the soap house and went to his office, to await the dispersion of the crowd. the throng finally retired, and left george hanging in mortal agony. human nature here made a death-struggle; the cords which bound his wrists were unloosed, and george was then prepared to strike for freedom at the mouth of the cannon or point of the bayonet. how denny regarded the matter when he found that george had not only cheated him out of the anticipated delight of cowhiding him, but had also cheated him out of himself is left for the imagination to picture. george fled from kent; he was accompanied by a comrade whose name inadvertently was not recorded; he, however, was described as a dark, round, and full-faced, stout-built man, with bow legs, and bore the appearance of having been used hard and kept down, and in ignorance, &c. hard usage constrained him to flee from his sore oppression. * * * * * arrival from delaware, . john weems, alias jack herring. although jack was but twenty-three years of age, he had tasted the bitter cup of slavery pretty thoroughly under kendall b. herring, who was a member of the methodist church, and in jack's opinion a "mere pretender, and a man of a very bad disposition." jack thought that he had worked full long enough for this herring for nothing. when a boy twelve years of age, his mother was sold south; from that day, until the hour that he fled he had not heard a word from her. in making up his mind to leave slavery, the outrage inflicted upon his mother only tended to increase his resolution. in speaking of his mistress, he said that "she was a right fine woman." notwithstanding all his sufferings in the kendall family, he seemed willing to do justice to his master and mistress individually. he left one sister free and one brother in the hands of herring. jack was described as a man of dark color, stout, and well-made. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . ruth harper, george robinson, priscilla gardener, and joshua john anderson. ruthie's course in seeking her freedom left john mcpherson a woman less to work for him, and to whip, sell, or degrade at his pleasure. it is due to candor, however, to say that she admitted that she had not been used very roughly by mr. mcpherson. ruth was rather a nice-looking young woman, tall, and polite in her manners. she came from frederick, maryland. george robinson stated that he came from a place about one and a half miles from the chesapeake bay, one mile from old town, and five miles from elkton, and was owned by samuel smith, a farmer, who was "pretty cross and an ill man." george's excuse for withdrawing his valuable services from mr. smith at the time that he did, was attributable to the fact, that he entertained fears that they were about to sell him. having cautiousness largely developed he determined to reach canada and keep out of danger. george was only twenty-one, passable-looking in appearance, and of a brown color, and when speaking, stammered considerably. priscilla gardener fled from the widow hilliard. her master departed to his long home not a great while before she left. priscilla was a young woman of about thirty years of age, ordinary size, and of a ginger-bread color; modest in demeanor. she first commenced her bondage in richmond, under the late benjamin hilliard, of whom she said that he was "a very bad man, who could never be pleased by a servant," and was constantly addicted to fighting not only with others, but also with herself. so cruelly had priscilla been treated, that when he died she did not hesitate to say that she was glad. soon after this event, sick of slavery and unwilling to serve the widow any longer, she determined to escape, and succeeded. joshua john anderson fled from a farmer who was said to be a poor man, by the name of skelton price, residing in baltimore county, near a little village called alexandria, on the harford county turn-pike road. price, not able to own a farm and slaves too, rented one, and was trying to "get up in the world." price had a wife and family, but in the way of treatment, joshua did not say anything very hard against him. as his excuse for leaving them, he said, coolly, that he had made up his mind that he could get along better in freedom than he could in slavery, and that no man had a right to his labor without paying him for it. he left his mother and also three brothers and two sisters owned by price. joshua was about twenty-two years of age, of a coarse make, and a dark hue; he had evidently held but little intercourse with any class, save such as he found in the corn-field and barn-yard. * * * * * arrival from north carolina and delaware. "dick beesly",murray young and charles andrew bolden. physically, dick was hardly up to the ordinary stature of slaves, but mentally he had the advantage of the masses; he was too sharp to be kept in slavery. his hue was perfect, no sign of white about him, if that were any advantage. from dick's story, it appeared that he had seen hard times in north carolina, under a man he designated by the name of richard smallwood. he was a farmer, living near wheldon. one of the faults that he found with smallwood was, that he was a "tough, drinking man"--he also charged him with holding "two hundred and sixty slaves in bonds," the most of whom he came in possession of through his wife. "she," dick thought "was pretty fair." he said that no slave had any reason to look for any other than hard times under his master, according to what he had seen and known since he had been in the "institution," and he fancied that his chances for observation had been equally as good as the great majority of slaves. young as he was, dick had been sold three times already, and didn't know how much oftener he might have to submit to the same fate if he remained; so, in order to avoid further trouble, he applied his entire skill to the grand idea of making his way to canada. manfully did he wrestle with difficulty after difficulty, until he finally happily triumphed and reached philadelphia in a good condition--that is, he was not sick, but he was without money--home--education or friends, except as he found them among strangers. he was hopeful, nevertheless. murray young was also of the unmixed-blood class, and only twenty-one years of age. the spirit of liberty in him was pretty largely developed. he entertained naught against dr. lober, of newcastle, but rather against the doctor's wife. he said that he could get along pretty well with the doctor, but, he could not get along with mrs. lober. but the very idea of slavery was enough for him. he did not mean to work for any body for nothing. andrew bolden was still younger than charles murray, being only eighteen years of age, but he was very well grown, and on the auction-block he would, doubtless, have brought a large price. he fled from newark. his story contained nothing of marked importance. arrival from maryland. john janney, talbot johnson, sam gross, peter gross, james henry jackson, and sam smith. $ . reward.--ran away from the subscriber, august th, two negro men, viz: [illustration: ] bill hutton, aged or years, dark brown, round face, feet or inches high, rather stout, has a waddling walk, and small bald spot on the top of his head. talbot johnson, aged about , is black, spare, and lean-visaged, about feet inches high, has lost some of his front teeth, leans forward as he walks. if taken in a slave state i will give $ each for their recovery. for their recovery from a free state i will give one-half their value. b.d. bond, port republic, md. ran away at the same time and in company, negro man sam gross, aged about , is feet or inches high, black color, rather bad teeth. for his recovery, if taken in a slave state, i will give $ . for his recovery from a free state, i will give half his value. geo. ireland, port republic, md. ran away at the same time and in company, two negro men, viz:> peter gross, aged , is light-brown color, feet or inches high, has a small scar over his right eyebrow, usually wears a goatee, has a pleasant countenance. john janney, aged , light-brown color, feet or seven inches high, broad across the shoulders, has one of his front upper teeth broken, has a scar upon one of his great toes from the cut of an axe. for their recovery, if taken in a slave state, i will give $ each. for their recovery from a free state i will give half their value. jos. griffiss, st. leonards, calvert county, md. refer to n.e. berry, no. pratt street, baltimore. so far as messrs. bond, ireland, and griffiss may be concerned (if they are still living), they may not care to have the reward kept in view, or to hear anything about the "ungrateful" fellows. it may be different, however, with other parties concerned. this company, some of whom bore names agreeing with those in the above advertisement, are found described in the record book as follows: sept. th, . john janney is a fine specimen of the peculiar institution; color brown, well-formed, self-possessed and intelligent. he says that he fled from master joseph griffiss of culbert county, maryland; that he has been used to "tight work," "allowed no chances," and but "half fed." his reason for leaving was partly "hard treatment," and partly because he could "get along better in freedom than in slavery." he found fault with his master for not permitting him to "learn to read," etc. he referred to his master as a man of "fifty years of age, with a wife and three children." john said that "she was a large, portly woman, with an evil disposition, always wanted to be quarreling and fighting, and was stingy." he said, however, that his "master's children, ann rebecca, dorcas, and joe were not allowed to meddle with the slaves on the farm." thirty head of slaves belonged on the place. peter gross says that he too was owned by joseph griffiss. peter is, he thinks, thirty-nine years of age,--tall, of a dark chestnut color, and in intellect mediocre. he left his wife and five children behind. he could not bring them with him, therefore he did not tell them that he was about to leave. he was much dissatisfied with slavery and felt that he had been badly dealt with, and that he could do better for himself in canada. talbot johnson, is thirty-five years of age, quite dark, and substantially built. he says that he has been treated very badly, and that duke bond was the name of the "tyrant" who held him. he pictured his master as "a lean-faced man--not stout--of thirty-eight or thirty-nine years of age, a member of the episcopal church." "he had a wife and two children; his last wife was right pleasant--he was a farmer, and was rich, had sold slaves, and was severe when he flogged." talbot had been promised a terrible beating on the return of his master from the springs, whither he had gone to recruit his health, "as he was poorly." this was the sole cause of talbot's flight. sam gross is about forty, a man of apparent vigor physically, and wide awake mentally. he confesses that he fled from george island, near port republic, md. he thought that times with him had been bad enough all his life, and he would try to get away where he could do better. in referring to his master and mistress, he says that "they are both episcopalians, hard to please, and had as bad dispositions as could be,--would try to knock the slaves in the head sometimes." this spirit sam condemned in strong terms, and averred that it was on account of such treatment that he was moved to seek out the underground rail road. sam left his wife, mary ann, and four children, all under bonds. his children, he said, were treated horribly. they were owned by joseph griffiss spoken of above. james henry jackson is seventeen years of age; he testifies that he fled from frederica, delaware, where he had been owned by joseph brown. jim does not make any serious complaint against his master, except that he had him in the market for sale. to avert this fate, jim was moved to flee. his mother, ann jackson, lived nine miles from milford, and was owned by jim loflin, and lived on his place. of the going of her son she had no knowledge. these narratives have been copied from the book as they were hastily recorded at the time. during their sojourn at the station, the subjoined letter came to hand from thomas garrett, which may have caused anxiety and haste: wilmington, th mo. th, . esteemed friends, j.m. mckim and wm. still:--i have a mixture of good and bad news for you. good in having passed five of god's poor safely to jersey, and chester county, last week; and this day sent on four more, that have caused me much anxiety. they were within twenty miles of here on sixth day last, and by agreement i had a man out all seventh day night watching for them, to pilot them safely, as , dollars reward was offered for four of the five; and i went several miles yesterday in the country to try to learn what had become of them, but could not hear of them. a man of tried integrity just called to say that they arrived at his house last night, about midnight, and i employed him to pilot them to a place of safety in pennsylvania, to-night, after which i trust they will be out of reach of their pursuers. now for the bad news. that old scoundrel, who applied to me some three weeks since, pretending that he wished me to assist him in getting his seven slaves into a free state, to avoid the sheriff, and which i agreed to do, if he would bring them here; but positively refused to send for them. ten days since i received another letter from him, saying that the sheriff had been there, and taken away two of the children, which he wished me to raise money to purchase and set free, and then closed by saying that his other slaves, a man, his wife, and three children had left the same evening and he had no doubt i would find them at a colored man's house, he named, here, and wished me to ascertain at once and let him know. i at once was convinced he wished to know so as to have them arrested and taken back. i found the man had arrived; but the woman and children had given out, and he left them with a colored family in cecil. i wrote him word the family had not got here, but said nothing of the man being here. on seventh day evening i saw a colored woman from the neighborhood; she told me that the owner and sheriff were out hunting five days for them before they found them, and says there is not a greater hypocrite in that part of the world. i wrote him a letter yesterday letting him know just what i thought of him. your friend, thos. garrett. * * * * * arrival from maryland. birth-day present from thomas garrett. wilmington, th mo. st, . esteemed friend:--william still:--this is my th birth-day, and i do not know any better way to celebrate it in a way to accord with my feelings, than to send to thee two fugitives, man and wife; the man has been here a week waiting for his wife, who is expected in time to leave at this evening in the cars for thy house with a pilot, who knows where thee lives, but i cannot help but feel some anxiety about the woman, as there is great commotion just now in the neighborhood where she resides. there were slaves betrayed near the maryland line by a colored man named jesse perry a few nights since. one of them made a confidant of him, and he agreed to pilot them on their way, and had several white men secreted to take them as soon as they got in his house; he is the scoundrel that was to have charge of the i wrote you about two weeks since; their master was to take or send them there, and he wanted me to send for them. i have since been confirmed it was a trap set to catch one of our colored men and me likewise, but it was no go. i suspected him from the first, but afterwards was fully confirmed in my suspicions. we have found the two rust boys, john and elsey bradley, who the villain of a bust took out of jail and sold to a trader of the name of morris, who sold them to a trader who took them to richmond, virginia, where they were sold at public sale two days before we found them, for $ , but fortunately the man had not paid for them; our attorney had them by habeas corpus before a judge, who detained them till we can prove their identity and freedom; they are to have a hearing on d day next, when we hope to have a person on there to prove them. in haste, thine, thos. garrett. unfortunately all the notice that the record contains of the two passengers referred to, is in the following words: "two cases not written out for want of time." the "boys" alluded to as having been "found" &c., were free-born, but had been kidnapped and carried south and sold. three days after the above letter, the watchful garrett furnished further light touching the hair-breadth escape of the two that he had written about, and at the same time gave an interesting account of the efforts which were made to save the poor kidnapped boys, &c. second letter from thomas garrett. wilmington, th mo. th, . esteemed friend:--william still:--thine was received yesterday. those two i wrote about to be with thee last th day evening, i presume thee has seen before this. a. allen had charge of them; he had them kept out of sight at the depot here till the cars should be ready to start, in charge of a friend, while he kept a lookout and got a ticket. when the delaware cars arrived, who should step out but the master of both man and woman, (as they had belonged to different persons); they knew him, and he knew them. he left in a different direction from where they were secreted, and got round to them and hurried them off to a place of safety, as he was afraid to take them home for fear they would search the house. on st day morning the boat ran to chester to take our colored people to the camp at media; he had them disguised, and got them in the crowd and went with them; when he got to media, he placed them in care of a colored man, who promised to hand them over to thee on d day last; we expect more next th day night, but how we shall dispose of them we have not yet determined; it will depend on circumstances. judge layton has been on with a friend to richmond, virginia, and fully identified the two bradley boys that were kidnapped by clem rust. he has the assurance of the judge there that they will be tried and their case decided by delaware laws, by which they must be declared free and returned here. we hope to be able to bring such proof against both rust and the man he sold them to, who took them out of the state, to teach them a lesson they will remember. thy friend, thos. garrett. * * * * * arrival from the district of columbia, . rebecca jackson and daughter, and robert shorter. the road to washington was doing about this time a marvellously large business. "william penn" and other friends in washington were most vigilant, and knew where to find passengers who were daily thirsting for deliverance. rebecca jackson was a woman of about thirty-seven years of age, of a yellow color, and of bright intellect, prepossessing in her manners. she had pined in bondage in georgetown under mrs. margaret dick, a lady of wealth and far advanced in life, a firm believer in slavery and the presbyterian church, of which she was a member. rebecca had been her chief attendant, knew all her whims and ways to perfection. according to rebecca's idea, "she was a peevish, fretful, ill-natured, but kind-hearted creature." being very tired of her old mistress and heartily sick of bondage, and withal desiring to save her daughter, she ascertained the doings of the underground rail road,--was told about canada, &c. she therefore resolved to make a bold adventure. mrs. dick had resided a long time in georgetown, but owned three large plantations in the country, over which she kept three overseers to look after the slaves. rebecca had a free husband, but she was not free to serve him, as she had to be digging day and night for the "white people." robert, a son of the mistress lived with his mother. while rebecca regarded him as "a man with a very evil disposition," she nevertheless believed that he had "sense enough to see that the present generation of slaves would not bear so much as slaves had been made to bear the generation past." * * * * * arrival from honey brook township, . frank campbell. frank was a man of blunt features, rather stout, almost jet black, and about medium height and weight. he was not certain about his age, rather thought that he was between thirty and forty years. he had been deprived of learning to read or write, but with hard treatment he had been made fully acquainted under a man named henry campbell, who called himself frank's master, and without his consent managed to profit by his daily sweat and toil. this campbell was a farmer, and was said to be the owner of about one hundred head of slaves, besides having large investments in other directions. he did not hesitate to sell slaves if he could get his price. every now and then one and another would find it his turn to be sold. frank resolved to try and get out of danger before times were worse. so he struck out resolutely for freedom and succeeded. * * * * * arrival from alexandria, va., . richard bayne, carter dowling and benjamin taylor. richard stated that a man named "rudolph massey, a merchant tailor, hard rum-drinker, card player, etc." claimed to own him, and had held him, up to the time of his escape, as with bands of brass. richard said, "i was hired out for ten dollars a month, but i never suffered like many--didn't leave because i have been abused, but simply to keep from falling into the hands of some heirs that i had been willed to." in case of a division, richard did not see how he could be divided without being converted into money. now, as he could have no fore-knowledge as to the place or person into whose hands he might be consigned by the auctioneer, he concluded that he could not venture to risk himself in the hands of the young heirs. richard began to consider what slavery was, and his eyes beheld chains, whips, hand-cuffs, auction-blocks, separations and countless sufferings that had partially been overlooked before; he felt the injustice of having to toil hard to support a drunkard and gambler. at the age of twenty-three richard concluded to "lay down the shovel and the hoe," and look out for himself. his mother was owned by massey, but his father belonged to the "superior race" or claimed so to do, and if anything could be proved by appearances it was evident that he was the son of a white man. richard was endowed with a good share of intelligence. he not only left his mother but also one sister to clank their chains together. carter, who accompanied richard, had just reached his majority. he stated that he escaped from a "maiden lady" living in alexandria, known by the name of miss maria fitchhugh, the owner of twenty-five slaves. opposed to slavery as he was, he nevertheless found no fault with his mistress, but on the contrary, said that she was a very respectable lady, and a member of the episcopal church. she often spoke of freeing her servants when she died; such talk was too uncertain for carter, to pin his faith to, and he resolved not to wait. such slave-holders generally lived a great while, and when they did die, they many times failed to keep their promises. he concluded to heed the voice of reason, and at once leave the house of bondage. his mother, father, five brothers and six sisters all owned by miss fitchhugh, formed a strong tie to keep him from going; he "conferred not with flesh and blood," but made a determined stroke for freedom. benjamin, the third in this company, was only twenty years of age, but a better-looking specimen for the auction-block could hardly be found. he fled from the meed estate; his mistress had recently died leaving her affairs, including the disposal of the slaves, to be settled at an early date. he spoke of his mistress as "a very clever lady to her servants," but since her death he had realized the danger that he was in of being run off south with a coffle gang. he explained the course frequently resorted to by slave-holders under similar circumstances thus: "frequently slaves would be snatched up, hand cuffed and hurried off south on the night train without an hour's notice." fearing that this might be his fate, he deemed it prudent to take a northern train via the underground rail road without giving any notice. he left no parents living, but six brothers and four sisters, all slaves with the exception of one brother who had bought himself. in order to defend themselves if molested on the road, the boys had provided themselves with pistols and dirks, and declared that they were fully bent on using them rather than be carried back to slavery. * * * * * arrival from the seat of government. hanson williams, nace shaw, gusta young, and daniel m'norton smith. $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, (levi pumphrey,) two negro men--one, named "hanson," about forty years old, with one eye out, about feet inches in height, full, bushy hair and whiskers and copper color. "gusta" is about years or years of age, smooth face and thick lips, and stoops in his walk; black color, about feet or inches in height; took away sundry articles of clothing. [illustration: ] i will give one hundred dollars for each of them, if secured in jail so that i can get them. levi pumphrey, washington city, d.c. s - t. these four fugitives were full of enthusiasm for canada, although by no means among the worst abused of their class. hanson was about forty years of age, with apparently a good degree of intellect, and of staid principles. in the above advertisement clipped from the baltimore sun, he is more fully described by mr. levi pumphrey; it can now be taken for what it is worth. but, as hanson left home suddenly without apprising his owner, or any of his owner's intimate white friends, of the circumstances which led him to thus leave, his testimony and explanation, although late, may not be wholly uninteresting to mr. levi pumphrey and others who took an interest in the missing "hanson." "how have you had it in slavery?" he was asked. "i have had it pretty rough," answered hanson. "who held you in bondage, and how have you been treated?" "i was owned by levi pumphrey, an old man with one eye, a perfect savage; he allowed no privileges of any kind, sunday or monday." gusta, who was also described in pumphrey's advertisement, was a rugged-looking specimen, and his statement tended to strengthen hanson's in every particular. it was owing to the bad treatment of pumphrey, that gusta left in the manner that he did. after deciding to take his departure for canada, he provided himself with a colt's revolver, and resolved that if any man should attempt to put his hand on him while he was on the "king's highway," he would shoot him down, not excepting his old master. $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, living near upper marlboro', prince george's county, md., on the th day of september, , a negro man, "nace," who calls himself "nace shaw;" is forty-five years of age, about five feet or inches high, of a copper color, full suit of hair, except a bald place upon the top of his head. he has a mother living in washington city, on south b street, no. island. [illustration: ] i will pay the above reward no matter where taken, if secured in jail so that i get him again. sarah ann talburtt. sl -eotf. nace, advertised by miss sarah ann talburtt, was a remarkably good-natured looking piece of merchandise. he gave a very interesting account of his so called mistress, how he came to leave her, etc. said nace: "my mistress was an old maid, and lived on a farm. i was her foreman on the farm. she lived near marlborough forest, in prince george's county, md., about twelve miles from washington; she was a member of the episcopal church. she fed well, and quarrelled a caution, from monday morning till saturday night, not only with the slaves, but among the inmates of the big house. my mistress had three sisters, all old maids living with her, and a niece besides; their names were rebecca, rachel, caroline, and sarah ann, and a more disagreeable family of old maids could not be found in a year's time. to arise in the morning before my mistress, sarah ann, was impossible." then, without making it appear that he or other of the slaves had been badly treated under miss talburtt, he entered upon the cause of escape, and said; "i left simply because i wanted a chance for my life; i wanted to die a free man if it pleased god to have it so." his wife and a grown-up son he was obliged to leave, as no opportunity offered to bring them away with him. dan was also of this party. he was well tinctured with anglo-saxon blood. his bondage had been in alexandria, with a mill-wright, known by the name of james garnett. dan had not been in garnett's hands a great while. mr. garnett's ways and manners were not altogether pleasing to him; besides, dan stated that he was trying to sell him, and he made up his mind that at an early opportunity, he would avail himself of a ticket for canada, via the underground rail road. he left his mother and brothers all scattered. * * * * * crossing the bay in a skiff. william thomas cope, john boice grey, henry boice and isaac white. these young bondmen, whilst writhing under the tortures heaped upon them, resolved, at the cost of life, to make a desperate trial for free land; to rid themselves of their fetters, at whatever peril they might have to encounter. the land route presented less encouragement than by water; they knew but little, however, concerning either way. after much anxious reflection, they finally decided to make their underground rail road exit by water. having lived all their lives not far from the bay, they had some knowledge of small boats, skiffs in particular, but of course they were not the possessors of one. feeling that there was no time to lose, they concluded to borrow a skiff, though they should never return it. so one saturday evening, toward the latter part of january, the four young slaves stood on the beach near lewes, delaware, and cast their longing eyes in the direction of the jersey shore. a fierce gale was blowing, and the waves were running fearfully high; not daunted, however, but as one man they resolved to take their lives in their hands and make the bold adventure. with simple faith they entered the skiff; two of them took the oars, manfully to face uncertain dangers from the waves. but they remained steadfast, oft as they felt that they were making the last stroke with their oars, on the verge of being overwhelmed with the waves. at every new stage of danger they summoned courage by remembering that they were escaping for their lives. [illustration: ] late on sunday afternoon, the following day, they reached their much desired haven, the jersey shore. the relief and joy were unspeakably great, yet they were strangers in a strange land. they knew not which way to steer. true, they knew that new jersey bore the name of being a free state; but they had reason to fear that they were in danger. in this dilemma they were discovered by the captain of an oyster boat whose sense of humanity was so strongly appealed to by their appearance that he engaged to pilot them to philadelphia. the following account of them was recorded: william thomas was a yellow man, twenty-four years of age, and possessing a vigorous constitution. he accused shepherd p. houston of having restrained him of his liberty, and testified that said houston was a very bad man. his vocation was that of a farmer, on a small scale; as a slave-holder he was numbered with the "small fry." both master and mistress were members of the methodist church. according to william thomas' testimony his mistress as well as his master was very hard on the slaves in various ways, especially in the matter of food and clothing. it would require a great deal of hard preaching to convince him that such christianity was other than spurious. john stated that david henry houston, a farmer, took it upon himself to exercise authority over him. said john, "if you didn't do the work right, he got contrary, and wouldn't give you anything to eat for a whole day at a time; he said a 'nigger and a mule hadn't any feeling.'" he described his stature and circumstances somewhat thus: "houston is a very small man; for some time his affairs had been in a bad way; he had been broke, some say he had bad luck for killing my brother. my brother was sick, but master said he wasn't sick, and he took a chunk, and beat on him, and he died a few days after." john firmly believed that his brother had been the victim of a monstrous outrage, and that he too was liable to the same treatment. john was only nineteen years of age, spare built, chestnut color, and represented the rising mind of the slaves of the south. henry was what might be termed a very smart young man, considering that he had been deprived of a knowledge of reading. he was a brother of john, and said that he also had been wrongfully enslaved by david houston, alluded to above. he fully corroborated the statement of his brother, and declared, moreover, that his sister had not long since been sold south, and that he had heard enough to fully convince him that he and his brother were to be put up for sale soon. of their mistress john said that she was a "pretty easy kind of a woman, only she didn't want to allow enough to eat, and wouldn't mend any clothes for us." isaac was twenty-two, quite black, and belonged to the "rising" young slaves of delaware. he stated that he had been owned by a "blacksmith, a very hard man, by the name of thomas carper." isaac was disgusted with his master's ignorance, and criticised him, in his crude way, to a considerable extent. isaac had learned blacksmithing under carper. both master and mistress were methodists. isaac said that he "could not recommend his mistress, as she was given to bad practices," so much so that he could hardly endure her. he also charged the blacksmith with being addicted to bad habits. sometimes isaac would be called upon to receive correction from his master, which would generally be dealt out with a "chunk of wood" over his "no feeling" head. on a late occasion, when isaac was being _chunked_ beyond measure, he resisted, but the persistent blacksmith did not yield until he had so far disabled isaac that he was rendered helpless for the next two weeks. while in this state he pledged himself to freedom and canada, and resolved to win the prize by crossing the bay. while these young passengers possessed brains and bravery of a rare order, at the same time they brought with them an unusual amount of the soil of delaware; their persons and old worn-out clothing being full of it. their appearance called loudly for immediate cleansing. a room--free water--free soap, and such other assistance as was necessary was tendered them in order to render the work as thorough as possible. this healthy process over, clean and comfortable clothing were furnished, and the change in their appearance was so marked, that they might have passed as strangers, if not in the immediate corn-fields of their masters, certainly among many of their old acquaintances, unless subjected to the most careful inspection. raised in the country and on farms, their masters and mistresses had never dreamed of encouraging them to conform to habits of cleanliness; washing their persons and changing their garments were not common occurrences. the coarse garment once on would be clung to without change as long as it would hold together. the filthy cabins allotted for their habitations were in themselves incentives to personal uncleanliness. in some districts this was more apparent than in others. from some portions of maryland and delaware, in particular, passengers brought lamentable evidence of a want of knowledge and improvement in this direction. but the master, not the slave, was blameworthy. the master, as has been intimated, found but one suit for working (and sometimes none for sunday), consequently if tom was set to ditching one day and became muddy and dirty, and the next day he was required to haul manure, his ditching suit had to be used, and if the next day he was called into the harvest-field, he was still obliged to wear his barn-yard suit, and so on to the end. frequently have such passengers been thoroughly cleansed for the first time in their lives at the philadelphia station. some needed practical lessons before they understood the thoroughness necessary to cleansing. before undertaking the operation, therefore, in order that they might be made to feel the benefit to be derived therefrom, they would need to have the matter brought home to them in a very gentle way, lest they might feign to fear taking cold, not having been used to it, etc. it was customary to say to them: "we want to give you some clean clothing, but you need washing before putting them on. it will make you feel like a new man to have the dirt of slavery all washed off. nothing that could be done for you would make you feel better after the fatigue of travel than a thorough bath. probably you have not been allowed the opportunity of taking a good bath, and so have not enjoyed one since your mother bathed you. don't be afraid of the water or soap--the harder you rub yourself the better you will feel. shall we not wash your back and neck for you? we want you to look well while traveling on the underground rail road, and not forget from this time forth to try to take care of yourself," &c., &c. by this course the reluctance where it existed would be overcome and the proposition would be readily acceded to, if the water was not too cool; on the other hand, if cool, a slight shudder might be visible, sufficient to raise a hearty laugh. yet, when through, the candidate always expressed a hearty sense of satisfaction, and was truly thankful for this attention. * * * * * arrival from kent county, md., . asbury irwin, ephraim ennis, and lydia ann johns. the party whose narratives are here given brought grave charges against a backsliding member of the society of friends--a renegade quaker. doubtless rare instances may be found where men of the quaker persuasion, emigrating from free and settling in slave states and among slaveholders, have deserted their freedom-loving principle and led captive by the force of bad examples, have linked hands with the oppressor against the oppressed. it is probable, however, that this is the only case that may turn up in these records to the disgrace of this body of christians in whom dwelt in such a signal degree large sympathy for the slave and the fleeing bondman. many fugitives were indebted to friends who aided them in a quiet way, not allowing their left hand to know what their right hand did, and the result was that underground rail road operations were always pretty safe and prosperous where the line of travel led through "quaker settlements." we can speak with great confidence on this point especially with regard to pennsylvania, where a goodly number might be named, if necessary, whose hearts, houses, horses, and money were always found ready and willing to assist the fugitive from the prison-house. it is with no little regret that we feel that truth requires us to connect the so-called owner of asbury, ephraim, and lydia with the quakers. asbury was first examined, and his story ran substantially thus: "i run away because i was used bad; three years ago i was knocked dead with an axe by my master; the blood run out of my head as if it had been poured out of a tumbler; you can see the mark plain enough--look here," (with his finger on the spot). "i left millington, at the head of chester in kent county, maryland, where i had been held by a farmer who called himself michael newbold. he was originally from mount holly, new jersey, but had been living in maryland over twenty years. he was called a hickory quaker, and he had a real quaker for a wife. before he was in maryland five years he bought slaves, became a regular slave-holder, got to drinking and racing horses, and was very bad--treated all hands bad, his wife too, so that she had to leave him and go to philadelphia to her kinsfolks. it was because he was so bad we all had to leave," &c. while asbury's story appeared truthful and simple, a portion of it was too shocking to morality and damaging to humanity to be inserted in these pages. asbury was about forty years of age, a man of dark hue, size and height about mediocrity, and mental ability quite above the average. ephraim was a fellow-servant and companion of asbury. he was a man of superior physical strength, and from all outward appearance, he possessed qualities susceptible of ready improvement. he not only spoke of newbold in terms of strong condemnation but of slave-holders and slavery everywhere. the lessons he had learned gave him ample opportunity to speak from experience and from what he had observed in the daily practices of slave-holders; consequently, with his ordinary gifts, it was impossible for him to utter his earnest feelings without making a deep impression. lydia also fled from michael newbold. she was a young married woman, only twenty-two years of age, of a chestnut color and a pleasant countenance. her flight for liberty cost her her husband, as she was obliged to leave him behind. what understanding was entered into between them prior to her departure we failed to note at the time. it was very clear that she had decided never to wear the yoke again. * * * * * arrival from washington, . josephine robinson. many reasons were given by josephine for leaving the sunny south. she had a mistress, but was not satisfied with her--hadn't a particle of love for her; "she was all the time fussing and scolding, and never could be satisfied." she was very well off, and owned thirteen or fourteen head of slaves. she was a member of the methodist church, was stingy and very mean towards her slaves. josephine having lived with her all her life, professed to have a thorough knowledge of her ways and manners, and seemed disposed to speak truthfully of her. the name of her mistress was eliza hambleton, and she lived in washington. josephine had fully thought over the matter of her rights, so much so, that she was prompted to escape. so hard did she feel her lot to be, that she was compelled to resign her children, uncle and aunt to the cruel mercy of slavery. what became of the little ones, david, ogden and isaiah, is a mystery. arrival from cecil county, . robert johns and his wife "sue ann." fortunately, in this instance, man and wife succeeded in making their way out of slavery together. robert was a man of small stature, and the farthest shade from white. in appearance and intellect he represented the ordinary maryland slave, raised on a farm, surrounded with no refining influences or sympathy. he stated that a man by the name of william cassey had claimed the right to his labor, and that he had been kept in bondage on his farm. for a year or more before setting out for freedom, robert had watched his master pretty closely, and came to the conclusion, that he was "a monstrous blustery kind of a man; one of the old time fellows, very hard and rash--not fit to own a dog." he owned twelve slaves; robert resolved that he would make one less in a short while. he laid the matter before his wife, "sue," who was said to be the property of susan flinthrew, wife of john flinthrew, of cecil county, maryland. "sue" having suffered severely, first from one and then another, sometimes from floggings, and at other times from hunger, and again from not being half clothed in cold weather, was prepared to consider any scheme that looked in the direction of speedy deliverance. the way that they were to travel, and the various points of danger to be passed on the road were fully considered; but robert and sue were united and agreed that they could not fare much worse than they had fared, should they be captured and carried back. in this state of mind, as in the case of thousands of others, they set out for a free state, and in due time reached pennsylvania and the vigilance committee, to whom they made known the facts here recorded, and received aid and comfort in return. sue was a young woman of twenty-three, of a brown color, and somewhat under medium size. arrival from georgetown, d.c., . perry clexton, jim banks and charles nole. this party found no very serious obstacles in their travels, as their plans were well arranged, and as they had at least natural ability sufficient for ordinary emergencies. perry reported that he left "a man by the name of john m. williams, of georgetown, d.c., who was in the wood business, and kept a wharf." as to treatment, he said that he had not been used very hard, but had been worked hard and allowed but few privileges. the paltry sum of twenty-five cents a week, was all that was allowed him out of his hire. with a wife and one child this might seem a small sum, but in reality it was a liberal outlay compared with what many slaves were allowed. perry being a ready-witted article, thought that it was hardly fair that mr. williams should live by the sweat of his brow instead of his own; he was a large, portly man, and able to work for himself in perry's opinion. for a length of time, the notion of leaving and going to canada was uppermost in his heart; probably he would have acted with more promptness but for the fact that his wife and child rested with great weight on his mind. finally the pressure became so great that he felt that he must leave at all hazards, forsaking wife and child, master and chains. he was a young man, of about twenty-five years of age, of a dark shade, ordinary build, and full of grit. his wife was named amelia; whether she ever afterwards heard from her husband is a question. jim, who accompanied perry, brought the shoe-making art with him. he had been held a slave under john j. richards, although he was quite as much a white man as he was black. he was a mulatto, twenty-nine years of age, well-made, and bore a grum countenance, but a brave and manly will to keep up his courage on the way. he said that he had been used very well, had no fault to find with john j. richards, who was possibly a near relative of his. he forsook his mother, four brothers and three sisters with no hope of ever seeing them again. charles bore strong testimony in favor of his master, blooker w. hansborough, a farmer, a first-rate man to his servants, said charles. "i was used very well, can't complain." "why did you not remain then?" asked a member of the committee. "i left," answered c., "because i was not allowed to live with my wife. she with our six children, lived a long distance from my master's place, and he would not hire me out where i could live near my wife, so i made up my mind that i would try and do better. i could see no enjoyment that way." as the secret of his master's treatment is here brought to light, it is very evident that charles, in speaking so highly in his favor, failed to take a just view of him, as no man could really be first-rate to his servants, who would not allow a man to live with his wife and children, and who would persist in taking from another what he had no right to take. nevertheless, as charles thought his master "first-rate," he shall have the benefit of the opinion, but it was suspected that charles was not disposed to find fault with his kin, as it was very likely that the old master claimed some of the white blood in his veins. arrival from sussex county, . jacob blockson, george alligood, jim alligood, and george lewis. the coming of jacob and his companions was welcomed in the usual way. the marks of slavery upon them were evident; however they were subjected to the usual critical examination, which they bore with composure, and without the least damage. the following notes in the main were recorded from their statements: jacob was a stout and healthy-looking man, about twenty-seven years of age, with a countenance indicative of having no sympathy with slavery. being invited to tell his own story, describe his master, etc., he unhesitatingly relieved himself somewhat after this manner; "i escaped from a man by the name of jesse w. paten; he was a man of no business, except drinking whiskey, and farming. he was a light complected man, tall large, and full-faced, with a large nose. he was a widower. he belonged to no society of any kind. he lived near seaford, in sussex county, delaware." "i left because i didn't want to stay with him any longer. my master was about to be sold out this fall, and i made up my mind that i did not want to be sold like a horse, the way they generally sold darkies then; so when i started i resolved to die sooner than i would be taken back; this was my intention all the while. "i left my wife, and one child; the wife's name was lear, and the child was called alexander. i want to get them on soon too. i made some arrangements for their coming if i got off safe to canada." george was next called upon to give his statement concerning where he was from, etc. i "scaped" from sussex too, from a man by the name of george m. davis, a large man, dark-complected, and about fifty years of age; he belonged to the old side methodist church, was a man with a family, and followed farming, or had farming done by me and others. besides he was a justice of the peace. i always believed that the master above had no wish for me to be held in bondage all my days; but i thought if i made up my mind to stay in slavery, and not to make a desperate trial for my freedom, i would never have any better times. i had heard that my old mistress had willed me to her children, and children's children. i thought at this rate there was no use of holding on any longer for the good time to come, so here i said, i am going, if i die a trying. i got me a dagger, and made up my mind if they attempted to take me on the road, i would have one man. as for my part, i have not had it so slavish as many, but i have never had any privileges to learn to read, or to go about anywhere. now and then they let me go to church. my master belonged to church, and so did i. for a young man, being only twenty-two years of age, who had been kept from the light of freedom, as much as he had, his story was thought to be exceedingly well told throughout. james, a brother of george, said: "i came from horse's cross-roads, not far from where my brother george came from. william gray, rail road ticket agent at bridgewater, professed to own me. he was a tolerable sized man, with very large whiskers, and dark hair; he was rather a steady kind of a man, he had a wife, but no child. the reason i left, i thought i had served slavery long enough, as i had been treated none the best. i did not believe in working my life out just to support some body else. my master had as many hands and feet as i have, and is as able to work for his bread as i am; and i made up my mind that i wouldn't stay to be a slave under him any longer, but that i would go to canada, and be my own master." james left his poor wife, and three children, slaves perhaps for life. the wife's name was esther ann, the children were called mary, henry, and harriet. all belonged to jesse laten. george lewis had more years than any of his companions, being about forty years of age. he had been kept in as low a state of ignorance as the ingenuity of a slave-holder of delaware could keep one possessed of as much mother-wit as he was, for he was not quite so ignorant as the interests of the system required. his physical make and mental capacity were good. he was decidedly averse to the peculiar institution in every particular. he stated, that a man named samuel laws had held him in bondage--that this "laws was a man of no business--just sat about the house and went about from store to store and sat; that he was an old man, pretty grey, very long hair. he was a member of a church in the neighborhood, which was called radical." of this church and its members he could give but little account, either of their peculiarities or creed; he said, however, that they worshipped a good deal like the methodists, and allowed their members to swear heartily for slavery. "something told" george that he had worked long enough as a slave, and that he should be man enough to take the underground rail road and go off to a free country. accordingly george set out. when he arrived at the station he was so highly delighted with his success and the prospect before him, that he felt very sorry that he hadn't started ten years sooner. he said that he would have done so, but he was afraid, as slave-holders were always making the slaves believe that if they should ever escape they would catch them and bring them back and sell them down south, certain; that they always did catch every one who ran off, but never brought them home, but sold them right off where they could never run away any more, or get to see their relatives again. this threat, george said, was continually rung in the ears of the slaves, and with the more timid it was very effective. jacob blockson, after reaching canada, true to the pledge that he made to his bosom companion, wrote back as follows: saint catharines. cannda west, dec. th, . dear wife:--i now infom you i am in canada and am well and hope you are the same, and would wish you to be here next august, you come to suspension bridge and from there to st. catharines, write and let me know. i am doing well working for a butcher this winter, and will get good wages in the spring i now get $ , a week. i jacob blockson, george lewis, george alligood and james alligood are all in st. catharines, and met george ross from lewis wright's, jim blockson is in canada west, and jim delany, plunnoth connon. i expect you my wife lea ann blockson, my son alexander & lewis and ames will all be here and isabella also, if you cant bring all bring alexander surely, write when you will come and i will meet you in albany. love to you all, from your loving husband, jacob blockson. fare through $ , to here. mr. still: sir:--you will please envelope this and send it to john sheppard bridgeville p office in sussex county delaware, seal it in black and oblige me, write to her to come to you. sundry arrivals in . sarah ann mills, boonsborough; caroline gassway, mt. airy; levin holden, laurel; william james conner, with his wife, child, and four brothers; james lazarus, delaware; richard williams, richmond, virginia; sydney hopkins and henry wheeler, havre de grace. sarah mills set out for freedom long before she reached womanhood; being about sixteen years of age. she stated that she had been very cruelly treated, that she was owned by a man named joseph o'neil, "a tax collector and a very bad man." under said o'neil she had been required to chop wood, curry horses, work in the field like a man, and all one winter she had been compelled to go barefooted. three weeks before sarah fled, her mistress was called away by death; nevertheless sarah could not forget how badly she had been treated by her while living. according to sarah's testimony the mistress was no better than her husband. sarah came from boonsborough, near hagerstown, md., leaving her mother and other relatives in that neighborhood. it was gratifying to know that such bond-women so early got beyond the control of slave-holders; yet girls of her age from having had no pains taken for their improvement, appealed loudly for more than common sympathy and humanity, but rarely ever found it; on the contrary, their paths were beset with great danger. caroline gassway, after being held to service by summersett walters, until she had reached her twenty-seventh year, was forced, by hard treatment and the love of freedom, to make an effort for deliverance. her appearance at once indicated, although she was just out of the prison-house, that she possessed more than an ordinary share of courage, and that she had had a keen insight into the system under which she had been oppressed. she was of a dark chestnut color, well-formed, with a large and high forehead, indicative of intellect. she had much to say of the ways and practices of slave-holders; of the wrongs of the system. she dwelt especially upon her own situation as a slave, and the character of her master; she told not only of his ill treatment of her, but described his physical appearance as well. "he was a spare-made man, with a red head and quick temper: he would go off in a flurry like a flash of powder, and would behave shamefully towards the slaves when in these fits of passion." his wife, however, caroline confessed was of a different temper, and was a pretty good kind of a woman. if he had been anything like his wife in disposition, most likely caroline would have remained in bondage. fortunately, caroline was a single woman. she left her mother. levin holden, having been sold only a few weeks prior to his escape, was so affected by the change which awaited him, that he was irresistibly led to seek the underground rail road. previous to being sold he was under a master by the name of jonathan bailey, who followed farming in the neighborhood of laurel, delaware, and, as a master, was considered a moderate man--was also well to do in the world; but the new master he could not endure, as he had already let the secret out that levin was to be sent south. levin had a perfect horror of a more southern latitude; he made up his mind that he would try his luck for canada. levin was a man of twenty-seven years of age, smart, dark color, and of a good size for all sorts of work. william james conner, his wife, child, and four brothers came next. the brothers were hale-looking fellows, and would have commanded high prices in any market south of mason and dixon's line. it was said, that they were the property of kendall major lewis, who lived near laurel, delaware. it was known, however, that he never had any deed from the almighty, but oppressed them without any just right so to do; they were perfectly justifiable in leaving kendall major lewis, and all his sympathizers, to take care of themselves as best they could. no very serious charges were made against lewis, but on the contrary they said, that he had been looked upon as a "moderate slave-holder;" they also said, that "he had been a member of the methodist episcopal church for fifty years, and stood high in that body." furthermore they stated, that he sold slaves occasionally. eight had been sold by him some time before this party escaped (two of them to georgia); besides william james had been sold and barely found opportunity to escape. wm. james, major lewis, dennis betts, peter, and lazarus, with the wife and child of the former, not only found themselves stripped from day to day of their hard earnings, but fearful forebodings of the auction-block were ever uppermost in their minds. while they spoke of lewis as "moderate," etc., they all said that he allowed no privileges to his slaves. richard williams gave a full account of himself, but only a meagre report was recorded. he said that he came from richmond, and left because he was on the point of being sold by john a. smith, who owned him. he gave smith credit for being a tolerable fair kind of a slave-holder, but added, that "his wife was a notoriously hard woman;" she had made a very deep impression on richard's mind by her treatment of him. in finding himself on free ground, however, with cheering prospects ahead, he did not stop to brood over the ills that he had suffered, but rejoiced heartily. he left his wife, julia, who was free. sydney hopkins and henry wheeler. these young men made their way out of slavery together. while sydney lives he will forever regard jacob hoag, of havre-de-grace, as the person who cheated him out of himself, and prevented him from becoming enlightened and educated. henry, his companion, was also from havre de grace. he had had trouble with a man by the name of amos barnes, or in other words barnes claimed to own him, just as he owned a horse or a mule, and daily controlled him in about the same manner that he would manage the animals above alluded to. henry could find no justification for such treatment. he suffered greatly under the said barnes, and finally his eyes were open to see that there was an underground rail road for the benefit of all such slavery-sick souls as himself. so he got a ticket as soon as possible, and came through without accident, leaving amos barnes to do the best he could for a living. this candidate for canada was twenty-one years of age, and a likely-looking boy. joseph henry hill. the spirit of freedom in this passenger was truly the "one idea" notion. at the age of twenty-eight his purpose to free himself by escaping on the underground rail road was successfully carried into effect, although not without difficulty. joseph was a fair specimen of a man physically and mentally, could read and write, and thereby keep the run of matters of interest on the slavery question. james thomas, jr., a tobacco merchant, in richmond, had joe down in his ledger as a marketable piece of property, or a handy machine to save labor, and make money. to joe's great joy he heard the sound of the underground rail road bell in richmond,--had a satisfactory interview with the conductor,--received a favorable response, and was soon a traveler on his way to canada. he left his mother, a free woman, and two sisters in chains. he had been sold twice, but he never meant to be sold again. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . cornelius henry johnson. face canada-ward for years. quite an agreeable interview took place between cornelius and the committee. he gave his experience of slavery pretty fully, and the committee enlightened him as to the workings of the underground rail road, the value of freedom, and the safety of canada as a refuge. cornelius was a single man, thirty-six years of age, full black, medium size, and intelligent. he stated that he had had his face set toward canada for a long while. three times he had made an effort to get out of the prison-house. "within the last four or five years, times have gone pretty hard with me. my mistress, mrs. mary f. price, had lately put me in charge of her brother, samuel m. bailey, a tobacco merchant of richmond. both believed in nothing as they did in slavery; they would sooner see a black man dead than free. they were about second class in society. he and his sister own well on to one hundred head, though within the last few years he has been thinning off the number by sale. i was allowed one dollar a week for my board; one dollar is the usual allowance for slaves in my situation. on christmas week he allowed me no board money, but made me a present of seventy-five cents; my mistress added twenty-five cents, which was the extent of their liberality. i was well cared for. when the slaves got sick he doctored them himself, he was too stingy to employ a physician. if they did not get well as soon as he thought they should, he would order them to their work, and if they did not go he would beat them. my cousin was badly beat last year in the presence of his wife, and he was right sick. mr. bailey was a member of st. james' church, on fifth street, and my mistress was a communicant of the first baptist church on broad street. she let on to be very good." "i am one of a family of sixteen; my mother and eleven sisters and brothers are now living; some have been sold to alabama, and some to tennessee, the rest are held in richmond. my mother is now old, but is still in the service of bailey. he promised to take care of her in her old age, and not compel her to labor, so she is only required to cook and wash for a dozen slaves. this they consider a great favor to the old 'grandmother.' it was only a year ago he cursed her and threatened her with a flogging. i left for nothing else but because i was dissatisfied with slavery. the threats of my master caused me to reflect on the north and south. i had an idea that i was not to die in slavery. i believed that god would assist me if i would try. i then made up my mind to put my case in the hands of god, and start for the underground rail road. i bade good-bye to the old tobacco factory on seventh street, and the first african baptist church on broad street (where he belonged), where i had so often heard the minister preach 'servants obey your masters;' also to the slave pens, chain-gangs, and a cruel master and mistress, all of which i hoped to leave forever. but to bid good-bye to my old mother in chains, was no easy job, and if my desire for freedom had not been as strong as my desire for life itself, i could never have stood it; but i felt that i could do her no good; could not help her if i staid. as i was often threatened by my master, with the auction-block, i felt i must give up all and escape for my life." such was substantially the story of cornelius henry johnson. he talked for an hour as one inspired, and as none but fugitive slaves could talk. * * * * * arrival from delaware, . theophilus collins, andrew jackson boyce, handy burton and robert jackson. a desperate, bloody struggle--gun, knife and fire shovel, used by an infuriated master. judged from their outward appearance, as well as from the fact that they were from the neighboring state of delaware, no extraordinary revelations were looked for from the above-named party. it was found, however, that one of their number, at least, had a sad tale of outrage and cruelty to relate. the facts stated are as follows: theophilus is twenty-four years of age, dark, height and stature hardly medium, with faculties only about average compared with ordinary fugitives from delaware and maryland. his appearance is in no way remarkable. his bearing is subdued and modest; yet he is not lacking in earnestness. says theophilus, "i was in servitude under a man named houston, near lewes, delaware; he was a very mean man, he didn't allow you enough to eat, nor enough clothes to wear. he never allowed a drop of tea, or coffee, or sugar, and if you didn't eat your breakfast before day he wouldn't allow you any, but would drive you out without any. he had a wife; she was mean, too, meaner than he was. four years ago last fall my master cut my entrails out for going to meeting at daniel wesley's church one sabbath night. before day, monday morning, he called me up to whip me; called me into his dining-room, locked the doors, then ordered me to pull off my shirt. i told him no, sir, i wouldn't; right away he went and got the cowhide, and gave me about twenty over my head with the butt. he tore my shirt off, after i would not pull it off; he ordered me to cross my hands. i didn't do that. after i wouldn't do that he went and got his gun. and broke the breech of that over my head. he then seized up the fire-tongs and struck me over the head ever so often. the next thing he took was the parlor shovel and he beat on me with that till he broke the handle; then he took the blade and stove it at my head with all his might. i told him that i was bound to come out of that room. he run up to the door and drawed his knife and told me if i ventured to the door he would stab me. i never made it any better or worse, but aimed straight for the door; but before i reached it he stabbed me, drawing the knife (a common pocket knife) as hard as he could rip across my stomach; right away he began stabbing me about my head," (marks were plainly to be seen). after a desperate struggle, theophilus succeeded in getting out of the building. [illustration: ] "i started," said he, "at once for georgetown, carrying a part of my entrails in my hands for the whole journey, sixteen miles. i went to my young masters, and they took me to an old colored woman, called judah smith, and for five days and nights i was under treatment of dr. henry moore, dr. charles henry richards, and dr. william newall; all these attended me. i was not expected to live for a long time, but the doctors cured me at last." andrew reported that he fled from dr. david houston. "i left because of my master's meanness to me; he was a very mean man to his servants," said andrew, "and i got so tired of him i couldn't stand him any longer." andrew was about twenty-six years of age, ordinary size; color, brown, and was entitled to his freedom, but knew not how to secure it by law, so resorted to the underground rail road method. handy, another of this party, said that he left because the man who claimed to be his master "was so hard." the man by whom he had been wronged was known where he came from by the name of shepherd burton, and was in the farming business. "he was a churchman," said handy, "but he never allowed me to go to church a half dozen times in my life." robert belonged to mrs. mary hickman, at least she had him in her possession and reaped the benefit of his hire and enjoyed the leisure and ease thereof while he toiled. for some time prior to his leaving, this had been a thorn in his side, hard to bear; so when an opening presented itself by which he thought he could better his condition, he was ready to try the experiment. he, however, felt that, while she would not have him to look to for support, she would not be without sympathy, as she was a member of the episcopal church; besides she was an old-looking woman and might not need his help a great while longer. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . stepney brown. stepney was an extraordinary man, his countenance indicating great goodness of heart, and his gratitude to his heavenly father for his deliverance proved that he was fully aware of the source whence his help had come. being a man of excellent natural gifts, as well as of religious fervor and devotion to a remarkable degree, he seemed admirably fitted to represent the slave in chains, looking up to god with an eye of faith, and again the fugitive in canada triumphant and rejoicing with joy unspeakable over his deliverance, yet not forgetting those in bonds, as bound with them. the beauty of an unshaken faith in the good father above could scarcely have shone with a brighter lustre than was seen in this simple-hearted believer. stepney was thirty-four years of age, tall, slender, and of a dark hue. he readily confessed that he fled from mrs. julia a. mitchell, of richmond; and testified that she was decidedly stingy and unkind, although a member of st. paul's church. still he was wholly free from acrimony, and even in recounting his sufferings was filled with charity towards his oppressors. he said, "i was moved to leave because i believed that i had a right to be a free man." he was a member of the second baptist church, and entertained strong faith that certain infirmities, which had followed him through life up to within seven years of the time of his escape, had all been removed through the spirit of the lord. he had been an eye-witness to many outrages inflicted on his fellow-men. but he spoke more of the sufferings of others than his own. his stay was brief, but interesting. after his arrival in canada he turned his attention to industrial pursuits, and cherished his loved idea that the lord was very good to him. occasionally he would write to express his gratitude to god and man, and to inquire about friends in different localities, especially those in bonds. the following letters are specimens, and speak for themselves: clifton house, niagara falls, august the . dear brother:--it is with pleasure i take my pen in hand to write a few lines to inform you that i am well hopeping these few lines may fine you the same i am longing to hear from you and your family i wish you would say to julis anderson that he must realy excuse me for not writing but i am in hopes that he is doing well. i have not heard no news from virgina. plese to send me all the news say to mrs. hunt an you also forever pray for me knowing that god is so good to us. i have not seen brother john dungy for months, but we have corresponded together but he is doing well in brandford. i am now at the falls an have been on here some time an i shall with the help of the lord locate myself somewhere this winter an go to school excuse me for not annser your letter sooner knowing that i cannot write well you please to send me one of the earliest papers send me word if any of our friends have been passing through i know that you are very busy but ask your little daughter if she will annser this letter for you i often feel that i cannot turn god thanks enough for his blessings that he has bestoueth upon me. say to brother suel that he must not forget what god has consighn to his hand, to do that he must pray in his closet that god might teach him. say to mr. anderson that i hope he have retrad an has seeked the lord an found him precious to his own soul for he must do it in this world for he cannot do it in the world to come, i often think about the morning that i left your house it was such a sad feeling but still i have a hope in crist do you think it is safe in boston my love to all i remain your brother, stepney brown. brantford, march d, . mr. william still, dear sir:--i now take the pleasure of writing to you a few lines write soon hoping to find you enjoying perfect health, as i am the same. my joy within is so great that i cannot find words to express it. when i met with my friend brother dungy who stopped at your house on his way to canada after having a long chase after me from toronto to hamilton he at last found me in the town of brantford canada west and ought we not to return almighty god thanks for delivering us from the many dangers and trials that beset our path in this wicked world we live in. i have long been wanting to write to you but i entirely forgot the number of your house mr. dungy luckily happened to have your directions with him. religion is good when we live right may god help you to pray often to him that he might receive you at the hour of your final departure. yours most respectfully. stepney brown, per jas. a. walk. p.s. write as soon as possible for i wish very much to hear from you. i understand that mrs. hunt has been to richmond, va. be so kind as to ask her if she heard anything about that money. give my love to all inquiring friends and to your family especially. i now thank god that i have not lost a day in sickness since i came to canada. kiss the baby for me. i know you are busy but i hope you will have time to write a few lines to me to let me know how you and your family are getting on. no more at present, but i am yours very truly, stepney brown, per jas. a. walkinshaw. brantford, oct. , ' dear sir:--i take the pleasure of dropping you a few lines, i am yet residing in brantford and i have been to work all this summer at the falls and i have got along remarkably well, surely god is good to those that put their trust in him i suppose you have been wondering what has become of me but i am in the lands of living and long to hear from you and your family. i would have wrote sooner, but the times has been such in the states i have not but little news to send you and i'm going to school again this winter and will you be pleased to send me word what has become of julius anderson and the rest of my friends and tell him i would write to him if i knew where to direct the letter, please send me word whether any body has been along lately that knows me. i know that you are busy but you must take time and answer this letter as i am anxious to hear from you, but nevertheless we must not forget our maker, so we cannot pray too much to our lord so i hope that mr. anderson has found peace with god for me myself really appreciate that hope that i have in christ, for i often find myself in my slumber with you and i hope we will meet some day. mr. dungy sends his love to you i suppose you are aware that he is married, he is luckier than i am or i must get a little foothold before i do marry if i ever do. i am in a very comfortable room all fixed for the winter and we have had one snow. may the lord be with you and all you and all your household. i remain forever your brother in christ, stepney brown. arrival from maryland, . jim kell, charles heath, william carlisle, charles ringgold, thomas maxwell, and samuel smith. on the evening of the fourth of july, while all was hilarity and rejoicing the above named very interesting fugitives arrived from the troubled district, the eastern shore, of maryland, where so many conventions had been held the previous year to prevent escapes; where the rev. samuel green had been convicted and sent to the penitentiary for ten years for having a copy of uncle tom's cabin in his humble home; where so many parties, on escaping, had the good sense and courage to secure their flight by bringing their masters' horses and carriages a good way on their perilous journey. sam had been tied up and beat many times severely. william had been stripped naked, and frequently and cruelly cowhided. thomas had been clubbed over his head more times than a few. jim had been whipped with clubs and switches times without number. charles had had five men on him at one time, with cowhides, his master in the lead. charles heath had had his head cut shockingly, with a club, in the hands of his master; this well cared-for individual in referring to his kind master, said: "i can give his character right along, he was a perfect devil. the night we left, he had a woman tied up--god knows what he done. he was always blustering, you could never do enough for him no how. first thing in the morning and last thing at night, you would hear him cussing--he would cuss in bed. he was a large farmer, all the time drunk. he had a good deal of money but not much character. he was a savage, bluff, red face-looking concern." thus, in the most earnest, as well as in an intelligent manner, charles described the man (aquila cain), who had hitherto held him under the yoke. james left his mother, nancy kell, two brothers, robert and henry, and two sisters, mary and annie; all living in the neighborhood whence he fled. besides these, he had eight brothers and sisters living in baltimore and elsewhere, under the yoke. he was twenty-four years of age, of a jet color, but of a manly turn. he fled from thomas murphy, a farmer, and regular slave-holder. charles heath was twenty-five years of age, medium size, full black, a very keen-looking individual. william was also of unmixed blood, shrewd and wide-awake for his years,--had been ground down under the heel of aquila cain. he left his mother and two sisters. charles ringgold was eighteen years of age; no white blood showed itself in the least in this individual. he fled from dr. jacob preston, a member of the episcopal church, and a practical farmer with twenty head of slaves. "he was not so bad, but his wife was said to be a 'stinger.'" charles left his mother and father behind, also four sisters. thomas was of pure blood, with a very cheerful, healthy-looking countenance,--twenty-one years of age, and was to "come free" at twenty-five, but he had too much good sense to rely upon the promises of slave-holders in matters of this kind. he too belonged to cain who, he said, was constantly talking about selling, etc. he left his father and mother. after being furnished with food, clothing, and free tickets, they were forwarded on in triumph and full of hope. * * * * * sundry arrivals, . john edward lee, john hillis, charles ross, james ryan, william johnston, edward wood, cornelius fuller and his wife harriet, john pinket, ansal cannon, and james brown. john came from maryland, and brought with him a good degree of pluck. he satisfied the committee that he fully believed in freedom, and had proved his faith by his works, as he came in contact with pursuers, whom he put to flight by the use of an ugly-looking knife, which he plunged into one of them, producing quite a panic; the result was that he was left to pursue his underground rail road journey without further molestation. there was nothing in john's appearance which would lead one to suppose that he was a blood-thirsty or bad man, although a man of uncommon muscular powers; six feet high, and quite black, with resolution stamped on his countenance. but when he explained how he was enslaved by a man named john b. slade, of harford co., and how, in some way or other, he became entitled to his freedom, and just as the time arrived for the consummation of his long prayed-for boon, said slade was about to sell him,--after this provocation, it was clear enough to perceive how john came to use his knife. john hillis was a tiller of the ground under a widow lady (mrs. louisa le count), of the new market district, maryland. he signified to the mistress, that he loved to follow the water, and that he would be just as safe on water as on land, and that he was discontented. the widow heard john's plausible story, and saw nothing amiss in it, so she consented that he should work on a schooner. the name of the craft was "majestic." the hopeful john endeavored to do his utmost to please, and was doubly happy when he learned that the "majestic" was to make a trip to philadelphia. on arriving john's eyes were opened to see that he owed mrs. le count nothing, but that she was largely indebted to him for years of unrequited toil; he could not, therefore, consent to go back to her. he was troubled to think of his poor wife and children, whom he had left in the hands of mrs. harriet dean, three quarters of a mile from new market; but it was easier for him to imagine plans by which he could get them off than to incur the hazard of going back to maryland; therefore he remained in freedom. charles ross was clearly of the opinion that he was free-born, but that he had been illegally held in slavery, as were all his brothers and sisters, by a man named rodgers, a farmer, living near greensborough, in caroline county, md. very good reasons were given by charles for the charge which he made against rodgers, and it went far towards establishing the fact, that "colored men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," in maryland. although he was only twenty-three years of age, he had fully weighed the matter of his freedom, and appeared firmly set against slavery. william johnson was owned by a man named john bosley, a farmer, living near gun powder neck, maryland. one morning he, unexpectedly to william, gave him a terrible cowhiding, which, contrary to the master's designs, made him a firm believer in the doctrine of immediate abolition, and he thought, that from that hour he must do something against the system--if nothing more than to go to canada. this determination was so strong, that in a few weeks afterwards he found himself on the underground rail road. he left one brother and one sister; his mother was dead, and of his father's whereabouts he knew nothing. william was nineteen years of age, brown color, smart and good-looking. edward wood was a "chattel" from drummerstown, accomac county, virginia, where he had been owned by a farmer, calling himself james white; a man who "drank hard and was very crabbed," and before edward left owned eleven head of slaves. edward left a wife and three children, but the strong desire to be free, which had been a ruling passion of his being from early boyhood, rendered it impossible for him to stay, although the ties were very hard to break. slavery was crushing him hourly, and he felt that he could not submit any longer. cornelius fuller, and his wife, harriet, escaped together from kent county, maryland. they belonged to separate masters; cornelius, it was said, belonged to the diden estate; his wife to judge chambers, whose honor lived in chestertown. "he is no man for freedom, bless you," said harriet. "he owned more slaves than any other man in that part of the country; he sells sometimes, and he hired out a great many; would hire them to any kind of a master, if he half killed you." cornelius and harriet were obliged to leave their daughter kitty, who was thirteen years of age. john pinket and ansal cannon took the underground rail road cars at new market, dorchester county, maryland. john was a tall young man, of twenty-seven years of age, of an active turn of mind and of a fine black color. he was the property of mary brown, a widow, firmly grounded in the love of slavery; believing that a slave had no business to get tired or desire his freedom. she sold one of john's sisters to georgia, and before john fled, had still in her possession nine head of slaves. she was a member of the methodist church at east new market. from certain movements which looked very suspicious in john's eyes, he had been allotted to the southern market, he therefore resolved to look out for a habitation in canada. he had a first-rate corn-field education, but no book learning. up to the time of his escape, john had shunned entangling himself with a wife. ansal was twenty-five years of age, well-colored, and seemed like a good-natured and well-behaved article. he escaped from kitty cannon, another widow, who owned nine chattels. "sometimes she treated her slaves pretty well," was the testimony of ansal. he ran away because he did not get pay for his services. in thus being deprived of his hire, he concluded that he had no business to stay if he could get away. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . james brown. a more giant-like looking passenger than the above named individual had rarely ever passed over the road. he was six feet three inches high, and in every respect, a man of bone, sinew and muscle. for one who had enjoyed only a field hand's privileges for improvement, he was not to be despised. jim owed service to henry jones; at least he admitted that said jones claimed him, and had hired him out to himself for seven dollars per month. while this amount seemed light, it was much heavier than jim felt willing to meet solely for his master's benefit. after giving some heed to the voice of freedom within, he considered that it behooved him to try and make his way to some place where men were not guilty of wronging their neighbors out of their just hire. having heard of the underground rail road running to canada, he concluded to take a trip and see the country, for himself; so he arranged his affairs with this end in view, and left henry jones with one less to work for him for nothing. the place that he fled from was called north point, baltimore county. the number of fellow-slaves left in the hands of his old master, was fifteen. * * * * * arrival from delaware, . edward, john, and charles hall. the above named individuals were brothers from delaware. they were young; the eldest being about twenty, the youngest not far from seventeen years of age. edward was serving on a farm, under a man named booth. perceiving that booth was "running through his property" very fast by hard drinking, edward's better judgment admonished him that his so-called master would one day have need of more rum money, and that he might not be too good to offer him in the market for what he would bring. charles resolved that when his brothers crossed the line dividing delaware and pennsylvania, he would not be far behind. the mother of these boys was freed at the age of twenty-eight, and lived in wilmington, delaware. it was owing to the fact that their mother had been freed that they entertained the vague notion that they too might be freed; but it was a well established fact that thousands lived and died in such a hope without ever realizing their expectations. the boys, more shrewd and wide awake than many others, did not hearken to such "stuff." the two younger heard the views of the elder brother, and expressed a willingness to follow him. edward, becoming satisfied that what they meant to do must be done quickly, took the lead, and off they started for a free state. john was owned by one james b. rodgers, a farmer, and "a most every kind of man," as john expressed himself; in fact john thought that his owner was such a strange, wicked, and cross character that he couldn't tell himself what he was. seeing that slaves were treated no better than dogs and hogs, john thought that he was none too young to be taking steps to get away. charles was held by james rodgers, sr., under whom he said that he had served nine years with faint prospects of some time becoming free, but when, was doubtful. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . james taylor, albert gross, and john grinage. to see mere lads, not twenty-one years of age, smart enough to outwit the very shrewdest and wisest slave-holders of virginia was very gratifying. the young men composing this arrival were of this keen-sighted order. james was only a little turned of twenty, of a yellow complexion, and intelligent. a trader, by the name of george ailer, professed to own james. he said that he had been used tolerable well, not so bad as many had been used. james was learning the carpenter trade; but he was anxious to obtain his freedom, and finding his two companions true on the main question, in conjunction with them he contrived a plan of escape, and 'took out.' his father and mother, harrison and jane taylor, were left at fredericksburg to mourn the absence of their son. albert was in his twentieth year, the picture of good health, not homely by any means, although not of a fashionable color. he was under the patriarchal protection of a man by the name of william price, who carried on farming in cecil county, maryland. albert testified that he was a bad man. john grinage was only twenty, a sprightly, active young man, of a brown color. he came from middle neck, cecil county, where he had served under william flintham, a farmer. * * * * * sundry arrivals from maryland ( ) and other places. james andy wilkins, and wife lucinda, with their little boy, charles, charles henry gross, a woman with her two children--one in her arms--john brown, john roach, and wife lamby, and henry smallwood. the above-named passengers did not all come from the same place, or exactly at the same time; but for the sake of convenience they are thus embraced under a general head. james andy wilkins "gave the slip" to a farmer, by the name of george biddle, who lived one mile from cecil, cecil county, maryland. while he hated slavery, he took a favorable view of his master in some respects at least, as he said that he was a "moderate man in talk;" but "sly in action." his master provided him with two pairs of pantaloons in the summer, and one in the winter, also a winter jacket, no vest, no cap, or hat. james thought the sum total for the entire year's clothing would not amount to more than ten dollars. sunday clothing he was compelled to procure for himself by working of nights; he made axe handles, mats, etc., of evenings, and caught musk rats on sunday, and availed himself of their hides to procure means for his most pressing wants. besides these liberal privileges his master was in the habit of allowing him two whole days every harvest, and at christmas from twenty-five cents to as high as three dollars and fifty cents, were lavished upon him. his master was a bachelor, a man of considerable means, and "kept tolerable good company," and only owned two other slaves, rachel ann dumbson and john price. lucinda, the companion of james, was twenty-one years of age, good-looking, well-formed and of a brown color. she spoke of a man named george ford as her owner. he, however, was said to be of the "moderate class" of slave-holders; lucinda being the only slave property he possessed, and she came to him through his wife (who was a methodist). the master was an outsider, so far as the church was concerned. once in a great while lucinda was allowed to go to church, when she could be spared from her daily routine of cooking, washing, etc. twice a week she was permitted the special favor of seeing her husband. these simple privations not being of a grave character, no serious fault was found with them; yet lucinda was not without a strong ground of complaint. not long before escaping, she had been threatened with the auction-block; this fate she felt bound to avert, if possible, and the way she aimed to do it was by escaping on the underground rail road. charley, a bright little fellow only three years of age, was "contented and happy" enough. lucinda left her father, moses edgar wright, and two brothers, both slaves. one belonged to "francis crookshanks," and the other to capt. jim mitchell. her mother, who was known by the name of betsy wright, escaped when she (lucinda) was seven years of age. of her whereabouts nothing further had ever been heard. lucinda entertained strong hopes that she might find her in canada. charles henry gross began life in maryland, and was made to bear the heat and burden of the day in baltimore, under henry slaughter, proprietor of the ariel steamer. owing to hard treatment, charles was induced to fly to canada for refuge. a woman with two children, one in her arms, and the other two years of age (names, etc., not recorded), came from the district of columbia. mother and children, appealed loudly for sympathy. john brown, being at the beck of a man filling the situation of a common clerk (in the shoe store of mcgrunders), became dissatisfied. asking himself what right benjamin thorn (his professed master) had to his hire, he was led to see the injustice of his master, and made up his mind, that he would leave by the first train, if he could get a genuine ticket _viâ_ the underground rail road. he found an agent and soon had matters all fixed. he left his father, mother and seven sisters and one brother, all slaves. john was a man small of stature, dark, with homely features, but he was very determined to get away from oppression. john and lamby roach had been eating bitter bread under bondage near seaford. john was the so-called property of joshua o'bear, "a fractious, hard-swearing man, and when mad would hit one of his slaves with anything he could get in his hands." john and his companion made the long journey on foot. the former had been trained to farm labor and the common drudgery of slave life. being a man of thirty-three years of age, with more than ordinary abilities, he had given the matter of his bondage considerable thought, and seeing that his master "got worse the older he got," together with the fact, that his wife had recently been sold, he was strongly stirred to make an effort for canada. while it was a fact, that his wife had already been sold, as above stated, the change of ownership was not to take place for some months, consequently john "took out in a hurry." his wife was the property of dr. shipley, of seaford, who had occasion to raise some money for which he gave security in the shape of this wife and mother. horsey was the name of the gentleman from whom it was said that he obtained the favor; so when the time was up for the payment to be made, the dr. was not prepared. horsey, therefore, claimed the collateral (the wife) and thus she had to meet the issue, or make a timely escape to canada with her husband. no way but walking was open to them. deciding to come this way, they prosecuted their journey with uncommon perseverance and success. both were comforted by strong faith in god, and believed that he would enable them to hold out on the road until they should reach friends. henry smallwood saw that he was working every day for nothing, and thought that he would do better. he described his master (washington bonafont) as a sort of a rowdy, who drank pretty hard, leaving a very unfavorable impression on henry's mind, as he felt almost sure such conduct would lead to a sale at no distant day. so he was cautious enough to "take the hint in time." henry left in company with nine others; but after being two days on the journey they were routed and separated by their pursuers. at this point henry lost all trace of the rest. he heard afterwards that two of them had been captured, but received no further tidings of the others. henry was a fine representative for canada; a tall, dark, and manly-looking individual, thirty-six years of age. he left his father and mother behind. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . henry jones and turner foster. henry was left free by the will of his mistress (elizabeth mann), but the heirs were making desperate efforts to overturn this instrument. of this, there was so much danger with a richmond court, that henry feared that the chances were against him; that the court was not honest enough to do him justice. being a man of marked native foresight, he concluded that the less he talked about freedom and the more he acted the sooner he would be out of his difficulties. he was called upon, however, to settle certain minor matters, before he could see his way clear to move in the direction of canada; for instance, he had a wife on his mind to dispose of in some way, but how he could not tell. again, he was not in the secret of the underground rail road movement; he knew that many got off, but how they managed it he was ignorant. if he could settle these two points satisfactorily, he thought that he would be willing to endure any sacrifice for the sake of his freedom. he found an agent of the underground rail road, and after surmounting various difficulties, this point was settled. as good luck would have it, his wife, who was a free woman, although she heard the secret with great sorrow, had the good sense to regard his step for the best, and thus he was free to contend with all other dangers on the way. he encountered the usual suffering, and on his arrival experienced the wonted pleasure. he was a man of forty-one years of age, spare made, with straight hair, and indian complexion, with the indian's aversion to slavery. turner, who was a fellow-passenger with henry, arrived also from richmond. he was about twenty-one, a bright, smart, prepossessing young man. he fled from a.a. mosen, a lawyer, represented to be one of the first in the city, and a firm believer in slavery. turner differed widely with his master with reference to this question, although, for prudential reasons, he chose not to give his opinion to said mosen. * * * * * arrival from maryland. two young mothers, each with babes in their arms--anna elizabeth young and sarah jane bell--whipped till the blood flowed. the appearance of these young mothers at first produced a sudden degree of pleasure, but their story of suffering quite as suddenly caused the most painful reflections. it was hardly possible to listen to their tales of outrage and wrong with composure. both came from kent county, maryland, and reported that they fled from a man by the name of massey; a man of low stature, light-complexioned, with dark hair, dark eyes, and very quick temper; given to hard swearing as a common practice; also, that the said massey had a wife, who was a very tall woman, with blue eyes, chestnut-colored hair, and a very bad temper; that, conjointly, massey and his wife were in the habit of meting out cruel punishment to their slaves, without regard to age or sex, and that they themselves, (anna elizabeth and sarah jane), had received repeated scourgings at the hands of their master. anna and sarah were respectively twenty-four and twenty-five years of age; anna was of a dark chestnut color, while sarah was two shades lighter; both had good manners, and a fair share of intelligence, which afforded a hopeful future for them in freedom. each had a babe in her arms. sarah had been a married woman for three years; her child, a boy, was eight months old, and was named garrett bell. elizabeth's child was a girl, nineteen months old, and named sarah catharine young. elizabeth had never been married. they had lived with massey five years up to the last march prior to their escape, having been bought out of the baltimore slave-pen, with the understanding that they were to be free at the expiration of five years' service under him. the five years had more than expired, but no hope or sign of freedom appeared. on the other hand, massey was talking loudly of selling them again. threats and fears were so horrifying to them, that they could not stand it; this was what prompted them to flee. "as often as six or seven times," said elizabeth, "i have been whipped by master, once with the carriage whip, and at other times with a raw hide trace. the last flogging i received from him, was about four weeks before last christmas; he then tied me up to a locust tree standing before the door, and whipped me to his satisfaction." sarah had fared no better than elizabeth, according to her testimony. "three times," said she, "i have been tied up; the last time was in planting corn-time, this year. my clothing was all stripped off above my waist, and then he whipped me till the blood ran down to my heels." her back was lacerated all over. she had been ploughing with two horses, and unfortunately had lost a hook out of her plough; this, she declared was the head and front of her offending, nothing more. thus, after all their suffering, utterly penniless, they reached the committee, and were in every respect, in a situation to call for the deepest commiseration. they were helped and were thankful. * * * * * arrival from maryland, virginia, and the district of columbia. john wesley smith, robert murray, susan stewart, and josephine smith. daniel hubert was fattening on john wesley's earnings contrary to his, john's, idea of right. for a long time john failed to see the remedy, but as he grew older and wiser the scales fell from his eyes and he perceived that the underground rail road ran near his master's place, cambridge, md., and by a very little effort and a large degree of courage and perseverance he might manage to get out of maryland and on to canada, where slave-holders had no more rights than other people. these reflections came seriously into john's mind at about the age of twenty-six; being about this time threatened with the auction-block he bade slavery good-night, jumped into the underground rail road car and off he hurried for pennsylvania. his mother, betsy, one brother, and one sister were left in the hands of hubert. john wesley could pray for them and wish them well, but nothing more. robert murray became troubled in mind about his freedom while living in london county, virginia, under the heel of eliza brooks, a widow woman, who used him bad, according to his testimony. he had been "knocked about a good deal." a short while before he fled, he stated that he had been beat brutally, so much so that the idea of escape was beat into him. he had never before felt as if he dared hope to try to get out of bondage, but since then his mind had undergone such a sudden and powerful change, he began to feel that nothing could hold him in virginia; the place became hateful to him. he looked upon a slave-holder as a kind of a living, walking, talking "satan, going about as a roaring lion seeking whom he may destroy." he left his wife, with one child; her name was nancy jane, and the name of the offspring was elizabeth. as robert had possessed but rare privileges to visit his wife, he felt it less a trial to leave than if it had been otherwise. william seedam owned the wife and child. susan stewart and josephine smith fled together from the district of columbia. running away had been for a long time a favorite idea with susan, as she had suffered much at the hands of different masters. the main cause of her flight was to keep from being sold again; for she had been recently threatened by henry harley, who "followed droving," and not being rich, at any time when he might be in want of money she felt that she might have to go. when a girl only twelve years of age, her young mind strongly revolted against being a slave, and at that youthful period she tried her fortune at running away. while she was never caught by her owners, she had the misfortune to fall into the hands of another slaveholder no better than her old master, indeed she thought that she found it even worse under him, so far as severe floggings were concerned. susan was of a bright brown color, medium size, quick and active intellectually and physically, and although she had suffered much from slavery, as she was not far advanced in years, she might still do something for herself. she left no near kin that she was aware of. josephine fled from miss anna maria warren, who had previously been deranged from the effects of paralysis. josephine regarded this period of her mistress' sickness as her opportunity for planning to get away before her mistress came to her senses. * * * * * sundry arrivals from maryland and virginia. henry fields, charles ringgold, william ringgold, isaac newton and joseph thomas. ["five other cases were attended to by dillwyn parish and j.c. white"--other than this no note was made of them.] henry fields took the benefit of the underground rail road at the age of eighteen. he fled from the neighborhood of port deposit while being "broke in" by a man named washington glasby, who was wicked enough to claim him as his property, and was also about to sell him. this chattel was of a light yellow complexion, hearty-looking and wide awake. charles ringgold took offence at being whipped like a dog, and the prospect of being sold further south; consequently in a high state of mental dread of the peculiar institution, he concluded that freedom was worth suffering for, and although he was as yet under twenty years of age, he determined not to remain in perrymanville, maryland, to wear the chains of slavery for the especial benefit of his slave-holding master (whose name was inadvertently omitted). william ringgold fled from henry wallace, of baltimore. a part of the time william said he "had had it pretty rough, and a part of the time kinder smooth," but never had had matters to his satisfaction. just before deciding to make an adventure on the underground rail road his owner had been talking of selling him. under the apprehension that this threat would prove no joke, henry began to study what he had better do to be saved from the jaws of hungry negro traders. it was not long before he came to the conclusion that he had best strike out upon a venture in a northern direction, and do the best he could to get as far away as possible from the impending danger threatened by mr. wallace. after a long and weary travel on foot by night, he found himself at columbia, where friends of the underground rail road assisted him on to philadelphia. here his necessary wants were met, and directions given him how to reach the land of refuge, where he would be out of the way of all slave-holders and slave-traders. six of his brothers had been sold; his mother was still in bondage in baltimore. isaac newton hailed from richmond, virginia. he professed to be only thirty years of age, but he seemed to be much older. while he had had an easy time in slavery, he preferred that his master should work for himself, as he felt that it was his bounden duty to look after number one; so he did not hesitate about leaving his situation vacant for any one who might desire it, whether white or black, but made a successful "took out." joseph thomas was doing the work of a so-called master in prince george's county, maryland. for some cause or other the alarm of the auction-block was sounded in his ears, which at first distracted him greatly; upon sober reflection it worked greatly to his advantage. it set him to thinking seriously on the subject of immediate emancipation, and what a miserable hard lot of it he should have through life if he did not "pick up" courage and resolution to get beyond the terror of slave-holders; so under these reflections he found his nerves gathering strength, his fears leaving him, and he was ready to venture on the underground rail road. he came through without any serious difficulty. he left his father and mother, shadrach and lucinda thomas. * * * * * arrival from seaford, . robert bell and two others. robert came from seaford, where he had served under charles wright, a farmer, of considerable means, and the owner of a number of slaves, over whom he was accustomed to rule with much rigor. although robert's master had a wife and five children, the love which robert bore them was too weak to hold him; and well adapted as the system of slavery might be to render him happy in the service of young and old masters, it was insufficient for him. robert found no rest under mr. wright; no privileges, scantily clad, poor food, and a heavy yoke, was the policy of this "superior." robert testified, that for the last five years, matters had been growing worse and worse; that times had never been so bad before. of nights, under the new regime, the slaves were locked up and not allowed to go anywhere; flogging, selling, etc., were of every-day occurrence throughout the neighborhood. finally, robert became sick of such treatment, and he found that the spirit of canada and freedom was uppermost in his heart. slavery grew blacker and blacker, until he resolved to "pull up stakes" upon a venture. the motion was right, and succeeded. two other passengers were at the station at the same time, but they had to be forwarded without being otherwise noticed on the book. * * * * * arrival from tapps' neck, md., . lewis wilson, john waters, alfred edwards and william quinn. lewis' grey hairs signified that he had been for many years plodding under the yoke. he was about fifty years of age, well set, not tall, but he had about him the marks of a substantial laborer. he had been brought up on a farm under h. lynch, whom lewis described as "a mean man when drunk, and very severe on his slaves." the number that he ruled over as his property, was about twenty. said lewis, about two years ago, he shot a free man, and the man died about two hours afterwards; for this offence he was not even imprisoned. lynch also tried to cut the throat of john waters, and succeeded in making a frightful gash on his left shoulder (mark shown), which mark he will carry with him to the grave; for this he was not even sued. lewis left five children in bondage, horace, john, georgiana, louisa and louis, jr., owned by bazil and john benson. john was forty years of age, dark, medium size, and another of lynch's "articles." he left his wife anna, but no children; it was hard to leave her, but he felt that it would be still harder to live and die under the usage that he had experienced on lynch's farm. alfred was twenty-two years of age; he was of a full dark color, and quite smart. he fled from john bryant, a farmer. whether he deserved it or not, alfred gave him a bad character, at least, with regard to the treatment of his slaves. he left his father and mother, six brothers and sisters. traveling under doubts and fears with the thought of leaving a large family of his nearest and dearest friends, was far from being a pleasant undertaking with alfred, yet he bore up under the trial and arrived in peace. "william is twenty-two, black, tall, intelligent, and active," are the words of the record. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . ann maria jackson and her seven children--mary ann, william henry, frances sabrina, wilhelmina, john edwin, ebenezer thomas, and william albert. the coming of the above named was duly announced by thomas garrett: [illustration: ] wilmington, th mo., st, . dear friends--mckim and still:--i write to inform you that on the th of this month, we passed on four able bodied men to pennsylvania, and they were followed last night by a woman and her six children, from three or four years of age, up to sixteen years, i believe the whole belonged to the same estate, and they were to have been sold at public sale, i was informed yesterday, but preferred seeking their own master; we had some trouble in getting those last safe along, as they could not travel far on foot, and could not safely cross any of the bridges on the canal, either on foot or in carriage. a man left here two days since, with carriage, to meet them this side of the canal, but owing to spies they did not reach him till o'clock last night; this morning he returned, having seen them about one or two o'clock this morning in a second carriage, on the border of chester county, where i think they are all safe, if they can be kept from philadelphia. if you see them they can tell their own tales, as i have seen one of them. may he, who feeds the ravens, care for them. yours, thos. garrett. the fire of freedom obviously burned with no ordinary fervor in the breast of this slave mother, or she never would have ventured with the burden of seven children, to escape from the hell of slavery. ann maria was about forty years of age, good-looking, pleasant countenance, and of a chestnut color, height medium, and intellect above the average. her bearing was humble, as might have been expected, from the fact that she emerged from the lowest depths of delaware slavery. during the fall prior to her escape, she lost her husband under most trying circumstances: he died in the poor-house, a raving maniac. two of his children had been taken from their mother by her owner, as was usual with slave-holders, which preyed so severely on the poor father's mind that it drove him into a state of hopeless insanity. he was a "free man" in the eye of delaware laws, yet he was not allowed to exercise the least authority over his children. prior to the time that the two children were taken from their mother, she had been allowed to live with her husband and children, independently of her master, by supporting herself and them with the white-wash brush, wash-tub, etc. for this privilege the mother doubtless worked with double energy, and the master, in all probability, was largely the gainer, as the children were no expense to him in their infancy; but when they began to be old enough to hire out, or bring high prices in the market, he snatched away two of the finest articles, and the powerless father was immediately rendered a fit subject for the mad-house; but the brave hearted mother looked up to god, resolved to wait patiently until in a good providence the way might open to escape with her remaining children to canada. year in and year out she had suffered to provide food and raiment for her little ones. many times in going out to do days' work she would be compelled to leave her children, not knowing whether during her absence they would fall victims to fire, or be carried off by the master. but she possessed a well tried faith, which in her flight kept her from despondency. under her former lot she scarcely murmured, but declared that she had never been at ease in slavery a day after the birth of her first-born. the desire to go to some part of the world where she could have the control and comfort of her children, had always been a prevailing idea with her. "it almost broke my heart," she said, "when he came and took my children away as soon as they were big enough to hand me a drink of water. my husband was always very kind to me, and i had often wanted him to run away with me and the children, but i could not get him in the notion; he did not feel that he could, and so he stayed, and died broken-hearted, crazy. i was owned by a man named joseph brown; he owned property in milford, and he had a place in vicksburg, and some of his time he spends there, and some of the time he lives in milford. this fall he said he was going to take four of my oldest children and two other servants to vicksburg. i just happened to hear of this news in time. my master was wanting to keep me in the dark about taking them, for fear that something might happen. my master is very sly; he is a tall, slim man, with a smooth face, bald head, light hair, long and sharp nose, swears very hard, and drinks. he is a widower, and is rich." on the road the poor mother, with her travel-worn children became desperately alarmed, fearing that they were betrayed. but god had provided better things for her; her strength and hope were soon fully restored, and she was lucky enough to fall into the right hands. it was a special pleasure to aid such a mother. her arrival in canada was announced by rev. h. wilson as follows: niagara city, nov. th, . dear bro. still:--i am happy to inform you that mrs. jackson and her interesting family of seven children arrived safe and in good health and spirits at my house in st. catharines, on saturday evening last. with sincere pleasure i provided for them comfort quarters till this morning, when they left for toronto. i got them conveyed there at half fare, and gave them letters of introduction to thomas henning, esq., and mrs. dr. willis, trusting that they will be better cared for in toronto than they could be at st. catharines. we have so many coming to us we think it best for some of them to pass on to other places. my wife gave them all a good supply of clothing before they left us. james henry, an older son is, i think, not far from st. catharine, but has not as yet reunited with the family. faithfully and truly yours, hiram wilson. * * * * * sundry arrivals from virginia, maryland and delaware. lewis lee, enoch davis, john brown, thomas edward dixon, and william oliver. slavery brought about many radical changes, some in one way and some in another. lewis lee was entirely too white for practical purposes. they tried to get him to content himself under the yoke, but he could not see the point. a man by the name of william watkins, living near fairfax, virginia, claimed lewis, having come by his title through marriage. title or no title, lewis thought that he would not serve him for nothing, and that he had been hoodwinked already a great while longer than he should have allowed himself to be. watkins had managed to keep him in the dark and doing hard work on the no-pay system up to the age of twenty-five. in lewis' opinion, it was now time to "strike out on his own hook;" he took his last look of watkins (he was a tall, slim fellow, a farmer, and a hard drinker), and made the first step in the direction of the north. he was sure that he was about as white as anybody else, and that he had as good a right to pass for white as the white folks, so he decided to do so with a high head and a fearless front. instead of skulking in the woods, in thickets and swamps, under cover of the darkness, he would boldly approach a hotel and call for accommodations, as any other southern gentleman. he had a little money, and he soon discovered that his color was perfectly orthodox. he said that he was "treated first-rate in washington and baltimore;" he could recommend both of these cities. but destitute of education, and coming among strangers, he was conscious that the shreds of slavery were still to be seen upon him. he had, moreover, no intention of disowning his origin when once he could feel safe in assuming his true status. so as he was in need of friends and material aid, he sought out the vigilance committee, and on close examination they had every reason to believe his story throughout, and gave him the usual benefit. enoch davis came from within five miles of baltimore, having been held by one james armstrong, "an old grey-headed man," and a farmer, living on huxtown road. judged from davis' stand-point, the old master could never be recommended, unless some one wanted a very hard place and a severe master. upon inquiry, it was ascertained that enoch was moved to leave on account of the "riot," (john brown's harper's ferry raid), which he feared would result in the sale of a good many slaves, himself among the number; he, therefore, "laid down the shovel and the hoe," and quit the place. john brown (this was an adopted name, the original one not being preserved), left to get rid of his connection with thomas stevens, a grocer, living in baltimore. john, however, did not live in the city with said stevens, but on the farm near frederick's mills, montgomery county, maryland. this place was known by the name of "white hall farm;" and was under the supervision of james edward stevens, a son of the above-named stevens. john's reasons for leaving were not noted on the book, but his eagerness to reach canada spoke louder than words, signifying that the greater the distance that separated him from the old "white hall farm" the better. thomas edward dixon arrived from near the trap, in delaware. he was only about eighteen years of age, but as tall as a man of ordinary height;--dark, with a pleasant countenance. he reported that he had had trouble with a man known by the name of thomas w.m. mccracken, who had treated him "bad;" as thomas thought that such trouble and bad treatment might be of frequent occurrence, he concluded that he had better go away and let mccracken get somebody else to fill his place, if he did not choose to fill it himself. so off thomas started, and as if by instinct, he came direct to the committee. he passed a good examination and was aided. william oliver, a dark, well-made, young man with the best of country manners, fled from mrs. marshall, a lady living in prince george's county, maryland. william had recently been in the habit of hiring his time at the rate of ten dollars per month, and find himself everything. the privilege of living in georgetown had been vouchsafed him, and he preferred this locality to his country situation. upon the whole he said he had been treated pretty well. he was, nevertheless, afraid that times were growing "very critical," and as he had a pretty good chance, he thought he had better make use of it, and his arrangements were wisely made. he had reached his twenty-sixth year, and was apparently well settled. he left one child, jane oliver, owned by mrs. marshall. * * * * * arrival from different points. jacob brown, james harris, benjamin piney, john smith, andrew jackson, william hughes, wesley williams, rosanna johnson, john smallwood, and henry townsend. jacob brown was eating the bread of slavery in north carolina. a name-sake of his by the name of lewis brown, living in washington, according to the slave code of that city had jacob in fetters, and was exercising about the same control over him that he exercised over cattle and horses. while this might have been a pleasure for the master, it was painful for the slave. the usage which jacob had ordinarily received made him anything but contented. at the age of twenty, he resolved that he would run away if it cost him his life. this purpose was made known to a captain, who was in the habit of bringing passengers from the south to philadelphia. with an unwavering faith he took his appointed place in a private part of the vessel, and as fast as wind and tide would bring the boat he was wafted on his way canada-ward. jacob was a dark man, and about full size, with hope large. james harris escaped from delaware. a white woman, catharine odine by name, living near middletown, claimed james as her man; but james did not care to work for her on the unrequited labor system. he resolved to take the first train on the underground rail road that might pass that way. it was not a great while ere he was accommodated, and was brought safely to philadelphia. the regular examination was made and he passed creditably. he was described in the book as a man of yellow complexion, good-looking, and intelligent. after due assistance, he was regularly forwarded on to canada. this was in the month of november, . afterwards nothing more was heard of him, until the receipt of the following letter from prof. l.d. mansfield, showing that he had been reunited to his wife, under amusing, as well as touching circumstances: auburn, dec. th, ' . dear bro. still:--a very pleasant circumstance has brought you to mind, and i am always happy to be reminded of you, and of the very agreeable, though brief acquaintance which we made at philadelphia two years since. last thursday evening, while at my weekly prayer meeting, our exercises were interrupted by the appearance of bro. loguen, of syracuse, who had come on with mrs. harris in search of her husband, whom he had sent to my care three weeks before. i told bro. l. that no such man had been at my house, and i knew nothing of him. but i dismissed the meeting, and went with him immediately to the african church, where the colored brethren were holding a meeting. bro. l. looked through the door, and the first person whom he saw was harris. he was called out, when loguen said, in a rather reproving and excited tone, "what are you doing here; didn't i tell you to be off to canada? don't you know they are after you? come get your hat, and come with us, we'll take care of you." the poor fellow was by this time thoroughly frightened, and really thought he had been pursued. we conducted him nearly a mile, to the hotel where his wife was waiting for him, leaving him still under the impression that he was pursued and that we were conducting him to a place of safety, or were going to box him up to send him to canada. bro. l. opened the door of the parlor, and introduced him; but he was so frightened that he did not know his wife at first, until she called him james, when they had a very joyful meeting. she is now a servant in my family, and he has work, and doing well, and boards with her. we shall do all we can for them, and teach them to read and write, and endeavor to place them in a condition to take care of themselves. loguen had a fine meeting in my tabernacle last night, and made a good collection for the cause of the fugitives. i should be happy to hear from you and your kind family, to whom remember me very cordially. believe me ever truly yours, l.d. mansfield. mr. and mrs. harris wish to be gratefully remembered to you and yours. benjamin piney reported that he came from baltimore county, maryland, where he had been held in subjection to mary hawkins. he alleged that he had very serious cause for grievance; that she had ill-treated him for a long time, and had of late, threatened to sell him to georgia. his brothers and sisters had all been sold, but he meant not to be if he could help himself. the sufferings that he had been called upon to endure had opened his eyes, and he stood still to wait for the underground rail road car, as he anxiously wished to travel north, with all possible speed. he waited but a little while, ere he was on the road, under difficulties it is true, but he arrived safely and was joyfully received. he imagined his mistress in a fit of perplexity, such as he might enjoy, could he peep at her from canada, or some safe place. he however did not wish her any evil, but he was very decided that he did not want any more to do with her. benjamin was twenty years of age, dark complexion, size ordinary, mental capacity, good considering opportunities. john smith was a yellow boy, nineteen years of age, stout build, with, marked intelligence. he held dr. abraham street responsible for treating him as a slave. the doctor lived at marshall district, harford county, maryland. john frankly confessed, to the credit of the doctor, that he got "a plenty to eat, drink and wear," yet he declared that he was not willing to remain a slave, he had higher aims; he wanted to be above that condition. "i left," said he, "because i wanted to see the country. if he had kept me in a hogshead of sugar, i wouldn't stayed," said the bright-minded slave youth. "they told me anything--told me to obey my master, but i didn't mind that. i am going off to see the scriptures," said john. andrew jackson "took out" from near cecil, delaware, where he had been owned by a man calling himself thomas palmer, who owned seven or eight others. his manners were by no means agreeable to andrew; he was quite too "blustery," and was dangerous when in one of his fits. although andrew was but twenty-three years of age, he thought that palmer had already had much more of his valuable services than he was entitled to, and he determined, that if he (the master), ever attempted to capture him, he would make him remember him the longest day he lived. william hughes was an eastern shore "piece of property" belonging to daniel cox. william had seen much of the dark doings of slavery, and his mind had been thoroughly set against the system. true, he had been but twenty-two years under the heel of his master, but that was sufficient. wesley williams, on his arrival from warrick, maryland, testified that he had been in the hands of a man known by the name of jack jones, from whom he had received almost daily floggings and scanty food. jones was his so-called owner. these continual scourgings stirred the spirit of freedom in wesley to that degree, that he was compelled to escape for his life. he left his mother (a free woman), and one sister in slavery. rosanna johnson, alias catharine beige. the spot that rosanna looked upon with most dread and where she had suffered as a slave, under a man called doctor street, was near the rock of deer creek, in harford county, maryland. in the darkness in which slavery ordinarily kept the fettered and "free niggers," it was a considerable length of time ere rosanna saw how barbarously she and her race were being wronged and ground down--driven to do unrequited labor--deprived of an education, obliged to receive the cuffs, kicks, and curses of old or young, who might happen to claim a title to them. but when she did see her true condition, she was not content until she found herself on the underground rail road. rosanna was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, medium stature, and intelligent. she left two brothers and her father behind. the committee forwarded her on north. from albany rose wrote back to inquire after particular friends, and to thank those who had aided her--as follows: albany, jan. the , . mrs. william still:--i sit don to rite you a fue lines in saying hav you herd of john smith or bengernin pina i have cent letters to them but i hav know word from them john smith was oned by doker abe street bengermin oned by mary hawkings i wish to kno if you kno am if you will let me know as swon as you get this. my lov to mis still i am much oblige for those articales. my love to mrs george and verry thankful to her rosean johnson oned by docter street when you cend the letter rite it cend it gran st in the car of andrue conningham rite swon dela it not write my name cathrin brice. let me know swon as you can. smallwood reported that he came from ellicott's mills, maryland; that he had been restrained of his liberty all his life, by one samuel simons, who had treated him "bad" all the time that he had held him in his possession. he had, therefore, persuaded himself that ellicott's mills was a poor neighborhood for a colored man who wanted his freedom, and that all maryland was no better. he had heard but little of canada, but what he had heard pleased him. as to how he should get there, he knew not; a whisper pointed him to the underground rail road, and told him to be fearless and take the first train. sam considered the matter carefully and concluded that that would be the only way to get off. unfortunately his mother and two brothers were left behind in the hands of simons. henry townsend ran away from caroline county, near purnell p.o., maryland. the name of his reputed owner, according to his statement, was e. townsend, a farmer. against him henry harbored a very heavy grudge, and will long hold said townsend in remembrance for the injury he had received at his hands on his naked back. the back was shown, and a most frightful picture was presented; it had been thoroughly cut in all directions. henry was about twenty-one years of age, dark chesnut color, build substantial. he left behind two brothers and one sister in slavery. the committee comforted him with the usual hospitality. these passengers arrived the latter part of and the beginning of . * * * * * sundry arrivals from maryland, . william chion and his wife, emma, evan graff, and four others. william and emma came from dorchester county, maryland. the cords of slavery had been tightly drawn around them. william was about twenty-seven years of age, of a dark hue, and of a courageous bearing. on the score of treatment he spake thus: "i have been treated as bad as a man could be." emma, his wife, had seen about the same number of years that he had, and her lot had been similar to his. emma said, "my master never give me the second dress, never attempted such a thing." the master was called bushong blake. william was owned by a mr. tubman. after leaving slavery, william changed his last name to williams, and if he and his wife are now living, they are known only by their adopted names. evan graff was of square solid build, dark, and smart, age twenty-five. he fled in company with four others (whose narratives were not written), from frederick county, maryland. henry heart, residing at sam's creek, exercised authority over evan. with this master, said evan, i have known hard times. i have been treated as bad as a man could be. i have been married three years and have not received five dollars in money since, towards supporting my family. "how have you lived then?" inquired one who sympathized. "my wife has kept house for a colored gentleman, and got her board for her services," said evan. "in what other particulars have you been treated hard?" was next asked. "sometimes i hadn't half clothes enough to keep me warm, through all weathers," answered evan. "what put it into your head to leave?" was the third query. "well, sir," said evan, "i thought to try and do better." how did you make up your mind to leave your wife and child in slavery? "well, sir, i was very loth to leave my wife and child, but i just thought in this way: i had a brother who was entitled to his freedom, but he fell out with one of his young masters, and was just taken up and sold south, and i thought i might be taken off too, so i thought i would stand as good a chance in leaving, as if i stayed." had you a mother and father, brothers and sisters? inquired a member of the committee. "yes, sir," was the prompt reply. evan then gave their names thus: "my father's name was sam graff, my mother's name was becky." ruth ann dorsey, isaac hanson (and two brothers of evan), grafton and allen accompanied him in his flight. james, harriet, charles albert, thomas ephraim, adeline matilda, john israel and daniel buchanan (brothers and sisters of evan), were all left in slavery. polly pool was their mistress, rather had owned them up to within a short time before the flight of evan and his comrades, but she had lately been unfortunate in business, which resulted in a thorough scattering of the entire family. some fell into the hands of the mistress' children, and some into the hands of the grandchildren. in evan's opinion she was a tolerable good mistress; his opportunities of judging, however, had not been very favorable, as he had not been in her hands a great while. luke goines came from harper's ferry, where he was owned by mrs. carroll. luke first made his way to baltimore and afterwards to philadelphia. henson kelly was owned by reason hastell, of baltimore. slavery did not agree with him, and he left to better his condition. stafford smith fled from westmoreland county, virginia, where he was owned by harriet parker, a single woman, advanced in years, and the owner of many slaves "as a mistress, she was very hard. i have been hired to first one and then another, bad man all along. my mistress was a methodist, but she seemed to know nothing about goodness. she was not in the habit of allowing the slaves any chance at all." * * * * * arrival from virginia, . jenny buchanan. a kind master; jenny chastised one of his sons for an insult, and as a punishment she was sold--seized for debt--sold a second time. jenny was about forty-five years of age, a dark mulatto, stature medium, manners modest and graceful; she had served only in high life; thus she had acquired a great deal of information. she stated that she was born a slave, under john bower, of rockbridge, virginia, and that he was the owner of a large plantation, with a great number of slaves. he was considered to be a good man to his servants, and was generally beloved by them. suddenly, however, he was taken ill with paralysis, which confined him to his bed. during this illness one of the sons, a young gentleman, offered an insult to jenny, for which she felt justified in administering to him, a severe chastisement. for this grave offence she was condemned to be sold to a trader by the name of william watts, who owned a place in mississippi. the conditions of sale were that she was to be taken out of the state and never to be allowed to return. it so happened, however, before she was removed that watts, the trader, failed in order to cheat his creditors it was supposed. governor mcdowell, of virginia, was one of those to whom he was largely indebted for a number of slaves which he, the governor, had placed in his hands for disposal, some time before the trader took the benefit. therefore, as the governor was anxious to recover his loss as much as possible, he seized on jenny. it was through this interference that the condition relative to her being sent out of the state was broken. "the governor," said jenny, "was a very fine gentleman, as good as i could expect of virginia. he allowed his slaves to raise fowl and hogs, with many privileges of one kind and another; besides he kept them all together; but he took sick and died. there was a great change shortly after that. the slaves were soon scattered like the wind. the governor had nine sons and daughters. after his death mrs. mcdowell, alias mrs. sally thomas, took possession, and employed an overseer, by the name of henry morgan. he was a very good man in his looks, but a very rascally man; would get drunk, and sell her property to get whisky. mrs. mcdowell would let him do just as he pleased. for the slightest complaint the overseer might see fit to make against any of the slaves, she would tell him to sell them"--"sell, mr. morgan." "he would treat them worse than he would any dog; would beat them over the head with great hickory sticks, the same as he would beat an ox. he would pasture cows and horses on the plantation, and keep the money. we slaves all knew it, and we told her; but our words would not go in court against a white man, and until she was told by mr. white, and her cousin, dr. taylor, and mr. barclay, she would not believe how shamefully this overseer was cheating her. but at last she was convinced, and discharged him, and hired another by the name of john moore. the new one, if anything, was worse than the old one, for he could do the most unblushing acts of cruelty with pleasure. he was a demon." finally the estate had to be settled, and the property divided. at this time it was in the hands of the oldest daughter, mistress sally, who had been married to frank thomas, the governor of maryland. but the governor had discarded her for some reason or other, and according to his published account of her it might seem that he had good reason for doing so. it was understood that he gave her a divorce, so she was considered single for life. it was also understood that she was to buy in the homestead at a moderate price, with as many slaves as she might desire. said jenny, "i was sold at this settlement sale, and bought in by the 'grass widow' for four hundred dollars." the place and a number of slaves were bought in on terms equally as low. after this the widow became smitten with a reverend gentleman, by the name of john miller, who had formerly lived north; he had been a popular preacher. after a courtship, which did not last very long, they were married. this took place three years ago, prior to the writing of this narrative. after the marriage, rev. mr. miller took up his abode on the old homestead, and entered upon his duties as a slave-holder in good earnest. "how did you like him?" inquired a member of the committee. "i despised him," was jenny's prompt answer. "why did you despise him?" "because he had such mean ways with him," said jenny. she then went on to remark as follows:--"coming there, taking so much authority over other people's servants. he was so mean that he broke up all the privileges the servants had before he came. he stopped all hands from raising chickens, pigs, etc. he don't like to see them hold up their heads above their shoulders." didn't he preach? she was asked. "yes, but i never heard him preach; i have heard him pray though. on thursday nights, when he would not want the servants to go into town to meeting, he would keep up until it would be too late for them to go. he is now carrying on the farm, and follows butchering. he has not yet sold any of the slaves, but has threatened to sell all hands to the trader." jenny once had a husband, but he went to canada, and that was all she could tell about him, as she had never had a letter or any direct information from him since he left. that she was childless, she regarded as a matter of great satisfaction, considering all the circumstances. * * * * * arrival from baltimore, . william brown, and james henson considering themselves trampled upon by their fellow-men, unitedly resolved to seek a better country. william was pained with the idea that so much of his time had already been used up, as he was then thirty-six years of age. yet he thought that it would do no good to mourn over the past, but do what he intended to do quickly. the master whom he had served, he called, "master lynchum." he was a farmer, and knew full well how to use severity with the slaves; but had never practiced showing favors, or allowing privileges of any kind. true he did not flog, but he resorted to other means of punishment when he desired to make the slaves feel that he was master. william left his mother, harriet brown, three sisters, and one brother,--francis, mary, eliza, and robert. they were all free but eliza. seven weeks william and james were under the painful anxiety of trying to escape, but conscious of the snares and dangers on the road, and desirous of success, they did not feel at liberty to move, save as they saw their way clear. this well-exercised sagacity was strongly marked in the intellectual region of william's head. james henson was a man of rather slender build. from exposure in traveling he took a severe cold and was suffering with sore throat. he and mrs. maria thomas disagreed. she set herself up to be "jim's" mistress and owner. for some cause or other jim was unwilling to fill this station longer. he had been hired out by his mistress, who received one hundred dollars per annum; and, for aught jim knew, she was pretty well pleased with him and the money also. she coolly held eleven others in the same predicament. while jim found no fault with the treatment received at the hands of his mistress, he went so far as to say that "she was a right fine woman," yet, the longer he lived her slave, the more unhappy he became. therefore, he decided that he would try and do better, and accordingly, in company with william he started, success attending their efforts. james left three sisters and one brother, charlotte, susan, ellen and johnson, all slaves. * * * * * arrival from maryland. philip stanton, randolph nichols, and thomas douglass. philip had a master by the name of john smith, whom he was very anxious to get rid of, but hardly knew how. for a long time, philip was annoyed in various ways. being the only slave on the place, there was no rest for him. said smith was a bachelor, and his mother, who kept house for him, was quite aged; "she was worse than the old boy wanted her to be, a more contrary woman never was; she was bad in this way, she was quarrelsome, and then again she would not give you as much to eat as you ought to have, and it was pretty rough; nothing but corn bread and the fattest pork, that was about all. she was a catholic, and was known by the name of mary eliza smith." this was philip's testimony against his master and mistress. working on a farm, driving carriage, etc., had been philip's calling as a slave. his father and mother were free. his father had been emancipated, and afterwards had purchased his wife. one sister, however, was still in slavery. philip had scarcely reached his twenty-second year; he was nevertheless wide-awake and full of courage. randolph was still younger; he had only just reached his twentieth year; was nearly six feet high, athletic, and entertained quite favorable notions of freedom. he was owned by mrs. caroline brang, a widow; he had never lived with her, however. notwithstanding the fact that he had been held in such unpleasant relations, randolph held the opinion, that "she was a tolerable good woman." he had been hired out under isaac howard, a farmer, who was described by randolph as "a rough man to everybody around him; he was the owner of slaves, and a member of the methodist church, in the bargain." as if actuated by an evil spirit continually, he seemed to take delight in "knocking and beating the slaves," and would compel them to "be out in all weathers not fit to be out in." randolph declared that "he had never been allowed a day's schooling in his life. on the contrary, he had often been threatened with sale, and his mind had finally become so affected by this fearful looking-for of evil, that he thought he had better make tracks." he left his mother, louisa, three brothers and three sisters, namely: andrew, mary, charity, margaret, lewis and samuel, all slaves. his desire to escape brought the thought home to his mind with great emphasis, that he was parting with his kinsfolk, to see them perhaps, no more on earth; that however, happily he might be situated in freedom, he would have the painful reflection ever present with him, that those he most loved in this world, were slaves--"knocked and beat about--and made to work out in all weathers." it was this that made many falter and give up their purpose to gain their freedom by flight, but randolph was not one of this class. his young heart loved freedom too well to waver. true to his love of liberty, he left all, followed the north star, and was delivered. thomas, an older companion of philip and randolph, was twenty-five years of age, full black, and looked as if he could appreciate the schoolroom and books, and take care of himself in canada or any other free country. mary howard was the name of the individual that he was compelled to address as "mistress." he said, however, that "she was a very good woman to her servants," and she had a great many. she had sons, but they turned out to be drunkards, and followed no business; at one time, each of them had been set up in business, but as they would not attend to it, of course they failed. money was needed more than ever, through their intemperate course, consequently the mistress was induced to sell her large household, as well as her plantation slaves, to georgia. thomas had seen the most of them take up their sorrowful march for said state, and the only reason that he was not among them, was attributable to the fact, that he had once been owned and thought pretty well of by the brother of his mistress, who interceded in thomas' behalf. this interference had the desired effect, and thomas was not sold. still, his eyes were fairly opened to see his danger and to learn a valuable lesson at the same time; he, therefore, profited by it in escaping the first chance. he left his mother ann williams, and one brother, james douglass, both slaves. * * * * * arrival from fredericksburg, . henry tudle and wife, mary williams. henry affirmed, that for the last twenty years, his freedom had been promised him, and during all these long years, hardly a month had passed, that he had not fixed his hopes upon a definite time, when his bondage would end and his freedom commence. but he had been trusting the word of a slave-holder, who had probably adopted this plan simply with a view of drawing more willing toil out of him than he could have accomplished in any other way. mary complained that she had suffered severely for food, and likewise for privileges. ezra houpt was the name of henry's master, and the name of his mistress was catharine, she was hasty and passionate; slaves were shown no quarter under her. mary was owned by christian thomas. he was said to be not so hard, but his wife was very hard, so much so, that she would rule both master and slaves. her name was mary elizabeth. sundry arrivals from maryland, . sam archer, lewis peck, david edwards, edward casting, joe henry, george and albert white, joseph c. johnson, david snively, and henry dunmore. sam archer was to "become free at thirty-five years of age." he had already served thirty years of this time; five years longer seemed an age to him. the dangers from other sources presented also a frightful aspect. sam had seen too many who had stood exactly in the same relations to slavery and freedom, and not a few were held over their time, or cheated out of their freedom altogether. he stated that his own mother was "kept over her time," simply "that her master might get all her children." two boys and two girls were thus gained, and were slaves for life. these facts tended to increase sam's desire to get away before his time was out; he, therefore, decided to get off via the underground rail road. he grew very tired of bell air, harford county, maryland, and his so-called owner, thomas hayes. he said that hayes had used him "rough," and he was "tired of rough treatment." so when he got his plans arranged, one morning when he was expected to go forth to an unrequited day's labor, he could not be found. doubtless, his excited master thought sam a great thief, to take himself away in the manner that he did, but sam was not concerned on this point; all that concerned him was as to how he could get to canada the safest and the quickest. when he reached the philadelphia station, he felt that the day dawned, his joy was full, despite the fugitive slave law. lewis peck was a man six feet high, and of the darkest hue. he reported that he fled from joseph bryant, a farmer, who lived near patapsco river. bryant was in the habit of riding around to look after the slaves. lewis had become thoroughly disgusted with this manner of superintending. "i got tired of having bryant riding after me, working my life out of me," said lewis. he was also tired of bryant's wife; he said "she was always making mischief, and he didn't like a mischief maker." thus he complained of both master and mistress, seeming not to understand that he "had no rights which they were bound to respect." david edwards broke away from the above named bryant, at the age of twenty-four. his testimony fully corroborated that of his comrade, lewis peck. he was also a man of the darkest shade, tall, intellect good, and wore a pleasant countenance. the ordinary difficulties were experienced, but all were surmounted without serious harm. edward casting and joseph henry were each about seventeen years of age. boys, as they were, with no knowledge of the world, they had wisely resolved not to remain in that condition. edward fled from robert moore, who lived at duck creek. he gave his master the name of being a "bad man," and refused to recommend him for anything. being a likely-looking chattel, he would have doubtless brought seven hundred dollars in the market. joseph henry came from queen ann county, maryland. he was a well-grown lad, and showed traces of having been raised without proper care, or training. for deficiencies in this direction, he charged greenberry parker, his claimant, who he said had treated him "bad." friends had helped these boys along. george and albert white were brothers. they fled from cecil county, maryland. they escaped from william parker. "what kind of a man was william parker?" they were asked. "he was a big, bad man, no goodness in him," quickly replied one of the brothers. their lot in slavery had not been different from that of numbers coming from that section of the state. joseph g. johnson fled from william jones of baltimore. he said that his master kept a grocery store in pratt street, and owned six head of slaves; that he was a "good man, and always treated his servants very well," until about three weeks before he escaped. for some reason unknown to joseph, within the time just alluded to, he had sold all his slaves, with the exception of himself. joseph was far from being at ease, as he hourly felt oppressed with the fear that he was to be sold at an early day. summoning courage he started by the baltimore and wilmington rail road. in this way he reached wilmington where he unfortunately fell into the hands of his master's son, who resided in wilmington, and happened to discover joseph in the cars, (most likely he had been telegraphed to) and had him arrested and returned. but joseph did not allow a week to pass over him before he was ready to make even a still more daring adventure for his liberty. this time he concluded to try the water; by great economy he had saved up twenty-five dollars. this was a great deal to him, but he resolved to give it all willingly to any man who would secrete him, or procure him a passage to philadelphia. the right man was soon found, and joseph was off again. good luck attended him, and he reached the committee safely. he was in his twenty-third year, a man of medium size, copper-colored, and of a prepossessing countenance. david snively ran away from frederick, maryland. he was moved to escape solely by the love of freedom. his services had been required in the blacksmith shop, and on the farm under charles preston, who claimed to own him. he had been sold once and brought nine hundred dollars; he resolved that a similar fate should never overtake him, unless his owner moved very suddenly in that direction. while joseph was working daily in the blacksmith shop, he was planning how to make good his escape. no way was open but the old route, which led "hard by" many dangers, and was only accessible now and then through regions where friends were few and far between. howbeit he possessed the faith requisite, and was victorious. joseph was twenty-six years of age, of unmixed blood, ordinary size, and had a commendable share of courage and intellect. he could recommend no good traits as his master's. henry dunmore had served as a slave up to the age of thirty-five, and was then on the eve of being sold. as he had endured severe hardship under his old master john maldon he was unwilling to try another. while he gave maldon credit for being a member of the methodist church, he charged him with treating himself in a most unchristian-like manner. he testified that maldon did not allow him half enough to eat; and once he kept him out in the cold until his toes were frozen off. consequently it was not in the heart of henry to give his master any other than a bad name. he lived about sixteen miles from elkton, near charleston, maryland. he was of a dark chestnut color, well-made, and active. * * * * * crossing the bay in a batteau. sharp contest with pursuers on water. fugitives victorious. thomas sipple, and his wife, mary ann, henry burkett, and elizabeth, his wife, john purnell, and hale burton. this party were slaves, living near kunkletown, in worcester county, maryland, and had become restive in their fetters. although they did not know a letter of the alphabet, they were fully persuaded that they were entitled to their freedom. in considering what way would be safest for them to adopt, they concluded that the water would be less dangerous than any other route. as the matter of freedom had been in their minds for a long time, they had frequently counted the cost, and had been laying by trifling sums of money which had fallen perchance into their hands. among them all they had about thirty dollars. as they could not go by water without a boat, one of their number purchased an old batteau for the small sum of six dollars. the delaware bay lay between them and the jersey shore, which they desired to reach. they did not calculate, however, that before leaving the delaware shore they would have to contend with the enemy. that in crossing, they would lose sight of the land they well understood. they managed to find out the direction of the shore, and about the length of time that it might take them to reach it. undaunted by the perils before them the party repaired to the bay, and at ten o'clock, p.m. embarked direct for the other shore. [illustration: ] near kate's hammock, on the delaware shore, they were attacked by five white men in a small boat. one of them seized the chain of the fugitives' boat, and peremptorily claimed it. "this is not your boat, we bought this boat and paid for it," spake one of the brave fugitives. "i am an officer, and must have it," said the white man, holding on to the chain. being armed, the white men threatened to shoot. manfully did the black men stand up for their rights, and declare that they did not mean to give up their boat alive. the parties speedily came to blows. one of the white men dealt a heavy blow with his oar upon the head of one of the black men, which knocked him down, and broke the oar at the same time. the blow was immediately returned by thomas sipple, and one of the white men was laid flat on the bottom of the boat. the white men were instantly seized with a panic, and retreated; after getting some yards off they snapped their guns at the fugitives several times, and one load of small shot was fired into them. john received two shot in the forehead, but was not dangerously hurt. george received some in the arms, hale burton got one about his temple, and thomas got a few in one of his arms; but the shot being light, none of the fugitives were seriously damaged. some of the shot will remain in them as long as life lasts. the conflict lasted for several minutes, but the victorious bondmen were only made all the more courageous by seeing the foe retreat. they rowed with a greater will than ever, and landed on a small island. where they were, or what to do they could not tell. one whole night they passed in gloom on this sad spot. their hearts were greatly cast down; the next morning they set out on foot to see what they could see. the young women were very sick, and the men were tried to the last extremity; however, after walking about one mile, they came across the captain of an oyster boat. they perceived that he spoke in a friendly way, and they at once asked directions with regard to philadelphia. he gave them the desired information, and even offered to bring them to the city if they would pay him for his services. they had about twenty-five dollars in all. this they willingly gave him, and he brought them according to agreement. when they found the captain they were not far from cape may light-house. taking into account the fact that it was night when they started, that their little boat was weak, combined with their lack of knowledge in relation to the imminent danger surrounding them, any intelligent man would have been justified in predicting for them a watery grave, long before the bay was half crossed. but they crossed safely. they greatly needed food, clothing, rest, and money, which they freely received, and were afterwards forwarded to john w. jones, underground rail road agent, at elmira. the subjoined letter giving an account of their arrival was duly received: elmira, june th, . friend wm. still:--all six came safe to this place. the two men came last night, about twelve o'clock; the man and woman stopped at the depot, and went east on the next train, about eighteen miles, and did not get back till to-night, so that the two men went this morning, and the four went this evening. o, old master don't cry for me, for i am going to canada where colored men are free. p.s. what is the news in the city? will you tell me how many you have sent over to canada? i would like to know. they all send their love to you. i have nothing new to tell you. we are all in good health. i see there is a law passed in maryland not to set any slaves free. they had better get the consent of the underground rail road before they passed such a thing. good night from your friend, john w. jones. * * * * * arrival from dorchester co., . harriet tubman's last "trip" to maryland. stephen ennets and wife, maria, with three children, whose names were as follows: harriet, aged six years; amanda, four years, and a babe (in the arms of its mother), three months old. the following letter from thomas garrett throws light upon this arrival: wilmington, th mo., st, . respected friend:--william still:--i write to let thee know that harriet tubman is again in these parts. she arrived last evening from one of her trips of mercy to god's poor, bringing two men with her as far as new castle. i agreed to pay a man last evening, to pilot them on their way to chester county; the wife of one of the men, with two or three children, was left some thirty miles below, and i gave harriet ten dollars, to hire a man with carriage, to take them to chester county. she said a man had offered for that sum, to bring them on. i shall be very uneasy about them, till i hear they are safe. there is now much more risk on the road, till they arrive here, than there has been for several months past, as we find that some poor, worthless wretches are constantly on the look out on two roads, that they cannot well avoid more especially with carriage, yet, as it is harriet who seems to have had a special angel to guard her on her journey of mercy, i have hope. thy friend, thomas garrett. n.b. we hope all will be in chester county to-morrow. these slaves from maryland, were the last that harriet tubman piloted out of the prison-house of bondage, and these "came through great tribulation." stephen, the husband, had been a slave of john kaiger, who would not allow him to live with his wife (if there was such a thing as a slave's owning a wife.) she lived eight miles distant, hired her time, maintained herself, and took care of her children (until they became of service to their owner), and paid ten dollars a year for her hire. she was owned by algier pearcy. both mother and father desired to deliver their children from his grasp. they had too much intelligence to bear the heavy burdens thus imposed without feeling the pressure a grievous one. harriet tubman being well acquainted in their neighborhood, and knowing of their situation, and having confidence that they would prove true, as passengers on the underground rail road, engaged to pilot them within reach of wilmington, at least to thomas garrett's. thus the father and mother, with their children and a young man named john, found aid and comfort on their way, with harriet for their "moses." a poor woman escaping from baltimore in a delicate state, happened to meet harriet's party at the station, and was forwarded on with them. they were cheered with clothing, food, and material aid, and sped on to canada. notes taken at that time were very brief; it was evidently deemed prudent in those days, not to keep as full reports as had been the wont of the secretary, prior to . the capture of john brown's papers and letters, with names and plans in full, admonished us that such papers and correspondence as had been preserved concerning the underground rail road, might perchance be captured by a pro-slavery mob. for a year or more after the harper's ferry battle, as many will remember, the mob spirit of the times was very violent in all the principal northern cities, as well as southern ("to save the union.") even in boston, abolition meetings were fiercely assailed by the mob. during this period, the writer omitted some of the most important particulars in the escapes and narratives of fugitives. books and papers were sent away for a long time, and during this time the records were kept simply on loose slips of paper. * * * * * arrival from maryland, . jerry mills, and wife, diana, son, cornelius, and two daughters, margaret, and susan. the father of this family was sixty-five years of age, and his working days were apparently well nigh completed. the mother was fifty-seven years of age; son twenty-seven; daughters seventeen and fifteen years of age. the old man was smart for his years, but bore evidence that much hard labor had been wrung out of him by slavery. diana said that she had been the mother of twelve children; five had escaped to canada, three were in their graves, and three accompanied her; one was left in maryland. they had seen hard times, according to the testimony of the old man and his companion, especially under david snively, who, however, had been "removed by the lord" a number of years prior to their escape; but the change proved no advantage to them, as they found slavery no better under their mistress, the widow, than under their master. mistress snively was said to be close and stingy, and always unfriendly to the slave. "she never thought you were doing enough." for her hardness of heart they were sure she would repent some time, but not while she could hold slaves. the belief was pretty generally entertained with the slaves that the slaveholder would have to answer for his evil doings in another world. * * * * * twelve months in the woods, . henry cotton. as a slave, subjected to the whims and passions of his master, henry made up his mind that he could not stand it longer. the man who mastered it over him was called nathaniel dixon, and lived in somerset co., near newtown. this dixon was not content with his right to flog and abuse henry as he saw fit, but he threatened to sell him, as he would sell a hog. at this time henry was about twenty-four years of age, but a man of more substantial parts physically was rarely to be seen. courage was one of his prominent traits. this threat only served to arouse him completely. he had no friends save such as were in the same condition with himself, nevertheless he determined not to be sold. how he should escape this fate did not at first present itself. every thing looked very gloomy; slavery he considered as death to him; and since his master had threatened him, he looked upon him as his greatest enemy, and rather than continue a slave he preferred living in the swamps with wild animals. just one year prior to the time that he made his way north, determined not to be a slave any longer, he fled to a swamp and made his way to the most secluded spot that he could find,--to places that were almost impenetrable so dense were the trees and undergrowth. this was all the better for henry, he wanted to get safety; he did not wish company. he made known his plans to a dear brother, who engaged to furnish him occasionally with food. henry passed twelve months in this way, beholding no human soul save his brother. his brother faithfully took him food from time to time. the winter weather of was very hard, but it was not so hard to bear as his master nathaniel dixon. the will of henry's old master entitled him to his freedom, but the heirs had rendered said will null and void; this act in addition to the talk of selling had its effect in driving him to the woods. for a time he hid in the hollow of a tree, which went very hard with him, yet he was willing to suffer anything rather than go back to his so-called master. he managed finally to make good his escape and came to the committee for aid and sympathy, which he received. * * * * * arrival from maryland. william pierce. but few passengers expressed themselves in stronger terms in regard to their so-called masters, than william pierce, from long green. "i fled," said he, "from john hickol, a farmer, about fifty years old, grey-headed and drinks whiskey very hard--was always a big devil--ill-grained. he owned fifteen head; he owns three of my brothers. he has a wife, a big devil, red head; her servants, she wouldn't feed 'em none, except on corn bread; she would fight and swear too, when she got ready. she and her husband would quarrel too. a slave man, a deceitful fellow, who had been put up to watch on one occasion, when the rest of the slaves had helped themselves to a chicken, and cooked and ate it about midnight, though he was allowed to share a portion of the feast, was ready enough to betray them by times next morning. this made master and mistress 'cuss' all hands at a great rate, and master beat all hands except the one that told. i was caned so badly that it laid me up for several weeks. i am a little lame yet from the beating." such was william's story. he was twenty-three years of age, of a light brown color, well-made. judging from his expressions and apparent feelings against his master and mistress, he would be willing to endure many years of suffering in canada snows, before he would apply to them for care and protection. * * * * * a slave catcher caught in his own trap. george f. alberti personated by a member of the vigilance committee--a lady frightened by a placard. one afternoon, the quiet of the anti-slavery office was suddenly agitated by the contents of a letter, privately placed in the hands of j. miller mckim by one of the clerks of the philadelphia ledger office. said letter it would seem, had been dropped into the box of the ledger office, instead of the u.s. box (one of which, was also in the ledger office), through a mistake, and seeing that it bore the name of a well-known slave-catcher, alberti, the clerk had a great desire to know its import. whether it was or was not sealed, the writer cannot say, it certainly was not sealed when it reached the anti-slavery office. it stated that a lady from maryland was then in philadelphia, stopping at a boarding-house on arch street, and that she was very desirous of seeing the above-mentioned alberti, with a view of obtaining his services to help catch an underground rail road sojourner, whom she claimed as her property. that she wrote the letter could not be proved, but that it was sent by her consent, there was no doubt. in order to save the poor fellow from his impending doom, it seemed that nothing would avail but a bold strategical movement. mr. mckim proposed to find some one who would be willing to answer for alberti. cyrus whitson, a member of the committee, in mr. mckim's judgment, could manage the matter successfully. at that time, c. whitson was engaged in the free labor store, at the corner of fifth and cherry streets, near the anti-slavery office. on being sent for, he immediately answered the summons, and mr. mckim at once made known to him his plan, which was to save a fellow-man from being dragged back to bondage, by visiting the lady, and ascertaining from her in conversation the whereabouts of the fugitives, the names of the witnesses, and all the particulars. nothing could have delighted the shrewd whitson better; he saw just how he could effect the matter, without the slightest probable failure. so off he started for the boarding-house. arriving, he rang the bell, and when the servant appeared, he asked if miss wilson, from maryland, was stopping there. "she is," was the answer. "i wish to see her." "walk in the parlor, sir." in went mr. w., with his big whiskers. soon miss wilson entered the parlor, a tall, and rather fine-looking well dressed lady. mr. whitson bowing, politely addressed her, substantially thus: "i have come to see you instead of mr. geo. f. alberti, to whom you addressed a note, this morning. circumstances, over which mr. a. had no control, prevented his coming, so i have come, madam, to look after your business in his place. now, madam, i wish it to be distinctly understood in the outset, that whatever transpires between us, so far as this business is concerned, must be kept strictly confidential, by no means, must this matter be allowed to leak out; if it does, the darned abolitionists (excuse me), may ruin me; at any rate we should not be able to succeed in getting your slave. i am particular on this point, remember." "you are perfectly right, sir, indeed i am very glad that your plan is to conduct this matter in this manner, for i do not want my name mixed up with it in any way." "very well, madam, i think we understand each other pretty well; now please give me the name of the fugitive, his age, size, and color, and where he may be found, how long he has been away, and the witness who can be relied on to identify him after he is arrested." miss wilson carefully communicated these important particulars, while mr. whitson faithfully penciled down every word. at the close of the interview he gave her to understand that the matter should be attended to immediately, and that he thought there would be no difficulty in securing the fugitive. "you shall hear from me soon, madam, good afternoon." in five minutes after this interview whitson was back to the anti-slavery office with all miss wilson's secrets. the first thing to be attended was to send a messenger to the place where the fugitive was at work, with a view of securing his safety; this was a success. the man was found, and, frightened almost out of his wits, he dropped all and followed the messenger, who bore him the warning. in the meanwhile mr. mckim was preparing, with great dispatch, the subjoined document for the enlightenment and warning of all. to whom it may conceen: beware of slave-catchers. miss wilson, of georgetown cross roads, kent county, md., is now in the city in pursuit of her alleged slave man, butler. j.m. cummings and john wilson, of the same place, are understood to be here on a similar errand. this is to caution butler and his friends to be on their guard. let them keep clear of the above-named individuals. also, let them have an eye on all persons known to be friends of dr. high, of georgetown cross roads, and mr. d.b. cummings, who is not of georgetown cross roads. it is requested that all parties to whom a copy of this may be sent will post it in a public place, and that the friends of freedom and humanity will have the facts herein contained openly read in their respective churches. "hide the outcast; bewray not him that wandereth." isaiah xvi. . "thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee." deut. xxiii. . this document printed as a large poster, about three feet square, and displayed in large numbers over the city, attracted much attention and comment, which facts were quickly conveyed to miss wilson, at her boarding-house. at first, as it was understood, she was greatly shocked to find herself in everybody's mouth. she unhesitatingly took her baggage and started for "my maryland." thus ended one of the most pleasant interviews that ever took place between a slave-hunter and the vigilance committee of philadelphia. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . henry langhorn _alias_ wm. scott. this "chattel" from richmond, virginia, was of a yellow complexion, with some knowledge of the arts of reading and writing; he was about twenty-three years of age and considered himself in great danger of being subjected to the auction-block by one charles l. hobson. hobson and henry had grown up from boyhood together; for years they had even occupied the same room,--henry as a servant-boy and protector of his prospective young master. under these relations quite strong affinities were cemented between them, and henry succeeded in gaining a knowledge of the alphabet with an occasional lesson in spelling. both reached their majority. william was hired out at the american hotel, and being a "smart, likely-looking boy," commanded good wages for his young master's benefit, who had commenced business as a tobacco merchant, with about seven head of slaves in his possession. a year or two's experiment proved that the young master was not succeeding as a merchant, and before the expiration of three years he had sold all his slaves except henry. from such indications, henry was fully persuaded that his time was well nigh at hand, and great was his anxiety as he meditated over the auction-block. "in his heart" he resolved time and again that he would never be sold. it behooved him, therefore, to avert that ill fate. he at first resolved to buy himself, but in counting the cost he found that he would by no means be able to accumulate as much money as his master would be likely to demand for him; he, therefore, abandoned this idea and turned his attention straightway to the underground rail road, by which route he had often heard of slaves escaping. he felt the need of money and that he must make and save an extra quarter whenever he could; he soon learned to be a very rigid economist, and being exceedingly accommodating in waiting upon gentlemen at the hotel and at the springs, he found his little "pile" increasing weekly. his object was to have enough to pay for a private berth on one of the richmond steamers and also to have a little left to fall back on after landing in a strange land and among strangers. he saved about two hundred dollars in cash; he was then ready to make a forward move, and he arranged all his plans with an agent in richmond to leave by one of the steamers during the christmas holidays. "you must come down to the steamer about dark," said the agent "and if all is right you will see the underground rail road agent come out with some ashes as a signal, and by this you may know that all is ready." "i will be there certain," said henry. christmas week he was confident would be granted as usual as a holiday week; a few days before christmas he went to his master and asked permission to spend said holiday with his mother, in cumberland county, adding that he would need some spending money, enough at least to pay his fare, etc. young master freely granted his request, wrote him a pass, and doled him out enough money to pay his fare thence, but concluded that henry could pay his way back out of his extra change. henry expressed his obligations, etc., and returned to the american hotel. the evening before the time appointed for starting on his underground rail road voyage, he had occasion to go out to see the underground rail road agent, and asked the clerk to give him a pass. this favor was peremptorily refused. henry, "not willing to give it up so," sat down to write a pass for himself; he found it all that was necessary, and was thus enabled to accomplish his business satisfactorily. next day his christmas holiday commenced, but instead of his enjoying the sight of his mother, he felt that he had seen her for the last time in the flesh. it was a sad reflection. that evening at dark, he was at the wharf, according to promise. the man with the ashes immediately appeared and signalled him. in his three suits of clothing (all on his back), he walked on the boat, and was conducted to the coal covering, where egyptian darkness prevailed. the appointed hour for the starting of the steamer, was ten o'clock the following morning. by the aid of prayer, he endured the suffering that night. no sooner had the steamer got under way, than a heavy gale was encountered; for between three and four days the gale and fog combined, threatened the steamer with a total loss. all the freight on deck, consisting of tobacco and cotton, had to be thrown overboard, to save the passengers. henry, in his state of darkness, saw nothing, nor could he know the imminent peril that his life was in. fortunately he was not sea-sick, but slept well and long on the voyage. the steamer was five days coming. on landing at philadelphia, henry could scarcely see or walk; the spirit of freedom, however, was burning brightly in the hidden man, and the free gales of fresh air and a few hours on free soil soon enabled him to overcome the difficulties which first presented themselves, and he was soon one of the most joyful mortals living. he tarried two days with his friends in philadelphia, and then hastened on to boston. after being in boston two months, he was passing through the market one day, when, to his surprise, he espied his young master, charles l. hobson. henry was sure, however, that he was not recognized, but suspected that he was hunted. instantly, henry pulled up his coat collar, and drew his hat over his face to disguise himself as much as possible; but he could not wholly recover from the shock he had thus sustained. he turned aside from the market and soon met a friend formerly from richmond, who had been in servitude in the tobacco factory owned by his master. henry tried to prevail on him to spot out said hobson, in the market, and see if there possibly could be any mistake. not a step would his friend take in that direction. he had been away for several years, still he was a fugitive, and didn't like the idea of renewing his acquaintance with old or new friends with a white skin from virginia. henry, however, could not content himself until he had taken another good look at mr. hobson. disguising himself he again took a stroll through the market, looking on the right and left as he passed along; presently he saw him seated at a butcher's stall. he examined him to his satisfaction, and then went speedily to headquarters (the anti-slavery office), made known the fact of his discovery, and stated that he believed his master had no other errand to boston than to capture him. measures were at once taken to ascertain if such a man as charles l. hobson was booked at any of the hotels in boston. on finding that this was really a fact, henry was offered and accepted private quarters with the well-known philanthropist and friend of the fugitive, francis jackson. his house as well as his purse was always open to the slave. while under the roof of mr. jackson, as hobson advertised and described henry so accurately, and offered a reward of two hundred and fifty dollars for him, henry's friends thought that they would return him the compliment by publishing him in the boston papers quite as accurately if not with as high a reward for him; they advertised him after this manner: "charles l. hobson, twenty-two years of age, six feet high, with a slouched hat on, mixed coat, black pants, with a goatee, is stopping at the tremont hotel," &c., &c. this was as a bomb-shell to mr. hobson, and he immediately took the hint, and with his trunks steered for the sunny south. in a day or two afterwards henry deemed it advisable to visit canada. after arriving there he wrote back to his young master, to let him know where he was, and why he left, and what he was doing. how his letter was received henry was never informed. for five years he lived in boston and ran on a boat trading to canada east. he saved up his money and took care of himself creditably. he was soon prepared to go into some business that would pay him better than running on the boat. two of his young friends agreed with him that they could do better in philadelphia than in boston, so they came to the city of brotherly love and opened a first-class dining-saloon near third and chestnut streets. for a time they carried on the business with enterprise and commendable credit, but one of the partners, disgusted with the prejudices of the city passenger railway cars, felt that he could no longer live here. henry, known after leaving slavery only by the name of wm. scott, quitted the restaurant business and found employment as a messenger under thomas a. scott, esq., vice-president of the pennsylvania central rail road, where he has faithfully served for the last four years, and has the prospect of filling the office for many years to come. he is an industrious, sober, steady, upright, and intelligent young man, and takes care of his wife and child in a comfortable three story brick house of his own. * * * * * arrival from richmond, . miles robinson was the slave of mrs. roberts, a widow lady living in york county, virginia. he did not live with her, however, but was hired out in the city of richmond. he had been fortunate in falling into hands that had not treated him harshly. he was not contented, however. much of the leisure falling incidentally to his lot from hours of duty, he devoted to the banjo. as a player on this instrument he had become quite gifted, but music in richmond was not liberty. the latter he craved, and in thought was often far beyond mason and dixon's line, enjoying that which was denied him in virginia. although but twenty-two years of age, miles was manly, and determination and intelligence were traits strongly marked in his unusually well-shaped visage. hearing that he was to be sold, he conferred not with his mother, brothers, or sisters, (for such he had living as slaves in richmond) but resolved to escape by the first convenience. turning his attention to the underground rail road, he soon found an agent who communicated his wishes to one of the colored women running as cook or chambermaid on one of the philadelphia and richmond steamers, and she was bold enough to take charge of him, and found him a safe berth in one of the closets where the pots and other cooking utensils belonged. it was rather rough and trying, but miles felt that it was for liberty, and he must pass through the ordeal without murmuring, which he did, until success was achieved and he found himself in philadelphia. boston being the haven on which his hopes were fixed, after recruiting a short while in the city he steered for said place. finding liberty there as sweet as he had fondly hoped to find it, he applied himself unceasingly to industrial pursuits, economy, the improvement of his mind and the elevation of his race. four years he passed thus, under the shadow of bunker hill, at the end of which time he invested the earnings, which he had saved, in a business with two young friends in philadelphia. all being first-class waiters and understanding catering, they decided to open a large dining-saloon. miles was one of the two friends mentioned in wm. scott's narrative, and as his success and consequent fortunes have been already referred to, it will suffice here to mention him simply in connection with two contests that he sustained with the prejudice that sought to drive colored people from the passenger cars. at the corner of fourth and walnut streets miles, in company with two other young men, wallace and marshall, one evening in a most orderly manner, entered the cars and took their seats. the conductor ordered them on the front platform; they did not budge. he stopped the car and ordered them out; this did no good. he read rules, and was not a little embarrassed by these polite and well-dressed young men. finally he called for the police, who arrested all three. miles did not yield his seat without a struggle. in being pulled out his resistance was such that several window lights were broken in the car. the police being in strong force, however, succeeded in marching their prisoners to the mayor's police station at the corner of fifth and chestnut streets where they were locked up to await further investigation. the prisoners thought they were back in "old virginny" again. miles gritted his teeth and felt very indignant, but what could he do? the infamous prejudice against which they had borne testimony was controlling all the lines of city passenger railways in philadelphia. while miles and his friends were willing to suffer for a principle, the dirt, filth, cold, and disagreeableness of the quarters that they most likely would be compelled to occupy all night and the following day (sunday) forbade submission. added to this miles felt that his young wife would hardly be able to contain herself while he was locked up. they sent for the writer to intercede for them. at a late hour of the night, after going from the alderman's boardinghouse to a fire engine house and other places, where it was supposed that he might probably be found, on going a third time to his hotel, a little before midnight, he was discovered to be in bed, and it was then ascertained that he had not been out all the evening. the night was very stormy. we could not tell whether or not the fruitless chase on which we had been sent in search of the alderman, was in keeping with the spirit that had locked the men up, designed to mislead us; he condescended at last to appear, and accepted our offer to go bail for all of them, and finally issued a discharge. this was hastily delivered at the station, and the prisoners were released. but miles was not satisfied; he had breathed free air in massachusetts for four years, and being a man of high spirit he felt that he must further test the prejudices of the cars. consequently one very cold night, when a deep snow covered the pavements, he was out with his wife, and thought that he would ride; his wife being fair, he put her on the car at the corner of third and pine streets, and walked to the corner of fourth and pine streets, where he stepped into the car and took his seat. the conductor straightway ordered him out, on the plea of color. god had shaded him a little too much. "how is this, my wife is in this car," spake miles. all eyes gazed around to see who his wife was. by this time the car had been stopped, and the wrath of the conductor was kindled prodigiously. he did not, however, lay violent hands upon miles. a late decision in court had taught the police that they had no right to interfere, except in cases where the peace was actually being broken; so in order to get rid of this troublesome customer, the car was run off the track, the shivering passengers all leaving it, as though flying from a plague, with the exception of miles, his wife, and another colored gentleman, who got on with miles. the conductor then hoisted all the windows, took out the cushions, and unhitched the horses. but miles and his party stood it bravely; miles burning all the time with indignation at this exhibition of prejudice in the city of brotherly love. the war was then raging fiercely, and as miles then felt, he was almost prepared to say, he didn't care which beat, as the woman said, when she saw her husband and the bear wrestling. he was compelled to admit that this prejudice was akin to slavery, and gave to slavery its chief support. the occupants of the horseless car, which was being aired so thoroughly, remained in it for a length of time, until they had sufficiently borne their testimony, and they too quietly forsook it. prior to this event, by his industry and hard-earned savings, miles had become the owner of a comfortable brick house, and had made up his mind to remain a citizen of philadelphia, but the spirit which prompted the aforesaid treatment called up within him reflections somewhat similar to those aroused by slavery, and it was not a great while before he offered his property for sale, including his business stand, resolving to return to boston. he received an offer for his property, accepted it, pulled up stakes, and again hopefully turned his face thitherward. the ambitious miles commenced business in chelsea, near boston, where he purchased himself a comfortable home; and he has ever since been successfully engaged in the sale of kerosene oil. instead of seeking pleasure in the banjo, as he was wont to do in virginia, he now finds delight in the baptist church, rev. mr. grimes', of which he is a prominent member, and in other fields of usefulness tending to elevate and better the condition of society generally. * * * * * arrival from richmond. john william dungy.--brought a pass from ex. gov. gregory. "he ought to be put in a cage and kept for a show," said anna brown, daughter of the hero, john brown, at the house of the writer, where she happened to meet the above named underground rail road passenger. he had then just returned from canada, after being a refugee four years. in the mean time through the war and the proclamation of father abraham the fetters had been torn from the limbs of the slave, and the way to richmond was open to all. john william on this occasion was on his way thither to see how his brethren together with their old oppressors looked facing each other as freemen. miss anna brown was _en route_ to norfolk, where she designed to teach a school of the unfettered bondmen. the return of the refugee was as unexpected as it was gratifying. scarcely had the cordial greetings of the writer and his family ended and the daughter of brown been introduced before the writer was plying his refugee guest with a multiplicity of questions relative to his sojourn in canada, etc. "how have you been getting along in canada? do you like the country?" "first-rate," said john william. "you look as though you had neither been starved, nor frozen. have you had plenty of work, made some money, and taken care of yourself?" "yes." "when you were on the underground rail road on your way to canada you promised that you were going to keep from all bad habits; how about the 'crittur?' do you take a little sometimes?" "no, i have not drank a drop since i left the south" replied john william with emphasis. "good!" "i suppose you smoke and chew at any rate?" "no, neither. i never think of such a thing." "now don't you keep late hours at night and swear occasionally?" "no, sir. all the leisure that i have of evenings is spent over my books as a general thing; i have not fallen into the fashionable customs of young men." miss brown, who had been an attentive listener, remarked: "he ought to be put in a cage, etc." [illustration: ] he was twenty-seven years of age when he first landed in philadelphia, in the month of february, , per steamer pennsylvania, in which he had been stowed away in a store-room containing a lot of rubbish and furniture; in this way he reached city point; here a family of irish emigrants, very dirty, were taken on board, and orders were given that accommodations should be made for them in the room occupied by j.w. here was trouble, but only for a moment. those into whose charge he had been consigned on the boat knew that the kettle and pot-closet had often been used for underground rail road purposes, and he was safely conducted to quarters among the pots. the room was exceedingly limited, but he stood it bravely. on landing he was not able to stand. it required not only his personal efforts but the help of friends to get him in a condition to walk. no sooner had he stepped on shore, however, than he began to cry aloud for joy. "thank god!" rang out sonorously from his overflowing soul. alarmed at this indication of gratitude his friends immediately told him that that would never do; that all hands would be betrayed; that he was far from being safe in philadelphia. he suppressed his emotion. after being delivered into the hands of the acting committee, where he was in more private quarters, he gave full vent to the joy he experienced on reaching this city. he said that he had been trying earnestly for five years to obtain his freedom. for this special object he had saved up sixty-eight dollars and fifteen cents, all of which but the fifteen cents he willingly paid for his passage on the boat. fifteen cents, the balance of his entire capital, was all that he had when he landed in philadelphia. before leaving the south he was hired in the family of ex-governor gregory. of the governor and his wife he spoke very highly,--said that they were kind to him and would readily favor him whenever he solicited them to do so. he stated that after making his arrangements to start, in order that he might be away several days before being missed, he told mrs. gregory that he would be glad to spend a week with his mother, (she lived some distance in the country). as he was not feeling very well she kindly acceded to his request, and told him to ask the governor for a pass and some money. the governor was busy writing, but he at once granted the prayer, wrote him a pass, gave john five dollars, adding that he was sorry that he had no more in his pocket, &c. john bowed and thanked the governor, and soon got ready for his visit; but his route lay in a far different direction than that contemplated by the governor and his lady. he was aiming for the underground rail road. as has already been intimated, he was not owned by the governor, but by the ferrell heirs--five children who had moved from virginia to alabama years back. "every ferrell that lives is down on slaves; they are very severe," said john. yet he had not suffered as many others had who belonged to them, as he had been a dining-room servant. at one time they had owned large numbers of slaves, but latterly they had been selling them off. contrary to john's wishes his alabama owners had notified him as well as the governor, that in a short while he was to be taken to alabama. this induced john to act with great promptness in leaving at the time that he did. after passing several years in canada as has been already noticed, he returned to richmond and paid a visit to his old home. he found that the governor and his wife had both departed, but two of the daughters (young ladies), still lived. they were both glad to see him; the younger especially; she told him that she was glad that he escaped, and that she "prayed for him." the elder remarked that she had always thought that he was too "good a christian to run away." another thing which she referred to, apparently with much feeling, was this: on his way to canada, he wrote to the governor, from rochester, "that he need put himself to no trouble in hunting him up, as he had made up his mind to visit canada." she thought that john was rather "naughty," to write thus to her "papa," nevertheless, she was disposed to forgive him, after she had frankly spoken her mind. john found richmond, which so long had held him in chains, fully humbled, and her slave power utterly cast down. his wondering eyes gazed until he was perfectly satisfied that it was the lord's doings, and it was marvellous in his eyes. he was more than ever resolved to get an education, and go back to virginia, to help teach his brethren who had been so long denied the privilege. it was not long before he was at oberlin college, a faithful student, commanding the highest respect from all the faculty for his good deportment and studious habits. after advancing rapidly there, the way opened more fully to pursue his studies with greater facilities and less expense at a college in one of the eastern states. he accepted the favors of friends who offered him assistance, with a view of preparing him for a mission among the freedmen, believing that he possessed in a high degree, the elements for a useful worker, preacher, organizer and teacher. as the friends alluded to, were about taking measures to start a college at harper's ferry, especially for the benefit of the freedmen, they anticipated making this latitude the field of his future endeavors, at least for a time. ere he graduated in view of the fact that the harvest in the south so urgently called for laborers, he was solicited to be an agent for the storer college,[a] and subsequently to enter upon a mission under the auspices of the free-will baptists, in martinsburg, virginia. for three or four years he labored in this field with commendable zeal and acceptably, gathering young and old in day and sunday-schools, and also organizing churches. by his constant labors his health became impaired; receiving a call from a church in providence, he accepted, not without knowing, however, that his mission was to be left in faithful hands, to carry on the good work. [footnote a: the appended extract from an official circular, issued by the board of instruction of storer college, will throw light upon this institution: storer college, harper's ferry, west virginia. this institution, deriving its name from john storer, esq., late of sanford, me., who gave ten thousand dollars to aid in its establishment, is located at harper's ferry, west va., and has been chartered with full powers by a special act of the legislature. the corporation has been regularly organized, about thirty thousand dollars in money has been obtained, a large tract of land has been purchased, ample buildings have been secured, and a normal school has been in successful operation during the last eighteen months. the u.s. authorities have repeatedly expressed their confidence in and sympathy with this undertaking, by liberal grants of money and buildings, and the agent for the distribution of the peabody fund, has pledged pecuniary aid to the best of the pupils in attendance, who may be in need of such assistance. rev. j. calder, d.d., _pres._, harrisburg, penna. harper's ferry, west va., march , . rev. n.c. brackett, _act. sec'y.,_ harper's ferry, west va. ] there is still need of efficient laborers in the shenandoah valley. according to the testimony of mr. dungy, scores of places may still be found where the children have no school privileges, and where many, both old and young, have never had the opportunity of entering a meeting-house or church since the war, as the spirit of the white christians in these regions is greatly embittered against the colored people, owing to the abolition of slavery; and they do not invite them to either church or school. indeed, the churches are closed against them. at different times, mr. dungy has eloquently represented the condition of the colored churches of the south, in the city of philadelphia. as a speaker, mr. dungy is able and interesting, of good address, remarkably graceful in his manners, and possessing much general information. the subjoined letters received from him, while a fugitive in canada, are characteristic of the man, and will repay a perusal. brantford, march d, . mr. wm. still, dear sir:--i have seated myself this evening to write you a few lines to inform you that i have got through my journey, and landed safely in brantford, where i found my friend, stepney brown, and we expressed great joy at meeting each other, and had a great shaking of hands, and have not got done talking yet of the old times we had in virginia. i thank god i am enjoying vigorous health, and hope you all are well, as it is written in the first psalm, "blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor standeth in the way of sinners, nor sitteth in the seat of the scornful." i wish you may think of me often and pray for me that i may grow a man, one of the followers of our meek and lowly saviour. give my love to mrs. still, and family, and the rev. mr. gibbs, that was residing with you when i was there. i must now inform you a little about canada, at least as much of it as i have seen and heard. i arrived in the city of hamilton, on the th february, , at nine o'clock in the evening, and the weather was dreary and cold, and the cars laid over there until ten o'clock next day, and i went up into the city and saw a portion of it. i then started for toronto, arrived there same day at o'clock. there i met friends from richmond, remained there several days; during the time we had a very extensive snow storm, and i took the opportunity of walking around the city looking at the elephants, and other great sights. i liked it very much; but upon hearing that my friend and brother stepney brown was in brantford, i became disatisfied and left for brantford on the st february, . i have found it a very pleasant, and have been told it is the prettiest place in canada. it is built upon the grand river, which is two hundred miles long, and empties into lake erie. it rises to a great height every spring, and great masses of ice come down, bringing bridges, saw-logs, trees, and fairly sweeps everything before it. the people who live upon the flats are in great danger of being drowned in their houses. i got a situation immediately at the kerby house, by the influence of my friend and brother, stepney brown, who i must say has been very kind to me, as also have the people of brantford. the kerbey house is the largest hotel in the town about rooms, and a stable at the back, with a gas-house of its own. no more at present, but remain, yours very respectfully, john william dungy. p.s. write at your earliest convenience, and oblige your friend, j.w.d. brantford, april th. mr. still, dear sir:--i feel myself quite lonesome this evening, and not hearing from you lately i take this opportunity to drop you a few lines. i have not much to say, brother brown has left for the falls, and expects to return next winter. the weather is mild and warm at this time; the grass is putting up and begins to look like spring. i thank the lord i am enjoying good health at this time. i hope this letter will find you and your family well, give my compliments to them all and mr. gibbs and the young lady that was at your house when i was there. times has been hard this winter, but they are increasing for the better. i wrote to you a few days ago, i don't know whether you got my letter. i asked in my letter if mr. williams was on the pennsylvania, that runs from their to richmond, va. i should have written to him, but i did not know his number, i also named a friend of mine, mr plumer if he arrives their pleas to tell him to come to brantford, where i am for there are good chances for business i think a great deal about my colored brethren in the south but i hope to be a benefit to them one of these days. we have quite a melancholy affair about one of our colored brothers who made his escape from the south those who took him up have gone back to obtain witness to convict him for murder. these witness is to be here on monday inst but the defendence of the law says they shant take him back unless they bring good witness and men of truth i will write you more about it after the trial comes of. i must say a little about myself. i want to devote myself to study if i can for the next twelve months. i expect to leave the kirby house on the th of may. i have taken a barber shop which is a very good situation and one hand employed with me. i would be much oblige to you if you would give me some advice what to do. i sent you the morning herald yesterday which contained a accident which occurd on the g. trunk r.w. you will see in it that we don't have much politics here. the late destructive fire we had i thought it would have kept brantford back this summer but it is increasing slowly i have nothing more to say at this time. i hope the lord may bless you all and take care of you in this world, and after time receive you in his everlasting kingdom through jesus christ our lord. answer this as soon as convenient. good bye. yours respectfully j.w. dungy. brantford, c.w., january th, . mr. wm. still, dear sir:--i take this opportunity to drop you a few lines to let you hear from me. i am well at this time, hoping this will find you the same. i acknowledge my great neglectness of you with great regret that i have not answered your letter before this, i hope you will excuse me as i have succeeded in getting me a wife since i wrote to you last. my mind has been much taken up in so doing for several months past. give my compliments to your wife and your family, and mr. gibbs, also hoping they are all well. tell mrs. still to pray for me that i may grow in grace and the knowledge of the truth as it is in jesus. i often think of you all. i pray that the time may come when we will all be men in the united states. we have read here of the great disturbance in the south. my prayer is that this may be a deathblow to slavery. do you ever have any underground rail road passengers now? times have been very prosperous in canada this year. the commercial trade and traffic on the railways has been very dull for these few months back. business on the buffalo and lake huron railway has been so dull that a great number of the hands have been discharged on account of the panic in the south. canada yet cries, freedom! freedom! freedom! i must now say a little about my friend and brother stepney brown, he lived about six months at the niagara falls and is now going to school here in brantford, he sends his best respects to you all. he and i often sit together at night after the labor of the day is over talking about our absent friends wishing we could see them once more. mr. brown and myself have been wishing for one or two of your slavery standards and would be much obliged to you if you would send some of the latest. please let me hear from you as soon as possible. i must now bring my letter to a close and remain your affectionate friend, j.w. dungy. p.s. may the lord be with you. j.w. dungy. address your letter to john w. dungy, brantford, c.w. "aunt hannah moore." in in company with her so-called mistress (mary moore) aunt hannah arrived in philadelphia, from missouri, being _en route_ to california, where she with her mistress was to join her master, who had gone there years before to seek his fortune. the mistress having relatives in this city tarried here a short time, not doubting that she had sufficient control over aunt hannah to keep her from contact with either abolitionists or those of her own color, and that she would have no difficulty in taking her with her to her journey's end. if such were her calculations she was greatly mistaken. for although aunt hannah was destitute of book-learning she was nevertheless a woman of thought and natural ability, and while she wisely kept her counsel from her mistress she took care to make her wants known to an abolitionist. she had passed many years under the yoke, under different owners, and now seeing a ray of hope she availed herself of the opportunity to secure her freedom. she had occasion to go to a store in the neighborhood where she was stopping, and to her unspeakable joy she found the proprietor an abolitionist and a friend who inquired into her condition and proffered her assistance. the store-keeper quickly made known her condition at the anti-slavery office, and in double-quick time j.m. mckim and charles wise as abolitionists and members of the vigilance committee repaired to the stopping-place of the mistress and her slave to demand in the name of humanity and the laws of pennsylvania that aunt hannah should be no longer held in fetters but that she should be immediately proclaimed free. in the eyes of the mistress this procedure was so extraordinary that she became very much excited and for a moment threatened them with the "broomstick," but her raving had no effect on messrs. mckim and wise, who did not rest contented until aunt hannah was safely in their hands. she had lived a slave in moore's family in the state of missouri about ten years and said she was treated very well, had plenty to eat, plenty to wear, and a plenty of work. it was prior to her coming into the possession of moore that aunt hannah had been made to drink the bitter waters of oppression. from this point, therefore, we shall present some of the incidents of her life, from infancy, and very nearly word for word as she related them: "moore bought me from a man named mccaully, who owned me about a year. i fared dreadful bad under mccaully. one day in a rage he undertook to beat me with the limb of a cherry-tree; he began at me and tried in the first place to snatch my clothes off, but he did not succeed. after that he beat the cherry-tree limb all to pieces over me. the first blow struck me on the back of my neck and knocked me down; his wife was looking on, sitting on the side of the bed crying to him to lay on. after the limb was worn out he then went out to the yard and got a lath, and he come at me again and beat me with that until he broke it all to pieces. he was not satisfied then; he next went to the fence and tore off a paling, and with that he took both hands, 'cursing' me all the time as hard as he could. with an oath he would say, 'now don't you love me?' 'oh master, i will pray for you, i would cry, then he would 'cuss' harder than ever.' he beat me until he was tired and quit. i crept out of doors and throwed up blood; some days i was hardly able to creep. with this beating i was laid up several weeks. another time mistress mccaully got very angry. one day she beat me as bad as he did. she was a woman who would get very mad in a minute. one day she began scolding and said the kitchen wasn't kept clean. i told her the kitchen was kept as clean as any kitchen in the place; she spoke very angry, and said she didn't go by other folks but she had rules of her own. she soon ordered me to come in to her. i went in as she ordered me; she met me with a mule-rope, and ordered me to cross my hands. i crossed my hands and she tied me to the bedstead. here her husband said, 'my dear, now let me do the fighting.' in her mad fit she said he shouldn't do it, and told him to stand back and keep out of the way or i will give you the cowhide she said to him. he then 'sot' down in a 'cheer' and looked like a man condemned to be hung; then she whipped me with the cowhide until i sunk to the floor. he then begged her to quit. he said to his wife she has begged and begged and you have whipped her enough. she only raged 'wus;' she turned the butt end of the cowhide and struck me five or six blows over my head as hard as she could; she then throwed the cowhide down and told a little girl to untie me. the little girl was not able to do it; mr. mccaully then untied me himself. both times that i was beat the blood run down from my head to my feet. "they wouldn't give you anything to eat hardly. mccaully bore the name of coming by free colored children without buying them, and selling them afterwards. one boy on the place always said that he was free but had been kidnapped from arkansas. he could tell all about how he was kidnapped, but could not find anybody to do anything for him, so he had to content himself. "mccaully bought me from a man by the name of landers. while in landers' hands i had the rheumatism and was not able to work. he was afraid i was going to die, or he would lose me, and i would not be of any service to him, so he took and traded me off for a wagon. i was something better when he traded me off; well enough to be about. my health remained bad for about four years, and i never got my health until moore bought me. moore took me for a debt. mccaully owed moore for wagons. i was not born in missouri but was born in virginia. from my earliest memory i was owned by conrad hackler; he lived in grason county. he was a very poor man, and had no other slave but me. he bought me before i was quite four years old, for one hundred dollars. hackler bought me from a man named william scott. i must go back by good rights to the beginning and tell all: scott bought me first from a young man he met one day in the road, with a bundle in his arms. scott, wishing to know of the young man what he had in his bundle, was told that he had a baby. 'what are you going to do with it?' said scott. the young man said that he was going to take it to his sister; that its mother was dead, and it had nobody to take care of it. scott offered the young man a horse for it, and the young man took him up. this is the way i was told that scott came by me. i never knowed anything about my mother or father, but i have always believed that my mother was a white woman, and that i was put away to save her character; i have always thought this. under hackler i was treated more like a brute than a human being. i was fed like the dogs; had a trough dug out of a piece of wood for a plate. after i growed up to ten years old they made me sleep out in an old house standing off some distance from the main house where my master and mistress lived. a bed of straw and old rags was made for me in a big trough called the tan trough (a trough having been used for tanning purposes). the cats about the place came and slept with me, and was all the company i had. i had to work with the hoe in the field and help do everything in doors and out in all weathers. the place was so poor that some seasons he would not raise twenty bushels of corn and hardly three bushels of wheat. as for shoes i never knowed what it was to have a pair of shoes until i was grown up. after i growed up to be a woman my master thought nothing of taking my clothes off, and would whip me until the blood would run down to the ground. after i was twenty-five years old they did not treat me so bad; they both professed to get religion about that time; and my master said he would never lay the weight of his finger on me again. once after that mistress wanted him to whip me, but he didn't do it, nor never whipped me any more. after awhile my master died; if they had gone according to law i would have been hired out or sold, but my mistress wanted to keep me to carry on the place for her support. so i was kept for seven or eight years after his death. it was understood between my mistress, and her children, and her friends, who all met after master died, that i was to take care of mistress, and after mistress died i should not serve anybody else. i done my best to keep my mistress from suffering. after a few years they all became dissatisfied, and moved to missouri. they scattered, and took up government land. without means they lived as poor people commonly live, on small farms in the woods. i still lived with my mistress. some of the heirs got dissatisfied, and sued for their rights or a settlement; then i was sold with my child, a boy." thus aunt hannah reviewed her slave-life, showing that she had been in the hands of six different owners, and had seen great tribulation under each of them, except the last; that she had never known a mother's or a father's care; that slavery had given her one child, but no husband as a protector or a father. the half of what she passed through in the way of suffering has scarcely been hinted at in this sketch. fifty-seven years were passed in bondage before she reached philadelphia. under the good providence through which she came in possession of her freedom, she found a kind home with a family of abolitionists, (mrs. gillingham's), whose hearts had been in deep sympathy with the slave for many years. in this situation aunt hannah remained several years, honest, faithful, and obliging, taking care of her earnings, which were put out at interest for her by her friends. her mind was deeply imbued with religious feeling, and an unshaken confidence in god as her only trust; she connected herself with the a.m.e. bethel church, of philadelphia, where she has walked, blameless and exemplary up to this day. probably there is not a member in that large congregation whose simple faith and whose walk and conversation are more commendable than aunt hannah's. although she has passed through so many hardships she is a woman of good judgment and more than average intellect; enjoys good health, vigor, and peace of mind in her old days, with a small income just sufficient to meet her humble wants without having to live at service. after living in philadelphia for several years, she was married to a man of about her own age, possessing all her good qualities; had served a life-time in a highly respectable quaker family of this city, and had so won the esteem of his kind employer that at his death he left him a comfortable house for life, so that he was not under the necessity of serving another. the name of the recipient of the good quaker friend's bounty and aunt hannah's companion, was thomas todd. after a few years of wedded life, aunt hannah was called upon to be left alone again in the world by the death of her husband, whose loss was mourned by many friends, both colored and white, who knew and respected him. kidnapping of rachel and elizabeth parker--murder of joseph c. miller in and . those who were interested in the anti-slavery cause, and who kept posted with reference to the frequent cases of kidnapping occurring in different free states, especially in pennsylvania, during the twenty years previous to emancipation, cannot fail to remember the kidnapping of rachel and elizabeth parker, and the murder of joseph c. miller, who resided in west nottingham township, chester county, pennsylvania, in the latter part of , and the beginning of . both the kidnapping and the murder at the time of the occurrence shocked and excited the better thinking and humane classes largely, not only in pennsylvania, but to a considerable extent over the northern states. it may be said, without contradiction, that chester county, at least, was never more aroused by any one single outrage that had taken place within her borders, than by these occurrences. for a long while the interest was kept alive, and even as lately as the past year ( ), we find the case still agitating the citizens of chester county. judge benjamin i. passmore, of said county, in defence of truth in an exhaustive article published in the "village record," west chester, oct. th, , gives a reliable version of the matter, from beginning to end, which we feel constrained to give in full, as possessing great historical value, bearing on kidnapping in general, especially in pennsylvania. tom m'creary. friend evans:--i noticed in the "village record," a short time since, an article taken from the delaware "transcript," an obituary notice of the death of the noted character, whose name heads this article, in which false statements were made, relative to the outrage he committed in kidnapping rachel and elizabeth parker, two colored girls who were then, , residing in the southern portion of chester county. in your paper of the th ult., i also read an answer to the charges and insinuations made in the "transcript," against joseph c. miller, (whose life was basely destroyed), and other citizens of chester county; as the occurrence took place in my immediate neighborhood, and i was familiar with all the facts and circumstances, i propose to give a truthful history of that vile and wicked transaction. in the winter of , the said mccreary in some unexplained way, took elizabeth parker, one of the said colored girls, from the house of one donally (not mcdonald), in the township of east nottingham, where she was living; but little was said about it by donally, or any one else. soon after, mccreary with two or three others of like proclivities, called at the house of joseph c. miller, in west nottingham, where rachel was living, and seized her, gagged her, and placed her in a carriage and drove off. the screams of mrs. miller and her children, soon brought the husband and father to the rescue; he pursued them on foot, and at a short distance overtook them in a narrow private road, disputing with james pollock, the owner of the land, whose wagon prevented them from passing. they turned and took another road, and came out at stubb's mill, making for the maryland line with all possible speed; they arrived at perryville before the train for baltimore. eli haines and a young man named wiley, who lived near rising sun, maryland, about two miles from joseph c. miller's, arrived at the same place soon after, intending to go to philadelphia. mr. haines knew rachel, and seeing mccreary there, and her so overwhelmed in sorrow, at once guessed the situation of affairs, and he and wiley changed their intentions of going to philadelphia, and went in the same car with mccreary and his victim, to baltimore, and quietly watched what disposition would be made of her, as they felt certain pursuit would be made. as soon as possible, after mccreary had escaped from west nottingham, joseph c. miller, william morris, abner richardson, jesse b. kirk, and h.g. coates, started in pursuit on horseback; when they arrived at perryville, the train had gone, with the kidnapper and the girl; they followed in the next train. soon after they arrived in baltimore, they were met by haines and wiley, who had been on the lookout for a pursuing party, and they gave the information that rachel was deposited in campbell's slave-pen. they were directed by an acquaintance of one of the party, to francis s. cochran, a prominent member of the society of friends. francis informed them he was well acquainted with campbell, and he at once accompained them. campbell assured friend cochran that whilst he approved of slavery and catching runaway slaves, he despised kidnapping and kidnappers; and on the arrival of mccreary, he ordered him to remove rachel forthwith, which he proceeded to do. friend cochran insisted on going with them, and saw the girl deposited in jail to await a legal investigation. by this time it was evening, and the chester county men all went home with cochran, where they had their suppers; the excitement being great, friend cochran did not consider it safe for them to go to the depot direct; he procured their tickets and had them driven by a circuitous route to the depot, charging them to keep together, and take their seats in the cars at once. soon after they were seated and before the cars started, miller stepped out on the platform to smoke, against the expostulations of his friends. jesse b. kirk, his brother-in-law and abner richardson followed immediately, and although they were right at his heels, he was gone; they called him by name, and stepped down into the crowd, but soon became alarmed for their own safety, and returned to their seats. a consultation was held, and it was agreed that wiley, who was least known, and not directly identified with the affair, should pass through the train when it started, and see if miller had not mistakenly got into another car. at stemen's run station, wiley returned to the party with the sad tidings that joseph c. miller was not in that train. on consultation, it was agreed that jesse b. kirk and abner richardson should return from perryville in the next train, and prosecute further search for miller. they did so return, and mccreary also returned to baltimore in the same car, he having left baltimore in the car in the evening with the chester county men; they arrived late in the night, and locked themselves up in a room in the first hotel they came to. their search was fruitless, and they were forced to return home with the sad tidings that miller could not be found. this intelligence aroused the whole neighborhood; public meetings were held to consult about what was best to be done. the writer presided at one of those meetings, which was largely attended, and it was with difficulty that the people could be restrained from organizing an armed force to kidnap and lynch mccreary. better counsels, however, finally prevailed and it was resolved to send a party to baltimore to prosecute further the search for miller. about twenty men volunteered for the service; i went to the house of joseph c. miller, the morning they were to start, but they had met at lewis mellrath's, a brother-in-law of miller. i was there endeavoring to console the aged mother and distracted wife and children of joseph c. miller, when word came that he had been found hanging to a limb in the bushes near stemen's run station, and such a scene of distress i hope may never again be my lot to witness; it was heart-rending in the extreme. the party went to baltimore, and such was the excitement that it was considered unsafe for the party to go out in a body in day-time. levi k. brown, who then resided in baltimore, went with them by moonlight, and they disinterred the body, which they found about two feet under ground, in a rough box, with a narrow lid that freely admitted the dirt to surround his body in the box. no undertaker in baltimore could be found that would allow the body left at his place of business whilst a coffin was prepared, and it was deposited in "friends'" vault; a coffin was finally procured and william morris and abner richardson started with it for his home. when they arrived at perryville no one would render them any assistance, and they were compelled to leave the corpse in an old saw mill, and walk up to port deposit, a distance of five miles, in the night, the weather being extremely cold, and a deep snow on the ground. there they procured horses and a sled and started with the body, but when within a short distance of the pennsylvania line they were overtaken by a messenger with a requisition from the governor of maryland to return the body to baltimore county, in order that an inquisition and post-mortem examination might be held in legal form. with sorrowful hearts they turned back; (one of these young men told me that at no place south of port deposit could they get any one to assist them in handling the corpse). by this time the affair had created a great excitement, both in chester county and the city of baltimore. rev. john m. dickey, hon. henry s. evans, then a member of the senate. brinton darlington, then sheriff of chester county, and very many of the leading men took a deep interest in the matter; we all did our part. the society of friends in baltimore took the matter in hand, and many other worthy citizens belonging to the presbyterian church and others lent their aid and influence. hon. henry s. evans, who was then in the senate of pennsylvania, brought the matter before the legislature, and the result was that the governor appointed judges campbell and bell, the latter of our county, to defend these two poor colored girls thus foully kidnapped. the body of miller underwent a post-mortem examination in baltimore county, at which a great number of rowdies attended, who occupied their time drinking whisky and cursing the pennsylvania abolitionists; the body finally reached its distressed home for interment. drs. hutchinson and dickey were called upon to make an examination, at which i was present, and all were clearly of opinion that he had been foully murdered. his wrists and ankles bore the unmistakable marks of manacles; across the abdomen was a black mark as if made by a rope or cord; the end of his nose bore marks as if held by some instrument of torture. his funeral took place, and his remains were followed to the grave by an immense concourse of sympathizing friends and neighbors. such, however, was the excitement, that the public demanded a further examination; he was disinterred again, and the same two eminent physicians made a thorough post-mortem examination, and one of them told the writer that there were not two ounces of contents in his stomach and bowels, and that there was abundant evidence of the presence of arsenic. his remains were again interred and suffered to remain undisturbed. the theory of his friends was that he had been suddenly snatched from the platform of the car in the baltimore depot, gagged, stripped, and lashed down by the ankles and wrists, and a rope across his abdomen, that his nose had been held by some instrument, and that he was in this situation drenched with arsenic, and puked and purged to death, and that mccreary, or some one for him, had heard wiley repeat at stemen's run station, that he was not on the train, conceived the idea of taking his body there and hanging it to a tree to convey the idea that he had committed suicide at that place, and such was the statement published by some of the maryland newspapers. his companions said he eat a very hearty supper that evening at francis s. cochran's, which with the other facts that his clothing were not soiled, and his stomach and bowels were empty, goes strongly to substantiate the theory that he had been stripped and foully murdered, as above indicated. never was there a more false assertion than that the "broad brimmed quakers in pennsylvania were accomplices of mccreary," as it is well known that opposition to slavery has been a cardinal principle of the society of friends for a century. and that joseph c. miller committed suicide because of his being implicated in the kidnapping is a base fabrication. i knew joseph c. miller from boyhood intimately, and i here take pleasure in saying that he was an honest, unassuming man, of good moral character and stern integrity, and would have spurned the idea of any complication, directly or indirectly, with slavery or kidnapping. it appears his foul murder was not sufficient to satisfy the friends of slavery and kidnapping, but an attempt is now made, after the victim has slumbered near twenty years in the grave, to blast his good name by insinuating that he was a party, or implicated in the vile transactions here narrated. rachel remained in jail; elizabeth, who had been sold to parties in new orleans, was sent for by campbell, ample security having been given that she should be returned if proved to be a slave. their trial finally came on, and after a long and tedious investigation they were both proven, by hosts of respectable witnesses to be free. they returned to their mother, in chester county, who was still living. the grand jury of chester county found a true bill against mccreary for kidnapping, a requisition was obtained, and b. darlington, esq., then high sheriff, proceeded with it to annapolis; but the governor of maryland refused to allow mccreary to be arrested in that state. thus terminated this terrible affair, which cost the state of pennsylvania nearly $ , as well as a heavy expense to many citizens of baltimore, and those of this county who took an active part, and whilst it is to be hoped that the principal actor in this sad transaction fully atoned for his evil deeds, whilst living, and his friends may have had a right to eulogize him after death, they should not have gone out of their way to traduce other parties, dead and alive, whose reputations were known by living witnesses, to be beyond reproach. justice. * * * * * arrival from virginia, . tucker white. tucker reported that he fled from major isaac roney, of dinwiddie court-house, virginia, in the christmas week prior to his arrival; that he reached petersburg and then encountered difficulties of the most trying nature; he next stopped at city point, and was equally unfortunate there. from exposure in the cold he was severely frost-bitten. while suffering from the frost he was kept in the poor-house. after partial recovery he made his way to baltimore and thence to philadelphia. once or twice he was captured and carried back. the committee suspected that he was a cunning impostor who had learned how to tell a tale of suffering simply to excite the sympathies of the benevolent; yet, with the map of virginia before them, he proved himself familiar with localities adjacent to the neighborhood in which he was raised. although not satisfied with his statement, the committee decided to aid him. passmore williamson, who had taken a deep interest in the examination of his case, in order to ascertain the facts, addressed the following note to major roney, using as his signature the name of his friend, wm. j. canby: philadelphia, june , . major isaac roney: dear sir:--within a few days past a colored man has been traversing the streets of this city, exciting the sympathies of the benevolent by the recital of a tale of the hardships he has lately passed through. he represents himself to be tucker white, your slave, a carpenter by trade, and that he escaped from your service last christmas. he is quite dark in complexion, rather over the medium size, and a little lame; the latter, probably, from the effects of frost on his feet, from which, he alleges, he suffered severely. he seems to be well acquainted with the adjoining localities, but altogether his narrative is almost incredible, and i am therefore induced to make the inquiry whether such a man has escaped from your service or lately left your neighborhood. we are perfectly flooded with such vagrants. it would be a great relief if some measures could be resorted to to keep them under legal restraint. an answer addressed to no. south th street, above walnut, will reach me, and oblige, yours, &c. wm. j. canby. weeks passed, but no answer came from the major. all hope was abandoned of obtaining a more satisfactory clue to the history of tucker white. about three months, however, after mr. williamson had written, the appended note came as an answer: mr. canby: major roney received a letter from you relative to his boy, tucker white, and has sent me here to inquire of you his whereabouts now. if you know anything concerning him and will give me such information so i can get him, you will be rewarded for your trouble. you will please address, no. american hotel. the major would have sent on sooner but he has been sick, and the letter laid in office several days. mr. canby was at the time ill, and no attention was paid to the communication. after a day's delay the following note came to hand, but, as in the former instance, no answer was returned. mr. canby: you will confer a great favor on me by writing me whether you were really the author of a letter to major isaac roney, of dinwiddie court house, va., relative to his boy tucker white, and if you were the author, please let me know when you last saw him, and where. i called at your office yesterday to see you, but your cousin (i think he said he was) told me you had the cholera, and if you felt well enough you were going to the country to-morrow. i hope you will excuse my writing to you to-day, on that account. i would not know where to direct a letter if i were to wait until to-morrow. if you know anything concerning him and will let me know it, so that i can find and arrest him, you will very much oblige yours, &c., i.m. tucker. no. american hotel. please write me an answer to-day, so i may know how to proceed to-morrow. if i find him i will be very happy to see you before i leave in behalf of major roney, in whose business i am now engaged. i.m.t. some one, however, who had a hand in the first letter, referred the major to passmore williamson, seventh and arch streets. to mr. williamson's surprise the individual who had addressed mr. c. appeared at his office with the identical letter in his hand that had been addressed him by mr. w. (with w.j.c.'s signature.) on addressing mr. w. he held out the letter and inquired: "are you the author of this letter, sir?" mr. w. looked at it and remarked that it appeared to have been written by a man named canby. "my name is williamson, but if you will walk in and take a seat i will attend to you in a few moments." accordingly, after occupying a little time in adjusting some papers, he signified to the stranger that he was ready to answer any of his questions. said mr. w., "i say frankly that i am the author of that letter." he then paused for a reply. the stranger then said, "i have come from virginia in behalf of major roney, in search of his boy, tucker white; the major was very anxious to recover him, and he would gladly reward mr. w. or anybody else who would aid him in the matter." he then asked mr. w. if he knew anything of his whereabouts. mr. w. replied: "i do not at present; for a long time i have heard nothing of him. i must tell you that i am very sorry that major roney gave himself the trouble to send all the way to philadelphia to re-capture his 'boy tucker white,' and with regard to giving information or assistance, i know of but one or two men in this city who would be mean enough to stoop to do such dirty work. geo. f. alberti, a notorious kidnapper, and e.d. ingraham, equally as notorious as a counsel of slave-hunters whom everybody here despises, might have served you in this matter. i know no others to recommend; if anybody can find the 'boy,' they can. but should they find him they will be obliged to take legal steps in arresting him before they can proceed. in such a case, instead of assisting major roney, i should feel bound to assist tucker white by throwing every obstacle that i possibly could in the way of his being carried back to virginia; and to close the matter i wish it to be understood that i do not desire to hold any further correspondence with major roney, of dinwiddie, virginia, about his 'boy,' tucker white." arrival from norfolk. mary millburn, _alias_ louisa f. jones, escaped in male attire. neither in personal appearance, manners, nor language, were any traces of the peculiar institution visible in mary millburn. on the contrary, she represented a young lady, with a passable education, and very refined in her deportment. she had eaten the white bread of slavery, under the misses chapman, and they had been singularly kind to her, taking special pains with her in regard to the company she should keep, a point important to young girls, so liable to exposure as were the unprotected young females of the south. she being naturally of a happy disposition, obliging, competent, there was but little room for any jars in the household, so far as mary was concerned. notwithstanding all this, she was not satisfied; slavery in its most dreaded aspect, was all around her, continually causing the heart to bleed and eyes to weep of both young and old. the auction-block and slave-pen were daily in view. young girls as promising as herself, she well knew, had to be exposed, examined, and sold to the vilest slave-holders living. [illustration: ] with her knowledge of the practical wickedness of the system, how could she be satisfied? it was impossible! she determined to escape. she could be accommodated, but with no favored mode of travel. no flowery beds of ease could be provided in her case, any more than in the case of others. mary took the underground rail road enterprise into consideration. the opportunity of a passage on a steamer was before her to accept or refuse. the spirit of freedom dictated that she should accept the offer and leave by the first boat. admonished that she could reach the boat and also travel more safely in male attire she at once said, "any way so i succeed." it is not to be supposed for a moment, that the effort could be made without encountering a great "fight of affliction." when the hour arrived for the boat to start, mary was nicely secreted in a box (place), where she was not discovered when the officers made their usual search. on arriving in philadelphia, she mingled her rejoicings with the committee in testifying to the great advantage of the underground rail road, and to the carefulness of its agents in guarding against accidents. after remaining a short time in philadelphia, she made choice of boston as her future residence, and with a letter of introduction to william lloyd garrison, she proceeded thitherward. how she was received, and what she thought of the place and people, may be gleaned from this letter (written by herself.) boston, may th, . dear friend:--i have selected this oppotunity to write you a few lines, hopeing thay may find you and yours enjoying helth and happiness. i arrived hear on thirsday last, and had a lettor of intoduction giving to me by one of the gentlemen at the antoslavery office in new york, to mr. garrison in boston, i found him and his lady both to bee very clever. i stopped with them the first day of my arrivel hear, since that time i have been living with mrs. hilliard i have met with so menny of my acquaintances hear, that i all most immagion my self to bee in the old country. i have not been to canaday yet, as you expected. i had the pleasure of seeing the lettor that you wrote to them on the subject. i suffered much on the road with head ake but since that time i have no reason to complain, please do not for git to send the degarritips in the shaimpain basket with dr. lundys, mr. lesley said he will send them by express, tell julia kelly, that through mistake, i took one of her pocket handkerchift, that was laying on the table, but i shall keep it in remembranc of the onner. i must bring my lettor to a close as i have nothing more to say, and believe me to be your faithfull friend. louisa p. jones. p.s. remember me to each, and every member of your familly and all enquiring friends. being of an industrious turn she found a situation immediately, and from that day to the present, she has sustained an excellent character in every respect, and as a fashionable dressmaker does a good business. * * * * * arrival of fifteen from norfolk, virginia. per schooner--twice searched--landed at league island. isaac forman, henry williams, william seymour, harriet taylor, mary bird, mrs. lewey, sarah saunders, sophia gray, henry gray, mary gray, winfield scott, and three children. about the th of july, , a message reached the secretary that a schooner containing fifteen underground rail road passengers, from norfolk, virginia, would be landed near league island, directly at the foot of broad street, that evening at a late hour, and a request accompanied the message, to the effect that the committee would be on hand to receive them. accordingly the secretary procured three carriages, with trustworthy drivers, and between ten and eleven o'clock at night arrived on the banks of the schuylkill, where all was quiet as a "country grave-yard." the moon was shining and soon the mast of a schooner was discovered. no sign of any other vessel was then in sight. on approaching the bank, in the direction of the discovered mast, the schooner was also discovered. the hearts of those on board were swelling with unutterable joy; yet even at that dead hour of night, far away from all appearance of foes, no one felt at liberty to give vent to his feelings other than in a whisper. the name of the captain and schooner being at once recognized, the first impulse was to jump down on the deck. upon second view it was seen that the descent was too great to admit of such a feat. in a moment we concluded that we could pull them up the embankment from the deck by taking hold of their hands as they stood on tip toe. one after another was pulled up, and warmly greeted, until it came the turn of a large object, weighing about two hundred and sixty pounds, full large enough to make two ordinary women. the captain, who had experienced much inconvenience with her on the voyage, owing to the space she required chuckled over the fact that the committee would have their hands full for once. poor mrs. walker, however, stretched out her large arms, we seized her hands vigorously; the captain laughing heartily as did the other passengers at the tug now being made. we pulled with a will, but mrs. walker remained on the deck. a one horse power was needed. the pullers took breath, and again took hold, this time calling upon the captain to lay-to a helping hand; the captain prepared to do so, and as she was being raised, he having a good foot-hold, placed himself in a position for pushing to the full extent of his powers, and thus she was safely landed. all being placed in the carriages, they were driven to the station and comfortably provided for. on the voyage they had encountered more than the usual dangers. indeed troubles began with them before they had set sail from norfolk. the first indication of danger manifested itself as they stood on the bank of the river awaiting the arrival of a small boat which had been engaged to row them to the schooner. although they had sought as they supposed a safe place, sufficiently far from the bounds usually traversed by the police; still, in the darkness, they imagined they heard watchmen coming. just on the edge of the river, opposite where they were waiting, a boat under repairs was in the stocks. in order to evade the advancing foe, they all marched into the river, the water being shallow, and with the vessel for a breastwork hiding them from the shore, there they remained for an hour and a half. they were thoroughly soaked if nothing more. however, about ten o'clock a small oyster boat came to their relief, and all were soon placed aboard the schooner, which was loaded with corn, etc. all, with the exception of the large woman above referred to, and one other female, were required to enter a hole apparently leading through the bottom of the boat, but in reality only a department which had been expressly constructed for the underground rail road business, at the expense of the captain, and in accordance with his own plan. the entrance was not sufficiently large to admit mrs. walker, so she with another female who was thought "too fat" to endure the close confinement, was secreted behind some corn back of the cabin, a place so secluded that none save well-experienced searchers would be likely to find it. in this way the captain put out to sea. after some fifteen hours he deemed it safe to bring his passengers up on deck where they could inhale pure air which was greatly needed, as they had been next-door to suffocation and death. the change of air had such an effect on one of the passengers (scott) that, in his excitement, he refused to conform to the orders required; for prudential reasons the captain, threatened to throw him over-board. whereupon scott lowered his tone. before reaching the lock the captain supposing that they might be in danger from contact with boats, men, etc., again called upon them "to go into their hole" under the deck. not even the big woman was excused now. she pleaded that she could not get through, her fellow-sufferers said that she must be got through urging the matter on the ground that they would have great danger to face. the big woman again tried to effect an entrance, but in vain. said one of the more resolute sisters "she must take off her clothes then, it will never do to have her staying up on deck to betray all the rest;" thus this resolute stand being unanimous, the poor woman had to comply, and except a single garment she was as destitute of raiment as was mother eve before she induced adam to eat of the forbidden fruit in the garden of eden. with the help of passengers below, she was squeezed through, but not without bruising and breaking the skin considerably where the rub was severest. all were now beneath the deck, the well-fitting oil-cloth was put over the hole covering the cabin-floor snugly, and a heavy table was set over the hole. they are within sight of the lock, but no human beings are visible about the schooner save the captain, the mate and a small boy, the son of the captain. at the lock not unexpectedly three officers came on board of the boat and stopped her. the captain was told that they had received a telegraphic dispatch from norfolk to the effect that his boat was suspected of having slaves secreted thereon. they talked with the captain and mate separately for a considerable while, and more closely did they examine the boy, but gained no information except that "the yellow-fever had been raging very bad in norfolk." at this fever-news the officers were not a little alarmed, and they now lost no time in attending to their official errand. they searched the cabin where the two fat women were first secreted, and other parts of the boat pretty thoroughly. they then commenced taking up the hatchways, but the place seemed so shockingly perfumed with foul air that the men started back and declared that nobody could live in such a place, and swore that it smelt like the yellow-fever; the captain laughed at them, and signified that they were perfectly welcome to search to their hearts' content. the officers concluded that there were no slaves on that boat, that nobody could live there, etc., etc., asked for their charges ($ ), and discharged the captain. the children had been put under the influence of liquor to keep them still, so they made no noise; the others endured their hour of agony patiently until the lock was safely passed, and the river reached. fresh air was then allowed them, and the great danger was considered overcome. the captain, however, far from deeming it advisable to land his live cargo at the wharves of philadelphia, delivered them at league island. the passengers testified that captain b. was very kind. they were noticed thus: isaac, was about fifty years of age, dark, tall, well-made, intelligent, and was owned by george brown, who resided at deep creek. isaac testified that said brown had invariably treated him cruelly. for thirty years isaac had hired his time, found himself in food, clothing, and everything, yet as he advanced in years, neither his task, nor his hire was diminished, but on the contrary his hire of late years had been increased. he winced under the pressure, and gave himself up to the study of the underground rail road. while arrangements for fleeing were pending, he broke the secret to his wife, polly, in whom he trusted; she being true to freedom, although sorrowing to part with him, threw no obstacle in his way. besides his wife, he had also two daughters, amanda a. and mary jane, both slaves. nevertheless, having made up his mind not to die a slave, he resolved to escape at all hazards. henderson belonged to the estate of a. briggs, which was about to be settled, and knowing that he was accounted on the inventory as personal property, he saw that he too would be sold with the rest of the movables, if he was not found among the missing. he began to consider what he had endured as a slave, and came to the conclusion that he had had a "rugged road to hoe all the way along" and that he might have it much worse if he waited to be sold. the voice of reason admonished him to escape for his life. in obeying this call he suffered the loss of his wife, julia, and two children, who were fortunately free. henderson was about thirty-one years of age, stout, and of healthy appearance, worth in cash perhaps $ . william was thirty-four years of age, of a chestnut color, substantial physical structure, and of good faculties. the man who professed to own him he called william taylor, and "he was a very hard man, one of the kind which could not be pleased, nor give a slave a pleasant answer one time in fifty." being thoroughly sick of william taylor, he fell in love with the underground rail road and canada. mrs. walker, the big fat woman, was thirty-eight years of age, and a pleasant-looking person, of a very dark hue. besides the struggles already alluded to, she was obliged to leave her husband. of her master she declared that she could "say nothing good." his name was arthur cooper, of georgetown; she had never lived with him, however; for twenty years she had hired her time, paying five dollars per month. when young she scarcely thought of the gross wrongs that were heaped upon her; but as she grew older, and thought more about her condition, she scouted the idea that god had designed her to be a slave, and decided that she would be one to leave dixey in the first underground rail road train that might afford her the chance. she determined not to remain even for the sake of her husband, who was a slave. with such a will, therefore, she started. upon leaving philadelphia, she went with the most of her company to boston, and thence to new bedford, where she was living when last heard from. rebecca lewey was the wife of a man, who was familiarly known by the name of "blue beard," his proper name being henry lewey. for a long time, although a slave himself, he was one of the most dexterous managers in the underground rail road agency in norfolk. no single chapter in this work could be more interesting than a chapter of his exploits in this respect. the appearing of mrs. lewey, was a matter of unusual interest. although she had worn the yoke, she was gentle in her manners, and healthy-looking, so much so that no life insurance agent would have had need to subject her to medical examination before insuring her. she was twenty-eight years of age, but had never known personal abuse as a slave; she was none the less anxious, however, to secure her freedom. her husband, blue beard, judging from certain signs, that he was suspected by slave-holders, and might at any time be caged, (indeed he had recently been in the lions' den, but got out); in order to save his wife, sent her on in advance as he had decided to follow her soon in a similar manner. rebecca was not without hope of again meeting her husband. this desire was gratified before many months had passed, as he was fortunate enough to make his way to canada. mary knight was a single woman, twenty-six years of age, dark, stout, and of pleasing manners; she complained of having been used hard. sarah saunders had been claimed as the property of richard gatewood, a clerk in the naval service. according to sarah he was a very clever slave-holder, and had never abused her. nor was she aware that he had ever treated any of his servants cruelly. sarah, however, had not lived in gatewood's immediate family, but had been allowed to remain with her grandmother, rather as a privileged character. she was young, fair, and prepossessing. having a sister living in philadelphia, who was known to the agent in norfolk, sarah was asked one day if she would not like to see her sister. she at once answered "yes." after further conversation the agent told her that if she would keep the matter entirely private, he would arrange for her to go by the underground rail road. being willing and anxious to go, she promised due obedience to the rules; she was not told, however, how much she would have to pass through on the way, else, according to her own admission, she never would have come as she did; her heart would have failed her. but when the goal was gained, like all others, she soon forgot her sufferings, and rejoiced heartily at getting out of slavery, even though her condition had not been so bad as that of many others. sophia gray, with her son and daughter, henry and mary, was from portsmouth. the mother was a tall, yellow woman, with well cut features, about thirty-three years of age, with manners indicative of more than ordinary intelligence. the son and daughter were between twelve and fourteen years of age; well-developed for their age, modest, and finely-formed mulattoes. all the material necessary for a story of great interest, might have readily been found in the story of the mother and her children. they were sent with others to new bedford, massachusetts. it was not long after being in new bedford, before the boy was put to a trade, and the daughter was sent to boston, where she had an aunt (a fugitive), living in the family of the hon. george s. hilliard. mr. and mrs. hilliard were so impressed by mary's intelligent countenance and her appearance generally, that they decided that she must have a chance for an education, and opened their hearts and home to her. on a visit to boston, in , the writer found mary at mr. hilliard's, and in an article written for the "anti-slavery standard," upon the condition of fugitive slaves in boston and new bedford, allusion was made particularly to her and several others, under this hospitable roof, in the following paragraph: "on arriving in boston, the first persons i had the pleasure to converse with, were four or five uncommonly interesting underground rail road passengers, who had only been out of bondage between three and five years. their intelligent appearance contradicted the idea that they had ever been an hour in slavery, or a mile on an underground rail road. two of them were filling trustworthy posts, where they were respected and well paid for their services. two others were young people (one two, and the other three years out of slavery), a girl of fifteen, and a boy of twelve, whose interesting appearance induced a noble-hearted anti-slavery lady to receive them into her own family, expressly to educate them; and thus, almost ever since their arrival, they have been enjoying this lady's kindness, as well as the excellent equal free school privileges of boston. the girl, in the grammar school (chiefly composed of whites), has already distinguished herself, having received a diploma, with an excellent certificate of character; and the boy, naturally very apt, has made astonishing progress." the "boy of twelve," alluded to, was not mary's brother. he was quite a genius of his age, who had escaped from norfolk, stowed away in a schooner and was known by the name of "dick page." on arriving in philadelphia, dick was delivered, as usual, into the hands of the committee. the extraordinary smartness of the little fellow (only ten years old), astonished all who saw him. the sympathies of a kind-hearted gentleman and his wife, living in philadelphia, had been deeply awakened in his behalf, through their relative and friend, mrs. hilliard, in whose family, as has been already stated, the boy's aunt lived. so much were these friends interested to secure dick's freedom, that they often contemplated buying him, although they did not like the idea of buying, as the money would go into the pocket of the master, who they considered had no just right to deprive any individual of his freedom. so when dick arrived the committee felt that it was as little as they could do, to give these friends the pleasure of seeing the little underground rail road passenger. he was therefore conveyed to the residence of prof. j.p. lesley. he could not have been sent to a house in the great city of brotherly love, where he would have found a more cordial and sincere reception. after passing an hour or so with them, dick was brought away, but he had been so touched by their kindness, that he felt that he must see them again, before leaving the city; so just before sundown, one evening, he was missed; search was made for him, but in vain. great anxiety was felt for him, fearing that he was lost. during the early part of the evening, the writer, with a bell in hand, passed up one street and down another, in quest of the stranger, but no one could give any information of him. finally about ten o'clock, the mayor's office was visited with a view of having the police stations telegraphed. soon the mystery was solved; one of the policemen stated that he had noticed a strange colored boy with professor lesley's children. hastening to the residence of the professor, sure enough, dick was there, happy in bed and asleep. from that time to this, it has been a mystery to know how a boy, a perfect stranger, could make his way alone, (having passed over the route but once), without getting lost, so circuitous was the road that he had to travel, in order to reach professor lesley's house. having said this much, the way is now open to refer to him again, in boston at school. he was generously assisted through his education and trade, and was prepared to commence life at his majority, an intelligent mechanic, and a man of promise. the case of euphemia williams, claimed as a fugitive slave under the fugitive slave-law after having lived in pennsylvania for more than twenty years. scarcely had the infamous statute been in existence six months, ere the worst predictions of the friends of the slave were fulfilled in different northern states. it is hardly too much to say, that pennsylvania was considered wholly unsafe to nine-tenths of her colored population. the kidnapper is fully shown in the case of rachel and elizabeth parker as he appeared on the soil of pennsylvania, doing his vile work in the dead of night, entering the homes of unprotected females and children, therefore: the case of euphemia williams will serve to represent the milder form of kidnapping in open day, in the name of the law, by professed christians in the city of brotherly love, and the home of william penn. february , , euphemia williams, the mother of six children, the youngest at the breast, was arrested in the upper part of the city (philadelphia), and hurried before edward d. ingraham, a united states commissioner, upon the charge of being a fugitive from labor. she was claimed by william t.j. purnell, of worcester county, maryland, who admitted that she had been away from him for twenty-two years, or since . her offspring were born on the soil of pennsylvania, and the eldest daughter was seventeen years of age. euphemia was living in her own house, and had been a member of church, in good and regular standing, for about seventeen years, and was about forty years of age. when the arrest was made, euphemia had just risen from her bed, and was only partly dressed, when a little after daylight, several persons entered her room, and arrested her. murder! murder! was cried lustily, and awakened the house. her children screamed lamentably, and her eldest daughter cried "they've got my mother! they've got my mother!" "for god's sake, save me," cried euphemia, to a woman in the second story, who was an eye-witness to this monstrous outrage. but despite the piteous appeals of the mother and children, the poor woman was hastened into a cab, and borne to the marshall's office. through the vigilance of j.m. mckim and passmore williamson, a writ of habeas corpus returnable forthwith was obtained at about one o'clock. the heart-broken mother was surrounded by five of her children, three of whom were infants. it was a dark and dreadful hour. when her children were brought into the room where she was detained, great drops of sweat standing on her face plainly indicated her agony. by mutual arrangement between the claimants and the prisoner's counsel the hearing was fixed for the next day, at the hour of three o'clock. according to said arrangement, at three o'clock euphemia was brought face to face with her claimant, william t.j. purnell. the news had already gone out that the trial would come off at the time fixed; hence a multitude were on hand to witness the proceedings in the case. the sympathy of anti-slavery ladies was excited, and many were present in the court-room to manifest their feelings in behalf of the stricken woman. the eloquent david paul brown (the terror of slave-hunters) and william s. pierce, esqrs., appeared for euphemia, r.c. mcmurtrie, esq., for the claimant. mr. mcmurtrie in the outset, arose and said, that it was with extreme regret that he saw an attempt to influence the decision of this case by tumult and agitation. the sympathy shown by so many friendly ladies, was not a favorable sign for the slave-holder. notwithstanding, mr. mcmurtrie said that he would "prove that mahala, sometimes called mahala purnell, was born and bred a slave of dr. george w. purnell, of worcester county, maryland, who was in the habit of hiring her to the neighbors, and while under a contract of hiring, she escaped with a boy, with whom she had taken up, belonging to the person who hired her." the present claimant claimed her as the administrator of dr. george w. purnell. in order to sustain this claim many witnesses and much positive swearing were called forth. robert f. bowen, the first witness, swore that he knew both mahala and her master perfectly well, that he had worked as a carpenter in helping to build a house for the latter, and also had hired the former directly from her owner. definite time and circumstances were all harmoniously fixed by this leading witness. one of the important circumstances which afforded him ground for being positive was, as he testified on cross-examination, that he was from home at a camp-meeting (when she run away); "our camp-meetings," said the witness, "are held in the last of august or the first of september; the year i fix by founding it upon knowledge; the year before she ran away, i professed religion; i have something at home to fix the year; she was with me a part of a year. i hired her for the year as a house servant; i hired her directly from dr. george w. purnell. when she ran away i proceeded after her. i advertised, in delaware in written advertisements, in georgetown, milford and millsborough, and described her and the boy; her general features. i have not the advertisement and can't tell how she was described; dr. george purnell united with me in the advertisement. i followed her to delaware city; that's all i have done since, about inquiring after them. i came, after twenty-two years' absence, to seek my own rights, and as an evidence for my friend. i have not seen her more than once since she ran away, until she was arrested; i saw her two or three times in court. i saw her first in a wretched-looking room, at fifth and germantown road; it was yesterday morning; it was the evening before at congress hall; i arrived here last tuesday a week; a man told me where she was"--"i beg the court,"--here mr. mcmurtrie interposed an objection to his mentioning the person. the court, however, said the question could be put. _witness_.--i was pledged not to tell the name; the person signed her name louisa truit; the information was got by letter; the reason i did not tell, because i thought she might be murdered; i have not the letters, and can't tell the contents; the letter that i received required a pledge that i would not tell: i was directed to send my letter to the post-office without any definite place; the representative of louisa truit was a man; i saw him in market street between third and fourth, at taylor and paulding's store, in the course of last week; i was brought into contact with the representative of louisa by appointment in the letter, to get the information; i never heard him tell his name; he was neither colored nor white; we call them with us mixed blood; (i should take you to be colored, said the witness to mr. brown.) i suppose he lives somewhere up there; i saw him at my room the next morning; i did not learn from him who wrote the letter; he did not describe the person of the woman in the letter written to me, only her general appearance; purnell said he burnt the letter. mr. brown demanded the letter, or the proof of its destruction. i never wrote myself, but my friend, mr. henry did; he said so; i never received a letter; it was written to robert j. henry; part of the letter was written to me, but not directed to me; the louisa truit, who wrote, stated, that for the information he wanted $ for one of the fugitives; he was referred to the store of taylor & paulding, and mr. henry would meet him there; when i got to the store, some of the concern let mr. henry know that a man wanted to see him; i heard this at the store; the man was there; he was a mulatto man, middle-aged, and middling tall; he is not here, that i know of; can't tell when i last saw him. his name i understood to be gloucester. under the severe cross-examination that the witness had been subjected to under d.p. brown, he became very faint, and called for water. large drops of sweat stood upon his forehead, and he was obliged to sit down, lest he should fall down. "take a seat," said mr. brown tauntingly, "and enjoy yourself, while i proceed with my interrogations." but the witness was completely used up, and was allowed to withdraw to another room, where fresh air was more plentiful. the cause of the poor slave woman was greatly strengthened by this failure. another witness, named zachariah bowen, for the claimants, swore positively that he knew the prisoner well, that she had been hired to his brother for three years by dr. purnell, whose slave she was; also he swore that he knew her parents, who were slaves to the said doctor p.; that he last saw her in , etc. on cross-examination he swore thus: "i last saw her in , she was about sixteen or seventeen; she was about an ordinary size, not the smallest size, nor the largest; she was neither thick nor thin; there was nothing remarkable in her more than is common; nothing in her speech; she was about the same color as the woman here; i never saw a great deal of change in a nigger, from sixteen to thirty-five or forty, sometimes they grow fatter, and sometimes leaner. as to recognizing her in philadelphia, he had not the slightest difficulty. he went on to swear, that he first saw her in a cab, in the city; i knew her yesterday; if you could see the rest of the family you could pick her out yourself in thirty: i knew her by her general favor, and have no particular mark; i would not attempt to describe features; her favor is familiar to me; i never saw any marks upon her." here mr. brown said he would not examine this witness further until he had concluded the examination of the witness, who had become sick. the court then adjourned till nine o'clock the next morning. the avenues to the court were filled with anxious persons, and in the front and rear of the state house the crowd was very great. the next morning, at an early hour, the court-room, and all the avenues to it were densely crowded by people interested in behalf of the woman whose case was under trial. a large number of respectable ladies formed a part of the large gathering. robert f. bowen, the witness, who became sick, was recalled. _witness_.--"i saw the colored person, who gave the information, the next evening; after i saw him in market street, at congress hall, in our room; the gentleman who keeps the hotel we did not wish to place under any responsibility, as he might be accused of carrying on the business. (of kidnapping, suggested mr. brown.) no, said witness, that is what you call it; the woman would have run away if it had gone out; i heard his name was gloucester, that gave the information; i saw him three times; once on the street; i have never been in his house; i have been to a house where i heard he lived; i gave a pledge not to disclose the matter; i made a personal pledge to gloucester in our room last week at congress hall; he said he was afraid of being abused by the population of his own color for telling that this girl run away from dr. purnell; i understood that louisa truit was gloucester's wife." under this searching cross-examination, mr. brown constrained him not only to tell all and more than he knew in favor of his friend, the claimant, but wrung from him the secrets which he stood pledged never to disclose. _witness_.--"i know no marks; she was in the condition of a married woman when she left me; it was the particular favor of her father and mother that made me recognize her; nothing else; she was pretty well built for her size." while this witness remembered every thing so accurately occurring in relation to the life and escape of the girl of sixteen, and was prepared to swear to her identity simply "by her favor," as he termed it, he was found sadly deficient in memory touching the owner, whom he had known much longer, and more intimately than he had the girl, as will be seen from the following facts in this witness' testimony: _witness_.--"i don't know when dr. p. died; i can't tell the year; i should suppose about fourteen years ago; i was at the funeral, and helped to make his coffin; it was in the fall, i think; it was after the camp-meeting i spoke of; at that time i went regularly, but not of late; i have no certain recollection of the year he died; i kept a record of the event of my conversion, and have referred to it often. it has been a reference every year, and perhaps a thousand times a year; it was in the bible, and i was in the habit of looking into it; i was in the habit of turning over the leaves of this precious book; i think it was eighteen years ago; can't say i'm certain; can't say it was more than twelve years; dr. p. left six children; two remain in our country, and one in louisiana, and the one, who is here, making four; i have no interest in the fugitive; i made no contract in regard to this case; there was an offer; are you waiting for an answer? the offer was this, that i was to come on after my fugitive, and if i did not get him they were to pay my expenses; i hesitated about coming; it was a long time before i made up my mind; they said they would pay my expenses if i didn't succeed in getting mine out of prison." in this way the above witness completely darkened counsel, and added to the weakness of his cause in a marked degree. the overseer is now examined. _zachariah bowen_ recalled.--"i didn't come here on any terms; i hardly understand what you mean by terms; i made no contract; i came upon my own book; there was no contract; i have no expectations; i don't know that dr. p. ever manumitted any female slaves; i never knew that she was in the family way when she ran away; i heard of it about that time; she ran off in the fall of . dr. p. told me so; in the fall of ; in , ' , ' , she lived with my brother; in i lived there; in and ' i lived with dr. p. i moved there and was overseer for him; i was overseer for fifteen years for him; two years at his house; i ceased to be his overseer in , i think; he was living in ; i am certain of that year, i think; dr. purnell died in , i feel certain; i said to mr. purnell that i did not know what ailed the other mr. bowen, for the doctor died in ; he died in the latter part of the spring of ; mr. bowen made a mistake in saying it was eighteen years ago; if you recall him he will rectify the mistake, i think; several slaves escaped from dr. purnell; a boy, that lived with my brother, ran away in ; the others were not hired to my brother; i don't know that i could tell the exact time, nor the year; the doctor used to say to us, there is another of my niggers ran away; the reason that i can tell when mahala ran away, is because she took a husband and ran away; i was married that year; the reason i cannot tell about the others is, because they went at different times in five years; the first who ran away before mahala, was named grace; she went in ; i don't know when the last went, or who it was." * * * * * gloucester said they had raised a mob on him, on account of this case, and he would have to leave the city; the case of this woman or these proceedings was not spoken of there; he staid but a short time; he said one of the witnesses had betrayed him in court, yesterday, and they attacked him last night; i asked him how he escaped from so many; he said very few were in the city who could outrun him; i asked him where he was going, he replied he had a notion to put for canada; some of the gentlemen proposed his going to baltimore; he said that would not do, as the laws of maryland would catch him; he was going to get a boat and go to new jersey, and then to new york; mr. purnell gave him just thirty-five dollars last night; he paused a while, and mr. p. told him to hand it back; he then took out his money and put some more to it, and said: "here is fifty dollars." mr. p. said that if he got the slave he would leave fifty dollars more with a person in the city. * * * * * question by the judge.--"you have spoken of a conversation in which mr. p. told you of certain letters or correspondence, and that they had reference to this alleged fugitive. i want you to give me, to the best of your recollection, everything he said the letters contained." _witness_.--mr. p. told me when he first mentioned it to me, he said that he was going to mention something to me, that he did not want anything said, in regard to some negroes that had run away from his father; he said he wanted me to come on here, and he did not want me to tell any person before we left our county; that if the negroes heard of it, they could get information to the parties before he could get here; i told him i would not tell any person except my wife; he then said he had correspondence with a person here, for a month or two, and he had no doubt but that several of his negroes were here, from what he had heard from his correspondent; he asked me if i could recognize the favor of this mahala? i told him i didn't know; he then said if anybody would know her, i would, as she had lived with my brother three years; he then said that he would want to start the next week, but he would see me again at that time; that was all he said at that time, only we turned into a hotel, and he said don't breathe this to anybody; on saturday before we left home, he came to my house, and said: well, i shall want you to start for philadelphia, on monday morning; i suppose you will go? i told him i would rather not, if he could do without out me; but as i told him before, i would go, if he still requested it. i would go; that's all, sir, except that i said i would be along in the stage. * * * * * j.t. hammond was then called, a young man who admitted he had never seen the respondent till he came to the court-house, but was ready to swear that he would have known her by her resemblance to dr. purnell's set of negroes. "his whole set?" said mr. brown. "yes, sir." (derisive laughter). * * * * * mr. mcmurtrie offered to prove, by persons who had known the two witnesses who had testified in this case, from their youth, that they were respectable and worthy men. d.p. brown, said that if the gentleman found it necessary to sustain his witnesses' reputation, in consequence of the peculiar dilemma they had got into, he would object, and if he supposed that he was about to contradict them in some point in the defence, he certainly was right, but as the case could not be concluded to-day, he would like to have the matter adjourned over until tuesday next. mr. mcmurtrie objected, by saying, that his client was anxious to have the matter disposed of as soon as possible, as he had been subjected to numerous insults since the matter had been before the court. judge kane intimated that no weight was to be attached to this consideration, as the full power of the court was at his disposal for the purpose of protecting his client from insult. mr. mcmurtrie replied that he did not know whether words spoken came within the meaning of the act of congress, in such matters. the court took a recess until a quarter to three o'clock. the court met again at a quarter to three o'clock. mr. mcmurtrie asked that the witnesses for the defence be excluded from the court room, except the one upon the stand. this was objected to by mr. brown, as the witnesses for the prosecution had not been required so to do; but he afterwards withdrew his objections, and notified mr. mcmurtrie that he would require any witnesses he might have in addition, should retire also; as he would object to any of them being heard if they remained. _the defence_.--mr. pierce opened the case by saying that the testimony for the defence would be clear and conclusive; that the witnesses for the prosecution are mistaken in the identity of the alleged fugitive. that at the time they allege her to have been in maryland, on the plantation of dr. purnell, she was in chester county, and in the year lafayette visited this country, she was in this city. he would confine the testimony exclusively to these two counties, and show that she is not the alleged slave. henry c. cornish, sworn. i live in this city, and am a shoemaker; i came here in the year ; before that i lived in chester county, east whiteland township, with wm. latta; my father lived with mr. latta six or eight years; i lived there three years before that time, and was familiar with the place for more than six years before ; i saw the alleged fugitive some five years before , at george amos', in uwchland township, some eight or ten miles from our house; i fix the time from a meeting being held on the valley hill by a minister, named nathan d. tierney; that must have been in ; i am positive it was before the beginning of the year ; i have not the least doubt; i joined church about that time; it was the first of my uniting with the church; it was in ; i joined the methodist episcopal church; before they built a church they held meetings alternately at people's houses; i met her at amos' house, i recollect my father going to dig the foundation of the church: i saw her there before the church was built; i knew her before she was married; and since i left there i have met her at the annual meetings of the church; i have kept up the acquaintance ever since; i knew that she had two children, that were buried as long as twenty-one or twenty-two years ago; if the boy had lived he would have been twenty-three or twenty-four years old; he was the oldest; she was not married when i first saw her in ; she did not appear to be anything but a girl, and was not married, and she of course could not be in the condition of a married woman; i was not at her wedding; if i had not continued to know her, i would not now know her; she was then a small person; age and flesh would change her a little; her complexion has not changed; i think she worked for mrs. amos; a church record is now kept very correct; but when i first went into the church, colored men could not read and write; i acted as the clerk of the church; i united with the church after i first saw her; i have seen her very often since i left chester; five hundred times to speak safely; i worship down town and she up in brown street; to the best of my recollection they moved over schuylkill about twelve years ago; she has lived here about nine years; she has six children, i have heard; i have seen five; the oldest is eighteen or nineteen; the youngest a sucking babe; i have visited her house since i have been here; i was not sent for by my uncle, who was employed by joseph smith & co., next to the girard bank; i was with edward biddle for four years, until he was elected president of the morris canal and banking company, and then i went to learn shoemaking under instructions, since which time i have been in business for myself; my father burnt limestone for mr. latta; he and his wife are dead; i was there a day or two ago for witnesses to testify in this case. _cross-examined._--i was born in , and am thirty-seven years of age; when i first knew her i suppose she was fifteen years old; she was married about three years afterwards; her husband's name is micajah williams; i heard he was in prison for stealing; her name before marriage was phamie coates; i didn't know her husband before they were married; don't know whether they came from maryland; i never knew of mahala richardson before last evening in court; the difference in her appearance is a natural one, that every body is acquainted with; i mean that a little boy is not a man, and a growing girl is not a woman; age and flesh and size make a difference; if i had not conversed with her during the twenty-one years, i would not have known her; i never changed a word with her about the case, except to say i was sorry to see her here; i knew her the moment i saw her; her arrest could not have been in the newspapers of the morning as she was not arrested until seven o'clock that day; i went to chester to look for witnesses; i came to the court because i am a vigilant man, and my principle is to save any person whose liberty is in danger; i had heard that a woman was arrested; her business is to get work wherever she can. deborah ann boyer, sworn. i was thirty-three last january; i live within one mile of west chester; i am a married woman; i have lived there since . i went there with my mother; i can read; i have seen the alleged fugitive before this; i first knew her at downingtown, when she came to my mother's house; that was before i had gone to west chester with my mother; you can tell how long it was, for it was in ; my brother was born in that year; i was quite small then; don't know how she came there; she was with my mother during her confinement; my brother is dead; it is written down in our testament; and i took an epitaph from it to put on the tombstone; the last time i saw it was when the fellow killed the school-mistress. i looked because about , a man killed a woman, and was hung, and i wanted to see how long ago it was. i have seen her more or less ever since, until within two years. i don't remember when she went from mother, but i saw her at mr. latta's afterwards. i have no doubt she is the woman; she was then a slim, tall girl, larger than myself; she is not darker now, but heavier set every way. * * * * * sarah gayly affirmed.--i am between forty-seven and forty-eight years of age. i live in the city at this time. i was raised in chester county, in , and have been here about five years. i lived in downingtown nine or ten years. i lived awhile in west chester, and lived in chester county until about five years ago. i know the alleged fugitive. i first saw her in the neighborhood of downingtown, at a place they call downing's old stage office; she worked in the house with me; it was somewhere near , just before lafayette came about; she worked off and on days' work, to wash dishes; she was a small girl then, very thin, and younger than me. i met with her, as near as i can tell you, down in the valley, at a place called the valley inn. i used to see her off and on at church, in . i visited her at mr. latta's, after she lived at the valley inn. i don't know when she left that county. i know the alleged fugitive is the same person; she belonged to the same church, ebenezer. i know the brothers cornish, and have whipped them many a time. i lived with latta myself, and the cornish, who is now a minister, lived there; he lived there before i did, and so did the alleged fugitive. i was then between twenty-three and twenty-five years old; she was a strip of a girl; she was not in the family way when she came there. cross-examined.--i have not seen her since , until i saw her here in the court-room; i recognized her when i first saw her here without anybody pointing her out, and she recognized me; i have reason to know her, because she has the same sort of a scar on her forehead that i have; we used to make fun of each other about the marks; she went by the name of fanny coates. i know nothing about her husband; she did not do the work of a woman in ; she washed dishes, scrubbed, etc. i heard her say her father and mother were dead, and that they lived somewhere in that neighborhood; she at that time made her home with a family named amos. the judge asked to see the scar on the witness' forehead and that on the forehead of the respondent. they were brought near the bench, and the marks inspected, which were plainly seen on both. during this time the infant of the respondent was entrusted to another colored woman. the child, who, up to this time, had been quiet, raised a piteous cry and would not be pacified. the whole scene excited a great sensation. * * * * * mr. brown then rose in reply to the plaintiff's counsel, and said: if i consulted my own views, i should not say one syllable, in answer to the arguments of the learned counsel upon the other side, and relying as i do upon the evidence, and out of respect to the convenience of your honor, i shall say very little as it is. the views of the counsel it appears to me, are most extraordinary indeed. he seems to take it for granted that everything that is said on the part of the witnesses for the claimant is gospel, and that what is said on the part of the witnesses for the respondent, is to be considered matter of suspicion. now i rate no man by his size, color, or position, but i appeal to you in looking at the testimony that has been produced here, on the different sides of the question, and judging it by its intrinsic worth, whether there is the slightest possible comparison between the witnesses on the part of the plaintiff, and those of the defendant, either in intelligence, memory, language, thought, or anything else. this is a fine commentary upon the disparagement of color! looking at the men as they are, as you will, i say that the testimony exhibited on the part of the respondent would outweigh a whole theatre of such men as are exhibited on the part of the complainant. i say nothing here about their respectability. it would have been proper for the learned counsel on the part of the plaintiff, if he thought the witnesses on the part of the respondent unworthy of belief, to have proved them so; but instead of that, he attempts to bolster up men, who, whether respectable or otherwise, from their inconsistency, involutions and tergiversations in regard to this case, produce no possible effect upon the judicial mind, but that which is unfavorable to themselves. impartial men, are they? how do they appear before you? they appear under cover from first to last; standing upon their right to resist inquiries legitimately propounded to them; burning up letters since they have arrived, calculated to shed light upon this subject; and before they come here, corresponding with and deriving information from a man, an evident kidnapper, who dare not sign his name and gets his wife to sign hers. this is the character these men exhibit here before you; clandestinely meeting together at the tavern, and that to consult in regard to the identity of a person about whom they know nothing. can they refer to any marks by which to identify this person? nothing at all of the kind. do they, with the exception of the first witness examined, state even the time when she left? have they produced the letter written by this kidnapper, showing how he described her? why, let me ask, is not the full light allowed to shine on this case? but even with the light they have shed upon it, i would have been perfectly content to have rested it, relying upon their testimony alone, for a just decision. * * * * * now, what man among them, professes to have seen this woman for twenty-one years? not one. the learned gentleman attempts to sustain his case, because one of our witnesses, certainly not more than one, has not seen this woman for about the same length of time: but don't you perceive, that in this case they all lived in the same state, if not in the same county--they had intercourse with persons mutually acquainted with her, and three out of four of them, met her for several months at the same church; and one witness, who had long been in her society, and in close association with her, knew she had a mark upon her forehead corresponding to the one she bore on her own. and by dint of all these matters, this long continued acquaintance only reviving the impressions received in early life, they had no doubt of the identity of the person. was there ever a more perfect train of evidence exhibited to prove the identity of a person, than on the present occasion? * * * * * we have called witnesses on this point alone, and have more than counterpoised the evidence produced upon the opposite side. and we have not only made it manifest that she was a free woman, but we have confirmed her charter by separate proof. what does the gentleman say further? do i understand him to say we have no right to determine this matter judicially? now what is all this about? why is it before you, taking your time day after day? according to this argument, you have nothing to do but to give the master the flesh he claims. but you are to be satisfied that you have sufficient reason to believe that these claims are well founded. and if you leave that matter in a state of doubt, it does not require a single witness to be called on the part of the respondent, to prove on the opposite side of the question. but we have come in with a weight of evidence demolishing the structure he has raised, restoring the woman to her original position in the estimation of the law. "well," says the gentleman, "it is like the case of a fugitive from justice." but it is not, and if it were, it would not benefit his case. the case of a fugitive from justice is one in which the prisoner is remanded to the custody of the law, handed over for legal purposes. the case of a fugitive from labor is a case in which the individual is handed over sometimes to a merciless master, and very rarely to a charitable one. does the counsel mean to say that in the case of a fugitive from justice he is not bound to satisfy the judge before whom, the question is heard? he should prove our witnesses unworthy of belief. as judge grier said, upon a former occasion, "you can choose your own time; you have full and abundant opportunities on every side to prepare against any contingency." why don't they do so? he is not to come here and force on a case, and say, i suppose you take every thing for granted. he is to come prepared to prove the justice of his claim before the tribunal who is to decide upon it. that he has not done successfully, and i would, therefore, ask your honor, after the elaborate argument on the part of the plaintiff, to discharge this woman: for after such an abundance of testimony unbroken and incontestable as that we have exhibited here, it would be a monstrous perversion of reason to suppose that anything more could be required. mr. mcmurtrie replied by reasserting his positions. it was a grave question for the court to consider what evidence was required. he thought that this decision might be the turning case to show whether the act of congress would be carried out or whether we were to return in fact to the state of affairs under the old laws. judge kane said, in reference to the remarks at the close of mr. mcmurtrie's speech: so long as i retain my seat on this bench, i shall endeavor to enforce this law without reference to my own sympathies, or the sympathies and opinions of others. i do not think, in the cases under this act of congress, or a treaty, or constitutional, or legal provision for the extradition of fugitives from justice, that it is possible to imagine that conclusive proof of identity could be established by depositions. from the nature of the case and the facts to be proved, proof cannot be made in anticipation of the identity of the party. that being established, it is the office of the judge, to determine whether a _prima facie_ case indicates the identity of the party charged, with the party before him. * * * * * on the other hand, the evidence of the claimant has been met, and regarding the bearing of the witnesses for the respondent, met by witnesses who testified, with apparent candor and great intelligence. if they are believed, then the witnesses for the claimant are mistaken. the question is, whether two witnesses for the claimant, who have not seen the respondent for twenty-three, one for twenty-four years, are to be believed in preference to four witnesses on the other side, three of whom have seen her frequently since , and known her as euphemia williams, and the fourth, who has not seen her for a quarter of a century, but testifies that when they were children, they used to jest each other about scars, which they still bear upon their persons; i am bound to say that the proof by the four witnesses has not been overthrown by the contrary evidence of the two who only recognized her when they called on her with the marshall. one says he called her mahala purnell as soon as he saw her. he might be mistaken. he inferred he would find her at the place to which he went. there were three persons in the room, one was mahala richardson, whom he knew, a young girl, and the prisoner. if she had been alone, his recognition would have been of no avail. the fact is obvious to this court, that the respondent has no peculiar physiognomy or gait. it has been shown she has no peculiarity of voice; i cannot but feel that the fact alleged by the claimant is very doubtful, when the witnesses, without mark or peculiarity, testify that they can readily recognize the girl of fifteen in the woman of forty. the prisoner is therefore discharged. a slight attempt at applause in the court room was promptly suppressed. the intelligence of the discharge of the woman, was quickly spread to those without, who raised shouts of joy. the woman, with her children, were hurried into a carriage, which was driven first to the anti-slavery office and then to the philadelphia institute, in lombard street above seventh. here she was introduced to a large audience of colored people, who hailed her appearance with lively joy; several excited speeches were made, and great enthusiasm was manifested in and outside of the building and the adjacent streets. when euphemia came out, the horses were taken out of the carriage, and a long rope was attached, which was taken by as many colored people as could get hold of it, and the woman and her children thus conveyed to her home. the procession was accompanied by several hundreds of men, women and boys. they dragged the carriage past the residence of the counsel for the respondent, cheering them by huzzas of the wildest kind, and then took the vehicle and its contents to the residence of the woman, germantown road near fifth street, beguiling the way with songs and shouts. the whole scene was one of wild, ungovernable excitement, produced by exuberance of joy. the masterly management of abolitionists in connection with the counsel, saved poor euphemia from being dragged from her children into hopeless bondage. while the victory was a source of great momentary rejoicing on the part of the friends of the slave it was nevertheless quite manifest that she was only released by the "skin of her teeth." "a scar on her forehead" saved her. relative to this important mark, a few of euphemia's friends enjoyed a very pleasing anecdote, which, at the time, they were obliged to withhold from the public; it is too good to be kept any longer. for a time, euphemia was kept in durance vile, up in the dome of independence hall, partly in the custody of lieutenant gouldy of the mayor's police, (who was the right man in the right place), whose sympathies were secretly on the side of the slave. while his pitying eyes gazed on euphemia's sad face, he observed a very large scar on her forehead, and was immediately struck with the idea that that old scar might be used with damaging effect by the witnesses and counsel against her. at once he decided that the scar must be concealed, at least, until after the examination of the claimant's witnesses. accordingly a large turban was procured and placed on euphemia's head in such a manner as to hide the scar completely, without exciting the least suspicion in the minds of any. so when the witnesses against her swore that she had no particular mark, david paul brown made them clinch this part of their testimony irrevocably. now, when sarah gayly affirmed (on the part of the prisoner) that "i have reason to know her because she has the same sort of a scar on her forehead that i have, we used to make fun of each other about the marks," etc., if it was not evident to all, it was to some, that she had "stolen their thunder," as the "chop-fallen" countenances of the slave-holder's witnesses indicated in a moment. despair was depicted on all faces sympathizing with the pursuers. with heavy pecuniary losses, sad damage of character, and comfortless, the unhappy claimant and his witnesses were compelled to return to maryland, wiser if not better men. the account of this interesting trial, we have condensed from a very careful and elaborate report of it published in the "pennsylvania freeman," january th, . apparently, the vigilance of slave-hunters was not slackened by this defeat, as the records show that many exciting cases took place in philadelphia and pennsylvania, and if the records of the old abolitionist society could be published, as they should be, it would appear that many hard-fought battles have taken place between freedom and slavery on this soil. here in conclusion touching the fugitive slave law, arrests under it, etc., as a fitting sequel we copy two extracts from high authority. the first is from the able and graphic pen of james miller mckim, who was well known to stand in the front ranks of both the anti-slavery society and the underground rail road cause through all the long and trying contest, during which the country was agitated by the question of immediate emancipation, and shared the full confidence and respect of abolitionists of all classes throughout the united states and great britain. the letter from which we have made this extract was written to hon. george thompson, the distinguished abolitionist of england, and speaks for itself. the other quotation is from the pen of a highly respectable and intelligent lady, belonging to the society of friends, or quakers, and a most devoted friend of the slave, whose statement obviously is literally true. from mr. mckim to george thompson, . the accompanying parcel of extracts will give you a full account of the different slave cases tried in this city, under the new fugitive slave law up to this time. full and accurate as these reports are, they will afford you but a faint idea of the anguish and confusion that have been produced in this part of the country by this infamous statute. it has turned southeastern pennsylvania into another guinea coast, and caused a large portion of the inhabitants to feel as insecure from the brutal violence and diabolical acts of the kidnapper, as are the unhappy creatures who people the shores of africa. ruffians from the other side of the slave-line, aided by professional kidnappers on our own soil, a class of men whose 'occupation' until lately, had been 'gone,' are continually prowling through the community, and every now and then seizing and carrying away their prey. as a specimen of the boldness, though fortunately, not of the success always with which these wretches prosecute their nefarious trade, read the enclosed article, which i cut from the _freeman_, of january d, and bear in mind that in no respect are the facts here mentioned over-stated. this affair occurred in chester county, one of the most orderly and intelligent counties in the state, a county settled principally by quakers. a week or two after this occurrence, and not far from the same place, a farmhouse was entered by a band of armed ruffians, in the evening, and at a time when all the able-bodied occupants, save one, were known to be absent. this was a colored man, who was seated by the kitchen fire, and in the act of taking off his shoes. he was instantly knocked down and gagged; but, still resisting, he was beaten most unmercifully. there was a woman, and also a feeble old man, in the house, who were attracted to the spot by the scuffle; but they could neither render any assistance, nor (the light being put out), could they recognize the parties engaged in it. the unhappy victim being fairly overcome, was dragged like a slain beast to a wagon, which was about a hundred yards distant, waiting to receive him. in this he was placed, and conveyed across the line, which was about twenty miles further south; and that was the last, so far as i know, that has ever been heard of him. the alarm was given, of course, as soon as possible, and the neighbors were quickly in pursuit; but the kidnappers had got the start of them. the next morning the trail between the house, and the place where the wagon stood, was distinctly visible, and deeply marked with blood. about a fortnight since, a letter was brought to our office, from a well-known friend, the contents of which were in substance as follows: a case of kidnapping had occurred in the vicinity of west cain township, chester county, at about half past one on sunday morning, the th march. a black man, by the name of thomas hall, an honest, sober, and industrious individual, living in the midst of a settlement of farmers, had been stolen by persons who knocked at his door, and told him that his nearest neighbor wanted him to come to his house, one of his children being sick. hall, not immediately opening his door, it was burst in, and three men rushed into his house; hall was felled by the bludgeons of the men. his wife received several severe blows, and on making for the door was told, that if she attempted to go out or halloo, she would have her brains blown out. she, however, escaped through a back window, and gave the alarm; but before any person arrived upon the ground, they had fled with their victim. he was taken without any clothing, except his night clothes. a six-barrelled revolver, heavily loaded, was dropped in the scuffle, and left; also a silk handkerchief, and some old advertisement of a bear bait, that was to take place in emmittsburg, maryland. in how many cases the persons stolen are legally liable to capture, it is impossible to state. the law, you know, authorizes arrests to be made, with or without process, and nothing is easier under such circumstances than to kidnap persons who are free born. the very same day that i received the above mentioned letter, and while our hearts were still aching over its contents, another was brought us from thomas garrett, of wilmington, delaware, announcing the abduction, a night or two before, of a free colored man of that city. the outrage was committed by an ex-policeman, who, pretending to be acting under the commission which he had been known to hold, entered, near the hour of midnight, the house of the victim, and alleging against him some petty act of disorder, seized him, handcuffed him in the presence of his dismayed family, and carried him off to maryland. the cheat that had been practised was not discovered by the family until next evening; but it was too late, the man was gone. at the time mr. garrett's letter was handed to me, narrating the foregoing case of man stealing, i was listening to the sad tales of two colored women, who had come to the office for advice and assistance. one of them was an elderly person, whose son had been pursued by the marshal's deputies, and who had just escaped with 'the skin of his teeth.' she did not come on her own account, however; her heart was too full of joy for that. she came to accompany the young woman who was with her. this young woman was a remarkably intelligent, lady-like person, and her story made a strong appeal to my feelings. she is a resident of washington, and her errand here was, to procure the liberation of a sister-in-law, who is confined in that city, under very peculiar circumstances. the sister-in-law had absconded from her mistress about nine months since, and was secreted in the room of an acquaintance, who was cook in a distinguished slave-holding family in washington; her intention being, there to wait until all search should be over, and an opportunity offer of escape to the north. but, as yet, no such opportunity had presented itself; at least none that was available, and for nine long months had that poor girl been confined in the narrow limits of the cook's chamber, watched over day and night by that faithful friend with a vigilance as sleepless as it was disinterested. the time had now come, however, when something must be done. the family in whose house she is hid is about to be broken up, and the house to be vacated, and the girl must either be rescued from her peril, or she, and all her accomplices must be exposed. what to do under these circumstances was the question which brought this woman to philadelphia. i advised her to the best of my ability, and sent her away hopeful, if not rejoicing. but in many of these cases we can render no aid whatever. all we can do is to commend them to the god of the oppressed, and labor on for the day of general deliverance. but, oh! the horrors of this hell-born system, and the havoc made by this; its last foul offspring, the fugitive slave law. the anguish, the terror, the agony inflicted by this infamous statute, must be witnessed to be fully appreciated. you must hear the tale of the broken-hearted mother, who has just received tidings that her son is in the hands of man-thieves. you must listen to the impassioned appeal of the wife, whose husband's retreat has been discovered, and whose footsteps are dogged by the blood-hounds of slavery. you must hear the husband, as i did, a few weeks ago, himself bound and helpless, beg you for god's sake to save his wife. you must see such a woman as hannah dellam, with her noble-looking boy at her side, pleading in vain before a pro-slavery judge, that she is of right free; that her son is entitled to his freedom; and above all, that her babe, about to be born, should be permitted to open its eyes upon the light of liberty. you must hear the judge's decision, remorselessly giving up the woman with her children born and unborn, into the hands of their claimants--by them to be carried to the slave prison, and thence to be sold to a returnless distance from the remaining but scattered fragments of her once happy family. these things you must see and hear for yourself before you can form any adequate idea of the bitterness of this cup which the unhappy children of oppression along this southern border are called upon to drink. manifestations like these have we been obliged either to witness ourselves, or hear the recital of from others, almost daily, for weeks together. our aching hearts of late, have known but little respite. a shadow has been cast over our home circles, and a check been given to the wonted cheerfulness of our families. one night, the night that the woman and the boy and the unborn babe received their doom, my wife, long after midnight, literally wept herself to sleep. for the last fortnight we have had no new cases; but even now, when i go home in the evening, if i happen to look more serious than usual, my wife notices it, and asks: "is there another slave case?" and my little girls look up anxiously for my reply. * * * * * from miss mary b. thomas. daring outrage! burglary and kidnapping! the following letter tells its own startling and most painful story. every manly and generous heart must burn with indignation at the villainy it describes, and bleed with sympathy for the almost broken-hearted sufferers. downingtown, th, th mo., . "my dear friend:--this morning our family was aroused by the screams of a young colored girl, who has been living with us nearly a year past; but we were awakened only in time to see her borne off by three white men, ruffians indeed, to a carriage at our door, and in an instant she was on her way to the south. i feel so much excited by the attendant circumstances of this daring and atrocious deed, as scarcely to be able to give you a coherent account of it, but i know that it is a duty to make it known, and, i therefore write this immediately. "as soon as the house was opened in the morning, these men who were lurking without, having a carriage in waiting in the street, entered on their horrid errand. they encountered no one in their entrance, except a colored boy, who was making the fire; and who, being frightened at their approach, ran and hid himself; taking a lighted candle from the kitchen, and carrying it up stairs, they went directly to the chamber in which the poor girl lay in a sound sleep. they lifted her from her bed and carried her down stairs. in the entry of the second floor they met one of my sisters, who, hearing an unusual noise, had sprung from her bed. her screams, and those of the poor girl, who was now thoroughly awakened to the dreadful truth, aroused my father, who hurried undressed from his chamber, on the ground floor. my father's efforts were powerless against the three; they threw him off, and with frightful imprecations hurried the girl to the carriage. quickly as possible my father started in pursuit, and reached west chester only to learn that the carriage had driven through the borough at full speed, about half an hour before. they had two horses to their vehicle, and there were three men besides those in the house. these particulars we gather from the colored boy ned, who, from his hiding-place, was watching them in the road. "can anything be done for the rescue of this girl from the kidnappers? we are surprised and alarmed! this deliberate invasion of our house, is a thing unimagined. there must be some informer, who is acquainted with our house and its arrangements, or they never would have come so boldly through. truly, there is no need to preach about slavery in the abstract, this individual case combines every wickedness by which human nature can be degraded. truly, thy friend, mary b. thomas." in a subsequent letter, our friend says: "as to detail, the whole transaction was like a flash to those who saw the miserable ending. i was impelled to write without delay, by the thought that it would be in time for the 'freeman,' and that any procrastination on my part, might jeopard others of these suffering people, who are living, as was this poor girl, in fancied security. our consternation was inexpressible; our sorrow and indignation deepen daily, as the thought returns of the awful announcement with which we were awakened: they have carried martha to the south. to do what will be of most service to the cause--not their cause--ours--that of our race, is our burning desire." * * * * * helpers and sympathizers at home and abroad--interesting letters. the necessities of the committee for the relief of the destitute and way-worn travelers bound freedom-ward, were met mainly by friends of the cause in philadelphia. generous-hearted abolitionists nobly gave their gold in this work. they gave not only material, but likewise whole-souled aid and sympathy in times of need, to a degree well worthy of commemoration while the name of slave is remembered. the shipleys, hoppers, parrishes, motts, whites, copes, wistars, pennocks, sellers, davis, prices, hallowells, sharpless, williams, coates, morris, browns, townsends, taylors, jones, grews, wises, lindseys, barkers, earles, pughs, rogers, whartons, barnes, willsons, wrights, peirces, justices, smiths, cavenders, stackhouses, nealls, dawsons, evans, lees, childs, clothiers, harveys, laings, middletons, etc., are among the names well-known in the days which tried men's souls, as being most true to the bondman, whether on the underground rail road, before a fugitive slave-law court, or on a rice or cotton plantation in the south. nor would we pass over the indefatigable labors of the ladies' anti-slavery societies and sewing circles of philadelphia, whose surpassing fidelity to the slave in the face of prejudice, calumny and reproach, year in and year out, should be held in lasting remembrance. in the hours of darkness they cheered the cause. while we thus honor the home-guards and coadjutors in our immediate neighborhood, we cannot forget other earnest and faithful friends of the slave, in distant parts of the country and the world, who volunteered timely aid and sympathy to the vigilance committee of philadelphia. not to mention any of this class would be to fail to bestow honor where honor is due. we have only to allow the friends to whom we allude, to speak for themselves through their correspondence when their hearts were stirred in the interest of the escaping slave, and they were practically doing unto others as they would have others do unto them. here, truly, is pure philanthropy, that vital christianity, that true and undefiled religion before god and the father, which is to visit the fatherless and widow in their affliction, and to undo the heavy burden, and let the oppressed go free. the posterity of the oppressed at least, will need such evidences of tender regard and love as here evinced. in those days, such expressions of christian benevolence were cheering in the extreme. from his able contribution to anti-slavery papers, and his fearless and eloquent advocacy of the cause of the down-trodden slave in the pulpit, on the platform, and in the social circle, the name of rev. n.r. johnston, reformed presbyterian (of the old covenanter faith), will be familiar to many. but we think it safe to say that his fidelity and devotion to the slave are nowhere more fully portrayed than in the appended underground rail road letters. topsham, vt., september st, . wm. still, my dear friend:--i have the heart, but not the time, to write you a long letter. it is saturday evening, and i am preparing to preach to-morrow afternoon from heb. xiii. , "remember them that are in bonds as bound with them." this will be my second sermon from this text. sabbath before last i preached from it, arguing and illustrating the proposition, deduced from it, that "the great work to which we are now called is the abolition of slavery, or the emancipation of the slave," showing our duty as _philanthropists_. to-morrow i intend to point out our duty as _citizens_. some to whom i minister, i know, will call it a political speech; but i have long since determined to speak for the dumb what is in my heart and in my bible, let men hear or forbear. i am accountable to the god of the oppressed, not to man. if i have his favor, why need i regard man's disfavor. many besides the members of my own church come out regularly to hear me. some of them are pro-slavery politicians. the consequence is, i preach much on the subject of slavery. and while i have a tongue to speak, and lips to pray, they shall never be sealed or silent so long as millions of dumb have so few to speak for them. but poor passmore williamson is in bonds. let us also remember him, as bound with him. he has many sympathizers. i am glad you did not share the same fate. for some reasons i am sorry you have fallen into the hands of thieves. for some others i am glad. it will make you more devoted to your good work. persecution always brightens the christian, and gives more zeal to the true philanthropist. i hope you will come off victorious. i pray for you and your co-laborers and co-sufferers. my good brother, i am greatly indebted to you for your continued kindness. the lord reward you. i have a scholarship in an ohio college, geneva hall, which will entitle me--any one i may send--to six years tuition. it is an anti-slavery institution, and wholly under anti-slavery control and influence. they want colored students to prepare them for the great field of labor open to men of talent and piety of that class. when i last saw you i purposed talking to you about this matter, but was disappointed very much in not getting to take tea with you, as i partly promised. have you a son ready for college? or for the grammar school? do you know any promising young man who would accept my scholarship? or would your brother's son, peter or levin, like to have the benefit of it? if so, you are at liberty to promise it to any one whom you think i would be willing to educate. write me at your earliest convenience, about this matter. * * * * * i presume the standard will contain full accounts of the norristown meeting, the williamson case, and your own and those connected. if it does not, i will thank you to write me fully. * * * * * what causes the delay of that book, the history of peter still's family, etc.? i long to see it. the lord bless you in your labors for the slave. yours, etc., n.r. johnston. topsham, vt., december th, . wm. still, my dear friend:--i wrote to you some two or three weeks ago, enclosing the letter to the care of a friend in philadelphia, whom i wished to introduce to you. i have had no answer to that letter, and i am afraid you have not received it, or that you have written me, and i have not received yours. in that letter i wished to receive information respecting the best way to expend money for the aid of fugitives. lest you may not have received it, i write you again, though briefly. a few of the anti-slavery friends, mostly ladies, in our village have formed an anti-slavery society and sewing circle, the proceeds of which are to go to aid needy or destitute fugitive slaves. they have appointed me corresponding secretary. in obedience to my instructions, and that i may fulfill my promises, i want to find out from you the desired information. we want to give the little money raised, in such a way that fugitives who are really needy will be benefited by it. write me as soon as possible, where and to whom we should send the funds when raised. i have thought that you of the vigilance committee, in philadelphia had need of it. or, if not, you can tell us where money is needed. probably you know of some one in canada who acts for the needy there. so many impositions have been palmed off upon charitable abolitionists, i am afraid to act in such a case without the directions of one who knows all about these things. is money needed to help those escaping? if so, should we send to new york, philadelphia, or where else? when i was in new york last, a young man from richmond, va., assuming the name of robert johnston, who had come by steamboat to philadelphia, and whom you had directed to the anti-slavery office in new york, had only one dollar in money. his fare had to be paid by a friend there, the treasurer of the fund being absent. i know that they nearly all need money, or clothing. we want to send our money wherever it is most needed, to help the destitute, or those in danger, and where it will be faithfully applied. write me fully, giving specific directions; and i will read your letter to the society. and as i have been waiting anxiously, for some two weeks or more, for an answer to my previous letter, but am disappointed unless you have written very recently, i will be much obliged if you will write on the reception of this. any information you may communicate, respecting the doing of your section of the underground railway will be read before the society with much interest. if you know the address of any one in canada, who would be a good correspondent respecting this matter, please give me his name. * * * * * my dear brother, go on in your good work; and the god of the oppressed sustain and reward you, is my earnest prayer. yours, fraternally, in our common cause, n.r. johnston. topsham, vt., december th, . wm. still, very dear friend:--i will be much pleased to hear from you and our common cause in pennsylvania. i am so far removed, away here in yankeedom, that i hear nothing from that quarter but by the public prints. and as for the underground railway, of course, i hear nothing, except now and then, i would be greatly pleased if you would write me the state of its funds and progress. whatever you write will be interesting. the topsham sewing circle has begun its feeble operations again. owing to much opposition, a very few attend, consequently little is made. the ladies, however, have some articles on hand unsold, which will bring some money ere long. i wish you would write me another long letter in detail of interesting fugitives, etc., such as you wrote last winter, and i will have it read before the circle. your letter last winter was heard by the ladies with great interest. you are probably not aware that fugitives are never seen here. indeed the one half of the people have never seen more than a half-dozen of colored people. there are none in all this region. i am lending peter still--the book--to my neighbors. it is devoured with great interest. it does good. i think, however, if i had been writing such a book, i would have wedged in much more testimony against slavery and its horrid accompaniments and consequences. i would be glad to hear how peter and his family are prospering. do you see my friends, mr. orr and rev. willson, now-a-days? do they help in the good cause? if the ladies here should make up fine shirts for men, or children's clothes of various kinds, would they be of use at philadelphia, or new york, to fugitives? or would it not be advisable to send them there? the ladies here complain that they cannot sell what they make. my dear brother, be not discouraged in your work, your labor of love. the prospect before the poor slave is indeed dark, dark! but the power shall not always be on the side of the oppressor. god reigns. a day of vengeance will come, and that soon. mrs. stowe makes dred utter many a truth. would that god would write it indelibly on the heart of the nation. but the people will not hear, and the cup of iniquity will soon fill to overflowing; and whose ears will not be made to tingle when the god of sabaoth awakes to plead the cause of the dumb? yours, very sincerely, n.r. johnston. p.s. when i was in new york last fall, october, i was in the anti-slavery office one day, when a friend in the office showed me a dispatch just received from philadelphia, signed w.s., which gave notice of "six parcels" coming by the train, etc. and before i left the office the "parcels" came in, each on two legs. strange parcels, that would run away on legs. my heart leaped for joy at seeing these rescued ones. o that god would arise and break the yoke of oppression! let us labor on and ever, until our work is done, until all are free. since the late republican farce has closed i hope to get some more subscribers for the standard. honest men's eyes will be opened after a while, and the standard of right and expediency be elevated. let us "hope on and ever." yours, for the right, n.r.j. topsham, vt., april d, . dear friend still:--i entreat you not to infer from my tardiness or neglect, that i am forgetful of my dear friend in philadelphia. for some time past i have done injustice to many of my friends, in not paying my debts in epistolary correspondence. some of my dearest friends have cause to censure me. but you must pardon me. i have two letters of yours on hand, unanswered. one of them i read to the sewing circle; and part of the other. for them i most heartily thank you. you are far kinder to me than i deserve. may god reward you. i long to see you. my head and heart is full of the cause of the slave. i fear i give the subject too much relative importance. is this possible? i preach, lecture, and write for the slave continually. and yet i don't do enough. still i fear i neglect the great concerns of religion at home, in my own heart, in my congregation, and in the community. i wish we were located near to each other. we are far separated. i am almost isolated. you are surrounded by many friends of the cause. still we are laboring on the same wall, though far apart. are we not near in spirit? you see by the papers that we have been trying to do something in our green mountain state. the campaign has fairly begun. we will carry the battle to the gate. i see our friend, miss watkins, is still pleading for the dumb. noble girl! i love her for her devotedness to a good cause. oh, that her voice could be heard by the millions! i hope that we can have her again in vermont. give my kind regards to our mutual friend, miller mckim. will i not see him and you at the anniversary in new york? do you ever see rev. willson? is he doing anything for the cause? i wish i could peep into your house to-night, and see if there are any "packages" on hand. god bless you in your labors of love. yours, truly, for the slave, n.r. johnston. while it was not in the power of mr. johnston and his coadjutors, to render any great amount of material aid to the committee, as they had not been largely blessed with this world's goods, nevertheless, the sympathy shown was as highly valued, as if they had given thousands of dollars. not unfrequently has the image of this singularly faithful minister entered the writer's mind as he once appeared when visiting the synod of his church in philadelphia. having the underground rail road cause at heart, he brought with him--all the way from vermont--his trunk well filled with new shirts and under-clothing for the passengers on that road. it was characteristic of the man, and has ever since been remembered with pleasure. from another quarter, hundreds of miles from philadelphia, similar tokens of interest in the cause of the fleeing bondmen were manifested by a ladies' anti-slavery society, in western new york, which we must here record. as the proffered aid was wholly unsolicited, and as the committee had no previous knowledge whatever of the existence of the society, or any of its members, and withal, as the favors conferred, came at times when the cause was peculiarly in need (the committee oft-times being destitute of clothing or money), the idea that the underground rail road was providentially favored, in this respect, was irresistible. we therefore take great pleasure in commemorating the good deeds of the society, by copying the following letters from its president, mrs. dr. brooks: ellington, nov. st, . mr. william still:--dear sir:--in the above-named place, some five years since there was formed a ladies' anti-slavery society, which has put forth its feeble endeavors to aid the cause of "breaking every yoke and letting the oppressed go free," and we trust, through our means, others have been made glad of heart. every year we have sent a box of clothing, bedding, etc., to the aid of the fugitive, and wishing to send it where it would be of the most service, we have it suggested to us, to send to you the box we have at present. you would confer a favor upon the members of our society, by writing us, giving a detail of that which would be the most service to you, and whether or no it would be more advantageous to you than some nearer station, and we will send or endeavor to, that which would benefit you most. william wells brown visited our place a short time since, recommending us to send to you in preference to syracuse, where we sent our last box. please write, letting me know what most is needed to aid you in your glorious work, a work which will surely meet its reward. direct, ellington, chautauqua county, n.y. your sister, in the cause, mrs. m. brooks. ellington, chautauqua co., n.y., dec. th, . mr. still:--dear sir:--yours of the th, was duly and gratefully received, although the greater portion of your epistle, of a necessity, portrayed the darker side of the picture, yet we have great reason to be thankful for the growing interest there is for the cause throughout the free states, for it certainly is on the increase, even in our own locality. there are those who, five years since, were (ashamed, must i say it!) to bear the appellation of "_anti-slavery_," who can now manfully bear the one then still more repellant of _abolitionist_. all this we wish to feel thankful for, and wish their number may never grow less. the excitement relative to the heroic john brown, now in his grave, has affected the whole north, or at least every one who has a heart in his breast, particularly this portion of the state, which is so decidedly anti-slavery. at a meeting of our society, to-day, at which your letter was read, it was thought best that i should reply to it, a request with which i cheerfully comply. we would like to hear from you, and learn the directions to be given to our box, which will be ready to send as soon as we can hear from you. please give us all necessary information, and oblige our society. you have the kind wishes and prayers of all the members, that you may be the instrument of doing much good to those in bonds, and may god speed the time when every yoke shall be broken, and let the oppressed go free. yours, truly, mrs. dr. brooks. p.s. i have just learned that john brown's body passed through dunkirk, a few miles from this place, yesterday. a funeral sermon is to be preached in this place one week from next sabbath, for the good old man. mrs. dr. b. ellington, jan. d, . william still:--dear sir:--enclosed are $ , , to pay freightage on the box of bedding, wearing apparel, etc., that has been sent to your address. it has been thought best to send you a schedule of the contents of said box. trusting it will be acceptable, and be the means of assisting the poor fugitive on his perilous way, you have the prayers of our society, that you may be prospered in your work of mercy, and you surely will meet with your reward according to your merciful acts. two bed quilts, , $ , ; five bed quilts, , $ , ; one bed quilt, , $ , ; two pairs cotton socks, , cents; three pairs cotton stockings, , $ , ; one pair woolen stockings, , cents; one pair woolen stockings, , cents; three pair woolen socks, , cents; five pair woolen socks, , $ , ; eight chemise, , $ , ; thirteen men's shirts, cents, $ , ; one pair pants, , $ , ; six pair overall pants, cents, $ , ; three pair pillow cases, $ , ; three calico aprons, , cents; three sun-bonnets, , cents; two small aprons, , cents; one alpaca cape, , $ , ; two capes, , cents; one black shawl, , cents. total, $ , . the foregoing is a correct list of the articles and the appraisal of the same. please acknowledge the receipt of the letter and box, and oblige the anti-slavery society of ellington. mrs. dr. brooks. the road was doing a flourishing business during the short time that this station received aid and sympathy from the ladies' anti-slavery society of ellington, and little did we dream that its existence would so soon be rendered null and void by the utter overthrow of slavery. we have great pleasure in stating that beyond our borders also, across the ocean, there came help to a laudable degree in the hour of need. the numbers of those who aided in this special work, however, were very few and far between, a hundred per cent. less (so far as the receipts of the philadelphia committee were concerned), than was supposed by slave-holders and their sympathizers, judging from their oft repeated allegations on this subject. it is true, that the american anti-slavery society and kindred associations, received liberal contributions from a few warm-hearted and staunch abolitionists abroad, to aid the great work of abolishing slavery. in reference to the philadelphia vigilance committee, we are safe in saying, that, except from a few sources, no direct aid came. how true this was of other stations, we do not pretend to know or speak, but in the directions above alluded to, we feel that the cause was placed under lasting obligations. the webbs of dublin, and the misses wighams, of scotland, representatives of the edinburgh ladies' emancipation society, were constantly in correspondence with leading abolitionists in different parts of the country, manifesting a deep interest in the general cause, and were likewise special stockholders of the underground rail road of philadelphia. in common with stockholders at home, these trans-atlantic investors were willing to receive their shares of dividends in the answer of a good conscience, or, in other words, from the satisfaction and pleasure derivable from a consciousness of having done what they could to alleviate the sufferings of the oppressed struggling to be free. having thus shown their faith by their works it would be unjust not to make honorable mention of them. last, though not least, at the risk of wounding the feelings of one who preferred not to let the left hand know what the right hand doeth, we may contemplate the philanthropic labors of one, whose generosity and benevolence knew no bounds; whose friendship devotion and liberality, were felt in all the principal stations of the underground rail road; whose heart went out after the millions in fetters, the fleeing fugitive, the free, proscribed, the ignorant deprived of education; whose house was the home of the advocate of the slave from the united states, especially if he wore a colored skin or had been a slave. we would not venture to say how many of the enslaved this kind hand helped to purchase (frederick douglass and many others, being of the number.) how many were assisted in procuring an education, how many who pined in slave prisons were aided, how many fleeing over the perilous underground rail road were benefited, the all-seeing eye alone knoweth; nevertheless, we are happy to be able to give our readers some idea of the unwearied labors of the friend to whom we allude. here again we are compelled to resort to private correspondence which took place when cotton was king, and the slave-power of the south could boastingly say, in the language of the apocalyptic woman, "i sit as a queen, and shall see no sorrow," when that power was maddened to desperation, by the heroism of the martyr, john brown, and the fettered bondmen were ever and anon traveling over the underground rail road. in this "darkest hour, just before the break of day," the heart of the friend of whom we speak, was greatly moved to consider the wants of the oppressed in various directions. how worthily and successfully her labors gave evidence of an earnest devotion to freedom, the mode and measures adopted by her, to awaken sympathy in the breast of the benevolent of her own countrymen, and how noble her example, may be learned from a small pamphlet and explanatory letters which, when written, were intended especially for private use, but which we now feel constrained to copy from a sense of justice to disinterested philanthropy. pamphlet, and letters from mrs. anna h. richardson, of newcastle, england. to the friends of the slave. dear friends--for some months past my dear husband and i have wished very gratefully to thank you for having so kindly assisted us in various anti-slavery efforts, and we now think it quite time to give an account of our stewardship, and also to lay before you several items of interesting intelligence received from different parts of the united states. we will thank you to look upon this intelligence as private, and must request you to guard against any portion of it being reprinted. william s. bailey.--we have had great pleasure in forwarding £ to our valued correspondent, william s. bailey, of newport, kentucky; £ of this sum in response to a circular issued at newcastle in the summer of last year, and received by our friend, david oliver, who acted as treasurer, and the remainder chiefly collected by our dear young friends in england and ireland, after reading the account of his little daughter, "laura." this money has been very thankfully acknowledged, with the exception of the last remittance just now on the road. most of our readers will be aware that w.s. bailey's printing-office and premises were again ruthlessly attacked after the harper's ferry outbreak, on the unfounded assumption that he was meditating a similar proceeding, and that it was unsafe for a free press to be any longer tolerated in kentucky. his forms and type were accordingly dragged through the streets of newport, and a considerable portion of them flung by a mob (of "gentlemen") into the ohio river. a few extracts from his own letters will pretty fully explain both his past and present position. the subscription list on his behalf is still open, and any further assistance for this heroic man and his noble-hearted family will be very gratefully received and forwarded. "newport, kentucky, nov. th, . "from my letter of the th inst. you will have learned the sad intelligence that my printing-office has been destroyed by a brutal mob of pro-slavery men. through the money i received from you and other friends in this country i was moving the cause of freedom in all parts of kentucky. the people seemed to grasp our platform with eagerness, and the slaveholders became alarmed to see their wish to read and discuss its simple truths. hence they plotted together to devise a stratagem by which they could destroy _the free south_, and in the meantime the harper's ferry difficulty, by mr. brown, was seized upon to excite the people against me, and the most extravagant lies were told about me, as trying to excite slaves to rebellion; intending to seize the united states barracks at this place, arm the negroes, and commence war upon slave-holders. all these lies were told as profound secrets to the people by the tools of the slave-power. but these lies have already exploded, and the people are resuming their common sense again. "i tried your plan of non-resistance with all my power. i pleaded with all the earnestness of my soul, and so did my wife and daughters, but though i am certain many were moved in conscience against the savage outrage, and did their work with a stinging heart, yet they felt that they must stick to their party, and complete the destruction. slavery, indeed, makes the most hardened savages the world ever knew. the savage war-whoop of the indian never equalled their dastardly cry of 'shoot him,' 'cut his throat,' 'stab him,' and such like words most maliciously spoken." * * "slavery is the cause of this devilish spirit in men; but this outrage has gained me many friends, and will do much towards putting down slavery in the state. it will also add many thousand votes to the republican presidential candidate in . god grant it may work out a great good!" * * * * "i want to get started again as soon as i possibly can. as soon as i can raise , dollars, i can make a beginning, and soon after you will see _the free south_ again, and i trust a much handsomer sheet than it was before." newport, january th, . "yours of mo. th, , is received, containing a draft for £ , and another of the 'little laura' books, which, thank god, is doing some good in newport and covington, in the hands of two christian friends. the renewed obligations under which the good people of england, through your instrumentality, place me and my abused people, call for expressions of gratitude from both me and them beyond my ability to pen. but you can imagine how we ought to feel in our trials and wants to such kind friends as you. neither i nor my anti-slavery friends here can express our thankfulness in the elegant language your better educated countrymen may feel we should use, but, by the omnipotent judge of all hearts, i trust our feeble effort will be accepted, and you and yours be blessed and protected now and for ever. such encouragement strengthens me in the belief that the spirit of god is abroad in the hearts of the people, moving them to sympathize with the poor, subjected slave." * * * * "i have the promise of abler pens to aid me when i get started again; and i am glad to see that a poor working-man and his family have been the means of calling the attention of men of letters to assist in raising from the dust a crushed race of men; and although the red clouds of war hover thick around us, and vengeance lurks in secret places, i trust, through the guidance of an all-wise director, to steer safely through the angry tide that now so often ebbs and flows around me; but should i fall, i trust, dear lady, that my dear wife and family may be remembered by the good and true." "newport, may th, . "i am glad to tell you that we feel it a great victory over the slave power to be able to rise again from our ruins, and in the face of slave-owning despots denounce their inhumanity and their sins. i trust that almighty god will continue to be with me and my dear family in this good work." * * * "you cannot but see, i think, by the southern press, that slave-holders begin to fear and tremble for the safety of their 'peculiar institution.' the death of john brown is yet to be atoned for, by the slave-holding oligarchy. his undying spirit haunts them by day and by night, and in the midst of their voluptuous enjoyments, the very thought of john brown chills their souls and poisons their pleasures. their tarring and feathering of good citizens; their riding them upon rails, and ducking them, in dirty ponds; their destruction of liberty presses, and the hanging of john brown and his friends, to intimidate men from the advocacy of freedom, will all come tumbling upon their own heads as a just retribution for their outrageous brutality. only let us persevere, and oppressed humanity, bent in timid silence throughout the south, will rise and throw off the yoke of slavery and rejoice in beholding itself _free_!" "newport, august . "i send you three copies of my paper. since receiving your letter, i and my family have done all in our power to get it out, but we had to get old type from the foundry and sort it, to make the sheet the size you now see it. we hate to be put down by the influence of tyranny, and you cannot imagine our sorrow, anxiety, necessity and determination." * * * "i have received, since the press was destroyed, dollars in all, which has been spent in repairing and roofing our dwelling-house, and repairing the breaches made upon the office, together with mending the presses and procuring job type and some little for the paper, but nearly all the latter is old type. our kindest thanks to the liberty-loving people of your country, scotland, and ireland, and tell them i shall never surrender the cause of freedom. a little money from all my friends, would soon reinstate me, and when they see my paper i trust it will cheer their hopes, and cause a new fire for liberty in kentucky. "i cannot but sometimes ask in my closet meditations: o god of mercy and love, why permittest thou these things? but still i hope for a change of mind in my enemies, and shall press onward to accomplish the great task seemingly allotted to me upon kentucky soil." the persecuted bereans.--there is another call connected with kentucky, which we wish to bring before our friends. at a village in that state, called berea, (situated in madison county), a little band of christian men and women, had been pursuing their useful labors for some years past. they avowedly held anti-slavery sentiments, but this was the beginning and end of their offending. they possessed a farm and saw-mill, etc., and had established a flourishing school. these good people were quietly following their usual employments, when, in the early part of last winter, sixty-two armed kentuckians rode upon horseback to their cottage doors, and summarily informed them that they must leave the state in ten days' time, or would be expelled from it forcibly. all pleading was hopeless, and any attempt at self-defence out of the question. they bowed before the storm, and hastily gathering up their garments, in three days' time were on their road to ohio. their three christian pastors took the same course. one of the latter has since returned to kentucky, to bury his youngest little boy, in a grave-yard attached to one of the churches there. he was enabled to preach to the people who assembled on the occasion, but was not allowed to remain in his native state. another of the exiles ventured to go back to berea, but this immediately led to an outbreak of popular feeling, for his saw-mill was set on fire by the mob, and presently destroyed. the exiles are consequently still in ohio, or wandering about in search of employment. we have been privileged in receiving two letters respecting them, from one of their excellent pastors, john g. fee. this gentleman is himself, the son of a slave-holder, but gave up his earthly patrimony many years since for conscience' sake, and has since made it the business of his life to proclaim the gospel in its purity, and to use every available means for directing all to christ. when speaking of berea, mr. fee remarks: "the land was poor, but the situation beautiful, with good water, and a favorable location, in some respects. we could have had locations more fertile and more easy of access, but more exposed to the slave-power. it was five miles from a turnpike road, with quite a population around it for a slave state." in one of mr. fee's letters he introduces a subject which we wish especially to bring before our friends, feeling almost sure that many of them will respond to its importance: "you ask, he says, if there are not noble-hearted young people in slave-holding families? there is one whom i desire to commend to your special prayer and regard, elizabeth rawlings, daughter of john h. rawlings, of madison county, kentucky. he was once a slave-holder, but has twice been a delegate to our free-soil national conventions, and is a strong friend of freedom. his daughter has had small opportunities for acquiring knowledge, but was in our school at berea, and making rapid progress. our school was not only anti-slavery, but avowedly anti-caste. this made it the more odious. when mr. rogers and others were about to be driven away, she announced that she would continue the school on the same principles. accordingly she went into the school-room after a few days, with a little band of small scholars, and has perseveringly kept it up. this noble and brave-hearted young woman is about twenty-two years of age; has a very vigorous mind; acquires knowledge very rapidly; is very modest; and is, i trust, a true believer in christ. i desire to see her fitted for the post of teacher. one year's study would greatly benefit her. she has not gone beyond grammar and arithmetic. i have not means or would at once give her those advantages she needs. i once had a small patrimony, but expended it in freedom's cause, and now live on the small salary of a [home] missionary. i have a daughter of fifteen, as far advanced as miss rawlings. i want to train and educate them both for teaching, and had thought to educate the latter, and suggest to some one to educate the other. i do not urge, but simply suggest. this might be another cord binding the two continents. lewis tappan, of new york, would receive to transmit, and i would report." now if we may lay before you, dear friends, our hearts' inquiry, it is this: "cannot we in england, raise £ or £ for one year's schooling for these two dear girls, elizabeth rawlings and j.g. fee's daughter?" it seems to us, that the one deserves it from her noble daring, the other as a little tribute to her father's virtues. how delightful it would be if these two young people could become able teachers of our own rearing, and in days to come, be looked to as maintaining schools of an elevated character upon their native soil! we have laid the case before a few kind friends, and already had the pleasure of forwarding £ to mr. fee's care, on behalf of his valued young friend, elizabeth rawlings. cornelia williams.--the next person to be referred to is cornelia williams, a bright young niece of our friend, henry h. garnet's, whom many of our friends kindly assisted to redeem from slavery, in north carolina, about three years since. we rejoice to say this dear girl is going on very satisfactorily. she has been diligently pursuing her studies in a school at nantucket, and appears to be much esteemed by all who know her. she kindly sends us a little letter now and then, again returning her glowing thanks to all who assisted in procuring her freedom. her mother, dinah williams (also a slave a few years since, and redeemed in part by the surplus of 'the weims ransom fund'), has married an estimable baptist minister within the last year, and cornelia resides under their roof. frederick douglass.--it is known that our much-valued friend, frederick douglass, left this country suddenly for america last spring, chiefly on account of the decease of a most beloved little girl. till quite recently he was intending to return to england very soon, but this is for the present delayed, on account of increasing and pressing engagements in the united states. we take the liberty of quoting an extract from one of his letters: "rochester, july d, . "you hold up before me the glorious promises contained in the sacred scriptures. these are needed by none more than by those who have presumed to put themselves to the work of accomplishing the abolition of slavery in this country. there is scarcely one single interest, social, moral, religious, or physical, which is not in some way connected with this stupendous evil. on the side of the oppressor there is power, now as in the earlier days of the world. i find much comfort in the thought that i am but a passenger on board of this ship of life. i have not the management committed to me. i am to obey orders, and leave the rest to the great captain whose wisdom is able to direct. i have only to go on in his fear and in his spirit, uttering with pen and tongue the whole truth against slavery, leaving to him the honor and the glory of destroying this mighty work of the devil. i long for the end of my people's bondage, and would give all i possess to witness the great jubilee; but god can wait, and surely i may. if he, whose pure eyes cannot look upon sin with allowance, can permit the day of freedom to be deferred, i certainly can work and wait. the times are just now a little brighter; but i will walk by faith, not by sight, for all grounds of hope founded on external appearance, have thus far signally failed and broken down under me. twenty years ago, slavery did really _seem_ to be rapidly hastening to its fall, but ten years ago, the fugitive slave bill, and the efforts to enforce it, changed the whole appearance of the struggle. anti-slavery in an abolition sense, has been ever since battling against heavy odds, both in church and state. nevertheless, god reigns, and we need not despair, and i for one do not. i know, at any rate, no better work for me during the brief period i am to stay on the earth, than is found in pleading the cause of the down-trodden and the dumb. "since i reached home i have had the satisfaction of passing nearly a score on to canada, only two women among them all. the constant meeting with these whip-scarred brothers will not allow me to become forgetful of the four millions still in bonds." our friends may, perhaps, remember that the cost of _frederick douglass' paper_ is but five shillings per annum (with the exception of a penny per month at the door for postage.) it is a very interesting publication, and amply repays the trifling outlay. f.d. would be glad to increase the number of his british readers. he also continues gratefully to receive any aid from this country for the assistance of the fugitives who are so often taking refuge under his roof. another letter of his remarks, when speaking of them: "they usually tarry with us only during the night, and are forwarded to canada by the morning train. we give them supper, lodging, and breakfast; pay their expenses, and give them a half dollar over." fugitive slaves.--we next turn to the communication of another warm friend to the fugitives in the state of ----. the following is an extract from a recent letter of his: "we have had within the last week just nineteen underground passengers. fifteen came last saturday, between the hours of six in the morning and eleven at night. three only were females, wives of men in the parties, the rest were all able-bodied young men. that they were all likely-looking it needed no southern eye to decide, and that their hearts burned within them for freedom was apparent in every look of their countenances. but it is only of one arrival that my time will allow me to speak on the present occasion. this consisted of two married couples, and two single young men. they had been a week on the way. to accomplish the desired object they could see no way so feasible as to cross the ---- bay. by inquiry they gained instructions as to the direction they should steer to strike for the lighthouse on the opposite shore. consequently they invested six dollars in a little boat, and at once prepared themselves for this most fearful adventure. to the water and their little bark they stealthily repaired, and off they started. for some distance they rowed not far from the shore. being in sight of land, they were spied by the ever-watchful slave-holder or some one not favorable to their escape. hence a small boat, containing four white men, soon put out after the fugitives. on overhauling them, stern orders were given to surrender. the boat the runaways were in was claimed, if not the party themselves. with determined words the fugitives declared that the boat was their own property, and that they would not give it up; they said they would die before they would do so. at this sign of resistance one of the white men, with an oar, struck the head of one of the fugitives, which knocked him down. at the same moment another white man seized the chain of their boat, and the struggle became fearful in the extreme for a few moments. however, the same spirit that prompted the effort to be free, moved one of the heroic black bondmen to apply the oar to the head of one of their pursuers, which straightway laid him prostrate. the whites, like old apollyon in the pilgrim's progress, at this decided indication that their precious lives might not be spared if they did not avail themselves of an immediate retreat, suddenly parted from their antagonists. not being contented, however, thus to give up the struggle, after getting some yards off, they fired a loaded gun in the midst of the fugitives, peppering two of them considerably about the head and face, and one about the arms. as the shot was light they were not much damaged, however, at any rate not discouraged. not forgetting which way to steer across the bay, in the direction of the lighthouse, they rowed for that point with all possible speed, but their bark being light, and the wind and rough water by no means manageable, ere they reached the desired shore they were carried a considerable distance off their course, in the immediate vicinity of a small island. leaving their boat they went upon the island, the women sick, and there reposed without food, utterly ignorant of where they were for one whole day and night, without being able to conjecture when or where they should find free land for which they had so long and fervently prayed. however, after thus resting, feeling compelled to start on again, they set off on foot. they had not walked a mile ere, providentially, they fell in with an oyster man and a little boy waiting for the tide. with him they ventured to converse, and soon felt that he might be trusted with, at least, a hint of their condition. accordingly they made him acquainted in part with their piteous story, and he agreed to bring them within fifteen miles of ---- for twenty-five dollars, all the capital they had. being as good as his word, he did not leave them fifteen miles off the city, but brought them directly to it." * * * * "how happy they were at finding themselves in the hands of friends, and surrounded with flattering prospects of soon reaching canada you may imagine, but i could not describe."[a] [footnote a: in those days the writer in giving information enjoined the utmost secresy, considering that the cause might be sadly damaged simply by being inadvertently exposed even by friends, thousands of miles away. the pro-slavery-mob spirit at that time was also very rampant in philadelphia and other northern cities, threatening abolitionists and all concerned in the work of aiding the slave.] thanks to the benevolent bounty of several kind donors, we had lately the pleasure of sending a few pounds to the writer of the foregoing letter. we omit his name and residence. he belongs, like douglass, to the proscribed race. who would not help these generous-hearted men, who are devoting their whole energies to the well-being of the crushed and downtrodden? we are the more encouraged to send out this little sheet, made up of thanks and requisitions, because occasional inquiries are reaching us of "what can we do for the slave? we are hearing but little about him, and do not know how to work on his behalf." allow us to say to one and all, who may be thus circumstanced, that we do not look for great things, but that if they can levy a shilling a year from all who feel for the injured bondman, these little sums would soon mount up and prove of incalculable service to those who are struggling for freedom. as to the special destiny of these shillings or half-crowns, let the subscribers choose for themselves, and their kind aid will be sure to be truly welcome to the party receiving it. we do not ask for such contributions to be forwarded through newcastle unless this be a matter of convenience to those concerned. if there be other modes of sending to the united states within the reach of the friends, who receive this paper, let them by all means be used. we are always happy to receive aid for the fugitives or for any other anti-slavery cause, and consider it no trouble at all to send it on, but do not wish to be monopolizing. as far as kentucky is concerned, that state being distant, and mob-law rampant there, we shall continue gratefully to receive assistance on its behalf, and to avail ourselves of the accustomed mode of reaching it, this having been proved to be both safe and easy. free labor produce.--and lastly, as to the long-prized principle, to our minds the very alphabet of anti-slavery action, the importance of encouraging the growth and consumption of free produce rather than that raised by the sweat and blood of the bondman. our convictions of the righteousness of this course are as strong as they ever were; but perhaps we hoped too much, relied too fondly on the conscientiousness of the british anti-slavery public, in supposing that a sufficient number of individuals could be found prepared to make a slight sacrifice for humanity's sake, and to keep the oppressed continually in mind by a little untiring pains-taking. we hardly supposed that the most strenuous efforts in this direction would be enough to affect the british market; but we did believe, and believe still, that not only is there a consistency in a preference for free produce, but that this preference is encouraging to the free laborer, and that humanly speaking nothing is more calculated to nerve his hand and heart for vigorous effort. the principle of abstinence from slave produce may be smiled at, but we are quite sure it is an honest one, and, as a good old proverb observes, "it takes a great many bushels full of earth to bury a truth." but while this self-denying protest has been going on in a few limited circles, how great is the advance that free labor has been making within the last two years! who is to say whether some of those quiet testimonies may not have contributed to erect that mighty machinery that is now adding to its wheels and springs from day to day, and which bids fair at no distant period to supersede slave labor and its long train of sorrow and oppression? earnest lectures have just been delivered in newcastle by our colored friend, dr. m.r. delany, lately engaged in a tour of observation in west africa, where he longs to establish a nourishing colony of his people, whose express object shall be to put down the abominable slave-trade and to cultivate free cotton and other tropical produce. we wish this brave man every encouragement in his noble enterprise. he has secured the confidence of "the african aid society," in london, one of whose earliest measures has been to assist him with funds. the present secretary of the society is frederick w. fitzgerald, adam street, strand, london. and who need speak of the zambesi and dr. livingston, or of central or eastern africa; of india, or australia, or of the prolific west india islands? as we prepare this little sheet, a kind letter has come in from stephen bourne, for many years a stipendiary magistrate in jamaica, and now the ardent promoter of a cotton-growing company of that island. he says to us, when writing from london, on the th inst., "our scheme embraces more than meets the eye, and to illustrate this, i send a map (with prospectus) of the proposed estate, by which you will see that we reckon on obtaining cotton by free labor and by mechanical agency from jamaica, at a price so far below that at which it can be produced by slave labor, that if we succeed, we shall put an end to the whole system, as no one will be able to afford to carry it on in competition with free labor." * * * "jamaica is much nearer and easier of access for fugitives from cuba and porto rico, than canada is to georgia, virginia, or louisiana. if, therefore, we can offer them an asylum and profitable employment on the estate, we shall open up a new underground rail road, or rather enable the slaves to escape from cuba by getting into a boat, and in one night finding their way to freedom." * * * "there is no doubt they could do this at much less risk than slaves now incur, in order to obtain liberty in america." the proposed estate in jamaica consists of about one thousand acres, and the shares in this company are £ each, £ only to be called up immediately, the rest by instalments. the liability is limited. full information may be obtained by addressing stephen bourne, esq., charing cross, london, or the secretary of the "jamaica cotton-growing company," c. w. streatfield, esq. we rejoice to see that this new company is being supported not only by benevolent philanthropists and capitalists in london, but by experienced manchester manufacturers; among the rest by the excellent thomas clegg, so well known for his persevering efforts in west africa, and by thomas bazley, m.p. for manchester, and a most extensive cotton spinner. their mills would alone, consume the cotton grown on three such estates as that which it is proposed to cultivate. there is abundant room, therefore, for cultivation of cotton by the emancipated freeholders. communications have also reached us from demerara. charles rattray, a valuable scotch missionary in that colony, was in england last spring, and went back to his adopted country with his mind full fraught with the importance of cotton growing within its borders. he happened to have small samples of demerara cotton with him. these were shown to cotton-brokers and manufacturers in liverpool and manchester, and were pronounced to be most excellent--so much so, that specimen gins and a supply of cotton-seed were kindly presented to him at the latter place, before he left england. mr. rattray is now bringing the subject before his people, and is also intending to plant with cotton some ground belonging to the mission station. but we will not further enlarge. commending our cause to him, who has promised never to forget the poor and needy, and that in his own good time he will arise for their deliverance and "break every yoke." i remain, sincerely and respectfully, your friend, anna h. richardson. _ westmoreland terrace_, _newcastle-on-tyne, mo., , ._ p.s. since writing the above, we have seen it stated in the _principia,_ a new york paper, that william s. bailey has been arrested on a charge of publishing an incendiary paper, and held to bail in the sum of $ , , to appear before the circuit court, in november next. it is further stated that one of the two magistrates by whom w.s. bailey was examined, and held to bail on this charge, was the chosen leader of the mob that destroyed his type and printing press. we have yet to see what will be the end of this cruel conflict. let us not desert our suffering friend and his noble-hearted family. letters to the writer. westmoreland terrace, december , . my esteemed friend:--i received thy touching letter of the th inst. a few days since, and hasten to assure thee of our heart-felt sympathy, and most lively interest in the present tremendous state of things around you. at the same time, i cannot tell thee how glad and thankful we feel, that with god's help thou art determined to persevere and not in any way flinch in this day of sore trial. "be thou faithful unto death, and i will give thee a crown of life." "be strong, fear not." "in the fear of the lord is strong confidence; and his children shall have a place of refuge." one thing, too, is sure, "that all things will work together for the good" of those who love their lord, that he will never, never forsake them whatever their outward trials may be. i think, dear friend, thou shouldst be careful not to be about alone, particularly in the evening. we heard from w.s. bailey the other day, and he spoke of the advantage of several kind friends sticking close to him under recent circumstances at alexandria, when he was exposed to the spite and rage of slave-holding bullies. would it not be well to make a habit, in the evening in particular, of you, who are marked men, going about in little companies? wicked men are generally cowards; and i think would hesitate more to do a bad act in the presence of observers. i think thou wouldst receive a little letter from me a day or two after thine was written, through our friend saml. rhoads, enclosing £ for the fugitives, £ for thy own use, and £ for the vigilance committee. this letter of mine was sent off about the th ult., but i conclude was not delivered till just after thine was written. it is well to keep us fully informed of your circumstances, whether favorable or more appalling. i do not intend to put anything of a private character into print; but private confidence is the creed in england, and thou needst not fear my abusing it. i enclose the only paper that we have printed that thou mayest see there was nothing to fear. thou wilt observe there is no reference either to thy own name or to philadelphia, and people here are not very familiar with american topography. i am sending w.s. bailey one of the same papers by to-day's mail. we have merely a limited number of them printed. i cannot very well obtain money from my friends, (with numerous home claims constantly pressing on them), without having something to show. some fugitives are now beginning to reach england. a gentleman in london wrote to me, a day or two ago, to know if we could find a berth for a fine fellow, who had just applied to him. he had arrived by steamer from new york, after residing there for three years. a policeman, in the street, good-naturedly whispered to him his own name, and then that of his masters. he was sure that peril was at hand, and that, having been branded for escaping before, he should be whipped to death if taken again, so he packed up his little wardrobe and embarked for england immediately. another poor fellow is in this town, recently from charleston, whence he escaped, among some cotton bales to greenock. he is getting fair wages in a saw-yard, and likes england very well, if it were not for the thought of his poor wife and children still in slavery. we invited him, the other day to a working-men's tea party, where i had been asked to make tea for them; and he gave us quite an able account of his travels. the men kindly invited him to join their "benefit club," and told him they would like to have "a colored brother" amongst them. art thou not thinking, dear friend, of asking your people to emigrate to the african coast, or the west india islands? two gentlemen in london are writing most warmly about this. i wrote mr. fitzgerald's address on the enclosed paper. instead of being colonizationists, in the objectionable sense, he and mrs. bowen are burning with love to your people, and are fervently desirous of doing them all the good they can. i cannot see why little united parties should not promptly emigrate under the wing of these gentlemen. assure those who think and feel with thee, dear friend, and are nobly determined to suffer rather than to sin, that according to our very small ability we will not desert them in their hour of trial and danger. we commend them to him who can do for them a thousand times more, and better than we can either ask or think. with our united kindest remembrance, sincerely, anna h. richardson. westmoreland terrace, newcastle-on-tyne, march , . we have lately read the life of thy brother and sister (peter and vina still), dear friend, with the deepest interest. it is a most touching and beautiful book, and we think should be either reprinted in england or sent over here very largely. my husband and i are hardly acquainted with a volume more calculated to stir up the british mind on the subject of slavery. great britain is just now getting really warm on the anti-slavery subject, and is longing to shake herself from being so dependent as hitherto, on slave produce. why, oh! why should not the expatriated blacks go to free countries and grow produce for themselves and for everybody who requires it? why not, in time, become "merchants and princes," in those countries? i am told (as a secret) that this subject is likely, ere long, to be taken up in high quarters in england. we are feeling hopeful, dear friends, about thy crushed and persecuted people, for surely god is working for them by ways and means that we know not. i have been careful to keep it to private circles, but thy valuable letter of last july, has been read by many with the deepest interest. a dear young lady from dublin is by my side, and has but this minute returned it to me. it is but a little, but i have gathered £ by its perusal here and there. i am not able to forward so small a sum in this letter, but some way wish to send £ of this amount for thy own use, and the other £ to your vigilance committee. it so happens that we have not anything for the better from our own anti-slavery association this year. very sincerely thy friend, my dear husband uniting in kind regards, anna h. richardson. wood house, near newcastle, may , . [an occasional rural residence of ours, five miles from home.] to william still:--i have again to thank thee, dear friend, for a kind letter and for the perusal of three letters from thy fugitive friends. it must be truly cheering to receive such, and their warm and affectionate gratitude must be as rich reward for many anxieties. i conclude that it is not necessary for those letters to be returned, but should it be so, let me know, and i will be on the lookout for some private opportunity of returning them to philadelphia. such occur now and then. we like to see such letters. they assist us to realize the condition of these poor wanderers. i am sorry for not having explained myself distinctly in my last. the promised £ were _for the fugitives_, being gathered from various christian friends, who gave it me for their particular use. but we wished half of that sum to be laid out (as on a previous occasion), at thy own discretion, irrespective of the vigilance committee. i have now another £ to add to the latter half, and would gladly have enclosed a £ note in this envelope, but we are rather afraid of sending the actual money in letters, and our london bankers do not like to remit small sums. i shall continue to watch for the first opportunity of forwarding the above. our valued friend, samuel rhoads, has been lately in heavy sorrow. i send this through his medium, but fear to add more lest i should make his letter too heavy. with our united kind regards, very truly, thy friend, anna h. richardson. , westmoreland terrace, june , . dear friend:--william still:--it is a good plan to send me these interesting communications. the letter to your coadjutor at elmira, reached us a few days since. that depot must not be allowed to go down if it be possible for this to be prevented. perhaps j.w. jones might be encouraged by a gift from england, that is, by a little aid from this country, expressly for the fugitives, being put into his hands. if you think so, i am sure my friends would approve of this, and you can use your own discretion in giving him our gifts in one sum or by detached remittances. the greatest part of the money on hand, has come in from the private perusal of thy interesting letters, and my friends simply gave my husband and me their money for the fugitives, leaving the exact disposal of it to our own discretion. it has struck me of late, that if i may be allowed to print occasional extracts from thy letters (with other anti-slavery information), it would greatly facilitate the obtaining of pecuniary aid. as it is, i can lend a private letter to a trustworthy friend, but if by any chance, this letter got lost, it would be awkward, and it is also impossible, of course, to lend the original in two quarters at once. then, again, the mechanical trouble of making copies of letters, is not convenient; much sedentary employment does not suit my health, and i cannot manage it. i have been thinking of late, that if my friends in various parts of the country, could be supplied with a small quarto, an occasional printed paper, for private circulation, it would save a great deal of trouble, and probably bring in considerable aid. my husband and i have long been accustomed to preparing tracts and small periodicals for the press, so that i think we know exactly what ought to be made public and what not. if thou likest to give me this discretionary power, do so, and i will endeavor to exercise it wisely, and in a way that i feel almost certain would be in accordance with thy wishes. the sum now remitted through our friend, samuel rhoads, is £ (eight pounds). of this, we should like £ to be placed at thy own discretion, for the benefit of the fugitives, £ (if you approve it) in a similar way, to be handed to j.w. jones, and £ as formerly, to be handed to the philadelphia vigilance committee. the latter is not, however, as in past times, from the newcastle anti-slavery society, for, i am sorry to say, it is not a sufficiently pains-taking and executive little body, but more apt to work by fits and starts, but from our private friends, who kindly place their money in our hands as their anti-slavery stewards. my friend s.r. will therefore kindly hand for us: £ for william still, for fugitives; £ for j.w. jones, for fugitives; £ for philadelphia vigilance committee, for fugitives. total £ . we are very sorry for thee to have to incur so much persecution. be of good cheer, the right will eventually triumph, if not in this world, in that day, when all shall be eventually righted on our lord's right hand. oh, for ability in the meantime, to love him, trust him, confide in him implicitly! many thanks for the "anti-slavery standards." no one in this town, takes them in, consequently we only see them occasionally. do any tidings reach you of our friend, frederick douglass? we heard from him from portland, but are anxiously looking for another letter. he always spoke of thee, my friend, very kindly, and one day, when some money had been given to him for fugitives, said: "you shall have part of this if you like, for william still," but i said, "no, i will try and get some elsewhere for him." douglass left us in april, after losing his little annie, but wished his visit to be kept private, and hoped to be able to return to england in august. my husband and i agree with f.d. in political matters. we are not disunionists, but want to mend your corrupted government. with kind regards, sincerely thy friend, a.h.r. we are well acquainted with william and ellen craft. they have just sent us their little book. newcastle, th mo., , . w. still:--dear friend:--that poor fellow, who was so long secreted, had been often in my thoughts, when laying this case of the fugitives before our friends. i should like thee to feel at liberty to replace the remainder of the twenty-five dollars from the accompanying ten pounds, which i have much pleasure in forwarding, but think it better to mention, that it may perhaps be the last remittance for some little time from this quarter, as i do not at present see any immediate opening for getting more. our worthy friend, w.s. bailey, has lately been here, and dr. cheever and w.h. day, are expected in a week or two. from london too, there are very earnest appeals to assist the "african anti-slavery society." thank thee for the newspapers and thy last kind note. i think thou rather overrates my little services. what a crisis is coming! o, what will the end be? with our united best wishes, thy sincere friend, anna h. richardson. £ of this money is from some personally unknown friend at lancaster; £ from two nice little children of my acquaintance. westmoreland terrace, newcastle-on-tyne, oct. , . i have pleasure, dear friend, in sending you £ for your "contrabands," in response to your last letter of the th ult. it is not much, but may be a little help. it will be forwarded by our valued and mutual friend, h.h. garnet, to whom i am sending a remittance for his "contrabands," by the same mail. we shall be interested in any particulars you may like to send us, of these poor creatures, but at the same time, i dare not hold out any hopes of considerable assistance from england, for our own manufacturing districts are in a starving state, from the absence of the accustomed supply of cotton, and till this has been grown in other quarters, they will continue to have a strong claim on every thoughtful mind. some of us would rather work with your colored people _in your own cause_, than with any one else, for we _do not like the war_, and do not at all approve of "the american churches" committing themselves to it so fearfully. if your president had but taken the step at first, he is taking now, what rivers of blood might have been stayed! it is remarkable, how you, as a people, have been preserved to each other, without having your own hands stained with blood. but as to expatriation, the very thought of it is foolish. you have been brought to america, not emigrated to it, and who on earth has any possible right to send you away? some of us are almost as much displeased with the north, for talking of this, as with the south for holding you in slavery. what can we say to you, but "watch and pray," "hope and wait," and surely, in his own good time, the most high will make you a pathway out of trouble. we are delighted to hear of the good behaviour of your people, wherever they have a fair chance of acting (on the borders), as upright men and christians. very sincerely, your friend, to william still. anna h. richardson. woman escaping in a box, . she was speechless. in the winter of a young woman, who had just turned her majority, was boxed up in baltimore by one who stood to her in the relation of a companion, a young man, who had the box conveyed as freight to the depot in baltimore, consigned to philadelphia. nearly all one night it remained at the depot with the living agony in it, and after being turned upside down more than once, the next day about ten o'clock it reached philadelphia. her companion coming on in advance of the box, arranged with a hackman, george custus, to attend to having it brought from the depot to a designated house, mrs. myers', s. th street, where the resurrection was to take place. custus, without knowing exactly what the box contained, but suspecting from the apparent anxiety and instructions of the young man who engaged him to go after it, that it was of great importance, while the freight car still remained on the street, demanded it of the freight agent, not willing to wait the usual time for the delivery of freight. at first the freight agent declined delivering under such circumstances. the hackman insisted by saying that he wished to despatch it in great haste, said it is all right, you know me, i have been coming here for many years every day, and will be responsible for it. the freight-master told him to "take it and go ahead with it." no sooner said than done. it was placed in a one horse wagon at the instance of custus, and driven to seventh and minster streets. the secret had been intrusted to mrs. m. by the young companion of the woman. a feeling of horror came over the aged woman, who had been thus suddenly entrusted with such responsibility. a few doors from her lived an old friend of the same religious faith with herself, well known as a brave woman, and a friend of the slave, mrs. ash, the undertaker or shrouder, whom every body knew among the colored people. mrs. myers felt that it would not be wise to move in the matter of this resurrection without the presence of the undertaker. accordingly, she called mrs. ash in. even her own family was excluded from witnessing the scene. the two aged women chose to be alone in that fearful moment, shuddering at the thought that a corpse might meet their gaze instead of a living creature. however, they mustered courage and pried off the lid. a woman was discovered in the straw but no sign of life was perceptible. their fears seemed fulfilled. "surely she is dead," thought the witnesses. "get up, my child," spake one of the women. with scarcely life enough to move the straw covering, she, nevertheless, did now show signs of life, but to a very faint degree. she could not speak, but being assisted arose. she was straightway aided up stairs, not yet uttering a word. after a short while she said, "i feel so deadly weak." she was then asked if she would not have some water or nourishment, which she declined. before a great while, however, she was prevailed upon to take a cup of tea. she then went to bed, and there remained all day, speaking but a very little during that time. the second day she gained strength and was able to talk much better, but not with ease. the third day she began to come to herself and talk quite freely. she tried to describe her sufferings and fears while in the box, but in vain. in the midst of her severest agonies her chief fear was, that she would be discovered and carried back to slavery. she had a pair of scissors with her, and in order to procure fresh air she had made a hole in the box, but it was very slight. how she ever managed to breathe and maintain her existence, being in the condition of becoming a mother, it was hard to comprehend. in this instance the utmost endurance was put to the test. she was obviously nearer death than henry box brown, or any of the other box or chest cases that ever came under the notice of the committee. in baltimore she belonged to a wealthy and fashionable family, and had been a seamstress and ladies' servant generally. on one occasion when sent of an errand for certain articles in order to complete arrangements for the grand opening ball at the academy of music, she took occasion not to return, but was among the missing. great search was made, and a large reward offered, but all to no purpose. a free colored woman, who washed for the family, was suspected of knowing something of her going, but they failing to get aught out of her, she was discharged. soon after the arrival of this traveler at mrs. myers' the committee was sent for and learned the facts as above stated. after spending some three or four days in mrs. myers' family she remained in the writer's family about the same length of time, and was then forwarded to canada. mrs. myers was originally from baltimore, and had frequently been in the habit of receiving underground rail road passengers; she had always found thomas shipley, the faithful philanthropist, a present help in time of need. the young man well knew mrs. myers would act with prudence in taking his companion to her house. george custus, the hackman, a colored man, was cool, sensible, and reliable in the discharge of his duty, as were the other parties, therefore every thing was well managed. with this interesting case our narratives end, except such facts of a like kind as may be connected with some of the sketches of stockholders. a large number on the record book must be omitted. this is partly owing to the fact that during the first few years of our connection with the underground rail road, so little was written out in the way of narratives, that would hardly be of sufficient interest to publish; and partly from the fact that, although there are exceptional cases even among those so omitted, that would be equally as interesting as many which have been inserted, time and space will not admit of further encroachment. if in any way we have erred in the task of furnishing facts and important information touching the underground rail road, it has not been in overstating the sufferings, trials, perils, and marvellous escapes of those described, but on the contrary. in many instances after hearing the most painful narratives we had neither time nor inclination to write them out, except in the briefest manner, simply sufficient to identify parties, which we did, not dreaming that the dark cloud of slavery was so soon to give way to the bright sunlight of freedom. organization of the vigilance committee. meeting to form a vigilance committee. as has already been intimated, others besides the committee were deeply interested in the road; indeed, the little aid actually rendered by the committee, was comparatively insignificant, compared with the aid rendered by some who were not nominally members. to this latter class of friends, it seems meet that we should particularly allude. before doing so, however, simple justice to all concerned, dictates that we should here copy the official proceedings of the first meeting and organization of the philadelphia vigilance committee as it existed until the very day that the ever to be remembered emancipation proclamation of abraham lincoln, rendered the services of the organization and road no longer necessary. it reads as follows: "pennsylvania freeman," december , . pursuant to the motion published in last week's "freeman," a meeting was held in the anti-slavery rooms, on the evening of the d inst., for the purpose of organizing a vigilance committee. on motion samuel nickless was appointed chairman, and william still secretary. j.m. mckim then stated at some length, the object of the meeting. he said, that the friends of the fugitive slave had been for some years past, embarrassed, for the want of a properly constructed active, vigilance committee; that the old committee, which used to render effective service in this field of anti-slavery labor, had become disorganized and scattered, and that for the last two or three years, the duties of this department had been performed by individuals on their own responsibility, and sometimes in a very irregular manner; that this had been the cause of much dissatisfaction and complaint, and that the necessity for a remedy of this state of things was generally felt. hence, the call for this meeting. it was intended now to organize a committee, which should be composed of persons of known responsibility, and who could be relied upon to act systematically and promptly, and with the least possible expenditure of money in all cases that might require their attention. james mott and samuel nickless, expressed their hearty concurrence in what had been said, as did also b.n. goines and n.w. depee. the opinion was also expressed by one or more of these gentlemen, that the organization to be formed should be of the simplest possible character; with no more machinery or officers than might be necessary to hold it together and keep it in proper working order. after some discussion, it was agreed first to form a general committee, with a chairman, whose business it should be to call meetings when necessity should seem to require it, and to preside at the same; and a treasurer to take charge of the funds; and second, to appoint out of this general committee, an acting committee of four persons, who should have the responsibility of attending to every case that might require their aid, as well as the exclusive authority to raise the funds necessary for their purpose. it was further agreed that it should be the duty of the chairman of the acting committee to keep a record of all their doings, and especially of the money received and expended on behalf of every case claiming their interposition. the following persons were appointed on the general vigilance committee: general vigilance committee. robert purvis, william still, charles h. bustill, p. williamson, samuel nickless, b.n. goines, morris hall, j.m. m'kim, nathaniel depee, isaiah o. wears, charles wise, john d. oliver, jacob c. white, prof. c.l. reason, cyrus whitson, henry gordon, j. asher, w.h. riley, j.p. burr, robert purvis was understood to be chairman of the general committee, having been nominated at the head of the list, and charles wise was appointed treasurer. the acting committee was thus constituted: william still, chairman, n.w. depee, passmore williamson, j.c. white. this committee was appointed for the term of one year. on motion, the proceedings of this meeting were ordered to be published in the "pennsylvania freeman." (adjourned.) william still, secretary. samuel nickless, chairman. the committee having been thus organized, j.m. mckim, corresponding secretary and general agent of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, issued the subjoined notice, which was published shortly afterwards in the "pennsylvania freeman," and the colored churches throughout the city: "we are pleased to see that we have at last, what has for some time been felt to be a desideratum in philadelphia, a responsible and duly authorized vigilance committee. the duties of this department of anti-slavery labor, have, for want of such an organization, been performed in a very loose and unsystematic manner. the names of the persons constituting the acting committee, are a guarantee that this will not be the case hereafter. they are-- william still (chairman), north fifth street, nathaniel w. depee, south street, jacob c. white, old york road, and passmore williamson, southwest cor. seventh and arch streets. we respectfully commend these gentlemen, and the cause in which they are engaged, to the confidence and co-operation of all the friends of the hunted fugitive. any funds contributed to either of them, or placed in the hands of their treasurer, charles wise, corner of fifth and market streets, will be sure of a faithful and judicious appropriation." portraits and sketches. esther moore. for many years no-woman living in philadelphia was better known to the colored people of the city generally, than esther moore. no woman, white or colored, living in philadelphia for the same number of years, left her home oftener, especially to seek out and aid the weary travelers escaping from bondage, than did this philanthropist. it is hardly too much to say that with her own hand she administered to hundreds. she begged of the committee, as a special favor, that she might be duly notified of every fugitive reaching philadelphia, and actually felt hurt if from any cause whatever this request was not complied with. for it was her delight to see the fugitives individually, take them by the hand and warmly welcome them to freedom. she literally wept with those who wept, while in tones of peculiar love, sincerity, and firmness, she lauded them for their noble daring, and freely expressed her entire sympathy with them, and likewise with all in the prison-house. she condemned slavery in all its phases, as a "monster to be loathed as the enemy of god and man." often after listening attentively for hours together to recitals of a very harrowing nature, especially from females, her mind would seem to be filled with the sufferings of the slave and it was hard for her to withdraw from them even when they were on the eve of taking up their march for a more distant station; and she never thought of parting with them without showing her faith by her works putting a "gold dollar" in the hand of each passenger, as she knew that it was not in the power of the committee to do much more than defray their expenses to the next station, to new york sometimes, to elmira at other times, and now and then clear through to canada. she desired that they should have at least one dollar to fall back upon, independent of the committee's aid. this magnanimous rule of giving the gold dollar was adopted by her shortly after the passage of the fugitive slave law, which daily vexed her righteous soul, and was kept up as long as she was able to leave her house, which was within a short time of her death. not only did esther moore manifest such marked interest in the fugitive but she likewise took an abiding interest in visiting the colored people in their religious meetings, schools, and societies, and whenever the way opened and the spirit moved her she would take occasion to address them in the most affectionate manner, in regard to their present and future welfare, choosing for her theme the subjects of temperance, education, and slavery. nor did she mean that her labors in the interest of the oppressed should cease with her earthly existence, as the following extracts from her last will and testament will prove: d item. i give and bequeath to my executors, hereinafter named, the sum of twelve hundred dollars, in trust to invest in ground rent, or city of philadelphia loans at their disposal or discretion to pay the interest or income arising therefrom annually. to be applied, the interest of the twelve hundred dollars above mentioned, for educational purposes alone, for children of both sexes of color, in canada, apart from all sectarian or traditional dogmas, which is the only hope for the rising generation. the application of this money is intended to remain perpetual. th item. i give and bequeath to my executors the sum of one hundred dollars, to be expended by them in educating and assisting to clothe phaeton and pliny j. lock, the sons of ishmael lock, deceased, and matilda lock (his wife). my will is that it shall be given out discretionally by my executors for the purpose above mentioned. th item. i give and bequeath to oliver johnson, editor of the pennsylvania freeman, one hundred dollars, if he be living at my death; if not living, to go with the remainder of my estate. my will is that if oliver johnson be not living at my death his bequest go with my estate. th item. i give and bequeath to cyrus burleigh, lecturer and agent for the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, one hundred dollars, if cyrus be living at my death. if not living at my death, his bequest, cyrus burleigh's, i wish to go with the residue of my estate. the untiring vigilance of these two young men, in devoting the best of their days to the rescue and emancipation of the poor and down-trodden fugitives has obtained for them a warm place in my heart. and may heaven's richest blessings reward them. they have ministered more than "the cup of water." item th. i give and bequeath unto the association for the care of colored orphans of philadelphia, called the shelter for the use and benefit of colored orphans of both sexes, to be paid into the hands of the treasurer for the time being, for the use of said society all the rest and remainder of my estate. i wish my executors or trustees _to carry out_ my views in regard to the education of colored children in canada, by paying over the interest arising annually from the twelve hundred dollars mentioned in the second item to such school or schools as in their judgment they may deem best. my desire being the benefit of such children who may be in the same neighborhood with them. the interest arising from the twelve hundred dollars mentioned in second item for the purpose of educating colored children in canada is intended to remain perpetual. * * * * * i give and bequeath to william still, of philadelphia, now employed in the anti-slavery office, in fifth st., philadelphia, february , the sum of one hundred dollars; and request my executors and trustees to pay over that amount out of my estate. esther moore was not rich in this world's goods, but was purely benevolent and rich in good works towards her fellow-men, hating every form of oppression and injustice, and an uncompromising witness against prejudice on account of color. such a friend as was esther moore during these many dark years of kidnapping, slave-catching, mob violence, and bitter prejudice which the colored people were wont to encounter, should never be forgotten. the legacy devised for educational purposes was applied in due time, after one of the executors in company with his wife, dr. j. wilson and rachel barker moore, visited the various settlements of fugitives in canada, expressly with a view of finding out where the fund would do the most good, in accordance with the testator's wishes. and although the testator has been dead seventeen years, her legacy is still doing its mission in her name, in a school, near chatham, canada west. in order to complete this sketch, it is only necessary that we should copy the beautiful and just tribute to her memory, written by oliver johnson, editor of the "national anti-slavery standard," and published in the columns thereof, as follows: death of a noble woman. [from the "national anti-slavery standard."] just as our paper is going to press, there comes to us intelligence of the death of our beloved and revered friend, esther moore, widow of the late dr. robert moore, of philadelphia. she expired on tuesday morning, november st, , of gout of the heart, after a short, but painful illness, in the eightieth year of her age. the writer of this first became acquainted with her in , and, at various times since then, has met her at anti-slavery meetings, or in familiar intercourse at her own house. her most remarkable traits of character were an intense hatred of oppression in all its forms, a corresponding love for the oppressed, an untiring devotion to their welfare, and a courage that never quailed before any obstacles, however formidable. her zeal in behalf of the anti-slavery cause, and especially in behalf of the fugitive, a zeal that absorbed all the powers of her noble nature, was a perpetual rebuke to the comparative coldness and indifference of those around her. we well remember how her soul was fired with a righteous indignation when upwards of thirty innocent persons, most of them colored people, were thrown into prison at philadelphia, upon a charge of treason, for their alleged participation in the tragedy at christiana. day after day did she visit the prisoners in their cells, to minister to their wants, and cheer them in their sorrow; and during the progress of hanway's trial, her constant presence in the court-room, and her frequent interviews with the district attorney, attested her deep anxiety as to the result of the impending struggle. when we last saw her, about a month since, she was engaged in collecting a large sum of money to ransom a family of slaves, whose peculiar condition had enlisted her deepest sympathy. notwithstanding her age and infirmities, she had enlisted in this work with a zeal which, even in a younger person, would have been remarkable. for many days, perhaps for many weeks, she went from door to door, asking for the means whereby to secure the freedom and the happiness of an enslaved and plundered household. as a member of the society of friends, she lamented the guilty supineness of that body, in regard to the question of slavery, and often, in its meetings, as well as in private intercourse, felt herself constrained to utter the language of expostulation and rebuke. in this, as in other relations of life, she was obedient to the revelation of god in her own soul, and a worthy example of fidelity to her convictions of duty. her step-son, j. wilson moore, in a letter to us announcing her decease, says: among the last injunctions she gave, was, "write to oliver johnson, and tell him i die firm in the faith! mind the slave!" she had enjoyed excellent health the last few years, and continued actively engaged in works of benevolence. during the last few weeks, she had devoted much time and labor to the collection of funds for the liberation of ten slaves in north carolina, who had been promised their freedom at a comparatively small amount. notwithstanding her great bodily suffering, her mind was clear to the last, expressing her full assurance of divine approbation in the course she had taken. this is all that we can now say of the life of our revered and never-to-be-forgotten friend. perhaps some one who knew her more intimately than we did, and who is better acquainted with the history of her life and labors, will furnish us with a more complete sketch. if so, we shall publish it with great satisfaction. happy! ay, happy! let her ashes rest; her heart was honest, and she did her best; in storm and darkness, evil and dismay, the star of duty was her guiding ray. her injunction to "mind the slave," comes to us as the dying admonition of one, whose life was a beautiful exemplification of the duty and the privilege thus enjoined. it imposes, indeed, no new obligation; but coming from such a source, it will linger in our memory while life and its scenes shall last, inspiring in us, we hope, a purer and a more ardent devotion to the cause of freedom and humanity. and may we not hope that others also, will catch a new inspiration from the dying message of our departed friend: "mind the slave!" abigail goodwin. contemporary with esther moore, and likewise an intimate personal friend of hers, abigail goodwin, of salem, n.j., was one of the rare, true friends to the underground rail road, whose labors entitle her name to be mentioned in terms of very high praise. a.w.m. a most worthy lady, in a letter to a friend, refers to her in the following language: "from my long residence under the same roof, i learned to know well her uncommon self-sacrifice of character, and to be willing and glad, whenever in my power, to honor her memory. but, yet i should not know what further to say about her than to give a very few words of testimony to her life of ceaseless and active benevolence, especially toward the colored people. "her life outwardly was wholly uneventful; as she lived out her whole life of seventy-three years in the neighborhood of her birth-place." with regard to her portrait, which was solicited for this volume, the same lady thus writes: "no friend of hers would for a moment think of permitting that miserable caricature, the only picture existing meant to represent her, to be given to the public. i cannot even bear to give a place in my little album to so mournful and ridiculous a misrepresentation of her in face." * * * * * "you wonder why her sister, e., my loved and faithful friend, seems to be so much less known among anti-slavery people than abbie? one reason is, that although dear betsy's interest in the subject was quite equal in _earnestness_, it was not quite so absorbingly _exclusive_. betsy economized greatly in order to give to the cause, but abby denied herself even _necessary apparel_, and betsy has often said that few beggars came to our doors whose garments were so worn, forlorn, and patched-up as abby's. giving to the colored people was a perfect _passion_ with her; consequently she was known as a larger giver than betsy. "another and greater reason why she was more known abroad than her sister e., was that she wrote with facility, and corresponded at intervals with many on these matters, mr. mckim and others, and for many years." * * * * * abigail was emphatically of the type of the poor widow, who cast in all her living. she worked for the slave as a mother would work for her children. her highest happiness aad pleasure in life seemed to be derived from rendering acts of kindness to the oppressed. letters of sympathy accompanied with bags of stockings, clothing, and donations of money were not unfrequent from her. new jersey contained a few well-tried friends, both within and without the society of friends, to which miss goodwin belonged; but among them all none was found to manifest, at least in the underground rail road of philadelphia, such an abiding interest as a co-worker in the cause, as did abigail goodwin. the sympathy which characterized her actions is clearly evinced in her own words, as contained in the appended extracts from her letter, as follows: "dear friend:--i sent e.m. (esther moore) forty-one dollars more by half than i expected to when i set about it. i expect that abolitionists there are all opposed to buying slaves, and will not give anything. i don't like buying them, or giving money to slave-holders either; but this seems to be a peculiar case, can be had so cheap, and so many young ones that would be separated from their parents; slavery is peculiarly hard for children, that cannot do anything to protect themselves, nor can their parents, and the old too, it is hard for them; but it is a terrible thing altogether. the case of the fugitive thee mentioned was indeed truly affecting; it makes one ashamed as well as sad to read such things, that human beings, or any other beings should be so treated. i cannot but hope and believe that slavery will ere long cease. i have a strong impression that the colored people and the women are to have a day of prosperity and triumph over their oppressors. we must patiently wait and quietly hope; but not keep too much 'in the quiet.' shall have to work our deliverance from bondage. 'who would be free, themselves must strike the blow.' "i regret very much that i have not more clothing to send than the stockings. i have not had time since i thought of it, to make anything; am ashamed that i was so inconsiderate of the poor runaways. i will go to work as soon as i have earned money to buy materials; have managed so as to spend my little annual allowance in nine months, and shall not be able to give you any money for some months, but if more stockings are wanted let me know, our benevolent society have plenty on hand; and i have some credit if not money; they will trust me till i have; they furnish work for poor women and sell it. i get them for fifty cents a pair. "my sister says lucretia (mott) told her that there was not much clothing in the trunk, only a few old things. i think she told me there was nothing in it, she meant, i suppose, of any consequence. * * * "i should like to know if the fugitives are mostly large. i have an idea they are generally small in stature; that slavery stunts the body as well as mind. i want to know in regard to the clothes that i intend making; it's best to have them fit as well as can be. i shall work pretty much for women. i hope and expect there are many friends of the cause who furnish clothing in the city. they ought to be fitted out for canada with strong, warm clothing in cold weather, and their sad fate alleviated as much as can be." * * * * * the forty-one dollars, referred to in the above letter, and sent to "e.m." was to go especially towards buying an interesting family of ten slaves, who were owned in north carolina by a slave-holder, whose rare liberality was signalized by offering to take $ , for the lot, young and old. in this exceptional case, while opposed to buying slaves, in common with abolitionists generally, she was too tender-hearted to resist the temptation so long as "they could be bought so cheap." to rid men of their yoke was her chief desire. such was her habit of making the sad lot of a slave a personal matter; that let her view him, in any light whatever, whether in relation to young ones that would be separated from their parents, or with regard to the old, the life of a slave was "peculiarly hard," "a terrible thing" in her judgment. the longer she lived, and the more faithfully she labored for the slave's deliverance, the more firmly she became rooted in the soul-encouraging idea, that "slavery will ere long cease." whilst the great masses were either blind, or indifferent, she was nerved by this faith to bear cheerfully all the sacrifices she was called on to make. from another letter we copy as follows: january th, . dear friend:--the enclosed ten dollars i have made, earned in two weeks, and of course it belongs to the slave. it may go for the fugitives, or carolina slaves, whichever needs it most. i am sorry the fugitives' treasury is not better supplied, if money could flow into it as it does into the tract fund; but that is not to be expected. thy answer in regard to impostors is quite satisfactory. no doubt you take great pains to arrive at the truth, but cannot at all times avoid being imposed on. will that little boy of seven years have to travel on foot to canada? there will be no safety for him here. i hope his father will get off. john hill writes very well, considering his few advantages. if plenty of good schools could be established in canada for the benefit of fugitives, many bright scholars and useful citizens would be added to society. i hope these will be in process of time. it takes the most energetic and intelligent to make their way out of bondage from the most southern states. it is rather a wonder to me that so many can escape, the masters are so continually watching them. the poor man that secreted himself so long, must, indeed, have suffered dreadfully, and been exceedingly resolute to brave dangers so long. it was so characteristic of her to take an interest in everything that pertained to the underground rail road, that even the deliverance of a little nameless boy was not beneath her notice. to her mind, his freedom was just as dear to him as if he had been the son of the president of the united states. how they got on in canada, and the question of education, were matters that concerned her deeply; hence, occasional letters received from canada, evincing marked progress, such as the hero john h. hill was in the habit of writing, always gave her much pleasure to peruse. in the wheeler slave-case, in which passmore williamson and others were engaged, her interest was very great. from a letter dated salem, september , , we quote the subjoined extract: dear friend:--i am truly rejoiced and thankful that the right has triumphed. but stranger had it been otherwise, in your intelligent community, where it must be apparent to all who inquire into it, that you had done nothing but what was deserving of high commendation, instead of blame and punishment; and shame on the jury who would bring in the two men guilty of assault and battery. they ought to have another trial; perhaps another jury would be more just. it is well for the credit of philadelphia, that there is one upright judge, as kelley seems to be, and his sentence will be a light one it is presumed, showing he considered the charge a mere pretence. i hope and trust, that neither thyself nor the other men will have much if any of the expense to bear; your lawyers will not charge anything i suppose, and the good citizens will pay all else. it seems there are hopes entertained that passmore williamson will soon be set at liberty. it must be a great comfort to him and wife, in their trials, that it will conduce to the furtherance of the good cause. if philadelphians are not aroused now after this great stretch of power, to consider their safety, they must be a stupid set of people, but it must certainly do good. * * * you will take good care of jane johnson, i hope, and not let her get kidnapped back to slavery. is it safe for her to remain in your city or anywhere else in our "free land?" i have some doubts and fears for her; do try to impress her with the necessity of being very cautious and careful against deceivers, pretended friends. she had better be off to canada pretty soon. thy wife must not sit up washing and ironing all night again. she ought to have help in her sympathy and labors for the poor fugitives, and, i should think there are many there who would willingly assist her. i intended to be careful of trespassing upon thy time, as thee must have enough to do; the fugitives are still coming i expect. with kind regards, also to thy wife, your friend, a. goodwin. in another letter, she suggests the idea of getting up a committee of women to provide clothing for fugitive females; on this point she wrote thus: "salem, th mo., st. "would it not be well to get up a committee of women, to provide clothes for fugitive females--a dozen women sewing a day, or even half a day of each week, might keep a supply always ready, they might, i should think, get the merchants or some of them, to give cheap materials--mention it to thy wife, and see if she cannot get up a society. i will do what i can here for it. i enclose five dollars for the use of fugitives. it was a good while that i heard nothing of your rail road concerns; i expected thee had gone to canada, or has the journey not been made, or is it yet to be accomplished, or given up? i was in hopes thee would go and see with thy own eyes, how things go on in that region of fugitives, and if it's a goodly land to live in. "this is the first of august, and i suppose you are celebrating it in philadelphia, or some of you are, though i believe you are not quite as zealous as the bostonians are in doing it. when will our first of august come? oh, that it might be soon, very soon! ... it's high time the 'reign of oppression was over.'" ever alive to the work, she would appeal to such as were able among her friends, to take stock in the underground rail road, and would sometimes succeed. in a letter dated july , , she thus alludes to her efforts: "i have tried to beg something for them, but have not got much; one of our neighbors, s.w. acton, gave me three dollars for them; i added enough to make ten, which thee will find inside. i shall owe three more, to make my ten. i presume they are still coming every day almost, and i fear it comes rather hard on thee and wife to do for so many; but you no doubt feel it a satisfaction to do all you can for the poor sufferers." february , , she forwarded her willing contribution, with the following interesting remarks: salem, february , . dear friend:--thee will find enclosed, five dollars for the fugitives, a little for so many to share it, but better than nothing; oh, that people, rich people, would remember them instead of spending so much on themselves; and those too, who are not called rich, might, if there was only a willing mind, give too of their abundance; how can they forbear to sympathize with those poor destitute ones--but so it is--there is not half the feeling for them there ought to be, indeed scarcely anybody seems to think about them. "inasmuch as ye have _not_ done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have not done it unto me." thy friend, a. goodwin. when the long looked-for day of emancipation arrived, which she had never expected to witness, the unbounded thankfulness of her heart found expression in the appended letter: salem, september , . dear friend:--thy letter dated th, was not received till last night. i cannot tell where it has been detained so long. on the d, yesterday, amy reckless came here, after i began writing, and wished me to defer sending for a day or two, thinking she could get a few more dollars, and she has just brought some, and will try for more, and clothing. a thousand thanks to president hamlin for his kindness to the contrabands; poor people! how deplorable their situation; where will they go to, when cold weather comes? so many of them to find homes for, but they must and will, i trust be taken care of, not by their former care-takers though. i have read the president's proclamation of emancipation, with thankfulness and rejoicing; but upon a little reflection, i did not feel quite satisfied with it; three months seems a long time to be in the power of their angry and cruel masters, who, no doubt, will wreak all their fury and vengeance upon them, killing and abusing them in every way they can--and sell them to cuba if they can. it makes me sad to think of it. slavery, i fear, will be a long time in dying, after receiving the fatal stroke. what do abolitionists think of it? and what is thy opinion? i feel quite anxious to know something more about it. the "daily press" says, it will end the war and its cause. how can we be thankful enough if it should, and soon too. "oh, praise and tanks," what a blessing for our country. i never expected to see the happy day. if thee answers this, thee will please tell me all about it, and what is thought of it by the wise ones; but i ought not to intrude on thy time, thee has so much on thy hands, nor ask thee to write. i shall know in time, if i can be patient to wait. enclosed are seventeen dollars; from amy reckless, $ , ; j. bassett, $ ; jesse bond, $ ; martha reeve, $ ; s. woodnutt, $ ; hannah wheeler, $ ; a colored man, cents; cents thrown in, to make even; a.g., $ . amy is very good in helping, and is collecting clothing, which she thinks, cannot be sent till next week. i will attend to sending it, as soon as can be, by stage driver. may every success attend thy labors for the poor sufferers. * * * with kind regards, thy friend, a. goodwin. thus, until the last fetter was broken, with singular persistency, zeal, faith and labor, she did what she could to aid the slave, without hope of reward in this world. not only did she contribute to aid the fugitives, but was, for years, a regular and liberal contributor to the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, as well as a subscriber to the anti-slavery papers, the "liberator," "national anti-slavery standard," "pennsylvania freeman," etc. having seen with joy, the desire of her heart, in the final emancipation of every bondman in the united states, she departed in peace, november , , in the th year of her age. faithful workers in the cause. [illustration: abigail goodwin] [illustration: thomas garrett,] [illustration: daniel gibbons, ] [illustration: lucretia mott] thomas garrett. the recent death of thomas garrett, called forth from the press, as well as from abolitionists and personal friends, such universal expressions of respect for his labors as a philanthropist, and especially as an unswerving friend of the underground rail road, that we need only reproduce selections therefrom, in order to commemorate his noble deeds in these pages. from the "wilmington daily commercial," published by jenkins and atkinson (men fully inspired with the spirit of impartial freedom), we copy the following notice, which is regarded by his relatives and intimate anti-slavery friends as a faithful portraiture of his character and labors: thomas garrett, who died full of years and honor, this morning, at the ripe age of eighty-one, was a man of no common character. he was an abolitionist from his youth up, and though the grand old cause numbered amongst its supporters, poets, sages, and statesmen, it had no more faithful worker in its ranks than thomas garrett. he has been suffering for several years, from a disease of the bladder, which frequently caused him most acute anguish, and several times threatened his life. the severe pain attending the disease, and the frequent surgical operations it rendered necessary, undermined his naturally strong constitution, so that when he was prostrated by his last illness, grave fears were entertained of a fatal result. he continued in the possession of his faculties to the last, and frequently expressed his entire willingness to die. yesterday he was found to be sinking very rapidly. just before midnight, last night, he commenced to speak, and some of those in attendance, went close to his bed-side. he was evidently in some pain, and said: "it is all peace, peace, peace, but no rest this side of the river." he then breathed calmly on for some time. about half an hour later, one of those in attendance ceased to hear his breathing, and bending over him, found that his soul had fled. he retained a good deal of his strength through his illness, and was able to get up from his bed, every day, with the assistance of one person. he will be buried in the friends' grave-yard, corner of fourth and west streets, on saturday next, at three o'clock, p.m., and in accordance with a written memorandum of an agreement made by him a year ago with them, the colored people will bear him to his grave, they having solicited of him that honor. he was born of quaker parents, in upper darby, delaware county, pa., on the st of august, , on a farm still in the possession of the family. his father, though a farmer, had been a scythe and edge-tool maker, and thomas learned of him the trade, and his knowledge of it afterwards proved of the utmost advantage to him. he grew up and married at darby, his wife being sarah sharpless, and in they came to wilmington to live, bringing with them several children, most of whom still live here. some years after his arrival here, his wife died, and in course of time, he again married, his second wife being rachel mendenhall, who died in april, , beloved and regretted by all who knew her. his business career was one of vicissitude, but generally and ultimately successful, for he made the whole of the comfortable competence of which he died possessed, after he was sixty years of age. while in the beginning of his business career, as an iron merchant in this city, a wealthy rival house attempted to crush him, by reducing prices of iron to cost, but mr. garrett, nothing dismayed, employed another person to attend his store, put on his leather apron, took to his anvil, and in the prosecution of his trade, as an edge-tool maker, prepared to support himself as long as this ruinous rivalry was kept up. thus in the sweat of the brow of one of the heroes and philanthropists of this age, was laid the foundation of one of the most extensive business houses that our city now boasts. his competitor saw that no amount of rivalry could crush a man thus self-supporting and gave up the effort. of course, thomas garrett is best known for his labors in behalf of the abolition of slavery, and as a practical and effective worker for emancipation long before the nation commenced the work of liberation and justice. born a quaker, he held with simple trust, the faith of the society that god moves and inspires men to do the work he requires of their hands, and throughout his life he never wavered in his conviction, that his father had called him to work in the cause to which he devoted himself. his attention was first directed to the iniquity of slavery, while he was a young man of twenty-four or twenty five. he returned one day to his father's house, after a brief absence, and found the family dismayed and indignant at the kidnapping of a colored woman in their employ. thomas immediately resolved to follow the kidnappers, and so started in pursuit. some peculiarity about the track made by their wagon, enabled him to trace them with ease, and he followed them by a devious course, from darby, to a place near the navy yard, in philadelphia, and then by inquiries, etc., tracked them to kensington, where he found them, and, we believe, secured the woman's release. during this ride, he afterwards assured his friends, he felt the iniquity and abomination of the whole system of slavery borne in upon his mind so strongly, as to fairly appal him, and he seemed to hear a voice within him, assuring him that his work in life must be to help and defend this persecuted race. from this time forward, he never failed to assist any fugitive from slavery on the way to freedom, and, of course, after his removal to this city, his opportunities for this were greatly increased, and in course of time, his house became known as one of the refuges for fugitives. the sentiment of this community was, at that time, bitterly averse to any word or effort against slavery, and mr. garrett had but half a dozen friends who stood by him. nearly all others looked at him with suspicion, or positive aversion, and his house was constantly under the surveillance of the police, who then, sad to say, were always on the watch for any fugitives from bondage. thomas was not disheartened or dismayed by the lack of popular sympathy or approval. he believed the lord was on his side, and cared nothing for the adverse opinion of men. many and interesting stories are told of the men and women he helped away, some of them full of pathos, and some decidedly amusing. he told the latter which related to his ingenious contrivances for assisting fugitives to escape the police with much pleasure, in his later years. we would repeat many of them, but this is not the time or place. the necessity of avoiding the police was the only thing, however, which ever forced him into any secrecy in his operations, and in all other respects he was "without concealment and without compromise" in his opposition to slavery. he was a man of unusual personal bravery, and of powerful physique, and did not present an encouraging object for the bullying intimidation by which the pro-slavery men of that day generally overawed their opponents. he seems to have scarcely known what fear was, and though irate slave-holders often called on him to learn the whereabouts of their slaves, he met them placidly, never denied having helped the fugitives on their way, positively refused to give them any information, and when they flourished pistols, or bowie-knives to enforce their demands, he calmly pushed the weapons aside, and told them that none but cowards resorted to such means to carry their ends. he continued his labors, thus, for years, helping all who came to him, and making no concealment of his readiness to do so. his firmness and courage slowly won others, first to admire, and then to assist him, and the little band of faithful workers, of which he was chief, gradually enlarged and included in its number, men of all ranks, and differing creeds, and, singular as it may seem, even numbering some ardent democrats in its ranks. he has, in conversation with the present writer and others, frequently acknowledged the valuable services of two roman catholics, of irish birth, still living in this city, who were ever faithful to him, and will now be amongst those who most earnestly mourn his decease. his efforts, of course, brought him much persecution and annoyance, but never culminated in anything really serious, until about the year or ' . he then met, at new castle, a man, woman, and six children, from down on the eastern shore of maryland. the man was free, the woman had, been a slave, and while in slavery had had by her husband, two children. she was then set free, and afterwards had four children. the whole party ran away. they traveled several days, and finally reached middletown, late at night, where they were taken in, fed and cared for, by john hunn, a wealthy quaker, there. they were watched, however, by some persons in that section, who followed them, arrested them, and sent them to new castle to jail. the sheriff and his daughter were anti-slavery people, and wrote to mr. garrett to come over. he went over, had an interview, found from their statement, that four of the party were undoubtedly free, and returned to this city. on the following day, he and u.s. senator wales, went over and had the party taken before judge booth, on a writ of _habeas corpus_. judge booth decided that there was no evidence on which to hold them, that in the absence of evidence the _presumption was always in favor of freedom_ and discharged them. mr. garrett then said, here is this woman with a babe at her breast, the child suffering from a white swelling on its leg, is there any impropriety in my getting a carriage and helping them over to wilmington? judge booth responded certainly not. mr. garrett then hired the carriage, but gave the driver distinctly to understand that he only paid for the woman and the young children; the rest might walk. they all got in, however, and finally escaped, of course the two children born in slavery amongst the rest. six weeks afterwards the slave-holders followed them, and incited, it is said, by the cochrans and james a. bayard, commenced a suit against mr. garrett, claiming all the fugitives as slaves. mr. garrett's friends claim that the jury was packed to secure an adverse verdict. the trial came on before chief justice taney and judge hall, in the may term ( ) of the u.s. court, sitting at new castle, bayard representing the prosecutors, and wales the defendant. there were four trials in all, lasting three days. we have not room here for the details of the trial, but the juries awarded even heavier damages than the plaintiffs claimed, and the judgments swept away every dollar of his property. when the trials were concluded, mr. garrett arose, the court being adjourned, made a speech of an hour to the large crowd in the court-room, in the course of which he declared his intention to redouble his exertions, so help him god. his bold assertion was greeted with mingled cheers and hisses, and at the conclusion of his speech one of the jurors who had convicted him strode across the benches, grasped his hand, and begged his forgivenness. mr. garrett kept his pledge and redoubled his exertions. the trial advertised him, and such was the demand on him for shelter, that he was compelled to put another story on his back buildings. his friends helped him to start again in business, and commencing anew in his sixtieth year with nothing, he again amassed a handsome competence, generously contributing all the while to every work in behalf of the down-trodden blacks or his suffering fellow-men of any color. in time the war came, and as he remarked, the nation went into the business by the wholesale, so he quit his retail operations, having, after he commenced to keep a record, helped off over twenty-one hundred slaves, and no inconsiderable number before that time. in time, too, he came to be honored instead of execrated for his noble efforts. wilmington became an abolition city, and for once, at least, a prophet was not without honor in his own city. mr. garrett continued his interest in every reform up to his last illness, and probably his last appearance in any public capacity, was as president of a woman suffrage meeting, in the city hall, a few months ago, which was addressed by julia ward howe, lucy stone, and henry b. blackwell. he lived to see the realization of his hopes for universal freedom, and in april last on the occasion of the great parade of the colored people in this city, he was carried through our streets in an open barouche, surrounded by the men in whose behalf he had labored so faithfully, and the guards around his carriage carrying banners, with the inscription, "our moses." a moses he was to their race; but unto him it was given to enter into the promised land toward which he had set his face persistently and almost alone for more than half a century. he was beloved almost to adoration by his dusky-hued friends, and in the dark days of the beginning of the war, which every wilmingtonian will remember with a shudder, in those days of doubt, confusion, and suspicion, without his knowledge or consent, thomas garrett's house was constantly surrounded and watched by faithful black men, resolved that, come weal come woe to them, no harm should come to the benefactor of their race. he was a hero in a life-time fight, an upright, honest man in his dealings with men, a tender husband, a loving father, and above all, a man who loved his neighbor as himself, and righteousness and truth better than ease, safety, or worldly goods, and who never let any fear of harm to person or property sway him from doing his whole duty to the uttermost. he was faithful among the faithless, upright and just in the midst of a wicked and perverse generation, and lived to see his labors rewarded and approved in his own life-time, and then with joy that the right had triumphed by mightier means than his own; with thankfulness for the past, and with calm trust for the future, he passed to the reward of the just. he has fought a good fight, he has finished his course, he has kept the faith. from the same paper, of january th, , we extract an account of the funeral obsequies which took place on saturday, january th. funeral service on saturday. the funeral of thomas garrett, which took place on saturday, partook almost of the character of a popular ovation to the memory of the deceased, though it was conducted with the plainness of form which characterizes the society of which he was a member. there was no display, no organization, nothing whatever to distinguish this from ordinary funerals, except the outpouring of people of every creed, condition, and color, to follow the remains to their last resting-place. there was for an hour or two before the procession started, a constant living stream of humanity passing into the house, around the coffin, and out at another door, to take a last look at the face of the deceased, the features of which displayed a sweetness and serenity which occasioned general remark. a smile seemed to play upon the dead lips. shortly after three o'clock the funeral procession started, the plain coffin, containing the remains, being carried by the stalwart arms of a delegation of colored men, and the family and friends of the deceased following in carriages with a large procession on foot, while the sidewalks along the line, from the house to the meeting-house, more than six squares, were densely crowded with spectators. the friends' meeting house was already crowded, except the place reserved for the relatives of the deceased, and, though probably fifteen hundred people crowded into the capacious building, a greater number still were unable to gain admission. the crowd inside was composed of all kinds and conditions of men, white and black, all uniting to do honor to the character and works of the deceased. the coffin was laid in the open space in front of the gallery of ministers and elders, and the lid removed from it, after which there was a period of silence. presently the venerable lucretia mott arose and said that, seeing the gathering of the multitude there and thronging along the streets, as she had passed on her way to the meeting-house, she had thought of the multitude which gathered after the death of jesus, and of the remark of the centurion, who, seeing the people, said: "certainly this was a righteous man." looking at this multitude she would say surely this also was a righteous man. she was not one of those who thought it best always on occasions like this, to speak in eulogy of the dead, but this was not an ordinary case, and seeing the crowd that had gathered, and amongst it the large numbers of a once despised and persecuted race, for which the deceased had done so much, she felt that it was fit and proper that the good deeds of this man's life should be remembered, for the encouragement of others. she spoke of her long acquaintance with him, of his cheerful and sunny disposition, and his firm devotion to the truth as he saw it. aaron m. powell, of new york, was the next speaker, and he spoke at length with great earnestness of the life-long labor of his departed friend in the abolition cause, of his cheerfulness, his courage, and his perfect consecration to his work. he alluded to the fact, that deceased was a member of the society of friends, and held firmly to its faith that god leads and inspires men to do the work he requires of them, that he speaks within the soul of every man, and that all men are equally his children, subject to his guidance, and that all should be free to follow wherever the spirit might lead. it was thomas garrett's recognition of this sentiment that made him an abolitionist, and inspired him with the courage to pursue his great work. he cared little for the minor details of quakerism, but he was a true quaker in his devotion to this great central idea which is the basis on which it rests. he urged the society to take a lesson from the deceased, and recognizing the responsibility of their position, to labor with earnestness, and to consecrate their whole beings to the cause of right and reform. it is impossible for us to give any fair abstract of mr. powell's earnest and eloquent tribute to his friend, on whom he had looked, he said, as "a father in israel" from his boyhood. william howard day, then came forward, saying, he understood that it would not be considered inappropriate for one of his race to say a few words on this occasion, and make some attempt to pay a fitting tribute to one to whom they owed so much. he did not feel to-day like paying such a tribute, his grief was too fresh upon him, his heart too bowed down, and he could do no more, than in behalf of his race, not only those here, but the host the deceased has befriended, and of the whole four millions to whom he had been so true a friend, cast a tribute of praise and thanks upon his grave. rev. alfred cookman, of grace m.e. church, next arose, and said that he came there intending to say nothing, but the scene moved him to a few words. he remembered once standing in front of st. paul's cathedral, in london, and seeing therein the name of the architect, sir christopher wren, inscribed, and under it this inscription: "stranger, if you would see his monument look about you." and the thought came to him that if you would see the monument of him who lies there, look about you and see it built in stones of living hearts. he thanked god for the works of this man; he thanked him especially for his noble character. he said that he felt that that body had been the temple of a noble spirit, aye the temple of god himself, and some day they would meet the spirit in the heavenly land beyond the grave. lucretia mott arose, and said she feared the claim might appear to be made that quakerism alone held the great central principle which dominated this man's life; but she wished it understood that they recognized this "voice within" as leading and guiding all men, and they probably meant by it much the same as those differing from them meant by the third person in their trinity. she did not wish, even in appearance, to claim a belief in this voice for her own sect alone. t. clarkson taylor then said, that the time for closing the services had arrived, and in a very few words commended the lesson of his life to those present, after which the meeting dissolved, and the body was carried to the grave-yard in the rear of the meeting-house, and deposited in its last resting-place. the trial of the cases, . to the editor of the commercial: your admirable and interesting sketch of the career of the late thomas garrett contains one or two statements, which, according to my recollection of the facts, are not entirely accurate, and are perhaps of sufficient importance to be corrected. the proceedings in the u.s. circuit court were not public prosecutions or indictments, but civil suits instituted by the owners of the runaway slaves, who employed and paid counsel to conduct them. an act of congress, then in force, imposed a penalty of five hundred dollars on any person who should knowingly harbor or conceal a fugitive from labor, to be recovered by and for the benefit of the claimant of such fugitive, in any court proper to try the same; saving, moreover, to the claimant his right of action for or on account of loss, etc.; thus giving to the slave-owner two cases for action for each fugitive, one of debt for the penalty, and one of trespass for damages. there were in all seven slaves, only the husband and father of the family being free, who escaped under the friendly help and guidance of mr. garrett, five of whom were claimed by e.n. turner, and the remaining two by c.t. glanding, both claimants being residents of maryland. in the suits for the penalties, turner obtained judgment for twenty-five hundred dollars, and glanding, one for one thousand dollars. in these cases the jury could give neither less nor more than the amount of the penalties, on the proper proof being made. nor in the trespass case did the jury give "larger damages than were claimed." a jury sometimes does queer things, but it cannot make a verdict for a greater sum than the plaintiff demands; in the trespass cases, glanding had a verdict for one thousand dollars damages, but in turner's case only nine hundred dollars were allowed, though the plaintiff sued for twenty-five hundred. it is hardly true to say that any one of the juries was _packed_, indeed, it would have been a difficult matter in that day for the marshal to summon thirty sober, honest, and judicious men, fairly and impartially chosen from the three counties of delaware, who would have found verdicts different from those which were rendered. the jury must have been fixed for the defendant to have secured any other result, on the supposition that the testimony admitted of any doubt or question, the anti-slavery men in the state being like virgil's ship-wrecked mariners, very few in number and scattered over a vast space. what most redounds to the honor and praise of mr. garrett, in this transaction, as a noble and disinterested philanthropist is, that after the fugitives had been discharged from custody under the writ of _habeas corpus_, and when he had been advised by his lawyer, who was also his personal friend, to keep his hands off and let the party work their own passage to a haven of freedom, not then far distant, or he might be involved in serious trouble, he deliberately refused to abandon them to the danger of pursuit and capture. the welfare and happiness of too many human beings were at stake to permit him to think of personal consequences, and he was ready and dared to encounter any risk for himself, so that he could insure the safety of those fleeing from bondage. it was this heroic purpose to protect the weak and helpless at any cost, this fearless unselfish action, not stopping to weigh the contingencies of individual gain or loss, that constitutes his best title to the gratitude of those he served, and to the admiration and respect of all who can appreciate independent conduct springing from pure and lofty motives. he did what he thought and believed to be right, and let the consequences take care of themselves. he never would directly or otherwise, entice a slave to leave his master; but he never would refuse his aid to the hunted, panting wretch that in the pursuit of happiness was seeking after liberty. and who among us is now bold enough to say, that in all this he did not see clearly, act bravely, do justly, and live up to the spirit of the sacred text:--"whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them?" w. in a letter addressed to one of the sons, william lloyd garrison pays the following beautiful and just tribute to his faithfulness in the cause of freedom. boston, january th, . my dear friend:--i have received the intelligence of the death of your honored and revered father, with profound emotions. if it were not for the inclemency of the weather, and the delicate state of my health, i would hasten to be at the funeral, long as the distance is; not indeed as a mourner, for, in view of his ripe old age, and singularly beneficent life, there is no cause for sorrow, but to express the estimation in which i held him, as one of the best men who ever walked the earth, and one of the most beloved among my numerous friends and co-workers in the cause of an oppressed and down-trodden race, now happily rejoicing in their heavenly-wrought deliverance. for to no one was the language of job more strictly applicable than to himself:--"when the ear heard me, then it blessed me, and when the eye saw me, it gave witness to me; because i delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. the blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me; and i caused the widow's heart to sing for joy. i put on righteousness, and it clothed me; my judgment was as a robe and a diadem. i was eyes to the blind, and feet was i to the lame. i was a father to the poor; and the cause which i knew not i searched out. and i brake the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his teeth." this is an exact portraiture of your father, a most comprehensive delineation of his character as a philanthropist and reformer. it was his meat and drink. "the poor to feed, the lost to seek, to proffer life to death, hope to the erring, to the weak the strength of his own faith. "to plead the captive's right; remove the sting of hate from law; and soften in the fire of love the hardened steel of war. "he walked the dark world in the mild, still guidance of the light; in tearful tenderness a child, a strong man in the right." did there ever live one who had less of that "fear of man which bringeth a snare," than himself? or who combined more moral courage with exceeding tenderness of spirit? or who adhered more heroically to his convictions of duty in the face of deadly peril and certain suffering? or who gave himself more unreservedly, or with greater disinterestedness, to the service of bleeding humanity? or who took more joyfully the spoiling of his goods as the penalty of his sympathy for the hunted fugitive? or who more untiringly kept pace with all the progressive movements of the age, as though in the very freshness of adult life, while venerable with years? or who, as a husband, father, friend, citizen, or neighbor, more nobly performed all the duties, or more generally distributed all the charities of life? he will leave a great void in the community. such a stalwart soul appears only at rare intervals. delaware, enslaved, treated him like a felon; delaware, redeemed, will be proud of his memory. "only the actions of the just smell sweet and blossom in the dust." his rightful place is conspicuously among the benefactors, saviours, martyrs of the human race. his career was full of dramatic interest from beginning to end, and crowded with the experiences and vicissitudes of a most eventful nature. what he promised he fulfilled; what he attempted, he seldom, or never failed to accomplish; what he believed, he dared to proclaim upon the housetop; what he ardently desired, and incessantly labored for, was the reign of universal freedom, peace, and righteousness. he was among the manliest of men, and the gentlest of spirits. there was no form of human suffering that did not touch his heart; but his abounding sympathy was especially drawn out towards the poor, imbruted slaves of the plantation, and such of their number as sought their freedom by flight. the thousands that passed safely through his hands, on their way to canada and the north, will never forget his fatherly solicitude for their welfare, or the dangers he unflinchingly encountered in their behalf. stripped of all his property under the fugitive slave law, for giving them food, shelter, and assistance to continue their flight, he knew not what it was to be intimidated or disheartened, but gave himself to the same blessed work as though conscious of no loss. great-hearted philanthropist, what heroism could exceed thy own? "for, while the jurist sitting with the slave-whip o'er him swung, from the tortured truths of freedom the lie of slavery wrung, and the solemn priest to moloch, on each god-deserted shrine, broke the bondman's heart for bread, poured the bondman's blood for wine-- while the multitude in blindness to a far-off saviour knelt, and spurned, the while, the temple where a present saviour dwelt; thou beheld'st him in the task-field, in the prison shadow dim, and thy mercy to the bondman, it was mercy unto him!" i trust some one, well qualified to execute the pleasing task, will write his biography for the grand lessons his life inculcated. yours, in full sympathy and trust, wm. lloyd garrison. a contemporary who had known him long and intimately--who had appreciated his devotion to freedom, who had shared with him some of the perils consequent upon aiding the fleeing fugitives, and who belonged to the race with whom garrett sympathized, and for whose elevation and freedom he labored so assiduously with an overflowing heart of tender regard and sympathy--penned the following words, touching the sad event: chatham, c.w., january , . to mr. henry garrett:--dear sir:--i have just heard, through the kindness of my friend, mrs. graves, of the death of your dear father; the intelligence makes me feel sad and sorrowful; i sincerely sympathize with you and all your brothers and sisters, in your mournful bereavement; but you do not mourn without hope, for you have an assurance in his death that your loss is his infinite gain. for he was a good christian, a good husband, a good father, a good citizen, and a truly good samaritan, for his heart, his hand and his purse, were ever open to the wants of suffering humanity, wherever he found it; irrespective of the country, religion, or complexion of the sufferer. hence there are many more who mourn his loss, as well as yourselves; and i know, verily, that many a silent tear was shed by his fellow-citizens, both white and colored, when he took his departure; especially the colored ones; for he loved them with a brother's love, not because they were colored, but because they were oppressed, and, like john brown, he loved them to the last; that was manifest by his request that they should be his bearers. i can better feel than i have language to express the mournful and sorrowing pride that must have stirred the inmost souls of those men of color, who had the honor conferred on them of bearing his mortal remains to their last resting-place, when they thought of what a sacred trust was committed to their hands. we are told to mark the perfect man, and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace; and such was the end of your dear father, and he has gone to join the innumerable company of the spirits of the just, made perfect on the other side of the river, where there is a rest remaining for all the children of god. my brother, abraham d. shadd, and my sister amelia, join their love and condolence with mine to you all, hoping that the virtues of your father may be a guiding star to you all, until you meet him again in that happy place, where parting will be no more, forever. your humble friend, elizabeth j. williams. from the learned and the unlearned, from those in high places and from those in humble stations, many testimonials reached the family, respecting this great friend of the slave, but it is doubtful, whether a single epistle from any one, was more affectingly appreciated by the bereaved family, than the epistle just quoted from elizabeth j. williams. the slave's most eloquent advocate, wendell phillips, in the "national standard," of february , , in honor of the departed, bore the following pertinent testimony to his great worth in the cause of liberty. "i should not dare to trust my memory for the number of fugitive slaves this brave old friend has helped to safety and freedom--nearly three thousand, i believe. what a rich life to look back on! how skilful and adroit he was, in eluding the hunters! how patient in waiting days and weeks, keeping the poor fugitives hidden meanwhile, till it was safe to venture on the highway! what whole-hearted devotion, what unselfish giving of time, means, and everything else to this work of brotherly love! what house in delaware, so honorable in history, as that where hunted men fled, and were sure to find refuge. it was the north star to many a fainting heart. this century has grand scenes to show and boast of among its fellows. but few transcend that auction-block where the sheriff was selling all garrett's goods for the crime (!) of giving a breakfast to a family of fugitive slaves. as the sale closed, the officer turns to garrett, saying: 'thomas, i hope you'll never be caught at this again.' "'friend,' was the reply, 'i haven't a dollar in the world, but if thee knows a fugitive who needs a breakfast, send him to me.' "over such a scene, luther and howard and clarkson clapped their hands. "such a speech redeems the long infamy of the state. it is endurable, the having of such a blot as delaware in our history, when it has once been the home of such a man. i remember well the just pride with which he told me, that after that sale, pro-slavery as wilmington was, he could have a discount at the bank as readily as any man in the city. though the laws robbed him, his fellow-citizens could not but respect and trust him, love and honor him. "the city has never had, we believe, a man die in it worthy of a statue. we advise it to seize this opportunity to honor itself and perpetuate the good name of its worthiest citizen, by immortalizing some street, spot, shaft or building with his name. "brave, generous, high-souled, sturdy, outspoken friend of all that needed aid or sympathy, farewell for these scenes! in times to come, when friendless men and hated ideas need champions, god grant them as gallant and successful ones as you have been, and may the state you honored grow worthy of you. wendell phillips." likewise in the "national standard," the editor, aaron m. powell, who attended the funeral, paid the following glowing tribute to the moral, religious, and anti-slavery character of the slave's friend: on the th inst., thomas garrett, in his eighty-second year, passed on to the higher life. a week previous we had visited him in his sick chamber, and, on leaving him felt that he must go hence ere long. he was the same strong, resolute man in spirit to the last. he looked forward to the welcome change with perfect serenity and peace of mind. and well he might, for he had indeed fought the good fight and been faithful unto the end. he was most widely known for his services to fugitive slaves. twenty-five hundred and forty-five he had preserved a record of; and he had assisted somewhat more than two hundred prior to the commencement of the record. picture to the mind's eye this remarkable procession of nearly three thousand men, women and children fleeing from slavery, and finding in this brave, large-hearted man, a friend equal to their needs in so critical an emergency! no wonder he was feared by the slave-holders, not alone of his own state, but of the whole south. if their human chattels once reached his outpost, there was indeed little hope of their reclamation. the friend and helper of fugitives from slavery, truly their moses, he was more than this, he was the discriminating, outspoken, uncompromising opponent of slavery itself. he was one of the strongest pillars and one of the most efficient working-members of the american anti-slavery society. he was an abolitionist of the most radical and pronounced character, though a resident of a slave state, and through all the period wherein to be an abolitionist was to put in jeopardy, not only reputation and property, but life itself. though he rarely addressed public meetings, his presence imparted much strength to others, was "weighty" in the best quaker sense. he was of the rare type of character, represented by francis jackson and james mott. thomas garrett was a member of the society of friends, and as such, served by the striking contrast of his own life and character, with the average of the society, to exemplify to the world the real, genuine quakerism. it is not at all to the credit of his fellow-members, that it must be said of them, that when he was bearing the cross and doing the work for which he is now so universally honored, they, many of them, were not only not in sympathy with him, but would undoubtedly, if they had had the requisite vitality and courage, have cut him off from their denominational fellowship. he was a sincere, earnest believer in the cardinal point of quakerism, the divine presence in the human soul--this furnishes the key to his action through life. this divine attribute he regarded not as the birth-right of friends alone, not of one race, sex or class, but of all mankind. therefore was he an abolitionist; therefore was he interested in the cause of the indians; therefore was he enlisted in the cause of equal rights for women; therefore was he a friend of temperance, of oppressed and needy working-men and women, world-wide in the scope of his philanthropic sympathy, and broadly catholic, and comprehensive in his views of religious life and duty. he was the soul of honor in business. his experience, when deprived at sixty, of every dollar of his property for having obeyed god rather than man, in assisting fugitives from slavery, and the promptness with which his friends came forward with proffered co-operation, furnishes a lesson which all should ponder well. he had little respect for, or patience with shams of any kind, in religious, political or social life. as we looked upon thomas garrett's calm, serene face, mature in a ripe old age, still shadowing forth kindliness of heart, firmness of purpose, discriminating intelligence, conscientious, manly uprightness, death never seemed more beautiful: "why, what is death but life in other forms of being? life without the coarser attributes of men, the dull and momently decaying frame which holds the ethereal spirit in, and binds it down to brotherhood with brutes! there's no such thing as death; what's so-called is but the beginning of a new existence, a fresh segment of the eternal round of change." a.m.p. another warm admirer of this great lover of humanity, in a letter to george w. stone thus alludes to his life and death: taunton, mass., june th, . dear stone:--your telegram announcing the death of that old soldier and saint, and my good friend, thos. garrett, reached me last evening at ten o'clock. my first impulse was to start for wilmington, and be present at his funeral; but when i considered my work here, and my engagements for the next four days, i found it impossible to go. i will be there in spirit, and bow my inmost soul before the all loving one, his father and ours, in humble thankfulness, that i ever knew him, and had the privilege of enjoying his friendship and witnessing his devotion, to the interest of every good cause of benevolence and reform. i could write you many things of interest which i heard from him, and which i have noted on my memory and heart; but i cannot now. i think he was one of the remarkable men of the times, in faith, in holy boldness, in fearless devotion to the right, in uncompromising integrity, in unselfish benevolence, in love to god and man, and in unceasing, life-long efforts to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with god. we shall not soon look upon his like again. if i was present at his funeral, i should take it as a privilege to pronounce his name, and say, as i never said before, "blessed are the dead that die in the lord; even so saith the spirit; for they rest from their labors, and their works do follow them." do, at once, see his children and clarkson taylor, and give them my condolence, no, my _congratulation_, and assure them that they have a rich legacy in his noble life, and he has a glorious reward in the bosom of god. peace to his memory! noble old man, so pure and peaceful, and yet so strong, firm, and fearless, so gentle, tender, and truthful, afraid and ashamed of nothing but sin, and in love and labor with every good work. i could write on and fill many pages. but he desired no eulogy, and needs none. he lives, and will live for ever in many hearts and in the heaven of heavens above. t. israel. if it were necessary we might continue to introduce scores of editorials, communications, epistles, etc., all breathing a similar spirit of respect for the rare worth of this wonderful man, but space forbids. in conclusion, therefore, with a view of presenting him in the light of his own interesting letters, written when absorbed in his peculiar work, from a large number on file the following are submitted: wilmington, th mo. st, . esteemed friend, wm. still:--thine of this date, inquiring for the twenty-one, and how they have been disposed of, has just been received. i can only answer by saying, when i parted with them yesterday forenoon, i gave the wife of the person, in whose house they were, money to pay her expenses to philadelphia and back in the cars to pilot the four women to thy place. i gave her husband money to pay a pilot to start yesterday with the ten men, divided in two gangs; also a letter for thee. i hope they have arrived safe ere this. i had to leave town soon after noon yesterday to attend a brother ill with an attack of apoplexy, and to-day i have been very much engaged. the place they stayed here is a considerable distance off. i will make inquiry to-morrow morning, and in case any other disposition has been made of them than the above i will write thee. i should think they have stopped to-day, in consequence of the rain, and most likely will arrive safe to-morrow. in haste, thy friend, thos. garrett. although having "to attend a brother, ill with an attack of apoplexy," garrett took time to attend to the interest of the "twenty-one," as the above letter indicates. how many other men in the united states, under similar circumstances, would have been thus faithful? on another occasion deeply concerned for a forwarder of slaves, he wrote thus: wilmington, th mo. th, . esteemed friend, wm. still:--the bearer of this, george wilmer, is a slave, whose residence is in maryland. he is a true man, and a forwarder of slaves. has passed some twenty-five within four months. he is desirous of finding some of his relations, wm. mann and thomas carmichael, they passed here about a month since. if thee can give him any information where they can be found thee will much oblige him, and run no risk of their safety in so doing. i remain, as ever, thy sincere friend, thos. garrett. "four able-bodied men," form the subject of the subjoined correspondence: wilmington, th mo., th, . esteemed friends, j. miller mckim and william still:--captain f., has arrived here this day, with four able-bodied men. one is an engineer, and has been engaged in sawing lumber, a second, a good house-carpenter, a third a blacksmith, and the fourth a farm hand. they are now five hundred miles from their home in carolina, and would be glad to get situations, without going far from here. i will keep them till to-morrow. please inform me whether thee knows of a suitable place in the country where the mechanics can find employment at their trades for the winter; let me hear to-morrow, and oblige your friend, thomas garrett. "what has become of harriet tubman?" (agent of the underground rail road), is made a subject of special inquiry in the following note: wilmington, d mo., th, . esteemed friend, william still:--i have been very anxious for some time past, to hear what has become of harriet tubman. the last i heard of her, she was in the state of new york, on her way to canada with some friends, last fall. has thee seen, or heard anything of her lately? it would be a sorrowful fact, if such a hero as she, should be lost from the underground rail road. i have just received a letter from ireland, making inquiry respecting her. if thee gets this in time, and knows anything respecting her, please drop me a line by mail to-morrow, and i will get it next morning if not sooner, and oblige thy friend. i have heard nothing from the eighth man from dover, but trust he is safe. thomas garrett. on being informed that harriet was "all right," the following extract from a subsequent letter, expresses his satisfaction over the good news, and at the same time, indicates his sympathy for a "poor traveler," who had fallen a victim to the cold weather, and being severely frost-bitten, had died of lock-jaw, as related on page . "i was truly glad to learn that harriet tubman was still in good health and ready for action, but i think there will be more danger at present than heretofore, there is so much excitement below in consequence of the escape of those eight slaves. i was truly sorry to hear of the fate of that poor fellow who had periled so much for liberty. i was in hopes from what thee told me, that he would recover with the loss perhaps of some of his toes. thomas garrett." in the next letter, an interesting anecdote is related of an encounter on the underground rail road, between the fugitives and several irishmen, and how one of the old countrymen was shot in the forehead, etc., which g. thought would make such opponents to the road "more cautious." wilmington, th mo., th, . esteemed friend, william still:--i have just written a note for the bearer to william murphy chester, who will direct him on to thy care; he left his home about a week since. i hear in the lower part of this state, he met with a friend to pilot him some twenty-five miles last night. we learn that one party of those last week were attacked with clubs by several irish and that one of them was shot in the forehead, the ball entering to the skull bone, and passing under the skin partly round the head. my informant says he is likely to recover, but it will leave an ugly mark it is thought, as long as he lives. we have not been able to learn, whether the party was on the look out for them, or whether they were rowdies out on a hallow-eve frolic; but be it which it may, i presume they will be more cautious here how they trifle with such. desiring thee prosperity and happiness, i remain thy friend, thomas garrett. four of god's poor. the following letter shows the fearless manner in which he attended to the duties of his station: wilmington, th mo. th, . respected friend, wm. still:--this evening i send to thy care four of god's poor. severn johnson, a true man, will go with them to-night by rail road to thy house. i have given johnson five dollars, which will pay all expenses, and leave each twenty-five cents. we are indebted to captain f----t----n for those. may success attend them in their efforts to maintain themselves. please send word by johnson whether or no, those seven arrived safe i wrote thee of ten days since. my wife and self were at longwood to-day, had a pleasant ride and good meeting. we are, as ever, thy friend, thos. garrett. quite a satisfactory account is given, in the letter below of the "irishman who was shot in the forehead;" also of one of the same kin, who in meddling with underground rail road passengers, got his arm broken in two places, etc. wilmington, th mo. th, . esteemed friend, wm. still:--thy favor of a few days since came to hand, giving quite a satisfactory account of the large company. i find in the melee near this town, one of the irishmen got his arm broken in two places. the one shot in the forehead is badly marked, but not dangerously injured. i learn to-day, that the carriage in that company, owing to fast driving with such a heavy load, is badly broken, and the poor horse was badly injured; it has not been able to do anything since. please say to my friend, rebecca hart, that i have heretofore kept clear of persuading, or even advising slaves to leave their masters till they had fully made up their minds to leave, knowing as i do there is great risk in so doing, and if betrayed once would be a serious injury to the cause hereafter. i had spoken to one colored man to try to see him, but he was not willing to risk it. if he has any desire to get away, he can, during one night, before they miss him, get out of the reach of danger. booth has moved into new castle, and left the two boys on the farm. if rebecca hart will write to me, and give me the name of the boy, and the name of his mother, i will make another effort. the man i spoke to lives in new castle, and thinks the mother of the boy alluded to lives between here and new castle. the young men's association here wants wendell phillips to deliver a lecture on the lost arts, and some of the rest of us wish him to deliver a lecture on slavery. where will a letter reach him soonest, as i wish to write him on the subject. i thought he could perhaps deliver two lectures, two nights in succession. if thee can give the above information, thee will much oblige-- garrett & son. in his business-like transactions, without concealment, he places matters in such a light that the wayfaring man, though a fool, need not err, as may here be seen. wilmington, th mo. th, . esteemed friend, wm. still:--i now send johnson, one of our colored men, up with the three men i wrote thee about. johnson has undertook to have them well washed and cleaned during the day. and i have provided them with some second-hand clothes, to make them comfortable, a new pair of shoes and stockings, and shall pay johnson for taking care of them. i mention this so that thee may know. thee need not advance him any funds. in the present case i shall furnish them with money to pay their fare to philadelphia, and johnson home again. hoping they will get on safe, i remain thy friend, thos. garrett. four females on board. the fearless garrett communicated through the mail, as usual, the following intelligence: wilmington, th mo. th, . esteemed friend, wm. still:--the brig alvena, of lewistown, is in the delaware opposite here, with four females on board. the colored man, who has them in charge, was employed by the husband of one of them to bring his wife up. when he arrived here, he found the man had left. as the vessel is bound to red bank, i have advised him to take them there in the vessel, and to-morrow take them in the steamboat to the city, and to the anti-slavery office. he says they owe the captain one dollar and fifty cents for board, and i gave him three dollars, to pay the captain and take them to your office. i have a man here, to go on to-night, that was nearly naked; shall rig him out pretty comfortably. poor fellow, he has lost his left hand, but he says he can take care of himself. in haste, thy friend, thos. garrett. while father abraham was using his utmost powers to put down the rebellion, in , a young man who had "been most unrighteously sold for seven years," desirous of enlisting, sought advice from the wise and faithful underground rail road manager, who gave him the following letter, which may be looked upon in the light of a rare anecdote, as there is no doubt but that the "professed non-resistant" in this instance, hoped to see the poor fellow "_snugly fixed in his regimentals_" doing service for "father abraham." wilmington, st mo. d, . respected friend, william still:--the bearer of this, winlock clark, has lately been most unrighteously sold for seven years, and is desirous of enlisting, and becoming one of uncle sam's boys; i have advised him to call on thee so that no land sharks shall get any bounty for enlisting him; he has a wife and several children, and whatever bounty the government or the state allows him, will be of use to his family. please write me when he is snugly fixed in his regimentals, so that i may send word to his wife. by so doing, thee will much oblige thy friend, and the friend of humanity, thomas garrett. n.b. am i naughty, being a professed non-resistant, to advise this poor fellow to serve father abraham? t.g. we have given so many of these inimitable underground rail road letters from the pen of the sturdy old laborer, not only because they will be new to the readers of this work, but because they so fittingly illustrate his practical devotion to the slave, and his cheerfulness--in the face of danger and difficulty--in a manner that other pens might labor in vain to describe. daniel gibbons. a life as uneventful as the one whose story we are about to tell, affords little scope for the genius of the biographer or the historian, but being carefully studied, it cannot fail to teach a lesson of devotion and self-sacrifice, which should be learned and remembered by every succeeding age. daniel gibbons, son of james and deborah (hoopes) gibbons, was born on the banks of mill creek, in lancaster county, pennsylvania, on the st day of the th month (december), . he was descended on his father's side from an english ancestor, whose name appears on the colonial records, as far back as . john gibbons evidently came with or before william penn to this "goodly heritage of freedom." his earthly remains lie at concord friends' burying-ground, delaware county, near where the family lived for a generation or two. the grandfather of daniel gibbons, who lived near where west town boarding-school now is, in chester county, bought for seventy pounds, "one thousand acres of land and allowances," in what is now lancaster county, intending, as he ultimately did, to settle his three sons upon it. this purchase was made about the year . in process of time, the eldest son, desiring to marry deborah hoopes, the daughter of daniel hoopes, of a neighboring township in chester county, the young people obtained the consent of parents and friends, but it was a time of grief and mourning among young and old. the young friends assured the intended bride, that they would not marry the best man in the province and do what she was about to do; and the elder dames, so far relaxed the puritanic rigidity of their rules, as to allow the invitation of an uncommonly large company of guests to the wedding, in order that a long and perhaps last farewell, might be said to the beloved daughter, who, with her husband, was about to emigrate to the "far west." loud and long were the lamentations, and warm the embraces of these simple-minded christian rustics, companions of toil and deprivation, as they parted from two of their number who were to leave their circle for the west; the west being then thirty-six miles distant. this was on the sixth day of the fifth month, . more than a century has passed away; all the good people, eighty-nine in number, who signed the wedding certificate as witnesses, have passed away, and how vast is the change wrought in our midst since that day! joseph gibbons was so much pleased with the daring enterprise of his son and daughter-in-law, that he gave them one hundred acres of land in his western possessions more than he reserved for his other and younger sons, and to it they immediately emigrated, and building first a cabin and the next year a store-house, began life for themselves in earnest. it is interesting, in view of the long and consistent anti-slavery course which daniel gibbons pursued, to trace the influence that wrought upon him while his character was maturing, and the causes which led him to see the wickedness of the system which he opposed. the society of friends in that day bore in mind the advice of their great founder, fox, whose last words were: "friends, mind the light." and following that guide which leads out of all evil and into all good, they viewed every custom of society with eyes undimmed by prejudice, and were influenced in every action of life by a belief in the common brotherhood of man, and a resolve to obey the command of jesus, to love one another. this being the case, slavery and oppression of all kinds were unpopular, and indeed almost unknown amongst them. james gibbons was a republican, and an enthusiastic advocate of american liberty. being a man of commanding presence, and great energy and determination, efforts were made during the revolution to induce him to enlist as a cavalry soldier. he was prevented from so doing by the entreaties of his wife, and his own conscientious scruples as a friend. about the time of the revolution, or immediately after, he removed to the borough of wilmington, delaware, where, being surrounded by slavery, he became more than ever alive to its iniquities. he was interested during his whole life in getting slaves off. and being elected second burgess of wilmington during his residence there, his official position gave him great opportunities to assist in this noble work. it is related that during his magistracy a slave-holder brought a colored man before him, whom he claimed as his slave. there being no evidence of the alleged ownership, the colored man was set at liberty. the pretended owner was inclined to be impudent; but james gibbons told him promptly that nothing but silence and good behaviour on his part would prevent his commitment for contempt of court. about the year , james gibbons came back to lancaster county, where he spent twenty years in the practice of those deeds which will remain "in everlasting remembrance;" dying, full of years and honors, in . born in the first year of the revolution and growing up surrounded by such influences, daniel gibbons could not have been other than he was, the friend of the down-trodden and oppressed of every nationality and color. in his father took him to see general washington, then passing through wilmington. to the end of his life he retained a vivid recollection of this visit, and would recount its incidents to his family and friends. during his father's residence in wilmington, he spent his summers with kinsmen in lancaster county, learning to be a farmer, and his winters in wilmington going to school. at the age of fourteen years he was bound an apprentice, as was the good custom of the day, to a friend in lancaster county to learn the tanning business. at this he served about six years, or until his master ceased to follow the business. during this apprenticeship he became accustomed to severe labor, so severe indeed that he never recovered from the effects thereof, having a difficulty in walking during the remainder of his life, which prevented him from taking the active part in underground rail road business which he otherwise would have done. his father's estate being involved in litigation caused him to be put to this trade, farming being his favorite employment, and one which he followed during his whole life. in he took a pedestrian tour, by way of new york, albany, and niagara falls to the state of ohio, then the far west, coming home by way of pittsburg, and walking altogether one thousand three hundred and fifty miles. in this trip he increased the injury to his feet, so as to render himself virtually a cripple. upon the death of his father, he settled upon the farm, on which he died. about the year on going to visit some friends, who had removed to adams county, pennsylvania, he became acquainted with hannah wierman, whom he married on the fourth day of the fifth month, . at this time daniel gibbous was about forty years old, and his wife about twenty-eight, she having been born on the ninth of the seventh month, . a life of one after their union, would be incomplete without some notice of the other. during a married life of thirty-seven years, hannah gibbons was the assistant of her husband in every good and noble work. possessed of a warm heart, a powerful, though uncultivated intellect, an excellent judgment, and great sweetness of disposition, she was fitted both by nature and training to endure without murmuring the inconvenience and trouble incident to the reception and care of fugitives and to rejoice that to her was given the opportunity of assisting them in their efforts to be free. the true measure of greatness in a human soul, is its willingness to suffer for its own good, or the good of its fellows, its self-sacrificing spirit. granting the truth of this, one of the greatest souls was that of hannah w. gibbons. the following incident is a proof of this: in , when she was no longer a young woman, there came to her home, one of the poorest, most ignorant, and filthiest of mankind--a slave from the great valley of virginia. he was foot-sore and weary, and could not tell how he came, or who directed him. he seemed indeed, a missive directed and sent by the hand of the almighty. before he could be cleansed or recruited, he was taken sick, and before he could be removed (even if he could have been trusted at the county poor house), his case was pronounced to be small-pox. for six long weeks did this good angel in human form, attend upon this unfortunate object. reasons were found why no one else could do it, and with her own hands, she ministered to his wants, until he was restored to health. such was her life. this is merely one case. she was always ready to do her duty. her interest in good, never left her, for when almost dying, she aroused from her lethargy and asked if abraham lincoln was elected president of the united states, which he was a few days afterwards. she always predicted a civil war, in the settlement of the slavery question. during the last twenty-five years of her life she was an elder in the society of friends, of which she had always been an earnest, consistent, and devoted member. her patience, self-denial, and warm affection were manifested in every relation of life. as a daughter, wife, mother, friend, and mistress of a family she was beloved by all, and to her relatives and friends who are left behind, the remembrance of her good deeds comes wafted like a perfume from beyond the golden gates. she survived her husband about eight years, dying on the sixteenth of the tenth month, . three children, sons, were born to their marriage, two of whom died in infancy and one still ( ) survives. to give some idea of the course pursued by daniel and hannah gibbons, i insert the following letter, containing an account of events which took place in : "a short time since, i learned that my old friend, william still, was about to publish a history of the underground rail road. his own experience in the service of this road would make a large volume. i was brought up by daniel gibbons, and am asked to say what i know of him as an abolitionist. from my earliest recollection, he was a friend to the colored people, and often hired them and paid them liberal wages. his house was a depot for fugitives, and many hundreds has he helped on their way to freedom. many a dark night he has sent me to carry them victuals and change their places of refuge, and take them to other people's barns, when not safe for him to go. i have known him start in the night and go fifty miles with them, when they were very hotly pursued. one man and his wife lived with him for a long time. afterwards the man lived with thornton walton. the man was hauling lumber from columbia. he was taken from his team in lancaster, and lodged in baltimore jail. daniel gibbons went to baltimore, visited the jail and tried hard to get him released, but failed. i would add here, that daniel gibbons' faithful wife, one of the best women i ever knew, was always ready, day or night, to do all she possibly could, to help the poor fugitives on their way to freedom. many interesting incidents occurred at the home of my uncle. i will relate one. he had living with him at one time, two colored men, thomas colbert and john stewart. the latter was from maryland; john often said he would go back and get his wife. my uncle asked him if he was not afraid of his master's catching him. he said no, for his master knew if he undertook to take him, he would kill him. he did go and brought his wife to my uncle's. while these two large men, tom and john, were there, along came robert (other name unknown), in a bad plight, his feet bleeding. robert was put in the barn to thrash, until he could be fixed up to go again on his journey. but in a few days, behold, along came his master. he brought with him that notorious constable, haines, from lancaster, and one other man. they came suddenly upon robert; as soon as he saw them he ran and jumped out of the "overshoot," some ten feet down. in jumping, he put one knee out of joint. the men ran around the barn and seized him. by this time, the two colored men, tom and john, came, together with my uncle and aunt. poor robert owned his master, but john told them they should not take him away, and was going at them with a club. one of the men drew a pistol to shoot john, but uncle told him he had better not shoot him; this was not a slave state. inasmuch as robert had owned his master, uncle told john he must submit, so they put robert on a horse, and started with him. after they were gone john said: "mr. gibbons, just say the word, and i will bring robert back." aunt said: "go, john, go!" so john ran to joseph rakestraw's and got a gun (without any lock), and ran across the fields, with tom after him, and headed the party. the men all ran except haines, who kept robert between himself and john, so that john should not shoot him. but john called out to robert to drop off that horse, or he would shoot him. this robert did, and john and tom brought him back in triumph. my aunt said: "john, thee is a good fellow, thee has done well." robert was taken to jesse gilbert's barn, and dr. dingee fixed his knee. as soon as he was able to travel, he took a "bee-line" for the north star. my life with my uncle and aunt made me an abolitionist. i left them in the winter of , and came to salem, ohio, where i kept a small station on the underground rail road, until the united states government took my work away. i have helped over two hundred fugitives on their way to canada. respectfully, daniel bonsall, salem, columbiana county, ohio." one day, in the winter of , thomas johnson, a colored man, living with daniel gibbons, went out early in the morning, to set traps for muskrats. while he was gone, a slave-holder came to the house and inquired for his slave. daniel gibbons said: "there is no slave here of that name." the man replied: "i know he is here. the man we're after, is a miserable, worthless, thieving scoundrel." "oh! very well, then," said the good quaker, "if that's the kind of man thee's after, then i know he is not here. we have a colored man here, but he is not that kind of a man." the slaveholder waited awhile, the man not making his appearance, then said: "well, now, mr. gibbons, when you see that man next, tell him that we were here, and if he will come home, we will take good care of him, and be kind to him." "very well," said daniel, "i will tell him what thee says, but say to him at the same time, that he is a very great fool, if he does as thee requests." the colored man sought, having caught sight of the slaveholders, and knowing who they were, went off that night, under daniel gibbons' directions, and was never seen by his master again. afterward, daniel and his nephew, william gibbons, went with this man to adams county. with his master came the master of mary, a girl with straight hair, and nearly white, who lived with daniel gibbons and his wife. poor mary was unfortunate. her master caught her, and took her back with him into slavery. she and a little girl, who was taken away about the year , were the only ones ever taken back from the house of daniel gibbons. between the time of his marriage, when he began to keep a depot on the underground rail road, and the year , he passed more than one hundred slaves through to canada, and between the latter time and his death, eight hundred more, making, in all nine hundred aided by him. he was ever willing to sacrifice his own personal comfort and convenience, in order to assist fugitives. in , when on his way to the west, in a carriage, with his friend, thomas peart, also a most faithful friend of the colored man and interested in underground rail road affairs, he found a fugitive slave, a woman, in adams county, who was in immediate danger. he stopped his journey, and sent his horse and wagon back to his own home with the woman, that being the only safe way of getting her off. this was but a sample of his self-denial, in the cause of human freedom. his want of ability to guide in person runaway slaves, or to travel with them, prevented him from taking active part in the wonderful adventures and hair-breadth escapes which his brain and tact rendered possible and successful. it is believed that no slave was ever recaptured that followed his directions. sometimes the abolitionists were much annoyed by impostors, who pretended to be runaways, in order to discover their plans, and betray them to the slave-holders. daniel gibbons was possessed of much acuteness in detecting these people, but having detected them, he never treated them harshly or unkindly. almost from infancy, he was distinguished for the gravity of his deportment, and his utter heedlessness of small things. the writer has heard men preach the doctrine of the trifling value of the things of a present time, and of the tremendous importance of those of a never-ending eternity, but daniel gibbons is the only person she ever knew, who lived that doctrine. he believed in plainness of apparel as taught by friends, not as a form or a rule of society, but as a principle; often quoting from some one who said that "the adornment of a vain and foolish world, would feed a starving one." he opposed extravagant fashions and all luxury of habit and life, as calculated to produce effeminacy and degrading sensuality, and as a bestowal of idolatrous attention upon that body which he would often say "was here but for a short time." looking only upon that as religion, which made men love each other and do good to each other in this world, he was little of a stickler for points of belief, and even when he did look into theological matters or denounce a man's religious opinions, it was generally because they were calculated to darken the mind and be entertained as a substitute for good works. pursuing the even tenor of his way, he could as easily lead the flying fugitive slave by night out of the way of his powerful master, as one differently constituted could bestow his wealth upon the most popular charity in the land. his faith was of the simplest kind--the parable of the prodigal son, contains his creed. discarding what are commonly called "plans of salvation," he believed in the light "which lighteth every man that cometh into the world," and that if people would follow this light, they would thus seek "the kingdom of heaven and its righteousness and all other things needful would be added thereunto." he was a devoted member of the society of friends, in which he held the position of elder, during the last twenty-five years of his life. that peculiar doctrine of the society, which repudiates systematic divinity and with it a paid ministry, he held in special reverence, finding confirmation of its truth in the general advocacy of slavery, by the popular clergy of his day. when he was quite advanced in years, and the anti-slavery agitation grew warm, he was solicited to join an anti-slavery society, but on hearing the constitution read, and finding that it repudiated all use of physical force on the part of the oppressed in gaining their liberty, he said that he could not assent to that--that he had long been engaged in getting off slaves, and that he had always advised them to use force, although remonstrating against going to the extent of taking life, and that now he could not recede from that position, and he did not see how they could always be got off without the use of some force. his faith in an overruling providence was complete. he believed, even in the darkest days of freedom in our land, in the ultimate extinction of slavery, and at times, although advanced in years, thought he would live to witness that glorious consummation. it is only in a man's own family and by his wife and children, that he is really known, and it is by those who best knew, and indeed, who only knew this good man, that his biographer is most anxious that he should be judged. as a parent, he was not excessively indulgent, as a husband, one more nearly a model is rarely found. but his kindness in domestic life, his love for his wife, his son and his grandchildren, and their reciprocal love and affection for him, no words can express. it was in his father's household in his youth and in his own household in his mature years, that was fostered that wealth of love and affection, which, extending and widening, took in the whole race, and made him the friend of the oppressed everywhere, and especially of those whom it was a dangerous and unpopular task to befriend. the tenderness and thoughtfulness of his disposition are well shown in the following incident: upon one occasion, his son received a kick from a horse, which he was about to mount at the door. when he had recovered from the shock, and it was found that he was not seriously injured, the father still continued to look serious, and did not cease to shed tears. on being asked why he grieved, his answer was: "i was just thinking how it would have been with thee, had that stroke proved fatal." such thoughts were at once the notes of his own preparation and a warning to others to be also ready. a life consistent with his views, was a life of humility and universal benevolence, and such was his. it was a life, as it were in heaven, while yet on earth, for it soared above and beyond the corrupt and slavish influences of earthly passions. his interest in temperance never failed him. on his death-bed he would call persons to him, who needed such advice, and admonish them on the subject of using strong drinks, and his last expression of interest in any humanitarian movement, was an avowal of his belief in the great good to arise from a prohibitory liquor law. to a friend, who entered his sick room, a few days before his death, he said: "well, e., thee is preparing to go to the west." the friend replied: "yes, and daniel, i suppose thee is preparing to go to eternity." there was an affirmative reply, and e. inquired, "how does thee find it?" daniel said: "i don't find much to do, i find that i have not got a hard master to deal with. some few things which i have done, i find not entirely right." he quitted the earthly service of the master, on the th day of the eighth month, . a young physician, son of one of his old friends, after attending his funeral, wrote to a friend, as follows: "to quote the words of webster, 'we turned and paused, and joined our voices with the voices of the air, and bade him hail! and farewell!' farewell, kind and brave old man! the voices of the oppressed whom thou hast redeemed, welcome thee to the eternal city." lucretia mott. of all the women who served the anti-slavery cause in its darkest days, there is not one whose labors were more effective, whose character is nobler, and who is more universally respected and beloved, than lucretia mott. you cannot speak of the slave without remembering her, who did so much to make slavery impossible. you cannot speak of freedom, without recalling that enfranchised spirit, which, free from all control, save that of conscience and god, labored for absolute liberty for the whole human race. we cannot think of the partial triumph of freedom in this country, without rejoicing in the great part she took in the victory. lucretia mott is one of the noblest representatives of ideal womanhood. those who know her, need not be told this, but those who only love her in the spirit, may be sure that they can have no faith too great in the beauty of her pure and christian life. this book would be incomplete without giving some account, however brief, of lucretia mott's character and labors in the great work to which her life has been devoted. to write it fully would require a volume. she was born in , in the island of nantucket, and is descended from the coffins and macys, on the father's side, and from the folgers, on the mother's side, and through them is related to dr. benjamin franklin. her maiden name was lucretia coffin. during the absence of her father on a long voyage, her mother was engaged in mercantile business, purchasing goods in boston, in exchange for oil and candles, the staples of the island. mrs. mott says in reference to this employment: "the exercise of women's talent in this line, as well as the general care which devolved upon them in the absence of their husbands, tended to develop their intellectual powers, and strengthened them mentally and physically." the family removed to boston in . her parents belonged to the religious society of friends, and carefully cultivated in their children, the peculiarities as well as the principles of that sect. to this early training, we may ascribe the rigid adherence of mrs. mott, to the beautiful but sober costume of the society. when in london, in , she visited the zoological gardens, and a gentleman of the party, pointing out the splendid plumage of some tropical birds, remarked: "you see, mrs. mott, our heavenly father believes in bright colors. how much it would take from our pleasure, if all the birds were dressed in drab." "yes;" she replied, "but immortal beings do not depend upon feathers for their attractions. with the infinite variety of the human face and form, of thought, feeling and affection, we do not need gorgeous apparel to distinguish us. moreover, if it is fitting that woman should dress in every color of the rainbow, why not man also? clergymen, with their black clothes and white cravats, are quite as monotonous as the quakers." whatever may be the abstract merit of this argument, it is certain that the simplicity of lucretia mott's nature, is beautifully expressed by her habitual costume. in giving the principal events of lucretia mott's life, we prefer to use her own language whenever possible. in memoranda furnished by her to elizabeth cady stanton, she says: "my father had a desire to make his daughters useful. at fourteen years of age, i was placed, with a younger sister, at the friends' boarding school, in dutchess county, state of new york, and continued there for more than two years, without returning home. at fifteen, one of the teachers leaving the school, i was chosen as an assistant in her place. pleased with the promotion, i strove hard to give satisfaction, and was gratified, on leaving the school, to have an offer of a situation as teacher if i was disposed to remain; and informed that my services should entitle another sister to her education, without charge. my father was at that time, in successful business in boston, but with his views of the importance of training a woman to usefulness, he and my mother gave their consent to another year being devoted to that institution." here is another instance of the immeasurable value of wise parental influence. in lucretia joined her family in philadelphia, whither they had removed. "at the early age of eighteen," she says, "i married james mott, of new york--an attachment formed while at the boarding-school." mr. mott entered into business with her father. then followed commercial depressions, the war of , the death of her father, and the family became involved in difficulties. mrs. mott was again obliged to resume teaching. "these trials," she says, "in early life, were not without their good effect in disciplining the mind, and leading it to set a just estimate on worldly pleasures." to this early training, to the example of a noble father and excellent mother, to the trials which came so quickly in her life, the rapid development of mrs. mott's intellect is no doubt greatly due. thus the foundation was laid, which has enabled her, for more than fifty years, to be one of the great workers in the cause of suffering humanity. these are golden words which we quote from her own modest notes: "i, however, always loved the good, in childhood desired to do the right, and had no faith in the generally received idea of human depravity." yes, it was because she believed in human virtue, that she was enabled to accomplish such a wonderful work. she had the inspiration of faith, and entered her life-battle against slavery with a divine hope, and not with a gloomy despair. the next great step in lucretia mott's career, was taken at the age of twenty-five, when, "summoned by a little family and many cares, i felt called to a more public life of devotion to duty, and engaged in the ministry in our society." in when the society was divided mrs. mott's convictions led her "to adhere to the sufficiency of the light within us, resting on the truth as authority, rather than 'taking authority for truth.'" we may find no better place than this to refer to her relations to christianity. there are many people who do not believe in the progress of religion. they are right in one respect. god's truth cannot be progressive because it is absolute, immutable and eternal. but the human race is struggling up to a higher comprehension of its own destiny and of the mysterious purposes of god so far as they are revealed to our finite intelligence. it is in this sense that religion is progressive. the christianity of this age ought to be more intelligent than the christianity of calvin. "the popular doctrine of human depravity," says mrs. mott, "never commended itself to my reason or conscience. i searched the scriptures daily, finding a construction of the text wholly different from that which was pressed upon our acceptance. the highest evidence of a sound faith being the practical life of the christian, i have felt a far greater interest in the moral movements of our age than in any theological discussion." her life is a noble evidence of the sincerity of this belief. she has translated christian principles into daily deeds. that spirit of benevolence which mrs. mott possesses in a degree far above the average, of necessity had countless modes of expression. she was not so much a champion of any particular cause as of all reforms. it was said of charles lamb that he could not even hear the devil abused without trying to say something in his favor, and with all mrs. mott's intense hatred of slavery we do not think she ever had one unkind feeling toward the slave-holder. her longest, and probably her noblest work, was done in the anti-slavery cause. "the millions of down-trodden slaves in our land," she says, "being the greatest sufferers, the most oppressed class, i have felt bound to plead their cause, in season and out of season, to endeavor to put my soul in their soul's stead, and to aid, all in my power, in every right effort for their immediate emancipation." when in , wm. lloyd garrison took the ground of immediate emancipation and urged the duty of unconditional liberty without expatriation, mrs. mott took an active part in the movement. she was one of the founders of the philadelphia female anti-slavery society in . "being actively associated in the efforts for the slave's redemption," she says, "i have traveled thousands of miles in this country, holding meetings in some of the slave states, have been in the midst of mobs and violence, and have shared abundantly in the odium attached to the name of an uncompromising modern abolitionist, as well as partaken richly of the sweet return of peace attendant on those who would 'undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, and break every yoke.'" in she attended the world's anti-slavery convention in london. because she was a woman she was not admitted as a delegate. all the female delegates, however, were treated with courtesy, though not with justice. mrs. mott spoke frequently in the liberal churches of england, and her influence outside of the convention had great effect on the anti-slavery movement in great britain. but the value of mrs. mott's anti-slavery work is not limited to what she individually did, great as that labor was. her influence over others, and especially the young, was extraordinary. she made many converts, who went forth to spread the great ideas of freedom throughout the land. no one can of himself accomplish great good. he must labor through others, he must inspire them, convince the unbelieving, kindle the fires of faith in doubting souls, and in the unequal fight of right with wrong make hope take the place of despair. this lucretia mott has done. her example was an inspiration. in the temperance reform mrs. mott took an early interest, and for many years she has practiced total abstinence from intoxicating drinks. in the cause of peace she has been ever active, believing in the "ultra non-resistance ground, that no christian can consistently uphold and actively engage in and support a government based on the sword." yet this, we believe, did not prevent her from taking a profound interest in the great war for the union; though she deplored the means, her soul must have exulted in the result. through anguish and tears, blood and death america wrought out her salvation. do we not believe that the united states leads the cause of human freedom? it follows then that the abolition of the gigantic system of human slavery in this country is the grandest event in modern history. mrs. mott has also been earnestly engaged in aid of the working classes, and has labored effectively for "a radical change in the system which makes the rich richer, and the poor poorer." in the woman's rights question she was early interested, and with mrs. elizabeth cady stanton, she organized, in , a woman's rights' convention at seneca falls, new york. at the proceedings of this meeting, "the nation was convulsed with laughter." but who laughs now at this irresistible reform? the public career of lucretia mott is in perfect harmony with her private life. "my life in the domestic sphere," she says, "has passed much as that of other wives and mothers of this country. i have had six children. not accustomed to resigning them to the care of a nurse, i was much confined to them during their infancy and childhood." notwithstanding her devotion to public matters her private duties were never neglected. many of our readers will no doubt remember mrs. mott at anti-slavery meetings, her mind intently fixed upon the proceedings, while her hands were as busily engaged in useful sewing or knitting. it is not our place to inquire too closely into this social circle, but we may say that mrs. mott's history is a living proof that the highest public duties may be reconciled with perfect fidelity to private responsibilities. it is so with men, why should it be different with women? in her marriage, mrs. mott was fortunate. james mott was a worthy partner for such a woman. he was born in june, , in long island. he was an anti-slavery man, almost before such a thing as anti-slavery was known. in he refused to use any article which was produced by slave labor. the directors of that greatest of all railway corporations, the underground rail road, will never forget his services. he died, january , , having nearly completed his th year. "not only in regard to slavery," said the "philadelphia morning post," at the time, "but in all things was mr. mott a reformer, and a radical, and while his principles were absolute, and his opinions uncompromising, his nature was singularly generous and humane. charity was not to him a duty, but a delight; and the benevolence, which, in most good men, has some touch of vanity or selfishness, always seemed in him pure, unconscious and disinterested. his life was long and happy, and useful to his fellow-men. he had been married for fifty-seven years, and none of the many friends of james and lucretia mott, need be told how much that union meant, nor what sorrow comes with its end in this world." mary grew pronounced his fitting epitaph when she said: "he was ever calm, steadfast, and strong in the fore front of the conflict." in her seventy-ninth year, the energy of lucretia mott is undiminished, and her soul is as ardent in the cause to which her life has been devoted, as when in her youth she placed the will of a true woman against the impotence of prejudiced millions. with the abolition of slavery, and the passage of the fifteenth amendment, her greatest life-work ended. since then, she has given much of her time to the female suffrage movement, and so late as november, , she took an active part in the annual meeting of the pennsylvania peace society. since the great law was enacted, which made all men, black or white, equal in political rights--as they were always equal in the sight of god--mrs. mott has made it her business to visit every colored church in philadelphia. this we may regard as the formal closing of fifty years of work in behalf of a race which she has seen raised from a position of abject servitude, to one higher than that of a monarch's throne. but though she may have ended this anti-slavery work, which is but the foundation of the destiny of the colored race in america, her influence is not ended--_that_ cannot die; it must live and grow and deepen, and generations hence the world will be happier and better that lucretia mott lived and labored for the good of all mankind. james miller mckim. more vividly than it is possible for the pen to portray, the subject of this sketch recalls the struggles of the worst years of slavery, when the conflict was most exciting and interesting, when more minds were aroused, and more laborers were hard at work in the field; when more anti-slavery speeches were made, tracts, papers, and books, were written, printed and distributed; when more petitions were signed for the abolition of slavery; in a word, when the barbarism of slavery was more exposed and condemned than ever before, in the same length of time. abolitionists were then intensely in earnest, and determined never to hold their peace or cease their warfare, until _immediate_ and _unconditional_ emancipation was achieved. on the other hand, during this same period, it is not venturing too much to assert that the slave power was more oppressive than ever before; slave enactments more cruel; the spirit of slavery more intolerant; the fetters more tightly drawn; perilous escapes more frequent; slave captures and slave hunts more appalling; in short, the enslavers of the race had never before so defiantly assumed that negro slavery was sanctioned by the divine laws of god. thus, while these opposing agencies were hotly contesting the rights of man, james miller mckim, as one of the earliest, most faithful, and ablest abolitionists in pennsylvania, occupied a position of influence, labor and usefulness, scarcely second to mr. garrison. for at least fourteen of the eventful years referred to, it was the writer's privilege to occupy a position in the anti-slavery office with mr. mckim, and the best opportunity was thus afforded to observe him under all circumstances while battling for freedom. as a helper and friend of the fleeing bondman, in numberless instances the writer has marked well his kind and benevolent spirit, before and after the formation of the late vigilance committee. at all times when the funds were inadequate, his aid could be counted upon for sure relief. he never failed the fugitive in the hour of need. whether on the underground rail road bound for canada, or before a united states commissioner trying a fugitive case, the slave found no truer friend than mr. mckim. if the records of the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, and the pennsylvania anti-slavery society were examined and written out by a pen, as competent as mr. mckim's, two or three volumes of a most thrilling, interesting, and valuable character could be furnished to posterity. but as his labors have been portrayed for these pages, by a hand much more competent than the writer's, it only remains to present it as follows: the subject of this sketch was born in carlisle, pennsylvania, november , , the oldest but one of eight children. on his father's side, he was of scotch irish, on his mother's (miller) of german descent. he graduated at dickinson college in ; and entering upon the study of medicine, attended one or more courses of lectures in the university of pennsylvania. before he was ready to take his degree, his mind was powerfully turned towards religion, and he relinquished medicine for the study of divinity, entering the theological seminary at princeton, in the fall of , and a year later, being matriculated at andover. the death of his parents, however, and subsequently that of his oldest brother, made his connection with both these institutions a very brief one, and he was obliged, as the charge of the family now devolved upon him, to continue his studies privately at home, under the friendly direction of the late dr. duffield. an ardent and pronounced disciple of the "new school" of presbyterians, belonging to a strongly old school presbytery; he was able to secure license and ordination only by transfer to another; and, in october, , he accepted a pulpit in womelsdorf, berks county, pa., where he preached for one year, to a presbyterian congregation, to what purpose, and with what views, may be learned from the following passage taken from one of his letters, written more than twenty years afterwards, to the _national anti-slavery standard_. "the first settled pastor of this little flock was one sufficiently well-known to such of your readers as will be interested in this, to make mention of his name unnecessary. he had studied for the ministry with a strong desire, and a half formed purpose to become a missionary in foreign lands. before he had proceeded far in his studies, however, he became alive to the claims of the 'perishing heathen' here at home. when he received his licensure, his mind was divided between the still felt impulse of his first purpose and the pressure of his later convictions. while yet unsettled on this point, the case of the little church at womelsdorf was made known to him, followed by an urgent request from the people and from the home missionary society to take charge of it. he acceded to the request and remained there one year, zealously performing the duties of his office to the best of his knowledge and ability. the people, earnest and simple-hearted, desired the 'sincere milk of the word,' and receiving it 'grew thereby.' all the members of the church became avowed abolitionists. they showed their faith by their works, contributing liberally to the funds of the anti-slavery society. many a seasonable donation has our pennsylvania organization received from that quarter. for though their anti-slavery minister had left and had been followed by others of different sentiments and though he had withdrawn from the church with which they were in common connected, and that on grounds which subjected him to the imputation and penalties af heresy, these good people did not feel called upon to change their relations of personal friendship, nor did they make it a pretext, as others have done, for abandoning the cause." in october, , he accepted a lecturing agency under the american anti-slavery society, as one of the "seventy," gathered from all professions, whom theodore d. weld had by his eloquence inspired to spread the gospel of emancipation. mr. mckim had long before this had his attention drawn to the subject of slavery, in the summer of ; and the reading of garrison's "thoughts on colonization," at once made him an abolitionist. he was an appointed delegate to the convention which formed the american anti-slavery society, and enjoyed the distinction of being the youngest member of that body.[a] henceforth the object of the society, and of his ministry became inseparable in his mind. [footnote a: it may be a matter of some interest to state that the original draft of the declaration of sentiments adopted at this meeting, together with the autographs of the signers, is now in the keeping of the new york historical society.] in the following summer, , he delivered in carlisle two addresses in favor of immediate emancipation, which excited much discussion and bitter feeling in that border community, and gained him no little obloquy, which was of course increased when, as a lecturer, on the regular stipend of eight dollars a week and travelling expenses, ("pocket lined with british gold" was the current charge), he traversed his native state, among a people in the closest geographical, commercial, and social contact with the system of slavery. his fate was not different from that of his colleagues, in respect of interruptions of his meetings by mob violence, personal assaults with stale eggs and other more dangerous missiles, and a public sentiment which everywhere encouraged and protected the rioters. meantime, a radical change of opinion on theological questions, led mr. mckim formally to sever his connection with the presbyterian church, and ministry. being now free to act without sectarian constraint, he was, in the beginning of , made publishing agent of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, which caused him to settle in philadelphia, where he was married, in october, to sarah a. speakman, of chester county. the chief duties of his office at first, were the publication and management of the _pennsylvania freeman_, including, for an interval after the retirement of john g. whittier, the editorial conduct of that paper. in course of time his functions were enlarged, and under the title of corresponding secretary, he performed the part of a factotum and general manager, with a share in all the anti-slavery work, local and national. after the consolidation of the _freeman_ with the _standard_, in , he became the official correspondent of the latter paper, his letters serving to some extent as a substitute for the discontinued _freeman_. the operations of the underground rail road came under his review and partial control, as has already appeared in these pages, and the slave cases which came before the courts claimed a large share of his attention. after the passage of the fugitive slave law, in , his duties in this respect were arduous and various, as may be inferred from one of his private letters to an english friend, which found its way into print abroad, and which will be found in another place. (see p. ). during the john brown excitement mr. mckim had the privilege of accompanying mrs. brown in her melancholy errand to harper's ferry, to take her last leave of her husband before his execution, and to bring away the body. his companions on that painful but memorable journey, were his wife, and hector tyndale, esq., afterwards honorably distinguished in the war as general tyndale. returning with the body of the hero and martyr, still in company with mrs. brown, mr. mckim proceeded to north elba, where he and wendell phillips, who had joined him in new york with a few other friends gathered from the neighborhood, assisted in the final obsequies. when the war broke out, mr. mckim was one of the first to welcome it as the harbinger of the slave's deliverance, and the country's redemption. "a righteous war," he said, "is better than a corrupt peace. * * * when war can only be averted by consenting to crime, then welcome war with all its calamities." in the winter of , after the capture of port royal, he procured the calling of a public meeting of the citizens of philadelphia to consider and provide for the wants of the ten thousand slaves who had been suddenly liberated. one of the results of this meeting was the organization of the philadelphia port royal relief committee. by request he visited the sea islands, accompanied by his daughter, and on his return made a report which served his associates as a basis of operations, and which was republished extensively in this country and abroad. after the proclamation of emancipation, he advocated an early dissolution of the anti-slavery organization, and at the may meeting of the american anti-slavery society, in , introduced a proposition looking to that result. it was favorably received by mr. garrison and others, but no action was taken upon it at that time. when the question came up the following year, the proposition to disband was earnestly supported by mr. garrison, mr. quincy, mr. may, mr. johnson, and others, but was strongly opposed by wendell phillips and his friends, among whom from philadelphia were mrs. mott, miss grew, and robert purvis, and was decided by a vote in the negative. mr. mckim was an early advocate of colored enlistments, as a means of lifting up the blacks and putting down the rebellion. in the spring of , he urged upon the philadelphia union league, of which he was a member, the duty of recruiting colored soldiers; as the result, on motion of thomas webster, esq., a movement was set on foot which led to the organization of the philadelphia supervisory committee, and the subsequent establishment of camp william penn, with the addition to the national army, of eleven colored regiments. when, in november, , the port royal relief committee was enlarged into the pennsylvania freedman's relief association, mr. mckim was made its corresponding secretary. he had previously resigned his place in the anti-slavery society, believing that that organization was near the end of its usefulness. eminent anti-slavery men [illustration: j. miller mckim] [illustration: rev. william h. furness] [illustration: william lloyd garrison] [illustration: lewis tappan] in the freedmen's work, he traveled extensively, and worked hard, establishing schools at the south and organizing public sentiment in the free states. in the spring of , he was made corresponding secretary of the american freedman's commission, which he had helped to establish, and took up his residence in the city of new york. this association was afterwards amplified, in name and scope, into the american freedman's union commission, and mr. mckim continued with it as corresponding secretary, laboring for reconstruction by means of freedman's schools, and impartial popular education. on the st of july, , the commission, by unanimous vote on his motion, disbanded, and handed over the funds in its treasury to its constituent state associations. mr. mckim retired from his labors with impaired health, and has since taken no open part in public affairs. he is one of the proprietors of the new york _nation_, in the establishment of which, he took an effective interest. mr. mckim's long and assiduous career in the anti-slavery cause, has given evidence of a peculiar fitness in him for the functions he successively discharged. his influence upon men and the times, has been less as a speaker, than as a writer, and perhaps still less as a writer than as an organizer, a contriver of ways and means; fertile in invention, prepared to take the initiative, and bringing to the conversion of others, an earnestness of purpose and a force of language that seldom failed of success. in an enterprise where theory and sentiment were fully represented, and business capacity, and what is called "practical sense," were comparatively rare, his talents were most usefully employed; while, in periods of excitement--and when were such wanting? his caution, sound judgment, and mental balance were qualities hardly less needed or less important. william h. furness, d.d. among the abolitionists of pennsylvania no man stands higher than dr. furness; and no anti-slavery minister enjoys more universal respect. for more than thirty years he bore faithful witness for the black man; in season and out of season contending for his rights. when others deserted the cause he stood firm; when associates in the ministry were silent he spoke out. they defined their position by declaring themselves "as much opposed to slavery as ever, but without sympathy for the abolitionists." he defined his by showing himself more opposed to slavery than ever, and fraternizing with the most hated and despised anti-slavery people. dr. furness came into the cause when it was in its infancy, and had few adherents. from that time till the day of its triumph he was one with it, sharing in all its trials and vicissitudes. in the operations of the vigilance committee he took the liveliest interest. though not in form a member he was one of its chief co-laborers. he brought it material aid continually, and was one of its main reliances for outside support. his quick sympathies were easily touched and when touched were sure to prompt him to corresponding action. he would listen with moistened eyes to a tale of outrage, and go away saying never a word. but the story of wrong would work upon him; and through him upon others. his own feelings were communicated to his friends, and his friends would send gifts to the committee's treasury. a wider spread sympathy would manifest itself in the community, and the general interests of the cause be visibly promoted. it was in the latter respect, that of moral co-operation, that dr. furness's services were most valuable. after hearing a harrowing recital, whether he would or not, it became the burden of his next sunday's sermon. abundant proof of this may be found in his printed discourses. take the following as an illustration. it is an extract from a sermon delivered on the th of may, , a period when the slave oligarchy was at the height of its power and was supported at the north by the most violent demonstrations of sympathy. the text was, "feed my lambs:" "and now brothers, sisters, children, give me your hearts, listen with a will to what i have to say. as heaven is my witness, i would not utter one word save for the dear love of christ and of god, and the salvation of your own souls. does it require any violent effort of the mind to suppose christ to address each one of us personally the same question that he put to peter, 'lovest thou me?' * * * and at the hearing of his brief command, 'feed my lambs,' so simple, so direct, so unqualified, are we prompted like the teacher of the law who, when christ bade him love his neighbor as himself, asked, 'and who is my neighbor?' and in the parable of the good samaritan, received an answer that the samaritans whom he despised, just as we despise the african, was his neighbor, are we prompted in like manner to ask, 'who are the lambs of christ?' who are his lambs? behold that great multitude, more than three millions of men and feeble women and children, wandering on our soil; no not wandering, but chained down, not allowed to stir a step at their own free will, crushed and hunted with all the power of one of the mightiest nations that the world has yet seen, wielded to keep them down in the depths of the deepest degradation into which human beings can be plunged. these, then that we despise, are our neighbors, the poor, stricken lambs of christ. to cast one thought towards them, may well cause us to bow down our heads in the very dust with shame. no wonder that professing to love christ and his religion, we do not like to hear them spoken of; for so far from feeding the lambs of christ, we are exciting the whole associated power of this land, to keep them from being fed. 'feed my lambs,' we might feed them with fraternal sympathy, with hope, with freedom, the imperishable bread of heaven. we might lead them into green pastures and still waters, into the glorious liberty wherewith christ died to make all men free, the liberty of the children of god. we might secure to them the exercise of every sacred affection and faculty, wherewith the creator has endowed them. but we do none of those things. we suffer this great flock of the lord jesus to be treated as chattels, bought and sold, like beasts of burden, hunted and lacerated by dogs and wolves. i say we, we of these free northern communities, because it is by our allowance, signified as effectually by silence, as by active co-operation, that such things are. they could continue so, scarcely an hour, were not the whole moral, religious and physical power of the north pledged to their support. are we not in closest league and union with those who claim and use the right to buy and sell human beings, god's poor, the lambs of christ, a union, which we imagine brings us in as much silver and gold as compensates for the sacrifice of our humanity and manhood? nay, are we not under a law to do the base work of bloodhounds, hunting the panting fugitives for freedom? i utter no word of denunciation. there is no need. for facts that have occurred only within the last week, transcend all denunciation. only a few hours ago, there was a man with his two sons, hurried back into the inhuman bondage, from which they had just escaped, and that man, the brother, and those two sons, the nephews of a colored clergyman of new york, of such eminence in the new school presbyterian church, that he has received the honors of a european university, and has acted as moderator in one of the presbyteries of the same church, when held in the city where he resides. almost at the very moment the poor fugitive with his children, were dragged through our city, the general assembly of that very branch of the presbyterian church, now in session here, after discussing for days the validity of roman catholic baptism, threw out as inexpedient to be discussed, the subject of that great wrong which was flinging back into the agony of slavery, a brother of one of their own ordained ministers, and could not so much as breathe a word of condemnation against the false and cruel deed which has just been consummated at the capitol of the nation. when such facts are occurring in the midst of us, we cannot be guiltless concerning the lambs of christ. it is we, we who make up the public opinion of the north, we who consent that these free states shall be the hunting-ground, where these, our poor brothers and sisters, are the game; it is we that withhold from them the bread of life, the inalienable rights of man. as we withhold these blessings, so is it in our power to bestow them. the sheep then that christ commands us, as we love him, to feed, are those who are famishing for the lack of the food which it is in our power to supply. and we can help to feed and relieve and liberate them, by giving our hearty sympathy to the blessed cause of their emancipation, to the abolition of the crying injustice with which they are treated, by uttering our earnest protest against the increasing and flagrant outrages of the oppressor, by withholding all aid and countenance from the work of oppression." to say that dr. furness, in his pleadings for the slave, was "instant in season and out of season," is not to exaggerate. so palpably was this true, that even some of his sympathizing friends intimated to him, that his zeal carried him beyond proper bounds, and that his discourses were needlessly reiterative. to these friends,--who, it is needless to say, did not fully comprehend the breadth and bearing of the question,--he would reply as he did in the following extract from a sermon delivered soon after the one above quoted: "again and again, i have had it said to me, with apparently the most perfect simplicity, 'why do you keep saying so much about the slaves? do you imagine that there is one among your hearers who does not agree with you? we all know that slavery is very wrong. what, is the use of harping upon this subject sunday after sunday? we all feel about it just as you do.' 'feel about it just as i do,' very likely, my friends. it is very possible that you all feel as much, and that many of you feel about it more than i do. god knows that my regret always has been not that i feel so much, but that i do not feel more. would to heaven that neither you nor i could eat or sleep for pity, pity for our poor down-trodden brothers and sisters. but the thing to which i implore your attention now, is, not what we know and feel, but the delusion which we are under, in confounding _knowing_ with _doing_, in fancying that we are working to abolish slavery because we know that it is wrong. this is what i would have you now to consider, the deception that we practise on ourselves, the dangerous error into which we fall, when we pass off the knowledge of our duty for the performance of it. these are two very distinct things. if you know what is right, happy are ye if ye do it. observe, my friends, what it is to which i am now entreating your consideration. it is not the wrongs nor the rights of the oppressed upon which i am now discoursing. it is our own personal exposure to a most serious mistake. it is a danger, which threatens our own souls, to which i would that our eyes should be open and on the watch. and here, by the way, let me say that one great reason why i refer as often as i do, to that great topic of the day, which, in one shape or another, is continually shaking the land and marking the age in which we live, is not merely the righting of the wronged, but the instruction, the moral enlightenment, the religious edification of our own hearts, which this momentous topic affords. to me this subject involves infinitely more than a mere question of humanity. its political bearing is the very least and most superficial part of it, scarcely worth noticing in comparison with its moral and religious relations. once, deterred by its outside, political aspect, i shunned it as many do still, but the more it has pressed itself on my attention, the more i have considered it--the more and more manifest has it become to me, that it is a subject full of light and of guidance, of warning and inspiration for the individual soul. it is the most powerful means of grace and salvation appointed in the providence of heaven, for the present day and generation, more religious than churches and sabbaths. it is full of sermons. it is a perfect gospel, a whole bible of mind-enlightening, heart-cleansing, soul-saving truth. how much light has it thrown for me on the page of the new testament! what a profound significance has it disclosed in the precepts and parables of jesus christ! how do his words burst out with a new meaning! how does it help us to appreciate his trials and the godlike spirit with which he bore them!" the dark winter of broke gloomily over all abolitionists; perhaps upon none did it press more heavily, than upon the small band in philadelphia. situated as that city is, upon the very edge of slavery, and socially bound as it was, by ties of blood or affinity with the slave-holders of the south, to all human foresight it would assuredly be the first theatre of bloodshed in the coming deadly struggle. as dr. furness said in his sermon on old john brown: "out of the grim cloud that hangs over the south, a bolt has darted, and blood has flowed, and the place where the lightning struck, is wild with fear." the return stroke we all felt must soon follow, and philadelphia, we feared, would be selected as the spot where slavery would make its first mortal onslaught, and the abolitionists there, the first victims. dr. furness had taken part in the public meeting held on the day of john brown's execution, to offer prayers for the heroic soul that was then passing away, and had gone with two or three others, to the rail-road station, to receive the martyr's body, when it was brought from the gallows by mr. (afterwards general) tyndale and mr. mckim, and it was generally feared that he and his church would receive the brunt of slavery's first blow. the air was thick with vague apprehension and rumor, so much so, that some of dr. furness's devoted parishioners, who followed his abolitionism but not his non-resistance, came armed to church, uncertain what an hour might bring forth, or in what shape of mob violence or assassination the blow would fall. few of dr. furness's hearers will forget his sermon of december , , so full was it of prophetic warning, and saddened by the thought of the fate which might be in store for him and his congregation. it was printed in the "evening bulletin," and made a deep impression on the public outside of his own church, and was reprinted in full, in the boston "atlas." "but the trouble cannot be escaped. it must come. but we can put it off. by annihilating free speech; by forbidding the utterance of a word in the pulpit and by the press, for the rights of man; by hurling back into the jaws of oppression, the fugitive gasping for his sacred liberty; by recognizing the right of one man to buy and sell other men; by spreading the blasting curse of despotism over the whole soil of the nation, you may allay the brutal frenzy of a handful of southern slave-masters; you may win back the cotton states to cease from threatening you with secession, and to plant their feet upon your necks, and so evade the trouble that now menaces us. then you may live on the few years that are left you, and perhaps--it is not certain--we may be permitted to make a little more money and die in our beds. but no, friends, i am mistaken. we cannot put the trouble off. or, we put it off in its present shape, only that it may take another and more terrible form. if, to get rid of the present alarm, we concede all that makes it worth while to live--and nothing less will avail--perhaps those who can deliberately make such a concession, will not feel the degradation, but, stripped of all honor and manhood, they may eat as heartily and sleep as soundly as ever. but the degradation is not the less, but the greater, for our unconsciousness of it. the trouble which we shall then bring upon ourselves, is a trouble in comparison with which the loss of all things but honor is a glorious gain, and a violent death for right's sake on the scaffold, or by the hands of a mob, peace and joy and victory. since we are thus placed, and there is no alternative for us of the free states, but to meet the trouble that is upon us, or by base concessions and compromises to bring upon ourselves a far greater trouble, in the name of god, let us let all things go, and cleave to the right. prepared to confront the crisis like men, let us with all possible calmness endeavor to take the measure of the calamity that we dread. god knows i have no desire to make light of it. but i affirm, that never since the world began, was there a grander cause for which to speak, to suffer and to die, than the cause of these free states, as against that of the states now rushing upon secession. the great grievance of which they complain, is nothing more nor less than this: that we endanger the right they claim to treat human beings as beasts of burden. and they maintain this monstrous claim by measures inhuman and barbarous, listening not to the voice of reason or humanity, but treating every man who goes amongst them, suspected of not favoring their cause, or of the remotest connection with others who do not favor it, with a most savage and fiendish cruelty. it is the conflict between barbarism and civilization, between liberty and the most horrible despotism that ever cursed this earth, in which we are called to take part. and all that is great and noble in the past, all the patriots and martyrs that have suffered in man's behalf, all the sacred instincts and hopes of the human soul are on our side, and the welfare of untold generations of men. oh, if god, in his infinite bounty, grants us the grace to appreciate the transcendent worth of the cause which is now at stake, there is no trouble that can befall us, no, not the loss of property, of idolized parents or children, or life itself, that we shall not count a blessed privilege. to serve this dear cause of peace and liberty and love, we have no need to grasp the sword or any instrument of violence and death. but we must be ready without flinching, to confront the utmost that men can do, and amidst all the uproar and violence of human passions, still calmly to assert and to exercise our sacred and inalienable liberties, let who will frown and forbid, assured that no just and law-of-god-abiding people, will ever do otherwise than give us their sympathy and their aid. death is the worst that can befall us, if so be that we are faithful to the right. it is a solemn and a fearful thing to die, and mortality shrinks from facing that last great mystery. but we must all die, my friends, and the dying hour is not far distant from the youngest of us. to most of us it is very near. to many, only a few brief years remain. and for the sake of these few and uncertain years, shall we push off this present trouble upon our children, who have to stay here a little longer? there is nothing that can so sweeten the bitter cup of mortality when we shall be called to drink it, nothing that can so cheer us in the prospect of parting from all we love, nothing that can send such a blessed light on before us into the dark valley which we must enter, as the consciousness of fidelity to man and to god. and now in these times of great trouble which have come upon us, we have a peculiar and special opportunity of testifying our fidelity, and of enjoying a full experience of its power to support us. we may gather from this trouble, a sweetness that shall take away from all suffering its bitterness. we may kindle that light in our bosoms, which shall make death come to us as a radiant angel." four months after the above was uttered, on the th of april, , after the attack on fort sumter, and the whole north had burst into a flame, people of all denominations flocked to dr. furness's church, as to that church which had shown that it was founded on a rock, and none can ever forget the long-drawn breath with which the sermon began: "the long agony is over!" it was the _"te deum_" of a life-time. dr. furness's words and counsels were not wanting throughout the war, and his sermons were constantly printed in the daily press and in separate pamphlet form. and since its close he has continued his absorbing study of the historical accounts of jesus. dr. furncss was born in boston, in april, , and was graduated at harvard, in , and five years later became the minister of the first congregational unitarian christians, in this city, and is consequently the senior clergyman, here, on the score of length of pastorate. happy is the man, and enviable the gospel minister, who, looking back upon his course in the great anti-slavery contest, can recall as the chief charge brought against him, that of being over-zealous! that he spoke too often and said too much in favor of the slave! there are but few men, and still fewer ministers, who have a right to take comfort from such recollections! and yet it is to this small class that the cause is most indebted under god, for its triumph, and the country for its deliverance from slavery. william lloyd garrison. the character and career of the leader of the movement for immediate emancipation in this country, are too well known to be dwelt on here; nor, in the space at our command, is it possible to give in full those facts of his life which have already appeared in print. his earliest biographer was mary howitt; and another even more famous authoress, mrs. h.b. stowe, in "men of our times," has stood in the same relation to him, while his life-long friend, oliver johnson, has writen the best concise account of him, in "appleton's new american cyclopædia." mr. garrison (the cyclopædia is, on this point, in error) was born december , , in newburyport, mass., his father, abijah garrison, being a ship-captain, trading with the west indies, and his mother, fanny lloyd, a woman of remarkable beauty, as well as piety and force of character. intemperate habits led the husband and father from home to a solitary and obscure end, leaving his family entirely dependent. william (or as he was always called, lloyd), was the youngest but one of five children, and had not done with his schooling before he began to contribute to his own support; at first in lynn, where he was set at shoemaking, at the age of eleven; afterwards in newburyport, and finally, in , at haverhill, where he was apprenticed to a cabinet maker. not finding these trades suited to his taste, the same year he was indentured to ephraim w. allen, editor of the "_newburyport herald_," and in the printing-office he completed his education, so far as he was to have any, with such early success, as soon to be an acceptable contributor to his employer's paper, while the authorship of his articles was still his own secret. as soon as his apprenticeship came to a close, in , he became proprietor of the "_free press_," in his native city, but the paper failed of support. seeking work as a journeyman, in boston, he was engaged in to edit, in the interest of "total abstinence," the "_national philanthropist,"_ the first paper of its kind ever published. on a change of proprietors in , he was induced to join a friend in bennington, vt., in publishing the "_journal of the times_," which advocated the election of john quincy adams for president, besides being devoted to peace, temperance, anti-slavery and other reforms. in this town, mr. garrison began his agitation of the subject of slavery, "in consequence of which there was transmitted to congress an anti-slavery memorial, more numerously signed than any similar paper previously submitted to that body." it was in bennington, too, that he received from benjamin lundy, who had met him the previous year at his boarding-house in boston, an invitation to go to baltimore, and aid him in editing the "_genius of universal emancipation_." baltimore was no strange city to mr. garrison. thither he had accompanied his mother, in , serving as a chore-boy, and he had visited her just before her death, in . he took leave of boston in the fall of , after having acted as the orator of the day, july th, in park street church, and surprised his hearers by the boldness of his utterances on the subject of slavery. the causes of his imprisonment at baltimore scarcely need to be repeated. for an alleged "gross and malicious libel" on a townsman (of newburyport) whose ship was engaged in the coastwise slave-trade, and whom he accordingly denounced in the "_genius_," he was tried and convicted, and sentenced to pay a fine of $ and costs. the cell in which he was confined for forty-nine days, and from which he was liberated only by the spontaneous liberality of arthur tappan, a perfect stranger to him, he had the satisfaction of reseeking, after the close of the war, in company with judge bond, but the prison had been removed. compelled to part company with lundy, to whom he has ever owned his moral indebtedness, mr. garrison at length started in boston, in january , his "_liberator_" with little else besides his "dauntless spirit and a press." the difficulties which beset the birth of this paper were never entirely overcome, and its publication was attended, through all the thirty-five years of its existence, with constant struggle and privation, and with personal labor, at the printer's case, and over the forms, which only an iron constitution could have endured. the "_liberator_" was the organ of the editor alone, and he gave room in it to the numerous reforms which were, in his mind, only subordinate to abolition. in the last volume was issued, mr. garrison having already, in may, withdrawn from the american anti-slavery society, which he had helped to found, in , and of which, as he drew up the declaration of sentiments, he may be supposed to have known something of the original aims and proper duration. in september, , mr. garrison was married to helen eliza, daughter of the venerable philanthropist, george benson, of providence, r.i., who had, even in the previous century, been an active member of a combined anti-slavery and freedmen's aid society in that city. in october, , occurred the boston riot, led by "gentlemen of property and standing," in which mr. garrison's life was imperilled, and which made him once more familiar with the interior of a jail--this time, a place of refuge. in , he went to england, as an agent of the new england anti-slavery society, to awaken english sympathy for the anti-slavery movement, and to undeceive clarkson and wilberforce and their distinguished associates as to the nature and object of the colonization society, as to which he had already had occasion to undeceive himself. his mission was eminently successful in both its aspects, and resulted in the subsequent visits of george thompson to this country, between whom and himself a strong personal attachment had arisen and has ever since continued. a second visit to england he made as a delegate to the world's anti-slavery convention, in which he refused to sit after his female colleagues had been rejected. a third visit, still in behalf of the cause, took place in . twenty years later--the war over and slavery abolished--he again went abroad, to repair his health and renew old friendships, and for the first time passed over to the continent. in england, he was greeted with cordial appreciation and hospitality by all classes. numerous public receptions of a most flattering character were given to him, but without the effect of causing him to magnify his own merits or to forget the honor due to his associates in the anti-slavery struggle. at the london breakfast, where john bright presided, and john stuart mill, the duke of argyll, and others spoke, he said, when called upon to reply: "i disclaim, with all the sincerity of my soul, any special praise for anything i have done. i have simply tried to maintain the integrity of my soul before god, and to do my duty." in edinburgh, the "freedom of the city" was conferred upon him with impressive ceremonies--he being the third american ever thus honored. in paris he was also received with distinction, his special mission to that city being to attend the international anti-slavery convention, in the capacity of a delegate from the american freedman's union commission, of which he was first vice-president. the justice of the war on the part of the north, and its effect on the fate of slavery at the south, were never subjects of doubt in the mind of mr. garrison, and he quickly recognized the force of events which had taken from the abolitionists the helm of direction, and reunited them with their countrymen in the irresistible flood which no man's hand guided, and no man's hand could stay. an agitator from conviction and not from choice, he was only too glad to lay down the heavy burden of a life-time, and retire to well-earned repose, after such a vision of faint hope realized as certainly no other reformer was ever blessed with. he had lived to see the disunion which he advocated on sacred principles, attempted by the south in the name of the sum of all villanies; the uprising of the north; the grand career of lincoln; the proclamation of emancipation; the arming of the blacks--his own son among their officers; the end of the rebellion; and the consummation of his prayers and labors for the salvation of his country. he had taken part in the ceremonies at the recovery of sumter, had walked the streets of charleston, and received floral tokens of the gratitude of the emancipated. to him it seemed as if his work was done, and that he might, without suspicion or accusation, cease to be conspicuous, or to occupy the public attention in any way relating to the past and recalling his part in the anti-slavery struggle. notoriety, no longer a necessity, was eagerly avoided; and the physical rest which was now enjoined upon him the liberality of his friends having enabled him to secure, he settled down into the quiet life of a private citizen, whose great duty had become to him merely one of the duties which every man owes his country and his race. his sweet temper, his modesty, his unfailing cheerfulness, his rarely mistaken judgment of men and measures; his blameless and happy domestic life, and his hospitality; his warm sympathy with all forms of human suffering--these and other qualities which cannot be enumerated here, will doubtless receive the just judgment of posterity. as a fitting adjunct to the foregoing sketch, extracts from some of the speeches made at the london breakfast so magnanimously extended to mr. garrison in , are here introduced. as presiding officer on the occasion, john bright, m.p. spoke as follows: speech of mr. bright, m.p. the position in which i am placed this morning is one very unusual for me, and one that i find somewhat difficult; but i consider it a signal distinction to be permitted to take a prominent part in the proceedings of this day, which are intended to commemorate one of the greatest of the great triumphs of freedom, and to do honor to a most eminent instrument in the achievement of that freedom. (hear, hear.) there may be, perhaps, those who ask what is this triumph of which i speak? to put it briefly, and, indeed, only to put one part of it, i may say that it is a triumph which has had the effect of raising , , of human beings from the very lowest depths of social and political degradation to that lofty height which men have attained when they possess equality of rights in the first country on the globe. (cheers.) more than this, it is a triumph which has pronounced the irreversible doom of slavery in all countries and for all time. (renewed cheers.) another question suggests itself--how has this great matter been accomplished? the answer suggests itself in another question. how is it that any great matter is accomplished? by love of justice, by constant devotion to a great cause, and by an unfaltering faith that that which is right will in the end succeed. (hear, hear.) when i look at this hall, filled with such an assembly; when i partake of the sympathy which runs from heart to heart at this moment in welcome to our guest of to-day, i cannot but contrast his present position with that which, not so far back but that many of us can remember, he occupied in his own country. it is not forty years ago, i believe about the year , when the guest whom we honor this morning was spending his solitary days in a prison in the slave-owning city of baltimore. i will not say that he was languishing in prison, for that i do not believe; he was sustained by a hope that did not yield to the persecution of those who thus maltreated him; and to show that the effect of that imprisonment was of no avail to suppress or extinguish his ardor, within two years after that he had the courage, the audacity--i dare say many of his countrymen used even a stronger phrase than that--he had the courage to commence the publication, in the city of boston, of a newspaper devoted mainly to the question of the abolition of slavery. the first number of that paper, issued on the st january, , contained an address to the public, one passage of which i have often read with the greatest interest, and it is a key to the future life of mr. garrison. he had been complained of for having used hard language, which is a very common complaint indeed, and he said in his first number: "i am aware that many object to the severity of my language, but is there not cause for such severity? i will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as justice. i am in earnest, i will not equivocate, i will not excuse, i will not retract a single inch, and i will be heard". (cheers.) and that, after all, expresses to a great extent the future course of his life. but what was at that time the temper of the people amongst whom he lived, of the people who are glorying now, as they well may glory, in the abolition of slavery throughout their country? at that time it was very little better in the north than it was in the south. i think it was in the year that riots of the most serious character took place in some of the northern cities; during that time mr. garrison's life was in the most imminent peril; and he has never ascertained to this day how it was that he was left alive on the earth to carry on his great work. turning to the south, a state that has lately suffered from the ravages of armies, the state of georgia, by its legislature of house, senate, and governor, if my memory does not deceive me, passed a bill, offering ten thousand dollars reward, (mr. garrison here said five thousand) well, they seemed to think there were people who would do it cheap, (laughter) offered five thousand dollars, and zeal, doubtless, would make up the difference, for the capture of mr. garrison, or for adequate proof of his death. now, these were menaces and perils such as we have not in our time been accustomed to in this country in any of our political movements, (hear, hear) and we shall take a very poor measure indeed of the conduct of the leaders of the emancipation party in the united states if we estimate them by any of those who have been concerned in political movements amongst us. but, notwithstanding all drawbacks, the cause was gathering strength, and mr. garrison found himself by and by surrounded by a small but increasing band of men and women who were devoted to this cause, as he himself was. we have in this country a very noble woman, who taught the english people much upon this question, about thirty years ago; i allude to harriet martineau. (cheers.) i recollect well the impression with which i read a most powerful and touching paper which she had written, and which was published in the number of the _westminster review_ for december, . it was entitled "the martyr age of the united states." the paper introduced to the english public the great names which were appearing on the scene in connection with this cause in america. there was, of course i need not mention, our eminent guest of to-day; there was arthur tappan, and lewis tappan, and james g. birney of alabama, a planter and slave-owner, who liberated his slaves and came north, and became, as i think, the first presidential candidate upon abolition principles in the united states. (hear, hear.) there were besides them, dr. channing, john quincy adams, a statesman and president of the united states, and father of the eminent man who is now minister from that people amongst us. (cheers.) then there was wendell phillips, admitted to be by all who know him perhaps the most powerful orator who speaks the english language. (hear, hear.) i might refer to others, to charles sumner, the well-known statesman, and horace greeley, i think the first of journalists in the united states, if not the first of journalists in the world. (hear, hear.) but besides these, there were of noble women not a few. there was lydia maria child; there were the two sisters, sarah and angelina grimke, ladies who came from south carolina, who liberated their slaves, and devoted all they had to the service of this just cause; and maria weston chapman, of whom miss martineau speaks in terms which, though i do not exactly recollect them, yet i know described her as noble-minded, beautiful and good. it may be that there are some of her family who are now within the sound of my voice. if it be so, all i have to say is, that i hope they will feel, in addition to all they have felt heretofore as to the character of their mother, that we who are here can appreciate her services, and the services of all who were united with her as co-operators in this great and worthy cause. but there was another whose name must not be forgotten, a man whose name must live for ever in history, elijah p. lovejoy, who in the free state of illinois laid down his life for the cause. (hear, hear.) when i read that article by harriet martineau, and the description of those men and women there given, i was led, i know not how, to think of a very striking passage which i am sure must be familiar to most here, because it is to be found in the epistle to the hebrews. after the writer of that epistle has described the great men and fathers of the nation, he says: "time would fail me to tell of gideon, of barak, of samson, of jephtha, of david, of samuel, and the prophets, who through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises, stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens." i ask if this grand passage of the inspired writer may not be applied to that heroic band who have made america the perpetual home of freedom? (enthusiastic cheering.) thus, in spite of all that persecution could do, opinion grew in the north in favor of freedom; but in the south, alas! in favor of that most devilish delusion that slavery was a divine institution. the moment that idea took possession of the south war was inevitable. neither fact nor argument, nor counsel, nor philosophy, nor religion, could by any possibility affect the discussion of the question when once the church leaders of the south had taught their people that slavery was a divine institution; for then they took their stand on other and different, and what they in their blindness thought higher grounds, and they said, "evil! be thou my good;" and so they exchanged light for darkness, and freedom for bondage, and good for evil, and, if you like, heaven for hell. * * * * there was a universal feeling in the north that every care should be taken of those who had so recently and marvellously been enfranchised. immediately we found that the privileges of independent labor were open to them, schools were established in which their sons might obtain an education that would raise them to an intellectual position never reached by their fathers; and at length full political rights were conferred upon those who a few short years, or rather months, before, had been called chattels, and things to be bought and sold in any market. (hear, hear.) and we may feel assured, that those persons in the northern states who befriended the negro in his bondage will not now fail to assist his struggles for a higher position. * * * * * * * to mr. garrison more than any other man this is due; his is the creation of that opinion which has made slavery hateful, and which has made freedom possible in america. (hear, hear.) his name is venerated in his own country, venerated where not long ago it was a name of obloquy and reproach. his name is venerated in this country and in europe wheresoever christianity softens the hearts and lessens the sorrows of men; and i venture to say that in time to come, near or remote i know not, his name will become the herald and the synonym of good to millions of men who will dwell on the now almost unknown continent of africa. (loud cheers.) * * * to mr. garrison, as is stated in one of the letters which has just been read, to william lloyd garrison it has been given, in a manner not often permitted to those who do great things of this kind, to see the ripe fruit of his vast labors. over a territory large enough to make many realms, he has seen hopeless toil supplanted by compensated industry; and where the bondman dragged his chain, there freedom is established for ever. (loud cheers.) we now welcome him amongst us as a friend whom some of us have known long; for i have watched his career with no common interest, even when i was too young to take much part in public affairs; and i have kept within my heart his name, and the names of those who have been associated with him in every step which he has taken; and in public debate in the halls of peace, and even on the blood-soiled fields of war, my heart has always been with those who were the friends of freedom. (renewed cheering.) we welcome him then with a cordiality which knows no stint and no limit for him and for his noble associates, both men and women. after this eloquent and able speech by the chairman, the honor of proposing an address to mr. garrison devolved upon the duke of argyll, who introduced the subject in the following glowing speech: speech of the duke of argyll. mr. chairman, ladies, and gentlemen:--it is hard to follow an address of such extraordinary beauty, simplicity and power; but it now becomes my duty at your command, sir, to move an address of hearty congratulation to our distinguished guest, william lloyd garrison. (cheers.) sir, this country is from time to time honored by the presence of many distinguished, and of a few illustrious men; but for the most part we are contented to receive them with that private cordiality and hospitality with which, i trust, we shall always receive strangers who visit our shores. the people of this country are not pre-eminently an emotional people; they are not naturally fond of public demonstrations; and it is only upon rare occasions that we give, or can give, such a reception as that we see here this day. there must be something peculiar in the cause which a man has served, in the service which he has rendered, and in our own relations with the people whom he represents, to justify or to account for such a reception. (hear, hear.) as regards the cause, it is not too much to say that the cause of negro emancipation in the united states of america has been the greatest cause which, in ancient or in modern times, has been pleaded at the bar of the moral judgment of mankind. (cheers.) i know that to some this will sound as the language of exaggerated feeling; but i can only say that i have expressed myself in language which i believe conveys the literal truth. (hear, hear.) i have, indeed, often heard it said in deprecation of the amount of interest which was bestowed in this country on the cause of negro emancipation in america, that we are apt to forget the forms of suffering which are immediately at our own doors, over which we have some control, and to express exaggerated feeling as to the forms of suffering with which we have nothing to do, and for which we are not responsible. i have never objected to that language in so far as it might tend to recall us to the duties which lie immediately around us, and in so far as it might tend to make us feel the forgetfulness of which we are sometimes guilty, of the misery and poverty in our own country; but, on the other hand, i will never admit, for i think it would be confounding great moral distinctions, that the miseries which arise by way of natural consequence out of the poverty and the vices of mankind, are to be compared with those miseries which are the direct result of positive law and of a positive institution, giving to man property in man. (loud cheers.) it is true, also, that there have been forms of servitude, meaning thereby compulsory labor, against which we do not entertain the same feelings of hostility and horror with which we have regarded slavery in america. * * * * * it was a system of which it may be truly said, that it was twice cursed. it cursed him who served, and it cursed him that owned the slave. (hear, hear.) when we recollect the insuperable temptations which that system held out to maintain in a state of degradation and ignorance a whole race of mankind; the horrors of the internal slave-trade, more widely demoralizing, in my opinion, than the foreign slave-trade itself; the violence which was done to the sanctities of domestic life; the corrupting effect which it was having upon the very churches of christianity, when we recollect all these things, we can fully estimate the evil from which my distinguished friend and his coadjutors have at last redeemed their country. (cheers.) it was not only the slave states which were concerned in the guilt of slavery; it had struck its roots deep in the free states of north america. * * * we honor mr. garrison, in the first place, for the immense pluck and courage he displayed. (cheers.) sir, you have truly said that there is no comparison between the contests in which he had to fight and the most bitter contests of our own public life. in looking back, no doubt, to the contest which was maintained in this country some thirty-five years ago against slavery in our colonies, we may recollect that clarkson and wilberforce were denounced as fanatics, and had to encounter much opprobrium; but it must not be forgotten that, so far as regards the entwining of the roots of slavery into the social system, in the opinions and interests of mankind, there was no comparison whatever between the circumstances of that contest here and those which attended it in america. (hear, hear.) the number of persons who in this country were enlisted on the side of slavery by personal interest was always comparatively few; whilst, in attacking slavery at its head-quarters in the united states, mr. garrison had to encounter the fiercest passions which could be roused. * * * * thank god, mr. garrison appears before us as the representative of the united states; freedom is now the policy of the government and the assured policy of the country, and we can to-day accept and welcome mr. garrison, not merely as the liberator of the slaves, but as the representative also of the american government. (cheers.) * * * * the address to william lloyd garrison, esq. "sir:--we heartily welcome you to england in the name of thousands of englishmen who have watched with admiring sympathy your labors for the redemption of the negro race from slavery, and for that which is a higher object than the redemption of any single race, the vindication of the universal principles of humanity and justice; and who, having sympathized with you in the struggle, now rejoice with you in the victory. "forty years ago, when you commenced your efforts, slavery appeared to be rapidly advancing to complete ascendency in america. not only was it dominant in the southern states, but even in the free states it had bowed the constituencies, society, and, in too many instances, even the churches to its will. commerce, linked to it by interest, lent it her support. a great party, compactly organized and vigorously wielded, placed in its hands the power of the state. it bestowed political offices and honors, and was thereby enabled to command the apostate homage of political ambition. other nations felt the prevalence in your national councils of its insolent and domineering spirit. there was a moment, most critical in the history of america and of the world, when it seemed as though that continent, with all its resources and all its hopes, was about to become the heritage of the slave power. "but providence interposes to prevent the permanent triumph of evil. it interposes, not visibly or by the thunderbolt, but by inspiring and sustaining high moral effort and heroic lives. "you commenced your crusade against slavery in isolation, in weakness, and in obscurity. the emissaries of authority with difficulty found the office of the _liberator_ in a mean room, where its editor was aided only by a negro boy, and supported by a few insignificant persons (so the officers termed them) of all colors. you were denounced, persecuted, and hunted down by mobs of wealthy men alarmed for the interests of their class. you were led out by one of these mobs, and saved from their violence and the imminent peril of death, almost by a miracle. you were not turned from your path of devotion to your cause, and to the highest interests of your country, by denunciation, persecution, or the fear of death. you have lived to stand victorious and honored in the very stronghold of slavery; to see the flag of the republic, now truly free, replace the flag of slavery on fort sumter; and to proclaim the doctrines of the _liberator_ in the city, and beside the grave of calhoun. "enemies of war, we most heartily wish, and doubt not that you wish as heartily as we do, that this deliverance could have been wrought out by peaceful means. but the fierce passions engendered by slavery in the slaveowner, determined it otherwise; and we feel at liberty to rejoice, since the struggle was inevitable, that its issue has been the preservation, not the extinction, of all that we hold most dear. we are, however, not more thankful for the victories of freedom in the field than for the moderation and mercy shown by the victors, which have exalted and hallowed their cause and ours in the eyes of all nations. "we shall now watch with anxious hope the development, amidst the difficulties which still beset the regeneration of the south, of a happier order of things in the states rescued from slavery, and the growth of free communities, in which your name, with the names of your fellow-workers in the same cause, will be held in grateful and lasting remembrance. "once more we welcome you to a country in which you will find many sincere admirers and warm friends." earl russell and john stuart mill, m.p., at the close of the address, followed with most eloquent speeches, conferring on the honored guest the highest praise for his life-long and successful labors in the cause of freedom. after these gentlemen had taken their seats, the chairman proposed that the address should be passed unanimously. the chairman's call was responded to by the whole assemblage lifting up their hands; and mr. garrison, presenting himself in front of the platform, was received with an enthusiastic burst of cheering, hats and handkerchiefs being waved by nearly all present. speech of mr. garrison. mr. garrison said:--mr. chairman, ladies and gentlemen,--for this marked expression of your personal respect, and appreciation of my labors in the cause of human freedom, and of your esteem and friendship for the land of my nativity, i offer you, one and all, my grateful acknowledgments. but i am so profoundly impressed by the formidable array of rank, genius, intellect, scholarship, and moral and religious worth which i see before me, that i fear i shall not be able to address you, except with a fluttering pulse and a stammering tongue. for me this is, indeed, an anomalous position. assuredly, this is treatment with which i have not been familiar. for more than thirty years, i had to look the fierce and unrelenting hostility of my countrymen in the face, with few to cheer me onward. in all the south i was an outlaw, and could not have gone there, though an american citizen guiltless of wrong, and though that flag (here the speaker pointed to the united states ensign) had been over my head, except at the peril of my life; nay, with the certainty of finding a bloody grave. (hear, hear.) in all the north i was looked upon with hatred and contempt. the whole nation, subjugated to the awful power of slavery, rose up in mobocratic tumult against any and every effort to liberate the millions held in bondage on its soil. and yet i demanded nothing that was not perfectly just and reasonable, in exact accordance with the declaration of american independence and the golden rule. i was not the enemy of any man living. i cherish no personal enmities; i know nothing of them in my heart. even whilst the southern slave-holders were seeking my destruction, i never for a moment entertained any other feeling toward them than an earnest desire, under god, to deliver them from a deadly curse and an awful sin. (hear, hear.) it was neither a sectional nor a personal matter at all. it had exclusive reference to the eternal law of justice between man and man, and the rights of human nature itself. sir, i always found in america that a shower of brickbats had a remarkably tonic effect, materially strengthening to the back-bone. (laughter.) but, sir, the shower of compliments and applause, which has greeted me on this occasion would assuredly cause my heart to fail me, were it not that this generous reception is only incidentally personal to myself. (hear, hear.) you, ladies and gentlemen, are here mainly to celebrate the triumph of humanity over its most brutal foes; to rejoice that universal emancipation has at last been proclaimed throughout the united states: and to express, as you have already done through the mouths of the eloquent speakers who have preceded me, sentiments of peace and of good-will toward the american republic. sure i am that these sentiments will be heartily reciprocated by my countrymen. (cheers.) i must here disclaim, with all sincerity of soul, any special praise for anything that i have done. i have simply tried to maintain the integrity of my soul before god, and to do my duty. (cheers.) i have refused to go with the multitude to do evil. i have endeavored to save my country from ruin. i have sought to liberate such as were held captive in the house of bondage. but all this i ought to have done. and now, rejoicing here with you at the marvellous change which has taken place across the atlantic, i am unable to express the satisfaction i feel in believing that, henceforth, my country will be a mighty power for good in the world. while she held a seventh portion of her vast population in a state of chattelism, it was in vain that she boasted of her democratic principles and her free institutions; ostentatiously holding her declaration of independence in one hand, and brutally wielding her slave-driving lash in the other. marvellous inconsistency and unparalleled assurance. but now, god be praised, she is free, free to advance the cause of liberty throughout the world. (loud cheers.) sir, this is not the first time i have been in england. i have been here three times before on anti-slavery missions; and wherever i traveled, i was always exultantly told, "slaves cannot breathe in england!" now, at last, i am at liberty to say, and i came over with the purpose to say it, "slaves cannot breathe in america!" (cheers.) and so england and america stand side by side in the cause of negro emancipation; and side by side may they stand in all that is just and noble and good, leading the way gloriously in the world's redemption. (loud cheers.) i came to this country for the first time in , to undeceive wilberforce, clarkson, and other eminent philanthropists, in regard to the real character, tendency, and object of the american colonization society. i am happy to say that i quickly succeeded in doing so. before leaving, i had the pleasure of receiving a protest against that society as an obstruction to the cause of freedom throughout the world, and, consequently, as undeserving of british confidence and patronage, signed by william wilberforce, thomas fowell buxton, zachary macaulay, and other illustrious philanthropists. on arriving in london i received a polite invitation by letter from mr. buxton to take breakfast with him. presenting myself at the appointed time, when my name was announced, instead of coming forward promptly to take me by the hand, he scrutinized me from head to foot, and then inquired, somewhat dubiously, "have i the pleasure of addressing mr. garrison, of boston, in the united states?" "yes, sir," i replied, "i am he; and i am here in accordance with your invitation." lifting up his hands he exclaimed, "why, my dear sir, i thought you were a black man. and i have consequently invited this company of ladies and gentlemen to be present to welcome mr. garrison, the black advocate of emancipation from the united states of america." (laughter.) i have often said, sir, that that is the only compliment i have ever had paid to me that i care to remember or tell of. for mr. buxton had somehow or other supposed that no white american could plead for those in bondage as i had done, and therefore i must be black. (laughter.) it is indeed true, sir, that i have had no other rule by which to be guided than this. i never cared to know precisely how many stripes were inflicted on the slaves. i never deemed it necessary to go down into the southern states, if i could have gone, for the purpose of taking the exact dimensions of the slave system. i made it from the start, and always, my own case, thus: did i want to be a slave? no. did god make me to be a slave? no. but i am only a man, only one of the human race; and if not created to be a slave, then no other human being was made for that purpose. my wife and children, dearer to me than my heart's blood, were they made for the auction-block? never! and so it was all very easily settled here (pointing to his breast). (great cheering.) i could not help being an uncompromising abolitionist. here allow me to pay a brief tribute to the american abolitionists. putting myself entirely out of the question, i believe that in no land, at any time, was there ever a more devoted, self-sacrificing, and uncompromising band of men and women. nothing can be said to their credit which they do not deserve. with apostolic zeal, they counted nothing dear to them for the sake of the slave, and him dehumanized. but whatever has been achieved through them is all of god, to whom alone is the glory due. thankful are we all that we have been permitted to live to see this day, for our country's sake, and for the sake of mankind. of course, we are glad that our reproach is at last taken away; for it is very desirable, if possible, to have the good opinions of our fellow-men; but if, to secure these, we must sell our manhood and sully our souls, then their bad opinions of us are to be coveted instead. sir, my special part in this grand struggle was in first unfurling the banner of immediate and unconditional emancipation, and attempting to make a common rally under it. this i did, not in a free state, but in the city of baltimore, in the slave-holding state of maryland. it was not long before i was arrested, tried, condemned by a packed jury, and incarcerated in prison for my anti-slavery sentiments. this was in . in i went to baltimore for the first time since my imprisonment. i do not think that i could have gone at an earlier period, except at the peril of my life; and then only because the american government was there in force, holding the rebel elements in subserviency. i was naturally curious to see the old prison again, and, if possible, to get into my old cell; but when i went to the spot, behold! the prison had vanished; and so i was greatly disappointed, (laughter.) on going to washington, i mentioned to president lincoln, the disappointment i had met with. with a smiling countenance and a ready wit, he replied, "so, mr. garrison, the difference between and appears to be this: in you could not get out, and in you could not get in!" (great laughter.) this was not only wittily said, but it truthfully indicated the wonderful revolution that had taken place in maryland; for she had adopted the very doctrine for which she imprisoned me, and given immediate and unconditional emancipation to her eighty thousand slaves. (cheers.) i commenced the publication of the "_liberator_" in boston, on the st of january, . at that time i was very little known, without allies, without means, without subscribers; yet no sooner did that little sheet make its appearance, than the south was thrown into convulsions, as if it had suddenly been invaded by an army with banners! notwithstanding, the whole country was on the side of the slave power--the church, the state, all parties, all denominations, ready to do its bidding! o the potency of truth, and the inherent weakness and conscious insecurity of great wrong! immediately a reward of five thousand dollars was offered for my apprehension, by the state of georgia. when general sherman was making his victorious march through that state, it occurred to me, but too late, that i ought to have accompanied him, and in person claimed the reward--(laughter)--but i remembered, that, had i done so, i should have had to take my pay in confederate currency, and therefore it would not have paid traveling expenses. (renewed laughter.) where is southern slavery now? (cheers.) henceforth, through all coming time, advocates of justice and friends of reform, be not discouraged; for you will, and you must succeed, if you have a righteous cause. no matter at the outset how few may be disposed to rally round the standard you have raised--if you battle unflinchingly and without compromise--if yours be a faith that cannot be shaken, because it is linked to the eternal throne--it is only a question of time when victory shall come to reward your toils. seemingly, no system of iniquity was ever more strongly intrenched, or more sure and absolute in its sway, than that of american slavery; yet it has perished. "in the earthquake god has spoken; he has smitten with his thunder the iron walls asunder, and the gates of brass are broken." so it has been, so it is, so it ever will be throughout the earth, in every conflict for the right. (great cheering.) * * * * * ladies and gentlemen, i began my advocacy of the anti-slavery cause at the north in the midst of brickbats and rotten eggs. i ended it on the soil of south carolina, almost literally buried beneath the wreaths and flowers which were heaped upon me by her liberal bondmen. (cheers.) lewis tappan was one of the warmest friends of the slave and of the colored man. he was very solicitous for their welfare, and that the colored people who were free should be enlightened and educated. he opened a sunday-school for colored adults, which was numerously attended, in west broadway, new york, and with a few others, devoted the most of the sabbath to their teaching. when he and his brother arthur, assembled the seventy anti-slavery agents, who were thereafter, like "firebrands," scattered all over the land, they held their meetings in this room. these agents were entertained by abolitionists in the city, and many of us had two or three of them in each of our families for a couple of weeks. they went out all over the land, and were instrumental in diffusing more truth, perhaps, about the dreadful system of american slavery, than was accomplished in any other way. he also aided in establishing several periodicals, brimful of anti-slavery truth; among which, were the "_anti-slavery record_," the "_emancipator_," the "_slave's friend;_" the latter, to indoctrinate the children in anti-slavery. the american missionary society, originally begun for the support of a mission in africa, on the occasion of the return of the amistad captors to their native land, and now doing so much for the freedmen of the south, was almost entirely established by his efforts. during the continuance of slavery, much was done by this society for the diffusion of an anti-slavery gospel. the "vigilance committee," for aiding and befriending fugitives, of which i was treasurer for many years, had no better or warmer friend than he. he was almost always at their meetings, which were known only to "the elect," for we dared not hold them too publicly, as we almost always had some of the travelers toward the "north star" present, whose masters or their agents were frequently in the city, in hot pursuit. at first, we sent them to canada, but after a while, sent them only to syracuse, and the centre of the state. in , i think, was the first rioting, the sacking of mr. tappan's house, in rose street. the mob brought all his furniture out, and piling it up in the street, set it on fire. the family were absent at the time. soon after, they stoned rev. mr. ludlow's, and dr. cox's church, and the house of the latter. they threatened arthur tappan & co's, store, in pearl street, but hearing that there were a few loaded muskets there, they _took it out in threats_. but their mercantile establishment was almost ostracised at this time, by the dry goods merchants; and country merchants in all parts of the country, north as well as south, did not dare to have it known that they bought goods of them; and when they did so, requested particularly, that the bundles or boxes, should not be marked "from a. tappan & co.," as was customary. southern merchants especially, avoided them, and when, two or three years later, there was a general insolvency among them, occasionally large losses to new york merchants, and in some cases failure; _the tappans were saved by having no southern debts_! through mr. tappan's influence and extensive correspondence abroad, many remittances came for the help of the "vigilance committee," from england and scotland, and at one time, an extensive invoice of useful and fancy articles, in several large boxes, was received from the glasgow ladies, sufficient to furnish a large bazaar or fair, which was held in brooklyn, for the benefit of the committee. although lately afflicted by disease, mr. tappan still lives in the enjoyment of all his faculties, and a good measure of health, and in his advanced years, sees now some of the great results of his life-long efforts for the restoration and maintenance of human rights. although still suffering under many of the evils which slavery has inflicted upon him, the _american slave_ no longer exists! instead stands up in all our southern states the _freedman_, knowing his rights, and, as a rule, enjoying them. original american abolitionists, who met the scorn and odium, the imputed shame and obloquy, the frowns and cold-shoulders which they bore through all the dark days of slavery, now see and feel their reward in some measure; to be completed only, when they shall hear the plaudit: "inasmuch as ye have done it to the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me." anthony lane. new york, nov. , . mr. lane, mr. tappan's personal friend who labored with him in the anti-slavery cause, and especially in the vigilance committee for many years, from serious affection of his eyes was not prepared to furnish as full a sketch of his (mr. t.'s) labors as was desirable. mr. tappan was, therefore, requested to furnish a few reminiscences from his own store-house, which he kindly did as follows: william still, esq., my dear sir:--in answer to your request, that i would furnish, an article for your forthcoming book, giving incidents within my personal knowledge, relating to the underground rail road; i have already apprized you of my illness and my consequent inability to write such an article as would be worthy of your publication. however, feeling somewhat relieved to-day, from my paralysis, owing to the cheering sunshine and the favor of my almighty preserver, i will try to do what i can, in dictating a few anecdotes to my amanuensis, which may afford you and your readers some gratification. these facts i must give without reference to date, as i will not tax my memory with perhaps a vain attempt to narrate them in order. as mentioned in my "life of arthur tappan," some abolitionists (myself among the number), doubted the propriety of engaging in such measures as were contemplated by the conductors of the "underground rail road," fearing that they would not be justified in aiding slaves to escape from their masters; but reflection convinced them that it was not only right to assist men in efforts to obtain their liberty, when unjustly held in bondage, but a duty. abolitionists, white and colored, both in slave and free states, entered into extensive correspondence, set their wits at work to devise various expedients for the relief from bondage and transmission to the free states and to canada, of many of the most enterprising bondmen and bondwomen. they vied with each other in devising means for the accomplishment of this object. those who had money contributed it freely, and those who were destitute of money, gave their time, saying with the apostle: "silver and gold have i none; but such as i have, give i thee." . i recollect that one morning on reaching my office (that of the treasurer of the american missionary association), my assistant told me that in the inner room were eighteen fugitives, men, women and children, who had arrived that morning from the south in one company. on going into the room, i saw them lying about on the bales and boxes of clothing destined for our various missionary stations, fatigued, as they doubtless were, after their sleepless and protracted struggle for freedom. on inquiry, i learned that they had come from a southern city. after most extraordinary efforts, it seemed that they had while in slavery, secretly banded together, and put themselves under the guidance of an intrepid conductor, whom they had hired to conduct them without the limits of the city, in the evening, when the police force was changed. they came through pennsylvania and new jersey to my office. the agent of the underground rail road in new york, took charge of them, and forwarded them to albany, and by different agencies to canada. . i well remember that one morning as i entered the sabbath-school,[a] one of the scholars, a mrs. mercy smith, beckoned to me to come to her class, and there introduced to me a young girl of about fifteen, as a fugitive, who had arrived the day before. in answer to my inquiries, this girl told me the name of the southern city, and the names of the persons who had held her as a slave, and the mode of her escape, etc. "i was walking near the water," she said, "when a white sailor spoke to me, and after a few questions, offered to hide me on board his vessel and conduct me safely to new york, if i would come to him in the evening. i did so, and was hid and fed by him, and on landing at new york, he conducted me to mrs. smith's house, where i am now staying." [footnote a: for three years i superintended a sabbath-school mostly composed of colored children and adults. most of the teachers were warm-hearted abolitionists, and the whole number taught in this school during this period, was seven or eight hundred.] to my inquiry, have you parents living, and also brothers and sisters, she replied: "there is no child but myself." "were not your parents kind to you, and did you not love them?" "yes i love them very much." "how were you treated by your master and mistress?" "they treated me very well." "how then," said i, "could you put yourself in the care of that sailor, who was a stranger to you, and leave your parents?" i shall never forget her heart-felt reply: "_he told me i should be free_!" one sunday morning, i received a letter, informing me that an officer belonging to savannah, ga., had started for new york, in pursuit of two young men, of nineteen or twenty, who had been slaves of one of the principal physicians of the place, and who had escaped and were supposed to be in new york. the letter requested me to find them and give them warning. as there was no time to be lost, i concluded to go over to new york, notwithstanding the doubtfulness of attempting to find them in so large a city. i wrote notices to be read in the colored churches and colored sabbath-schools, which i delivered in person. i then went to the colored school, superintended by rev. c.b. bay. i stated my errand to him, with a description of the young men. "why," said he, "i must have one of them in my school." he took me to a class where i found one of the young men, to whom i gave the needful information. he told me that his father was dr. ---- of savannah, and that he had five children by the young man's mother, who was his slave. on his marriage to a white woman, he sent his five colored children and their mother to auction, to be sold for cash to the highest bidder. on being put upon the auction-block, this young man addressed the bystanders, and told them the circumstances of the case; that his mother had long lived in the family of the doctor, that it was cruel to sell her and her children, and he warned the people not to bid for him, for he would no longer be a slave to any man, and if any one bought him, he would lose his money. he added, "i thought it right to say this." i then spoke to the crowd. "my father," said i, "has long been one of your first doctors, and do you think it right for him to sell my mother and his children in this way?" "i was sold, and my brother also, and the rest, although my brother said to the crowd what i had said. we soon made our escape, and are now both in the city. i am a blacksmith, and have worked six months in one shop, in new york, with white journeymen, not one of whom believes, i suppose, that i am a colored man." it was not surprising, for so fair was his complexion, that with the aid of a brown wig, after he had cut off his hair, he was completely disguised. he soon notified his brother, who lived in another part of the city, and both put themselves out of harm's way. they were remarkably fine young men, and it seemed a special providence that i should find them in such a large city, and direct them to escape from their pursuer, within one hour after i left my house in brooklyn. i felt it to be an answer to prayer. . one day, when i lived in new york city, a colored man came running to my house, and in a hurried manner, said: "is this mr. tappan?" on replying in the affirmative, he said: "i have driven my master from baltimore. he has just arrived, and the servants are taking off the baggage at the astor house. i inquired of a person passing by, where you lived. he said, , white street, and i have run here, to tell you that you may give notice to a man who has escaped from my master, to this city, that the object of this journey is to find him and take him back to slavery." the man hurried back, so that he need not be missed by his master, who believed that this coachman, who had lived years with him, was his confidential servant, and would be true to his interest. i went immediately to the house of a colored friend, to describe the fugitive and see if we could not concert measures to protect him. "i think," said he, "that i know the man, by your description, and that he boards in this house. he will soon come in from south street, where he has worked to-day." while we were consulting together, sure enough, the man came in, and was most glad to have the opportunity thus afforded, of secreting himself. i have not strength to dictate much more, although many other instances occur to me of most remarkable providential occurrences, of the escape of fugitives within my knowledge. i used to say that i was the owner of _half-a-horse_ that was in active service, near the susquehanna river. this horse i owned jointly with another friend of the slave, dedicating the animal to the service of the underground rail road. it was customary for the agent at havre de grace, bringing a fugitive to the river, to kindle a fire (as it was generally in the night), to give notice to a person living on the opposite side of the river. this person well understood the signal, and would come across in his boat and receive the fugitive. an aged colored couple, residing in brooklyn, came over to my office, in new york city, and said that they had just heard from wilmington, n.c., that their two sons (about twenty-five or twenty-six years of age), who were slaves, were about to be sold, for one thousand dollars each; and they hoped i should be able and willing to assist them in raising the money. i told them that i had scruples about putting money into the hands of slave-holders, but i would give them something that might be of as much value. i then pointed out a way by which their sons might reach the city. in about three weeks, one of the young men came to my office. give me, said i, some particulars of your escape. "i am," said he, "a builder, and planned and erected the hotel at wilmington, and some other houses. i used to hire my time of my master, and was accustomed to ride about the country attending to my business. i borrowed a pass from a man about my size and complexion. i then went to the rail road office, and asked for a ticket for fredericksburg. from there i came on directly to washington. i had not been questioned before; but here, i was taken up and carried before a magistrate. he examined me by the description in my pass; complexion, height, etc., then read '_and a scar under his left knee_.' when i heard that, my heart sank within me; for i had no scar there that i knew. 'pull up the boy's trowsers,' said the justice to the constable. he did so. and said 'here's a scar!' 'all right,' said the justice, 'no mistake, let him go.' glad was i. i got a ticket for baltimore, and there for another town, and finally reached here." you asked me to give an account of the sums that i have expended for the underground rail road, etc. i must be excused from doing this, as if i could now ascertain, i should not think it worth while to mention. i must now conclude my narrative, by giving, with some additions, an account of an interesting escape from slavery, which was written by my wife, more than fifteen years ago, for frederic douglass' paper. [on page the narrative of "the fleeing girl of fifteen" is so fully written out, that it precludes the necessity of reproducing a large portion of this story.] in the evening a friend arrived, bringing with him a bright, handsome _boy_, whom he called joe. most heartily was "joe" welcomed, and deep was the thrill which we felt, as we looked upon him and thought of the perils he had escaped. the next day was thanksgiving-day, and my house was thronged with guests. in an upper room, with a comfortable fire, and the door locked, sat "joe," still in boy's clothes, to be able to escape at the first intimation of danger, but with a smile and look of touching gratitude, whenever any one of the family who was in the secret, left the festive group to look in upon the interesting stranger. not one of us can ever forget the deep abhorrence of slavery, and thanksgiving to almighty god, that we felt that day as we moved among the guests, who were wholly ignorant of the occupant of that upper room. some curiosity was indeed excited among the little grandchildren, who saw slices of turkey and plum pudding sent up stairs. it was "joe's" first thanksgiving dinner in a free state. as she brought nothing away with her, it was necessary, the next day, to procure a complete wardrobe for a girl, which was carefully packed for her to take with her. the second day after "joe's" arrival, the rev. mr. freeman, pastor of a colored church in brooklyn, agreed to accompany her to her uncle brown's in canada west, and we saw them depart, knowing the danger that would beset both on the way. the following is part of a letter from mr. f., giving an account of their journey. after stating that they left new york, in the cars at five o'clock, p.m., and through the providence of god, went on their way safely and speedily, with none to molest or to make them afraid, he says: "on reaching rochester, i began to ask myself 'how shall we get over niagara falls?' i was not sure that the cars ran across the suspension bridge; besides, i felt that we were in more danger here, than we had been at any other place. knowing that there was a large reward offered for joe's apprehension, i feared there might be some lurking spy ready to pounce upon us. but when we arrived at the bridge, the conductor said: 'sit still; this car goes across.' you may judge of my joy and relief of mind, when i looked out and was sure that we were over! thank god, i exclaimed, we are safe in canada! having now a few minutes before the cars would start again, i sat down and hastily wrote a few lines, to inform friends at home of our safe arrival. as soon as possible, i ran to the post-office with my letter, paid the postage, and while i was waiting for my change, the car bell rang. i quickly returned, and in a few minutes, we were on our way to chatham ( miles west). that place we reached between seven and eight o'clock, saturday evening. when we got out, we met a gentleman who asked me if i wanted a boarding-house. i said yes; and he invited me to go with him. i asked him if there was any way for us to get to dresden that night. he answered, 'no, it is a dark night, and a muddy road, and no conveyance can be got tonight.' i soon found that we must stay in chatham until monday morning. on our way to the boarding-house, the gentleman said to me: 'is this your son with you?' i answered, no; and then i asked him, if he knew a man living in d., by the name of bradley. he replied that he was very well acquainted with him, and then inquired if that young man was mr. bradley's brother. i said, no--not exactly a brother. he must have thought it strange that i did not give him a more definite answer to his question. when we reached the house, we found several boarders in the sitting-room and a few neighbors. i had already told him my name, but with regard to joe, i had not yet had a chance to explain. i, of course, was introduced to those who were in the room, but joe--well, joe took a seat, and did not seem to be troubled about an introduction. as the landlord was going out of the room, i asked permission to speak with him alone. he took me into another room, and i said to him: 'that young man, as you call him, is a young woman, and has come dressed in this manner, all the way from washington city. she would be very glad now to be able to change her clothes.' he was greatly surprised, and would hardly believe that it was so; but said, 'i will call my wife.' she came, and i guess all the women in the house came with her. they soon disappeared, and joe with them, who, after being absent a while, returned, and was introduced as miss ann maria weems. the whole company were on their feet, shook hands, laughed, and rejoiced, declaring that this beat all they had ever seen before. chatham contains, i was told, more than three thousand fugitives. the weather there, is not colder than in new york. the next morning was the sabbath, but this i must pass and hasten to d., the residence of mr. bradley. we started early monday morning. as a part of the road was very bad, we did not reach there till a late hour. as we were passing along, and getting near to the place, we met two colored men who were talking together--one on horseback, and the other on foot. i inquired of them, if they could tell me how far it was to mr. bradley's. the man on horseback said it was about a mile further, and then proceeded to give directions. after he had done this, he said: 'i reckon i am the one that you want to find, my name is bradley.' well, i replied, probably you are the man. just then ann maria turned her head around. as soon as he saw her face, he exclaimed: 'my lord! maria, is that you? is that you? my child, is it you? we never expected to see you again! we had given you up; o, what will your aunt say? it will kill her! she will die! it will kill her.' i told him, that as i was obliged to leave again soon, i must proceed. 'well,' said he, 'you go on; i am just going over to m., and will be back in a few minutes.' we started for his house, and he towards m., but we had only gone a short distance, when he overtook us, exclaiming: 'i can't go to m.,' and began talking to ann maria, asking her all about her friends and relatives, whom they had left behind, and about his old master, and his wife's master, from whom they had run away four years before. as we approached the house, he said: 'i will go and open the gate, and have a good fire to warm you.' when he came up to the gate, he met his wife, who was returning from a store or neighbor's house, and he said to her, 'that's ann maria coming yonder.' she stopped until we came to the gate; the tears were rolling from her eyes, and she exclaimed: 'ann maria, is it you?' the girl leaped from the wagon, and they fell on each other's necks, weeping and rejoicing. such a scene i never before witnessed. she, who had been given up as lost, was now found! she, who but a short time before, had been, as they supposed, a slave for life, was now free. we soon entered the house, and after the first gush of feeling had somewhat subsided, they both began a general inquiry about the friends they had left behind. every now and then, the aunt would break out: 'my child, you are here! thank god, you are free! we were talking about you today, and saying, we shall never see you again; and now here you are with us.' i remained about an hour and a half with them, took dinner, and then started for home, rejoicing that i had been to a land where colored men are free. this mr. bradley, who ran away with himself and wife about four years ago from the land of whips and chains, is the owner of two farms, and is said to be worth three thousand dollars. can slaves take care of themselves?" you may well suppose that the receipt of this letter gave us great pleasure, and called forth heartfelt thanksgiving to him, who had watched over this undertaking, and protected all concerned in it. a bright and promising girl had been rescued from the untold miseries of a slave woman's life, and found a good home, where she would have an opportunity to acquire an education and be trained for a useful and happy life. mr. bradley intended to send for her parents, and hoped to prevail on them to come and live with him. truly yours, lewis tappan elijah f. pennypacker, whose name belongs to the history of the underground rail road, owed his peculiarly fine nature to a mother of large physical proportions, and correspondingly liberal mental and spiritual endowments. she was a natural sovereign in the sphere in which she moved, and impressed her son with the qualities which made his anti-slavery life nothing but an expression of the rules of conduct which governed him in all other particulars. believing in his inmost soul in principles of rectitude, all men believed in him, his "yea," or "nay," passing current wherever he went. tall, dignified, and commanding, he had that in his face which inspired immediate confidence. said one who looked: "if that is not a good man, there is no use in the lord writing his signature on human countenances." even in early youth, honors which he never sought, were pressed upon him, as he gave assurance of ability commensurate with his worth. he was sent to the legislature of pennsylvania for five sessions, where he became the personal friend of the governor, joseph ritner, and also of thaddeus stevens. at the request of the latter, he consented to occupy the position of secretary to the board of canal commissioners, and two years after, by the wishes of mr. ritner, took a seat in the canal board, becoming a co-worker with thaddeus stevens. here ripened a friendship, which afterward became of national importance, for although a nature so positive as that of thaddeus stevens could scarcely be said to be under the influence of any other mind, still, if there were those who exercised a moral sway, sustaining this courageous republican leader, at a higher level than he might otherwise have attained, elijah f. pennypacker was surely amongst them. almost antipodal as they were in certain respects, each recognized the genuine ring of the other, and admired and respected that which was most true and noble. the purity, simplicity and high-minded honor which distinguished the younger, had its effect on the elder, even while he smiled at the inflexibility which would not swerve one hair's breadth from the line of right. the story is often told, how, when this young man's conscience stood bolt upright in the way of what was deemed a desirable arrangement, stevens one day exclaimed: "it don't do, pennypacker, to be so d----d honest." pennypacker stood his ground, and the life-long respect which stevens ever after awarded, proved that _he_ at least, thought it _did_ do. when it became clear to his mind, that a great battle was to be fought between liberty and slavery in america, mr. pennypacker felt it to be his duty to turn aside from the sunny paths of political preferment, into the shadows of obscure life, and ally himself with the misrepresented, despised and outcast abolitionists, ever after devoting himself assiduously to the promotion of the cause of freedom. notwithstanding his natural modesty, here as elsewhere, he took a conspicuous position. at home, in the local anti-slavery society of his neighborhood, he was for many years chosen president, as he was also of the chester county anti-slavery society, and of the pennsylvania state anti-slavery society. soon after his retirement from public life, he united himself with the society of friends, but was much too radical to be an acceptable addition. for a long time he was endured rather than endorsed, and it was only when such anti-slavery feelings as he cherished became generally diffused throughout the society, that he found the unity he desired and expected. whatever may have been his trials here or elsewhere, he found a rich reward for his faithfulness in the intellectual and moral growth which he attained by association with the most advanced minds of the time, and he has often been heard to say that no part of his life has been more fully and generously compensated than that devoted to the anti-slavery cause. his home, near phoenixville, chester county, pa., was an important station on the underground rail road, the majority of fugitives proceeding through the southern rural districts of eastern pennsylvania, passing through his hands. at all times he was deeply interested in their welfare, and in his hospitality towards them, had the entire sympathy and co-operation of his family, they, like himself, being earnest abolitionists, but his more important duty of influencing public sentiment in favor of freedom, overshadowed his labors in this department. in steadfastness and integrity he stood beside findley coates and thomas whitson, a trio who will long be remembered in their native state. so long as dr. b. fussell resided in the northern section of chester county, he and elijah f. pennypacker, were companions in anti-slavery and other reform labors, as well as in business on the underground rail road. differing widely in temperament and mental structure, these two men were harmonious in spirit, and a close bond of sympathy and affection existed between them. it was a mutual pleasure to work as brothers, and afterward to rejoice together in labor accomplished. one of the last visits which roused the flickering animation of the dying physician, was from this friend of more vigorous years, and the voice which gave fitting expression to the worth of the departed, at his funeral, was that of elijah f. pennypacker. like that of the highest grade of men everywhere, his appreciation of woman has ever been keen and true, and demanding the full rights of humanity, he makes no distinction, either on account of sex or color. in his own family, he has always encouraged the pursuit of any occupation congenial to the person choosing it; whether or not, it were a departure from the routine of custom, and in educational advantages he has ever demanded the widest possible culture for all. wherever known, he is estimated as a pillar in the temperance cause. gentle, modest, courteous and benignant, he combines, in a remarkable degree, strength and tenderness, courage and sympathy. at one time, holding at bay the powers of evil and baffling the most determined opponents by his manly adherence to right; at another he may be found yielding to impressions bidding him to seek the source of some hidden private sorrow, and with delicate touch, binding up a flowing wound, or offering himself as the defender and protector of such as may need his brotherly care. obedient to these impressions, he rarely errs in his ministrations, and whether his errand be to remonstrate with the evil doer, setting his sins clearly and vividly before him, or to strengthen and encourage suffering innocence, he is alike successful. men, whom he has warned in reproof when it cost the utmost bravery to do so, have become his confiding friends, and have been known afterward to entrust him with heavy pecuniary responsibilities, and to point him out to their children as an example worthy of imitation. those whose griefs he has frequently softened, have laid upon his head a crown of blessing whiter than the honors which come with his silver hairs, and all with whom he comes in contact in business, in duty, or in social intercourse, acknowledge the presence, the wide usefulness and influence of the upright man. the memories of the choice spirits he used to meet in the anti-slavery gatherings; their mutual and kindly greetings; the holy resolves which animated them and made the time hours of exaltation, now serve to brighten the pathway of his declining years, and to throw a halo around the restfulness of his home, as in peace of mind he looks abroad over his beloved country, to see millions of enfranchised men beginning to avail themselves of its pecuniary, educational and political advantages, and beholds them starting on a career of material and spiritual prosperity, with a rapidity commensurate with the expansive force of the repressed energies of a race. station masters on the road. [illustration: elijah f. pennypacker] [illustration: william wright] [illustration: dr. bartholomew fussell] [illustration: robert purvis] william wright. memorial. william wright, a distinguished abolitionist of adams county, pennsylvania, was born on the st of december, . various circumstances conspired to make this unassuming quaker an earnest abolitionist and champion of the oppressed in every land and of every nationality and color. his uncle, benjamin wright, and cousin, samuel b. wright, were active members of the old pennsylvania abolition society, and at the time of the emancipation of the slaves in this state were often engaged in lawsuits with slave-holders to compel them to release their bondmen, according to the requirements of the law. william wright grew up under the influence of the teachings of these relatives. joined to this, his location caused him to take an extraordinary interest in underground rail road affairs. he lived near the foot of the southern slope of the south mountain, a spur of the alleghenies which extends, under various names, to chattanooga, tennessee. this mountain was followed in its course by hundreds of fugitives until they got into pennsylvania, and were directed to william wright's house. in november, , william wright married phebe wierman, (born on the th of february, ,) daughter of a neighboring farmer, and sister of hannah w. gibbons, wife of daniel gibbons, a notice of whom appears elsewhere in this work. phebe wright was the assistant of her husband in every good work, and their married life of forty-eight years was a long period of united and efficient labor in the cause of humanity. she still ( ) survives him. william and phebe wright began their underground rail road labors about the year . hamilton moore, who ran away from baltimore county, maryland, was the first slave aided by them. his master came for him, but william wright and joel wierman, phebe wright's brother, who lived in the neighborhood, rescued him and sent him to canada. in the autumn of , as phebe wright, surrounded by her little children, came out upon her back porch in the performance of some household duty, she saw standing before her in the shade of the early november morning, a colored man without hat, shoes, or coat. he asked if mr. wright lived there, and upon receiving an affirmative reply, said that he wanted work. the good woman, comprehending the situation at a glance, told him to come into the house, get warm, and wait till her husband came home. he was shivering with cold and fright. when william wright came home the fugitive told his story. he came from hagerstown, maryland, having been taught the blacksmith's trade there. in this business it was his duty to keep an account of all the work done by him, which record he showed to his master at the end of the week. knowing no written character but the figure he kept this account by means of a curious system of hieroglyphics in which straight marks meant horse shoes put on, circles, cart-wheels fixed, etc. one day in happening to see his master's book he noticed that wherever five and one were added the figure was used. having practiced this till he could make it he ever after used it in his accounts. as his master was looking over these one day, he noticed the new figure and compelled the slave to tell how he had learned it. he flew into a rage, and said, "i'll teach you how to be learning new figures," and picking up a horse-shoe threw it at him, but fortunately for the audacious chattel, missed his aim. notwithstanding his ardent desire for liberty, the slave considered it his duty to remain in bondage until he was twenty-one years old in order to repay by his labor the trouble and expense which his master had had in rearing him. on the evening of his twenty-first anniversary he turned his face toward the north star, and started for a land of freedom. arriving at reisterstown, a village on the westminster turnpike about twenty-five miles from baltimore and thirty-five miles from mr. wright's house, he was arrested and placed in the bar-room of the country tavern in care of the landlady to wait until his captors, having finished some work in which they were engaged, could take him back to his master. the landlady, being engaged in getting supper, set him to watch the cakes that were baking. as she was passing back and forth he ostentatiously removed his hat, coat, and shoes, and placed them in the bar-room. having done this, he said to her, "i will step out a moment." this he did, she sending a boy to watch him. when the boy came out he appeared to be very sick and called hastily for water. the boy ran in to get it. now was his golden opportunity. jumping the fence he ran to a clump of trees which occupied low ground behind the house and concealing himself in it for a moment, ran and continued to run, he knew not whither, until he found himself at the toll gate near petersburg, in adams county. before this he had kept in the fields and forests, but now found himself compelled to come out upon the road. the toll-gate keeper, seeing at once that he was a fugitive, said to him, "i guess you don't know the road." "i guess i can find it myself," was the reply. "let me show you," said the man. "you may if you please," replied the fugitive. taking him out behind his dwelling, he pointed across the fields to a new brick farm-house, and said, "go there and inquire for mr. wright." the slave thanked him and did as he was directed. he remained with william wright until april, . during this short time he learned to read, write, and cipher as far as the single rule of three, as it was then called, or simple proportion. during his residence with william wright, nothing could exceed his kindness or gratitude to the whole family. he learned to graft trees, and thus rendered great assistance to william wright in his necessary business. when working in the kitchen during the winter he would never allow phebe wright to perform any hard labor, always scrubbing the floor and lifting heavy burdens for her. before he went away in the spring he assumed a name which his talents, perseverance, and genius have rendered famous in both hemispheres, that of james w.c. pennington. the initial w. was for his benefactor's family, and c. for the family of his former master. from william wright's he went to daniel gibbons', thence to delaware county, pennsylvania, and from there to new haven, conn., where, while performing the duties of janitor at yale college, he completed the studies of the college course. after a few years, he went to heidelberg, where the degree of d.d. was conferred upon him. he never forgot william wright and his family, and on his return from europe brought them each a present. the story of his escape and wonderful abilities was spread over england. an american acquaintance of the wright family was astonished, on visiting an anti-slavery fair in london many years ago, to see among the pictures for sale there, one entitled, "william and phebe wright receiving james w.c. pennington." the dr. died in florida, in , where he had gone to preach and assist in opening schools amongst the freemen. in a party of sixteen slaves came to york, pa., from baltimore county, md. here they were taken in charge by william wright, joel fisher, dr. lewis, and william yocum. the last named was a constable, and used to assist the underground rail road managers by pretending to hunt fugitives with the kidnappers. knowing where the fugitives were he was enabled to hunt them in the opposite direction from that in which they had gone, and thus give them time to escape. this constable and a colored man of york took this party one by one out into samuel willis' corn-field, near york, and hid them under the shocks. the following night dr. lewis piloted them to near his house, at lewisburg, york county, on the banks of the conewago. here they were concealed several days, dr. lewis carrying provisions to them in his saddle-bags. when the search for them had been given up in william wright's neighborhood, he went down to lewisburg and in company with dr. lewis took the whole sixteen across the conewago, they fording the river and carrying the fugitives across on their horses. it was a gloomy night in november. every few moments clouds floated across the moon, alternately lighting up and shading the river, which, swelled by autumn rains, ran a flood. william wright and dr. lewis mounted men or women behind and took children in their arms. when the last one got over, the doctor, who professed to be an atheist, exclaimed, "great god! is this a christian land, and are christians thus forced to flee for their liberty?" william wright guided this party to his house that night and concealed them in a neighboring forest until it was safe for them to proceed on their way to canada. just in the beginning of harvest of the year , four men came off from washington county, maryland. they were almost naked and seemed to have come through great difficulties, their clothing being almost entirely torn off. as soon as they came, william wright went to the store and got four pair of shoes. it was soon heard that their masters and the officers had gone to harrisburg to hunt them. two of them, fenton and tom, were concealed at william wright's, and the other two, sam and one whose name has been forgotten, at joel wierman's. in a day or two, as william wright, a number of carpenters, and other workmen, among whom were fenton and tom, were at work in the barn, a party of men rode up and recognized the colored men as slaves of one of their number. the colored men said they had left their coats at the house. william wright looked earnestly at them and told them to go to the house and get their coats. they went off, and one of them was observed by one of the family to take his coat hastily down from where it hung in one of the outhouses, a few moments afterward. after conversing a few moments at the barn, william wright brought the slave-holders down to the house, where he, his wife and daughters engaged them in a controversy on the subject of slavery which lasted about an hour. one of them seemed very much impressed, and labored hard to convince his host that he was a good master and would treat his men well. finally one of the party asked william wright to produce the men. he replied that he would not do that, that they might search his premises if they wished to, but they could not compel him to bring forth the fugitives. seeing that they had been duped, they became very angry and proceeded forthwith to search the house and all the outhouses immediately around it, without, however, finding those whom they sought. as they left the house and went toward the barn, william wright, waving his hand toward the former, said, "you see they are not anywhere there." they then went to the barn and gave it a thorough search. between it and the house, a little away from the path, but in plain sight, stood the carriage-house, _which they passed by without seeming to notice_. after they had gone, poor tom was found in this very house, curled up under the seats of the old-fashioned family carriage. he had never come to the house at all, but had heard the voices of his hunters from his hiding-place, during their whole search. about two o'clock in the morning, fenton was found by william wright out in the field. he had run along the bed of a small water course, dry at that time of year, until he came to a rye field amid whose high grain he hid himself until he thought the danger was past. from william wright's the slave-catchers went to joel wierman's, where, despite all that could be done, they got poor sam, took him off to maryland and sold him to the traders to be taken far south. in william wright was a delegate from adams county to the convention at philadelphia which nominated john c. fremont for president of the united states. as the counties were called in alphabetical order, he responded first among the pennsylvania delegation. it is thought that he helped away during his whole life, nearly one thousand slaves. during his latter years, he was aided in the good work by his children, who never hesitated to sacrifice their own pleasure in order to help away fugitives. his convictions on the subject of slavery seem to have been born with him, to have grown with his growth, and strengthened with his strength. he could not remember when he first became interested in the subject. william wright closed his long and useful life on the th of october, . more fortunate than his co-laborer, daniel gibbons, he lived to see the triumph of the cause in which he had labored all his life. his latter years were cheered by the remembrance of his good deeds in the cause of human freedom. modest and retiring, he would not desire, as he does not need, a eulogy. his labors speak for themselves, and are such as are recorded upon the lamb's book of life. dr. bartholomew fussell. dr. fussell, whose death occurred within the current year, was no ordinary man. he was born in chester county, pa., in , his ancestors being members of the society of friends, principally of english origin, who arrived in america during the early settlement of pennsylvania, some being of the number who, with william penn, built their homes on the unbroken soil, where philadelphia now stands. he inherited all the bravery of these early pioneers, who left their homes for the sake of religious freedom, the governing principle of his life being a direct antagonism to every form of oppression. removing in early manhood, to maryland, where negro slavery was legally protected, he became one of the most active opponents of the system, being a friend and co-laborer of elisha tyson, known and beloved as "father tyson," by all the slaves of the region, and to the community at large, as one of the most philanthropic of men. while teaching school during the week, as a means of self-education, and reading medicine at night, the young student expended his surplus energy in opening a sabbath-school for colored persons, teaching them the rudiments of knowledge, not for a few hours only, but for the whole day, and frequently finding as many as ninety pupils collected to receive the inestimable boon which gave them the power of reading the bible for themselves. to the deeply religious nature of these africans, this was the one blessing they prized above all others in his power to bestow, and the overflowing gratitude they gave in return, was a memory he cherished to the latest years of his life. after his graduation in medicine, being at one time called upon to deliver an address before the medical society of baltimore, in the midst of a pro-slavery audience, and before slave-holding professors and men of authority, dr. fussell, with a courage scarcely to be comprehended at this late day, denounced "the most preposterous and cruel practice of slavery, as replete with the causes of disease," and expressed the hope that the day would come "when slavery and cruelty should have no abiding place in the whole habitable earth; when the philosopher and the pious christian could use the salutation of 'brother,' and the physician and divine be as one man; when the rich and the poor should know no distinction; the great and the small be equal in dominion, and the _arrogant master_ and _his menial slave_ should make a truce of friendship with each other, all following the same law of reason, all guided by the same light of truth!" as a matter of course, a spirit so thoroughly awake to the welfare of humanity, would hail with joy and welcome as a brother, the appearance of such a devoted advocate of freedom, as benjamin lundy; and, with all the warmth of his nature, would give love, admiration, and reverence to the later apostle of immediate emancipation, william lloyd garrison. it was one of the pleasures of dr. fussell's life that he had been enabled to take the first number of the "_liberator_," and to continue a subscriber without intermission, until the battle being ended, the last number was announced. he was himself, one of the most earnest workers in the anti-slavery cause, never omitting in a fearless manner, to embrace an opportunity to protest against the encouragement of a pro-slavery spirit. returning to pennsylvania, to practice his profession, his home became one of the havens where the hunted fugitive from slavery found food, shelter and rest. laboring in connection with the late thomas garrett, of wilmington, del., and with many others, at available points, about two thousand fugitives passed through his hands, on their way to freedom, and amongst these, he frequently had the delight of welcoming some of his old sabbath-school pupils. the mutual recognition was sometimes touching in the extreme. in later life, his anecdotes and reminiscences, told in the vivid style, resulting from a remarkably retentive memory, which could recall word, tone, and gesture, brought to life, some of the most interesting of his experiences with these fleeing bondmen, whose histories no romance could ever equal. being one of the signers of the "declaration of sentiments," issued by the american anti-slavery society in , he had also the gratification of attending the last meeting of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, called to celebrate the downfall of slavery in america, and the dissolution of an organization whose purpose was effected. there are those, who may remember how at that time, in perfect forgetfulness of self, the relation of the heroism of his friend, elisha tyson, seemed to recall for a moment, the vigor of youth to render the decrepitude of age almost majestic. but it was not slavery alone, which occupied the thoughts and attention of this large-hearted man. he was well known as an advocate of common school education, of temperance, and of every other interest, which, in his view, pertained to the welfare of man. unfortunately, he was addicted to the use of tobacco from his youth. having become convinced that it was an evil, he, for the sake of consistency and as an example to others, resolutely abandoned the habit, at the age of seventy. he was fond of accrediting his resolve to a very aged relative, who, in remonstrating with him upon the subject, replied to his remark, that a sudden cessation from a practice so long indulged in, might result in his death: "well, die, then, and go to heaven decently." as a practitioner of medicine, he was eminently successful, his intense sympathy with suffering, seeming to elevate his faculties and give them unwonted vigor in tracing the hidden causes of disease, and in suggesting to his mind alleviating agencies. his patients felt an unspeakable comfort in his presence, well knowing that the best possible remedy which his knowledge, his judgment or his experience suggested, would be selected, let the difficulty and inconvenience to himself be what it would. in cases where life hung trembling in the balance, he would watch night after night, feeding the flickering flame until he perceived it brighten, and this in the abode of misery just as freely as in the home of wealth. the life-long affection of those whom he recalled, was his reward where often none was sought or expected. he believed in woman as only a thoroughly good man can, and from early youth, he had been impressed with her peculiar fitness for the practice of medicine. the experience of a physician confirmed him in his sentiments, and it became one of his most earnest aspirations to open to her all the avenues to the study of medicine. in the year , he gave regular instruction to a class of ladies, and it was through one of these pupils, that the first female graduate in america was interested in the study of medicine. in he communicated to a few liberal-minded professional men, a plan for the establishment of a college of the highest grade for the medical education of women. this long-cherished plan, hallowed to him by the approbation of a beloved wife, was well received. others, with indomitable zeal, took up the work, and finally, after a succession of disappointments and discouragements from causes within and without, the woman's college, on north college avenue, philadelphia, starting from the germ of his thought, entered on the career of prosperity it is so well entitled to receive. though never at any time connected with the college, he regarded its success with the most affectionate interest, considering its proposition as one of the most important results of his life. happy in having lived to see slavery abolished, and believing in the speedy elevation of woman to her true dignity as joint sovereign with man, and in the mitigation of the evils of war, intemperance, poverty, and crime, which might be expected to follow such a result, he rested from his labors, and died in peace. thomas shipley.[a] thomas shipley, one of the foremost in the early generation of philanthropists who devoted their lives to the extinction of human slavery, was born in philadelphia on the second of fourth month, . he was the youngest of five children of william and margaret shipley, his father having emigrated from uttoxeter, in staffordshire, england, about the year . from a very early period in the history of the society of friends his ancestors had been members of that body, and he inherited from them the strong sense of personal independence, and the love of toleration and respect for the rights of others which have ever characterized that body of people. soon after his birth, his mother died, and he was thus early deprived of the fostering care of a pious and devoted parent, whose counsels are so important in forming the youthful mind, and in giving a direction to future life. a few years after the death of his mother, his father was removed, and thomas was left an orphan before he had attained his sixth year. after this affecting event he was taken into the family of isaac bartram, who had married his eldest sister. here he remained for several years, acquiring the common rudiments of education, and at a suitable age was sent to westtown school; after remaining there for a little more than a year, he met with an accident, which rendered it necessary for him to return home; and the effects of which prevented him from proceeding with his education. he fell from the top of a high flight of steps to the ground, and received an injury of the head, followed by convulsions, which continued at intervals for a considerable time, and rendered him incapable of any effort of mind or body. he was, during childhood, remarkably fond of reading, and was distinguished among his friends and associates for uncommon perseverance in accomplishing anything he undertook, a trait which peculiarly marked him through life; his disposition is said to have been unusually amiable and docile, so as to endear him very strongly to his relatives and friends. after his removal from westtown, he was again taken into the family of his brother-in-law, and remained under the care of his sister, who was very much attached to him, until he was placed as an apprentice to the hardware business. while here, he was entirely relieved of the affliction caused by the fall, and was restored to sound health. about the age of twenty-one, he entered upon the pursuits of the business he had selected. the exact time at which his attention was turned to the subject of slavery cannot be ascertained, but it is probable that a testimony against it was among his earliest impressions as a member of the religious society of friends. he joined the "pennsylvania society for the promoting the abolition of slavery," etc., in , and the ardent interest which he took in its objects, was evinced on many occasions within the recollection of many now living. he was for many years an active member of its board of education, and took a prominent part in extending the benefits of learning to colored children and youth. the career of thomas shipley, as it was connected with the interests of the colored community, abounds in incidents which have rarely occurred in the life of any individual. being universally regarded as their adviser and protector, he was constantly solicited for his advice on questions touching their welfare. this led him to investigate the laws relating to this class of persons, in all their extended ramifications. the knowledge he thus acquired, together with his practical acquaintance with the business and decisions of our courts, rendered his opinion peculiarly serviceable on all matters affecting their rights. never did a merchant study more closely the varied relations of business, and their influence on his interests, than did thomas shipley all those questions which concerned the well-being of those for whom he was so warmly interested. he had volunteered his services as their advocate, and they could not have been more faithfully served had they poured out the wealth of croesus at the feet of the most learned counsel. on every occasion of popular commotion where the safety of the colored people was threatened, he was found at his post, fearlessly defending their rights, and exerting his influence with those in authority to throw around them the protection of the laws. in the tumultuous scenes which disgraced philadelphia, in the summer of , in which the fury of the mob was directed against the persons and property of the colored inhabitants, he acted with an energy and prudence rarely found combined in the same individual. the mob had collected and organized to the number of several hundred, and were marching through the lower part of the city, dealing destruction in their course; the houses of respectable and worthy colored citizens were broken in upon, the furniture scattered to the winds, all they possessed destroyed or plundered, and they themselves subjected to the most brutal and savage treatment. defenceless infancy and decrepid age were alike disregarded in the general devastation which these ruffians had decreed should attend their course. the color of the skin was the mark by which their vengeance was directed, and the cries and entreaties of their innocent and defenceless victims were alike disregarded in the accomplishment of their ends. already had several victims fallen before the fury of the ruthless band. law and order were laid waste, and the officers of justice looked on, some perhaps with dismay, and others with indifference, while the rights of citizens were prostrated, and their peaceful and quiet homes invaded by the hand of violence. at such a time the voice of remonstrance or entreaty, would have been useless, and had the avowed friends of the colored man interfered in any public manner, the effect would probably have been to increase the fury of the storm, and to have directed the violence of the mob upon themselves. under these perilous circumstances, thomas shipley was determined to attempt an effort for their relief. he could not look on and see those for whom he was so deeply interested threatened almost with extermination without an effort for their preservation, and yet he was aware that his presence amongst the mob might subject him to assassination, without adding to the security of the objects of his solicitude. he, therefore, determined to disguise himself in such a manner as not to be recognized, and to mingle amongst the rioters in order to ascertain their objects, and if possible to convey such information to the proper authorities as might lead to the arrest of those most active in fomenting disorder. accordingly he left his house late in the evening, attired so as to be completely disguised, and repaired to the scene of tumult. by this time much mischief had been done, and to add fresh fury to the multitude, and to incite them to new deeds of blood, nothing was wanting but some act of resistance on the part of their victims, who, during the whole period, had conducted themselves with a forbearance and patience highly creditable to them as good citizens and upright christians. such an occasion was about to occur, and was prevented by the admirable coolness and forethought of thomas shipley. a number of colored men who had been driven to desperation by the acts of the mob, and who had relinquished the idea of protection from the civil authorities, determined to resort to arms, to defend themselves and their families from the further aggressions of their persecutors. they accordingly repaired to benezet hall, one of their public buildings in south seventh street, with a supply of fire arms and ammunition, determined to fire upon the assailants, and maintain their post or die in the attempt. this fact became known to the leaders of the mob, and the cry was raised to march for the hall, and make the attack. thomas shipley who had mingled amongst the rioters, and apparently identified himself with them, was now perfectly aware of all their designs; he knew their numbers, he had seen the implements of destruction which they were brandishing about them, and he was aware that the occurrence of such a conflict would be attended with the most disastrous results, and might be the beginning of hostilities which would terminate in the destruction of the weaker party, or at least in a dreadful effusion of human blood. seeing the position in which the parties were now placed, he left the ranks of the rioters, and ran at the top of his speed to the house in which the colored people were collected, awaiting the approach of their enemy. as he drew near, they were about coming out to meet their assailants, highly excited by continued outrages, and determined to defend themselves or die. at this unexpected moment, their protector drew nigh; he raised his voice aloud, and addressed the multitude. he deprecated the idea of a resort to physical force, as being calculated to increase their difficulties, and to plunge them into general distress, and entreated them to retire from the hall. his voice was immediately recognized; the effect was electric; the whole throng knew him as their friend; their fierce passions were calmed by the voice of reason and admonition. they could not disregard his counsels; he had come among them, at the dead hour of night, in the midst of danger and trial, to raise his warning voice against a course of measures they were about to pursue. they listened to his remonstrances, and retreated before the mob had reached the building. at this juncture the mayor and his officers assembled in front of the hall, and by prompt and energetic action succeeded in dispersing the mob, and through the information received from thomas shipley, the ringleaders were secured and lodged in prison. the part which thomas shipley acted in the trying scenes so often presented in our courts, during this unhappy period, has invested his character with a remarkable degree of interest. it is probable that his connection with the pennsylvania abolition society was the means of enlisting his talents and exertions in this important service. the energy and zeal of our friend in his efforts for the relief of those about to be deprived of their dearest rights, soon distinguished him as the most efficient member of the society, in this department of its duties. so intense was his interest in all cases where the liberty of his fellow-man was at issue, that, during a period of many years, he was scarcely ever absent from the side of the unhappy victim, as he sat before our judicial tribunals, trembling for his fate. the promptings of interest, the pleasures and allurements of the world, the quiet enjoyment of a peaceful home, were all cheerfully sacrificed, when his services were demanded in these distressing cases. often has he left the business, in which his pecuniary interests were materially involved, to stand by the unhappy fugitive in the hour of his extremity, with an alacrity and a spirit which could only be displayed by one animated by the loftiest principles and the purest philanthropy. who, that has ever witnessed one of these trying scenes, can forget his manly and honest bearing, as he stood before the unrelenting and arrogant claimant, watching with an eagle eye, every step of the process by which he hoped to gain his victim? who has not been struck with his expressive glances toward the judge, when a doubtful point arose in the investigation of the case? who has not caught the lively expression of delight which beamed from his countenance, when a fact was disclosed which had a favorable bearing on the liberty of the captive? who has not admired the sagacity with which his inquiries were dictated, and the tact and acumen with which he managed every part of his cause? his principle was unhesitatingly to submit to existing laws, however unjust their decrees might be, but to scan well the bearing of the facts and principles involved in each case, and to see that nothing was wanting in the chain of evidence, or in the legal points in question, fully to satisfy the requisitions of law. if a doubtful point arose, he was unwearied in investigating it, and devoted hours, days, and even weeks, in the collection of testimony which he thought would have a favorable influence on the prisoner. through his untiring vigilance, many victims have escaped from the hand of the oppressor, whose title to freedom, according to the laws of this commonwealth, was undoubted, and many others, whose enslavement was at least questionable. the time and labor expended by thomas shipley in protecting the interests of his colored clients, would be almost incredible to those who were not aware of his extraordinary devotion to the cause. the only notice which can be found among his papers, of the various slave cases in which he was engaged, is contained in a memorandum book, which he commenced in the summer of . in this book he has noted, in the order of their occurrence, such instances of difficulty or distress as demanded his interference, almost without a comment. i find from this book, that his advice and assistance were bestowed in twenty-five cases, from seventh mo. th, to eighth mo. th, , a period of little more than a month. a number of these cases required the writing of letters to distant places; in some it was necessary for him to visit the parties interested; and others demanded his personal attendance at court. this perhaps, may be considered as a fair average of the amount of labor which he constantly expended in this department of his benevolent efforts; and when we consider the time occupied in the necessary duties of his ordinary avocations, it must be evident that he possessed not only extraordinary humanity, but uncommon activity and energy, to have accomplished so much. in the memorandum book referred to, under date of twelfth mo., , i find the following note: "spent eighteen days in the trial of a. hemsley, and his wife nancy, and her three children, arrested at mount holly, the husband claimed by goldsborough price, executor of isaac boggs, of queen ann's county, maryland, and the wife and children by richard d. cooper, of the same county. john willoughby, agent for both claimants. b.r. brown and b. clarke, attorneys for the claimant, and d.p. brown, j.r. slack, e.b. cannon, and g.w. camblos, for defendants. after a full argument, in which a manumission was produced for nancy, from r.d. cooper's father, she and her children were discharged, but her husband was remanded; on which a certiorari was served on the judge, and a habeas corpus placed in the sheriff's hands." "alexander was discharged by the supreme court, at trenton, third mo. th. the circumstances of the case, were briefly the following: the woman and children had been regularly manumitted in delaware by the father of the claimant, while the title of the father to freedom was less positive, though sufficiently clear to warrant a vigorous effort on his behalf." the first object of the counsel on the part of the alleged fugitive, was to prove the manumission of the mother and children, and, as it was thought, the necessary documents for that purpose were collected and arranged. after the trial had proceeded, however, for a short time, the attorney for the defendants discovered a defect in the testimony on this point; the necessary papers, duly authenticated by the governor or chief justice of delaware, were missing, and without them it was impossible to make out the case. the fact was immediately communicated to thomas shipley--he saw that the papers must be had, and that they could not be procured without a visit to dover, in delaware. he at once determined to repair thither in person, and obtain them. without the knowledge of the claimant's counsel, who might have taken advantage of the omission, and hurried the case to a decision; he started on the evening of the sixth day, and traveled as fast as possible to dover, in the midst of a season unusually cold and inclement. on the next morning inquiries were made in all directions for friend shipley; it was thought strange that he should desert his post in the midst of so exciting and momentous a trial, and at a time when his presence seemed to be particularly required. the counsel for the prisoners, who were aware of his movements, proceeded with the examination of witnesses as slowly as possible, in order to allow time for procuring this important link in the chain of testimony, and thus to procrastinate the period when they should be called upon to sum up the case. fortunately, on the evening of the day on which thomas shipley set out upon his journey, it was proposed to adjourn, and farther proceedings were postponed until second day morning. at the meeting of the court, in the morning, the expected messenger was not there, and the ingenuity of the counsel was taxed still farther to procrastinate the important period. after three hours had been consumed in debate upon legal points, he, who was so anxiously looked for, came hurrying through the crowd, making his way toward the bench. his countenance and his movements soon convinced the wondering spectators that he was the bearer of gratifying news, and in a few minutes, the mystery of his absence was revealed, by the production of a document which was the fruit of his effort. the papers completely established the legal title of the mother and children to their freedom, and placed them out of the reach of further persecution. an attack of illness was the result of the extreme exertion and fatigue endured by this devoted man, in his earnest advocacy of the rights of these friendless beings. the freedom of the husband and father, was, however, still in jeopardy. if the decision of the court should be against him, he would be torn from the bosom of his now joyful and emancipated family, and consigned to a life of bondage. to avert this calamity, the counsel for the prisoner suggested an expedient as humane as it was ingenious. he proposed that a writ of certiorari which would oblige the judge to remove the case to the supreme court and a habeas corpus from the chief justice of the state, should both be in readiness when the decision of the judge should be pronounced, in case that if it should be unfavorable, the writs might be at once served, and the prisoner remanded to the sheriff of the county, to be brought up before the supreme court at trenton for another trial. to procure these writs, it was necessary to obtain the signature of the chief justice of new jersey, who resided at newark, and again thomas shipley was ready to enter with alacrity into the service. he saw the importance of the measure, and that it would require prompt action, inasmuch as the decision of the judge would probably be pronounced on the following day. it fortunately happened that a friend was just about leaving for newark, in his own conveyance, and feeling an interest in the case, he kindly invited friend shipley to accompany him. they left in the afternoon, traveled all night, and arrived at newark by daylight the following morning. the weary traveler was unwilling, however, to retire to bed, although the night was exceedingly cold and tempestuous, but he proceeded at once to the house of the chief justice. he called the worthy judge from his bed, offering the importance of his business, and the necessity of speedy action, as an apology for so unseasonable a visit. chief justice hornblower, on being informed of the circumstances of the case, expressed his pleasure at having it in his power to accede to his wishes and treated him with a respect and kindness which the disinterested benevolence of his mission was calculated to inspire. having obtained the necessary papers, he left at once for mount holly, where he arrived on the following day, in time to place the writs in the hands of the sheriff, just before the decision of judge h. was pronounced. had he consulted his ease or convenience, and deferred his visit to newark a few hours, or had he, as most men, under similar circumstances would have done, reposed his weary limbs, after a cold and dreary ride of eighty miles, in order to enable him to return with renewed strength, he would have arrived too late to render this meritorious effort effectual. as it was, he was there in time. the judge, according to the expectation of the friends of the colored man, gave his decision in favor of the slave-holders, and ordered poor alexander to be given up to the tender mercies of the exasperated claimant. the decision sent a thrill of indignation through the anxious and excited multitude, which perhaps, was never equalled amongst the inhabitants of that quiet town. the friends of humanity had assembled from all parts of the country to witness the proceedings in the case. many of them were personally acquainted with the prisoner; they knew him to be a man of intelligence and integrity; he was an industrious and orderly citizen, and was universally respected in the neighborhood. he was now about to be made a slave, and was declared to be the property of another. the father was about to be torn from his helpless children; the husband in defiance of the divine command, was to be wrested from the fond embrace of his sorrowing wife, to spend his days in misery and toil. and this was to be done before the eyes of those who had a just regard for human rights, a hearty hatred of oppression. is it wonderful, that under such circumstances, there should have been a deep abhorrence for the perpetrators of this outrage upon humanity, and a general sympathy for the innocent captive? but it was decreed that those feelings of honest indignation should be speedily supplanted by the warm outpouring of public gratitude and joy. while the feeling of the spectators was in this state of intense interest and excitement, the judge, stern and inflexible in his purposes, and the clan of greedy claimants ready to seize upon their prey, the sheriff produced his writ of certiorari and handed it to the court. it was instantly returned, and the judge who sat unmoved, by a scene to which he was not unaccustomed, and conceiving, perhaps, that his official dignity was impugned, persisted in his determination that the prisoner should be handed over to the claimant. the prudence and foresight of thomas shipley and his friends had provided, however, for this anticipated difficulty. happily for the prisoner, he was yet embraced under the provision of that constitution, which secured to him the protection of a habeas corpus, and this threw around him a shield which his enemies could not penetrate. a writ of habeas corpus, signed by the chief justice of the state and demanding the body of the prisoner, before the supreme court at its next term, was now produced! the astonished judge found himself completely foiled. he had exercised his authority to its utmost limit, in support of the claims of his slave-holding friends, and had given the influence of his station and character, to bolster up the "patriarchal institution;" but it was all in vain. just as they supposed they had achieved a victory, they were obliged with fallen crests, to succumb to the dictates of a higher tribunal, and to see their victim conveyed beyond their reach in the safe keeping of the sheriff. in the third month, (march,) the case was brought up before the supreme court for final adjudication. in the meantime, thomas shipley adopted vigorous measures to have the facts collected and arranged. he procured the aid of an intelligent and humane friend of the cause, who resided near trenton, to attend, personally to the case, and secured the legal services of theodore frelinghuysen, well known as one of the most gifted and virtuous statesmen of the age, and as a warm and zealous friend of the oppressed. under these happy auspices, the case came before the supreme court, and gave rise to a highly interesting and important argument; in which the distinguished frelinghuysen appeared as the disinterested advocate of the prisoner, and urged upon the court his claim to liberty, under the laws of new jersey, in a speech which was one of his most brilliant and eloquent efforts, and added another to the many laurels which his genius and philanthropy have achieved. the opinion of chief justice hornblower was given at length, and is said to have displayed a soundness and extent of legal knowledge, with a spirit of mildness and humanity, well worthy of the highest judicial tribunal of new jersey. by this decision, alexander helmsley was declared to be a freeman, and returned with rejoicing into the bosom of his family, and to the enjoyment of the rights and privileges of a free citizen. thus terminated this interesting case, which for several months agitated the public mind of burlington county, to an extent almost unequalled. such disinterested devotion to the defence of the rights of the oppressed, had it been displayed only in the instance recited, would be sufficient to enroll the name of thomas shipley on the list of the benefactors of his race; but when we consider that, for a period of twenty years, his history abounds in similar incidents, and that he uniformly stood forth as the unflinching advocate of the oppressed, regardless of the sacrifices which he was obliged to make on their behalf, we are disposed to view him as one of that noble band whose lives have been consecrated to deeds of charity and benevolence, and whose names will illumine the moral firmament, so long as virtue and truth shall command the homage of mankind. thomas shipley was one of the founders of the american anti-slavery society, and was an active agent in those stirring movements which soon aroused the nation to a full consideration of the enormities of slavery. he was a prominent member of the anti-slavery convention, which assembled in this city in , and a signer of their declaration of sentiments. during the last few years of his life, he was more devotedly engaged in his abolition labors than at any previous period. it was his constant desire to diffuse the principles which had been so fearlessly proclaimed by the convention, and to encourage the formation of anti-slavery societies throughout the sphere of his influence. he was one of the most prominent members of the philadelphia anti-slavery society, which was formed through much opposition, in , and he steadily adhered to its meetings, notwithstanding the threats which were so loudly made by the enemies of public order. in the midst of the popular commotions and tumults, which marked the progress of anti-slavery principles, he stood calm and unmoved. having been long known as a firm friend of the rights of the colored man, and being amongst the most efficient public advocates of his cause, he was of course subjected to the revilings which were so liberally heaped upon the abolitionists at that time. his name was associated with that of tappan, birney, green, jay, garrison, and other leading abolitionists, who were singled out by slave-holders and their abettors as fit subjects for the merciless attacks of excited mobs. in several attempts which were made in this city to stir up the passions of the ignorant against the advocates of human rights, his person and property were openly threatened with assault. such menaces failed, however, to deter him from the steady performance of what he believed to be a solemn duty. being fully satisfied of the truth of the principles which he had espoused, he relied with unwavering confidence upon divine power for their ultimate triumph, and for the protection of those who advocated them. when his friends expressed their anxiety for his safety, he always allayed their apprehensions, and evinced by the firmness and benignity of his manner that he was divested of the fear of man, and acted under the influence of that spirit which is from above. the active part which thomas shipley took in anti-slavery movements, did not diminish his interest in the prosperity and usefulness of the old pennsylvania society. he was a steady attendant on its meetings, and exercised his wonted care on all subjects connected with its interests. a short time previous to his death, his services were acknowledged by his fellow-members, by his election to the office of president. the incessant and fatiguing labors in which he was engaged, had sensibly affected the vigor of a constitution naturally delicate, and rendered him peculiarly liable to the inroads of disease. he was seized in the autumn of , with an attack of intermittent fever, which confined him to the house for ten or twelve days, and very much reduced his strength; while recovering from this attack, he experienced an accession of disease which terminated his life in less than twenty-four hours. but a few hours before his death, he inquired of his physicians as to the probable issue of his case; when informed of his critical condition, he received the intelligence with composure, and immediately requested dr. atlee, who was by his side, to take down some directions in regard to his affairs, on paper. in a few minutes after this, he quietly lapsed into the sleep of death, in the morning, on the th of ninth month, . his last words were, "i die at peace with all mankind, and hope that my trespasses may be as freely forgiven, as i forgive those who have trespassed against me." to all who knew him well, of whatever class in the community, the tidings of this unexpected event brought a personal sorrow. it was felt that a man of rare probity and virtue had gone to his reward. but to the colored people the intelligence of his death was at once startling and confounding. their whole community was bowed down in public lamentation, for their warmest and most steadfast friend was gone. they repaired in large numbers to the house of their benefactor to obtain a last glance at his lifeless body. parents brought their little ones to the house of mourning, and as they gazed upon the features of the departed, now inanimate in death, they taught their infant minds the impressive lesson, that before them were the mortal remains of one who had devoted his energies to the disenthralment of their race, and whose memory they should ever cherish with gratitude and reverence. when the day arrived for committing his remains to the grave the evidence of deep and pervading sorrow among these wronged and outraged people was strikingly apparent. thousands, whose serious deportment and dejected countenances evinced that they were fully sensible of their loss, collected in the vicinity of his dwelling, anxious to testify their respect for his memory. theirs was not the gaze of the indifferent crowd, which clusters around the abodes of fashion and splendor, to witness the pomp and circumstance attendant on the interment of the haughty or the rich. it was a solemn gathering, brought together by the impulse of feeling, to mingle their tears and lamentations at the grave of one whom they had loved and revered as a protector and a friend. when the hearse arrived at the quiet burial place in arch street, where the friends for many generations have buried their dead, six colored men carried the body to its last resting-place, and the silent tear of the son of africa over the grave of his zealous friend, was more expressive of real affection than all the parade which is sometimes brought so ostentatiously before the public eye. in the expressive words of the leading newspaper of the day, "aaron burr was lately buried with the honors of war. thomas shipley was buried with the honors of peace. let the reflecting mind pause in the honorable contrast." as a public speaker thomas shipley was clear, cogent, sometimes eloquent, and always impressive. he never attempted oratorical effect, or studied harangues. he generally spoke extemporaneously, on the spur of the occasion, and what he said came warm from the heart. it was the simple and unadorned expression of his sentiments and feelings. he was, however, argumentative and even logical, when the occasion required it. when intensely interested, his eye was full of deep and piercing expression. although his education had been limited, and his pursuits afforded him but little leisure time, yet he indulged his fondness for reading, and exhibited a refined literary taste in his selections. he has left amongst his books and papers eight manuscript volumes of about one hundred and fifty pages each, filled with selections, copied in his own handwriting, and culled from the writings of many of the most gifted authors, both in poetry and prose. these extracts are generally of a moral and religious caste, and include scraps from young, milton, addison, burns, cowper, watts, akenside, pope, byron, hemans, and many others. in the domestic and social circle, his conversation was animated and instructive, and always tempered by that kindness and amenity of manners which endeared him to his family and friends. he was no bigot in religion. while a firm believer in the doctrines of the gospel as maintained by the orthodox society of friends, he yet held that religion was an operative principle producing the fruits of righteousness and peace, in all of whatever name, who are sincere followers of our lord jesus christ. in conclusion we may add, that more than most men he bore about with him the sentiment of that old roman, "nihil humanum alienum a me puto," while he added to it the higher thought of the christian, that he who loveth god loveth his brother also. we need not dwell upon the life of such a man. to-day, after the lapse of more than a generation, his memory is fresh and green in the hearts of those who knew him, and who still survive to hand down to their children the story of the trials of that eventful period in our history. _to the memory of_ thomas shipley, president of the pennsylvania abolition society, who died on the th of ninth mo., , a devoted christian and philanthropist. by john g. whittier. gone to thy heavenly father's rest-- the flowers of eden round thee blowing! and, on thine ear, the murmurs blest of shiloah's waters softly flowing! beneath that tree of life which gives to all the earth its healing leaves-- in the white robe of angels clad, and wandering by that sacred river, whose streams of holiness make glad the city of our god forever! gentlest of spirits!--not for thee our tears are shed, our sighs are given: why mourn to know thou art a free partaker of the joys of heaven? finished thy work, and kept thy faith in christian firmness unto death-- and beautiful as sky and earth, when autumn's sun is downward going, the blessed memory of thy worth around thy place of slumber glowing! but, wo for us i--who linger still with feebler strength and hearts less lowly, and minds less steadfast to the will of him, whose every work is holy! for not like thine, is crucified the spirit of our human pride: and at the bondman's tale of woe, and for the outcast and forsaken, not warm like thine, but cold and slow, our weaker sympathies awaken! darkly upon our struggling way the storm of human hate is sweeping; hunted and branded, and a prey, our watch amidst the darkness keeping! oh! for that hidden strength which can nerve unto death the inner man! oh--for thy spirit tried and true and constant in the hour of trial-- prepared to suffer or to do in meekness and in self-denial. oh, for that spirit meek and mild, derided, spurned, yet uncomplaining-- by man deserted and reviled, yet faithful to its trust remaining. still prompt and resolute to save from scourge and chain the hunted slave! unwavering in the truth's defence e'en where the fires of hate are burning, the unquailing eye of innocence alone upon the oppressor turning! oh, loved of thousands! to thy grave, sorrowing of heart, thy brethren bore thee! the poor man and the rescued slave wept as the broken earth closed o'er thee-- and grateful tears, like summer rain, quickened its dying grass again!-- and there, as to some pilgrim shrine, shall come the outcast and the lowly, of gentle deeds and words of thine recalling memories sweet and holy! oh, for the death the righteous die! an end, like autumn's day declining, on human hearts, as on the sky, with holier, tenderer beauty shining! as to the parting soul were given the radiance of an opening heaven! as if that pure and blessed light from off the eternal altar flowing, were bathing in its upward flight the spirit to its worship going! robert purvis was born in charleston, s.c. on the th day of august, . his father, william purvis, was a native of ross county, in northumberland, england. his mother was a free-born woman, of charleston. his maternal grandmother was a moor; and her father was an israelite, named baron judah. robert purvis and his two brothers were brought to the north by their parents in . in pennsylvania and new england he received his scholastic education, finishing it at amherst college. since that time his home has been in philadelphia, or in the vicinity of that city. his interest in the anti-slavery cause began in his childhood, inspired by such books as "sandford and merton," and dr. toney's "portraiture of slavery," which his father put into his hands. his father, though resident in a slave state, was never a slaveholder; but was heartily an abolitionist in principle. it was robert purvis' good fortune, before he attained his majority, to make the acquaintance of that earnest and self-sacrificing pioneer of freedom, benjamin lundy; and in conjunction with him, was an early laborer in the anti-slavery field. he was a member of the convention held in philadelphia in , which formed the american anti-slavery society; and among the signatures to its declaration of sentiments, the name of robert purvis is to be seen; a record of which his posterity to the latest generation may be justly proud. during the whole period of that society's existence he was a member of it; and was also an active member and officer of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society. to the cause of the slave's freedom he gave with all his heart his money, his time, his talents. fervent in soul, eloquent in speech, most gracious in manner, he was a favorite on the platform of anti-slavery meetings. high-toned in moral nature, keenly sensitive in all matters pertaining to justice and integrity, he was a most valuable coadjutor with the leaders of an unpopular reform; and throughout the anti-slavery conflict, he always received, as he always deserved, the highest confidence and warm personal regard of his fellow-laborers. his faithful labors in aiding fugitive slaves cannot be recorded within the limits of this sketch. throughout that long period of peril to all who dared to "remember those in bonds as bound with them," his house was a well-known station on the underground rail road; his horses and carriages, and his personal attendance, were ever at the service of the travelers upon that road. in those perilous duties his family heartily sympathized with him, and cheerfully performed their share. he has lived to witness the triumph of the great cause to which he devoted his youth and his manhood; to join in the jubilee song of the american slave; and the thanksgiving of the abolitionists; and to testify that the work of his life has been one "whose reward is in itself." john hunn. almost within the lions' den, in daily sight of the enemy, in the little slave-holding state of delaware, lived and labored the freedom-loving, earnest and whole-souled quaker abolitionist, john hunn. his headquarters were at cantwell's bridge, but, as an engineer of the underground rail road, his duties, like those of his fellow-laborer thomas garrett, were not confined to that section, but embraced other places, and were attended with great peril, constant care and expense. he was well-known to the colored people far and near, and was especially sought with regard to business pertaining to the underground rail road, as a friend who would never fail to assist as far as possible in every time of need. through his agency many found their way to freedom, both by land and water. the slave-holders regarding him with much suspicion, watched him closely, and were in the habit of "breathing out threatenings and slaughter" very fiercely at times. but hunn was too plucky to be frightened by their threats and menaces, and as one, commissioned by a higher power to remember those in bonds as bound with them he remained faithful to the slave. men, women or children seeking to be unloosed from the fetters of slavery, could not make their grievances known to john hunn without calling forth his warmest sympathies. his house and heart were always open to all such. the slave-holders evidently concluded that hunn could not longer be tolerated, consequently devised a plan to capture him, on the charge of aiding off a woman with her children. [john hunn and thomas garrett were conjointly prosecuted in this case, and in the sketch of the latter, the trial, conviction, etc., are so fully referred to, that it is unnecessary to do more than allude to it here]. these noted underground rail road offenders being duly brought before the united states district court, in may, , judge taney, presiding, backed by a thoroughly pro-slavery sentiment, obviously found it a very easy matter to convict them, and a still easier matter to fine them to the extent of every dollar they possessed in the world. thousands of dollars were swept from hunn in an instant, and his family left utterly destitute; but he was by no means conquered, as he deliberately gave the court to understand in a manly speech, delivered while standing to receive his sentence. there and then he avowed his entire sympathy with the slave, and declared that in the future, as in the past, by the help of god, he would never withhold a helping hand from the down-trodden in the hour of distress. that this pledge was faithfully kept by hunn, there can be no question, as he continued steadfast at his post until the last fetter was broken by the great proclamation of abraham lincoln. he was not without friends, however, for even near by, dwelt a few well-tried abolitionists. ezekiel jenkins, mifflin warner, and one or two others, whole-souled workers in the same cause with hunn; he was therefore not forgotten in the hour of his extremity. wishing to produce a sketch worthy of this veteran, we addressed him on the subject, but failed to obtain all the desired material. his reasons, however, for withholding the information which we desired were furnished, and, in connection therewith, a few anecdotes touching underground rail road matters coming under his immediate notice, which we here take great pleasure in transcribing. beaufort, s.c. th mo. th, . wm. still, dear friend:--in thy first letter thee asked for my photograph as well as for an opinion of the book about to be edited by thyself. i returned a favorable answer and sent likeness, as requested. i incidentally mentioned that, probably some of my papers might be of service to thee. the papers alluded to had no reference to myself; but consisted of anecdotes and short histories of some of the fugitives from the hell of american slavery, who gave me a call, as engineer of the underground rail road in the state of delaware, and received the benefit of my advice and assistance. i was twenty-seven years-old when i engaged in the underground rail road business, and i continued therein diligently until the breaking up of that business by the great rebellion. i then came to south carolina to witness the uprising of a nation of slaves into the dignity and privileges of mankind. nothing can possibly have the same interest to me. therefore, i propose to remain where this great problem is in the process of solution; and to give my best efforts to its successful accomplishment. in this matter the course that i have pursued thus far through life has given me solid satisfaction. i ask no other reward for any efforts made by me in the cause, than to feel that i have been of use to my fellow-men. no other course would have brought peace to my mind; then why should any credit be awarded to me; or how can i count any circumstance that may have occurred to me, in the light of a sacrifice? if a man pursues the only course that will bring peace to his own mind, is he deserving of any credit therefor? is not the reward worth striving for at any cost? indeed it is, as i well know. would it be well for me, entertaining such sentiments, to sit down and write an account of my sacrifices? i think not. therefore please hold me excused. i am anxious to see thy book, and will forward the price of one as soon as i can ascertain what it is. please accept my thanks for thy kind remembrance of me. i am now fifty-three years old, but i well remember thy face in the anti-slavery office in fifth street, when i called on business of the underground rail road. our mutual friend, s.d. burris, was the cause of much uneasiness to us in those times. it required much trouble, as well as expense to save him from the slave-traders. i stood by him on the auction-block; and when i stepped down, they thought they had him sure. indeed he thought so himself for a little while. but we outwitted them at last, to their great chagrin. those were stirring times, and the people of dover, delaware, will long remember the time when s.d. burris was sold at public sale for aiding slaves to escape from their masters, and was bought by the pennsylvania anti-slavery society. i remain very truly thy friend, john hunn. * * * * * the case of molly, a slave, belonging to r---- b----, of smyrna, delaware. by john hunn, engineer of the underground rail road. molly escaped from her master's farm, in cecil county, maryland, and found a place of refuge in the house of my cousin, john alston, near middletown, delaware. the man-hunters, headed by a constable with a search warrant, took her thence and lodged her in new castle jail. this fact was duly published in the county papers, and her master went after his chattel, and having paid the expenses of her capture took immediate possession thereof. she was hand-cuffed, and, her feet being tied together, she was placed in the wagon. before she left the jail, the wife of the sheriff gave her a piece of bread and butter, which her master kicked out of her hand, and swore that bread and butter was too good for her. after this act her master took a drink of brandy and drove off. he stopped at a tavern about four miles from new castle and took another drink of brandy. he then proceeded to odessa, then called cantwell's bridge, and got his dinner and more brandy, for the day was a cold one. he had his horse fed, but gave no food to his human chattel, who remained in the wagon cold and hungry. after sufficient rest for himself and horse he started again. he was now twelve miles from home, on a good road, his horse was gentle, and he himself in a genial mood at the recovery of his bond-woman. he yielded to the influence of the liquor he had imbibed and fell into a sound sleep. molly now determined to make another effort for her freedom. she accordingly worked herself gradually over the tail board of the wagon, and fell heavily upon the frozen ground. the horse and wagon passed on, and she rolled into the bushes, and waited for deliverance from her bonds. this came from a colored man who was passing that way. as he was neither a priest nor a levite, he took the rope from her feet and guided her to a cabin near at hand, where she was kindly received. her deliverer could not take the hand-cuffs off, but promised to bring a person, during the evening, who could perform that operation. he fulfilled his promise, and brought her that night to my house, which was in sight of the one whence she had been taken to new castle jail. i had no fear for her safety, as i believed that her master would not think of looking for her so near to the place where she had been arrested. molly remained with us nearly a month; but, seeing fugitives coming and going continually, she finally concluded to go further north. i wrote to my friend, thomas garrett, desiring him to get a good home for molly. this he succeeded in doing, and a friend from chester county, pennsylvania, came to my house and took molly with him. she remained in his family more than six months. in the mean time the fugitive slave law was passed by congress, and several fugitives were arrested in philadelphia and sent back to their masters. molly, hearing of these doings, became uneasy, and finally determined to go to canada. she arrived safely in the queen's dominions, and felt at last that she had escaped from the hell of american slavery. molly described her master as an indulgent one when sober, but when he was on a "spree" he seemed to take great delight in tormenting her. he would have her beaten unmercifully without cause, and then have her stripes washed in salt water, then he would have her dragged through the horse pond until she was nearly dead. this last operation seemed to afford him much pleasure. when he became sober he would express regret at having treated her so cruelly. i frequently saw this master of molly's, and was always treated respectfully by him. he would have his "sprees" after molly left him. * * * * * an account of the escape from slavery of samuel hawkins and family, of queen anne's county, maryland, on the underground rail road, in the state of delaware. by john hunn. on the morning of the th of th month (december), , as i was washing my hands at the yard pump of my residence, near middletown, new castle county, delaware, i looked down the lane, and saw a covered wagon slowly approaching my house. the sun had just risen, and was shining brightly (after a stormy night) on the snow which covered the ground to the depth of six inches. my house was situated three quarters of a mile from the road leading from middletown to odessa, (then called cantwell's bridge.) on a closer inspection i noticed several men walking beside the wagon. this seemed rather an early hour for visitors, and i could not account for the circumstance. when they reached the yard fence i met them, and a colored man handed me a letter addressed to daniel corbit, john alston or john hunn; i asked the man if he had presented the letter to either of the others to whom it was addressed; he said, no, that he had not been able to see either of them. the letter was from my cousin, ezekiel jenkins, of camden, delaware, and stated that the travelers were fugitive slaves, under the direction of samuel d. burris (who handed me the note). the party consisted of a man and his wife, with their six children, and four fine-looking colored men, without counting the pilot, s.d. burris, who was a free man, from kent county, delaware. this was the first time that i ever saw burris, and also the first time that i had ever been called upon to assist fugitives from the hell of american slavery. the wanderers were gladly welcomed, and made as comfortable as possible until breakfast was ready for them. one man, in trying to pull his boots off, found they were frozen to his feet; he went to the pump and filled them with water, thus he was able to get them off in a few minutes. this increase of thirteen in the family was a little embarrassing, but after breakfast they all retired to the barn to sleep on the hay, except the woman and four children, who remained in the house. they were all very weary, as they had traveled from camden (twenty-seven miles), through a snowstorm; the woman and four children in the wagon with the driver, the others walking all the way. most of them were badly frost-bitten, before they arrived at my house. in camden, they were sheltered in the houses of their colored friends. although this was my first acquaintance with s.d. burris, it was not my last, as he afterwards piloted them himself, or was instrumental in directing hundreds of fugitives to me for shelter. about two o'clock of the day on which these fugitives arrived at my house, a neighbor drove up with his daughter in a sleigh, apparently on a friendly visit. i noticed his restlessness and frequent looking out of the window fronting the road; but did not suppose, that he had come "to spy out the land." the wagon and the persons walking with it, had been observed from his house, and he had reported the fact in middletown. accordingly, in half an hour, another sleigh came up, containing a constable of middletown, william hardcastle, of queen ann's county, maryland, and william chesnut, of the same neighborhood. i met them at the gate, and the constable handed me an advertisement, wherein one thousand dollars reward was offered for the recovery of three runaway slaves, therein described. the constable asked me if they were in my house? i said they were not! he then asked me if he might search the house? i declined to allow him this privilege, unless he had a warrant for that purpose. while we stood thus conversing, the husband of the woman with the six children, came out of a house near the barn, and ran into the woods. the constable and his two companions immediately gave chase, with many halloos! after running more than a mile through the snow, the fugitive came toward the house; i went to meet him, and found him with his back against the barn-yard fence, with a butcher's knife in his hand. the man hunters soon came up, and the constable asked me to get the knife from the fugitive. this i declined, unless the constable should first give me his pistol, with which he was threatening to shoot the man. he complied with my request, and the fugitive handed me the knife. then he produced a pass, properly authenticated, and signed by a magistrate of queen ann's county, maryland, certifying that this man was free! and that his name was samuel hawkins. william hardcastle now advanced, and said that he knew the man to be free; but that he was accused of running away with his wife and children who were slaves. he also said, that this man had two boys with him, who belonged to a neighbor of his, named charles wesley glanding, and that the four other children and mother belonged to catharine turner, of queen ann's county, maryland. hardcastle further expressed his belief, that this man knew where his wife and children were at that time, and insisted that he should go before a magistrate in middletown, and be examined in regard thereto. he also expressed doubts as to the genuineness of this pass, and wished the man to go to middletown on that account also. as there was no other course to pursue under the circumstances, i had my sleigh brought out, and we all went to middletown, before my friend, william streets, who was then in commission as a magistrate. it was now after dark of this short winter's day. soon after our arrival at the office of william streets, hardcastle put his arm very lovingly around the neck of the colored man, samuel hawkins, and drew him into another room. in a short time, samuel came out, and told me that hardcastle had agreed, that if he, hawkins, would give up his two older boys, who belonged to charles wesley glanding; then he might pursue his journey with his wife and four children. i asked him if he believed hardcastle would keep his promise? he replied: "yes! i do not think master william would cheat me." i assured him that he would cheat him, and that the offer was made for the purpose of not only getting the two older boys (fourteen and sixteen years of age), but his wife and other children to the office, when all of them would be taken together to the jail, in new castle. samuel thought differently, and at his request, i wrote to my wife for the delivery of the family of samuel hawkins to the constable. they were soon forthcoming, and on their arrival at the office, a commitment was made out for the whole party. samuel and his two older sons were hand-cuffed, amidst many tears and lamentations, and they all went off under charge of the man-hunters, to new castle jail, a distance of eighteen miles. william streets committed the whole party as fugitives from slavery, while the husband (samuel), was a free man. this was done on account of the detestation of the wicked business, as much as on account of his friendship for me. on their arrival at the jail, about midnight, the sheriff was aroused, and the commitment shown to him; after reading it, he asked samuel if he was a slave? he said no, and showed his pass (which had been pronounced genuine by the magistrate). the sheriff hereupon told them, that the commitment was not legal, and would not hold them lawfully. it was now first day (sunday), and the man-hunters were in a quandary. the constable finally agreed to go back and get another commitment, if the sheriff would take the party into the jail until his return; hardcastle also urged the sheriff to adopt this plan. accordingly they were taken into the jail. the sheriff's daughter had heard her father's conversation with the constable, accordingly she sent word on first-day morning, to my revered friend, thomas garrett, of wilmington, five miles distant, in regard to the matter, inviting him to see the fugitives. early on second day morning (monday), thomas went over with john wales, attorney at law. the latter soon obtained a writ of habeas corpus from judge booth of new castle, which was served upon the sheriff; who, therefore, brought the whole party before judge booth, who discharged them at once, as being illegally detained by the sheriff. thomas garrett, with the consent of the judge, then hired a carriage to take the woman and four children over to wilmington, samuel and the two older boys walked, so they all escaped from the man-hunters. they went from wilmington to byberry, and settled near the farm of robert purvis. samuel hawkins and wife have since died, but their descendants still live in that neighborhood, under the name of hackett. soon after the departure of the fugitives from new castle jail, the constable arrived with new commitments from william streets, and presented them in due form to the sheriff; who informed him that they had been liberated by order of judge booth! a few hours after, william hardcastle arrived from philadelphia, expecting to take samuel hawkins and his family to queen ann's county, maryland. judge of his disappointment at finding they were beyond his control--absolutely gone! they returned to middletown in great anger, and threatened to prosecute william streets for his participation in the affair. after the departure of the hawkins family from middletown, i returned home to see what had become of s.d. burris and his four men. i found them taking some solid refreshment, preparatory to taking a long walk in the snow. they left about nine p.m., for wilmington. i sent by s.d. burris a letter to thomas garrett, detailing the arrest and commitment of s. hawkins and family to new castle jail. they all arrived safely in wilmington before daylight next morning. burris waited to hear the result of the expedition to new castle; and actually had the pleasure of seeing s. hawkins and family arrive in wilmington. samuel burris returned to my house early on third day morning, with a letter from thomas garrett, giving me a description of the whole transaction. my joy on this occasion was great! and i returned thanks to god for this wonderful escape of so many human beings from the charnel-house of slavery. officers of the road. [illustration: john hunn] [illustration: samuel rhoads] [illustration: william whipper] [illustration: samuel d. burris] of course this circumstance excited the ire of many pro-slavery editors in maryland. i had copies of several papers sent me, wherein i was described as a man unfit to live in a civilized community, and calling upon the inhabitants of middletown to expel such a dangerous person from that neighborhood! they also told exactly where i lived, which enabled many a poor fugitive escaping from the house of bondage, to find a hearty welcome and a resting-place on the road to liberty. thanks be to god! for his goodness to me in this respect. the trial which ensued from the above, came off before chief justice taney, at new castle. my revered friend, thomas garrett, and myself, were there convicted of harboring fugitive slaves, and were fined accordingly, to the extent of the law; judge taney delivering the sentence. a detailed account of said trial, will fully appear in the memoirs of our deceased friend, thomas garrett. * * * * * samuel rhoads was born in philadelphia, in , and was through life a consistent member of the society of friends. his parents were persons of great respectability and integrity. the son early showed an ardent desire for improvement, and was distinguished among his young companions for warm affections, amiable disposition, and genial manners, rare purity and refinement of feeling, and a taste for literary pursuits. preferring as his associates those to whom he looked for instruction and example, and aiming at a high standard, he won a position, both mentally and socially, superior to his early surroundings. with a keen sense of justice and humanity, he could not fail to share in the traditional opposition of his religious society to slavery, and to be quickened to more intense feeling as the evils of the system were more fully revealed in the anti-slavery agitation which in his early manhood began to stir the nation. a visit to england, in , brought him into connection and friendship with many leading friends in that country, who were actively engaged in the anti-slavery movement, and probably had much to do with directing his attention specially to the subject. once enlisted, he never wavered, but as long as slavery existed by law in our country his influence, both publicly and privately, was exerted against it. he was strengthened in his course by a warm friendship and frequent intercourse with the late abraham l. pennock, a man whose unbending integrity and firm allegiance to duty were equalled only by his active benevolence, broad charity, and rare clearness of judgment. samuel rhoads, like him, while sympathizing with other phases of the anti-slavery movement, took especial interest in the subject of abstaining from the use of articles produced by slave labor. believing that the purchase of such articles, by furnishing to the master the only possibility of pecuniary profit from the labor of his slaves, supplied one motive for holding them in bondage, and that the purchaser thus became, however unwittingly, a partaker in the guilt, he felt conscientiously bound to withhold his individual support as far as practicable, and to recommend the same course to others. his practical action upon these views began about the year , and was persevered in, at no small expense and inconvenience, till slavery ceased in this country to have a legal existence. about this time he united with the american free produce association, which had been formed in , and in took an active part in the formation of the free produce association of friends of philadelphia, y.m.; both associations having the object of promoting the production by free labor of articles usually grown by slaves, particularly of cotton. agents were sent into the cotton states, to make arrangements with small planters, who were growing cotton by the labor of themselves and their families without the help of slaves, to obtain their crops, which otherwise went into the general market, and could not be distinguished. a manufactory was established for working this cotton, and a limited variety of goods were thus furnished. in all these operations samuel rhoads aided efficiently by counsel and money. in , "the non-slave-holder," a monthly periodical, devoted mainly to the advocacy of the free produce cause, was established in philadelphia, edited by a.l. pennock, s. rhoads, and george w. taylor. it was continued five years, for the last two of which samuel rhoads conducted it alone. he wrote also a pamphlet on the free labor question. from july, to january, he was editor of the "friends' review," a weekly paper, religious and literary, conducted in the interest of his own religious society, and in this position he gave frequent proofs of interest in the slave, keeping his readers well advised of events and movements bearing upon the subject. while thus awake to all forms of anti-slavery effort, his heart and hand were ever open to the fugitive from bondage, who appealed to him, and none such were ever sent away empty. though not a member of the vigilance committee, he rendered it frequent and most efficient aid, especially during the dark ten years after the passage of the fugitive slave law. a second visit to england, in , had enlarged his connection and correspondence with anti-slavery friends there, and in addition to his own contributions, very considerable sums of money were transmitted to him, especially through a.h. richardson, for the benefit of the fugitives. often when the treasury of the committee ran low, he came opportunely to their relief with funds sent by his english friends, while his sympathy and encouragement never failed. the extent of his assistance in this direction was known to but few, but by them its value was gratefully acknowledged. none rejoiced more than he in the overthrow of american slavery, though its end came in convulsion and bloodshed, at which his spirit revolted, not by the peaceful means through which he with others had labored to bring it about. he had some years before been active in preparing a memorial to congress, asking that body to make an effort to put an end to slavery in the states, by offering from the national treasury, to any state or states which would emancipate the slaves therein, and engage not to renew the system, compensation for losses thus sustained. this proposition was made, not as admitting any _right_ of the masters to compensation; but on the ground that the whole nation, having shared in the guilt of maintaining slavery, might justly share also in whatever pecuniary loss might follow its abandonment. this memorial was sent to congress, but elicited no response; and in the fulness of time, the nation paid even in money many times any possible price that could have been demanded under this plan. samuel rhoads died in . george corson was born in plymouth township, montgomery county, pennsylvania, january th, . he was the son of joseph and hannah corson. he was married january th, , to martha, daughter of samuel and susanna maulsby. there were perhaps few more devoted men than george corson to the interests of the oppressed everywhere. the slave, fleeting from his master, ever found a home with him, and felt while there that no slave-hunter would get him away until every means of protection should fail. he was ever ready to send his horse and carriage to convey them on the road to canada, or elsewhere towards freedom. his home was always open to entertain the anti-slavery advocates, and being warmly supported in the cause by his excellent wife, everything which they could do to make their guests comfortable was done. the burleighs, j. miller mckim, miss mary grew, f. douglass, and others will not soon forget that hospitable home. it is to be regretted that he died before the emancipation of the slaves, which he had so long labored for, arrived. in this connection it may not be improper to state that simultaneously with his labors in the anti-slavery cause, he was also laboring with zeal in the cause of temperance. of his efforts in that direction through nearly thirty years, our space will not allow us to speak. his life and labors were a daily protest against the traffic of rum. there is also another phase of his character which should be mentioned. whenever he saw animals abused, horses beaten, he instantly interfered, often at great risk of personal harm from the brutal drivers about the lime quarries and iron ore diggings. so firm, so determined was he, that the cruellest ruffian felt that he must yield or confront the law. take him all for all, there will rarely be found in one man more universal benevolence and justice than was possessed by the subject of this notice. hiram corson, brother of the subject of this sketch, and a faithful co-laborer in the cause, in response to a request that he would furnish a reminiscence touching his brother's agency in assisting fugitives, wrote as follows: _november st_, . dear robert:--wm. still wishes some account of the case of the negro slave taken from our neighborhood some years ago, after an attempt by my brother george to release him. (about thirty years ago.) george had been on a visit to our brother charles, living at the fork of the skippack and perkiomen creeks, in this county, and on his return, late in the afternoon, while coming along an obscure road, not the main direct road, he came up to a man on horseback, who was followed at a distance of a few feet by a colored man with a rope tied around his neck, and the other end held by the person on horseback. george had had experience with those slave-drivers before, as in the case of john and james lewis, and withal had become deeply interested in the anti-slavery cause. he, therefore, inquired of the mounted man, what the other had done that he was to be thus treated. he quietly remarked that he was his slave and had run away. he then asked by what authority he held him. he said by warrant from esquire vanderslice. indignant at this great outrage, my brother hurried on to norristown, and waited his arrival with a process to arrest him. the slave-master, confident in his rights, bold in the country of those pretended freemen, who were ever ready to kiss the rod of slavery, came slowly riding into norristown, just before sunset, with the rope still fast to the slave's neck. he was immediately taken before a justice of the peace, whose name i do not now remember. the people gathered around; anxious inquiries were made as to the person who had the audacity to question the right of this quiet, peaceable man to do with his slave as he pleased. great scorn was expressed for the busy abolitionists. much sympathy given to the abused slave owner. it was soon decided, by the aid of a volunteer lawyer, whose sons have since fought the battle for freedom, that the slave-owner had a right to take his slave whereever, and in whatever way he pleased, through the country, and not only that, but at his call for help it was the bounden duty of every man, called upon, to aid him; and the person who had the audacity to stop him was threatened with punishment. but george's blood was up, so pained was he at the sight of a man, a poor man, a helpless man, being dragged through from pennsylvania with a halter around his neck, that, amidst the jeers and insults of the debased crowd, he denounced slavery, its aiders and abettors, in tones of scorn and loathing. but the man thief was left with his prey. through the advice of those who stood by the slave laws and who knelt before the slave power, as personified by that hunter of slaves, the rope was taken from the neck, and the man guarded while the master regaled himself. that night he disappeared with his man. i can also give a few particulars of the escape of the gorsuch murderers, from norristown on their way to canada. there should be a portrait of daniel ross, and a history of his labors during twenty or more years. hundreds were entertained in his humble home, and it was in his home that the gorsuch murderer was secreted. he must not be left out. i can also get the whole history, escape, capture, trial, conviction and redemption of james and john lewis, and one other. they were captured here within sight of our house. george corson, esq., published it all, about ten years ago. respectfully, robert r. corson. hiram corson. charles d. cleveland. mr. still has asked me to record the part that my father bore in the anti-slavery enterprise, as it began and grew in this city. i comply, because the history of that struggle would be very incomplete, if from it were omitted the peculiar work which my father's position here shaped for him. yet i can only indicate his work, not portray it; tell some of its elements, and then leave them to the moral sympathies of the reader to upbuild. for, first, his labor for the love of man was evenly distributed through the mould and movements of his entire life; and from a perpetual current of nourishing blood, one cannot name those particular atoms that are busiest or richest to sustain vitality. and, further, if i could hear his voice, it would forbid any detailed account of what he accomplished and endured. it was all done unobtrusively in his life; bravely, defiantly, in regard of the evil to be met and mastered, but as unconsciously in regard of himself as every conviction works, when it is as broad as the entire spiritual life of a man and has his entire spiritual force to give it expression. i know, therefore, that while i should be permitted to mention so much of his service as the history of the conflict might demand, i should be forbidden all tale of sacrifice and labor that mere personal narrative would include; and i ask now only this: what peculiar influence did he exert for the furtherance of the cause which so largely absorbed his labor and life? did he contribute anything to it stamped with the signature of so clear an individuality that no other man could have contributed quite the same? to this i maintain an affirmative answer; and in witness of its truth, i sketch the general course of his life, that through it we may find those elements of his character which intuitively ranged him on the side of the slave. when my father came to philadelphia in , his sentiments in regard to slavery were those held generally in the north--an easy-going wish to avoid direct issue with the south on a question supposed to be peculiarly theirs. but the winds of heaven owned to no decorous limit in mason and dixon's line; and there were larger winds blowing than these--winds rising in the vast laboratories of the general human heart, and destined to sweep into all the vast spaces of human want and woe. the south was finding, through her blacks' perpetual defiance of torture and death for freedom, that there was perhaps something, even in a negro, which most vexatiously refused to be counted in with the figures of the auctioneer's bill of sale; and now the north's lesson was coming to her--that the soul of a century's civilization was still less purchasable than the soul of a slave. a growing feeling of humanity was stirring through the northern states. it was not the work, i think, of any man or body of men; it was rather itself a creative force, and made men and bodies of men the results of its awakening influence. to such a power, my father's nature was quickly responsive. both his head and his heart recognized the terrible wrongs of the enslaved, and the urgency with which they pressed for remedy; but where was the means? from the first, he felt that the movement which brought freedom and slavery fairly into the field and squarely against each other, threw unnecessary obstacles in its own way by the violence with which it was begun and prosecuted. if he were to work at all in the cause, he determined to work within the limits of recognized law. the colonization society held out a good hope; at least, he could see no other as close to the true but closer to the feasible; and, after connecting himself with it, he seems to have been content for a while on the score of political matters, and to have devoted himself to what he had adopted as his chief purpose in life. this was, enlarging the sphere of female education, and giving it a more vigorous tone. to this he tasked all his abilities. his convictions on the subject were very earnest; his strength of character sufficient to bear them out; so that, in a short time, he was able to establish his school so firmly in the respect of this community, that, for twenty-five years, all the odium that his activity in the anti-slavery cause drew upon him did not for a moment abate the public confidence accorded to his professional power. it was in , in one of his vacations, that his mind was violently turned inwards to re-examine his status upon the anti-slavery question. he happened to be visiting his old college-friend, salmon p. chase, at cincinnati, and, fortunately for the spiritual life of both men, it was at the time of the terrible riots that broke up the press of john g. birney. both being known as already favoring the cause of the slave, they stood in much peril for several days; but when the dark time was passed, the clearness that defined their sentiments was seen to be worth all the personal danger that had bought it. self-delusion on the subject was no longer possible. the deductions from the facts were as plain as the facts themselves. the two friends took counsel together, and adopted the policy from which thenceforward neither ever swerved. a great cloud was rolled from their eyes. in all this turmoil of riot, they saw on the one side, indeed, a love of man great in its devotion; but on the other, a moral deadness in the north so profound and determined that it threatened thus brutally any voice that would disturb it. their duty, then, was evident: to fling all the forces of their lives, and by all social and political means, right against this inertness, and shatter it if they could. to mr. chase, the course of things gave the larger political work; to my father, the larger social. his diary records how amazed he was, when he returned to philadelphia, at his former blindness, and how thankful to the spirit of love that had touched and cleansed his eyes that he might see god's image erect. he knew now that his lot had been cast in the very stronghold of apathy, the home of a lukewarm spirit, which, not containing anything positive to keep it close to the right, let its sullen negativeness gravitate towards the wrong. it will be difficult to make coming generations understand, not the flaming antagonism to humanity, but the more brutal avoidance of it that ruled the political tone in this latitude, from to . i have thought of the word _bitterness_, as expressing it; but though that might convey somewhat of its recoil when disturbed, it pictures nothing of its inhuman solicitude against all disturbance. conservatism, it was called; and certainly it did conserve the devil admirably. at the south, one race of men were so basely wielding a greater physical power over another race of men, as to crush from them the attributes of self-responsible creatures; philadelphia, the city of the north nearest the wrong, made no plea for humanity's claims. it went on, this monstrous abrogation of everything that lends sanctity to man's relations on earth, till slaves were beasts, with instincts annihilated, and masters demons, with instincts reversed; philadelphia made no plea for the violated rhythm of life on either side. even the church betrayed its mission, and practically aided in stamping out from millions the spirit that related them to the divine; still philadelphia made no plea for god's love in his humanity. utterly insensible to the most piercing appeals that man can make to man, she loved her hardness, clung to it; and if, now and then, a voice from the north blew down, warningly as a trumpet, the great city turned sluggishly in her bed of spiritual and political torpor, and cried: let be, let be! a little more slumber! a little more folding of the hands to my moral death-sleep! this souring of faith, this half-paralysis of the heart's beating, this blurring of the intuitions that make manhood possible, were what my father found here in that year of our lord's grace, . it will be worth while to watch him move into the fight and bear his part in its thickest, just to learn how largely history lays her humanitarian advances on a few willing souls. the means which lay readiest to his use for rousing the dormant spirit of the city was his social position. and yet how hard, one would think, it must have been to make this sacrifice. he came accredited by all the claims of finished culture, a man consecrated to the scholar's life.[a] then, with the sensitiveness that springs from intellectual breeding, one will look to see him shrink from conflict with the callous condition of feeling around him. the glamour of book-lore will spread over it, and hide it from his sight. he has a noble enough mission, at all events: to raise the standard of educational culture in a city that hardly knows the meaning of the term; and if any glimpse should come to him of the lethargic inhumanity around him, he can afford to let it pass as a glimpse--his look being fixed on the sacred heights which the scholar's feet must tread. [footnote a: all that i here write of my father, i write equally of his co-laborer in the same sphere of work--rev. w.h. furness; and if it is true of others whom i did not know, then to their memory also i bear this record of the two whose labors and characters it has been the deepest privilege of my life to know so well.] ah, how his course, so different, proves to us that the true scholar is always a scholar of truth. no matter what element of the public sentiment he met--the listlessness of pampered wealth; the brutal prejudice of some voting savage; the refined sneer of lettered dilettanteism; the purposed aversion of trade or pulpit fearing disturbed markets or pews;--he beat lustily and incessantly at all the parts of the iron image of wrong sitting stolidly here with close-shut eyes. no matter when it was, on holiday or working-day or sabbath; at home and abroad; in the parlor, the street, the counting-room; in his school and in the church;--he bore down on this apathy and its brood of scorns like a west wind that sweeps through a city dying under weight of miasma. and the wind might as well cease blowing yet not cease to be wind, as my father's influence stop and himself live. it scattered the good seed everywhere. how often have i heard him say, "i know nothing of what the harvest will be; i am responsible only for the sowing." and bravely went the sowing on, with the broadcast largesse of love. there was no breeze of talk that did not carry the seeds;--to the wayside, for from those that even chance upon the truth the fowls of the air cannot take it all; to thin soil and among thorns, for no heart so feeble or choked that will not find in a single day's growth of truth germination for eternity; to stony places, for no cranny in the rocks that can hold a seed but can be a home for riving roots;--"and other fell on good ground and did bring forth fruit." thus it was primarily to rouse those of his own class that he labored, to gall them into seeing (though they should turn again and rend him) that moral supineness is moral decay, that the soul shrivels into nothingness when wrong is acquiesced in, as surely as it is torn and scattered by the furies let loose within it, when wrong is done. but just there lay the difficulty and pain of his mission: that, from his acknowledged standing in the literary world, and as a leader in the interests of higher education, his path brought him into contact mainly with the cultured, and it was among these that the pro-slavery spirit ruled with its bitterest stringency. not cultured: let us unsay the word; rather, with the gloss and hard polish which reading and wealth and the finer appointments of living can throw over spiritual arrest or decay. culture is a holy word, and dare be used of intellectual advance only when the moral sympathies have kept equal step. it includes something beyond an amateur sentiment; in favor of what we favor. if it does not open the ear to every cry of humanity, struggling up or slipping back, it is no culture properly so called, but a sham, a mask of wax, a varnish with cruel glitter; and what a double wrath will be poured on him who cracks the wax and the varnish, not only because of the rude awakening, but because the crack shows the sham. it is impossible for us now to realize what revenge this class dealt to my father for twenty-five years. consider their power of revenge. they could not force a loss of property or of life, it is true; they made no open assault in the street; their 'delicacy' held itself above common vituperation. but they wielded a greater power than all these over a man whose every accomplishment made him their equal, and they used it without stint. they doomed him to the slow martyrdom of social scorn. they shut their doors against him. they elbowed him from every position to which he had a wish or a right, except public respect, and they could not elbow him from that unless they pushed his character from its poise. they cut him off from every friendly regard which would else have been devotedly his, on that level of educated life, and limited him to 'solitary confinement' within himself. they compelled him to walk as if under a ban or an anathema. had he been a leper in syrian deserts, or a disciple of jesus among pharisees, he could not have been more utterly banished from the region of homes and self-constituted piety. they showered ineffable contempt upon him in every way consistent with their littleness and--refinement. slight, sneer, insult, all the myriad indignities that only 'good society' can devise, these were what my father received in return for his love and his work in love. how little personal relation all this obloquy bore to him, let this stand as evidence: that he not only continued his work, but daily gave it more caustic energy and wider scope. as i have hinted, he did not, in political matters, give in his adherence to that class of abolitionists who, as he thought, threw away their best chances of success in refusing to work within constitutional provisions. he was prouder that this single community should call him "abolitionist," though it spat the word at him, than if the whole earth should hail him with the kingliest title; but he loved the name too well not to make it stand for some practical fact, some feasible and organized effort. he believed that our national constitution did, indeed, hold many compromises with slavery, but was framed, in the majority of its provisions and certainly in the totality of its spirit, in the interests of freedom; and that it only needed enforcement by the choice of the ballot-box to bring the south either to an amicable or a hostile settlement of the question. which, he did not ask or care. the duty of the present could not be mis-read; it was written in _the vote_. with these views, he gave much time and work to organizing in this state, "the national liberty party," in , and to securing from pennsylvania some of the seven thousand votes that were cast for john g. birney in that year throughout the union. by the time another election came, the party had swelled its numbers to seventy thousand. to contribute his share towards this success, tract after tract, address after address, were written and sent broadcast; meetings were convened, committees formed, resolutions framed, speeches made, petitions and remonstrances sent, public action fearlessly sifted and criticised; in short, because he held a steady faith in men's humane promptings when ultimately reached, he 'cried aloud' to them by every access, and 'spared not' to call them from their timidity and time-serving to manly utterance through the ballot-box. of such appeals, his address of the "liberty party of pennsylvania, to the people of the state," issued in , may stand as a sample. it is a vivid portrayal of the slave power's insidious encroachments, and of its monopolized guidance of the government. it gathers up the national statistics into groups, shows how new meaning is reflected from them thus related, that all unite to illustrate the single fact of the south's steady increase of power, her tightening grasp about the throat of government, and her buffets of threat to the north when a weedling palm failed to palsy fast enough. it warns northern voters of the undertow that is drawing them, and adjures them, by every consideration of political common sense, not to cast their ballots for either of the pro-slavery candidates presented. the conclusion of this address is as follows: our object. "and now, fellow-citizens, you may ask, what is our object in thus exhibiting to you the alarming influence of the slave power? do we wish to excite in your bosoms feelings of hatred against citizens of a common country? do we wish to array the free states against the slave states in hostile strife? no, fellow-citizens. but we wish to show you that, while the slave states are inferior to us in free population, having not even one half of ours; inferior in morals, being the region of bowie knives and duels, of assassinations and lynch law; inferior in mental attainments, having not one-fourth of the number that can read and write; inferior in intelligence, having not one-fifth of the number of literary and scientific periodicals; inferior in the products of agriculture and manufactures, of mines, of fisheries, and of the forest; inferior, in short, in everything that constitutes the wealth, the honor, the dignity, the stability, the happiness, the true greatness of a nation,--it is wrong, it is unjust, it is absurd, that they should have an influence in all the departments of government so entirely disproportionate to our own. we would arouse you to your own true interests. we would have you, like men, firmly resolved to maintain your own rights. we would have you say to the south,--if you choose to hug to your bosom that system which is continually injuring and impoverishing you; that system which reduces two millions and a half of native americans in your midst to the most abject condition of ignorance and vice, withholding from them the very key of knowledge; that system which is at war with every principle of justice, every feeling of humanity; that system which makes man the property of man, and perpetuates that relation from one generation to another; that system which tramples, continually, upon a majority of the commandments of the decalogue; that system which could not live a day if it did not give one party supreme control over the persons, the health, the liberty, the happiness, the marriage relations, the parental authority and filial obligations of the other;--if you choose to cling to such a system, cling to it; but you shall not cross our line; you shall not bring that foul thing here. we know, and we here repeat it for the thousandth time to meet, for the thousandth time, the calumnies of our enemies, that while we may present to you every consideration of duty, we have no right, as well as no power, to alter your state laws. but remember, that slavery is the mere creature of local or statute law, and cannot exist out of the region where such law has force. 'it is so odious,' says lord mansfield, 'that nothing can be suffered to support it but _positive_ law.' "we would, therefore, say to you again, in the strength of that constitution under which we live, and which no where countenances slavery, you shall not bring that foul thing here. you shall not force the corrupted and corrupting blood of that system into every vein and artery of our body politic. you shall not have the controlling power in all the departments of our government at home and abroad. you shall not so negotiate with foreign powers, as to open markets for the products of slave labor alone. you shall not so manage things at home, as every few years to bring bankruptcy upon our country. you shall not, in the apportionment of public moneys, have what you call your 'property' represented, and thus get that which, by no right, belongs to you. you shall not have the power to bring your slaves upon our free soil, and take them away at pleasure; nor to reclaim them, when they, panting for liberty, have been able to escape your grasp; for we would have it said of us, as the eloquent curran said of britain, the moment the slave touches our soil, 'the ground on which he stands is holy, and consecrated to the genius of universal emancipation.' "thus, fellow-citizens, we come to _the great object of the liberty party_: absolute and unqualified divorce of the general government from all connection with slavery. we would employ every _constitutional_ means to eradicate it from our entire country, because it would be for the highest welfare of our entire country. we would have liberty established in the district, and in all the territories. * * we would have liberty of speech and of the press, which the constitution guarantees to us. we would have the right of petition most sacredly regarded. we would secure to every man what the constitution secures, 'the right of trial by jury.' we would do what we can for the encouragement and improvement of the colored race, and restore to them that inestimable right of which they have been so meanly, as well as unjustly, deprived, the right of suffrage. we would look to the best interests of the country, and the _whole_ country, and not legislate for the good of an oligarchy, the most arrogant that ever lorded it over an insulted people. we would have our commercial treaties with foreign nations regard the interests of the free states. we would provide safe, adequate, and permanent markets for the produce of free labor. and, when reproached with slavery, we would be able to say to the world, with an open front and a clear conscience, our general government has nothing to do with it, either to promote, to sustain, to defend, to sanction, or to approve. "thus, fellow-citizens, you see our objects. you may now ask, by what means we hope to attain them. we answer, by political action. what is political action? it is _acting in a manner appropriate to those objects which we wish to secure through the agency of the different departments of government_. * * the only way in which we can act _constitutionally_, is to go to the ballot-box, and there, silently and unostentatiously, deposit a vote for such men as will do what they can to carry out those principles which we have so much at heart. * * * * * "come, then, men of pennsylvania, come and join us in this good work. join us, to use such moral means as to correct public sentiment throughout the region where slavery exists, and to impress upon the people of the free states a manly sense of their own rights. join us, to place "just men" in all our public offices; men whose example a whole people may safely imitate. join us to free our general government from the ignominious reproach of slavery; to restore to our country those principles which our fathers so labored to establish; and to hand these principles down afresh to successive generations. it is the cause of truth, of humanity, and of god, to which we invite your aid. it is a cause of which you never need be ashamed. living, you may be thankful, and dying, you may be thankful, for having labored in it. we have, as co-laborers with us, the noblest allies that man can wish. within, we have the deepest convictions of conscience, the clearest deductions of reason; and, all over the world, wherever man is found, the first, the most ardent longings of the human soul. without, we have the happiness of nearly three millions of the human race; the honor, as well as the best interests of our whole country; and the universal consent of all good men whose moral vision is not obscured by the mist of a low, misguided selfishness: while we seem to hear, as it were, the voices of the great and the good, the patriot and the philanthropist, of a past generation, calling to us and cheering us on. but, above all these, and beyond all these, we have with us the highest attributes of god, justice and mercy. with such allies, and in such a cause, who can doubt on which side the victory will ultimately rest. "may he who guides the destinies of nations, and without whose aid 'they labor in vain that build,' so incline your hearts to exert your whole influence to place in all our public offices just and good men, that our country may be preserved, her best interests advanced, and her institutions, free in reality as in name, handed down to the latest posterity." is not the love of god and man ingrained in every line of this writing? yet let us see how it was received by the most christian (?) body in this city. i need hardly say that my father's mind had been largely impressed, from earliest manhood, with the highest subject human thought can touch. his library records his wide religious reading; but he could not see an honest path towards the profession of any definite views till . the change wrought in him then, can best be gathered from his own simple words (under date, ) written in a fly-leaf of "the unitarian miscellany:" "though i humbly trust that god made my trials in the means of bringing me to true repentance, yet i have kept these books as monuments of what i once was, and to remind me how grateful i should be to him for having snatched me as a 'brand from the burning,'" such a faith as this, born of the spiritual travail of years, what a life it always has for the heart that forms it! it tells not of a persuasion, but of a conviction; a disproof of skepticism through the gathered forces of the soul; a struggle, through epochs of doubt and dismay, into an attitude of positive vital faith. its process is the only one that gives real right to ultimate peace. in comparison with the method and measure of such a conviction, what matters its specific form? self-truth is the point,--the fact for starting, the line for guiding; and as for result, this lonely and solemn rally on the deepest within us, as it is continuously unfolded, must lead to a glad and solemn union with the highest without us. who can know unfailing inward energy except through this new birth? it proved an ever-fresh spring of vigor to my father, and because of it he was chosen, in , president of "the philadelphia bible society." what changes were wrought in the policy of the society, what numerous plans were devised and executed for multiplying its operations, how it was made a cordial alliance of all denominations, will presently appear. this is now to be said: that, after filling his office for five years, he found that his anti-slavery testimony had engendered in the managers a bitterness that would seize the address of for pretext, and make retaliation in his sacrifice. thankful, for the thousandth time, to be a sacrifice for the cause he loved, he sent in his resignation in a letter full of christian kindness and sorrow. a short extract will show its tone: "one whose great heart wishes the best for humanity calls to us from the west: 'when your society propose to put a bible into every family, and yet omit all reference to the slaves; and when, giving an account of the destitution of the land, they make no mention of two and a half millions of people perishing in our midst without the scriptures, can we help feeling that something is dreadfully wrong?' this, brethren, is a most solemn question. it is a question which i verily believe the american bible society, so far as they may have yielded, directly or indirectly, openly or silently, to a corrupt public sentiment on this subject, will have to answer at the bar of him who has declared, that, 'if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin,' and that 'inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these, ye did it not to me.' the spirit of christianity is a spirit of universal love and philanthropy. she looks down with pity, and, if she could, she would look with scorn upon all the petty distinctions that exist among men. she casts her benignant eye abroad over the earth, and, wherever she sees man, she sees him _as man,_ as a being made in the image of god, whether an indian, an african, or a caucasian sun may shine upon him. she stoops from heaven to raise the fallen, to bind up the broken-hearted, to release the oppressed, to give liberty to the captive, and to break the fetters of those that are bound. she is marching onward with accelerated step, and, wherever she leaves the true impress of her heavenly influence, the moral wilderness is changed into the garden of the lord. may it never be ours to do what may seem to be even the slightest obstacle to her universal sway. "but i have already written more than i intended. in bringing this communication to a close, allow me to express to you individually, and as a board, my most sincere christian attachment. whatever course any members may have taken in relation to this matter, i must believe that they have acted from what has seemed to them a sense of duty. far be it from me to impeach their motives. time, the great test of truth, may show them their course in a very different light from that in which they now view it. i may, as a christian, lament that their views of duty are not more in unison with my own. i may, as a man, feel heart-sickened at the diseased, the deplorably diseased state of the public mind, in relation to two and a half millions of my fellow-men in bondage. i may, as a citizen of a free state, blush at the humiliating fact, that not only the tyranny, but the ubiquity of the slave power is everywhere so manifest; that it has insinuated itself into our free domain to such a degree that there seems to be as much mental slavery in the free states, as there is personal in the slave states. i may feel all this, but i must not impeach the motives by which others have been governed." there were twenty-one managers present at the reading of this letter, and, at its conclusion, a noble friend of the slave moved that the resignation be not accepted; the motion was lost by a vote of fourteen against seven. it was then moved that it be accepted 'with regret:' this was carried by the same vote! but 'with regret' was not an empty form for easing this action to its recipient; how much it meant is seen in the resolution that was added by unanimous acceptance: "_resolved_,--that this board are mainly indebted to professor c.d. cleveland for the prominent and influential position it has attained in the regards of this christian community, and that they bear an earnest testimony to the sound judgment and unwearied zeal which have ever characterized the discharge of his duties in his responsible office." let this tribute, coming from the bitterest personal opposition that ever man encountered, measure the work that extorted it. looking at it, it will be difficult for the reader to believe that a sacrifice was made of the man to whom it refers by a representative christian body, and merely to sate for a time the inhuman slave-greed; yet it is only one fact out of many that might be adduced, and i have brought it forward because it is, in my father's words, "a fair exponent of the position of the christian church at that time upon the subject of slavery." henceforward, he ceased not to rain blows, not only at his own (the presbyterian) denomination, but at all the organized expressions of christian purpose,--the sunday-school union, the tract society, etc. while working thus by voice and pen, he was incessantly busy in personal rescue of the slave. especially was this the case when it became the duty of every lover of his kind to defy the fugitive slave law. how eagerly he then sprang to aid the escape of those against whom a law of the land impotently tried to bar the law of our common humanity! during the years that followed the passage of this infamous bill, the position he had attained here was of particular service. recognized as one, who, being a sort of standing sacrifice, might as well continue to battle in the front; trusted implicitly even by his bitterest foes; with such a broad philanthropy to back his appeals; pushing straight into every breach where work was needed; blind to everything but his one light of moral instinct;--he became an organ for the charities of those whose softer natures longingly whispered the cry, but could not do the cut and thrust work, of deliverance. dr. furness held the same position, and others who, like him, refused to be enrolled in the 'underground committee,' or in any definite anti-slavery organization. these men knew that they were of greater service to the cause by being its body-guard, by standing between it and the public, by making the appeals and taking the blows, and by affording access, pecuniary and other, of each to each. thus the times moved on--growing hotter, more difficult and dangerous, but always working these two results: redoubling the labors of this noble band, and shaking the city from lethargy into ferment. men were compelled to take sides, and but one result could follow, (the result which always follows when human nature is stung and quickened to find its highest instincts,) the party of right steadily moved to triumph. * * * * * for a lesson to us in courage, it is worth while to ask, how these apostles of freedom stood the terrible strain put upon them for so many years. i can answer for the two of whom i write, and do not doubt that the answer is true of the rest: this self-forgetfulness was made easy by a love that filled and overfilled all their moral energies--the simple love of man, as god's highest creation, and of his natural rights, as god's best gift. their work was not a mere result of will, not an outcome of faculty, not an unsupported impulse of heart. it was character living itself out, an utterance of its entire unity, something drawn from the solemn depths of those life-convictions which all the personal and impersonal powers of a man, aglow and welded, unite in producing. hence, their work was not apart from them, even so far as to be called ahead of them; nor parallel with them; it was _one_ with them by a necessary spiritual inclusion. will and duty ceased to be separate powers; they were transfused through the whole breadth of their human sympathies, adding to their warmth a fixity of purpose that bore them without a falter, through thirty years of such bitter obloquy, as, in these latter days, only the early anti-slavery disciples have had to endure. these men never said, in reference to the anti-slavery cause, _i ought_ or _i will_, because they never needed to say them. the sun shines without them, and life expands without them; and here were souls as unconsciously beneficent as the one, as spontaneous in growth and shaping as the other. theirs was not a force that moved mechanically in right lines, with limited objects before it. it did, indeed, sweep with arrowy swiftness of assail on every point that offered; but when i remember that it more often pleaded than stormed, that it penetrated into every secret recess that mercy casually opened, and gently stirred into fuller life those roots of human feeling that can be numbed by apathy but not killed even by hate, i know that it was persuasive, diffusive, inbreathing force, an influence vital in others because an effluence vitalized from themselves. so they stood, self-consecrated, enveloped by the love of god, permeated by the love of man,--twin perfect loves that cast out all dream of fear. and so they walked, calm as if a thousand stabs of personal insult never brought them one of personal pain, passing through all as if nothing but the serenest skies were above them. and, as i have said, right there is one explanation of the anomaly; there _were_ the serenest skies above them--heaven's love perpetually shining. why should it not shine? all the powers of the men were dedicated to rescuing the image of god on this earth,--not man as he suffered physically, but the moral instinct threatened with annihilation. it was sacred to them, this soul so sacred to redeeming love, but too brutalized to find its way to it. nor merely the slave. their love embraced, with yet more pitying fervor, the master compelling his spiritual nature into death, and the northern apologist letting his die; and this overmastering love of saving spiritual integrity, was one power that made them and heart-ease hold unfailing friends through the obloquy of those days; the other must be found in the fact mentioned,--that neither resolve nor impulse was their spur, but personal character moving from its depths. from such a motive-power as this can come no parade of results. the nature that works, proceeds from the necessary laws and forces of its being, and is as simple and unconscious as any other natural law or force. hence there are no startling epochs to record in my father's history, no supreme efforts; in filling the measure of daily opportunity lay his chief work. i cannot measure it by our ten fingers' counting. i can only show a life unfolding, and, by the essential laws of its growth, embracing the noblest cause of its time. but if action means vivifying public sentiment decaying under insidious poison; if it includes the doing of this amid a storm of odium that would quickly have shattered any soul irresolute for an instant; if it means incessant toil quietly performed, vast sums collected and disbursed, time sacrificed, strength spent; if it means holding up a great iniquity to loathing by a powerful pen, and nailing moral cowardice where-ever it showed; if it be risking livelihood by introducing the cause of the slave into every literary work, and by mingling the school-culture of fifty future mothers, year by year, with hatred of the sin; if it means one's life in one's hand, friendships yielded, society defied, and position in it cheerfully renounced; above all, if action means a wealth of goodness overliving all scorns, compelling respect from a community rebuked, fellowship from a church charged with ungodliness, and acknowledgment of unstained repute from a public eager to blacken with scandal; if to do thus, and bear thus, and live thus, is action, then my father did act to the full purpose of life in the struggle that freed the slave. s.m.c. william whipper. the locality of columbia, where mr. whipper resided for many years, was, as is well-known, a place of much note as a station on the underground rail road. the firm of smith and whipper (lumber merchants), was likewise well-known throughout a wide range of country. who, indeed, amongst those familiar with the history of public matters connected with the colored people of this country, has not heard of william whipper? for the last thirty years, as an able business man, it has been very generally admitted, that he hardly had a superior. although an unassuming man, deeply engrossed with business--anti-slavery papers, conventions, and public movements having for their aim the elevation of the colored man, have always commanded mr. whipper's interest and patronage. in the more important conventions which have been held amongst the colored people for the last thirty years, perhaps no other colored man has been so often called on to draft resolutions and prepare addresses, as the modest and earnest william whipper. he has worked effectively in a quiet way, although not as a public speaker. he is self-made, and well read on the subject of the reforms of the day. having been highly successful in his business, he is now at the age of seventy, in possession of a handsome fortune; the reward of long years of assiduous labor. he is also cashier of the freedman's bank, in philadelphia. for the last few years he has resided at new brunswick, new jersey, although his property and business confine him mainly to his native state, pennsylvania. owing to a late affliction in his family, compelling him to devote the most of his time thereto, it has been impossible to obtain from him the material for completing such a sketch as was desired. prior to this affliction, in answer to our request, he furnished some reminiscences of his labors as conductor of the underground rail road, and at the same time, promised other facts relative to his life, but for the reason assigned, they were not worked up, which is to be regretted. new brunswick, n.j., december , . mr. william still, dear sir:--i sincerely regret the absence of statistics that would enable me to furnish you with many events, that would assist you in describing the operations of the underground rail road. i never kept any record of those persons passing through my hands, nor did i ever anticipate that the history of that perilous period would ever be written. i can only refer to the part i took in it from memory, and if i could delineate the actual facts as they occurred they would savor so much of egotism that i should feel ashamed to make them public. i willingly refer to a few incidents which you may select and use as you may think proper. you are perfectly cognizant of the fact, that after the decision in york, pa., of the celebrated prigg case, pennsylvania was regarded as free territory, which canada afterwards proved to be, and that the susquehanna river was the recognized northern boundary of the slave-holding empire. the borough of columbia, situated on its eastern bank, in the county of lancaster, was the great depot where the fugitives from virginia and maryland first landed. the long bridge connecting wrightsville with columbia, was the only safe outlet by which they could successfully escape their pursuers. when they had crossed this bridge they could look back over its broad silvery stream on its western shore, and say to the slave power: "thus far shalt thou come, and no farther." previous to that period, the line of fugitive travel was from baltimore, by the way of havre de grace to philadelphia; but the difficulty of a safe passage across the river, at that place caused the route to be changed to york, pa., a distance of fifty-eight miles, the fare being forty dollars, and thence to columbia, in the dead hour of the night. my house was at the end of the bridge, and as i kept the station, i was frequently called up in the night to take charge of the passengers. on their arrival they were generally hungry and penniless. i have received hundreds in this condition; fed and sheltered from one to seventeen at a time in a single night. at this point the road forked; some i sent west by boats, to pittsburgh, and others to you in our cars to philadelphia, and the incidents of their trials form a portion of the history you have compiled. in a period of three years from to , i passed hundreds to the land of freedom, while others, induced by high wages, and the feeling that they were safe in columbia, worked in the lumber and coal yards of that place. i always persuaded them to go to canada, as i had no faith in their being able to elude the grasp of the slave-hunters. indeed, the merchants had the confidence of their security and desired them to remain; several of my friends told me that i was injuring the trade of the place by persuading the laborers to leave. indeed, many of the fugitives themselves looked upon me with jealousy, and expressed their indignation at my efforts to have them removed from peace and plenty to a land that was cold and barren, to starve to death. it was a period of great prosperity in our borough, and everything passed on favorably and successfully until the passage of the fugitive slave bill in . at first the law was derided and condemned by our liberty-loving citizens, and the fugitives did not fear its operations because they asserted that they could protect themselves. this fatal dream was of short duration. a prominent man, by the name of baker, was arrested and taken to philadelphia, and given up by the commissioner, and afterwards purchased by our citizens; another, by the name of smith, was shot dead in one of our lumber yards, because he refused to surrender, and his pursuer permitted to escape without arrest or trial. this produced not only a shock, but a crisis in the affairs of our little borough. it made the stoutest hearts quail before the unjust sovereignty of the law. the white citizens fearing the danger of a successful resistance to the majesty of the law, began to talk of the insecurity of these exiles. the fugitives themselves, whose faith and hope had been buoyed up by the promises held up to them of protection, began to be apprehensive of danger, and talked of leaving, while others, more bold, were ready to set the dangers that surrounded them at defiance, and if necessary, die in the defence of their freedom and the homes they had acquired. at this juncture private meetings were held by the colored people, and the discussions and resolves bore a peculiar resemblance in sentiment and expression to the patriotic outbursts of the american revolution. some were in favor, if again attacked, of killing and slaying all within their reach; of setting their own houses on fire, and then going and burning the town. it was the old spirit which animated the russians at moscow, and the blacks of hayti. at this point my self-interest mingled with my sense of humanity, and i felt that i occupied a more responsible position than i shall ever attain to again. i, therefore, determined to make the most of it. i exhorted them to peace and patience under their present difficulties, and for their own sakes as well as the innocent sufferers, besought them to leave as early as they could. if i had advocated a different course i could have caused the burning of the town. the result of our meeting produced a calm, that lasted only for a few days, when it was announced, one evening, that the claimants of a methodist preacher, by the name of dorsey, were in the borough, and that it was expected that they would attempt to take him that night. it was about nine o'clock in the evening when i went to his house, but was refused admittance, until those inside ascertained who i was. there were several men in the house all armed with deadly weapons, awaiting the approach of the intruders. had they come the whole party would have been massacred. i advised dorsey to leave, but he very pointedly refused, saying he had been taken up once before alive, but never would be again. the men told him to stand his ground, and they would stand by him and defend him, they had lived together, and would die together. i told them that they knew the strength of the pro-slavery feeling that surrounded them, and that they would be overpowered, and perhaps many lives lost, which might be saved by his changing his place of residence. he said, he had no money, and would rather die with his family, than be killed on the road. i said, how much money do you want to start with, and we will send you more if you need it. here is one hundred dollars in gold. "that is not enough." "will two hundred dollars do?" "yes." i shall bring it to you to-morrow. i got the money the next morning, and when i came with it, he said, he could not leave unless his family was taken care of. i told him i would furnish his family with provisions for the next six months. then he said he had two small houses, worth four hundred and seventy-five dollars. my reply was that i will sell them for you, and give the money to your family. he then gave me a power of attorney to do so, and attended to all his affairs. he left the next day, being the sabbath, and has never returned since, although he has lived in the city of boston ever since, except about six months in canada. i wish to notice this case a little further, as the only one out of many to which i will refer. about the year or , mr. joseph purvis, a younger brother of robert purvis, about nineteen or twenty years of age, was visiting mr. stephen smith, of columbia, and while there the claimants of dorsey came and secured him, and had proceeded about two miles with him on the way to lancaster. young purvis heard of it, and his natural and instinctive love of freedom fired up his warm southern blood at the very recital. he was one of nature's noblemen. fierce, fiery, and impulsive, he was as quick to decide as to perform. he demanded an immediate rescue. though he was advised of the danger of such an attempt, his spirit and determination made him invincible. he proceeded to a place where some colored men were working. with a firm and determined look, and a herculean shout, he called out to them, "to arms, to arms! boys, we must rescue this man; i shall lead if you will follow." "we will," was the immediate response. and they went and overtook them, and dispersed his claimants. they brought dorsey back in triumph to columbia. he then gave dorsey his pistol, with the injunction that he should use it and die in defence of his liberty rather than again be taken into bondage. he promised he would. i found him with this pistol on his table, the night i called on him, and i have every reason to believe that the promise gave to mr. purvis was one of the chief causes of his obstinacy. the lesson he had taught him had not only become incorporated in his nature, but had become a part of his religion. the history of this brave and noble effort of young purvis, in rescuing a fellow-being from the jaws of slavery has been handed down, in columbia, to a generation that was born since that event has transpired. he always exhibited the same devotion and manly daring in the cause of the flying bondman that inspired his youthful ardor in behalf of freedom. the youngest of a family distinguished for their devotion to freedom, he was without superiors in the trying hour of battle. like john brown, he often discarded theories, but was eminently practical. he has passed to another sphere. peace to his ashes! i honor his name as a hero, and friend of man. i loved him for the noble characteristics of his nature, and above all for his noble daring in defense of the right. as a friend i admired him, and owe his memory this tribute to departed worth. at this point a conscientious regard for truth dictates that i should state that my disposition to make a sacrifice for the removal of dorsey and some other leading spirits was aided by my own desire for _self-preservation._ i knew that it had been asserted, far down in the slave region, that smith & whipper, the negro lumber merchants, were engaged in secreting fugitive slaves. and on two occasions attempts had been made to set fire to their yard for the purpose of punishing them for such illegal acts. and i felt that if a collision took place, we should not only be made to suffer the penalty, but the most valuable property in the village be destroyed, besides a prodigal waste of human life be the consequence. in such an event i felt that i should not only lose all i had ever earned, but peril the hopes and property of others, so that i would have freely given one thousand dollars to have been insured against the consequences of such a riot. i then borrowed fourteen hundred dollars on my own individual account, and assisted many others to go to a land where the virgin soil was not polluted by the foot-prints of a slave. the colored population of the borough of columbia, in , was nine hundred and forty-three, about one-fifth the whole population, and in five years they were reduced to four hundred and eighty-seven by emigration to canada. in the summer of , i visited canada for the purpose of ascertaining the actual condition of many of those i had assisted in reaching a land of freedom; and i was much gratified to find them contented, prosperous, and happy. i was induced by the prospects of the new emigrants to purchase lands on the sydenham river, with the intention of making it my future home. in the spring of , when i was preparing to leave, the war broke out, and with its progress i began to realize the prospect of a new civilization, and, therefore, concluded to remain and share the fortunes of my hitherto ill-fated country. i will say in conclusion that it would have been fortunate for us if columbia, being a port of entry for flying fugitives, had been also the seat of great capitalists and freedom-loving inhabitants; but such was not the case. there was but little anti-slavery sentiment among the whites, yet there were many strong and valiant friends among them who contributed freely; the colored population were too poor to render much aid, except in feeding and secreting strangers. i was doing a prosperous business at that time and felt it my duty to contribute liberally out of my earnings. much as i loved anti-slavery meetings i did not feel that i could afford to attend them, as my immediate duty was to the flying fugitive. now, my friend, i have extended this letter far beyond the limits intended, not with the expectation that it will be published, but for your own private use to select any matter that you might desire to use in your history. i have to regret that i am compelled to refer so often to my own exertions. i know that i speak within bounds when i say that directly and indirectly from to , i have contributed from my earnings one thousand dollars annually, and for the five years during the war a like amount to put down the rebellion. now the slaves are emancipated, and we are all enfranchised, after struggling for existence, freedom and manhood--i feel thankful for having had the glorious privilege of laboring with others for the redemption of my race from oppression and thraldom; and i would prefer to-day to be penniless in the streets, rather than to have withheld a single hour's labor or a dollar from the sacred cause of liberty, justice, and humanity. i remain yours in the sacred cause of liberty and equality, wm. whipper. isaac t. hopper. the distinctive characteristics of this individual were so admirably portrayed in the newspapers and other periodicals published at the time of his death, that we shall make free use of them without hesitation. he was distinguished from his early life by his devotion to the relief of the oppressed colored race. he was an active member of the old pennsylvania abolition society, and labored zealously with dr. benjamin rush, dr. rogers, dr. wistar, and other distinguished philanthropists of the time. no man at that day, not even eminent judges and advocates, was better acquainted with the intricacies of law questions connected with slavery. his accurate legal knowledge, his natural acuteness, his ready tact in avoiding dangerous corners and slipping through unseen loop-holes, often gave him the victory in cases that seemed hopeless to other minds. in many of these cases, physical courage was needed as much as moral firmness; and he possessed these qualities in a very unusual degree. being for many years an inspector of the public prisons, his practical sagacity and benevolence were used with marked results. his enlarged sympathies had always embraced the criminal and the imprisoned, as well as the oppressed; and the last years of his life were especially devoted to the improvement of prisons and prisoners. in this department of benevolence he manifested the same zealous kindness and untiring diligence that had so long been exerted for the colored people, for whose welfare he labored to the end of his days. he possessed a wonderful wisdom in furnishing relief to all who were in difficulty and embarrassment. this caused a very extensive demand upon his time and talents, which were rarely withheld when honestly sought, and seldom applied in vain. mrs. kirkland prepared, under the title of "the helping hand," a small volume, for the benefit of "the home" for discharged female convicts, containing a brief description of the institution, and a detail of facts illustrating the happy results of its operation. its closing chapter is appropriately devoted to the following well-deserved tribute to the veteran philanthropist, to whose zeal and discretion that and so many other similar institutions owe their existence, or to a large degree their prosperity. "not to inform the public what it knows very well already, nor to forestall the volume now preparing by mrs. child, a kindred spirit, but to gratify my own feelings, and to give grace and sanctity to this little book, i wish to say a few words of mr. hopper, the devoted friend of the prisoner as of the slave; one whose long life, and whose last thoughts, were given to the care and succor of human weakness, error, and suffering. to make even the most unpretending book for the benefit of 'the home,' without bringing forward the name of isaac t. hopper, and recognizing the part he took in its affairs, from the earliest moment of its existence until the close of his life, would be an unpardonable omission. a few words must be said where a volume would scarcely suffice. "'the rich and the poor meet together, and the lord is the father of them all,' might stand for the motto of mr. hopper's life. that the most remote of these two classes stood on the same level of benevolent interest in his mind, his whole career made obvious; he was the last man to represent as naturally opposite those whom god has always, even to the end of the world, made mutually dependent. he told the simple truth to each with equal frankness; helped both with equal readiness. the palace owed him no more than the hovel suggested thoughts of superiority. nothing human, however grand, or however degraded, was a stranger to him. in the light that came to him from heaven, all stood alike children of the great father; earthly distinction disappearing the moment the sinking soul or the suffering body was in question. no amount of depravity could extinguish his hope of reform; no recurrence of ingratitude could paralyze his efforts. early and late, supported or unsupported, praised or ridiculed, he went forward in the great work of relief, looking neither to the right hand, nor to the left; and when the object was accomplished, he shrank back into modest obscurity, only to wait till a new necessity called for his reappearance. who can number the poor, aching, conscious, despairing hearts that have felt new life come to them from his kind words, his benignant smile, his helping hand. if the record of his long life could be fully written, which it can never be, since every day and all day, in company, in the family circle, with children, with prisoners, with the insane, 'virtue went out of him' that no human observation could measure or describe, what touching interest would be added to the history of our poor and vicious population for more than half a century past; what new honor and blessing would surround the venerated name of our departed friend and leader! "but he desired nothing of this. without claiming for him a position above humanity, which alone would account for a willingness to be wholly unrecognized as a friend of the afflicted, it is not too much to say that no man was ever less desirous of public praise or outward honor. he was even unwilling that any care should be taken to preserve the remembrance of his features, sweet and beautiful as they were, though he was brought reluctantly to yield to the anxious wish of his children and friends that the countenance on which every eye loved to dwell, should not be wholly lost when the grave should close above it. he loved to talk of interesting cases of reform and recovery, both because those things occupied his mind, and because every one loved to hear him; but the hearer who made these disclosures the occasion for unmeaning compliment, as if he fancied a craving vanity to have prompted them, soon found himself rebuked by the straightforward and plain-spoken patriarch. precious indeed were those seasons of outpouring, when one interesting recital suggested another, till the listener seemed to see the whole mystery of prison-life and obscure wretchedness laid open before him with the distinctness of a picture. for, strange as it may seem, our friend had under his plain garb--unchanged in form since the days of franklin, to go no further back--a fine dramatic talent, and could not relate the humblest incident without giving it a picturesque or dramatic turn, speaking now for one character, now for another, with a variety and discrimination very remarkable. this made his company greatly sought, and as his strongly social nature readily responded, his acquaintance was very large. to every one that knew him personally, i can appeal for the truth and moderation of these views of his character and manners. "a few biographical items will close what i venture to offer here. "isaac t. hopper was born december , , in the township of deptford, gloucester county, new jersey, but spent a large portion of his life in philadelphia, where he served his apprenticeship to the humble calling of a tailor. but neither the necessity for constant occupation nor the temptations of youthful gaiety, prevented his commencing, even then, the devotion of a portion of his time, to the care of the poor and needy. he had scarcely reached man's estate when we find him an active member of a benevolent association, and his volume, of notes of cases, plans and efforts, date back to that early period. to that time also, we are to refer the beginning of his warm anti-slavery sentiment, a feeling so prominent and effective throughout his life, and the source of some of his noblest efforts and sacrifices. for many years he served as inspector of prisons in philadelphia, and thus, by long and constant practical observation, was accumulated that knowledge of the human heart in its darkest windings, that often astonished the objects of his care, when they thought they had been able cunningly to blind his eyes to their real character and intentions. after his removal to new york, and when the occasion for his personal labors in the cause of the slave had in some measure, ceased or slackened, he threw his whole heart into the prison association, whose aims and plans of action were entirely in accordance with his views, and indeed, in a great degree, based on his experience and advice. the intent of the prison association is threefold: first to protect and defend those who are arrested, and who, as is well known, often suffer greatly from want of honest and intelligent counsel; secondly, to attend to the treatment and instruction of convicts while in prison; and thirdly, on their discharge to render them such practical aid as shall enable the repentant to return to society by means of the pursuit of some honest calling. the latter branch occupied mr. hopper's time and attention, and he devoted himself to it with an affectionate and religious earnestness that ceased only with his life. no disposition was too perverse for his efforts at reform; no heart was so black that he did not at least try the balm of healing upon it; no relapses could tire out his patience, which, without weak waste of means still apostolically went on 'hoping all things,' while even a dying spark of good feeling remained. up to february last did this venerable saint continue his abundant labors; when a severe cold, co-operating with the decay of nature, brought him his sentence of dismissal. he felt that it was on the way, and with the serious grace that marked everything he did, he began at once to gather his earthly robes about him and prepare for the great change which no one could dread less. it was hard for those who saw his ruddy cheek and sparkling eye, his soft brown hair, and sprightly movements to feel that the time of his departure was drawing nigh: but he knew and felt it, with more composure than his friends could summon. it might well be said of this our beloved patriarch, that his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated. to the last of his daily journeyings through the city, for which he generally used the rail road, he would never allow the drivers to stop for him to get on or off the car, feeling, as he used smilingly to observe, 'very jealous on that point.' few ever passed him in the street without asking who he was; for not only did his primitive dress, his broad-brimmed hat, and his antique shoe buckles attract attention, but the beauty and benevolence of his face was sure to fix the eye of ordinary discernment. he was a living temperance lecture, and those who desire to preserve good looks could not ask a more infallible receipt, than that sweet temper and out-flowing benevolence which made his countenance please every eye. gay and cheerful as a boy, he had ever some pleasant anecdote or amusing turn to relate, and in all perhaps not one without a moral bearing, not thrust forward, but left to be picked out by the hearer at his leisure. he seemed born to show how great strictness in essentials could exist without the least asceticism in trifles. anything but a simeon stylites in his sainthood, he could go among 'publicans and sinners' without the least fear of being mistaken by them for one of themselves. an influence radiated from him that made itself felt in every company, though he would very likely be the most modest man present. more gentlemanly manners and address no court in christendom need require; his resolute simplicity and candor, always under the guidance of a delicate taste, never for a moment degenerated into coarseness or disregard even of the prejudices of others. his life, even in these minute particulars, showed how the whole man is harmonized by the sense of being 'ever in the great taskmaster's eye.' "he died on the th of may, , in his eighty-first year, and a public funeral in the tabernacle brought together thousands desirous of showing respect to his memory." mrs. child has written a full, and in many respects, an exceedingly interesting biography of the subject of this memoir, towards the close of which she says: "from the numerous notices in papers of all parties and sects, i will merely quote the following. 'the new york observer' thus announces his death: "'the venerable isaac t. hopper, whose placid, benevolent face has so long irradiated almost every public meeting for doing good, and whose name, influence, and labors, have been devoted with an apostolic simplicity and constancy to humanity, died on friday last, at an advanced age. he was a quaker of that early sort illustrated by such philanthropists as anthony benezet, thomas clarkson, mrs. fry, and the like. "'he was a most self-denying, patient, loving friend of the poor, and the suffering of every kind; and his life was an unbroken history of beneficence. thousands of hearts will feel a touch of grief at the news of his death; for few men have so large a wealth in the blessings of the poor, and the grateful remembrance of kindness and benevolence, as he.' "'the new york times' contained the following: "'most of our readers will call to mind, in connection with the name of isaac t. hopper, the compact, well-knit figure of a quaker gentleman, apparently about sixty years of age, dressed in drab or brown clothes of the plainest cut, and bearing on his handsome, manly face the impress of that benevolence with which his whole heart was filled. "'he was twenty years older than he seemed. the fountain of benevolence within freshened his old age with its continuous flow. the step of the octogenarian was elastic as that of a boy, his form erect as a mountain pine. "'his whole physique was a splendid sample of nature's handiwork. we see him now with our mind's eye, but with the eye of flesh we shall see him no more. void of intentional offence to god or man, his spirit has joined its happy kindred in a world where there is neither sorrow nor perplexity.' "i sent the following communication to 'the new york tribune': "in this world of shadows, few things strengthen the soul like seeing the calm and cheerful exit of a truly good man; and this has been my privilege by the bedside of isaac t. hopper. "he was a man of remarkable endowments, both of head and heart. his clear discrimination, his unconquerable will, his total unconsciousness of fear, his extraordinary tact in circumventing plans he wished to frustrate, would have made him illustrious as the general of an army; and these qualities might have become faults, if they had not been balanced by an unusual degree of conscientiousness and benevolence. he battled courageously, not from ambition, but from an inborn love of truth. he circumvented as adroitly as the most practiced politician; but it was always to defeat the plans of those who oppressed god's poor; never to advance his own self-interest. "'few men have been more strongly attached to any religious society than he was to the society of friends, which he joined in the days of its purity, impelled by his own religious convictions. but when the time came that he must either be faithless to duty in the cause of his enslaved brethren, or part company with the society to which he was bound by the strong and sacred ties of early religious feeling, this sacrifice he also calmly laid on the altar of humanity. "'during nine years that i lived in his household, my respect and affection for him continually increased. never have i seen a man who so completely fulfilled the scripture injunction, to forgive an erring brother, 'not only seven times, but seventy times seven.' i have witnessed relapse after relapse into vice, under circumstances which seemed like the most heartless ingratitude to him; but he joyfully hailed the first symptom of repentance, and was always ready to grant a new probation. "'farewell, thou brave and kind old friend! the prayers of ransomed ones ascended to heaven for thee, and a glorious company have welcomed thee to the eternal city.'" samuel d. burris, referred to by john hunn, was also a brave conductor on the underground rail road leading down into maryland (via hunn's place). mr. burris was a native of delaware, but being a free man and possessing more than usual intelligence, and withal an ardent love of liberty, he left "slave-dom" and moved with his family to philadelphia. here his abhorrence of slavery was greatly increased, especially after becoming acquainted with the anti-slavery office and the abolition doctrine. under whose auspices or by what influence he was first induced to visit the south with a view of aiding slaves to escape, the writer does not recollect; nevertheless, from personal knowledge, prior to , he well knew that burris was an accredited agent on the road above alluded to, and that he had been considered a safe, wise, and useful man in his day and calling. probably the simple conviction that he would not otherwise be doing as he would be done by actuated him in going down south occasionally to assist some of his suffering friends to get the yokes off their necks, and with him escape to freedom. a number were thus aided by burris. but finally he found himself within the fatal snare; the slave-holders caught him at last, and burris was made a prisoner in dover jail. his wife and children were thereby left without their protector and head. the friends of the slave in philadelphia and elsewhere deeply sympathized with him in this dreadful hour. being able to use the pen, although he could not write without having his letters inspected, he kept up a constant correspondence with his friends both in delaware and philadelphia. john hunn and thomas garrett were as faithful to him as brothers. after lying in prison for many months, his trial came on and slavery gained the victory. the court decided that he must be sold in or out of the state to serve for seven years. no change, pardon or relief, could be expected from the spirit and power that held sway over delaware at that time. the case was one of great interest to mr. mckim, as indeed to the entire executive committee of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, who felt constrained to do all they could to save the poor man from his threatened fate, although they had not advised or encouraged him in the act for which he was condemned and about to suffer. in viewing his condition, but a faint ray of hope was entertained from one single direction. it was this: to raise money privately and have a man at the auction on the day of sale to purchase him. john hunn and thomas garrett were too well known as abolitionists to undertake this mission. a friend indeed, was desirable, but none other would do than such an one as would not be suspected. mr. mckim thought that a man who might be taken for a negro trader would be the right kind of a man to send on this errand. garrett and hunn being consulted heartily acquiesced in this plan, and after much reflection and inquiry, isaac s. flint, an uncompromising abolitionist, living in wilmington, delaware, was elected to buy burris at the sale, providing that he was not run up to a figure exceeding the amount in hand. flint's abhorrence of slavery combined with his fearlessness, cool bearing, and perfect knowledge from what he had read of the usages of traders at slave sales, without question admirably fitted him to play the part of a trader for the time being. when the hour arrived, the doomed man was placed on the auction-block. two traders from baltimore were known to be present; how many others the friends of burris knew not. the usual opportunity was given to traders and speculators to thoroughly examine the property on the block, and most skillfully was burris examined from the soles of his feet to the crown of his head; legs, arms and body, being handled as horse-jockies treat horses. flint watched the ways of the traders and followed for effect their example. the auctioneer began and soon had a bid of five hundred dollars. a baltimore trader was now in the lead, when flint, if we mistake not, bought off the trader for one hundred dollars. the bids were thus suddenly checked, and burris was knocked down to isaac s. flint (a strange trader). of course he had left his abolition name at home and had adopted one suited to the occasion. when the crier's hammer indicated the last bid, although burris had borne up heroically throughout the trying ordeal, he was not by any means aware of the fact that he had fallen into the hands of friends, but, on the contrary, evidently labored under the impression that his freedom was gone. but a few moments were allowed to pass ere flint had the bill of sale for his property, and the joyful news was whispered in the ear of burris that all was right; that he had been bought with abolition gold to save him from going south. once more burris found himself in philadelphia with his wife and children and friends, a stronger opponent than ever of slavery. having thus escaped by the skin of his teeth, he never again ventured south. after remaining a year or two in philadelphia, about the year he went to california to seek more lucrative employment than he had hitherto found. becoming somewhat satisfactorily situated he sent for his family, who joined him. in the meanwhile, his interest in the cause of freedom did not falter; he always kept posted on the subject of the underground rail road and anti-slavery questions; and after the war, when appeals were made on behalf of contrabands who flocked into washington daily in a state of utter destitution, burris was among the first to present the matter to the colored churches of san francisco, with a view of raising means to aid in this good work, and as the result, a handsome collection was taken up and forwarded to the proper committee in washington. about three years ago, samuel d. burris died, in the city of san francisco, at about the age of sixty years. to the slave he had been a true friend, and had labored faithfully for the improvement of his own mind as well as the general elevation of his race. mariann, grace anna, and elizabeth r. lewis. near kimberton, in chester county, pa., was the birth-place, and, till within a few years, the home of three sisters, mariann, grace anna and elizabeth r. lewis, who were among the most faithful, devoted, and quietly efficient workers in the anti-slavery cause, including that department of it which is the subject of this volume. birth-right members of the society of friends, they were born into more than the traditional anti-slavery faith and feeling of that society. a deep abhorrence of slavery, and an earnest will to put that feeling into act, as opportunity should serve, were in the very life-blood which they drew from father and mother both. left fatherless at an early age, they were taught by their mother to remember that their father, on his visits to their maternal grandfather, living then in maryland, was wont, as he expressed it, to feel the black shadow of slavery over his spirit, from the time he entered, till he left, the state; and that, on his death-bed, he had regretted having let ill-health prevent his meeting with, and joining one of the anti-slavery societies of that day. of the mother's share in the transmission of their hereditary feeling, it is enough, to all acquainted with the history of anti-slavery work in pennsylvania, to say that she was sister, not by blood alone, but in heart and soul, to that early, active, untiring abolitionist, dr. bartholomew fussell. it is easy to see that the children of such parents, growing up under the influence of such a mother, needed no conversion, no sacrifices of prejudice or hostile opinions, to make them anti-slavery; but were ready, simply as a matter of course, to work for the good cause whenever any way appeared in which their work could serve it. what was called "modern abolitionism," as distinguished from the less aggressive form of opposition to slavery, which preceded the movement pioneered by garrison, they at once accepted, as soon as it was set before them, through the agents of the american anti-slavery society, in the campaign in pennsylvania, begun in . regarding it but as the next step forward in the way they had already entered, they instinctively fell into line with the new movement, assisted in forming a society auxiliary to it, in their own neighborhood, and were constant to the end in working for its advancement. earnest in the cause. [illustration: grace anne lewis] [illustration: mrs. francis e. w. harper] [illustration: john needles.] auxiliary to the influences already mentioned, was a very early recollection of seeing a colored man, henry, bound with ropes and carried off to slavery. grace anna, not more than four or five years old at the time, declared that the man's face of agony is before her now; nor is it likely that her sisters were impressed less deeply. of natures keenly sensitive, they hated slavery, from that hour, as only children of such natures can; and--as yet too young and immature for that charity to have been developed in them, which can see a brother even in the evil-doer, and pity while condemning him,--they even more intensely hated, while they feared, the actors in the outrage, and despised the girl who had betrayed the victim. ever after, any one of them could be trusted to be faithful to the hunted fugitive, though an army of kidnappers might surround her. another of their early recollections was of a white handkerchief which was to be waved from a back window, as a signal of danger, to a colored man at work in a wood near by. and, all the while, the feelings aroused by such events were kept alive by little anti-slavery poems, which they were wont to learn by heart and recite in the evenings. grace anna, on her first visit to philadelphia, when nine years old, bought a copy of one of these, entitled "zambo's story," pleased to recognize in it a favorite of her still earlier childhood. by means like these they were unconsciously preparing themselves for the predestined tasks of their after-life; and if there were danger that such a strain upon their sympathies, as they often underwent, might prove unhealthful, it was fully counteracted by ball-playing, and all kinds of active out-door amusements of childhood, so that it was never known to result in harm. as time passed on, their home, always open to fugitives, became an important centre of underground rail road operations for the region extending from wilmington, del., into adams county, pa.; and they, grown to womanhood, had glided into the management of its very considerable business. they received passengers from thomas garrett, and sometimes others, perhaps, of wilmington, when it was thought unsafe to send them thence directly through philadelphia; from wm. and phebe wright, in adams county, and from friends, more than we have room to name, in york, columbia, and the southern parts of lancaster and chester counties; the several lines, from adams county to wilmington, converging upon the house of john vickers, of lionville, whose wagon, laden apparently with innocent-looking earthen ware from his pottery, sometimes conveyed, unseen beneath the visible load, a precious burden of southern chattels, on their way to manhood. [at a later period, the trains from adams county generally took another course, going to harrisburg, and on to canada, by way of the susquehanna valley; though still, when pursuit that way was apprehended, the former course was taken.] these passengers, the lewises forwarded in diverse ways; usually, in the earlier times, by wagon or carriage, to richard moore, of quakertown, in bucks county, about thirty miles distant; but later, when abolitionists were more numerous, and easier stages could be safely made, either directly to the writer, or to one or other of ten or twelve stations which had become established at places less remote, in the counties of chester and montgomery. during portions of the time, their married sister rebecca, and her husband, edwin fussell, and their uncle, dr. b. fussell, and, after him, his brother william, lived on farms adjoining theirs, and were their active helpers in this work. the receiving and passing on of fugitives, was not all they had to do. often it was necessary to fit out whole families with clothing suitable for the journey. in cases of emergency they would sometimes gather a sewing-circle from such neighboring families as could be trusted; and, with its help, accomplish rapidly the needed work. one instance is remembered, of a woman, with her little boy, whom they put into girls' attire; and, changing also the woman's dress, sent both, by cars, to canada, accompanied by a friend. in this kind of work, too, they had generous aid from friends at neighboring stations. from lawrenceville and limerick, and pottstown and pughtown, came contributions of clothing; at one time a supply which filled compactly three three-bushel bags, and of which a small remainder, still on hand when slavery was abolished, was sent south to the freedmen. the prudence, skill, and watchful care with which the business was conducted, are well attested by the fact that, so far as can be remembered, during all the many years of their connection with the underground rail road, not a plan miscarried, and not a slave that reached their station was retaken; although among their neighbors there were bitter adversaries of the anti-slavery cause, eager to find occasion for hostile acts against any abolitionist; and, at times, especially vindictive against the noble sisters, because of their effective co-operation with other friends of temperance, in preventing the licensing of a liquor-selling tavern in the neighborhood. on one occasion, when, within a week, they had passed on to freedom no less than forty fugitives, eleven of whom had been in the house at once, they were amused at hearing a remark by some of their pro-slavery neighbors, to the effect that "there used to be a pretty brisk trade of running off niggers, but there was not much of it done now." though parties of four, five or six sometimes arrived in open day, they seldom sent any away till about nightfall or later, and, whenever the danger was greater than usual, the coming was also at night. the fugitives, in attempting to capture whom, gorsuch was killed, near christiana, were brought to them at midnight, by dr. fussell; and in this case such caution was observed, that not even the hired girl knew of the presence of persons not of the family. for one reason or another,--perhaps to let a hot pursuit go by; perhaps to allow opportunity for recovering from fatigue and recruiting exhausted strength, or for earning means to pursue the journey by the common railroads,--it was often thought advisable that passengers should remain with them for a considerable period; and numbers of these were, at different times, employed as laborers in some capacity. grace anna testifies that some of the best assistants they ever had in the house or on the farm, were these escaped slaves; that in general they were thrifty and economical, one man, for instance, who spent several years with them, having accumulated five hundred dollars before he went on to canada; and another, enough to furnish an old coat with a full set of buttons, each of which was a golden half-eagle, covered with cloth, and firmly sewed on, besides an ample supply of good clothing for himself and his wife; and that, almost without exception, they were honest and loyal to their benefactors, and only too happy to find opportunities of showing their gratitude. one man sent back to the sisters a letter of thanks, through a gentleman in england, whither he had gone. and once, when grace anna was passing an elegant mansion in philadelphia, a colored woman rushed out upon her with such an impetuous demonstration of affection, joy, and thankfulness--all thought of fitness of time and place swept away by the swell of strong emotion--as might well have amused, or slightly astonished, the passers in the street, who knew not that in her arms the woman's child had died. but it is no marvel that to her the memory of that poor runaway slave-woman's true affection is more than could have been the warmest welcome from her educated and refined mistress. one case, of which the sisters for a time had charge, seems worthy of a somewhat more extended mention. in the fall of a slave named johnson, who, in fleeing from bondage, had come as far as wilmington, thinking he saw his master on the train by which he was journeying northward, sprang from the car and hurt his foot severely. the kennett abolitionists having taken him in hand, and fearing that suspicious eyes were on him in their region, felt it necessary to send him onward without waiting for his wound to heal. he was therefore taken to the lewises, suffering very much in his removal, and arriving in a condition which required the most assiduous care. for more than four months he remained with them, patient and gentle in his helplessness and suffering, and very thankful for the ministrations of kindness he received. he was nursed as tenderly as if his own sisters had attended him, instead of strangers, and was so carefully concealed that the nearest neighbors knew not of his being with them. their cousin, morris fussell, who lived near, being a physician, they had not to depend for even medical advice upon the outside world. as the sufferer's wound, in natural course, became offensive, the care of it could not but have been disagreeable as well as toilsome; and the feeble health of one of the sisters at that time must have made heavier the burden to be borne. but it was borne with a cheerful constancy. in a letter which grace anna wrote after she had attended for some time in person to the patient, with the care and sympathy which his condition demanded, and begun to feel her strength unequal to the task, in addition to her household duties, she asked a friend in philadelphia to procure for her a trusty colored woman fit to be a helper in the work, offering higher wages than were common in that region for the services required, and adding that, indeed, they could not stand upon the amount of pay, but must have help, if it could be obtained, though not in a condition to bear undue expenditure. but, she said, the man "is unable to be removed; and if he were not, i know of no place where the charge would not be equally severe." so, in perfect keeping with her character, she just quietly regarded it as a matter of course that it should still continue where it was. and there it did continue until spring, when the man, now able to bear removal, was conveyed to the writer, and, after a time, went thence to boston. there his foot, pronounced incurable, was amputated, and the abolitionists supplied him with a wooden limb. he then returned and spent another winter with the lewises, assisting in the household work, and rendering services invaluable at a time when it was almost impossible to obtain female help. the next spring, hoping vainly to recover in a warmer climate from the disease induced by the drain his wounded foot had made upon his system, he went to hayti, and there died; happy, we may well believe, to have escaped from slavery, though only to have won scarely two years of freedom as an invalid and a cripple. the sisters were so thoroughly united in their work, as well as in all the experiences of life, that this brief sketch has not attempted what indeed it could not have achieved--a separation of their spheres of beneficent activity. yet they had each her individual traits and adaptations to their common task; "diversities of gifts, but the same spirit." elizabeth, although for many years shut out by feeble health from any part requiring much bodily exertion, was ever a wise counsellor, as well as ready with such help as her state of health would warrant. though weak in body, in spirit she was strong and calm and self-reliant, with a clear, discriminating intellect, a keen sense of right, and a certain solidity and balanced symmetry of the spiritual nature which made her an appreciable power wherever she was known. of mariann, grace anna says, that if a flash of inspiration was required, it usually came from her. taught by her love for others, and by a sensitiveness almost preternaturally quick, "she always knew exactly the right thing to do," and put all the poetry of a nature exquisitely fine into her efforts to diffuse around her purity and peace and happiness. her constant, utterly unselfish endeavors to this end contributed in ample measure to the blessedness of a delightful home, rich in the virtues, charities and graces which make home blessed. veiled by her modest and retiring disposition, to few beyond the circle of her home were known the beauty and beneficence of her noiseless life; but those who did look in upon it testified her worth in terms so strong as showed how deeply it impressed them. "just the best woman i ever knew," said a young man for whom she had long cared like a mother. "i cannot remember," said another, "ever hearing from her one ungentle word;" and it may be safely doubted whether she was ever heard to utter such. and one who "knew her every mood" cannot recall an instance of selfishness in her, even when a child. "the most womanly woman i ever knew," declared a friend long closely intimate with her, "and such as would have been adored, if found by any man worthy of her." the ideal element in her was chastened by sound sense and blended with a quick sagacity; but her shrinking sensitiveness, too keen to be quite healthy, and an extreme of self-forgetfulness, amounting possibly to a defect in one sojourning amid this world's diverse dispositions and experiences, rendered her, on the whole, less balanced and complete than her younger sisters, and not well fitted for rough encounter with life's trials. so it became grace anna's province, especially after their mother's death, to stand a shelter between her and whatever would unpleasantly affect her by its contact; to be in some sort as a brother to her, seeing there was no brother in the house. but from this it must not be inferred that grace anna is less gifted with the distinctive qualities of her sex. for the native fineness of her spiritual texture, her gentle dignity and feminine delicacy and grace, mark her as "every inch" a true and noble woman. in her combine in happy union the calm strength of soul and self-reliance of her younger, with the poetic ideality and a just degree of the quick sensibility of her elder sister, with better health than either, making her foremost of the three in that executive efficiency which did so much to give their plans the uniform success already mentioned. kindness and warm affection, clearness of moral vision, and purity of heart, with a lively relish for quiet intellectual pleasures, for society and books adapted to refine, improve and elevate, were among the characteristics common to them all. mariann and elizabeth, having lived to see the triumph of the right, in the presidential proclamation of freedom to the slaves, have gone from their earthly labors to their heavenly rest; which, we may well believe, is that whereof the poet speaks: "rest in harmonious action like the stars, doing the deeds which make heaven musical, the earth a heaven, and brothers of us all." grace anna still continues here, working for human welfare in such fields as still demand the laborer's toil; and finding mental profit and delight in the pursuit of natural science. cunningham's rache. by miss grace a. lewis. among the many fugitives whose stories were full of interest, was that of a woman named rachel. she was tall, muscular, slight, with an extremely sensitive nervous organization, a brain of large size, and an expression of remarkable sagacity and quickness. she was living in west chester, chester county, pa., when attempts were made to retake her to slavery. with wonderful swiftness and adroitness she eluded pursuit, and was soon hurried away. speedily reaching our house, she hid herself away during the day, and in the evening, as a place of greater safety, she was transferred to the house of our uncle, dr. fussell, then residing on an adjoining farm. as was his wont, this kind-hearted man soon entered into a conversation with her, and in a few minutes discovered that she had once been a pupil of his during his residence in maryland many years before. at the moment of recognition she sprang up, overwhelming him with her manifestations of delight, crying: "you dr. fussell? you dr. fussell? don't you remember me? i'm rache--cunningham's rache, down at bush river neck." then receding to view him better, "lord bless de child! how he is grown!" her tongue once loosened, she poured forth her whole history, expressing in every lineament her concentrated abhorrence of her libertine master, "mort cunningham." over that story, it is needful to pass lightly, simply saying, she endured all outraged nature could endure and survive. for the sake of humanity we may trust there were few such fiends even among southern masters as this monster in human shape. cunningham finally sold her to go further south, with a master whose name cannot now be recalled. this man was in ill health, and after a time he and his wife started northward, bringing rache with them. on the voyage the master grew worse, and one night when he was about to die, a fearful storm arose, which rache devoutly believed was sent from heaven. in describing this scene, she impersonated her surroundings with wonderful vividness and marvellous power. at one moment she was the howling wind; at another the tumultuous sea--then the lurching ship--the bellowing cow frightened by the storm--the devil, who came to carry away her master's soul, and finally the weak, dying man, as he passed to eternity. they proceeded on their voyage and landed at their place of destination. rache sees the cow snuffing the land breeze and darting off through the crowd. the captain of the vessel points to the cow and motions her to follow its example. she needs nothing more. again she is acting--she is now the cow; but human caution, shrewdness, purpose, are lent to animal instinct. she looks around her with wary eye--scents the air--a flash, and she is hidden from the crowd which you see around her--she is free! making her way northward, she finally arrived at the house of emmer kimber, kimberton, chester county, pa., and proving a remarkably capable woman, she remained a considerable time in his family, as a cook. she finally married, and settled in west chester, where the pair prospered and were soon surrounded by the comforts of a neat home. after several years of peaceful life there, she was one day alarmed, not by the heirs of her dead master, but by the loathed "mort cunningham," who, without the shadow of legal right, had come to carry her back to slavery. fear lent her wings. she darted into a hatter's shop and out through the back buildings, springing over a dye kettle in her way, and cleared a board fence at a bound. on her way to a place of safety she looked back to see, with keen enjoyment, "mort cunningham" falling backward from the fence she had leaped. secure in a garret, she looked down into the streets below, to see his vacant, dazed look as he sought, unable to find her. her rendering of the expression of his face at this time, was irresistibly ludicrous, as was that of his whole bearing while searching for her. "mort cunningham" did not get her, but whether or not she ever returned to the enjoyment of her happy home, in west chester, we never knew, as this sudden flight was the last we ever heard of her. she was one of the most wide-awake of human beings, and the world certainly lost in the uneducated slave, an actor of great dramatic power. frances ellen watkins harper. the narratives and labors of eminent colored men such as banneker, douglass, brown, garnet, and others, have been written and sketched very fully for the public, and doubtless with advantage to the cause of freedom. but there is not to be found in any written work portraying the anti-slavery struggle, (except in the form of narratives,) as we are aware of, a sketch of the labors of any eminent colored woman. we feel, therefore, not only glad of the opportunity to present a sketch not merely of the leading colored poet in the united states, but also of one of the most liberal contributors, as well as one of the ablest advocates of the underground rail road and of the slave. no extravagant praise of any kind,--only simple facts are needed to portray the noble deeds of this faithful worker. the want of space forbids more than a brief reference to her early life. frances ellen watkins harper (watkins being her maiden name) was born in the city of baltimore in , not of slave parentage, but subjected of course to the oppressive influence which bond and free alike endured under slave laws. since reaching her majority, in looking back, the following sentences from her own pen express the loneliness of her childhood days. "have i yearned for a mother's love? the grave was my robber. before three years had scattered their blight around my path, death had won my mother from me. would the strong arm of a brother have been welcome? i was my mother's only child." thus she fell into the hands of an aunt, who watched over her during these early helpless years. rev. william watkins, an uncle, taught a school in baltimore for free colored children, to which she was sent until she was about thirteen years of age. after this period, she was put out to work to earn her own living. she had many trials to endure which she would fain forget; but in the midst of them all she had an ardent thirst for knowledge and a remarkable talent for composition, as she evinced at the age of fourteen in an article which attracted the attention of the lady in whose family she was employed, and others. in this situation she was taught sewing, took care of the children, &c.; and at the same time, through the kindness of her employer, her greed for books was satisfied so far as was possible from occasional half-hours of leisure. she was noted for her industry, rarely trifling away time as most girls are wont to do in similar circumstances. scarcely had she reached her majority ere she had written a number of prose and poetic pieces which were deemed of sufficient merit to publish in a small volume called "forest leaves." some of her productions found their way into newspapers and attracted attention. the ability exhibited in some of her productions was so remarkable that some doubted and others denied their originality. of this character we here copy an extract from one of her early prose productions: christianity. "christianity is a system claiming god for its author, and the welfare of man for its object. it is a system so uniform, exalted and pure, that the loftiest intellects have acknowledged its influence, and acquiesced in the justness of its claims. genius has bent from his erratic course to gather fire from her altars, and pathos from the agony of gethsemane and the sufferings of calvary. philosophy and science have paused amid their speculative researches and wondrous revelations to gain wisdom from her teachings and knowledge from her precepts. poetry has culled her fairest flowers and wreathed her softest to bind her author's 'bleeding brow.' music has strung her sweetest lyres and breathed her noblest strains to celebrate his fame; whilst learning has bent from her lofty heights to bow at the lowly cross. the constant friend of man, she has stood by him in his hour of greatest need. she has cheered the prisoner in his cell, and strengthened the martyr at the stake. she has nerved the frail and shrinking heart of woman for high and holy deeds. the worn and weary have rested their fainting heads upon her bosom, and gathered strength from her words and courage from her counsels. she has been the staff of decrepit age and the joy of manhood in its strength. she has bent over the form of lovely childhood, and suffered it to have a place in the redeemer's arms. she has stood by the bed of the dying, and unveiled the glories of eternal life, gilding the darkness of the tomb with the glory of the resurrection." her mind being of a strictly religious caste, the effusions from her pen all savor of a highly moral and elevating tone. about the year she left baltimore to seek a home in a free state, and for a short time resided in ohio, where she was engaged in teaching. contrary to her expectations, her adopted home and calling not proving satisfactory, she left that state and came to pennsylvania as a last resort, and again engaged in teaching at little york. here she not only had to encounter the trouble of dealing with unruly children, she was sorely oppressed with the thought of the condition of her people in maryland. not unfrequently she gave utterance to such expressions as the following: "not that we have not a right to breathe the air as freely as anybody else here (in baltimore), but we are treated worse than aliens among a people whose language we speak, whose religion we profess, and whose blood flows and mingles in our veins.... homeless in the land of our birth and worse off than strangers in the home of our nativity." during her stay in york she had frequent opportunities of seeing passengers on the underground rail road. in one of her letters she thus alluded to a traveler: "i saw a passenger _per_ the underground rail road yesterday; did he arrive safely? notwithstanding that abomination of the nineteenth century--the fugitive slave law--men still determine to be free. notwithstanding all the darkness in which they keep the slaves, it seems that somehow light is dawning upon their minds.... these poor fugitives are a property that can walk. just to think that from the rainbow-crowned niagara to the swollen waters of the mexican gulf, from the restless murmur of the atlantic to the ceaseless roar of the pacific, the poor, half-starved, flying fugitive has no resting-place for the sole of his foot!" whilst hesitating whether or not it would be best to continue teaching, she wrote to a friend for advice as follows: "what would you do if you were in my place? would you give up and go back and work at your trade (dress-making)? there are no people that need all the benefits resulting from a well-directed education more than we do. the condition of our people, the wants of our children, and the welfare of our race demand the aid of every helping hand, the god-speed of every christian heart. it is a work of time, a labor of patience, to become an effective school teacher; and it should be a work of love in which they who engage should not abate heart or hope until it is done. and after all, it is one of woman's most sacred rights to have the privilege of forming the symmetry and rightly adjusting the mental balance of an immortal mind." "i have written a lecture on education, and i am also writing a small book." thus, whilst filling her vocation as a teacher in little york, was she deeply engrossed in thought as to how she could best promote the welfare of her race. but as she was devoted to the work in hand, she soon found that fifty-three untrained little urchins overtaxed her naturally delicate physical powers; it also happened just about this time that she was further moved to enter the anti-slavery field as a lecturer substantially by the following circumstance: about the year , maryland, her native state, had enacted a law forbidding free people of color from the north from coming into the state on pain of being imprisoned and sold into slavery. a free man, who had unwittingly violated this infamous statute, had recently been sold to georgia, and had escaped thence by secreting himself behind the wheel-house of a boat bound northward; but before he reached the desired haven, he was discovered and remanded to slavery. it was reported that he died soon after from the effects of exposure and suffering. in a letter to a friend referring to this outrage, mrs. harper thus wrote: "upon that grave i pledged myself to the anti-slavery cause." having thus decided, she wrote in a subsequent letter, "it may be that god himself has written upon both my heart and brain a commission to use time, talent and energy in the cause of freedom." in this abiding faith she came to philadelphia, hoping that the way would open for usefulness, and to publish her little book (above referred to). she visited the anti-slavery office and read anti-slavery documents with great avidity; in the mean time making her home at the station of the underground rail road, where she frequently saw passengers and heard their melting tales of suffering and wrong, which intensely increased her sympathy in their behalf. although anxious to enter the anti-slavery field as a worker, her modesty prevented her from pressing her claims; consequently as she was but little known, being a young and homeless maiden (an exile by law), no especial encouragement was tendered her by anti-slavery friends in philadelphia. during her stay in philadelphia she published some verses entitled, "eliza harris crossing the river on the ice." it was deemed best to delay the issuing of the book. after spending some weeks in philadelphia, she concluded to visit boston. here she was treated with the kindness characteristic of the friends in the anti-slavery office whom she visited, but only made a brief stay, after which she proceeded to new bedford, the "hot-bed of the fugitives" in massachusetts, where by invitation she addressed a public meeting on the subject of education and the elevation of the colored race. the occasion and result of the commencement of her public career was thus given by her own pen in a letter dated august, : "well, i am out lecturing. i have lectured every night this week; besides addressed a sunday-school, and i shall speak, if nothing prevent, to-night. my lectures have met with success. last night i lectured in a white church in providence. mr. gardener was present, and made the estimate of about six hundred persons. never, perhaps, was a speaker, old or young, favored with a more attentive audience.... my voice is not wanting in strength, as i am aware of, to reach pretty well over the house. the church was the roger williams; the pastor, a mr. furnell, who appeared to be a kind and christian man.... my maiden lecture was monday night in new bedford on the elevation and education of our people. perhaps as intellectual a place as any i was ever at of its size." having thus won her way to a favorable position as a lecturer, the following month she was engaged by the state anti-slavery society of maine, with what success appears from one of her letters bearing date--buckstown centre, sept. , : "the agent of the state anti-slavery society of maine travels with me, and she is a pleasant, dear, sweet lady. i do like her so. we travel together, eat together, and sleep together. (she is a white woman.) in fact i have not been in one colored person's house since i left massachusetts; but i have a pleasant time. my life reminds me of a beautiful dream. what a difference between this and york!... i have met with some of the kindest treatment up here that i have ever received.... i have lectured three times this week. after i went from limerick, i went to springvale; there i spoke on sunday night at an anti-slavery meeting. some of the people are anti-slavery, anti-rum and anti-catholic; and if you could see our maine ladies,--some of them among the noblest types of womanhood you have ever seen! they are for putting men of anti-slavery principles in office, ... to cleanse the corrupt fountains of our government by sending men to congress who will plead for our down-trodden and oppressed brethren, our crushed and helpless sisters, whose tears and blood bedew our soil, whose chains are clanking 'neath our proudest banners, whose cries and groans amid our loudest paeans rise." everywhere in this latitude doors opened before her, and her gifts were universally recognized as a valuable acquisition to the cause. in the letter above referred to she said: "i spoke in boston on monday night.... well, i am but one, but can do something, and, god helping me, i will try. mr. brister from lowell addressed the meeting; also rev. ---- howe. we had a good demonstration." having read the narrative of solomon northrup ( years a slave), she was led to embrace the free labor doctrine most thoroughly; and in a letter dated at temple, maine, oct. , , after expressing the interest she took in the annual meeting of the anti-slavery society of that state, she remarked: "i spoke on free produce, and now by the way i believe in that kind of abolition. oh, it does seem to strike at one of the principal roots of the matter. i have commenced since i read solomon northrup. oh, if mrs. stowe has clothed american slavery in the graceful garb of fiction, solomon northrup comes up from the dark habitation of southern cruelty where slavery fattens and feasts on human blood with such mournful revelations that one might almost wish for the sake of humanity that the tales of horror which he reveals were not so. oh, how can we pamper our appetites upon luxuries drawn from reluctant fingers? oh, could slavery exist long if it did not sit on a commercial throne? i have read somewhere, if i remember aright, of a hindoo being loth to cut a tree because being a believer in the transmigration of souls, he thought the soul of his father had passed into it ... oh, friend, beneath the most delicate preparations of the cane can you not see the stinging lash and clotted whip? i have reason to be thankful that i am able to give a little more for a free labor dress, if it is coarser. i can thank god that upon its warp and woof i see no stain of blood and tears; that to procure a little finer muslin for my limbs no crushed and broken heart went out in sighs, and that from the field where it was raised went up no wild and startling cry unto the throne of god to witness there in language deep and strong, that in demanding that cotton i was nerving oppression's hand for deeds of guilt and crime. if the liberation of the slave demanded it, i could consent to part with a portion of the blood from my own veins if that would do him any good." after having thus alluded to free labor, she gave a short journal of the different places where she had recently lectured from the th of september to the th of october, which we mention here simply to show the perseverance which characterized her as an advocate of her enslaved race, and at the same time show how doors everywhere opened to her: portland, monmouth centre, north berwick, limerick (two meetings), springvale, portsmouth, elliott, waterborough (spoke four times), lyman, saccarappo, moderation, steep falls (twice), north buxton, goram, gardner, litchfield, twice, monmouth ridge twice, monmouth centre three times, litchfield second time, west waterville twice, livermore temple. her ability and labors were everywhere appreciated, and her meetings largely attended. in a subsequent letter referring to the manner that she was received, she wrote, "a short while ago when i was down this way i took breakfast with the then governor of maine." for a year and a half she continued in the eastern states, speaking in most or all of them with marked success; the papers meting out to her full commendation for her efforts. the following extract clipped from the portland daily press, respecting a lecture that she was invited to deliver after the war by the mayor (mr. washburne) and others, is a fair sample of notices from this source: "she spoke for nearly an hour and a half, her subject being 'the mission of the war, and the demands of the colored race in the work of reconstruction;' and we have seldom seen an audience more attentive, better pleased, or more enthusiastic. mrs. harper has a splendid articulation, uses chaste, pure language, has a pleasant voice, and allows no one to tire of hearing her. we shall attempt no abstract of her address; none that we could make would do her justice. it was one of which any lecturer might feel proud, and her reception by a portland audience was all that could be desired. we have seen no praises of her that were overdrawn. we have heard miss dickinson, and do not hesitate to award the palm to her darker colored sister." in , desiring to see the fugitives in canada, she visited the upper province, and in a letter dated at niagara falls, sept. th, she unfolded her mind in the following language: "well, i have gazed for the first time upon free land, and, would you believe it, tears sprang to my eyes, and i wept. oh, it was a glorious sight to gaze for the first time on a land where a poor slave flying from our glorious land of liberty would in a moment find his fetters broken, his shackles loosed, and whatever he was in the land of washington, beneath the shadow of bunker hill monument or even plymouth rock, here he becomes a man and a brother. i have gazed on harper's ferry, or rather the rock at the ferry; i have seen it towering up in simple grandeur, with the gentle potomac gliding peacefully at its feet, and felt that that was god's masonry, and my soul had expanded in gazing on its sublimity. i have seen the ocean singing its wild chorus of sounding waves, and ecstacy has thrilled upon the living chords of my heart. i have since then seen the rainbow-crowned niagara chanting the choral hymn of omnipotence, girdled with grandeur, and robed with glory; but none of these things have melted me as the first sight of free land. towering mountains lifting their hoary summits to catch the first faint flush of day when the sunbeams kiss the shadows from morning's drowsy face may expand and exalt your soul. the first view of the ocean may fill you with strange delight. niagara--the great, the glorious niagara--may hush your spirit with its ceaseless thunder; it may charm you with its robe of crested spray and rainbow crown; but the land of freedom was a lesson of deeper significance than foaming waves or towering mounts." while in toronto she lectured, and was listened to with great interest; but she made only a brief visit, thence returning to philadelphia, her adopted home. with her newly acquired reputation as a lecturer, from to she continued her labors in pennsylvania, new jersey, new york, ohio, &c. in the meantime she often came in contact with underground rail road passengers, especially in philadelphia. none sympathized with them more sincerely or showed a greater willingness to render them material aid. she contributed apparently with the same liberality as though they were her own near kin. even when at a distance, so deep was her interest in the success of the road, she frequently made it her business to forward donations, and carefully inquire into the state of the treasury. the chairman of the committee might publish a volume of interesting letters from her pen relating to the underground rail road and kindred topics; but a few extracts must suffice. we here copy from a letter dated at rushsylvania, ohio, dec. th: "i send you to-day two dollars for the underground rail road. it is only a part of what i subscribed at your meeting. may god speed the flight of the slave as he speeds through our republic to gain his liberty in a monarchical land. i am still in the lecturing field, though not very strong physically.... send me word what i can do for the fugitive." from tiffin, ohio, march st, touching the news of a rescue in philadelphia, she thus wrote: "i see by the cincinnati papers that you have had an attempted rescue and a failure. that is sad! can you not give me the particulars? and if there is anything that i can do for them in money or words, call upon me. this is a common cause; and if there is any burden to be borne in the anti-slavery-cause--anything to be done to weaken our hateful chains or assert our manhood and womanhood, i have a right to do my share of the work. the humblest and feeblest of us can do something; and though i may be deficient in many of the conventionalisms of city life, and be considered as a person of good impulses, but unfinished, yet if there is common rough work to be done, call on me." mrs. harper was not content to make speeches and receive plaudits, but was ever willing to do the rough work and to give material aid wherever needed. from another letter dated lewis centre, ohio, we copy the following characteristic extract: "yesterday i sent you thirty dollars. take five of it for the rescuers (who were in prison), and the rest pay away on the books. my offering is not large; but if you need more, send me word. also how comes on the underground rail road? do you need anything for that? you have probably heard of the shameful outrage of a colored man or boy named wagner, who was kidnapped in ohio and carried across the river and sold for a slave.... ohio has become a kind of a negro hunting ground, a new congo's coast and guinea's shore. a man was kidnapped almost under the shadow of our capital. oh, was it not dreadful?... oh, may the living god prepare me for an earnest and faithful advocacy of the cause of justice and right!" in those days the blows struck by the hero, john brown, were agitating the nation. scarcely was it possible for a living soul to be more deeply affected than this female advocate. nor did her sympathies end in mere words. she tendered material aid as well as heartfelt commiseration. to john brown's wife[a] she sent through the writer the following letter: [footnote a: mrs. harper passed two weeks with mrs. brown at the house of the writer while she was awaiting the execution of her husband, and sympathized with her most deeply.] letter to john brown's wife. farmer centre, ohio, nov. th. my dear madam:--in an hour like this the common words of sympathy may seem like idle words, and yet i want to say something to you, the noble wife of the hero of the nineteenth century. belonging to the race your dear husband reached forth his hand to assist, i need not tell you that my sympathies are with you. i thank you for the brave words you have spoken. a republic that produces such a wife and mother may hope for better days. our heart may grow more hopeful for humanity when it sees the sublime sacrifice it is about to receive from his hands. not in vain has your dear husband periled all, if the martyrdom of one hero is worth more than the life of a million cowards. from the prison comes forth a shout of triumph over that power whose ethics are robbery of the feeble and oppression of the weak, the trophies of whose chivalry are a plundered cradle and a scourged and bleeding woman. dear sister, i thank you for the brave and noble words that you have spoken. enclosed i send you a few dollars as a token of my gratitude, reverence and love. yours respectfully, frances ellen watkins. post office address: care of william still, fifth st., philadelphia, penn. may god, our own god, sustain you in the hour of trial. if there is one thing on earth i can do for you or yours, let me be apprized. i am at your service. not forgetting brown's comrades, who were then lying in prison under sentence of death, true to the best impulses of her generous heart, she thus wrote relative to these ill-fated prisoners, from montpelier, dec. th: "i thank you for complying with my request. (she had previously ordered a box of things to be forwarded to them.) and also that you wrote to them. you see brown towered up so bravely that these doomed and fated men may have been almost overlooked, and just think that i am able to send one ray through the night around them. and as their letters came too late to answer in time, i am better satisfied that you wrote. i hope the things will reach them. poor doomed and fated men! why did you not send them more things? please send me the bill of expense.... send me word what i can do for the fugitives. do you need any money? do i not owe you on the old bill (pledge)? look carefully and see if i have paid all. along with this letter i send you one for mr. stephens (one of brown's men), and would ask you to send him a box of nice things every week till he dies or is acquitted. i understand the balls have not been extracted from him. has not this suffering been overshadowed by the glory that gathered around the brave old man?... spare no expense to make the last hours of his (stephens') life as bright as possible with sympathy.... now, my friend, fulfil this to the letter. oh, is it not a privilege, if you are sisterless and lonely, to be a sister to the human race, and to place your heart where it may throb close to down-trodden humanity?" on another occasion in writing from the lecturing field hundreds of miles away from philadelphia, the sympathy she felt for the fugitives found expression in the following language: "how fared the girl who came robed in male attire? do write me every time you write how many come to your house; and, my dear friend, if you have that much in hand of mine from my books, will you please pay the vigilance committee two or three dollars for me to help carry on the glorious enterprise. now, please do not write back that you are not going to do any such thing. let me explain a few matters to you. in the first place, i am able to give something. in the second place, i am willing to do so.... oh, life is fading away, and we have but an hour of time! should we not, therefore, endeavor to let its history gladden the earth? the nearer we ally ourselves to the wants and woes of humanity in the spirit of christ, the closer we get to the great heart of god; the nearer we stand by the beating of the pulse of universal love." doubtless it has not often been found necessary for persons desirous of contributing to benevolent causes to first have to remove anticipated objections. nevertheless in some cases it would seem necessary to admonish her not to be quite so liberal; to husband with a little more care her hard-earned income for a "rainy day," as her health was not strong. "my health," she wrote at that time, "is not very strong, and i may have to give up before long. i may have to yield on account of my voice, which i think, has become somewhat affected. i might be so glad if it was only so that i could go home among my own kindred and people, but slavery comes up like a dark shadow between me and the home of my childhood. well, perhaps it is my lot to die from home and be buried among strangers; and yet i do not regret that i have espoused this cause; perhaps i have been of some service to the cause of human rights, and i hope the consciousness that i have not lived in vain, will be a halo of peace around my dying bed; a heavenly sunshine lighting up the dark valley and shadow of death." notwithstanding this yearning for home, she was far from desiring at her death, a burial in a slave state, as the following clearly expressed views show: "i have lived in the midst of oppression and wrong, and i am saddened by every captured fugitive in the north; a blow has been struck at my freedom, in every hunted and down-trodden slave in the south; north and south have both been guilty, and they that sin must suffer." also, in harmony with the above sentiments, came a number of verses appropriate to her desires in this respect, one of which we here give as a sample: "make me a grave where'er you will, in a lowly plain, or a lofty hill, make it among earth's humblest graves, but not in a land where men are slaves." in the state of maine the papers brought to her notice the capture of margaret garner, and the tragic and bloody deed connected therewith. and she writes: "rome had her altars where the trembling criminal, and the worn and weary slave might fly for an asylum--judea her cities of refuge; but ohio, with her bibles and churches, her baptisms and prayers, had not one temple so dedicated to human rights, one altar so consecrated to human liberty, that trampled upon and down-trodden innocence knew that it could find protection for a night, or shelter for a day." in the fall of , in the city of cincinnati, mrs. harper was married to fenton harper, a widower, and resident of ohio. it seemed obvious that this change would necessarily take her from the sphere of her former usefulness. the means she had saved from the sale of her books and from her lectures, she invested in a small farm near columbus, and in a short time after her marriage she entered upon house-keeping. notwithstanding her family cares, consequent upon married life, she only ceased from her literary and anti-slavery labors, when compelled to do so by other duties. on the d of may, , death deprived her of her husband. whilst she could not give so much attention to writing as she could have desired in her household days, she, nevertheless, did then produce some of her best productions. take the following for a sample, on the return from cleveland, ohio, of a poor, ill-fated slave-girl, (under the fugitive slave law): to the union savers of cleveland. men of cleveland, had a vulture sought a timid dove for prey, would you not, with human pity, drive the gory bird away? had you seen a feeble lambkin, shrinking from a wolf so bold, would ye not to shield the trembler, in your arms have made its fold? but when she, a hunted sister, stretched her hands that ye might save, colder far than zembla's regions was the answer that ye gave. on the union's bloody altar, was your hapless victim laid; mercy, truth and justice shuddered, but your hands would give no aid. and ye sent her back to torture, robbed of freedom and of right. thrust the wretched, captive stranger. back to slavery's gloomy night. back where brutal men may trample, on her honor and her fame; and unto her lips so dusky, press the cup of woe and shame. there is blood upon your city, dark and dismal is the stain; and your hands would fail to cleanse it, though lake erie ye should drain. there's a curse upon your union, fearful sounds are in the air; as if thunderbolts were framing, answers to the bondsman's prayer. ye may offer human victims, like the heathen priests of old; and may barter manly honor for the union and for gold. but ye can not stay the whirlwind, when the storm begins to break; and our god doth rise in judgment, for the poor and needy's sake. and, your sin-cursed, guilty union, shall be shaken to its base, till ye learn that simple justice, is the right of every race. mrs. harper took the deepest interest in the war, and looked with extreme anxiety for the results; and she never lost an opportunity to write, speak, or serve the cause in any way that she thought would best promote the freedom of the slave. on the proclamation of general fremont, the passages from her pen are worthy to be long remembered: "well, what think you of the war? to me one of the most interesting features is fremont's proclamation freeing the slaves of the rebels. is there no ray of hope in that? i should not wonder if edward m. davis breathed that into his ear. his proclamation looks like real earnestness; no mincing the matter with the rebels. death to the traitors and confiscation of their slaves is no child's play. i hope that the boldness of his stand will inspire others to look the real cause of the war in the face and inspire the government with uncompromising earnestness to remove the festering curse. and yet i am not uneasy about the result of this war. we may look upon it as god's controversy with the nation; his arising to plead by fire and blood the cause of his poor and needy people. some time since breckinridge, in writing to sumner, asks, if i rightly remember, what is the fate of a few negroes to me or mine? bound up in one great bundle of humanity our fates seem linked together, our destiny entwined with theirs, and our rights are interwoven together." finally when the long-looked-for emancipation proclamation came, although mrs. harper was not at that time very well, she accepted an invitation to address a public meeting in columbus, ohio, an allusion to which we find in a letter dated at grove city, o., which we copy with the feeling that many who may read this volume will sympathize with every word uttered relative to the proclamation: "i spoke in columbus on the president's proclamation.... but was not such an event worthy the awakening of every power--the congratulation of every faculty? what hath god wrought! we may well exclaim how event after event has paved the way for freedom. in the crucible of disaster and defeat god has stirred the nation, and permitted no permanent victory to crown her banners while she kept her hand upon the trembling slave and held him back from freedom. and even now the scale may still seem to oscillate between the contending parties, and some may say, why does not god give us full and quick victory? my friend, do not despair if even deeper shadows gather around the fate of the nation, that truth will not ultimately triumph, and the right be established and vindicated; but the deadly gangrene has taken such deep and almost fatal hold upon the nation that the very centres of its life seem to be involved in its eradication. just look, after all the trials deep and fiery through which the nation has waded, how mournfully suggestive was the response the proclamation received from the democratic triumphs which followed so close upon its footsteps. well, thank god that the president did not fail us, that the fierce rumbling of democratic thunder did not shake from his hand the bolt he leveled against slavery. oh, it would have been so sad if, after all the desolation and carnage that have dyed our plains with blood and crimsoned our borders with warfare, the pale young corpses trodden down by the hoofs of war, the dim eyes that have looked their last upon the loved and lost, had the arm of executive power failed us in the nation's fearful crisis! for how mournful it is when the unrighted wrongs and fearful agonies of ages reach their culminating point, and events solemn, terrible and sublime marshal themselves in dread array to mould the destiny of nations, the hands appointed to hold the helm of affairs, instead of grasping the mighty occasions and stamping them with the great seals of duty and right, permit them to float along the current of circumstances without comprehending the hour of visitation or the momentous day of opportunity. yes, we may thank god that in the hour when the nation's life was convulsed, and fearful gloom had shed its shadows over the land, the president reached out his hand through the darkness to break the chains on which the rust of centuries had gathered. well, did you ever expect to see this day? i know that all is not accomplished; but we may rejoice in what has been already wrought,--the wondrous change in so short a time. just a little while since the american flag to the flying bondman was an ensign of bondage; now it has become a symbol of protection and freedom. once the slave was a despised and trampled on pariah; now he has become a useful ally to the american government. from the crimson sods of war springs the white flower of freedom, and songs of deliverance mingle with the crash and roar of war. the shadow of the american army becomes a covert for the slave, and beneath the american eagle he grasps the key of knowledge and is lifted to a higher destiny." this letter we had intended should complete the sketch of mrs. harper's anti-slavery labors; but in turning to another epistle dated boston, april th, on the assassination of the president, we feel that a part of it is too interesting to omit: "sorrow treads on the footsteps of the nation's joy. a few days since the telegraph thrilled and throbbed with a nation's joy. to-day a nation sits down beneath the shadow of its mournful grief. oh, what a terrible lesson does this event read to us! a few years since slavery tortured, burned, hung and outraged us, and the nation passed by and said, they had nothing to do with slavery where it was, slavery would have something to do with them where they were. oh, how fearfully the judgments of ichabod have pressed upon the nation's life! well, it may be in the providence of god this blow was needed to intensify the nation's hatred of slavery, to show the utter fallacy of basing national reconstruction upon the votes of returned rebels, and rejecting loyal black men; making (after all the blood poured out like water, and wealth scattered like chaff) a return to the old idea that a white rebel is better or of more account in the body politic than a loyal black man.... moses, the meekest man on earth, led the children of israel over the red sea, but was not permitted to see them settled in canaan. mr. lincoln has led up through another red sea to the table land of triumphant victory, and god has seen fit to summon for the new era another man. it is ours then to bow to the chastener and let our honored and loved chieftain go. surely the everlasting arms that have hushed him so strangely to sleep are able to guide the nation through its untrod future; but in vain should be this fearful baptism of blood if from the dark bosom of slavery springs such terrible crimes. let the whole nation resolve that the whole virus shall be eliminated from its body; that in the future slavery shall only be remembered as a thing of the past that shall never have the faintest hope of a resurrection." up to this point, we have spoken of mrs. harper as a laborer, battling for freedom under slavery and the war. she is equally earnest in laboring for equality before the law--education, and a higher manhood, especially in the south, among the freedmen. for the best part of several years, since the war, she has traveled very extensively through the southern states, going on the plantations and amongst the lowly, as well as to the cities and towns, addressing schools, churches, meetings in court houses, legislative halls, &c., and, sometimes, under the most trying and hazardous circumstances; influenced in her labor of love, wholly by the noble impulses of her own heart, working her way along unsustained by any society. in this mission, she has come in contact with all classes--the original slaveholders and the freedmen, before and since the fifteenth amendment bill was enacted. excepting two of the southern states (texas and arkansas), she has traveled largely over all the others, and in no instance has she permitted herself, through fear, to disappoint an audience, when engagements had been made for her to speak, although frequently admonished that it would be dangerous to venture in so doing. we first quote from a letter dated darlington, s.c., may , : "you will see by this that i am in the sunny south.... i here read and see human nature under new lights and phases. i meet with a people eager to hear, ready to listen, as if they felt that the slumber of the ages had been broken, and that they were to sleep no more.... i am glad that the colored man gets his freedom and suffrage together; that he is not forced to go through the same condition of things here, that has inclined him so much to apathy, isolation, and indifference, in the north. you, perhaps, wonder why i have been so slow in writing to you, but if you knew how busy i am, just working up to or past the limit of my strength. traveling, conversing, addressing day and sunday-schools (picking up scraps of information, takes up a large portion of my time), besides what i give to reading. for my audiences i have both white and colored. on the cars, some find out that i am a lecturer, and then, again, i am drawn into conversation. 'what are you lecturing about?' the question comes up, and if i say, among other topics politics, then i may look for an onset. there is a sensitiveness on this subject, a dread, it may be, that some one will 'put the devil in the nigger's head,' or exert some influence inimical to them; still, i get along somewhat pleasantly. last week i had a small congregation of listeners in the cars, where i sat. i got in conversation with a former slave dealer, and we had rather an exciting time. i was traveling alone, but it is not worth while to show any signs of fear. * * *last saturday i spoke in sumter; a number of white persons were present, and i had been invited to speak there by the mayor and editor of the paper. there had been some violence in the district, and some of my friends did not wish me to go, but i had promised, and, of course, i went. * * * * i am in darlington, and spoke yesterday, but my congregation was so large, that i stood near the door of the church, so that i might be heard both inside and out, for a large portion, perhaps nearly half my congregation were on the outside; and this, in darlington, where, about two years ago, a girl was hung for making a childish and indiscreet speech. victory was perched on our banners. our army had been through, and this poor, ill-fated girl, almost a child in years, about seventeen years of age, rejoiced over the event, and said that she was going to marry a yankee and set up housekeeping. she was reported as having made an incendiary speech and arrested, cruelly scourged, and then brutally hung. poor child! she had been a faithful servant--her master tried to save her, but the tide of fury swept away his efforts. * * * oh, friend, perhaps, sometimes your heart would ache, if you were only here and heard of the wrongs and abuses to which these people have been subjected. * * * things, i believe, are a little more hopeful; at least, i believe, some of the colored people are getting better contracts, and, i understand, that there's less murdering. while i am writing, a colored man stands here, with a tale of wrong--he has worked a whole year, year before last, and now he has been put off with fifteen bushels of corn and his food; yesterday he went to see about getting his money, and the person to whom he went, threatened to kick him off, and accused him of stealing. i don't know how the colored man will vote, but perhaps many of them will be intimidated at the polls." from a letter dated cheraw, june th, , the following remarks are taken: "well, carolina is an interesting place. there is not a state in the union i prefer to carolina. kinder, more hospitable, warmer-hearted people perhaps you will not find anywhere. i have been to georgia; but carolina is my preference. * * the south is to be a great theatre for the colored man's development and progress. there is brain-power here. if any doubt it, let him come into our schools, or even converse with some of our freedmen either in their homes or by the way-side." a few days later she gave an account of a visit she had just made in florence, where our poor soldiers had been prisoners; saw some of the huts where they were exposed to rain and heat and cold with only the temporary shelter they made for themselves, which was a sad sight. then she visited the grave-yards of some thousands of union soldiers. here in "eastern south carolina" she was in "one of the worst parts of the state" in the days of slavery; but under the new order of things, instead of the lash, she saw school books, and over the ruins of slavery, education and free speech springing up, at which she was moved to exclaim, "thank god for the wonderful change! i have lectured several nights this week, and the weather is quite warm; but i do like south carolina. no state in the union as far as colored people are concerned, do i like better--the land of warm welcomes and friendly hearts. god bless her and give her great peace!" at a later period she visited charleston and columbia, and was well received in both places. she spoke a number of times in the different freedmen schools and the colored churches in charleston, once in the legislative hall, and also in one of the colored churches in columbia. she received special encouragement and kindness from hon. h. cadoza, secretary of state, and his family, and regarded him as a wise and upright leader of his race in that state. the following are some stirring lines which she wrote upon the fifteenth amendment: fifteenth amendment. beneath the burden of our joy tremble, o wires, from east to west! fashion with words your tongues of fire, to tell the nation's high behest. outstrip the winds, and leave behind the murmur of the restless waves; nor tarry with your glorious news, amid the ocean's coral caves. ring out! ring out! your sweetest chimes, ye bells, that call to praise; let every heart with gladness thrill, and songs of joyful triumph raise. shake off the dust, o rising race! crowned as a brother and a man; justice to-day asserts her claim, and from thy brow fades out the ban. with freedom's chrism upon thy head, her precious ensign in thy hand, go place thy once despised name amid the noblest of the land. o ransomed race! give god the praise, who led thee through a crimson sea, and 'mid the storm of fire and blood, turned out the war-cloud's light to thee. mrs. harper, in writing from kingstree, s.c., july th, , in midsummer (laboring almost without any pecuniary reward), gave an account of a fearful catastrophe which had just occurred there in the burning of the jail with a number of colored prisoners in it. "it was a very sad affair. there was only one white prisoner and he got out. i believe there was some effort made to release some of the prisoners; but the smoke was such that the effort proved ineffectual. well, for the credit of our common human nature we may hope that it was so. * * * last night i had some of the 'rebs' to hear me (part of the time some of the white folks come out). our meetings are just as quiet and as orderly on the whole in carolina as one might desire. * * i like general sickles as a military governor. 'massa daniel, he king of the carolinas.' i like his mastership. under him we ride in the city cars, and get first-class passage on the railroad." at this place a colored man was in prison under sentence of death for "participating in a riot;" and the next day (after the date of her letter) was fixed for his execution. with some others, mrs. harper called at general sickles' head quarters, hoping to elicit his sympathies whereby the poor fellow's life might be saved; but he was not in. hence they were not able to do anything. "next week," continued mrs. harper, "i am to speak in a place where one of our teachers was struck and a colored man shot, who, i believe, gave offence by some words spoken at a public meeting. i do not feel any particular fear." her philadelphia correspondent had jestingly suggested to her in one of his letters, that she should be careful not to allow herself to be "bought by the rebels." to which she replied: "now, in reference to being bought by rebels and becoming a johnsonite i hold that between the white people and the colored there is a community of interests, and the sooner they find it out, the better it will be for both parties; but that community of interests does not consist in increasing the privileges of one class and curtailing the rights of the other, but in getting every citizen interested in the welfare, progress and durability of the state. i do not in lecturing confine myself to the political side of the question. while i am in favor of universal suffrage, yet i know that the colored man needs something more than a vote in his hand: he needs to know the value of a home life; to rightly appreciate and value the marriage relation; to know how and to be incited to leave behind him the old shards and shells of slavery and to rise in the scale of character, wealth and influence. like the nautilus outgrowing his home to build for himself more 'stately temples' of social condition. a man landless, ignorant and poor may use the vote against his interests; but with intelligence and land he holds in his hand the basis of power and elements of strength." while contemplating the great demand for laborers, in a letter from athens, february st, , after referring to some who had been "discouraged from the field," she wisely added that it was "no time to be discouraged." * * * "if those who can benefit our people will hang around places where they are not needed, they may expect to be discouraged. * * * here is ignorance to be instructed; a race who needs to be helped up to higher planes of thought and action; and whether we are hindered or helped, we should try to be true to the commission god has written upon our souls. as far as the colored people are concerned, they are beginning to get homes for themselves and depositing money in bank. they have hundreds of homes in kentucky. there is progress in tennessee, and even in this state while a number have been leaving, some who stay seem to be getting along prosperously. in augusta colored persons are in the revenue office and post office. i have just been having some good meetings there. some of my meetings pay me poorly; but i have a chance to instruct and visit among the people and talk to their sunday-schools and day-schools also. of course i do not pretend that all are saving money or getting homes. i rather think from what i hear that the interest of the grown-up people in getting education has somewhat subsided, owing, perhaps, in a measure, to the novelty having worn off and the absorption or rather direction of the mind to other matters. still i don't think that i have visited scarcely a place since last august where there was no desire for a teacher; and mr. fidler, who is a captain or colonel, thought some time since that there were more colored than white who were learning or had learned to read. there has been quite an amount of violence and trouble in the state; but we have the military here, and if they can keep georgia out of the union about a year or two longer, and the colored people continue to live as they have been doing, from what i hear, perhaps these rebels will learn a little more sense. i have been in atlanta for some time, but did not stay until the legislature was organized; but i was there when colored members returned and took their seats. it was rather a stormy time in the house; but no blood was shed. since then there has been some 'sticking;' but i don't think any of the colored ones were in it." in the neighborhood of eufaula, ala., in december, , mrs. harper did a good work, as may be seen from the following extract taken from a letter, dated december th: "last evening i visited one of the plantations, and had an interesting time. oh, how warm was the welcome! i went out near dark, and between that time and attending my lecture, i was out to supper in two homes. the people are living in the old cabins of slavery; some of them have no windows, at all, that i see; in fact, i don't remember of having seen a pane of window-glass in the settlement. but, humble as their homes were, i was kindly treated, and well received; and what a chance one has for observation among these people, if one takes with her a manner that unlocks other hearts. i had quite a little gathering, after less, perhaps, than a day's notice; the minister did not know that i was coming, till he met me in the afternoon. there was no fire in the church, and so they lit fires outside, and we gathered, or at least a number of us, around the fire. to-night i am going over to georgia to lecture. in consequence of the low price of cotton, the people may not be able to pay much, and i am giving all my lectures free. you speak of things looking dark in the south; there is no trouble here that i know of--cotton is low, but the people do not seem to be particularly depressed about it; this emigration question has been on the carpet, and i do not wonder if some of them, with their limited knowledge, lose hope in seeing full justice done to them, among their life-long oppressors; congress has been agitating the st. domingo question; a legitimate theme for discussion, and one that comes nearer home, is how they can give more security and strength to the government which we have established in the south--for there has been a miserable weakness in the security to human life. the man with whom i stopped, had a son who married a white woman, or girl, and was shot down, and there was, as i understand, no investigation by the jury; and a number of cases have occurred of murders, for which the punishment has been very lax, or not at all, and, it may be, never will be; however, i rather think things are somewhat quieter. a few days ago a shameful outrage occurred at this place--some men had been out fox hunting, and came to the door of a colored woman and demanded entrance, making out they wanted fire; she replied that she had none, and refused to open the door; the miserable cowards broke open the door, and shamefully beat her. i am going to see her this afternoon. it is remarkable, however, in spite of circumstances, how some of these people are getting along. here is a woman who, with her husband, at the surrender, had a single dollar; and now they have a home of their own, and several acres attached--five altogether; but, as that was rather small, her husband has contracted for two hundred and forty acres more, and has now gone out and commenced operations." from columbiana, february th, she wrote concerning her work, and presented the "lights and shades" of affairs as they came under her notice. "i am almost constantly either traveling or speaking. i do not think that i have missed more than one sunday that i have not addressed some sunday-school, and i have not missed many day-schools either. and as i am giving all my lectures free the proceeds of the collections are not often very large; still as ignorant as part of the people are perhaps a number of them would not hear at all, and may be prejudice others if i charged even ten cents, and so perhaps in the long run, even if my work is wearing, i may be of some real benefit to my race. * * i don't know but that you would laugh if you were to hear some of the remarks which my lectures call forth: 'she is a man,' again 'she is not colored, she is painted.' both white and colored come out to hear me, and i have very fine meetings; and then part of the time i am talking in between times, and how tired i am some of the time. still i am standing with my race on the threshold of a new era, and though some be far past me in the learning of the schools, yet to-day, with my limited and fragmentary knowledge, i may help the race forward a little. some of our people remind me of sheep without a shepherd." * * * * * private lectures to freedwomen. desiring to speak to women who have been the objects of so much wrong and abuse under slavery, and even since emancipation, in a state of ignorance, not accessible always to those who would or could urge the proper kind of education respecting their morals and general improvement, mrs. harper has made it her business not to overlook this all important duty to her poor sisters. the following extract taken from a letter dated "greenville, georgia, march th," will show what she was doing in this direction: "but really my hands are almost constantly full of work; sometimes i speak twice a day. part of my lectures are given privately to women, and for them i never make any charge, or take up any collection. but this part of the country reminds me of heathen ground, and though my work may not be recognized as part of it used to be in the north, yet never perhaps were my services more needed; and according to their intelligence and means perhaps never better appreciated than here among these lowly people. i am now going to have a private meeting with the women of this place if they will come out. i am going to talk with them about their daughters, and about things connected with the welfare of the race. now is the time for our women to begin to try to lift up their heads and plant the roots of progress under the hearthstone. last night i spoke in a school-house, where there was not, to my knowledge, a single window glass; to-day i write to you in a lowly cabin, where the windows in the room are formed by two apertures in the wall. there is a wide-spread and almost universal appearance of poverty in this state where i have been, but thus far i have seen no, or scarcely any, pauperism. i am not sure that i have seen any. the climate is so fine, so little cold that poor people can live off of less than they can in the north. last night my table was adorned with roses, although i did not get one cent for my lecture." * * * "the political heavens are getting somewhat overcast. some of this old rebel element, i think, are in favor of taking away the colored man's vote, and if he loses it now it may be generations before he gets it again. well, after all perhaps the colored man generally is not really developed enough to value his vote and equality with other races, so he gets enough to eat and drink, and be comfortable, perhaps the loss of his vote would not be a serious grievance to many; but his children differently educated and trained by circumstances might feel political inferiority rather a bitter cup." "after all whether they encourage or discourage me, i belong to this race, and when it is down i belong to a down race; when it is up i belong to a risen race." she writes thus from montgomery, december th, : "did you ever read a little poem commencing, i think, with these words: a mother cried, oh, give me joy, for i have born a darling boy! a darling boy! why the world is full of the men who play at push and pull. well, as full as the room was of beds and tenants, on the morning of the twenty-second, there arose a wail upon the air, and this mundane sphere had another inhabitant, and my room another occupant. i left after that, and when i came back the house was fuller than it was before, and my hostess gave me to understand that she would rather i should be somewhere else, and i left again. how did i fare? well, i had been stopping with one of our teachers and went back; but the room in which i stopped was one of those southern shells through which both light and cold enter at the same time; it had one window and perhaps more than half or one half the panes gone. i don't know that i was ever more conquered by the cold than i had been at that house, and i have lived parts of winter after winter amid the snows of new england; but if it was cold out of doors, there was warmth and light within doors; but here, if you opened the door for light, the cold would also enter, and so part of the time i sat by the fire, and that and the crevices in the house supplied me with light in one room, and we had the deficient window-sash, or perhaps it never had had any lights in it. you could put your finger through some of the apertures in the house; at least i could mine, and the water froze down to the bottom of the tumbler. from another such domicile may kind fate save me. and then the man asked me four dollars and a half a week board. one of the nights there was no fire in the stove, and the next time we had fires, one stove might have been a second-hand chamber stove. now perhaps you think these people very poor, but the man with whom i stopped has no family that i saw, but himself and wife, and he would make two dollars and a half a day, and she worked out and kept a boarder. and yet, except the beds and bed clothing, i wouldn't have given fifteen dollars for all their house furniture. i should think that this has been one of the lowest down states in the south, as far as civilization has been concerned. in the future, until these people are educated, look out for democratic victories, for here are two materials with which democracy can work, ignorance and poverty. men talk about missionary work among the heathen, but if any lover of christ wants a field for civilizing work, here is a field. part of the time i am preaching against men ill-treating their wives. i have heard though, that often during the war men hired out their wives and drew their pay." * * * * * "and then there is another trouble, some of our northern men have been down this way and by some means they have not made the best impression on every mind here. one woman here has been expressing her mind very freely to me about some of our northerners, and we are not all considered here as saints and angels, and of course in their minds i get associated with some or all the humbugs that have been before me. but i am not discouraged, my race needs me, if i will only be faithful, and in spite of suspicion and distrust, i will work on; the deeper our degradation, the louder our call for redemption. if they have little or no faith in goodness and earnestness, that is only one reason why we should be more faithful and earnest, and so i shall probably stay here in the south all winter. i am not making much money, and perhaps will hardly clear expenses this winter; but after all what matters it when i am in my grave whether i have been rich or poor, loved or hated, despised or respected, if christ will only own me to his father, and i be permitted a place in one of the mansions of rest." col. j.w. forney, editor of "the press," published july , , with the brief editorial heading by his own hand, the document appended: the following letter, written by mrs. f.e.w. harper, the well-known colored orator, to a friend, mr. wm. still, of philadelphia, will be read with surprise and pleasure by all classes; especially supplemented as it is by an article from the mobile (alabama) _register,_ referring to one of her addresses in that city. the _register_ is the organ of the fire-eaters of the south, conducted by john forsyth, heretofore one of the most intolerant of that school. mrs. harper describes the manner in which the old plantation of jefferson davis in mississippi was cultivated by his brother's former slave, having been a guest in the davis mansion, now occupied by mr. montgomery, the aforesaid slave. she also draws a graphic picture of her own marvellous advancement from utter obscurity to the platform of a public lecturer, honored by her own race and applauded by their oppressors. while we regret, as she says, that her experience and that of mr. montgomery is exceptional, it is easy to anticipate the harvest of such a sowing. the same culture--the same courage on the part of the men and women who undertake to advocate republican doctrines in the south--the same perseverance and intelligence on the part of those who are earning their bread by the cultivation of the soil, will be crowned with the same success. violence, bloodshed, and murder cannot rule long in communities where these resistless elements are allowed to work. no scene in the unparalleled tragedy of the rebellion, or in the drama which succeeded that tragedy, can be compared to the picture outlined by mrs. harper herself, and filled in by the ready pen of the rebel editor of the mobile _register_: mobile, july , . my dear friend:--it is said that truth is stranger than fiction; and if ten years since some one had entered my humble log house and seen me kneading bread and making butter, and said that in less than ten years you will be in the lecture field, you will be a welcome guest under the roof of the president of the confederacy, though not by special invitation from him, that you will see his brother's former slave a man of business and influence, that hundreds of colored men will congregate on the old baronial possessions, that a school will spring up there like a well in the desert dust, that this former slave will be a magistrate upon that plantation, that labor will be organized upon a new basis, and that under the sole auspices and moulding hands of this man and his sons will be developed a business whose transactions will be numbered in hundreds of thousands of dollars, would you not have smiled incredulously? and i have lived to see the day when the plantation has passed into new hands, and these hands once wore the fetters of slavery. mr. montgomery, the present proprietor by contract of between five and six thousand acres of land, has one of the most interesting families that i have ever seen in the south. they are building up a future which if exceptional now i hope will become more general hereafter. every hand of his family is adding its quota to the success of this experiment of a colored man both trading and farming on an extensive scale. last year his wife took on her hands about acres of land, and with her force she raised about bales of cotton. she has a number of orphan children employed, and not only does she supervise their labor, but she works herself. one daughter, an intelligent young lady, is postmistress and i believe assistant book-keeper. one son attends to the planting interest, and another daughter attends to one of the stores. the business of this firm of montgomery & sons has amounted, i understand, to between three and four hundred thousand dollars in a year. i stayed on the place several days and was hospitably entertained and kindly treated. when i come, if nothing prevents, i will tell you more about them. now for the next strange truth. enclosed i send you a notice from one of the leading and representative papers of rebeldom. the editor has been, or is considered, one of the representative men of the south. i have given a lecture since this notice, which brought out some of the most noted rebels, among whom was admiral semmes. in my speech i referred to the alabama sweeping away our commerce, and his son sat near him and seemed to receive it with much good humor. i don't know what the papers will say to-day; perhaps they will think that i dwelt upon the past too much. oh, if you had seen the rebs i had out last night, perhaps you would have felt a little nervous for me. however, i lived through it, and gave them more gospel truth than perhaps some of them have heard for some time. a lecture. we received a polite invitation from the trustees of the state-street african methodist episcopal zion church to attend a lecture in that edifice on thursday evening. being told that the discourse would be delivered by a female colored lecturer from maryland, curiosity, as well as an interest to see how the colored citizens were managing their own institutions, led us at once to accept the invitation. we found a very spacious church, gas-light, and the balustrades of the galleries copiously hung with wreaths and festoons of flowers, and a large audience of both sexes, which, both in appearance and behaviour, was respectable and decorously observant of the proprieties of the place. the services were opened, as usual, with prayer and a hymn, the latter inspired by powerful lungs, and in which the musical ear at once caught the negro talent for melody. the lecturer was then introduced as mrs. f.e.w. harper, from maryland. without a moment's hesitation she started off in the flow of her discourse, which rolled smoothly and uninterruptedly on for nearly two hours. it was very apparent that it was not a cut and dried speech, for she was as fluent and as felicitous in her allusions to circumstances immediately around her as she was when she rose to a more exalted pitch of laudation of the "union," or of execration of the old slavery system. her voice was remarkable--as sweet as any woman's voice we ever heard, and so clear and distinct as to pass every syllable to the most distant ear in the house. without any effort at attentive listening we followed the speaker to the end, not discerning a single grammatical inaccuracy of speech, or the slightest violation of good taste in manner or matter. at times the current of thoughts flowed in eloquent and poetic expression, and often her quaint humor would expose the ivory in half a thousand mouths. we confess that we began to wonder, and we asked a fine-looking man before us, "what is her color? is she dark or light?" he answered, "she is mulatto; what they call a red mulatto." the 'red' was new to us. our neighbor asked, "how do you like her?" we replied, "she is giving your people the best kind and the very wisest of advice." he rejoined, "i wish i had her education." to which we added, "that's just what she tells you is your great duty and your need, and if you are too old to get it yourselves, you must give it to your children." the speaker left the impression on our mind that she was not only intelligent and educated, but--the great end of education--she was enlightened. she comprehends perfectly the situation of her people, to whose interests she seems ardently devoted. the main theme of her discourse, the one string to the harmony of which all the others were attuned, was the grand opportunity that emancipation had afforded to the black race to lift itself to the level of the duties and responsibilities enjoined by it. "you have muscle power and brain power," she said; "you must utilize them, or be content to remain forever the inferior race. get land, every one that can, and as fast as you ean. a landless people must be dependent upon the landed people. a few acres to till for food and a roof, however bumble, over your head, are the castle of your independence, and when you have it you are fortified to act and vote independently whenever your interests are at stake." that part of her lecture (and there was much of it) that dwelt on the moral duties and domestic relations of the colored people was pitched on the highest key of sound morality. she urged the cultivation of the "home life," the sanctity of the marriage state (a happy contrast to her strong-minded, free-love, white sisters of the north), and the duties of mothers to their daughters. "why," said she in a voice of much surprise, "i have actually heard since i have been south that sometimes colored husbands positively beat their wives! i do not mean to insinuate for a moment that such things can possibly happen in mobile. the very appearance of this congregation forbids it; but i did hear of one terrible husband defending himself for the unmanly practice with 'well, i have got to whip her or leave her.'" there were parts of the lecturer's discourse that grated a little on a white southern ear, but it was lost and forgiven in the genuine earnestness and profound good sense with which the woman spoke to her kind in words of sound advice. on the whole, we are very glad we accepted the zion's invitation. it gave us much food for new thought. it reminded us, perhaps, of neglected duties to these people, and it impressed strongly on our minds that these people are getting along, getting onward, and progress was a star becoming familiar to their gaze and their desires. whatever the negroes have done in the path of advancement, they have done largely without white aid. but politics and white pride have kept the white people aloof from offering that earnest and moral assistance which would be so useful to a people just starting from infancy into a life of self-dependence. in writing from columbiana and demopolis, alabama, about the first of march, , mrs. harper painted the state of affairs in her usually graphic manner, and diligently was she endeavoring to inspire the people with hope and encouragement. "oh, what a field there is here in this region! let me give you a short account of this week's work. sunday i addressed a sunday-school in taladega; on monday afternoon a day-school. on monday i rode several miles to a meeting; addressed it, and came back the same night. got back about or after twelve o'clock. the next day i had a meeting of women and addressed them, and then lectured in the evening in the court-house to both colored and white. last night i spoke again, about ten miles from where i am now stopping, and returned the same night, and to-morrow evening probably i shall speak again. i grow quite tired part of the time. * * * and now let me give you an anecdote or two of some of our new citizens. while in taladega i was entertained and well entertained, at the house of one of our new citizens. he is living in the house of his former master. he is a brick-maker by trade, and i rather think mason also. he was worth to his owner, it was reckoned, fifteen hundred or about that a year. he worked with him seven years; and in that seven years he remembers receiving from him fifty cents. now mark the contrast! that man is now free, owns the home of his former master, has i think more than sixty acres of land, and his master is in the poor-house. i heard of another such case not long since: a woman was cruelly treated once, or more than once. she escaped and ran naked into town. the villain in whose clutch she found herself was trying to drag her downward to his own low level of impurity, and at last she fell. she was poorly fed, so that she was tempted to sell her person. even scraps thrown to the dog she was hunger-bitten enough to aim for. poor thing, was there anything in the future for her? had not hunger and cruelty and prostitution done their work, and left her an entire wreck for life? it seems not. freedom came, and with it dawned a new era upon that poor, overshadowed, and sin-darkened life. freedom brought opportunity for work and wages combined. she went to work, and got ten dollars a month. she has contrived to get some education, and has since been teaching school. while her former mistress has been to her for help. "do not the mills of god grind exceedingly fine? and she has helped that mistress, and so has the colored man given money, from what i heard, to his former master. after all, friend, do we not belong to one of the best branches of the human race? and yet, how have our people been murdered in the south, and their bones scattered at the grave's mouth! oh, when will we have a government strong enough to make human life safe? only yesterday i heard of a murder committed on a man for an old grudge of several years' standing. i had visited the place, but had just got away. last summer a mr. luke was hung, and several other men also, i heard." while surrounded with this state of affairs, an appeal reached her through the columns of the national standard, setting forth a state of very great suffering and want, especially on the part of the old, blind and decrepit freedmen of the district of columbia. after expressing deep pity for these unfortunates, she added: "please send ten dollars to josephine griffing for me for the suffering poor of the district of columbia. just send it by mail, and charge to my account." many more letters written by mrs. harper are before us, containing highly interesting information from louisiana, mississippi, florida, north carolina, virginia, kentucky, tennessee, missouri, maryland, and even poor little delaware. through all these states she has traveled and labored extensively, as has been already stated; but our space in this volume will admit of only one more letter: "i have been traveling the best part of the day. * * * can you spare a little time from your book to just take a peep at some of our alabama people? if you would see some instances of apparent poverty and ignorance that i have seen perhaps you would not wonder very much at the conservative voting in the state. a few days since i was about to pay a woman a dollar and a quarter for some washing in ten cent (currency) notes, when she informed me that she could not count it; she must trust to my honesty--she could count forty cents. since i left eufaula i have seen something of plantation life. the first plantation i visited was about five or six miles from eufaula, and i should think that the improvement in some of the cabins was not very much in advance of what it was in slavery. the cabins are made with doors, but not, to my recollection, a single window pane or speck of plastering; and yet even in some of those lowly homes i met with hospitality. a room to myself is a luxury that i do not always enjoy. still i live through it, and find life rather interesting. the people have much to learn. the condition of the women is not very enviable in some cases. they have had some of them a terribly hard time in slavery, and their subjection has not ceased in freedom. * * * one man said of some women, that a man must leave them or whip them. * * * let me introduce you to another scene: here is a gathering; a large fire is burning out of doors, and here are one or two boys with hats on. here is a little girl with her bonnet on, and there a little boy moves off and commences to climb a tree. do you know what the gathering means? it is a school, and the teacher, i believe, is paid from the school fund. he says he is from new hampshire. that may be. but to look at him and to hear him teach, you would perhaps think him not very lately from the north; at least i do not think he is a model teacher. they have a church; but somehow they have burnt a hole, i understand, in the top, and so i lectured inside, and they gathered around the fire outside. here is another--what shall i call it?--meeting-place. it is a brush arbor. and what pray is that? shall i call it an edifice or an improvised meeting-house? well, it is called a brush arbor. it is a kind of brush house with seats, and a kind of covering made partly, i rather think, of branches of trees, and an humble place for pulpit. i lectured in a place where they seemed to have no other church; but i spoke at a house. in glenville, a little out-of-the-way place, i spent part of a week. there they have two unfinished churches. one has not a single pane of glass, and the same aperture that admits the light also gives ingress to the air; and the other one, i rather think, is less finished than that. i spoke in one, and then the white people gave me a hall, and quite a number attended.... i am now at union springs, where i shall probably room with three women. but amid all this roughing it in the bush, i find a field of work where kindness and hospitality have thrown their sunshine around my way. and oh what a field of work is here! how much one needs the spirit of our dear master to make one's life a living, loving force to help men to higher planes of thought and action. i am giving all my lectures with free admission; but still i get along, and the way has been opening for me almost ever since i have been south. oh, if some more of our young women would only consecrate their lives to the work of upbuilding the race! oh, if i could only see our young men and women aiming to build up a future for themselves which would grandly contrast with the past--with its pain, ignorance and low social condition." it may be well to add that mrs. harper's letters from which we have copied were simply private, never intended for publication; and while they bear obvious marks of truthfulness, discrimination and impartiality, it becomes us to say that a more strictly conscientious woman we have never known. returning to philadelphia after many months of hard labor in the south, mrs. harper, instead of seeking needed rest and recreation, scarcely allows a day to pass without seeking to aid in the reformation of the outcast and degraded. the earnest advice which she gives on the subject of temperance and moral reforms generally causes some to reflect, even among adults, and induces a number of poor children to attend day and sabbath-schools. the condition of this class, she feels, appeals loudly for a remedy to respectable and intelligent colored citizens; and whilst not discouraged, she is often quite saddened at the supineness of the better class. during the past summer when it was too warm to labor in the south she spent several months in this field without a farthing's reward. she assisted in organizing a sabbath-school, and accepted the office of assistant superintendent under the auspices of the young men's christian association. mrs. harper reads the best magazines and ablest weeklies, as well as more elaborate works, not excepting such authors as de tocqueville, mill, ruskin, buckle, guizot, &c. in espousing the cause of the oppressed as a poet and lecturer, had she neglected to fortify her mind in the manner she did, she would have been weighed and found wanting long since. before friends and foes, the learned and the unlearned, north and south, mrs. harper has pleaded the cause of her race in a manner that has commanded the greatest respect; indeed, it is hardly too much to say, that during seventeen years of public labor she has made thousands of speeches without doing herself or people discredit in a single instance, but has accomplished a great deal in the way of removing prejudice. may we not hope that the rising generation at least will take encouragement by her example and find an argument of rare force in favor of mental and moral equality, and above all be awakened to see how prejudices and difficulties may be surmounted by continual struggles, intelligence and a virtuous character? fifty thousand copies at least of her four small books have been sold to those who have listened to her eloquent lectures. one of those productions entitled "moses" has been used to entertain audiences with evening readings in various parts of the country. with what effect may be seen from the two brief notices as follows: "mrs. f.e.w. harper delivered a poem upon 'moses' in wilbraham to a large and delighted audience. she is a woman of high moral tone, with superior native powers highly cultivated, and a captivating eloquence that hold her audience in rapt attention from the beginning to the close. she will delight any intelligent audience, and those who wish first-class lecturers cannot do better than to secure her services."--_zion's herald, boston._ "mrs. frances e.w. harper read her poem of 'moses' last evening at rev. mr. harrison's church to a good audience. it deals with the story of the hebrew moses from his finding in the wicker basket on the nile to his death on mount nebo and his burial in an unknown grave; following closely the scripture account. it contains about lines, beginning with blank verse of the common measure, and changing to other measures, but always without rhyme; and is a pathetic and well-sustained piece. mrs. harper recited it with good effect, and it was well received. she is a lady of much talent, and always speaks well, particularly when her subject relates to the condition of her own people, in whose welfare, before and since the war, she has taken the deepest interest. as a lecturer mrs. harper is more effective than most of those who come before our lyceums; with a natural eloquence that is very moving."--_galesburgh register, ill._ grace greenwood, in the independent in noticing a course of lectures in which mrs. harper spoke (in philadelphia) pays this tribute to her: "next on the course was mrs harper, a colored woman; about as colored as some of the cuban belles i have met with at saratoga. she has a noble head, this bronze muse; a strong face, with a shadowed glow upon it, indicative of thoughtful fervor, and of a nature most femininely sensitive, but not in the least morbid. her form is delicate, her hands daintily small. she stands quietly beside her desk, and speaks without notes, with gestures few and fitting. her manner is marked by dignity and composure. she is never assuming, never theatrical. in the first part of her lecture she was most impressive in her pleading for the race with whom her lot is cast. there was something touching in her attitude as their representative. the woe of two hundred years sighed through her tones. every glance of her sad eyes was a mournful remonstrance against injustice and wrong. feeling on her soul, as she must have felt it, the chilling weight of caste, she seemed to say: 'i lift my heavy heart up solemnly, as once eleotra her sepulchral urn.' ... as i listened to her, there swept over me, in a chill wave of horror, the realization that this noble woman had she not been rescued from her mother's condition, might have been sold on the auction-block, to the highest bidder--her intellect, fancy, eloquence, the flashing wit, that might make the delight of a parisian saloon, and her pure, christian character all thrown in--the recollection that women like her could be dragged out of public conveyances in our own city, or frowned out of fashionable churches by anglo-saxon saints." the end. index. * * * * * preface, - . illustrations, , . contents, - . anthony, kit, and wife leah, and three children, adam, mary, and murry, . amby, nat, . amby, elizabeth, . augusta, john, (letter.) . anderson, henry, alias wm. anderson, . amos, stephen, alias henry johnson, . atkins, wm. henry, . atkinson, anthony, . atkinson, john, . anderson, geo., . anderson, thos., . ashmead, john w., attorney of u.s., for e. dist., pa., . aldridge, bazil, . aldridge, caroline, . alexander, john, . armstead, moses, . allen, andrew, . allison, ebenezer, . anderson, joshua john, . alligood, geo., . alligood, jim, . "a woman with two children," . archer, sam, . alberti, geo. f., . blow, anthony, (alias henry levison,) . butler, james, and stephen, . brinkley, wm., . brown, henry box, . burton, perry, . boyer, mary elizabeth, . brown, louisa, . brit, elizabeth, . brown, harriet, alias jane wooton, . brown, chaskey, . brown, chas., . brown, solomon, . brown, john, . bigelow, j., . barlow, archer, alias emit robins, . bush, sam'l, alias wm. oblebee, . brooks, susan, . bird, chas., . brown, angeline, . brown, albert, . brown, chas., . burrell, james, . boggs, alex., . bell, harrison, and daughter harriet ann, . blackson, jas. henry, . bowlegs, jim, alias bill paul, . bennett, david, and wife martha, with their two children, . bell, louisa, . bohm, henry, . bailey, josiah, . bailey, wm., . banks, henry, . banks, elizabeth, . brown, anthony, and albert, . butcher, wm., alias wm. t. mitchell, . bradley, richard, . bennett, dan'l, alias henry washington, and wife martha, and two children, . brooks, adam, alias wm. smith, . boyer, jacob mathias, . bodams, matthew, . bowser, nathaniel, . brown, wm., . brown, chas. henry, . brister, nancy, . burrell, lewis, . burrell, peter, . bivans, belinda, . branson, randolph, . booze, richard j., . ball, oscar, d., . butler, john alex., . belle, jim, . benton, sam'l, . bacon, abe, . boile, susan jane, . bishop, elizah, . ballard, geo. henry, . bowler, wm., . bell, susan, . beesly, dick, . boldan, chas. andrew, . bayne, richard, . bowling, carter, . boize, henry, . banks, jim, . blockson, jacob, . boyce, andrew jackson, . burton, handy, . brown, stepney, . brown, james, . brown, john, . bell, sarah jane, (with babe in arms,) . bell, robt., (and two others,) . brown, john, . brown, jacob, . buchanan, jenny, . brown, wm., . burkett. henry, . burkett, elizabeth, . burton, hale, . bird, mary, . brooks, mrs. dr., . burris, sam'l d., - . conklin, seth, . coffin, levi, . clayton, john, . camp, jos. henry, . christian, jas. hamilton, . camper, jas., . cornish, aaron, and wife, with six children, solomon, geo., anthony, jos., ed. jas., perry lake, and a nameless babe, . colburn. jeremiah, . cooper, wm., . collins, nathan, and wife mary ellen, . "cambridge democrat," . congo, charles, and wife margaret, . "child," ( months old,) . chapman, emeline, . carr, dan'l, . "charles," . clayton, louisa, . cromwell, henry, . chase, john, alias dan'l floyd, . crummill, jas., . childs, lewis, . cooper, thos., . cooper, henry, . cole, david, and wife, . cornish, joseph, . chambers, henry, . chambers, john, . curtis, mary, . craft. wm., and ellen, . cobb, lewis, . clinton, thos., . carroll, geo., . clagart, john, . connor, chas., . connor, chas., . connor, jas., . cary, harrison, . cole, wm., . cole, bill, . cooper, mary, . carney, wm., . cain, james, . carroll, edward, . carr, robt, . cannon, plymouth, . carr, john thompson, . christy, jack, . combash, john wesley, . carpenter, wm., . campbell, frank, . cope, wm. thos., . clexton, perry, . connor, wm. jas., wife and child, and four brothers, . collins, theophilus, . carlisle, wm., . cannon, ansal, . chiou, wm., and wife emma, . casting, edward, . cotton, henry, . canby, wm. j., . corson, geo., - . cleveland, prof. chas. d., - . davis, clarissa, . davis, wm., . dorsey, maria, . dutton, marshall, . dobson, henrietta, . dorsey, luther, . dotson, isaac, . "david," . dorsey, geo., . davis, dan'l, alias david smith, . duncans, benj., alias geo. scott, . delaney, jas. henry, atias stuart stanley, . dutton, chas., alias wm. rohinson, . derrickson, peter, . dunagan, sarah a., . davis, isaac d., . dorsey, anna, . dickinson, benj., . ducket, benj., . davis, sam, . davis, "old jane," . dauphus, etna elizabeth, . derrix, townsend, . diggs, dave, . dade, john, and henry, . davis, enoch, . dickson, thos. edward, . douglass, thos., . dunmore, henry, . dungy, john wm., . douglass, frederick, - . elliott, thomas, . epps, mary, (alias emma brown,) . ennells, noah, . emerson, robt., . eden, bichard, . ennis, mary, alias licia hemmin, with two children, lydia and louisa caroline, . eglin, harriet, . eglin, charlotte, . edwards, david, . ellis, joe, . ennis, ephraim, . edwards, alfred, . edwards, david, . ennets, stephen, and wife maria, with three children, harriet, amanda and babe, . forman, isaac, . ford, sheridan, . fletcher, benj. r. . foster, emily, alias ann wood, . frisley, alfred jas., . f., capt and mayor of norfolk, . freeman, thos., . foster, jas., . fleeing girl of years, in male attire, . fisher, robt., . foreman, ellen, alias eliz. young, . freeland, geo., . foreman. jas. h., . frances, eliz., alias ellen saunders, . fowler, arthur, alias benj. johnson, . francis, lewis, alias lewis johnson, . fall, sam'l, . fisher, jonathan, . freeman, wm. thos., alias ezekiel chambers, . fidget, isaac, . fugitive slave bill of , . farmer, wm. . fineer, abe, . fuller, cornelius, and wife harriet, . foster, turner, . field, henry, . foreman, isaac, . furness, wm. h., d.d., - . gilliam, wm. h., . garrett, thomas, . griffin, wm., . grigby, barnaby, alias john boyer*, . grant, joseph, . goulden, alfred, . galloway, abram, . gardner, nathaniel, . gault, phillis, . "green," . garrett, lucy, alias julia wood, . gilbert, chas., . green, sam'l, alias wesley kennard, . green, richard, . green, geo., . green, lear, . govan, wm., . gibson, john wesley, . giles, lewis, . good, beverly, . griffin, jas., alias thos. brown, . green, dan'l, alias geo. taylor, . graves, caroline, . graham, geo., and wife jane, . gooseberry, thos. jervis, . gibson, adam, . gorsuch, edward, . gorham, henry, . green, zebulon, . graham, montgomery, . green, christopher, and wife ann maria, and son nathan, . grimes, harry, . grantham, nancy, . gardner, priscilla, . gross, sam, . gross, peter, . gray, john boize, . gassway, caroline, . gross, albert, . grinage*, john, . gross, chas. henry, . graff, evan, . goines, luke, . gray, henry, . gray, mary, . goodwin, abigail, - . garrett, thos., - . gibbons, dan'l, - . garrison, wm. lloyd, - . harris, wesley, alias robert jackson, . hall, romulus, . harris, abram, . hughes, daniel, . hill, jos., and wife alice, and son henry, . "hannah," . hitchens, c., . hubert, alfred, . henry, thos., . hollis, henry chas., . hilton, elijah, . hogg, wm., alias, john smith, . haines, francis, . hill, john henry, . hill, hezekiah, . hill, jas., . harris, nathan, . haley, harriet, alias ann richardson, . handy, jas. edward, alias dennis cannon, . hall, john, alias john simpson, . hall, john, . harris, joseph, . hodges, henry, . handy, joshua, alias hamilton hamby, . hudson, ephraim, alias john spry, . hilliard, frances, . harding, louisa, alias rebecca hall, . houston, maria jane, . hoopes, miles, . hinson, jas., alias david caldwell, . hill, simon, . holladay, chas., . howard, henry, . hacket, lloyd, alias perry watkins, . hall, jos., jr., . heines, peter, . hooper, henry, . hall, jacob, alias henry thomas, wife henrietta, and child, . hamlet, jas., . hanaway, castner, . hilliard, mrs. geo. s., . hill, jones, . hall, charles, . homer, alfred, . harper, thos., . haines, edward, . haines, jos., . harris, thos., . hipkins, wm. henry, . hill, geo., . hall, hanson, . "hanson," . hollon, alfred, . henry, james, . harris, darius, . henderson, eliza, . hunt, orlando j., . herring, elias jack, . harper, ruth, . hutton, bill, . holden, levin, . hopkins, sidney, . hill, jos. henry, . heath, chas., . hillis, john, . hall, edward, . hall, john, . hall, chas., . harris, james, . hughes, wm., . henson, james, . henry, joe, . helpers and sympathizers at home and abroad, . hunn, john, - . hopper, isaac t., - . harper, frances ellen watkins, - . "isabella," . irwin, asbury, . johnston, rev. n.r., . jones, wm. box peel, . johnson, perry, . johnson, henry, . johnson, jane, and her two little boys, . jones, thos., alias robt. brown, . jordan. wm., alias wm. price, . johnson, w. sam'l, . johnson, jane mary, alias harriet, . johnson, ann rebecca, . johnson, wm. h., . johnson, eliz., . johnson, mary ellen, . johnson, ann, . johnson, david, . jones, alice, . johnson, wm., . jasper, elias, . joiner, maria, . jones, arthur, . jones, robt. and wife eliza, . jackson, peter, alias staunch tilghman, . judah, john, . jones, samuel, . jones, tolbert, . johnson, wm. henry, alias john wesley, . johnson, james, alias wm. gilbert, and wife harriet, . jones, james, . jones, rebecca, . jones, sarah frances, . jones, mary, . jones, rebecca, jr., . jones, fenton, . johnson, jas., . jackson, wm., . johnson, geo., . johnson, eliza jane, . johnson, john, . jackson, "general andrew," . jones, catharine, and son henry, . jones, mary, . jones, lew, . jake, and mary ann, his wife, . janney, john, . johnson, talbot, . jackson, jas. henry, . jackson, rebecca, and daughter, . johns, lydia ann, . johns, robt., and wife "sueann," . johnson, cornelius henry, . jackson, robt., . johnston, wm., . jones, henry, . jackson, ann maria, . jackson, mary ann, . jackson, wm. henry, . jackson, frances sabina, . jackson, wilhelmina, . jackson, john edwin, . jackson, ebenezer thos., . jackson, wm. albert, . jackson, andrew, . johnson, rosanna, . johnson, jos. c., . kneeland, joseph, (alias joseph hulson,) . kane, jane, alias catharine kane, . kline, henry h., . kane, judge, . kane, col. t.l., . kell, jim, . kelly, henson, . knight, mary, . letters, u.g.r.r., - . light, george, . lewis, g., , (letter.) lee, capt., . loney, cordelia, . loney, anthony, alias wm. armstead, . lee, chas., alias thos. bushier, . logan, w.j., (letter,) . little, nancy, . lewis, laura, . laminson, wm. henry, . lewis, eliza, . latham, major, . lambert, elizabeth, and three children, mary, horace, and wm. henry, . logan, geo., . logan, john, . lee, ordee, . long, silas, . light, solomon, . lewis, edward, . lee, wm., . laws, george, . lewis, geo., . lazarus jas., . lee, john edward, . lee, lewis, . langhorn, henry, alias wm. scott, . lewey, mrs., . lewis, mariann, grace anna, and elizabeth r., - . mckiernon, b., . matterson bros., . mansfield, rev. l.d. . mercer, jas, . morgan, edward, . moore, henry, . murry, oracy, alias sophia sims, . massey, james, . mahoney, matilda, . morris, john, . mccoy, robt., alias wm. donor, . mitchell, cyros, alias john steel, . molock, francis, alias thos. jackson, . mclntosh, john, . miles, sam'l, alias robert king, . madden, thos., . matthews, pete, alias sam'l sparrows, . mayo, harriet, . mercer, verenea, . mead, zechariah, alias john williams, . morris, james, . matthews, tom, . munson, alex., . maddison, wylie, . moody, wm. henry, . moore, john henry, . myers, john, . mason, james, . mitchell, lemuel, . mitchell, josiah, . mitchell, john, . mountain, ann, and child, . melvin, mary frances, . mackey, wm., . mills, sarah ann, . maxwell, thos, . murray, robt., . mills, jerry, . mills, diana, . mills, cornelius, . mills, margaret, . mills, susan, . moore, aunt hannah, . miller, joseph c., . millburn, mary, alias louisa f. jones, . mr. mckim to geo. thompson, . moore, esther, - . mott, lucretia, - . mckim, jas. miller, - . neall, daniel, . nixon, thos., . nixon, fred., . nixon, sam, alias dr. thos. bayne, . nelson, wm., and wife susan and son, . nixon, isaiah, . nickless, kit, . nelson, peter, . nole, chas, . newton, isaac, . nichols, randolph, . oberne, henry, . oliver, william, . organization, vigilance committee, - . predo, henry, . parker, levin, . pugh, anthony, . peters, hannah, . pipkins, jefferson, alias david jones, . pipkins, louisa, . petty, peter, . pennington, dr. j.w., brother and two sons, . "perry," . peaden, edward, and wife, . pennington, peter, . payne, dan'l, . purnell, chas., . page, thos., . purnell, oliver, . parker, wm., . pry, sauney, . parker, thos., . pattie, winnie, and her daughter elizabeth, . pennington, tom, . perry, anna, . payne, oscar, . pinket, john, . piney, benjamin, . peck, lewis, . purnell, john, . pierce, wm., . parker, rachel, and elizabeth, . pennypacker, elijah f., - . purvis, robt., . quantence, pascal, . quinn, edward, . redick, willis, . robinson, jos., and robt., . ross, major, . rhoads, geo., . rhoads, jas., . rhoads, eliz. sarah, and child, . ringold, chas. h., . richards, john henry, . robinson, wm., . ross, benj., alias jas. stewart, . ross, henry, alias levin stewart, . ross, robert, . roberts, emory, alias wm. kemp, . reed, isaac, . robinson, isaiah, . robinson, dan'l, . royan, wm., . ross, benj., and wife harriet, . rodgers, geo., . rodgers, chas. n., . rister, amarian lucretia, . russell, geo., . robinson, josephine, . ringgold, chas., . ross, chas., . ryan, james, . roach, john, and wife lamby, . ringgold, chas, . ringgold, wm., . robinson, miles, . roney, major isaac, . richardson, mrs. anne h, , - - - - . russell, dr. bartholomew, - . rhoades, sam'l, - . solomon, geo., . swan, stebney, . stinger, john, . stanley, daniel, . scott, john, . stanly, josiah, . stanly, caroline, . stanly, dan'l, jr., . stanly, john, . stanly, miller, . scott, jack. . scott, cornelius, . stewart, robt., alias gasberry robinson, . smith, vincent, alias john jackson, . smith, betsy, alias fanny jackson, . speaks, john, . salter, henry chas., . smith, w. jeremiah, and wife julia, . stephenson, eliz. mary, . stephens, l.e. (letter,) . scott, godfrey, . smith, john, . spencer, john, . spencer, wm., . spencer, jas. albert, . scott, hettie, alias margaret duncans, and daughter priscilla, . sims, samuel, . smith, robt., . scott, jane, . stater, sam'l, . stuart, james, alias wm. jackson, . smith, sarah, alias mildreth page, . snowden, lewis, alias lewis williams, . "salt water fugitive," . stewart, henry, . shepherd, harriet, with five children, anna maria, edwin, eliz. jane, mary ann and john henry, . somler, washington, alias james moore, . shephard, perry, . sperryman, geo., alias thos. johnson, . spires, valentine, . smith, wm. israel, . spence, arthur, . scott, sam'l, . stout, isaac, alias geo. washington, . slave hunting tragedy in lancaster co., pa., . shepherd, andrew, . saunders, henry, . scott, wm., . smith, thos., . smith, adam, . sheldon, james, . stewart, harriet, and daughter mary eliza, . scott, jim, . scott, sam, . scott, bill, . smith, john, . smith, julius, . smith, mary, . smith, james, . smith, henry edward, . skinner, thos. edward, . shaw, elijah, . smith, sam, . shaw, nace, . smith, dan'l mcnorton, . smith, sam'l, . smallwood, henry, . smith, john wesley, . stewart, susan, . smith, josephine, . smith, john, . smallwood, john, . smith, stafford, . stanton, phillip, . snively, david, . sipple, thos., . sipple, mary ann, . seymour, wm., . saunders, sarah, . scott, winfield, and three children, . shipley, thos., - . thompson, john, - . turner, jackson, . turner, isaac, . turner, edmondson, . taylor, wm. n., . taylor, stephen, . trusty, henry perry, . thompson, chas., . tatum, allen, . tonnel, rosanna, alias maria hyde, . tubman, harriet, . the protection of slave property in va., . tubman, harriet, ("moses") . thompson, charles, . thompson, charity, . taylor, owen, . taylor, otho. . taylor, mary ann, . taylor, benj., . taylor, edward, with a brother and his wife and two children, . taylor, caroline, . taylor, nancy, . taylor, mary, . tubman, harriet, . thompson, wm. henry, . todd, israel, . tilison, abram, . triplet, wm., . turner, samuel, . thornton, lawrence, . thompson, jas. henry, . taylor, roberta, . thompson, robert, . thornton, alfred s., . taylor, jacob, . tucker, henry, . taylor, benj., . taylor, james, . townsend, henry, . tudle, henry and wife, . thomas, miss mary b. . thomas, joseph, . tubman, harriet, . taylor, harriet, . tappan, lewis, - . upsher, geo., . viney, joseph and family, . vaughn, michael, . white, mrs. l.e., . wilson, hiram, (ag't u.g.r.r.,) . williamson, passmore, . "william," . whitney, israel, . williams, samuel, alias john williams, . wanzer, frank, alias robt. scott, . waters, jacob, . williams, ed., alias henry johnson, . washington, wm. henry, . washington, geo., . white, emanuel t., . woolfley, levina, . wilson, willis, . wilson, ned, . wilson, sarah c., . weems, maria, alias joe wright, . weems, arrow, (letter,) . waples, hansel, . white, wm. b., . wiggins, dan'l, . wines, moses, . wooden, wm., alias wm. nelson, . white, miles, . weaver, mary, (irish girl's devotion to freedom,) . washington, henry, alias anthony hardy, . whiting, ralph, . williams, isaac, . williams, geo., . walker, geo., alias austin valentine, . washington, henry, . washington, eliza, . wilson, wm., . watson, jas. henry, . williams, wm., and his wife, . winston, jos., . wright, john, and wife eliz. ann, . wood, john, . wright, leeds, . wise, harry, . wooders, abram, . williams, elizabeth, . wells, jack, . washington. geo. nelson, . williamson, wm., . wilkinson, horatio, . wood, mose, . weems, john, . williams, hansom, . white, isaac, . williams, richard, . wheeler, henry, . wood, edward, . wilkins, jas. andy, and wife lucinda, and son chas., . wilson, lewis, . waters, john, . williams, wesley, . white, geo., . white, albert, . white, tucker, . williams, henry, . williams, euphemia, . wright, wm., - . whipper, wm., - . young, murray, . yonng, gusta, . young, anna elizabeth, (with babe in arms,) . what has been said about it * * * * * at the closing meeting of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, held in philadelphia, may , , the following was unanimously passed: whereas, the position of william still in the vigilance committee connected with the "underground railroad," as its corresponding secretary, and chairman of its active sub-committee, gave him peculiar facilities for collecting interesting facts pertaining to this branch of the anti-slavery service; therefore, _resolved_, that the pennsylvania anti-slavery society requests him to compile and publish his personal reminiscences and experiences relating to the "underground railroad." * * * * * hon. john w. forney, in a letter to the washington _sunday chronicle_, said: "slavery and its mysterious inner life has never yet been described. when it is, reality will surpass fiction. uncle tom's cabin will be rebuilt and newly garnitured. a book, detailing the operations of the 'underground railroad,' is soon to be published in philadelphia, by wm. still, esq., an intelligent colored gentleman, which, composed entirely of facts, will supply material for indefinite dramas and romances. it will disclose a record of unparalleled courage and suffering for the right." * * * * * and again, in a letter to the same paper, mr. forney says: * * * * "a coincidence even more romantic is soon to be revealed in the pages of the _remarkable book_ of wm. still, of philadelphia, entitled 'the underground railroad,' referred to in my last. mr. still kept a careful memorandum of the sufferings and trials of his race during the existence of the 'fugitive slave law,' in the belief that they would be instructive to his posterity, rather than from any hope of the overthrow of the revolting system of human servitude * * * he resolved to spread before the world this _unprecedented_ experience. when his book appears, it will accomplish more than one object. interesting to the literary world, it will undoubtedly facilitate the reunion of other colored families long divided, long sought for, and perhaps to this day strangers to each other. * * * * the volume containing this and other equally romantic yet truthful stories will soon be out, and, _my word for it, no book of the times will be more eagerly read or more profitably remembered._" * * * * * the san francisco _elevator_ says: * * * * "mr. still is one of the pioneers of 'the underground railroad' in philadelphia, where he still resides. he has aided more slaves to escape than any other man, bishop lougan, of syracuse, _perhaps_ excepted. * * * * we hope his book will have a wide circulation, as it will be a valuable addition to the history of the anti-slavery struggle _such as no other man can write._" * * * * * having been, during many years, associated with william still, in laboring for the abolition of american slavery, we heartily bear our testimony to his abundant opportunities for acquiring information relative to the subject of this book; and to his vigilance and fidelity in all the departments of anti-slavery work in which he was engaged, and especially in that department usually called "the underground railroad." we gladly avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our confidence in his ability to present to the public an authentic and interesting history of this enterprise. _prominent members of the anti-slavery society._ lucretia mott, j. miller mckim, robert purvis, mary grew, e.m. davis, sarah pugh, dillwyn parrish, joshua l. hallowell, henry m. laing, margaret j. burleigh, edward hopper, charles wise, john longstreth, j.k. wildman, james a. wright. certainly no volume ever met with higher or more extensive endorsement. from the time the author announced his intention to prepare a book from his notes and records until it was given to the public, it was the subject of favorable comment by leading minds of the country, without reference to race. since its publication it has received the endorsement of the press generally, and of statesmen, preachers, lawyers, doctors, students, in fact men of all ranks. brief extracts from letters to the author by prominent men. _from hon. henry wilson, late vice president of united states_. i have glanced over a few pages of your history of the underground railroad, _and i most earnestly commend it_. you have done a good work. this story of the heroic conduct of fugitives from oppression, and of the devotion of their friends, will be read with deep interest, especially by the old friends of the slave in the stern struggle through which we have passed. i hope your labors will be rewarded by a grateful public. * * * * * _from horace greeley_. _dear sir:_--for most of the years i have lived, the escape of fugitives from slavery, and their efforts to baffle the human and other bloodhounds who tracked them, formed the romance of american history. that romance is now ended, and our grandchildren will hardly believe its leading incidents except on _irresistible testimony_. i rejoice that you are collecting and presenting _that testimony_, and heartily wish you a great success. * * * * * _from hon. charles summer, late u.s. senator from mass._ the underground railroad has performed its part, but must always be remembered gratefully, as one of the peculiar institutions of our country. i cannot think of it without a throbbing heart. you do well to commemorate those associated with it by service or by benefit--the saviors and the saved. the army of the late war has had its "roll of honor." you will give us two other, rolls, worthy of equal honor--the roll of fugitives from slavery, helped on their way to freedom, and also the roll of their self-sacrificing benefactors. i always hesitated which to honor most, the fugitive slave or the citizen who helped him, in defiance of unjust laws. your book will teach us to honor both. * * * * * _from john g. whittier_. the story of the escaped fugitives--the perils, the terrors of pursuit and re-capture--the shrewdness which baffled the human blood-hounds--the untiring zeal and devotion of the friends of the slave in the free states, are well described. _the book is more interesting than any romance_. it will be of permanent value to the historian of the country, during the anti-slavery struggle. _i cheerfully commend it to the public favor_. * * * * * _from j. wheaton smith, d.d._ i am happy to find that material for this interesting work exists. i had feared that much which will be here recorded, would perish with the brave and worthy men who were personally interested. these verities of history contain the interest of romance, and our children's children will read them with wonder and admiration. * * * * * _from, hon. s.p. chase, late chief justice u.s. supreme court_. _your book will certainly be an interesting one. no one probably has had equal opportunities with yourself of listening to the narratives of fugitive slaves. no one will repeat them more truthfully, and no stories can be more fraught with interest than theirs_. let us rejoice, that, in our country, such narratives can never be heard again. * * * * * _from wm. lloyd garrison_. i congratulate you that, after much patient research, careful preparation, and untiring labor, you have completed your voluminous work on "the underground railroad." i am sure your work will be found to be _one of absorbing interest, worthy of the widest patronage, and historically valuable as pertaining to the tremendous struggle for the abolition of chattel slavery in our land. no phase of that struggle was so crowded wifh thrilling incidents, heroic adventures, and self-sacrificing efforts as the one you have undertaken to portray, and with which you were so closely connected, to wit:_ "the underground railroad." while it will be contemplated with shame, sadness, and astonishment, by posterity, it will serve vividly to illustrate the perils which everywhere confronted the fugitives from the southern "house of bondage," and to which those who dared to give them food and shelter were also subjected. * * * * * _from gen. o.o. howard_. you could not prepare a work that would afford more instruction and interest to me than a detailed history of the operations of the so-called "underground railroad." _i am delighted_ at the casual examination i have been permitted to give it. thousands will rise up to call you blessed for your faithful record of our "legalized crime," and its graphic terrible consequences set forth by you in _such true pictures and plain words_. * * * * * _hon. carl schurz, secretary of the interior_. i have no doubt you can make the narrative a very interesting contribution to the history of an important period of our national development. it will be calculated to strengthen in the whole american people a just sense of the beneficent results of the great social revolution we have achieved, and to inspire the people of your own race with a high appreciation of the blessings of liberty they now enjoy. * * * * * _from hon. w.d. kelley, congressman from pa._ the stories you tell with admirable simplicity and directness of the suffering heroically endured by such numbers of poor fugitives, will instruct and inspire many who have regarded the american slave as a member of an inferior race. _office_ "the press," _philadelphia, pa.__my dear sir:_--i have read most of the proof sheets of your forthcoming book, entitled "the underground railroad," and have just examined the letter-press preparatory to its publication, and the accompanying engravings, and i cannot refrain from stating, that i believe it to be a consummate work of its kind. its chief merit, of course, consists in its _extraordinary revelations_ of the injustice and cruelty of the dead system of slavery, but it is gratifying to notice that it will be printed and sent forth to the world in so complete and admirable a style, _i commend it most cheerfully as a book that every citizen should have in his library._ very truly, yours, jno. w. forney. wm. still, esq. * * * * * i join very cordially in the preceding statement and recommendation. hon. morton mcmichael, _ex-mayor of phila., editor of n.a. & u.s. gazette._ * * * * * i most cordially unite with col. forney and other gentlemen in recommending to the public mr. still's work, entitled "the underground railroad." the thrilling narratives cannot be read, even at this day, without exciting the deepest emotion. geo. h. stuart. * * * * * i fully and heartily concur in the opinion of col. forney respecting mr. still's work, entitled "the underground railroad." hon. chas. gibbons. * * * * * mr. still's work appears to me to be one of _great interest, and i most heartily unite in recommending it to the public attention._ hon. henry c. carey. * * * * * _from, j. miller mckim._ i have read your book with feelings of mingled pleasure and pride; pleasure at the valuable contribution which it furnishes to anti-slavery history and anti-slavery literature, and pride that you are the author of it. but the chief value of the book will be found in its main narratives, which illustrate to the life the character of slavery, the spirit and temper of the men engaged for its overthrow, and the difficulties which had to be overcome by these men in the accomplishment of their purpose. a book so unique in kind, so startling in interest, and so trustworthy in its statements, cannot fail to command a large reading now, and in generations yet to come. that you--my long tried friend and associate--are the author of this book, is to me a matter of great pride and delight. * * * * * _from hon. jno. a. bingham of ohio._ you will please accept my thanks for the opportunity given me to examine your record of the struggle for freedom by the slave and his friends. it will doubtless be a work of great interest to many of our citizens. _from the north american and u.s. gazette._ here is an authority that cannot be questioned, competent and correct by many endorsements, that shows without argument, after the true pattern of herodotus and the chroniclers, what slavery in america was in the decade immediately preceding its overthrow. * * * * * _from the "philadelphia inquirer."_ "never before has the working of the underground railroad been so thoroughly explained. here we have in complete detail the various methods adopted for circumventing the enemies of freedom, and told, as it is, with great simplicity and natural feeling, the narrative is one which cannot but make a deep impression. thrilling incidents, heroic adventures and noble deeds of self-sacrigce light up every page, and will enlist the heartiest sympathies of all generous souls. it was eminently just that such a record of one of the most remarkable phases of the struggle against slavery should be prepared, that the memory of the noble originators and supporters of the railroad might be kept green, and posterity enabled to form a true conception of the necessity that called it into existence, and of the difficulties under which its work was performed. the labor of compiling could not have fallen into more appropriate or better qualified hands." * * * * * _from the "baltimore american."_ mr. still was one of the most courageous managers on the underground ralroad, and is therefore well qualified to be its historian. he speaks of his own services with modesty, and, in fact, there is no attempt at exaggeration in any one of the most wonderful series of narratives which he relates. baltimore was one of the great depots from which the trembling fugitives set out on their trip to canada, and mr. still deals freely with the names of person, yet living, who, no doubt, would be very glad if this most extraordinary book had never been published. it was their misfortune to have furnished a number of passengers for the "underground railroad," and now they cannot escape being named in connection with the slaves, who dared, everything for liberty. * * * * * _from the san francisco bulletin._ we have often longed to know how the drab-coated philanthropists of philadelphia managed to furnish systematic assistance to the slave fugitives, and the desire is now gratified. william still, for many years connected with the anti-slavery office in philadelphia, and the chairman of the acting vigilance committee of the philadelphia branch of the underground railroad, has written a ponderous volume, entitled "the underground ralroad." ... he has performed his work well. the volume before us, though containing nearly pages, is not elaborated beyond necessity, and fairly teems with interesting sketches. _from bishop payne of the a.m.e. church, philadelphia._ my official engagements and private duties have prevented me from reading your work on the underground railroad, throughout. but such portions as i have had time to read, convince me that as a stimulus to noble effort it has much value. it is also a grand _monument_ of the past struggles of the angel spirit of liberty with the demon of american slavery. it serves also as a beacon light for our future progress in the upward movement. it deserves a wide circulation through the republic. * * * * * "i cheerfully endorse the above." s.m.d. ward. (bishop a.m.e. church.) * * * * * _from letter of hon. ebenezer d. bassett, u.s. minister to haiti._ the book must strike everyone who sees it as one of very commendable appearance; and to everyone who reads it, it must commend itself as one of remarkable interest. it is a work which cannot fail to reflect an unusual credit upon the care, industry and sterling ability of its author. all hail to you, my dear fellow, for your success. when nearly four years ago you spoke often to me about your project of writing this book, i always told you i thought it would prove a success; but i tell you now, candidly, that although i never for a moment doubted your peculiar fitness to prepare such a work, yet i feared that when you came to see the time, industry, care and patience, which it would require aside from your pressing everyday business cares and perplexities, you might stop at the foot of the mountain and abandon the tedious ascent. but you have actually made the ascent and stand now on the top of the mountain. hurrah for my old friend still! hurrah! hurrah!! hurrah!!! * * * * * _from. prof. w. howard day, in "our national progress."_ in his singularly and creditably brief preface, mr. still sincerely disclaims literary pretension; but creditable as is this to the author, we may say that the work is in style excellent reading, and that if it were not so, the narratives themselves are so thrilling, possess such a heart-reaching interest, that if these were literary crudities, they would be entirely placed in the background in the concentrated blaze of light which the author pours upon the bloody pathway of these victims of injustice, from , when the terrors of the fugitive slave law began, to the hour when slavery and rebellion were washed out in blood, together. we have not space for a reprint of one of these interesting histories, but we are personally acquainted with the "facts" as related by mr. still, and the persons involved, and can attest the truth of the statements made. some of these parties we have met in their flight, others in their temporary sojourn in the then so-called free states; others we knew (harriet tubman and moses among them) in their latest and safest refuge, (canada,) under the protection of the cross of st. george and st. andrew. it was due to such that this book should be written. their heroic deeds, in behalf of personal liberty of themselves and others, deserve commemorating. their deeds of daring, winning victory at last, in the face of wily and unscrupulous men devoted to their capture, and sustained by the voice, the law and the cannon of the government, ought to be written in unfading letters across the history of a people struggling upward to enfranchisement. it will teach the coming generations who were our fathers and our mothers; who there were in these years of agony who braved death to secure liberty and who upheld the noble banner of a dying race until their efforts, by god's blessing, made the race rise and live. all thanks to mr. still for thus placing this noble record of the free, and those struggling to be free, before the world. * * * * * _from, the boston journal, boston, mass._ the present volume is a narrative, or rather a collection of narratives, of the adventures of slaves on their way to freedom. the style is perfectly simple and unaffected, and it is well that it is so. the facts and incidents related are themselves so full of interest and dramatic intenseness as to need no coloring. the narratives throughout have the mark of truth upon them, and are based on authentic records. american history would not be complete without some such book as this, written by one within the circle of those devoted philanthropists who were so fearless and unremitting in their efforts for human freedom. * * * * * _from the providence press, providence, r.i._ this large volume is full of facts. to read its pages is to bring the past up with vividness. many of those who fought with the worse than ephesus' beasts encountered by paul, to wit, the man-hunters of the south, we knew personally, and their narratives as given in this volume we can vouch for, having received their accounts at the time, from their own lips. historically the book is valuable, because it is fact and not fiction, although fifty years from to-day it will read like fiction to the then living. * * * * * _from the newburyport herald, mass._ it is not a romance, but it is a storehouse of materials which will hereafter be used in literature, and be studied, not only by historians, dramatists and novelists, but also by those who will seek to comprehend and realize the fact, that there has been, in this country, a condition of society and law which made the underground railroad possible. the underground railroad, * * * * * by william still. * * * * * an authentic record of the wonderful hardships, hairbreadth escapes, and death struggles which mark the track from slavery to freedom in the united states. * * * * * this is one of the most remarkable volumes of the century. its publication has only been made possible by a combination of circumstances which seldom attend the birth of a book. before emancipation, and while the bane of slavery was on the country, the thrilling facts of this volume could not have been made public. peace and the blessing of freedom permit their publication, free circulation and unmolested reading. of all the thousands who favored freedom for the slaves, who gloried in the odium attached to anti-slaveryism, who witnessed the frequent efforts of the bondsmen to escape, who aided them in their quest for liberty, few dared to take notes of what they witnessed, and fewer still dared to preserve them, lest they should be turned into witnesses against them. but one man, and that the author of this book, is known to have succeeded in preserving anything like a full account of the workings of the underground railroad, as it was called before emancipation. these records grew on his hands during the years he acted as chairman of the philadelphia branch of that celebrated corporation, until they reached the extent of the present volume. they are made up of letters received, of interviews held, of narratives taken down at the time, of real reminiscence and authentic biography. nothing imaginative enters into the composition of the volume. it is simply succinct history, always startling, sometimes bloody. the annals of no time since the inquisition are so full of daring ventures for life and liberty or heroic endurance under most trying circumstances. as a history of the underground railroad, the work is most curious and valuable. it tells of an ingenuity and faithfulness on the part of the officials of the road which seems well-nigh marvellous. as its pages reveal the methods by which aid was given to the escaping slave, one is compelled to wonder almost as if he were facing a revelation. the secrets of masonry are not more mysterious than were the ways of these officials who clothed, fed and comforted the fugitive, while they apparently never knew his name or whereabouts. even those who never believed in the existence of an underground railway, or who, believing, cursed its existence, will read its history, at this time, with the relish of astonishment and the zest of discoverers. but the book has a higher meaning and use. it is curious and hitherto unprinted history to the white race. to the black race, and especially that part of it once slave, it is more than a history of a time of peril. it is for them what exodus was to the fugitives from egypt, a history and an inspiration as well. they may learn from it of their heroes and how deeply the love of liberty was implanted in their bosoms. the swiss never tire of the story of their tell, nor the welsh of that of their glendower. every nation has its exemplar, whose bravery and virtues are a perpetual lesson and source of admiration. the colored race may now read of its real heroes, its joshuas, spartacuses, tells and glendowers, among the list of those who silently broke their chains and dared everything in order to breathe the sweet air of liberty. they are not blazoned heroes, full of loud deeds and great names, but quiet examples of what fortitude can achieve where freedom is the goal. it is time now that the colored race should know something of the steps which led from egypt to canaan, something of their own contributions to the grand march of the tribes across and beyond the red sea. there are no slaves beneath the starry flag. all may read who will, and what they will. for the colored man no history can be more instructive and inspiring than this, of his own making, and written by one of his own race. the generations are growing in light. not to know of those who were stronger than shackles, who were pioneers in the grand advance toward freedom; not to know of what characters the race could produce when straightened by circumstances, nor of those small beginnings which ended in triumphant emancipation, will, in a short time, be a reproach. this history of the hardships and struggles of those of their own race is more for them than for mankind at large. it furnishes the world proof that, though slaves, they were nevertheless men. it furnishes them proof that the heroic abounds in their race as in others, and that achievement follows persistent effort, as well with them as with others. the volume will be not only their admiration but constant encouragement. in its pages one is not invited to hard, dry reading. it is narrative in style, simple in language, and possesses the thrill and pathos of a novel. in all its parts it is an evidence of the saying that "truth is stranger than fiction." the author scarcely needs an introduction to the public. he is a scholarly, successful business man of philadelphia, who has long been identified with churches, charities and every project for ameliorating the condition of his race. his word in all things is as good as his bond. an ardent member of the anti-slavery society, and an active officer of the underground railroad company, he made his book as a business man makes his ledger, viz.: by noting daily the transactions of the day. how he preserved them does not matter much now, but if a certain loft in the chapel of an old cemetery could speak, it might a tale unfold. the volume is quite large and commanding in appearance. it consists of about pages, clearly printed on beautiful white paper, making the largest book ever written by a colored person in this country. an attractive feature of the book, one which has added largely to its cost, and one which greatly enhances its value to the reader, is its illustrations. these are over seventy in number, and they are made to illustrate the most striking portions of the work. they represent night escapes and day encounters, on land and river, receptions on the soil of freedom, characters of note among the fugitives, and many of those among the anti-slavery people whose names have become historic. it is seldom a volume is seen which so abounds in apt and striking illustration. the field for the sale of this volume is immense. it will prove desirable as a curious contribution to the literature of the times, and will be bought in every home north and south, east and west, where reading is cherished. it is pre-eminently the book for the colored race. there is not a colored man or woman in the whole land who will not want to possess it. even if he cannot read, he will want it for his children. it will be their history and their story for generations. we have fixed the price at a very low figure, so as to completely answer all pleas of poverty or hard times. the whole book of _ super-royal octavo pages_ is filled with the thrilling history of the secret work of the u.g.r.r., giving an authentic account of the wonderful escapes and daring deeds, the endurance and sacrifice of men and women in their efforts for freedom. it is beautifully illustrated and substantially bound, and furnished at the following _very low prices:_ in fine english cloth, pannelled,............... $ . in beautiful embossed morocco, gilt centre, ... . every book corresponds with above description or the subscriber is not bound to take it. people's publishing co., so. th st., philadelphia, pa., cincinnati, o., chicago, ill., or, st. louis, mo. _from the "nation," n.y._ it is, nevertheless, a chapter in our history which connot be skipped or obliterated, inasmuch as it marks one stage of the disease of which the crisis was passed at gettysburg. it is one, too, for which we ought not to be dependent on tradition; and, all things considered, no one was so well qualified as mr. still to reproduce that phase of it with which he was so intimately concerned, as chairman of the acting committee of the vigilance committee of philadelphia. of all the border states, pennsylvania was the most accessible to fugitives from slavery; and as the organization just named was probably the most perfect and efficient of its kind, and served as a distributor to the branches in other states, its record doubtless covers the larger part of the field of operations of the underground railroad; or, in other words, of the systematic but secret efforts to promote the escape of slaves. * * * * * _from the christian union, n.y._ "the narratives themselves, told with the simplicity and directness of obvious truth, are full of terror, of pathos, the shame of human baseness and the glory of human virtue; and though the time is not yet sufficiently distant from the date of their occurrence to give to this record the universal acceptance it deserves, there are few, we think, even now, who can read it without amazement that such things could be in our very day, and be regarded with such general apathy. when the question, still so momentous and exciting, of the relations of the two races in this country, shall have passed from the vortex of political strife and social prejudice, and taken its place among the ethical axioms of a christian civilization, then this faithful account of some of the darkest and some of the brightest incidents in our history--this cyclopædia of all the virtues and all the vices of humanity--will be accepted as a most valuable contribution to the annals of one of the important eras of the world." * * * * * _from the "lutheran observer," philadelphia._ "it is a remarkable book in many respects. like the 'key to uncle tom's cabin,' by mrs. stowe, it reveals many of the most thrilling personal dramas and tragedies in the entire history of slavery. that 'truth is stranger than fiction' has hundreds of striking illustrations in this volume, which is a narrative of facts, the records of which were kept by mr. still, and are the only records in existence of the famous organization known as the underground railroad. it was established for the purpose of aiding slaves to escape from their masters in the south, but its operations were so mysterious and secret that, although everybody knew and spoke vaguely of its existence during the time of slavery, yet none but the initiated knew the secrets of its management and operations. these are now revealed for the first time in this work, and are as strange and wonderful as the most absorbing pictures of romance." * * * * * _from, the christian recorder, phila._ there has been no such work produced by any colored man in the country. "my bondage and my freedom," by douglass, was a remarkable book, and was justly appreciated by the liberty-loving people of the north and of england, but it was the story of a single hero. comparatively, the same may be said of the lives of jermain logan and others. but all these were but the exploits of individuals. the work of mr. still, however, takes a broader scope. it is the story of scores of heroes--heroes that equalled douglass in nerve, and logan in tact, and excelled either in thrilling adventure. * * * * * _from "zion's herald," boston._ "it is a big book in manner, matter, and spirit; the biggest book america has yet written. it is our 'book of martyrs,' and william still is our fox the chronicler. it is the 'thousand witnesses' of theodore weld, enlarged and intensified. it is more than uncle tom, wilson's 'history of the anti-slavery war,' or the hundred histories of the war itself.... "the book is well illustrated with portraits of the railroad managers, and with scenes taken from life, and is far the most entertaining and instructive story ever issued from the american press. everybody should buy, read, and transmit to his children these annals of our heroic age." * * * * * _from the "morning star," dover, new hampshire._ "the work is intensely interesting. many of the narratives thrill the reader through and through. some of them awaken an indignation, a horror, or a sense of humiliation and shame that makes the blood curdle or the cheek flush, or the breathing difficult. the best and the worst sides of human nature are successfully exhibited. here heroism and patience stand out transfigured; there selfishness and brutality hold carnival till it seems as though justice had been exiled and god had forgotten his own. the number of cases reported is very large, and the method in which the author has done his work is commendable. there is no rhetorical ambition. the narratives are embodied in plain language. the facts are left to make their own impression, without an attempt to embellish them by the aid of imagination. and the work is timely." * * * * * _from the "friends' review," philadelphia._ "we are glad to see this book. we anticipate for it a large circulation, and a permanent rank in a peculiar and painful department of history. the writer is one among very many who are entitled to the hearty support of philanthropists for their services rendered, often at considerable sacrifices and imminent peril, for the rescue and aid of those who were wickedly held in bondage.... the _underground railroad_ should have a place in every comprehensive library, private or public. the american negro academy. occasional papers no. . the early negro convention movement. by john w. cromwell. price fifteen cents. washington, d. c.: published by the academy. . the early negro convention movement. with the period immediately following the second war with great britain, begins a series of events which indicate a purpose of the nation to make the condition of the free man of color an inferior status socially and politically. that this was resisted at every step, revealed the national aim and purpose. the protest against prescription in the church which had asserted itself in several instances as at st. james p. e. and bethel in philadelphia, zion in new york, culminated in the organization of two independent denominations--in at philadelphia, in at new york. the american colonization society was organized in with the hidden purpose of strengthening slavery by ridding the country of its free black population. in the passage of the missouri compromise permitted the westward extension of slavery and as far north as ° '. local legislation, harmonizing with this national action against extending the domain of freedom and making the country undesirable for the colored freeman, followed. two years after the enactment of the compromise, "the martyrs of " went bravely and heroically to their fate in south carolina. in , the empire state completed its work of emancipation of the slave began years before, and saw the birth of "freedom's journal," the first negro newspaper within the limits of the united states, edited by john b. russwurm and samuel e. cornish. in , virginia was convulsed and the entire southland shocked by the insurrection of nat. turner. in the state of ohio along the kentucky border, the feeling against the free negro had become acute. mobs occurred, blood was shed and the people were compelled to look to some spot where they could abide in peace. it was in these stirring times that the convention movement which means the marshalling of the moral forces within the negro came into existence. the forces which it evoked were conserved and correlated until the dynamics of civil revolution had wrought desolation and destruction far and wide, sweeping away forever what had been a basis of the social and political strength of the nation. prior to this time, there had been a local convention held in philadelphia, january, , to protest against the action of the american colonization society that had been organized to remove systematically from this country all the free colored people in the united states. a glance at the list of the officers of this, the pioneer deliberative convention of colored people of which we have as yet any date, shows that the men who led in this meeting as in the movement of which this paper is a study, were among the foremost colored citizens whose names have come down to us from that distant past. james forten was president, and russell parrott, the assistant to absalom jones at st. thomas, p. e. church, was the secretary. prominent also in this anti-colonization convention, were absalom jones, richard allen, robert douglass, francis perkins, john gloucester--the first settled pastor of a colored presbyterian church--robert gordon, james johnson, quanmany clarkson, john summersett and randall shepherd. the convention which assembled in and was the first conscious step toward concerted action, was in no sense local either in its conception or its constituency. the prime mover was hezekiah grice, a native of baltimore, where he was born just one hundred years ago. in his early life, grice had met benjamin lundy, and in - , william lloyd garrison, editors and publishers of "the genius of universal emancipation," published at that time in baltimore. in the spring of he wrote a circular letter to prominent colored men in the free states requesting their views on the feasibility and imperative necessity of holding a convention of the free colored men of the country, at some point north of mason & dixon's line, for the exchange of views on the question of emigration or the adoption of a policy that would make living in the united states more endurable. for several months grice received no response whatever to this circular. in august, however, he received an urgent request for him to come at once to philadelphia. on his arrival there he found a meeting in session, discussing conflicting reports relative to the openings for colored people as emigrants to canada. bishop richard allen, at whose instance he was in philadelphia, subsequently showed him a printed circular signed by peter williams, the rector of st. phillips church, new york, peter vogelsang and thomas l. jennings of the same place, approving the plan of convention. this approval decided the philadelphians to take definite action, and they immediately "issued a call for a convention of the colored men of the united states to be held in the city of philadelphia, on the th of september, ." when the time came the convention assembled in bethel church, the historic building in which was laid the foundation of the a. m. e. denomination. the convention was organized by the election of bishop allen as president, dr. belfast burton of philadelphia and austin steward of rochester, n. y., as vice presidents, junius c. morell, secretary, and robert cowley, maryland, assistant secretary. seven states were represented by duly accredited delegates as follows: pennsylvania--richard allen, belfast burton, cyrus black, junius c. morell, benjamin paschall, james cornish, william whipper, peter gardiner, john allen, james newman, charles h. leveck, frederick a. hinton. new york--austin steward, joseph adams, george l. brown. connecticut--scipio augustus. rhode island--george c. willis, alfred niger. maryland--james deaver, hezekiah grice, aaron willson, robert cowley. delaware--abraham d. shadd. virginia--arthur m. waring, william duncan, james west, jr. in addition to these there were honorary members as follows: pennsylvania--robert brown, william rogers, john bowers, richard howell, daniel peterson, charles shorts. new york--leven williams. maryland--james p. walker, rev. samuel todd, john arnold. ohio--john robinson. new jersey--sampson peters. delaware--rev. anthony campbell and dan carolus hall. they may well be called the first "forty immortals" in our valhalla. the question of emigration to canada west, after an exhaustive discussion which continued during the two days of the convention's sessions, was recommended as a measure of relief against the persecution from which the colored american suffered in many places in the north. strong resolutions against the american colonization society were adopted. the formation of a parent society with auxiliaries in the different localities represented in the convention, for the purpose of raising money to defray the object of purchasing a colony in the province of upper canada, and ascertaining more definite information, having been effected, the convention adjourned to reassemble on the first monday in june, , during which time the order of the convention respecting the organization of the auxiliary societies had been carried into operation. at the assembling of the convention in , which was fully reported in "the liberator," the officers elected were, john bowers, philadelphia, president, abraham d. shadd and william duncan, vice presidents, william whipper, secretary, thomas l. jennings, assistant secretary. the roll of delegates, reveals the presence of many of the pioneers. hezekiah grice did not attend--in fact he was never a delegate at any subsequent convention, for two years later he emigrated to hayti, where he became a foremost contractor. richard allen had died, after having completed a most remarkable career. rev. james w. c. pennington, who for forty years bore a conspicuous place as a clergyman of sound scholarship, was a new figure and thenceforth an active participant in the movement. this convention aroused no little interest among the foremost friends of the negro and was visited and addressed by such men as rev. s. s. jocelyn of new haven, benjamin lundy and william lloyd garrison. in the "life of arthur tappan," written by his brother lewis tappan, we find the following: "a convention of people of color was held in philadelphia in of delegates from several states to consult upon the common interest. it was numerously attended and the proceedings were conducted with much ability. a resolution was adopted that it was expedient to establish a collegiate school on the manual labor system. * * a committee appointed for the purpose made an appeal to the benevolent. * * * new haven was suggested as a suitable place for its location * * * arthur tappan purchased several acres of land in the southerly part of the city and made arrangements for the erection of a suitable building and furnished it with needful supplies in a way to do honor to the city and country * * * the people of new haven became violently agitated in opposition to the plan. the city was filled with confusion. they seemed to fear that the city would be overrun with negroes from all parts of the world * * * a public meeting called by the mayor september , , in spite of a manly protest by roger s. baldwin, subsequently governor of the state and u. s. senator from connecticut, adopted the following: "resolved, by the mayor, aldermen, common council and freemen of the city of new haven, in city meeting assembled, that we will resist the establishment of the proposed college in this place by every lawful means." the attempt at the founding of a college in connecticut was abandoned. it is hardly necessary to more than mention the prudence crandall incident that disgraced the name of connecticut at the same period. what was a kind of national executive committee, and known as the convention board, issued the calls for the convention from time to time. when the next convention was held in , there were eight states represented with an attendance of thirty delegates, as follows: maryland had ; delaware, ; new jersey, ; pennsylvania, ; new york, ; connecticut, ; rhode island, ; massachusetts, . beginning june th, it continued in session until the th. the question exciting the greatest interest was one which proposed the purchase of other lands for settlement in canada; for acres of land had already been secured, two thousand individuals had left the soil of their birth, crossed the line and laid the foundation for a structure which promised an asylum for the colored population of the united states. they had already erected two hundred log houses and acres of land had been brought under cultivation. but hostility to the settlement of the negro in that section had been manifested by canadians, many of whom would sell no land to the negro. this may explain the hesitation of the convention and the appointment of an agent whose duty it was to make further investigation and report to a subsequent convention. opposition to the colonization movement was emphasized by a strong protest against any appropriation by congress in behalf of the american colonization society. abolition of slavery in the district of columbia was also urged at the same convention. this was one year before the organization of the american anti-slavery society. there were fifty-eight delegates present when the convention assembled june , . the states represented were pennsylvania, maryland, new jersey, delaware, massachusetts, connecticut and new york. abraham d. shadd, then of washington, d. c., was elected president, richard d. johnson of philadelphia and john g. stewart were vice presidents, ransom f. wake of new york, was secretary with henry ogden, assistant, and john b. depee of philadelphia, clerk. the usual resolutions and addresses to the people were framed and adopted. in addition to these, the law of connecticut, but recently passed, prohibiting the establishment of literary institutions in that state for the instruction of persons of color of other states was specifically referred to, as well as a resolution, giving the approval of the mission of william lloyd garrison to europe to obtain funds for the establishment of a manual training school. the emigration question was again thoroughly discussed. a committee was appointed to look into the matter of the encouragement of settlement in upper canada and all plans for colonization anywhere were rejected. a general convention fund was provided for a schedule showing the population, churches, day schools, sunday schools, pupils, temperance societies, benevolent societies, mechanics and store-keepers. a most significant action was one recommending the establishment in different parts of the country of free labor stores at which no produce from the result of slave labor would be exposed for sale. the next year, , the convention met in new york, june th, with henry sipkins as president, william hamilton and john d. closson, vice presidents, benjamin f. hughes, secretary and rev. h. francis, assistant secretary. there were seven states represented and about delegates present. the usual resolutions were adopted, one commending prudence crandall to the patronage and affection of the people at large; another urging the people to assemble on the fourth of each july for the purpose of prayer and the delivery of addresses pertaining to the condition and welfare of the colored people. the foundation of societies on the principle of moral reform and total abstinence from intoxicating liquors was advocated. moreover, every person of color was urged to discountenance all boarding houses where gambling was admitted. at the same convention the phoenix societies came up for special consideration and were heartily commended. these planned an organization of the colored people in their municipal sub-divisions with the special object of the promotion of their improvement in morals, literature and the mechanic arts. lewis tappan refers to them in the biography previously referred to. the "mental feast" which was a social feature, survived thirty years later in some of the interior towns of pennsylvania and the west. rt. rev. christopher rush of the a. m. e. zion, was the president of these societies. rev. theodore s. wright, the predecessor of rev. henry highland garnet at the shiloh presbyterian church, new york, and who enjoys the unique reputation of claiming princeton seminary as his alma mater, was a vice president. among its directors were boston crummell, the father of the founder of the american negro academy, rev. william paul quinn, subsequently a bishop of the a. m. e. church, and rev. peter williams. these names suggest that the phoenix society movement was not confined to any special social clique, but was a somewhat wide spread institution. unfortunately, there was lost during the excitement of the new york draft riots of , nearly all the documentary data for an interesting sidelight on the convention movement, through the study of these societies. with , the convention returned to philadelphia, june - , was the time of its sessions. there were forty four delegates enrolled, with reuben ruby of maine, as president, james h. fleet of the district of columbia, and nathan johnson vice presidents, john f. cook of the district of columbia, was secretary, samuel van brackle and henry ogden were the assistants. speaking of its proceedings, "the liberator" says: "its pages offered abundant testimony of the ability of this body to set before the nation a detail of the wrongs and grievances to which they are by custom and law subjected, and they also exhibit a praiseworthy spirit of manly and noble resolution to contend by moral force alone until their rights so long withheld shall be restored." among other specially notable things, robert purvis and frederick a. hinton were appointed a committee to correspond with dissatisfied emigrants to liberia and to take such action as would best promote the sentiment of the colored people respecting the work of the colonization society. the students of lane seminary at cincinnati were thanked for their zeal in the cause of abolition. temperance reform was advocated in a stirring address to the people. the free people of color were recommended to petition congress and their respective state legislatures to be admitted to the rights and privileges of american citizenship, and to be protected in the enjoyment of the same. william whipper advocated that the word 'colored' should be abandoned and the title "african" should be removed from the name of the churches, lodges, societies and other institutions. in , in the columns of "the liberator" appear calls for two conventions; the regular annual convention was called to meet in philadelphia, june , by henry sipkins of the convention board, and the urgent language of the call implies doubt in the interest of the people or the probability of their prompt response to the calls. william whipper issued the call, through the same medium, for the convention of the american moral reform to meet august , , also in philadelphia. it is worthy of remark that careful perusal of the files of "the liberator" fails to disclose a comment on the proceedings of either convention. but the perusal of the officers of the american moral reform shows the influential man of the convention movement at their helm. james forten, sr., the revolutionary patriot, was the president, reuben ruby, rev. samuel e. cornish, rev. walter proctor and jacob c. white, sr., of philadelphia, were vice presidents, joseph cassey was treasurer, robert purvis, foreign corresponding secretary and james forten, jr., recording secretary. the address was drawn up by william watkins of baltimore, who two decades later was an able colleague of frederick douglass in the conduct of "the north star." in , the convention of the american moral reform was again held in philadelphia, august th, in which william whipper, john p. burr and james forten, jr., were leading spirits. at the adjournment, an extra meeting was held in st. thomas p. e. church, at which an address on temperance was delivered by john francis cook of washington. sufficient has now been stated to show that the convention movement was now deeply rooted in the thought of the disfranchised american. the fact that there was a lull does not at all disprove this contention. the conventions were great educators, alike of the negro and the american whites. they taught the former parliamentary usages and how to conduct deliberative bodies. they brought to light facts pertaining to the negro's status which tended to establish that he was thrifty and steadily improving as a moral and economic force; while the american whites had in them an object lesson from which they learned much. in his "autobiography of a fugitive negro," samuel ringgold ward says: "a state or a national convention of black men is held. the talent displayed, the order maintained, the demeanor of the delegates, all impress themselves upon the community. all agree that to keep a people rooted to the soil who are rapidly improving, who have already attained considerable influence and are marshalled by gifted leaders, (men who show themselves qualified for legislative and judicial positions), and to doom them to a state of perpetual vassalage is altogether out of the question." the work of unifying the race along right lines now proceeded with the holding of state conventions. there was a state temperance convention of the colored men of connecticut, held at middletown, , followed by a call for a new england convention at boston in october. reference to its proceedings shows a prior convention held at providence, r. i., in may. at the boston convention a ringing appeal was made to the people, for total abstinence from all intoxicants, and almost immediately thereafter, local meetings were held for the purpose of putting in practical operation the principles enunciated. not only in new england, but in the middle and western states, local conventions were held during the next decade. the following extracts from a letter from the veteran educator, peter h. clark, shed a flood of light upon this early movement: j. w. cromwell, washington, d. c. my dear sir:-- the people of ohio held conventions annually for more than thirty years. usually they printed their proceedings in pamphlets. * * * * * a peculiarity of the ohio conventions was that they were meant to improve the condition of the colored people of that state. the conventions of those residing in the more eastern states were simply anti-slavery conventions, and their memorials and protests were aimed at slavery. the first conventions of the men of ohio were self-helpful. by their own sacrifices and with the help of friends, they purchased lots and erected school houses in a number of towns, or they organized schools and located them in churches. active in this work were the yancy's, charles and walter, gideon and charles langston, (brothers of john m.), george carey, dennis hill, and chief among them, david jenkins. walter yancy was the agent of these men, travelling and organizing societies and schools, collecting funds, etc. as a result of this self-helping movement, a number of farming communities were established, some of which accumulated large areas of land, and in cincinnati, the iron chest company accumulated funds and in erected a block of buildings which still stands. later, the action of the convention was directed against the black laws of ohio. these were repealed in , and colored children were permitted to share in the benefits of the school funds, though in separate schools. the same legislature elected salmon p. chase to the united states senate. the movement thus detailed was the result of a bargain between the democrats of ohio and the free soilers. afterwards the force of these conventions was directed against discriminations against colored people which still existed on the statute books. sometimes this force took the shape of petitions, memorials, protests, and after the organization of the ohio equal rights league, it took the shape of legal proceedings, etc. one of the most memorable of these conventions was held in , when john m. langston delivered the best speech of his life, defending the thesis, "there is a mutual repellency between the white and black races of the world." the materials for the speech were collected by charles langston, but john made the speech. time has vindicated the position taken by mr. langston in that memorable address. it was the beginning of the emigration movement in which dr. martin r. delaney afterwards became prominent. effective national conventions have not been numerous in the past fifty years. one of the most notable met at rochester in . frederick douglass presided and i had the honor of being the secretary. it was reported that mrs. stowe desired to give a portion of her earnings from "uncle tom" for the founding of a school for the benefit of the afro-american, and this convention was called to formulate an advisory plan. the plan when formulated, was practically what mr. washington realized many years afterwards at tuskegee. if you knew mr. douglass, you perhaps know that the last years of his life were devoted to an attempt to found such a school. the rochester movement came to naught, but its influence upon the colored people of the country was wide spread, chiefly because of the character of the men who composed it. its proceedings were published in the "north star," and so far as i know, nowhere else. the file of that paper was destroyed with mr. douglass' rochester house, and, unless in the congressional library, no copy now exists. the convention at syracuse, , was another note-worthy assemblage. its was the formulation of a plan of organization known as the national equal rights league. the rivalry between mr. douglass and mr. langston prevented the wide usefulness of which the organization was capable. ohio, pennsylvania and illinois organized auxiliary state leagues, and in each state much good was done. mr. langston, president elect of the national organization, never called it together. * * * i have written at length and yet have not answered your questions as to men whose names deserve to be embalmed in your proposed book. it will take time and thought for the compilation of such a list. the men who officiated in the conventions of which i have written, were mostly small men, great only in their zeal for the welfare of their people. i am, sir, with respect yours, peter h. clark. st. louis, mo., dec. , . within these ten years from to , a new figure appears on the scene, a man, though not born free like paul, yet like the chief captain, obtained it at a great price. the career of frederick douglass was but preliminary prior to his return from england, and his settlement at rochester, n. y., as editor of "the north star." by a most remarkable coincidence, the very first article in the first number of "the north star," published january, , is an extended notice of the national colored convention held at the liberty street church, troy, new york, october , . nathan johnson was president, dr. james mccune smith, peyton harris, new york, james w. c. pennington, connecticut, were vice presidents, wm. h. topp, albany, n. y., charles b. ray, new york city, and william c. nell of boston, were secretaries. the business committee with henry highland garnet, chairman, charles b. ray, leonard collins, massachusetts, willis a. hodges, n. y., and lewis hayden, then of michigan. there were delegates. from new york, ; massachusetts, ; connecticut, ; pennsylvania, new jersey, new hampshire, vermont, kentucky and michigan, each. the presence of one delegate, benjamin weeden, from a large constituency, northampton, mass., whose credentials stated the fact that a large number of white citizens sympathizing with the objects of the call had formerly expressed their endorsement of the movement, was a signal for hearty applause. a most spirited discussion arose on the report of the committee of education as to the expediency of the establishment of a college for colored young men, which was discussed pro and con by arguments that can not be surpassed even after a lapse of more than half a century. the report gives unstinted praise to the chairman of the committee for his scholarly style, his choice diction, his grace of manner, and this statement excites no surprise when we learn that this chairman was alexander crummell. the next year, september , , between sixty and seventy delegates assembled at cleveland, ohio, in the national convention, the sessions alternating between the court house and the tabernacle. frederick douglass was chosen president, john jones of illinois, allen jones of ohio, thomas johnson of michigan and abner francis of new york, were vice presidents, william howard day was the secretary, with william h. burnham and justin hollin, assistants. at the head of the business committee stood martin r. delaney, and with him as associates, charles h. langston, david jenkins, henry bibb, t. w. tucker, w. h. topp, thomas bird, j. p. watson and j. malvin. the line of policy was not deflected. as in previous conventions, education was encouraged, the importance of statistical information stated and temperance societies urged. as showing the representative character of the delegates, the diversity of occupations, employment and the professions followed, the fact was developed that there were printers, carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, engineers, dentists, gunsmiths, editors, tailors, merchants, wheelwrights, painters, farmers, physicians, plasterers, masons, college students, clergymen, barbers, hairdressers, laborers, coopers, livery stable keepers, bath house keepers and grocers among the members of the convention. but of all the conventions of the period, the largest, that in which the ability of its members was best displayed in the broad and statesmanlike treatment of the questions discussed and the practical action which vindicated their right to recognition as enfranchised citizens, and the one to which the attention of the american people was attracted as never before, was the one held in the city of rochester, n. y. with greater emphasis than at prior meetings, this convention set the seal of its opposition against any hope for permanent relief to the conditions under which the colored freeman labored by any comprehensive scheme of emigration. because of this, it directed its energies to affirmative constructive action. in the enunciation of a philosophy able, far-sighted and statesmanlike, contained in the address to the american people, we behold the wisdom of a master mind--one then at the prime of his intellectual and physical powers, frederick douglass, the chairman of the business committee. among the important things done by the convention might be enumerated. it says: "we can not announce the discovery of any new principle adopted to ameliorate the condition of mankind. the great truths of moral and political science upon which we rely, and which press upon your consideration, have been evolved and enunciated by you. we point to your principles, your wisdom and your great example as the full justification of our course this day. that all men are created equal; that life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is the right of all; that taxation and representation should go together; that the constitution of the united states was formed to establish justice, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to all the people of the country; that resistance to tyranny is obedience to god--are american principles and maxims, and together they form and constitute the constructive elements of the american government." . the plan for an industrial college on the manual labor plan, was approved, and harriet beecher stowe, who was about to make a visit to england at the instance of friends in that country, was authorized to receive funds in the name of the colored people of the country for that purpose. the successful establishment and conduct of such an institution of learning, would train youth to be self-reliant and skilled workmen, fitted to hold their own in the struggle of life on the conditions prevailing here. . a registry of colored mechanics, artisans and business men throughout the union, was provided for, also, of all the persons willing to employ colored men in business, to teach colored boys mechanic trades, liberal and scientific professions and farming, also a registry of colored men and youth seeking employment or instruction. . a committee on publication "to collect all facts, statistics and statements. all laws and historical records and biographies of the colored people and all books by colored authors." this committee was further authorized "to publish replies to any assaults worthy of note, made upon the character or condition of the colored people." this was in keeping with what had actually been done by the colored people of the state of new york the year previous, after its governor, ward hunt, had substantially recommended the passage of black laws which would have forbidden the settlement of any blacks or mulattoes within its borders and placed further restrictions on those at that time citizens. the charge of unthrift against the negro was utterly disproven by a comparative statement showing that in those places in which the conditions were the worst, new york, brooklyn and williamsburg, the negro had increased per cent in population in twenty years and per cent in real estate holdings. in thirteen counties the amount owned by colored persons was ascertained to be $ , , . capital in business. real estate exclusive of incumbrance. new york $ , $ , brooklyn , , williamsburg , , ------- ------- $ , $ , , the north star--vol. the convention crowned its work by a more comprehensive plan of organization than those of twenty years before. a national council was provided for to be "composed of two members from each state by elections to be held at a poll at which each colored inhabitant may vote who pays ten cents as a poll tax, and each state shall elect at such election delegates to state conventions twenty in number from each state at large." the detail of this plan shows that the methods of the afro-american council of , is an almost exact copy of the national council of . the chairman of the committee which formulated this plan was wm. howard day and other members were charles h. langston, george b. vashon, william j. wilson, william whipper and charles b. ray, all of them men of more than ordinary intelligence, information and ability. but those who saw only in emigration the solution of the evils with which they were beset, immediately called another convention to consider and decide upon the subject of emigration from the united states. according to the call, no one was to be admitted to the convention who would introduce the subject of emigration to any part of the eastern hemisphere, and opponents of emigration were also to be excluded. among the signers to the call in and from the states of pennsylvania, new york, michigan, indiana, canada and california were: rev. wm. webb, martin r. delaney, pittsburg, pa., dr. j. j. gould bias of philadelphia, franklin turner of the same city, rev. augustus r. green of allegheny, pa., james m. whitfield, new york, william lambert of michigan, henry bibb, james theodore holly of canada and henry m. collins of california. douglass in his paper "the north star," characterized the call as uncalled for, unwise and unfortunate and premature. as far too narrow and illiberal to meet with acceptance among the intelligent. "a convention to consider the subject of emigration when every delegate must declare himself in favor of it before hand as a condition of taking his seat, is like the handle of a jug, all on one side. we hope no colored man, will omit during the coming twelve months an opportunity which may offer to buy a piece of property, a house lot, a farm or anything else in the united states which looks to permanent residence here." james m. whitfield of buffalo, n. y., the negro poet of america, and one of the signers of the call, responded to the attacks in the same journal. douglass made a reply and whitfield responded again, and so on until several articles on each side were produced by these and other disputants. the articles were collected and published in pamphlet form by rev. and bishop james theodore holly of port au prince, haiti, making a valuable contribution to literature, for i doubt if there is anywhere throughout the range of controversial literature anything to surpass it. i am indebted to bishop holly for further information respecting this convention. in a private letter he says: "the convention was accordingly held. the rev. william munroe was president, the rt. rev. [william] paul quinn, vice president, dr. delaney, chairman of the business committee and i was the secretary." * * * "there were three parties in that emigration convention, ranged according to the foreign fields they preferred to emigrate too. dr. delaney headed the party that desired to go to the niger valley in africa, whitfield the party which preferred to go to central america, and holly the party which preferred to go to hayti." "all these parties were recognized and embraced by the convention. dr. delaney was given a commission to go to africa, in the niger valley, whitfield to go to central america, and holly to hayti, to enter into negotiations with the authorities of these various countries for negro emigrants and to report to future conventions. holly was the first to execute his mission, going down to hayti in , when he entered into relations with the minister of the interior, the father of the late president hyppolite, and by him was presented to emperor faustin i. the next emigration convention was held at chatham, canada west, in , when the report on haiti was made. dr. delaney went off on his mission to the niger valley, africa, via england in . there he concluded a treaty signed by himself and eight kings, offering inducements for negro emigrants to their territories. whitfield went to california, intending to go later from thence to central america, but died in san francisco before he could do so. meanwhile [james] redpath went to haiti as a john brownist after the harper's ferry raid, and reaped the first fruits of holly's mission by being appointed haitian commissioner of emigration in the united states by the haitian government, but with the express injunction that rev. holly should be called to co-operate with him. on redpath's arrival in the united states, he tendered rev. holly a commission from the haitian government at $ , per annum and traveling-expenses to engage emigrants to go to haiti. the first ship load of emigrants were from philadelphia in . "not more than one-third of the emigrants to haiti received through this movement, permanently abided there. they proved to be neither intellectually, industrially, nor financially prepared to undertake to wring from the soil the riches that it is ready to yield up to such as shall be thus prepared; nor are the government and influential individuals sufficiently instructed in social, industrial and financial problems which now govern the world, to turn to profitable use willing workers among the laboring class." "the civil war put a stop to the african emigration project by dr. delaney taking the commission of major from president lincoln, and the central american project died out with whitfield, leaving the haitian emigration as the only remaining practical outcome of the emigration convention of ." the civil war destroyed many landmarks and the national colored convention, confined to the free colored people of the north and the border states, was a thing of the past. just after one of the darkest periods of that strife, when the dawn was apparent, there assembled in the city of syracuse, the last national colored convention in which the men who began the movement in , their successors and their sons had the control. the sphere of influence even in that had somewhat increased, for southeastern virginia, louisiana and tennessee had some representation. slavery was dead; the colonizationists to canada, the west indies and africa had abandoned the field of openly aiming to commit the policy of the race to what was considered expatriation. reconstruction even in was seen in the south peering above the horizon. the equal rights league came forth displacing the national council of , yet with the same object of the legal rights association organized by hezekiah grice in baltimore in . john mercer langston stepped in the arena at the head of the new organization, but under more favorable auspices than was begun in the movement of . a study of its rise, progress and decline, belongs to another period of the evolution of the free negro. this survey of the early negro convention movement has been rapid, the treatment broad, the sketch is but an outline; lights and shadows will be supplied by more detailed study, but the perspective will reveal clear and distinct these four facts: . the convention movement begun in , demonstrates the ability of the negro to construct a platform broad enough for a race to stand upon and to outline a policy alike far-sighted and statesmanlike, that has not been surpassed in the seventy years that have elapsed. . the earnestness, the enthusiasm and the efficiency with which the work aimed at was done, the singleness of purpose, the public spirit and the intrepidity manifested, encouraged and inspired such men as benjamin lundy, william lloyd garrison, gerrit smith, s. s. jocelyn, arthur and lewis tappan, william goodell and beriah green to greater efforts and persistence in behalf of the disfranchised american, accomplishing at last the tremendous work of revolutionizing the public sentiment of the country and making the institution of radical reforms possible. . the preparatory training which the convention work gave, fitted its leaders for the broader arena of abolitionism, and it can not be regarded as a mere coincidence that the only colored men who were among the organizers of the american anti-slavery society in , robert purvis and james g. barbadoes, were both promoters and leaders in the convention movement. . the importance of industrial education in the growth and development of the negro-american is no new doctrine in the creed of the representative colored people of the country. before hampton and tuskegee reared their walls--aye, before booker t. washington was born, frederick douglass and the colored convention of , had commissioned mrs. stowe to obtain funds to establish an agriculture and industrial college. long before frederick douglass had left maryland by the under ground railroad, but for the opposition of the white people of connecticut, and within the echo of yale college, would have stood the first institution dedicated to our enlightenment and social regeneration. john w. cromwell. bibliography. "twenty-two years a slave and forty years a freeman".--austin steward. "life and times".--frederick douglass. autobiography of a fugitive negro.--sam'l. r. ward. the life of arthur tappan.--lewis tappan. history of the negro in america.--george w. williams. william lloyd garrison.--his sons. anglo-african magazine . the liberator--vols. , , , , , , . the north star--vol. , vol. . transcriber's note: the word "colegiate" has been corrected to "collegiate" (page ) and "committe" corrected to "committee" (page ). variations of "hayti" and "haiti" are presented as in the original text. in the original text, the reference note to the table on page does not contain a volume number. and pg distributed proofreaders the anti-slavery examiner by the american anti-slavery society no. . to the people of the united states; or, to such americans as value their rights, and dare to maintain them. no. . appeal to the christian women of the south. no. . appeal to the christian women of the south. revised and corrected. no. . letter of gerrit smith to rev. james smylie, of the state of mississippi. no. . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. no. . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. third edition--revised. no. . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. fourth edition--enlarged. no. . power of congress over the district of columbia. no. . power of congress over the district of columbia. with additions by the author. no. . power of congress over the district of columbia. fourth edition. no. . narrative of james williams, an american slave. no. . emancipation in the west indies. no. . correspondence, between the hon. f.h. elmore, one of the south carolina delegation in congress, and james g. birney, one of the secretaries of the american anti-slavery society. no. . letter of gerrit smith, to hon. henry clay. no. . emancipation in the west indies, in . the chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. . no. . american slavery as it is: testimony of a thousand witnesses. no. . speech of hon. thomas morris, of ohio, in reply to the speech of the hon. henry clay. no. . the constitution a pro-slavery compact or selections from the madison papers, &c. no. . the constitution a pro-slavery compact or selections from the madison papers, &c. second edition, enlarged. no. . chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. on the condition of the free people of color in the united states. no. . can abolitionists vote or take office under the united states constitution? address to the friends of constitutional liberty, on the violation by the united states house of representatives of the right of petition at the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. the anti-slavery examiner vol. i. august, . no. . to the people of the united states; or, to such americans as value their rights, and dare to maintain them. fellow countrymen! a crisis has arrived, in which rights the most important which civil society can acknowledge, and which have been acknowledged by our constitution and laws, in terms the most explicit which language can afford, are set at nought by men, whom your favor has invested with a brief authority. by what standard is your liberty of conscience, of speech, and of the press, now measured? is it by those glorious charters you have inherited from your fathers, and which your present rulers have called heaven to witness, they would preserve inviolate? alas! another standard has been devised, and if we would know what rights are conceded to us by our own servants, we must consult the compact by which the south engages on certain conditions to give its trade and votes to northern men. all rights not allowed by this compact, we now hold by sufferance, and our governors and legislatures avow their readiness to deprive us of them, whenever in their opinion, legislation on the subject shall be "necessary[a]." this compact is not indeed published to the world, under the hands and seals of the contracting parties, but it is set forth in official messages,--in resolutions of the state and national legislatures--in the proceedings of popular meetings, and in acts of lawless violence. the temples of the almighty have been sacked, because the worshipers did not conform their consciences to the compact[b]. ministers of the gospel have been dragged as criminals from the altar to the bar, because they taught the people from the bible, doctrines proscribed by the compact[c]. hundreds of free citizens, peaceably assembled to express their sentiments, have, because such an expression was forbidden by the compact, been forcibly dispersed, and the chief actor in this invasion on the freedom of speech, instead of being punished for a breach of the peace, was rewarded for his fidelity to the compact with an office of high trust and honor[d]. [footnote a: see the messages of the governors of new-york and connecticut, the resolutions of the new-york legislature, and the bill introduced into the legislature of rhode island.] [footnote b: churches in new-york attacked by the mob in .] [footnote c: see two cases within the last twelve months in new hampshire.] [footnote d: samuel beardsley, esq. the leader of the utica riot, was shortly afterwards appointed attorney general of the state of new-york.] * * * * * postage--this periodical contains one sheet, postage under miles, is - cents over miles, - cents. "the freedom of the press--the palladium of liberty," was once a household proverb. now, a printing office[a] is entered by ruffians, and its types scattered in the highway, because disobedient to the compact. a grand jury, sworn to "present all things truly as they come to their knowledge," refuse to indict the offenders; and a senator in congress rises in his place, and appeals to the outrage in the printing office, and the conduct of the grand jury as evidence of the good faith with which the people of the state of new york were resolved to observe the compact[b]. [footnote a: office of the utica standard and democrat newspaper.] [footnote b: see speech of the hon. silas wright in the u.s. senate of feb. .] the executive magistrate of the american union, unmindful of his obligation to execute the laws for the equal benefit of his fellow citizens, has sanctioned a censorship of the press, by which papers incompatible with the compact are excluded from the southern mails, and he has officially advised congress to do by law, although in violation of the constitution, what he had himself virtually done already in despite of both. the invitation has indeed been rejected, but by the senate of the united states only, after a portentous struggle--a struggle which distinctly exhibited the _political_ conditions of the compact, as well as the fidelity with which those conditions are observed by a northern candidate for the presidency. while in compliance with these conditions, a powerful minority in the senate were forging fetters for the press, the house of representatives were employed in breaking down the right of petition. on the th may last, the following resolution, reported by a committee was adopted by the house, viz. "resolved, that all petitions, memorials, resolutions and propositions relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery, shall without being either printed or referred, be laid on the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." yeas, . nays, . bear with us, fellow countrymen, while we call your attention to the outrage on your rights, the contempt of personal obligations and the hardened cruelty involved in this detestable resolution. condemn us not for the harshness of our language, before you hear our justification. we shall speak only the truth, but we shall speak it as freemen. the right of petition is founded in the very institution of civil government, and has from time immemorial been acknowledged as among the unquestionable privileges of our english ancestors. this right springs from the great truth that government is established for the benefit of the governed; and it forms the medium by which the people acquaint their rulers with their wants and their grievances. so accustomed were the americans to the exercise of this right, even during their subjection to the british crown, that, on the formation of the federal constitution, the convention not conceiving that it could be endangered, made no provision for its security. but in the very first congress that assembled under the new government, the omission was repaired. it was thought some case might possibly occur, in which this right might prove troublesome to a dominant faction, who would endeavor to stifle it. an amendment was therefore proposed and adopted, by which congress is restrained from making any law abridging "the right of the people, peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances." had it not been for this prudent jealousy of our fathers, instead of the resolution i have transcribed, we should have had a law, visiting with pains and penalties, all who dared to petition the federal government, in behalf of the victims of oppression, held in bondage by its authority. the present resolution cannot indeed consign such petitioners to the prison or the scaffold, but it makes the right to petition a congressional boon, to be granted or withheld at pleasure, and in the present case effectually withholds it, by tendering it nugatory. petitions are to inform the government of the wishes of the people, and by calling forth the action of the legislature, to inform the constituents how far their wishes are respected by their representatives. the information thus mutually given and received is essential to a faithful and enlightened exercise of the right of legislation on the one hand, and of suffrage on the other. but the resolution we are considering, provides that no petition in relation to slavery, shall be printed for the information of the members, nor referred to a committee to ascertain the truth of its statements; nor shall any vote be taken, in regard to it, by which the people may learn the sentiments of their representatives. if congress may thus dispose of petitions on one subject, they may make the same disposition of petitions on any and every other subject. our representatives are bound by oath, not to pass any law abridging the right of petition, but if this resolution is constitutional, they may order every petition to be delivered to their door-keeper, and by him to be committed to the flames; for why preserve petitions on which _no action can be had_? had the resolution been directed to petitions for an object palpably unconstitutional, it would still have been without excuse. the construction of the constitution is a matter of opinion, and every citizen has a right to express that opinion in a petition, or otherwise. but this usurpation is aggravated by the almost universal admission that congress does possess the constitutional power to legislate on the subject of slavery in the district of columbia and the territories. no wonder that a distinguished statesman refused to sanction the right of the house to pass such a resolution by even voting against it[a]. the men who perpetrated this outrage had sworn to support the constitution, and will they hereafter plead at the bar of their maker, that they had kept their oath, because they had abridged the right of petition _by a resolution_, and not by law! [footnote a: mr. j.q. adams, on his name being called, refused to vote, saying, "the resolution is in direct violation of the constitution of the united states, and the privileges of the members of this house."] this resolution not only violates the rights of the people, but it nullifies the privileges and obligations of their representatives. it is an undoubted right and duty of every member of congress to propose any measure within the limits of the constitution, which he believes is required by the interests of his constituents and the welfare of his country. now mark the base surrender of this right--the wicked dereliction of this duty. all "resolutions and propositions" relating "in _any way_ or to _any extent_ whatever to the subject of slavery," shall be laid on the table, and "no further action _whatever_ shall be had thereon." what a spectacle has been presented to the american people!--one hundred and seventeen members of congress relinquishing their own rights, cancelling their own solemn obligations, forcibly depriving the other members of their legislative privileges, abolishing the freedom of debate, condemning the right of petition, and prohibiting present and future legislation on a most important and constitutional subject, by a rule of order! in , the new-york legislature instructed the representatives from that state in congress, to insist on making "the prohibition of slavery an indispensable condition of admission" of certain territories into the union. in , the legislature of pennsylvania instructed the pennsylvania members of congress, to vote for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. in vain hereafter shall a representative present the instructions of his constituents, or the injunctions of a sovereign state. no question shall be taken, or any motion he may offer, in _any way_, or to _any extent_, relating to slavery! search the annals of legislation, and you will find no precedent for such a profligate act of tyranny, exercised by a majority over their fellow legislators, nor for such an impudent contempt of the rights of the people. but this resolution is no less barbarous than it is profligate and impudent. remember, fellow countrymen! that the decree has gone forth, that there shall be no legislation by congress, _in any way_, or to _any extent whatever_, on the subject of slavery. now call to mind, that congress is the local and only legislature of the district of columbia, which is placed by the constitution under its "exclusive jurisdiction _in all cases whatsoever_." in this district, there are thousands of human beings divested of the rights of humanity, and subjected to a negotiable despotism; and congress is the only power that can extend the shield of law to protect them from cruelty and abuse; and that shield, it is now resolved, shall not be extended in any way, or to any extent! but this is not all. the district has become the great slave-market of north america, and the port of alexandria is the guinea of our proud republic, whence "cargoes of despair" are continually departing[a]. [footnote a: one dealer, john armfield, advertises in the national intelligencer of the th of february last, that he has three vessels in the trade, and they will leave the port of alexandria on the first and fifteenth of each month.] in the city which bears the name of the father of his country, dealers in human flesh receive licenses for the vile traffic, at four hundred dollars each per annum; and the gazettes of the capital have their columns polluted with the advertisements of these men, offering cash for children and youth, who, torn from their parents and families, are to wear out their existence on the plantations of the south.[a] for the safe keeping of these children and youth, till they are shipped for the mississippi, private pens and prisons are provided, and the united states' jail used when required. the laws of the district in relation to slaves and free negroes are of the most abominable and iniquitous character. any free citizen with a dark skin, may be arrested on pretence of being a fugitive slave, and committed to the united states' prison, and unless within a certain number of days he proves his freedom, while immured within its walls, he is, under authority of congress, sold as a slave for life. do you ask why? let the blood mantle in your cheeks, while we give you the answer of the law--"to pay his jail fees!!" [footnote a: twelve hundred negroes are thus advertised for in the national intelligencer of the th of march last. the negroes wanted are generally from the age of ten or twelve years to twenty-five, and of both sexes.] on the th of january, , the committee for the district of columbia, (themselves slaveholders) introduced a bill providing that the jail fees should hereafter be a county charge. the bill did not pass; and by the late resolution, a statute unparalleled for injustice and atrocity by any mandate of european despotism, is to be like the law of the medes and persians, that altereth not, since no proposition for its repeal or modification can be entertained. the grand jury of alexandria presented the slave trade of that place, as "disgraceful to our character as citizens of a free government," and as "a grievance demanding legislative redress;" that is, the interposition of congress--but one hundred and seventeen men have decided that there shall be "no action whatever" by congress in relation to slavery. in march, , john randolph submitted the following resolution to the house of representatives: "_resolved_, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an _inhuman_ and illegal traffic of slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any, and what measures are necessary for putting a stop to the same." the compact had not then been formed and the resolution _was adopted_. such a resolution would _now_ "be laid on the table," and treated with silent contempt. in , eleven hundred inhabitants of the district presented a petition to congress, complaining of the "domestic slave-trade" as a grievance disgraceful in its character, and "even more demoralizing its influence" than the foreign traffic. the petition concluded as follows: "the people of this district have within themselves no means of legislative redress, and we therefore appeal to your honorable body as the _only one_ vested by the american constitution with power to relieve us." no more shall such appeals be made to the national council. what matters it, that the people of the district are annoyed by the human shambles opened among them? what matters it, that congress is "the only body vested by the american constitution with power to relieve" them? the compact requires that no action shall be had on _any_ petition relating to slavery. the horse or the ox may be protected in the district, by act of congress, from the cruelty of its owner; but man, created in the image of god, shall, if his complexion be dark, be abandoned to every outrage. the negro may be bound alive to the stake in front of the capitol, as well as in the streets of st. louis--his shrieks may resound through the representative hall--and the stench of his burning body may enter the nostrils of the law-givers--but no vote may rebuke the abomination--no law forbid its repetition. the representatives of the nation may regulate the traffic in sheep and swine, within the ten miles square; but the slavers of the district may be laden to suffocation with human cattle--the horrors of the middle passage may be transcended at the wharves of alexandria; but congress may not limit the size of the cargoes, or provide for the due feeding and watering the animals composing them!--the district of columbia is henceforth to be the only spot on the face of the globe, subjected to a civilized and christian police, in which avarice and malice may with legal impunity inflict on humanity whatever sufferings ingenuity can devise, or depravity desire. and this accumulation of wickedness, cruelty and baseness, is to render the seat of the federal government the scoff of tyrants and the reproach of freemen forever! on the th of january , the house of representatives passed the following vote. "_resolved_, that the committee of the district of columbia be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law, for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, in such manner that no individual shall be injured thereby." never again while the present rule of order is in force, can similar instructions be given to a committee--never again shall even an inquiry be made into the expediency of abolishing slavery and the slave-trade in the district. what stronger evidence can we have, of the growing and spreading corruption caused by slavery, than that one hundred and seventeen republican legislators professed believers in christianity--many of them from the north, aye even from the land of the pilgrims, should strive to render such curses perpetual! the flagitiousness of this resolution is aggravated if possible by the arbitrary means by which its adoption was secured. no representative of the people was permitted to lift up his voice against it--to plead the commands of the constitution which is violated--his own privileges and duties which it contemned--the rights of his constituents on which it trampled--the chains of justice and humanity which it impiously outraged. its advocates were afraid and ashamed to discuss it, and forbidding debate, they perpetrated in silence the most atrocious act that has ever disgraced an american legislature[a]. and was no reason whatever, it may be asked, assigned for this bold invasion of our rights, this insult to the sympathies of our common nature? yes--connected with the resolution was a preamble explaining its object. read it, fellow countrymen, and be equally astonished at the impudence of your rulers in avowing such an object, and at their folly in adopting such an expedient to effect it. the lips of a free people are to be sealed by insult and injury! [footnote a: a debate was allowed on a motion to re-commit the report, for the purpose of preparing a resolution that congress has no constitutional power to interfere with slavery in the district of columbia; but when the sense of the house was to be taken on the resolution reported by the committees, all debate was prevented by the previous question.] "whereas, it is extremely important and desirable that the agitation on this subject should be finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring _tranquillity_ to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend the following resolution." order reigns in warsaw, were the terms in which the triumph of russia over the liberties of poland was announced to the world. when the right of petition shall be broken down--when no whisper shalt be heard in congress in behalf of human rights--when the press shall be muzzled, and the freedom of speech destroyed by gag-laws, then will the slaveholders announce, that tranquillity is restored to the public mind! fellow countrymen! is such the tranquillity you desire--is such the heritage you would leave to your children? suffer not the present outrage, by effecting its avowed object, to invite farther aggressions on your rights. the chairman of the committee boasted that the number of petitioners the present session, for the abolition of slavery in the district, was _only_ thirty-four thousand! let us resolve, we beseech you, that at the next session the number shall be a million. perhaps our one hundred and seventeen representatives will then abandon in despair their present dangerous and unconstitutional expedient for tranquilizing the public mind. the purpose of this address, is not to urge upon you our own views of the sinfulness of slavery, and the safety of its immediate abolition; but to call your attention to the conduct of your rulers. let no one think for a moment, that because he is not an abolitionist, his liberties are not and will not be invaded. _we_ have no rights, distinct from the rights of the whole people. calumny, falsehood, and popular violence, have been employed in vain, to tranquilize abolitionists. it is now proposed to soothe them, by despoiling them of their constitutional rights; but they cannot be despoiled _alone_. the right of petition and the freedom of debate are as sacred and valuable to those who dissent from our opinions, as they are to ourselves. can the constitution at the same time secure liberty to you, and expose us to oppression--give you freedom of speech, and lock our lips--respect your right of petition, and treat ours with contempt? no, fellow countrymen!--we must be all free, or all slaves together. we implore you, then, by all the obligations of interest, of patriotism, and of religion--by the remembrance of your fathers--by your love for your children, to unite with us in maintaining our common, and till lately, our unquestioned political rights. we ask you as men to insist that your servants acting as the local legislators of the district of columbia, shall respect the common rights and decencies of humanity.--we ask you as freemen, not to permit your constitutional privileges to be trifled with, by those who have sworn to maintain them.--we ask you as christian men, to remember that by sanctioning the sinful acts of your agents, you yourselves assume their guilt. we have no candidates to recommend to your favor--we ask not your support for any political party; but we do ask you to give your suffrages hereafter only to such men as you have reason to believe will not sacrifice your rights, and their own obligations, and the claims of mercy and the commands of god, to an iniquitous and mercenary compact. if we cannot have northern presidents and other officers of the general government except in exchange for freedom of conscience, of speech, of the press and of legislation, then let all the appointments at washington be given to the south. if slaveholders will not trade with us, unless we consent to be slaves ourselves, then let us leave their money, and their sugar, and their cotton, to perish with them. fellow countrymen! we wish, we recommend no action whatever, inconsistent with the laws and constitutions of our country, or the precepts of our common religion, but we beseech you to join with us in resolving, that while we will respect the rights of others, we will at every hazard maintain our own. _in behalf of the american anti-slavery society._ arthur tappan, \ wm. jay, \ jno. rankin, \ lewis tappan, \ s.s. jocelyn, \ s.e. cornish, | _executive committee_. joshua leavitt, / abraham l. cox, / amos a. phelps, / la roy sunderland, / theo. s. wright, / elizur wright, jr. / * * * * * published by the american anti-slavery society, corner of spruce and nassau streets. the anti-slavery examiner. vol. i. september . no. . appeal to the christian women of the south, by a.e. grimkÃ�. "then mordecai commanded to answer esther, think not within thyself that thou shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews. for if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed: and who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdom for such a time as this. and esther bade them return mordecai this answer:--and so will i go in unto the king, which is not according to law, and _if i perish, i perish._" esther iv. - . respected friends, it is because i feel a deep and tender interest in your present and eternal welfare that i am willing thus publicly to address you. some of you have loved me as a relative, and some have felt bound to me in christian sympathy, and gospel fellowship; and even when compelled by a strong sense of duty, to break those outward bonds of union which bound us together as members of the same community, and members of the same religious denomination, you were generous enough to give me credit, for sincerity as a christian, though you believed i had been most strangely deceived. i thanked you then for your kindness, and i ask you _now_, for the sake of former confidence, and former friendship, to read the following pages in the spirit of calm investigation and fervent prayer. it is because you have known me, that i write thus unto you. but there are other christian women scattered over the southern states, and of these, a very large number have never seen me, and never heard my name, and feel _no_ personal interest whatever in _me_. but i feel an interest in _you_, as branches of the same vine from whose root i daily draw the principle of spiritual vitality--yes! sisters in christ i feel an interest in _you_, and often has the secret prayer arisen on your behalf, lord "open thou their eyes that they may see wondrous things out of thy law"--it is then, because i _do feel_ and _do pray_ for you, that i thus address you upon a subject about which of all others, perhaps you would rather not hear any thing; but, "would to god ye could bear with me a little in my folly, and indeed bear with me, for i am jealous over you with godly jealousy." be not afraid then to read my appeal; it is _not_ written in the heat of passion or prejudice, but in that solemn calmness which is the result of conviction and duty. it is true, i am going to tell you unwelcome truths, but i mean to speak those _truths in love_, and remember solomon says, "faithful are the _wounds_ of a friend." i do not believe the time has yet come when _christian women_ "will not endure sound doctrine," even on the subject of slavery, if it is spoken to them in tenderness and love, therefore i now address _you_. * * * * * postage.--this periodical contains four and a half sheets. postage under miles, - cents; over miles, - cents. please read and circulate. to all of you then, known or unknown, relatives or strangers, (for you are all _one_ to christ,) i would speak. i have felt for you at this time, when unwelcome light is pouring in upon the world on the subject of slavery; light which even christians would exclude, if they could, from our country, or at any rate from the southern portion of it, saying, as its rays strike the rock bound coasts of new england and scatter their warmth and radiance over her hills and valleys, and from thence travel onward over the palisades of the hudson, and down the soft flowing waters of the delaware and gild the waves of the potomac, "hitherto shalt thou come and no further;" i know that even professors of his name who has been emphatically called the "light of the world" would, if they could, build a wall of adamant around the southern states whose top might reach unto heaven, in order to shut out the light which is bounding from mountain to mountain and from the hills to the plains and valleys beneath, through the vast extent of our northern states. but believe me, when i tell you, their attempts will be as utterly fruitless as were the efforts of the builders of babel; and why? because moral, like natural light, is so extremely subtle in its nature as to overleap all human barriers, and laugh at the puny efforts of man to control it. all the excuses and palliations of this system must inevitably be swept away, just as other "refuges of lies" have been, by the irresistible torrent of a rectified public opinion. "the _supporters_ of the slave system," says jonathan dymond in his admirable work on the principles of morality, "will _hereafter_ be regarded with the _same_ public feeling, as he who was an advocate for the slave trade _now is_." it will be, and that very soon, clearly perceived and fully acknowledged by all the virtuous and the candid, that in _principle_ it is as sinful to hold a human being in bondage who has been born in carolina, as one who has been born in africa. all that sophistry of argument which has been employed to prove, that although it is sinful to send to africa to procure men and women as slaves, who have never been in slavery, that still, it is not sinful to keep those in bondage who have come down by inheritance, will be utterly overthrown. we must come back to the good old doctrine of our forefathers who declared to the world, "this self evident truth that _all_ men are created equal, and that they have certain _inalienable_ rights among which are life, _liberty_, and the pursuit of happiness." it is even a greater absurdity to suppose a man can be legally born a slave under _our free republican_ government, than under the petty despotisms of barbarian africa. if then, we have no right to enslave an african, surely we can have none to enslave an american; if it is a self evident truth that _all_ men, every where and of every color are born equal, and have an _inalienable right to liberty_, then it is equally true that _no_ man can be born a slave, and no man can ever _rightfully_ be reduced to _involuntary_ bondage and held as a slave, however fair may be the claim of his master or mistress through wills and title-deeds. but after all, it may be said, our fathers were certainly mistaken, for the bible sanctions slavery, and that is the highest authority. now the bible is my ultimate appeal in all matters of faith and practice, and it is to _this test_ i am anxious to bring the subject at issue between us. let us then begin with adam and examine the charter of privileges which was given to him. "have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." in the eighth psalm we have a still fuller description of this charter which through adam was given to all mankind. "thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. all sheep and oxen, yea, and the beasts of the field, the fowl of the air, the fish of the sea, and whatsoever passeth through the paths of the seas." and after the flood when this charter of human rights was renewed, we find _no additional_ power vested in man. "and the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and every fowl of the air, and upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea, into your hand are they delivered." in this charter, although the different kinds of _irrational_ beings are so particularly enumerated, and supreme dominion over _all of them_ is granted, yet _man_ is _never_ vested with this dominion _over his fellow man;_ he was never told that any of the human species were put _under his feet;_ it was only _all things_, and man, who was created in the image of his maker, _never_ can properly be termed a _thing_, though the laws of slave states do call him "a chattel personal;" _man_ then, i assert _never_ was put _under the feet of man_, by that first charter of human rights which was given by god, to the fathers of the antediluvian and postdiluvian worlds, therefore this doctrine of equality is based on the bible. but it may be argued, that in the very chapter of genesis from which i have last quoted, will be found the curse pronounced upon canaan, by which his posterity was consigned to servitude under his brothers shem and japheth. i know this prophecy was uttered, and was most fearfully and wonderfully fulfilled, through the immediate descendants of canaan, _i.e._ the canaanites, and i do not know but it has been through all the children of ham, but i do know that prophecy does _not_ tell us what _ought to be_, but what actually does take place, ages after it has been delivered, and that if we justify america for enslaving the children of africa, we must also justify egypt for reducing the children of israel to bondage, for the latter was foretold as explicitly as the former. i am well aware that prophecy has often been urged as an excuse for slavery, but be not deceived, the fulfillment of prophecy will _not cover one sin_ in the awful day of account. hear what our saviour says on this subject; "it must needs be that offences come, but _woe unto that man through whom they come_"--witness some fulfillment of this declaration in the tremendous destruction of jerusalem, occasioned by that most nefarious of all crimes the crucifixion of the son of god. did the fact of that event having been foretold, exculpate the jews from sin in perpetrating it; no--for hear what the apostle peter says to them on this subject, "him being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of god, _ye_ have taken, and by _wicked_ hands have crucified and slain." other striking instances might be adduced, but these will suffice. but it has been urged that the patriarchs held slaves, and therefore, slavery is right. do you really believe that patriarchal servitude was like american slavery? can you believe it? if so, read the history of these primitive fathers of the church and be undeceived. look at abraham, though so great a man, going to the herd himself and fetching a calf from thence and serving it up with his own hands, for the entertainment of his guests. look at sarah, that princess as her name signifies, baking cakes upon the hearth. if the servants they had were like southern slaves, would they have performed such comparatively menial offices for themselves? hear too the plaintive lamentation of abraham when he feared he should have no son to bear his name down to posterity. "behold thou hast given me no seed, &c., one born in my house _is mine_ heir." from this it appears that one of his _servants_ was to inherit his immense estate. is this like southern slavery? i leave it to your own good sense and candor to decide. besides, such was the footing upon which abraham was with _his_ servants, that he trusted them with arms. are slaveholders willing to put swords and pistols into the hands of their slaves? he was as a father among his servants; what are planters and masters generally among theirs? when the institution of circumcision was established, abraham was commanded thus; "he that is eight days old shall be circumcised among you, _every_ man-child in your generations; he that is born in the house, or bought with money of any stranger which is not of thy seed." and to render this command with regard to his _servants_ still more impressive it is repeated in the very next verse; and herein we may perceive the great care which was taken by god to guard the _rights of servants_ even under this "dark dispensation." what too was the testimony given to the faithfulness of this eminent patriarch. "for i know him that he will command his children and his _household_ after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." now my dear friends many of you believe that circumcision has been superseded by baptism in the church; _are you_ careful to have _all_ that are born in your house or bought with money of any stranger, baptized? are _you_ as faithful as abraham to command _your household to keep the way of the lord?_ i leave it to your own consciences to decide. was patriarchal servitude then like american slavery? but i shall be told, god sanctioned slavery, yea commanded slavery under the jewish dispensation. let us examine this subject calmly and prayerfully. i admit that a species of _servitude_ was permitted to the jews, but in studying the subject i have been struck with wonder and admiration at perceiving how carefully the servant was guarded from violence, injustice and wrong. i will first inform you how these servants became servants, for i think this a very important part of our subject. from consulting horne, calmet and the bible, i find there were six different ways by which the hebrews became servants legally. . if reduced to extreme poverty, a hebrew might sell himself, i.e. his services, for six years, in which case _he_ received the purchase money _himself_. lev. xxv, . . a father might sell his children as servants, i.e. his _daughters_, in which circumstance it was understood the daughter was to be the wife or daughter-in-law of the man who bought her, and the _father_ received the price. in other words, jewish women were sold as _white women_ were in the first settlement of virginia--as _wives_, _not_ as slaves. ex. xxi, . . insolvent debtors might be delivered to their creditors as servants. kings iv, . . thieves not able to make restitution for their thefts, were sold for the benefit of the injured person. ex. xxii, . . they might be born in servitude. ex. xxi, . . if a hebrew had sold himself to a rich gentile, he might be redeemed by one of his brethren at any time the money was offered; and he who redeemed him, was _not_ to take advantage of the favor thus conferred, and rule over him with rigor. lev. xxv, - . before going into an examination of the laws by which these servants were protected, i would just ask whether american slaves have become slaves in any of the ways in which the hebrews became servants. did they sell themselves into slavery and receive the purchase money into their own hands? no! did they become insolvent, and by their own imprudence subject themselves to be sold as slaves? no! did they steal the property of another, and were they sold to make restitution for their crimes? no! did their present masters, as an act of kindness, redeem them from some heathen tyrant to whom _they had sold themselves_ in the dark hour of adversity? no! were they born in slavery? no! no! not according to _jewish law_, for the servants who were born in servitude among them, were born of parents who had _sold themselves_ for six years: ex. xxi, . were the female slaves of the south sold by their fathers? how shall i answer this question? thousands and tens of thousands never were, _their_ fathers _never_ have received the poor compensation of silver or gold for the tears and toils, the suffering, and anguish, and hopeless bondage of _their_ daughters. they labor day by day, and year by year, side by side, in the same field, if haply their daughters are permitted to remain on the same plantation with them, instead of being as they often are, separated from their parents and sold into distant states, never again to meet on earth. but do the _fathers of the south ever sell their daughters?_ my heart beats, and my hand trembles, as i write the awful affirmative, yes! the fathers of this christian land often sell their daughters, _not_ as jewish parents did, to be the wives and daughters-in-law of the man who buys them, but to be the abject slaves of petty tyrants and irresponsible masters. is it not so, my friends? i leave it to your own candor to corroborate my assertion. southern slaves then have _not_ become slaves in any of the six different ways in which hebrews became servants, and i hesitate not to say that american masters _cannot_ according to _jewish law_ substantiate their claim to the men, women, or children they now hold in bondage. but there was one way in which a jew might illegally be reduced to servitude; it was this, he might he _stolen_ and afterwards sold as a slave, as was joseph. to guard most effectually against this dreadful crime of manstealing, god enacted this severe law. "he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death[a]." as i have tried american slavery by _legal_ hebrew servitude, and found, (to your surprise, perhaps,) that jewish law cannot justify the slaveholder's claim, let us now try it by _illegal_ hebrew bondage. have the southern slaves then been stolen? if they did not sell themselves into bondage; if they were not sold as insolvent debtors or as thieves; if they were not redeemed from a heathen master to whom they had sold themselves; if they were not born in servitude according to hebrew law; and if the females were not sold by their fathers as wives and daughters-in-law to those who purchased them; then what shall we say of them? what can we say of them? but that according _to hebrew law they have been stolen_. [footnote a: and again, "if a man be found stealing any of his brethren of the children of israel, and maketh merchandise of him, or selleth him; then _that thief shall die_, and thou shalt put away evil from among you." deut. xxiv, .] but i shall be told that the jews had other servants who were absolute slaves. let us look a little into this also. they had other servants who were procured in two different ways. . captives taken in war were reduced to bondage instead of being killed; but we are not told that their children were enslaved. deut. xx, . . bondmen and bondmaids might be bought from the heathen round about them; these were left by fathers to their children after them, but it does not appear that the _children_ of these servants ever were reduced to servitude. lev. xxv, . i will now try the right of the southern planter by the claims of hebrew masters over their _heathen_ slaves. were the southern slaves taken captive in war? no! were they bought from the heathen? no! for surely, no one will _now_ vindicate the slave-trade so far as to assert that slaves were bought from the heathen who were obtained by that system of piracy. the only excuse for holding southern slaves is that they were born in slavery, but we have seen that they were _not_ born in servitude as jewish servants were, and that the children of heathen slaves were not legally subjected to bondage even under the mosaic law. how then have the slaves of the south been obtained? i will next proceed to an examination of those laws which were enacted in order to protect the hebrew and the heathen servant; for i wish you to understand that _both_ are protected by him, of whom it is said "his mercies are over all his works." i will first speak of those which secured the rights of hebrew servants. this code was headed thus: . thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god. . if thou buy a hebrew servant, six years shall he serve, and in the seventh year he shall go out free for nothing. ex. xx, [a]. [footnote a: and when thou sendest him out free from thee, thou shalt not let him go away empty: thou shalt furnish him _liberally_ out of thy flock and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, shalt thou give unto him. deut. xv, , .] . if he come in by himself, he shall go out by himself; if he were married, then his wife shall go out with him. . if his master have given him a wife and she have borne him sons and daughters, the wife and her children shall be his master's, and he shall go out by himself. . if the servant shall plainly say, i love my master, my wife, and my children; i will not go out free; then his master shall bring him unto the judges, and he shall bring him to the door, or unto the door-post, and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl, and he shall serve him _forever_. ex. xxi, - . . if a man smite the eye of his servant, or the eye of his maid, that it perish, he shall let him go _free_ for his eye's sake. and if he smite out his man servant's tooth or his maid servant's tooth, he shall let him go _free_ for his tooth's sake. ex. xxi, , . . on the sabbath rest was secured to servants by the fourth commandment. ex. xx, . . servants were permitted to unite with their masters three times in every year in celebrating the passover, the feast of pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles; every male throughout the land was to appear before the lord at jerusalem with a gift; here the bond and the free stood on common ground. deut. xvi. . if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money. ex. xxi, , . from these laws we learn that hebrew men servants were bound to serve their masters _only six_ years, unless their attachment to their employers, their wives and children, should induce them to wish to remain in servitude, in which case, in order to prevent the possibility of deception on the part of the master, the servant was first taken before the magistrate, where he openly declared his intention of continuing in his master's service, (probably a public register was kept of such) he was then conducted to the door of the house, (in warm climates doors are thrown open,) and _there_ his ear was _publicly_ bored, and by submitting to this operation he testified his willingness to serve him _forever_, i.e. during his life, for jewish rabbins who must have understood jewish _slavery_, (as it is called,) "affirm that servants were set free at the death of their masters and did _not_ descend to their heirs:" or that he was to serve him until the year of jubilee, when _all_ servants were set at liberty. to protect servants from violence, it was ordained that if a master struck out the tooth or destroyed the eye of a servant, that servant immediately became _free_, for such an act of violence evidently showed he was unfit to possess the power of a master, and therefore that power was taken from him. all servants enjoyed the rest of the sabbath and partook of the privileges and festivities of the three great jewish feasts; and if a servant died under the infliction of chastisement, his master was surely to be punished. as a tooth for a tooth and life for life was the jewish law, of course he was punished with death. i know that great stress has been laid upon the following verse: "notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." slaveholders, and the apologists of slavery, have eagerly seized upon this little passage of scripture, and held it up as the masters' magna charta, by which they were licensed by god himself to commit the greatest outrages upon the defenceless victims of their oppression. but, my friends, was it designed to be so? if our heavenly father would protect by law the eye and the tooth of a hebrew servant, can we for a moment believe that he would abandon that same servant to the brutal rape of a master who would destroy even life itself. do we not rather see in this, the _only_ law which protected masters, and was it not right that in case of the death of a servant, one or two days after chastisement was inflicted, to which other circumstances might have contributed, that the master should be protected when, in all probability, he never intended to produce so fatal a result? but the phrase "he is his money" has been adduced to show that hebrew servants were regarded as mere _things_, "chattels personal;" if so, why were so many laws made to _secure their rights as men_, and to ensure their rising into equality and freedom? if they were mere _things_, why were they regarded as responsible beings, and one law made for them as well as for their masters? but i pass on now to the consideration of how the _female_ jewish servants were protected by _law_. . if she please not her master, who hath betrothed her to himself, then shall he let her be redeemed: to sell her unto another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her. . if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters. . if he take him another wife, her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage, shall he not diminish. . if he do not these three unto her, then shall she go out _free_ without money. on these laws i will give you calmet's remarks; "a father could not sell his daughter as a slave, according to the rabbins, until she was at the age of puberty, and unless he were reduced to the utmost indigence. besides, when a master bought an israelitish girl, it was _always_ with the presumption that he would take her to wife." hence moses adds, "if she please not her master, and he does not think fit to marry her, he shall set her at liberty," or according to the hebrew, "he shall let her be redeemed." "to sell her to another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her;" as to the engagement implied, at least of taking her to wife. "if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters, i.e. he shall take care that his son uses her as his wife, that he does not despise or maltreat her. if he make his son marry another wife, he shall give her her dowry, her clothes and compensation for her virginity; if he does none of these three, she shall _go out free_ without money." thus were the _rights of female servants carefully secured by law_ under the jewish dispensation; and now i would ask, are the rights of female slaves at the south thus secured? are _they_ sold only as wives and daughters-in-law, and when not treated as such, are they allowed to _go out free_? no! they have _all_ not only been illegally obtained as servants according to hebrew law, but they are also illegally _held_ in bondage. masters at the south and west have all forfeited their claims, (_if they ever had any_,) to their female slaves. we come now to examine the case of those servants who were "of the heathen round about;" were _they_ left entirely unprotected by law? horne in speaking of the law, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god," remarks, "this law lev. xxv, ; it is true speaks expressly of slaves who were of hebrew descent; but as _alien born_ slaves were ingrafted into the hebrew church by circumcision, _there is no doubt_ but that it applied to _all_ slaves;" if so, then we may reasonably suppose that the other protective laws extended to them also; and that the only difference between hebrew and heathen servants lay in this, that the former served but six years unless they chose to remain longer; and were always freed at the death of their masters; whereas the latter served until the year of jubilee, though that might include a period of forty-nine years,--and were left from father to son. there are however two other laws which i have not yet noticed. the one effectually prevented _all involuntary_ servitude, and the other completely abolished jewish servitude every fifty years. they were equally operative upon the heathen and the hebrew. . "thou shall _not_ deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best: thou shall _not_ oppress him." deut. xxxiii; , . . "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim _liberty_ throughout _all_ the land, unto _all_ the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubilee unto you." deut. xxv, . here, then, we see that by this first law, the _door of freedom was opened wide to every servant who_ had any cause whatever for complaint; if he was unhappy with his master, all he had to do was to leave him, and _no man_ had a right to deliver him back to him again, and not only so, but the absconded servant was to _choose_ where he should live, and no jew was permitted to oppress him. he left his master just as our northern servants leave us; we have no power to compel them to remain with us, and no man has any right to oppress them; they go and dwell in that place where it chooseth them, and live just where they like. is it so at the south? is the poor runaway slave protected _by law_ from the violence of that master whose oppression and cruelty has driven him from his plantation or his house? no! no! even the free states of the north are compelled to deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master into them. by _human_ law, under the _christian dispensation_, in the _nineteenth century_ we are commanded to do, what _god_ more than _three thousand_ years ago, under the _mosaic dispensation_, _positively commanded_ the jews _not_ to do. in the wide domain even of our free states, there is not _one_ city of refuge for the poor runaway fugitive; not one spot upon which he can stand and say, i am a free man--i am protected in my rights as a _man_, by the strong arm of the law; no! _not one_. how long the north will thus shake hands with the south in sin, i know not. how long she will stand by like the persecutor saul, _consenting_ unto the death of stephen, and keeping the raiment of them that slew him, i know not; but one thing i do know, the _guilt of the north_ is increasing in a tremendous ratio as light is pouring in upon her on the subject and the sin of slavery. as the sun of righteousness climbs higher and higher in the moral heavens, she will stand still more and more abashed as the query is thundered down into her ear, "_who_ hath required _this_ at thy hand?" it will be found _no_ excuse then that the constitution of our country required that _persons bound to service_ escaping from their masters should be delivered up; no more excuse than was the reason which adam assigned for eating the forbidden fruit. _he was condemned and punished because_ he hearkened to the voice of _his wife_, rather than to the command of his maker; and _we_ will assuredly be condemned and punished for obeying _man_ rather than _god_, if we do not speedily repent and bring forth fruits meet for repentance. yea, are we not receiving chastisement even _now_? but by the second of these laws a still more astonishing fact is disclosed. if the first effectually prevented _all involuntary servitude_, the last absolutely forbade even _voluntary servitude being perpetual_. on the great day of atonement every fiftieth year the jubilee trumpet was sounded throughout the land of judea, and _liberty_ was proclaimed to _all_ the inhabitants thereof. i will not say that the servants' _chains_ fell off and their _manacles_ were burst, for there is no evidence that jewish servants _ever_ felt the weight of iron chains, and collars, and handcuffs; but i do say that even the man who had voluntarily sold himself and the _heathen_ who had been sold to a hebrew master, were set free, the one as well as the other. this law was evidently designed to prevent the oppression of the poor, and the possibility of such a thing as _perpetual servitude_ existing among them. where, then, i would ask, is the warrant, the justification, or the palliation of american slavery from hebrew servitude? how many of the southern slaves would now be in bondage according to the laws of moses; not one. you may observe that i have carefully avoided using the term _slavery_ when speaking of jewish servitude; and simply for this reason, that _no such thing_ existed among that people; the word translated servant does _not_ mean _slave_, it is the same that is applied to abraham, to moses, to elisha and the prophets generally. _slavery_ then _never_ existed under the jewish dispensation at all, and i cannot but regard it as an aspersion on the character of him who is "glorious in holiness" for any one to assert that "_god sanctioned, yea commanded slavery_ under the old dispensation." i would fain lift my feeble voice to vindicate jehovah's character from so foul a slander. if slaveholders are determined to hold slaves as long as they can, let them not dare to say that the god of mercy and of truth _ever_ sanctioned such a system of cruelty and wrong. it is blasphemy against him. we have seen that the code of laws framed by moses with regard to servants was designed to _protect them_ as _men and women_, to secure to them their _rights_ as _human beings_, to guard them from oppression and defend them from violence of every kind. let us now turn to the slave laws of the south and west and examine them too. i will give you the substance only, because i fear i shall trespass too much on your time, were i to quote them at length. . _slavery_ is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants to the latest posterity. . the labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensated; while the kind of labor, the amount of toil, the time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. no bargain is made, no wages given. a pure despotism governs the human brute; and even his covering and provender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on the master's discretion[a]. [footnote a: there are laws in some of the slave states, limiting the labor which the master may require of the slave to fourteen hours daily. in some of the states there are laws requiring the masters to furnish a certain amount of food and clothing, as for instance, _one quart_ of corn per day, or _one peck_ per week, or _one bushel_ per month, and "one linen shirt and pantaloons for the summer, and a linen shirt and woolen great coat and pantaloons for the winter," &c. but "still," to use the language of judge stroud "the slave is entirely under the control of his master,--is unprovided with a protector,--and, especially as he cannot be a witness or make complaint in any known mode against his master, the apparent object of these laws may _always_ be defeated." ed.] . the slave being considered a personal chattel may be sold or pledged, or leased at the will of his master. he may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts or taxes either of a living or dead master. sold at auction, either individually, or in lots to suit the purchaser, he may remain with his family, or be separated from them for ever. . slaves can make no contracts and have no _legal_ right to any property, real or personal. their own honest earnings and the legacies of friends belong in point of law to their masters. . neither a slave nor a free colored person can be a witness against any _white_, or free person, in a court of justice, however atrocious may have been the crimes they have seen him commit, if such testimony would be for the benefit of a _slave_; but they may give testimony _against a fellow slave_, or free colored man, even in cases affecting life, if the _master_ is to reap the advantage of it. . the slave may be punished at his master's discretion--without trial--without any means of legal redress; whether his offence be real or imaginary; and the master can transfer the same despotic power to any person or persons, he may choose to appoint. . the slave is not allowed to resist any free man under _any_ circumstances, _his_ only safety consists in the fact that his _owner_ may bring suit and recover the price of his body, in case his life is taken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. . slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary for their personal safety. . the slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic relations. . the laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where the master is willing to enfranchise them. . the operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation. . the whole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance. . there is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. what is a trifling fault in the _white_ man, is considered highly criminal in the _slave_; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollars only, are punished in the negro with death. . the laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color[a]. [footnote a: see mrs. child's appeal, chap. ii.] shall i ask you now my friends, to draw the _parallel_ between jewish _servitude_ and american _slavery_? no! for there is _no likeness_ in the two systems; i ask you rather to mark the contrast. the laws of moses _protected servants_ in their _rights as men and women_, guarded them from oppression and defended them from wrong. the code noir of the south _robs the slave of all his rights_ as a _man_, reduces him to a chattel personal, and defends the _master_ in the exercise of the most unnatural and unwarrantable power over his slave. they each bear the impress of the hand which formed them. the attributes of justice and mercy are shadowed out in the hebrew code; those of injustice and cruelty, in the code noir of america. truly it was wise in the slaveholders of the south to declare their slaves to be "chattels personal;" for before they could be robbed of wages, wives, children, and friends, it was absolutely necessary to deny they were human beings. it is wise in them, to keep them in abject ignorance, for the strong man armed must be bound before we can spoil his house--the powerful intellect of man must be bound down with the iron chains of nescience before we can rob him of his rights as a man; we must reduce him to a _thing_; before we can claim the right to set our feet upon his neck, because it was only _all things_ which were originally _put under the feet of man_ by the almighty and beneficent father of all, who has declared himself to be _no respecter_ of persons, whether red, white, or black. but some have even said that jesus christ did not condemn slavery. to this i reply, that our holy redeemer lived and preached among the jews only. the laws which moses had enacted fifteen hundred years previous to his appearance among them, had never been annulled, and these laws _protected_ every servant in palestine. that he saw nothing of _perpetual_ servitude is certain from the simple declaration made by himself in john, viii, . "the servant abideth _not_ in the house for ever, the son abideth ever." if then he did not condemn jewish _temporary_ servitude, this does not prove that he would not have condemned such a monstrous system as that of american _slavery_, if that had existed among them. but did not jesus condemn slavery? let us examine some of his precepts. "_whatsoever_ ye would that men should do to you, do _ye even so to them_." let every slaveholder apply these queries to his own heart; am _i_ willing to be a slave--am _i_ willing to see _my_ husband the slave of another--am _i_ willing to see my mother a slave, or my father, my _white_ sister, or my _white_ brother? if _not_, then in holding others as slaves, i am doing what i would _not_ wish to be done to me or any relative i have; and thus have i broken this golden rule which was given _me_ to walk by. but some slaveholders have said, "we were never in bondage to any man," and therefore the yoke of bondage would be insufferable to us, but slaves are accustomed to it, their backs are fitted to the burden. well, i am willing to admit that you who have lived in freedom would find slavery even more oppressive than the poor slave does, but then you may try this question in another form--am i willing to reduce _my little child_ to slavery? you know that _if it is brought up a slave_, it will never know any contrast between freedom and bondage; its back will become fitted to the burden just as the negro child's does--_not by nature_--but by daily, violent pressure, in the same way that the head of the indian child becomes flattened by the boards in which it is bound. it has been justly remarked that "_god never made a slave_," he made man upright; his back was _not_ made to carry burdens as the slave of another, nor his neck to wear a yoke, and the _man_ must be crushed within him, before _his_ back can be _fitted_ to the burden of perpetual slavery; and that his back is _not_ fitted to it, is manifest by the insurrections that so often disturb the peace and security of slave-holding countries. who ever heard of a rebellion of the beasts of the field; and why not? simply because _they_ were all placed _under the feet of man_, into whose hand they were delivered; it was originally designed that they should serve him, therefore their necks have been formed for the yoke, and their backs for the burden; but _not so with man_, intellectual, immortal man! i appeal to you, my friends, as mothers; are you willing to enslave _your_ children? you start back with horror and indignation at such a question. but why, if slavery is _no wrong_ to those upon whom it is imposed? why, if, as has often been said, slaves are happier than their masters, freer from the cares and perplexities of providing for themselves and their families? why not place _your children_ in the way of being supported without your having the trouble to provide for them, or they for themselves? do you not perceive that as soon as this golden rule of action is applied to _yourselves_, that you involuntarily shrink from the test; as soon as _your_ actions are weighed in _this_ balance of the sanctuary, that _you are found wanting?_ try yourselves by another of the divine precepts, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." can we love a man _as_ we love _ourselves_ if we do, and continue to do unto him, what we would not wish any one to do to us? look too, at christ's example, what does he say of himself, "i came _not_ to be ministered unto, but to minister." can you for a moment imagine the meek, and lowly, and compassionate saviour, a _slaveholder_? do you not shudder at this thought as much as at that of his being a _warrior_? but why, if slavery is not sinful? again, it has been said, the apostle paul did not condemn slavery, for he sent onesimus back to philemon. i do not think it can be said he sent him back, for no coercion was made use of. onesimus was not thrown into prison and then sent back in chains to his master, as your runaway slaves often are--this could not possibly have been the case, because you know paul as a jew, was _bound to protect_ the runaway, _he had no right_ to send any fugitive back to his master. the state of the case then seems to have been this. onesimus had been an unprofitable servant to philemon and left him--he afterwards became converted under the apostle's preaching, and seeing that he had been to blame in his conduct, and desiring by future fidelity to atone for past error, he wished to return, and the apostle gave him the letter we now have as a recommendation to philemon, informing him of the conversion of onesimus, and entreating him as "paul the aged to receive him, _not_ now as a _servant_, but _above_ a servant, a brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord. if thou count _me_ therefore as a partner, _receive him as myself._" this then surely cannot be forced into a justification of the practice of returning runaway slaves back to their masters, to be punished with cruel beatings and scourgings as they often are. besides the word [greek: doulos] here translated servant, is the same that is made use of in matt. xviii, . now it appears that this servant owed his lord ten thousand talents; he possessed property to a vast amount. onesimus could not then have been a _slave_, for slaves do not own their wives, or children; no, not even their own bodies, much less property. but again, the servitude which the apostle was accustomed to, must have been very different from american slavery, for he says, "the heir (or son), as long as he is a child, differeth _nothing from a servant_, though he be lord of all. but is under _tutors_ and governors until the time appointed of the father." from this it appears, that the means of _instruction_ were provided for _servants_ as well as children; and indeed we know it must have been so among the jews, because their servants were not permitted to remain in perpetual bondage, and therefore it was absolutely necessary they should be prepared to occupy higher stations in society than those of servants. is it so at the south, my friends? is the daily bread of instruction provided for _your slaves_? are their minds enlightened, and they gradually prepared to rise from the grade of menials into that of _free_, independent members of the state? let your own statute book, and your own daily experience, answer these questions. if this apostle sanctioned _slavery_, why did he exhort masters thus in his epistle to the ephesians, "and ye, masters, do the same things unto them (i.e. perform your duties to your servants as unto christ, not unto me) _forbearing threatening_; knowing that your master also is in heaven, neither is _there respect of persons with him_." and in colossians, "masters give unto your servants that which is _just and equal_, knowing that ye also have a master in heaven." let slaveholders only _obey_ these injunctions of paul, and i am satisfied slavery would soon be abolished. if he thought it sinful even to _threaten_ servants, surely he must have thought it sinful to flog and to beat them with sticks and paddles; indeed, when delineating the character of a bishop, he expressly names this as one feature of it, "_no striker_." let masters give unto their servants that which is _just_ and _equal_, and all that vast system of unrequited labor would crumble into ruin. yes, and if they once felt they had no right to the _labor_ of their servants without pay, surely they could not think they had a right to their wives, their children, and their own bodies. again, how can it be said paul sanctioned slavery, when, as though to put this matter beyond all doubt, in that black catalogue of sins enumerated in his first epistle to timothy, he mentions "_menstealers_," which word may be translated "_slavedealers_." but you may say, we all despise slavedealers as much as any one can; they are never admitted into genteel or respectable society. and why not? is it not because even you shrink back from the idea of associating with those who make their fortunes by trading in the bodies and souls of men, women, and children? whose daily work it is to break human hearts, by tearing wives from their husbands, and children from their parents? but why hold slavedealers as despicable, if their trade is lawful and virtuous? and why despise them more than the _gentlemen of fortune and standing_ who employ them as _their_ agents? why more than the _professors of religion_ who barter their fellow-professors to them for gold and silver? we do not despise the land agent, or the physician, or the merchant, and why? simply because their professions are virtuous and honorable; and if the trade of men-jobbers was honorable, you would not despise them either. there is no difference in _principle_, in _christian ethics_, between the despised slavedealer and the _christian_ who buys slaves from, or sells slaves to him; indeed, if slaves were not wanted by the respectable, the wealthy, and the religious in a community, there would be no slaves in that community, and of course no _slavedealers_. it is then the _christians_ and the _honorable men_ and _women_ of the south, who are the _main pillars_ of this grand temple built to mammon and to moloch. it is the _most enlightened_ in every country who are _most_ to blame when any public sin is supported by public opinion, hence isaiah says, "_when_ the lord hath performed his whole work upon mount _zion_ and on _jerusalem_, (then) i will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of assyria, and the glory of his high looks." and was it not so? open the historical records of that age, was not israel carried into captivity b.c. , judah b.c. , and the stout heart of the heathen monarchy not punished until b.c. , fifty-two years _after_ judah's, and seventy years _after_ israel's captivity, when it was overthrown by cyrus, king of persia? hence, too, the apostle peter says, "judgment must _begin at the house of god_." surely this would not be the case, if the _professors of religion_ were not _most worthy_ of blame. but it may be asked, why are _they_ most culpable? i will tell you, my friends. it is because sin is imputed to us just in proportion to the spiritual light we receive. thus the prophet amos says, in the name of jehovah, "_you only_ have i known of all the families of the earth: _therefore_ i will punish you for all your iniquities." hear too the doctrine of our lord on this important subject; "the servant who _knew_ his lord's will and _prepared not_ himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with _many_ stripes": and why? "for unto whomsoever _much_ is given, _of him_ shall _much_ be required; and to whom men have committed _much_, of _him_ they will ask the _more_." oh! then that the _christians_ of the south would ponder these things in their hearts, and awake to the vast responsibilities which rest _upon them_ at this important crisis. i have thus, i think, clearly proved to you seven propositions, viz.: first, that slavery is contrary to the declaration of our independence. second, that it is contrary to the first charter of human rights given to adam, and renewed to noah. third, that the fact of slavery having been the subject of prophecy, furnishes _no_ excuse whatever to slavedealers. fourth, that no such system existed under the patriarchal dispensation. fifth, that _slavery never_ existed under the jewish dispensation; but so far otherwise, that every servant was placed under the _protection of law_, and care taken not only to prevent all _involuntary_ servitude, but all _voluntary perpetual_ bondage. sixth, that slavery in america reduces a _man_ to a _thing_, a "chattel personal," _robs him_ of _all_ his rights as a _human being_, fetters both his mind and body, and protects the _master_ in the most unnatural and unreasonable power, whilst it _throws him out_ of the protection of law. seventh, that slavery is contrary to the example and precepts of our holy and merciful redeemer, and of his apostles. but perhaps you will be ready to query, why appeal to _women_ on this subject? _we_ do not make the laws which perpetuate slavery. _no_ legislative power is vested in _us_; _we_ can do nothing to overthrow the system, even if we wished to do so. to this i reply, i know you do not make the laws, but i also know that _you are the wives and mothers, the sisters and daughters of those who do_; and if you really suppose _you_ can do nothing to overthrow slavery, you are greatly mistaken. you can do much in every way: four things i will name. st. you can read on this subject. d. you can pray over this subject. d. you can speak on this subject. th. you can _act_ on this subject. i have not placed reading before praying because i regard it more important, but because, in order to pray aright, we must understand what we are praying for; it is only then we can "pray with the understanding and the spirit also." . read then on the subject of slavery. search the scriptures daily, whether the things i have told you are true. other books and papers might be a great help to you to this investigation, but they are not necessary, and it is hardly probable that your committees of vigilance will allow you to have any other. the _bible_ then is the book i want you to read in the spirit of inquiry, and the spirit of prayer. even the enemies of abolitionists, acknowledge that their doctrines are drawn from it. in the great mob in boston, last autumn, when the books and papers of the anti-slavery society, were thrown out of the windows of their office, one individual laid hold of the bible and was about tossing it out to the ground, when another reminded him that it was the bible he had in his hand. "o! _'tis all one_," he replied, and out went the sacred volume, along with the rest. we thank him for the acknowledgment. yes, "_it is all one_," for our books and papers are mostly commentaries on the bible, and the declaration. read the _bible _then, it contains the words of jesus, and they are spirit and life. judge for yourselves whether _he sanctioned_ such a system of oppression and crime. . pray over this subject. when you have entered into your closets, and shut to the doors, then pray to your father, who seeth in secret, that he would open your eyes to see whether slavery is _sinful_, and if it is, that he would enable you to bear a faithful, open and un-shrinking testimony against it, and to do whatsoever your hands find to do, leaving the consequences entirely to him, who still says to us whenever we try to reason away duty from the fear of consequences, "_what is that to thee, follow thou me_." pray also for that poor slave, that he may be kept patient and submissive under his hard lot, until god is pleased to open the door of freedom to him without violence or bloodshed. pray too for the master that his heart may be softened, and he made willing to acknowledge, as joseph's brethren did, "verily we are guilty concerning our brother," before he will be compelled to add in consequence of divine judgment, "therefore is all this evil come upon us." pray also for all your brethren and sisters who are laboring in the righteous cause of emancipation in the northern states, england and the world. there is great encouragement for prayer in these words of our lord. "whatsoever ye shall ask the father in my name, he will give it to you"--pray then without ceasing, in the closet and the social circle. . speak on this subject. it is through the tongue, the pen, and the press, that truth is principally propagated. speak then to your relatives, your friends, your acquaintances on the subject of slavery; be not afraid if you are conscientiously convinced it is _sinful_, to say so openly, but calmly, and to let your sentiments be known. if you are served by the slaves of others, try to ameliorate their condition as much as possible; never aggravate their faults, and thus add fuel to the fire of anger already kindled, in a master and mistress's bosom; remember their extreme ignorance, and consider them as your heavenly father does the _less_ culpable on this account, even when they do wrong things. discountenance _all_ cruelty to them, all starvation, all corporal chastisement; these may brutalize and _break_ their spirits, but will never bend them to willing, cheerful obedience. if possible, see that they are comfortably and _seasonably_ fed, whether in the house or the field; it is unreasonable and cruel to expect slaves to wait for their breakfast until eleven o'clock, when they rise at five or six. do all you can, to induce their owners to clothe them well, and to allow them many little indulgences which would contribute to their comfort. above all, try to persuade your husband, father, brothers and sons, that _slavery is a crime against god and man_, and that it is a great sin to keep _human beings_ in such abject ignorance; to deny them the privilege of learning to read and write. the catholics are universally condemned, for denying the bible to the common people, but, _slaveholders must not_ blame them, for _they_ are doing the _very same thing_, and for the very same reason, neither of these systems can bear the light which bursts from the pages of that holy book. and lastly, endeavour to inculcate submission on the part of the slaves, but whilst doing this be faithful in pleading the cause of the oppressed. "will _you_ behold unheeding, life's holiest feelings crushed, where _woman's_ heart is bleeding, shall _woman's_ voice be hushed?" . act on this subject. some of you _own_ slaves yourselves. if you believe slavery is _sinful_, set them at liberty, "undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free." if they wish to remain with you, pay them wages, if not let them leave you. should they remain teach them, and have them taught the common branches of an english education; they have minds and those minds, _ought to be improved_. so precious a talent as intellect, never was given to be wrapt in a napkin and buried in the earth. it is the _duty_ of all, as far as they can, to improve their own mental faculties, because we are commanded to love god with _all our minds_, as well as with all our hearts, and we commit a great sin, if we _forbid or prevent_ that cultivation of the mind in others, which would enable them to perform this duty. teach your servants then to read &c., and encourage them to believe it is their _duty_ to learn, if it were only that they might read the bible. but some of you will say, we can neither free our slaves nor teach them to read, for the laws of our state forbid it. be not surprised when i say such wicked laws _ought to be no barrier_ in the way of your duty, and i appeal to the bible to prove this position. what was the conduct of shiphrah and puah, when the king of egypt issued his cruel mandate, with regard to the hebrew children? "_they_ feared _god_, and did _not_ as the king of egypt commanded them, but saved the men children alive." did these _women_ do right in disobeying that monarch? "_therefore_ (says the sacred text,) _god dealt well_ with them, and made them houses" ex. i. what was the conduct of shadrach, meshach, and abednego, when nebuchadnezzar set up a golden image in the plain of dura, and commanded all people, nations, and languages, to fall down and worship it? "be it known, unto thee, (said these faithful _jews_) o king, that _we will not_ serve thy gods, nor worship the image which thou hast set up." did these men _do right in disobeying the law_ of their sovereign? let their miraculous deliverance from the burning fiery furnace, answer; dan. iii. what was the conduct of daniel, when darius made a firm decree that no one should ask a petition of any man or god for thirty days? did the prophet cease to pray? no! "when daniel _knew that the writing was signed_, he went into his house, and his windows being _open_ towards jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his god, as he did aforetime." did daniel do right thus to _break_ the law of his king? let his wonderful deliverance out of the mouths of the lions answer; dan. vii. look, too, at the apostles peter and john. when the rulers of the jews, "_commanded them not_ to speak at all, nor teach in the name of jesus," what did they say? "whether it be right in the sight of god, to hearken unto you more than unto god, judge ye." and what did they do? "they spake the word of god with boldness, and with great power gave the apostles witness of the _resurrection_ of the lord jesus;" although _this_ was the very doctrine, for the preaching of which, they had just been cast into prison, and further threatened. did these men do right? i leave _you_ to answer, who now enjoy the benefits of their labors and sufferings, in that gospel they dared to preach when positively commanded _not to teach any more_ in the name of jesus; acts iv. but some of you may say, if we do free our slaves, they will be taken up and sold, therefore there will be no use in doing it. peter and john might just as well have said, we will not preach the gospel, for if we do, we shall be taken up and put in prison, therefore there will be no use in our preaching. _consequences_, my friends, belong no more to _you_, than they did to these apostles. duty is ours and events are god's. if you think slavery is sinful, all _you_ have to do is to set your slaves at liberty, do all you can to protect them, and in humble faith and fervent prayer, commend them to your common father. he can take care of them; but if for wise purposes he sees fit to allow them to be sold, this will afford you an opportunity of testifying openly, wherever you go, against the crime of _manstealing_. such an act will be _clear robbery_, and if exposed, might, under the divine direction, do the cause of emancipation more good, than any thing that could happen, for, "he makes even the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder of wrath he will restrain." i know that this doctrine of obeying _god_, rather than man, will be considered as dangerous, and heretical by many, but i am not afraid openly to avow it, because it is the doctrine of the bible; but i would not be understood to advocate resistance to any law however oppressive, if, in obeying it, i was not obliged to commit _sin_. if for instance, there was a law, which imposed imprisonment or a fine upon me if i manumitted a slave, i would on no account resist that law, i would set the slave free, and then go to prison or pay the fine. if a law commands me to _sin i will break it_; if it calls me to _suffer_, i will let it take its course _unresistingly_. the doctrine of blind obedience and unqualified submission to _any human_ power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, is the doctrine of despotism, and ought to have no place among republicans and christians. but you will perhaps say, such a course of conduct would inevitably expose us to great suffering. yes! my christian friends, i believe it would, but this will _not_ excuse you or any one else for the neglect of _duty_. if prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers had not been willing to suffer for the truth's sake, where would the world have been now? if they had said, we cannot speak the truth, we cannot do what we believe is right, because the _laws of our country or public opinion are against us_, where would our holy religion have been now? the prophets were stoned, imprisoned, and killed by the jews. and why? because they exposed and openly rebuked public sins; they opposed public opinion; had they held their peace, they all might have lived in ease and died in favor with a wicked generation. why were the apostles persecuted from city to city, stoned, incarcerated, beaten, and crucified? because they dared to _speak the truth_; to tell the jews, boldly and fearlessly, that _they_ were the _murderers_ of the lord of glory, and that, however great a stumbling-block the cross might be to them, there was no other name given under heaven by which men could be saved, but the name of jesus. because they declared, even at athens, the seat of learning and refinement, the self-evident truth, that "they be no gods that are made with men's hands," and exposed to the grecians the foolishness of worldly wisdom, and the impossibility of salvation but through christ, whom they despised on account of the ignominious death he died. because at rome, the proud mistress of the world, they thundered out the terrors of the law upon that idolatrous, war-making, and slave-holding community. why were the martyrs stretched upon the rack, gibbetted and burnt, the scorn and diversion of a nero, whilst their tarred and burning bodies sent up a light which illuminated the roman capital? why were the waldenses hunted like wild beasts upon the mountains of piedmont, and slain with the sword of the duke of savoy and the proud monarch of france? why were the presbyterians chased like the partridge over the highlands of scotland--the methodists pumped, and stoned, and pelted with rotten eggs--the quakers incarcerated in filthy prisons, beaten, whipped at the cart's tail, banished and hung? because they dared to _speak_ the _truth_, to _break_ the unrighteous _laws_ of their country, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of god, "not accepting deliverance," even under the gallows. why were luther and calvin persecuted and excommunicated, cranmer, ridley, and latimer burnt? because they fearlessly proclaimed the truth, though that truth was contrary to public opinion, and the authority of ecclesiastical councils and conventions. now all this vast amount of human suffering might have been saved. all these prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers, might have lived and died in peace with all men, but following the example of their great pattern, "they despised the shame, endured the cross, and are now set down on the right hand of the throne of god," having received the glorious welcome of "well _done_ good and faithful servants, enter ye into the joy of your lord." but you may say we are _women_, how can _our_ hearts endure persecution? and why not? have not _women_ stood up in all the dignity and strength of moral courage to be the leaders of the people, and to bear a faithful testimony for the truth whenever the providence of god has called them to do so? are there no _women_ in that noble army of martyrs who are now singing the song of moses and the lamb? who led out the women of israel from the house of bondage, striking the timbrel, and singing the song of deliverance on the banks of that sea whose waters stood up like walls of crystal to open a passage for their escape? it was a _woman_; miriam, the prophetess, the sister of moses and aaron. who went up with barak to kadesh to fight against jabin, king of canaan, into whose hand israel had been sold because of their iniquities? it was a _woman!_ deborah the wife of lapidoth, the judge, as well as the prophetess of that backsliding people; judges iv, . into whose hands was sisera, the captain of jabin's host delivered? into the hand of a _woman_. jael the wife of heber! judges vi, . who dared to _speak the truth_ concerning those judgments which were coming upon judea, when josiah, alarmed at finding that his people "had not kept the word of the lord to do after all that was written in the book of the law," sent to enquire of the lord concerning these things? it was a _woman_. huldah the prophetess, the wife of shallum; , chron. xxxiv, . who was chosen to deliver the whole jewish nation from that murderous decree of persia's king, which wicked haman had obtained by calumny and fraud? it was a _woman_; esther the queen; yes, weak and trembling _woman_ was the instrument appointed by god, to reverse the bloody mandate of the eastern monarch, and save the _whole visible church_ from destruction. what human voice first proclaimed to mary that she should be the mother of our lord? it was a _woman!_ elizabeth, the wife of zacharias; luke i, , . who united with the good old simeon in giving thanks publicly in the temple, when the child, jesus, was presented there by his parents, "and spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in jerusalem?" it was a _woman!_ anna the prophetess. who first proclaimed christ as the true messiah in the streets of samaria, once the capital of the ten tribes? it was a _woman!_ who ministered to the son of god whilst on earth, a despised and persecuted reformer, in the humble garb of a carpenter? they were _women!_ who followed the rejected king of israel, as his fainting footsteps trod the road to calvary? "a great company of people and of _women_;" and it is remarkable that to _them alone_, he turned and addressed the pathetic language, "daughters of jerusalem, weep not for me, but weep for yourselves and your children." ah! who sent unto the roman governor when he was set down on the judgment seat, saying unto him, "have thou nothing to do with that just man, for i have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him?" it was a _woman_! the wife of pilate. although "_he knew_ that for envy the jews had delivered christ," yet _he_ consented to surrender the son of god into the hands of a brutal soldiery, after having himself scourged his naked body. had the _wife_ of pilate sat upon that judgment seat, what would have been the result of the trial of this "just person?" and who last hung round the cross of jesus on the mountain of golgotha? who first visited the sepulchre early in the morning on the first day of the week, carrying sweet spices to embalm his precious body, not knowing that it was incorruptible and could not be holden by the bands of death? these were _women_! to whom did he _first_ appear after his resurrection? it was to a _woman_! mary magdalene; mark xvi, . who gathered with the apostles to wait at jerusalem, in prayer and supplication, for "the promise of the father;" the spiritual blessing of the great high priest of his church, who had entered, _not_ into the splendid temple of solomon, there to offer the blood of bulls, and of goats, and the smoking censer upon the golden altar, but into heaven itself, there to present his intercessions, after having "given himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to god for a sweet smelling savor?" _women_ were among that holy company; acts i, . and did _women_ wait in vain? did those who had ministered to his necessities, followed in his train, and wept at his crucifixion, wait in vain? no! no! did the cloven tongues of fire descend upon the heads of _women_ as well as men? yes, my friends, "it sat upon _each one of them_;" acts ii, . _women_ as well as men were to be living stones in the temple of grace, and therefore _their_ heads were consecrated by the descent of the holy ghost as well as those of men. were _women_ recognized as fellow laborers in the gospel field? they were! paul says in his epistle to the philippians, "help those _women_ who labored with me, in the gospel;" phil. iv, . but this is not all. roman _women_ were burnt at the stake, _their_ delicate limbs were torn joint from joint by the ferocious beasts of the amphitheatre, and tossed by the wild bull in his fury, for the diversion of that idolatrous, warlike, and slaveholding people. yes, _women_ suffered under the ten persecutions of heathen rome, with the most unshrinking constancy and fortitude; not all the entreaties of friends, nor the claims of new born infancy, nor the cruel threats of enemies could make _them_ sprinkle one grain of incense upon the altars of roman idols. come now with me to the beautiful valleys of piedmont. whose blood stains the green sward, and decks the wild flowers with colors not their own, and smokes on the sword of persecuting france? it is _woman's_, as well as man's? yes, _women_ were accounted as sheep for the slaughter, and were cut down as the tender saplings of the wood. but time would fail me, to tell of all those hundreds and thousands of _women_, who perished in the low countries of holland, when alva's sword of vengeance was unsheathed against the protestants, when the catholic inquisitions of europe became the merciless executioners of vindictive wrath, upon those who dared to worship god, instead of bowing down in unholy adoration before "my lord god the _pope_," and when england, too, burnt her ann ascoes at the stake of martyrdom. suffice it to say, that the church, after having been driven from judea to rome, and from rome to piedmont, and from piedmont to england, and from england to holland, at last stretched her fainting wings over the dark bosom of the atlantic, and found on the shores of a great wilderness, a refuge from tyranny and oppression--as she thought, but _even here_, (the warm blush of shame mantles my cheek as i write it,) _even here, woman_ was beaten and banished, imprisoned, and hung upon the gallows, a trophy to the cross. and what, i would ask in conclusion, have _women_ done for the great and glorious cause of emancipation? who wrote that pamphlet which moved the heart of wilberforce to pray over the wrongs, and his tongue to plead the cause of the oppressed african? it was a _woman_, elizabeth heyrick. who labored assiduously to keep the sufferings of the slave continually before the british public? they were _women_. and how did they do it? by their needles, paint brushes and pens, by speaking the truth, and petitioning parliament for the abolition of slavery. and what was the effect of their labors? read it in the emancipation bill of great britain. read it, in the present state of her west india colonies. read it, in the impulse which has been given to the cause of freedom, in the united states of america. have english women then done so much for the negro, and shall american women do nothing? oh no! already are there sixty female anti-slavery societies in operation. these are doing just what the english women did, telling the story of the colored man's wrongs, praying for his deliverance, and presenting his kneeling image constantly before the public eye on bags and needle-books, card-racks, pen-wipers, pin-cushions, &c. even the children of the north are inscribing on their handy work, "may the points of our needles prick the slaveholder's conscience." some of the reports of these societies exhibit not only considerable talent, but a deep sense of religious duty, and a determination to persevere through evil as well as good report, until every scourge, and every shackle, is buried under the feet of the manumitted slave. the ladies' anti-slavery society of boston was called last fall, to a severe trial of their faith and constancy. they were mobbed by "the gentlemen of property and standing," in that city at their anniversary meeting, and their lives were jeoparded by an infuriated crowd; but their conduct on that occasion did credit to our sex, and affords a full assurance that they will _never_ abandon the cause of the slave. the pamphlet, right and wrong in boston, issued by them in which a particular account is given of that "mob of broad cloth in broad day," does equal credit to the head and the heart of her who wrote it. i wish my southern sisters could read it; they would then understand that the women of the north have engaged in this work from a sense of _religious duty_, and that nothing will ever induce them to take their hands from it until it is fully accomplished. they feel no hostility to you, no bitterness or wrath; they rather sympathize in your trials and difficulties; but they well know that the first thing to be done to help you, is to pour in the light of truth on your minds, to urge you to reflect on, and pray over the subject. this is all _they_ can do for you, _you_ must work out your own deliverance with fear and trembling, and with the direction and blessing of god, _you can do it_. northern women may labor to produce a correct public opinion at the north, but if southern women sit down in listless indifference and criminal idleness, public opinion cannot be rectified and purified at the south. it is manifest to every reflecting mind, that slavery must be abolished; the era in which we live, and the light which is overspreading the whole world on this subject, clearly show that the time cannot be distant when it will be done. now there are only two ways in which it can be effected, by moral power or physical force, and it is for _you_ to choose which of these you prefer. slavery always has, and always will produce insurrections wherever it exists, because it is a violation of the natural order of things, and no human power can much longer perpetuate it. the opposers of abolitionists fully believe this; one of them remarked to me not long since, there is no doubt there will be a most terrible overturning at the south in a few years, such cruelty and wrong, must be visited with divine vengeance soon. abolitionists believe, too, that this must inevitably be the case, if you do not repent, and they are not willing to leave you to perish without entreating you, to save yourselves from destruction; well may they say with the apostle, "am i then your enemy because i tell you the truth," and warn you to flee from impending judgments. but why, my dear friends, have i thus been endeavoring to lead you through the history of more than three thousand years, and to point you to that great cloud of witnesses who have gone before, "from works to rewards?" have i been seeking to magnify the sufferings, and exalt the character of woman, that she "might have praise of men?" no! no! my object has been to arouse _you_, as the wives and mothers, the daughters and sisters, of the south, to a sense of your duty as _women_, and as christian women, on that great subject, which has already shaken our country, from the st. lawrence and the lakes, to the gulf of mexico, and from the mississippi to the shores of the atlantic; _and will continue mightily to shake it_, until the polluted temple of slavery fall and crumble into ruin. i would say unto each one of you, "what meanest thou, o sleeper! arise and call upon thy god, if so be that god will think upon us that we perish not." perceive you not that dark cloud of vengeance which hangs over our boasting republic? saw you not the lightnings of heaven's wrath, in the flame which leaped from the indian's torch to the roof of yonder dwelling, and lighted with its horrid glare the darkness of midnight? heard you not the thunders of divine anger, as the distant roar of the cannon came rolling onward, from the texian country, where protestant american rebels are fighting with mexican republicans--for what? for the re-establishment of _slavery_; yes! of american slavery in the bosom of a catholic republic, where that system of robbery, violence, and wrong, had been legally abolished for twelve years. yes! citizens of the united states, after plundering mexico of her land, are now engaged in deadly conflict, for the privilege of fastening chains, and collars, and manacles--upon whom? upon the subjects of some foreign prince? no! upon native born american republican citizens, although the fathers of these very men declared to the whole world, while struggling to free themselves from the three penny taxes of an english king, that they believed it to be a _self-evident_ truth that _all men_ were created equal, and had an _unalienable right to liberty_. well may the poet exclaim in bitter sarcasm, "the fustian flag that proudly waves in solemn mockery _o'er a land of slaves_." can you not, my friends, understand the signs of the times; do you not see the sword of retributive justice hanging over the south, or are you still slumbering at your posts?--are there no shiphrahs, no puahs among you, who will dare in christian firmness and christian meekness, to refuse to obey the _wicked laws_ which require _woman to enslave, to degrade and to brutalize woman?_ are there no miriams, who would rejoice to lead out the captive daughters of the southern states to liberty and light? are there no huldahs there who will dare to _speak the truth_ concerning the sins of the people and those judgments, which it requires no prophet's eye to see, must follow if repentance is not speedily sought? is there no esther among you who will plead for the poor devoted slave? read the history of this persian queen, it is full of instruction; she at first refused to plead for the jews; but, hear the words of mordecai, "think not within thyself, that _thou_ shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews, for _if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time_, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but _thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed._" listen, too, to her magnanimous reply to this powerful appeal; "_i will go_ in unto the king, which is not according to law, and if i perish. i perish." yes! if there were but _one_ esther at the south, she _might_ save her country from ruin; but let the christian women there arise, as the christian women of great britain did, in the majesty of moral power, and that salvation is certain. let them embody themselves in societies, and send petitions up to their different legislatures, entreating their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons, to abolish the institution of slavery; no longer to subject _woman_ to the scourge and the chain, to mental darkness and moral degradation; no longer to tear husbands from their wives, and children from their parents; no longer to make men, women, and children, work _without wages;_ no longer to make their lives bitter in hard bondage; no longer to reduce _american citizens_ to the abject condition of _slaves_, of "chattels personal;" no longer to barter the _image of god_ in human shambles for corruptible things such as silver and gold. the _women of the south can overthrow_ this horrible system of oppression and cruelty, licentiousness and wrong. such appeals to your legislatures would be irresistible, for there is something in the heart of man which _will bend under moral suasion_. there is a swift witness for truth in his bosom, which _will respond to truth_ when it is uttered with calmness and dignity. if you could obtain but six signatures to such a petition in only one state, i would say, send up that petition, and be not in the least discouraged by the scoffs and jeers of the heartless, or the resolution of the house to lay it on the table. it will be a great thing if the subject can be introduced into your legislatures in any way, even by _women_, and _they_ will be the most likely to introduce it there in the best possible manner, as a matter of _morals_ and _religion_, not of expediency or politics. you may petition, too, the different, ecclesiastical bodies of the slave states. slavery must be attacked with the whole power of truth and the sword of the spirit. you must take it up on _christian_ ground, and fight against it with christian weapons, whilst your feet are shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace. and _you are now_ loudly called upon by the cries of the widow and the orphan, to arise and gird yourselves for this great moral conflict, with the whole armour of righteousness upon the right hand and on the left. there is every encouragement for you to labor and pray, my friends, because the abolition of slavery as well as its existence, has been the theme of prophecy. "ethiopia (says the psalmist) shall stretch forth her hands unto god." and is she not now doing so? are not the christian negroes of the south lifting their hands in prayer for deliverance, just as the israelites did when their redemption was drawing nigh? are they not sighing and crying by reason of the hard bondage? and think you, that he, of whom it was said, "and god heard their groaning, and their cry came up unto him by reason of the hard bondage," think you that his ear is heavy that he cannot _now_ hear the cries of his suffering children? or that he who raised up a moses, an aaron, and a miriam, to bring them up out of the land of egypt from the house of bondage, cannot now, with a high hand and a stretched out arm, rid the poor negroes out of the hands of their masters? surely you believe that his arm is _not_ shortened that he cannot save. and would not such a work of mercy redound to his glory? but another string of the harp of prophecy vibrates to the song of deliverance: "but they shall sit every man under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and _none shall make them afraid_; for the mouth of the lord of hosts hath spoken it." the _slave_ never can do this as long as he is a _slave_; whilst he is a "chattel personal" he can own _no_ property; but the time _is to come_ when _every_ man is to sit under _his own_ vine and _his own_ fig-tree, and no domineering driver, or irresponsible master, or irascible mistress, shall make him afraid of the chain or the whip. hear, too, the sweet tones of another string: "many shall run to and fro, and _knowledge_ shall be increased." slavery is an insurmountable barrier to the increase of knowledge in every community where it exists; _slavery, then, must be abolished before_ this prediction can be fulfiled. the last chord i shall touch, will be this, "they shall _not_ hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain." _slavery, then, must be overthrown before_ the prophecies can be accomplished, but how are they to be fulfiled? will the wheels of the millennial car be rolled onward by miraculous power? no! god designs to confer this holy privilege upon _man_; it is through _his_ instrumentality that the great and glorious work of reforming the world is to be done. and see you not how the mighty engine of _moral power_ is dragging in its rear the bible and peace societies, anti-slavery and temperance, sabbath schools, moral reform, and missions? or to adopt another figure, do not these seven philanthropic associations compose the beautiful tints in that bow of promise which spans the arch of our moral heaven? who does not believe, that if these societies were broken up, their constitutions burnt, and the vast machinery with which they are laboring to regenerate mankind was stopped, that the black clouds of vengeance would soon burst over our world, and every city would witness the fate of the devoted cities of the plain? each one of these societies is walking abroad through the earth scattering the seeds of truth over the wide field of our world, not with the hundred hands of a briareus, but with a hundred thousand. another encouragement for you to labor, my friends, is, that you will have the prayers and co-operation of english and northern philanthropists. you will never bend your knees in supplication at the throne of grace for the overthrow of slavery, without meeting there the spirits of other christians, who will mingle their voices with yours, as the morning or evening sacrifice ascends to god. yes, the spirit of prayer and of supplication has been poured out upon many, many hearts; there are wrestling jacobs who will not let go of the prophetic promises of deliverance for the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that are bound. there are pauls who are saying, in reference to this subject, "lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" there are marys sitting in the house now, who are ready to arise and go forth is this work as soon as the message is brought, "the master is come and calleth for thee." and there are marthas, too, who have already gone out to meet jesus, as he bends his footsteps to their brother's grave, and weeps, _not_ over the lifeless body of lazarus bound hand and foot in grave-clothes, but over the politically and intellectually lifeless slave, bound hand and foot in the iron chains of oppression and ignorance. some may be ready to say, as martha did, who seemed to expect nothing but sympathy from jesus, "lord, by this time he stinketh, for he hath been dead four days." she thought it useless to remove the stone and expose the loathsome body of her brother; she could not believe that so great a miracle could be wrought, as to raise _that putrefied body_ into life; but "jesus said, take _ye_ away the stone;" and when _they_ had taken away the stone where the dead was laid, and uncovered the body of lazarus, then it was that "jesus lifted up his eyes and said, father, i thank thee that thou hast heard me," &c. "and when he had thus spoken, he cried with a loud voice, lazarus, come forth." yes, some may be ready to say of the colored race, how can _they_ ever be raised politically and intellectually, they have been dead four hundred years? but _we_ have _nothing_ to do with _how_ this is to be done; _our business_ is to take away the stone which has covered up the dead body of our brother, to expose the putrid carcass, to show _how_ that body has been bound with the grave-clothes of heathen ignorance, and his face with the napkin of prejudice, and having done all it was our duty to do, to stand by the negro's grave, in humble faith and holy hope, waiting to hear the life-giving command of "lazarus, come forth." this is just what anti-slavery societies are doing; they are taking away the stone from the mouth of the tomb of slavery, where lies the putrid carcass of our brother. they want the pure light of heaven to shine into that dark and gloomy cave; they want all men to see _how_ that dead body has been bound, _how_ that face has been wrapped in the _napkin of prejudice_; and shall they wait beside that grave in vain? is not jesus still the resurrection and the life? did he come to proclaim liberty to the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that are bound, in vain? did he promise to give beauty for ashes, the oil of joy for mourning, and the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness unto them that mourn in zion, and will he refuse to beautify the mind, anoint the head, and throw around the captive negro the mantle of praise for that spirit of heaviness which has so long bound him down to the ground? or shall we not rather say with the prophet, "the zeal of the lord of hosts _will_ perform this?" yes, his promises are sure, and amen in christ jesus, that he will assemble her that halteth, and gather her that is driven out, and her that is afflicted. but i will now say a few words on the subject of abolitionism. doubtless you have all heard anti-slavery societies denounced as insurrectionary and mischievous, fanatical and dangerous. it has been said they publish the most abominable untruths, and that they are endeavoring to excite rebellions at the south. have you believed these reports, my friends? have _you_ also been deceived by these false assertions? listen to me, then, whilst i endeavor to wipe from the fair character of abolitionism such unfounded accusations. you know that _i_ am a southerner; you know that my dearest relatives are now in a slave state. can you for a moment believe i would prove so recreant to the feelings of a daughter and a sister, as to join a society which was seeking to overthrow slavery by falsehood, bloodshed, and murder? i appeal to you who have known and loved me in days that are passed, can _you_ believe it? no! my friends. as a carolinian, i was peculiarly jealous of any movements on this subject; and before i would join an anti-slavery society, i took the precaution of becoming acquainted with some of the leading abolitionists, of reading their publications and attending their meetings, at which i heard addresses both from colored and white men; and it was not until i was fully convinced that their principles were _entirely pacific_, and their efforts _only moral_, that i gave my name as a member to the female anti-slavery society of philadelphia. since that time, i have regularly taken the liberator, and read many anti-slavery pamphlets and papers and books, and can assure you i _never_ have seen a single insurrectionary paragraph, and never read any account of cruelty which i could not believe. southerners may deny the truth of these accounts, but why do they not _prove_ them to be false. their violent expressions of horror at such accounts being believed, _may_ deceive some, but they cannot deceive _me_, for i lived too long in the midst of slavery, not to know what slavery is. when _i_ speak of this system, "i speak that i do know," and i am not at all afraid to assert, that anti-slavery publications have _not_ overdrawn the monstrous features of slavery at all. and many a southerner _knows_ this as well as i do. a lady in north carolina remarked to a friend of mine, about eighteen months since, "northerners know nothing at all about slavery; they think it is perpetual bondage only; but of the _depth of degradation_ that word involves, they have no conception; if they had, _they would never cease_ their efforts until so _horrible_ a system was overthrown." she did not know how faithfully some northern men and northern women had studied this subject; how diligently they had searched out the cause of "him who had none to help him," and how fearlessly they had told the story of the negro's wrongs. yes, northerners know _every_ thing about slavery now. this monster of iniquity has been unveiled to the world, her frightful features unmasked, and soon, very soon will she be regarded with no more complacency by the american republic than is the idol of juggernaut, rolling its bloody wheels over the crushed bodies of its prostrate victims. but you will probably ask, if anti-slavery societies are not insurrectionary, why do northerners tell us they are? why, i would ask you in return, did northern senators and northern representatives give their votes, at the last sitting of congress, to the admission of arkansas territory as a state? take those men, one by one, and ask them in their parlours, do you _approve of slavery?_ ask them on _northern_ ground, where they will speak the truth, and i doubt not _every man_ of them will tell you, _no!_ why then, i ask, did _they_ give their votes to enlarge the mouth of that grave which has already destroyed its tens of thousands? all our enemies tell _us_ they are as much anti-slavery as we are. yes, my friends, thousands who are helping you to bind the fetters of slavery on the negro, despise you in their hearts for doing it; they rejoice that such an institution has not been entailed upon them. why then, i would ask, do _they_ lend you their help? i will tell you, "they love _the praise of men more_ than the praise of god." the abolition cause has not yet become so popular as to induce them to believe, that by advocating it in congress, they shall sit still more securely in their seats there, and like the _chief rulers_ in the days of our saviour, though many believed on him, yet they did _not_ confess him, lest they should _be put out of the synagogue_; john xii, , . or perhaps like pilate, thinking they could prevail nothing, and fearing a tumult, they determined to release barabbas and surrender the just man, the poor innocent slave to be stripped of his rights and scourged. in vain will such men try to wash their hands, and say, with the roman governor, "i am innocent of the blood of this just person." northern american statesmen are no more innocent of the crime of slavery, than pilate was of the murder of jesus, or saul of that of stephen. these are high charges, but i appeal to _their hearts_; i appeal to public opinion ten years from now. slavery then is a national sin. but you will say, a great many other northerners tell us so, who can have no political motives. the interests of the north, you must know, my friends, are very closely combined with those of the south. the northern merchants and manufacturers are making _their_ fortunes out of the _produce of slave labor_; the grocer is selling your rice and sugar; how then can these men bear a testimony against slavery without condemning themselves? but there is another reason, the north is most dreadfully afraid of amalgamation. she is alarmed at the very idea of a thing so monstrous, as she thinks. and lest this consequence _might_ flow from emancipation, she is determined to resist all efforts at emancipation without expatriation. it is not because _she approves of slavery_, or believes it to be "the corner stone of our republic," for she is as much _anti-slavery_ as we are; but amalgamation is too horrible to think of. now i would ask _you_, is it right, is it generous, to refuse the colored people in this country the advantages of education and the privilege, or rather the _right_, to follow honest trades and callings merely because they are colored? the same prejudice exists here against our colored brethren that existed against the gentiles in judea. great numbers cannot bear the idea of equality, and fearing lest, if they had the same advantages we enjoy, they would become as intelligent, as moral, as religious, and as respectable and wealthy, they are determined to keep them as low as they possibly can. is this doing as they would be done by? is this loving their neighbor _as themselves_? oh! that _such_ opposers of abolitionism would put their souls in the stead of the free colored man's and obey the apostolic injunction, to "remember them that are in bonds _as bound with them_." i will leave you to judge whether the fear of amalgamation ought to induce men to oppose anti-slavery efforts, when _they_ believe _slavery_ to be _sinful_. prejudice against color, is the most powerful enemy we have to fight with at the north. you need not be surprised, then, at all, at what is said _against_ abolitionists by the north, for they are wielding a two-edged sword, which even here, cuts through the _cords of caste_, on the one side, and the _bonds of interest_ on the other. they are only sharing the fate of other reformers, abused and reviled whilst they are in the minority; but they are neither angry nor discouraged by the invective which has been heaped upon them by slaveholders at the south and their apologists at the north. they know that when george fox and william edmundson were laboring in behalf of the negroes in the west indies in that the very _same_ slanders were propogated against them, which are _now_ circulated against abolitionists. although it was well known that fox was the founder of a religious sect which repudiated _all_ war, and _all_ violence, yet _even he_ was accused of "endeavoring to excite the slaves to insurrection and of teaching the negroes to cut their master's throats." and these two men who had their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, were actually compelled to draw up a formal declaration that _they were not_ trying to raise a rebellion in barbadoes. it is also worthy of remark that these reformers did not at this time see the necessity of emancipation under seven years, and their principal efforts were exerted to persuade the planters of the necessity of instructing their slaves; but the slaveholder saw then, just what the slaveholder sees now, that an _enlightened_ population _never_ can be a _slave_ population, and therefore they passed a law, that negroes should not even attend the meetings of friends. abolitionists know that the life of clarkson was sought by slavetraders; and that even wilberforce was denounced on the floor of parliament as a fanatic and a hypocrite by the present king of england, the very man who, in , set his seal to that instrument which burst the fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves in his west india colonies. they know that the first quaker who bore a _faithful_ testimony against the sin of slavery was cut off from religious fellowship with that society. that quaker was a _woman_. on her deathbed she sent for the committee who dealt with her--she told them, the near approach of death had not altered her sentiments on the subject of slavery and waving her hand towards a very fertile and beautiful portion of country which lay stretched before her window, she said with great solemnity, "friends, the time will come when there will not be friends enough in all this district to hold one meeting for worship, and this garden will be turned into a wilderness." the aged friend, who with tears in his eyes, related this interesting circumstance to me, remarked, that at that time there were seven meetings of friends in that part of virginia, but that when he was there ten years ago, not a single meeting was held, and the country was literally a desolation. soon after her decease, john woolman began his labors in our society, and instead of disowning a member for testifying _against_ slavery, they have for fifty-two years positively forbidden their members to hold slaves. abolitionists understand the slaveholding spirit too well to be surprised at any thing that has yet happened at the south or the north; they know that the greater the sin is, which is exposed, the more violent will be the efforts to blacken the character and impugn the motives of those who are engaged in bringing to light the hidden things of darkness. they understand the work of reform too well to be driven back by the furious waves of opposition, which are only foaming out their own shame. they have stood "the world's dread laugh," when only twelve men formed the first anti-slavery society in boston in . they have faced and refuted the calumnies of their enemies, and proved themselves to be emphatically _peace men_ by _never resisting_ the violence of mobs, even when driven by them from the temple of god, and dragged by an infuriated crowd through the streets of the emporium of new-england, or subjected by _slaveholders_ to the pain of corporal punishment. "none of these things move them;" and, by the grace of god, they are determined to persevere in this work of faith and labor of love: they mean to pray, and preach, and write, and print, until slavery is completely overthrown, until babylon is taken up and cast into the sea, to "be found no more at all." they mean to petition congress year after year, until the seat of our government is cleansed from the sinful traffic of "slaves and the souls of men." although that august assembly may be like the unjust judge who "feared not god neither regarded man," yet it must yield just as he did, from the power of importunity. like the unjust judge, congress _must_ redress the wrongs of the widow, lest by the continual coming up of petitions, it be wearied. this will be striking the dagger into the very heart of the monster, and once 'tis done, he must soon expire. abolitionists have been accused of abusing their southern brethren. did the prophet isaiah _abuse_ the jews when he addressed to them the cutting reproofs contained in the first chapter of his prophecies, and ended by telling them, they would be _ashamed_ of the oaks they had desired, and _confounded_ for the garden they had chosen? did john the baptist _abuse_ the jews when he called them "_a generation of vipers_," and warned them "to bring forth fruits meet for repentance?" did peter abuse the jews when he told them they were the _murderers_ of the lord of glory? did paul abuse the roman governor when he reasoned before him of righteousness, temperance, and judgment, so as to send conviction home to his guilty heart, and cause him to tremble in view of the crimes he was living in? surely not. no man will now accuse the prophets and apostles of _abuse_, but what have abolitionists done more than they? no doubt the jews thought the prophets and apostles in their day, just as harsh and uncharitable as slaveholders now, think abolitionists; if they did not, why did they beat, and stone, and kill them? great fault has been found with the prints which have been employed to expose slavery at the north, but my friends, how could this be done so effectually in any other way? until the pictures of the slave's sufferings were drawn and held up to public gaze, no northerner had any idea of the cruelty of the system, it never entered their minds that such abominations could exist in christian, republican america; they never suspected that many of the _gentlemen_ and _ladies_ who came from the south to spend the summer months in travelling among them, were petty tyrants at home. and those who had lived at the south, and came to reside at the north, were too _ashamed of slavery_ even to speak of it; the language of their hearts was, "tell it _not_ in gath, publish it _not_ in the streets of askelon;" they saw no use in uncovering the loathsome body to popular sight, and in hopeless despair, wept in secret places over the sins of oppression. to such hidden mourners the formation of anti-slavery societies was as life from the dead, the first beams of hope which gleamed through the dark clouds of despondency and grief. prints were made use of to effect the abolition of the inquisition in spain, and clarkson employed them when he was laboring to break up the slave trade, and english abolitionists used them just as we are now doing. they are powerful appeals and have invariably done the work they were designed to do, and we cannot consent to abandon the use of these until the _realities_ no longer exist. with regard to those white men, who, it was said, did try to raise an insurrection in mississippi a year ago, and who were stated to be abolitionists, none of them were proved to be members of anti-slavery societies, and it must remain a matter of great doubt whether, even they were guilty of the crimes alledged against them, because when any community is thrown into such a panic as to inflict lynch law upon accused persons, they cannot be supposed to be capable of judging with calmness and impartiality. _we know_ that the papers of which the charleston mail was robbed, were _not_ insurrectionary, and that they were _not_ sent to the colored people as was reported. _we know_ that amos dresser was _no insurrectionist_ though he was accused of being so, and on this false accusation was publicly whipped in nashville in the midst of a crowd of infuriated _slaveholders_. was that young man disgraced by this infliction of corporal punishment? no more than was the great apostle of the gentiles who five times received forty stripes, save one. like him, he might have said, "henceforth i bear in my body the marks of the lord jesus," for it was for the _truth's sake, he suffered_, as much as did the apostle paul. are nelson, and garrett, and williams, and other abolitionists who have recently been banished from missouri, insurrectionists? _we know_ they are _not_, whatever slaveholders may choose to call them. the spirit which now asperses the character of the abolitionists, is the _very same_ which dressed up the christians of spain in the skins of wild beasts and pictures of devils when they were led to execution as heretics. before we condemn individuals, it is necessary, even in a wicked community, to accuse them of some crime; hence, when jezebel wished to compass the death of naboth, men of belial were suborned to bear _false_ witness against him, and so it was with stephen, and so it ever has been, and ever will be, as long as there is any virtue to suffer on the rack, or the gallows. _false_ witnesses must appear against abolitionists before they can be condemned. i will now say a few words on george thompson's mission to this country. this philanthropist was accused of being a foreign emissary. were la fayette, and steuben, and de kalb, foreign emissaries when they came over to america to fight against the tories, who preferred submitting to what was termed, "the yoke of servitude," rather than bursting the fetters which bound them to the mother country? _they_ came with _carnal weapons_ to engage in _bloody_ conflict against american citizens, and yet, where do their names stand on the page of history. among the honorable, or the low? thompson came here to war against the giant sin of slavery, _not_ with the sword and the pistol, but with the smooth stones of oratory taken from the pure waters of the river of truth. his splendid talents and commanding eloquence rendered him a powerful coadjutor in the anti-slavery cause, and in order to neutralize the effects of these upon his auditors, and rob the poor slave of the benefits of his labors, his character was defamed, his life was sought, and he at last driven from our republic, as a fugitive. but was _thompson_ disgraced by all this mean and contemptible and wicked chicanery and malice? no more than was paul, when in consequence of a vision he had seen at troas, he went over to macedonia to help the christians there, and was beaten and imprisoned, because he cast out a spirit of divination from a young damsel which had brought much gain to her masters. paul was as much a _foreign emissary_ in the roman colony of philippi, as george thompson was in america, and it was because he was a _jew_, and taught customs it was not lawful for them to receive or observe, being romans, that the apostle was thus treated. it was said, thompson was a felon, who had fled to this country to escape transportation to new holland. look at him now pouring the thundering strains of his eloquence, upon crowded audiences in great britain, and see in this a triumphant vindication of his character. and have the slaveholder, and his obsequious apologist, gained any thing by all their violence and falsehood? no! for the stone which struck goliath of gath, had already been thrown from the sling. the giant of slavery who had so proudly defied the armies of the living god, had received his death-blow before he left our shores. but what is george thompson doing there? is he not now laboring there, as effectually to abolish american slavery as though he trod our own soil, and lectured to new york or boston assemblies? what is he doing there, but constructing a stupendous dam, which will turn the overwhelming tide of public opinion over the wheels of that machinery which abolitionists are working here. he is now lecturing to _britons_ on _american slavery_, to the _subjects_ of a _king_, on the abject condition of the _slaves of a republic_. he is telling them of that mighty confederacy of petty tyrants which extends ever thirteen states of our union. he is telling them of the munificent rewards offered by slaveholders, for the heads of the most distinguished advocates for freedom in this country. he is moving the british churches to send out to the churches of america the most solemn appeals, reproving, rebuking, and exhorting them with all long suffering and patience to abandon the sin of slavery immediately. where then i ask, will the name of george thompson stand on the page of history? among the honorable, or the base? what can i say more, my friends, to induce _you_ to set your hands, and heads, and hearts, to this great work of justice and mercy. perhaps you have feared the consequences of immediate emancipation, and been frightened by all those dreadful prophecies of rebellion, bloodshed and murder, which have been uttered. "let no man deceive you;" they are the predictions of that same "lying spirit" which spoke through the four thousand prophets of old, to ahab king of israel, urging him on to destruction. _slavery_ may produce these horrible scenes if it is continued five years longer, but emancipation _never will_. i can prove the _safety_ of immediate emancipation by history. in st. domingo in six hundred thousand slaves were set free in a white population of forty-two thousand. that island "marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor", cultivation prospered, every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress, and the negroes all continued quietly to work on the different plantations, until in , france determined to reduce these liberated slaves again to bondage. it was at _this time_ that all those dreadful scenes of cruelty occurred, which we so often _unjustly_ hear spoken of, as the effects of abolition. they were occasioned _not_ by emancipation, but by the base attempt to fasten the chains of slavery on the limbs of liberated slaves. in guadaloupe eighty-five thousand slaves were freed in a white population of thirteen thousand. the same prosperous effects followed manumission here, that had attended it in hayti, every thing was quiet until buonaparte sent out a fleet to reduce these negroes again to slavery, and in this institution was re-established in that island. in , when great britain determined to liberate the slaves in her west india colonies, and proposed the apprenticeship system; the planters of bermuda and antigua, after having joined the other planters in their representations of the bloody consequences of emancipation, in order if possible to hold back the hand which was offering the boon of freedom to the poor negro; as soon as they found such falsehoods were utterly disregarded, and abolition must take place, came forward voluntarily, and asked for the compensation which was due to them, saying, _they preferred immediate emancipation_, and were not afraid of any insurrection. and how is it with these islands now? they are decidedly more prosperous than any of those in which the apprenticeship system was adopted, and england is now trying to abolish that system, so fully convinced is she that immediate emancipation is the _safest_ and the best plan. and why not try it in the southern states, if it _never_ has occasioned rebellion; if _not a drop of blood_ has ever been shed in consequence of it, though it has been so often tried, why should we suppose it would produce such disastrous consequences now? "be not deceived then, god is not mocked," by such false excuses for not doing justly and loving mercy. there is nothing to fear from immediate emancipation, but _every thing_ from the continuance of slavery. sisters in christ, i have done. as a southerner, i have felt it was my duty to address you. i have endeavoured to set before you the exceeding sinfulness of slavery, and to point you to the example of those noble women who have been raised up in the church to effect great revolutions, and to suffer for the truth's sake. i have appealed to your sympathies as women, to your sense of duty as _christian women_>. i have attempted to vindicate the abolitionists, to prove the entire safety of immediate emancipation, and to plead the cause of the poor and oppressed. i have done--i have sowed the seeds of truth, but i well know, that even if an apollos were to follow in my steps to water them, "_god only_ can give the increase." to him then who is able to prosper the work of his servant's hand, i commend this appeal in fervent prayer, that as he "hath _chosen the weak things of the world_, to confound the things which are mighty," so he may cause his blessing, to descend and carry conviction to the hearts of many lydias through these speaking pages. farewell.--count me not your "enemy because i have told you the truth," but believe me in unfeigned affection, your sympathizing friend, angelina e. grimkÃ�. published by the american anti-slavery society, corner of spruce and nassau streets. the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * vol. i. september, . no. . * * * * * appeal to the christian women of the south, by a.e. grimkÃ� revised and corrected. "then mordecai commanded to answer esther, think not within thyself that thou shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews. for if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shalt there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed: and who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdom for such a time as this. and esther bade them return mordecai this answer:--and so will i go in unto the king, which is not according to law, and _if i perish, i perish_." esther iv. - . respected friends, it is because i feel a deep and tender interest in your present and eternal welfare that i am willing thus publicly to address you. some of you have loved me as a relative, and some have felt bound to me in christian sympathy, and gospel fellowship; and even when compelled by a strong sense of duty, to break those outward bonds of union which bound us together as members of the same community, and members of the same religious denomination, you were generous enough to give me credit, for sincerity as a christian, though you believed i had been most strangely deceived. i thanked you then for your kindness, and i ask you _now_, for the sake of former confidence, and former friendship, to read the following pages in the spirit of calm investigation and fervent prayer. it is because you have known me, that i write thus unto you. but there are other christian women scattered over the southern states, of whom a very large number have never seen me, and never heard my name, and feel _no_ personal interest whatever in _me_. but i feel an interest in _you_, as branches of the same vine from whose root i daily draw the principle of spiritual vitality--yes! sisters in christ i feel an interest in _you_, and often has the secret prayer arisen on your behalf, lord "open thou their eyes that they may see wondrous things out of thy law"--it is then, because i _do feel_ and _do pray_ for you, that i thus address you upon a subject about which of all others, perhaps you would rather not hear any thing; but, "would to god ye could bear with me a little in my folly, and indeed bear with me, for i am jealous over you with godly jealousy." be not afraid then to read my appeal; it is _not_ written in the heat of passion or prejudice, but in that solemn calmness which is the result of conviction and duty. it is true, i am going to tell you unwelcome truths, but i mean to speak these _truths in love_, and remember solomon says, "faithful are the _wounds_ of a friend." i do not believe the time has yet come when _christian women_ "will not endure sound doctrine," even on the subject of slavery, if it is spoken to them in tenderness and love, therefore i now address _you_. * * * * * postage.--this periodical contains four and a half sheets. postage under miles, - cents; over miles, - cents. _please read and circulate._ * * * * * to all of you then, known or unknown, relatives or strangers, (for you are all _one_ in christ,) i would speak. i have felt for you at this time, when unwelcome light is pouring in upon the world on the subject of slavery; light which even christians would exclude, if they could, from our country, or at any rate from the southern portion of it, saying, as its rays strike the rock bound coasts of new england and scatter their warmth and radiance over her hills and valleys, and from thence travel onward over the palisades of the hudson, and down the soft flowing waters of the delaware and gild the waves of the potomac, "hitherto shalt thou come and no further;" i know that even professors of his name who has been emphatically called the "light of the world" would, if they could, build a wall of adamant around the southern states whose top might reach unto heaven, in order to shut out the light which is bounding from mountain to mountain and from the hills to the plains and valleys beneath, through the vast extent of our northern states. but believe me, when i tell you, their attempts will be as utterly fruitless as were the efforts of the builders of babel; and why? because moral, like natural light, is so extremely subtle in its nature as to overleap all human barriers, and laugh at the puny efforts of man to control it. all the excuses and palliations of this system must inevitably be swept away, just as other "refuges of lies" have been, by the irresistible torrent of a rectified public opinion. "the _supporters_ of the slave system," says jonathan dymond in his admirable work on the principles of morality, "will _hereafter_ be regarded with the _same_ public feeling, as he who was an advocate for the slave trade _now_ is." it will be, and that very soon, clearly perceived and fully acknowledged by all the virtuous and the candid, that in _principle_ it is as sinful to hold a human being in bondage who has been born in carolina, as one who has been born in africa. all that sophistry of argument which has been employed to prove, that although it is sinful to send to africa to procure men and women as slaves, who have never been in slavery, that still, it is not sinful to keep those in bondage who have come down by inheritance, will be utterly overthrown. we must come back to the good old doctrine of our forefathers who declared to the world, "this self evident truth that _all_ men are created equal, and that they have certain _inalienable_ rights among which are life, _liberty_, and the pursuit of happiness." it is even a greater absurdity to suppose a man can be legally born a slave under _our free republican_ government, than under the petty despotisms of barbarian africa. if then, we have no right to enslave an african, surely we can have none to enslave an american; if it is a self evident truth that _all_ men, every where and of every color are born equal, and have an _inalienable right to liberty_, then it is equally true that _no_ man can be born a slave, and no man can ever _rightfully_ be reduced to _involuntary_ bondage and held as a slave, however fair may be the claim of his master or mistress through wills and title-deeds. but after all, it may be said, our fathers were certainly mistaken, for the bible sanctions slavery, and that is the highest authority. now the bible is my ultimate appeal in all matters of faith and practice, and it is to _this test_ i am anxious to bring the subject at issue between us. let us then begin with adam and examine the charter of privileges which was given to him. "have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." in the eighth psalm we have a still fuller description of this charter which through adam was given to all mankind. "thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. all sheep and oxen, yea, and the beasts of the field, the fowl of the air, the fish of the sea, and whatsoever passeth through the paths of the seas." and after the flood when this charter of human rights was renewed, we find _no additional_ power vested in man. "and the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and every fowl of the air, and upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea, into your hand are they delivered." in this charter, although the different kinds of _irrational_ beings are so particularly enumerated, and supreme dominion over _all of them_ is granted, yet _man_ is _never_ vested with this dominion _over his fellow man_; he was never told that any of the human species were put _under his feet_; it was only _all things_, and man, who was created in the image of his maker, _never_ can properly be termed a _thing_, though the laws of slave states do call him "a chattel personal;" _man_ then, i assert _never_ was put _under the feet of man_, by that first charter of human right, which was given by god, to the fathers of the antediluvian and postdiluvian worlds, therefore this doctrine of equality is based on the bible. but it may be argued, that in the very chapter of genesis from which i have last quoted, will be found the curse pronounced upon canaan, by which his posterity was consigned to servitude under his brothers shem and japheth. i know this prophecy was uttered, and was most fearfully and wonderfully fulfilled, through the immediate descendants of canaan, i.e. the canaanites, and i do not know but it has been through all the children of ham, but i do know that prophecy does _not_ tell us what _ought to be_, but what actually does take place, ages after it has been delivered, and that if we justify america for enslaving the children of africa, we must also justify egypt for reducing the children of israel to bondage, for the latter was foretold as explicitly as the former. i am well aware that prophecy has often been urged as an excuse for slavery, but be not deceived, the fulfilment of prophecy will _not cover one sin_ in the awful day of account. hear what our saviour says on this subject; "it must needs be that offences come, but _woe unto that man through whom they come_"--witness some fulfilment of this declaration in the tremendous destruction of jerusalem, occasioned by that most nefarious of all crimes the crucifixion of the son of god. did the fact of that event having been foretold, exculpate the jews from sin in perpetrating it; no--for hear what the apostle peter says to them on this subject, "him being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of god, _ye_ have taken, and by _wicked_ hands have crucified and slain." other striking instances might be adduced, but these will suffice. but it has been urged that the patriarchs held slaves, and therefore, slavery is right. do you really believe that patriarchal servitude was like american slavery? can you believe it? if so, read the history of these primitive fathers of the church and be undeceived. look at abraham, though so great a man, going to the herd himself and fetching a calf from thence and serving it up with his own hands, for the entertainment of his guests. look at sarah, that princess as her name signifies, baking cakes upon the hearth. if the servants they had were like southern slaves, would they have performed such comparatively menial offices for themselves? hear too the plaintive lamentation of abraham when he feared he should have no son to bear his name down to posterity. "behold thou hast given me no seed, &c., one born in my house is _mine_ heir." from this it appears that one of his _servants_ was to inherit his immense estate. is this like southern slavery? i leave it to your own good sense and candor to decide. besides, such was the footing upon which abraham was with _his_ servants, that he trusted them with arms. are slaveholders willing to put swords and pistols into the hands of their slaves? he was as a father among his servants; what are planters and masters generally among theirs? when the institution of circumcision was established, abraham was commanded thus; "he that is eight days old shall be circumcised among you, _every_ man-child in your generations; he that is born in the house, or bought with money of any stranger which is not of thy seed." and to render this command with regard to his _servants_ still more impressive it is repeated in the very next verse; and herein we may perceive the great care which was taken by god to guard the _rights of servants_ even under this "dark dispensation." what too was the testimony given to the faithfulness of this eminent patriarch. "for i know him that he will command his children and his _household_ after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." now my dear friends many of you believe that circumcision has been superseded by baptism in the church; _are you_ careful to have _all_ that are born in your house or bought with money of any stranger, baptized? are _you_ as faithful as abraham to command _your household_ to _keep the way of the lord?_ i leave it to your own consciences to decide. was patriarchal servitude then like american slavery? but i shall be told, god sanctioned slavery, yea commanded slavery under the jewish dispensation. let us examine this subject calmly and prayerfully. i admit that a species of _servitude_ was permitted to the jews, but in studying the subject i have been struck with wonder and admiration at perceiving how carefully the servant was guarded from violence, injustice, and wrong. i will first inform you how these servants became servants, for i think this a very important part of our subject. from consulting horne, calmet, and the bible, i find there were six different ways by which the hebrews became servants legally. . a hebrew, whose father was still alive, and who on that account had not inherited his patrimonial estate, might sell himself, i.e., his services, for six years, in which case _he_ received the purchase money _himself_. ex. xxi, . . a father might sell his children as servants, i.e., his _daughters_, in which circumstance it was understood the daughter was to be the wife or daughter-in-law of the man who bought her, and the _father_ received the price. in other words, jewish women were sold as _white women_ were in the first settlement of virginia--as _wives, not_ as slaves. ex. xxi, - . . thieves not able to make restitution for their thefts, were sold for the benefit of the injured person. ex. xxii, . . they might be born in servitude. ex. xxi, . . if reduced to extreme poverty, a hebrew might sell himself; but in such a case he was to serve, not as a bondsman, whose term of service was only six years, nor was he to serve as a hired servant, who received his wages every evening, nor yet as a sojourner or temporary resident in the family, but he was to serve his master until the year of jubilee[a]. lev. xxv, , . [footnote a: if the reader will leave out the italicised words--but and and, in the th verse--he will find that i am fully authorized in the meaning i have attached to it. but and and are _not_ in the original hebrew; have been introduced by the translators, and entirely destroy the true sense of the passage.] . if a hebrew had sold himself to a rich gentile, he might be redeemed by one of his brethren at any time the money was offered; and he who redeemed him, was _not_ to take advantage of the favor thus conferred, and rule over him with rigor. lev. xxv, - . before going into an examination of the laws by which these servants were protected, i would just ask whether american slaves have become slaves in any of the ways in which the hebrews became servants. did they sell themselves into slavery and receive the purchase money into their own hands? no! no! did they steal the property of another, and were they sold to make restitution for their crimes? no! did their present masters, as an act of kindness, redeem them from some heathen tyrant to whom _they had sold themselves_ in the dark hour of adversity? no! were they born in slavery? no! no! not according to _jewish law_, for the servants who were born in servitude among them, were born of parents who had _sold themselves_: ex. xxi, ; lev. xxv, , . were the female slaves of the south sold by their fathers? how shall i answer this question? thousands and tens of thousands never were, _their_ fathers _never_ have received the poor compensation of silver or gold for the tears and toils, the suffering, and anguish, and hopeless bondage of _their_ daughters. they labor day by day, and year by year, side by side, in the same field, if haply their daughters are permitted to remain on the same plantation with them, instead of being, as they often are, separated from their parents and sold into distant states, never again to meet on earth. but do the _fathers of the south ever sell their daughters?_ my heart beats, and my hand trembles, as i write the awful affirmative, yes! the fathers of this christian land often sell their daughters, _not_ as jewish parents did, to be the wives and daughters-in-law of the men who buy them, but to be the abject slaves of petty tyrants and irresponsible masters. is it not so, my friends? i leave it to your own candor to corroborate my assertion. southern slaves then have _not_ become slaves in any of the six different ways in which hebrews became servants, and i hesitate not to say that american masters _cannot_ according to _jewish law_ substantiate their claim to the men, women, or children they now hold in bondage. but there was one way in which a jew might illegally be reduced to servitude; it was this, he might be _stolen_ and afterwards sold as a slave, as was joseph. to guard most effectually against this dreadful crime of manstealing, god enacted this severe law. "he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." and again, "if a man be found stealing any of his brethren of the children of israel, and maketh merchandise of him, or selleth him; then _that thief shall die_; and thou shalt put away evil from among you." deut. xxiv, . as i have tried american slavery by _legal_ hebrew servitude, and found, (to your surprise, perhaps,) that jewish law cannot justify the slaveholder's claim, let us now try it by _illegal_ hebrew bondage. have the southern slaves then been stolen? if they did not sell themselves into bondage; if they were not sold as thieves; if they were not redeemed from a heathen master to whom _they had sold themselves;_ if they were not born in servitude according to hebrew law; and if the females were not sold by their fathers as wives and daughters-in-law to those who purchased them; then what shall we say of them? what can we say of them? but that according _to hebrew law they have been stolen._ but i shall be told that the jews had other servants who were absolute slaves. let us look a little into this also. they had other servants who were procured from the heathen. bondmen and bondmaids might be bought of the heathen round about them. lev. xxv, . i will now try the right of the southern planter by the claims of hebrew masters to their _heathen_ servants. were the southern slaves bought from the heathen? no! for surely, no one will _now_ vindicate the slave-trade so far as to assert that slaves were bought from the heathen who were obtained by that system of piracy. the only excuse for holding southern slaves is that they were born in slavery, but we have seen that they were _not_ born in servitude as jewish servants were, and that the children of heathen servants were not legally subjected to bondage, even under the mosaic law. how then have the slaves of the south been obtained? i will next proceed to an examination of those laws which were enacted in order to protect the hebrew and the heathen servant; for i wish you to understand that _both_ were protected by him, of whom it is said "his mercies are over _all_ his works." i will first speak of those which secured the rights of hebrew servants. this code was headed thus: . thou shalt _not_ rule over him with _rigor_, but shalt fear thy god. . if thou buy a hebrew servant, six years shall he serve, and in the seventh year he shall go out free for nothing. ex. xxi, . and when thou sendest him out free from thee, thou shalt not let him go away empty: thou shalt furnish him _liberally_ out of thy flock and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, shalt thou give unto him. deut. xv, , . . if he come in by himself, he shall go out by himself; if he were married, then his wife shall go out with him. ex. xxi, . . if his master have given him a wife, and she have borne him sons and daughters, the wife and her children shall be his master's, and he shall go out by himself. ex. xxi, . . if the servant shall plainly say, i love my master, my wife, and my children; i will not go out free; then his master shall bring him unto the judges, and he shall bring him to the door, or unto the door-post, and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl, and he shall serve him _for ever_. ex. xxi, , . . if a man smite the eye of his servant, or the eye of his maid, that it perish, he shall let him go _free_ for his eye's sake. and if he smite out his man servant's tooth or his maid servant's tooth, he shall let him go _free_ for his tooth's sake. ex. xxi, , . . on the sabbath, rest was secured to servants by the fourth commandment. ex. xx, . . servants were permitted to unite with their masters three times in every year in celebrating the passover, the feast of weeks, and the feast of tabernacles; every male throughout the land was to appear before the lord at jerusalem with a gift; here the bond and the free stood on common ground. deut. xvi. . if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money. ex. xxi, , . from these laws we learn, that one class of hebrew men servants were bound to serve their masters _only six_ years, unless their attachment to their employers, their wives and children, should induce them to wish to remain in servitude, in which case, in order to prevent the possibility of deception on the part of the master, the servant was first taken before the magistrate, where he openly declared his intention of continuing in his master's service, (probably a public register was kept of such,) he was then conducted to the door of the house, (in warm climates doors are thrown open.) and _there_ his ear was _publicly_ bored, and by submitting to this operation, he testified his willingness to serve him in subserviency to the law of god; for let it be remembered, that the door-post was covered with the precepts of that law. deut. vi, . xi, : _for ever_, i.e., during his life, for jewish rabbins, who must have understood jewish _slavery_ (as it is called), "affirm that servants were set free at the death of their masters, and did _not_ descend to their heirs;" or that he was to serve him until the year of jubilee, when _all_ servants were set at liberty. the other class, when they first sold themselves, agreed to remain until the year of jubilee. to protect servants from violence, it was ordained, that if a master struck out the tooth or destroyed the eye of a servant, that servant immediately became _free_, for such an act of violence evidently showed he was unfit to possess the power of a master, and therefore that power was taken from him. all servants enjoyed the rest of the sabbath, and partook of the privileges and festivities of the three great jewish feasts; and if a servant died under the infliction of chastisement, his master was surely to be punished. as a tooth for a tooth and life for life was the jewish law, of course he was punished with death. i know that great stress has been laid upon the following verse: "notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." slaveholders, and the apologists of slavery, have eagerly seized upon this little passage of scripture, and held it up as the masters' magna charta, by which they were licensed by god himself to commit the greatest outrages upon the defenceless victims of their oppression. but, my friends, was it designed to be so? if our heavenly father would protect by law the _eye_ and the _tooth_ of a hebrew servant, can we for a moment believe that he would abandon that same servant to the brutal rage of a master who would destroy even life itself? let us then examine this passage with the help of the context. in the th and th verses we have a law which was made for _freemen_ who strove together. here we find, that if one man smote another, so that he died not, but only kept his bed from being disabled, and he rose again and walked abroad upon his staff, then _he_ was to be paid for the loss of his time, and all the expenses of his sickness were to be borne by the man who smote him. the freeman's time was _his own_, and therefore he was to be remunerated for the loss of it. but _not_ so with the _servant_, whose time was, as it were, _the money of his master_, because he had already paid for it: if he continued a day or two after being struck, to keep his bed in consequence of any wound received, then his lost time was _not_ to be paid for, because it was _not his own_, but his master's, who had already paid him for it. the loss of his time was the _master's loss_, and _not_ the servant's. this explanation is confirmed by the fact, that the hebrew word translated continue, means "to stand still;" _i.e._, to be unable to go out about his master's work. here then we find this stronghold of slavery completely demolished. instead of its being a license to inflict such chastisement upon a servant as to cause even death itself, it is in fact a law merely to provide that a man should not be required to pay his servant twice over for his time. it is altogether an unfounded assumption on the part of the slaveholder, that this servant _died_ after a day or two; the text does not say so, and i contend that he _got well_ after a day or two, just as the man mentioned in the th verse recovered from the effects of the blows he received. the cases are completely parallel, and the first law throws great light on the second. this explanation is far more consonant with the character of god, and were it not that our vision has been so completely darkened by the existence of slavery in our country, we never could so far have dishonored him as to have supposed that he sanctioned the murder of a servant; although slaveholding legislators might legalize the killing of a slave in _four_ different ways.--(_stroud's sketch of slave laws_.) but i pass on now to the consideration of how the _female_ jewish servants were protected by _law_. . if she please not her master, who hath betrothed her to himself, then shall he let her be redeemed: to sell her unto another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her. . if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters. . if he take him another wife, her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage, shall he not diminish. . if he do not these three unto her, then shall she go out _free_ without money. on these laws i will give you calmet's remarks; "a father could not sell his daughter as a slave, according to the rabbins, until she was at the age of puberty, and unless he were reduced to the utmost indigence. besides, when a master bought an israelitish girl, it was _always_ with the presumption that he would take her to wife. hence moses adds, 'if she please not her master, and he does not think fit to marry her, he shall set her at liberty,' or according to the hebrew, 'he shall let her be redeemed.' 'to sell her to another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her;' as to the engagement implied, at least of taking her to wife. 'if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters;' i.e., he shall take care that his son uses her as his wife, that he does not despise or maltreat her. if he make his son marry another wife, he shall give her her dowry, her clothes, and compensation for her virginity; if he does none of these three, she shall _go out free_ without money." thus were the _rights of female servants carefully secured by law_ under the jewish dispensation; and now i would ask, are the rights of female slaves at the south thus secured? are _they_ sold only as wives and daughters-in-law, and when not treated as such, are they allowed to _go out free?_ no! they have _all_ not only been illegally obtained as servants according to hebrew law, but they are also illegally _held_ in bondage. masters at the south and west have all forfeited their claims, (_if they ever had any,_) to their female slaves. we come now to examine the case of those servants who were "of the heathen round about;" were _they_ left entirely unprotected by law? horne, in speaking of the law, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god," remarks, "this law, lev. xxv, , it is true, speaks expressly of slaves who were of hebrew descent; but as _alien born_ slaves were ingrafted into the hebrew church by circumcision, _there is no doubt_ but that it applied to _all_ slaves:" if so, then we may reasonably suppose that the other protective laws extended to them also; and that the only difference between hebrew and heathen servants lay in this, that the former served but six years, unless they chose to remain longer, and were always freed at the death of their masters; whereas, the latter served until the year of jubilee, though that might include a period of forty-nine years,--and were left from father to son. there are, however, two other laws which i have not yet noticed. the one effectually prevented _all involuntary_ servitude, and the other completely abolished jewish servitude every fifty years. they were equally operative upon the heathen and the hebrew. . "thou shalt _not_ deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best: thou shalt _not_ oppress him." deut. xxiii, , . . "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim _liberty_ throughout _all_ the land, unto _all_ the inhabitants thereof; it shall be a jubilee unto you." lev. xxv, . here, then, we see that by this first law, the _door of freedom was opened wide to every servant who_ had any cause whatever for complaint; if he was unhappy with his master, all he had to do was to leave him, and _no man_ had a right to deliver him back to him again, and not only so, but the absconded servant was to _choose_ where he should live, and no jew was permitted to oppress him. he left his master just as our northern servants leave us; we have no power to compel them to remain with us, and no man has any right to oppress them; they go and dwell in that place where it chooseth them, and live just where they like. is it so at the south? is the poor runaway slave protected _by law_ from the violence of that master whose oppression and cruelty has driven him from his plantation or his house? no! no! even the free states of the north are compelled to deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master into them. by _human_ law, under the _christian dispensation_, in the _nineteenth century we_ are commanded to do, what _god_ more than _three thousand_ years ago, under the _mosaic dispensation_, _positively commanded_ the jews _not_ to do. in the wide domain even of our free states, there is not _one_ city of refuge for the poor runaway fugitive; not one spot upon which he can stand and say, i am a free man--i am protected in my rights as a _man_, by the strong arm of the law; no! _not one_. how long the north will thus shake hands with the south in sin, i know not. how long she will stand by like the persecutor saul, _consenting_ unto the death of stephen, and keeping the raiment of them that slew him. i know not; but one thing i do know, the _guilt of the north_ is increasing in a tremendous ratio as light is pouring in upon her on the subject and the sin of slavery. as the sun of righteousness climbs higher and higher in the moral heavens, she will stand still more and more abashed as the query is thundered down into her ear, "_who_ hath required _this_ at thy hand?" it will be found _no_ excuse then that the constitution of our country required that _persons bound to service_ escaping from their masters should be delivered up; no more excuse than was the reason which adam assigned for eating the forbidden fruit. _he was condemned and punished because_ he hearkened to the voice of _his wife_, rather than to the command of his maker; and _we_ shall assuredly be condemned and punished for obeying _man_ rather than _god_, if we do not speedily repent and bring forth fruits meet for repentance. yea, are we not receiving chastisement even _now_? but by the second of these laws a still more astonishing fact is disclosed. if the first effectually prevented _all involuntary servitude_, the last absolutely forbade even _voluntary servitude being perpetual_. on the great day of atonement every fiftieth year the jubilee trumpet was sounded throughout the land of judea, and _liberty_ was proclaimed to _all_ the inhabitants thereof. i will not say that the servants' _chains_ fell off and their _manacles_ were burst, for there is no evidence that jewish servants _ever_ felt the weight of iron chains, and collars, and handcuffs; but i do say that even the man who had voluntarily sold himself and the _heathen_ who had been sold to a hebrew master, were set free, the one as well as the other. this law was evidently designed to prevent the oppression of the poor, and the possibility of such a thing as _perpetual servitude_ existing among them. where, then, i would ask, is the warrant, the justification, or the palliation of american slavery from hebrew servitude? how many of the southern slaves would now be in bondage according to the laws of moses; not one. you may observe that i have carefully avoided using the term _slavery_ when speaking of jewish servitude; and simply for this reason, that _no such thing_ existed among that people; the word translated servant does _not_ mean _slave_, it is the same that is applied to abraham, to moses, to elisha and the prophets generally. _slavery_ then _never_ existed under the jewish dispensation at all, and i cannot but regard it as an aspersion on the character of him who is "glorious in holiness" for any one to assert that "_god sanctioned, yea commanded slavery_ under the old dispensation." i would fain lift my feeble voice to vindicate jehovah's character from so foul a slander. if slaveholders are determined to hold slaves as long as they can, let them not dare to say that the god of mercy and of truth _ever_ sanctioned such a system of cruelty and wrong. it is blasphemy against him. we have seen that the code of laws framed by moses with regard to servants was designed to _protect them_ as _men and women_, to secure to them their _rights_ as _human beings_, to guard them from oppression and defend them from violence of every kind. let us now turn to the slave laws of the south and west and examine them too. i will give you the substance only, because i fear i shall trespass too much on your time, were i to quote them at length. . _slavery_ is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants to the latest posterity. . the labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensated; while the kind of labor, the amount of toil, the time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. no bargain is made, no wages given. a pure despotism governs the human brute; and even his covering and provender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on the master's discretion[a]. [footnote a: there are laws in some of the slave states, limiting the labor which the master may require of the slave to fourteen hours daily. in some of the states there are laws requiring the masters to furnish a certain amount of food and clothing, as for instance, _one quart_ of corn per day, or _one peck_ per week, or _one bushel_ per month, and "_one_ linen shirt and pantaloons for the summer, and a linen shirt and woolen great coat and pantaloons for the winter," &c. but "still," to use the language of judge stroud "the slave is entirely under the control of his master.--is unprovided with a protector,--and, especially as he cannot be a witness or make complaint in any known mode against his master, the _apparent_ object of these laws may _always_ be defeated." ed.] . the slave being considered a personal chattel may be sold or pledged, or leased at the will of his master. he may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts or taxes either of a living or dead master. sold at auction, either individually, or in lots to suit the purchaser, he may remain with his family, or be separated from them for ever. . slaves can make no contracts and have no _legal_ right to any property, real or personal. their own honest earnings and the legacies of friends belong in point of law to their masters. . neither a slave nor a free colored person can be a witness against any _white_, or free person, in a court of justice, however atrocious may have been the crimes they have seen him commit, if such testimony would be for the benefit of a _slave_; but they may give testimony _against a fellow slave_, or free colored man, even in cases affecting life, if the _master_ is to reap the advantage of it. . the slave may be punished at his master's discretion--without trial--without any means of legal redress; whether his offence be real or imaginary; and the master can transfer the same despotic power to any person or persons, he may choose to appoint. . the slave is not allowed to resist any free man under _any_ circumstances, _his_ only safety consists in the fact that his _owner_ may bring suit and recover the price of his body, in case his life is taken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. . slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary for their personal safety. . the slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic relations. . the laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where the master is willing to enfranchise them. . the operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation. . the whole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance. . there is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. what is a trifling fault in the _white_ man, is considered highly criminal in the _slave_; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollars only, are punished in the negro with death. . the laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color[a]. [footnote a: see mrs. child's appeal, chap. ii.] shall i ask you now my friends, to draw the _parallel_ between jewish _servitude_ and american _slavery_? no! for there is _no likeness_ in the two systems; i ask you rather to mark the contrast. the laws of moses _protected servants_ in their _rights_ as _men and women_, guarded them from oppression and defended them from wrong. the code noir of the south _robs the slave of all his rights_ as a _man_, reduces him to a chattel personal, and defends the _master_ in the exercise of the most unnatural and unwarrantable power over his slave. they each bear the impress of the hand which formed them. the attributes of justice and mercy are shadowed out in the hebrew code; those of injustice and cruelty, in the code noir of america. truly it was wise in the slaveholders of the south to declare their slaves to be "chattels personal;" for before they could be robbed of wages, wives, children, and friends, it was absolutely necessary to deny they were human beings. it is wise in them, to keep them in abject ignorance, for the strong man armed must be bound before we can spoil his house--the powerful intellect of man must be bound down with the iron chains of nescience before we can rob him of his rights as a man; we must reduce him to a _thing_ before we can claim the right to set our feet upon his neck, because it was only _all things_ which were originally _put under the feet of man_ by the almighty and beneficent father of all, who has declared himself to be _no respecter_ of persons, whether red, white or black. but some have even said that jesus christ did not condemn slavery. to this i reply that our holy redeemer lived and preached among the jews only. the laws which moses had enacted fifteen hundred years previous to his appearance among them, had never been annulled, and these laws protected every servant in palestine. if then he did not condemn jewish servitude this does not prove that he would not have condemned such a monstrous system as that of american _slavery_, if that had existed among them. but did not jesus condemn slavery? let us examine some of his precepts. "_whatsoever_ ye would that men should do to you, do _ye even so to them_." let every slaveholder apply these queries to his own heart; am _i_ willing to be a slave--am _i_ willing to see my wife the slave of another--am _i_ willing to see my mother a slave, or my father, my sister or my brother? if not, then in holding others as slaves, i am doing what i would _not_ wish to be done to me or any relative i have; and thus have i broken this golden rule which was given _me_ to walk by. but some slaveholders have said, "we were never in bondage to any man," and therefore the yoke of bondage would be insufferable to us, but slaves are accustomed to it, their backs are fitted to the burden. well, i am willing to admit that you who have lived in freedom would find slavery even more oppressive than the poor slave does, but then you may try this question in another form--am i willing to reduce _my little child_ to slavery? you know that _if it is brought up a slave_ it will never know any contrast, between freedom and bondage, its back will become fitted to the burden just as the negro child's does--_not by nature_--but by daily, violent pressure, in the same way that the head of the indian child becomes flattened by the boards in which it is bound. it has been justly remarked that "_god never made a slave_," he made man upright; his back was _not_ made to carry burdens, nor his neck to wear a yoke, and the _man_ must be crushed within him, before _his_ back can be _fitted_ to the burden of perpetual slavery; and that his back is _not_ fitted to it, is manifest by the insurrections that so often disturb the peace and security of slaveholding countries. who ever heard of a rebellion of the beasts of the field; and why not? simply because _they_ were all placed _under the feet of man_, into whose hand they were delivered; it was originally designed that they should serve him, therefore their necks have been formed for the yoke, and their backs for the burden; but _not so with man_, intellectual, immortal man! i appeal to you, my friends, as mothers; are you willing to enslave _your_ children? you start back with horror and indignation at such a question. but why, if slavery is _no wrong_ to those upon whom it is imposed? why, if as has often been said, slaves are happier than their masters, free from the cares and perplexities of providing for themselves and their _wanting_? try yourselves by another of the divine precepts, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." can we love a man _as_ we love _ourselves if we do, and continue to do_ unto him, what we would not wish any one to do to us? look, too, at christ's example, what does he say of himself, "i came _not_ to be ministered unto, but to minister." can you for a moment imagine the meek and lowly, and compassionate saviour, _a slaveholder_? do you not shudder at this thought as much as at that of his being _a warrior_? but why, if slavery is not sinful? again, it has been said, the apostle paul did not condemn slavery, for he sent onesimus back to philemon. i do not think it can be said he sent him back, for no coercion was made use of. onesimus was not thrown into prison and then sent back in chains to his master, as your runaway slaves often are--this could not possibly have been the case, because you know paul as a jew, was _bound to protect_ the runaway; _he had no right_ to send _any_ fugitive back to his master. the state of the case then seems to have been this. onesimus had been an unprofitable servant to philemon and left him--he afterwards became converted under the apostle's preaching, and seeing that he had been to blame in his conduct, and desiring by future fidelity to atone for past error, he wished to return, and the apostle gave him the letter we now have as a recommendation to philemon, informing him of the conversion of onesimus, and entreating him as "paul the aged" "to receive him, _not_ now as a _servant_, but _above_ a servant, a _brother beloved_, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord. if thou count _me_ therefore as a partner, _receive him as myself_." this, then, surely cannot be forced into a justification of the practice of returning runaway slaves back to their masters, to be punished with cruel beatings and scourgings as they often are. besides the word _doulos_ here translated servant, is the same that is made use of in matt. xviii, . now it appears that this servant _owed_ his lord ten thousand talents; he possessed property to a vast amount. and what is still more surprising, if he was a _slave_, is, that "forasmuch as he had not to pay, his lord commanded _him_ to be sold, and his wife and children, and all that he had, and payment to be made." whoever heard of a slaveholder selling a _slave_ and his family to pay himself a debt due to him from a _slave_? what would he gain by it when the slave is himself his _property_, and his wife and children also? onesimus could not, then, have been a _slave_, for slaves do not own their wives or children; no, not even their own bodies, much less property. but again, the servitude which the apostle was accustomed to, must have been very different from american slavery, for he says, "the heir (or son), as long as he is a child, differeth _nothing from a servant_, though he be lord of all. but is under _tutors_ and governors until the time appointed of the father." from this it appears, that the means of _instruction_ were provided for _servants_ as well as children; and indeed we know it must have been so among the jews, because their servants were not permitted to remain in perpetual bondage, and therefore it was absolutely necessary they should be prepared to occupy higher stations in society than those of servants. is it so at the south, my friends? is the daily bread of instruction provided for _your slaves_? are their minds enlightened, and they gradually prepared to rise from the grade of menials into that of _free_, independent members of the state? let your own statute book, and your own daily experience, answer these questions. if this apostle sanctioned _slavery_, why did he exhort masters thus in his epistle to the ephesians, "and ye, masters, do the same things unto them (i.e. perform your duties to your servants as unto christ, not unto men) _forbearing threatening_; knowing that your master also is in heaven, neither is _there respect of persons with him_." and in colossians, "masters give unto your servants that which is _just and equal_, knowing that ye also have a master in heaven." let slaveholders only _obey_ these injunctions of paul, and i am satisfied slavery would soon be abolished. if he thought it sinful even to _threaten_ servants, surely he must have thought it sinful to flog and to beat them with sticks and paddles; indeed, when delineating the character of a bishop, he expressly names this as one feature of it, "_no striker_." let masters give unto their servants that which is _just_ and _equal_, and all that vast system of unrequited labor would crumble into ruin. yes, and if they once felt they had no right to the _labor_ of their servants without pay, surely they could not think they had a right to their wives, their children, and their own bodies. again, how can it be said paul sanctioned slavery, when, as though to put this matter beyond all doubt, in that black catalogue of sins enumerated in his first epistle to timothy, he mentions "_menstealers_," which word may be translated "_slavedealers_." but you may say, we all despise slavedealers as much as any one can; they are never admitted into genteel or respectable society. and why not? is it not because even you shrink back from the idea of associating with those who make their fortunes by trading in the bodies and souls of men, women, and children? whose daily work it is to break human hearts, by tearing wives from their husbands, and children from their parents? but why hold slavedealers as despicable, if their trade is lawful and virtuous? and why despise them more than the _gentlemen of fortune and standing_ who employ them as _their_ agents? why more than the _professors of religion_ who barter their fellow-professors to them for gold and silver? we do not despise the land agent, or the physician, or the merchant, and why? simply because their processions are virtuous and honorable; and if the trade of men-jobbers was honorable, you would not despise them either. there is no difference in _principle_, in _christian ethics_, between the despised slavedealer and the _christian_ who buys slaves from, or sells slaves to him; indeed, if slaves were not wanted by the respectable, the wealthy, and the religious in a community, there would be no slaves in that community, and of course no _slavedealers_. it is then the _christians_ and the _honorable men_ and _women_ of the south, who are the _main pillars_ of this grand temple built to mammon and to moloch. it is the _most enlightened_, in every country who are _most_ to blame when any public sin is supported by public opinion, hence isaiah says, "_when_ the lord hath performed his whole work upon mount _zion_ and on _jerusalem_, (then) i will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of assyria, and the glory of his high looks." and was it not so? open the historical records of that age, was not israel carried into captivity b.c. , judah b.c. , and the stout heart of the heathen monarchy not punished until b.c. , fifty-two years _after_ judah's, and years, _after_ israel's captivity, when it was overthrown by cyrus, king of persia? hence, too, the apostle peter says, "judgment must _begin at the house of god_." surely this would not be the case, if the _professors of religion_ were not _most worthy_ of blame. but it may be asked, why are _they_ most culpable? i will tell you, my friends. it is because sin is imputed to us just in proportion to the spiritual light we receive. thus the prophet amos says, in the name of jehovah, "_you only_ have i known of all the families of the earth: _therefore_ i will punish _you_ for all your iniquities." hear too the doctrine of our lord on this important subject: "the servant who _knew_ his lord's will and _prepared not_ himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with _many stripes_:" and why? "for unto whomsoever _much_ is given, _of him_ shall _much_ be required; and to whom men have committed _much_, of _him_ they will ask the _more_." oh! then that the _christians_ of the south would ponder these things in their hearts, and awake to the vast responsibilities which rest _upon them_ at this important crisis. i have thus, i think, clearly proved to you seven propositions, viz.: first, that slavery is contrary to the declaration of our independence. second, that it is contrary to the first charter of human rights given to adam, and renewed to noah. third, that the fact of slavery having been the subject of prophecy, furnishes _no_ excuse whatever to slaveholders. fourth, that no such system existed under the patriarchal dispensation. fifth, that _slavery never_ existed under the jewish dispensation; but so far otherwise, that every servant was placed under the _protection of law_, and care taken not only to prevent all _involuntary_ servitude, but all _voluntary perpetual_ bondage. sixth, that slavery in america reduces a _man_ to a _thing_, a "chattel personal," _robs him_ of _all_ his rights as a _human being_, fetters both his mind and body, and protects the _master_ in the most unnatural and unreasonable power, whilst it _throws him out_ of the protection of law. seventh, that slavery is contrary to the example and precepts of our holy and merciful redeemer, and of his apostles. but perhaps you will be ready to query, why appeal to _women_ on this subject? _we_ do not make the laws which perpetuate slavery. _no_ legislative power is vested in _us; we_ can do nothing to overthrow the system, even if we wished to do so. to this i reply, i know you do not make the laws, but i also know that _you are the wives and mothers, the sisters and daughters of those who do_; and if you really suppose _you_ can do nothing to overthrow slavery, you are greatly mistaken. you can do much in every way: four things i will name. st. you can read on this subject. d. you can pray over this subject. d. you can speak on this subject. th. you can act on this subject. i have not placed reading before praying because i regard it more important, but because, in order to pray right, we must understand what we are praying for; it is only then we can "pray with the understanding and the spirit also." . read then on the subject of slavery. search the scriptures daily, whether the things i have told you are true. other books and papers might be a great help to you in this investigation, but they are not necessary, and it is hardly probable that your committees of vigilance will allow you to have any other. the _bible_ then is the book i want you to read in the spirit of inquiry, and the spirit of prayer. even the enemies of abolitionists, acknowledge that their doctrines are drawn from it. in the great mob in boston, last autumn, when the books and papers of the anti-slavery society, were thrown out of the windows of their office, one individual laid hold of the bible and was about tossing it out to the crowd, when another reminded him that it was the bible he had in his hand. _"oh! 'tis all one,"_ he replied, and out went the sacred volume, along with the rest. we thank him for the acknowledgment. _yes, "it is all one,"_ for our books and papers are mostly commentaries on the bible, and the declaration. read the _bible_ then; it contains the words of jesus, and they are spirit and life. judge for yourselves whether _he sanctioned_ such a system of oppression and crime. . pray over this subject. when you have entered into your closets, and shut to the doors, then pray to your father, who seeth in secret, that he would open your eyes to see whether slavery is _sinful_, and if it is, that he would enable you to bear a faithful, open and unshrinking testimony against it, and to do whatsoever your hands find to do, leaving the consequences entirely to him, who still says to us whenever we try to reason away duty from the fear of consequences, _"what is that to thee, follow thou me."_ pray also for the poor slave, that he may be kept patient and submissive under his hard lot, until god is pleased to open the door of freedom to him without violence or bloodshed. pray too for the master that his heart may be softened, and he made willing to acknowledge, as joseph's brethren did, "verily we are guilty concerning our brother," before he will be compelled to add in consequence of divine judgment, "therefore is all this evil come upon us." pray also for all your brethren and sisters who are laboring in the righteous cause of emancipation in the northern states, england and the world. there is great encouragement for prayer in these words of our lord. "whatsoever ye shall ask the father in any name, he will give it to you"--pray then without ceasing, in the closet and the social circle. . speak on this subject. it is through the tongue, the pen, and the press, that truth is principally propagated. speak then to your relatives, your friends, your acquaintances on the subject of slavery; be not afraid if you are conscientiously convinced it is _sinful_, to say so openly, but calmly, and to let your sentiments be known. if you are served by the slaves of others, try to ameliorate their condition as much as possible; never aggravate their faults, and thus add fuel to the fire of anger already kindled, in a master and mistress's bosom; remember their extreme ignorance, and consider them as your heavenly father does the _less_ culpable on this account, even when they do wrong things. discountenance _all_ cruelty to them, all starvation, all corporal chastisement; these may brutalize and _break_ their spirits, but will never bend them to willing, cheerful obedience. if possible, see that they are comfortably and _seasonably_ fed, whether in the house or the field; it is unreasonable and cruel to expect slaves to wait for their breakfast until eleven o'clock, when they rise at five or six. do all you can, to induce their owners to clothe them well, and to allow them many little indulgences which would contribute to their comfort. above all, try to persuade your husband, father, brothers and sons, that _slavery is a crime against god and man_, and that it is a great sin to keep _human beings_ in such abject ignorance; to deny them the privilege of learning to read and write. the catholics are universally condemned, for denying the bible to the common people, but, _slaveholders must not_ blame them, for _they_ are doing the _very same thing_, and for the very same reason, neither of these systems can bear the light which bursts from the pages of that holy book. and lastly, endeavour to inculcate submission on the part of the slaves, but whilst doing this be faithful in pleading the cause of the oppressed. "will _you_ behold unheeding, life's holiest feelings crushed, where _woman's_ heart is bleeding, shall _woman's_ voice be hushed?" . act on this subject. some of you _own_ slaves yourselves. if you believe slavery is _sinful_, set them at liberty, "undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free." if they wish to remain with you, pay them wages, if not, let them leave you. should they remain, teach them, and have them taught the common branches of an english education; they have minds, and those minds _ought to be improved_. so precious a talent as intellect, never was given to be wrapt in a napkin and buried in the earth. it is the _duty_ of all, as far as they can, to improve their own mental faculties, because we are commanded to love god with _all our minds_, as well as with all our hearts, and we commit a great sin, if we _forbid or prevent_ that cultivation of the mind in others, which would enable them to perform this duty. teach your servants, then, to read, &c., and encourage them to believe it is their _duty_ to learn, if it were only that they might read the bible. but some of you will say, we can neither free our slaves nor teach them to read, for the laws of our state forbid it. be not surprised when i say such wicked laws _ought to be no barrier_ in the way of your duty, and i appeal to the bible to prove this position. what was the conduct of shiprah and puah, when the king of egypt issued his cruel mandate, with regard to the hebrew children? "_they_ feared _god_, and did _not_ as the king of egypt commanded them, but saved the men children alive." and be it remembered, that it was through _their_ faithfulness that moses was preserved. this great and immediate emancipator was indebted to a _woman_ for his spared life, and he became a blessing to the whole jewish nation. did these _women_ do right in disobeying that monarch? "_therefore_ (says the sacred text,) _god dealt well_ with them, and made them houses" ex. i. what was the conduct of shadrach, meshach, and abednego, when nebuchadnezzar set up a golden image in the plain of dura, and commanded all people, nations, and languages, to fall down and worship it? "be it known, unto thee, (said these faithful _jews_) o king, that _we will not_ serve thy gods, nor worship the image which thou hast set up." did these men _do right in disobeying the law_ of their sovereign? let their miraculous deliverance from the burning fiery furnace, answer; dan. iii. what was the conduct of daniel, when darius made a firm decree that no one should ask a petition of any man or god for thirty days? did the prophet cease to pray? no! "when daniel _knew that the writing was signed_, he went into his house, and his windows being _open_ towards jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his god, as he did aforetime." did daniel do right thus to _break_ the law of his king? let his wonderful deliverance out of the mouths of the lions answer; dan. vii. look, too, at the apostles peter and john. when the rulers of the jews, "_commanded them not_ to speak at all, nor teach in the name of jesus," what did they say? "whether it be right in the sight of god, to hearken unto you more than unto god, judge ye." and what did they do? "they spake the word of god with boldness, and with great power gave the apostles witness of the _resurrection_ of the lord jesus;" although _this_ was the very doctrine, for the preaching of which, they had just been cast into prison, and further threatened. did these men do right? i leave _you_ to answer, who now enjoy the benefits of their labors and sufferings, in that gospel they dared to preach when positively commanded _not to teach any more_ in the name of jesus; acts iv. but some of you may say, if we do free our slaves, they will be taken up and sold, therefore there will be no use in doing it. peter and john might just as well have said, we will not preach the gospel, for if we do, we shall be taken up and put in prison, therefore there will be no use in our preaching. _consequences_, my friends, belong no more to _you_, than they did to these apostles. duty is ours and events are god's. if you think slavery is sinful, all _you_ have to do is to set your slaves at liberty, do all you can to protect them, and in humble faith and fervent prayer, commend them to your common father. he can take care of them; but if for wise purposes he sees fit to allow them to be sold, this will afford you an opportunity of testifying openly, wherever you go, against the crime of _manstealing_. such an act will be _clear robbery_, and if exposed, might, under the divine direction, do the cause of emancipation more good, than any thing that could happen, for, "he makes even the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder of wrath he will restrain." i know that this doctrine of obeying _god_, rather than man, will be considered as dangerous, and heretical by many, but i am not afraid openly to avow it, because it is the doctrine of the bible; but i would not be understood to advocate resistance to any law however oppressive, if, in obeying it, i was not obliged to commit _sin_. if for instance, there was a law, which imposed imprisonment or a fine upon me if i manumitted a slave, i would on no account resist that law, i would set the slave free, and then go to prison or suffer the penalty. if a law commands me to _sin i will break it_; if it calls me to _suffer_, i will let it take its course _unresistingly_. the doctrine of blind obedience and unqualified submission to _any human_ power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, is the doctrine of despotism, and ought to have no place among republicans and christians. but you will perhaps say, such a course of conduct would inevitably expose us to great suffering. yes! my christian friends, i believe it would, but this will _not_ excuse you or any one else for the neglect of _duty_. if prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers had not been willing to suffer for the truth's sake, where would the world have been now? if they had said, we cannot speak the truth, we cannot do what we believe is right, because the _laws of our country or public opinion are against us_, where would our holy religion have been now? the prophets were stoned, imprisoned, and killed by the jews. and why? because they exposed and openly rebuked public sins; they opposed public opinion; had they held their peace, they all might have lived in ease and died in favor with a wicked generation. why were the apostles persecuted from city to city, stoned, incarcerated, beaten, and crucified? because they dared to _speak the truth_; to tell the jews, boldly and fearlessly, that _they_ were the _murderers_ of the lord of glory, and that, however great a stumbling-block the cross might be to them, there was no other name given under heaven by which men could be saved, but the name of jesus. because they declared, even at athens, the seat of learning and refinement, the self-evident truth, that "they be no gods that are made with men's hands", and exposed to the grecians the foolishness of worldly wisdom, and the impossibility of salvation but through christ, whom they despised on account of the ignominious death he died. because at rome, the proud mistress of the world, they thundered out the terrors of the law upon that idolatrous, war-making, and slave-holding community. why were the martyrs stretched upon the rack, gibbetted and burnt, the scorn and diversion of a nero, whilst their tarred and burning bodies sent up a light which illuminated the roman capital? why were the waldenses hunted like wild beasts upon the mountains of piedmont, and slain with the sword of the duke of savoy and the proud monarch of france? why were the presbyterians chased like the partridge over the highlands of scotland--the methodists pumped, and stoned, and pelted with rotten eggs--the quakers incarcerated in filthy prisons, beaten, whipped at the cart's tail, banished and hung? because they dared to _speak_ the _truth_, to _break_ the unrighteous _laws_ of their country, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of god, "not accepting deliverance," even under the gallows. why were luther and calvin persecuted and excommunicated, cranmer, ridley, and latimer burnt? because they fearlessly proclaimed the truth, though that truth was contrary to public opinion, and the authority of ecclesiastical councils and conventions. now all this vast amount of human suffering might have been saved. all these prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers, might have lived and died in peace with all men, but following the example of their great pattern, "they despised the shame, endured the cross, and are now set down on the right hand of the throne of god," having received the glorious welcome of "well _done_ good and faithful servants, enter ye into the joy of your lord." but you may say we are _women_, how can _our_ hearts endure persecution? and why not? have not _women_ arisen in all the dignity and strength of moral courage to be the leaders of the people, and to bear a faithful testimony for the truth whenever the providence of god has called them to do so? are there no _women_ in that noble army of martyrs who are now singing the song of moses and the lamb? who led out the women of israel from the house of bondage, striking the timbrel, and singing the song of deliverance on the banks of that sea whose waters stood up like walls of crystal to open a passage for their escape? it was a _woman_; miriam, the prophetess, the sister of moses and aaron. who went up with barak to kadesh to fight against jabin, king of canaan, into whose hand israel had been sold because of their iniquities? it was a _woman_! deborah the wife of lapidoth, the judge, as well as the prophetess of that backsliding people; judges iv, . into whose hands was sisera, the captain of jabin's host delivered? into the hand of a _woman_. jael the wife of heber! judges vi, . who dared to _speak the truth_ concerning those judgments which were coming upon judea, when josiah, alarmed at finding that his people "had not kept the word of the lord to do after all that was written in the book of the law," sent to enquire of the lord concerning these things? it was a _woman_. huldah the prophetess, the wife of shallum; , chron. xxxiv, . who was chosen to deliver the whole jewish nation from that murderous decree of persia's king, which wicked haman had obtained by calumny and fraud? it was a _woman_; esther the queen; yes, weak and trembling _woman_ was the instrument appointed by god, to reverse the bloody mandate of the eastern monarch, and save the _whole visible church_ from destruction. what human voice first proclaimed to mary that she should be the mother of our lord? it was a _woman_! elizabeth, the wife of zacharias; luke i, , . who united with the good old simeon in giving thanks publicly in the temple, when the child, jesus, was presented there by his parents, "and spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in jerusalem?" it was a _woman_! anna the prophetess. who first proclaimed christ as the true messiah in the streets of samaria, once the capital of the ten tribes? it was a _woman_! who ministered to the son of god whilst on earth, a despised and persecuted reformer, in the humble garb of a carpenter? they were _women_! who followed the rejected king of israel, as his fainting footsteps trod the road to calvary? "a great company of people and of _women_;" and it is remarkable that to _them alone_, he turned and addressed the pathetic language, "daughters of jerusalem weep not for me, but weep for yourselves and your children." ah! who sent unto the roman governor when he was set down on the judgment seat, saying unto him, "have thou nothing to do with that just man, for i have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him?" it was a _woman_! the wife of pilate. although "_he knew_ that for envy the jews had delivered christ," yet _he_ consented to surrender the son of god into the hands of a brutal soldiery, after having himself scourged his naked body. had the _wife_ of pilate sat upon that judgment seat, what would have been the result of the trial of this "just person?" and who last hung round the cross of jesus on the mountain of golgotha? who first visited the sepulchre early in the morning on the first day of the week, carrying sweet spices to embalm his precious body, not knowing that it was incorruptible and could not be holden by the bands of death? these were _women_! to whom did he _first_ appear after his resurrection? it was to a _woman_! mary magdalene; mark xvi, . who gathered with the apostles to wait at jerusalem, in prayer and supplication, for "the promise of the father;" the spiritual blessing of the great high priest of his church, who had entered, _not_ into the splendid temple of solomon, there to offer the blood of bulls, and of goats, and the smoking censer upon the golden altar, but into heaven itself, there to present his intercessions, after having "given himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to god for a sweet smelling savor?" _women_ were among that holy company; acts i, . and did _women_ wait in vain? did those who had ministered to his necessities, followed in his train, and wept at his crucifixion, wait in vain? no! no! did the cloven tongues of fire descend upon the heads of _women_ as well as men? yes, my friends, "it sat upon _each one of them_;" acts ii, . _women_ as well as men were to be living stones in the temple of grace, and therefore _their_ heads were consecrated by the descent of the holy ghost as well as those of men. were _women_ recognized as fellow laborers in the gospel field? they were! paul says in his epistle to the philippians, "help those _women_ who labored with me, in the gospel;" phil. iv, . but this is not all. roman _women_ were burnt at the stake, _their_ delicate limbs were torn joint from joint by the ferocious beasts of the ampitheatre, and tossed by the wild bull in his fury, for the diversion of that idolatrous, warlike, and slaveholding people. yes, _women_ suffered under the ten persecutions of heathen rome, with the most unshrinking constancy and fortitude; not all the entreaties of friends, nor the claims of new born infancy, nor the cruel threats of enemies could make _them_ sprinkle one grain of incense upon the altars of roman idols. come now with me to the beautiful valleys of piedmont. whose blood stains the green sward, and decks the wild flowers with colors not their own, and smokes on the sword of persecuting france? it is _woman's_, as well as man's? yes, _women_ were accounted as sheep for the slaughter, and were cut down as the tender saplings of the wood. but time would fail me, to tell of all those hundreds and thousands of _women_, who perished in the low countries of holland, when alva's sword of vengeance was unsheathed against the protestants, when the catholic inquisitions of europe became the merciless executioners of vindictive wrath, upon those who dared to worship god, instead of bowing down in unholy adoration before "my lord god the _pope_," and when england, too, burnt her ann ascoes at the stake of martyrdom. suffice it to say, that the church, after having been driven from judea to rome, and from rome to piedmont, and from piedmont to england, and from england to holland, at last stretched her fainting wings over the dark bosom of the atlantic, and found on the shores of a great wilderness, a refuge from tyranny and oppression--as she thought, but _even here_, (the warm blush of shame mantles my cheek as i write it,) _even here, woman_ was beaten and banished, imprisoned, and hung upon the gallows, a trophy to the cross. and what, i would ask in conclusion, have _women_ done for the great and glorious cause of emancipation? who wrote that pamphlet which moved the heart of wilberforce to pray over the wrongs, and his tongue to plead the cause of the oppressed african? it was a _woman_, elizabeth heyrick. who labored assiduously to keep the sufferings of the slave continually before the british public? they were _women_. and how did they do it? by their needles, paint brushes and pens, by speaking the truth, and petitioning parliament for the abolition of slavery. and what was the effect of their labors? read it in the emancipation bill of great britain. read it, in the present state of her west india colonies. read it, in the impulse which has been given to the cause of freedom, in the united states of america. have english women then done so much for the negro, and shall american women do nothing? oh no! already are there sixty female anti-slavery societies in operation. these are doing just what the english women did, telling the story of the colored man's wrongs, praying for his deliverance, and presenting his kneeling image constantly before the public eye on bags and needle-books, card-racks, pen-wipers, pin-cushions, &c. even the children of the north are inscribing on their handy work, "may the points of our needles prick the slaveholder's conscience." some of the reports of these societies exhibit not only considerable talent, but a deep sense of religious duty, and a determination to persevere through evil as well as good report, until every scourge, and every shackle, is buried under the feet of the manumitted slave. the ladies' anti-slavery society of boston was called last fall, to a severe trial of their faith and constancy. they were mobbed by "the gentlemen of property and standing," in that city at their anniversary meeting, and their lives were jeoparded by an infuriated crowd; but their conduct on that occasion did credit to our sex, and affords a full assurance that they will _never_ abandon the cause of the slave. the pamphlet, right and wrong in boston, issued by them in which a particular account is given of that "mob of broad cloth in broad day," does equal credit to the head and the heart of her who wrote it. i wish my southern sisters could read it; they would then understand that the women of the north have engaged in this work from a sense of _religious duty_, and that nothing will ever induce them to take their hands from it until it is fully accomplished. they feel no hostility to you, no bitterness or wrath; they rather sympathize in your trials and difficulties; but they well know that the first thing to be done to help you, is to pour in the light of truth on your minds, to urge you to reflect on, and pray over the subject. this is all _they_ can do for you, _you_ must work out your own deliverance with fear and trembling, and with the direction and blessing of god, _you can do it_. northern women may labor to produce a correct public opinion at the north, but if southern women sit down in listless indifference and criminal idleness, public opinion cannot be rectified and purified at the south. it is manifest to every reflecting mind, that slavery must be abolished; the era in which we live, and the light which is overspreading the whole world on this subject, clearly show that the time cannot be distant when it will be done. now there are only two ways in which it can be effected, by moral power or physical force, and it is for _you_ to choose which of these you prefer. slavery always has, and always will produce insurrections wherever it exists, because it is a violation of the natural order of things, and no human power can much longer perpetuate it. the opposers of abolitionists fully believe this; one of them remarked to me not long since, there is no doubt there will be a most terrible overturning at the south in a few years, such cruelty and wrong, must be visited with divine vengeance soon. abolitionists believe, too, that this must inevitably be the case if you do not repent, and they are not willing to leave you to perish without entreating you, to save yourselves from destruction; well may they say with the apostle, "am i then your enemy because i tell you the truth," and warn you to flee from impending judgments. but why, my dear friends, have i thus been endeavoring to lead you through the history of more than three thousand years, and to point you to that great cloud of witnesses who have gone before, "from works to rewards?" have i been seeking to magnify the sufferings, and exalt the character of woman, that she "might have praise of men?" no! no! my object has been to arouse _you_, as the wives and mothers, the daughters and sisters, of the south, to a sense of your duty as _women_, and as christian women, on that great subject, which has already shaken our country, from the st. lawrence and the lakes, to the gulf of mexico, and from the mississippi to the shores of the atlantic; _and will continue mightily to shake it_, until the polluted temple of slavery fall and crumble into ruin. i would say unto each one of you, "what meanest thou, o sleeper! arise and call upon thy god, if so be that god will think upon us that we perish not." perceive you not that dark cloud of vengeance which hangs over our boasting republic? saw you not the lightnings of heaven's wrath, in the flame which leaped from the indian's torch to the roof of yonder dwelling, and lighted with its horrid glare the darkness of midnight? heard you not the thunders of divine anger, as the distant roar of the cannon came rolling onward, from the texian country, where protestant american rebels are fighting with mexican republicans--for what? for the re-establishment of _slavery_; yes! of american slavery in the bosom of a catholic republic, where that system of robbery, violence, and wrong, had been legally abolished for twelve years. yes! citizens of the united states, after plundering mexico of her land, are now engaged in deadly conflict, for the privilege of fastening chains, and collars, and manacles--upon whom? upon the subjects of some foreign prince? no! upon native born american republican citizens, although the fathers of these very men declared to the whole world, while struggling to free themselves from the three penny taxes of an english king, that they believed it to be a _self-evident_ truth that _all men_ were created equal, and had an _unalienable right to liberty_. well may the poet exclaim in bitter sarcasm, "the fustian flag that proudly waves in solemn mockery o'er _a land of slaves_." can you not, my friends, understand the signs of the times; do you not see the sword of retributive justice hanging over the south, or are you still slumbering at your posts?--are there no shiphrahs, no puahs among you, who will dare in christian firmness and christian meekness, to refuse to obey the _wicked laws_ which require _woman to enslave, to degrade and to brutalize woman_? are there no miriams, who would rejoice to lead out the captive daughters of the southern states to liberty and light? are there no huldahs there who will dare to _speak the truth_ concerning the sins of the people and those judgments, which it requires no prophet's eye to see, must follow if repentance is not speedily sought? is there no esther among you who will plead for the poor devoted slave? read the history of this persian queen, it is full of instruction; she at first refused to plead for the jews; but, hear the words of mordecai, "think not within thyself, that _thou_ shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews, for _if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time_, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but _thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed_." listen, too, to her magnanimous reply to this powerful appeal; "_i will_ go in unto the king, which is _not_ according to law, and if i perish, i perish." yes! if there were but _one_ esther at the south, she _might_ save her country from ruin; but let the christian women there arise, as the christian women of great britain did, in the majesty of moral power, and that salvation is certain. let them embody themselves in societies, and send petitions up to their different legislatures, entreating their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons, to abolish the institution of slavery; no longer to subject _woman_ to the scourge and the chain, to mental darkness and moral degradation; no longer to tear husbands from their wives, and children from their parents; no longer to make men, women, and children, work _without wages_; no longer to make their lives bitter in hard bondage; no longer to reduce _american citizens_ to the abject condition of _slaves_, of "chattels personal;" no longer to barter the _image of god_ in human shambles for corruptible things such as silver and gold. the _women of the south can overthrow_ this horrible system of oppression and cruelty, licentiousness and wrong. such appeals to your legislatures would be irresistible, for there is something in the heart of man which _will bend under moral suasion_. there is a swift witness for truth in his bosom, which _will respond to truth_ when it is uttered with calmness and dignity. if you could obtain but six signatures to such a petition in only one state, i would say, send up that petition, and be not in the least discouraged by the scoffs and jeers of the heartless, or the resolution of the house to lay it on the table. it will be a great thing if the subject can be introduced into your legislatures in any way, even by _women_, and _they_ will be the most likely to introduce it there in the best possible manner, as a matter of _morals_ and _religion_, not of expediency or politics. you may petition, too, the different ecclesiastical bodies of the slave states. slavery must be attacked with the whole power of truth and the sword of the spirit. you must take it up on _christian_ ground, and fight against it with christian weapons, whilst your feet are shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace. and _you are now_ loudly called upon by the cries of the widow and the orphan, to arise and gird yourselves for this great moral conflict "with the whole armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the left." there is every encouragement for you to labor and pray, my friends, because the abolition of slavery as well as its existence, has been the theme of prophecy. "ethiopia (says the psalmist) shall stretch forth her hands unto god." and is she not now doing so? are not the christian negroes of the south lifting their hands in prayer for deliverance, just as the israelites did when their redemption was drawing nigh? are they not sighing and crying by reason of the hard bondage? and think you, that he, of whom it was said, "and god heard their groaning, and their cry came up unto him by reason of the hard bondage," think you that his ear is heavy that he cannot _now_ hear the cries of his suffering children? or that he who raised up a moses, an aaron, and a miriam, to bring them up out of the land of egypt from the house of bondage, cannot now, with a high hand and a stretched out arm, rid the poor negroes out of the hands of their masters? surely you believe that his arm is _not_ shortened that he cannot save. and would not such a work of mercy redound to his glory? but another string of the harp of prophecy vibrates to the song of deliverance: "but they shall sit every man under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and _none shall make them afraid_; for the mouth of the lord of hosts hath spoken it." the _slave_ never can do this as long as he is a _slave_; whilst he is a "chattel personal" he can own _no_ property; but the time _is to come_ when _every_ man is to sit under _his own_ vine and _his own_ fig-tree, and no domineering driver, or irresponsible master, or irascible mistress, shall make him afraid of the chain or the whip. hear, too, the sweet tones of another string: "many shall run to and fro, and _knowledge_ shall be increased." slavery is an insurmountable barrier to the increase of knowledge in every community where it exists; _slavery, then, must be abolished before_ this prediction can be fulfilled. the last chord i shall touch, will be this, "they shall _not_ hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain." _slavery, then, must be overthrown before_ the prophecies can be accomplished, but how are they to be fulfilled? will the wheels of the millennial car be rolled onward by miraculous power? no! god designs to confer this holy privilege upon _woman_; it is through _their_ instrumentality that the great and glorious work of reforming the world is to be done. and see you not how the mighty engine of _moral power_ is dragging in its rear the bible and peace societies, anti-slavery and temperance, sabbath schools, moral reform, and missions? or to adopt another figure, do not these seven philanthropic associations compose the beautiful tints in that bow of promise which spans the arch of our moral heaven? who does not believe, that if these societies were broken up, their constitutions burnt, and the vast machinery with which they are laboring to regenerate mankind was stopped, that the black clouds of vengeance would soon, burst over our world, and every city would witness the fate of the devoted cities of the plain? each one of these societies is walking abroad through the earth scattering the seeds of truth over the wide field of our world, not with the hundred hands of a briareus, but with a hundred thousand. another encouragement for you to labor, my friends, is, that you will have the prayers and co-operation of english and northern philanthropists. you will never bend your knees in supplication at the throne of grace for the overthrow of slavery, without meeting there the spirits of other christians, who will mingle their voices with yours, as the morning or evening sacrifice ascends to god. yes, the spirit of prayer and of supplication has been poured out upon many, many hearts; there are wrestling jacobs who will not let go of the prophetic promises of deliverance for the captive, and the opening, of prison doors to them that are bound. there are pauls who are saying, in reference to this subject, "lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" there are marys sitting in the house now, who are ready to arise and go forth in this work as soon as the message is brought, "the master is come and calleth for thee." and there are marthas, too, who have already gone out to meet jesus, as he bends his footsteps to their brother's grave, and weeps, _not_ over the lifeless body of lazarus bound hand and foot in grave-clothes, but over the politically and intellectually lifeless slave, bound hand and foot in the iron chains of oppression and ignorance. some may be ready to say, as martha did, who seemed to expect nothing but sympathy from jesus, "lord, by this time he stinketh, for he hath been dead four days." she thought it useless to remove the stone and expose the loathsome body of her brother; she could not believe that so great a miracle could be wrought, as to raise _that putrified body_ into life; but "jesus said, take _ye_ away the stone;" and when _they_ had taken away the stone where the dead was laid, and uncovered the body of lazarus, then it was that "jesus lifted up his eyes and said, father, i thank thee that thou hast heard me," &c. "and when he had thus spoken, he cried with a loud voice, lazarus, come forth." yes, some may be ready to say of the colored race, how can _they_ ever be raised politically and intellectually, they have been dead four hundred years? but _we_ have _nothing_ to do with _how_ this is to be done; _our business_ is to take away the stone which has covered up the dead body of our brother, to expose the putrid carcass, to show _how_ that body has been bound with the grave-clothes of heathen ignorance, and his face with the napkin of prejudice, and having done all it was our duty to do, to stand by the negro's grave, in humble faith and holy hope, waiting to hear the life-giving command of "lazarus, come forth." this is just what anti-slavery societies are doing; they are taking away the stone from the mouth of the tomb of slavery, where lies the putrid carcass of our brother. they want the pure light of heaven to shine into that dark and gloomy cave; they want all men to see _how_ that dead body has been bound, _how_ that face has been wrapped in the _napkin of prejudice_; and shall they wait beside that grave in vain? is not jesus still the resurrection and the life? did he come to proclaim liberty to the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that are bound, in vain? did he promise to give beauty for ashes, the oil of joy for mourning, and the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness unto them that mourn in zion, and will he refuse to beautify the mind, anoint the head, and throw around the captive negro the mantle of praise for that spirit of heaviness which has so long bowed him down to the ground? or shall we not rather say with the prophet, "the zeal of the lord of hosts _will_ perform this?" yes, his promises are sure, and amen in christ jesus, that he will assemble her that halteth, and gather her that is driven out, and her that is afflicted. but i will now say a few words on the subject of abolitionism. doubtless you have all heard anti-slavery societies denounced as insurrectionary and mischievous, fanatical and dangerous. it has been said they publish the most abominable untruths, and that they are endeavoring to excite rebellions at the south. have you believed these reports, my friends? have _you_ also been deceived by these false assertions? listen to me, then, whilst i endeavor to wipe from the fair character of abolitionism such unfounded accusations. you know that _i_ am a southerner: your know that my dearest relatives are now in a slave state. can you for a moment believe i would prove so recreant to the feelings of a daughter and a sister, as to join a society which seeking to overthrow slavery by falsehood, bloodshed and murder? i appeal to you who have known and loved me in days that are passed, can _you_ believe it? no! my friends. as a carolinian, i was peculiarly jealous of any movements on this subject; and before i would join an anti-slavery society, i took the precaution of becoming acquainted with some of the leading abolitionists, of reading their publications and attending their meetings, at which i heard addresses both from colored and white men; and it was not until i was fully convinced that their principles were _entirely pacific,_ and their efforts _only moral,_ that i gave my name as a member to the female anti-slavery society of philadelphia. since that time, i have regularly taken the liberator, and read many anti-slavery pamphlets and papers and books, and can assure you i _never_ have seen a single insurrectionary paragraph, and never read any account of cruelty which i could not believe. southerners may deny the truth of these accounts, but why do they not _prove_ them to be false. their violent expressions of horror at such accounts being believed, _may_ deceive some, but they cannot deceive _me,_ for i lived too long in the midst of slavery, not to know what slavery is. such declarations remind me of an assertion made by a catholic priest, who said that his church had never persecuted protestants for their religion, when it is well known that the pages of history are black with the crimes of the inquisition. oh! if the slaves of the south could only write a book, it would vie, i have no doubt, with the horrible details of catholic cruelty. when _i_ speak of this system, "i speak that i do know," and i am not afraid to assert, that anti-slavery publications have _not_ overdrawn the monstrous features of slavery at all. and many a southerner _knows_ this as well as i do. a lady in north carolina remarked to a friend of mine, about eighteen months since, "northerners know nothing at all about slavery; they think it is perpetual bondage only; but of the _depth of degradation_ that word involves, they have no conception; if they had, _they would never cease_ their efforts until so _horrible_ a system was overthrown." she did not, know how faithfully some northern men and northern women had studied this subject; how diligently they had searched out the cause of "him who had none to help him," and how fearlessly they had told the story of the negro's wrongs. yes, northerners know _every_ thing about slavery now. this monster of iniquity has been unveiled to the world, his frightful features unmasked, and soon, very soon, will he be regarded with no more complacency by the american republic than is the idol of juggernaut, rolling its bloody wheels over the crushed bodies of its prostrate victims. but you will probably ask, if anti-slavery societies are not insurrectionary, why do northerners tell us they are! why, i would ask you in return, did northern senators and northern representatives give their votes, at the last sitting of congress, to the admission of arkansas territory as a slave state? take those men, one by one, and ask them in their parlours, do you _approve of slavery?_ ask them on _northern_ ground, where they will speak the truth, and i doubt not _every man_ of them will tell you, _no_! why then, i ask, did _they_ give their votes to enlarge the mouth of that grave which has already destroyed its tens of thousands! all our enemies tell _us_ they are as much anti slavery as we are. yes, my friends, thousands who are helping you to bind the fetters of slavery on the negro, despise you in their hearts for doing it; they rejoice that such an institution has not been entailed upon them. why then, i would ask, do _they_ lend you their help? i will tell you, "they love _the praise of men more_ than the praise of god." the abolition cause has not yet become so popular as to induce them to believe, that by advocating it in congress, they shall sit still more securely in their seats there, and like the _chief rulers_ in the days of our saviour, though _many_ believed on him, yet they did _not_ confess him, lest they should _be put out of the synagogue_; john xii, , . or perhaps like pilate, thinking they could prevail nothing, and fearing a tumult, they determined to release barabbas and surrender the just man, the poor innocent slave to be stripped of his rights and scourged. in vain will such men try to wash their hands, and say, with the roman governor, "i am innocent of the blood of this just person." northern american statesmen are no more innocent of the crime of slavery, than pilate was of the murder of jesus, or saul of that of stephen. these are high charges, but i appeal to _their hearts_; i appeal to public opinion ten years from now. slavery then is a national sin. but you will say, a great many other northerners tell us so, who can have no political motives. the interests of the north, you must know, my friends, are very closely combined with those of the south. the northern merchants and manufacturers are making _their_ fortunes out of the _produce of slave labor_; the grocer is selling your rice and sugar; how then can these men bear a testimony against slavery without condemning themselves? but there is another reason, the north is most dreadfully afraid of amalgamation. she is alarmed at the very idea of a thing so monstrous, as she thinks. and lest this consequence _might_ flow from emancipation, she is determined to resist all efforts at emancipation without expatriation. it is not because she _approves of slavery_, or believes it to be "the corner stone of our republic," for she is as much _anti-slavery_ as we are; but amalgamation is too horrible to think of. now i would ask _you_, is it right, is it generous, to refuse the colored people in this country the advantages of education and the privilege, or rather the _right_, to follow honest trades and callings merely because they are colored? the same prejudice exists here against our colored brethren that existed against the gentiles in judea. great numbers cannot bear the idea of equality, and fearing lest, if they had the same advantages we enjoy, they would become as intelligent, as moral, as religious, and as respectable and wealthy, they are determined to keep them as low as they possibly can. is this doing as they would be done by? is this loving their neighbor as _themselves_? oh! that _such_ opposers of abolitionism would put their souls in the stead of the free colored man's and obey the apostolic injunction, to "remember them that are in bonds _as bound with them_." i will leave you to judge whether the fear of amalgamation ought to induce men to oppose anti-slavery efforts, when _they_ believe _slavery_ to be _sinful_. prejudice against color, is the most powerful enemy we have to fight with at the north. you need not be surprised, then, at all, at what is said _against_ abolitionists by the north, for they are wielding a two-edged sword, which even here, cuts through the _cords of caste_, on the one side, and the _bonds of interest_ on the other. they are only sharing the fate of other reformers, abused and reviled whilst they are in the minority; but they are neither angry nor discouraged by the invective which has been heaped upon them by slaveholders at the south and their apologists at the north. they know that when george fox and william edmundson were laboring in behalf of the negroes in the west indies in that the very _same_ slanders were propogated against them, which are _now_ circulated against abolitionists. although it was well known that fox was the founder of a religious sect which repudiated _all_ war, and _all_ violence, yet _even he_ was accused of "endeavoring to excite the slaves to insurrection and of teaching the negroes to cut their master's throats." and these two men who had their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, were actually compelled to draw up a formal declaration that _they were not_ trying to raise a rebellion in barbadoes. it is also worthy of remark that these reformers did not at this time see the necessity of emancipation under seven years, and their principal efforts were exerted to persuade the planters of the necessity of instructing their slaves; but the slaveholder saw then, just what the slaveholder sees now, that an _enlightened_ population _never_ can be a _slave_ population, and therefore they passed a law that negroes should not even attend the meetings of friends. abolitionists know that the life of clarkson was sought by slavetraders, and that even wilberforce was denounced on the floor of parliament as a fanatic and a hypocrite by the present king of england, the very man who, in set his seal to that instrument which burst the fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves in his west india colonies. they know that the first quaker who bore a _faithful_ testimony against the sin of slavery was cut off from religious fellowship with that society. that quaker was a _woman_. on her deathbed she sent for the committee who dealt with her--she told them, the near approach of death had not altered her sentiments on the subject of slavery and waving her hand towards a very fertile and beautiful portion of country which lay stretched before her window, she said with great solemnity, "friends, the time will come when there will not be friends enough in all this district to hold one meeting for worship, and this garden will be turned into a wilderness." the aged friend, who with tears in his eyes, related this interesting circumstance to me, remarked, that at that time there were seven meetings of friends in that part of virginia, but that when he was there ten years ago, not a single meeting was held, and the country was literally a desolation. soon after her decease, john woolman began his labors in our society, and instead of disowning a member for testifying _against_ slavery, they have for sixty-two years positively forbidden their members to hold slaves. abolitionists understand the slaveholding spirit too well to be surprised at any thing that has yet happened at the south or the north; they know that the greater the sin is, which is exposed, the more violent will be the efforts to blacken the character and impugn the motives of those who are engaged in bringing to light the hidden things of darkness. they understand the work of reform too well to be driven back by the furious waves of opposition, which are only foaming out their own shame. they have stood "the world's dread laugh," when only twelve men formed the first anti-slavery society in boston in . they have faced and refuted the calumnies of their enemies, and proved themselves to be emphatically _peace men_ by _never resisting_ the violence of mobs, even when driven by them from the temple of god, and dragged by an infuriated crowd through the streets of the emporium of new-england, or subjected by _slaveholders_ to the pain of corporal punishment. "none of these things move them;" and, by the grace of god, they are determined to persevere in this work of faith and labor of love: they mean to pray, and preach, and write, and print, until slavery is completely overthrown, until babylon is taken up and cast into the sea, to "be found no more at all." they mean to petition congress year after year, until the seat of our government is cleansed from the sinful traffic of "slaves and the souls of men." although that august assembly may be like the unjust judge who "feared not god neither regarded man," yet it _must_ yield just as he did, from the power of importunity. like the unjust judge, congress _must_ redress the wrongs of the widow, lest by the continual coming up of petitions, it be wearied. this will be striking the dagger into the very heart of the monster, and once this done, he must soon expire. abolitionists have been accused of abusing their southern brethren. did the prophet isaiah _abuse_ the jews when he addressed to them the cutting reproof contained in the first chapter of his prophecies, and ended by telling them, they would be _ashamed_ of the oaks they had desired, and _confounded_ for the garden they had chosen? did john the baptist _abuse_ the jews when he called them "_a generation of vipers_," and warned them "to bring forth fruits meet for repentance!" did peter abuse the jews when he told them they were the murderers of the lord of glory? did paul abuse the roman governor when he reasoned before him of righteousness, temperance, and judgment, so as to send conviction home to his guilty heart, and cause him to tremble in view of the crimes he was living in? surely not. no man will _now_ accuse the prophets and apostles of _abuse_, but what have abolitionists done more than they? no doubt the jews thought the prophets and apostles in their day, just as harsh and uncharitable as slaveholders now, think abolitionists; if they did not, why did they beat, and stone, and kill them? great fault has been found with the prints which have been employed to expose slavery at the north, but my friends, how could this be done so effectively in any other way? until the pictures of the slave's sufferings were drawn and held up to public gaze, no northerner had any idea of the cruelty of the system, it never entered their minds that such abominations could exist in christian, republican america; they never suspected that many of the _gentlemen_ and _ladies_ who came from the south to spend the summer months in traveling among them, were petty tyrants at home. and those who had lived at the south, and came to reside at the north, were too _ashamed of slavery_ even to speak of it; the language of their hearts was, "tell it _not_ in gath, publish it _not_ in the streets of askelon;" they saw no use in uncovering the loathsome body to popular sight, and in hopeless despair, wept in secret places over the sins of oppression. to such hidden mourners the formation of anti-slavery societies was as life from the dead, the first beams of hope which gleamed through the dark clouds of despondency and grief. prints were made use of to effect the abolition of the inquisition in spain, and clarkson employed them when he was laboring to break up the slave trade, and english abolitionists used them just as we are now doing. they are powerful appeals and have invariably done the work they were designed to do, and we cannot consent to abandon the use of these until the _realities_ no longer exist. with regard to those white men, who, it was said, did try to raise an insurrection in mississippi a year ago, and who were stated to be abolitionists, none of them were proved to be members of anti-slavery societies, and it must remain a matter of great doubt whether, even they were guilty of the crimes alledged against them, because when any community is thrown into such a panic as to inflict lynch law upon accused persons, they cannot be supposed to be capable of judging with calmness and impartiality. _we know_ that the papers of which the charleston mail was robbed, were _not_ insurrectionary, and that they were _not_ sent to the colored people as was reported. _we know_ that amos dresser was _no insurrectionist_ though he was accused of being so, and on this false accusation was publicly whipped in nashville in the midst of a crowd of infuriated _slaveholders_. was that young man disgraced by this infliction of corporal punishment? no more than was the great apostle of the gentile; who five times received forty stripes, save one. like him, he might have said, "henceforth i bear in my body the marks of the lord jesus," for it was for the _truth's sake, he suffered_, as much as did the apostle paul. are nelson, and garrett, and williams, and other abolitionists who have recently been banished from missouri, insurrectionists? _we know_ they are _not_, whatever slaveholders may choose to call them. the spirit which now asperses the character of the abolitionists, is the _very same_ which dressed up the christians of spain in the skins of wild beasts and pictures of devils when they were led to execution as heretics. before we condemn individuals, it is necessary, even in a wicked community, to accuse them of some crime; hence, when jezebel wished to compass the death of naboth, men of belial were suborned to bear false witness against him, and so it was with stephen, and so it ever has been, and ever will be, as long as there is any virtue to suffer on the rack, or the gallows. _false_ witnesses must appear against abolitionists before they can be condemned. i will now say a few words on george thompson's mission to this country. this philanthropist was accused of being a foreign emissary. were lafayette, and steuben, and de kalb, and pulawski, foreign emissaries when they came over to america to fight against the tories, who preferred submitting to what was termed, "the yoke of servitude," rather than bursting the fetters which bound them to the mother country? _they_ came with _carnal weapons_ to engage in _bloody_ conflict against american citizens, and yet, where do their names stand on the page of history. among the honorable, or the base? thompson came here to war against the giant sin of slavery, _not_ with the sword and the pistol, but with the smooth stones of oratory taken from the pure waters of the river of truth. his splendid talents and commanding eloquence rendered him a powerful coadjutor in the anti-slavery cause, and in order to neutralize the effects of these upon his auditors, and rob the poor slave of the benefits of his labors, his character was defamed, his life was sought, and he at last driven from our republic, as a fugitive. but was _thompson_ disgraced by all this mean and contemptible and wicked chicanery and malice? no more than was paul, when in consequence of a vision he had seen at treas, he went over the macedonia to help the christians there, and was beaten and imprisoned, because he cast out a spirit of divination from a young damsel which had brought much gain to her masters. paul was as much a _foreign emissary_ in the roman colony of philippi, as george thompson was in america, and it was because he was a _jew_, and taught customs it was not lawful for them to receive or observe being romans, that the apostle was thus treated. it was said, thompson was a felon, who had fled to this country to escape transportation to new holland. look at him now pouring the thundering strains of his eloquence, upon crowded audiences in great britain, and see in this a triumphant vindication of his character. and have the slaveholder, and his obsequious apologist, gained anything by all their violence and falsehood? no! for the stone which struck goliath of gath, had already been thrown from the sling. the giant of slavery who had so proudly defied the armies of the living god, had received his death-blow before he left our shores. but what is george thompson doing there? is he not now laboring there, as effectually to abolish american slavery as though he trod our own soil, and lectured to new york or boston assemblies? what is he doing there, but constructing a stupendous dam, which will turn the overwhelming tide of public opinion over the wheels of that machinery which abolitionists are working here. he is now lecturing to _britons_ on _american slavery_, to the _subjects_ of a _king_, on the abject condition of the _slaves of a republic_. he is telling them of that mighty confederacy of petty tyrants which extends over thirteen states of our union. he is telling them of the munificent rewards offered by slaveholders, for the heads of the most distinguished advocates for freedom in this country. he is moving the british churches to send out to the churches of america the most solemn appeals, reproving, rebuking, and exhorting, them with all long suffering and patience to abandon the sin of slavery immediately. where then i ask, will the name of george thompson stand on the page of history? among the honorable, or the base? what can i say more, my friends, to induce you to set your hands, and heads, and hearts, to the great work of justice and mercy. perhaps you have feared the consequences of immediate emancipation, and been frightened by all those dreadful prophecies of rebellion, bloodshed and murder, which have been uttered. "let no man deceive you;" they are the predictions of that same "lying spirit" which spoke through the four hundred prophets of old, to ahab king of israel, urging him on to destruction. _slavery_ may produce these horrible scenes if it is continued five years longer, but emancipation _never will_. i can prove the _safety_ of immediate emancipation by history. in st. domingo in six hundred thousand slaves were set free in a white population of forty-two thousand. that island "marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor", cultivation prospered, every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress, and the negroes all continued quietly to work on the different plantations, until in , france determined to reduce these liberated slaves again to bondage. it was at _this time_ that all those dreadful scenes of cruelty occurred, which we so often _unjustly_ hear spoken of, as the effects of abolition. they were occasioned _not_ by emancipation, but by the base attempt to fasten the chains of slavery on the limbs of liberated slaves. in guadaloupe eighty-five thousand slaves were freed in a white population of thirteen thousand. the same prosperous effects followed manumission here, that had attended it in hayti, every thing was quiet until buonaparte sent out a fleet to reduce these negroes again to slavery, and in this institution was re-established in that island. in , when great britain determined to liberate the slaves in her west india colonies, and proposed the apprenticeship system; the planters of bermuda and antigua, after having joined the other planters in their representations of the bloody consequences of emancipation, in order if possible to hold back the hand which was offering the boon of freedom to the poor negro; as soon as they found such falsehoods were utterly disregarded, and abolition must take place, came forward voluntarily, and asked for the compensation which was due to them, saying, _they preferred immediate emancipation_, and were not afraid of any insurrection. and how is it with these islands now? they are decidedly more prosperous than any of those on which the apprenticeship system was adopted, and england is now trying to abolish that system, so fully convinced is she that immediate emancipation is the _safest_ and the best plan. and why not try it in the southern states, if it _never_ has occasioned rebellion; if _not a drop of blood_ has ever been shed in consequence of it, though it has been so often tried, why should we suppose it would produce such disastrous consequences now? "be not deceived then, god is not mocked," by such false excuses for not doing justly and loving mercy. there is nothing to fear from immediate emancipation, but _every thing_ from the continuance of slavery. sisters in christ, i have done. as a southerner, i have felt it was my duty to address you. i have endeavoured to set before you the exceeding sinfulness of slavery, and to point you to the example of those noble women who have been raised up in the church to effect great revolutions, and to suffer for the truth's sake. i have appealed to your sympathies as women, to your sense of duty as _christian women_. i have attempted to vindicate the abolitionists, to prove the entire safety of immediate emancipation, and to plead the cause of the poor and oppressed. i have done--i have sowed the seeds of truth, but i well know, that even if an apollos were to follow in my steps to water them, "_god only_ can give the increase." to him then who is able to prosper the work of his servant's hand, i commend this appeal in fervent prayer, that as he "hath _chosen the weak things of the world_, to confound the things which are mighty," so he may guise his blessing, to descend and carry conviction to the hearts of many lydias through these speaking pages. farewell--count me not your "enemy because i have told you the truth," but believe me in unfeigned affection, your sympathizing friend, angelina e. grimk�. shrewsbury, n.j., . * * * * * third edition. price - cents single, - cents per dozen, $ per hundred. no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * letter of gerrit smith to rev. james smylie, of the state of mississippi. . letter, etc. peterboro', october , . rev. james smylie, _late stated clerk of the presbytery of mississippi:_ sir,--accept my thanks for your politeness in sending me a copy of your book on slavery. this book proves, that the often repeated assertion, that the whole south is opposed to the discussion of the question of slavery, is not true:--and so far, i rejoice in its appearance. i presume--i know, indeed, that you are not the only man in the south, who is in favor of this discussion. there are, doubtless, many persons in the south, who believe, that all attempts to suppress it, are vain, as well as wicked. besides, you virtually admit, that the south is compelled to discuss the question of slavery; or, at least, to give her own views of it, in order to prevent the conscience of southern christians--that conscience, "which does make cowards of us all"--from turning traitor to the cause of slavery. i rejoice, too, that you accompanied the copy sent to me, with the request, that i should review it, and make "candid remarks" upon it; and, that you have thus put it in my power to send to the south some of my views on slavery, without laying myself open to the charge of being discourteous and obtrusive. you undertake to show that slavery existed, and, with the divine approbation, amongst the old testament jews; and that it also existed, whilst our saviour and his apostles were on the earth, and was approved by them. you thence argue, that it is not only an innocent institution, but one which it is a religious duty to maintain. i admit, for the sake of argument, that there was a servitude in the patriarchal families which was approved by god. but what does this avail in your defence of slavery, unless you show, that that servitude and slavery are essentially alike? the literal terms of the relation of master and servant, under that servitude, are not made known to us; but we can, nevertheless, confidently infer their spirit from facts, which illustrate their practical character; and, if this character be found to be opposite to that of slavery, then it is manifest, that what you say of patriarchal servitude is impertinent, and tends to mislead, rather than enlighten your readers. to a few of these facts and a few of the considerations arising from them, i now call your attention. st. read the first eight verses of the eighteenth chapter of genesis, and tell me, if you ever saw gov. mcduffie or any other southern patriarch (for the governor desires to have all slaveholders looked upon in the character of patriarchs) putting himself on a level with his servants, and "working with his hands," after the manner of abraham and sarah? d. there was such a community of interest--so much of mutual confidence--between abraham and his servants, that they fought his battles. indeed, the terms of this patriarchal servitude were such, that in the event of the master's dying without issue, one of his servants inherited his property (gen. : ). but, according to the code of southern slavery, the slave can no more own property, than he can own himself. "all that a slave possesses belongs to his master"--"slaves are incapable of inheriting or transmitting property." these, and many similar phrases, are found in that code. severe as was the system of roman slavery, yet in this respect, it was far milder than yours; for its subjects could acquire property (their peculium); and frequently did they purchase their liberty with it. so far from southern slaves being, as abraham's servants were, a dependence in war, it is historically true, that they are accustomed to improve this occasion to effect their escape, and strengthen the hands of the enemy. as a further proof that southern slavery begets none of that confidence between master and slave, which characterized the mutual intercourse of abraham and his servants--the slave is prohibited, under severe penalties, from having any weapons in his possession, even in time of peace; and the nightly patrol, which the terror-stricken whites of southern towns keep up, in peace, as well as in war, argues any thing, rather than the existence of such confidence. "for keeping or carrying a gun, or powder or shot, or a club, or other weapon whatsoever, offensive or defensive, a slave incurs, says southern statute book, for each offence, thirty-nine lashes." d. when i read your quotation from the twenty-fourth chapter of genesis, made for the purpose of showing that god allowed abraham to have slaves, i could not but wonder at your imprudence, in meddling with this chapter, which is of itself, enough to convince any unbiased mind, that abraham's servants held a relation to their master and to society, totally different from that held by southern slaves. have you ever known a great man in your state send his slave into another to choose a wife for his son?--and if so, did the lily white damsel he selected call the sable servant "my lord?"--and did her family spare no pains to manifest respect for their distinguished guest, and promote his comfort? but this chapter, which you call to your aid, informs us, that abraham's servant was honored with such tokens of confidence and esteem. if a southern slave shall ever be employed in such a mission, he may count himself highly favored, if he be not taken up by the way, imprisoned, and "sold for his jail fees." th. did you ever know southern slaves contend for their rights with their masters? when a southern master reads the thirteenth verse of the thirty-first chapter of job, he must think that job was in the habit of letting down his dignity very low. th. do southern masters accord religious privileges and impart religious instruction equally to their slaves and their children? your laws, which visit with stripes, imprisonment, and death, the attempt to teach slaves to read the bible, show but too certainly, that the southern master, who should undertake to place "his children and his household" on the same level, in respect to their religious advantages, as it is probable that abraham did (gen. : ), would soon find himself in the midst of enemies, not to his reputation only, but to his life also. and now, sir, admitting that the phrase, on which you lay so much stress--"bought with his money"--was used in connexion with a form of servitude which god approved--i put it to your candor, whether this phrase should be allowed to weigh at all against the facts i have adduced and the reasonings i have employed to show the true nature of that servitude, and how totally unlike it is to slavery? are you not bound by the principles of sound reasoning, to attach to it a meaning far short of what, i grant, is its natural import in this age, and, especially, amongst a people who, like ourselves, are accustomed to associate such an expression with slavery? can you deny, that you are bound to adopt such a meaning of it, as shall harmonize with the facts, which illustrate the nature of the servitude in question, and with the laws and character of him, whose sanction you claim for that servitude? an opposite course would give a preference to words over things, which common sense could not tolerate. many instances might be cited to show the absurdity of the assumption that whatever is spoken of in the scriptures as being "bought," is property. boaz "purchased" his wife. hosea "bought her (his wife) for fifteen pieces of silver." jacob, to use a common expression, "took his wages" in wives. joseph "bought" the egyptians, after they had said to him "buy us." but, so far from their having become the property of joseph or of his king, it was a part of the bargain, that they were to have as much land as they wanted--seed to sow it--and four-fifths of the crops. the possessors of such independence and such means of wealth are not the property of their fellow-men. i need say no more, to prove that slavery is entirely unlike the servitude in the patriarchal families. i pass on, now, to the period between the promulgation of the divine law by moses, and the birth of christ. you argue from the fifth and sixth verses of the twenty-first chapter of exodus, that god authorized the enslavement of the jews: but, on the same page, on which you do so, you also show the contrary. it may, nevertheless, be well for me to request you to read and read again leviticus : - , until your remaining doubts, on this point, shall all be put to flight. i am free to admit the probability, that under some of the forms of servitude, in which jews were held, the servant was subjected to a control so extensive as to expose him to suffer great cruelties. these forms corresponded with the spirit and usages of the age, in which they existed; entirely unsuited, as they are, to a period and portion of the world, blessed with the refining and softening influences of civilization and the gospel. numerous as were the statutory regulations for the treatment of the servant, they could not preclude the large discretion of the master. the apprentice, in our country, is subjected to an authority, equaling a parent's authority, but not always tempered in its exercise, with a parent's love. his condition is, therefore, not unfrequently marked with severity and suffering. now, imagine what this condition would be, under the harsh features of a more barbarous age, and you will have in it, as i conjecture, no distant resemblance to that of some of the jewish servants. but how different is this condition from that of the slave! i am reminded in this connexion, of the polished, but pernicious, article on slavery in a late number of the biblical repertory. in that article professor hodge says, that the claim of the slaveholder "is found to be nothing more than a transferable claim of service either for life, or for a term of years." will he allow me to ask him, where he discovered that the pretensions of the slaveholder are all resolvable into this modest claim? he certainly did not discover it in any slave code; nor in any practical slavery. where then? no where, but in that undisclosed system of servitude, which is the creation of his own fancy. to this system i raise no objection whatever. on the contrary, i am willing to admit its beauty and its worthiness of the mint in which it was coined. but i protest against his right to bestow upon it the name of another and totally different thing. he must not call it slavery. suppose a poor german to be so desirous of emigrating with his family to america, as to agree to give his services for ten years, as a compensation for the passage. suppose further, that the services are to be rendered to the captain of the ship in which they sail, or to any other person, to whom he may assign his claim. such a bargain is not uncommon. now, according to professor hodge, this german may as rightly as any of your southern servants, be called a slave. he may as rightly be called _property_, as they may be, who, in the language of the south carolina laws, "shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law, to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, _to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever_." we will glance at a few points of difference in their condition. st. the german is capable of making a contract, and in the case supposed, does make a contract; but your slave is incapable of making any contract. d. the german receives wages; the price of carrying himself and family being the stipulated price for his services, during the ten years; but your slave receives no wages. d. the german, like any other hireling, and, like any apprentice in our country, is under the protection of law. but, there is no law to shield the slave from wrongs. being a mere chattel or thing, he has no rights; and, therefore, he can have no wrongs to be redressed. does professor hodge say, that there are statutes limiting and regulating the power of the slaveholder? i grant there are; though it must be remembered, that there is one way of even murdering a slave, which some of the slave states do not only not forbid, but impliedly and practically admit[a]. the professor should know, however, that all these statutes are, practically, a mere nullity. nevertheless, they show the absoluteness of the power which they nominally qualify. this absoluteness is as distinctly implied by them, as the like was by the law of the emperor claudius, which imposed limitations upon the "jus vitae et necis" (the right of life and death) which roman slavery put into the hand of the master. but if the professor should be so imprudent as to cite us to the slave code for evidence of its merciful provisions, he will, in so doing, authorize us to cite him to that code for evidence of the _nature_ of slavery. this authority, however, he would not like to give us; for he is unwilling to have slavery judged of by its own code. he insists, that it shall be judged of by that ideal system of slavery, which is lodged in his own brain, and which he can bring forth by parcels, to suit present occasions, as mahomet produced the leaves of the koran. [footnote a: the licensed murder referred to, is that where the slave dies under "moderate correction." but is not the murder of a slave by a white man, _in any way_, practically licensed in all the slave states? who ever heard of a white man's being put to death, under southern laws, for the murder of a slave? american slavery provides impunity for the white murderer of the slave, by its allowing none but whites--none but those who construct and uphold the system of abominations--to testify against the murderer. but why particularize causes of this impunity? the whole policy of the southern slave system goes to provide it. how unreasonable is it to suppose, that they, who have conspired against a portion of their fellow-beings, and mutually pledged themselves to treat them as _mere things_--how unreasonable, i say, is it to suppose, that they would consent to put a _man_ to death, on account of his treatment, in whatever way, of a _mere thing_? not long ago, i was informed by a highly respectable lawyer of the state of georgia, that he had known a number of attempts (attempts most probably but in form and name) to effect the conviction of whites for their undoubted murder of slaves. but in every instance, the jurors perjured themselves, rather than consent that a _man_ should be put to death, for the liberty he had taken in disposing of a _thing_. they had rather perjure themselves, than by avenging the blood of a _slave_ with that of a _man_, make a breach upon the policy of keeping the slave ignorant, that he has the _nature_, and consequently the _rights_, of a man.] professor hodge tells his readers, in substance, that the selling of men, as they are sold under the system of slavery, is to be classed with the cessions of territory, occasionally made by one sovereign to another; and he would have the slave, who is sold from hand to hand, and from state to state, at the expense to his bleeding heart, of the disruption of its dearest ties, think his lot no harder than that of the inhabitant of louisiana, who was passed without his will, from the jurisdiction of the french government to that of the united states. when a good man lends himself to the advocacy of slavery, he must, at least for a time, feel himself to be anywhere but at home, amongst his new thoughts, doctrines, and modes of reasoning. this is very evident in the case before us--especially, when now and then, old habits of thought and feeling break out, in spite of every effort to repress them, and the professor is himself again, and discourses as manfully, as fearlessly, and as eloquently, as he ever had done before the slaveholders got their hands upon him. it is not a little amusing to notice, that, although the burden of his article is to show that slavery is one of god's institutions, (what an undertaking for a professor of theology in the year !) he so far forgets the interests of his new friends and their expectations from him, as to admit on one page, that "the general principles of the gospel have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of christendom;" and on another, that "the south has to choose between emancipation, by the silent and holy influence of the gospel, or to abide the issue of a long continued conflict against the laws of god." whoever heard, until these strange times on which we have fallen, of any thing, which, to use the professor's language about slavery, "it is in vain, to contend is sin, and yet profess reverence for the scriptures," being at war with and destroyed by the principles of the gospel. what sad confusion of thought the pro-slavery influences, to which some great divines have yielded, have wrought in them! i will proceed to argue, that the institution in the southern states called "slavery," is radically unlike any form of servitude under which jews were held, agreeably to the divine will; and also radically unlike any form of servitude approved of god in the patriarchal families. st. god does not contradict himself. he is "without variableness or shadow of turning." he loves his word and has "magnified it above all his name." he commands his rational creatures to "search the scriptures." he cannot, therefore, approve of a system which forbids the searching of them, and shuts out their light from the soul; and which, by the confession of your own selves, turns men in this gospel land into heathen. he has written his commandment against adultery, and he cannot, therefore, approve of a system, which induces this crime, by forbidding marriage. the following extract from an opinion of the attorney general of maryland, shows some of the consequences of this "forbidding to marry." "a slave has never maintained an action against the violator of his bed. a slave is not admonished for incontinence, or punished for fornication or adultery; never prosecuted for bigamy." again, god has written his commandment, that children should honor their parents. how, then, can he approve of a system, which pours contempt on the relation of parent and child? which subjects them to be forcibly separated from each other, and that too, beyond the hope of reunion?--under which parents are exposed and sold in the market-place along with horses and cattle?--under which they are stripped and lashed, and made to suffer those innumerable, and some of them, nameless indignities, that tend to generate in their children, who witness them, any feelings, rather than those of respect and honor, for parents thus degraded? some of these nameless indignities are alluded to in a letter written to me from a slave state, in march, . "in this place," says the writer, "i find a regular and a much frequented slave market, where thousands are yearly sold like cattle to the highest bidder. it is the opinion of gentlemen here, that not far from five hundred thousand dollars are yearly paid in this place for negroes; and at this moment, i can look from the window of my room and count six droves of from twenty to forty each, sitting in the market place for sale. this morning i witnessed the sale of twelve slaves, and i could but shudder at the language used and the liberties taken with the females!" d. as a proof, that in the kinds of servitude referred to, god did not invest abraham, or any other person with that absolute ownership of his fellow-men, which is claimed by southern slaveholders--i would remark, that he has made man accountable to himself; but slavery makes him accountable to, and a mere appendage to his fellow-man. slavery substitutes the will of a fallible fellow-man for that infallible rule of action--the will of god. the slave, instead of being allowed to make it the great end of his existence to glorify god and enjoy him for ever, is degraded from his exalted nature, which borders upon angelic dignity, to be, to do, and to suffer what a mere man bids him be, do, and suffer. the southern slave would obey god in respect to marriage, and also to the reading and studying of his word. but this, as we have seen, is forbidden him. he may not marry; nor may he read the bible. again, he would obey god in the duties of secret and social prayer. but he may not attend the prayer-meeting--certainly not that of his choice; and instances are known, where the master has intruded upon the slave's secret audience with heaven, to teach him by the lash, or some other instrument of torture, that he would allow "no other god before" himself. said joseph mason, an intelligent colored man, who was born and bred near richmond, in virginia, in reply to my question whether he and his fellow-slaves cared about their souls--"we did not trouble ourselves about our souls; we were our masters' property and not our own; under their and not our own control; and we believed that our masters were responsible for our souls." this unconcern for their spiritual interests grew very naturally out of their relation to their masters; and were the relation ordained of god, the unconcern would, surely, be both philosophical and sinless. god cannot approve of a system of servitude, in which the master is guilty of assuming absolute power--of assuming god's place and relation towards his fellow-men. were the master, in every case, a wise and good man--as wise and good as is consistent with this wicked and heaven-daring assumption on his part--the condition of the slave would it is true, be far more tolerable, than it now is. but even then, we should protest as strongly as ever against slavery; for it would still be guilty of its essential wickedness of robbing a man of his right to himself, and of robbing god of his right to him, and of putting these stolen rights into the hand of an erring mortal. nay, if angels were constituted slaveholders, our objection to the relation would remain undiminished; since there would still be the same robbery of which we now complain. but you will say, that i have overlooked the servitude in which the jews held strangers and foreigners; and that it is on this, more than any other, that you rely for your justification of slavery. i will say nothing now of this servitude; but before i close this communication, i will give my reasons for believing, that whatever was its nature, even if it were compulsory, it cannot be fairly pleaded in justification of slavery. after you shall have allowed, as you will allow, that slavery, as it exists, is at war with god, you will be likely to say, that the fault is not in the theory of it; but in the practical departure from that theory; that it is not the system, but the practice under it, which is at war with god. our concern, however, is with slavery as it is, and not with any theory of it. but to indulge you, we will look at the system of slavery, as it is presented to us, in the laws of the slave states; and what do we find here? why, that the system is as bad as the practice under it. here we find the most diabolical devices to keep millions of human beings in a state of heathenism--in the deepest ignorance and most loathsome pollution. but you will tell me, that i do not look far enough to find the true theory of slavery; and that the cruelties and abominations, which the laws of the slave states have ingrafted on this theory, are not acknowledged by the good men in those states to be a part of the theory. well, you shall have the benefit of this plea; and i admit, for the sake of argument, that this theory of slavery, which lies far back, and out of sight of every thing visible and known about slavery, is right. and what does this admission avail you? it is slavery as it is--as it is seen and known, that the abolitionists are contending against. but, say you, to induce our forbearance, "we good men at the south are restoring slavery, as fast as we can, to what it should be; and we will soon make its erring practice quadrate with its perfect and sinless theory." success to your endeavors! but let me ask these good men, whether similar representations would avail to make them forbearing towards any other class of offenders; and whether they would allow these offenders to justify the wickedness of their hands, by pleading the purity of their hearts. suppose that i stand in court confessedly guilty of the crime of passing counterfeit money; and that i ask for my acquittal on the ground, that, notwithstanding i am practically wrong, i am, nevertheless, theoretically right. "believe me," i say, in tones of deep and unfeigned pathos, and with a corresponding pressure of my hand upon my heart, "that the principles within are those of the purest morality; and that it is my faithful endeavor to bring my deportment, which, as you this day witness, is occasionally devious, into perfect conformity with my inward rectitude. my theory of honest and holy living is all that you could wish it to be. be but patient, and you shall witness its beautiful exhibitions in my whole conduct." now, you certainly would not have this plea turn to my advantage;--why then expect that your similar plea should be allowed? we must continue to judge of slavery by what it is, and not by what you tell us it will, or may be. until its character be righteous, we shall continue to condemn it; but when you shall have brought it back to your sinless and beautiful theory of it, it will have nothing to fear from the abolitionists. there are two prominent reasons, however, for believing that you will never present southern slavery to us in this lovely character, the mere imagination of which is so dear to you. the first is, that you are doing nothing to this end. it is an indisputable fact that southern slavery is continually getting wider and wider from god, and from an innocent theory of servitude; and the "good men at the south," of whom we have spoken, are not only doing nothing to arrest this increasing divergency, but they are actually favoring it. the writings of your dews, and baxters, and plummers, and postells, and andersons, and the proceedings of your ecclesiastical bodies, abundantly show this. never, and the assertion is borne out by your statute books, as well as other evidences, has southern slavery multiplied its abominations so rapidly, as within the last ten years; and never before had the southern church been so much engaged to defend and perpetuate these abominations. the other of these reasons for believing that southern slavery will never be conformed to your _beau ideal_ of slavery, in which it is presupposed there are none but principles of righteousness, is, that on its first contact with these principles, it would "vanish into thin air," leaving "not a wreck behind." in proof of this, and i need not cite any other case, it would be immediate death to southern slavery to concede to its subjects, god's institution of marriage; and hence it is, that its code forbids marriage. the rights of the husband in the wife, and of the wife in the husband, and of parents in their children, would stand directly in the way of that traffic in human flesh, which is the very life-blood of slavery; and the assumptions of the master would, at every turn and corner, be met and nullified by these rights; since all his commands to the children of those servants (for now they should no longer be called slaves) would be in submission to the paramount authority of the parents[a]. and here, sir, you and i might bring our discussion to a close, by my putting the following questions to you, both of which your conscience would compel you to answer in the affirmative. [footnote a: i am aware that professor hodge asserts, that "slavery may exist without those laws which interfere with their (the slaves) marital or parental right" now, this is a point of immense importance in the discussion of the question, whether slavery is sinful; and i, therefore, respectfully ask him either to retract the assertion, or to prove its correctness. ten thousands of his fellow-citizens, to whom the assertion is utterly incredible, unite with me in this request. if he can show, that slavery does not "interfere with marital or parental rights," they will cease to oppose it. their confident belief is, that slavery and marriage, whether considered in the light of a civil contract, or a scriptural institution, are entirely incompatible with each other.] st. is not southern slavery guilty of a most heaven-daring crime, in substituting concubinage for god's institution of marriage? d. would not that slavery, and also every theory and modification of slavery, for which you may contend, come speedily to nought, if their subjects were allowed to marry? slavery, being an abuse, is incapable of reformation. it dies, not only when you aim a fatal blow at its life principle--its foundation doctrine of man's right to property in man[b]--but it dies as surely, when you prune it of its manifold incidents of pollution and irreligion. [footnote b: i mean by this phrase, "right to property in man," a right to hold man as property; and i do not see with what propriety certain writers construe it to mean, a property in the mere services of a man.] but it would be treating you indecorously to stop you at this stage of the discussion, before we are a third of the way through your book, and thus deny a hearing to the remainder of it. we will proceed to what you say of the slavery which existed in the time of the new testament writers. before we do so, however, let me call your attention to a few of the specimens of very careless reasoning in that part of your book, which we have now gone over. they may serve to inspire you with a modest distrust of the soundness of other parts of your argument. after concluding that abraham was a slaveholder, you quote the following language from the bible; "abraham obeyed my voice and kept my charge, my commandments, my statutes, and my laws." you then inquire, "how could this be true of abraham, holding as he did, until he was an old man, more slaves than any man in mississippi or louisiana?" to be consistent with your design in quoting this passage, you must argue from it, that abraham was perfect. but this he was not; and, therefore, your quotation is vain. again, if the slaveholder would quiet his conscience with the supposition, that "abraham held more slaves than any man in mississippi or louisiana," let him remember, that he had also more concubines (gen. : ), "than any man in mississippi or louisiana;" and, if abraham's authority be in the one case conclusive for slaveholding, equally so must it be in the other, for concubinage. perhaps, in saying that "abraham had more concubines than any man in mississippi or louisiana," i have done injustice to the spirit of propagation prevailing amongst the gentlemen of those states. it may be, that some of your planters quite distance the old patriarch in obedience to the command to "multiply and replenish the earth." i am correctly informed, that a planter in virginia, who counted, i know not how many slaves upon his plantation, confessed on his death-bed, that his licentiousness had extended to every adult female amongst them. this planter was a near relative of the celebrated patrick henry. it may be, that you have planters in mississippi and louisiana, who avail themselves to the extent that he did, of the power which slaveholding gives to pollute and destroy. the hundreds of thousands of mulattoes, who constitute the southern commentary on the charge, that the abolitionists design amalgamation, bear witness that this planter was not singular in his propensities. i do not know what you can do with this species of your population. besides, that it is a standing and deep reproach on southern chastity, it is not a little embarrassing and puzzling to those who have received the doctrine, that the descendants of africa amongst us must be returned to the land of their ancestors. how the poor mulatto shall be disposed of, under this doctrine, between the call which africa makes for him, on the one hand, and that which some state of europe sends out for him on the other, is a problem more difficult of solution than that which the contending mothers brought before the matchless wisdom of solomon. in the paragraph, which relates to the fourth and tenth commandments, there is another specimen of your loose reasoning. you say, that the language, "in it (the sabbath) thou shalt do no work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy man servant, nor thy maid servant," "recognises the authority of the master over the servant." i grant, that it does: but does it at all show, that these servants were slaves? does it recognise any more authority than the master should exercise over his voluntary servants? should not the head of a family restrain all his servants, as well the voluntary as the involuntary, from unnecessary labor on the sabbath? you also say, that the tenth commandment "recognizes servants as the _property_ of their masters." but how does it appear from the language of this commandment, that the man servant and maid servant are property any more than the wife is? we will proceed, however, to the third section of your book. your acquaintance with history has enabled you to show some of the characteristics and fruits of greek and roman slavery. you state the facts, that the subjects of this slavery were "absolutely the property of their masters"--that they "were used like dogs"--that "they were forbidden to learn any liberal art or perform any act worthy of their masters"--that "once a day they received a certain number of stripes for fear they should forget they were slaves"--that, at one time, "sixty thousand of them in sicily and italy were chained and confined to work in dungeons"--that "in rome there was a continual market for slaves," and that "the slaves were commonly exposed for sale naked"--that, when old, they were turned away," and that too by a master, highly esteemed for his superior virtues, to starve to death"--that they were thrown into ponds to be food for fish--that they were in the city of athens near twenty times as numerous as free persons--that there were in the roman empire sixty millions of slaves to twenty millions of freemen mind that many of the romans had five thousand, some ten thousand, and others twenty thousand. and now, for what purpose is your recital of these facts?--not, for its natural effect of awakening, in your readers, the utmost abhorrence of slavery:--no--but for the strange purpose (the more strange for being in the breast of a minister of the gospel) of showing your readers, that even greek and roman slavery was innocent, and agreeable to god's will; and that, horrid as are the fruits you describe, the tree, which bore them, needed but to be dug about and pruned--not to be cut down. this slavery is innocent, you insist, because the new testament does not show, that it was specifically condemned by the apostles. by the same logic, the races, the games, the dramatic entertainments, and the shows of gladiators, which abounded in greece and rome, were, likewise, innocent, because the new testament does not show a specific condemnation of them by the apostles[a]. but, although the new testament does not show such condemnation, does it necessarily follow, that they were silent, in relation to these sins? or, because the new testament does not specifically condemn greek and roman slavery, may we, therefore, infer, that the apostles did not specifically condemn it? look through the published writings of many of the eminent divines, who have lived in modern times, and have written and published much for the instruction of the churches, and you will not find a line in them against gambling or theatres or the slave-trade;--in some of them, not a line against the very common sin of drunkenness. think you, therefore, that they never spoke or wrote against these things? it would be unreasonable to expect to find, in print, their sentiments against all, even of the crying sins of their times. but how much more unreasonable is it to expect to find in the few pages of the apostles' published letters, the whole of which can be read in a few hours, their sentiments in relation to all the prominent sins of the age in which they lived! and far greater still is the unreasonableness of setting them down, as favorable to all practices which these letters do not specifically condemn. [footnote a: prof. hodge says, if the apostles did abstain from declaring slavery to be sinful, "it must have been, because they did not consider it as, in itself, a crime. no other solution of their conduct is consistent with their truth or fidelity." but he believes that they did abstain from so doing; and he believes this, on the same evidence, on which he believes, that they abstained from declaring the races, games, &c., above enumerated, to be sinful. his own mode of reasoning, therefore, brings him unavoidably to the conclusion, that these races, games, &c., were not sinful.] it may be, that the saviour and the apostles, in the course of their teachings, both oral and written, did specify sins to a far greater extent, than they are supposed to have done. it may be, that their followers had much instruction, in respect to the great sin of slavery. we must bear in mind, that but a very small part of that divine instruction, which, on the testimony of an apostle, "the world itself could not contain if written," has come down to us. of the writings of our saviour we have nothing. of those of his apostles a very small part. it is probable, that, during his protracted ministry, the learned apostle to the gentiles wrote many letters on religious subjects to individuals and to churches. so also of the immense amount of instruction, which fell from the lips of the apostles, but very little is preserved. it was infinite wisdom, however, which determined the size of the new, as well as of the old testament, and of what kinds and portions of the saviour's and the apostles' instructions it should consist. for obvious considerations, it is made up, in a great measure, of general truths and propositions. its limited size, if no other reason, accounts for this. but, these general truths and propositions are as comprehensive as the necessity of the case requires; and, carried out into all their suitable applications they leave no sin unforbidden. small as is the new testament, it is as large as we need. it instructs us in relation to all our duties. it is as full on the subject of slavery, as is necessary; and, if we will but obey its directions, that bear on this subject, and "love one another," and love our neighbors as ourselves, and, as we would that men should do to us, do "also to them likewise," and "remember them, that are in bonds as bound with them," and "give unto servants, that which is just and equal"--not a vestige of this abomination will remain. for the sake of the argument, i will admit, that the apostles made no specific attack on slavery[a]; and that they left it to be reached and overthrown, provided it be sinful, by the general principles and instructions which they had inculcated. but you will say, that it was their practice, in addition to inculcating such principles and instructions, to point out sins and reprove them:--and you will ask, with great pertinence and force, why they did not also point out and reprove slavery, which, in the judgment of abolitionists, is to be classed with the most heinous sins. i admit, that there is no question addressed to abolitionists, which, after the admission i have made for them, it is less easy to answer; and i admit further, that they are bound to answer it. i will proceed to assign what to me appear to be some of the probable reasons, why the apostles specified the sins of lying, covetousness, stealing, &c., and, agreeably to the admission, which lays me under great disadvantage, did not specify slavery. [footnote a: this is no small admission in the face of the passage, in the first chapter of timothy, which particularizes manstealing, as a violation of the law of god. i believe all scholars will admit, that one of the crimes referred to by the apostle, is kidnapping. but is not kidnapping an integral and most vital part of the system of slavery? and is not the slaveholder guilty of this crime? does he not, indeed, belong to a class of kidnappers stamped with peculiar meanness? the pirate, on the coast of africa, has to cope with the strength and adroitness of mature years. to get his victim into his clutches is a deed of daring and of peril demanding no little praise, upon the principles of the world's "code of honor." but the proud chivalry of the south is securely employed in kidnapping newborn infants. the pirate, in the one case, soothes his conscience with the thought, that the bloody savages merit no better treatment, than they are receiving at his hands:--but the pirate, in the other, can have no such plea--for they, whom he kidnaps, are untainted with crime. and what better does it make the case for you, if we adopt the translation of "men stealers?" far better, you will say, for, on the authority of othello himself, "he that is robb'd------ let him not know it, and he's not robbed at all." but, your authority is not conclusive. the crime of the depredation is none the less, because the subject is ignorant or unconscious of it. it is true, the slave, who never possessed liberty--who was kidnapped at his birth--may not grieve, under the absence of it, as he does, from whose actual and conscious possession it had been violently taken: but the robbery is alike plain, and is coupled with a meanness, in the one case, which does not disgrace it in the other. ] st. the book of acts sets forth the fundamental doctrines and requirements of christianity. it is to the letters of the apostles we are to look for extended specifications of right and wrong affections, and right and wrong practices. why do these letters omit to specify the sin of slaveholding? because they were addressed to professing christians exclusively; who, far more emphatically then than now, were "the base things of the world," and were in circumstances to be slaves, rather than slaveholders. doubtless, there were many slaves amongst them--but i cannot admit, that there were slaveholders. there is not the least probability, that slaveholding was a prevalent sin amongst primitive christians[b]. instructions to them on that sin might have been almost as superfluous, as would be lectures on the sin of luxury, addressed to the poor greenland disciples, whose poverty compels them to subsist on filthy oil. no one, acquainted with the history of their lives, believes that the apostles were slave-holders. they labored, "working with (their) own hands." the supposition, that they were slaveholders, is inconsistent with their practice, and with the tenor of their instructions to others on the duty of manual labor. but if the apostles were not slaveholders, why may we suppose, that their disciples were? at the south, it is, "like people, like priest," in this matter. there, the minister of the gospel thinks, that he has as good right to hold slaves, as has his parishioner: and your methodists go so far, as to say, that even a bishop has as good right, as any other person, to have slaves [footnote b: how strongly does the following extract from the writings of the great and good augustine, who lived in the fourth century, argue, that slaveholding was not a prevalent sin amongst primitive christians! "non opurtet christianum possidere servum quomodo equum aut argentum. quis dicere audeat ut vestimentum cum debere contemni? hominem namque homo tamquam seipsum diligere debet cui ab omnium domino, ut inimicos diligat, imperatur." _a christian ought not to hold his servant as he does his horse or his money. who dares say that he should be thought as lightly of as a garment? for man, whom the lord of all has commanded to love his enemies, should love his fellow-man as himself._] "------to fan him while he sleeps, and tremble when he wakes." indeed, they already threaten to separate from their northern brethren, unless this right be conceded. but have we not other and conclusive evidence, that primitive christians were not slaveholders? we will cite a few passages from the bible to show, that it was not the will of the apostles to have their disciples hold manual labor in disrepute, as it is held, in all slaveholding communities. "do your own business, and work with your own hands, as we commanded you." "for this we commanded you, that, if any would not work, neither should he eat." "let him that stole, steal no more; but rather let him labor, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth." in bringing the whole verse into this last quotation, i may have displeased you. i am aware, that you slaveholders proudly and indignantly reject the applicableness to yourselves of the first phrase in this verse, and also of the maxim, that "the partaker of stolen goods is as bad as the thief." i am aware, that you insist, that the kidnapping of a man, or getting possession of him, after he has been kidnapped, is not to be compared, if indeed it can be properly called theft at all, with the crime of stealing a _thing_. it occurs to me, that if a shrewd lawyer had you on trial for theft, he would say, that you were _estopped_ from going into this distinction between a _man_ and a _thing_, inasmuch as, by your own laws, the slave is expressly declared to be a _chattel_--is expressly _elevated_ into a _thing_. he would say, however competent it may be for others to justify themselves on the ground, that it was but a _man_, and not a _thing_, they had stolen; your own statutes, which, with magic celerity, convert stolen men into things, make such a plea, on your part, utterly inadmissible. he would have you as fast, as though the stolen goods, in your hands, were a bushel of wheat, or some other important _thing_, instead of _a mere man_. but, if you are not yet convinced that primitive christians were not slaveholders, let me cite another passage to show you, how very improbable it is, that they stood in this capacity:--"all, that believed, had all things common, and sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need." now i do not say, that all the primitive believers did so. but if a portion of them did, and met with the apostles' approbation in it, is it at all probable, that a course, so diverse from it, as that of slaveholding in the church, met likewise with their approbation? d. i go on to account for the apostles' omission to specify slavery. criminality is not always obvious, in proportion to its extent. the sin of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, was, until the last few years, almost universally unfelt and unperceived. but now, we meet with men, who, though it was "in all good conscience," that they were once engaged in it, would not resume it for worlds; and who see more criminality, in taking money from a fellow man, in exchange for the liquor which intoxicates him, than in simple theft. however it may be with others, in this employment, they now see, that, for them to traffic in intoxicating liquors, would be to stain themselves with the twofold crime of robbery and murder. how is it, that good men ever get into this employment?--and, under what influences and by what process of thought, do they come to the determination to abandon it? the former is accounted for, by the fact, that they grow up--have their education--their moral and intellectual training--in the midst of a public opinion, and even of laws also, which favor and sanction the employment. the latter is accounted for, by the fact, that they are brought, in the merciful providence of god, to observe and study and understand the consequences of their employment--especially on those who drink their liquor--the liquor which they sell or make, or, with no less criminality, furnish the materials for making. these consequences they find to be "evil, only evil, and that continually." they find, that this liquor imparts no benefit to them who drink it, but tends to destroy, and, oftentimes, does destroy, their healths and lives. to continue, therefore, in an employment in which they receive their neighbor's money, without returning him an equivalent, or any portion of an equivalent, and, in which they expose both his body and soul to destruction, is to make themselves, in their own judgments, virtually guilty of theft and murder. thus it is in the case of a national war, waged for conquest. christians have taken part in it; and, because they were blinded by a wrong education, and were acting in the name of their country and under the impulses of patriotism, they never suspected that they were doing the devil, instead of "god, service." but when, in the kind providence of god, one of these butchers of their fellow beings is brought to pause and consider his ways, and to resolve his enormous and compound sin into its elements of wickedness,--into the lies, theft, covetousness, adultery, murder, and what not of crime, which enter into it,--he is amazed that he has been so "slow of heart to believe," and abandon the iniquity of his deeds. what i have said to show that christians, even in enlightened and gospelized lands, may be blind to the great wickedness of certain customs and institutions, serves to introduce the remark; that there were probably some customs and institutions, in the time of the apostles, on which it would have been even worse than lost labor for them to make direct attacks. take, for example, the kind of war of which we have been speaking. if there are reasons why the modern christian can be insensible to the sin of it, there are far stronger reasons why the primitive christian could be. if the light and instruction which have been accumulating for eighteen centuries, are scarcely sufficient to convince christians of its wickedness, is it reasonable to suppose that, at the commencement of this long period, they could have been successfully taught it? consider, that at that time the literature and sentiment of the world were wholly on the side of war; and especially, consider how emphatically the authority of civil government and of human law was in favor of its rightfulness. now, to how great an extent such authority covers over and sanctifies sin, may be inferred from the fact, that there are many, who, notwithstanding they believe slavery to be a most heaven-daring sin, yet, because it is legalized and under the wing of civil government, would not have it spoken against. even rev. dr. miller, in certain resolutions which he submitted to the last general assembly, indicated his similar reverence for human laws; and the lamented dr. rice distinctly recognises, in his letter to mr. maxwell, the doctrine that the church is bound to be quiet about every sin which the civil government adopts and whitewashes. that the christian spectator should indorse the doctor's sentiments on this point is still more worthy of remark than that he should utter them. indeed, i judge from what you say on the th and th pages of your book, that you are yourself opposed to calling in question the morality of that which civil government approves. but, to doubt the infallibility of civil government,--to speak against caesar,--was manifestly held to be quite as presumptuous in the time of the apostles as it is now. another reason why an apostle would probably have deemed it hopeless to attempt to persuade his disciples, immediately and directly, of the sin of war, is to be found in the fact of their feeble and distorted perception of truth and duty. we, whose advantage it is to have lived all our days in the light of the gospel, and whose ancestors, from time immemorial, had the like precious advantage, can hardly conceive how very feeble and distorted was that perception. but, consider for a moment who those disciples were. they had, most of them, but just been taken out of the gross darkness and filth of heathenism. in reading accounts which missionaries give of converted heathen--of such, even, as have for ten, fifteen, or twenty years, been reputed to be pious--you are, doubtless, often surprised to find how grossly erroneous are their moral perceptions. their false education still cleaves to them. they are yet, to a great extent, in the mould of a corrupted public opinion; and, as far from having a clear discernment of moral truth, as were the partially unsealed eyes which saw "men, as trees, walking." the first letter to the church at corinth, proves that the new principles implanted in its members had not yet purged out the leaven of their old wickedness; and that their conceptions of christian purity and conduct were sadly defective. as it was with the corinthian christians, so was it to a great extent with the other christians of that age. now, if the apostles did not directly teach the primitive believers that wars, and theatres, and games, and slavery, are sinful, it is because they thought it more fit to exercise their ignorant pupils chiefly in the mere alphabet and syllables of christianity. (acts xv, , .) the construction of words and sentences would naturally follow. the rudiments of the gospel, if once possessed by them, would be apt to lead them on to greater attainments. indeed, the love, peace, truth, and other elements of holy living inculcated by the apostles, would, if turned to all proper account, be fatal to every, even the most gigantic, system of wickedness. having these elements in their minds and hearts, they would not fail of condemning the great and compound sin of war whenever they should be led to take it up, examine it, resolve it into its constituent parts, and lay these parts for comparison, by the side of those elements. but, such an advance was hardly to be expected from many of these heathen converts during the brief period in which they enjoyed apostolic instruction; and it is but too probable, that most of them died in great ignorance of the sin of national wars. converts from the heathen, in the present age, when conviction of the sinfulness of war is spreading in different parts of christendom, would be more likely to imbibe correct views of it. the apostles "fed with milk" before they fed with meat, as did our saviour, who declared, "i have yet many things to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now." in every community, the foundation principles of righteousness must be laid, before there can be fulcrums for the levers to be employed in overthrowing the sins which prevail in it. you will doubtless, then, agree with me, that it is not probable that the apostles taught their heathen converts, directly and specifically, the sinfulness of war. but slaves, in that age, with the exception of the comparative few who were reduced to slavery on account of the crimes of which they had been judicially convicted, were the spoils of war. how often in that age, as was most awfully the fact, on the final destruction of jerusalem, were the slave-markets of the world glutted by the captives of war! until, therefore, they should be brought to see the sinfulness of war, how could they see the sinfulness of so direct and legitimate a fruit of it as slavery?--and, if the apostles thought their heathen converts too weak to be instructed in the sinfulness of war, how much more would they abstain from instructing them, directly and specifically, in the sin of slavery! d. in proceeding with my reasons why the apostles did not extend their specification of sins to slavery, i remark, that it is apparent from the views we have taken, and from others which might have been taken, that nothing would have been gained by their making direct and specific attacks on the institutions of the civil governments under which they lived. indeed, much might have been lost by their doing so. weak converts, with still many remains of heathenism about them, might in this wise have been incurably prejudiced against truths, which, by other modes of teaching,--by general and indirect instructions,--would probably have been lodged in their minds. and there is another point of view in which vastly more, even their lives, might have been lost, by the apostles making the direct and specific attacks referred to. i know that you ridicule the idea of their consulting their personal safety. but what right have you to do so? they did, on many occasions, consult the security of their lives. they never perilled them needlessly, and through a presumptuous reliance on god. it is the devil, who, in a garbled quotation from the scriptures, lays down, in unlimited terms, the proposition, that god will keep his children. but, god promises them protection only when they are in their own proper ways. the saviour himself consulted the safety of his life, until his "time" had "full come;" and his command to his apostles was, "when they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another." if you suppose me to admit for a moment, that regard for the safety of their lives ever kept them from the way of their duty, you are entirely mistaken; and, if you continue to assert, in the face of my reasoning to the contrary, that on the supposition of the sinfulness of slavery, their omission to make direct and specific attacks on it would have been a failure of their duty, then i can only regret that this reasoning has had no more influence upon you. i observe that professor hodge agrees with you, that if slavery is sin, it would have been specifically attacked by the apostles at any hazard to their lives. this is his conclusion, because they did not hesitate to specify and rebuke idolatry. here is another of the professor's sophisms. the fact, that the apostles preached against idolatry, is no reason at all why, if slavery is sin, they would have preached against that also. on the one hand, it is not conceivable that the gospel can be preached where there is idolatry, without attacking it: for, in setting forth the true god to idolaters, the preacher must denounce their false gods. on the other hand, gospel sermons can be preached without number, and the true god presented, not only in a nation of idolaters, but elsewhere, without one allusion being made to such crying sins as slavery, lewdness, and intemperance. in the same connexion, professor hodge makes the remark "we do not expect them (our missionaries) to refrain from denouncing the institutions of the heathen as sinful, because they are popular, or intimately interwoven with society." if he means by this language, that it is the duty of missionaries on going into a heathen nation, to array themselves against the civil government, and to make direct and specific attacks on its wicked nature and wicked administration, then is he at issue, on this point, with the whole christian public; and, if he does not mean this, or what amounts to this, i do not see how his remark will avail any thing, in his attempt to show that the apostles made such attacks on whatever sinful institutions came under their observation. what i have said on a former page shows sufficiently how fit it is for missionaries to the heathen, more especially in the first years of their efforts among them, to labor to instruct their ignorant pupils in the elementary principles of christianity, rather than to call their attention to the institutions of civil government, the sinfulness of which they would not be able to perceive until they had been grounded in those elementary principles; and the sinfulness of which, more than of any thing else, their prejudices would forbid them to suspect. another reason why the missionary to the heathen should not directly, and certainly not immediately, assail their civil governments, is that he would thereby arouse their jealousies to a pitch fatal to his influence, his usefulness, and most probably his life; and another reason is, that this imprudence would effectually close the door, for a long time, against all efforts, even the most judicious, to spread the gospel amongst a people so needlessly and greatly prejudiced against it by an unwise and abrupt application of its principles. for instance, what folly and madness it would be for our missionaries to burmah, to make a direct assault on the political institutions of that country! how fatal would it be to their lives, and how incalculably injurious to the cause entrusted to their hands! and, if this can be said of them, after they have spent ten, fifteen, and twenty years, in efforts to bring that portion of the heathen world to a knowledge and love of the truth, how much more emphatically could it be said if they had been in the field of their labors but three or four years! and yet, even this short space of time exceeds the average period of the apostles' labor among those different portions of the heathen world which they visited;--labor, too, it must be remembered, not of the whole, nor even of half of "the twelve." that the apostles could not have made direct attacks on the institutions of the roman government, but at the expense of their lives, is not to be doubted. our saviour well knew how fatal was the jealousy of that government to the man who was so unhappy as to have excited it; and he accordingly avoided the excitement of it, as far as practicable and consistent. his ingenious and beautiful disposition of the question, "is it lawful to give tribute to caesar or not," is among the instances, in which he studied to shun the displeasure of the civil government. pilate gave striking evidence of his unwillingness to excite the jealousy of his government, when, every other expedient to induce him to consent to the saviour's death having failed, the bare charge, utterly unproven and groundless, that, the divine prisoner had put forth pretensions, interfering with caesar's rights, availed to procure his death-warrant from the hands of that truth-convicted, but man-fearing governor. had it not availed, pilate would have been exposed to the suspicion of disloyalty to his government; and so perilous was this suspicion, that he was ready, at any expense to his conscience and sense of justice, to avoid incurring it. a direct attack on roman slavery, as it would have called in question the rightfulness of war--the leading policy of the roman government--would, of course, have been peculiarly perilous to its presumptuous author. no person could have made this attack, and lived; or, if possibly he might have escaped the vengeance of the government, do we not know too much of the deadly wrath of slaveholders, to believe that he could have also escaped the summary process of lynch law? if it be at the peril of his life that a northern man travels in the southern states,--and that, too, whether he do or do not say a word about slavery, or even whether he be or be not an abolitionist;--if your leading men publicly declare, that it is your religious duty to put to an immediate death, whenever they come within your power, those who presume to say that slavery is sin (and such a declaration did a south carolina gentleman make on the floor of congress, respecting the inconsiderable person who is addressing you);--and, if your professing christians, not excepting ministers of the gospel, thirst for the blood of abolitionists[a], as i will abundantly show, if you require proof;--if, in a gospel land, all this be so, then i put it to your candor, whether it can reasonably be supposed that the apostles would have been allowed to attack slavery in the midst of heathen slaveholders. why it is that slaveholders will not allow a word to be breathed against slavery, i cannot, perhaps, correctly judge. abolitionists think that this unwillingness denotes that man is unfit for absolute power over his fellow men. they think as unfavorably of the influence of this power on the slaveholder, as your own jefferson did. they think that it tends to make him impatient of contradiction, self-willed, supercilious, cruel, murderous, devilish; and they think that they can establish this opinion, not by the soundest philosophy only, but by the pages of many of your own writers, and by those daily scenes of horrid brutality which make the southern states, in the sight both of god and man, one of the most frightful and loathsome portions of the world--of the whole world--barbarous as well as civilized. [footnote a: i will relate an incident, to show what a fiend even woman, gentle, lovely woman, may become, after she has fallen under the sway of the demon of slavery. said a lady of savannah, on a visit in the city of new york, "i wish he (rev. dr. samuel h. cox) would come to savannah. i should love to see him tarred and feathered, and his head cut off and carried on a pole around savannah." this lady is a professing christian. her language stirs me up to retaliate upon her, and to express the wish that she would come to the town, and even to the dwelling, in which dr. cox resides. she would find that man of god--that man of sanctified genius--as glad to get his enemies into his hands, as she would be to get him into the hands of his enemies:--not, however, for the purpose of disgracing and decapitating them, but, that he might pour out upon them the forgiveness and love of his generous and _abolitionized_ heart. in the city of new york there are thousands of whole-souled abolitionists. what a striking testimony is it, in behalf of their meekness and forbearance, when a southern fury is perfectly secure, in belching out such words of wrath in the midst of them! we abolitionists never love our principles better, than when we see the slaveholder feeling safe amongst us. no man has been more abusive of us than governor mcduffie; and yet, were he to travel in the northern states, he would meet with no unkindness at the hands of any abolitionist. on the other hand, let it be known to the governor, that he has within his jurisdiction a prominent abolitionist--one, whose heart of burning love has made him specially anxious to persuade the unfortunate slaveholder to be just to himself, to his fellow men, and to his god,--and the governor, true to the horrid sentiments of his famous message, would advise that he be "put to death without benefit of clergy." let slaveholders say what they will about our blood-thirstiness, there is not one of them who fears to put himself in our power. the many of them, who have been beneath my roof, and the roofs of other abolitionists, have manifested their confidence in our kindness. were a stranger to the institution of slavery to learn, in answer to his inquiries, that "an abolitionist" is "an outlaw amongst slaveholders," and that "a slaveholder" is "the kindly entertained guest of abolitionists,"--here would be a puzzle indeed. but the solution of it would not fail to be as honorable to the persecuted man of peace, as it would be disgraceful to the bloody advocate and executioner of lynch law.] i need not render any more reasons why the apostles did not specifically attack slavery; but i will reply to a question, which i am sure will be upon your lips all the time you are reading those i have rendered. this question is, "if the apostles did not make such an attack on slavery, why may the american abolitionists?" i answer, that the difference between the course of the abolitionists and of the apostles, in this matter, is justified by the difference in their circumstances. professor hodge properly says, that our course should be like theirs, "unless it can be shown that their circumstances were so different from ours, as to make the rule of duty different in the two cases." and he as properly adds, "the obligation to point out and establish this difference rests upon the abolitionists." the reasons i have given, why the apostles did not directly attack slavery, do not apply to the abolitionists. the arm of civil power does not restrain us from attacking it. to open our lips against the policy and institutions of civil government is not certain death. a despotic government restricted the efforts of the apostles to do good. but we live under governments which afford the widest scope for exertions to bless our fellow men and honor god. now, if we may not avail ourselves of this advantage, simply because the apostles did not have it to avail themselves of, then whatever other interests may prosper under a republican government, certain it is, that the cause of truth and righteousness is not to be benefited by it. far better never to have had our boasted form of government, if, whilst it extends the freedom and multiplies the facilities of the wicked, it relieves the righteous of none of the restrictions of a despotic government. again, there is a religious conscience all over this land, and an enlightened and gospel sense of right and wrong; on which we can and do (as in your introduction you concede is the fact) bring our arguments against slavery to bear with mighty power. but, on the other hand, the creating of such a conscience and such a sense, in the heathen and semi-heathen amongst whom they lived and labored, was the first, and appropriate, and principal work of the apostles. to employ, therefore, no other methods for the moral and religious improvement of the people of the united states, than were employed by the apostles for that of the people of the roman empire, is as absurd as it would be to put the highest and lowest classes in a school to the same lessons; or a raw apprentice to those higher branches of his trade which demand the skill of an experienced workman. i am here reminded of what professor hodge says were the means relied on by the saviour and apostles for abolishing slavery. "it was," says he, "by teaching the true nature, dignity, equality, and destiny of men; by inculcating the principles of justice and love; and by leaving these principles to produce their legitimate effects in ameliorating the condition of all classes of society." i would not speak disparagingly of such a course of instruction; so far from it, i am ready to admit that it is indispensable for the removal of evils, in every age and among every people. when general instructions of this character shall have ceased to be given, then will all wholesome reforms have ceased also. but, i cannot approve of the professor's object in this remark. this object is to induce his readers to believe, that these abstract and general instructions are all that is needed to effect the termination of slavery. now, i maintain that one thing more is wanting; and that is, the application of these instructions--of the principles contained in them--to the evil in hand. as well may it be supposed, that the mechanic can accomplish his work without the application, and by the mere possession, of his tools, as that a given reformation can be effected by unapplied general principles. of these principles, american philanthropists have been possessed from time immemorial; and yet all the while american slavery has been flourishing and growing strong. of late, however, these principles have been brought to bear upon the system, and it manifestly is already giving way. the groans of the monster prove that those rays of truth, which did not disturb him whilst they continued to move in the parallel lines of abstractions and generalities, make it quite too hot for him since they are converged to a burning focus upon his devoted head. why is it, for example, that the influence of the boston recorder and new-york observer--why is it, that the influence of most of our titled divines--is decidedly hostile to the abolition of slavery? it is not because they are deficient in just general sentiments and principles respecting man's duties to god and his fellow man. it is simply because they stand opposed to the application of these sentiments and principles to the evil in question; or, in other words, stand opposed to the anti-slavery society, which is the chosen lens of divine providence for turning these sentiments and principles, with all the burning, irresistible power of their concentration, against a giant wickedness. what is the work of the temperance societies, but to make a specific application of general truths and principles to the vice of intemperance? and the fact, that from the time of noah's intoxication, until the organization of the american temperance society, the desolating tide of intemperance had been continually swelling, proves that this reliance on unapplied principles, however sound--this "faith without works"--is utterly vain. nathan found that nothing, short of a specific application of the principles of righteousness, would answer in the case of the sin of adultery. he had to abandon all generalities and circuitousness, and come plump upon the royal sinner with his "thou art the man." those divines, whose policy it is to handle slaveholders "with gloves," if they must handle them at all, doubtless regard nathan as an exceedingly impolite preacher. but, not only is it far less difficult to instruct the people of the united states than it was the people of the roman empire, in the sin of slavery; it is also--for the reason that the sin is ours, to a far greater extent, than it was theirs--much more important for us than for them to be instructed in it. they had no share in the government which upheld it. they could not abolish it by law. but, on the other hand, the people of the united states are themselves the government of their country. they are the co-sovereigns of their nation. they uphold slavery by law, and they can put it down by law. in this point of view, therefore, slavery is an incomparably greater sin in us, than it was in them. only one other reason will be given why it is more needful to overthrow american, than it was to overthrow roman slavery. the church was then but a handful of "strangers scattered throughout" the heathen world. it was made up of those who had little influence, and who were esteemed "the filth of the world, and the offscouring of all things." it had, probably, little, if any thing, to do with slavery, except to suffer its rigors in the persons of many of its members. but here, the church, comprising no very small proportion of the whole population, and exerting a mighty influence for good or ill on the residue, is tainted, yes, rotten with slavery. in this contrast, we not only see another reason why the destruction of american slavery is more important than was that of roman slavery; but we also see, that the apostles could have been little, if at all, actuated by that motive, which is more urgent than any other in the breasts of the american abolitionists--the motive of purging the church of slavery. to return to what you say of the abominations and horrors of greek and roman slavery:--i should be doing you great injustice, were i to convey the idea that you approve of them. it is admitted that you disapprove of them; and, it is also admitted, that no responsibility for them rests on the relation of slaveholder and slave, if that relation have, as you labor to show, the stamp of divine approbation. you say, that slavery, like marriage, is an institution sanctioned by the new testament; and that, therefore, neither for the evils which attend it, nor for any other cause, is it to be argued against. this is sound reasoning, on your part; and, if your premises are correct, there is no resisting your deduction. we are, in that case, not only not to complain of the institution of slavery, but we are to be thankful for it. considering, however, that the whole fabric of your argument, in the principal or new testament division of your book, is based on the alleged fact that the new testament approves of slavery, it seems to me that you have contented yourself, and sought to make your readers contented, with very slender evidences of the truth of this proposition. these evidences are, mainly--that the new testament does not declare slavery to be a sin: and, that the apostles enjoin upon masters and servants their respective duties; and this, too, in the same connexion in which they make similar injunctions upon those who stand in the confessedly proper relations of life--the husband and wife, the parent and child. your other evidences, that the new testament approves of slavery, unimportant as they are, will not be left unnoticed. i have attempted to show, that the omission of the new testament to declare slavery to be a sin, is not proof that it is not a sin. i pass on to show, that the apostolic injunction of duties upon masters and servants does not prove that slavery is sinless. i have now reached another grand fallacy in your book. it is also found in professor hodge's article. you, gentlemen, take the liberty to depart from our standard english translation of the bible, and to substitute "slaveholder" for "master"--"slave" for "servant"--and, in substance, "emperor" for "ruler"--and "subject of an imperial government" for "subject of civil government generally." i know that this substitution well suits your purposes: but, i know not by what right you make it. professor hodge tells the abolitionists, certainly without much respect for either their intelligence or piety, that "it will do no good (for them) to attempt to tear the bible to pieces." there is but too much evidence, that he himself has not entirely refrained from the folly and crime, which he is so ready to impute to others. i will proceed to offer some reasons for the belief, that when the apostles enjoined on masters and servants their respective duties, they had reference to servitude in general, and not to any modification of it. st. you find passages in the new testament, where you think _despotes_ refers to a person who is a slaveholder, and _doulos_ to a person who is a slave. admit that you are right: but this (which seems to be your only ground for it) does not justify you in translating these words "slaveholder" and "slave," whenever it may be advantageous to your side of the question to have them thus translated. these words, have a great variety of meanings. for instance, there are passages in the new testament where _despotes_ means "god"--jesus christ"--head of a family:" and where _doulos_ means "a minister or agent"--a subject of a king"--a disciple or follower of christ." _despotes_ and _doulos_ are the words used in the original of the expression: "lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace:" _doulos_ in that of the expressions, "servant of christ," and "let him be servant of all." profane writers also use these words in various senses. my full belief is, that these words were used in both a generic and special sense, as is the word corn, which denotes bread-stuffs in general, and also a particular kind of them; as is the word meat, the meaning of which is, sometimes, confined to flesh that is eaten, and, at other times, as is frequently the case in the scriptures, extends to food in general; and, as is the word servant, which is suitable, either in reference to a particular form of servitude, or to servitude in general. there is a passage in the second chapter of acts, which is, of itself, perhaps, sufficient to convince an unbiased mind, that the apostles used the word _doulos_ in a, generic, as well as in a special sense. _doulos_ and _doule_ are the words in the phrase: "and on my servants and on my handmaidens." a reference to the prophecy as it stands; in joel : , , makes it more obvious, that persons in servitude are referred to under the words _doulos_ and _doule_; and, that the predicted blessing was to be shed upon persons of all ages, classes, and conditions--upon old men and young men--upon sons and daughters--and upon man-servants and maid-servants. but, under the interpretation of those, who, like professor hodge and yourself, confine the meaning of _doulos_ and _doule_ to a species of servants, the prophecy would have reference to persons of all ages, classes, and conditions--_excepting certain descriptions of servants_. under this interpretation, we are brought to the absurd conclusion, that the spirit is to be poured out upon the master and his slaves--_but not upon his hired servants_. i trust that enough has been said, under this my first head, to show that the various senses in which the words _despotes_ and _doulos_ are employed, justify me in taking the position, that whenever we meet with them, we are to determine, from the nature of the case, and from the connexion in which they are used, whether they refer to servitude in general, or to a species of it. d. the confinement of the meaning of the words in question supposes, what neither religion nor common sense allows us to suppose, that slaveholders and slaves, despots and those in subjection to them, were such especial favorites of the apostles, as to obtain from them specific instructions in respect to their relative duties, whilst all other masters and servants, and all other rulers and subjects, throughout all future time, were left unprovided with such instructions. according to this supposition, when slavery and despotism shall, agreeably to professor hodge's expectations, have entirely ceased, there will be not one master nor servant, not one ruler nor subject in the whole earth, to fall, as such, under the apostolic injunctions. d. you admit that there were hirelings, in a community of primitive believers; and i admit, for the moment, that there were slaves in it. now, under my interpretation of the apostolic injunction, all husbands, all wives, all parents, all children, and all servants, in this community, are told their respective duties: but, under yours, these duties are enjoined on all husbands, all wives, all parents, all children, and a _part of the servants_. may we not reasonably complain of your interpretation, that it violates analogy? imagine the scene, in which a father, in the apostolic age, assembles his family to listen to a letter from the glowing peter, or "such an one as paul the aged." the letter contains instructions respecting the relative duties of life. the venerable pair, who stand in the conjugal and parental relations, receive, with calm thankfulness, what is addressed to themselves;--the bright-eyed little ones are eager to know what the apostle says to children--a poor slave blesses god for his portion of the apostolic counsel;--and the scene would be one of unmingled joy, if the writer had but addressed hired servants, as well as slaves. one of the group goes away to weep, because the apostle had remembered the necessities of all other classes of men, and forgotten those of the hireling. sir, do you believe that the apostle was guilty of such an omission? i rejoice that my side of the question between us, does not call for the belief of what is so improbable and unnatural--and, withal, so dishonoring to the memory of the apostle. th. another reason for believing, that the apostles intended no such limitation as that which you impose upon their words, is, that their injunctions are as applicable to the other classes of persons occupying these relations, as they are to the particular class to which you confine them. the hired servant, as well as the slave, needs to be admonished of the sins of "eye service" and "purloining;" and the master of voluntary, as well as involuntary servants, needs to be admonished to "give that which is just and equal." the ruler in a republic, or, in a limited monarchy, as well as the despot, requires to be reminded, that he is to be "a minister of god for good." so the subject of one kind of civil government, as well as that of another, needs to be told to be "subject unto the higher powers." i need not extend my remarks to prove, that _despotes_ and _doulos_ are, in the case before us, to be taken in their comprehensive sense of master and servant: and, clearly, therefore, the abolitionist is not guilty of violating your rule, "not to interfere with a civil relation (in another place, you say, 'any of the existing relations of life') for which, and to regulate which, either christ or his apostles have prescribed regulations." he believes, as fully as yourself, that the relation of master and servant is approved of god. it is the slavery modification of it--the slaveholder's abuse and perversion of the relation, in reducing the servant to a chattel--which, he believes, is not approved of god. for the sake of the argument, i will admit, that the slave alone, of all classes of servants, was favored with specific instructions from the apostles: and then, how should we account for the selection? in no other way, can i conceive, than, on the ground, that his lot is so peculiarly hard--so much harder than that of persons under other forms of servitude--that he needs, whilst they do not, apostolic counsel and advice to keep him just, and patient, and submissive. let me be spared from the sin of reducing a brother man to such a lot. your doctrine, therefore, that the apostles addressed slaves only, and not servants in general, would not, were its correctness admitted, lift you out of all the difficulties in your argument. again, does it necessarily follow from this admission, that the relation of slaveholder and slave is sinless? was the despotism of the roman government sinless? i do not ask whether the _abuses_ of civil government, in that instance, were sinless. but, i ask, was a government, despotic in its constitution, depriving all its subjects of political power, and extending absolute control over their property and persons--was such a government, independently of the consideration of its _abuses_, (if indeed we may speak of the abuses of what is in itself an _abuse_,) sinless? i am aware, that prof. hodge says, that it was so: and, when he classes despotism and slavery with _adiaphora_, "things indifferent;" and allows no more moral character to them than to a table or a broomstick, i trust no good man envies his optics. may i not hope that you, mr. smylie, perceive a difference between despotism and an "indifferent thing." may i not hope, that you will, both as a republican and a christian, take the ground, that despotism has a moral character, and a bad one? when our fathers prayed, and toiled, and bled, to obtain for themselves and their children the right of self-government, and to effect their liberation from a power, which, in the extent and rigor of its despotism, is no more to be compared to the roman government, than the "little finger" to the "loins," i doubt not, that they felt that despotism had a moral, and a very bad moral character. and so would prof. hodge have felt, had he stood by their side, instead of being one of their ungrateful sons. i say ungrateful--for, who more so, than he who publishes doctrines that disparage the holy cause in which they were embarked, and exhibits them, as contending for straws, rather than for principles? tell me, how long will this republic endure after our people shall have imbibed the doctrine, that the _nature_ of civil government is an indifferent thing: and that the poet was right when he said, "for forms of government let _fools_ contest?" this, however, is but one of many doctrines of ruinous tendency to the cause of civil liberty, advanced by pro-slavery writers to sustain their system of oppression. it would surely be superfluous to go into proofs, that the roman government was vicious and wicked in its constitution and nature. nevertheless, the apostle enjoined submission to it, and taught its subjects how to demean themselves under it. here, then, we have an instance, in which we cannot argue the sinlessness of a relation, from the fact of apostolic injunctions on those standing in it. take another instance. the chaldeans went to a foreign land, and enslaved its people--as members of your guilty partnership have done for some of the slaves you now own, and for the ancestors of others. and god destroyed the chaldeans expressly "for all their evil that they had done in zion." but, wicked as they were, for having instituted this relation between themselves and the jews, god, nevertheless, tells the jews to submit to it. he tells them, "serve the king of babylon." he even says, "seek the peace of the city, whither i have caused you to be carried away captives, and pray unto the lord for it; for, in the peace thereof, shall ye have peace." here then, we have another instance, in addition to that of the roman despot and his subjects, in which the holy spirit prescribed regulations for wicked relations. you will, at least, allow, that the relation established by the chaldeans between themselves and the captive jews, was wicked. but, you will perhaps say, that this is not a relation coming within the contemplation of your rule. your rule speaks of a civil relation, and also of the existing relations of life. but, the relation in question, being substantially that of slaveholder and slave, is, according to your own showing, a civil relation. perhaps you will say, it is not an "existing relation of life." but what do you mean by "an existing relation of life?" do you mean, that it is a relation approved of god? if you do, and insist that the relation of slaveholder and slave is "an existing relation of life," then you are guilty of begging the great question between us. your rule, therefore, can mean nothing more than this--that any relation is rightful, for which the bible prescribes regulations. but the relation referred to between the chaldeans and jews, proves the falsity of the rule. again, when a man compels me to go with him, is not the compelled relation between him and me a sinful one? and the relation of robber and robbed, which a man institutes between himself and me, is not this also sinful? but, the bible has prescribed regulations for the relations in both these cases. in the one, it requires me to "go with him twain;" and, in the other, to endure patiently even farther spoliation and, "let him have (my) cloak also." in these cases, also, do we see the falsity of your rule--and none the less clearly, because the relations in question are of brief duration. before concluding my remarks on this topic, let me say, that your doctrine, that god has prescribed no rules for the behaviour of persons in any other than the just relations of life, reflects no honor on his compassion. why, even we "cut-throat" abolitionists are not so hard-hearted as to overlook the subjects of a relation, because it is wicked. pitying, as we do, our poor colored brethren, who are forced into a wicked relation, which, by its very nature and terms, and not by its _abuses_, as you would say, has robbed them of their all--even we would, nevertheless, tell them to "resist not evil"--to be obedient unto their own masters"--not purloining, but showing all good fidelity." we would tell them, as god told the captive jews, to "seek the peace of those, whither they are carried away captives, and to pray unto the lord" for them: and our hope of their emancipation is not, as it is most slanderously and wickedly reported to be, in their deluging the south with blood: but, it is, to use again those sweet words of inspiration, that "in the peace thereof they shall have peace." we do not communicate with the slave; but, if we did, we would teach him, that our hope of his liberation is grounded largely in his patience, and that, if he would have us drop his cause from our hands, he has but to take it into his own, and attempt to accomplish by violence, that which we seek to effect through the power of truth and love on the understanding and heart of his master. having disposed of your reasons in favor of the rightfulness of the relation of slaveholder and slave, i will offer a few reasons for believing that it is not rightful. st. my strongest reason is, that the great and comprehensive principles, and the whole genius and spirit of christianity, are opposed to slavery. d. in the case of pharoah and his jewish slaves, god manifested his abhorrence of the relation of slavery. the fact that the slavery in this case was political, instead of domestic, and, therefore, of a milder type than that of southern slavery, does not forbid my reasoning from the one form to the other. indeed, if i may receive your declaration on this point, for the truth, i need not admit that the type of the slavery in question is milder than that of southern slavery;--for you say, that "their (the jews) condition was that of the most abject bondage or slavery." but the supposition that it is milder, being allowed to be correct, would only prove, that god's abhorrence of southern bondage as much exceeds that which he expressed of egyptian bondage, as the one system is more full than the other of oppression and cruelty. we learn from the bible, that it was not because of the _abuses_ of the egyptian system of bondage, but, because of its sinful nature, that god required its abolition. he did not command pharaoh to cease from the _abuses_ of the system, and to correct his administration of it, but to cease from the system itself. "i have heard," says god, "the groaning of the children of israel, whom the egyptians keep in bondage;"--not whom the egyptians, availing themselves of their absolute power, compel to make brick without straw, and seek to waste and exterminate by the murder of their infant children;--but simply "whom the egyptians keep in bondage." these hardships and outrages were but the leaves and branches. the root of the abomination was the bondage itself, the assertion of absolute and slaveholding power by "a new king over egypt, which knew not joseph." in the next verse god says: "i will rid you"--not only from the burdens and abuses, as you would say, of bondage,--but "out of their (the egyptians) bondage" itself--out of the relation in which the egyptians oppressively and wickedly hold you. god sends many messages to pharaoh. in no one of them does he reprove him for the abuses of the relation into which he had forced the jews. in no one of them is he called on to correct the evils which had grown out of that relation. but, in every one, does god go to the root of the evil, and command pharaoh, "let my people go"--"let my people go, that they may serve me." the abolitionist is reproachfully called an "ultraist" and "an immediatist." it seems that god was both, when dealing with this royal slaveholder:--for he commanded pharaoh, not to mitigate the bondage of the israelites, but to deliver them from it--and that, too, immediately. the system of slavery is wicked in god's sight, and, therefore, did he require of pharaoh its immediate abandonment. the phrase, "let my people go, that they may serve me," shows most strikingly one feature of resemblance between egyptian and american slavery. egyptian slavery did not allow its subjects to serve god, neither does american. the egyptian master stood between his slave and their god: and how strikingly and awfully true is it, that the american master occupies the like position! not only is the theory of slavery, the world over, in the face of god's declaration; "all souls are mine:" but american slaveholders have brought its practical character to respond so fully to its theory--they have succeeded, so well, in excluding the light and knowledge of god from the minds of their slaves--that they laugh at his claim to "all souls." d. paul, in one of his letters to the corinthian church, tells servants--say slaves, to suit your views--if they may be free, to prefer freedom to bondage. but if it be the duty of slaves to prefer freedom to bondage, how clearly is it the correlative duty of the master to grant it to him! you interpret the apostle's language, in this case, as i do; and it is not a little surprising, that, with your interpretation of it, you can still advocate slavery. you admit, that paul says--i use your own words--"a state of freedom, on the whole, is the best." now, it seems to me, that this admission leaves you without excuse, for defending slavery. you have virtually yielded the ground. and this admission is especially fatal to your strenuous endeavors to class the relation of master and slave with the confessedly proper relations of life, and to show that, like these, it is approved of god. would paul say to the child, "a state of freedom" from parental government "on the whole is the best?" would he say to the wife, "a state of freedom from your conjugal bonds" on the whole is the best? would he say to the child and wife, in respect to this freedom, "use it rather?" would he be thus guilty of attempting to annihilate the family relation? does any one wonder, that the apostle did not use stronger language, in advising to a choice and enjoyment of freedom? it is similar to that which a pious, intelligent, and prudent abolitionist would now use under the like circumstances. paul was endeavoring to make the slave contented with his hard lot, and to show him how unimportant is personal liberty, compared with liberation from spiritual bondage: and this explains why it is, that he spoke so briefly and moderately of the advantages of liberty. his advice to the slave to accept the boon of freedom, was a purely incidental remark: and we cannot infer from it, how great stress he would have laid on the evils of slavery, and on the blessings of liberty, in a discourse treating directly and mainly of those subjects. what i have previously said, however, shows that it would, probably, have been in vain, and worse than in vain, for him to have come out, on any occasion whatever, with an exposition of the evils of slavery. on the thirty-second page of your book, you say, "masters cannot, according to the command of christ, render to their slaves that which is just and equal, if you abolish the relation; for, then they will cease to be masters." abolish any of the relations for which regulations are provided "in the new testament, and, in effect, you abolish some of the laws of christ." but, we have just seen that paul was in favor of abolishing the relation of master and slave; which, as you insist, is a relation for which regulations are provided in the new testament. it is, therefore, irresistibly deduced from your own premises, that he was in favor of abolishing "the laws of christ." it would require but little, if any, extension of your doctrine, to make it wrong to remove all the graven images out of a nation. for, in that event, the law of god against bowing down to them would have nothing left to act upon. it would thenceforth be inoperative. th. another reason for believing, that the apostles did not approve of the slavery modification of servitude, is found in paul's injunction; "remember them that are in bonds as bound with them." i admit, that it is probable that others as well as slaves, are referred to in this injunction: but it certainly is not probable, that others, to the exclusion of slaves, are referred to. but, even on the supposition that slaves are not referred to, but those only who are tenants of prisons, let me ask you which you would rather be--a slave or a prisoner, as paul probably was when he wrote this injunction?--and whether your own description of the wretched condition of the roman slave, does not prepare you to agree with me, that if the apostle could ask sympathy for the prisoner, who, with all his deprivations, has still the protection of law, it is not much more due to the poor slave, who has no protection whatever against lawless tyranny and caprice! but to proceed, if slaves are the only, or even a part of the persons referred to in the injunction, then you will observe, that the apostle does not call for the exercise of sympathy towards those who are said to be suffering what you call the _abuses_ of slavery; but towards those who are so unhappy as to be but the subjects of it--towards those who are "in bonds." the bare relation of a slave is itself so grievous, as to call for compassion towards those who bear it. now, if this relation were to be classed with the approved relations of life, why should the apostle have undertaken to awaken compassion for persons, simply because they were the subject, of it? he never asked for sympathy for persons, simply because they were parties to the relations of husband and wife, parent and child. it may be worthy of notice, that the injunction under consideration is found in paul's letter to the jewish christians. this attempt to awaken pity in behalf of the slave, and to produce abhorrence of slavery, was made upon these, and not upon the gentile christians; because, perhaps, that they, who had always possessed the oracles of god, could bear it; and they who had just come up out of the mire of heathenism, could not. if this explanation be just, it enforces my argument for ascribing to causes, other than the alleged sinfulness of the institution, the apostle's omission to utter specific rebukes of slavery. th. another reason for believing that the slavery modification of servitude should not be classed with the confessedly proper relations with which you class it, is the conclusive one, that it interferes with, and tends to subvert, and does actually subvert, these relations. the apostles prescribe duties, which are necessary to sustain these relations, and make them fruitful sources of happiness to the parties to them. among these duties are the following: "wives, submit yourselves to your own husbands, as it is fit in the lord"--"children, obey your parents"--"husbands, dwell with them" (your wives). but slavery, where it does not make obedience to these commands utterly impossible, conditions it on the permission of usurpers, who have presumed to step between the laws of god and those on whom they are intended to bear. slavery, not the law of god, practically determines whether husbands shall dwell with their wives: and an amount of anguish, which god alone can compute, testifies that slavery has thus determined, times without number, that husbands shall not dwell with their wives. a distinguished gentleman, who has been much at the south, is spending a little time in my family. he told me but this day, that he had frequently known the air filled with shrieks of anguish for a whole mile around the spot, where, under the hammer of the auctioneer, the members of a family were undergoing an endless separation from each other. it was but last week, that a poor fugitive reached a family, in which god's commands, "hide the outcasts, betray not him that wandereth"--"hide not thyself from thy own flesh"--are not a dead letter. the heaviest burden of his heart is, that he has not seen his wife for five years, and does not expect to see her again: his master, in virginia, having sold him to a georgian, and his wife to an inhabitant of the district of columbia. whilst the law of god requires wives to "submit themselves to their husbands, as it is fit in the lord;" the law of slavery commands them, under the most terrific penalties, to submit to every conceivable form of violence, and the most loathsome pollution, "as it is fit" in the eyes of slaveholders--no small proportion of whom are, as a most natural fruit of slavery, abandoned to brutality and lust. the laws of south carolina and georgia make it an offence punishable with death, "if any slave shall presume to strike a white person." by the laws of maryland and kentucky, it is enacted "if any negro, mulatto, or indian, bond or free, shall, at any time, lift his or her hand in opposition to any person, not being a negro or indian, he or she shall, in the first-mentioned state, suffer the penalty of cropped ears; and, in the other, thirty-nine lashes on his or her bare back, well laid on, by order of the justice." in louisiana there is a law--for the enactment of which, slavery is, of course, responsible--in these words: "free people of color ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites: but, on the contrary, they ought _to yield to them on every occasion_, and never speak or answer them but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature of the offence." the following extract of a letter, written to me from the south, by a gentleman who still resides there, serves to show how true it is, that "on every occasion," the colored person must yield to the white, and, especially, if the white be clothed with the authority of an ambassador of christ. "a negro was executed in autauga co., not long since, for the murder of his master. the latter, it seems, attempted to violate the wife of his slave in his presence, when the negro enraged, smote the wretch to the ground. and this master--this brute--this fiend--was a preacher of the gospel, in regular standing!" in a former part of this communication, i said enough to show, that slavery prevents children from complying with the command to obey their parents. but, in reply to what i have said of these outrages on the rights of husbands and wives, parents and children, you maintain, that they are no part of the system of slavery. slaveholders, however, being themselves judges, they are a part of it, or, at least, are necessary to uphold it; else they would not by deliberate, solemn legislation, authorize them. but, be this as it may, it is abundantly proven, that slavery is, essentially and inevitably, at war with the sacred rights of the family state. let me say, then, in conclusion under this head, that in whatever other company you put slavery, place it not in that of the just relations of husband and wife, parent and child. they can no more company with each other, than can fire with water. their natures are not only totally opposite to, but destructive of, each other. th. the laws, to which you refer on the sixty-eighth page of your book, tend to prove, and, so far as your admission of the necessity of them goes, do prove, that the relation of slaveholder and slave does not deserve a place, in the class of innocent and proper relations. you there say, that the writings of "such great and good men as wesley, edwards, porteus, paley, horsley, scott, clark, wilberforce, sharp, clarkson, fox, johnson, and a host of as good if not equally great, men of later date," have made it necessary for the safety of the institution of slavery, to pass laws, forbidding millions of our countrymen to read. you should have, also, mentioned the horrid sanctions of these laws--stripes, imprisonment, and death. now, these laws disable the persons on whom they bear, from fulfilling god's commandments, and, especially, his commandment to "search the scriptures." they are, therefore, wicked. what then, in its moral character, must be a relation, which, to sustain it, requires the aid of wicked laws?--and, how entirely out of place must it be, when you class it with those just relations of life, that, certainly, require none of the support, which, you admit, is indispensable to the preservation of the relation of slaveholder and slave! it is true, that you attempt to justify the enactment of the laws in question, by the occasions which you say led to it. but, every law forbidding what god requires, is a wicked law--under whatever pretexts, or for whatever purposes, it may have been enacted. let the occasions which lead to a wicked measure be what they may, the wickedness of the measure is still sufficient to condemn it. in the case before us, we see how differently different persons are affected by the same fact. whilst the stand taken against slavery by wesley, edwards, and the other choice spirits you enumerate, serves but to inspire you with concern for its safety, it would, of itself, and without knowing their reasons for it, be well nigh enough to destroy my confidence in the institution. let me ask you, sir, whether it would not be more reasonable for those, who are so industriously engaged in insulating the system of american slavery, and shrouding it with darkness, to find less fault with the bright and burning light which the writings of the wisest and best men pour upon it, and more with the system which "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light." you would have your readers believe, that the blessings of education are to be withheld from your slaves--only "until the storm shall be overblown," and that you hope that "satan's being let loose will be but for a little season." i say nothing more about the last expression, than that i most sincerely desire you may penitently regret having attributed the present holy excitement against slavery to the influences of satan. by "the storm" you, doubtless, mean the excitement produced by the publications and efforts of the american anti-slavery society. now, i will not suppose that you meant to deceive your readers on this point. you are, nevertheless, inexcusable for using language so strikingly calculated to lead them into error. it is not yet three years since that society was organized: but the statute books of some of the slave states contain laws, forbidding the instruction of slaves in reading, which were enacted long before you and i were born. as long ago as the year , south carolina passed a law, forbidding to teach slaves to write. georgia did so in . in the year , thirty-three years before "the storm" of the anti-slavery society began to blow, south carolina passed a law, forbidding "assemblies of slaves, free negroes, &c., for the purpose of mental instruction." in the revised code of virginia of , is a law similar to that last mentioned. in the year , the city of savannah forbade by an ordinance, the instruction of all persons of color, either free or bond, in reading and writing. i need not specify any more of these man-crushing, soul-killing, god-defying laws;--nor need i refer again to the shocking penalties annexed to the violation of most of them. i conclude my remarks under this head, with the advice, that, in the next edition of your book, you do not assign the anti-slavery excitement, which is now spreading over our land, as the occasion of the passage of the laws in question. th. the only other reason i will mention for believing, that the slavery modification of servitude is not approved of god, is, that it has never been known _to work well_--never been known to promote man's happiness or god's glory. wickedness and wretchedness are, so uniformly, the product of slavery, that they must be looked upon, not as its abuses, but as its legitimate fruits. whilst all admit, that the relations of the family state are, notwithstanding their frequent perversions, full of blessings to the world; and that, but for them, the world would be nothing better than one scene of pollution and wo;--to what history of slavery will you refer me, for proof of its beneficent operation? will it be to the bible history of egyptian slavery? no--for that informs us of the exceeding wickedness and wretchedness of egyptian slavery. will it be to the history of greek and roman slavery? no--for your own book acknowledges its unutterable horrors and abominations. will you refer me to the history of the west indies for proofs of the happy fruits of slavery? not until the earth is no more, will its polluted and bloody pages cease to testify against slavery. and, when we have come down to american slavery, you will not even open the book which records such facts, as that its subjects are forbidden to be joined in wedlock, and to read the bible. no--you will not presume to look for a single evidence of the benign influences of a system, where, by the admission of your own ecclesiastical bodies, it has turned millions of men into heathen. i say nothing now of your beautiful and harmless theories of slavery:--but this i say, that when you look upon slavery as it has existed, or now exists, either amidst the darkness of mahommedanism or the light of christianity, you dare not, as you hope for the divine favor, say that it is a heaven-descended institution; and that, notwithstanding it is like ezekiel's roll, "written within and without with lamentations and mourning and wo," it, nevertheless, bears the mark of being a boon from god to man. having disposed of your "strong reasons" for the position, that the new testament authorizes slavery, i proceed to consider your remaining reasons for it. because it does not appear, that our saviour and the apostle peter told certain centurions, who, for the sake of the argument, i will admit were slaveholders, that slaveholding is sinful, you argue, and most confidently too, that it is not sinful. but, it does not appear, that the saviour and the apostle charged _any_ sinful practices upon them. then, by your logic, all their other practices, as well as their slaveholding, were innocent, and these roman soldiers were literally perfect.--again; how do you know that the saviour and the apostle did not tell them, on the occasion you refer to, that they were sinners for being slaveholders? the fact, that the bible does not inform us that they told them so, does not prove that they did not; much less does it prove, that they did not tell them so subsequently to their first interview with them. and again, the admission that they did not specifically attack slavery, at any of their interviews with the centurions, or on any other occasions whatever, would not justify the inference, that it is sinless. i need not repeat the reasoning which makes the truth of this remark apparent. you refer to the saviour's declaration of the unequaled faith of one of these centurions, with the view of making it appear that a person of so great faith could not be a great sinner. but, how long had he exercised this, or, indeed, any christian faith? that he was on good terms with the jews, and had built them a synagogue, is quite as strong evidence, that he had not, as that he had, previously to that time, believed in jesus:--and, if he had not, then his faith, however strong, and his conversion, however decided, are nothing towards proving that slavery is sinless. it is evident, that the apostle was sent to cornelius for the single purpose of inculcating the doctrine of the remission of sin, through faith in christ. i proceed to examine another of your arguments. from paul's declaration to the elders at miletus, "i have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of god," taken in connexion with the fact, that the bible does not inform us that he spoke to them of slaveholding, you confidently and exultingly infer that it is innocent. here, again, you prove too much, and therefore, prove nothing. it does not appear that he specified a hundredth part of their duties. if he did not tell them to abstain from slaveholding, neither did he tell them to abstain from games and theatres. but, his silence about slaveholding proves to your mind its sinlessness: equally then should his silence about games and theatres satisfy you of their innocence. two radical errors run through a great part of your book. they are, that the apostle gave specific instructions concerning all duties, and that the bible contains these instructions. but, for these errors, your book would be far less objectionable than it is. i might, perhaps, rather say, that but for these, you could not have made up your book. and now, since paul's address to the elders has been employed by you in behalf of slavery, allow me to try its virtue against slavery: and, if it should turn out that you are slain with your own weapon, it will not be the first time that temerity has met with such a fate. i admit, that the apostle does not tell the elders of any wrong thing which they had done; but there are some wrong things from which he had himself abstained, and some right things which he had himself done, of which he does tell them. he tells them, for instance, that he had not been guilty of coveting what was another's, and also, that with his own hands he had ministered to his own necessities and those of others: and he further tells them, that they ought to copy his example, and labor, as he had done, "to support the weak." think you, sir, from this language that paul was a slaveholder--and, that his example was such, as to keep lazy, luxurious slaveholders in countenance? the slaveholder is guilty of coveting, not only all a man has, but even the man himself. the slaveholder will not only not labor with his hands to supply the wants of others, and "to support the weak;" but he makes others labor to supply his wants:--yes, makes them labor unpaid--night and day--in storm, as well as in sunshine--under the lash--bleeding--groaning--dying--and all this, not to minister to his actual needs, but to his luxuriousness and sensuality. you ridicule the idea of the abolition of slavery, because it would make the slaveholder "so poor, as to oblige him to take hold of the maul and wedge himself--he must catch, curry, and saddle his own horse--he must black his own brogans (for he will not be able to buy boots)--his wife must go herself to the wash-tub--take hold of the scrubbing broom, wash the pots, and cook all that she and her rail-mauler will eat." if paul were, as you judge he was, opposed to the abolition of slavery, it is at least certain, from what he says of the character of his life in his address to the elders, that his opposition did not spring from such considerations as array you against it. in his estimation, manual labor was honorable. in a slaveholding community, it is degrading. it is so in your own judgment, or you would not hold up to ridicule those humble employments, which reflect disgrace, only where the moral atmosphere is tainted by slavery. that the pernicious influences of slavery in this respect are felt more or less, in every part of this guilty nation, is but too true. i put it to your candor, sir, whether the obvious fact, that slavery makes the honest labor of the hands disreputable, is not a weighty argument against the supposition that god approves it? i put it to your candor, sir, whether the fact, which you, at least, cannot gain-say, that slavery makes even ministers of the gospel despise the employments of seven-eighths of the human family, and, consequently, the humble classes, who labor in them--i put it to your candor, whether the institution, which breeds such contempt of your fellow-men and fellow christians, must not be offensive to him, who commands us to "honor all men, and love the brotherhood?" in another argument, you attempt to show, that paul's letter to philemon justifies slaveholding, and also the apprehension and return of fugitive slaves. after having recited the resolution of the chilicothe presbytery--"that to apprehend a slave who is endeavoring to escape from slavery, with a view to restore him to his master, is a direct violation of the divine law, and, when committed by a member of the church, ought to subject him to censure"--you undertake to make your readers believe, that paul's sending onesimus to philemon, is a case coming fairly within the purview of the resolution. let us see if it does. a man by the name of onesimus was converted to christianity, under paul's ministry at rome. paul learnt that he had formerly been a servant--say a slave--of philemon, who was a "dearly beloved" christian: and believing that his return to his old master would promote the cause of christ, and beautifully exemplify its power, he advised him to return to him. he followed the apostle's advice and returned. now, from this example, you attempt to derive a justification for "a member of a church" to be engaged in forcibly apprehending and restoring fugitive slaves. i say forcibly--as the apprehension and return, referred to in the resolution, are clearly forcible. i cannot refrain, sir, from saying, that you greatly wrong the memory of that blessed apostle of the lord jesus, in construing his writings to authorize such violence upon the persons and rights of men. and greatly, also, do you wrong the resolution in question, by your endeavor to array the bible against it. the resolution is right; it is noble--it denotes in the source whence it emanated, a proper sense of the rights and dignity of man. it is all the better for being marked with an honorable contempt of wicked and heaven-daring laws. may i, having the suspicion, or even the certain knowledge, that my fellow man was once held in slavery, and is still _legally_ a slave, seize upon him and reduce him again to slavery? may i thus deal with a guiltless and unaccused brother? human laws may, it is true, bear me out in this man-stealing, which is not less flagrant than that committed on the coast of africa:--but, says the great law-giver, "the word that i have spoken, the same shall judge him in the last day:"--and, it is a part of this "word," that "he that stealeth a man shall surely be put to death." in that last day, the mayors, recorders, sheriffs, and others, who have been engaged, whether in their official or individual capacity, in slave-catching and man-stealing, will find human laws but a flimsy protection against the wrath of him, who judges his creatures by his own and not by human laws. in that "last day," all who have had a part, and have not repented of it, in the sin of treating man as property; all, i say, whether slaveholders or their official or unofficial assistants, the drivers upon their plantations, or their drivers in the free states--all, who have been guilty of throwing god's "image" into the same class with the brutes of the field--will find, that he is the avenger of his poorest, meanest ones--and that the crime of transmuting his image into property, is but aggravated by the fact and the plea that it was committed under the sanction of human laws. but, to return--wherein does the letter of paul to philemon justify slaveholding? what evidence does it contain, that philemon was a slaveholder at the time it was written? he, who had been his slave "in time past," had, very probably, escaped before philemon's conversion to christ. this "time past," may have been a _long_ "time past." the word in the original, which is translated "in time past," does not forbid the supposition. indeed, it is the same word, which the apostle uses in the thirteenth verse of the first chapter of galatians; and there it denotes a _long_ "time past"--as much as from fifteen to eighteen years. besides, onesimus' escape and return both favor the supposition, that it was between the two events that philemon's conversion took place. on the one hand, he fled to escape from the cruelties of an unconverted master; on the other, he was encouraged to follow the apostle's advice, by the consideration, that on his return to philemon he should not have to encounter again the unreasonableness and rage of a heathen, but that he should meet with the justice and tenderness of a christian--qualities, with the existence and value of which, he had now come to an experimental acquaintance. again, to show that the letter in question does not justify slaveholding--in what character was it, that paul sent onesimus to philemon? was it in that of a slave? far from it. it was, in that of "a brother beloved," as is evident from his injunction to philemon to "receive him forever--not now as a _slave_, but above a _slave_--a brother beloved." it is worthy of remark, that paul's message to philemon, shows, not only that he himself was not in favor of slaveholding, but, that he believed the gospel had wrought such an entire change on this subject, in the heart of philemon, that onesimus would find on his return to him, the tyrant and the slaveholder sunk in the brother and the christian. paul's course in relation to onesimus was such, as an abolitionist would deem it proper to adopt, under the like circumstances. if a fugitive slave, who had become a dear child of god, were near me, and, if i knew that his once cruel master had also become a "dearly beloved" christian; and if, therefore, i had reason to believe, as paul had, in the case of philemon, that he would "receive him forever--not now as a _slave_, but above a _slave_, a brother beloved," i would advise him to revisit his old master, provided he could do so, without interference and violence from others. such interference and violence did not threaten onesimus in his return to philemon. he was not in danger of being taken up, imprisoned, and sold for his jail fees, as a returning onesimus would be in parts of this nation. on the d page of your book, you utter sentiments, which, i trust, all your readers will agree, are unworthy of a man, a republican, and a christian. you there endeavor again to make it appear, that it is not the _relation_ of master and slave, but only the abuse of it, which is to be objected to.--you say: "independence is a charming idea, especially to americans: but what gives it the charm? is it the thing in itself? or is it because it is a release from the control of a bad master? had great britain been a kind master, our ancestors were willing to remain her slaves." in reply to this i would say, that it must be a base spirit which does not prize "independence" for its own sake, whatever privation and suffering may attend it; and much more base must be that spirit, which can exchange that "independence" for a state of slavish subjection--even though that state abound in all sensual gratifications. to talk of "a kind master" is to talk of a blessing for a dog, but not for a man, who is made to "call no man master." were the people of this nation like yourself, they would soon exchange their blood-bought liberties for subjection to any despot who would promise them enough to eat, drink, and wear. but, i trust, that we at the north are "made of sterner stuff." they, who make slaves of others, can more easily become slaves themselves: for, in their aggressions upon others, they have despised and trampled under foot those great, eternal principles of right, which _not only_ constitute the bulwark of the general freedom; but his respect for which is indispensable to every man's valuation and protection of his individual liberties. this train of thought associates with itself in my mind, the following passage in an admirable speech delivered by the celebrated william pinckney, in the maryland house of delegates in . such a speech, made at the present time in a slave state, would probably cost the life of him who should make it; nor could it be delivered in a free states at any less sacrifice, certainly, than that of the reputation of the orator. what a retrograde movement has liberty made in this country in the last fifty years! "whilst a majority of your citizens are accustomed to rule with the authority of despots, within particular limits--while your youths are reared in the habit of thinking that the great rights of human nature are not so sacred, but they may with innocence be trampled on, can it be expected, that the public mind should glow with that generous ardor in the cause of freedom, which can alone save a government, like ours, from the lurking demon of usurpation? do you not dread the contamination of principle? have you no alarms for the continuance of that spirit, which once conducted us to victory and independence, when the talons of power were unclasped for our destruction? have you no apprehension left, that when the votaries of freedom sacrifice also at the gloomy altars of slavery, they will, at length, become apostates from them for ever? for my own part, i have no hope, that the stream of general liberty will flow for ever, unpolluted, through the foul mire of partial bondage, or that they, who have been habituated to lord it over others, will not be base enough, in time, to let others lord it over them. if they resist, it will be the struggle of _pride_ and _selfishness_, not of _principle_." had edmund burke known slaveholders as well as mr. pinckney knew them, he would not have pronounced his celebrated eulogium on their love of liberty;--he would not have ascribed to them any love of liberty, but the spurious kind which the other orator, impliedly, ascribes to them--that which "pride and selfishness" beget and foster. genuine love of liberty, as mr. pinckney clearly saw, springs from "principle," and is found no where but in the hearts of those who respect the liberties and the rights of others. i had reason, in a former part of this communication, to charge some of the sentiments of professor hodge with being alike reproachful to the memory of our fathers, and pernicious to the cause of civil liberty. there are sentiments on the d page of your book, obnoxious to the like charge. if political "independence"--if a free government--be the poor thing--the illusive image of an american brain--which you sneeringly represent it, we owe little thanks to those who purchased it for us, even though they purchased it with their blood; and little pains need we take in that case to preserve it. when will the people of the northern states see, that the doctrines now put forth so industriously to maintain slavery, are rapidly undermining liberty? on the d page of your book you also evince your low estimate of man's rights and dues. you there say, "the fact that the planters of mississippi and louisiana, even while they have to pay from twenty to twenty-five dollars per barrel for pork the present season, afford to their slaves from three to four and a half pounds per week, does not show, that they are neglectful in rendering to their slaves that which is just and equal." if men had only an animal, and not a spiritual and immortal nature also, it might do for you to represent them as well provided for, if but pork enough were flung to them. how preposterous to tell us, that god approves a system which brings a man, as slavery seems to have brought you, to regard his fellow man as a mere animal! i am happy to find that you are not all wrong. you are no "gradualist." you are not inconsistent, like those who admit that slavery is sinful, and yet refuse to treat it as sinful. i hope our northern "gradualists" will profit by the following passage in your book: "if i were convinced by that word (the bible) that slavery is itself a sin, i trust that, let it cost what it would, i should be an abolitionist, because there is no truth, more clear to my mind, than that the gospel requires an _immediate_ abandonment of sin." you have no doubt of your right to hold your fellow men, as slaves. i wish you had given your readers more fully your views of the origin of this right. i judge from what you say, that you trace it back to the curse pronounced by noah upon canaan. but was that curse to know no end? were canaan's posterity to endure the entailment of its disabilities and woes, until the end of time? was divine mercy never to stay the desolating waves of this curse? was their harsh and angry roar to reach, even into the gospel dispensation, and to mingle discordantly with the songs of "peace on earth and good will to men?" was the captivity of canaan's race to be even stronger than he, who came "to bind up the broken-hearted, and proclaim liberty to the captives?" but who were canaan and his descendants? you speak of them, and with singular unfairness, i think, as "_the_ posterity of ham, from whom, it is supposed, sprang the africans." they were, it is true, a part of ham's posterity; but to call them "_the_ posterity of ham," is to speak as though he had no other child than canaan. the fifteenth to nineteenth verses of the tenth chapter of genesis teach us, beyond all question, that canaan's descendants inhabited the land of canaan and adjacent territory, and that this land is identical with the country afterwards occupied by the jews, and known, in modern times, by the name of palestine, or the holy land. therefore, however true it may be, that a portion of ham's posterity settled in africa, we not only have no evidence that it was the portion cursed, but we have conclusive evidence that it was not. but, was it a state of slavery to which canaanites were doomed? i will suppose, for a moment, that it was: and, then, how does it appear right to enslave them? the curse in question is prophecy. now prophecy does not say what ought to come to pass: nor does it say, that they who have an agency in the production of the foretold event, will be innocent in that agency. if the prediction of an event justifies those who are instrumental in producing it, then was judas innocent in betraying our saviour. "it must needs be that offences come, but wo to that man by whom the offence cometh." prophecy simply tells what will come to pass. the question, whether it was proper to enslave canaanites, depends for its solution not on the curse or prophecy in question. if the measure were in conformity with the general morality of the bible, then it was proper. was it in conformity with it? it was not. the justice, equity and mercy which were, agreeable to the divine command, to characterize the dealings of the jews with each other, are in such conformity, and these are all violated by slavery. if those dealings were all based on the general morality of the bible, as they certainly were, then slavery, which, in its moral character, is completely opposite to them, cannot rest on that morality. if that morality did not permit the jews to enslave canaanites, how came they to enslave them? you will say, that they had special authority from god to do so, in the words, "both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are around about you; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids." well, i will admit that god did in one instance, and that he may have done so in others, give special authority to the jews to do that, which, without such authority, would have been palpably and grossly immoral. he required them to exterminate some of the tribes of the canaanites. he may have required them to bring other heathens under a form of servitude violative of the general morality of his word.--of course, no blame attaches to the execution of such commands. when he specially deputes us to kill for him, we are as innocent in the agency, notwithstanding the general law, "thou shalt not kill," as is the earthquake or thunderbolt, when commissioned to destroy. samuel was as innocent in hewing "agag in pieces," as is the tree that falls upon the traveler. it may be remarked, in this connexion, that the fact that god gave a special statute to destroy some of the tribes of the canaanites, argues the contrariety of the thing required to the morality of the bible. it argues, that this morality would not have secured the accomplishment of what was required by the statute. indeed, it is probable that it was, sometimes, under the influence of the tenderness and mercy inculcated by this morality, that the jews were guilty of going counter to the special statute in question, and sparing the devoted canaanites, as in the instance when they "spared agag." we might reason, similarly to show that a special statute, if indeed there were such a one, authorizing the jews to compel the heathen to serve them, argues that compulsory service is contrary to fundamental morality. we will suppose that god did; in the special statute referred to, clothe the jews with power to enslave heathens, and now let me ask you, whether it is by this same statute to enslave, that you justify your neighbors and yourself for enslaving your fellow men? but this is a special statute, conferring a power on the jews only--a power too, not to enslave whomsoever they could; but only a specified portion of the human family, and this portion, as we have seen, of a stock, other than that from which you have obtained your slaves. if the special statutes, by which god clothed the jews with peculiar powers, may be construed to clothe you with similar powers, then, inasmuch as they were authorized and required to kill canaanites, you may hunt up for destruction the straggling descendants of such of the devoted ones, as escaped the sword of the jews. or, to make a different interpretation of your rights, under this supposition; since the statute in question authorized and required the jews to kill the heathen, within the borders of what was properly the jews' country, then you are also authorized and required to kill the heathens within the limits of your country:--and these are not wanting, if the testimony of your ecclesiastical bodies, before referred to, can be relied on; and, if it be as they say, that the millions of the poor colored brethren in the midst of you are made heathens by the operation of the system, to which, with unparalleled wickedness, they are subjected. if then, neither noah's curse, nor the special statute in question, authorize you to enslave your fellow men, there is, probably, but one ground on which you will contend for authority to do so--and this is the ground of the general morality of the christian religion--of the general principles of right and duty, in the word of god. do you find your authority on this ground? if you do, then, manifestly, you have a right to enslave me, and i a right to enslave you, and every man has a right to enslave whomsoever he can;--a right as perfect, as is the right to do good to one another. indeed, the enslavement of each other would, under this construction of duty, _be_ the doing of good to one another. think you, sir, that the universal exercise of this right would promote the fulfilment of the "new commandment that ye love one another?" think you, it would be the harbinger of millenial peace and blessedness? or, think you not, rather, that it would fully and frightfully realize the prophet's declaration: "they all lie in wait for blood: they hunt every man his neighbor with a net." if any people have a right to enslave their fellow men, it must be the jews, if they once had it. but if they ever had it, it ceased, when all their peculiar rights ceased. in respect to rights from the most high, they are now on the same footing with other races of men. when "the vail of the temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottom," then that distinction from the gentile, in which the jew had gloried, ceased, and the partition wall between them was prostrate for ever. the jew, as well as the gentile, was never more to depart from the general morality of the bible. he was never again to be under any special statutes, whose requirements should bring him into collision with that morality: he was no more to confine his sympathies and friendships within the narrow range of the twelve tribes: but every son and daughter of adam were thenceforth entitled to claim from him the heart and hand of a brother. "under the glorious dispensation of the gospel," says the immortal granville sharp, "we are absolutely bound to consider ourselves as citizens of the world; every man whatever, without any partial distinction of nation, distance, or complexion, must necessarily be esteemed our neighbor and our brother; and we are absolutely bound, in christian duty, to entertain a disposition towards all mankind, as charitable and benevolent, at least, as that which was required of the jews under the law towards their brethren; and, consequently, it is absolutely unlawful for those who call themselves christians, to exact of their brethren (i mean their brethren of the universe) a more burthensome service, than that to which the jews were limited with respect to their brethren of the house of israel; and the slavery or involuntary bondage of a brother israelite was absolutely forbid." it occurs to me, that after all which has been said to satisfy you, that compulsory servitude, if such there were among the jews, cannot properly be pleaded in justification of yours; a question may still be floating in your mind whether, if god directed his chosen people to enslave the heathen, slavery should not be regarded as a good system of servitude? just as pertinently may you ask, whether that is not a good system of servitude, which is found in some of our state prisons. punishment probably--certainly not labor--is the leading object in the one case as well as the other: and the labor of the bondman in the one, as well as of the convict in the other, constitutes but a subordinate consideration. to suppose that god would, with every consideration out of view, but that of having the best relation of employer and laborer, make choice of slavery--to suppose that he believes that this state of servitude operates most beneficially, both for the master and the servant--is a high impeachment of the divine wisdom and goodness. but thus guilty are you, if you are unwilling to believe, that, if he chose the severe servitude in question, he chose it for the punishment of his enemies, or from some consideration, other than its suitableness for the ordinary purposes of the relation of master and servant. but it has been for the sake of argument only, that i have admitted that god authorized the jews to enslave the heathen. i now totally deny that he did so. you will, of course, consent that if he did so, it was in a special statute, as was the case when he authorized them to exterminate other heathen: and you will as readily consent that he enacted the statutes, in both instances, with the view of punishing his enemies. now, in killing the canaanites, the jew was constituted, not the owner of his devoted fellow man, but simply the executioner of god's vengeance: and evidently, such and no other was his character when he was reducing the canaanite to involuntary servitude--that he did so reduce him, and was commissioned by god to do so, is the supposition we make for the sake of argument. had the jews been authorized by god to shut up in dungeons for life those of the heathen, whom they were directed to have for bondmen and bondmaids, you would not claim, that they, any more than sheriffs and jailers in our day, are to be considered in the light of owners of the persons in their charge. much less then, can the jews be considered as the owners of any person whom they held in servitude: for, however severe the type of that servitude, the liberty of its subject was not restricted, as was that of the prisoners in question:--most certainly, the power asserted over him is not to be compared in extent with that asserted by the jew over the canaanite, whom he slew;--a case in which he was, indisputably, but the executioner of the divine wrath. the canaanite, whether devoted to a violent death or to an involuntary servitude, still remained the property of god: and god no more gave him up to be the property of the executioner of his wrath, than the people of the state of new york give up the offender against public justice to be the property of the ministers of that justice. god never suspends the accountability of his rational creatures to himself: and his rights to them, he never transfers to others. he could not do so consistently with his attributes, and his indissoluble relations to man. but slavery claims, that its subjects are the property of man. it claims to turn them into mere chattels, and to make them as void of responsibility to god, as other chattels. slavery, in a word, claims to push from his throne the supreme being, who declares, "all souls are mine." that it does not succeed in getting its victim out of god's hand, and in unmanning and _chattelizing_ him--that god's hold upon him remains unbroken, and that those upward tendencies of the soul, which distinguish man from the brute, are not yet entirely crushed in him--is no evidence in favor of its nature:--it simply proves, that its power is not equal to its purposes. we see, then, that the jews--if it be true that they reduced their fellow men to involuntary servitude, and did so as the heaven-appointed ministers of god's justice,--are not to be charged with slaveholding for it. there may be involuntary servitude where there is no slavery. the essential and distinguishing feature of slavery is its reduction of man to property--to a thing. a tenant of one of our state prisons is under a sentence of "hard labor for life." but he is not a slave. that is, he is not the _thing_ which slavery would mark its subject. he is still a man. offended justice has placed him in his present circumstances, because he is a man: and, it is because he is a _man_ and not a _thing_--a responsible, and not an irresponsible being, that he must continue in his present trials and sufferings. god's commandments to the jews, respecting servants and strangers, show that he not only did not authorize them to set up the claim of property in their fellow men, but that he most carefully guarded against such exercises of power, as might lead to the assumption of a claim so wrongful to himself. some of these commandments i will bring to your notice. they show that whatever was the form of servitude under which god allowed the jews to hold the heathen, it was not slavery. indeed, if all of the word of god which bears on this point were cited and duly explained, it would, perhaps, appear that he allowed no involuntary servitude whatever amongst the jews. i give no opinion whether he allowed it or not. there are strong arguments which go to show, that he did not allow it; and with these arguments the public will soon be made more extensively acquainted. it is understood, that the next number of the anti-slavery examiner will be filled with them. st. so galling are the bonds of southern slavery, that it could not live a year under the operation of a law forbidding the restoration of fugitive servants to their masters. how few of the discontented subjects of this oppressive servitude would agree with hamlet, that it is better to --"bear those ills we have, than fly to others that we know not of." what a running there would be from the slave states to the free!--from one slave state to another!--from one plantation to another! now, such a law--a solemn commandment of god--many writers on slavery are of the opinion, perhaps too confident opinion, was in force in the jewish nation (deut. xxiii, ); and yet the system of servitude on which it bore, and which you cite as the pattern and authority for your own, lived in spite of it. how could it? manifestly, because its genius was wholly unlike that of southern slavery; and because its rigors and wrongs, if rigors and wrongs there were in it, bear no comparison to those which characterize southern slavery; and which would impel nine-tenths of its adult subjects to fly from their homes, did they but know that they would not be obliged to return to them. when southern slaveholders shall cease to scour the land for fugitive servants, and to hunt them with guns and dogs, and to imprison, and scourge, and kill them;--when, in a word, they shall subject to the bearing of such a law as that referred to their system of servitude, then we shall begin to think that they are sincere in likening it to the systems which existed among the jews. the law, enacted in virginia in , authorizing any two justices of the peace "by proclamation to _outlaw_ runaways, who might thereafter be killed and destroyed by any person whatsoever, by such ways and means as he might think fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime for so doing," besides that it justifies what i have just said about hunting fugitive servants, shows, st. that the american anti-slavery society is of too recent an origin to be the occasion, as slaveholders and their apologists would have us believe, of all the cruel laws enacted at the south. d. that southern slaveholders would be very unwilling to have their system come under the operation of such a law as that which allowed the jewish servant to change his master. d. that they are monsters, indeed, into which men may be turned by their possession of absolute power. you, perhaps, suppose, (and i frankly admit to you, that there is some room for the supposition,) that the servants referred to in the th and th verses of the d chapter of deuteronomy, were such as had escaped from foreign countries to the country of the jews. but, would this view of the matter help you? by taking it, would you not expose yourself to be most pertinently and embarrassingly asked, for what purpose these servants fled to a strange and most odious people?--and would not your candid reply necessarily be, that it was to escape from the galling chains of slavery, to a far-famed milder type of servitude?--from gentile oppression, to a land in which human rights were protected by divine laws? but, as i have previously intimated, i have not the strongest confidence in the anti-slavery argument, so frequently drawn from this passage of the bible. i am not sure that a jewish servant is referred to: nor that on the supposition of his being a foreigner, the servant came under any form of servitude when entering the land of the jews. before leaving the topic, however, let me remark, that the passage, under any construction of it, makes against southern slavery. admit that the fugitive servant was a foreigner, and that he was not reduced to servitude on coming among the jews, let me ask you whether the law in question, under this view of it, would be tolerated by the spirit of southern slavery?--and whether, before obedience would be rendered to it, you would not need to have a different type of servitude, in the place of slavery? you would--i know you would--for you have been put to the trial. when, by a happy providence, a vessel was driven, the last year, to a west india island, and the chains of the poor slaves with which it was filled fell from around them, under freedom's magic power, the exasperated south was ready to go to war with great britain. _then_, the law against delivering up foreign servants to their masters was not relished by you. the given case comes most strikingly within the supposed policy of this law. the gentile was to be permitted to remain in the land to which he had fled, and where he would have advantages for becoming acquainted with the god of the bible. such advantages are they enjoying who escaped from the confessed heathenism of southern slavery to the island in question. they are now taught to read that "book of life," which before, they were forbidden to read. but again, suppose a slave were to escape from a west india island into the southern states--would you, with your "domestic institutions," of which you are so jealous, render obedience to this divine law? no; you would subject him _for ever_ to a servitude more severe than that, from which he had escaped. indeed, if a _freeman_ come within a certain portion of our southern country, and be so unhappy as to bear a physical resemblance to the slave, he will be punished for that resemblance, by imprisonment, and even by a reduction to slavery. d. southern slaveholders, who, by their laws, own men as absolutely as they own cattle, would have it believed, that jewish masters thus owned their fellow-men. if they did, why was there so wide a difference between the commandment respecting the stray man, and that respecting the stray ox or ass? the man was not, but the beasts were, to be returned; and that too, even though their owner was the enemy of him who met them. (ex. . .) i repeat the question;--why this difference? the only answer is, because god made the brute to be the _property_ of man; but he never gave us our noble nature for such degradation. man's title deed, in the eighth psalm, extends his right of property to the inanimate and brute creation only--not to the flesh and bones and spirit of his fellow-man. d. the very different penalties annexed to the crime of stealing a man, and to that of stealing a thing, shows the eternal and infinite difference which god has established between a man and property. the stealing of a man was _surely_ to be punished with death; whilst mere property was allowed to atone for the offence of stealing property. th. who, if not the slave, can be said to be vexed and oppressed! but god's command to his people was, that they should neither "vex a stranger, nor oppress him." th. such is the nature of american slavery, that not even its warmest friends would claim that it could recover itself after such a "year of jubilee" as god appointed. one such general delivery of its victims would be for ever fatal to it. i am aware that you deny that all the servants of the jews shared in the blessings of the "year of jubilee." but let me ask you, whether if one third or one half of your servants were discharged from servitude every fiftieth year--and still more, whether if a considerable proportion of them were thus discharged every sixth year--the remainder would not be fearfully discontented? southern masters believe, that their only safety consists in keeping down the discontent of their servants. hence their anxious care to withhold from them the knowledge of human rights. hence the abolitionist who is caught in a slave state, must be whipped or put to death. if there were a class of servants amongst the jews, who could bear to see all their fellow servants go free, whilst they themselves were retained in bondage, then that bondage was of a kind very different from what you suppose it to have been. had its subjects worn the galling chains of american slavery, they would have struggled with bloody desperation for the deliverance which they saw accorded to others. i scarcely need say, that the hebrew words rendered "bondmen" and "bondmaids," do not, in themselves considered, and independently of the connexion in which they are used, any more than the greek words _doulos_ and _doule_, denote a particular kind of servant. if the servant was a slave, because he was called by the hebrew word rendered "bondman," then was jacob a slave also:--and even still greater absurdities could be deduced from the position. i promised, in a former part of this communication, to give you my reasons for denying that you are at liberty to plead in behalf of slavery, the example of any compulsory servitude in which jews may have held foreigners. my promise is now fulfilled, and i trust that the reasons are such as not to admit of an answer. driven, as you now are, from every other conceivable defence of slaveholding it may be (though i must hope better things of you), that you will fly to the ground taken by the wicked multitude--that there is authority in the laws of man for being a slaveholder. but, not only is the sin of your holding slaves undiminished by the consideration, that they are held under human laws; but, your claiming to hold them under such laws, makes you guilty of an additional sin, which, if measured by its pernicious consequences to others, is by no means inconsiderable. the truth of these two positions is apparent from the following considerations. st. there is no valid excuse to be found, either in man's laws or any where else, for transgressing god's laws. whatever may be thought, or said to the contrary, it still remains, and for ever will remain true, that under all circumstances, "sin is the transgression of the (divine) law." d. in every instance in which a commandment of god is transgressed, under the cover and plea of a human law, purporting to permit what that commandment forbids, there is, in proportion to the authority and influence of the transgressor, a fresh sanction imparted to that law; and consequently, in the same proportion the public habit of setting up a false standard of right and wrong is promoted. it is this habit--this habit of graduating our morality by the laws of the land in which we live--that makes the "mischief framed by a law" so much more pernicious than that which has no law to countenance it, and to commend it to the conscience. who is unaware, that nothing tends so powerfully to keep the traffic in strong drink from becoming universally odious, as the fact, that this body and soul destroying business finds a sanction in human laws? who has not seen the man, authorized by these laws to distribute the poison amongst his tippling neighbors, proof against all the shafts of truth, under the self-pleasing and self-satisfying consideration, that his is a lawful business. this habit of setting up man's law, instead of god's law, as the standard of conduct, is strikingly manifested in the fact, that on the ground, that the federal constitution binds the citizens of the united states to perpetuate slavery, or at least, not to meddle with it, we are, both at the north and the south, called on to forbear from all efforts to abolish it. the exertions made to discover in that instrument, authority for slavery, and authority against endeavors to abolish it, are as great, anxious, and unwearied, as if they who made them, thought that the fortunate discovery would settle for ever the great question which agitates our country--would nullify all the laws of god against slavery--and make the oppression of our colored brethren, as long as time shall last, justifiable and praiseworthy. but this discovery will never be made; for the constitution is not on the side of the slaveholder. if it were, however, it would clothe him with no moral right to act in opposition to the paramount law of god. it is not at all necessary to the support of my views, in this communication, to show that the constitution was not designed to favor slavery; and yet, a few words to this end may not be out of place. a treaty between great britain and turkey, by the terms of which the latter should be prohibited from allowing slaves to be brought within her dominions, after twenty years from its date, would, all will admit, redound greatly to the credit of great britain. to be sure, she would not have done as much for the cause of humanity, as if she had succeeded in bringing the further indulgence of the sin within the limits of a briefer period, and incomparably less than if she had succeeded in reconciling the sublime porte to her glorious and emphatically english doctrines of immediate emancipation. but still she would deserve some praise--much more than if she had done nothing in this respect. now, for my present purpose, and many of our statesmen say, for nearly all purposes, the federal constitution is to be regarded as a treaty between sovereign states. but how much more does this treaty do for the abolition of slavery, than that on which we were, a moment since, bestowing our praise! it imposes a prohibition similar to that in the supposed treaty between great britain and turkey, so that no slaves have been allowed to be introduced into the united states since the year . it goes further, and makes ample provision for the abolition and prevention of slavery in every part of the nation, save these states; so that the district of columbia and the national territories can be cleared forever of slavery, whenever a majority of the parties, bound by the treaty, shall desire it. and it goes still farther, and clothes this majority with the power of regulating commerce between the states, and consequently, of prohibiting their mutual traffic in "the bodies and souls of men." had this treaty gone but one step farther, and made an exception, as it should have done, in behalf of slaves, in the clause making necessary provision for the return of fugitives held to service in the states from which they flee, none but those who think it is fairly held responsible for the twenty years indulgence of the unholy traffic, would have claimed any thing more from it in relation to slavery. now, this instrument, which contains nothing more, bearing on the subject of slavery, than what i have referred to, and whose pages are not once polluted with the words "slave" and "slavery," is abundantly and triumphantly cited, as conclusive authority in favor of slavery, and against endeavors to abolish it. whilst we regret, that the true-hearted sons of freedom in the convention which formed it, could obtain no more concessions from the advocates of slavery, let us honor their sacred memory, and thank god for those they did obtain. i have supposed it possible, that you might number yourself with those, who defend slavery on the ground of its alleged conformity with human laws. it occurs to me, that you may, also, take hope, that slavery is defensible in the supposed fact, that a considerable share of the professing christians, in the free states, are in favor of it. "let god be true, but every man a liar." if all professing christians were for slavery, yet, if god is against it, that is reason enough why you also should be against it. it is not true, however, that a considerable share of our professing christians are on the side of slavery. indeed, until i read professor hodge's article, i had not supposed that any of them denied its sinfulness. it is true, that a large proportion of them refuse to take a stand against it. let them justify to their consciences, and to their god, as they can, the equivocal silence and still more equivocal action on this subject, by which they have left their southern brethren to infer, that northern piety sanctions slavery. it is the doctrine of expediency, so prevalent and corrupting in the american church, which has deceived you into the belief, that a large share of the professing christians in the free states, think slavery to be sinless. this share, which you have in your eye, is, as well as the remainder, convinced that slavery is sinful--_only they think it inexpedient to say so_. in relation to other sins, they are satisfied with god's way of immediate abandonment. but, in relation to slavery, they flatter themselves that they have discovered "a more excellent way"--that of leaving the sin untouched, and simply hoping for its cessation, at some indefinite period in the distant future. i say hoping, instead of praying, as prayer for an object is found to be accompanied by corresponding efforts. but for this vile doctrine of expediency, which gives to our ecclesiastical bodies, whenever the subject of such a giant and popular sin as slavery is broached in them, the complexion of a political caucus steeped in unprincipled policy, rather than that of a company of the saviour's disciples, inquiring "in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom," the way of the lord;--but for this doctrine, i say, you would, long ago, have heard the testimony of northern christians against southern slavery;--and not only so, but you would long ago have seen this dagon fall before the power of that testimony. i trust, however, that this testimony will not long be withheld; and that northern christians will soon perceive, that, in relation to slavery, as well as every other sin, it is the safest and wisest, as well as the holiest course, to drop all carnal policy--to "trust in the lord with all thine heart, and lean not unto thine own understanding." not only are northern christians, with very rare exceptions, convinced of the sin of slavery; but even your slaveholders were formerly accustomed, with nearly as great unanimity, to admit, that they themselves thought it to be sinful. it is only recently, and since they have found that their system must be tested by the bible, thoroughly and in earnest--not merely for the purpose, as formerly, of determining without any practical consequences of the determination, what is the moral character of slavery--but, for the purpose of settling the point, whether the institution shall stand or fall,--it is only, i say, since the civilized world has been fast coming to claim that it shall be decided by the bible, and by no lower standard, whether slavery shall or shall not exist--that your slaveholders have found it expedient to take the ground, that slavery is not sin. it probably has not occurred to you, how fairly and fully you might have been stopped, upon the very threshold of your defence of slavery. the only witness you have called to the stand to sustain your sinking cause, is the bible. but this is a witness, which slavery has itself impeached, and of which, therefore, it is not entitled to avail itself. it is a good rule in our civil courts, that a party is not permitted to impeach his own witness; and it is but an inconsiderable variation of the letter of this rule, and obviously no violation of its spirit and policy to say, that no party is permitted to attempt to benefit his cause by a witness whom he has himself impeached. now, the slaveholder palpably violates this rule, when he presumes to offer the bible as a witness for his cause:--for he has previously impeached it, by declaring, in his slave system, that it is not to be believed--that its requirements are not to be obeyed--that they are not even to be read (though the bible expressly directs that they shall be)--that concubinage shall be substituted for the marriage it enjoins--and that its other provisions for the happiness, and even the existence, of the social relations, shall be trampled under foot. the scene, in which a lawyer should ask the jury to believe what his witness is saying at one moment, and to reject what he is saying at another, would be ludicrous enough. but what more absurdity is there in it than that which the pro-slavery party are guilty of, when they would have us deaf, whilst their witness is testifying in favor of marriage and searching the scriptures; and, all ears, whilst that same witness is testifying, as they construe it, in favor of slavery! no--before it will be competent for the american slaveholder to appeal to the bible for justification of his system, that system must be so modified, as no longer to make open, shameless war upon the bible. i would recommend to slaveholders, that, rather than make so unhallowed a use of the bible as to attempt to bolster up their hard beset cause with it, they should take the ground, which a very distinguished slaveholding gentleman of the city of washington took, in a conversation with myself on the subject of slavery. feeling himself uncomfortably plied by quotations from the word of god, he said with much emphasis, "stop, sir, with that, if you please--slavery is a subject, which has nothing to do with the bible." this practice of attempting to put the boldest and most flagrant sins under the wing and sanction of the bible, is chargeable on others as well as on the advocates of slavery. not to speak of other instances of it--it is sought to justify by this blessed book the most despotic forms of civil government, and the drinking of intoxicating liquors. there are two evils so great, which arise from this perversion of the word of god, that i cannot forbear to notice them. one is, that the consciences of men are quieted, when they imagine that they have found a justification in the bible for the sins of which they are guilty. the other is, that infidels are multiplied by this perversion. a respectable gentleman, who edits a newspaper in this neighborhood, and who, unhappily, is not established in the christian faith, was asked, a few months since, to attend a meeting of a bible society. "i am not willing," said he, in reply, "to favor the circulation of a volume, which many of its friends claim to be on the side of slavery." rely on it, sir, that wherever your book produces the conviction that the bible justifies slavery, it there weakens whatever of respect for that blessed volume previously existed. whoever is brought to associate slavery with the bible, may, it is true, think better of slavery; but he will surely think worse of the bible. i hope, therefore, in mercy to yourself and the world, that the success of your undertaking will be small. but oftentimes the same providence has a bright, as well as a gloomy, aspect. it is so in the case before us. the common attempt, in our day, to intrench great sins in the authority of the bible, is a consoling and cheering evidence, that this volume is recognised as the public standard of right and wrong; and that, whatever may be their private opinions of it who are guilty of these sins, they cannot hope to justify themselves before the world, unless their lives are, apparently, at least, conformed, in some good degree, to this standard. we may add, too, that, as surely as the bible is against slavery, every pro-slavery writer, who like yourself appeals to it as the infallible and only admissible standard of right and wrong, will contribute to the overthrow of the iniquitous system. his writings may not, uniformly, tend to this happy result. in some instances, he may strengthen confidence in the system of slavery by producing conviction, that the bible sanctions it;--and then his success will be, as before remarked, at the expense of the claims and authority of the bible:--but these instances of the pernicious effects of his writings will be very rare, quite too rare we may hope, to counterbalance the more generally useful tendency of writings on the subject of slavery, which recognise the paramount authority of god's law. having completed the examination of your book, i wish to hold up to you, in a single view, the substance of what you have done. you have come forth, the unblushing advocate of american slavery;--a system which, whether we study its nature in the deliberate and horrid enactments of its code, or in the heathenism and pollution and sweat and tears and blood, which prove, but too well, the agreement of its practical character with its theory--is, beyond all doubt, more oppressive and wicked than any other, which the avaricious, sensual, cruel heart of man ever devised. you have come forth, the unblushing advocate of a system under which parents are daily selling their children; brothers and sisters, their brothers and sisters; members of the church of christ, their fellow-members--under which, in a word, immortal man, made "in the image of god," is more unfeelingly and cruelly dealt with, than the brute. i know that you intimate that this system would work well, were it in the hands of none but good men. but with equal propriety might you say, that the gaming-house or the brothel would work well in such hands. you have attempted to sustain this system by the testimony of the bible. the system, a part only of the crimes of which, most of the nations of christendom have declared to be piracy;--against which, the common sense, the philosophy, the humanity, the conscience of the world, are arrayed;--this system, so execrable and infamous, you have had the presumption to attempt to vindicate by that blessed book, whose author "is of purer eyes than to behold evil, and (who) cannot look upon iniquity"--and who "has magnified his word above all his name." and now, sir, let me solemnly inquire of you, whether it is right to do what you have done?--whether it is befitting a man, a christian, and a minister of the gospel?--and let me, further, ask you, whether you have any cheering testimony in your heart that it is god's work you have been doing? that you and i may, in every future work of our hands, have the happiness to know, that the approbation of our employer comes from the upper, and not from the under world, is the sincere desire of your friend, gerrit smith. no. the anti-slavery examiner. the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . postage--this periodical contains five and a half sheets. postage under miles, - / cts over miles, cents. _please read and circulate._ piercy & reed. printers, theatre alley. contents. definition of slavery man-stealing--examination of ex. xxi. import of "bought with money," etc. rights and privileges of servants no involuntary servitude under the mosaic system servants were paid wages masters, not owners servants distinguished from property social equality of servants with their masters condition of the gibeonites, as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth egyptian bondage analyzed objections considered. "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be," etc. gen. ix. "for he is his money," examination of, ex. xxi. , "bondmen and bondmaids" bought of the heathen. lev. xxv. - "they shall be your bondmen forever." lev. xxv. "ye shall take them as an inheritance," etc. lev. xxv. the israelite to serve as a hired servant. lev. xxv. , difference between bought and hired servants bought servants the most privileged class summary of the different classes of servants disabilities of the servants from the heathen examination of exodus xxi. - the canaanites not sentenced to unconditional extermination inquiry, &c. * * * * * the spirit of slavery never takes refuge in the bible _of its own accord._ the horns of the altar are its last resort. it seizes them, if at all, only in desperation--rushing from the terror of the avenger's arm. like other unclean spirits, it "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, lest its deeds should be reproved." goaded to phrenzy in its conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it breaks at last into the sacred enclosure, and courses up and down the bible, "seeking rest, and finding none." the law of love, streaming from every page, flashes around it an omnipresent anguish and despair. it shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons recoiled from the son of god, and shrieked, "torment us not." at last, it slinks away among the shadows of the mosaic system, and thinks to burrow out of sight among its types and shadows. vain hope! its asylum is its sepulchre; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. it rushes from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire; and from the voice of god into the thickest of his thunders. definition of slavery. if we would know whether the bible is the charter of slavery, we must first determine _just what slavery is_. the thing itself must be separated from its appendages. a constituent element is one thing; a relation another; an appendage another. relations and appendages presuppose _other_ things, of which there are relations and appendages. to regard them as _the things_ to which they pertain, or as constituent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. a great variety of conditions, relations, and tenures, indispensable to the social state, are confounded with slavery; and thus slaveholding is deemed quite harmless, if not virtuous. we will specify some of the things which are often confounded with slavery. . _privation of the right of suffrage_. then _minors_ are slaves. . _ineligibility to office_. then _females_ are slaves. . _taxation without representation_. then three-fourths of the people of rhode island are slaves, and _all_ in the district of columbia. . _privation of one's oath in law_. then the _free_ colored people of ohio are slaves. so are disbelievers in a future retribution, generally. . _privation of trial by jury_. then all in france and germany are slaves. . _being required to support a particular religion_. then the people of england are slaves. [to the preceding may be added all other disabilities, merely political.] . _cruelty and oppression_. wives are often cruelly treated; hired domestics are often oppressed; but these forms of oppression are not slavery. . _apprenticeship_. the rights and duties of master and apprentice are correlative and reciprocal. the _claim_ of each upon the other results from the _obligation_ of each to the other. apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. the rights of the apprentice are secured, and his interests are promoted equally with those of the master. indeed, while the law of apprenticeship is _just_ to the master, it is _benevolent_ to the apprentice. its main design is rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. it _promotes_ the interests of the former, while it guards from injury those of the latter in doing it. it secures to the master a mere legal compensation, while it secures to the apprentice both a legal compensation, and a virtual gratuity in addition, the apprentice being of the two decidedly the greatest gainer. the law not only recognizes the _right_ of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. the master's claim covers only the _services_ of the apprentice. the apprentice's claim covers _equally_ the services of the master. the master cannot hold the apprentice as property, nor the apprentice the master; but each holds property in the services of the other, and both equally. is this slavery? . _filial subordination and parental claims_. both are nature's dictates, and indispensable to the existence of the social state; their _design_ the promotion of mutual welfare; and the _means_, those natural affections created by the relation of parent and child, and blending them in one by irrepressible affinities; and thus, while exciting each to discharge those offices incidental to the relation, they constitute a shield for mutual protection. the parent's legal claim to the services of his children, while minors, is a slight boon for the care and toil of their rearing, to say nothing of outlays for support and education. this provision for the good of the _whole_, is, with the greater part of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. the child, in helping his parents, helps himself--increases a common stock, in which he has a share; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. . _bondage for crime, or governmental claims on criminals._ must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties? true, the criminal works for the government without pay; and well he may. he owes the government. a century's work would not pay its drafts on him. he is a public defaulter, and will die so. because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who _owe nothing?_ besides, the law makes no criminal, property. it restrains his liberty; it makes him pay something, a mere penny in the pound, of his debt to the government; but it does not make him a _chattel_. test it. to own property is to own its product. are children born of convicts government property? besides, can _property_ be _guilty_? are _chattels_ punished? . _restrictions upon freedom._ children are restrained by parents, wards by guardians, pupils by teachers, patients by physicians and nurses, corporations by charters, and legislators by constitutions. embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. restraints are the web of civilized society, warp and woof. are they slavery? then civilized society is a mammoth slave--a government of law, _the climax of slavery_, and its executive a king among slaveholders. . _involuntary or compulsory service_. a juryman is empannelled _against his will_, and sit he _must_. a sheriff orders his posse; bystanders _must_ turn in. men are _compelled_ to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and "turn to the right as the law directs," however much _against their wills_. are they therefore slaves? to confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. slavery is a _condition_. the slave's _feelings_ toward it, are one thing; the condition itself, the object of these feelings, is _another_ thing; his feelings cannot alter the nature of that condition. whether he _desire_ or _detest_ it, the _condition_ remains the same. the slave's _willingness_ to be a slave is no palliation of his master's guilt in holding him. suppose the slave verily thinks himself a chattel, and consents that others may so regard him, does that _make_ him a chattel, or make those guiltless who _hold_ him as such? i may be sick of life, and i tell the assassin so that stabs me; is he any the less a murderer because i _consent_ to be made a corpse? does my partnership in his guilt blot out his part of it? if the slave were willing to be a slave, his _voluntariness_, so far from _lessening_ the guilt of the "owner," _aggravates_ it. if slavery has so palsied his mind and he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually _to hold him as such_, falls in with his delusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. _these very feelings and convictions of the slave_, (if such were possible) increase a hundred fold the guilt of the master in holding him as property, and call upon him in thunder, immediately to recognize him as a man, and thus break the sorcery that binds his soul, cheating it of its birth-right, and the consciousness of its worth and destiny. many of the foregoing conditions and relations are _appendages_ of slavery, and some of them inseparable from it. but no one, nor all of them together, constitute its _intrinsic unchanging element_. we proceed to state affirmatively that, enslaving men is reducing them to articles of property, making free agents chattels, converting _persons_ into _things_, sinking intelligence, accountability, immortality, into _merchandise_. a _slave_ is one held in this condition. he is a mere tool for another's use and benefit. in law "he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." _his right to himself is abrogated._ he is another's property. if he say _my_ hands, _my_ feet, _my_ body, _my_ mind, my_self_; they are figures of speech. to _use himself_ for his own good is a crime. to keep what he _earns_ is stealing. to take his body into his own keeping is _insurrection_. in a word, the> _profit_ of his master is the end of his being, and he, a _mere means_ to that end, a _mere means_ to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion[a]. man sunk to a _thing_! the intrinsic element, the _principle_ of slavery; men sold, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at public outcry! their _rights_ another's conveniences, their interests, wares on sale, their happiness, a household utensil; their personal inalienable ownership, a serviceable article, or plaything, as best suits the humor of the hour; their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes, marketable commodities! we repeat it, _the reduction of persons to things_; not robbing a man of privileges, but of _himself_; not loading with burdens, but making him a _beast of burden_; not _restraining_ liberty, but subverting it; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them; not inflicting personal cruelty, but annihilating _personality_; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking him into an _implement_ of labor; not abridging his human comforts, but abrogating his _human nature_; not depriving an animal of immunities, but _despoiling a rational being of attributes_, uncreating a man to make room for a _thing_! [footnote a: whatever system sinks man from an end to a _means_, or in other words, whatever transforms him from an object of instrumentality into a mere instrumentality _to_ an object, just so far makes him a _slave_. hence west india apprenticeship retains in _one_ particular the cardinal principle of slavery. the apprentice, during three-fourths of his time, is still forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings; just so far forth he is a _mere means_, a _slave_. true, in all other respects slavery is abolished in the british west indies. its bloodiest features are blotted out--but the meanest and most despicable of all--forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three-fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demur at the outrage, is one of the provisions of the "emancipation act!" for the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thank god, while they mourn that it rose behind clouds, and shines through an eclipse.] that this is american slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. judge stroud, in his "sketch of the laws relating to slavery," says, "the cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among _things_--is an article of property, a chattel personal, obtains as undoubted law in all of these states," (the slave states.) the law of south carolina thus lays down the principle, "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_ in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever." brevard's digest, . in louisiana, "a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he _belongs_; the master may sell him, dispose of his _person, his industry, and his labor_; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master." civil code of louisiana, art. . this is american slavery. the eternal distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under foot--the crowning distinction of all others--their centre and circumference--the source, the test, and the measure of their value--the rational, immortal principle, embalmed by god in everlasting remembrance, consecrated to universal homage in a baptism of glory and honor, by the gift of his son, his spirit, his word, his presence, providence, and power; his protecting shield, upholding staff, and sheltering wing; his opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven, proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. having stated the _principle_ of american slavery, we ask, does the bible sanction such a principle?[a][a]? to the _law_ and the _testimony_. first, the moral law, or the ten commandments. just after the israelites were emancipated from their bondage in egypt, while they stood before sinai to receive the law, as the trumpet waxed louder, and the mount quaked and blazed, god spake the ten commandments from the midst of clouds and thunderings. _two_ of those commandments deal death to slavery. look at the eighth, "_thou shall not steal_," or, thou shalt not take from another what belongs to him. all man's powers of body and mind are god's gift to _him_. that they are _his own_, and that he has a right to them, is proved from the fact that god has given them to _him alone_, that each of them is a part of _himself_, and all of them together _constitute_ himself. all _else_ that belongs to man is acquired by the _use_ of these powers. the _interest_ belongs to him, because the _principal_ does--the product is his, because he is the _producer_. ownership of any thing is ownership of its _use_. the right to use according to will, is _itself_ ownership. the eighth commandment _presupposes and assumes the right of every man to his powers, and their product._ slavery robs of both. a man's right to himself is the only right absolutely original and intrinsic--his right to whatever else that belongs to him is merely _relative_ to his right to himself--is derived from it, and held only by virtue of it. self-right is the _foundation right_--the _post in the middle_, to which all other rights are fastened. slaveholders, the world over, when talking about their right to their slaves, always assume _their own right to themselves_. what slaveholder ever undertook to prove his own right to himself? he knows it to be a self-evident proposition, that _a man belongs to himself_--that the right is intrinsic and absolute. the slaveholder, in making out his own title to himself, makes out the title of every human being to _himself_. as the fact of being _a man_ is itself the title, the whole human family have one common title deed. if _one_ man's title is valid, _all_ are valid. if one is worthless, all are. to deny the validity of the _slave's_ title is to deny the validity of _his own_; and yet in the act of making him a slave, the slaveholder _asserts_ the validity of his own title, while he seizes _him_ as his property who has the _same_ title. further, in making him a slave, he does not merely unhumanize _one_ individual, but universal man. he destroys the foundations. he annihilates _all rights_. he attacks not only the human race, but _universal being_, and rushes upon jehovah.--for rights are _rights_; god's are no more--man's are no less. [footnote a: the bible record of actions is no comment on their moral character. it vouches for them as _facts_, not as _virtues_. it records without rebuke, noah's drunkenness, lot's incest, and the lies of jacob and his mother--not only single acts, but _usages_, such as polygamy and concubinage, are entered on the record without censure. is that _silent entry_ god's _endorsement_? because the bible, in its catalogue of human actions, does not stamp on every crime its name and number, and write against it, _this is a crime_--does that wash out its guilt, and bleach it into a virtue?] the eighth commandment forbids the taking of _any_ part of that which belongs to another. slavery takes the _whole_. does the same bible which forbids the taking of _any_ thing belonging to him, sanction the taking of _every_ thing? is it such a medley of absurdities as to thunder wrath against him who robs his neighbor of a _cent_, while it bids god speed to him who robs his neighbor of _himself_? slavery is the highest possible violation of the eighth commandment. to take from a man his earnings, is theft. but to take the _earner_, is compound, superlative, perpetual theft. it is to be a thief by profession. it is a trade, a life of robbery, that vaults through all the gradations of the climax at a leap--the dread, terrific, giant robbery, that towers among other robberies, a solitary horror, monarch of the realm. the eighth commandment forbids the taking away, and the _tenth_ adds, "_thou shalt not covet any thing that is thy neighbor's_;" thus guarding every man's right to himself and his property, by making not only the actual taking away a sin, but even that state of mind which would _tempt_ to it. who ever made human beings slaves, or held them as slaves without _coveting_ them? why do they take from them their time, their labor, their liberty, their right of self-preservation and improvement, their right to acquire property, to worship according to conscience, to search the scriptures, to live with their families, and their right to their own bodies? why do they _take_ them, if they do not _desire_ them? they covet them for purposes of gain, convenience, lust of dominion, of sensual gratification, of pride and ostentation. _they break the tenth commandment_, and pluck down upon their heads the plagues that are written in the book. _ten_ commandments constitute the brief compend of human duty. _two_ of these brand slavery as sin. the giving of the law at sinai, immediately preceded the promulgation of that body of laws and institutions, called the "mosaic system." over the gateway of that system, fearful words were written by the finger of god--"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." see exodus, xxi. . the oppression of the israelites in egypt, and the wonders wrought for their deliverance, proclaim the reason for _such_ a law at _such_ a time--when the body politic became a theocracy, and reverently waited for the will of god. they had just been emancipated. the tragedies of their house of bondage were the realities of yesterday, and peopled their memories with thronging horrors. they had just witnessed god's testimony against oppression in the plagues of egypt--the burning blains on man and beast--the dust quickened into loathsome life, and cleaving in swarms to every living thing--the streets, the palaces, the temples, and every house heaped up with the carcasses of things abhorred--even the kneading troughs and ovens, the secret chambers and the couches, reeking and dissolving with the putrid death--the pestilence walking in darkness at noonday, the devouring locusts and hail mingled with fire, the first-born death-struck, and the waters blood, and, last of all, that dread high hand and stretched out arm, that whelmed the monarch and his hosts, and strewed their corpses in the sea. all this their eyes had looked upon,--earth's proudest city, wasted and thunder-scarred, lying in desolation, and the doom of oppressors traced on her ruins in the hand writing of god, glaring in letters of fire mingled with blood--a blackened monument of wrath to the uttermost against the stealers of men. no wonder that god, in a code of laws prepared for such a people at such a time, should light up on its threshold a blazing beacon to flash terror on slaveholders. "_he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall be surely put to death_." ex. xxii. . god's cherubim and flaming sword guarding the entrance to the mosaic system! see also deut. xxiv. [a]. [footnote a: jarchi, the most eminent of the jewish writers, (if we except perhaps the egyptian maimonides,) who wrote seven hundred years ago, in his comment on this stealing and making merchandize of men, gives the meaning thus:--"using a man against his will, as a servant lawfully purchased; yea though he should use his services ever so little, only to the value of a farthing, or use but his arm to lean on to support him, _if he be forced so to act as a servant_, the person compelling him but once to do so shall die as a thief, whether he has sold him or not."] the hebrew word, _gaunab_, here rendered _stealeth_, means the taking from another what _belongs_ to him, whether it be by violence or fraud; the same word is used in the eighth commandment, and prohibits both _robbery_ and theft. the crime specified is that of _depriving_ somebody _of the ownership of a man_. is this somebody a master? and is the crime that of depriving a _master_ of his _servant_? then it would have been "he that stealeth" a _servant, not_ "he that stealeth a _man_." if the crime had been the taking of an individual from _another_, then the _term_ used would have been _expressive of that relation_, and _most especially_ if it was the relation of property and _proprietor_! the crime, as stated in the passage, is three-fold--man _stealing_, _selling_ and _holding_. all are put on a level, and whelmed under one penalty--death. this _somebody_ deprived of the ownership of man, is the _man himself_, robbed of personal ownership. joseph said to the servants of pharoah, "indeed i was _stolen_ away out of the land of the hebrews." gen. xl. . how _stolen_? his brethren took him and sold him as an _article of merchandize_. contrast this penalty for _man_-stealing with that for _property_-stealing. exod. xxii. if a man stole an _ox_ and killed or sold it, he was to restore five oxen; if he had neither sold nor killed it, the penalty was two oxen. the selling or the killing being virtually a deliberate repetition of the crime, the penalty was more than doubled. but in the case of stealing a _man_, the first act drew down the utmost power of punishment; however often repeated, or however aggravated the crime, human penalty could do no more. the fact that the penalty for _man_-stealing was death, and the penalty for _property_-stealing, the mere _restoration of double_, shows that the two cases were adjudicated on totally different principles. the man stolen might be past labor, and his support a _burden_, yet death was the penalty, though not a cent's worth of _property value_ was taken. the penalty for stealing _property_ was a mere _property penalty_. however large the amount stolen, the payment of _double_ wiped out the score. it might have a greater _money_ value than a _thousand_ men, yet _death_ was never the penalty, nor maiming, nor branding, nor even _stripes_. whatever the kind, or the amount stolen, the unvarying penalty was double of _the same kind_. why was not the rule uniform? when a _man_ was stolen why not require the thief to restore _double of the same kind--two men_, or if he had sold him, _five_ men? do you say that the man-thief might not _have_ them? so the _ox_-thief might not have two _oxen_, or if he had killed it, _five_. but if god permitted men to hold _men_ as property, equally with _oxen_, the _man_-thief could get _men_ with whom to pay the penalty, as well as the _ox_-thief, _oxen_. further, when _property_ was stolen, the whole of the legal penalty was a compensation to the person injured. but when a _man_ was stolen, no property compensation was offered. to tender _money_ as an equivalent, would have been to repeat the outrage with the intolerable aggravations of supreme insult and impiety. compute the value of a man in _money!_ throw dust into the scale against immortality! the law recoiled from such outrage and blasphemy. to have permitted the man-thief to expiate his crime by restoring double, would have been making the repetition of crime its atonement. but the infliction of death for _man-stealing_ exacted from the guilty wretch the utmost possibility of reparation. it wrung from him, as he gave up the ghost, a testimony in blood, and death groans, to the infinite dignity and worth of man,--a proclamation to the universe, voiced in mortal agony, that man is inviolable,--a confession shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's mouth--"i die accursed, and god is just." if god permitted man to hold _man_ as property, why did he punish for stealing _that_ kind of property infinitely more than for stealing any _other_ kind of property? why did he punish with _death_ for stealing a very little, perhaps not a sixpence worth, of _that_ sort of property, and make a mere _fine_, the penalty for stealing a thousand times as much, of any other sort of property--especially if god did by his own act annihilate the difference between man and _property_, by putting him _on a level with it_? the atrociousness of a crime, depends greatly upon the nature, character, and condition of the victim. to steal is a crime, whoever the thief, or whatever the plunder. to steal bread from a _full_ man, is theft; to steal it from a _starving_ man, is both theft and murder. if i steal my neighbor's _property_, the crime consists not in the _nature_ of the article, but in _shifting its external relation_ from _him to me_. but when i take my neighbor _himself_, and first make him _property_, and then _my_ property, the latter act, which was the sole crime in the former case, dwindles to a mere appendage. the sin in stealing a man does not consist in transferring, from its owner to another, that which is _already property_, but in turning _personality_ into _property_. true, the _attributes_ of man still remain, but the rights and immunities which grow out of them are _annihilated_. it is the first law of reason and revelation to regard things and beings as they are; and the sum of religion, to feel and act toward them according to their nature and value. knowingly to treat them otherwise, is _sin_; and the degree of violence done to their nature, relations, and value, measures its guilt. when things are sundered which god has indissolubly joined, or confounded in one, which he has separated by infinite extremes; when sacred and eternal distinctions, which he has garnished with glory, are derided and set at nought, then, if ever, _sin_ reddens in its "scarlet dye." the sin specified in the passage, is that of doing violence to the _nature_ of a _man_--his _intrinsic value_ and relations as a rational being, and blotting out the exalted distinction stamped upon him by his maker. in the verse preceding, and in that which follows, the same principle is laid down. verse , "_he then smiteth his father or his mother shall surely be put to death._" verse , "_he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death._" if a jew smote his neighbor, the law merely smote him in return. but if that same blow were given to a _parent_, the law struck the smiter _dead_. why this difference in the punishment of the same act, inflicted on different persons? answer--god guards the parental relation with peculiar care. it is the _centre_ of human relations. to violate that, is to violate _all_. whoever trampled on _that_, showed that no relation had any sacredness in his eyes--that he was unfit to move among human relations who had violated one so sacred and tender.--therefore, the mosaic law uplifted his bleeding corpse, and brandished the ghastly terror around the parental relation to guard it from impious inroads. but why the difference in the penalty since the _act_ was the same? the sin had divers aggravations. . the relation violated was obvious--the distinction between parents and others, manifest, dictated by natural affection--a law of the constitution. . the act was violence to nature--a suicide on constitutional susceptibilities. . the parental relation then, as now, was the centre of the social system, and required powerful safe-guards. "_honor thy father and thy mother_," stands at the head of those commands which prescribe the duties of man to man; and, throughout the bible, the parental relation is god's favorite illustration, of his own relations to the whole family of man. in this case, death is inflicted not at all for the act of _smiting_, nor for smiting a _man_, but a _parent_--for violating a vital and sacred relation--a _distinction_ cherished by god, and around which, both in the moral and ceremonial law, he threw up a bulwark of defence. in the next verse, "he that stealeth a man," &c., the same principle is wrought out in still stronger relief. the crime here punished with death, is not the mere act of taking property from its owner, but the disregarding of _fundamental relations_, doing violence to an _immortal nature_, making war on a _sacred distinction_ of priceless worth. that distinction which is cast headlong by the principle of american slavery; which makes men "_chattels_." the incessant pains-taking throughout the old testament, in the separation of human beings from brutes and things, shows god's regard for the sacredness of his own distinction. "in the beginning" the lord uttered it in heaven, and proclaimed it to the universe as it rose into being. he arrayed creation at the instant of its birth, to do it reverent homage. it paused in adoration while he ushered forth its crowning work. why that dread pause, and that creating arm held back in mid career, and that high conference in the godhead? "_let us make man in_ our image, _after_ our likeness, and let him have dominion _over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth_." _then_ while every living thing, with land, and sea, and firmament, and marshalled worlds, waited to catch and swell the shout of morning stars--then "god created man in his own image. in the image of god created he him." this solves the problem, in the image of god created he him. well might the sons of god cry all together, "amen, alleluia"--"_thou art worthy, o lord, to receive blessing and honor"--"for thou hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honor. thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. o lord, our lord, how excellent is thy name in all the earth_." psalms viii. , , . the frequent and solemn repetition of this distinction by god proclaims his infinite regard. the th, th, and th verses of the st chapter of genesis are little else than the repetition of it in various forms. in the th chapter, st verse, we find it again--"in the day that god created man, in the likeness of god made he man." in the th chapter, th verse, we find it again. after giving license to shed the blood of "every moving thing that liveth," it is added, "_whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for_ in the image of god made he man." as though he had said, "all these other creatures are your property, designed for your use--they have the likeness of earth, they perish with the using, and their spirits go downward; but this other being, man, has my own _likeness_; in the image of god made i man; an intelligent, moral, immortal agent, invited to all that i can give and he can be." so in levit. xxiv. , , "_he that killeth any_ man _shall surely be put to death; and he, that killeth a beast shall make it good, beast for beast; and he that killeth a_ man _shall be put to death_." so in the passage quoted above, ps. viii. , . what an enumeration of particulars, each separating infinitely, men from brutes and things! . "_thou hast made him a little lower than the angels_." slavery drags him down among _brutes_. . "_and hast crowned him with glory and honor_." slavery tears off his crown, and puts on a _yoke_. . "_thou madest him to have dominion_ over _the works of thy hands_." slavery breaks his sceptre, and casts him down _among_ those works--yea, _beneath them_. . "_thou hast put all things under his feet_." slavery puts him _under the feet of an owner_, with beasts and creeping things. who, but an impious scorner, dare thus strive with his maker, and mutilate his image, and blaspheme the holy one, who saith to those that grind his poor, "_inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did it unto me_." but time would fail us to detail the instances in which this distinction is most impressively marked in the bible. in further prosecuting this inquiry, the patriarchal and mosaic systems will be considered together, as each reflects light upon the other, and as many regulations of the latter are mere _legal_ forms of divine institutions previously existing. as a _system_, however, the latter alone is of divine authority. whatever were the usages of the _patriarchs_, god has not made them our examplars[a]. [footnote a: those who insist that the patriarchs held slaves, and sit with such delight under their shadow, hymning the praises of "those good old patriarchs and slaveholders," might at small cost greatly augment their numbers. a single stanza celebrating patriarchal _concubinage_, winding off with a chorus in honor of patriarchal _drunkenness_, would be a trumpet call, summoning from bush and brake, highway and hedge, and sheltering fence, a brotherhood of kindred affinities, each claiming abraham or noah as his patron saint, and shouting, "my name is legion." what a myriad choir, and thunderous song!] before entering upon an analysis of the condition of servants under these two states of society, let us settle the import of certain terms which describe the mode of procuring them. import of the word "buy," and the phrase "bought with money." from the direction to the israelites to "buy" their servants, and from the phrase "bought with money," applied to abraham's servants, it is argued that they were articles of _property_. the sole ground for this belief is the _terms_ "buy" and "bought with money," and such an import to these terms when applied to servants is assumed, not only in the absence of all proof, but in the face of evidence to the contrary. how much might be saved, if in discussion, the thing to be proved was always _assumed_. to _beg_ the question in debate, what economy of midnight oil! what a forestaller of premature wrinkles, and grey hairs! instead of protracted investigation into scripture usage, and painful collating of passages, and cautiously tracing minute relations, to find the meaning of scripture terms, let every man boldly resolve to interpret the language of the oldest book in the world, by the usages of his own time and place, and the work is done. and then what a march of mind! instead of _one_ revelation, they might be multiplied as the drops of the morning! every man might take orders as an inspired interpreter, with an infallible clue to the mind of the spirit, if he only understood the dialect of his own neighborhood! we repeat it, the only ground of proof that these terms are to be interpreted to mean, when applied to servants in the bible, the same that they mean when applied to our _slaves, is the terms themselves._ what a babel-jargon it would make of the bible to take it for granted that the sense in which words are _now_ used is the _inspired_ sense. david says, "i prevented the dawning of the morning, and cried." what a miracle-worker, to stop the earth in its revolution! rather too fast. two hundred years ago, _prevent_ was used in the strict latin sense to _come before_, or _anticipate_. it is always used in this sense in the old and new testaments. david's expression, in the english of the nineteenth century, is, "before the dawning of the morning i cried," or, i began to cry before day-break. "so my prayer shall _prevent_ thee." "let us _prevent_ his face with thanksgiving." "mine eyes _prevent_ the night watches." "we shall not _prevent_ them that are asleep," &c. in almost every chapter of the bible, words are used in a sense now nearly or quite obsolete, and sometimes in a sense totally _opposite_ to their present meaning. a few examples follow: "oftentimes i purposed to come to you, but was _let_ (hindered) hitherto." "and the four _beasts_ (living ones) fell down and worshipped god,"--whosoever shall _offend_ (cause to sin) one of these little ones,"--go out into the high ways and _compel_ (urge) them to come in,"--only let your _conversation_ (habitual conduct or course of life) be as becometh the gospel,"--they that seek me _early_ (earnestly) shall find me,--give me _by and by_ (now) in a charger, the head of john the baptist,"--so when tribulation or persecution ariseth _by-and-by_ (immediately) they are offended. nothing is more mutable than language. words, like bodies, are continually throwing off particles and absorbing others. so long as they are mere _representatives,_ elected by the whims of universal suffrage, their meaning will be a perfect volatile, and to cork it up for the next century is an employment sufficiently silly, (to speak within bounds,) for a modern bible dictionary maker. there never was a shallower conceit than that of establishing the sense attached to a word centuries ago, by showing what it means _now_. pity that hyper-fashionable mantuamakers and milliners were not a little quicker at taking hints from some of our doctors of divinity. how easily they could save their pious customers all qualms of conscience about the weekly shiftings of fashion, by demonstrating that the last importation of parisian indecency, just now flaunting here on promenade, was the identical style of dress in which the pious sarah kneaded cakes for the angels, the modest rebecca drew water for the camels of abraham's servants. since such fashions are rife in chestnut-street and broadway _now_, they _must_ have been in canaan and pandanaram four thousand years ago! ii. . the inference that the word buy, used to describe the procuring of servants, means procuring them as _chattels_, seems based upon the fallacy--that whatever _costs_ money _is_ money; that whatever or whoever you pay money _for_, is an article of property, and the fact of your paying for it _proves_ that it is property. the children of israel were required to _purchase_ their first-born out from under the obligations of the priesthood, numb. xviii. , ; exod. xxxiv. . this custom is kept up to this day among the jews, and the word _buy_ is still used to describe the transaction. does this prove that their first-born were, or are, held as property? they were _bought_ as really as were _servants_. so the israelites were required to _pay money_ for their own souls. this is called sometimes a ransom, sometimes an atonement. were their _souls_ therefore marketable commodities? . bible saints _bought_ their wives. boaz _bought_ ruth. "so ruth the moabitess, the wife of mahlon, have i _purchased_ to be my wife." ruth iv. . hosea bought his wife. "so i _bought_ her to me for fifteen pieces of silver, and for an homer of barley, and an half homer of barley." hosea iii. . jacob _bought_ his wives rachel and leah, and not having money, paid for them in labor--seven years a piece. gen. xxix. - . moses probably bought his wife in the same way, and paid for her by his labor, as the servant of her father. exod. ii. . shechem, when negotiating with jacob and his sons for dinah, says, "what ye shall say unto me, i will _give_. ask me never so much dowry and gift, and i will give according as ye shall say unto me." gen. xxxiv. , . david purchased michal, saul's daughter, and othniel, achsab, the daughter of caleb, by performing perilous services for the benefit of their fathers-in-law. sam. xviii. - ; judges i. , . that the purchase of wives, either with money or by service was the general practice, is plain from such passages as exod. xxii. , and sam. xviii. . among the jews of the present day this usage exists, though it is now a mere form, there being no _real_ purchase. yet among their marriage ceremonies, is one called "marrying by the penny." the coincidences, not only in the methods of procuring wives and servants, and in the terms employed in describing the transactions, but in the prices paid for each, are worthy of notice. the highest price of wives (virgins) and servants was the same. compare deut. xxii. , , and exod. xxii. , with lev. xxvii. - . the _medium_ price of wives and servants was the same. compare hosea iii. , with exod. xxi. . hosea appears to have paid one half in money and the other in grain. further, the israelitish female bought-servants were _wives_, their husbands and their masters being the same persons. exod. xxi. , and judges xix. , . if _buying_ servants among the jews shows that they were property, then buying _wives_ shows that _they_ were property. the words in the original used to describe the one, describe the other. why not contend that the wives of the ancient fathers of the faithful were their chattels, and used as ready change at a pinch? and thence deduce the rights of modern husbands. how far gone is the church from primitive purity! how slow to emulate illustrious examples! alas! patriarchs and prophets are followed afar off! when will pious husbands live up to their bible privileges, and become partakers with old testament worthies in the blessedness of a husband's rightful immunities! surely professors of religion now, are _bound_ to buy and hold their wives as property! refusing so to do, is to question the morality of those "good old" wife-trading "patriarchs, abraham, isaac, and jacob," with the prophets, and a host of whom the world was not worthy. the use of the word buy, to describe the procuring of wives, is not peculiar to the hebrew. in the syriac language, the common expression for "the married," or "the espoused," is "the bought." even so late as the th century, the common record of _marriages_ in the old german chronicles was "a. bought b." the hebrew word translated _buy_, is, like other words, modified by the nature of the subject to which it is applied. eve says, "i have _gotten_ (bought) a man of the lord." she named him cain, that is, _bought_. "he that heareth reproof, getteth (buyeth) understanding", prov. xv. . so in isa. xi. . "the lord shall set his hand again to recover (to _buy_) the remnant of his people." so ps. lxxviii. . he brought them to this mountain which his right hand had _purchased_, i.e. gotten. jer. xiii. . "take the girdle that thou hast got" (bought.) neh. v. . "we of our ability have _redeemed_ (bought) our brethren that were sold to the heathen." here "_bought_" is not applied to persons who were made slaves, but to those taken _out_ of slavery. prov. . . "the lord possessed (bought) me in the beginning of his way before his works of old." prov. xix. . "he that _getteth_ (buyeth) wisdom loveth his own soul." prov. xvi. . "how much better is it to _get_ (buy) wisdom than gold?" finally, to _buy_ is a _secondary_ meaning of the hebrew word _kana_. . even at this day the word _buy_ is used to describe the procuring of servants, where slavery is abolished. in the british west indies, where slaves became apprentices in , they are still "bought." this is now the current word in west india newspapers. so a few years since in new-york, connecticut, pennsylvania, and even now in new-jersey servants are "_bought_" as really as in virginia. and the different senses in which the same word is used in the two states, puts no man in a quandary, whose common sense amounts to a modicum. so under the system of legal _indenture_ in illinois, servants now are "_bought_."[a] a short time since, hundreds of foreigners who came to this country were "bought" annually. by voluntary contract they engaged to work for their purchasers a given time to pay for their passage. this class of persons called "redemptioners," consisted at one time of thousands. multitudes are _bought out_ of slavery by themselves or others, and remove into free states. under the same roof with the writer is a "servant bought with money." a few weeks since, she was a slave. as soon as "bought," she was a slave no longer. alas! for our leading politicians if "buying" men makes them "chattels." the whigs say that benton and rives were "bought" by the administration with the surplus revenue; and the other party, that clay and webster were "bought" by the bank. the histories of the revolution tell us that benedict arnold was "bought" by british gold. did that make him an article of property? when a northern clergyman marries a rich southern widow, country gossip hits off the indecency with this current phrase, "the cotton bags _bought_ him." when robert walpole said, "every man has his price, and whoever will pay it can _buy_ him," and when john randolph said, while the missouri question was pending, "the northern delegation is in the market; give me money enough, and i can _buy_ them," they both meant _just what they said_. when the temperance publications tell us that candidates for office _buy_ men with whiskey; and the oracles of street tattle, that the court, district attorney, and jury, in the late trial of robinson were _bought_, we have no floating visions of "chattels personal," man auctions, or coffles. [footnote a: the following statute is now in force in the state of illinois--"no negro, mulatto, or indian, shall at any time _purchase_ any servant other than of their own complexion: and if any of the persons aforesaid shall presume to _purchase_ a white servant, such servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed, and taken."] the transaction between joseph and the egyptians gives a clue to the meaning attached to "buy" and "bought with money." see gen. xlvii. - . the egyptians proposed to joseph to become servants, and that he should _buy_ them. when the bargain was closed, joseph said, "behold i have _bought you_ this day," and yet it is plain that neither of the parties dreamed that the persons _bought_ were in any sense articles of property, but merely that they became thereby obligated to labor for the government on certain conditions, as a _compensation_ for the entire support of themselves and families during the famine. and that the idea attached to "buy us," and "behold i have bought you," was merely the procuring of services voluntarily offered, and secured by contract, as a return for _value received_, and not at all that the egyptians were bereft of their personal ownership, and made articles of property. and this buying of _services_ (they were to give one-fifth part of their crops to pharaoh) is called in scripture usage, _buying the persons_. this case deserves special notice, as it is the only one where the whole transaction of buying servants is detailed--the preliminaries, the process, the mutual acquiescence, and the permanent relation resulting therefrom. in all other instances, the _mere fact_ is stated without entering into particulars. in this case, the whole process is laid open. . the persons "bought," _sold themselves_, and of their own accord. . obtaining permanently the _services_ of persons, or even a portion of them, is called "buying" those persons. the objector, at the outset, assumes that servants were bought of _third_ persons; and thence infers that they were articles of property. this is sheer _assumption_. not a single instance is recorded, of a servant being sold by any one but himself; not a case, either under the patriarchal, or the mosaic systems, in which a _master sold his servant_. that the servants who were "bought" _sold themselves_, is a fair inference from various passages of scripture. in leviticus xxv. , the case of the israelite, who became the servant of the stranger, the words are, "if he sell himself unto the stranger." the _same word_, and the same _form_ of the word, which, in the th verse, is rendered _sell himself_, is in the th verse of the same chapter, rendered _be sold_; in deut. xxviii. , the same word is rendered "_be sold_." here it is the hithpael conjugation, which is reflexive in its force, and, like the middle voice in greek, represents what an individual does for himself; or in his own concerns; and should manifestly have been rendered, ye shall _offer yourselves_ for sale. for a clue to scripture usage on this point, see kings xxi. , --"thou hast _sold thyself_ to work evil." "there was none like to ahab that _sold himself_ to work wickedness."-- kings xvii. . "they used divination and enchantments, and _sold themselves_ to do evil."--isa. l. . "for your iniquities have ye _sold yourselves_." isa. lii. , "ye have _sold yourselves_ for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money." see also, jeremiah xxxiv. --romans vii. , and vi. --john viii. , and the case of joseph and the egyptians, already quoted. again, if servants were _bought of third persons_, where are the instances? in the purchase of wives, though spoken of rarely, it is generally stated that they were bought of _third_ persons. is it not a fair inference, if servants were bought of third persons, that there would _sometimes_ have been such an intimation? ii.-the leading design of the mosaic laws relating to masters and servants, with an enumeration of the rights and privileges secured to servants. the general object of those statutes, which prescribed the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties--but more especially the good of the _servants_. while the interests of the master were specially guarded from injury, those of the servants were _promoted_. these laws were a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the israelites and strangers. not laying on burdens, but lightening them--they were a grant of _privileges_--a bestowment of _favors_. . _no servant from the strangers, could remain a servant in the family of an israelite, without becoming a proselyte_. compliance with this condition was the _price of the privilege_.--genesis xvii. - , , . . _excommunication from the family was a_ punishment.--genesis xxi. -luke xvi. - . . _the fact that every hebrew servant could_ compel _his master to keep him after the six years contract had, expired_, shows that the system was framed to advance the interests and gratify the wishes of the servant _quite as much_ as those of the master. if the servant _demanded_ it, the law _obliged_ the master to retain him in his household, however little he might need his services, or great his dislike to the individual. deut. xv. - , and exodus xxi. - . . _the rights and privileges guaranteed by law to all servants._ ( .) _they were admitted into covenant with god._ deut. xxix. - . ( .) _they were invited guests at all the national and family festivals of the household in which they resided._ exodus xii. - ; deut. xii. , , and xvi. - . ( .) _they were statedly instructed in morality and religion._ deut. xxxi. - ; joshua viii. - ; chronicles xvii. - . ( .) _they were released from their regular labor nearly_ one half of the whole time. during which, the law secured to them their entire support; and the same public and family instruction that was provided for the other members of the hebrew community. (a.) the law secured to them the _whole of every seventh year_; lev. xxv. - ; thus giving to those servants that remained such during the entire period between the jubilees, _eight whole years_ (including the jubilee year) of unbroken rest. (b.) _every seventh day_. this in forty-two years, (the eight being subtracted from the fifty) would amount to just _six years_. (c.) _the three great annual festivals_. the _passover_, which commenced on the th of the st month, and lasted seven days, deut. xvi. , . the pentecost, or feast of weeks, which began on the sixth day of the third month, and lasted seven days. lev. xxiii. - . and the feast of tabernacles, which commenced on the th of the seventh month, and lasted eight days. deut. xvi. , ; lev. xxiii. - . as all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. their cumbered caravans moved slowly. after their arrival at the place of sacrifice, a day or two at least, would be requisite for divers preparations, before entering upon the celebration of the festival, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for their return. if we assign three weeks to each festival--including the time spent on the journey going and returning, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the _festival week_; it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labor. as there were three festivals in the year, the main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least _nine weeks annually_, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eighty-four days. (e.) _the new moons_. the jewish year had twelve; josephus tells us that the jews always kept _two_ days for the new moon. see calmet on the jewish calender, and horne's introduction; also sam. xx, , , . this would amount in forty-two years, to two years, two hundred and eighty days, after the necessary subtractions. (f.) _the feast of trumpets_. on the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. lev. xxiii. , . (g.) _the day of atonement_. on the tenth of the seventh month. lev. xxiii. - . these two last feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days of time not otherwise reckoned. thus it appears that those persons who continued servants during the whole period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labor, twenty-three years and sixty-four days, out of fifty years, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. in the foregoing calculation, besides making a generous donation of all the _fractions_ to the objector, we have left out of the account, those numerous _local_ festivals to which frequent allusion is made, as in judges xxi. ; sam. th chapter. and the various _family_ festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in st sam. xx. , . neither have we included those memorable festivals instituted at a later period of the jewish history. the feast of purim, esther, ix. , ; and the feast of the dedication, which lasted eight days. john x. ; mac. iv. . finally, the mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time, which, if distributed, would on an average be almost one half of the days in each year. meanwhile, they and their families were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. if this amount of time were distributed over _every day_, the servants would have _to themselves_, all but a _fraction of_ one half of each day, and would labor for their masters the remaining fraction and the other half of the day. this regulation is a part of that mosaic system which is claimed by slaveholders as the great prototype of american slavery. . _the servant was protected by law equally with the other members of the community_. proof--"_hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righteously between every man and his neighbor, and_ the stranger that is with him." "_ye shall not_ respect persons _in judgment, but ye shall hear the_ small _as well as the great_." deut. i. , . also in lev. xxiv. . "_ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country, for i am the lord your god_." so numbers xv. . "_ye shall have_ one law _for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of israel, and for the_ stranger _that sojourneth among them_." deut. xxvii. . "_cursed be he that_ perverteth the judgment of the stranger, _the fatherless and the widow_." . _the mosaic system enjoined upon the israelites the greatest affection and kindness toward their servants, foreign as well as jewish_. lev. xix. . "_the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself_." also deut. x. , . "_for the lord your god is god of gods, and lord of lords, a great god, a mighty and a terrible, which_ regardeth not persons, _nor taketh reward. he doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and_ loveth the stranger, _in giving him food and raiment_, love ye therefore the stranger." so exodus xxii. . "_thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him_." exodus xxiii. . "_thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a stranger_." lev. xxv. , . "_if thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a_ stranger _or a sojourner, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy god_." [what an absurdity to suppose that _this same stranger_ could be taken by one that _feared his god_, held as a _slave_, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights!] . _servants were placed upon a level with their masters in all civil and religious rights_. see numbers xv. , , . numb. ix. . deut, i. , . lev. xxiv. . iii.--did persons become servants voluntarily, or were they made servants against their wills? we argue that they became servants _of their own accord_, . because to become a servant in the family of an israelite, was to abjure idolatry, to enter into covenant with god[a], to be circumcised in token of it, to be bound to the observance of the sabbath, of the passover, the pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles, and to receive instruction in all the particulars of the moral and ceremonial law. [footnote a: maimonides, who wrote in egypt about seven hundred years ago, a contemporary with jarchi, and who stands with him at the head of jewish writers, gives the following testimony on this point: "whether a servant be born in the power of an israelite, or whether he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both into the covenant." "but he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day, and he that is bought with money, on the day on which the master receives him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. for if the master receive a grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for one year. after which, should he _refuse_ so long, it is forbidden to keep him, longer than a year. and the master must send him back to the strangers from whence he came. for the god of jacob will not accept any other than the worship of a _willing_ heart."--maimon, hilcoth, miloth, chap. st, sec. th. the ancient jewish doctors agree in the testimony, that the servant from the strangers who at the close of his probationary year still refused to adopt the religion of the mosaic system, and was on that account cut off from the family, and sent back to his own people, received a _full compensation_ for his services, besides the payment of his expenses. but that _postponement_ of the circumcision of the foreign servant for a year (_or even at all_ after he had entered the family of an israelite) of which the mishnic doctors speak, seems to have been _a mere usage_. we find nothing of it in the regulations of the mosaic system. circumcision was manifestly a rite strictly _initiatory_. whether it was a rite merely _national_ or _spiritual_, or _both_, comes not within the scope of this inquiry. nor does it at all affect the argument. ] were the servants _forced_ through all these processes? was the renunciation of idolatry _compulsory_? were they _dragged_ into covenant with god? were they seized and circumcised by _main strength_? were they _compelled_ mechanically to chew, and swallow, the flesh of the paschal lamb, while they abhorred the institution, despised its ceremonies, spurned the law which enjoined it, detested its author and executors, and instead of rejoicing in the deliverance which it commemmorated, bewailed it as a calamity, and cursed the day of its consummation? were they _driven_ from all parts of the land three times in the year up to the annual festivals? were they drugged with instruction which they nauseated? were they goaded through a round of ceremonies, to them senseless and disgusting mummeries; and drilled into the tactics of a creed rank with loathed abominations? we repeat it, to become a _servant_, was to become a _proselyte_. and how did god authorize his people to make proselytes? at the point of the sword? by the terror of pains and penalties? by converting men into _merchandise_? were _proselyte_ and _chattel_ synonymes, in the divine vocabulary? must a man be sunk to a _thing_ before taken into covenant with god? was this the stipulated condition of adoption, and the sole passport to the communion of the saints? . we argue the voluntariness of servants from deut. xxiii. , , "_thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him_." as though god had said, "to deliver him up would be to recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him. his _fleeing_ "shows his _choice_--proclaims his wrongs, his master's oppressive acts, and his own claim to legal protection." you shall not force him back, and thus recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him in such a condition as induces him to flee to others for protection." it may be objected, that this command had no reference to servants among the _israelites_, but only to those of _heathen_ masters in the surrounding nations. we answer, the regulation has no restriction. its terms are unlimited. but the objection, even if valid, merely shifts the pressure of the difficulty to another point. does god array his infinite authority to protect the _free choice_ of a _single_ servant from the heathen, and yet _authorize_ the same persons, to crush the free choice of _thousands_ of servants from the heathen! suppose a case. a _foreign_ servant flees from his master to the israelites; god speaks, "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it _liketh_ him best." they were strictly charged not to put him in a condition which he did not _choose_. now, suppose this same servant, instead of coming into israel of his own accord, had been _dragged_ in by some kidnapper who _bought_ him of his master, and _forced_ him into a condition against his will. would he who forbade such treatment of the stranger, who _voluntarily_ came into the land, sanction the _same_ treatment of the _same person_, provided in _addition_ to this last outrage, the _previous_ one had been committed of _forcing him into the nation against his will_? to commit violence on the free choice of a _foreign_ servant is a horrible enormity, forsooth, provided you _begin_ the violence _after_ he has come among you. but if you commit the _first act_, on the _other side of the line_; if you _begin_ the outrage by buying him from a third person _against his will_, and then tear him from home, and drag him across the line into the land of israel, and hold him as a slave--ah! that alters the case, and you may perpetrate the violence now with impunity! would _greater_ favor have been shown to this new comer from the heathen than to the old residents--those who had been servants in jewish families perhaps for a generation? were the israelites commanded to exercise toward _him_, uncircumcised and _out_ of the covenant, a justice and kindness denied to the multitude, who _were_ circumcised, and _within_ the covenant? again: the objector finds small gain to his argument on the supposition that the covenant respected merely the fugitives from the surrounding nations, while it left the servants of the israelites in a condition against their wills--the objector finds small gain to his argument. in that case, the surrounding nations would of course adopt retaliatory measures, and resolve themselves into so many asylums for fugitive israelitish servants. as these nations were on every side of them such a proclamation would have been an effectual lure to men held in a condition which was a constant _counteraction of will_. further, the objector's assumption destroys itself; for the same command which protected the foreign servant from the power of his _master_, protected him equally from the power of an _israelite_. it was not merely, "thou shalt not deliver him to his _master_," but "he (the servant) shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best." every israelite was commanded to respect his free choice, and to put him in no condition _against his will_. what was this but a proclamation, that all who _chose_ to live in the land and obey the laws, were left to their own free will, to dispose of their services at such a rate, to such persons, and in such places as they pleased? besides, grant that this command prohibited the sending back of _foreign_ servants merely, was the any law requiring the return of servants who had escaped from the _israelites_? there was a statute requiring the return of _property_ lost, and _cattle_ escaped, but none requiring the return of escaped _servants_. finally, these verses contain, _first_, a command, "thou shalt not deliver," &c. _secondly_, a declaration of the fugitive's right of _free choice_, and of god's will that he should exercise it at his own discretion; and _thirdly_, a command guarding this right, namely, "thou shalt not oppress him," as though god had said, if you forbid him to exercise his _own choice_, as to the place and condition of his residence, it is _oppression_, and i will not tolerate it. . _we argue the voluntariness of servants from their peculiar opportunities and facilities for escape_. three times every year, all the males over twelve years of age, were required to attend the public festivals. the main body were thus absent from their homes not less than three weeks each time, making nine weeks annually. as these caravans moved over the country, were there military scouts lining the way, to intercept deserters?--a corporal's guard stationed at each pass of the mountains, sentinels pacing the hill-tops, and light horse scouring the defiles? what safe contrivance had the israelites for taking their _"slaves"_ three times in a year to jerusalem and back? when a body of slaves is moved any distance in our free and equal _republic_, they are handcuffed to keep them from running away, or beating their drivers' brains out. was this the _mosaic_ plan, or an improvement left for the wisdom of solomon? the usage, doubtless, claims a paternity not less venerable and biblical! perhaps they were lashed upon camels, and transported in bundles, or caged up, and trundled on wheels to and fro, and while at the holy city, "lodged in jail for safe keeping," religions services _extra_ being appointed, and special "oral instruction" for their benefit. but meanwhile, what became of the sturdy _handmaids_ left at home? what hindered them from marching off in a body? perhaps the israelitish matrons stood sentry in rotation round the kitchens, while the young ladies scoured the country, as mounted rangers, to pick up stragglers by day, and patrolled the streets as city guards, keeping a sharp look-out at night. . _their continuance in jewish families depended upon the performance of various rites and ceremonies necessarily_ voluntary. suppose a servant from the heathen should, upon entering a jewish family, refuse circumcision; the question whether he shall remain a servant, is in his own hands. if a _slave_, how simple the process of emancipation! his _refusal_ did the job. or, suppose that, at any time, he should refuse to attend the tri-yearly feasts, or should eat leavened bread during the passover, or compound the ingredients of the anointing oil, he is "cut off from the people;" _excommunicated_. . _we infer the voluntariness of the servants of the patriarchs from the impossibility of their being held against their wills._ the servants of abraham are an illustration. at one time he had three hundred and eighteen _young men_ "born in his house," and probably many more _not_ born in his house. the whole number of his servants of all ages, was probably many thousands. doubtless, abraham was a man of a million, and sarah too, a right notable housekeeper; still, it is not easy to conceive how they contrived to hold so many thousand servants against their wills, unless the patriarch and his wife _took turns_ in performing the hibernian exploit of surrounding them! the neighboring tribes, instead of constituting a picket guard to hem in his servants, would have been far more likely to sweep them and him into captivity, as they did lot and his household. besides, abraham had neither "constitution," nor "compact," nor statutes, nor judicial officers to send back his fugitives, nor a truckling police to pounce upon panic-stricken women, nor gentleman-kidnappers, suing for patronage, volunteering to howl on the track, boasting their blood-hound scent, and pledging their "honor" to hunt down and "deliver up," _provided_ they had a description of the "flesh marks," and were stimulated in their chivalry by _pieces of silver_. abraham seems also to have been sadly deficient in all the auxiliaries of family government, such as stocks, hand cuffs, foot-chains, yokes, gags, and thumb-screws. his destitution of these patriarchal indispensables is the more afflicting, when we consider his faithful discharge of responsibilities to his household, though so deplorably destitute of the needful aids. . _we infer that servants were voluntary, from the fact that there is no instance of an israelitish master ever_ selling _a servant_. abraham had thousands of servants, but appears never to have sold one. isaac "grew until he became very great," and had "great store of servants." jacob's youth was spent in the family of laban, where he lived a servant twenty-one years. afterward he had a large number of servants. when joseph sent for jacob to come into egypt, the words are, "thou and thy children, and thy children's children, and thy flocks and thy herds, and all that thou hast." jacob took his flocks and herds but _no servants_. gen xlv. ; xlvii. ; xlvii. . his servants doubtless, served under their _own contracts_, and when jacob went into egypt, they _chose_ to stay in their own country. the government might sell _thieves_, if they had no property, until their services had made good the injury, and paid the legal fine. ex. xxii. . but _masters_ seem to have had no power to sell their _servants_--the reason is obvious. to give the master a _right_ to sell his servant, would annihilate the servant's right of choice in his own disposal; but says the objector, to give the master a right to _buy_ a servant, equally annihilates the servant's _right of choice_. answer. it is one thing to have a right to buy a man, and a very different thing to have a right to buy him of _another_ man. though there is no instance of a servant being bought of his, or her master, yet there are instances of young females being bought of their _fathers_. but their purchase as _servants_ was their betrothal as wives. exodus xxi. , . "_if a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she shall not go out as the men-servants do. if she please not her master_ who hath betrothed her to himself, _he shall let her be redeemed_[a]." [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows: "a hebrew handmaid might not be sold but to one who laid himself under obligations, to espouse her to himself or to his son, when she was fit to be betrothed."--_maimonides--hilcoth--obedim_, ch. iv. sec. xi. jarchi, on the same passage, says, "he is bound to espouse her and take her to be his wife for the _money of her purchase_ is the money of her _espousals_." ] . _we infer that the hebrew servant was voluntary in_ commencing _his service, because he was pre-eminently so_ in continuing _it_. if, at the year of release, it was the servant's _choice_ to remain with his master, so did the law guard his free will, that it required his ear to be bored by the judges of the land, thus making it impossible for the servant to be held in an involuntary condition. yea, so far was his _free choice_ protected, that his master was compelled to keep him, however much he might wish to get rid of him. . _the method prescribed for procuring servants, recognized their choice, and was an appeal to it_. the israelites were commanded to offer them a suitable _inducement_, and then leave them to decide. they might neither seize by _force_, nor frighten them by _threats_, nor wheedle them by false pretenses, nor _borrow_ them, nor _beg_ them; but they were commanded to buy them[a]; that is, they were to recognize the _right_ of the individuals to their own services--their right to _dispose_ of them, and their right to _refuse all offers_. they might, if they pleased, refuse all applications, and thus oblige those who made them, _to do their own work_. suppose all, with one accord, _refused_ to become servants, what provision did the mosaic law make for such an emergency? none. [footnote a: the case of thieves, whose services were sold until they had earned enough to make restitution to the person wronged, and to pay the legal penalty, _stands by itself_, and has no relation to the condition of servants.] . _various incidental expressions throughout the bible, corroborate the idea that servants became such by virtue of their own contract_. job xli. . is an illustration, "_will he_ (leviathan) _make a_ covenant _with thee? wilt thou take him for a_ servant _forever?_" . _the transaction which made the egyptians the_ servants of pharoah, _shows entire voluntariness throughout_. it is detailed in gen. xlvii. - . of their own accord, they came to joseph and said, "we have not aught left but our _bodies_ and our lands; _buy_ us;" then in the th verse, _"thou hast saved our lives: let us find grace in the sight of my lord, and we will be servants to pharaoh._" . _we argue that the condition of servants was an_ optional _one from the fact that_ rich _strangers did not become servants._ indeed, so far were they from becoming servants themselves, that _they bought and held jewish servants._ lev. xxv. . . _the sacrifices and offerings which_ all _were required to present, were to be made_ voluntarily. lev. i. , . . _mention is often made of persons becoming servants where they were manifestly and pre-eminently_ voluntary. the case of the prophet elisha is one. kings xix. ; kings iii. . elijah was his _master_. the original word, translated master, is the same that is so rendered in almost every instance where masters are spoken of throughout the mosaic and patriarchal systems. it is translated _master_ eighty-five times in our english version. moses was the servant of jethro. exodus iii. . joshua was the servant of moses. numbers xi. . jacob was the servant of laban. genesis xxix, - . iv. were the servants forced to work without pay? having already shown that the servants became and continued such _of their own accord_, it would be no small marvel if they _chose_ to work without pay. their becoming servants, pre-supposes _compensation_ as a motive. that they _were paid_ for their labor, we argue, . _because, while israel was under the mosaic system, god rebuked in thunder, the sin of using the labor of others without wages. "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work._" jer. xxii. . here god testifies that to use the service of others without wages is "unrighteousness," and he commissions his "wo" to burn upon the doer of the "wrong." this "wo" was a permanent safeguard of the _mosaic system_. the hebrew word _rea_, here translated _neighbor_, does not mean one man, or class of men, in distinction from others, but _any one with whom we have to do_--all descriptions of persons, not merely servants and heathen, but even those who prosecute us in lawsuits, and enemies while in the act of fighting us--"_as when a man riseth against his_ neighbor _and slayeth him._" deut. xxii. . "_go not forth hastily to strive, lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof, when thy_ neighbor _hath put thee to shame._" prov. xxv. . "_thou shalt not bear false witness against thy_ neighbor." exod. xx. . "_if any man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile_." exod. xxi. . in these, and in scores of similar cases, _rea_ is the original word. . _we have the testimony of god, that in our duty to our fellow men,_ all the law and the prophets _hang upon this command, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself._" our saviour, in giving this command, quoted _verbatim_ one of the laws of the mosaic system. lev. xix. . in the th verse of the same chapter, moses commands obedience to this law in all the treatment of strangers, "_the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and_ thou shalt love him as thyself." if it be loving others _as_ ourselves, to make them work for us without pay; to rob them of food and clothing, as well as wages, would be a stranger illustration still of the law of love! super-disinterested benevolence! and if it be doing to others as we would have them do to us, to make them work for _our own_ good alone, paul should be called to order for his hard sayings against human nature, especially for that libellous matter in ephes. v. , "_no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it_." . _as persons became servants_ from poverty, _we argue that they were compensated, since they frequently owned property, and sometimes a large amount_. ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, gave david a princely present, "an hundred loaves of bread, and an hundred bunches of raisins, and an hundred of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine." sam. xvi. . the extent of his possessions can be inferred from the fact, that though the father of fifteen sons, he still employed twenty servants, of whom he was the master. a case is stated in leviticus xxv. - , where a servant, reduced to poverty, sells himself; and it is declared that afterward he may be _redeemed_, either by his kindred, or by himself. as he was forced to sell himself from sheer poverty he must not only have acquired property _after_ he became a servant, but a considerable sum. if it had not been common for servants to possess, and acquire property, over which they had the exclusive control, gehazi, the servant of elisha, would hardly have ventured to take a large sum of money, (nearly $ [a]) from naaman, ( kings v. , .) as it was procured by deceit, he was anxious to conceal the means used in getting it; but if the israelitish servants, like our slaves, could "own nothing, nor acquire any thing," to embark in such an enterprise would have been consummate stupidity. the fact of having in his possession two talents of silver, would of itself convict him of theft[b]. but since the possession and use of property by servants, was common under the mosaic system, he might have it, and invest or use it, without attracting special attention. and that consideration alone would have been a strong motive to the act. his master, while he rebukes him for using such means to get the money, not only does not take it from him, but seems to expect that he would invest it in real estate, and cattle, and would procure servants with it. kings v. . in sam. ix. , we find the servant of saul having money, and relieving his master in an emergency. arza, the servant of elah, was the _owner of a house_. that it was spacious and somewhat magnificent, would be a natural inference from the fact that it was a resort of the king. kings xvi. . the case of the gibeonites, who, after they became servants, still occupied their cities, and remained, in many respects, a distinct people for centuries; and that of the , canaanites, the _servants_ of solomon, who worked out their tribute of bond-service in levies, periodically relieving each other, while preparing the materials for the temple, are additional illustrations of independence in the acquisition and ownership of property. [footnote a: though we have not sufficient data to decide with accuracy upon the _relative_ value of that sum, _then_ and _now_, yet we have enough to warrant us in saying that two talents of silver had far more value _then_ than three thousand dollars have _now_.] [footnote b: whoever heard of the slaves in our southern states stealing a large amount of money? they "_know how to take care of themselves_" quite too well for that. when they steal, they are careful to do it on such a _small_ scale, or in the taking of _such things_ as will make detection difficult. no doubt they steal now and then a little, and a gaping marvel would it be if they did not. why should they not follow in the footsteps of their masters and mistresses? dull scholars indeed! if, after so many lessons from _proficients_ in the art, who drive the business by _wholesale_, they should not occasionally copy their betters, fall into the _fashion_, and try their hand in a small way, at a practice which is the _only permanent and universal_ business carried on around them! ignoble truly! never to feel the stirrings of high impulse, prompting them to imitate the eminent pattern set before them in the daily vocation of "honorables" and "excellencies," and to emulate the illustrious examples of doctor of divinity and _right_ and _very reverends_! hear president jefferson's testimony. in his notes of virginia, speaking of slaves, he says, "that disposition to theft with which they (the slaves) have been branded, must be ascribed to their _situation_, and not to any special depravity of the moral sense. it is a problem which i give the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as for his slave--and whether the slave may not as justifiably take a little from one who has taken all from him, as he may _slay_ one who would slay him" see jefferson's notes on virginia, pp. - ] . _heirship_--servants frequently inherited their master's property; especially if he had no sons, or if they had dishonored the family. this seems to have been a general usage. the cases of eliezer, the servant of abraham; ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, jarha an egyptian, the servant of sheshan, and the husband of his daughter; chron. ii. , , and of the _husbandmen_ who said of their master's son, "_this is the_ heir, let us kill him, _and_ the inheritance will be ours." mark xii. , are illustrations. also the declaration in prov. xvii. --"_a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and_ shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." this passage seems to give _servants_ precedence as heirs, even over the _wives_ and _daughters_ of their masters. did masters hold by force, and _plunder of earnings_, a class of persons, from which, in frequent contingencies, they selected both heirs for their property, and husbands for their daughters? . all _were required to present offerings and sacrifices_. deut. xvi. , . chron. xv. - . numb. ix. . servants must have had permanently, the means of _acquiring_ property to meet these expenditures. . _those hebrew servants who went out at the seventh year, were provided by law with a large stock of provisions and cattle_. deut. xv. - . "_thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine press, of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, thou shalt give him_[a]." if it be objected, that no mention is made of the servants from the strangers, receiving a like bountiful supply, we answer, neither did the most honorable class of the _israelitish_ servants, the free-holders; and for the same reason, _they did not go out in the seventh year_, but continued until the jubilee. if the fact that no mention is made of the gentile servants receiving such a _gratuity_ proves that they were robbed of their _earnings_; it proves that the most valued class of _hebrew_ servants were robbed of theirs also, a conclusion too stubborn for even pro-slavery masticators, however unscrupulous. [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows--"'thou shalt furnish him liberally,' &c. that is to say, '_loading ye shall load him._' likewise every one of his family, with as much as he can take with him in abundant benefits. and if it be avariciously asked, how much must i give him? i say unto _you, not less than thirty shekels_, which is the valuation of a servant, as declared in exodus xxi. "--maimonides, hilcoth, obedim, chapter ii. section .] . _the servants were_ bought. _in other words, they received compensation for their services in advance_. having shown, under a previous head, that servants _sold themselves_, and of course received the compensation for themselves, (except in cases where parents hired out the time of their children until they became of age[b],) a mere reference to the fact in this place is all that is required for the purposes of this argument. [footnote b: among the israelites, girls became of age at twelve, and boys at thirteen years.] . _we infer that servants were paid, because we find masters at one time having a large number of servants, and afterwards none, without any intimation that they were sold._ the wages of servants would enable them to set up in business for themselves. jacob, after being the servant of laban for twenty-one years, became thus an independent herdsman, and was the master of many servants. gen. xxx. , and xxxii. . but all these servants had left him before he went down into egypt, having doubtless acquired enough to commence business for themselves. gen. xlv. , , and xlvi. - , . . _god's testimony to the character of abraham._ genesis xviii. . _"for i know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep_ the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." we have here god's testimony, that abraham taught his servants "the way of the lord." what was the "way of the lord" respecting the payment of wages where service was rendered? "_wo unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wages_!" jer. xxii. . "_masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal_." col. iv. . _"render unto all their_ dues." rom. xiii. . _"the laborer is worthy of his hire."_ luke x. . how did abraham teach his servants to _"do justice"_ to others? by doing _injustice to them?_ did he exhort them to "render to all their dues" by keeping back _their own_? did he teach them that "the laborer was worthy of his hire" by robbing them of _theirs_? did he beget in them a reverence for the eighth commandment by pilfering all their time and labor? did he teach them "not to defraud" others "in any matter" by denying _them_ "what was just and equal?" if each of abraham's pupils under such a catechism did not become a very _aristides_ in justice, then an illustrious example, patriarchal dignity, and _practical_ lessons, can make but slow headway against human perverseness! . _specific precepts of the mosaic law enforcing general principles._ out of many, we select the following: ( .) _"thou shall not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,"_ or literally, _while he thresheth._ deut. xxv. . here is a general principle applied to a familiar case. the ox representing all domestic animals. isaiah xxx. . a _particular_ kind of service--_all_ kinds; and a law requiring an abundant provision for the wants of an animal ministering to man in a _certain_ way,--_a general principle of treatment covering all times, modes, and instrumentalities of service._ the object of the law was, not merely to enjoin tenderness towards brutes, but to inculcate the duty of _rewarding those who serve us_, showing that they who labor for others, are entitled to what is just and equal in return; and if such care is enjoined, by god, not merely for the ample sustenance, but for the _present enjoyment of a brute_, what would be a meet return for the services of _man_? man, with his varied wants, exalted nature and immortal destiny! paul tells us expressly, that the principle which we have named, lies at the bottom of the statute. see corinthians ix. , --_"for it is written in the law of moses, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn. doth god take care for oxen? or saith he it altogether for our sakes? that he that ploweth should plow in_ hope, _and that he that thresheth in hope should be_ partaker of his hope." ( .) "_if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him._ yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner, _that he may live with thee. take thou no usury of him, or increase, but fear thy god. thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase._" lev. xxv. - . or, in other words, "relief at your hands is his right, and your duty--you shall not take advantage of his necessities, but cheerfully supply them." now, we ask, by what process of pro-slavery legerdemain, this benevolent regulation can be made to be in _keeping_ with the doctrine of work without pay? did god declare the poor stranger entitled to relief, and in the same breath, _authorize_ them to _"use his services without wages_;" force him to work, and rob him of all his earnings? judge ye. v.--were masters the proprietors of servants as their legal property? the discussion of this topic has been already somewhat anticipated under the preceding heads; but a variety of considerations, not within the range of our previous inquiries, remain to be noticed. . _servants were not subjected to the uses, nor liable to the contingencies of property._ ( .) _they were never taken in payment for their masters' debts_, though children were sometimes taken (without legal authority) for the debts of a father. kings iv. ; job xxiv. ; isaiah l. ; matt. xviii. . cases are recorded to which creditors took from debtors property of all kinds, to satisfy their demands. in job xxiv. , cattle are taken; in prov. xxii , household furniture; in lev. xxv. - , the productions of the soil; in lev. xxv. - , houses; in exodus xxii. - , and deut. xxiv. - , and matt. v. , clothing; but _servants_ were taken in _no instance_. ( .) _servants were never given as pledges_. _property_ of all sorts was given and held in pledge. we find in the bible, household furniture, clothing, cattle, money, signets, and personal ornaments, with divers other articles of property, used as pledges for value received. but no _servants_. ( .) _all lost_ property _was to be restored._ "oxen, asses, sheep, raiment, and whatsoever lost things," are specified--servant _not_. deut. xxii. . besides, the israelites were expressly forbidden to take back the runaway servant to his master. deut. xxiii. . ( .) _the israelites never gave away their servants as presents_. they made princely presents of great variety. lands, houses, all kinds of animals, merchandize, family utensils, precious metals, and grain, armor, &c. are among their recorded _gifts_. giving presents to superiors and persons of rank when visiting them, and at other times, was a standing usage. sam. x. ; sam. xvi. ; chron. xvii. . abraham to abimelech, gen. xxi. ; jacob to the viceroy of egypt. gen. xliii. ; joseph to his brethren and father, gen. xlv. , ; benhadad to elisha, kings viii. , ; ahaz to tiglath pileser, kings xvi. ; solomon to the queen of sheba, kings, x. ; jeroboam to ahijah, kings xiv. ; asa to benhadad, kings xv. , . but no servants were given as presents--though that was a prevailing fashion in the surrounding nations. gen. xii. ; gen. xx. . objection . _laban_ gave _handmaids to his daughters, jacob's wives_. without enlarging on the nature of the polygamy then prevalent, it is enough to say that the handmaids of wives, at that time, were themselves regarded as wives, though of inferior dignity and authority. that jacob so regarded his handmaids, is proved by his curse upon reuben, (gen. xlix. , and chron. v. ) also by the equality of their children with those of rachel and leah. but had it been otherwise--had laban given them _as articles of property_, then, indeed, the example of this "good old patriarch and slaveholder," saint laban, would have been a fore-closer to all argument. ah! we remember his jealousy for _religion_--his holy indignation when he found that his "gods" were stolen! how he mustered his clan, and plunged over the desert in hot pursuit, seven days, by forced marches; how he ransacked a whole caravan, sifting the contents of every tent, little heeding such small matters as domestic privacy, or female seclusion, for lo! the zeal of his "images" had eaten him up! no wonder that slavery, in its bible-navigation, drifting dismantled before the free gusts, should scud under the lee of such a pious worthy to haul up and refit; invoking his protection, and the benediction of his "gods!" objection . _servants were enumerated in inventories of property_. if that proves _servants_ property, it proves _wives_ property. "_thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's_ wife, _nor his man servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's_" exodus xx. . an examination of all the places in which servants are included among beasts, chattels, &c., will show, that in inventories of _mere property_, servants are not included, or if included, it is in such a way, as to show that they are not regarded as _property_. eccl. ii. , . but when the design is to show, not merely the wealth but the _greatness_ of any personage, that he is a man of distinction, a ruler, a prince, servants are spoken of, as well as property. in a word, if _riches_ alone are spoken of, no mention is made of servants; if _greatness_, servants and property. gen. xiii. . _"and abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver and in gold."_ no mention of _servants_. so in the fifth verse; lot's riches are enumerated, "_and lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents_." in the seventh verse servants are mentioned, "_and there was a strife between the_ herdmen _of abraham's cattle and the_ herdmen _of lot's cattle_". see also josh. xxii. ; gen. xxxiv. ; job. xlii. ; chron. xxi. ; xxxii. - ; job . - ; deut. viii. - ; gen. xxiv. , and xxvi. , and xxx. . divers facts dropped incidentally, show that when servants are mentioned in connection with property, it is in such a way as to _distinguish_ them from it. when jacob was about to leave laban, his wives say, "all the _riches_ which thou hast taken from our father, that is ours and our children's." then follows an inventory of property. "all his cattle," "all his goods," "the cattle of his getting," &c. he had a large number of servants at the time, _but they are not included with his property_. compare gen. xxx. , with gen. xxxi. - . when he sent messengers to esau, in order to secure his respect, and impress him with an idea of his state and sway, he bade them tell him not only of _his_ riches, but of his greatness; that jacob had "_oxen, and asses, and flocks, and men servants, and maid servants_." gen. xxxii. , . yet in the present which he sent, there were no servants; though he seems to have aimed to give it as much variety as possible. gen. xxxii. , ; see also gen. xxxvi. , ; gen. xxxiv. . as flocks and herds were the _staples_ of wealth, a large number of servants _presupposed_ large possessions of cattle, which would require many herdsmen. further. when servants are spoken of in connection with _mere property_, the terms used to express the latter do not include the former. the hebrew word _mickna_ is an illustration. it is a derivative of _kana_, to procure, to buy, and its meaning is, a _possession, wealth, riches_. it occurs more than forty times in the old testament--and is applied always to _mere property_--generally to domestic animals, but _never_ to servants. in some instances, servants are mentioned in _distinction_ from the _mickna._ see gen. xii. . _"and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son. and all their_ substance _that they had gathered, and the souls that they had gotten in haran, and they went forth to go into the land of canaan_." _substance gathered_ and _souls gotten_! many will have it, that these _souls_ were a part of abraham's _substance_ (notwithstanding the pains here taken to separate them from it)--that they were _slaves_--probably captives in war, and now, by right of conquest, taken with him in his migration as part of his family effects. who but slaveholders, either actually, or in heart, would torture into the principle and practice of slavery, such a harmless phrase as "_the souls that they had gotten_?" until the slave trade breathed its haze upon the vision of the church, and smote her with palsy and decay, commentators saw no slavery in, "the souls that they had gotten." in the targum of onkelos[a] it is thus rendered, "the souls whom they had brought to obey the law in haran." in the targum of jonathan, thus: "the souls whom they had made proselytes in haran." in the targum of jerusalem, "the souls proselyted in haran." jarchi, placed by jewish rabbis at the head of their commentators, thus renders it: "the souls whom they had brought under the divine wings." jerome, one of the most learned of the christian fathers: "the persons whom they had proselyted." the persian version thus gives the whole verse, "and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son, and all their wealth which they had accumulated, and the souls which they had _made_." the vulgate version thus translates it, "universam substantiam quam possederant et animas quas fecerant in haran." "the entire wealth which they possessed, and the souls which they had made." the syriac thus, "all their possessions which they possessed, and the souls which they had made in haran." the arabic, "all their property which they had acquired, and the souls whom they had made in haran." the samarian, "all the wealth which they had gathered, and the souls which they had made in haran." menochius, a commentator who wrote before our present translation of the english bible, renders it as follows:--"quas de idolotraria converterunt[b]." "those whom they have converted from idolatry."--paulus fagius[c]. "quas instituerant in religione."--"those whom they had instructed in religion."--luke franke, a german commentator who lived two centuries ago. "quas legi subjicerant."--"those whom they had brought to obey the law." [footnote a: the targums are chaldee paraphrases of parts of the old testament. the targum of onkelos is for the most part, a very accurate and faithful translation of the original, and was probably made at about the commencement of the christian era. the targum of jonathan ben uzziel bears about the same date. the targum of jerusalem was probably about five hundred years later. the israelites, during their long captivity in babylon, lost as a body, their knowledge of their own language. these translations of the hebrew scriptures into the chaldee, the language which they acquired in babylon, were thus called for by the necessity of the case. ] [footnote b: see his "brevis explicatio sensus literalis totius scripture."] [footnote c: this eminent hebrew scholar was invited to england by cranmer, then archbishop of canterbury, to superintend the translation of the bible into english, under the patronage of henry the eighth. he had hardly commenced the work when he died. this was nearly a century before the date of our present translation.] . _the condition of servants in their masters' families, the privileges which they shared in common with the children, and their recognition as equals by the highest officers of the government--make the doctrine that they were mere_ commodities, _an absurdity._ the testimony of paul, in gal. iv. , gives an insight into the condition of servants. _"now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child,_ differeth nothing from a servant, _though he be lord of all."_ that abraham's servants were voluntary,--that their interests were identified with those of their master's family--that they were regarded with great affection by the household, and that the utmost confidence was reposed in them, is shown in the arming of of them for the recovery of lot and his family from captivity. see gen. xiv. , . when abraham's servant went to padanaram, the young princess rebekah did not disdain to say to him, "drink, my lord," as "she hasted and let down her pitcher upon her hand, and gave him drink," and "she hasted and emptied her pitcher, and ran again unto the well, and drew for all his camels." laban, the brother of rebekah, prepared the house for his reception, "_ungirded his camels, and brought him water to wash his feet, and the men's feet that were with him!"_ in the th chapter of samuel, we have an account of a high festival in the city of zuph, at which samuel, the chief judge and ruler in israel, presided. none sat down at the feast but those that were bidden. and only "about _thirty_ persons" were invited. quite a select party!--the elite of the city of zuph! saul and his servant arrived at zuph just as the party was assembling; and _both_ of them, at samuel's solicitation, accompany him as invited guests. _"and samuel took saul and his_ servant, _and brought_ them _into the_ parlor(!) _and made_ them _sit in the_ chiefest seats _among those that were bidden."_ a _servant_ invited by the chief judge, ruler, and prophet in israel, to dine publicly with a select party, in company with his master, who was _at the same time anointed king of israel_; and this servant introduced by samuel into the parlor, and assigned, with his master, to the _chiefest seat_ at the table! this was "_one_ of the servants" of _kish_, saul's father; not the _steward_ or the _chief_ of them--not at all a _picked_ man, but "_one_ of the servants;" _any_ one that could be most easily spared, as no endowments specially rare would be likely to find scope in looking after asses. again: we learn from kings xvi. , , that elah, the king of israel, was slain by zimri, one of his chief officers, at a festive entertainment, in the house of arza, his steward, or head servant, with whom he seems to have been on terms of familiarity. without detailing other cases, we refer the reader to the intercourse between gideon and his servant.--judges vii. , .--jonathan and his servant.-- samuel xiv. - .--elisha and his servant. . _the condition of the gibeonites, as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth, shows that they were neither articles of property, nor even_ involuntary _servants_. the condition of the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim, under the israelites, is quoted in triumph by the advocates of slavery; and truly they are right welcome to all the crumbs that can be gleaned from it. milton's devils made desperate snatches at fruit that turned to ashes on their lips. the spirit of slavery raves under tormenting gnawings, and casts about in blind phrenzy for something to ease, or even to _mock_ them. but for this, it would never have clutched at the gibeonites, for even the incantations of the demon cauldron, could not extract from their case enough to tantalize starvation's self. but to the question. what was the condition of the gibeonites under the israelites? ( .) _it was voluntary_. it was their own proposition to joshua to become servants. joshua ix. , . their proposition was accepted, but the kind of service which they should perform, was not specified until their gross imposition came to light; they were then assigned to menial offices in the tabernacle. ( .) _they were not domestic servants in the families of the israelites_. they still continued to reside in their own cities, cultivating their own fields, tending their flocks and herds, and exercising the functions of a _distinct_, though not independent community. they were _subject_ to the jewish nation as _tributaries_. so far from being distributed among the israelites, their family relations broken up, and their internal organization as a distinct people abolished, they seem to have remained a separate, and, in some respects, an independent community for many centuries. when they were attacked by the amorites, they applied to the israelites as confederates for aid--it was promptly rendered, their enemies routed, and themselves left unmolested in the occupation of their cities, while all israel returned to gilgal. joshua x. - . long afterwards, saul slew some of them, and god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. david said to the gibeonites, "what shall i do for you, and wherewith shall i make the atonement, that ye may bless the inheritance of the lord?" at their demand, he delivered up to them, seven of the royal family, five of them the sons of michal, his own former wife. samuel xxi. - . the whole transaction was a formal recognition of the gibeonites as a separate people. there is no intimation that they served families, or individuals of the israelites, but only the "house of god," or the tabernacle. this was established first at gilgal, a day's journey from the cities of the gibeonites; and then at shiloh, nearly two days' journey from them; where it continued about years. during all this period, the gibeonites inhabited their ancient cities and territory. only a few, comparatively, could have been absent from their cities at any one time in attendance on the tabernacle. ( .) whenever allusion is made to them in the history, the main body are spoken of as _at home_. ( .) it is preposterous to suppose that their tabernacle services could have furnished employment for all the inhabitants of these four cities. one of them "was a great city, as one of the royal cities;" so large, that a confederacy of five kings, apparently the most powerful in the land, was deemed necessary for its destruction. it is probable that the men were divided into classes, and thus ministered at the tabernacle in rotation--each class a few days or weeks at a time. this service was their _national tribute_ to the israelites, rendered for the privilege of residence and protection under their government. no service seems to have been required of the _females_. as these gibeonites were canaanites, and as they had greatly exasperated the israelites by impudent imposition, hypocrisy, and lying, we might assuredly expect that they would reduce _them_ to the condition of chattels and property, if there was _any_ case in which god permitted them to do so. . _because, throughout the mosaic system, god warns them against holding their servants in such a condition as they were held in by the egyptians_. how often are the israelites pointed back to the grindings of their prison-house! what motives to the exercise of justice and kindness towards their servants, are held out to their fears in threatened judgements; to their hopes in promised good; and to all within them that could feel, by those oft repeated words of tenderness and terror! "for ye were bondmen in the land of egypt"--waking anew the memory of tears and anguish, and of the wrath that avenged them. that the argument derived from the condition of the israelites in egypt, and god's condemnation of it, may be appreciated, it is important that the egyptian bondage should be analyzed. we shall then be able to ascertain, of what rights the israelites were plundered, and what they retained. egyptian bondage analyzed. ( .) _the israelites were not dispersed among the families of egypt, the property of individual owners_[a]. they formed a _separate_ community. see gen. xlvi. . ex. viii. , , and ix. , and x. , and xi. , and ii. , and xvi. , and xvii. . [footnote a: the egyptians evidently had _domestic_ servants living in their families; these may have been slaves; allusion is made to them in exodus ix. , , . but none of the israelites were included in this class.] ( .) _they had the exclusive possession of the land of goshen_[b], _one of the richest and most productive parts of egypt_. gen. xlv. , and xlvii. , , . ex. xii. , , , , . [footnote b: the land of goshen was a large tract of country, east of the pelusian arm of the nile, and between it and the head of the red sea, and the lower border of palestine. the probable centre of that portion, occupied by the israelites, could hardly, have been less than miles from the city. from the best authorities it would seem that the extreme western boundary of goshen must have been many miles distant from egypt. see "exodus of the israelites out of egypt," an able article by professor robinson, in the biblical repository for october, .] ( .) _they lived in permanent dwellings_. these were _houses_, not _tents_. in ex. xii. , the two side _posts_, and the upper door _posts_ of the houses are mentioned, and in the d, the two side posts and the lintel. each family seems to have occupied a house _by itself_--acts vii. , ex. xii. --and from the regulation about the eating of the passover, they could hardly have been small ones--ex. xii. --and probably contained separate apartments, and places for seclusion. ex. ii. , ; acts vii. . they appear to have been well apparelled. ex. xii. . to have had their own burial grounds. ex. xiii. , and xiv. . ( .) _they owned "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds_," and "_very much cattle_." ex. xii. , , . ( .) they had their own form of government, and preserved their tribe and family divisions, and their internal organization throughout, though still a province of egypt, and _tributary_ to it. ex. ii. , and xii. , , and vi. , , and v. , and iii. , . ( .) _they seem to have had in a considerable measure, the disposal of their own time_,--ex. xxiii. , and iii. , , and xii. , and ii. , and iv. , - . also to have practised the fine arts. ex. xxxii. , and xxxv. - . ( .) _they were all armed_. ex. xxxii. . ( .) _all the females seem to have known something of domestic refinements; they were familiar with instruments of music, and skilled in the working of fine fabrics_. ex. xv. , and , . ( .) _they held their possessions independently, and the egyptians seem to have regarded them as inviolable_. this we infer from the fact that there is no intimation that the egyptians dispossessed them of their habitations, or took away their flocks, or herds, or crops, or implements of agriculture, or any article of property. ( .) _service seems to have been exacted from none but adult males_. nothing is said from which the bond service of females could be inferred; the hiding of moses three months by his mother, and the payment of wages to her by pharaoh's daughter, go against such a supposition. ex. ii. . ( .) so far from being fed upon a given allowance, their food was abundant, and had great variety. "they sat by the flesh-pots," and "did eat bread to the full." ex. xvi. , and xxiv. , and xvii. , and iv. , and vi. . also, "they did eat fish freely, and cucumbers, and melons, and leeks, and onions, and garlic." num. xi. , , and x. , and xx. . ( .) _that the great body of the people were not in the service of the egyptians, we infer_ ( ) from the fact, that the extent and variety of their own possessions, together with such a cultivation of their crops as would provide them with bread, and such care of their immense flocks and herds, as would secure their profitable increase, must have furnished constant employment for the main body of the nation. ( .) during the plague of darkness, god informs us that "all the children of israel had light in their dwellings." we infer that they were _there_ to enjoy it. ( .) it seems improbable that the making of brick, the only service named during the latter part of their sojourn in egypt, could have furnished permanent employment for the bulk of the nation. see also ex. iv. - . besides, when eastern nations employed tributaries, it was, as now, in the use of the levy, requiring them to furnish a given quota, drafted off periodically, so that comparatively but a small portion of the nation would be absent _at any one time_. probably there was the same requisition upon the israelites for one-fifth part of the proceeds of their labor, that was laid upon the egyptians. see gen. xlvii. , . instead of taking it out of their _crops_, (goshen being better for _pasturage_ than crops) they exacted it of them in brick making; and it is quite probable that only the _poorer_ israelites were required to work for the egyptians at all, the wealthier being able to pay their tribute, in money. see exod. iv. - . this was the bondage in egypt. contrast it with american slavery. have our slaves "very much cattle," and "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds?" do they live in commodious houses of their own? do they "_sit by the flesh-pots_," "_eat fish freely_," and "_eat bread to the full_?" do they live in a separate community, at a distance from their masters, in their distinct tribes, under their own rulers and officers? have they the exclusive occupation of an extensive and fertile tract of country for the culture of their own crops, and for rearing immense herds of _their own_ cattle--and all these held independently of their masters, and regarded by them as inviolable? are our female slaves free from all exactions of labor and liabilities of outrage?--and whenever employed, are they paid wages, as was the israelitish woman, when employed by the king's daughter? exod. ii. . have the females entirely, and the males to a considerable extent, the disposal of their own time? have they the means for cultivating social refinements, for practising the fine arts, and for intellectual and moral improvement? the israelites, under the bondage of egypt, enjoyed all these rights and privileges. true, "_their lives were made bitter, and all the service wherein they made them serve was with rigor_." but what was that, when compared with the incessant toil of american slaves, the robbery of all their time and earnings, and even the "power to own any thing, or acquire any thing"--the "quart of corn a day," the legal allowance of food[a]!--their _only_ clothing for one half the year, "_one_ shirt and _one_ pair of pantaloons[b]!"--the _two hours and a half_ only for rest and refreshment in the twenty-four[c]!--their dwellings, _hovels_, unfit for human residence, commonly with but one apartment, where both sexes and all ages herd promiscuously at night, like the beasts of the field. add to this, the mental ignorance, and moral degradation; the daily separations of kindred, the revelries of lust, the lacerations and baptisms of blood, sanctioned by the laws of the south, and patronized by its pubic sentiment. what, we ask, was the bondage of egypt when compared with this? and yet for _her_ oppression of the poor, god smote her with plagues, and trampled her as the mire, till she passed away in his wrath, and the place that knew her in her pride, knew her no more. ah! "_i have seen the afflictions of my people, and i have heard their groanings, and am come down to deliver them_." he did come, and egypt sank, a ruinous heap, and her blood closed over her. [footnote a: the law of north carolina. see haywood's manual, - ] [footnote b: the law of louisiana. see martin's digest, .] [footnote c: the whole amount of time secured by the law of louisiana. see act of july , . martin's digest, - ] if such was god's retribution for the oppression of heathen egypt, of how much sorer punishment shall a christian people be thought worthy, who cloak with religion, a system, in comparison with which the bondage of egypt dwindles to nothing? let those believe who can, that god gave his people permission to hold human beings, robbed of _all_ their rights, while he threatened them with wrath to the uttermost, if they practised the _far lighter_ oppression of egypt--which robbed its victims of only the _least_ and _cheapest_ of their rights, and left the _females_ unplundered even of these. what! _is god divided against himself_? when he had just turned egypt into a funeral pile; while his curse yet blazed upon her unburied dead, and his bolts still hissed amidst her slaughter, and the smoke of her torment went upwards because she had "robbed the poor," did he license the victims of robbery to rob the poor of all? as _lawgiver_, did he _create_ a system tenfold more grinding than that, for which he had just hurled pharaoh headlong, and cloven down his princes, and overwhelmed his hosts, and blasted them with his thunder, till "hell was moved to meet them at their coming?" having touched upon the general topics which we design to include in this inquiry, we proceed to examine various scripture facts and passages, which will doubtless be set in array against the foregoing conclusions. objections considered. the advocates of slavery are always at their wits end when they try to press the bible into their service. every movement shows that they are hard-pushed. their odd conceits and ever varying shifts, their forced constructions, lacking even plausibility, their bold assumptions, and blind guesswork, not only proclaim their _cause_ desperate, but themselves. some of the bible defences thrown around slavery by ministers of the gospel, do so torture common sense, scripture, and historical fact, that it were hard to tell whether absurdity, fatuity, ignorance, or blasphemy, predominates, in compound. each strives so lustily for the mastery, it may be set down a drawn battle. how often has it been set up in type, that the color of the negro is the _cain-mark_, propagated downward. doubtless cain's posterity started an opposition to the ark, and rode out the flood with flying streamers! why should not a miracle be wrought to point such an argument, and fill out for slaveholders a divine title-deed, vindicating the ways of god to men? objection . "_cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren_." gen. i. . this prophecy of noah is the _vade mecum_ of slaveholders, and they never venture abroad without it. it is a pocket-piece for sudden occasion--a keepsake to dote over--a charm to spell-bind opposition, and a magnet to attract "whatsoever worketh abomination, or maketh a lie." but closely as they cling to it, "cursed be canaan" is a poor drug to stupify a throbbing conscience--a mocking lullaby, vainly wooing slumber to unquiet tossings, and crying "peace, be still," where god wakes war, and breaks his thunders. those who plead the curse on canaan to justify negro slavery, _assume_ all the points in debate. . that the condition prophesied was _slavery_, rather than the mere _rendering of service_ to others, and that it was the bondage of _individuals_ rather than the condition of a _nation tributary_ to another, and in _that_ sense its _servant_. . that the _prediction_ of crime _justifies_ it; that it grants absolution to those whose crimes fulfil it, if it does not transform the crimes into _virtues_. how piously the pharaohs might have quoted god's prophecy to abraham, "_thy seed shall be in bondage, and they shall afflict them for four hundred years_." and then, what _saints_ were those that crucified the lord of glory! . that the africans are descended from canaan. whereas africa was peopled from egypt and ethiopia, and mizraim settled egypt, and cush, ethiopia. see gen. x. - , for the location and boundaries of canaan's posterity. so on the assumption that african slavery fulfils the prophecy, a curse pronounced upon one people, is quoted to justify its infliction upon another. perhaps it may be argued that canaan includes all ham's posterity. if so, the prophecy has not been fulfilled. the other sons of ham settled the egyptian and assyrian empires, and conjointly with shem the persian, and afterward, to some extent, the grecian and roman. the history of these nations gives no verification of the prophecy. whereas the history of canaan's descendants, for more than three thousand years, is a record of its fulfilment. first, they were made tributaries by the israelites. then canaan was the servant of shem. afterward, by the medes and persians. then canaan was the servant of shem, and in part of the other sons of ham. afterward, by the macedonians, grecians, and romans, successively. then canaan was the servant of japhet, mainly, and secondarily of the other sons of ham. finally, they were subjected by the ottoman dynasty, where they yet remain. thus canaan is _now_ the servant of shem and japhet and the other sons of ham. but it may still be objected, that though canaan is the only one _named_ in the curse, yet the d and d verses show that it was pronounced upon the posterity of ham in general. "_and ham, the father of canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without_."--verse . in verse , shem and japhet cover their father with a garment. verse , "_and noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him, and said_," &c. it is argued that this younger son cannot be _canaan_, as he was not the _son_, but the _grandson_ of noah, and therefore it must be _ham_. we answer, whoever that "_younger son_" was, or whatever he did, _canaan_ alone was named in the curse. besides, the hebrew word _ben_, signifies son, grandson, great-grandson, or _any one_ of the posterity of an individual. gen. xxix. , "_and he said unto them, know ye laban, the_ son _of nahor_?" yet laban was the _grandson_ of nahor. gen. xxiv. , . in sam. xix. , it is said, "_mephibosheth, the_ son _of saul, came down to meet the king_." but mephibosheth was the son of jonathan, and the _grandson_ of saul. sam. ix. . so ruth iv. . "_there is a_ son _born to naomi_." this was the son of ruth, the daughter-in-law of naomi. ruth iv. , . so sam. xxi. . "_let seven men of his (saul's)_ sons _be delivered unto us_," &c. seven of saul's _grandsons_ were delivered up. sam. xxi. , . so gen. xxi. , "_and hast not suffered me to kiss my_ sons _and my daughters_;" and in the th verse, "_and early in the morning laban rose up and kissed his_ sons," &c. these were his _grandsons_. so kings ix. , "_the driving of jehu, the_ son _of nimshi_." so kings xix. . but jehu was the _grandson_ of nimshi. kings ix. , . who will forbid the inspired writer to use the _same_ word when speaking of _noah's_ grandson? further, if ham were meant what propriety in calling him the _younger_ son? the order in which noah's sons are always mentioned, makes ham the _second_, and not the _younger_ son. if it be said that bible usage is variable, and that the order of birth is not always preserved in enumerations; the reply is, that, enumeration in the order of birth, is the _rule_, in any other order the _exception_. besides, if the younger member of a family, takes precedence of older ones in the family record, it is a mark of pre-eminence, either in original endowments, or providential instrumentality. abraham, though sixty years younger than his eldest brother, and probably the youngest of terah's sons, stands first in the family genealogy. nothing in ham's history warrants the idea of his pre-eminence; besides, the hebrew word _hakkaton_, rendered _younger_, means the _little, small_. the same word is used in isaiah xl. . "a little one _shall become a thousand_." also in isaiah xxii. . "_all vessels of_ small _quantity_." so psalms cxv. . "_he will bless them that fear the lord, both_ small _and great_." also exodus xviii. . "_but every_ small _matter they shall judge_." it would be a perfectly literal rendering of gen. ix. , if it were translated thus, "when noah knew what his little son[a], or grandson (_beno hakkaton_) had done unto him, he said, cursed be canaan," &c. [footnote a: the french language in this respect follows the same analogy. our word _grandson_ being in french, _petit fils_, (little son.)] even if the africans were the descendants of canaan, the assumption that their enslavement is a fulfilment of this prophecy, lacks even plausibility, for, only a mere _fraction_ of the inhabitants of africa have at any one time been the slaves of other nations. if the objector say in reply, that a large majority of the africans have always been slaves at _home_, we answer, st. _it is false in point of fact_, though zealously bruited often to serve a turn. d. _if it were true_, how does it help the argument? the prophecy was, "cursed be canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren" not unto _himself_! objection ii.--"_if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money_." exodus xxi. , . arguments drawn from the mosaic system in support of slavery, originate in a misconception both of its genius, _as a whole_, and of the design and scope of its most simple provisions. the verses quoted above, afford an illustration in point. what was the design of this regulation? was it to grant masters an indulgence to beat servants with impunity? and an assurance, that if they beat them to death, the offence would not be _capital_? this is substantially what some modern doctors tell us. what deity do such men worship? some blood-gorged moloch, enthroned on human hecatombs, and snuffing carnage for incense? did he who thundered out from sinai's flames, "thou shalt not kill," offer a bounty on _murder_? whoever analyzes the mosaic system--the condition of the people for whom it was made--their inexperience in government--ignorance of judicial proceedings--laws of evidence, &c., will find a moot court in session, trying law points--setting definitions, or laying down rules of evidence, in almost every chapter. numbers xxxv. - ; deuteronomy xi. , and xix. - ; leviticus xxiv. - ; exodus, xxi. , , are a few, out of many cases stated, with tests furnished by which to detect _the intent_, in actions brought before them. the detail gone into, in the verses quoted, is manifestly to enable the judges to get at the _motive_ of the action, and find out whether the master _designed_ to kill. . "if a man smite his servant with a _rod_."--the instrument used, gives a clue to the _intent_. see numbers xxxv. , . it was a _rod_, not an axe, nor a sword, nor a bludgeon, nor any other death-weapon--hence, from the _kind_ of instrument, no design to _kill_ would be inferred; for _intent_ to kill would hardly have taken a _rod_ for its weapon. but if the servant dies _under his hand_, then the unfitness of the instrument, instead of being evidence in his favor, is point blank against him; for, to strike him with a _rod_ until he _dies_, argues a _great many_ blows laid on with _great_ violence, and this kept up to the death-gasp, establishes the point of _intent to kill_. hence the sentence, "he shall _surely_ be punished." the case is plain and strong. but if he continued _a day or two_, the _length of time that he lived_, together with the _kind_ of instrument used, and the fact that the master had a pecuniary interest in his _life_, ("he is his _money_,") all, made out a strong case of circumstantial evidence, showing that the master did not _design_ to kill; and required a corresponding decision and sentence. a single remark on the word "punished:" in exodus xxi. , , the hebrew word here rendered _punished_, (_nakum_,) is _not so rendered in another instance_. yet it occurs thirty-five times in the old testament--in almost every instance, it is translated _avenge_--in a few, "_to take vengeance_," or "_to revenge_," and in this instance alone, "_punish_." as it stands in our translation, the pronoun preceding it, refers to the _master_--the _master_ in the st verse, is to be _punished_, and in the d _not_ to be punished; whereas the preceding pronoun refers neither to the _master_ nor to the _servant_, but to the _crime_, and the word rendered _punished_, should have been rendered _avenged_. the meaning is this: if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, it (the death) shall surely be avenged, or literally, _by avenging it shall be avenged_; that is, the _death_ of the servant shall be _avenged_ by the _death_ of the master. so in the next verse--"if he continues a day or two," his death shall not be avenged by the _death_ of the _master_, for in that case the crime was to be adjudged _manslaughter_, and not _murder_, as in the first instance. in the following verse, another case of personal injury is stated, not intentional, nor extending to life or limb, a mere accidental hurt, for which the injurer is to pay _a sum of money_; and yet our translators employ the same phraseology in both places. one, an instance of deliberate, wanton, _killing by piecemeal_. the other and _accidental_, and comparatively slight injury--of the inflicter, in both cases, they say the same thing! "_he shall surely be punished_." now, just the difference which common sense would expect to find in such cases, where god legislates, is strongly marked in the original. in the case of the servant wilfully murdered, god says, "it (the death) shall surely be _avenged_," (_nakum_,) that is, _the life of the wrong doer shall expiate the crime_. the same word is used in the old testament, when the greatest wrongs are redressed, by devoting the perpetrators, whether individuals or communities, to _destruction_. in the case of the _unintentional_ injury, in the following verse, god says, "he shall surely be" _fined_, (_aunash_.) "he shall _pay_ as the judges determine." the simple meaning of the word _aunash_, is to lay a fine. it is used in deut. xxii. . they shall _amerce_ him in one hundred shekels," and in chron. xxxvi. --"he condemned (_mulcted_) the land in a hundred talents of gold.--this is the general use of the word, and its primary signification. that _avenging_ the death of the servant, was neither imprisonment, nor stripes, nor amercing the master in damages, but that it was _taking the master's life_ we infer. . from the _bible usage_ of the word nakam. see genesis iv. ; joshua x. ; judges xv. -xvi. ; samuel xiv. -xviii. -xxv. ; samuel iv. ; judges v. ; samuel xxv. - , &c. &c. . from the express statute in such case provided. leviticus xxiv. . "_he that killeth_ any _man_ shall surely be put to death." also numbers xxxv. , . "_whoso killeth_ any _person_, the murderer shall be put to death. _moreover ye shall take_ no satisfaction _for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death_." . the targum of jonathan gives the verse thus, "death by the sword shall assuredly be adjudged." the targum of jerusalem thus, "vengeance shall be taken for him to the _uttermost_." jarchi gives the same rendering. the samaritan version thus, "he shall die the death." again, the last clause in the st verse ("for he is his money") is often quoted to prove that the servant is his master's _property_, and _therefore_, if he died, the master was not _to be punished_. _because_, st. a man may dispose of his _property_ as he pleases. d. if the servant died of the injury, the master's _loss_ was a sufficient punishment. a word about the premises, before we notice the inferences. the assumption is, that the phrase, "he is his money," proves not only that the servant is _worth money_ to the master, but that he is an _article of property_. if the advocates of slavery will take this principle of interpretation into the bible, and turn it loose, let them either give bonds for its behavior, or else stand and draw in self-defence, "lest it turn again and rend" them. if they endorse for it at one point, they must stand sponsors all around the circle. it will be too late to cry for quarter when they find its stroke clearing the whole table, and tilting them among the sweepings beneath. the bible abounds with such expressions as the following: "this (bread) _is_ my body;" "this (wine) _is_ my blood;" "all they (the israelites) _are_ brass, and tin, and iron, and lead;" "this _is_ life eternal, that they might know thee;" "this (the water of the well of bethlehem) _is_ the blood of the men who went in jeopardy of their lives;" "i _am_ the lily of the valleys;" "a garden enclosed _is_ my sister;" "my tears _have been_ my meat;" "the lord god _is_ a sun and a shield;" "god _is_ love;" "the lord _is_ my rock;" "the seven good ears _are_ seven years, and the seven good kine _are_ seven years;" "the seven thin and ill-favored kine _are_ seven years, and the seven empty ears blasted by the east wind _shall be_ seven years of famine;" "he _shall be_ head, and thou _shall_ be tail;" "the lord _will_ be a wall of fire;" "they _shall_ be one flesh;" "the tree of the field _is_ man's life;" "god _is_ a consuming fire;" "he _is_ his money," &c. a passion for the exact _literalities_ of bible language is so amiable, it were hard not to gratify it in this case. the words in the original are (_kaspo-hu_,) "his _silver_ is he." the objector's principle of interpretation is, a philosopher's stone! its miracle touch transmutes five feet eight inches of flesh and bones into _solid silver_! quite a _permanent_ servant, if not so nimble with all--reasoning against "_forever_," is forestalled henceforth, and, deut. xxiii. , utterly outwitted. who in his senses believes that in the expression, "_he is his money_," the object was to inculcate the doctrine that the servant was a _chattel_? the obvious meaning is, he is _worth money_ to his master, and since, if the master killed him, it would take money out of his pocket, the _pecuniary loss_, the _kind of instrument used_, and _the fact of his living some time after the injury_, (as, if the master _meant_ to kill, he would be likely to _do_ it while about it,) all together make out a strong case of presumptive evidence clearing the master of _intent to kill_. but let us look at the objector's inferences. one is, that as the master might dispose of his _property_ as he pleased, he was not to be punished, if he destroyed it. answer. whether the servant died under the master's hand, or continued a day or two, he was _equally_ his master's property, and the objector admits that in the _first_ case the master is to be "surely punished" for destroying _his own property_! the other inference is, that since the continuance of a day or two, cleared the master of _intent to kill_, the loss of the slave would be a sufficient punishment for inflicting the injury which caused his death. this inference makes the mosaic law false to its own principles. a _pecuniary loss_, constituted no part of the claims of the law, where a person took the _life_ of another. in such case, the law utterly spurned money, however large the sum. god would not so cheapen human life, as to balance it with such a weight. "_ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall surely be put to death_." see numb. xxxv. . even in excusable homicide, a case of death purely accidental, as where an axe slipped from the helve and killed a man, no sum of money availed to release from confinement in the city of refuge, until the death of the high priest. numbers xxxv. . the doctrine that the loss of the servant would be a penalty _adequate_ to the desert of the master, admits the master's _guilt_--his desert of _some_ punishment, and it prescribes a _kind_ of punishment, rejected by the law, in all cases where man took the life of man, whether with or without _intent_ to kill. in short, the objector annuls an integral part of the system--resolves himself into a legislature, with power in the premises, makes a _new_ law, and coolly metes out such penalty as he thinks fit, both in kind and quantity. mosaic statutes amended, and divine legislation revised and improved! the master who struck out the tooth of a servant, whether intentionally or not, was required to set him free for his tooth's sake. the _pecuniary loss_ to the master was the same as though the servant had _died_. look at the two cases. a master beats his servant so severely, that after a day or two he dies of his wounds; another master accidentally strikes out his servant's tooth, and his servant is free--_the pecuniary loss of both masters is the same._ the objector contends that the loss of the slave's services in the first case is punishment sufficient for the crime of killing him; yet god commands the _same_ punishment for even the _accidental_ knocking out of a _tooth_! indeed, unless the injury was done _inadvertently_, the loss of the servant's services is only a _part_ of the punishment--mere reparation to the _individual_ for injury done; the _main_ punishment, that strictly _judicial_, was, reparation to the _community_ for injury to one of its members. to set the servant _free_, and thus proclaim his injury, his right to redress, and the measure of it--answered not the ends of public justice. the law made an example of the offender, "those that remain might hear and fear." _"if a man cause a blemish in his neighbour, as he hath done, so shall it be done unto him. breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth; as he hath caused a blemish in a man, so shall it be done to him again. you have one manner of law as well for the_ stranger _as for one of your own country_." lev. xxiv. , , . finally, if a master smote out the tooth of a servant, the law smote out _his_ tooth--thus redressing the _public_ wrong; and it cancelled the servant's obligation to the master, thus giving some compensation for the injury done, and exempting him from perilous liabilities in future. objection iii. _both the bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you, of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and they shall be your possession. and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen forever_. lev. xxv. - . the _points_ in these verses, urged as proof, that the mosaic system sanctioned slavery, are . the word "bondmen." . "buy." . "inheritance and possession." . "forever." the _second_ point, the _buying_ of servants, has been already discussed, see page . and a part of the _third_ (holding servants as a "possession." see p. .) we will now ascertain what sanction to slavery is derivable from the terms "bondmen," "inheritance," and "forever." i. bondmen. the fact that servants, from the heathen are called "_bondmen_," while others are called "servants," is quoted as proof that the former were slaves. as the _caprices_ of king james' translators were not divinely inspired, we need stand in no special awe of them. the word rendered _bondmen_, in this passage, is the same word uniformly rendered _servants_ elsewhere. to infer from this that the gentile servants were slaves, is absurd. look at the use of the hebrew word "_ebed_," the plural of which is here translated "_bondmen_." in isaiah xlii. , the _same word_ is applied to christ. "behold my _servant_ (bondman, slave?) whom i have chosen, mine elect in whom my soul delighteth." so isaiah lii. . "behold my _servant_ (christ) shall deal prudently." in kings xii. , , it is applied to _king rehoboam_. "and they (the old men) spake unto him, saying if thou wilt be a _servant_ (_ebed_) unto this people this day, and will serve them and answer them, and wilt speak good words to them, then they will be thy _servants_ forever." in chron. xii. , , , , it is applied to the king and all the nation. in fine, the word is applied to _all_ persons doing service to others--to magistrates, to all governmental officers, to tributaries, to all the subjects of governments, to younger sons--defining their relation to the first born, who is called _lord_ and _ruler_--to prophets, to kings, to the messiah, and in respectful addresses not less than _fifty_ times in the old testament. if the israelites not only held slaves, but multitudes of them, why had their language _no word_ that _meant slave_? if abraham had thousands, and if they _abounded_ under the mosaic system, why had they no such _word_ as slave or slavery? that language must be wofully poverty stricken, which has _no signs_ to represent the most _common_ and _familiar_ objects and conditions. to represent by the same word, and without figure, _property_, and the _owner_ of that property, is a solecism. ziba was an "_ebed_," yet he _"owned_" (!) twenty _ebeds_. in _english_, we have both the words _servant_ and _slave_. why? because we have both the _things_, and need _signs_ for them. if the tongue had a sheath, as swords have scabbards, we should have some _name_ for it: but our dictionaries give us none. why? because there is no such _thing_. but the objector asks, "would not the israelites use their word _ebed_ if they spoke of the slave of a heathen?" answer. the servants of individuals among the heathen are scarcely ever alluded to. _national_ servants or _tributaries_, are spoken of frequently, but so rarely are their _domestic_ servants alluded to, no necessity existed, even if they were slaves, for coining a new word. besides, the fact of their being domestics, under _heathen laws and usages_, proclaimed their _liabilities_; their locality told their condition; so that in applying to them the word _ebed_, there would be no danger of being misunderstood. but if the israelites had not only _servants_, but besides these, a multitude of _slaves_, a _word meaning slave_, would have been indispensable for purposes of every day convenience. further, the laws of the mosaic system were so many sentinels on every side, to warn off foreign practices. the border ground of canaan, was quarantine ground, enforcing the strictest non-intercourse between the _without_ and the _within_, not of _persons_, but of _usages_. the fact that the hebrew language had no words corresponding to _slave_ and _slavery_, though not a conclusive argument, is no slight corroborative. ii. "forever."--"they shall be your bondmen _forever_." this is quoted to prove that servants were to serve during their life time, and their posterity, from generation to generation. no such idea is contained in the passage. the word _forever_, instead of defining the length of _individual_ service, proclaims the _permanence_ of the regulation laid down in the two verses preceding, namely, that their _permanent domestics_ should be of the _strangers_, and not of the israelites; and it declares the duration of that general provision. as if god had said, "you shall _always_ get your _permanent_ laborers from the nations round about you--your _servants_ shall always be of _that_ class of persons." as it stands in the original, it is plain--"_forever of them shall ye serve yourselves_." this is the literal rendering of the hebrew words, which, in our version, are translated, "_they shall be your bondmen forever_." this construction is in keeping with the whole of the passage. "both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the _heathen_ (the nations) that are round about you. of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy," &c. the design of this passage is manifest from its structure. it was to point out the _class_ of persons from which they were to get their supply of servants, and the _way_ in which they were to get them. that "_forever_" refers to the permanent relations of a _community_, rather than to the services of _individuals_, is a fair inference from the form of the expression, "they shall be your possession. ye shall take _them_ as an inheritance for your children to inherit them for a possession." to say nothing of the uncertainty of _these individuals_ surviving those _after_ whom they are to live, the language used, applies more naturally to a _body_ of people, than to _individual_ servants. but suppose it otherwise; still _perpetual_ service could not be argued from the term _forever_. the ninth and tenth verses of the same chapter, limit it absolutely by the jubilee. "_then shall thou cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound on the tenth day of the seventh month: in the day of atonement shall ye make the trumpet sound throughout_ all _your land." "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto_ all _the inhabitants thereof_." it may be objected that "inhabitants" here means _israelitish_ inhabitants alone. the command is, "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all _the inhabitants thereof_." besides, in the sixth verse, there is an enumeration of the different classes of the inhabitants, in which servants and strangers are included. "_and the sabbath of the land shall be meet for_ you--[for whom? for you _israelites_ only?]--_for thee, and for thy_ servant, _and for thy maid, and for thy hired servant, and for thy_ stranger _that sojourneth with thee_." further, in all the regulations of the jubilee, and the sabbatical year, the strangers are included in the precepts, prohibitions, and promised blessings. again: the year of jubilee was ushered in, by the day of atonement. what was the design of these institutions? the day of atonement prefigured the atonement of christ, and the year of jubilee, the gospel jubilee. and did they prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to _jews_ only? were they the types of sins remitted, and of salvation, proclaimed to the nation of _israel_ alone? is there no redemption for us gentiles in these ends of the earth, and is our hope presumption and impiety? did that old partition wall survive the shock, that made earth quake, and hid the sun, burst graves and rocks, and rent the temple vail? and did the gospel only rear it higher to thunder direr perdition from its frowning battlements on all without? no! the god of our salvation lives. "good tidings of great joy shall be to all people." _one_ shout shall swell from _all_ the ransomed, "thou hast redeemed us unto god by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation." to deny that the blessings of the jubilee extended to the servants from the _gentiles_, makes christianity _judaism_. it not only eclipses the glory of the gospel, but strikes out the sun. the refusal to release servants at the sound of the jubilee trumpet, falsified and disannulled a grand leading type of the atonement, and thus libelled the doctrine of christ's redemption. finally, even if _forever_ did refer to the length of _individual_ service, we have ample precedents for limiting the term by the jubilee. the same word is used to define the length of time for which those _jewish_ servants were held, who refused to go out in the _seventh_ year. and all admit that their term of service did not go beyond the jubilee. ex. xxi. - ; deut. xv. - . the d verse of the same chapter is quoted to prove that "_forever_" in the th verse, extends beyond the jubilee. "_the land shall not be sold_ forever, _for the land is mine_"--as it would hardly be used in different senses in the same general connection. in reply, we repeat that _forever_ respects the duration of the _general arrangement_, and not that of _individual service_. consequently, it is not affected by the jubilee; so the objection does not touch the argument. but it may not be amiss to show that it is equally harmless against any other argument drawn from the use of forever in the th verse,--for the word there used, is _olam_, meaning _throughout the period_, whatever that may be. whereas in the d verse, it is _tsemithuth_, meaning _cutting off_, or _to be cut off_. iii. "inheritance and possession."--"_ye shall take them as an_ inheritance _for your children after you to inherit them for a possession_." this refers to the _nations_, and not to the _individual_ servants, procured from these nations. we have already shown, that servants could not be held as a _property_-possession, and inheritance; that they became servants of their _own accord_, and were paid wages; that they were released by law from their regular labor nearly _half the days in each year_, and thoroughly _instructed_; that the servants were _protected_ in all their personal, social, and religious rights, equally with their masters, &c. now, truly, all remaining, after these ample reservations, would be small temptation, either to the lust of power or of lucre. what a profitable "possession" and "inheritance!" what if our american slaves were all placed in _just such a condition_! alas, for that soft, melodious circumlocution, "our peculiar species of property!" truly, emphasis is cadence, and euphony and irony have met together! what eager snatches at mere words, and bald technics, irrespective of connection, principles of construction, bible usages, or limitations of meaning by other passages--and all to eke out such a sense as accords with existing usages and sanctifies them, thus making god pander for their lusts. little matter whether the meaning of the word be primary or secondary, literal or figurative, _provided_ it sustains their practices. but let us inquire whether the words rendered "inherit" and "inheritance," when used in the old testament, necessarily point out the things inherited and possessed as _articles of property_. _nahal_ and _nahala_--_inherit_ and _inheritance_. see chronicles x. . "the people answered the king and said, what portion have we in david, and we have none _inheritance_ in the son of jesse." did they mean gravely to disclaim the holding of their king as an article of _property?_ psalms cxxvii. --"lo, children are an _heritage_ (inheritance) of the lord." exodus xxxiv. --"pardon our iniquity and our sin, and take us for thine _inheritance_." when god pardons his enemies, and adopts them as his children, does he make them _articles of property?_ are forgiveness, and chattel-making, synonymes? psalms cxix. --"thy testimonies have i taken as a _heritage_ (inheritance) forever." ezekiel xliv. , --"and in the day that he goeth into the sanctuary, unto the inner court to minister in the sanctuary, he shall offer his sin-offering, saith the lord god. and it shall be unto them for an _inheritance_; _i_ am their _inheritance_." psalms ii. --"ask of me, and i will give thee the heathen for thine _inheritance_." psalms xciv. --"for the lord will not cast off his people, neither will he forsake his _inheritance_." see also deuteronomy iv. ; joshua xiii. ; chronicles x. ; psalms lxxxii. , and lxxviii. , ; proverbs xiv. . the question whether the servants were a property--"_possession_," has been already discussed--(see p. )--we need add in this place but a word. _ahusa_ rendered "_possession_." genesis xlii. --"and joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a _possession_ in the land of egypt, in the best of the land, in the land of rameses, as pharaoh had commanded." in what sense was the land of goshen the _possession_ of the israelites? answer, in the sense of, _having it to live in_. in what sense were the israelites to _possess_ these nations, and _take them_ as an _inheritance for their children?_ we answer, they possessed them as _a permanent source of supply for domestic or household servants. and this relation to these nations was to go down to posterity as a standing regulation--a national usage respecting them, having the certainty and regularity of a descent by inheritance_. the sense of the whole regulation may be given thus: "thy permanent domestics, both male and female, which thou shalt have, shall be of the nations that are round about you, of _them_ shall ye get male and female domestics." "moreover of the children of the foreigners that do sojourn among you, of _them_ shall ye get, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and _they_ shall be your permanent resource," (for household servants.) "and ye shall take them as a _perpetual_ provision for your children after you, to hold as a _constant source of supply_. always _of them_ shall ye serve yourselves." objection iv. "_if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a_ bond-servant, _but as an_ hired-servant, _and as a sojourner shall he be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee_." lev. xxv. , . from the fact that only _one_ class of the servants is called _hired_, it is sagely inferred that servants of the _other_ class were _not paid_ for their labor. that is, that while god thundered anathemas against those who "used their neighbor's service _without wages_," he granted a special indulgence to his chosen people to seize persons, force them to work, and rob them of earnings, provided always, in selecting their victims, they spared "the gentlemen of property and standing," and pounced only upon the _strangers_ and the _common_ people. the inference that "_hired_" is synonimous with _paid_, and that those servants not _called_ "hired" were _not paid_ for their labor, is a _mere assumption_. the meaning of the english verb _to hire_, is, as every one knows, to procure for a temporary use at a curtain price--to engage a person to _temporary_ service for wages. that is also the meaning of the hebrew word "_saukar_." _temporary_ service, and generally for a _specific_ object, is inseparable from its meaning. it is never used when the procurement of _permanent_ service, for a long period, is spoken of. now, we ask, would _permanent_ servants, those who constituted an integral and stationary part of the family, have been designated by the same term that marks _temporary_ servants? the every-day distinctions made on this subject, are as familiar as table-talk. in many families, the domestics perform only such labor, as every day brings along with it--the _regular_ work. whatever is _occasional_ merely, as the washing of a family, is done by persons _hired expressly for the purpose_. in such families, the familiar distinction between the two classes, is "servants," or "domestics," and "hired help," (not _paid_ help.) _both_ classes are _paid_. one is permanent, the other occasional and temporary, and therefore in this case called "_hired_." to suppose a servant robbed of his earnings, because when spoken of, he is not called a _hired_ servant, is profound induction! if i employ a man at twelve dollars a month to work my farm, he is my _"hired"_ man, but if, instead of giving him so much a month, i _give him such a portion of the crop_, or in other words, if he works my farm _"on shares,"_ he is no longer my _hired_ man. every farmer knows that _that_ designation is not applied to him. yet he works the same farm, in the same way, at the same times, and with the same teams and tools; and does the same amount of work in the year, and perhaps clears twenty dollars a month, instead of the twelve, paid him while he was my _hired_ laborer. now, as the technic _"hired"_ is no longer used to designate him, and as he still labors on my farm, suppose my neighbors gather in conclave, and from such ample premises sagely infer, that since he is no longer my _"hired"_ laborer, i _rob_ him of his earnings, and with all the gravity of owls, they record their decision, and adjourn to hoot it abroad. my neighbors are deep divers!--like some theological professors, they not only go to the bottom, but come up covered with the tokens. a variety of particulars are recorded in the bible, distinguishing _hired_ from _bought_ servants. ( .) hired servants were paid daily at the close of their work. lev. xix ; deut. xxiv. , ; job. vii. ; matt. xx. . _"bought"_ servants were paid in advance, (a reason for their being called, _bought_,) and those that went out at the seventh year received a _gratuity_ at the close of their period of service. deut. xv. - . ( .) the hired servant was paid _in money_, the bought servant received his _gratuity_, at least, in grain, cattle, and the product of the vintage. deut. xiv. . ( .) the _hired_ servant _lived by himself_, in his own family. the _bought_ servant was a part of his master's family. ( .) the _hired_ servant supported his family out of his wages; the _bought_ servant and his family, were supported by the master _besides_ his wages. a careful investigation of the condition of "_hired_" and of "_bought_" servants, shows that the latter were, _as a class, superior to the former_--were more trust-worthy, had greater privileges, and occupied in every respect (_other_ things being equal) a higher station in society. ( .) _they were intimately incorporated with the family of the master_. they were guests at family festivals, and social solemnities, from which hired servants were excluded. lev. xxii. ; exod. xii. , . ( ) _their interests were far more identified with the general interests of their masters' family._ bought servants were often actually, or prospectively, heirs of their master's estate. witness the case of eliezer, of ziba, of the sons of bilhah, and zilpah, and others. when there were no sons to inherit the estate, or when, by unworthiness, they had forfeited their title, bought servants were made heirs. proverbs xvii. . we find traces of this usage in the new testament. "but when the husbandmen saw him, they reasoned among themselves, saying, this is the _heir_, come let us kill him, _that the inheritance may be ours_." luke xx. ; also mark xii. . in no instance on bible record, does a _hired_ servant inherit his master's estate. ( .) _marriages took place between servants and their master's daughters_. "now sheshan had no sons, but daughters: and sheshan had a _servant_, an egyptian, whose name was jarha. and sheshan gave his daughter to jarha his servant to wife." chron. ii. , . there is no instance of a _hired_ servant forming such an alliance. ( .) _bought servants and their descendants seem to have been regarded with the same affection and respect as the other members of the family[a]._ the treatment of eliezer, and the other servants in the family of abraham, gen. chap. --the intercourse between gideon and his servant phurah, judges vii. , . and saul and his servant, in their interview with samuel, sam. ix. , ; and jonathan and his servant, sam. xiv. - , and elisha and his servant gehazi, are illustrations. no such tie seems to have existed between _hired_ servants and their masters. their untrustworthiness seems to have been proverbial. see john ix. , . none but the _lowest class_ seem to have engaged as hired servants. no instance occurs in which they are assigned to business demanding much knowledge or skill. various passages show the low repute and trifling character of the class from which they were hired. judges ix. ; sam. ii. . the superior condition and privileges of bought servants, are manifested in the high trusts confided to them, and in the dignity and authority with which they were clothed in their master's household. but in no instance is a _hired_ servant thus distinguished. in some cases, the _bought_ servant is manifestly the master's representative in the family--with plenipotentiary powers over adult children, even negotiating marriage for them. abraham besought eliezer his servant, to take a solemn oath, that he would not take a wife for isaac of the daughters of the canaanites, but from abraham's kindred. the servant went accordingly, and _himself_ selected the individual. servants also exercised discretionary power in the management of their master's estate, "and the servant took ten camels, of the camels of his master, _for all the goods of his master were under his hand_." gen. xxiv. . the reason assigned for taking them, is not that such was abraham's direction, but that the servant had discretionary control. servants had also discretionary power in the _disposal of property_. see gen. xxiv. , , . the condition of ziba in the house of mephiboseth, is a case in point. so is prov. xvii. . distinct traces of this estimation are to be found in the new testament, math. xxiv. ; luke xii. , . so in the parable of the talents; the master seems to have set up each of his servants in trade with considerable capital. one of them could not have had less than eight thousand dollars. the parable of the unjust steward is another illustration. luke xvi. , . he evidently was entrusted with large _discretionary_ power, was "accused of wasting his master's goods." and manifestly regulated with his master's debtors, the _terms_ of settlement. such trusts were never reposed in _hired_ servants. the inferior condition of _hired_ servants, is illustrated in the parable of the prodigal son. when the prodigal, perishing with hunger among the swine and husks, came to himself, his proud heart broke; "i will arise," he cried, "and go to my father." and then to assure his father of the depth of his humility, resolved to add imploringly, "make me as one of thy _hired_ servants." it need not be remarked, that if _hired_ servants were the _superior_ class; to apply for the situation, and press the suit, savored little of that sense of unworthiness that seeks the dust with hidden face, and cries "unclean." unhumbled nature _climbs_; or if it falls, clings fast, where first it may. humility sinks of its own weight, and in the lowest deep, digs lower. the design of the parable was to illustrate on the one hand, the joy of god, as he beholds afar off, the returning sinner "seeking an injured father's face" who runs to clasp and bless him with an unchiding welcome; and on the other, the contrition of the penitent, turning homeward with tears, from his wanderings, his stricken spirit breaking with its ill-desert, he sobs aloud, "the lowest place, _the lowest place_, i can abide no other." or in those inimitable words, "_father, i have sinned against heaven, and in thy sight, and no more worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy_ hired _servants_." the supposition that _hired_ servants were the _highest_ class, takes from the parable an element of winning beauty and pathos. it is manifest to every careful student of the bible, that _one_ class of servants, was on terms of equality with the children and other members of the family. (hence the force of paul's declaration, gal. iv. , _"now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child,_ differeth nothing from a servant, _though he be lord of all."_) if this were the _hired_ class, the prodigal was a sorry specimen of humility. would our lord have put such language, into the lips of one held up by himself, as a model of gospel humility, to illustrate its lowliness, its conscious destitution of all merit, and deep sense of all ill desert? if this is _humility_, put it on stilts, and set it a strutting, while pride takes lessons, and blunders in apeing it. here let it be observed, that both israelites and strangers, belonged indiscriminately to _each_ class of the servants, the _bought_ and the _hired_. that those in the former class, whether jews or strangers, were in higher estimation, and rose to honors and authority in the family circle, which were not conferred on _hired_ servants, has been already shown. it should be added, however, that in the enjoyment of privileges, merely _political_ and _national_, the hired servants from the _israelites_, were more favored than either the hired, or the bought servants from the _strangers_. no one from the strangers, however wealthy or highly endowed, was eligible to the highest office, nor could he own the soil. this last disability seems to have been one reason for the different periods of service required of the two classes of bought servants--the israelites and the strangers. the israelite was to serve six years--the stranger until the jubilee[a]. [footnote a: both classes may with propriety be called _permanent_ servants; even the bought israelite, when his six-years' service is contrasted with the brief term of the hired servant.] as the strangers could not own the soil, nor even houses, except within walled towns, most of them would choose to attach themselves permanently to israelitish families. those strangers who were wealthy, or skilled in manufactures, instead of becoming servants themselves, would need servants for their own use, and as inducements for the strangers to become servants to the israelites, were greater than persons of their own nation could hold out to them, these wealthy strangers would naturally procure the poorer israelites for servants. see levit. xxv. . in a word, such was the political condition of the strangers, the jewish polity furnished a strong motive to them, to become servants, thus incorporating themselves with the nation, and procuring those social and religious privileges already enumerated, and for their children in the second generation, a permanent inheritance. (this last was a regulation of later date. ezekiel xlvii. - .) indeed, the structure of the whole mosaic polity, was a virtual bounty offered to those who would become permanent servants, and merge in the jewish system their distinct nationality. none but the monied aristocracy among them, would be likely to decline such offers. for various reasons, this class, (the servants bought from the strangers,) would prefer a _long_ service. they would thus more effectually become absorbed into the national circulation, and identify their interests with those in whose gift were all things desirable for themselves, and brighter prospects for their children. on the other hand, the israelites, owning all the soil, and an inheritance of land being a sort of sacred possession, to hold it free of incumbrance, was, with every israelite, a delicate point, both of family honor and personal character. kings xxi. . hence, to forego the _possession_ of one's inheritance, _after_ the division of the paternal domain, or to be restrained from its _control_, after having acceded to it, was a burden grievous to be borne. to mitigate, as much as possible, such a calamity, the law, instead of requiring the israelite to continue a servant until the jubilee, released him at the end six years[a], as, during that time--if, of the first class--the partition of the patrimonial land might have taken place; or, if of the second, enough money might have been earned to disencumber his estate, and thus he might assume his station as a lord of the soil. if these contingencies had not occurred, then, at the end of another six years, the opportunity was again offered, and in the same manner until the jubilee. so while strong motives urged the israelite, to discontinue his service as soon as the exigency had passed, which induced him to become a servant, every consideration impelled the _stranger_ to _prolong_ his term of service; and the same kindness which dictated the law of six years' service for the israelite, assigned as the general rule, a much longer period to the gentile servant, who, instead of being tempted to a brief service, had every inducement to protract the term. [footnote a: another reason for protracting the service until the seventh year, seems to have been, its coincidence with other arrangements, and provisions, inseparable from the jewish economy. that period was a favorite one in the mosaic system. its pecuniary responsibilities, social relations and general internal structure, if not _graduated_ upon a septennial scale, were variously modified by the lapse of the period. another reason doubtless was, that as those israelites who became servants through poverty, would not sell themselves, except as a last resort when other expedients to recruit their finances had failed--(see lev. xxv. )--their _becoming servants_ proclaimed such a state of their affairs, as demanded the labor of _a course of years_ fully to reinstate them.] it is important to a clear understanding of the whole subject, to keep in mind that adult jews ordinarily became servants, only as a temporary expedient to relieve themselves from embarrassment, and ceased to be such when that object was effected. the poverty that forced them to it was a calamity, and their service was either a means of relief, or a measure of prevention. it was not pursued as a _permanent business_, but resorted to on emergencies--a sort of episode in the main scope of their lives. whereas with the strangers, it was a _permanent employment_, pursued not merely as a _means_ of bettering their own condition, and prospectively that of their posterity, but also, as an _end_ for its own sake, conferring on them privileges, and a social estimation not otherwise attainable. we see from the foregoing, why servants purchased from the heathen, are called by way of distinction, _the_ servants, (not _bondmen_, as our translators have it.) ( .) they followed it as a _permanent business_. ( .) their term of service was _much longer_ than that of the other class. ( .) as a class, they doubtless greatly outnumbered the israelitish servants. ( .) all the strangers that dwelt in the land, were _tributaries_ to the israelites--required to pay an annual tribute to the government, either in money, or in public service, which was called a "_tribute of bond-service_;" in other words, all the strangers were _national servants_, to the israelites, and the same hebrew word which is used to designate _individual_ servants, equally designates _national_ servants or tributaries. sam. viii. , , . chron. viii. - . deut. xx. . sam. x. . kings ix. , . kings iv. . gen. xxvii. . the same word is applied to the israelites, when they paid tribute to other nations. see kings xvii. . judges iii. , . gen. xlix. . another distinction between the jewish and gentile bought servants, claims notice. it was in the _kinds_ of service assigned to each class. the servants from the strangers, were properly the _domestics_, or household servants, employed in all family work, in offices of personal attendance, and in such mechanical labor, as was constantly required in every family, by increasing wants, and needed repairs. on the other hand, the jewish bought servants seem to have been almost exclusively _agricultural_. besides being better fitted for this by previous habits--agriculture, and the tending of cattle, were regarded by the israelites as the most honorable of all occupations; kings engaged in them. after saul was elected king, and escorted to gibeah, the next report of him is, "_and behold saul came after the herd out of the field_."-- sam. xi. . elisha "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen" when elijah threw his mantle upon him. kings xix. . king uzziah "loved husbandry." chron. xxvi. . gideon, the deliverer of israel, _was "threshing wheat_ by the wine press" when called to lead the host against the midianites. judges vi. . the superior honorableness of agriculture, is shown by the fact, that it was _protected and supported by the fundamental law_ of the theocracy--god thus indicating it as the chief prop of the government, and putting upon it peculiar honor. an inheritance of land seems to have filled out an israelite's idea of worldly furnishment. they were like permanent fixtures on their soil, so did they cling to it. to be agriculturalists on their own inheritances, was, in their notions, the basis of family consequence, and the grand claim to honorable estimation. agriculture being pre-eminently a _jewish_ employment, to assign a native israelite to _other_ employments as a _business_, was to break up his habits, do violence to cherished predilections, and put him to a kind of labor in which he had no skill, and which he deemed degrading. in short, it was, in the earlier ages of the mosaic system, practically to _unjew_ him, a hardship and rigor grievous to be borne, as it annihilated a visible distinction between the descendants of abraham and the strangers--a distinction vital to the system, and gloried in by every jew. _to guard this and another fundamental distinction_, god instituted the regulation contained in leviticus xxv. , which stands at the head of this branch of our inquiry, "_if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant._" in other words, thou shalt not put him to _servants' work_--to the _business_, and into the _condition_ of _domestics_. in the persian version it is translated thus, "thou shalt not assign to him the work of _servitude_," (or _menial_ labor.) in the septuagint thus, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a _domestic or household servant_." in the syriac thus, "thou shalt not employ him after the manner of servants." in the samaritan thus, "thou shalt not require him to serve in the service of a servant." in the targum of onkelos thus, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a household servant." in the targum of jonathan thus, "thou shalt not cause him to serve according to the usages of the servitude of servants[a]." in fine, "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," means, _thou shalt not assign him to the same grade, nor put him to the same services, with permanent domestics._ [footnote a: jarchi's comment on "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant" is, "the hebrew servant is not to be required to do any thing which is accounted degrading--such as all offices of personal attendance, as loosing his master's shoe latchet, bringing him water to wash his feet and hands, waiting on him at table, dressing him, carrying things to and from the bath. the hebrew servant is to work with his master as a son or brother, in the business of his farm, or other labor, until his legal release."] we pass to the remainder of the regulation in the th verse:-- "_but as an hired servant and as a sojourner shall he be with thee_." hired servants were not incorporated into the families of their masters; they still retained their own family organization, without the surrender of any domestic privilege, honor, or authority; and this, even though they resided under the same roof with their master. while bought-servants were associated with their master's families at meals, at the passover, and at other family festivals, hired servants and sojourners were not. exodus xii. , ; lev. xxii. , . not being merged in the family of his master, the hired servant was not subject to his authority, (except in directions about his labor) in any such sense as the master's wife, children, and bought servants. hence the only form of oppressing hired servants spoken of in the scriptures as practicable to masters, is that of _keeping back their wages_. to have taken away these privileges in the case stated in the passage under consideration, would have been preeminent _rigor_; for the case described, is not that of a servant born in the house of a master, nor that of a minor, whose unexpired minority had been sold by the father, neither was it the case of an israelite, who though of age, had not yet acceded to his inheritance; nor, finally, was it that of one who had received the _assignment_ of his inheritance, but was, as a servant, working off from it an incumbrance, before entering upon its possession and control[a]. but it was that of _the head of a family_, who had lived independently on his own inheritance, and long known better days, now reduced to poverty, forced to relinquish the loved inheritance of his fathers, with the competence and respectful consideration its possession secured to him, and to be indebted to a neighbor for shelter, sustenance, and employment, both for himself and his family. surely so sad a reverse, might well claim sympathy; but there remaineth to him one consolation, and it cheers him in the house of his pilgrimage. he is an _israelite--abraham is his father_, and now in his calamity he clings closer than ever, to the distinction conferred by the immunities of his birthright. to rob him of this, were "the unkindest cut of all." to have assigned him to a _grade_ of service filled only by those whose permanent business was _serving_, would have been to _rule over him with peculiar rigor_. [footnote a: these two latter classes are evidently referred to in exod. xxi. - , and deut. xv. ] finally, the former part of the regulation, "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," or more literally, _thou shall not serve thyself with him, with the service of a servant_, guaranties his political privileges, and secures to him a kind and grade of service, comporting with his character and relations as a son of israel. and the remainder of the verse, "but as a _hired_ servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee," continues and secures to him his separate family organization, the respect and authority due to his head, and the general consideration in society resulting from such a station. though this individual was a jewish _bought_ servant, the case is peculiar, and forms an exception to the general class of jewish bought servants. being already in possession of his inheritance, and the head of a household, the law so arranged his relations, as a servant, as to _alleviate_ as much as possible the calamity which had reduced him from independence and authority, to penury and subjection. having gone so much into detail on this point, comment on the command which concludes this topic in the forty-third verse, would be superfluous. "_thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god_." as if it had been said, "in your administration you shall not disregard those differences in previous habits, station, authority, and national and political privileges, upon which this regulation is based; for to exercise authority over this class of servants, _irrespective_ of these distinctions, and annihilating them, is _to__rule with rigor_." the same command is repeated in the forty-sixth verse, and applied to the distinction between the servants of jewish, and those of gentile extraction, and forbids the overlooking of distinctive jewish peculiarities, so vital to an israelite as to make the violation of them, _rigorous_ in the extreme; while to the servants from the strangers, whose previous habits and associations differed so widely from those of the israelite, these same things would be deemed slight disabilities. it may be remarked here, that the political and other disabilities of the strangers, which were the distinctions growing out of a different national descent, and important to the preservation of national characteristics, and to the purity of national worship, do not seem to have effected at all the _social_ estimation, in which this class of servants was held. they were regarded according to their character and worth as _persons_, irrespective of their foreign origin, employments, and political condition. the common construction put upon the expression, "_rule with rigor_," and an inference drawn from it, have an air so oracular, as quite to overcharge risibles of ordinary calibre, if such an effect were not forestalled by its impiety. it is interpreted to mean, "you shall not make him an article of property, you shall not force him to work, and rob him of his earnings, you shall not make him a chattel, and strip him of legal protection." so much for the interpretation. the inference is like unto it, viz. since the command forbade such outrages upon the _israelites, it permitted and commissioned_ the infliction of them upon the _strangers_. such impious and shallow smattering, captivates two classes of minds, the one by its flippancy, the other by its blasphemy, and both, by the strong scent of its unbridled license. what boots it to reason against such rampant affinities! in exodus, chap. i. , , it is said that the egyptians "made the children of israel to _serve_ with rigor," "and all their _service_ wherein they made them _serve_, was with rigor." the rigor here spoken of, is affirmed of the _amount of labor_ extorted from them, and the _mode_ of the exaction. this form of expression, "_serve with rigor_," is never applied to the service of servants either under the patriarchal, or the mosaic systems. nor is any other form of expression ever used, either equivalent to it, or at all similar. the phrase, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor," used in leviticus xxv. , , does not prohibit unreasonable exactions of labor, nor inflictions of personal cruelty. _such were provided against otherwise_. but it forbids, confounding the distinctions between a jew and a stranger, by assigning the former to the same grade of service, for the same term of time, and under the same national and political disabilities as the latter. we are now prepared to survey at a glance, the general condition of the different classes of servants, with the modifications peculiar to each class. i. in the possession of _all fundamental rights, all classes of servants were on an absolute equality_, all were _equally protected_ by law in their persons, character, property and social relations. all were _voluntary_, all were _compensated_ for their labor. all were released from their regular labor nearly _one half of the days in each year_, all were furnished with stated _instruction_; none in either class were in any sense articles of _property_, all were regarded as _men_, with the rights, interests, hopes, and destinies of _men_. in these respects the circumstances of _all_ classes of servants among the israelites, were not only similar but _identical_, and so far forth, they formed but one class. ii. different classes of servants. . _hired servants_.--this class consisted both of israelites and strangers. their employments were different. the _israelite_, was an agricultural servant. the stranger was a _domestic_ and _personal_ servant, and in some instances _mechanical_; both were _occasional_, procured _temporally_ to serve an emergency. both lived in their own families, their wages were _money_, and they were paid when their work was done. as a _class of servants_, the hired were less loved, trusted, honored and promoted than any other. . _bought servants, (including those "born in the house.")_--this class also, was composed both of israelites and strangers, the same general difference obtaining in their kinds of employment as was noticed before. both were paid in advance[a], and neither was temporary. [footnote a: the payment _in advance_, doubtless lessened considerably the price of the purchase; the servant thus having the use of the money from the beginning, and the master assuming all the risks of life, and health for labor; at the expiration of the six years' contract, the master having experienced no loss from the risk incurred at the making of it, was obliged by law to release the servant with a liberal gratuity. the reason assigned for this is, "he hath been worth a double hired servant unto thee in serving thee six years," as if it had been said, he has now served out his time, and as you have experienced no loss from the risks of life, and ability to labor which you incurred in the purchase, and which lessened the price, and as, by being your permanent servant for six years, he has saved you all the time and trouble of looking up and hiring laborers on emergencies, therefore, "thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c.] the israelitish servant, in most instances, was released after six years. (the _freeholder_ continued until the jubilee.) the stranger, was a _permanent_ servant, continuing until the jubilee. besides these distinctions between jewish and gentile bought servants, a marked distinction obtained between different classes of jewish bought servants. ordinarily, during their term of service, they were merged in their master's family, and, like the wife and children of the master, subject to his authority; (and of course, like them, protected by law from its abuse.) but _one_ class of the jewish bought servants was a marked exception. the _freeholder_, obliged by poverty to leave his possession, and sell himself as a servant, did not thereby affect his family relations, or authority, nor subject himself as an inferior to the control of his master, though dependent upon him for employment. in this respect, his condition differed from that of the main body of jewish bought servants, which seems to have consisted of those, who had not yet come into possession of their inheritance, or of those who were dislodging from it an incumbrance. having dwelt so much at length on this part of the subject, the reader's patience may well be spared further details. we close it with a suggestion or two, which may serve as a solvent of some minor difficulties, if such remain. i. it should be kept in mind, that _both_ classes of servants, the israelite and the stranger, not only enjoyed _equal natural and religious rights_, but _all the civil and political privileges_ enjoyed by those of their own people, who were _not_ servants. if israelites, all rights belonging to israelites were theirs. if from the strangers, the same political privileges enjoyed by those wealthy strangers, who bought and held _israelitish_ servants, _were theirs_. they also shared _in common with them_, the political disabilities which appertained to _all_ strangers, whether the servants of jewish masters, or the masters of jewish servants. ii. the disabilities of the servants from the strangers, were exclusively _political_ and _national_. . they, in common with all strangers, _could not own the soil_. . they were _ineligible to civil offices_. . they were assigned to _employments_ less honorable than those in which israelitish servants engaged; agriculture being regarded as fundamental to the prosperity and even to the existence of the state, other employments were in far less repute, and deemed _unjewish_. finally, the condition of the strangers, whether servants or masters, was, as it respected political privileges, much like that of unnaturalized foreigners in the united states; no matter how great their wealth or intelligence, or moral principle, or love for our institutions, they can neither go to the ballot-box, nor own the soil, nor be eligible to office. let a native american, who has always enjoyed these privileges, be suddenly bereft of them, and loaded with the disabilities of an alien, and what to the foreigner would be a light matter, to _him_, would be the severity of _rigor_. the recent condition of the jews and catholics in england, is a still better illustration of the political condition of the strangers in israel. rothschild, the late english banker, though the richest private citizen in the world, and perhaps master of scores of english servants, who sued for the smallest crumbs of his favor, was, as a subject of the government, inferior to the veriest scavenger among them. suppose an englishman, of the established church, were by law deprived of power to own the soil, made ineligible to office, and deprived unconditionally of the electoral franchise, would englishmen think it a misapplication of language, if it were said, "the government rules over that man with rigor?" and yet his life, limbs, property, reputation, conscience, all his social relations, the disposal of his time, the right of locomotion at pleasure, and of natural liberty in all respects, are just as much protected by law as the lord chancellor's. the same was true of all "the strangers within the gates" among the israelites: whether these strangers were the servants of israelitish masters, or the masters of israelitish servants, whether sojourners, or bought servants, or born in the house, or hired, or neither--_all were protected equally with the descendants of abraham._ finally--as the mosaic system was a great compound type, made up of innumerable fractional ones, each rife with meaning in doctrine and duty; the practical power of the whole, depended upon the exact observance of those distinctions and relations which constituted its significancy. hence, the care everywhere shown to preserve inviolate the distinction between a _descendant of abraham_ and a _stranger_, even when the stranger was a proselyte, had gone through the initiatory ordinances, entered the congregation, and become incorporated with the israelites by family alliance. the regulation laid down in exodus xxi. - , is an illustration, _"if thou buy an hebrew servant, six years shall he serve: and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing. if he came in by himself, he shall go out by himself: if he were married, then, his wife shall go out with him. if his master have given him a wife, and she have borne him sons or daughters; the wife and her children shall be her master's, and he shall go out by himself. and if the servant should plainly say, i love my master, my wife, and my children, i will not go out free: then his master shall bring him unto the judges; he shall also bring him to the door, or unto the door-post; and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl, and he shall serve him forever."_ in this case, the israelitish servant, whose term expired in six years, married one of his master's _permanent female domestics_; but the fact of her marriage, did not release her master from _his_ part of the contract for her whole term of service, nor absolve him from his legal obligation to support and educate her children. nor could it do away that distinction, which marked her national descent by a specific _grade_ and _term_ of service. her marriage did not impair her obligation to fulfil _her_ part of the contract. her relations as a permanent domestic grew out of a distinction guarded with great care throughout the mosaic system. to permit this to be rendered void, would have been to divide the system against itself. this god would not tolerate. nor, on the other hand, would he permit the master, to throw off the responsibility of instructing her children, nor the care and expense of their helpless infancy and rearing. he was bound to support and educate them, and all her children born afterwards during her term of service. the whole arrangement beautifully illustrates that wise and tender regard for the interests of all the parties concerned, which arrays the mosaic system in robes of glory, and causes it to shine as the sun in the kingdom of our father. by this law, the children had secured to them a mother's tender care. if the husband loved his wife and children, he could compel his master to keep him, whether he had any occasion for his services or not, and with such remuneration as was provided by the statute. if he did not love them, to be rid of him was a blessing; and in that case, the regulation would prove an act for the relief of an afflicted family. it is not by any means to be inferred, that the release of the servant from his service in the seventh year, either absolved him from the obligations of marriage, or shut him out from the society of his family. he could doubtless procure a service at no great distance from them, and might often do it, to get higher wages, or a kind of employment better suited to his taste and skill, or because his master might not have sufficient work to occupy him. whether he lived near his family, or at a considerable distance, the great number of days on which the law released servants from regular labor, would enable him to spend much more time with them than can be spent by most of the agents of our benevolent societies with _their_ families, or by many merchants, editors, artists, &c., whose daily business is in new york, while their families reside from ten to one hundred miles in the country. we conclude this inquiry by touching briefly upon an objection, which, though not formally stated, has been already set aside by the whole tenor of the foregoing argument. it is this,-- _"the slavery of the canaanites by the israelites, was appointed by god as a commutation of the punishment of death denounced against them for their sins."_--if the absurdity of a sentence consigning persons to _death_, and at the same time to perpetual _slavery_, did not sufficiently laugh in its own face, it would be small self-denial, in a case so tempting, to make up the deficiency by a general contribution. for, _be it remembered_, the mosaic law was given, while israel was _in the wilderness_, and only _one_ statute was ever given respecting _the disposition to be made of the inhabitants of the land._ if the sentence of death was first pronounced against them, and afterwards _commuted_, when? where? by whom? and in what terms was the commutation? and where is it recorded? grant, for argument's sake, that all the canaanites were sentenced to unconditional extermination; as there was no reversal of the sentence, how can a right to _enslave_ them, be drawn from such premises? the punishment of death is one of the highest recognitions of man's moral nature possible. it proclaims him _man_--intelligent accountable, guilty _man,_ deserving death for having done his utmost to cheapen human life, and make it worthless, when the proof of its priceless value, lives in his own nature. but to make him a _slave,_ cheapens to nothing _universal human nature,_ and instead of healing a wound, gives a death stab. what! repair an injury done to rational being in the robbery of _one_ of its rights, not merely by robbing it of _all,_ but by annihilating the very _foundation_ of them--that everlasting distinction between men and things? to make a man a chattel, is not the _punishment,_ but the _annihilation_ of a _human_ being, and, so far as it goes, of _all_ human beings. this commutation of the punishment of death, into perpetual slavery, what a fortunate discovery! alas! for the honor of deity, if commentators had not manned the forlorn hope, and rushed to the rescue of the divine character at the very crisis of its fate, and, by a timely movement, covered its retreat from the perilous position in which inspiration had carelessly left it! here a question arises of sufficient importance for a separate dissertation; but must for the present be disposed of in a few paragraphs. were the canaanites sentenced by god to individual and unconditional extermination? that the views generally prevalent on this subject, are wrong, we have no doubt; but as the limits of this inquiry forbid our going into the merits of the question, so as to give all the grounds of dissent from the commonly received opinions, the suggestions made, will be thrown out merely as queries, and not as a formal laying down of _doctrines_. the leading directions as to the disposal of the canaanites, are mainly in the following passages, exod. xxiii. - , and - , and , --deut. vii. - , and ix. , and xxxi. , , . in these verses, the israelites are commanded to "destroy the canaanites"--to "drive out,"--"consume,"--"utterly overthrow,"--"put out,"--"dispossess them," &c. quest. did these commands enjoin the unconditional and universal destruction of the _individuals,_ or merely of the _body politic?_ ans. the hebrew word _haram,_ to destroy, signifies _national,_ as well as individual destruction; _political_ existence, equally with _personal;_ the destruction of governmental organization, equally with the lives of the subjects. besides, if we interpret the words destroy, consume, overthrow, &c., to mean _personal_ destruction, what meaning shall we give to the expressions, "drive out before thee;" "cast out before thee;" "expel," "put out," "dispossess," &c., which are used in the same passages? for a clue to the sense in which the word _"destroy"_ is used, see exodus xxiii. . "i will destroy all the people to whom thou shalt come, and i will make all thine enemies _turn their backs unto thee_." here "_all their enemies_" were to _turn their backs_, and "_all the people_" to be "_destroyed_". does this mean that god would let all their _enemies_ escape, but kill all their _friends_, or that he would _first_ kill "all the people" and then make them turn their backs in flight, an army of runaway corpses? the word rendered _backs_, is in the original, _necks_, and the passage _may_ mean, i will make all your enemies turn their necks unto you; that is, be _subject to you as tributaries_, become _denationalized_, their civil polity, state organization, political existence, _destroyed_--their idolatrous temples, altars, images, groves, and all heathen rites _destroyed_; in a word, their whole system, national, political, civil, and religious, subverted, and the whole people _put under tribute_. again; if these commands required the unconditional destruction of all the _individuals_ of the canaanites, the mosaic law was at war with itself, for the directions relative to the treatment of native residents and sojourners, form a large part of it. "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." "if thy brother be waxen poor, thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a _stranger or a sojourner_, that he may live with thee." "thou shalt not oppress a _stranger_." "thou shalt not vex a _stranger_." "judge righteously between every, man and his brother, and the _stranger_ that is with him." "ye shall not respect persons in judgement." "ye shall have one manner of law as well for the _stranger_, as for him of your own country." we find, also, that provision was made for them in the cities of refuge. num. xxxv. --the gleanings of the harvest and vintage were assigned to them, lev. xix. , , and xxiii. , and , ;--the blessings of the sabbath, theirs, ex. xx. ;--the privilege of offering sacrifices secured, lev. . ; and stated religious instruction provided for them. deut. xxxi. , . now, does this _same law_ authorize and appoint the _individual extermination_ of those very persons, whose lives and general interests it so solicitously protects? these laws were given to the israelites, long _before_ they entered canaan; and they must of necessity have inferred from them, that a multitude of the inhabitants of the land would _continue in it_, under their government. . _we argue that these commands did not require the_ individual _destruction of the canaanites unconditionally, from the fact that the most pious israelites never seem to have so regarded them._ joshua was selected as the leader of israel to execute god's threatenings upon canaan. he had no _discretionary_ power. god's commands were his _official instructions._ going _beyond_ them would have been usurpation; refusing _to carry them out,_ rebellion and treason. for not obeying, in _every particular,_ and in a _single_ instance, god's command respecting the amalekites, saul was rejected from being king. now, if god commanded the individual destruction of all the canaanitish nations, joshua _disobeyed him in every instance._ for at his death, the israelites still _"dwelt among them,"_ and each nation is mentioned by name. see judges i. , and yet we are told that "joshua was full of the spirit of the lord and of wisdom," deut. xxxiv. . (of course, he could not have been ignorant of the meaning of those commands,)--that "the lord was with him," josh. vi. ; and that he "left nothing undone of all that the lord commanded moses;" and further, that he "took all that land." joshua xi, - . also, that "the lord gave unto israel all the land which he swore to give unto their fathers, and they possessed it and dwelt therein, and there _stood not a man_ of _all_ their enemies before them." "the lord delivered _all their_ enemies into their hand," &c. how can this testimony be reconciled with itself, if we suppose that the command to _destroy_ enjoined _individual_ extermination, and the command to _drive out_, enjoined the unconditional expulsion of individuals from the country, rather than their expulsion from the _possession_ or _ownership_ of it, as the lords of the soil? it is true, multitudes of the canaanites were slain, but in every case it was in consequence of their refusing to surrender their land to the possession of the israelites. not a solitary case can be found in which a canaanite was either killed or driven out of the country, who acquiesced in the transfer of the territory of canaan, and its sovereignty, from the inhabitants of the land to the israelites. witness the case of rahab and all her kindred, and the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim[a]. the canaanites knew of the miracles in egypt, at the red sea, in the wilderness, and at the passage of jordan. they knew that their land had been transferred to the israelites, as a judgment upon them for their sins.--see joshua ii. - , and ix. , , . many of them were awed by these wonders, and made no resistance to the confiscation of their territory. others fiercely resisted, defied the god of the armies of israel, and came out to battle. these occupied the _fortified cities_, were the most _inveterate_ heathen--the _aristocracy_ of idolatry, the _kings_, the _nobility_ and _gentry_, the _priests_, with their crowds of satellites, and retainers that aided in the performance of idolatrous rites, the _military forces_, with the chief profligates and lust-panders of both sexes. every bible student will recall many facts corroborating this supposition. such as the multitudes of _tributaries_ in the midst of israel, and that too, when the israelites had "waxed strong," and the uttermost nations quaked at the terror of their name. the large numbers of the canaanites, as well as the philistines and others, who became proselytes, and joined themselves to the hebrews--as the nethenims, uriah the hittite, one of david's memorable "thirty seven"--rahab, who married one of the princes of judah--ittai--the six hundred gitites--david's bodyguard, "faithful among the faithless."-- sam. xv. , . obededom the gittite, who was adopted into the tribe of levi.--compare sam. vi. , , with chron. xv. , and chron xxvi. . the cases of jaziz, and obil,-- chron. xxvi. , , . jephunneh, the father of caleb--the kenite, registered in the genealogies of the tribe of judah, and the one hundred and fifty thousand canaanites, employed by solomon in the building of the temple[b]. add to these, the fact that the most memorable miracle on record, was wrought for the salvation of a portion of those very canaanites, and for the destruction of those who would exterminate them.--joshua x. - . further--the terms used in the directions of god to the israelites, regulating their disposal of the canaanites, such as, "drive out," "put out," "cast out," "expel," "dispossess," &c. seem used interchangeably with "consume," "destroy," "overthrow," &c., and thus indicate the sense in which the latter words are used. as an illustration of the meaning generally attached to these and similar terms, when applied to the canaanites in scripture, we refer the reader to the history of the amalekites. in ex. xxvii. , god says, "i will utterly put out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven,"--in deut. xxv. , "thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget it."--in sam. xv. , . "smite amalek and _utterly destroy_ all that they have, and spare them not, but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep." in the seventh and eighth verses of the same chapter, we are told, "saul smote the amalekites, and took agag the king of the amalekites, alive, and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." in verse , saul says, "i have obeyed the voice of the lord, and have brought agag, the king of amalek, and have _utterly destroyed_ the amalekites." [footnote a: perhaps it will be objected, that the preservation of the gibeonites, and of rahab and her kindred, was a violation of the command of god. we answer, if it had been, we might expect some such intimation. if god had straitly commanded them to _exterminate all the canaanites,_ their pledge to save them alive, was neither a repeal of the statute, nor absolution for the breach of it. if _unconditional destruction_ was the import of the command, would god have permitted such an act to pass without severe rebuke? would he have established such a precedent when israel had hardly passed the threshhold of canaan, and was then striking the first blow of a half century war? what if they _had_ passed their word to rahab and the gibeonites? was that more binding upon them than god's command? so saul seems to have passed _his_ word to agag; yet samuel hewed him in pieces, because in saving his life, saul had violated god's command. this same saul appears to have put the same construction on the command to destroy the inhabitants of canaan, that is generally put upon it now. we are told that he sought to slay the gibeonites "in his zeal for the children of israel and judah." god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. in assigning the reason, he says, "it is for saul and his bloody house, because he slew the gibeonites." when david inquired of them what atonement he should make, they say, "the man that consumed us, and that devised against us, that we should the destroyed from _remaining in any of the coasts of israel_ let seven of his sons be delivered," &c. samuel xxii. - .] [footnote b: if the canaanites were devoted by god to individual and unconditional extermination, to have employed them in the erection of the temple,--what was it but the climax of impiety? as well might they pollute its altars with swine's flesh, or make their sons pass through the fire to moloch.] in sam. th chapter, we find the amalekites at war again, marching an army into israel, and sweeping every thing before them--and all this in hardly more than twenty years after they had _all been_ utterly destroyed! deut. xx. , , will probably be quoted against the preceding view. "_but of the cities of these people which the lord thy god doth give thee for an inheritance, thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth: but thou shalt utterly destroy them; namely, the hittites, and the amorites, the canaanites, and the perrizites, the hivites, and the jebusites, as the lord thy god hath commanded thee_." we argue that this command to exterminate, did not include all the individuals of the canaanitish nations, but only the inhabitants of the _cities_, (and even those conditionally,) for the following reasons. i. only the inhabitants of _cities_ are specified,--"of the _cities_ of these people thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth." the reasons for this wise discrimination were, no doubt, ( .) cities then, as now, were pest-houses of vice--they reeked with abominations little practiced in the country. on this account, their influence would be far more perilous to the israelites than that of the country. ( .) these cities were the centres of idolatry--the residences of the priests, with their retinues of the baser sort. there were their temples and altars, and idols, without number. even their buildings, streets, and public walks were so many visibilities of idolatry. the reason assigned in the th verse for exterminating them, strengthens the idea,--"_that they teach you not to do after all the abominations which they have done unto their gods_." this would be a reason for exterminating _all_ the nations and individuals _around_ them, as all were idolaters; but god permitted, and even commanded them, in certain cases, to spare the inhabitants. contact with _any_ of them would be perilous--with the inhabitants of the _cities_ peculiarly, and of the _canaanitish_ cities preeminently so. it will be seen from the th and th verses, that those cities which accepted the offer of peace were to be spared. "_when thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it, then proclaim peace unto it. and it shall be, if it make thee answer of peace and open unto thee, then it shall be, that all the people that is found therein shall be_ tributaries _unto thee, and they shall_ serve thee."--deuteronomy xx. , . these verses contain the general rule prescribing the method in which cities were to be summoned to surrender. . the offer of peace--if it was accepted, the inhabitants became _tributaries_--if it was rejected, and they came out against israel in battle, the _men_ were to be killed, and the women and little ones saved alive. see deuteronomy xx. , , . the th verse restricts their lenient treatment in saving the wives and little ones of those who fought them, to the inhabitants of the cities _afar off_. the th verse gives directions for the disposal of the inhabitants of canaanitish cities, after they had taken them. instead of sparing the women and children, they were to save alive nothing that breathed. the common mistake has been, in taking it for granted, that the command in the th verse, "thus shalt thou do unto all the cities," &c. refers to the _whole system of directions preceding_, commencing with the th verse, whereas it manifestly refers only to the _inflictions_ specified in the verses immediately preceding, viz. the th, th, and th, and thus make a distinction between those _canaanitish_ cities that _fought_, and the cities _afar off_ that fought--in one case destroying the males and females, and in the other, the _males_ only. the offer of peace, and the _conditional preservation_, were as really guarantied to _canaanitish_ cities as to others. their inhabitants were not to be exterminated _unless they came out against israel in battle_. but let us settle this question by the "_law and the testimony_." joshua xix. , .--"_there was not a city that made peace with the children of israel save, the hivites, the inhabitants of gibeon; all others they took in battle. for it was of the lord to harden their hearts, that they should_ come out against israel in battle, _that he might destroy them utterly, and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, as the lord commanded moses_." that is, if they had _not_ come out against israel in battle, they would have had "favor" shown them, and would not have been "_destroyed utterly_" the great design of god seems to have been to _transfer the territory_ of the canaanites to the israelites, and along with it, _absolute sovereignty in every respect_; to annihilate their political organizations, civil polity, jurisprudence, and their system of religion, with all its rights and appendages; and to substitute therefor, a pure theocracy, administered by jehovah, with the israelites as his representatives and agents. those who resisted the execution of jehovah's purpose were to be killed, while those who quietly submitted to it were to be spared. all had the choice of these alternatives, either free egress out of the land[a]; or acquiescence in the decree, with life and residence as tributaries, under the protection of the government; or resistance to the execution of the decree, with death. "_and it shall come to pass, if they will diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name, the lord liveth, as they taught my people to swear by baal;_ then shall they be built in the midst of my people." [footnote a: suppose all the canaanitish nations had abandoned their territory at the tidings of israel's approach, did god's command require the israelites to chase them to the ends of the earth, and hunt them down, until every canaanite was destroyed? it is too preposterous for belief, and yet it follows legitimately from that construction, which interprets the terms "consume," "destroy," "destroy utterly," &c. to mean unconditional individual extermination.] * * * * * [the preceding inquiry is merely an _outline_. whoever _reads_ it, needs no such information. its original design embraced a much wider range of general topics, and subordinate heads, besides an inquiry into the teachings of the new testament on the same subject. to have filled up the outline, in conformity with the plan upon which it was sketched, would have swelled it to a volume. much of the foregoing has therefore been thrown into the form of a mere skeleton of heads, or rather a series of _indices_, to trains of thought and classes of proof, which, however limited or imperfect, may perhaps, afford some facilities to those who have little leisure for minute and protracted investigation.] no. . the anti-slavery examiner. the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. third edition--revised. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . this periodical contains sheets.--postage under miles, - cts; over miles, - cts. _please read and circulate._ contents definition of slavery, negative, affirmative, legal, the moral law against slavery "thou shalt not steal," "thou shalt not covet," man-stealing--examination of ex. xxi. , separation of man from brutes and things, import of "buy" and "bought with money," servants sold themselves, rights and privileges secured by law to servants, servants were voluntary, runaway servants not to be delivered to their masters, servants were paid wages, masters not "owners," servants not subjected to the uses of property, servants expressly distinguished from property, examination of gen. xii. .--"the souls that they had gotten," &c. social equality of servants and masters, condition of the gibeonites as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth, egyptian bondage analyzed, objections considered. "cursed be canaan," &c.--examination of gen. ix. , "for he is his money," &c.--examination of ex. xxi. , , examination of lev. xxv. - , "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the heathen," "they shall be your bondmen forever," "ye shall take them as an inheritance," &c. examination of lev. xxv. , .--the freeholder not to "serve as a bond servant," difference between hired and bought servants, bought servants the most favored and honored class, israelites and strangers belonged to both classes, israelites servants to the strangers, reasons for the release of the israelitish servants in the seventh year, reasons for assigning the strangers to a longer service, reasons for calling them _the_ servants, different kinds of service assigned to the israelites and strangers, review of all the classes of servants with the modifications of each, political disabilities of the strangers, examination of ex. xxi. - .--"if thou buy an hebrew servant," the canaanites not sentenced to unconditional extermination, the bible against slavery. the spirit of slavery never seeks shelter in the bible, of its own accord. it grasps the horns of the altar only in desperation--rushing from the terror of the avenger's arm. like other unclean spirits, it "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, lest its deeds should be reproved." goaded to phrenzy in its conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it vaults over the sacred inclosure and courses up and down the bible, "seeking rest, and finding none." the law of love, glowing on every page, flashes around it an omnipresent anguish and despair. it shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons quailed before the son of god, and shrieked, "torment us not." at last, it slinks away under the types of the mosaic system, and seeks to burrow out of sight among their shadows. vain hope! its asylum is its sepulchre; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. it flies from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire; and from the voice of god into the thickest of his thunders. definition of slavery. if we would know whether the bible sanctions slavery, we must determine _what slavery is_. a constituent element, is one thing; a relation, another; an appendage, another. relations and appendages presuppose _other_ things to which they belong. to regard them as _the things themselves_, or as constituent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. a great variety of conditions, relations, and tenures, indispensable to the social state, are confounded with slavery; and thus slaveholding becomes quite harmless, if not virtuous. we will specify some of these. . _privation of suffrage._ then minors are slaves. . _ineligibility to office._ then females are slaves. . _taxation without representation._ then slaveholders in the district of columbia are slaves. . _privation of one's oath in law._ then disbelievers in a future retribution are slaves. . _privation of trial by jury._ then all in france and germany are slaves. . _being required to support a particular religion._ then the people of england are slaves. [to the preceding may be added all other disabilities, merely _political_.] . _cruelty and oppression._ wives, children, and hired domestics are often oppressed; but these forms of cruelty are not slavery. . _apprenticeship._ the rights and duties of master and apprentice are correlative and reciprocal. the claim of each upon the other results from his _obligation_ to the other. apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. the rights of the apprentice are secured, equally with those of the master. indeed, while the law is _just_ to the master, it is _benevolent_ to the apprentice. its main design is rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. it promotes the interests of the former, while in doing it, it guards from injury those of the latter. to the master it secures a mere legal compensation--to the apprentice, both a legal compensation and a virtual gratuity in addition, he being of the two the greatest gainer. the law not only recognizes the _right_ of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. the master's claim covers only the services of the apprentice. the apprentice's claim covers _equally_ the services of the master. neither can hold the other as property; but each holds property in the services of the other, and both equally. is this slavery? . _filial subordination and parental claims._ both are nature's dictates and intrinsic elements of the social state; the natural affections which blend parent and child in one, excite each to discharge those offices incidental to the relation, and constitute a shield for mutual protection. the parent's legal claim to the child's services, while a minor, is a slight return for the care and toil of his rearing, to say nothing of outlays for support and education. this provision is, with the mass of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. the child, in helping his parents, helps himself--increases a common stock, in which he has a share; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. . _bondage for crime._ must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties? true, the criminal works for the government without pay; and well he may. he owes the government. a century's work would not pay its drafts on him. he is a public defaulter, and will die so. because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who owe nothing? the law makes no criminal, property. it restrains his liberty, and makes him pay something, a mere penny in the pound, of his debt to the government; but it does not make him a chattel. test it. to own property, is to own its product. are children born of convicts, government property? besides, can _property_ be guilty? are chattels punished? . _restraints upon freedom._ children are restrained by parents--pupils, by teachers--patients, by physicians--corporations, by charters--and legislatures, by constitutions. embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. restraints are the web of society, warp and woof. are they slavery? then civilized society is a giant slave--a government of law, _the climax of slavery,_ and its executive, a king among slaveholders. . _compulsory service._ a juryman is empannelled against his will, and sit he must. a sheriff orders his posse; bystanders _must_ turn in. men are _compelled_ to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and "turn to the right as the law directs," however much against their wills. are they therefore slaves? to confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. slavery is a _condition_. the slave's _feelings_ toward it, are one thing; the condition itself, is another thing; his feelings cannot alter the nature of that condition. whether he desires or detests it, the condition remains the same. the slave's willingness to be a slave is no palliation of the slaveholder's guilt. suppose the slave should think himself a chattel, and consent to be so regarded by others, does that _make_ him a chattel, or make those guiltless who _hold_ him as such? i may be sick of life, and i tell the assassin so that stabs me; is he any the less a murderer? does my _consent_ to his crime, atone for it? my partnership in his guilt, blot out his part of it? the slave's willingness to be a slave, so far from lessening the guilt of the "owner," aggravates it. if slavery has so palsied his mind that he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually to hold him as such, falls in with his delusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. these very feelings and convictions of the slave, (if such were possible) increase a hundred fold the guilt of the master, and call upon him in thunder, immediately to recognize him as a man and thus break the sorcery that cheats him out of his birthright--the consciousness of his worth and destiny. many of the foregoing conditions are _appendages_ of slavery. but no one, nor all of them together, constitute its intrinsic unchanging element. we proceed to state affirmatively that, enslaving men is reducing them to articles of property--making free agents, chattels--converting _persons_ into _things_--sinking immortality, into _merchandize_. a _slave_ is one held in this condition. in law, "he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." his right to himself is abrogated. if he say _my_ hands, _my_ feet, _my_ body, _my_ mind, my _self_, they are figures of speech. to use _himself_ for his own good, is a crime. to keep what he _earns_, is stealing. to take his body into his own keeping, is _insurrection_. in a word, the _profit_ of his master is made the end of his being, and he, a _mere means_ to that end--a _mere means_ to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion[a]. man, sunk to a _thing!_ the intrinsic element, the _principle_ of slavery; men, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at public outcry! their _rights_, another's conveniences; their interests, wares on sale; their happiness, a household utensil; their personal inalienable ownership, a serviceable article, or a plaything, as best suits the humor of the hour; their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes--marketable commodities! we repeat it, _the reduction of persons to things;_ not robbing a man of privileges, but of _himself_; not loading with burdens, but making him a _beast of burden_; not _restraining_ liberty, but subverting it; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them; not inflicting personal cruelty, but annihilating _personality_; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking him into an _implement_ of labor; not abridging human comforts, but abrogating human nature; not depriving an animal of immunities, but despoiling a rational being of attributes--uncreating a man, to make room for a _thing_! [footnote a: whatever system sinks men from an end to a mere _means_, just so far makes him a _slave_. hence west india apprenticeship retains the cardinal principle of slavery. the apprentice, during three fourths of his time, is still forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings; just so far forth he is a _mere means_, a _slave_. true, in other respects slavery is abolished in the british west indies. its bloodiest features are blotted out--but the meanest and most despicable of all--forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demur at the outrage, is one of the provisions of the "emancipation act!" for the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thank god, while they mourn that it rose behind clouds, and shines through an eclipse.] that this is american slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. judge stroud, in his "sketch of the laws relating to slavery," says, "the cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among _things_--obtains as undoubted law in all of these [the slave] states." the law of south carolina thus lays down the principle, "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever."--brevard's digest, . in louisiana, "a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs; the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master."--civ. code of louisiana, art. . this is american slavery. the eternal distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under foot--the crowning distinction of all others--alike the source, the test, and the measure of their value--the rational, immortal principle, consecrated by god to universal homage, in a baptism of glory and honor by the gift of his son, his spirit, his word, his presence, providence, and power; his shield, and staff, and sheltering wing; his opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven, proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. having stated the _principle_ of american slavery, we ask, does the bible sanction such a principle?[a] "to the _law_ and the _testimony_?" first, the moral law. just after the israelites were emancipated from their bondage in egypt, while they stood before sinai to receive the law, as the trumpet waxed louder, and the mount quaked and blazed, god spake the ten commandments from the midst of clouds and thunderings. _two_ of those commandments deal death to slavery. "thou shalt not steal," or, "thou shalt not take from another what belongs to him." all man's powers are god's gift to _him_. that they are _his own_, is proved from the fact that god has given them to _him alone_,--that each of them is a part of himself, and all of them together constitute himself. all else that belongs to man, is acquired by the _use_ of these powers. the interest belongs to him, because the principal does; the product is his, because he is the producer. ownership of any thing, is ownership of its _use_. the right to use according to will, is _itself_ ownership. the eighth commandment presupposes and assumes the right of every man to his powers, and their product. slavery robs of both. a man's right to himself, is the only right absolutely original and intrinsic--his right to whatever else that belongs to him is merely _relative_ to this, is derived from it, and held only by virtue of it. self-right is the _foundation right_--the _post is the middle_, to which all other rights are fastened. slaveholders, when talking about their right to their slaves, always assume their own right to themselves. what slaveholder ever undertook to prove his right to himself? he knows it to be a self-evident proposition, that _a man belongs to himself_--that the right is intrinsic and absolute. in making out his own title, he makes out the title of every human being. as the fact of being a _man_ is itself the title, the whole human family have one common title deed. if one man's title is valid, all are valid. if one is worthless, all are. to deny the validity of the _slave's_ title is to deny the validity of _his own_; and yet in the act of making a man a slave, the slaveholder _asserts_ the validity of his own title, while he seizes him as his property who has the _same_ title. further, in making him a slave, he does not merely disfranchise the humanity of _one_ individual, but of universal man. he destroys the foundations. he annihilates _all rights_. he attacks not only the human race, but _universal being_, and rushes upon jehovah. for rights are _rights_; god's are no more--man's are no less. [footnote a: the bible record of actions is no comment on their moral character. it vouches for them as _facts_, not as _virtues_. it records without rebuke, noah's drunkenness, lot's incest, and the lies of jacob and his mother--not only single acts, but _usages_, such as polygamy and concubinage, are entered on the record without censure. is that _silent entry_ god's _endorsement_? because the bible in its catalogue of human actions, does not stamp on every crime its name and number, and write against it, _this is a crime_--does that wash out its guilt, and bleach into a virtue?] the eighth commandment forbids the taking of _any part_ of that which belongs to another. slavery takes the _whole_. does the same bible which prohibits the taking of _any_ thing from him, sanction the taking of _every_ thing? does it thunder wrath against him who robs his neighbor of a _cent_, yet bid god speed to him who robs his neighbor of _himself_? slaveholding is the highest possible violation of the eighth commandment. to take from a man his earnings, is theft. but to take the _earner_, is a compound, life-long theft--supreme robbery, that vaults up the climax at a leap--the dread, terrific, giant robbery, that towers among other robberies a solitary horror, monarch of the realm. the eighth commandment forbids the taking away, and the _tenth_ adds, "thou shalt not covet any thing that is thy neighbor's;" thus guarding every man's right to himself and his property, by making not only the actual taking away a sin, but even that state of mind which would _tempt_ to it. who ever made human beings slaves, without _coveting_ them? why take from them their time, labor, liberty, right of self-preservation and improvement, their right to acquire property, to worship according to conscience; to search the scriptures, to live with their families, and their right to their own bodies, if they do not _desire_ them? they covet them for purposes of gain, convenience, lust of dominion, of sensual gratification of pride and ostentation. they break the tenth commandment, and pluck down upon their heads the plagues that are written in the book.--_ten_ commandments constitute the brief compend of human duty.--_two_ of these brand slavery as sin. the giving of the law at sinai, immediately preceded the promulgation of that body of laws called the "mosaic system." over the gateway of that system, fearful words were written by the finger of god--"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." ex. xxi. . the oppression of the israelites in egypt, and the wonders wrought for their deliverance, proclaim the reason for _such_ a law at _such_ a time--when the body politic became a theocracy, and reverently waited for the will of god. they had just been emancipated. the tragedies of their house of bondage were the realities of yesterday, and peopled their memories with thronging horrors. they had just witnessed god's testimony against oppression in the plagues of egypt--the burning blains on man and beast--the dust quickened into loathsome life, and swarming upon every living thing--the streets, the palaces, the temples, and every house heaped up with the carcases of things abhorred--the kneading troughs and ovens, the secret chambers and the couches; reeking and dissolving with the putrid death--the pestilence walking in darkness at noonday, the devouring locusts, and hail mingled with fire, the first-born death-struck, and the waters blood, and last of all, that dread high hand and stretched-out arm, that whelmed the monarch and his hosts, and strewed their corpses on the sea. all this their eyes had looked upon,--earth's proudest city, wasted and thunder-scarred, lying in desolation, and the doom of oppressors traced on her ruins in the hand writing of god, glaring in letters of fire mingled with blood--a blackened monument of wrath to the uttermost against the stealers of men. no wonder that god, in a code of laws prepared for such a people at such a time, should light up on its threshold a blazing beacon to flash terror on slaveholders. _"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."_ ex. xxi. . deut. xxiv. [a]. god's cherubim and flaming sword guarding the entrance to the mosaic system! [footnote a: jarchi, the most eminent of the jewish commentators, who wrote seven hundred years ago, in his commentary on this stealing and making merchandize of men, gives the meaning thus:--"using a man against his will, as a servant lawfully purchased; yea, though he should use his services ever so little, only to the value of a farthing, or use but his arm to lean on to support him, _if he be forced so to act as a servant_, the person compelling him but once to do so shall die as a thief, whether he has sold him or not."] the word _ganabh_ here rendered _stealeth_, means the taking what _belongs_ to another, whether by violence or fraud; the same word is used in the eighth commandment, and prohibits both _robbery_ and theft. the crime specified is that of depriving somebody of the ownership of a man. is this somebody a master? and is the crime that of depriving a master of his servant? then it would have been "he that stealeth" a _servant, not_ "he that stealeth a _man_." if the crime had been the taking an individual from _another_, then the _term_ used would have been expressive of that relation, and most especially if it was the relation of property and _proprietor_! the crime is stated in a three-fold form--man _stealing_, _selling_, and _holding_. all are put on a level, and whelmed under one penalty--death. this _somebody_ deprived of the ownership of a man, is the _man himself_, robbed of personal ownership. joseph said, "indeed i was _stolen_ away out of the land of the hebrews." gen. xl. . how _stolen?_ his brethren sold him as an article of merchandize. contrast this penalty for _man_-stealing with that for _property_-stealing, ex. xxii. if a man had stolen an _ox_ and killed or sold it, he was to restore five oxen; if he had neither sold nor killed it, two oxen. but in the case of stealing a _man_, the _first_ act drew down the utmost power of punishment; however often repeated, or aggravated the crime, human penalty could do no more. the fact that the penalty for _man_-stealing was death, and the penalty for _property_-stealing, the mere restoration of double, shows that the two cases were adjudicated on totally different principles. the man stolen might be past labor, and his support a burden, yet death was the penalty, though not a cent's worth of _property value_ was taken. the penalty for stealing property was a mere property penalty. however large the theft, the payment of double wiped out the score. it might have a greater _money_ value than a thousand men, yet death was not the penalty, nor maiming, nor branding, nor even _stripes_, but double of _the same kind._ why was not the rule uniform? when a _man_ was stolen why was not the thief required to restore double of the same kind--two men, or if he had sold him, five men? do you say that the man-thief might not _have_ them? so the ox-thief might not have two oxen, or if he had killed it, five. but if god permitted men to hold _men_ as property, equally with _oxen_, the man-thief could get men with whom to pay the penalty, as well as the ox-thief, oxen. further, when _property_ was stolen, the legal penalty was a compensation to the person injured. but when a _man_ was stolen, no property compensation was offered. to tender money as an equivalent, would have been to repeat the outrage with intolerable aggravations. compute the value of a man in _money!_ throw dust into the scale against immortality! the law recoiled from such supreme insult and impiety. to have permitted the man-thief to expiate his crime by restoring double, would have been making the repetition of crime its atonement. but the infliction of death for _man-stealing_ exacted the utmost possibility of reparation. it wrung from the guilty wretch as he gave up the ghost, a testimony in blood, and death-groans, to the infinite dignity and worth of man,--a proclamation to the universe, voiced in mortal agony, "man is inviolable"--a confession shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's mouth--"i die accursed, and god is just." if god permitted man to hold man as property, why did he punish for stealing that kind of property infinitely more than for stealing any other kind of property? why did he punish with death for stealing a very little of _that_ sort of property, and make a mere fine, the penalty for stealing a thousand times as much, of any other sort of property--especially if god did by his own act annihilate the difference between man and _property,_ by putting him on a level with it? the atrociousness of a crime, depends much upon the nature, character, and condition of the victim. to steal is a crime, whoever the thief, or whatever the plunder. to steal bread from a full man, is theft; to steal from a starving man, is both theft and murder. if i steal my neighbor's property, the crime consists not in altering the _nature_ of the article but in shifting its relation from him to me. but when i take my neighbor himself, and first make him _property_, and then _my_ property, the latter act, which was the sole crime in the former case, dwindles to nothing. the sin in stealing a man, is not the transfer from its owner to another of that which is _already property,_ but the turning of _personality_ into _property_. true, the attributes of man remain, but the rights and immunities which grow out of them are attributed. it is the first law both of reason and revelation to regard things and beings as they are; and the sum of religion, to feel and act towards them according to their value. knowingly to treat them otherwise is sin; and the degree of violence done to their nature, religions, and value, measures its guilt. when things are sundered which god has indissolubly joined, or confounded in one, which he has separated by infinite extremes; when sacred and eternal distinctions, which he has garnished with glory, are derided and set at nought, then, if ever, sin reddens to its "scarlet dye." the sin specified in the passage, is that of doing violence to the _nature_ of a man--to his intrinsic value as a rational being, and blotting out the exalted distinction stamped upon him by his maker. in the verse preceding, and in that which follows, the same principle is laid down. verse , "he that smiteth his father or his mother shall surely be put to death." v. , "he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death." if a jew smote his neighbor, the law merely smote him in return; but if the blow was given to a _parent,_ it struck the smiter dead. the parental relation is the _centre_ of human society. god guards it with peculiar care. to violate that, is to violate all. whoever trampled on that, showed that _no_ relation had any sacredness in his eyes--that he was unfit to move among human relations who had violated one so sacred and tender. therefore, the mosaic law uplifted his bleeding corpse, and brandished the ghastly terror around the parental relation to guard it from impious inroads. why such a difference in penalties, for the same act? answer. ( .) the relation violated was obvious--the distinction between parents and others manifest, dictated by natural affection--a law of the constitution. ( .) the act was violence to nature--a suicide on constitutional susceptibilities. ( .) the parental relation then, as now, was the focal point of the social system, and required powerful safeguards. "_honor thy father and thy mother_," stands at the head of those commands which prescribe the duties of man to man; and, throughout the bible, the parental state is god's favorite illustration of his own relations to the whole human family. in this case death was to be inflicted not for smiting a _man_, but a _parent_--a _distinction_ cherished by god, and around which, he threw up a bulwark of defence. in the next verse, "he that stealeth a man," &c., the same principle is wrought out in still stronger relief. the crime to be punished with death was not the taking of property from its owner, but the doing violence to an _immortal nature,_ blotting out a sacred _distinction_, making men "chattels." the incessant pains taken in the old testament to separate human beings from brutes and things, shows god's regard for his own distinction. "in the beginning" it was uttered in heaven, and proclaimed to the universe as it rose into being. creation was arrayed at the instant of its birth, to do it homage. it paused in adoration while god ushered forth its crowning work. why that dread pause and that creating arm held back in mid career and that high conference in the godhead? "let us make man in our image after our likeness, and let him have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth." then while every living thing, with land, and sea, and firmament, and marshalled worlds, waited to swell the shout of morning stars--then "god created man in his own image; in the image of god created he him." this solves the problem, in the image of god, created he him. well might the sons of god shout, "amen, alleluia"--for thou hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honor. thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet." ps. viii. , . the repetition of this distinction is frequent and solemn. in gen. i. - , it is repeated in various forms. in gen. v. , we find it again, "in the likeness of god made he man." in gen. ix. , again. after giving license to shed the blood of "every moving thing that liveth," it is added, "_whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for_ in the image of god made he man." as though it had been said, "all these creatures are your property, designed for your use--they have the likeness of earth, they perish with the using, and their spirits go downward; but this other being, man, has my own likeness: "in the image of god made i man;" "an intelligent, moral, immortal agent, invited to all that i can give and he can be." so in lev. xxiv. , , , "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death; and he that killeth a beast shall make it good, beast for beast; and he that killeth a man shall be put to death." so in ps. viii. , , what an enumeration of particulars, each separating infinitely men from brutes and things! ( .) "_thou hast made him a little lower than the angels._" slavery drags him down among _brutes_. ( .) "_and hast crowned him with glory and honor._" slavery tears off his crown, and puts on a _yoke_. ( .) "_thou madest him to have dominion_ over _the works of thy hands._" slavery breaks the sceptre, and casts him down _among_ those works--yea _beneath them_. ( .) "_thou hast put all things under his feet._" slavery puts him under the feet of an "owner." who, but an impious scorner, dares thus strive with his maker, and mutilate his image, and blaspheme the holy one, who saith, "_inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did it unto_ me." in further presenting this inquiry, the patriarchal and mosaic systems will be considered together, as each reflects light upon the other, and as many regulations of the latter are mere _legal_ forms of divine institutions previously existing. as a _system_, the latter alone is of divine authority. whatever were the usages of the patriarchs, god has not made them our exemplars[a]. [footnote a: those who insist that the patriarchs held slaves, and sit with such delight under their shadow, hymning the praises of "those good old patriarchs and slaveholders," might at small cost greatly augment their numbers. a single stanza celebrating patriarchal _concubinage_, winding off with a chorus in honor of patriarchal _drunkenness_, would be a trumpet call, summoning from bush and brake, highway and hedge, and sheltering fence, a brotherhood of kindred affinities, each claiming abraham or noah as his patron saint, and shouting, "my name is legion." what a myriad choir and thunderous song.] before entering upon an analysis of the condition of servants under these two states of society, we will consider the import of certain terms which describe the mode of procuring them. import of "buy," and "bought with money." as the israelites were commanded to "buy" their servants, and as abraham had servants "bought with money," it is argued that servants were articles of _property_. the sole ground for this belief is the terms themselves. how much might be saved, if in discussion, the thing to be proved were always _assumed_. to beg the question in debate, would be vast economy of midnight oil! and a great forestaller of wrinkles and grey hairs! instead of protracted investigation into scripture usage, with painful collating of passages, to find the meaning of terms, let every man interpret the oldest book in the world by the usages of his own time and place, and the work is done. and then instead of one revelation, they might be multiplied as the drops of the morning, and every man have an infallible clue to the mind of the spirit, if he only understood the dialect of his own neighborhood! what a babel-jargon it would make of the bible to take it for granted that the sense in which words are _now_ used is the _inspired_ sense, david says, "i prevented the dawning of the morning, and cried." what, stop the earth in its revolution! two hundred years ago, _prevent_ was used in its strict latin sense to _come before_, or _anticipate_. it is always used in this sense in the old and new testaments. david's expression, in the english of the nineteenth century, would be "before the dawning of the morning i cried." in almost every chapter of the bible, words are used in a sense now nearly or quite obsolete, and sometimes in a sense totally _opposite_ to their present meaning. a few examples follow: "i purposed to come to you, but was _let_ (hindered) hitherto." "and the four _beasts_ (living ones) fell down and worshipped god,"--"whosoever shall _offend_ (cause to sin) one of these little ones,"--"go out into the highways and _compel_ (urge) them to come in,"--"only let your _conversation_ (habitual conduct) be as becometh the gospel,"--"they that seek me _early_ (earnestly) shall find me,"--"so when tribulation or persecution ariseth _by-and-by_ (immediately) they are offended." nothing is more mutable than language. words, like bodies, are always throwing off some particles and absorbing others. so long as they are mere _representatives_, elected by the whims of universal suffrage, their meaning will be a perfect volatile, and to cork it up for the next century is an employment sufficiently silly (to speak within bounds) for a modern bible dictionary maker. there never was a shallower conceit than that of establishing the sense attached to a word centuries ago, by showing what it means _now_. pity that fashionable mantuamakers were not a little quicker at taking hints from some doctors of divinity. how easily they might save their pious customers all qualms of conscience about the weekly shiftings of fashion, by proving that the last importation of parisian indecency now flaunting on promenade, was the very style of dress in which the pious sarah kneaded cakes for the angels, and the modest rebecca drew water for the camels of abraham's servants. since such fashions are rife in broadway _now_, they _must_ have been in canaan and padanaram four thousand years ago! the inference that the word buy, used to describe the procuring of servants, means procuring them as _chattels_, seems based upon the fallacy, that whatever _costs_ money _is_ money; that whatever or whoever you pay money _for_, is an article of property, and the fact of your paying for it _proves_ it property. the children of israel were required to purchase their first-born from under the obligations of the priesthood, num. xviii. , ; ex. xiii. ; xxxiv. . this custom still exists among the jews, and the word _buy_ is still used to describe the transaction. does this prove that their first-born were, or are, held as property? they were _bought_ as really as were _servants_. ( .) the israelites were required to pay money for their own souls. this is called sometimes a ransom, sometimes an atonement. were their souls therefore marketable commodities? ( .) bible saints _bought_ their wives. boaz bought ruth. "so ruth the moabitess, the wife of mahlon, have i _purchased_ to be my wife." ruth iv. . hosea bought his wife. "so i _bought_ her to me for fifteen pieces of silver, and for an homer of barley, and an half homer of barley." hosea iii. . jacob bought his wives rachael and leah, and not having money, paid for them in labor--seven years a piece. gen. xxix. - . moses probably bought his wife in the same way, and paid for her by his labor, as the servant of her father. exod. ii. . shechem, when negotiating with jacob and his sons for dinah, says, "ask me never so much dowry and gift, and i will give according as ye shall say unto me." gen. xxxiv. , . david purchased michal, and othniel, achsah, by performing perilous services for their fathers. sam. xviii. - ; judg. i. , . that the purchase of wives, either with money or by service, was the general practice, is plain from such passages as ex. xxii. , and sam. xviii. . among the modern jews this usage exists, though now a mere form, there being no _real_ purchase. yet among their marriage ceremonies, is one called "marrying by the penny." the coincidences in the methods of procuring wives and servants, in the terms employed in describing the transactions, and in the prices paid for each, are worthy of notice. the highest price of wives (virgins) and servants was the same. comp. deut. xxii. , , and ex. xxii. , with lev. xxvii. - . the _medium_ price of wives and servants was the same. comp. hos. iii. , with ex. xxi. . hosea seems to have paid one half in money and the other half in grain. further, the israelitish female bought servants were _wives_, their husbands and masters being the same persons. ex. xxi. , judg. xix. , . if _buying_ servants proves them property, buying wives proves them property. why not contend that the _wives_ of the ancient fathers of the faithful were their "chattels," and used as ready change at a pinch; and thence deduce the rights of modern husbands? alas! patriarchs and prophets are followed afar off! when will pious husbands live up to their bible privileges, and become partakers with old testament worthies in the blessedness of a husband's rightful immunities! refusing so to do, is questioning the morality of those "good old patriarchs and slaveholders, abraham, isaac, and jacob." this use of the word buy, is not peculiar to the hebrew. in the syriac, the common expression for "the espoused," is "the bought." even so late as the th century, the common record of _marriages_ in the old german chronicles was, "a bought b." the word translated _buy_, is, like other words, modified by the nature of the subject to which it is applied. eve said, "i have _gotten_ (bought) a man of the lord." she named him cain, that is _bought_. "he that heareth reproof, getteth (buyeth) understanding," prov. xv. . so in isa. xi. . "the lord shall set his hand again to recover (to _buy_) the remnant of his people." so ps. lxxviii. . "he brought them to this mountain which his right hand had _purchased_," (gotten.) jer. xiii. . "take the girdle that thou hast got" (bought.) neh. v. . "we of our ability have _redeemed_ (bought) our brethren that were sold to the heathen." here "_bought_" is not applied to persons reduced to servitude, but to those taken _out_ of it. prov. . . "the lord possessed (bought) me in the beginning of his way." prov. xix. . "he that _getteth_ (buyeth) wisdom loveth his own soul." finally, to _buy_ is a _secondary_ meaning of the hebrew word _kana_. even at this day the word _buy_ is used to describe the procuring of servants, where slavery is abolished. in the british west indies, where slaves became apprentices in , they are still "bought." this is the current word in west india newspapers. ten years since servants were "_bought_" in new-york, as really as in virginia, yet the different senses in which the word was used in the two states, put no man in a quandary. under the system of legal _indenture_ in illinois, servants now are "_bought._"[a] until recently immigrants to this country were "bought" in great numbers. by voluntary contract they engaged to work a given time to pay for their passage. this class of persons called "redemptioners," consisted at one time of thousands. multitudes are "bought" _out_ of slavery by themselves or others. under the same roof with the writer is a "servant bought with money." a few weeks since, she was a slave; when "bought" she was a slave no longer. alas! for our leading politicians if "buying" men makes them "chattels." the whigs say that benton and rives are "bought" by the administration; and the other party, that clay and webster are "bought" by the bank. the histories of the revolution tell us that benedict arnold was "bought" by british gold. when a northern clergyman marries a rich southern widow, country gossip thus hits off the indecency, "the cotton bags _bought_ him." sir robert walpole said, "every man has his price, and whoever will pay it, can _buy_ him," and john randolph said, "the northern delegation is in the market, give me money enough, and i can _buy_ them;" both meant just what they said. the temperance publications tell us that candidates for office _buy_ men with whiskey; and the oracles of street tattle that the court, district attorney, and jury, in the late trial of robinson were _bought_, yet we have no floating visions of "chattels personal," man auctions, or coffles. [footnote a: the following statute is now in force in the free state of illinois--no negro, mulatto, or indian shall at any time _purchase_ any servant other than of their own complexion: and if any of the persons aforesaid shall presume to _purchase_ a white servant, such servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed and taken.] the transaction between joseph and the egyptians gives a clue to the use of "buy" and "bought with money." gen, xlvii. - . the egyptians proposed to joseph to become servants. when the bargain was closed, joseph said, "behold i have _bought you_ this day," and yet it is plain that neither party regarded the persons _bought_ as articles of property, but merely as bound to labor on certain conditions, to pay for their support during the famine. the idea attached by both parties to "buy us," and "behold i have bought you," was merely that of service voluntarily offered, and secured by contract, in return for _value received_, and not at all that the egyptians were bereft of their personal ownership, and made articles of property. and this buying of _services_ (in this case it was but one-fifth part) is called in scripture usage, _buying the persons_. this case claims special notice, as it is the only one where the whole transaction of buying servants is detailed--the preliminaries, the process, the mutual acquiescence, and the permanent relation resulting therefrom. in all other instances, the _mere fact_ is stated without particulars. in this case, the whole process is laid open. ( .) the persons "bought," _sold themselves_, and of their own accord. ( .) obtaining permanently the _services_ of persons, or even a portion of them, is called "buying" those persons. the objector, at the outset, takes it for granted, that servants were bought of _third_ persons; and thence infers that they were articles of property. both the alleged fact and the inference are sheer _assumptions_. no instance is recorded, under the mosaic system, in which a _master sold his servant_. that servants who were "bought" _sold themselves_ is a fair inference from various passages of scripture. in leviticus xxv. , the case of the israelite, who became the servant of the stranger, the words are, "if he sell himself unto the stranger." the _same word_, and the same _form_ of the word, which, in verse , is rendered _sell himself_, is in verse of the same chapter, rendered _be sold_; in deut. xxviii. , the same word is rendered "be sold." "and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bond-men and bond-women and no man shall buy you." how could they "_be sold_" without _being bought_? our translation makes it nonsense. the word _makar_ rendered "be sold" is used here in the hithpael conjugation, which is generally reflexive in its force, and, like the middle voice in greek, represents what an individual does for himself, and should manifestly have been rendered, "ye shall _offer yourselves_ for sale, and there shall be no purchaser." for a clue to scripture usage on this point, see kings xxi. , --"thou hast _sold thyself_ to work evil." "there was none like to ahab that _sold himself_ to work wickedness."-- kings xvii. . "they used divination and enchantments, and _sold themselves_ to do evil."--isa. l. . "for your iniquities have ye _sold yourselves_." isa. lii. , "ye have _sold yourselves_ for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money." see also, jer. xxxiv. --romans vii. , vi. --john viii. , and the case of joseph and the egyptians, already quoted. in the purchase of wives, though spoken of rarely, it is generally stated that they were bought of _third_ persons. if _servants_ were bought of third persons, it is strange that no _instance_ of it is on record. ii.--the leading design of the laws relating to servants, with the rights and privileges secured to them. the general object of the laws defining the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties--more especially the good of the _servants_. while the master's interests were guarded from injury, those of the servants were _promoted_. these laws made a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the israelites and strangers, not laying on burdens, but lightening them--they were a grant of _privileges_ and _favors_. i. no servant from the strangers, could remain in the family of an israelite without becoming a proselyte. compliance with this condition was the _price of the privilege_.--gen. xvii. - , , . ii. excommunication from the family was a punishment.--gen. xxi. . luke xvi. - . iii. every hebrew servant could compel his master to keep him after the six years contract had expired. this shows that the system was framed to advance the interests and gratify the wishes of the servant quite as much as those of the master. if the servant _demanded_ it, the law _obliged_ the master to retain him, however little he might need his services. deut. xv. - . ex. xxi. - . iv. the rights and privileges guarantied by law to all servants. . _they were admitted into covenant with god._ deut. xxix. - . . _they were invited guests at all the national and family festivals._ ex. xii. - ; deut. xii. , , xvi. - . . _they were statedly instructed in morality and religion._ deut. xxxi. - ; josh. viii. - ; chron. xvii. - . . _they were released from their regular labor nearly_ one half of the whole time. during which they had their entire support, and the same instruction that was provided for the other members of the hebrew community. (a.) the law secured to them the _whole of every seventh year;_ lev. xxv. - ; thus giving to those who were servants during the entire period between the jubilees, _eight whole years,_ including the jubilee year, of unbroken rest. (b.) _every seventh day._ this in forty-two years, the eight being subtracted from the fifty, would amount to just _six years._ (c.) _the three annual festivals._ the _passover_, which commenced on the th of the st month, and lasted seven days, deut. xvi. , . the pentecost, or feast of weeks, which began on the th day of the d month, and lasted seven days. lev. xvi. , . the feast of tabernacles, which commenced on the th of the th month, and lasted eight days. deut. xvi. , ; lev. xxiii. - . as all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. cumbered caravans move slowly. after their arrival, a day or two would be requisite for divers preparations before the celebration, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for return. if we assign three weeks to each festival--including the time spent on the journeys, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the _festival week_, it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labor. as there were three festivals in the year, the main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least _nine weeks annually_, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eighty-four days. (d.) _the new moons._ the jewish year had twelve; josephus says that the jews always kept _two_ days for the new moon. see calmet on the jewish calendar, and horne's introduction; also sam. xx. , , . this in forty-two years, would be two years days. (e.) _the feast of trumpets_. on the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. lev. xxiii. , . (f.) _the atonement day_. on the tenth of the seventh month. lev. xxiii. . these two feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days not reckoned above. thus it appears that those who continued servants during the period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labor, twenty-three years and sixty-four days, out of fifty years, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. in this calculation, besides making a donation of all the _fractions_ to the objector, we have left out those numerous _local_ festivals to which frequent allusion is made, judg. xxi. ; i sam. ix. etc., and the various _family_ festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at circumcisions; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in sam. xx. , . neither have we included the festivals instituted at a later period of the jewish history. the feast of purim, esth. ix. , ; and of the dedication, which lasted eight days. john x. ; mac. iv. . finally, the mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time which, if distributed, would be almost one half of the days in each year. meanwhile, they were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. if this time were distributed over _every day_, the servants would have to themselves nearly _one half of each day_. this is a regulation of that mosaic system which is claimed by slaveholders as the prototype of american slavery. v. the servant was protected by law equally with the other members of the community. proof.--"judge righteously between every man and his neighbor, and the stranger that is with him." "ye shall not respect persons in judgement, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great." deut. i. , . also lev. xxiv. . "ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country." so numb. xv. . "ye shall have one law for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of israel and for the stranger that sojourneth among them." deut. xxvii. . "cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the stranger." vi. the mosaic system enjoined the greatest affection and kindness toward servants, foreign as well as jewish. lev. xix. . "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shall love him as thyself." also deut. x. , . "for the lord your god * * regardeth not persons. he doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and loveth the stranger, in giving him food and raiment, love ye therefore the stranger." so ex. xxii. . "thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." ex. xxiii. . "thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a stranger." lev. xxv. , . "if thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy god." could this same stranger be taken by one that feared his god, and held as a slave, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights? vii. servants were placed upon a level with their masters in all civil and religious rights. num. xv. , , ; ix. . deut. i. , . lev. xxiv. . iii.--did persons become servants voluntarily, or were they made servants against their wills? we argue that they became servants _of their own accord_. i. because to become a servant in the family of an israelite, was to abjure idolatry, to enter into covenant with god[a], be circumcised in token of it, bound to keep the sabbath, the passover, the pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles, and to receive instruction in the moral and ceremonial law. were the servants _forced_ through all these processes? was the renunciation of idolatry _compulsory_? were they _dragged_ into covenant with god? were they seized and circumcised by _main strength_? were they _compelled_ mechanically to chew, and swallow the flesh of the paschal lamb, while they abhorred the institution, spurned the laws that enjoined it, detested its author and its executors, and instead of rejoicing in the deliverance which it commemorated, bewailed it as a calamity, and cursed the day of its consummation? were they _driven_ from all parts of the land three times in the year to the annual festivals? were they drugged with instruction which they nauseated? goaded through a round of ceremonies, to them senseless and disgusting mummeries; and drilled into the tactics of a creed rank with loathed abominations? we repeat it, to became a _servant_, was to become a _proselyte_. and did god authorize his people to make proselytes, at the point of the sword? by the terror of pains and penalties? by converting men into _merchandise_? were _proselyte and chattel_ synonymes, in the divine vocabulary? must a man be sunk to a _thing_ before taken into covenant with god? was this the stipulated condition of adoption, and the sole passport to the communion of the saints? [footnote a: maimonides, who wrote in egypt about seven hundred years ago, a contemporary with jarchi, and who stands with him at the head of jewish writers, gives the following testimony on this point: "whether a servant be born in the power of an israelite, or whether he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both into the covenant." "but he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day, and he that is bought with money, on the day on which his master receives him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. for if the master receive a grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for one year. after which, should he _refuse_ so long, it is forbidden to keep him longer than a year. and the master must send him back to the strangers from whence he came. for the god of jacob will not accept any other than the worship of a willing heart"--mamon, hilcoth mileth, chap. st, sec. th. the ancient jewish doctors assert that the servant from the strangers who at the close of his probationary year, refused to adopt the jewish religion and was on that account sent back to his own people, received a _full compensation_ for his services, besides the payment of his expenses. but that _postponement_ of the circumcision of the foreign servant for a year (_or even at all_ after he had entered the family of an israelite), of which the mishnic doctors speak, seems to have been _a mere usage_. we find nothing of it in the regulations of the mosaic system. circumcision was manifestly a rite strictly _initiatory_. whether it was a rite merely _national_ or _spiritual_, or _both_, comes not within the scope of this inquiry. ] ii. we argue the voluntariness of servants from deut. xxiii. , , "thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him." as though god had said, "to deliver him up would be to recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him; his _fleeing_ shows his _choice_--proclaims his wrongs and his title to protection; you shall not force him back and thus recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him in such a condition as induces him to flee to others for protection." it may be said that this command referred only to the servants of _heathen_ masters in the surrounding nations. we answer, the terms of the command are unlimited. but the objection, if valid, would merely shift the pressure of the difficulty to another point. did god require them to protect the _free choice_ of a _single_ servant from the heathen, and yet _authorize_ the same persons, to crush the free choice of _thousands_ of servants from the heathen? suppose a case. a _foreign_ servant flees to the israelites; god says, "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it _liketh him_ best." now, suppose this same servant, instead of coming into israel of his own accord, had been _dragged_ in by some kidnapper who _bought_ him of his master, and _forced_ him into a condition against his will; would he who forbade such treatment of the stranger, who _voluntarily_ came into the land, sanction the _same_ treatment of the _same person_, provided in _addition_ to this last outrage, the _previous_ one had been committed of forcing him into the nation against his will? to commit violence on the free choice of a _foreign_ servant is forsooth a horrible enormity, provided you _begin_ the violence _after_ he has come among you. but if you commit the _first act_ on the _other side of the line_; if you begin the outrage by buying him from a third person against his will, and then tear him from home, drag him across the line into the land of israel, and hold him as a slave--ah! that alters the case, and you may perpetrate the violence now with impunity! would _greater_ favor have been shown to this new comer than to the old residents--those who had been servants in jewish families perhaps for a generation? were the israelites commanded to exercise toward _him_, uncircumcised and out of the covenant, a justice and kindness denied to the multitudes who _were_ circumcised, and _within_ the covenant? but, the objector finds small gain to his argument on the supposition that the covenant respected merely the fugitives from the surrounding nations, while it left the servants of the israelites in a condition against their wills. in that case, the surrounding nations would adopt retaliatory measures, and become so many asylums for jewish fugitives. as these nations were not only on every side of them, but in their midst, such a proclamation would have been an effectual lure to men whose condition was a constant counteraction of will. besides the same command which protected the servant from the power of his foreign _master_, protected him equally from the power of an _israelite_. it was not, "thou shalt not deliver him unto his _master_," but "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_ in one of thy gates where it liketh _him_ best." every israelite was forbidden to put him in any condition _against his will_. what was this but a proclamation, that all who _chose_ to live in the land and obey the laws, were left to their own free will, to dispose of their services at such a rate, to such persons and in such places as they pleased? besides, grant that this command prohibited the sending back of _foreign_ servants merely, there was no law requiring the return of servants who had escaped from the _israelites_. _property_ lost, and _cattle_ escaped, they were required to return, but not escaped servants. these verses contain st, a command, "thou shall not deliver," &c., d, a declaration of the fugitive's right of _free choice_, and of god's will that he should exercise it at his own discretion; and d, a command guarding this right, namely, "thou shalt not oppress him," as though god had said, "if you restrain him from exercising his _own choice_, as to the place and condition of his residence, it is _oppression_." iii. we argue the voluntariness of servants from their peculiar opportunities and facilities for escape. three times every year, all the males over twelve years, were required to attend the national feasts. they were thus absent from their homes not less than three weeks at each time, making nine weeks annually. as these caravans moved over the country, were there military scouts lining the way, to intercept deserters?--a corporal's guard at each pass of the mountains, sentinels pacing the hill-tops, and light horse scouring the defiles? the israelites must have had some safe contrivance for taking their "_slaves_" three times in a year to jerusalem and back. when a body of slaves is moved any distance in our _republic_, they are hand-cuffed and chained together, to keep them from running away, or beating their drivers' brains out. was this the _mosaic_ plan, or an improvement introduced by samuel, or was it left for the wisdom of solomon? the usage, doubtless, claims a paternity not less venerable and biblical! perhaps they were lashed upon camels, and transported in bundles, or caged up, and trundled on wheels to and fro, and while at the holy city, "lodged in jail for safe keeping," the sanhedrim appointing special religious services for their benefit, and their "drivers" officiating at "oral instruction." mean while, what became of the sturdy _handmaids_ left at home? what hindered them from marching off in a body? perhaps the israelitish matrons stood sentry in rotation round the kitchens, while the young ladies scoured the country, as mounted rangers, picking up stragglers by day, and patrolled the streets, keeping a sharp look-out at night. iv. their continuance in jewish families depended upon the performance of various rites necessarily voluntary. suppose the servants from the heathen had upon entering jewish families, refused circumcision; if _slaves_, how simple the process of emancipation! their _refusal_ did the job. or, suppose they had refused to attend the annual feasts, or had eaten unleavened bread during the passover, or compounded the ingredients of the anointing oil, they would have been "cut off from the people;" _excommunicated_. v. we infer the voluntariness of the servants of the patriarchs from the impossibility of their having been held against their wills. abraham's servants are an illustration. at one time he had three hundred and eighteen _young men_ "born in his house," and many more _not_ born in his house. his servants of all ages, were probably many thousands. how abraham and sarah contrived to hold fast so many thousand servants against their wills, we are left quite in the dark. the most natural supposition is that the patriarch and his wife _took turns_ in surrounding them! the neighboring tribes, instead of constituting a picket guard to hem in his servants, would have been far more likely to sweep them and him into captivity, as they did lot and his household. besides, there was neither "constitution" nor "compact," to send back abraham's fugitives, nor a truckling police to pounce upon them, nor gentleman-kidnappers, suing for his patronage, volunteering to howl on their track, boasting their blood-hound scent, and pledging their "honor" to hunt down and "deliver up," _provided_ they had a description of the "flesh-marks," and were suitably stimulated by _pieces of silver_. abraham seems also to have been sadly deficient in all the auxiliaries of family government, such as stocks, hand-cuffs, foot-chains, yokes, gags, and thumb-screws. his destitution of these patriarchal indispensables is the more afflicting, since he faithfully trained "his household to do justice and judgment," though so deplorably destitute of the needful aids. vi. we infer that servants were voluntary, as there is no instance of an israelitish master selling a servant. abraham had thousands of servants, but seems never to have sold one. isaac "grew until he became very great," and had "great store of servants." jacob's youth was spent in the family of laban, where he lived a servant twenty-one years. afterward he had a large number of servants. joseph sent for jacob to come into egypt, "thou and thy children, and thy children's children, and thy flocks and thy herds, and all that thou hast." jacob took his flocks and herds but _no servants_. gen xlv. ; xlvii. . they doubtless, served under their _own contracts_, and when jacob went into egypt, they _chose_ to stay in their own country. the government might sell _thieves_, if they had no property, until their services had made good the injury, and paid the legal fine. ex. xxii. . but _masters_ seem to have had no power to sell their _servants_. to give the master a _right_ to sell his servant, would annihilate the servant's right of choice in his own disposal; but says the objector, "to give the master a right to _buy_ a servant, equally annihilates the servant's _right of choice_." answer. it is one thing to have a right to buy a man, and a different thing to have a right to buy him of _another_ man[a]. [footnote a: there is no evidence that masters had the power to dispose even the _services_ of their servants, as men hire out their laborers whom they employ by the year; but whether they had or not, affects not the argument.] though servants were not bought of their masters, yet young females were bought of their _fathers_. but their purchase as _servants_ was their betrothal as wives. ex. xxi. , . "if a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she shall not go out as the men-servants do. if she please not her master who hath betrothed her to himself, he shall let her be redeemed."[b] [footnote b: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows: "a hebrew handmaid might not be sold but to one who laid himself under obligations, to espouse her to himself or to his son, when she was fit to be betrothed."--_maimonides--hilcoth--obedim_, ch. iv. sec. xi. jarchi, on the same passage, says, "he is bound to espouse her and take her to be his wife, for the _money of her purchase_ is the money of her espousal."] vii. we infer that the hebrew servant was voluntary in commencing his service, because he was pre-eminently so in continuing it. if, at the year of release, it was the servant's _choice_ to remain with his master, law required his ear to be bored by the judges of the land, thus making it impossible for him to be held against his will. yea more, his master was _compelled_ to keep him, however much he might wish to get rid of him. viii. the method prescribed for procuring servants, was an appeal to their choice. the israelites were commanded to offer them a suitable inducement, and then leave them to decide. they might neither seize them by _force_, nor frighten them by _threats_, nor wheedle them by false pretences, nor _borrow_ them, nor _beg_ them; but they were commanded to buy them[a]; that is, they were to recognize the _right_ of the individuals to _dispose_ of their own services, and their right to _refuse all offers_, and thus oblige those who made them, _to do their own work_. suppose all, with one accord, had _refused_ to become servants, what provision did the mosaic law make for such an emergency? none. [footnote a: the case of thieves, whose services were sold until they had earned enough to make restitution to the person wronged, and to pay the legal penalty, _stands by itself,_ and has nothing to do with the condition of servants.] ix. various incidental expressions corroborate the idea that servants became such by their own contract. job xli. , is an illustration, "will he (leviathan) make a covenant with thee? wilt thou take him for a servant forever?" x. the transaction which made the egyptians the servants of pharaoh was voluntary throughout. see gen. xlvii. - . of their own accord they came to joseph and said, "we have not aught left but our _bodies_ and our lands; _buy us_;" then in the th verse, "we will be servants to pharaoh." xi. we infer the voluntariness of servants, from the fact that rich strangers did not become servants. indeed, so far were they from becoming servants themselves, that they bought and held jewish servants. lev. xxv. . xii. the sacrifices and offerings which all were required to present, were to be made voluntarily. lev. i. , . xiii. mention is often made of persons becoming servants where they were manifestly and pre-eminently voluntary. as the prophet elisha. kings xix. ; kings iii. . elijah was his _master_. the word, translated master, is the same that is so rendered in almost every instance where masters are spoken of under the mosaic and patriarchal systems. moses was the servant of jethro. ex. iii. . joshua was the servant of moses. num. xi. . jacob was the servant of laban. gen. xxix. - . iv.--were the servants forced to work without pay? as the servants became and continued such of _their own accord_, it would be no small marvel if they _chose_ to work without pay. their becoming servants, pre-supposes _compensation_ as a motive. that they _were paid_ for their labor, we argue, i. because god rebuked in thunder, the sin of using the labor of others without wages. "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." jer. xxii. . god here testifies that to use the service of others without wages is "unrighteousness" and pronounces his "wo" against the doer of the "wrong." the hebrew word _rea_, translated _neighbor_, does not mean one man, or class of men, in distinction from others, but any one with whom we have to do--all descriptions of persons, even those who prosecute us in lawsuits and enemies while in the act of fighting us--"as when a man riseth against his neighbor and slayeth him." deut. xxii. . "go not forth hastily to strive, lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof, when thy neighbor hath put thee to shame." prov. xxv. . "thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor." ex. xx. . "if any man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile." ex. xxi. , &c. ii. god testifies that in our duty to our fellow men, all the law and the prophets hang upon this command, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." our savior, in giving this command, quoted _verbatim_ one of the laws of the mosaic system. lev. xix. . in the th verse of the same chapter, moses applies this law to the treatment of strangers, "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." if it be loving others _as_ ourselves, to make them work for us without pay; to rob them of food and clothing also, would be a stronger illustration still of the law of love! _super_-disinterested benevolence! and if it be doing unto others as we would have them do to us, to make them work for _our own_ good alone, paul should be called to order for his hard saying against human nature, especially for that libellous matter in eph. v. , "no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth it and cherisheth it." iii. as persons became servants from poverty, we argue that they were compensated, since they frequently owned property, and sometimes a large amount. ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, gave david a princely present, "an hundred loaves of bread, and an hundred bunches of raisins, and an hundred of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine." sam. xvi. . the extent of his possessions can be inferred from the fact, that though the father of fifteen sons, he had twenty servants. in lev. xxv. - , where a servant, reduced to poverty, sold himself, it is declared that he may be _redeemed_, either by his kindred, or by himself. having been forced to sell himself from poverty, he must have acquired considerable property _after_ he became a servant. if it had not been common for servants to acquire property over which they had the control, the servant of elisha would hardly have ventured to take a large sum of money, (nearly $ [a]) from naaman, kings v. , . as it was procured by deceit, he wished to conceal the means used in getting it; but if servants, could "own nothing, nor acquire any thing," to embark in such an enterprise would have been consummate stupidity. the fact of having in his possession two talents of silver, would of itself convict him of theft[b]. but since it was common for servants to own property he might have it, and invest or use it, without attracting special attention, and that consideration alone would have been a strong motive to the act. his master, while rebuking him for using such means to get the money, not only does not take it from him; but seems to expect that he would invest it in real estate, and cattle, and would procure servants with it. kings v. . we find the servant of saul having money, and relieving his master in an emergency. sam. ix. . arza, the servant of elah, was the _owner of a house_. that it was somewhat magnificent, would be a natural inference from it's being a resort of the king. kings xvi. . the case of the gibeonites, who after becoming servants, still occupied their cities, and remained in many respects, a distinct people for centuries; and that of the , canaanites, the _servants_ of solomon, who worked out their "tribute of bond-service" in levies, periodically relieving each other, are additional illustrations of independence in the acquisition and ownership of property. [footnote a: though we have not sufficient data to decide upon the _relative_ value of that sum, _then_ and _now_, yet we have enough to warrant us in saying that two talents of silver, had far more value _then_ than three thousand dollars have _now_.] [footnote b: whoever heard of the slaves in our southern states stealing a large amount of money? they "_know how to take care of themselves_" quite too well for that. when they steal, they are careful to do it on such a _small_ scale, or in the taking of _such things_ as will make detection difficult. no doubt they steal now and then a little, and a gaping marvel would it be if they did not. why should they not follow in the footsteps of their masters and mistresses? dull scholars indeed! if, after so many lessons from _proficients_ in the art, who drive the business by _wholesale_, they should not occasionally copy their betters, fall into the _fashion_, and try their hand in a small way, at a practice which is the _only permanent and universal_ business carried on around them! ignoble truly! never to feel the stirrings of high impulse, prompting to imitate the eminent pattern set before them in the daily vocation of "honorables" and "excellences," and to emulate the illustrious examples of doctors of divinity, and _right_ and _very reverends_! hear president jefferson's testimony. in his notes on virginia, pp. - , speaking of slaves, he says, "that disposition to theft with which they have been branded, must be ascribed to their _situation_, and not to any special depravity of the moral sense. it is a problem which i give the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as for his slave--and whether the slave may not as justifiably take a _little_ from one who has taken all from him, as he may _slay_ one who would slay him?"] iv. heirship.--servants frequently inherited their master's property; especially if he had no sons, or if they had dishonored the family. eliezer, the servant of abraham; ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, jarha the servant of sheshan, and the _husbandmen_ who said of their master's son, "this is the heir, let us kill him, and the inheritance will be ours," are illustrations; also prov. xvii. --"a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." this passage gives servants precedence as heirs, even over the wives and daughters of their masters. did masters hold by force, and plunder of earnings, a class of persons, from which, in frequent contingencies, they selected both heirs for their property, and husbands for their daughters? v. all were required to present offerings and sacrifices. deut. xvi. , , chron. xv. - . numb. ix. . servants must have had permanently, the means of _acquiring_ property to meet these expenditures. vi. those hebrew servants who went out at the seventh year, were provided by law with a large stock of provisions and cattle. deut. xv. - . "thou shall furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy flour, and out of thy wine press, of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, thou shall give him[a]." if it be said that the servants from the strangers did not receive a like bountiful supply, we answer, neither did the most honorable class of _israelitish_ servants, the free-holders; and for the same reason, _they did not go out in the seventh year_, but continued until the jubilee. if the fact that the gentile servants did not receive such a _gratuity_ proves that they were robbed of their _earnings_, it proves that the most valued class of _hebrew_ servants were robbed of theirs also; a conclusion too stubborn for even pro-slavery masticators, however unscrupulous. [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows--"thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c. "that is to say, '_loading, ye shall load him_,' likewise every one of his family, with as much as he can take with him--abundant benefits. and if it be avariciously asked, "how much must i give him?" i say unto _you, not less than thirty shekels_, which is the valuation of a servant, as declared in ex. xxi. ."--maimonides, hilcoth obedim, chap. ii. sec. ] vii. the servants were bought. in other words, they received compensation in advance. having shown, under a previous head, that servants _sold themselves_, and of course received the compensation for themselves, except in cases where parents hired out the time of their children till they became of age[b], a mere reference to the fact is all that is required for the purposes of this argument. [footnote b: among the israelites, girls became of age at twelve, and boys at thirteen years.] viii. we find masters at one time having a large number of servants, and afterwards none, without any intimation that they were sold. the wages of servants would enable them to set up in business for themselves. jacob, after being laban's servant for twenty-one years, became thus an independent herdsman, and was the master of many servants. gen. xxx. , xxxii. . but all these servants had left him before he went down into egypt, having doubtless acquired enough to commence business for themselves. gen. xlv. , ; xlvi. - , . ix. god's testimony to the character of abraham. gen. xviii. . "for i know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep, the way of the lord to do justice and judgement." god here testifies that abraham taught his servants "the way of the lord." what was the "way of the lord" respecting the payment of wages where service was rendered? "wo unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wages!" jer. xxii. . "masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal." col. iv. . "render unto all their dues." rom. xiii. . "the laborer is worthy of his hire." luke x. . how did abraham teach his servants to "_do justice_" to others? by doing injustice to them? did he exhort them to "render to all their dues" by keeping back _their own_? did he teach them that "the laborer was worthy of his hire" by robbing them of _theirs_? did he beget in them a reverence for honesty by pilfering all their time and labor? did he teach them "not to defraud" others "in any matter" by denying them "what was just and equal?" if each of abraham's pupils under such a catechism did not become a very _aristides_ in justice, then illustrious examples, patriarchal dignity, and _practical_ lessons, can make but slow headway against human perverseness! x. _specific precepts of the mosaic law enforcing general principles_. out of many, we select the following: ( .) "thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn," or literally, while he thresheth. deut. xxv. . here is a general principle applied to a familiar case. the ox representing all domestic animals. isa. xxx. . a _particular_ kind of service, _all_ kinds; and a law requiring an abundant provision for the wants of an animal ministering to man in a _certain_ way,--a general principle of treatment covering all times, modes, and instrumentalities of service. the object of the law was; not merely to enjoin tenderness towards brutes, but to inculcate the duty of rewarding those who serve us; and if such care be enjoined, by god, both for the ample sustenance and present enjoyment _of a brute_, what would be a meet return for the services of _man_?--man with his varied wants, exalted nature and immortal destiny! paul says expressly, that this principle lies at the bottom of the statute. cor. ix. , , "for it is written in the law of moses, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn. doth god take care for oxen? or saith he it altogether for our sakes? that he that ploweth should plow in hope, and that he that thresheth in hope should be partaker of his hope," ( .) "if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner that he may live with thee. take thou no usury of him, or increase, but fear thy god. thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase." lev. xxv. - . now, we ask, by what process of pro-slavery legerdemain, this regulation can be made to harmonize with the doctrine of work without pay? did god declare the poor stranger entitled to relief, and in the same breath, authorize them to "use his services without wages;" force him to work and rob him of his earnings? v.--were masters the proprietors of servants as legal property? the discussion of this topic has already been somewhat anticipated, but a variety of additional considerations remain to be noticed. . servants were not subjected to the uses nor liable to the contingencies of property. ( .) they were never taken in payment for their masters' debts, though children were sometimes taken (without legal authority) for the debts of a father. kings iv. ; job xxiv. ; isa. l., ; matt. xviii. . creditors took from debtors property of all kinds, to satisfy their demands. job xxiv. , cattle are taken; prov. xxii. , household furniture; lev. xxv. - , the productions of the soil; lev. xxv. - , houses; ex. xxii. - , deut. xxiv. - , matt, v. , clothing; but _servants_ were taken in _no instance_. ( .) servants were never given as pledges. property of all sorts was given in pledge. we find household furniture, clothing, cattle, money, signets, and personal ornaments, with divers other articles of property, used as pledges for value received; but no servants. ( .) all lost property was to be restored. oxen, asses, sheep, raiment, and "whatsoever lost things," are specified--servants _not_. deut. xxii. . besides, the israelites were forbidden to return the runaway servant. deut. xxiii. . ( .) the israelites never gave away their servants as presents. they made costly presents, of great variety. lands, houses, all kinds of animals, merchandise, family utensils, precious metals, grain, armor, &c. are among their recorded _gifts_. giving presents to superiors and persons of rank, was a standing usage. sam. x. ; sam. xvi. ; chron. xvii. . abraham to abimelech, gen. xxi. ; jacob to the viceroy of egypt, gen. xliii. ; joseph to his brethren and father, gen. xlv. , ; benhadad to elisha, kings viii. , ; ahaz to tiglath pilezer, kings vi. ; solomon to the queen of sheba, kings x. ; jeroboam to ahijah, kings xiv. ; asa to benhadad, kings xv. , . but no servants were given as presents--though it was a prevailing fashion in the surrounding nations. gen. xii. ; gen. xx. . it may be objected that laban gave handmaids to his daughters, jacob's wives. without enlarging on the nature of the polygamy then prevalent suffice it to say that the handmaids of wives were regarded as wives, though of inferior dignity and authority. that jacob so regarded his handmaids, is proved by his curse upon reuben, gen. xlix. , and chron. v. ; also by the equality of their children with those of rachel and leah. but had it been otherwise--had laban given them as _articles of property_, then, indeed, the example of this "good old patriarch and slaveholder," saint laban, would have been a forecloser to all argument. ah! we remember his jealousy for _religion_--his holy indignation when he found that his "gods" were stolen! how he mustered his clan, and plunged over the desert in hot pursuit, seven days, by forced marches; how he ransacked a whole caravan, sifting the contents of every tent, little heeding such small matters as domestic privacy, or female seclusion, for lo! the zeal of his "images" had eaten him up! no wonder that slavery, in its bible-navigation, drifting dismantled before the free gusts, should scud under the lee of such a pious worthy to haul up and refit: invoking his protection, and the benediction of his "gods!" "again, it may be objected that, servants were enumerated in inventories of property. if that proves _servants_ property, it proves _wives_ property. "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's." ex. xx. . in inventories of _mere property_ if servants are included, it is in such a way, as to show that they are not regarded as _property_. see eccl. ii. , . but when the design is to show not merely the wealth, but the _greatness_ of any personage, servants are spoken of, as well as property. in a word, if _riches_ alone are spoken of, no mention is made of servants; if _greatness_, servants and property. gen. xiii. . "and abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver and in gold." so in the fifth verse, "and lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents." in the seventh verse servants are mentioned, "and there was a strife between the herdmen of abraham's cattle and the herdmen of lot's cattle." see also josh. xxii. ; gen. xxxiv. ; job xlii. ; chron. xxi. ; xxxii. - ; job i. - ; deut. viii. - ; gen. xxiv. , xxvi. , xxx. . jacobs's wives say to him, "all the _riches_ which thou hast taken from our father that is ours and our children's." then follows an inventory of property. "all his cattle," "all his goods," "the cattle of his getting." he had a large number of servants at the time but they are not included with his property. comp. gen. xxx. , with gen. xxxi. - . when he sent messengers to esau, wishing to impress him with an idea of his state and sway, he bade them tell him not only of his riches, but of his greatness; that jacob had "oxen, and asses, and flocks, and men-servants, and maid-servants." gen. xxxii. , . yet in the present which he sent, there were no servants; though he seems to have sought as much variety as possible. gen. xxxii. , ; see also gen. xxxvi. , ; gen. xxxiv. . as flocks and herds were the staples of wealth, a large number of servants presupposed large possessions of cattle, which would require many herdsmen. when servants are spoken of in connection with _mere property_, the terms used to express the latter do not include the former. the hebrew word _mikne_, is an illustration. it is derived from _kana_, to procure, to buy, and its meaning is, _a possession, wealth, riches_. it occurs more than forty times in the old testament, and is applied always to _mere property_, generally to domestic animals, but never to servants. in some instances, servants are mentioned in distinction from the _mikne_. and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son, and all their substance that they had gathered; and the souls that they had gotten in haran, and they went forth to go into the land of canaan."--gen. xii. . many will have it, that these _souls_ were a part of abraham's _substance_ (notwithstanding the pains here taken to separate them from it)--that they were slaves taken with him in his migration as a part of his family effects. who but slaveholders, either actually or in heart, would torture into the principle and practice of slavery, such a harmless phrase as "_the souls that they had gotten_?" until the slave trade breathed its haze upon the vision of the church, and smote her with palsy and decay, commentators saw no slavery in, "the souls that they had gotten." in the targum of onkelos[a] it is rendered, "the souls whom they had brought to obey the law in haran." in the targum of jonathan, "the souls whom they had made proselytes in haran." in the targum of jerusalem, "the souls proselyted in haran." jarchi, the prince of jewish commentators, "the souls whom they had brought under the divine wings." jerome, one of the most learned of the christian fathers, "the persons whom they had proselyted." the persian version, the vulgate, the syriac, the arabic, and the samaritan all render it, "all the wealth which they had gathered, and the souls which they had made in haran." menochius, a commentator who wrote before our present translation of the bible, renders it, "quas de idolatraria converterant." "those whom they had converted from idolatry."--paulus fagius[b]. "quas instituerant in religione." "those whom they had established in religion." luke francke, a german commentator who lived two centuries ago. "quas legi subjicerant"--"those whom they had brought to obey the law." [footnote a: the targums are chaldee paraphrases of parts of the old testament. the targum of onkelas is, for the most part, a very accurate and faithful translation of the original, and was probably made at about the commencement of the christian era. the targum of jonathan ben uzziel, bears about the same date. the targum of jerusalem was probably about five hundred years later. the israelites, during their captivity in babylon, lost, as a body, their own language. these translations into the chaldee, the language which they acquired in babylon, were thus called for by the necessity of the case.] [footnote b: this eminent hebrew scholar was invited to england to superintend the translation of the bible into english, under the patronage of henry the eighth. he had hardly commenced the work when he died. this was nearly a century before the date of our present translation.] ii. the condition and treatment of servants make the doctrine that they were mere commodities, an absurdity. st. paul's testimony in gal. iv. , shows the condition of servants: "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all." that abraham's servants were voluntary, that their interests were identified with those of their master's family, and that the utmost confidence was reposed in them, is shown in their being armed.--gen. xiv. , . when abraham's servant went to padanaram, the young princess rebecca did not disdain to say to him, "drink, my lord," as "she hasted and let down her pitcher upon her hand, and gave him drink." laban, the brother of rebecca, "ungirded his camels, and brought him water to wash his feet and the men's feet that were with him!" in sam. ix. is an account of a festival in the city of zuph, at which samuel presided. none but those bidden, sat down at the feast, and only "about thirty persons" were invited. quite a select party!--the elite of the city. saul and his servant had just arrived at zuph, and _both_ of them, at samuel's solicitation, accompany him as invited guests. "and samuel took saul and his servant, and brought them into the parlor(!) and made them sit in the chiefest seats among those that were bidden." a _servant_ invited by the chief judge, ruler, and prophet in israel, to dine publicly with a select party, in company with his master, who was at the same time anointed king of israel! and this servant introduced by samuel into the parlor, and assigned, with his master, to the _chiefest seat_ at the table! this was "_one_ of the servants" of kish, saul's father; not the steward or the chief of them--not at all a _picked_ man, but "_one_ of the servants;" _any_ one that could be most easily spared, as no endowments specially rare would be likely to find scope in looking after asses. again: we find elah, the king of israel, at a festive entertainment, in the house of arza, his steward, or head servant, with whom he seems to have been on terms of familiarity.-- kings xvi. , . see also the intercourse between gideon and his servant.--judg. vii. , . jonathan and his servant.-- sam. xiv. - . elisha and his servant.-- kings iv. v. vi. iii. the case of the gibeonites. the condition of the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim, under the hebrew commonwealth, is quoted in triumph by the advocates of slavery; and truly they are right welcome to all the crumbs that can be gleaned from it. milton's devils made desperate snatches at fruit that turned to ashes on their lips. the spirit of slavery raves under tormenting gnawings, and casts about in blind phrenzy for something to ease, or even to _mock_ them. but for this, it would never have clutched at the gibeonites, for even the incantations of the demon cauldron, could not extract from their case enough to tantalize starvation's self. but to the question. what was the condition of the gibeonites under the israelites? ( .) _it was voluntary_. their own proposition to joshua was to become servants. josh. ix. , . it was accepted, but the kind of service which they should perform, was not specified until their gross imposition came to light; they were then assigned to menial offices in the tabernacle. ( .) _they were not domestic servants in the families of the israelites_. they still resided in their own cities, cultivated their own fields, tended their flocks and herds, and exercised the functions of a _distinct_, though not independent community. they were subject to the jewish nation as _tributaries_. so far from being distributed among the israelites, and their internal organization as a distinct people abolished, they remained a separate, and, in some respects, an independent community for many centuries. when attacked by the amorites, they applied to the israelites as confederates for aid--it was rendered, their enemies routed, and themselves left unmolested in their cities. josh. x. - . long afterwards, saul slew some of them, and god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. david inquired of the gibeonites, "what shall i do for you, and wherewith shall i make the atonement?" at their demand, he delivered up to them, seven of saul's descendants. sam. xxi. - . the whole transaction was a formal recognition of the gibeonites as a distinct people. there is no intimation that they served families, or individuals of the israelites, but only the "house of god," or the tabernacle. this was established first at gilgal, a day's journey from their cities; and then at shiloh, nearly two day's journey from them; where it continued about years. during this period, the gibeonites inhabited their ancient cities and territory. only a few, comparatively, could have been absent at any one time in attendance on the tabernacle. wherever allusion is made to them in the history, the main body are spoken of as _at home_. it is preposterous to suppose that all the inhabitants of these four cities could find employment at the tabernacle. one of them "was a great city, as one of the royal cities;" so large, that a confederacy of five kings, apparently the most powerful in the land, was deemed necessary for its destruction. it is probable that the men were divided into classes, ministering in rotation--each class a few days or weeks at a time. this service was their _national tribute_ to the israelites, for the privilege of residence and protection under their government. no service seems to have been required of the _females_. as these gibeonites were canaanites, and as they had greatly exasperated the israelites by impudent imposition, and lying, we might assuredly expect that they would reduce _them_ to the condition of chattels if there was _any_ case in which god permitted them to do so. iv. throughout the mosaic system, god warns the israelites against holding their servants in such a condition as they were held in by the egyptians. how often are they pointed back to the grindings of their prison-house! what motives to the exercise of justice and kindness towards their servants, are held out to their fears in threatened judgments; to their hopes in promised good; and to all within them that could feel; by those oft repeated words of tenderness and terror! "for ye were bondmen in the land of egypt"--waking anew the memory of tears and anguish, and of the wrath that avenged them. god's denunciations against the bondage of egypt make it incumbent on us to ascertain, of what rights the israelites were plundered, and what they retained. egyptian bondage analyzed. ( .) the israelites were not dispersed among the families of egypt[a], but formed a separate community. gen. xlvi. . ex. viii. , ; ix. ; x. ; xi. ; ii. ; xvi. ; xvii. . ( .) they had the exclusive possession of the land of goshen[b]. gen. xlv. ; xlvii. , , . ex. xii. , , , , . ( .) they lived in permanent dwellings. these were _houses_, not _tents_. in ex. xii. , , the two side _posts_, and the upper door _posts_, and the lintel of the houses are mentioned. each family seems to have occupied a house _by itself_,--acts vii. . ex. xii. --and judging from the regulation about the eating of the passover, they could hardly have been small ones, ex. xii. , probably contained separate apartments, and places for concealment. ex. ii. , ; acts vii. . they appear to have been well apparelled. ex. xii. . to have their own burial grounds. ex. xiii. , and xiv. . ( .) they owned "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds," and "very much cattle." ex. xii. , , . ( .) they had their own form of government, and preserved their tribe and family divisions, and their internal organization throughout, though still a province of egypt, and _tributary_ to it. ex. ii. ; xii. , ; vi. , ; v. ; iii. , . ( .) they seem to have had in a considerable measure, the disposal of their own time,--ex. xxiii. ; iii. , , xii. ; ii. ; and iv. , - . and to have practiced the fine arts. ex. xxxii. ; xxxv. - . ( .) they were all armed. ex. xxxii. . ( .) they held their possessions independently, and the egyptians seem to have regarded them as inviolable. no intimation is given that the egyptians dispossessed them of their habitations, or took away their flocks, or herds, or crops, or implements of agriculture, or any article of property. ( .) all the females seem to have known something of domestic refinements; they were familiar with instruments of music, and skilled in the working of fine fabrics. ex. xv. ; xxxv. , . ( .) service seems to have been exacted from none but adult males. nothing is said from which the bond service of females could he inferred; the hiding of moses three months by his mother, and the payment of wages to her by pharaoh's daughter, go against such a supposition. ex. ii. . ( .) so far from being fed upon a given allowance, their food was abundant, and of great variety. "they sat by the flesh-pots," and "did eat bread to the full." ex. xvi. ; xxiv. ; xvii. ; iv. ; vi. ; "they did eat fish freely, and cucumbers, and melons, and leeks, and onions, and garlic." num. xi. , ; x. ; xx. . ( .) the great body of the people were not in the service of the egyptians. (a.) the extent and variety of their own possessions, together with such a cultivation of their crops as would provide them with bread, and such care of their immense flocks and herds, as would secure their profitable increase, must have furnished constant employment for the main body of the nation. (b.) during the plague of darkness, god informs us that "all the children of israel had light in their dwellings." we infer that they were _there_ to enjoy it. (c.) it seems improbable that the making of brick, the only service named during the latter part of their sojourn in egypt, could have furnished permanent employment for the bulk of the nation. see also ex. iv. - . besides, when eastern nations employed tributaries, it was as now, in the use of the levy, requiring them to furnish a given quota, drafted off periodically, so that comparatively but a small portion of the nation would be absent _at any one time_. probably one-fifth part of the proceeds of their labor was required of the israelites in common with the egyptians. gen. xlvii. , . instead of taking it from their _crops_, (goshen being better for _pasturage_) they exacted it of them in brick making; and it is quite probable that labor was exacted only from the _poorer_ israelites, the wealthy being able to pay their tribute in money. ex. iv. - . contrast this bondage of egypt with american slavery. have our slaves "very much cattle," and "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds?" do they live in commodious houses of their own, "sit by the flesh-pots," "eat fish freely," and "eat bread to the full?" do they live in a separate community, in their distinct tribes, under their own rulers, in the exclusive occupation of an extensive tract of country for the culture of their crops, and for rearing immense herds of their own cattle--and all these held inviolable by their masters? are our female slaves free from exactions of labor and liabilities of outrage? or when employed, are they paid wages, as was the israelitish woman by the king's daughter? have they the disposal of their own time and the means for cultivating social refinements, for practising the fine arts, and for personal improvement? the israelites under the bondage of egypt, enjoyed all these rights and privileges. true, "all the service wherein they made them serve was with rigor." but what was this when compared with the incessant toil of american slaves, the robbery of all their time and earnings, and even the power to "own any thing, or acquire any thing?" a "quart of corn a-day," the legal allowance of food[c]! their _only_ clothing for one half the year, "_one_ shirt and _one_ pair of pantaloons[d]!" _two hours and a half only_, for rest and refreshment in the twenty-four[e]!--their dwellings, _hovels_, unfit for human residence, with but one apartment, where both sexes and all ages herd promiscuously at night, like the beasts of the field. add to this, the ignorance, and degradation; the daily sundering of kindred, the revelries of lust, the lacerations and baptisms of blood, sanctioned by law, and patronized by public sentiment. what was the bondage of egypt when compared with this? and yet for her oppression of the poor, god smote her with plagues, and trampled her as the mire, till she passed away in his wrath, and the place that knew her in her pride, knew her no more. ah! "i have seen the afflictions of my people, and i have heard their groanings, and am come down to deliver them." he did come, and egypt sank a ruinous heap, and her blood closed over her. if such was god's retribution for the oppression of heathen egypt, of how much sorer punishment shall a christian people be thought worthy, who cloak with religion a system, in comparison with which the bondage of egypt dwindles to nothing? let those believe who can that god commissioned his people to rob others of _all_ their rights, while he denounced against them wrath to the uttermost, if they practised the _far lighter_ oppression of egypt--which robbed it's victims of only the least and cheapest of their rights, and left the females unplundered even of these. what! is god divided against himself? when he had just turned egypt into a funeral pile; while his curse yet blazed upon her unburied dead, and his bolts still hissed amidst her slaughter, and the smoke of her torment went upwards because she had "robbed the poor," did he license the victims of robbery to rob the poor of all? as _lawgiver_ did he _create_ a system tenfold more grinding than that for which he had just hurled pharaoh headlong, and overwhelmed his princes, and his hosts, till "hell was moved to meet them at their coming?" [footnote a: the egyptians evidently had _domestic_ servants living in their families; these may have been slaves; allusion is made to them in ex. ix. , , .] [footnote b: the land of goshen was a large tract of country, east of the pelusian arm of the nile, and between it and the head of the red sea, and the lower border of palestine. the probable centre of that portion, occupied by the israelites, could hardly have been less than sixty miles from the city. the border of goshen nearest to egypt must have been many miles distant. see "exodus of the israelites out of egypt," an able article by professor robinson, in the biblical repository for october, .] [footnote c: law of n.c. haywood's manual - .] [footnote d: law of la. martin's digest, .] [footnote e: law of la. act of july , . martin's digest, - .] we now proceed to examine various objections which will doubtless be set in array against all the foregoing conclusions. objections considered. the advocates of slavery find themselves at their wits end in pressing the bible into their service. every movement shows them hard-pushed. their ever-varying shifts, their forced constructions, and blind guesswork, proclaim both their _cause_ desperate, and themselves. the bible defences thrown around slavery by professed ministers of the gospel, do so torture common sense, scripture, and historical facts it were hard to tell whether absurdity, fatuity, ignorance, or blasphemy, predominates in the compound; each strives so lustily for the mastery it may be set down a drawn battle. how often has it been bruited that the color of the negro is the _cain-mark_, propagated downward. cain's posterity started an opposition to the ark, forsooth, and rode out the flood with flying streamers! why should not a miracle be wrought to point such an argument, and fill out for slaveholders a divine title-deed, vindicating the ways of god to man? objection . "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren." gen. ix. . this prophecy of noah is the _vade mecum_ of slaveholders, and they never venture abroad without it; it is a pocket-piece for sudden occasion, a keepsake to dote over, a charm to spell-bind opposition, and a magnet to draw around their standard "whatsoever worketh abomination or maketh a lie." but "cursed be canaan" is a poor drug to ease a throbbing conscience--a mocking lullaby, to unquiet tossings, and vainly crying "peace be still," where god wakes war, and breaks his thunders. those who justify negro slavery by the curse of canaan, _assume_ all the points in debate. ( .) that _slavery_ was prophesied rather than mere _service_ to others, and _individual_ bondage rather than _national_ subjection and tribute. ( .) that the _prediction_ of crime _justifies_ it; at least absolving those whose crimes fulfill it, if not transforming the crimes into _virtues_. how piously the pharoahs might have quoted the prophecy _"thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and they shall afflict there four hundred years."_ and then, what _saints_ were those that crucified the lord of glory! ( .) that the africans are descended from canaan. whereas africa was peopled from egypt and ethiopia, and they were settled by mizraim and cush. for the location and boundaries of canaan's posterity, see gen. x. - . so a prophecy of evil to one people, is quoted to justify its infliction upon another. perhaps it may be argued that canaan includes all ham's posterity. if so, the prophecy is yet unfulfilled. the other sons of ham settled egypt and assyria, and, conjointly with shem, persia, and afterward, to some extent, the grecian and roman empires. the history of these nations gives no verification of the prophecy. whereas, the history of canaan's descendants for more than three thousand years, records its fulfilment. first, they were put to tribute by the israelites; then by the medes and persians; then by the macedonians, grecians and romans, successively; and finally, were subjected by the ottoman dynasty, where they yet remain. thus canaan has been for ages the servant mainly of shem and japhet, and secondarily of the other sons of ham. it may still be objected, that though canaan alone is _named_ in the curse, yet the d and th verses show the posterity of ham in general to be meant. "and ham, the father of canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without." "and noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him, and said," &c. it is argued that this "_younger_ son" can not be _canaan_, as he was the _grandson_ of noah, and therefore it must be _ham._ we answer, whoever that "_younger son_" was, _canaan_ alone was named in the curse. besides, the hebrew word _ben_, signifies son, grandson, or _any_ of _one_ the posterity of an individual. "_know ye laban the son of nahor?_" laban was the _grandson_ of nahor. gen. xxix. . "_mephibosheth the son of saul_." sam. xix. . mephibosheth was the _grandson_ of saul. sam. ix. . "_there is a son born to naomi._" ruth iv. . this was the son of ruth, the daughter-in-law of naomi. "_let seven men of his (saul's) sons be delivered unto us._" sam. xxi. . seven of saul's _grandsons_ were delivered up. "_laban rose up and kissed his sons._" gen. xxi. . these were his _grandsons_. "_the driving of jehu the son of nimshi._" kings ix. . jehu was the _grandson_ of nimshi. shall we forbid the inspired writer to use the _same_ word when speaking of _noah's_ grandson? further; ham was not the "_younger_" son. the order of enumeration makes him the _second_ son. if it be said that bible usage varies, the order of birth not always being observed in enumerations, the reply is, that, enumeration in that order is the _rule_, in any other order the _exception_. besides, if a younger member of a family, takes precedence of older ones in the family record, it is a mark of pre-eminence, either in endowments, or providential instrumentality. abraham, though sixty years younger than his eldest brother, stands first in the family genealogy. nothing in ham's history shows him pre-eminent; besides, the hebrew word _hakkatan_ rendered "the _younger_," means the _little, small_. the same word is used in isa. xl. . "_a little one shall become a thousand_." isa. xxii. . "_all vessels of small quantity_." ps. cxv. . "_he will bless them that fear the lord both small and great_." ex. xviii. . "_but every small matter they shall judge_." it would be a literal rendering of gen. ix. , if it were translated thus. "when noah knew what his little son[a], or grandson (_beno hakkatan_) had done unto him, he said cursed be canaan," &c. further, even if the africans were the descendants of canaan, the assumption that their enslavement fulfils this prophecy, lacks even plausibility, for, only a _fraction_ of the africans have at any time been the slaves of other nations. if the objector say in reply, that a large majority of the africans have always been slaves _at home_, we answer: _it is false in point of fact_, though zealously bruited often to serve a turn; and _if it were true_, how does it help the argument? the prophecy was, "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be _unto his_ brethren," not unto _himself_! [footnote a: the french follows the same analogy; _grandson_ being _petit fils_ (little son.)] objection ii.--"if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." ex. xxi. , . what was the design of this regulation? was it to grant masters an indulgence to beat servants with impunity, and an assurance, that if they beat them to death, the offense shall not be _capital_? this is substantially what commentators tell us. what deity do such men worship? some blood-gorged moloch, enthroned on human hecatombs, and snuffing carnage for incense? did he who thundered from sinai's flames, "thou shalt not kill," offer a bounty on _murder_? whoever analyzes the mosaic system, will find a moot court in session, trying law points--settling definitions, or laying down rules of evidence, in almost every chapter. num. xxxv. - ; deut. xi. , and xix. - ; lev. xxiv. - ; ex. xxi. , , are a few, out of many cases stated, with tests furnished the judges by which to detect _the intent_, in actions brought before them. their ignorance of judicial proceedings, laws of evidence, &c., made such instructions necessary. the detail gone into, in the verses quoted, is manifestly to enable them to get at the _motive_ and find out whether the master _designed_ to kill. ( .) "if a man smite his servant with a _rod_."--the instrument used, gives a clue to the _intent_. see num. xxxv. , . a _rod_, not an axe, nor a sword, nor a bludgeon, nor any other death-weapon--hence, from the _kind_ of instrument, no design to _kill_ would be inferred; for _intent_ to kill would hardly have taken a _rod_ for its weapon. but if the servant die _under his hand_, then the unfitness of the instrument, is point blank against him; for, to strike him with a _rod_ until he _dies_, argues a great many blows and great violence, and this kept up to the death-gasp, showed an _intent to kill_. hence "he shall _surely_ be punished." but if he continued _a day or two_, the _length of time that he lived_, together with the _kind_ of instrument used, and the master's pecuniary interest in his _life_, ("he is his _money_,") all made a strong case of circumstantial evidence, showing that the master did not design to kill. further, the word _nakam_, here rendered _punished_, is _not so rendered in another instance_. yet it occurs thirty-five times in the old testament, and in almost every place is translated "_avenge_," in a few, "_to take vengeance_," or "_to revenge_," and in this instance alone, "_punish_." as it stands in our translation, the pronoun preceding it, refers to the _master_, whereas it should refer to the _crime_, and the word rendered _punished_, should have been rendered _avenged_. the meaning is this: if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, it (the death) shall surely be avenged, or literally, _by avenging it shall be avenged_; that is, the _death_ of the servant shall be _avenged_ by the _death_ of the master. so in the next verse, "if he continue a day or two," his death is not to be avenged by the _death_ of the _master_, as in that case the crime was to be adjudged _manslaughter_, and not _murder_. in the following verse, another case of personal injury is stated, for which the injurer is to pay a _sum of money_; and yet our translators employ the same phraseology in both places. one, an instance of deliberate, wanton, killing by piecemeal. the other, an accidental, and comparatively slight injury--of the inflicter, in both cases, they say the same thing! "he shall surely be punished." now, just the discrimination to be looked for where god legislates, is marked in the original. in the case of the servant wilfully murdered, he says, "it (the death) shall surely be _avenged_," that is, the life of the wrong doer shall expiate the crime. the same word is used in the old testament, when the greatest wrongs are redressed, by devoting the perpetrators to _destruction_. in the case of the unintentional injury, in the following verse, god says, "he shall surely be _fined_," (_aunash_.) "he shall _pay_ as the judges determine." the simple meaning of the word _anash_, is to lay a fine. it is used in deut. xxii. : "they shall amerce him in one hundred shekels," and in chron. xxxvi. : "he condemned (_mulcted_) the land in a hundred talents of gold." that _avenging_ the death of the servant, was neither imprisonment, nor stripes, nor a fine, but that it was _taking the master's life_ we infer, ( .) from the _use_ of the word _nakam_. see gen. iv. ; josh. x. ; judg. xiv. ; xvi. ; i sam. xiv. ; xviii. ; xxv. ; sam. iv. ; judg. v. : i sam. xxv. - . ( .) from the express statute, lev. xxiv. ; "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death." also num. xxxv. , : "whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death. moreover, ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death." ( .) the targum of jonathan gives the verse thus, "death by the sword shall surely be adjudged." the targum of jerusalem. "vengeance shall be taken for him to the _uttermost_." jarchi, the same. the samaritan version: "he shall die the death," again the clause "for he is his money," is quoted to prove that the servant is his master's property, and therefore, if he died, the master was not to be punished. the assumption is, that the phrase, "he is his money." proves not only that the servant is _worth money_ to the master, but that he is an _article of property_. if the advocates of slavery insist upon taking the principle of interpretation into the bible, and turning it loose, let them stand and draw in self-defence. if they endorse for it at one point, they must stand sponsors all around the circle. it will be too late to cry for quarter when its stroke clears the table, and tilts them among the sweepings beneath. the bible abounds with such expressions as the following: "this (bread) is my body;" "this (wine) _is_ my blood;" "all they (the israelites) _are_ brass and tin;" "this (water) _is_ the blood of the men who went in jeopardy of their lives;" "the lord god _is_ a sun and a shield;" "god _is_ love;" "the seven good ears _are_ seven years, and the seven good kine _are_ seven years;" "the tree of the field _is_ man's life;" "god _is_ a consuming fire;" "he _is_ his money," &c. a passion for the exact _literalities_ of the bible is so amiable, it were hard not to gratify it in this case. the words in the original are (_kaspo-hu_,) "his _silver_ is he." the objector's principle of interpretation is a philosopher's stone! its miracle touch transmutes five feet eight inches of flesh and bones into _solid silver!_ quite a _permanent_ servant, if not so nimble with all--reasoning against "_forever_," is forestalled henceforth, and, deut. xxiii. , utterly outwitted. the obvious meaning of the phrase, "_he is his money_," is, he is _worth money_ to his master, and since, if the master had killed him, it would have taken money out of his pocket, the _pecuniary loss_, the _kind of instrument used_, and _the fact of his living some time after the injury_, (if the master _meant_ to kill, he would be likely to _do_ it while about it,) all together make a strong case of presumptive evidence clearing the master of _intent to kill_. but let us look at the objector's _inferences_. one is, that as the master might dispose of his _property_ as he pleased, he was not to be punished, if he destroyed it. whether the servant died under the master's hand, or after a day or two, he was _equally_ his property, and the objector admits that in the _first_ case the master is to be "surely punished" for destroying _his own property!_ the other inference is, that since the continuance of a day or two, cleared the master of _intent to kill_, the loss of the slave would be a sufficient punishment for inflicting the injury which caused his death. this inference makes the mosaic law false to its own principles. a _pecuniary loss_ was no part of the legal claim, where a person took the _life_ of another. in such case, the law spurned money, whatever the sum. god would not cheapen human life, by balancing it with such a weight. "ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall surely be put to death." num. xxxv. . even in excusable homicide, where an axe slipped from the helve and killed a man, no sum of money availed to release from confinement in the city of refuge, until the death of the high priest. numb. xxxv. . the doctrine that the loss of the servant would be a penalty _adequate_ to the desert of the master, admits his _guilt_ and his desert of _some_ punishment, and it prescribes a kind of punishment, rejected by the law in all cases where man took the life of man, whether with or without the intent to kill. in short, the objector annuls an integral part of the system--makes a _new_ law, and coolly metes out such penalty as he thinks fit. divine legislation revised and improved! the master who struck out his servant's tooth, whether intentionally or not, was required to set him free. the _pecuniary loss_ to the master was the same as though he had killed him. look at the two cases. a master beats his servant so that he dies of his wounds; another accidentally strikes out his servant's tooth,--_the pecuniary loss of both cases is the same_. if the loss of the slave's services is punishment sufficient for the crime of killing him, would _god_ command the _same_ punishment for the _accidental_ knocking out of a _tooth?_ indeed, unless the injury was done _inadvertantly_, the loss of the servant's services was only a _part_ of the punishment--mere reparation to the _individual_ for injury done; the _main_ punishment, that strictly _judicial_, was reparation to the _community_. to set the servant free, and thus proclaim his injury, his right to redress, and the measure of it--answered not the ends of _public_ justice. the law made an example of the offender. that "those that remain might hear and fear." "if a man cause a blemish in his neighbor, as he hath done, so shall it be done unto him. breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth. ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger as for one of your own country." lev xxiv. , , . finally, if a master smote out his servant's tooth the law smote out _his_ tooth--thus redressing the _public_ wrong; and it cancelled the servant's obligation to the master, thus giving some compensation for the injury done, and exempting him form perilous liabilities in future. objection iii. "both thy bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have shall be of the heathen that are round about you, of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the stranger that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and they shall be your possessions. and ye shall take them as an inheritance of your children from you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen forever." lev, xxv. - . the _points_ in these verses urged as proof, that the mosaic system sanctioned slavery, are . the word "bondmen." . "buy." . "inheritance and possession." and . "forever." the _buying_ of servants was discussed, pp. - , and holding them as a "possession." pp. - . we will now ascertain what sanction to slavery is derivable from the terms "bondmen," "inheritance," and "forever." . "bondmen." the fact that servants from the heathen are called "_bondmen_," while others are called "_servants_," is quoted as proof that the former were slaves. as the caprices of king james' translators were not inspired, we need stand in no special awe of them. the word here rendered bondmen is uniformly rendered servants elsewhere. the hebrew word "_ebedh_," the plural of which is here translated "bondmen," is in isa. xlii. , applied to christ. "behold my _servant_ (bondman, slave?) whom i have chosen." so isa. lii. . "behold my _servant_ (christ) shall deal prudently." in kings xii. , , to _king rehoboam_. "and they spake unto him, saying if thou wilt be a _servant_ unto this people, then they will be thy _servants_ forever." in chron. xii. , , , , to the king and all the nation. in fine, the word is applied to _all_ persons doing service for others--to magistrates, to all governmental officers, to tributaries, to all the subjects of governments, to younger sons--defining their relation to the first born, who is called _lord_ and _ruler_--to prophets, to kings, to the messiah, and in respectful addresses not less than _fifty_ times in the old testament. if the israelites not only held slaves, but multitudes of them, if abraham had thousands and if they _abounded_ under the mosaic system, why had their language _no word_ that _meant slave_? that language must be wofully poverty-stricken, which has no signs to represent the most common and familiar objects and conditions. to represent by the same word, and without figure, property, and the owner of that property, is a solecism. ziba was an "_ebedh_," yet he "_owned_" (!) twenty _ebedhs_! in our language, we have both _servant_ and _slave_. why? because we have both the _things_ and need _signs_ for them. if the tongue had a sheath, as swords have scabbards, we should have some _name_ for it: but our dictionaries give us none. why? because there is no such _thing_. but the objector asks, "would not the israelites use their word _ebedh_ if they spoke of the slave of a heathen?" answer. their _national_ servants or tributaries, are spoken of frequently, but domestic servants so rarely that no necessity existed, even if they were slaves, for coining a new word. besides, the fact of their being domestics, under _heathen laws and usages_ proclaimed their _liabilities_, their _locality_ made a _specific_ term unnecessary. but if the israelites had not only _servants_, but a multitude of _slaves_, a _word meaning slave_, would have been indispensable for every day convenience. further, the laws of the mosaic system were so many sentinels on the outposts to warn off foreign practices. the border ground of canaan, was quarantine ground, enforcing the strictest non-intercourse in usages between the without and the within. . "forever." this is quoted to prove that servants were to serve during their life time, and their posterity from generation to generation. no such idea is contained in the passage. the word "forever," instead of defining the length of _individual_ service, proclaims the permanence of the regulation laid down in the two verses preceding, namely, that their _permanent domestics_ should be of the strangers, and not of the israelites: it declares the duration of that general provision. as if god had said, "you shall _always_ get your _permanent_ laborers from the nations round about you--your servants shall always be of that class of persons." as it stands in the original it is plain--"forever of them shall ye serve yourselves." this is the literal rendering. that "_forever_" refers to the permanent relations of a _community_, rather than to the services of _individuals_, is a fair inference from the form of the expression, "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the _heathen_. of them shall ye buy," &c. "they shall be your possession." to say nothing of the uncertainty of _those individuals_ surviving those _after_ whom they are to live, the language used, applies more naturally to a _body_ of people, than to _individual_ servants. besides _perpetual_ service cannot be argued from the term _forever_. the ninth and tenth verses of the same chapter, limit it absolutely by the jubilee. "then thou shalt cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound * * throughout all your land." "and ye shall proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof." it may be objected that "inhabitants" here means _israelitish_ inhabitants alone. the command is, "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all _the inhabitants thereof_." besides, in the sixth verse, there is an enumeration of the different classes of the inhabitants, in which servants and strangers are included; and in all the regulations of the jubilee, and the sabbatical year, the strangers are included in the precepts, prohibitions, and promises. again: the year of jubilee was ushered in, by the day of atonement. what did these institutions show forth? the day of atonement prefigured the atonement of christ, and the year of jubilee, the gospel jubilee. and did they prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to jews only? were they types of sins remitted, and of salvation proclaimed to the nation of israel alone? is there no redemption for us gentiles in these ends of the earth, and is our hope presumption and impiety? did that old partition wall survive the shock, that made earth quake, and hid the sun, burst graves and rocks, and rent the temple veil? and did the gospel only rear it higher to thunder direr perdition from its frowning battlements on all without? no! the god of our salvation lives "good tidings of great joy shall be to all people." one shout shall swell from all the ransomed, "thou hast redeemed us unto god by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation." to deny that the blessings of the jubilee extended to the servants from the _gentiles_, makes christianity _judaism_. it not only eclipses the glory of the gospel, but strikes out the sun. the refusal to release servants at the jubilee falsified and disannulled a grand leading type of the atonement, and was a libel on the doctrine of christ's redemption. finally, even if _forever_ did refer to _individual_ service, we have ample precedents for limiting the term by the jubilee. the same word defines the length of time which _jewish_ servants served who did not go out in the _seventh_ year. and all admit that they went out at the jubilee. ex. xxi. - ; deut. xv. - . the d verse of the same chapter is quoted to prove that "_forever_" in the th verse, extends beyond the jubilee. "the land shall not be sold forever, for the land is mine"--since it would hardly be used in different senses in the same general connection. as _forever_, in the th verse, respects the _general arrangement_, and not _individual service_ the objection does not touch the argument. besides in the th verse, the word used, is _olam_, meaning _throughout the period_, whatever that may be. whereas in the d verse, it is _tsemithuth_, meaning, a _cutting off_. . "inheritance and possession," "ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you to inherit them for a possession." this refers to the _nations_, and not to the _individual_ servants, procured from these nations. we have already shown, that servants could not be held as a _property_-possession, and inheritance; that they became servants of their _own accord_, and were paid wages; that they were released by law from their regular labor nearly _half the days in each year_, and thoroughly _instructed_; that the servants were _protected_ in all their personal, social and religious rights, equally with their masters &c. all remaining, after these ample reservations, would be small temptation, either to the lust of power or of lucre; a profitable "possession" and "inheritance," truly! what if our american slaves were all placed in _just such a condition_ alas, for that soft, melodious circumlocution, "our peculiar species of property!" verily, emphasis would be cadence, and euphony and irony meet together! what eager snatches at mere words, and bald technics, irrespective of connection, principles of construction, bible usages, or limitations of meaning by other passages--and all to eke out such a sense as sanctifies existing usages, thus making god pander for lust. the words _nahal_ and _nahala_, inherit and inheritance by no means necessarily signify _articles of property_. "the people answered the king and said, we have none _inheritance_ in the son of jesse." chron. x. . did they moan gravely to disclaim the holding of their kin; as an article of _property_? "children are an _heritage_ (inheritance) of the lord." ps. cxxvii. . "pardon our iniquity, and take us for thine _inheritance_." ex. xxxiv. . when god pardons his enemies, and adopts them as children, does he make them _articles of property_? are forgiveness, and chattel-making, synonymes? "thy testimonies have i taken as a _heritage_" (inheritance.) ps. cxix. . "_i_ am their _inheritance_." ezek. xliv. . "i will give thee the heathen for thine _inheritance_." ps. ii. . "for the lord will not cast off his people, neither will he forsake his _inheritance_." ps. xciv . see also deut. iv. ; josh. xiii. ; ps. lxxxii. ; lxxviii. , ; prov. xiv. . the question whether the servants were a property-"_possession_," has been already discussed--pp. - --we need add in this place but a word, _ahuzza_ rendered "_possession_." "and joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a _possession_ in the land of egypt." gen. xlii. . in what sense was goshen the _possession_ of the israelites? answer, in the sense of _having it to live in_. in what sense were the israelites to _possess_ these nations, and _take them_ as an _inheritance for their children_? answer, they possessed them as a permanent source of supply for domestic or household servants. and this relation to these nations was to go down to posterity as a standing regulation, having the certainty and regularity of a descent by inheritance. the sense of the whole regulation may be given thus: "thy permanent domestics, which thou shalt have, shall be of the nations that are round about you, of _them_ shall ye get male and female domestics." "moreover of the children of the foreigners that do sojourn among you, of _them_ shall ye get, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and _they_ shall be your permanent resource." "and ye shall take them as a _perpetual_ provision for your children after you, to hold as a _constant source of supply_. always _of them_ shall ye serve yourselves." the design of the passage is manifest from its structure. it was to point out the _class_ of persons from which they were to get their supply of servants, and the _way_ in which they were to get them. objection iv. "if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant, but as an hired-servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee." lev. xxv. , . as only _one_ class is called "_hired_," it is inferred that servants of the _other_ class were _not paid_ for their labor. that god, with thundering anathemas against those who "used their neighbor's service without wages," granted a special indulgence to his chosen people to force others to work, and rob them of earnings, provided always, in selecting their victims, they spared "the gentlemen of property and standing," and pounced only upon the strangers and the common people. the inference that "_hired_" is synonymous with _paid_, and that those servants not _called_ "hired" were not _paid_ for their labor, is a mere assumption. the meaning of the english verb _to hire_, is to procure for a _temporary_ use at a certain price--to engage a person to temporary service for wages. that is also the meaning of the hebrew word "_saukar_." it is not used when the procurement of _permanent_ service is spoken of. now, we ask, would _permanent_ servants, those who constituted a stationary part of the family, have been designated by the same term that marks _temporary_ servants? the every-day distinction on this subject, are familiar as table-talk. in many families the domestics perform only the _regular_ work. whatever is occasional merely, as the washing of a family, is done by persons hired expressly for the purpose. the familiar distinction between the two classes, is "servants," and "hired help," (not _paid_ help.) _both classes are paid_. one is permanent, the other occasional and temporary, and therefore in this case called "_hired_[a]." [footnote a: to suppose a servant robbed of his earnings because he is not called a _hired_ servant is profound induction! if i employ a man at twelve dollars a month to work my farm, he is my "_hired_" man, but if _i give him such a portion of the crop_, or in other words, if he works my farm "_on shares_," every farmer knows that he is no longer called my "_hired_" man. yet he works the same farm, in the same way, at the same time, and with the same teams and tools; and does the same amount of work in the year, and perhaps earns twenty dollars a month, instead of twelve. now as he is no longer called "_hired_," and as he still works my farm, suppose my neighbours sagely infer, that since he is not my "_hired_" laborer, i _rob_ him of his earnings and with all the gravity of owls, pronounce the oracular decision, and hoot it abroad. my neighbors are deep divers!--like some theological professors, they not only go to the bottom but come up covered with the tokens.] a variety of particulars are recorded distinguishing _hired_ from _bought_ servants. ( .) hired servants were paid daily at the close of their work. lev. xix ; deut. xxiv. , ; job. vii. ; matt. xx. . "_bought_" servants were paid in advance, (a reason for their being called _bought_,) and those that went out at the seventh year received a _gratuity_. deut. xv. , . ( .) the "hired" were paid _in money_, the "bought" received their _gratuity_, at least, in grain, cattle, and the product of the vintage. deut. xiv. . ( .) the "hired" _lived_ in their own families, the "bought" were part of their masters' families. ( .) the "hired" supported their families out of their wages: the "bought" and their families were supported by the master _besides_ their wages. the "bought" servants were, _as a class, superior to the hired_--were more trust-worthy, had greater privileges, and occupied a higher station in society. ( .) they were intimately incorporated with the family of the masters, were guests at family festivals, and social solemnities, from which hired servants were excluded. lev. xxii. ; ex. xii, , . ( .) their interests were far more identified with those of their masters' family. they were often, actually or prospectively, heirs of their masters' estates, as in the case of eliezer, of ziba, and the sons of bilhah and zilpah. when there were no sons, or when they were unworthy, bought servants were made heirs. prov. xvii. . we find traces of this usage in the new testament. "but when the husbandmen saw him, they reasoned among themselves, saying, this is the _heir_, come let us kill him, _that the inheritance may be ours._" luke xx. . in no instance does a _hired_ servant inherit his master's estate. ( .) marriages took place between servants and their master's daughters. sheshan had a _servant_, an egyptian, whose name was jarha. and sheshan gave his daughter to jarha his servant to wife. chron. ii. , . there is no instance of a _hired_ servant forming such an alliance. ( .) bought servants and their descendants were treated with the same affection and respect as the other members of the family.[a]. the treatment of abraham's servants, gen. xxv.--the intercourse between gideon and his servant, judg. vii. , ; saul and his servant, sam. iv. , ; jonathan and his servant, sam. xiv. - , and elisha and his servant, are illustrations. no such tie seems to have existed between _hired_ servants and their masters. their untrustworthiness was proverbial. john ix. , . none but the _lowest class_ engaged as hired servants, and the kinds of labor assigned to them required little knowledge and skill. various passages show the low repute and trifling character of the class from which they were hired. judg. ix. ; sam. ii. . the superior condition of bought servants is manifest in the high trusts confided to them, and in their dignity and authority in the household. in no instance is a _hired_ servant thus distinguished. the _bought_ servant is manifestly the master's representative in the family--with plenipotentiary powers over adult children, even negotiating marriage for them. abraham adjured his servant not to take a wife for isaac of the daughters of the canaanites. the servant himself selected the individual. servants also exercised discretionary power in the management of their masters' estates, "and the servant took ten camels of the camels of his master, _for all the goods of his master were under his hand_." gen. xxiv. . the reason assigned for taking them, is not that such was abraham's direction, but that the servant had discretionary control. servants had also discretionary power in the _disposal of property_. see gen. xxiv. , , . the condition of ziba in the house of mephibosheth, is a case in point. so in prov. xvii. . distinct traces of this estimation are to be found in the new testament, matt. xxiv. ; luke xii, , . so in the parable of the talents; the master seems to have set up each of his servants in trade with a large capital. the unjust steward had large _discretionary_ power, was "accused of wasting his master's goods," and manifestly regulated with his debtors, the _terms_ of settlement. luke xvi. - . such trusts were never reposed in _hired_ servants. [footnote a: "for the _purchased servant_ who is an israelite, or proselyte, shall fare as his master. the master shall not eat fine bread, and his servant bread of bran. nor yet drink old wine, and give his servant new; nor sleep on soft pillows, and bedding, and his servant on straw. i say unto you, that he that gets a _purchased_ servant does well to make him as his friend, or he will prove to his employer as if he got himself a master."--maimonides, in mishna kiddushim. chap. , sec. .] the inferior condition of _hired_ servants, is illustrated in the parable of the prodigal son. when the prodigal, perishing with hunger among the swine and husks, came to himself, his proud heart broke; "i will arise," he cried, "and go to my father." and then to assure his father of the depth of his humility, resolved to add, "make me as one of thy _hired_ servants." if _hired_ servants were the _superior_ class--to apply for the situation, savored little of that sense of unworthiness that seeks the dust with hidden face, and cries "unclean." unhumbled nature _climbs_; or if it falls, clings fast, where first it may. humility sinks of its own weight, and in the lowest deep, digs lower. the design of the parable was to illustrate on the one hand, the joy of god, as he beholds afar off, the returning sinner "seeking an injured father's face" who runs to clasp and bless him with unchiding welcome; and on the other, the contrition of the penitent, turning homeward with tears from his wanderings, his stricken spirit breaking with its ill-desert he sobs aloud. "the lowest place, _the lowest place_, i can abide no other." or in those inimitable words, "father i have sinned against heaven, and in thy sight, and am no more worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy hired servants." the supposition that _hired_ servants were the _highest_ class, takes from the parable an element of winning beauty and pathos. it is manifest to every careful student of the bible, that _one_ class of servants, was on terms of equality with the children and other members of the family. (hence the force of paul's declaration, gal. iv. , "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all.") if this were the _hired_ class, the prodigal was a sorry specimen of humility. would our lord have put such language upon the lips of one held up by himself, as a model of gospel humility, to illustrate its deep sense of an ill-desert? if this is _humility_, put it on stilts, and set it a strutting, while pride takes lessons, and blunders in apeing it. israelites and strangers, belonged indiscriminately to _each_ class of the servants, the _bought_ and the _hired_. that those in the former class, whether jews or strangers, rose to honors and authority in the family circle, which were not conferred on _hired_ servants, has been shown. it should be added, however, that in the enjoyment of privileges, merely _political_, the hired servants from the _israelites_, were more favored than even the bought servants from the _strangers_. no one from the strangers, however wealthy or highly endowed, was eligible to the highest office, nor could he own the soil. this last disability seems to have been one reason for the different periods of service required of the two classes of bought servants--the israelites and the strangers. the israelite was to serve six years--the stranger until the jubilee. as the strangers could not own the soil, nor even houses, except within walled towns, most would attach themselves to israelitish families. those who were wealthy, or skilled in manufactures, instead of becoming servants would need servants for their own use, and as inducements for the stranger's to become servants to the israelites, were greater than persons of their own nation could hold out to them, these wealthy strangers would naturally procure the poorer israelites for servants. lev. xxv. . in a word, such was the political condition of the strangers, that the jewish polity offered a virtual bounty, to such as would become permanent servants, and thus secure those privileges already enumerated, and for their children in the second generation a permanent inheritance. ezek. xlvii. - . none but the monied aristocracy would be likely to decline such offers. on the other hand, the israelites, owning all the soil, and an inheritance of land being a sacred possession, to hold it free of incumbrance was with every israelite, a delicate point, both of family honor and personal character. kings xxi. . hence, to forego the control of one's inheritance, after the division of the paternal domain, or to be kept out of it after having acceded to it, was a burden grievous to be borne. to mitigate as much as possible such a calamity, the law released the israelitish servant at the end of six years[a]; as, during that time--if of the first class--the partition of the patrimonial land might have taken place; or, if of the second, enough money might have been earned to disencumber his estate, and thus he might assume his station as a lord of the soil. if neither contingency had occurred, then after another six years the opportunity was again offered, and so on, until the jubilee. so while strong motives urged the israelite to discontinue his service as soon as the exigency had passed which made him a servant, every consideration impelled the _stranger_ to _prolong_ his term of service; and the same kindness which dictated the law of six years' service for the israelite, assigned as a general rule, a much longer period to the gentile servant, who had every inducement to protract the term. it should be borne in mind, that adult jews ordinarily became servants, only as a temporary expedient to relieve themselves from embarrassment, and ceased to be such when that object was effected. the poverty that forced them to it was a calamity, and their service was either a means of relief, or a measure of prevention; not pursued as a permanent business, but resorted to on emergencies--a sort of episode in the main scope of their lives. whereas with the strangers, it was a _permanent employment_, pursued both as a _means_ of bettering their own condition, and that of their posterity, and as an _end_ for its own sake, conferring on them privileges, and a social estimation not otherwise attainable. [footnote a: another reason for protracting the service until the seventh year, seems to have been the coincidence of that period with other arrangements, in the jewish economy. its pecuniary responsibilities, social relations, and general internal structure, were _graduated_ upon a septennial scale. besides as those israelites who became servants through poverty, would not sell themselves, till other expedients to recruit their finances had failed--(lev. xxv. )--their _becoming servants_ proclaimed such a state of their affairs, as demanded the labor of a _course of years_ fully to reinstate them.] we see from the foregoing, why servants purchased from the heathen, are called by way of distinction, _the_ servants, (not _bondmen_,) ( .) they followed it as a _permanent business_. ( .) their term of service was _much longer_ than that of the other class. ( .) as a class they doubtless greatly outnumbered the israelitish servants. ( .) all the strangers that dwelt in the land were _tributaries_, required to pay an annual tax to the government, either in money, or in public service, (called a "_tribute of land-service_;") in other words, all the strangers were _national servants_ to the israelites, and the same hebrew word used to designate _individual_ servants, equally designates _national_ servants or tributaries. sam. viii. , , . chron. viii. - . deut xx. . sam. x. . kings ix. , . kings iv. . gen. xxvii. . the same word is applied to the israelites, when they paid tribute to other nations. kings xvii. . judg. iii. , . gen. xlix. . another distinction between the jewish and gentile bought servants, was in their _kinds_ of service. the servants from the strangers were properly the _domestics_, or household servants, employed in all family work, in offices of personal attendance, and in such mechanical labor, as was required by increasing wants, and needed repairs. the jewish bought servants seem almost exclusively _agricultural_. besides being better fitted for it by previous habits--agriculture, and the tending of cattle, were regarded by the israelites as the most honorable of all occupations. after saul was elected king, and escorted to gibeah, the next report of him is, "_and behold saul came after the herd out of the field_." sam. xi. . elisha "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen." kings xix. . king uzziah "loved husbandry." chron. xxvi. . gideon _was "threshing wheat_" when called to lead the host against the midianites. judg. vi. . the superior honorableness of agriculture, is shown, in that it was protected and supported by the fundamental law of the theocracy--god indicating it as the chief prop of the government. the israelites were like permanent fixtures on their soil, so did they cling to it. to be agriculturalists on their own inheritances, was with them the grand claim to honorable estimation. agriculture being pre-eminently a _jewish_ employment, to assign a native israelite to other employments as a business, was to break up his habits, do violence to cherished predilections, and put him to a kind of labor in which he had no skill, and which he deemed degrading. in short, it was in the earlier ages of the mosaic system, practically to _unjew_ him, a hardship and rigor grievous to be borne, as it annihilated a visible distinction between the descendants of abraham and the strangers.--_to guard this and another fundamental distinction_, god instituted the regulation which stands at the head of this branch of our inquiry, "if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant." in other words, thou shalt not put him to servant's work--to the business, and into the condition of domestics. in the persian version it is translated thus, "thou shalt not assign to him the work of _servitude_." in the septuagint, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a _domestic_." in the syriac, "thou shalt not employ him after the manner of servants." in the samaritan, "thou shalt not require him to serve in the service of a servant." in the targum of onkelos, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a household servant." in the targum of jonathan, "thou shalt not cause him to serve according to the usages of the servitude of servants."[a] the meaning of the passage is, _thou shalt not assign him to the same grade, nor put him to the same service, with permanent domestics._ the remainder of the regulation is,--"_but as an hired servant and as a sojourner shall he be with thee._" hired servants were not incorporated into the families of their masters: they still retained their own family organization, without the surrender of any domestic privilege, honor, or authority; and this even though they resided under the same roof with their master. while bought servants were associated with their master's families at meals, at the passover, and at other family festivals, hired servants and sojourners were not. ex. xii. , ; lev. xxii. , . hired servants were not subject to the authority of their masters in any such sense as the master's wife, children, and bought servants. hence the only form of oppressing hired servants spoken of in the scriptures as practicable to masters, is that _of keeping back their wages_. to have taken away such privileges in the case under consideration, would have been pre-eminent "_rigor_," for it was not a servant born in the house of a master, not a minor, whose minority had been sold by the father, neither was it one who had not yet acceded to his inheritance: nor finally, one who had received the _assignment_ of his inheritance, but was working off from it an incumbrance, before entering upon its possession and control. but it was that of _the head of a family_, who had known better days, now reduced to poverty, forced to relinquish the loved inheritance of his fathers, with the competence and respectful consideration its possession secured to him, and to be indebted to a neighbor for shelter, sustenance, and employment. so sad a reverse, might well claim sympathy; but one consolation cheers him in the house of his pilgrimage; he is an _israelite--abraham is his father_, and now in his calamity he clings closer than ever, to the distinction conferred by his birth-right. to rob him of this, were "the unkindest cut of all." to have assigned him to a grade of service filled only by those whose permanent business was serving, would have been to "rule over him with" peculiar "rigor." "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," or literally, _thou shalt not serve thyself with him, with the service of a servant_, guaranties his political privileges, and a kind and grade of service, comporting with his character and relations as an israelite. and "as a _hired_ servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee," secures to him his family organization, the respect and authority due to its head, and the general consideration resulting from such a station. being already in possession of his inheritance, and the head of a household, the law so arranged the conditions of his service as to _alleviate_ as much as possible the calamity, which had reduced him from independence and authority, to penury and subjection. the import of the command which concludes this topic in the forty-third verse, ("thou shalt not rule over him with rigor,") is manifestly this, you shall not disregard those differences in previous associations, station, authority, and political privileges, upon which this regulation is based; for to hold this class of servants _irrespective_ of these distinctions, and annihilating them, is to "rule with rigor." the same command is repeated in the forty-sixth verse, and applied to the distinction between servants of jewish, and those of gentile extraction, and forbids the overlooking of distinctive jewish peculiarities, the disregard of which would be _rigorous_ in the extreme[b]. the construction commonly put upon the phrase "rule with rigor," and the inference drawn from it, have an air vastly oracular. it is interpreted to mean, "you shall not make him a chattel, and strip him of legal protection, nor force him to work without pay." the inference is like unto it, viz., since the command forbade such outrages upon the israelites, it permitted and commissioned their infliction upon the strangers. such impious and shallow smattering captivates scoffers and libertines; its flippancy and blasphemy, and the strong scent of its loose-reined license works like a charm upon them. what boots it to reason against such rampant affinities! in ex. i. , it is said that the egyptians "made the children of israel to _serve_ with rigor." this rigor is affirmed of the _amount of labor_ extorted and the _mode_ of the exaction. the expression, "serve with rigor," is never applied to the service of servants under the mosaic system. the phrase, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor," does not prohibit unreasonable exactions of labor, nor inflictions of cruelty. such were provided against otherwise. but it forbids confounding the distinctions between a jew and a stranger, by assigning the former to the same grade of service, for the same term of time, and under the same political disabilities as the latter. [footnote a: jarchi's comment on "thou shall not compel him to serve as a bond-servant" is, "the hebrew servant is not to be required to do any thing which is accounted degrading--such as all offices of personal attendance, as loosing his master's shoe-latchet, bringing him water to wash his feet and hands, waiting on him at table, dressing him, carrying things to and from the bath. the hebrew servant is to work with his master as a son or brother, in the business of his farm, or other labor, until his legal release."] [footnote b: the disabilities of the strangers, which were distinctions, based on a different national descent, and important to the preservation of national characteristics, and a national worship, did not at all affect their _social_ estimation. they were regarded according to their character, and worth as _persons_, irrespective of their foreign origin, employments, and political condition.] we are now prepared to review at a glance, the condition of the different classes of servants, with the modifications peculiar to each class. in the possession of all fundamental rights, all classes of servants were on an absolute equality, all were equally protected by law in their persons, character, property and social relations; all were voluntary, all were compensated for their labor, and released from it nearly half of the days in each year; all were furnished with stated instruction: none in either class were in any sense articles of property, all were regarded as _men_, with the rights, interests, hopes and destinies of _men_. in all these respects, _all_ classes of servants among the israelites, formed but one class. the _different_ classes and the differences in _each_ class, were, ( .) _hired servants._ this class consisted both of israelites and strangers. their employments were different. the _israelite_ was an agricultural servant. the stranger was a _domestic_ and _personal_ servant, and in some instances _mechanical_; both were occasional and temporary. both lived in their own families, their wages were _money_, and they were paid when their work was done. ( .) _bought servants_, (including those "born in the house.") this class also, consisted of israelites and strangers, the same difference in their kinds of employments noticed before. both were paid in advance[a], and neither was temporary. the israelitish servant, with the exception of the _freeholders_ was released after six years. the stranger was a permanent servant, continuing until the jubilee. a marked distinction obtained also between different classes of _jewish_ bought servants. ordinarily, they were merged in their master's family, and, like his wife and children, subject to his authority; (and, like them, protected by law from its abuse.) but the _freeholder_ was a marked exception: his family relations, and authority remained unaffected, nor was he subjected as an inferior to the control of his master, though dependent upon him for employment. [footnote a: the payment _in advance_, doubtless lessened the price of the purchase; the servant thus having the use of the money, and the master assuming all the risks of life and health for labor: at the expiration of the six year's contract, the master having suffered no loss from the risk incurred at the making of it, was obliged by law to release the servant with a liberal gratuity. the reason assigned for this is, "he hath been worth a double hired servant unto thee in serving thee six years," as if it had been said, as you have experienced no loss from the risks of life, and ability to labor, incurred in the purchase, and which lessened the price, and as, by being your servant for six years, he has saved you the time and trouble of looking up and hiring laborers on emergencies, therefore, "thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c.] it should be kept in mind, that _both_ classes of servants, the israelite and the stranger, not only enjoyed _equal natural and religious rights_, but _all the civil and political privileges_ enjoyed by those of their own people who were _not_ servants. they also shared in common with them the political disabilities which appertained to all strangers, whether the servants of jewish masters, or the masters of jewish servants. further, the disabilities of the servants from the strangers were exclusively _political_ and _national._ ( .) they, in common with all strangers, could not own the soil. ( .) they were ineligible to civil offices. ( .) they were assigned to employments less honorable than those in which israelitish servants engaged; agriculture being regarded as fundamental to the existence of the state, other employments were in less repute, and deemed _unjewish._ finally, the strangers, whether servants or masters, were all protected equally with the descendants of abraham. in respect to political privileges, their condition was much like that of naturalized foreigners in the united states; whatever their wealth or intelligence, or moral principle, or love for our institutions, they can neither go to the ballot-box, nor own the soil, nor be eligible to office. let a native american, be suddenly bereft of these privilege, and loaded with the disabilities of an alien, and what to the foreigner would be a light matter, to _him_, would be the severity of _rigor_. the recent condition of the jews and catholics in england, is another illustration. rothschild, the late banker, though the richest private citizen in the world, and perhaps master of scores of english servants, who sued for the smallest crumbs of his favor, was, as a subject of the government, inferior to the lowest among them. suppose an englishman of the established church, were by law deprived of power to own the soil, of eligibility to office and of the electoral franchise, would englishmen think it a misapplication of language, if it were said, the government "rules over him with rigor?" and yet his person, property, reputation, conscience, all his social relations, the disposal of his time, the right of locomotion at pleasure, and of natural liberty in all respects, are just as much protected by law as the lord chancellor's. finally,--as the mosaic system was a great compound type, rife with meaning in doctrine and duty; the practical power of the whole, depended upon the exact observance of those distinctions and relations which constituted its significancy. hence, the care to preserve serve inviolate the distinction between a _descendant of abraham_ and a _stranger_, even when the stranger was a proselyte, had gone through the initiatory ordinances, entered the congregation, and become incorporated with the israelites by family alliance. the regulation laid down in ex. xxi. - , is an illustration. in this case, the israelitish servant, whose term expired in six years, married one of his master's _permanent female domestics_; but her marriage, did not release her master from _his_ part of the contract for her whole term of service, nor from his legal obligation to support and educate her children. neither did it do away that distinction, which marked her national descent by a specific _grade_ and _term_ of service, nor impair her obligation to fulfill _her_ part of the contract. her relations as a permanent domestic grew out of a distinction guarded with great care throughout the mosaic system. to render it void, would have been to divide the system against itself. this god would not tolerate. nor, on the other hand, would he permit the master, to throw off the responsibility of instructing her children, nor the care and expense of their helpless infancy and rearing. he was bound to support and educate them, and all her children born afterwards during her term of service. the whole arrangement beautifully illustrates that wise and tender regard for the interests of all the parties concerned, which arrays the mosaic system in robes of glory, and causes it to shine as the sun in the kingdom of our father. by this law, the children had secured to them a mother's tender care. if the husband loved his wife and children, he could compel his master to keep him, whether he had any occasion for his services or not. if he did not love them, to be rid of him was a blessing; and in that case, the regulation would prove an act for the relief of an afflicted family. it is not by any means to be inferred, that the release of the servant in the seventh year, either absolved him from the obligations of marriage, or shut him out from the society of his family. he could doubtless procure a service at no great distance from them, and might often do it, to get higher wages, or a kind of employment better suited to his taste and skill. the great number of days on which the law released servants from regular labor, would enable him to spend much more time with his family, than can be spent by most of the agents of our benevolent societies with _their_ families, or by many merchants, editors, artists &c., whose daily business is in new york, while their families reside from ten to one hundred miles in the country. we conclude this inquiry by touching briefly upon an objection, which, though not formally stated, has been already set aside by the whole tenor of the foregoing argument. it is this,--"the slavery of the canaanites by the israelites, was appointed by god as a commutation of the punishment of death denounced against them for their sins." if the absurdity of a sentence consigning persons to _death_, and at the same time to perpetual _slavery_, did not sufficiently laugh at itself, it would be small self-denial, in a case so tempting, to make up the deficiency by a general contribution. for, _be it remembered_, only _one_ statute was ever given respecting the disposition to be made of the inhabitants of canaan. if the sentence of death was pronounced against them, and afterwards _commuted_, when? where? by whom? and in what terms was the commutation, and where is it recorded? grant, for argument's sake, that all the canaanites were sentenced to unconditional extermination; as there was no reversal of the sentence, how can a right to _enslave_ them, be drawn from such premises? the punishment of death is one of the highest recognitions of man's moral nature possible. it proclaims him _man_--rational, accountable, guilty, deserving death for having done his utmost to cheapen human life, when the proof of its priceless worth lived in his own nature. but to make him a _slave_, cheapens to nothing _universal human nature_, and instead of healing a wound, gives a death-stab. what! repair an injury to rational being in the robbery of _one_ of its rights, by robbing it of _all_, and annihilating their _foundation_--the everlasting distinction between persons and things? to make a man a chattel, is not the _punishment_, but the _annihilation_ of a _human_ being, and, so far as it goes, of _all_ human beings. this commutation of the punishment of death, into perpetual slavery, what a fortunate discovery! alas! for the honor of deity, if commentators had not manned the forlorn hope, and by a timely movement rescued the divine character, at the very crisis of its fate, from the perilous position in which inspiration had carelessly left it! here a question arises of sufficient importance for a separate dissertation; but must for the present be disposed of in a few paragraphs. were the canaanites sentenced by god to individual and unconditional extermination? as the limits of this inquiry forbid our giving all the grounds of dissent from commonly received opinions, the suggestions made, will be thrown out merely as queries, rather than laid down as _doctrines_. the directions as to the disposal of the canaanites, are mainly in the following passages: ex. xxiii. - ; xxxiv. ; deut. vii. - ; ix. ; xxxi. - . in these verses, the israelites are commanded to "destroy the canaanites," "drive out," "consume," "utterly overthrow," "put out," "dispossess them," &c. did these commands enjoin the unconditional and universal destruction of the _inhabitants_ or merely of the _body politic?_ the word _haram_, to destroy, signifies _national_, as well as individual destruction, the destruction of _political_ existence, equally with _personal_; of governmental organization, equally with the lives of the subjects. besides, if we interpret the words destroy, consume, overthrow, &c., to mean _personal_ destruction, what meaning shall we give to the expressions, "throw out before thee;" "cast out before thee;" "expel," "put out," "dispossess," &c., which are used in the same passages? "i will destroy all the people to whom thou shalt come, and i will make all thine enemies _turn their backs unto thee_" ex. xxiii. . here "_all thine enemies_" were to _turn their backs_ and "_all the people_" to be "_destroyed_." does this mean that god would let all their _enemies_ escape, but kill all their _friends_, or that he would _first_ kill "all the people" and then make them "turn their backs," an army of runaway corpses? if these commands required the destruction of all the inhabitants, the mosaic law was at war with itself, for directions as to the treatment of native residents form a large part of it. see lev. xix. ; xxv. , ; xx. . ex. xxiii. ; xxii. ; deut. i. , ; x. , , xxvii. . we find, also that provision was made for them in the cities of refuge. num. xxxv. ;--the gleanings of the harvest and vintage were theirs, lev. xix. , ; xxiii. ;--the blessings of the sabbath, ex. xx. ;--the privilege of offering sacrifices secured, lev. xxii. ; and stated religious instruction provided for them, deut. xxxi. , . now does this same law require the _individual extermination_ of those whose lives and interests it thus protects? these laws were given to the israelites, long _before_ they entered canaan; and they must have inferred from them that a multitude of the inhabitants of the land were to _continue_ in it, under their government. again joshua was selected as the leader of israel to execute god's threatenings upon canaan. he had no _discretionary_ power. god's commands were his _official instructions_. going beyond them would have been usurpation; refusing to carry them out rebellion and treason. saul was rejected from being king for disobeying god's commands in a _single_ instance. now, if god commanded the individual destruction of all the canaanites. joshua _disobeyed him in every instance_. for at his death, the israelites still "_dwelt among them_," and each nation is mentioned by name. judg. i. , and yet we are told that joshua "left nothing undone of all that the lord commanded moses;" and that he "took all that land." josh. xi. - . also, that "there _stood not a man_ of _all_ their enemies before them." how can this be, if the command to _destroy_ enjoined _individual_ extermination, and the command to _drive out_, unconditional expulsion from the country, rather than their expulsion from the _possession_ or _ownership_ of it, as the lords of the soil? true, multitudes of the canaanites were slain, but not a case can be found in which one was either killed or expelled who _acquiesced_ in the transfer of the territory, and its sovereignty, from the inhabitants of the land to the israelites. witness the case of rahab and her kindred, and the gibeonites[a]. the canaanites knew of the miracles wrought for the israelites; and that their land had been transferred to them as a judgment for their sins. josh. ii. - ; ix. , , . many of them were awed by these wonders, and made no resistance. others defied god and came out to battle. these occupied the fortified cities, were the most inveterate heathen--the aristocracy of idolatry, the kings, the nobility and gentry, the priests, with their crowds of satellite, and retainers that aided in idolatrous rites, and the military forces, with the chief profligates of both sexes. many facts corroborate the general position. such as the multitude of _tributaries_ in the midst of israel, and that too, after they had "waxed strong," and the uttermost nations quaked at the terror of their name--the canaanites, philistines, and others, who became proselytes--as the nethenims, uriah the hittite--rahab, who married one of the princes of judah--ittai--the six hundred gitites--david's body guard. sam. xv. , . obededom the gittite, adopted into the tribe of levi. comp. sam. vi. , , with chron. xv. , and chron. xxvi. --jaziz, and obil. chron. xxvi. , , . jephunneh the father of caleb, the kenite, registered in the genealogies of the tribe of judah, and the one hundred and fifty thousand canaanites, employed by solomon in the building of the temple[b]. besides, the greatest miracle on record, was wrought to save a portion of those very canaanites, and for the destruction of those who would exterminate them. josh. x. - . further--the terms employed in the directions regulating the disposal of the canaanites, such as "drive out," "put out," "cast out," "expel," "dispossess," &c. seem used interchangeably with "consume," "destroy," "overthrow," &c., and thus indicate the sense in which the latter words are used. as an illustration of the meaning generally attached to these and similar terms, we refer to the history of the amelekites. "i will utterly put out the remembrance of amelek from under heaven." ex. xxvii. . "thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amelek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget it." deut. xxv. . "smite amelek and _utterly destroy_ all that they have, and spare them not, but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep." sam. xv. , . "saul smote the amelekites, and took agag the king of the amelekites, alive and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." verses , . in verse , saul says, "i have brought agag, the king of amelek, and have _utterly destroyed_ the amelekites." in sam. xxx. we find the amelekites marching an army into israel, and sweeping everything before them--and this in about eighteen years after they had _all been_ "utterly destroyed!" deut. xx. , , will probably be quoted against the preceding view. we argue that the command in these verses, did not include all the individuals of the canaanitish nations, but only the inhabitants of the _cities_, (and even those conditionally,) because, only the inhabitants of the _cities_ are specified,--"of the _cities_ of these people thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth." cities then, as now, were pest-houses of vice--they reeked with abominations little practiced in the country. on this account their influence would be far more perilous to the israelites than that of the country. besides, they were the centres of idolatry--there were the temples and altars, and idols, and priests, without number. even their buildings, streets, and public walks were so many visibilities of idolatry. the reason assigned in the th verse for exterminating them, strengthens the idea,--"that they teach you not to do after all the abominations which they have done unto their gods." this would be a reason for exterminating _all_ the nations and individuals _around_ them, as all were idolaters; but god commanded them, in certain cases, to spare the inhabitants. contact with _any_ of them would be perilous--with the inhabitants of the _cities_ peculiarly, and of the _canaanitish_ cities pre-eminently so. the th and th verses contain the general rule prescribing the method in which cities were to be summoned to surrender. they were first to receive the offer of peace--if it was accepted, the inhabitants became _tributaries_--but if they came out against israel in battle, the _men_ were to be killed, and the women and little ones saved alive. the th verse restricts this lenient treatment to the inhabitants of the cities _afar off_. the th directs as to the disposal of the inhabitants of canaanitish cities. they were to save alive "nothing that breathed." the common mistake has been, in supposing that the command in the th verse refers to the _whole system of directions preceding_, commencing with the th, whereas it manifestly refers only to the _inflictions_ specified in the th, th, and th, making a distinction between those _canaanitish_ cities that _fought_, and the cities _afar off_ that fought--in one case destroying the males and females, and in the other, the _males_ only. the offer of peace, and the _conditional preservation_, were as really guarantied to _canaanitish_ cities as to others. their inhabitants were not to be exterminated unless they came out against israel in battle. but let us settle this question by the "law and the testimony." "there was not a city that made peace with the children of israel save the hivites, the inhabitants of gibeon; all others they took in battle. for it was of the lord to harden their hearts, that they should come out against israel in battle, that he might destroy them utterly, and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, as the lord commanded moses." josh. xix. , . that is, if they had _not_ come out against israel in battle, they would have had "favor" shown them, and would not have been "_destroyed utterly._" the great design was to _transfer the territory_ of the canaanites to the israelites, and along with it, _absolute sovereignty in every respect_; to annihilate their political organizations, civil polity, and jurisprudence and their system of religion, with all its rights and appendages; and to substitute therefor, a pure theocracy, administered by jehovah, with the israelites as his representatives and agents. in a word the people were to be _denationalized_, their political existence annihilated, their idol temples, altars, images groves and heathen rites destroyed, and themselves put under tribute. those who resisted the execution of jehovah's purpose were to be killed, while those who quietly submitted to it were to be spared. all had the choice of these alternatives, either free egress out of the land[c]; or acquiescence in the decree, with life and residence as tributaries, under the protection of the government; or resistance to the execution of the decree, with death. "_and it shall come to pass, if they will diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name, the lord liveth as they taught my people to swear by baal_; then shall they be built in the midst of my people." [footnote a: perhaps it will be objected, that the preservation of the gibeonites, and of rahab and her kindred, was a violation of the command of god. we answer, if it had been, we might expect some such intimation. if god had strictly commanded them to _exterminate all the canaanites_, their pledge to save themselves was neither a repeal of the statute, nor absolution for the breach of it. if _unconditional destruction_ was the import of the command, would god have permitted such an act to pass without rebuke? would he have established such a precedent when israel had hardly passed the threshold of canaan, and was then striking the first blow of a half century war? what if they _had_ passed their word to rahab and the gibeonites? was that more binding than god's command? so saul seems to have passed _his_ word to agag; yet samuel hewed him in pieces, because in saving his life, saul had violated god's command. when saul sought to slay the gibeonites in "his zeal for the children of israel and judah," god sent upon israel three years famine for it. when david inquired of them what atonement he should make, they say, "the man that devised against us, that we should be destroyed from _remaining in any of the coasts of israel_, let seven of his sons be delivered," &c. sam. xxii. - .] [footnote b: if the canaanites were devoted by god to unconditional extermination, to have employed them in the erection of the temple,--what was it but the climax of impiety? as well might they pollute its altars with swine's flesh, or make their sons pass through the fire to moloch.] [footnote c: suppose all the canaanitish nations had abandoned their territory at the tidings of israel's approach, did god's command require the israelites to chase them to the ends of the earth and hunt them out, until every canaanite was destroyed? it is too preposterous for belief and yet it follows legitimately from that construction, which interprets the terms "consume," "destroy," "destroy utterly," &c. to mean unconditional, individual extermination.] [the original design of the preceding inquiry embraced a much wider range of topics. it was soon found, however, that to fill up the outline would be to make a volume. much of the foregoing has therefore been thrown into a mere series of _indices_, to trains of thought and classes of proof which, however limited or imperfect, may perhaps, afford some facilities to those who have little leisure for protracted investigation.] the anti-slavery examiner no . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. fourth edition--enlarged. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . this no. contains sheets:--postage, under miles, / cents; over miles, cents. please read and circulate. contents. definition of slavery, negative, affirmative, legal, the moral law against slavery "thou shalt not steal," "thou shalt not covet," man-stealing--examination of ex. xxi. , separation of man from brutes and things, import of "buy" and "bought with money," servants sold themselves, rights and privileges secured by law to servants, servants were voluntary, runaway servants not to be delivered to their masters, servants were paid wages, masters not "owners," servants not subjected to the uses of property, servants expressly distinguished from property, examination of gen. xii. .--"the souls that they had gotten," &c. social equality of servants and masters, condition of the gibeonites as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth, egyptian bondage contrasted with american slavery, condition of american slaves, ill fed, ill clothed, over-worked, their dwelling unfit for human beings, moral condition--"heathens," objections considered. "cursed be canaan," &c.--examination of gen. ix. , "for he is his money," &c.--examination of ex. xxi. , , examination of lev. xxv. - , "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the heathen," "of them shall ye buy," "they shall be your bondmen forever," "ye shall take them as an inheritance," &c. examination of lev. xxv. , .--the freeholder not to "serve as a bond servant," difference between hired and bought servants, bought servants the most favored and honored class, israelites and strangers belonged to both classes, israelites servants to the strangers, reasons for the release of the israelitish servants in the seventh year, reasons for assigning the strangers to a longer service, reasons for calling them the servants, different kinds of service assigned to the israelites and strangers, review of all the classes of servants with the modifications of each, political disabilities of the strangers, examination of ex. xxi. - .--"if thou buy an hebrew servant," the canaanites not sentenced to unconditional extermination, the bible against slavery. the spirit of slavery never seeks refuge in the bible of its own accord. the horns of the altar are its last resort--seized only in desperation, as it rushes from the terror of the avenger's arm. like other unclean spirits, it "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, lest its deeds should be reproved." goaded to phrenzy in its conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it vaults over the sacred inclosure and courses up and down the bible, "seeking rest, and finding none." the law of love, glowing on every page, flashes around it an omnipresent anguish and despair. it shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons quailed before the son of god, and shrieked, "torment us not." at last, it slinks away under the types of the mosaic system, and seeks to burrow out of sight among their shadows. vain hope! its asylum is its sepulchre; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. it flies from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire; and from the voice of god into the thickest of his thunders. definition of slavery. if we would know whether the bible sanctions slavery, we must determine _what slavery is_. an element, is one thing; a relation, another; an appendage, another. relations and appendages presuppose other things to which they belong. to regard them as the things themselves, or as constituent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. mere political disabilities are often confounded with slavery; so are many relations, and tenures, indispensible to the social state. we will specify some of these. . privation of suffrage. then minors are slaves. . ineligibility to office. then females are slaves. . taxation without representation. then slaveholders in the district of columbia are slaves. . privation of one's oath in law. then atheists are slaves. . privation of trial by jury. then all in france are slaves. . being required to support a particular religion. then the people of england are slaves. . apprenticeship. the rights and duties of master and apprentice are correlative. the _claim_ of each upon the other results from his _obligation_ to the other. apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. the rights of the apprentice are secured, equally with those of the master. indeed while the law is _just_ to the former it is _benevolent_ to the latter; its main design being rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. to the master it secures a mere compensation--to the apprentice, both a compensation and a virtual gratuity in addition, he being of the two the greatest gainer. the law not only recognizes the _right_ of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. the master's claim covers only the _services_ of the apprentice. the apprentice's claim covers _equally_ the services of the master. neither can hold the other as property; but each holds property in the services of the other, and both equally. is this slavery? . filial subordination and parental claims. both are nature's dictates, and intrinsic elements of the social state; the natural affections which blend parent and child in one, excite each to discharge those offices incidental to the relation, and are a shield for mutual protection. the parent's legal claim to the child's services, is a slight return for the care and toil of his rearing, exclusively of outlays for support and education. this provision is, with the mass of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. the child, in helping his parents, helps himself--increases a common stock, in which he has a share; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. . claims of government on subjects. governments owe their subjects protection; subjects owe just governments allegiance and support. the obligations of both are reciprocal, and the benefits received by both are mutual, equal, and voluntarily rendered. . bondage for crime. must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties? true, the criminal works for the government without pay; and well he may. he owes the government. a century's work would not pay its drafts on him. he will die a public defaulter. because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who owe nothing? the law makes no criminal, property. it restrains his liberty, and makes him pay something, a mere penny in the pound, of his debt to the government; but it does not make him a chattel. test it. to own property, is to own its product. are children born of convicts, government property? besides, can _property_ be guilty? can _chattels_ deserve punishment? . restraints upon freedom. children are restrained by parents, pupils, by teachers, patients, by physicians, corporations, by charters, and legislatures, by constitutions. embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. restraints are the web of civilized society, warp and woof. are they slavery? then a government of law, is the climax of slavery! . involuntary or compulsory service. a juryman is empannelled against his will, and sit he _must_. a sheriff orders his posse; bystanders _must_ turn in. men are _compelled_ to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and "turn to the right as the law directs," however much against their wills. are they therefore slaves? to confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. slavery is a _condition_. the slave's _feelings_ toward it cannot alter its nature. whether he desires or detests it, the condition remains the same. the slave's willingness to be a slave is no palliation of the slaveholder's guilt. suppose he should really believe himself a chattel, and consent to be so regarded by others, would that _make_ him a chattel, or make those guiltless who _hold_ him as such? i may be sick of life, and i tell the assassin so that stabs me; is he any the less a murderer? does my _consent_ to his crime, atone for it? my partnership in his guilt, blot out his part of it? the slave's willingness to be a slave, so far from lessening the guilt of his "owner," aggravates it. if slavery has so palsied his mind that he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually to hold him as such, falls in with his delusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. these very feelings and convictions of the slave, (if such were possible) increase a hundred fold the guilt of the master, and call upon him in thunder, immediately to recognize him as a man, and thus break the sorcery that cheats him out of his birthright--the consciousness of his worth and destiny. many of the foregoing conditions are _appendages_ of slavery, but no one, nor all of them together, constitute its intrinsic unchanging element. enslaving men is reducing them to articles of property--making free agents, chattels--converting _persons_ into _things_--sinking immortality into _merchandize_. a _slave_ is one held in this condition. in law, "he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." his right to himself is abrogated. if he say _my_ hands, _my_ body, _my_ mind, my_self_, they are figures of speech. to _use himself_ for his own good, is a _crime_. to keep what he earns, is _stealing_. to take his body into his own keeping, is _insurrection_. in a word, the profit of his master is made the end of his being, and he, a _mere means_ to that end--a mere means to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion[a]. man, sunk to a _thing!_ the intrinsic element, the _principle_ of slavery; men, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at a public outcry! their _rights_, another's conveniences; their interests, wares on sale; their happiness, a household utensil; their personal inalienable ownership, a serviceable article or a plaything, as best suits the humour of the hour; their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes--marketable commodities! we repeat it, the reduction of persons to things! not robbing a man of privileges, but of _himself_; not loading him with burdens, but making him a _beast of burden_; not restraining liberty, but subverting it; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them; not inflicting personal cruelty, but annihilating _personality_; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking man into an _implement_ of labor; not abridging human comforts, but abrogating human _nature_; not depriving an animal of immunities, but despoiling a rational being of attributes--uncreating a man, to make room for a _thing_! [footnote a: to deprive human nature of _any_ of its rights is _oppression_; to take away the _foundation_ of its rights is slavery. in other words, whatever sinks man from an end to a mere _means_, just so far makes him a slave. hence west-india apprenticeship retained the cardinal principle of slavery. the apprentice, during three-fourths of his time, was forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings; just so far forth he was a _mere means_, a slave. true in other respects slavery was abolished in the british west indies august, . its bloodiest features were blotted _out_--but the meanest and most despicable of all--forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demurred at the outrage, was one of the provisions of the "emancipation act!" for the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thanked god, while they mourned that it rose behind clouds and shone through an eclipse. [west india apprenticeship is now (august ) abolished. on the first of the present month, every slave in every british island and colony stood up a freeman!--note to fourth edition.] ] that this is american slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. judge stroud, in his "sketch of the laws relating to slavery," says, "the cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among _things_--obtains as undoubted law in all of these [the slave] states." the law of south carolina says, "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever." _brev. dig._, . in louisiana, "a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs; the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master."--_civ. code_, art. . this is american slavery. the eternal distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under foot--the crowning distinction of all others--alike the source, the test, and the measure of their value--the rational, immortal principle, consecrated by god to universal homage in a baptism of glory and honor, by the gift of his son, his spirit, his word, his presence, providence, and power; his shield, and staff, and sheltering wing; his opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. having stated the _principle_ of american slavery, we ask, does the bible sanction such a principle?[a] "to the _law_ and the testimony?" [footnote a: the bible record of actions is no comment on their moral character. it vouches for them as _facts_, not as _virtues_. it records without rebuke, noah's drunkenness, lot's incest, and the lies of jacob and his mother--not only single acts, but _usages_, such as polygamy and concubinage, are entered on the record without censure. is that _silent entry_ god's _endorsement?_ because the bible in its catalogue of human actions, does not stamp on every crime its name and number, and write against it, _this is a crime_--does that wash out its guilt, and bleach it into a virtue?] the moral law against slavery. just after the israelites were emancipated from their bondage in egypt, while they stood before sinai to receive the law, as the trumpet waxed louder, and the mount quaked and blazed, god spake the ten commandments from the midst of clouds and thunderings. two of those commandments deal death to slavery. "thou shalt not steal," or, "thou shalt not take from another what _belongs_ to him." all man's powers are god's gift to him. each of them is a part of himself, and all of them together constitute himself. all else that belongs to man, is acquired by the _use_ of these powers. the interest belongs to him, because the principal does; the product is his, because he is the producer. ownership of any thing, is ownership of its _use_. the right to use according to will, is _itself_ ownership. the eighth commandment presupposes and assumes the right of every man to his powers, and their product. slavery robs of both. a man's right to himself, is the only right absolutely original and intrinsic--his right to anything else is merely _relative_ to this, is derived from it, and held only by virtue of it. self-right is the _foundation right_--the _post in the middle_, to which all other rights are fastened. slaveholders, when talking about their right to their slaves, always assume their own right to themselves. what slave-holder ever undertook to prove his right to himself? he knows it to be a self-evident proposition, that _a man belongs to himself_--that the right is intrinsic and absolute. in making out his own title, he makes out the title of every human being. as the fact of being _a man_ is itself the title, the whole human family have one common title deed. if one man's title is valid, all are valid. if one is worthless, all are. to deny the validity of the _slave's_ title is to deny the validity of _his own_; and yet in the act of making a man a slave, the slaveholder _asserts_ the validity of his own title, while he seizes him as his property who has the _same_ title. further, in making him a slave, he does not merely disfranchise of humanity _one_ individual, but universal man. he destroys the foundations. he annihilates _all rights_. he attacks not only the human race, but _universal being_, and rushes upon jehovah. for rights are _rights_; god's are no more--man's are no less. the eighth commandment forbids the taking of _any part_ of that which belongs to another. slavery takes the _whole_. does the same bible which prohibits the taking of _any_ thing from him, sanction the taking of _every_ thing! does it thunder wrath against the man who robs his neighbor of a _cent_, yet commission him to rob his neighbour of _himself?_ slaveholding is the highest possible violation of the eight commandment. to take from a man his earnings, is theft. but to take the _earner_, is a compound, life-long theft--supreme robbery that vaults up the climax at a leap--the dread, terrific, giant robbery, that towers among other robberies a solitary horror. the eight commandment forbids the taking away, and the tenth adds, "thou shalt not _covet_ any thing that is thy neighbor's;" thus guarding every man's right to himself and property, by making not only the actual taking away a sin, but even that state of mind which would _tempt_ to it. who ever made human beings slaves, without _coveting_ them? why take from them their time, labor, liberty, right of self-preservation and improvement, their right to acquire property, to worship according to conscience, to search the scriptures, to live with their families, and their right to their own bodies, if they do not _desire_ them? they covet them for purposes of gain, convenience, lust of dominion, of sensual gratification, of pride and ostentation. they break the tenth commandment, and pluck down upon their heads the plagues that are written in the book. _ten_ commandments constitute the brief compend of human duty. _two_ of these brand slavery as sin. manstealing--examination of ex. xxi. . the giving of the law at sinai, immediately preceded the promulgation of that body of laws called the "mosaic system." over the gateway of that system, fearful words were written by the finger of god--"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death[a]." ex. xxi. . [footnote a: a writer in the american quarterly review, commenting on this passage, thus blasphemes. "on this passage an impression has gone abroad that slave-owners are necessarily menstealers; how hastily, any one will perceive who consults the passage in its connection. being found in the chapter which authorizes this species of property among the hebrews, it must of course relate to _its full protection from the danger of being enticed away from its rightful owner."_--am. quart. review for june, . article "negro slavery."] the oppression of the israelites in egypt, and the wonders wrought for their deliverance, proclaim the reason for such a law at such a time. they had just been emancipated. the tragedies of their house of bondage were the realities of yesterday, and peopled their memories with thronging horrors. they had just witnessed god's testimony against oppression in the plagues of egypt--the burning blains on man and beast; the dust quickened into loathsome life, and swarming upon every living thing; the streets, the palaces, the temples, and every house heaped up with the carcases of things abhorred; the kneading troughs and ovens, the secret chambers and the couches, reeking and dissolving with the putrid death; the pestilence walking in darkness at noonday, the devouring locusts, and hail mingled with fire, the first-born death-struck, and the waters blood; and last of all, that dread high hand and stretched-out arm, that whelmed the monarch and his hosts, and strewed their corpses on the sea. all this their eyes had looked upon; earth's proudest city, wasted and thunder-scarred, lying in desolation, and the doom of oppressors traced on her ruins in the hand-writing of god, glaring in letters of fire mingled with blood--a blackened monument of wrath to the uttermost against the stealers of men. no wonder that god, in a code of laws prepared for such a people at such a time, should uprear on its foreground a blazing beacon to flash terror on slaveholders. "_he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."_ ex. xxi. . deut. xxiv, [a]. god's cherubim and flaming sword guarding the entrance to the mosaic system! [footnote a: jarchi, the most eminent of the jewish commentators, who wrote seven hundred years ago, in his comment on this stealing and making merchandize of men, gives the meaning thus:--"using a man against his will, as a servant lawfully purchased; yea, though he should use his services ever so little, only to the value of a farthing, or use but his arm to lean on to support him, _if he be forced so to act as a servant_, the person compelling him but once to do so, shall die as a thief, whether he has sold him or not."] the word _ganabh_ here rendered _stealeth,_ means, the taking of what belongs to another, whether by violence or fraud; the same word is used in the eight commandment, and prohibits both robbery and theft. the crime specified, is that of depriving somebody of the ownership of a man. is this somebody a master? and is the crime that of depriving a master of his servant? then it would have been "he that stealeth" a _servant_, not "he that stealeth a _man_." if the crime had been the taking of an individual from _another_, then the _term_ used would have been expressive of that relation, and most especially if it was the relation of property and _proprietor!_ the crime is stated in a three-fold form--man _stealing_, _selling_, and _holding_. all are put on a level, and whelmed under one penalty--death[a]. this _somebody_ deprived of the ownership of a man, is the _man himself_, robbed of personal ownership. joseph said, "indeed i was _stolen_ away out of the land of the hebrews." gen. xl. . how _stolen?_ his brethren sold him as an article of merchandize. contrast this penalty for _man_-stealing with that for _property_-stealing, ex. xxii. . if a man had stolen an _ox_ and killed or sold it, he was to restore five oxen; if he had neither sold nor killed it, two oxen. but in the case of stealing a _man_, the _first_ act drew down the utmost power of punishment; however often repeated or aggravated the crime, human penalty could do no more. the fact that the penalty for _man_-stealing was death, and the penalty for _property_-stealing, the mere restoration of double, shows that the two cases were adjudicated on totally different principles. the man stolen might be diseased or totally past labor, consequently instead of being profitable to the thief, he would be a tax upon him, yet death was still the penalty, though not a cent's worth of _property-value_ was taken. the penalty for stealing property was a mere property-penalty. however large the theft, the payment of double wiped out the score. it might have a greater money value than a thousand men, yet death was not the penalty, nor maiming, nor braiding, nor even stripes, but double _of the same kind_. why was not the rule uniform? when a _man_ was stolen why was not the thief required to restore double of the same kind--two men, or if he had sold him, five men? do you say that the man-thief might not _have_ them? so the ox-thief might not have two oxen, or if he had killed it, five. but if god permitted men to hold _men_ as property, equally with oxen, the man-thief, could get men with whom to pay the penalty, as well as the ox-thief, oxen. further, when property was stolen, the legal penalty was a compensation to the person injured. but when a _man_ was stolen, no property compensation was offered. to tender money as an equivalent, would have been to repeat the outrage with intolerable aggravations. compute the value of a man in _money!_ throw dust into the scale against immortality! the law recoiled from such supreme insult and impiety. to have permitted the man-thief to expiate his crime by restoring double, would have been making the repetition of crime its atonement. but the infliction of death for man-stealing exacted the utmost possibility of reparation. it wrung from the guilty wretch as he gave up the ghost, the testimony of blood, and death-groans, to the infinite dignity and worth of man,--a proclamation to the universe, voiced in mortal agony, "man is inviolable."--a confession shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's mouth--"i die accursed, and god is just." [footnote a: "those are _men-stealers_ who abduct, _keep_, sell, or buy slaves or freemen." grotius.] if god permitted man to hold man as property, why did he punish for stealing that kind of property infinitely more than for stealing any other kind of property? why punish with death for stealing a very little of _that_ sort of property, and make a mere fine the penalty for stealing a thousand times as much, of any other sort of property--especially if by his own act, god had annihilated the difference between man and _property_, by putting him on a level with it? the guilt of a crime, depends much upon the nature, character, and condition of the victim. to steal is a crime, whoever the thief, or whatever the plunder. to steal bread from a full man, is theft; to steal it from a starving man, is both theft and murder. if i steal my neighbor's property, the crime consists not in altering the _nature_ of the article, but in taking as _mine_ what is _his_. but when i take my neighbor himself, and first make him _property_, and then _my_ property, the latter act, which was the sole crime in the former case, dwindles to nothing. the sin in stealing a man, is not the transfer from its owner to another of that which is already property, but the turning of _personality_ into _property_. true, the attributes of man remain, but the rights and immunities which grow out of them are annihilated. it is the first law both of reason and revelation, to regard things and beings as they are; and the sum of religion, to feel and act toward them according to their value. knowingly to treat them otherwise is sin; and the degree of violence done to their nature, relations, and value, measures its guilt. when things are sundered which god has indissolubly joined, or confounded in one, which he has separated by infinite extremes; when sacred and eternal distinctions, which he has garnished with glory, are derided and set at nought, then, if ever, sin reddens to its "scarlet dye." the sin specified in the passage, is that of doing violence to the _nature_ of a _man_--to his intrinsic value as a rational being. in the verse preceding the one under consideration, and in that which follows, the same principle is laid down. verse , "he that smiteth his father or his mother shall surely be put to death." verse. , "he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death." if a jew smote his neighbor, the law merely smote him in return; but if the blow was given to a _parent_, it struck the smiter dead. the parental relation is the _centre_ of human society. god guards it with peculiar care. to violate that, is to violate all. whoever tramples on that, shows that _no_ relation has any sacredness in his eyes--that he is unfit to move among human relations who violates one so sacred and tender. therefore, the mosaic law uplifted his bleeding corpse, and brandished the ghastly terror around the parental relation to guard it from impious inroads. why such a difference in penalties, for the same act? answer. . the relation violated was obvious--the distinction between parents and others self-evident, dictated by a law of nature. . the act was violence to nature--a suicide on constitutional susceptibilities. . the parental relation then, as now, was the focal point of the social system, and required powerful safe-guards. "_honor thy father and thy mother_," stands at the head of those commands which prescribe the duties of man to man; and throughout the bible, the parental state is god's favorite illustration of his own relations to the human family. in this case, death was to be inflicted not for smiting a _man,_ but a _parent_--_a distinction_ made sacred by god, and fortified by a bulwark of defence. in the next verse, "he that stealeth a man," &c., the same principle is wrought out in still stronger relief. the crime to be punished with death was not the taking of property from its owner, but violence to an _immortal nature_, the blotting out of a sacred _distinction_--making men "chattels." the incessant pains taken in the old testament to separate human beings from brutes and things, shows god's regard for this, his own distinction. "in the beginning" he proclaimed it to the universe as it rose into being. creation stood up at the instant of its birth, to do it homage. it paused in adoration while god ushered forth its crowning work. why that dread pause and that creating arm held back in mid career and that high conference in the godhead? "let us make man in our image after our likeness, and let him have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle and over all the earth." then while every living thing, with land, and sea, and firmament, and marshalled worlds, waited to swell the shout of morning stars--then god created man in his own image; in the image of god created he him." this solves the problem, in the image of god, created he him. this distinction is often repeated and always with great solemnity. in gen. i. - , it is expressed in various forms. in gen. v. , we find it again, "in the likeness of god made he him." in gen. ix. , again. after giving license to shed the blood of "every moving thing that liveth," it is added, "_whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for_ in the image of god made he man." as though it had been said, "all these creatures are your property, designed for your use--they have the likeness of earth, and their spirits go downward; but this other being, man, has my own likeness: in the image of god made i man; an intelligent, moral, immortal agent, invited to all that i can give and he can be. so in lev. xxiv. , , , "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death; and he that killeth a beast shall make it good, beast for beast; and he that killeth a man he shall be put to death." so in ps. viii. , , we have an enumeration of particulars, each separating infinitely men from brutes and things! . "_thou hast made him a little lower than the angels."_ slavery drags him down among _brutes._ . _"and hast crowned him with glory and honor."_ slavery tears off his crown, and puts on a _yoke_. . _"thou madest him to have dominion_[a] over _the works of thy hands."_ slavery breaks his sceptre, and cast him down _among_ those works--yea, _beneath them_. . _"thou hast put all things under his feet_." slavery puts him under the feet of an "owner." who, but an impious scorner, dare thus strive with his maker, and mutilate his image, and blaspheme the holy one, who saith, _"inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did it unto me._" [footnote a: "thou madest him to have dominion." in gen. i. , god says to man, _"have dominion_ over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth," thus vesting in _every_ human being the right of ownership over the earth, its products and animal life, and in _each_ human being the _same_ right. by so doing god prohibited the exercise of ownership by man over _man_; for the grant to _all_ men of _equal_ ownership, for ever _shut_ out the possibility of their exercising ownership over _each other_, as whoever is the owner of a _man_, is the owner of his _right of property_--in other words, when one man becomes the property of another his rights become such too, his _right of property_ is transferred to his "owner," and thus as far as _himself_ is concerned, is annihilated. finally, by originally vesting _all_ men with dominion or ownership over property, god proclaimed the _right of all_ to exercise it, and pronounced every man who takes it away a robber of the highest grade. such is every slaveholder.] in further prosecuting this inquiry, the patriarchal and mosaic systems will be considered together, as each reflects light upon the other, and as many regulations of the latter are mere _legal_ forms of divine institutions previously existing. as a _system_, the latter alone is of divine authority. whatever were the usages of the patriarchs god has not made them our exemplars.[b] the question to be settled by us, is not what were jewish _customs_, but what were the rules that god gave for the regulation of those customs. [footnote b: those who insist that the patriarchs held slaves, and sit with such delight under their shadow, hymning the praises of "those good old slaveholders and patriarchs," might at small cost greatly augment their numbers. a single stanza celebrating patriarchal _concubinage_, winding off with a chorus in honor of patriarchal _drunkenness_, would be a trumpet-call, summoning from brothels, bush and brake, highway and hedge, and sheltering fence, a brotherhood of kindred affinities, each claiming abraham or noah as his patron saint, and shouting, "my name is legion." a myriad choir and thunderous song!] before entering upon an analysis of the condition of servants under these two states of society, we will consider the import of certain terms which describe the mode of procuring them. import of "buy," and "bought with money." as the israelites were commanded to "buy" their servants, and as abraham had servants "bought with money," it is argued that servants were articles of property! the sole ground for this belief is _the terms themselves!_ how much might be saved, if in discussion, the thing to be proved were always _assumed_! to beg the question in debate, is vast economy of midnight oil, and a wholesale forestaller of wrinkles and gray hairs. instead of protracted investigation into scripture usage, painfully collating passages, to settle the meaning of terms, let every man interpret the oldest book in the world by the usages of his own time and place, and the work is done. and then instead of one revelation, they might be multiplied as the drops of the morning, and every man have an infallible clue to the mind of the spirit, in the dialect of his own neighborhood! what a babel-jargon, to take it for granted that the sense in which words are _now_ used, is the _inspired_ sense. david says, "i prevented the dawning of the morning, and cried." what, stop the earth in its revolution! two hundred years ago, _prevent_ was used in its strict latin sense, to _come before_, or _anticipate_. it is always used in this sense in the old and new testaments. david's expression, in the english of the nineteenth century, would be "before the dawning of the morning i cried." in almost every chapter of the bible, words are used in a sense now nearly, or quite obsolete, and sometimes in a sense totally _opposite_ to their present meaning. a few examples follow: "i purposed to come to you, but was _let_ (hindered) hitherto." "and the four _beasts_ (living ones) fell down and worshiped god,"--"whosoever shall _offend_ (cause to sin) one of these little ones,"--go out into the highways and _compel_ (urge) them to come in,"--only let your _conversation_ (habitual conduct) be as becometh the gospel,"--"the lord jesus christ who shall judge the _quick_ (living) and the dead,"--they that seek me _early_ (earnestly) shall find me," so when tribulation or persecution ariseth _by-and-by_ (immediately) they are offended." nothing is more mutable than language. words, like bodies, are always throwing off some particles and absorbing others. so long as they are mere representatives, elected by the whims of universal suffrage, their meaning will be a perfect volatile, and to cork it up for the next century is an employment sufficiently silly (to speak within bounds) for a modern bible-dictionary maker. there never was a shallower conceit than that of establishing the sense attached to a word centuries ago, by showing what it means _now_. pity that fashionable mantuamakers were not a little quicker at taking hints from some doctors of divinity. how easily they might save their pious customers all qualms of conscience about the weekly shiftings of fashion, by proving that the last importation of parisian indecency now "showing off" on promenade, was the very style of dress in which the modest and pious sarah kneaded cakes for the angels. since such a fashion flaunts along broadway _now_, it _must_ have trailed over canaan four thousand years ago! the inference that the word buy, used to describe the procuring of servants, means procuring them as _chattels_, seems based upon the fallacy, that whatever _costs_ money _is_ money; that whatever or whoever you pay money _for_, is an article of property, and the fact of your paying for it, _proves_ it property. . the children of israel were required to purchase their firstborn from under the obligations of the priesthood, num. xviii. , ; iii. - ; ex. xiii. ; xxxiv. . this custom still exists among the jews, and the word _buy_ is still used to describe the transaction. does this prove that their firstborn were or are, held as property? they were _bought_ as really as were _servants_. . the israelites were required to pay money for their own souls. this is called sometimes a ransom, sometimes an atonement. were their souls therefore marketable commodities? . when the israelites set apart themselves or their children to the lord by vow, for the performance of some service, an express statute provided that a _price_ should be set upon the "_persons_," and it prescribed the manner and _terms_ of the "estimation" or valuation, by the payment of which, the persons might be _bought off_ from the service vowed. the _price_ for males from one month old to five years, was five shekels, for females, three; from five years old to twenty, for males, twenty shekels, for females, ten; from twenty years old to sixty, for males, fifty shekels, for females, thirty; above sixty years old, for males, fifteen shekels, for females, ten, lev. xxvii. - . what egregious folly to contend that all these descriptions of persons were goods and chattels because they were _bought_ and their _prices_ regulated by law! . bible saints _bought_ their wives. boaz bought ruth. "moreover ruth the moabitess, the wife of mahlon, have i _purchased_ (bought) to be my wife." ruth iv. .[a] hosea bought his wife. "so i _bought_ her to me for fifteen pieces of silver, and for an homer of barley, and an half homer of barley." hosea iii. . jacob bought his wives rachael and leah, and not having money, paid for them in labor--seven years a piece. gen. xxix. - . moses probably bought his wife in the same way, and paid for her by his labor, as the servant of her father.[b] exod. ii. . shechem, when negotiating with jacob and his sons for dinah, says, "ask me never so much dowry and gift, and i will give according as ye shall say unto me." gen. xxxiv. , . david purchased michael, and othniel, achsah, by performing perilous services for the fathers of the damsels. sam. xviii. - ; judg. i. , . that the purchase of wives, either with money or by service, was the general practice, is plain from such passages as ex. xxii. , and sam. xviii. . among the modern jews this usage exists, though now a mere form, there being no _real_ purchase. yet among their marriage ceremonies, is one called "marrying by the penny." the similarity in the methods of procuring wives and servants, in the terms employed in describing the transactions, and in the prices paid for each, are worthy of notice. the highest price of wives (virgins) and servants was the same. comp. deut, xxii. , , and ex. xxii. , with lev. xxvii. - . the _medium_ price of wives and servants was the same. comp. hos. iii. , with ex. xxi. . hosea seems to have paid one half in money and the other half in grain. further, the israelitish female bought-servants were _wives_, their husbands and masters being the same persons. ex. xxi. , judg. xix. , . if _buying_ servants proves them property, buying wives proves _them_ property. why not contend that the _wives_ of the ancient fathers of the faithful were their "chattels," and used as ready change at a pinch; and thence deduce the rights of modern husbands? alas! patriarchs and prophets are followed afar off! when will pious husbands live up to their bible privileges, and become partakers with old testament worthies in the blessedness of a husband's rightful immunities! refusing so to do, is questioning the morality of those "good old slaveholders and patriarchs, abraham, isaac, and jacob." [footnote a: in the verse preceding, boaz says, "i have _bought_ all that was elimelech's * * * of the hand of naomi." in the original, the same word (_kana_) is used in both verses. in the th, "a parcel of land" is "bought," in the th a "wife" is "bought." if the israelites had been as profound at inferences as our modern commentators, they would have put such a fact as this to the rack till they had tortured out of it a divine warrant for holding their wives as property and speculating in the article whenever it happened to be scarce.] [footnote b: this custom still prevails in some eastern countries. the crim tartars, who are poor, serve an apprenticeship for their wives, during which they live under the same roof with them and at the close of it are adopted into the family.] this use of the word buy, is not peculiar to the hebrew. in the syriac, the common expression for "the espoused," is "the bought." even so late as the th century, the common record of _marriages_ in the old german chronicles was, "a bought b." the word translated _buy_, is, like other words, modified by the nature of the subject to which it is applied. eve said, "i have _gotten_ (bought) a man from the lord." she named him cain, that is _bought_. "he that heareth reproof, getteth (buyeth) understanding," prov. xv. . so in isa. xi. . "the lord shall set his hand again to recover (to _buy_) the remnant of his people." so ps. lxxviii. . "he brought them to his mountain which his right hand had _purchased_," (gotten.) neh. v. . "we of our ability have _redeemed_ (bought) our brethren the jews, that were sold unto the heathen." here "_bought_" is not applied to persons reduced to servitude, but to those taken _out_ of it. prov. viii. . "the lord possessed (bought) me in the beginning of his way." prov. xix. . "he that _getteth_ (buyeth) wisdom loveth his own soul." finally, to _buy_ is a _secondary_ meaning of the hebrew word _kana_. even at this day the word _buy_ is used to describe the procuring of servants, where slavery is abolished. in the british west indies, where slaves became apprentices in , they are still, ( ,) "bought." this is the current word in west india newspapers. ten years since servants were "_bought_" in new york, and still are in new jersey, as really as in virginia, yet the different senses in which the word is used in those states, puts no man in a quandary. under the system of legal _indenture_ in illinois, servants now are "_bought_."[a] until recently immigrants to this country were "bought" in great numbers. by voluntary contract they engaged to work a given time to pay for their passage. this class of persons, called "redemptioners," consisted at one time of thousands. multitudes are "bought" _out_ of slavery by themselves or others. under the same roof with the writer is a "servant bought with money." a few weeks since, she was a slave; when "bought," she was a slave no longer. alas! for our leading politicians if "buying" men makes them "chattels." the whigs say, that calhoun has been "bought" by the administration; and the other party, that clay and webster have been "bought" by the bank. the histories of the revolution tell us that benedict arnold was "bought" by british gold, and that williams, paulding, and van wert, could not be "bought" by major andre. when a northern clergyman marries a rich southern widow, country gossip thus hits off the indecency, "the cotton bags _bought_ him." sir robert walpole said, "every man has his price, and whoever will pay it, can _buy_ him," and john randolph said, "the northern delegation is in the market; give me money enough, and i can _buy_ them." the temperance publications tell us that candidates for office _buy_ men with whiskey; and the oracles of street tattle, that the court, district attorney, and jury, in the late trial of robinson were _bought_, yet we have no floating visions of "chattels personal," man-auctions, or coffles. [footnote a: the following statute is now in force in the free state of illinois--"no negro, mulatto, or indian, shall at any time _purchase_ any servant other than of their own complexion: and if any of the persons aforesaid shall presume to _purchase_ a white servant, such servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed and taken."] in connecticut, town paupers are "bought" by individuals, who, for a stipulated sum become responsible to the town for their comfortable support for one year. if these "bought" persons perform any labor for those who "buy" them, it is wholly _voluntary_. it is hardly necessary to add that they are in no sense the "property" of their purchasers.[a] [footnote a: "the select-men" of each town annually give notice, that at such a time and place, they will proceed to _sell_ the poor of said town. the persons thus "sold" are "bought" by such persons, approved by the "select-men," as engage to furnish them with sufficient wholesome food, adequate clothing, shelter, medicine, &c., for such a sum as the parties may agree upon. the connecticut papers frequently contain advertisements like the following: "notice--the poor of the town of chatham will be sold on the first monday in april, , at the house of f. penfield, esq., at o'clock in the forenoon,"--[middletown sentinel, feb. , .] ] the transaction between joseph and the egyptians gives a clue to the use of "buy" and "bought with money." gen. xlvii. - . the egyptians proposed to joseph to become servants. when the bargain was closed, joseph said, "behold i have _bought you_ this day," and yet it is plain that neither party regarded the persons _bought_ as articles of property, but merely as bound to labor on certain conditions, to pay for their support during the famine. the idea attached by both parties to "buy us," and "behold i have bought you," was merely that of service voluntarily offered, and secured by contract, in return, for _value received_, and not at all that the egyptians were bereft of their personal ownership, and made articles of property. and this buying of _services_ (in this case it was but one-fifth part) is called in scripture usage, _buying the persons_. this case claims special notice, as it is the only one where the whole transaction of buying servants is detailed--the preliminaries, the process, the mutual acquiescence, and the permanent relation resulting therefrom. in all other instances, the mere fact is stated without particulars. in this case, the whole process is laid open. . the persons "bought," _sold themselves_, and of their own accord. . paying for the permanent _service_ of persons, or even a portion of it, is called "buying" those persons; just as paying for the _use_ of land or houses for a number of years in succession is called in scripture usage _buying_ them. see lev. xxv. , , and xxvii. . the objector, at the outset, takes it for granted, that servants were bought of _third_ persons; and thence infers that they were articles of property. both the alleged fact and the inference are _sheer assumptions_. no instance is recorded, under the mosaic system, in which a _master sold his servant_. that servants who were "bought," _sold themselves_, is a fair inference from various passages of scripture.[a] in leviticus xxv. , the case of the israelite, who became the servant of the stranger, the words are, "if he sell himself unto the stranger." yet the st verse informs us that this servant was "bought" and that the price of his purchase was paid to _himself_. the _same word_, and the same _form_ of the word, which, in verse , is rendered _sell himself_, is in verse of the same chapter, rendered _be sold_; in deut. xxviii. , the same word is rendered "be sold." "and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bond-men and bond-women and no man shall buy you." how could they "_be sold_" without _being bought_? our translation makes it nonsense. the word _makar_ rendered "_be sold_" is used here in hithpael conjugation, which is generally reflexive in its force, and like the middle voice in greek, represents what an individual does for himself, and should manifestly have been rendered "ye shall _offer yourselves_ for sale, and there shall be no purchaser." for a clue to scripture usage on this point, see kings xxi. . .--"thou hast _sold thyself_ to work evil." "there was none like unto ahab which did sell _himself_ to work wickedness."-- kings xvii. . "they used divination and enchantments, and _sold themselves_ to do evil."--isa. l. . "for your iniquities have ye _sold yourselves."_ isa. lii. , "ye have _sold yourselves_ for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money." see also, jer. xxxiv. ; rom. vii. , vi. ; john, viii. , and the case of joseph and the egyptians, already quoted. in the purchase of wives, though spoken of rarely, it is generally stated that they were bought of _third_ persons. if _servants_ were bought of third persons, it is strange that no _instance_ of it is on record. [footnote a: those who insist that the servants which the israelites were commanded to buy of "the heathen which were round about" them, were to be bought of _third persons_, virtually charge god with the inconsistency of recognizing and affirming the right of those very persons to freedom, upon whom, say they, he pronounced the doom of slavery. for they tell us, that the sentence of death uttered against those heathen was commuted into slavery, which punishment god denounced against them. now if "the heathen round about" were doomed to slavery, the _sellers_ were doomed as well as the _sold_. where, we ask, did the sellers get their right to sell? god by commanding the israelites to buy, affirmed the right of _somebody_ to _sell_, and that the _ownership_ of what was sold existed _somewhere_; which _right_ and ownership he commanded them to _recognize_ and _respect_. we repeat the question, where did the heathen _sellers_ get their right to sell, since _they_ were dispossessed of their right to _themselves_ and doomed to slavery equally with those whom they sold. did god's decree vest in them a right to _others_ while it annulled their right to _themselves_? if, as the objector's argument assumes, one part of "the heathen round about" were _already_ held as slaves by the other part, _such_ of course were not _doomed_ to slavery, for they were already slaves. so also, if those heathen who held them as slaves had a _right_ to hold them, which right god commanded the israelites to _buy out_, thus requiring them to recognize _it_ as a _right_, and on no account to procure its transfer to themselves without paying to the holders an equivalent, surely, these _slaveholders_ were not doomed by god to be slaves, for according to the objector, god had himself affirmed their right _to hold others as slaves_, and commanded his people to respect it.] we now proceed to inquire into the _condition_ of servants under the patriarchal and mosaic systems. i. the rights and privileges of servants. the leading design of the laws defining the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties--more especially the good of the _servants_. while the master's interests were guarded from injury, those of the servants were _promoted_. these laws made a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the israelites and strangers, not laying on burdens, but lightening them--they were a grant of _privileges_ and _favors_. i. buying servants was regarded as a kindness to the persons bought, and as establishing between them and their purchasers a bond of affection and confidence. this is plain from the frequent use of it to illustrate the love and care of god for his chosen people. deut. xxxii. ; ex. xv. ; ps. lxxiv. ; prov. viii. . ii. no stranger could join the family of an israelite without becoming a proselyte. compliance with this condition was the _price of the privilege_. gen. xvii. - , , . in other words, to become a servant was virtually to become an israelite.[a] in the light of this fact, look at the relation sustained by a proselyted servant to his master. was it a sentence consigning to _punishment_, or a ticket of admission to _privileges_? [footnote a: the rites by which a stranger became a proselyte transformed him into a jew. compare chron. ii. , with sam. xvii. . in esther viii. , it is said "many of the people of the land _became jews_." in the septuagint, the passage is thus rendered, "many of the heathen were circumcised and became jews." the intimate union and incorporation of the proselytes with the hebrews is shown by such passages as isa. lvi. , , ; eph. ii. , ; num. x. - . calmet, art. proselyte, says "they were admitted to all the prerogatives of the people of the lord." mahommed doubtless borrowed from the laws and usages of the jews, his well known regulation for admitting to all civil and religious privileges, all proselytes of whatever nation or religion.] iii. expulsion from the family was the deprivation of a privilege if not a punishment. when sarah took umbrage at the conduct of hagar and ishmael, her servants, "she said unto abraham _cast out_ this bond-woman and her son." * * and abraham rose up early in the morning and took bread and a bottle of water and gave it unto hagar and the child, and _sent her away_. gen. xxi. , ; in luke xvi. - , our lord tells us of the steward or head-servant of a rich man who defrauded his master, and was, in consequence, excluded from his household. the servant anticipating such a punishment, says, "i am resolved what to do, that when i am _put out_ of the stewardship, they may receive me into their houses." the case of gehazi, the servant of elisha, appears to be a similar one. he was guilty of fraud in procuring a large sum of money from naaman, and of deliberate lying to his master, on account of which elisha seems to have discarded him. kings v. - . in this connection we may add that if a servant neglected the observance of any ceremonial rite, and was on that account excommunicated from the congregation of israel, such excommunication excluded him also from the _family_ of an israelite. in other words he could be a _servant_ no longer than he was an _israelite_. to forfeit the latter _distinction_ involved the forfeiture of the former _privilege_--which proves that it _was_ a privilege. iv. the hebrew servant could compel his master to keep him. when the six years' contract had expired, if the servant _demanded_ it, the law _obliged_ the master to retain him permanently, however little he might need his services. deut. xv. - ; ex. xxi. - . this shows that the system was framed to advance the interest and gratify the wishes of the servant quite as much as those of the master. v. servants were admitted into covenant with god. deut. xxix. - . vi. they were guests at all national and family festivals ex. xii. - ; deut xii. , , xvi. - . vii. they were statedly instructed in morality and religion. deut. xxxi. - ; josh. viii. - ; chron. xvii. - , xxxv. , and xxxiv. . neh. viii. , . viii. they were released from their regular labor nearly one half of the whole time. during which they had their entire support, and the same instruction that was provided for the other members of the hebrew community. the law secured to them, . _every seventh year;_ lev. xxv. - ; thus giving to those who were servants during the entire period between the jubilees, _eight whole years_, (including the jubilee year,) of unbroken rest. . _every seventh day._ this in forty-two years, the eight being subtracted from the fifty, would amount to just _six years_. . _the three annual festivals._ ex. xxiii. , xxxiv. . the _passover_, which commenced on the th of the st month, and lasted seven days, deut. xvi. , . the pentecost, or feast of weeks, which began on the th day of the d month, and lasted seven days. deut. xvi. , . the feast of tabernacles, which commenced on the th of the th month, and lasted eight days. deut. xvi. , ; lev. xxiii. - . as all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. cumbered caravans move slowly. after their arrival, a day or two would be requisite for divers preparations before the celebration, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for return. if we assign three weeks to each festival--including the time spent on the journeys, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the _festival week_, it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labor. as there were three festivals in the year, the main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least _nine weeks annually_, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eighty-four days. . _the new moons_. the jewish year had twelve; josephus says that the jews always kept _two_ days for the new moon. see calmet on the jewish calendar, and horne's introduction; also sam. xx, , , . this, in forty-two years, would be two years days. . _the feast of trumpets_. on the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. lev. xxiii. , . . _the atonement day_. on the tenth of the seventh month lev. xxiii. . these two feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days not reckoned above. thus it appears that those who continued servants during the period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labor, twenty-three years and sixty-four days, out of fifty years, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. in this calculation, besides making a donation of all the _fractions_ to the objector, we have left out those numerous _local_ festivals to which frequent allusion is made, judg. xxi. ; sam. ix. . . etc., and the various _family_ festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at circumcisions; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in sam, xx. . , . neither have we included the festivals instituted at a later period of the jewish history--the feast of purim, esth. ix. , ; and of the dedication, which lasted eight days. john x. ; mac. iv. . finally, the mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time which, if distributed, would be almost one half of the days in each year. meanwhile, they were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. if this time were distributed over _every day_, the servants would have to themselves nearly _one half of each day_. the service of those strangers who were _national_ servants or tributaries, was regulated upon the same benevolent principle, and secured to them two-thirds of the whole year. "a month they were in lebanon, and two months they were at home." kings, v. - . compared with chron. . - , viii. - ; kings, ix . . the regulations under which the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth and kirjath-jearim, (afterwards called _nethinims_) performed service for the israelites, must have secured to them nearly the whole of their time. if, as is probable, they served in courses corresponding to those of their priests whom they assisted, they were in actual service less than one month annually. ix. the servant was protected by law equally with the other members of the community proof.--"judge righteously between every man and his brother and the stranger that is with him." "ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great." deut. i. , . also lev. xix. . xxiv. . "ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country." so num. xv. . "ye shall have one law for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of israel and for the stranger that sojourneth among them." deut. xxvii. . "cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the stranger."[a] deut. xxvii. . [footnote a: in a work entitled, "instruction in the mosaic religion" by professor jholson, of the jewish seminary at frankfort-on-the-main, translated into english by rabbi leeser, we find the following.--sec. . "question. does holy writ any where make a difference between the israelite and the other who is no israelite, in those laws and prohibitions which forbid us the _committal of any thing against our fellow men?_" "answer. no where we do find a trace of such a difference. see lev. xix. - ." "god says thou shalt not murder, _steal_, cheat, &c. in every place the action _itself_ is prohibited as being an abomination to god _without respect to the persons against whom it is committed_." ] x. the mosaic system enjoined the greatest affection and kindness towards servants, foreign as well as jewish. "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." lev. xix. . "for the lord your god * * regardeth not persons. he doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and loveth the stranger, in giving him food and raiment, love ye therefore the stranger." deut. x. , . "thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." ex. xxii. . "thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a stranger." ex. xxiii. . "if thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy god." lev. xxv. , . could this same stranger be taken by one that feared his god, and held as a slave, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights? xi. servants were placed upon a level with their masters in all civil and religious rights. num. xv. , , ; ix. ; deut. i. , ; lev. xxiv. . to these may be added that numerous class of passages which represents god as regarding _alike_ the natural rights of _all_ men, and making for all an _equal_ provision. such as, chron. xix. ; prov. xxiv. , xxviii. ; job. xxxiv. , sam. xiv. ; acts x. ; eph. vi. . finally--with such watchful jealousy did the mosaic institutes guard the _rights_ of servants, as to make the mere fact of a servant's escape from his master presumptive evidence that his master had _oppressed_ him; and on that presumption, annulled his master's authority over him, gave him license to go wherever he pleased, and commanded all to protect him. deut. xxiii. , . as this regulation will be examined under a subsequent head, where its full discussion more appropriately belongs, we notice it here merely to point out its bearings on the topic under consideration. these are regulations of that mosaic system which is claimed by slaveholders as the prototype of american slavery. ii. were persons made servants against their wills? we argue that they became servants of _their own accord,_ because, i. to become a servant was to become a proselyte. whoever of the strangers became a servant, he was required to abjure idolatry, to enter into covenant with god[a], be circumcised in token of it, be bound to keep the sabbath, the passover, the pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles, and to receive instruction in the moral and ceremonial law. were the servants _forced_ through all these processes? was the renunciation of idolatry _compulsory_? were they _dragged_ into covenant with god? were they seized and circumcised by _main strength_? were they _compelled_ mechanically to chew and swallow the flesh of the paschal lamb, while they abhorred the institution, spurned the laws that enjoined it, detested its author and its executors, and instead of rejoicing in the deliverance which it commemorated, bewailed it as a calamity, and cursed the day of its consummation? were they _driven_ from all parts of the land three times in the year to the annual festivals? were they drugged with instruction which they nauseated? were they goaded through a round of ceremonies, to them senseless and disgusting mummeries; and drilled into the tactics of a creed rank with loathed abominations? we repeat it, to become a _servant_, was to become a _proselyte_. did god authorize his people to make proselytes at the point of the bayonet? by the terror of pains and penalties? by converting men into _merchandise?_ were _proselyte and chattel_ synonymes in the divine vocabulary? must a man be sunk to a _thing_ before taken into covenant with god? was this the stipulated condition of adoption? the sure and sacred passport to the communion of the saints? [footnote a: maimonides, a contemporary with jarchi, and who stands with him at the head of jewish writers, gives the following testimony on this point: "whether a servant be born in the power of an israelite, or whether he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both into the covenant. "but he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day, and he that is bought with money, on the day on which his master receives him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. for if the master receive a grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for one year. after which, should he _refuse_ so long, it is forbidden to keep him longer than a year. and the master must send him back to the strangers from whence he came. for the god of jacob will not accept any other than the worship of a _willing_ heart."--maimon, hilcoth miloth, chap. , sec. . the ancient jewish doctors assert that the servant from the strangers who at the close of his probationary year, refused to adopt the jewish religion and was on that account sent back to his own people, received a _full compensation_ for his services, besides the payment of his expenses. but that _postponement_ of the circumcision of the foreign servant for a year (_or even at all_ after he had entered the family of an israelite) of which the mishnic doctors speak, seems to have been _a mere usage_. we find nothing of it in the regulations of the mosaic system. circumcision was manifestly a rite strictly _initiatory_. whether it was a rite merely _national_ or _spiritual_, or _both_, comes not within the scope of this inquiry. ] ii. the surrender of fugitive servants to their masters was prohibited. "thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him." deut. xxiii. , . as though god had said, "to deliver him up would be to recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him; his _fleeing_ shows his _choice_, proclaims his wrongs and his title to protection; you shall not force him back and thus recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him in such a condition as induces him to flee to others for protection." it may be said that this command referred only to the servants of _heathen_ masters in the surrounding nations. we answer: the terms of the command are unlimited. but the objection, if valid, would merely shift the pressure of the difficulty to another point. did god require them to protect the _free choice_ of a _single_ servant from the heathen, and yet _authorize_ the same persons, to crush the free choice of _thousands_ of servants from the heathen? suppose a case. a _foreign_ servant escapes to the israelites; god says, "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it _liketh him_ best." now, suppose this same servant, instead of coming into israel of his own accord, had been _dragged_ in by some kidnapper, who bought him of his master, and forced him into a condition against his will; would he who forbade such treatment of the stranger, who _voluntarily_ came into the land, sanction the same treatment of the _same person_, provided in addition to this last outrage, the previous one had been committed of forcing him into the nation against his will? to commit violence on the free choice of a foreign servant is forsooth a horrible enormity, provided you _begin_ the violence _after_ he has come among you. but if you commit the first act on the _other side of the line_; if you begin the outrage by buying him from a third person against his will, and then tear him from home, drag him across the line into the land of israel, and hold him as a slave--ah! that alters the case, and you may perpetrate the violence now with impunity! would _greater_ favor have been shown to this new comer than to the old residents--those who had been servants in jewish families perhaps for a generation? were the israelites commanded to exercise towards _him_, uncircumcised and out of the covenant, a justice and kindness denied to the multitudes who _were_ circumcised, and _within_ the covenant? but, the objector finds small gain to his argument on the supposition that the covenant respected merely the fugitives from the surrounding nations, while it left the servants of the israelites in a condition against their wills. in that case, the surrounding nations would adopt retaliatory measures, and become so many asylums for jewish fugitives. as these nations were not only on every side of them, but in their midst, such a proclamation would have been an effectual lure to men whose condition was a constant counteraction of will. besides the same command which protected the servant from the power of his foreign _master_, protected him equally from the power of an _israelite_. it was not, merely "thou shalt not deliver him unto his _master_," but "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_ in one of thy gates where it liketh _him_ best." every israelite was forbidden to put him in any condition _against his will_. what was this but a proclamation, that all who _chose_ to live in the land and obey the laws, were left to their own free will, to dispose of their services at such a rate, to such persons, and in such places as they pleased? besides, grant that this command prohibited the sending back of _foreign_ servants only, there was no law requiring the return of servants who had escaped from the _israelites_. _property_ lost, and _cattle_ escaped, they were required to return, but not escaped _servants_. these verses contain, st, a command, "thou shalt not deliver," &c., d. a declaration of the fugitive's right of _free choice_, and of god's will that he should exercise it at his own discretion; and d, a command guarding this right, namely, "thou shalt not oppress him," as though god had said, "if you restrain him from exercising his _own choice_, as to the place and condition of his residence, it is _oppression_, and shall not be tolerated."[a] [footnote a: perhaps it may be objected that this view of deut. xxiii. , , makes nonsense of ex. xxi. , which provides that if a man strikes out his servant's tooth he shall let him go free. small favor indeed if the servant might set himself free whenever he pleased! answer--the former passage might remove the servant from the master's _authority_, without annulling the master's legal claims upon the servant, if he had paid him in advance and had not received from him an equivalent, and this equally, whether his master were a jew or a gentile. the latter passage, "he shall let him go free _for his tooth's sake,"_ not only freed the servant from the master's authority, but also from any pecuniary claim which the master might have on account of having paid his wages in advance; and this _as a compensation_, for the loss of a tooth.] iii. the servants had peculiar opportunities and facilities for escape. three times every year, all the males over twelve years, were required to attend the national feasts. they were thus absent from their homes not less than three weeks at each time, making nine weeks annually. as these caravans moved over the country, were there military scouts lining the way, to intercept deserters?--a corporal's guard at each pass of the mountains, sentinels pacing the hilltops, and light-horse scouring the defiles? the israelites must have had some safe contrivance for taking their "_slaves_" three times in a year to jerusalem and back. when a body of slaves is moved any distance in our _republic_, they are handcuffed and chained together, to keep them from running away, or beating their drivers' brains out. was this the _mosaic_ plan, or an improvement introduced by samuel, or was it left for the wisdom of solomon? the usage, doubtless, claims a paternity not less venerable and biblical! perhaps they were lashed upon camels, and transported in bundles, or caged up and trundled on wheels to and fro, and while at the holy city, "lodged in jail for safe keeping," the sanhedrim appointing special religious services for their benefit, and their "drivers" officiating at "oral instruction." meanwhile, what became of the sturdy _handmaids_ left at home? what hindered them from stalking off in a body? perhaps the israelitish matrons stood sentry in rotation round the kitchens, while the young ladies scoured the country, as mounted rangers, picking up stragglers by day, and patrolled the streets, keeping a sharp look-out at night! iv. wilful neglect of ceremonial rites dissolved the relation. suppose the servants from the heathen had, upon entering jewish families, refused circumcision; if _slaves_, how simple the process of emancipation! their _refusal_ did the job. or, suppose they had refused to attend the annual feasts, or had eaten leavened bread during the passover, or compounded the ingredients of the anointing oil, or had touched a dead body, a bone, or a grave, or in any way had contracted ceremonial uncleanness, and refused to be cleansed with the "water of separation," they would have been "cut off from the people;" _excommunicated_. ex. xii. ; xxx. ; num. xix. . v. servants of the patriarchs necessarily voluntary. abraham's servants are an illustration. at one time he had three hundred and eighteen _young men_ "born in his house," and many more _not_ born in his house. his servants of all ages were probably many thousands. how did abraham and sarah contrive to hold fast so many thousand servants against their wills? the most natural supposition is that the patriarch and his wife "took turns" in surrounding them! the neighboring tribes, instead of constituting a picket guard to hem in his servants, would have been far more likely to sweep them and him into captivity, as they did lot and his household. besides, there was neither "constitution" nor "compact," to send back abraham's fugitives, nor a truckling police to pounce upon them, nor gentlemen-kidnappers, suing for his patronage, volunteering to howl on their track, boasting their blood-hound scent, and pledging their honour to hunt down and deliver up, provided they had a description of the "flesh-marks," and were suitably stimulated by pieces of silver.[a] abraham seems also to have been sadly deficient in all the auxiliaries of family government, such as stocks, hand-cuffs, foot-chains, yokes, gags, and thumb-screws. his destitution of these patriarchal indispensables is the more afflicting, since he faithfully trained "his household to do justice and judgment," though so deplorably destitute of the needful aids. [footnote a: the following is a standing newspaper advertisement of one of these professional man-catchers, a member of the new york bar, who coolly plies his trade in the commercial emporium, sustained by the complacent greetings and courtesies of "honorable men!" "important to the south.--f.h. pettis, native of orange county, va., being located in the city of new york, in the practice of law, announces to his friends and the public in general, that he has been engaged as counsel and adviser in general for a party whose business it is in the northern cities to arrest and secure runaway slaves. he has been thus engaged for several years, and as the act of congress alone governs now in this city, in business of this sort, which renders it easy for the recovery of such property, he invites post paid communications to him, inclosing a fee of $ in each case, and a power of attorney minutely descriptive of the party absconded, and if in the northern region, he, or she will soon be had. "mr. pettis will attend promptly to all law business confided to him. "n.b. new york city is estimated to contain , runaway slaves. "pettis." ] probably job had even more servants than abraham. see job. i. , - , and xlii. . that his thousands of servants staid with him entirely of their own accord, is proved by the _fact_ of their staying with him. suppose they had wished to quit his service, and so the whole army had filed off before him in full retreat, how could the patriarch have brought them to halt? doubtless with his wife, seven sons, and three daughters for allies, he would have soon out-flanked the fugitive host and dragged each of them back to his wonted chain and staple. but the impossibility of job's servants being held against their wills, is not the only proof of their voluntary condition. we have his own explicit testimony that he had not "withheld from the poor their _desire_." job. xxxi. . of course he could hardly have made them live with him, and forced them to work for him against _their desire_. when isaac sojourned in the country of the philistines he "had _great store_ of servants." and we have his testimony that the philistines hated him, added to that of inspiration that they "envied" him. of course they would hardly volunteer to organize patroles and committees of vigilance to keep his servants from running away, and to drive back all who were found beyond the limits of his plantation without a "pass!" if the thousands of isaac's servants were held against their wills, who held them? the servants of the jews, during the building of the wall of jerusalem, under nehemiah, may be included under this head. that they remained with their masters of their own accord, we argue from the fact, that the circumstances of the jews made it impossible for them to _compel_ their residence and service. they were few in number, without resources, defensive fortifications, or munitions of war, and surrounded withal by a host of foes, scoffing at their feebleness and inviting desertion from their ranks. yet so far from the jews attempting in any way to restrain their servants, or resorting to precautions to prevent escape, they put arms into their hands, and enrolled them as a night-guard, for the defence of the city. by cheerfully engaging in this service and in labor by day, when with entire ease they might all have left their masters, marched over to the enemy, and been received with shoutings, the servants testified that their condition was one of _their own choice_, and that they regarded their own interests as inseparably identified with those of their masters. neh. iv. . vi. no instances of israelitish masters selling servants. neither abraham nor isaac seem ever to have sold one, though they had "great store of servants." jacob was himself a servant in the family of laban twenty-one years. he had afterward a large number of servants. joseph invited him to come into egypt, and to bring all that he had with him--"thou and thy children, and thy children's children, and thy flocks and thy herds, and all that thou hast." gen. xlv. . jacob took his flocks and herds but _no servants_. yet we are told that jacob "took his journey with _all that he had_." gen. xlvi. . and after his arrival in egypt, joseph said to pharaoh "my father, and my brethren, and their flocks, and their herds and _all that they have_, are come." gen. xlvii. . the servants doubtless, served under their _own contracts_, and when jacob went into egypt, they _chose_ to stay in their own country. the government might sell _thieves_, if they had no property, until their services had made good the injury, and paid the legal fine. ex. xxii. . but _masters_ seem to have had no power to sell their _servants_. to give the master a _right_ to sell his servant, would annihilate the servant's right of choice in his own disposal; but says the objector, "to give the master a right to _buy_ a servant, equally annihilates the servant's _right of choice_." answer. it is one thing to have a right to buy a man, and a quite another thing to have a right to buy him of _another_ man.[a] [footnote a: there is no evidence that masters had the power to dispose of even the _services_ of their servants, as men hire out their laborers whom they employ by the year; but whether they had or not, affects not the argument.] though servants were not bought of their masters, yet young females were bought of their _fathers_. but their purchase as _servants_ was their betrothal as wives. ex. xxi. , . "if a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she shall not go out as the men-servants do. if she please not her master who hath betrothed her to himself, he shall let her be redeemed."[b] [footnote b: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows:--"a hebrew handmaid might not be sold but to one who laid himself under obligations, to espouse her to himself or to his son, when she was fit to be betrothed."--_maimonides--hilcoth--obedim_, ch. iv. sec. xi. jarchi, on the same passage, says, "he is bound to espouse her to be his wife, for the _money of her purchase_ is the money of her _espousal_."] vii. voluntary servants from the strangers. we infer that _all_ the servants from the strangers were voluntary in becoming such, since we have direct testimony that some of them were so. "thou shalt not oppress an hired servant that is poor and needy, whether he be of thy brethren, or of thy strangers that are in thy land within thy gates." deut. xxiv. . we learn from this that some of the servants, which the israelites obtained from the strangers were procured by presenting the inducement of _wages_ to their _free choice_, thus recognizing their right to sell their services to others, or not, at their own pleasure. did the israelites, when they went among the heathen to procure servants, take money in one hand and ropes in the other? did they _ask_ one man to engage in their service, and _drag_ along with them the next that they met, in spite of his struggles. did they knock for admission at one door and break down the next? did they go through one village with friendly salutations and respectful demeanor, and with the air of those soliciting favors, offer wages to the inhabitants as an inducement to engage in their service--while they sent on their agents to prowl through the next, with a kidnapping posse at their heels, to tear from their homes as many as they could get within their clutches? viii. hebrew servants voluntary. we infer that the hebrew servant was voluntary in commencing his service, because he was preeminently so in continuing it. if, at the year of release, it was the servant's _choice_ to remain with his master, the law required his ear to be bored by the judges of the land, thus making it impossible for him to be held against his will. yea more, his master was _compelled_ to keep him, however much he might wish to get rid of him. ix. the manner of procuring servants, an appeal to choice. the israelites were commanded to offer them a suitable inducement, and then leave them to decide. they might neither seize them by _force_, nor frighten them by _threats_, nor wheedle them by false pretences, nor _borrow_ them, nor _beg_ them; but they were commanded to buy them[a]--that is, they were to recognize the _right_ of the individuals to _dispose_ of their own services, and their right to _refuse all offers_, and thus oblige those who made them, _to do their own work_. suppose all, with one accord, had _refused_ to become servants, what provision did the mosaic law make for such an emergency? none. [footnote a: the case of thieves, whose services were sold until they had earned enough to make restitution to the person wronged, and to pay the legal penalty, _stands by itself_, and has nothing to do with the condition of servants.] x. incidental corroboratives. various incidental expressions corroborate the idea that servants became such by their own contract. job. xli. , is an illustration, "will he (leviathan) make a covenant with thee? wilt thou take him for a servant forever?" isa. xiv. , is also an illustration. "the strangers shall be joined with them (the israelites) and _they shall_ cleave to the house of jacob, and the house of israel shall possess them in the land of the lord, for servants and handmaids." the transaction which made the egyptians the servants of pharaoh was voluntary throughout. see gen. xlvii. - . of their own accord they came to joseph and said, "there is not aught left but our _bodies_ and our lands; _buy_ us;" then in the th verse, "we will be pharaoh's servants." to these it may be added, that the sacrifices and offerings which all were required to present, were to be made voluntarily. lev. i. . . the pertinence and point of our lord's declaration in luke xvi. , is destroyed on the supposition that servants did not become such by _their own choice_. "no servant can serve two masters: for either he will hate the one and love the other, or else he will hold to the one and despise the other." let it be kept in mind, that our lord was a _jew_. the lost sheep of the house of israel were his flock. wherever he went, they were around him: whenever he spake, they were his auditors. his public preaching and his private teaching and conversation, were full of references to their own institutions, laws and usages, and of illustrations drawn from them. in the verse quoted, he illustrates the impossibility of their making choice of god as their portion, and becoming his servants, while they chose the world, and were _its_ servants. to make this clear, he refers to one of their own institutions, that of _domestic service_, with which, in all its relations, incidents and usages, they were perfectly familiar. he reminds them of the well-known impossibility of any person being the servant of two masters, and declares the sole ground of that impossibility to be, the fact that the servant _chooses_ the service of the one, and _spurns_ that of the other. "he shall _hold to_ the one and _despise_ (reject) the other." as though our lord had said, "no one can become the servant of another, when his will revolts from his service, and when the conditions of it tend to make him hate the man." since the fact that the servant _spurns_ one of two masters, makes it impossible for him to serve _that one_, if he spurned _both_ it would make it impossible for him to serve _either_. so, also, if the fact that an individual did not "hold to" or choose the service of another, proves that he could not become his servant, then the question, whether or not he should become the servant of another was suspended on _his own will_. further, the phraseology of the passage shows that the _choice_ of the servant decided the question. "he will hold to the one,"--hence there is no difficulty in the way of his serving _him_; but "no servant can serve" a master whom he does not "_hold to_," or _cleave_ to, whose service he does not _choose_. this is the sole ground of the impossibility asserted by our lord. the last clause of the verse furnishes an application of the principle asserted in the former part, "ye cannot serve god and mammon." now in what does the impossibility of serving both god and the world consist? solely in the fact that the will which chooses the one refuses the other, and the affections which "hold to" the one, reject the other. thus the question, which of the two is to be served, is suspended alone upon the _choice_ of the individual. xi. rich strangers did not become servants. indeed, so far were they from becoming servants themselves, that they bought and held jewish servants. lev. xxv. . since _rich_ strangers did not become servants to the israelites, we infer that those who _did_, became such not because they were _strangers_, but because they were _poor_,--not because, on account of their being heathen, they were _compelled by force_ to become servants, but because, on account of their _poverty_, they _chose_ to become servants to better their condition. xii. instances of voluntary servants. mention is often made of persons becoming servants who were manifestly voluntary. as the prophet elisha. kings xix. ; kings iii. . elijah was his _master_. kings ii. . the word translated master, is the same that is so rendered in almost every instance where masters are spoken of under the mosaic and patriarchal systems. moses was the servant of jethro. ex. iii. ; iv. . joshua was the servant of moses. ex. xxxiii. . num. xi. . jacob was the servant of laban. gen. xxix. - . see also the case of the gibeonites who _voluntarily_ became servants to the israelites and afterwards performed service for the "house of god" throughout the subsequent jewish history, were incorporate with the israelites, registered in the genealogies, and manifestly of their own accord remained with them, and "_clave_" to them. neh. x. , ; xi. ; ez. vii. . finally, in all the regulations respecting servants and their service, no form of expression is employed from which it could be inferred, that servants were made such, and held in that condition by force. add to this the entire absence of all the machinery, appurtenances and incidents of _compulsion_. voluntary service on the part of servants would have been in keeping with regulations which abounded in the mosaic system and sustained by a multitude of analogies. compulsory service on the other hand, could have harmonized with nothing, and would have been the solitary disturbing force, marring its design, counteracting its tendencies, and confusing and falsifying its types. the directions given to regulate the performance of service for the _public_, lay great stress on the _willingness_ of those employed to perform it. for the spirit and usages that obtained under the mosaic system in this respect, see chron. xxviii. ; ex. xxxv. , , , ; chron. xxix. , , , , ; ex. xxv. ; judges v. ; lev. xxii. ; chron. xxxv. ; ezra i. ; ex. xxxv; neh. xi. .[a] [footnote a: we should naturally infer that the directions which regulated the rendering of service to individuals, would proceed upon the same principle in this respect with those which regulated the rendering of service to the _public_. otherwise the mosaic system, instead of constituting in its different parts a harmonious _whole_, would be divided against itself; its principles counteracting and nullifying each other.] again, the voluntariness of servants is a natural inference from the fact that the hebrew word _ebedh,_ uniformly rendered _servant_, is applied to a great variety of classes and descriptions of persons under the patriarchal and jewish dispensations, _all of whom_ were voluntary and most of them eminently so. for instance, it is applied to persons rendering acts of _worship_ about seventy times, whereas it is applied to _servants_ not more than half that number of times. to this we may add, that the illustrations drawn from the condition and service of _servants_ and the ideas which the term servant is employed to convey when applied figuratively to moral subjects would, in most instances, lose all their force, and often become absurdities if the will of the servant _resisted_ his service, and he performed it only by _compulsion_. many passages will at once occur to those who are familiar with the bible. we give a single example. "_to whom ye yield yourselves servants to obey, his servants ye are to whom ye obey._" rom. vi. . it would hardly be possible to assert the voluntariness of servants more strongly in a direct proposition than it is here asserted by implication. iii. were servants forced to work without pay as the servants became and continued such of _their own accord_, it would be no small marvel if they _chose_ to work without pay. their becoming servants, pre-supposes _compensation_ as a motive. that they _were paid_ for their labor, we argue. . because god rebuked the using of service without wages. "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." jer. xxii. . the hebrew word _rea_, translated _neighbor_, means any one with whom we have to do--all descriptions of persons, even those who prosecute us in lawsuits, and enemies while in the act of fighting us--"as when a man riseth against his neighbor and slayeth him." deut. xxii. . "go not forth hastily to strive, lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof, when thy neighbor hath put thee to shame." prov. xxv. . "thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor." ex. xx. . "if a man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile." ex. xxi. , &c. the doctrine plainly inculcated in this passage is, that every man's labor, or "service," being his own property, he is entitled to the profit of it, and that for another to "use" it without paying him the value of it, is "unrighteousness." the last clause of the verse "and giveth him not for his work," reaffirms the same principle, that every man is to be _paid_ for "his work." in the context, the prophet contrasts the unrighteousness of those who used the labor of others without pay, with the justice and equity practiced by their patriarchal ancestor toward the poor. "did not thy father eat and drink and _do judgment and justice_, and then it was well with him. he _judged the cause of the poor and needy_; then it was well with him. but thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy _covetousness_, and for to shed innocent blood, and for _oppression_, and for violence to do it." jer. xxii. , . .[a] [footnote a: paul lays down the same principle in the form of a precept "masters give unto your servants that which is just and equal." col. iv. . thus not only asserting the _right_ of the servant to an equivalent for his labor, and the duty of the master to render it, but condemning all those relations between master and servant which were not founded upon justice and equality of rights. the apostle james enforces the same principle. "behold, the hire of the laborers, who have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back _by fraud_, crieth." james v. . as though he had said, "wages are the _right_ of laborers; those who work for you have a just claim on you for _pay_; this you refuse to render, and thus _defraud_ them by keeping from them what _belongs_ to them." see also mal. iii .] ii. god testifies that in our duty to our fellow men, all the law and the prophets hang upon this command, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." our savior, in giving this command, quoted _verbatim_ one of the laws of the mosaic system. lev. xix. . in the th verse of the same chapter, moses applies this law to the treatment of strangers, "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." if it be loving others as ourselves, to make them work for us without pay; to rob them of food and clothing also, would be a stronger illustration still of the law of love! _super_-disinterested benevolence! and if it be doing unto others as we would have them do to us, to make them work for _our own_ good alone, paul should be called to order for his hard sayings against human nature, especially for that libellous matter in eph. v. , "no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth it and cherisheth it." iii. servants were often wealthy. as persons became servants from poverty, we argue that they were compensated, since they frequently owned property, and sometimes a large amount. ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, gave david "two hundred loaves of bread, and a hundred bunches of raisins, and a hundred of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine." sam. xvi. . the extent of his possessions can be inferred from the fact, that though the father of fifteen sons, he had twenty servants. in lev. xxv. - , where a servant, reduced to poverty, sold himself, it is declared that he may be _redeemed,_ either by his kindred, or by himself. having been forced to sell himself from poverty, he must have acquired considerable property _after_ he became a servant. if it had not been common for servants to acquire property over which they had the control, the servant of elisha would hardly have ventured to take a large sum of money, (nearly $ [a]) from naaman, kings v. , . as it was procured by deceit, he wished to conceal the means used in getting it; but if servants could "own nothing, nor acquire anything," to embark in such an enterprise would have been consummate stupidity. the fact of having in his possession two talents of silver, would of itself convict him of theft.[b] but since it was common for servants to own property, he might have it, and invest or use it, without attracting special attention, and that consideration alone would have been a strong motive to the act. his master, though he rebuked him for using such means to get the money, not only does not take it from him, but seems to expect that he would invest it in real estate, and cattle, and would procure servants with it. kings v. . we find the servant of saul having money, and relieving his master in an emergency. sam. ix. . arza, the servant of elah, was the _owner of a house_. that it was somewhat magnificent, would be a natural inference from its being a resort of the king. kings xvi. . when jacob became the servant of laban, it was evidently from poverty, yet laban said to him, tell me "what shall thy _wages_ be?" after jacob had been his servant for ten years, he proposed to set up for himself, but laban said "appoint me thy wages and i will give it," and he paid him his price. during the twenty years that jacob was a servant, he always worked for wages and at his own price. gen. xxix. , ; xxx. - . the case of the gibeonites, who, after becoming servants, still occupied their cities, and remained in many respects, a distinct people for centuries;[c] and that of the , canaanites, the _servants_ of solomon, who worked out their "tribute of bond-service" in levies, periodically relieving each other, are additional illustrations of independence in the acquisition and ownership of property. [footnote a: though we have not sufficient data to decide upon the _relative_ value of that sum, _then_ and now, yet we have enough to warrant us in saying that two talents of silver, had far more value _then_ than three thousand dollars have _now_.] [footnote b: whoever heard of the slaves in our southern states stealing a large amount of money? they _"know how to take care of themselves"_ quite too well for that. when they steal, they are careful to do it on such a small scale, or in the taking of _such things_ as will make detection difficult. no doubt they steal now and then, and a gaping marvel would it be if they did not. why should they not follow in the footsteps of their masters and mistresses? dull scholars indeed! if, after so many lessons from _proficients_ in the art, who drive the business by _wholesale_, they should not occasionally copy their betters, fall into the _fashion_, and try their hand in a small way, at a practice which is the _only permanent and universal_ business carried on around them! ignoble truly! never to feel the stirrings of high impulse, prompting to imitate the eminent pattern set before them in the daily vocation of "honorables" and "excellencies," and to emulate the illustrious examples of doctors of divinity, and _right_ and _very reverends!_ hear president jefferson's testimony. in his notes on virginia, pp. - , speaking of slaves, he says, "that disposition to theft with which they have been branded, must be ascribed to their _situation_, and not to any special depravity of the moral sense. it is a problem which i give the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as for his slave--and whether the slave may not as justifiably take a _little_ from one who has taken all from him, as he may _slay_ one who would slay him?"] [footnote c: the nethinims, which name was afterwards given to the gibeonites on account of their being _set apart_ for the service of the tabernacle, had their own houses and cities and "dwelt every one in his own possession." neh. xi. . ; ezra ii. ; chron. ix. .] again. the israelites often _hired_ servants from the strangers. deut. xxiv. . since then it is certain that they gave wages to a part of their canaanitish servants, thus recognizing their _right_ to a reward for their labor, we infer that they did not rob the rest of their earnings. if god gave them a license to make the strangers work for them without pay--if this was good and acceptable in his sight, and _right and just in itself_, they must have been great fools to have wasted their money by paying wages when they could have saved it, by making the strangers do all their work for nothing! besides, by refusing to avail themselves of this "divine license," they despised the blessing and cast contempt on the giver! but far be it from us to do the israelites injustice; perhaps they seized all the canaanites they could lay their hands on, and forced them to work without pay, but not being able to catch enough to do their work, were obliged to offer wages in order to eke out the supply! the parable of our lord, contained in mat. xviii. - , not only derives its significance from the fact, that servants can both _own_ and _owe_ and _earn_ property, over which they had the control, but would be made a medley of contradictions on any other supposition.-- . their lord at a set time proceeded to "take account" and "reckon" with his servants; the phraseology itself showing that the relations between the parties, were those of debt and credit. . as the reckoning went on, one of his servants was found to _owe_ him ten thousand talents. from the fact that the servant _owed_ this to his master, we naturally infer, that he must have been at some time, and in some way, the responsible _owner_ of that amount, or of its substantial equivalent. not that he had had that amount put into his hands to invest, or disburse, in his master's name, merely as his _agent_, for in that case no claim of _debt_ for value received would lie, but, that having sustained the responsibilities of legal _proprietorship_, he was under the liabilities resulting therefrom. . not having on hand wherewith to pay, he says to his master "have patience with me _and i will pay thee all_." if the servant had been his master's _property_, his time and earnings belonged to the master as a matter of course, hence the promise to earn and pay over that amount, was virtually saying to his master, "i will take money out of your pocket with which to pay my debt to you," thus adding insult to injury. the promise of the servant to pay the debt on condition that the time for payment should be postponed, not only proceeds upon the fact that his time was his own, that he was constantly earning property or in circumstances that enabled him to earn it, and that he was the _proprietor_ of his earnings, but that his master had _full knowledge_ of that fact.--in a word, the supposition that the master was the _owner_ of the servant, would annihilate all legal claim upon him for value received, and that the servant was the _property_ of the master, would absolve him from all obligations of debt, or rather would always _forestall_ such obligations--for the relations of owner and creditor in such case, would annihilate each other, as would those of _property_ and _debtor_. the fact that the same servant was the creditor of one of his fellow servants, who owed him a considerable sum, and that at last he was imprisoned until he should pay all that was due to his master, are additional corroborations of the same point. iv. heirship.--servants frequently inherited their master's property; especially if he had no sons, or if they had dishonored the family. eliezer, the servant of abraham, gen. xv. ; ziba, the servant of mephibosheth; jarha, the servant of sheshan, who married his daughter, and thus became his heir, he having no sons, and the _husbandmen_ who said of their master's son, "this is the heir, let us kill him, and the inheritance will be ours," are illustrations; also prov. xxx. , an _handmaid_ (or _maid-servant_,) that is _heir_ to her mistress; also prov. xvii. --"a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." this passage gives servants precedence as heirs, even over the wives and daughters of their masters. did masters hold by force, and plunder of earnings, a class of persons, from which, in frequent contingencies, they selected both heirs for their property, and husbands for their daughters? v. all were required to present offerings and sacrifices. deut. xvi. , ; chron. xv. - ; numb. ix. , . beside this, "every man" from twenty years old and above, was required to pay a tax of half a shekel at the taking of the census; this is called "an offering unto the lord to make an atonement for their souls." ex. xxx. - . see also ex. xxxiv. . servants must have had permanently the means of _acquiring_ property to meet these expenditures. vi. servants who went out at the seventh year, were "furnished liberally." deut. xv. - . "thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine press, of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, thou shalt give him."[a] if it be said that the servants from the strangers did not receive a like bountiful supply, we answer, neither did the most honorable class of _israelitish_ servants, the free-holders; and for the same reason, _they did not go out in the seventh year,_ but continued until the jubilee. if the fact that the gentile servants did not receive such a _gratuity_ proves that they were robbed of their _earnings_, it proves that the most valued class of _hebrew_ servants were robbed of theirs also; a conclusion too stubborn for even pro-slavery masticators, however unscrupulous. [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows--"'thou shalt furnish him liberally,' &c. that is to say, _'loading, ye shall load him,'_ likewise every one of his family with as much as he can take with him--abundant benefits. and if it be avariciously asked, 'how much must i give him?' i say unto _you, not less than thirty shekels,_ which is the valuation of a servant, as declared in ex. xxi. ."--maimonides, hilcoth obedim, chap. ii. sec. .] vii. servants were bought. in other words, they received compensation in advance.[a] having shown, under a previous head, that servants _sold themselves_, and of course received the compensation for themselves, except in cases where parents hired out the time of their children till they became of age,[b] a mere reference to the fact is all that is required for the purposes of this argument. as all the strangers in the land were required to pay an annual tribute to the government, the israelites might often "buy" them as family servants, by stipulating with them to pay their annual tribute. this assumption of their obligations to the government might cover the whole of the servant's time of service, or a part of it, at the pleasure of the parties. [footnote a: but, says the objector, if servants received their pay in advance, and if the israelites were forbidden to surrender the fugitive to his master, it would operate practically as a bounty offered to all servants who would leave their master's service encouraging them to make contracts, get their pay in advance and then run away, thus cheating their masters out of their money as well as their own services.--we answer, the prohibition, deut xxiii. . , "thou shalt not deliver unto his master," &c., sets the servant free from his _authority_ and of course, from all those liabilities of injury, to which _as his servant_, he was subjected, but not from the obligation of legal contracts. if the servant had received pay in advance, and had not rendered an equivalent for this "value received," he was not absolved from his obligation to do so, but he was absolved from all obligations to pay his master in _that particular way_, that is, _by working for him as his servant_.] [footnote b: among the israelites, girls became of age at twelve, and boys at thirteen years.] viii. the right of servants to compensation is recognised in ex. xxi. . "and if he smite out his man-servant's, or his maid-servant's tooth, he shall let him go free for his tooth's sake." this regulation is manifestly based upon the _right_ of the servant to the _use_ of himself and all this powers, faculties and personal conveniences, and consequently his just claim for remuneration, upon him, who should however _unintentionally_, deprive him of the use even of the least of them. if the servant had a right to his _tooth_ and the use _of_ it, upon the same principle, he had a right to the rest of his body and the use of it. if he had a right to the _fraction_, and if it was his to hold, to use, and to have pay for; he had a right to the _sum total_, and it was his to hold, to use, and to have pay for. ix. we find masters at one time having a large number of servants, and afterwards none, with no intimation in any case that they were sold. the wages of servants would enable them to set up in business for themselves. jacob, after being laban's servant for twenty-one years, became thus an independent herdsman, and had many servants. gen. xxx. ; xxxii. . but all these servants had left him before he went down into egypt, having doubtless acquired enough to commence business for themselves. gen. xlv. , ; xlvi. - , . the case of ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, who had twenty servants, has been already mentioned. x. god's testimony to the character of abraham. gen. xviii. . "for i know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." god here testifies that abraham taught his servants "the way of the lord." what was the "way of the lord" respecting the payment of wages where service was rendered? "wo unto him that useth this neighbor's service without wages!" jer. xxii. . "masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal." col. iv. . "render unto all their dues." rom. xiii. . "the laborer is worthy of his hire." luke x. . how did abraham teach his servants to "_do justice_" to others? by doing injustice to _them_? did he exhort them to "render to all their dues" by keeping back _their own_? did he teach them that "the laborer was worthy of his hire" by robbing them of _theirs_? did he beget in them a reverence for honesty by pilfering all their time and labor? did he teach them "not to defraud" others "in any matter" by denying _them_ "what was just and equal?" if each of abraham's pupils under such a catechism did not become a very _aristides_ in justice, then illustrious examples, patriarchal dignity, and _practical_ lessons, can make but slow headway against human perverseness! xi. specific precepts of the mosaic law enforcing general principles. out of many, we select the following: ( .) "thou shalt not muzzle the ox when he treadeth out the corn." deut. xxv. . here is a general principle applied to a familiar case. the ox representing all domestic animals. isa. xxx. . a _particular_ kind of service, _all_ kinds; and a law requiring an abundant provision for the wants of an animal ministering to man in a _certain_ way,--a general principle of treatment covering all times, modes, and instrumentalities of service. the object of the law was; not merely to enjoin tenderness towards brutes, but to inculcate the duty of rewarding those who serve us; and if such care be enjoined, by god, both for the ample sustenance and present enjoyment of _a brute_, what would be a meet return for the services of _man?_--man with his varied wants, exalted nature and immortal destiny! paul says expressly, that this principle lies at the bottom of the statute. cor. ix. , , "for it is written in the law of moses, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn. doth god take care for oxen? or saith he it altogether for our sakes? that he that ploweth should plow in hope, and that he that thresheth in hope should be partaker of his hope." in the context, paul innumerates the four grand divisions of labor among the jews in illustration of the principle that the laborer, whatever may be the service he performs, is entitled to a _reward_. the priests, levites and all engaged in sacred things--the military, those who tended flocks and herds, and those who cultivated the soil. as the latter employment engaged the great body of the israelites, the apostle amplifies his illustration under that head by much detail--and enumerates the five great departments of agricultural labor among the jews--vine-dressing, plowing, sowing, reaping and threshing, as the representatives of universal labor. in his epistle to timothy. tim. v. . paul quotes again this precept of the mosaic law, and connects with it the declaration of our lord. luke x. . "the laborer is worthy of his hire,"--as both inculcating the _same_ doctrine, that he who labors, whatever the employment, or whoever the laborer, is entitled to a reward. the apostle thus declares the principle of right respecting the performance of service for others, and the rule of duty towards those who perform it, to be the same under both dispensations. ( .) "if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him, yea though he be a stranger or a sojourner that he may live with thee. take thou no usury of him, or increase, but fear thy god. thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase." lev. xxv. - . now, we ask, by what process of pro-slavery legerdemain, this regulation can be made to harmonize with the doctrine of work without pay? did god declare the poor stranger entitled to relief, and in the same breath, authorize them to "use his service without wages;" force him to work and rob him of his earnings? iv.--were masters the proprietors of servants as legal property? this topic has been unavoidably somewhat anticipated, in the foregoing discussion, but a variety of additional considerations remain to be noticed. i. servants were not subjected to the uses nor liable to the contingencies of property. _they were never taken in payment for their masters' debts_. children were sometimes taken (without legal authority) for the debts of a father. kings iv. ; job xxiv. ; isa. l. ; matt. xviii. . creditors took from debtors property of all kinds, to satisfy their demands. job xxiv. , cattle are taken; prov. xxii. , household furniture; lev. xxv. - , the productions of the soil; lev. xxv. - , houses; ex. xxii. , ; deut. xxiv. - ; matt. v. , clothing; but _servants_ were taken in _no instance_. . _servants were never given as pledges_. _property_ of all sorts was pledged for value received; household furniture, clothing, cattle, money, signets, personal ornaments, &c., but no servants. . _servants were not put into the hands of others, or consigned to their keeping_. the precept giving directions how to proceed in a case where property that has life is delivered to another "to keep," and "it die or be hurt or driven away," enumerates oxen, asses, sheep or "any _beast_," but not "_servants_." ex. xxii. . . _all lost property was to be restored_. oxen, asses, sheep, raiment, and "all lost things," are specified--servants _not_. deut. xxii - . besides, the israelites were forbidden to return the runaway servant. deut. xxiii, . . _servants were not sold_. when by flagrant misconduct, unfaithfulness or from whatever cause, they had justly forfeited their privilege of membership in an israelitish family, they were not sold, but _expelled_ from the household. luke xvi. - ; kings v. , ; gen. xxi. . _the israelites never received servants as tribute_. at different times all the nations round about them were their tributaries and paid them annually large amounts. they received property of all kinds in payment of tribute. gold, silver, brass, iron, precious stone, and vessels, armor, spices, raiment, harness, horses, mules, sheep, goats, &c., are in various places enumerated, but _servants_, never. . _the israelites never gave away their servants as presents_. they made costly presents, of great variety. lands, houses, all kinds of domestic animals, beds, merchandize, family utensils, precious metals, grain, honey, butter, cheese, fruits, oil, wine, raiment, armor, &c., are among their recorded _gifts_. giving presents to superiors and persons of rank, was a standing usage. sam. x. ; xvi. ; chron. xvii. . abraham to abimelech, gen. xxi. ; jacob to the viceroy of egypt, gen. xliii. ; joseph to his brethren and father, gen. xlv. , ; benhadad to elisha, kings viii. , ; ahaz to tiglath pilezer, kings vi. ; solomon to the queen of sheba, kings x. ; jeroboam to ahijah, kings xiv. ; asa to benhadad, kings xv. , . abigail the wife of nabal to david, sam. xxv. . david to the elders of judah, sam. xxx. . jehoshaphat to his sons, . chron. xxi. . the israelites to david, . chron. xii. , . shobi machir and barzillai to david, sam. xvii. , . but no servants were given as presents, though it was a prevailing fashion in the surrounding nations. gen. xii. , xx. . in the last passage we are told that abimelech king of the philistines "took sheep and oxen and men servants and women servants and gave them unto abraham." not long after this abraham made abimelech a present, the same kind with that which he had received from him except that he gave him _no servants_. "and abraham took sheep and oxen and gave them unto abimelech." gen. xxi. . it may be objected that laban "gave" handmaids to his daughters, jacob's wives. without enlarging on the nature of the polygamy then prevalent, suffice it to say that the handmaids of wives were regarded as wives, though of inferior dignity and authority. that jacob so regarded his handmaids, is proved by his curse upon reuben, gen. xlix. , and chron. v. ; also by the equality of their children with those of rachel and leah. but had it been otherwise--had laban given them as _articles of property_, then, indeed, the example of this "good old slaveholder and patriarch," saint laban, would have been a forecloser to all argument. ah! we remember his jealousy for _religion_--his holy indignation when he found that his "gods" were stolen! how he mustered his clan, and plunged over the desert in hot pursuit seven days by forced marches; how he ransacked a whole caravan, sifting the contents of every tent, little heeding such small matters as domestic privacy, or female seclusion, for lo! the zeal of his "images" had eaten him up! no wonder that slavery, in its bible-navigation, drifting dismantled before the free gusts, should scud under the lee of such a pious worthy to haul up and refit; invoking his protection, and the benediction, of his "gods!" again, it may be objected that, servants were enumerated in inventories of property. if that proves _servants_ property, it proves _wives_ property. "thou shall not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shall not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's." ex. xx. . in inventories of mere property, if servants are included, it is in such a way as to show that they are not regarded as property. eccl. ii. , . but when the design is to show, not merely the wealth, but the _greatness_ and _power_ of any one, servants are spoken of, as well as property. in a word, if _riches_ alone are spoken of, no mention is made of servants; if _greatness_, servants and property. gen. xiii. , . "and abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold." yet we are told, in the verse preceding, that he came up out of egypt "with _all_ that he had." "and lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents." in the seventh verse servants are mentioned, "and there was a strife between the herdmen of abraham's cattle and the herdmen of lot's cattle." it is said of isaac. "and the man waxed _great_, and went forward, and grew until he became _very great_. for he had possession of flocks, and possession of herds, and _great store of servants_." in immediate connection with this we find abimelech the king of the philistines saying to him. "thou art much _mightier_ than we." shortly after this avowal, isaac is waited upon by a deputation consisting of abimelech, phicol the chief captain of his army, and ahuzzath, who says to him "let there be now an oath betwixt us and thee, and let us make a covenant with thee, that thou wilt _do us no hurt_." gen. xxvi. , , , , , .--a plain concession of the _power_ which isaac had both for aggression and defence in his "great store of _servants_;" that is, of willing and affectionate adherents to him as a just and benevolent prince. when hamor and shechem speak to the hivites of the _riches_ of abraham and his sons, they say, "shall not their _cattle_ and their _substance_ and _every beast of theirs_ be ours?" gen. xxxiv. . see also josh. xxii. ; gen. xxxiv. ; job. xlii. ; chron. xxi. ; xxxii. - ; job. i. - ; deut. viii. - ; gen. xxiv. ; xxvi. ; xxx. . jacob's wives say to him, "all the _riches_ which god has taken from our father that is ours and our children's." then follows an inventory of property--"all his cattle," "all his goods," "the cattle of his getting." his numerous servants are not included with his property. comp. gen. xxx. , with gen. xxxi. - . when jacob sent messengers to esau, wishing to impress him with an idea of his state and sway, he bade them tell him not only of his riches, but of his greatness; that he had "oxen, and asses, and flocks, and men-servants, and maid-servants." gen. xxxii. , . yet in the present which he sent, there were no servants; though he manifestly selected the _most valuable_ kinds of property. gen. xxxii. , ; see also gen. xxxvi. , ; xxxiv. . as flocks and herds were the staples of wealth, a large number of servants presupposed large possessions of cattle, which would require many herdsmen. when jacob and his sons went down into egypt it is repeatedly asserted that they took _all that they had_. "their cattle and their goods which they had gotten in the land of canaan," "their flocks and their herds" are mentioned, but no _servants_. and as we have besides a full catalogue of the _household_, we know that he took with him no servants. that jacob _had_ many servants before his migration into egypt, we learn from gen, xxx. ; xxxii. , , . that he was not the _proprietor_ of these servants as his property is a probable inference from the fact that he did not take them with him, since we are expressly told that he did take all his _property_. gen. xlv. ; xlvi. , ; xlvii. . when servants are spoken of in connection with _mere property_, the terms used to express the latter do not include the former. the hebrew word _mikne_, is an illustration. it is derived from _kana_, to procure, to buy, and its meaning is, a _possession, wealth, riches_. it occurs more than forty times in the old testament, and is applied always to _mere property_, generally to domestic animals, but never to servants. in some instances, servants are mentioned in distinction from the _mikne_. "and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son, and all their substance that they had gathered; and the souls that they had gotten in haran, and they went forth to go into the land of canaan." gen. xii. . many will have it, that these _souls_ were a part of abraham's _substance_ (notwithstanding the pains here taken to separate them from it)--that they were slaves taken with him in his migration as a part of his family effects. who but slaveholders, either actually or in heart, would torture into the principle and practice of slavery, such a harmless phrase as "_the souls that they had gotten?_" until the african slave trade breathed its haze into the eyes of the church and smote her with palsy and decay, commentators saw no slavery in, "the souls that they had gotten." in the targum of onkelos[a] it is rendered, "the souls whom they had brought to obey the law in haran." in the targum of jonathan, "the souls whom they had made proselytes in haran." in the targum of jerusalem, "the souls proselyted in haran." jarchi, the prince of jewish commentators, "the souls whom they had brought under the divine wings." jerome, one of the most learned of the christian fathers, "the persons whom they had proselyted." the persian version, the vulgate, the syriac, the arabic, and the samaritan all render it, "all the wealth which they had gathered, and the souls which they had made in haran." menochius, a commentator who wrote before our present translation of the bible, renders it, "quas de idolatraria converterant." "those whom they had converted from idolatry." paulus fagius,[b] "quas instituerant in religione." "those whom they had established in religion." luke francke, a german commentator who lived two centuries ago, "quas legi subjicerant."--"those whom they had brought to obey the law." the same distinction is made between _persons_ and property, in the enumeration of esau's household and the inventory of his effects. "and esau took his wives and his sons and his daughters, and all the _persons_ of his house, and his cattle, and all his beasts, and all his _substance_ which he had got in the land of canaan, and went into the country from the face of his brother jacob. for their _riches_ were more than that they might dwell together; and the land could not bear them because of their _cattle_." gen. xxxvi. , . [footnote a: the targums are chaldee paraphrases of parts of the old testament. the targum of onkelos is, for the most part, a very accurate and faithful translation of the original, and was probably made at about the commencement of the christian era. the targum of jonathan ben uzziel, bears about the same date. the targum of jerusalem was probably about five hundred years later. the israelites, during their captivity in babylon, lost, as a body, their own language. these translations into the chaldee, the language which they acquired in babylon, were thus called for by the necessity of the case.] [footnote b: this eminent hebrew scholar was invited to england to superintend the translation of the bible into english, under the patronage of henry the eighth. he had hardly commenced the work when he died. this was nearly a century before the date of our present translation.] ii. the condition and social estimation of servants make the doctrine that they were commodities, an absurdity. as the head of a jewish family possessed the same power over his wife, children, and grandchildren (if they were in his family) as over his servants, if the latter were articles of property, the former were equally such. if there were nothing else in the mosaic institutes or history establishing the social equality of the servants with their masters and their master's wives and children, those precepts which required that they should be guests at all the public feasts, and equal participants in the family and social rejoicings, would be quite sufficient to settle the question. deut. xii. , ; xvi. , , , . ex. xii. , . st. paul's testimony in gal. iv. , shows the condition of servants: "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all." that the interests of abraham's servants were identified with those of their master's family, and that the utmost confidence was reposed in them, is shown in their being armed. gen. xiv. , . when abraham's servant went to padanaram, the young princess rebecca did not disdain to say to him. "drink, my lord," as "she hasted and let down her pitcher upon her hand, and gave him drink." laban, the brother of rebecca, "ungirded his camels, and brought him water to wash his feet, and the men's feet that were with him!" in the arrangements of jacob's household on his journey from padanaram to canaan, we find his two maid servants treated in the same manner and provided with the same accommodations as rachel and leah. each of them had a separate tent appropriated to her use. gen. xxxi. . the social equality of servants with their masters and other members of their master's families, is an obvious deduction from ex. xxi. , , from which we learn that the sale of a young jewish female as a servant, was also _betrothed as a wife_, either to her master, or to one of his sons. in sam. ix. is an account of a festival in the city of zuph, at which samuel presided. none but those bidden, sat down at the feast, and only "about thirty persons" were invited. quite a select party!--the elite of the city. saul and his servant had just arrived at zuph, and _both_ of them, at samuel's solicitation, accompany him as invited guests. "and samuel took saul and his servant, and brought them into the parlor (!) and made them sit in the chiefest seats among those that were bidden." a _servant_ invited by the chief judge, ruler, and prophet in israel, to dine publicly with a select party, in company with his master, who was at the same time anointed king of israel! and this servant introduced by samuel into the parlor, and assigned, with his master, to the _chiefest seat_ at the table! this was "_one_ of the servants" of kish, saul's father; not the steward or the chief of them--not at all a _picked_ man, but "_one_ of the servants;" _any_ one that could be most easily spared, as no endowments specially rare would be likely to find scope in looking after asses. david seems to have been for a time in all respects a servant in saul's family. he "_stood before him_." "and saul sent to jesse, saying, let david, i pray thee, _stand before me_." he was saul's personal servant, went on his errands, played on the harp for his amusement, bore his armor for him, and when he wished to visit his parents, asked permission of jonathan, saul's son. saul also calls him "my servant." sam. xvi. - ; xviii. ; xx. , ; xxii. . yet david sat with the king at meat, married his daughter, and lived on terms of the closest intimacy with the heir apparent of the throne. abimelech, who was first elected king of shechem, and afterwards reigned over all israel, _was the son of a_ maid-servant. his mother's family seems to have been of much note in the city of shechem, where her brothers manifestly held great sway. judg. ix. - , . jarha, an egyptian, the servant of sheshan, married his daughter. tobiah, "the servant" and an ammonite married the daughter of shecaniah one of the chief men among the jews in jerusalem and was the intimate associate of sanballat the governor of the samaritans. we find elah, the king of israel, at a festive entertainment, in the house of arza, his steward, or head servant, with whom he seems to have been on terms of familiarity. kings xvi. , . see also the intercourse between gideon and his servants. judg. vi. , and vii. , . the levite of mount ephraim and his servant. judg. xx. , , , , , , . king saul and his servant doeg, one of his herdmen. sam. xx. , ; xxii. , , . king david and ziba, the servant of mephibosheth. sam. xvi. - . jonathan and his servant. sam. xiv. - . elisha and his servant, gehazi. kings iv. v. vi. also between joram king of israel and the servant of elisha. kings viii. , , and between naaman "the captain of the host of the king of syria" and the same person. kings v. - . the fact stated under a previous head that servants were always invited guests at public and social festivals, is in perfect keeping with the foregoing exemplifications of the prevalent estimation in which servants were held by the israelites. probably no one of the old testament patriarchs had more servants than job; "this man was the greatest man of all the men of the east." job, i. . we are not left in the dark as to the condition of his servants. after asserting his integrity, his strict justice, honesty, and equity, in his dealings with his fellow men, and declaring "i delivered the poor," "i was eyes to the blind and feet was i to the lame," "i was a father to the poor, and the cause which i knew not i searched out," * * * he says "if i did despise the cause of my man-servant or my maid-servant when they contended with me * * * then let mine arm fall from the shoulder blade, and mine arm be broken from the bone." job. xxix. , , ; xxxi. , . the language employed in this passage is the phraseology applied in judicial proceedings to those who implead one another, and whether it be understood literally or figuratively, shows that whatever difference existed between job and his servants in other respects, so far as _rights_ are concerned, they were on equal ground with him, and that in the matter of daily intercourse, there was not the least restraint on their _free speech_ in calling in question all his transactions with them, and that the relations and claims of both parties were adjudicated on the principles of equity and reciprocal right. "if i _despised_ the cause of my man-servant," &c. in other words, if i treated it lightly, as though servants were not men, had not rights, and had not a claim for just dues and just estimation as human beings. "when they _contended_ with me," that is, when they plead their rights, claimed what was due to them, or questioned the justice of any of my dealings with them. in the context job virtually affirms as the ground of his just and equitable treatment of his servants, that they had the same rights as he had, and were, as human beings, entitled to equal consideration with himself. by what language could he more forcibly utter his conviction of the oneness of their common origin and of the identity of their common nature, necessities, attribute and rights? as soon as he has said, "if i did despise the cause of my man-servant," &c., he follows it up with "what then shall i do when god raiseth up? and when he visiteth, what shall i answer him? did not he that made me in the womb, make _him_? and did not one fashion us in the womb." in the next verse job glories in the fact that he has not "_withheld from the poor their desire_." is it the "desire" of the poor to be _compelled_ by the rich to work for them, and without _pay_? iii. the case of the gibeonites. the condition of the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim, under the hebrew commonwealth, is quoted in triumph by the advocates of slavery; and truly they are right welcome to all the crumbs that can be gleaned from it. milton's devils made desperate snatches at fruit that turned to ashes on their lips. the spirit of slavery raves under tormenting gnawings, and casts about in blind phrenzy for something to ease, or even to mock them. but for this, it would never have clutched at the gibeonites, for even the incantations of the demon cauldron could not extract from their case enough to tantalize starvation's self. but to the question. what was the condition of the gibeonites under the israelites? . _it was voluntary_. their own proposition to joshua was to become servants. josh. ix. , . it was accepted, but the kind of service which they should perform, was not specified until their gross imposition came to light; they were then assigned to menial offices in the tabernacle. . _they were not domestic servants in the families of the israelites_. they still resided in their own cities, cultivated their own fields, tended their flocks and herds, and exercised the functions of a _distinct_, though not independent community. they were subject to the jewish nation as _tributaries_. so far from being distributed among the israelites and their internal organization as a distinct people abolished, they remained a separate, and, in some respects, an independent community for many centuries. when attacked by the amorites, they applied to the israelites as confederates for aid--it was rendered, their enemies routed, and themselves left unmolested in their cities. josh. x. - . long afterwards, saul slew some of them, and god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. david inquired of the gibeonites, "what shall i do for you, and wherewith shall i make the atonement?" at their demand, he delivered up to them seven of saul's descendants. sam. xxi. - . the whole transaction was a formal recognition of the gibeonites as a distinct people. there is no intimation that they served either families or individuals of the israelites, but only the "house of god," or the tabernacle. this was established first at gilgal, a days' journey from their cities; and then at shiloh, nearly two days' journey from them; where it continued about years. during this period the gibeonites inhabited their ancient cities and territory. only a few, comparatively, could have been absent at any one time in attendance on the tabernacle. wherever allusion is made to them in the history, the main body are spoken of as _at home_. it is preposterous to suppose that all the inhabitants of these four cities could find employment at the tabernacle. one of them "was a great city, as one of the royal cities;" so large, that a confederacy of five kings, apparently the most powerful in the land, was deemed necessary for its destruction. it is probable that the men were divided into classes, ministering in rotation--each class a few days or weeks at a time. as the priests whose assistants they were, served by courses in rotation a week at a time; it is not improbable that their periods of service were so arranged as to correspond. this service was their _national tribute_ to the israelites, for the privilege of residence and protection under their government. no service seems to have been required of the _females_. as these gibeonites were canaanites, and as they had greatly exasperated the israelites by impudent imposition and lying, we might assuredly expect that they would reduce _them_ to the condition of chattels, if there was _any_ case in which god permitted them to do so. iv. egyptian bondage analyzed. throughout the mosaic system, god warns the israelites against holding their servants in such a condition as they were held in by the egyptians. how often are they pointed back to the grindings of their prison-house! what motives to the exercise of justice and kindness towards their servants, are held out to their fears in threatened judgments; to their hopes in promised good; and to all within them that could feel, by those oft repeated words of tenderness and terror! "for ye were bondmen in the land of egypt"--waking anew the memory of tears and anguish, and of the wrath that avenged them. but what was the bondage of the israelites in egypt? of what rights were they plundered and what did they retain? . _they were not dispersed among the families of egypt,[a] but formed a separate community_. gen. xlvi. . ex. viii. , ; ix. ; x. ; xi. ; iv. ; ii. ; xvi. ; xvii. ; vi. . . _they had the exclusive possession of the land of goshen,[b] "the best part of the land" of egypt_. gen. xlv. ; xlvii. , , ; ex. viii. ; ix. ; xii. . goshen must have been at a considerable distance from those parts of egypt inhabited by the egyptians; so far at least as to prevent their contact with the israelites, since the reason assigned for locating them in goshen was, that shepherds were "an abomination to the egyptians;" besides, their employments would naturally lead them out of the settled parts of egypt to find a free range of pasturage for their immense flocks and herds. . _they lived in permanent dwellings_. these were _houses_, not _tents_. in ex. xii. , , the two side _posts_, and the upper door _posts_, and the lintel of the houses are mentioned. each family seems to have occupied a house _by itself_. acts vii. . ex. xii. --and judging from the regulation about the eating of the passover, they could hardly have been small ones, ex. xii. ; probably contained separate apartments, as the entertainment of sojourners seems to have been a common usage. ex. iii. ; and also places for concealment. ex. ii. , ; acts vii. . they appear to have been well apparelled. ex. xii. . . _they owned "flocks and herds," and "very much cattle_." ex. xii. , , , , . from the fact that "_every man_" was commanded to kill either a lamb or a kid, one year old, for the passover, before the people left egypt, we infer that even the poorest of the israelites owned a flock either of sheep or goats. further, the immense multitude of their flocks and herds may be judged of from the expostulation of moses with jehovah. num. xii. , . "the people among whom i am are six hundred thousand footmen, and thou hast said i will give them flesh that they may eat a whole month; shall the flocks and the herds be slain for them to _suffice_ them." as these six hundred thousand were only the _men_ "from twenty years old and upward, that were able to go forth to war," ex. i. , ; the whole number of the israelites could not have been less than three millions and a half. flocks and herds to "suffice" all these for food, might surely be called "very much cattle." . _they had their own form of government_, and preserved their tribe and family divisions, and their internal organization throughout, though still a province of egypt, and _tributary_ to it. ex. ii. ; xii. , ; vi. , ; v. ; iii. , . . _they had in a considerable measure, the disposal of their own time._ ex. iii. , ; xii. ; ii. ; and iv. , - . _they seem to have practised the fine arts_. ex. xxxii. ; xxxv. , . . _they were all armed_. ex. xxxii. . . _they held their possessions independently, and the egyptians seem to have regarded them as inviolable_. no intimation is given that the egyptians dispossessed them of their habitations, or took away their flocks, or herds, or crops, or implements of agriculture, or any article of property. . _all the females seem to have known something of domestic refinements_. they were familiar with instruments of music, and skilled in the working of fine fabrics. ex. xv. ; xxxv. , ; and both males and females were able to read and write. deut. xi. - ; xvii. ; xxvii. . . _service seems to have been exacted from none but adult males_. nothing is said from which the bond service of females could be inferred; the hiding of moses three months by his mother, and the payment of wages to her by pharaoh's daughter, go against such a supposition. ex. ii. . . _their food was abundant and of great variety_. so far from being fed upon a fixed allowance of a single article, and hastily prepared, "they sat by the flesh-pots," and "did eat bread to the full." ex. xvi. ; and their bread was prepared with leaven. ex. xii. , . they ate "the fish freely, the cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlic." num. xi. , ; xx. . probably but a small portion of the people were in the service of the egyptians at any one time. the extent and variety of their own possessions, together with such a cultivation of their crops as would provide them with bread, and such care of their immense flocks and herds, as would secure their profitable increase, must have kept at home the main body of the nation. during the plague of darkness, god informs us that "all the children of israel had light in their dwellings." we infer that they were _there_ to enjoy it. see also ex. ix. . it seems improbable that the making of brick, the only service named during the latter part of their sojourn in egypt, could have furnished permanent employment for the bulk of the nation. see also ex. iv. - . besides, when eastern nations employed tributaries, it was as now, in the use of the levy, requiring them to furnish a given quota, drafted off periodically, so that comparatively but a small portion of the nation would be absent _at any one time_. the adult males of the israelites were probably divided into companies, which relieved each other at stated intervals of weeks or months. it might have been during one of these periodical furloughs from service that aaron performed the journey to horeb. ex. iv. . at the least calculation this journey must have consumed _eight weeks_. probably one-fifth part of the proceeds of their labor was required of the israelites in common with the egyptians. gen. xlvii. , . instead of taking it from their _crops_, (goshen being better for _pasturage_) they exacted it of them in brick making; and labor might have been exacted only from the _poorer_ israelites, the wealthy being able to pay their tribute in money. the fact that all the elders of israel seem to have controlled their own time, (see ex. iv. ; iii. ; v. ,) favors the supposition. ex. iv. , . contrast this bondage of egypt with american slavery. have our slaves "flocks and herds even very much cattle?" do they live in commodious houses of their own, "sit by the flesh-pots," "eat fish freely," and "eat bread to the full"? do they live in a separate community, in their distinct tribes, under their own rulers, in the exclusive occupation of an extensive tract of country for the culture of their crops, and for rearing immense herds of their own cattle--and all these held inviolable by their masters? are our female slaves free from exactions of labor and liabilities of outrage? or when employed, are they paid wages, as was the israelitish woman by the king's daughter? have they the disposal of their own time, and the means for cultivating social refinements, for practising the fine arts, and for personal improvement? the israelites under the bondage of egypt, enjoyed all these rights and privileges. true, "all the service wherein they made them serve was with rigor." but what was this when compared with the incessant toil of american slaves; the robbery of all their time and earnings, and even the "power to own any thing, or acquire any thing?" a "quart of corn a-day," the legal allowance of food![c] their _only_ clothing for one half the year, "_one_ shirt and _one_ pair of pantaloons!"[d]_two hours and a half_ only, for rest and refreshment in the twenty-four![e]--their dwellings, _hovels_, unfit for human residence, with but one apartment, where both sexes and all ages herd promiscuously at night, like the beasts of the field.[f] add to this, the ignorance, and degradation;[g] the daily sunderings of kindred, the revelries of lust, the lacerations and baptisms of blood, sanctioned by law, and patronized by public sentiment. what was the bondage of egypt when compared with this? and yet for her oppression of the poor, god smote her with plagues, and trampled her as the mire, till she passed away in his wrath, and the place that knew her in her pride, knew her no more. ah! "i have seen the afflictions of my people, and i have heard their groanings, and am come down to deliver them." he did come, and egypt sank a ruinous heap, and her blood closed over her. if such was god's retribution for the oppression of heathen egypt, of how much sorer punishment shall a christian people be thought worthy, who cloak with religion a system, in comparison with which the bondage of egypt dwindles to nothing? let those believe who can, that god commissioned his people to rob others of _all_ their rights, while he denounced against them wrath to the uttermost, if they practised the _far lighter_ oppression of egypt--which robbed its victims of only the least and cheapest of their rights, and left the females unplundered even of these. what! is god divided against himself? when he had just turned egypt into a funeral pile; while his curse yet blazed upon her unburied dead, and his bolts still hissed amidst her slaughter, and the smoke of her torment went upwards because she had "robbed the poor," did he license the victims of robbery to rob the poor of all? as _lawgiver_, did he _create_ a system tenfold more grinding than that for which he had just hurled pharaoh headlong, and overwhelmed his princes and his hosts, till "hell was moved to meet them at their coming?" [footnote c: see law of north carolina, haywood's manual - . to show that slaveholders are not better than their laws. we give a few testimonies. rev. thomas clay, of georgia, (a slaveholder,) in an address before the georgia presbytery, in , speaking of the slave's allowance of food, says:--"the quantity allowed by custom is a _peck of corn a week._" the maryland journal and baltimore advertiser of may , , says, "a _single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice_, is the ordinary quantity of provision for a _hard-working_ slave; to which a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though _rarely_, added." the gradual emancipation society of north carolina, in their report for , signed moses swaim, president, and william swaim, secretary, says, in describing the condition of slaves in the eastern part of that state, "the master puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a _great part_ of them go _half naked_ and _half starved_ much of the time." see minutes of the american convention, convened in baltimore, oct. , . rev. john rankin, a native of tennessee, and for many years a preacher in slave states, says of the food of slaves, "it _often_ happens that what will _barely keep them alive_, is all that a cruel avarice will allow them. hence, in some instances, their allowance has been reduced to a _single pint of corn each_, during the day and night. and some have no better allowance than a small portion of cotton seed; while perhaps they are not permitted to taste meat so much as once in the course of seven years. _thousands of them are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives._" rankin's letters on slavery, pp. , . hon. robert j. turnbull, of charleston, s.c., a slaveholder, says, "the subsistence of the slaves consists, from march until august, of corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called _hominy_, or baked into corn bread. the other six months, they are fed upon the sweet potatoe. meat, when given, is only by way of _indulgence or favor_." _see "refutation of the calumnies circulated against the southern and western states," by a south carolinian. charleston_, . asa a. stone, a theological student, residing at natchez, mississippi, wrote a letter to the editor of the new york evangelist in , in which he says, "on almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger at some seasons of almost every year. there is always a _good deal of suffering_ from hunger. on many plantations, and particularly in louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost utter famishment_ during a great portion of the year." at the commencement of his letter, mr. s. says, "intending, as i do, that my statements shall be relied on, and knowing that, should you think fit to publish this communication, they will come to this country, where their correctness may be tested by comparison with real life, i make them with the utmost care and precaution." president edwards, the younger, in a sermon preached half a century ago, at new haven, conn., says, speaking of the allowance of food given to slaves--"they are supplied with barely enough to keep them from starving." in the debate on the missouri question in the u.s. congress, - , the admission of missouri to the union, as a slave state, was urged, among other grounds as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the south. mr. smyth, a member of congress, from virginia, and a large slaveholder, said, "the plan of our opponents seems to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the countries where sugar, cotton, and tobacco are cultivated. but, sir, by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are purchased, _you doom them to scarcity and hunger_. is it not obvious that the way to render their situation more comfortable is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same motive to force the slave to incessant toil that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation. it is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ hard worked and ill fed, that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. * * * the proposed measure would be extreme cruelty to the blacks. * * * you would * * * doom them to scarcity and hard labor."--[speech of mr. smyth, of va., jan. , .]--see national intelligencer. ] [footnote d: see law of louisiana, martin's digest, , . mr. bouldin, a virginia slaveholder, in a speech in congress, feb. , , (see national intelligencer of that date,) said "_he knew_ that many negroes had died from exposure to weather." mr. b. adds, "they are clad in a flimsy fabric that will turn neither wind nor water." rev. john rankin says, in his letters on slavery, page , "in every slaveholding state, _many slaves suffer extremely_, both while they labor and while they sleep, _for want of clothing_ to keep them warm. often they are driven through frost and snow without either stocking or shoe, until the path they tread is died with their blood. and when they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not there the means of comfortable rest; but _on the cold ground they must lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber_." ] [footnote e: see law of louisiana, act of july , , martin's digest, , - . the law of south carolina permits the master to _compel_ his slaves to work fifteen hours in the twenty-four, in summer, and fourteen in the winter--which would be in winter, from daybreak in the morning until _four hours_ after sunset!--see brevard's digest, . the preamble of this law commences thus: "whereas, _many_ owners of slaves _do confine them so closely to hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest:_ be it therefore enacted," &c. in a work entitled "travels in louisiana in ," translated from the french, by john davis, is the following testimony under this head:-- "the labor of slaves in louisiana is _not_ severe, unless it be at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, then they work _both night and day_. abridged of their sleep, they scarce retire to rest during the whole period." see page . on the th page of the same work, the writer says, _"both in summer and winter_ the slaves must be _in the field_ by the _first dawn of day."_ and yet he says, "the labor of the slave is _not severe_, except at the rolling of sugars!" the work abounds in eulogies of slavery. in the "history of south carolina and georgia," vol. , p. , is the following: "_so laborious_ is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice, that had it been possible to obtain european servants in sufficient numbers, _thousands and tens of thousands_ must have perished." in an article on the agriculture of louisiana, published in the second number of the "western review" is the following:--"the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the process of making sugar is commenced, to be pressed night and day." mr. philemon bliss, of ohio, in his letters from florida, in , says, "the negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and excepting the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the field till dark in the evening." mr. stone, in his letter from natchez, an extract of which was given above, says, "it is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves rise in season in the morning, to _be in the field as soon as it is light enough for them to see to work_, and remain there until it is _so dark that they cannot see_. this is the case at all seasons of the year." president edwards, in the sermon already extracted from, says, "the slaves are kept at hard labor from _five o'clock in the morning till nine at night_, excepting time to eat twice during the day." hon. r.j. turnbull, a south carolina slaveholder, already quoted, speaking of the harvesting of cotton, says: _"all the pregnant women_ even, on the plantation, and weak and _sickly_ negroes incapable of other labor, are then _in requisition_." * * * see "refutation of the calumnies circulated against the southern and western states," by a south carolinian. ] [footnote f: a late number of the "western medical reformer" contains a dissertation by a kentucky physician, on _cachexia africana_, or african consumption, in which the writer says-- "this form of disease deserves more attention from the medical profession than it has heretofore elicited. among the causes may be named the mode and manner in which the negroes live. they are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, sometimes having an imperfect, and sometimes no floor--and seldom raised from the ground, illy ventilated, and surrounded with filth. their diet and clothing, are also causes which might be enumerated as exciting agents. they live on a coarse, crude and unwholesome diet, and are imperfectly clothed, both summer and winter; sleeping upon filthy and frequently damp beds." hon. r.j. turnbull, of south carolina, whose testimony on another point has been given above, says of the slaves, that they live in "_clay cabins_, with clay chimneys," &c. mr. clay, a georgia slaveholder, from whom an extract has been given already, says, speaking of the dwellings of the slaves, "too many individuals of both sexes are crowded into one house, and the proper separation of apartments _cannot_ be observed. that the slaves are insensible to the evils arising from it, does not in the least lessen the unhappy consequences." clay's address before the presbytery of georgia.--p. . ] [footnote g: rev. c.c. jones, late of georgia, now professor in the theological seminary at columbia, south carolina, made a report before the presbytery of georgia, in , on the moral condition of the slave population, which report was published under the direction of the presbytery. in that report mr. jones says, "they, the slaves, are shut out from our sympathies and efforts as immortal beings, and are educated and disciplined as creatures of profit, and of profit only, for this world." in a sermon preached by mr. jones, before two associations of planters, in georgia, in , speaking of the slaves he says, "they are a nation of heathen in our very midst." "what have we done for our poor negroes? with shame we must confess that we have done nothing!" "how can you pray for christ's kingdom to come while you are neglecting a people perishing for lack of vision around your very doors." "we withhold the bible from our servants and keep them in ignorance of it, while we _will_ not use the means to have it read and explained to them." jones' sermon, pp. , . an official report of the presbyterian synod of south carolina and georgia, adopted at its session in columbia, s.c., and published in the charleston observer of march , , speaking of the slaves, says, "there are over _two millions_ of _human beings_, in the condition of heathen, and, in some respects, _in a worse condition_!" * * * "from long continued and close observation, we believe that their moral and religious condition is such, as that they may justly be considered the _heathen_ of this christian country, and will _bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world_." * * * "the negroes are destitute of the privileges of the gospel, and _ever will be under the present state of things."_ report, &c., p. . a writer in the church advocate, published in lexington, ky., says, "the poor negroes are left in the ways of spiritual darkness, no efforts are being made for their enlightenment, no seed is being sown, nothing but a moral wilderness is seen, over which the soul sickens--the heart of christian sympathy bleeds. here nothing is presented but a moral waste, as _extensive as our influence_, as appalling as the valley of death." the following is an extract of a letter from bishop andrew of the methodist episcopal church, to messrs. garrit and maffit, editors of the "western methodist," then published at nashville, tennessee. "_augusta, jan. , ._ "the christians of the south owe a heavy debt to slaves on their plantations, and the ministers of christ especially are debtors to the whole slave population. i fear a cry goes up to heaven on this subject against us; and how, i ask, shall the scores who have left the ministry of the word, that they may make corn and cotton, and buy and sell, and get gain, meet this cry at the bar of god? and what shall the hundreds of money-making and money-loving masters, who have grown rich by the toil and sweat of their slaves, and _left their souls to perish_, say when they go with them to the judgment of the great day?" "the kentucky union for the moral and religious improvement of the colored race,"--an association composed of some of the most influential ministers and laymen of kentucky, says in a general circular to the religious public, "to the female character among the black population, we cannot allude but with feelings of the bitterest shame. a similar condition of moral pollution, and utter disregard of a pure and virtuous reputation, is to be found only _without the pale of christendom_. that such a state of society should exist in a christian nation, without calling forth any particular attention to its existence, though ever before our eyes and in our families, is a moral phenomenon at once unaccountable and disgraceful." rev. james a. thome, a native of kentucky, and still residing there, said in a speech in new york, may , speaking of licentiousness among the slaves, "i would not have you fail to understand that this is a _general_ evil. sir, what i now say, i say from deliberate conviction of its truth; that the slave states are sodoms, and almost every village family is a brothel. (in this, i refer to the inmates of the kitchen, and not to the whites.)" a writer in the "western luminary," published in lexington, ky., made the following declaration to the same point in the number of that paper for may , : "there is one topic to which i will allude, which will serve to establish the heathenism of this population. i allude to the universal licentiousness which prevails. _chastity is no virtue among them_--its violation neither injures female character in their own estimation, or that of their master or mistress--no instruction is ever given, _no censure pronounced_. i speak not of the world. i speak of christian families generally." rev. mr. converse, long a resident of virginia, and agent of the colonization society, said, in a sermon before the vt. c.s.--"almost nothing is done to instruct the slaves in the principles and duties of the christian religion. * * * the majority are emphatically _heathens_. * * pious masters (with some honorable exceptions) are criminally negligent of giving religious instruction to their slaves. * * * they can and do instruct their own children, and _perhaps_ their house servants; while those called "field hands" live, and labor, and die, without being told by their _pious_ masters (?) that jesus christ died to save sinners." the page is already so loaded with references that we forbear. for testimony from the mouths of slaveholders to the terrible lacerations and other nameless outrages inflicted on the slaves, the reader is referred to the number of the anti-slavery record for jan. . ] we now proceed to examine the various objections which will doubtless be set in array against all the foregoing conclusions. objections considered. the advocates of slavery find themselves at their wit's end in pressing the bible into their service. every movement shows them hard pushed. their ever-varying shifts, their forced constructions and blind guesswork, proclaim both their _cause_ desperate, and themselves. meanwhile their invocations for help to "those good old slaveholders and patriarchs, abraham, isaac, and jacob,"[a] sent up without ceasing from the midst of their convulsions, avail as little as did the screams and lacerations of the prophets of baal to bring an answer of fire. the bible defences thrown around slavery by the professed ministers of the gospel, do so torture common sense, scripture, and historical facts it were hard to tell whether absurdity, fatuity, ignorance, or blasphemy, predominates, in the compound; each strives so lustily for the mastery, it may be set down a drawn battle. how often has it been bruited that the color of the negro is the _cain-mark_, propagated downward. cain's posterity started an opposition to the ark, forsooth, and rode out the flood with flying streamers! how could miracle be more worthily employed, or better vindicate the ways of god to man than by pointing such an argument, and filling out for slaveholders a divine title-deed! [footnote a: the presbytery of harmony, south carolina, at their meeting in wainsborough, s.c., oct. , , appointed a special committee to report on slavery. the following resolution is a part of the report adopted by the presbytery. "resolved, that slavery has existed from the days of those good old slaveholders and patriarchs, abraham, isaac and jacob, who are now in the kingdom of heaven." abraham receives abundant honor at the hands of slave-holding divines. not because he was the "father of the faithful," forsook home and country for the truth's sake, was the most eminent preacher and practiser of righteousness in his day; nay, verily, for all this he gets faint praise; but then he had "servants bought with money!!!" this is the finishing touch of his character, and its effect on slaveholders is electrical. prose fledges into poetry, cold compliments warm into praise, eulogy rarifies into panegyric and goes off in rhapsody. in their ecstasies over abraham, isaac's paramount claims to their homage are lamentably lost sight of. it is quite unaccountable, that in their manifold oglings over abraham's "servants bought with money," no slaveholder is ever caught casting loving side-glances at gen. xxvii. , , where isaac, addressing jacob, says, "be _lord_ over thy brethren and let thy mother's sons _bow down_ to thee." and afterwards, addressing esau, he says, speaking of the birth-right immunities confirmed to jacob, "behold i have made him thy _lord_ and all his brethren have i given to him for servants!" here is a charter for slaveholding, under the sign manual of that "good old slaveholder and patriarch, isaac." yea, more--a "divine warrant" for a father holding his _children_ as slaves and bequeathing them as property to his heirs! better still, it proves that the favorite practice amongst our slaveholders of bequeathing their _colored_ children to those of a different hue, was a "divine institution," for isaac "_gave_" esau, who was "_red_ all over," to jacob, "_as a servant_." now gentlemen, "honor to whom honor." let isaac no longer be stinted of the glory that is his due as the great prototype of that "peculiar domestic institution," of which you are eminent patrons, that nice discrimination, by which a father, in his will, makes part of his children _property_, and the rest, their _proprietors_, whenever the propriety of such a disposition is indicated, as in the case of jacob and esau, by the decisive tokens of color and hair, (for, to show that esau was jacob's _rightful_ property after he was "given to him" by isaac "for a servant," the difference in _hair_ as well as color, is expressly stated by inspiration!) one prominent feature of patriarchal example has been quite overlooked by slaveholders. we mean the special care of isaac to inform jacob that those "given to him as servants" were "his brethren," (twice repeated.) the deep veneration of slaveholders for every thing patriarchal, clears them from all suspicion of _designedly_ neglecting this authoritative precedent, and their admirable zeal to perpetuate patriarchal fashions, proves this seeming neglect, a mere _oversight_: and is an all-sufficient guarantee that henceforward they will religiously illustrate in their own practice, the beauty of this hitherto neglected patriarchal usage. true, it would be an odd codicil to a will, for a slaveholder, after bequeathing to _some_ of his children, all his slaves, to add a supplement, informing them that such and such and such of them were their _brothers and sisters_. doubtless it would be at first a sore trial also, but what _pious_ slaveholder would not be sustained under it by the reflection that he was humbly following in the footsteps of his illustrious patriarchal predecessors! great reformers must make great sacrifices, and if the world is to be brought back to the purity of patriarchal times, upon whom will the ends of the earth come, to whom will all trembling hearts and failing eyes spontaneously turn as leaders to conduct the forlorn hope through the wilderness to that promised land, if not to slaveholders, those disinterested pioneers whose self-denying labors have founded far and wide the "patriarchal institution" of _concubinage_, and through evil report and good report, have faithfully stamped their own image and superscription, in variegated hues, upon the faces of a swarming progeny from generation to generation. ] objection i. "_cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren._" gen. ix. . this prophecy of noah is the _vade mecum_ of slaveholders, and they never venture abroad without it; it is a pocket-piece for sudden occasion, a keepsake to dote over, a charm to spell-bind opposition, and a magnet to draw to their standard "whatsoever worketh abomination or maketh a lie." but "cursed be canaan" is a poor drug to ease a throbbing conscience--a mocking lullaby to unquiet tossings. those who justify negro slavery by the curse on canaan, _assume_ as usual all the points in debate. . that _slavery_ was prophesied, rather than mere _service_ to others, and _individual_ bondage rather than _national_ subjection and tribute. . that the _prediction_ of crime justifies it; or at least absolves those whose crimes fulfil it. how piously the pharaohs might have quoted the prophecy, "_thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and they shall afflict them four hundred years._" and then, what saints were those that crucified the lord of glory! . that the africans are descended from canaan. africa was peopled from egypt and ethiopia, which countries were settled by mizraim and cush. for the location and boundaries of canaan's posterity, see gen. x. - . so a prophecy of evil to one people, is quoted to justify its infliction upon another. perhaps it may be argued that canaan includes all ham's posterity. if so, the prophecy is yet unfulfilled. the other sons of ham settled egypt and assyria, and, conjointly with shem, persia, and afterward, to some extent, the grecian and roman empires. the history of these nations gives no verification of the prophecy. whereas, the history of canaan's descendants for more than three thousand years, is a record of its fulfillment. first, they were put to tribute by the israelites; then by the medes and persians; then by the macedonians, grecians and romans, successively; and finally, were subjected by the ottoman dynasty, where they yet remain. thus canaan has been for ages the servant mainly of shem and japhet, and secondarily of the other sons of ham. it may still be objected, that though canaan alone is _named_, yet the d and th verses show the posterity of ham in general to be meant. "and ham, the father of canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without." "and noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him, and said," &c. it is argued that this "_younger_ son" cannot be canaan, as he was the _grandson_ of noah, and therefore it must be ham. we answer, whoever that "_younger son_" was, canaan alone was named in the curse. besides, the hebrew word _ben_, signifies son, grandson, or _any one_ of the posterity of an individual.[a] "_know ye laban, the_ son (grandson) _of nahor_?" gen. xxix. . "_mephibosheth the_ son (grandson) _of saul_." sam. xix. ; sam. ix. . "_the driving of jehu the_ son (grandson) _of nimshi_." kings ix. . see also ruth iv. ; sam. xxi. ; gen. xxxi. . shall we forbid the inspired writer to use the same word when speaking of noah's grandson? further, ham was not the "_younger_ son." the order of enumeration makes him the _second_ son. if it be said that bible usage varies, the order of birth not always being observed in enumerations; the reply is, that, enumeration in that order, is the _rule_, in any other order the _exception_. besides, if a younger member of a family takes precedence of older ones in the family record, it is a mark of pre-eminence, either in endowments, or providential instrumentality. abraham, though sixty years younger than his eldest brother, stands first in the family genealogy. nothing in ham's history shows him pre-eminent; besides, the hebrew word _hakkatan_ rendered "the _younger_," means the _little, small_. the same word is used in isa. lx. . "a little one _shall become a thousand_." isa. xxii. . "_all vessels of_ small _quantity_." ps. cxv. . "_he will bless them that fear the lord both_ small _and great_." ex. xviii, . "_but every_ small _matter they shall judge_." it would be a literal rendering of gen. ix. , if it were translated thus, "when noah knew what his little son,"[b] or grandson (_beno hakkatan_) "had done unto him, he said cursed be canaan," &c. further, even if the africans were the descendants of canaan, the assumption that their enslavement fulfils this prophecy, lacks even plausibility, for, only a _fraction_ of the inhabitants of africa have at any time been the slaves of other nations. if the objector say in reply, that a large majority of the africans have always been slaves _at home_, we answer: _it is false in point of fact_, though zealously bruited often to serve a turn; and _if it were true_, how does it help the argument? the prophecy was, "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be _unto his_ brethren.," not unto _himself!_ [footnote a: so _av_, the hebrew word for father, signifies any ancestor, however remote. chron. xvii. ; xxviii. ; xxxiv. ; dan. v. .] [footnote b: the french follows the same analogy; _grandson_ being _petit fils_ (little son.)] objection ii.--"_if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money._" ex. xxi. , . what was the design of this regulation? was it to grant masters an indulgence to beat servants with impunity, and an assurance, that if they beat them to death, the offence should not be _capital_? this is substantially what commentators tell us. what deity do such men worship? some blood-gorged moloch, enthroned on human hecatombs, and snuffing carnage for incense? did he who thundered from sinai's flames, "thou shalt not kill," offer a bounty on _murder_? whoever analyzes the mosaic system, will often find a moot court in session, trying law points, settling definitions, or laying down rules of evidence. num. xxxv. - ; deut. xix. - ; lev. xxiv. - ; ex. xxi. , , are some of the cases stated, with tests furnished the judges by which to detect _the intent_, in actions brought before them. their ignorance of judicial proceedings, laws of evidence, &c., made such instructions necessary. the detail gone into, in the verses quoted, is manifestly to enable them to get at the _motive_ and find out whether the master _designed_ to kill. . "if a man smite his servant with a _rod_."--the instrument used, gives a clue to the _intent_. see num. xxxv. - . a _rod_, not an axe, nor a sword, nor a bludgeon, nor any other death-weapon--hence, from the _kind_ of instrument, no design to _kill_ would be inferred; for _intent_ to kill would hardly have taken a _rod_ for its weapon. but if the servant "_die under his hand_," then the unfitness of the instrument, is point blank against him; for, striking with a _rod_ so as to cause death, presupposed very many blows and great violence, and this kept up till the death-gasp, showed an _intent to kill_. hence "he shall _surely_ be punished." but if he continued a day or two, the _length of time that he lived_, the _kind_ of instrument used, and the master's pecuniary interest in his _life_, ("he is his _money_,") all made a strong case of presumptive evidence, showing that the master did not _design_ to kill. further, the word _nakam_, here rendered _punished_, occurs thirty-five times in the old testament, and in almost every place is translated "_avenge_," in a few, "_to take vengeance_," or "_to revenge_," and in this instance alone, "_punish_." as it stands in our translation, the pronoun preceding it, refers to the _master_, whereas it should refer to the _crime_, and the word rendered _punished_, should have been rendered _avenged_. the meaning is this: if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, it (the death) shall surely be avenged, or literally, _by avenging it shall be avenged_; that is, the _death_ of the servant shall be _avenged_ by the _death_ of the master. so in the next verse, "if he continue a day or two," his death is not to be avenged by the _death_ of the _master_, as in that case the crime was to be adjudged _manslaughter_, and not _murder_. in the following verse, another case of personal injury is stated, for which the injurer is to pay _a sum of money_; and yet our translators employ the same phraseology in both places! one, an instance of deliberate, wanton, killing by piecemeal; the other, an accidental, and comparatively slight injury--of the inflicter, in both cases, they say the same thing! now, just the discrimination to be looked for where god legislates, is marked in the original. in the case of the servant wilfully murdered, he says, "it (the death) shall surely be _avenged_," that is, the life of the wrong doer shall expiate the crime. the same word is used in the old testament, when the greatest wrongs are redressed, by devoting the perpetrators to _destruction_. in the case of the unintentional injury, in the following verse, god says, "he shall surely be _fined_, (_anash_.) "he shall _pay_ as the judges determine." the simple meaning of the word _anash_, is to lay a fine. it is used in deut. xxii. : "they shall _amerce_ him in one hundred shekels," and in chron. xxxvi. : "he condemned (_mulcted_) the land in a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold." that _avenging_ the death of the servant, was neither imprisonment, nor stripes, nor a fine but that it was _taking the master's life_ we infer, . from the _use_ of the word _nakam_. see gen. iv. ; josh. x. ; judg. xv. ; xvi. ; sam. xiv. ; xviii. ; xxv. ; sam. iv. ; judg. v. ; sam. xxv. - . . from the express statute, lev. xxiv. : "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death." also, num. xxxv. , : "whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death. moreover, ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death." . the targum of jonathan gives the verse thus, "death by the sword shall surely be adjudged." the targum of jerusalem, "vengeance shall be taken for him to the _uttermost_." jarchi, the same. the samaritan version: "he shall die the death." again, the clause "for he is his money," is quoted to prove that the servant is his master's property, and therefore, if he died, the master was not to be punished. the assumption is, that the phrase, "he is his money," proves not only that the servant is _worth money_ to the master, but that he is an _article of property_. if the advocates of slavery insist upon taking this principle of interpretation into the bible, and turning it loose, let them stand and draw in self-defence. if they endorse for it at one point, they must stand sponsors all around the circle. it will be too late to cry for quarter when its stroke clears the table, and tilts them among the sweepings beneath. the bible abounds with such expressions as the following: "this (bread) _is_ my body;" "all they (the israelites) _are_ brass and tin;" this (water) _is_ the blood of the men who went in jeopardy of their lives;" "the lord god _is_ a sun;" "the seven good ears _are_ seven years;" "the tree of the field _is_ man's life;" "god _is_ a consuming fire;" "he _is_ his money," &c. a passion for the exact _literalities_ of the bible is too amiable, not to be gratified in this case. the words in the original are (_káspo-hu_,) "his _silver_ is he." the objector's principle of interpretation is a philosopher's stone! its miracle touch transmutes five feet eight inches of flesh and bones into _solid silver_! quite a _permanent_ servant, if not so nimble withal--reasoning against _"forever_," is forestalled henceforth, and, deut. xxiii. , quite outwitted. the obvious meaning of the phrase, "_he is his money_," is, he is _worth money_ to his master, and since, if the master had killed him, it would have taken money out of his pocket, the _pecuniary loss_, the _kind of instrument used_, and _the fact of his living sometime after the injury_, (if the master _meant_ to kill, he would be likely to _do_ it while about it.) all together make a strong case of presumptive evidence clearing the master from _intent to kill_. but let us look at the objector's _inferences_. one is, that as the master might dispose of his _property_ as he pleased, he was not to be punished, if he destroyed it. whether the servant died under the master's hand, or after a day or two, he was _equally_ his property, and the objector admits that in the _first_ case the master is to be "surely punished" for destroying _his own property_! the other inference is, that since the continuance of a day or two, cleared the master of _intent to kill_, the loss of the servant would be a sufficient punishment for inflicting the injury which caused his death. this inference makes the mosaic law false to its own principles. a _pecuniary loss_ was no part of the legal claim, where a person took the _life_ of another. in such case, the law spurned money, whatever the sum. god would not cheapen human life, by balancing it with such a weight. "ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall surely be put to death." num. xxxv. . even in excusable homicide, where an axe slipped from the helve and killed a man, no sum of money availed to release from confinement in the city of refuge, until the death of the high priest. num. xxxv. . the doctrine that the loss of the servant would be a penalty _adequate_ to the desert of the master, admits his _guilt_ and his desert of _some_ punishment, and it prescribes a kind of punishment, rejected by the law, in all cases where man took the life of man, whether with or without intent to kill. in short, the objector annuls an integral part of the system--makes a _new_ law, and coolly metes out such penalty as he thinks fit. divine legislation revised and improved! the master who struck out his servant's tooth, whether intentionally or not, was required to set him free. the _pecuniary loss_ to the master was the same as though he had killed him. look at the two cases. a master beats his servant so that he dies of his wounds; another accidentally strikes out his servant's tooth,--_the pecuniary loss of both masters is the same_. if the loss of the servant's services is punishment sufficient for the crime of killing him, would god command the same punishment for the accidental knocking out of a _tooth_? indeed, unless the injury was done _inadvertently_, the loss of the servant's services was only a part of the punishment--mere reparation to the _individual_ for injury done; the main punishment, that strictly _judicial_, was reparation to the _community_. to set the servant _free_, and thus proclaim his injury, his right to redress, and the measure of it--answered not the ends of _public_ justice. the law made an example of the offender, that "those that remain might hear and fear." "if a man cause a blemish in his neighbor, as he hath done, so shall it be done unto him. breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth. ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger as for one of your own country." lev. xxiv. , , . finally, if a master smote out _his_ servant's tooth, the law smote out his tooth--thus redressing the _public_ wrong; and it cancelled the servant's obligation to the master, thus giving some compensation for the injury done, and exempting him from perilous liabilities in future. objection iii. "_both thy bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you, of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and they shall be your possession. and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen forever._" lev. xxv. - . the _points_ in these verses, urged as proof, that the mosaic system sanctioned slavery, are . the word "bondmen." . "buy." . "inheritance and possession." . "forever." we will now ascertain what sanction to slavery is derivable from these terms. . "bondmen." the fact that servants from the heathen are called "_bondmen_," while others are called "_servants_," is quoted as proof that the former were slaves. as the caprices of king james' translators were not inspired, we need stand in no special awe of them. the word here rendered bondmen is uniformly rendered servants elsewhere. the hebrew word "_ebedh_," the plural of which is here translated "_bondmen_," is often applied to christ. "behold my _servant_ (bondman, slave?) whom i uphold." isa. xlii. . "behold my _servant_ (christ) shall deal prudently." isa. lii. . "and he said it is a light thing that thou (christ) shouldst be my _servant_." isa. xlix. . "to a _servant_ of rulers." isa. xlix. . "by his knowledge shall my righteous _servant_ (christ) justify many." is. liii. . "behold i will bring forth my _servant_ the branch." zech. iii. . in kings xii. , , it is applied to king rehoboam. "and they spake unto him, saying if thou wilt be a _servant_ unto this people, then they will be thy _servants_ forever." in chron. xii. , , , , to the king and all the nation. the word is used to designate those who perform service for _individuals or families_, about thirty-five times in the old testament. to designate _tributaries_ about twenty-five times. to designate the _subjects of government_, about thirty-three times. to designate the worshippers both of the true god, and of false gods, about seventy times. it is also used in salutations and courteous addresses nearly one hundred times. in fine, the word is applied to all persons doing service for others, and that _merely to designate them as the performers of such service_, whatever it might be, or whatever the ground on which it might be rendered. to argue from the fact, of this word being used to designate domestic servants, that they were made servants by _force_, worked without pay, and held as articles of property, is such a gross assumption and absurdity as to make formal refutation ridiculous. we repeat what has been shown above, that the word rendered bondmen in lev. xxv. , is used to point out persons rendering service for others, totally irrespective of the principle on which that service was rendered; as is manifest from the fact that it is applied indiscriminately to tributaries, to domestics, to all the subjects of governments, to magistrates, to all governmental officers, to younger sons--defining their relation to the first born, who is called _lord_ and _ruler_--to prophets, to kings, and to the messiah. to argue from the meaning of the word _ebedh_ as used in the old testament, that those to whom it was applied rendered service against their will, and without pay, does violence to the scripture use of the term, sets at nought all rules of interpretation, and outrages common sense. if _any_ inference as to the meaning of the term is to be drawn from the condition and relations of the various classes of persons, to whom it is applied, the only legitimate one would seem to be, that the term designates a person who renders service to another in return for something of value received from him. the same remark applies to the hebrew verb _abadh_, to serve, answering to the noun _ebedh_ (servant). it is used in the old testament to describe the _serving_ of tributaries, of worshippers, of domestics, of levites, of sons to a father, of younger brothers to the elder, of subjects to a ruler, of hirelings, of soldiers, of public officers to the government, of a host to his guests, &c. of these it is used to describe the serving of _worshippers_ more than forty times, of _tributaries_, about thirty five, and of servants or domestics, about _ten_. if the israelites not only held slaves, but multitudes of them, if abraham had thousands, and if they abounded under the mosaic system, why had their language no word that _meant slave_? that language must be wofully poverty-stricken, which has no signs to represent the most common and familiar objects and conditions. to represent by the same word, and without figure, property, and the owner of that property, is a solecism. ziba was an "_ebedh_," yet he "_owned_" (!) twenty _ebedhs_! in our language, we have both _servant_ and _slave_. why? because we have both the _things_, and need _signs_ for them. if the tongue had a sheath, as swords have scabbards, we should have some _name_ for it: but our dictionaries give us none. why? because there is no such _thing_. but the objector asks, "would not the israelites use their word _ebedh_ if they spoke of the slave of a heathen?" answer. their _national_ servants or tributaries, are spoken of frequently, but domestics servants so rarely, that no necessity existed, even if they were slaves, for coining a new word. besides, the fact of their being domestics, under _heathen laws and usages_, proclaimed their liabilities; their _locality_ made a _specific_ term unnecessary. but if the israelites had not only _servants_, but a multitude of _slaves_, a _word meaning slave_, would have been indispensible for every day convenience. further, the laws of the mosaic system were so many sentinels on the outposts to warn off foreign practices. the border ground of canaan, was quarantine ground, enforcing the strictest non-intercourse in usages between the without and the within. . "buy." the _buying_ of servants, is discussed at length. pp. - . to that discussion the reader is referred. we will add in this place but a single consideration. this regulation requiring the israelites to _"buy"_ servants of the heathen, prohibited their taking them without buying. _buying_ supposes two parties: a _price_ demanded by one and paid by the other, and consequently, the _consent_ of both buyer and seller, to the transaction. of course the command to the israelites to _buy_ servants of the heathen, prohibited their getting them unless they first got _somebody's_ consent to the transaction, and paid to _somebody_ a fair equivalent. now, who were these _somebodies_? this at least is plain, they were not _israelites_, but heathen. "of _them_ shall ye buy." who then were these _somebodies_, whose right was so paramount, that _their_ consent must be got and the price paid must go into _their_ pockets? were they the persons themselves who became servants, or some _other_ persons. "some _other_ persons to be sure," says the objector, "the countrymen or the neighbors of those who become servants." ah! this then is the import of the divine command to the israelites. "when you go among the heathen round about to get a man to work for you, i straightly charge you to go first to his _neighbors_, get _their_ consent that you may have him, settle the terms with _them_, and pay to them a fair equivalent. if it is not _their_ choice to let him go, i charge you not to take him on your peril. if _they_ consent, and you pay _them_ the full value of his labor, then you may go and catch the man and drag him home with you, and make him work for you, and i will bless you in the work of your hands and you shall eat of the fat of the land. as to the man himself, his choice is nothing, and you need give him nothing for his work: but take care and pay his _neighbors_ well for him, and respect _their_ free choice in taking him, for to deprive a heathen man by force and without pay of the _use of himself_ is well pleasing in my sight, but to deprive his heathen neighbors of the use of him is that abominable thing which my soul hateth." . "forever." this is quoted to prove that servants were to serve during their life time, and their posterity from generation to generation.[a] no such idea is contained in the passage. the word "forever," instead of defining the length of _individual_ service, proclaims the permanence of the regulation laid down in the two verses preceding, namely, that their _permanent domestics_ should be of the _strangers_, and not of the israelites; it declares the duration of that general provision. as if god had said, "you shall _always_ get your _permanent_ laborers from the nations round about you; your servants shall _always_ be of that class of persons." as it stands in the original, it is plain--"_forever of them shall ye serve yourselves_." this is the literal rendering. [footnote a: one would think that the explicit testimony of our lord should for ever forestall all cavil on this point. "_the servant abideth not in the house_ for ever, but the son, abideth ever." john viii. .] that "_forever_" refers to the permanent relations of a _community_, rather than to the services of _individuals_, is a fair inference from the form of the expression, "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the _heathen_. of them shall ye buy." "they shall be your possession." "they shall be your bondmen forever." "but over your brethren the children of israel," &c. to say nothing of the uncertainty of _these individuals_ surviving those _after_ whom they are to live, the language used applies more naturally to a _body_ of people, than to _individual_ servants. besides _perpetual_ service cannot be argued from the term _forever_. the ninth and tenth verses of the same chapter limit it absolutely by the jubilee. "then thou shalt cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound * * throughout all your land." "and ye shall proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof." it may be objected that "inhabitants" here means _israelitish_ inhabitants alone. the command is, "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all _the inhabitants thereof_." besides, in the sixth verse, there is an enumeration of the different classes of the inhabitants, in which servants and strangers are included; and in all the regulations of the jubilee, and the sabbatical year, the strangers are included in the precepts, prohibitions, and promises. again: the year of jubilee was ushered in by the day of atonement. what did these institutions show forth? the day of atonement prefigured the atonement of christ, and the year of jubilee, the gospel jubilee. and did they prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to _jews_ only? were they types of sins remitted, and of salvation proclaimed to the nation of israel alone? is there no redemption for us gentiles in these ends of the earth, and is our hope presumption and impiety? did that old partition wall survive the shock that made earth quake, and hid the sun, burst graves and rocks, and rent the temple veil? and did the gospel only rear it higher to thunder direr perdition from its frowning battlements on all without? no! the god of our salvation lives. "good tidings of great joy shall be to all people." one shout shall swell from all the ransomed, "thou hast redeemed us unto god by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation." to deny that the blessings of the jubilee extended to the servants from the _gentiles_, makes christianity _judaism_.[a] it not only eclipses the glory of the gospel, but strikes out its sun. the refusal to release servants at the jubilee falsified and disannulled a grand leading type of the atonement, and was a libel on the doctrine of christ's redemption. but even if _forever_ did refer to _individual_ service, we have ample precedents for limiting the term by the jubilee. the same word defines the length of time which _jewish_ servants served who did not go out at the end of their six years' term. and all admit that they went out at the jubilee. ex. xxi. - ; deut. xv. - . the d verse of the same chapter is quoted to prove that "_forever_" in the th verse extends beyond the jubilee. "the land shall not be sold forever, for the land is mine"--since it would hardly be used in different senses in the same general connection. as _forever_, in the th verse, respects the _general arrangement_, and not _individual service_ the objection does not touch the argument. besides, in the th verse, the word used is _olam_, meaning _throughout the period_, whatever that may be. whereas in the d verse, it is _tsemithuth_, meaning, a _cutting off_, or _to be cut off_; and the import of it is, that the owner of an inheritance shall not forfeit his _proprietorship_ of it; though it may for a time pass from his control into the hands of his creditors or others, yet the owner shall be permitted to _redeem_ it, and even if that be not done, it shall not be "_cut off_," but shall revert to him at the jubilee. [footnote a: so far from the strangers not being released by the proclamation of liberty on the morning of the jubilee, they were the only persons who were, as a body, released by it. the rule regulating the service of hebrew servants was, "six years shall he serve, and in the seventh year he shall go out free." the _free holders_ who had "fallen into decay," and had in consequence mortgaged their inheritances to their more prosperous neighbors, and become in some sort their servants, were released by the jubilee, and again resumed their inheritances. this was the only class of jewish servants (and it could not have been numerous,) which was released by the jubilee; all others went out at the close of their six years' term.] . "inheritance and possession." "ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you to inherit them for a possession. this, as has been already remarked refers to the _nations_, and not to the _individual_ servants procured from the senations. the holding of servants as a _possession_ is discussed at large pp. - . to what is there advanced we here subjoin a few brief considerations. we have already shown, that servants could not he held as a _property_ possession, and inheritance; that they became such of their _own accord_, were paid wages, released from their regular labor nearly _half the days in each year_, thoroughly _instructed_ and _protected_ in all their personal, social, and religious rights, equally with their masters. all remaining, after these ample reservations, would be small temptation, either to the lust of power or of lucre; a profitable "possession" and "inheritance," truly! what if our american slaves were all placed in _just such a condition_! alas, for that soft, melodious circumlocution, "our peculiar species of property!" verily, emphasis would be cadence, and euphony and irony meet together! what eager snatches at mere words, and bald technics, irrespective of connection, principles of construction, bible usages, or limitations of meaning by other passages--and all to eke out such a sense as sanctifies existing usages, thus making god pander for lust. the words _nahal_ and _nahala_, inherit and inheritance, by no means necessarily signify _articles of property_. "the people answered the king and said, "we have none _inheritance_ in the son of jesse." chron. x. . did they mean gravely to disclaim the holding of their king as an article of _property_? "children are an _heritage_ (inheritance) of the lord." ps. cxxvii. . "pardon our iniquity, and take us for thine _inheritance_." ex. xxxiv. . when god pardons his enemies, and adopts them as children, does he make them _articles of property_? are forgiveness, and chattel-making, synonymes? "_i_ am their _inheritance_." ezek. xliv. . "i shall give thee the heathen for thine _inheritance_." ps. ii. . see also deut. iv. ; josh. xiii. ; ps. lxxxii. ; lxxviii. , ; prov. xiv. . the question whether the servants were a property-"_possession_," has been already discussed, pp. - , we need add in this place but a word. as an illustration of the condition of servants from the heathen that were the "possession" of israelitish families, and of the way in which they became servants, the reader is referred to isa. xiv. , . "for the lord will have mercy on jacob, and will yet choose israel, and set them in their own land; and the strangers will be _joined_ with them, and _they shall cleave to the house of jacob_. and the people shall take them and bring them to their place, and the house of israel shall _possess_ them in the land of the lord for servants and handmaids; and they shall take them captives, whose captives they were; and they shall rule over the oppressors." we learn from these verses, st. that these servants which were to be "_possessed_" by the israelites, were to be "joined with them," i.e., become proselytes to their religion. d. that they should "cleave to the house of jacob," i.e., that they would forsake their own people voluntarily, attach themselves to the israelites as servants, and of their own free choice leave home and friends, to accompany them on their return, and to take up their permanent abode with them, in the same manner that ruth accompanied naomi from moab to the land of israel, and that the "souls gotten" by abraham in padanaram, accompanied him when he left it and went to canaan. "and the house of israel shall _possess_ them for servants," i.e. shall _have_ them for servants. in the passage under consideration, "they shall be your _possession_," the original word translated "possession" is _ahuzza_. the same word is used in gen. xlvii. . "and joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a _possession_ in the land of egypt." gen. xlvii. . in what sense was goshen the _possession_ of the israelites? answer, in the sense of _having it to live in_, not in the sense of having it as _owners_. in what sense were the israelites to _possess_ these nations, and _take them_ as an _inheritance for their children_? answer, they possessed them as a permanent source of supply for domestic or household servants. and this relation to these nations was to go down to posterity as a standing regulation, having the certainty and regularity of a descent by inheritance. the sense of the whole regulation may be given thus: "thy permanent domestics, which thou shalt have, shall be of the nations that are round about you, of _them_ shall ye buy male and female domestics." "moreover of the children of the foreigners that do sojourn among you, of _them_ shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and _they_ shall be your permanent resource." "and ye shall take them as a _perpetual_ source of supply to whom your children after you shall resort for servants. always, _of them_ shall ye serve yourselves." the design of the passage is manifest from its structure. so far from being a permission to purchase slaves, it was a prohibition to employ israelites for a certain term and in a certain grade of service, and to point out the _class_ of persons from which they were to get their supply of servants, and the _way_ in which they were to get them.[a] [footnote a: rabbi leeser, who translated from the german the work entitled "instruction in the mosaic religion" by professor jholson of the jewish seminary at frankfort-on-the-main, in his comment on these verses, says, "it must be observed that it was prohibited to subject _a stranger to slavery_. the _buying_ of slaves _alone_ is permitted, but not stealing them." now whatever we call that condition in which servants were, whether servitude or slavery, and whatever we call the persons in that condition, whether servants or _slaves_, we have at all events, the testimony that the israelites were prohibited to _subject_ a stranger to that condition, or in other words, the free choice of the servant was not to be compelled. ] objection iv. "_if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant but as an hired-servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee_." lev. xxv. , . as only _one_ class is called "_hired_," it is inferred that servants of the other class were _not paid_ for their labor. that god, while thundering anathemas against those who "used their neighbor's service without wages," granted a special indulgence to his chosen people to force others to work, and rob them of earnings, provided always, in selecting their victims, they spared "the gentlemen of property and standing," and pounced only upon the strangers and the common people. the inference that "_hired_" is synonymous with _paid_, and that those servants not _called_ "hired," were _not paid_ for their labor, is a mere assumption. the meaning of the english verb to _hire_, is to procure for a _temporary_ use at a certain price--to engage a person to temporary service for wages. that is also the meaning of the hebrew word "_saukar_." it is not used when the procurement of _permanent_ service is spoken of. now, we ask, would _permanent_ servants, those who constituted a stationary part of the family, have been designated by the same term that marks _temporary_ servants? the every-day distinctions in this matter, are familiar as table-talk. in many families the domestics perform only the _regular_ work. whatever is occasional merely, as the washing of a family, is done by persons hired expressly for the purpose. the familiar distinction between the two classes, is "servants," and "hired help," (not _paid_ help.) _both_ classes are _paid_. one is permanent, and the other occasional and temporary, and _therefore_ in this case called "hired."[a] a variety of particulars are recorded distinguishing, _hired_ from _bought_ servants. . hired servants were paid daily at the close of their work. lev. xix. ; deut. xxiv. , ; job. vii. ; matt. xx. . "_bought_" servants were paid in advance, (a reason for their being called _bought_,) and those that went out at the seventh year received a _gratuity_. deut. xv. , . . the "hired" were paid _in money_, the "bought" received their _gratuity_, at least, in grain, cattle, and the product of the vintage. deut. xv. . . the "hired" _lived_ in their own families, the "bought" were a part of their masters' families. . the "hired" supported their families out of their wages; the "bought" and their families were supported by the master _beside_ their wages. . hired servants were expected to work more _constantly_, and to have more _working hours_ in the day than the bought servants. this we infer from the fact, that "a hireling's day," was a sort of proverbial phrase, meaning a _full_ day. no subtraction of time being made from it. so _a hireling's year_ signifies an entire year without abatement. job. vii. ; xiv. ; isa. xvi. ; xxi. . [footnote a: to suppose a servant robbed of his earnings because he is not called a _hired_ servant, is profound induction! if i employ a man at twelve dollars a month to work my farm, he is my "_hired_" man, but if _i give him such a portion of the crop_, or in other words, if he works my farm "_on shares_," every farmer knows that he is no longer called a "_hired_" man. yet he works the same farm, in the same way, at the same times, and with the same teams and tools; and does the same amount of work in the year, and perhaps clears twenty dollars a month, instead of twelve. now as he is no longer called "hired," and as he still works my farm, suppose my neighbors sagely infer, that since he is not my "_hired_" laborer, i _rob_ him of his earnings, and with all the gravity of owls, pronounce their oracular decision, and hoot it abroad. my neighbors are deep divers! like some theological professors, they go not only to the bottom but come up covered with the tokens.] the "bought" servants, were, _as a class, superior to the hired_--were more trust-worthy, were held in higher estimation, had greater privileges, and occupied a more elevated station in society. . they were intimately incorporated with the family of the master, were guests at family festivals, and social solemnities, from which hired servants were excluded. lev. xxii. , ; ex. xii. , . . their interests were far more identified with those of their masters' family. they were often, actually or prospectively, heirs of their masters' estates, as in the case of eliezer, of ziba, and the sons of bilhah, and zilpah. when there were no sons, or when they were unworthy, bought servants were made heirs. prov. xvii. . we find traces of this usage in the new testament. "but when the husbandmen saw him, they reasoned among themselves saying, this is the _heir_, come let us kill him, _that the inheritance may be ours_." luke xx. . in no instance does a _hired_ servant inherit his master's estate. . marriages took place between servants and their master's daughters. "sheshan had a _servant_, an egyptian, whose name was jarha. and sheshan gave his daughter to jarha his servant to wife." chron. ii. , . there is no instance of a _hired_ servant forming such an alliance. . bought servants and their descendants were treated with the same affection and respect as the other members of the family.[a] the treatment of abraham's servants. gen. xxiv. and xviii. - ; the intercourse between gideon and phurah judg. vii. , ; saul and his servant, sam. ix. , ; jonathan and his servant, sam. xiv. - , and elisha and gehazi are illustrations. the tenderness exercised towards home-born servants or the children of _handmaids_, and the strength of the tie that bound them to the family, are employed by the psalmist to illustrate the regard of god for him, his care over him, and his own endearing relation to him, when in the last extremity he prays, "save the son of thy _handmaid_." ps. lxxxvi. . so also in ps. cxvi. . oh lord, truly i am thy servant; i am thy servant, and the son of thy _handmaid_. also, jer. ii. . is israel a servant? is he a _home-born_?[b] why is he spoiled? no such tie seems to have existed between _hired_ servants and their masters. their untrustworthiness was proverbial. john x. , . they were reckoned at but half the value of bought servants. deut. xv. . none but the _lowest class_ of the people engaged as hired servants, and the kinds of labor assigned to them required little knowledge and skill. no persons seem to have become hired servants except such as were forced to it from extreme poverty. the hired servant is called "poor and needy," and the reason assigned by god why he should be paid as soon as he had finished his work is, "for _he is poor_, and setteth his heart upon it." deut. xxiv. , . see also, sam. ii. . various passages show the low repute and trifling character of the class from which they were hired. judg. ix. ; sam. ii. . the superior condition of bought servants is manifest in the high trust confided to them, and in their dignity and authority in the household. in no instance is a _hired_ servant thus distinguished. the _bought_ servant is manifestly the master's representative in the family, sometimes with plenipotentiary powers over adult children, even negotiating marriage for them. abraham adjured his servant, not to take a wife for isaac of the daughters of the canaanites. the servant himself selected the individual. servants exercised discretionary power in the management of their masters' estates, "and the servant took ten camels of the camels of his master, _for all the goods of his master were in his hand_." gen. xxiv. . the reason assigned is not that such was abraham's direction, but that the servant had discretionary control. servants had also discretionary power in the _disposal of property_. gen. xxiv. , , . the condition of ziba in the house of mephibosheth, is a case in point. so is prov. xvii. . distinct traces of this estimation are to be found in the new testament, matt. xxiv. ; luke xii. , . so in the parable of the talents, the master seems to have set up each of his servants in trade with a large capital. the unjust steward had large _discretionary_ power, was "accused of wasting his master's goods," and manifestly regulated with his debtors the _terms_ of settlement. luke xvi. - . such trusts were never reposed in _hired_ servants. [footnote a: "for the _purchased servant_ who is an israelite, or proselyte, shall fare as his master. the master shall not eat fine bread, and his servant bread of bran. nor yet drink old wine, and give his servant new: nor sleep on soft pillows, and bedding, and his servant on straw. i say unto you, that he that gets a _purchased_ servant does well to make him as his friend, or he will prove to his employer as if he got himself a master."--maimonides, in mishna kiddushim. chap. , sec. .] [footnote b: our translators in rendering it "is he a home-born slave," were wise beyond what is written.] the inferior condition of _hired_ servants, is illustrated in the parable of the prodigal son. when he came to himself, the memory of his home, and of the abundance enjoyed by even the _lowest_ class of servants in his father's household, while he was perishing with hunger among the swine and husks, so filled him with anguish at the contrast, that he exclaimed, "how many _hired_ servants of my father, have bread enough and to spare, and i perish with hunger." his proud heart broke. "i will arise," he cried, "and go to my father;" and then to assure his father of the depth of his humility, resolved to add; "make me as one of thy _hired_ servants." if _hired_ servants were the _superior_ class--to bespeak the situation, savored little of that sense of unworthiness that seeks the dust with hidden face, and cries "unclean." unhumbled nature _climbs_; or if it falls, clings fast, where first it may. humility sinks of its own weight, and in the lowest deep, digs lower. the design of the parable was to illustrate on the one hand, the joy of god, as he beholds afar off, the returning sinner "seeking an injured father's face," who runs to clasp and bless him with an unchiding welcome; and on the other, the contrition of the penitent, turning homeward with tears from his wanderings, his stricken spirit breaking with its ill-desert he sobs aloud, "the lowest place, _the lowest place_, i can abide no other." or in those inimitable words, "father i have sinned against heaven, and in thy sight, and am no more worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy hired servants." the supposition that _hired_ servants were the _highest_ class, takes from the parable an element of winning beauty and pathos. it is manifest to every careful student of the bible, that _one_ class of servants, was on terms of equality with the children and other members of the family. hence the force of paul's declaration, gal. iv. , "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all." if this were the _hired_ class, the prodigal was a sorry specimen of humility. would our lord have put such language upon the lips of one held up by himself, as a model of gospel humility, to illustrate its deep sense of all ill-desert? if this is _humility_, put it on stilts, and set it a strutting, while pride takes lessons, and blunders in aping it. israelites and strangers belonged indiscriminately to _each_ class of the servants, the _bought_ and the _hired_. that those in the former class, whether jews or strangers, rose to honors and authority in the family circle, which were not conferred on _hired_ servants, has been shown. it should be added, however, that in the enjoyment of privileges, merely _political_, the hired servants from the _israelites_, were more favored than even the bought servants from the _strangers_. no one from the strangers, however wealthy or highly endowed, was eligible to the highest office, nor could he own the soil. this last disability seems to have been one reason for the different periods of service required of the two classes of bought servants. the israelite was to serve six years--the stranger until the jubilee. as the strangers could not own the soil, nor houses, except within walled towns, they would naturally attach themselves to israelitish families. those who were wealthy, or skilled in manufactures, instead of becoming servants would need servants for their own use, and as inducements for the strangers to become servants to the israelites, were greater than persons of their own nation could hold out to them, these wealthy strangers would naturally procure the poorer israelites for servants. lev. xxv. . in a word, such was the political condition of the strangers, that the jewish polity offered a virtual bounty, to such as would become permanent servants, and thus secure those privileges already enumerated, and for their children in the second generation a permanent inheritance. ezek. xlvii. - . none but the monied aristocracy would be likely to decline such offers. on the other hand, the israelites, owning all the soil, and an inheritance of land being a sacred possession, to hold it free of incumbrance was with every israelite, a delicate point, both of family honor and personal character. kings xxi. . hence, to forego the control of one's inheritance, after the division of the paternal domain, or to be kept out of it after having acceded to it, was a burden grievous to be borne. to mitigate as much as possible such a calamity, the law released the israelitish servant at the end of six[a] years; as, during that time--if of the first class--the partition of the patrimonial land might have taken place or, if of the second, enough money might have been earned to disencumber his estate, and thus he might assume his station as a lord of the soil. if neither contingency had occurred, then after another six years the opportunity was again offered, and so on, until the jubilee. so while strong motives urged the israelite to discontinue his service as soon as the exigency had passed which made him a servant, every consideration impelled the _stranger_ to _prolong_ his term of service;[b] and the same kindness which dictated the law of six years' service for the israelite, assigned as the general rule, a much longer period to the gentile servant, who had every inducement to protract the term. it should be borne in mind, that adult jews ordinarily became servants, only as a temporary expedient to relieve themselves from embarrassment, and ceased to be such when that object was effected. the poverty that forced them to it was a calamity, and their service was either a means of relief, or a measure of prevention; not pursued as a permanent business, but resorted to on emergencies--a sort of episode in the main scope of their lives. whereas with the stranger, it was a _permanent employment_, pursued both as a _means_ of bettering their own condition, and that of their posterity, and as an _end_ for its own sake, conferring on them privileges, and a social estimation not otherwise attainable. [footnote a: another reason for protracting the service until the seventh year, seems to have been the coincidence of that period with other arrangements, in the jewish economy. its pecuniary responsibilities, social relations, and general internal structure, were _graduated_ upon a septennial scale. besides, as those israelites who had become servants through poverty, would not sell themselves, till other expedients to recruit their finances had failed--(lev. xxv. )--their _becoming servants_ proclaimed such a state of their affairs, as demanded the labor of a _course of years_ fully to reinstate them.] [footnote b: the stranger had the same inducements to prefer a long term of service that those have who cannot own land, to prefer a long _lease_.] we see from the foregoing, why servants purchased from the heathen, are called by way of distinction, _the_ servants, (not _bondmen_,) . they followed it as a _permanent business_. . their term of service was _much longer_ than that of the other class. . as a class, they doubtless greatly outnumbered the israelitish servants. . all the strangers that dwelt in the land were _tributaries_, required to pay an annual tax to the government, either in money, or in public service, (called a _"tribute of bond-service;"_) in other words, all the strangers were _national servants_, to the israelites, and the same hebrew word used to designate _individual_ servants, equally designates _national_ servants or tributaries. sam. viii. , , ; chron. viii. - ; deut, xx. ; sam. x. ; kings ix. , ; kings iv. ; gen. xxvii. . the same word is applied to the israelites, when they paid tribute to other nations. kings xvii. .; judg. iii. , ; gen. xlix. . another distinction between the jewish and gentile bought servants, was in their _kinds_ of service. the servants from the strangers were properly the _domestics_, or household servants, employed in all family work, in offices of personal attendance, and in such mechanical labor, as was required by increasing wants and needed repairs. the jewish bought servants seem almost exclusively _agricultural_. besides being better fitted for it by previous habits, agriculture, and the tending of cattle, were regarded by the israelites as the most honorable of all occupations. after saul was elected king, and escorted to gibeah, the next report of him is, "_and behold saul came after the herd out of the field_." sam. xi. . elisha "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen." kings xix. . king uzziah "loved husbandry." chron. xxvi. . gideon _was "threshing wheat"_ when called to lead the host against the midianites. judg. vi. . the superior honorableness of agriculture is shown, in that it was protected and supported by the fundamental law of the theocracy--god indicating it as the chief prop of the government. the israelites were like permanent fixtures on their soil, so did they cling to it. to be agriculturists on their own patrimonial inheritances, was with them the grand claim to honorable estimation. when ahab proposed to naboth that he should sell him his vineyard, king though he was, he might well have anticipated from an israelitish freeholder, just such an indignant burst as that which his proposal drew forth, "and naboth said to ahab, the lord forbid it me that i should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee." kings xxi. , . agriculture being pre-eminently a _jewish_ employment, to assign a native israelite to other employments as a business, was to break up his habits, do violence to cherished predilections, and put him to a kind of labor in which he had no skill, and which he deemed degrading.[c] in short, it was in the earlier ages of the mosaic system, practically to _unjew_ him, a hardship and a rigor grievous to be borne, as it annihilated a visible distinction between the descendants of abraham and the strangers. _to guard this and another fundamental distinction_, god instituted the regulation, "if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant." in other words, thou shalt not put him to servant's work--to the business, and into the condition of domestics. in the persian version it is translated, "thou shalt not assign to him the work of _servitude_." in the septuagint, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a _domestic_." in the syriac, "thou shalt not employ him after the manner of servants." in the samaritan, "thou shalt not require him to serve in the service of a servant." in the targum of onkelos, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a household servant." in the targum of jonathan, "thou shalt not cause him to serve according to the usages of the servitude of servants."[d] the meaning of the passage is, _thou shalt not assign him to the same grade, nor put him to the same service, with permanent domestics._ the remainder of the regulation is--_"but as an hired servant and as a sojourner shall he be with thee."_ hired servants were not incorporated into the families of their masters; they still retained their own family organization, without the surrender of any domestic privilege, honor, or authority; and this, even though they resided under the same roof with their master. the same substantially may be said of the sojourner though he was not the owner of the land which he cultivated, and of course had not the control of an inheritance, yet he was not in a condition that implied subjection to him whose land he tilled, or that demanded the surrender of any _right_, or exacted from him any homage, or stamped him with any inferiority; unless, it be supposed that a degree of inferiority would naturally attach to a state of _dependence_ however qualified. while bought servants were associated with their master's families at meals, at the passover, and at other family festivals, hired servants and sojourners were not. ex. xii. , ; lev. xxii. , . hired servants were not subject to the authority of their masters in any such sense as the master's wife, children, and bought servants. hence the only form of oppressing hired servants spoken of in the scriptures as practicable to masters, is that of _keeping back their wages._ to have taken away such privileges in the case under consideration, would have been pre-eminent "_rigor_;" for it was not a servant born in the house of a master, nor a minor, whose minority had been sold by the father, neither was it one who had not yet acceded to his inheritance, nor finally, one who had received the _assignment_ of his inheritance, but was working off from it an incumbrance, before entering upon its possession and control. but it was that of _the head of a family_, who had known better days, now reduced to poverty, forced to relinquish the loved inheritance of his fathers, with the competence and respectful consideration its possession secured to him, and to be indebted to a neighbor for shelter, sustenance, and employment. so sad a reverse, might well claim sympathy; but one consolation cheers him in the house of his pilgrimage; he is an _israelite--abraham is his father_ and now in his calamity he clings closer than ever, to the distinction conferred by his birth-right. to rob him of this, were "the unkindest cut of all." to have assigned him to a grade of service filled only by those whose permanent business was serving, would have been to "rule over him with" peculiar "rigor." "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," or literally, _thou shalt not serve thyself with him, with the service of a servant_, guaranties his political privileges, and a kind and grade of service comporting with his character and relations as an israelite. and "as a _hired_ servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee," secures to him his family organization, the respect and authority due to its head, and the general consideration resulting from such a station. being already in possession of his inheritance, and the head of a household, the law so arranged the conditions of his service as to _alleviate_ as much as possible the calamity which had reduced him from independence and authority, to penury and subjection. the import of the command which concludes this topic in the forty-third verse, ("thou shalt not rule over him with rigor,") is manifestly this, you shall not disregard those differences in previous associations, station, authority, and political privileges, upon which this regulation is based; for to hold this class of servants _irrespective_ of these distinctions, and annihilating them, is to "rule with rigor." the same command is repeated in the forty-sixth verse, and applied to the distinction between servants of jewish, and those of gentile extraction, and forbids the overlooking of distinctive jewish peculiarities, the disregard of which would be _rigorous_ in the extreme.[e] the construction commonly put upon the phrase "rule with rigor," and the inference drawn from it, have an air vastly oracular. it is interpreted to mean, "you shall not make him a chattel, and strip him of legal protection, nor force him to work without pay." the inference is like unto it, viz., since the command forbade such outrages upon the israelites, it permitted and commissioned their infliction upon the strangers. such impious and shallow smattering captivates scoffers and libertines; its flippancy and blasphemy, and the strong scent of its loose-reined license works like a charm upon them. what boots it to reason against such rampant affinities! in ex. i. , it is said that the egyptians, "made the children of israel to _serve_ with rigor." this rigor is affirmed of the _amount of labor_ extorted and the _mode_ of the exaction. the expression "serve with rigor," is never applied to the service of servants under the mosaic system. the phrase, "thou shall not rule over him with rigor," does not prohibit unreasonable exactions of labor, nor inflictions of cruelty. such were provided against otherwise. but it forbids confounding the distinctions between a jew and a stranger, by assigning the former to the same grade of service, for the same term of time and under the same political disabilities as the latter. [footnote c: the babylonish captivity seems to have greatly modified jewish usage in this respect. before that event, their cities were comparatively small, and few were engaged in mechanical or mercantile employments. afterward their cities enlarged apace and trades multiplied.] [footnote d: jarchi's comment on "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant" is, "the hebrew servant is not to be required to do any thing which is accounted degrading--such as all offices of personal attendance, as loosing his master's shoe-latchet, bringing him water to wash his hands and feet, waiting on him at table, dressing him, carrying things to and from the bath. the hebrew servant is to work with his master as a son or brother, in the business of his farm, or other labor, until his legal release."] [footnote e: the disabilities of the strangers, which were distinctions, based on a different national descent, and important to the preservation of nation characteristics, and a national worship, did not at all affect their _social_ estimation. they were regarded according to their character and worth as _persons_, irrespective of their foreign origin, employments and political condition.] we are now prepared to review at a glance, the condition of the different classes of servants, with the modifications peculiar to each. in the possession of all fundamental rights, all classes of servants were on an absolute equality, all were equally protected by law in their persons, character, property and social relations; all were voluntary, all were compensated for their labor, and released from it nearly one half of the days in each year; all were furnished with stated instruction; none in either class were in any sense articles of property, all were regarded as _men_, with the rights, interests, hopes and destinies of _men_. in all these respects, _all_ classes of servants among the israelites, formed but one class. the _different_ classes, and the differences in _each_ class, were, . _hired servants_. this class consisted both of israelites and strangers. their employments were different. the _israelite_ was an agricultural servant. the stranger was a _domestic_ and _personal_ servant, and in some instances _mechanical_; both were occasional and temporary. both lived in their own families, their wages were _money_, and they were paid when their work was done. . _bought servants_, (including those "born in the house.") this class also, consisted of israelites and strangers, the same difference in their kinds of employment as noticed before. both were paid in advance,[a] and neither was temporary. the israelitish servant, with the exception of the _freeholder_, completed his term in six years. the stranger was a permanent servant, continuing until the jubilee. a marked distinction obtained also between different classes of _jewish_ bought servants. ordinarily, they were merged in their master's family, and, like his wife and children, subject to his authority; (and, like them, protected by law from its abuse.) but the _freeholder_ was an exception; his family relations and authority remained unaffected, nor was he subjected as an inferior to the control of his master, though dependent on him for employment. [footnote a: the payment _in advance_, doubtless lessened the price of the purchase; the servant thus having the use of the money, and the master assuming all the risks of life, and health for labor; at the expiration of the six years' contract, the master having suffered no loss from the risk incurred at the making of it, was obliged by law to release the servant with a liberal gratuity. the reason assigned for this is, "he hath been worth a double hired servant unto thee in serving thee six years," as if it had been said, as you have experienced no loss from the risks of life, and ability to labor, incurred in the purchase, and which lessened the price, and as, by being your servant for six years, he has saved you the time and trouble of looking up and hiring laborers on emergencies, therefore, "thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c. this gratuity at the close of the service shews the _principle_ of the relation; _equivalent_ for value received. ] it should be kept in mind, that _both_ classes of servants, the israelite and the stranger, not only enjoyed _equal, natural and religious rights_, but _all the civil and political privileges_ enjoyed by those of their own people who were _not_ servants. they also shared in common with them the political disabilities which appertained to all strangers, whether servants of jewish masters, or masters of jewish servants. further, the disabilities of the servants from the strangers were exclusively _political_ and _national_. . they, in common with all strangers, could not own the soil. . they were ineligible to civil offices. . they were assigned to employments less honorable than those in which israelitish servants engaged; agriculture being regarded as fundamental to the existence of the state, other employments were in less repute, and deemed _unjewish_. finally, the strangers, whether servants or masters, were all protected equally with the descendants of abraham. in respect to political privileges, their condition was much like that of unnaturalized foreigners in the united states; whatever their wealth or intelligence, or moral principle, or love for our institutions, they can neither go to the ballot-box, nor own the soil, nor be eligible to office. let a native american, be suddenly bereft of these privileges, and loaded with the disabilities of an alien, and what to the foreigner would be a light matter, to _him_, would be the severity of _rigor_. the recent condition of the jews and catholics in england, is another illustration. rothschild, the late banker, though the richest private citizen in the world, and perhaps master of scores of english servants, who sued for the smallest crumbs of his favor, was, as a subject of the government, inferior to the lowest among them. suppose an englishman of the established church, were by law deprived of power to own the soil, of eligibility to office and of the electoral franchise, would englishmen think it a misapplication of language, if it were said, the government "rules over him with rigor?" and yet his person, property, reputation, conscience, all his social relations, the disposal of his time, the right of locomotion at pleasure, and of natural liberty in all respects, are just as much protected by law as the lord chancellor's. finally.--as the mosaic system was a great compound type, rife with meaning in doctrine and duty; the practical power of the whole, depended upon the exact observance of those distinctions and relations which constituted its significancy. hence, the care to preserve inviolate the distinction between a _descendant of abraham_ and a _stranger_, even when the stranger was a proselyte, had gone through the initiatory ordinances, entered the congregation, and become incorporated with the israelites by family alliance. the regulation laid down in ex. xxi. - , is an illustration. in this case, the israelitish servant, whose term expired in six years, married one of his master's _permanent female domestics_; but her marriage did not release her master from _his_ part of the contract for her whole term of service, nor from his legal obligation to support and educate her children. neither did it do away that distinction, which marked her national descent by a specific _grade_ and _term_ of service, nor impair her obligation to fulfil _her_ part of the contract. her relations as a permanent domestic grew out of a distinction guarded with great care throughout the mosaic system. to render it void, would have been to divide the system against itself. this god would not tolerate. nor, on the other hand, would he permit the master to throw off the responsibility of instructing her children, nor the care and expense of their helpless infancy and rearing. he was bound to support and educate them, and all her children born afterwards during her term of service. the whole arrangement beautifully illustrates that wise and tender regard for the interests of all the parties concerned, which arrays the mosaic system in robes of glory, and causes it to shine as the sun in the kingdom of our father.[b] by this law, the children had secured to them a mother's tender care. if the husband loved his wife and children, he could compel his master to keep him, whether he had any occasion for his services or not. if he did not love them, to be rid of him was a blessing; and in that case, the regulation would prove an act for the relief of an afflicted family. it is not by any means to be inferred, that the release of the servant in the seventh year, either absolved him from the obligations of marriage, or shut him out from the society of his family. he could doubtless procure a service at no great distance from them, and might often do it, to get higher wages, or a kind of employment better suited to his taste and skill. the great number of days on which the law released servants from regular labor, would enable him to spend much more time with his family, than can be spent by most of the agents of our benevolent societies with _their_ families, or by many merchants, editors, artists, &c., whose daily business is in new york, while their families reside from ten to one hundred miles in the country. [footnote b: whoever profoundly studies the mosaic institutes with a teachable and reverential spirit, will feel the truth and power of that solemn appeal and interrogatory of god to his people israel, when he had made an end of setting before them all his statutes and ordinances. "what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and judgments so righteous, as _all_ this law which i set before you this day." deut. iv. .] we conclude this inquiry by touching upon an objection, which, though not formally stated, has been already set aside by the tenor of the foregoing argument. it is this,--"the slavery of the canaanites by the israelites, was appointed by god as a commutation of the punishment of death denounced against them for their sins."[a] if the absurdity of a sentence consigning persons to death, and at the same time to perpetual slavery, did not sufficiently laugh at itself; it would be small self-denial, in a case so tempting, to make up the deficiency by a general contribution. only _one_ statute was ever given respecting the disposition to be made of the inhabitants of canaan. if the sentence of death was pronounced against them, and afterwards _commuted_, when? where? by whom? and in what terms was the commutation, and where is it recorded? grant, for argument's sake, that all the canaanites were sentenced to unconditional extermination; how can a right to _enslave_ them, be drawn from such premises? the punishment of death is one of the highest recognitions of man's moral nature possible. it proclaims him rational, accountable, guilty, deserving death for having done his utmost to cheapen human life, when the proof of its priceless worth lived in his own nature. but to make him a _slave_, cheapens to nothing _universal human nature_, and instead of healing a wound, gives a death-stab. what! repair an injury to rational being in the robbery of one of its rights, not only by robbing it of all, but by annihilating their _foundation_, the everlasting distinction between persons and things? to make a man a chattel, is not the _punishment_, but the _annihilation_ of a _human_ being, and, so far as it goes, of _all_ human beings. this commutation of the punishment of death, into perpetual slavery, what a fortunate discovery! alas! for the honor of deity, if commentators had not manned the forlorn hope, and by a timely movement rescued the divine character, at the very crisis of its fate, from the perilous position in which inspiration had carelessly left it! here a question arises of sufficient importance for a separate dissertation; but must for the present be disposed of in a few paragraphs. were the canaanites sentenced by god to individual and unconditional extermination? as the limits of this inquiry forbid our giving all the grounds of dissent from commonly received opinions, the suggestions made, will be thrown out merely as queries, rather than laid down as _doctrines_. the directions as to the disposal of the canaanites, are mainly in the following passages, ex. xxiii. - ; xxxiv. ; deut. vii. - ; ix. ; xxxi. - . in these verses, the israelites are commanded to "destroy the canaanites," to "drive out," "consume," "utterly overthrow," "put out," "dispossess them," &c. did these commands enjoin the unconditional and universal destruction of the _individuals_, or merely of the _body politic_? the word _haram_, to destroy, signifies _national_, as well as individual destruction; the destruction of _political_ existence, equally with _personal_; of governmental organization, equally with the lives of the subjects. besides, if we interpret the words destroy, consume, overthrow, &c., to mean _personal_ destruction, what meaning shall we give to the expressions, "drive out before thee," "cast out before thee," "expel," "put out," "dispossess," &c., which are used in the same and in parallel passages? in addition to those quoted above, see josh. iii. ; xvii. ; xxiii. ; xxiv. ; judg. i. , - ; vi. . "i will _destroy_ all the people to whom thou shalt come, and i will make all thine enemies _turn their backs unto thee_." ex. xxiii. . here "_all their enemies_" were to _turn their backs_, and "_all the people_" to be "_destroyed_." does this mean that god would let all their _enemies_ escape, but kill their _friends_, or that he would _first_ kill "all the people" and then make them "turn their backs," an army of runaway corpses? in josh. xxiv. , god says, speaking of the amorites, "i _destroyed_ them from before you." in the th verse of the same chapter, it is said, "the lord _drave out_ from before us all the people, even the amorites which dwelt in the land." in num. xxxii. , we are told that "the children of machir the son of manasseh, went to gilead, and took it, and _dispossessed_ the amorite which was in it." if these commands required the destruction of all the _individuals,_ the mosaic law was at war with itself, for directions as to the treatment of native residents form a large part of it. see lev. xix. ; xxv. , ; xxiv. .; ex. xxiii. ; xxii. ; deut. i. , ; x. , ; xxvii. . we find, also, that provision was made for them in the cities of refuge, num. xxxv. ,--the gleanings of the harvest and vintage were theirs, lev. xix. , ; xxiii. ;--the blessings of the sabbath, ex. xx. ;--the privilege of offering sacrifices secured, lev. xxii. ; and stated religious instruction provided for them. deut. xxxi. , . now does this same law require the _individual extermination_ of those whose lives and interests it thus protects? these laws were given to the israelites, long _before_ they entered canaan; and they must have inferred from them, that a multitude of the inhabitants of the land were to _continue in it_, under their government. again joshua was selected as the leader of israel to execute god's threatenings upon canaan. he had no discretionary power. god's commands were his official instructions. going beyond them would have been usurpation; refusing to carry them out, rebellion and treason. saul was rejected from being king for disobeying god's commands in a single instance. now if god commanded the individual destruction of all the canaanites joshua disobeyed him in every instance. for at his death, the israelites still "_dwelt among them_," and each nation is mentioned by name. judg. i. - , and yet we are told that joshua "left nothing undone of all that the lord commanded moses;" and that he "took all that land." josh. xi. - . also, that "there _stood not a man_ of _all_ their enemies before them." josh. xxi. . how can this be if the command to destroy, destroy utterly, &c., enjoined _individual_ extermination, and the command to drive out, unconditional expulsion from the country, rather than their expulsion from the _possession_ or _ownership_ of it, as the lords of the soil? that the latter is the true sense to be attached to those terms, we argue, further from the fact that the same terms are employed by god to describe the punishment which he would inflict upon the israelites if they served other gods. "ye shall utterly perish," "be utterly destroyed," "consumed," &c., are some of them.--see deut. iv. ; viii. , .[b] josh. xxiii. , - ; . sam. xii. . the israelites _did_ serve other gods, and jehovah _did_ execute upon them his threatenings--and thus himself _interpreted_ these threatenings. he subverted their _government_, dispossessed them of their land, divested them of national power, and made them _tributaries_, but did not _exterminate_ them. he "destroyed them utterly" as an independent body politic, but not as individuals. multitudes of the canaanites were slain, but not a case can be found in which one was either killed or expelled who _acquiesced_ in the transfer of the territory, and its sovereignty, from the inhabitants of the land to the israelites. witness the case of rahab and her kindred, and that of the gibeonites.[c] the canaanites knew of the miracles wrought for the israelites; and that their land had been transferred to them as a judgment for their sins. josh. ii. - ; ix. , , . many of them were awed by these wonders, and made no resistance. others defied god and came out to battle. these last occupied the fortified cities, were the most inveterate heathen--the aristocracy of idolatry, the kings, the nobility and gentry, the priests, with their crowds of satellites, and retainers that aided in idolatrous rites, and the military forces, with the chief profligates of both sexes. many facts corroborate the general position. witness that command (deut. xxiii. , ,) which, not only prohibited the surrender of the fugitive servant to his master, but required the israelites to receive him with kindness, permit him to dwell where he pleased, and to protect and cherish him. whenever any servant, even a canaanite, fled from his master to the israelites, jehovah, so far from commanding them to _kill_ him, straitly charged them, "he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which _he_ shall choose--in one of thy gates where it liketh _him_ best--thou shalt not oppress him." deut. xxiii. . the canaanitish servant by thus fleeing to the israelites, submitted himself as a dutiful subject to their national government, and pledged his allegiance. suppose _all_ the canaanites had thus submitted themselves to the jewish theocracy, and conformed to the requirements of the mosaic institutes, would not _all_ have been spared upon the same principle that _one_ was? again, look at the multitude of _tributaries_ in the midst of israel, and that too, after they had "waxed strong," and the uttermost nations quaked at the terror of their name--the canaanites, philistines and others, who became proselytes--as the nethenims, uriah the hittite--rahab, who married one of the princes of judah--jether, an ishmaelite, who married abigail the sister of david and was the father of amasa, the captain of the host of israel. comp. chron. ii. , with sam. xvii. .--ittai--the six hundred gittites, david's body guard. . sam xv. , . obededom the gittite, adopted into the tribe of levi. comp. sam. vi. , , with chron. xv. , and xxvi. , --jaziz, and obil. chron, xxvii. , . jephunneh the kenezite, josh. xiv. , and father of caleb a ruler of the tribe of judah. numb. xiii. , --the kenites registered in the genealogies of the tribe of judah, judg. i. ; chron. ii. , and the one hundred and fifty thousand canaanites, employed by solomon in the building of the temple.[d] besides, the greatest miracle on record, was wrought to save a portion of those very canaanites, and for the destruction of those who would exterminate them. josh. x. - . further--the terms employed in the directions regulating the disposal of the canaanites, such as "drive out," "put out," "cast out," "expel," "dispossess," &c., seem used interchangeably with "consume," "destroy," "overthrow," &c., and thus indicate the sense in which the latter words are used. as an illustration of the meaning generally attached to these and similar terms, we refer to the history of the amalekites. "i will utterly put out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven." ex. xvii. . "thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget it." deut. xxv. . "smite amalek and _utterly destroy_ all that they have, and spare them not, but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep." sam. xv. , . "saul smote the amalekites, and he took agag the king of the amalekites, alive and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." verses , . in verse , saul says, "i have brought agag, the king of amalek, and have _utterly destroyed_ the amalekites." in sam. xxx. , , we find the amalekites marching an army into israel, and sweeping everything before them--and this in about eighteen years after they had all been "utterly destroyed!" in kings ii. - , is another illustration. we are informed that joab remained in edom six months with all israel, "until he had _cut off every male_" in edom. in the next verse we learn that hadad and "certain edomites" were not slain. deut. xx. , , will probably be quoted against the preceding view. we argue that the command in these verses, did not include all the individuals of the canaanitish nations, but only the inhabitants of the _cities_, (and even those conditionally,) because, only the inhabitants of _cities_ are specified--"of the _cities_ of these people thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth." cities then, as now, were pest-houses of vice, they reeked with abominations little practised in the country. on this account, their influence would be far more perilous to the israelites than that of the country. besides, they were the centres of idolatry--there were the temples and altars, and idols, and priests, without number. even their buildings, streets, and public walks were so many visibilities of idolatry. the reason assigned in the th verse for exterminating them, strengthens the idea--"that they teach you not to do after all the abominations which they have done unto their gods." this would be a reason for exterminating all the nations and individuals _around_ them, as all were idolaters; but god commanded them, in certain cases, to spare the inhabitants. contact with _any_ of them would be perilous--with the inhabitants of the _cities_ peculiarly, and of the _canaanitish_ cities pre-eminently so. the th and th verses contain the general rule prescribing the method in which cities were to be summoned to surrender. they were first to receive the offer of peace--if it was accepted, the inhabitants became _tributaries_--but if they came out against israel in battle, the _men_ were to be killed, and the woman and little ones saved alive. the th verse restricts this lenient treatment to the inhabitants of the cities _afar off_. the th directs as to the disposal of the inhabitants of the canaanitish cities. they were to save alive "nothing that breathed." the common mistake has been, in supposing that the command in the th verse refers to the _whole system of directions preceding,_ commencing with the th, whereas it manifestly refers only to the _inflictions_ specified in the th, th, and, th, making a distinction between those _canaanitish_ cities that _fought_, and the cities _afar off_ that fought--in one case destroying the males and females, and in the other, the _males_ only. the offer of peace, and the _conditional preservation_, were as really guarantied to _canaanitish_ cities as to others. their inhabitants were not to be exterminated unless they came out against israel in battle. whatever be the import of the commands respecting the disposition to be made of the canaanites, all admit the fact that the israelites did _not_ utterly exterminate them. now, if entire and unconditional extermination was the command of god, it was _never_ obeyed by the israelites, consequently the truth of god stood pledged to consign _them_ to the same doom which he had pronounced upon the canaanites, but which they had refused to visit upon them. "if ye will not drive out all the inhabitants of the land from before you, then it shall come to pass that * * _i shall do unto you as i thought to do unto them_." num. xxxiii. , . as the israelites were not exterminated, we infer that god did not pronounce _that_ doom upon them; and as he _did_ pronounce upon them the _same_ doom, whatever it was, which they should _refuse_ to visit upon the canaanites, it follows that the doom of unconditional _extermination_ was _not_ pronounced against the canaanites. but let us settle this question by the "law and the testimony." "there was not a city that made peace with the children of israel save the hivites, the inhabitants of gibeon; all others they took in battle. for it was of the lord to harden their hearts, that they should come out against israel in battle, that he might destroy them utterly, and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, as the lord commanded moses." josh. xi. . . that is, if they had _not_ come out against israel in battle, they would have had "favor" shown them, and would not have been "_destroyed utterly_." the great design was to _transfer the territory_ of the canaanites to the israelites, and along with it, _absolute sovereignty in every respect_; to annihilate their political organizations, civil polity, and jurisprudence, and their system of religion, with all its rights and appendages; and to substitute therefor, a pure theocracy, administered by jehovah, with the israelites as his representatives and agents. in a word the people were to be _denationalized,_ their political existence annihilated, their idol temples, altars, groves, images, pictures, and heathen rites destroyed, and themselves put under tribute. those who resisted the execution of jehovah's purpose were to be killed, while those who quietly submitted to it were to be spared. all had the choice of these alternatives, either free egress out of the land;[e] or acquiescence in the decree, with life and residence as tributaries, under the protection of the government; or resistance to the execution of the decree, with death. "_and it shall come to pass, if they will diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name, the lord liveth, as they taught my people to swear by baal;_ then shall they be built in the midst of my people." [footnote a: in the prophecy, gen. ix. , the subjection of the canaanites as a conquered people rendering tribute to other nations, is foretold by inspiration. the fulfilment of this prediction, seems to have commenced in the subjection of the canaanites to the israelites as tributaries. if the israelites had exterminated them, as the objector asserts they were commanded to do; the prediction would have been _falsified_.] [footnote b: these two verses are so explicit we quote them entire--"and it shall be if thou do at all forget the lord they god and walk after other gods and serve them, and worship them, i testify against you this day that ye shall surely _perish_, as the nations which the lord destroyed before your face, _so_ shall ye perish." the following passages are, if possible still more explicit--"the lord shall send upon thee cursing, vexation and rebuke in all that thou settest thine hand unto for to do, until thou be _destroyed_, and until thou perish quickly." "the lord shall make the pestilence cleave unto thee until he have _consumed_ thee." "they (the 'sword,' 'blasting,' &c.) shall pursue thee until thou _perish_." "from heaven shall it come down upon thee until thou be _destroyed_." "all these curses shall come upon thee till thou be _destroyed_." "he shall put a yoke of iron upon thy neck until he have _destroyed_ thee." "the lord shall bring a nation against thee, a nation of fierce countenance, which shall not regard the person of the old, nor show favor to the young, * * until he have _destroyed_ thee." all these, with other similar threatenings of _destruction_, are contained in the twenty-eighth chapter of deut. see verses - , , , . in the _same_ chapter god declares that as a punishment for the same transgressions, the israelites shall "be _removed_ into all the kingdoms of the earth," thus showing that the terms employed in the other verses, "destroy," "perish," "perish quickly," "consume," &c., instead of signifying utter, personal destruction doubtless meant their destruction as an independent nation. in josh. xxiv. , , "destroyed" and "drave out," are used synonymously.] [footnote c: perhaps it will be objected, that the preservation of the gibeonites, and of rahab and her kindred, was a violation of the command of god. we answer, if it had been, we might expect some such intimation. if god had straitly commanded them to _exterminate all the canaanites_, their pledge to save them alive, was neither a repeal of the statute, nor absolution for the breach of it. if _unconditional destruction_ was the import of the command, would god have permitted such an act to pass without rebuke? would he have established such a precedent when israel had hardly passed the threshold of canaan, and was then striking the first blow of a half century war? what if they _had_ passed their word to rahab and the gibeonites? was that more binding than god's command? so saul seems to have passed _his_ word to agag; yet samuel hewed him in pieces, because in saving his life, saul had violated god's command. when saul sought to slay the gibeonites in "his zeal for the children of israel and judah," god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. when david inquired of them what atonement he should make, they say, "the man that devised against us, that we should be destroyed from _remaining in any of the coast of israel_, let seven of his sons be delivered," &c. sam. xxi. - .] [footnote d: if the canaanites were devoted by god to unconditional extermination, to have employed them in the erection of the temple,--what was it but the climax of impiety? as well might they pollute its altars with swine's flesh or make their sons pass through the fire to moloch.] [footnote e: suppose all the canaanitish nations had abandoned their territory at the tidings of israel's approach, did god's command require the israelites to chase them to ends of the earth, and hunt them out, until every canaanite was destroyed? it is too preposterous for belief, and yet it follows legitimately from that construction, which interprets the terms "consume," "destroy," "destroy utterly," &c. to mean unconditional, individual extermination.] [the original design of the preceding inquiry embraced a much wider range of topics. it was soon found, however, that to fill up the outline would be to make a volume. much of the foregoing has therefore been thrown into a mere series of _indices_, to trains of thought and classes of proof, which, however limited or imperfect, may perhaps, afford some facilities to those who have little leisure for protracted investigation.] no. . the anti-slavery examiner. the power of congress over the district of columbia. * * * * * reprinted from the new-york evening post, with additions by the author. * * * * * new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau-street. . * * * * * this periodical contains / sheets.--postage under miles, cts.; over , cts. power of congress over the district of columbia. a civilized community presupposes a government of law. if that government be a republic, its citizens are the sole _sources_, as well as the _subjects_ of its power. its constitution is their bill of directions to their own agents--a grant authorizing the exercise of certain powers, and prohibiting that of others. in the constitution of the united states, whatever else may be obscure, the clause granting power to congress over the federal district may well defy misconstruction. art. , sec. , clause : "the congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, _in all cases whatsoever_, over such district." congress may make laws for the district "in all _cases_," not of all _kinds_; not all _laws_ whatsoever, but laws "in all _cases_ whatsoever." the grant respects the _subjects_ of legislation, _not_ the moral nature of the laws. the law-making power every where is subject to _moral_ restrictions, whether limited by constitutions or not. no legislature can authorize murder, nor make honesty penal, nor virtue a crime, nor exact impossibilities. in these and similar respects, the power of congress is held in check by principles, existing in the nature of things, not imposed by the constitution, but presupposed and assumed by it. the power of congress over the district is restricted only by those principles that limit ordinary legislation, and, in some respects, it has even wider scope. in common with the legislatures of the states, congress cannot constitutionally pass ex post facto laws in criminal cases, nor suspend the writ of habeas corpus, nor pass a bill of attainder, nor abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, nor invade the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, nor enact laws respecting an establishment of religion. these are general limitations. congress cannot do these things _any where_. the exact import, therefore, of the clause "in all cases whatsoever," is, _on all subjects within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. some legislatures are restrained by constitutions, from the exercise of powers strictly within the proper sphere of legislation. congressional power over the district has no such restraint. it traverses the whole field of legitimate legislation. all the power which any legislature has within its own jurisdiction, congress holds over the district of columbia. it has been objected that the clause in question respects merely police regulations, and that its sole design was to enable congress to protect itself against popular tumults. but if the convention that framed the constitution aimed to provide for a _single_ case only, why did they provide for "_all_ cases whatsoever?" besides, this clause was opposed in many of the state conventions, because the grant of power was extended to "_all_ cases whatsoever," instead of being restricted to police regulations _alone_. in the virginia convention, george mason, the father of the virginia constitution, patrick henry, mr. grayson, and others, assailed it on that ground. mr. mason said, "this clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the district. he would willingly give them exclusive power as far as respected the police and good government of the place, but he would give them no more." mr. grayson exclaimed against so large a grant of power--said that control over the _police_ was all-sufficient, and "that the continental congress never had an idea of exclusive legislation in all cases." patrick henry said: "shall we be told, when about to grant such illimitable authority, that it will never be exercised? is it consistent with any principle of prudence or good policy, to grant _unlimited, unbounded authority_?" mr. madison said in reply: "i did conceive that the clause under consideration was one of those parts which would speak its own praise. i cannot comprehend that the power of legislation over a small district, will involve the dangers which he apprehends. when any power is given, it's delegation necessarily involves authority to make laws to execute it. * * * * the powers which are found necessary to be given, are therefore delegated _generally_, and particular and minute specification is left to the legislature. * * * it is not within the limits of human capacity to delineate on paper all those particular cases and circumstances, in which legislation by the general legislature, would be necessary." governor randolph said: "holland has no ten miles square, but she has the hague where the deputies of the states assemble. but the influence which it has given the province of holland, to have the seat of government within its territory, subject in some respects to its control, has been injurious to the other provinces. the wisdom of the convention is therefore manifest in granting to congress exclusive jurisdiction over the place of their session." (_see debates in the virginia convention_, p. .) in the forty-third number of the "federalist," mr. madison says: "the indispensable necessity of _complete_ authority at the seat of government, carries its own evidence with it." finally, that the grant in question is to be interpreted according to the obvious import of its _terms_, and not in such a way as to restrict it to _police_ regulations, is proved by the fact, that the state of virginia proposed an amendment to the united states constitution at the time of its adoption, providing that this clause "should be so construed as to give power only over the _police and good government_ of said district," _which amendment was rejected_. fourteen other amendments, proposed at the same time by virginia, were _adopted_. the former part, of the clause under consideration, "congress shall have power to exercise _exclusive_ legislation," gives sole jurisdiction, and the latter part, "in all cases whatsoever," defines the _extent_ of it. since, then, congress is the _sole_ legislature within the district, and since its power is limited only by the checks common to all legislatures, it follows that what the law-making power is intrinsically competent to do _any_ where, congress is competent to do in the district of columbia. statement of the question at issue. having disposed of preliminaries, we proceed to argue the _real question_ at issue. is the law-making power competent to abolish slavery when not restricted in that particular by constitutional provisions--or, _is the abolition of slavery within the appropriate sphere of legislation?_ in every government, absolute sovereignty exists _somewhere_. in the united states it exists primarily with the _people_, and _ultimate_ sovereignty _always_ exists with them. in each of the states, the legislature possesses a _representative_ sovereignty, delegated by the people through the constitution--the people thus committing to the legislature a portion of their sovereignty, and specifying in their constitutions the amount and the conditions of the grant. that the _people_ in any state where slavery exists, have the power to abolish it, none will deny. if the legislature have not the power, it is because _the people_ have reserved it to themselves. had they lodged with the legislature "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," they would have parted with their sovereignty over the legislation of the state, and so far forth the legislature would have become _the people_, clothed with all their functions, and as such competent, _during the continuance of the grant_, to do whatever the people might have done before the surrender of their power: consequently, they would have the power to abolish slavery. the sovereignty of the district of columbia exists _somewhere_--where is it lodged? the citizens of the district have no legislature of their own, no representation in congress, and no political power whatever. maryland and virginia have surrendered to the united states their "full and absolute right and entire sovereignty," and the people of the united states have committed to congress by the constitution, the power to "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." thus, the sovereignty of the district of columbia, is shown to reside solely in the congress of the united states; and since the power of the people of a state to abolish slavery within their own limits, results from their entire sovereignty within the state, so the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, results from its entire _sovereignty_ within the district. if it be objected that congress can have no more power over the district, than was held by the legislatures of maryland and virginia, we ask what clause in the constitution graduates the power of congress by the standard of a state legislature? was the united states constitution worked into its present shape under the measuring line and square of virginia and maryland? and is its power to be bevelled down till it can run in the grooves of state legislation? there is a deal of prating about constitutional power over the district, as though congress were indebted for it to maryland and virginia. the powers of those states, whether few or many, prodigies or nullities, have nothing to do with the question. as well thrust in the powers of the grand lama to join issue upon, or twist papal bulls into constitutional tether, with which to curb congressional action. the constitution of the united states gives power to congress, and takes it away, and _it alone_. maryland and virginia adopted the constitution _before_ they ceded to the united states the territory of the district. by their acts of cession, they abdicated their own sovereignty over the district, and thus made room for that provided by the united states constitution, which sovereignty was to commence as soon as a cession of territory by states, and its acceptance by congress furnished a sphere for its exercise. that the abolition of slavery is within the sphere of legislation, i argue, _secondly_, from the fact, that _slavery as a legal system, is the creature of legislation_. the law by _creating_ slavery, not only affirmed its _existence_ to be within the sphere and under the control of legislation, but equally, the _conditions_ and _terms_ of its existence, and the _question_ whether or not it _should_ exist. of course legislation would not travel _out_ of its sphere, in abolishing what is _within_ it, and what was recognised to be within it, by its own act. cannot legislatures repeal their own laws? if law can take from a man his rights, it can give them back again. if it can say, "your body belongs to your neighbor," it can say, "it belongs to _yourself_, and i will sustain your right." if it can annul a man's right to himself, held by express grant from his maker, and can create for another an artificial title to him, can it not annul the artificial title, and leave the original owner to hold himself by his original title? . _the abolition of slavery has always been considered within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. almost every civilized nation has abolished slavery by law. the history of legislation since the revival of letters, is a record crowded with testimony to the universally admitted competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery. it is so manifestly an attribute not merely of absolute sovereignty, but even of ordinary legislation, that the competency of a legislature to exercise it, may well nigh be reckoned among the legal axioms of the civilized world. even the night of the dark ages was not dark enough to make this invisible. the abolition decree of the great council of england was passed in . the memorable irish decree, "that all the english slaves in the whole of ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty," was issued in . slavery in england was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in . passing over many instances of the abolition of slavery by law, both during the middle ages and since the reformation, we find them multiplying as we approach our own times. in slavery was abolished in prussia by special edict. in st. domingo, cayenne, guadaloupe and martinique, in , where more than , slaves were emancipated by the french government. in java, ; in ceylon, ; in buenos ayres, ; in st. helena, ; in colombia, ; by the congress of chili in ; in cape colony, ; in malacca, ; in the southern provinces of birmah, in ; in bolivia, ; in peru, guatemala, and monte video, , in jamaica, barbadoes, bermudas, bahamas, the mauritius, st. christopher's, nevis, the virgin islands, antigua, montserrat, dominica, st. vincents, grenada, berbice, tobago, st. lucia, trinidad, honduras, demarara, and the cape of good hope, on the st of august, . but waving details, suffice it to say, that england, france, spain, portugal, sweden, denmark, austria, prussia, and germany, have all and often given their testimony to the competency of the law to abolish slavery. in our own country, the legislature of pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in , connecticut, in ; rhode island, ; new-york, ; new-jersey, in ; vermont, by constitution, in ; massachusetts, in ; and new hampshire, in . when the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has thus been recognised every where and for ages, when it has been embodied in the highest precedents, and celebrated in the thousand jubilees of regenerated liberty, is it forsooth an achievement of modern discovery, that such a power is a nullity?--that all these acts of abolition are void, and that the millions disenthralled by them, are, either themselves or their posterity, still legally in bondage? . _legislative power has abolished slavery in its parts_. the law of south carolina prohibits the working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four. [_see__brevard's digest_, .] in other words, it takes from the slaveholder his power over nine hours of the slave's time daily; and if it can take nine hours it may take twenty-four--if two-fifths, then five-fifths. the laws of georgia prohibit the working of slaves on the first day of the week; and if they can do it for the first, they can for the six following. laws embodying the same principle have existed for ages in nearly all governments that have tolerated slavery. the law of north carolina prohibits the "immoderate" correction of slaves. if it has power to prohibit _immoderate_ correction, it can prohibit _moderate_ correction--_all_ correction, which would be virtual emancipation; for, take from the master the power to inflict pain, and he is master no longer. cease to ply the slave with the stimulus of fear, and he is free. laws similar to this exist in slaveholding governments generally. the constitution of mississippi gives the general assembly power to make laws "to oblige the owners of slaves to _treat them with humanity_." the constitution of missouri has the same clause, and an additional one making it the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to secure the _humane_ treatment of the slaves. this grant of power to those legislatures empowers them to decide what _is_ and what is _not_ "humane treatment." otherwise it gives no "power"--the clause is mere waste paper, and flouts in the face of a mocked and befooled legislature. a clause giving power to require "humane treatment" covers all the _particulars_ of such treatment--gives power to exact it in all _respects--requiring_ certain acts, and _prohibiting_ others--maiming, branding, chaining together, allowing each but a quart of corn a day,[a] and but "one shirt and one pair of pantaloons" in six months[b]--separating families, destroying marriages, floggings for learning the alphabet and reading the bible--robbing them of their oath, of jury trial, and of the right to worship god according to conscience--the legislature has power to specify each of these acts--declare that it is not "_humane_ treatment," and prohibit it.--the legislature may also believe that driving men and women into the field, and forcing them to work without pay as long as they live, is not "humane treatment," and being constitutionally bound "to _oblige_" masters to practise "humane treatment"--they have the _power_ to _prohibit such_ treatment, and are bound to do it. [footnote a: law of north carolina, haywood's manual, - .] [footnote b: law of louisiana, martin's digest, .] the law of louisiana makes slaves real estate, prohibiting the holder, if he be also a _land_ holder, to separate them from the soil.[c] if it has power to prohibit the sale _without_ the soil, it can prohibit the sale _with_ it; and if it can prohibit the _sale_ as property, it can prohibit the _holding_ as property. similar laws exist in the french, spanish, and portuguese colonies. [footnote c: virginia made slaves real estate by a law passed in . (_beverly's hist. of va._, p. .) i do not find the precise time when this law was repealed, probably when virginia became the chief slave breeder for the cotton-growing and sugar-planting country, and made young men and women "from fifteen to twenty-five" the main staple production of the state.] the law of louisiana requires the master to give his slaves a certain amount of food and clothing, (_martin's digest_, .) if it can oblige the master to give the slave _one_ thing, it can oblige him to give him another: if food and clothing, then wages, liberty, his own body. such laws exist in most slaveholding governments. by the slave laws of connecticut, under which slaves are now held, (for even connecticut is still a slave state,) slaves might receive and hold property, and prosecute suits in their own name as plaintiffs: [this last was also the law of virginia in . see tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] there were also laws making marriage contracts legal, in certain contingencies, and punishing infringements of them, ["_reeve's law of baron and femme_," p. - .] each of the laws enumerated above, does, _in principle_, abolish slavery; and all of them together abolish it _in fact_. true, not as a _whole_, and at a _stroke_, nor all in one place; but in its _parts_, by piecemeal, at divers times and places; thus showing that the abolition of slavery is within the boundary of _legislation_. ._the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery has been recognized by all the slaveholding states, either directly or by implication_. some states recognize it in their _constitutions_, by giving the legislature power to emancipate such slaves as may "have rendered the state some distinguished service," and others by express prohibitory restrictions. the constitutions of mississippi, arkansas, and other states, restrict the power of the legislature in this respect. why this express prohibition, if the law-making power cannot abolish slavery? a stately farce, indeed, formally to construct a special clause, and with appropriate rites induct it into the constitution, for the express purpose of restricting a nonentity!--to take from the lawmaking power what it _never had_, and what _cannot_ pertain to it! the legislatures of those states have no power to abolish slavery, simply because their constitutions have expressly _taken away_ that power. the people of arkansas, mississippi, &c., well knew the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, and hence their zeal to _restrict_ it. the fact that these and other states have inhibited their legislatures from the exercise of this power, shows that the abolition of slavery is acknowledged to be a proper subject of legislation, when constitutions impose no restrictions. the slaveholding states have recognised this power in their _laws_. the virginia legislature passed a law in to prevent the further importation of slaves, of which the following is an extract: "and be it further enacted that every slave imported into this commonwealth contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall upon such importation become _free_." by a law of virginia, passed dec. , , a slave brought into the state and kept _there a year_, was _free_. the maryland court of appeals at the december term (see case of stewart _vs._ oakes,) decided that a slave owned in maryland, and sent by his master into virginia to work at different periods, making one year in the whole, became _free_, being _emancipated_ by the law of virginia quoted above. north carolina and georgia in their acts of cession, transferring to the united states the territory now constituting the states of tennessee, alabama and mississippi, made it a condition of the grant, that the provisions of the ordinance of ' , should be secured to the inhabitants _with the exception of the sixth article which prohibits slavery_; thus conceding, both the competency of law to abolish slavery, and the power of congress to do it, within its jurisdiction. besides, these acts show the prevalent belief at that time, in the slaveholding states, that the general government had adopted a line of policy aiming at the exclusion of slavery from the entire territory of the united states, not included within the original states, and that this policy would be pursued unless prevented by specific and formal stipulation. slaveholding states have asserted this power _in their judicial decisions._ in numerous cases their highest courts have decided that if the legal owner of slaves takes them into those states where slavery has been abolished either by law or by the constitution, such removal emancipates them, such law or constitution abolishing their slavery. this principle is asserted in the decision of the supreme court of louisiana, in the case of lunsford _vs._ coquillon, martin's la. reps. . also by the supreme court of virginia, in the case of hunter _vs._ fulcher, leigh's reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge washington, of the united states supreme court, in the case of butler _vs._ hopper, washington's circuit court reps. . this principle was also decided by the court of appeals in kentucky; case of rankin _vs._ lydia, marshall's reps. ; see also, wilson _vs._ isbell, call's reps. , spotts _vs._ gillespie, randolph's reps. . the state _vs._ lasselle, blackford's reps. , marie louise _vs._ mariot, la. reps. . in this case, which was tried in , the slave had been taken by her master to france and brought back; judge mathews, of the supreme court of louisiana, decided that "residence for one moment" under the laws of france emancipated her. . _eminent statesmen, themselves slaveholders, have conceded this power_. washington, in a letter to robert morris, dated april , , says: "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to lafayette, dated may , , he says: "it (the abolition of slavery) certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected, and that too by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to john fenton mercer, dated sept. , , he says: "it is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by _law_." in a letter to sir john sinclair, he says: "there are in pennsylvania, _laws_ for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which nothing is more certain that that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." speaking of movements in the virginia legislature in , for the passage of a law emancipating the slaves, mr. jefferson says: "the principles of the amendment were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day; but it was found that the public mind would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant, when _it must bear and adopt it_."--jefferson's memoirs, v. , p. . it is well known that jefferson, pendleton, mason, wythe and lee, while acting as a committee of the virginia house of delegates to revise the state laws, prepared a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves by law. these men were the great lights of virginia. mason, the author of the virginia constitution; pendleton, the president of the memorable virginia convention in , and president of the virginia court of appeals; wythe was the blackstone of the virginia bench, for a quarter of a century chancellor of the state, the professor of law in the university of william and mary, and the preceptor of jefferson, madison, and chief justice marshall. he was author of the celebrated remonstrance to the english house of commons on the subject of the stamp act. as to jefferson, his _name_ is his biography. every slaveholding member of congress from the states of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, voted for the celebrated ordinance of , which _abolished_ the slavery then existing in the northwest territory. patrick henry, in his well known letter to robert pleasants, of virginia, january , , says: "i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to _abolish_ this lamentable evil." william pinkney, of maryland, advocated the abolition of slavery by law, in the legislature of that state, in . luther martin urged the same measure both in the federal convention, and in his report to the legislature of maryland. in , st. george tucker, professor of law in the university of william and mary, and judge of the general court, published an elaborate dissertation on slavery, addressed to the general assembly of the state, and urging upon them the abolition of slavery by _law_. john jay, while new-york was yet a slave state, and himself in law a slaveholder, said in a letter from spain, in , "an excellent law might be made out of the pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. were i in your legislature, i would present a bill for the purpose, drawn up with great care, and i would never cease moving it till it became a law, or i ceased to be a member." daniel d. tompkins, in a message to the legislature of new-york, january , , said: "to devise the means for the gradual and ultimate _extermination_ from amongst us of slavery, is work worthy the representatives of a polished and enlightened nation." the virginia legislature asserted this power in . at the close of a month's debate, the following proceedings were had. i extract from an editorial article of the richmond whig, of january , . "the report of the select committee, adverse to legislation on the subject of abolition, was in these words: _resolved_, as the opinion of this committee, that it is inexpedient for the present, to make any legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery." this report mr. preston moved to reverse, and thus to declare that it _was_ expedient, _now_ to make legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. this was meeting the question in its strongest form. it demanded action, and immediate action. on this proposition the vote was to . many of the most decided friends of abolition voted against the amendment; because they thought public opinion not sufficiently prepared for it, and that it might prejudice the cause to move too rapidly. the vote on mr. witcher's motion to postpone the whole subject indefinitely, indicates the true state of opinion in the house.--that was the test question, and was so intended and proclaimed by its mover. that motion was _negatived_, to ; showing a majority of , who by that vote, declared their belief that "at the proper time, and in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a system of gradual abolition." . _the congress of the united states have asserted this power_. the ordinance of ' , declaring that there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude," in the north western territory, abolished the slavery then existing there. the supreme court of mississippi, in its decision in the case of harvey _vs._ decker, walker's mi. reps. , declared that the ordinance emancipated the slaves then held there. in this decision the question is argued ably and at great length. the supreme court of louisiana made the same decision in the case of forsyth _vs._ nash, martin's la. reps . the same doctrine was laid down by judge porter, (late united states senator from louisiana,) in his decision at the march term of the la. supreme court, , in the case of merry _vs._ chexnaider, martin's reps. . that the ordinance abolished the slavery then existing, is also shown by the fact, that persons holding slaves in the territory petitioned for the repeal of the article abolishing slavery, assigning that as a reason. "the petition of the citizens of randolph and st. clair counties in the illinois country, stating that they were in possession of slaves, and praying the repeal of that act (the th article of the ordinance of ' ) and the passage of a law legalizing slavery there." [am. state papers, public lands, v. . p. ,] congress passed this ordinance before the united states constitution was adopted, when it derived all its authority from the articles of confederation, which conferred powers of legislation far more restricted than those conferred on congress over the district and territories by the united states constitution. now, we ask, how does the constitution _abridge_ the powers which congress possessed under the articles of confederation? the abolition of the slave trade by congress, in , is another illustration of the competency of legislative power to abolish slavery. the african slave trade has become such a mere _technic_, in common parlance, that the fact of its being _proper slavery_ is overlooked. the buying and selling, the transportation, and the horrors of the middle passage, were mere _incidents_ of the slavery in which the victims were held. let things be called by their own names. when congress abolished the african slave trade, it abolished slavery--supreme slavery--power frantic with license, trampling a whole hemisphere scathed with its fires, and running down with blood. true, congress did not, in the abolition of the slave trade, abolish _all_ the slavery within its jurisdiction, but it did abolish all the slavery in _one part_ of its jurisdiction. what has rifled it of power to abolish slavery in _another_ part of its jurisdiction, especially in that part where it has "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever?" . _the constitution of the united states recognizes this power by the most conclusive implication_. in art. , sec. , clause , it prohibits the abolition of the slave trade previous to : thus implying the power of congress to do it at once, but for the restriction; and its power to do it _unconditionally_, when that restriction ceased. again: in art. , sec. , "no person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from said service or labor." this clause was inserted, as all admit, to prevent the runaway slave from being emancipated by the _laws_ of the free states. if these laws had _no power_ to emancipate, why this constitutional guard to prevent it? the insertion of the clause, was the testimony of the eminent jurists that framed the constitution, to the existence of the _power_, and their public proclamation, that the abolition of slavery was within the appropriate sphere of legislation. the right of the owner to that which is rightfully property, is founded on a principle of _universal law_, and is recognised and protected by all civilized nations; property in slaves is, by general consent, an _exception_; hence slaveholders insisted upon the insertion of this clause in the united states constitution that they might secure by an _express provision_, that from which protection is withheld, by the acknowledged principles of universal law.[a] by demanding this provision, slaveholders consented that their slaves should not be recognised as property by the united states constitution, and hence they found their claim, on the fact of their being "_persons_, and _held_ to service." [footnote a: the fact, that under the articles of confederation, slaveholders, whose slaves had escaped into free states, had no legal power to force them back,--that _now_ they have no power to recover, by process of law, their slaves who escape to canada, the south american states, or to europe--the case already cited in which the supreme court of louisiana decided, that residence "_for one moment_," under the laws of france emancipated an american slave--the case of fulton, _vs._ lewis, har. and john's reps., , where the slave of a st. domingo slaveholder, who brought him to maryland in ' , was pronounced free by the maryland court of appeals--these, with other facts and cases "too numerous to mention," are illustrations of the acknowledged truth here asserted, that by the consent of the civilized world, and on the principles of universal law, slaves are not "_property_," but _self-proprietors_, and that whenever held as property under _law_, it is only by _positive legislative acts_, forcibly setting aside the law of nature, the common law, and the principles of universal justice and right between man and man,--principles paramount to all law, and from which alone law derives its intrinsic authoritative sanction.] but waiving all concessions, whether of constitutions, laws, judicial decisions, or common consent, i take the position that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, follows from the fact, that as the sole legislature there, it has unquestionable power _to adopt the common law, as the legal system within its exclusive jurisdiction_. this has been done, with certain restrictions, in most of the states, either by legislative acts or by constitutional implication. the common law knows no slaves. its principles annihilate slavery wherever they touch it. it is a universal, unconditional, abolition act. wherever slavery is a legal system, it is so only by _statute_ law, and in violation of common law. the declaration of lord chief justice holt, that "by the common law, no man can have property in another," is an acknowledged axiom, and based upon the well known common law definition of property. "the subjects of dominion or property are _things_, as contra-distinguished from _persons_." let congress adopt the common law in the district of columbia, and slavery there is at once abolished. congress may well be at home in common law legislation, for the common law is the grand element of the united states constitution. all its _fundamental_ provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole. the preamble of the constitution plants the standard of the common law immovably in its foreground. "we, the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution;" thus proclaiming _devotion to justice_, as the controlling motive in the organization of the government, and its secure establishment the chief object of its aims. by this most solemn recognition, the common law, that grand legal embodiment of "_justice_" and fundamental right was made the groundwork of the constitution, and intrenched behind its strongest munitions. the second clause of sec. , art. ; sec. , art. , and the last clause of sec. , art. , with articles , , , and of the amendments, are also express recognitions of the common law as the presiding genius of the constitution. by adopting the common law within its exclusive jurisdiction congress would carry out the principles of our glorious declaration, and follow the highest precedents in our national history and jurisprudence. it is a political maxim as old as civil legislation, that laws should be strictly homogeneous with the principles of the government whose will they express, embodying and carrying them out--being indeed the _principles themselves_, in preceptive form--representatives alike of the nature and the power of the government--standing illustrations of its genius and spirit, while they proclaim and enforce its authority. who needs be told that slavery is in antagonism to the principles of the declaration, and the spirit of the constitution, and that these and the principles of the common law gravitate toward each other with irrepressible affinities, and mingle into one? the common law came hither with our pilgrim fathers; it was their birthright, their panoply, their glory, and their song of rejoicing in the house of their pilgrimage. it covered them in the day of their calamity, and their trust was under the shadow of its wings. from the first settlement of the country, the genius of our institutions and our national spirit have claimed it as a common possession, and exulted in it with a common pride. a century ago, governor pownall, one of the most eminent constitutional jurists of colonial times, said of the common law, "in all the colonies the common law is received as the foundation and main body of their law." in the declaration of rights, made by the continental congress at its first session in ' , there was the following resolution: "resolved, that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law." soon after the organization of the general government, chief justice ellsworth, in one of his decisions on the bench of the united states supreme court, said: "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution." chief justice marshall, in his decision in the case of livingston _vs._ jefferson, said: "when our ancestors migrated to america, they brought with them the common law of their native country, so far as it was applicable to their new situation and i do not conceive that the revolution in any degree changed the relations of man to man, or the law which regulates them. in breaking our political connection with the parent state, we did not break our connection with each other." [_see__hall's law journal, new series._] mr. duponceau, in his "dissertation on the jurisdiction of courts in the united states," says, "i consider the common law of england the _jus commune_ of the united states. i think i can lay it down as a correct principle, that the common law of england, as it was at the time of the declaration of independence, still continues to be the national law of this country, so far as it is applicable to our present state, and subject to the modifications it has received here in the course of nearly half a century." chief justice taylor of north carolina, in his decision in the case of the state _vs._ reed, in , hawkes' n.c. reps. , says, "a law of _paramount obligation to the statute_ was violated by the offence--common law, founded upon the law of nature, and confirmed by revelation." the legislation of the united states abounds in recognitions of the principles of the common law, asserting their paramount binding power. sparing details, of which our national state papers are full, we illustrate by a single instance. it was made a condition of the admission of louisiana into the union, that the right of trial by jury should be secured to all her citizens,--the united states government thus employing its power to enlarge the jurisdiction of the common law in this its great representative. having shown that the abolition of slavery is within the competency of the law-making power, when unrestricted by constitutional provisions, and that the legislation of congress over the district _is_ thus unrestricted, its power to abolish slavery there is established. besides this general ground, the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district may be based upon another equally tenable. we argue it from the fact, that slavery exists there _now_ by an act of congress. in the act of th july, , congress accepted portions of territory offered by the states of maryland and virginia, and enacted that the laws, as they then were, should continue in force, "until congress shall otherwise by law provide;" thus making the slave codes of maryland and virginia its own. under these laws, adopted by congress, and in effect re-enacted and made laws of the district, the slaves there are now held. is congress so impotent in its own "exclusive jurisdiction" that it _cannot_ "otherwise by law provide?" if it can say, what _shall_ be considered property, it can say what shall _not_ be considered property. suppose a legislature enacts, that marriage contracts shall be mere bills of sale, making a husband the proprietor of his wife, as his _bona fide_ property; and suppose husbands should herd their wives in droves for the market as beasts of burden, or for the brothel as victims of lust, and then prate about their inviolable legal property, and deny the power of the legislature, which stamped them property, to undo its own wrong, and secure to wives by law the rights of human beings. would such cant about "legal rights" be heeded where reason and justice held sway, and where law, based upon fundamental morality, received homage? if a frantic legislature pronounces woman a chattel, has it no power, with returning reason, to take back the blasphemy? is the impious edict irrepealable? be it, that with legal forms it has stamped wives "wares." can no legislation blot out the brand? must the handwriting of deity on human nature be expunged for ever? has law no power to stay the erasing pen, and tear off the scrawled label that covers up the image of god? we now proceed to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district has been, till recently, universally conceded. . it has been assumed by congress itself. the following record stands on the journals of the house of representatives for , p. : "on motion made and seconded that the house do come to the following resolution: 'resolved, that from and after the th day of july, , all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the district of columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within said district, shall be free, the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of ----. the main question being taken that the house do agree to said motion as originally proposed, it was negatived by a majority of .'" though the motion was lost, it was on the ground of its alleged _inexpediency_ alone, and not because congress lacked the constitutional power. in the debate which preceded the vote, the _power_ of congress was conceded. in march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution:--"resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any and what measures are necessary for _putting a stop to the same_." on the th of january, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution by a vote of to : "resolved, that the committee on the district of columbia be instructed to inquire into the _expediency_ of providing by _law_ for the gradual abolition of slavery within the district, in such manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby." among those who voted in the affirmative were messrs. barney of md., armstrong of va., a.h. shepperd of n.c., blair of tenn., chilton and lyon of ky., johns of delaware, and others from slave states. . it has been conceded directly, or impliedly, by all the committees on the district of columbia that have reported on the subject. in a report of the committee on the district, jan. , , by their chairman, mr. powell of virginia, there is the following declaration "the congress of the united states, has by the constitution exclusive jurisdiction over the district, and has power upon this subject, (_slavery_) as upon all other subjects of legislation, to exercise _unlimited discretion_." reps. of comms. d session, th cong. v. i. no. . in february, , the committee on the district, mr. alexander of virginia, chairman, in their report pursuant to mr. miner's resolutions, recognize a contingent abolition proceeding upon the consent of the people. in december, , the committee on the district, mr. doddridge of virginia, chairman, reported, "that until the adjoining states act on the subject (slavery) it would be (not _unconstitutional_ but) unwise and impolitic, if not unjust, for congress to interfere." in april, , a special committee on abolition memorials reported the following resolutions by their chairman, mr. pinckney of south carolina: "resolved, that congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy." "resolved, that congress _ought not to interfere_ in any way with slavery in the district of columbia." "ought not to interfere," carefully avoiding the phraseology of the first resolution, and thus in effect conceding the constitutional power. in a widely circulated "address to the electors of the charleston district," mr. pinckney is thus denounced by his own constituents: "he has proposed a resolution which is received by the plain common sense of the whole country as a concession that congress has authority to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." . it has been conceded by the _citizens of the district_. a petition for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, signed by nearly eleven hundred of its citizens, was presented to congress, march , . among the signers to this petition, were chief justice cranch, judge van ness, judge morsel, prof. j.m. staughton, rev. dr. balch, rev. dr. keith, john m. munroe, and a large number of the most influential inhabitants of the district. mr. dickson, of new york, asserted on the floor of congress in , that the signers of this petition owned more than half of the property in the district. the accuracy of this statement has never been questioned. this power has been conceded by _grand juries of the district_. the grand jury of the county of alexandria, at the march term , presented the domestic slave trade as a grievance, and said, "we consider these grievances demanding _legislative_ redress." jan. , , mr. alexander, of virginia, presented a representation of the grand jury in the city of washington, remonstrating against "any measure for the abolition of slavery within said district, unless accompanied by measures for the removal of the emancipated from the same;" thus, not only conceding the power to emancipate slaves, but affirming an additional power, that of _excluding them when free_. see journal h.r. - , p. . . this power has been conceded _by state legislatures_. in the legislature of pennsylvania instructed their senators in congress "to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." jan. , , the house of assembly of new york passed a resolution, that their "senators in congress be instructed to make every possible exertion to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." in february, , the senate of massachusetts "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery and the slave trade therein, and that the early exercise of such right is demanded by the enlightened sentiment of the civilized world, by the principles of the revolution, and by humanity." the house of representatives passed the following resolution at the same session: "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district, and that its exercise should only be restrained by a regard to the public good." november , , the legislature of vermont, "resolved, that congress have the full power by the constitution to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia, and in the territories." the legislature of vermont passed in substance the same resolution, at its session in . may , , a committee of the pennsylvania legislature reported the following resolution: "resolved, that congress does possess the constitutional power, and it is expedient to abolish slavery and the slave trade within the district of columbia." in january, , the legislature of south carolina "resolved, that we should consider the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia as a violation of the rights of the citizens of that district derived from the _implied_ conditions on which that territory was ceded to the general government." instead of denying the constitutional power, they virtually admit its existence, by striving to smother it under an _implication_. in february, , the legislature of north carolina "resolved, that, although by the constitution all legislative power over the district of columbia is vested in the congress of the united states, yet we would deprecate any legislative action on the part of that body towards liberating the slaves of that district, as a breach of faith towards those states by whom the territory was originally ceded, and will regard such interference as the first step towards a general emancipation of the slaves of the south." here is a full concession of the _power_, february , , the virginia legislature passed unanimously the following resolution: "resolved, by the general assembly of virginia, that the following article be proposed to the several states of this union, and to congress, as an amendment of the constitution of the united states: 'the powers of congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage of any law for the emancipation of slaves in the district of columbia, without the consent of the individual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legislatures of virginia and maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe.'" fifty years after the formation of the united states constitution the states are solemnly called upon by the virginia legislature, to amend that instrument by a clause asserting that, in the grant to congress of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the district, the "case" of slavery is not included!! what could have dictated such a resolution but the conviction that the power to abolish slavery is an irresistible interference from the constitution _as it is_. the fact that the same legislature passed afterward a resolution, though by no means unanimously, that congress does not possess the power, abates not a tittle of the testimony in the first resolution. march d, , "mr. brown presented the resolutions of the general assembly of ohio, recommending to congress the consideration of a system for the gradual emancipation of persons of color held in servitude in the united states." on the same day, "mr. noble, of indiana, communicated a resolution from the legislature of that state, respecting the gradual emancipation of slaves within the united states." journal of the united states senate, for - , p. . the ohio and indiana resolutions, by taking for granted the _general_ power of congress over the subject of slavery, do virtually assert its _special_ power within its _exclusive_ jurisdiction. . the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has been conceded by bodies of citizens in the slave states. the petition of eleven hundred citizens of the district of columbia, in , has been already mentioned. "march , , mr. washington presented a memorial of inhabitants of the county of frederick, in the state of maryland, praying that provision may be made for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . march , . mr. a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, "praying congress to take measures fur the entire abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . january , . mr. rhea, of tennessee, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that provision may be made, whereby all slaves which may hereafter be born in the district of columbia, shall be free at a certain period of their lives." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . mr. saunders of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that measures may be taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the united states." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . "mr. barnard presented the memorial of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, held in baltimore, praying that slavery may be abolished in the district of columbia." journal u.s. senate, - , p. . . distinguished statesmen and jurists in the slaveholding states, have conceded the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. the testimony of messrs. doddridge, powell, and alexander, of virginia, chief justice cranch, and judges morsell and van ness, of the district, has already been given. in the debate in congress on the memorial of the society of friends, in , mr. madison, in speaking of the territories of the united states, explicitly declared, from his own knowledge of the views of the members of the convention that framed the constitution, as well as from the obvious import of its terms, that in the territories "congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery." congress can have no more power over the territories than that of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," consequently, according to mr. madison, "it has certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery in the" _district_. in march, , john randolph introduced a resolution for putting a stop to the domestic slave trade within the district. december , , mr. barney, of maryland, presented a memorial for abolition in the district, and moved that it be printed. mr. mcduffie, of south carolina, objected to the printing, but "expressly admitted the right of congress to grant to the people of the district any measures which they might deem necessary to free themselves from the deplorable evil."--(see letter of mr. claiborne, of mississippi, to his constituents, published in the washington globe, may , .) the sentiments of henry clay on the subject are well known. in a speech before the u.s. senate, in , he declared the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district "unquestionable." messrs. blair, of tennessee, chilton, lyon, and richard m. johnson, of kentucky, a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, messrs. armstrong and smyth, of virginia, messrs. dorsey, archer, and barney, of maryland, and johns, of delaware, with numerous others from slave states, have asserted the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. in the speech of mr. smyth, of virginia, on the missouri question, january , , he says on this point: "if the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, why do you not begin _here_? within the ten miles square, you have _undoubted power_ to exercise exclusive legislation. _produce a bill to emancipate the slaves in the district of columbia_, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." to this may be added the testimony of the present vice president of the united states, hon. richard m. johnson, of kentucky. in a speech before the united states' senate, february , , (national intelligencer, april , ,) he says: "congress has the express power stipulated by the constitution, to exercise exclusive legislation over this district of ten miles square. here slavery is sanctioned by law. in the district of columbia, containing a population of , souls, and probably as many slaves as the whole territory of missouri, the power of providing for their emancipation rests with congress alone. why, then, let me ask, mr. president, why all this sensibility--this commiseration--this heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of missouri, and this cold insensibility, this eternal apathy, towards the slaves in the district of columbia?" it is quite unnecessary to add, that the most distinguished northern statesmen of both political parties, have always affirmed the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. president van buren in his letter of march , , to a committee of gentlemen in north carolina, says, "i would not, from the light now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia." this declaration of the president is consistent with his avowed sentiments touching the missouri question, on which he coincided with such men as daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, and others, whose names are a host.[a] it is consistent also, with his recommendation in his late message on the th of last month, in which, speaking of the district, he strongly urges upon congress "a thorough and careful revision of its local government," speaks of the "entire dependence" of the people of the district "upon congress," recommends that a "uniform system of local government" be adopted, and adds, that "although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residence of officers intrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it never has been subjected to, or received, that _special_ and _comprehensive_ legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demanded." [footnote a: mr. van buren, when a member of the senate of new-york, voted for the following preamble and resolutions, which passed unanimously:--jan. th, . "whereas, the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the united states, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state: and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that _every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension_: and that the constitution of the united states _clearly gives congress the right_ to require new states, not comprised within the original boundary of the united states, to _make the prohibition of slavery_ a condition of their admission into the union: therefore, "resolved, that our senators be instructed, and our members of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the union, of any territory not comprised as aforesaid, without making _the prohibition of slavery_ therein an indispensable condition of admission." ] the tenor of senator tallmadge's speech on the right of petition, in the last congress, and of mr. webster's on the reception of abolition memorials, may be taken as universal exponents of the sentiments of northern statesmen as to the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. after presenting this array of evidence, _direct testimony_ to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has always till recently been _universally conceded_, is perhaps quite superfluous. we subjoin; however, the following: the vice-president of the united states in his speech on the missouri question, quoted above, after contending that the restriction of slavery in missouri would be unconstitutional, adds, "but i am at a loss to conceive why gentlemen should arouse all their sympathies upon this occasion, when they permit them to lie dormant upon the same subject, in relation to other sections of country, in which their power could not be questioned." then follows immediately the assertion of congressional power to abolish slavery in the district, as already quoted. in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., also quoted above, he declares the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district to be "undoubted." mr. sutherland, of pennsylvania, in a speech in the house of representatives, on the motion to print mr. pinckney's report, is thus reported in the washington globe, of may th, ' . "he replied to the remark that the report conceded that congress had a right to legislate upon the subject in the district of columbia, and said that such a right had never been, till recently, denied." the american quarterly review, published at philadelphia, with a large circulation and list of contributors in the slave states, holds the following language in the september no. , p. : "under this 'exclusive jurisdiction,' granted by the constitution, congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia. it would hardly be necessary to state this as a distinct proposition, had it not been occasionally questioned. the truth of the assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of argument--and we believe has never been disputed by persons who are familiar with the constitution." finally--an explicit, and unexpected admission, that an "_over-whelming majority_" of the _present_ congress concede the power to abolish slavery in the district, has just been made by a member of congress from south carolina, in a letter published in the charleston mercury of dec. , well known as the mouth-piece of mr. calhoun. the following is an extract: "the time has arrived when we must have new guarantees under the constitution, or the union must be dissolved. _our views of the constitution are not those of the majority. an overwhelming majority think that by the constitution, congress may abolish slavery in the district of columbia--may abolish the slave trade between the states; that is, it may prohibit their being carried out of the state in which they are--and prohibit it in all the territories, florida among them. they think_, not without strong reasons, _that the power of congress extends to all of these subjects_." in another letter, the same correspondent says: "_the fact is, it is vain to attempt_, as the constitution is now, _to keep the question of slavery out of the halls of congress_,--until, by some decisive action, we compel silence, or _alter the constitution_, agitation and insult is our eternal fate in the confederacy." objections to the foregoing conclusions considered. we now proceed to notice briefly the main arguments that have been employed in congress and elsewhere against the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. one of the most plausible, is that "the conditions on which maryland and virginia ceded the district to the united states, would be violated, if congress should abolish slavery there." the reply to this is, that congress had no power to _accept_ a cession coupled with conditions restricting the power given it by the constitution. nothing short of a convention of the states, and an alteration of the constitution, abridging its grant of power, could have empowered congress to accept a territory on any other conditions than that of exercising "exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever," over it. to show the futility of the objection, here follow the acts of cession. the cession of maryland was made in november, , and is as follows: "an act to cede to congress a district of ten miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states." "be it enacted, by the general assembly of maryland, that the representatives of this state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new-york, on the first wednesday of march next, be, and they are hereby authorized and required on the behalf of this state, to cede to the congress of the united states, any district in this state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the congress may fix upon, and accept for the seat of government of the united states." laws of maryland, vol. , chap. . the cession from virginia was made by act of the legislature of that state on the d of december, , in the following words: "be it enacted by the general assembly, that a tract of country, not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the state, and in any part thereof, as congress may, by law, direct, shall be, and the same is hereby for ever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil, as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the government of the constitution of the united states." but were there no provisos to these acts? the maryland act had _none_. that part of the district therefore, which includes the cities of washington and georgetown, can lay claim to nothing with which to ward off the power of congress. the virginia act had this proviso: "sect. . provided, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to vest in the united states any right of property in the _soil_, or to affect the rights of individuals _therein_, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the united states." this specification touching the soil was merely definitive and explanatory of that clause in the act of cession, "_full and absolute right._" instead of restraining the power of congress on _slavery_ and other subjects, it even gives it wider scope; for exceptions to _parts_ of a rule, give double confirmation to those parts not embraced in the exceptions. if it was the _design_ of the proviso to restrict congressional action on the subject of _slavery_, why is the _soil alone_ specified? as legal instruments are not paragons of economy in words, might not "john doe," out of his abundance, and without spoiling his style, have afforded an additional word--at least a hint--that slavery was _meant_, though nothing was _said_ about it? the subject must have been too "delicate," even for the most distant allusion! the mystery of silence is solved!! but again, maryland and virginia, in their acts of cession, declare them to be "in pursuance of" that clause of the constitution which gives to congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over" the ten miles square--thus, instead of _restricting_ that clause, both states gave an express and decided confirmation of it. now, their acts of cession either accorded with that clause of the constitution, or they conflicted with it. if they conflicted with it, _accepting_ the cessions was a violation of the constitution. if they accorded, the objector has already had his answer. the fact that congress accepted the cessions, proves that in its view their _terms_ did not conflict with the constitutional grant of "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." the inquiry whether these acts of cession were consistent or inconsistent with the united states constitution, is totally irrelevant to the question at issue. what saith the constitution? that is the question. not, what saith virginia, or maryland, or--equally to the point--john bull! if maryland and virginia had been the authorized interpreters of the constitution for the union, these acts of cession could hardly have been magnified more than they were by messrs. garland and wise in the last congress. a true understanding of the constitution can be had, forsooth, only by holding it up in the light of maryland and virginia legislation! we are told, again, that those states would not have ceded the district if they had supposed the constitution gave congress power to abolish slavery in it. this comes with an ill grace from maryland and virginia. they _knew_ the constitution. they were parties to it. they had sifted it, clause by clause, in their state conventions. they had weighed its words in the balance--they had tested them as by fire; and finally, after long pondering, they _adopted_ the constitution. and _afterward_, self-moved, they ceded the ten miles square, and declared the cession made "in pursuance of" that oft-cited clause, "congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legalisation in all cases whatsoever over such district," &c. and now verily "they would not have ceded if they had _supposed_!" &c. cede it they _did_, and "in full and absolute right both of soil and persons." congress accepted the cession--state power over the district ceased, and congressional power over it commenced--and now, the sole question to be settled is, _the amount of power over the district, lodged in congress by the constitution_. the constitution--the constitution--that is the point. maryland and virginia "suppositions" must be potent suppositions, to abrogate a clause in the united states constitution! that clause either gives congress power to abolish slavery in the district, or it does _not_--and that point is to be settled, not by state "suppositions," nor state usages, nor state legislation, but _by the terms of the clause themselves_. southern members of congress, in the recent discussions, have conceded the power of a contingent abolition in the district, by suspending it upon the consent of the people. such a doctrine from _declaimers_ like messrs. alford, of georgia, and walker, of mississippi, would excite no surprise; but that it should be honored with the endorsement of such men as mr. rives and mr. calhoun, is quite unaccountable. are attributes of _sovereignty_ mere creatures of _contingency_? is delegated _authority_ mere conditional _permission_? is a _constitutional power_ to be exercised by those who hold it, only by popular _sufferance_? must it lie helpless at the pool of public sentiment, waiting the gracious troubling of its waters? is it a lifeless corpse, save only when popular "consent" deigns to put breath into its nostrils? besides, if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of the _whole_ people must be had--not that of a majority, however large. majorities, to be authoritative, must be _legal_--and a legal majority without legislative power, right of representation, or even the electoral franchise, would be an anomaly. in the district of columbia, such a thing as a majority in a legal sense is unknown to law. to talk of the power of a majority, or the will of a majority there, is mere mouthing. a majority? then it has an authoritative will--and an organ to make it known--and an executive to carry it into effect--where are they? we repeat it--if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of _every one_ is necessary--and _universal_ consent will come only with the greek kalends and a "perpetual motion." a single individual might thus perpetuate slavery in defiance of the expressed will of a whole people. the most common form of this fallacy is given by mr. wise, of virginia, in his speech, february , , in which he denied the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, unless the inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for it!! southern members of congress at the present session ring changes almost daily upon the same fallacy. what! pray congress _to use_ a power which it _has not_? "it is required of a man according to what he _hath_," saith the scripture. i commend mr. wise to paul for his ethics. would that he had got his _logic_ of him! if congress does not possess the power, why taunt it with its weakness, by asking its exercise? why mock it by demanding impossibilities? petitioning, according to mr. wise, is, in matters of legislation, omnipotence itself; the very source of all constitutional power; for, _asking_ congress to do what it _cannot_ do, gives it the power--to pray the exercise of a power that is _not, creates_ it. a beautiful theory! let us work it both ways. if to petition for the exercise of a power that is _not_, creates it--to petition against the exercise of a power that _is_, annihilates it. as southern gentlemen are partial to summary processes, pray, sirs, try the virtue of your own recipe on "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" a better subject for experiment and test of the prescription could not be had. but if the petitions of the citizens of the district give congress the _right_ to abolish slavery, they impose the _duty_; if they confer constitutional authority, they create constitutional obligation. if congress _may_ abolish because of an expression of their will, it _must_ abolish at the bidding of that will. if the people of the district are a _source of power_ to congress, their _expressed will_ has the force of a constitutional provision, and has the same binding power upon the national legislature. to make congress dependent on the district for authority, is to make it a _subject_ of its authority, restraining the exercise of its own discretion, and sinking it into a mere organ of the district's will. we proceed to another objection. "the southern states would not have ratified the constitution, if they had supposed that it gave this power." it is a sufficient answer to this objection, that the northern states would not have ratified it, if they had supposed that it _withheld_ the power. if "suppositions" are to take the place of the constitution--coming from both sides, they neutralize each other. to argue a constitutional question by _guessing_ at the "suppositions" that might have been made by the parties to it, would find small favor in a court of law. but even a desperate shift is some easement when sorely pushed. if this question is to be settled by "suppositions," suppositions shall be forth coming, and that without stint. first, then, i affirm that the north ratified the constitution, "supposing" that slavery had begun to wax old, and would speedily vanish away, and especially that the abolition of the slave trade, which by the constitution was to be surrendered to congress after twenty years, would cast it headlong. would the north have adopted the constitution, giving three-fifths of the "slave property" a representation, if it has "supposed" that the slaves would have increased from half a million to two millions and a half by --and that the census of would give to the slave states, representatives of "slave property?" if they had "supposed" that this representation would have controlled the legislation of the government, and carried against the north every question vital to its interests, would alexander hamilton, benjamin franklin, roger sherman, elbridge gerry, william livingston, john langdon, and rufus king have been such madmen, as to sign the constitution, and the northern states such suicides as to ratify it? every self-preserving instinct would have shrieked at such an infatuate immolation. at the adoption of the united states constitution, slavery was regarded as a fast waning system. this conviction was universal. washington, jefferson, patrick henry, grayson, st. george tucker, madison, wythe, pendleton, lee, blair, mason, page, parker, edmund randolph, iredell, spaight, ramsey, william pinckney, luther martin, james mchenry, samuel chase, and nearly all the illustrious names south of the potomac, proclaimed it before the sun, that the days of slavery were beginning to be numbered. a reason urged in the convention that formed the united states constitution, why the word slave should not be used in it, was, that _when slavery should cease_ there might remain upon the national charter no record that it had even been. (see speech of mr. burrill, of r.i., on the missouri question.) i now proceed to show by testimony, that at the date of the united states constitution, and for several years before and after that period, slavery was rapidly on the wane; that the american revolution with the great events preceding accompanying, and following it, had wrought an immense and almost universal change in the public sentiment of the nation of the subject, powerfully impelling it toward the entire abolition of the system--and that it was the _general belief_ that measures for its abolition throughout the union, would be commenced by the individual states generally before the lapse of many years. a great mass of testimony establishing this position is at hand and might be presented, but narrow space, little time, the patience of readers, and the importance of speedy publication, counsel brevity. let the following proofs suffice. first, a few dates as points of observation. the first _general_ congress met in . the revolutionary war commenced in ' . independence was declared in ' . the articles of confederacy were adopted by the thirteen states in ' . independence acknowledged in ' . the convention for forming the u.s. constitution was held in ' , the state conventions for considering it in ' , and ' . the first congress under the constitution in ' . dr. rush, of pennsylvania, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, in a letter to the celebrated granville sharpe, may , , says: "a spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken in several of the colonies in favor of the poor negroes. the clergy begin to bear a public testimony against this violation of the laws of nature and christianity. great events have been brought about by small beginnings. _anthony benezet stood alone a few years ago in opposing negro slavery in philadelphia_, and now three-fourths of the province as well as of the city cry out against it."--(stuart's life of sharpe, p. .) in the preamble to the act prohibiting the importation of slaves into rhode island, june , is the following: "whereas, the inhabitants of america are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which that of personal freedom must be considered the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, _should be willing to extend personal liberty to others_, therefore," &c. october , , the continental congress passed the following: "we, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, _firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country_, as follows: " d article. _we will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported_ after the first day of december next, after which time we will _wholly discontinue_ the slave trade, and we will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it." the continental congress, in , setting forth the causes and the necessity for taking up arms, say: "_if it were possible_ for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race _to hold an absolute property in_, and _unbounded power over others_, marked out by infinite goodness and wisdom as objects of a legal domination, never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of great britain some evidence that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that body." in , the celebrated dr. hopkins, then at the head of new england divines, published a pamphlet entitled, "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the american colonies," from which the following is an extract: "the conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice (slavery) has been _increasing_, and _greatly spreading of late_, and _many_ who have had slaves, have found themselves so unable to justify their own conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induced to _set them at liberty_. may this conviction soon reach every owner of slaves in _north america!_ slavery is, _in every instance_, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive--a very great and crying sin--_there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth._" the same year the american congress issued a solemn manifesto to the world. these were its first words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that _all_ men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." _once_, these were words of power; _now_, "a rhetorical flourish." the celebrated patrick henry of virginia, in a letter, of jan. , , to robert pleasants, afterwards president of the virginia abolition society, says: "believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. it is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. i exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." in , the continental congress ordered a pamphlet to be published, entitled, "observations on the american revolution," from which the following is an extract: "the great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, _that men are by nature free_; as accountable to him that made them, they must be so; and so long as we have any idea of divine _justice_, we must associate that of _human freedom_. whether men can part with their liberty, is among the questions which have exercised the ablest writers; but it is _conceded on all hands, that the right to be free_ can never be alienated--still less is it practicable for one generation to mortgage the privileges of another." extract from the pennsylvania act for the abolition of slavery, passed march , : * * * "we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others which has been extended to us. weaned by a long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partialities we have imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations: * * * therefore be it enacted, that no child born hereafter be a slave," &c. jefferson, in his notes on virginia, written just before the close of the revolutionary war, says: "i think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present revolution. the spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, _the way i hope preparing under the auspices of heaven_, for a total emancipation, and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather than by their extirpation." in a letter to dr. price, of london, who had just published a pamphlet in favor of the abolition of slavery, mr. jefferson, then minister at paris, (august , ,) says: "from the mouth to the head of the chesapeake, _the bulk of the people will approve of your pamphlet in theory_, and it will find a respectable minority ready to _adopt it in practice_--a minority which, for weight and worth of character, _preponderates against the greater number_." speaking of virginia, he says: "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression,--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits. be not, therefore discouraged--what you have written will do a _great deal of good_; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the laboring side. the college of william and mary, in williamsburg, since the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together all the young men of virginia, under preparation for public life. they are there under the direction (most of them) of a mr. wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and _whose sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal_. i am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an exhortation to those young men with all the eloquence of which you are master that _its influence on the future decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive_. thus, you see, that so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you have done, _i wish you to do more, and wish it on an assurance of its effect_."--jefferson's posthumous works, vol. , p. . in , john jay, afterward chief justice of the united states, drafted and signed a petition to the legislature of new york, on the subject of slavery, beginning with these words: "your memorialists being deeply affected by the situation of those, who, although free by the laws of god, are held in slavery by the laws of the state," &c. this memorial bore also the signature of the celebrated alexander hamilton; robert r. livingston, afterward secretary of foreign affairs of the united states, and chancellor of the state of new york; james duane, mayor of the city of new york, and many others of the most eminent individuals in the state. in the preamble of an instrument, by which mr. jay emancipated a slave in , is the following passage: "whereas, the children of men are by nature equally free, and cannot, without injustice, be either reduced to or held in slavery." in his letter while minister at spain, in , he says, speaking of the abolition of slavery: "till america comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. this is a strong expression, but it is just. i believe god governs the world; and i believe it to be a maxim in his, as in our court, that those who ask for equity _ought to do it_." in , the new york manumission society was formed. john jay was chosen its first president, and held the office five years. alexander hamilton was its second president, and after holding the office one year, resigned upon his removal to philadelphia as secretary of the united states' treasury. in , the pennsylvania abolition society was formed. benjamin franklin, warm from the discussions of the convention that formed the united states constitution, was chosen president, and benjamin rush, secretary--both signers of the declaration of independence. in , the maryland abolition society was formed. among its officers were samuel chace, judge of the united states supreme court, and luther martin, a member of the convention that formed the united states constitution. in , the connecticut abolition society was formed. the first president was rev. dr. stiles, president of yale college, and the secretary, simeon baldwin, (the late judge baldwin of new haven.) in , this society sent a memorial to congress, from which the following is an extract: "from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom. your petitioners are fully of opinion, that calm reflection will at last convince the world, that the whole system of african slavery is unjust in its nature--impolitic in its principles--and, in its consequences, ruinous to the industry and enterprise of the citizens of these states. from a conviction of these truths, your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men; and, though this society has been _lately_ established, it has now become _generally extensive_ through this state, and, we fully believe, _embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens_." the same year the virginia abolition society was formed. this society, and the maryland society, had auxiliaries in different parts of those states. both societies sent up memorials to congress. the memorial of the virginia society is headed--"the memorial of the _virginia society_, for promoting the abolition of slavery, &c." the following is an extract: "your memorialists, fully believing that 'righteousness exalteth a nation,' and that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an _outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel_, which breathes 'peace on earth, good will to men;' lament that a practice, so inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and among a people professing, that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom." about the same time a society was formed in new-jersey. it had an acting committee of five members in each county in the state. the following is an extract from the preamble to its constitution: "it is our boast, that we live under a government founded on principles of justice and reason, wherein _life, liberty_, and the _pursuit of happiness_, are recognised as the universal rights of men; and whilst we are anxious to preserve these rights to ourselves, and transmit them inviolate, to our posterity, we _abhor that inconsistent, illiberal, and interested policy, which withholds those rights, from an unfortunate and degraded class of our fellow creatures_." among other distinguished individuals who were efficient officers of these abolition societies, and delegates from their respective state societies, at the annual meetings of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, were hon. uriah tracy, united states' senator, from connecticut; hon. zephaniah swift, chief justice of the same state; hon. cesar a. rodney, attorney general of the united states; hon. james a. bayard, united states senator, from delaware; governor bloomfield, of new jersey; hon. wm. rawle, the late venerable head of the philadelphia bar; dr. casper wistar, of philadelphia; messrs. foster and tillinghast, of rhode island; messrs. ridgeley, buchanan, and wilkinson, of maryland; and messrs. pleasants, mclean, and anthony, of virginia. in july, , the old congress passed the celebrated ordinance, abolishing slavery in the northwestern territory, and declaring that it should never thereafter exist there. this ordinance was passed while the convention that formed the united states constitution was in session. at the first session of congress under the constitution, this ordinance was ratified by a special act. washington, fresh from the discussions of the convention, in which _more than forty days had been spent in adjusting the question of slavery, gave it his approval._ the act passed with only one dissenting voice, (that of mr. yates, of new-york,) _the south equally with the north avowing the fitness and expediency of the measure of general considerations, and indicating thus early the line of national policy, to be pursued by the united states government on the subject of slavery_. in the debates in the north carolina convention, mr. iredell, afterward a judge of the united states' supreme court, said, "_when the entire abolition of slavery takes place_, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." mr. galloway said, "i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. i apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means to _bring forward manumission."_ luther martin, of md., a member of the convention that formed the united states constitution, said, "we ought to authorize the general government to make such regulations as shall be thought most advantageous for _the gradual abolition of slavery,_ and the _emancipation of the slaves_ which are already in the states." judge wilson, of pennsylvania, one of the framers of the constitution, said, in the pennsylvania convention of ' , deb. pa. con. p. , : "i consider this (the clause relative to the slave trade) as laying the foundation for _banishing slavery out of this country_. it will produce the same kind of gradual change which was produced in pennsylvania; the new states which are to be formed will be under the control of congress in this particular, and _slaves will never be introduced_ among them. it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established _throughout the union_. yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to _exterminate slavery_ within our borders." in the virginia convention of ' , mr. mason, author of the virginia constitution, said, "the augmentation of slaves weakens the states, and such a trade is _diabolical_ in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. as much as i value a union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states, (i.e., south carolina and georgia,) into the union, _unless they agree to a discontinuance of this disgraceful trade._" mr. tyler opposed with great power the clause prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade till , and said, "my earnest desire is, that it shall he handed down to posterity that i oppose this wicked clause." mr. johnson said, "the principle of emancipation _has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round._"--[_deb. va. con._ p. .] patrick henry, arguing the power of congress under the united states constitution to abolish slavery in the states, said, in the same convention, "another thing will contribute to bring this event (the abolition of slavery) about. slavery is _detested._ we feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all the pity of humanity."--[_deb. va. con._ p. .] in the mass. con. of ' , judge dawes said, "although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet _it has received a mortal wound_, and will die of consumption."--[_deb. mass. con._ p. .] general heath said that, "slavery was confined to the states _now existing, it could not be extended_. by their ordinance, congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, and _have no slavery._"--p. . in the debate in the first congress, february th and th, , on the petitions of the society of friends, and the pennsylvania abolition society, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "i hope, mr. speaker, the petition of these respectable people will be attended to _with all the readiness the importance of its object demands_; and i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding _so considerable a part_ of the community attending to matters of such a momentous concern to the _future prosperity_ and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, _to espouse their cause_." mr. page, of virginia, (afterward governor)--"was _in favor_ of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was _not_ taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, _from which was expected great good would result to_ every class _of citizens_, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and _wait the decision patiently_." mr. scott, of pennsylvania: "i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person _can be said to acquire a property in another_; but enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or use them like beasts of burden, who deliver them up as the property or patrimony of another man. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason, and becoming humanity. _i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation, but i am sure i would go as far as i could_." mr. burke, of south carolina, said, "he _saw the disposition of the house_, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." mr. smith, of south carolina, said, "that on entering into this government, they (south carolina and georgia) apprehended that the other states, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the southern states were under to hold this species of property, _would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation_; and had they not seen, that the constitution provided against the effect of such a disposition, i may be bold to say, they never would have adopted it." in the debate, at the same session, may th, , on the petition of the society of friends respecting the slave trade, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power to _restore to human nature its inherent privileges_, and if possible, wipe off the stigma, which america labored under. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged _should be done away_, that we may show by our actions the pure beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our declaration of independence." mr. jackson of georgia, said, "it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves. * * * * * what is to be done for compensation? will virginia set all her negroes free? will they give up the money they have cost them; and to whom? _when this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear_." mr. madison of virginia,--"the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of us. the constitution has particularly called our attention to it. * * * * * i conceive the constitution in this particular was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from having a total prohibition, might be able to _give some testimony of the sense of america_, with respect to the african trade. * * * * * it is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. i do not wish to say any thing harsh to the hearing of gentlemen who entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from those i represent. but if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, _to vary the practice_ obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this. but it is _certain_ a majority of the states are _opposed to this practice_."--[cong. reg. v. , p. - .] a writer in the "gazette of the united states," feb. th, , (then the government paper,) who opposes the abolition of slavery, and avows himself a _slaveholder_, says, "i have seen in the papers accounts of _large associations_, and applications to government for _the abolition of slavery_. religion, humanity, and the generosity natural to a free people, are the _noble principles which dictate those measures_. such motives command respect, and are above any eulogium words can bestow." it is well known, that in the convention that formed the constitution of kentucky in , the effort to prohibit slavery was nearly successful. the writer has frequently heard it asserted in kentucky, and has had it from some who were members of that convention, that a decided majority of that body would have voted for its exclusion but for the great efforts and influence of two large slaveholders--men of commanding talents and sway--messrs. breckenridge and nicholas. the following extract from a speech made in that convention by a member of it, mr. rice, a native virginian, is a specimen of the _free discussion_ that prevailed on that "delicate subject." said mr. rice: "i do a man greater injury, when i deprive him of his liberty, than when i deprive him of his property. it is vain for me to plead that i have the sanction of law; for this makes the injury the greater--it arms the community against him, and makes his case desperate. the owners of such slaves then are _licensed robbers_, and not the just proprietors of what they claim. freeing them is not depriving them of property, but _restoring it to the right owner_. in america, a slave is a standing monument of the tyranny and inconsistency of human governments. the master is the enemy of the slave; he _has made open war upon him_, and is daily carrying it on in unremitted efforts. can any one imagine, then, that the slave is indebted to his master, and _bound to serve him_? whence can the obligation arise? what is it founded upon? what is my duty to an enemy that is carrying on war against me? i do not deny, but in some circumstances, it is the duty of the slave to serve; but it is a duty he owes himself, and not his master." president edwards, the younger, said, in a sermon preached before the connecticut abolition society, sept. , : "thirty years ago, scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in congress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? and if we judge of the future by the past, _within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft_." in , the general assembly of the presbyterian church adopted its "scripture proofs," notes, comments, &c. among these was the following: " tim. i. . the law is made for manstealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment. exodus xxi. . and the apostle here classes them with _sinners of the first rank_. the word he uses, in its original import comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in _retaining_ them in it. _stealers of men_ are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and _keep_, sell, or buy them." in , dr. rush declared: "domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of christianity. it prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. it is rebellion against the authority of a common father. it is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common savior. it is an usurpation of the prerogative of the great sovereign of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men." in , mr. fiske, then an officer of dartmouth college, afterward a judge in tennessee, said, in an oration published that year, speaking of slaves: "i steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to _an equal standing, in point of privileges, with the whites_! they must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature." when the petition on the abolition of the slave trade was under discussion in the congress of ' , mr. brown. of north carolina, said, "the emancipation of the slaves _will be effected_ in time; it ought to be a gradual business, but he hoped that congress would not _precipitate_ it to the great injury of the southern states." mr. hartley, of pennsylvania said, in the sane debate, "_he was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that house._" washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, says, "there are, in pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which _nothing is more certain_ than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." in , virginia passed her celebrated manumission act. within nine years from that time nearly eleven thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated by their masters. judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. . in , maryland passed an act legalizing manumission. mr. dorsey, of maryland, in a speech in congress, december th, , speaking of manumissions under that act, said, that "_the progress of emancipation was astonishing_, the state became crowded with a free black population." the celebrated william pinkney, in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , on the emancipation of slaves, said, "sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, _no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bondage for a single hour_. i would as soon believe the incoherent tale of a schoolboy, who should tell me he had been frightened by a ghost, as that the grant of this permission (to emancipate) ought in any degree to alarm us. are we apprehensive that these men will become more dangerous by becoming freemen? are we alarmed, lest by being admitted into the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? strange, unaccountable paradox! how much more rational would it be, to argue that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself! dishonorable to the species is the idea that they would ever prove injurious to our interests--released from the shackles of slavery, by the justice of government and the bounty of individuals--the want of fidelity and attachment would be next to impossible." hon. james campbell, in an address before the pennsylvania society of the cincinnati, july , , said, "our separation from great britain has extended the empire of _humanity_. the time _is not far distant_ when our sister states, in imitation of our example, _shall turn their vassals into freemen._" the convention that formed the united states' constitution being then in session, attended at the delivery of this oration with general washington at their head. a baltimore paper of september th, , contains the following notice of major general gates: "a few days ago passed through this town the hon. general gates and lady. the general, previous to leaving virginia, summoned his numerous family of slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom." in the university of william and mary, in virginia, conferred upon granville sharpe the degree of doctor of laws. sharpe was at that time the acknowledged head of british abolitionists. his indefatigable exertions, prosecuted for years in the case of somerset, procured that memorable decision in the court of king's bench, which settled the principle that no slave could be held in england. he was most uncompromising in his opposition to slavery, and for twenty years previous he had spoken, written, and accomplished more against it than any man living. in the "memoirs of the revolutionary war in the southern department," by gen. lee, of va., commandant of the partizan legion, is the following: "the constitution of the united states, adopted lately with so much difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil, (by importation) after a few years. it is much to be lamented that having done so much in this way, _a provision had not been made for the gradual abolition of slavery_."--p. , . mr. tucker, of virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, addressed a letter to the general assembly of that state, in , urging the abolition of slavery; from which the following is an extract. speaking of the slaves in virginia, he says: "should we not, at the time of the revolution, have loosed their chains and broken their fetters; or if the difficulties and dangers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt, during the convulsions of a revolution, is it not our duty, _to embrace the first moment_ of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor consciences to reproach us?" mr. faulkner, in a speech before the virginia legislature, jan. , , said:--"the idea of a gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves from this commonwealth, is coeval with the declaration of our independence from the british yoke. it sprung into existence during the first session of the general assembly, subsequent to the formation of your republican government. when virginia stood sustained in her legislation by the pure and philosophic intellect of pendleton--by the patriotism of mason and lee--by the searching vigor and sagacity of wythe, and by the all-embracing, all-comprehensive genius of thomas jefferson! sir, it was a committee composed of those five illustrious men, who, in , submitted to the general assembly of this state, then in session, _a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of this commonwealth_." hon. benjamin watkins leigh, late united states' senator from virginia, in his letters to the people of virginia, in , signed appomattox, p. , says: "i thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body that during the revolution, _and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen_, who entertained, with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the object. mr. wythe, to the day of his death, _was for a simple abolition, considering the objection to color as founded in prejudice_. by degrees, all projects of the kind were abandoned. mr. jefferson _retained_ his opinion, and now we have these projects revived." governor barbour, of virginia, in his speech in the u.s. senate, on the missouri question, jan. , said:--"we are asked why has virginia _changed her policy_ in reference to slavery? that the sentiments _of our most distinguished men_, for thirty years _entirely corresponded_ with the course which the friends of the restriction (of slavery in missouri) now advocated; and that the virginia delegation, one of which was the late president of the united stance, voted for the restriction, (of slavery) in the northwestern territory, and that mr. jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery. when it is recollected that the notes of mr. jefferson were written during the progress of the revolution, it is no matter of surprise that the writer should have imbibed a large portion of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. as to the consent of the virginia delegation to the restriction in question, whether the result of a disposition to restrain the slave trade indirectly, or the influence of that _enthusiasm_ to which i have just alluded, * * * * it is not now important to decide. we have witnessed its effects. the liberality of virginia, or, as the result may prove, her folly, which submitted to, or, if you will, proposed _this measure_, (abolition of slavery in the n.w. territory) has eventuated in effects which speak a monitory lesson. _how is the representation from this quarter on the present question?_" mr. imlay, in his early history of kentucky, p. , says: "we have disgraced the fair face of humanity, and trampled upon the sacred privileges of man, at the very moment that we were exclaiming against the tyranny of your (the english) ministry. but in contending for the birthright of freedom, we have learned to feel _for the bondage of others_, and in the libations we offer to the goddess of liberty, we _contemplate an emancipation of the slaves of this country_, as honorable to themselves as it will be glorious to us." in the debate in congress, jan. , , on mr. sloan's motion to lay a tax on the importation of slaves, mr. clark of va. said: "he was no advocate for a system of slavery." mr. marion, of s. carolina, said: "he never had purchased, nor should he ever purchase a slave." mr. southard said: "not revenue, but an expression of the _national sentiment_ is the principal object." mr. smilie--"i rejoice that the word (slave) is not in the constitution; its not being there does honor to the worthies who would not suffer it to become a _part_ of it." mr. alston, of n. carolina--"in two years we shall have the power to prohibit the trade altogether. then this house will be unanimous. no one will object to our exercising our full constitutional powers." national intelligencer, jany. , . these witnesses need no vouchers to entitle them to credit--nor their testimony comments to make it intelligible--their _names_ are their _endorsers_ and their strong words their own interpreters. we wave all comments. our readers are of age. whosoever hath ears to _hear_, let him hear. and whosoever will not hear the fathers of the revolution, the founders of the government, its chief magistrates, judges, legislators and sages, who dared and periled all under the burdens, and in the heat of the day that tried men's souls--then "neither will he be persuaded though they rose from the dead." some of the points established by the testimony are--the universal expectation that the _moral_ influence of congress, of state legislatures, of seminaries of learning, of churches, of the ministers of religion, and of public sentiment widely embodied in abolition societies, would be exerted against slavery, calling forth by argument and appeal the moral sense of the nation, and creating a power of opinion that would abolish the system throughout the union. in a word, that free speech and a free press would be wielded against slavery without ceasing and without restriction. full well did the south know, not only that the national government would probably legislate against slavery wherever the constitution placed it within its reach, but she knew also that congress had already marked out the line of national policy to be pursued on the subject--had committed itself before the world to a course of action against slavery, wherever she could move upon it without encountering a conflicting jurisdiction--that the nation had established by solemn ordinance memorable precedent for subsequent action, by abolishing slavery in the northwest territory, and by declaring that it should never thenceforward exist there; and this too, as soon as by cession of virginia and other states, the territory came under congressional control. the south knew also that the sixth article in the ordinance prohibiting slavery was first proposed by the largest slaveholding state in the confederacy--that the chairman of the committee that reported the ordinance was a slaveholder--that the ordinance was enacted by congress during the session of the convention that formed the united states constitution--that the provisions of the ordinance were, both while in prospect, and when under discussion, matters of universal notoriety and _approval_ with all parties, and when finally passed, received the vote _of every member of congress from each of the slaveholding states_. the south also had every reason for believing that the first congress under the constitution would _ratify_ that ordinance--as it _did_ unanimously. a crowd of reflections, suggest by the preceding testimony, press for utterance. the right of petition ravished and trampled by its constitutional guardians, and insult and defiance hurled in the faces of the sovereign people while calmly remonstrating _with their_ servants for violence committed on the nation's charter and their own dearest rights! add to this "the right of peaceably assembling" violently wrested--the rights of minorities, _rights_ no longer--free speech struck dumb--free _men_ outlawed and murdered--free presses cast into the streets and their fragments strewed with shoutings, or flourished in triumph before the gaze of approving crowds as proud members of prostrate law! the spirit and power of our fathers, where are they? their deep homage always and every where rendered to free thought, with its _inseparable signs--free speech and a free press_--their reverence for justice, liberty, _rights_ and all-pervading law, where are they? but we turn from these considerations--though the times on which we have fallen, and those towards which we are borne with headlong haste, call for their discussion as with the voices of departing life--and proceed to topics relevant to the argument before us. the seventh article of the amendments to the constitution is alleged to withhold from congress the power to abolish slavery in the district. "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." all the slaves in the district have been "deprived of liberty" by legislative acts. now, these legislative acts "depriving" them "of liberty," were either "due process of law," or they were _not_. if they _were_, then a legislative act, taking from the master that "property" which is the identical "liberty" previously taken from the slave, would be "due process of law" _also_, and of course a _constitutional_ act; but if the legislative acts "depriving" them of "liberty" were _not_ "due process of law," then the slaves were deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and these acts are _void_. in that case the _constitution emancipates them_. if the objector reply, by saying that the import of the phrase "due process of law," is _judicial_ process solely, it is granted, and that fact is our rejoinder; for no slave in the district _has_ been deprived of his liberty by "a judicial process," or, in other words, by "due process of law;" consequently, upon the objector's own admission, every slave in the district has been deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and is therefore _free by the constitution_. this is asserted only of the slaves under the "exclusive legislation" of congress. the last clause of the article under consideration is quoted for the same purpose: "nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." each of the state constitutions has a clause of similar purport. the abolition of slavery in the district by congress, would not, as we shall presently show, violate this clause either directly or by implication. granting for argument's sake, that slaves are "private property," and that to emancipate them, would be to "take private property" for "public use," the objector admits the power of congress to do _this_, provided it will do something _else_, that is, _pay_ for them. thus, instead of denying _the power_, the objector not only admits, but _affirms_ it, as the ground of the inference that compensation must accompany it. so far from disproving the existence of _one_ power, the objector asserts the existence of _two_--one, the power to take the slaves from their masters, the other, the power to take the property of the united states to pay for them. if congress cannot constitutionally impair the right of private property, or take it without compensation, it cannot constitutionally, _legalize_ the perpetration of such acts, by _others_, nor _protect_ those who commit them. does the power to rob a man of his earnings, rob the earner of his _right_ to them? who has a better right to the _product_ than the producer?--to the _interest_, than the owner of the _principal_?--to the hands and arms, than he from whose shoulders they swing?--to the body and soul, than he whose they _are_? congress not only impairs but annihilates the right of private property, while it withholds from the slaves of the district their title to _themselves_. what! congress powerless to protect a man's right to _himself_, when it can make inviolable the right to a _dog_? but, waving this, i deny that the abolition of slavery in the district would violate this clause. what does the clause prohibit? the "taking" of "private property" for "public use." suppose congress should emancipate the slaves in the district, what would it "_take_?" nothing. what would it _hold_? nothing. what would it put to "public use?" nothing. instead of _taking_ "private property," congress, by abolishing slavery, would say "private property shall not _be_ taken; and those who have been robbed of it already, shall be kept out of it no longer; and since every man's right to his own body is _paramount_, he shall be protected in it." true, congress may not arbitrarily take property, _as_ property, from one man and give it to another--and in the abolition of slavery no such thing is done. a legislative act changes the _condition_ of the slave--makes him his own _proprietor_ instead of the property of another. it determines a question of _original right_ between two classes of persons--doing an act of justice to one, and restraining the other from acts of injustice; or, in other words, preventing one from robbing the other, by granting to the injured party the protection of just and equitable laws. congress, by an act of abolition, would change the condition of seven thousand "persons" in the district, but would "take" nothing. to construe this provision so as to enable the citizens of the district to hold as property, and in perpetuity, whatever they please, or to hold it as property in all circumstances--all necessity, public welfare, and the will and power of the government to the contrary notwithstanding--is a total perversion of its whole _intent_. the _design_ of the provision, was to throw up a barrier against governmental aggrandizement. the right to "take property" for _state uses_ is one thing;--the right so to adjust the _tenures_ by which property is held, that _each may have his own secured to him_, is another thing, and clearly within the scope of legislation. besides, if congress were to "take" the slaves in the district, it would be _adopting_, not abolishing slavery--becoming a slaveholder itself, instead of requiring others to be such no longer. the clause in question, prohibits the "taking" of individual property for public uses, to be employed or disposed of _as_ property for governmental purposes. congress, by abolishing slavery in the district, would do no such thing. it would merely change the _condition_ of that which has been recognised as a qualified property by congressional acts, though previously declared "persons" by the constitution. more than this is done continually by congress and every other legislature. property the most absolute and unqualified, is annihilated by legislative acts. the embargo and non-intercourse act, prostrated at a stroke, a forest of shipping, and sank millions of capital. to say nothing of the power of congress to take hundreds of millions from the people by direct taxation, who doubts its power to abolish at once the whole tariff system, change the seat of government, arrest the progress of national works, prohibit any branch of commerce with the indian tribes or with foreign nations, change the locality of forts, arsenals, magazines, dock yards, &c., to abolish the post office system, the privilege of patents and copyrights, &c. by such acts congress might, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, annihilate property to an incalculable amount, and that without becoming liable to claims for compensation. finally, this clause prohibits the taking for public use of "_property_." the constitution of the united states does not recognise slaves as "property" any where, and it does not recognise them in _any sense_ in the district of columbia. all allusions to them in the constitution recognise them as "persons." every reference to them points _solely_ to the element of _personality_; and thus, by the strongest implication, declares that the constitution _knows_ them only as "persons," and _will_ not recognise them in any other light. if they escape into free states, the constitution authorizes their being taken back. but how? not as the property of an "owner," but as "persons;" and the peculiarity of the expression is a marked recognition of their _personality_--a refusal to recognise them as chattels--"persons _held_ to service." are _oxen "held_ to service?" that can be affirmed only of _persons_. again, slaves give political power as "persons." the constitution, in settling the principle of representation, requires their enumeration in the census. how? as property? then why not include race horses and game cocks? slaves, like other inhabitants, are enumerated as "persons." so by the constitution, the government was pledged to non-interference with "the migration or importation of such _persons_" as the states might think proper to admit until , and authorized the laying of a tax on each "person" so admitted. further, slaves are recognized as "persons" by the exaction of their _allegiance_ to the government. for offences against the government slaves are tried as _persons_; as persons they are entitled to counsel for their defence, to the rules of evidence, and to "due process of the law," and as _persons_ they are punished. true, they are loaded with cruel disabilities in courts of law, such as greatly obstruct and often inevitably defeat the ends of justice, yet they are still recognised as _persons_. even in the legislation of congress, and in the diplomacy of the general government, notwithstanding the frequent and wide departures from the integrity of the constitution on this subject, slaves are not recognised as _property_ without qualification. congress has always refused to grant compensation for slaves killed or taken by the enemy, even when these slaves had been impressed into the united states' service. in half a score of cases since the last war, congress has rejected such applications for compensation. besides, both in congressional acts, and in our national diplomacy, slaves and property are not used as convertible terms. when mentioned in treaties and state papers it is in such a way as to distinguish them from mere property, and generally by a recognition of their _personality_. in the invariable recognition of slaves as _persons_, the united states' constitution caught the mantle of the glorious declaration, and most worthily wears it.--it recognizes all human beings as "men," "persons," and thus as "equals." in the original draft of the declaration, as it came from the head of jefferson, it is alleged that great britain had "waged a cruel war against _human_ nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, carrying them into slavery, * * determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold,"--thus disdaining to make the charter of freedom a warrant for the arrest of _men_, that they might be shorn both of liberty and humanity. the celebrated roger sherman, one of the committee of five appointed to draft the declaration of independence, and also a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, in the first congress after its adoption: "the constitution _does not consider these persons_, (slaves,) _as a species of property_."--[lloyd's cong. reg. v. , p. .] that the united states' constitution does not make slaves "property," is shown in the fact, that no person, either as a citizen of the united states, or by having his domicile within the united states' government, can hold slaves. he can hold them only by deriving his power from _state_ laws, or from the law of congress, if he hold slaves within the district. but no person resident within the united states' jurisdiction, and _not_ within the district, nor within a state whose laws support slavery, nor "held to service" under the laws of such state or district, having escaped therefrom, _can be held as a slave_. men can hold _property_ under the united states' government though residing beyond the bounds of any state, district, or territory. an inhabitant of the wisconsin territory can hold property there under the laws of the united states, but he cannot hold _slaves_ there under the united states' laws, nor by virtue of the united states' constitution, nor upon the ground of his united states citizenship, nor by having his domicile within the united states jurisdiction. the constitution no where recognizes the right to "slave property," _but merely the fact that the states have jurisdiction each in its own limits, and that there are certain "persons" within their jurisdictions "held to service" by their own laws_. finally, in the clause under consideration, "private property" is not to be taken "without _just_ compensation." "just!" if justice is to be appealed to in determining the amount of compensation, let her determine the _grounds_ also. if it be her province to say _how much_ compensation is "just," it is hers to say whether _any_ is "just,"--whether the slave is "just" property _at all_, rather than a "_person_." then, if justice adjudges the slave to be "private property," it adjudges him to be _his own_ property, since the right to one's _self_ is the first right--the source of all others--the original stock by which they are accumulated--the principal, of which they are the interest. and since the slave's "private property" has been "taken," and since "compensation" is impossible--there being no _equivalent_ for one's self--the least that can be done is to restore to him his original private property. having shown that in abolishing slavery, "property" would not be "taken for public use," it may be added that, in those states where slavery has been abolished by law, no claim for compensation has been allowed. indeed the manifest absurdity of demanding it, seems to have quite forestalled the _setting up_ of such a claim. the abolition of slavery in the district, instead of being a legislative anomaly, would proceed upon the principles of every day legislation. it has been shown already, that the united states' constitution does not recognize slaves as "property." yet ordinary legislation is full of precedents, showing that even _absolute_ property is in many respects wholly subject to legislation. the repeal of the law of entailments--all those acts that control the alienation of property, its disposal by will, its passing to heirs by descent, with the question, who shall be heirs, and what shall be the rule of distribution among them, or whether property shall be transmitted at all by descent, rather than escheat to the state--these, with statutes of limitation, and various other classes of legislative acts, serve to illustrate the acknowledged scope of the law-making power, even where property _is in every sense absolute_. persons whose property is thus affected by public laws, receive from the government no compensation for their losses, unless the state has been put into possession of the property taken from them. the preamble of the united states' constitution declares it to be a fundamental object of the organization of the government "to establish justice." has congress _no power_ to do that for which it was made the _depository of power_? cannot the united states government fulfil the purpose _for which it was brought into being_? to abolish slavery, is to take from no rightful owner his property; but to "_establish justice_" between two parties. to emancipate the slave, is to "_establish justice_" between him and his master--to throw around the person, character, conscience, liberty, and domestic relations of the one, _the same law_ that secures and blesses the other. in other words, to prevent by _legal restraints_ one class of men from seizing upon another class, and robbing them at pleasure of their earnings, their time, their liberty, their kindred, and the very use and ownership of their own persons. finally, to abolish slavery is to proclaim and _enact_ that innocence and helplessness--now _free plunder_--are entitled to _legal protection_; and that power, avarice, and lust, shall no longer gorge upon their spoils under the license, and by the ministrations of _law_! congress, by possessing "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," has a _general protective power_ for all the inhabitants of the district. if it has no power to protect _one_ man, it has none to protect another--none to protect _any_--and if it _can_ protect _one_ man and is _bound_ to protect him, it _can_ protect _every_ man--all men--and is _bound_ to do it. all admit the power of congress to protect the masters in the district against their slaves. what part of the constitution gives the power? the clause so often quoted,--"power of legislation in all cases whatsoever," equally in the "_case_" of defending the blacks against the whites, as in that of defending the whites against the blacks. the power is given also by art. , sec. , clause --"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections"--a power to protect, as well blacks against whites, as whites against blacks. if the constitution gives power to protect _one_ class against the other, it gives power to protect _either_ against the other. suppose the blacks in the district should seize the whites, drive them into the fields and kitchens, force them to work without pay, flog them, imprison them, and sell them at their pleasure, where would congress find power to restrain such acts? answer; a _general_ power in the clause so often cited, and an _express_ one in that cited above--"congress shall have power, to suppress insurrections." so much for a _supposed_ case. here follows a _real_ one. the whites in the district are _perpetrating these identical acts_ upon seven thousand blacks daily. that congress has power to restrain these acts in one case, all assert, and in so doing they assert the power "in _all_ cases whatsoever." for the grant of power to suppress insurrections, is an _unconditional_ grant, not hampered by provisos as to the color, shape, size, sex, language, creed, or condition of the insurgents. congress derives its power to suppress this _actual_ insurrection, from the same source whence it derived its power to suppress the _same_ acts in the case _supposed_. if one case is an insurrection, the other is. the _acts_ in both are the same; the _actors_ only are different. in the one case, ignorant and degraded--goaded by the memory of the past, stung by the present, and driven to desperation by the fearful looking for of wrongs for ever to come. in the other, enlightened into the nature of _rights_, the principles of justice, and the dictates of the law of love, unprovoked by wrongs, with cool deliberation, and by system, they perpetrate these acts upon those to whom they owe unnumbered obligations for _whole lives_ of unrequited service. on which side may palliation be pleaded, and which party may most reasonably claim an abatement of the rigors of law? if congress has power to suppress such acts _at all_, it has power to suppress them _in_ all. it has been shown already that _allegiance_ is exacted of the slave. is the government of the united states unable to grant _protection_ where it exacts _allegiance_? it is an axiom of the civilized world, and a maxim even with savages, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal and correlative. are principles powerless with us which exact homage of barbarians? _protection is the_ constitutional right _of every human being under the exclusive legislation of congress who has not forfeited it by crime_. in conclusion, i argue the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, froth art. , sec. , clause , of the constitution: "congress shall have power to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the united states." has the government of the united states no power under this grant, to legislate within its own exclusive jurisdiction on subjects that vitally affect its interests? suppose the slaves in the district should rise upon their masters, and the united states' government, in quelling the insurrection, should kill any number of them. could their masters claim compensation of the government? manifestly not; even though no proof existed that the particular slaves killed were insurgents. this was precisely the point at issue between those masters, whose slaves were killed by the state troops at the time of the southampton insurrection, and the virginia legislature; no evidence was brought to show that the slaves killed by the troops were insurgents; yet the virginia legislature decided that their masters were _not entitled to compensation_. they proceeded on the sound principle, that a government may in self protection destroy the claim of its subjects even to that which has been recognised as property by its own acts. if in providing for the common defence the united states government, in the case supposed, would have power to destroy slaves both as _property and persons_, it surely might stop half-way, destroy them as _property_ while it legalized their existence as _persons_, and thus provided for the common defence by giving them a personal and powerful interest in the government, and securing their strength for its defence. like other legislatures, congress has power to abate nuisances--to remove or tear down unsafe buildings--to destroy infected cargoes--to lay injunctions upon manufactories injurious to the public health--and thus to "provide for the common defence and general welfare" by destroying individual property, when it puts in jeopardy the public weal. granting, for argument's sake, that slaves are "property" in the district of columbia--if congress has a right to annihilate property in the district when the public safety requires it, it may surely annihilate its existence _as_ property when public safety requires it, especially if it transform into a _protection_ and _defence_ that which as _property_ periled the public interests. in the district of columbia there are, besides the united states' capitol, the president's house, the national offices, &c. of the departments of state, treasury, war, and navy, the general post-office, and patent office. it is also the residence of the president, all the highest officers of the government, both houses of congress, and all the foreign ambassadors. in this same district there are also _seven thousand slaves_. jefferson, in his notes on va. p. , says of slavery, that "the state permitting one half of its citizens to trample on the rights of the other, _transforms them into enemies_;" and richard henry lee, in the va. house of burgesses in , declared that to those who held them, "_slaves must be natural enemies._" is congress so _impotent_ that it _cannot_ exercise that right pronounced both by municipal and national law, the most sacred and universal--the right of self-preservation and defence? is it shut up to the _necessity_ of keeping seven thousand "enemies" in the heart of the nation's citadel? does the iron fiat of the constitution doom it to such imbecility that it _cannot_ arrest the process that _made_ them "enemies," and still goads to deadlier hate by fiery trials, and day by day adds others to their number? is _this_ providing for the common defence and general welfare? if to rob men of rights excites their hate, freely to restore them and make amends, will win their love. by emancipating the slaves in the district, the government of the united states would disband an army of "enemies," and enlist "for the common defence and general welfare," a body guard of _friends_ seven thousand strong. in the last war, a handful of british soldiers sacked washington city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and the national offices and archives; and no marvel, for thousands of the inhabitants of the district had been "transformed into enemies." would _they_ beat back invasion? if the national government had exercised its constitutional "power to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," by turning those "enemies" into friends, then, instead of a hostile ambush lurking in every thicket inviting assault, and secret foes in every house paralyzing defence, an army of allies would have rallied in the hour of her calamity, and shouted defiance from their munitions of rocks; whilst the banner of the republic, then trampled in dust, would have floated securely over freemen exulting amidst bulwarks of strength. to show that congress can abolish slavery in the district, under the grant of power "to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," i quote an extract from a speech of mr. madison, of va., in the first congress under the constitution, may , . speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, mr. madison says: "i should venture to say it is as much for the interests of georgia and south carolina, as of any state in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves tends to _weaken_ them, and renders them less capable of self-defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of _inviting_ attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well _internal_ as external. _every thing, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government._" see cong. reg. vol. , p. - . wythe. postscript my apology for adding a _postscript_, to a discussion already perhaps too protracted, is the fact that the preceding sheets were in the hands of the printer, and all but the concluding pages had gone through the press, before the passage of mr. calhoun's late resolutions in the senate of the united states. a proceeding so extraordinary,--if indeed the time has not passed when _any_ acts of congress in derogation of freedom and in deference to slavery, can be deemed extraordinary,--should not be suffered to pass in silence at such a crisis as the present; especially as the passage of one of the resolutions by a vote of to , exhibits a shift of position on the part of the south, as sudden as it is unaccountable, being nothing less than the surrender of a fortress which until then they had defended with the pertinacity of a blind and almost infuriated fatuity. upon the discussions during the pendency of the resolutions, and upon the vote, by which they were carried, i make no comment, save only to record my exultation in the fact there exhibited, that great emergencies are _true touchstones_, and that henceforward, until this question is settled, whoever holds a seat in congress will find upon, and all around him, a pressure strong enough to test him--a focal blaze that will find its way through the carefully adjusted cloak of fair pretension, and the sevenfold brass of two-faced political intrigue, and _no_-faced _non-committalism_, piercing to the dividing asunder of joints and marrow. be it known to every northern man who aspires to a seat in congress, that hereafter it is the destiny of congressional action on this subject, to be a mighty revelator--making secret thoughts public property, and proclaiming on the house-tops what is whispered in the ear--smiting off masks, and bursting open sepulchres beautiful outwardly, and heaving up to the sun their dead men's bones. to such we say,--_remember the missouri question, and the fate of those who then sold the north, and their own birthright!_ passing by the resolutions generally without remark--the attention of the reader is specially solicited to mr. clay's substitute for mr. calhoun's fifth resolution. "resolved, that when the district of columbia was ceded by the states of virginia and maryland to the united states, domestic slavery existed in both of these states, including the ceded territory, and that, as it still continues in both of them, it could not be abolished within the district without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory; nor, unless compensation were made to the proprietors of slaves, without a manifest infringement of an amendment to the constitution of the united states; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the states recognising slavery, far transcending in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit which could be accomplished by the abolition." by voting for this resolution, the south by a simultaneous movement, shifted its mode of defence, not so much by taking a position entirely new, as by attempting to refortify an old one--never much trusted in, and abandoned mainly long ago, as being unable to hold out against assault however unskilfully directed. in the debate on this resolution, though the southern members of congress did not _professedly_ retreat from the ground hitherto maintained by them--that congress has no power by the constitution to abolish slavery in the district--yet in the main they silently drew off from it. the passage of this resolution--with the vote of every southern senator, forms a new era in the discussion of this question. we cannot join in the lamentations of those who bewail it. we hail it, and rejoice in it. it was as we would have had it--offered by a southern senator, advocated by southern senators, and on the ground that it "was no compromise"--that it embodied the true southern principle--that "this resolution stood on as high ground as mr. calhoun's."--(mr. preston)--"that mr. clay's resolution was as strong as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. rives)--that "the resolution he (mr. calhoun) now refused to support, was as strong as his own, and that in supporting it, there was no abandonment of principle by the south."--(mr. walker, of mi.)--further, that it was advocated by the southern senators generally as an expression of their views, and as setting the question of slavery in the district on its _true_ ground--that finally when the question was taken, every slaveholding senator, including mr. calhoun himself, voted for the resolution. by passing this resolution, and with such avowals, the south has surrendered irrevocably the whole question at issue between them and the petitioners for abolition in the district. it has, unwittingly but explicitly, conceded the main question argued in the preceding pages. the _only_ ground taken against the right of congress to abolish slavery in the district is, that slavery existed in maryland and virginia when the cession was made, and "_as it still continues in both of them_, it could not be abolished without a violation of that good faith which was implied in the cession," &c. the _sole argument_ is _not_ that exclusive _sovereignty_ has no power to abolish slavery within its jurisdiction, _nor_ that the powers of even _ordinary legislation_ cannot do it,--nor that the clause granting congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district," gives no power to do it; but that the _unexpressed expectation_ of one of the parties that the other would not "in _all_ cases" use the power which said party had consented _might be used "in all cases," prohibits_ the use of it. the only cardinal point in the discussion, is here not only _yielded_, but formally laid down by the south as the leading article in their creed on the question of congressional jurisdiction over slavery in the district. the _sole reason_ given why congress should not abolish, and the sole evidence that if it did, such abolition would be a violation of "good faith," is that "_slavery still continues in those states_,"--thus explicitly admitting, that if slavery did _not_ "still continue" in those states, congress _could_ abolish it in the district. the same admission is made also in the _premises_, which state that slavery existed in those states _at the time of the cession_, &c. admitting that if it had _not_ existed there then, but had grown up in the district under _united states' laws_, congress might constitutionally abolish it. or that if the ceded parts of those states had been the _only_ parts in which slaves were held under their laws, congress might have abolished in such a contingency also. the cession in that case leaving no slaves in those states,--no "good faith," would be "implied" in it, nor any "violated," by an act of abolition. the principle of the resolution makes this further admission, that if maryland and virginia should at once abolish their slavery, congress might at once abolish it in the district. the principle goes even further than this, and _requires_ congress in such case to abolish slavery in the district "by the _good faith implied_ in the cession and acceptance of the territory." since according to the spirit and scope of the resolution, this "implied good faith" of maryland and virginia in making the cession, was that congress would do nothing within the district which should go to counteract the policy, or bring into disrepute the "institutions," or call in question the usages, or even in any way ruffle the prejudices of those states, or do what _they_ might think would unfavorably bear upon their interests; _themselves_ of course being the judges. but let us dissect another limb of the resolution. what is to be understood by "that good faith which was implied?" it is of course an admission that such a condition was not _expressed_ in the acts of cession--that in their _terms_ there is nothing restricting the power of congress on the subject of slavery in the district--not a _word_ alluding to it, nor one inserted with such an _intent_. this "implied faith," then, rests on no clause or word in the united states' constitution, or in the acts of cession, or in the acts of congress accepting the cession, nor does it rest on any declarations of the legislatures of maryland and virginia made at the time, or in that generation, nor on any _act_ of theirs, nor on any declaration of the _people_ of those states, nor on the testimony of the washingtons, jeffersons, madisons, chaces, martins, and jennifers, of those states and times. the assertion rests _on itself alone!_ mr. clay and the other senators who voted for the resolution, _guess_ that maryland and virginia _supposed_ that congress would by no means _use_ the power given them by the constitution, except in such ways as would be well pleasing in the eyes of those states; especially as one of them was the "ancient dominion!" and now after the lapse of half a century, this _assumed expectation_ of maryland and virginia, the existence of which is mere matter of conjecture with the senators, is conjured up and duly installed upon the judgment-seat of final appeal, before whose nod constitutions are to flee away, and with whom, solemn grants of power and explicit guaranties are when weighed in the balance, altogether lighter than vanity! but let us survey it in another light. why did maryland and virginia leave so much to be "_implied_?" why did they not in some way _express_ what lay so near their hearts? had their vocabulary run so low that a single word could not be eked out for the occasion? or were those states so bashful of a sudden that they dare not speak out and tell what they wanted? or did they take it for granted that congress would always act in the premises according to their wishes, and that too, without their _making known_ their wishes? if, as honorable senators tell us, maryland and virginia did verily travail with such abounding _faith_, why brought they forth no _works_? it is as true in _legislation_ as in religion, that the only _evidence_ of "faith" is _works_, and that "faith" _without_ works is _dead_, i.e. has no power. but here, forsooth, a blind implication with nothing _expressed_, an "implied" _faith_ without works, is _omnipotent_. mr. clay is lawyer enough to know that even a _senatorial hypothesis_ as to _what must have been the understanding_ of maryland and virginia about congressional exercise of constitutional power, _abrogates no grant_, and that to plead it in a court of law, would be of small service except to jostle "their honors'" gravity! he need not be told that the constitution gives congress "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." nor that the legislatures of maryland and virginia constructed their acts of cession with this clause _before their eyes_, and that both of them declared those acts made "in _pursuance_" of said clause. those states were aware that the united states in their constitution had left nothing to be "_implied_" as to the power of congress over the district;--an admonition quite sufficient one would think to put them on their guard, and induce them to eschew vague implications and resort to _stipulations_. full well did they know also that these were times when, in matters of high import, _nothing_ was left to be "implied." the colonies were then panting from a twenty years' conflict with the mother country, about bills of rights, charters, treaties, constitutions, grants, limitations, and _acts of cession_. the severities of a long and terrible discipline had taught them to guard at all points _legislative grants_, that their exact import and limit might be self-evident--leaving no scope for a blind "faith," that _somehow_ in the lottery of chances there would be no blanks, but making all sure by the use of explicit terms, and wisely chosen words, and _just enough_ of them. the constitution of the united states with its amendments, those of the individual states, the national treaties, the public documents of the general and state governments at that period, show the universal conviction of legislative bodies, that when great public interests were at stake, nothing should be left to be "implied." further: suppose maryland and virginia had expressed their "implied faith" in _words_, and embodied it in their acts of cession as a proviso, declaring that congress should not "exercise exclusive legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever over the district," but that the "case" of _slavery_ should be an exception: who does not know that congress, if it had accepted the cession on those terms, would have violated the constitution; and who that has ever studied the free mood of those times in its bearings on slavery--proofs of which are given in scores on the preceding pages--can for an instant believe that the people of the united states would have altered their constitution for the purpose of providing for slavery an inviolable sanctuary; that when driven in from its outposts, and everywhere retreating discomfited before the march of freedom, it might be received into everlasting habitations on the common homestead and hearth-stone of this free republic? besides, who can believe that virginia made such a condition, or cherished such a purpose, when at that very moment, washington, jefferson, wythe, patrick henry st. george tucker, and almost all her illustrious men, were advocating the abolition of slavery by law. when washington had said, two years before, maryland and virginia "must have laws for the gradual abolition of slavery and at a period _not remote_;" and when jefferson in his letter to price, three years before the cession, had said, speaking of virginia, "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits;" when voluntary emancipations on the soil were then progressing at the rate of between one and two thousand annually, (see judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. ;) when the public sentiment of virginia had undergone, and was undergoing so mighty a revolution that the idea of the continuance of slavery as a permanent system could not be _tolerated_, though she then contained about half the slaves in the union. was this the time to stipulate for the _perpetuity_ of slavery under the exclusive legislation of congress? and that too at the _same_ session of congress when _every one_ of her delegation voted for the abolition of slavery in the north west territory; a territory which she had herself ceded to congress, and along with it had surrendered her jurisdiction over many of her citizens, inhabitants of that territory, who held slaves there--and whose slaves were emancipated by that act of congress, in which all her delegation with one accord participated? now in view of the universal belief then prevalent, that slavery in this country was doomed to short life, and especially that in maryland and virginia it would be _speedily_ abolished--are we to be told that these states _designed_ to bind congress _never_ to terminate it? are we to adopt the monstrous conclusion that this was the _intent_ of the ancient dominion--thus to _bind_ the united states by an "implied faith," and that when the united states _accepted_ the cession, she did solemnly thus plight her troth, and that virginia did then so _understand_ it? verily one would think that honorable senators supposed themselves deputed to do our _thinking_ as well as our legislation, or rather, that they themselves were absolved from such drudgery by virtue of their office! another absurdity of this dogma about "implied faith" is, that where there was no power to exact an _express_ pledge, there was none to demand an _implied_ one, and where there was no power to _give_ the one, there was none to give the _other_. we have shown already that congress could not have accepted the cession with such a condition. to have signed away a part of its constitutional grant of power would have been a _breach_ of the constitution. further, the congress which accepted the cession was competent to pass a resolution pledging itself not to _use all_ the power over the district committed to it by the constitution. but here its power ended. its resolution would only bind _itself_. could it bind the _next_ congress by its authority? could the members of one congress say to the members of another, because we do not choose to exercise all the authority vested in us by the constitution, therefore you _shall_ not? this would have been a prohibition to do what the constitution gives power to do. each successive congress would still have gone to the constitution for its power, brushing away in its course the cobwebs stretched across its path by the officiousness of an impertinent predecessor. again, the legislatures of virginia and maryland, had no power to bind congress, either by an express or an implied pledge, never to abolish slavery in the district. those legislatures had no power to bind _themselves_ never to abolish slavery within their own territories--the ceded parts included. where then would they get power to bind _another_ not to do what they had no power to bind themselves not to do? if a legislature could not in this respect control the successive legislatures of its own state, could it control the successive congresses of the united states? but perhaps we shall be told, that the "implied faith" in the acts of cession of maryland and virginia was _not_ that congress should _never_ abolish slavery in the district, but that it should not do it until _they_ had done it within their bounds! verily this "faith" comes little short of the faith of miracles! "a good rule that works both ways." first, maryland and virginia have "good faith" that congress will _not_ abolish until _they_ do; and then just as "good faith" that congress _will_ abolish _when_ they do! excellently accommodated! did those states suppose that congress would legislate over the national domain, the common jurisdiction of _all_, for maryland and virginia alone? and who, did they suppose, would be judges in the matter?--themselves merely? or the whole union? this "good faith implied in the cession" is no longer of doubtful interpretation. the principle at the bottom of it, when fairly stated, is this:--that the government of the united states are bound in "good faith" to do in the district of columbia, without demurring, just what and when, maryland and virginia do in their own states. in short, that the general government is eased of all the burdens of legislation within its exclusive jurisdiction, save that of hiring a scrivener to copy off the acts of the maryland and virginia legislatures as fast as they are passed, and engross them, under the title of "laws of the united states, for the district of columbia!" a slight additional expense would also be incurred in keeping up an express between the capitols of those states and washington city, bringing congress from time to time its "_instructions_" from head quarters--instructions not to be disregarded without a violation of that, "good faith implied in the cession," &c. this sets in strong light the advantages of "our glorious union," if the doctrine of mr. clay and the thirty-six senators be orthodox. the people of the united states have been permitted to set up at their own expense, and on their own territory, two great _sounding boards_ called "senate chamber" and "representatives' hall," for the purpose of sending abroad "by authority" _national echoes_ of _state_ legislation!--permitted also to keep in their pay a corps of pliant _national_ musicians, with peremptory instructions to sound on any line of the staff according as virginia and maryland may give the _sovereign_ key note! though this may have the seeming of mere raillery, yet an analysis of the resolution and of the discussions upon it, will convince every fair mind that it is but the legitimate carrying out of the _principle_ pervading both. they proceed virtually upon the hypothesis that the will and pleasure of virginia and maryland are _paramount_ to those of the _union_. if the main design of setting apart a federal district had been originally the accommodation of maryland, virginia, and the south, with the united states as an _agent_ to consummate the object, there could hardly have been higher assumption or louder vaunting. the sole object of _having_ such a district was in effect totally perverted in the resolution of mr. clay, and in the discussions of the entire southern delegation, upon its passage. instead of taking the ground, that the benefit of the whole union was the sole _object_ of a federal district, that it was designed to guard and promote the interests of _all_ the states, and that it was to be legislated over _for this end_--the resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis _totally the reverse_. it takes a single point of _state_ policy, and exalts it above national interests, utterly overshadowing them; abrogating national _rights_; making void a clause of the constitution; humbling the general government into a subject--crouching for favors to a superior, and that too _on its own exclusive jurisdiction_. all the attributes of sovereignty vested in congress by the constitution it impales upon the point of an alleged _implication_. and this is mr. clay's peace-offering, to appease the lust of power and the ravenings of state encroachment! a "_compromise_," forsooth! that sinks the general government on _its own territory_ into a mere colony, with virginia and maryland for its "mother country!" it is refreshing to turn from these shallow, distorted constructions and servile cringings, to the high bearing of other southern men in other times; men, who in their character of legislators and lawyers, disdained to accommodate their interpretations of constitutions and charters to geographical lines, or to bend them to the purposes of a political canvass. in the celebrated case of cohens vs. the state of virginia, hon. william pinkney, late of baltimore, and hon. walter jones, of washington city, with other eminent constitutional lawyers, prepared an elaborate written opinion, from which the following is an extract: "nor is there any danger to be apprehended from allowing to congressional legislation with regard to the district of columbia, its fullest effect. congress is responsible to the states, and to the people for that legislation. it is in truth the legislation of the states over a district placed under their control for _their own benefit_, not for that of the district, except as the prosperity of the district is involved, and necessary to the _general advantage_."--[life of pinkney, p. .] the profound legal opinion, from which this is an extract, was elaborated at great length many years since, by a number of the most distinguished lawyers in the united states, whose signatures are appended to it. it is specific and to the point. it asserts, st, that congressional legislation over the district, is "the legislation of the _states_ and the _people_," (not of _two_ states, and a mere _fraction_ of the people.) d, "over a district placed under _their_ control," i.e. under the control of the _whole_ of the states, not under the control of _two twenty-sixths_ of them. d, that it was thus put under their control "_for_ their own _benefit_," the benefit of _all_ the states _equally_; not to secure special benefits to maryland and virginia, (or what it might be _conjectured_ they would regard as benefits.) th, it concludes by asserting that the design of this exclusive control of congress over the district was "not for the benefit of the _district_," except as that is _connected_ with, and _a means of promoting_ the _general_ advantage. if this is the case with the _district_, which is _directly_ concerned, it is pre-eminently so with maryland and virginia, who are but _indirectly_ interested, and would be but remotely affected by it. the argument of mr. madison in the congress of ' , an extract from which has been given on a preceding page, lays down the same principle; that though any matter "_may be a local affair, yet if it involves national_ expense or safety, _it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government_." cong. reg. vol. . p. , . but these are only the initiatory absurdities of this "good faith _implied_." the thirty-six senators aptly illustrate the principle, that error not only conflicts with truth, but is generally at issue with itself. for if it would be a violation of "good faith" to maryland and virginia, for congress to abolish slavery in the district, it would be _equally_ a violation for congress to do it _with the consent_, or even at the earnest and unanimous petition of the people of the district: yet for years it has been the southern doctrine, that if the people of the district demand of congress relief in this respect, it has power, as their local legislature, to grant it, and by abolishing slavery there, carry out the will of the citizens. but now new light has broken in! the optics of the thirty-six have pierced the millstone with a deeper insight, and discoveries thicken faster than they can be telegraphed! congress has no power, o no, not a modicum, to help the slaveholders of the district, however loudly they may clamor for it. the southern doctrine, that congress is to the district a mere local legislature to do its pleasure, is tumbled from the genitive into the vocative! hard fate--and that too at the hands of those who begat it! the reasonings of messrs. pinckney, wise, and leigh, are now found to be wholly at fault, and the chanticleer rhetoric of messrs. glascock and garland stalks featherless and crest-fallen. for, mr. clay's resolution sweeps by the board all those stereotyped common-places, as "congress a local legislature," "consent of the district," "bound to consult the wishes of the district," &c. &c., which for the last two sessions of congress have served to eke out scanty supplies. it declares, that _as slavery existed in maryland and virginia at the time of the cession, and as it still continues in both those states, it could not be abolished in the district without a violation of 'that good faith'_, &c. but let us see where this principle of the _thirty-six_ will lead us. if "implied faith" to maryland and virginia _restrains_ congress from the abolition of slavery in the district, it _requires_ congress to do in the district what those states have done within their bounds, i.e., restrain _others_ from abolishing it. upon the same principle congress is _bound_, by the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution, to _prohibit emancipation_ within the district. there is no _stopping place_ for this plighted "faith." congress must not only refrain from laying violent hands on slavery, _itself_, and see to it that the slaveholders themselves do not, but it is bound to keep the system up to the maryland and virginia standard of vigor! again, if the good faith of congress to virginia and maryland requires that slavery should exist in the district, while it exists in those states, it requires that it should exist there _as_ it exists in those states. if to abolish _every_ form of slavery in the district would violate good faith, to abolish _the_ form existing in those states, and to substitute a totally different one, would also violate it. the congressional "good faith" is to be kept not only with _slavery_, but with the _maryland and virginia systems_ of slavery. the faith of those states not being in the preservation of _a_ system, but of _their_ system; otherwise congress, instead of _sustaining_, would counteract their policy--principles would be brought into action there conflicting with their system, and thus the true spirit of the "implied" pledge would be violated. on this principle, so long as slaves are "chattels personal" in virginia and maryland, congress could not make them _real estate_, inseparable from the soil, as in louisiana; nor could it permit slaves to read, nor to worship god according to conscience; nor could it grant them trial by jury, nor legalize marriage; nor require the master to give sufficient food and clothing; nor prohibit the violent sundering of families--because such provisions would conflict with the existing slave laws of virginia and maryland, and thus violate the "good faith implied," &c. so the principle of the resolution binds congress in all these particulars: st. not to abolish slavery in the district _until_ virginia and maryland abolish. d. not to abolish any _part_ of it that exists in those states. d. not to abolish any _form_ or _appendage_ of it still existing in those states. th. _to abolish_ when they do. th. to increase or abate its rigor _when, how_, and _as_ the same are modified by those states. in a word, congressional action in the district is to float passively in the wake of legislative action on the subject in those states. but here comes a dilemma. suppose the legislation of those states should steer different courses--then there would be _two_ wakes! can congress float in both? yea, verily! nothing is too hard for it! its obsequiousness equals its "power of legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever." it can float _up_ on the virginia tide, and ebb down on the maryland at the same time. what maryland does, congress will do in the maryland part. what virginia does, congress will do in the virginia part. though congress might not always be able to run at the bidding of both _at once_, especially in different directions, yet if it obeyed orders cheerfully, and "kept in its place," according to its "good faith implied," impossibilities might not be rigidly exacted. true, we have the highest sanction for the maxim that no _man_ can serve two masters--but if "corporations have _no_ souls," analogy would absolve congress on that score, or at most give it only _a very small soul_--not large enough to be at all in the way, as an _exception_ to the universal rule laid down to the maxim! in following out the absurdities of this "_implied_ good faith," it will be seen at once that the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution extends to _all the subjects_ of _legislation_ existing in maryland and virginia, which exist also within the district. every system, "institution," law, and established usage there, is placed beyond congressional control equally with slavery, and by the same "implied faith." the abolition of the lottery system in the district as an _immorality_, was a flagrant breach of this "good faith" to maryland and virginia, as the system "still continued in those states." so to abolish imprisonment for debt, and capital punishment, to remodel the bank system, the power of corporations, the militia law, laws of limitation, &c., in the district, _unless virginia and maryland took the lead_, would violate the "good faith implied in the cession," &c. that in the acts of cession no such "good faith" was "implied by virginia and maryland" as is claimed in the resolution, we argue from the fact, that in virginia ceded to the united states all her northwest territory, with the special proviso that her citizens inhabiting that territory should "have their _possessions_ and _titles_ confirmed to them, and be _protected_ in the enjoyment of their _rights_ and liberties." (see journals of congress vol. , p. .) the cession was made in the form of a deed, and signed by thomas jefferson, samuel hardy, arthur lee, and james monroe. many of these inhabitants _held slaves_. three years after the cession, the virginia delegation in congress _proposed_ the passage of an ordinance which should abolish slavery, in that territory, and declare that it should never thereafter exist there. all the members of congress from virginia and maryland voted for this ordinance. suppose some member of congress had during the passage of the ordinance introduced the following resolution: "resolved, that when the northwest territory was ceded by virginia to the united states, domestic slavery existed in that state, including the ceded territory, and as it still continues in that state, it could not be abolished within the territory without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory." what would have been the indignant response of grayson, griffin, madison, and the lees, in the congress of ' , to such a resolution, and of carrington, chairman of the committee, who reported the ratification of the ordinance in the congress of ' , and of page and parker, who with every other member of the virginia delegation supported it? but to enumerate all the absurdities into which the thirty-six senators have plunged themselves, would be to make a quarto inventory. we decline the task; and in conclusion, merely add that mr. clay in presenting this resolution, and each of the thirty-six senators who voted for it, entered on the records of the senate, and proclaimed to the world, a most unworthy accusation against the millions of american citizens who have during nearly half a century petitioned the national legislature to abolish slavery in the district of colombia,--charging them either with the ignorance or the impiety of praying the nation to violate its "plighted faith." the resolution virtually indicts at the bar of public opinion, and brands with odium, all the manumission societies, the _first_ petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district, and for a long time the only ones, petitioning from year to year through evil report and good report, still petitioning, by individual societies and in their national conventions. but as if it were not enough to table the charge against such men as benjamin rush, william rawle, john sergeant, robert vaux, cadwallader colden, and peter a. jay,--to whom we may add rufus king, james hillhouse, william pinkney, thomas addis emmett, daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, james kent, and daniel webster, besides eleven hundred citizens of the district itself; headed by their chief justice and judges--even the sovereign states of pennsylvania, new-york, massachusetts, and vermont, whose legislatures have either memorialized congress to abolish slavery in the district, or instructed their senators to move such a measure, must be gravely informed by messrs. clay, norvell, niles, smith, pierce, benton, black, tipton, and other honorable senators, either that their perception is so dull, they know not whereof they affirm, or that their moral sense is so blunted they can demand without compunction a violation of the nation's faith! we have spoken already of the concessions unwittingly made in this resolution to the true doctrine of congressional power over the district. for that concession, important as it is, we have small thanks to render. that such a resolution, passed with such an _intent_, and pressing at a thousand points on relations and interests vital to the free states, should be hailed, as it has been, by a portion of the northern press as a "compromise" originating in deference to northern interests, and to be received by us as a free-will offering of disinterested benevolence, demanding our gratitude to the mover,--may well cover us with shame. we deserve the humiliation and have well earned the mockery. let it come! if, after having been set up at auction in the public sales-room of the nation, and for thirty years, and by each of a score of "compromises," treacherously knocked off to the lowest bidder, and that without money and without price, the north, plundered and betrayed, _will not_, in this her accepted time, consider the things that belong to her peace before they are hidden from her eyes, then let her eat of the fruit of her own way, and be filled with her own devices! let the shorn and blinded giant grind in the prison-house of the philistines, till taught the folly of intrusting to delilahs the secret and the custody of his strength. have the free states bound themselves by an oath never to profit by the lessons of experience? if lost to _reason_, are they dead to _instinct_ also? can nothing rouse them to cast about for self preservation? and shall a life of tame surrenders be terminated by suicidal sacrifice? a "compromise!" bitter irony! is the plucked and hood-winked north to be wheedled by the sorcery of another missouri compromise? a compromise in which the south gained all, and the north lost all, and lost it for ever. a compromise which embargoed the free laborer of the north and west, and clutched at the staff he leaned upon, to turn it into a bludgeon and fell him with its stroke. a compromise which wrested from liberty her boundless birthright domain, stretching westward to the sunset, while it gave to slavery loose reins and a free course, from the mississippi to the pacific. the resolution, as it finally passed, is here inserted. the original resolution, as moved by mr. clay, was inserted at the head of this postscript with the impression that it was the _amended_ form. it will be seen however, that it underwent no material modification. "resolved, that the interference by the citizens of any of the states, with the view to the abolition of slavery in the district, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the district; and that any act or measure of congress designed to abolish slavery in the district, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the states of virginia and maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding states, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the union." the vote upon the resolution stood as follows: _yeas_.--messrs. allen, bayard, benton, black, buchanan, brown, calhoun, clay, of alabama, clay, of kentucky, clayton, crittenden, cuthbert, fulton, grundy, hubbard, king, lumpkin, lyon, nicholas, niles, norvell, pierce, preston, rives, roane, robinson, sevier, smith, of connecticut, strange, tallmadge, tipton, walker, white, williams, wright, young. _nays_.--messrs. davis, knight, mckean, morris, prentiss, ruggles, smith, of indiana, swift, webster. the anti-slavery examiner no. * * * * * the power of congress over the district of columbia. * * * * * originally published in the new-york evening post, under the signature of "wythe." * * * * * with additions by the author. * * * * * new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society no. nassau-street. . * * * * * this periodical contains - / sheets--postage under miles, cts., over , cts. power of congress over the district of columbia. a civilized community presupposes a government of law. if that government be a republic, its citizens are the sole _sources_, as well as the _subjects_ of its power. its constitution is their bill of directions to their own agents--a grant authorizing the exercise of certain powers, and prohibiting that of others. in the constitution of the united states, whatever else may be obscure, the clause granting power to congress over the federal district may well defy misconstruction. art. , sec. , clause : "the congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, _in all cases whatsoever_, over such district." congress may make laws for the district "in all _cases_," not of all _kinds_; not all _laws_ whatsoever, but laws "in all _cases_ whatsoever." the grant respects the _subjects_ of legislation, _not_ the moral nature of the laws. the law-making power every where is subject to _moral_ restrictions, whether limited by constitutions or not. no legislature can authorize murder, nor make honesty penal, nor virtue a crime, nor exact impossibilities. in these and similar respects, the power of congress is held in check by principles, existing in the nature of things, not imposed by the constitution, but presupposed and assumed by it. the power of congress over the district is restricted only by those principles that limit ordinary legislation, and, in some respects, it has even wider scope. in common with the legislatures of the states, congress cannot constitutionally pass ex post facto laws in criminal cases, nor suspend the writ of habeas corpus, nor pass a bill of attainder, nor abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, nor invade the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, nor enact laws respecting an establishment of religion. these are general limitations. congress cannot do these things _any where_. the exact import, therefore, of the clause "in all cases whatsoever," is, _on all subjects within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. some legislatures are restrained by constitutions, from the exercise of powers strictly within the proper sphere of legislation. congressional power over the district has no such restraint. it traverses the whole field of legitimate legislation. all the power which any legislature has within its own jurisdiction, congress holds over the district of columbia. it has been objected that the clause in question respects merely police regulations, and that its sole design was to enable congress to protect itself against popular tumults. but if the convention that framed the constitution aimed to provide for a _single_ case only, why did they provide for "_all_ cases whatsoever?" besides, this clause was opposed in many of the state conventions, because the grant of power was not restricted to police regulations _alone_. in the virginia convention, george mason, the father of the virginia constitution, patrick henry, mr. grayson, and others, assailed it on that ground. mr. mason said, "this clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the district. he would willingly give them exclusive power as far as respected the police and good government of the place, but he would give them no more." mr. grayson said, that control over the _police_ was all-sufficient, and "that the continental congress never had an idea of exclusive legislation in all cases." patrick henry said, "is it consistent with any principle of prudence or good policy, to grant _unlimited, unbounded authority?_" mr. madison said in reply: "i did conceive that the clause under consideration was one of those parts which would speak its own praise. when any power is given, its delegation necessarily involves authority to make laws to execute it.... the powers which are found necessary to be given, are therefore delegated _generally_, and particular and minute specification is left to the legislature.... it is not within the limits of human capacity to delineate on paper all those particular cases and circumstances, in which legislation by the general legislature, would be necessary." governor randolph said: "holland has no ten miles square, but she has the hague where the deputies of the states assemble. but the influence which it has given the province of holland, to have the seat of government within its territory, subject in some respects to its control, has been injurious to the other provinces." the wisdom of the convention is therefore manifest in granting to congress exclusive jurisdiction over the place of their session. [_deb. va. con._, p. .] in the forty-third number of the "federalist," mr. madison says: "the indispensable necessity of _complete_ authority at the seat of government, carries its own evidence with it." finally, that the grant in question is to be interpreted according to the obvious import of its _terms_, is proved by the fact, that virginia proposed an amendment to the united states' constitution at the time of its adoption, providing that this clause "should be so construed as to give power only over the _police and good government_ of said district," _which amendment was rejected._ the former part of the clause under consideration, "congress shall have power to exercise _exclusive_ legislation," gives _sole_ jurisdiction, and the latter part, "in all cases whatsoever," defines the _extent_ of it. since, then, congress is the _sole_ legislature within the district, and since its power is limited only by the checks common to all legislatures, it follows that what the law-making power is intrinsically competent to do _any_ where, congress is competent to do in the district of columbia. having disposed of preliminaries, we proceed to state and argue the _real question_ at issue. is the law-making power competent to abolish slavery when not restricted in that particular by constitutional provisions--or, is the abolition of slavery within the appropriate sphere of legislation? in every government, absolute sovereignty exists _somewhere_. in the united states it exists primarily with the _people_, and _ultimate_ sovereignty _always_ exists with them. in each of the states, the legislature possesses a _representative_ sovereignty, delegated by the people through the constitution--the people thus committing to the legislature a portion of their sovereignty, and specifying in their constitutions the amount and the conditions of the grant. that the _people_ in any state where slavery exists, have the power to abolish it, none will deny. if the legislature have not the power, it is because _the people_ have reserved it to themselves. had they lodged with the legislature "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," they would have parted with their sovereignty over the legislation of the state, and so far forth the legislature would have become _the people_, clothed with all their functions, and as such competent, _during the continuance of the grant_, to do whatever the people might have done before the surrender of their power: consequently, they would have the power to abolish slavery. the sovereignty of the district of columbia exists _somewhere_--where is it lodged? the citizens of the district have no legislature of their own, no representation in congress, and no political power whatever. maryland and virginia have surrendered to the united states their "full and absolute right and entire sovereignty," and the people of the united states have committed to congress by the constitution, the power to "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." thus, the sovereignty of the district of columbia, is shown to reside solely in the congress of the united states; and since the power of the people of a state to abolish slavery within their own limits, results from their entire sovereignty within that state, so the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, results from its entire _sovereignty_ within the district. if it be objected that congress can have no more power over the district, than was held by the legislatures of maryland and virginia, we ask what clause in the constitution graduates the power of congress by the standard of a state legislature? was the united states' constitution worked into its present shape under the measuring line and square of virginia and maryland? and is its power to be bevelled down till it can run in the grooves of state legislation? there is a deal of prating about constitutional power over the district, as though congress were indebted for it to maryland and virginia. the powers of those states, whether few or many, prodigies or nullities, have nothing to do with the question. as well thrust in the powers of the grand lama to join issue upon, or twist papal bulls into constitutional tether, with which to curb congressional action. the constitution of the united states gives power to congress, and takes it away, and _it alone_. maryland and virginia adopted the constitution _before_ they ceded to the united states the territory of the district. by their acts of cession, they abdicated their own sovereignty over the district, and thus made room for that provided by the united states' constitution, which sovereignty was to commence as soon as a cession of territory by states, and its acceptance by congress, furnished a sphere for its exercise. that the abolition of slavery is within the sphere of legislation, i argue, . from the fact, that slavery, as a legal system, is the creature of legislation. the law, by _creating_ slavery, not only affirmed its _existence_ to be within the sphere and under the control of legislation, but equally, the _conditions_ and _terms_ of its existence, and the _question_ whether or not it _should_ exist. of course legislation would not travel _out_ of its sphere, in abolishing what is _within_ it, and what was recognised to be within it, by its own act. cannot legislatures repeal their own laws? if law can take from a man his rights, it can give them back again. if it can say, "your body belongs to your neighbor," it can say, "it belongs to _yourself_." if it can annul a man's right to himself, held by express grant from his maker, and can create for another an _artificial_ title to him, can it not annul the artificial title, and leave the original owner to hold himself by his original title? . the abolition of slavery has always been considered within the appropriate sphere of legislation. almost every civilized nation has abolished slavery by law. the history of legislation since the revival of letters, is a record crowded with testimony to the universally admitted competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery. it is so manifestly an attribute not merely of absolute sovereignty, but even of ordinary legislation, that the competency of a legislature to exercise it, may well nigh be reckoned among the legal axioms of the civilized world. even the night of the dark ages was not dark enough to make this invisible. the abolition decree of the great council of england was passed in . the memorable irish decree, "that all the english slaves in the whole of ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty," was issued in . slavery in england was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in . passing over many instances of the abolition of slavery by law, both during the middle ages and since the reformation, we find them multiplying as we approach our own times. in slavery was abolished in prussia by special edict. in st. domingo, cayenne, guadeloupe, and martinique, in , where more than , slaves were emancipated by the french government. in java, ; in ceylon, ; in buenos ayres, ; in st. helena, ; in colombia, ; by the congress of chili in ; in cape colony, ; in malacca, ; in the southern provinces of birmah, ; in bolivia, ; in peru, guatemala, and monte video, , in jamaica, barbadoes, bermudas, bahamas, the mauritius, st. christophers, nevis, the virgin islands, antigua, montserrat, dominica, st. vincents, grenada, berbice, tobago, st. lucia, trinidad, honduras, demarara, and the cape of good hope, on the st of august, . but waving details, suffice it to say, that england, france, spain, portugal, sweden, denmark, austria, prussia, and germany, have all and often given their testimony to the competency of the legislative power to abolish slavery. in our own country, the legislature of pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in , connecticut, in ; rhode island, ; new-york, ; new-jersey, in ; vermont, by constitution, in ; massachusetts, in ; and new hampshire, in . when the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has thus been recognised every where and for ages, when it has been embodied in the highest precedents, and celebrated in the thousand jubilees of regenerated liberty, is it an achievement of modern discovery, that such a power is a nullity?--that all these acts of abolition are void, and that the millions disenthralled by them, are, either themselves or their posterity, still legally in bondage? . legislative power has abolished slavery in its parts. the law of south carolina prohibits the working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four. in other words, it takes from the slaveholder his power over nine hours of the slave's time daily; and if it can take nine hours it may take twenty-four. the laws of georgia prohibit the working of slaves on the first day of the week; and if they can do it for the first, they can for the six following. the law of north carolina prohibits the "immoderate" correction of slaves. if it has power to prohibit immoderate correction, it can prohibit _moderate_ correction--_all_ correction, which would be virtual emancipation; for, take from the master the power to inflict pain, and he is master no longer. cease to ply the slave with the stimulus of fear; and he is free. the constitution of mississippi gives the general assembly power to make laws "to oblige the owners of slaves to _treat them with humanity_." the constitution of missouri has the same clause, and an additional one making it the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to secure the _humane_ treatment of the slaves. this grant to those legislatures, empowers them to decide what _is_ and what is _not_ "humane treatment." otherwise it gives no "power"--the clause is mere waste paper, and flouts in the face of a befooled legislature. a clause giving power to require "humane treatment" covers all the _particulars_ of such treatment--gives power to exact it in _all respects--requiring_ certain acts, and _prohibiting_ others--maiming, branding, chaining together, separating families, floggings for learning the alphabet, for reading the bible, for worshiping god according to conscience--the legislature has power to specify each of these acts--declare that it is not "_humane_ treatment," and prohibit it.--the legislature may also believe that driving men and women into the field, and forcing them to work without pay, is not "humane treatment," and being constitutionally bound "to _oblige_" masters to practise "humane treatment"--they have the power to _prohibit such_ treatment, and are bound to do it. the law of louisiana makes slaves real estate, prohibiting the holder, if he be also a _land_ holder, to separate them from the soil.[a] if it has power to prohibit the sale _without_ the soil, it can prohibit the sale _with_ it; and if it can prohibit the _sale_ as property, it can prohibit the _holding_ as property. similar laws exist in the french, spanish, and portuguese colonies. [footnote a: virginia made slaves real estate by a law passed in . (_beverly's hist. of va_., p. .) i do not find the precise time when this law was repealed, probably when virginia became the chief slave breeder for the cotton-growing and sugar-planting country, and made young men and women "from fifteen to twenty-five" the main staple production of the state.] the law of louisiana requires the master to give his slaves a certain amount of food and clothing. if it can oblige the master to give the slave _one_ thing, it can oblige him to give him another: if food and clothing, then wages, liberty, his own body. by the laws of connecticut, slaves may receive and hold property, and prosecute suits in their own name as plaintiffs: [this last was also the law of virginia in . see tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] there were also laws making marriage contracts legal, in certain contingencies, and punishing infringements of them, ["_reeve's law of baron and femme_," p. - .] each of the laws enumerated above, does, _in principle_, abolish slavery; and all of them together abolish it in fact. true, not as a _whole_, and at a _stroke_, nor all in one place; but in its _parts_, by piecemeal, at divers times and places; thus showing that the abolition of slavery is within the boundary of legislation. . the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has been recognized by all the slaveholding states, either directly or by implication. some states recognize it in their _constitutions_, by giving the legislature power to emancipate such slaves as may "have rendered the state some distinguished service, "and others by express prohibitory restrictions. the constitution of mississippi, arkansas, and other states, restrict the power of the legislature in this respect. why this express prohibition, if the law-making power _cannot_ abolish slavery? a stately farce, indeed, to construct a special clause, and with appropriate rites induct it into the constitution, for the express purpose of restricting a nonentity!--to take from the law-making power what it _never had_, and what _cannot_ pertain to it! the legislatures of those states have no power to abolish slavery, simply because their constitutions have expressly _taken away_ that power. the people of arkansas, mississippi, &c., well knew the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, and hence their zeal to _restrict_ it. the slaveholding states have recognised this power in their _laws_. the virginia legislature passed a law in to prevent the further importation of slaves, of which the following is an extract: "and be it further enacted that every slave imported into this commonwealth contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall upon such importation become _free_." by a law of virginia, passed dec. , , a slave brought into the state and kept _there a year_, was _free_. the maryland court of appeals at the december term [case of stewart _vs._ oakes,] decided that a slave owned in maryland, and sent by his master into virginia to work at different periods, making one year in the whole, became _free_, being _emancipated_ by the law of virginia quoted above. north carolina and georgia in their acts of cession, transferring to the united states the territory now constituting the states of tennessee, alabama and mississippi, made it a condition of the grant, that the provisions of the ordinance of ' , should be secured to the inhabitants _with the exception of the sixth article which prohibits slavery_; thus conceding, both the competency of law to abolish slavery, and the power of congress to do it, within its jurisdiction. (these acts show the prevalent belief at that time, in the slaveholding states, that the general government had adopted a line of policy aiming at the exclusion of slavery from the entire territory of the united states, not included within the original states, and that this policy would be pursued unless prevented by specific and formal stipulation.) slaveholding states have asserted this power _in their judicial decisions_. in numerous cases their highest courts have decided that if the legal owner of slaves takes them into those states where slavery has been abolished either by law or by the constitution, such removal emancipates them, such law or constitution abolishing their slavery. this principle is asserted in the decision of the supreme court of louisiana, in the case of lunsford _vs._ coquillon, martin's la. reps. . also by the supreme court of virginia, in the case of hunter _vs._ fulcher, leigh's reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge washington, of the united states supreme court, in the case of butler _vs._ hopper, washington's circuit court reps. . this principle was also decided by the court of appeals in kentucky; case of rankin _vs._ lydia, marshall's reps. ; see also, wilson _vs._ isbell, call's reps. , spotts _vs._ gillespie, randolph's reps. . the state _vs._ lasselle, blackford's reps. , marie louise _vs._ mariot, la. reps. . in this case, which was tried in , the slave had been taken by her master to france and brought back; judge mathews, of the supreme court of louisiana, decided that "residence for one moment" under the laws of france emancipated her. . eminent statesmen, themselves slaveholders, have conceded this power. washington, in a letter to robert morris, dated april , , says: "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to lafayette, dated may , , he says: "it (the abolition of slavery) certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected, and that too by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to john fenton mercer, dated sept. , , he says: "it is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by _law_." in a letter to sir john sinclair, he says: "there are in pennsylvania, _laws_ for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which nothing is more certain than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." speaking of movements in the virginia legislature in , for the passage of a law emancipating the slaves, mr. jefferson says: "the principles of the amendment were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day; but it was found that the public mind would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant, when _it must bear and adopt it_."--jefferson's memoirs, v. , p. . it is well known that jefferson, pendleton, mason, wythe and lee, while acting as a committee of the virginia house of delegates to revise the state laws, prepared a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves by law. these men were the great lights of virginia. mason, the author of the virginia constitution; pendleton, the president of the memorable virginia convention in , and president of the virginia court of appeals; wythe was the blackstone of the virginia bench, for a quarter of a century chancellor of the state, the professor of law in the university of william and mary, and the preceptor of jefferson, madison, and chief justice marshall. he was author of the celebrated remonstrance to the english house of commons on the subject of the stamp act. as to jefferson, his _name_ is his biography. every slaveholding member of congress from the states of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, voted for the celebrated ordinance of , which _abolished_ the slavery then existing in the northwest territory. patrick henry, in his well known letter to robert pleasants, of virginia, january , , says: "i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to _abolish_ this lamentable evil." william pinkney, of maryland, advocated the abolition of slavery by law, in the legislature of that state, in . luther martin urged the same measure both in the federal convention, and in his report to the legislature of maryland. in , st. george tucker, of virginia, professor of law in the university of william and mary, and judge of the general court, published an elaborate dissertation on slavery, addressed to the general assembly of the state, and urging upon them the abolition of slavery by _law_. john jay, while new york was yet a slave state, and himself in law a slaveholder, said in a letter from spain, in , "an excellent law might be made out of the pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. were i in your legislature, i would present a bill for the purpose, drawn up with great care, and i would never cease moving it till it became a law, or i ceased to be a member." daniel d. tompkins, in a message to the legislature of new-york january , , said: "to devise the means for the gradual and ultimate _extermination_ from amongst us of slavery, is a work worthy the representatives of a polished and enlightened nation." the virginia legislature asserted this power in . at the close of a month's debate, the following proceedings were had. i extract from an editorial article of the richmond whig, of january , . "the report of the select committee, adverse to legislation on the subject of abolition, was in these words: _resolved_, as the opinion of this committee, that it is inexpedient for the present, to make any _legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery_." this report mr. preston moved to reverse, and thus to declare that it _was_ expedient, _now_ to make legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. this was meeting the question in its strongest form. it demanded action, and immediate action. on this proposition the vote was to . many of the most decided friends of abolition voted against the amendment; because they thought public opinion not sufficiently prepared for it, and that it might prejudice the cause to move too rapidly. the vote on mr. witcher's motion to postpone the whole subject indefinitely, indicates the true state of opinion in the house.--that was the test question, and was so intended and proclaimed by its mover. that motion was _negatived_, to ; showing a majority of , who by that vote, declared their belief that "at the proper time, and in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a system of gradual abolition." . the congress of the united states have asserted this power. the ordinance of ' , declaring that there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude," in the north western territory, abolished the slavery then existing there. the supreme court of mississippi, in its decision in the case of harvey vs. decker, walker's mi. reps. , declared that the ordinance emancipated the slaves then held there. in this decision the question is argued ably and at great length. the supreme court of la. made the same decision in the case of forsyth vs. nash, martin's la. reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge porter, (late united states senator from la.,) in his decision at the march term of the la. supreme court, , in the case of merry vs. chexnaider, martin's reps. . that the ordinance abolished the slavery then existing there is also shown by the fact, that persons holding slaves in the territory petitioned for the repeal of the article abolishing slavery, assigning _that_ as a reason. "the petition of the citizens of randolph and st. clair counties in the illinois country, stating that they were in possession of slaves, and praying the repeal of that act (the th article of the ordinance of ' ) and the passage of a law legalizing slavery there." [am. state papers, public lands, v. . p. .] congress passed this ordinance before the united states constitution was adopted, when it derived all its authority from the articles of confederation, which conferred powers of legislation far more restricted than those conferred on congress over the district and territories by the united states constitution. now, we ask, how does the constitution _abridge_ the powers which congress possessed under the articles of confederation? the abolition of the slave trade by congress, in , is another illustration of the competency of legislative power to abolish slavery. the african slave trade has become such a mere _technic_, in common parlance, that the fact of its being _proper slavery_ is overlooked. the buying and selling, the transportation, and the horrors of the middle passage, were mere _incidents_ of the slavery in which the victims were held. let things be called by their own names. when congress abolished the african slave trade, it abolished slavery--supreme slavery--power frantic with license, trampling a whole hemisphere scathed with its fires, and running down with blood. true, congress did not, in the abolition of the slave trade, abolish _all_ the slavery within its jurisdiction, but it did abolish all the slavery in _one_ part of its jurisdiction. what has rifled it of power to abolish slavery in _another_ part of its jurisdiction, especially in that part where it has "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever?" . the constitution of the united states recognises this power by the most conclusive implication. in art. , sec. , clause , it prohibits the abolition of the slave trade previous to : thus implying the power of congress to do it at once, but for the restriction; and its power to do it _unconditionally_, when that restriction ceased. again; in art. , sec. , "no person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from said service or labor." this clause was inserted, as all admit, to prevent the runaway slave from being emancipated by the _laws_ of the free states. if these laws had _no power_ to emancipate, why this constitutional guard to prevent it? the insertion of the clause, was the testimony of the eminent jurists that framed the constitution, to the existence of the _power_, and their public proclamation, that the abolition of slavery was within the appropriate sphere of legislation. the right of the owner to that which is rightfully property, is founded on a principle of _universal law_, and is recognised and protected by all civilized nations; property in slaves is, by general consent, an _exception_; hence slaveholders insisted upon the insertion of this clause in the united states constitution, that they might secure by an _express provision_, that from which protection is withheld, by the acknowledged principles of universal law.[a] by demanding this provision, slaveholders consented that their slaves should not be recognised as property by the united states constitution, and hence they found their claim, on the fact of their being "_persons_, and _held_ to service." [footnote a: the fact, that under the articles of confederation, slaveholders, whose slaves had escaped into free states, had no legal power to force them back,--that _now_ they have no power to recover, by process of law, their slaves who escape to canada, the south american states, or to europe--the case already cited, in which the supreme court of louisiana decided, that residence "_for one moment_," under the laws of france emancipated an american slave--the case of fulton _vs._. lewis, har. and john's reps., , where the slave of a st. domingo slaveholder, who brought him to maryland in ' , was pronounced free by the maryland court of appeals--are illustrations of the acknowledged truth here asserted, that by the consent of the civilized world, and on the principles of universal law, slaves are not "_property_," and that whenever held as property under _law_, it is only by _positive legislative acts_, forcibly setting aside the law of nature, the common law, and the principles of universal justice and right between man and man,--principles paramount to all law, and from which alone law, derives its intrinsic authoritative sanction.] . congress has unquestionable power to adopt the common law, as the legal system, within its exclusive jurisdiction.--this has been done, with certain restrictions, in most of the states, either by legislative acts or by constitutional implication. the common law knows no slaves. its principles annihilate slavery wherever they touch it. it is a universal, unconditional, abolition act. wherever slavery is a legal system, it is so only by _statute_ law, and in violation of the common law. the declaration of lord chief justice holt, that, "by the common law, no man can have property in another," is an acknowledged axiom, and based upon the well known common law definition of property. "the subjects of dominion or property are _things_, as contra-distinguished from _persons_." let congress adopt the common law in the district of columbia, and slavery there is at once abolished. congress may well be at home in common law legislation, for the common law is the grand element of the united states constitution. all its _fundamental_ provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles, and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole. the preamble of the constitution plants the standard of the common law immovably in its foreground. "we, the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution;" thus proclaiming _devotion to_ justice, as the controlling motive in the organization of the government, and its secure establishment the chief object of its aims. by this most solemn recognition, the common law, that grand legal embodyment of "_justice_" and fundamental right--was made the groundwork of the constitution, and intrenched behind its strongest munitions. the second clause of sec. , art. ; sec. , art. , and the last clause of sec. , art. , with articles , , , and of the amendments, are also express recognitions of the common law as the presiding genius of the constitution. by adopting the common law within its exclusive jurisdiction congress would carry out the principles of our glorious declaration, and follow the highest precedents in our national history and jurisprudence. it is a political maxim as old as civil legislation, that laws should be strictly homogeneous with the principles of the government whose will they express, embodying and carrying them out--being indeed the _principles themselves_, in preceptive form--representatives alike of the nature and the power of the government--standing illustrations of its genius and spirit, while they proclaim and enforce its authority. who needs be told that slavery makes war upon the principles of the declaration, and the spirit of the constitution, and that these and the principles of the common law gravitate toward each other with irrepressible affinities, and mingle into one? the common law came hither with our pilgrim fathers; it was their birthright, their panoply, their glory, and their song of rejoicing in the house of their pilgrimage. it covered them in the day of their calamity, and their trust was under the shadow of its wings. from the first settlement of the country, the genius of our institutions and our national spirit have claimed it as a common possession, and exulted in it with a common pride. a century ago, governor pownall, one of the most eminent constitutional jurists of colonial times, said of the common law, "in all the colonies the common law is received as the foundation and main body of their law." in the declaration of rights, made by the continental congress at its first session in ' , there was the following resolution: "resolved, that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law." soon after the organization of the general government, chief justice ellsworth, in one of his decisions on the bench of the united states supreme court, said: "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution." chief justice marshall, in his decision in the case of livingston _vs._ jefferson, said: "when our ancestors migrated to america, they brought with them the common law of their native country, so far as it was applicable to their new situation, and i do not conceive that the revolution in any degree changed the relations of man to man, or the law which regulates them. in breaking our political connection with the parent state, we did not break our connection with each other." [_hall's law journal, new series._] mr. duponceau, in his "dissertation on the jurisdiction of courts in the united states," says, "i consider the common law of england the _jus commune_ of the united states. i think i can lay it down as a correct principle, that the common law of england, as it was at the time of the declaration of independence, still continues to be the national law of this country, so far as it is applicable to our present state, and subject to the modifications it has received here in the course of nearly half a century." chief justice taylor of north carolina, in his decision in the case of the state _vs._ reed, in , hawkes' n.c. reps. , says, "a law of _paramount obligation to the statute_, was violated by the offence--common law founded upon the law of nature, and confirmed by revelation." the legislation of the united states abounds in recognitions of the principles of the common law, asserting their paramount binding power. sparing details, of which our national state papers are full, we illustrate by a single instance. it was made a condition of the admission of louisiana into the union, that the right of trial by jury should be secured to all her citizens,--the united states government thus employing its power to enlarge the jurisdiction of the common law in this its great representative. having shown that the abolition of slavery is within the competency of the law-making power, when unrestricted by constitutional provisions, and that the legislation of congress over the district is thus unrestricted, its power to abolish slavery there is established. we argue it further, from the fact, that slavery exists there _now_ by an act of congress. in the act of th july, , congress accepted portions of territory offered by the states of maryland and virginia, and enacted that the laws, as they then were, should continue in force, "until congress shall otherwise by law provide." under these laws, adopted by congress, and in effect re-enacted and made laws of the district, the slaves there are now held. is congress so impotent in its own "exclusive jurisdiction" that it _cannot_ "otherwise by law provide?" if it can say, what _shall_ be considered property, it can say what shall _not_ be considered property. suppose a legislature should enact that marriage contracts shall be mere bills of sale, making a husband the proprietor of his wife, as his _bona fide_ property; and suppose husbands should herd their wives in droves for the market as beasts of burden, or for the brothel as victims of lust, and then prate about their inviolable legal property, and deny the power of the legislature, which stamped them "property," to undo its own wrong, and secure to wives by law the rights of human beings. would such cant about "legal rights" be heeded where reason and justice held sway, and where law, based upon fundamental morality, received homage? if a frantic legislature pronounces woman a chattel, has it no power, with returning reason, to take back the blasphemy? is the impious edict irrepealable? be it, that with legal forms it has stamped wives "wares." can no legislation blot out the brand? must the handwriting of deity on human nature be expunged for ever? has law no power to stay the erasing pen, and tear off the scrawled label that covers up the image of god? ii. the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district has been, till recently, universally conceded. . it has been assumed by congress itself. the following record stands on the journals of the house of representatives for , p. : "on motion made and seconded that the house do come to the following resolution: 'resolved, that from and after the th day of july, , all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the district of columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within said district, shall be free, the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of ----. the main question being taken that the house do agree to said motion as originally proposed, it was negatived by a majority of .'" though the motion was lost, it was on the ground of its alleged _inexpediency_ alone. in the debate which preceded the vote, the _power_ of congress was conceded. in march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution:--"resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any and what measures are necessary for _putting a stop to the same_." on the th of january, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution by a vote of to : "resolved, that the committee on the district of columbia, be instructed to inquire into the _expediency_ of providing by _law_ for the gradual abolition of slavery within the district, in such manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby." among those who voted in the affirmative were messrs. barney of md., armstrong of va., a.h. shepperd of n.c., blair of tenn., chilton and lyon of ky., johns of del., and others from slave states. . it has bees conceded by committees of congress, of the district of columbia.--in a report of the committee on the district, jan. , , by their chairman, mr. powell of va., there is the following declaration:--"the congress of the united states, has by the constitution exclusive jurisdiction over the district, and has power upon this subject, (_slavery_,) as upon all other subjects of legislation, to exercise _unlimited discretion_." reps. of comms. d sess. th cong. v. iv. no. . in december, , the committee on the district, dr. doddridge of va., chairman, reported, "that until the adjoining states act on the subject, (slavery) it would be (not _unconstitutional_ but) unwise and impolitic, if not unjust, for congress to interfere." in april, , a special committee on abolition memorials reported the following resolutions by their chairman, mr. pinckney of south carolina: "resolved, that congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy." "resolved, that congress _ought not to interfere_ in any way with slavery in the district of columbia." "ought not to interfere," carefully avoiding the phraseology of the first resolution, and thus in effect conceding the constitutional power. in a widely circulated "address to the electors of the charleston district," mr. pinkney is thus denounced by his own constituents: "he has proposed a resolution which is received by the plain common sense of the whole country as a concession that congress has authority to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." . it has been conceded by the citizens of the district. a petition for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, signed by nearly eleven hundred of its citizens, was presented to congress, march , . among the signers to this petition, were chief justice cranch, judge van ness, judge morsel, prof. j.m. staughton, and a large number of the most influential inhabitants of the district. mr. dickson, of new york, asserted on the floor of congress in , that the signers of this petition owned more than half of the property in the district. the accuracy of this statement has never been questioned. this power has been conceded by grand juries of the district. the grand jury of the county of alexandria, at the march term, , presented the domestic slave trade as a grievance, and said, "we consider these grievances demanding _legislative_ redress." jan. , , mr. alexander, of virginia, presented a representation of the grand jury in the city of washington, remonstrating against "any measure for the abolition of slavery within said district, unless accompanied by measures for the removal of the emancipated from the same;" thus, not only conceding the power to emancipate slaves, but affirming an additional power, that of _excluding them when free_. journal h.r. - , p. . . this power has been conceded by state legislatures. in the legislature of pennsylvania instructed their senators in congress "to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." jan. , , the house of assembly of new-york passed a resolution, that their "senators in congress be instructed to make every possible exertion to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." in february, , the senate of massachusetts "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery and the slave trade therein." the house of representatives passed the following resolution at the same session: "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district." november , , the legislature of vermont, "resolved, that congress have the full power by the constitution to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia, and in the territories." may , , a committee of the pennsylvania legislature reported the following resolution: "resolved, that congress does possess the constitutional power, and it is expedient to abolish slavery and the slave trade within the district of columbia." in january, , the legislature of south carolina "resolved, that we should consider the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia as a violation of the rights of the citizens of that district derived from the _implied_ conditions on which that territory was ceded to the general government." instead of denying the constitutional power, they virtually admit its existence, by striving to smother it under an _implication_. in february, , the legislature of north carolina "resolved, that, although by the constitution _all legislative power_ over the district of columbia is vested in the congress of the united states, yet we would deprecate any legislative action on the part of that body towards liberating the slaves of that district, as a breach of faith towards those states by whom the territory was originally ceded. here is a full concession of the _power_. february , , the virginia legislature passed unanimously the following resolution: "resolved, by the general assembly of virginia, that the following article be proposed to the several states of this union, and to congress, as an amendment of the constitution of the united states: "the powers of congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage of any law for the emancipation of slaves in the district of columbia, without the consent of the individual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legislatures of virginia and maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe." fifty years after the formation of the united states' constitution the states are solemnly called upon by the virginia legislature, to amend that instrument by a clause asserting that, in the grant to congress of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the district, the "case" of slavery is not included!! what could have dictated such a resolution but the conviction that the power to abolish slavery is an irresistible inference from the constitution _as it is_. the fact that the same legislature passed afterward a resolution, though by no means unanimously, that congress does not possess the power, abates not a tittle of the testimony in the first resolution. march d, , "mr. brown presented the resolutions of the general assembly of ohio, recommending to congress the consideration of a system for the gradual emancipation of persons of color held in servitude in the united states." on the same day, "mr. noble, of indiana, communicated a resolution from the legislature of that state, respecting the gradual emancipation of slaves within the united states." journal of the united states senate, for - , p. . the ohio and indiana resolutions, by taking for granted the _general_ power of congress over the subject of slavery, do virtually assert its _special_ power within its _exclusive_ jurisdiction. . this power has been conceded by bodies of citizens in the slave states. the petition of eleven hundred citizens of the district, has been already mentioned. "march , , mr. washington presented a memorial of inhabitants of the county of frederick, in the state of maryland, praying that provision be made for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . march , . mr. a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, "praying congress to take measures for the entire abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . january , . mr. rhea, of tennessee, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that provision may be made, whereby all slaves which may hereafter be born in the district of columbia, shall be free at a certain period of their lives." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . mr. saunders of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that measures may be taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the united states." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . "mr. barnard presented the memorial of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, held in baltimore, praying that slavery may be abolished in the district of columbia." journal u.s. senate, - , p. . . distinguished statesmen and jurists in the slaveholding states, have conceded this power. the testimony of messrs. doddridge, and powell, of virginia, chief justice cranch, and judges morsel and van ness, of the district, has already been given. in the debate in congress on the memorial of the society of friends, in , mr. madison, in speaking of the territories of the united states, explicitly declared, from his own knowledge of the views of the members of the convention that framed the constitution, as well as from the obvious import of its terms, that in the territories, "congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery." congress can have no more power over the territories than that of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," consequently, according to mr. madison, "it has certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery in the" _district_. in march, , mr. randolph of va. introduced a resolution for putting a stop to the domestic slave trade within the district. december , , mr. barney, of md. presented a memorial for abolition in the district, and moved that it be printed. mr. mcduffie, of s.c., objected to the printing, but "expressly admitted the right of congress to grant to the people of the district any measures which they might deem necessary to free themselves from the deplorable evil."--[see letter of mr. claiborne of miss. to his constituents, published in the washington globe, may , .] the sentiments of mr. clay, of kentucky, on the subject are well known. in a speech before the u.s. senate, in , he declared the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district "unquestionable." messrs. blair, of tenn., and chilton, lyon, and r.m. johnson, of ky., a.h. shepperd, of n.c., messrs. armstrong and smyth, of va., messrs. dorsey, archer, and barney, of md., and johns, of del., with numerous others from slave states, have asserted the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., on the missouri question, january , , he says on this point: "if the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, why do you not begin _here_? within the ten miles square, you have _undoubted power_ to exercise exclusive legislation. _produce a bill to emancipate the slaves in the district of columbia_, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." to this may be added the testimony of the present vice president of the united states, hon. richard m. johnson, of kentucky. in a speech before the u.s. senate, feb. , , (national intelligencer, april , ) he says: "in the district of columbia, containing a population of , souls, and probably as many slaves as the whole territory of missouri, the power of providing for their emancipation rests with congress alone. why, then, this heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of missouri, and this cold insensibility, this eternal apathy, towards the slaves in the district of columbia?" it is quite unnecessary to add, that the most distinguished northern statesmen of both political parties, have always affirmed the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district: president van buren in his letter of march , , to a committee of gentlemen in north carolina, says, "i would not, from the light now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia." this declaration of the president is consistent with his avowed sentiments touching the missouri question, on which he coincided with such men as daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, and others, whose names are a host.[a] it is consistent, also, with his recommendation in his late message, in which, speaking of the district, he strongly urges upon congress "a thorough and careful revision of its local government," speaks of the "entire dependence" of the people of the district "upon congress," recommends that a "uniform system of local government" be adopted, and adds, that "although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residence of officers entrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it never has been subjected to, or received, that _special_ and _comprehensive_ legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demanded." [footnote a: mr. van buren, when a member of the senate of new-york, voted for the following preamble and resolutions, which passed unanimously:--jan th, . "whereas the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the united states, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state: and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that _every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension_: and that the constitution of the united states _clearly gives congress the right_ to require new states, not comprised within the original boundary of the united states, to _make the prohibition of slavery_ a condition of their admission into the union: therefore, "resolved, that our senators be instructed, and our members of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the union, of an territory not comprised as aforesaid, without making _the prohibition of slavery_ therein an indispensable condition of admission." ] the tenor of mr. tallmadge's speech on the right of petition, and of mr. webster's on the reception of abolition memorials, may be taken as universal exponents of the sentiments of northern statesmen as to the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. an explicit declaration, that an "_overwhelming majority_" of the _present_ congress concede the power to abolish slavery in the district, has just been made by hon. robert barnwell rhett, a member of congress from south carolina, in a letter published in the charleston mercury of dec. , . the following is an extract: "the time has arrived when we must have new guaranties under the constitution, or the union must be dissolved. _our views of the constitution are not those of the majority_. an overwhelming majority _think that by the constitution, congress may abolish slavery in the district of columbia--may abolish the slave trade between the states; that is, it may prohibit their being carried out of the state in which they are--and prohibit it in all the territories, florida among them. they think_, not without strong reasons, _that the power of congress extends to all of these subjects_." _direct testimony_ to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has always till recently been _universally conceded_, is perhaps quite superfluous. we subjoin, however, the following: the vice-president of the united states in his speech on the missouri question, quoted above, after contending that the restriction of slavery in missouri would be unconstitutional, declares, that the power of congress over slavery in the district "could not be questioned." in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., also quoted above, he declares the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district to be "undoubted." mr. sutherland, of penn., in a speech in the house of representatives, on the motion to print mr. pinckney's report, is thus reported in the washington globe, of may th, ' . "he replied to the remark that the report conceded that congress had a right to legislate upon the subject in the district of columbia, and said that such a right had never been, till recently, denied." the american quarterly review, published at philadelphia, with a large circulation and list of contributors in the slave states, holds the following language in the september no. , p. : "under this 'exclusive jurisdiction,' granted by the constitution, congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia. it would hardly be necessary to state this as a distinct proposition, had it not been occasionally questioned. the truth of the assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of argument--and we believe has never been disputed by persons who are familiar with the constitution." objections to the foregoing conclusions considered. we now proceed to notice briefly the main arguments that have been employed in congress, and elsewhere against the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. one of the most plausible is; that "the conditions on which maryland and virginia ceded the district to the united states, would be violated, if congress should abolish slavery there." the reply to this is, that congress had no power to _accept_ a cession coupled with conditions restricting that "power of exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district," which was given it by the constitution. to show the futility of the objection, we insert here the acts of cession. the cession of maryland was made in november, , and is as follows: "an act to cede to congress a district of ten miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states." "be it enacted, by the general assembly of maryland, that the representatives of this state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new-york, on the first wednesday of march next, be, and they are hereby authorized and required on the behalf of this state, to cede to the congress of the united states, any district in this state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the congress may fix upon, and accept for the seat of government of the united states." laws of md., v. ., c. . the cession of virginia was made on the d of december, , in the following words: "be it enacted by the general assembly, that a tract of country, not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the state, and in any part thereof, as congress may, by law, direct, shall be, and the same is hereby forever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil, as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the government of the constitution of the united states." but were there no provisos to these acts? the maryland act had _none_. the virginia act had this proviso: "sect. . provided, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to vest in the united states any right of property in the soil, or to affect the rights of individuals _therein_, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the united states." this specification touching the soil was merely definitive and explanatory of that clause in the act of cession, "_full and absolute right_." instead of restraining the power of congress on _slavery_ and other subjects, it even gives it freer course; for exceptions to _parts_ of a rule, give double confirmation to those parts not embraced in the exceptions. if it was the _design_ of the proviso to restrict congressional action on the subject of _slavery_, why is the _soil alone_ specified? as legal instruments are not paragons of economy in words, might not "john doe," out of his abundance, and without spoiling his style, have afforded an additional word--at least a hint--that slavery was _meant_, though nothing was _said_ about it? but again, maryland and virginia, in their acts of cession, declare them to be "in pursuance of" that clause of the constitution which gives to congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over" the ten miles square--thus, instead of _restricting_ that clause, both states _confirm_ it. now, their acts of cession either accorded with that clause of the constitution, or they conflicted with it. if they conflicted with it, _accepting_ the cessions was a violation of the constitution. the fact that congress accepted the cessions, proves that in its view their _terms_ did not conflict with its constitutional grant of power. the inquiry whether these acts of cession were consistent or inconsistent with the united states' constitution, is totally irrelevant to the question at issue. what saith the constitution? that is the question. not, what saith virginia, or maryland, or--equally to the point--john bull! if maryland and virginia had been the authorized interpreters of the constitution for the union, these acts of cession could hardly have been magnified more than they have been recently by the southern delegation in congress. a true understanding of the constitution can be had, forsooth, only by holding it up in the light of maryland and virginia legislation! we are told, again, that those states would not have ceded the district if they had supposed the constitution gave congress power to abolish slavery in it. this comes with an ill grace from maryland and virginia. they _knew_ the constitution. they were parties to it. they had sifted it clause by clause, in their state conventions. they had weighed its words in the balance--they had tested them as by fire; and finally, after long pondering, they _adopted_ the constitution. and _afterward_, self-moved, they ceded the ten miles square, and declared the cession made "in pursuance of" that oft-cited clause, "congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." and now verily "they would not have ceded if they had _supposed_!" &c. cede it they _did_, and in "full and absolute right both of soil and persons." congress accepted the cession--state power over the district ceased, and congressional power over it commenced--and now, the sole question to be settled is, _the amount of power over the district, lodged in congress by the constitution_. the constitution--the constitution--that is the point. maryland and virginia "suppositions" must be potent suppositions to abrogate a clause of the united states' constitution! that clause either gives congress power to abolish slavery in the district, or it does _not_--and that point is to be settled, not by state "suppositions," nor state usages, nor state legislation, but _by the terms of the clause themselves_. southern members of congress, in the recent discussions, have conceded the power of a contingent abolition in the district, by suspending it upon the _consent_ of the people. such a doctrine from _declaimers_ like messrs. alford, of georgia, and walker, of mississippi, would excite no surprise; but that it should be honored with the endorsement of such men as mr. rives and mr. calhoun, is quite unaccountable. are attributes of _sovereignty_ mere creatures of _contingency_? is delegated _authority_ mere conditional _permission_? is a _constitutional power_ to be exercised by those who hold it, only by popular _sufferance?_ must it lie helpless at the pool of public sentiment, waiting the gracious troubling of its waters? is it a lifeless corpse, save only when popular "consent" deigns to puff breath into its nostrils? besides, if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of the _whole_ people must be had--not that of a majority, however large. majorities, to be authoritative, must be _legal_--and a legal majority without legislative power, or right of representation, or even the electoral franchise, would be truly an anomaly! in the district of columbia, such a thing as a majority in a legal sense is unknown to law. to talk of the power of a majority, or the will of a majority there, is mere mouthing. a majority? then it has an authoritative will--and an organ to make it known--and an executive to carry it into effect--where are they? we repeat it--if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of _every one_ is necessary--and _universal_ consent will come only with the greek kalends and a "perpetual motion." a single individual might thus _perpetuate_ slavery in defiance of the expressed will of a whole people. the most common form of this fallacy is given by mr. wise, of virginia, in his speech, february , , in which he denied the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, unless the inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for it!! southern members of congress at the present session ring changes almost daily upon the same fallacy. what! pray congress _to use_ a power which it _has not_? "it is required of a man according to what he _hath_," saith the scripture. i commend mr. wise to paul for his ethics. would that he had got his _logic_ of him! if congress does not possess the power, why taunt it with its weakness, by asking its exercise? why mock it by demanding impossibilities? petitioning, according to mr. wise, is, in matters of legislation, omnipotence itself; the very _source_ of all constitutional power; for, _asking_ congress to do what it _cannot_ do, gives it the power--to pray the exercise of a power that is _not, creates_ it. a beautiful theory! let us work it both ways. if to petition for the exercise of a power that is _not_, creates it--to petition against the exercise of a power that _is_, annihilates it. as southern gentlemen are partial to summary processes, pray, sirs, try the virtue of your own recipe on "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" a better subject for experiment and test of the prescription could not be had. but if the petitions of the citizens of the district give congress the _right_ to abolish slavery, they impose the _duty_; if they confer constitutional _authority_, they create constitutional _obligation_. if congress _may_ abolish because of an expression of their will, it _must_ abolish at the bidding of that will. if the people of the district are a _source of power_ to congress, their _expressed_ will has the force of a constitutional provision, and has the same binding power upon the national legislature. to make congress dependent on the district for authority, is to make it a _subject_ of its authority, restraining the exercise of its own discretion, and sinking it into a mere organ of the district's will. we proceed to another objection. "_the southern states would not have ratified the constitution, if they had supposed that it gave this power._" it is a sufficient answer to this objection, that the northern states would not have ratified it, if they had supposed that it _withheld_ the power. if "suppositions" are to take the place of the constitution--coming from both sides, they neutralize each other. to argue a constitutional question by _guessing_ at the "suppositions" that might have been made by the parties to it, would find small favor in a court of law. but even a desperate shift is some easement when sorely pushed. if this question is to be settled by "suppositions" suppositions shall be forthcoming, and that without stint. first, then, i affirm that the north ratified the constitution, "supposing" that slavery had begun to wax old, and would speedily vanish away, and especially that the abolition of the slave trade, which by the constitution was to be surrendered to congress after twenty years, would cast it headlong. would the north have adopted the constitution, giving three-fifths of the "slave property" a representation, if it had "supposed" that the slaves would have increased from half a million to two millions and a half by --and that the census of would give to the slave states thirty representatives of "slave property?" if they had "supposed" that this representation would have controlled the legislation of the government, and carried against the north every question vital to its interests, would hamilton, franklin, sherman, gerry, livingston, langdon, and rufus king have been such madmen, as to sign the constitution, and the northern states such suicides as to ratify it? every self-preserving instinct would have shrieked at such an infatuate immolation. at the adoption of the united states constitution, slavery was regarded as a fast waning system. this conviction was universal. washington, jefferson, henry, grayson, tucker, madison, wythe, pendleton, lee, blair, mason, page, parker, randolph, iredell, spaight, ramsey, pinkney, martin, mchenry, chase, and nearly all the illustrious names south of the potomac, proclaimed it before the sun. a reason urged in the convention that formed the united states constitution, why the word slave should not be used in it, was, that _when slavery should cease_, there might remain upon the national charter no record that it had ever been. (see speech of mr. burrill, of r.i., on the missouri question.) i now proceed to show by testimony, that at the date of the united states constitution, and for several years before and after that period, slavery was rapidly on the wane; that the american revolution with the great events preceding, accompanying, and following it, had wrought an immense and almost universal change in the public sentiment of the nation on the subject, powerfully impelling it toward the entire abolition of the system--and that it was the _general belief_ that measures for its abolition throughout the union, would be commenced by the individual states generally before the lapse of many years. a great mass of testimony establishing this position might be presented, but narrow space, and the importance of speedy publication, counsel brevity. let the following proofs suffice. first, a few dates as points of observation. the first _general_ congress met in . the revolutionary war commenced in ' . independence was declared in ' . the articles of confederation were adopted by the thirteen states in ' . independence acknowledged in ' . the convention for forming the u.s. constitution was held in ' , the state conventions for considering it in ' , and ' . the first congress under the constitution in ' . dr. rush, of pennsylvania, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, in a letter to granville sharpe, may , , says "a spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken in several of the colonies in favor of the poor negroes. great events have been brought about by small beginnings. _anthony benezet stood alone a few years ago in opposing negro slavery in philadelphia_, and now three-fourths of the province as well as of the city cry out against it."--[stuart's life of sharpe, p. .] in the preamble to the act prohibiting the importation of slaves into rhode island, june, , is the following: "whereas the inhabitants of america are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which that of personal freedom must be considered the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, _should be willing to extend personal liberty to others_, therefore," &c. october , , the continental congress passed the following: "we, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, _firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country_, as follows: " d article. we _will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported_ after the first day of december next, after which time we will _wholly discontinue_ the slave trade, and we will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it." the continental congress, in , setting forth the causes and the necessity for taking up arms, say: "_if it were possible_ for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race to _hold an absolute property in, and unbounded power over others_," &c. in , dr. hopkins, then at the head of new england divines, in "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the american colonies," says: "the conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice (slavery) has been _increasing_, and _greatly spreading of late_, and _many_ who have had slaves, have found themselves so unable to justify their own conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induced to _set them at liberty_. * * * * slavery is, _in every instance_, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive--a very great and crying sin--_there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth._" the same year the american congress issued a solemn manifesto to the world. these were its first words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." _once_, these were words of power; _now_, "a rhetorical flourish." the celebrated patrick henry of virginia, in a letter, of jan. , , to robert pleasants, afterwards president of the virginia abolition society, says: "believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. it is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. i exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." in , the continental congress ordered a pamphlet to be published, entitled, "observations on the american revolution," from which the following is an extract: "the great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, _that men are by nature free_; and so long as we have any idea of divine _justice_, we must associate that of _human freedom_. it is _conceded on all hands, that the right to be free_ can never be alienated." extract from the pennsylvania act for the abolition of slavery, passed march , : * * "we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others which has been extended to us. weaned by a long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partialities we had imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations: * * * therefore be it enacted, that no child born hereafter be a slave," &c. jefferson, in his notes on virginia, written just before the close of the revolutionary war, says: "i think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present revolution. the spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, _the way i hope preparing under the auspices of heaven_, for a total emancipation." in a letter to dr. price, of london, who had just published a pamphlet in favor of the abolition of slavery, mr. jefferson, then minister at paris, (august , ,) says: "from the mouth to the head of the chesapeake, _the bulk of the people will approve of your pamphlet in theory_, and it will find a respectable minority ready to _adopt it in practice_--a minority which, for weight and worth of character, _preponderates against the greater number_." speaking of virginia, he says: "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression,--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits. be not, therefore, discouraged--what you have written will do a _great deal of good_; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the laboring side. the college of william and mary, since the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together all the young men of virginia, under preparation for public life. they are there under the direction (most of them) of a mr. wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and _whose sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal._ i am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an exhortation to those young men with all that eloquence of which you are master, that _its influence on the future decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive._ thus, you see, that so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you have done, _i wish you to do more, and wish it on an assurance of its effect._"--jefferson's posthumous works, vol. , p. . in , john jay drafted and signed a petition to the legislature of new york, on the subject of slavery, beginning with these words: "your memorialists being deeply affected by the situation of those, who, although free by the law of god, are held in slavery by the laws of the state," &c. this memorial bore also the signatures of the celebrated alexander hamilton; robert r. livingston, afterward secretary of foreign affairs of the united states, and chancellor of the state of new-york; james duane, major of the city of new-york, and many others of the most eminent individuals in the state. in the preamble of an instrument, by which mr. jay emancipated a slave in , is the following passage: "whereas, the children of men are by nature equally free, and cannot, without injustice, be either reduced to or held in slavery." in his letter while minister at spain, in , he says, speaking of the abolition of slavery: "till america comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. i believe god governs the world; and i believe it to be a maxim in his, as in our court, that those who ask for equity _ought to do it._" in , the new-york manumission society was formed. john jay was chosen its first president, and held the office for five years. alexander hamilton was its second president, and after holding the office one year, resigned upon his removal to philadelphia as secretary of the united states' treasury. in , the pennsylvania abolition society was formed. benjamin franklin, warm from the discussions of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution, was chosen president, and benjamin rush, secretary--both signers of the declaration of independence. in , the maryland abolition society was formed. among its officers were samuel chace, judge of the u.s. supreme court, and luther martin, a member of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution. in , the connecticut abolition society was formed. the first president was rev. dr. stiles, president of yale college, and the secretary, simeon baldwin, (the late judge baldwin of new haven.) in , this society sent a memorial to congress, from which the following is an extract: "from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom. your petitioners are fully of opinion; that calm reflection will at last convince the world, that the whole system of african slavery is unjust in its nature--impolitic in its principles--and, in its consequences, ruinous to the industry and enterprise of the citizens of these states. from a conviction of those truths, your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men; and, though this society has been _lately_ established, it has now become _generally extensive_ through this state, and, we fully believe, _embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens._" the same year the virginia abolition society was formed. this society, and the maryland society, had auxiliaries in different parts of those states. both societies sent up memorials to congress. the memorial of the virginia society is headed--"the memorial of the _virginia society_, for promoting the abolition of slavery, &c." the following is an extract: "your memorialists, fully believing that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an _outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel_, lament that a practice so inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and among a people professing, that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom." about the same time a society was formed in new jersey. it had an acting committee of five members in each county in the state. the following is an extract from the preamble to its constitution: "it is our boast, that we live under a government wherein _life_, _liberty_, and the _pursuit of happiness_, are recognized as the universal rights of men; and whilst we are anxious to preserve these rights to ourselves, and transmit them inviolate, to our posterity, we _abhor that inconsistent, illiberal, and interested policy, which withholds those rights from an unfortunate and degraded class of our fellow creatures._" among other distinguished individuals who were efficient officers of these abolition societies, and delegates from their respective state societies, at the annual meetings of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, were hon. uriah tracy, united states' senator, from connecticut; hon. zephaniah swift, chief justice of the same state; hon. cesar a. rodney, attorney general of the united states; hon. james a. bayard, united states' senator, from delaware; governor bloomfield, of new-jersey; hon. wm. rawle, the late venerable head of the philadelphia bar; dr. caspar wistar, of philadelphia; messrs. foster and tillinghast, of rhode island; messrs. ridgely, buchanan, and wilkinson, of maryland; and messrs. pleasants, mclean, and anthony, of virginia. in july, , the old congress passed the celebrated ordinance abolishing slavery in the northwestern territory, and declaring that it should never thereafter exist there. this ordinance was passed while the convention that formed the united states' constitution was in session. at the first session of congress under the constitution, this ordinance was ratified by a special act. washington, fresh from the discussions of the convention, in which _more than forty days had been spent in adjusting the question of slavery, gave it his approval._ the act passed with only one dissenting voice, (that of mr. yates, of new york,) _the south equally with the north avowing the fitness and expediency of the measure on general considerations, and indicating thus early the line of national policy, to be pursued by the united states' government on the subject of slavery_. in the debates in the north carolina convention, mr. iredell, afterward a judge of the united states' supreme court, said, "_when the entire abolition of slavery takes place_, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." mr. galloway said, "i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. i apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means _to bring forward manumission_." luther martin, of maryland, a member of the convention that formed the united states constitution, said, "we ought to authorize the general government to make such regulations as shall be thought most advantageous for _the gradual abolition of slavery_, and the _emancipation of the slaves_ which are already in the states." judge wilson, of pennsylvania, one of the framers of the constitution, said, in the pennsylvania convention of ' , [deb. pa. con. p. , :] "i consider this (the clause relative to the slave trade) as laying the foundation for _banishing slavery out of this country_. it will produce the same kind of gradual change which was produced in pennsylvania; the new states which are to be formed will be under the control of congress in this particular, and _slaves will never be introduced_ among them. it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established _throughout the union_. yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to _exterminate slavery_ within our borders." in the virginia convention of ' , mr. mason, author of the virginia constitution, said, "the augmentation of slaves weakens the states, and such a trade is _diabolical_ in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. as much as i value a union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states, (i.e., south carolina and georgia,) into the union, _unless they agree to a discontinuance of this disgraceful trade_." mr. tyler opposed with great power the clause prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade till , and said, "my earnest desire is, that it shall be handed down to posterity that i oppose this wicked clause." mr. johnson said, "the principle of emancipation _has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round_."--[deb. va. con. p. .] patrick henry, arguing the power of congress under the united states' constitution to abolish slavery in the states, said, in the same convention, "another thing will contribute to bring this event (the abolition of slavery) about. slavery is _detested_. we feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all the pity of humanity."--[deb. va. con. p. .] in the mass. con. of ' , judge dawes said, "although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet _it has received a mortal wound_, and will die of consumption."--[deb. mass. con. p. .] general heath said that, "slavery was confined to the states _now existing_, it _could not be extended_. by their ordinance, congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, _and have no slavery_."--p. . in the debate, in the first congress, february th and th, , on the petitions of the society of friends, and the pennsylvania abolition society, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding _so considerable a part_ of the community attending to matters of such a momentous concern to the _future prosperity_ and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, _to espouse their cause_." mr. page, of virginia, (afterward governor)--"was _in favor_ of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was _not_ taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, _from which was expected great good would result to_ every class _of citizens_, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and _wait the decision patiently_." mr. scott of pennsylvania: "i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person _can be said to acquire a property in another_. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason, and becoming humanity. _i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to came before me and claim their emancipation, but i am sure i would go as far as i could_." mr. burke, of south carolina, said, "he _saw the disposition of the house_, and he feared it would he referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." mr. smith of south carolina, said, "that on entering into this government, they (south carolina and georgia) apprehended that the other states, * * _would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation_." in the debate, at the same session, may th, , on the petition of the society of friends respecting the slave trade, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power _to restore to human nature its inherent privileges_. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged _should be done away_." mr. jackson, of georgia, said, "it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves. * * * * will virginia set her negroes free? _when this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear_." mr. madison, of virginia,--"the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of us. * * * * i conceive the constitution in this particular was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to _give some testimony of the sense of america_, with respect to the african trade. * * * * it is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, _to vary the practice_ obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this. but it is _certain_ a majority of the states are _opposed to this practice_."--cong. reg. v. , p. - . a writer in the "gazette of the united states," feb. th, , (then the government paper,) who opposes the abolition of slavery, and avows himself a _slaveholder_, says, "i have seen in the papers accounts of _large associations_, and applications to government for _the abolition of slavery_. religion, humanity, and the generosity natural to a free people, are the _noble principles which dictate those measures_. such motives command respect, and are above any eulogium words can bestow." in the convention that formed the constitution of kentucky in , the effort to prohibit slavery was nearly successful. a decided majority of that body would undoubtedly have voted for its exclusion, but for the great efforts and influence of two large slaveholders--men of commanding talents and sway--messrs. breckenridge and nicholas. the following extract from a speech made in that convention by a member of it, mr. rice a native virginian, is a specimen of the _free discussion_ that prevailed on that "delicate subject." said mr. rice: "i do a man greater injury, when i deprive him of his liberty, than when i deprive him of his property. it is vain for me to plead that i have the sanction of law; for this makes the injury the greater--it arms the community against him, and makes his case desperate. the owners of such slaves then are _licensed robbers_, and not the just proprietors of what they claim. freeing them is not depriving them of property, but _restoring it to the right owner_. in america, a slave is a standing monument of the tyranny and inconsistency of human governments. the master is the enemy of the slave; he _has made open war upon him_, and is daily carrying it on in unremitted efforts. can any one imagine, then, that the slave is indebted to his master, and _bound to serve him_? whence can the obligation arise? what is it founded upon? what is my duty to an enemy that is carrying on war against me? i do not deny, but in some circumstances, it is the duty of the slave to serve; but it is a duty he owes himself, and not his master." president edwards, the younger, said, in a sermon preached before the connecticut abolition society, sept. , : "thirty years ago, scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in congress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? and if we judge of the future by the past, _within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft_." in , the general assembly of the presbyterian church adopted its "scripture proofs," notes, comments, &c. among these was the following: " tim. i. . the law is made for manstealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment. exodus xxi. . and the apostle here classes them with _sinners of the first rank_. the word he uses, in its original import comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in _retaining_ them in it. _stealers of men_ are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and _keep_, sell, or buy them." in , dr. rush declared: "domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of christianity. it prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. it is rebellion against the authority of a common father. it is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common savior. it is an usurpation of the prerogative of the great sovereign of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men." in , mr. fiske, then an officer of dartmouth college, afterward a judge in tennessee, said, in an oration published that year, speaking of slaves: "i steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to _an equal standing, in point of privileges, with the whites_! they must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature." when the petition on the abolition of the slave trade was under discussion in the congress of ' , mr. brown, of north carolina, said, "the emancipation of the slaves _will be effected_ in time; it ought to be a gradual business, but he hoped that congress would not _precipitate_ it to the great injury of the southern states." mr. hartley, of pennsylvania, said, in the same debate, "_he was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that house._" washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, says, "there are, in pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which _nothing is more certain_ than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." in , virginia passed her celebrated manumission act. within nine years from that time nearly eleven thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated by their masters. judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. . in , maryland passed an act legalizing manumission. mr. dorsey, of maryland, in a speech in congress, december th, , speaking of manumissions under that act, said, that "_the progress of emancipation was astonishing_, the state became crowded with a free black population." the celebrated william pinkney, in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , on the emancipation of slaves, said, "sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, _no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bondage for a single hour_.... i would as soon believe the incoherent tale of a schoolboy, who should tell me he had been frightened by a ghost, as that the grant of this permission (to emancipate) ought in any degree to alarm us. are we apprehensive that these men will become more dangerous by becoming freemen? are we alarmed, lest by being admitted into the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? strange, unaccountable paradox! how much more rational would it be, to argue that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself! dishonorable to the species is the idea that they would ever prove injurious to our interests--released from the shackles of slavery, by the justice of government and the bounty of individuals--the want of fidelity and attachment would be next to impossible." hon. james campbell, in an address before the pennsylvania society of the cincinnati, july , , said, "our separation from great britain has extended the empire of humanity. the time _is not far distant_ when our sister states, in imitation of our example, _shall turn their vassals into freemen_." the convention that formed the united states' constitution being then in session, attended at the delivery of this oration with general washington at their head. a baltimore paper of september th, , contains the following notice of major general gates: "a few days ago passed through this town the hon. general gates and lady. the general, previous to leaving virginia, summoned his numerous family of slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom." in the university of william and mary, in virginia, conferred upon granville sharpe the degree of doctor of laws. sharpe was at that time the acknowledged head of british abolitionists. his indefatigable exertions, prosecuted for years in the case of somerset, procured that memorable decision in the court of king's bench, which settled the principle that no slave could be held in england. he was most uncompromising in his opposition to slavery, and for twenty years previous he had spoken, written, and accomplished more against it than any man living. in the "memoirs of the revolutionary war in the southern department," by gen. lee, of va., commandant of the partizan legion, is the following: "the constitution of the united states, adopted lately with so much difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil, (by importation) after a few years. it is much to be lamented that having done so much in this way, _a provision had not been made for the gradual abolition of slavery_."--p. , . mr. tucker, of virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, addressed a letter to the general assembly of that state, in , urging the abolition of slavery; from which the following is an extract. speaking of the slaves in virginia, he says: "should we not, at the time of the revolution, have loosed their chains and broken their fetters; or if the difficulties and dangers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt, during the convulsions of a revolution, is it not our duty, _to embrace the first moment_ of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor our consciences to reproach us?" mr. faulkner, in a speech before the virginia legislature, jan. , , said--"the idea of a gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves from this commonwealth, is coeval with the declaration of our independence from the british yoke. it sprung into existence during the first session of the general assembly, subsequent to the formation of your republican government. when virginia stood sustained in her legislation by the pure and philosophic intellect of pendleton--by the patriotism of mason and lee--by the searching vigor and sagacity of wythe, and by the all-embracing, all-comprehensive genius of thomas jefferson! sir, it was a committee composed of those five illustrious men, who, in , submitted to the general assembly of this state, then in session, _a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of this commonwealth_." hon. benjamin watkins leigh, late united states' senator from virginia, in his letters to the people of virginia, in , signed appomattox, p. , says: "i thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body that during the revolution, _and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen_, who entertained, with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the object. mr. wythe, to the day of his death, _was for a simple abolition, considering the objection to color as founded in prejudice_. by degrees, all projects of the kind were abandoned. mr. jefferson _retained_ his opinion, and now we have these projects revived." governor barbour, of virginia, in his speech in the u.s. senate, on the missouri question, jan. , said:--"we are asked why has virginia _changed her policy_ in reference to slavery? that the sentiments of _our most distinguished men_, for thirty years _entirely corresponded_ with the course which the friends of the restriction (of slavery in missouri) now advocated; and that the virginia delegation, one of whom was the late president of the united states, voted for the restriction, (of slavery) in the northwestern territory, and that mr. jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery. when it is recollected that the notes of mr. jefferson were written during the progress of the revolution, it is no matter of surprise that the writer should have imbibed a large portion of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. as to the consent of the virginia delegation to the restriction in question, whether the result of a disposition to restrain the slave trade indirectly, or the influence of that enthusiasm to which i have just alluded, * * * * it is not now important to decide. we have witnessed its effects. the liberality of virginia, or, as the result may prove, her folly, which submitted to, or, if you will, proposed _this measure_, (abolition of slavery in the n.w. territory) has eventuated in effects which speak a monitory lesson. _how is the representation from this quarter on the present question?_" mr. imlay, in his early history of kentucky, p. , says: "we have disgraced the fair face of humanity, and trampled upon the sacred privileges of man, at the very moment that we were exclaiming against the tyranny of your (the english) ministry. but in contending for the birthright of freedom, we have learned to feel _for the bondage of others_, and in the libations we offer to the goddess of liberty, we _contemplate an emancipation of the slaves of this country_, as honorable to themselves as it will be glorious to us." in the debate in congress, jan, , , on mr. sloan's motion to lay a tax on the importation of slaves, mr. clark of va. said: "he was no advocate for a system of slavery." mr. marion, of s. carolina, said: "he never had purchased, nor should he ever purchase a slave." mr. southard said: "not revenue, but an expression of the _national sentiment_ is the principal object." mr. smilie--"i rejoice that the word (slave) is not in the constitution; its not being there does honor to the worthies who would not suffer it to become a _part_ of it." mr. alston, of n. carolina--"in two years we shall have the power to prohibit the trade altogether. then this house will be unanimous. no one will object to our exercising our full constitutional powers." national intelligencer, jan. , . these witnesses need no vouchers to entitle them to credit; nor their testimony comments to make it intelligible--their _names_ are their _endorsers_ and their strong words their own interpreters. we wave all comments. our readers are of age. whosoever hath ears to _hear_, let him hear. and whosoever will not hear the fathers of the revolution, the founders of the government, its chief magistrates, judges, legislators and sages, who dared and periled all under the burdens, and in the heat of the day that tried men's souls--then "neither will he be persuaded though they rose from the dead." some of the points established by the testimony are--the universal expectation that the _moral_ influence of congress, of state legislatures, of seminaries of learning, of churches, of the ministers of religion, and of public sentiment widely embodied in abolition societies, would be exerted against slavery, calling forth by argument and appeal the moral sense of the nation, and creating a power of opinion that would abolish the system throughout the union. in a word, that free speech and a free press would be wielded against slavery without ceasing and without restriction. full well did the south know, not only that the national government would probably legislate against slavery wherever the constitution placed it within its reach, but she knew also that congress had already marked out the line of national policy to be pursued on the subject--had committed itself before the world to a course of action against slavery, wherever she could move upon it without encountering a conflicting jurisdiction--that the nation had established by solemn ordinance memorable precedent for subsequent action, by abolishing slavery in the northwest territory, and by declaring that it should never thenceforward exist there; and this too, as soon as by cession of virginia and other states, the territory came under congressional control. the south knew also that the sixth article in the ordinance prohibiting slavery was first proposed by the largest slaveholding state in the confederacy--that the chairman of the committee that reported the ordinance was a slaveholder--that the ordinance was enacted by congress during the session of the convention that formed the united states constitution--that the provisions of the ordinance were, both while in prospect, and when under discussion, matters of universal notoriety and _approval_ with all parties, and when finally passed, received the vote _of every member of congress from each of the slaveholding states_. the south also had every reason for believing that the first congress under the constitution would _ratify_ that ordinance--as it _did_ unanimously. a crowd of reflections, suggested by the preceding testimony, press for utterance. the right of petition ravished and trampled by its constitutional guardians, and insult and defiance hurled in the faces of the sovereign people while calmly remonstrating _with their_ servants for violence committed on the nation's charter and their own dearest rights! add to this "the right of peaceably assembling" violently wrested--the rights of minorities, _rights_ no longer--free speech struck dumb--free _men_ outlawed and murdered--free presses cast into the streets and their fragments strewed with shoutings, or flourished in triumph before the gaze of approving crowds as proud members of prostrate law! the spirit and power of our fathers, where are they? their deep homage always and every where rendered to free thought, with its _inseparable signs--free speech and a free press_--their reverence for justice, liberty, _rights_ and all-pervading law, where are they? but we turn from these considerations--though the times on which we have fallen, and those towards which we are borne with headlong haste, call for their discussion as with the voices of departing life--and proceed to topics relevant to the argument before us. the seventh article of the amendments to the constitution is alleged to withhold from congress the power to abolish slavery in the district. "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." all the slaves in the district have been "deprived of liberty" by legislative acts. now, these legislative acts "depriving" them "of liberty," were either "due process of law," or they were _not_. if they _were_, then a legislative act, taking from the master that "property" which is the identical "liberty" previously taken from the slave, would be "due process of law" _also_, and of course a _constitutional_ act; but if the legislative acts "depriving" them of "liberty" were _not_ "due process of law," then the slaves were deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and these acts are _void_. in that case the _constitution emancipates them_. if the objector reply, by saying that the import of the phrase "due process of law," is _judicial_ process solely, it is granted, and that fact is our rejoinder; for no slave in the district _has_ been deprived of his liberty by "a judicial process," or, in other words, by "due process of law;" consequently, upon the objector's own admission, every slave in the district has been deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and is therefore _free by the constitution_. this is asserted only of the slaves under the "exclusive legislation" of congress. the last clause of the article under consideration is quoted for the same purpose: "nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." each of the state constitutions has a clause of similar purport. the abolition of slavery in the district by congress, would not, as we shall presently show, violate this clause either directly or by implication. granting for argument's sake, that slaves are "private property," and that to emancipate them, would be to "take private property" for "public use," the objector admits the power of congress to do _this_, provided it will do something _else_, that is, _pay_ for them. thus, instead of denying the _power_, the objector not only admits, but _affirms_ it, as the ground of the inference that compensation must accompany it. so far from disproving the existence of _one_ power, the objector asserts the existence of _two_--one, the power to take the slaves from their masters, the other, the power to take the property of the united states to pay for them. if congress cannot constitutionally impair the right of private property, or take it without compensation, it cannot constitutionally, _legalise_ the perpetration of such acts, by _others_, nor _protect_ those who commit them. does the power to rob a man of his earnings, rob the earner of his right to them? who has a better right to the _product_ than the producer?--to the _interest_, than the owner of the _principal_?--to the hands and arms, than he from whose shoulders they swing?--to the body and soul, than he whose they _are_? congress not only impairs but annihilates the right of private property, while it withholds from the slaves of the district their title to _themselves_. what! congress powerless to protect a man's right to _himself_, when it can make inviolable the right to a _dog_! but, waving this, i deny that the abolition of slavery in the district would violate this clause. what does the clause prohibit? the "taking" of "private property" for "public use." suppose congress should emancipate the slaves in the district, what would it "_take_?" nothing. what would it _hold_? nothing. what would it put to "public use?" nothing. instead of _taking_ "private property," congress, by abolishing slavery, would say "_private property_ shall not _be_ taken; and those who have been robbed of it already, shall be kept out of it no longer; and since every man's right to his own body is _paramount_, he shall be protected in it." true, congress may not arbitrarily take property, _as_ property, from one man and give it to another--and in the abolition of slavery no such thing is done. a legislative act changes the _condition_ of the slave--makes him his own _proprietor_ instead of the property of another. it determines a question of _original right_ between two classes of persons--doing an act of justice to one, and restraining the other from acts of injustice; or, in other words, preventing one from robbing the other, by granting to the injured party the protection of just and equitable laws. congress, by an act of abolition, would change the condition of seven thousand "persons" in the district, but would "take" nothing. to construe this provision so as to enable the citizens of the district to hold as property, and in perpetuity, whatever they please, or to hold it as property in all circumstances--all necessity, public welfare, and the will and power of the government to the contrary notwithstanding--is a total perversion of its whole _intent_. the _design_ of the provision, was to throw up a barrier against governmental aggrandizement. the right to "take property" for _state uses_ is one thing;--the right so to adjust the _tenures_ by which property is held, that _each may have his own secured to him_, is another thing, and clearly within the scope of legislation. besides, if congress were to "take" the slaves in the district, it would be _adopting_, not abolishing slavery--becoming a slaveholder itself, instead of requiring others to be such no longer. the clause in question, prohibits the "taking" of individual property for public uses, to be employed or disposed of as property for governmental purposes. congress, by abolishing slavery in the district, would do no such thing. it would merely change the _condition_ of that which has been recognised as a qualified property by congressional acts, though previously declared "persons" by the constitution. more than this is done continually by congress and every other legislature. property the most absolute and unqualified, is annihilated by legislative acts. the embargo and non-intercourse act, prostrated at a stroke, a forest of shipping, and sunk millions of capital. to say nothing of the power of congress to take hundreds of millions from the people by direct taxation, who doubts its power to abolish at once the whole tariff system, change the seat of government, arrest the progress of national works, prohibit any branch of commerce with the indian tribes or with foreign nations, change the locality of forts, arsenals, magazines, dock yards, &c., to abolish the post office system, the privilege of patents and copyrights, &c. by such acts congress might, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, annihilate property to an incalculable amount, and that without becoming liable to claims for compensation. finally, this clause prohibits the taking for public use of "_property_." the constitution of the united states does not recognise slaves as "property" any where, and it does not recognise them in _any sense_ in the district of columbia. all allusions to them in the constitution recognise them as "persons." every reference to them points _solely_ to the element of _personality_; and thus, by the strongest implication, declares that the constitution _knows_ them only as "persons," and _will_ not recognise them in any other light. if they escape into free states, the constitution authorizes their being taken back. but how? not as the property of an "owner," but as "persons;" and the peculiarity of the expression is a marked recognition of their _personality_--a refusal to recognise them as chattels--"persons _held_ to service." are _oxen_ "_held_ to service?" that can be affirmed only of _persons_. again, slaves give political power as "persons." the constitution, in settling the principle of representation, requires their enumeration in the census. how? as property? then why not include race horses and game cocks? slaves, like other inhabitants, are enumerated as "persons." so by the constitution, the government was pledged to non-interference with "the migration or importation of such persons" as the states might think proper to admit until , and authorized the laying of a tax on each "person" so admitted. further, slaves are recognised as _persons_ by the exaction of their _allegiance_ to the government. for offences against the government slaves are tried as _persons_; as persons they are entitled to counsel for their defence, to the rules of evidence, and to "due process of law," and as _persons_ they are punished. true, they are loaded with cruel disabilities in courts of law, such as greatly obstruct and often inevitably defeat the ends of justice, yet they are still recognised as _persons_. even in the legislation of congress, and in the diplomacy of the general government, notwithstanding the frequent and wide departures from the integrity of the constitution on this subject, slaves are not recognised as _property_ without qualification. congress has always refused to grant compensation for slaves killed or taken by the enemy, even when these slaves had been impressed into the united states' service. in half a score of cases since the last war, congress has rejected such applications for compensation. besides, both in congressional acts, and in our national diplomacy, slaves and property are not used as convertible terms. when mentioned in treaties and state papers it is in such a way as to distinguish them from mere property, and generally by a recognition of their _personality_. in the invariable recognition of slaves as _persons_, the united states' constitution caught the mantle of the glorious declaration, and most worthily wears it.--it recognizes all human beings as "men," "persons," and thus as "equals." in the original draft of the declaration, as it came from the hand of jefferson, it is alleged that great britain had "waged a cruel war against _human_ nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, carrying them into slavery, * * determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold,"--thus disdaining to make the charter of freedom a warrant for the arrest of _men_, that they might be shorn both of liberty and humanity. the celebrated roger sherman, one of the committee of five appointed to draft the declaration of independence, and also a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, in the first congress after its adoption: "the constitution _does not consider these persons,_ (slaves,) _as a species of property._"--[lloyd's cong. reg. v. , p. .] that the united states' constitution does not make slaves "property," is shown in the fact that no person, either as a citizen of the united states, or by having his domicile within the united states' government, can hold slaves. he can hold them only by deriving his power from _state_ laws, or from the laws of congress, if he hold slaves within the district. but no person resident within the united states' jurisdiction, and not within the district, nor within a state whose laws support slavery, nor "held to service" under the laws of such state or district, having escaped therefrom, _can be held as a slave_. men can hold _property_ under the united states' government though residing beyond the bounds of any state, district, or territory. an inhabitant of the wisconsin territory can hold property there under the laws of the united states, but he cannot hold _slaves_ there under the united states' laws, nor by virtue of the united states' constitution, nor upon the ground of his united states citizenship, nor by having his domicile within the united states' jurisdiction. the constitution no where recognizes the right to "slave property," _but merely the fact that the states have jurisdiction each in its own limits, and that there are certain "persons" within their jurisdictions "held to service" by their own laws._ finally, in the clause under consideration, "private property" is not to be taken "without _just_ compensation." "just!" if justice is to be appealed to in determining the amount of compensation, let her determine the _grounds_ also. if it be her province to say _how much_ compensation is "just," it is hers to say whether _any_ is "just,"--whether the slave is "just" property _at all_, rather than a "_person_." then, if justice adjudges the slave to be "private property," it adjudges him to be _his own_ property, since the right to one's _self_ is the first right--the source of all others--the original stock by which they are accumulated--the principal, of which they are the interest. and since the slave's "private property" has been "taken," and since "compensation" is impossible--there being no _equivalent_ for one's self--the least that can be done is to restore to him his original private property. having shown that in abolishing slavery, "property" would not be "taken for public use," it may be added that, in those states where slavery has been abolished by law, no claim for compensation has been allowed. indeed the manifest absurdity of demanding it, seems to have quite forstalled the _setting up_ of such a claim. the abolition of slavery in the district, instead of being a legislative anomaly, would proceed upon the principles of every day legislation. it has been shown already, that the united states' constitution does not recognize slaves as "property." yet ordinary legislation is full of precedents, showing that even _absolute_ property is in many respects wholly subject to legislation. the repeal of the law of entailments--all those acts that control the alienation of property, its disposal by will, its passing to heirs by descent, with the question, who shall be heirs, and what shall be the rule of distribution among them, or whether property shall be transmitted at all by descent, rather than escheat to the state--these, with statutes of limitation, and various other classes of legislative acts, serve to illustrate the acknowledged scope of the law-making power, even where property _is in every sense absolute_. persons whose property is thus affected by public laws, receive from the government no compensation for their losses, unless the state has been put in possession of the property taken from them. the preamble of the united states' constitution declares it to be a fundamental object of the organization of the government "to establish justice." has congress _no power_ to do that for which it was made the _depository of power_? cannot the united states' government fulfil the purpose _for which it was brought into being_? to abolish slavery, is to take from no rightful owner his property; but to "_establish justice_" between two parties. to emancipate the slave, is to "_establish justice_" between him and his master--to throw around the person, character, conscience, liberty, and domestic relations of the one, _the same law_ that secures and blesses the other. in other words, to prevent by _legal restraints_ one class of men from seizing upon another class, and robbing them at pleasure of their earnings, their time, their liberty, their kindred, and the very use and ownership of their own persons. finally, to abolish slavery is to proclaim and _enact_ that innocence and helplessness--now _free plunder_--are entitled to _legal protection_; and that power, avarice, and lust, shall no longer gorge upon their spoils under the license, and by the ministrations of _law_! congress, by possessing "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," has a _general protective power_ for all the inhabitants of the district. if it has no power to protect _one_ man, it has none to protect another--none to protect _any_--and if it _can_ protect _one_ man and is _bound_ to protect him, it _can_ protect _every_ man--all men--and is _bound_ to do it. all admit the power of congress to protect the masters in the district against their slaves. what part of the constitution gives the power? the clause so often quoted,--"power of legislation in all cases whatsoever," equally in the "_case_" of defending the blacks against the whites, as in that of defending the whites against the blacks. the power is given also by art. , sec. , clause --"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections"--a power to protect, as well blacks against whites, as whites against blacks. if the constitution gives power to protect _one_ class against the other, it gives power to protect _either_ against the other. suppose the blacks in the district should seize the whites, drive them into the fields and kitchens, force them to work without pay, flog them, imprison them, and sell them at their pleasure, where would congress find power to restrain such acts? answer; a _general_ power in the clause so often cited, and an _express_ one in that cited above--"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections." so much for a _supposed_ case. here follows a _real_ one. the whites in the district _are perpetrating these identical acts_ upon seven thousand blacks daily. that congress has power to restrain these acts in _one_ case, all assert, and in so doing they assert the power "in _all_ cases whatsoever." for the grant of power to suppress insurrections, is an _unconditional_ grant, not hampered by provisos as to the color, shape, size, sex, language, creed, or condition of the insurgents. congress derives its power to suppress this _actual_ insurrection, from the same source whence it derived its power to suppress the _same_ acts in the case _supposed_. if one case is an insurrection, the other is. the _acts_ in both are the same; the _actors_ only are different. in the one case, ignorant and degraded--goaded by the memory of the past, stung by the present, and driven to desperation by the fearful looking for of wrongs for ever to come. in the other, enlightened into the nature of _rights_, the principles of justice, and the dictates of the law of love, unprovoked by wrongs, with cool deliberation, and by system, they perpetrate these acts upon those to whom they owe unnumbered obligations for _whole lives_ of unrequited service. on which side may palliation be pleaded, and which party may most reasonably claim an abatement of the rigors of law? if congress has power to suppress such acts _at all_, it has power to suppress them _in_ all. it has been shown already that _allegiance_ is exacted of the slave. is the government of the united states unable to grant _protection_ where it exacts _allegiance_? it is an axiom of the civilized world, and a maxim even with savages, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal and correlative. are principles powerless with us which exact homage of barbarians? _protection is the_ constitutional right _of every human being under the exclusive legislation of congress who has not forfeited it by crime._ in conclusion, i argue the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, from art. , sec, , clause , of the constitution; "congress shall have power to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the united states." has the government of the united states no power under this grant, to legislate within its own exclusive jurisdiction on subjects that vitally affect its interests? suppose the slaves in the district should rise upon their masters, and the united states' government, in quelling the insurrection, should kill any number of them. could their masters claim compensation of the government? manifestly not; even though no proof existed that the particular slaves killed were insurgents. this was precisely the point at issue between those masters, whose slaves were killed by the state troops at the time of the southampton insurrection, and the virginia legislature: no evidence was brought to show that the slaves killed by the troops were insurgents; yet the virginia legislature decided that their masters were _not entitled to compensation_. they proceeded on the sound principle, that a government may in self-protection destroy the claim of its subjects even to that which has been recognized as property by its own acts. if in providing for the common defence, the united states' government, in the case supposed, would have power to destroy slaves both as _property_ and _persons_, it surely might stop _half-way_, destroy them _as property_ while it legalized their existence as _persons_, and thus provided for the common defence by giving them a personal and powerful interest in the government, and securing their strength for its defence. like other legislatures, congress has power to abate nuisances--to remove or tear down unsafe buildings--to destroy infected cargoes--to lay injunctions upon manufactories injurious to the public health--and thus to "provide for the common defence and general welfare" by destroying individual property, when such property puts in jeopardy the public weal. granting, for argument's sake, that slaves are "property" in the district of columbia--if congress has a right to annihilate property in the district when the public safety requires it, it may surely annihilate its existence _as_ property when the public safety requires it, especially if it transform into a _protection_ and _defence_ that which as _property_ perilled the public interests. in the district of columbia there are, besides the united states' capitol, the president's house, the national offices, &c. of the departments of state, treasury, war, and navy, the general post-office, and patent office. it is also the residence of the president, all the highest officers of the government, both houses of congress, and all the foreign ambassadors. in this same district there are also _seven thousand slaves_. jefferson, in his notes on va. p. , says of slavery, that "the state permitting one half of its citizens to trample on the rights of the other, _transforms them into enemies_;" and richard henry lee, in the va. house of burgesses in , declared that to those who held them, "_slaves must be natural enemies_." is congress so _impotent_ that it _cannot_ exercise that right pronounced both by municipal and national law, the most sacred and universal--the right of self-preservation and defence? is it shut up to the _necessity_ of keeping seven thousand "enemies" in the heart of the nation's citadel? does the iron fiat of the constitution doom it to such imbecility that it _cannot_ arrest the process that _made_ them "enemies," and still goads to deadlier hate by fiery trials, and day by day adds others to their number? is _this_ providing for the common defence and general welfare? if to rob men of rights excites their hate, freely to restore them and make amends, will win their love. by emancipating the slaves in the district, the government of the united states would disband an army of "enemies," and enlist "for the common defence and general welfare," a body guard of _friends_ seven thousand strong. in the last year, a handful of british soldiers sacked washington city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and the national offices and archives; and no marvel, for thousands of the inhabitants of the district had been "transformed into enemies." would _they_ beat back invasion? if the national government had exercised its constitutional "power to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," by turning those "enemies" into friends, then, instead of a hostile ambush lurking in every thicket inviting assault, and secret foes in every house paralyzing defence, an army of allies would have rallied in the hour of her calamity, and shouted defiance from their munitions of rocks; whilst the banner of the republic, then trampled in dust, would have floated securely over freemen exulting amidst bulwarks of strength. to show that congress can abolish slavery in the district, under the grant of power "to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," i quote an extract from a speech of mr. madison, of va., in the first congress under the constitution, may , . speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, mr. madison says: "i should venture to say it is as much for the interests of georgia and south carolina, as of any state in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves tends to _weaken_ them, and renders them less capable of self-defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of _inviting_ attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well _internal_ as external. _every thing, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government._" see cong. reg. vol. , p. , . postscript my apology for adding a _postscript_, to a discussion already perhaps too protracted, is the fact that the preceding sheets were in the hands of the printer, and all but the concluding pages had gone through the press, before the passage of mr. calhoun's late resolutions in the senate of the united states. a proceeding so extraordinary,--if indeed the time has not passed when _any_ acts of congress in derogation of freedom and in deference to slavery, can be deemed extraordinary,--should not be suffered to pass in silence at such a crisis as the present; especially as the passage of one of the resolutions by a vote of to , exhibits a shift of position on the part of the south, as sudden as it is unaccountable, being nothing less than the surrender of a fortress which until then they had defended with the pertinacity of a blind and almost infuriated fatuity. upon the discussions during the pendency of the resolutions, and upon the vote, by which they were carried, i make no comment, save only to record my exultation in the fact there exhibited, that great emergencies are _true touchstones_, and that henceforward, until this question is settled, whoever holds a seat in congress will find upon, and all around him, a pressure strong enough to test him--a focal blaze that will find its way through the carefully adjusted cloak of fair pretension, and the sevenfold brass of two-faced political intrigue, and _no_-faced _non-committalism_, piercing to the dividing asunder of joints and marrow. be it known to every northern man who aspires to a seat in congress, that hereafter it is the destiny of congressional action on this subject, to be a mighty revelator--making secret thoughts public property, and proclaiming on the house-tops what is whispered in the ear--smiting off masks, and bursting open sepulchres beautiful outwardly, and heaving up to the sun their dead men's bones. to such we say,--_remember the missouri question, and the fate of those who then sold the north, and their own birthright_! passing by the resolutions generally without remark--the attention of the reader is specially solicited to mr. clay's substitute for mr. calhoun's fifth resolution. "resolved, that when the district of columbia was ceded by the states of virginia and maryland to the united states, domestic slavery existed in both of these states, including the ceded territory, and that, as it still continues in both of them, it could not be abolished within the district without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory; nor, unless compensation were made to the proprietors of slaves, without a manifest infringement of an amendment to the constitution of the united states; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the states recognizing slavery, far transcending in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit which could be accomplished by the abolition." by voting for this resolution, the south, by a simultaneous movement, shifted its mode of defense, not so much by taking a position entirely new, as by attempting to refortify an old one--never much trusted in, and abandoned mainly long ago, as being unable to hold out against assault however unskilfully directed. in the debate on this resolution, though the southern members of congress did not _professedly_ retreat from the ground hitherto maintained by them--that congress has no power by the constitution to abolish slavery in the district--yet in the main they silently drew off from it. the passage of this resolution--with the vote of every southern senator, forms a new era in the discussion of this question. we cannot join in the lamentations of those who bewail it. we hail it, and rejoice in it. it was as we would have had it--offered by a southern senator, advocated by southern senators, and on the ground that it "was no compromise"--that it embodied the true southern principle--that "this resolution stood on as high ground as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. preston)--"that mr. clay's resolution was as strong as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. rives)--that "the resolution he (mr. calhoun) now refused to support, was as strong as his own, and that in supporting it, there was no abandonment of principle by the south."--(mr. walker, of mi.)--further, that it was advocated by the southern senators generally as an expression of their views, and as setting the question of slavery in the district on its _true_ ground--that finally when the question was taken, every slaveholding senator, including mr. calhoun himself, voted for the resolution. by passing this resolution, and with such avowals, the south has surrendered irrevocably the whole question at issue between them and the petitioners for abolition in the district. it has, unwittingly but explicitly, conceded the main question argued in the preceding pages. the _only_ ground taken against the right of congress to abolish slavery in the district is, that it existed in maryland and virginia when the cession was made, and "_as it still continues in both of them_, it could not be abolished without a violation of that good faith which was implied in the cession." &c. the _sole argument_ is _not_ that exclusive _sovereignty_ has no power to abolish slavery within its jurisdiction, _nor_ that the powers of even _ordinary legislation_ cannot do it,--_nor_ that the clause granting congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district," gives no power to do it; but that the _unexpressed expectation_ of one of the parties that the other would not "in _all_ cases" _use_ the power which said party had consented _might be used_ "_in all cases_," _prohibits_ the use of it. the only cardinal point in the discussion, is here not only _yielded_, but formally laid down by the south as the leading article in their creed on the question of congressional jurisdiction over slavery in the district. the _sole reason_ given why congress should not abolish, and the sole evidence that if it did, such abolition would be a violation of "good faith," is that "_slavery still continues in those states_,"--thus explicitly admitting, that if slavery did _not_ "still continue" in those states, congress _could_ abolish it in the district. the same admission is made also in the _premises_, which state that slavery existed in those states _at the time of the cession_, &c. admitting that if it had _not_ existed there then, but had grown up in the district under _united states' laws_, congress might constitutionally abolish it. or that if the ceded parts of those states had been the _only_ parts in which slaves were held under their laws, congress might have abolished in such a contingency also. the cession in that case leaving no slaves in those states,--no "good faith," would be "implied" in it, nor any "violated," by an act of abolition. the principle of the resolution makes this further admission, that if maryland and virginia should at once abolish their slavery, congress might at once abolish it in the district. the principle goes even further than this, and _requires_ congress in such case to abolish slavery in the district "by the _good faith implied_ in the cession and acceptance of the territory." since, according to the spirit and scope of the resolution, this "implied good faith" of maryland and virginia in making the cession, was that congress would do nothing within the district which should go to counteract the policy, or bring into disrepute the "institutions," or call in question the usages, or even in any way ruffle the prejudices of those states, or do what _they_ might think would unfavorably bear upon their interests; _themselves_ of course being the judges. but let us dissect another limb of the resolution. what is to be understood by "that good faith which was implied?" it is of course an admission that such a condition was not _expressed_ in the acts of cession--that in their _terms_ there is nothing restricting the power of congress on the subject of slavery in the district--not a word alluding to it, nor one inserted with such an _intent_. this "implied faith," then, rests on no clause or word in the united states' constitution, or in the acts of cession, or in the acts of congress accepting the cession, nor does it rest on any declarations of the legislatures of maryland and virginia made at the time, or in that generation, nor on any _act_ of theirs, nor on any declaration of the people of those states, nor on the testimony of the washingtons, jeffersons, madisons, chaces, martins, and jennifers, of those states and times. the assertion rests _on itself alone_! mr. clay and the other senators who voted for the resolution, _guess_ that maryland and virginia supposed that congress would by no means _use_ the power given them by the constitution, except in such ways as would be well pleasing in the eyes of those states; especially as one of them was the "ancient dominion!" and now after the lapse of half a century, this _assumed expectation_ of maryland and virginia, the existence of which is mere matter of conjecture with the senators, is conjured up and duly installed upon the judgment-seat of final appeal, before whose nod constitutions are to flee away, and with whom, solemn grants of power and explicit guaranties are, when weighed in the balance, altogether lighter than vanity! but let us survey it in another light. why did maryland and virginia leave so much to be "_implied_?" why did they not in some way express what lay so near their hearts? had their vocabulary run so low that a single word could not be eked out for the occasion? or were those states so bashful of a sudden that they dare not speak out and tell what they wanted? or did they take it for granted that congress would always act in the premises according to their wishes, and that too, without their _making known_ their wishes? if, as honorable senators tell us, maryland and virginia did verily travail with such abounding _faith_, why brought they forth no _works_? it is as true in _legislation_ as in religion, that the only _evidence_ of "faith" is _works_, and that "faith" _without_ works is _dead_, i.e. has no _power_. but here, forsooth, a blind implication with nothing _expressed_, an "implied" _faith_ without works, is _omnipotent_. mr. clay is lawyer enough to know that even a _senatorial hypothesis_ as to what must have been the _understanding_ of maryland and virginia about congressional exercise of constitutional power, _abrogates no grant_, and that to plead it in a court of law, would be of small service except to jostle "their honors'" gravity! he need not be told that the constitution gives congress "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." nor that the legislatures of maryland and virginia constructed their acts of cession with this clause _before their eyes_, and that both of them declared those acts made "in _pursuance_" of said clause. those states were aware that the united states in their constitution had left nothing to be "_implied_" as to the power of congress over the district;--an admonition quite sufficient one would think to put them on their guard, and induce them to eschew vague implications and resort to _stipulations_. full well did they know also that those were times when, in matters of high import, _nothing_ was left to be "implied." the colonies were then panting from a twenty years' conflict with the mother country, about bills of rights, charters, treaties, constitutions, grants, limitations, and _acts of cession_. the severities of a long and terrible discipline had taught them to guard at all points _legislative grants_, that their exact import and limit might be self-evident--leaving no scope for a blind "faith," that _somehow_ in the lottery of chances there would be no blanks, but making all sure by the use of explicit terms, and wisely chosen words, and _just enough_ of them. the constitution of the united states with its amendments, those of the individual states, the national treaties, the public documents of the general and state governments at that period, show the universal conviction of legislative bodies, that when great public interest were at stake, nothing should be left to be "implied." further: suppose maryland and virginia had expressed their "implied faith" in _words_, and embodied it in their acts of cession as a proviso, declaring that congress should not "exercise exclusive legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever over the district," but that the "case" of _slavery_ should be an exception: who does not know that congress, if it had accepted the cession on those terms, would have violated the constitution; and who that has ever studied the free mood of those times in its bearings on slavery--proofs of which are given in scores on the preceding pages--can for an instant believe that the people of the united states would have altered their constitution for the purpose of providing for slavery an inviolable sanctuary; that when driven in from its outposts, and everywhere retreating discomfited before the march of freedom, it might be received into everlasting habitations on the common homestead and hearth-stone of this free republic? besides, who can believe that virginia made such a condition, or cherished such a purpose, when at that very moment, washington, jefferson, wythe, patrick henry, st. george tucker, and almost all her illustrious men, were advocating the abolition of slavery by law. when washington had said, two years before, maryland and virginia "must have laws for the gradual abolition of slavery and at a period _not remote_;" and when jefferson in his letter to price, three years before the cession, had said, speaking of virginia, "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits;" when voluntary emancipations on the soil were then progressing at the rate of between one and two thousand annually, (see judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. ;) when the public sentiment of virginia had undergone, and was undergoing so mighty a revolution that the idea of the continuance of slavery as a permanent system could not be _tolerated_, though she then contained about half the slaves in the union. was this the time to stipulated for the _perpetuity_ of slavery under the exclusive legislation of congress? and that too at the _same_ session of congress when _every one_ of her delegation voted for the abolition of slavery in the north west territory; a territory which she had herself ceded to congress, and along with it had surrendered her jurisdiction over many of her citizens, inhabitants of that territory, who held slaves there--and whose slaves were emancipated by that act of congress, in which all her delegation with one accord participated? now in view of the universal belief then prevalent, that slavery in this country was doomed to short life, and especially that in maryland and virginia it would be _speedily_ abolished--are we to be told that those states _designed_ to bind congress _never_ to terminate it? are we to adopt the monstrous conclusion that this was the intent of the ancient dominion--thus to _bind_ the united states by an "implied faith," and that when the united states _accepted_ the cession, she did solemnly thus plight her troth, and that virginia did then so _understand_ it? verily one would think that honorable senators supposed themselves deputed to do our _thinking_ as well as our legislation, or rather, that they themselves were absolved from such drudgery by virtue of their office! another absurdity of this dogma about "implied faith" is, that where there was no power to exact an _express_ pledge, there was none to demand an _implied_ one, and where there was no power to _give_ the one, there was none to give the _other_. we have shown already that congress could not have accepted the cession with such a condition. to have signed away a part of its constitutional grant of power would have been a _breach_ of the constitution. further, the congress which accepted the cession was competent to pass a resolution pledging itself not to _use all_ the power over the district committed to it by the constitution. but here its power ended. its resolution would only bind _itself_. could it bind the _next_ congress by its authority? could the members of one congress say to the members of another, because we do not choose to exercise all the authority vested in us by the constitution, therefore you _shall_ not? this would have been a prohibition to do what the constitution gives power to do. each successive congress would still have gone to the constitution for its power, brushing away in its course the cobwebs stretched across its path by the officiousness of an impertinent predecessor. again, the legislatures of virginia and maryland, had no power to bind congress, either by an express or an implied pledge, never to abolish slavery in the district. those legislatures had no power to bind _themselves_ never to abolish slavery within their own territories--the ceded parts included. where then would they get power to bind _another_ not to do what they had no power to bind themselves not to do? if a legislature could not in this respect control the successive legislatures of its own state, could it control the successive congresses of the united states? but perhaps we shall be told, that the "implied faith" in the acts of cession of maryland and virginia was _not_ that congress should _never_ abolish slavery in the district, but that it should not do it until _they_ had done it within their bounds! verily this "faith" comes little short of the faith of miracles! "a good rule that works both ways." first, maryland and virginia have "good faith" that congress will _not_ abolish until _they_ do; and then just as "good faith" that congress _will_ abolish _when_ they do! excellently accommodated! did those states suppose that congress would legislate over the national domain, the common jurisdiction of _all_, for maryland and virginia alone? and who, did they suppose, would be judges in the matter?--themselves merely? or the whole union? this "good faith implied in the cession" is no longer of doubtful interpretation. the principle at the bottom of it, when fairly stated, is this:--that the government of the united states are bound in "good faith" to do in the district of columbia, without demurring, just what and when, maryland and virginia do in their own states. in short, that the general government is eased of all the burdens of legislation within its exclusive jurisdiction, save that of hiring a scrivener to copy off the acts of the maryland and virginia legislatures as fast as they are passed, and engross them, under the title of "laws of the united states, for the district of columbia!" a slight additional expense would also be incurred in keeping up an express between the capitols of those states and washington city, bringing congress from time to time its "_instructions_" from head quarters--instructions not to be disregarded without a violation of that "good faith implied in the cession," &c. this sets in strong light the advantages of "our glorious union," if the doctrine of mr. clay and the thirty-six senators be orthodox. the people of the united states have been permitted to set up at their own expense, and on their own territory, two great _sounding boards_ called "senate chamber" and "representatives' hall," for the purpose of sending abroad "by authority" _national_ echoes of _state_ legislation!--permitted also to keep in their pay a corps of pliant _national_ musicians, with peremptory instructions to sound on any line of the staff according as virginia and maryland may give the _sovereign_ key note! though this may have the seeming of mere raillery, yet an analysis of the resolution and of the discussions upon it, will convince every fair mind that it is but the legitimate carrying out of the _principle_ pervading both. they proceed virtually upon the hypothesis that the will and pleasure of virginia and maryland are _paramount_ to those of the _union_. if the main design of setting apart a federal district had been originally the accommodation of maryland, virginia, and the south, with the united states as an _agent_ to consummate the object, there could hardly have been higher assumption or louder vaunting. the sole object of _having_ such a district was in effect totally perverted in the resolution of mr. clay, and in the discussions of the entire southern delegation, upon its passage. instead of taking the ground, that the benefit of the whole union was the sole _object_ of a federal district, that it was designed to guard and promote the interests of _all_ the states, and that it was to be legislated over _for this end_--the resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis _totally the reverse_. it takes a single point of _state_ policy, and exalts it above national interests, utterly overshadowing them; abrogating national _rights_; making void a clause of the constitution; humbling the general government into a subject--crouching for favors to a superior, and that too _on its own exclusive jurisdiction_. all the attributes of sovereignty vested in congress by the constitution it impales upon the point of an alleged _implication_. and this is mr. clay's peace-offering, to appease the lust of power and the ravenings of state encroachment! a "compromise," forsooth! that sinks the general government on _its own territory_ into a mere colony, with virginia and maryland for its "mother country!" it is refreshing to turn from these shallow, distorted constructions and servile cringings, to the high bearing of other southern men in other times; men, who in their character of legislators and lawyers, disdained to accommodate their interpretations of constitutions and charters to geographical lines, or to bend them to the purposes of a political canvass. in the celebrated case of cohens vs. the state of virginia, hon. william pinkney, late of baltimore, and hon. walter jones, of washington city, with other eminent constitutional lawyers, prepared an elaborate written opinion, from which the following is an extract: "nor is there any danger to be apprehended from allowing to congressional legislation with regard to the district of columbia, its fullest effect. congress is responsible to the states, and to the people for that legislation. it is in truth the legislation of the states over a district placed under their control for _their own benefit_, not for that of the district, except as the prosperity of the district is involved, and necessary to the _general advantage_."--[life of pinkney, p. .] the profound legal opinion, from which this is an extract, was elaborated at great length many years since, by a number of the most distinguished lawyers in the united states, whose signatures are appended to it. it is specific and to the point. it asserts, st, that congressional legislation over the district, is "the legislation of the _states_ and the _people_," (not of _two_ states, and a mere _fraction_ of the people;) d. "over a district placed under _their_ control," i.e. under the control of the _whole_ of the states, not under the control of _two twenty-sixths_ of them. d. that it was thus put under their control "_for their own benefit_," the benefit of all the states _equally_; not to secure special benefits to maryland and virginia, (or what it might be _conjectured_ they would regard as benefits.) th. it concludes by asserting that the design of this exclusive control of congress over the district was "not for the benefit of the _district_," except as that is _connected_ with, and _a means of promoting_ the _general_ advantage. if this is the case with the _district_, which is _directly_ concerned, it is pre-eminently so with maryland and virginia, who are but _indirectly_ interested, and would be but remotely affected by it. the argument of mr. madison in the congress of ' , an extract from which has been given on a preceding page, lays down the same principle; that though any matter "_may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government_." cong. reg. vol. . p. , . but these are only the initiatory absurdities of this "good faith _implied_." the thirty-six senators aptly illustrate the principle, that error not only conflicts with truth, but is generally at issue with itself. for if it would be a violation of "good faith" to maryland and virginia, for congress to abolish slavery in the district, it would be _equally_ a violation for congress to do it _with the consent_, or even at the earnest and unanimous petition of the people of the district: yet for years it has been the southern doctrine, that if the people of the district demand of congress relief in this respect, it has power, as their local legislature, to grant it, and by abolishing slavery there, carry out the will of the citizens. but now new light has broken in! the optics of the thirty-six have pierced the millstone with a deeper insight, and discoveries thicken faster than they can be telegraphed! congress has no power, o no, not a modicum, to help the slaveholders of the district, however loudly they may clamor for it. the southern doctrine, that congress is to the district a mere local legislature to do its pleasure, is tumbled from the genitive into the vocative! hard fate--and that too at the hands of those who begat it! the reasonings of messrs. pinckney, wise, and leigh, are now found to be wholly at fault, and the chanticleer rhetoric of messrs. glascock and garland stalks featherless and crest-fallen. for, mr. clay's resolution sweeps by the board all those stereotyped common-places, as "congress a local legislature," "consent of the district," "bound to consult the wishes of the district," &c. &c., which for the last two sessions of congress have served to eke out scanty supplies. it declares, that _as slavery existed in maryland and virginia at the time of the cession, and as it still continues in both those states, it could not be abolished in the district without a violation of 'that good faith_,' &c. but let us see where this principle of the _thirty-six_ will lead us. if "implied faith" to maryland and virginia _restrains_ congress from the abolition of slavery in the district, it _requires_ congress to do in the district what those states have done within their bounds, i.e., restrain _others_ from abolishing it. upon the same principle congress is _bound_, by the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution, to _prohibit emancipation_ within the district. there is no _stopping place_ for this plighted "faith." congress must not only refrain from laying violent hands on slavery, _itself_, and see to it that the slaveholders themselves do not, but it is bound to keep the system up to the maryland and virginia standard of vigor! again, if the good faith of congress to virginia and maryland requires that slavery should exist in the district, while it exists in those states, it requires that it should exist there _as_ it exists in those states. if to abolish _every_ form of slavery in the district would violate good faith, to abolish _the_ form existing in those states, and to substitute a totally different one, would also violate it. the congressional "good faith" is to be kept not only with _slavery_, but with the _maryland and virginia systems_ of slavery. the faith of those states not being in the preservation of _a_ system, but of _their_ system; otherwise congress, instead of _sustaining_, would counteract their policy--principles would be brought into action there conflicting with their system, and thus the true spirit of the "implied" pledge would be violated. on this principle, so long as slaves are "chattels personal" in virginia and maryland, congress could not make them _real estate_, inseparable from the soil, as in louisiana; nor could it permit slaves to read, nor to worship god according to conscience; nor could it grant them trial by jury, nor legalize marriage; nor require the master to give sufficient food and clothing; nor prohibit the violent sundering of families--because such provisions would conflict with the existing slave laws of virginia and maryland, and thus violate the "good faith implied," &c. so the principle of the resolution binds congress in all these particulars: st. not to abolish slavery in the district _until_ virginia and maryland abolish. d. not to abolish any _part_ of it that exists in those states. d. not to abolish any _form_ or _appendage_ of it still existing in those states. th. _to abolish_ when they do. th. to increase or abate its rigors _when, how_, and _as_ the same are modified by those states. in a word, congressional action in the district is to float passively in the wake of legislative action on the subject in those states. but here comes a dilemma. suppose the legislation of those states should steer different courses--then there would be _two_ wakes! can congress float in both? yea, verily! nothing is too hard for it! its obsequiousness equals its "power of legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever." it can float _up_ on the virginia tide, and ebb down on the maryland at the same time. what maryland does, congress will do in the maryland part. what virginia does, congress will do in the virginia part. though congress might not always be able to run at the bidding of both _at once_, especially in different directions, yet if it obeyed orders cheerfully, and "kept in its place," according to its "good faith implied," impossibilities might not be rigidly exacted. true, we have the highest sanction for the maxim that no _man_ can serve two masters--but if "corporations have _no_ souls," analogy would absolve congress on that score, or at most give it only _a very small soul_--not large enough to be at all in the way, as an _exception_ to the universal rule laid down in the maxim! in following out the absurdities of this "_implied_ good faith," it will be seen at once that the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution extends to _all the subjects_ of _legislation_ existing in maryland and virginia, which exist also within the district. every system, "institution," law, and established usage there, is placed beyond congressional control equally with slavery, and by the same "implied faith." the abolition of the lottery system in the district as an _immorality_, was a flagrant breach of this "good faith" to maryland and virginia, as the system "still continued in those states." so to abolish imprisonment for debt, and capital punishment, to remodel the bank system, the power of corporations, the militia law, laws of limitation, &c., in the district, _unless virginia and maryland took the lead_, would violate the "good faith implied in the cession," &c. that in the acts of cession no such "good faith" was "implied by virginia and maryland" as is claimed in the resolution, we argue from the fact, that in virginia ceded to the united states all her northwest territory, with the special proviso that her citizens inhabiting that territory should "have their _possessions_ and _titles_ confirmed to them, and be _protected_ in the enjoyment of their _rights_ and liberties." (see journals of congress, vol. , p. .) the cession was made in the form of a deed, and signed by thomas jefferson, samuel hardy, arthur lee, and james monroe. many of these inhabitants _held slaves_. three years after the cession, the virginia delegation in congress _proposed_ the passage of an ordinance which should abolish slavery, in that territory, and declare that it should never thereafter exist there. all the members of congress from virginia and maryland voted for this ordinance. suppose some member of congress had during the passage of the ordinance introduced the following resolution: "resolved, that when the northwest territory was ceded by virginia to the united states, domestic slavery existed in that state, including the ceded territory, and as it still continues in that state, it could not be abolished within the territory without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory." what would have been the indignant response of grayson, griffin, madison, and the lees, in the congress of ' , to such a resolution, and of carrington, chairman of the committee, who reported the ratification of the ordinance in the congress of ' , and of page and parker, who with every other member of the virginia delegation supported it! but to enumerate all the absurdities into which the thirty-six senators have plunged themselves, would be to make a quarto inventory. we decline the task; and in conclusion, merely add that mr. clay, in presenting this resolution, and each of the thirty-six senators who voted for it, entered on the records of the senate, and proclaimed to the world, a most unworthy accusation against the millions of american citizens who have during nearly half a century petitioned the national legislature to abolish slavery in the district of columbia,--charging them either with the ignorance or the impiety of praying the nation to violate its "plighted faith." the resolution virtually indicts at the bar of public opinion, and brands with odium, all the manumission societies, the _first_ petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district, and for a long time the only ones, petitioning from year to year through evil report and good report, still petitioning, by individual societies and in their national conventions. but as if it were not enough to table the charge against such men as benjamin rush, william rawle, john sergeant, robert vaux, cadwallader colden, and peter a. jay,--to whom we may add rufus king, james hillhouse, william pinkney, thomas addis emmett, daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, james kent, and daniel webster, besides eleven hundred citizens of the district itself, headed by their chief justice and judges--even the sovereign states of pennsylvania, new-york, massachusetts, and vermont, whose legislatures have either memorialized congress to abolish slavery in the district, or instructed their senators to move such a measure, must be gravely informed by messrs. clay, norvell, niles, smith, pierce, benton, black, tipton, and other honorable senators, either that their perception is so dull, they know not what of they affirm, or that their moral sense is so blunted they can demand without compunction a violation of the nation's faith! we have spoken already of the concessions unwittingly made in this resolution to the true doctrine of congressional power over the district. for that concession, important as it is, we have small thanks to render. that such a resolution, passed with such an _intent_, and pressing at a thousand points on relations and interests vital to the free states, should be hailed, as it has been, by a portion of the northern press as a "compromise" originating in deference to northern interests, and to be received by us as a free-will offering of disinterested benevolence, demanding our gratitude to the mover,--may well cover us with shame. we deserve the humiliation and have well earned the mockery. let it come! if, after having been set up at auction in the public sales-room of the nation, and for thirty years, and by each of a score of "compromises," treacherously knocked off to the lowest bidder, and that without money and without price, the north, plundered and betrayed, _will not_, in this her accepted time, consider the things that belong to her peace before they are hidden from her eyes, then let her eat of the fruit of her own way, and be filled with her own devices! let the shorn and blinded giant grind in the prison-house of the philistines, till taught the folly of intrusting to delilahs the secret and the custody of his strength. have the free states bound themselves by an oath never to profit by the lessons of experience? if lost to _reason_, are they dead to _instinct_ also? can nothing rouse them to cast about for self preservation? and shall a life of tame surrenders be terminated by suicidal sacrifice? a "compromise!" bitter irony! is the plucked and hood-winked north to be wheedled by the sorcery of another missouri compromise? a compromise in which the south gained all, and the north lost all, and lost it for ever. a compromise which embargoed the free laborer of the north and west, and clutched at the staff he leaned upon, to turn it into a bludgeon and fell him with its stroke. a compromise which wrested from liberty her boundless birthright domain, stretching westward to the sunset, while it gave to slavery loose reins and a free course, from the mississippi to the pacific. the resolution, as it finally passed, is here inserted. the original resolution, as moved by mr. clay, was inserted at the head of this postscript with the impression that it was the _amended_ form. it will be seen however, that it underwent no material modification. "resolved, that the interference by the citizens of any of the states, with the view to the abolition of slavery in the district, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the district; and that any act or measure of congress designed to abolish slavery in the district, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the states of virginia and maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding states, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the union." the vote upon the resolution stood as follows: _yeas_.--messrs. allen, bayard, benton, black, buchanan, brown, calhoun, clay, of alabama, clay, of kentucky, clayton, crittenden, cuthbert, fulton, grundy, hubbard, king, lumpkin, lyon, nicholas, niles, norvell, pierce, preston, rives, roane, robinson, sevier, smith, of connecticut, strange, tallmadge, tipton, walker, white, williams, wright, young. _nays_.--messrs. davis, knight, mckean, morris, prentiss, ruggles, smith, of indiana, swift, webster. no. the anti-slavery examiner * * * * * the power of congress over the district of columbia. * * * * * originally published in the new-york evening post, under the signature of "wythe." * * * * * with additions by the author. fourth edition. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheets.--postage, under miles, cts. over , cts. power of congress over the district of columbia. a civilized community presupposes a government of law. if that government be a republic, its citizens are the sole _sources_, as well as the _subjects_ of its power. its constitution is their bill of directions to their own agents--a grant authorizing the exercise of certain powers, and prohibiting that of others. in the constitution of the united states, whatever else may be obscure, the clause granting power to congress over the federal district may well defy misconstruction. art. , sec. , clause : "the congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, _in all cases whatsoever_, over such district." congress may make laws for the district "in all _cases_," not of all _kinds_. the grant respects the _subjects_ of legislation, _not_ the moral nature of the laws. the law-making power every where, is subject to _moral_ restrictions, whether limited by constitutions or not. no legislature can authorize murder, nor make honesty penal, nor virtue a crime, nor exact impossibilities. in these and similar respects, the power of congress is held in check by principles existing in the nature of things, not imposed by the constitution, but presupposed and assumed by it. the power of congress over the district is restricted only by those principles that limit ordinary legislation, and, in some respects, it has even wider scope. in common with the legislatures of the states, congress cannot constitutionally pass ex post facto laws in criminal cases, nor suspend the writ of habeas corpus, nor pass a bill of attainder, nor abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, nor invade the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, nor enact laws respecting an establishment of religion. these are general limitations. congress cannot do these things _any where_. the exact import, therefore, of the clause "in all cases whatsoever," is, _on all subjects within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. some legislatures are restrained by constitutions from the exercise of powers strictly within the proper sphere of legislation. congressional power over the district has no such restraint. it traverses the whole field of legitimate legislation. all the power which any legislature has within its own jurisdiction, congress holds over the district of columbia. it has been asserted that the clause in question respects merely police regulations, and that its sole design was to enable congress to protect itself against popular tumults. but if the framers of the constitution aimed to provide for a _single_ case only, why did they provide for "_all_ cases whatsoever?" besides, this clause was opposed in many of the state conventions, because the grant of power was not restricted to police regulations _alone_. in the virginia convention, george mason, the father of the virginia constitution, said, "this clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the district. he would willingly give them exclusive power as far as respected the police and good government of the place, but he would give them no more." mr. grayson said, that control over the _police_ was all-sufficient, and that the "continental congress never had an idea of exclusive legislation in all cases." patrick henry said. "is it consistent with any principle of prudence or good policy, to grant _unlimited, unbounded authority?_" mr. madison said in reply: "i did conceive that the clause under consideration was one of those parts which would speak its own praise. when any power is given, its delegation necessarily involves authority to make laws to execute it. * * * * the powers which are found necessary to be given, are therefore delegated _generally_, and particular and minute specification is left to the legislature. * * * it is not within the limits of human capacity to delineate on paper all those particular cases and circumstances, in which legislation by the general legislature would be necessary." governor randolph said: "holland has no ten miles square, but she has the hague where the deputies of the states assemble. but the influence which it has given the province of holland, to have the seat of government within its territory, subject in some respects to its control, has been injurious to the other provinces. the wisdom of the convention is therefore manifest in granting to congress exclusive jurisdiction over the place of their session." [_deb. va. con._, p. .] in the forty-third number of the "federalist," mr. madison says: "the indispensable necessity of _complete_ authority at the seat of government, carries its own evidence with it." finally, that the grant in question is to be interpreted according to the obvious import of its _terms_, is proved by the fact, that virginia proposed an amendment to the united states' constitution at the time of its adoption, providing that this clause "should be so construed as to give power only over the _police and good government_ of said district," _which amendment was rejected_. the former part of the clause under consideration, "congress shall have power to exercise _exclusive_ legislation," gives _sole_ jurisdiction, and the latter part, "in all cases whatsoever," defines the _extent_ of it. since, then, congress is the _sole_ legislature within the district, and since its power is limited only by the checks common to all legislatures, it follows that what the law-making power is intrinsically competent to do _any_ where, congress is competent to do in the district of columbia. having disposed of preliminaries, we proceed to state and argue the _real_ question at issue. is the law-making power competent to abolish slavery when not restricted in that particular by constitutional provisions--or, is the abolition of slavery within the appropriate sphere of legislation? . in every government, absolute sovereignty exists _somewhere_. in the united states it exists primarily with the _people_, and _ultimate_ sovereignty _always_ exists with them. in each of the states, the legislature possesses a _representative_ sovereignty, delegated by the people through the constitution--the people thus committing to the legislature a portion of their sovereignty, and specifying in their constitutions the amount of the grant and its conditions. that the _people_ in any state where slavery exists, have the power to abolish it, none will deny. if the legislature have not the power, it is because _the people_ have reserved it to themselves. had they lodged with the legislature "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," they would have parted with their sovereignty over the legislation of the state, and so far forth, the legislature would have become _the people_, clothed with all their functions, and as such competent, _during the continuance of the grant_, to do whatever the people might have done before the surrender of their power: consequently, they would have the power to abolish slavery. the sovereignty of the district of columbia exists _somewhere_--where is it lodged? the citizens of the district have no legislature of their own, no representation in congress, and no political power whatever. maryland and virginia have surrendered to the united states their "full and absolute right and entire sovereignty," and the people of the united states have committed to congress by the constitution, the power to "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." thus, the sovereignty of the district of columbia, is shown to reside solely in the congress of the united states; and since the power of the people of a state to abolish slavery within their own limits, results from their entire sovereignty within that state, so the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, results from its entire sovereignty within the district. if it be objected that congress can have no more power over the district, than was held by the legislatures of maryland and virginia, we ask what clause of the constitution graduates the power of congress by the standard of those legislatures? was the united states' constitution worked into its present shape under the measuring line and square of virginia and maryland? and is its power to be bevelled down till it can run in the grooves of state legislation? there is a deal of prating about constitutional power over the district, as though congress were indebted for it to maryland and virginia. the powers of those states, whether prodigies or nullities, have nothing to do with the question. as well thrust in the powers of the grand lama to join issue upon, or twist papal bulls into constitutional tether, with which to curb congressional action. the constitution of the united states gives power to congress, and takes it away, and _it alone_. maryland and virginia adopted the constitution _before_ they ceded to the united states the territory of the district. by their acts of cession, they abdicated their own sovereignty over the district, and thus made room for that provided by the united states' constitution, which sovereignty was to commence as soon as a cession of territory by states, and its acceptance by congress, furnished a sphere for its exercise. that the abolition of slavery is within the sphere of legislation, i argue. . from the fact, that slavery, as a legal system, is the creature of legislation. the law, by _creating_ slavery, not only affirmed its _existence_ to be within the sphere and under the control of legislation, but also, the conditions and terms of its existence, and the _question_ whether or not it should exist. of course legislation would not travel _out_ of its sphere, in abolishing what is _within_ it, and what had been recognized to be within it, by its own act. cannot legislatures repeal their own laws? if law can take from a man his rights, it can give them back again. if it can say, "your body belongs to your neighbor," it can say, "it belongs to _yourself_." if it can annul a man's right to himself, held by express grant from his maker, and can create for another an _artificial_ title to him, can it not annul the artificial title, and leave the original owner to hold himself by his original title? . the abolition of slavery has always been considered within the appropriate sphere of legislation. almost every civilized nation has abolished slavery by law. the history of legislation since the revival of letters, is a record crowded with testimony to the universally admitted competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery. it is so manifestly an attribute not merely of absolute sovereignty, but even of ordinary legislation, that the competency of a legislature to exercise it, may well nigh be reckoned among the legal axioms of the civilized world. even the night of the dark ages was not dark enough to make this invisible. the abolition decree of the great council of england was passed in . the memorable irish decree, "that all the english slaves in the whole of ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty," was issued in . slavery in england was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in . passing over many instances of the abolition of slavery by law, both during the middle ages and since the reformation, we find them multiplying as we approach our own times. in slavery was abolished in prussia by special edict. in st. domingo, cayenne, guadaloupe, and martinique, in , where more than , slaves were emancipated by the french government. in java, ; in ceylon, ; in buenos ayres, ; in st. helena, ; in colombia, ; by the congress of chili in ; in cape colony, ; in malacca, ; in the southern provinces of birmah, ; in bolivia, ; in peru, guatemala, and monte video, ; in jamaica, barbados, the bermudas, the bahamas, anguilla, mauritius, st. christopers, nevis, the virgin islands, (british), antigua, montserrat, dominica, st. vincents, grenada, berbice, tobago, st. lucia, trinidad, honduras, demerara, essequibo and the cape of good hope, on the st of august, . but waving details, suffice it to say, that england, france, spain, portugal, denmark, russia, austria, prussia, and germany, have all and often given their testimony to the competency of the legislative power to abolish slavery. in our own country, the legislature of pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in , connecticut in ; rhode island, ; new-york, ; new-jersey, in ; vermont, by constitution, in ; massachusetts, in ; and new-hampshire, in . when the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery has thus been recognized every where and for ages, when it has been embodied in the highest precedents, and celebrated in the thousand jubilees of regenerated liberty, is it an achievement of modern discovery, that such a power is a nullity?--that all these acts of abolition are void, and that the millions disenthralled by them, are, either themselves or their posterity, still legally in bondage? . legislative power has abolished slavers in its parts. the law of south carolina prohibits the working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four. in other words, it takes from the slaveholder his power over nine hours of the slave's time daily; and if it can take nine hours it may take twenty-four. the laws of georgia prohibit the working of slaves on the first day of the week; and if they can do it for the first, they can for the six following. the law of north carolina prohibits the "immoderate" correction of slaves. if it has power to prohibit _immoderate_ correction, it can prohibit _moderate_ correction--_all_ correction, which would be virtual emancipation; for, take from the master the power to inflict pain, and he is master no longer. cease to ply the slave with the stimulus of fear, and he is free. the constitution of mississippi gives the general assembly power to make laws "to oblige the owners of slaves to _treat them with humanity_." the constitution of missouri has the same clause, and an additional one making it the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to secure the _humane_ treatment of the slaves. this grant to those legislatures, empowers them to decide what _is_ and what is _not_ "humane treatment." otherwise it gives no "power"--the clause is mere waste paper, and flouts in the face of a befooled legislature. a clause giving power to require "humane treatment" covers all the _particulars_ of such treatment--gives power to exact it in _all respects--requiring_ certain acts, and _prohibiting_ others--maiming, branding, chaining together, separating families, floggings for learning the alphabet, for reading the bible, for worshiping god according to conscience--the legislature has power to specify each of these acts--declare that it is not "_humane_ treatment," and prohibit it.--the legislature may also believe that driving men and women into the field, and forcing them to work without pay, is not "humane treatment," and being constitutionally bound "to _oblige_" masters to practise "humane treatment"--they have the _power_ to _prohibit such_ treatment, and are bound to do it. the law of louisiana makes slaves real estate, prohibiting the holder, if he be also a _land_ holder, to separate them from the soil.[a] if it has power to prohibit the sale _without_ the soil, it can prohibit the sale _with_ it; and if it can prohibit the _sale_ as property, it can prohibit the _holding_ as property. similar laws exist in the french, spanish, and portuguese colonies. the law of louisiana requires the master to give his slaves a certain amount of food and clothing. if it can oblige the master to give the slave _one_ thing, it can oblige him to give him another: if food and clothing, then wages, liberty, his own body. by the laws of connecticut, slaves may receive and hold property, and prosecute suits in their own name as plaintiffs: [this last was also the law of virginia in . see tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] there were also laws making marriage contracts legal, in certain contingencies, and punishing infringements of them, ["_reeve's law of baron and femme_," p. - .] [footnote a: virginia made slaves real estate by a law passed in . (_beverly's hist. of va._, p. .) i do not find the precise time when this law was repealed, probably when virginia became the chief slave breeder for the cotton-growing and sugar-planting country, and made young men and women "from fifteen to twenty-five" the main staple production of the state.] each of the laws enumerated above, does, _in principle_, abolish slavery; and all of them together abolish it _in fact_. true, not as a _whole_, and at a _stroke_, nor all in one place; but in its _parts_, by piecemeal, at divers times and places; thus showing that the abolition of slavery is within the boundary of legislation. in the "washington (d.c.) city laws," page , is "an act to prevent horses from being cruelly beaten or abused." similar laws have been passed by corporations in many of the slave states, and throughout the civilized world, such acts are punishable either as violations of common law or of legislative enactments. if a legislature can pass laws "to prevent _horses_ from being cruelly abused," it can pass laws to prevent _men_ from being cruelly abused, and if it can _prevent_ cruel abuse, it can define _what it is_. it can declare that to make men _work without pay_ is cruel abuse, and can prohibit it. . the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has been recognized by all the slaveholding states, either directly or by implication. some states recognize it in their _constitutions_, by giving the legislature power to emancipate such slaves as may "have rendered the state some distinguished service," and others by express prohibitory restrictions. the constitution of mississippi, arkansas, and other states, restrict the power of the legislature in this respect. why this express prohibition, if the law-making power _cannot_ abolish slavery? a stately farce indeed, with appropriate rites to induct into the constitution a special clause, for the express purpose of restricting a nonentity!--to take from the law-making power what it _never had_, and what _cannot_ pertain to it! the legislatures of those states have no power to abolish slavery, simply because their constitutions have expressly _taken away_ that power. the people of arkansas, mississippi, &c. well knew the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, and hence their zeal to _restrict_ it. the slaveholding states have recognised this power in their _laws_. virginia passed a law in to prevent the importation of slaves, of which the following is an extract: "and be it further enacted that every slave imported into this commonwealth contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall upon such importation become _free_." by a law of virginia, passed dec. , , a slave brought into the state and kept _there a year_, was _free_. the maryland court of appeals, dec., [case of stewart vs. oakes,] decided that a slave owned in maryland, and sent by his master into virginia to work at different periods, making one year in the whole, became _free_, being _emancipated_ by the above law. north carolina and georgia in their acts of cession, transferring to the united states the territory now constituting the states of tennessee, alabama and mississippi, made it a condition of the grant, that the provisions of the ordinance of ' should be secured to the inhabitants, _with the exception of the sixth article which prohibits slavery_; thus conceding, both the competency of law to abolish slavery, and the power of congress to do it, within its jurisdiction. (these acts show the prevalent belief at that time, in the slaveholding states, that the general government had adopted a line of policy aiming at the exclusion of slavery from the entire territory of the united states, not included within the original states, and that this policy would be pursued unless prevented by specific and formal stipulation.) slaveholding states have asserted this power _in their judicial decisions_. in numerous cases their highest courts have decided that if the legal owner of slaves takes them into those states where slavery has been abolished either by law or by the constitution, such removal emancipates them, such law or constitution abolishing their slavery. this principle is asserted in the decision of the supreme court of louisiana, lunsford vs. coquillon, martin's la. reps. . also by the supreme court of virginia, hunter vs. fulcher, leigh's reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge washington, of the u. s. sup. court, butler vs. hopper, washington's c. c. reps. ; also, by the court of appeals in kentucky, rankin vs. lydia, marshall's reps. ; see also, wilson vs. isbell, call's reps. , spotts vs. gillespie, randolph's reps. . the state vs. lasselle, blackford's reps. , marie louise vs. mariot, la. reps. . in this case, which was tried in , the slave had been taken by her master to france and brought back; judge matthews, of the supreme court of louisiana, decided that "residence for one moment" under the laws of france emancipated her. . eminent statesmen, themselves slaveholders, have conceded this power. washington, in a letter to robert morris, april , , says: "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to lafayette, may , , he says: "it (the abolition of slavery) certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected, and that too by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to john fenton mercer, sept. , , he says: "it is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by _law_." in a letter to sir john sinclair, he says: "there are in pennsylvania, _laws_ for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which nothing is more certain than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." jefferson, speaking of movements in the virginia legislature in , for the passage of a law emancipating the slaves, says: "the principles of the amendment were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day; but it was found that the public mind would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant when _it must bear and adopt it_."--jefferson's memoirs, v. i. p. . it is well known that jefferson, pendleton, mason, wythe and lee, while acting as a committee of the virginia house of delegates to revise the state laws, prepared a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves by law. these men were the great lights of virginia. mason, the author of the virginia constitution; pendleton, the president of the memorable virginia convention in , and president of the virginia court of appeals; wythe was the blackstone of the virginia bench, for a quarter of a century chancellor of the state, the professor of law in the university of william and mary, and the preceptor of jefferson, madison, and chief justice marshall. he was the author of the celebrated remonstrance to the english house of commons on the subject of the stamp act. as to jefferson, his _name_ is his biography. every slaveholding member of congress from the states of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, voted for the celebrated ordinance of , which abolished the slavery then existing in the northwest territory. patrick henry, in his well known letter to robert pleasants, of virginia, january , , says: "i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil." william pinkney, of maryland, advocated the abolition of slavery by law, in the legislature of that state, in . luther martin urged the same measure both in the federal convention, and in his report to the legislature of maryland. in , st. george tucker, of virginia, professor of law in the university of william and mary, and judge of the general court, published a dissertation on slavery, urging the abolition of slavery by _law_. john jay, while new-york was yet a slave state, and himself in law a slaveholder, said in a letter from spain, in , "an excellent law might be made out of the pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. were i in your legislature, i would present a bill for the purpose, and i would never cease moving it till it became a law, or i ceased to be a member." governor tompkins, in a message to the legislature of new-york, january , , said: "to devise the means for the gradual and ultimate _extermination_ from amongst us of slavery, is a work worthy the _representatives_ of a polished and enlightened nation." the virginia legislature asserted this power in . at the close of a month's debate, the following proceedings were had. i extract from an editorial article in the richmond whig, jan. , . "the report of the select committee, adverse to legislation on the subject of abolition, was in these words: _resolved_, as the opinion of this committee, that it is inexpedient for the present, to make any _legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery_." this report mr. preston moved to reverse, and thus to declare that it _was_ expedient, _now_ to make legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. this was meeting the question in its strongest form. it demanded action, and immediate action. on this proposition the vote was to . many of the most decided friends of abolition voted against the amendment, because they thought public opinion not sufficiently prepared for it, and that it might prejudice the cause to move too rapidly. the vote on mr. witcher's motion to postpone the whole subject indefinitely, indicates the true state of opinion in the house. that was the test question, and was so intended and proclaimed by its mover. that motion was _negatived_, to ; showing a majority of , who by that vote, declared their belief that at the proper time, and in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a system of gradual abolition. . the congress of the united states have asserted this power. the ordinance of ' , declaring that there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude," in the north western territory, abolished the slavery then existing there. the sup. court of mississippi, [harvey vs. decker, walker's mi. reps. ,] declared that the ordinance of ' emancipated the slaves then held there. in this decision the question is argued ably and at great length. the supreme court of la. made the same decision in the case of forsyth vs. nash, martin's la. reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge porter, (late united states senator from la.,) in his decision at the march term of the la. supreme court, , merry vs. chexnaider, martin's reps. . that the ordinance abolished the slavery then existing there is also shown by the fact, that persons holding slaves in the territory petitioned for the repeal of the article abolishing slavery, assigning _that_ as a reason. "the petition of the citizens of randolph and st. clair counties in the illinois country, stating that they were in possession of slaves, and praying the repeal of that act (the th article of the ordinance of ' ) and the passage of a law legalizing slavery there." [am. state papers, public lands, v. . p. .] congress passed this ordinance before the united states' constitution was adopted, when it derived all its authority from the articles of confederation, which conferred powers of legislation far more restricted than those committed to congress over the district and territories by the united states' constitution. now, we ask, how does the constitution _abridge_ the powers which congress possessed under the articles of confederation? the abolition of the slave trade by congress, in , is another illustration of the competency of legislative power to abolish slavery. the african slave trade has become such a mere _technic_, in common parlance, that the fact of its being _proper slavery_ is overlooked. the buying and selling, the transportation, and the horrors of the middle passage, were mere _incidents_ of the slavery in which the victims were held. let things be called by their own names. when congress abolished the african slave trade, it abolished slavery--supreme slavery--power frantic with license, trampling a whole hemisphere scathed with its fires, and running down with blood. true, congress did not, in the abolition of the slave trade, abolish all the slavery within its jurisdiction, but it did abolish _all_ the slavery _in one_ part of its jurisdiction. what has rifled it of power to abolish slavery in _another_ part of its jurisdiction, especially in that part where it has "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever?" . the constitution of the united states recognizes this power by the most conclusive implication. in art. , sec. , clause , it prohibits the abolition of the slave trade previous to : thus implying the power of congress to do it at once, but for the restriction; and its power to do it _unconditionally_, when that restriction ceased. again; in art. , sec. , "no person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from said service or labor." this clause was inserted, as all admit, to prevent the runaway slave from being emancipated by the _laws_ of the free states. if these laws had _no power_ to emancipate, why this constitutional guard to prevent it? the insertion of the clause, was the testimony of the eminent jurists that framed the constitution, to the existence of the _power_, and their public proclamation, that the abolition of slavery was within the appropriate sphere of legislation. the right of the owner to that which is rightfully property, is founded on a principle of _universal law_, and is recognized and protected by all civilized nations; property in slaves is, by general consent, an _exception_; hence slaveholders insisted upon the insertion of this clause in the united states' constitution, that they might secure by an _express provision_, that from which protection is withheld, by the acknowledged principles of universal law.[a] by demanding this provision, slaveholders consented that their slaves should not be recognized as property by the united states' constitution, and hence they found their claim, on the fact of their being "_persons_, and _held_ to service." [footnote a: the fact, that under the articles of confederation, slaveholders, whose slaves had escaped into free states, had no legal power to force them back,--that _now_ they have no power to recover, by process of law, their slaves who escape to canada, the south american states, or to europe--the case already cited, in which the supreme court of louisiana decided, that residence "_for one moment_," under the laws of france emancipated an american slave--the case of fulton, _vs._ lewis, har. and john's reps., , where the slave of a st. domingo slaveholder, who brought him to maryland in ' , was pronounced free by the maryland court of appeals--are illustrations of the acknowledged truth here asserted, that by the consent of the civilized world, and on the principles of universal law, slaves are not "_property_," and that whenever held as property under _law_, it is only by _positive legislative acts_, forcibly setting aside the law of nature, the common law, and the principles of universal justice and right between man and man,--principles paramount to all law, and from which alone, law derives its intrinsic authoritative sanction.] . congress has unquestionable power to adopt the common law, as the legal system, within its exclusive jurisdiction.--this has been done, with certain restrictions, in most of the states, either by legislative acts or by constitutional implication. the common law knows no slaves. its principles annihilate slavery wherever they touch it. it is a universal, unconditional, abolition act. wherever slavery is a legal system, it is so only by _statute_ law, and in violation of the common law. the declaration of lord chief justice holt, that, "by the common law, no man can have property in another," is an acknowledged axiom, and based upon the well known common law definition of property. "the subjects of dominion or property are _things_, as contra-distinguished from _persons_." let congress adopt the common law in the district of columbia, and slavery there is abolished. congress may well be at home in common law legislation, for the common law is the grand element of the united states' constitution. all its _fundamental_ provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles, and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole. the preamble of the constitution plants the standard of the common law immovably in its foreground. "we, the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution;" thus proclaiming _devotion_ to justice, as the controlling motive in the organization of the government, and its secure establishment the chief object of its aims. by this most solemn recognition, the common law, that grand legal embodyment of "justice" and fundamental right--was made the groundwork of the constitution, and intrenched behind its strongest munitions. the second clause of sec. , art. ; sec. , art. , and the last clause of sec. , art. , with articles , , , and of the amendments, are also express recognitions of the common law as the presiding genius of the constitution. by adopting the common law within its exclusive jurisdiction congress would carry out the principles of our glorious declaration, and follow the highest precedents in our national history and jurisprudence. it is a political maxim as old as civil legislation, that laws should be strictly homogeneous with the principles of the government whose will they express, embodying and carrying them out--being indeed the _principles themselves_, in preceptive form--representatives alike of the nature and power of the government--standing illustrations of its genius and spirit, while they proclaim and enforce its authority. who needs be told that slavery makes war upon the principles of the declaration, and the spirit of the constitution, and that these and the principles of the common law gravitate towards each other with irrepressible affinities, and mingle into one? the common law came hither with our pilgrim fathers; it was their birthright, their panoply, their glory, and their song of rejoicing in the house of their pilgrimage. it covered them in the day of their calamity, and their trust was under the shadow of its wings. from the first settlement of the country, the genius of our institutions and our national spirit have claimed it as a common possession, and exulted in it with a common pride. a century ago, governor pownall, one of the most eminent constitutional jurists of colonial times, said of the common law, "in all the colonies the common law is received as the foundation and main body of their law." in the declaration of rights, made by the continental congress at its first session in ' , there was the following resolution: "resolved, that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law." soon after the organization of the general government, chief justice ellsworth, in one of his decisions on the bench of the u. s. sup. court, said: "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution." chief justice marshall, in his decision in the case of livingston _vs._ jefferson, said: "when our ancestors migrated to america, they brought with them the common law of their native country, so far as it was applicable to their new situation, and i do not conceive that the revolution in any degree changed the relations of man to man, or the law which regulates them. in breaking our political connection with the parent state, we did not break our connection with each other." [_hall's law journal, new series_.] mr. duponceau, in his "dissertation on the jurisdiction of courts in the united states," says, "i consider the common law of england the _jus commune_ of the united states. i think i can lay it down as a correct principle, that the common law of england, as it was at the time of the declaration of independence, still continues to be the national law of this country, so far as it is applicable to our present state, and subject to the modifications it has received here in the course of nearly half a century." chief justice taylor of north carolina, in his decision in the case of the state _vs._ reed, in , hawkes' n.c. reps. , says, "a law of _paramount, obligation to the statute_, was violated by the offence--common law, founded upon the law of nature, and confirmed by revelation." the legislation of the united states abounds in recognitions of the principles of the common law, asserting their paramount binding power. sparing details, of which our national state papers are full, we illustrate by a single instance. it was made a condition of the admission of louisiana into the union, that the right of trial by jury should be secured to all her citizens,--the united states government thus employing its power to enlarge the jurisdiction of the common law in this its great representative. having shown that the abolition of slavery is within the competency of the law-making power, when unrestricted by constitutional provisions, and that the legislation of congress over the district is thus unrestricted, its power to abolish slavery there is established. we argue it further, from the fact that, . slavery now exists in the district by an act of congress. in the act of th july, , congress accepted portions of territory offered by the states of maryland and virginia, and enacted that the laws, as they then were, should continue in force, "until congress shall otherwise by law provide." under these laws, adopted by congress, and in effect re-enacted and made laws of the district, the slaves there are now held. is congress so impotent in its own "exclusive jurisdiction" that it cannot "otherwise by law provide?" if it can say, what _shall_ be considered property, it can say what shall _not_ be considered property. suppose a legislature should enact that marriage contracts should be mere bills of sale, making a husband the proprietor of his wife, as his _bona fide_ property; and suppose husbands should herd their wives in droves for the market as beasts of burden, or for the brothel as victims of lust, and then prate about their inviolable legal property, and deny the power of the legislature, which stamped them "property," to undo its own wrong, and secure to wives by law the rights of human beings. would such cant about "legal rights" be heeded where reason and justice held sway, and where law, based upon fundamental morality, received homage? if a frantic legislature pronounces woman a chattel, has it no power, with returning reason, to take back the blasphemy? is the impious edict irrepealable? be it, that with legal forms it has stamped wives "wares." can no legislation blot out the brand? must the handwriting of deity on human nature be expunged for ever? has law no power to stay the erasing pen, and tear off the scrawled label that covers up the image of god? ii. the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district has been, till recently, universally conceded. . it has been assumed by congress itself. the following record stands on the journals of the house of representatives for , p. : "on motion made and seconded that the house do come to the following resolution: 'resolved, that from and after the th day of july, , all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the district of columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within the said district, shall be free, the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of ----. the main question being taken that the house do agree to said motions as originally proposed, it was negatived by a majority of .'" though the motion was lost, it was on the ground of its alleged _inexpediency_ alone. in the debate which preceded the vote, the power of congress was conceded. in march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution: "resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any and what measures are necessary for _putting a stop to the same_." on the th of january, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution by a vote of to : "resolved, that the committee on the district of columbia, be instructed to inquire into the _expediency_ of providing by _law_ for the gradual abolition of slavery within the district, in such a manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby." among those who voted in the affirmative were messrs. barney of md., armstrong of va., a.h. shepperd of n.c., blair of tenn., chilton and lyon of ky., johns of del., and others from slave states. . it has been conceded by committees of congress, on the district of columbia.--in a report of the committee on the district, jan. , , by their chairman, mr. powell of va., there is the following declaration: "the congress of the united states, has by the constitution exclusive jurisdiction over the district, and has power upon this subject (_slavery_,) as upon all other subjects of legislation, to exercise _unlimited discretion_." reports of comms. d sess. th cong. v. iv. no. . in december, , the committee on the district, mr. doddridge of va., chairman, reported, "that until the adjoining states act on the subject, (_slavery_) it would be (not _unconstitutional_ but) unwise and impolitic, if not unjust, for congress to interfere." in april, , a special committee on abolition memorials reported the following resolutions by their chairman, mr. pinckney of south carolina: "resolved, that congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy." "resolved, that congress _ought not to interfere_ in any way with slavery in the district of columbia." "ought not to interfere," carefully avoiding the phraseology of the first resolution, and thus in effect conceding the constitutional power. in a widely circulated "address to the electors of the charleston district," mr. pinkney is thus denounced by his own constituents: "he has proposed a resolution which is received by the plain common sense of the whole country as a concession that congress has authority to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." . it has been conceded by the citizens of the district. a petition for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, signed by nearly eleven hundred of its citizens, was presented to congress, march , . among the signers to this petition, were chief justice cranch, judge van ness, judge morsel, prof. j.m. staughton, and a large number of the most influential inhabitants of the district. mr. dickson, of new york, asserted on the floor of congress in , that the signers to this petition owned more than half the property in the district. the accuracy of this statement has never been questioned. this power has been conceded by grand juries of the district. the grand jury of the county of alexandria, at the march term, , presented the domestic slaves trade as a grievance, and said, "we consider these grievances demanding _legislative_ redress." jan. , , mr. alexander, of virginia, presented a representation of the grand jury in the city of washington, remonstrating against "any measure for the abolition of slavery within said district, unless accompanied by measures for the removal of the emancipated from the same;" thus, not only conceding the power to emancipate slaves, but affirming an additional power, that of _excluding them when free_. journal h. r. - , p. . . this power has been conceded by state legislatures. in the legislature of pennsylvania instructed their senators in congress "to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." jan. , , the house of assembly of new york passed a resolution, that their "senators in congress be instructed to make every possible exertion to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." in february, , the senate of massachusetts "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery and the slave trade therein." the house of representatives passed the following resolution at the same session: "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district." november , , the legislature of vermont, "resolved that congress have the full power by the constitution to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia, and in the territories." in may, , the legislature of connecticut passed a resolution asserting the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. in january, , the legislature of south carolina "resolved, that we should consider the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia as a violation of the rights of the citizens of that district derived from the _implied_ conditions on which that territory was ceded to the general government." instead of denying the constitutional power, they virtually admit its existence, by striving to smother it under an _implication_. in february, , the legislature of north carolina "resolved, that, although by the constitution _all legislative power_ over the district of columbia is vested in the congress of the united states, yet we would deprecate any legislative action on the part of that body towards liberating the slaves of that district, as a breach of faith towards those states by whom the territory was originally ceded. here is a full concession of the _power_. february , , the virginia legislature passed unanimously the following resolution: "resolved, by the general assembly of virginia, that the following article be proposed to the several states of this union, and to congress, as an amendment of the constitution of the united states:" "the powers of congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage of any law for the emancipation of slaves in the district of columbia, without the consent of the individual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legislatures of virginia and maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe." fifty years after the formation of the united states' constitution the states are solemnly called upon by the virginia legislature, to amend that instrument by a clause asserting that, in the grant to congress of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the district, the "case" of slavery is not included!! what could have dictated such a resolution but the conviction that the power to abolish slavery is an irresistible inference from the constitution _as it is?_ the fact that the same legislature, passed afterward a resolution, though by no means unanimously, that congress does not possess the power, abates not a title of the testimony in the first resolution. march d, , "mr. brown presented the resolutions of the general assembly of ohio, recommending to congress the consideration of a system for the gradual emancipation of persons of color held in servitude in the united states." on the same day, "mr. noble, of indiana, communicated a resolution from the legislature of that state, respecting the gradual emancipation of slaves within the united states." journal of the united states' senate, for - , p. . the ohio and indiana resolutions, by taking for granted the _general_ power of congress over the subject of slavery, do virtually assert its _special_ power within its _exclusive_ jurisdiction. . this power has been conceded by bodies of citizens in the slave states. the petition of eleven hundred citizens of the district, has been already mentioned. "march , , mr. washington presented a memorial of inhabitants of the county of frederick, in the state of maryland, praying that provision be made for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . march , . mr. a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, "praying congress to take measures for the entire abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . january , . mr. rhea, of tennessee, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying that "provision may be made, whereby all slaves that may hereafter be born in the district of columbia, shall be free at a certain period of their lives." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . mr. saunders of north carolina, presented a memorial of the citizens of that state, praying "that measures may be taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the united states." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . "mr. barnard presented the memorial of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, held in baltimore, praying that slavery may be abolished in the district of columbia." journal u.s. senate, - , p. . . distinguished statesmen and jurists in the slaveholding states, have conceded this power. the testimony of messrs. doddridge, and powell, of virginia, chief justice cranch, and judges morsel and van ness, of the district, has already been given. in the debate in congress on the memorial of the society of friends, in , mr. madison, in speaking of the territories of the united states, explicitly declared, from his own knowledge of the views of the members of the convention that framed the constitution, as well as from the obvious import of its terms, that in the territories, "congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery." congress can have no more power over the territories than that of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," consequently, according to mr. madison, "it has certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery in the" _district_. in march, , mr. randolph of virginia, introduced a resolution for putting a stop to the domestic slave trade within the district. december , , mr. barney, of maryland, presented a memorial for abolition in the district, and moved that it be printed. mr. mcduffie, of s.c., objected to the printing, but "expressly admitted the right of congress to grant to the people of the district any measure which they might deem necessary to free themselves from the deplorable evil."--[see letter of mr. claiborne of miss. to his constituents published in the washington globe, may , .] the sentiments of mr. clay of kentucky, on the subject are well known. in a speech before the u.s. senate, in , he declared the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district "unquestionable." messrs. blair, of tennessee, and chilton, lyon, and r.m. johnson, of kentucky, a.h. shepperd, of n.c., messrs. armstrong and smyth of va., messrs. dorsey, archer, and barney, of md., and johns, of del., with numerous others from slave states have asserted the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. in the speech of mr. smyth, of virginia, on the missouri question, january , , he says on this point: "if the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, why do you begin _here_? within the ten miles square, you have _undoubted power_ to exercise exclusive legislation. _produce a bill to emancipate the slaves in the district of columbia_, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." to this may be added the testimony of the present vice president of the united states, hon. richard m. johnson, of kentucky. in a speech before the u.s. senate, february , , (national intelligencer, april , ,) he says: "in the district of columbia, containing a population of , souls, and probably as many slaves as the whole territory of missouri, the power of providing for their emancipation rests with congress alone. why then, this heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of missouri, and this cold insensibility, this eternal apathy, towards the slaves in the district of columbia?" it is quite unnecessary to add, that the most distinguished northern statesmen of both political parties, have always affirmed the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. president van buren in his letter of march , , to a committee of gentlemen in north carolina, says, "i would not, from the light now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia." this declaration of the president is consistent with his avowed sentiments touching the missouri question, on which he coincided with such men as daniel d. thompkins, de witt clinton, and others, whose names are a host.[a] it is consistent, also with his recommendation in his last message, in which speaking of the district, he strongly urges upon congress "a thorough and careful revision of its local government," speaks of the "entire independence" of the people of the district "upon congress," recommends that a "uniform system of local government" be adopted, and adds, that "although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residences of officers intrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it never has been subjected to, or received, that _special_ and _comprehensive_ legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demanded." [footnote a: mr. van buren, when a member of the senate of new-york, voted for the following preamble and resolutions, which passed unanimously:--jan. th, . "whereas the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the united states, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state: and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that _every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension_: and that the constitution of the united states _clearly gives congress the right_ to require new states, not comprised within the original boundary of the united states, to _make the prohibition of slavery_ a condition of their admission into the union: therefore, resolved, that our senators be instructed, and our members of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the union, of any territory not comprised as aforesaid, without making _the prohibition of slavery_ therein an indispensible condition of admission." ] the tenor of mr. tallmadge's speech on the right of petition, and of mr. webster's on the reception of abolition memorials, may be taken as universal exponents of the sentiments of northern statesmen as to the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. an explicit declaration, that an "_overwhelming majority_" of the _present_ congress concede the power to abolish slavery in the district has just been made by robert barnwell rhett, a member of congress from south carolina, in a letter published in the charleston mercury of dec. , . the following is an extract: "the time has arrived when we must have new guaranties under the constitution, or the union must be dissolved. _our views of the constitution are not those of the majority_. an overwhelming majority _think that by the constitution, congress may abolish slavery in the district of columbia--may abolish the slave trade between the states; that is, it may prohibit their being carried out of the state in which they are--and prohibit it in all the territories, florida among them. they think_, not without strong reasons, _that the power of congress extends to all of these subjects_." _direct testimony_ to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has always till recently been _universally conceded_, is perhaps quite superfluous. we subjoin, however, the following: the vice-president of the united states in his speech on the missouri question, quoted above, after contending that the restriction of slavery in missouri would be unconstitutional, declares, that the power of congress over slavery in the district "could not be questioned." in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., also quoted above, he declares the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district to be "undoubted." mr. sutherland, of penn., in a speech in the house of representatives, on the motion to print mr. pinckney's report, is thus reported in the washington globe, of may th, ' . "he replied to the remark that the report conceded that congress had a right to legislate upon the subject in the district of columbia, and said that such a right had never been, till recently, denied." the american quarterly review, published at philadelphia, with a large circulation and list of contributors in the slave states, holds the following language in the september no. , p. : "under this 'exclusive jurisdiction,' granted by the constitution, congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia. it would hardly be necessary to state this as a distinct proposition, had it not been occasionally questioned. the truth of the assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of argument--and we believe has never been disputed by persons who are familiar with the constitution." objections to the foregoing conclusions considered. we now proceed to notice briefly the main arguments that have been employed in congress and elsewhere against the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. one of the most plausible is, that "the conditions on which maryland and virginia ceded the district to the united states, would be violated, if congress should abolish slavery there." the reply to this is, that congress had no power to _accept_ a cession coupled with conditions restricting that "power of exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district," which was given it by the constitution. to show the futility of the objection, we insert here the acts of cession. the cession of maryland was made in november, , and is as follows: "an act to cede to congress a district of ten miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states." "be it enacted, by the general assembly of maryland, that the representatives of this state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new-york, on the first wednesday of march next, be, and they are; hereby authorized and required on the behalf of this state, to cede to the congress of the united states, any district in this state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the congress may fix upon, and accept for the seat of government of the united states." laws of md., v. ., c. . the cession of virginia was made on the d of december, , in the following words: "be it enacted by the general assembly, that a tract of country, not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the state, and in any part thereof; as congress may, by law, direct, shall be, and the same is hereby forever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil, as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the government of the constitution of the united states." but were there no provisos to these acts? the maryland act had _none_. the virginia act had this proviso: "sect. . provided, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to vest in the united states any right of property in the soil, or to affect the rights of individuals _therein_, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the united states." this specification touching the soil was merely definitive and explanatory of that clause in the act of cession, "_full and absolute right_." instead of restraining the power of congress on _slavery_ and other subjects, it even gives it freer course; for exceptions to _parts_ of a rule, give double confirmation to those parts not embraced in the exceptions. if it was the _design_ of the proviso to restrict congressional action on the subject of _slavery_, why is the _soil alone_ specified? as legal instruments are not paragons of economy in words, might not "john doe," out of his abundance, and without spoiling his style, have afforded an additional word--at least a hint--that slavery was _meant_, though nothing was said about it? but again, maryland and virginia, in their acts of cession, declare them to be made "in pursuance of" that clause of the constitution which gives to congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the ten miles square--thus, instead of _restricting_ that clause, both states _confirm_ it. now, their acts of cession either accorded with that clause of the constitution, or they conflicted with it. if they conflicted with it, _accepting_ the cessions was a violation of the constitution. the fact that congress accepted the cessions, proves that in its views their _terms_ did not conflict with its constitutional grant of power. the inquiry whether these acts of cession were consistent or inconsistent with the united status' constitution, is totally irrelevant to the question at issue. what with the constitution? that is the question. not, what with virginia, or maryland, or--equally to the point--john bull! if maryland and virginia had been the authorized interpreters of the constitution for the union, these acts of cession could hardly have been more magnified than they have been recently by the southern delegation in congress. a true understanding of the constitution can be had, forsooth, only by holding it up in the light of maryland and virginia legislation! we are told, again, that those states would not have ceded the district if they had supposed the constitution gave congress power to abolish slavery in it. this comes with an ill grace from maryland and virginia. they _knew_ the constitution. they were parties to it. they had sifted it, clause by clause, in their state conventions. they had weighed its words in the balance--they had tested them as by fire; and, finally, after long pondering, they adopted the constitution. and _afterward_, self-moved, they ceded the ten miles square, and declared the cession made "in pursuance of" that oft-cited clause, "congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." and now verily "they would not have ceded if they had _supposed_!" &c. cede it they _did_, and in "full and absolute right both of soil and persons." congress accepted the cession--state power over the district ceased, and congressional power over it commenced,--and now, the sole question to be settled is, the _amount of power over the district lodged in congress by the constitution_. the constitution--the constitution--that is the point. maryland and virginia "suppositions" must be potent suppositions to abrogate a clause of the united states' constitution! that clause either gives congress power to abolish slavery in the district, or it does _not_--and that point is to be settled, not by state "suppositions," nor state usages, nor state legislation, but _by the terms of the clause themselves_. southern members of congress, in the recent discussions, have conceded the power of a contingent abolition in the district, by suspending it upon the _consent_ of the people. such a doctrine from _declaimers_ like messrs. alford, of georgia, and walker, of mississippi, would excite no surprise; but that it should be honored with the endorsement of such men as mr. rives and mr. calhoun, is quite unaccountable. are attributes of sovereignty mere creatures of contingency? is delegated authority mere conditional permission? is a constitutional power to be exercised by those who hold it, only by popular sufferance? must it lie helpless at the pool of public sentiment, waiting the gracious troubling of its waters? is it a lifeless corpse, save only when popular "consent" deigns to puff breath into its nostrils? besides, if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of the _whole_ people must be had--not that of a majority, however large. majorities, to be authoritative, must be _legal_--and a legal majority without legislative power, or right of representation, or even the electoral franchise, would be truly an anomaly! in the district of columbia, such a thing as a majority in a legal sense is unknown to law. to talk of the power of a majority, or the will of a majority there, is mere mouthing. a majority? then it has an authoritative will, and an organ to make it known, and an executive to carry it into effect--where are they? we repeat it--if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of _every one_ is necessary--and _universal_ consent will come only with the greek kalends and a "perpetual motion." a single individual might thus perpetuate slavery in defiance of the expressed will of a whole people. the most common form of this fallacy is given by mr. wise, of virginia, in his speech, february , , in which he denied the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, unless the inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for it!! southern members of congress at the present session ( - ) ring changes almost daily upon the same fallacy. what! pray congress _to use_ a power which it _has not_? "it is required of a man according to what he _hath_," saith the scripture. i commend mr. wise to paul for his ethics. would that he had got his _logic_ of him! if congress does not possess the power, why taunt it with its weakness, by asking its exercise? petitioning, according to mr. wise, is, in matters of legislation, omnipotence itself; the very _source_ of all constitutional power; for, _asking_ congress to do what it _cannot_ do, gives it the power!--to pray the exercise of a power that is _not, creates_ it! a beautiful theory! let us work it both ways. if to petition for the exercise of a power that is _not_, creates it--to petition against the exercise of a power that _is_, annihilates it. as southern gentlemen are partial to summary processes, pray, sirs, try the virtue of your own recipe on "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" a better subject for experiment and test of the prescription could not be had. but if the petitions of the citizens of the district give congress the _right_ to abolish slavery, they impose the _duty_; if they confer constitutional _authority_, they create constitutional _obligation_. if congress _may_ abolish because of an expression of their will, it _must_ abolish at the bidding of that will. if the people of the district are a _source of power_ to congress, their _expressed will_ has the force of a constitutional provision, and has the same binding power upon the national legislature. to make congress dependent on the district for authority, is to make it a _subject_ of its authority, restraining the exercise of its own discretion, and sinking it into a mere organ of the district's will. we proceed to another objection. "_the southern states would not have ratified the constitution, if they had supposed that it gave this power_." it is a sufficient answer to this objection, that the northern states would not have ratified it, if they had supposed that it _withheld_ the power. if "suppositions" are to take the place of the constitution--coming from both sides, they neutralize each other. to argue a constitutional question by _guessing_ at the "suppositions" that might have been made by the parties to it would find small favor in a court of law. but even a desperate shift is some easement when sorely pushed. if this question is to be settled by "suppositions," suppositions shall be forthcoming, and that without stint. first, then, i affirm that the north ratified the constitution, "supposing" that slavery had begun to wax old, and would speedily vanish away, and especially that the abolition of the slave trade, which by the constitution was to be surrendered to congress after twenty years, would plunge it headlong. would the north have adopted the constitution, giving three-fifths of the "slave property" a representation, if it had "supposed" that the slaves would have increased from half a million to two millions and a half by --and that the census of would give to the slave states thirty representatives of "slave property?" if they had "supposed" that this representation would have controlled the legislation of the government, and carried against the north every question vital to its interests, would hamilton, franklin, sherman, gerry, livingston, langdon, and rufus king have been such madmen, as to sign the constitution, and the northern states such suicides as to ratify it? every self-preserving instinct would have shrieked at such an infatuate immolation. at the adoption of the united states constitution, slavery was regarded as a fast waning system. this conviction was universal. washington, jefferson, henry, grayson, tucker, madison, wythe, pendleton, lee, blair, mason, page, parker, randolph, iredell, spaight, ramsey, pinkney, martin, mchenry, chase, and nearly all the illustrious names south of the potomac, proclaimed it before the sun. a reason urged in the convention that formed the united states' constitution, why the word slave should not be used in it, was, _that when slavery should cease_ there might remain upon the national charter no record that it had ever been. (see speech of mr. burrill, of r.i., on the missouri question.) i now proceed to show by testimony, that at the date of the united states' constitution, and for several years before and after that period, slavery was rapidly on the wane; that the american revolution with the great events preceding, accompanying, and following it, had wrought an immense and almost universal change in the public sentiment of the nation on the subject, powerfully impelling it toward the entire abolition of the system--and that it was the _general belief_ that measures for its abolition throughout the union, would be commenced by the states generally before the lapse of many years. a great mass of testimony establishing this position might be presented, but narrow space, and the importance of speedy publication, counsel brevity. let the following proofs suffice. first, a few dates as points of observation. in , commissioners from seven colonies met at albany, resolved upon a union and proposed a plan of general government. in , delegates from nine colonies met at new york and sent forth a bill of rights. the first _general_ congress met in . the first congress of the _thirteen_ colonies met in . the revolutionary war commenced in ' . independence was declared in ' . the articles of confederation were adopted by the thirteen states in ' and ' . independence acknowledged in ' . the convention for forming the u.s. constitution was held in ' , the state conventions for considering it in ' and ' . the first congress under the constitution in ' . dr. rush, of pennsylvania, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, in a letter to granville sharpe, may , , says: "a spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken in several of the colonies in favor of the poor negroes. great events have been brought about by small beginnings. _anthony bènèzet stood alone a few years_ _ago in opposing negro slavery in philadelphia_, and now three-fourths of the province as well as of the city cry out against it."--[stuart's life of granville sharpe, p. .] in the preamble to the act prohibiting the importation of slaves into rhode island, june, , is the following: "whereas the inhabitants of america are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which that of personal freedom must be considered the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, _should be willing to extend personal liberty to others_, therefore," &c. october , , the continental congress passed the following: "we, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, _firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country_, as follows:" " d article. _we will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported_ after the first day of december next, after which time we will _wholly discontinue_ the slave trade, and we will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels nor _sell our commodities or manufactures_ to those who are concerned in it." the continental congress, in , setting forth the causes and the necessity for taking up arms, say: "_if it were possible_ for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race _to hold an absolute property in_, and _unbounded power over others_," &c. in , dr. hopkins, then at the head of new england divines, in "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the american colonies," says: "the conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice (slavery) has been _increasing_, and _greatly spreading of late_, and _many_ who have had slaves, have found themselves so unable to justify their own conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induced to _set them at liberty_. * * * * * slavery is _in every instance_, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive--a very great and crying sin--_there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth_." the same year the american congress issued a solemn manifesto to the world. these were its first words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that _all_ men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." _once_, these were words of power; _now_, "a rhetorical flourish." the virginia gazette of march , , in an essay on slavery says: "_there cannot be in nature, there is not in all history, an instance in which every right of man is more flagrantly violated_. enough i hope has been effected to prove that slavery is a violation of justice and religion." the celebrated patrick henry of virginia, in a letter, jan. , , to robert pleasants, afterwards president of the virginia abolition society, says: "believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. it is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. i exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." the pennsylvania chronicle of nov. , , says: "let every black that shall henceforth be born amongst us be deemed free. one step farther would be to emancipate the whole race, restoring that liberty we have so long unjustly detained from them. till some step of this kind be taken we shall justly be the derision of the whole world." in , the continental congress ordered a pamphlet to be published, entitled, "observations on the american revolution," from which the following is an extract: "the great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, _that men are by nature free_; and so long as we have any idea of divine _justice_, we must associate that of _human freedom_. it is _conceded on all hands, that the right to be free_ can never be alienated." extract from the pennsylvania act for the abolition of slavery, passed march , : * * * "we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others which has been extended to us. weaned by a long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partialities we had imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations: * * * therefore be it enacted, that no child born hereafter be a slave," &c. jefferson, in his notes on virginia, written just before the close of the revolutionary war, says: "i think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present revolution. the spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, _and the way i hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven_, for a total emancipation." in a letter to dr. price, of london, who had just published a pamphlet in favor of the abolition of slavery, mr. jefferson, then minister at paris, (august , ,) says: "from the mouth to the head of the chesapeake, _the bulk of the people will approve of your pamphlet in theory_, and it will find a respectable minority ready to _adopt it in practice_--a minority which, for weight and worth of character, _preponderates against the greater number_." speaking of virginia, he says: "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression,--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits. be not, therefore, discouraged--what you have written will do a _great deal of good_; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the laboring side. the college of william and mary, since the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together all the young men of virginia, under preparation for public life. they are there under the direction (most of them) of a mr. wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and _whose sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal_. i am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an exhortation to those young men with all that eloquence of which you are master, that _its influence on the future decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive_. thus. you see, that so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you have done, _i wish you to do more, and i wish it on an assurance of its effect_."--jefferson's posthumous works, vol. , p. . in , john jay drafted and signed a petition to the legislature of new york, on the subject of slavery, beginning with these words: "your memorialists being deeply affected by the situation of those, who, although, free by the laws of god, are held in slavery by the laws of the state," &c. this memorial bore also the signatures of the celebrated alexander hamilton; robert r. livingston, afterwards secretary of foreign affairs of the united states, and chancellor of the state of new york; james duane, mayor of the city of new york, and many others of the most eminent individuals in the state. in the preamble of an instrument, by which mr. jay emancipated a slave in , is the following passage: "whereas, the children of men are by nature equally free, and cannot, without injustice, be either reduced to or held in slavery." in his letter while minister at spain, in , he says, speaking of the abolition of slavery: "till america comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. i believe god governs the world; and i believe it to be a maxim in his, as in our court, that those who ask for equity _ought to do it_." in , the new york manumission society was formed. john jay was chosen its first president, and held the office five years. alexander hamilton was its second president, and after holding the office one year, resigned upon his removal to philadelphia as secretary of the united states' treasury. in , the pennsylvania abolition society was formed. benjamin franklin, warm from the discussions of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution, was chosen president, and benjamin rush secretary--both signers of the declaration of independence. in , the maryland abolition society was formed. among its officers were samuel chase, judge of the u.s. supreme court, and luther martin, a member of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution. in , the connecticut abolition society was formed. the first president was rev. dr. stiles, president of yale college, and the secretary, simeon baldwin, (late judge baldwin of new haven.) in , this society sent a memorial to congress, from which the following is an extract: "from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom. your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men; and, though this society has been _lately_ established, it has now become _generally extensive_ through this state, and, we fully believe, _embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens_." the same year the virginia abolition society was formed. this society, and the maryland society, had auxiliaries in different parts of those states. both societies sent up memorials to congress. the memorial of the virginia society is headed--"the memorial of the _virginia society_, for promoting the abolition of slavery," &c. the following is an extract: "your memorialists, fully believing that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an _outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel_," &c. about the same time a society was formed in new-jersey. it had an acting committee of five members in each county in the state. the following is an extract from the preamble to its constitution: "it is our boast, that we live under a government, wherein _life, liberty_, and the _pursuit of happiness_, are recognized as the universal rights of men. we _abhor that inconsistent, illiberal, and interested policy, which withholds those rights from an unfortunate and degraded class of our fellow creatures_." among other distinguished individuals who were efficient officers of these abolition societies, and delegates from their respective state societies, at the annual meetings of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, were hon. uriah tracy, united states' senator, from connecticut; hon. zephaniah swift, chief justice of the same state; hon. cesar a. rodney, attorney general of the united states; hon. james a. bayard, united states' senator, from delaware; governor bloomfield, of new-jersey; hon. wm. rawle, the late venerable head of the philadelphia bar; dr. caspar wistar, of philadelphia; messrs. foster and tillinghast, of rhode island; messrs. ridgely, buchanan, and wilkinson, of maryland; and messrs. pleasants, mclean, and anthony, of virginia. in july, , the old congress passed the celebrated ordinance abolishing slavery in the northwestern territory, and declaring that it should never thereafter exist there. this ordinance was passed while the convention that formed the united states' constitution was in session. at the first session of congress under the constitution, this ordinance was ratified by a special act. washington, fresh from the discussions of the convention, in which _more than forty days had been spent in adjusting the question of slavery, gave it his approval_. the act passed with only one dissenting voice, (that of mr. yates, of new york,) _the south equally with the north avowing the fitness and expediency of the measure on general considerations, and indicating thus early the line of national policy, to be pursued by the united states' government on the subject of slavery_. in the debates in the north carolina convention, mr. iredell, afterward a judge of the united states' supreme court, said, "_when the entire abolition of slavery takes place_, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." mr. galloway said, "i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. i apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means _to bring forward manumission_." luther martin, of maryland, a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, "we ought to authorize the general government to make such regulations as shall be thought most advantageous for _the gradual abolition of slavery_, and the _emancipation of the slaves_ which are already in the states." judge wilson, of pennsylvania, one of the framers of the constitution, said, in the pennsylvania convention of ' , [deb. pa. con. p. , :] "i consider this (the clause relative to the slave trade) as laying the foundation for _banishing slavery out of this country_. it will produce the same kind of gradual change which was produced in pennsylvania; the new states which are to be formed will be under the control of congress in this particular, and _slaves will never be introduced_ among them. it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established _throughout the union_. yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to _exterminate slavery_ within our borders." in the virginia convention of ' , mr. mason, author of the virginia constitution, said, "the augmentation of slaves weakens the states, and such a trade is _diabolical_ in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. as much as i value a union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states, (i.e., south carolina and georgia,) into the union, _unless they agree to a discontinuance of this disgraceful trade_." mr. tyler opposed with great power the clause prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade till , and said, "my earnest desire is, that it shall be handed down to posterity that i oppose this wicked clause." mr. johnson said, "the principle of emancipation _has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round_."--[deb. va. con. p. .] patrick henry, arguing the power of congress under the united states' constitution to abolish slavery in the states, said, in the same convention, "another thing will contribute to bring this event (the abolition of slavery) about. slavery is _detested_. we feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all the pity of humanity." governor randolph said: "they insist that the _abolition of slavery will result from this constitution_. i hope that there is no one here, who will advance _an objection so dishonorable_ to virginia--i hope that at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection will not be started, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, _by the operation of the general government_ may be made free!" [_deb. va. con._ p. .] in the mass. con. of ' , judge dawes said, "although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet _it has received a mortal wound_, and will die of consumption."--[_deb. mass. con._ p. .] general heath said that, "slavery was confined to the states _now existing_, it _could not be extended_. by their ordinance, congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, _and have no slavery_."--p. . in the debate, in the first congress, february th and th, , on the petitions of the society of friends, and the pennsylvania abolition society, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding _so considerable a part_ of the community attending to matters of such a momentous concern to the _future prosperity_ and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, to _espouse their cause_." mr. page, of virginia, (afterwards governor)--"was _in favor_ of the commitment: he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of the respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, _from which was expected great good would result to_ every class _of citizens_, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and _wait the decision patiently_." mr. scott of pennsylvania: "i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person _can be said to acquire a property in another. i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation, but i am sure i would go as far as i could_." mr. burke, of south carolina, said, "he _saw the disposition of the house_, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." mr. baldwin of georgia said that the clause in the u.s. constitution relating to direct taxes "was intended to prevent congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, _as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a_ general emancipation." mr. smith of south carolina, said, "that on entering into this government, they (south carolina and georgia) apprehended that the other states, * * * _would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation_." in the debate, at the same session, may th, , on the petition of the society of friends respecting the slave trade, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power _to restore to human nature its inherent privileges_. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged _should be done away_." mr. jackson, of georgia, said, "it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves. * * * * * will virginia set her negroes free? _when this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear_." mr. madison of virginia,--"the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of us. * * * * * * * i conceive the constitution in this particular was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to _give some testimony of the sense of america_, with respect to the african trade. * * * * * * it is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our prosperity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves." mr. gerry, of massachusetts, said, "he highly commended the part the society of friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested themselves in."--cong. reg. v. , p. - . a writer in the "gazette of the unites states," feb. th, , (then the government paper,) who opposes the abolition of slavery, and avows himself a _slaveholder_, says, "i have seen in the papers accounts of _large associations_, and applications to government for _the abolition of slavery_. religion, humanity, and the generosity natural to a free people, are the _noble principles which dictate those measures_. such motives command respect, and are above any eulogium words can bestow." in the convention that formed the constitution of kentucky in , the effort to prohibit slavery was nearly successful. a decided majority of that body would undoubtedly have voted for its exclusion, but for the great efforts and influence of two large slaveholders--men of commanding talents and sway--messrs. breckenridge and nicholas. the following extract from a speech made in that convention by a member of it, mr. rice a native virginian, is a specimen of the _free discussion_ that prevailed on that "delicate subject." said mr. rice: "i do a man greater injury, when i deprive him of his liberty, than when i deprive him of his property. it is vain for me to plead that i have the sanction of law; for this makes the injury the greater--it arms the community against him, and makes his case desperate. the owners of such slaves then are _licensed robbers_, and not the just proprietors of what they claim. freeing them is not depriving them of property, but _restoring it to the right owner_. the master is the enemy of the slave; he _has made open war upon him_, and is daily carrying it on in unremitted efforts. can any one imagine, then, that the slave is indebted to his master, and _bound to serve him?_ whence can the obligation arise? what is it founded upon? what is my duty to an enemy that is carrying on war against me? i do not deny, but in some circumstances, it is the duty of the slave to serve; but it is a duty he owes himself, and not his master." president edwards, the younger, said, in a sermon preached before the connecticut abolition society, sept. , : "thirty years ago, scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in congress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? and if we judge of the future by the past, _within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft_." in , the general assembly of the presbyterian church adopted its "scripture proofs," notes, and comments. among these was the following: " tim. i. . the law is made for manstealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment. exodus xxi. . and the apostle here classes them with _sinners of the first rank_. the word he uses, in its original import comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in _retaining_ them in it. _stealers of men_ are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and _keep_, sell, or buy them." in , dr. rush declared: "domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of christianity. it prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. it is rebellion against the authority of a common father. it is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common saviour. it is an usurpation of the prerogative of the great sovereign of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men." in , mr. fiske, then an officer of dartmouth college, afterward a judge in tennessee, said, in an oration published that year, speaking of slaves: "i steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to _an equal standing, in point of privileges, with the whites!_ they must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature." when the petition on the abolition of the slave trade was under discussion in the congress of ' , mr. brown, of north carolina, said, "the emancipation of the slaves _will be effected_ in time; it ought to be a gradual business, but he hoped that congress would not _precipitate_ it to the great injury of the southern states." mr. hartley, of pennsylvania, said, in the same debate, "_he was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that house_." washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, says, "there are, in pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which _nothing is more certain_ than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." in , virginia passed her celebrated manumission act. within nine years from that time nearly eleven thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated by their masters. [judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] in , maryland passed an act legalizing manumission. mr. dorsey, of maryland, in a speech in congress, december th, , speaking of manumissions under that act, said, that "_the progress of emancipation was astonishing_, the state became crowded with a free black population." the celebrated william pinkney, in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , on the emancipation of slaves, said, "sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, _no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bandage for a single hour_... are we apprehensive that these men will become more dangerous by becoming freemen? are we alarmed, lest by being admitted into the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? strange, unaccountable paradox! how much more rational would it be, to argue that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself!" hon. james campbell, in an address before the pennsylvania society of cincinnati, july , , said, "our separation from great britain has extended the empire of _humanity_. the time _is not far distant_ when our sister states, in imitation of our example, _shall turn their vassals into freemen_." the convention that formed the united states' constitution being then in session, attended on the delivery of this oration with general washington at their head. a baltimore paper of september th, , contains the following notice of major general gates: "a few days ago passed through this town the hon. general gates and lady. the general, previous to leaving virginia, summoned his numerous family of slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom." in , the university of william and mary, in virginia, conferred upon granville sharpe the degree of doctor of laws. sharpe was at that time the acknowledged head of british abolitionists. his indefatigable exertions, prosecuted for years in the case of somerset, procured that memorable decision in the court of king's bench, which settled the principle that no slave could be held in england. he was most uncompromising in his opposition to slavery, and for twenty years previous he had spoken, written, and accomplished more against it than any man living. in the "memoirs of the revolutionary war in the southern department," by gen. lee, of va., commandant of the partizan legion, is the following: "the constitution of the united states, adopted lately with so much difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil (by importation) after a few years. it is much to be lamented that having done so much in this way, _a provision had not been made for the gradual abolition of slavery_."--pp. , . mr. tucker, of virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, addressed a letter to the general assembly of that state, in , urging the abolition of slavery, from which the following is an extract. speaking of the slaves in virginia, he says: "should we not, at the time of the revolution, have broken their fetters? is it not our duty _to embrace the first moment_ of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor our consciences to reproach us?" mr. faulkner, in a speech before the virginia house of delegates, jan. , , said: "the idea of a gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves from this commonwealth, is coeval with the declaration of our independence from the british yoke. when virginia stood sustained in her legislation by the pure and philosophic intellect of pendleton, by the patriotism of mason and lee, by the searching vigor and sagacity of wythe, and by the all-embracing, all-comprehensive genius of thomas jefferson! sir, it was a committee composed of those five illustrious men, who, in , submitted to the general assembly of this state, then in session, _a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of this commonwealth_." hon. benjamin watkins leigh, late united states' senator from virginia, in his letters to the people of virginia, in , signed appomattox, p. , says: "i thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body that during the revolution, _and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen_, who entertained, with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the object. mr. wythe, to the day of his death, _was for a simple abolition, considering the objection to color as founded in prejudice_. by degrees, all projects of the kind were abandoned. mr. jefferson _retained_ his opinion, and now we have these projects revived." governor barbour, of virginia, in his speech in the u.s. senate, on the missouri question, jan. , said: "we are asked why has virginia changed her policy in reference to slavery? that the sentiments of our most distinguished men, for thirty years _entirely corresponded_ with the course which the friends of the restriction (of slavery in missouri) now advocated; and that the virginia delegation, one of whom was the late president of the united states, voted for the restriction (of slavery) in the northwestern territory, and that mr. jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery. when it is recollected that the notes of mr. jefferson were written during the progress of the revolution, it is no matter of surprise that the writer should have imbibed a large portion of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. as to the consent of the virginia delegation to the restriction in question, whether the result of a disposition to restrain the slave-trade indirectly, or the influence of that enthusiasm to which i have just alluded, * * * * it is not now important to decide. we have witnessed its effects. the liberality of virginia, or, as the result may prove, her folly, which submitted to, or, if you will, proposed _this measure_ (abolition of slavery in the n.w. territory) has eventuated in effects which speak a monitory lesson. _how is the representation from this quarter on the present question_?" mr. imlay, in his early history of kentucky, p. , says: "we have disgraced the fair face of humanity, and trampled upon the sacred privileges of man, at the very moment that we were exclaiming against the tyranny of your (the english) ministry. but in contending for the birthright of freedom, we have learned to feel _for the bondage of others_, and in the libations we offer to the goddess of liberty, we contemplate an _emancipation of the slaves of this country_, as honorable to themselves as it will be glorious to us." in the debate in congress, jan. , , on mr. sloan's motion to lay a tax on the importation of slaves, mr. clark of va. said: "he was no advocate for a system of slavery." mr. marion, of s. carolina, said: "he never had purchased, nor should he ever purchase a slave." mr. southard said: "not revenue, but an expression of the _national sentiment_ is the principal object." mr. smilie--"i rejoice that the word (slave) is not in the constitution; its not being there does honor to the worthies who would not suffer it to become a _part_ of it." mr. alston, of n. carolina--"in two years we shall have the power to prohibit the trade altogether. then this house will be unanimous. no one will object to our exercising our full constitutional powers." national intelligencer, jan. , . these witnesses need no vouchers to entitle them to credit; nor their testimony comments to make it intelligible--their _names_ are their _endorsers_, and their strong words their own interpreters. we waive all comments. our readers are of age. whosoever hath ears to _hear_, let him hear. and whosoever will not hear the fathers of the revolution, the founders of the government, its chief magistrates, judges, legislators and sages, who dared and perilled all under the burdens, and in the heat of the day that tried men's souls--then "neither will he be persuaded though they rose from the dead." some of the points established by this testimony are--the universal expectation that congress, state legislatures, seminaries of learning, churches, ministers of religion, and public sentiment widely embodied in abolition societies, would act against slavery, calling forth the moral sense of the nation, and creating a power of opinion that would abolish the system throughout the union. in a word, that free speech and a free press would be wielded against it without ceasing and without restriction. full well did the south know, not only that the national government would probably legislate against slavery wherever the constitution placed it within its reach, but she knew also that congress had already marked out the line of national policy to be pursued on the subject--had committed itself before the world to a course of action against slavery, wherever she could move upon it without encountering a conflicting jurisdiction--that the nation had established by solemn ordinance a memorable precedent for subsequent action, by abolishing slavery in the northwest territory, and by declaring that it should never thenceforward exist there; and this too, as soon as by cession of virginia and other states, the territory came under congressional control. the south knew also that the sixth article in the ordinance prohibiting slavery, was first proposed by the largest slaveholding state in the confederacy--that in the congress of ' , mr. jefferson, as chairman of the committee on the n.w. territory, reported a resolution abolishing slavery there--that the chairman of the committee that reported the ordinance of ' was also a slaveholder--that the ordinance was enacted by congress during the session of the convention that formed the united states' constitution--that the provisions of the ordinance were, both while in prospect and when under discussion, matters of universal notoriety and _approval_ with all parties, and when finally passed, received the vote of _every member of congress from each of the slaveholding states_. the south also had every reason for believing that the first congress under the constitution would _ratify_ that ordinance--as it did unanimously. a crowd of reflections, suggested by the preceding testimony, presses for utterance. the right of petition ravished and trampled by its constitutional guardians, and insult and defiance hurled in the faces of the sovereign people while calmly remonstrating _with their_ servants for violence committed on the nation's charter and their own dearest rights! added to this "the right of peaceably assembling" violently wrested--the rights of minorities, _rights_ no longer--free speech struck dumb--free _men_ outlawed and murdered--free presses cast into the streets and their fragments strewed with shoutings, or flourished in triumph before the gaze of approving crowds as proud mementos of prostrate law! the spirit and power of our fathers, where are they? their deep homage always and every where rendered to free thought, with its _inseparable signs--free speech and a free press_--their reverence for justice, liberty, _rights_ and all-pervading law, where are they? but we turn from these considerations--though the times on which we have fallen, and those toward which we are borne with headlong haste, call for their discussion as with the voices of departing life--and proceed to topics relevant to the argument before us. the seventh article of the amendments to the constitution is alleged to withhold from congress the power to abolish slavery in the district. "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." all the slaves in the district have been "deprived of liberty" by legislative acts. now, these legislative acts "depriving" them "of liberty," were either "due process of law," or they were _not_. if they _were_, then a legislative act, taking from the master that "property" which is the identical "liberty" previously taken from the slave, would be "due process of law" _also_, and of course a _constitutional_ act; but if the legislative acts "depriving" them of "liberty" were _not_ "due process of law," then the slaves were deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and these acts are _void_. in that case the _constitution emancipates them_. if the objector reply, by saying that the import of the phrase "due process of law," is _judicial_ process solely, it is granted, and that fact is our rejoinder; for no slave in the district _has_ been deprived of his liberty by "a judicial process," or, in other words, by "due process of law;" consequently, upon the objector's own admission, every slave in the district has been deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and is therefore _free by the constitution_. this is asserted only of the slaves under the "exclusive legislation" of congress. the last clause of the article under consideration is quoted for the same purpose: "nor shall private property he taken for public use without just compensation." each of the state constitutions has a clause of similar purport. the abolition of slavery in the district by congress, would not, as we shall presently show; violate this clause either directly or by implication. granting for argument's sake, that slaves are "private property," and that to emancipate them, would be to "take private property" for "public use," the objector admits the power of congress to do _this_, provided it will do something _else_, that is, _pay_ for them. thus, instead of denying the _power_, the objector not only admits, but _affirms_ it, as the ground of the inference that compensation must accompany it. so far from disproving the existence of _one_ power, he asserts the existence of _two_--one, the power to take the slaves from their masters, the other, the power to take the property of the united states to pay for them. if congress cannot constitutionally impair the right of private property, or take it without compensation, it cannot constitutionally, _legalize_ the perpetration of such acts, by _others_, nor _protect_ those who commit them. does the power to rob a man of his earnings, rob the earner of his _right_ to them? who has a better right to the _product_ than the producer?--to the _interest_, than the owner of the _principal_?--to the hands and arms, than he from whose shoulders they swing?--to the body and soul, than he whose they are? congress not only impairs but annihilates the right of private property, while it withholds from the slaves of the district their title to _themselves_. what! congress powerless to protect a man's right to _himself_, when it can make inviolable the right to a _dog_! but, waiving this, i deny that the abolition of slavery in the district would violate this clause. what does the clause prohibit? the "taking" of "private property" for "public use." suppose congress should emancipate the slaves in the district, what would it "_take_?" nothing. what would it _hold_? nothing. what would it put to "public use?" nothing. instead of _taking_ "private property," congress, by abolishing slavery, would say "_private property_ shall not be taken; and those who have been robbed of it already, shall be kept out of it no longer; and every man's right to his own body shall be protected." true, congress may not arbitrarily take property, _as_ property, from one man and give it to another--and in the abolition of slavery no such thing is done. a legislative act changes the _condition_ of the slave--makes him his own _proprietor_, instead of the property of another. it determines a question of _original right_ between two classes of persons--doing an act of justice to one, and restraining the other from acts of injustice; or, in other words, preventing one from robbing the other, by granting to the injured party the protection of just and equitable laws. congress, by an act of abolition, would change the condition of seven thousand "persons" in the district, but would "take" nothing. to construe this provision so as to enable the citizens of the district to hold as property, and in perpetuity, whatever they please, or to hold it as property in all circumstances--all necessity, public welfare, and the will and power of the government to the contrary notwithstanding--is a total perversion of its whole _intent_. the _design_ of the provision, was to throw up a barrier against governmental aggrandizement. the right to "take property" for _state uses_ is one thing;--the right so to adjust the _tenures_ by which property is held, that _each may have his own secured to him_, is another thing, and clearly within the scope of legislation. besides, if congress were to "take" the slaves in the district, it would be _adopting_, not abolishing slavery--becoming a slaveholder itself, instead of requiring others to be such no longer. the clause in question, prohibits the "taking" of individual property for public use, to be employed or disposed of _as_ property for governmental purposes. congress, by abolishing slavery in the district, would do no such thing. it would merely change the _condition_ of that which has been recognized as a qualified property by congressional acts, though previously declared "persons" by the constitution. more than this is done continually by congress and every other legislature. property the most absolute and unqualified, is annihilated by legislative acts. the embargo and non-intercourse act, levelled at a stroke a forest of shipping, and sunk millions of capital. to say nothing of the power of congress to take hundreds of millions from the people by direct taxation, who doubts its power to abolish at once the whole tariff system, change the seat of government, arrest the progress of national works, prohibit any branch of commerce with the indian tribes or with foreign nations, change the locality of forts, arsenals, magazines and dock yards; abolish the post office system, and the privilege of patents and copyrights? by such acts congress might, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, annihilate property to an incalculable amount, and that without becoming liable to claims for compensation. finally, this clause prohibits the taking for public use of "_property_." the constitution of the united states does not recognize slaves as "property" any where, and it does not recognize them in _any sense_ in the district of columbia. all allusions to them in the constitution recognize them as "persons." every reference to them points _solely_ to the element of _personality_; and thus, by the strongest implication, declares that the constitution _knows_ them only as "persons," and _will_ not recognize them in any other light. if they escape into free states, the constitution authorizes their being taken back. but how? not as the property of an "owner," but as "persons;" and the peculiarity of the expression is a marked recognition of their _personality_--a refusal to recognize them as chattels--"persons _held_ to service." are _oxen "held_ to service?" that can be affirmed only of _persons_. again, slaves give political power as "persons." the constitution, in settling the principle of representation, requires their enumeration in the census. how? as property? then why not include race horses and game cocks? slaves, like other inhabitants, are enumerated as "persons." so by the constitution, the government was pledged to non-interference with "the migration or importation of such _persons_" as the states might think proper to admit until , and authorized the laying of a tax on each "person" so admitted. further, slaves are recognized as _persons_ by the exaction of their _allegiance_ to the government. for offences against the government slaves are tried as _persons_; as persons they are entitled to counsel for their defence, to the rules of evidence, and to "due process of law," and as _persons_ they are punished. true, they are loaded with cruel disabilities in courts of law, such as greatly obstruct and often inevitably defeat the ends of justice, yet they are still recognized as _persons_. even in the legislation of congress, and in the diplomacy of the general government, notwithstanding the frequent and wide departures from the integrity of the constitution on this subject, slaves are not recognized as _property_ without qualification. congress has always refused to grant compensation for slaves killed or taken by the enemy, even when these slaves had been impressed into the united states' service. in half a score of cases since the last war, congress has rejected such applications for compensation. besides, both in congressional acts, and in our national diplomacy, slaves and property are not used as convertible terms. when mentioned in treaties and state papers it is in such a way as to distinguish them from mere property, and generally by a recognition of their _personality_. in the invariable recognition of slaves as _persons_, the united states' constitution caught the mantle of the glorious declaration, and most worthily wears it. it recognizes all human beings as "men," "persons," and thus as "equals." in the original draft of the declaration, as it came from the hand of jefferson, it is alleged that great britain had "waged a cruel war against _human_ nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, carrying them into slavery, * * determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold,"--thus disdaining to make the charter of freedom a warrant for the arrest of _men_, that they might be shorn both of liberty and humanity. the celebrated roger sherman, one of the committee of five appointed to draft the declaration of independence, and a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, in the first congress after its adoption: "the constitution _does not consider these persons, (slaves,) as a species of property_."--[lloyd's cong. reg. v. , p. .] that the united states' constitution does not make slaves "property," is shown in the fact, that no person, either as a citizen of the united states, or by having his domicile within the united states' government, can hold slaves. he can hold them only by deriving his power from _state_ laws, or from the laws of congress, if he hold slaves within the district. but no person resident within the united states' jurisdiction, and _not_ within the district, nor within a state whose laws support slavery, nor "held to service" under the laws of such a state or district, having escaped therefrom, _can be held as a slave_. men can hold _property_ under the united states' government though residing beyond the bounds of any state, district, or territory. an inhabitant of the iowa territory can hold property there under the laws of the united states, but he cannot hold _slaves_ there under the united states' laws, nor by virtue of the united states' constitution, nor upon the ground of his united states' citizenship, nor by having his domicile within the united states' jurisdiction. the constitution no where recognizes the right to "slave property," _but merely the fact that the states have jurisdiction each in its own limits, and that there are certain "persons" within their jurisdictions "held to service" by their own laws_. finally, in the clause under consideration "private property" is not to be taken "without just compensation." "just!" if justice is to be appealed to in determining the _amount_ of compensation, let her determine the _grounds_ also. if it be her province to say _how much_ compensation is "just," it is hers to say whether _any_ is "just,"--whether the slave is "just" property _at all_, rather than a "_person_". then, if justice adjudges the slave to be "private property," it adjudges him to be _his own_ property, since the right to one's self is the first right--the source of all others--the original stock by which they are accumulated--the principal, of which they are the interest. and since the slave's "private property" has been "taken," and since "compensation" is impossible--there being no _equivalent_ for one's self--the least that can be done is to restore to him his original private property. having shown that in abolishing slavery, "property" would not be "taken for public use," it may be added that, in those states where slavery has been abolished by law, no claim for compensation has been allowed. indeed the manifest absurdity of demanding it seems to have quite forestalled the _setting up_ of such a claim. the abolition of slavery in the district instead of being a legislative anomaly, would proceed upon the principles of every day legislation. it has been shown already, that the united states' constitution does not recognize slaves as "property." yet ordinary legislation is full of precedents, showing that even _absolute_ property is in many respects wholly subject to legislation. the repeal of the law of entailments--all those acts that control the alienation of property, its disposal by will, its passing to heirs by descent, with the question, who shall be heirs, and what shall be the rule of distribution among them, or whether property shall be transmitted at all by descent, rather than escheat to the estate--these, with statutes of limitation, and various other classes of legislative acts, serve to illustrate the acknowledged scope of the law-making power, even where property _is in every sense absolute_. persons whose property is thus affected by public laws, receive from the government no compensation for their losses; unless the state has been put in possession of the property taken from them. the preamble of the united states' constitution declares it to be a fundamental object of the organization of the government "to establish justice." has congress _no power_ to do that for which it was made the depository of power? cannot the united states' government fulfil the purpose for which it was brought into being? to abolish slavery, is to take from no rightful owner his property; but to "establish justice" between two parties. to emancipate the slave, is to "establish justice" between him and his master--to throw around the person, character, conscience; liberty, and domestic relations of the one, _the same law_ that secures and blesses the other. in other words, to prevent by legal restraints one class of men from seizing upon another class, and robbing them at pleasure of their earnings, their time, their liberty, their kindred, and the very use and ownership of their own persons. finally, to abolish slavery is to proclaim and _enact_ that innocence and helplessness--now _free plunder_--are entitled to _legal protection_; and that power, avarice, and lust, shall no longer revel upon their spoils under the license, and by the ministration of _law_! congress, by possessing "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," has a _general protective power for_ all the inhabitants of the district. if it has no power to protect _one_ man in the district it has none to protect another--none to protect _any_--and if it _can_ protect one man and is _bound_ to do it, it _can_ protect _every_ man--and is _bound_ to do it. all admit the power of congress to protect the masters in the district against their slaves. what part of the constitution gives the power? the clause so often quoted,--"power of legislation in all cases whatsoever," equally in the "_case_" of defending blacks against whites, as in that of defending whites against blacks. the power is also conferred by art. , sec. , clause --"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections"--a power to protect, as well blacks against whites, as whites against blacks. if the constitution gives power to protect _one_ class against the other, it gives power to protect _either_ against the other. suppose the blacks in the district should seize the whites, drive them into the fields and kitchens, force them to work without pay, flog them, imprison them, and sell them at their pleasure, where would congress find power to restrain such acts? answer; a _general_ power in the clause so often cited, and an _express_ one in that cited above--"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections." so much for a supposed case. here follows a real one. the whites in the district are _perpetrating these identical acts_ upon seven thousand blacks daily. that congress has power to restrain these acts in _one_ case, all assert, and in so doing they assert the power "in _all_ cases whatsoever." for the grant of power to suppress insurrections, is an _unconditional_ grant, not hampered by provisos as to the color, shape, size, sex, language, creed, or condition of the insurgents. congress derives its power to suppress this _actual_ insurrection, from the same source whence it derived its power to suppress the _same_ acts in the case supposed. if one case is an insurrection, the other is. the _acts_ in both are the same; the _actors_ only are different. in the one case, ignorant and degraded--goaded by the memory of the past, stung by the present, and driven to desperation by the fearful looking for of wrongs for ever to come. in the other, enlightened into the nature of _rights_, the principles of justice, and the dictates of the law of love, unprovoked by wrongs, with cool deliberation, and by system, they perpetrate these acts upon those to whom they owe unnumbered obligations for _whole lives_ of unrequited service. on which side may palliation be pleaded, and which party may most reasonably claim an abatement of the rigors of law? if congress has power to suppress such acts _at all_, it has power to suppress them _in_ all. it has been shown already that _allegiance_ is exacted of the slave. is the government of the united states unable to grant _protection_ where it exacts _allegiance_? it is an axiom of the civilized world, and a maxim even with savages, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal and correlative. are principles powerless with us which exact homage of barbarians? _protection is the_ constitutional right _of every human. being under the exclusive legislation of congress who has not forfeited it by crime_. in conclusion, i argue the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, from art. , sec. , clause , of the constitution; "congress shall have power to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the united states." has the government of the united states no power under this grant to legislate within its own exclusive jurisdiction on subjects that vitally affect its interest? suppose the slaves in the district should rise upon their masters, and the united states' government, in quelling the insurrection, should kill any number of them. could their masters claim compensation of the government? manifestly not; even though no proof existed that the particular slaves killed were insurgents. this was precisely the point at issue between those masters, whose slaves were killed by the state troops at the time of the southampton insurrection, and the virginia legislature: no evidence was brought to show that the slaves killed by the troops were insurgents; yet the virginia legislature decided that their masters were _not entitled to compensation._ they proceeded on the sound principle, that the government may in self-protection destroy the claim of its subjects even to that which has been recognized as property by its own acts. if in providing for the common defence, the united states' government, in the case supposed, would have power to destroy slaves both as _property_ and _persons_, it surely might stop _half-way_, destroy them _as property_ while it legalized their existence as _persons_, and thus provided for the common defence by giving them a personal and powerful interest in the government, and securing their strength for its defence. like other legislatures, congress has power to abate nuisances--to remove or tear down unsafe buildings--to destroy infected cargoes--to lay injunctions upon manufactories injurious to the public health--and thus to "provide for the common defence and general welfare" by destroying individual property, when such property puts in jeopardy the public weal. granting, for argument's sake, that slaves are "property" in the district of columbia--if congress has a right to annihilate property there when the public safety requires it, it may annihilate its existence _as_ property when the public safety requires it, especially if it transform into a _protection_ and _defence_ that which as _property_ perilled the public interests. in the district of columbia there are, besides the united states' capitol, the president's house, the national offices, and archives of the departments of state, treasury, war, and navy, the general post-office, and patent office. it is also the residence of the president, of all the highest officers of the government, of both houses of congress, and of all the foreign ambassadors. in this same district there are also seven thousand slaves. jefferson, in his notes on va. p. , says of slavery, that "the state permitting one half of its citizens to trample on the rights of the other, transforms them into _enemies_;" and richard henry lee, in the va. house of burgesses in , declared that to those who held them, "_slaves must be natural enemies_." is congress so impotent that it _cannot_ exercise that right pronounced both by municipal and national law, the most sacred and universal--the right of self-preservation and defence? is it shut up to the _necessity_ of keeping seven thousand "enemies" in the heart of the nation's citadel? does the iron fiat of the constitution doom it to such imbecility that it _cannot_ arrest the process that _made_ them "enemies," and still goads to deadlier hate by fiery trials, and day by day adds others to their number? is _this_ providing for the common defence and general welfare? if to rob men of rights excites their hate, freely to restore them and make amends, will win their love. by emancipating the slaves in the district, the government of the united states would disband an army of "enemies," and enlist "for the common defence and general welfare," a body guard of _friends_ seven thousand strong. in the last war, a handful of british soldiers sacked washington city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and the national offices and archives; and no marvel, for thousands of the inhabitants of the district had been "transformed into enemies." would _they_ beat back invasion? if the national government had exercised its constitutional "power to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," by turning those "enemies" into friends, then, instead of a hostile ambush lurking in every thicket inviting assault, and secret foes in every house paralyzing defence, an army of allies would have rallied in the hour of her calamity, and shouted defiance from their munitions of rocks; whilst the banner of the republic, then trampled in dust, would have floated securely over freemen exulting amidst bulwarks of strength. to show that congress can abolish slavery in the district, under the grant of power "to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," i quote an extract from a speech of mr. madison, of va., in the first congress under the constitution, may , . speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, mr. madison says: "i should venture to say it is as much for the interests of georgia and south carolina, as of any state in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves tends to _weaken_ them, and renders them less capable of self-defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of _inviting_ attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well _internal_ as external. _every thing, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government._" cong. reg. vol. , p. , . wythe. postscript my apology for adding a _postscript_, to a discussion already perhaps too protracted, is the fact that the preceding sheets were in the hands of the printer, and all but the concluding pages had gone through the press, before the passage of mr. calhoun's late resolutions in the senate of the united states. a proceeding so extraordinary,--if indeed henceforward _any_ act of congress in derogation of freedom and in deference to slavery, can be deemed extraordinary,--should not be passed in silence at such a crisis as the present; especially as the passage of one of the resolutions by a vote of to , exhibits a shift of position on the part of the south, as sudden as it is unaccountable, being nothing less than the surrender of a fortress which until then, they had defended with the pertinacity of a blind and almost infuriated fatuity. upon the discussions during the pendency of the resolutions, and upon the vote, by which they were carried, i make no comment, save only to record my exultation in the fact there exhibited, that great emergencies are _true touchstones_, and that henceforward, until this question is settled, whoever holds a seat in congress will find upon, and around him, a pressure strong enough to test him--a focal blaze that will find its way through the carefully adjusted cloak of fair pretension, and the sevenfold brass of two faced political intrigue, and _no_-faced _non-committalism_, piercing to the dividing asunder of joints and marrow. be it known to every northern man who aspires to a seat in our national councils, that hereafter congressional action on this subject will be a mighty revelator--making secret thoughts public property, and proclaiming on the house-tops what is whispered in the ear--smiting off masks, and bursting open sepulchres beautiful outwardly, and up-heaving to the sun their dead men's bones. to such we say,--_remember the missouri question, and the fate of those who then sold the free states and their own birthright!_ passing by the resolutions generally without remark--the attention of the reader is specially solicited to mr. clay's substitute for mr. calhoun's fifth resolution. "resolved, that when the district of columbia was ceded by the states of virginia and maryland to the united states, domestic slavery existed in both of these states, including the ceded territory, and that, as it still continues in both of them, it could not be abolished within the district without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory; nor, unless compensation were made to the proprietors of slaves, without a manifest infringement of an amendment to the constitution of the united states; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the states recognizing slavery, far transcending in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit which could be accomplished by the abolition." by advocating this resolution, the south shifted its mode of defence, not by taking a position entirely new, but by attempting to refortify an old one--abandoned mainly long ago, as being unable to hold out against assault however unskillfully directed. in the debate on this resolution, the southern members of congress silently drew off from the ground hitherto maintained by them, viz.--that congress has no power by the constitution to abolish slavery in the district. the passage of this resolution--with the vote of every southern senator, forms a new era in the discussion of this question. we cannot join in the lamentations of those who bewail it. we hail it, and rejoice in it. it was as we would have had it--offered by a southern senator, advocated by southern senators, and on the ground that it "was no compromise"--that it embodied the true southern principle--that "this resolution stood on as high ground as mr. calhoun's."--(mr. preston)--"that mr. clay's resolution was as strong as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. rives)--that "the resolution he (mr. calhoun) now refused to support, was as strong as his own, and that in supporting it, there was no abandonment of principle by the south."--(mr. walker, of mi.)--further, that it was advocated by the southern senators generally as an expression of their views, and as setting the question of slavery in the district on its _true_ ground--that finally, when the question was taken, every slaveholding senator, including mr. calhoun himself, voted for the resolution. by passing this resolution, and with such avowals, the south has unwittingly but explicitly, conceded the main point argued in the preceding pages, and surrendered the whole question at issue between them and the petitioners for abolition in the district. the _only_ ground taken against the right of congress to abolish slavery in the district is, that it existed in maryland and virginia when the cession was made, and "_as it still continues in both of them_, it could not be abolished without a violation of that good faith which was implied in the cession," &c. the argument is not that exclusive _sovereignty_ has no power to abolish slavery within its jurisdiction, nor that the powers of even ordinary legislation cannot do it, nor that the clause granting congress "exclusive legislation in all cases what soever over such district," gives no power to do it; but that the _unexpressed expectation_ of one of the parties that the other would not "in all cases" use the power which said party had consented might be used "_in all cases," prohibits_ the use of it. the only cardinal point in the discussion, is here not only yielded, but formally laid down by the south as the leading article in their creed on the question of congressional jurisdiction over slavery in the district. the reason given why congress should not abolish, and the sole evidence that if it did, such abolition would be a violation of "good faith," is that "_slavery still continues in those states_,"--thus admitting, that if slavery did _not_ "still continue" in those states, congress could abolish it in the district. the same admission is made also in the _premises_, which state that slavery existed in those states _at the time of the cession_, &c. admitting that if it had not existed there then, but had grown up in the district under united states' laws, congress might constitutionally abolish it. or that if the ceded parts of those states had been the _only_ parts in which slaves were held under their laws, congress might have abolished in such a contingency also. the cession in that case leaving no slaves in those states,--no "good faith" would be "implied" in it, nor any "violated" by an act of abolition. the resolution makes virtually this further admission, that if maryland and virginia should at once abolish their slavery, congress might at once abolish it in the district. the principle goes even further than this, and _requires_ congress in such case to abolish slavery in the district "by the _good faith implied_ in the cession and acceptance of the territory." since, according to the spirit and scope of the resolution, this "implied good faith" of maryland and virginia in making the cession, was, that congress would do nothing within the district which should counteract the policy, or discredit the "institutions," or call in question the usages, or even in any way ruffle the prejudices of those states, or do what _they_ might think would unfavorably bear upon their interests; _themselves_ of course being the judges. but let us dissect another limb of the resolution. what is to be understood by "that good faith which was implied?" it is of course an admission that such a condition was not _expressed_ in the acts of cession--that in their terms there is nothing restricting the power of congress on the subject of slavery in the district. this "implied faith," then, rests on no clause or word in the united states' constitution, or in the acts of cession, or in the acts of congress accepting the cession, nor on any declarations of the legislatures of maryland and virginia, nor on any _act_ of theirs, nor on any declaration of the _people_ of those states, nor on the testimony of the washingtons, jeffersons, madisons, chases, martins, and jennifers, of those states and times. the assertion rests _on itself alone!_ mr. clay _guesses_ that maryland and virginia _supposed_ that congress would by no means _use_ the power given them by the constitution, except in such ways as would be well pleasing in the eyes of those states; especially as one of them was the "ancient dominion!" and now after half a century, this _assumed expectation_ of maryland and virginia, the existence of which is mere matter of conjecture with the senators, is conjured up and duly installed upon the judgment-seat of final appeal, before whose nod constitutions are to flee away, and with whom, solemn grants of power and explicit guaranties are, when weighed in the balance, altogether lighter than vanity! but survey it in another light. why did maryland and virginia leave so much to be "_implied?_?" why did they not in some way _express_ what lay so near their hearts? had their vocabulary run so low that a single word could not be eked out for the occasion? or were those states so bashful of a sudden that they dare not speak out and tell what they wanted? or did they take it for granted that congress would always know their wishes by intuition, and always take them for law? if, as honorable senators tell us, maryland and virginia did verily travail with such abounding _faith_, why brought they forth no _works_? it is as true in legislation as in religion, that the only evidence of "faith" is works, and that "faith" _without_ works is _dead_, i.e. has no _power_. but here, forsooth, a blind implication with nothing _expressed_, an "implied" faith without works, is omnipotent! mr. clay is lawyer enough to know that maryland and virginia notions of constitutional power, _abrogate no grant_, and that to plead them in a court of law, would be of small service, except to jostle "their honors'" gravity! he need not be told that the constitution gives congress "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district;" nor that maryland and virginia constructed their acts of cession with this clause _before their eyes_, and declared those acts made "in _pursuance_" of it. those states knew that the u.s. constitution had left nothing to be "_implied_" as to the power of congress over the district; an admonition quite sufficient, one would think, to put them on their guard, and lead them to eschew vague implications, and to resort to _stipulations_. they knew, moreover, that those were times when, in matters of high import, _nothing_ was left to be "implied." the colonies were then panting from a twenty years' conflict with the mother country, about bills of rights, charters, treaties, constitutions, grants, limitations, and _acts of cession_. the severities of a long and terrible discipline had taught them to guard at all points _legislative grants_, that their exact import and limit might be self-evident--leaving no scope for a blind "faith" that _somehow_ in the lottery of chances, every ticket would turn up a prize. toil, suffering, blood, and treasure outpoured like water over a whole generation, counselled them to make all sure by the use of explicit terms, and well chosen words, and just enough of them. the constitution of the united states, with its amendments, those of the individual states, the national treaties, and the public documents of the general and state governments at that period, show the universal conviction of legislative bodies, that nothing should be left to be "implied," when great public interests were at stake. further: suppose maryland and virginia had expressed their "implied faith" in _words_, and embodied it in their acts of cession as a proviso, declaring that congress should not "exercise exclusive legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever over the district," but that the "case" of _slavery_ should be an exception: who does not know that congress, if it had accepted the cession on those terms, would have violated the constitution; and who that has studied the free mood of those times in its bearings on slavery--proofs of which are given in scores on the preceding pages--[see pp. - .] can be made to believe that the people of the united states would have re-modelled their constitution for the purpose of providing for slavery an inviolable sanctuary; that when driven in from its outposts, and everywhere retreating discomfited before the march of freedom, it might be received into everlasting habitations on the common homestead and hearth-stone of the republic? who can believe that virginia made such a condition, or cherished such a purpose, when washington, jefferson, wythe, patrick henry, st. george tucker, and all her most illustrious men, were at that moment advocating the abolition of slavery by law; when washington had said, two years before, that maryland and virginia "must have laws for the gradual abolition of slavery, and at a period _not remote_;" and when jefferson in his letter to dr. price, three years before the cession, had said, speaking of virginia, "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits;" when voluntary emancipations on the soil were then progressing at the rate of between one and two thousand annually, (see judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. ;) when the public sentiment of virginia had undergone, so mighty a revolution that the idea of the continuance of slavery as a permanent system could not be tolerated, though she then contained about half the slaves in the union. was this the time to stipulate for the _perpetuity_ of slavery under the exclusive legislation of congress? and that too when at the _same_ session _every one_ of her delegation voted for the abolition of slavery in the north west territory; a territory which she herself had ceded to the union, and surrendered along with it her jurisdiction over her citizens, inhabitants of that territory, who held slaves there--and whose slaves were emancipated by that act of congress, in which all her delegation with one accord participated? now in view of the universal belief then prevalent, that slavery in this country was doomed to short life, and especially that in maryland and virginia it would be _speedily_ abolished--must we adopt the monstrous conclusion that those states _designed_ to bind congress _never_ to terminate it?--that it was the _intent_ of the ancient dominion thus to _bind_ the united states by an "implied faith," and that when the national government _accepted_ the cession, she did solemnly thus plight her troth, and that virginia did then so _understand_ it? verily, honorable senators must suppose themselves deputed to do our _thinking_ for us as well as our legislation, or rather, that they are themselves absolved from such drudgery by virtue of their office! another absurdity of this "implied faith" dogma is, that where there was no power to exact an _express_ pledge, there was none to demand an _implied_ one, and where there was no power to give the one, there was none to give the other. we have shown already that congress could not have accepted the cession with such a condition. to have signed away a part of its constitutional grant of power would have been a _breach_ of the constitution. the congress which accepted the cession was competent to pass a resolution pledging itself not to _use all_ the power over the district committed to it by the constitution. but here its power ended. its resolution could only bind _itself_. it had no authority to bind a subsequent congress. could the members of one congress say to those of another, because we do not choose to exercise all the authority vested in us by the constitution, therefore you _shall_ not? this would, have been a prohibition to do what the constitution gives power to do. each successive congress would still have gone to the constitution for its power, brushing away in its course the cobwebs stretched across its path by the officiousness of an impertinent predecessor. again, the legislatures of virginia and maryland, had no power to bind congress, either by an express or an implied pledge, never to abolish slavery in the district. those legislatures had no power to bind _themselves_ never to abolish slavery within their own territories--the ceded parts included. where then would they get power to bind _another_ not to do what they had no power to bind _themselves_ not to do? if a legislature could not in this respect control the successive legislatures of its own state, could it control the successive congresses of the united states? but perhaps we shall be told, that the "implied faith" of maryland and virginia was _not_ that congress should _never_ abolish slavery in the district, but that it should not do it until _they_ had done it within their bounds! verily this "faith" comes little short of the faith of miracles! maryland and virginia have "good faith" that congress will not abolish until _they_ do; and then just as "good faith" that congress _will_ abolish _when_ they do! excellently accommodated! did those states suppose that congress would legislate over the national domain, for maryland and virginia alone? and who, did they suppose, would be judges in the matter?--themselves merely? or the whole union? this "good faith implied in the cession" is no longer of doubtful interpretation. the principle at the bottom of it, when fairly stated, is this:--that the government of the united states are bound in "good faith" to do in the district of columbia, without demurring, just what and when, maryland and virginia do within their own bounds. in short, that the general government is eased of all the burdens of legislation within its exclusive jurisdiction, save that of hiring a scrivener to copy off the acts of the maryland and virginia legislatures as fast as they are passed, and engross them, under the title of "laws of the united states for the district of columbia!" a slight additional expense would also be incurred in keeping up an express between the capitols of those states and washington city, bringing congress from time to time its "_instructions_" from head quarters! what a "glorious union" this doctrine of mr. clay bequeaths to the people of the united states! we have been permitted to set up at our own expense, and on our own territory, two great _sounding-boards_ called "senate chamber" and "representatives' hall," for the purpose of sending abroad "by authority" _national_ echoes of _state_ legislation! --permitted also to keep in our pay a corps of pliant _national_ musicians, with peremptory instructions to sound on any line of the staff according as virginia and maryland may give the sovereign key note! a careful analysis of mr. clay's resolution and of the discussions upon it, will convince every fair mind that this is but the legitimate carrying out of the _principle_ pervading both. they proceed virtually upon the hypothesis that the will and pleasure of virginia and maryland are paramount to those of the union. if the original design of setting apart a federal district had been for the sole accommodation of the south, there could hardly have been higher assumption or louder vaunting. the only object of _having_ such a district was in effect totally perverted in the resolution of mr. clay, and in the discussions of the entire southern delegation, upon its passage. instead of taking the ground, that the benefit of the whole union was the sole _object_ of a federal district, and that it was to be legislated over _for this end_--the resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis totally the reverse. it takes a single point of _state_ policy, and exalts it above national interests, utterly overshadowing them; abrogating national rights; making void a clause of the constitution; humbling the general government into a subject crouching for favors to a superior, and that too within its own exclusive jurisdiction. all the attributes of sovereignty vested in congress by the constitution, it impales upon the point of an alleged _implication_. and this is mr. clay's peace-offering, to the lust of power and the ravenings of state encroachment! a "compromise," forsooth! that sinks the general government on _its own territory_, into a mere colony, with virginia and maryland for its "mother country!" it is refreshing to turn from these shallow, distorted constructions and servile cringings, to the high bearing of other southern men in other times; men, who as legislators and lawyers, scorned to accommodate their interpretations of constitutions and charters to geographical lines, or to bend them to the purposes of a political canvass. in the celebrated case of cohens _vs._ the state of virginia, hon. william pinkney, late of baltimore, and hon. walter jones, of washington city, with other eminent constitutional lawyers, prepared an elaborate opinion, from which the following is an extract: "nor is there any danger to be apprehended from allowing to congressional legislation with regard to the district of columbia, its fullest effect. congress is responsible to the states, and to the people for that legislation. it is in truth the legislation of the states over a district placed under their control for their own benefit, not for that of the district, except as the prosperity of the district is involved, and _necessary to the general advantage_."--[life of pinkney, p. .] this profound legal opinion asserts, st, that congressional legislation over the district, is "the legislation of the _states_ and the _people_." (not of _two_ states, and a mere _fraction_ of the people;) d. "over a district placed under _their_ control," i.e. under the control of _all_ the states, not of _two twenty-sixths_ of them. d. that it was thus put under their control "_for_ their own _benefit_." th. it asserts that the design of this exclusive control of congress over the district was "not for the benefit of the _district_," except as that is _connected_ with, and _a means of promoting_ the _general_ advantage. if this is the case with the _district_, which is _directly_ concerned, it is pre-eminently so with maryland and virginia, which are but _indirectly_ interested. the argument of mr. madison in the congress of ' , an extract from which has been given on a preceding page, lays down the same principle; that though any matter "_may be a local affair, yet if it involves national_ expense or safety, _it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government_."--cong. reg. vol. . p. . but these are only the initiatory absurdities of this "good faith _implied_." mr. clay's resolution aptly illustrates the principle, that error not only conflicts with truth, but is generally at issue with itself: for if it would be a violation of "good faith" to maryland and virginia, for congress to abolish slavery in the district, it would be _equally_ a violation for congress to do it _with the consent_, or even at the unanimous petition of the people of the district: yet for years it has been the southern doctrine, that if the people of the district demand of congress relief in this respect, it has power, as their local legislature, to grant it, and by abolishing slavery there, carry out the will of the citizens. but now new light has broken in! the optics of mr. clay have pierced the millstone with a deeper insight, and discoveries thicken faster than they can be telegraphed! congress has no power, o no, not a modicum! to help the slaveholders of the district, however loudly they may clamor for it. the southern doctrine, that congress is to the district a mere local legislature to do its pleasure, is tumbled from the genitive into the vocative! hard fate--and that too at the hands of those who begat it! the reasonings of messrs. pinckney and wise, are now found to be wholly at fault, and the chanticleer rhetoric of messrs. glascock and garland stalks featherless and crest-fallen. for the resolution sweeps by the board all those stereotyped common-places, such as "congress a local legislature," "consent of the district," "bound to consult the wishes of the district," with other catch phrases, which for the last two sessions of congress have served to eke out scanty supplies. it declares, that as slavery existed in _maryland and virginia at the time of the cession, and as_ it still continues _in both those states_, it could not be abolished in the district without a violation of "that good faith," &c. but let us see where this principle will lead us. if "implied faith" to maryland and virginia _restrains_ congress from the abolition of slavery in the district, because those states have not abolished _their_ slavery, it _requires_ congress to do in the district what those states have done within their own limits, i.e., restrain _others_ from abolishing it. upon the same principle congress is _bound_ to _prohibit emancipation_ within the district. there is no _stopping place_ for this plighted "faith." congress must not only refrain from laying violent hands on slavery, and see to it that the slaveholders themselves do not, but it is bound to keep the system up to the maryland and virginia standard of vigor! again, if the good faith of congress to virginia and maryland requires that slavery should exist in the district, while it exists in those states, it requires that it should exist there as it exists in those states. if to abolish _every_ form of slavery in the district would violate good faith, to abolish _the_ form existing in those states, and to substitute a different one, would also violate it. the congressional "good faith" is to be kept not only with _slavery_, but with the _maryland and virginia systems_ of slavery. the faith of those states being not that congress would maintain a system, but _their_ system; otherwise instead of _sustaining_, congress would counteract their policy--principles would be brought into action there conflicting with their system, and thus the true sprit of the "implied" pledge would be violated. on this principle, so long as slaves are "chattels personal" in virginia and maryland, congress could not make them _real estate_ in the district, as they are in louisiana; nor could it permit slaves to read, nor to worship god according to conscience; nor could it grant them trial by jury, nor legalize marriage; nor require the master to give sufficient food and clothing; nor prohibit the violent sundering of families--because such provisions would conflict with the existing slave laws of virginia and maryland, and thus violate the "good faith implied," &c. so the principle of the resolution binds congress in all these particulars: st. not to abolish slavery in the district _until_ virginia and maryland abolish. d. not to abolish any _part_ of it that exists in those states. d. not to abolish any _form_ or _appendage_ of it still existing in those states. th. to _abolish_ when they do. th. to increase or abate its rigors _when, how,_ and _as_ the same are modified by those states. in a word, congressional action in the district is to float passively in the wake of legislative action on the subject in those states. but here comes a dilemma. suppose the legislation of those states should steer different courses--then there would be _two_ wakes! can congress float in both? yea, verily! nothing is too hard for it! its obsequiousness equals its "power of legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever." it can float _up_ on the virginia tide, and ebb down on the maryland. what maryland does, congress will do in the maryland part. what virginia does, congress will do in the virginia part. though it might not always be able to run at the bidding of both _at once_, especially in different directions, yet if it obeyed orders cheerfully, and "kept in its place," according to its "good faith implied," impossibilities might not be rigidly exacted. true, we have the highest sanction for the maxim that no _man_ can serve two masters--but if "corporations have no souls," analogy would absolve congress on that score, or at most give it only a _very small soul_--not large enough to be at all in the way, as an exception to the universal rule laid down in the maxim! in following out the absurdities of this "implied good faith," it will be seen at once that the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution extends to _all the subjects of legislation_ existing in maryland and virginia, which exist also within the district. every system, "institution," law, and established usage there, is placed beyond congressional control equally with slavery, and by the same "implied faith." the abolition of the lottery system in the district as an immorality, was a flagrant breach of this "good faith" to maryland and virginia, as the system "still continued in those states." so to abolish imprisonment for debt, or capital punishment, to remodel the bank system, the power of corporations, the militia law, laws of limitation, &c., in the district, _unless virginia and maryland took the lead,_ would violate the "good faith implied in the cession." that in the acts of cession no such "good faith" was "implied" by virginia and maryland as is claimed in the resolution, we argue from the fact, that in virginia ceded to the united states all her north-west territory, with the special proviso that her citizens inhabiting that territory should "have their _possessions_ and _titles_ confirmed to them, and be _protected_ in the enjoyment of their _rights_ and liberties." (see journals of congress, vol. , p. .) the cession was made in the form of a deed, and signed by thomas jefferson, samuel hardy, arthur lee, and james munroe. many of these inhabitants _held slaves._ three years after the cession, the virginia delegation in congress _proposed_ the passage of an ordinance which should abolish slavery, in that territory, and declare that it should never thereafter exist there. all the members of congress from virginia and maryland voted for this ordinance. suppose some member of congress had during the passage of the ordinance introduced the following resolution: "resolved, that when the northwest territory was ceded by virginia to the united states, domestic slavery existed in that state, including the ceded territory, and as it still continues in that state, it could not be abolished within the territory without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory." what would have been the indignant response of grayson, griffin, madison, and the lees, in the congress of ' , to such a resolution, and of carrington, chairman of the committee, who reported the ratification of the ordinance in the congress of ' , and of page and parker, who with every other member of the virginia delegation supported it? but to enumerate all the absurdities into which those interested for this resolution have plunged themselves, would be to make a quarto inventory. we decline the task; and in conclusion merely add, that mr. clay, in presenting it, and each of the thirty-six senators who voted for it, entered on the records of the senate, and proclaimed to the world, a most unworthy accusation against the millions of american citizens who have during nearly half a century petitioned the national legislature to abolish slavery in the district of columbia,--charging them either with the ignorance or the impiety of praying the nation to violate its "plighted faith." the resolution virtually indicts at the bar of public opinion, and brands with odium, all the early manumission societies, the _first_ petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district, and for a long time the only ones, petitioning from year to year through evil report and good report, still petitioning, by individual societies and in their national conventions. but as if it were not enough to table the charge against such men as benjamin rush, william rawle, john sergeant, roberts vaux, cadwallader colden, and peter a. jay,--to whom we may add rufus king, james hillhouse, william pinkney, thomas addis emmett, daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, james kent, and daniel webster, besides eleven hundred citizens of the district itself, headed by their chief justice and judges--even the sovereign states of pennsylvania, new-york, massachusetts, vermont, and connecticut, whose legislatures have either memorialized congress to abolish slavery in the district, or instructed their senators to move such a measure, must be gravely informed by messrs. clay, norvell, niles, smith, pierce, benton, black, tipton, and other honorable senators, either that their perception is so dull, they know not whereof they affirm, or that their moral sense is so blunted they can demand without compunction a violation of the nation's faith! we have spoken already of the concessions unwittingly made in this resolution to the true doctrine of congressional power over the district. for that concession, important as it is; we have small thanks to render. that such a resolution, passed with such an _intent_, and pressing at a thousand points on relations and interests vital to the free states, should be hailed, as it has been, by a portion of the northern press as a "compromise" originating in deference to northern interests, and to be received by us as a free-will offering of disinterested benevolence, demanding our gratitude to the mover,--may well cover us with shame. we deserve the humiliation and have well earned the mockery. let it come! if, after having been set up at auction in the public sales-room of the nation, and for thirty years, and by each of a score of "compromises," treacherously knocked off to the lowest bidder, and that without money and without price, the north, plundered and betrayed, _will not_, in this her accepted time, consider the things that belong to her peace before they are hidden from her eyes, then let her eat of the fruit of her own way, and be filled with her own devices! let the shorn and blinded giant grind in the prison-house of the philistines, till taught by weariness and pain the folly of entrusting to delilahs the secret and the custody of his strength. have the free states bound themselves by an oath never to profit by the lessons of experience? if lost to reason, are they dead to _instinct_ also? can nothing rouse them to cast about for self preservation? and shall a life of tame surrenders be terminated by suicidal sacrifice? a "compromise!" bitter irony! is the plucked and hoodwinked north to be wheedled by the sorcery of another missouri compromise? a compromise in which the south gained all, and the north lost all, and lost it forever. a compromise which embargoed the free laborer of the north and west, and, clutched at the staff he leaned upon, to turn it into a bludgeon and fell him with its stroke. a compromise which wrested from liberty her boundless birthright domain, stretching westward to the sunset, while it gave to slavery loose reins and a free coarse, from the mississippi to the pacific. the resolution, as it finally passed, is here inserted. "resolved, that the interference by the citizens of any of the states, with the view to the abolition of slavery in the district, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the district; and that any act or measure of congress designed to abolish slavery in the district, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the states of virginia and maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding states, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the union." the vote upon the resolution stood as follows: _yeas_.--messrs. allen, bayard, benton, black, buchanan, brown, calhoun, clay of alabama, clay of kentucky, clayton, crittenden, cuthbert, fulton, grundy, hubbard, king, lumpkin, lyon, nicholas. niles, norvell, pierce, preston, rives, roane, robinson, sevier, smith, of connecticut, strange, tallmadge, tipton, walker, white, williams, wright, young-- . _nays_.--messrs. davis, knight, mckean, morris, prentiss, ruggles, smith, of indiana, swift, webster-- . * * * * * anti-slavery examiner. no. . narrative of james williams, an american slave. one dollar per ] [ nassau st. n.y. * * * * * preface. "american slavery," said the celebrated john wesley, "is the _vilest_ beneath the sun!" of the truth of this emphatic remark, no other proof is required, than an examination of the statute books of the american slave states. tested by its own laws, in all that facilitates and protects the hateful process of converting a man into a "_chattel personal_;" in all that stamps the law-maker, and law-upholder with meanness and hypocrisy, it certainly has no present rival of its "bad eminence," and we may search in vain the history of a world's despotism for a parallel. the civil code of justinian never acknowledged, with that of our democratic despotisms, the essential equality of man. the dreamer in the gardens of epicurus recognized neither in himself, nor in the slave who ministered to his luxury, the immortality of the spiritual nature. neither solon nor lycurgus taught the inalienability of human rights. the barons of the feudal system, whose maxim was emphatically that of wordsworth's robber, "that he should take who had the power, and he should keep who can." while trampling on the necks of their vassals, and counting the life of a man as of less value than that of a wild beast, never appealed to god for the sincerity of their belief, that all men were created equal. it was reserved for american slave-holders to present to the world the hideous anomaly of a code of laws, beginning with the emphatic declaration of the inalienable rights of all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and closing with a deliberate and systematic denial of those rights, in respect to a large portion of their countrymen; engrossing on the same parchment the antagonist laws of liberty and tyranny. the very nature of this unnatural combination has rendered it necessary that american slavery, in law and in practice, should exceed every other in severity and cool atrocity. the masters of greece and rome permitted their slaves to read and write and worship the gods of paganism in peace and security, for there was nothing in the laws, literature, or religion of the age to awaken in the soul of the bondman a just sense of his rights as a man. but the american slaveholder cannot be thus lenient. in the excess of his benevolence, as a political propagandist, he has kindled a fire for the oppressed of the old world to gaze at with hope, and for crowned heads and dynasties to tremble at; but a due regard to the safety of his "peculiar institution," compels him to put out the eyes of his own people, lest they too should see it. calling on all the world to shake off the fetters of oppression, and wade through the blood of tyrants to freedom, he has been compelled to smother, in darkness and silence, the minds of his own bondmen, lest they too should hear and obey the summons, by putting the knife to his own throat.--proclaiming the truths of divine revelation, and sending the scriptures to the four quarters of the earth, he has found it necessary to maintain heathenism at home by special enactments; and to make the second offence of teaching his slaves the message of salvation punishable with _death_! what marvel then that american slavery even on the _statute book_ assumes the right to transform moral beings into brutes:[a] that it legalizes man's usurpation of divine authority; the substitution of the will of the master, for the moral government of god: that it annihilates the rights of conscience; debars from the enjoyment of religious rights and privileges by specific enactments; and enjoins disobedience to the divine lawgiver: that it discourages purity and chastity, encourages crime, legalizes concubinage; and, while it places the slave entirely in the hands of his master, provides no real protection for his life or his person. [footnote a: the _cardinal principle_ of slavery, that a slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among things, as an article of property, a chattel personal, obtains as undoubted law, in all the slave states. (judge stroud's sketch of slave laws, p. .)] but it may be said, that these laws afford no certain evidence of the actual condition of the slaves: that, in judging the system by its code, no allowance is made for the humanity of individual masters. it was a just remark of the celebrated priestley, that "_no people ever were found to be better than their laws, though many have been known to be worse._" all history and common experience confirm this. besides, admitting that the legal severity of a system may be softened in the practice of the humane, may it not also be aggravated by that of the avaricious and cruel? but what are the testimony and admissions of slaveholders themselves on this point? in an essay published in charleston, s.c., in , and entitled "a refutation of the calumnies circulated against the southern and western states," by the late edwin c. holland, esq., it is stated, that "all slaveholders have laid down non-resistance, and perfect and uniform _obedience_ to their orders as fundamental principles in the government of their slaves:" that this is "a _necessary_ result of the relation," and "_unavoidable_." robert j. turnbull, esq., of south carolina, in remarking upon the management of slaves, says, "the only principle upon which may authority over them, (the slaves,) can be maintained is _fear_, and he who denies this has little knowledge of them." to this may be added the testimony of judge ruffin, of north carolina, as quoted in wheeler's law of slavery, p. . "the slave, to remain a slave, must feel that there is _no appeal from his master_. no man can anticipate the provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of the master, prompting him to bloody vengeance on the turbulent traitor, a vengeance _generally_ practised with impunity by reason of its _privacy_." in an essay on the "improvement of negroes on plantations," by rev. thomas s. clay, a slaveholder of bryan county, georgia, and printed at the request of the georgia presbytery, in , we are told "that the present economy of the slave system is _to get all you can_ from the slave, and give him in return _as little as will barely support him in a working condition_!" here, in a few words, the whole enormity of slavery is exposed to view: "to _get all you can_ from the slave"--by means of whips and forks and irons--by every device for torturing the body, without destroying its capability of labor; and in return give him as little of his coarse fare as will keep him, like a mere beast of burden, in a "_working condition_;" this is slavery, as explained by the slaveholder himself. mr. clay further says: "_offences against the master_ are more severely punished than violations of the law of god, a fault which affects the slave's personal character a good deal. as examples we may notice, that _running away_ is more severely punished than adultery." "he (the slave) only knows his master as lawgiver and executioner, and the _sole object of punishment_ held up to his view, is to make him _a more obedient and profitable slave_." hon. w.b. seabrook, in an address before the agricultural society of st. john's, colleton, published by order of the society, at charleston, in , after stating that "as slavery exists in south carolina, the action of the citizens should rigidly conform to that state of things:" and, that "no _abstract opinions of the rights of man_ should be allowed in any instance to modify the _police system of a plantation_," proceeds as follows. "_he_ (the slave) _should be practically treated as a slave_; and thoroughly taught the true cardinal principle on which our peculiar institutions are founded, viz.; that to his owner he is bound by the law of god and man; and that no human authority can sever the link which unites them. the great aim of the slaveholder, then, should be to keep his people in strict _subordination_. in this, it may in truth be said, lies his _entire duty_." again, in speaking of the punishments of slaves, he remarks: "if to our army the disuse of the lash has been prejudicial, to the slaveholder it would operate to deprive him of the main support of his authority. for the first class of offences, i consider imprisonment in the stocks[a] at night, with or without hard labor by day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of _good_ government." "_experience_ has convinced me that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more horror, than that upon which i am commenting, (the stocks,) and none which has been attended with happier results." [footnote a: of the nature of this punishment in the stocks, something may be learned by the following extract of a letter from a gentleman in tallahassee, florida, to the editor of the ohio atlas, dated june , : "a planter, a professer of religion, in conversing upon the universality of whipping, remarked, that a planter in g____, who had whipped a great deal, at length got tired of it, and invented the following _excellent_ method of punishment, which i saw practised while i was paying him a visit. the negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above his head, and his feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part of the body. the master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so doleful that we feared he was dying. we went to him, and found him covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. he could not have lived an hour longer. mr. ---- found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment, that it almost superseded the whip."] there is yet another class of testimony quite as pertinent as the foregoing, which may at any time be gleaned from the newspapers of the slave states--the advertisements of masters for their runaway slaves, and casual paragraphs coldly relating cruelties, which would disgrace a land of heathenism. let the following suffice for a specimen: * * * * * to the editors of the constitutionalist. _aiken, s.c., dec._ , . i have just returned from an inquest i held over the dead body of a negro man, a runaway, that was shot near the south edisto, in this district, (barnwell,) on saturday morning last. he came to his death by his own recklessness. he refused to be taken alive; and said that other attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he would not be taken. when taken he was nearly naked--had a large dirk or knife and a heavy club. he was at first, (when those who were in pursuit of him found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the intention of merely crippling him. he was shot at several times, and at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. he kept in the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the neighbors were in pursuit of him. as soon as the negro was taken, the best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. one of the witnesses at the inquisition stated that the negro boy said that he was from mississippi, and belonged to so many persons he did not know who his master was; but again he said his master's name was _brown_. he said his own name was sam; and when asked by another witness who his master was, he muttered something like augusta or augustine. the boy was apparently above or years of age--about six feet high--slightly yellow in the face--very long beard or whiskers--and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared to have been run away a long time. william h. pritchard, _coroner, (ex officio,) barnwell dist., s.c._ the mississippi and other papers will please copy the above.--_georgia constitutionalist_. * * * * * $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, living on herring bay, ann arundel county, md., on saturday, th january, negro man elijah, who calls himself elijah cook, is about years of age, well made, of a very dark complexion has an impediment in his speech, and _a scar on his left cheek bone, apparently occasioned by a shot_. j. scrivener. annapolis (md.) rep., feb., . * * * * * $ reward.--ran away from my residence near mobile, two negro men, isaac and tim. isaac is from to years old, dark complexion, scar on the right side of the head, and also one on the right side of the body, occasioned by buck shot. tim is years old, dark complexion, scar on the right cheek, as also another on the back of the neck. captains and owners of steamboats, vessels, and water crafts of every description, are cautioned against taking them on board under the penalty of the law; and all other persons against harboring or in any manner favoring the escape of said negroes under like penalty. _mobile, sept_. . sarah walsh. montgomery (ala.) advertiser, sept. , . * * * * * $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, about three years ago, a certain negro man named ben, (commonly known by the name of ben fox.) he is about five feet five or six inches high, chunky made, yellow complexion, and has but one eye. also, one other negro, by the name of rigdon, who ran away on the th of this month. he is stout made, tall, and very black, with large lips. i will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of lenoir or jones county, or _for the killing of them so that i can see them_. masters of vessels and all others are cautioned against harboring, employing, or carrying them away, under the penalty of the law. w.d. cobb. _lenoir county, n.c., nov_. , . * * * * * "a negro who had absconded from his master, and for who a reward was offered of $ , has been apprehended and committed to prison in savannah, georgia. the editor who states the fact, adds, with as much coolness as though there was no barbarity in the matter, that he did not surrender until he was considerably _maimed by the dogs_[a] that had been set on him,--desperately fighting them, one of which he cut badly with a sword." _new-york commercial advertiser, june_, , . [footnote a: in regard to the use of bloodhounds, for the recapture of runaway slaves, we insert the following from the new-york evangelist, being an extract of a letter from natchez (miss.) under date of january , : "an instance was related to me in claiborne county, in mississippi. a runaway was heard about the house in the night. the hound was put upon his track, and in the morning was found watching the dead body of the negro. the dogs are trained to this service when young. a negro is directed to go into the woods and secure himself upon a tree. when sufficient time has elapsed for doing this, the hound is put upon his track. the blacks are compelled to worry them until they make them their implacable enemies: and it is common to meet with dogs which will take no notice of whites, though entire strangers, but will suffer no blacks beside the house servants to enter the yard."] * * * * * from the foregoing evidence on the part of slaveholders themselves, we gather the following facts: . that perfect obedience is required of the slave--that he is made to feel that there is no appeal from his master. . that the authority of the master is only maintained by fear--a "_reign of terror_." . that "the economy of slavery is to _get all you can_ from the slave, and give him in return as little as will barely support him in a working condition." . that runaway slaves may be shot down with impunity by any white person. . that masters offer rewards for "_killing_" their slaves, "_so that they may see them_!" . that slaves are branded with hot irons, and very much scarred with the whip. . that _iron collars_, with projecting prongs, rendering it almost impossible for the wearer to lie down, are fastened upon the _necks of women_. . that the lash is the main support of the slaveholder's authority: but, that the _stocks_ are "a powerful auxiliary" to his government. . that runaway slaves are chased with dogs--men hunted like beasts of prey. such is american slavery in practice. the testimony thus far adduced is only that of the slaveholder and wrong-doer himself: the admission of men who have a direct interest in keeping out of sight the horrors of their system. it is besides no voluntary admission. having "framed iniquity by law," it is out of their power to hide it. for the recovery of their runaway property, they are compelled to advertise in the public journals, and that it may be identified, they are under the necessity of describing the marks of the whip on the backs of women, the iron collars about the neck--the gun-shot wounds, and the traces of the branding-iron. such testimony must, in the nature of things, be partial and incomplete. but for a full revelation of the secrets of the prison-house, we must look to the slave himself. the inquisitors of goa and madrid never disclosed the peculiar atrocities of their "hall of horrors." it was the escaping heretic, with his swollen and disjointed limbs, and bearing about him the scars of rack and fire, who exposed them to the gaze and abhorrence of christendom. the following pages contain the simple and unvarnished story of an american slave,--of one, whose situation, in the first place, as a favorite servant in an aristocratic family in virginia; and afterwards as the sole and confidential driver on a large plantation in alabama, afforded him rare and peculiar advantages for accurate observation of the practical workings of the system. his intelligence, evident candor, and grateful remembrance of those kindnesses, which in a land of slavery, made his cup of suffering less bitter; the perfect accordance of his statements, (made at different times, and to different individuals),[b] one with another, as well as those statements themselves, all afford strong confirmation of the truth and accuracy of his story. there seems to have been no effort, on his part to make his picture of slavery one of entire darkness--he details every thing of a mitigating character which fell under his observation; and even the cruel deception of his master has not rendered him unmindful of his early kindness. [footnote b: the reader is referred to john g. whittier, of philadelphia, or to the following gentlemen, who have heard the whole, or a part of his story, from his own lips: emmor kimber, of kimberton, pa., lindley coates, of lancaster co., do.; james mott, of philadelphia, lewis tappan, elizur wright jun., rev. dr. follen, and james g. birney, of new york. the latter gentleman, who was a few years ago, a citizen of alabama, assures us that the statements made to him by james williams, were such as he had every reason to believe, from his own knowledge of slavery in that state.] the editor is fully aware that he has not been able to present this affecting narrative in the simplicity and vivid freshness with which it fell from the lips of the narrator. he has, however, as closely as possible, copied his manner, and in many instances his precise language. the slave has spoken for himself. acting merely as his amanuensis, he has carefully abstained from comments of his own.[a] [footnote a: as the narrator was unable to read or write, it is quite possible that the orthography of some of the names of individuals mentioned in his story may not be entirely correct. for instance, the name of his master may have been either larrimer, or larrrimore.] the picture here presented to the people of the free states, is, in many respects, a novel one. we all know something of virginia and kentucky slavery. we have heard of the internal slave trade--the pangs of separation--the slave ship with its "cargo of despair" bound for the new-orleans market--the weary journey of the chained coffle to the cotton country. but here, in a great measure, we have lost sight of the victims of avarice and lust. we have not studied the dreadful economy of the cotton plantation, and know but little of the secrets of its unlimited despotism. but in this narrative the scenes of the plantation rise before us, with a distinctness which approaches reality. we hear the sound of the horn at daybreak, calling the sick and the weary to toil unrequited. woman, in her appealing delicacy and suffering, about to become a mother, is fainting under the lash, or sinking exhausted beside her cotton row. we hear the prayer for mercy answered with sneers and curses. we look on the instruments of torture, and the corpses of murdered men. we see the dogs, reeking hot from the chase, with their jaws foul with human blood. we see the meek and aged christian scarred with the lash, and bowed down with toil, offering the supplication of a broken heart to his father in heaven, for the forgiveness of his brutal enemy. we hear, and from our inmost hearts repeat the affecting interrogatory of the aged slave, _"how long, oh lord! how long!"_ the editor has written out the details of this painful narrative with feelings of sorrow. if there be any who feel a morbid satisfaction in dwelling upon the history of outrage and cruelty, he at least is not one of them. his taste and habits incline him rather to look to the pure and beautiful in our nature--the sunniest side of humanity--its kindly sympathies--its holy affections--its charities and its love. but, it is because he has seen that all which is thus beautiful and excellent in mind and heart, perishes in the atmosphere of slavery: it is because humanity in the slave sinks down to a level with the brute and in the master gives place to the attributes of a fiend--that he has not felt at liberty to decline the task. he cannot sympathize with that abstract and delicate philanthropy, which hesitates to bring itself in contact with the sufferer, and which shrinks from the effort of searching out the extent of his afflictions. the emblem of practical philanthropy is the samaritan stooping over the wounded jew. it must be no fastidious hand which administers the oil and the wine, and binds up the unsightly gashes. believing, as he does, that this narrative is one of truth; that it presents an unexaggerated picture of slavery as it exists on the cotton plantations of the south and west, he would particularly invite to its perusal, those individuals, and especially those professing christians at the north, who have ventured to claim for such a system, the sanction and approval of the religion of jesus christ. in view of the facts here presented, let these men seriously inquire of themselves, whether in advancing such a claim, they are not uttering a higher and more audacious blasphemy than any which ever fell from the pens of voltaire and paine. as if to cover them with confusion, and leave them utterly without excuse for thus libelling the character of a just god, these developments are making, and the veil rising, which for long years of sinful apathy has rested upon the abominations of american slavery. light is breaking into it's dungeons, disclosing the wreck of buried intellect--of hearts broken--of human affections outraged--of souls ruined. the world will see it as god has always seen it; and when he shall at length make inquisition for blood, and his vengeance kindle over the habitations of cruelty, with a destruction more terrible than that of sodom and gomorrah, his righteous dealing will be justified of man, and his name glorified among the nations, and there will be a voice of rejoicing in earth and in heaven. alleluia!--the promise is fulfilled!--for the sighing of the poor and the oppression of the needy, god hath risen! it is the earnest desire of the editor, that this narrative may be the means, under god, of awakening in the hearts of all who read it, a sympathy for the oppressed which shall manifest itself in immediate, active, self-sacrificing exertion for their deliverance; and, while it excites abhorrence of his crimes, call forth pity for the oppressor. may it have the effect to prevent the avowed and associated friends of the slave, from giving such an undue importance to their own trials and grievances, as to forget in a great measure the sorrows of the slave. let its cry of wo, coming up from the plantations of the south, suppress every feeling of selfishness in our hearts. let our regret and indignation at the denial of the right of petition, be felt only because we are thereby prevented from pleading in the halls of congress for the "suffering and the dumb." and let the fact, that we are shut out from half the territory of our country, be lamented only because it prevents us from bearing personally to the land of slavery, the messages of hope for the slave, and of rebuke and warning for the oppressor. _new-york, th st mo._, . * * * * * narrative i was born in powhatan county, virginia, on the plantation of george larrimore. sen., at a place called mount pleasant, on the th of may . may father was the slave of an orphan family whose name i have forgotten, and was under the care of a mr. brooks, guardian of the family. he was a native of africa, and was brought over when a mere child, with his mother. my mother was the slave of george larrimore, sen. she was nearly white, and is well known to have been the daughter of mr. larrimore himself. she died when myself and my twin brother meshech were five years of age--i can scarcely remember her. she had in all eight children, of whom only five are now living. one, a brother, belongs to the heirs of the late mr. brockenbrough of charlottesville; of whom he hires his time, and pays annually $ for it. he is a member of the baptist church, and used to preach occasionally. his wife is a free woman from philadelphia, and being able to read and write, taught her husband. the whites do not know that he can write, and have often wondered that he could preach so well without learning. it is the practice when a church is crowded, to turn the blacks out of their seats. my brother did not like this, and on one occasion preached a sermon from a text, showing that all are of one blood. some of the whites who heard it, said that such preaching would raise an insurrection among the negroes. two of them told him that if he would prove his doctrine by scripture, they would let him go, but if he did not, he should have nine and thirty lashes. he accordingly preached another sermon and spoke with a great deal of boldness. the two men who were in favor of having him whipped, left before the sermon was over; those who remained, acknowledged that he had proved his doctrine, and preached a good sermon, and many of them came up and shook hands with him. the two opposers, scott and brockley, forbid my brother, after this, to come upon their estates. they were both baptists, and my brother had before preached to their people. during the cholera at richmond, my brother preached a sermon, in which he compared the pestilence to the plagues, which afflicted the egyptian slaveholders, because they would not let the people go. after the sermon some of the whites threatened to whip him. mr. valentine, a merchant on shocko hill prevented them; and a young lawyer named brooks said it was wrong to threaten a man for preaching the truth. since the insurrection of nat. turner he has not been allowed to preach much. my twin brother was for some time the property of mr. john griggs, of richmond, who sold him about three years since, to an alabama cotton planter, with whom he staid one year, and then ran away and in all probability escaped into the free states or canada, as he was seen near the maryland line. my other brother lives in fredericksburg, and belongs to a mr. scott, a merchant formerly of richmond. he was sold from mr. larrimore's plantation because his wife was a slave of mr. scott. my only sister is the slave of john smith, of king william. her husband was the slave of mr. smith, when the latter lived in powhatan county, and when he removed to king william, she was taken with her husband. my old master, george larrimore, married jane roane, the sister of a gentleman named john roane, one of the most distinguished men in virginia, who in turn married a sister of my master. one of his sisters married a judge scott, and another married mr. brockenbrough of charlottesville. mr. larrimore had three children; george, jane, and elizabeth. the former was just ten days older than myself; and i was his playmate and constant associate in childhood. i used to go with him to his school, and carry his books for him as far as the door, and meet him there when the school was dismissed. we were very fond of each other, and frequently slept together. he taught me the letters of the alphabet, and i should soon have acquired a knowledge of reading, had not george's mother discovered her son in the act of teaching me. she took him aside and severely reprimanded him. when i asked him, not long after, to tell me more of what he had learned at school, he said that his mother had forbidden him to do so any more, as her father had a slave, who was instructed in reading and writing, and on that account proved very troublesome. he could, they said, imitate the hand-writing of the neighboring planters, and used to write passes and certificates of freedom for the slaves, and finally wrote one for himself, and went off to philadelphia, from whence her father received from him a saucy letter, thanking him for his education. the early years of my life went by pleasantly. the bitterness of my lot i had not yet realized. comfortably clothed and fed, kindly treated by my old master and mistress and the young ladies, and the playmate and confidant of my young master, i did not dream of the dark reality of evil before me. when he was fourteen years of age, master george went to his uncle brockenbrough's at charlottesville, as a student of the university. after his return from college, he went to paris and other parts of europe, and spent three or four years in study and travelling. in the mean time i was a waiter in the house, dining-room servant, &c. my old master visited and received visits from a great number of the principal families in virginia. each summer, with his family, he visited the sulphur springs and the mountains. while george was absent, i went with him to new-orleans, in the winter season, on account of his failing health. we spent three days in charleston, at mr. mcduffie's, with whom my master was on intimate terms. mr. mcduffie spent several days on one occasion at mt. pleasant. he took a fancy to me, and offered my master the servant whom he brought with him and $ beside, for me. my master considered it almost an insult, and said after he was gone, that mr. mcduffie needed money to say the least, as much as he did. he had a fine house in richmond, and used to spend his winters there with his family, taking me with him. he was not there much at other times, except when the convention of for amending the state constitution, was held in that city. he had a quarrel with mr. neal of richmond co., in consequence of some remarks upon the subject of slavery. it came near terminating in a duel. i recollect that during the sitting of the convention, my master asked me before several other gentlemen, if i wished to be free and go back to my own country. i looked at him with surprise, and inquired what country? "africa, to be sure," said he, laughing. i told him that was not my country--that i was born in virginia. "oh yes," said he, "but your father was born in africa." he then said that there was a place on the african coast called liberia where a great many free blacks were going; and asked me to tell him honestly, whether i would prefer to be set free on condition of going to africa, or live with him and remain a slave. i replied that i had rather be as i was. i have frequently heard him speak against slavery to his visitors. i heard him say on one occasion, when some gentlemen were arguing in favor of sending the free colored people to africa, that this was as really the black man's country as the white's, and that it would be as humane to knock the free negroes, at once, on the head, as to send them to liberia. he was a kind man to his slaves. he was proud of them, and of the reputation he enjoyed of feeding and clothing them well. they were as near as i can judge about in number. he never to my knowledge sold a slave, unless to go with a wife or husband, and at the slave's own request. but all except the very wealthiest planters in his neighborhood sold them frequently. john smoot of powhatan co. has sold a great number. bacon tait[a] used to be one of the principal purchasers. he had a jail at richmond where he kept them. there were many others who made a business of buying and selling slaves. i saw on one occasion while travelling with my master, a gang of nearly two hundred men fastened with chains. the women followed unchained and the children in wagons. it was a sorrowful sight. some were praying, some crying, and they all had a look of extreme wretchedness. it is an awful thing to a virginia slave to be sold for the alabama and mississippi country. i have known some of them to die of grief, and others to commit suicide, on account of it. [footnote a: bacon tait's advertisement of "new and commodious buildings" for the keeping of negroes, situated at the corner of th and carey streets, appears in the richmond whig of sept. .--editor.] in my seventeenth year, i was married to a girl named harriet, belonging to john gatewood, a planter living about four miles from mr. pleasant. she was about a year younger than myself--was a tailoress, and used to cut out clothes for the hands. we were married by a white clergyman named jones; and were allowed to or three weeks to ourselves, which we spent in visiting and other amusements. the field hands are seldom married by a clergyman. they simply invite their friends together, and have a wedding party. our two eldest children died in their infancy: two are now living. the youngest was only two months old when i saw him for the last time. i used to visit my wife on saturday and sunday evenings. my young master came back from europe in delicate health. he was advised by his physicians to spend the winter in new-orleans, whither he accordingly went, taking me with him. here he became acquainted with a french lady of one of the first families in the city. the next winter he also spent in new-orleans, and on his third visit, three years after his return from europe, he was married to the lady above mentioned. in may he returned to mt. pleasant, and found the elder larrimore on his sick bed, from which he never rose again. he died on the th of july. there was a great and splendid funeral, as his relatives and friends were numerous. his large property was left principally in the hands of his widow until her decease, after which it was to be divided among the three children. in february mrs. larrimore also died. the administrators upon the estate were john green, esq., and benjamin temple. my young master came back from europe in delicate health. he way advised by his physicians to spend the winter in new-orleans, whither he accordingly went, taking me with him. here he became acquainted with a french lady of one of the first families in the city. the next winter he also spent in new-orleans, and on his third visit, three years after his return from europe, he was married to the lady above mentioned. in may he returned to mt. pleasant, and found the elder larrimore on his sick bed, from which he never rose again. he died on the th of july. there was a great and splendid funeral, as his relatives and friends were numerous. his large property was left principally in the hands of his widow until her decease, after which it was to be divided among the three children. in february mrs. larrimore also died. the administrators upon the estate were john green, esq., and benjamin temple. my young mistresses, jane and elizabeth, were very kind to the servants. they seemed to feel under obligations to afford them every comfort and gratification, consistent with the dreadful relation of ownership which they sustained towards them. whipping was scarcely known on the estate; and, whenever it did take place, it was invariably against the wishes of the young ladies. but the wife of master george was of a disposition entirely the reverse. feeble, languid, and inert, sitting motionless for hours at her window, or moving her small fingers over the strings of her guitar, to some soft and languishing air, she would have seemed to a stranger incapable of rousing herself from that indolent repose, in which mind as well as body participated. but, the slightest disregard of her commands--and sometimes even the neglect to anticipate her wishes, on the part of the servants; was sufficient to awake her. the inanimate and delicate beauty then changed into a stormy virago. her black eyes flawed and sparkled with a snaky fierceness, her full lips compressed, and her brows bent and darkened. her very voice, soft and sweet when speaking to her husband, and exquisitely fine and melodious, when accompanying her guitar, was at such times, shrill, keen, and loud. she would order the servants of my young mistresses upon her errands, and if they pleaded their prior duty to obey the calls of another, would demand that they should be forthwith whipped for their insolence. if the young ladies remonstrated with her, she met them with a perfect torrent of invective and abuse. in these paroxysms of fury she always spoke in french, with a vehemence and volubility, which strongly contrasted with the calmness and firmness of the young ladies. she would boast of what she had done in new-orleans, and of the excellent discipline of her father's slaves. she said she had gone down in the night to the cell under her father's house, and whipped the slaves confined there with her own hands. i had heard the same thing from her father's servants at new-orleans, when i was there with my master. she brought with her from new-orleans a girl named frances. i have seen her take her by the ear, lead her up to the side of the room, and beat her head against it. at other times she would snatch off her slipper and strike the girl on her face and head with it. she seldom manifested her evil temper before master george. when she did, he was greatly troubled, and he used to speak to his sisters about it. her manner towards him was almost invariably that of extreme fondness. she was dark complexioned, but very beautiful; and the smile of welcome with which she used to meet him was peculiarly fascinating. i did not marvel that _he_ loved her; while at the same time, in common with all the house servants, i regarded her as a being possessed with an evil spirit,--half woman, and half fiend. soon after the settlement of the estate, i heard my master speak of going out to alabama. his wife had acres of wild land in greene county in that state: and he had been negociating for more. early in the summer of , he commenced making preparations for removing to that place a sufficient number of hands to cultivate it. he took great pains to buy up the wives and husbands of those of his own slaves who had married out of the estate, in order, as he said, that his hands might be contented in alabama, and not need chaining together while on their journey. it is always found necessary by the regular slave-traders, in travelling with their slaves to the far south, to handcuff and chain their wretched victims, who have been bought up as the interest of the trader, and the luxury or necessities of the planter may chance to require, without regard to the ties sundered or the affections made desolate, by these infernal bargains. about the st of september, after the slaves destined for alabama had taken a final farewell of their old home, and of the friends they were leaving behind, our party started on their long journey. there were in all slaves, men, women and children. the men and women travelled on foot--the small children in the wagons, containing the baggage, &c. previous to my departure, i visited my wife and children at mr. gatewood's. i took leave of them with the belief that i should return with my master, as soon as he had seen his hands established on his new plantation. i took my children in my arms and embraced them; my wife, who was a member of the methodist church, implored the blessing of god upon me, during my absence, and i turned away to follow my master. our journey was a long and tedious one, especially to those who were compelled to walk the whole distance. my master rode in a sulky, and i, as his body servant, on horseback: when we crossed over the roanoke, and were entering upon north carolina, i remember with what sorrowful countenances and language the poor slaves looked back for the last time upon the land of their nativity. it was their last farewell to old virginia. we passed through georgia, and crossing the chattahoochee, entered alabama. our way for many days was through a sandy tract of country, covered with pine woods, with here and there the plantation of an indian or a half-breed. after crossing what is called line creek, we found large plantations along the road, at intervals of four or five miles. the aspect of the whole country was wild and forbidding, save to the eye of a cotton-planter. the clearings were all new, and the houses rudely constructed of logs. the cotton fields, were skirted with an enormous growth of oak, pine, and other wood. charred stumps stood thickly in the clearings, with here and there a large tree girdled by the axe and left to decay. we reached at last the place of our destination. it was a fine tract of land with a deep rich soil. we halted on a small knoll, where the tents were pitched, and the wagons unladen. i spent the night with my master at a neighboring plantation, which was under the care of an overseer named flincher. the next morning my master received a visit from a man named huckstep, who had undertaken the management of his plantation as an overseer. he had been an overseer on cotton plantations many years in georgia and north carolina. he was apparently about forty years of age, with a sunburnt and sallow countenance. his thick shock of black hair was marked in several places with streaks of white, occasioned as he afterwards told me by blows received from slaves whom he was chastising. after remaining in the vicinity for about a week, my master took me aside one morning--told me he was going to selma in dallas county, and wished me to be in readiness on his return the next day, to start for virginia. this was to me cheering news. i spent that day and the next among my old fellow servants who had lived with me in virginia. some of them had messages to send by me to their friends and acquaintances. in the afternoon of the second day after my master's departure, i distributed, among them all the money which i had about me, viz., fifteen dollars. i noticed that the overseer huckstep laughed at this and called me a fool: and that whenever i spoke of going home with my master, his countenance indicated something between a smile and a sneer. night came; but contrary to his promise, my master did not come. i still however expected him the next day. but another night came, and he had not returned. i grew uneasy, and inquired of huckstep where be thought my master was. "on his way to old virginia," said he, with a malicious laugh. "but," said i. "master george told me that he should come back and take me with him to virginia." "well, boy," said the overseer, "i'll now tell ye what master george, as you call him, told me. you are to stay here and act as driver of the field hands. that was the order. so you may as well submit to it at once." i stood silent and horror-struck. could it be that the man whom i had served faithfully from our mutual boyhood, whose slightest wish had been my law, to serve whom i would have laid down my life, while i had confidence in his integrity--could it be that he had so cruelly and wickedly deceived me? i looked at the overseer. he stood laughing at me in my agony. "master george gave you no such orders," i exclaimed, maddened by the overseer's look and manner. the overseer looked at me with a fiendish grin. "none of your insolence," said he, with a dreadful oath. "i never saw a virginia nigger that i couldn't manage, proud as they are. your master has left you in my hands, and you must obey my orders. if you don't, why i shall have to make you '_hug the widow there_,'" pointing to a tree, to which i afterwards found the slaves were tied when they were whipped. that night was one of sleepless agony. virginia--the hills and the streams of my birth-place; the kind and hospitable home; the gentle-hearted sisters, sweetening with their sympathy the sorrows of the slave--my wife--my children--all that had thus far made up my happiness, rose in contrast with my present condition. deeply as he has wronged me, may my master himself never endure such a night of misery! at daybreak, huckstep told me to dress myself, and attend to his directions. i rose, subdued and wretched, and at his orders handed the horn to the headmen of the gang, who summoned the hands to the field. they were employed in clearing land for cultivation, cutting trees and burning. i was with them through the day, and at night returned once more to my lodgings to be laughed at by the overseer. he told me that i should do well, he did not doubt, by and by, but that a virginia driver generally had to be whipped a few times himself before he could be taught to do justice to the slaves under his charge. they were not equal to those raised in north carolina, for keeping the lazy hell-hounds, as he called the slaves, at work. and this was my condition!--a driver set over more than one hundred and sixty of my kindred and friends, wish orders to apply the whip unsparingly to every one, whether man or woman, who faltered in the task, or was careless in the execution of it, myself subject at any moment to feel the accursed lash upon my own back, if feelings of humanity should perchance overcome the selfishness of misery, and induce me to spare and pity. i lived in the same house with huckstep,--a large log house, roughly finished; where we were waited upon by an old woman, whom we used to call aunt polly. huckstep was, i soon found, inordinately fond of peach brandy; and once or twice in the course of a month he had a drunken debauch, which usually lasted from two to four days. he was then full of talk, laughed immoderately at his own nonsense and would keep me up until late at night listening to him. he was at these periods terribly severe to his hands, and would order me to use up the cracker of my whip every day upon the poor creatures, who were toiling in the field, and in order to satisfy him, i used to tear it off when returning home at night. he would then praise me for a good fellow, and invite me to drink with him. he used to tell me at such times, that if i would only drink as he did, i should be worth a thousand dollars more for it. he would sit hours with his peach brandy, cursing and swearing, laughing and telling stories full of obscenity and blasphemy. he would sometimes start up, take my whip, and rush out to the slave quarters, flourish it about and frighten the inmates and often cruelly beat them. he would order the women to pull up their clothes, in alabama style, as he called it, and then whip them for not complying. he would then come back roaring and shouting to the house, and tell me what he had done; if i did not laugh with him, he would get angry and demand what the matter was. oh! how often i have laughed, at such times, when my heart ached within me; and how often, when permitted to retire to my bed, have i found relief in tears! he had no wife, but kept a colored mistress in a house situated on a gore of land between the plantation and that of mr. goldsby. he brought her with him from north carolina, and had three children by her. sometimes in his fits of intoxication, he would come riding into the field, swinging his whip, and crying out to the hands to strip off their shirts, and be ready to take a whipping: and this too when they were all busily at work. at another time, he would gather the hands around him and fall to cursing and swearing about the neighboring overseers. they were, he said, cruel to their hands, whipped them unmercifully, and in addition starved them. as for himself, he was the kindest and best fellow within forty miles; and the hands ought to be thankful that they had such a good man for their overseer. he would frequently be very familiar with me, and call me his child; he would tell me that our people were going to get texas, a fine cotton country, and that he meant to go out there and have a plantation of his own, and i should go with him and be his overseer. the houses in the "_negro quarters_" were constructed of logs, and from twelve to fifteen feet square; they had no glass, but there were holes to let in the light and air. the furniture consisted of a table, a few stools, and dishes made of wood, and an iron pot, and some other cooking utensils. the houses were placed about three or four rods apart, with a piece of ground attached to each of them for a garden, where the occupant could raise a few vegetables. the "quarters" were about three hundred yards from the dwelling of the overseer. the hands were occupied in clearing land and burning brush, and in constructing their houses, through the winter. in march we commenced ploughing: and on the first of april began planting seed for cotton. the hoeing season commenced about the last of may. at the earliest dawn of day, and frequently before that time, the laborers were roused from their sleep by the blowing of the horn. it was blown by the headman of the gang who led the rest in the work and acted under my direction, as my assistant. previous to the blowing of the horn the hands generally rose and eat what was called the "morning's bit," consisting of ham and bread. if exhaustion and fatigue prevented their rising before the dreaded sound of the horn broke upon their slumbers, they had no time to snatch a mouthful, but were harried out at once. it was my business to give over to each of the hands his or her appropriate implement of labor, from the toolhouse where they were deposited at night. after all had been supplied, they were taken to the field, and set at work as soon as it was sufficiently light to distinguish the plants from the grass and weeds. i was employed in passing from row to row, in order to see that the work was well done, and to urge forward the laborers. at o'clock, the horn was blown from the overseer's house, calling the hands to dinner, each to his own cabin. the intermission of labor was one hour and a half to hoers and pickers, and two hours to the ploughmen. at the expiration of this interval, the horn again summoned them to thus labor. they were kept in the field until dark, when they were called home to supper. there was little leisure for any of the hands on the plantation. in the evenings, after it was too dark for work in the field, the men were frequently employed in burning brush and in other labors until late at night. the women after toiling in the field by day, were compelled to card, spin, and weave cotton for their clothing, in the evening. even on sundays there was little or no respite from toil. those who had not been able to work out all their tasks during the week were allowed by the overseer to finish it on the sabbath, and thus save themselves from a whipping on monday morning. those whose tasks were finished frequently employed most of that day in cultivating their gardens. many of the female hands were delicate young women, who in virginia had never been accustomed to field labor. they suffered greatly from the extreme heat and the severity of the toil. oh! how often have i seen them dragging their weary limbs from the cotton field at nightfall, faint and exhausted. the overseer used to laugh at their sufferings. they were, he said, virginia ladies, and altogether too delicate for alabama use: but they must be made to do their tasks notwithstanding. the recollection of these things even now is dreadful. i used to tell the poor creatures, when compelled by the overseer to urge them forward with the whip, that i would much rather take their places, and endure the stripes than inflict them. when but three months old, the children born on the estate were given up to the care of the old women who were not able to work out of doors. their mothers were kept at work in the field. it was the object of the overseer to separate me in feeling and interest as widely as possible from my suffering brethren and sisters. i had relations among the field hands, and used to call them my cousins. he forbid my doing so; and told me if i acknowledged relationship with any of the hands i should be flogged for it. he used to speak of them as devils and hell-hounds, and ridicule them in every possible way; and endeavoured to make me speak of them and regard them in the same manner. he would tell long stories about hunting and shooting "runaway niggers," and detail with great apparent satisfaction the cruel and horrid punishments which he had inflicted. one thing he said troubled him. he had once whipped a slave so severely that he died in consequence of it, and it was soon after ascertained that he was wholly innocent of the offence charged against him. that slave, he said, had haunted him ever since. soon after we commenced weeding our cotton, some of the hands who were threatened with a whipping for not finishing their tasks, ran away. the overseer and myself went out after them, taking with us five bloodhounds, which were kept on the estate for the sole purpose of catching runaways. there were no other hounds in the vicinity, and the overseers of the neighboring plantations used to borrow them to hunt their runaways. a mr. crop, who lived about ten miles distant, had two packs, and made it his sole business to catch slaves with them. we used to set the dogs upon the track of the fugitives, and they would follow them until, to save themselves from being torn in pieces, they would climb into a tree, where the dogs kept them until we came up and secured them. these hounds, when young, are taught to run after the negro boys; and being always kept confined except when let out in pursuit of runaways, they seldom fail of overtaking the fugitive, and seem to enjoy the sport of hunting men as much as other dogs do that of chasing a fox or a deer. my master gave a large sum for his five dogs,--a slut and her four puppies. while going over our cotton picking for the last time, one of our hands named little john, ran away. the next evening the dogs were started on his track. we followed them awhile, until we knew by their ceasing to bark that they had found him. we soon met the dogs returning. their jaws, heads, and feet, were bloody. the overseer looked at them and said, "he was afraid the dogs had killed the nigger." it being dark, we could not find him that night. early the next morning, we started off with our neighbors, sturtivant and flincher; and after searching about for some time, we found the body of little john lying in the midst of a thicket of cane. it was nearly naked, and dreadfully mangled and gashed by the teeth of the dogs. they had evidently dragged it some yards through the thicket: blood, tatters of clothes, and even the entrails of the unfortunate man, were clinging to the stubs of the old and broken cane. huckstep stooped over his saddle, looked at the body, and muttered an oath. sturtivant swore it was no more than the fellow deserved. we dug a hole in the cane-brake, where he lay, buried him, and returned home. the murdered young man had a mother and two sisters on the plantation, by whom he was dearly loved. when i told the old woman of what had befallen her son, she only said that it was better for poor john than to live in slavery. late in the fall of this year, a young man, who had already run away several times, was missing from his task. it was four days before we found him. the dogs drove him at last up a tree, where he was caught, and brought home. he was then fastened down to the ground by means of forked sticks of wood selected for the purpose, the longest fork being driven into the ground until the other closed down upon the neck, ancles, and wrists. the overseer then sent for two large cats belonging to the house. these he placed upon the naked shoulders of his victim, and dragged them suddenly by their tails downward. at first they did not scratch deeply. he then ordered me to strike them with a small stick after he had placed them once more upon the back of the sufferer. i did so; and the enraged animals extended their claws, and tore his back deeply and cruelly as they were dragged along it. he was then whipped and placed in the stocks, where he was kept for three days. on the third morning as i passed the stocks, i stopped to look at him. his head hung down over the chain which supported his neck. i spoke, but he did not answer. _he was dead in the stocks_! the overseer on seeing him seemed surprised, and, i thought, manifested some remorse. four of the field hands took him out of the stocks and buried him: and every thing went on as usual. it is not in my power to give a narrative of the daily occurrences on the plantation. the history of one day was that of all. the gloomy monotony of our slavery, was only broken by the overseer's periodical fits of drunkenness, at which times neither life nor limb on the estate were secure from his caprice or violence. in the spring of , the overseer brought me a letter from my wife, written for her by her young mistress, mr. gateweed's daughter. he read it to me: it stated that herself and children were well--spoke of her sad and heavy disappointment in consequence of my not returning with my master; and of her having been told by him that i should come back the next fall. hope for a moment lightened my heart; and i indulged the idea of once more returning to the bosom of my family. but i recollected that my master had already cruelly deceived me; and despair again took hold on me. among our hands was one whom we used to call big harry. he was a stout, athletic man--very intelligent, and an excellent workman; but he was of a high and proud spirit, which the weary and crushing weight of a life of slavery had not been able to subdue. on almost every plantation at the south you may find one or more individuals, whose look and air show that they have preserved their self-respect as _men_;--that with them the power of the tyrant ends with the coercion of the body--that the soul is free, and the inner man retaining the original uprightness of the image of god. you may know them by the stern sobriety of their countenances, and the contempt with which they regard the jests and pastimes of their miserable and degraded companions, who, like samson, make sport for the keepers of their prison-house. these men are always feared as well as hated by their task-masters. harry had never been whipped, and had always said that he would die rather than submit to it. he made no secret of his detestation of the overseer. while most of the slaves took off their hats, with cowering submission, in his presence, harry always refused to do so. he never spoke to him except in a brief answer to his questions. master george, who knew, and dreaded the indomitable spirit of the man, told the overseer, before he left the plantation, to beware how he attempted to punish him. but, the habits of tyranny in which huckstep had so long indulged, had accustomed him to abject submission, on the part of his subjects; and he could not endure this upright and unbroken manliness. he used frequently to curse and swear about him, and devise plans for punishing him on account of his impudence as he called it. a pretext was at last afforded him. sometime in august of this year, there was a large quantity of yellow unpicked cotton lying in the gin house. harry was employed at night in removing the cotton see, which has been thrown out by the gin. the rest of the male hands were engaged during the day in weeding the cotton for the last time, and in the nigh, in burning brush on the new lands clearing for the next year's crop. harry was told one evening to go with the others and assist in burning the brush. he accordingly went and the next night a double quantity of seed had accumulated in the gin house: and although he worked until nearly o'clock in the morning, he could not remove it all. the next morning the overseer came into the field, and demanded of me why i had not whipped harry for not removing all the cotton seed. he then called aloud to harry to come forward and be whipped. harry answered somewhat sternly that he would neither be struck by overseer nor driver; that he had worked nearly all night, and had scarcely fallen asleep when the horn blew to summon him to his toil in the field. the overseer raved and threatened, but harry paid no farther attention to him. he then turned to me and asked me for my pistols, with a pair of which he had furnished me. i told him they were not with me. he growled an oath, threw himself on his horse and left us. in the evening i found him half drunk and raving like a madman. he said he would no longer bear with that nigger's insolence; but would whip him if it cost him his life. he at length fixed upon a plan for seizing him; and told me that he would go out in the morning, ride along by the side of harry and talk pleasantly to him, and then, while harry was attending to him, i was to steal upon him and knock him down, by a blow on the head, from the loaded and heavy handle of my whip. i was compelled to promise to obey his directions. the next morning when we got to the field i told harry of the overseer's plan, and advised him by all means to be on his guard and watch my motions. his eye glistened with gratitude. "thank you james", said he, "i'll take care that you don't touch me." huckstep came into the field about o'clock. he rode along by the side of harry talking and laughing. i was walking on the other side. when i saw that harry's eye was upon me i aimed a blow at him intending however to miss him. he evaded the blow and turned fiercely round with his hoe uplifted, threatening to cut down any one who again attempted to strike him. huckstep cursed my awkwardness, and told harry to put down his hoe and came to him. he refused to do so and swore he would kill the first man who tried to lay hands on him. the cowardly tyrant shrank away from his enraged bondman, and for two weeks harry was not again molested. about the first of september, the overseer had one of his drunken fits. he made the house literally an earthly hell. he urged me to drink, quarrelled and swore at me for declining, and chased the old woman round the house, with his bottle of peach brandy. he then told me that harry had forgotten the attempt to seize him, and that is the morning we must try our old game over again. on the following morning, as i was handing to each of the hands their hoes from the tool house, i caught harry's eye. "look out," said i to him. "huckstep will be after you again to day." he uttered a deep curse against the overseer and passed on to his work. after breakfast huckstep came riding out to the cotton field. he tied his horse to a tree, and came towards us. his sallow and haggard countenance was flushed, and his step unsteady. he came up by the side of harry and began talking about the crops and the weather; i came at the same time on the other side, and in striking at him, beat off his hat. he sprang aside and stepped backwards. huckstep with a dreadful oath commanded him to stop, saying that he had determined to whip him, and neither earth nor hell should prevent him. harry defied him: and said he had always done the work allotted to him and that was enough: he would sooner die than have the accursed lash touch him. the overseer staggered to his horse, mounted him and rode furiously to the house, and soon made his appearance, returning, with his gun in his hand. "yonder comes the devil!" said one of the women whose row was near harry's. "yes," said another, "he's trying to scare harry with his gun." "let him try as he pleases," said harry, in his low, deep, determined tones, "he may shoot me, but he can't whip me." huckstep came swearing on: when within a few yards of harry he stopped, looked at him with a stare of mingled rage and drunken imbecility; and bid him throw down his hoe and come forward. the undaunted slave refused to comply, and continuing his work told the drunken demon to shoot if he pleased. huckstep advanced within a few steps of him when harry raised his hoe and told him to stand back. he stepped back a few paces, leveled his gun and fired. harry received the charge in his breast, and fell instantly across a cotton row. he threw up his hands wildly, and groaned, "oh, lord!" the hands instantly dropped their hoes. the women shrieked aloud. for my own part i stood silent with horror. the cries of the women enraged the overseer, he dropped his gun, and snatching the whip from my hand, with horrid oaths, and imprecations fell to whipping them, laying about him like a maniac. upon harry's sister he bestowed his blows without mercy, commanding her to quit her screaming and go to work. the poor girl, whose brother had thus been murdered before her eyes, could not wrestle down the awful agony of her feelings, and the brutal tormentor left her without effecting his object. he then, without going to look of his victim, told four of the hands to carry him to the house, and taking up his gun left the field. when we got to the poor fellow, he was alive, and groaning faintly. the hands took him up, but before they reached the house he was dead. huckstep came out, and looked at him, and finding him dead, ordered the hands to bury him. the burial of a slave in alabama is that of a brute. no coffin--no decent shroud--no prayer. a hole is dug, and the body (sometimes enclosed in a rude box,) is thrown in without further ceremony. from this time the overseer was regarded by the whole gang with detestation and fear--as a being to whose rage and cruelty there were no limits. yet he was constantly telling us that he was the kindest of overseers--that he was formerly somewhat severe in managing his hands, but that now he was, if any thing, too indulgent. indeed he had the reputation of being a good overseer, and an excellent manager, when sober. the slaves on some of the neighboring plantations were certainly worse clothed and fed, and more frequently and cruelly whipped than ours. whenever the saw them they complained of over working and short feeding. one of flincher's, and one of sturtivant's hands ran away, while i was in alabama: and after remaining in the woods awhile, and despairing of being able to effect their escape, resolved to put an end to their existence and their slavery together. each twisted himself a vine of the muscadine grape, and fastened one end around the limb of an oak, and made a noose in the other. jacob, flincher's man, swung himself off first, and expired after a long struggle. the other, horrified by the contortions and agony of his comrade, dropped his noose, and was retaken. when discovered, two or three days afterwards, the body of jacob was dreadfully torn and mangled, by the buzzards, those winged hyenas and goules of the southwest. among the slaves who were brought from virginia, were two young and bright mulatto women, who were always understood throughout the plantation to have been the daughters of the elder larrimore, by one of his slaves. one was named sarah and the other hannah. sarah, being in a state of pregnancy, failed of executing her daily allotted task of hoeing cotton. i was ordered to whip her, and on my remonstrating with the overseer, and representing the condition of the woman, i was told that my business was to obey orders, and that if i was told "to whip a dead nigger i must do it." i accordingly gave her fifty lashes. this was on thursday evening. on friday she also failed through weakness, and was compelled to lie down in the field. that night the overseer himself whipped her. on saturday the wretched woman dragged herself once more to the cotton field. in the burning sun, and in a situation which would have called forth pity in the bosom of any one save a cotton-growing overseer, she struggled to finish her task. she failed--nature could do no more--and sick and despairing, she sought her cabin. there the overseer met her and inflicted fifty more lashes upon her already lacerated back. the next morning was the sabbath. it brought no joy to that suffering woman. instead of the tones of the church bell summoning to the house of prayer, she heard the dreadful sound of the lash falling upon the backs of her brethren and sisters in bondage. for the voice of prayer she heard curses. for the songs of zion obscene and hateful blasphemies. no bible was there with its consolations for the sick of heart. faint and fevered, scarred and smarting from the effects of her cruel punishment, she lay upon her pallet of moss--dreading the coming of her relentless persecutor,--who, in the madness of one of his periodical fits of drunkenness, was now swearing and cursing through the quarters. some of the poor woman's friends on the evening before, had attempted to relieve her of the task which had been assigned her, but exhausted nature, and the selfishness induced by their own miserable situation, did not permit them to finish it and the overseer, on examination, found that the week's work of the woman, was still deficient. after breakfast, he ordered her to be tied up to the limb of a tree, by means of a rope fastened round her wrists, so as to leave her feet about six inches from the ground. she begged him to let her down for she was very sick. "very well!" he exclaimed with a sneer and a laugh,--"i shall bleed you then, and take out some of your virginia blood. you are too proud a miss for alabama." he struck her a few blows. swinging thus by her arms, she succeeded in placing one of her feet against the body of the tree, and thus partly supported herself, and relieved in some degree the painful weight upon her wrists. he threw down his whip--took a rail from the garden fence, ordered her feet to be tied together, and thrust the rail between them. he then ordered one of the hands to sit upon it. her back at this time was bare, but the strings of the only garment which she wore passed over her shoulders and prevented the full force of the whip from acting on her flesh. these he cut off with his pen-knife, and thus left her entirely naked. he struck her only two blows, for the second one cut open her side and abdomen with a frightful gash. unable to look on any longer in silence, i entreated him to stop, as i feared he had killed her. the overseer looked at the wound--dropped his whip, and ordered her to be untied. she was carried into the house in a state of insensibility, and died in three days after. during the whole season of picking cotton, the whip was frequently and severely plied. in his seasons of intoxication, the overseer made no distinction between the stout man and the feeble and delicate woman--the sick and the well. women in a far advanced state of pregnancy were driven out to the cotton field. at other times he seemed to have some consideration; and to manifest something like humanity. our hands did not suffer for food--they had a good supply of ham and corn-meal, while on flincher's plantation the slaves had meat but once a year, at christmas. near the commencement of the weeding season of , i was ordered to whip a young woman, a light mustee, for not performing her task. i told the overseer that she was sick. he said he did not care for that, she should be made to work. a day or two afterwards, i found him in the house half intoxicated. he demanded of me why i had not whipped the girl; and i gave the same reason as before. he flew into a dreadful rage, but his miserable situation made him an object of contempt rather than fear. he sat shaking his fist at me, and swearing for nearly half an hour. he said he would teach the virginia lady to sham sickness; and that the only reason i did not whip her was, that she was a white woman, and i did not like to cut up her delicate skin. some time after i was ordered to give two of our women, named hannah and big sarah, lashes each, for not performing their tasks. the overseer stood by until he saw hannah whipped, and until sarah had been tied up to the tree. as soon as his back was turned i struck the tree instead of the woman, who understanding my object, shrieked as if the whip at every blow was cutting into her flesh. the overseer heard the blows and the woman's cries, and supposing that all was going on according to his mind, left the field. unfortunately the husband of hannah stood looking on; and indignant that his wife should be whipped and sarah spared, determined to revenge himself by informing against me. next morning huckstep demanded of me whether i had whipped sarah the day before; i replied in the affirmative. upon this he called sarah forward and made her show her back, which bore no traces of recent whipping. he then turned upon me and told me that the blows intended for sarah should be laid on my back. that night the overseer, with the help of three of the hands, tied me up to a large tree--my arms and legs being clasped round it, and my body drawn up hard against it by two men pulling at my arms and one pushing against my back. the agony occasioned by this alone was almost intolerable. i felt a sense of painful suffocation, and could scarcely catch my breath. a moment after i felt the first blow of the overseer's whip across my shoulders. it seemed to cut into my very heart. i felt the blood gush, and run down my back. i fainted at length under the torture, and on being taken down, my shoes contained blood which ran from the gashes in my back. the skin was worn off from by breast, arms, and thighs, against the rough bark of the tree. i was sick and feverish, and in great pain for three weeks afterwards; most of which time i was obliged to lie with my face downwards, in consequence of the extreme soreness of my sides and back, huckstep himself seemed concerned about me, and would come frequently to see me, and tell me that he should not have touched me had it not been for "the cursed peach brandy." almost the first person that i was compelled to whip after i recovered, was the man who pushed at my back when i was tied up to the tree. the hands who were looking on at that time, all thought he pushed me much harder than was necessary: and they expected that i would retaliate upon him the injury i had received. after he was tied up, the overseer told me to give him a severe flogging, and left me. i struck the tree instead of the man. his wife, who was looking on, almost overwhelmed me with her gratitude. at length one morning, late in the fall of , i saw huckstep, and a gentleman ride out to the field. as they approached, i saw the latter was my master. the hands all ceased their labor, and crowded around him, inquiring about old virginia. for my own part, i could not hasten to greet him. he had too cruelly deceived me. he at length came towards me, and seemed somewhat embarrassed. "well james," said he, "how do you stand it here?" "badly enough," i replied. "i had no thought that you could be so cruel as to go away and leave me as you did." "well, well, it was too bad, but it could not be helped--you must blame huckstep for it." "but," said i, "i was not his servant; i belonged to you, and you could do as you pleased." "well," said he, "we will talk about that by and by." he then inquired of huckstep where big sarah was. "she was sick and died," was the answer. he looked round amoung the slaves again, and inquired for harry. the overseer told him that harry undertook to kill him, and that, to save his life, he was obliged to fire upon him, and that he died of the wound. after some further inquiries, he requested me to go into the house with him. he then asked me to tell him how things had been managed during his absence. i gave him a full account of the overseer's cruelty. when he heard of the manner of harry's death, he seemed much affected and shed tears. he was a favorite servant of his father's. i showed him the deep scars on my back occasioned by the whipping i had received. he was, or professed to be, highly indignant with huckstep; and said he would see to it that he did not lay hands on me again. he told me he should be glad to take me with him to virginia, but he did not know where he should find a driver who would be so kind to the hands as i was. if i would stay ten years, he would give me a thousand dollars, and a piece of land to plant on my own account. "but," said i, "my wife and children." "well," said he, "i will do my best to purchase them, and send them on to you." i now saw that my destiny was fixed: and that i was to spend my days in alabama, and i retired to my bed that evening with a heavy heart. my master staid only three or four days on the plantation. before he left, he cautioned huckstep to be careful and not strike me again, as he would on no account permit it. he told him to give the hands food enough, and not over-work them, and, having thus satisfied his conscience, left us to our fate. out of the two hundred and fourteen slaves who were brought out from virginia, at least one-third of them were members of the methodist and baptist churches in that state. of this number five or six could read. then had been torn away from the care and discipline of their respective churches, and from the means of instruction, but they retained their love for the exercises of religion; and felt a mournful pleasure in speaking of the privileges and spiritual blessings which they enjoyed in old virginia. three of them had been preachers, or exhorters, viz. solomon, usually called uncle solomon, richard and david. uncle solomon was a grave, elderly man, mild and forgiving in his temper, and greatly esteemed among the more serious portion of our hands. he used to snatch every occasion to talk to the lewd and vicious about the concerns of their souls, and to advise them to fix their minds upon the savior, as their only helper. some i have heard curse and swear in answer, and others would say that they could not keep their minds upon god and the devil (meaning huckstep) at the same time: that it was of no use to try to be religious--they had no time--that the overseer wouldn't let them meet to pray--and that even uncle solomon, when he prayed, had to keep one eye open all the time, to see if huckstep was coming. uncle solomon could both read and write, and had brought out with him from virginia a bible, a hymn-book, and some other religious books, which he carefully concealed from the overseer, huckstep was himself an open infidel as well as blasphemer. he used to tell the hands that there was no hell hereafter for white people, but that they had their punishment on earth in being obliged to take care of the negroes. as for the blacks, he was sure there was a hell for them. he used frequently to sit with his bottle by his side, and a bible in his hand; and read passages and comment on them, and pronounce them lies. any thing like religious feeling among the slaves irritated him. he said that so much praying and singing prevented the people from doing their tasks, as it kept them up nights, when they should be asleep. he used to mock, and in every possible way interrupt the poor slaves, who after the toil of the day, knelt in their lowly cabins to offer their prayers and supplications to him whose ear is open to the sorrowful sighing of the prisoner, and who hath promised in his own time to come down and deliver. in his drunken seasons he would make excursions at night through the slave-quarters, enter the cabins, and frighten the inmates, especially if engaged in prayer or singing. on one of these occasions he came back rubbing his hands and laughing. he said he had found uncle solomon in his garden, down on his knees, praying like an old owl, and had tipped him over, and frightened him half out of his wits. at another time he found uncle david sitting on his stool with his face thrust up the chimney, in order that his voice might not be heard by his brutal persecutor. he was praying, giving utterance to these words, probably in reference to his bondage:--"_how long, oh, lord, how long_?" "as long as my whip!" cried the overseer, who had stolen behind him, giving him a blow. it was the sport of a demon. not long after my master had left us, the overseer ascertained for the first time that some of the hands could read, and that they had brought books with them from virginia. he compelled them to give up the keys of their chests, and on searching found several bibles and hymn-books. uncle solomon's chest contained quite a library, which he could read at night by the light of knots of the pitchpine. these books he collected together, and in the evening called uncle solomon into the house. after jeering him for some time, he gave him one of the bibles and told him to name his text and preach him a sermon. the old man was silent. he then made him get up on the table, and ordered him to pray. uncle solomon meekly replied, that "forced prayer was not good for soul or body." the overseer then knelt down himself, and in a blasphemous manner, prayed that the lord would send his spirit into uncle solomon; or else let the old man fall from the table and break his neck, and so have an end of "nigger preaching." on getting up from his knees he went to the cupboard, poured out a glass of brandy for himself, and brought another to the table. "james," said he, addressing me, "uncle solomon stands there, for all the world, like a hickory quaker. his spirit don't move. i'll see if another spirit wont move it." he compelled the old preacher to swallow the brandy; and then told him to preach and exhort, for the spirit was in him. he set one of the bibles on fire, and after it was consumed, mixed up the ashes of it in a glass of water, and compelled the old man to drink it, telling him that as the spirit and the word were now both in him, there was no longer any excuse for not preaching. after tormenting the wearied old man in this way until nearly midnight he permitted him to go to his quarters. the next day i saw uncle solomon, and talked with him about his treatment. he said it would not always be so--that slavery was to come to an end, for the bible said so--that there would then be no more whippings and fightings, but the lion the lamb would lie down together, and all would be love. he said he prayed for huckstep--that it was not he but the devil in him who behaved so. at his request, i found means to get him a bible and a hymn-book from the overseer's room; and the old man ever afterwards kept them concealed in the hen-house. the weeding season of , was marked by repeated acts of cruelty on the part of huckstep. one of the hands, priscilla, was, owing to her delicate situation, unable to perform her daily task. he ordered her to be tied up against a tree, in the same manner that i had been. in this situation she was whipped until _she was delivered of a dead infant, at the foot of the tree_! our men took her upon a sheet, and carried her to the house, where she lay sick for several months, but finally recovered. i have heard him repeatedly laugh at the circumstance. not long after this, we were surprised, one morning about ten o'clock, by hearing the horn blown at the house. presently aunt polly came screaming into the field. "what is the matter, aunty?" i inquired. "oh lor!" said she, "old huckstep's pitched off his horse and broke his head, and is e'en about dead." "thank god!" said little simon, "the devil will have him at last." "god-a-mighty be praised!" exclaimed half a dozen others. the hands, with one accord dropped their hoes; and crowded round the old woman, asking questions. "is he dead?"--"will he die?" "did you feel of him--was he cold?" aunt polly explained as well as she could, that huckstep, in a state of partial intoxication, had attempted to leap his horse over a fence, had fallen and cut a deep gash in his head, and that he was now lying insensible. it is impossible to describe the effect produced by this news among the hands. men, women and children shouted, clapped their hands, and laughed aloud. some cursed the overseer, and others thanked the lord for taking him away. little simon got down on his knees, and called loudly upon god to finish his work, and never let the overseer again enter a cotton field. "let him die, lord," said he, "let him. he's killed enough of us: oh, good lord, let him die and not live." "peace, peace! it is a bad spirit," said uncle solomon, "god himself willeth not the death of a sinner." i followed the old woman to the house; and found huckstep at the foot of one of those trees, so common at the south, called the pride of china. his face was black, and there was a frightful contusion on the side of his head. he was carried into the house, where, on my bleeding him, he revived. he lay in great pain for several days, and it was nearly three weeks before he was able to come out to the cotton fields. on returning to the field after huckstep had revived, i found the hands sadly disappointed to hear that he was still living. some of them fell to cursing and swearing, and were enraged with me for trying to save his life. little simon said i was a fool; if he had bled him he would have done it to some purpose. he would at least, have so disable his arm that he would never again try to swing a whip. uncle solomon remonstrated with simon, and told that i had done right. the neighbouring overseers used frequently to visit huckstep, and he, in turn, visited them. i was sometimes present during their interviews, and heard them tell each other stories of horse-racing, negro-huntings, &c. some time during this season, ludlow, who was overseer of a plantation about eight miles from ours, told of a slave of his named thornton, who had twice attempted to escape with his wife and one child. the first time he was caught without much difficulty, chained to the overseer's horse, and in that way brought back. the poor man, to save his wife from a beating, laid all the blame upon himself; and said that his wife had no wish to escape, and tried to prevent him from attempting it. he was severely whipped; but soon ran away again, and was again arrested. the overseer, ludlow, said he was determined to put a stop to the runaway, and accordingly had resort to a somewhat unusual method of punishment. there is a great scarcity of good water in that section of alabama; and you will generally see a large cistern attached to the corners of the houses to catch water for washing &c. underneath this cistern is frequently a tank from eight to ten feet deep, into which, when the former is full the water is permitted to run. from this tank the water is pumped out for use. into one of these tanks the unfortunate slave was placed, and confined by one of his ancles to the bottom of it; and the water was suffered to flow in from above. he was compelled to pump out the water as fast as it came in, by means of a long rod or handle connected with the pump above ground. he was not allowed to begin until the water had risen to his middle. any pause or delay after this, from weakness and exhaustion, would have been fatal, as the water would have risen above his head. in this horrible dungeon, toiling for his life, he was kept for twenty-four hours without any sustenance. even huckstep said that this was too bad--that he had himself formerly punished runaways in that way--but should not do it again. i rejoice to be able to say that this sufferer has at last escaped with his wife and child, into a free state. he was assisted by some white men, but i do not know all the particulars of his escape. our overseer had not been long able to ride about the plantation after his accident, before his life was again endangered. he found two of the hands, little jarret and simon, fighting with each other, and attempted to chastise both of them. jarret bore it patiently, but simon turned upon him, seized a stake or pin from a cart near by, and felled him to the ground. the overseer got up--went to the house, and told aunt polly that he had nearly been killed by the 'niggers,' and requested her to tie up his head, from which the blood was streaming. as soon as this was done, he took down his gun, and went out in pursuit of simon, who had fled to his cabin, to get some things which he supposed necessary previous to attempting his escape from the plantation. he was just stepping out of the door when he met the enraged overseer with his gun in his hand. not a word was spoken by either. huckstep raised his gun and fired. the man fell without a groan across the door-sill. he rose up twice on his hands and knees, but died in a few minutes. he was dragged off and buried. the overseer told me that there was no other way to deal with such a fellow. it was alabama law, if a slave resisted to shoot him at once. he told me of a case which occurred in , on a plantation about ten miles distant, and adjoining that where crop, the negro hunter, boarded with his hounds. the overseer had bought some slaves at selma, from a drove or coffle passing through the place. they proved very refractory. he whipped three of them, and undertook to whip a fourth who was from maryland. the man raised his hoe in a threatening manner, and the overseer fired upon him. the slave fell, but instantly rose up on his hands and knees, and was beaten down again by the stock of the overseer's gun. the wounded wretch raised himself once more, drew a knife from the waistband of his pantaloons, and catching hold of the overseer's coat, raised himself high enough to inflict a fatal wound upon the latter. both fell together, and died immediately after. nothing more of special importance occurred until july, of last year, when one of our men named john, was whipped three times for not performing his task. on the last day of the month, after his third whipping, he ran away. on the following morning, i found that he was missing at his row. the overseer said we must hunt him up; and he blew the "nigger horn," as it is called, for the dogs. this horn was only used when we went out in pursuit of fugitives. it is a cow's horn, and makes a short, loud sound. we crossed flincher's and goldsby's plantations, as the dogs had got upon john's track, and went of barking in that direction, and the two overseers joined us in the chase. the dogs soon caught sight of the runaway, and compelled him to climb a tree. we came up; huckstep ordered him down, and secured him upon my horse by tying him to my back. on reaching home he was stripped entirely naked and lashed up to a tree. flincher then volunteered to whip him on one side of his legs, and goldsby on the other. i had, in the meantime, been ordered to prepare a wash of salt and pepper, and wash his wounds with it. the poor fellow groaned, and his flesh shrunk and quivered as the burning solution was applied to it. this wash, while it adds to the immediate torment of the sufferer, facilitates the cure of the wounded parts. huckstep then whipped him from his neck down to his thighs, making the cuts lengthwise of his back. he was very expert with the whip, and could strike, at any time, within an inch of his mark. he then gave the whip to me and told me to strike directly across his back. when i had finished, the miserable sufferer, from his neck to his heel, was covered with blood and bruises. goldsby and flincher now turned to huckstep, and told him, that i deserved a whipping as much as john did: that they had known me frequently disobey his orders, and that i was partial to the "virginia ladies," and didn't whip them as i did the men. they said if i was a driver of theirs they would know what to do with me. huckstep agreed with them; and after directing me to go to the house and prepare more of the wash for john's back, he called after me with an oath, to see to it that i had some for myself, for he meant to give me, at least, two hundred and fifty lashes. i returned to the house, and scarcely conscious of what i was doing, filled an iron vessel with water, put in the salt and pepper; and placed it over the embers. as i stood by the fire watching the boiling of the mixture, and reflecting upon the dreadful torture to which i was about to he subjected, the thought of _escape_ flashed upon my mind. the chance was a desperate one; but i resolved to attempt it. i ran up stairs, tied my shirt in a handkerchief, and stepped out of the back door of the house, telling aunt polly to take care of the wash at the fire until i returned. the sun was about one hour high, but luckily for me the hands as well as the three overseers, were on the other side of the house. i kept the house between them and myself, and ran as fast as i could for the woods. on reaching them i found myself obliged to proceed slowly as there was a thick undergrowth of cane and reeds. night came on. i straggled forward by a dim star-light, amidst vines and reed beds. about midnight the horizon began to be overcast; and the darkness increased until in the thick forest, i could scarcely see a yard before me. fearing that i might lose my way and wander towards the plantation, instead of from it, i resolved to wait until day. i laid down upon a little hillock, and fell asleep. when i awoke it was broad day. the clouds had vanished, and the hot sunshine fell through the trees upon my face. i started up, realizing my situation, and darted onward. my object was to reach the great road by which we had travelled when we came out from virginia. i had, however, very little hope of escape. i knew that a hot pursuit would be made after me, and what i most dreaded was, that the overseer would procure crop's bloodhounds to follow my track. if only the hounds of our plantation were sent after me, i had hopes of being able to make friends of them, as they were always good-natured and obedient to me. i travelled until, as near as i could judge, about ten o'clock, when a distant sound startled me. i stopped and listened. it was the deep bay of the bloodhound, apparently at a great distance. i hurried on until i came to a creek about fifteen yards wide, skirted by an almost impenetrable growth of reeds and cane. plunging into it, i swam across and ran down by the side of it a short distance, and, in order to baffle the dogs, swam back to the other side again. i stopped in the reed-bed and listened. the dogs seemed close at hand, and by the loud barking i felt persuaded that crop's hounds were with them. i thought of the fate of little john, who had been torn in pieces by the hounds, and of the scarcely less dreadful condition of those who had escaped the dogs only to fall into the hands of the overseer. the yell of the dogs grew louder. escape seemed impossible. i ran down to the creek with a determination to drown myself. i plunged into the water and went down to the bottom; but the dreadful strangling sensation compelled me to struggle up to the surface. again i heard the yell of the bloodhounds; and again desperately plunged down into the water. as i went down i opened my mouth, and, choked and gasping, i found myself once more struggling upward. as i rose to the top of the water and caught a glimpse of the sunshine and the trees, the love of life revived in me. i swam to the other side of the creek, and forced my way through the reeds to a large tree, and stood under one of its lowest limbs, ready in case of necessity, to spring up into it. here panting and exhausted, i stood waiting for the dogs. the woods seemed full of them. i heard a bell tinkle, and, a moment after, our old hound venus came bounding through the cane, dripping wet from the creek. as the old hound came towards me, i called to her as i used to do when out hunting with her. she stopped suddenly, looked up at me, and then came wagging her tail and fawning around me. a moment after the other dog came up hot in the chase, and with their noses to the ground. i called to them, but they did not look up, but came yelling on. i was just about to spring into the tree to avoid them when venus the old hound met them, and stopped them. they then all came fawning and playing and jumping about me. the very creatures whom a moment before i had feared would tear me limb from limb, were now leaping and licking my hands, and rolling on the leaves around me. i listened awhile in the fear of hearing the voices of men following the dogs, but there was no sound in the forest save the gurgling of the sluggish waters of the creek, and the chirp of black squirrels in the trees. i took courage and started onward once more, taking the dogs with me. the bell on the neck of the old dog, i feared might betray me, and, unable to get it off her neck, i twisted some of the long moss of the trees around it, so as to prevent its ringing. at night i halted once more with the dogs by my side. harassed with fear, and tormented with hunger, i laid down and tried to sleep. but the dogs were uneasy, and would start up and bark at the cries or the footsteps of wild animals, and i was obliged, to use my utmost exertions to keep them quiet, fearing that their barking would draw my pursuers upon me. i slept but little; and as soon as daylight, started forward again. the next day towards evening, i reached a great road which, i rejoiced to find, was the same which my master and myself had travelled on our way to greene county. i now thought it best to get rid of the dogs, and accordingly started them in pursuit of a deer. they went off, yelling on the track, and i never saw them again. i remembered that my master told me, near this place, that we were in the creek country, and that there were some indian settlements not far distant. in the course of the evening i crossed the road, and striking into a path through the woods, soon came to a number of indian cabins. i went into one of them and begged for some food. the indian women received me with a great deal of kindness, and gave me a good supper of venison, corn bread, and stewed pumpkin. i remained with them till the evening of the next day, when i started afresh on my journey. i kept on the road leading to georgia. in the latter part of the night i entered into a long low bottom, heavily timbered--sometimes called wolf valley. it was a dreary and frightful place. as i walked on, i heard on all sides the howling of the wolves, and the quick patter of their feet on the leaves and sticks, as they ran through the woods. at daylight i laid down, but had scarcely closed my eyes when i was roused up by the wolves snarling and howling around me. i started on my feet, and saw several of them running by me. i did not again close my eyes during the whole day. in the afternoon, a bear with her two cubs came to a large chestnut tree near where i lay. she crept up the tree, went out on one of the limbs, and broke off several twigs in trying to shake down the nuts. they were not ripe enough to fall, and, after several vain attempts to procure some of them, she crawled down the tree again and went off with her young. the day was long and tedious. as soon as it was dark, i once more resumed my journey. but fatigue and the want of food and sleep rendered me almost incapable of further effort. it was not long before i fell asleep, while walking, and wandered out of the road. i was awakened by a bunch of moss which hung down from the limb of a tree and met my face. i looked up and saw, as i thought, a large man standing just before me. my first idea was that some one had struck me over the face, and that i had been at last overtaken by huckstep. rubbing my eyes once more, i saw the figure before me sink down upon its hands and knees. another glance assured me that it was a bear and not a man. he passed across the road and disappeared. this adventure kept me awake for the remainder of the night. towards morning i passed by a plantation, on which was a fine growth of peach trees, full of ripe fruit. i took as many of them as i could conveniently carry in my hands and pockets, and retiring a little distance into the woods, laid down and slept till evening, when i again went forward. sleeping thus by day and travelling by night, in a direction towards the north star, i entered georgia. as i only travelled in the night time, i was unable to recognize rivers and places which i had seen before until i reached columbus, where i recollected i had been with my master. from this place i took the road leading to washington, and passed directly through that village. on leaving the village, i found myself contrary to my expectation, in an open country with no woods in view. i walked on until day broke in the east. at a considerable distance ahead, i saw a group of trees, and hurried on towards it. large and beautiful plantations were on each side of me, from which i could hear dogs bark, and the driver's horn sounding. on reaching the trees, i found that they afforded but a poor place of concealment. on either hand, through its openings, i could see the men turning out to the cotton fields. i found a place to lie down between two oak stumps, around which the new shoots had sprung up thickly, forming a comparatively close shelter. after eating some peaches, which since leaving the indian settlement had constituted my sole food, i fell asleep. i was waked by the barking of a dog. raising my head and looking through the bushes, i found that the dog was barking at a black squirrel who was chattering on a limb almost directly above me. a moment after, i heard a voice speaking to the dog, and soon saw a man with a gun in his hand, stealing through the wood. he passed close to the stumps, where i lay trembling with terror lest he should discover me. he kept his eye however upon the tree, and raising his gun, fired. the squirrel dropped dead close by my side. i saw that any further attempt at concealment would be in vain, and sprang upon my feet. the man started forward on seeing me, struck at me with his gun and beat my hat off. i leaped into the road; and he followed after, swearing he would shoot me if i didn't stop. knowing that his gun was not loaded, i paid no attention to him, but ran across the road into a cotton field where there was a great gang of slaves working. the man with the gun followed, and called to the two colored drivers who were on horseback, to ride after me and stop me. i saw a large piece of woodland at some distance ahead, and directed my course towards it. just as i reached it, i looked back, and saw my pursuer far behind me; and found, to my great joy, that the two drivers had not followed me. i got behind a tree, and soon heard the man enter the woods and pass me. after all had been still for more than an hour, i crept into a low place in the depth of the woods and laid down amidst a bed of reeds, where i again fell asleep. towards evening, on awaking, i found the sky beginning to be cloudy, and before night set in it was completely overcast. having lost my hat, i tied an old handkerchief over my head, and prepared to resume my journey. it was foggy and very dark, and involved as i was in the mazes of the forest, i did not know in what direction i was going. i wandered on until i reached a road, which i supposed to be the same one which i had left. the next day the weather was still dark and rainy, and continued so for several days. during this time i slept only by leaning against the body of a tree, as the ground was soaked with rain. on the fifth night after my adventure near washington, the clouds broke away, and the clear moonlight and the stars shone down upon me. i looked up to see the north star, which i supposed still before me. but i sought it in vain in all that quarter of the heavens. a dreadful thought came over me that i had been travelling out of my way. i turned round and saw the north star, which had been shining directly upon my back. i then knew that i had been travelling away from freedom, and towards the place of my captivity ever since i left the woods into which i had been pursued on the st, five days before. oh, the keen and bitter agony of that moment! i sat down on the decaying trunk of a fallen tree, and wept like a child. exhausted in mind and body, nature came at last to my relief, and i fell asleep upon the log. when i awoke it was still dark. i rose and nerved myself for another effort for freedom. taking the north star for my guide, i turned upon my track, and left once more the dreaded frontiers of alabama behind me. the next night, after crossing the one on which i travelled, and which seemed to lead more directly towards the north. i took this road, and the next night after, i came to a large village. passing through the main street, i saw a large hotel which i at once recollected. i was in augusta, and this was the hotel at which my master had spent several days when i was with him, on one of his southern visits. i heard the guards patrolling the town cry the hour of twelve; and fearful of being taken up, i turned out of the main street, and got upon the road leading to petersburg. on reaching the latter place, i swam over the savannah river into south carolina, and from thence passed into north carolina. hitherto i had lived mainly upon peaches, which were plenty on almost all the plantations in alabama and georgia; but the season was now too far advanced for them, and i was obliged to resort to apples. these i obtained without much difficulty until within two or three days journey of the virginia line. at this time i had had nothing to eat but two or three small and sour apples for twenty-four hours, and i waited impatiently for night, in the hope of obtaining fruit from the orchards along the road. i passed by several plantations, but found no apples. after midnight, i passed near a large house, with fruit trees around it. i searched under, and climbed up and shook several of them to no purpose. at last i found a tree on which there were a few apples. on shaking it, half a dozen fell. i got down, and went groping and feeling about for them in the grass, but could find only two, the rest were devoured by several hogs who were there on the same errand with myself. i pursued my way until day was about breaking, when i passed another house. the feeling of extreme hunger was here so intense, that it required all the resolution i was master of to keep myself from going, up to the house and breaking into it in search of food. but the thought of being again made a slave, and of suffering the horrible punishment of a runaway restrained me. i lay in the worlds all that day without food. the next evening, i soon found a large pile of excellent apples, from which i supplied myself. the next evening i reached halifax court house, and i then knew that i was near virginia. on the th of october, i came to the roanoke, and crossed it in the midst of a violent storm of rain and thunder. the current ran so furiously that i was carried down with it, and with great difficulty, and in a state of complete exhaustion, reached the opposite shore. at about o'clock, on the night of the th, i approached richmond, but not daring to go into the city at that hour, on account of the patrols, i lay in the woods near manchester, until the next evening, when i started in the twilight, in order to enter before the setting of the watch. i passed over the bridge unmolested, although in great fear, as my tattered clothes and naked head were well calculated to excite suspicion; and being well acquainted with the localities of the city, made my way to the house of a friend. i was received with the utmost kindness, and welcomed as one risen from the dead. oh, how inexpressibly sweet were the tones of human sympathy, after the dreadful trials to which i had been subjected--the wrongs and outrages which i witnessed and suffered! for between two and three months i had not spoken with a human being, and the sound even of my own voice now seemed strange to my ears. during this time, save in two or three instances i had tasted of no food except peaches and apples. i was supplied with some dried meat and coffee, but the first mouthful occasioned nausea and faintness. i was compelled to take my bed, and lay sick for several days. by the assiduous attention and kindness of my friends, i was supplied with every thing which was necessary during my sickness. i was detained in richmond nearly a month. as soon as i had sufficiently recovered to be able to proceed on my journey, i bade my kind host and his wife an affectionate farewell, and set forward once more towards a land of freedom. i longed to visit my wife and children in powhatan county, but the dread of being discovered prevented me from attempting it. i had learned from my friends in richmond that they were living and in good health, but greatly distressed on my account. my friends had provided me with a fur cap, and with as much lean ham, cake and biscuit, as i could conveniently carry. i proceeded in the same way as before, travelling by night and lying close and sleeping by day. about the last of november i reached the shenandoah river. it was very cold; ice had already formed along the margin, and in swimming the river i was chilled through; and my clothes froze about me soon after i had reached the opposite side. i passed into maryland, and on the th of december, stepped across the line which divided the free state of pennsylvania from the land of slavery. i had a few shillings in money which were given me at richmond, and after travelling nearly twenty-four hours from the time i crossed the line, i ventured to call at a tavern, and buy a dinner. on reaching carlisle, i enquired of the ostler in a stable if he knew of any one who wished to hire a house servant or coachman. he said he did not. some more colored people came in, and taking me aside told me that they knew that i was from virginia, by my pronunciation of certain words--that i was probably a runaway slave--but that i need not be alarmed, as they were friends, and would do all in their power to protect me. i was taken home by one of them, and treated with the utmost kindness; and at night he took me in a wagon, and carried me some distance on my way to harrisburg, where he said i should meet with friends. he told me that i had better go directly to philadelphia, as there would be less danger of my being discovered and retaken there than in the country, and there were a great many persons there who would exert themselves to secure me from the slaveholders. in parting he cautioned me against conversing or stopping with any man on the road, unless he wore a plain, straight collar on a round coat, and said, "thee," and "thou." by following his directions i arrived safely in philadelphia, having been kindly entertained and assisted on my journey, by several benevolent gentlemen and ladies, whose compassion for the wayworn and hunted stranger i shall never forget, and whose names will always be dear to me. on reaching philadelphia, i was visited by a large number of the abolitionists, and friends of the colored people, who, after hearing my story, thought it would not be safe for me to remain in any part of the united states. i remained in philadelphia a few days; and then a gentleman came on to new-york with me, i being considered on board the steam-boat, and in the cars, as his servant. i arrived at new-york, on the st of january. the sympathy and kindness which i have every where met with since leaving the slave states, has been the more grateful to me because it was in a great measure unexpected. the slaves are always told that if they escape into a free state, they will be seized and put in prison, until their masters send for them. i had heard huckstep and the other overseers occasionally speak of the abolitionists, but i did not know or dream that they were the friends of the slave. oh, if the miserable men and women, now toiling on the plantations of alabama, could know that thousands in the free states are praying and striving for their deliverance, how would the glad tidings be whispered from cabin to cabin, and how would the slave-mother as she watches over her infant, bless god, on her knees, for the hope that this child of her day of sorrow, might never realize in stripes, and toil, and grief unspeakable, what it is to be a slave? * * * * * this narrative can he had at the depository of the american anti-slavery society, no nassau street, new york, in a neat volume, pp. mo., embellished with an elegant and accurate steel engraved likeness of james williams, price cts. single copy, $ per hundred. * * * * * no. the anti-slavery examiner. emancipation in the west indies. a six months' tour in antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica in the year . by jas. a. thome, and j. horace kimball. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau-street. . this periodical contains sheets.--postage under miles, cents; over miles, cents. entered, according to the act of congress, in the year , by john rankin, treasurer, of the american, anti-slavery society, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, for the southern district of new york. price $ per hundred copies, - / cents single copy, _in sheets_: $ per hundred, and cents single, _if stitched_. note.--this work is published in this cheap form, to give it a wide circulation. please, _after perusal_, to send it to some friend. this work, as originally published, can be had at the depository of the american anti-slavery society, no. , nassau street, new york, on fine paper, handsomely bound, in a volume of pages, price one dollar per copy, $ per hundred. contents. * * * * * antigua.--chapter i. geography and statistics of the island,--reflections on arrival,--interview with clergymen,--with the governor,--with a member of assembly,--sabbath,--service at the moravian chapel,--sabbath school,--service at the episcopal church,--service at the wesleyan chapel,--millar's estate,--cane-holing,--colored planter,--fitch's creek estate,--free villages,--dinner at the governor's,--donovan's estate,--breakfast at mr. watkins,--dr. ferguson,--market,--lockup house,--christmas holidays,--colored population,--thibou jarvis's estate,--testimony of the manager,--anniversary of the friendly society,--a negro patriarch,--green castle estate,--testimony of the manager,--anniversary of the juvenile association,--wetherill estate,--testimony of the manager,--conversation with a boatman,--moravian station at newfield,--testimony of the missionaries,--school for adults,--interview with the speaker of the assembly,--moravian "speaking,"--conversation with emancipated slaves,--the rector of st. philip's,--frey's estate,--interview with the american consul,--sabbath at millar's,--breakfast at the villa estate,--a fair,--breakfast at mr. cranstoun's,--his testimony,--moravian station at cedar hall,--conversation with emancipated slaves,--moravian station at grace bay,--testimony of the missionaries,--grandfather jacob,--mr. scotland's estate.--a day at fitch's creek,--views of the manager,--a call from the archdeacon,--from rev. edward fraser,--wesleyan district meeting,--social interviews with the missionaries,--their views and testimony,--religious anniversaries,--temperance society,--bible society,--wesleyan missionary society.--resolution of the meeting,--laying the corner stone of a wesleyan chapel,--resolutions of the missionaries. antigua.--chapter ii. general results. religion,--statistics of denominations,--morality,--reverence for the lord's day,--marriage,--conjugal faithfulness,--concubinage decreasing,--temperance,--profane language rare,--statistics of the bible society,--missionary associations,--temperance societies,--friendly societies,--daily meal society,--distressed females' friend society,--education,--annual examination of the parochial school,--infant schools in the country,--examination at parham,--at willoughby bay,--mr. thwaite's replies to queries on education,--great ignorance before emancipation,--aptness of the negroes to learn,--civil and political condition of the emancipated. antigua.--chapter iii. facts and testimony. immediate abolition--an immense change to the condition of the slave,--adopted from political and pecuniary considerations,--went into operation peaceably,--gave additional security to persons and property,--is regarded by all as a great blessing to the island,--free, cheaper than slave labor,--more work done, and better done, since emancipation,--freemen more easily managed than slaves,--the emancipated more trustworthy than when slaves,--they appreciate and reverence law,--they stay at home and mind their own business,--are less "insolent" than when slaves,--gratitude a strong trait of their character,--emancipation has elevated them,--it has raised the price of real estate, given new life to trade, and to all kinds of business,--wrought a total change in the views of the planters,--weakened prejudice against color,--the discussions preceding emancipation restrained masters from cruelties,--concluding remarks. barbadoes. passage to barbadoes,--bridgetown,--visit to the governor,--to the archdeacon,--lear's estate,--testimony of the manager,--dinner party at lear's,--ride to scotland,--the red shanks,--sabbath at lear's; religious service,--tour to the windward,--breakfast party at the colliton estate,--testimony to the working of the apprenticeship,--the working of it in demerara,--the codrington estate,--codrington college,--the "horse,"--an estate on fire,--the ridge estate; dinner with a company of planters,--a day at colonel ashby's; his testimony to the working of the apprenticeship,--interviews with planters; their testimony,--the belle estate,--edgecombe estate; colonel barrow,--horton estate,--drax hall estate,--dinner party at the governor's,--testimony concerning the apprenticeship,--market people,--interview with special justice hamilton; his testimony,--station house, district a; trials of apprentices before special magistrate colthurst,--testimony of the superintendent of the rural police,--communication from special justice colthurst,--communication from special justice hamilton,--testimony of clergymen and missionaries,--curate of st. paul's,--a free church,--a sabbath school annual examination,--interview with episcopal clergymen; their testimony,--visit to schools,--interview with the superintendent of the wesleyan mission,--persecution of the methodists by slaveholders,--the moravian mission,--colored population,--dinner party at mr. harris's,--testimony concerning the objects of our mission,--a new englander,--history of an emancipated slave,--breakfast party at mr. thorne's,--facts and testimony concerning slavery and the apprenticeship,--history of an emancipated slave,--breakfast party at mr. prescod's,--character and history of the late editor of the new times,--breakfast party at mr. bourne's,--prejudice,--history and character of an emancipated slave,--prejudice, vincible,--concubinage,--barbadoes as it was; "reign of terror;"--testimony; cruelties,--insurrection of ,--licentiousness,--prejudice--indolence and inefficiency of the whites,--hostility to emancipation,--barbadoes as it is,--the apprenticeship system; provisions respecting the special magistrates,--provisions respecting the master,--provisions respecting the apprentice,--the design of the apprenticeship,--practical operation of the apprenticeship,--sympathy of the special magistrates with the masters,--apprenticeship, modified slavery,--vexatious to the master,--no preparation for freedom,--begets hostility between master and apprentice,--has illustrated the forbearance of the negroes,--its tendency to exasperate them,--testimony to the working of the apprenticeship in the windward islands generally. jamaica. sketch of its scenery,--interview with the attorney general,--the solicitor general; his testimony,--the american consul; his testimony,--the superintendent of the wesleyan missions,--the baptist missionaries; sabbath; service in a baptist chapel,--moravians; episcopalians; scotch presbyterians,--schools in kingston,--communication from the teacher of the wolmer free school; education; statistics,--the union school,--"prejudice vincible,"--disabilities and persecutions of colored people,--edward jordan, esq.,--colored members of assembly,--richard hill, esq.,--colored artisans and merchants in kingston,--police court of kingston,--american prejudice in the "limbos,"--"amalgamation!"--st. andrew's house of correction; tread-mill,--tour through "st. thomas in the east,"--morant bay; local magistrate; his lachrymal forebodings,--proprietor of green wall estate; his testimony,--testimony of a wesleyan missionary,--belvidere estate; testimony of the manager,--chapel built by apprentices,--house of correction,--chain-gang,--a call from special justice baines; his testimony,--bath,--special justice's office; his testimony,--"alarming rebellion,"--testimony of a wesleyan missionary,--principal of the mico charity school; his testimony,--noble instance of filial affection in a negro girl,--plantain garden river valley; alexander barclay, esq.,--golden grove estate; testimony of the manager,--the custos of the parish; his testimony,--amity hall estate; testimony of the manager,--lord belmore's prophecy,--manchioneal; special magistrate chamberlain; his testimony,--his weekly court,--pro slavery gnashings,--visit with the special magistrate to the williamsfield estate; testimony of the manager,--oppression of book-keepers,--sabbath; service at a baptist chapel,--interview with apprentices; their testimony,--tour through st. andrew's and port royal,--visit to estates in company with special justice bourne,--white emigrants to jamaica,--dublin castle estate; special justice court,--a despot in convulsions; arbitrary power dies hard,--encounter with mules in a mountain pass,--silver hill estate; cases tried; appraisement of an apprentice,--peter's rock estate,--hall's prospect estate,--female traveling merchant,--negro provision grounds,--apprentices eager to work for money,--jury of inquest,--character of overseers,--conversation with special justice hamilton,--with a proprietor of estates and local magistrate; testimony,--spanishtown,--richard hill, esq., secretary of the special magistracy,--testimony of lord sligo concerning him,--lord sligo's administration; its independence and impartiality,--statements of mr. hill,--statements of special justice ramsey,--special justice's court,--baptist missionary at spanishtown; his testimony,--actual working of the apprenticeship; no insurrection; no fear of it; no increase of crime; negroes improving; marriage increased; sabbath better kept; religious worship better attended; law obeyed,--apprenticeship vexatious to both parties,--atrocities perpetrated by masters and magistrates,--causes of the ill-working of the apprenticeship--provisions of the emancipation act defeated by planters and magistrates,--the present governor a favorite with the planters,--special justice palmer suspended by him,--persecution of special justice bourne,--character of the special magistrates,--official cruelty; correspondence between a missionary and special magistrate,--sir lionel smith's message to the house of assembly,--causes of the diminished crops since emancipation,--anticipated consequences of full emancipation in ,--examination of the grounds of such anticipations,--views of missionaries and colored people, magistrates and planters;--concluding remarks. appendix. official communication from special justice lyon,--communication from the solicitor general of jamaica,--communication from special justice colthurst,--official returns of the imports and exports of barbadoes,--valuations of apprentices in jamaica,--tabular view of the crops in jamaica for fifty-three years preceding ; comments of the jamaica watchman on the foregoing table,--comments of the spanishtown telegraph,--brougham's speech in parliament. introduction. it is hardly possible that the success of british west india emancipation should be more conclusively proved, than it has been by the absence among us of the exultation which awaited its failure. so many thousands of the citizens of the united states, without counting slaveholders, would not have suffered their prophesyings to be falsified, if they could have found whereof to manufacture fulfilment. but it is remarkable that, even since the first of august, , the evils of west india emancipation on the lips of the advocates of slavery, or, as the most of them nicely prefer to be termed, the opponents of abolition, have remained in the future tense. the bad reports of the newspapers, spiritless as they have been compared with the predictions, have been traceable, on the slightest inspection, not to emancipation, but to the illegal continuance of slavery, under the cover of its legal substitute. not the slightest reference to the rash act, whereby the thirty thousand slaves of antigua were immediately "turned loose," now mingles with the croaking which strives to defend our republican slavery against argument and common sense. the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, deemed it important that the silence which the pro-slavery press of the united states has seemed so desirous to maintain in regard to what is strangely enough termed the "great experiment of freedom," should be thoroughly broken up by a publication of facts and testimony collected on the spot. to this end, rev. james a. thome, and joseph h. kimball, esq., were deputed to the west indies to make the proper investigations. of their qualifications for the task, the subsequent pages will furnish the best evidence: it is proper, however, to remark, that mr. thome is thoroughly acquainted with our own system of slavery, being a native and still a resident of kentucky, and the son of a slaveholder, (happily no longer so,) and that mr. kimball is well known as the able editor of the herald of freedom, published at concord, new hampshire. they sailed from new york, the last of november, , and returned early in june, . they improved a short stay at the danish island of st. thomas, to give a description of slavery as it exists there, which, as it appeared for the most part in the anti-slavery papers, and as it is not directly connected with the great question at issue, has not been inserted in the present volume. hastily touching at some of the other british islands, they made antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica, successively the objects of their deliberate and laborious study--as fairly presenting the three grand phases of the "experiment"--antigua, exemplifying immediate unrestricted abolition; barbadoes, the best working of the apprenticeship, and jamaica the worst. nine weeks were spent in antigua, and the remainder of their time was divided between the other two islands. the reception of the delegates was in the highest degree favorable to the promotion of their object, and their work will show how well they have used the extraordinary facilities afforded them. the committee have, in some instances, restored testimonials which their modesty led them to suppress, showing in what estimation they themselves, as well as the object of their mission, were held by some of the most distinguished persons in the islands which they visited. so wide was the field before them, and so rich and various the fruit to be gathered, that they were tempted to go far beyond the strength supplied by the failing health they carried with them. most nobly did they postpone every personal consideration to the interests of the cause, and the reader will, we think, agree with us, that they have achieved a result which undiminished energies could not have been expected to exceed--a result sufficient, if any thing could be, to justify the sacrifice it cost them. we regret to add that the labors and exposures of mr. kimball, so far prevented his recovery from the disease[a] which obliged him to resort to a milder climate, or perhaps we should say aggravated it, that he has been compelled to leave to his colleague, aided by a friend, nearly the whole burden of preparing for the press--which, together with the great labor of condensing from the immense amount of collected materials, accounts for the delay of the publication. as neither mr. thome nor mr. kimball were here while the work was in the press, it is not improbable that trivial errors have occurred, especially in the names of individuals. [footnote a: we learn that mr. kimball closed his mortal career at pembroke, n.h. april th, in the th year of his age. very few men in the anti-slavery cause have been more distinguished, than this lamented brother, for the zeal, discretion and ability with which he has advocated the cause of the oppressed. "peace to the memory of a man of worth!"] it will be perceived that the delegates rest nothing of importance on their own unattested observation. at every point they are fortified by the statements of a multitude of responsible persons in the islands, whose names, when not forbidden, they leave taken the liberty to use in behalf of humanity. many of these statements were given in the handwriting of the parties, and are in the possession of the executive committee. most of these island authorities are as unchallengeable on the score of previous leaning towards abolitionism, as mr. mcduffie of mr. calhoun would be two years hence, if slavery were to be abolished throughout the united states tomorrow. among the points established in this work, beyond the power of dispute or cavil, are the following: . that the act of immediate emancipation in antigua, was not attended with any disorder whatever. . that the emancipated slaves have readily, faithfully, and efficiently worked for wages from the first. . that wherever there has been any disturbance in the working of the apprenticeship, it has been invariably by the fault of the masters, or of the officers charged with the execution of the "abolition act." . that the prejudice of caste is fast disappearing in the emancipated islands. . that the apprenticeship was not sought for by the planters as a _preparation for freedom_. . that no such preparation was needed. . that the planters who have fairly made the "experiment," now greatly prefer the new system to the old. . that the emancipated people are perceptibly rising in the scale of civilization, morals, and religion. from these established facts, reason cannot fail to make its inferences in favor of the two and a half millions of slaves in our republic. we present the work to our countrymen who yet hold slaves, with the utmost confidence that its perusal will not leave in their minds a doubt, either of the duty or perfect safety of _immediate emancipation_, however it may fail to persuade their hearts--which god grant it may not! by order of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. new york, april th, . * * * * * explanation of terms used in the narrative. . the words 'clergy' and 'missionary' are used to distinguish between the ministers of the english or scotch church, and those of all other denominations. . the terms 'church' and 'chapel' denote a corresponding distinction in the places of worship, though the english church have what are technically called 'chapels of ease!' . 'manager' and 'overseer' are terms designating in different islands the same station. in antigua and barbadoes, _manager_ is the word in general use, in jamaica it is _overseer_--both meaning the practical conductor or immediate superintendent of an estate. in our own country, a peculiar odium is attached to the latter term. in the west indies, the station of manager or overseer is an honorable one; proprietors of estates, and even men of rank, do not hesitate to occupy it. . the terms 'colored' and 'black' or 'negro' indicate a distinction long kept up in the west indies between the mixed blood and the pure negro. the former as a body were few previous to the abolition act; and for this reason chiefly we presume the term of distinction was originally applied to them. to have used these terms interchangeably in accordance with the usage in the united states, would have occasioned endless confusion in the narrative. . 'praedial' and 'non-praedial' are terms used in the apprenticeship colonies to mark the difference between the agricultural class and the domestic; the former are called _praedials_, the latter _non-praedials_. * * * * * population of the british (formerly slave) colonies. (_compiled from recent authentic documents._) british colonies. white. slave. f. col'd. total. anguilla , , antigua[a] , , , , bahamas , , , , barbadoes , , , , berbicel , , , bermuda[a] , , , cape of good hope[b] , , , , demerara[b] , , , , dominica , , , grenada , , , honduras[b] , , , jamaica , , , , mauritius[b] , , , , montserrat , , nevis , , , st. christophers,st. kitts , , , , st. lucia[b] , , , st. vincent , , , , tobago , , , tortola , , , trinidad[b] , , , , virgin isles , , total , , , , , [footnote a: these islands adopted immediate emancipation, aug , .] [footnote b: these are crown colonies, and have no local legislature.] antigua. chapter i. antigua is about eighteen miles long and fifteen broad; the interior is low and undulating, the coast mountainous. from the heights on the coast the whole island may be taken in at one view, and in a clear day the ocean can be seen entirely around the land, with the exception of a few miles of cliff in one quarter. the population of antigua is about , , of whom , are negroes--lately slaves-- are free people of color, and are whites. the cultivation of the island is principally in sugar, of which the average annual crop is , hogsheads. antigua is one of the oldest of the british west india colonies, and ranks high in importance and influence. owing to the proportion of proprietors resident in the island, there is an accumulation of talent, intelligence and refinement, greater, perhaps, than in any english colony, excepting jamaica. our solicitude on entering the island of antigua was intense. charged with a mission so nearly concerning the political and domestic institutions of the colony, we might well be doubtful as to the manner of our reception. we knew indeed that slavery was abolished, that antigua had rejected the apprenticeship, and adopted entire emancipation. we knew also, that the free system had surpassed the hopes of its advocates. but we were in the midst of those whose habits and sentiments had been formed under the influences of slavery, whose prejudices still clinging to it might lead them to regard our visit with indifference at least, if not with jealousy. we dared not hope for aid from men who, not three years before, were slaveholders, and who, as a body, strenuously resisted the abolition measure, finally yielding to it only because they found resistance vain. mingled with the depressing anxieties already referred to, were emotions of pleasure and exultation, when we stepped upon the shores of an unfettered isle. we trod a soil from which the last vestige of slavery had been swept away! to us, accustomed as we were to infer the existence of slavery from the presence of a particular hue, the numbers of negroes passing to and fro, engaged in their several employments, denoted a land of oppression; but the erect forms, the active movements, and the sprightly countenances, bespoke that spirit of disinthrallment which had gone abroad through antigua. on the day of our arrival we had an interview with the rev. james cox, the superintendent of the wesleyan mission in the island. he assured us that we need apprehend no difficulty in procuring information, adding, "we are all free here now; every man can speak his sentiments unawed. we have nothing to conceal in our present system; had you come here as the _advocates of slavery_ you might have met with a very different reception." at the same time we met the rev. n. gilbert, a clergyman of the english church, and proprietor of an estate. mr. g. expressed the hope that we might gather such facts during our stay in the island, as would tend effectually to remove the curse of slavery from the united states. he said that the failure of the crops, from the extraordinary drought which was still prevailing, would, he feared, be charged by persons abroad to the new system. "the enemies of freedom," said he, "will not ascribe the failure to the proper cause. it will be in vain that we solemnly declare, that for more than thirty years the island has not experienced such a drought. our enemies will persist in laying all to the charge of our free system; men will look only at the amount of sugar exported, which will be less than half the average. they will run away with this fact, and triumph over it as the disastrous consequence of abolition." on the same day we were introduced to the rev. bennet harvey, the principal of the moravian mission, to a merchant, an agent for several estates, and to an intelligent manager. each of these gentlemen gave us the most cordial welcome, and expressed a warm sympathy in the objects of our visit. on the following day we dined, by invitation, with the superintendent of the wesleyan mission, in company with several missionaries. _freedom in antigua_ was the engrossing and delightful topic. they rejoiced in the change, not merely from sympathy with the disinthralled negroes, but because it had emancipated them from a disheartening surveillance, and opened new fields of usefulness. they hailed the star of freedom "with exceeding great joy," because it heralded the speedy dawning of the sun of righteousness. we took an early opportunity to call on the governor, whom we found affable and courteous. on learning that we were from the united states, he remarked, that he entertained a high respect for our country, but its slavery was a stain upon the whole nation. he expressed his conviction that the instigators of northern mobs must be implicated in some way, pecuniary or otherwise, with slavery. the governor stated various particulars in which antigua had been greatly improved by the abolition of slavery. he said, the planters all conceded that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island, and he did not know of a single individual who wished to return to the old system. his excellency proffered us every assistance in his power, and requested his secretary--_a colored gentleman_--to furnish us with certain documents which he thought would be of service to us. when we rose to leave, the governor followed us to the door, repeating the advice that we should "see with our own eyes, and hear with our own ears." the interest which his excellency manifested in our enterprise, satisfied us that the prevalent feeling in the island was opposed to slavery, since it was a matter well understood that the governor's partialities, if he had any, were on the side of the planters rather than the people. on the same day we were introduced to a barrister, a member of the assembly and proprietor of an estate. he was in the assembly at the time the abolition act was under discussion. he said that it was violently opposed, until it was seen to be inevitable. many were the predictions made respecting the ruin which would be brought upon the colony; but these predictions had failed, and abolition was now regarded as the salvation of the island. sabbath. the morning of our first sabbath in antigua came with that hushed stillness which marks the sabbath dawn in the retired villages of new england. the arrangements of the family were conducted with a studied silence that indicated habitual respect for the lord's day. at o'clock the streets were filled with the church-going throng. the rich rolled along in their splendid vehicles with liveried outriders and postillions. the poor moved in lowlier procession, yet in neat attire, and with the serious air of christian worshippers. we attended the moravian service. in going to the chapel, which is situated on the border of the town, we passed through and across the most frequented streets. no persons were to be seen, excepting those whose course was toward some place of worship. the shops were all shut, and the voices of business and amusement were hushed. the market place, which yesterday was full of swarming life, and sent forth a confused uproar, was deserted and dumb--not a straggler was to be seen of all the multitude. on approaching the moravian chapel we observed the negroes, wending their way churchward, from the surrounding estates, along the roads leading into town. when we entered the chapel the service had begun, and the people were standing, and repeating their liturgy. the house, which was capable of holding about a thousand persons, was filled. the audience were all black and colored, mostly of the deepest ethiopian hue, and had come up thither from the estates, where once they toiled as slaves, but now as freemen, to present their thank-offerings unto him whose truth and spirit had made them free. in the simplicity and tidiness of their attire, in its uniformity and freedom from ornament, it resembled the dress of the friends. the females were clad in plain white gowns, with neat turbans of cambric or muslin on their heads. the males were dressed in spencers, vests, and pantaloons, all of white. all were serious in their demeanor, and although the services continued more than two hours, they gave a wakeful attention to the end. their responses in the litany were solemn and regular. great respect was paid to the aged and infirm. a poor blind man came groping his way, and was kindly conducted to a seat in an airy place. a lame man came wearily up to the door, when one within the house rose and led him to the seat he himself had just occupied. as we sat facing the congregation, we looked around upon the multitude to find the marks of those demoniac passions which are to strew carnage through our own country when its bondmen shall be made free. the countenances gathered there, bore the traces of benevolence, of humility, of meekness, of docility, and reverence; and we felt, while looking on them, that the doers of justice to a wronged people "shall surely dwell in safety and be quiet from fear of evil." after the service, we visited the sabbath school. the superintendent was an interesting young colored man. we attended the recitation of a testament class of children of both sexes from eight to twelve. they read, and answered numerous questions with great sprightliness. in the afternoon we attended the episcopal church, of which the rev. robert holberton is rector. we here saw a specimen of the aristocracy of the island. a considerable number present were whites,--rich proprietors with their families, managers of estates, officers of government, and merchants. the greater proportion of the auditory, however, were colored people and blacks. it might be expected that distinctions of color would be found here, if any where;--however, the actual distinction, even in this the most fashionable church in antigua, amounted only to this, that the body pews on each side of the broad aisle were occupied by the whites, the side pews by the colored people, and the broad aisle in the middle by the negroes. the gallery, on one side, was also appropriated to the colored people, and on the other to the blacks. the finery of the negroes was in sad contrast with the simplicity we had just seen at the moravian chapel. their dresses were of every color and style; their hats were of all shapes and sizes, and fillagreed with the most tawdry superfluity of ribbons. beneath these gaudy bonnets were glossy ringlets, false and real, clustering in tropical luxuriance. this fantastic display was evidently a rude attempt to follow the example set them by the white aristocracy. the choir was composed chiefly of colored boys, who were placed on the right side of the organ, and about an equal number of colored girls on the left. in front of the organ were eight or ten white children. the music of this colored, or rather "amalgamated" choir, directed by a colored chorister, and accompanied by a colored organist, was in good taste. in the evening, we accompanied a friend to the wesleyan chapel, of which the rev. james cox is pastor. the minister invited us to a seat within the altar, where we could have a full view of the congregation. the chapel was crowded. nearly twelve hundred persons were present. all sat promiscuously in respect of color. in one pew was a family of whites, next a family of colored persons, and behind that perhaps might be seen, side by side, the ebon hue of the negro, the mixed tint of the mulatto, and the unblended whiteness of the european. thus they sat in crowded contact, seemingly unconscious that they were outraging good taste, violating natural laws, and "confounding distinctions of divine appointment!" in whatever direction we turned, there was the same commixture of colors. what to one of our own countrymen whose contempt for the oppressed has defended itself with the plea of _prejudice against color_, would have been a combination absolutely shocking, was to us a scene as gratifying as it was new. on both sides, the gallery presented the same unconscious blending of colors. the choir was composed of a large number, mostly colored, of all ages. the front seats were filled by children of various ages--the rear, of adults, rising above these tiny choristers, and softening the shrillness of their notes by the deeper tones of mature age. the style of the preaching which we heard on the different occasions above described, so far as it is any index to the intelligence of the several congregations, is certainly a high commendation. the language used, would not offend the taste of any congregation, however refined. on the other hand, the fixed attention of the people showed that the truths delivered were understood and appreciated. we observed, that in the last two services the subject of the present drought was particularly noticed in prayer. the account here given is but a fair specimen of the solemnity and decorum of an antigua sabbath. visit to millar's estate. early in the week after our arrival, by the special invitation of the manager, we visited this estate. it is situated about four miles from the town of st. john's. the smooth macadamized road extending across the rolling plains and gently sloping hill sides, covered with waving cane, and interspersed with provision grounds, contributed with the fresh bracing air of the morning to make the drive pleasant and animating. at short intervals were seen the buildings of the different estates thrown together in small groups, consisting of the manager's mansion and out-houses, negro huts, boiling house, cooling houses, distillery, and windmill. the mansion is generally on an elevated spot, commanding a view of the estate and surrounding country. the cane fields presented a novel appearance--being without fences of any description. even those fields which lie bordering on the highways, are wholly unprotected by hedge, ditch, or rails. this is from necessity. wooden fences they cannot have, for lack of timber. hedges are not used, because they are found to withdraw the moisture from the canes. to prevent depredations, there are watchmen on every estate employed both day and night. there are also stock keepers employed by day in keeping the cattle within proper grazing limits. as each estate guards its own stock by day and folds them by night, the fields are in little danger. we passed great numbers of negroes on the road, loaded with every kind of commodity for the town market. _the head is the beast of burthen_ among the negroes throughout the west indies. whatever the load, whether it be trifling or valuable, strong or frail, it is consigned to the head, both for safe keeping and for transportation. while the head is thus taxed, the hands hang useless by the side, or are busied in gesticulating, as the people chat together along the way. the negroes we passed were all decently clad. they uniformly stopped as they came opposite to us, to pay the usual civilities. this the men did by touching their hats and bowing, and the women, by making a low courtesy, and adding, sometimes, "howdy, massa," or "mornin', massa." we passed several loaded wagons, drawn by three, four, or five yoke of oxen, and in every instance the driver, so far from manifesting any disposition "insolently" to crowd us off the road, or to contend for his part of it, turned his team aside, leaving us double room to go by, and sometimes stopping until we had passed. we were kindly received at millar's by mr. bourne, the manager. millar's is one of the first estates in antigua. the last year it made the largest sugar crop on the island. mr. b. took us before breakfast to view the estate. on the way, he remarked that we had visited the island at a very unfavorable time for seeing the cultivation of it, as every thing was suffering greatly from the drought. there had not been a single copious rain, such as would "make the water run," since the first of march previous. as we approached the laborers, the manager pointed out one company of ten, who were at work with their hoes by the side of the road, while a larger one of thirty were in the middle of the field. they greeted us in the most friendly manner. the manager spoke kindly to them, encouraging them to be industrious he stopped a moment to explain to us the process of cane-holing. the field is first ploughed[a] in one direction, and the ground thrown up in ridges of about a foot high. then similar ridges are formed crosswise, with the hoe, making regular squares of two-feet-sides over the field. by raising the soil, a clear space of six inches square is left at the bottom. in this space the _plant_ is placed horizontally, and slightly covered with earth. the ridges are left about it, for the purpose of conducting the rain to the roots, and also to retain the moisture. when we came up to the large company, they paused a moment, and with a hearty salutation, which ran all along the line, bade us "good mornin'," and immediately resumed their labor. the men and women were intermingled; the latter kept pace with the former, wielding their hoes with energy and effect. the manager addressed them for a few moments, telling them who we were, and the object of our visit. he told them of the great number of slaves in america, and appealed to them to know whether they would not be sober, industrious, and diligent, so as to prove to american slaveholders the benefit of freeing all their slaves. at the close of each sentence, they all responded, "yes, massa," or "god bless de massas," and at the conclusion, they answered the appeal, with much feeling, "yes, massa; please god massa, we will all do so." when we turned to leave, they wished to know what we thought of their industry. we assured them that we were much pleased, for which they returned their "thankee, massa." they were working at a _job_. the manager had given them a piece of ground "to hole," engaging to pay them sixteen dollars when they had finished it. he remarked that he had found it a good plan to give _jobs_. he obtained more work in this way than he did by giving the ordinary wages, which is about eleven cents per day. it looked very much like slavery to see the females working in the field; but the manager said they chose it generally "_for the sake of the wages_." mr. b. returned with us to the house, leaving the gangs in the field, with only an aged negro in charge of the work, as _superintendent._ such now is the name of the overseer. the very _terms_, _driver_ and _overseer_, are banished from antigua; and the _whip_ is buried beneath the soil of freedom. [footnote a: in those cases where the plough is used at all. it is not yet generally introduced throughout the west indies. where the plough is not used, the whole process of holing is done with the hoe, and is extremely laborious] when we reached the house we were introduced to mr. watkins, a _colored_ planter, whom mr. b. had invited to breakfast with us. mr. watkins was very communicative, and from him and mr. b., who was equally free, we obtained information on a great variety of points, which we reserve for the different heads to which they appropriately belong. fitch's creek estate. from millar's we proceeded to fitch's creek estate, where we had been invited to dine by the intelligent manager, mr. h. armstrong. we three met several wesleyan missionaries. mr. a. is himself a local preacher in the wesleyan connection. when a stranger visits an estate in the west indies, almost the first thing is an offer from the manager to accompany him through the sugar works. mr. a. conducted us first to a new boiling house, which he was building after a plan of his own devising. the house is of brick, on a very extensive scale. it has been built entirely by negroes--chiefly those belonging to the estate who were emancipated in . fitch's creek estate is one of the largest on the island, consisting of acres, of which are under cultivation. the number of people employed and living on the property is . this estate indicates any thing else than an apprehension of approaching ruin. it presents the appearance, far more, of a _resurrection_, from the grave. in addition to his improved sugar and boiling establishment, he has projected a plan for a new village, (as the collection of negro houses is called,) and has already selected the ground and begun to build. the houses are to be larger than those at present in use, they are to be built of stone instead of mud and sticks, and to be neatly roofed. instead of being huddled together in a bye place, as has mostly been the case, they are to be built on an elevated site, and ranged at regular intervals around three sides of a large square, in the centre of which a building for a chapel and school house is to be erected. each house is to have a garden. this and similar improvements are now in progress, with the view of adding to the comforts of the laborers, and attaching them to the estate. it has become the interest of the planter to make it for the _interest of the people_ to remain on his estate. this _mutual interest_ is the only sure basis of prosperity on the one hand and of industry on the other. the whole company heartily joined in assuring us that a knowledge of the actual working of abolition in antigua, would be altogether favorable to the cause of freedom, _and that the more thorough our knowledge of the facts in the case, the more perfect would be our confidence in the safety of_ immediate _emancipation_. mr. a. said that the spirit of enterprise, before dormant, had been roused since emancipation, and planters were now beginning to inquire as to the best modes of cultivation, and to propose measures of general improvement. one of these measures was the establishing of _free villages_, in which the laborers might dwell by paying a small rent. when the adjacent planters needed help they could here find a supply for the occasion. this plan would relieve the laborers from some of that dependence which they must feel so long as they live on the estate and in the houses of the planters. many advantages of such a system were specified. we allude to it here only as an illustration of that spirit of inquiry, which freedom has kindled in the minds of the planters. no little desire was manifested by the company to know the state of the slavery question in this country. they all, planters and missionaries, spoke in terms of abhorrence of our slavery, our snobs, our prejudice, and our christianity. one of the missionaries said it would never do for him to go to america, for he should certainly be excommunicated by his methodist brethren, and lynched by the advocates of slaver. he insisted that slaveholding professors and ministers should be cut off from the communion of the church. as we were about to take leave, the _proprietor_ of the estate rode up, accompanied by the governor, who he had brought to see the new boiling-house, and the other improvements which were in progress. the proprietor reside in st. john's, is a gentleman of large fortune, and a member of the assembly. he said he would be happy to aid us in any way--but added, that in all details of a practical kind, and in all matters of fact, the planters were the best witnesses, for they were the conductors of the present system. we were glad to obtain the endorsement of an influential proprietor to the testimony of practical planters. dinner at the governor's. on the following day having received a very courteous invitation[a] from the governor, to dine at the government house, we made our arrangements to do so. the hon. paul horsford, a member of the council, called during the day, to say, that he expected to dine with us at the government house and that he would be happy to call for us at the appointed hour, and conduct us thither. at six o'clock mr. h.'s carriage drove up to our door, and we accompanied him to the governor's, where we were introduced to col. jarvis, a member of the privy council, and proprietor of several estates in the island, col. edwards, a member of the assembly and a barrister, dr. musgrave, a member of the assembly, and mr. shiel, attorney general. a dinner of state, at a governor's house, attended by a company of high-toned politicians, professional gentlemen, and proprietors, could hardly be expected to furnish large accessions to our stock of information, relating to the object of our visit. dinner being announced, we were hardly seated at the table when his excellency politely offered to drink a glass of madeira with us. we begged leave to decline the honor. in a short time he proposed a glass of champaign--again we declined. "why, surely, gentlemen," exclaimed the governor, "you must belong to the temperance society." "yes, sir, we do." "is it possible? but you will surely take a glass of liqueur?" "your excellency must pardon us if we again decline the honor; we drink no wines." this announcement of ultra temperance principles excited no little surprise. finding that our allegiance to cold water was not to be shaken, the governor condescended at last to meet us on middle ground, and drink his wine to our water. [footnote a: we venture to publish the note in which the governor conveyed his invitation, simply because, though a trifle in itself, it will serve to show the estimation in which our mission was held. "if messrs. kimball and thome are not engaged tuesday next, the lieut. governor will be happy to see them at dinner, at six o'clock, when he will endeavor to facilitate their philanthropic inquiries, by inviting two or three proprietors to met them." "_government house, st. john's, dec. th_, ." ] the conversation on the subject of emancipation served to show that the prevailing sentiment was decidedly favorable to the free system. col. jarvis, who is the proprietor of three estates, said that he was in england at the time the bill for immediate emancipation passed the legislature. had he been in the island he should have opposed it; but _now_ he was glad it had prevailed. the evil consequences which he apprehended had not been realized, and he was now confident that they never would be. as to prejudice against the black and colored people, all thought it was rapidly decreasing--indeed, they could scarcely say there was now any such thing. to be sure, there was an aversion among the higher classes of the whites, and especially among _females_, to associating in parties with colored people; but it was not on account of their _color_, but chiefly because of their _illegitimacy_. this was to us a new _source_ of prejudice: but subsequent information fully explained its bearings. the whites of the west indies are themselves the authors of that _illegitimacy_, out of which their aversion springs. it is not to be wondered at that they should be unwilling to invite the colored people to their social parties, seeing they might not unfrequently be subjected to the embarrassment of introducing to their white wives a colored mistress or an _illegitimate_ daughter. this also explains the special prejudice which the _ladies_ of the higher classes feel toward those among whom are their guilty rivals in a husband's affections, and those whose every feature tells the story of a husband's unfaithfulness! a few days after our dinner with the governor and his friends, we took breakfast, by invitation, with mr. watkins, the _colored_ planter whom we had the pleasure of meeting at millar's, on a previous occasion. mr. w. politely sent in his chaise for us, a distance of five miles, at an early hour we reached donovan's, the estate of which he is manager. we found the sugar works in active operation: the broad wings of the windmill were wheeling their stately revolutions, and the smoke was issuing in dense volumes from the chimney of the boiling house. some of the negroes were employed in carrying cane to the mill, others in carrying away the _trash_ or _megass_, as the cane is called after the juice is expressed from it. others, chiefly the old men and women, were tearing the megass apart, and strewing it on the ground to dry. it is the only fuel used for boiling the sugar. on entering the house we found three planters whom mr. w. had invited to breakfast with us. the meeting of a number of intelligent practical planters afforded a good opportunity for comparing their views. on all the main points, touching the working of freedom, there was a strong coincidence. when breakfast was ready, mrs. w. entered the room, and after our introduction to her, took her place at the head of the table. her conversation was intelligent, her manners highly polished, and she presided at the table with admirable grace and dignity. on the following day, dr. ferguson, of st. john's, called on us. dr. ferguson is a member of the assembly, and one of the first physicians in the island. the doctor said that freedom had wrought like a magician, and had it not been for the unprecedented drought, the island would now be in a state of prosperity unequalled in any period of its history. dr. f. remarked that a general spirit of improvement was pervading the island. the moral condition of the whites was rapidly brightening; formerly concubinage was _respectable_; it had been customary for married men--those of the highest standing--to keep one or two colored mistresses. this practice was now becoming disreputable. there had been a great alteration as to the observance of the sabbath; formerly more business was done in st. john's on sunday, by the merchants, than on all the other days of the week together. the mercantile business of the town had increased astonishingly; he thought that the stores and shops had multiplied in a _ratio of ten to one_. mechanical pursuits were likewise in a flourishing condition. dr. f. said that a greater number of buildings had been erected since emancipation, than had been put up for twenty years before. great improvements had also been made in the streets and roads in town and country. market. saturday.--this is the regular market-day here. the negroes come from all parts of the island; walking sometimes ten or fifteen miles to attend the st. john's market. we pressed our way through the dense mass of all hues, which crowded the market. the ground was covered with wooden trays filled with all kinds of fruits, grain, vegetables, fowls, fish, and flesh. each one, as we passed, called attention to his or her little stock. we passed up to the head of the avenue, where men and women were employed in cutting up the light fire-wood which they had brought from the country on their heads, and in binding it into small bundles for sale. here we paused a moment and looked down upon the busy multitude below. the whole street was a moving mass. there were broad panama hats, and gaudy turbans, and uncovered heads, and heads laden with water pots, and boxes, and baskets, and trays--all moving and mingling in seemingly inextricable confusion. there could not have been less than fifteen hundred people congregated in that street--all, or nearly all, emancipated slaves. yet, amidst all the excitements and competitions of trade, their conduct toward each other was polite and kind. not a word, or look, or gesture of insolence or indecency did we observe. smiling countenances and friendly voices greeted us on every side, and we felt no fears either of having our pockets picked or our throats cut! at the other end of the market-place stood the _lock-up house_, the _cage_, and the _whipping post_, with stocks for feet and wrists. these are almost the sole relics of slavery which still linger in the town. the lock-up house is a sort of jail, built of stone--about fifteen feet square, and originally designed as a place of confinement for slaves taken up by the patrol. the cage is a smaller building, adjoining the former, the sides of which are composed of strong iron bars--fitly called a _cage!_ the prisoner was exposed to the gaze and insult of every passer by, without the possibility of concealment. the whipping post is hard by, but its occupation is gone. indeed, all these appendages of slavery have gone into entire disuse, and time is doing his work of dilapidation upon them. we fancied we could see in the marketers, as they walked in and out at the doorless entrance of the lock-up house, or leaned against the whipping post, in careless chat, that harmless defiance which would prompt one to beard the dead lion. returning from the market we observed a negro woman passing through the street, with several large hat boxes strung on her arm. she accidentally let one of them fall. the box had hardly reached the ground, when a little boy sprang from the back of a carriage rolling by, handed the woman the box, and hastened to remount the carriage. christmas. during the reign of slavery, the christmas holidays brought with them general alarm. to prevent insurrections, the militia was uniformly called out, and an array made of all that was formidable in military enginery. this custom was dispensed with at once, after emancipation. as christmas came on the sabbath, it tested the respect for that day. the morning was similar, in all respects, to the morning of the sabbath described above; the same serenity reigning everywhere--the same quiet in the household movements, and the same tranquillity prevailing through the streets. we attended morning service at the moravian chapel. notwithstanding the descriptions we had heard of the great change which emancipation had wrought in the observance of christmas, we were quite unprepared for the delightful reality around us. though thirty thousand slaves had but lately been "turned loose" upon a white population of less than three thousand! instead of meeting with scenes of disorder, what were the sights which greeted our eyes? the neat attire, the serious demeanor, and the thronged procession to the place of worship. in every direction the roads leading into town were lined with happy beings--attired for the house of god. when groups coming from different quarters met at the corners, they stopped a moment to exchange salutations and shake hands, and then proceeded on together. the moravian chapel was slightly decorated with green branches. they were the only adorning which marked the plain sanctuary of a plain people. it was crowded with black and colored people, and very many stood without, who could not get in. after the close of the service in the chapel, the minister proceeded to the adjacent school room, and preached to another crowded audience. in the evening the wesleyan chapel was crowded to overflowing. the aisles and communion place were full. on all festivals and holidays, which occur on the sabbath, the churches and chapels are more thronged than on any other lord's day. it is hardly necessary to state that there was no instance of a dance or drunken riot, nor wild shouts of mirth during the day. the christmas, instead of breaking in upon the repose of the sabbath, seemed only to enhance the usual solemnity of the day. the holidays continued until the next wednesday morning, and the same order prevailed to the close of them. on monday there were religious services in most of the churches and chapels, where sabbath-school addresses, discourses on the relative duties of husband and wife, and on kindred subjects, were delivered. an intelligent gentleman informed us that the negroes, while slaves, used to spend during the christmas holidays, the extra money which they got during the year. now they save it--_to buy small tracts of land for their own cultivation_. the governor informed us that the police returns did not report a single case of arrest during the holidays. he said he had been well acquainted with the country districts of england, he had also travelled extensively in europe, yet he had never found such a _peaceable, orderly, and law-abiding people as those of antigua_. an acquaintance of nine weeks with the colored population of st. john's, meeting them by the wayside, in their shops, in their parlors, and elsewhere, enables us to pronounce them a people of general intelligence, refinement of manners, personal accomplishments, and true politeness. as to their style of dress and mode of living, were we disposed to make any criticism, we should say that they were extravagant. in refined and elevated conversation, they would certainly bear a comparison with the white families of the island. visit to thibou jarvis's estate. after the christmas holidays were over, we resumed our visits to the country. being provided with a letter to the manager of thibou jarvis's estate, mr. james howell, we embraced the earliest opportunity to call on him. mr. h. has been in antigua for thirty-six years, and has been a practical planter during the whole of that time. he has the management of two estates, on which there are more than five hundred people. the principal items of mr. howell's testimony will be found in another place. in this connection we shall record only miscellaneous statements of a local nature. . the severity of the drought. he had been in antigua since the year , and he had never known so long a continuance of dry weather, although the island is subject to severe droughts. he stated that a field of yams, which in ordinary seasons yielded ten cart-loads to the acre, would not produce this year more than _three_. the failure in the crops was not in the least degree chargeable upon the laborers, for in the first place, the cane plants for the present crop were put in earlier and in greater quantities than usual, and _until_ the drought commenced, the fields promised a large return. . _the religious condition_ of the negroes, during slavery, was extremely low. it seemed almost impossible to teach them any higher _religion_ than _obedience to their masters_. their highest notion of god was that he was a _little above_ their owner. he mentioned, by way of illustration, that the slaves of a certain large proprietor used to have this saying, "massa only want he little finger to touch god!" that is, _their master was lower than god only by the length of his little finger_. but now the religious and moral condition of the people was fast improving. . a great change in the use of _rum_ had been effected on the estates under his management since emancipation. he formerly, in accordance with the prevalent custom, gave his people a weekly allowance of rum, and this was regarded as essential to their health and effectiveness. but he has lately discontinued this altogether, and his people had not suffered any inconvenience from it. he gave them in lieu of the rum, an allowance of molasses, with which they appeared to be entirely satisfied. when mr. h. informed the people of his intention to discontinue the spirits, he told them that he should _set them the example_ of total abstinence, by abandoning wine and malt liquor also, which he accordingly did. . there had been much less _pretended sickness_ among the negroes since freedom. they had now a strong aversion to going to the sick house[a], so much so that on many estates it had been put to some other use. [footnote a: the _estate hospital_, in which, during slavery, all sick persons were placed for medical attendance and nursing. there was one on every estate.] we were taken through the negro village, and shown the interior of several houses. one of the finest looking huts was decorated with pictures, printed cards, and booksellers' advertisements in large letters. amongst many ornaments of this kind, was an advertisement not unfamiliar to our eyes--"the girl's own book. by mrs. child." we generally found the women at home. some of them had been informed of our intention to visit them, and took pains to have every thing in the best order for our reception. the negro village on this estate contains one hundred houses, each of which is occupied by a separate family. mr. h. next conducted us to a neighboring field, where the _great gang_[b] were at work. there were about fifty persons in the gang--the majority females--under two inspectors or superintendents, men who take the place of the _quondam drivers_, though their province is totally different. they merely direct the laborers in their work, employing with the loiterers the stimulus of persuasion, or at farthest, no more than the violence of the tongue. [footnote b: the people on most estates are divided into three gangs; first, the great gang, composed of the principal effective men and women; second, the weeding gang, consisting of younger and weekly persons; and third, the grass gang, which embraces all the children able to work.] mr. h. requested them to stop their work, and told them who we were, and as we bowed, the men took off their hats and the women made a low courtesy. mr. howell then informed them that we had come from america, where there were a great many slaves: that we had visited antigua to see how freedom was working, and whether the people who were made free on the first of august were doing well--and added, that he "hoped these gentlemen might be able to carry back such a report as would induce the masters in america to set their slaves free." they unanimously replied, "yes, massa, we hope dem will gib um free." we spoke a few words: told them of the condition of the slaves in america, urged them to pray for them that they might be patient under their sufferings, and that they might soon be made free. they repeatedly promised to pray for the poor slaves in america. we then received their hearty "good bye, massa," and returned to the house, while they resumed their work. we took leave of mr. howell, grateful for his kind offices in furtherance of the objects of our mission. we had not been long in antigua before we perceived the distress of the poor from the scarcity of water. as there are but few springs in the island, the sole reliance is upon rain water. wealthy families have cisterns or tanks in their yards, to receive the rain from the roofs. there are also a few public cisterns in st. john's. these ordinarily supply the whole population. during the present season many of these cisterns have been dry, and the supply of water has been entirely inadequate to the wants of the people. there are several large open ponds in the vicinity of st. john's, which are commonly used to water "stock." there are one or more on every estate, for the same purpose. the poor people were obliged to use the water from these ponds both for drinking and cooking while we were in antigua. in taking our morning walks, we uniformly met the negroes either going to, or returning from the ponds, with their large pails balanced on their heads, happy apparently in being able to get even such foul water. attended the anniversary of the "friendly society," connected with the church in st. john's. many of the most respectable citizens, including the governor, were present. after the services in the church, the society moved in procession to the rectory school-room. we counted one hundred males and two hundred and sixty females in the procession. having been kindly invited by the rector to attend at the school-room, we followed the procession. we found the house crowded with women, many others, besides those in the procession, having convened. the men were seated without under a canvass, extended along one side of the house. the whole number present was supposed to be nine hundred. short addresses were made by the rector, the archdeacon, and the governor. the seventh annual report of the society, drawn up by the secretary, a colored man, was read. it was creditable to the author. the rector in his address affectionally warned the society, especially the female members, against extravagance in dress. the archdeacon exhorted them to domestic and conjugal faithfulness. he alluded to the prevalence of inconstancy during past years, and to the great improvement in this particular lately; and concluded by wishing them all "a happy new-year and _many_ of them, and a blessed immortality in the end." for this kind wish they returned a loud and general "thankee, massa." the governor then said, that he rose merely to remark, that this society might aid in the emancipation of millions of slaves, now in bondage in other countries. a people who are capable of forming such societies as this among themselves, deserve to be free, and ought no longer to be held in bondage. you, said he, are showing to the world what the negro race are capable of doing. the governor's remarks were received with applause. after the addresses the audience were served with refreshments, previous to which the rector read the following lines, which were sung to the tune of old hundred, the whole congregation standing. "lord at our table now appear and bless us here, as every where; let manna to our souls be given, the bread of life sent down from heaven." the simple refreshment was then handed round. it consisted merely of buns and lemonade. the governor and the rector, each drank to the health and happiness of the members. the loud response came up from all within and all around the house--"thankee--thankee--thankee--massa--thankee _good_ massa." a scene of animation ensued. the whole concourse of black, colored and white, from the humblest to the highest, from the unlettered apprentice to the archdeacon and the governor of the island, joined in a common festivity. after the repast was concluded, thanks were returned in the following verse, also sung to old hundred. "we thank thee, lord, for this our food, but bless thee more for jesus' blood; let manna to our souls be given, the bread of life sent down from heaven." the benediction was pronounced, and the assembly retired. there was an aged negro man present, who was noticed with marked attention by the archdeacon, the rector and other clergymen. he is sometimes called the african bishop. he was evidently used to familiarity with the clergy, and laid his hand on their shoulders as he spoke to them. the old patriarch was highly delighted with the scene. he said, when he was young he "never saw nothing, but sin and satan. _now i just begin to live_." on the same occasion the governor remarked to us that the first thing to be done in our country, toward the removal of slavery, was to discard the absurd notion that _color_ made any difference, intellectually or morally, among men. "all distinctions," said he, "founded in color, must be abolished everywhere. we should learn to talk of men not as _colored_ men, but as men _as fellow citizens and fellow subjects_." his excellency certainly showed on this occasion a disposition to put in practice his doctrine. he spoke affectionately to the children, and conversed freely with the adults. visit to green castle. according to a previous engagement, a member of the assembly called and took us in his carriage to green castle estate. green castle lies about three miles south-east from st. john's, and contains acres. the mansion stands on a rocky cliff; overlooking the estate, and commanding a wide view of the island. in one direction spreads a valley, interspersed with fields of sugar-cane and provisions. in another stretches a range of hills, with their sides clad in culture, and their tops covered with clouds. at the base of the rock are the sugar houses. on a neighboring upland lies the negro village, in the rear of which are the provision grounds. samuel bernard, esq., the manager, received us kindly. he said, he had been on the island forty-four years, most of the time engaged in the management of estates. he is now the manager of two estates, and the attorney for six, and has lately purchased an estate himself. mr. b. is now an aged man, grown old in the practice of slave holding. he has survived the wreck of slavery, and now stripped of a tyrant's power, he still lives among the people, who were lately his slaves, and manages an estate which was once his empire. the testimony of such a man is invaluable. hear him. . mr. b. said, that the negroes throughout the island were very peaceable when they received their freedom. . he said he had found no difficulty in getting his people to work after they had received their freedom. some estates had suffered for a short time; there was a pretty general fluctuation for a month or two, the people leaving one estate and going to another. but this, said mr. b., was chargeable to the _folly_ of the planters, who _overbid_ each other in order to secure the best hands and enough of them. the negroes had a _strong attachment to their homes_, and they would rarely abandon them unless harshly treated. . he thought that the assembly acted very wisely in rejecting the apprenticeship. he considered it absurd. it took the chains partly from off the slave, and fastened them on the master, _and enslaved them both_. it withdrew from the latter the power of compelling labor, and it supplied to the former no incentive to industry. he was opposed to the measures which many had adopted for further securing the benefits of emancipation.--he referred particularly to the system of education which now prevailed. he thought that the education of the emancipated negroes should combine industry with study even in childhood, so as not to disqualify the taught for cultivating the ground. it will be readily seen that this prejudice against education, evidently the remains of his attachment to slavery, gives additional weight to his testimony. the mansion on the rock (which from its elevated and almost inaccessible position, and from the rich shrubbery in perpetual foliage surrounding it, very fitly takes the name of green castle) is memorable as the scene of the murder of the present proprietor's grandfather. he refused to give his slaves holiday on a particular occasion. they came several times in a body and asked for the holiday, but he obstinately refused to grant it. they rushed into his bedroom, fell upon him with their hoes, and killed him. on our return to st. john's, we received a polite note from a colored lady, inviting us to attend the anniversary of the "juvenile association," at eleven o'clock. we found about forty children assembled, the greater part of them colored girls, but some were white. the ages of these juvenile philanthropists varied from four to fourteen. after singing and prayer, the object of the association was stated, which was to raise money by sewing, soliciting contributions, and otherwise, for charitable purposes. from the annual report it appeared that this was the _twenty-first anniversary_ of the society. the treasurer reported nearly £ currency (or about $ ) received and disbursed during the year. more than one hundred dollars had been given towards the erection of the new wesleyan chapel in st. john's. several resolutions were presented by little misses, expressive of gratitude to god for continued blessings, which were adopted unanimously--every child holding up its right hand in token of assent. after the resolutions and other business were despatched, the children listened to several addresses from the gentlemen present. the last speaker was a member of the assembly. he said that his presence there was quite accidental; but that he had been amply repaid for coming by witnessing the goodly work to which this juvenile society was engaged. as there was a male branch association about to be organized, he begged the privilege of enrolling his name as an honorary member, and promised to be a constant contributor to its funds. he concluded by saying, that though he had not before enjoyed the happiness of attending their anniversaries, he should never again fail to be present (with the permission of their worthy patroness) at the future meetings of this most interesting society. we give the substance of this address, as one of the signs of the times. the speaker was a wealthy merchant of st. john's. this society was organized in . the _first proposal_ came from a few _little colored girls_, who, after hearing a sermon on the blessedness of doing good, wanted to know whether they might not have a society for raising money to give to the poor. this juvenile association has, since its organization, raised the sum of _fourteen hundred dollars_! even this little association has experienced a great impulse from the free system. from a table of the annual receipts since , we found that the amount raised the two last years, is nearly equal to that received during any three years before. dr. daniell--weatherill estate. on our return from thibou jarvis's estate, we called at weatherill's; but the manager, dr. daniell, not being at home, we left our names, with an intimation of the object of our visit. dr. d. called soon after at our lodgings. as authority, he is unquestionable. before retiring from the practice of medicine, he stood at the head of his profession in the island. he is now a member of the council, is proprietor of an estate, manager of another, and attorney for six. the fact that such men as dr. d., but yesterday large slaveholders, and still holding high civil and political stations, should most cheerfully facilitate our anti-slavery investigations, manifesting a solicitude to furnish us with all the information in their power, is of itself the highest eulogy of the new system. the testimony of dr. d. will be found mainly in a subsequent part of the work. we state, in passing, a few incidentals. he was satisfied that immediate emancipation was better policy than a temporary apprenticeship. the apprenticeship was a middle state--kept the negroes in suspense--vexed and harrassed them--_fed them on a starved hope_; and therefore they would not be so likely, when they ultimately obtained freedom, to feel grateful, and conduct themselves properly. the reflection that they had been cheated out of their liberty for six years would _sour their minds_. the planters in antigua, by giving immediate freedom, had secured the attachment of their people. the doctor said he did not expect to make more than two thirds of his average crop; but he assured us that this was owing solely to the want of rain. there had been no deficiency of labor. the crops were _in_, in season, throughout the island, and the estates were never under better cultivation than at the present time. nothing was wanting but rain--rain. he said that the west india planters were very anxious to _retain_ the services of the negro population. dr. d. made some inquiries as to the extent of slavery in the united states, and what was doing for its abolition. he thought that emancipation in our country would not be the result of a slow process. the anti-slavery feeling of the civilized world had become too strong to wait for a long course of "preparations" and "ameliorations." and besides, continued he, "the arbitrary control of a master can never be a preparation for freedom;--_sound and wholesome legal restraints are the only preparative_." the doctor also spoke of the absurdity and wickedness of the caste of color which prevailed in the united states. it was the offspring of slavery, and it must disappear when slavery is abolished. conversation with a negro. we had a conversation one morning with a boatman, while he was rowing us across the harbor of st. john's. he was a young negro man. said he was a slave until emancipation. we inquired whether he heard any thing about emancipation before it took place. he said, yes--the slaves heard of it, but it was talked about so long that many of them lost all _believement_ in it, got tired waiting, and bought their freedom; but he had more patience, and got his for nothing. we inquired of him, what the negroes did on the first of august, . he said they all went to church and chapel. "dare was more _religious_ on dat day dan you could tire of." speaking of the _law_, he said it was his _friend_. if there was no law to take his part, a man, who was stronger than he, might step up and knock him down. but now no one dare do so; all were afraid of the _law_,--the law would never hurt any body who behaved well; but a master would _slash a fellow, let him do his best_. visit to newfield. drove out to newfield, a moravian station, about eight miles from st. john's. the rev. mr. morrish, the missionary at that station, has under his charge two thousand people. connected with the station is a day school for children, and a night school for adults twice in each week. we looked in upon the day school, and found one hundred and fifteen children. the teacher and assistant were colored persons. mr. m. superintends. he was just dismissing the school, by singing and prayer, and the children marched out to the music of one of their little songs. during the afternoon, mr. favey, manager of a neighboring estate, (lavicount's,) called on us. he spoke of the tranquillity of the late christmas holidays. they ended tuesday evening, and his people were all in the field at work on wednesday morning--there were no stragglers. being asked to specify the chief advantages of the new system over slavery, he stated at once the following things: st. it (free labor) is less _expensive_. d. it costs a planter far less _trouble_ to manage free laborers, than it did to manage slaves. d. it had _removed all danger of insurrection, conflagration, and conspiracies_. adult school. in the evening, mr. morrish's adult school for women was held. about thirty women assembled from different estates--some walking several miles. most of them were just beginning to read. they had just begun to learn something about figures, and it was no small effort to add and together. they were incredibly ignorant about the simplest matters. when they first came to the school, they could not tell which was their right arm or their right side, and they had scarcely mastered that secret, after repeated showing. we were astonished to observe that when mr. m. asked them to point to their cheeks, they laid their finger upon their chins. they were much pleased with the evolutions of a dumb clock, which mr. m. exhibited, but none of them could tell the time of day by it. such is a specimen of the intelligence of the antigua negroes. mr. m. told us that they were a pretty fair sample of the country negroes generally. it surely cannot be said that they were uncommonly well prepared for freedom; yet with all their ignorance, and with the merest infantile state of intellect, they prove the peaceable subjects of law. that they have a great desire to learn, is manifest from their coming such distances, after working in the field all day. the school which they attend has been established since the abolition of slavery. the next morning, we visited the day school. it was opened with singing and prayer. the children knelt and repeated the lord's prayer after mr. m. they then formed into a line and marched around the room, singing and keeping the step. a tiny little one, just beginning to walk, occasionally straggled out of the line. the next child, not a little displeased with such disorderly movements, repeatedly seized the straggler by the frock, and pulled her into the ranks; but finally despaired of reducing her to subordination. when the children had taken their seats, mr. m., at our request, asked all those who were free before august, , to rise. only one girl arose, and she was in no way distinguishable from a white child. the first exercise, was an examination of a passage of scripture. the children were then questioned on the simple rules of addition and subtraction, and their answers were prompt and accurate. dr. nugent. the hour having arrived when we were to visit a neighboring estate, mr. m. kindly accompanied us to lyon's, the estate upon which dr. nugent resides. in respect to general intelligence, scientific acquirements, and agricultural knowledge, no man in antigua stands higher than dr. nugent. he has long been speaker of the house of assembly, and is favorably known in europe as a geologist and man of science. he is manager of the estate on which he resides, and proprietor of another. the doctor informed us that the crop on his estate had almost totally failed, on account of the drought--being reduced from one hundred and fifty hogsheads, the average crop, to _fifteen_! his provision grounds had yielded almost nothing. the same soil which ordinarily produced ten cart-loads of yams to the acre--the present season barely averaged _one load to ten acres_! yams were reduced from the dimensions of a man's head, to the size of a radish. the _cattle were dying_ from want of water and grass. he had himself lost _five oxen_ within the past week. previous to emancipation, said the doctor, no man in the island dared to avow anti-slavery sentiments, if he wished to maintain a respectable standing. planters might have their hopes and aspirations; but they could not make them public without incurring general odium, and being denounced as the enemies of their country. in allusion to the motives which prompted the legislature to reject the apprenticeship and adopt immediate emancipation, dr. n. said, "when we saw that abolition was _inevitable_, we began, to inquire what would be the safest course for getting rid of slavery. _we wished to let ourselves down in the easiest manner possible_--therefore we chose immediate emancipation!" these were his words. on returning to the hospitable mansion of mr. morrish, we had an opportunity of witnessing a custom peculiar to the moravians. it is called 'speaking.' all the members of the church are required to call on the missionary once a month, and particular days are appropriated to it. they come singly or in small companies, and the minister converses with each individual. mr. m. manifested great faithfulness in this duty. he was affectionate in manner--entered into all the minutiae of individual and family affairs, and advised with them as a father with his children. we had an opportunity of conversing with some of those who came. we asked one old man what he did on the "first of august?"[a] his reply was, "massa, we went to church, and tank de lord for make a we all free." [footnote a: by this phrase the freed people always understand the st of august, , when slavery was abolished.] an aged infirm woman said to us, among other things, "since de _free_ come de massa give me no--no, nothing to eat--gets all from my cousins." we next conversed with two men, who were masons on an estate. being asked how they liked liberty, they replied, "o, it very comfortable, sir--very comfortable indeed." they said, "that on the day when freedom came, they were as happy, as though they had just been going to heaven." they said, now they had got free, they never would be slaves again. they were asked if they would not be willing to sell themselves to a man who would treat them well. they replied immediately that they would be very willing to _serve_ such a man, but they would not _sell themselves_ to the best person in the world! what fine logicians a slave's experience had made these men! without any effort they struck out a distinction, which has puzzled learned men in church and state, the difference between _serving_ a man and _being his property_. being asked how they conducted themselves on the st of august they said they had no frolicking, but they all went to church to "_tank god for make a we free_." they said, they were very desirous to have their children learn all they could while they were young. we asked them if they did not fear that their children would become lazy if they went to school all the time. one said, shrewdly, "eh! nebber mind--dey _come to_ by'm by--_belly 'blige 'em_ to work." in the evening mr. m. held a religious meeting in the chapel; the weekly meeting for exhortation. he stated to the people the object of our visit, and requested one of us to say a few words. accordingly, a short time was occupied in stating the number of slaves in america, and in explaining their condition, physical, moral, and spiritual; and the congregation were urged to pray for the deliverance of the millions of our bondmen. they manifested much sympathy, and promised repeatedly to pray that they might be "free like we." at the close of the meeting they pressed around us to say "howdy, massa;" and when we left the chapel, they showered a thousand blessings upon us. several of them, men and women, gathered about mr. m.'s door after we went in, and wished to talk with us. the men were mechanics, foremen, and watchmen; the women were nurses. during our interview, which lasted nearly an hour, these persons remained standing. when we asked them how they liked freedom, and whether it was better than slavery, they answered with a significant _umph_ and a shrug of the shoulders, as though they would say, "why you ask dat question, massa?" they said, "all the people went to chapel on the first of august, to tank god for make such poor undeserving sinners as we free; we no nebber expect to hab it. but it please de lord to gib we free, and we tank him good lord for it." we asked them if they thought the wages they got (a shilling per day, or about eleven cents,) was enough for them. they said it seemed to be very small, and it was as much as they could do to get along with it; but they could not get any more, and they had to be "satify and conten." as it grew late and the good people had far to walk, we shook hands with them, and bade them good bye, telling them we hoped to meet them again in a world where all would be free. the next morning mr. m. accompanied us to the residence of the rev. mr. jones, the rector of st. phillip's. mr. j. informed us that the planters in that part of the island were gratified with the working of the new system. he alluded to the prejudices of some against having the children educated, lest it should foster indolence. but, said mr. j., the planters have always been opposed to improvements, until they were effected, and their good results began to be manifest. they first insisted that the abolition of the slave-trade would ruin the colonies--next the _abolition of slavery_ was to be the certain destruction of the islands--and now the education of children is deprecated as fraught with disastrous consequences. frey's estate--mr. hatley. mr. morrish accompanied us to a neighboring estate called frey's, which lies on the road from newfield to english harbor. mr. hatley, the manager, showed an enthusiastic admiration of the new system. most of his testimony will be found in chapter iii. he said, that owing to the dry weather he should not make one third of his average crop. yet his people had acted their part well. he had been encouraged by their improved industry and efficiency, to bring into cultivation lands that had never before been tilled. it was delightful to witness the change which had been wrought in this planter by the abolition of slavery. although accustomed for years to command a hundred human beings with absolute authority, he could rejoice in the fact that his power was wrested from him, and when asked to specify the advantages of freedom over slavery, he named emphatically and above all others _the abolition of flogging_. formerly, he said, it was "_whip--whip--whip--incessantly_, but now we are relieved from this disagreeable task." the american consul we called on the american consul, mr. higginbotham, at his country residence, about four miles from st. john's. shortly after we reached his elevated and picturesque seat, we were joined by mr. cranstoun, a planter, who had been invited to dine with us. mr. c. is a _colored gentleman_. the consul received him in such a manner as plainly showed that they were on terms of intimacy. mr. c. is a gentleman of intelligence and respectability, and occupies a station of trust and honor in the island. on taking leave of us, he politely requested our company at breakfast on a following morning, saying, he would send his gig for us. at the urgent request of mr. bourne, of miller's, we consented to address the people of his estate, on sabbath evening. he sent in his gig for us in the afternoon, and we drove out. at the appointed hour we went to the place of meeting. the chapel was crowded with attentive listeners. whenever allusions were made to the grout blessings which god had conferred upon them in delivering them from bondage, the audience heartily responded in their rough but earnest way to the sentiments expressed. at the conclusion of the meeting, they gradually withdrew, bowing or courtesying as they passed us, and dropping upon our ear their gentle "good bye, massa." during slavery every estate had its _dungeon_ for refractory slaves. just as we were leaving miller's, me asked mr. b. what had become of these dungeons. he instantly replied, "i'll show you one," in a few moments we stood at the door of the old prison, a small stone building, strongly built, with two cells. it was a dismal looking den, surrounded by stables, pig-styes, and cattlepens. the door was off its hinges, and the entrance partly filled up with mason work. the sheep and goats went in and out at pleasure. we breakfasted one morning at the villa estate, which lies within half a mile of st. john's. the manager was less sanguine in his views of emancipation than the planters generally. we were disposed to think that, were it not for the force of public sentiment, he might declare himself against it. his feelings are easily accounted for. the estate is situated so near the town; that his people are assailed by a variety of temptations to leave their work; from which those on other estates are exempt. the manager admitted that the danger of insurrection was removed--crime was lessened--and the moral condition of society was rapidly improving. a few days after, we went by invitation to a bazaar, or fair, which was held in the court-house in st. john's. the avails were to be appropriated to the building of a new wesleyan chapel in the town. the council chamber and the assembly's call were given for the purpose. the former spacious room was crowded with people of every class and complexion. the fair was got up by the _colored_ members of the wesleyan church; nevertheless, some of the first ladies and gentlemen in town attended it, and mingled promiscuously in the throng. wealthy proprietors, lawyers legislators, military officers in their uniform, merchants, etc. swelled the crowd. we recognised a number of ladies whom we had previously met at a fashionable dinner in st. john's. colored ladies presided at the tables, and before them was spread a profusion of rich fancy articles. among a small number of books exhibited for sale were several copies of a work entitled "commemorative wreath," being a collection of poetical pieces relating to the abolition of slavery in the west indies. visit to mr. cranstoun's. on the following morning mr. c.'s gig came for us, and we drove out to his residence. we were met at the door by the american consul, who breakfasted with us. when he had taken leave, mr. c. proposed that we should go over his grounds. to reach the estate, which lies in a beautiful valley far below mr. c.'s mountainous residence, we were obliged to go on foot by a narrow path that wound along the sides of the precipitous hills. this estate is the property of mr. athill, a colored gentleman now residing in england. mr. a. is post-master general of antigua, one of the first merchants in st. john's, and was a member of the assembly until the close of , when, on account of his continued absence, he resigned his seat. a high-born white man, the attorney general, now occupies the same chair which this colored member vacated. mr. c. was formerly attorney for several estates, is now agent for a number of them, and also a magistrate. he remarked, that since emancipation the nocturnal disorders and quarrels in the negro villages, which were incessant during slavery, had nearly ceased. the people were ready and willing to work. he had frequently given his gang jobs, instead of paying them by the day. this had proved a gear stimulant to industry, and the work of the estate was performed so much quicker by this plan that it was less expensive than daily wages. when they had jobs given them, they would sometimes go to work by three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight. when the moon was not shining, he had known them to kindle fires among the trash or dry cane leaves to work by. they would then continue working all day until four o clock, stopping only for breakfast, and dispensing with the usual intermission from twelve to two. we requested him to state briefly what were in his estimation the advantages of the free system over slavery. he replied thus: st. the diminished expense of free labor. d. _the absence of coercion_. d. the greater facility in managing an estate. managers had not half the perplexity and trouble in watching, driving, &c. they could leave the affairs of the estate in the hands of the people with safety. th. _the freedom from danger_. they had now put away all fears of insurrections, robbery, and incendiarism. there are two reflections which the perusal of these items will probably suggest to most minds: st. the coincidence in the replies of different planters to the question--what are the advantages of freedom over slavery? these replies are almost identically the same in every case, though given by men who reside in different parts of the island, and have little communication with each other. d. they all speak exclusively of the advantages to the _master_, and say nothing of the benefit accruing to the emancipated. we are at some loss to decide whether this arose from indifference to the interests of the emancipated, or from a conviction that the blessings of freedom to them were self-evident and needed no specification. while we were in the boiling-house we witnessed a scene which illustrated one of the benefits of freedom to the slave; it came quite opportunely, and supplied the deficiency in the manager's enumeration of advantages. the head boiler was performing the work of 'striking off;' i.e. of removing the liquor, after it had been sufficiently boiled, from the copper to the coolers. the liquor had been taken out of the boiler by the skipper, and thence was being conducted to the coolers by a long open spout. by some means the spout became choaked, and the liquor began to run over. mr. c. ordered the man to let down the valve, but he became confused, and instead of letting go the string which lifted the valve, he pulled on it the more. the consequence was that the liquor poured over the sides of the spout in a torrent. the manager screamed at the top of his voice--"_let down the valve, let it down_!" but the poor man, more and more frightened, hoisted it still higher,--and the precious liquid--pure sugar--spread in a thick sheet over the earthen floor. the manager at last sprang forward, thrust aside the man, and stopped the mischief, but not until many gallons of sugar were lost. such an accident as this, occurring during slavery, would have cost the negro a severe flogging. as it was, however, in the present case, although mr. c. 'looked daggers,' and exclaimed by the workings of his countenance, 'a kingdom for a _cat_,'[a] yet the severest thing which he could say was, "you bungling fellow--if you can't manage better than this, i shall put some other person in your place--that's all." '_that_'s all' indeed, but it would not have been all, three years ago. the negro replied to his chidings in a humble way, saying 'i couldn't help it, sir, i couldn't help it' mr. c. finally turned to us, and said in a calmer tone, "the poor fellow got confused, and was frightened half to death." [footnote a: a species of whip, well know in the west indies.] visit to grace bay. we made a visit to the moravian settlement at grace bay, which is on the opposite side of the island. we called, in passing, at cedar hall, a moravian establishment four miles from town. mr. newby, one of the missionaries stationed at this place, is the oldest preacher of the gospel in the island. he has been in antigua for twenty-seven years. he is quite of the _old way of thinking_ on all subjects, especially the divine right of kings, and the scriptural sanction of slavery. nevertheless, he was persuaded that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island and to all parties concerned. when he first came to antigua in , he was not suffered to teach the slaves. after some time he ventured to keep an evening school _in a secret way_. now there is a day school of one hundred and twenty children connected with the station. it has been formed since emancipation. from cedar hail we proceeded to grace bay. on the way we met some negro men at work on the road, and stopped our chaise to chat with them. they told us that they lived on harvey's estate, which they pointed out to us. before emancipation that estate had four hundred slaves on it, but a great number had since left because of ill usage during slavery. they would not live on the estate, because the same manager remained, and they could not trust him. they told us they were moravians, and that on the first of august they all went to the moravian chapel at grace bay, 'to tank and praise de good savior for make a we free.' we asked them if they still liked liberty; they said, "yes, massa, we all quite _proud_ to be free." the negroes use the word _proud_ to express a strong feeling of delight. one man said, "one morning as i was walking along the road all alone, i prayed that the savior would make me free, for then i could be so happy. i don't know what made me pray so, for i wasn't looking for de free; but please massa, _in one month de free come_." they declared that they worked a great deal better since emancipation, because they were _paid for it_. to be sure, said they, we get very little wages, but it is better than none. they repeated it again and again, that men could not be made to work well by _flogging_ them, "_it was no use to try it_." we asked one of the men, whether he would not be willing to be a slave again provided he was _sure_ of having a kind master. "heigh! me massa," said he, "me neber slave no more. a good massa a very good ting, _but freedom till better_." they said that it was a great blessing to them to have their children go to school. after getting them to show us the way to grace bay, we bade them good bye. we were welcomed at grace bay by the missionary, and his wife, mr. and mrs. möhne.[b] the place where these missionaries reside is a beautiful spot. their dwelling-house and the chapel are situated on a high promontory, almost surrounded by the sea. a range of tall hills in the rear cuts off the view of the island, giving to the missionary station an air of loneliness and seclusion truly impressive. in this sequestered spot, the found mr. and mrs. m. living alone. they informed us that they rarely have white visiters, but their house is the constant resort of the negroes, who gather there after the toil of the day to 'speak' about their souls. mr. and mrs. m. are wholly engrossed in their labors of love. they find their happiness in leading their numerous flock "by the still waters and the green pastures" of salvation. occupied in this delightful work, they covet not other employments, nor other company, and desire no other earthly abode than their own little hill-embosomed, sea-girt missionary home. [footnote b: pronounced maynuh.] there are a thousand people belonging to the church at this station, each of whom, the missionaries see once every month. a day school has been lately established, and one hundred children are already in attendance. after dinner we walked out accompanied by the missionaries to enjoy the beautiful sunset. it is one of the few _harmless_ luxuries of a west india climate, to go forth after the heat of the day is spent and the sun is sinking in the sea, and enjoy the refreshing coolness of the air. the ocean stretched before us, motionless after the turmoil of the day, like a child which has rocked itself asleep, yet indicating by its mighty breathings as it heaved along the beach, that it only slumbered. as the sun went down, the full moon arose, only less luminous, and gradually the stars began to light up their beaming fires. the work of the day now being over, the weary laborers were seen coming from different directions to have a 'speak' with the missionaries. mr. m. stated a fact illustrative of the influence of the missionaries over the negroes. some time ago, the laborers on a certain estate became dissatisfied with the wages they were receiving, and refused to work unless they were increased. the manager tried in vain to reconcile his people to the grievance of which they complained, and then sent to mr. m., requesting him to visit the estate, and use his influence to persuade the negroes, most of whom belonged to his church, to work at the usual terms. mr. m. sent word to the manager that it was not his province, as minister, to interfere with the affairs of any estate; but he would talk with the people about it individually, when they came to 'speak.' accordingly he spoke to each one, as he came, in a kind manner, advising him to return to his work, and live as formerly. in a short time peace and confidence were restored, and the whole gang to a man were in the field. mr. and mrs. m. stated that notwithstanding the very low rate of wages, which was scarcely sufficient to support life, they had never seen a single individual who desired to return to the condition of a slave. even the old and infirm, who were sometimes really in a suffering state from neglect of the planters and from inability of their relatives adequately to provide for them, expressed the liveliest gratitude for the great blessing which the savior had given them. they would often say to mrs. m. "why, missus, old sinner just sinkin in de grave, but god let me old eyes see dis blessed sun." the missionaries affirmed that the negroes were an affectionate people--remarkably so. any kindness shown them by a white person, was treasured up and never forgotten. on the other hand, the slightest neglect or contempt from a white person, was keenly felt. they are very fond of saying '_howdy_' to white people; but if the salutation is not returned, or noticed kindly, they are not likely to repeat it to the same individual. to shake hands with a white person is a gratification which they highly prize. mrs. m. pleasantly remarked, that after service on sabbath, she was usually wearied out with saying _howdy_, and _shaking hands_. during the evening we had some conversation with two men who came to 'speak.' they spoke about the blessings of liberty, and their gratitude to god for making them free. they spoke also, with deep feeling, of the still greater importance of being free from _sin_. that, they said, was better. _heaven was the first best, and freedom was the next best_. they gave us some account, in the course of the evening, of an aged saint called grandfather jacob, who lived on a neighboring estate. he had been a _helper_[a] in the moravian church, until he became too infirm to discharge the duties connected with that station. being for the same reason discharged from labor on the estate, he now occupied himself in giving religious instruction to the other superannuated people on the estate. [footnote a: an office somewhat similar to that of deacon] mrs. m. said it would constitute an era in the life of the old man, if he could have an interview with two strangers from a distant land; accordingly, she sent a servant to ask him to come to the mission-house early the next morning. the old man was prompt to obey the call. he left home, as he said, 'before the gun fire'--about five o'clock--and came nearly three miles on foot. he was of a slender form, and had been tall, but age and slavery had bowed him down. he shook us by the hand very warmly, exclaiming, "god bless you, god bless you--me bery glad to see you." he immediately commenced giving us an account of his conversion. said he, putting his hand on his breast, "you see old jacob? de old _sinner_ use to go on _drinkin', swearin', dancin', fightin'!_ no god-- no savior--no soul! _when old england and de merica fall out de first time_, old jacob was a man--a wicked sinner!--drink rum, fight--love to fight! carry coffin to de grabe on me head; put dead body under ground--dance over it--den fight and knock man down--go 'way, drink rum, den take de fiddle. and so me went on, just so, till me get sick and going to die--thought when me die, dat be de end of me;--_den de savior come to me!_ jacob love de savior, and been followin' de good savior ever since." he continued his story, describing the opposition he had to contend with, and the sacrifices he made to go to church. after working on the estate till six o'clock at night, he and several others would each take a large stone on his head and start for st. john's; nine miles over the hills. they carried the stones to aid is building the moravian chapel at spring garden, st. john's. after he had finished this account, he read to us, in a highly animated style, some of the hymns which he taught to the old people, and then sung one of them. these exercises caused the old man's heart to burn within him, and again he ran over his past life, his early wickedness, and the grace that snatched him from ruin, while the mingled tides of gratitude burst forth from heart, and eyes, and tongue. when we turned his attention to the temporal freedom he had received, he instantly caught the word free, and exclaimed vehemently, "o yes, me massa--dat is anoder kind blessin from de savior! him make we all _free_. can never praise him too much for dat." we inquired whether he was now provided for by the manager. he said he was not--never received any thing from him--his _children_ supported him. we then asked him whether it was not better to be a slave if he could get food and clothing, than to be free and not have enough. he darted his quick eye at us and said 'rader be free _still_.' he had been severely flogged twice since his conversion, for leaving his post as watchman to bury the dead. the minister was sick, and he was applied to, in his capacity of _helper_, to perform funeral rites, and he left his watch to do it. he said, his heavenly master called him, and he _would_ go though he expected a flogging. he must serve his savior whatever come. "can't put we in dungeon _now_," said grandfather jacob with a triumphant look. when told that there were slaves in america, and that they were not yet emancipated, he exclaimed, "ah, de savior make we free, and he will make dem free too. he come to antigo first--he'll be in merica soon." when the time had come for him to leave, he came and pressed our hands, and fervently gave us his patriarchal blessing. our interview with grandfather jacob can never be forgotten. our hearts, we trust, will long cherish his heavenly savor--well assured that if allowed a part in the resurrection of the just, we shall behold his tall form, erect in the vigor of immortal youth, amidst the patriarchs of past generations. after breakfast we took leave of the kind-hearted missionaries, whose singular devotedness and delightful spirit won greatly upon our affections, and bent our way homeward by another route. mr. scotland's estate. we called at the estate of mr. j. scotland, jr., barrister, and member of the assembly. we expected to meet with the proprietor, but the manager informed us that pressing business at court had called him to st. john's on the preceding day. the testimony of the manager concerning the dry weather, the consequent failure in the crop, the industry of the laborers, and so forth, was similar to that which we had heard before. he remarked that he had not been able to introduce job-work among his people. it was a new thing with them, and they did not understand it. he had lately made a proposal to give the gang four dollars per acre for holding a certain field. they asked a little time to consider upon so novel a proposition. he gave them half a day, and at the end of that time asked them what their conclusion was. one, acting as spokesman for the rest, said, "we rada hab de shilling wages." that was _certain_; the job might yield them more, and it might fall short--quite a common sense transaction! at the pressing request of mr. armstrong we spent a day with him at fitch's creek. mr. a. received us with the most cordial hospitality, remarking that he was glad to have another opportunity to state some things which he regarded as obstacles to the complete success of the experiment in antigua. one was the entire want of concert among the planters. there was no disposition to meet and compare views respecting different modes of agriculture, treatment of laborers, and employment of machinery. another evil was, allowing people to live on the estates who took no part in the regular labor of cultivation. some planters had adapted the foolish policy of encouraging such persons to remain on the estates, in order that they might have help at hand in cases of emergency. mr. a. strongly condemned this policy. it withheld laborers from the estates which needed them; it was calculated to make the regular field hands discontented, and it offered a direct encouragement to the negroes to follow irregular modes of living. a third obstacle to the successful operation of free labor, was the absence of the most influential proprietors. the consequences of absenteeism were very serious. the proprietors were of all men the most deeply interested in the soil; and no attorneys, agents, or managers, whom they could employ, would feel an equal interest in it, nor make the same efforts to secure the prosperous workings of the new system. in the year , when the abolition excitement was at its height in england, and the people were thundering at the doors of parliament for emancipation, mr. a. visited that country for his health. to use his own expressive words, he "got a terrible scraping wherever he went." he said he could not travel in a stage-coach, or go into a party, or attend a religious meeting, without being attacked. no one the most remotely connected with the system could have peace there. he said it was astonishing to see what a feeling was abroad, how mightily the mind of the whole country, peer and priest and peasant, was wrought up. the national heart seemed on fire. mr. a. said, he became a religious man whilst the manager of a slave estate, and when he became a christian, he became an abolitionist. yet this man, while his conscience was accusing him--while he was longing and praying for abolition--did not dare open his mouth in public to urge it on! how many such men are there in our southern states--men who are inwardly cheering on the abolitionist in his devoted work, and yet send up no voice to encourage him, but perhaps are traducing and denouncing him! we received a call at our lodgings in st. john's from the archdeacon. he made interesting statements respecting the improvement of the negroes in dress, morals, education and religion, since emancipation. he had resided in the island some years previous to the abolition of slavery, and spoke from personal observation. among many other gentlemen who honored us with a call about the same time, was the rev. edward fraser, wesleyan missionary, and a colored gentleman. he is a native of bermuda, and ten years ago was a _slave_. he received a mercantile education, and was for several years the confidential clerk of his master. he was treated with much regard and general kindness. he said he was another joseph--every thing which his master had was in his hands. the account books and money were all committed to him. he had servants under him, and did almost as he pleased--except becoming free. yet he must say, as respected himself, kindly as he was treated, that slavery was a _grievous wrong, most unjust and sinful_. the very thought--and it often came over him--that he was a slave, brought with it a terrible sense of degradation. it came over the soul like a frost. his sense of degradation grew more intense in proportion as his mind became more cultivated. he said, _education was a disagreeable companion for a slave_. but while he said this, mr. f. spoke very respectfully and tenderly of his master. he would not willingly utter a word which would savor of unkindness towards him. such was the spirit of one whose best days had been spent under the exactions of slavery. he was a local preacher in the wesleyan connection while he was a slave, and was liberated by his master, without remuneration, at the request of the british conference, who wished to employ him as an itinerant. he is highly esteemed both for his natural talents and general literary acquisitions and moral worth. the conference have recently called him to england to act as an agent in that country, to procure funds for educational and religious purposes in these islands. meeting of wesleyan missionaries. as we were present at the annual meeting of the wesleyan missionaries for this district, we gained much information concerning the object of our mission, as there were about twenty missionaries, mostly from dominica, montserrat, nevis, st. christophers, anguilla, and tortola. not a few of them were men of superior acquirements, who had sacrificed ease and popular applause at home, to minister to the outcast and oppressed. they are the devoted friends of the black man. it was soul-cheering to hear them rejoice over the abolition of slavery. it was as though their own limbs had been of a sudden unshackled, and a high wall had fallen from around them. liberty had broken upon them like the bursting forth of the sun to the watchman on his midnight tower. during the session, the mission-house was thrown open to us, and we frequently dined with the numerous company of missionaries, who there ate at a common table. mrs. f., wife of the colored clergyman mentioned above, presided at the social board. the missionaries and their wives associated with mr. and mrs. f. as unreservedly as though they wore the most delicate european tint. the first time we took supper with them, at one side of a large table, around which were about twenty missionaries with their wives, sat mrs. f., with the furniture of a tea table before her. on the other side, with the coffee urn and its accompaniments, sat the wife of a missionary, with a skin as lily-hued as the fairest caucasian. nearly opposite to her, between two white preachers, sat a colored missionary. farther down, with the chairman of the district on his right, sat another colored gentleman, a merchant and local preacher in antigua. such was the uniform appearance of the table, excepting that the numbers were occasionally swelled by the addition of several other colored gentlemen and ladies. on another occasion, at dinner, we had an interesting conversation, in which the whole company of missionaries participated. the rev. m. banks, of st. bartholomews, remarked, that one of the grossest of all absurdities was that of _preparing men for freedom_. some, said he, pretend that immediate emancipation is unsafe, but it was evident to him that if men _are peaceable while they are slaves_, they might be trusted in any other condition, for they could not possibly be placed in one more aggravating. if _slavery_ is a safe system, _freedom_ surely will be. there can be no better evidence that a people are prepared for liberty, _than their patient endurance of slavery_. he expressed the greatest regret at the conduct of the american churches, particularly that of the methodist church. "tell them," said he, "on your return, that the missionaries in these islands are cast down and grieved when they think of their brethren in america. we feel persuaded that they are holding back the car of freedom; they are holding up the gospel." rev. mr. cheesbrough, of st. christopher's, said, "tell them that much as we desire to visit the united states, we cannot go so long as we are prohibited from speaking against slavery, or while that _abominable prejudice_ is encouraged in the churches. _we could not administer the sacrament to a church in which the distinction of colors was maintained._" "tell our brethren of the wesleyan connection," said mr. b. again, "that slavery must be abolished by _christians_, and the church ought to take her stand at once against it." we told him that a large number of methodists and other christians had engaged already in the work, and that the number was daily increasing. "that's right," he exclaimed, "agitate, _agitate_, agitate! _you must succeed_: the lord is with you." he dwelt particularly on the obligations resting upon christians in the free states. he said, "men must be at a distance from slavery to judge of its real character. persons living in the midst of it, gradually become familiarized with its horrors and woes, so that they can view calmly, exhibitions from which they would once have shrunk in dismay." we had some conversation with rev. mr. walton, of montserrat. after making a number of statements in reference to the apprenticeship there, mr. w. stated that there had been repeated instances of planters _emancipating all their apprentices_. he thought there had been a case of this kind every month for a year past. the planters were becoming tired of the apprenticeship, and from mere considerations of interest and comfort, were adopting free labor. a new impulse had been given to education in montserrat, and schools were springing up in all parts of the island. mr. w. thought there was no island in which education was so extensive. religious influences were spreading among the people of all classes. marriages were occurring every week. we had an interview with the rev. mr. h., an aged colored minister. he has a high standing among his brethren, for talents, piety, and usefulness. there are few ministers in the west indies who have accomplished more _for the cause of christ_ than has mr. h.[a] [footnote a: it is a fact well known in antigua and barbadoes, that this colored missionary has been instrumental in the conversion of several clergymen of the episcopal church in those islands, who are now currently devoted men.] he said he had at different periods been stationed in antigua, anguilla, tortola, and some other islands. he said that the negroes in the other islands in which he had preached, were as intelligent as those in antigua, and in every respect as well prepared for freedom. he was in anguilla when emancipation took place. the negroes there were kept at work on the very _day that freedom came!_ they worked as orderly as on any other day. the sabbath following, he preached to them on their new state, explaining the apprenticeship to them. he said the whole congregation were in a state of high excitement, weeping and shouting. one man sprang to his feet, and exclaimed, 'me never forget god and king william.' this same man was so full that he went out of the chapel, and burst into loud weeping. the preaching of the missionaries, during their stay in antigua, was full of allusions to the abolition of slavery in the west indies, and especially to the entire emancipation in antigua. indeed, we rarely attended a meeting in antigua, of any kind, in which the late emancipation was not in some way alluded to with feelings of gratitude and exultation. in the ordinary services of the sabbath, this subject was almost uniformly introduced, either in the prayer or sermon. whenever thanksgiving was rendered to god for favors, _freedom_ was among the number. the meeting of the district afforded an opportunity for holding a number of anniversary meetings. we notice them here, believing that they will present the most accurate view that can be given of the religious and moral condition of antigua. on the evening of the st of february, the first anniversary of the antigua temperance society was held in the wesleyan chapel. we had been invited to attend and take a part in the exercises. the chapel was crowded with a congregation of all grades and complexions. colored and white gentlemen appeared together on the platform. we intimated to a member of the committee, that we could not conscientiously speak without advocating _total abstinence_, which doctrine, we concluded from the nature of the pledge, (which only included ardent spirits,) would not be well received. we were assured that we might use the most perfect freedom in avowing our sentiments. the speakers on this occasion were two planters, a wesleyan missionary, and ourselves. all advocated the doctrine of total abstinence. the first speaker, a planter, concluded by saying, that it was commonly believed that wine and malt were rendered absolutely indispensable in the west indies, by the exhausting nature of the climate. but facts disprove the truth of this notion. "i am happy to say that i can now present this large assembly with ocular demonstration of the fallacy of the popular opinion. i need only point you to the worthy occupants of this platform. who are the healthiest among them? _the cold water drinkers--the teetotallers_! we can assure you that we have not lost a pound of flesh, by abandoning our cups. we have tried the cold water experiment faithfully, and we can testify that since we became cold water men, _we work better, we eat better, we sleep better, and we do every thing better than before_." the next speaker, a planter also, dwelt on the inconsistency of using wine and malt, and at the same time calling upon the poor to give up ardent spirits. he said this inconsistency had been cast in his teeth by his negroes. he never could prevail upon them to stop drinking rum, until he threw away his wine and porter. now he and all his people were teetotallists. there were two other planters who had taken the same course. he stated, as the result of a careful calculation which he had made, that he and the two planters referred to, had been in the habit of giving to their people not less than _one thousand gallons of rum annually_. the whole of this was now withheld, and molasses and sugar were given instead. the missionary who followed them was not a whit behind in boldness and zeal, and between them, they left us little to say in our turn on the subject of total abstinence. on the following evening the anniversary of the bible society was held in the moravian school-room. during the day we received a note from the secretary of the society, politely requesting us to be present. the spacious school-room was filled, and the broad platform crowded with church clergymen, moravian ministers, and wesleyan missionaries, colored and white. the secretary, a moravian minister, read the twenty-first annual report. it spoke emphatically of 'the joyful event of emancipation', and in allusion to an individual in england, of whom it spoke in terms of high commendation, it designated him, as one "who was distinguished for his efforts in the abolition of slavery." the adoption of the report was moved by one of the wesleyan missionaries, who spoke at some length. he commenced by speaking of "the peculiar emotions with which he always arose to address an assembly of the free people of antigua." it had been his lot for a year past to labor in a colony[a] where slavery still reigned, and he could not but thank god for the happiness of setting his foot once more on the free soil of an emancipated island. [footnote a: st. martin's] perhaps the most interesting meeting in the series, was the anniversary of the wesleyan missionary society of antigua. both parts of the day were devoted to this anniversary. the meetings were held in the wesleyan chapel, which was filled above and below, with the usual commixture of white, colored, and black. we saw, as on former occasions, several colored gentlemen seated among the ministers. after the usual introductory exercises of singing and prayer, the annual report was read by the secretary, rev. e. fraser, the colored minister already mentioned. it was terse, direct, and business like. the meeting was then addressed by a moravian missionary. he dwelt upon the decrease of the sectarian spirit, and hailed the coming of christian charity and brotherly communion. he opened his bible, and read about the middle wall of partition being broken down. "yes, brother," said mr. horne, "and every other wall." "the rest are but paper walls," responded the speaker, "and when once the middle wall is removed, these will soon be burned up by the fire of christian love." the next speaker was a wesleyan missionary of nevis. he spoke of the various instrumentalities which were now employed for the conversion of the world. "we welcome," said he, "the co-operation of america, and with all our hearts do we rejoice that she is now beginning to put away from her that vile system of oppression which has hitherto crippled her moral energy and her religious enterprise." then turning and addressing himself to us, he said, "we hail you, dear brethren, as co-workers with us. go forward in your blessed undertaking. be not dismayed with the huge dimensions of that vice which you are laboring to overthrow! be not disheartened by the violence and menaces of your enemies! go forward. proclaim to the church and to your countrymen the sinfulness of slavery, and be assured that soon the fire of truth will melt down the massy chains of oppression." he then urged upon the people of antigua _their_ peculiar obligations to extend the gospel to other lands. it was the _bible_ that made them free, and he begged them to bear in mind that there were millions of their countrymen _still in the chains of slavery_. this appeal was received with great enthusiasm. we then spoke on a resolution which had been handed us by the secretary, and which affirmed "that the increasing and acknowledged usefulness of christian missions was a subject of congratulation." we spoke of the increase of missionary operations in our own country, and of the spirit of self-denial which was widely spreading, particularly among young christians. we spoke of that accursed thing in our midst, which not only tended greatly to kill the spirit of missions in the church, but which directly withheld _many_ young men from foreign missionary fields. it had made more than two millions of heathen in our country; and so long as the cries of these _heathen at home_ entered the ears of our young men and young women, they could not, dare not, go abroad. how could they go to ceylon, to burmah, or to hindostan, with the cry of their _country's heathen_ ringing their ears! how could they tear themselves away from famished millions kneeling at their feet in chains and begging for the bread of life, and roam afar to china or the south sea islands! increasing numbers filed with a missionary spirit felt that their obligations were at home, and they were resolved that if they could not carry the gospel _forthwith_ to the slaves, they would labor for the overthrow of that system which made it a crime punishable with death to preach salvation to the poor. in conclusion, the hope was expressed that the people of antigua--so highly favored with freedom, education, and religion, would never forget that in the nation whence we came, there were _two millions and a half of heathen_, who, instead of bread, received stones and scorpions; instead of the bible, bolts and bars; instead of the gospel, chains and scourgings; instead of the hope of salvation thick darkness and despair. they were entreated to remember that in the gloomy dungeon, from which they had lately escaped there were deeper and more dismal cells, _yet filled_ with millions of their countrymen. the state of feeling produced by this reference to slavery, was such as might be anticipated in an audience, a portion of which were once slaves, and still remembered freshly the horrors of their late condition. the meeting was concluded after a sitting of more than four hours. the attendance in the evening was larger than on any former occasion. many were unable to get within the chapel. we were again favored with an opportunity of urging a variety of considerations touching the general cause, as well as those drawn from the condition of our own country, and the special objects of our mission. the rev. mr. horne spoke very pointedly on the subject of slavery. he began by saying that he had been _so long accustomed_ to speak cautiously about slavery that he was even now almost afraid of his own voice when he alluded to it. [general laughter.] but he would remember that he was in a _free island_, and that he spoke to _freemen_, and therefore he had nothing to fear. he said the peace and prosperity of these colonies is a matter of great moment in itself considered, but it was only when viewed as an example to the rest of the slaveholding world that its real magnitude and importance was perceived. the influence of abolition, and especially of entire emancipation in antigua, must be very great. the eyes of the world were fixed upon her. the great nation of america must now soon _toll the knell_ of slavery, and this event will be hastened by the happy operation of freedom here. mr. h. proceeded to say, that during the agitation of the slavery question at home, he had been suspected of not being a friend to emancipation; and it would probably be remembered by some present that his name appeared in the report of the committee of the house of commons, where it stood in _no enviable society_. but whatever might be thought of his course at that time, he felt assumed that the day was not far distant when he should be able to clear up every thing connected with it. it was not a little gratifying to us to see that the time had come in the west indies, when the suspicion of having been opposed to emancipation is a stain upon the memory from which a public man is glad to vindicate himself. resolution of the meeting. after a few other addresses were delivered, and just previous to the dismission of the assembly, rev. mr. cox, chairman of the district, arose and said, that as this was the last of the anniversary meetings, he begged to move a resolution which he had no doubt would meet with the hearty and unanimous approval of that large assembly. he then read the following resolution, which we insert here as an illustration of the universal sympathy in the objects of our mission. as the resolution is not easily divisible, we insert the whole of it, making no ado on the score of modesty. "resolved, that this meeting is deeply impressed with the importance of the services rendered this day to the cause of missions by the acceptable addresses of mr. ----, from america, and begs especially to express to him and his friend mr. ----, the assurance of their sincere sympathy in the object of their visit to antigua." mr. c. said he would make no remarks in support of the resolution he had just read for he did not deem them necessary. he would therefore propose at once that the vote be taken by rising. the chairman read the resolution accordingly, and requested those who were in favor of adopting it, to rise. not an individual in the crowded congregation kept his seat. the masters and the slaves of yesterday--all rose together--a phalanx of freemen, to testify "their sincere sympathy" in the efforts and objects of american abolitionists. after the congregation had resumed their seats, the worthy chairman addressed us briefly in behalf of the congregation, saying, that it was incumbent on him to convey to us the unanimous expression of sympathy on the part of this numerous assembly in the object of our visit to the island. we might regard it as an unfeigned assurance that we were welcomed among them, and that the cause which we were laboring to promote was dear to the hearts of the people of antigua. this was the testimonial of an assembly, many of whom, only three years before, were themselves slaveholders. it was not given at a meeting specially concerted and called for the purpose, but grew up unexpectedly and spontaneously out of the feelings of the occasion, a free-will offering, the cheerful impulsive gush of _free_ sympathies. we returned our acknowledgments in the best manner that our excited emotions permitted. laying the corner stone of a wesleyan chapel. the corner stone of a new wesleyan chapel was laid in st. john's, during the district meeting. the concourse of spectators was immense. at eleven o'clock religious exercises were held in the old chapel. at the close of the service a procession was formed, composed of wesleyan missionaries, moravian ministers, clergymen of the church, members of the council and of the assembly, planters, merchants, and other gentlemen, and the children of the sunday and infant schools, connected with the wesleyan chapel. as the procession moved to the new site, a hymn was sung, in which the whole procession united. our position in the procession, to which we were assigned by the marshal, and much to our satisfaction, was at either side of two colored gentlemen, with whom we walked, four abreast. on one side of the foundation a gallery had been raised, which was covered with an awning, and was occupied by a dense mass of white and colored ladies. on another side the gentlemen of the procession stood. the other sides were thronged with a promiscuous multitude of all colors. after singing and prayer, the hon. nicholas nugent, speaker of the house of assembly, descended from the platform by a flight of stairs into the cellar, escorted by two missionaries. the sealed phial was then placed in his hand, and mr. p., a wesleyan missionary, read from a paper the inscription written on the parchment within the phial. the closing words of the inscription alluded to the present condition of the island, thus: "the demand for a new and larger place of worship was pressing, and the progress of public liberality advancing on a scale highly creditable to this free, enlightened, and evangelized colony." the speaker then placed the phial in the cavity of the rock. when it was properly secured, and the corner stone lowered down by pullies to its place, he struck three blows upon it with a mallet, and then returned to the platform. the most eager curiosity was exhibited on every side to witness the ceremony. at the conclusion of it, several addresses were delivered. the speakers were, rev. messrs. horne and harvey, and d.b. garling, esq. mr. horne, after enumerating several things which were deserving of praise, and worthy of imitation, exclaimed, "the grand crowning glory of all--that which places antigua above all her sister colonies--was the magnanimous measure of the legislature in entirely abolishing slavery." it was estimated that there were more than two thousand persons assembled on this occasion. the _order_ which prevailed among such a concourse was highly creditable to the island. it was pleasing to see the perfect intermixture of colors and conditions; not less so to observe the kindly bearing of the high toward the low.[a] after the exercises were finished, the numerous assembly dispersed quietly. not an instance of drunkenness, quarrelling, or anger, fell under our notice during the day. [footnote a: during mr. home's address, we observed mr. a., a planter, send his umbrella to a negro man who stood at the corner-stone, exposed to the sun.] resolutions of the missionaries. toward the close of the district meeting, we received a kind note from the chairman, inviting us to attend the meeting, and receive in person, a set of resolutions which had been drawn up at our request, and signed by all the missionaries. at the hour appointed, we repaired to the chapel. the missionaries all arose as we entered, and gave us a brotherly salutation. we were invited to take our seats at the right hand of the chairman. he then, in the presence of the meeting, read to us the subjoined resolutions; we briefly expressed, in behalf of ourselves and our cause, the high sense we had of the value of the testimony, which the meeting had been pleased to give us. the venerable father horne then prayed with us, commending our cause to the blessing of the head of the church, and ourselves to the protection and guidance of our heavenly father. after which we shook hands with the brethren, severally, receiving their warmest assurances of affectionate regard, and withdrew. _"resolutions passed at the meeting of the wesleyan missionaries of the antigua district, assembled at st. john's, antigua, february th, ._ . that the emancipation of the slaves of the west indies, while it was an act of undoubted justice to that oppressed people, has operated most favorably in furthering the triumphs of the gospel, by removing one prolific source of unmerited suspicion of religious teachers, and thus opening a door to their more extensive labors and usefulness--by furnishing a greater portion of time for the service of the negro, and thus preventing the continuance of unavoidable sabbath desecrations, in labor and neglect of the means of grace--and in its operation as a stimulus to proprietors and other influential gentlemen, to encourage religious education, and the wide dissemination of the scriptures, as an incentive to industry and good order. . that while the above statements are true with reference to all the islands, even where the system of apprenticeship prevails, they are especially applicable to antigua, where the results of the great measure, of entire freedom, so humanely and judiciously granted by the legislature, cannot be contemplated without the most devout thanks givings to almighty god. . that we regard with much gratification, the great diminution among all classes in these islands, of the most unchristian prejudice of color the total absence of it in the government and ordinances of the churches of god, with which we are connected, and the prospect of its complete removal, by the abolition of slavery, by the increased diffusion of general knowledge, and of that religion which teaches to "honor _all_ men," and to love our neighbor as ourselves. . that we cannot but contemplate with much humiliation and distress, the existence, among professing christians in america, of this partial, unseemly, and unchristian system of _caste_, so distinctly prohibited in the word of god, and so utterly irreconcileable with christian charity. . that regarding slavery as a most unjustifiable infringement of the rational and inalienable rights of men, and in its moral consequences, (from our own personal observation as well as other sources,) as one of the greatest curses with which the great governor of the nations ever suffered this world to be blighted: we cannot but deeply regret the connection which so intimately exists between the various churches of christ in the united states of america, and this unchristian system. with much sorrow do we learn that the _principle_ of the lawfulness of slavery has been defended by some who are ministers of christ, that so large a proportion of that body in america, are exerting their influence in favor of the continuance of so indefensible and monstrous a system--and that these emotions of sorrow are especially occasioned with reference to our own denomination. . that while we should deprecate and condemn any recourse on the part of the slaves, to measures of rebellion, as an unjustifiable mode of obtaining their freedom, we would most solemnly, and affectionately, and imploringly, adjure our respected fathers and brethren in america, to endeavor, in every legitimate way, to wipe away this reproach from their body, and thus act in perfect accordance with the deliberate and recorded sentiments of our venerated founder on this subject, and in harmony with the feelings and proceedings of their brethren in the united kingdom, who have had the honor to take a distinguished part in awakening such a determined and resistless public feeling in that country, as issued in the abolition of slavery among , of our fellow subjects. . that we hail with the most lively satisfaction the progress in america of anti-slavery principles, the multiplication of anti-slavery societies, and the diffusion of correct views on this subject. we offer to the noble band of truly patriotic, and enlightened, and philanthropic men, who are combating in that country with such a fearful evil, the assurance of our most cordial and fraternal sympathy, and our earnest prayers for their complete success. we view with pity and sorrow the vile calumnies with which they have been assailed. we welcome with christian joyfulness, in the success which has already attended their efforts, the dawn of a cloudless day of light and glory, which shall presently shine upon that vast continent, when the song of universal freedom shall sound in its length and breadth. . that these sentiments have been increased and confirmed by the intercourse, which some of our body have enjoyed with our beloved brethren, the rev. james a. thome, and joseph horace kimball, esq., the deputation to these islands, front the anti-slavery society in america. we regard this appointment, and the nomination of such men to fulfil it, as most judicious. we trust we can appreciate the spirit of entire devotedness to this cause, which animates our respected brethren, and breathes throughout their whole deportment, and rejoice in such a manifestation of the fruits of that divine charity, which flow from the constraining love of christ, and which many waters cannot quench. . that the assurance of the affectionate sympathy of the twenty-five brethren who compose this district meeting, and our devout wishes for their success in the objects of their mission, are hereby presented, in our collective and individual capacity, to our endeared and christian friends from america. (signed) james cox, chairman of the district, and resident in antigua. jonathan cadman, st. martin's. james horne, st. kitts. matthew banks, st. bartholomew's. e. frazer, antigua. charles bates, do. john keightley, do. jesse pilcher, do. benjamin tregaskiss, do. thomas edwards, st. kitts. robert hawkins, tortola. thomas pearson, nevis. george craft, do. w.s. wamouth, st. kitts. john hodge, tortola. william satchel, dominica. john cullingford, dominica. j. cameron, nevis. b. gartside, st. kitts. john parker, do. hilton cheeseborough, do. thomas jeffery, do. william rigglesworth, tortola. daniel stepney, nevis. james walton, montserrat." * * * * * chapter ii. general results. having given a general outline of our sojourn in antigua, we proceed to a mere minute account of the results of our investigations. we arrange the testimony in two general divisions, placing that which relates to the past and present condition of the colony in one, and that which bears directly upon the question of slavery in america in another. religion. there are three denominations of christians in antigua: the established church; the moravians, and wesleyans. the moravians number fifteen thousand--almost exclusively negroes. the wesleyans embrace three thousand members, and about as many more attendants. of the three thousand members, says a wesleyan missionary, "not fifty are whites--a larger number are colored; but the greater part black." "the attendance of the negro population at the churches and chapels," (of the established order,) says the rector of st. john's, "amounts to four thousand six hundred and thirty-six." the whole number of blacks receiving religious instruction from these christian bodies, making allowance for the proportion of white and colored included in the three thousand wesleyans, is about twenty-two thousand--leaving a population of eight thousand negroes in antigua who are unsupplied with religious instruction. the established church has six parish churches, as many "chapels of ease," and nine clergymen. the moravians have five settlements and thirteen missionaries. the wesleyans have seven chapels, with as many more small preaching places on estates, and twelve ministers; half of whom are itinerant missionaries, and the other half, local preachers, employed as planters, or in mercantile, and other pursuits, and preaching only occasionally. from the limited number of chapels and missionaries, it may be inferred that only a portion of the twenty-two thousand can enjoy stated weekly instruction. the superintendent of the moravian mission stated that their chapels could not accommodate more than _one third_ of their members. each of the denominations complains of the lack of men and houses. the wesleyans are now building a large chapel in st. john's. it will accommodate two thousand persons. "besides free sittings, there will be nearly two hundred pews, every one of which is now in demand." however much disposed the churches of different denominations might have been during slavery to maintain a strict discipline, they found it exceedingly difficult to do so. it seems impossible to elevate a body of slaves, _remaining such,_ to honesty and purity. the reekings of slavery will almost inevitably taint the institutions of religion, and degrade the standard of piety. accordingly the ministers of every denomination in antigua, feel that in the abolition of slavery their greatest enemy has been vanquished, and they now evince a determination to assume higher ground than they ever aspired to during the reign of slavery. the motto of all creeds is, "_we expect great things of freemen_." a report which we obtained from the wesleyan brethren, states, "our own brethren preach almost daily." "we think the negroes are uncommonly punctual and regular in their attendance upon divine worship, particularly on the sabbath." "they always show a readiness to contribute to the support of the gospel. with the present low wages, and the entire charge of self-maintenance, they have little to spare." parham and sion hill (taken as specimens) have societies almost entirely composed of rural blacks--about thirteen hundred and fifty in number. these have contributed this year above £ sterling, or sixteen hundred and fifty dollars, in little weekly subscriptions; besides giving to special objects occasionally, and contributing for the support of schools.[a] [footnote a: the superintendent of the wesleyan mission informed us that the collection in the several wesleyan chapels last year, independent of occasional contributions to sunday schools, missionary objects, &c., amounted to £ sterling, or more than $ !] in a letter dated december d, , but four months after emancipation, and addressed to the missionary board in england, the rev. b. harvey thus speaks of the moravian missions: "with respect to our people, i believe; i may say that in all our places here, they attend the meetings of the church more numerously than ever, and that many are now in frequent attendance who _could very seldom appear amongst us during slavery_." the same statements substantially were made to us by mr. h., showing that instead of any falling off the attendance was still on the increase. in a statement drawn up at our request by the rector of st. john's, is the following: "cases of discipline are more frequent than is usual in english congregations, but at the same time it should be observed, that a _closer oversight_ is maintained by the ministers, and a _greater readiness to submit themselves_ (to discipline) is manifested by the late slaves here than by those who have always been a free people." "i am able to speak very favorably of the attendance at church--it is regular and crowded." "the negroes on some estates have been known to contribute willingly to the bible society, since . they are now beginning to pay a penny and a half currency per week for their children's instruction." morality. the condition of antigua, but a very few years previous to emancipation, is represented to have been truly revolting. it has already been stated that the sabbath was the market day up to , and this is evidence enough that the lord's day was utterly desecrated by the mass of the population. now there are few parts of our own country, equal in population, which can vie with antigua in the solemn and respectful observance of the sabbath. christians in st. john's spoke with joy and gratitude of the tranquillity of the sabbath. they had long been shocked with its open and abounding profanation--until they had well-nigh forgot the aspect of a christian sabbath. at length the full-orbed blessing beamed upon them, and they rejoiced in its brightness, and thanked god for its holy repose. all persons of all professions testify to the fact that _marriages_ are rapidly increasing. in truth, there was scarcely such a thing as marriage before the abolition of slavery. promiscuous intercourse of the sexes was almost universal. in a report of the antigua branch association of the society for advancing the christian faith in the british west indies, (for ,) the following statements are made: "the number of marriages in the six parishes of the island, in the year , the first entire year of freedom, was ; all of which, excepting about , were between persons formerly slaves. the total number of marriages between slaves solemnized in the church during the nine years ending december , , was ; in , the last entire year of slavery, it was ." thus it appears that the whole number of marriages during _ten years_ previous to emancipation (by far the most favorable ten years that could have been selected) was but _half_ as great as the number for a single year following emancipation! the governor, in one of our earliest interviews with him, said, "the great crime of this island, as indeed of all the west india colonies, has been licentiousness, but we are certainly fast improving in this particular." an aged christian, who has spent many years in the island, and is now actively engaged in superintending several day schools for the negro children, informed us that there was not _one third_ as much concubinage as formerly. this he said was owing mainly to the greater frequency of marriages, and the cessation of late night work on the estates, and in the boiling houses, by which the females were constantly exposed during slavery. now they may all be in their houses by dark. formerly the mothers were the betrayers of their daughters, encouraging them to form unhallowed connections, and even _selling_ them to licentious white and colored men, for their own gain. now they were using great strictness to preserve the chastity of their daughters. a worthy planter, who has been in the island since , stated, that it used to be a common practice for mothers to _sell their daughters_ to the highest bidder!--generally a manager or overseer. "but now;" said he, "the mothers _hold their daughters up for marriage_, and take pains to let every body know that their virtue is not to be bought and sold any longer." he also stated that those who live unmarried now are uniformly neglected and suffer great deprivations. faithfulness after marriage, exists also to a greater extent than could have been expected from the utter looseness to which they had been previously accustomed, and with their ignorance of the nature and obligations of the marriage relation. we were informed both by the missionaries and the planters, that every year and month they are becoming more constant, as husband and wife, more faithful as parents, and more dutiful as children. one planter said that out of a number who left his employ after , nearly all had companions on other estates, and left for the purpose of being with them. he was also of the opinion that the greater proportion of changes of residence among the emancipated which took place at that time, were owing to the same cause.[a] in an address before the friendly society in st. john's, the archdeacon stated that during the previous year ( ) several individuals had been expelled from that society for domestic unfaithfulness; but he was happy to say that he had not heard of a single instance of expulsion for this cause during the year then ended. much inconvenience is felt on account of the moravian and wesleyan missionaries being prohibited from performing the marriage service, even for their own people. efforts are now making to obtain the repeal of the law which makes marriages performed by sectarians (as all save the established church are called) void. [footnote a: what a resurrection to domestic life was that, when long severed families flocked from the four corners of the island to meet their kindred members! and what a glorious resurrection will that be in our own country, when the millions of emancipated beings scattered over the west and south, shall seek the embraces of parental and fraternal and conjugal love.] that form of licentiousness which appears among the higher classes in every slaveholding country, abounded in antigua during the reign of slavery. it has yielded its redundant fruits in a population of four thousand colored people; double the number of whites. the planters, with but few exceptions, were unmarried and licentious. nor was this vice confined to the unmarried. men with large families, kept one or more mistresses without any effort at concealment. we were told of an "honorable" gentleman, who had his english wife and two concubines, a colored and a black one. the governor himself stated as an apology for the prevalence of licentiousness among the slaves, that the example was set them constantly by their masters, and it was not to be wondered at if they copied after their superiors. but it is now plain that concubinage among the whites is nearly at an end. an unguarded statement of a public man revealed the conviction which exists among his class that concubinage must soon cease. he said that the present race of colored people could not be received into the society of the whites, _because of illegitimacy_; but the next generation would be fit associates for the whites, _because they would be chiefly born in wedlock_. the uniform testimony respecting _intemperance_ was, that it _never had been one of the vices of the negroes_. several planters declared that they had rarely seen a black person intoxicated. the report of the wesleyan missionaries already referred to, says, "intemperance is most uncommon among the rural negroes. many have joined the temperance society, and many act on tee-total principles." the only _colored_ person (either black or brown) whom we saw drunk during a residence of nine weeks in antigua, was a carpenter in st. john's, who as he reeled by, stared in our faces and mumbled out his sentence of condemnation against wine bibbers, "--gemmen--you sees i'se a little bit drunk, but 'pon honor i only took th--th-ree bottles of wine--that's all." it was "christmas times," and doubtless the poor man thought he would venture for once in the year to copy the example of the whites. in conclusion, on the subject of morals in antigua, we are warranted in stating, st., that during the continuance of slavery, immoralities were rife. d. that the repeated efforts of the home government and the local legislature, for several successive years previous to , to _ameliorate_ the system of slavery, seconded by the labors of clergymen and missionaries, teachers and catechists, to improve the character of the slaves, failed to arrest the current of vice and profligacy. what few reformations were effected were very partial, leaving the more enormous immoralities as shameless and defiant as ever, up to the very day of abolition; demonstrating the utter impotence of all attempts to purify the _streams_ while the _fountain_ is poison. d. that the abolition of slavery gave the death blow to open vice, overgrown and emboldened as it had become. immediate emancipation, instead of lifting the flood-gates, was the only power strong enough to shut them down! it restored the proper restraints upon vice, and supplied the incentives to virtue. those great controllers of moral action, _self-respect, attachment to law, and veneration for god_, which slavery annihilated, _freedom has resuscitated_, and now they stand round about the emancipated with flaming swords deterring from evil, and with cheering voices exhorting to good. it is explicitly affirmed that the grosser forms of immorality, which in every country attend upon slavery, have in antigua either shrunk into concealment or become extinct. benevolent institutions. we insert here a brief account of the benevolent institutions of antigua. our design in giving it, is to show the effect of freedom in bringing into play those charities of social life, which slavery uniformly stifles. antigua abounds in benevolent societies, all of which have been _materially revived_ since emancipation, and some of them have been formed since that event. the bible society. this is the oldest society in the island. it was organized in . all denominations in the island cordially unite in this cause. the principal design of this society is to promote the circulation of the scriptures among the laboring population of the island. to secure this object numerous branch associations--amounting to nearly fifty--have been organized throughout the island _among the negroes themselves._ the society has been enabled not only to circulate the scriptures among the people of antigua, but to send them extensively to the neighboring islands. the following table, drawn up at our request by the secretary of the society, will show the extent of foreign operations: years. colonies supplied. bibles. test's. anguilla demerara dominica montserrat nevis saba st. bart's st. eustatius st. kitts st. martins tortola to trinidad ____ ____ total from the last annual report we quote the following cheering account, touching the events of : "the next event of importance in or annals is the magnificent grant of the parent society, on occasion of the emancipation of the slaves, and the perpetual banishment of slavery from the shores of antigua, on the first of august, ; by which a choice portion of the holy scriptures was gratuitously circulated to about one third of the inhabitants of this colony. nine thousand seven hundred copies of the new testament, bound together with the book of psalms, were thus placed at the disposal of your committee." * * * "following hard upon this joyful event another gratifying circumstance occurred among us. the attention of the people was roused, and their gratitude excited towards the bible society, and they who had freely received, now freely gave, and thus a considerable sum of money was presented to the parent society in acknowledgment of its beneficent grant." we here add an extract from the annual report for . its sentiments contrast strongly with the congratulations of the last report upon 'the joyful event' of emancipation. "another question of considerable delicacy and importance still remains to be discussed. is it advisable, under all the circumstances of the case, to circulate the holy scriptures, without note of comment, among the slave population of these islands? your committee can feel no hesitation in affirming that such a measure is not merely expedient, but one of almost indispensable necessity. the sacred volume is in many respects peculiarly adapted to the slave. it enjoins upon him precepts so plain, that the most ignorant cannot fail to understand them: 'slaves, obey in all things your masters, not with eye service, as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing god.' it furnishes him with motives the most impressive and consoling: 'ye serve,' says the apostle, 'the lord christ.' it promises him rewards sufficient to stimulate the most indolent to exertion: 'whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the lord, whether he be bond or free.' and it holds forth to him an example so glorious, that it would ennoble even angels to imitate it: 'let this mind be in you which was also in christ jesus, who made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a _slave_!'" "it may here be proper to observe, that the precise import of the word, which in general throughout the english bible is translated _servant_, is strictly that which has been assigned it in the foregoing quotations; (!) and so understood, the sacred volume will be found to hold out to our slaves, both by precept and example the most persuasive and the most compelling motives to industry, obedience, and submission." nothing could more plainly show the corrupting influences of slavery, upon all within its reach, than this spectacle of a noble, religious institution, prostituted to the vile work of defending oppression, and, in the zeal of its advocacy, blasphemously degrading the savior into a self-made slave! the receipts of the antigua branch society have greatly increased since emancipation. from receipts for the year , in each of the british islands, it appears that the contributions from antigua and bermuda, the only two islands which adopted entire emancipation, are about _double_ those from any other two islands. missionary associations. these associations are connected with the wesleyan mission, and have been in existence since . their object is to raise funds for the parent society in england. although it has been in existence for several years, yet it was mostly confined to the whites and free people of color, during slavery. the calling together assemblies of rural negroes, and addressing them on the subject of missions, and soliciting contributions in aid of the cause, is a new feature in the missionary operations to which nothing but freedom could give birth. temperance societies. the first temperance society in antigua was formed at the beginning of . we give an extract from the first annual report: "temperance societies have been formed in each town, and on many of the estates. a large number of persons who once used spirituous liquors moderately, have entirely relinquished the use. some who were once intemperate have been reclaimed, and in some instances an adoption of the principles of the temperance society, has been followed by the pursuit and enjoyment of vital religion. domestic peace and quietness have superseded discord and strife, and a very general sense of astonishment at the gross delusion which these drinks have long produced on the human species is manifest." "the numbers on the various books of the society amount to about . one pleasing feature in their history, is the very small number of those who have violated their pledge." "on several estates, the usual allowance of spirits has been discontinued, and sugar or molasses substituted." the temperance society in antigua may be specially regarded as a result of emancipation. it is one of the guardian angels which hastened to the island as soon as the demon of slavery was cast out. friendly societies. the friendly societies are designed exclusively for the benefit of the negro population. the general object is thus stated in the constitution of one of these societies: "the object of this society is to assist in the purchase of articles of mourning for the dead; to give relief in cases of unlooked for distress; to help those who through age or infirmities are incapable of helping themselves by marketing, or working their grounds; _to encourage sobriety and industry, and to check disorderly and immoral conduct."_ these societies obtain their funds by laying a tax of one shilling per month on every member above eighteen years of age, and of six pence per month on all members under that age and above twelve, which is the minimum of membership. the aged members are required to pay no more than the sum last mentioned. the first society of this kind was established in st. john's by the present rector, in . subsequently the moravians and wesleyans formed similar societies among their own people. independent of the pecuniary assistance which these societies bestow, they encourage in a variety of ways the good order of the community. for example, no one is allowed to receive assistance who is "disabled by drunkenness, debauchery, or disorderly living;" also, "if any member of the society, male or female, is guilty of adultery or fornication, the offending member shall be suspended for so long a time as the members shall see fit, and shall lose all claim on the society for any benefit during the suspension, and shall not be readmitted until clear and satisfactory evidence is given of penitence." furthermore, "if any member of the society shall be expelled from the church to which he or she belongs, or shall commit any offence punishable by a magistrate, that member forfeits his membership in the society." again, the society directly encourages marriage, by "making a present of a young pig to every child born in wedlock, and according as their funds will admit of it, giving rewards to those married persons living faithfully, or single persons living virtuously, who take a pride in keeping their houses neat and tidy, and their gardens flourishing." these societies have been more than doubled, both in the number of members and in the annual receipts, since emancipation. of the societies connected with the established church, the rector of st. john's thus speaks: "at the beginning of there were eleven societies, embracing members. at the beginning of they numbered ; and in there were members," _almost quadrupled in two years!_ the societies connected with the moravian church, have more than doubled, both in members and funds, since emancipation. the funds now amount to $ , per year. the wesleyans have four friendly societies. the largest society, which contained six hundred and fifty members, was organized in the _month of august_, . the last year it had expended £ currency, and had then in its treasury £ currency. now, be it remembered that the friendly societies exist solely among the freed negroes, _and that the moneys are raised exclusively among them._ among whom? a people who are said to be so proverbially improvident, that to emancipate them, would be to abandon them to beggary, nakedness, and starvation;--a people who "cannot take care of themselves;" who "will not work when freed from the fear of the lash;" who "would squander the earnings of the day in debaucheries at night;" who "would never provide for to-morrow for the wants of a family, or for the infirmities of old age." yea, among _negroes_ these things are done; and that, too, where the wages are but one shilling per day--less than sufficient, one would reasonably suppose, to provide daily food. daily meal society. the main object of this society is denoted by its name. it supplies a daily meal to those who are otherwise unprovided for. a commodious house had just been completed in the suburbs of the town, capable of lodging a considerable number of beneficiaries. it is designed to shelter those who are diseased, and cannot walk to and fro for their meals. the number now fed at this house is from eighty to a hundred. the diseased, who live at the dispensary, are mostly those who are afflicted with the elephantiasis, by which they are rendered entirely helpless. medical aid is supplied free of expense. it is worthy of remark, that there is no _public poor-house_ in antigua,--a proof of the industry and prosperity of the emancipated people. distressed females' friend society. this is a society in st. john's: there is also a similar one, called the female refuge society, at english harbor. both these societies were established and are conducted by colored ladies. they are designed to promote two objects: the support of destitute aged females of color, and the rescue of poor young colored females from vice. the necessity for special efforts for the first object, arose out of the fact, that the colored people were allowed no parochial aid whatever, though they were required to pay their parochial taxes; hence, the support of their own poor devolved upon themselves. the demand for vigorous action in behalf of the young, grew out of the prevailing licentiousness of slave-holding times. the society in st. john's has been in existence since . it has a large and commodious asylum, and an annual income, by subscriptions, of £ , currency. this society, and the female refuge society established at english harbor, have been instrumental in effecting a great reform in the morals of females, and particularly in exciting reprobation against that horrid traffic--the sale of girls by their mothers for purposes of lust. we were told of a number of cases in which the society in st. john's had rescued young females from impending ruin. many members of the society itself, look to it as the guardian of their orphanage. among other cases related to us, was that of a lovely girl of fifteen, who was bartered away to a planter by her mother, a dissolute woman. the planter was to give her a quantity of cloth to the value of £ currency, and two young slaves; he was also to give the grandmother, for her interest in the girl, _one gallon of rum_! the night was appointed, and a gig in waiting to take away the victim, when a female friend was made acquainted with the plot, just in time to save the girl by removing her to her own house. the mother was infuriated, and endeavored to get her back, but the girl had occasionally attended a sabbath school, where she imbibed principles which forbade her to yield even to her mother for such an unhallowed purpose. she was taken before a magistrate, and indentured herself to a milliner for two years. the mother made an attempt to regain her, and was assisted by some whites with money to commence a suit for that purpose. the lady who defended her was accordingly prosecuted, and the whole case became notorious. the prosecutors were foiled. at the close of her apprenticeship, the young woman was married to a highly respectable colored gentleman, now resident in st. john's. the notoriety which was given to the above case had a happy effect. it brought the society and its object more fully before the public, and the contributions for its support greatly increased. those for whose benefit the asylum was opened, heard of it, and came begging to be received. this society is a signal evidence that the colored people neither lack the ability to devise, nor the hearts to cherish, nor the zeal to execute plans of enlarged benevolence and mercy. the juvenile association, too, of which we gave some account in describing its anniversary, originated with the colored people, and furnishes additional evidence of the talents and charities of that class of the community. besides the societies already enumerated, there are two associations connected with the established church, called the "society for the promotion of christian knowledge," and the "branch association of the society for advancing the christian faith in the british west indies, &c." these societies are also designed chiefly for the benefit of the negro population. education. our inquiries under this head were directed to three principal points--first, the extent to which education prevailed previous to emancipation; second, the improvements introduced since; and third, the comparative capacity of negroes for receiving instruction. being providentially in the island at the season of the year when all the schools have their annual examinations, we enjoyed the most favorable opportunities for procuring intelligence on the subject of education. from various quarters we received invitations to attend school examinations. we visited the schools at parham, willoughby bay, newfield; cedar hall, grace bay, fitch's creek, and others: besides visiting the parochial school, the rectory school, the moravian and wesleyan schools, in st. john's. all the schools, save those in st. john's, were almost exclusively composed of emancipated children from the estates. visit to the parochial school. at the invitation of the governor, we accompanied him to the annual examination of the parochial school, in st. john's, under the superintendance of the episcopal church. it has increased greatly, both in scholars and efficiency, since emancipation, and contributions are made to its support by the parents whose children receive its benefits. we found one hundred and fifty children, of both sexes, assembled in the society's rooms. there was every color present, from the deepest hue of the ethiopian, to the faintest shadowing of brown. the boys constituting the first class, to the number of fifty, were called up. they read with much fluency and distinctness, equalling white boys of the same age anywhere. after reading, various questions were put to them by the archdeacon, which they answered with promptness and accuracy. words were promiscuously selected from the chapter they had read, and every one was promptly spelled. the catechism was the next exercise, and they manifested a thorough acquaintance with its contents. our attention was particularly called to the examination in arithmetic. many of the children solved questions readily in the compound rules, and several of them in practice, giving the different parts of the pound, shilling, and penny, used in that rule, and all the whys and wherefores of the thing, with great promptness. one lad, only ten years of age, whose attendance had been very irregular on account of being employed in learning a trade, performed intricate examples in practice, with a facility worthy the counting-house desk. we put several inquiries on different parts of the process, in order to test their real knowledge, to which we always received clear answers. the girls were then examined in the same studies and exercises, except arithmetic, and displayed the same gratifying proficiency. they also presented specimens of needlework and strawbraiding, which the ladies, on whose better judgment we depend, pronounced very creditable. we noticed several girls much older than the others, who had made much less advance in their studies, and on inquiry learned, that they had been members of the school but a short time, having formerly been employed to wield the heavy hoe in the cane field. the parents are very desirous to give their children education, and make many sacrifices for that purpose. many who are field-laborers in the country, receiving their shilling a day, have sent their children to reside with some relations or friends in town, for the purpose of giving them the benefits of this school. several such children were pointed out to us. the increase of female scholars during the first year of emancipation, was in this school alone, about eighty. for our gratification, the governor requested that all the children emancipated on the _first of august_, might be called up and placed on our side of the room. nearly one hundred children, of both sexes, who two years ago were _slaves_, now stood up before us free. we noticed one little girl among the rest, about ten years old, who bore not the least tinge of color. her hair was straight and light, and her face had that mingling of vermilion and white, which americans seem to consider, not only the nonpareil standard of beauty, but the immaculate test of human rights. at her side was another with the deepest hue of the native african. there were high emotions on the countenances of those redeemed ones, when we spoke to them of emancipation. the undying principle of freedom living and burning in the soul of the most degraded slave, like lamps amid the darkness of eastern sepulchres, was kindling up brilliantly within them, young as they were, and flashing in smiles upon their ebon faces. the governor made a few remarks, in which he gave some good advice, and expressed himself highly pleased with the appearance and proficiency of the school. his excellency remarked to us in a tone of pleasantry, "you see, gentlemen, these children have _souls_." during the progress of the examination; he said to us, "you perceive that it is our policy to give these children every chance to make _men_ of themselves. we look upon them as our _future citizens_." he had no doubt that the rising generation would assume a position in society above the contempt or opposition of the whites. infant schools in the country. we had the pleasure of attending one of the infant schools in the vicinity of parham, on the east side of the island. having been invited by a planter, who kindly sent his horse and carriage for our conveyance, to call and take breakfast with him on our way, we drove out early in the morning. while we were walking about the estate, our attention was arrested by distant singing. as we cast our eyes up a road crossing the estate, we discovered a party of children! they were about twenty in number, and were marching hand in hand to the music of their infant voices. they were children from a neighboring estate, on their way to the examination at parham, and were singing the hymns which they had learned at school. all had their testaments in their hands, and seemed right merry-hearted. we were received at the gate of the chapel by the wesleyan missionary located in this distinct, a highly respectable and intelligent colored man, who was ten years since a _slave_. he gave us a cordial welcome, and conducted us to the chapel, where we found the children, to the number of _four hundred_, assembled, and the examination already commenced. there were six schools present, representing about twenty estates, and arranged under their respective teachers. the ages of the pupils were from three to ten or twelve. they were all, with the exception of two or three, the children of emancipated slaves. they came up by classes to the superintendent's desk, where they read and were examined. they read correctly; some of them too, who had been in school only a few mouths, in any portion of the new testament selected for them. by request of the superintendent, we put several inquiries to them, which they answered in a way which showed that they _thought_. they manifested an acquaintance with the bible and the use of language which was truly surprising. it was delightful to see so many tiny beings stand around you, dressed in their tidy gowns and frocks, with their bright morning faces, and read with the self-composure of manhood, any passage chosen for them. they all, large and small, bore in their hands the charter of their freedom, the book by the influence of which they received all the privileges they were enjoying. on the cover of each was stamped in large capitals--"presented by the british and foreign bible society, in commemoration of the first of august, ." at the close of the examination, the rewards, consisting of books, work-bags, &c. &c., chiefly sent by a society of females in england, were distributed. it was impossible to repress the effervescence of the little expectants. as a little one four years old came up for her reward, the superintendent said to her--"well, little becky, what do you want?" "me wants a bag," said becky, "and me wants a pin-cushion, and me wants a little book." becky's desires were large, but being a good girl, she was gratified. occasionally the girls were left to choose between a book and a work-bag, and although the bag might be gaudy and tempting, they invariably took the book. the teachers were all but one blacks, and were formerly slaves. they are very devoted and faithful, but are ill-qualified for their duties, having obtained all the learning they possess in the sabbath school. they are all pious, and exert a harpy influence on the morals of their pupils. the number of scholars has very greatly increased since emancipation, and their morals have essentially improved. instances of falsehood and theft, which at first were fearfully frequent and bold, have much lessened. they begin to have a regard for _character_. their sense of right and wrong is enlightened, and their power of resisting temptation, and adhering to right, manifestly increased. on the whole, we know not where we have looked on a more delightful scene. to stand in front of the pulpit and look around on a multitude of negro children, gathered from the sordid huts into which slavery had carried ignorance and misery--to see them coming up, with their teachers of the same proscribed hue, to hear them read the bible, answer with readiness the questions of their superintendent, and lift up together their songs of infant praise, and then to remember that two years ago these four hundred children were _slaves_, and still more to remember that in our own country, boasting its republicanism and christian institutions, there are thousands of just such children under the yoke and scourge, in utter heathenism, the victims of tyrannic _law_ or of more tyrannic public opinion--caused the heart to swell with emotions unutterable. there were as many intelligent countenances, and as much activity and sprightliness, as we ever saw among an equal number of children anywhere. the correctness of their reading, the pertinence of their replies, the general proofs of talent which they showed through all the exercises, evinced that they are none inferior to the children of their white oppressors. after singing a hymn they all kneeled down, and the school closed with a prayer and benediction. they continued singing as they retired from the house, and long after they had parted on their different ways home, their voices swelled on the breeze at a distance as the little parties from the estates chanted on their way the songs of the school room. willoughby bay examination. when we entered the school house at willoughby bay, which is capable of containing a thousand persons, a low murmur, like the notes of preparation, ran over the multitude. one school came in after we arrived, marching in regular file, with their teacher, a negro man, at their head, and their _standard bearer_ following; next, a sable girl with a box of testaments on her head. the whole number of children was three hundred and fifty. the male division was first called out, and marched several times around the room, singing and keeping a regular step. after several rounds, they came to a halt, filing off and forming into ranks four rows deep--in quarter-circle shape. the music still continuing, the girls sallied forth, went through the same evolutions, and finally formed in rows corresponding with those of the boys, so as to compose with the latter a semicircle. the schools were successively examined in spelling, reading, writing, cyphering, &c., after the manner already detailed. in most respects they showed equal proficiency with the children of parham; and in reading the testament, their accuracy was even greater. in looking over the writing, several "incendiary" copies caught our eyes. one was, "_masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal_." another, "_if i neglect the cause of my servant, what shall i do when i appear before my master_!" a few years ago, _had children been permitted to write at all_, one such copy as the above would have exploded the school, and perchance sent the teacher to jail for sedition. but now, thanks to god! the negro children of antigua are taught liberty from their bibles, from their song books, and from their _copy books_ too; they read of liberty, they sing of it, and they write of it; they chant to liberty in their school rooms, and they resume the strains on their homeward way, till every rustling lime-grove, and waving cane-field, is alive with their notes, and every hillock and dell rings with "free" echoes. the girls, in their turn, pressed around us with the liveliest eagerness to display their little pieces of needle-work. some had samplers marked with letters and devices in vari-colored silk. others showed specimens of stitching; while the little ones held up their rude attempts at hemming handkerchiefs, aprons, and so on. during the exercises we spoke to several elderly women, who were present to witness the scene. they were laborers on the estates, but having children in the school, they had put on their sunday dresses, and "come to see." we spoke to one, of the privileges which the children were enjoying, since freedom. her eyes filled, and she exclaimed, "yes, massa, we do tank de good lord for bring de free--never can be too tankful." she said she had seven children present, and it made her feel happy to know that they were learning to read. another woman said, when she heard the children reading so finely, she wanted to "take de word's out of da mouts and put em in her own." in the morning, when she first entered the school house, she felt quite sick, but all the pleasant things she saw and heard, had made her well, and she added, "i tell you, me massa, it do my old heart good to come here." another aged woman, who had grand-children in the school, said, when she saw what advantages the children enjoyed, she almost cried to think she was not a child too. besides these there were a number of adult men and women, whom curiosity or parental solicitude had brought together, and they were thronging about the windows and doors witnessing the various exercises with the deepest interest. among the rest was one old patriarch, who, anxious to bear some part however humble in the exercises of the occasion, walked to and fro among the children, with a six feet pole in his hand, to keep order. these schools, and those examined at parham, are under the general supervision of mr. charles thwaites, an indefatigable and long tried friend of the negroes. we here insert a valuable communication which we received from mr. t. in reply to several queries addressed to him. it will give further information relative to the schools. _mr. charles thwaites' replies to queries on education in antigua._ . what has been your business for some years past in antigua? a superintendent of schools, and catechist to the negroes. . how long have you been engaged in this business? twenty-four years. the first four years engaged gratuitously, ten years employed by the church missionary society, and since, by the wesleyan missionary society. . how many schools have you under your charge? sunday schools, (including all belonging to the wesleyan missionary society,) eight, with scholars; day schools, seventeen with scholars; night schools on twenty-six estates, scholars. the total number of scholars under instruction is about . . are the scholars principally the children who were emancipated in august, ? yes, except the children in st. john's, most of whom were free before. . are the teachers negroes, colored, or white? one white, four colored, and sixteen black.[a] [footnote a: this number includes only salaried teachers, and not the gratuitous.] . how many of the teachers were slaves prior to the first of august, ? thirteen. . what were their opportunities for learning? the sunday and night schools; and they have much improved themselves since they have been in their present employment. . what are their qualifications for teaching, as to education, religion, zeal, perseverance, &c.? the white and two of the colored teachers, i presume, are well calculated, in all respects, to carry on a school in the ablest manner. the others are deficient in education, but are zealous, and very persevering. . what are the wages of these teachers? the teachers' pay is, some four, and some three dollars per month. this sum is far too small, and would be greater if the funds were sufficient. . how and by whom are the expenses of superintendent, teachers, and schools defrayed? the superintendent's salary, &c., is paid by the wesleyan missionary society. the expenses of teachers and schools are defrayed by charitable societies and friends in england, particularly the negro education society, which grants l. sterling per annum towards this object, and pays the rent of the church missionary society's premises in willoughby bay for use of the schools. about l. sterling per annum is also raised from the children; each child taught writing and needle-work, pays - / d. sterling per week. . is it your opinion that the negro children are as ready to receive instruction as white children? yes, perfectly so. . do parents manifest interest in the education of their children? they do. some of the parents are, however, still very ignorant, and are not aware how much their children lose by irregular attendance at the schools. . have there been many instances of _theft_ among the scholars? not more than among any other class of children. results. besides an attendance upon the various schools, we procured specific information from teachers, missionaries, planters, and others, with regard to the past and present state of education, and the weight of testimony was to the following effect: first, that education was by no means extensive previous to emancipation. the testimony of one planter was, that not a _tenth part_ of the present adult population knew the letters of the alphabet. other planters, and some missionaries, thought the proportion might be somewhat larger; but all agreed that it was very small. the testimony of the venerable mr. newby, the oldest moravian missionary in the island, was, that such was the opposition among the planters, it was impossible to teach the slaves, excepting by night, secretly. mr. thwaites informed us that the children were not allowed to attend day school after they were six years old. all the instruction they obtained after that age, was got at night--a very unsuitable time to study, for those who worked all day under an exhausting sun. it is manifest that the instruction received under six years of age, would soon be effaced by the incessant toil of subsequent life. the account given in a former connection of the adult school under the charge of mr. morrish, at newfield, shows most clearly the past inattention to education. and yet mr. m. stated that his school was a _fair specimen of the intelligence of the negroes generally_. one more evidence in point is the acknowledged ignorance of mr. thwaites' teachers. after searching through the whole freed population for a dozen suitable teachers of children. mr. t. could not find even that number who could _read well_. many children in the schools of six years old read better than their teachers. we must not be understood to intimate that up to the period of the emancipation, the planters utterly prohibited the education of their slaves. public sentiment had undergone some change previous to that event. when the public opinion of england began to be awakened against slavery, the planters were indured, for peace sake, to _tolerate_ education to some extent; though they cannot be said to have _encouraged_ it until after emancipation. this is the substance of the statements made to us. hence it appears that when the active opposition of the planters to education ceased, it was succeeded by a general indifference, but little less discouraging. we of course speak of the planters as a body; there were some honorable exceptions. second, education has become very extensive _since_ emancipation. there are probably not less than _six thousand_ children who now enjoy daily instruction. these are of all ages under twelve. all classes feel an interest in _knowledge_. while the schools previously established are flourishing in newness of life, additional ones are springing up in every quarter. sabbath schools, adult and infant schools, day and evening schools, are all crowded. a teacher in a sabbath school in st. john's informed us, that the increase in that school immediately after emancipation was so sudden and great, that he could compare it to nothing but the rising of the mercury when the thermometer is removed _out of the shade into the sun_. we learned that the bible was the principal book taught in all the schools throughout the island. as soon as the children have learned to read, the bible is put into their hands. they not only read it, but commit to memory portions of it every day:--the first lesson in the morning is an examination on some passage of scripture. we have never seen, even among sabbath school children, a better acquaintance with the characters and events recorded in the old and new testaments, than among the negro children in antigua. those passages which inculcate _obedience to law_ are strongly enforced; and the prohibitions against stealing, lying, cheating, idleness, &c., are reiterated day and night. great attention is paid to _singing_ in all the schools. the songs which they usually sung, embraced such topics as love to god--the presence of god--obedience to parents--friendship for brothers and sisters and schoolmates--love of school--the sinfulness of sloth, of lying, and of stealing. we quote the following hymn as a specimen of the subjects which are introduced into their songs: often were we greeted with this sweet hymn, while visiting the different schools throughout the island. brotherly love. chorus. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, we're sisters and brothers, and heaven is our home. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, we're sisters and brothers, and heaven is our home. the god of heaven is pleased to see that little children all agree; and will not slight the praise they bring, when loving children join to sing: we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. for love and kindness please him more than if we gave him all our store; and children here, who dwell in love, are like his happy ones above. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. the gentle child that tries to please, that hates to quarrel, fret, and teaze, and would not say an angry word-- that child is pleasing to the lord. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. o god! forgive, whenever we forget thy will, and disagree; and grant that each of us, may find the sweet delight of being kind. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. we were convinced that the negroes were as capable of receiving instruction as any people in the world. the testimony of teachers, missionaries, clergymen, and planters, was uniform on this point. said one planter of age and long experience on the island, "the negroes are as capable of culture as any people on earth. _color makes no difference in minds_. it is slavery alone that has degraded the negro." another planter, by way of replying to our inquiry on this subject, sent for a negro child of five years, who read with great fluency in any part of the testament to which we turned her. "now," said the gentleman, "i should be ashamed to let you hear my own son, of the same age with that little girl, read after her." we put the following questions to the wesleyan missionaries: "are the negroes as _apt to learn_, as other people in similar circumstances?" their written reply was this: "we think they are; the same diversified qualities of intellect appear among them, as among other people." we put the same question to the moravian missionaries, to the clergymen, and to the teachers of each denomination, some of whom, having taught schools in england, were well qualified to judge between the european children and the negro children; and we uniformly received substantially the same answer. such, however, was the air of surprise with which our question was often received, that it required some courage to repeat it. sometimes it excited a smile, as though we could not be serious in the inquiry. and indeed we seldom got a direct and explicit answer, without previously stating by way of explanation that we had no doubts of our own, but wished to remove those extensively entertained among our countrymen. after all, we were scarcely credited in antigua. such cases as the following were common in every school: children of four and five years old reading the bible; children beginning in their a, b, c's, and learning to read in four months; children of five and six, answering a variety of questions on the historical parts of the old testament; children but a little older, displaying fine specimens of penmanship, performing sums in the compound rules, and running over the multiplication table, and the pound, shilling, and pence table, without mistake. we were grieved to find that most of the teachers employed in the instruction of the children, were exceedingly unfit for the work. they are very ignorant themselves, and have but little skill in the management of children. this however is a necessary evil. the emancipated negroes feel a great anxiety for the education of their children. they encourage them to go to school, and they labor to support them, while they have strong temptation to detain them at home to work. they also pay a small sum every week for the maintenance of the schools. in conclusion, we would observe, that one of the prominent features of _regenerated_ antigua, is its _education_. an intelligent religion, and a religious education, are the twin glories of this emancipated colony. it is comment enough upon the difference between slavery and freedom, that the same agents which are deprecated as the destroyers of the one, are cherished as the defenders of the other. before entering upon a detail of the testimony which bears more directly upon slavery in america, we deem it proper to consider the inquiry. "what is the amount of freedom in antigua, as regulated by law?" st. the people are entirely free from the whip, and from all compulsory control of the master. d. they can change employers whenever they become dissatisfied with their situation, by previously giving a month's notice. d. they have the right of trial by jury in all cases of a serious nature, while for small offences, the magistrate's court is open. they may have legal redress for any wrong or violence inflicted by their employers. th. parents have the entire control of their children. the planter cannot in any way interfere with them. the parents have the whole charge of their support. th. by an express provision of the legislature, it was made obligatory upon every planter to support all the superannuated, infirm, or diseased on the estate, _who were such at this time of emancipation_. those who have become so since , fall upon the hands of their relatives for maintenance. th. the amount of wages is not determined by law. by a general understanding among the planters, the rate is at present fixed at a shilling per day, or a little more than fifty cents per week, counting five working days. this matter is wisely left to be regulated by the character of the seasons, and the mutual agreement of the parties concerned. as the island is suffering rather from a paucity of laborers, than otherwise, labor must in good seasons command good wages. the present rate of wages is extremely low, though it is made barely tolerable by the additional perquisites which the people enjoy. they have them houses rent free, and in connection with them small premises forty feet square, suitable for gardens, and for raising poultry, and pigs, &c.; for which they always find a ready market. moreover, they are burthened with no taxes whatever; and added to this, they are supplied with medical attendance at the expense of the estates. th. the master is authorized in case of neglect of work, or turning out late in the morning, or entire absence from labor, to reduce the wages, or withhold them for a time, not exceeding a week. th. the agricultural laborers may leave the field whenever they choose, (provided they give a month's previous notice,) and engage in any other business; or they may purchase land and become cultivators themselves, though in either case they are of course liable to forfeit their houses on the estates. th. they may leave the island, if they choose, and seek their fortunes in any other part of the world, by making provision for their near relatives left behind. this privilege has been lately tested by the emigration of some of the negroes to demerara. the authorities of the island became alarmed lest they should lose too many of the laboring population, and the question was under discussion, at the time we were in antigua, whether it would not be lawful to prohibit the emigration. it was settled, however, that such a measure would be illegal, and the planters were left to the alternative of either being abandoned by their negroes, or of securing their continuance by adding to their comforts and treating them kindly. . the right of suffrage, and eligibility to office are subject to no restrictions, save the single one of property, which is the same with all colors. the property qualification, however, is so great, as effectually to exclude the whole agricultural negro population for many years. th. _the main constabulary force is composed of emancipated negroes, living on the estates_. one or two trust-worthy men on each estate are empowered with the authority of constables in relation to the people on the same estate, and much reliance is placed upon these men, to preserve order and to bring offenders to trial. th. a body of police has been established, whose duty it is to arrest all disorderly or riotous persons, to repair to the estates in case of trouble, and co-operate with the constables, in arraigning all persons charged with the violation of law. th. the punishment for slight offences, such as stealing sugar-canes from the field, is confinement in the house of correction, or being sentenced to the tread-mill, for any period from three days to three months. the punishment for burglary, and other high offences, is solitary confinement in chains, or transportation for life to botany bay. such are the main features in the statutes, regulating the freedom of the emancipated population of antigua. it will be seen that there is no enactment which materially modifies, or unduly restrains, the liberty of the subject. there are no secret reservations or postscript provisoes, which nullify the boon of freedom. not only is slavery utterly abolished, but all its appendages are scattered to the winds; and a system of impartial laws secures justice to all, of every color and condition. the measure of success which has crowned the experiment of emancipation in antigua--an experiment tried under so many adverse circumstances, and with comparatively few local advantages--is highly encouraging to slaveholders in our country. it must be evident that the balance of advantages between the situation of antigua and that of the south, _is decidedly in favor of the latter_. the south has her resident proprietors, her resources of wealth, talent, and enterprise, and her preponderance of white population; she also enjoys a regularity of seasons, but rarely disturbed by desolating droughts, a bracing climate, which imparts energy and activity to her laboring population, and comparatively numerous wants to stimulate and press the laborer up to the _working mark_; she has close by her side the example of a free country, whose superior progress in internal improvements, wealth, the arts and sciences, morals and religion, all ocular demonstration to her of her own wretched policy, and a moving appeal in favor of abolition; and above all, site has the opportunity of choosing her own mode, and of ensuring all the blessings of a _voluntary and peaceable manumission_, while the energies, the resources, the sympathies, and the prayers of the north, stand pledged to her assistance. * * * * * chapter iii. facts and testimony. we have reserved the mass of facts and testimony, bearing immediately upon slavery in america, in order that we might present them together in a condensed furor, under distinct heads. these heads, it will be perceived, consist chiefly of propositions which are warmly contested in our country. will the reader examine these principles in the light of facts? will the candid of our countrymen--whatever opinions they may hitherto hate entertained on this subject--hear the concurrent testimony of numerous planters, legislators, lawyers, physicians, and merchants, who have until three years past been wedded to slavery by birth, education, prejudice, associations, and supposed interest, but who have since been divorced from all connection with the system? in most cases we shall give the names, the stations, and business of our witnesses; in a few instances, in which we were requested to withhold the name, we shall state such circumstances as will serve to show the standing and competency of the individuals. if the reader should find in what follows, very little testimony unfavorable to emancipation, he may know the reason to be, that little was to be gleaned from any part of antigua. indeed, we may say that, with very few exceptions, the sentiments here recorded as coming from individuals, are really the sentiments of the whole community. there is no such thing known in antigua as an _opposing, disaffected party_. so complete and thorough has been the change in public opinion, that it would be now _disreputable_ to speak against emancipation. first proposition.--the transition from slavery to freedom is represented as a greet revolution, by which a prodigious change was effected in _the condition of the negroes_. in conversation with us, the planters often spoke of the greatness and suddenness of the change. said mr. barnard, of green castle estate, "the transition from slavery to freedom, was like passing suddenly out of a dark dungeon into the light of the sun." r.b. eldridge, esq., a member of the assembly, remarked, that, "there never had been in the history of the world so great and instantaneous a change in the condition of so large a body of people." the honorable nicholas nugent, speaker of the house of assembly, and proprietor, said, "there never was so sudden a transition from one state to another, by so large a body of people. when the clock began to strike the hour of twelve on the last night of july, , the negroes of antigua were _slaves_--when it ceased they were all _freemen!_ it was a stupendous change," he said, "and it was one of the sublimest spectacles ever witnessed, to see the subjects of the change engaged at the very moment it occurred, in worshipping god." these, and very many similar ones, were the spontaneous expressions of men _who had long contended against the change_ of which they spoke. it is exceedingly difficult to make slaveholders see that there is any material difference between slavery and freedom; but when they have once renounced slavery, they _will magnify this distinction_ more than any other class of men. second proposition.--emancipation in antigua was the result of political and pecuniary considerations merely. abolition was seen to be inevitable, and there were but two courses left to the colonists--to adopt the apprenticeship system, or immediate emancipation. motives of convenience led them to choose the latter. considerations of general philanthropy, of human rights, and of the sinfulness of slavery, were scarcely so much as thought of. some time previous to the abolition of slavery, a meeting of the influential men of the island was called in st. john's, to memorialize parliament against the measure of abolition. when the meeting convened, the hon. samuel o. baijer, who had been the champion of the opposition, was called upon to propose a plan of procedure. to the consternation of the pro-slavery meeting, their leader arose and spoke to the following effect:--"gentlemen, my previous sentiments on this subject are well known to you all; be not surprised to learn that they have undergone an entire change, i have not altered my views without mature deliberation. i have been making calculations with regard to the probable results of emancipation, and _i have ascertained beyond a doubt, that i can cultivate my estate at least one third cheaper by free labor than by slave labor_." after mr. b. had finished his remarks, mr. s. shands, member of assembly, and a wealthy proprietor, observed that he entertained precisely the same views with those just expressed; but he thought that the honorable gentleman had been unwise in uttering them in so public a manner; "for," said he, "should these sentiments reach the ear of parliament, as coming from us, _it might induce them to withhold the compensation_." col. edwards, member of the assembly, then arose and said, that he had long been opposed to slavery, but he had not _dared to avow his sentiments_. as might be supposed, the meeting adjourned without effecting the object for which it was convened. when the question came before the colonial assembly, similar discussions ensued, and finally the bill for immediate emancipation passed both bodies _unanimously_. it was an evidence of the spirit of selfish expediency, which prompted the whole procedure, that they clogged the emancipation bill with the proviso that a certain governmental tax on exports, called the four and a half per cent tax[a], should be repealed. thus clogged, the bill was sent home for sanction, but it was rejected by parliament, and sent back with instructions, that before it could receive his majesty's seal, it must appear wholly unencumbered with extraneous provisoes. this was a great disappointment to the legislature, and it so chagrined them that very many actually withdrew their support from the bill for emancipation, which passed finally in the assembly only by the casting vote of the speaker. [footnote a: we subjoin the following brief history of the four and a half per cent. tax, which we procured from the speaker of the assembly. in the rein of charles ii., antigua was conquered by the french, and the inhabitants were forced to swear allegiance to the french government. in a very short time the french were driven off the island and the english again took possession of it. it was then declared, by order of the king, that as the people had, by swearing allegiance to another government, forfeited the protection of the british government, and all title to their lands, they should not again receive either, except on condition of paying to the king a duty of four and a half per cent on every article exported from the island--and that they were to do in _perpetuity_. to this hard condition they were obliged to submit, and they have groaned under the onerous duty ever since. on every occasion, which offered any hope, they have sought the repeal of the tax, but have uniformly been defeated. when they saw that the abolition question was coming to a crisis, they resolved to make a last effort for the repeal of the four and a half percent duty. they therefore adopted immediate emancipation, and then, covered as they were, with the laurels of so magnanimous an act, they presented to parliament their cherished object. the defeat was a humiliating one, and it produced such a reaction in the island, as well nigh led to the rescinding of the abolition bill.] the verbal and written statements of numerous planters also confirm the declaration that emancipation was a measure solely of selfish policy. said mr. bernard, of green castle estate "emancipation was preferred to apprenticeship, because it was attended with less trouble, and left the planters independent, instead of being saddled with a legion of stipendiary magistrates." said dr. daniell, member of the council, and proprietor--"the apprenticeship was rejected by us solely from motives of policy. we did not wish to be annoyed with stipendiary magistrates." said hon. n. nugent--"we wished to let ourselves down in the easiest manner possible; _therefore_ we chose immediate freedom in preference to the apprenticeship." "emancipation was preferred to apprenticeship, because of the inevitable and endless perplexities connected with the latter system."--_david cranstoun, esq., colonial magistrate and planter_. "it is not pretended that emancipation was produced by the influence of religious considerations. it was a measure of mere convenience and interest."--_a moravian missionary_. the following testimony is extracted from a letter addressed to us by a highly respectable merchant of st. john's--a gentleman of long experience on the island, and now agent for several estates. "emancipation was an act of mere policy, adopted as _the safest and most economic_ measure." our last item of testimony under this head is from a written statement by the hon. n. nugent, speaker of the assembly, at the time of emancipation. his remarks on this subject, although long, we are sure will be read with interest. alluding to the adoption of immediate emancipation in preference to the apprenticeship, he observes:-- "the reasons and considerations which led to this step were various, of course impressing the minds of different individuals in different degrees. as slave emancipation could not be averted, and must inevitably take place very shortly, it was better to meet the crisis at once, than to have it hanging over our heads for six years, with all its harassing doubts and anxieties; better to give an air of grace to that which would be ultimately unavoidable; the slaves should rather have a motive of gratitude and kind reciprocation, than to feel, on being declared free, that their emancipation could neither be withheld nor retarded by their owners. the projected apprenticeship, while it destroyed the means of an instant coercion in a state of involuntary labor, equally withdrew or neutralized all those urgent motives which constrain to industrious exertion in the case of freemen. it abstracted from the master, in a state of things then barely remunerative, one fourth of the time and labor required in cultivation, and gave it to the servant, while it compelled the master to supply the same allowances as before. with many irksome restraints, conditions, and responsibilities imposed on the master, it had no equivalent advantages. there appeared no reason, in short, why general emancipation would not do as well in as in . finally, a strong conviction existed that from peculiarity of climate and soil, the physical wants and necessities of the peasantry would compel them to labor for their subsistence, to seek employment and wages from the proprietors of the soil; and if the _transformation_ could be safely and quietly brought about, that the _free_ system might be cheaper and more profitable than the other." the general testimony of planters, missionaries, clergymen, merchants, and others, was in confirmation of the same truth. there is little reason to believe that the views of the colonists on this subject have subsequently undergone much change. we did not hear, excepting occasionally among the missionaries and clergy, the slightest insinuation thrown out that _slavery was sinful_; that the slaves had a right to freedom, or that it would have been wrong to have continued them in bondage. the _politics_ of anti-slavery the antiguans are exceedingly well versed in, but of its _religion_, they seem to feel but little. they seem never to have examined slavery in its moral relations; never to have perceived its monstrous violations of right and its impious tramplings upon god and man. the antigua planters, it would appear, have _yet_ to repent of the sin of slaveholding. if the results of an emancipation so destitute of _principle_, so purely selfish, could produce such general satisfaction, and be followed by such happy results, it warrants us in anticipating still more decided and unmingled blessings in the train of a voluntary, conscientious, and religious abolition. third proposition.--the _event_ of emancipation passed peacefully. the first of august, , is universally regarded in antigua, as having presented a most imposing and sublime moral spectacle. it is almost impossible to be in the company of a missionary, a planter, or an emancipated negro, for ten minutes, without hearing some allusion to that occasion. even at the time of our visit to antigua, after the lapse of nearly three years, they spoke of the event with an admiration apparently unabated. for some time previous to the first of august, forebodings of disaster lowered over the island. the day was fixed! thirty thousand degraded human beings were to be brought forth from the dungeon of slavery and "turned loose on the community!" and this was to be done "in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye." gloomy apprehensions were entertained by many of the planters. some timorous families did not go to bed on the night of the st of july; fear drove sleep from their eyes, and they awaited with fluttering pulse the hour of midnight, fearing lest the same bell which sounded the jubilee of the slaves might toll the death knell of the masters.[a] [footnote a: we were informed by a merchant of st. john's, that several american vessels which had lain for weeks in the harbor, weighed anchor on the st of july, and made their escape, through actual fear, that the island would be destroyed on the following day. ere they set sail they earnestly besought our informant to escape from the island, as he valued his life.] the more intelligent, who understood the disposition of the negroes, and contemplated the natural tendencies of emancipation, through philosophical principles, and to the light of human nature and history, were free from alarm. to convey to the reader some idea of the manner in which the great crisis passed, we give the substance of several accounts which were related to us in different parts of the island, by those who witnessed them. the wesleyans kept "watch-night" in all their chapels on the night of the st july. one of the wesleyan missionaries gave us an account of the watch meeting at the chapel in st. john's. the spacious house was filled with the candidates for liberty. all was animation and eagerness. a mighty chorus of voices swelled the song of expectation and joy, and as they united in prayer, the voice of the leader was drowned in the universal acclamations of thanksgiving and praise, and blessing, and honor, and glory, to god, who had come down for their deliverance. in such exercises the evening was spent until the hour of twelve approached. the missionary then proposed that when the clock on the cathedral should begin to strike, the whole congregation should fall upon their knees and receive the boon of freedom in silence. accordingly, as the loud bell tolled its first note, the immense assembly fell prostrate on their knees. all was silence, save the quivering half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. the slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude; peal on peal, peal on peal, rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary heart strings. scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder roared along the sky--god's pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee! a moment of profoundest silence passed--then came the _burst_--they broke forth in prayer; they shouted, they sung, "glory," "alleluia;" they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and fro, tossing upward their unfettered hands; but high above the whole there was a mighty sound which ever and anon swelled up; it was the utterings in broken negro dialect of gratitude to god. after this gush of excitement had spent itself; and the congregation became calm, the religious exercises were resumed, and the remainder of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the bible, and in addresses from the missionaries explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and exhorting the freed people to be industrious, steady, obedient to the laws, and to show themselves in all things worthy of the high boon which god had conferred upon them. the first of august came on friday, and a release was proclaimed from all work until the next monday. the day was chiefly spent by the great mass of the negroes in the churches and chapels. thither they flocked "as clouds, and as doves to their windows." the clergy and missionaries throughout the island were actively engaged, seizing the opportunity in order to enlighten the people on all the duties and responsibilities of their new relation, and above all, urging them to the attainment of that higher liberty with which christ maketh his children free. in every quarter we were assured that the day was like a sabbath. work had ceased; the hum of business was still, and noise and tumult were unheard on the streets. tranquillity pervaded the towns and country. a sabbath indeed! when the wicked ceased from troubling, and the weary were at rest, and the slave was free from his master! the planters informed us that they went to the chapels where their own people were assembled, greeted them, shook hands with them, and exchanged the most hearty good wishes. the churches and chapels were thronged all over the island. at cedar hall, a moravian station, the crowd was so great that the minister was obliged to remove the meeting from the chapel to a neighboring grove. at grace hill, another moravian station, the negroes went to the missionary on the day before the first of august, and begged that they might be allowed to have a meeting in the chapel at sunrise. it is the usual practice among the moravians to hold but one sunrise meeting during the year, and that is on the morning of easter: but as the people besought very earnestly for this special favor on the easter morning of their freedom, it was granted to them. early in the morning they assembled at the chapel. for some time they sat in perfect silence. the missionary then proposed that they should kneel down and sing. the whole audience fell upon their knees, and sung a hymn commencing with the following verse: "now let us praise the lord, with body, soul and spirit, who doth such wondrous things, beyond our sense and merit." the singing was frequently interrupted with the tears and sobbings of the melted people, until finally it was wholly arrested, and a tumult of emotion overwhelmed the congregation. during the day, repeated meetings were held. at eleven o'clock, the people assembled in vast numbers. there were at least a _thousand_ persons around the chapel, who could not get in. for once the house of god suffered violence, and the violent took it by force. after all the services of the day, the people went again to the missionaries in a body, and petitioned to have a meeting in the evening. at grace bay, the people, all dressed in white, assembled in a spacious court in front of the moravian chapel. they formed a procession and walked arm in arm into the chapel. similar scenes occurred at all the chapels and at the churches also. we were told by the missionaries that the dress of the negroes on that occasion was uncommonly simple and modest. there was not the least disposition of gaiety. we were also informed by planters and missionaries in every part of the island, that there was not a single dance known of, either day or night, nor so much as a fiddle played. there were no riotous assemblies, no drunken carousals. it was not in such channels that the excitement of the emancipated flowed. they were as far from dissipation and debauchery, as they were from violence and carnage. gratitude was the absorbing emotion. from the hill-tops, and the valleys, the cry of a disenthralled people went upward like the sound of many waters, "glory to god, glory to god." the testimony of the planters corresponds fully with that of the missionaries. said r.b. eldridge, esq., after speaking of the number emancipated, "yet this vast body, ( , ,) _glided_ out of slavery into freedom with the utmost tranquillity." dr. daniell observed, that after so prodigious a revolution in the condition of the negroes, he expected that some irregularities would ensue; but he had been entirely disappointed. he also said that he anticipated some relaxation from labour during the week following emancipation. but he found his hands in the field early on monday morning, and not one missing. the same day he received word from another estate, of which he was proprietor,[a] that the negroes had to a man refused to go to the field. he immediately rode to the estate and found the people standing with their hoes in their hands doing nothing. he accosted them in a friendly manner: "what does this mean, my fellows, that you are not at work this morning?" they immediately replied, "it's not because we don't want to work, massa, but we wanted to see you first and foremost to _know what the bargain would be_." as soon as that matter was settled, the whole body of negroes turned out cheerfully, without a moment's cavil. [footnote a: it is not unusual in the west indies for proprietors to commit their own estates into the hands of managers; and be themselves, the managers of other men's estates.] mr. bourne, of millar's, informed us that the largest gang he had ever seen in the field on his property, turned out the _week after emancipation_. said hon. n. nugent, "nothing could surpass the universal propriety of the negroes' conduct on the first of august, ! never was there a more beautiful and interesting spectacle exhibited, than on that occasion." fourth proposition.--there has been _since_ emancipation, not only _no rebellion in fact_, but no fear of it in antigua. proof st. the militia were not called out during christmas holidays. _before_ emancipation, martial law invariably prevailed on the holidays, but the very first christmas after emancipation, the governor made a proclamation stating that _in consequence of the abolition of slavery_ it was no longer necessary to resort to such a precaution. there has not been a parade of soldiery on any subsequent christmas.[b] [footnote b: this has been followed by a measure on the part of the legislature, which is further proof of the same thing. it is "an act for amending and further continuing the several acts at present in force for better organizing and ordering the militia." the preamble reads thus: "whereas the abolition of slavery in this island renders it expedient to provide against an unnecessary augmentation of the militia, and the existing laws for better organizing and ordering that local force require amendment." the following military advertisement also shows the increasing confidence which is felt in the freed men: "recruits wanted.--the free men of antigua are now called on to show their gratitude and loyalty to king william, for the benefits he has conferred on them and their families, by volunteering their services as soldiers in his first west india regiment; in doing which they will acquire a still higher rank in society, by being placed on a footing of perfect equality with the other troops in his majesty's service, and receive the same bounty, pay, clothing, rations and allowances. none but young men of good character can be received, and all such will meet with every encouragement by applying at st. john's barracks, to h. downie, _capt. st w.i. regt_. _september th_, ." ] d. the uniform declaration of planters and others: "previous to emancipation, many persons apprehended violence and bloodshed as the consequence of turning the slaves all loose. but when emancipation took place, all these apprehensions vanished. the sense of personal security is universal. we know not of a single instance in which the negroes have exhibited a _revengeful spirit_." _s. bourne, esq., of millar's.--watkins, esq., of donovan's._ "it has always appeared to me self-evident, that if a man is peaceable while a _slave_, he will be so when a _free man_." _dr. ferguson._ "there is no possible danger of personal violence from the slaves; should a foreign power invade our island, i have no doubt that the negroes would, to a man, fight for the planters. i have the utmost confidence in all the people who are under my management; they are my friends, and they consider me their friend." _h. armstrong, esq., of fitch's creek._ the same gentleman informed us that during slavery, he used frequently to lie sleepless on his bed, thinking about his dangerous situation--a lone white person far away from help, and surrounded by hundreds of savage slaves; and he had spent hours thus, in devising plans of self-defence in case the house should be attacked by the negroes. "if they come," he would say to himself, "and break down the door, and fill my bedroom, what shall i do? it will be useless to fire at them; my only hope is to frighten the superstitious fellows by covering myself with a white sheet, and rushing into the midst of them, crying, 'ghost, ghost.'" now mr. a. sleeps in peace and safety, without conjuring up a ghost to keep guard at his bedside. his bodyguard is a battalion of substantial flesh and blood, made up of those who were once the objects of his nightly terror! "there has been no instance of personal violence since freedom. some persons pretended, prior to emancipation, to apprehend disastrous results; but for my part i cannot say that i ever entertained such fears. i could not see any thing which was to instigate negroes to rebellion, _after_ they had obtained their liberty. i have not heard of a single case of even _meditated_ revenge." _dr. daniell, proprietor, member of council, attorney of six estates, and manager of weatherill's._ "one of the blessings of emancipation has been, that it has banished the _fear_ of insurrections, incendiarism, &c." _mr. favey, manager of lavicount's._ "in my extensive intercourse with the people, as missionary, i have never heard of an instance of violence or revenge on the part of the negroes, even where they had been ill-treated during slavery." _rev. mr. morrish, moravian missionary._ "insurrection or revenge is in no case dreaded, not even by those planters who were most cruel in the time of slavery. my family go to sleep every night with the doors unlocked, and we fear neither violence nor robbery." _hon. n. nugent._ again, in a written communication, the same gentleman remarks:--"there is not the slightest feeling of insecurity--quite the contrary. property is more secure, _for all idea of insurrection is abolished forever_." "we have no cause now to fear insurrections; emancipation has freed us from all danger on this score." _david cranstoun, esq._ extract of a letter from a merchant of st. john's who has resided in antigua more than thirty years: "there is no sense of personal danger arising from insurrections or conspiracies among the blacks. serious apprehensions of this nature were formerly entertained; but they gradually died away _during the first year of freedom_." we quote the following from a communication addressed to us by a gentleman of long experience in antigua--now a merchant in st. john's--_james scotland, sen., esq._ "disturbances, insubordinations, and revelry, have greatly decreased since emancipation; and it is a remarkable fact, that on the day of abolition, which was observed with the solemnity and services of the sabbath, not an instance of common insolence was experienced from any freed man." "there is no feeling of insecurity. a stronger proof of this cannot be given than the dispensing, within five months after emancipation, with the christmas guards, which had been regularly and uninterruptedly kept, for nearly one hundred years--during the whole time of slavery." "the military has never been called out, but on one occasion, since the abolition, and that was when a certain planter, the most violent enemy of freedom, reported to the governor that there were strong symptoms of insurrection among his negroes. the story was generally laughed at, and the reporter of it was quite ashamed of his weakness and fears." "my former occupation, as editor of a newspaper, rendered it necessary for me to make incessant inquiries into the conduct as well as the treatment of the emancipated, and i have _never heard any instance of revenge_ for former injuries. the negroes have _quitted_ managers who were _harsh or cruel_ to them in their bondage, but they removed in a peaceable and orderly manner." "our negroes, and i presume other negroes too, are very little less sensible to the force of those motives which lead to the peace, order, and welfare of society, than any other set of people." "the general conduct of the negroes has been worthy of much praise, especially considering the sudden transition from slavery to unrestricted freedom. their demeanor is peaceable and orderly." _ralph higinbothom, u. s. consul._ as we mingled with the missionaries, both in town and country, they all bore witness to the security of their persons and families. they, equally with the planters, were surprised that we should make any inquiries about insurrections. a question on this subject generally excited a smile, a look of astonishment, or some exclamation, such as "_insurrection_! my dear sirs, we do not think of such a thing;" or, "rebellion indeed! why, what should they rebel for _now_, since they have got their liberty!" physicians informed us that they were in the habit of riding into the country at all hours of the night, and though they were constantly passing negroes, both singly and in companies, they never had experienced any rudeness, nor even so much as an insolent word. they could go by night or day, into any part of the island where their professional duties called them, without the slightest sense of danger. a residence of nine weeks in the island gave us no small opportunity of testing the reality of its boasted security. the hospitality of planters and missionaries, of which we have recorded so many instances in a previous part of this work, gave us free access to their houses in every part of the island. in many cases we were constrained to spend the night with them, and thus enjoyed, in the intimacies of the domestic circle, and in the unguarded moments of social intercourse, every opportunity of detecting any lurking fears of violence, if such there had been; but we saw no evidence of it, either in the arrangements of the houses or in the conduct of the inmates[a]. [footnote a: in addition to the evidence derived from antigua, we would mention the following fact: a planter, who is also an attorney, informed us that on the neighboring little island of barbuda, (which is leased from the english government by sir christopher coddrington,) there are five hundred negroes and only _three white men_. the negroes are entirely free, yet the whites continue to live among them without any fear of having their throats cut. the island is cultivated in sugar.--barbuda is under the government of antigua, and accordingly the act of entire emancipation extended to that island.] fifth proposition.--there has been no fear of house breaking, highway robberies, and like misdemeanors, since emancipation. statements, similar to those adduced under the last head, from planters, and other gentlemen, might be introduced here; but as this proposition is so intimately involved in the foregoing, separate proof is not necessary. the same causes which excite apprehensions of insurrection, produce fears of robberies and other acts of violence; so also the same state of society which establishes security of person, insures the safety of property. both in town and country we heard gentlemen repeatedly speak of the slight fastenings to their houses. a mere lock, or bolt, was all that secured the outside doors, and they might be burst open with ease, by a single man. in some cases, as has already been intimated, the planters habitually neglect to fasten their doors--so strong is their confidence of safety. we were not a little struck with the remark of a gentleman in st. john's. he said he had long been desirous to remove to england, his native country, and had slavery continued much longer in antigua, he certainly should have gone; but _now_ the _security of property was so much greater in antigua than it was in england_, that he thought it doubtful whether he should ever _venture_ to take his family thither. sixth proposition.--emancipation is regarded by all classes as a great blessing to the island. there is not a class, or party, or sect, who do not esteem the abolition of slavery as a _special blessing to them_. the rich, because it relieved them of "property" which was fast becoming a disgrace, as it had always been a vexation and a tax, and because it has emancipated them from the terrors of insurrection, which kept them all their life time subject to bondage. the poor whites--because it lifted from off them the yoke of civil oppression. the free colored population--because it gave the death blow to the prejudice that crushed them, and opened the prospect of social, civil, and political equality with the whites. the _slaves_--because it broke open their dungeon, led them out to liberty, and gave them, in one munificent donation, their wives, their children, their bodies, their souls--every thing! the following extracts from the journals of the legislature, show the state of feeling existing shortly after emancipation. the first is dated october , : "the speaker said, that he looked with exultation at the prospect before us. the hand of the most high was evidently working for us. could we regard the universal tranquillity, the respectful demeanor of the lower classes, as less than an interposition of providence? the agricultural and commercial prosperity of the island were absolutely on the advance; and for his part he would not hesitate to purchase estates to-morrow." the following remark was made in the course of a speech by a member of the council, november , : "colonel brown stated, that since emancipation he had never been without a sufficient number of laborers, and he was certain he could obtain as many more to-morrow as he should wish." the general confidence in the beneficial results of emancipation, has grown stronger with every succeeding year and month. it has been seen that freedom will bear trial; that it will endure, and continue to bring forth fruits of increasing value. the governor informed us that "it was _universally admitted_, that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island." in a company of proprietors and planters, who met us on a certain occasion, among whom were lawyers, magistrates, and members of the council, and of the assembly, the sentiment was distinctly avowed, that emancipation was highly beneficial to the island, and there was not a dissenting opinion. "emancipation is working most admirably, especially for the planters. it is infinitely better policy than slavery or the apprenticeship either." --_dr. ferguson_. "our planters find that freedom answers a far better purpose than slavery ever did. a gentleman, who is attorney for eight estates, assured me that there was no comparison between the benefits and advantages of the two systems."--_archdeacon parry_. "all the planters in my neighborhood (st. philip's parish) are highly pleased with the operation of the new system."--_rev. mr. jones, rector of st. philip's_. "i do not know of more than one or two planters in the whole island, who do not consider emancipation as a decided advantage to all parties." --_dr. daniell_. that emancipation should be universally regarded as a blessing, is remarkable, when we consider that combination of untoward circumstances which it has been called to encounter--a combination wholly unprecedented in the history of the island. in , the first year of the new system, the colony was visited by one of the most desolating hurricanes which has occurred for many years. in the same year, cultivation was arrested, and the crops greatly reduced, by drought. about the same time, the yellow fever prevailed with fearful mortality. the next year the drought returned, and brooded in terror from march until january, and from january until june: not only blasting the harvest of ' , but extending its blight over the crops of ' . nothing could be better calculated to try the confidence in the new system. yet we find all classes zealously exonerating emancipation, and in despite of tornado, plague, and wasting, still affirming the blessings and advantages of freedom! seventh proposition.--_free labor_ is decidedly less expensive than _slave labor_. it costs the planter actually less to pay his free laborers daily wages, than it did to maintain his slaves. it will be observed in the testimony which follows, that there is some difference of opinion as to the _precise amount_ of reduction in the expenses, which is owing to the various modes of management on different estates, and more particularly, to the fact that some estates raise all their provisions, while others raise none. but as to the fact itself, there can scarcely be said to be any dispute among the planters. there was one class of planters whose expenses seemed to be somewhat increased, viz. those who raised all their provisions before emancipation, and ceased to raise any _after_ that event. but in the opinion of the most intelligent planters, even these did not really sustain any loss, for originally it was bad policy to raise provisions, since it engrossed that labor which would have been more profitably directed to the cultivation of sugar; and hence they would ultimately be gainers by the change. s. bourne, esq. stated that the expenses on millar's estate, of which he is manager, had diminished about _one third_. mr. barnard, of green castle, thought his expenses were about the same that they were formerly. mr. favey, of lavicount's estate, enumerated, among the advantages of freedom over slavery, "the diminished expense." dr. nugent also stated, that "the expenses of cultivation were greatly diminished." mr. hatley, manager of fry's estate, said that the expenses on his estate had been greatly reduced since emancipation. he showed us the account of his expenditures for the last year of slavery, and the first full year of freedom, . the expenses during the last year of slavery were _l._ _s._ - / _d._; the expenses for were _l._ _s._ - / _d._: showing a reduction of more than one third. d. cranstoun, esq., informed us that his weekly expenses during slavery, on the estate which he managed, were, on an average, _l._; the average expenses now do not exceed _l._ extract of a letter from hon. n. nugent: "the expenses of cultivating sugar estates have in no instance, i believe, been found _greater_ than before. as far as my experience goes, they are certainly less, particularly as regards those properties which were overhanded before, when proprietors were compelled to support more dependents than they required. in some cases, the present cost is less by _one third_. i have not time to furnish you with any detailed statements, but the elements of the calculation are simple enough." it is not difficult to account for the diminution in the cost of cultivation. in the first place, for those estates that bought their provision previous to emancipation, it cost more money to purchase their stores than they now pay out in wages. this was especially true in dry seasons, when home provisions failed, and the island was mainly dependent upon foreign supplies. but the chief source of the diminution lies in the reduced number of people to be supported by the planter. during slavery, the planter was required by law to maintain _all_ the slaves belonging to the estate; the superannuated, the infirm, the pregnant, the nurses, the young children, and the infants, as well as the working slaves. now it is only the latter class, the effective laborers, (with the addition of such as were superannuated or infirm at the period of emancipation,) who are dependent upon the planter. these are generally not more than one half, frequently less than a third, of the whole number of negroes resident on the estate; consequently a very considerable burthen has been removed from the planter. the reader may form some estimate of the reduced expense to the planter, resulting from these causes combined, by considering the statement made to us by hon. n. nugent, and repeatedly by proprietors and managers, that had slavery been in existence during the present drought, many of the smaller estates _must have been inevitably ruined_; on account of the high price of imported provisions, (home provisions having fallen short) and the number of slaves to be fed. eighth proposition.--the negroes work _more cheerfully_, and _do their work better_ than they did during slavery. wages are found to be an ample substitute for the lash--they never fail to secure the amount of labor desired. this is particularly true where task work is tried, which is done occasionally in cases of a pressing nature, when considerable effort is required. we heard of no complaints on the score of idleness, but on the contrary, the negroes were highly commended for the punctuality and cheerfulness with which they performed the work assigned them. the governor stated, that "he was assured by planters, from every part of the island, that the negroes were very industriously disposed." "my people have become much more industrious since they were emancipated. i have been induced to extend the sugar cultivation over a number of acres more than have ever been cultivated before."--_mr. watkins, of donovan's_. "fearing the consequences of emancipation, i reduced my cultivation in the year ' ; but soon finding that my people would work as well as ever, i brought up the cultivation the next year to the customary extent, and this year (' ) i have added fifteen acres of new land."--_s. bourne, of millar's_. "throughout the island the estates were never in a more advanced state than they now are. the failure in the crops is not in the slightest degree chargeable to a deficiency of labor. i have frequently adopted the job system for short periods; the results have always been gratifying--the negroes accomplished twice as much as when they worked for daily wages, because they made more money. on some days they would make three shillings--three times the ordinary wages."--_dr. daniell_. "they are as a body _more_ industrious than when slaves, for the obvious reason that they are _working for themselves_."--_ralph higinbothom, u.s. consul_. "i have no hesitation in saying that on my estate cultivation is more forward than ever it has been at the same season. the failure of the crops is not in the least degree the fault of the laborers. they have done well."--_mr. favey, of lavicount's estate_. "the most general apprehension prior to emancipation was, that the negroes would not work after they were made free--that they would be indolent, buy small parcels of land, and '_squat_' on them to the neglect of sugar cultivation. time, however, has proved that there was no foundation for this apprehension. the estates were never in better order than they are at present. if you are interrogated on your return home concerning the cultivation of antigua, you can say that every thing depends upon the _weather_. if we have _sufficient rain_, you may be certain that we shall realize abundant crops. if we have no rain, the crops _must inevitably_ fail. _but we always depend upon the laborers_. on account of the stimulus to industry which wages afford, there is far less feigned sickness than there was during slavery. when slaves, the negroes were glad to find any excuse for deserting their labor, and they were incessantly feigning sickness. the sick-house was thronged with real and pretended invalids. after ' , it was wholly deserted. the negroes would not go near it; and, in truth, i have lately used it for a stable."--_hon. n. nugent_. "though the laborers on both the estates under my management have been considerably reduced since freedom, yet the grounds have never been in a finer state of cultivation, than they are at present. when my work is backward, i give it out in jobs, and it is always done in half the usual time." "emancipation has almost wholly put an end to the practice of _skulking_, or pretending to be sick. that was a thing which caused the planter a vast deal of trouble during slavery. every monday morning regularly, when i awoke, i found ten or a dozen, or perhaps twenty men and women, standing around my door, waiting for me to make my first appearance, and begging that i would let them off from work that day on account of sickness. it was seldom the case that one fourth of the applicants were really unwell; but every one would maintain that he was very sick, and as it was hard to contend with them about it, they were all sent off to the sick-house. now this is entirely done away, and my sick-house is converted into a chapel for religious worship."--_james howell, esq._ "i find my people much more disposed to work than they formerly were. the habit of feigning sickness to get rid of going to the field, is completely broken up. this practice was very common during slavery. it was often amusing to hear their complaints. one would come carrying an arm in one hand, and declaring that it had a mighty pain in it, and he could not use the hoe no way; another would make his appearance with both hands on his breast, and with a rueful look complain of a great pain in the stomach; a third came limping along, with a _dreadful rheumatiz_ in his knees; and so on for a dozen or more. it was vain to dispute with them, although it was often manifest that nothing earthly was ailing them. they would say, 'ah! me massa, you no tink how bad me feel--it's _deep in_, massa.' but all this trouble is passed. we have no sick-house now; no feigned sickness, and really much less actual illness than formerly. my people say, '_they have not time to be sick now_.' my cultivation has never been so far advanced at the same season, or in finer order than it is at the present time. i have been encouraged by the increasing industry of my people to bring several additional acres under cultivation."--_mr. hatley, fry's estate_. "i get my work done better than formerly, and with incomparably more cheerfulness. my estate was never in a finer state of cultivation than it is now, though i employ _fewer_ laborers than during slavery. i have occasionally used job, or task work, and with great success. when i give out a job, it is accomplished in about half the time that it would have required by giving the customary wages. the people will do as much in one week at job work, as they will in two, working for a shilling a day. i have known them, when they had a job to do, turn out before three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight."--_d. cranstoun, esq._ "my people work very well for the ordinary wages; i have no fault to find with them in this respect."--_manager of scotland's estate_. _extract from the superintendent's report to the commander in chief_. superintendent's office, _june th_. . "during the last month i have visited the country in almost every direction, with the express object of paying a strict attention to all branches of agricultural operations at that period progressing. the result of my observations is decidedly favorable, as regards proprietors and laborers. the manufacture of sugar has advanced as far as the long and continued want of rain will admit; the lands, generally, appear to be in a forward state of preparation for the ensuing crop, and the laborers seem to work with more steadiness and satisfaction to themselves and their employers, than they have manifested for some length of time past, and their work is much more correctly performed. complaints are, for the most part, adduced by the employers against the laborers, and principally consist, (as hitherto,) of breaches of contract; but i am happy to observe, that a diminution of dissatisfaction on this head even, has taken place, as will be seen by the accompanying general return of offences reported. your honor's most obedient, humble servant, _richard s. wickham, superintendent of police_." ninth proposition.--the negroes are _more easily managed_ as freemen than they were when slaves. on this point as well as on every other connected with the system of slavery, public opinion in antigua has undergone an entire revolution, since . it was then a common maxim that the peculiar characteristics of the negro absolutely required a government of terror and brute force. the governor said, "the negroes are as a race remarkable for _docility_; they are very easily controlled by kind influence. it is only necessary to gain their confidence, and you can sway them as you please." "before emancipation took place, i dreaded the consequence of abolishing the power of compelling labor, but i have since found by experience that forbearance and kindness are sufficient for all purposes of authority. i have seldom had any trouble in managing my people. they consider me their friend, and the expression of my wish is enough for them. those planters who have retained their _harsh manner_ do not succeed under the new system. the people will not bear it."--_mr. j. howell_. "i find it remarkably easy to manage my people. i govern them entirely by mildness. in every instance in which managers have persisted in their habits of arbitrary command, they have failed. i have lately been obliged to discharge a manager from one of the estates under my direction, on account of his overbearing disposition. if i had not dismissed him, the people would have abandoned the estate _en masse_."--_dr. daniell_. "the management of an estate under the free system is a much lighter business than it used to be. we do not have the trouble to get the people to work, or to keep them in order."--_mr. favey_. "before the abolition of slavery, i thought it would be utterly impossible to manage my people without tyrannizing over them as usual, and that it would be giving up the reins of government entirely, to abandon the whip; but i am now satisfied that i was mistaken. i have lost all desire to exercise arbitrary power. i have known of several instances in which unpleasant disturbances have been occasioned by managers giving way to their anger, and domineering over the laborers. the people became disobedient and disorderly, and remained so until the estates went into other hands, and a good management immediately restored confidence and peace."--_mr. watkins_. "among the advantages belonging to the free system, may he enumerated the greater facility in managing estates. we are freed from a world of trouble and perplexity."--_david cranstoun, esq._ "i have no hesitation in saying, that if i have a supply of cash, i can take off any crop it may please god to send. having already, since emancipation, taken off one fully sixty hogsheads above the average of the last twenty years. i can speak with confidence."--_letter from s. bourne, esq._ mr. bourne stated a fact which illustrates the ease with which the negroes are governed by gentle means. he said that it was a prevailing practice during slavery for the slaves to have a dance soon after they had finished gathering in the crop. at the completion of his crop in ' , the people made arrangements for having the customary dance. they were particularly elated because the crop which they had first taken off was the largest one that had ever been produced by the estate, and it was also the largest crop on the island for that year. with these extraordinary stimulants and excitements, operating in connection with the influence of habit, the people were strongly inclined to have a dance. mr. b. told them that dancing was a bad practice--and a very childish, barbarous amusement, and he thought it was wholly unbecoming _freemen_. he hoped therefore that they would dispense with it. the negroes could not exactly agree with their manager--and said they did not like to be disappointed in their expected sport. mr. b. finally proposed to them that he would get the moravian minister, rev. mr. harvey, to ride out and preach to them on the appointed evening. the people all agreed to this. accordingly, mr. harvey preached, and they said no more about the dance--nor have they ever attempted to get up a dance since. we had repeated opportunities of witnessing the management of the laborers on the estates, and were always struck with the absence of every thing like coercion. by the kind invitation of mr. bourne, we accompanied him once on a morning circuit around his estate. after riding some distance, we came to the 'great gang' cutting canes. mr. b. saluted the people in a friendly manner, and they all responded with a hearty 'good mornin, massa.' there were more than fifty persons, male and female, on the spot. the most of them were employed in cutting canes[a], which they did with a heavy knife called a _bill_. mr. b. beckoned to the superintendent, a black man, to come to him, and gave him some directions for the forenoon's work, and then, after saying a few encouraging words to the people, took us to another part of the estate, remarking as we rode off, "i have entire confidence that those laborers will do their work just as i want to have it done." we next came upon some men, who were hoeing in a field of corn. we found that there had been a slight altercation between two of the men. peter, who was a foreman, came to mr. b., and complained that george would not leave the cornfield and go to another kind of work as he had bid him. mr. b. called george, and asked for an explanation. george had a long story to tell, and he made an earnest defence, accompanied with impassioned gesticulation; but his dialect was of such outlandish description, that we could not understand him. mr. b. told us that the main ground of his defence was that peter's direction was _altogether unreasonable_. peter was then called upon to sustain his complaint; he spoke with equal earnestness and equal unintelligibility. mr. b. then gave his decision, with great kindness of manner, which quite pacified both parties. [footnote a: the process of cutting canes is this:--the leafy part, at top is first cut off down as low as the saccharine matter a few of the lowest joints of the part thus cut off, are then stripped of the leaves, and cut off for _plants_, for the next crop. the stalk is then cut off close to the ground--and it is that which furnishes the juice for sugar. it is from three to twelve feet long, and from one to two inches in diameter, according to the quality of the soil, the seasonableness of the weather, &c. the cutters are followed by _gatherers_, who bind up the plants and stalks, as the cutters cast them behind them, in different bundles. the carts follow in the train, and take up the bundles--carrying the stalks to the mill to be ground, and the plants in another direction.] as we rode on, mr. b. informed us that george was himself the foreman of a small weeding gang, and felt it derogatory to his dignity to be ordered by peter. we observed on all the estates which we visited, that the planters, when they wish to influence their people, are in the habit of appealing to them as _freemen_, and that now better things are expected of them. this appeal to their self-respect seldom fails of carrying the point. it is evident from the foregoing testimony, that if the negroes do not work well on any estate, it is generally speaking the _fault of the manager_. we were informed of many instances in which arbitrary men were discharged from the management of estates, and the result has been the restoration of order and industry among the people. on this point we quote the testimony of james scotland, sen., esq., an intelligent and aged merchant of st. john's: "in this colony, the evils and troubles attending emancipation have resulted almost entirely from the perseverance of the planters in their old habits of domination. the planters very frequently, indeed, _in the early stage of freedom_, used their power as employers to the annoyance and injury of their laborers. for the slightest misconduct, and sometimes without any reason whatever, the poor negroes were dragged before the magistrates, (planters or their friends,) and mulcted in their wages, fined otherwise, and committed to jail or the house of correction. and yet those harassed people remained patient, orderly and submissive. _their treatment now is much improved. the planters have happily discovered, that as long as they kept the cultivators of their lands in agitations and sufferings, their own interests were sacrificed._" tenth proposition.--the negroes are _more trust-worthy, and take a deeper interest in their employers' affairs_, since emancipation. "my laborers manifest an increasing attachment to the estate. in all their habits they are becoming more settled, and they begin to feel that they have a personal interest in the success of the property on which they live."--_mr. favey_. "as long as the negroes felt uncertain whether they would remain in one place, or be dismissed and compelled to seek a home elsewhere, they manifested very little concern for the advancement of their employers' interest; but in proportion as they become permanently established on an estate, they seem to identify themselves with its prosperity. the confidence between master and servant is mutually increasing."--_mr. james howell_. the hon. mr. nugent, dr. daniell, d. cranstoun, esq., and other planters, enumerated among the advantages of freedom, the planters being released from the perplexities growing out of want of confidence in the sympathy and honesty of the slaves. s. bourne, esq., of millar's, remarked as we were going towards his mill and boiling-house, which had been in operation about a week, "i have not been near my works for several days; yet i have no fears but that i shall find every thing going on properly." the planters have been too deeply experienced in the nature of slavery, not to know that mutual jealousy, distrust, and alienation of feeling and interest, are its legitimate offspring; and they have already seen enough of the operation of freedom, to entertain the confident expectation, that fair wages, kind treatment, and comfortable homes, will attach the laborers to the estates, and identify the interests of the employer and the employed. eleventh proposition.--the experiment in antigua proves that emancipated slaves can _appreciate law_. it is a prevailing opinion that those who have long been slaves, cannot at once be safely subjected to the control of law. it will now be seen how far this theory is supported by facts. let it be remembered that the negroes of antigua passed, "by a single _jump_, from absolute slavery to unqualified freedom."[a] in proof of _their subordination to law_, we give the testimony of planters, and quote also from the police reports sent in monthly to the governor, with copies of which we were kindly furnished by order of his excellency. [footnote a: dr. daniell.] "i have found that the negroes are readily controlled by law; more so perhaps than the laboring classes in other countries."--_david cranstoun, esq._ "the conduct of the negro population generally, has surpassed all expectation. they are as pliant to the hand of legislation, as any people; perhaps more so than some." _wesleyan missionary_. similar sentiments were expressed by the governor, the hon. n. nugent, r.b. eldridge, esq., dr. ferguson, dr. daniell, and james scotland, jr., esq., and numerous other planters, managers, &c. this testimony is corroborated by the police reports, exhibiting, as they do, comparatively few crimes, and those for the most part minor ones. we have in our possession the police reports for every month from september, , to january, . we give such specimens as will serve to show the general tenor of the reports. _police-office, st. john's, sept_. , . "from the information which i have been able to collect by my own personal exertions, and from the reports of the assistant inspectors, at the out stations, i am induced to believe that, in general, a far better feeling and good understanding at present prevails between the laborers and their employers, than hitherto. capital offences have much decreased in number, as well as all minor ones, and the principal crimes lately submitted for the investigation of the magistrates, seem to consist chiefly in trifling offences and breaches of contract. _signed, richard s. wickham, superintendent of police_." * * * * * "to his excellency, _sir c.i. murray mcgregor, governor, &c_. _st. john's, antigua, oct_. , . sir--the general state of regularity and tranquillity which prevails throughout the island, admits of my making but a concise report to your excellency, for the last month. the autumnal agricultural labors continue to progress favorably, and i have every reason to believe, that the agriculturalists, generally, are far more satisfied with the internal state of the island affairs, than could possibly have been anticipated a short period since. from conversations which i have had with several gentlemen of extensive interest and practical experience, united with my own observations, i do not hesitate in making a favorable report of the general easy and quietly progressing state of contentedness, evidently showing itself among the laboring class; and i may add, that with few exceptions, a reciprocity of kind and friendly feeling at present is maintained between the planters and their laborers. although instances do occur of breach of contract, they are not very frequent, and in many cases i have been induced to believe, that the crime has originated more from the want of a proper understanding of the time, intent, and meaning of the contract into which the laborers have entered, than from the actual existence of any dissatisfaction on their part." _signed, &c._ * * * * * _st. john's, antigua, dec. d_, . "sir--i have the honor to report that a continued uninterrupted state of peace and good order has happily prevailed throughout the island, during the last month. the calendar of offences for trial at the ensuing sessions, bears little comparison with those of former periods, and i am happy to state, that the crimes generally, are of a trifling nature, and principally petty thefts. by a comparison of the two last lists of offences submitted for investigation, it will be found that a decrease has taken place in that for november." _signed, &c_. * * * * * st. john's, january d, . "sir--i have great satisfaction in reporting to your honor the peaceable termination of the last year, and of the christmas vacation. at this period of the year, which has for ages been celebrated for scenes of gaiety and amusement among the laboring, as well as all other classes of society, and when several successive days of idleness occur, i cannot but congratulate your honor, on the quiet demeanor and general good order, which has happily been maintained throughout the island. it may not be improper here to remark, that during the holidays, i had only one prisoner committed to my charge, and that even his offence was of a minor nature." _signed, &c_. * * * * * _extract of report for february, ._ "the operation of the late contract acts, caused some trifling inconvenience at the commencement, but now that they are clearly understood, even by the young and ignorant, i am of opinion, that the most beneficial effects have resulted from these salutary acts, equally to master and servant, and that a permanent understanding is fully established. a return of crimes reported during the month of january, i beg leave to enclose, and at the same time, to congratulate your honor on the vast diminution of all minor misdemeanors, and of the continued total absence of capital offences." * * * * * _superintendent's office_, _antigua, april th_, . "sir--i am happy to remark, for the information of your honor, that the easter holidays have passed off, without the occurrence of any violation of the existing laws sufficiently serious to merit particular observation."[a] _signed, &c_. * * * * * [footnote a: this and the other reports concern, not st. john's merely, but the entire population of the island.] _extract from the report for may, ._ "it affords me great satisfaction in being able to report that the continued tranquillity prevailing throughout the island, prevents the necessity of my calling the particular attention of your honor to the existence of any serious or flagrant offence. the crop season having far advanced, i have much pleasure in remarking the continued steady and settled disposition, which on most properties appear to be reciprocally established between the proprietors and their agricultural laborers; and i do also venture to offer as my opinion, that a considerable improvement has taken place, in the behavior of domestic, as well as other laborers, not immediately employed in husbandry." we quote the following table of offences as a specimen of the monthly reports: _police office, st. john's, ._ return of offences reported at the police stations from st to st may. nature of st. e. par- john- total. more less offenses. john's. har- ham. ston's than than bour. point. last last month. month. assaults. do. and batteries. breach of contract. burglaries. commitments under vagrant act. do. for fines. do under amended porter's and jobber's act. felonies. injury to property. larcenies. misdemeanors. murders. petty thefts. trespasses. riding improperly thro' the streets. total _signed_, richard s. wickham, _superintendent of police_. * * * * * _superintendent's office_, _antigua, july th_, . "sir,--i have the honor to submit for your information, a general return of all offences reported during the last month, by which your honor will perceive, that no increase of 'breach of contract' has been recorded. while i congratulate your honor on the successful maintenance of general peace, and a reciprocal good feeling among all classes of society, i beg to assure you, that the opinion which i have been able to form in relation to the behavior of the laboring population, differs but little from my late observations. at a crisis like this, when all hopes of the ultimate success of so grand and bold an experiment, depends, almost entirely, on a cordial co-operation of the community, i sincerely hope, that no obstacles or interruptions will now present themselves, to disturb that general good understanding so happily established, since the adoption of unrestricted freedom." * * * * * _superintendent's office_, _st. john's, sept. th_, . "sir--i have the honor to enclose, for the information of your excellency, the usual monthly return of offences reported for punishment. it affords me very great satisfaction to report, that the internal peace and tranquillity of the island has remained uninterrupted during the last month; the conduct of all classes of the community has been orderly and peaceable, and strictly obedient to the laws of their country. the agricultural laborers continue a steady and uniform line of conduct, and with some few exceptions, afford a general satisfaction to their several employers. every friend to this country, and to the liberties of the world, must view with satisfaction the gradual improvement in the character and behavior of this class of the community, under the constant operation of the local enactments. the change must naturally be slow, but i feel sure that, in due time, a general amelioration in the habits and industry of the laborers will be sensibly experienced by all grades of society in this island, and will prove the benign effects and propitious results of the co-operated exertions of all, for their general benefit and future advancement. complaints have been made in the public prints of the robberies committed in this town, as well as the neglect of duty of the police force, and as these statements must eventually come under the observation of your excellency, i deem it my duty to make a few observations on this point. the town of st. john's occupies a space of one hundred and sixty acres of land, divided into fourteen main, and nine cross streets, exclusive of lanes and alleys--with a population of about three thousand four hundred persons. the numerical strength of the police force in this district, is eleven sergeants and two officers; five of these sergeants are on duty every twenty-four hours. one remains in charge of the premises, arms, and stores; the other four patrole by day and night, and have also to attend to the daily duties of the magistrates, and the eleventh is employed by me (being an old one) in general patrole duties, pointing out nuisances and irregularities. one burglary and one felony alone were reported throughout the island population of , souls in the month of july; and no burglary, and three felonies, were last month reported. the cases of robbery complained of, have been effected without any violence or noise, and have principally been by concealment in stores, which, added to the great want of a single lamp, or other light, in any one street at night, must reasonably facilitate the design of the robber, and defy the detection of the most active and vigilant body of police." _signed, &c._ * * * * * _superintendent's office,_ _antigua, january th, ._ "sir--it is with feelings of the most lively gratification that i report, for your notice the quiet and peaceable termination of christmas vacation, and the last year, which were concluded without a single serious violation of the governing laws. i cannot refrain from cordially congratulating your excellency on the regular and steady behavior, maintained by all ranks of society, at this particular period of the year. not one species of crime which can be considered of an heinous nature, has yet been discovered; and i proudly venture to declare my opinion, that in no part of his majesty's dominions, has a population of thirty thousand conducted themselves with more strict propriety, at this annual festivity, or been more peaceably obedient to the laws of their country." _signed, &c._ * * * * * in connection with the above quotation from the monthly reports, we present an extract of a letter from the superintendent of the police, addressed to us. _st. john's, th february, ._ "my dear sirs--in compliance with your request, i have not any hesitation in affording you any information on the subject of the free system adopted in this island, which my public situation has naturally provided me with. the opinion which i have formed has been, and yet remains, in favor of the emancipation; and i feel very confident that the system has and continues to work well, in almost all instances. the laborers have conducted themselves generally in a highly satisfactory manner to all the authorities, and strikingly so when we reflect that the greater portion of the population of the island were at once removed from a state of long existing slavery, to one of unrestricted freedom. unacquainted as they are with the laws newly enacted for their future government and guidance, and having been led in their ignorance to expect incalculable wonders and benefits arising from freedom, i cannot but reflect with amazement on the peace and good order which have been so fortunately maintained throughout the island population of thirty thousand subjects. some trifling difficulties sprang up on the commencement of the new system among the laborers, but even these, on strict investigation, proved to originate more from _an ignorance of their actual position_, than from any bad feeling, or improper motives, and consequently _were of short duration_. in general the laborers are peaceable orderly, and civil, not only to those who move in higher spheres of life than themselves, but also to each other. the crimes they are generally guilty of, are petty thefts, and other minor offences against the local acts; but crimes of an heinous nature are very rare among them; and i may venture to say, that petty thefts, _breaking sugar-canes to eat_, and offences of the like description, _principally_ swell the calendars of our quarterly courts of sessions. _murder_ has been a stranger to this island for many years; no execution has occurred among the island population for a very long period; the only two instances were two _irish_ soldiers. the lower class having become more acquainted with their governing laws, have also become infinitely more obedient to them, and i have observed _that particular care is taken among most of them to explain to each other the nature of the laws_, and to point out in their usual style the ill consequences attending any violation of them. ==> _a due fear of, and a prompt obedience to, the authority of the magistrates, is a prominent feature of the lower orders_, and to this i mainly attribute the successful maintenance of rural tranquillity. since emancipation, the agricultural laborer has had to contend with two of the most obstinate droughts experienced for many years in the island, which has decreased the supply of his accustomed vegetables and ground provisions, and consequently subjected him and family to very great privations; but this even, i think, has been submitted to with becoming resignation. to judge of the past and present state of society throughout the island, i presume that _the lives and properties of all classes are as secure in this, as in any other portion of his majesty's dominions_; and i sincerely hope that the future behavior of all, will more clearly manifest the correctness of my views of this highly important subject. i remain, dear sirs, yours faithfully, richard s. wickham, _superintendent of police_." * * * * * this testimony is pointed and emphatic; and it comes from one whose _official business it is to know_ the things whereof he here affirms. we have presented not merely the opinions of mr. w., relative to the subordination of the emancipated negroes in antigua, but likewise the _facts_ upon which be founded his opinion. on a point of such paramount importance we cannot be too explicit. we therefore add the testimony of planters as to the actual state of crime compared with that previous to emancipation. said j. howell, esq., of t. jarvis's estate, "i do not think that aggressions on property, and crime in general, have increased since emancipation, but rather decreased. they _appear_ to be more frequent, because they are made _more public_. during slavery, all petty thefts, insubordination, insolence, neglect of work, and so forth, were punished summarily on the estate, by order of the manager, and not even so much as the rumor of them ever reached beyond the confines of the property. now all offences, whether great or trifling, are to be taken cognizance of by the magistrate or jury, and hence they become notorious. formerly each planter knew only of those crimes which occurred on his own property; now every one knows something about the crimes committed on every other estate, as well as his own." it will be remembered that mr. h. is a man of thorough and long experience in the condition of the island, having lived in it since the year , and being most of that time engaged directly is the management of estates. "aggression on private property, such as breaking into houses, cutting canes, &c., are decidedly fewer than formerly. it is true that crime is made more _public_ now, than during slavery, when the master was his own magistrate."--_dr. daniell_. "i am of the opinion that crime in the island has diminished rather than increased since the abolition of slavery. there is an _apparent_ increase of crime, because every misdemeanor, however petty, floats to the surface."--_hon. n. nugent_. we might multiply testimony on this point; but suffice it to say that with very few exceptions, the planters, many of whom are also civil magistrates, concur in these two statements; that the amount of crime is actually less than it was during slavery; and that it _appears_ to _be greater_ because of the publicity which is necessarily given by legal processes to offences which were formerly punished and forgotten on the spot where they occurred. some of the prominent points established by the foregoing evidence are, st. that most of the crimes committed are petty misdemeanors such as turning out to work late in the morning, cutting canes to eat, &c. _high penal offences_ are exceedingly rare. d. that where offences of a serious nature do occur, or any open insubordination takes place, they are founded in ignorance or misapprehension of the law, and are seldom repeated a second time, if the law be properly explained and fully understood. d. that the above statements apply to no particular part of the island, where the negroes are peculiarly favored with intelligence and religion, but are made with reference to tire island generally. now it happens that in one quarter of the island the negro population are remarkably ignorant and degraded. we were credibly informed by various missionaries, who had labored in antigua and in a number of the other english islands, that they had not found in any colony so much debasement among the people, as prevailed in the part of antigua just alluded to. yet they testified that the negroes in that quarter were as peaceable, orderly, and obedient to law, as in any other part of the colony. we make this statement here particularly for the purpose of remarking that in the testimony of the planters, and in the police reports; there is not a single allusion to this portion of the island as forming an exception to the prevailing state of order and subordination. after the foregoing facts and evidences, we ask, what becomes of the dogma, that slaves cannot be immediately placed under the government of _equitable laws_ with safety to themselves and the community? twelfth proposition.--the emancipated negroes have shown _no disposition to roam from place to place._ a tendency to rove about, is thought by many to be a characteristic of the negro; he is not allowed even an ordinary share of local attachment, but must leave the chain and staple of slavery to hold him amidst the graves of his fathers and the society of his children. the experiment in antigua shows that such sentiments are groundless prejudices. there a large body of slaves were "_turned loose_;" they had full liberty to leave their old homes and settle on other properties--or if they preferred a continuous course of roving, they might change employers every six weeks, and pass from one estate to another until they had accomplished the circuit of the island. but, what are the facts? "the negroes are not disposed to leave the estates on which they have formerly lived, unless they are forced away by bad treatment. i have witnessed many facts which illustrate this remark. not unfrequently one of the laborers will get dissatisfied about something, and in the excitement of the moment will notify me that he intends to leave my employ at the end of a month. but in nine cases out of ten such persons, before the month has expired, beg to be allowed to remain on the estate. the strength of their _local attachment_ soon overcomes their resentment and even drives them to make the most humiliating confessions in order to be restored to the favor of their employer, and thus be permitted to remain in their old homes."--_h. armstrong, esq._ "nothing but bad treatment on the part of the planters has ever caused the negroes to leave the estates on which they were accustomed to live, and in such cases a _change of management_ has almost uniformly been sufficient to induce them to return. we have known several instances of this kind."--_s. bourne, esq., of millar's, and mr. watkins, of donavan's_. "the negroes are remarkably attached to their homes. in the year , forty-three slaves were sold from the estate under my management, and removed to another estate ten miles distant. after emancipation, the whole of these came back, and plead with me to employ them, that they might live in their former houses."--_james howell, esq._ "very few of my people have left me. the negroes are peculiar for their attachment to their homes."--_samuel barnard, esq., of green castle_. "love of home is very remarkable in the negroes. it is a passion with them. on one of the estates of which i am attorney, a part of the laborers were hired from other proprietors. they had been for a great many years living on the estate, and they became so strongly attached to it, that they all continued to work on it after emancipation, and they still remain on the same property. the negroes are loth to leave their homes, and they very seldom do so unless forced away by ill treatment."--_dr. daniell_. on a certain occasion we were in the company of four planters, and among other topics this subject was much spoken of. they all accorded perfectly in the sentiment that the negroes were peculiarly sensible to the influence of local attachments. one of the gentlemen observed that it was a very common saying with them--"_me nebber leave my bornin' ground_,"--i.e., birth-place. an aged gentleman in st. john's, who was formerly a planter, remarked, "the negroes have very strong local attachments. they love their little hut, where the calabash tree, planted at the birth of a son, waves over the bones of their parents. they will endure almost any hardship and suffer repeated wrongs before they will desert that spot." such are the sentiments of west india planters; expressed, in the majority of cases, spontaneously, and mostly in illustration of other statements. we did not hear a word that implied an opposite sentiment. it is true, much was said about the emigration to demerara, but the facts in this case only serve to confirm the testimony already quoted. in the first place, nothing but the inducement of very high wages[a] could influence any to go, and in the next place, after they got there they sighed to return, (but were not permitted,) and sent back word to their relatives and friends not to leave antigua. [footnote a: from fifty cents to a dollar per day.] facts clearly prove, that the negroes, instead of being indifferent to local attachments, are peculiarly alive to them. that nothing short of cruelty can drive them from their homes--that they will endure even that, as long as it can be borne, rather than leave; and that as soon as the instrument of cruelty is removed, they will hasten back to their "_bornin' ground._" thirteenth proposition.--"the gift of unrestricted freedom, though so suddenly bestowed, has not made the negroes more insolent than they were while slaves, but has rendered them _less so_."--_dr. daniell_. said james howell, esq.--"a short time after emancipation, the negroes showed some disposition to assume airs and affect a degree of independence; but this soon disappeared, and they are now respectful and civil. there has been a mutual improvement in this particular. the planters treat the laborers more like fellow men, and this leads the latter to be respectful in their turn." r.b. eldridge, esq., asked us if we had not observed the civility of the lower classes as we passed them on the streets, both in town and in the country. he said it was their uniform custom to bow or touch their hat when they passed a white person. they did so during slavery, and he had not discovered any change in this respect since emancipation. said mr. bourne--"the negroes are decidedly less insolent now than they were during slavery." said mr. watkins, of donovan's--"the negroes are now all _cap in hand_; as they know that it is for their interest to be respectful to their employers." said dr. nugent--"emancipation has not produced insolence among the negroes." during our stay in antigua, we saw no indications whatsoever of insolence. we spoke in a former part of this work of the uncommon civility manifested in a variety of ways on the road-sides. a trifling incident occurred one day in st. john's, which at first seemed to be no small rudeness. as one of us was standing in the verandah of our lodging house, in the dusk of the evening, a brawny negro man who was walking down the middle of the street, stopped opposite us, and squaring himself, called out. "heigh! what for you stand dare wid your arms so?" placing his arms akimbo, in imitation of ours. seeing we made no answer, he repeated the question, still standing in the same posture. we took no notice of him, seeing that his supposed insolence was at most good-humored and innocent. our hostess, a colored lady, happened to step out at the moment, and told us that the man had mistaken us for her son, with whom he was well acquainted, at the same time calling to the man, and telling him of his mistake. the negro instantly dropped his arms, took off his hat, begged pardon, and walked away apparently quite ashamed. fourteenth proposition.--emancipation in antigua has demonstrated that gratitude _is a prominent trait of the negro character_. the conduct of the negroes on the first of august, , is ample proof of this; and their uniform conduct since that event manifests an _habitual_ feeling of gratitude. said one, "the liberty we received from the king, we can never sufficiently thank god for; whenever we think of it, our hearts go out in gratitude to god." similar expressions we heard repeatedly from the negroes.--we observed that the slightest allusion to the first of august in a company of freed persons, would awaken powerful emotions, accompanied with exclamations of "tank de good lord," "bless de savior," "praise de blessed savior," and such like. it was the remark of mr. james howell, manager of thibou jarvis's--"that the negroes evinced very little gratitude to their _masters_ for freedom. their gratitude all flowed toward god and the king, whom they regarded as the sole authors of their liberty." mr. watkins observed that "the negroes' motto was god and the king. this feeling existed particularly at the time of emancipation, and shortly after it. they have since become more attached to their former masters." it is by no means strange that the negroes should feel little gratitude toward their late masters, since they knew their opposition to the benevolent intentions of the english government. we were informed by dr. daniell and many others, that for several months before emancipation took place, the negroes had an idea that the king had sent them 'their free papers,' and that _their masters were keeping them back._ besides, it was but two years before that period, that they had come into fierce and open hostility with the planters for abolishing the sunday market, and giving them no market-day instead thereof. in this thing their masters had shown themselves to be their enemies. that any good thing could come from such persons the slaves were doubtless slow to believe. however, it is an undeniable fact, that since emancipation, kind treatment on the part of the masters, has never failed to excite gratitude in the negroes. the planters understand fully how they may secure the attachment and confidence of their people. a _grateful_ and _contented_ spirit certainly characterizes the negroes of antigua. they do not lightly esteem what they have got, and murmur because they have no more. they do not complain of small wages, and strike for higher. they do not grumble about their simple food and their coarse clothes, and flaunt about, saying '_freemen ought to live better_.' they do not become dissatisfied with their lowly, cane-thatched huts, and say we ought to have as good houses as massa. they do not look with an evil eye upon the political privileges of the whites, and say we have the majority, and we'll rule. it is the common saying with them, when speaking of the inconveniences which they sometimes suffer, "well, we must be satify and conten." fifteenth proposition.--the freed negroes of antigua have proved that _they are able to take care of themselves_. it is affirmed by the opponents of emancipation in the united states, that if the slaves were liberated, they could not take care of themselves. some of the reasons assigned for entertaining this view are-- st, "the negro is naturally improvident." d, "he is constitutionally indolent." d, "being of an inferior race, he is deficient in that shrewdness and management necessary to prevent his being imposed upon, and which are indispensable to enable him to conduct any business with success." th, "all these natural defects have been aggravated by slavery. the slave never provides for himself, but looks to his master for everything he needs. so likewise he becomes increasingly averse to labor, by being driven to it daily, and flogged for neglecting it. furthermore, whatever of mind he had originally has been extinguished by slavery." thus by nature and by habit the negro is utterly unqualified to take care of himself. so much for theory; now for testimony. first, what is the evidence with regard to the _improvidence_ of the negroes? "during slavery, the negroes squandered every cent of money they got, because they were sure of food and clothing. since their freedom, they have begun to cultivate habits of carefulness and economy".--_mr. james howell_. facts-- st. the low wages of the laborers is proof of their providence. did they not observe the strictest economy, they could not live on fifty cents per week. d. that they buy small parcels of land to cultivate, is proof of economy and foresight. the planters have to resort to every means in their power to induce their laborers not to purchase land. d. the friendly societies are an evidence of the same thing. how can we account for the number of these societies, and for the large sums of money annually contributed in them? and how is it that these societies have trebled, both in members and means since emancipation, if it be true that the negroes are thus improvident, and that freedom brings starvation? th. the weekly and monthly contributions to the churches, to benevolent societies, and to the schools, demonstrate the economy of the negroes; and the _great increase_ of these contributions since august, , proves that emancipation has not made them less economical. th. the increasing attention paid to the cultivation of their private provision grounds is further proof of their foresight. for some time subsequent to emancipation, as long as the people were in an unsettled state, they partially neglected their grounds. the reason was, they did not know whether they should remain on the same estate long enough to reap their provisions, should they plant any. this state of uncertainty very naturally paralyzed all industry and enterprise; and their neglecting the cultivation of their provision grounds, _under such circumstances_, evinced foresight rather than improvidence. since they have become more permanently established on the estates, they are resuming the cultivation of their grounds with renewed vigor. said dr. daniell--"there is an increasing attention paid by the negroes to cultivating their private lands, since they have become more permanently settled." th. the fact that the parents take care of the wages which their children earn, shows their provident disposition. we were informed that the mothers usually take charge of the money paid to their children, especially their daughters, and this, in order to teach them proper subordination, and to provide against casualties, sickness, and the infirmities of age. th. the fact that the negroes are able to support their aged parents, is further proof. as it regards the second specification, viz., _constitutional indolence_, we may refer generally to the evidence on this subject under a former proposition. we will merely state here two facts. st. although the negroes are not obliged to work on saturday, yet they are in the habit of going to estates that are weak-handed, and hiring themselves out on that day. d. it is customary throughout the island to give two hours (from to ) recess from labor. we were told that in many cases this time is spent in working on their private provision grounds, or in some active employment by which a pittance may be added to their scanty earnings. what are the facts respecting the natural _inferiority_ of the negro race, and their incompetency to manage their own affairs? said mr. armstrong--"the negroes are exceedingly quick _to turn a thought_. they show a great deal of shrewdness in every thing which concerns their own interests. to a stranger it must be utterly incredible how they can manage to live on such small wages. they are very exact in keeping their accounts with the manager." "the negroes are very acute in making bargains. a difficulty once arose on an estate under my charge, between the manager and the people, in settling for a job which the laborers had done. the latter complained that the manager did not give them as much as was stipulated in the original agreement. the manager contended that he had paid the whole amount. the people brought their complaint before me, as attorney, and maintained that there was one shilling and six-pence (about nineteen cents) due each of them. i examined the accounts and found that they were right, and that the manager had really made a mistake to the very amount specified."--_dr. daniell_. "the emancipated people manifest as much cunning and address in business, as any class of persons."--_mr. j. howell_. "the capabilities of the blacks for education are conspicuous; so also as to mental acquirements and trades."--_hon. n. nugent_. it is a little remarkable that while americans fear that the negroes, if emancipated, could not take care of themselves, the west indians fear lest they _should_ take care of themselves; hence they discourage them from buying lands, from learning trades, and from all employments which might render them independent of sugar cultivation. sixteenth proposition.--emancipation has operated at once to elevate and improve the negroes. it introduced them into the midst of all relations, human and divine. it was the first formal acknowledgment that they were men--personally interested in the operations of law, and the requirements of god. it laid the corner-stone in the fabric of their moral and intellectual improvement. "the negroes have a growing self-respect and regard for character. this was a feeling which was scarcely known by them during slavery."--_mr. j. howell_. "the negroes pay a great deal more attention to their personal appearance, than they were accustomed to while slaves. the _women_ in particular have improved astonishingly in their dress and manners."--_dr. daniell_. abundant proof of this proposition may be found in the statements already made respecting the decrease of licentiousness, the increased attention paid to marriage, the abandonment by the mothers of the horrible practice of selling their daughters to vile white men, the reverence for the sabbath, the attendance upon divine worship, the exemplary subordination to law, the avoidance of riotous conduct, insolence, and intemperance. seventeenth proposition--emancipation promises a vast improvement in the condition of woman. what could more effectually force woman from her sphere, than slavery has done by dragging her to the field, subjecting her to the obscene remarks, and to the vile abominations of licentious drivers and overseers; by compelling her to wield the heavy hoe, until advancing pregnancy rendered her useless then at the earliest possible period driving her back to the field with her infant swung at her back, or torn from her and committed to a stranger. some of these evils still exist in antigua, but there has already been a great abatement of them, and the humane planters look forward to their complete removal, and to the ultimate restoration of woman to the quiet and purity of domestic life. samuel bourne, esq., stated, that there had been a great improvement in the treatment of mothers on his estate. "under the old system, mothers were required to work half the time after their children were six weeks old; but now we do not call them out for _nine months_ after their confinement, until their children are entirely weaned." "in those cases where women have husbands in the field, they do not turn out while they are nursing their children. in many instances the husbands prefer to have their wives engaged in other work, and i do not require them to go to the field."--_mr. j howell_. much is already beginning to be said of the probability that the women will withdraw from agricultural labor. a conviction of the impropriety of females engaging in such employments is gradually forming in the minds of enlightened and influential planters. a short time previous to emancipation, the hon. n. nugent, speaker of the assembly, made the following remarks before the house:--"at the close of the debate, he uttered his fervent hope, that the day would come when the principal part of the agriculture of the island would be performed by males, and that the women would be occupied in keeping their cottages in order, and in increasing their domestic comforts. the desire of improvement is strong among them; they are looking anxiously forward to the instruction and advancement of their children, and even of themselves."--_antigua herald, of march_, . in a written communication to us, dated january , , the speaker says: "emancipation will, i doubt not, improve the condition of the females. there can be no doubt that they will ultimately leave the field, (except in times of emergency,) and confine themselves to their appropriate domestic employments." eighteenth proposition.--real estate has risen in value since emancipation; mercantile and mechanical occupations have received a fresh impulse; and the general condition of the colony is decidedly more flourishing than at any former period. "the credit of the island has decidedly improved. the internal prosperity of the island is advancing in an increased ratio. more buildings have been erected since emancipation, than for twenty years before. stores and shops have multiplied astonishingly; i can safely say that their number has more than quintupled since the abolition of slavery."--_dr. ferguson_. "emancipation has very greatly increased the value of, and consequently the demand for, real estate. that which three years ago was a drug altogether unsaleable by private bargain; has now many inquirers after it, and ready purchasers at good prices. the importation of british manufactured goods has been considerably augmented, probably one fourth." "the credit of the planters who have been chiefly affected by the change, has been much improved. and _the great reduction of expense in managing the estates_, has made them men of more real wealth, and consequently raised their credit both with the english merchants and our own."--_james scotland, sen., esq._ "the effect of emancipation upon the commerce of the island _must needs_ have been beneficial, as the laborers indulge in more wheaten flour, rice, mackerel, dry fish, and salt-pork, than formerly. more lumber is used in the superior cottages now built for their habitations. more dry goods--manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, silk, leather, &c., are also used, now that the laborers can better afford to indulge their propensity for gay clothing."--_statement of a merchant and agent for estates_. "real estate has risen in value, and mercantile business has greatly improved."--_h. armstrong, esq._ a merchant of st. john's informed us, that real estate had increased in value at least fifty per cent. he mentioned the fact, that an estate which previous to emancipation could not be sold for £ current, lately brought £ current. nineteenth proposition--emancipation has been followed by the introduction of labor-saving machinery. "various expedients for saving manual labor have already been introduced, and we anticipate still greater improvements. very little was thought of this subject previous to emancipation."--_s. bourne, esq._ "planters are beginning to cast about for improvements in labor. my own mind has been greatly turned to this subject since emancipation."--_h. armstrong, esq._ "the plough is beginning to be very extensively used."--_mr. hatley_. "there has been considerable simplification in agricultural labor already, which would have been more conspicuous, had it not been for the excessive drought which has prevailed since . the plough is more used, and the expedients for manuring land are less laborious."--_extract of a letter from hon. n. nugent_. twentieth proposition.--emancipation has produced the most decided change in the views of the _planters_. "before emancipation took place, there was the bitterest opposition to it among the planters. but after freedom came, they were delighted with the change. i felt strong opposition myself, being exceedingly unwilling to give up my power of command. but i shall never forget how differently i felt when freedom took place i arose from my bed on the first of august, exclaiming with joy, 'i am free, i am free; i _was the greatest slave on the estate_, but now i am free.'"--_mr. j. howell_. "we all resisted violently the measure of abolition, when it first began to be agitated in england. we regarded it as an outrageous interference with our rights, with our property. but we are now rejoiced that slavery is abolished."--_dr. daniell_. "i have already seen such decided benefits growing out of the free labor system, that for my part i wish never to see the face of slavery again." --_mr. hatley_. "i do not know of a single planter who would be willing to return to slavery. we all feel that it was a great curse."--_d. cranstoun, esq._ the speaker of the assembly was requested to state especially the advantages of freedom both to the master and the slave; and he kindly communicated the following reply: "the benefits to the master are conspicuous--he has got rid of the cark and care, the anxiety and incessant worry of managing slaves; all the trouble and responsibility of rearing them from infancy, of their proper maintenance in health, and sickness, and decrepitude, of coercing them to labor, restraining, correcting, and punishing their faults and crimes--settling all their grievances and disputes. he is now entirely free from all apprehension of injury, revenge, or insurrection, however transient and momentary such impression may have formerly been. he has no longer the reproach of being a _slaveholder_; his property has lost all the _taint_ of slavery, and is placed on as secure a footing, in a moral and political point of view, as that in any other part of the british dominions. as regards the _other_ party, it seems almost unnecessary to point out the advantages of being a free man rather than a slave. he is no longer liable to personal trespass of any sort; he has a right of self-control, and all the immunities enjoyed by other classes of his fellow subjects--he is enabled to better his condition as he thinks proper--he can make what arrangements he likes best, as regards his kindred, and all his domestic relations--he takes to his _own_ use and behoof, all the wages and profits of his own labor; he receives money wages instead of weekly allowances, and can purchase such particular food and necessaries as he prefers--_and so on_! it would be endless to attempt to enumerate all the superior advantages of a state of freedom to one of slavery!" the writer says, at the close of his invaluable letter, "i was born in antigua, and have resided here with little interruption since . since , i have taken an active concern in plantation affairs." he was born heir to a large slave property, and retained it up to the hour of emancipation. he is now the proprietor of an estate. we have, another witness to introduce to the reader, ralph higinbothom, esq., the united states consul!--_hear him_!-- "whatever may have been the dissatisfaction as regards emancipation among the planters at its commencement, there are few, indeed, if any, who are not _now_ well satisfied that under the present system, their properties are better worked, and their laborers more contented and cheerful, than in the time of slavery." in order that the reader may see the _revolution_ that has taken place since emancipation in the views of the highest class of society in antigua, we make a few extracts. "there was the most violent opposition in the legislature, and throughout the island, to the anti-slavery proceedings in parliament. the anti-slavery party in england were detested here for their _fanatical and reckless course_. such was the state of feeling previous to emancipation, that it would have been certain disgrace for any planter to have avowed the least sympathy with anti-slavery sentiments. the humane might have their hopes and aspirations, and they might secretly long to see slavery ultimately terminated; but they did not dare to make such feelings public. _they would at once have been branded as the enemies of their country!"--hon. n. nugent_. "there cannot be said to have been any _anti-slavery party_ in the island before emancipation. there were some individuals in st. john's, and a very few planters, who favored the anti-slavery views, but they dared not open their mouths, because of the bitter hostility which prevailed."--_s. bourne, esq._ "the opinions of the clergymen and missionaries, with the exception of, i believe, a few clergymen, were favorable to emancipation; but neither in their conduct, preaching, or prayers, did they declare themselves openly, until the measure of abolition was determined on. the missionaries felt restrained by their instructions from home, and the clergymen thought that it did not comport with their order 'to take part in politics!' i never heard of a single _planter_ who was favorable, until about three months before the emancipation took place; when some few of them began to perceive that it would be advantageous to their _interests_. whoever was known or suspected of being an advocate for freedom, became the object of vengeance, and was sure to suffer, if in no other way, by a loss of part of his business. my son-in-law[a], my son[b], and myself, were perhaps the chief marks for calumny and resentment. the first was twice elected a member of the assembly, and as often put out by scrutinies conducted by the house, in the most flagrantly dishonest manner. every attempt was made to deprive the second of his business, as a lawyer. with regard to myself, i was thrown into prison, without any semblance of justice, without any form of trial, but in the most summary manner, simply upon the complaint of one of the justices, and without any opportunity being allowed me of saying one word in my defence. i remained in jail until discharged by a peremptory order from the colonial secretary, to whom i appealed."--_james scotland, sen., esq._ [footnote a: dr. ferguson, physician in st. john's.] [footnote b: james scotland, jun., esq., barrister, proprietor, and member of assembly.] another gentleman, a white man, was arrested on the charge of being in the interest of the english anti-slavery party, and in a manner equally summary and illegal, was cast into prison, and confined there for one year. from the foregoing statements we obtain the following comparative view of the past and present state of sentiment in antigua. views and conduct of the planters previous to emancipation: st. they regarded the negroes as an inferior race, fit only for slaves. d. they regarded them as their rightful property. d. they took it for granted that negroes could never be made to work without the use of the whip; hence, th. they supposed that emancipation would annihilate sugar cultivation; and, th. that it would lead to bloodshed and general rebellion. th. those therefore who favored it, were considered the "_enemies of their country_"--"traitors"--and were accordingly persecuted in various ways, not excepting imprisonment in the common jail. th. so popular was slavery among the higher classes, that its morality or justice could not be questioned by a missionary--an editor--or a _planter_ even, without endangering the safety of the individual. th. the anti-slavery people in england were considered detestable men, intermeddling with matters which they did not understand, and which at any rate did not concern them. they were accused of being influenced by selfish motives, and of designing to further their own interests by the ruin of the planters. they were denounced as _fanatics, incendiaries, knaves, religious enthusiasts_. th the abolition measures of the english government were considered a gross outrage on the rights of private property, a violation their multiplied pledges of countenance and support, and a flagrant usurpation of power over the weak. views and conduct of the planters subsequent to emancipation: st. the negroes are retarded as _men_--equals standing on the same footing as fellow-citizens. d. slavery is considered a foolish, impolitic, and wicked system. d. slaves are regarded as an _unsafe_ species of property, and to hold them disgraceful. th. the planters have become the _decided enemies_ of slavery. the worst thing they could say against the apprenticeship, was, that "it was only another name for _slavery_." th. the abolition of slavery is applauded by the planters as one of the most noble and magnanimous triumphs ever achieved by the british government. th. distinguished abolitionists are spoken of in terms of respect and admiration. the english anti-slavery delegation[a] spent a fortnight in the island, and left it the same day we arrived. wherever we went we heard of them as "the respectable gentlemen from england," "the worthy and intelligent members of the society of friends," &c. a distinguished agent of the english anti-slavery society now resides in st. john's, and keeps a bookstore, well stocked with anti-slavery books and pamphlets. the bust of george thompson stands conspicuously upon the counter of the bookstore, looking forth upon the public street. [footnote a: messrs. sturge and harvey.] th. the planters affirm that the abolition of slavery put an end to all danger from insurrection, rebellion, privy conspiracy, and sedition, on the part of the slaves. th. emancipation is deemed an incalculable blessing, because it released the planters from an endless complication of responsibilities, perplexities, temptations and anxieties, and because it _emancipated them from the bondage of the whip_. th. _slavery--emancipation--freedom_--are the universal topics of conversation in antigua. anti-slavery is the popular doctrine among all classes. he is considered an enemy to his country who opposes the principles of liberty. the planters look with astonishment on the continuance of slavery in the united states, and express their strong belief that it must soon terminate here and throughout the world. they hailed the arrival of french and american visitors on tours of inquiry as a bright omen. in publishing our arrival, one of the st. john's papers remarks, "we regard this as a pleasing indication that the american public have their eyes turned upon our experiment, with a view, we may hope, of ultimately following our excellent example." (!) all classes showed the same readiness to aid us in what the governor was pleased to call "the objects of our philanthropic mission." such are the views now entertained among the planters of antigua. what a complete change[b]--and all in less than three years, and effected by the abolition of slavery and a trial of freedom! most certainly, if the former views of the antigua planters resemble those held by pro-slavery men in this country, their present sentiments are a _fac simile_ of those entertained by the immediate abolitionists. [footnote b: the following little story will further illustrate the wonderful revolution which has taken place in the public sentiment of this colony. the facts here stated all occurred while we were in antigua, and we procured them from a variety of authentic sources. they were indeed publicly known and talked of, and produced no little excitement throughout the island. mr. corbett was a respectable and intelligent planter residing on an estate near johnson's point. several months previous to the time of which we now speak, a few colored families (emancipated negroes) bought of a white man some small parcels of land lying adjacent to mr. c.'s estate. they planted their lands in provisions, and also built them houses thereon, and moved into them. after they had become actively engaged in cultivating their provisions, mr. corbett laid claim to the lands, and ordered the negroes to leave them forthwith. they of course refused to do so. mr. c. then flew into a violent rage, and stormed and swore, and threatened to burn their houses down over their heads. the terrified negroes forsook their property and fled. mr. c. then ordered his negroes to tear down their huts and burn up the materials--which was accordingly done. he also turned in his cattle upon the provision grounds, and destroyed them. the negroes made a complaint against mr. c., and he was arrested and committed to jail in st. john's for trial on the charge of _arson_. we heard of this circumstance on the day of mr. c.'s commitment, and we were told that it would probably go very hard with him on his trial, and that he would be very fortunate if he escaped the _gallows_ or _transportation_. a few days after this we were surprised to hear that mr. c. had died in prison. upon inquiry, we learned that he died literally from _rage and mortification_. his case defied the, skill and power of the physicians. they could detect the presence of no disease whatever, even on a minute post-mortem examination. they pronounced it as their opinion that he had died from the violence of his passions--excited by being imprisoned, together with his apprehensions of the fatal issue of the trial. not long before emancipation, mr. scotland was imprisoned for _befriending_ the negroes. after emancipation, mr. corbett was imprisoned for wronging them. mr. corbett was a respectable planter, of good family and moved in the first circles in the island] twenty-first proposition.--emancipation has been followed by a manifest diminution of "_prejudice against color_," and has opened the prospect off its speedy extirpation. some thirty years ago, the president of the island, sir edward byam, issued an order forbidding the great bell in the cathedral of st. john's being tolled at the funeral of a colored person; and directing a _smaller_ bell to be hung up in the same belfry, and used on such occasions. for twenty years this distinction was strictly maintained. when a white person, however _vile_, was buried, the great bell was tolled; when a colored person, whatever his moral worth, intelligence, or station, was carried to his grave, the little bell was tinkled. it was not until the arrival of the present excellent rector, that this "prejudice bell" was silenced. the rev. mr. cox informed us that prejudice had greatly decreased since emancipation. it was very common for white and colored gentlemen to be seen walking arm in arm an the streets of st. john's. "prejudice against color is fast disappearing. the colored people have themselves contributed to prolong this feeling, _by keeping aloof from the society of the whites_."--_james howell, of t. jarvis's_. how utterly at variance is this with the commonly received opinion, that the colored people are disposed to _thrust_ themselves into the society of the whites! "_prejudice against color_ exists in this community only to a limited extent, and that chiefly among those who could never bring themselves to believe that emancipation would really take place. policy dictates to them the propriety of confining any expression of their feelings to those of the same opinions. nothing is shown of this prejudice in their intercourse with the colored class--it is '_kept behind the scenes_.'"--_ralph higginbotham, u. s. consul._ mr. h. was not the only individual standing in "high places" who insinuated that the whites that still entertained prejudice were ashamed of it. his excellency the governor intimated as much, by his repeated assurances for himself and his compeers of the first circles, that there was no such feeling in the island as prejudice against _color_. the reasons for excluding the colored people from their society, he said, were wholly different from that. it was chiefly because of their _illegitimacy_, and also because they were not sufficiently refined, and because their _occupations_ were of an inferior kind, such as mechanical trades, small shop keeping, &c. said he, "you would not wish to ask your tailor, or your shoemaker, to dine with you?" however, we were too unsophisticated to coincide in his excellency's notions of social propriety. twenty-second proposition.--the progress of the anti-slavery discussions in england did not cause the masters to treat their slaves worse, but on the contrary restrained them from outrage. "the treatment of the slaves during the discussions in england, was manifestly milder than before."--_dr. daniell._ "the effect of the proceedings in parliament was to make the planters treat their slaves better. milder laws were passed by the assembly, and the general condition of the slave was greatly ameliorated."--_h. armstrong, esq._ "the planters did not increase the rigor of their discipline because of the anti-slavery discussions; but as a general thing, were more lenient than formerly."--_s. bourne. esq._ "we pursued a much milder policy toward our slaves after the agitation began in england."--_mr. jas. hawoil_. "the planters did not treat their slaves worse on account of the discussions; but were more lenient and circumspect."--_letter of hon. n. nugent._ "there was far less cruelty exercised by the planters during the anti-slavery excitement in gland. they were always on their guard to escape the notice of the abolitionists. _they did not wish to have their names published abroad, and to be exposed as monsters of cruelty!_"--_david cranstoun, esq._ we have now completed our observations upon antigua. it has been our single object in the foregoing account to give an accurate statement of the results of immediate emancipation. we have not taken a single step beyond the limits of testimony, and we are persuaded that testimony materially conflicting with this, cannot be procured from respectable sources in antigua. we now leave it to our readers to decide, whether emancipation in antigua has been to all classes in that island a _blessing_ or a _curse_. we cannot pass from this part of our report without recording the kindness and hospitality which we everywhere experienced during our sojourn in antigua. whatever may have been our apprehensions of a cool reception from a community of ex-slaveholders, none of our forebodings were realized. it rarely falls to the lot of strangers visiting a distant land, with none of the contingencies of birth, fortune, or fame, to herald their arrival, and without the imposing circumstance of a popular mission to recommend them, to meet with a warmer reception, or to enjoy a more hearty confidence, than that with which we were honored in the interesting island of antigua. the very _object_ of our visit, humble, and even odious as it may appear in the eyes of many of our own countrymen, was our passport to the consideration and attention of the higher classes in that free colony. we hold in grateful remembrance the interest which all--not excepting those most deeply implicated in the late system of slavery--manifested in our investigations. to his excellency the governor, to officers both civil and military, to legislators and judges, to proprietors and planters, to physicians, barristers, and merchants, to clergymen, missionaries, and teachers, we are indebted for their uniform readiness in furthering our objects, and for the mass of information with which they were pleased to furnish us. to the free colored population, also, we are lasting debtors for their hearty co-operation and assistance. to the emancipated, we recognise our obligations as the friends of the slave, for their simple-hearted and reiterated assurances that they should remember the oppressed of our land in their prayers to god. in the name of the multiplying hosts of freedom's friends, and in behalf of the millions of speechless but grateful-hearted slaves, we render to our acquaintances of every class in antigua our warmest thanks for their cordial sympathy with the cause of emancipation in america. we left antigua with regret. the natural advantages of that lovely island; its climate, situation, and scenery; the intelligence and hospitality of the higher orders, and the simplicity and sobriety of the poor; the prevalence of education, morality, and religion; its solemn sabbaths and thronged sanctuaries; and above _all_, its rising institutions of liberty--flourishing so vigorously,--conspire to make antigua one of the fairest portions of the earth. formerly it was in our eyes but a speck on the world's map, and little had we checked if an earthquake had sunk, or the ocean had overwhelmed it; but now, the minute circumstances in its condition, or little incidents in its history, are to our minds invested with grave interest. none, who are alive to the cause of religious freedom in the world, can be indifferent to the movements and destiny of this little colony. henceforth, antigua is the morning star of our nation, and though it glimmers faintly through a lurid sky, yet we hail it, and catch at every ray as the token of a bright sun which may yet burst gloriously upon us. barbadoes chapter i. passage barbadoes was the next island which we visited. having failed of a passage in the steamer,[a] (on account of her leaving antigua on the sabbath,) we were reduced to the necessity of sailing in a small schooner, a vessel of only seventeen tons burthen, with no cabin but a mere _hole_, scarcely large enough to receive our baggage. the berths, for there were two, had but one mattress between them; however, a foresail folded made up the complement. [footnote a: there are several english steamers which ply between barbadoes and jamaica, touching at several of the intermediate and surrounding islands, and carrying the mails.] the being for the most part directly against us, we were seven days in reaching barbadoes. our aversion to the sepulchre-like cabin obliged us to spend, not the days only, but the nights mostly on the open deck. wrapping our cloaks about us, and drawing our fur caps over our faces, we slept securely in the soft air of a tropical clime, undisturbed save by the hoarse voice of the black captain crying "ready, bout" and the flapping of the sails, and the creaking of the cordage, in the frequent tackings of our staunch little sea-boat. on our way we passed under the lee of guadaloupe and to the windward of dominica, martinique and st. lucia. in passing guadaloupe, we were obliged to keep at a league's distance from the land, in obedience to an express regulation of that colony prohibiting small english vessels from approaching any nearer. this is a precautionary measure against the escape of slaves to the english islands. numerous small vessels, called _guarda costas_, are stationed around the coast to warn off vessels and seize upon all slaves attempting to make their escape. we were informed that the eagerness of the french negroes to taste the sweets of liberty, which they hear to exist in the surrounding english islands, is so great, that notwithstanding all the vigilance by land and sea, they are escaping in vast numbers. they steal to the shores by night, and seizing upon any sort of vessel within their reach, launch forth and make for dominica, montserrat, or antigua. they have been known to venture out in skiffs, canoes, and such like hazardous conveyances, and make a voyage of fifty or sixty miles; and it is not without reason supposed, that very many have been lost in these eager darings for freedom. such is their defiance of dangers when liberty is to be won, that old ocean, with its wild storms, and fierce monsters, and its yawning deep, and even the superadded terrors of armed vessels ever hovering around the island, are barriers altogether ineffectual to prevent escape. the western side of guadaloupe, along which we passed, is hilly and little cultivated. it is mostly occupied in pasturage. the sugar estates are on the opposite side of the island, which stretches out eastward in a low sloping country, beautifully situated for sugar cultivation. the hills were covered with trees, with here and there small patches of cultivated grounds where the negroes raise provisions. a deep rich verdure covered all that portion of the island which we saw. we were a day and night in passing the long island of guadaloupe. another day and night were spent in beating through the channel between gaudaloupe and dominica: another day in passing the latter island, and then we stood or martinique. this is the queen island of the french west indies. it is fertile and healthful, and though not so large as guadaloupe, produces a larger revenue. it has large streams of water, and many of the sugar mills are worked by them. martinique and dominica are both very mountainous. their highest peaks are constantly covered with clouds, which in their varied siftings, now wheeling around, then rising or falling, give the hills the appearance of smoking volcanoes. it was not until the eighth day of the voyage, that we landed at barbadoes. the passage from barbadoes to antigua seldom occupies more than three days, the wind being mostly in that direction. in approaching barbadoes, it presented an entirely difference appearance from that of the islands we had passed on the way. it is low and level, almost wholly destitute of trees. as we drew nearer we discovered in every direction the marks of its extraordinary cultivation. the cane fields and provision grounds in alternate patches cover the island with one continuous mantle of green. the mansions of the planters, and the clusters of negro houses, appear at shore intervals dotting the face of the island, and giving to it the appearance of a vast village interspersed with verdant gardens. we "rounded up" in the bay, off bridgetown, the principal place in barbadoes, where we underwent a searching examination by the health officer; who, after some demurring, concluded that we might pass muster. we took lodgings in bridgetown with mrs. m., a colored lady. the houses are mostly built of brick or stone, or wood plastered. they are seldom more than two stories high, with flat roofs, and huge window shutters and doors--the structures of a hurricane country. the streets are narrow and crooked, and formed of white marle, which reflects the sun with a brilliancy half blinding to the eyes. most of the buildings are occupied as stores below and dwelling houses above, with piazzas to the upper story, which jut over the narrow streets, and afford a shade for the side walks. the population of bridgetown is about , . the population of the island is about , , of whom nearly , are apprentices, the remainder are free colored and white in the proportion of , free colored and , whites. the large population exists on an island not more than twenty miles long, by fifteen broad. the whole island is under the most vigorous and systematic culture. there is scarcely a foot of productive land that is not brought into requisition. there is no such thing as a forest of any extent in the island. it is thus that, notwithstanding the insignificance of its size, barbadoes ranks among the british islands next to jamaica in value and importance. it was on account of its conspicuous standing among the english colonies, that we were induced to visit it, and there investigate the operations of the apprenticeship system. our principal object in the following tales is to give an account of the working of the apprenticeship system, and to present it in contrast with that of entire freedom, which has been described minutely in our account of antigua. the apprenticeship was designed as a sort of preparation for freedom. a statement of its results will, therefore, afford no small data for deciding upon the general principle of _gradualism_! we shall pursue a plan less labored and prolix than that which it seemed necessary to adopt in treating of antigua. as that part of the testimony which respects the abolition of slavery, and the sentiments of the planters is substantially the same with what is recorded in the foregoing pages, we shall be content with presenting it in the sketch of our travels throughout the island, and our interviews with various classes of men. the testimony respecting the nature and operations of the apprenticeship system, will be embodied in a more regular form. visit to the governor. at an early day after our arrival we called on the governor, in pursuance of the etiquette of the island, and in order to obtain the assistance of his excellency in our inquiries. the present governor is sir evan john murray mcgregor, a scotchman of irish reputation. he is the present chieftain of the mcgregor clan, which figures so illustriously in the history of scotland. sir evan has been distinguished for his victory in war, and he now bears the title of knight, for his achievements in the british service. he is governor-general of the windward islands, which include barbadoes, grenada, st. vincent's, and tobago. the government house, at which he resides, is about two miles from town. the road leading to it is a delightful one, lined with cane fields, and pasture grounds, all verdant with the luxuriance of midsummer. it passes by the cathedral, the king's house, the noble residence of the archdeacon, and many other fine mansions. the government house is situated in a pleasant eminence, and surrounded with a large garden, park, and entrance yard. at the large outer gate, which gives admittance to the avenue leading to the house, stood a _black_ sentinel in his military dress, and with a gun on his shoulder, pacing to and fro. at the door of the house we found another black soldier on guard. we were ushered into the dining hall, which seems to serve as ante-chamber when not otherwise used. it is a spacious airy room, overhung with chandeliers and lamps in profusion, and bears the marks of many scenes of mirth and wassail. the eastern windows, which extend from the ceiling to the floor, look out upon a garden filled with shrubs and flowers, among which we recognised a rare variety of the floral family in full bloom. every thing around--the extent of the buildings, the garden, the park, with deer browsing amid the tangled shrubbery--all bespoke the old english style and dignity. after waiting a few minutes, we were introduced to his excellency, who received us very kindly. he conversed freely on the subject of emancipation, and gave his opinion decidedly in favor of unconditional freedom. he has been in the west indies five years, and resided at antigua and dominica before he received his present appointment; he has visited several other islands besides. in no island that he has visited have affairs gone on so quietly and satisfactorily to all parties as in antigua. he remarked that he was ignorant of the character of the black population of the united states, but from what he knew of their character in the west indies, he could not avoid the conclusion that immediate emancipation was entirely safe. he expressed his views of the apprenticeship system with great freedom. he said it was vexatious to all parties. he remarked that he was so well satisfied that emancipation was safe and proper, and that unconditional freedom was better than apprenticeship, that had he the power, he would emancipate every apprentice to-morrow. it would be better both for the planter and the laborer. _he thought the negroes in barbadoes, and in the windward islands generally, now as well prepared for freedom as the slaves of antigua._ the governor is a dignified but plain man, of sound sense and judgement, and of remarkable liberality. he promised to give us every assistance, and said, as we arose to leave him, that he would mention the object of our visit to a number of influential gentlemen, and that we should shortly hear from him again. a few days after our visit to the governor's, we called on the rev. edward elliott, the archdeacon at barbadoes, to whom we had been previously introduced at the house of a friend in bridgetown. he is a liberal-minded man. in , he delivered a series of lectures in the cathedral on the subject of slavery. the planters became alarmed--declared that such discourses would lead to insurrection, and demanded that they should lie abandoned. he received anonymous letters threatening him with violence unless he discontinued them. nothing daunted, however, he went through the course, and afterwards published the lectures in a volume. the archdeacon informed us that the number of churches and clergymen had increased since emancipation; religious meetings were more fully attended, and the instructions given had manifestly a greater influence. increased attention was paid to _education_ also. before emancipation the planters opposed education, and as far as possible, prevented the teachers from coming to the estates. now they encouraged it in many instances, and where they do not directly encourage, they make no opposition. he said that the number of marriages had very much increased since the abolition of slavery. he had resided in barbados for twelve years, during which time he had repeatedly visited many of the neighboring islands. he thought the negroes of barbadoes _were as well prepared for freedom in , as those of antigua_, and that there would have been no bad results had entire emancipation been granted at that time. he did not think there was the least danger of insurrection. on this subject he spoke the sentiments of the inhabitants generally. he did not suppose there were five planters on the island, who entertained any fears on this score _now_. on one other point the archdeacon expressed himself substantially thus: the planters undoubtedly treated their slaves better during the anti-slavery discussions in england. the condition of the slaves was very much mitigated by the efforts which were made for their entire freedom. the planters softened down, the system of slavery as much as possible. _they were exceedingly anxious to put a stop to discussion and investigation._ having obtained a letter of introduction from an american merchant here to a planter residing about four miles from town, we drove out to his estate. his mansion is pleasantly situated on a small eminence, in one of the coolest and most inviting retreats which is to be seen in this clime, and we were received by its master with all the cordiality and frankness for which barbados is famed. he introduced us to his family, consisting of three daughters and two sons, and invited us to stop to dinner. one of his daughters, now here on a visit, is married to an american, a native of new york, but now a merchant in one of the southern states, and our connection as fellow countrymen with one dear to them, was an additional claim to their kindness and hospitality. he conducted us through all the works and out-buildings, the mill, boiling-house, caring-house, hospital, store-houses, &c. the people were at work in the mill and boiling-house, and as we passed, bowed and bade us "good mornin', massa," with the utmost respect and cheerfulness. a white overseer was regulating the work, but wanted the insignia of slaveholding authority, which he had borne for many years, the _whip_. as we came out, we saw in a neighboring field a gang of seventy apprentices, of both sexes, engaged in cutting up the cane, while others were throwing it into carts to be carried to the mill. they were all as quietly and industriously at work as any body of our own farmers or mechanics. as we were looking at them, mr. c., the planter, remarked, "those people give me more work than when slaves. this estate was never under so good cultivation as at the present time." he took us to the building used as the mechanics' shop. several of the apprentices were at work in it, some setting up the casks for sugar, others repairing utensils. mr. c. says all the work of the estate is done by the apprentices. his carts are made, his mill kept in order, his coopering and blacksmithing are all done by them. "all these buildings," said he, "even to the dwelling-house, were built after the great storm of , by the slaves." as we were passing through the hospital, or sick-house, as it is called by the blacks, mr. c. told us he had very little use for it now. there is no skulking to it as there was under the old system. just as we were entering the door of the house, on our return, there was an outcry among a small party of the apprentices who were working near by. mr. c. went to them and inquired the cause. it appeared that the overseer had struck one of the lads with a stick. mr. c. reproved him severely for the act, and assured him if he did such a thing again he would take him before a magistrate. during the day we gathered the following information:-- mr. c. had been a planter for thirty-six years. he has had charge of the estate on which he now resides ten years. he is the attorney for two other large estates a few miles from this, and has under his superintendence, in all, more than a thousand apprenticed laborers. this estate consists of six hundred and sixty-six acres of land, most of which is under cultivation either in cane or provisions, and has on it three hundred apprentices and ninety-two free children. the average amount of sugar raised on it is two hundred hogsheads of a ton each, but this year it will amount to at least two hundred and fifty hogsheads--the largest crop ever taken off since he has been connected with it. he has planted thirty acres additional this year. the island has never been under so good cultivation, and is becoming better every year. during our walk round the works, and during the day, he spoke several times in general terms of the great blessings of emancipation. emancipation is as great a blessing to the master as to the slave. "why," exclaimed mr. c., "it was emancipation to me. i assure you the first of august brought a great, _great_ relief to me. i felt myself, for the first time, a freeman on that day. you cannot imagine the responsibilities and anxieties which were swept away with the extinction of slavery." there were many unpleasant and annoying circumstances attending slavery, which had a most pernicious effect on the master. there was continual jealousy and suspicion between him and those under him. they looked on each other as sworn enemies, and there was kept up a continual system of plotting and counterplotting. then there was the flogging, which was a matter of course through the island. to strike a slave was as common as to strike a horse--then the punishments were inflicted so unjustly, in innumerable instances, that the poor victims knew no more why they were punished than the dead in their graves. the master would be a little ill--he had taken a cold, perhaps, and felt irritable--something were wrong--his passion was up, and away went some poor fellow to the whipping post. the slightest offence at such a moment, though it might have passed unnoticed at another time, would meet with the severest punishment. he said he himself had more than once ordered his slaves to be flogged in a passion, and after he became cool he would have given guineas not to have done it. many a night had he been kept awake in thinking of some poor fellow whom he had shut up in the dungeon, and had rejoiced when daylight came. he feared lest the slave might die before morning; either cut his throat or dash his head against the wall in his desperation. he has known such cases to occur. the apprenticeship will not have so beneficial an effect as he hoped it would, on account of an indisposition on the part of many of the planters to abide by its regulations. the planters generally are doing very little to prepare the apprentices for freedom; but some are doing very much to unprepare them. they are driving the people from them by their conduct. mr. c. said he often wished for emancipation. there were several other planters among his acquaintance who had the same feelings, but did not dare express them. most of the planters, however, were violently opposed. many of them declared that emancipation could not and should not take place. so obstinate were they, that they would have sworn on the st of july, , that emancipation could not happen. _these very men now see and acknowledge the benefits which have resulted from the new system_. the first of august passed off very quietly. the people labored on that day as usual, and had a stranger gone over the island, he would not have suspected any change had taken place. mr. c. did not expect his people would go to work that day. he told them what the conditions of the new system were, and that after the first of august, they would be required to turn out to work at six o'clock instead of five o'clock as before. at the appointed hour every man was at his post in the field. not one individual was missing. the apprentices do more work in the nine hours required by law, than in twelve hours during slavery. his apprentices are perfectly willing to work for him during their own time. he pays them at the rate of twenty-five cents a day. the people are less quarrelsome than when they were slaves. about eight o'clock in the evening, mr. c. invited us to step out into the piazza. pointing to the houses of the laborers, which were crowded thickly together, and almost concealed by the cocoa-nut and calabash trees around them, he said, "there are probably more than four hundred people in that village. all my own laborers, with their free children, are retired for the night, and with them are many from the neighboring estates." we listened, but all was still, save here and there a low whistle from some of the watchmen. he said that night was a specimen of every night now. but it had not always been so. during slavery these villages were oftentimes a scene of bickering, revelry, and contention. one might hear the inmates reveling and shouting till midnight. sometimes it would be kept up till morning. such scenes have much decreased, and instead of the obscene and heathen songs which they used to sing, they are learning hymns from the lips of their children. the apprentices are more trusty. they are more faithful in work which is given them to do. they take more interest in the prosperity of the estate generally, in seeing that things are kept in order, and that the property is not destroyed. they are more open-hearted. formerly they used to shrink before the eyes of the master, and appear afraid to meet him. they would go out of their way to avoid him, and never were willing to talk with him. they never liked to have him visit their houses; they looked on him as a spy, and always expected a reprimand, or perhaps a flogging. now they look up cheerfully when they meet him, and a visit to their homes is esteemed a favor. mr. c. has more confidence in his people than he ever had before. there is less theft than during slavery. this is caused by greater respect for character, and the protection afforded to property by law. for a slave to steal from his master was never considered wrong, but rather a meritorious act. he who could rob the most without being detected was the best fellow. the blacks in several of the islands have a proverb, that for a thief to steal from a thief makes god laugh. the blacks have a great respect for, and even fear of law. mr. c. believes no people on earth are more influenced by it. they regard the same punishment, inflicted by a magistrate, much more than when inflicted by their master. law is a kind of deity to them, and they regard it with great reverence and awe. there is no insecurity now. before emancipation there was a continual fear of insurrection. mr. c. said he had lain down in bed many a night fearing that his throat would be cut before morning. he has started up often from a dream in which he thought his room was filled with armed slaves. but when the abolition bill passed, his fears all passed away. he felt assured there would be no trouble then. the motive to insurrection was taken away. as for the cutting of throats, or insult and violence in any way, he never suspects it. he never thinks of fastening his door at night now. as we were retiring to bed he looked round the room in which we had been sitting, where every thing spoke of serenity and confidence--doors and windows open, and books and plate scattered about on the tables and sideboards. "you see things now," he said, "just as we leave them every night, but you would have seen quite a different scene had you come here a few years ago." _mr. c. thinks the slaves of barbadoes might have been entirely and immediately emancipated as well as those of antigua._ the results, he doubts not, would have been the same. he has no fear of disturbance or insubordination in . he has no doubt that the people will work. that there may be a little unsettled, excited, _experimenting_ feeling for a short time, he thinks probable--but feels confident that things generally will move on peaceably and prosperously. he looks with much more anxiety to the emancipation of the non-praedials in . there is no disposition among the apprentices to revenge their wrongs. mr. c. feels the utmost security both of person and property. the slaves were very much excited by the discussions in england. they were well acquainted, with them, and looked and longed for the result. they watched every arrival of the packet with great anxiety. the people on his estate often knew its arrival before he did. one of his daughters remarked, that she could see their hopes flashing from their eyes. they manifested, however, no disposition to rebel, waiting in anxious but quiet hope for their release. yet mr. c. had no doubt, that if parliament had thrown out the emancipation bill, and all measures had ceased for their relief, there would have been a general insurrection.--while there was hope they remained peaceable, but had hope been destroyed it would have been buried in blood. there was some dissatisfaction among the blacks with the apprenticeship. they thought they ought to be entirely free, and that their masters were deceiving them. they could not at first understand the conditions of the new system--there was some murmuring among them, but they thought it better, however, to wait six years for the boon, than to run the risk of losing it altogether by revolt. the expenses of the apprenticeship are about the same as during slavery. but under the free system, mr. c. has no doubt they will be much less. he has made a calculation of the expenses of cultivating the estate on which he resides for one year during slavery, and what they will probably be for one year under the free system. he finds the latter are less by about $ , . real estate has increased in value more than thirty per rent. there is greater confidence in the security of property. instances were related to us of estates that could not be sold at any price before emancipation, that within the last two years have been disposed of at great prices. the complaints to the magistrates, on the part of the planters, were very numerous at first, but have greatly diminished. they are of the most trivial and even ludicrous character. one of the magistrates says the greater part of the cases that come before him are from old women who cannot get their coffee early enough in the morning! and for offences of equal importance. prejudice has much diminished since emancipation. the discussions in england prior to that period had done much to soften it down, but the abolition of slavery has given it its death blow. such is a rapid sketch of the various topics touched upon during our interview with mr. c. and his family. before we left the hospitable mansion of lear's, we had the pleasure of meeting a company of gentlemen at dinner. with the exception of one, who was provost-marshal, they were merchants of bridgetown. these gentlemen expressed their full concurrence in the statements of mr. c., and gave additional testimony equally valuable. mr. w., the provost-marshal, stated that he had the supervision of the public jail, and enjoyed the best opportunity of knowing the state of crime, and he was confident that there was a less amount of crime since emancipation than before. he also spoke of the increasing attention which the negroes paid to neatness of dress and personal appearance. the company broke up about nine o'clock, but not until we had seen ample evidence of the friendly feelings of all the gentlemen toward our object. there was not a single dissenting voice to any of the statements made, or any of the sentiments expressed. this fact shows that the prevailing feeling is in favor of freedom, and that too on the score of policy and self-interest. dinner parties are in one sense a very safe pulse in all matters of general interest. they rarely beat faster than the heart of the community. no subject is likely to be introduced amid the festivities of a fashionable circle, until it is fully endorsed by public sentiment. through the urgency of mr. c., we were induced to remain all night. early the next morning, he proposed a ride before breakfast to scotland. scotland is the name given to an abrupt, hilly section, in the north of the island. it is about five miles from mr. c.'s, and nine from bridgetown. in approaching, the prospect bursts suddenly upon the eye, extorting an involuntary exclamation of surprise. after riding for miles, through a country which gradually swells into slight elevations, or sweeps away in rolling plains, covered with cane, yams, potatoes, eddoes, corn, and grass, alternately, and laid out with the regularity of a garden; after admiring the cultivation, beauty, and skill exhibited on every hand, until almost wearied with viewing the creations of art; the eye at once falls upon a scene in which is crowded all the wildness and abruptness of nature in one of her most freakish moods--a scene which seems to defy the hand of cultivation and the graces of art. we ascended a hill on the border of this section, which afforded us a complete view. to describe it in one sentence, it is an immense basin, from two to three miles in diameter at the top, the edges of which are composed of ragged hills, and the sides and bottom of which are diversified with myriads of little hillocks and corresponding indentations. here and there is a small sugar estate in the bottom, and cultivation extends some distance up the sides, though this is at considerable risk, for not infrequently, large tracts of soil, covered with cane or provisions, slide down, over-spreading the crops below, and destroying those which they carry with them. mr. c. pointed to the opposite side of the basin to a small group of stunted trees, which he said were the last remains of the barbadoes forests. in the midst of them there is a boiling spring of considerable notoriety. in another direction, amid the rugged precipices, mr. c. pointed out the residences of a number of poor white families, whom he described as the most degraded, vicious, and abandoned people in the island--"very far below the negroes." they live promiscuously, are drunken, licentious, and poverty-stricken,--a body of most squalid and miserable human beings. from the height on which we stood, we could see the ocean nearly around the island, and on our right and left, overlooking the basin below us, rose the two highest points of land of which barbadoes can boast. the white marl about their naked tops gives them a bleak and desolate appearance, which contrasts gloomily with the verdure of the surrounding cultivation. after we had fully gratified ourselves with viewing the miniature representation of old scotia, we descended again into the road, and returned to lear's. we passed numbers of men and women going towards town with loads of various kinds of provisions on their heads. some were black, and others were white--of the same class whose huts had just been shown us amid the hills and ravines of scotland. we observed that the latter were barefoot, and carried their loads on their heads precisely like the former. as we passed these busy pedestrians, the blacks almost uniformly courtesied or spoke; but the whites did not appear to notice us. mr. c inquired whether we were not struck with this difference in the conduct of the two people, remarking that he had always observed it. it is very seldom, said he, that i meet a negro who does not speak to me politely; but this class of whites either pass along without looking up, or cast a half-vacant, rude stare into one's face, without opening their mouths. yet this people, he added, veriest raggamuffins that they are, despise the negroes, and consider it quite degrading to put themselves on term of equity with them. they will beg of blacks more provident and industrious than themselves, or they will steal their poultry and rob their provision grounds at night; but they would disdain to associate with them. doubtless these _sans culottes_ swell in their dangling rags with the haughty consciousness that they possess _white skins_. what proud reflections they must have, as they pursue their barefoot way, thinking on their high lineage, and running back through the long list of their illustrious ancestry whose notable badge was a _white skin_! no wonder they cannot stop to bow to the passing stranger. these sprouts of the caucasian race are known among the barbadians by the rather ungracious name of _red shanks_. they are considered the pest of the island, and are far more troublesome to the police, in proportion to their members, than the apprentices. they are estimated at about eight thousand. the origin of this population we learned was the following: it has long been a law in barbadoes, that each proprietor should provide a white man for every sixty slaves in his possession, and give him an acre of land, a house, and arms requisite for defence of the island in case of insurrection. this caused an importation of poor whites from ireland and england, and their number has been gradually increasing until the present time. during our stay of nearly two days with mr. c., there was nothing to which he so often alluded as to the security from danger which was now enjoyed by the planters. as he sat in his parlor, surrounded by his affectionate family, the sense of personal and domestic security appeared to be a luxury to him. he repeatedly expressed himself substantially thus: "during the existence of slavery, how often have i retired to bed _fearing_ _that i should have my throat cut before morning_, but _now_ the danger is all over." we took leave of lear's, after a protracted visit, not without a pressing invitation from mr. c. to call again. second visit to lear's. the following week, on saturday afternoon, we received a note from mr. c., inviting us to spend the sabbath at lear's, where we might attend service at a neighboring chapel, and see a congregation composed chiefly of apprentices. on our arrival, we received a welcome from the residents, which reassured us of their sympathy in our object. we joined the family circle around the centre table, and spent the evening in free conversation on the subject of slavery. during the evening mr. c. stated, that he had lately met with a planter who, for some years previous to emancipation, and indeed up to the very event, maintained that it was utterly impossible for such a thing ever to take place. the mother country, he said, could not be so mad as to take a step which must inevitably ruin the colonies. _now_, said mr. c., this planter would be one of the last in the island to vote for a restoration of slavery; nay, he even wishes to have the apprenticeship terminated at once, and entire freedom given to the people. such changes as this were very common. mr. c. remarked that during slavery, if the negro ventured to express an opinion about any point of management, he was met at once with a reprimand. if one should say, "i think such a course would he best," or, "such a field of cane is fit for cutting," the reply would be, "_think_! you have no right to think any thing about it. _do as i bid you_." mr. c. confessed frankly, that he had often used such language himself. yet at the same time that he affected such contempt for the opinions of the slaves, he used to go around secretly among the negro houses at night to overhear their conversation, and ascertain their views. sometimes he received very valuable suggestions from them, which he was glad to avail himself of, though he was careful not to acknowledge their origin. soon after supper, miss e., one of mr. c.'s daughters, retired for the purpose of teaching a class of colored children which came to her on wednesday and saturday nights. a sister of miss e. has a class on the same days at noon. during the evening we requested the favor of seeing miss e.'s school. we were conducted by a flight of stairs into the basement story, where we found her sitting in a small recess, and surrounded by a dozen negro girls; from the ages of eight to fifteen. she was instructing them from the testament, which most of them could read fluently. she afterwards heard them recite some passages which they had committed to memory, and interspersed the recitations with appropriate remarks of advice and exhortation. it is to be remarked that miss e. commenced instructing after the abolition; before that event the idea of such an employment would have been rejected as degrading. at ten o'clock on sabbath morning, we drove to the chapel of the parish, which is a mile and a half from lear's. it contains seats for five hundred persons. the body of the house is appropriated to the apprentices. there were upwards of four hundred persons, mostly apprentices, present, and a more quiet and attentive congregation we have seldom seen. the people were neatly dressed. a great number of the men wore black or blue cloth. the females were generally dressed in white. the choir was composed entirely of blacks, and sung with characteristic excellence. there was so much intelligence in the countenances of the people, that we could scarcely believe we were looking on a congregation of lately emancipated slaves. we returned to lear's. mr. c. noticed the change which has taken place in the observance of the sabbath since emancipation. formerly the smoke would be often seen at this time of day pouring from the chimneys of the boiling-houses; but such a sight has not been seen since slavery disappeared. sunday used to be the day for the negroes to work on their grounds; now it is a rare thing for them to do so. sunday markets also prevailed throughout the island, until the abolition of slavery. mr. c. continued to speak of slavery. "i sometimes wonder," said he, "at myself, when i think how long i was connected with slavery; but self-interest and custom blinded me to its enormities." taking a short walk towards sunset, we found ourselves on the margin of a beautiful pond, in which myriads of small gold fishes were disporting--now circling about in rapid evolutions, and anon leaping above the surface, and displaying their brilliant sides in the rays of the setting sun. when we had watched for some moments their happy gambols, mr. c. turned around and broke a twig from a bush that stood behind us; "_there is a bush_," said he, "_which has committed many a murder_." on requesting him to explain, he said, that the root of it was a most deadly poison, and that the slave women used to make a decoction of it and give to their infants to destroy them; many a child had been murdered in this way. mothers would kill their children, rather than see them _grow up to be slaves_. "ah," he continued, in a solemn tone, pausing a moment and looking at us in a most earnest manner, "i could write a book about the evils of slavery. i could write a book about these things." what a volume of blackness and blood![a] [footnote a: we are here reminded of a fact stated by mr. c. on another occasion. he said, that he once attended at the death of a planter who had been noted for his severity to his slaves. it was the most horrid scene he ever witnessed. for hours before his death he was in the extremest agony, and the only words which he uttered were, "africa. o africa!" these words he repeated every few minutes, till he died. and such a ghastly countenance, such distortions of the muscles, such a hellish glare of the eye, and such convulsions of the body--it made him shudder to think of them.] when we arose on monday morning, the daylight has scarcely broken. on looking out of the window, we saw the mill slowly moving in the wind, and the field gang were going out to their daily work. surely, we thought, this does not look much like the laziness and insubordination of freed negroes. after dressing, we walked down to the mill, to have some conversation with the people. they all bade us a cordial "good mornin'." the _tender_ of the mill was an old man, whose despised locks were gray and thin, and on whose brow the hands of time and sorrow had written many effaceless lines. he appeared hale and cheerful, and answered our questions in distinct intelligible language. we asked him how they were all getting along under the new system. "very well, massa," said he, "very well, thank god. all peaceable and good." "do you like the apprenticeship better then slavery?" "great deal better, massa; we is doing well now." "you like the apprenticeship as well as freedom, don't you?" "o _no_ me massa, freedom _till better_." "what will you do when you are entirely free?" "we must work; all have to work when de free come, white and black." "you are old, and will not enjoy freedom long; why do you wish for freedom, then?" "me want to _die_ free, massa--good ting to die free, and me want to see _children_ free too." we continued at lear's during monday, to be in readiness for a tour to the windward of the island, which mr. c. had projected for us, and on which we were to set out early the next morning. in the course of the day we had opportunities of seeing the apprentices in almost every situation--in the field, at the mill, in the boiling-house, moving to and from work, and at rest. in every aspect in which we viewed them, they appeared cheerful, amiable, and easy of control. it was admirable to see with what ease and regularity every thing moved. an estate of nearly seven hundred acres, with extensive agriculture, and a large manufactory and distillery, employing three hundred apprentices, and supporting twenty-five horses, one hundred and thirty head of horned cattle, and hogs, sheep; and poultry in proportion, is manifestly a most complicated machinery. no wonder it should have been difficult to manage during slavery, when the main spring was absent, and every wheel out of gear. we saw the apprentices assemble after twelve o'clock, to receive their allowances of yams. these provisions are distributed to them twice every week--on monday and thursday. they were strewed along the yard in heaps of fifteen pounds each. the apprentices came with baskets to get their allowances. it resembled a market scene, much chattering and talking, but no anger. each man, woman, and child, as they got their baskets filled, placed them of their heads, and marched off to their several huts. on tuesday morning, at an early hour, mr. c. took us in his phaeton on our projected excursion. it was a beautiful morning. there was a full breeze from the east, which had already started the ponderous wings of the wind-mills, in every direction. the sun was shaded by light clouds, which rendered the air quite cool. crossing the rich valley in which the bell estate and other noble properties are situated, we ascended the cliffs of st. john's--a ridge extending through the parish of that name and as we rode along its top, eastward, we had a delightful view of sea and land. below us on either hand lay vast estates glowing in the, verdure of summer, and on three sides in the distance stretched the ocean. rich swells of land, cultivated and blooming like a vast garden, extended to the north as far as the eye could reach, and on every other side down to the water's edge. one who has been accustomed to the wildness of american scenery, and to the imperfect cultivation, intercepted with woodland, which yet characterizes the even the oldest portions of the united states, might revel for a time amid the sunny meadows. the waving cane fields, the verdant provision grounds, the acres of rich black soil without a blade of grass, and divided into beds two feet square for the cane plants with the precision almost of the cells of a honey comb; and withal he might be charmed with the luxurious mansions--more luxurious than superb--surrounded with the white cedar, the cocoa-nut tree, and the tall, rich mountain cabbage--the most beautiful of all tropical trees; but perchance it would not require a very long excursion to weary him with the artificiality of the scenery, and cause him to sigh for the "woods and wilds," the "banks and braes," of his own majestic country. after an hour and a half's drive, we reached colliton estate, where we were engaged to breakfast. we met a hearty welcome from the manager, samuel hinkston, esq. we were soon joined by several gentlemen whom mr. h. had invited to take breakfast with us; these were the rev. mr. gittens, rector of st. philip's parish, (in which colliton estate is situated,) and member of the colonial council; mr. thomas, an extensive attorney of barbadoes; and dr. bell, a planter of demerara--then on a visit to the island. we conversed with each of the gentlemen separately, and obtained their individual views respecting emancipation. mr. hinkston has been a planter for thirty-six years, and is highly esteemed throughout the island. the estate which he manages, ranks among the first in the island. it comprises six hundred acres of superior land, has a population of two hundred apprentices, and yields an average crop of one hundred and eighty hogsheads. together with his long experience and standing as a planter, mr. h. has been for many years local magistrate for the parish in which he resides. from these circumstances combined, we are induced to give his opinions on a variety of points. . he remarked that the planters were getting along _infinitely_ better under the new system than they ever did under the old. instead of regretting that the change had taken place, he is looking forward with pleasure to a better change in , and he only regrets that it is not to come sooner. . mr. h. said it was generally conceded that the island was never under better cultivation than at the present time. the crops for this year will exceed the average by several thousand hogsheads. the canes were planted in good season, and well attended to afterwards. . real estate has risen very much since emancipation. mr. h. stated that he had lately purchased a small sugar estate, for which he was obliged to give several hundred pounds more than it would have cost him before . . there is not the least sense of insecurity now. before emancipation there was much fear of insurrection, but that fear passed away with slavery. . the prospect for is good. that people have no fear of ruin after emancipation, is proved by the building of sugar works on estates which never had any before, and which were obliged to cart their canes to neighbouring estates to have them ground and manufactured. there are also numerous improvements making on the larger estates. mr. h. is preparing to make a new mill and boiling-house on colliton, and other planters are doing the same. arrangements are making too in various directions to build new negro villages on a more commodious plan. . mr. h. says he finds his apprentices perfectly ready to work for wages during their own time. whenever he needs their labor on saturday, he has only to ask them, and they are ready to go to the mill, or field at once. there has not been an instance on colliton estate in which the apprentices have refused to work, either during the hours required by law, or during their own time. when he does not need their services on saturday, they either hire themselves to other estates or work on their own grounds. . mr. h. was ready to say, both as a planter and a magistrate, that vice and crime generally had decreased, and were still on the decrease. petty thefts are the principal offences. he has not had occasion to send a single apprentice to the court of sessions for the last six months. . he has no difficulty in managing his people--far less than he did when they were slaves. it is very seldom that he finds it necessary to call in the aid of the special magistrate. conciliatory treatment is generally sufficient to maintain order and industry among the apprentices. . he affirms that the negroes have no disposition to be revengeful. he has never seen any thing like revenge. . his people are as far removed from insolence as from vindictiveness. they have been uniformly civil. . his apprentices have more interest in the affairs of the estate, and he puts more confidence in them than he ever did before. . he declares that the working of the apprenticeship, as also that of entire freedom, depends entirely on the _planters_. if they act with common humanity and reason, there is no fear but that the apprentices will be peaceable. mr. thomas is attorney for fifteen estates, on which there are upwards of two thousand five hundred apprentices. we were informed that he had been distinguished as a _severe disciplinarian_ under the old reign, or in plain terms, had been a _cruel man and a hard driver_; but he was one of those who, since emancipation, have turned about and conformed their mode of treatment to the new system. in reply to our inquiry how the present system was working, he said, "infinitely better (such was his language) than slavery. i succeed better on all the estates under my charge than i did formerly. i have far less difficulty with the people. i have no reason to complain of their conduct. however, i think they will do still better after ." we made some inquiries of dr. bell concerning the results of abolition in demerara. he gave a decidedly flattering account of the working of the apprenticeship system. no fears are entertained that demerara will be ruined after . on the contrary it will be greatly benefited by emancipation. it is now suffering from a want of laborers, and after there will be an increased emigration to that colony from the older and less productive colonies. the planters of demerara are making arrangements for cultivating sugar on a larger scale than ever before. estates are selling at very high prices. every thing indicates the fullest confidence on the part of the planters that the prosperity of the colony will not only be permanent, but progressive. after breakfast we proceeded to the society's estate. we were glad to see this estate, as its history is peculiar. in it was bequeathed by general coddington to a society in england, called "the society for the promotion of christian knowledge." the proceeds of the estate were to be applied to the support of an institution in barbadoes, for educating missionaries of the established order. some of the provisions of the will were that the estate should always have three hundred slaves upon it; that it should support a school for the education of the negro children who were to be taught a portion of every day until they were twelve years old, when they were to go into the field; and that there should be a chapel built upon it. the negroes belonging to the estate have for upwards of a hundred years been under this kind of instruction. they have all been taught to read, though in many instances they have forgotten all they learned, having no opportunity to improve after they left school. they enjoy some other comforts peculiar to the society's estate. they have neat cottages built apart--each on a half-acre lot, which belongs to the apprentice and for the cultivation of which he is a allowed one day out of the five working days. another peculiarity is, that the men and women work in separate gangs. at this estate we procured horses to ride to the college. we rode by the chapel and school-house belonging to the society's estate which are situated on the row of a high hill. from the same hill we caught a view of coddrington college, which is situated on a low bottom extending from the foot of the rocky cliff on which we stood to the sea shore, a space of quarter of a mile. it is a long, narrow, ill-constructed edifice. we called on the principal, rev. mr. jones, who received us very cordially, and conducted us over the buildings and the grounds connected with them. the college is large enough to accommodate a hundred students. it is fitted out with lodging rooms, various professors' departments, dining hall, chapel, library, and all the appurtenances of a university. the number of student at the close of the last term was _fifteen_. the professors, two in number, are supported by a fund, consisting of £ , sterling, which has in part accumulated from the revenue of the estate. the principal spoke favorably of the operation of the apprenticeship in barbadoes, and gave the negroes a decided superiority over the lower class of whites. he had seen only one colored beggar since he came to the island, but he was infested with multitudes of white ones. it is intended to improve the college buildings as soon as the toil of apprentices on the society's estate furnishes the requisite means. this robbing of god's image to promote education is horrible enough, taking the wages of slavery to spread the kingdom of christ! on re-ascending the hill, we called at the society's school. there are usually in attendance about one hundred children, since the abolition of slavery. near the school-house is the chapel of the estate, a neat building, capable of holding three or four hundred people. adjacent to the chapel is the burial ground for the negroes belonging to the society's estate. we noticed several neat tombs, which appeared to have been erected only a short time previous. they were built of brick, and covered over with lime, so as to resemble white marble slabs. on being told that these were erected by the negroes themselves over the bodies of their friends, we could not fail to note so beautiful an evidence of their civilization and humanity. we returned to the society's estate, where we exchanged our saddles for the phaeton, and proceeded on our eastward tour. mr. c. took us out of the way a few miles to show us one of the few curiosities of which barbadoes can boast. it is called the "horse." the shore for some distance is a high and precipitous ledge of rocks, which overhangs the sea in broken cliffs. in one place a huge mass has been riven from the main body of rock and fallen into the sea. other huge fragments have been broken off in the same manner. in the midst of these, a number of steps have been cut in the rock for the purpose of descending to the sea. at the bottom of these steps, there is a broad platform of solid rock, where one may stand securely, and hear the waves breaking around him like heavy thunders. through the fissures we could see the foam and spray mingling with the blue of the ocean, and flashing in the sunshine. to the right, between the largest rock and the main land, there is a chamber of about ten feet wide, and twenty feet long. the fragment, which forms one of its sides, leans towards the main rock, and touches it at top, forming a roof, with here and there a fissure, through which the light enters. at the bottom of the room there is a clear bed of water, which communicates with the sea by a small aperture under the rock. it is as placid as a summer pond, and is fitted with steps for a bathing place. bathe, truly! with the sea ever dashing against the side, and roaring and reverberating with deafening echo. on a granite slab, fixed in the side of the rock at the bottom of the first descent is an inscription. time has very much effaced the letters, but by the aid of mr. c.'s memory, we succeeded in deciphering them. they will serve as the hundred and first exemplification of the bonapartean maxim--"there is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous." "in this remote, and hoarse resounding place, which billows clash, and craggy cliffs embrace, these babbling springs amid such horrors rise, but armed with virtue, horrors we despise. bathe undismayed, nor dread the impending rock, 'tis virtue shields us from each adverse shock. genio loci sacrum posuit j.r. martis mense " from the "crane," which is the name given to that section of the country in which the "horse" is situated, we bent our way in a southerly direction to the ridge estate, which was about eight miles distant, where we had engaged to dine. on the way we passed an estate which had just been on fire. the apprentices, fearing lest their houses should be burnt, had carried away all the moveables from them, and deposited them in separate heaps, on a newly ploughed field. the very doors and window shutters had been torn off and carried into the field, several acres of which were strewed over with piles of such furniture. mr. c. was scarcely less struck with this scene than we were, and he assured us that he had never known such providence manifested on a similar occasion during slavery. at the ridge estate we met mr. clarke, manager at staple grove estate, mr. applewhitte of carton, and a brother of mr. c. the manager, mr. cecil, received us with the customary cordiality. mr. clarke is the manager of an estate on which there are two hundred apprentices. his testimony was, that the estate was better cultivated since abolition than before, and that it is far easier to control the laborers, and secure uniformity of labor under the present system. he qualified this remark, by saying, that if harsh or violent measures were used, there would be more difficulty now than during slavery; but kind treatment and a conciliatory spirit never failed to secure peace and industry. at the time of abolition, mr. c. owned ten slaves, whom he entirely emancipated. some of these still remain with him as domestics; others are hired on an adjoining estate. one of those who left him to work on another estate, said to him, "massa, whenever you want anybody to help you, send to me, and i'll come. it makes no odds when it is--i'll be ready at any time--day or night." mr. c. declared himself thoroughly convinced of the propriety of immediate emancipation; though he was once a violent opposer of abolition. he said, that if he had the power, be would emancipate every apprentice on his estate to-morrow. as we were in the sugar-house examining the quality of the sugar, mr. c. turned to one of us, and putting his hand on a hogshead, said, "you do not raise this article in your state, (kentucky,) i believe." on being answered in the negative, he continued, "well, we will excuse you, then, somewhat in your state--you can't treat your slaves so cruelly there. _this, this_ is the dreadful thing! wherever sugar is cultivated by slaves, there is extreme suffering." mr. applewhitte said emphatically, that there was no danger in entire emancipation. he was the proprietor of more than a hundred apprentices and he would like to see them all free at once. during a long sitting at the dinner table, emancipation was the topic, and we were gratified with the perfect unanimity of sentiment among these planters. after the cloth was removed, and we were about leaving the table, mr. clarke begged leave to propose a toast. accordingly, the glasses of the planters were once more filled, and mr. c., bowing to us, gave our health, and "success to our laudable undertaking,"--"_most_ laudable undertaking," added mr. applewhitte, and the glasses were emptied. had the glasses contained water instead of wine, our gratification would have been complete. it was a thing altogether beyond our most sanguine expectations, that a company of planters, all of whom were but three years previous the actual oppressors of the slave, should be found wishing success to the cause of emancipation. at half past eight o'clock, we resumed our seats in mr. c.'s phaeton, and by the nearest route across the country, returned to lear's. mr. c. entertained us by the way with eulogies upon the industry and faithfulness of his apprentices. it was, he said, one of the greatest pleasures he experienced, to visit the different estates under his charge, and witness the respect and affection which the apprentices entertained towards him. their joyful welcome, their kind attentions during his stay with them, and their hearty 'good-bye, massa,' when he left, delighted him. visit to colonel ashby's. we were kindly invited to spend a day at the mansion of colonel ashby, an aged and experienced planter, who is the proprietor of the estate on which he resides. colonel a.'s estate is situated in the parish of christ church, and is almost on the extreme point of a promontory, which forms the southernmost part of the island. an early and pleasant drive of nine miles from bridgetown, along the southeastern coast of the island, brought us to his residence. colonel a. is a native of barbadoes, has been a practical planter since , and for a long time a colonial magistrate, and commander of the parish troops. his present estate contains three hundred and fifty acres, and has upon it two hundred and thirty apprentices, with a large number of free children. his average crop is eighty large hogsheads. colonel a. remarked to us, that he had witnessed many cruelties and enormities under "the reign of terror." he said, that the abolition of slavery had been an incalculable blessing, but added, that he had not always entertained the same views respecting emancipation. before it took place, he was a violent opposer of any measure tending to abolition. he regarded the english abolitionists, and the anti-slavery members in parliament, with unmingled hatred. he had often cursed wilberforce most bitterly, and thought that no doom either in this life, or in the life to come, was too bad for him. "but," he exclaimed, "how mistaken i was about that man--i am convinced of it now--o he was a good man--_a noble philanthropist_!--_if there is a chair in heaven, wilberforce is in it_!" colonel a. is somewhat sceptical, which will account for his hypothetical manner of speaking about heaven. he said that he found no trouble in managing his apprentices. as local or colonial magistrate, in which capacity he still continued to act he had no cases of serious crime to adjudicate, and very few cases of petty misdemeanor. colonel a. stated emphatically, that the negroes were not disposed to leave their employment, unless the master was intolerably passionate and hard with them; as for himself, he did not fear losing a single laborer after . he dwelt much on the trustiness and strong attachment of the negroes, where they are well treated. there were no people in the world that he would trust his property or life with sooner than negroes, provided he had the previous management of them long enough to secure their confidence. he stated the following fact in confirmation of this sentiment. during the memorable insurrection of , by which the neighboring parishes were dreadfully ravaged, he was suddenly called from home on military duty. after he had proceeded some distance, he recollected that he had left five thousand dollars in an open desk at home. he immediately told the fact to his slave who was with him, and sent him back to take care of it. he knew nothing more of his money until the rebellion was quelled, and peace restored. on returning home, the slave led him to a cocoa-nut tree near by the house, and dug up the money, which he had buried under its roots. he found the whole sum secure. the negro, he said, might have taken the money, and he would never have suspected him, but would have concluded that it had been, in common with other larger sums, seized upon by the insurgents. colonel a. said that it was impossible for him to mistrust the negroes as a body. he spoke in terms of praise also of the _conjugal attachment_ of the negroes. his son, a merchant, stated a fact on this subject. the wife of a negro man whom he knew, became afflicted with that loathsome disease, the leprosy. the man continued to live with her, notwithstanding the disease was universally considered contagious and was peculiarly dreaded by the negroes. the man on being asked why he lived with his wife under such circumstances, said, that he had lived with her when she was well, and he could not bear to forsake her when she was in distress. colonel a. made numerous inquiries respecting slavery in america. he said there certainly be insurrections in the slaveholding states, unless slavery was abolished. nothing but abolition could put an end to insurrections. mr. thomas, a neighboring planter, dined with us. he had not carried a complaint to the special magistrate against his apprentices for six months. he remarked particularly that emancipation had been a great blessing to the master; it brought freedom to him as well as to the slave. a few days subsequent to our visit to colonel a.'s, the reverend mr. packer, of the established church, called at our lodgings, and introduced a planter from the parish of st. thomas. the planter is proprietor of an estate, and has eighty apprentices. his apprentices conduct themselves very satisfactorily, and he had not carried a half dozen complaints to the special magistrate since . he said that cases of crime were very rare, as he had opportunity of knowing, being local magistrate. there were almost no penal offences brought before him. many of the apprentices of st. thomas parish were buying their freedom, and there were several cases of appraisement[a] every week. the monday previous, six cases came before him, in four of which the apprentices paid the money on the spot. [footnote a: when an apprentice signifies his wish to purchase his freedom, he applies to the magistrate for an appraisement. the appraisement is made by one special and two local magistrates.] before this gentleman left, the rev. mr. c. called in with mr. pigeot, another planter, with whom we had a long conversation. mr. p. has been a manager for many years. we had heard of him previously as the only planter in the island who had made an experiment in task work prior to abolition. he tried it for twenty months before that period on an estate of four hundred acres and two hundred people. his plan was simply to give each slave an ordinary day's work for a task; and after that was performed, the remainder of the time, if any, belonged to the slave. _no wages were allowed_. the gang were expected to accomplish just as much as they did before, and to do it as well, however long a time it might require; and if they could finish in half a day, the other half was their own, and they might employ it as they saw fit. mr. p. said, he was very soon convinced of the good policy of the system; though he had one of the most unruly gangs of negroes to manage in the whole island. the results of the experiment he stated to be these: . the usual day's work was done generally before the middle of the afternoon. sometimes it was completed in five hours. . the work was done as well as it was ever done under the old system. indeed, the estate continued to improve in cultivation, and presented a far better appearance at the close of the twenty months than when he took the charge of it. . the trouble of management was greatly diminished. mr. p. was almost entirely released from the care of overseeing the work: he could trust it to the slaves. . the whip was entirely laid aside. the idea of having a part of the day which they could call their own and employ for their own interests, was stimulus enough for the slaves without resorting to the whip. . the time gained was not spent (as many feared and prophecied it would be) either in mischief or indolence. it was diligently improved in cultivating their provision grounds, or working for wages on neighboring estates. frequently a man and his wife would commence early and work together until they got the work of both so far advanced that the man could finish it alone before night; and then the woman would gather on a load of yams and start for the market. . the condition of the people improved astonishingly. they became one of the most industrious and orderly gangs in the parish. under the former system they were considered inadequate to do the work of the estate, and the manager was obliged to hire additional hands every year, to take off the crop; but mr. p. never hired any, though he made as large crops as were made formerly. . after the abolition of slavery, his people chose to continue on the same system of task work. mr. p. stated that the planters were universally opposed to his experiment. they laughed at the idea of making negroes work without using the whip; and they all prophesied that it would prove an utter failure. after some months' successful trial, he asked some of his neighbor planters what they thought of it then, and he appealed to than to say whether he did not get his work done as thoroughly and seasonably as they did theirs. they were compelled to admit it; but still they were opposed to his system, even more than ever. they called it an _innovation_--it was setting a bad example; and they honestly declared that they did not wish the slaves to _have any time of their own_. mr. p. said, he was first induced to try the system of task work from a consideration that the negroes were men as well as himself, and deserved to he dealt with as liberally as their relation would allow. he soon found that what was intended as a favor to the slaves was really a benefit to the master. mr. p. was persuaded that entire freedom would be better for all parties than apprenticeship. he had heard some fears expressed concerning the fate of the island after ; but he considered them very absurd. although this planter looked forward with sanguine hopes to , yet he would freely say that he did not think the apprenticeship would be any preparation for entire freedom. the single object with the great majority of the planters seemed to be to _get as much out_ of the apprentices as they possibly could during the term. no attention had been paid to preparing the apprentices for freedom. we were introduced to a planter who was notorious during the reign of slavery for the _strictness of his discipline_, to use the barbadian phrase, or, in plain english, for his rigorous treatment and his cruelty. he is the proprietor of three sugar estates and one cotton plantation in barbadoes, on all of which there are seven hundred apprentices. he was a luxurious looking personage, bottle-cheeked and huge i' the midst, and had grown fat on slaveholding indulgences. he mingled with every sentence he uttered some profane expression, or solemn appeal to his "honor," and seemed to be greatly delighted with hearing himself talk. he displayed all those prejudices which might naturally be looked for in a mind educated and trained as his had been. as to the conduct of the apprentices, he said they were peaceable and industrious, and mostly well disposed. but after all, the negroes were a perverse race of people. it was a singular fact, he said, that the severer the master, the better the apprentices. when the master was mild and indulgent, they were sure to be lazy, insolent, and unfaithful. _he knew this by experience; this was the case with_ his _apprentices_. his house-servants especially were very bad. but there was one complaint he had against them all, domestics and praedials--they always hold him to the letter of the law, and are ready to arraign him before the special magistrate for every infraction of it on his part, however trifling. how ungrateful, truly! after being provided for with parental care from earliest infancy, and supplied yearly with two suits of clothes, and as many yams is they could eat and only having to work thirteen or fifteen hours per day in return; and now when they are no longer slaves, and new privileges are conferred to exact them to the full extent of the law which secures them--what ingratitude! how soon are the kindnesses of the past, and the hand that bestowed them, forgotten! had these people possessed the sentiments of human beings, they would have been willing to take the boon of freedom and lay it at their master's feet, dedicating the remainder of their days to his discretionary service! but with all his violent prejudices, this planter stated some facts which are highly favorable to the apprentices. . he frankly acknowledged that his estates were never under better cultivation than at the present time: and he could say the same of the estates throughout the island. the largest crops that have ever been made, will he realized this year. . the apprentices are generally willing to work on the estates on saturday whenever their labor is needed. . the females are very much disposed to abandon field labor. he has great difficulty sometimes in inducing them to take their hoes and go out to the field along with the men; it was the case particularly _with the mothers!_ this he regarded as a sore evil! . the free children he represented as being in a wretched condition. their parents have the entire management of them, an they are utterly opposed to having them employed on the estates. he condemned severely the course taken in a particular instance by the late governor, sir lionel smith. he took it upon himself to go around the island and advise the parents never to bind their children in any kind of apprenticeship to the planters. he told them that sooner than involve their free children in any way, they ought to "work their own fingers to the stubs." the consequence of this imprudent measure, said our informant, is that the planters have no control over the children born on their estates; and in many instances their parents have sent them away lest their _residence_ on the property should, by some chance, give the planter a claim upon their services. under the good old system the young children were placed together under the charge of some superannuated women, who were fit for nothing else, and the mothers went into the field to work; now the nursery is broken up, and the mothers spend half of their time "_in taking care of their brats_." . as to the management of the working people, there need not he any more difficulty now then during slavery. if the magistrates, instead of encouraging the apprentices to complain and be insolent, would join their influence to support the authority of the planters, things might go on nearly as smoothly as before. in company with rev. mr. packer, late rector of st. thomas, we rode out to the belle estate, which is considered one of the finest in the island. mr. marshall, the manager, received us cordially. he was selected, with two others, by sir lionel smith, to draw up a scale of labor for general use in the island. there are five hundred acres in the estate, and two hundred and thirty-five apprenticed laborers. the manager stated that every thing was working well on his property. he corroborated the statements made by other planters with retard to the conduct of the apprentices. on one point he said the planters had found themselves greatly disappointed. it was feared that after emancipation the negroes would be very much verse to cultivating cane, as it was supposed that nothing but the whip could induce them to perform that species of labor. but the truth is, they now not only cultivate the estate lands better than they did when under the lash, but also cultivate a third of their half-acre allotments in cane on their own accounts. they would plant the whole in cane if they were not discouraged by the planter, whose principal objection to their doing so is that it would lead to the entire neglect of _provision cultivation_. the apprentices on belle estate will make little short of one thousand dollars the present season by their sugar. mr. m. stated that he was extensively acquainted with the cultivation of the island, and he knew that it was in a better condition than it had been for many years. there were twenty-four estates under the same attorneyship with the belle, and they were all in the same prosperous condition. a short time before we left barbadoes we received an invitation from col. barrow, to breakfast with him at his residence on edgecome estate--about eight miles from town. mr. cummins, a colored gentleman, a merchant of bridgetown, and agent of col. b., accompanied us. the proprietor of edgecome is a native of barbadoes, of polished manners and very liberal views. he has travelled extensively, has held many important offices, and is generally considered the _cleverest_ man in the island. he is now a member of the council, and acting attorney for about twenty estates. he remarked that he had always desired emancipation, and had prepared himself for it; but that it had proved a greater blessing than he had expected. his apprentices did as much work as before, and it was done without the application of the whip. he had not had any cases of insubordination, and it was very seldom that he had any complaints to make to the special magistrate. "the apprentices." said he, "understand the meaning of law, and they regard its authority." he thought there was no such thing in the island as a _sense of insecurity_, either as respected person or property. real estate had risen in value. col. b. alluded to the expensiveness of slavery, remarking that after all that was expended in purchasing the slaves, it cost the proprietor as much to maintain them, as it would to hire free men. he spoke of the habit of exercising arbitrary power, which being in continual play up to the time of abolition, had become so strong that managers even yet gave way to it, and frequently punished their apprentices, in spite of all penalties. the fines inflicted throughout the island in , upon planters, overseers, and others, for punishing apprentices, amounted to one thousand two hundred dollars. col. b. said that he found the legal penalty so inadequate, that in his own practice he was obliged to resort to other means to deter his book-keepers and overseers from violence; hence he discharged every man under his control who was known to strike an apprentice. he does not think that the apprenticeship will be a means of preparing the negroes for freedom, nor does he believe that they _need_ any preparation. he should have apprehended no danger, had emancipation taken place in . at nine o'clock we sat down to breakfast. our places were assigned at opposite sides of the table, between col. b. and mr. c. to an american eye, we presented a singular spectacle. a wealthy planter, a member of the legislative council, sitting at the breakfast table with a colored man, whose mother was a negress of the most unmitigated hue, and who himself showed a head of hair as curly as his mother's! but this colored guest was treated with all that courtesy and attention to which his intelligence, worth and accomplished manners so justly entitle him. about noon, we left edgecome, and drove two miles farther, to horton--an estate owned by foster clarke, esq., an attorney for twenty-two estates, who is now temporarily residing in england. the intelligent manager of horton received us and our colored companion, with characteristic hospitality. like every one else, he told us that the apprenticeship was far better than slavery, though he was looking forward to the still better system, entire freedom. after we had taken a lunch, mr. cummins invited our host to take a seat, with us in his carriage, and we drove across the country to drax hall. drax hall is the largest estate in the island--consisting of eight hundred acres. the manager of this estate confirmed the testimony of the barbadian planters in every important particular. from drax hall we returned to bridgetown, accompanied by our friend cummins. chapter ii. testimony of special magistrates, police officers, clergymen, and missionaries. next in weight to the testimony of the planters is that of the special magistrates. being officially connected with the administration of the apprenticeship system, and tire adjudicators in all difficulties between master and servant, their views of the system and of the conduct of the different parties are entitled to special consideration. our interviews with this class of men were frequent during our stay in the island. we found them uniformly ready to communicate information, and free to express their sentiments. in barbadoes there are seven special magistrates, presiding over as many districts, marked a, b, c, &c., which include the whole of the apprentice population, praedial and non-praedial. these districts embrace an average of twelve thousand apprentices--some more and some less. all the complaints and difficulties which arise among that number of apprentices and their masters, overseers and book-keepers, are brought before the single magistrate presiding in the district in which they occur. from the statement of this fact it will appear in the outset either that the special magistrates have an incalculable amount of business to transact, or that the conduct of the apprentices is wonderfully peaceable. but more of this again. about a week following our first interview with his excellency, sir evan mccregor, we received an invitation to dine at government house with a company of gentlemen. on our arrival at six o'clock, we were conducted into a large antechamber above the dining hall, where we were soon joined by the solicitor-general, hon. r.b. clarke. dr. clarke, a physician, maj. colthurst, capt. hamilton, and mr. galloway, special magistrates. the appearance of the governor about an hour afterwards, was the signal for an adjournment to dinner. slavery and emancipation were the engrossing topics during the evening. as our conversation was for the most part general, we were enabled to gather at the same time the opinions of all the persons present. there was, for aught we heard or could see to the contrary, an entire unanimity of sentiment. in the course of the evening we gathered the following facts and testimony: . all the company testified to the benefits of abolition. it was affirmed that the island was never in so prosperous a condition as at present. . the estates generally are better cultivated than they were during slavery. said one of the magistrates: "if, gentlemen, you would see for yourselves the evidences of our successful cultivation, you need but to travel in any part of the country, and view the superabundant crops which are now being taken off; and if you would satisfy yourselves that emancipation has not been ruinous to barbadoes, only cast your eyes over the land in any direction, and see the flourishing condition both of houses and fields: every thing is starting into new life." it as also stated that more work was done during the nine hours required by law, than was done during slavery in twelve or fifteen hours, with all the driving and goading which were then practised. . offences have not increased, but rather lessened. the solicitor-general remarked, that the comparative state of crime could not be ascertained by a mere reference to statistical records, since previous to emancipation all offences were summarily punished by the planter. each estate was a little despotism, and the manager took cognizance of all the misdemeanors committed among his slaves --inflicting such punishment as he thought proper. the public knew nothing about the offences of the slaves, unless something very atrocious was committed. but since emancipation has taken place, all offences, however trivial, come to the light and are recorded. he could only give a judgment founded on observation. it was his opinion, that there were fewer petty offences, such as thefts, larcenies, &c., than during slavery. as for serious crime, it was hardly known in the island. the whites enjoy far greater safety of person and property than they did formerly. maj. colthurst, who is an irishman, remarked, that he had long been a magistrate or justice of the peace in ireland, and he was certain that at the present ratio of crime in barbadoes, there would not be as much perpetrated in six years to come, as there is in ireland among an equal population in six months. for his part, he had never found in any part of the world so peaceable and inoffensive a community. . it was the unanimous testimony that there was no disposition among the apprentices to revenge injuries committed against them. _they are not a revengeful people_, but on the contrary are remarkable for forgetting wrongs, particularly when the are succeeded by kindness. . the apprentices were described as being generally civil and respectful toward their employers. they were said to manifest more independence of feeling and action than they did when slaves; but were seldom known to be insolent unless grossly insulted or very harshly used. . ample testimony was given to the law-abiding character of the negroes. when the apprenticeship system was first introduced, they did not fully comprehend its provisions, and as they had anticipated entire freedom, they were disappointed and dissatisfied. but in a little while they became reconciled to the operations of the new system, and have since manifested a due subordination to the laws and authorities. . there is great desire manifested among them to purchase their freedom. not a week passes without a number of appraisements. those who have purchased their freedom have generally conducted well, and in many instances are laboring on the same estates on which they were slaves. . there is no difficulty in inducing the apprentices to work on saturday. they are usually willing to work if proper wages are given them. if they are not needed on the estates, they either work on their own grounds, or on some neighboring estate. . the special magistrates were all of the opinion that it would have been entirely safe to have emancipated the slaves of barbadoes in . they did not believe that any preparation was needed; but that entire emancipation would have been decidedly better than the apprenticeship. . the magistrates also stated that the number of complaints brought before them was comparatively small, and it was gradually diminishing. the offences were of a very trivial nature, mostly cases of slight insubordination, such as impertinent replies and disobedience of orders. . they stated that they had more trouble with petty overseers and managers and small proprietors than with the entire black population. . the special magistrates further testified that wherever the planters have exercised common kindness and humanity, the apprentices have generally conducted peaceably. whenever there are many complaints from one estate, it is presumable that the manager is a bad man. . real estate is much higher throughout the island than it has been for many years. a magistrate said that he had heard of an estate which had been in market for ten years before abolition and could not find a purchaser. in , the year following abolition, it was sold for one third more than was asked for it two years before. . it was stated that there was not a proprietor in the island, whose opinion was of any worth, who would wish to have slavery restored. those who were mostly bitterly opposed to abolition, have become reconciled, and are satisfied that the change has been beneficial. the solicitor-general was candid enough to own that he himself was openly opposed to emancipation. he had declared publicly and repeatedly while the measure was pending in parliament, that abolition would ruin the colonies. but the results had proved so different that he was ashamed of his former forebodings. he had no desire ever to see slavery re-established. . the first of august, , was described as a day of remarkable quiet and tranquillity. the solicitor-general remarked, that there were many fears for the results of that first day of abolition. he said he arose early that morning, and before eight o'clock rode through the most populous part of the island, over an extent of twelve miles. the negroes were all engaged in their work as on other days. a stranger riding through the island, and ignorant of the event which had taken place that morning, would have observed no indications of so extraordinary a change. he returned home satisfied that all would work well. . the change in was spoken of as being associated with the most sanguine expectations. it was thought that there was more danger to be apprehended from the change in . it was stated that there were about fifteen thousand non-praedials, who would then be emancipated in barbadoes. this will most likely prove the occasion of much excitement and uneasiness, though it is not supposed that any thing serious will arise. the hope was expressed that the legislature would effect the emancipation of the whole population at that time. one of the magistrates informed us that he knew quite a number of planters in his district who were willing to liberate their apprentices immediately, but they were waiting for a general movement. it was thought that this state of feeling was somewhat extensive. . the magistrates represented the negroes as naturally confiding and docile, yielding readily to the authority of those who are placed over them. maj. colthurst presides over a district of , apprentices; capt. hamilton over a district of , , and mr. galloway over the same number. there are but three days in the week devoted to hearing and settling complaints. it is very evident that in so short a time it would be utterly impossible for one man to control and keep in order such a number, unless the subjects were of themselves disposed to be peaceable and submissive. the magistrates informed us that, notwithstanding the extent of their districts, they often did not have more than from a dozen to fifteen complaints in a week. we were highly gratified with the liberal spirit and the intelligence of the special magistrates. major colthurst is a gentleman of far more than ordinary pretensions to refinement and general information. he was in early life a justice of the peace in ireland, he was afterwards a juror in his majesty's service, and withal, has been an extensive traveller. fifteen years ago he travelled in the united states, and passed through several of the slaveholding states, where he was shocked with the abominations of slavery. he was persuaded that slavery was worse in our country, than it has been for many years in the west indies. captain hamilton was formerly an officer in the british navy. he seems quite devoted to his business, and attached to the interests of the apprentices. mr. galloway is a _colored_ gentleman, highly respected for his talents. mr. g. informed us that _prejudice_ against color was rapidly diminishing--and that the present governor was doing all in his power to discountenance it. the company spoke repeatedly of the _noble act of abolition, by which great britain had immortalized her name more than by all the achievements of her armies and navies._ the warmest wishes were expressed for the abolition of slavery in the united states. all said they should rejoice when the descendants of great britain should adopt the noble example of their mother country. they hailed the present anti-slavery movements. said the solicitor-general, "we were once strangely opposed to the english anti-slavery party, but now we sympathize with you. since slavery is abolished to our own colonies, and we see the good which results from the measure, we go for abolition throughout the world. go on, gentlemen, we are with you; _we are all sailing in the same vessel._" being kindly invited by captain hamilton, during our interview with him at the government house, to call on him and attend his court, we availed ourselves of his invitation a few days afterwards. we left bridgetown after breakfast, and as it chanced to be saturday, we had a fine opportunity of seeing the people coming into market. they were strung all along the road for six miles, so closely, that there was scarcely a minute at any time in which we did not pass them. as far as the eye could reach there were files of men and women, moving peaceably forward. from the cross paths leading through the estates, the busy marketers were pouring into the highway. to their heads as usual was committed the safe conveyance of the various commodities. it was amusing to observe the almost infinite diversity of products which loaded them. there were sweet potatoes, yams, eddoes, guinea and indian corn, various fruits and berries, vegetables, nuts, cakes, bottled beer and empty bottles, bundles of sugar cane, bundles of fire wood, &c. &c. here was one woman (the majority were females, as usual with the marketers in these islands) with a small black pig doubled up under her arm. another girl had a brood of young chickens, with nest, coop, and all, on her head. further along the road we were specially attracted by a woman who was trudging with an immense turkey elevated on her head. he quite filled the tray; head and tail projecting beyond its bounds. he advanced, as was very proper, head foremost, and it was irresistibly laughable to see him ever and anon stretch out his neck and peep under the tray, as though he would discover by what manner of locomotive it was that he got along so fast while his own legs were tied together. of the hundreds whom we past, there were very few who were not well dressed, healthy, and apparently in good spirits. we saw nothing indecorous, heard no vile language, and witnessed no violence. about four miles from town, we observed on the side of the road a small grove of shade trees. numbers of the marketers were seated there, or lying in the cool shade with their trays beside them. it seemed to be a sort of rendezvous place, where those going to, and those returning from town, occasionally halt for a time for the purpose of resting, and to tell and hear news concerning the state of the market. and why should not these travelling merchants have an exchange as well as the stationary ones of bridgetown? on reaching the station-house, which is about six miles from town, we learned that saturday was not one of the court days. we accordingly drove to captain hamilton's residence. _he stated that during the week he had only six cases of complaint among the thirteen thousand apprentices embraced in his district._ saturday is the day set apart for the apprentices to visit him at his house for advice on any points connected with their duties. he had several calls while we were with him. one was from the mother of an apprentice girl who had been committed for injuring the master's son. she came to inform captain h. that the girl had been whipped twice contrary to law, before her commitment. captain h. stated that the girl had said nothing about this at the time of her trial; if she had, she would in all probability have been _set free_, instead of being _committed to prison_. he remarked that he had no question but there were numerous cases of flogging on the estates which never came to light. the sufferers were afraid to inform against their masters, lest they should be treated still worse. the opportunity which he gave them of coming, to him one day in the week for private advice, was the means of exposing many outrages which would otherwise he unheard of: he observed that there were not a few whom he had liberated on account of the cruelty of their masters. captain h. stated that the apprentices were much disposed to purchase their freedom. to obtain money to pay for themselves they practice the most severe economy and self-denial in the very few indulgences which the law grants them. they sometimes resort to deception to depreciate their value with the appraisers. he mentioned an instance of a man who lead for many years been an overseer on a large estate. wishing to purchase himself, and knowing that his master valued him very highly, he permitted his beard to grow; gave his face a wrinkled and haggard appearance, and bound a handkerchief about his head. his clothes were suffered to become ragged and dirty, and he began to feign great weakness in his limbs, and to complain of a "misery all down his back." he soon appeared marked with all the signs of old age and decrepitude. in this plight, and leaning on a stick, he hobbled up to the station-house one day, and requested to be appraised. he was appraised at £ , which he immediately paid. a short time afterwards, he engaged himself to a proprietor to manage a small estate for £ per year in cash and his own maintenance, all at once grew vigorous again; and is prospering finely. many of the masters in turn practice deception to prevent the apprentices from buying themselves, or to make them pay the very highest sum for their freedom. they extol their virtues--they are every thing that is excellent and valuable--their services on the estate are indispensable no one can fill their places. by such misrepresentations they often get an exorbitant price for the remainder of the term--more, sometimes, than they could have obtained for them for life while they were slaves. from captain h.'s we returned to the station-house, the keeper of which conducted us over the buildings, and showed us the cells of the prison. the house contains the office and private room of the magistrate, and the guard-room, below, and chambers for the police men above. there are sixteen solitary cells, and two large rooms for those condemned to hard labour--one for females and the other for males. there were at that time seven in the solitary cells, and twenty-four employed in labor on the roads. this is more than usual. the average number is twenty in all. when it is considered that most of the commitments are for trivial offences, and that the district contains thirteen thousand apprentices, certainly we have grounds to conclude that the state of morals in barbadoes is decidedly superior to that in our own country. the whole police force for this district is composed of seventeen horsemen, four footmen, a sergeant, and the keeper. it was formerly greater but has been reduced within the past year. the keeper informed us that he found the apprentices, placed under his care, very easily controlled. they sometimes attempt to escape; but there has been no instance of revolt or insubordination. the island, he said, was peaceable, and were it not for the petty complaints of the overseers, nearly the whole police force might be disbanded. as for insurrection, he laughed at the idea of it. it was feared before abolition, but now no one thought of it. all but two or three of the policemen at this station are black and colored men. station-house at district a. being disappointed in our expectations of witnessing some trials at the station-house in captain hamilton's district (b,) we visited the court in district a, where major colthurst presides. major c. was in the midst of a trial when we entered, and we did not learn fully the nature of the case then pending. we were immediately invited within the bar, whence we had a fair view of all that passed. there were several complaints made and tried, during our stay. we give a brief account of them, as they will serve as specimens of the cases usually brought before the special magistrates. i. the first was a complaint made by a colored lady, apparently not more than twenty, against a colored girl--her domestic apprentice. the charge was insolence, and disobedience of orders. the complainant said that the girl was exceedingly insolent--no one could imagine how insolent she had been--it was beyond endurance. she seemed wholly unable to find words enough to express the superlative insolence of her servant. the justice requested her to particularize. upon this, she brought out several specific charges such as, first, that the girl brought a candle to her one evening, and wiped her greasy fingers on her (the girl's) gown: second, that one morning she refused to bring some warm water, as commanded, to pour on a piece of flannel, until she had finished some other work that she was doing at the time; third, that the same morning she delayed coming into her chamber as usual to dress her, and when she did come, she sung, and on being told to shut her mouth, she replied that her mouth was her own, and that she would sing when she pleased; and fourth, that she had said in her mistress's hearing that she would be glad when she was freed. these several charges being sworn to, the girl was sentenced to four days' solitary confinement, but at the request of her mistress, she was discharged on promise of amendment. ii. the second complaint was against an apprentice-man by his master, for absence from work. he had leave to go to the funeral of his mother, and he did not return until after the time allowed him by his master. the man was sentence to imprisonment. iii. the third complaint was against a woman for singing and making a disturbance in the field. sentenced to six days' solitary confinement. iv. an apprentice was brought up for not doing his work well. he was a mason, and was employed in erecting an arch on one of the public roads. this case excited considerable interest. the apprentice was represented by his master to be a praedial--the master testified on oath that he was registered as a praedial; but in the course of the examination it was proved that he had always been a mason; that he had labored at that trade from his boyhood, and that he knew 'nothing about the hoe,' having never worked an hour in the field. this was sufficient to prove that he was a non-praedial, and of course entitled to liberty two years sooner than he would have been as a praedial. as this matter came up incidentally, it enraged the master exceedingly. he fiercely reiterated his charge against the apprentice, who, on his part, averred that he did his work as well as he could. the master manifested the greatest excitement and fury during the trial. at one time, because the apprentice disputed one of his assertions, he raised his clenched fist over him, and threatened, with an oath, to knock him down. the magistrate was obliged to threaten him severely before he would keep quiet. the defendant was ordered to prison to be tried the next day, time being given to make further inquiries about his being a praedial. v. the next case was a complaint against an apprentice, for leaving his place in the boiling house without asking permission. it appeared that he had been unwell during the evening, _and at half past ten o'clock at night_, being attacked more severely, he left for a few moments, expecting to return. he, however, was soon taken so ill that the could not go back, but was obliged to lie down on the ground, where he remained until twelve o'clock, when he recovered sufficiently to creep home. his sickness was proved by a fellow apprentice, and indeed his appearance at the bar clearly evinced it. he was punished by several days imprisonment. with no little astonishment in view of such a decision, we inquired of maj. c. whether the planters had the power to require their people to work as late as half past ten at night. he replied, "certainly, _the crops must be secured at any rate, and if they are suffering, the people must be pressed the harder_."[a] [footnote a: we learned subsequently from various authentic sources, that the master has _not_ the power to compel his apprentices to labor more than nine hours per day on any condition, except in case of a fire, or some similar emergency. if the call for labor in crop-time was to be set down as an emergency similar to a "fire," and if in official decisions he took equal latitude, alas for the poor apprentices!] vi. the last case was a complaint against a man for not keeping up good fires under the boilers. he stoutly denied the charge; said he built as good fires as he could. he kept stuffing in the trash, and if it would not burn he could not help it. he was sentenced to imprisonment. maj. c. said that these complaints were a fair specimen of the cases that came up daily, save that there were many more frivolous and ridiculous. by the trials which we witnessed we were painfully impressed with two things: st. that the magistrate, with all his regard for the rights and welfare of the apprentices, showed a great and inexcusable partiality for the masters. the patience and consideration with which he heard the complaints of the latter, the levity with which he regarded the defence of the former, the summary manner in which he despatched the cases, and the character of some of his decisions, manifested no small degree of favoritism. d that the whole proceedings of the special magistrates' courts are eminently calculated to perpetuate bad feeling between the masters and apprentices. the court-room is a constant scene of angry dispute between these parties. the master exhausts his store of abuse and violence upon the apprentice, and the apprentice, emboldened by the place, and provoked by the abuse, retorts in language which he would never think of using on the estate, and thus, whatever may be the decision of the magistrate, the parties return home with feelings more embittered than ever. there were twenty-six persons imprisoned at the station-house, twenty-four were at hard labor, and two were in solitary confinement. the keeper of the prison said, he had no difficulty in managing the prisoners. the keeper is a colored man, and so also is the sergeant and most of the policemen. we visited one other station-house, in a distant part of the island, situated in the district over which captain cuppage presides. we witnessed several trials there which were similar in frivolity and meanness to those detailed above. we were shocked with the mockery of justice, and the indifference to the interests of the negro apparent in the course of the magistrate. it seemed that little more was necessary than for the manager or overseer to make his complaint and swear to it, and the apprentice was forthwith condemned to punishment. we never saw a set of men in whose countenances fierce passions of every name were so strongly marked as in the overseers and managers who were assembled at the station-houses. trained up to use the whip and to tyrannize over the slaves, their grim and evil expression accorded with their hateful occupation. through the kindness of a friend in bridgetown we were favored with an interview with mr. jones, the superintendent of the rural police--the whole body of police excepting those stationed in the town. mr. j. has been connected with the police since its first establishment in . he assured us that there was nothing in the local peculiarities of the island, nor in the character of its population, which forbade immediate emancipation in august, . he had no doubt it would be perfectly safe and decidedly profitable to the colony. . the good or bad working of the apprenticeship depends mainly on the conduct of the masters. he was well acquainted with the character and disposition of the negroes throughout the island, and he was ready to say, that if disturbances should arise either before or after , it would be because the people were goaded on to desperation by the planters, and not because they sought disturbance themselves. . mr. j. declared unhesitatingly that crime had not increased since abolition, but rather the contrary. . he represented the special magistrates as the friends of the planters. they loved the _dinners_ which they got at the planters' houses. the apprentices had no sumptuous dinners to give them. the magistrates felt under very little obligation of any kind to assert the cause of the apprentice and secure him justice, while they were under very strong temptations to favor the master. . real estate had increased in value nearly fifty per cent since abolition. there is such entire security of property, and the crops since have been so flattering, that capitalists from abroad are desirous of investing their funds in estates or merchandise. all are making high calculations for the future. . mr. j. testified that marriages had greatly increased since abolition. he had seen a dozen couples standing at one time on the church floor. there had, he believed, been more marriages within the last three years among the negro population, than have occurred before since the settlement of the island. we conclude this chapter by subjoining two highly interesting documents from special magistrates. they were kindly furnished us by the authors in pursuance of an order from his excellency the governor, authorizing the special magistrates to give us any official statements which we might desire. being made acquainted with these instructions from the governor, we addressed written queries to major colthurst and captain hamilton. we insert their replies at length. communication from major colthurst, special magistrate. the following fourteen questions on the working of the apprenticeship system in this colony were submitted to me on the th of march, , requesting answers thereto. . what is the number of apprenticed laborers in your district, and what is their character compared with other districts? the number of apprenticed laborers, of all ages, in my district, in nine thousand four hundred and eighty, spread over two hundred and ninety-seven estates of various descriptions--some very large, and others again very small--much the greater number consisting of small lots in the near neighborhood of bridgetown. perhaps my district, in consequence of this minute subdivision of property, and its contact with the town, is the most troublesome district in the island; and the character of the apprentices differs consequently from that in the more rural districts, where not above half the complaints are made. i attribute this to their almost daily intercourse with bridgetown. . what is the state of agriculture in the island? when the _planters themselves_ admit that general cultivation was _never_ in a better state, and the plantations extremely clean, _it is more than presumptive_ proof that agriculture generally is in a most prosperous condition. the vast crop of canes grown this year proves this fact. other crops are also luxuriant. . is there any difficulty occasioned by the apprentices refusing to work? no difficulty whatever has been experienced by the refusal of the apprentices to work. this is done manfully and cheerfully, when they are treated with humanity and consideration by the masters or managers. i have never known an instance to the contrary. . are the apprentices willing to work in their own time? the apprentices are most willing to work in their own time. . what is the number and character of the complaints brought before you--are they increasing or otherwise? the number of complaints brought before me, during the last quarter, are much fewer than during the corresponding quarter of the last year. their character is also greatly improved. nine complaints out of ten made lately to me are for small impertinences or saucy answers, which, considering the former and present position of the parties, is naturally to be expected. the number of such complaints is much diminished. . what is the state of crime among the apprentices? what is usually denominated crime in the old countries, is by no means frequent among the blacks or colored persons. it is amazing how few material breaches of the law occur in so extraordinary a community. some few cases of crime do occasionally arise;--but when it is considered that the population of this island is nearly as dense as that of any part of china, and wholly uneducated, either by precept or example, this absence of frequent crime excites our wonder, and is highly creditable to the negroes. i sincerely believe there is no such person, of that class called at home an accomplished villain, to be found in the whole island.--having discharged the duties of a general justice of the peace in ireland, for above twenty-four years, where crimes of a very aggravated nature were perpetrated almost daily. i cannot help contrasting the situation of that country with this colony, where i do not hesitate to say perfect tranquillity exists. . have the apprentices much respect for law? it is perhaps, difficult to answer this question satisfactorily, as it has been so short a time since they enjoyed the blessing of equal laws. to appreciate just laws, time, and the experience of the benefit arising from them must be felt. that the apprentices do not, to any material extent, _outrage_ the law, is certain; and hence it may be inferred that they respect it. . do you find a spirit of revenge among the negroes? from my general knowledge of the negro character in other countries, as well as the study of it here, i do not consider them by any means a revengeful people. petty dislikes are frequent, but any thing like a deep spirit of revenge for former injuries does not exist, nor is it for one moment to be dreaded. . is there any sense of insecurity arising from emancipation? not the most remote feeling of insecurity exists arising from emancipation; far the contrary. all sensible and reasonable men think the prospects before them most cheering, and would not go back to the old system on any account whatever. there are some, however, who croak and forebode evil; but they are few in number, and of no intelligence,--such as are to be found in every community. . what is the prospect for ?--for ? this question is answered i hope satisfactorily above. on the termination of the two periods no evil is to be reasonably anticipated, with the exception of a few days' idleness. . are the planters generally satisfied with the apprenticeship, or would they return back to the old system? the whole body of respectable planters are fully satisfied with the apprenticeship, and would not go back to the old system on any account whatever. a few young managers, whose opinions are utterly worthless, would perhaps have no objection to be put again into their puny authority. . do you think it would have been dangerous for the slaves in this island to have been entirely emancipated in ? i do not think it would have been productive of danger, had the slaves of this island been fully emancipated in ; which is proved by what has taken place in another colony. . has emancipation been a decided blessing to this island, or has it been otherwise? emancipation has been, under god, the greatest blessing ever conferred upon this island. all good and respectable men fully admit it. this is manifest throughout the whole progress of this mighty change. whatever may be said of the vast benefit conferred upon the slaves, in right judgment the slave owner was the greatest gainer after all. . are the apprentices disposed to purchase their freedom? how have those conducted themselves who have purchased it? the apprentices are inclined to purchase their discharge, particularly when misunderstandings occur with their masters. when they obtain their discharge they generally labor in the trades and occupations they were previously accustomed to, and conduct themselves well. the discharged apprentices seldom take to drinking. indeed the negro and colored population are the most temperate persons i ever knew of their class. the experience of nearly forty years in various public situations, confirms me in this very important fact. the answers i have had the honor to give to the questions submitted to me, have been given most conscientiously, and to the best of my judgment are a faithful picture of the working of the apprenticeship in this island, as far as relates to the inquiries made.--_john b. colthurst, special justice of the peace, district a. rural division_. communication from capt. hamilton. barbadoes, april th, . gentlemen, presuming that you have kept a copy of the questions[a] you sent me, i shall therefore only send the answers. [footnote a: the same interrogatories were propounded to capt. hamilton which have been already inserted in major colthurst's communication.] . there are at present five thousand nine hundred and thirty male, and six thousand six hundred and eighty-nine female apprentices in my district, (b,) which comprises a part of the parishes of christ church and st. george. their conduct, compared with the neighboring districts, is good. . the state of agriculture is very flourishing. experienced planters acknowledge that it is generally far superior to what it was during slavery. . where the managers are kind and temperate, they have not any trouble with the laborers. . the apprentices are generally willing to work for wages in their own time. . the average number of complaints tried by me, last year, ending december, was one thousand nine hundred and thirty-two. the average number of apprentices in the district during that time was twelve thousand seven hundred. offences, generally speaking, are not of any magnitude. they do not increase, but fluctuate according to the season of the year. . the state of crime is not so bad by any means as we might have expected among the negroes--just released from such a degrading bondage. considering the state of ignorance in which they have been kept, and the immoral examples set them by the lower class of whites, it is matter of astonishment that they should behave so well. . the apprentices would have a great respect for law, were it not for the erroneous proceedings of the managers, overseers, &c., in taking them before the magistrates for every petty offence, and often abusing the magistrate in the presence of the apprentices, when his decision does not please them. the consequence is, that the apprentices too often get indifferent to law, and have been known to say that they cared not about going to prison, and that they would do just as they did before as soon as they were released. . the apprentices in this colony are generally considered a peaceable race. all acts of revenge committed by them originate in jealousy, as, for instance, between husband and wife. . not the slightest sense of insecurity. as a proof of this, property has, since the commencement of the apprenticeship, increased in value considerably--at least one third. . the change which will take place in , in my opinion, will occasion a great deal of discontent among those called praedials--which will not subside for some months. they ought to have been all emancipated at the same period. i cannot foresee any bad effects that will ensue from the change in , except those mentioned hereafter. . the most prejudiced planters would not return to the old system if they possibly could. they admit that they get more work from the laborers than they formerly did, and they are relieved from a great responsibility. . it is my opinion that if entire emancipation had taken place in , no more difficulty would have followed beyond what we may naturally expect in . it will then take two or three months before the emancipated people finally settle themselves. i do not consider the apprentice more fit or better prepared for entire freedom now than he was in . . i consider, most undoubtedly, that emancipation has been a decided blessing to the colony. . they are much disposed to purchase the remainder of the apprenticeship term. their conduct after they become free is good. i hope the foregoing answers and information may be of service to you in your laudable pursuits, for which i wish you every success. i am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't, _jos. hamilton, special justice_. testimony of clergymen and missionaries. there are three religious denominations at the present time in barbadoes--episcopalians, wesleyans, and moravians. the former have about twenty clergymen, including the bishop and archdeacon. the bishop was absent during our visit, and we did not see him; but as far as we could learn, while in some of his political measures, as a member of the council, he has benefited the colored population, his general influence has been unfavorable to their moral and spiritual welfare. he has discountenanced and defeated several attempts made by his rectors and curates to abolish the odious distinctions of color in their churches. we were led to form an unfavorable opinion of the bishop's course, from observing among the intelligent and well-disposed classes of colored people, the current use of the phrase, "bishop's man," and "no bishop's man," applied to different rectors and curates. those that they were averse to, either as pro-slavery or pro-prejudice characters, they usually branded as "bishop's men," while those whom they esteemed their friends, they designated as "no bishop's men." the archdeacon has already been introduced to the reader. we enjoyed several interviews with him, and were constrained to admire him for his integrity, independence and piety. he spoke in terms of strong condemnation of slavery, and of the apprenticeship system. he was a determined advocate of entire and immediate emancipation, both from principle and policy. he also discountenanced prejudice, both in the church and in the social circle. the first time we had the pleasure of meeting him was at the house of a colored gentleman in bridgetown where we were breakfasting. he called in incidentally, while we were sitting at table, and exhibited all the familiarity of a frequent visitant. one of the most worthy and devoted men whom we met in barbadoes was the rev. mr. cummins, curate of st. paul's church, in bridgetown. the first sabbath after our arrival at the island we attended his church. it is emphatically a free church. distinctions of color are nowhere recognized. there is the most complete intermingling of colors throughout the house. in one pew were seen a family of whites, in the next a family of colored people, and in the next perhaps a family of blacks. in the same pews white and colored persons sat side by side. the floor and gallery presented the same promiscuous blending of hues and shades. we sat in a pew with white and colored people. in the pew before and in that behind us the sitting was equally indiscriminate. the audience was kneeling in their morning devotions when we entered, and we were struck with the different colors bowing side by side as we passed down the aisles. there is probably no clergyman in the island who has secured so perfectly the affections of his people as mr. c. he is of course "no bishop's man." he is constantly employed in promoting the spiritual and moral good of his people, of whatever complexion. the annual examination of the sabbath school connected with st. paul's occurred while we were in the island, and we were favored with the privilege of attending it. there were about three hundred pupils present, of all ages, from fifty down to three years. there were all colors--white, tawny, and ebon black. the white children were classed with the colored and black, in utter violation of those principles of classification in vogue throughout the sabbath schools of our own country. the examination was chiefly conducted by mr. cummins. at the close of the examination about fifty of the girls, and among them the daughter of mr. cummins, were arranged in front of the altar, with the female teachers in the rear of them, and all united in singing a hymn written for the occasion. part of the teachers were colored and part white, as were also the scholars, and they stood side by side, mingled promiscuously together. this is altogether the best sabbath school in the island. after the exercises were closed, we were introduced, by a colored gentleman who accompanied us to the examination, to mr. cummins, the rev. mr. packer, and the rev. mr. rowe, master of the public school in bridgetown. by request of mr. c., we accompanied him to his house, where we enjoyed an interview with him and the other gentlemen, just mentioned. mr. c. informed us that his sabbath school was commenced in ; but was quite small and inefficient until after . it now numbers more than four hundred scholars. mr. c. spoke of prejudice. it had wonderfully decreased within the last three years. he said he could scarcely credit the testimony of his own senses, when he looked around on the change which had taken place. many now associate with colored persons, and sit with them in the church, who once would have scorned to be found near them. mr. c. and the other clergymen stated, that there had been an increase of places of worship and of clergymen since abolition. all the churches are now crowded, and there is a growing demand for more. the negroes manifest an increasing desire for religious instruction. in respect to morals, they represent the people as being greatly improved. they spoke of the general respect which was now paid to the institution of marriage among the negroes, mr. c. said, he was convinced that the blacks had as much natural talent and capacity for learning as the whites. he does not know any difference. mr. pocker, who was formerly rector of st. thomas' parish, and has been a public teacher of children of all colors, expressed the same opinion. mr. rowe said, that before he took charge of the white school, he was the teacher of one of the free schools for blacks, and he testified that the latter has just as much capacity for acquiring any kind of knowledge, as much inquisitiveness, and ingenuity, as the former. accompanied by an intelligent gentleman of bridgetown, we visited two flourishing schools for colored children, connected with the episcopal church, and under the care of the bishop. in the male school, there were one hundred and ninety-five scholars, under the superintendence of one master, who is himself a black man, and was educated and trained up in the same school. he is assisted by several of his scholars, as monitors and teachers. it was, altogether, the best specimen of a well-regulated school which we saw in the west indies. the present instructor has had charge of the school two years. it has increased considerably since abolition. before the first of august, , the whole number of names on the catalogue was a little above one hundred, and the average attendance was seventy-five. the number immediately increased, and new the average attendance is above two hundred. of this number at least sixty are the children of apprentices. we visited also the infant school, established but two weeks previous. mr. s. the teacher, who has been for many years an instructor, says he finds them as apt to learn as any children he ever taught. he said he was surprised to see how soon the instructions of the school-room were carried to the homes of the children, and caught up by their parents. the very first night after the school closed, in passing through the streets, he heard the children repeating what they had been taught, and the parents learning the songs from their children's lips mr. s. has a hundred children already in his school, and additions were making daily. he found among the negro parents much interest in the school. wesleyan missionaries. we called on the rev. mr. fidler, the superintendent of the wesleyan missions in barbadoes. mr. f. resides in bridgetown, and preaches mostly in the chapel in town. he has been in the west indies twelve years, and in barbadoes about two years. mr. f. informed us that there were three wesleyan missionaries in the island, besides four or five local preachers, one of whom is a black man. there are about one thousand members belonging to their body, the greater part of whom live in town. two hundred and thirty-five were added during the year , being by far the largest number added in any one year since they began their operations in the island. a brief review of the history of the wesleyan methodists in barbadoes, will serve to show the great change which has been taking place in public sentiment respecting the labors of missionaries. in the year , not long after the establishment of the wesleyan church in the island, the chapel in bridgetown was destroyed by a mob. not one stone was left upon another. they carried the fragments for miles away from the site, and scattered them about in every direction, so that the chapel might never be rebuilt. some of the instigators and chief actors in this outrage, were "gentlemen of property and standing," residents of bridgetown. the first morning after the outrage began, the mob sought for the rev. mr. shrewsbury, the missionary, threatening his life, and he was obliged to flee precipitately from the island, with his wife. he was hunted like a wild beast, and it is thought that he would have been torn in pieces if he had been found. not an effort or a movement was made to quell the mob, during their assault upon the chapel. the first men of the island connived at the violence--secretly rejoicing in what they supposed would be the extermination of methodism from the country. the governor, sir henry ward, utterly refused to interfere, and would not suffer the militia to repair to the spot, though a mere handful of soldiers could have instantaneously routed the whole assemblage. the occasion of this riot was partly the efforts made by the wesleyans to instruct the negroes, and still more the circumstance of a letter being written by mr. shrewsbury, and published in an english paper, which contained some severe strictures on the morals of the barbadians. a planter informed us that the riot grew out of a suspicion that mr. s. was "leagued with the wilberforce party in england." since the re-establishment of wesleyanism in this island, it has continued to struggle against the opposition of the bishop, and most of the clergy, and against the inveterate prejudices of nearly the whole of the white community. the missionaries have been discouraged, and in many instances absolutely prohibited from preaching on the estates. these circumstances have greatly retarded the progress of religious instruction through their means. but this state of things had been very much altered since the abolition of slavery. there are several estates now open to the missionaries. mr. f. mentioned several places in the country, where he was then purchasing land, and erecting chapels. he also stated, that one man, who aided in pulling down the chapel in , had offered ground for a new chapel, and proffered the free use of a building near by, for religious meetings and a school, till it could be erected. the wesleyan chapel in bridgetown is a spacious building, well filled with worshippers every sabbath. we attended service there frequently, and observed the same indiscriminate sitting of the various colors, which is described in the account of st. paul's church. the wesleyan missionaries have stimulated the clergy to greater diligence and faithfulness, and have especially induced them to turn their attention to the negro population more than they did formerly. there are several local preachers connected with the wesleyan mission in barbadoes, who have been actively laboring to promote religion among the apprentices. two of these are converted soldiers in his majesty's service--acting sergeants of the troops stationed in the island. while we were in barbadoes, these pious men applied for a discharge from the army, intending to devote themselves exclusively to the work of teaching and preaching. another of the local preachers is a negro man, of considerable talent and exalted piety, highly esteemed among his missionary brethren for his labors of love. the moravian mission. of the moravians, we learned but little. circumstances unavoidably prevented us from visiting any of the stations, and also from calling on any of the missionaries. we were informed that there were three stations in the island, one in bridgetown, and two in the country, and we learned in general terms, that the few missionaries there were laboring with their characteristic devotedness, assiduity, and self-denial, for the spiritual welfare of the negro population. chapter iii. colored population. the colored, or as they were termed previous to abolition, by way of distinction, the free colored population, amount in barbadoes to nearly thirty thousand. they are composed chiefly of the mixed race, whose paternal connection, though illegitimate, secured to them freedom at their birth, and subsequently the advantages of an education more or less extensive. there are some blacks among them, however, who were free born, or obtained their freedom at an early period, and have since, by great assiduity, attained an honorable standing. during our stay in barbadoes, we had many invitations to the houses of colored gentlemen, of which we were glad to avail ourselves whenever it was possible. at an early period after our arrival, we were invited to dine with thomas harris, esq. he politely sent his chaise for us, as he resided about a mile from our residence. at his table, we met two other colored gentlemen, mr. thorne of bridgetown, and mr. prescod, a young gentleman of much intelligence and ability. there was also at the table a niece of mr. harris, a modest and highly interesting young lady. all the luxuries and delicacies of a tropical clime loaded the board--an epicurean variety of meats, flesh, fowl, and fish--of vegetables, pastries, fruits, and nuts, and that invariable accompaniment of a west india dinner, wine. the dinner was enlivened by an interesting and well sustained conversation respecting the abolition of slavery, the present state of the colony, and its prospects for the future. lively discussions were maintained on points where there chanced to be a difference of opinion, and we admired the liberality of the views which were thus elicited. we are certainly prepared to say, and that too without feeling that we draw any invidious distinctions, that in style of conversation, in ingenuity and ability of argument, this company would compare with any company of white gentlemen that we met in the island. in that circle of colored gentlemen, were the keen sallies of wit, the admirable repartee, the satire now severe, now playful, upon the measures of the colonial government, the able exposure of aristocratic intolerance, of plantership chicanery, of plottings and counterplottings in high places--the strictures on the intrigues of the special magistrates and managers, and withal, the just and indignant reprobation of the uniform oppressions which have disabled and crushed the colored people. the views of these gentlemen with regard to the present state of the island, we found to differ in some respects from those of the planters and special magistrates. they seemed to regard both those classes of men with suspicion. the planters they represented as being still, at least the mass of them, under the influence of the strong habits of tyrannizing and cruelty which they formed during slavery. the prohibitions and penalties of the law are not sufficient to prevent occasional and even frequent outbreakings of violence, so that the negroes even yet suffer much of the rigor of slavery. in regard to the special magistrates, they allege that they are greatly controlled by the planters. they associate with the planters, dine with the planters, lounge on the planters' sofas, and marry the planters daughters. such intimacies as these, the gentlemen very plausibly argued, could not exist without strongly biasing the magistrate towards the planters, and rendering it almost impossible for them to administer equal justice to the poor apprentice, who, unfortunately, had no sumptuous dinners to give them, no luxurious sofas to offer them, nor dowered daughters to present in marriage. the gentlemen testified to the industry and subordination of the apprentices. they had improved the general cultivation of the island, and they were reaping for their masters greater crops than they did while slaves. the whole company united in saying that many blessings had already resulted from the abolition of slavery--imperfect as that abolition was. real estate had advanced in value at least one third. the fear of insurrection had been removed; invasions of property, such as occurred during slavery, the firing of cane-fields, the demolition of houses, &c., were no longer apprehended. marriage was spreading among the apprentices, and the general morals of the whole community, high and low, white, colored, and black, were rapidly improving. at ten o'clock we took leave of mr. harris and his interesting friends. we retired with feelings of pride and gratification that we had been privileged to join a company which, though wearing the badge of a proscribed race, displayed in happy combination, the treasures of genuine intelligence, and the graces of accomplished manners. we were happy to meet in that social circle a son of new england, and a graduate of one of her universities. mr. h. went to the west indies a few months after the abolition of slavery. he took with him all the prejudices common to our country, as well as a determined hostility to abolition principles and measures. a brief observation of the astonishing results of abolition in those islands, effectually disarmed him of the latter, and made him the decided and zealous advocate of immediate emancipation. he established himself in business in barbados, where he has been living the greater part of the time since he left his native country. his _prejudices_ did not long survive his abandonment of anti-abolition sentiments. we rejoiced to find him on the occasion above referred to, moving in the circle of colored society, with all the freedom of a familiar guest, and prepared most cordially to unite with us in the wish that all our prejudiced countrymen could witness similar exhibitions. the gentleman at whose table we had the pleasure to dine, was _born a slave_, and remained such until he was seventeen years of age. after obtaining his freedom, he engaged as a clerk in a mercantile establishment, and soon attracted attention by his business talents. about the same period he warmly espoused the cause of the free colored people, who were doubly crushed under a load of civil and political impositions, and a still heavier one of prejudice. he soon made himself conspicuous by his manly defence of the rights of his brethren against the encroachments of the public authorities, and incurred the marked displeasure of several influential characters. after a protracted struggle for the civil immunities of the colored people, during which he repeatedly came into collision with public men, and was often arraigned before the public tribunals; finding his labors ineffectual, he left the island and went to england. he spent some time there and in france, moving on a footing of honorable equality among the distinguished abolitionists of those countries. there, amid the free influences and the generous sympathies which welcomed and surrounded him,--his whole character ripened in those manly graces and accomplishments which now so eminently distinguish him. since his return to barbadoes, mr. h. has not taken so public a part in political controversies as he did formerly, but is by no means indifferent to passing events. there is not, we venture to say, within the colony, a keener or more sagacious observer of its institutions, its public men and their measures. when witnessing the exhibitions of his manly spirit, and listening to his eloquent and glowing narratives of his struggles against the political oppressions which ground to the dust himself and his brethren, we could scarcely credit the fact that he was himself born and reared to manhood--a slave. breakfast at mr. thorne's. by invitation we took breakfast with mr. joseph thorne, whom we met at mr. harris's. mr. t. resides in bridgetown. in the parlor, we met two colored gentlemen--the rev. mr. hamilton, a local wesleyan preacher, and mr. cummins, a merchant of bridgetown, mentioned in a previous chapter. we were struck with the scientific appearance of mr. thorne's parlor. on one side was a large library of religious, historical and literary works, the selection of which displayed no small taste and judgment. on the opposite side of the room was a fine cabinet of minerals and shells. in one corner stood a number of curious relics of the aboriginal caribs, such as bows and arrows, etc., together with interesting fossil remains. on the tops of the book-cases and mineral stand, were birds of rare species, procured from the south american continent. the centre table was ornamented with shells, specimens of petrifactions, and elegantly bound books. the remainder of the furniture of the room was costly and elegant. before breakfast two of mr. thorne's children, little boys of six and four, stepped in to salute the company. they were of a bright yellow, with slightly curled hair. when they had shaken hands with each of the company, they withdrew from the parlor and were seen no more. their manners and demeanor indicated the teachings of an admirable mother, and we were not a little curious to see the lady of whose taste and delicate sense of propriety we had witnessed so attractive a specimen in her children. at the breakfast table we were introduced to mrs. thorne, and we soon discovered from her dignified air, from the chaste and elevated style of her conversation, from her intelligence, modesty and refinement, that we were in the presence of a highly accomplished lady. the conversation was chiefly on subjects connected with our mission. all spoke with great gratitude of the downfall of slavery. it was not the slaves alone that were interested in that event. political oppression, prejudice, and licentiousness had combined greatly to degrade the colored community, but these evils were now gradually lessening, and would soon wholly disappear after the final extinction of slavery--the parent of them all. several facts were stated to show the great rise in the value of real estate since . in one instance a gentleman bought a sugar estate for nineteen thousand pounds sterling, and the very next year, after taking off a crop from which he realized a profit of three thousand pounds sterling, he sold the estate for thirty thousand pounds sterling. it has frequently happened within two years that persons wishing to purchase estates would inquire the price of particular properties, and would hesitate to give what was demanded. probably soon after they would return to close the bargain, and find that the price was increased by several hundreds of pounds; they would go away again, reluctant to purchase, and return a third time, when they would find the price again raised, and would finally be glad to buy at almost any price. it was very difficult to purchase sugar estates now, whereas previous to the abolition of slavery, they were, like the slaves, a drug in the market. mr. joseph thorne is a gentleman of forty-five, of a dark mulatto complexion, with the negro features and hair. _he was born a slave_, and remained so until about twenty years of age. this fact we learned from the manager of the belle estate, on which mr. t. was born and raised a slave. it was an interesting coincidence, that on the occasion of our visit to the belle estate we were indebted to mr. thorne, the former _property_ of that estate, for his horse and chaise, which he politely proffered to us. mr. t. employs much of his time in laboring among the colored people in town, and among the apprentices on the estates, in the capacity of _lay-preacher_. in this way he renders himself very useful. being very competent, both by piety and talents, for the work, and possessing more perhaps than any missionary, the confidence of the planters, he is admitted to many estates, to lecture the apprentices on religious and moral duties. mr. t. is a member of the episcopal church. breakfast at mr. prescod's we next had the pleasure of breakfasting with mr. prescod. our esteemed friend, mr. harris, was of the company. mr. p. is a young man, but lately married. his wife and himself were both liberally educated in england. he was the late editor of the new times, a weekly paper established since the abolition of slavery and devoted chiefly to the interests of the colored community. it was the first periodical and the only one which advocated the rights of the colored people, and this it did with the utmost fearlessness and independence. it boldly exposed oppression, whether emanating from the government house or originating in the colonial assembly. the measures of all parties, and the conduct of every public man, were subject to its scrutiny, and when occasion required, to its stern rebuke. mr. p. exhibits a thorough acquaintance with the politics of the country, and with the position of the various parties. he is familiar with the spirit and operations of the white gentry--far more so, it would seem; than many of his brethren who have been repeatedly deceived by their professions of increasing liberality, and their show of extending civil immunities, which after all proved to be practical nullities, and as such were denounced by mr. p. at the outset. a few years ago the colored people mildly petitioned the legislature for a removal of their disabilities. their remonstrance was too reasonable to be wholly disregarded. something must he done which would at least bear the semblance of favoring the object of the petitioners. accordingly the obnoxious clauses were repealed, and the colored people were admitted to the polls. but the qualification was made three times greater than that required of white citizens. this virtually nullified the extension of privilege, and actually confirmed the disabilities of which it was a pretended abrogation. the colored people, in their credulity, hailed the apparent enfranchisement, and had a public rejoicing in the occasion. but the delusion could not escape the discrimination of mr. p. he detected it at once, and exposed it, and incurred the displeasure of the credulous people of color by refusing to participate in their premature rejoicings. he soon succeeded however in convincing his brethren that the new provision was a mockery of their wrongs, and that the assembly had only added insult to past injuries. mr. p. now urged the colored people to be patient, as the great changes which were working in the colony must bring to them all the rights of which they had been so cruelly deprived. on the subject of prejudice he spoke just as a man of keen sensibilities and manly spirit might be expected to speak, who had himself been its victim. he was accustomed to being flouted, scorned and condemned by those whom he could not but regard as his interiors both in native talents and education. he had submitted to be forever debarred from offices which were filled by men far less worthy except in the single qualification of a _white skin_, which however was paramount to all other virtues and acquirements! he had seen himself and his accomplished wife excluded from the society of whites, though keenly conscious of their capacity to move and shine in the most elevated social circles. after all this, it may readily be conceived how mr. p. would speak of prejudice. but while he spoke bitterly of the past, he was inspired with buoyancy of hope as he cast his eye to the future. he was confident that prejudice would disappear. it had already diminished very much, and it would ere long be wholly exterminated. mr. p. gave a sprightly picture of the industry of the negroes. it was common, he said, to hear them called lazy, but this was not true. that they often appeared to be indolent, especially those about the town, was true; but it was either because they had no work to do, or were asked to work without reasonable wages. he had often been amused at their conduct, when solicited to do small jobs--such as carrying baggage, loading of unloading a vessel, or the like. if offered a very small compensation, as was generally the case at first, they would stretch themselves on the ground, and with a sleepy look, and lazy tone, would say, "o, i can't do it, sir." sometimes the applicants would turn away at once, thinking that they were unwilling to work, and cursing "the lazy devils;" but occasionally they would try the efficacy of offering a larger compensation, when instantly the negroes would spring to their feet, and the lounging inert mass would appear all activity. we are very willing to hold up mr. p as a specimen of what colored people generally may become with proper cultivation, or to use the language of one of their own number,[a] "with free minds and space to rise." [footnote a: thomas c. brown, who renounced colonization, returned from a disastrous and almost fatal expedition to liberia, and afterwards went to the west indies, in quest of a free country.] we have purposely refrained from speaking of mrs. p., lest any thing we should be willing to say respecting her, might seem to be adulation. however, having alluded to her, we will say that it has seldom fallen to our lot to meet with her superior. breakfast at mr. london bourne's. after what has been said in this chapter to try the patience and irritate the nerves of the prejudiced, if there should be such among our readers, they will doubtless deem it quite intolerable to be introduced, not as hitherto to a family in whose faces the lineaments and the complexion of the white man are discernible, relieving the ebon hue, but to a household of genuine unadulterated negroes. we cordially accepted an invitation to breakfast with mr. london bourne. if the reader's horror of amalgamation does not allow him to join us at the table, perhaps he will consent to retire to the parlor, whence, without fear of contamination, he may safely view us through the folding doors, and note down our several positions around the board. at the head of the table presides, with much dignity, mrs. bourne; at the end opposite, sits mr. bourne--both of the glossiest jet; the thick matted hair of mr. b. slightly frosted with age. he has an affable, open countenance, in which the radiance of an amiable spirit, and the lustre of a sprightly intellect, happily commingle, and illuminate the sable covering. on either hand of mr. b. _we_ sit, occupying the posts of honor. on the right and left of mrs. b., and at the opposite corners from us, sit two other guests, one a colored merchant, and the other a young son-in-law of mr. b., whose face is the very double extract of blackness; for which his intelligence, the splendor of his dress, and the elegance of his manners, can make to be sure but slight atonement! the middle seats are filled on the one side by an unmarried daughter of mr. b., and on the other side by a promising son of eleven, who is to start on the morrow for edinburgh, where he is to remain until he has received the honors of scotland's far famed university. we shall doubtless be thought by some of our readers to glory in our shame. be it so. we _did_ glory in joining the company which we have just described. on the present occasion we had a fair opportunity of testing the merits of an unmixed negro party, and of determining how far the various excellences of the gentlemen and ladies previously noticed were attributable to the admixture of english blood. we are compelled in candor to say; that the company of blacks did not fall a whit below those of the colored race in any respect. we conversed on the same general topics, which, of course, were introduced where-ever we went. the gentlemen showed an intimate acquaintance with the state of the colony, with the merits of the apprenticeship system, and with the movements of the colonial government. as for mrs. b., she presided at the table with great ease, dignity, self-possession, and grace. her occasional remarks, made with genuine modesty, indicated good sense and discrimination. among other topics of conversation, prejudice was not forgotten. the company were inquisitive as to the extent of it in the united states. we informed them that it appeared to be strongest in those states which held no slaves, that it prevailed among professing christians, and that it was most manifestly seen in the house of god. we also intimated, in as delicate a manner as possible, that in almost any part of the united states such a table-scene as we then presented would be reprobated and denounced, if indeed it escaped the summary vengeance of the mob. we were highly gratified with their views of the proper way for the colored people to act in respect to prejudice. they said they were persuaded that their policy was to wait patiently for the operation of those influences which were now at work for the removal of prejudice. "_social intercourse_," they said, "was not a thing to be gained by _pushing_." "they could not go to it, but it would come to them." it was for them however, to maintain an upright, dignified course, to be uniformly courteous, to seek the cultivation of their minds, and strive zealously for substantial worth, and by such means, and such alone, they could aid in overcoming prejudice. mr. bourne was a slave until he was twenty-three years old. he was purchased by his father, a free negro, who gave five hundred dollars for him. his mother and four brothers were bought at the same time for the sum of two thousand five hundred dollars. he spoke very kindly of his former master. by industry, honesty, and close attention to business, mr. b. has now become a wealthy merchant. he owns three stores in bridgetown, lives in very genteel style in his own house, and is worth from twenty to thirty thousand dollars. he is highly respected by the merchants of bridgetown for his integrity and business talents. by what means mr. b. has acquired so much general information, we are at a loss to conjecture. although we did not ourselves need the evidence of his possessing extraordinary talents, industry, and perseverance, yet we are happy to present our readers with such tangible proofs--proofs which are read in every language, and which pass current in every nation. the foregoing sketches are sufficient to give a general idea of the colored people of barbadoes. perchance we may have taken too great liberties with those whose hospitalities we enjoyed; should this ever fall under their notice, we doubt not they will fully appreciate the motives which have actuated us in making them public. we are only sorry, for their sakes, and especially for that of our cause, that the delineations are so imperfect. that the above specimens are an exact likeness of the mass of colored people we do not pretend; but we do affirm, that they are as true an index to the whole community, as the merchants, physicians, and mechanics of any of our villages are to the entire population. we must say, also, that families of equal merit are by no means rare among the same people. we might mention many names which deservedly rank as high as those we have specified. one of the wealthiest merchants in bridgetown is a colored gentleman. he has his mercantile agents in england, english clerks in his employ, a branch establishment in the city, and superintends the concerns of an extensive and complicated business with distinguished ability and success. a large portion, of not a majority of the merchants of bridgetown are colored. some of the most popular instructors are colored men and ladies, and one of these ranks high as a teacher of the ancient and modern languages. the most efficient and enterprising mechanics of the city, are colored and black men. there is scarcely any line of business which is not either shared or engrossed by colored persons, if we except that of _barber_. _the only barber in bridgetown is a white man._ that so many of the colored people should have obtained wealth and education is matter of astonishment, when we consider the numerous discouragements with which they have ever been doomed to struggle. the paths of political distinction have been barred against them by an arbitrary denial of the right of suffrage, and consequent ineligibility to office. thus a large and powerful class of incitements to mental effort, which have been operating continually upon the whites, have never once stirred the sensibilities nor waked the ambition of the colored community. parents, however wealthy, had no inducement to educate their sons for the learned professions, since no force of talent nor extent of acquirement could hope to break down the granite walls and iron bars which prejudice had erected round the pulpit, the bar, and the bench. from the same cause there was very little encouragement to acquire property, to seek education, to labor for the graces of cultivated manners, or even to aspire to ordinary respectability, since not even the poor favor of social intercourse with the whites, of participating in the civilities and courtesies of every day life, was granted them. the crushing power of a prevailing licentiousness, has also been added to the other discouragements of the colored people. why should parents labor to amass wealth enough, and much of course it required, to send their daughters to europe to receive their educations, if they were to return only to become the victims of an all-whelming concubinism! it is a fact, that in many cases young ladies, who have been sent to england to receive education, have, after accomplishing themselves in all the graces of womanhood, returned to the island to become the concubines of white men. hitherto this vice has swept over the colored community, gathering its repeated conscriptions of beauty and innocence from the highest as well as the lowest families. colored ladies have been taught to believe that it was more honorable, and quite as virtuous, to be the kept mistresses of _white gentlemen_, than the lawfully wedded wives of _colored men_. we repeat the remark, that the actual progress which the colored people of barbadoes have made, while laboring under so many depressing influences, should excite our astonishment, and, we add, our admiration too. our acquaintance with this people was at a very interesting period--just when they were beginning to be relieved from these discouragements, and to feel the regenerating spirit of a new era. it was to us like walking through a garden in the early spring. we could see the young buds of hope, the first bursts of ambition, the early up-shoots of confident aspiration, and occasionally the opening bloom of assurance. the star of hope had risen upon the colored people, and they were beginning to realize that _their_ day had come. the long winter of their woes was melting into "glorious summer." civil immunities and political privileges were just before them, the learned professions were opening to them, social equality and honorable domestic connections would soon be theirs. parents were making fresh efforts to establish schools for the children, and to send the choicest of their sons and daughters to england. they rejoiced in the privileges they were securing, and they anticipated with virtuous pride the free access of their children to all the fields of enterprise, all the paths of honest emulation, and all the eminences of distinction. we remark in conclusion, that the forbearance of the colored people of barbadoes under their complicated wrongs is worthy of all admiration. allied, as many of them are, to the first families of the island, and gifted as they are with every susceptibility to feel disgrace, it is a marvel that they have not indignantly cast off the yoke and demanded their political rights. their wrongs have been unprovoked on their part, and unnatural on the part of those who have inflicted them--in many cases the guilty authors of their being. the patience and endurance of the sufferers under such circumstances are unexampled, except by the conduct of the slaves, who, though still more wronged, were, if possible, still more patient. we regret to add, that until lately, the colored people of barbadoes hate been far in the background in the cause of abolition, and even now, the majority of them are either indifferent, or actually hostile to emancipation. they have no fellow feeling with the slave. in fact; they have had prejudices against the negroes no less bitter than those which the whites have exercised toward them. there are many honorable exceptions to this, as has already been shown; but such, we are assured, is the general fact.[a] [footnote a: we are here reminded, by the force of contrast, of the noble spirit manifested by the free colored people of our own country. as early as , a numerous body of them in philadelphia, with the venerable james forten at their head, pledged themselves to the cause of the slave in the following sublime sentiment, which deserves to be engraver to their glory on the granite of our "everlasting hills"--"resolved, that we never will separate ourselves voluntarily from the slave population in this country; they are our brethren by the ties of consanguinity, of suffering, and of wrong; and we feel that there is more virtue in suffering privations with them, than enjoying _fancied_ advantages for a season." we believe that this resolution embodies the feelings and determinations of the free colored people generally in the free states.] chapter iv. barbadoes as it was, and is. according to the declaration of one of the special magistrates, "barbadoes has long been distinguished for its devotion to slavery." there is probably no portion of the globe where slave-holding, slave driving, and slave labor, have been reduced to a more perfect system. the records of slavery in barbadoes are stained with bloody atrocities. the planters uniformly spoke of slavery as a system of cruelties; but they expressed themselves in general terms. from colored gentlemen we learned some particulars, a few of which we give. to most of the following facts the narrators were themselves eye witnesses, and all of them happened in their day and were fresh in their memories. the slaves were not unfrequently worked in the streets of bridgetown with chains on their wrists and ankles. flogging on the estates and in the town, were no less public than frequent, and there was an utter shamelessness often in the manner of its infliction. even women were stripped naked on the sides of the streets, and their backs lacerated with the whip. it was a common practice, when a slave offended a white man, for the master to send for a public whipper, and order him to take the slave before the door of the person offended, and flog him till the latter was satisfied. white females would order their male slaves to be stripped naked in their presence and flogged, while they would look on to see that their orders were faithfully executed. mr. prescod mentioned an instance which he himself witnessed near bridgetown. he had seen an aged female slave, stripped and whipped by her own son, a child of twelve, at the command of the mistress. as the boy was small, the mother was obliged to get down upon her hands and knees, so that the child could inflict the blows on her naked person with a rod. this was done on the public highway, before the mistress's door. mr. t. well remembered when it was lawful for any man to shoot down his slave, under no greater penalty than twenty-five pounds currency; and he knew of cases in which this had been done. just after the insurrection in , white men made a regular sport of shooting negroes. mr. t. mentioned one case. a young man had sworn that he would kill ten negroes before a certain time. when he had shot nine he went to take breakfast with a neighbor, and carried his gun along. the first slave he met on the estate, he accused of being concerned in the rebellion. the negro protested that he was innocent, and begged for mercy. the man told him to be gone, and as he turned to go away, he shot him dead. having fulfilled his bloody pledge, the young knight ate his breakfast with a relish. mr. h. said that a planter once, in a time of perfect peace, went to his door and called one of his slaves. the negro made some reply which the master construed into insolence, and in a great rage he swore if he did not come to him immediately he would shoot him. the man replied he hoped massa wan't in earnest. 'i'll show you whether i am in earnest,' said the master, and with that he levelled his rifle, took deliberate aim, and shot the negro on the spot. he died immediately. though great efforts were made by a few colored men to bring the murderer to punishment, they were all ineffectual. the evidence against him was clear enough, but the influence in his favor was so strong that he finally escaped. dungeons were built on all the estates, and they were often abominably filthy, and infested with loathsome and venomous vermin. for slight offences the slaves were thrust into these prisons for several successive nights--being dragged out every morning to work during the day. various modes of torture were employed upon those who were consigned to the dungeon. there were stocks for their feet, and there were staples in the floor for the ankles and wrists, placed in such a position as to keep the victim stretched out and lying on his face. mr. h. described one mode which was called the _cabin_. a narrow board, only wide enough for a man to lie upon, was fixed in an inclined position, and elevated considerably above the ground. the offending slave was made to lay upon this board, and a strong rope or chain, was tied about his neck and fastened to the ceiling. it was so arranged, that if he should fall from the plank, he would inevitably hang by his neck. lying in this position all night, he was more likely than not to fall asleep, and then there were ninety-nine chances to one that he would roll off his narrow bed and be killed before he could awake, or have time to extricate himself. peradventure this is the explanation of the anxiety mr. ---- of ----, used to feel, when he had confined one of his slaves in the dungeon. he stated that he would frequently wake up in the night, was restless, and couldn't sleep, from fear that the prisoner would _kill himself_ before morning. it was common for the planters of barbadoes, like those of antigua, to declare that the greatest blessing of abolition to them, was that it relieved them from the disagreeable work of flogging the negroes. we had the unsolicited testimony of a planter, that slave mothers frequently poisoned, and otherwise murdered, their young infants, to rid them of a life of slavery. what a horrible comment this upon the cruelties of slavery! scarce has the mother given birth to her child, when she becomes its murderer. the slave-mother's joy begins, not like that of other mothers, when "a man is born into the world," but when her infant is hurried out of existence, and its first faint cry is hushed in the silence of death! why this perversion of nature? ah, that mother knows the agonies, the torments, the wasting woes, of a life of slavery, and by the bowels of a mother's love, and the yearnings of a mother's pity, she resolves that her babe shall never know the same. o, estimate who can, how many groans have gone up from the cane field, from the boiling-house, from around the wind mill, from the bye paths, from the shade of every tree, from the recesses of every dungeon! colonel barrow, of edgecome estate, declared, that the habit of flogging was so strong among the overseers and book-keepers, that even now they frequently indulge it in the face of penalties and at the risk of forfeiting their place. the descriptions which the special magistrates give of the lower class of overseers and the managers of the petty estates, furnish data enough for judging of the manner in which they would be likely to act when clothed with arbitrary power. they are "a low order of men," "without education," "trained up to use the whip," "knowing nothing else save the art of flogging," "ready at any time to perjure themselves in any matter where a negro is concerned," &c. now, may we not ask what but cruelty, the most monstrous, could be expected under a system where _such men_ were constituted law makers, judges, and executioners? from the foregoing facts, and the still stronger circumstantial evidence, we leave the reader to judge for himself as to the amount of cruelty attendant upon "the reign of terror," in barbadoes. we must, however, mention one qualification, without which a wrong impression may be made. it has already been remarked that barbadoes has, more than any other island, reduced slave labor and sugar cultivation to a regular system. this the planters have been compelled to do from the denseness of their population, the smallness of their territory, the fact that the land was all occupied, and still more, because the island, from long continued cultivation, was partly worn out. a prominent feature in their system was, theoretically at least, good bodily treatment of the slaves, good feeding, attention to mothers, to pregnant women, and to children, in order that the estates might always be kept _well stocked with good-conditioned negroes_. they were considered the best managers, who increased the population of the estates most rapidly, and often premiums were given by the attorneys to such managers. another feature in the barbadoes system was to raise sufficient provisions in the island to maintain the slaves, or, in planter's phrase, to _feed the stock_, without being dependent upon foreign countries. this made the supplies of the slaves more certain and more abundant. from several circumstances in the condition of barbadoes, it is manifest, that there were fewer motives to cruelty there than existed in other islands. first, the slave population was abundant, then the whole of the island was under cultivation, and again the lands were old and becoming exhausted. now, if either one of these things had not been true, if the number of slaves had been inadequate to the cultivation, or if vast tracts of land, as in jamaica, trinidad, and demerara, had been uncultivated, or were being brought into cultivation; or, again, if the lands under cultivation had been fresh and fertile, so as to bear _pushing_, then it is plain that there would have been inducements to hard driving, which, as the case was, did not exist. such is a partial view of barbadoes as it _was_, touching the matter of cruelty. we say partial, for we have omitted to mention the selling of slaves from one estate to another, whereby families were separated, almost as effectually as though an ocean intervened. we have omitted to notice the transportation of slaves to trinidad, berbice, and demerara, which was made an open traffic until prohibited in , and was afterwards continued with but little abatement by evasions of the law. from the painful contemplation of all this outrage and wrong, the mind is relieved by turning to the present state of the colony. it cannot be denied that much oppression grows out of the apprenticeship system, both from its essential nature, and from the want of virtuous principle and independence in the men who administer it. yet it is certainly true that there has been a very great diminution in the amount of actual cruelty. the total abolition of flogging on the estates, the prohibition to use the dungeons, and depriving the masters, managers, overseers and drivers, of the right to punish in any case, or in any way whatever, leave no room for doubt on this subject. it is true, that the laws are often violated, but this can only take place in cases of excessive passion, and it is not likely to be a very frequent occurrence. the penalty of the law is so heavy,[a] and the chances of detection[b] are so great, that in all ordinary circumstances they will be a sufficient security against the violence of the master. on the other hand, the special magistrates themselves seldom use the whip, but resort to other modes of punishment less cruel and degrading. besides, it is manifest that if they did use the whip and were ever so cruelly disposed, it would be physically impossible for them to inflict as much suffering as the drivers could during slavery; on account of the vast numbers over whom they preside. we learned from the apprentices themselves, by conversing with them, that their condition, in respect to treatment, is incomparably better than it was during slavery. we were satisfied from our observations and inquiries, that the planters, at least the more extensive and enlightened ones, conduct their estates on different principles from those formerly followed. before the abolition of slavery, they regarded the _whip_ as absolutely necessary to the cultivation of sugar, and hence they uniformly used it, and loudly deprecated its abolition as being _their_ certain ruin. but since the whip has been abolished, and the planters have found that the negroes continue, nevertheless, industrious and subordinate, they have changed their measures, partly from necessity, and partly from policy, have adopted a conciliatory course. [footnote a: a fine of sixteen dollars for the first assault, and the liberation of the apprentice after a second.] [footnote b: through the complaint of the apprentice to the special magistrate] barbadoes was not without its insurrections during slavery. although not very frequent, they left upon the minds of the white colonists this conviction, (repeatedly expressed to us by planters and others,) that _slavery and rebellions are inseparable_. the last widely extended insurrection occurred in , in the eastern part of the island. some of the particulars were given us by a planter who resided to that region, and suffered by it great loss of property. the plot was so cautiously laid, and kept so secret, that no one suspected it. the planter observed that if any one had told him that such a thing was brewing _ten minutes_ before it burst forth, he would not have credited the statement. it began with firing the cane-fields. a signal was given by a man setting fire to a pile of trash on an elevated spot, when instantly the fires broke out in every direction, and in less than a half hour, more than one hundred estates were in flames. the planters and their families, in the utmost alarm, either fled into other parts of the island, or seized their arms and hurriedly mustered in self-defence. meanwhile the negroes, who had banded themselves in numerous companies, took advantage of the general consternation, proceeded to the deserted mansions of the planters, broke down the doors, battered in the windows, destroyed all the furniture, and carried away the provision stores to their own houses. these ravages continued for three days, during which, the slaves flocked together in increasing numbers; in one place there were several thousands assembled. above five hundred of the insurgents were shot down by the militia, before they could be arrested. the destruction of property during the rebellion was loosely estimated at many hundred thousand pounds. the canes on many estates were almost wholly burned; so that extensive properties, which ordinarily yielded from two to three hundred hogsheads, did not make more than fifteen or twenty. our informant mentioned two circumstances which he considered remarkable. one was, that the insurgents never touched the property of the estates to which they severally belonged; but went to the neighboring or more distant estates. the other was, that during the whole insurrection the negroes did not make a single attempt to destroy life. on the other hand, the sacrifice of negroes during the rebellion, and subsequent to it, was appalling. it was a long time before the white man's thirst for blood could be satiated. no general insurrection occurred after this one. however, as late as , the proprietor of mount wilton--the noblest estate in the island--was murdered by his slaves in a most horrid manner. a number of men entered his bed-chamber at night. he awoke ere they reached him, and grasped his sword, which always hung by his bed, but it was wrested from his hand, and he was mangled and killed. his death was caused by his _cruelties_, and especially by his _extreme licentiousness_. all the females on this estate were made successively the victims of his lust. this, together with his cruelties, so incensed the men, that they determined to murder the wretch. several of them were publicly executed. next to the actual occurrence of rebellions, _the fear of them_ deserves to be enumerated among the evils which slavery entailed upon barbadoes. the dread of hurricanes to the people of barbadoes is tolerable in comparison with the irrepressible apprehensions of bloody rebellions. a planter told us that he seldom went to bed without thinking he might be murdered before morning. but now the whites are satisfied that slavery was the sole instigator of rebellions, and since its removal they have no fear on this score. _licentiousness_ was another of the fruits of slavery. it will be difficult to give to the reader a proper conception of the prevalence of this vice in barbadoes, and of the consequent demoralization. a numerous colored population were both the offspring and the victims of it. on a very moderate calculation, nineteen-twentieths of the present adult colored race are illegitimate. concubinage was practised among the highest classes. young merchants and others who were unmarried, on first going to the island, regularly engaged colored females to live with them as housekeepers and mistresses, and it was not unusual for a man to have more than one. the children of these connections usually sat with the mothers at the father's table, though when the gentlemen had company, neither mothers nor children made their appearance. to such conduct no disgrace was attached, nor was any shame felt by either party. we were assured that there are in bridgetown, colored ladies of "respectability," who, though never married, have large families of children whose different surnames indicate their difference of parentage, but who probably do not know their fathers by any other token. these remarks apply to the towns. the morals of the estates were still more deplorable. the managers and overseers, commonly unmarried, left no female virtue unattempted. rewards sometimes, but oftener the whip, or the dungeon, gave them the mastery in point of fact, which the laws allowed in theory. to the slaves marriage was scarcely known. they followed the example of the master, and were ready to minister to his lust. the mass of mulatto population grew paler as it multiplied, and catching the refinement along with the tint of civilization, waged a war upon marriage which had well nigh expelled it from the island. such was barbadoes under the auspices of slavery. although these evils still exist, yet, since the abolition of slavery, there is one symptom of returning purity, the _sense of shame_. concubinage is becoming disreputable. the colored females are growing in self-respect, and are beginning to seek regular connections with colored men. they begin to feel (to use the language of one of them) that the _light is come_, and that they can no longer have the apology of ignorance to plead for their sin. it is the prevailing impression among whites, colored, and blacks, that open licentiousness cannot long survive slavery. _prejudice_ was another of the concomitants of slavery. barbadoes was proverbial for it. as far as was practicable, the colored people were excluded from all business connections; though merchants were compelled to make clerks of them for want of better, that is, _whiter_, ones. colored merchants of wealth were shut out of the merchants' exchange, though possessed of untarnished integrity, while white men were admitted as subscribers without regard to character. it was not a little remarkable that the rooms occupied as the merchants' exchange were rented from a colored gentleman, or more properly, a _negro_;[a] who, though himself a merchant of extensive business at home and abroad, and occupying the floor below with a store, was not suffered to set his foot within them. this merchant, it will be remembered, is educating a son for a learned profession at the university of edinburgh. colored gentlemen were not allowed to become members of literary associations, nor subscribers to the town libraries. social intercourse was utterly interdicted. to visit the houses of such men as we have already mentioned in a previous chapter, and especially to sit down at their tables, would have been a loss of caste; although the gentry were at the same time living with colored concubines. but most of all did this wicked prejudice delight to display itself in the churches. originally, we believe, the despised color was confined to the galleries, afterwards it was admitted to the seats under the galleries, and ultimately it was allowed to extend to the body pews below the cross aisle. if perchance one of the proscribed class should ignorantly stray beyond these precincts, and take a seat above the cross aisle, he was instantly, if not forcibly, removed. every opportunity was maliciously seized to taunt the colored people with their complexion. a gentleman of the highest worth stated that several years ago he applied to the proper officer for a license to be married. the license was accordingly made out and handed to him. it was expressed in the following insulting style: "t---- h----, f.m., is licensed to marry h---- l----, f.c.w." the initials f.m. stood for _free mulatto_, and f.c.w. for _free colored woman_! the gentleman took his knife and cut out the initials; and was then threatened with a prosecution for forging his license. [footnote a: mr. london bourne, the merchant mentioned in the previous chapter.] it must be admitted that this cruel feeling still exists in barbadoes. prejudice is the last viper of the slavery-gendered brood that dies. but it is evidently growing weaker. this the reader will infer from several facts already stated. the colored people themselves are indulging sanguine hopes that prejudice will shortly die away. they could discover a bending on the part of the whites, and an apparent readiness to concede much of the ground hitherto withheld. they informed us that they had received intimations that they might be admitted as subscribers to the merchants' exchange if they would apply; but they were in no hurry to make the advances themselves. they felt assured that not only business equality, but social equality, would soon be theirs, and were waiting patiently for the course of events to bring them. they have too much self-respect to sue for the consideration of their white neighbors, or to accept it as a condescension and favor, when by a little patience they might obtain it on more honorable terms. it will doubtless be found in barbadoes, as it has been in other countries--and perchance to the mortification of some lordlings--that freedom is a mighty leveller of human distinctions. the pyramid of pride and prejudice which slavery had upreared there, must soon crumble in the dust. _indolence and inefficiency among the whites_, was another prominent feature in slaveholding barbadoes. enterprise, public and personal, has long been a stranger to the island. internal improvements, such as the laying and repairing of roads, the erection of bridges, building wharves, piers, &c., were either wholly neglected, or conducted in such a listless manner as to be a burlesque on the name of business. it was a standing task, requiring the combined energy of the island, to repair the damages of one hurricane before another came. the following circumstance was told us, by one of the shrewdest observers of men and things with whom we met in barbadoes. on the southeastern coast of the island there is a low point running far out into the sea, endangering all vessels navigated by persons not well acquainted with the island. many vessels have been wrecked upon it in the attempt to make bridgetown from the windward. from time immemorial, it has been in contemplation to erect a light-house on that point. every time a vessel has been wrecked, the whole island has been agog for a light-house. public meetings were called, and eloquent speeches made, and resolutions passed, to proceed to the work forthwith. bills were introduced into the assembly, long speeches made, and appropriations voted commensurate with the stupendous undertaking. there the matter ended, and the excitement died away, only to be revived by another wreck, when a similar scene would ensue. the light-house is not built to this day. in personal activity, the barbadians are as sadly deficient as in public spirit. london is said to have scores of wealthy merchants who have never been beyond its limits, nor once snuffed the country air. bridgetown, we should think, is in this respect as deserving of the name _little london_ as barbadoes is of the title "little england," which it proudly assumes. we were credibly informed that there were merchants in bridgetown who had never been off the island in their lives, nor more than five or six miles into the country. the sum total of their locomotion might be said to be, turning softly to one side of their chairs, and then softly to the other. having no personal cares to harass them, and no political questions to agitate them--having no extended speculations to push, and no public enterprises to prosecute, (save occasionally when a wreck on the southern point throws them into a ferment,) the lives of the higher classes seem a perfect blank, as it regards every thing manly. their thoughts are chiefly occupied with sensual pleasure, anticipated or enjoyed. the centre of existence to them is the _dinner-table_. "they eat and drink and sleep, and then-- eat and drink and sleep again." that the abolition of slavery has laid the foundation for a reform in this respect, there can be no doubt. the indolence and inefficiency of the white community has grown out of slavery. it is the legitimate offspring of oppression everywhere--one of the burning curses which it never fails to visit upon its supporters. it may be seriously doubted, however, whether in barbadoes this evil will terminate with its cause. there is there such a superabundance of the laboring population, that for a long time to come, labor must be very cheap, and the habitually indolent will doubtless prefer employing others to work for them, than to work themselves. if, therefore, we should not see an active spirit of enterprise at once kindling among the barbadians, _if the light-house should not be build for a quarter of a century to come_, it need not excite our astonishment. we heard not a little concerning the expected distress of those white families whose property consisted chiefly of slaves. there were many such families, who have hitherto lived respectably and independently by hiring out their slaves. after , these will be deprived of all their property, and will have no means of support whatever. as they will consider it degrading to work, and still more so to beg, they will be thrown into extremely embarrassing circumstances. it is thought that many of this class will leave the country, and seek a home where they will not be ashamed to work for their subsistence. we were forcibly reminded of the oft alleged objection to emancipation in the united states, that it would impoverish many excellent families in the south, and drive delicate females to the distaff and the wash-tub, whose hands have never been used to any thing--_rougher than the cowhide_. much sympathy has been awakened in the north by such appeals, and vast numbers have been led by them to conclude that it is better for millions of slaves to famish in eternal bondage, than that a few white families, here and there scattered over the south, should be reduced to the humiliation of _working_. _hostility to emancipation_ prevailed in barbadoes. that island has always been peculiarly attached to slavery. from the beginning of the anti-slavery agitations in england, the barbadians distinguished themselves by their inveterate opposition. as the grand result approximated they increased their resistance. they appealed, remonstrated, begged, threatened, deprecated, and imprecated. they continually protested that abolition would ruin the colony--that the negroes could never be brought to work--especially to raise sugar--without the whip. they both besought and demanded of the english that they should cease their interference with their private affairs and personal property. again and again they informed them that they were wholly disqualified, by their distance from the colonies, and their ignorance of the subject, to do any thing respecting it, and they were entreated to leave the whole matter with the colonies, who alone could judge as to the best time and manner of moving, or whether it was proper to move at all. we were assured that there was not a single planter in barbadoes who was known to be in favor of abolition, before it took place; if, however, there had been one such, he would not have dared to avow his sentiments. the anti-slavery party in england were detested; no epithets were too vile for them--no curses too bitter. it was a barbadian lady who once exclaimed in a public company in england, "o, i wish we had wilberforce in the west indies, i would be one of the very first to tear his heart out!" if such a felon wish could escape the lips of a female, and that too amid the awing influence of english society, what may we conclude were the feelings of planters and drivers on the island! the opposition was maintained even after the abolition of slavery; and there was no colony, save jamaica, with which the english government had so much trouble in arranging the provisions and conditions under which abolition was to take place. from statements already made, the reader will see how great a change has come over the feelings of the planters. he has followed us through this and the preceding chapters, he has seen tranquillity taking the place of insurrections, a sense of security succeeding to gloomy forbodings, and public order supplanting mob law; he has seen subordination to authority, peacefulness, industry, and increasing morality, characterizing the negro population; he has seen property rising in value, crime lessening, expenses of labor diminishing, the whole island blooming with unexampled cultivation, and waving with crops unprecedented in the memory of its inhabitants; above all, he has seen licentiousness decreasing, prejudice fading away, marriage extending, education spreading, and religion preparing to multiply her churches and missionaries over the land. _these_ are the blessing of abolition--_begun_ only, and but partially realized as yet, but promising a rich maturity in time to come, after the work of freedom shall have been completed. chapter v. the apprenticeship system. the nature of the apprenticeship system may be learned form the following abstract of its provisions, relative to the three parties chiefly concerned in its operation--the special magistrate, the master, and the apprentice. provisions respecting the special magistrates. . they must be disconnected with planters and plantership, that they may be independent of all colonial parties and interests whatever. . the special magistrates adjudicate only in cases where the master and apprentice are parties. offences committed by apprentices against any person not connected with the estates on which they live, come under the cognizance of the local magistrates or of higher courts. . the special justices sit three days in the week at their offices, where all complaints are carried, both by the master and apprentice. the magistrates do not go the estate, either to try or to punish offenders. besides, the three days the magistrates are required to be at home every saturday, (that being the day on which the apprentices are disengaged,) to give friendly advice and instruction on points of law and personal rights to all apprentices who may call. provisions respecting the master. . the master is allowed the gratuitous labor of the apprentice for forty-five hours each week. the several islands were permitted by the english government to make such a division of this time as local circumstances might seem to require. in some islands, as for instance in st. christopher's and tortola, it is spread over six days of the week in proportions of seven and a half hours per day, thus leaving the apprentice mere shreds of time in which he can accomplish nothing for himself. in barbadoes, the forty-five hours is confined within five days, in portions of nine hours per day. . the allowances of food continue the same as during slavery, excepting that now the master may give, instead of the allowance, a third of an acre to each apprentice, but then he must also grant an additional day every week for the cultivation of this land. . the master has no power whatever to punish. a planter observed, "if i command my butler to stand for half an hour on the parlor floor, and it can be proved that i designed it as a punishment, i may be fined for it." the penalty for the first offence (punishing an apprentice) is a fine of five pounds currency, or sixteen dollars, and imprisonment if the punishment was cruel. for a second offence the apprentice is set free. masters frequently do punish their apprentices _in despite of all penalties_. a case in point occurred not long since, in bridgetown. a lady owned a handsome young mulatto woman, who had a beautiful head of hair of which she was very proud. the servant did something displeasing to her mistress, and the latter in a rage shaved off her hair close to her head. the girl complained to the special magistrate, and procured an immediate release from her mistress's service. . it is the duty of the master to make complaint to the special magistrate. when the master chooses to take the punishment into his own hand, the apprentice has a right to complain. . the master is obliged to sell the remainder of the apprentice's term, whenever the apprentice signifies a wish to buy it. if the parties cannot agree about the price, the special magistrate, in connection with two local magistrates, appraises the latter, and the master is bound to take the amount of the appraisement, whatever that is. instances of apprentices purchasing themselves are quite frequent, not withstanding the term of service is now so short, extending only to august, . the value of an apprentice varies from thirty to one hundred dollars. provisions respecting the apprentice. . he has the whole of saturday, and the remnants of the other five days, after giving nine hours to the master. . the labor does not begin so early, nor continue so late as during slavery. instead of half past four or five o'clock the apprentices are called out at six o'clock in the morning. they then work till seven, have an hour for breakfast, again work from eight to twelve, have a respite of two hours, and then work till six o'clock. . if an apprentice hires his time from his master as is not unfrequently the case, especially among the non-praedials, he pays a dollar a week, which is two thirds, or at least one half of his earnings. . if the apprentice has a complaint to make against his master, he must either make it during his own time, or if he prefers to go to the magistrate during work hours, he must ask his master for a pass. if his master refuse to give him one, he can then go without it. . there is an _unjustifiable inequality_ in the apprentice laws, which was pointed out by one of the special magistrates. the master is punishable only for cruelty or corporeal inflictions, whereas the apprentice is punishable for a variety of offences, such as idleness, stealing, insubordination, insolence, &c. the master may be as insolent and abusive as he chooses to be, and the slave can have no redress. . hard labor, solitary confinement, and the treadmill, are the principal modes of punishment. shaving the head is sometimes resorted to. a very sever punishment frequently adopted, is requiring the apprentice to make up for the time during which he is confined. if he is committed for ten working days, he must give the master ten successive saturdays. this last regulation is particularly oppressive and palpably unjust. it matters not how slight the offence may have been, it is discretionary with the special magistrate to mulct the apprentice of his saturdays. this provision really would appear to have been made expressly for the purpose of depriving the apprentices of their own time. it is a direct inducement to the master to complain. if the apprentice has been absent from his work but an hour, the magistrate may sentence him to give a whole day in return; consequently the master is encouraged to mark the slightest omission, and to complain of it whether it was unavoidable or not. the design of the apprenticeship.--it is a serious question with a portion of the colonists, whether or not the apprenticeship was originally designed as a preparation for freedom. this however was the professed object with its advocates, and it was on the strength of this plausible pretension, doubtless, that the measure was carried through. we believe it is pretty well understood, both in england and the colonies; that it was mainly intended _as an additional compensation to the planters_. the latter complained that the twenty millions of pounds was but a pittance of the value of their slaves, and to drown their cries about robbery and oppression this system of modified slavery was granted to them, that they might, for a term of years, enjoy the toil of the negro without compensation. as a mockery to the hopes of the slaves this system was called an apprenticeship, and it was held out to them as a needful preparatory stage for them to pass through, ere they could rightly appreciate the blessings of entire freedom. it was not wonderful that they should be slow to apprehend the necessity of serving a six years' apprenticeship, at a business which they had been all their lives employed in. it is not too much to say that it was a grand cheat--a national imposture at the expense of the poor victims of oppression, whom, with benevolent pretences, it offered up a sacrifice to cupidity and power. practical operation of the apprenticeship.--it cannot be denied that this system is in some respects far better than slavery. many restraints are imposed upon the master, and many important privileges are secured to the apprentice. being released from the arbitrary power of the master, is regarded by the latter as a vast stride towards entire liberty. we once asked an apprentice; if he thought apprenticeship was better than slavery. "o yes," said he, "great deal better, sir; when we was slaves, our masters git mad wid us, and give us _plenty of licks_; but now, thank god, they can't touch us." but the actual enjoyment of these advantages by the apprentices depends upon so many contingencies, such as the disposition of the master, and the faithfulness of the special magistrate, that it is left after all exceedingly precarious. a very few observations respecting the special magistrates, will serve to show how liable the apprentice is to suffer wrong without the possibility of obtaining redress. it is evident that this will be the case unless the special magistrates are _entirely independent_. this was foreseen by the english government, and they pretended to provide for it by paying the magistrates' salaries at home. but how inadequate was their provision! the salaries scarcely answer for pocket money in the west indies. thus situated, the magistrates are continually exposed to those temptations, which the planters can so artfully present in the shape of sumptuous dinners. they doubtless find it very convenient, when their stinted purses run low, and mutton and wines run high, to do as the new england school master does, "_board round_;" and consequently the dependence of the magistrate upon the planter is of all things the most deprecated by the apprentice.[a] [footnote a: the feelings of apprentices on this point are well illustrated by the following anecdote, which was related to us while in the west indies. the governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined with one of the wealthiest proprietors. the next day one of the negroes of the estate said to another, "de new gubner been _poison'd_." "what dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment, "de gubner been _poison'd_." "dah, now!--how him poisoned!" "_him eat massa turtle soup last night_," said the shrewd negro. the other took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the poison was one from which _he_ was likely to suffer more than his excellency.] congeniality of feeling, habits, views, style and rank--identity of country and color--these powerful influences bias the magistrate toward the master, at the same time that the absence of them all, estrange and even repel him from the apprentice. there is still an additional consideration which operates against the unfortunate apprentice. the men selected for magistrates, are mostly officers of the army and navy. to those who are acquainted with the arbitrary habits of military and naval officers, and with the iron despotism which they exercise among the soldiers and sailors,[b] the bare mention of this fact is sufficient to convince them of the unenviable situation of the apprentice. it is at best but a gloomy transfer from the mercies of a slave driver, to the justice of a military magistrate. [footnote b: we had a specimen of the stuff special magistrates are made of in sailing from barbadoes to jamaica. the vessel was originally an english man-of-war brig, which had been converted into a steamer, and was employed by the english government, in conveying the island mails from barbadoes to jamaica--to and fro. she was still under the strict discipline of a man-of-war. the senior officer on board was a lieutenant. this man was one of the veriest savages on earth. his passions were in a perpetual storm, at some times higher than at others, occasionally they blew a hurricane. he quarrelled with his officers, and his orders to his men were always uttered in oaths. scarcely a day passed that he did not have some one of his sailors flogged. one night, the cabin boy left the water-can sitting on the cabin floor, instead of putting it on the sideboard, where it usually stood. for this offence the commander ordered him up on deck after midnight, and made the quarter-master flog him. the instrument used in this case, (the regular flogging stick having been _used up_ by previous service,) was the commander's cane--_a heavy knotted club_. the boy held out one hand and received the blows. he howled most piteously, and it was some seconds before he recovered sufficiently from the pain to extend the other. "_lay on_," stormed the commander. down went the cane a second time. we thought it must have broken every bone in the boy's hand. this was repeated several times, the boy extending each hand alternately, and recoiling at every blow. "now lay on to his back," sternly vociferated the commander--"give it to him--_hard_--_lay on harder_." the old seaman, who had some mercy in his heart, seemed very loth to lay out his strength on the boy with such a club. the commander became furious--cursed and swore--and again yelled, "_give it to him harder, more_--more--more--there, stop." "you infernal villain"--speaking to the quarter-master and using the most horrid oaths--"you infernal villain, if you do not _lay on harder_ the next time i command you, i'll have you put in irons." the boy limped away, writhing in every joint, and crying piteously, when the commander called at him, "silence there, you imp--or i'll give you a second edition." one of the first things the commander did after we left barbadoes, was to have a man flogged, and the last order we heard him give as we left the steamer at kingston, was to put two of the men _in irons_.] it is not a little remarkable that the apprenticeship should be regarded by the planters themselves, as well as by other persons generally throughout the colony, as merely a modified form of slavery. it is common to hear it called 'slavery under a different form,' 'another name for slavery,'--'modified slavery,' 'but little better than slavery.' nor is the practical operation of the system upon the _master_ much less exceptionable. it takes out of his hand the power of coercing labor, and provides no other stimulus. thus it subjects him to the necessity either of resorting to empty threats, which must result only in incessant disputes, or of condescending to persuade and entreat, against which his habits at once rebel, or of complaining to a third party--an alternative more revolting if possible, than the former, since it involves the acknowledgment of a higher power than his own. it sets up over his actions a foreign judge, at whose bar he is alike amenable (in theory) with his apprentice, before whose tribunal he may be dragged at any moment by his apprentice, and from whose lips he may receive the humiliating sentence of punishment in the presence of his apprentice. it introduces between him and his laborers, mutual repellancies and estrangement; it encourages the former to exercise an authority which he would not venture to assume under a system of perfect freedom; it emboldens the latter to display an insolence which he would not have dreamed of in a state of slavery, and thus begetting in the one, the imperiousness of the slaveholder _without his power_, and in the other, the independence of the freeman _without his immunities_, it perpetuates a scene of angry collision, jealousy and hatred. it does not even serve for the master the unworthy purpose for which it was mainly devised, viz., that of an additional compensation. the apprenticeship is estimated to be more expensive than a system of free labor would be. it is but little less expensive than slavery, and freedom it is confidently expected will be considerably less. so it would seem that this system burthens the master with much of the perplexity, the ignominy and the expensiveness of slavery, while it denies him its power. such is the apprenticeship system. a splendid imposition!--which cheats the planter of his gains, cheats the british nation of its money, and robs the world of what else might have been a glorious example of immediate and entire emancipation. the apprenticeship is no preparation for freedom.--indeed, as far as it can be, it is an actual _disqualification_. the testimony on this subject is ample. we rarely met a planter, who was disposed to maintain that the apprenticeship was preparing the negroes for freedom. they generally admitted that the people were no better prepared for freedom now, than they were in ; and some of them did not hesitate to say that the sole use to which they and their brother planters turned the system, was to get _as much work out of the apprentices while it lasted, as possible_. clergymen and missionaries, declared that the apprenticeship was no preparation for freedom. if it were a preparation at all, it would most probably be so in a religious and educational point of view. we should expect to find the masters, if laboring at all to prepare their apprentices for freedom, doing so chiefly by encouraging missionaries and teachers to come to their estates, and by aiding in the erection of chapels and school-houses. but the missionaries declare that they meet with little more direct encouragement now, than they did during slavery. the special magistrates also testify that the apprenticeship is no preparation for freedom. on this subject they are very explicit. the colored people bear the same testimony. not a few, too, affirm, that the tendency of the apprenticeship is to unfit the negroes for freedom, and avow it as their firm persuasion, that the people will be less prepared for liberty at the end of the apprenticeship, than they were at its commencement. and it is not without reason that they thus speak. they say, first, that the bickerings and disputes to which the system gives rise between the master and the apprentice, and the arraigning of each other before the special magistrate, are directly calculated to alienate the parties. the effect of these contentions, kept up for six years, will be to implant _deep mutual hostility_; and the parties will be a hundred fold more irreconcilable than they were on the abolition of slavery. again, they argue that the apprenticeship system is calculated to make the negroes regard _law as their foe_, and thus it unfits them for freedom. they reason thus--the apprentice looks to the magistrate as his judge, his avenger, his protector; he knows nothing of either law or justice except as he sees them exemplified in the decisions of the magistrate. when, therefore, the magistrate sentences him to punishment, when he knows he was the injured party, he will become disgusted with the very name of justice, and esteem law his greatest enemy. the neglect of the planters to use the apprenticeship as a preparation for freedom, warrants us in the conclusion, that they do not think any preparation necessary. but we are not confined to doubtful inferences on this point. they testify positively--and not only planters, but all other classes of men likewise--that the slaves of barbadoes were fit for entire freedom in , and that they might have been emancipated then with perfect safety. whatever may have been the sentiment of the barbadians relative to the necessity of preparation before the experiment was made, it is clear that now they have no confidence either in the necessity or the practicability of preparatory schemes. but we cannot close our remarks upon the apprenticeship system without noticing one good end which it has undesignedly accomplished, i.e., _the illustration of the good disposition of the colored people_. we firmly believe that if the friends of emancipation had wished to disprove all that has ever been said about the ferocity and revengefulness of the negroes, and at the same time to demonstrate that they possess, in a pre-eminent degree, those other qualities which render them the fit subjects of liberty and law, they could not have done it more triumphantly than it has been done by the apprenticeship. _how_ this has been done may be shown by pointing out several respects in which the apprenticeship has been calculated to try the negro character most severely, and to develop all that was fiery and rebellious in it. . the apprenticeship removed that strong arm of slavery and substituted no adequate force. the arbitrary power of the master, which awed the slave into submission, was annihilated. the whip which was held over the slave, and compelled a kind of subordination--brutal, indeed, but effectual--was abolished. here in the outset the reins were given to the long-oppressed, but now aspiring mass. no adequate force was substituted, because it was the intent of the new system to govern by milder means. this was well, but what were the milder means which were to take the place of brute force? . was the stimulus of wages substituted? no! that was expressly denied. was the liberty of locomotion granted? no. was the privilege of gaining a personal interest in the soil extended to them? no. were the immunities and rights of citizenship secured to them? no. was the poor favor allowed them of selecting their own business, or of choosing their employer? not even this? thus far, then, we see nothing of the milder measures of the apprenticeship. it has indeed opened the prison doors and knocked off the prisoners' chains--but it still keeps them grinding there, as before, and refuses to let them come forth, except occasionally, and then only to be thrust back again. is it not thus directly calculated to encourage indolence and insubordination? . in the next place, this system introduces a third party, to whom the apprentice is encouraged to look for justice, redress, and counsel. thus he is led to regard his master as his enemy, and all confidence in him is for ever destroyed. but this is not the end of the difficulty. the apprentice carries up complaints against his master. if they gain a favorable hearing he triumphs over him--if they are disregarded, he concludes that the magistrate also is his enemy, and he goes away with a rankling grudge against his master. thus he is gradually led to assert his own cause, and he learns to contend with his master, to reply insolently, to dispute, quarrel, and--it is well that we cannot add, to _fight_. at least one thing is the result--a permanent state of alienation, contempt of authority, and hatred. _all these are the fruits of the apprenticeship system_. they are caused by transferring the power of the master, while the _relation_ continues the same. nor is this contempt for the master, this alienation and hatred, all the mischief. the unjust decisions of the magistrate, of which the apprentices have such abundant reasons to complain, excite their abhorrence of him, and thus their confidence in the protection of law is weakened or destroyed. here, then, is contempt for the master, abhorrence of the magistrate, and mistrust of the law--the apprentice regarding all three as leagued together to rob him of his rights. what a combination of circumstances to drive the apprentices to desperation and madness! what a marvel that the outraged negroes have been restrained from bloody rebellions! another insurrectionary feature peculiar to the apprenticeship is its making the apprentices _free a portion of the time_. one fourth of the time is given them every week--just enough to afford them a taste of the sweets of liberty, and render them dissatisfied with their condition. then the manner in which this time is divided is calculated to irritate. after being a slave nine hours, the apprentice is made a freeman for the remainder of the day; early the next morning the halter is again put on, and he treads the wheel another day. thus the week wears away until saturday; which is an entire day of freedom. the negro goes out and works for his master, or any one else, as he pleases, and at night he receives his quarter of a dollar. this is something like freedom, and he begins to have the feelings of a freeman--a lighter heart and more active limbs. he puts his money carefully away at night, and lays himself down to rest his toil-worn body. he awakes on sabbath morning, and _is still free_. he puts on his best clothes, goes to church, worships a free god, contemplates a free heaven, sees his free children about him, and his wedded wife; and ere the night again returns, the consciousness that he is a slave is quite lost in the thoughts of liberty which fill his breast, and the associations of freedom which cluster around him. he sleeps again. _monday morning he is startled from his dreams by the old "shell-blow" of slavery_, and he arises to endure another week of toil, alternated by the same tantalizing mockeries of freedom. is not this applying the _hot iron to the nerve_? . but, lastly, the apprenticeship system, as if it would apply the match to this magazine of combustibles, holds out the reward of liberty to every apprentice who shall by any means provoke his master to punish him a second time. [note.--in a former part of this work--the report of antigua--we mentioned having received information respecting a number of the apprenticeship islands, viz., dominica, st. christopher's, nevis, montserrat, anguilla, and tortola, from the wesleyan missionaries whom we providentially met with at the annual district meeting in antigua. we designed to give the statements of these men at some length in this connection, but we find that it would swell our report to too great a size. it only remains to say, therefore, in a word, that the same things are generally true of those colonies which have been detailed in the account of barbadoes. there is the same peaceableness, subordination, industry, and patient suffering on the part of the apprentices, the same inefficiency of the apprenticeship as a preparation for freedom, and the same conviction in the community that the people will, if at all affected by it, be _less_ fit for emancipation in than they were in . a short call at st. christopher's confirmed these views in our minds, so far as that island is concerned. while in barbadoes, we had repeated interviews with gentlemen who were well acquainted with the adjacent islands, st. lucia, st. vincent's, grenada, &c.; one of whom was a proprietor of a sugar estate in st. vincent's; and they assured us that there was the same tranquillity reigning in those islands which we saw in barbadoes. sir evan mcgregor, who is the governor-general of the windward colonies, and of course thoroughly informed respecting their internal state, gave us the same assurances. from mr. h., an american gentleman, a merchant of barbadoes, and formerly of trinidad, we gathered similar information touching that large and (compared with barbadoes or antigua) semi-barbarous island. we learned enough from these authentic sources to satisfy ourselves that the various degrees of intelligence in the several islands makes very little difference in the actual results of abolition; but that in all the colonies, conciliatory and equitable management has never failed to secure industry and tranquillity.] jamaica. chapter i. kingston. having drawn out in detail the results of abolition, and the working of the apprenticeship system in barbadoes, we shall spare the reader a protracted account of jamaica; but the importance of that colony, and the fact that greater dissatisfaction on account of the abolition of slavery has prevailed there than in all the other colonies together, demand a careful statement of facts. on landing in jamaica, we pushed onward in our appropriate inquiries, scarcely stopping to cast a glance at the towering mountains, with their cloud-wreathed tops, and the valleys where sunshine and shade sleep side by side--at the frowning precipices, made more awful by the impenetrable forest-foliage which shrouds the abysses below, leaving the impression of an ocean depth--at the broad lawns and magnificent savannahs glowing in verdure and sunlight--at the princely estates and palace mansions--at the luxuriant cultivation, and the sublime solitude of primeval forests, where trees of every name, the mahogany, the boxwood, the rosewood, the cedar, the palm, the fern, the bamboo, the cocoa, the breadfruit, the mango, the almond, all grow in wild confusion, interwoven with a dense tangled undergrowth.[a] [footnote a: it is less necessary for us to dwell long on jamaica, than it would otherwise be, since the english gentlemen, messrs. sturge and harvey, spent most of their time in that island, and will, doubtless, publish their investigations, which will, ere long, be accessible to our readers. we had the pleasure of meeting these intelligent philanthropic and pious men in the west indies, and from the great length of time, and the superior facilities which they enjoyed over us, of gathering a mass of facts in jamaica, we feel assured that their report will be highly interesting and useful, as well among us as on the other side of the water.] we were one month in jamaica. for about a week we remained in kingston,[b] and called on some of the principal gentlemen, both white and colored. we visited the attorney-general, the solicitor-general, some of the editors, the baptist and wesleyan missionaries, and several merchants. we likewise visited the public schools, the house of correction, penitentiary, hospital, and other public institutions. we shall speak briefly of several individuals whom we saw in kingston, and give some of their statements. [footnote b: the chief town of the island, with about forty thousand inhabitants.] the hon. dowel o'reily; the attorney-general; is an irishman, and of one of the influential families. in his own country he was a prominent politician, and a bold advocate of catholic emancipation. he is decidedly one of the ablest men in the island, distinguished for that simplicity of manners, and flow of natural benevolence, which are the characteristics of the irishman. he received his present appointment from the english government about six years ago, and is, by virtue of his office, a member of the council. he declared that the apprenticeship was in no manner preparing the negroes for freedom, but was operating in a contrary way, especially in jamaica, where it had been made the instrument of greater cruelties in some cases, than slavery itself. mr. o'reily is entirely free from prejudice; with all his family rank and official standing, he identifies himself with the colored people as far as his extensive professional engagements will allow. having early learned this, we were surprised to find him so highly respected by the whites. in our subsequent excursions to the country, the letters of introduction with which he kindly furnished us, to planters and others, were uniformly received with avowals of the profoundest respect for him. it should be observed, that mr. o'reily's attachment to the cause of freedom in the colonies, is not a mere partizan feeling assumed in order to be in keeping with the government under which he holds his office. the fact of his being a roman catholic must, of itself, acquit him of the suspicion of any strong partiality for the english government. on the other hand, his decided hostility to the apprenticeship--the favorite offspring of british legislation--demonstrates equally his sincerity and independence. we were introduced to the solicitor-general, william henry anderson, esq., of kingston. mr. a. is a scotchman, and has resided to jamaica for more than six years. we found him the fearless advocate of negro emancipation. he exposed the corruptions and abominations of the apprenticeship without reserve. mr. a. furnished us with a written statement of his views, respecting the state of the island, the condition of the apprentices, &c., from which we here make a few extracts. " . a very material change for the better has taken place in the sentiments of the community since slavery was abolished. religion and education were formerly opposed as subversive of the security of property; now they are in the most direct manner encouraged as its best support. the value of all kinds of property has risen considerably, and a general sense of security appears to be rapidly pervading the public mind. i have not heard one man assert that it would be an advantage to return to slavery, even were it practicable; and i believe that the public is beginning to see that slave labor is not the cheapest." " . the prejudices against color are _rapidly vanishing_. i do not think there is a respectable man, i mean one who would be regarded as respectable on account of his good sense and weight of character, who would impugn another's conduct for associating with persons of color. so far as my observation goes, those who would formerly have acted on these prejudices, will be ashamed to own that they had entertained them. the distinction of superior acquirements still belongs to the whites, as a body; but that, and character, will shortly be the only distinguishing mark recognized among us." " . the apprentices are improving, _not, however, in consequence of the apprenticeship, but in spite of it, and in consequence of the great act of abolition_!" " . i think the negroes might have been emancipated as safely in , as in ; and had the emancipation then taken place, they would be found much further in advance in , than they can be after the expiration of the present period of apprenticeship, _through which all, both apprentices and masters, are_ laboring heavily." " . that the negroes will work if moderately compensated, no candid man can doubt. their _endurance_ for the sake of a very little gain is quite amazing, and they are most desirous to procure for themselves and families as large a share as possible of the comforts and decencies of life. they appear peculiarly to reverence and desire intellectual attainments. they employ, occasionally, children who have been taught in the schools to teach them in their leisure time to read." " . i think the partial modifications of slavery have been attended by so much improvement in all that constitutes the welfare and respectability of society, that i cannot doubt the increase of the benefit were a total abolition accomplished of every restriction that has arisen out of the former state of things." during our stay in kingston, we called on the american consul, to whom we had a letter from the consul at antigua. we found him an elderly gentleman, and a true hearted virginian, both in his generosity and his prejudices in favor of slavery. the consul, colonel harrison, is a near relation of general w.h. harrison, of ohio. things, he said, were going ruinously in jamaica. the english government were mad for abolishing slavery. the negroes of jamaica were the most degraded and ignorant of all negroes he had ever seen. he had travelled in all our southern states, and the american negroes, even those of south carolina and georgia, were as much superior to the negroes of jamaica, as henry clay was superior to him. he said they were the most ungrateful, faithless set he ever saw; no confidence could be placed in them, and kindness was always requited by insult. he proceeded to relate a fact from which it appeared that the ground on which his grave charges against the negro character rested, was the ill-conduct of one negro woman whom he had hired some time ago to assist his family. the town negroes, he said, were too lazy to work; they loitered and lounged about on the sidewalks all day, jabbering with one another, and keeping up an incessant noise; and they would not suffer a white man to order them in the least. they were rearing their children in perfect idleness and for his part he could not tell what would become of the rising population of blacks. their parents were too proud to let them work, and they sent them to school all the time. every afternoon, he said, the streets are thronged with the half-naked little black devils, just broke from the schools, and all singing some noisy tune learned in the infant schools; the _burthen of_ their songs seems to be, "_o that will be joyful_." these words, said he, are ringing in your ears wherever you go. how aggravating truly such words must be, bursting cheerily from the lips of the little free songsters! "o that will be joyful, _joyful_, joyful"--and so they ring the changes day after day, ceaseless and untiring. a new song this, well befitting the times and the prospects, but provoking enough to oppressors. the consul denounced he special magistrates; they were an insolent set of fellows, they would fine a white man as quick as they would flog a _nigger_.[a] if a master called his apprentice "you scoundrel," or, "you huzzy," the magistrate would either fine him for it or reprove him sharply in the presence of the apprentice. this, in the eyes of the veteran virginian, was intolerable. outrageous, not to allow a _gentleman_ to call his servant what names he chooses! we were very much edified by the colonel's _exposé_ of jamaica manners. we must say, however, that his opinions had much less weight with us after we learned (as we did from the best authority) that he had never been a half dozen miles into the country during a ten year's residence in kingston. [footnote a: we fear there is too little truth in this representation.] we called on the rev. jonathan edmonson, the superintendent of the wesleyan missions in jamaica. mr. e. has been for many years laboring as a missionary in the west indies, first in barbadoes, then in st. vincent's, grenada, trinidad, and demerara, and lastly in jamaica. he stated that the planters were doing comparatively nothing to prepare the negroes for freedom. "_their whole object was to get as much sugar out of them as they possibly could_." we received a call from the rev. mr. wooldridge, one of the independent missionaries. he thinks the conduct of the planters is tending to make the apprentices their bitter enemies. he mentioned one effect of the apprenticeship which had not been pointed out to us before. the system of appraisement, he said, was a _premium upon all the bad qualities of the negroes and a tax upon all the good ones_. when a person is to be appraised, his virtues and his vices are always inquired into, and they materially influence the estimate of his value. for example, the usual rate of appraisement is a dollar per week for the remainder of the term; but if the apprentice is particularly sober, honest, and industrious, more particularly if he be a _pious man_, he is valued at the rate of two or three dollars per week. it was consequently for the interest of the master, when an apprentice applied for an appraisement, to portray his virtues, while on the other hand there was an inducement for the apprentice to conceal or actually to renounce his good qualities, and foster the worst vices. some instances of this kind had fallen under his personal observation. we called on the rev. mr. gardiner, and on the rev. mr. tinson, two baptist missionaries in kingston. on sabbath we attended service at the church of which mr. g. is the pastor. it is a very large building, capable of seating two thousand persons. the great mass of the congregation were apprentices. at the time we were present, the chapel was well filled, and the broad surface of black faces was scarcely at all diversified with lighter colors. it was gratifying to witness the neatness of dress, the sobriety of demeanor, the devotional aspect of countenance, the quiet and wakeful attention to the preacher which prevailed. they were mostly rural negroes from the estates adjacent to kingston. the baptists are the most numerous body of christians in the island. the number of their missionaries now in jamaica is sixteen, the number of chapels is thirty-one, and the number of members thirty-two thousand nine hundred and sixty. the increase of members during the year was three thousand three hundred and forty-four. at present the missionary field is mostly engrossed by the baptists and wesleyans. the moravians are the next most numerous body. besides these, there are the clergy of the english church, with a bishop, and a few scotch clergymen. the baptist missionaries, as a body, have been most distinguished for their opposition to slavery. their boldness in the midst of suffering and persecutions, their denunciations of oppression, though they did for a time arouse the wrath of oppressors, and cause their chapels to be torn down and themselves to be hunted, imprisoned, and banished, did more probably than any other cause, to hasten the abolition of slavery. _schools in kingston_.--we visited the wolmer free school--the largest and oldest school in the island. the whole number of scholars is five hundred. it is under the charge of mr. reid, a venerable scotchman, of scholarship and piety. all colors are mingled in it promiscuously. we saw the infant school department examined by mr. r. there were nearly one hundred and fifty children, of every hue, from the jettiest black to the fairest white; they were thoroughly intermingled, and the ready answers ran along the ranks from black to white, from white to brown, from brown to pale, with undistinguished vivacity and accuracy. we were afterwards conducted into the higher department, where lads and misses from nine to fifteen, were instructed in the various branches of academic education. a class of lads, mostly colored, were examined in arithmetic. they wrought several sums in pounds, shillings and pence currency, with wonderful celerity. among other things which we witnessed in that school, we shall not soon forget having seen a curly headed negro lad of twelve, examining a class of white young ladies in scientific history. some written statements and statistical tables were furnished us by mr. reid, which we subjoin.. _kingston, may th, _ dear sir,--i delayed answering your queries in hopes of being able to give you an accurate list of the number of schools in kingston, and pupils under tuition, but have not been able completely to accomplish my intention. i shall now answer your queries in the order you propose them. st quest. how long have you been teaching in jamaica? ans. thirty-eight years in kingston. d q. how long have you been master of wolmer's free school? a. twenty-three years. d q. what is the number of colored children now in the school? a. four hundred and thirty. th q. was there any opposition to their admission at first? a. considerable opposition the first year, but none afterwards. th q. do they learn as readily us the white children? a. as they are more regular in their attendance, they learn better. th q. are they as easily governed? a. much easier. th q. what proportion of the school are the children of apprentices? a. fifty. th q. do their parents manifest a desire to have them educated? a. in general they do. th q. at what age do the children leave your school? a. generally between twelve and fourteen. th q what employments do they chiefly engage in upon leaving you? a. the boys go to various mechanic trades, to counting-houses, attorney's offices, clerks to planting attorneys, and others become planters. the, girls seamstresses, mantuamakers, and a considerable proportion tailoresses, in kingston and throughout jamaica, as situations offer. i am, dear sirs, yours respectfully, e. reid. the following table will show the average numbers of the respective classes, white and colored, who have attended wolmer's free school in each year, from to the present time. white | colored | total. children.|children.| average number in " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " with regard to the _comparative intellect_ of white and colored children, mr. reid gives the following valuable statement: "for the last thirty-eight years i have been employed in this city in the tuition of children of all classes and colors, and have no hesitation in saying that the children of color are equal both in conduct and ability to the white. they have always carried off more than their proportion of prizes, and at one examination, out of seventy prizes awarded, sixty-four were obtained by children of color." mr. r. afterwards sent to us the table of the number of schools in kingston, alluded to in the foregoing communication. we insert it here, as it affords a view of the increase of schools and scholars since the abolition of slavery. . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, ---- ---- total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, ---- ---- total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, mico, baptist, jamaica union, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, by itinerant teachers and children. ---- ---- total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, mico, baptist jamaica union, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, by itinerant teachers and children, ---- ---- total, we also visited the union school, which has been established for some years in kingston. all the children connected with it, about one hundred and fifty, are, with two exceptions, black or colored. the school is conducted generally on the lancasterian plan. we examined several of the boys in arithmetic. we put a variety of questions to them, to be worked out on the slate, and the reasons of the process to be explained as they went along; all which they executed with great expertness. there was a jet black boy, whom we selected for a special trial. we commenced with the simple rules, and went through them one by one, together with the compound rules and reduction, to practice, propounding questions and examples in each of them, which were entirely new to him, and to all of them he gave prompt and correct replies. he was only thirteen years old, and we can aver we never saw a boy of that age in any of our common schools, that exhibited a fuller and clearer knowledge of the science of numbers. in general, our opinion of this school was similar to that already expressed concerning the others. it is supported by the pupils, aided by six hundred dollars granted by the assembly. in connection with this subject, there is one fact of much interest. however strong and exclusive was the prejudice of color a few years since in the schools of jamaica, we could not, during our stay in that island, learn of more than two or three places of education, and those private ones, from which colored children were excluded, and among the numerous schools in kingston, there is not one of this kind. we called on several colored gentlemen of kingston, from whom we received much valuable information. the colored population are opposed to the apprenticeship, and all the influence which they have, both in the colony and with the home government, (which is not small,) is exerted against it. they are a festering thorn in the sides of the planters, among whom they maintain a fearless espionage, exposing by pen and tongue their iniquitous proceedings. it is to be regretted that their influence in this respect is so sadly weakened by their _holding apprentices themselves_. we had repeated invitations to breakfast and dine with colored gentlemen, which we accepted as often as our engagements would permit. on such occasions we generally met a company of gentlemen and ladies of superior social and intellectual accomplishments. we must say, that it is a great self-denial to refrain from a description of some of the animated, and we must add splendid, parties of colored people which we attended. the conversation on these occasions mostly turned on the political and civil disabilities under which the colored population formerly labored, and the various straggles by which they ultimately obtained their rights. the following are a few items of their history. the colored people of jamaica, though very numerous, and to some extent wealthy and intelligent, were long kept by the white colonists in a state of abject political bondage. not only were offices withheld from them, and the right of suffrage denied, but they were not even allowed the privilege of an oath in court, in defense of their property or their persons. they might be violently assaulted, their limbs broken, their wives and daughters might be outraged before their eyes by villains having white skins; yet they had no legal redress unless another white man chanced to see the deed. it was not until that this oppressive enactment was repealed, and the protection of an oath extended to the colored people; nor was it then effected without a long struggle on their part. another law, equally worthy of a slaveholding legislature, prohibited any white man, however wealthy, bequeathing, or in any manner giving his colored son or daughter more than £ currency, or six thousand dollars. the design of this law was to keep the colored people poor and dependent upon the whites. further to secure the same object, every effort, both legislative and private, was made to debar them from schools, and sink them in the lowest ignorance. their young men of talent were glad to get situations as clerks in the stores of white merchants. their young ladies of beauty and accomplishments were fortune-made if they got a place in the white man's harem. these were the highest stations to which the flower of their youth aspired. the rest sank beneath the discouragements, and grovelled in vice and debasement. if a colored person had any business with a white gentleman, and should call at his house, "he must take off his hat, and wait at the door, and be _as polite as a dog_." these insults and oppressions the colored people in jamaica bore, until they could bear them no longer. by secret correspondence they formed a union throughout the island, for the purpose of resistance. this, however, was not effected for a long time, and while in process, the correspondence was detected, and the most vigorous means were used by the whites to crush the growing conspiracy--for such it was virtually. persuasions and intimations were used privately, and when these failed, public persecutions were resorted to, under the form of judicial procedures. among the milder means was the dismission of clerks, agents, &c., from the employ of a white men. as soon as a merchant discovered that his clerk was implicated in the correspondence, he first threatened to discharge him unless he would promise to desert his brethren: if he could not extort this promise, he immediately put his threat in execution. edward jordon, esq., the talented editor of the watchman, then first clerk in the store of a mr. briden, was prominently concerned in the correspondence, and was summarily dismissed. white men drove their colored sons from their houses, and subjected them to every indignity and suffering, in order to deter them from prosecuting an enterprise which was seen by the terrified oppressors to be fraught with danger to themselves. then followed more violent measures. persons suspected of being the projectors of the disaffection, were dragged before incensed judges, and after mock trials, were sentenced to imprisonment in the city jail. messrs. jordon and osborne, (after they had established the watchman paper,) were both imprisoned; the former twice, for five months each time. at the close of the second term of imprisonment, mr. jordon was _tried for his life_, on the charge of having published _seditious matter_ in the watchman. the paragraph which was denominated '_seditious matter_' was this-- "now that the member for westmoreland (mr. beaumont) has come over to our side, we will, by a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, bring down the system by the run, knock off the fetters, and let the oppressed go free." on the day of mr. j.'s trial, the court-room was thronged with colored men, who had armed themselves, and were determined, if the sentence of death were pronounced upon mr. jordon, to rescue him at whatever hazard. it is supposed that their purpose was conjectured by the judges--at any rate, they saw fit to acquit mr. j. and give him his enlargement. the watchman continued as fearless and _seditious_ as ever, until the assembly were ultimately provoked to threaten some extreme measure which should effectually silence the agitators. _then_ mr. jordon issued a spirited circular, in which he stated the extent of the coalition among the colored people, and in a tone of defiance demanded the instant repeal of every restrictive law, the removal of every disability, and the extension of complete political equality; declaring, that if the demand were not complied with, the whole colored population would rise in arms, would proclaim freedom to their own slaves, instigate the slaves generally to rebellion, and then shout war and wage it, until _the streets of kingston should run blood_. this bold piece of generalship succeeded. the terrified legislators huddled together in their assembly-room, and swept away, at one blow, all restrictions, and gave the colored people entire enfranchisement. these occurrences took place in ; since which time the colored class have been politically free, and have been marching forward with rapid step in every species of improvement, and are now on a higher footing than in any other colony. all offices are open to them; they are aldermen of the city, justices of the peace, inspectors of public institutions, trustees of schools, etc. there are, at least, then colored special magistrates, natives of the island. there are four colored members of the assembly, including messrs. jordon and osborne. mr. jordon now sits in the same assembly, side by side, with the man who, a few years ago, ejected him disdainfully from his clerkship. he is a member of the assembly for the city of kingston, where not long since he was imprisoned, and tried for his life. he is also alderman of the city, and one of its local magistrates. he is now inspector of the same prison in which he was formerly immured as a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition. the secretary of the special magistrate department, richard hill, esq., is a colored gentleman, and is one of the first men in the island,[a] for integrity, independence, superior abilities, and extensive acquirements. it has seldom been our happiness to meet with a man more illustrious for true nobility of soul, or in whose countenance there were deeper traces of intellectual and moral greatness. we are confident that no man can _see_ him without being impressed with his rare combination of excellences. [footnote a: we learn from the jamaica papers, since our return to this country, that mr. hill has been elected a member of the assembly.] having said thus much respecting the political advancement of the colored people, it is proper to remark, that they have by no means evinced a determination to claim more than their share of office and influence. on the contrary, they stop very far short of what they are entitled to. having an extent of suffrage but little less than the whites, they might fill one third of the seats in the assembly, whereas they now return but four members out of forty-five. the same may be said of other offices, particularly those in the city of kingston, and the larger towns, where they are equal to, or more numerous, than the whites. it is a fact, that a portion of the colored people continue at this time to return white members to the assembly, and to vote for white aldermen and other city officers. the influential men among them, have always urged them to take up white men, unless they could find _competent_ men of their own color. as they remarked to us, if they were obliged to send an _ass_ to the assembly, it was far better for _them_ to send a _white_ ass than a _black_ one. in company with a friend, we visited the principal streets and places of business in kingston, for the purpose of seeing for ourselves the general employments of the people of color; and those who engage in the lowest offices, such as porters, watermen, draymen, and servants of all grades, from him who flaunts in livery, to him who polishes shoes, are of course from this class. so with the fruiterers, fishmongers, and the almost innumerable tribe of petty hucksters which swarm throughout the city, and is collected in a dense mass in its suburbs. the market, which is the largest and best in the west indies, is almost entirely supplied and attended by colored persons, mostly females. the great body of artisans is composed mostly of colored persons. there are two large furniture and cabinet manufactories in kingston, one owned by two colored men, and the other by a white man. the operatives, of which one contains eighty, and the other nearly as many, are all black and colored. a large number of them are what the british law terms _apprentices_, and are still bound in unremunerated servitude, though some of them for thrice seven years have been adepts in their trades, and not a few are earning their masters twenty or thirty dollars each month, clear of all expenses. some of these _apprentices_ are hoary-headed and wrinkle-browned men, with their children, and grand-children, apprentices also, around them, and who, after having used the plane and the chisel for half a century, with faithfulness for _others_, are now spending the few hours and the failing strength of old again in _preparing_ to use the plane and the chisel for _themselves_. the work on which they were engaged evinced no lack of mechanical skill and ingenuity, but on the contrary we were shown some of the most elegant specimens of mechanical skill, which we ever saw. the rich woods of the west indies were put into almost every form and combination which taste could designate or luxury desire. the owners of these establishments informed us that their business had much _increased within the last two years_, and was still extending. neither of them had any fears for the results of complete emancipation, but both were laying their plans for the future as broadly and confidently as ever. in our walk we accidentally met a colored man, whom we had heard mentioned on several occasions as a superior architect. from the conversation we had with him, then and subsequently, he appeared to possess a fine mechanical genius, and to have made acquirements which would be honorable in any man, but which were truly admirable in one who had been shut up all his life by the disabilities which in jamaica have, until recently, attached to color. he superintended the erection of the wesleyan chapel in kingston, the largest building of the kind in the island, and esteemed by many as the most elegant. the plan was his own, and the work was executed under his own eye. this man is using his means and influence to encourage the study of his favorite art, and of the arts and sciences generally, among those of his own hue. one of the largest bookstores in the island is owned by two colored men. (messrs. jordon and osborne, already referred to.) connected with it is an extensive printing-office, from which a newspaper is issued twice a week. another paper, under the control of colored men, is published at spanishtown. these are the two principal liberal presses in jamaica, and are conducted with spirit and ability. their influence in the political and civil affairs of the island is very great. they are the organs of the colored people, bond and free, and through them any violation of law or humanity is exposed to the public, and redress demanded, and generally obtained. in literary merit and correctness of moral sentiment, they are not excelled by any press there, while some of their white contemporaries fall far below them in both. besides the workmen employed in these two offices, there is a large number of colored printers in the other printing offices, of which there are several. we called at two large establishment for making jellies, comfits, pickles, and all the varieties of tropic _preserves_. in each of them thirty or more persons are constantly employed, and a capital of some thousands of dollars invested. several large rooms were occupied by boxes, jars, and canisters, with the apparatus necessary to the process, through which the fruit passes. we saw every species of fruits and vegetables which the island produces, some fresh from the trees and vines, and others ready to be transported to the four quarters of the globe, in almost every state which the invalid or epicure could desire. these articles, with the different preparations of arrow-root and cassada, form a lucrative branch of trade, which is mostly in the hands of the colored people. we were introduced to a large number of colored merchants, dealers in dry goods, crockery and glass ware, ironmongers, booksellers, druggists, grocers, and general importers and were conducted by them through their stores; many of which were on an extensive scale, and managed, apparently, with much order and regularity. one of the largest commercial houses in kingston has a colored man as a partner, the other two being white. of a large auction and commission firm, the most active and leading partner is a colored man. besides these, there is hardly a respectable house among the white merchants, in which some important office, oftentimes the head clerkship, is not filled by a person of color. they are as much respected in business transactions, and their mercantile talents, their acquaintance with the generalities and details of commerce, and sagacity and judgment in making bargains, are as highly esteemed by the white merchants, as though they wore an european hue. the commercial room is open to them, where they resort unrestrainedly to ascertain the news; and a visitor may not unfrequently see sitting together at a table of newspapers, or conversing together in the parlance of trade, persons as dissimilar in complexion as white and black can make them. in the streets the same intercourse is seen. the general trade of the island is gradually and quietly passing into the hands of the colored people. before emancipation, they seldom reached a higher grade in mercantile life than a clerkship, or, if they commenced business for themselves, they were shackled and confined in their operations by the overgrown and monopolizing establishments which slavery had built up. though the civil and political rights of one class of them were acknowledged three years previous, yet they found they could not, even if they desired it, disconnect themselves from the slaves. they could not transact business--form credits and agencies, and receive the confidence of the commercial public--like free men. strange or not, their fate was inseparably linked with that of the bondman, their interests were considered as involved with his. however honest they might be, it was not safe to trust them; and any attempt to rise above a clerkship, to become the employer instead of the employed, was regarded as a kind of insurrection, and strongly disapproved and opposed. since emancipation, they have been unshackling them selves from white domination in matters of trade; extending their connections, and becoming every day more and more independent. they have formed credits with commercial houses abroad, and now import directly for themselves, at wholesale prices, what they were formerly obliged to receive from white importers, or rather speculators, at such prices as they, in their tender mercies, saw fit to impose. trade is now equalizing itself among all classes. a spirit of competition is awakened, banks have been established, steam navigation introduced, railroads projected, old highways repaired, and new ones opened. the descendants of the slaves are rapidly supplying the places which were formerly filled by whites from abroad. we had the pleasure of being present one day at the sitting of the police court of kingston. mr. jordon, the editor of the watchman, in his turn as a member of the common council, was presiding justice, with an alderman of the city, a black man, as his associate. at a table below them sat the superintendent of police, a white man, and two white attorneys, with their huge law books and green bags before them. the bar was surrounded by a motley assemblage of black, colored, and white faces, intermingled without any regard to hue in the order of superiority and precedence. there were about a dozen cases adjudged while we were present. the court was conducted with order and dignity, and the justices were treated with great respect and deference both by white and black. after the adjournment of the court, we had some conversation with the presiding justice. he informed us that whites were not unfrequently brought before him for trial, and, in spite of his color, sometimes even our own countrymen. he mentioned several instances of the latter, in some of which american prejudice assumed very amusing and ludicrous forms. in one case, he was obliged to threaten the party, a captain from one of our southern ports, with imprisonment for contempt, before he could induce him to behave himself with proper decorum. the captain, unaccustomed to obey injunctions from men of such a complexion, curled his lip in scorn, and showed a spirit of defiance, but on the approach of two police officers, whom the court had ordered to arrest him, he submitted himself. we were gratified with the spirit of good humor and pleasantry with which mr. j. described the astonishment and gaping curiosity which americans manifest on seeing colored men in offices of authority, particularly on the judicial bench, and their evident embarrassment and uneasiness whenever obliged to transact business with them as magistrates. he seemed to regard it as a subject well worthy of ridicule; and we remarked, in our intercourse with the colored people, that they were generally more disposed to make themselves merry with american sensitiveness on this point, than to bring serious complaints against it, though they feel deeply the wrongs which they have suffered from it, and speak of them occasionally with solemnity and earnestness. still the feeling is so absurd and ludicrous in itself, and is exhibited in so many grotesque positions, even when oppressive, that the sufferer cannot help laughing at it. mr. jordon has held his present office since . he has had an extensive opportunity, both as a justice of the police court, and as a member of the jail committee, and in other official stations, to become well acquainted with the state of crime in the island at different periods. he informed us that the number of complaints brought before him had much diminished since , and he had no hesitation in saying, that crime had decreased throughout the island generally more than one third. during one of our excursions into the country, we witnessed another instance of the amicability with which the different colors associated in the civil affairs of the island. it was a meeting of one of the parish vestries, a kind of local legislature, which possesses considerable power over its own territory. there were fifteen members present, and nearly as many different shades of complexion. there was the planter of aristocratic blood, and at his side was a deep mulatto, born in the same parish a slave. there was the quadroon, and the unmitigated hue and unmodified features of the negro. they sat together around a circular table, and conversed as freely as though they had been all of one color. there was no restraint, no uneasiness, as though the parties felt themselves out of place, no assumption nor disrespect, but all the proceedings manifested the most perfect harmony, confidence, and good feeling. at the same time there was a meeting of the parish committee on roads, at which there was the same intermixture of colors, the same freedom and kindness of demeanor, and the same unanimity of action. thus it is with all the political and civil bodies in the island, from the house of assembly, to committees on jails and houses of correction. into all of them, the colored people are gradually making their way, and participating in public debates and public measures, and dividing with the whites legislative and judicial power, and in many cases they exhibit a superiority, and in all cases a respectability, of talents and attainments, and a courtesy and general propriety of conduct, which gain for them the respect of the intelligent and candid among their white associates. we visited the house of correction for the parish of st. andrews. the superintendent received us with the iron-hearted courtesy of a newgate turnkey. our company was evidently unwelcome, but as the friend who accompanied us was a man in authority, he was constrained to admit us. the first sound that greeted us was a piercing outcry from the treadmill. on going to it, we saw a youth of about eighteen hanging in the air by a strap bound to his wrist, and dangling against the wheel in such a manner that every revolution of it scraped the body from the breast to the ankles. he had fallen off from weakness and fatigue, and was struggling and crying in the greatest distress, while the strap, which extended to a pole above and stretched his arm high above his head, held him fast. the superintendent, in a harsh voice, ordered him to be lifted up, and his feet again placed on the wheel. but before he had taken five steps, he again fell off, and was suspended as before. at the same instant, a woman also fell off, and without a sigh or the motion of a muscle, for she was too much exhausted for either, but with a shocking wildness of the eye, hung by her half-dislocated arms against the wheel. as the allotted time (fifteen minutes) had expired, the persons on the wheel were released, and permitted to rest. the boy could hardly stand on the ground. he had a large ulcer on one of his feet, which was much swollen and inflamed, and his legs and body were greatly bruised and peeled by the revolving of the wheel. the gentleman who was with us reproved the superintendent severely for his conduct, and told him to remove the boy from the treadmill gang, and see that proper care was taken of him. the poor woman who fell off, seemed completely exhausted; she tottered to the wall near by, and took up a little babe which we had not observed before. it appeared to be not more than two or three months old, and the little thing stretched out its arms and welcomed its mother. on inquiry, we ascertained that this woman's offence was absence from the field an hour after the required time (six o'clock) in the morning. besides the infant with her, she had two or three other children. whether the care of them was any excuse for her, we leave american mothers to judge. there were two other women on the treadmill--one was sentenced there for stealing cane from her master's field, and the other, we believe, for running away. the superintendent next took us to the solitary cells. they were dirty, and badly ventilated, and unfit to keep beasts in. on opening the doors, such a stench rushed forth, that we could not remain. there was a poor woman in one of them, who appeared, as the light of day and the fresh air burst in upon her, like a despairing maniac. we went through the other buildings, all of which were old and dirty, nay, worse, _filthy_ in the extreme. the whole establishment was a disgrace to the island. the prisoners were poorly clad, and had the appearance of harsh usage. our suspicions of ill treatment were strengthened by noticing a large whip in the treadmill, and sundry iron collars and handcuffs hanging about in the several rooms through which we passed. the number of inmates in this house at our visit, was forty-eight--eighteen of whom were females. twenty of these were in the treadmill and in solitary confinement--the remainder were working on the public road at a little distance--many of them _in irons_--iron collars about their necks, and chains passing between, connecting them together two and two. chapter ii. tour to the country. wishing to accomplish the most that our limited time would allow; we separated at kingston;--the one taking a northwesterly route among the mountainous coffee districts of port royal and st. andrews, and the other going into the parish of st. thomas in the east. st. thomas in the east is said to present the apprenticeship in its most favorable aspects. there is probably no other parish in the island which includes so many fine estates, or has so many liberal-minded planters.[a] a day's easy drive from kingston, brought us to morant bay, where we spent two days, and called on several influential gentlemen, besides visiting the neighboring estate of belvidere. one gentleman whom we met was thomas thomson, esq., the senior local magistrate of the parish, next in civil influence to the custos. his standing may be inferred from the circumstance, (not trifling in jamaica,) that the governor, during his tour of the island, spent a night at his house. we breakfasted with mr. thomson, and at that time, and subsequently, he showed the utmost readiness in furnishing us with information. he is a scotchman, has been in the island for thirty-eight years, and has served as a local magistrate for thirty-four. until very lately, he has been a proprietor of estates; he informed us that he had sold out, but did not mention the reasons. we strongly suspected, from the drift of his conversation, that he sold about the time of abolition, through alarm for the consequences. we early discovered that he was one of the old school tyrants, hostile to the change which _had_ taken place, and dreadfully alarmed in view of that which was yet to come. although full of the prejudices of an old slaveholder, yet we found him a man of strong native sense and considerable intelligence. he declared it most unreservedly as his opinion, that the negroes would not work after --they were _naturally so indolent_, that they would prefer gaining a livelihood in some easier way than by digging cane holes. he had all the results of the emancipation of as clearly before his mind, as though he saw them in prophetic vision; he knew the whole process. one portion of the negroes, too lazy to provide food by their own labor, will rob the provision grounds of the few who will remain at work. the latter will endure the wrong as long as they well can, and then they will procure arms and fire upon the marauders; this will give rise to incessant petty conflicts between the lazy and the industrious, and a great destruction of life will ensue. others will die in vast numbers from starvation; among these will be the superannuated and the young, who cannot support themselves, and whom the planters will not be able to support. others numerous will perish from disease, chiefly for want of medical attendance, which it will be wholly out of their power to provide. such is the dismal picture drawn by a late slaveholder, of the consequences of removing the negroes from the tender mercies of oppressors. happily for all parties, mr. thomson is not very likely to establish his claim to the character of a prophet. we were not at all surprised to hear him wind up his prophecies against freedom with a _denunciation of slavery_. he declared that slavery was a wretched system. man was _naturally a tyrant_. mr. t. said he had one good thing to say of the negroes, viz., that they were an _exceedingly temperate people_. it was a very unusual thing to see one of them drunk. slavery, he said, was a system of _horrid cruelties_. he had lately read, in the history of jamaica, of a planter, in , having a slave's _leg_ cut off, to keep him from running away. he said that dreadful cruelties were perpetrated until the close of slavery, and they were inseparable from slavery. he also spoke of the fears which haunted the slaveholders. he never would live on an estate; and whenever he chanced to stay over night in the country, he always took care to secure his door by bolting and barricading it. at mr. thomson's we met andrew wright, esq., the proprietor of a sugar estate called green wall, situated some six miles from the bay. he is an intelligent gentleman, of an amiable disposition--has on his estate one hundred and sixty apprentices. he described his people as being in a very peaceable state, and as industrious as he could wish. he said he had no trouble with them, and it was his opinion, that where there is trouble, it must be _owing to bad management_. he anticipated no difficulty after , and was confident that his people would not leave him. he believed that the negroes would not to any great extent abandon the cultivation of sugar after . mr. t. stated two facts respecting this enlightened planter, which amply account for the good conduct of his apprentices. one was, that he was an exceedingly kind and amiable man. _he had never been known to have a falling out with any man in his life_. another fact was, that mr. wright was the only resident sugar proprietor in all that region of country. he superintends his own estate, while the other large estates are generally left in the hands of unprincipled, mercenary men. [footnote a: we have the following testimony of sir lionel smith to the superiority of st. thomas in the east. it is taken from the royal gazette, (kingston.) may , . "his excellency has said, that in all his tour he was not more highly gratified with any parish than he was with st. thomas in the east."] we called on the wesleyan missionary at morant bay, rev. mr. crookes, who has been in jamaica fifteen years. mr. c. said, that in many respects there had been a great improvement since the abolition of slavery, but, said he, "i abominate the apprenticeship system. at best, it is only _improved slavery_." the obstacles to religious efforts have been considerably diminished, but the masters were not to be thanked for this; it was owing chiefly to the protection of british law. the apprenticeship, mr. c. thought, could not be any material preparation for freedom. he was persuaded that it would have been far better policy to have granted entire emancipation at once. in company with mr. howell, an independent, and teacher of a school of eighty negro children in morant bay, we drove out to belvidere estate, which is situated about four miles from the bay, in a rich district called the blue mountain valley. the belvidere is one of the finest estates in the valley. it contains two thousand acres, only four hundred of which are cultivated in sugar; the most of it is woodland. this estate belongs to count freeman, an absentee proprietor. we took breakfast with the overseer, or manager, mr. briant. mr. b. stated that there was not so much work done now as there was during slavery. thinks there is _as much done for the length of time that the apprentices are at work_; but a day and a half every week is lost; neither _are they called out as early in the morning, nor do they work as late at night_. the apprentices work at night very cheerfully for money: but they will not work on saturday for the common wages--quarter of a dollar. on inquiry of mr. b. we ascertained that the reason the apprentices did not work on saturdays was, that they could _make twice or three times as much_ by cultivating their provision grounds, and carrying their produce to market. at _night_ they cannot cultivate their grounds, then they work for their masters "very cheerfully." the manager stated, that there had been no disturbance with the people of belvidere since the change. they work well, and conduct themselves peaceably; and he had no fear but that the great body of the negroes would remain on the estate after , and labor as usual. this he thought would be the case on every estate where there _is mild management_. some, indeed, might leave even such estates to _try their fortunes_ elsewhere, but they would soon discover that they could get no better treatment abroad, and they would then return to their old homes. while we were at belvidere, mr. howell took us to see a new chapel which the apprentices of that estate have erected since , by their own labor, and at their own expense. the house is thirty feet by forty; composed of the same materials of which the negro huts are built. we were told that the building of this chapel was first suggested by the apprentices, and as soon as permission was obtained, they commenced the preparations for its erection. we record this as a delightful _sign of the times_. on our return to morant bay, we visited the house of correction, situated near the village. this is the only "institution," as a kingston paper gravely terms it, of the kind in the parish. it is a small, ill-constructed establishment, horribly filthy, more like a receptacle for wild beasts than human beings. there is a treadmill connected with it, made to _accommodate_ fifteen persons at a time. alternate companies ascend the wheel every fifteen minutes. it was unoccupied when we went in; most of the prisoners being at work on the public roads. two or three, who happened to be near by, were called in by the keeper, and ordered to mount the wheel, to show us how it worked. it made our blood run cold as we thought of the dreadful suffering that inevitably ensues, when the foot loses the step, and the body hangs against the revolving cylinder. leaving the house of correction, we proceeded to the village. in a small open square in the centre of it, we saw a number of the unhappy inmates of the house of correction at work under the direction, we are sorry to say, of our friend thomas thomson, esq. they were chained two and two by heavy chains fastened to iron bands around their necks. on another occasion, we saw the same gang at work in the yard attached to the independent chapel. we received a visit, at our lodgings, from the special justice of this district, major baines. he was accompanied by mr. thomson, who came to introduce him as his friend. we were not left to this recommendation alone, suspicious as it was, to infer the character of this magistrate, for we were advertised previously that he was a "planter's man"--unjust and cruel to the apprentices. major b. appeared to have been looking through his friend thomson's prophetic telescope. there was certainly a wonderful coincidence of vision--the same abandonment of labor, the same preying upon provision grounds; the same violence, bloodshed and great loss of life among the negroes themselves! however, the special magistrate appeared to see a little further than the local magistrate, even to the _end_ of the carnage, and to the re-establishment of industry, peace and prosperity. the evil, he was confident, would soon cure itself. one remark of the special magistrate was worthy a prophet. when asked if he thought there would be any serious disaffection produced among the praedials by the emancipation of the non-praedials in , he said, he thought there would not be, and assigned as the reason, that the praedials knew all about the arrangement, and did not _expect to be free_. that is, the field apprentices knew that the domestics were to be liberated two years sooner than they, and, without inquiring into the grounds, or justice of the arrangement, _they would promptly acquiesce in it_! what a fine compliment to the patience and forbearance of the mass of the negroes. the majority see the minority emancipated two years before them, and that, too, upon the ground of an odious distinction which makes the domestic more worthy than they who "bear the heat and burthen of the day," in the open field; and yet they submit patiently, because they are told that it is the pleasure of government that it should be so! the _non-praedials_, too, have their noble traits, as well as the less favored agriculturalists. the special magistrate said that he was then engaged in classifying the apprentices of the different estates in his district. the object of this classification was, to ascertain all those who were non-praedials, that they might be recorded as the subjects of emancipation in . to his astonishment he found numbers of this class who expressed a wish to remain apprentices until . on one estate, six out of eight took this course, on another, twelve out of fourteen, and in some instances, _all_ the non-praedials determined to suffer it out with the rest of their brethren, refusing to accept freedom until with the whole body they could rise up and shout the jubilee of universal disinthrallment. here is a nobility worthy to compare with the patience of the praedials. in connection with the conduct of the non-praedials, he mentioned the following instance of white brutality and negro magnanimity. a planter, whose negroes he was classifying, brought forward a woman whom he claimed as a praedial. the woman declared that she was a non-praedial, and on investigation it was clearly proved that she had always been a domestic; and consequently entitled to freedom in . after the planter's claim was set aside, the woman said, "_now_ i will stay with massa, and be his 'prentice for de udder two year." shortly before we left the bay, our landlady, a colored woman, introduced one of her neighbors, whose conversation afforded us a rare treat. she was a colored lady of good appearance and lady like manners. supposing from her color that she had been prompted by strong sympathy in our objects to seek an interview with us, we immediately introduced the subject of slavery, stating that as we had a vast number of slaves in our country, we had visited jamaica to see how the freed people behaved, with the hope that our countrymen might be encouraged to adopt emancipation. "alack a day!" the tawny madam shook her head, and, with that peculiar creole whine, so expressive of contempt, said, "can't say any thing for you, sir--they not doing no good now, sir--the negroes an't!"--and on she went abusing the apprentices, and denouncing abolition. no american white lady could speak more disparagingly of the niggers, than did this recreant descendant of the negro race. they did no work, they stole, were insolent, insubordinate, and what not. she concluded in the following elegiac strain, which did not fail to touch our sympathies. "i can't tell what will become of us after . our negroes will be taken away from us--we shall find no work to do ourselves--we shall all have to beg, and who shall we beg from? _all will be beggars, and we must starve_!" poor miss l. is one of that unfortunate class who have hitherto gained a meagre support from the stolen hire of a few slaves, and who, after entire emancipation, will be stripped of every thing. this is the class upon whom emancipation will fall most heavily; it will at once cast many out of a situation of ease, into the humiliating dilemma of _laboring or begging_--to the _latter_ of which alternatives, miss l. seems inclined. let miss l. be comforted! it is better to beg than to _steal_. we proceeded from morant bay to bath, a distance of fourteen miles, where we put up at a neat cottage lodging-house, kept by miss p., a colored lady. bath is a picturesque little village, embowered in perpetual green, and lying at the foot of a mountain on one side, and on the other by the margin of a rambling little river. it seems to have accumulated around it and within it, all the verdure and foliage of a tropical clime. having a letter of introduction, we called on the special magistrate for that district--george willis, esq. as we entered his office, an apprentice was led up in irons by a policeman, and at the same time another man rode up with a letter from the master of the apprentice, directing the magistrate to release him instantly. the facts of this case, as mr. w. himself explained them to us, will illustrate the careless manner in which the magistrates administer the law. the master had sent his apprentice to a neighboring estate, where there had been some disturbance, to get his clothes, which had been left there. the overseer of the estate finding an intruder on his property, had him handcuffed forthwith, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that his master had sent him. having handcuffed him, he ordered him to be taken before the special magistrate, mr. w., who had him confined in the station-house all night. mr. w., in pursuance of the direction received from the master, ordered the man to be released, but at the same time repeatedly declared to him that the _overseer was not to blame for arresting him_. after this case was disposed of, mr. w, turned to us. he said he had a district of thirty miles in extent, including five thousand apprentices; these he visited thrice every month. he stated that there had been a gradual decrease of crime since he came to the district, which was early in . for example, in march, , there were but twenty-four persons punished, and in march, , there were as many punished in a single week. he explained this by saying that the apprentices had become _better acquainted with the requirements of the law_. the chief offence at present was _absconding from labor_. this magistrate gave us an account of an alarming rebellion which had lately occurred in his district, which we will venture to notice, since it is the only serious disturbance on the part of the negroes, which has taken place in the island, from the beginning of the apprenticeship. about two weeks before, the apprentices on thornton estate, amounting to about ninety, had refused to work, and fled in a body to the woods, where they still remained. their complaint, according to our informant, was, that their master had turned the cattle upon their provision grounds, and all their provisions were destroyed, so that they could not live. they, therefore, determined that they would not continue at work, seeing they would be obliged to starve. mr. w. stated that he had visited the provision grounds, in company with two _disinterested planters_, and he could affirm that the apprentices had _no just cause of complaint_. it was true their fences had been broken down, and their provisions had been somewhat injured, but the fence could be very easily repaired, and there was an _abundance of yams left_ to furnish food for the whole gang for some time to come--those that were destroyed being chiefly young roots which would not have come to maturity for several months. these statements were the substance of a formal report which he had just prepared for the eye of sir lionel smith, and which he was kind enough to read to us. this was a fine report, truly, to come from a special justice. to say nothing of the short time in which the fence might be repaired, those were surely very dainty-mouthed cattle that would consume those roots only which were so small that several months would be requisite for their maturity. the report concluded with a recommendation to his excellency to take seminary vengeance upon a few of the gang as soon as they could be arrested, since they had set such an example to the surrounding apprentices. he could not see how order and subordination could be preserved in his district unless such a punishment was inflicted as would be a warning to all evil doers. he further suggested the propriety of sending the maroons[a] after them, to hunt them out of their hiding places and bring them to justice. [footnote a: the maroons are free negroes, inhabiting the mountains of the interior, who were formerly hired by the authorities, or by planters, to hunt up runaway slaves, and return them to their masters. unfortunately our own country is not without _its_ maroons.] we chanced to obtain a different version of this affair, which, as it was confirmed by different persons in bath, both white and colored, who had no connection with each other, we cannot help thinking it the true one. the apprentices on thornton, are what is termed a jobbing gang, that is, they are hired out by their master to any planter who may want their services. jobbing is universally regarded by the negroes as the worst kind of service, for many reasons--principally because it often takes them many miles from their homes, and they are still required to supply themselves with food from their own provision grounds. they are allowed to return home every friday evening or saturday, and stay till monday morning. the owner of the gang in question lately died--to whom it is said they were greatly attached--and they passed into the hands of a mr. jocken, the present overseer. jocken is a notoriously cruel man. it was scarcely a twelvemonth ago, that he was fined one hundred pounds currency, and sentenced to imprisonment for three months in the kingston jail, _for tying one of his apprentices to a dead ox_, because the animal died while in the care of the apprentice. he also confined a woman in the same pen with a dead sheep, because she suffered the sheep to die. repeated acts of cruelty have caused jocken to be regarded as a monster in the community. from a knowledge of his character, the apprentices of thornton had a strong prejudice against him. one of the earliest acts after he went among them, was to break down their fences, and turn his cattle into their provision grounds. he then ordered them to go to a distant estate to work. this they refused to do, and when he attempted to compel them to go, they left the estate in a body, and went to the woods. this is what is called a _state of open rebellion_, and for this they were to be hunted like beasts, and to suffer such a terrible punishment as would deter all other apprentices from taking a similar step. this jocken is the same wretch who wantonly handcuffed the apprentice, who went on to his estate by the direction of his master. mr. willis showed us a letter which he had received that morning from a planter in his district, who had just been trying an experiment in job work, (i.e., paying his people so much for a certain amount of work.) he had made a proposition to one of the head men on the estate, that he would give him a doubloon an acre if he would get ten acres of cane land holed. the man employed a large number of apprentices, and accomplished the job on three successive saturdays. they worked at the rate of nearly one hundred holes per day for each man, whereas the usual day's work is only seventy-five holes. mr. w. bore testimony that the great body of the negroes in his district were very peaceable. there were but a few _incorrigible fellows_, that did all the mischief. when any disturbance took place on an estate, he could generally tell who the individual offenders were. he did not think there would be any serious difficulty after . however, the result he thought would _greatly depend on the conduct of the managers!_ we met in bath with the proprietor of a coffee estate situated a few miles in the country. he gave a very favorable account of the people on his estate; stating that they were as peaceable and industrious as he could desire, that he had their confidence, and fully expected to retain it after entire emancipation. he anticipated no trouble whatever, and he felt assured, too, that if _the planters would conduct in a proper manner_, emancipation would be a blessing to the whole colony. we called on the wesleyan missionary, whom we found the decided friend and advocate of freedom. he scrupled not to declare his sentiments respecting the special magistrate, whom he declared to be a cruel and dishonest man. he seemed to take delight in flogging the apprentices. he had got a whipping machine made and erected in front of the episcopal church in the village of bath. it was a frame of a triangular shape, the base of which rested firmly on the ground, and having a perpendicular beam from the base to the apex or angle. to this beam the apprentice's body was lashed, with his face towards the machine, and his arms extended at right angles, and tied by the wrists. the missionary had witnessed the floggings at this machine repeatedly, as it stood but a few steps from his house. before we reached bath, the machine had been removed from its conspicuous place and _concealed in the bushes, that the governor might not see it when he visited the village_. as this missionary had been for several years laboring in the island, and had enjoyed the best opportunities to become extensively acquainted with the negroes, we solicited from him a written answer to a number of inquiries. we make some extracts from his communication. . have the facilities for missionary effort greatly increased since the abolition of slavery? the opportunities of the apprentices to attend the means of grace are greater than during absolute slavery. they have now one day and a half every week to work for their support, leaving the sabbath free to worship god. . do you anticipate that these facilities will increase still more after entire freedom? yes. the people will then have _six days of their own to labor for their bread_, and will be at liberty to go to the house of god every sabbath. under the present system, the magistrate often takes away the saturday, as a punishment, and then they must either work on the sabbath or starve. . are the negroes likely to revenge by violence the wrongs which they have suffered, after they obtain their freedom? _i never heard the idea suggested, nor should i have thought of it had you not made the inquiry._ we called on mr. rogers, the teacher of a mico charity infant school in bath. mr. r., his wife and daughter, are all engaged in this work. they have a day school, and evening school three evenings in the week, and sabbath school twice each sabbath. the evening schools are for the benefit of the adult apprentices, who manifest the greatest eagerness to learn to read. after working all day, they will come several miles to school, and stay cheerfully till nine o'clock. mr. r. furnished us with a written communication, from which we extract the following. _quest._ are the apprentices desirous of being instructed? _ans._ most assuredly they are; in proof of which i would observe that since our establishment in bath, the people not only attend the schools regularly, but if they obtain a leaf of a book with letters upon it, that is their _constant companion_. we have found mothers with their sucking babes in their arms, standing night after night in their classes learning the alphabet. _q._ are the negroes grateful for attentions and favors? _a._ they are; i have met some who have been so much affected by acts of kindness, that they have burst into tears, exclaiming, 'massa so kind--my heart full.' their affection to their teachers is very remarkable. on my return lately from kingston, after a temporary absence, the negroes flocked to our residence and surrounded the chaise, saying, 'we glad to see massa again; we glad to see school massa.' on my way through an estate some time ago, some of the children observed me, and in a transport of joy cried, 'thank god, massa come again! bless god de savior, massa come again!' mr. r., said he, casually met with an apprentice whose master had lately died. the man was in the habit of visiting his master's grave every saturday. he said to mr. r., "me go to massa grave, and de water come into me yeye; but me can't help it, massa, _de water will come into me yeye_." the wesleyan missionary told us, that two apprentices, an aged man and his daughter, a young woman, had been brought up by their master before the special magistrate who sentenced them to several days confinement in the house of correction at morant bay and to dance the treadmill. when the sentence was passed the daughter entreated that she might be allowed to _do her father's part_, as well as her own, on the treadmill, for he was too old to dance the wheel--it would kill him. from bath we went into the plantain garden river valley, one of the richest and most beautiful savannahs in the island. it is an extensive plain, from one to three miles wide, and about six miles long. the plantain garden river, a small stream, winds through the midst of the valley lengthwise, emptying into the sea. passing through the valley, we went a few miles south of it to call on alexander barclay, esq., to whom we had a letter of introduction. mr. barclay is a prominent member of the assembly, and an attorney for eight estates. he made himself somewhat distinguished a few years ago by writing an octavo volume of five hundred pages in defence of the colonies, i.e., in defence of colonial slavery. it was a reply to stephen's masterly work against west india slavery, and was considered by the jamaicans a triumphant vindication of their "peculiar institutions." we went several miles out of our route expressly to have an interview with so zealous and celebrated a champion of slavery. we were received with marked courtesy by mr. b., who constrained us to spend a day and night with him at his seat at fairfield. one of the first objects that met our eye in mr. b.'s dining hall was a splendid piece of silver plate, which was presented to him by the planters of st. thomas in the east, in consideration of his able defence of colonial slavery. we were favorably impressed with mr. b.'s intelligence, and somewhat so with his present sentiments respecting slavery. we gathered from him that he had resisted with all his might the anti-slavery measures of the english government, and exerted every power to prevent the introduction of the apprenticeship system. after he saw that slavery would inevitably be abolished, he drew up at length a plan of emancipation according to which the condition of the slave was to be commuted into that of the old english _villein_--he was to be made an appendage to _the soil_ instead of the "chattel personal" of the master, the whip was to be partially abolished, a modicum of wages was to be allowed the slave, and so on. there was to be no fixed period when this system would terminate, but it was to fade gradually and imperceptibly into entire freedom. he presented a copy of his scheme to the then governor, the earl of mulgrave, requesting that it might be forwarded to the home government. mr. b. said that the anti-slavery party in england had acted from the blind impulses of religious fanaticism, and had precipitated to its issue a work which required many years of silent preparation in order to its safe accomplishment. he intimated that the management of abolition ought to have been left with the colonists; they had been the long experienced managers of slavery, and they were the only men qualified to superintend its burial, and give it a decent interment. he did not think that the apprenticeship afforded any clue to the dark mystery of . apprenticeship was so inconsiderably different from slavery, that it furnished no more satisfactory data for judging of the results of entire freedom than slavery itself. neither would he consent to be comforted by the actual results of emancipation in antigua. taking leave of mr. barclay, we returned to the plantain garden river valley, and called at the golden grove, one of the most splendid estates in that magnificent district. this is an estate of two thousand acres; it has five hundred apprentices and one hundred free children. the average annual crop is six hundred hogsheads of sugar. thomas mccornock, esq., the attorney of this estate, is the custos, or chief magistrate of the parish, and colonel of the parish militia. there is no man in all the parish of greater consequence, either in fact or in seeming self-estimation, than thomas mccornock, esq. he is a scotchman, as is also mr. barclay. the custos received us with as much freedom as the dignity of his numerous offices would admit of. the overseer, (manager,) mr. duncan, is an intelligent, active, business man, and on any other estate than golden grove, would doubtless be a personage of considerable distinction. he conducted us through the numerous buildings, from the boiling-house to the pig-stye. the principal complaint of the overseer, was that he could not make the people work to any good purpose. they were not at all refractory or disobedient; there was no difficulty in getting them on to the field; but when they were there, they moved without any life or energy. they took no interest in their work, and he was obliged to be watching and scolding them all the time, or else they would do nothing. we had not gone many steps after this observation, before we met with a practical illustration of it. a number of the apprentices had been ordered that morning to cart away some dirt to a particular place. when we approached them, mr. d. found that one of the "wains" was standing idle. he inquired of the driver why he was keeping the team idle. the reply was, that there was nothing there for it to do; there were enough other wains to carry away all the dirt. "then," inquired the overseer with an ill-concealed irritation, "why did not go to some other work?" the overseer then turned to us and said, "you see, sir, what lazy dogs the apprentices are--this is the way they do every day, if they are not closely watched." it was not long after this little incident, before the overseer remarked that the apprentices worked very well during their own time, _when they were paid for it_. when we went into the hospital, mr. d. directed out attention to one fact, which to him was very provoking. a great portion of the patients that come in during the week, unable to work, are in the habit of getting well on friday evening, so that they can go out on saturday and sunday; but on monday morning they are sure to be sick again, then they return to the hospital and remain very poorly till friday evening, when they get well all at once, and ask permission to go out. the overseer saw into the trick; but he could find no medicine that could cure the negroes of that intermittent sickness. the antigua planters discovered the remedy for it, and doubtless mr. d. will make the grand discovery in . on returning to the "great house," we found the custos sitting in state, ready to communicate any official information which might be called for. he expressed similar sentiments in the main, with those of mr. barclay. he feared for the consequences of complete emancipation; the negroes would to a great extent abandon the sugar cultivation and retire to the woods, there to live in idleness, planting merely yams enough to keep them alive, and in the process of time, retrograding into african barbarism. the attorney did not see how it was possible to prevent this. when asked whether he expected that such would be the case with the negroes on golden grove, he replied that he did not think it would, except with a very few persons. his people had been _so well treated_, and had _so many comforts_, that they would not be at all likely to abandon the estate! [mark that!] whose are the people that will desert after ? not thomas mccornock's, esq.! _they are too well situated. whose_ then will desert? _mr. jocken's_, or in other words, those who are ill-treated, who are cruelly driven, whose fences are broken down, and whose provision grounds are exposed to the cattle. they, and they alone, will retire to the woods who can't get food any where else! the custos thought the apprentices were behaving very ill. on being asked if he had any trouble with his, he said, o, no! his apprentices did quite well, and so did the apprentices generally, in the plantain garden river valley. but in _far off parishes_, he _heard_ that they were very refractory and troublesome. the custos testified that the negroes were very easily managed. he said he had often thought that he would rather have the charge of six hundred negroes, than of two hundred english sailors. he spoke also of the temperate habits of the negroes. he had been in the island twenty-two years, and he had never seen a negro woman drunk, on the estate. it was very seldom that the men got drunk. there were not more than ten men on golden grove, out of a population of five hundred, who were in the habit of occasionally getting intoxicated. he also remarked that the negroes were a remarkable people for their attention to the old and infirm among them; they seldom suffered them to want, if it was in their power to supply them. among other remarks of the custos, was this sweeping declaration--"_no man in his senses can pretend to defend slavery._" after spending a day at golden grove, we proceeded to the adjacent estate of amity hall. on entering the residence of the manager, mr. kirkland, we were most gratefully surprised to find him engaged in family prayers. it was the first time and the last that we heard the voice of prayer in a jamaican planter's house. we were no less gratefully surprised to see a white lady, to whom we were introduced as mrs. kirkland, and several modest and lovely little children. it was the first and the last _family circle_ that we were permitted to see among the planters of that licentious colony. the motley group of colored children--of every age from tender infancy--which we found on other estates, revealed the state of domestic manners among the planters. mr. k. regarded the abolition of slavery as a great blessing to the colony; it was true that the apprenticeship was a wretchedly bad system, but notwithstanding, things moved smoothly on his estate. he informed us that the negroes on amity hall had formerly borne the character of being the _worst gang in the parish_; and when he first came to the estate, he found that half the truth had not been told of them; but they had become remarkably peaceable and subordinate. it was his policy to give them every comfort that he possibly could. mr. k. made the same declaration, which has been so often repeated in the course of this narrative, i.e., that if any of the estates were abandoned, it would be owing to the harsh treatment of the people. he knew many overseers and book-keepers who were cruel driving men, and he should not be surprised if _they_ lost a part, or all, of their laborers. he made one remark which we had not heard before. there were some estates, he said, which would probably be abandoned, for the same reason that they ought never to have been cultivated, because they require _almost double labor_;--such are the mountainous estates and barren, worn-out properties, which nothing but a system of forced labor could possibly retain in cultivation. but the idea that the negroes generally would leave their comfortable homes, and various privileges on the estates, and retire to the wild woods, he ridiculed as preposterous in the extreme. mr. k. declared repeatedly that he could not look forward to , but with the most sanguine hopes; he confidently believed that the introduction of complete freedom would be the _regeneration of the island_. he alluded to the memorable declaration of lord belmore, (made memorable by the excitement which it caused among the colonists,) in his valedictory address to the assembly, on the eve of his departure for england.[a] "gentlemen," said he, "the resources of this noble island will never be fully developed until slavery is abolished!" for this manly avowal the assembly ignobly refused him the usual marks of respect and honor at his departure. mr. k. expected to see jamaica become a new world under the enterprise and energies of freedom. there were a few disaffected planters, who would probably remain so, and leave the islands after emancipation. it would be a blessing to the country if such men left it, for as long as they were disaffected, they were the enemies of its prosperity. [footnote a: lord belmore left the government of jamaica, a short time before the abolition act passed in parliament.] mr. k. conducted us through the negro quarters, which are situated on the hill side, nearly a mile from his residence. we went into several of the houses; which were of a better style somewhat than the huts in antigua and barbadoes--larger, better finished and furnished. some few of them had verandahs or porches on one or more sides, after the west india fashion, closed in with _jalousies_. in each of the houses to which we were admitted, there was one apartment fitted up in a very neat manner, with waxed floor, a good bedstead, and snow white coverings, a few good chairs, a mahogany sideboard, ornamented with dishes, decanters, etc. from amity hall, we drove to manchioneal, a small village ten miles north of the plantain garden river valley. we had a letter to the special magistrate for that district, r. chamberlain, esq., a colored gentleman, and the first magistrate we found in the parish of st. thomas in the east, who was faithful to the interests of the apprentices. he was a boarder at the public house, where we were directed for lodgings, and as we spent a few days in the village, we had opportunities of obtaining much information from him, as well as of attending some of his courts. mr. c. had been only five months in the district of manchioneal, having been removed thither from a distant district. being a friend of the apprentices, he is hated and persecuted by the planters. he gave us a gloomy picture of the oppressions and cruelties of the planters. their complaints brought before him are often of the most trivial kind; yet because he does not condemn the apprentices to receive a punishment which the most serious offences alone could justify him in inflicting, they revile and denounce him as unfit for his station. he represents the planters as not having the most distant idea that it is the province of the special magistrate to secure justice to the apprentice; but they regard it as his sole duty to _help them_ in getting from the laborers as much work as whips, and chains, and tread-wheels can extort. his predecessor, in the manchioneal district, answered perfectly to the planters' _beau ideal_. he ordered a _cat_ to be kept on every estate in his district, to be ready for use as he went around on his weekly visits. every week he inspected the cats, and when they became too much worn to do good execution, he _condemned_ them, and ordered new ones to be made. mr. c. said the most frequent complaints made by the planters are for _insolence_. he gave a few specimens of what were regarded by the planters as serious offences. an overseer will say to his apprentice, "work along there faster, you lazy villain, or i'll strike you;" the apprentice will reply, "you _can't_ strike me now," and for this he is taken before the magistrate on the complaint of _insolence_. an overseer, in passing the gang on the field, will hear them singing; he will order them, in a peremptory tone to stop instantly, and if they continue singing, they are complained of for _insubordination_. an apprentice has been confined to the hospital with disease,--when he gets able to walk, tired of the filthy sick house, he hobbles to his hut, where he may have the attentions of his wife until he gets well. that is called _absconding from labor_! where the magistrate does not happen to be an independent man, the complaint is sustained, and the poor invalid is sentenced to the treadmill for absenting himself from work. it is easy to conjecture the dreadful consequence. the apprentice, debilitated by sickness, dragged off twenty-five miles on foot to morant bay, mounted on the wheel, is unable to keep the step with the stronger ones, slips off and hangs by the wrists, and his flesh is mangled and torn by the wheel. the apprentices frequently called at our lodgings to complain to mr. c. of the hard treatment of their masters. among the numerous distressing cases which we witnessed, we shall never forget that of a poor little negro boy, of about twelve, who presented himself one afternoon before mr. c., with a complaint against his master for violently beating him. a gash was cut in his head, and the blood had flowed freely. he fled from his master, and came to mr. c. for refuge. he belonged to a. ross, esq., of mulatto run estate. we remembered that we had a letter of introduction to that planter, and we had designed visiting him, but after witnessing this scene, we resolved not to go near a monster who could inflict such a wound, with his own hand, upon a child. we were highly gratified with the kind and sympathizing manner in which mr. c. spoke with the unfortunate beings who, in the extremity of their wrongs, ventured to his door. at the request of the magistrate we accompanied him, on one occasion, to the station-house, where he held a weekly court. we had there a good opportunity to observe the hostile feelings of the planters towards this faithful officer--"faithful among the faithless," (though we are glad that we cannot quite add, "_only he_.") a number of managers, overseers, and book-keepers, assembled; some with complaints, and some to have their apprentices classified. they all set upon the magistrate like bloodhounds upon a lone stag. they strove together with one accord, to subdue his independent spirit by taunts, jeers, insults, intimidations and bullyings. he was obliged to threaten one of the overseers with arrest, on account of his abusive conduct. we were actually amazed at the intrepidity of the magistrate. we were convinced from what we saw that day, that only the most fearless and conscientious men could be _faithful magistrates_ in jamaica. mr. c. assured us that he met with similar indignities every time he held his courts, and on most of the estates that he visited. it was in his power to punish them severely, but he chose to use all possible forbearance, so as not to give the planters any grounds of complaint. on a subsequent day we accompanied mr. c. in one of his estate visits. as it was late in the afternoon, he called at but one estate, the name of which was williamsfield. mr. gordon, the overseer of williamsfield, is among the fairest specimens of planters. he has naturally a generous disposition, which, like that of mr. kirkland, has out-lived the witherings of slavery. he informed us that his people worked as well under the apprenticeship system, as ever they did during slavery; and he had every encouragement that they would do still better after they were completely free. he was satisfied that he should be able to conduct his estate at much less expense after ; he thought that fifty men would do as much then as a hundred do now. we may add here a similar remark of mr. kirkland--that forty freemen would accomplish as much as eighty slaves. mr. gordon hires his people on saturdays, and he expressed his astonishment at the increased vigor with which they worked when they were to receive wages. he pointedly condemned the driving system which was resorted to by many of the planters. they foolishly endeavored to keep up the coercion of slavery, _and they had the special magistrates incessantly flogging the apprentices_. the planters also not unfrequently take away the provision grounds from their apprentices, and in every way oppress and harass them. in the course of the conversation mr. g. accidentally struck upon a fresh vein of facts, respecting the slavery of book-keepers,[a] _under the old system_. the book-keepers, said mr. g., were the complete slaves of the overseers, who acted like despots on the estates. they were mostly young men from england, and not unfrequently had considerable refinement; but ignorant of the treatment which book-keepers had to submit to, and allured by the prospect of becoming wealthy by plantership, they came to jamaica and entered as candidates. they soon discovered the cruel bondage in which they were involved. the overseers domineered over them, and stormed at them as violently as though they were the most abject slaves. they were allowed no privileges such as their former habits impelled them to seek. if they played a flute in the hearing of the overseer, they were commanded to be silent instantly. if they dared to put a gold ring on their finger, even that trifling pretension to gentility was detected and disallowed by the jealous overseer. (these things were specified by mr. g. himself.) they were seldom permitted to associate with the overseers as equals. the only thing which reconciled the book-keepers to this abject state, was the reflection that they might one day _possibly_ become overseers themselves, and then they could exercise the same authority over others. in addition to this degradation, the book-keepers suffered great hardships. every morning (during slavery) they were obliged to be in the field before day; they had to be there as soon as the slaves, in order to call the roll, and mark absentees, if any. often mr. g. and the other gentleman had gone to the field, when it was so dark that they could not see to call the roll, and the negroes have all lain down on their hoes, and slept till the light broke. sometimes there would be a thick dew on the ground, and the air was so cold and damp, that they would be completely chilled. when they were shivering on the ground, the negroes would often lend them their blankets, saying, "poor _busha pickaninny_ sent out here from england to die." mr. gordon said that his constitution had been permanently injured by such exposure. many young men, he said, had doubtless been killed by it. during crop time, the book-keepers had to be up every night till twelve o'clock, and every other night _all night_, superintending the work in the boiling-house, and at the mill. they did not have rest even on the sabbath; they must have the mill put about (set to the wind so as to grind) by sunset every sabbath. often the mills were in the wind before four o'clock, on sabbath afternoon. they knew of slaves being flogged for not being on the spot by sunset, though it was known that they had been to meeting. mr. g. said that he had a young friend who came from england with him, and acted as book-keeper. his labors and exposures were so intolerable, that he had often said to mr. g., confidentially, _that if the slaves should rise in rebellion, he would most cheerfully join them_! said mr. g., _there was great rejoicing_ among the book-keepers in august ! _the abolition of slavery was_ emancipation to the book-keepers. [footnote a: the book-keepers are subordinate overseers and drivers; they are generally young white men, who after serving a course of years in a sort of apprenticeship, are promoted to managers of estates.] no complaints were brought before mr. chamberlain. mr. gordon pleasantly remarked when we arrived, that he had some cases which he should have presented if the magistrate had come a little earlier, but he presumed he should forget them before his next visit. when we left williamsfield, mr. c. informed us that during five months there had been but two cases of complaint on that estate--and but _a single instance of punishment._ such are the results where there is a good manager and a good special magistrate. on sabbath we attended service in the baptist chapel, of which rev. mr. kingdon is pastor. the chapel, which is a part of mr. k.'s dwelling-house, is situated on the summit of a high mountain which overlooks the sea. as seen from the valley below, it appears to topple on the very brink of a frightful precipice. it is reached by a winding tedious road, too rugged to admit of a chaise, and in some places so steep as to try the activity of a horse. as we approached nearer, we observed the people climbing up in throngs by various footpaths, and halting in the thick woods which skirted the chapel, the men to put on their shoes, which they had carried in their hands up the mountain, and the women to draw on their white stockings and shoes. on entering the place of worship, we found it well filled with the apprentices, who came from many miles around in every direction. the services had commenced when we arrived. we heard an excellent sermon from the devoted and pious missionary, mr. kingdon, whose praise is among all the good throughout the island, and who is eminently known as the negro's friend. after the sermon, we were invited to make a few remarks; and the minister briefly stated to the congregation whence we had come, and what was the object of our visit. we cannot soon forget the scene which followed. we begun by expressing, in simple terms, the interest which we felt in the temporal and spiritual concerns of the people present, and scarcely had we uttered a sentence when the whole congregation were filled with emotion. soon they burst into tears--some sobbed, others cried aloud; insomuch that for a time we were unable to proceed. we were, indeed, not a little astonished at so unusual a scene; it was a thing which we were by no means expecting to see. being at a loss to account for it, we inquired of mr. k. afterwards, who told us that it was occasioned by our expressions of sympathy and regard. they were so unaccustomed to hear such language from the lips of white people, that it fell upon them like rain upon the parched earth. the idea that one who was a stranger and a foreigner should feel an interest in their welfare, was to them, in such circumstances, peculiarly affecting, and stirred the deep fountains of their hearts. after the services, the missionary, anxious to further our objects, proposed that we should hold an interview with a number of the apprentices; and he accordingly invited fifteen of them into his study, and introduced them to us by name, stating also the estates to which they severally belonged. we had thus an opportunity of seeing the _representatives of twelve different estates_, men of trust on their respective estates, mostly constables and head boilers. for nearly two hours we conversed with these men, making inquiries on all points connected with slavery, the apprenticeship, and the expected emancipation. from no interview, during our stay in the colonies, did we derive so much information respecting the real workings of the apprenticeship; from none did we gain such an insight into the character and disposition of the negroes. the company was composed of intelligent and pious men;--so manly and dignified were they in appearance, and so elevated in their sentiments, that we could with difficulty realize that they were _slaves_. they were wholly unreserved in their communications, though they deeply implicated their masters, the special magistrates, and others in authority. it is not improbable that they would have shrunk from some of the disclosures which they made, had they known that they would be published. nevertheless we feel assured that in making them public, we shall not betray the informants, concealing as we do their names and the estates to which they belong. with regard to the wrongs and hardships of the apprenticeship much as said; we can only give a small part. their masters were often very harsh with them, more so than when they were slaves. they could not flog them, but they would scold them, and swear at them, and call them hard names, which hurt their feelings almost as much as it would if they were to flog them. they would not allow them as many privileges as they did formerly. sometimes they would take their provision grounds away, and sometimes they would go on their grounds and carry away provisions for their own use without paying for them, or as much as asking their leave. they had to bear this, for it was useless to complain--they could get no justice; there was no law in manchioneal. the special magistrate would only hear the master, and would not allow the apprentices to say any thing for themselves[a]. the magistrate would do just as the busha (master) said. if he say flog him, he flog him; if he say, send him to morant bay, (to the treadmill,) de magistrate send him. if we happen to laugh before de busha, he complain to de magistrate, and we get licked. if we go to a friend's house, when we hungry, to get something to eat, and happen to get lost in de woods between, we are called runaways, and are punished severely. our half friday is taken away from us; we must give that time to busha for a little salt-fish, which was always allowed us during slavery. if we lay in bed after six o'clock, they take away our saturday too. if we lose a little time from work, they make us pay a great deal more time. they stated, and so did several of the missionaries, that the loss of the half friday was very serious to them; as it often rendered it impossible for them to get to meeting on sunday. the whole work of cultivating their grounds, preparing their produce for sale, carrying it to the distant market, (morant bay, and sometimes further,) and returning, all this was, by the loss of the friday afternoon, crowded into saturday, and it was often impossible for them to get back from market before sabbath morning; then they had to dress and go six or ten miles further to chapel, or stay away altogether, which, from weariness and worldly cares, they would be strongly tempted to do. this they represented as being a grievous thing to them. said one of the men; in a peculiarly solemn and earnest manner, while the tears stood in his eyes, "i declare to you, massa, if de lord spare we to be free, we be much more 'ligiours--_we be wise to many more tings_; we be better christians; because den we have all de sunday for go to meeting. but now de holy time taken up in work for we food." these words were deeply impressed upon us by the intense earnestness with which they were spoken. they revealed "the heart's own bitterness." there was also a lighting up of joy and hope in the countenance of that child of god, as he looked forward to the time when he might become _wise to many more tings_. [footnote a: we would observe, that they did not refer to mr. chamberlain, but to another magistrate, whose name they mentioned.] they gave a heart-sickening account of the cruelties of the treadmill. they spoke of the apprentices having their wrists tied to the handboard, and said it was very common for them to fall and hang against the wheel. some who had been sent to the treadmill, had actually died from the injuries they there received. they were often obliged to see their wives dragged off to morant bay, and tied to the treadmill, even when they were in a state of pregnancy. they suffered a great deal of misery from _that; but they could not help it_. sometimes it was a wonder to themselves how they could endure all the provocations and sufferings of the apprenticeship; _it was only "by de mercy of god_!" they were asked why they did not complain to the special magistrates. they replied, that it did no good, for the magistrates would not take any notice of their complaints, besides, it made the masters treat them still worse. said one, "we go to de magistrate to complain, and den when we come back de busha do all him can to vex us. he _wingle_ (tease) us, and _wingle_ us; de book-keeper curse us and treaten us; de constable he scold us, and call hard names, and dey all strive to make we mad, so we say someting wrong, and den dey take we to de magistrate for insolence." such was the final consequence of complaining to the magistrate. we asked them why they did not complain, when they had a good magistrate who would do them justice. their answer revealed a new fact. they were afraid to complain to a magistrate, who they knew was their friend, _because their masters told them that the magistrate would soon be changed, and another would come who would flog them; and that for every time they dared to complain to the good magistrate, they would be flogged when the bad one came_. they said their masters had explained it all to them long ago. we inquired of them particularly what course they intended to take when they should become free. we requested them to speak, not only with reference to themselves, but of the apprentices generally, as far as they knew their views. they said the apprentices expected to work on the estates, if they were allowed to do so. they had no intention of leaving work. nothing would cause them to leave their estates but bad treatment; if their masters were harsh, they would go to another estate, where they would get better treatment. they would be _obliged_ to work when they were free; even more than now, for _then_ they would have no other dependence. one tried to prove to us by reasoning, that the people would work when they were free. said he, "in slavery time we work _even_ wid de whip, now we work 'till better--_what tink we will do when we free? won't_ we work den, _when we get paid_?" he appealed to us so earnestly, that we could not help acknowledging we were fully convinced. however, in order to establish the point still more clearly, he stated some facts, such as the following: during slavery, it took six men to tend the coppers in boiling sugar, and it was thought that fewer could not possibly do the work; but now, since the boilers are paid for their extra time, the work is monopolized by _three_ men. they _would not have any help_; they did all the work "_dat dey might get all de pay_." we sounded them thoroughly on their views of law and freedom. we inquired whether they expected to be allowed to do as they pleased when they were free. on this subject they spoke very rationally. said one, "we could never live widout de law; (we use, his very expressions) we must have some law when we free. in other countries, where dey are free, _don't_ dey have law? wouldn't dey shoot one another if they did not have law?" thus they reasoned about freedom. their chief complaint against the apprenticeship was, that it did not allow them _justice_. "_there was no law now_." they had been told by the governor, that there was the same law for all the island; but they knew better, for there was more justice done them in some districts than in others. some of their expressions indicated very strongly the characteristic kindness of the negro. they would say, we work now as well as we can _for the sake of peace; any thing for peace_. don't want to be complained of to the magistrate; don't like to be called hard names--do any thing to keep peace. such expressions were repeatedly made. we asked them what they thought of the domestics being emancipated in , while they had to remain apprentices two years longer? they said, "it bad enough--but we know de law make it so, and _for peace sake_, we will be satisfy. _but we murmur in we minds_." we asked what they expected to do with the old and infirm, after freedom? they said, "we will support dem--as how dey brought us up when we was pickaninny, and now we come trong, must care for dem." in such a spirit did these apprentices discourse for two hours. they won greatly upon our sympathy and respect. the touching story of their wrongs, the artless unbosoming of their hopes, their forgiving spirit toward their masters, their distinct views of their own rights, their amiable bearing under provocation, their just notions of law, and of a state of freedom--these things were well calculated to excite our admiration for them, and their companions in suffering. having prayed with the company, and commended them to the grace of god, and the salvation of jesus christ, we shook hands with them individually, and separated from them, never more to see them, until we meet at the bar of god. while one of us was prosecuting the foregoing inquiries in st. thomas in the east, the other was performing a horse-back tour among the mountains of st. andrews and port royal. we had been invited by stephen bourne, esq., special magistrate for one of the rural districts in those parishes, to spend a week in his family, and accompany him in his official visits to the plantations embraced in his commission--an invitation we were very glad to accept, as it laid open to us at the same time three important sources of information,--the magistrate, the planter, and the apprentice. the sun was just rising as we left kingston, and entered the high road. the air, which the day before had been painfully hot and stived, was cool and fresh, and from flowers and spice-trees, on which the dew still lay, went forth a thousand fragrant exhalations. our course for about six miles, lay over the broad, low plain, which spreads around kingston, westward to the highlands of st. andrews, and southward beyond spanishtown. all along the road, and in various directions in the distance, were seen the residences--uncouthly termed 'pens'--of merchants and gentlemen of wealth, whose business frequently calls them to town. unlike barbadoes, the fields here were protected by walls and hedges, with broad gateways and avenues leading to the house. we soon began to meet here and there, at intervals, person going to the market with fruits and provisions. the number continually increased, and at the end of an hour, they could be seen trudging over the fields, and along the by-paths and roads, on every hand. some had a couple of stunted donkeys yoked to a ricketty cart,--others had mules with pack-saddles--but the many loaded their own heads, instead of the donkeys and mules. most of them were well dressed, and all civil and respectful in their conduct. invigorated by the mountain air, and animated by the novelty and grandeur of the mountain scenery, through which we had passed, we arrived at 'grecian regale' in season for an early west indian breakfast, ( o'clock.) mr. bourne's district is entirely composed of coffee plantations, and embraces three thousand apprentices. the people on coffee plantations are not worked so hard as those employed on sugar estates; but they are more liable to suffer from insufficient food and clothing. after breakfast we accompanied mr. bourne on a visit to the plantations, but there were no complaints either from the master or apprentice, except on one. here mr. b. was hailed by a hoary-headed man, sitting at the side of his house. he said that he was lame and sick, and could not work, and complained that his master did not give him any food. all he had to eat was given him by a relative. as the master was not at home, mr. b. could not attend to the complaint at that time, but promised to write the master about it in the course of the day. he informed us that the aged and disabled were very much neglected under the apprenticeship. when the working days are over, the profit days are over, and how few in any country are willing to support an animal which is past labor? if these complaints are numerous under the new system, when magistrates are all abroad to remedy them, what must it have been during slavery, when master and magistrate were the same! on one of the plantations we called at the house of an emigrant, of which some hundreds have been imported from different parts of europe, since emancipation. he had been in the island eighteen months, and was much dissatisfied with his situation. the experiment of importing whites to jamaica as laborers, has proved disastrous--an unfortunate speculation to all parties, and all parties wish them back again. we had some conversation with several apprentices, who called on mr. bourne for advice and aid. they all thought the apprenticeship very hard, but still, on the whole, liked it better than slavery. they "were killed too bad,"--that was their expression--during slavery--were worked hard and terribly flogged. they were up ever so early and late--went out in the mountains to work, when so cold busha would have to cover himself up on the ground. had little time to eat, or go to meeting. 'twas all slash, slash! now they couldn't be flogged, unless the magistrate said so. still the busha was very hard to them, and many of the apprentices run away to the woods, they are so badly used. the next plantation which we visited was dublin castle. it lies in a deep valley, quite enclosed by mountains. the present attorney has been in the island nine years, and is attorney for several other properties. in england he was a religious man, and intimately acquainted with the eccentric irving. for a while after he came out he preached to the slaves, but having taken a black concubine, and treating those under his charge oppressively, he soon obtained a bad character among the blacks, and his meetings were deserted. he is now a most passionate and wicked man, having cast off even the show of religion. mr. b. visited dublin castle a few weeks since, and spent two days in hearing complaints brought against the manager and book-keeper by the apprentices. he fined the manager, for different acts of oppression, one hundred and eight dollars. the attorney was present during the whole time. near the close of the second day he requested permission to say a few words, which was granted. he raised his hands and eyes in the most agonized manner, as though passion was writhing within, and burst forth--"o, my god! my god! has it indeed come to this! am i to be arraigned in this way? is my conduct to be questioned by these people? is my authority to be destroyed by the interference of stranger? o, my god!" and he fell back into the arms of his book-keeper, and was carried out of the room in convulsions. the next morning we started on another excursion, for the purpose of attending the appraisement of an apprentice belonging to silver hill, a plantation about ten miles distant from grecian regale. we rode but a short distance in the town road, when we struck off into a narrow defile by a mule-path, and pushed into the very heart of the mountains. we felt somewhat timid at the commencement of our excursion among these minor andes, but we gained confidence as we proceeded, and finding our horse sure-footed and quite familiar with mountain paths, we soon learned to gallop, without fear, along the highest cliffs, and through the most dangerous passes. we were once put in some jeopardy by a drove of mules, laden with coffee. we fortunately saw them, as they came round the point of a hill, at some distance, in season to secure ourselves in a little recess where the path widened. on they came, cheered by the loud cries of their drivers, and passed rapidly forward, one after another, with the headlong stupidity which animals, claiming more wisdom than quadrupeds, not unfrequently manifest. when they came up to us, however, they showed that they were not unaccustomed to such encounters, and, although the space between us and the brow of the precipice, was not three feet wide, they all contrived to sway their bodies and heavy sacks in such a manner as to pass us safely, except one. he, more stupid or more unlucky than the rest, struck us a full broad-side as he went by jolting us hard against the hill, and well-nigh jolting himself down the craggy descent into the abyss below. one leg hung a moment over the precipice, but the poor beast suddenly threw his whole weight forward, and by a desperate leap, obtained sure foothold in the path, and again trudged along with his coffee-bags. on our way we called at two plantations, but found no complaints. at one of them we had some conversation with the overseer. he has on it one hundred and thirty apprentices, and produces annually thirty thousand pounds of coffee. he informed us that he was getting along well. his people are industrious and obedient, as much so, to say the least, as under the old system. the crop this year is not so great as usual, on account of the severe drought. his plantation was never better cultivated. besides the one hundred and thirty apprentices, there are forty free children, who are supported by their parents. none of them will work for hire, or in any way put themselves under his control, as the parents fear there is some plot laid for making them apprentices, and through that process reducing them to slavery. he thinks this feeling will continue till the apprenticeship is entirely broken up, and the people begin to feel assured of complete freedom, when it will disappear. we reached silver hill about noon. this plantation contains one hundred and ten apprentices, and is under the management of a colored man, who has had charge of it seven years. he informed us that it was under as good cultivation now as it was before emancipation. his people are easily controlled. very much depends on the conduct of the overseer. if he is disposed to be just and kind, the apprentices are sure to behave well; if he is harsh and severe, and attempts to _drive_ them, they will take no pains to please him, but on the contrary, will be sulky and obstinate. there were three overseers from other estates present. one of them had been an overseer for forty years, and he possessed the looks and feelings which we suppose a man who has been thus long in a school of despotism, must possess. he had a giant form, which seemed to be breaking down with luxury and sensualism. his ordinary voice was hoarse and gusty, and his smile diabolical. emancipation had swept away his power while it left the love of it ravaging his heart. he could not speak of the new system with composure. his contempt and hatred of the negro was unadulterated. he spoke of the apprentices with great bitterness. they were excessively lazy and impudent, and were becoming more and more so every day. they did not do half the work now that they did before emancipation. it was the character of the negro never to work unless compelled. his people would not labor for him an hour in their own time, although he had offered to pay them for it. they have not the least gratitude. they will leave him in the midst of his crop, and help others, because they can get a little more. they spend all their half fridays and their saturdays on other plantations where they receive forty cents a day. twenty-five cents is enough for them, and is as much as he will give. mr. b. requested the overseer to bring forward his complaints. he had only two. one was against a boy of ten for stealing a gill of goat's milk. the charge was disproved. the other was against a boy of twelve for neglecting the cattle, and permitting them to trespass on the lands of a neighbor. he was sentenced to receive a good switching--that is, to be beaten with a small stick by the constable of the plantation. several apprentices then appeared and made a few trivial complaints against 'busha.' they were quickly adjusted. these were all the complaints that had accumulated in five weeks. the principal business which called mr. bourne to the plantation, as we have already remarked, was the appraisement of an apprentice. the appraisers were himself and a local magistrate. the apprentice was a native born african, and was stolen from his country when a boy. he had always resided on this plantation, and had always been a faithful laborer. he was now the constable, or driver, as the office was called in slavery times, of the second gang. the overseer testified to his honesty and industry, and said he regretted much to have him leave. he was, as appeared by the plantation books, fifty-four years old, but was evidently above sixty. after examining several witnesses as to the old man's ability and general health, and making calculations by the rule of three, with the cold accuracy of a yankee horse-bargain, it was decided that his services were worth to the plantation forty-eight dollars a years, and for the remaining time of the apprenticeship, consequently, at that rate, one hundred and fifty-six dollars. one third of this was deducted as an allowance for the probabilities of death, and sickness, leaving one hundred and four dollars as the price of his redemption. the old man objected strongly and earnestly to the price; he said, it was too much; he had not money enough to pay it; and begged them, with tears in his eyes, not to make him pay so much "for his old bones;" but they would not remit a cent. they could not. they were the stern ministers of the british emancipation law, the praises of which have been shouted through the earth! of the three overseers who were present, not one could be called a respectable man. their countenances were the mirrors of all lustful and desperate passions. they were continually drinking rum and water, and one of them was half drunk. our next visit was to an elevated plantation called peter's rock. the path to it was, in one place, so steep, that we had to dismount and permit our horses to work their way up as they could, while we followed on foot. we then wound along among provision grounds and coffee fields, through forests where hardly a track was to be seen, and over hedges, which the horses were obliged to leap, till we issued on the great path which leads from the plantation to kingston. peter's rock has one hundred apprentices, and is under the management, as mr. bourne informed us, of a very humane man. during the two years and a half of the apprenticeship, there had been _only six complaints_. as we approached the plantation we saw the apprentices at the side of the road, eating their breakfast. they had been at work some distance from their houses, and could not spend time to go home. they saluted us with great civility, most of them rising and uncovering their heads. in answer to our questions, they said they were getting along very well. they said their master was kind to them, and they appeared in fine spirits. the overseer met us as we rode up to the door, and received us very courteously. he had no complaints. he informed us that the plantation was as well cultivated as it had been for many years, and the people were perfectly obedient and industrious. from peter's rock we rode to "hall's prospect," a plantation on which there are sixty apprentices under the charge of a black overseer, who, two years ago, was a slave. it was five weeks since mr. b. had been there, and yet he had only one complaint, and that against a woman for being late at work on monday morning. the reason she gave for this was, that she went to an estate some miles distant to spend the sabbath with her husband. mr. bourne, by the aid of funds left in his hands by mr. sturge, is about to establish a school on this plantation. mr. b., at a previous visit, had informed the people of what he intended to do, and asked their co-operation. as soon as they saw him to-day, several of them immediately inquired about the school, when it would begin, &c. they showed the greatest eagerness and thankfulness. mr. b. told them he should send a teacher as soon as a house was prepared. he had been talking with their master (the attorney of the plantation) about fixing one, who had offered them the old "lock-up house," if they would put it in order. there was a murmur among them at this annunciation. at length one of the men said, they did not want the school to be held in the "lock-up house." it was not a good place for their "pickaninnies" to go to. they had much rather have some other building, and would be glad to have it close to their houses. mr. b. told them if they would put up a small house near their own, he would furnish it with desks and benches. to this they all assented with great joy. on our way home we saw, as we did on various other occasions, many of the apprentices with hoes, baskets, &c., going to their provision grounds. we had some conversation with them as we rode along. they said they had been in the fields picking coffee since half past five o'clock. they were now going, as they always did after "horn-blow" in the afternoon, (four o'clock,) to their grounds, where they should stay till dark. some of their grounds were four, others six miles from home. they all liked the apprenticeship better than slavery. they were not flogged so much now, and had more time to themselves. but they should like freedom much better, and should be glad when it came. we met a brown young woman driving an ass laden with a great variety of articles. she said she had been to kingston (fifteen miles off) with a load of provisions, and had purchased some things to sell to the apprentices. we asked her what she did with her money. "give it to my husband," said she. "do you keep none for yourself?" she smiled and replied: "what for him for me." after we had passed, mr. b. informed us that she had been an apprentice, but purchased her freedom a few months previous, and was now engaged as a kind of country merchant. she purchases provisions of the negroes, and carries them to kingston, where she exchanges them for pins, needles, thread, dry goods, and such articles as the apprentices need, which she again exchanges for provisions and money. mr. bourne informed us that real estate is much higher than before emancipation. he mentioned one "pen" which was purchased for eighteen hundred dollars a few years since. the owner had received nine hundred dollars as 'compensation' for freedom. it has lately been leased for seven years by the owner, for nine hundred dollars per year. a gentleman who owns a plantation in mr. b.'s district, sold parcels of land to the negroes before emancipation at five shillings per acre. he now obtains twenty-seven shillings per acre. the house in which mr. b. resides was rented in for one hundred and fifty dollars. mr. b. engaged it on his arrival for three years, at two hundred and forty dollars per year. his landlord informed him a few days since, that on the expiration of his present lease, he should raise the rent to three hundred and thirty dollars. mr. b. is acquainted with a gentleman of wealth, who has been endeavoring for the last twelve months to purchase an estate in this island. he has offered high prices, but has as yet been unable to obtain one. landholders have so much confidence in the value and security of real estate, that they do not wish to part with it. after our visit to silver hill, our attention was particularly turned to the condition of the negro grounds. most of them were very clean and flourishing. large plats of the onion, of cocoa, plantain, banana, yam, potatoe, and other tropic vegetables, were scattered all around within five or six miles of a plantation. we were much pleased with the appearance of them during a ride on a friday. in the forenoon, they had all been vacant; not a person was to be seen in them; but after one o'clock, they began gradually to be occupied, till, at the end of an hour, where-ever we went, we saw men, women, and children laboring industriously in their little gardens. in some places, the hills to their very summits were spotted with cultivation. till monday morning the apprentices were free, and they certainly manifested a strong disposition to spend that time in taking care of themselves. the testimony of the numerous apprentices with whom we conversed, was to the same effect as our observation. they all testified that they were paying as much attention to their grounds as they ever did, but that their provisions had been cut short by the drought. they had their land all prepared for a new crop, and were only waiting for rain to put in the seed. mr. bourne corroborated their statement, and remarked, that he never found the least difficulty in procuring laborers. could he have the possession of the largest plantation in the island to-day, he had no doubt that, within a week, he could procure free laborers enough to cultivate every acre. on one occasion, while among the mountains, we were impressed on a jury to sit in inquest on the body of a negro woman found dead on the high road. she was, as appeared in evidence, on her return from the house of correction, at half-way-tree, where she had been sentenced for fourteen days, and been put on the treadmill. she had complained to some of her acquaintances of harsh treatment there, and said they had killed her, and that if she ever lived to reach home, she should tell all her massa's negroes never to cross the threshold of half-way-tree, as it would kill them. the evidence, however, was not clear that she died in consequence of such treatment, and the jury, accordingly, decided that she came to her death by some cause unknown to them. nine of the jury were overseers, and if they, collected together indiscriminately on this occasion, were a specimen of those who have charge of the apprentices in this island, they must be most degraded and brutal men. they appeared more under the influence of low passions, more degraded by sensuality, and but little more intelligent, than the negroes themselves. instead of possessing irresponsible power over their fellows, they ought themselves to be under the power of the most strict and energetic laws. our visits to the plantations, and inquiries on this point, confirmed this opinion. they are the 'feculum' of european society--ignorant, passionate, licentious. we do them no injustice when we say this, nor when we further add, that the apprentices suffer in a hundred ways which the law cannot reach, gross insults and oppression from their excessive rapaciousness and lust. what must it have been during slavery? we had some conversation with cheny hamilton, esq., one of the special magistrates for port royal. he is a colored man, and has held his office about eighteen months. there are three thousand apprentices in his district, which embraces sugar and coffee estates. the complaints are few and of a very trivial nature. they mostly originate with the planters. most of the cases brought before him are for petty theft and absence from work. in his district, cultivation was never better. the negroes are willing to work during their own time. his father-in-law is clearing up some mountain land for a coffee plantation, by the labor of apprentices from neighboring estates. the seasons since emancipation have been bad. the blacks cultivate their own grounds on their half fridays and saturdays, unless they can obtain employment from others. nothing is doing by the planters for the education of the apprentices. their only object is to get as much work out of them as possible. the blacks, so far as he has had opportunity to observe, are in every respect as quiet and industrious as they were before freedom. he said if we would compare the character of the complaints brought by the overseers and apprentices against each other, we should see for ourselves which party was the most peaceable and law-abiding. to these views we may here add those of another gentleman, with whom we had considerable conversation about the same time. he is a proprietor and local magistrate, and was represented to us as a kind and humane man. mr. bourne stated to us that he had not had six cases of complaint on his plantation for the last twelve months. we give his most important statements in the following brief items: . he has had charge of estates in jamaica since . at one time he had twelve hundred negroes under his control. he now owns a coffee plantation, on which there are one hundred and ten apprentices, and is also attorney for several others, the owners of which reside out of the island. . his plantation is well cultivated and clean, and his people are as industrious and civil as they ever were. he employs them during their own time, and always finds them willing to work for him, unless their own grounds require their attendance. cultivation generally, through the island, is as good as it ever was. many of the planters, at the commencement of the apprenticeship, reduced the quantity of land cultivated; he did not do so, but on the contrary is extending his plantation. . the crops this year are not so good as usual. this is no fault of the apprentices, but is owing to the bad season. . the conduct of the apprentices depends very much on the conduct of those who have charge of them. if you find a plantation on which the overseer is kind, and does common justice to the laborer, you will find things going on well--if otherwise, the reverse. those estates and plantations on which the proprietor himself resides, are most peaceable and prosperous. . real estate is more valuable than before emancipation. property is more secure, and capitalists are more ready to invest their funds. . the result of is as yet doubtful. for his part, he has no fears. he doubts not he can cultivate his plantation as easily after that period as before. he is confident he can do it cheaper. he thinks it not only likely, but certain, that many of the plantations on which the people have been ill used, while slaves and apprentices, will be abandoned by the present laborers, and that they will never be worked until overseers are put over them who, instead of doing all they can to harass them, will soothe and conciliate them. the apprenticeship has done much harm instead of good in the way of preparing the blacks to work after . a few days after our return from the mountains, we rode to spanishtown, which is about twelve miles west of kingston. spanishtown is the seat of government, containing the various buildings for the residence of the governor, the meeting of the legislature, the session of the courts, and rooms for the several officers of the crown. they are all strong and massive structures, but display little architectural magnificence or beauty. we spent nearly a day with richard hill, esq., the secretary of the special magistrates' department, of whom we have already spoken. he is a colored gentleman, and in every respect the noblest man, white or black, whom we met in the west indies. he is highly intelligent, and of fine moral feelings. his manners are free and unassuming, and his language in conversation fluent and well chosen. he is intimately acquainted with english and french authors, and has studied thoroughly the history and character of the people with whom the tie of color has connected him. he travelled two years in hayti, and his letters, written in a flowing and luxuriant style, as a son of the tropics should write, giving an account of his observations and inquiries in that interesting island, were published extensively in england; and have been copied into the anti-slavery journals in this country. his journal will be given to the public as soon as his official duties will permit him to prepare it. he is at the head of the special magistrates, (of which there are sixty in the island,) and all the correspondence between them and the governor is carried on through him. the station he holds is a very important one, and the business connected with it is of a character and an extent that, were he not a man of superior abilities, he could not sustain. he is highly respected by the government in the island, and at home, and possesses the esteem of his fellow-citizens of all colors. he associates with persons of the highest rank, dining and attending parties at the government-house with all the aristocracy of jamaica. we had the pleasure of spending an evening with him at the solicitor-general's. though an african sun has burnt a deep tinge on him, he is truly one of nature's noblemen. his demeanor is such, so dignified, yet bland and amiable, that no one can help respecting him. he spoke in the warmest terms of lord sligo,[a] the predecessor of sir lionel smith, who was driven from the island by the machinations of the planters and the enemies of the blacks. lord sligo was remarkable for his statistical accuracy. reports were made to him by the special magistrates every week. no act of injustice or oppression could escape his indefatigable inquiries. he was accessible, and lent an open ear to the lowest person in the island. the planters left no means untried to remove him, and unhappily succeeded. [footnote a: when lord sligo visited the united states in the summer of , he spoke with great respect of mr. hill to elizur wright, esq., corresponding secretary of the american anti-slavery society. mr. wright has furnished us with the following statement:--"just before his lordship left this city for england, he bore testimony to us substantially as follows:--'when i went to jamaica, mr. hill was a special magistrate. in a certain case he refused to comply with my directions, differing from me in his interpretation of the law. i informed him that his continued non-compliance must result in his removal from office. he replied that his mind was made up as to the law, and he would not violate his reason to save his bread. being satisfied of the correctness of my own interpretation, i was obliged, of course, to remove him; but i was so forcibly struck with his manly independence, that i applied to the government for power to employ him as my secretary, which was granted. and having had him as an _intimate of my family_ for several months, i can most cordially bear my testimony to his trustworthiness, ability, and gentlemanly deportment.' lord sligo also added, that mr. hill was treated in his family in all respects as if he had not been colored, and that with no gentleman in the west indies was he, in social life, on terms of more intimate friendship."] the following items contain the principal information received from mr. hill: . the apprenticeship is a most vicious system, full of blunders and absurdities, and directly calculated to set master and slave at war. . the complaints against the apprentices are decreasing every month, _except, perhaps, complaints against mothers for absence from work, which he thinks are increasing_. the apprenticeship _law_ makes no provision for the free children, and on most of the plantations and estates no allowance is given them, but they are thrown entirely for support on their parents, who are obliged to work the most and best part of their time for their masters unrewarded. the nurseries are broken up, and frequently the mothers are obliged to work in the fields with their infants at their backs, or else to leave them at some distance under the shade of a hedge or tree. every year is making their condition worse and worse. the number of children is increasing, and yet the mothers are required, after their youngest child has attained the age of a few weeks, to be at work the same number of hours as the men. very little time is given them to take care of their household. when they are tardy they are brought before the magistrate. a woman was brought before mr. hill a few days before we were there, charged with not being in the field till one hour after the rest of the gang. she had twins, and appeared before him with a child hanging on each arm. what an eloquent defence! he dismissed the complaint. he mentioned another case, of a woman whose master resided in spanishtown, but who was hired out by him to some person in the country. her child became sick, but her employer refused any assistance. with it in her arms, she entreated aid of her master. the monster drove her and her dying little one into the street at night, and she sought shelter with mr. hill, where her child expired before morning. for such horrid cruelty as this, the apprenticeship law provides no remedy. the woman had no claim for the support of her child, on the man who was receiving the wages of her daily toil. that child was not worth a farthing to him, because it was no longer his _chattel_; and while the law gives him power to rob the mother, it has no compulsion to make him support the child. . the complaints are generally of the most trivial and frivolous nature. they are mostly against mothers for neglect of duty, and vague charges of insolence. there is no provision in the law to prevent the master from using abusive language to the apprentice; any insult short of a blow, he is free to commit; but the slightest word of incivility, a look, smile, or grin, is punished in the apprentice, even though it were provoked. . there is still much flogging by the overseers. last week a girl came to mr. h. terribly scarred and "slashed," and complained that her master had beaten her. it appeared that this was the _seventh offence_, for neither of which she could obtain a hearing from the special magistrate in her district. while mr. h. was relating to me this fact, a girl came in with a little babe in her arms. he called my attention to a large bruise near her eye. he said her master knocked her down a few days since, and made that wound by kicking her. frequently when complaints of insolence are made, on investigation, it is found that the offence was the result of a quarrel commenced by the master, during which he either cuffed or kicked the offender. the special magistrates also frequently resort to flogging. many of them, as has been mentioned already, have been connected with the army or navy, where corporal punishment is practised and flogging is not only in consonance with their feelings and habits, but is a punishment more briefly inflicted and more grateful to the planters, as it does not deprive them of the apprentice's time. . mr. h. says that the apprentices who have purchased their freedom behave well. he has not known one of them to be brought before the police. . many of the special magistrates require much looking after. their salaries are not sufficient to support them independently. some of them leave their homes on monday morning, and make the whole circuit of their district before returning, living and lodging meanwhile, _free of expense_, with the planters. if they are not inclined to listen to the complaints of the apprentices, they soon find that the apprentices are not inclined to make complaints to them, and that they consequently have much more leisure time, and get through their district much easier. of the sixty magistrates in jamaica, but few can be said to discharge their duties faithfully. the governor is often required to interfere. a few weeks since he discharged two magistrates for putting iron collars on two women, in direct violation of the law, and then sending him false reports. . the negro grounds are often at a great distance, five or six miles, and some of them fifteen miles, from the plantation. of course much time, which would otherwise be spent in cultivating them, is necessarily consumed in going to them and returning. yet for all that, and though in many cases the planters have withdrawn the watchmen who used to protect them, and have left them entirely exposed to thieves and cattle, they are generally well cultivated--on the whole, better than during slavery. when there is inattention to them, it is caused either by some planters hiring them during their own time, or because their master permits his cattle to trespass on them, and the people feel an insecurity. when you find a kind planter, in whom the apprentices have confidence, there you will find beautiful gardens. in not a few instances, where the overseer is particularly harsh and cruel, the negroes have thrown up their old grounds, and taken new ones on other plantations, where the overseer is better liked, or gone into the depths of the mountain forests, where no human foot has been before them, and there cleared up small plats. this was also done to some extent during slavery. many of the people, against whom the planters are declaiming as lazy and worthless, have rich grounds of which those planters little dream. . there is no feeling of insecurity, either of life or property. one may travel through the whole island without the least fear of violence. if there is any danger, it is from the _emigrants_, who have been guilty of several outrages. so far from the planters fearing violence from the apprentices, when an assault or theft is committed, they refer it, almost as a matter of course, to some one else. a few weeks ago one of the island mails was robbed. as soon as it became known, it was at once said, "some of those villanous emigrants did it," and so indeed it proved. people in the country, in the midst of the mountains, where the whites are few and isolated, sleep with their doors and windows open, without a thought of being molested. in the towns there are no watchmen, and but a small police, and yet the streets are quiet and property safe. . the apprentices understand the great provisions of the new system, such as the number of hours they must work for their master, and that their masters have no right to flog them, &c., but its details are inexplicable mysteries. the masters have done much injury by deceiving them on points of which they were ignorant. . the apprentices almost to a man are ready to work for wages during their own time. when the overseer is severe towards them, they prefer working on other plantations, even for less wages, as is very natural. . almost all the evils of the apprenticeship arise from the obstinacy and oppressive conduct of the overseers. they are constantly taking advantage of the defects of the system, which are many, and while they demand to the last grain's weight "the pound of flesh," they are utterly unwilling to yield the requirements which the law makes of them. where you find an overseer endeavoring in every way to overreach the apprentices, taking away the privileges which they enjoyed during slavery, and exacting from them the utmost minute and mite of labor, there you will find abundant complaints both against the master and the apprentice. and the reverse. the cruel overseers are complaining of idleness, insubordination, and ruin, while the kind master is moving on peaceably and prosperously. . the domestic apprentices have either one day, or fifty cents cash, each week, as an allowance for food and clothing. this is quite insufficient. many of the females seem obliged to resort to theft or to prostitution to obtain a support. two girls were brought before mr. hill while we were with him, charged with neglect of duty and night-walking. one of them said her allowance was too small, and she must get food in some other way or starve. . the apprentices on many plantations have been deprived of several privileges which they enjoyed under the old system. nurseries have been abolished, water-carriers have been taken away, keeping stock is restricted, if not entirely forbidden, watchmen are no longer provided to guard the negro grounds, &c.--petty aggressions in our eyes, perhaps, but severe to them. another instance is still more hard. by the custom of slavery, women who had reared up seven children were permitted to "sit down," as it was termed; that is, were not obliged to go into the field to work. now no such distinction is made, but all are driven into the field. . one reason why the crops were smaller in and than in former years, was, that the planters in the preceding seasons, either fearful that the negroes would not take off the crops after emancipation, and acting on their baseless predictions instead of facts, or determined to make the results of emancipation appear as disastrous as possible, neglected to put in the usual amount of cane, and to clean the coffee fields. as they refused to sow, of course they could not reap. . the complaints against the apprentices generally are becoming fewer every week, but the complaints against the masters are increasing both in number and severity. one reason of this is, that the apprentices, on the one hand, are becoming better acquainted with the new system, and therefore better able to avoid a violation of its provisions, and are also learning that they cannot violate these provisions with impunity; and, on the other hand, they are gaining courage to complain against their masters, to whom they have hitherto been subjected by a fear created by the whips and dungeons, and nameless tortures of slavery. another reason is, that the masters, as the term of the apprenticeship shortens, and the end of their authority approaches nearer, are pressing their poor victims harder and harder, determined to extort from them all they can, before complete emancipation rescues them for ever from their grasp. while we were in conversation with mr. hill, mr. ramsay, one of the special magistrates for this parish, called in. he is a native of jamaica, and has been educated under all the influences of west india society, but has held fast his integrity, and is considered the firm friend of the apprentices. he confirmed every fact and opinion which mr. hill had given. he was even stronger than mr. h. in his expressions of disapprobation of the apprenticeship. the day which we spent with mr. hill was one of those on which he holds a special justice's court. there were only three cases of complaint brought before him. the first was brought by a woman, attended by her husband, against her servant girl, for "impertinence and insubordination." she took the oath and commenced her testimony with an abundance of vague charges. "she is the most insolent girl i ever saw. she'll do nothing that she is told to do--she never thinks of minding what is said to her--she is sulky and saucy," etc. mr. h. told her she must be specific--he could not convict the girl on such general charges--some particular acts must be proved. she became specific. her charges were as follows: . on the previous thursday the defendant was plaiting a shirt. the complainant went up to her and asked her why she did not plait it as she ought, and not hold it in her hand as she did. defendant replied, that it was easier, and she preferred that way to the other. the complainant remonstrated, but, despite all she could say, the obstinate girl persisted, and did it as she chose. the complainant granted that the work was done well, only it was not done in the way she desired. . the same day she ordered the defendant to wipe up some tracks in the hall. she did so. while she was doing it, the mistress told her the room was very dusty, and reproved her for it. the girl replied, "is it morning?" (it is customary to clean the rooms early in the morning, and the girl made this reply late in the afternoon, when sufficient time had elapsed for the room to become dusty again.) . the girl did not wash a cloth clean which the complainant gave her, and the complainant was obliged to wash it herself. . several times when the complainant and her daughter have been conversing together, this girl had burst into laughter--whether at them or their conversation, complainant did not know. . when the complainant has reproved the defendant for not doing her work well, she has replied, "can't you let me alone to my work, and not worry my life out." a black man, a constable on the same property, was brought up to confirm the charges. he knew nothing about the case, only that he often heard the parties quarrelling, and sometimes had told the girl not to say any thing, as she knew what her mistress was. it appeared in the course of the evidence, that the complainant and her husband had both been in the habit of speaking disrespectfully of the special magistrate, stationed in their district, and that many of the contentions arose out of that, as the girl sometimes defended him. while the accused was making her defence, which she did in a modest way, her mistress was highly enraged, and interrupted her several times, by calling her a liar and a jade. the magistrate was two or three times obliged to reprove her, and command her to be silent, and, so passionate did she become, that her husband, ashamed of her, put his hand on her shoulder, and entreated her to be calm. mr. hill dismissed the complaint by giving some good advice to both parties, much to the annoyance of the mistress. the second complaint was brought by a man against a servant girl, for disobedience of orders, and insolence. it appears that she was ordered, at ten o'clock at night, to do some work. she was just leaving the house to call on some friends, as she said, and refused. on being told by her mistress that she only wanted to go out for bad purposes, she replied, that "it was no matter--the allowance they gave her was not sufficient to support her, and if they would not give her more, she must get a living any way she could, so she did not steal." she was sentenced to the house of correction for one week. the third case was a complaint against a boy for taking every alternate friday and saturday, instead of every saturday, for allowance. he was ordered to take every saturday, or to receive in lieu of it half a dollar. mr. hill said these were a fair specimen of the character of the complaints that came before him. we were much pleased with the manner in which he presided in his court, the ease, dignity, and impartiality which he exhibited, and the respect which was shown him by all parties. in company with mr. hill, we called on rev. mr. phillips, the baptist missionary, stationed at spanishtown. mr. p. has been in the island thirteen years. he regards the apprenticeship as a great amelioration of the old system of slavery, but as coming far short of the full privileges and rights of freedom, and of what it was expected to be. it is beneficial to the missionaries, as it gives them access to the plantations, while before, in many instances, they were entirely excluded from them, and in all cases were much shackled in their operations. mr. p. has enlarged his chapel within the last fifteen months, so that it admits several hundreds more than formerly. but it is now too small. the apprentices are much more anxious to receive religious instruction, and much more open to conviction, than when slaves. he finds a great difference now on different plantations. where severity is used, as it still is on many estates, and the new system is moulded as nearly as possible on the old, the minds of the apprentices are apparently closed against all impressions,--but where they are treated with kindness, they are warm in their affections, and solicitous to be taught. in connection with his church, mr. p. has charge of a large school. the number present, when we visited it, was about two hundred. there was, to say the least, as much manifestation of intellect and sprightliness as we ever saw in white pupils of the same age. most of the children were slaves previous to , and their parents are still apprentices. several were pointed out to us who were not yet free, and attend only by permission, sometimes purchased, of their master. the greater part live from three to five miles distant. mr. p. says he finds no lack of interest among the apprentices about education. he can find scholars for as many schools as he can establish, if he keeps himself unconnected with the planters. the apprentices are opposed to all schools established by, or in any way allied to, their masters. mr. p. says the planters are doing nothing to prepare the apprentices for freedom in . they do not regard the apprenticeship as intermediate time for preparation, but as part of the _compensation_. every day is counted, not as worth so much for education and moral instruction, but as worth so much for digging cane-holes, and clearing coffee fields. mr. p.'s church escaped destruction during the persecution of the baptists. the wives and connections of many of the colored soldiers had taken refuge in it, and had given out word that they would defend it even against their own husbands and brothers, who in turn informed their officers that if ordered to destroy it, they should refuse at all peril. chapter iii. results of abolition. the actual working of the apprenticeship in jamaica, was the specific object of our investigations in that island. that it had not operated so happily as in barbadoes, and in most of the other colonies, was admitted by all parties. as to the _degree_ of its failure, we were satisfied it was not so great as had been represented. there has been nothing of an _insurrectionary_ character since the abolition of slavery. the affair on thornton's estate, of which an account is given in the preceding chapter, is the most serious disturbance which has occurred during the apprenticeship. the _fear_ of insurrection is as effectually dead in jamaica, as in barbadoes--so long as the apprenticeship lasts. there has been no _increase of crime_. the character of the negro population has been gradually improving in morals and intelligence. marriage has increased, the sabbath is more generally observed, and religious worship is better attended. again, the apprentices of jamaica have not manifested any peculiar _defiance of law_. the most illiberal magistrates testified that the people respected the law, when they understood it. as it respects the _industry_ of the apprentices, there are different opinions among the _planters_ themselves. some admitted that they were as industrious as before, and did as much work _in proportion to the time they were employed_. others complained that they _lacked the power_ to compel industry, and that hence there was a falling off of work. the prominent evils complained of in jamaica are, absconding from work, and insolence to masters. from the statements in the preceding chapter, it may be inferred that many things are called by these names, and severely punished, which are really innocent or unavoidable; however, it would not be wonderful if there were numerous instances of both. insolence is the legitimate fruit of the apprenticeship, which holds out to the apprentice, that he possesses the rights of a man, and still authorizes the master to treat him as though he were little better than a dog. the result must often be that the apprentice will repay insult with insolence. this will continue to exist until either the former system of _absolute force_ is restored, or a system of free compensated labor, with its powerful checks and balances on both parties, is substituted. the prevalence and causes of the other offence--absconding from labor--will be noticed hereafter. the atrocities which are practised by the masters and magistrates, are appalling enough. it is probable that the actual condition of the negroes in jamaica, is but little if any better than it was during slavery. the amount of punishment inflicted by the special magistrates, cannot fall much short of that usually perpetrated by the drivers. in addition to this, the apprentices are robbed of the _time_ allowed them by law, at the will of the magistrate, who often deprives them of it on the slightest complaint of the overseer. the situation of the _free children_[a] is often very deplorable. the master feels none of that interest in them which he formerly felt in the children that were his property, and consequently, makes no provision for them. they are thrown entirely upon their parents, who are _unable_ to take proper care of them, from the almost constant demands which the master makes upon their time. the condition of pregnant women, and nursing mothers, is _decidedly worse_ than it was during slavery. the privileges which the planter felt it for his interest to grant these formerly, for _the sake of their children_, are now withheld. the former are exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and the hardships of toil--the latter are cruelly dragged away from their infants, that the master may not lose the smallest portion of time,--and _both_ are liable at any moment to be incarcerated in the dungeon, or strung up on the treadwheel. in consequence of the cruelties which are practised, the apprentices are in a _disaffected state_ throughout the island. [footnote a: all children under _six years_ of age at the time of abolition, were made entirely free.] in assigning the causes of the ill-working of the apprenticeship in jamaica, we would say in the commencement, that nearly all of them are embodied in the intrinsic defects of the system itself. these defects have been exposed in a former chapter, and we need not repeat them here. the reason why the system has not produced as much mischief in all the colonies as it has in jamaica, is that the local circumstances in the other islands were not so adapted to develop its legitimate results. it is not without the most careful investigation of facts, that we have allowed ourselves to entertain the views which we are now about to express, respecting the conduct of the planters and special justices--for it is to _them_ that we must ascribe the evils which exist in jamaica. we cheerfully accede to them all of palliation which may be found in the provocations incident to the wretched system of apprenticeship. the causes of the difficulties rest chiefly with the _planters_. they were _originally_ implicated, and by their wily schemes they soon involved the special magistrates. the jamaica planters, as a body, always violently opposed the abolition of slavery. unlike the planters in most of the colonies, they cherished their hostility _after the act of abolition_. it would seem that they had agreed with one accord, never to become reconciled to the measures of the english government, and had sworn eternal hostility to every scheme of emancipation. whether this resulted most from love for slavery or hatred of english interference, it is difficult to determine. if we were to believe the planters themselves, who are of the opposition, we should conclude that they were far from being in favor of slavery--that they were "as much opposed to slavery, as any one can be[a]." notwithstanding this avowal, the tenacity with which the planters cling to the remnant of their power, shows an affection for it, of the strength of which they are not probably themselves aware. [footnote a: it seems to be the order of the day, with the opposition party in jamaica, to disclaim all friendship with slavery. we noticed several instances of this in the island papers, which have been most hostile to abolition. we quote the following sample from the royal gazette, (kingston) for may , . the editor, in an article respecting cuba, says: "in writing this, one chief object is to arouse the attention of our own fellow-subjects, in this colony, to the situation--the dangerous situation--in which they stand, and to implore them to lend all their energies to avert the ruin that is likely to visit them, should america get the domination of cuba. the negroes of this and of all the british w.i. colonies have been '_emancipated_.' cuba on the other hand is still a _slave country_. (let not our readers imagine for one moment that we advocate the _continuance of slavery_,") &c. ] when public men have endeavored to be faithful and upright, they have uniformly been abused, and even persecuted, by the planters. the following facts will show that the latter have not scrupled to resort to the most dishonest and unmanly intrigues to effect the removal or to circumvent the influence of such men. neglect, ridicule, vulgar abuse, slander, threats, intimidation, misrepresentation, and legal prosecutions, have been the mildest weapons employed against those who in the discharge of their sworn duties dared to befriend the oppressed. the shameful treatment of the late governor, lord sligo, illustrates this. his lordship was appointed to the government about the period of abolition. being himself a proprietor of estates in the island, and formerly chairman of the west india body, he was received at first with the greatest cordiality; but it was soon perceived that he was disposed to secure justice to the apprentices. from the accounts we received, we have been led to entertain an exalted opinion of his integrity and friendship for the poor. it was his custom (unprecedented in the west indies,) to give a patient hearing to the poorest negro who might carry his grievances to the government-house. after hearing the complaint, he would despatch an order to the special magistrate of the district in which the complainant lived, directing him to inquire into the case. by this means he kept the magistrates employed, and secured redress to the apprentices to many cases where they would otherwise have bean neglected. the governor soon rendered himself exceedingly obnoxious to the planters, and they began to manoeuvre for his removal, which, in a short time, was effected by a most flagitious procedure. the home government, disposed to humor their unruly colony, sent them a governor in whom they are not likely to find any fault. the present governor, sir lionel smith, is the antipode of his predecessor in every worthy respect. when the apprentices come to him with their complaints, he sends them back unheard, with curses on their heads. a distinguished gentleman in the colony remarked of him that he _was a heartless military chieftain, who ruled without regard to mercy_. of course the planters are full of his praise. his late tour of the island was a _triumphal procession_, amid the sycophantic greetings of oppressors. several special magistrates have been suspended because of the faithful discharge of their duties. among these was dr. palmer, an independent and courageous man. repeated complaints were urged against him by the planters, until finally sir lionel smith appointed a commission to inquire into the grounds of the difficulty. "this commission consisted of two local magistrates, both of them planters or managers of estates, and two stipendiary magistrates, the bias of one of whom, at least, was believed to be against dr. palmer. at the conclusion of their inquiry they summed up their report by saying that dr. palmer had administered the abolition law in the spirit of the english abolition act, and in his administration of the law he had adapted it more to the comprehension of freemen than to the understandings of apprenticed laborers. not only did sir lionel smith suspend dr. palmer on this report, but the colonial office at home have dismissed him from his situation." the following facts respecting the persecution of special justice bourne, illustrate the same thing. "a book-keeper of the name of maclean, on the estate of the rev. m. hamilton, an irish clergyman, committed a brutal assault upon an old african. the attorney on the property refused to hear the complaint of the negro, who went to stephen bourne, a special magistrate. when maclean was brought before him, he did not deny the fact; but said as the old man was not a christian, his oath could not be taken! the magistrate not being able to ascertain the amount of injury inflicted upon the negro (whose head was dreadfully cut,) but feeling that it was a case which required a greater penalty than three pounds sterling, the amount of punishment to which he was limited by the local acts, detained maclean, and afterwards committed him to jail, and wrote the next day to the chief justice upon the subject. he was discharged as soon as a doctor's certificate was procured of the state of the wounded man, and bail was given for his appearance at the assizes. maclean's trial came on at the assizes, and he was found guilty by a jamaica jury; he was severely reprimanded for his inhuman conduct and fined thirty pounds. the poor apprentice however got no remuneration for the severe injury inflicted upon him, and the special justice was prosecuted for false imprisonment, dragged from court to court, represented as an oppressor and a tyrant, subjected to four hundred pounds expenses in defending himself, and actually had judgment given against him for one hundred and fifty pounds damages. thus have the planters succeeded in pulling down every magistrate who ventures to do more than fine them three pounds sterling for any act of cruelty of which they may be guilty. on the other hand, there were two magistrates who were lately dismissed, through, i believe, the representation of lord sligo, for flagrant violations of the law in inflicting punishment; and in order to evince their sympathy for those men, the planters gave them a farewell dinner, and had actually set on foot a subscription, as a tribute of gratitude for their "impartial" conduct in administering the laws, as special justices. thus were two men, notoriously guilty of violations of law and humanity, publicly encouraged and protected, while stephen bourne, who according to the testimony of the present and late attorney-general had acted not only justly but _legally_, was suffering every species of persecution and indignity for so doing." probably nothing could demonstrate the meanness of the artifices to which the planters resort to get rid of troublesome magistrates better than the following fact. when the present governor, in making his tour of the island, came into st. thomas in the east, some of the planters of manchioneal district hired a negro constable on one of the estates to go to the governor and complain to him that mr. chamberlain encouraged the apprentices to be disorderly and idle. the negro went accordingly, but like another balaam, he prophesied _against his employers_. he stated to the governor that the apprentices on the estate where he lived were lazy and wouldn't do right, _but he declared that it was not mr. c.'s fault, for that he was not allowed to come on the estate!_ having given such an unfavorable description of the mass of planters, it is but just to add that there are a few honorable exceptions. there are some attorneys and overseers, who if they dared to face the allied powers of oppression, would act a noble part. but they are trammelled by an overpowering public sentiment, and are induced to fall in very much with the prevailing practices. one of this class, an attorney of considerable influence, declined giving us his views in writing, stating that his situation and the state of public sentiment must be his apology. an overseer who was disposed to manifest the most liberal bearing towards his apprentices, and who had directions from the absentee proprietor to that effect, was yet effectually prevented by his attorney, who having several other estates under his charge, was fearful of losing them, if he did not maintain the same severe discipline on all. the special magistrates are also deeply implicated in causing the difficulties existing under the apprenticeship. they are incessantly exposed to multiplied and powerful temptations. the persecution which they are sure to incur by a faithful discharge of their duties, has already been noticed. it would require men of unusual sternness of principle to face so fierce an array. instead of being _independent_ of the planters, their situation is in every respect totally the reverse. instead of having a central office or station-house to hold their courts at, as is the case in barbadoes, they are required to visit each estate in their districts. they have a circuit from forty to sixty miles to compass every fortnight, or in some cases three times every month. on these tours they are absolutely dependent upon the hospitality of the planters. none but men of the "sterner stuff" could escape, (to use the negro's phrase) _being poisoned by massa's turtle soup._ the _character_ of the men who are acting as magistrates is thus described by a colonial magistrate of high standing and experience. "the special magistracy department is filled with the most worthless men, both domestic and imported. it was a necessary qualification of the former to possess no property; hence the most worthless vagabonds on the island were appointed. the latter were worn out officers and dissipated rakes, whom the english government sent off here in order to get rid of them." as a specimen of the latter kind, this gentleman mentioned one (special justice light) who died lately from excessive dissipation. he was constantly drunk, and the only way in which to get him to do any business was to take him on to an estate in the evening so that he might sleep off his intoxication, and then the business was brought before him early the next morning, before he had time to get to his cups. it is well known that many of the special magistrates are totally unprincipled men, monsters of cruelty, lust, and despotism. as a result of natural character in many cases, and of dependence upon planters in many more, the great mass of the special justices are a disgrace to their office, and to the government which commissioned them. out of sixty, the number of special justices in jamaica, there are not more than fifteen, or twenty at farthest, who are not the merest tools of the attorneys and overseers. their servility was graphically hit off by the apprentice. "if busha say flog em, he flog em; if busha say send them to the treadmill, he send em." if an apprentice laughs or sings, and the busha represents it to the magistrate as insolence, he _feels it his duty_ to make an example of the offender! the following fact will illustrate the injustice of the magistrates. it was stated in writing by a missionary. we conceal all names, in compliance with the request of the writer. "an apprentice belonging to ---- in the ---- was sent to the treadmill by special justice g. he was ordered to go out and count the sheep, as he was able to count higher than some of the field people, although a house servant from his youth--i may say childhood. instead of bringing in the tally cut upon a piece of board, as usual, he wrote the number eighty upon a piece of paper. when the overseer saw it, he would scarcely believe that any of his people could write, and ordered a piece of coal to be brought and made him write it over again; the next day he turned him into the field, but unable to perform the task (to hoe and weed one hundred coffee roots daily) with those who had been accustomed to field work all their lives, he was tried for neglect of duty, and sentenced to fourteen days on the treadmill!" we quote the following heart-rending account from the telegraph, (spanishtown,) april , . it is from a baptist missionary. "i see something is doing in england to shorten the apprenticeship system. i pray god it may soon follow its predecessor--slavery, for it is indeed slavery under a less disgusting name. business lately (december ) called me to rodney hall; and while i was there, a poor old negro was brought in for punishment. i heard the fearful vociferation, 'twenty stripes.' 'very well; here ----, put this man down.' i felt as i cannot describe; yet i thought, as the supervisor was disposed to be civil, my presence might tend to make the punishment less severe than it usually is--but i was disappointed. i inquired into the crime for which such an old man could be so severely punished, and heard various accounts. i wrote to the magistrate who sentenced him to receive it; and after many days i got the following reply." "_logan castle, jan. , ._ sir--in answer to your note of the th instant, i beg leave to state, that ---- ----, an apprentice belonging to ---- ----, was brought before me by mr. ----, his late overseer, charged upon oath with continual neglect of duty and disobedience of orders as cattle-man, and also for stealing milk--was convicted, and sentenced to receive twenty stripes. so far from the punishment of the offender being severe, he was not ordered one half the number of stripes provided for such cases by the abolition act--if he received more than that number, or if those were inflicted with undue severity, i shall feel happy in making every inquiry amongst the authorities at rodney hall institution. i remain, sir, yours, truly, t.w. jones, s.m." 'rev. j. clarke, &c., &c.' from mr. clarke's reply, we make the following extract: "_jericho, january , ._ sir--i beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th instant. respecting the punishment of ---- ----, i still adhere to the opinion i before expressed, that, for an old man of about sixty years of age, the punishment was severe. to see a venerable old man tied as if to be broken on the wheel, and cut to the bone by the lash of an athletic driver--writhing and yelling under the most exquisite torture, were certainly circumstances sufficiently strong to touch the heart of any one possessed of the smallest degree of common humanity. the usual preparations being made, the old man quietly stripped off his upper garments, and lay down upon the board--he was then tied by his legs, middle, above the elbows, and at each wrist. mr. ---- then called out to the driver, 'i hope you will do your duty--he is not sent here for nothing.' at the first lash the skin started up; and at the third, the blood began to flow; ere the driver had given ten, the cat was covered with gore; and he stopped to change it for a dry one, which appeared to me somewhat longer than the first. when the poor tortured creature had received sixteen, his violent struggles enabled him to get one of his hands loose, which he put instantly to his back--the driver stopped to retie him, and then proceeded to give the remaining four. the struggles of the poor old man from the first lash bespoke the most extreme torture; and his cries were to me most distressing. 'oh! oh! mercy! mercy! mercy! oh! massa! massa! dat enough--enough! oh, enough! o, massa, have pity! o, massa! massa! dat enough--enough! oh, never do de like again--only pity me--forgive me dis once! oh! pity! mercy! mercy! oh! oh!' were the cries he perpetually uttered. i shall remember them while i live; and would not for ten thousand worlds have been the cause of producing them. it was some minutes after he was loosed ere he could rise to his feet, and as he attempted to rise, he continued calling out, 'my back! oh! my back! my back is broken.' a long time he remained half-doubled, the blood flowing round his body; 'i serve my master,' said the aged sufferer, 'at all times; get no saturday, no sunday; yet this is de way dem use me.' with such planters, and such magistrates to play into their hands, is it to be wondered at that the apprentices do badly? enough has been said, we think, to satisfy any candid person as to the _causes of the evils in jamaica_. if any thing further were needed, we might speak of the peculiar facilities which these men have for perpetrating acts of cruelty and injustice. the major part of the island is exceedingly mountainous, and a large portion of the sugar estates, and most of the coffee plantations, are among the mountains. these estates are scattered over a wide extent of country, and separated by dense forests and mountains, which conceal each plantation from the public view almost as effectually as though it were the only property on the island. the only mode of access to many of the estates in the mountainous districts, is by mule paths winding about, amid fastnesses, precipices, and frightful solitudes. in those lone retirements, on the mountain top, or in the deep glen by the side of the rocky rivers, the traveller occasionally meets with an estate. strangers but rarely intrude upon those little domains. they are left to the solitary sway of the overseers dwelling amid their "gangs," and undisturbed, save by the weekly visitations of the special magistrates. while the traveller is struck with the facilities for the perpetration of those enormities which must have existed there during slavery; he is painfully impressed also with the numerous opportunities which are still afforded for oppressing the apprentices, particularly where the special magistrates are not honest men.[a] [footnote a: from the nature of the case, it must be impossible to know how much actual flogging is perpetrated by the overseers. we might safely conjecture that there must be a vast deal of it that never comes to the light. such is the decided belief of many of the first men in the island. the planters, say they, flog their apprentices, and then, to prevent their complaining to the magistrate, threaten them with severe punishment, or bribe them to silence by giving them a few shillings. the attorney-general mentioned an instance of the latter policy. a planter got angry with one of his head men, who was a constable, and knocked him down. the man started off to complain to the special magistrate. the master called him back, and told him he need not go to the magistrate--that he was constable, and had a right to fine him himself. "well, massa," said the negro, "i fine you five shillings on de spot." the master was glad to get off with that--the magistrate would probably have fined him £ currency.] in view of the local situation of jamaica--the violent character of its planters--and the inevitable dependency of the magistrates, it is very manifest _that immediate emancipation was imperatively demanded there_. in no other colony did the negroes require to be more _entirely released from the tyranny of the overseers, or more thoroughly shielded by the power of equal law_. this is a principle which must hold good always--that where slavery has been most rigorous and absolute, there emancipation, needs to be most unqualified; and where the sway of the master has been _most despotic, cruel, and_ long continued, there the protection of law should be most speedily _extended and most impartially applied_."[b] [footnote b: since the above was written we have seen a copy of a message sent by sir lionel smith, to the house of assembly of jamaica, on the d november, , in which a statement of the deprivations of the apprentices, is officially laid before the house. we make the following extract from it, which contains, to use his excellency's language, "the principal causes, as has been found by the records of the special magistrates, of complaints among the apprentices; and of consequent collisions between the planters and magistrates." "prudent and humane planters have already adopted what is recommended, and their properties present the good working of this system in peace and industry, without their resorting to the authority of the special magistrates; but there are other properties where neither the law of the apprenticeship nor the usages of slavery have been found sufficient to guard the rights of the apprentices. first, the magistrates' reports show that on some estates the apprentices have been deprived of cooks and water-carriers while at work in the field--thus, the time allowed for breakfast, instead of being a period of rest, is one of continual labor, as they have to seek for fuel and to cook. the depriving them of water-carriers is still more injurious, as the workmen are not allowed to quit their rows to obtain it. both these privations are detrimental to the planter's work. second, a law seems wanting to supply the estates' hospitals with sufficient attendants on the sick apprentices, as well as for the supply of proper food, as they cannot depend on their own grounds, whilst unable to leave the hospitals. the first clause of the abolition law has not been found strong enough to secure these necessary attentions to the sick. third, in regard to jobbers, more exposed to hardships than any other class. a law is greatly required allowing them the distance they may have to walk to their work, at the rate of three miles an hour, and for compelling the parties hiring them to supply them with salt food and meal; their grounds are oftentimes so many miles distant, it is impossible for them to supply themselves. hence constant complaints and irregularities. fourth, that mothers of six children and upwards, pregnant women, and the aged of both sexes, would be greatly benefited by a law enforcing the kind treatment which they received in slavery, but which is now considered optional, or is altogether avoided on many properties. fifth, nothing would tend more to effect general contentment and repress the evils of comparative treatment, than the issue of fish as a right by law. it was an indulgence in slavery seldom denied, but on many properties is now withheld, or given for extra labor instead of wages. sixth, his excellency during the last sessions had the honor to address a message to the house for a stronger definition of working time. the clause of the act in aid expressed that it was the intention of the legislature to regulate 'uniformity' of labor, but in practice there is still a great diversity of system. the legal adviser of the crown considers the clause active and binding; the special magistrate cannot, therefore, adjudicate on disputes of labor under the eight hour system, and the consequences have been continual complaints and bickerings between the magistrates and managers, and discontent among the apprentices by comparison of the advantages which one system presents over the other. seventh, if your honorable house would adopt some equitable fixed principle for the value of apprentices desirous of purchasing their discharge, either by ascertained rates of weekly labor, or by fixed sums according to their trade or occupation, which should not be exceeded, and allowing the deduction of one third from the extreme value for the contingencies of maintenance, clothing, medical aid, risk of life, and health, it would greatly tend to set at rest one cause of constant disappointment. in proportion as the term of apprenticeship draws to a close, the demands for the sale of services have greatly increased. it is in the hope that the honorable house will be disposed to enforce a more general system of equal treatment, that his excellency now circumstantially represents what have been the most common causes of complaint among the apprentices, and why the island is subject to the reproach that the negroes, in some respects, are now in a worse condition than they were in slavery." ] we heard frequent complaints in jamaica respecting the falling off of the crops since abolition. in order that the reader may know the extent of the failure in the aggregate island crops, we have inserted in the appendix a table showing the "exports for fifty-three years, ending st december, , condensed from the journals of the house." by the disaffected planters, the diminished crops were hailed as "an evident token of perdition." they had foretold that abolition would be the ruin of cultivation, they had maintained that sugar, coffee, rum, &c., could not be produced extensively without the _whip of slavery_, and now they exultingly point to the short crops and say, "see the results of abolition!" we say exultingly, for a portion of the planters do really seem to rejoice in any indication of ruin. having staked their reputation as prophets against their credit as colonists and their interests as men, they seem happy in the establishment of the former, even though it be by the sacrifice of the latter. said an intelligent gentleman in st. thomas in the east, "the planters have _set their hearts upon_ ruin, and they will be sorely disappointed if it should not come." hearing so much said concerning the diminution of the crops, we spared no pains to ascertain the _true causes_. we satisfied ourselves that the causes were mainly two. first. the prevailing impression that the negroes would not _work well_ after the abolition of slavery, led many planters to throw a part of their land out of cultivation, in . this is a fact which was published by lord sligo, in an official account which he gave shortly before leaving jamaica, of the working of the apprenticeship. the overseer of belvidere estate declared that he knew of many cases in which part of the land usually planted in canes was thrown up, owing to the general expectation that _much less work_ would be done after abolition. he also mentioned one attorney _who ordered all the estates under his charge to be thrown out of cultivation_ in , so confident was he that the negroes would not work. the name of this attorney was white. mr. gordon, of williamsfield, stated, that the quantity of land planted in cane, in , was considerably less than the usual amount: on some estates it was less by twenty, and on others by forty acres. now if such were the fact in the parish of st. thomas in the east, where greater confidence was felt probably than in any other parish, we have a clue by which we may conjecture (if indeed we were left to conjecture) to what extent the cultivation was diminished in the island generally. this of itself would satisfactorily account for the falling off in the crops--which at most is not above one third. nor would this explain the decrease in ' _only_, for it is well known among sugar planters that a neglect of planting, either total or partial, for one year, will affect the crops for two or three successive years. the other cause of short crops has been the _diminished amount of time for labor_. one fourth of the time now belongs to the laborers, and they often prefer to employ it in cultivating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. thus the estate cultivation is necessarily impeded. this cause operates very extensively, particularly on two classes of estates: those which lie convenient to market places, where the apprentices have strong inducements to cultivate their grounds, and those (more numerous still) which _have harsh overseers_, to whom the apprentices are averse to hire their time--in which cases they will choose to work for neighboring planters, who are better men. we should not omit to add here, that owing to a singular fact, the falling off of the crops _appears_ greater than it really has been. we learned from the most credible sources that _the size of the hogsheads_ had been considerably enlarged since abolition. formerly they contained, on an average, eighteen hundred weight, now they vary from a ton to twenty-two hundred! as the crops are estimated by the number of hogsheads, this will make a material difference. there were two reasons for enlarging in the hogsheads,--one was, to lessen the amount of certain port charges in exportation, which were made _by the hogshead_; the other, and perhaps the principal, was to create some foundation in appearance for the complaint that the crops had failed because of abolition. while we feel fully warranted in stating these as the chief causes of the diminished crops, we are at the same time disposed to admit that the apprenticeship is in itself exceedingly ill calculated either to encourage or to compel industry. we must confess that we have no special zeal to vindicate this system from its full share of blame; but we are rather inclined to award to it every jot and tittle of the dishonored instrumentality which it has had in working mischief to the colony. however, in all candor, we must say, that we can scarcely check the risings of exultation when we perceive that this party-fangled measure--this offspring of old slavery in her dying throes, _which was expressly designed as a compensation to the proprietor_, has actually diminished his annual returns by one third! so may it ever be with legislation which is based on _iniquity and robbery!_ but the subject which excites the deepest interest in jamaica _is the probable consequences of entire emancipation in _. the most common opinion among the prognosticators of evil is, that the emancipated negroes will abandon the cultivation of all the staple products, retire to the woods, and live in a state of semi-barbarism; and as a consequence, the splendid sugar and coffee estates must be "thrown up," and the beautiful and fertile island of jamaica become a waste howling wilderness. the _reasons_ for this opinion consist in part of naked assumptions, and in part of inferences from _supposed_ facts. the assumed reasons are such as these. the negroes will not cultivate the cane _without the whip_. how is this known? simply because _they never have_, to any great extent, in jamaica. such, it has been shown, was the opinion formerly in barbadoes, but it has been forever exploded there by experiment. again, the negroes are _naturally improvident_, and will never have enough foresight to work steadily. what is the evidence of _natural_ improvidence in the negroes? barely this--their carelessness in a state of slavery. but that furnishes no ground at all for judging of _natural_ character, or of the developments of character under a _totally different system_. if it testifies any thing, it is only this, that the natural disposition of the negroes is not always _proof_ against the degenerating influences of slavery.[a] again, the actual wants of the negroes are very few and easily supplied, and they will undoubtedly prefer going into the woods where they can live almost without labor, to toiling in the hot cane fields or climbing the coffee mountains. but they who urge this, lose sight of the fact that the negroes are considerably civilized, and that, like other civilized people, they will seek for more than supply for the necessities of the rudest state of nature. their wants are already many, even in the degraded condition of slaves; is it probable that they will be satisfied with _fewer of the comforts and luxuries of civilized life_, when they are elevated to the sphere, and feel the self-respect and dignity of freemen? but let us notice some of the reasons which profess to be _founded on fact_. they may all be resolved into two, _the laziness of negroes, and their tendency to barbarism_. [footnote a: probably in more instances than the one recorded in the foregoing chapter, the improvidence of the negroes is inferred from their otherwise unaccountable preference in walking six or ten miles to chapel, rather than to work for a maccaroni a day.] i. they _now_ refuse to work on saturdays, even with wages. on this assertion we have several remarks to make. .) it is true only to a partial extent. the apprentices on many estates--whether a majority or not it is impossible to say--do work for their masters on saturdays, when their services are called for. .) they often refuse to work on the estates, because they can earn three or four times as much by cultivating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. the ordinary day's wages on an estate is a quarter of a dollar, and where the apprentices are conveniently situated to market, they can make from seventy-five cents to a dollar a day with their provisions. .) the overseers are often such overbearing and detestable men, that the apprentices doubtless feel it a great relief to be freed from their command on saturday, after submitting to it compulsorily for five days of the week. . another fact from which the laziness of the negroes is inferred, is their _neglecting their provision grounds_. it is said that they have fallen off greatly to their attention to their grounds, since the abolition of slavery. this fact does not comport very well with the complaint, that the apprentices cultivate their provision grounds to the neglect of the estates. but both assertions may be true under opposite circumstances. on those estates which are situated near the market, provisions will be cultivated; on those which are remote from the market, provisions will of course be partially neglected, and it will be more profitable to the apprentices to work on the estates at a quarter of a dollar per day, raising only enough provisions for their own use. but we ascertained another circumstance which throws light on this point. the negroes expect, after emancipation, to _lose their provision grounds_; many expect certainly to be turned off by their masters, and many who have harsh masters, intend to leave, and seek homes on other estates, and _all_ feel a great uncertainty about their situation after ; and consequently they can have but little encouragement to vigorous and extended cultivation of their grounds. besides this, there are very many cases in which the apprentices of one estate cultivate provision grounds on another estate, where the manager is a man in whom they have more confidence than they have in their own "busha." they, of course, in such cases, abandon their former grounds, and consequently are charged with neglecting them through laziness. . another alleged fact is, that _actually less work_ is done now than was done during slavery. the argument founded on this fact is this: there is less work done under the apprenticeship than was done during slavery: therefore _no work at all_ will be done after entire freedom! but the apprenticeship allows _one fourth less time_ for labor than slavery did, and presents no inducement, either compulsory or persuasive, to continued industry. will it be replied that emancipation will take away _all_ the time from labor, and offer no encouragement _but to idleness_? how is it now? do the apprentices work better or worse during their own time when they are paid? better, unquestionably. what does this prove? that freedom will supply both the time and the inducement to the most vigorous industry. the _other reason_ for believing that the negroes will abandon estate-labor after entire emancipation, is their _strong tendency to barbarism!_ and what are the facts in proof of this? we know but one. we heard it said repeatedly that the apprentices were not willing to have their free children educated--that they had pertinaciously declined every offer of the _bushas_ to educate their children, and _this_, it was alleged, evinced a determination on the part of the negroes to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism among their posterity. we heard from no less than four persons of distinction in st. thomas in the east, the following curious fact. it was stated each time for the double purpose of proving that the apprentices did not wish to have their children _learn to work_, and that they were opposed to their _receiving education_. a company of the first-gentlemen of that parish, consisting of the rector of the parish, the custos, the special magistrate, an attorney, and member of the assembly, etc., had mustered in imposing array, and proceeded to one of the large estates in the plantain garden river valley, and there having called the apprentices together, made the following proposals to them respecting their free children, the rector acting as spokesman. the attorney would provide a teacher for the estate, and would give the children four hours' instruction daily, if the parents would _bind them to work_ four hours every day; the attorney further offered to pay for all medical attendance the children should require. the apprentices, after due deliberation among themselves, unanimously declined this proposition. it was repeatedly urged upon them, and the advantages it promised were held up to them; but they persisted in declining it wholly. this was a great marvel to the planters; and they could not account for it in any other way than by supposing that the apprentices were opposed both to labor and education, and were determined that their free children should grow up in ignorance and indolence! now the true reason why the apprentices rejected this proposal was, _because it came from the planters_, in whom they have no confidence. they suspected that some evil scheme was hid under the fair pretence of benevolence; the design of the planters, as they firmly believed, was to get their _free children bound to them_, so that they might continue to keep them in a species of apprenticeship. this was stated to us, as the real ground of the rejection, by several missionaries, who gave the best evidence that it was so; viz. that at the same time that the apprentices declined the offer, they would send their free children _six or eight miles to a school taught by a missionary_. we inquired particularly of some of the apprentices, to whom this offer was made, why they did not accept it. they said that they could not trust their masters; the whole design of it was to get them to give up their children, and if they should give them up _but for a single month_, it would be the same as acknowledging that they (the parents) were not able to take care of them themselves. the busha would then send word to the governor that the people had given up their children, not being able to support them, and the governor would have the children bound to the busha, "and _then_," said they, "_we might whistle for our children_!" in this manner the apprentices, the _parents_, reasoned. they professed the greatest anxiety to have their children educated, but they said they could have no confidence in the honest intentions of their busha. the views given above, touching the results of entire emancipation in , are not unanimously entertained even among the planters, and they are far from prevailing to any great extent among other classes of the community. the missionaries, as a body, a portion of the special magistrates, and most of the intelligent free colored people, anticipate glorious consequences; they hail the approach of , as a deliverance from the oppressions of the apprenticeship, and its train of disaffections, complaints and incessant disputes. they say they have nothing to fear--nor has the island any thing to fear, but every thing to hope, from entire emancipation. we subjoin a specimen of the reasoning of the minority of the planters. they represent the idea that the negroes will abandon the estates, and retire to the woods, as wild and absurd in the extreme. they say the negroes have a great regard for the comforts which they enjoy on the estates; they are strongly attached to their houses and little furniture, and their provision grounds. these are as much to them as the 'great house' and the estate are to their master. besides, they have very _strong local attachments_, and these would bind them to the properties. these planters also argue, from _the great willingness_ of the apprentices now to work for money, during their own time, that they will not be likely to relinquish labor when they are to get wages for the whole time. there was no doubt much truth in the remark of a planter in st. thomas in the east, that if _any_ estates were abandoned by the negroes after , it would be those which had harsh managers, and those which are so mountainous and inaccessible, or barren, that they _ought_ to be abandoned. it was the declaration of a _planter_, that entire emancipation would _regenerate_ the island of jamaica. * * * * * we now submit to the candid examination of the american, especially the christian public, the results of our inquiries in antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica. the deficiency of the narrative in ability and interest, we are sure is neither the fault of the subject nor of the materials. could we have thrown into vivid forms a few only of the numberless incidents of rare beauty which thronged our path--could we have imparted to pages that freshness and glow, which invested the institutions of freedom, just bursting into bloom over the late wastes of slavery--could we, in fine, have carried our readers amid the scenes which we witnessed, and the sounds which we heard, and the things which we handled, we should not doubt the power and permanence of the impression produced. it is due to the cause, and to the society under whose commission we acted, frankly to state, that we were not selected on account of any peculiar qualifications for the work. as both of us were invalids, and compelled to fly from the rigors of an american winter, it was believed that we might combine the improvement of health, with the prosecution of important investigations, while abler men could thus be retained in the field at home; but we found that the unexpected abundance of materials requires the strongest health and powers of endurance. we regret to add, that the continued ill health of both of us, since our return, so serious in the case of one, as to deprive him almost wholly of participation in the preparation of the work, has necessarily, delayed its appearance, and rendered its execution more imperfect. we lay no claim to literary merit. to present as simple narrative of facts, has been our sole aim. we have not given the results of our personal observations merely, or chiefly, nor have we made a record of private impressions or idle speculations. _well authenticated facts_, accompanied with the testimony, verbal and documentary, of public men, planters, and other responsible individuals, make up the body of the volume, as almost every page will show. that no statements, if erroneous, might escape detection and exposure, we have, in nearly every case, given the _names_ of our authorities. by so doing we may have subjected ourselves to the censure of those respected gentlemen, with whose names we have taken such liberty. we are assured, however, that their interest in the cause of freedom will quite reconcile them to what otherwise might be an unpleasant personal publicity. commending our narrative to the blessing of the god of truth, and the redeemer of the oppressed, we send it forth to do its part, however humble, toward the removal of slavery from our beloved but guilty country. appendix. we have in our possession a number of official documents from gentlemen, officers of the government, and variously connected with its administration, in the different islands which we visited: some of these--such as could not be conveniently incorporated into the body of the work--we insert in the form of an appendix. to insert them _all_, would unduly increase the size of the present volume. those not embodied in this appendix, will be published in the periodicals of the american anti-slavery society. * * * * * official communication from e.b. lyon, esq., special magistrate. _jamaica, hillingdon, near falmouth, trelawney, may , _. to j.h. kimball., esq., and j.a. thome, esq. dear sirs,--of the operation of the apprenticeship system in this district, from the slight opportunity i have had of observing the conduct of managers and apprentices, i could only speak conjecturally, and my opinions, wanting the authority of experience, would be of little service to you; i shall therefore confine the remarks i have to make, to the operation of the system in the district from which i have lately removed. i commenced my duties in august, , and from the paucity of special magistrates at that eventful era, i had the superintendence of a most extensive district, comprising nearly one half of the populous parish of st. thomas in the east, and the whole of the parish of st. david, embracing an apprentice population of nearly eighteen thousand,--in charge of which i continued until december, when i was relieved of st. david, and in march, , my surveillance was confined to that portion of st. thomas in the east, consisting of the coffee plantations in the blue mountains, and the sugar estates of blue mountain valley, over which i continued to preside until last march, a district containing a population of four thousand two hundred and twenty-seven apprentices, of which two thousand eighty-seven were males, and two thousand one hundred and forty, females. the apprentices of the blue mountain valley were, at the period of my assumption of the duties of a special magistrate, the most disorderly in the island. they were greatly excited, and almost desperate from disappointment, in finding their trammels under the new law, nearly as burdensome as under the old, and their condition, in many respects, much more intolerable. they were also extremely irritated at what they deemed an attempt upon the part of their masters to rob them of one of the greatest advantages they had been led to believe the new law secured to them--this was the half of friday. special justice everard, who went through the district during the first two weeks of august, , and who was the first special justice to read and explain the new law to them, had told them that the law gave to them the extra four and a half hours on the friday, and some of the proprietors and managers, who were desirous of preparing their people for the coming change, had likewise explained it so; but, most unfortunately, the governor issued a proclamation, justifying the masters in withholding the four and a half hours on that day, and substituting any other half day, or by working them eight hours per day, they might deprive them altogether of the advantage to be derived from the extra time, which, by the abolition of sunday marketing, was almost indispensable to people whose grounds, in some instances, were many miles from their habitations, and who were above thirty miles from kingston market, where prices were fifty per cent. more than the country markets in their favor for the articles they had to dispose of, and correspondingly lower for those they had to purchase. to be in time for which market, it was necessary to walk all friday night, so that without the use of the previous half day, they could not procure their provisions, or prepare themselves for it. the deprivation of the half of friday was therefore a serious hardship to them, and this, coupled to the previous assurance of their masters, and special justice everard, that they were entitled to it, made them to suspect a fraud was about being practised on them, which, if they did not resist, would lead to the destruction of the remaining few privileges they possessed. the resistance was very general, but without violence; whole gangs leaving the fields on the afternoon of friday; refusing to take any other afternoon, and sometimes leaving the estates for two or three days together. they fortunately had confidence in me--and i succeeded in restoring order, and all would have been well,--but the managers, no longer alarmed by the fear of rebellion or violence, began a system of retaliation and revenge, by withdrawing cooks, water-carriers, and nurses, from the field, by refusing medicine and admittance to the hospital to the apprentice children, and by compelling old and infirm people, who had been allowed to withdraw from labor, and mothers of six children, who were exempt by the slave law from hard labor, to come out and work in the field. all this had a natural tendency to create irritation, and did do so; though, to the great credit of the people, in many instances, they submitted with the most extraordinary patience, to evils which were the more onerous, because inflicted under the affected sanction of a law, whose advent, as the herald of liberty, they had expected would have been attended with a train of blessings. i effected a change in this miserable state of things; and mutual contract for labor, in crop and out of it, were made on twenty-five estates in my district, before, i believe, any arrangement had been made in other parts of the island, between the managers and the apprentices; so that from being in a more unsettled state than others, we were soon happily in a more prosperous one, and so continued. no peasantry in the most favored country on the globe, can have been more irreproachable in morals and conduct than the majority of apprentices in that district, since the beginning of . i have, month after month, in my despatches to the governor, had to record instances of excess of labor, compared with the quantity performed during slavery in some kinds of work; and while i have with pleasure reported the improving condition, habits, manners, and the industry which characterized the labors of the peasantry, i have not been an indifferent or uninterested witness of the improvement in the condition of many estates, the result of the judicious application of labor, and of the confidence in the future and sanguine expectations of the proprietors, evinced in the enlargements of the works, and expensive and permanent repair of the buildings on various estates, and in the high prices given for properties and land since the apprenticeship system, which would scarcely have commanded a purchaser, at any price, during the existence of slavery. i have invariably found the apprentice willing to work for an equitable hire, and on all the sugar estates, and several of the plantations, in the district i speak of, they worked a considerable portion of their own time during crop, about the works, for money, or an equivalent in herrings, sugar, etc., to so great a degree, that less than the time allotted to them during slavery, was left for appropriation to the cultivation of their grounds, and for marketing, as the majority, very much to their credit, scrupulously avoided working on the sabbath day. in no community in the world is crime less prevalent. at the quarter sessions, in january last, for the precinct of st. thomas in the east, and st. david, which contains an apprentice population of about thirty thousand, there was only one apprentice tried. and the offences that have, in general, for the last eighteen months, been brought before me on estates, have been of the most trivial description, such as an individual occasionally turning out late, or some one of an irritable temper answering impatiently, or for some trifling act of disobedience; in fact, the majority of apprentices on estates have been untainted with offence, and have steadily and quietly performed their duty, and respected the law. the apprentices of st. thomas in the east, i do not hesitate to say, are much superior in manners and morals to those who inhabit the towns. during the first six or eight months, while the planters were in doubt how far the endurance of their laborers might be taxed, the utmost deference and respect was paid by them to the special magistrates; their suggestions or recommendations were adopted without cavil, and opinions taken without reference to the letter of the law; but when the obedience of the apprentice, and his strict deference to the law and its administrators, had inspired them with a consciousness of perfect security, i observed with much regret, a great alteration in the deportment of many of the managers towards myself and the people; trivial and insignificant complaints were astonishingly increased, and assaults on apprentices became more frequent, so that in the degree that the conduct of one party was more in accordance with the obligations imposed on him by the apprenticeship, was that of the other in opposition to it; again with the hold and infirm harassed; again were mothers of six living children attempted to be forced to perform field labor; and again were mothers with sucking children complained of, and some attempts made to deprive them of the usual nurses. such treatment was not calculated to promote cordiality between master and apprentice, and the effect will, i fear, have a very unfavorable influence upon the working of many estates, at the termination of the system; in fact, when that period arrives, if the feeling of estrangement be no worse, i am convinced it will be no better than it is at the present moment, as i have witnessed no pains taking on the part of the attorneys generally to attach the apprentices to the properties, or to prepare them in a beneficial manner for the coming change. it was a very common practice in the district, when an apprentice was about to purchase his discharge, to attempt to intimidate him by threats of immediate ejectment from the property, and if in the face of this threatened separation from family and connections, he persevered and procured his release, then the sincerity of the previous intimations was evinced by a peremptory order, to instantly quit the property, under the penalty of having the trespass act enforced against him; and if my interference prevented any outrageous violation of law, so many obstructions and annoyances were placed in the way of his communication with his family, or enjoyment of his domestic rights, that he would be compelled for their peace, and his own personal convenience, to submit to privations, which, as a slave, he would not have been subject to. the consequence is, that those released from the obligations of the apprenticeship by purchase, instead of being located, and laboring for hire upon the estate to which they were attached, and forming a nucleus around which others would have gathered and settled themselves, they have been principally driven to find other homes, and in the majority of instances have purchased land, and become settlers on their own account. if complete emancipation had taken place in , there would have been no more excitement, and no more trouble to allay it, than that which was the consequence of the introduction of the present system of coerced and uncompensated labor. the relations of society would have been fixed upon a permanent basis, and the two orders would not have been placed in that situation of jealousy and suspicion which their present anomalous condition has been the baneful means of creating. i am convinced there never was any serious alarm about the consequences of immediate emancipation among those who were acquainted with the peasantry of jamaica. the fears of the morbidly humane were purposely excited to increase the amount of compensation, or to lengthen the duration of the apprenticeship; and the daily ridiculous and untruthful statements that are made by the vitiated portion of the jamaica press, of the indolence of the apprentices, their disinclination to work in their own time, and the great increase of crime, are purposely and insidiously put forward to prevent the fact of the industry, and decorum, and deference to the law, of the people, and the prosperous condition of the estates, appearing in too prominent a light, lest the friends of humanity, and the advocates for the equal rights of men, should be encouraged to agitate for the destruction of a system which, in its general operation, has retained many of the worst features of slavery, perpetuated many gross infringements of the social and domestic rights of the working classes; and which, instead of working out the benevolent intention of the imperial legislature, by aiding and encouraging the expansion of intellect, and supplying motives for the permanent good conduct of the apprentices, in its termination, has, i fear, retarded the rapidity with which civilization would have advanced, and sown the seeds of a feeling more bitter than that which slavery, with all its abominations, had engendered. i am, dear sirs, your very faithful servant, edmund b. lyon, _special justice._ extract from a communication which we received from wm. henry anderson, esq., of kingston, the solicitor-general for jamaica. the staples of the island must be cultivated after as now, because if not, the negroes could not obtain the comforts or luxuries, of which they are undoubtedly very desirous, from cultivation of their grounds. the fruits and roots necessary for the public markets are already supplied in profusion at tolerably moderate prices: if the supply were greatly increased, the prices could not be remunerative. there is no way in which they can so readily as by labor for wages, _obtain money_, and therefore i hold that there must ever be an adequate supply of labor in the market. the negroes are in my opinion very acute in their perceptions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, and appreciate fully the benefits of equitable legislation, and would unreservedly submit to it where they felt confidence in the purity of its administration. there is not the slightest likelihood of rebellion on the part of the negroes after , unless some unrighteous attempts be made to keep up the helotism of the class by enactments of partial laws. _they_ could have no interest in rebellion, they could gain nothing by it; and might lose every thing; nor do i think they dream of such a thing. they are ardently attached to the british government, and would be so to the colonial government, were it to indicate by its enactments any purposes of kindness or protection towards them. hitherto the scope of its legislation has been, in reference to them, almost exclusively coercive; certainly there have been no enactments of a tendency to conciliate their good will or attachment. the negroes are much desirous of education and religious instruction: no one who has attended to the matter can gainsay that. formerly marriage was unknown amongst them; they were in fact only regarded by their masters, and i fear by themselves too, as so many brutes for labor, and for increase. now they seek the benefits of the social institution of marriage and its train of hallowed relationships: concubinage is becoming quite disreputable; many are seeking to repair their conduct by marriage to their former partners, and no one in any rank of life would be hardy enough to express disapprobation of those who have done or may do so. wm. henry anderson. _kingston, jamaica, th april, _. * * * * * the following communication is the monthly report for march, , of major j.b. colthurst, special justice for district a., rural division, barbadoes. the general conduct of the apprentices since my last report has been excellent, considering that greater demands have been made upon their labor at this moment to save perhaps the finest crop of canes ever grown in the island. upon the large estates generally the best feeling exists, because they are in three cases out of four conducted by either the proprietors themselves, or attorneys and managers of sense and consideration. here all things go on well; the people are well provided and comfortable, and therefore the best possible understanding prevails. the apprentices in my district _perform their work most willingly_, whenever the immediate manager is a man of sense and humanity. if this is not the case, the effect is soon seen, and complaints begin to be made. misunderstandings are usually confined to the smaller estates, particularly in the neighborhood of bridgetown, where the lots are very small, and the apprentice population of a less rural description, and more or less also corrupted by daily intercourse with the town. the working hours most generally in use in my district are as follows: on most estates, the apprentices work from six to nine, breakfast; from ten to one, dinner--rest; from three to six, work. it is almost the constant practice of the apprentices, particularly the praedials or rural portion, to work in their own time for money wages, at the rate of a quarter dollar a day. they sometimes work also during those periods in their little gardens round their negro houses, and which they most generally enjoy without charge, or in the land they obtain in lieu of allowance, they seem always well pleased to be fully employed at _free_ labor, and work, when so employed, exceedingly well. i know a small estate, worked exclusively on this system. it is in excellent order, and the proprietor tells me his profits are greater than they would be under the apprenticeship. he is a sensible and correct man, and i therefore rely upon his information. during the hurry always attendant on the saving of the crop, the apprentices are generally hired in their own time upon their respective estates at the above rate, and which they seldom refuse. no hesitation generally occurs in this or any other matter, whenever the employer discharges his duty by them in a steady and considerate manner. the attendance at church throughout my district is most respectable; but the accommodation, either in this respect or as regards schools, is by no means adequate to the wants of the people. the apprentices conduct themselves during divine service in the most correct manner, and it is most gratifying to perceive, that only very little exertion, indeed, would be required to render them excellent members of society. this fact is fully proved by the orderly situation of a few estates in my district, that have had the opportunity of receiving some moral and religious instruction. there are sixty-four estates in my district over twenty-five acres. upon four of those plantations where the apprentices have been thus taught, there are a greater number of _married_ couples (which may be considered a fair test) than upon the remaining sixty. i scarcely ever have a complaint from these four estates, and they are generally reported to be in a most orderly state. in the memory of the oldest inhabitant, the island has never produced a finer crop of canes than that now in the course of manufacture. all other crops are luxuriant, and the plantations in a high state of agricultural cleanliness. the season has been very favorable. under the head of general inquiry, i beg leave to offer a few remarks. i have now great pleasure in having it in my power to state, that a manifest change for the better has taken place _gradually_ in my district within the last few months. asperities seem to be giving way to calm discussion, and the laws are better understood and obeyed. it is said in other colonies as well as here, that there has been, and still continues to be, a great want of natural affection among the negro parents for their children, and that great mortality among the free children has occurred in consequence. this opinion, i understand, has been lately expressed in confident terms by the legislature of st. vincent's, which has been fully and satisfactorily contradicted by the reports of the special justices to the lieutenant-governor. the same assertion has been made by individuals to myself. as regards barbadoes, i have spared no pains to discover whether such statements were facts, and i now am happy to say, that not a _single instance_ of unnatural conduct on the part of the negro parents to their children has come to my knowledge--far, perhaps too far, the contrary is the case; _over indulgence_ and _petting_ them seems in my judgment to be the only matter the parents can be, with any justice, accused of. they exhibit their fondness in a thousand ways. contrasting the actual conduct of the negro parents with the assertions of the planters, it is impossible not to infer that _some bitterness is felt by the latter on the score of their lost authority_. when this is the case, reaction is the natural consequence, and thus misunderstandings and complaints ensue. the like assertions are made with respect to the disinclination of the parents to send their children to school. this certainly does exist to a certain extent, particularly to schools where the under classes of whites are taught, who often treat the negro children in a most imperious and hostile manner. as some proof that no decided objection exists in the negro to educate his children, a vast number of the apprentices of my district send them to school, and take pride in paying a bit a week each for them--a quarter dollar entrance and a quarter dollar for each vacation. those schools are almost always conducted by a black man and his _married_ wife. however, they are well attended, but are very few in number. to show that the apprentices fully estimate the blessings of education, many females _hire their apprentice_ children at a quarter dollar a week from their masters, for the express purpose of sending them to school. this proves the possibility of a _voluntary_ system of education succeeding, provided it was preceded by full and satisfactory explanation to the parties concerned. i have also little doubt that labor to the extent i speak of, may be successfully introduced when the apprentices become assured that nothing but the ultimate welfare of themselves and children is intended; but so suspicious are they from habit, and, as i said before, so profoundly ignorant of what may in truth and sincerity be meant only for their benefit, that it will require great caution and delicacy on the occasion. those suspicions have not been matured in the negroes mind without cause--the whole history of slavery proves it. such suspicions are even _now_ only relinquished under doubts and apprehensions; therefore, all new and material points, to be carried successfully with them, should be proposed to them upon the most liberal and open grounds. j.b. colthurst, _special justice peace, district a, rural division_. * * * * * _general return of the imports and exports of the island of barbadoes, during a series of years--furnished by the custom-house officer at bridgetown_. £. s, d. , , , , , imports of lumber. feet. shingles. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , imports of provisions. | flour. | corn meal. | y'rs.| bbls. | / bbls.| bush.| bbls.| -----+--------+---------+-------+------+ | , | | | | | , | | | | | , | | | | | , | | | | -----+--------+---------+-------+------+ | bread and biscuits. |oats & corn.| y'rs.| hds.| bbls.| / bbls.|kegs.|bags.| bags.| qrs.| -----+-----+------+---------+-----+-----+------+-----+ | | | | " | " | | | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | " | " | | | | | | " | " | | | | -----+-----+------+---------+-----+-----+------+-----+ imports of cattle, etc. cattle. horses. mules. return of exports--sugar. hhds. trcs. bbls. , , , , , * * * * * valuations of apprentices in jamaica. "from the st of august, , to st of may, , apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation, and paid £ , . from st may, , to st november, in the same year, apprentices purchased themselves, and paid £ , --making, in all, £ , --a prodigious sum to be furnished by the negroes in two years. from the above statement it appears that the desire to be free is daily becoming more general and more intense, and that the price of liberty remains the same, although the term of apprenticeship is decreasing. the amount paid by the apprentices is a proof of the extent of the exertions and sacrifices they are willing to make for freedom, which can scarcely be appreciated by those who are unacquainted with the disadvantages of their previous condition. the negroes frequently raise the money by loans to purchase their freedom, and they are scrupulous in repaying money lent them for that purpose." the above is extracted from the "west indies in ," an english work by messrs. sturge and harvey, page , appendix. * * * * * we insert the following tabular view of the crops in jamaica for a series of years preceding .--as the table and "remarks" appended were first published in the st. jago gazette, a decided "pro-slavery" paper, we insert, in connection with them, the remarks of the jamaica watchman, published at kingston, and an article on the present condition of slavery, from the telegraph, published at spanishtown, the seat of the colonial government. a general return of exports _from the island of jamaica, for years, ending st december, --copied from the journals of the house._ ___________________________________________________________________ . | | | | | d | | |mo-| | e | sugar | rum |las| ginger | t | | |ses| | r |____________________|_______________________|___|____________| o | s | | | s | s | | | | | | p | d | | | n | d | | | | | | x | a | s | s | o | a | | s | | | | e | e | e | l | e | e | | l | | | | | h | c | e | h | h | s | e | s | s | | r | s | r | r | c | s | k | r | k | k | s | a | g | e | r | n | g | s | r | s | s | g | e | o | i | a | u | o | a | a | a | a | a | y | h | t | b | p | h | c | b | c | c | b | ___________________________________________________________________ | , | , | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | , | | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | . | | | d | | | e | pimento | coffee | t | | | r |_____________|__________| o | | | | p | | | | x | | | | remarks e | | | s | | s | | d | r | k | s | n | a | s | g | u | e | a | a | o | y | c | b | p | ________________________________________________________________ | | | , | | | | , | | | | , | | | | , | | | | | | | | , , | | | | , , | | | | , , | | | | , , | august--destruction of | | | | santo domingo. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | bourbon cane introduced. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | largest sugar crop. | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | march th, abolition of | | , | , , | african slave trade. | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | storm in october, | | , | , , | largest coffee crop. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | storm in october, | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | extreme drought. | , | , | , , | mr. canning's resolutions | | , | , , | relative to slavery. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | severe drought in , the previous year. | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | emancipation act passed. | | , | , , | seasons favorable. | , | , | , , | do. | | , | , , | do. the following are the remarks of the editor of the jamaica watchman, on the foregoing, in his paper of april , :-- a general return of exports from the island for fifty-three years, ending the st december last, and purporting to be extracted from the journals of the assembly, has been published, and as usual, the decrease in the crops of the respective years has been attributed to the resolutions passed by the british house of commons in , and the abolition of slavery in . it is remarkable that in preparing this table, a manifest disposition is evinced to account for the falling off of the crops in certain years anterior, and subsequent to the passing of mr. canning's memorable resolution, whilst opposite to the years and , is written "seasons favorable." in , the sugar crop fell off , hhds. compared with the previous year, and we are told in reference to this circumstance, that there was a storm in october, . this remark is evidently made to account for the decrease, and perhaps the storm at the close of the previous year was the cause of it. but it is astonishing, and the circumstance is worthy of notice, that whilst the sugar crop fell off nearly , hhds. the coffee crop increased nearly six millions of pounds. we should have supposed that the coffee trees would have suffered more from the effects of a storm, than the canes. however, the effect was as we have stated it, whatever might have been the cause. in , the largest coffee crop was made. again, in , there was a decrease in the sugar crop compared with the year immediately preceding it of nearly , hhds. and here we have the storm of october, , assigned as a reason. the coffee crop in this instance also fell off nearly ten millions of pounds. in , the sugar crop was reduced , hhds., and the coffee crop increased three millions of pounds. the reason now assigned is an "extreme drought." the celebrated resolutions relative to slavery now appear to begin to exercise their baneful influence on the _seasons_ and the _soil_ of our island. in the year in which they were passed, , , hogsheads of sugar were made, and twenty millions of pounds of coffee gathered. came, and the crop, instead of being reduced, was increased from nearly , hogsheads to upwards of , hogsheads. the coffee crop was also greater by seven millions of pounds. in , they fall off to , hogsheads and twenty-one millions. in , the sugar crop rather exceeded that of , but the coffee crop was seven millions less. in , from causes not known to us, for none were assigned, there was a difference of , hhds. of sugar, and an increase of five millions of pounds of coffee. , , and , were pretty nearly alike in sugar and coffee crops, and about equal to . the crops of fell off from to , hogsheads of sugar, and from to millions of pounds of coffee. no reason is assigned for this reduction. it was during the continuance of the driving system, and therefore no blame can attach to the managers. in , the crop rose to , hogsheads of sugar, and nearly twenty millions of pounds of coffee. but comes, and, with it, fresh troubles for the planters. in that ill-fated year, there was a decrease of , hogsheads sugar, and of ten millions of pounds of coffee. its sugar crop was the smallest made, with the exception of that of , since , and its coffee crop since that of . but if this determination be alarming, what must be that of the succeeding years. can we be blamed, if, in a strain truly lachrymal, we allude to the deductions which have annually been made from the miserable return which gave to the unfortunate proprietors of estates? what boots it to tell us that we have fingered thousands of pounds sterling, in the shape of compensation: and what consolation is it to know, that a hogshead of sugar will now bring thirty pounds, which, a short time ago, was only worth twelve. let any _unprejudiced_ individual look at the return now before us, and say whether our prospects are not deplorably dull and obscure. if we take the four years immediately preceding the passing of mr. canning's resolutions, say , , , and ; we will find the average to be , hogsheads, and if from this we even deduct one fourth for the time now lost, there will be an average crop of , hhds., being , hogsheads mere than the average of , , , and ; and no one will deny that this falling off of one tenth, (supposing that the hogsheads made during the last four years are _not larger_ than those of to ) is _nearly_, if not _quite equal_ to the increase of price, from twelve to thirty pounds, or one hundred and fifty per cent. it is true some persons may be disposed to take the four years subsequent to the passing of mr. canning's resolutions, say , , , and , and compare them with the four years ending st december last. should this be done, it will be found that the average crop of the previous four years is , hhds., and if from it is deducted one fourth, there will remain , hhds., whilst the average of the other four years is , hhds. such a mode of comparison must, however, be obviously incorrect; because, in the first place, mr. canning's resolutions had reduced the crops of those years considerably below the average of the years immediately preceding them, and next, because it would show the advantage to be on the side of freedom in the ratio of seventy-two to sixty-nine, which cannot be correct. besides, in , there was a severe drought, whereas in and the seasons are reported as being favorable. again, it is necessary, in instituting such an inquiry, to go back more than fourteen years; nor is it a valid objection to this to say, that even during that period a number of estates have been thrown out of cultivation, in consequence of being worn out and unprofitable. "deplorable," however, as is the "falling off in the yearly amounts of our staple productions, which have decreased," gentle reader, according to the despatch, "in an accelerated ratio within the last few years, till in the year , when they do not average one half the returns of former years preceding that of , the year that mr. canning's resolutions for the ultimate abolition of slavery in the british colonies passed the house of commons," still it is a matter of sincere gratification to know, that the sugar planters are better off now than they have been for the last fourteen or fifteen years. with the compensation money a great many of them have been enabled to pay off their english debts, and the remainder very considerably to reduce them, whilst the reduction in the quantity of sugar produced, has occasioned such a rise in the price of that article as will place the former in easy circumstances, and enable the latter entirely to free themselves from the trammels of english mortgagees, and the tender mercies of english mortgagees before the st august, , arrives. and ought these parties not to be thankful? unquestionably they ought. ingratitude, we are told, is as the sin of witchcraft, and although the table of exports exhibits our fair island as hastening to a state of ruin, and the despatch tells us that "by the united influence of mock philanthropy, religious cant, and humbug," a reformed parliament was _forced_ "to precipitate the _slavery spoliation_ act under the specious pretext of promoting the industry and improving the condition of the manumitted slaves," still we maintain, and the reasonable will agree with us, that we are much better off now than we have been for a long time, and that jamaica's brightest and happiest days have not yet dawned. let the croakers remember the remarkable words of the tory lord, belmore, the planter's friend, and be silent--"the resources of this fine island will never be fully developed until slavery ceases." the happiness and prosperity of the inhabitants of jamaica are not contingent, nor need they be, upon the number of hogsheads of sugar annually exported from her shores. * * * * * to the foregoing we add the remarks of the editor of the "spanishtown telegraph," on the present state of the colony, made in his paper of may , :-- "when it was understood that the island of jamaica and the other british west indian colonies were to undergo the blessed transition from slavery to freedom, it was the hourly cry of the pro-slavery party and press, that the ruin of jamaica would, as a natural consequence, follow liberty! commerce, said they, will cease; hordes of barbarians will come upon us and drive us from our own properties; agriculture will be completely paralyzed; and jamaica, in the space of a few short months, will be seen buried in ashes--irretrievably ruined. such were the awful predictions of an unjust, illiberal faction!! such the first fruits that were to follow the incomparable blessings of liberty! the staple productions of the island, it was vainly surmised, could never be cultivated without the name of slavery; rebellions, massacres, starvation, rapine and bloodshed, danced through the columns of the liberty-hating papers, in mazes of metaphorical confusion. in short, the name of freedom was, according to their assertions, directly calculated to overthrow our beautiful island, and involve it in one mass of ruin, unequalled in the annals of history!! but what has been the result? all their fearful forebodings and horrible predictions have been entirely disproved, and instead of liberty proving a curse, she has, on the contrary, unfolded her banners, and, ere long, is likely to reign triumphant in our land. _banks, steam companies, railroads, charity schools, etc._, seem all to have remained dormant until the time arrived when jamaica was to be _enveloped in smoke_! no man thought of hazarding his capital in an extensive _banking establishment_ until _jamaica's ruin_, by the introduction of _freedom, had been accomplished_!! no person was found possessed of sufficient energy to speak of navigation companies in jamaica's brightest days of slavery; but now that ruin stares every one in the face--now that we have no longer the power to treat out peasantry as we please, they have taken it into their heads to establish so excellent an undertaking. railroads were not dreamt of until _darling_ slavery had (_in a great measure_) departed, and now, when we thought of throwing up our estates, and flying from the _dangers of emancipation_, the best projects are being set on foot, and what is _worst_, are likely to _succeed_! this is the way that our jamaica folks, no doubt, reason with themselves. but the reasons for the delay which have taken place in the establishment of all these valuable undertakings, are too evident to require elucidation. we behold the _despatch_ and _chronicle_, asserting the ruin of our island; the overthrow of all order and society; and with the knowledge of all this, they speak of the profits likely to result from steam navigation, banking establishments, and railroads! what in the name of conscience, can be the use of steam-vessels when jamaica's ruin is so fast approaching? what are the planters and merchants to ship in steamers when the apprentices will not work, and there is nothing doing? how is the bank expected to advance money to the planters, when their total destruction has been accomplished by the abolition of slavery? what, in the name of reason, can be the use of railroads, when commerce and agriculture have been nipped in the bud, by that _baneful weed, freedom_? let the unjust panderers of discord, the haters of liberty, answer. let them consider what has all this time retarded the development of jamaica's resources, and they will find that it was _slavery_; yes, it was its very name which prevented the idea of undertakings such as are being brought about. had it not been for the introduction of freedom in our land; had the cruel monster, slavery, not partially disappeared, when would we have seen banks, steamers, or railroads? no man thought of hazarding his capital in the days of slavery, but now that a new era has burst upon us, a complete change has taken possession of the hearts of all just men, and they think of improving the blessing of freedom by the introduction of other things which must ever prove beneficial to the country. the vast improvements that are every day being effected in this island, and throughout the other colonies, stamp the assertions of the pro-slavery party as the vilest falsehoods. they glory in the introduction of banks, steam-vessels, and railroads; with the knowledge (as they would have us believe) that the island is fast verging into destruction. they speak of the utility and success of railroads, when, according to their showing, there is no produce to be sent to market, when agriculture has been paralyzed, and jamaica swept to destruction." * * * * * the following copious extracts from a speech of lord brougham, on the workings of the apprenticeship, and on the immediate emancipation substituted therefor in antigua and the bermudas, are specially commended to the notice of the reader. the speech was delivered in the house of lords, feb. , . we take it from the published report of the speech in the london times, of feb. :-- i now must approach that subject which has some time excited almost universal anxiety. allow me, however, first to remind your lordships--because that goes to the root of the evil--allow me first to remind you of the anxiety that existed previous to the emancipation act which was passed in january, , coming into operation in august, . my lords, there was much to apprehend from the character of the masters of the slaves. i know the nature of man. * * * * i know that he who has abused power clings to it with a yet more convulsive grasp. i know his revenge against those who have been rescued from his tyrannous fangs; i know that he never forgives those whom he has injured, whether white or black. i have never yet met with an unforgiving enemy, except in the person of one of whose injustice i had a right to complain. on the part of the slaves, my lords, i was not without anxiety; for i know the corrupt nature of the degrading system under which they groaned. * * * * it was, therefore, i confess, my lords, with some anxiety that i looked forward to the st of august, ; and i yielded, though reluctantly, to the plan of an intermediate state before what was called the full enjoyment of freedom--the transition condition of indentured apprenticeship. the first of august arrived--that day so confidently and joyously anticipated by the poor slaves, and so sorely dreaded by their hard taskmasters--and if ever there was a picture interesting to look upon--if ever there was a passage in the history of a people redounding to their eternal honor--if ever there was a complete refutation of all the scandalous calumnies which had been heaped upon them for ages, as if in justification of the wrongs which we had done them--(hear, hear)--that picture and that passage are to be found in the uniform and unvarying history of that people throughout the whole of the west india islands. instead of the fires of rebellion, lit by a feeling of lawless revenge and resistance to oppression, the whole of those islands were, like an arabian scene, illuminated by the light of contentment, joy, peace, and good-will towards all men. no civilized people, after gaining an unexpected victory, could have shown more delicacy and forbearance than was exhibited by the slaves at the great moral consummation which they had attained. there was not a look or a gesture which could gall the eyes of their masters. not a sound escaped from negro lips which could wound the ears of the most feverish planter in the islands. all was joy, mutual congratulation, and hope. this peaceful joy, this delicacy towards the feelings of others, was all that was to be seen, heard, or felt, on that occasion, throughout the west india islands. it was held that the day of emancipation would be one of riot and debauchery, and that even the lives of the planters would be endangered. so far from this proving the case, the whole of the negro population kept it as a most sacred festival, and in this light i am convinced it will ever be viewed. in one island, where the bounty of nature seems to provoke the appetite to indulgence, and to scatter with a profuse hand all the means of excitement, i state the fact when i say not one drunken negro was found during the whole of the day. no less than , slaves were liberated in that one day, and their peaceful festivity was disturbed only on one estate, in one parish, by an irregularity which three or four persons sufficed to put down. well, my lords, baffled in their expectations that the first of august would prove a day of disturbance--baffled also in the expectation that no voluntary labor would be done--we were then told by the "practical men," to look forward to a later period. we have done so, and what have we seen? why, that from the time voluntary labor began, there was no want of men to work for hire, and that there was no difficulty in getting those who as apprentices had to give the planters certain hours of work, to extend, upon emergency, their period of labor, by hiring out their services for wages to strangers. i have the authority of my noble friend behind me, (the marquis of sligo,) who very particularly, inquired into the matter, when i state that on nine estates out of ten there was no difficulty in obtaining as much work as the owners had occasion for, on the payment of wages. how does all this contrast with the predictions of the "practical men?" "oh," said they, in , "it is idle talking; the cart-whip must be used--without that stimulant no negro will work--the nature of the negro is idle and indolent, and without the thought of the cartwhip is before his eyes he falls asleep--put the cartwhip aside and no labor will be done." has this proved the case? no, my lords, it has not; and while every abundance of voluntary labor has been found, in no one instance has the stimulus of the cartwhip been found wanting. the apprentices work well without the whip, and wages have been found quite as good a stimulus as the scourge even to negro industry. "oh, but" it is said, "this may do in cotton planting and cotton picking, and indigo making; but the cane will cease to grow, the operation of hoeing will be known no more, boiling will cease to be practised, and sugar-making will terminate entirely." many, i know, were appalled by these reasonings, and the hopes of many were dissipated by these confident predictions of these so-deemed experienced men. but how stands the case now? my lords, let these experienced men, come forth with their experience. i will plant mine against it, and you will find he will talk no more of his experience when i tell him--tell him, too, without fear of contradiction--that during the year which followed the first of august, , twice as much sugar per hour, and of a better quality as compared with the preceding years, was stored throughout the sugar districts; and that one man, a large planter, has expressly avowed, that with twenty freemen he could do more work than with a hundred slaves or fifty indentured apprentices. (hear, hear.) but antigua!--what has happened there? there has not been even the system of indentured apprentices. in antigua and the bermudas, as would have been the case at montserrat if the upper house had not thrown out the bill which was prepared by the planters themselves, there had been no preparatory step. in antigua and the bermudas, since the first of august, , not a slave or indentured apprentice was to be found. well, had idleness reigned there--had indolence supplanted work--had there been any deficiency of crop? no. on the contrary, there had been an increase, and not a diminution of crop. (hear.) but, then, it was said that quiet could not be expected after slavery in its most complete and abject form had so long reigned paramount, and that any sudden emancipation must endanger the peace of the islands. the experience of the first of august at once scattered to the winds that most fallacious prophecy. then it was said, only wait till christmas, for that is a period when, by all who have any practical knowledge of the negro character, a rebellion on their part is most to be apprehended. we did wait for this dreaded christmas; and what was the result? i will go for it to antigua, for it is the strongest case, there being there no indentured apprentices--no preparatory state--no transition--the chains being at once knocked off, and the negroes made at once free. for the first time within the last thirty years, at the christmas of the year , martial law was not proclaimed in the island of antigua. you talk of facts--here is one. you talk of experience--here it is. and with these facts and this experience before us, i call on those _soi-disant_ men of experience--those men who scoffed at us--who laughed to scorn at what they called our visionary, theoretical schemes--schemes that never could be carried into effect without rebellion and the loss of the colonies--i say, my lords, i call on these experienced men to come forward, and, if they can, deny one single iota of the statement i am now making. let those who thought that with the use of those phrases, "a planter of jamaica" "the west india interest," "residence in jamaica and its experience," they could make our balance kick the beam--let them, i say, hear what i tell, for it is but the fact--that when the chains were knocked off there was not a single breach of the peace committed either on the day itself, or on the christmas festival which followed. well, my lords, beaten from these two positions, where did the experienced men retreat to under what flimsy pretext did they next undertake to disparage the poor negro race? had i not seen it in print, and been otherwise informed of the fact, i could not have believed it possible that from any reasonable man any such absurdity could issue. they actually held out this last fear, which, like the others, was fated to be dissipated by the fact. "wait only," said they, "till the anniversary of the first of august, and then you will see what the negro character is, and how little these indentured apprentices are fit to be entrusted with freedom." was there ever such an absurdity uttered, as if my lords, the man who could meet with firm tranquillity and peaceful thankfulness the event itself, was likely to be raised to rebellion and rioting by the recollection of it a year afterwards. my lords, in considering this matter, i ask you, then, to be guided by your own experience, and nothing else; profit by it, my lords, and turn it to your own account; for it, according to that book which all of us must revere, teaches even the most foolish of a foolish race. i do not ask you to adopt as your own the experience of others; you have as much as you can desire of your own, and by no other test do i wish or desire to be judged. but i think my task may be said to be done. i think i have proved my case, for i have shown that the negro can work without the stimulant of the whip; i have shown that he can labor for hire without any other motive than that of industry to inspire him. i have demonstrated that all over the west indies, even when fatigued with working the allotted hours for the profit of his master, he can work again for wages for him who chooses to hire him and has wherewithal to pay him; i have also most distinctly shown that the experience of antigua and the bermudas is demonstrative to show that without any state of preparation, without any indenture of apprenticeship at all, he is fit to be intrusted with his freedom, and will work voluntarily as a free laborer for hire. but i have also demonstrated from the same experience, and by reference to the same state of facts, that a more quiet, inoffensive, peaceable, innocent people, is not to be found on the face of this earth than the negro--not in their own unhappy country, but after they have been removed from it and enslaved in your christian land, made the victim of the barbarizing demon of civilized powers, and has all this character, if it were possible to corrupt it, and his feelings, if it were possible to pervert them, attempted to be corrupted and perverted by christian and civilized men, and that in this state, with all incentives to misdemeanor poured around him, and all the temptation to misconduct which the arts and artifices and examples of civilized man can give hovering over him--that after this transition is made from slavery to apprenticeship, and from slavery to absolute freedom, a negro's spirit has been found to rival the unbroken tranquillity of the caribbean seas. (cheers.) this was not the state of things we expected, my lords; and in proof that it was not so, i have but to refer you to the statute book itself. on what ground did you enact the intermediate state of indenture apprenticeship, and on what arguments did you justify it? you felt and acknowledged that the negro had a right to be free, and that you had no right to detain him in bondage. every one admitted this, but in the prevailing ignorance of their character it was apprehended that they could not be made free at once, and that time was requisite to train the negro to receive the boon it was intended bestowing upon him. this was the delusion which prevailed, and which was stated in the preamble of the statute--the same delusion which had made the men on one side state and the other to believe that it was necessary to pay the slave-owners for the loss it was supposed they would sustain. but it was found to be a baseless fear, and the only result of the phantom so conjured up was a payment of twenty millions to the conjurors. (hear, and a laugh.) now, i maintain that had we known what we now know of the character of the negroes, neither would this compensation have been given to the slave-owners, nor we have been guilty of proposing to keep the negro in slavery five years, after we were decided that he had a right to his freedom. the noble and learned lord here proceeded to contend that up to the present time the slave-owners, so far from being sufferers, had been gainers by the abolition of slavery and the enactment of the system of apprenticeship, and that consequently up to the present moment nothing had occurred to entitle them to a claim upon the compensation allotted by parliament. the slave-owners might be said to have pocketed the seven millions without having the least claim to them, and therefore, in considering the proposition he was about to make, parliament should bear in mind that the slave proprietors were, if anything, the debtors to the nation. the money had, in fact, been paid to them by mistake, and, were the transaction one between man and man, an action for its recovery might lie. but the slave-owners alleged that if the apprenticeship were now done away there would be a loss, and that to meet that loss they had a right to the money. for argument's sake he would suppose this to be true, and that there would be loss; but would it not be fair that the money should be lodged in the hands of a third party, with authority to pay back at the expiration of the two years whatever rateable sum the master could prove himself to have lost? his firm belief was, that no loss could arise; but, desirous to meet the planter at every point, he should have no objection to make terms with him. let him, then, pay the money into court, as it were, and at the end of two years he should be fully indemnified for any loss he might prove. he called upon their lordships to look to antigua and the bermudas for proof that the free negro worked well, and that no loss was occasioned to the planters or their property by the granting of emancipation. but it was said that there was a difference between the cases of antigua and other colonies, such as jamaica, and it was urged that while the negroes of the former, from the smallness and barrenness of the place, would be forced into work, that in the latter they would run away, and take refuge in the woods. now, he asked, why should the negro run away from his work, on being made free, more than during the continuance of his apprenticeship? why, again, should it be supposed that on the st of august, , the emancipated negroes should have less inclination to betake themselves to the woods than in ? if there was a risk of the slaves running to the woods in , that risk would be increased and not diminished during the intermediate period up to , by the treatment they were receiving from their masters, and the deferring of their hopes. my lords, (continued the noble lord,) i have now to say a few words upon the treatment which the slaves have received during the past three years of their apprenticeship, and which, it is alleged, during the next two years is to make them fitted for absolute emancipation. my lords, i am prepared to show that in most respects the treatment the slaves have received since is no better, and in many others more unjust and worse, than it ever was in the time of absolute slavery. it is true that the use of the cartwhip as a stimulus to labor has been abolished. this, i admit, is a great and most satisfactory improvement; but, in every other particular, the state of the slave, i am prepared to show, is not improved, and, in many respects, it is materially worse. first, with regard to the article of food, i will compare the jamaica prison allowance with that allotted to the apprenticed negroes in other colonies. in the jamaica prison the allowance of rice is pints a week to each person. i have no return of the allowance to the indentured apprentice in jamaica, but i believe it is little over this; but in barbadoes and the leeward islands, it is much under. in barbadoes, instead of receiving the jamaica prison allowance of pints a week, the apprenticed negro received but pints: while in the leeward islands he had but pints. in the crown colonies, before , the slave received pints of rice, now the apprentice gets but ; so that in the material article, food, no improvement in the condition of the negro was observable. then, with regard to time, it is obviously of the utmost importance that the apprentice should have at least two holidays and a half a week--the sabbath for religious worship and instruction, the saturday to attend the markets, and half of friday to work in his own garden. the act of emancipation specified hours a week as the period the apprentice was to work for his master, but the master so contrived matters as in most instances to make the hours the law allotted him run into the apprentice's half of friday, and even in some cases into the saturday. the planter invariably counted the time from the moment that the slave commenced his work; and as it often occurs that his residence was on the border of the estate, he may have to walk five or six miles to get to the place he has to work. this was a point which he was sure their lordships would agree with him in thinking required alteration. the next topic to which i shall advert relates to the administration of justice; and this large and important subject i cannot pass over without a word to remind your lordships how little safe it is, how little deserving the name of just, or any thing like just, that where you have two classes you should separate them into conflicting parties, until they became so exasperated in their resentment as scarcely to regard each other as brethren of the same species; and that you should place all the administration of justice in the hands of one dominant class, whose principles, whose passions whose interests, are all likely to be preferred by the judges when they presume to sit where you have placed them on the judgment seat. the chief and puisne judges are raised to their situations from amongst the class which includes the white men and planters. but, worse than that, the jurors are taken from the same privileged body: jurors, who are to assess civil damages in actions for injuries done to the negroes--jurors, who are to try bills of indictment against the whites for the maltreatment of the blacks--jurors who are to convict or acquit on those bills--jurors who are to try the slaves themselves--nay, magistrates, jailors, turnkeys, the whole apparatus of justice, both administrative and executive, exclusively in the hands of one race! what is the consequence? why, it is proverbial that no bills are found for the blacks. (hear, hear.) six bills of indictment were preferred, some for murder and some for bad manslaughter, and at one assizes every one of these six indictments was thrown out. assizes after assizes the same thing happened, until at length wagers were held that no such bill would be found, and no one was found to accept them. well was it for them that they declined, for every one of the bills preferred was ignored. now, observe that in proceedings, as your lordships know; before grand jurors, not a tittle of evidence is heard for the prisoners; every witness is in favor of the indictment, or finding of the bill; but in all these instances the bills were flung out on the examination of evidence solely against the prisoner. even in the worst cases of murder, as certainly and plainly committed as the sun shines at noon day, monstrous to all, the bills were thrown out when half the witnesses for the prosecution remained to be examined. (hear, hear.) some individuals swore against the prisoners, and though others tendered their evidence, the jury refused to hear them. (hear, hear.) besides, the punishments inflicted are monstrous; thirty-nine lashes are inflicted for the vague, indefinite--because incapable to be defined--offence of insolence. thirty-nine lashes for the grave and the more definite, i admit, offence of an attempt to carry a small knife. three months imprisonment, or fifty lashes for the equally grave offence of cutting off the shoot of a cane plant! there seems to have prevailed at all times amongst the governors of our colonies a feeling, of which, i grieve to say, the governors at home have ever and anon largely partaken, that there is something in the nature of a slave--something in the habits of the african negro--something in the disposition of the unfortunate hapless victims of our own crimes and cruelties, which makes what is mercy and justice to other men cruelty to society and injustice to the law in the case of the negro, and which condemns offences slightly visited, if visited at all, with punishment, when committed by other men, to the sentence that for his obdurate nature none can be too severe. (hear, hear.) as if we had any one to blame but ourselves--as if we had any right to visit on him that character if it were obdurate, those habits if they were insubordinate, that dishonest disposition if it did corrupt his character, all of which i deny, and which experience proves to be contrary to the fact and truth; but even if these statements were all truth instead of being foully slanderous and absolutely false, we, of all men, have ourselves to blame, ourselves to tax, and ourselves to punish, at least for the self abasement, for we have been the very causes of corrupting the negro character. (cheers.) if some capricious despot, in his career of ordinary tyranny, were to tax his imagination to produce something more monstrous and unnatural than himself, and were to place a dove amongst vultures, or engraft a thorn on the olive tree, much as we should marvel at the caprice, we should be still more astounded at the expectation, which exceeds even a tyrant's proverbial unreasonableness, that he should gather grapes from the thorn, or that the dove should be habituated to a thirst for blood. yet that is the caprice, that is the unreasonable, the foul, the gross, the monstrous, the outrageous, incredible injustice of which we are hourly guilty towards the whole unhappy race of negroes. (cheers.) my lords, we fill up the incasare of injustice by severely executing laws badly conceived in a still more atrocious and cruel spirit. the whole punishments smell of blood. (hear, hear.) if the treadmill stop in consequence of the languid limbs and exhausted frames of the victims, within a minute the lash resounds through the building--if the stones which they are set to break be not broken by limbs scarred, and marred, and whaled, they are summoned by the crack of the whip to their toilsome task! i myself have heard within the last three hours, from a person, who was an eye-witness of the appalling and disgusting fact, that a leper was introduced amongst the negroes; and in passing let me remark, that in private houses or hospitals no more care has been taken to separate those who are stricken with infectious diseases from the sound portion, any more than to furnish food to those in prison who are compelled, from the unheard-of, the paltry, the miserable disposition to treat with cruelty the victims of a prison, to go out and gather their own food,--a thing which i believe even the tyrant of siberia does not commit. yet in that prison, where blood flows profusely, and the limbs of those human beings are subjected to perpetual torture, the frightful, the nauseous, the disgusting--except that all other feelings are lost in pity towards the victim and indignation against the oppressor--sight was presented of a leper, scarred from the eruptions of disease on his legs and previous mistreatment, whaled again and again, and his blood again made to flow from the jailer's lash. i have told your lordships how bills have been thrown out for murdering the negroes. but a man had a bill presented for this offence: a petition was preferred, and by a white man. yes, a white man who had dared, under feelings of excited indignation, to complain to the regularly constituted authorities, instead of receiving for his gallant conduct the thanks of the community, had a bill found which was presented against him as a nuisance. i have, within the last two hours, amid the new mass of papers laid before your lordships within the last forty-eight hours, culled a sample which, i believe, represents the whole odious mass. eleven females have been flogged, starved, lashed, attached to the treadmill, and compelled to work until nature could no longer endure their sufferings. at the moment when the wretched victims were about to fall off--when they could no longer bring down the mechanism and continue the movement, they were suspended by their arms, and at each revolution of the wheel received new wounds on their members, until, in the language of that law so grossly outraged in their persons, they "languished and died." ask you if a cringe of this murderous nature went unvisited, and if no inquiry was made respecting its circumstances? the forms of justice were observed; the handmaid was present, but the sacred mistress was far away. a coroner's inquest was called; for the laws decreed that no such injuries should take place without having an inquiry instituted. eleven inquisitions were held, eleven inquiries were made, eleven verdicts were returned. for murder? manslaughter? misconduct? no; but that "they died by the visitation of god." a lie--a perjury--a blasphemy! the visitation of god! yes, for of the visitations of the divine being by which the inscrutable purposes of his will are mysteriously worked out, one of the most mysterious is the power which, from time to time, is allowed by him to be exercised by the wicked for the torment of the innocent. (cheers.) but of those visitations prescribed by divine providence there is one yet more inscrutable, for which it is still more difficult to affix a reason, and that is, when heaven rolls down on this earth the judgment, not of scorpions, or the plague of pestilence, or famine, or war--but incomparably the worse plague, the worser judgment, of the injustice of judges who become betrayers of the law--perjured, wicked men who abuse the law which they are sworn to administer, in order to gratify their own foul passions, to take the part of the wrong-doer against his victim, and to forswear themselves on god's gospel, in order that justice may not be done. * * * * my lords, i entirely concur in what was formerly said by mr. burke, and afterwards repeated by mr. canning, that while the making of laws was confined to the owners of slaves, nothing they did was ever found real or effectual. and when, perchance, any thing was accomplished, it had not, as mr. burke said, "an executive principle." but, when they find you determined to do your duty, it is proved, by the example which they have given in passing the apprenticeship amendment act, that they will even outstrip you to prevent your interference with them. * * * * place the negroes on the same footing with other men, and give them the uncontrolled power over their time and labor, and it will become the interest of the planter, as well as the rest of the community, to treat the negro well, for their comfort and happiness depend on his industry and good behavior. it is a consequence perfectly clear, notwithstanding former distinctions, notwithstanding the difference of color and the variety of race in that population, the negro and the west indian will in a very few generations--when the clank of his chain is no longer heard, when the oppression of the master can vex no more, when equal rights are enjoyed by all, and all have a common interest in the general prosperity--be impressed with a sense of their having an equal share in the promotion of the public welfare; nay, that social improvement, the progress of knowledge, civility, and even refinement itself, will proceed as rapidly and diffuse itself as universally in the islands of the western ocean as in any part of her majesty's dominions. * * * * i see no danger in the immediate emancipation of the negro; i see no possible injury in terminating the apprenticeship, (which we now have found should never have been adopted,) and in causing it to cease for slaves previous to august, , at that date, as those subsequent to that date must in that case be exempt. * * * * i regard the freedom of the negro as accomplished and sure. why? because it is his right--because he has shown himself fit for it--because a pretext or a shadow of a pretext can no longer be devised for withholding that right from its possessor. i know that all men now take a part in the question, and that they will no longer bear to be imposed upon now they are well informed. my reliance is firm and unflinching upon the great change which i have witnessed--the education of the people unfettered by party or by sect--from the beginning of its progress, i may say from the hour of its birth. yes; it was not for a humble man like me to assist at royal births with the illustrious prince who condescended to grace the pageant of this opening session, or the great captain and statesman in whose presence i now am proud to speak. but with that illustrious prince, and with the father of the queen i assisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. with them and with the lord of the house of russel i watched over its cradle--i marked its growth--i rejoiced in its strength--i witnessed its maturity--i have been spared to see it ascend the very height of supreme power--directing the councils of the state--accelerating every great improvement--uniting itself with every good work--propping honorable and useful institutions--extirpating abuses in all our institutions--passing the bounds of our dominion, and in the new world, as in the old, proclaiming that freedom is the birthright of man--that distinction of color gives no title to oppression--that the chains now loosened must be struck off, and even the marks they have left effaced by the same eternal law of our nature which makes nations the masters of their own destiny, and which in europe has caused every tyrant's throne to quake. but they need to feel no alarm at the progress of right who defend a limited monarchy and support their popular institutions--who place their chiefest pride not in ruling over slaves, be they white or be they black--not in protecting the oppressor, but in wearing a constitutional crown, in holding the sword of justice with the hand of mercy, in being the first citizen of a country whose air is too pure for slavery to breathe, and on whose shores, if the captive's foot but touch, his fetters of themselves fall off. (cheers.) to the resistless progress of this great principle i look with a confidence which nothing can shake; it makes all improvement certain--it makes all change safe which it produces; for none can be brought about, unless all has been accomplished in a cautious and salutary spirit. so now the fulness of time is come; for our duty being at length discharged to the african captive, i have demonstrated to you that every thing is ordered--every previous step taken--all safe, by experience shown to be safe, for the long-desired consummation. the time has come--the trial has been made--the hour is striking: you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faltering, or delay. the slave has shown, by four years' blameless behavior and devotion, unsurpassed by any english peasant, to the pursuit of peaceful industry, that he is as fit for his freedom as any lord whom i now address. i demand his rights--i demand his liberty without stint, in the names of justice and of law--in the name of reason--in the name of god, who has given you no right to work injustice. i demand that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave. (hear, hear.) i make my appeal to the commons, who represent the free people of england; and i require at their hands the performance of that condition for which they paid so enormous a price--that condition which all their constituents are in breathless anxiety to see fulfilled! i appeal to his house--the hereditary judges of the first tribunal in the world--to you i appeal for justice. patrons of all the arts that humanize mankind, under your protection i place humanity herself! to the merciful sovereign of a free people i call aloud for mercy to the hundreds of thousands in whose behalf half a million of her christian sisters have cried aloud, that their cry may not have risen in vain. but first i turn my eye to the throne of all justice, and devoutly humbling myself before him who is of purer eyes than to behold any longer such vast iniquities--i implore that the curse over our heads of unjust oppression be averted from us--that your hearts may be turned to mercy--and that over all the earth his will may at length be done! * * * * * index. absconding from labor, accident in a boiling house, aged negro, allowance to apprentices, "amalgamation," american consul, (_see consul_.) american prejudice, amity hall estate, anderson, wm. ii. esq., anguilla, annual meeting of missionaries, antigua, dimensions of, " sugar crop of, applewhitte, mr. appraisement of apprentices, apprentice, provisions respecting the, apprenticeship compared with slavery, apprenticeship system, " design of, " good effect of, " no preparation for freedom, apprenticeship, operation of, apprenticeship, opinion of, in antigua;--in barbadoes;--in jamaica, apprentices liberated, apprentices' work compared with slaves archdeacon of antigua, " of barbadoes, aristocracy of antigua, armstrong, mr. h., ashby, colonel, athill, mr., attachment to home, attorney general of jamaica, attendance on church august, first of baijer, hon. samuel o., baines, major, banks, rev. mr., baptist chapel baptists in jamaica, barbadoes, barbuda, barber in bridgetown, barclay, alexander, esq., barnard, samuel, esq., barrow, colonel, bath, bazaar, bell, dr., belle estate, bell not tolled for colored person, "_belly, 'blige_ 'em to work," belmore, lord, belvidere estate, benevolent institutions of antigua, bible society, bishop of barbadoes, blessings of abolition, (see _morals_, &c.) blind man, boiling house, bookkeepers, slaver of, "bornin' ground," bourne, mr. london, bourne, mr. s., (of antigua,) bourne, stephen, esq., (of jamaica,) breakfast at mr. bourne's, " at mr. prescod's, " at mr. thorne's, briant, mr., bridgetown, brown, colonel, brown, thomas c., c., mr., of barbadoes, "cage," cane cultivated by apprentices on their own ground, cane-cutting, cane-holing, cecil, mr., cedar hall, chamberlain, r., esq., change of opinion in regard to slavery, chapel erected by apprentices, character of colored people, cheesborough, rev. mr., children, care of, (see _free_.) christmas, church, established, civility of negroes, clarke, dr., clarke, hon. r.b., clarke, mr., classification of apprentices, codrington estate, coddrington, sir christopher. coffee estates. college, coddrington. colliton estate. colored architect. " editors. " lady. " legislators. " magistrates. " merchants. " policemen. " population. " proprietor. " teachers. colthurst, major. complaints to special magistrates. concubinage. condition of the negroes, changed. conduct of the emancipated on the first of august. confidence increased. conjugal attachment. consul, american at antigua. " " at jamaica. constabulary force, colored. contributions for religious purposes. conversation with a negro boatman. conversation with negroes on harvey's estate. conversation with apprentices. corbett, mr. trial of. corner stone laid. courts in barbadoes. courts in jamaica. cox, rev. james. cranstoun, mr. crimes, diminution of. crimes in jamaica. crookes, rev. mr. crops in barbadoes. crops in jamaica. cruelty of slavery. " to apprentices. cultivation in barbadoes, (see _crops_.) cultivation in jamaica. cummins, mr. cummins, rev. mr. cuppage, captain. custom house returns, barbadoes. daily meal society. dangers of slavery. daniell, dr. death-bed of a planter. deception. defect of law. demerara, apprenticeship in. desire for instruction. dinner at mr. harris's. " at the governor's. disabilities of colored people. discussion, effect of. distinction between _serving_ and being _property_. distressed females' friend society. disturbances, reason of. docility of the negroes. domestic apprentices. donovan's estate. drax hall. dress in antigua. "driver and overseer." drought in antigua. dublin castle estate. duncan, mr. dungeons in antigua. " in barbadoes. economy of the negroes. edgecomb estate. edmonson, rev. jonathan. education of apprentices. " in antigua. " in barbadoes. (see _schools_.) education, queries on, replied to. " results, in regard to. edwards, colonel. eldridge, r. b. esq.. elliot, rev. edward. emancipation, immediate. (see _preparation, &c._) emancipation, motives of, in antigua. emigrants from europe. employments of the colored. english delegation. enrolment of colored militia. escape of slaves from french islands. expectations in regard to and . expense of free compared with slave labor. expense of apprenticeship compared with slavery. explanation of terms. exports of jamaica for years. fair of st. john's. favey, mr. feeding in barbadoes. feeling, intense, of the negroes. females in the field. fences wanting in antigua. ferguson, dr. fines upon the planters. fire in the canes. fitch's creek estate. flogging. " machine. forten, james. four and a half per cent tax. fraser, rev. edward. " mrs., ---- free children. freedom in antigua. free labor less expensive. freeman, count. frey's estate. friendly societies. fright of american vessels. galloway, mr. gangs, division of. gardiner, rev. mr. gilbert, rev. n. girl sold by her mother. gitters, rev. mr. golden grove estate. gordon, mr. governor of antigua. " of barbadoes. grace bay. grenada. "grandfather jacob." gratitude of the negroes. "grecian regale." green castle estate. green wall estate. guadaloupe. guarda costas. "gubner poisoned." h., mr., an american. hamilton, capt. hamilton, cheny, esq. hamilton, rev. mr. harrison, colonel. harris, thomas, esq. harvey, rev. b. hatley, mr. heroism of colored women. higginbothom, ralph, esq. hill, richard, esq. hinkston, samuel, esq. holberton, rev. robert. holidays in antigua. horne, rev. mr. "horse." horton estate. horsford, hon. paul. hostility to emancipation. (see also, _change, &c._) house of correction. howell, mr., (of jamaica). howell, james esq. hurricane. imports and exports of barbadoes. improvement since emancipation. (see _morals_.) indolence of apprentices. " of whites. industry of emancipated slaves. industry of apprentices. infanticide. insolence. insubordination. (see _subordination_.) insurrection in barbadoes in . insurrection not feared in antigua; nor in barbadoes; nor in jamaica. intelligence of blacks, as compared with whites. intemperance in antigua. (see _temperance_.) intermixture. (see also _amalgamation_.) internal improvement. jamaica. jarvis, colonel. jobs. jocken, mr. jones, mr. jones, rev. mr. jones, t. watkins, s. m. jordon, edward, esq. jury on the body of a negro woman. "juvenile association." kingdon, rev. mr. kingston. kirkland, mr. law, respect for. lear's estate. legislature of antigua. letter to a special magistrate. license to marry. licentiousness. lighthouse. lock-up house at st. john's. lyon, e.b., esq. lyon's estate. machinery, labor-saving. managers, testimony of. manchioneal. market in st. john's. market people. maroons. marriage. marshall, mr. martinique. master's power over the apprentice. mccornock, thomas, esq. mcgregor, sir evan, j. m. megass. merchants, testimony of. messages of sir lionel smith. mico charity infant school. miller's estate. missionaries, wesleyan. missionary associations. " society, wesleyan. mob, pro-slavery, in barbadoes. möhne, mr. and mrs. montserrat. morals, improvement of. morant bay. moravian chapel. " missionary. moravians. morrish, rev. mr. mule-traveling. murder of a planter. musgrave, dr. negro grounds. negro quarters. nevis. newby, mr. newfield, visit to. noble trait in the apprentices. nugent, hon. nicholas. obstacles to free labor in antigua. old school tyrant. opinions in antigua in regard to emancipation. opinions of the united states. opposition to slavery in jamaica. o'reily, hon. dowel. osburne, mr. overseers. packer, rev. mr. parry, archdeacon. partiality of the special magistrates. peaceableness of negro villages. peaceableness of the change from slavery to freedom. peaceableness of the negro character. persecution of a special justice. peter's rock. phillips, rev. mr. physician, testimony of. pigeot, mr. plantain garden river valley. planter, a severe one. planters, cruelty of. " in barbadoes. plough. police court. " of antigua. " officers, testimony of. " reports. policy of colored people in regard to prejudice. port royal. prejudice against color. "prejudice bell." preparation for freedom. prescod, mr. promiscuous seating in church (see _"amalgamation," &c._) proprietor, testimony of. pro-slavery pretences. providence of the emancipated, the. provost marshal, testimony of. punishment, cruel. punishment in antigua. ramsay, mr. real estate. rebellion, so called. rector of st. john's. "red shanks." reid, mr. e. religion in antigua; in barbadoes; in jamaica. religious condition of slaves in antigua. religious instruction desired. report of a special magistrate. resolution in regard to messrs. thome and kimball. resolutions of wesleyan missionaries. respect for the aged. results in antigua. revengefulness. ridge estate. right of suffrage. rogers, mr. ross, a., esq. rowe, rev. mr. rum, use of in antigua. sabbath in antigua; in barbadoes; in jamaica. sabbath school in bridgetown. safety of immediate emancipation. (see _insurrections_.) school, adult; at lear's; parochial; wolmer free. schools in antigua; in bridgetown; infant; in kingston; in spanishtown. scotland in barbadoes. scotland, james, esq. scotland, j., jr. esq. security restored. self-emancipation. self-respect. shands, mr. s. shiel, mr. shrewsbury, rev. mr. sickness, pretended. silver hill. sligo, lord. smith, sir lionel. social intercourse. societies, benevolent. society among colored people. " for promotion of christian knowledge. soldiers, black. solicitor general of barbadoes. " of jamaica. song sung in the schools. spanishtown. "speaking," a moravian custom. special magistrates. (see also _partiality_.) special magistrates, testimony of. st. andrews. station house, a. st. christopher's. st. lucia. stock keepers. st. thomas in the east. sturge & harvey, messrs. st. vincent's. subordination. sugar crop. " cultivation hard for the slave. sugar mill. sunday markets. superintendent of police. suspension of faithful magistrates. task-work. teacher, black. teachers. "telegraph," remarks of the. temperance in antigua. " of negroes. " society. testimony of managers. testimony of clergymen and missionaries. testimony of governors. " of magistrates. " of physicians. theft, decrease of. thibou jarvis's estate. thomas, mr. thompson, george, bust of. thompson, thomas, esq. thorne, mr. thwaites, mr. charles. tinson, rev. mr. toast to immediate emancipation. tortala. traffic in slaves. transition from slavery to freedom. treatment of slaves ameliorated by discussion. treadmill. trinidad. trustworthiness. unwilling witness. vagrancy. value of an apprentice. (see _appraisement_.) villa estate. wages. walton, rev. mr. watchman, jamaica. " remarks of the. watkins, mr. ward, sir henry. weatherill's estate. wesleyan chapel, antigua. " " new, ". " missionary society. wesleyans in antigua. " in barbadoes. " in jamaica. whip banished. whipping post. white lady. wilberforce, opinion of. wickham, richard s. willis, george, esq. willoughby bay examination. wolmer free school. women abandon the field. " condition of. woolridge, rev. mr. wright, andrew, esq. * * * * * the anti-slavery examiner--extra. * * * * * emancipation in the west indies, in . * * * * * important to the united states. false prophets were never stiller about their time-detected impostures than are the pro-slavery presses of the united states about the results of west india emancipation. now and then, for the sake of appearances, they obscurely copy into their immense sheets an inch or two of complaints, from some snarling west india paper, that the emancipated are lazy and won't work. but they make no parade. they are more taciturn than grave-stones. in the following closely printed columns, those who wish to know will find out precisely how the "_great experiment_" has worked. they will find, . the _safety_ of abolition demonstrated--its safety in the worst possible case. . that the colonies are prospering in their _agriculture_. . that the planters conferred freedom because they were _obliged to_ by public opinion abroad. . that freedom, even thus unwillingly conferred, was accepted as a precious boon by the slaves--they were grateful to god, and ready to work for their masters for fair pay. . that the mass of the planters have endeavoured, from the first, to get work out of the free laborers for as small wages as possible. . that many of the attorneys and managers have refused fair wages and practiced extortion, _to depreciate the price of property_, that they might profit thereby. . that all the indisposition to labor which has yet been exhibited is fully accounted for by these causes. . that in spite of all, the abolition is working well for the _honest_ of all parties. * * * * * west india emancipation, in . the immediate abolitionists hold that the change from slavery to freedom cannot be too sudden. they say that the first step in raising the slave from his degradation should be that of making him a proper subject of law, by putting him in possession of himself. this position they rest on the ground both of justice and expediency, which indeed they believe to be inseparable. with exceptions too trifling to affect the question, they believe the laborer who feels no stimulus but that of wages and no restraint but that of law, is the most _profitable_, not only to himself and society at large, but to any employer other than a brutal tyrant. the benefit of this role they claim for every man and woman living within this republic, till on fair trial the proper tribunal shall have judged them unworthy of it. they deny both the justice and expediency of permitting any degree of ignorance or debasement to work the forfeiture of self-ownership, and pronounce slavery continued for such a cause the worst of all, inasmuch as it is the _robbery of the poor because he is poor_. what light was thrown upon this doctrine by the process of abolition in the british west indies from the st of august to the st of june , may be seen in the work of messrs. thome and kimball entitled, "emancipation in the west indies." that light continues to shine. bermuda and antigua, in which the slaves passed instantaneously out of absolute slavery into full freedom, are living witnesses of the blessing of heaven upon immediate emancipation. in antigua, one of the old sugar colonies, where slavery had had its full sway there has been especially a fair test of immediatism, and the increasing prosperity of the island does the utmost honor to the principle. after the fullest inquiry on the point, messrs. thome and kimball say of this island:-- "there is not a class, or party, or sect, who do not esteem the abolition of slavery as a _special blessing to them_. the rich, because it relieved them of "property" which was fast becoming a disgrace, as it had always been a vexation and a tax, and because it has emancipated them from the terrors of insurrection, which kept them all their life-time subject to bondage. the poor whites--because it lifted from off them the yoke of civil oppression. the free colored population--because it gave the death blow to the prejudice that crushed them, and opened the prospect of social, civil, and political equality with the whites. the _slaves_--because it broke open their dungeons, led them out to liberty, and gave them, in one munificent donation, their wives, their children, their bodies, their souls--everything." in the emphatic language of the governor, "it was _universally admitted_ that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island." in november , lord brougham thus summed up the results of the antigua experiment in a speech in the house of lords:-- "it might be known to their lordships that in one most important colony the experiment of instant and entire emancipation had been tried. infinitely to the honor of the island of antigua was it, that it did not wait for the period fixed by the legislature, but had at once converted the state of slavery into one of perfect liberty. on the st of august, , the day fixed by act of parliament for the commencement of a ten years' apprenticeship, the legislature of that colony, to the immortal honor of their wisdom, their justice, and their humanity, had abolished the system of apprenticeship, and had absolutely and entirely struck the fetters off from , slaves. their lordships would naturally ask whether the experiment had succeeded; and whether this sudden emancipation had been wisely and politically done. he should move for some returns which he would venture to say would prove that the experiment had entirely succeeded. he would give their lordships some proofs: first, property in that island had risen in value; secondly, with a very few exceptions, and those of not greater importance than occurred in england during harvest, there was no deficiency in the number of laborers to be obtained when laborers were wanted; thirdly, offences of all sorts, from capital offences downwards, had decreased; and this appeared from returns sent by the inspector of slaves to the governor of that colony, and by him transmitted to the proper authority here; and, fourthly, the exports of sugar had increased: during the three years ending , the average yearly export was , cwts., and for the three subsequent years this average had increased to , cwts., being an increase of , cwts, or one clear seventh, produced by free labor. nor were the last three years productive seasons; for in there was a very severe and destructive hurricane, and in the year there was such a drought that water was obliged to be imported from barbados." of such sort, with regard to both the colonies that adopted the principle of immediate emancipation, have been the facts--and all the facts--up to the latest intelligence. the rest of the colonies adopted the plan proposed by the british government, which contrary to the wishes of the great body of british abolitionists, made the slaves but partially free under the name of apprentices. in this mongrel condition they were to remain, the house servants four, and the field laborers six years. this apprenticeship was the darling child of that expediency, which, holding the transaction from wrong to right to be dangerous and difficult, illustrates its wisdom by lingering on the dividing line. therefore any mischance that might have occurred in any part of this tardy process would have been justly attributable to _gradualism_ and not to _immediatism_. the force of this remark will be better seen by referring to the nature and working of the apprenticeship as described in the book of messrs. thome and kimball. we have only room to say that the masters universally regarded the system as a part of the compensation or bonus to the slaveholder and not as a preparatory school for the slave. by law they were granted a property in the uncompensated _labor_ of the slaves for six years; but the same law, by taking away the sole means of enforcing this labor, in fact threw the masters and slaves into a six years' quarrel in which they stood on something like equal terms. it was surely not to be wondered if the parties should come out of this contest too hostile ever to maintain to each other the relation of employer and employed. this six years of vexatious swinging like a pendulum over the line between bondage and liberty was well calculated to spoil all the gratitude and glory of getting across. it was early discovered that the masters generally were disposed to abuse their power and get from their apprentices all that could by any means be extorted. the friends of humanity in great britain were aroused, mr. sturge, a distinguished philanthropist of birmingham, accompanied by messrs. scohle, harvey, and lloyd, proceeded to the west indies on a mission of inquiry, and prosecuted their investigation contemporaneously with messrs. thome and kimball. their report produced a general conviction in england, that the planters had forfeited all claim to retain their authority over the apprentices, and the government was accordingly petitioned immediately to abolish the system. this it was loth to do. it caused inquiries to be instituted in the colonies, especially in jamaica, with the evident hope of overthrowing the charges of mr. sturge. the result more than confirmed those charges. the government still plead for delay, and brought in a bill for the _improvement_ of the apprenticeship. in the progress of these proceedings, urged on as they were by the heaven-high enthusiasm of the british nation, many of the planters clearly perceived that their chance of power during the remaining two years of the apprenticeship had become worth less to them than the good will which they might get by voluntarily giving it up. whether it was this motive operating in good faith, or a hope to escape philanthropic interference for the future by yielding to its full claim, and thus gain a clear field to oppress under the new system of wages, one thing is certain the chartered colonies, suddenly, and to the surprise of many, put the finishing stroke to the system and made their apprentices free from the st of august, . the crown colonies have mostly imitated their example. the following table exhibits the extent and population of these colonies. possessions. date of extent. population acquisit. sq. m. white slaves f. col. anguilla[b], . . . , antigua[a], , , , bahamas[b], , , , , barbados[b], , , , bermudas[a], , , dominica[b], , , grenada[b], , , jamaica[b], , , , , montserrat[b], , nevis[b], , , st. christophers[b], , , , st. lucia[b], , , st. vincent[b], , , , tobago[b], , , trinidad[b], , , , , tortola, or virgin isles[b], . . . , total, b.w.i . . . , , , , cape of good hope, . . . . . . , , , berbice[b] . . . . . . , , guiana demarara[b] . . . , , , essequibo[b], . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . honduras, , , , mauritius, . . . . . . , , , total. . . . . . . , , , [footnote a: emancipated entirely on the st. of august, .] [footnote b: emancipated entirely on the st. of august, , by vote of the local legislatures in the chartered colonies; and by governor and council, in the crown colonies.] the _unanimity_ with which the apprenticeship was given up is a most remarkable and instructive fact. in the council and assembly of montserrat, there was an unanimous decision in favor of emancipation as early as february . in the legislature of tortola, which passed the bill in april , the opposing party was small. in that of barbados the bill was passed on the th of may with but _one_ dissenting voice. in that of jamaica, the bill seems to have been passed on the th of june, and the _jamaica times_ remarks:--"no dissentient voice was heard within the walls of the assembly, all joined in the wish so often expressed, that the remaining term of the apprenticeship should be cancelled, that the excitement produced by a law which has done inconceivable harm in jamaica, in alienating the affections of her people, and creating discord and disaffection, should at once cease. thank god! it is now nearly at an end, and we trust that jamaica will enjoy that repose, so eagerly and anxiously sought after, by all who wish the island well." these facts come down upon the question of the safety of an _immediate_ emancipation with an _a fortiori_, a _much more then_. for it is admitted on all hands that the apprenticeship had "alienated the affections of the people;" they were in a state less favorable to a quiet sequel, than they were before the first of august, , yet the danger was not thought of. the _safety_ was an argument _in favor_ of emancipation, not _against_ it. the raw head and bloody bones had vanished. the following is a fair exhibition of the feeling of the most influential planters, in regard to the _safety_ of the step. from the barbadian, may , . at a meeting of the board of legislative council, in the new court house, april th, . the lord bishop rose and spoke as follows: "_mr. president, and gentlemen of the council_, 'i was informed yesterday that, during my absence from this island, the members recorded their opinion as to the expediency of absolutely abolishing the apprenticeship in august, . i am most anxious to record my entire concurrence in this resolution, but i wish it to be understood that i do not consider the measure as called for by any hardships, under which the laborers in this island are suffering--nor from the want of any essential comfort--nor from the deprivation of any thing, which a laborer can fairly claim from his master; still i do express my concurrence in the resolution of the board, and i do so on these grounds: that i am satisfied the measure can be safely carried in this island, and if safely, then i feel justly; for i consider the very important interests which are involved in the measure. i must confess, too, that i am unwilling the barbados should be behind any other island, especially in a measure which may be carried both safely and justly, and where its example may be of such beneficial consequence. i am just returned from visiting the northern islands of the diocese. i have gone over every part of tortola, and though it is far more fertile than the off islands, yet even these are sufficiently productive for the laborer to raise the lesser and necessary provision of life,--and yet with these islands in their very face, the legislature of tortola has passed the act of abolition. some of the proprietors were opposed to it, but they have now given up their opposition; and i heard, whilst in antigua, not only that the act had passed, but that on the day of its passing, or the following day, some of the leading proprietors rode through the island, and were met by the people with expressions of the utmost gratitude, regarding the act as a boon granted to them by their masters. at nevis the act has passed. at st. christopher's the council are in favor of its passing, and with nevis emancipated in its vicinity, there is little doubt but the act must pass. at montserrat also it has passed. at antigua, which i visited last year, i found that every thing was proceeding quietly and regularly. i found too, the planters in high spirits, and some estates, which had been given up, restored; and the small patches and tenements of the free people, commencing last year, now in a very satisfactory state of cultivation. it is possible, indeed, that these last mentioned, unless the population is proportionably increased, may affect the cultivation of the larger estates, but there they are, and flourishing, as i have described, whilst i was in the island. a contiguous, though abandoned estate was purchased by sir henry martin for about , _l._ currency, being , _l._ more than he had offered a few years previously. to compare barbados with any other island, either as to population, wealth, or state of agriculture, is unnecessary. i have seen nothing like the commercial activity which i saw in the streets yesterday, except at st. thomas; and i feel, therefore, on all these grounds, that the act may be passed safely and justly. at the same time i am not unmindful or insensible to the state of public opinion in the mother country, nor to the many new and harassing annoyances to which the proprietors may be exposed during a protracted continuance of the apprenticeship. i request that my full concurrence in the resolution of the council, may be accorded on the minutes of this day's proceedings.'" such is the testimony of a witness in no wise warped by prejudice in favor of the anti-slavery party. the debates which took place in the legislatures of both barbados and jamaica, are full of similar testimony, uttered by men every way qualified to bear witness, and under influences which relieve their testimony from every taint of suspicion. in the legislature of jamaica, on the question of a committee to bring in a bill, mr. good remarked, "he could say that the negroes from their general good conduct were deserving of the boon. then why not give in with a good heart? why exhibit any bad feelings about the matter? there were many honorable gentlemen who had benefitted by the pressure from without, who owed their rank in society and their seats in that house to the industry of the negroes. why should they now show a bad heart in the matter?--nine tenths of the proprietors of this island had determined upon giving up the apprenticeship. hundreds of thousands were to be benefited--were to take their stations as men of society, and he hoped the boon would not be retarded by a handful of men who owed their all to slavery." mr. dallas said,--"_the abolition of the remaining term of apprenticeship must take place; let them then join hand and heart in doing it well, and with such grace as we now could. let it have the appearance of a boon from ourselves, and not in downright submission to the coercive measures adopted by the british parliament_." after a committee had been appointed to prepare and bring in a bill for the abolition of the apprenticeship, a member rose and proposed that the th of june should be its termination. we give his speech as reported in the jamaica papers, to show how fanatical even a slaveholder may become. "on the members resuming their seats, mr. hart proposed that it be an instruction to the committee appointed to bring in the bill or abolishing the remainder of the apprenticeship, to insert a clause in it, that the operation of that bill should commence on the th of june, that being the day appointed for the coronation of the queen. _he felt proud in telling the house that he was the representative of the black population. he was sent there by the blacks and his other friends_. the white christians had their representatives, the people of color had their representatives, and _he hoped shortly to see the day when the blacks would send in their own representatives_. he wanted the thing done at once, sir, said the honorable member waxing warm. it was nonsense to delay it. it could be done in three lines as he said before, dele and put in . that was all that they had to do. if it were possible, let the thing be done in two words. he went there to do his duty to his constituents, and he was determined to do so. his black friends looked up to him to protect them--and he would press his motion that all the apprentices in the island should be _crowned_ on the th of june. (thundering roars of laughter.) he was as independent as any honorable member, and would deliver his sentiment, without caring who were and who were not pleased. he was possessed of property in apprentices--_he had an estate with nearly two hundred negroes, that he was determined to crown on the th of june_. (increased roars of laughter in the house, and at the bar.) he would not be laughed down. his properties were not encumbered. he would not owe anything on them after they were paid for, and that he could do. (loud laughter.) he was determined to have his opinion. as he had said before, the th day of june being fixed for the coronation of all the negroes in the island, that is the day they ought to be released from the apprenticeship. (thundering and deafening roars of laughter). (here the honorable member was told that the queen was to be crowned on that day.) ah, well, he had made a mistake, but he would tell the house the truth, _he had made up his mind to give his apprentices freedom on that day, but he did not wish to do it without his neighbors doing the same, lest they should say he was setting a bad example_. he would press his motion to a division. it had been seconded by his honorable friend on his right.--(aside, "good, didn't you promise to second it?") the honorable member then read his motion, and handed it up to the clerk." the "mistake" of this liberal descendant of israel, which excited so much merriment was, after all, not a very unfortunate one, _if_ the "crown" of manhood is more important than that of monarchy. the members objected to so near an approach to _immediatism_, not, however, be it remarked, on account of the unfitness of the apprentices, (slaves) but their own convenience. among those who replied to mr. hart, was mr. osborn, of unmingled african blood, born a slave, and who, we are informed, was a successful competitor for the seat he now occupies against the very man who formerly claimed him as property. mr. osborn and his partner mr. jordon were editors of the jamaica watchman, and had contended manfully for liberty when it was a dangerous word. mr. osborn said:--"he was astonished at the galloping liberality which seemed to have seized some honorable members, now there was nothing to contend for. their liberality seemed to have outrun all prudence. where were they and their liberality when it was almost death to breach the question of slavery? what had become of their philanthropy? but no, it was not convenient then. the stream was too strong for them to resist. now, however, when the question was finally settled, when nothing remained for them to do, it was the time that some honorable gentlemen began to clamor their liberality, and began a race who should be the first, or who should have the honor of first terminating the apprenticeship. he hoped the motion would be withdrawn, and the discussion put an end to." what had become of the visions of blood and slaughter? could there be more impressive testimony to the safety of emancipation in all, even the worst cases? we might add to this testimony that of the universal newspaper press of the british west india colonies. we have room, however, to select only from a few of the well known opponents of freedom. "we seriously call upon our representatives to consider well all the bearings of the question, and if they cannot resist effectually these encroachments of the imperial government, adopt the remaining alternative of saving themselves from an infliction, by giving up at once and entirely, the bone of contention between us. thus only shall we disarm, if anything in reason or in nature can, our enemies of their slanderous weapons of offence, and secure in as far as possible, a speedy and safe return of peace and prosperity to the "distracted" colony.--without this sacrifice on our parts, we see no shelter from our sufferings--no amelioration of present wrongs--no hope for the future; but on the contrary, a systematic and remorseless train laid for the ultimate ruin of every proprietor in the country. with this sacrifice which can only be to any extent to a few and which the wisdom of our legislature may possibly find out some means or other of compensation, we have the hope that the sunshine of jamaica's prosperity shall not receive any farther diminution; but shall rather dawn again with renewed vigor; when all shall be alike free under the protection of the same law, and the same law-givers; and all shall be alike amenable to the powers that punish without favor and without affection."--_jamaica standard_. "there is great reason to expect that many jamaica proprietors will anticipate the period established by the slavery abolition act for the termination of the apprenticeship. they will, as an act of grace, and with a view to their future arrangements with their negroes, terminate the apprenticeship either of all at once, or by giving immediate freedom to the most deserving; try the effect of this gift, and of the example afforded to the apprentices when they see those who have been discharged from the apprenticeship working on the estates for wages. if such a course is adopted, it will afford an additional motive for inducing the legislature to consider whether the good feeling of the laboring population, and their future connection with their former employers, may not be promoted by permitting them to owe to the grace of their own legislature the termination of the apprenticeship as soon as the requisite legislation for the new state of things has been adopted."--_jamaica despatch_. of such sort as this is the testimony from all the colonies, most abundantly published in the emancipator and other abolition papers, to the point of the _safety_ of entire emancipation. at the time when the step was taken, it was universally concluded that so far from being dangerous it promised the greatest safety. it would not only put an end to the danger apprehended from the foreign interference of the abolitionists, but it would _conciliate the negroes_! and we are not able to find any one who professes to be disappointed with the result thus far. the only evil now complained of, is the new freemen do not in some instances choose _to work_ on the _terms_ offered by the planters. they have shed no man's blood. they have committed no depredation. they peaceably obey the laws. all this, up to the latest date, is universally admitted. neither does any one _now_ presume to prophesy anything different for the future. industry. on the one topic of the industry of the emancipated people, the west indian papers give the most conflicting accounts. some represent them as laboring with alacrity, diligence and effect wherever anything like an adequate compensation is offered. it is asserted by some, and not denied by any authorities that we have seen, that the emancipated are industriously at work on those estates where the masters voluntarily relinquished the apprenticeship before the first of august and met their freed people in good faith. but most of the papers, especially in jamaica, complain grievously that the freed people will work on no reasonable terms. we give a fair specimen from one of the jamaica papers, on which our political editors choose most to rely for their information:-- "in referring to the state of the country this week, we have still the same tale to tell of little work, and that little indifferently done, but exorbitantly charged for; and wherever resisted, a general "strike" is the consequence. now this, whatever more favourable complexion the interested and sinister motives of others may attempt to throw around it, is the real state of matters upon nine-tenths of the properties situated in st. james's, westmoreland, and hanover. in trelawny they _appear_ to be doing a little better; but that only arises, we are confident from the longer purses, and patience of endurance under exorbitant wages, exhibited by the generality of the managers of that parish. let them wait till they find they can no longer continue making sugar at its present expensive rate, and they will then find whether trelawny is substantially in a better condition than either of the other parties."--_standard, quoted in the morning journal of nov. _. this is the "tale" indeed, of a great part of the west india papers, sung to the same hum drum tune ever since the first of august; and so faithfully echoed by our own pro slavery press that many of our estimable fellow citizens have given it up that the great "experiment" has turned out unfavorably, and that the colored population of the west indies are rapidly _sinking_ from the condition of _slaves_ to that of idle freemen. were we all in a position perfectly disinterested and above the peculiar influence of slavery, we might perhaps consider these complaints as asking for, rather than against, the character of the emancipated and the cause of freedom, inasmuch as they prove the former slaves to have both the discretion and the spirit which should characterise freemen. but to the peculiar optics which abound in these united states it may be necessary to show the entire picture. to prove in the first place the general falsehood of the complaints themselves it is only necessary to advert to recent official documents. for our present purpose it will be sufficient to refer to jamaica. the legislature was convened on the th of october and addressed by the governor sir lionel smith in a speech of which the following extract pertains to our subject:-- _"gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of assembly,_ the most important event in the annals of colonial history has taken place since last i had the pleasure of meeting the legislature of this island; and i am happy in being able to declare that the conduct of the laboring population, who were then the objects of your liberal and enlightened policy, _entitles them to the highest praise, and amply proves how_ well they have deserved _the boon of freedom._ it was not to be expected that the total extinction of the apprenticeship law would be followed by an instantaneous return to active labor, but feeling as i do the deepest interest in the successful result of the great measurement now in progress, i sincerely congratulate you and the country at large, on the improvement which is daily taking place on the resumption of industrious habits, and i trust there is every prospect of agricultural prosperity." such is the testimony of a governor who is no stranger in the west indies and who was put in the place of lord sligo as more acceptable to the planters. but what said the house of assembly in reply?--a house made up chiefly of attornies who had more interest than any other men in the continuance of the old system and who, as will presently be shown, were not unwilling to have the "experiment" fail? they speak as follows:-- _"may it please your excellency,_ we, her majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the assembly of jamaica, thank your excellency for your speech at the opening of the session. the house join your excellency in bearing testimony to the peaceable manner in which the laboring population have conducted themselves in a state of freedom. it certainly was not to be expected that so great a change in the condition of the people would be followed by an immediate return to active labor. the house, however, are willing to believe that some degree of improvement is taking place, and they sincerely join in the hope expressed by your excellency, that the agricultural interests of the island may ultimately prosper, by a resumption of industrious habits on the part of the peasantry in their new condition." this settles the question. those who will not be convinced by such documents as these that the mass of the emancipated in jamaica are ready _to do their part_ in the system of free labor, would not be convinced if one rose from the deed to prove it. we are now prepared to investigate the causes of the complaints, and inquire why in numerous cases the negros have refused to work. let us first go back to the debates jamaica legislature on the passage of the emancipation bill in june, and see whether we can discover the _temper_ in which it was passed, and the prospect of good faith in its execution. we can hardly doubt that some members, and some especially from whose speeches on that occasion we have already quoted, designed really to confer the "boon of freedom." but others spoke very differently. to understand their language we must commence with the governor's speech at the opening of the session:-- _"gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the assembly,_ i have called you together, at an unusual season, to take it to your consideration the state of the island under the laws of apprenticeship, for the labouring population. i need not refer you to the agitation on this subject throughout the british empire, or to the discussions upon it in parliament, _where the honourable efforts of the ministry_ were barely found sufficient to preserve the original duration of the laws, as an obligation of the national faith. i shall lay before you some despatches on this subject." * * * * * _"gentlemen,_ _general agitation and parliamentary interference have not, i am afraid, yet terminated._ _a corresponding excitement has been long going on among the apprentices themselves,_ but still they have rested in sober and quiet hopes, relying on your generosity, that you will extend to them that boon which has been granted to their class in other colonies." * * * * * _"gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker and gentlemen of the assembly,_ in this posture of affairs, it is my duty to declare my sentiments, and distinctly to _recommend to you the early and equal abolition of the apprenticeship for all classes._ i do so in confidence that the apprentices will be found worthy of freedom, and that it will operate as a double blessing, by securing also the future interests of the planters. i am commanded, however, to inform you that her majesty's ministers will not entertain any question of further compensation. but should your views be opposed to the policy i recommend, i would entreat you to consider well _how impracticable it will become to carry on coercive labor_--always difficult, it would in future be in peril of constant comparisons with other colonies made free, and with those estates in this island made free by individual proprietors. as governor, under these circumstances, and i never shrink from any of my responsibilities, _i pronounce it physically impossible to maintain the apprenticeship with any hope of successful agriculture._ * * * * * "_gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the assembly._ jamaica, is in your hands--she requires repose, by the removal of a law which has _equally tormented the laborer, and disappointed the planter_--a law by which man still constrains man in unnatural servitude. this is her first exigency. for her future welfare she appeals to your wisdom to legislate in the spirit of the times, with liberality and benevolence towards all classes." * * * * * when such a man as sir lionel smith pronounced it no longer practicable to carry on coercive labor, he must have been a bold as well as a rash planter who would venture to hold on to the old system under lord glenelg's improvement act. accordingly we find some of the staunchest advocates of slavery, men who had been fattening on the oppression of the apprentices up to that moment the first, and the most precipitate, is their proposals of abolition. mr. hyslop, mr. gay and others were for acting at once on the governor's speech without referring it to a committee. the former said: "he believed that a proposition would be made to abandon the apprenticeship from the st of august, _but he would say let it be abandoned from sunday next_. he would therefore move that the speech be made the order of the day for tomorrow." mr. guy said:-- "the governor's speech contained nothing more than what every gentlemen expected, _and what every gentlemen, he believed, was prepared to do. in short he_ would state that _a bill had already been prepared by him, which he intended to introduce tomorrow, for the abolition of the apprenticeship on the st of august next_." both these gentlemen are well known by the readers of jamaica papers as obstinate defenders slavery. the latter was so passionately devoted to the abuses of the apprenticeship that lord sligo was obliged to dismiss him from the post of adjutant general of militia. in the ardor of his attachment to the "peculiar institution" of getting work without pay, he is reported to have declared on a public occasion, that the british ministry were a "parcel of reptiles" and that the "english nation was fast going to the dogs." in another part of the debate:-- "mr. guy hoped the house would not _go into a discussion of the nature of the apprenticeship_, or the terms upon which it was forced us by the government. all that he knew about the matter was, that it was a part and parcel of the compensation. government had so declared it. in short it was made law. he could not help believing that the hon. member for trelawny, was arguing against the dictates of his own honest heart--that he came there cut and dry with a speech prepared to _defend the government_." mr. barclay, to whom, some years ago, the planters gave a _splendid service of plate_ for his ingenious defence of slavery against the terrible pen of james stephen, said "it appeared to be the general feeling of the house that the apprenticeship should be done away with. be that as it may, he was free to say that in that part of the island he was from, and certainly it was a large and wealthy district, the apprenticeship system _had worked well_, and all parties _appeared_ satisfied with it. he denied that there existed any necessity to disturb the working of the system, it would have _gradually_ slided into _absolute freedom if they were permitted to regulate their own affairs_, but the government, or rather, _the people of england, had forced on the predicament in which they were placed_. the ministry could not help themselves--they were driven to violate the national compact, not in express words, it is true, but in fact. it was, however, the _force of public opinion that operated_ in producing the change. they were placed in a situation from which they could hardly extricate themselves.-- _they had no alternative, he was afraid, but to go along with the stream_." mr. hamilton brown, who at the commencement of the apprenticeship came into a special magistrate's court and publicly told him that unless he and his colleagues "_did their duty by having recourse to a frequent and vigorous application of the lash, there would he rebellion in the parish (of st. ann's!) in less than a month, and all the responsibility of such a calamity would rest on their shoulders_"! discoursed in the following manner. "it was always understood, for the apprenticeship _had become marketable_. properties had been bought and sold with them, their time had been bought by others, and by themselves." "he had no hesitation in saying, that the statements which had been made in england against the planters _were as false as hell_--they had been concocted here, and sent home by a parcel of spies in the island. they were represented as a cruel set of men, as having outraged the feelings of humanity towards the negroes, or in matters in which they were concerned. this was false. he did not mean to deny that there were a _few instances_ of cruelty to the apprentices, but then those were _isolated cases_, and was it not hard that a hue and cry should be raised against the whole body of planters, and all made to suffer on account of those _few_. he would say that there was a greater disposition to be cruel to the negroes evinced _by young men arriving in this island from england, than by the planters. there was, indeed, a great deal of difficulty in restraining them from doing so, but the longer they lived in the country, the more kind and humane they became_. the negroes _were better off here than many of the people of great britain_, and they would have been contented, had it not been for the injudicious _interference of some of the special justices_. who had ever heard of negroes being starved to death? had they not read accounts in the english papers of men destroying their wives, their children, _and afterwards themselves_, because they could not obtain food. they had been grossly defrauded of their property; and after doing that, it was now sought to destroy their constitutional rights. he would repeat, they had been grossly defrauded of their property." [here is the true slaveholder, logic, chivalry and all.] mr. frater said, among other things, "he knew that it might be said the bill (lord glenelg's) did not go to the extent of freeing the negroes--_that we are about to do ourselves_, but he would ask whether we were not _driven into the difficulty_ by which we are now surrounded! had we not been brought into this _alarming position_, into this _exigency_, by the conduct of the british government. _why do we not tell the english nation frankly and candidly, that they agreed to give the planter six years' services of their apprentices, as a part of the compensation, and if they desired to do away with it, that we must be paid for it_, otherwise we will not answer for any change, for any evils which are likely to ensue. why did the government force such an obnoxious bill upon us? they had in substance done this, they refused to annul the apprenticeship themselves, it is true, but said, we will place them in a situation that will compel them to do it themselves. he must say that the government had acted _cowardly and unjustly_, they had in substance deprived them of the further two years' services of their apprentices, agreeably to the compact entered into, upon a pretext that we had not kept faith with them, and now tell us they will give us no compensation. he hoped the allusion to it in the address would be retained." we beg the patient attention of the reader to still more of these extracts. the present state of things in jamaica renders them very important. it is indispensable to a correct judgment of the results of the experiment to understand in what temper it was entered upon by the parties. nothing can show this more clearly or authoritatively than the quotations we are making. we find another little torrent of eloquence from the same mr. hamilton brown above quoted. he and several other gentlemen rose to reply to the statements of richard hill, a friend of freedom, and secretary of the special magistracy. mr. brown--"mr. chairman, i am on my legs, sir. i say that we have to thank the special justices, and the _private instructions_ which they have acted upon, _for all the evils that have occurred in the country_. had they taken _the law_ for their guide, had they acted upon that, sir, and not upon their private instructions, _every thing would have gone on splendidly_, and we should have done well. but they had _destroyed the negroes with their instructions_, they had _given them bad advice_, and _encouraged them in disobedience to their masters_. i say it, sir, in the face of this committee--i would say it on my death-bed tomorrow, that if the stipendiary magistrates had _done their duty_ all would have gone on well, _and i told his excellency that he might then have slept on a bed of roses_." here was one of the abolishers of the apprenticeship who held that more flogging would have made it work more "splendidly." mr. hugh fraser leslie, who the february before had, in his place in the assembly, denominated the anti-slavery delegates assembled in london, as "a set of crawling wretches;" "the scum and refuse of society." "the washings and scrapings of the manufacturing districts," &c. &c. now delivered himself of the following:-- "_he would ask any man in the house, nay, in the country, whether the house had any discretion left to them in the steps they were about to take_? could it be denied, that they were driven to the present alternative? could they any longer say they were an independent legislature? it would be preposterous--absolutely absurd to entertain any such idea. the apprenticeship had been _forced upon the country_ as a part and parcel of the planters' compensation--it had been working well, and would insensibly _have slided into a state of absolute freedom, had the masters been left alone to themselves. it is now utterly impracticable to continue it_. a most obnoxious measure had been passed by the british parliament, and sent out to this country to be promulgated by the governor as the law of the land. the functions of the legislature were put in abeyance, and a british act _crammed down their throats_. it could not be denied that they were now under a military government. _he was only sorry that the thing had not been more honestly done_; in his opinion, it would have been better for all classes, for then the government would have taken all the responsibilities which might attend the sudden change they had driven the house to make, and find the means of conducting the affairs of the country into a peaceable and successful state. _let any person look to the excitement which at present prevailed throughout the country, couple that with the speech which had been delivered by the governor, and say if it was any longer practicable to carry one the system of apprenticeship_. with respect to the doctrine which had been broached, that the apprenticeship was not a part and parcel of the compact between the government and the planters; that they (the planters) did not possess an absolute but an incidental right to the services of their apprentices, _he confessed he was at a loss to understand it_, he was incapable of drawing so nice a distinction. he repeated, the government and nation had made the apprenticeship a part of the consideration of the abolition of slavery, and having placed us in a situation to render its continuance impracticable they were bound in honor and common honesty _to compensate us_ for the two years." once more, and we have done. mr. berry said, "he did not think that because the governor said they were not entitled to compensation, that therefore they should give up the claim which they unquestionably had upon the british nation for further compensation. he would contend also, that the apprenticeship was one part of the consideration for the abolition of slavery. he had heard it remarked that the apprenticeship must cease, but it ought to be added that they were compelled--they were driven to put an end to it by the government, though they were convinced that neither party was at this moment prepared for immediate abandonment. the governor, in his opening speech, had told the house that from the agitation at home, and the corresponding agitation which at the present moment prevailed here, it was physically impossible to carry one the apprenticeship with advantage to masters and labourers. he would take leave to remark, that the apprenticeship _was working very well_--in some of the parishes had worked extremely well. where this was not the case, it was attributable _to the improper conduct of the special justices_. he did not mean to reflect upon them all; there were some honorable exceptions, but he would say that a great deal of the ill-feeling which had arisen in the country between the masters and their apprentices, was to be traced to the _injudicious advice_ and conduct of the special justices." such were the sentiments of by far the majority of those who spoke in the assembly. such, doubtless, were the sentiments of more than nine-tenths of the persons invested with the management of estates in jamaica. what, then if we had heard that nine-tenths of the emancipated had refused to be employed? could that have been counted a failure of the experiment? was there any reason to believe that the planters would not resort to every species of oppression compatible with a system of wages? before proceeding to the question of wages, however, we invite the reader to scan the temper and disposition of the parties of the other part, viz., the laboring population. let us observe more carefully how _they_ behaved at the important period of transition two of the sturdiest advocates of slavery, the _jamaica standard_ and the _cornwall courier_, speak as follows:-- the _standard_ says--"on tuesday evening, (july ), the wesleyan, and we believe, baptist chapels, (st. james') were opened for service--the former being tastefully decorated with branches of the palm, sage, and other trees, with a variety of appropriate devices, having a portrait of her majesty in the center, and a crown above. when we visited the chapel, about o'clock, it was completely full, but not crowded, the generality of the audience well dressed; and all evidently of the better class of the colored and negro population. shortly after, we understand, a very excellent and modern sermon, in all political points, was delivered by the rev. mr. kerr, the highly respected pastor. the congregation was dismissed shortly after o'clock; at which hour the church bell commenced its solemn peal, and a few noisy spirits welcomed in the morning of freedom with loud cheers, and planted a huge branch, which they termed the "tree of liberty," in the center of the two roads crossing the market square." again the _standard_ observes, "the long, and somewhat anxiously expected jubilee of emancipation has arrived, and now nearly passed over, with a remarkable degree of quiet and circumspection. of st. james's of course, we speak more particularly,--st. james's, hitherto the most reviled, and most unwarrantably calumniated parish, of all the parishes in this unfortunate and distracted colony!" the _cornwall courier_ says, "the first of august, the most important day ever witnessed in jamaica, has passed quietly as far as actual disturbance is concerned." the _jamaica morning journal_, of whose recent course the planters should be the last to complain, gives more particular information of the transition in all parts of the island. we give copious extracts, for to dwell upon such a scene must soften the heart. it is good sometimes to behold the joy of mere brute freedom--the boundings of the noble horse freed from his stable and his halter--the glad homeward flight of the bird from its cage--but here was besides the rational joy of a heaven-born nature. here were , souls set free; and on wings of gratitude flying upwards to the throne of god. there were the gatherings in the public squares, there were the fireworks, the transparencies, the trees of liberty and the shouts of the jubilee, but the churches and the schools were the chief scenes, and hymns and prayer the chief language of this great ovation. there was no giving up to drunken revelry, but a solemn recognition of god, even by those who had not been wont to worship him. his temples were never so crowded. his ministers never so much honored. we give the picture in all its parts, faithfully, and as completely as our information will enable us to do. august . "in this city, the day has passed off in the way in which such a day ought to pass off. with glad hearts and joyful lips, the people have crowded the temples of the living god, and poured out their praises and thanksgivings for the great benefits they had received at the hands of a beneficent providence. that they will continue to deport themselves as dutiful subjects, and good men and women, we have no doubt. from the country we wait with anxious hopes to hear that everything has gone off with the same peace, and quiet, and order, and regularity which have prevailed here, and especially that the people have returned to their labor, and are giving general satisfaction." from the same. among the various ways of interesting the minds of our newly enfranchised peasantry on the st of august, was that of planting a palm tree emblematical of liberty, and commemorative of its commencement in this island. both in kingston and in liguanca, we understand, this ceremony was performed by the schools and congregations of the "london missionary society." the following hymn, composed by mr. wooldridge, for the purpose, and committed to memory by many of the children, who were treated with cakes and lemonade. appropriate sermons were preached, both morning and evening, by the rev. messrs. woodbridge and ingraham, and in the evening a temperance society was formed for the district of liguanca, when several signed the pledge. the thorny bush we'll clear away the emblem of old slavery-- let every fibre of it die, and all its vices cease to be. let indolence, deceit, and theft, be of their nourishment bereft, let cruel wrong now disappear, and decent order crown each year. proceedings at trelawney.--a correspondent in trelawney writes. the first of august was observed by the people so decently and devoutly, and with such manifestations of subdued, yet grateful feeling, that they appeared more like a select class of christians celebrating some holy day of their church, than a race but recently converted from idolatry, and who were just emerging from the pollutions and degradation of slavery. treat to the children.--the most interesting and truly exciting scene of all in trelawny, was the spectacle of some hundreds of happy children dining. this feast for them, and for all who had hearts that could sympathise with the happiness of others, was provided by the rev. mr. knibb. similar scenes were enacted in the rural districts. the rev. mr. blyth had, i believe, a meeting of his scholars, and a treat provided for them. the rev. mr. anderson had a large assemblage of his scholars at the school-house, who were regaled with meat, bread, and beverage, and also a large meeting of the adult members of his church, to every one of whom, who could, or was attempting to learn to read, he gave a book.--[he gave a book.] at st. elizabeth.--at the hour of , a.m., there was about persons assembled at crosmond, when the clergyman, the rev. mr. hylton, proposed an adjournment from the chapel to the shade of some wide-spreading trees in the common pasture, whither the happy multitude immediately adjourned. the morning service of the church having ended, the rev. gentleman preached a most impressive sermon from the th chapter of zech. th verse--"not by might, nor by power, but by my spirit, saith the lord of hosts"--in his application, he took a brief review of the history of the island--the conquest by the spanish--the extermination by the indians--and the consequent introduction of the negroes from africa. he then adverted to the several insurrections that had taken place during the period since the conquest by the british, to the last general rebellion in , in which both himself and many present were deeply interested. having shown that all these insurrections had been suppressed, and had come to nought, he proceeded to point out how through divine providence mr. wilberforce was raised up to advocate the cause of the oppressed african, and since that period, step by step, various privileges had been quietly conceded to the colored race, until the final consummation by the legislature, in abolishing the last vestiges of slavery on the st of august, . the rev. gentleman's honorable mention of mr. wilberforce appeared to be deeply felt and acknowledged by all around. after the service was concluded, the assembled multitude gave three hearty cheers for queen victoria, and three for lord mulgrave, the first _free governor_ that ever came to jamaica. a more decent, orderly, and well-behaved assemblage could not be seen in any part of the world. the people have indeed proved themselves worthy of the "_great boon_" conferred upon them. at port maria.--the first of august passed off happily and peaceably. the people felt deeply the great blessing that had been conferred on them, and behaved uncommonly well. all the places of worship were crowded; indeed, thrice the number would not have contained those who attended, and many of whom could not be accommodated. from the cornwall chronicle of aug. . nothing could give a fairer and fuller confidence in the character of the negroes than their conduct on so joyous and trying an occasion, as what they have exhibited during the brief period of their political regeneration. it may be considered as an earnest of their future peaceable demeanor; the disbelief of the sceptic will thus be put to the blush, and the apprehensions of the timid allayed. the first of august has passed, and with it the conduct of the people has been such as to convince the most jealous, as well as the most sanguine of the evil prognosticators, that they are a good and trust-worthy people. there is no doubt but that this day will be held for ever as a sacred anniversary--a new pentecost--upon which they will render thanks for the quiet "possession of their canaan"--free from all political oppressions, and that they can suffer only from the acts of their own indiscretion. if ever they were placed in a favorable situation which they could improve, it could not have been equal to the present.--the exercise of moderation, however, is now most required, and will be greatly appreciated to themselves at a future time. cumberland pen., st. catherine.--the conduct of the people in this district generally, is such as to entitle them to the highest commendation. well knowing the inconvenience to which their masters' customers would be otherwise reduced from a want of food for their horses and cattle, they voluntarily went out to work on the second day, and in some instances on the following, and supplied the usual demand of the market, presenting their labor thus voluntarily given as a free-will offering to their employers. comment on such conduct world be superfluous. the late apprentices of jamaica have hitherto acquired honors, above all greek, above all roman fame. so far as they are concerned, the highest expectations of their friends have been more than realized. let the higher classes universally but exhibit the same dispositions and conduct, and the peace and prosperity of jamaica are for ever secured. morning journal of august . saint thomas in the east. up to the moment when the post left morant bay, the utmost tranquillity prevailed. in fact, from the quiet of the day and the circumstance of droves of well-dressed persons going to and from the church and chapels, i was occasionally deluded, says a correspondent, into the belief of the day being sunday. the parish church was crowded, and the rector delivered a very able and appropriate address. the methodist and independent chapels were also filled. at both places suitable sermons were preached. at the latter, the resident minister provided an ample second breakfast, which was faithfully discussed under the shade of a large tent purposely erected for the occasion. the rev. mr. atkins, wesleyan minister, has proceeded from this place to lay the foundation stone of a chapel this afternoon, ( st august) at port morant, in which important service he will be assisted by thomas thomson, esq., church warden, and alexander barclay, esq., member for the parish. it is expected that many thousand spectators will be present at the interesting ceremony. from all i have been able to learn the changes among the labourers on the estates in this quarter, will be very limited, these people being apparently satisfied with the arrangement for their continued domicile on the respective properties. another correspondent writes--"we are very quiet here. the day has arrived and nearly passed off, and thank god the predictions of the alarmists are not fulfilled. the chapels were quite full with a great many persons in the yards. the independents are just sitting down to a feast. the rector delivered a sermon or rather a string of advices and opinions to the labouring population, the most intolerant i have heard for a long time. this parish will, i am quite certain, enjoy in peace and quietness this happy jubilee." manchester. we learn from this parish that the churches and chapels were crowded many hours before the usual time for beginning service. several thousand persons remained outside the respective places, which were much too small to afford the accommodation. every thing was quiet and orderly when the post left. says the jamaica gazette of aug. th, a paper of the old school--"in spite of all the endeavours of a _clique_ of self-interested agitators, clerical humbug and radical rabble, to excite the bad passions of the sable populace against those who have been the true friends of colonial freedom, and the conservators of the public peace and prosperity of the country, the bonfire, bull-roast, and malignant effigy exhibited to rouse the rancor of the savage, failed to produce the effect anticipated by the projectors of the _saturnalia_, and the negro multitude fully satisfied with the boon so generously conceded by the island legislature, were in no humor to wreak their wrath on individual benefactors, whom the envy of party spirit had marked out as the victims of truth and independence. we are happy to give our meed of praise to the decent and orderly conduct of the sable multitude, and to record that it far excelled the loco foco group of bullies and boasters in decency of propriety of demeanor. a kind of spree or scuffle took place between donkey-driver quallo and another. we don't know if they came to close fisti-cuffs, but it was, we are assured, the most serious affray on the course." the following is the testimony borne in regard to barbados. _from the barbados liberal, aug. th._ first of august. "it gives us great pleasure to state that, so far as our information from the country extends, this day was observed in a manner highly creditable to our brethren. we never ourselves anticipated any riotings or disorder on the part of the emancipated. a little exhilaration begetting a shout or two, would not have surprised us; but even this, we are happy to say, made no part of their manifestation of joy. the day was spent in quiet piety! in heartfelt, soul overflowing gratitude to their heavenly father, whose divine agency had raised up friends in their necessity, and brought their great tribulation to an end, they crowded at an early hour to the several churches and chapels, in which their numbers could scarcely find turning room, and then quietly and devoutly poured forth their souls in prayer and praise and thanksgiving! no revellings, no riotings, no drunkenness, desecrated this day. we have heard from five parishes, and in none of the five have we heard of a single convivial meeting. from church and chapel they went to their homes, and eat their first free dinner with their families, putting to shame the intolerant prejudices which had prepared powder and balls, and held the riot act in readiness to correct their insubordinate notions of liberty!" from the new haven, ct., herald. _"barbados, aug. , _ yesterday's sun rose upon eight hundred thousand freemen, on whom and their ancestors the badge of slavery had rested for two hundred years. it was a solemn, delightful, most memorable day. i look upon it as a matter of exceeding thankfulness, that i have been permitted to be a witness to it, and to be able to speak from experience and from observation, of the happiness to which that day has given birth. the day had previously been set apart by proclamation of the governor, "as a day of devout thanksgiving and praise to almighty god for the happy termination of slavery." the thanksgiving and praise were most truly sincere, heartfelt and general. it was an emancipation not merely of the slave but of the proprietor. it was felt as such; openly acknowledged and rejoiced in as such. never have i witnessed more apparently unfeigned expressions of satisfaction than were made on that day by the former owners of slaves, at the load of which they had been relieved. i do not wish to be understood as asserting that previous to the working of emancipation, the slave proprietors wished the abolition of slavery. far from it. but having, though unwillingly, been made witnesses of the operations of freedom; and having themselves tasted of the previously unknown satisfaction of employing voluntary and contented, because _free_ laborers; their minds became enlightened, softened, changed: and from being the determined opposers, they became themselves the _authors_ of complete emancipation. i know not in what terms to describe to you the emotions excited by passing through the streets of this populous town on that memorable morning. there was a stillness and solemnity that might be felt. it was caused by no display of force, for none was to be seen. here and there a policeman going his usual rounds, but not a soldier, nor the slightest warlike preparation of any kind to strike the eye, or overawe the spirit of disorder. the spirit that seemed to fill the entire population was eminently the spirit of peace, good will, thankfulness and joy too deep, too solemn, to allow of any loud or noisy demonstration of it. of course, all stores, shops and offices of every kind were closed. so also were all places of amusement. no sound of revelry, no evidences of nightly excess were to be heard or seen. i do not say too much when i assert that the reign of order, peace, and sobriety, was complete. to give eclat to an event of such importance, the governor had ordered one company of militia to attend with him at the cathedral. it is an immense building, and was crowded in every part of its spacious area, galleries and aisles, with a most attentive assemblage of people, of all colors and conditions. several clergymen officiated, and one of them at the opening of the services read most appropriately the th chapter of isaiah. imagine for a moment the effect in such an audience, on such an occasion, where were many hundreds of emancipated slaves, of words like these:--"is not this the fast that i have chosen, to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?" the sermon by the bishop was, as might have been expected on such an occasion, interesting and impressive. he spoke with great effect of the unexpected progress of freedom, from island to island, from colony to colony, until, with a solitary exception, upon that day the stain of slavery was obliterated forever from every british possession. the progress of education, the gradual reformation of morals, and the increasing thirst for religious instruction, were all dwelt upon with great force, and the glory of all ascribed, as was most fit, to the great giver of every good and perfect gift. it was an occasion rich with happy emotions, and long to be remembered as a bright and beautiful spot in the pathway of our earthly pilgrimage. the close of the day was not less auspicious than its commencement. in company with mrs. h., i drove through several of the principal streets, and thence through the most public thoroughfare into the country; and no where could aught be seen to mar the decent and truly impressive solemnity of the day. there were no dances, no merry-making of any sort; not a solitary drunkard, not a gun fired, nor even was a shout heard to welcome in the newborn liberty. the only groups we saw were going to or returning from the different chapels and churches: except in a few instances, where families might be seen reading or singing hymns at their own dwellings. and now, sir, having arrived at the long looked for consummation of all the labors and prayers of the friends of the slave for so many years, as i cast my eye around this _land of liberty_, how many thoughts crowd my mind? i ask myself--is it indeed finished? and are there none to lament the downfall of time-honored, hoary-headed slavery? where are the mourners? where are the prognosticators of ruin, desolation, and woe? where are the riots and disorders, the bloodshed and the burnings? the prophets and their prophecies are alike empty, vain, and unfounded, and are alike buried in oblivion. and why, in the name of humanity, was not this glorious consummation brought about ages ago?--is it because the slaves of are better fitted for freedom than those of fifty or a hundred years since? no one believes it. the only preparation for freedom required in this island, or any where else, in order to put a peaceful end to slavery, is the preparation of heart in the slaveholder to grant deliverance to the captive. yours truly, wm. r. hayes p.s. august th.--all is quiet, and the utmost good order every where prevails." to complete the picture we will give two extracts of letters from eminent jamaica attornies to their employers in england, with regard to the turning out to work. it is remarked by the english papers that the attornies generally in writing to their employers adopt the same strain. they are all doing well on _their_ estates, but hear that the rest of the island is in a woful condition.--these are the men who are the greatest, if not the only, losers by emancipation; hence their testimony is doubly valuable. from the british emancipator, nov. . letters from attornies. _extract of a letter from an eminent estate attorney, in st. mary's, jamaica, dated august_ , . "there was nothing whatever done in this parish, or throughout the island, for the first two weeks of the month. in this quarter some estates did a little last week, and have been making more progress since, but the far greater number have not yet done any work; the minds of the people are very unsettled, and full of all sorts of foolish notions, which will continue more or less till we hear of the home government having accepted and approved of our abolition bill, and their views with regard to us. on several of the estates which have wrought, the people have struck once or twice. we have in this parish ministers of every denomination, and they are all acting very properly; but they do not seem to have as much influence as expected; we must _be as considerate and liberal as possible to secure their confidence_ ourselves. we are in st. mary's paying the highest rate of wages in the island; s. d. currency per day nett, with allowances, are generally offered; i am giving here, from sheer necessity, s. d. currency per day, without charging any rent in the mean time. in the present state of things when so few estates are doing anything at all, i have much satisfaction in saying that the people here, on ----, a good proportion of them were at work last week, and i have now the mill about making sugar, with every probability, i think of going on satisfactorily; and looking dispassionately at the great change which has so suddenly taken place, our present difficulties are not much to be wondered at. sunday night, th sept.--the foregoing was written, but too late, for the last packet; but as another sails to-morrow, i write you a few lines more. there is, up to this moment, but little material alteration in the state of affairs generally, certainly none for the worse. i have made here twenty hogsheads of sugar since the st ult. we are altogether in an uncertain state, but there are more mills about, and more work doing _in this district than in any other in the island_, which might and ought to be a feather in the cap of maitter, our late stipe. i have no time to say more now, excepting that, although i am in great hopes that things will soon generally improve, and am of opinion that our present difficulties are not to be wondered at, yet our situation is still so critical, that i dare not venture to hazard an opinion as to the success of the great experiment, i repeat, however, again, that we have not seen anything to disappoint or surprise us, bad as many things are." _extract of a letter from an attorney in st. mary's, jamaica, th august_, "the services of the stipes are much wanting here; i am paying s. a week for first class, s. d. for second, and s. d. for third, for five days work; they say they will not work on fridays. however, i have got people at ---- to work today; they are behaving better than most others. i hope things will now improve; and it is my opinion that good estates will do, and others will fall to the ground. old mr. tytte is dead, and his son alexander made stipe for the district. the governor's speech respecting women has done a great deal of harm. none of the women want to work. if lord glenelg had made such a mistake, he would have heard enough of it. i wish the government would take it on themselves to settle the rate of wages, otherwise two-thirds of the estates will be thrown up before next year; of course i can stand this as well as any. the ---- people have behaved well: they did every thing i told them; they are working on piece-work, which is the best plan." precisely similar is the testimony of private correspondents and of the public press so far as we have been able to learn, in all the other colonies where emancipation has taken place. there is certainly nothing in all this that indicates a disposition on the part of the emancipated to throw off the employment of their former masters, but much the reverse. we may safely challenge contradiction to the assertion, that at the expiration of the jubilee there were not a set of free laborers on earth from whom the west india planters could have got more work for the same money. it may be proper in these days, when the maxims of slavery have so fearfully overshadowed the rights of man, to say that a man has a _right_ to forbear laboring when he can live honestly without it--or, at all events, he has a right to choose whether he will employ himself or be employed by another. hence it _may_ turn out that the refusal to labor, so far as there has been any, only serves to prove the more clearly the fitness of the laborers of freedom. wages it must have been obvious to every man of reflection that in a change so vast, involving so many laborers, and in circumstances so various, there would arise almost infinite disputes about the rate of wages. the colonies differ widely as to the real value of labor. some have a rich, unexhausted, and, perhaps, inexhaustible soil, and a scanty supply of laborers. others are more populous and less fertile. the former would of course offer higher wages than the latter, for so sudden was the step there could be no common understanding on the point. again, as we have seen, the planters came into the measure with different views. some anticipated the general change, and either from motives of humanity or policy, or more probably of both, adopted a course calculated to gain the gratitude and good will of the laborer.--these would offer wages which the less liberal would call ruinous. many, and it would seem the great body of them in jamaica, yielded unwillingly to superior power. they saw the sceptre of despotic authority was to be wrested from their grasp. they threw it down, as one may easily believe, resolved to seize the best substitute they could. they would infallibly fall upon the plan of getting the greatest possible amount of work for the least possible amount of pay. when we consider that even in the oldest, most civilized, and most christianized free-labor communities, employers are wont to combine to keep down the rate of wages, while on the other hand the laborers throw up work to raise it, we shall not be surprised that there should be things of this sort in jamaica, liberty being in the gristle. the only help for such an evil is, that there is always a rate of wages which is advantageous to both parties, and things being left to themselves, it will at last be found. to the planters and freed-men in settling the question what wages they should offer and receive, two standards or guides presented themselves,-- . the rate of wages which had been given in antigua since . . the compensation that had been demanded by the jamaica planters themselves, and adjudged by the magistrates, in case of apprentices buying their own time. hundreds of planters had declared upon oath what the time of the apprentice was worth to them. possibly as sellers, in the elasticity of their consciences, they may have set a higher price than they would be willing to give as buyers. in strict honesty, however, it is difficult to see why labor should not be worth to them as much in the one case as the other. the rate of wages fixed upon in antigua may be seen by a reference to the journal of thome and kimball to be very inadequate to the wants of the laborer. free labor is there screwed down to the lowest possible point. the wonder is that the laborers should have submitted to such a scale for a moment. but they had no precedent to guide them, no advisers free from the yoke of the proprietary, no valuations given by their own masters, and there was every facility for successful combination on the part of the masters. they must work for such wages as the masters pleased to offer, or starve. say messrs. thome and kimball--"_by a general understanding among the planters_, the rate is at present fixed at a _shilling_ per day, or a little more than fifty cents per week, counting five working days." this antigua scale, and not the one they themselves had sold labor by during the apprenticeship, became at once the favorite with a great part of the jamaica and barbados planters. if they in any cases offered higher wages, they made it up by charging higher rent for the houses and grounds, which the negroes had built and brought under culture on their properties. it was before the first of august that this procedure was resolved upon by the planters, as we gather from numerous communications in the papers recommending a variety of modes of getting labor for less than its natural market value. we select a single one of these as a specimen, by the application to which of a little arithmetic, it will be perceived that the employer would _bring the laborer in debt_ to him at the end of the year, though not a moment should be lost by sickness or other casualty. the humanity of the document is perfectly of a piece with that of the system which would civilize mankind by making merchandize of them. to the editor of the morning journal. sir,--let meetings be held, not only in every parish, but in every district of a parish, and let all land-owners, &c., agree not to rent land under £ [a] per acre, and not to sell it for less than double that sum. should a few be found regardless of the _general weal_, let the proprietary, &c. join and purchase such lands, and if otherwise, it is presumed the dissentients to the measure would be so small as not to affect in any material degree the _general_ interest, inasmuch as those who dissented, from the consequent scarcity of land arising from the measure, would demand a high rental for their land. the _maximum_ system appears to be preferable to the _minimum_. i have therefore made choice of it as a stimulus to the laborers to work _at least_ four days or thirty-six hours in the week to pay for their rent, &c. &c., _or pay s. d. for every day's absence_; or, if sick, pay up the labor by working on the friday, &c., _and saturday, if needful_. weekly settlements with both parties, or _immediate summary ejectment_, if deemed necessary. [footnote a: the sums are in the currency of the islands when not otherwise specified, that is s d to the dollar.] £ s. d. rent of acres of land as a ground for each able adult, at £ per acre do. of house and garden, from £ to £ per annum, say _medical attendance, medicine, &c. &c., worth £ per annum_ clothing and christmas allowance per annum ---------- ---------- four days' or hours' labor in each week, at s. d. per day, or days, at s. d. if task-work were adopted, or the day's labor prolonged to - / or hours' labor, days' or - / days' labor _would suffice_, consequently, the laborer would have or days in each week to work for extra wages. in addition to the above, say pasturage for a horse, at s. d. per week per annum pasturage for an ass, at s. d. per week per annum _run of pasturage and fruit, for a sow, barrow, or sholt_; if rung in the nose, _d. per week_; if not rung, _s._ _d. per week; per annum, at d. per week_ the above charges for pasturage might be paid for either _by additional labor_ or in money, and to a good head-man they might be granted as a gratuity, and perhaps an additional acre of land allowed him to cultivate. it would be desirable that the negroes should, when quite free, work hours per day in the short days, and hours in the longer ones. i believe the shortest day's labor in england in the winter months in hours' actual labor, and hours' in the summer, for which hours they are paid extra wages. _st. mary's, th june, _. s.r. the date should not escape notice. by this plan, for a few petty indulgences, _all of which were professedly granted in the time of slavery itself_, the master could get the entire labor of the negro, and _seven or eight pounds per annum besides_! some may be disposed to regard this as a mere joke, but we can assure them it was a serious proposal, and not more monstrous than many things that the planters are now attempting to put in practice. the idea of actually paying money wages was horrifying and intolerable to many of the planters; they seem to have exercised their utmost ingenuity to provide against so dreadful a result. one who signed himself an "old planter" in the _despatch_, before the abolition of the apprenticeship, in view of the emancipation of the non-praedials which was to take place on the first of august, gravely wrote as follows:-- "it is my intention, therefore, when the period arrives for any arrangement with them, to offer them in return for such services, _the same time as the praedials now have_, with of course the same allowances generally, putting out of the question, however, any relaxation from labor during the day, usually allowed field laborers, and understood as shell-blow--house people being considered at all times capable of enjoying that indulgence at their pleasure, besides the impossibility of their master submitting to such an inconvenience.--this appears to me to be the only mode of arrangement that would be feasible, unless we resort to money wages, and i should regret to find that such a precedent was established in this instance, for it would only be a forerunner to similar demands at the coming period, when the praedials became free." there were more reasons than one why "money wages" were feared by the jamaica planters. a great many estates are managed by attorneys for absentee proprietors. these gentlemen pocket certain commissions, for which reason they keep in cultivation estates which cannot possibly yield a profit under a system of paid labor. they deem it for their interest to retain their occupation even at the expense of their employers. not a few conceive it for their interest to depreciate the value of property that they may purchase low, hence they deem it good policy to refuse wages, let the crops perish, and get up a panic. the documents we shall furnish will be clear on these points. the great diversity of practice in the planters in regard to wages, as well as the reasonable disposition of the laborers, is shown by the following paragraphs culled from the _morning journal_ of august :-- "st. davids.--a gentleman in the management of a property in this parish, writes in the following strain to his employer--"i have an accession of strength this morning. the people are civil and industrious. i have received letters assuring me that the example of the cocoa walt estate people, has been the means of inducing those on other estates to enter into the terms proposed"--that is s. per week, with houses, grounds, medicines, &c, &c." "st. thomas in the east.--the apprentices on golden grove estate, turned out to work on monday, but we have not learnt on what terms. at mount vernon, the property of kenneth mcpherson esq., they turned out on tuesday morning to work for five days in the week, at d. per day with houses, grounds, &c." "trelawny--a correspondent writes, every thing is quiet, and the people would go to work if any bargains were made, but i believe throughout the parish the people were directed to go to work on monday morning, without any previous arrangement, or being even told how much they would be paid, or asked what they expected. on one estate s. d. with houses and grounds was offered and refused. some of the masters are determined, it is said, to hold out, and will not consent to give more than s. d. or s. d. per day." "st. johns.--the people in this parish are at work on most of the estates without any agreement. they refuse the offer of s. - d. per day, but continue to labor, relying on the honor and liberality of the planters for fair and reasonable pay. if they do not get these in two weeks, our correspondent writes, there will be a dead stop. the laborers fix the quantity of work to be done in a day, agreeable to the scale of labor approved of by the governor during the apprenticeship. for any thing beyond that, they demand extra pay, as was usual under that system." "st. thomas in the vale--no work, we understand, is being done in this parish as yet. a correspondent states that some of the overseers and attorneys wish the people to turn out to work without entering into any arrangements, which they refuse to do. the attorney for rose hall, knollis, new works, and wallace estates has offered s. d. per day, out of which £ per annum is to be deducted for houses and grounds. the offer has been refused. the overseer of byndloss estate required his people to work without agreeing as to the rate of wages they were to receive, but they refused to do any thing without a proper agreement." "st. mary's--on some estates in this parish we are informed, and particularly those under the charge of richard lewis, esq. such as ballard's valley, timperon's estates, ellis' estates, &c. and of charles stewart, esq. trinity, royal, roslin bremer hall, &c., and also of james geddes, esq., the laborers are getting from s. d. to s. d. per day. the same rates are paid upon many outer properties. on many estates the people have refused to labor, and urge objections against the managers, as a reason for so acting. they remain and will engage to labor, provided the obnoxious parties are removed." how could the people be blamed for refusing d. per day, while on "many properties" they were getting from s. d. to s. d.? such being also the valuation which the masters had uniformly placed upon their time during the apprenticeship? when the planters found that the free laborers could neither be prevailed upon to labor for half-price nor be driven to excesses by such paltry persecution, they turned their wrath, as had been long their custom, upon the baptist missionaries. upon mr. knibb especially they laid the blame of giving mischievous advice to the peasantry. and for the obvious purpose of exciting the thousands of people warmly devoted to him, to acts of violence, they attempted to burn him in effigy and actually circulated the report that he had been murdered. thousands of his people flocked into spanish town, threatening to destroy the town if the report proved true. but on learning its falsity were easily persuaded to retire, and did so without being guilty of any excess whatever. unmeasured and unceasing have been the attacks of the jamaica press upon the missionaries. upon their shoulders has been laid "the ruin of that fine island."--they have corrupted the peasantry and put it in their heads to ask more wages than the estate can possibly give. to determine the value of the testimony of the missionaries in this case it is important to know the nature of their influence upon the laborers touching the question of wages. we are happily furnished with the required information from their own lips and pens in the jamaica papers. _from the falmouth post._ rev. w. knibb's advice to the negroes. meeting at the "suffield school-room." on friday evening last we attended the suffield school-room, in this town, which, at an early hour was crowded with apprentices and head people, from upwards of twenty properties, who had met for the purpose of receiving advice from the rev. wm. knibb, and special justice lyon, respecting the course of conduct it will be necessary for them to adopt, on taking their stand in society as freemen. several gentlemen connected with the commercial and agricultural interests of the parish were present on the occasion. the rev. w. knibb commenced by saying, that he attended a meeting of a similar nature at wilberforce chapel, on the preceding evening. he had thought it better to request the attendance this evening of the head people, who being the more intelligent would be able to explain to others, the advice which they would now receive themselves. "i am glad," said the rev. gentleman, "to see so many persons present, among whom i notice a few gentlemen who are not connected with my church: i am glad of the attendance of these gentlemen, for what i do, i do openly, and any one is at liberty to express his opinion at this meeting if he desires to do so. you will shortly, my friends, be released from your present state of bondage; in the course of a very few weeks you will receive the boon of freedom, and i would therefore impress deeply on your minds the necessity of your continuing the cultivation of the soil on the receipt of fair and equitable wages. i am not aware myself of any complete scale of wages having been drawn up, but i have been on or different properties, i have conversed with several proprietors, and i am glad to say that with some of them there appears to be a disposition to meet the charge fairly and honorably. those who are more conversant with figures than i am, will be enabled to show what the owner can afford to give for the cultivation of his property. in the mean time i would say to you, do not make any hasty bargain: take time and consider the subject, for it is one of vital interest and importance to all! if you demand too high a rate of wages, the proprietors will be ruined; if you consent to take too low a sum, you will not be able to provide for the wants of yourselves and families. in making your arrangement, if there be an attempt to grind you down, resist the attempt by all legal means; for you must consider that you are not acting for yourselves alone, but for posterity. i desire to see every vestige of slavery completely rooted out. you must work for money; you must pay money to your employers for all you receive at their hands: a fair scale of wages must be established, and you must be entirely independent of any one. if you continue to receive those allowances which have been given during slavery and apprenticeship, it will go abroad that you are not able to take care of yourselves; that your employers are obliged to provide you with these allowances to keep you from starvation; in such a case you will be nothing more than slaves.--to be free, you must be independent; you must receive money for your work; come to market with money; purchase from whom you please, and be accountable to no one but that being above, who i hope will watch over and protect you!--i sincerely trust that proper arrangements will be made before the st of august.--i have spoken to nearly four thousand persons connected with my church, and i have not yet learnt that there is any disposition among them to leave their present employers, provided they receive equitable wages. your employer will expect from you good crops of sugar and rum; and while you labour to give him these, he must pay you such wages as will enable you to provide yourselves with wholesome food, good clothing, comfortable houses, and every other necessity of life. your wages must be such as to enable you to do this; to contribute to the support of your church; the relief of the distressed; the education of your children, and to put by something for sickness and old age. i hail the coming of the st august with feelings of joy and gratitude. oh, it will be a blessed day; a day which gives liberty to all; and my friends, i hope that the liberty which it will bring to you will by duly appreciated. i trust i may live to see the black man in the full enjoyment of every privilege with his white brethren, and that you may all so conduct yourselves as to give the lie direct to those who have affirmed that the only idea you have of liberty is that it will enable you to indulge in idle habits and licentious pursuits. when liberty casts her benignant smiles on this beautiful island, i trust that the employer and the laborer will endeavour to live on terms of friendship and good will with one another.--when the labourer receives a proper remuneration for his services--when the employer contemplates the luxuriance of his well-cultivated fields, may they both return thanks to a merciful god, for permitting the sun of liberty to shine with bright effulgence! i need scarcely assure you, my friends, that i will be at all times ready to protect your rights. i care not about the abuse with which i may probably be assailed; i am ready to meet all the obloquy and scorn of those who have been accustomed to place the most unfavourable constructions on my actions. i am willing to meet the proprietors in a spirit of candour and conciliation. i desire to see you fairly compensated for your labor; i desire also to you performing your work with cheerful industry: but i would warn you _not to be too hasty in entering into contracts_. think seriously before you act, and remember, as i have already old you, that you have now to act not only for yourselves, but for posterity." we give numerous documents from these gentlemen, as among the best if not the greatest part of our fellow citizens; we trust their testimony will be deemed the best that could be offered. letter of eight baptist missionaries. _to the right hon. lord_ glenelg, &c. my lord--we feel assured that no apology is necessary, in requesting your attention to the subject of this letter. the official connection which you hold with the colony, together with the peculiar circumstances in which its newly-emancipated population are placed, render it an imperative duty we owe to ourselves to lay before you our sentiments. having labored in the island for many years, and having been in daily intercourse with the objects of our solicitude, we do feel devoutly thankful to almighty god, that he has spared us to see the disenthralment of our beloved flocks; while it gives us increased pleasure to assure your lordship that they received the boon with holy joy, and that the hour which made them men beheld them in thousands humbly prostrate at the footstool of mercy, imploring the blessing of heaven upon themselves and their country, while, during the night and joyful day, not a single case of intoxication was seen. to us, as their pastors, they naturally looked for advice, both as to the labor they should perform and the wages they should receive. the importance of this subject was deeply felt by us, and we were prepared to meet it with a full sense of the responsibility it involved, and happily succeeded in inducing them to accept of a sum lower than that which the representatives of the landowners had formerly asserted was fair and just. we regret to state, that a deep combination was formed by many of these _middlemen_ to grind the peasantry to the dust, and to induce, if possible, the acceptance of remuneration which, by affording no inducement to the peasant cheerfully to labor, would have entailed pauperism on him and his family, and ruin on the absentee proprietor. it was to this circumstance, and not in the least to any unwillingness in the free negro to work, or to demand more for his labor than it was fairly worth, that for one or two weeks, in some places, the cultivation of the soil was not resumed. upon the planting attorneys, so long accustomed to tyranny and oppression, and armed with a power over the land which must prove inimical to the full development of the resources of this valuable colony, the blame entirely rests. we suppose that your lordship is fully aware, that the laws under which the laborer is now placed are tyrannical and unjust in the extreme; laws, we hesitate not to affirm, which are a disgrace to those who framed them, and which, if acted upon by a local magistracy, will entail upon the oft-cheated, over-patient negro some of the worst features of that degrading state of vassalage from which he has just escaped. we particularly refer to "an act to enlarge the powers of justices in determining complaints between masters and servants, and between masters, and apprentices, artificers, and others," which passed the assembly the rd day of july, , while by police acts, especially one regulating the town of falmouth, our people will be daily harassed and annoyed. we think it right to inform your lordship, that the greater part of those who hold the commission of magistrates are the very persons who, by their connection with the soil, are the most unfit, because the most interested, honestly to discharge their important duties; while their ignorance of the law is, in too many cases, equalled only by their love of tyranny and misrule. time must work a mighty change in the views of numbers who hold this office, ere they believe there is any dereliction of duty in daily defrauding the humble african. we cannot but entreat your lordship to use those means which are in your power to obtain for the laborer, who imploringly looks to the queen for protection, justice at the hands of those by whom the law is administered. we must, indeed, be blind to all passing events, did we not see that, without the watchful care of the home government, the country district courts, held sometimes in the very habitations of those who will have to make the complaints, will be dens of injustice and cruelty, and that our hearts will again be lacerated by the oppressions under which our beloved people will groan. we beg to apprise your lordship, that we have every reason to believe that an early attempt will be made to deprive the peasantry of their provision grounds--that they will not be permitted, even to rent them; so that, by producing starvation and rendering the population entirely dependent upon foreign-supplies for the daily necessaries of life, a lower rate of wages may be enforced. cruel as this may appear to your lordship, and unlikely as it may seem, long experience has taught us that there is no possible baseness of which a slave-owner will not be guilty, and no means of accomplishing his purposes, however fraught with ruin to those around him, which he will not employ. should the peasantry be thus treated, we shall feel it our duty humbly to implore that the lands belonging to the crown may be made available for their use. your lordship will remember that these ill-treated people became not the subjects of her majesty by choice, though they are now devotedly attached to her government. their fathers were stolen and brought hither. on their native shores they had lands and possessions capable of supplying all their wants. if, then, after having toiled without remuneration, they are prevented even renting a portion of land which has hitherto been esteemed as their own, we shall ask, and shall feel assured that the boon will not be withheld, that her most gracious majesty will throw open the lands belonging to the crown, where we may retire from the tyranny of man, and with our people find a peaceful and quiet home. though still surrounded by obloquy and reproach, though the most abusive epithets and language disgracefully vulgar has been employed to assail us, especially by a newspaper known to be under the patronage of a bishop, and in which all official accounts of his diocese are given to the world, yet we assure your lordship that, in endeavouring to promote the general interests and welfare of this colony, we shall still pursue that line of conduct which is the result of our judgment, and in accordance with the dictates of our conscience. in no part of the island are arrangements made so fully or so fairly, as in those districts where our congregations reside, and in no part are the laborers more faithfully performing their duty. we deeply feel our responsibility at the present crisis, and pledging ourselves to your lordship and the british government by the sacred office we hold, we assure you that ceaseless efforts shall still be exerted, as they have ever been, to promote the peace and happiness of those around us. in the name and on the behalf of our churches, for the sacred cause of freedom throughout the world, we unitedly implore your lordship to throw the shield of britain's protection over those who are just made her loyal subjects. all they want, and all they ask, is, that, as they are raised to the dignity, so they may receive all the rights of man, and that the nation who purchased them from bondage may fully secure to them that civil and religious liberty, to which both their unparalleled sufferings and their unexampled patience so richly entitle them. we cannot conclude this letter, without expressing the high sense we entertain of the noble and disinterested conduct pursued by his excellency sir lionel smith, the governor of this colony. but for his firmness, jamaica would have presented all the horrors of a civil war. feeling assured that your lordship will give that attention to this letter which the subject demands, and with earnest prayer that this colony, now blest with liberty, may exhibit increasing prosperity, we are, my lord, your most obedient servants, signed by thomas burchell william knibb thomas abbott walter dendy john clark b.b. dexter samuel oughton j. hutchins baptist missionaries, north side union. [on the foregoing letter the _london sun_ has the following observations.] "every arrival from the west indies but strengthens our conviction, that there never will be happiness, security, or peace for the emancipated negroes, so long as the administration of the laws, and the management of the plantations, are continued in the hands of those white officials whose occupation, previous to the passing of the emancipation act, consisted in torturing and tormenting them with impunity. they cannot endure to witness the elevation to the rank of free, intelligent, and well-behaved fellow-citizens, of a class of beings whom they were accustomed to treat a myriad of times worse than they did the "beasts that perish." having pronounced them incapable of civilization, and strangers to all the better feelings of our nature, they deem it a sort of duty to themselves to employ every artifice to neutralize or retard every measure calculated to ameliorate the moral and social condition of the negro race. several of the colonial agents have powerful inducements to the provocation of some insurrectionary outbreak, on the part of the colored population. in the first place, such an _emute_ would fulfil their predictions with regard to the passing the emancipation act, and so establish their reputation as seers; and in the next, it would lead to the sale of many of the plantations at one-sixth their real value, and so transform them from agents to principles, as they would not fail to be the purchasers. that such is their policy cannot, we think, be doubted for a moment by those who will take the trouble to peruse a letter addressed by eight baptist missionaries, long resident in jamaica, to lord glenelg, which will be found in another part of _the sun_. these missionaries, we are assured, are men of irreproachable lives, of indefatigable christian zeal, and of conversation becoming persons whose sacred office it is to preach the gospel of peace. that their representation will produce a powerful effect upon the minds of the people of this country, we feel as confident as we do that our gracious queen will concede any boon in her royal gift, necessary to the welfare of her colored subjects." the following are a series of letters to mr. sturge, published in the british emancipator for nov. , . the one from a special justice clearly developes the principal causes of the backwardness of the laborers. the testimony of this letter to some important facts will be fully confirmed by that of the governor of jamaica. the evidence of extortion submitted by the missionaries is so explicit, that we beg the attention of the reader to all the details. remember the experiment involves the claims of millions to that without which life is little better than a curse. every thing hangs on the inquiry whether the emancipated or their former masters are chargeable with whatever there is of _ruin_ in the "fine island" of jamaica. says mr. sturge, in laying these letters before the public, "it should be clearly understood that the fee simple of all negro houses in jamaica is not worth £ each on an average, and that their provision grounds have been brought into cultivation by the negroes themselves in their _own_ time." extract of a letter from a missionary:-- savannah-la-mar, sept. , . my dear sir,--you are probably aware that the following question has been submitted by the governor to the attorney-general for his opinion: (copy.) (no. .) king' house, aug. , . sir,--i am desired by the governor to request you will give your opinion for general publication. st. whether in instances of notices to quit their houses and grounds, having been served upon the late apprentices, they are liable to be made to pay rent for the occupation of such house, during the three months allowed by law? (opinion.) they are. (signed,) d o'reill. we shall soon see the evil effects of this opinion, it being generally previously understood that the late apprenticed population would not be liable for rent until the three months had expired, after receiving notice to quit. as a specimen of this being made an instrument of great oppression in the hands of managers of estates, i would state that two notices were yesterday brought to brother hutchins for his inspection; one was served upon david clarke, a labourer, on king's valley estate, in this parish. on the back of the notice to quit was written as under;-- "the rent of your house and grounds is twenty-one pounds six shillings and eight pence, per annum, commencing st of august, , if legal." (signed) j. h. jones. mr. sturge appends the following west india accounts, which be says are in his possession by which it is evident that the planters are bringing their laborers in debt to them, by a spirit of shameless extortion. charles duncan to john dixon, dr. . sept. . to rent of house and ground, from st of august to date, s. d. per week. - / cr. by balance, five days, s. d. per day ------------- - / charles brown, to john dixon, dr. . sept. . to rent of house and ground, s. d. per week, from st aug, to date. charge for running a sow and pigs, from st aug. to date, s. d. per week - / ------------- - / john alfred bullock to john dixon, dr. . sept. . to rent of house and garden, from st of aug. to date, s. d. per week, - / rent of provision ground, s. per week, pasturage, two weeks, for an ass, s. d, per month, two hogs, s. d. per week, - / ------------- - / cr. by two days' labour, s. d. per day ------------- - / letter to mr. sturge, from a special justice. _jamaica, oct. th, ._ freedom has brought with it the blessings we anticipated; and as we progress in civilization we shall all be happier. i have ever been sanguine as to its beneficial results, and i am not in the least disappointed. i cannot find language sufficiently strong to express the commendation due to the negroes for their steady and good conduct since the st of august. amidst the most trying circumstance, they have exhibited the greatest forbearance, and placed their whole reliance on the laws for protection. i am satisfied that no other nation of free men could conduct themselves so temperately and well, under similar circumstances; and in my opinion, they have proved themselves infinitely superior to many of those who so lately exercised almost unlimited control over them. i declare to you, to see such a mass of persons, whose morals have been little regarded by those who held them in slavery, and without education, rise all at once, and express and conduct themselves so admirably, is wonderful. when seeking redress before the magistrates for wrongs committed by there former owners they have maintained more coolness and temper than their more fortunate brethren, when maters are decided against them. there is a hard struggle on the part of the pro-slavery faction to compel the negro to work for little or nothing, in order that the attorneys and overseers may keep their places as before; and i am informed, by a gentleman whose veracity is not to be doubted, and who is himself an attorney, that he can still keep his overseer and merchant as in former days, draw his own commissions, and send home to his employer a very handsome surplus. under such circumstances, well may the friends of freedom cry shame at the opposition which has for so long a time been thrown in the way of liberty, by these west indians of practical knowledge. the facts are, that the absent proprietors have been led by the advice they have received from their attorneys; and these have had so many ways of making more than an honest commission, and have so speedily made their fortunes, that as long as they could continue slavery, they have exerted every influence. the overseer was paid, housed, fed, and waited upon, all at the expense of master and slave, beside; keeping a fine stud of horses, and as many brood mares at pasture on the property as would enable him to dispose of seven or eight prime mules annually; and so long as he drove and tormented the poor negro, and made good crops for the attorney's commissions, and supplied his horses with corn, these _little perquisites_ were never discovered. now the proprietor will hardly pay for more labor than is absolutely necessary to grow and manufacture the produce of his estate; and these gentlemen must henceforth look to their own resources, for the payment of servants to attend and take care of their own interests and comforts. an overseer's situation on an estate making hogsheads, was calculated in slavery to be equal to l. a year. indeed no man in any town could have lived in such luxury for that sum. if the proprietor would only come out, and live prudently, he would save all this by residing on his property, which he could easily manage by employing, for extra wages, his former steady head people. _they_, from long residence, know the best manner of working the land; and, as to the manufacture of sugar, they are the persons who have _all their lives_ been working at it. the most important part of an overseer and book-keeper's business was to make use of their _eyes_. the negro had to make use of his legs, arms and strength; and, in nine cases out of ten, his brains kept the white people in their situations, by preventing matters from going wrong. i perfectly coincide with you, as to the propriety of the negro speedily becoming possessed of the elective franchise. in antigua there is very little more land than is in cultivation for the estates, but here it is widely different; and they are beginning to settle themselves by purchasing small lots very fast. at sligoville there are nearly fifty new freeholders. the negroes are taught to do this by the perpetual worry of their employers, threatening to oust them on every trifling occasion, and withholding part of their wages on the plea of non-performance of work.--the root of all evil is the assembly and the juries. nothing requires greater alteration; and i shall never rest, until i see the black man stand the same chance at the bar of his country as the white man.--the negroes will not work under their former hard task-masters. they determinedly resist all solicitations to labor with those who treated them ill. they say that the pain is gone, but the mark remains, and i respect them for this proud feeling. * * * * * i have come under his displeasure for taking the opinion of middleton and mcdougal, as to the legality of charging the negro hire for his house and grounds, for the three months during which the notices to quit are running.--had we not taken these opinions, what a fearful state things might we have been brought to in this country! i am quite satisfied that no rent could be recovered until the expiration of the three months, from which time it would commence to run, and the plaintiff would in law be considered in possession of his lands again, which, in slavery, he was compelled to give to his slave for his support and maintenance. he must re-enter before he could demand rent, for it is impossible for him to prove a contract, or imply one. the negro did not willingly come from africa, and occupy his land; he was torn from his native land, and compelled by his owner, under laws that took his life, not to quit the land; how therefore can he be considered to have made a contract, or consented to one? from the rev. j. kingdon _manchioneal, oct. , ._ in passing through hector's river great house yard, in my way to my preaching spot, i have the most sensible demonstration of the reality of the political change happily brought about; for that hot-house, in which i have seen one of my own members in irons for having a bad sore leg, and in which i have been grossly insulted for daring to go to see my poor people--that house is _shut up_! delightful, i assure you, are my feelings, whenever i go by that place, attached to which, too, was the old-time prison, a perfect charnel-house. from the rev. s. oughton. _lucea, october , ._ unused to acts of justice and humanity, the planters, in a moment of mad excitement passed an act to abolish the accursed system of slavery. the debates on that occasion proved with what an ill grace they performed that scanty act of justice, and all experience since that period proves how bitterly they repent it. it is true, we are not now, as before, distressed by hearing recitals of barbarous corporeal punishments, and we are no longer pained by seeing human beings chained to each other by the neck; but, although cruelty has, to a certain extent, ceased, oppression has become ten thousand times more rampant than ever. every act which ingenuity or malice can invent, is employed to harass the poor negroes. prior to august st, the planter studiously avoided every thing like an arrangement with the laborer, and when, on the following monday, they turned out to work, the paltry pittance of - / d. ( - / d. sterl.) was all that in the majority of cases was offered for the services of an able-bodied negro, although s. d. per day (currency), had before been invariably exacted from them, when they were desirous of purchasing the remaining term of their apprenticeship. of course, the people refused to receive so paltry a remuneration for their labour, and this has laid the foundation for a course of systematic oppression scarcely conceivable. notices to quit were served indiscriminately on every one, old and young, sick and healthy. medical attendance was refused, and even a dose of physic from the estates' hospitals. cattle were turned into the provision-grounds of the negroes, thus destroying their only means of support; and assaults of the most wanton and brutal description were committed on many of the peasantry. on one estate the proprietor and his brother assaulted a young man in the most unprovoked manner. one presented a pistol to his breast, and threatened to shoot him; while the other levelled a gun at his head for the same purpose. they were bound over to take their trial at the quarter sessions; but what hope is there in such a tribunal as that, composed principally of men engaged in the same reckless course, and banded together by mutual interests? on another estate (_content_), the attorney ordered the cattle of a poor man (a member of my chapel) to be taken up and impounded. it was done, and the man was obliged to pay l. to redeem them; when, as soon as he carried them back, they were again taken and impounded. the man has been to my house with his case of oppression, on my return from kingston. he states that he exhausted his last farthing to redeem the cattle the first time, and was also obliged to borrow of his friends; they have now been impounded five weeks, and unless he can raise the money to redeem them (upwards of l.), they will be sold to pay the expenses. thus is an honest and worthy man, in a few weeks, stripped of every thing which, by years of industry and care, he had accumulated for the comfort of his old age, or the benefit of his family. yesterday a negro came and informed me that the owner of a property had told him last year, that he must cultivate more ground, so as to be able to continue possession as a tenant; and now that he has done so, another person, saying that he had purchased the property, came a few days ago, and told him that in three weeks he would drive him from the place. he then ordered a man whom he had with him to climb a bread-fruit tree, and pull the fruit, which he forcibly carried away to give to his hogs. but i must forbear: were i to state half the cases of oppression which have occurred in hanover since august st; i should require a volume instead of a sheet. i think, however, i have said enough to prove the bitter and rancorous spirit which at present animates the planters. enclosed i send a specimen of another artifice adopted to harass and distress the negroes. they have adopted the notion (sanctioned by the opinion of the old planters' jackall, batty, and the attorney general), that the people are liable to pay rent for houses and grounds during the three months' possession to which the abolition act entitled them, and notices have been served on the people, demanding the most extravagant amounts for the miserable sheds which the people inhabited. you will perceive that in once case l. s. d. has been demanded. this conscientious demand was made by john houghton james, executor and attorney for sir simon clark. another is from a mr. bowen, of _orchard_ estate; and the third from mr. brockett, of _hopewell_ and _content_ estates, the property of mr. miles, m.p. for bristol. let it be borne in mind that these shameful and exorbitant demands are not made, as in england, on the head of the family only, but on _every member who is able to do the least work_, and even little children have papers demanding s. d. per week for ground, although unable to do the least thing: one of these i also enclose. jamaica, ss. notice is hereby given, that the sum of eight shillings and four pence, weekly, will be exacted from you and each of you respectively, for the houses and grounds at orchard estate, in the parish of hanover, from august of the present year, until the expiration of the three months' notice, from its period of service to quit; or to the period of surrendering to me the peaceable possession of the aforesaid house and provision grounds. j. r. bowen. dated this th day of sep. . to james darling and sarah darling, of the parish of hanover. here then, my dear sir, you may perceive something of the atrocious proceedings in the island of jamaica. pray insert these documents in the _emancipator_. let the anti-slavery friends know the state of things, and urge them to redoubled diligence. the house of assembly will meet on the th instant, and then, i fear, dreadful measures will be taken. a letter from mr. harker, of the jamaica royal gazette, about a fortnight since, addressed to mr. abbott, shows what absolute and cruel statutes they would wish either to act upon, or to make the models of new laws. every act must be watched with the most jealous scrutiny. experience shows that the planters possess an ingenuity truly diabolical, in twisting and distorting the laws to suit their own selfish purpose. our hope is in british christians; and we confidently hope every one of them will feel the importance of increased diligence, lest the great, and long prayed-for boon of freedom, should become a curse, instead of a blessing. the papers will inform you of the odium i have drawn on myself in defending the people's rights. that contained in the great mass, only provokes a smile. i know that every friend in england will interpret it inversely. i did feel mr. ----'s letter in the falmouth post, but he knows his error, and is sorry for it. i could have answered it, but did not choose to cause a division amongst the few friends of the negro, when they had quite enough to do to withstand the attacks of their enemies. from the rev. j. m. philippo. _spanish town, oct. , ._ the following is one of the seven of the same tenor now in my possession, which will, in addition to those i forwarded by last mail, inform you of the cause of the late disinclination of the people in some districts to labour--which, with so much effrontery, has been proclaimed through the public journals here:-- charles michael kelly and wife, to j.s. benbow, dr. : july th to sept. th. . to the rent of house and ground on castle kelly plantation, for eight weeks, at s. d. per week. l. . richard kelly and wife. same. . elenor mercer. same. . john ried and wife. same. . mary ann christie. same. . venus owen (or such like name). same. from the rev. j. hutchins. _savanna-la-mar, sept. , ._ i now, according to promise in my last, send you a few out of the many cases i am almost hourly troubled with. some of our would-be great men are, i am sorry to say, harassing the poor free labourers shamefully; and should it prove, as i think in some cases it must, of serious injury to the absentee proprietors, i shall publish the cases of grievance brought me, together with the names of the estates, owners, attorneys, overseers, &c., and leave all parties to form their own opinion on the subject. amelia martin, to retrieve estate, dr. : august . to house and ground, rent at s. per week, from st august to date _l._ [a]alliac davis, ground rent at d. per week [a]william davis; ditto ditto ------------- _l._ ------------- thos. tats, esq. is attorney, and mr. comry overseer, [footnote a: boys from to , her sons.] * * * * * louisa patter, to retrieve estate, dr. : aug. . to house and ground from st aug. to date _l._ she states she has been sickly so long, that she has no ground in cultivation, and cannot help herself, and has only what yams her friends give her. * * * * * susan james, to albany estate, dr. : aug. . to house and ground rent at s. per week, from st august, to date l. thos. hewett, ground rent elizabeth james, ditto mary dunn, ditto letitia, ditto[a] ------------- l. ------------- [footnote a: these are a mother and four children in one house, and with but one ground, they tell me.] * * * * * richard warren, to albany estate, dr. : aug. . to house and ground rent to date l. wife child[b] ------------- l. ------------- [footnote b: the child is quite young, and in daily attendance at one of my schools.] * * * * * on this property, under the same managers as retrieve, the people state that they are going on shamefully. "the last sabbath but one, when we were at service, stephen campbell, the book-keeper, and edward pulsey, old-time constable, come round and mark all for we house, and charge for ebery one of we family. we don't know what kind of fee dis we hab at all; for we attorney, mr. tate, neber come on we property, leave all to mr. comeoy. we peak to him for make bargain, him say him can't make law, and him no make bargain till him heare what law come out in packet. him say dem who make bargain are fools; beside him no call up a parcel of niggers to hold service wid me; should only get laughed at. so we know not what for do. you are for we minister, and for we only friend; and if you did not advise we to go on work till things settle down, we no lift another hoe. we would left the property." unless an arrangement is soon entered into, i shall advise them to do so. james greenheld, to new galloway estate, dr. to one week's rent of house, garden, and ground, and to ditto for his wife, margaret greenfield, at s. per week. £ j.g. states, "i come for massa. when we make bargain with mr. mcneal, it was a maccaroni ( s. d.) a day, and for we house and ground. me is able and willing for work, so let my wife stop home; so him charge me de same sum for my wife, as for me own house and ground. and den last week me sick and get no money, and they charge me over again, (as above) one week me sick. me no able for say what to call dat massa, me sure." i leave with you to make your own comments, and to do what you please with the above. although my chapel is £ in debt, and my schools, one of and one of scholars, are heavy, very heavy on me, i cannot do other than advise my people to save every mite, buy an acre of land, and by that means be independent, and job about wherever they may be wanted. from the rev. t. burchell. _montego bay, october_ , . the reason why i have not written to you so long, is the intensely anxious time we have had. i feel, however, that it is high time now to address you; for, if our friends in england relax their efforts, my conviction is, that freedom will be more in name than in reality, in this slave-holding island. there is nothing to be feared, if the noble band of friends who have so long and so successfully struggled, will but continue their assistance a short time longer. the planters have made a desperate struggle, and so, i have no doubt, will the house of assembly, against the emancipated negroes. my firm conviction has been, and still is, that the planters have endeavored, by the offer of the most paltry wages, to reduce the condition of the laborer, and make him as badly off as he was when an apprentice or a slave, that he may curse the day that made him free. though unable to conduct the usual services on sunday the th august, at the close i addressed the congregation, urging upon them the necessity of commencing their work on the following day, whether arrangements were made between themselves and their masters or not; as by so doing they would put it out of the power of their opponents to say anything evil of them. they assembled, and on monday the th thousands turned out to work, and continued to labor, unless prevented by the manager, until arrangements were made. you will remember, that prior to the st of august, a white man who hired out a gang of apprentices to an estate was paid at the rate of s. d. sterling per diem for each able laborer. the apprentice received the same when he worked for the estate on his own days, friday and saturday; and whenever they were valued for the purpose of purchasing the remaining time of their apprenticeship, the planter upon oath stated that their services were worth at least s. . per diem to the estate, and the apprentice had to redeem himself at that rate. after the st of august, the planters discovered, that, whilst the properties would well afford to continue the lavish and extravagant expenditure in managing the estates, "it would be certain ruin to the properties, if the labourer was paid more than / d. per diem. for the st class of labourers, d. the nd class, and / d. for the rd class:" and why? i know not why, unless it was because the long oppressed negro was to put the money into his own pocket, and not his white oppressors. this seems to have made all the difference. the above wages were accordingly offered, and rejected with scorn; the people feeling the greatest indignation at the atrocious attempt of their old oppressors to grind them down now they are free, and keep them in a state of degradation. the greatest confusion and disorder ensued; the labourers indignant at the conduct of their masters, and the planters enraged against the people, for presuming to think and act for themselves. as a matter of course, the fury of the planters was directed against half a dozen baptist missionaries, and as many more friends and stipendiary magistrates; and i can assure you that the jamaica press equalled its most vituperative days, and came forth worthy of itself. the despatch, or the old jamaica courant, so well known in for advocating the burning of chapels, and the hanging of missionaries; was quite in the shade. the pious polypheme, the bishop's paper, with the jamaica standard of infamy and falsehood, published in this town, took the lead, and a pretty standard it is. let foreigners judge of jamaica by the jamaica standard of august last, and they must suppose it is an island of savages, or a little hell. the press teemed with abuse of the most savage nature against us, and published the most barefaced lies. that, however, you who know the generality of the jamaica press, will say is nothing new or strange; well, it is not, nor do we regard any statements they make; for no one believes what they publish, and it is a source of gratification to us that we have never forfeited our character or principles in the estimation of the reflecting, the philanthropist, or the christian public, by meriting their approbation. in the mulct of this seemingly general conspiracy to defraud the laborer of his wages by exorbitant rents, &c. sir lionel smith, the governor, proceeds from district to district, giving advice to both of the contending parties, and striving to promote a mutual understanding. his testimony to the designs of the planters given to their faces, and not denied, is very important; we give therefore one of his meetings, as the find it reported in the jamaica papers. here is a rather familiar conversation among some of the chief men of that island--where can we expect to find more authoritative testimony? sir lionel smith's visit to dunsinane. his excellency, sir lionel smith, visited dunsinane on thursday last, agreeably to arrangements previously entered into, for the purpose of addressing the late apprenticed population in that neighborhood, on the propriety of resuming the cultivation of the soil. about two miles from dunsinane, his excellency was met by a cavalcade composed of the late apprentices, who were preceded by messrs. bourne, hamilton, and kent, late special justices. on the arrival of his excellency at dunsinane, he was met by the hon. joseph gordon, custos, the lord bishop attended by his secretary, and the rev. alexander campbell; the hon. hector mitchel, mayor of kingston, and a large number of highly respectable planters, proprietors, and attorneys. his excellency, on being seated in the dwelling, said, that from information which he had received from other parishes, and facts gathered from personal observation, he believed that the same bone of contention existed there as elsewhere--a source of discontent brought about by the planters serving the people with notices to quit their houses and grounds. he did not question their right to do so, or the legality of such a proceeding, but he questioned the prudence of the step. the great change from slavery to unrestricted freedom surely deserved some consideration. things cannot so soon be quiet and calm. depend upon it, nothing will be done by force. much may be by conciliation and prudence. do away with every emblem of slavery; throw off the kilmarnock cap, and adopt in its stead, like rational men, britannia's cap of liberty. he (sir lionel) doubted not the right of the planters to rent their houses and grounds; in order to be more certain on that head, he had procured the opinion of the attorney general; but the exercise of the right by the planter, and getting the people to work, were very different matters. much difficulty must be felt in getting rid of slavery. even in the little island of antigua, it had taken six months to get matters into a quiet state; but here, in a large country like jamaica, could it be expected to be done in a day, and was it because it was not done, that the planters were to be opposed to him? you are all in arms against me (said his excellency,) but all i ask of you is to exercise patience, and all will be right. i have done, and am doing all in my power for the good of my country. if you have served the people with notices to quit, with a view to compel them to work, or thinking to force them to work for a certain rate of wages, you have done wrong. coercive measures will never succeed. in vere, which i lately visited, the planters have agreed to give the people s. d. per day, and to let them have their houses and grounds for three months free of charge. his excellency, on seeing some symptoms of disapprobation manifested, said, well, if you cannot afford to pay so much, pay what you can afford; but above all, use conciliatory measures, and i have not a doubt on my mind but that the people will go to their work. seeing so many planters present, he should be happy if they would come to an arrangement among themselves, before he addressed the people outside. mr. wellwood hyslop remarked, that vere and other rich sugar parishes might be able to pay high rates of wages, because the land yielded profitable crops, but in this district it was impossible to follow the example of those parishes. he thought that two bits a day might do very well, but that was as much as could be afforded. his excellency said that in manchester, where he believed he had more enemies than in any other parish, he had advised them to work by the piece, and it had been found to answer well. mr. hinton east said that he would submit a measure which he thought would be approved of. he proposed that the people should be paid s. for four days' labor; that if they cleaned more than trees per day, either themselves or by bringing out their wives and children, they should be paid extra wages in the same proportion. mr. andrew simpson said that he could not afford to pay the rates named by his excellency. it was entirely out of the question; that a good deal depended upon the state the fields are in--that his people, for instance, could, with much ease, if they chose, clean trees by half-past three o'clock. mr. mason, of st. george's, said he was willing to pay his people s. d. per day, if they would but work; but the fact was that they refused to do so, on account of the stories that had been told them by special justice fishbourne; willingly too would i have given them their houses and grounds for three months, free of charge, had they shown a desire to labor; but what was the lamentable fact? the people would not work, because mr. fishbourne had influenced them not to do so, and he (mr. mason) had been a loser of one thousand pounds in consequence. he had been compelled in self-defence to issue summonses against two of his people. he had purchased his property--it was his all--he had sacrificed twenty of the best years of his life as a planter, he had a wife and family to support, and what was the prospect before him and them? he admitted having served notices on his people to quit their houses--in truth he did not now care whether they were or were not located on the property--he was willing to pay fair, nay, high wages, but the demand was exorbitant. he had a servant, a trustworthy white man, who laboured from day-dawn to sunset for s. d. per day, and he was quite satisfied. all the mischief in his district had been owing to the poisonous stories poured into the ears of the people by special justice fishbourne. if he were removed, the parish might probably assume a healthy state; if allowed to remain, no improvement could possibly take place. his excellency said that the assembly had passed a law preventing the special magistrates from going on the estates; they could not, however, prevent the people from going to them, and taking their advice if they wished it. he had understood that the people had gone to the special magistrates, informing them that the planters demanded s. d. per week rent for the houses and grounds, and that they had been advised, if such were the case, that they ought to be paid higher wages. he understood that to be a fact. mr. andrew simpson said that the people would, he had no doubt, have worked, but for the pernicious advice of mr. fishbourne. he had heard that the people had been told that the governor did not wish them to work, and that he would be vexed with them if they did. sir lionel replied that he was aware that white men were going about the country disguised as policemen, pretending to have his (sir lionel's) authority, telling the people not to work. he knew well their intention and design, he understood the trick. you are anxious (said his excellency) to produce a panic, to reduce the value of property, to create dismay, in order that you may speculate, by reducing the present value of property; but you will be disappointed, notwithstanding a press sends forth daily abuse against me, and black-guard and contemptible remarks against my acts. i assure you i am up to your tricks. mr. andrew simpson would be glad if his excellency would speak individually. there was a paper called the west indian, and another the colonial freeman. he wished to know whether his excellency meant either of those papers. [some slight interruption here took place, several gentlemen speaking at the same time.] his excellency said he had not come to discuss politics, but to endeavour to get the people to work, and it would be well for them to turn their attention to that subject. mr. simpson said he had a gang who had jobbed by the acre, and had done well, but it was unfortunate in other respects to observe the disinclination shown by the laborers to work. he wished them to know that they must work, and trusted that his excellency would endeavour to force them to labor. sir lionel--i can't compel them to do as you would wish, nor have i the power of forcing them to labor. the people will not suffer themselves to be driven by means of the cart-whip. it is the policy of every man to make the best bargain he can. i can say nothing to the people about houses and grounds, and price of wages. i can only ask them to work. mr. wiles said that the planters were anxious to come to amicable arrangements with the people, but they were unreasonable in their demands. the planters could not consent to be injured--they must profit by their properties. mr. mason said, that the only bone of contention was the subject of rent. his people were outside waiting to be satisfied on that head. he hesitated not to say, that the proprietors were entitled to rent in every instance where the laborer was unwilling to labor, and unless that subject was at once settled, it would involve both parties in endless disagreement. he was not one of those persons alluded to by his excellency, who circulated misrepresentations for private benefit, nor was he aware that any one in the parish in which he lived had done so. all that he desired was the good of the country, with which his interests were identified. sir lionel--i could not possibly be personal towards any gentleman present, for i have not the honour of knowing most of you. my observations were not confined to any particular parish, but to the island of jamaica, in which the occurrences named have taken place. dr. rapky, of st. george's--if your excellency will only do away with a curtain magistrate, things will go on smoothly in the parish of st. george. this gentleman has told the people that they are entitled to the lands occupied by them, in consequence of which the parish is now in an unsettled state. sir lionel--who is the magistrate! dr. rapky--mr. fishbourne. sir lionel--i am afraid i cannot please you. the question of possession of lands and houses has for the present been settled by the opinion of the attorney-general, but it is still an undetermined question at law. there are many persons in the island who are of opinion that the legislature had not so intended; he (sir lionel) was at a loss to know what they meant; seeing, however, some members of the assembly present, perhaps they would be disposed to give some information. mr. s.j. dallas said, that it was the intention of the legislature that rent should be paid. he thought it fair that s. d. per day should be offered the people to work five days in the week, they returning one day's labor for the houses and grounds. mr. special justice hamilton said that complaints had been made to him, that in many instances where the husband and wife lived in the same house, rent had been demanded of both. the laborers had, in consequence, been thrown into a state of consternation and alarm, which accounted for the unsettled state of several properties--a serious bone of contention had in consequence been produced. he held a notice in his hand demanding of a laborer the enormous sum of s. per week for house and ground. he had seen other notices in which s, d. and s. had been demanded for the same. he did not consider that the parties issuing those notices had acted with prudence. mr. hyslop explained--he admitted the charge, but said that the sum was never intended to be exacted. sir lionel said he was aware of what was going on; he had heard of it. "it was a policy which ought no longer to be pursued." we have given the foregoing documents, full and ungarbled, that our readers might fairly judge for themselves. we have not picked here a sentence and there a sentence, but let the governor, the assembly, the missionaries, and the press tell their whole story. let them be read, compared, and weighed. we might indefinitely prolong our extracts from the west india papers to show, not only in regard to the important island of jamaica, but barbados and several other colonies, that the former masters are alone guilty of the non-working of the emancipated, so far as they refuse to work. but we think we have already produced proof enough to establish the following points:-- . that there was a strong predisposition on the part of the jamaica planters to defraud their labourers of their wages. they hoped that by yielding, before they were driven quite to the last extremity, by the tide of public sentiment in england, they should escape from all philanthropic interference and surveillance, and be able to bring the faces of their unyoked peasantry to the grindstone of inadequate wages. . that the emancipated were not only peaceful in their new freedom, but ready to grant an amnesty of all post abuses, and enter cheerfully into the employ of their former masters for reasonable wages. that in cases where disagreement has arisen as to the rate of daily or weekly wages, the labourers have been ready to engage in task work, to be paid by the piece, and have laboured so efficiently and profitably--proving a strong disposition for industry and the acquisition of property. . that in the face of this good disposition of the laborers, the planters have, in many cases, refused to give adequate wages. . that in still more numerous cases, including many in which the wages have been apparently liberal, enormous extortion has been practiced upon the laborer, in the form of rent demanded for his hovel and provision patch--£ per annum being demanded for a shanty not worth half that money, and rent being frequently demanded from _every member_ of a family more than should have been taken from the whole. . that the negroes are able to look out for their own interest, and have very distinct ideas of their own about the value of money and the worth of their labour, as well as the best methods of bringing their employers to reasonable terms. on this point we might have made a still stronger case by quoting from the despatch and standard, which assert numerous instances in which the labourers have refused to work for wages recommended to them by the governor, special magistrates, or missionaries, though they offered to work for s. d., s., or a dollar a day. they are shown to be rare bargain-makers and not easily trapped. . that the attorneys and managers have deliberately endeavoured to raise a panic, whereby property might be depreciated to their own advantage; showing clearly thereby, that they consider jamaica property, even with the laborers, irreclaimably free, a desirable investment. . that in spite of all their efforts, the great body of the laborers continue industrious, doing more work in the same time than in slavery. _the testimony to his very important point, of the governor and house of assembly, is perfectly conclusive_, as we have already said. a house that represents the very men who, in , burnt the missionary chapels, and defied the british parliament with the threat, that in case it proceeded to legislate abolition, jamaica would attach herself to the united states, now hopes for the agricultural prosperity of the island! indeed no one in jamaica expresses a doubt on this subject, who does not obviously do so _for the sake of buying land to better advantage_! were the colony a shade _worse_ off than before emancipation, either in fact or in the opinion of its landholders, or of any considerable portion of persons acquainted with it, the inevitable consequence would be a depreciation of _real estate_. but what is the fact? said rev. john clark, a jamaica baptist missionary, who has visited this country since the first of august, in a letter published in the journal of commerce:-- "the island of jamaica is not in the deplorable state set forth by your correspondent.--land is rising in value so rapidly, that what was bought five years ago at dollars per acre, is now selling for dollars; and this in the interior of the island, in a parish not reckoned the most healthy, and sixteen miles distant from the nearest town. crops are better than in the days of slavery--extra labour is easily obtained where kindness and justice are exercised towards the people. the hopes of proprietors are great, and larger sums are being offered for estates than were offered previous to august, , when estates, and negroes upon them, were disposed of together." again, as in jamaica commerce rests wholly upon agriculture, _its_ institutions can only flourish in a flourishing condition of the latter.--what then are we to infer from an imposing prospectus which appears in the island papers, commencing thus:-- "kingston, october , jamaica marine, fire, and life assurance company. capital £ , , in shares of £ each. it has been long a matter of astonishment that, in a community so essentially mercantile as jamaica, no company should have been formed for the purpose of effecting insurance on life and property; although it cannot be doubted for an instant, that not only would such an establishment be highly useful to all classes of the community, but that it must yield a handsome return to such persons as may be inclined to invest their money in it," &c. farther down in the prospectus we are told--"it may here be stated, that the scheme for the formation of this company has been mentioned to some of the principal merchants and _gentlemen of the country_, and has met with decidedly favourable notice: and it is expected that the shares, a large number of which have been already taken, will be rapidly disposed of." the same paper, the morning journal, from which we make this extract, informs us: nov. d-- "the shares subscribed for yesterday, in the marine fire and life insurance company, we understand, amount to the almost unprecedented number of one thousand six hundred, with a number of applicants whose names have not been added to the list." the morning journal of october th in remarking upon this project says:-- "jamaica is now happily a free country; she contains within herself the means of becoming prosperous. let her sons develope those resources which lord belmore with so much truth declared never would be developed _until slavery had ceased_. she has her banks.--give her, in addition, her loan society, her marine, fire, and life assurance company, and some others that will shortly be proposed, and capital will flow in from other countries--property will acquire a value in the market, that will increase with the increase of wealth, and she will yet be a flourishing island, and her inhabitants a happy and contented people." now men desperately in debt _might_ invite in foreign capital for temporary relief, but, since the _compensation_, this is understood not to be the case with the jamaica planters; and if they are rushing into speculation, it must be because they have strong _hope_ of the safety and prosperity of their country--in other words, because they confide in the system of free labor. this one prospectus, coupled with its prompt success, is sufficient to prove the falsehood of all the stories so industriously retailed among us from the standard and the despatch. but speculators and large capitalists are not the only men who confide in the success of the "great experiment." the following editorial notice in the morning journal of a recent date speaks volumes:-- savings bank. "we were asked not many days ago how the savings bank in this city was getting on. we answered well, very well indeed. by a notification published in our paper of saturday, it will be seen that £ has been placed in the hands of the receiver-general. by the establishment of these banks, a great deal of the money now locked up, and which yields no return whatever to the possessors, and is liable to be stolen, will be brought into circulation. this circumstance of itself ought to operate as a powerful inducement to those parishes in which no banks are yet established to be up and doing. we have got some _five_ or _six_ of them fairly underweigh, as jack would say, and hope the remainder will speedily trip their anchors and follow." we believe banks were not known in the west indies before the st of august . says the spanishtown telegraph of may st, , "_banks, steam-companies, rail-roads, charity schools_, etc., seem all to have remained dormant until the time arrived when jamaica was to be _enveloped in smoke_! no man thought of hazarding his capital in an extensive banking establishment until jamaica's ruin, by the introduction of freedom, had been accomplished!" and it was not till after the st of august, , that jamaica had either savings banks or savings. these institutions for the industrious classes came only with their manhood. but why came they at all, if emancipated industry is, or is likely to be, unsuccessful?--in barbados we notice the same forwardness in founding monied institutions. a bank is there proposed, with a capital of £ , . more than this, the all absorbing subject in all the west india papers at the present moment is that of the _currency_. why such anxiety to provide the means of paying for labor which is to become valueless? why such keenness for a good circulating medium if they are to have nothing to sell? the complaints about the old fashioned coinage we venture to assort have since the first of august occupied five times as much space in the colonial papers, we might probably say in each and every one of them, as those of the non-working of the freemen. the inference is irresistible. _the white colonists take it for granted that industry is to thrive_. it may be proper to remark that the late refusal of the jamaica legislature to fulfil its appropriate functions has no connection with the working of freedom, any further than it may have been a struggle to get rid in some measure of the surveillance of the mother country in order to coerce the labourer so far as possible by vagrant laws, &c. the immediate pretext was the passing of a law by the imperial parliament for the regulation of prisons, which the house of assembly declared a violation of that principle of their charter which forbids the mother-country to lay a tax on them without their consent, in as much as it authorized a crown officer to impose a fine, in a certain case, of £ . a large majority considered this an infringement of their prerogatives, and among them were some members who have nobly stood up for the slave in times of danger. the remarks of mr. osborn especially, on this subject, (he is the full blooded, slave-born, african man to whom we have already referred) are worthy of consideration in several points of view. although he had always been a staunch advocate of the home government on the floor of the assembly are now contended for the rights of the jamaica legislature with arguments which to us republicans are certainly quite forcible. in a speech of some length, which appears very creditable to him throughout, he said-- "government could not be acting fair towards them to assume that the mass of the people of this island would remain in the state of political indifference to which poverty and slavery had reduced them. they were now free, every man to rise as rapidly as he could; and the day was not very distant when it would be demonstrated by the change of representatives that would be seen in that house. it did appear to him, that under the pretext of extending the privileges of freemen to the mass of the people of this country, the government was about to deprive them of those privileges, by curtailing the power of the representative assembly of those very people. he could not bring himself to admit, with any regard for truth, that the late apprentices could now be oppressed; they were quite alive to their own interests, and were now capable of taking care of themselves. so long as labor was marketable, so long they could resist oppression, while on the other hand, the proprietor, for his own interest's sake, would be compelled to deal fairly with them." though it is evidently all important that the same public opinion which has wrested the whip from the master should continue to watch his proceedings as an employer of freemen, there is much truth in the speech of this black representative and alderman of kingston. the brutalized and reckless attorneys and managers, _may_ possibly succeed in driving the negroes from the estates by exorbitant rent and low wages. they _may_ succeed in their effort to buy in property at half its value. but when they have effected that, they will be totally dependent for the profits of their ill-gotten gains upon the _free laboring people_. they may produce what they call idleness now, and a great deal of vexation and suffering. but land is plenty, and the laborers, if thrust from the estates, will take it up, and become still more independent. reasonable wages they will be able to command, and for such they are willing to labor. the few thousand whites of jamaica will never be able to establish slavery, or any thing like it, over its , blacks. already they are fain to swallow their prejudice against color. mr. jordon, member for kingston and "free nigger," was listened to with respect. nay more, his argument was copied into the "protest" which the legislature proudly flung back in the face of parliament, along with the abolition of the apprenticeship, in return for lord glenelg's bill. let all in the united states read and ponder it who assert that "the two races cannot live together on term of equality." legislative independence of jamaica has ever been the pride of her english conquerors. they have received with joy the colored fellow colonists into an equal participation of their valued liberty, and they were prepared to rejoice at the extension of the constitution to the emancipated blacks. but the british government, by a great fault, if not a crime, has, at the moment when all should have been free, torn from the lately ascendant class, the privileges which were their birthright, another class, now the equals of the former, the rights they had long and fortunately struggled for, and from the emancipated blacks the rights which they fondly expected to enjoy with their personal freedom. the boon of earlier freedom will not compensate this most numerous part of our population for the injustice and wrong done to the whole jamaica people. the documents already adduced are confined almost exclusively to jamaica. we will refer briefly to one of the other colonies. the next in importance is barbados here has been played nearly the same game in regard to wages, and with the same results. we are now furnished with advices from the island down to the th of december . at the latter date the panic making papers had tapered down their complainings to a very faint whisper, and withal expressing more hope than fears. as the fruit of what they had already done we are told by one of them, _the barbadian_, that the unfavourable news carried home by the packets after the emancipation had served to raise the price of sugar in england, which object being accomplished, it is hoped that they will intermit the manufacture of such news. the first and most important document, and indeed of itself sufficient to save the trouble of giving more, is the comparison of crime during two and a half months of freedom, and the corresponding two and a half months of slavery or apprenticeship last year, submitted to the legislature at the opening of its session in the latter part of october. here it is. we hope it will be held up before every slave holder. from the barbadian of dec. . barbados.--comparative table, exhibiting the number of complaints preferred against the apprentice population of this colony, in the months of august, september and to the th of october, ; together with the complaints charged against free labourers of the same colony, during the months of august, september and to the th of october, . the former compiled from the monthly journals of the special justice of the peace and the latter from the returns of the local magistracy transmitted to his excellency the governor apprenticeship. total of complaints vs. apprentices from the st to st august . ditto from the st to th september ditto from the st to th october grand total total number of apprentices punished from the st to st august ditto from st to st september ditto from the st to th october grand total total compromised, admonished and dismissed from st to st august ditto from the st to th september ditto from st to th october total deficiency in compromised cases in comparatively with those of grand total freedom. total of complaints vs. labourers from the st to the st august ditto from the st to the th september ditto from the st to the th october total comparative surplus of complaints in grand total total of laborers punished from the st to the st august, , ditto from the st to th september ditto from the st to th october total comparative surplus of punishment in grand total total compromised, admonished and dismissed from the st to the st august ditto from the st to th september ditto from the st to th october grand total note. it may be proper to remark that the accompanying general abstract for august, september, and to the th october, , does not include complaints preferred and heard before the local magistrates during those months for such offences--viz. for misdemeanors, petty debts, assaults and petty thefts--as were not cognizable by the special justices; so that estimating these offences--the number of which does not appear in the abstract for --at a similar number as that enumerated in the abstract for , the actual relative difference of punishments between the two and a half months in and these in , would thus appear: surplus of apprentices punished in , as above offences in august, september, and to the th, october, heard before the general justices of the peace, and estimated as follows: petty thefts assaults misdemeanors petty debts -- actual surplus of punishment in , from the journal of commerce. _letter from w.r. hays, esq. barbados, w.i. to rev. h.g. ludlow, of new haven_. barbados, dec. , . i gave you in my last, some account of the manner in which the first day of emancipation came and went in this island. we very soon afterwards received similar accounts from all the neighboring islands. in all of them the day was celebrated as an occasion "of devout thanksgiving and praise to god, for the happy termination of slavery." in all of them, the change took place in a manner highly creditable to the emancipated, and intensely gratifying to the friends of liberty. the quiet, good order, and solemnity of the day, were every where remarkable. indeed, is it not a fact worth remembering, that whereas in former years, a single day's relaxation from labor was met by the slaves with shouting and revelry, and merry-making, yet now, when the last link of slavery was broken forever, sobriety and decorum were especially the order of the day. the perfect order and subordination to the laws, which marked the first day of august, are yet unbroken. we have now nearly five months' experience of entire emancipation; and i venture to say, that a period of more profound peace never existed in the west indies. there have been disputes about wages, as in new england and in other free countries; but no concert, no combination even, here; and the only attempt at a combination was among the planters, to keep down wages--and that but for a short time only. i will not enter particularly into the questions, whether or not the people will continue to work for wages, whether they will remain quiet,--or on the other hand, whether the island will be suffered to become desolate, and the freed slaves relapse into barbarism, &c. these things have been speculated about, and gloomy predictions have had their day; the time has now come for the proof. people do not buy land and houses, and rent property for long terms of years, in countries where life is insecure, or where labor cannot be had, and the tendency of things is to ruin and decay. in short, men, in their senses, do not embark on board a sinking ship. confidence is the very soul of prosperity; of the existence of this confidence in this island, the immense operations in real estate, since the first of august, are abundant proof. there are multitudes of instances in which estates have sold for $ , _more_ than was asked for them six months ago; and yet at the time they were considered very high. a proprietor who was persuaded a few weeks since to part with his estate for a very large sum of money, went and bought _it back again_ at an _advance_ of $ . a great many long leases of property have been entered into. an estate called "edgecombe," mentioned by thome and kimball, has been rented for years at $ per annum. another called the "hope" has been rented for years at £ sterling, equal to $ per annum. another, after being rented at a high price, was relet, by the lessee, who became entirely absolved from the contract, and took $ , for his bargain. if required, i could give you a host of similar cases, with the names of the parties. but it seems unnecessary. the mere impulse given to the value of property in this island by emancipation, is a thing as notorious _here_, as the _fact_ of emancipation. but, are not crimes more frequent than before? i have now before me a barbados newspaper, printed two weeks since, in which the fact is stated, that in _all_ the county prisons, among a population of , , only _two_ prisoners were confined for any cause whatever! "but," says a believer in the necessity of colonization, "how will you _get rid_ of the negroes?" i answer by adverting to the spectacle which is now witnessed in _all_ the islands of the former proprietors of slaves, now _employers_ of _free_ laborers, using every endeavor to _prevent_ emigration. trinidad, demerara, and berbice, _want_ laborers. the former has passed a law to pay the passage money of any laborer who comes to the island, leaving him free to choose him employment. demerara and berbize have sent emigration agents to this and other islands, to induce the laborers to join those colonies, offering high wages, good treatment, &c. on the other hand, barbados, grenada, st. vincent, and all the old and populous islands, individually and collectively, by legislative resolves, legal enactments, &c. &c.--loudly protest that they have _not a man to spare_! what is still better, the old island proprietors are on every hand building new houses for the peasantry, and with great forethought adding to their comfort; knowing that they will thereby secure their contentment on their native soil. as a pleasing instance of the good understanding which now exists between proprietors and laborers, i will mention, that great numbers of the former were in town on the th, buying up pork, hams, rice, &c. as presents for their people on the ensuing christmas; a day which has this year passed by amid scenes of quiet sabbath devotions, a striking contrast to the tumult and drunkenness of former times. i cannot close this subject, without beating my testimony to the correctness of the statements made by our countrymen, thome and kimball. they were highly esteemed here by all classes, and had free access to every source of valuable information. if they have not done justice to the subject of their book, it is because the manifold blessings of a deliverance from slavery are beyond the powers of language to represent. when i attempt, as i have done in this letter, to enumerate a few of the, i know not where to begin, or where to end. one must _see_, in order to know and feel how unspeakable a boon these islands have received,--a boon, which is by no means confined to the emancipated slaves; but, like the dew and rains of heaven, it fell upon all the inhabitants of the land, bond and free, rich and poor, together. it is a common thing here, when you hear one speak of the benefits of emancipation--the remark--that it ought to have taken place long ago. some say fifty years ago, some twenty, and some, that at any rate it ought to have taken place all at once, without any apprenticeship. the noon-day sun is not clearer than the fact, that no preparation was required on the part of the slaves. it was the dictate of an accusing conscience, that foretold of bloodshed, and burning, and devastation. can it be supposed to be an accidental circumstance, that peace and good-will have _uniformly_, in _all_ the colonies, followed the steps of emancipation. is it not rather the broad seal of attestation to that heaven born principle, "it is safe to do right." dear brother, if you or any other friend to down trodden humanity, have any lingering fear that the blaze of light which is now going forth from the islands will ever be quenched, even for a moment, dismiss that fear. the light, instead of growing dim, will continue to brighten. your prayers for the safe and happy introduction of freedom, upon a soil long trodden by the foot of slavery, may be turned into praises--for the event has come to pass. when shall we be able to rejoice in such a consummation in our beloved america? how i long to see a deputation of slaveholders making the tour of these islands. it would only be necessary for them to use their eyes and ears. argument would be quite out of place. even an appeal to principle--to compassion--to the fear of god--would not be needed. self-interest alone would decide them in favor of immediate emancipation. ever yours, w.r. hayes. demerara. speech of the governor, on opening the session of the court of policy, sept. , . from the guiana royal gazette. "i should fail in my duty to the public, and perhaps no respond to the expectations of yourselves, gentlemen of the colonial section of this honorable court, did i not say a few words on the state of the colony, at this our first meeting after the memorable first of august. we are now approaching the close of the second month since that date--a sufficient time to enable us to judge of the good disposition of the new race of freemen, but not perhaps of the prosperity of the colony. it is a proud thing for the colonist--proprietors and employers--that nothing has occurred to indicate a want of good feeling in the great body of the laborers. it is creditable to them, satisfactory to their employers, and confounding to those who anticipated a contrary state of affairs. that partial changes of location should have taken place, cannot surprise any reasonable mind--that men who have all their lives been subject to compulsory labor should, on having this labor left to their discretion, be disposed at first to relax, and, in some instances, totally abstain from it, was equally to be expected. but we have no reason to despond, nor to imagine that, because such has occurred in some districts, it will continue. it is sufficient that the ignorant have been undeceived in their exaggerated notions of their rights as freemen: it was the first step towards resumption of labor in every part of the colony. the patient forbearance of the employers has produced great changes. if some estates have been disappointed in the amount of labor performed, others again, and i have reason to believe a great number, are doing well. it is well known that the peasantry have not taken to a wandering life: they are not lost to the cultivated parts of the colony: for the reports hitherto received from the superintendents of rivers and creeks make no mention of an augmented population in the distant parts of their respective districts. i hear of few commitments, except in this town, where, of course, many of the idle have flocked from the country. on the east coast, there has been only one case brought before the high sheriff's court since the st of august. in the last circuit, not one! with these facts before us, we may, i trust, anticipate the continued prosperity of the colony; and though it be possible there may be a diminution in the exports of the staple commodities in this and the succeeding quarter, yet we must take into consideration that the season had been unfavorable, in some districts, previous to the st august, therefore a larger proportion of the crops remained uncut; and we may ask, whether a continuance of compulsory labor would have produced a more favorable result? our united efforts will, i trust, not be wanting to base individual prosperity on the welfare of all." the governor of demerara is henry light, esq., a gentlemen who seems strongly inclined to court the old slavery party and determined to shew his want of affinity to the abolitionists. in another speech delivered on a similar occasion, he says: "many of the new freemen may still be said to be in their infancy of freedom, and like children are wayward. on _many of the estates_ they have repaid the kindness and forbearance of their masters; on others they have continued to take advantage of (what? the kindness and forbearance of their masters? no.) their new condition, are idle or irregular in their work. the good sense of the mass gives me reason to hope that idleness will be the exception, not the rule." the barbadian of nov. , remarks, that of six districts in demerara whose condition had been reported, _five_ were working favorably. in the sixth the laborers were standing out for higher wages. trinidad. in the _jamaica morning journal_ of oct. d and th, we find the following paragraphs in relation to this colony: "trinidad.--the reports from the various districts as to the conduct of our laboring population, are as various and opposite, the standard says, to each other as it is possible for them to be. there are many of the estates on which the laborers had at first gone on steadily to work which now have scarcely a hand upon them, whilst upon others they muster a greater force than they could before command. we hear also that the people have already in many instances exhibited that propensity common to the habits of common life, which we call squatting, and to which we have always looked forward as one of the evils likely to accompany their emancipation, and calling for the earliest and most serious attention of our legislature. we must confess, however, that it is a subject not easy to deal with safely and effectually." trinidad,--the standard says: "the state of the cultivation at present is said to be as far advanced as could have been anticipated under the new circumstances in which the island stands. the weather throughout the month has been more than usually favorable to weeding, whilst there has also been sufficient rain to bring out the plants; and many planters having, before the st of augus, pushed on their weeding by free labor and (paid) extra tasks, the derangement in their customary labor which has been experienced since that period, does not leave them much below an average progress." "of the laborers, although they are far from being settled, we believe we may say, that they are not working badly; indeed, compared with those of the sister colonies, they are both more industrious and more disposed to be on good terms with their late masters. some few estates continue short of their usual compliment of hands; but many of the laborers who had left the proprietors, have returned to them, whilst many others have changed their locality either to join their relations, or to return to their haunts of former days. so far as we can learn, nothing like insubordination or combination exists. we are also happy to say, that on some estates, the laborers have turned their attention to their provision grounds. there is one point, however, which few seem to comprehend, which is, that although free, they cannot work one day and be idle the next, _ad libitum_." later accounts mention that some thousands more of laborers were wanted to take off the crop, and that a committee of immigration had been appointed to obtain them. [see amos townsend's letter on the last page.] so it seems the free laborers are so good they want more of them. the same is notoriously true of demerara, and berbice. instead of a colonization spirit to get rid of the free blacks, the quarrel among the colonies is, which shall get the most. it is no wonder that the poor negroes in trinidad should betake themselves to squatting. the island is thinly peopled and the administration or justice is horribly corrupt, under the governorship and judgeship of sir george hill, the well known defaulter as vice treasurer of ireland, on whose appointment mr. o'connell remarked that "delinquents might excuse themselves by referring to the case of their judge." grenada. "grenada--the gazette expresses its gratification at being able to record, that the accounts which have been received from several parts of the country, are of a satisfactory nature. on many of the properties the peasantry have, during the week, evinced a disposition to resume their several accustomed avocations, at the rates, and on the terms proposed by the directors of the respective estates, to which they were formerly belonging; and very little desire to change their residence has been manifested. one of our correspondents writes, that 'already, by a conciliatory method, and holding out the stimulus of extra pay, in proportion to the quantity of work performed beyond that allowed to them, he had, 'succeeded in obtaining, for three days, double the former average of work, rendered by the labors during the days of slavery; and this, too, by four o'clock, at which hour it seems, they are now wishful of ceasing to work, and to enable them to do so, they work continuously from the time they return from their breakfast.'" "it is one decided opinion, the paper named says, that in a very short time the cultivation of the cane still be generally resumed, and all things continue to progress to the mutual satisfaction of both employer and laborer. we shall feel indebted to our friends for such information, as it may be in their power to afford us on this important subject, as it will tend to their advantage equally with that of their laborers, from the same being made public. we would wish also that permission be given as to mention the names of the properties on which matters have assumed a favorable aspect." _jamaica morning journal of oct. _. grenada.--according to the _free press_, it would appear that 'the proprietors and managers of several estates in duquesne valley, and elsewhere, their patience being worn out, and seeing the cultivation of their estates going to ruin, determined to put the law into operation, by compelling, after allowing twenty-three or twenty-four days of idleness, the people either to work or to leave the estates. they resisted; the aid of the magistrates and of the constabulary force was called in, but without effect, and actual violence was, we learn, used towards those who came to enforce the law. advices were immediately sent down to the executive, despatched by a gentleman of the troop, who reached town about half past five o'clock on saturday morning last. we believe a privy council was summoned, and during the day, capt. clarke of the st west-india regiment, and government secretary, lieut. mould of the royal engineers, and lieut. costabodie of the th, together with twenty men of the th, and of the st west india, embarked, to be conveyed by water to the scene of insubordination.' "'we have not learnt the reception this force met with, from the laborers, but the results of the visit paid them were, that yesterday, there were at work, on four estates, none: on eleven others, in all, and on another all except three, who are in the hands of the magistrates. on one of the above properties, the great gang was, on friday last, represented in the cane-piece by one old woman!'" "'the presence of the soldiers has had, it will be seen, some effect, yet still the prospects are far from encouraging; a system of stock plundering, &c. is prevalent to a fearful degree, some gentlemen and the industrious laborers having had their fowls, &c. entirely carried off by the worthless criminals; it is consolatory, however, to be able to quote the following written, to us by a gentleman: "although there are a good many people on the different estates, still obstinate and resisting either to work or to leave the properties, yet i hope that if the military are posted at samaritan for some time longer, they will come round, several of the very obstinate having done so already." two negroes were sent down to goal on monday last, to have their trial for assaulting the magistrates.'" "'such are the facts, as far as we have been able to ascertain them, which have attended a rebellious demonstration among a portion of the laboring population, calculated to excite well-founded apprehension in the whole community. had earlier preventive measures been adopted, this open manifestation of a spirit of resistance to, and defiance of the law, might have been avoided. on this point, we have, in contempt of the time-serving reflections it has drawn upon us, freely and fearlessly expressed our opinion, and we shall now only remark, that matters having come to the pass we have stated, the executive has adopted the only effective means to bring affairs again to a healthy state; fortunate is it for the colony, that this has been done, and we trust that the effects will be most beneficial.'" tobago. the following testifies well for the ability of the emancipated to take care of themselves. "'tobago.--the gazette of this island informs us that up to the period of its going to press, the accounts from the country, as to the disinclination of the laborers to turn out to work are much the same as we have given of last week. early this morning parties of them were seen passing through town in various directions, accompanied by their children, and carrying along with them their ground provisions, stock, &c. indicating a change of location. whilst on many estates where peremptory demands have been made that work be resumed, or the laborers should leave the estate, downright refusal to do either the one or the other has been the reply; and that reply has been accompanied by threat and menace of personal violence against any attempts to turn them out of their houses and grounds. in the transition of the laborers from a state of bondage to freedom, much that in their manners and deportment would have brought them summarily under the coercion of the stipendiary magistrate, formerly, may now be practised with impunity; and the fear is lest that nice discrimination betwixt restraints just terminated and rights newly acquired, will not be clouded for some time, even in the minds of the authorities, before whom laborers are likely to be brought for their transgression. thus, although it may appear like an alarming confederacy, the system of sending delegates, or head men, around the estates, which the laborers have adopted, as advisers, or agents, to promote general unanimity; it must be borne in mind that this is perfectly justifiable; and it is only where actual violence has been threatened by those delegates against those who choose to work at under wages, that the authorities can merely assure them of their protection from violence.'--_morning jour., oct. ._" the _barbadian_ of november , says, "an agricultural report has been lately made of the windward district of the island, which is favorable as to the general working of the negroes." the same paper of november , says, "it is satisfactory to learn that _many_ laborers in tobago are engaging more readily in agricultural operations." st. vincent. "saint vincent.--our intelligence this week, observes the gazette of th august, from the country districts, is considerably more favorable than for the previous fortnight. in most of the leeward quarter, the people have, more or less, returned to work, with the exception of very few estates, which we decline naming, as we trust that on these also they will resume their labor in a few days. the same may be said generally of the properties in st. george's parish; and in the more extensive district of charlotte, there is every prospect that the same example will be followed next week particularly in the caraib country, where a few laborers on some properties have been at work during the present week, and the explanation and advice given them by mr. special justice ross has been attended with the best effect, and we doubt not will so continue. in the biabou quarter the laborers have resumed work in greater numbers than in other parts of the parish, and the exceptions in this, as in ether districts, we hope will continue but a short time." the barbadian of november , speaks of a "megass house" set on fire in this island which the peasantry refused to extinguish, and adds that but half work is performed by the laborer in that parish. "those of the adjoining parish," its says, "are said to be working satisfactorily." in a subsequent paper we notice a report from the chief of police to the lieutenant governor, which speaks favorably of the general working of the negroes, as far as he had been able to ascertain by inquiry into a district comprising one-third of the laborers. the new york commercial advertiser of february , has a communication from amos townsend, esq., cashier of the new haven bank; dated new haven, february , , from which we make the following extract. he says he obtained his information from one of the most extensive shipping houses in that city connected with the west india trade. "a mr. jackson, a planter from st. vincents, has been in this city within a few day, and says that the emancipation of the slaves on that island works extremely well; and that his plantation produces more and yields a larger profit than it has ever done before. the emancipated slaves now do in eight hours what was before considered a two-days' task, and he pays the laborers a dollar a day. mr. jackson further states that he, and mr. nelson, of trinidad, with another gentleman from the same islands, have been to washington, and conferred with mr. calhoun and mr. clay, _to endeavour to concert some plan to get colored laborers from this country to emigrate to these islands, as there is a great want of hands._ they offer one dollar a day for able bodied hands. the gentlemen at washington were pleased with the idea of thus disposing of the free blacks at the south, and would encourage their efforts to induce that class of the colored people to emigrate. mr. calhoun remarked that it was the most feasible plan of colonizing the free blacks that had ever been suggested. this is the amount of my information, and comes in so direct a channel as leaves no room to doubt its correctness. what our southern champions will now say to this direct testimony from their brother planters of the west indies, of the practicability and safety of immediate emancipation, remains to be seen. truly yours." amos townsend, jun. st. lucia. saint lucia.--the palladium states that affairs are becoming worse every day with the planters. their properties are left without labourers to work them; their buildings broken into, stores and produce stolen, ground provisions destroyed, stock robbed, and they themselves insulted and laughed at. on saturday night, the commissary of police arrived in town from the third and fourth districts, with some twenty or thirty prisoners, who had been convicted before the chief justice of having assaulted the police in the execution of their duty, and sent to gaol. "it has been deemed necessary to call for military aid with a view of humbling the high and extravagant ideas entertained by the ex-apprentices upon the independence of their present condition; thirty-six men of the first west india regiment, and twelve of the seventy-fourth have been accordingly despatched; the detachment embarked yesterday on board mr. muter's schooner, the louisa, to land at soufriere, and march into the interior." in both the above cases where the military was called out, the provocation was given by the white. and in both cases it was afterwards granted to be needless. indeed, in the quelling of one of these factitious rebellions, the prisoners taken were two white men, and one of them a manager. * * * * * the chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. new york published by the american anti-slavery society. no. nassau street. _please read and circulate._ the new testament against slavery. * * * * * "the son of man is come to seek and to save that which was lost." is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? in thomas jefferson, supported by a noble band of patriots and surrounded by the american people, opened his lips in the authoritative declaration: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, _that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness._" and from the inmost heart of the multitudes around, and in a strong and clear voice, broke forth the unanimous and decisive answer: amen--such truths we do indeed hold to be self-evident. and animated and sustained by a declaration, so inspiring and sublime, they rushed to arms, and as the result of agonizing efforts and dreadful sufferings, achieved under god the independence of their country. the great truth, whence they derived light and strength to assert and defend their rights, they made the foundation of their republic. and in the midst of _this republic_, must we prove, that he, who was the truth, did not contradict "the truths" which he himself, as their creator, had made self-evident to mankind? is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, according to those laws which make it what it is, is american slavery? in the statute-book of south carolina thus it is written:[a] "slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_ in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatever." the very root of american slavery consists in the assumption, that _law has reduced men to chattels_. but this assumption is, and must be, a gross falsehood. men and cattle are separated from each other by the creator, immutably, eternally, and by an impassable gulf. to confound or identify men and cattle must be to _lie_ most wantonly, impudently, and maliciously. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of palpable, monstrous falsehood? [footnote a: stroud's slave laws, p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? how can a system, built upon a stout and impudent denial of self-evident truth--a system of treating men like cattle--operate? thomas jefferson shall answer. hear him.[b] "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, can not but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy, who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances." such is the practical operation of a system, which puts men and cattle into the same family and treats them alike. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of a school where the worst vices in their most hateful forms are systematically and efficiently taught and practiced? [footnote b: notes on virginia.] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, in , did the general assembly of the presbyterian church affirm respecting its nature and operation?[c] "slavery creates a paradox in the moral system--it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings, in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. it exhibits them as dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true god; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. such are some of the consequences of slavery; consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, _often take place_ in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place, still the slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest." must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of such things? [footnote c: minutes of the general assembly for , p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? it is already widely felt and openly acknowledged at the south, that they can not support slavery without sustaining the opposition of universal christendom. and thomas jefferson declared, that "he trembled for his country when he reflected, that god is just; that his justice can not sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events; that it may become practicable by supernatural influences! the almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest."[a] and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of what universal christendom is impelled to abhor, denounce, and oppose;--is not in favor of what every attribute of almighty god is armed against? [footnote a: notes on virginia] "ye have despised the poor." it is no man of straw, with whom in making out such proof we are called to contend. would to god we had no other antagonist! would to god that our labor of love could be regarded as a work of supererogation! but we may well be ashamed and grieved; to find it necessary to "stop the mouths" of grave and learned ecclesiastics, who from the heights of zion have undertaken to defend the institution of slavery. we speak not now of those, who amidst the monuments of oppression are engaged in the sacred vocation; who as ministers of the gospel can "prophesy smooth things" to such as pollute the altar of jehovah with human sacrifices; nay, who themselves bind the victim and kindle the sacrifice. that _they_ should put their savior to the torture, to wring from his lips something in favor of slavery, is not to be wondered at. they consent to the murder of the children; can they respect the rights of the father? but what shall we say of theological professors at the north--professors of sacred literature at our oldest divinity schools--who stand up to defend, both by argument and authority, southern slavery! and from the bible! who, balaam-like, try a thousand expedients to force from the mouth of jehovah a sentence which they know the heart of jehovah abhors! surely we have here something more mischievous and formidable than a man of straw. more than two years ago, and just before the meeting of the general assembly of the presbyterian church, appeared an article in the biblical repertory,[a] understood to be from the pen of the professor of sacred literature at princeton, in which an effort is made to show, that slavery, whatever may be said of _any abuses_ of it, is _not a violation of the precepts of the gospel_. this article, we are informed, was industriously and extensively distributed among the members of the general assembly--a body of men, who by a frightful majority seemed already too much disposed to wink at the horrors of slavery. the effect of the princeton apology on the southern mind, we have high authority for saying, has been most decisive and injurious. it has contributed greatly to turn the public eye off from the sin--from the inherent and necessary _evils of slavery_ to incidental evils, which the _abuse_ of it might be expected to occasion. and how few can be brought to admit, that whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows where or how, any such thing is chargeable upon them! thus our princeton prophet has done what he could to lay the southern conscience asleep upon ingenious perversions of the sacred volume! [footnote a: for april, . the general assembly of the presbyterian church met in the following may, at pittsburgh, where, in pamphlet form, this article was distributed. the following appeared upon the title page: pittsburgh: . _for gratuitous distribution_. ] about a year after this, an effort in the same direction was jointly made by dr. fisk and prof. stuart. in a letter to a methodist clergyman, mr. merritt, published in zion's herald, dr. fisk gives utterance to such things as the following:--"but that you and the public may see and _feel_, that you have the ablest and those who are among the honestest men of this age, arrayed against you, be pleased to notice the following letter from prof. stuart." i wrote to him, knowing as i did his integrity of purpose, his unflinching regard for truth, as well as his deserved reputation as a scholar and biblical critic, proposing the following questions:-- . does the new testament directly or indirectly teach, that slavery existed in the primitive church? . in tim. vi. , and they that have believing masters, &c., what is the relation expressed or implied between "they" (servants) and "_believing masters_?" and what are your reasons for the construction of the passage? . what was the character of ancient and eastern slavery?--especially what (legal) power did this relation give the master over the slave? professor stuart's reply. andover, th april, . rev. and dear sir,--yours is before me. a sickness of three months' standing (typhus fever,) in which i have just escaped death, and which still confines me to my house, renders it impossible for me to answer your letter at large. . the precepts of the new testament respecting the demeanor of slaves and of their masters, beyond all question, recognize the existence of slavery. the masters are in part "believing masters," so that a precept to them, how they are to behave as _masters_, recognizes that the relation may still exist, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_, ("without violating the christian faith or the church.") otherwise, paul had nothing to do but to cut the band asunder at once. he could not lawfully and properly temporize with a _malum in se_, ("that which is in itself sin.") if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life. the relation did exist, may exist. the _abuse_ of it is the essential and fundamental wrong. not that the theory of slavery is in itself right. no; "love thy neighbor as thyself," "do unto others that which ye would that others should do unto you," decide against this. but the relation once constituted and continued, is not such a _malum in se_ as calls for immediate and violent disruption at all hazards. so paul did not counsel. . tim. vi. , expresses the sentiment, that slaves, who are christians and have christian masters, are not, on that account, and because _as christians they are brethren_, to forego the reverence due to them as masters. that is, the relation of master and slave is not, as a matter of course, abrogated between all christians. nay, servants should in such a case, a _fortiori_, do their duty cheerfully. this sentiment lies on the very face of the case. what the master's duty in such a case may be in respect to _liberation_, is another question, and one which the apostle does not here treat of. . every one knows, who is acquainted with greek or latin antiquities, that slavery among heathen nations has ever been more unqualified and at looser ends than among christian nations. slaves were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_. their treatment depended, as it does now, on the temper of their masters. the power of the master over the slave was, for a long time, that of _life and death_. horrible cruelties at length mitigated it. in the apostle's day, it was at least as great as among us. after all the spouting and vehemence on this subject, which have been exhibited, the _good old book_ remains the same. paul's conduct and advice are still safe guides. paul knew well that christianity would ultimately destroy slavery, as it certainly will. he knew too, that it would destroy monarchy and aristocracy from the earth; for it is fundamentally a doctrine of _true liberty and equality_. yet paul did not expect slavery or anarchy to be ousted in a day; and gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor _ad interim_. with sincere and paternal regard, your friend and brother, m. stuart. * * * * * --this, sir, is doctrine that will stand, because it is _bible doctrine_. the abolitionists, then, are on a wrong course. they have traveled out of the record; and if they would succeed, they must take a different position, and approach the subject in a different manner. respectfully yours, w. fisk "so they wrap [snarl] it up." what are we taught here? that in the ecclesiastical organizations which grew up under the hands of the apostles, slavery was admitted as a relation, that did not violate the christian faith; that the relation may now in like manner exist; that "the abuse of it is the essential and fundamental wrong;" and, of course, that american christians may hold their own brethren in slavery without incurring guilt or inflicting injury. thus according to prof. stuart, jesus christ has not a word to say against "the peculiar institutions" of the south. if our brethren there do not "abuse" the privilege of exacting unpaid labor, they may multiply their slaves to their hearts' content, without exposing themselves to the frown of the savior or laying their christian character open to the least suspicion. could any trafficker in human flesh ask for greater latitude? and to such doctrines, dr. fisk eagerly aid earnestly subscribes. he goes further. he urges it on the attention of his brethren, as containing important truth, which they ought to embrace. according to him, it is "_bible doctrine_," showing, that "the abolitionists are on a wrong course," and must, "if they would succeed, take a different position." we now refer to such distinguished names, to show, that in attempting to prove that jeans christ is not in favor of american slavery, we contend with something else than a man of straw. the ungrateful task, which a particular examination of prof. stuart's letter lays upon us, we hope fairly to dispose of in due season.--enough has now been said, to make it clear and certain, that american slavery has its apologists and advocates in the northern pulpit; advocates and apologists, who fall behind few if any of their brethren in the reputation they have acquired, the stations they occupy, and the general influence they are supposed to exert. is it so? did slavery exist in judea, and among the jews, in its worst form, during the savior's incarnation? if the jews held slaves, they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the mosaic dispensation. whoever has any doubts of this may well resolve his doubts in the light of the argument entitled "the bible against slavery." if, after a careful and thorough examination of that article, he can believe that slaveholding prevailed during the ministry of jesus christ among the jews and in accordance with the authority of moses, he would do the reading public an important service to record the grounds of his belief--especially in a fair and full refutation of that argument. till that is done, we hold ourselves excused from attempting to prove what we now repeat, that if the jews during our savior's incarnation held slaves, they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the mosaic dispensation. could christ and the apostles every where among their countrymen come in contact with slaveholding, being as it was a gross violation of that law which their office and their profession required them to honor and enforce, without exposing and condemning it. in its worst forms, we are told, slavery prevailed over the whole world, not excepting judea. as, according to such ecclesiastics as stuart, hodge, and fisk, slavery in itself is not bad at all, the term "_worst_" could be applied only to "_abuses_" of this innocent relation. slavery accordingly existed among the jews, disfigured and disgraced by the "worst abuses" to which it is liable. these abuses in the ancient world, prof. stuart describes as "horrible cruelties." and in our own country, such abuses have grown so rank, as to lead a distinguished eye-witness--no less a philosopher and statesman than thomas jefferson--to say, that they had armed against us every attribute of the almighty. with these things the savior every where came in contact, among the people to whose improvement and salvation he devoted his living powers, and yet not a word, not a syllable, in exposure and condemnation of such "horrible cruelties," escaped his lips! he saw--among the "covenant people" of jehovah he saw, the babe plucked from the bosom of its mother; the wife torn from the embrace of her husband; the daughter driven to the market by the scourge of her own father;--he saw the word of god sealed up from those who, of all men, were especially entitled to its enlightening, quickening influence;--nay, he saw men beaten for kneeling before the throne of heavenly mercy;--such things he saw without a word of admonition or reproof! no sympathy with them who suffered wrong--no indignation at them who inflicted wrong, moved his heart! from the alledged silence of the savior, when in contact with slavery among the jews, our divines infer, that it is quite consistent with christianity. and they affirm, that he saw it in its worst forms; that is, he witnessed what prof. stuart ventures to call "horrible cruelties." but what right have these interpreters of the sacred volume to regard any form of slavery which the savior found, as "worst," or even bad? according to their inference--which they would thrust gag-wise into the mouths of abolitionists--his silence should seal up their lips. they ought to hold their tongues. they have no right to call any form of slavery bad--an abuse; much less, horribly cruel! their inference is broad enough to protect the most brutal driver amidst his deadliest inflictions! "think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets; i am not come to destroy, but to fulfill." and did the head of the new dispensation, then, fall so far behind the prophets of the old in a hearty and effective regard for suffering humanity? the forms of oppression which they witnessed, excited their compassion and aroused their indignation. in terms the most pointed and powerful, they exposed, denounced, threatened. they could not endure the creatures, who "used their neighbors' service without wages, and gave him not for his work;"[a] who imposed "heavy burdens"[b] upon their fellows, and loaded them with "the bands of wickedness;" who, "hiding themselves from their own flesh," disowned their own mothers' children. professions of piety, joined with the oppression of the poor, they held up to universal scorn and execration, as the dregs of hypocrisy. they warned the creature of such professions, that he could escape the wrath of jehovah only by heartfelt repentance. and yet, according to the ecclesiastics with whom we have to do, the lord of these prophets passed by in silence just such enormities as he commanded them to expose and denounce! every where, he came in contact with slavery in its worst forms--"horrible cruelties" forced themselves upon his notice; but not a word of rebuke or warning did he utter. he saw "a boy given for a harlot, and a girl sold for wine, that they might drink,"[c] without the slightest feeling of displeasure, or any mark of disapprobation! to such disgusting and horrible conclusions, do the arguings which, from the haunts of sacred literature, are inflictcd on our churches, lead us! according to them, jesus christ, instead of shining as the light of the world, extinguished the torches which his own prophets had kindled, and plunged mankind into the palpable darkness of a starless midnight! o savior, in pity to thy suffering people, let thy temple be no longer used as a "den of thieves!" [footnote a: jeremiah xxii. .] [footnote b: isaiah lviii. , .] [footnote c: joel iii. .] "thou thoughtest that i was altogether such an one as thyself." in passing by the worst forms of slavery, with which he every where came in contact among the jews, the savior must have been inconsistent with himself. he was commissioned to preach glad tidings to the poor; to heal the broken-hearted; to preach deliverance to the captives; to set at liberty them that are bruised; to preach the year of jubilee. in accordance with this commission, he bound himself, from the earliest date of his incarnation, to the poor, by the strongest ties; himself "had not where to lay his head;" he exposed himself to misrepresentation and abuse for his affectionate intercourse with the outcasts of society; he stood up as the advocate of the widow, denouncing and dooming the heartless ecclesiastics, who had made her bereavement a source of gain; and in describing the scenes of the final judgment, he selected the very personification of poverty, disease, and oppression, as the test by which our regard for him should be determined. to the poor and wretched; to the degraded and despised, his arms were ever open. they had his tenderest sympathies. they had his warmest love. his heart's blood he poured out upon the ground for the human family, reduced to the deepest degradation, and exposed to the heaviest inflictions, as the slaves of the grand usurper. and yet, according to our ecclesiastics, that class of sufferers who had been reduced immeasurably below every other shape and form of degradation and distress; who had been most rudely thrust out of the family of adam, and forced to herd with swine; who, without the slightest offense, had been made the foot-stool of the worst criminals; whose "tears were their meat night and day," while, under nameless insults and killing injuries, they were continually crying, o lord, o lord:--this class of sufferers, and this alone, our biblical expositors, occupying the high places of sacred literature, would make us believe the compassionate savior coldly overlooked. not an emotion of pity; not a look of sympathy; not a word of consolation, did his gracious heart prompt him to bestow upon them! he denounces damnation upon the devourer of the widow's house. but the monster, whose trade it is to make widows and devour them and their babes, he can calmly endure! o savior, when wilt thou stop the mouths of such blasphemers! it is the spirit that quickeneth. it seems, that though, according to our princeton professor, "the subject" of slavery "is hardly alluded to by christ in any of his personal instructions[a]," he had a way of "treating it." what was that? why, "he taught the true nature, dignity, equality, and destiny of men," and "inculcated the principles of justice and love."[b] and according to professor stuart, the maxims which our savior furnished, "decide against" "the theory of slavery." all, then, that these ecclesiastical apologists for slavery can make of the savior's alledged silence is, that he did not, in his personal instructions, "_apply his own principles to this particular form of wickedness_." for wicked that must be, which the maxims of the savior decide against, and which our princeton professor assures us the principles of the gospel, duly acted on, would speedily extinguish[c]. how remarkable it is, that a teacher should "hardly allude to a subject in any of his personal instructions," and yet inculcate principles which have a direct and vital bearing upon it!--should so conduct, as to justify the inference, that "slaveholding is not a crime[d]," and at the same time lend his authority for its "speedy extinction!" [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, (already alluded to,)p. .] [footnote b: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] [footnote c: the same, p. .] [footnote d: the same, p. .] higher authority than sustains _self-evident truths_ there can not be. as forms of reason, they are rays from the face of jehovah. not only are their presence and power self-manifested, but they also shed a strong and clear light around them. in this light, other truths are visible. luminaries themselves, it is their office to enlighten. to their authority, in every department of thought, the sane mind bows promptly, gratefully, fully. and by their authority, he explains, proves, and disposes of whatever engages his attention and engrosses his powers as a reasonable and reasoning creature. for what, when thus employed and when most successful, is the utmost he can accomplish? why, to make the conclusions which he would establish and commend, _clear in the light of reason_;--in other words, to evince that _they are reasonable_. he expects, that those with whom he has to do, will acknowledge the authority of principle--will see whatever is exhibited in the light of reason. if they require him to go further, and, in order to convince them, to do something more that show that the doctrines he maintains, and the methods he proposes, are accordant with reason--are illustrated and supported by "self-evident truths"--they are plainly "beside themselves." they have lost the use of reason. they are not to be argued with. they belong to the mad-house. "come now, let us reason together, saith the lord." are we to honor the bible, which prof. stuart quaintly calls "the good old book," by turning away from "self-evident truths" to receive its instructions? can these truths be contradicted or denied there? do we search for something there to obscure their clearness, or break their force, or reduce their authority? do we long to find something there, in the form of premises or conclusions, of arguing or of inference, in broad statements or blind hints, creed-wise or fact-wise, which may set us free from the light and power of first principles? and what if we were to discover what we were thus in search of?--something directly or indirectly, expressly or impliedly prejudicial to the principles, which reason, placing us under the authority of, makes self-evident? in what estimation, in that case, should we be constrained to hold the bible? could we longer honor it, as the book of god? _the book of god opposed to the authority of_ reason! why, before what tribunal do we dispose of the claims of the sacred volume to divine authority? the tribunal of reason. _this every one acknowledges the moment he begins to reason on the subject_. and what must reason do with a book, which reduced the authority of its own principles--broke the force of self-evident truths? is he not, by way of eminence, the apostle of infidelity, who, as a minister of the gospel or a professor of sacred literature, exerts himself, with whatever arts of ingenuity or show of piety, to exalt the bible at the expense of reason? let such arts succeed and such piety prevail, and jesus christ is "crucified afresh and put to an open shame." what saith the princeton professor? why, in spite of "general principles," and "clear as we may think the arguments against despotism, there have been thousands of enlightened _and good men_, who _honestly_ believe it to be of all forms of government the best and most acceptable to god."[a] now, these "good men" must have been thus warmly in favor of despotism, in consequence of, or in opposition to, their being "enlightened." in other words, the light, which in such abundance they enjoyed, conducted them to the position in favor of despotism, where the princeton professor so heartily shook hands with them, or they must have forced their way there in despite of its hallowed influence. either in accordance with, or in resistance to the light, they became what he found them--the advocates of despotism. if in resistance to the light--and he says they were "enlightened men"--what, so far as the subject with which alone he and we are now concerned, becomes of their "honesty" and "goodness?" good and honest resisters of the light, which was freely poured around them! of such, what says professor stuart's "good old book?" their authority, where "general principles" command the least respect, must be small indeed. but if in accordance with the light, they have become the advocates of despotism, then is despotism "the best form of government and most acceptable to god." it is sustained by the authority of reason, by the word of jehovah, by the will of heaven! if this be the doctrine which prevails at certain theological seminaries, it must be easy to account for the spirit which they breathe, and the general influence which they exert. why did not the princeton professor place this "general principle" as a shield, heaven-wrought and reason-approved, over that cherished form of despotism which prevails among the churches of the south, and leave the "peculiar institutions" he is so forward to defend, under its protection? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] what is the "general principle" to which, whatever may become of despotism with its "honest" admirers and "enlightened" supporters, human governments should be universally and carefully adjusted? clearly this--_that as capable of, man is entitled to, self-government_. and this is a specific form of a still more general principle, which may well be pronounced self-evident--_that every thing should be treated according to its nature_. the mind that can doubt of this, must be incapable of rational conviction. man, then,--it is the dictate of reason, it is the voice of jehovah--must be treated _as a man_. what is he? what are his distinctive attributes? the creator impressed his own image on him. in this were found the grand peculiarities of his character. here shone his glory. here reason manifests its laws. here the will puts forth its volitions. here is the crown of immortality. why such endowments? thus furnished--the image of jehovah--is he not capable of self-government? and is he not to be so treated? _within the sphere where the laws of reason place him_, may he not act according to his choice--carry out his own volitions?--may he not enjoy life, exult in freedom and pursue as he will the path of blessedness? if not, why was he so created and endowed? why the mysterious, awful attribute of will? to be a source, profound as the depths of hell, of exquisite misery, of keen anguish, of insufferable torment! was man formed "according to the image of jehovah," to be crossed, thwarted, counteracted; to be forced in upon himself; to be the sport of endless contradictions; to be driven back and forth forever between mutually repellant forces; and all, all "_at the discretion of another!"_[a] how can men be treated according to his nature, as endowed with reason or will, if excluded from the powers and privileges of self government?--if "despotism" be let loose upon him, to "deprive him of personal liberty, oblige him to serve at the discretion of another," and with the power of "transferring" such "authority" over him and such claim upon him, to "another master?" if "thousands of enlightened and good men" can so easily be found, who are forward to support "despotism" as "of all governments the best and most acceptable to god," we need not wonder at the testimony of universal history, that "the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now." groans and travail-pangs must continue to be the order of the day throughout "the whole creation," till the rod of despotism be broken, and man be treated as man--as capable of, and entitled to, self-government. [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. ] but what is the despotism whose horrid features our smooth professor tries to hide beneath an array of cunningly-selected words and nicely-adjusted sentences? it is the despotism of american slavery--which crushes the very life of humanity out of its victims, and transforms them to cattle! at its touch, they sink from men to things! "slaves," with prof. stuart, "were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_." yes, truly. and slaves in republican america are _property_; and as that easily, clearly, and definitely settles "all questions about their _relation_," why should the princeton professor have put himself to the trouble of weaving a definition equally ingenious and inadequate--at once subtle and deceitful? ah, why? was he willing thus to conceal the wrongs of his mother's children even from himself? if among the figments of his brain, he could fashion slaves, and make them something else than property, he knew full well that a very different pattern was in use among the southern patriarchs. why did he not, in plain words, and sober earnest, and good faith, describe the thing as it was, instead of employing honied words and courtly phrases, to set forth with all becoming vagueness and ambiguity what might possibly be supposed to exist in the regions of fancy. "for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil." but are we, in maintaining the principle of self-government, to overlook the unripe, or neglected, or broken powers of any of our fellow-men with whom we may be connected?--or the strong passions, vicious propensities, or criminal pursuit of others? certainly not. but in providing for their welfare, we are to exert influences and impose restraints suited to their character. in wielding those prerogatives which the social of our nature authorizes us to employ for their benefit, we are to regard them as they are in truth, not things, not cattle, not articles of merchandize, but men, our fellow-men--reflecting, from however battered and broken a surface, reflecting with us the image of a common father. and the great principle of self-government is to be the basis, to which the whole structure of discipline under which they may be placed, should be adapted. from the nursery and village school on to the work-house and state-prison, this principle is over and in all things to be before the eyes, present in the thoughts, warm on the heart. otherwise, god is insulted, while his image is despised and abused. yes, indeed, we remember that in carrying out the principle of self-government, multiplied embarrassments and obstructions grow out of wickedness on the one hand and passion on the other. such difficulties and obstacles we are far enough from overlooking. but where are they to be found? are imbecility and wickedness, bad hearts and bad heads, confined to the bottom of society? alas, the weakest of the weak, and the desperately wicked, often occupy the high places of the earth, reducing every thing within their reach to subserviency to the foulest purposes. nay, the very power they have usurped, has often been the chief instrument of turning their heads, inflaming their passions, corrupting their hearts. all the world knows, that the possession of arbitrary power has a strong tendency to make men shamelessly wicked and insufferably mischievous. and this, whether the vassals over whom they domineer, be few or many. if you can not trust man with himself, will you put his fellows under his control?--and flee from the inconveniences incident to self-government, to the horrors of despotism? "thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal." is the slaveholder, the most absolute and shameless of all despots, to be intrusted with the discipline of the injured men whom he himself has reduced to cattle?--with the discipline by which they are to be prepared to wield the powers and enjoy the privileges of freemen? alas, of such discipline as he can furnish, in the relation of owner to property, they have had enough. from this sprang the vary ignorance and vice, which in the view of many lie in the way of their immediate enfranchisement. he it is, who has darkened their eyes and crippled their powers. and are they to look to him for illumination and renewed vigor!--and expect "grapes from thorns and figs from thistles!" heaven forbid! when, according to arrangements which had usurped the sacred name of law, he consented to receive and use them as property, he forfeited all claims to the esteem and confidence, not only of the helpless sufferers themselves, but also of every philanthropist. in becoming a slaveholder, he became the enemy of mankind. the very act was a declaration of war upon human man nature. what less can be made of the process of turning men to cattle? it is rank absurdity--it is the height of madness, to propose to employ _him_ to train, for the places of freemen, those whom he has wantonly robbed of every right--whom he has stolen from themselves. sooner place burke, who used to murder for the sake of selling bodies to the dissector, at the head of a hospital. why, what have our slaveholders been about these two hundred years? have they not been constantly and earnestly engaged in the work of education? --training up their human cattle? and how? thomas jefferson shall answer. "the whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other." is this the way to fit the unprepared for the duties and privileges of american citizens? will the evils of the dreadful process be diminished by adding to it length? what, in , was the unanimous testimony of the general assembly of the presbyterian church? why, after describing a variety of influences growing out of slavery, most fatal to mental and moral improvement, the general assembly assure us, that such "consequences are not imaginary, but connect themselves with the very existence of slavery. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, often take place in fact, and in their very worst degree and form[a]; and where all of them do not take place," "still the slave is deprived of his natural right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries, which inhumanity and avarice may suggest." is this the condition in which our ecclesiastics would keep the slave, at least a little longer, to fit him to be restored to himself? [footnote a: the words here marked as emphasis were so distinguished by ourselves.] "and they stopped their ears." the methods of discipline under which, as slaveholders, the southrons now place their human cattle, they with one consent and in great wrath, forbid us to examine. the statesman and the priest unite in the assurance, that these methods are none of our business. nay, they give us distinctly to understand, that if we come among them to take observations, and make inquiries, and discuss questions, they will dispose of us as outlaws. nothing will avail to protect us from speedy and deadly violence! what inference does all this warrant? surely, not that the methods which they employ are happy and worthy of universal application. if so, why do they not take the praise, and give us the benefit, of their wisdom, enterprise, and success? who, that has nothing to hide, practices concealment?--"he that doeth truth cometh to the light, that his deeds may be manifest, that they are wrought in god." is this the way of slaveholders? darkness they court--they will have darkness. doubtless "because their deeds are evil." can we confide in methods for the benefit of our enslaved brethren, which it is death for us to examine? whet good ever came, what good can we expect, from deeds of darkness? did the influence of the masters contribute any thing in the west indies; to prepare the apprentices for enfranchisement? nay, verily. all the world knows better. they did what in them lay, to turn back the tide of blessings, which through emancipation was pouring in upon the famishing around them. are not the best minds and hearts in england now thoroughly convinced, that slavery, under no modification, can be a school for freedom? we say such things to the many who alledge, that slaves can not at once be entrusted with the powers and privileges of self-government. however this may be, they can not be better qualified under _the influence of slavery_. _that must be broken up_ from which their ignorance, and viciousness, and wretchedness proceeded. that which can only do what it has always done, pollute and degrade, must not be employed to purify and elevate. _the lower their character and condition, the louder, clearer, sterner, the just demand for immediate emancipation_. the plague-smitten sufferer can derive no benefit from breathing a little longer an infected atmosphere. in thus referring to elemental principles--in thus availing ourselves of the light of self-evident truths--we bow to the authority and tread in the foot-prints of the great teacher. he chid those around him for refusing to make the same use of their reason in promoting their spiritual, as they made in promoting their temporal welfare. he gives them distinctly to understand, that they need not go out of themselves to form a just estimation of their position, duties, and prospects, as standing in the presence of the messiah. "why, even of yourselves," he demands of them, "judge ye not what is _right_?"[a] how could they, unless they had a clear light, and an infallible standard _within them_, whereby, amidst the relations they sustained and the interests they had to provide for, they might discriminate between truth and falsehood, right and wrong, what they ought to attempt and what they ought to eschew? from this pointed, significant appeal of the savior, it is clear and certain, that in human consciousness may be found self-evident truths, self-manifested principles; that every man, studying his own consciousness, is bound to recognize their presence and authority, and in sober earnest and good faith to apply them to the highest practical concerns of "life and godliness." it is in obedience to the bible, that we apply self-evident truths, and walk in the light of general principles. when our fathers proclaimed these truths, and at the hazard of their property, reputation, and life, stood up in their defense, they did homage to the sacred scriptures--they honored the bible. in that volume, not a syllable can be found to justify that form of infidelity, which in the abused name of piety, reproaches us for practicing the lessons which "nature teacheth."[b] these lessons, the bible requires us reverently to listen to, earnestly to appropriate, and most diligently and faithfully to act upon in every direction and on all occasions. [footnote a: luke xii. .] [footnote b: cor. xi. .] why, our savior goes so far in doing honor to reason, as to encourage men universally to dispose of the characteristic peculiarities and distinctive features of the gospel in the light of its principles. "if any man will do his will, he shall know of the doctrine, whether it be of god, or whether i speak of myself."[c] natural religion--the principles which nature reveals, and the lessons which nature teaches--he thus makes a test of the truth and authority of revealed religion. so far was he, as a teacher, from shrinking from the clearest and most piercing rays of reason--from calling off the attention of those around him from the import, bearings, and practical application of general principle. and those who would have us escape from the pressure of self-evident truths, by betaking ourselves to the doctrines and precepts of christianity, whatever airs of piety they may put on, do foul dishonor to the savior of mankind. [footnote c: john vii. .] and what shall we say of the golden rule, which, according to the savior, comprehends all the precepts of the bible? "whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets." according to this maxim, in human consciousness, universally, may be found, . the standard whereby, in all the relations and circumstances of life, we may determine what heaven demands and expects of us. . the just application of this standard, is practicable for, and obligatory upon, every child of adam. . the qualification requisite to a just application of this rule to all the cases in which we can be concerned, is simply this--_to regard all the members of the human family as our brethren, our equals_. in other words, the savior here teaches us, that in the principles and laws of reason, we have an infallible guide in all the relations and circumstances of life; that nothing can hinder our following this guide, but the bias of _selfishness_; and that the moment, in deciding any moral question, we place _ourselves in the room of our brother_, before the bar of reason, we shall see what decision ought to be pronounced. does this, in the savior, look like fleeing self-evident truths!--like decrying the authority of general principles!--like exalting himself at the expense of reason!--like opening a refuge in the gospel for those whose practice is at variance with the dictates of humanity! what then is the just application of the golden rule--that fundamental maxim of the gospel, giving character to, and shedding light upon, all its precepts and arrangements--to the subject of slavery?--_that we must "do to" slaves as we would be done by_, as slaves, _the_ relation _itself being justified and continued_? surely not. a little reflection will enable us to see, that the golden rule reaches farther in its demands, and strikes deeper in its influences and operations. the _natural equality_ of mankind lies at the very basis of this great precept. it obviously requires _every man to acknowledge another self in every other man_. with my powers and resources, and in my appropriate circumstances, i am to recognize in any child of adam who may address me, another self in his appropriate circumstances and with his powers and resources. this is the natural equality of mankind; and this the golden rule requires us to admit, defend, and maintain. "why do ye not understand my speech; even because ye can not hear my word." they strangely misunderstand and grossly misrepresent this doctrine, who charge upon it the absurdities and mischiefs which _any "levelling system"_ can not but produce. in all its bearings, tendencies, and effects, it is directly contrary and powerfully hostile to any such system. equality of rights, the doctrine asserts; and this necessarily opens the way for _variety of condition_. in other words, every child of adam has, from the creator, the inalienable right of wielding, within reasonable limits, his own powers, and employing his own resources, according to his own choice; while he respects his social relations, to promote as he will his own welfare. but mark--his own powers and resources, and not another's, are thus inalienably put under his control. the creator makes every man free, in whatever he may do, to exert himself, and not _another_. here no man may lawfully cripple or embarrass another. the feeble may not hinder the strong, nor may the strong crush the feeble. every man may make the most of himself; in his own proper sphere. now, as in the constitutional endowments, and natural opportunities, and lawful acquisitions of mankind, infinite variety prevails, so in exerting each himself, in his own sphere, according to his own choice, the variety of human condition can be little less than infinite. thus equality of rights opens the way for variety of condition. but with all this variety of make, means, and condition, considered individually, the children of adam are bound together by strong ties which can never be dissolved. they are mutually united by the social of their nature. hence mutual dependence and mutual claims. while each is inalienably entitled to assert and enjoy his own personality as a man, each sustains to all and all to each, various relations. while each owns and honors the individual, all are to own and honor the social of their nature. now, the golden rule distinctly recognizes, lays its requisitions upon, and extends its obligations to, the whole nature of man, in his individual capacities and social relations. what higher honor could it do to man, as _an individual_, than to constitute him the judge, by whose decision, when fairly rendered, all the claims of his fellows should be authoritatively and definitely disposed of? "whatsoever ye would" have done to you, so do ye to others. every member of the family of adam, placing himself in the position here pointed out, is competent and authorized to pass judgment on all the cases in social life in which he may be concerned. could higher responsibilities or greater confidence be reposed in men individually? and then, how are their _claims upon each other_ herein magnified! what inherent worth and solid dignity are ascribed to the social of their nature! in every man with whom i may have to do, i am to recognize the presence of _another self_, whose case i am to make _my own_. and thus i am to dispose of whatever claims he may urge upon me. thus, in accordance with the golden rule, mankind are naturally brought, in the voluntary use of their powers and resources, to promote each other's welfare. as his contribution to this great object, it is the inalienable birth-right of every child of adam, to consecrate whatever he may possess. with exalted powers and large resources, he has a natural claim to a correspondent field of effort. if his "abilities" are small, his task must be easy and his burden light. thus the golden rule requires mankind mutually to serve each other. in this service, each is to exert _himself_--employ _his own_ powers, lay out his own resources, improve his own opportunities. a division of labor is the natural result. one is remarkable for his intellectual endowments and acquisitions; another, for his wealth; and a third, for power and skill in using his muscles. such attributes, endlessly varied and diversified, proceed from the basis of a _common character_, by virtue of which all men and each--one as truly as another--are entitled, as a birth-right, to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." each and all, one as well as another, may choose his own modes of contributing his share to the general welfare, in which his own is involved and identified. under one great law of mutual dependence and mutual responsibility, all are placed--the strong as well as the weak, the rich as much as the poor, the learned no less than the unlearned. all bring their wares, the products of their enterprise, skill and industry, to the same market, where mutual exchanges are freely effected. the fruits of muscular exertion procure the fruits of mental effort. john serves thomas with his hands, and thomas serves john with his money. peter wields the axe for james, and james wields the pen for peter. moses, joshua, and caleb, employ their wisdom, courage, and experience, in the service of the community, and the community serve moses, joshua, and caleb, in furnishing them with food and raiment, and making them partakers of the general prosperity. and all this by mutual understanding and voluntary arrangement. and all this according to the golden rule. what then becomes of _slavery_--a system of arrangements, in which one man treats his fellow, not as another self, but as a thing--a chattel--an article of merchandize, which is not to be consulted in any disposition which may be made of it;--a system which is built on the annihilation of the attributes of our common nature--in which man doth to others, what he would sooner die than have done to himself? the golden rule and slavery are mutually subversive of each other. if one stands, the other must fall. the one strikes at the very root of the other. the golden rule aims at the abolition of the relation itself, in which slavery consists. it lays its demands upon every thing within the scope of _human action_. to "whatever men do," it extends its authority. and the relation itself, in which slavery consists, is the work of human hands. it is what men have done to each other--contrary to nature and most injurious to the general welfare. this relation, therefore, the golden rule condemns. wherever its authority prevails, this relation must be annihilated. mutual service and slavery--like light and darkness, life and death--are directly opposed to, and subversive of, each other. the one the golden rule can not endure; the other it requires, honors, and blesses. "love worketh no ill to his neighbor." like unto the golden rule is the second great commandment--"_thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself_." "a certain lawyer," who seems to have been fond of applying the doctrine of limitation of human obligations, once demanded of the savior, within what limits the meshing of the word "neighbor" ought to be confined. "and who is my neighbor?" the parable of the good samaritan set that matter in the clearest light, and made it manifest and certain, that _every man_ whom we could reach with our sympathy and assistance, was our neighbor, entitled to the same regard which we cherished for ourselves. consistently with such obligations, can _slavery_, as a relation, be maintained? is it then a _labor of love_--such love as we cherish for ourselves--to strip a child of adam of all the prerogatives and privileges which are his inalienable birth-right?--to obscure his reason, crush his will, and trample on his immortality?--to strike home to the inmost of his being, and break the heart of his heart?--to thrust him out of the human family, and dispose of him as a chattel--as a thing in the hands of an owner, a beast under the lash of a driver? all this, apart from every thing incidental and extraordinary, belongs to the relation, in which slavery, as such, consists. all this--well fed or ill fed, underwrought or overwrought, clothed or naked, caressed or kicked, whether idle songs break from his thoughtless tongue or "tears be his meat night and day," fondly cherished or cruelly murdered;--_all this_ enters vitally into the relation itself, _by which every slave_, as a slave, _is set apart from the rest of the human family_. is it an exercise of love, to place our "neighbor" under the crushing weight, the killing power, of such a relation?--to apply the murderous steel to the very vitals of his humanity? "ye therefore applaud and delight in the deeds of your fathers; for they killed them, and ye build their sepulchres."[a] the slaveholder may eagerly and loudly deny, that any such thing is chargeable upon him. he may confidently and earnestly alledge, that he is not responsible for the state of society in which he is placed. slavery was established before he began to breathe. it was his inheritance. his slaves are his property by birth or testament. but why will he thus deceive himself? why will he permit the cunning and rapacious spiders, which in the very sanctuary of ethics and religion are laboriously weaving webs from their own bowels, to catch him with their wretched sophistries?--and devour him, body, soul, and substance? let him know, as he must one day with shame and terror own, that whoever holds slaves is himself responsible for _the relation_, into which, whether reluctantly or willingly, he thus enters. _the relation can not be forced upon him_. what though elizabeth countenanced john hawkins in stealing the natives of africa?--what though james, and charles, and george, opened a market for them in the english colonies?--what though modern dracos have "framed mischief by law," in legalizing man-stealing and slaveholding?--what though your ancestors, in preparing to go "to their own place," constituted you the owner of the "neighbors" whom they had used as cattle?--what of all this, and as much more like this, as can be drawn from the history of that dreadful process by which men "are deemed, sold, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_?" can all this force you to put the cap upon the climax--to clinch the nail by doing that, without which nothing in the work of slave-making would be attempted? _the slaveholder is the soul of the whole system_. without him, the chattel principle is a lifeless abstraction. without him, charters, and markets, and laws, and testaments, are empty names. and does _he_ think to escape responsibility? why, kidnappers, and soul-drivers, and law-makers, are nothing but his _agents_. he is the guilty _principal_. let him look to it. [footnote a: you join with them in their bloody work. they murder, and you bury the victims.] but what can he do? do? keep his hands off his "neighbor's" throat. let him refuse to finish and ratify the process by which the chattel principle is carried into effect. let him refuse, in the face of derision, and reproach, and opposition. though poverty should fasten its bony hand upon him, and persecution shoot forth its forked tongue; whatever may betide him--scorn, flight, flames--let him promptly and steadfastly refuse. better the spite and hate of men than the wrath of heaven! "if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee; for it is profitable for thee, that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell." prof. stuart admits, that the golden rule and the second great commandment "decide against the theory of slavery as being in itself right." what, then, is their relation to the particular precepts, institutions, and usages, which are authorized and enjoined in the new testament? of all these, they are the summary expression--the comprehensive description. no precept in the bible enforcing our mutual obligations, can be more or less than _the application of these injunctions to specific relations or particular occasions and conditions_. neither in the old testament nor the new, do prophets teach or laws enjoin, any thing which the golden rule and the second great command do not contain. whatever they forbid, no other precept can require; and whatever they require, no other precept can forbid. what, then, does he attempt, who turns over the sacred pages to find something in the way of permission or command, which may set him free from the obligations of the golden rule? what must his objects, methods, spirit be, to force him to enter upon such inquiries?--to compel him to search the bible for such a purpose? can he have good intentions, or be well employed? is his frame of mind adapted to the study of the bible?--to make its meaning plain and welcome? what must he think of god, to search his word in quest of gross inconsistencies and grave contradictions! inconsistent legislation in jehovah! contradictory commands! permissions at war with prohibitions! general requirements at variance with particular arrangements! what must be the moral character of any institution which the golden rule decides against?--which the second great command condemns? _it can not but be wicked_, whether newly established or long maintained. however it may be shaped, turned, colored--under every modification and at all times--_wickedness must be its proper character_. _it must be_, in itself, _apart from its circumstances_, in its essence, _apart from its incidents_, sinful. "think not to say within yourselves, we have abraham for our father." in disposing of those precepts and exhortations which have a specific bearing upon the subject of slavery, it is greatly important, nay, absolutely essential, that we look forth upon the objects around us, from the right post of observation. our stand we must take at some central point, amidst the general maxims and fundamental precepts, the known circumstances and characteristic arrangements, of primitive christianity. otherwise, wrong views and false conclusions will be the result of our studies. we can not, therefore, be too earnest in trying to catch the general features and prevalent spirit of the new testament institutions and arrangements. for to what conclusions must we come, if we unwittingly pursue our inquires under the bias of the prejudice, that the general maxims of social life which now prevail in this country, were current, on the authority of the savior, among the primitive christians! that, for instance, wealth, station, talents, are the standard by which our claims upon, and our regard for, others, should be modified?--that those who are pinched by poverty, worn by disease, tasked in menial labors, or marked by features offensive to the taste of the artificial and capricious, are to be excluded from those refreshing and elevating influences which intelligence and refinement may be expected to exert; that thus they are to constitute a class by themselves, and to be made to know and keep their place at the very bottom of society? or, what if we should think and speak of the primitive christians, as if they had the same pecuniary resources as heaven has lavished upon the american churches?--as if they were as remarkable for affluence, elegance, and splendor? or, as if they had as high a position and as extensive an influence in politics and literature?--having directly or indirectly, the control over the high places of learning and of power? if we should pursue our studies and arrange our arguments--if we should explain words and interpret language--under such a bias, what must inevitably be the results? what would be the worth of our conclusions? what confidence could be reposed in any instruction we might undertake to furnish? and is not this the way in which the advocates and apologists of slavery dispose of the bearing which primitive christianity has upon it? they first ascribe, unwittingly perhaps, to the primitive churches, the character, relations, and condition, of american christianity, and amidst the deep darkness and strange confusion thus produced, set about interpreting the language and explaining the usages of the new testament! "so that ye are without excuse." among the lessons of instruction which our savior imparted, having a general bearing on the subject of slavery, that in which he sets up the _true standard of greatness_, deserves particular attention. in repressing the ambition of his disciples, he held up before them the methods by which alone healthful aspirations for eminence could be gratified, and thus set the elements of true greatness in the clearest light. "ye know, that they which are accounted to rule over the gentiles, exercise lordship over them; and their great ones exercise authority upon them. but so shall it not be among you; but whosoever will be great among you, shall be your minister; _and whosoever of you will be chiefest, shall be servant of all_." in other words, through the selfishness and pride of mankind, the maxim widely prevails in the world, that it is the privilege, prerogative, and mark of greatness, to exact service; that our superiority to others, while it authorizes us to relax the exertion of our own powers, gives us a fair title to the use of theirs; that "might," while it exempts us from serving, "gives the right" to be served. the instructions of the savior open the way to greatness for us in the opposite direction. superiority to others, in whatever it may consist, gives us a claim to a wider field of exertion, and demands of us a larger amount of service. we can be great only as we _are useful_. and "might gives right" to bless our fellow men, by improving every opportunity and employing every faculty, affectionately, earnestly, and unweariedly, in their service. thus the greater the man, the more active, faithful, and useful the servant. the savior has himself taught us how this doctrine must be applied. he bids us improve every opportunity and employ every power, even, through the most menial services, in blessing the human family. and to make this lesson shine upon our understandings and move our hearts, he embodied it in a most instructive and attractive example. on a memorable occasion, and just before his crucifixion, he discharged for his disciples the most menial of all offices--taking, _in washing their feet_, the place of the lowest servant. he took great pains to make them understand, that only by imitating this example could they honor their relations to him as their master; that thus only would they find themselves blessed. by what possibility could slavery exist under the influence of such a lesson, set home by such an example? _was it while washing the disciples' feet, that our savior authorized one man to make a chattel of another_? to refuse to provide for ourselves by useful labor, the apostle paul teaches us to regard as a grave offence. after reminding the thessalonian christians, that in addition to all his official exertions he had with his own muscles earned his own bread, he calls their attention to an arrangement which was supported by apostolical authority, "that if any would not work, neither should he eat." in the most earnest and solemn manner, and as a minister of the lord jesus christ, he commanded and exhorted those who neglected useful labor, "_with quietness to work and eat their own bread_." what must be the bearing of all this upon slavery? could slavery be maintained where every man eat the bread which himself had earned?--where idleness was esteemed so great a crime, as to be reckoned worthy of starvation as a punishment? how could unrequited labor be exacted, or used, or needed? must not every one in such a community contribute his share to the general welfare?--and mutual service and mutual support be the natural result? the same apostle, in writing to another church, describes the true source whence the means of liberality ought to be derived. "let him that stole steal no more; but rather let him labor, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth." let this lesson, as from the lips of jehovah, be proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of south carolina. let it be universally welcomed and reduced to practice. let thieves give up what they had stolen to the lawful proprietors, cease stealing, and begin at once to "labor, working with their hands," for necessary and charitable purposes. could slavery, in such a case, continue to exist? surely not! instead of exacting unpaid services from others, every man would be busy, exerting himself not only to provide for his own wants, but also to accumulate funds, "that he might have to give to" the needy. slavery must disappear, root and branch, at once and forever. in describing the source whence his ministers should expect their support, the savior furnished a general principle, which has an obvious and powerful bearing on the subject of slavery. he would have them remember, while exerting themselves for the benefit of their fellow men, that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." he has thus united wages with work. whoever renders the one is entitled to the other. and this manifestly according to a mutual understanding and a voluntary arrangement. for the doctrine that i may force you to work for me for whatever consideration i may please to fix upon, fairly opens the way for the doctrine, that you, in turn, may force me to render you whatever wages you may choose to exact for any services you may see fit to render. thus slavery, even as involuntary servitude, is cut up by the root. even the princeton professor seems to regard it as a violation of the principle which unites work with wages. the apostle james applies this principle to the claims of manual laborers--of those who hold the plough and thrust in the sickle. he calls the rich lordlings who exacted sweat and withheld wages, to "weeping and howling," assuring them that the complaints of the injured laborer had entered into the ear of the lord of hosts, and that, as a result of their oppression, their riches were corrupted, and their garments moth-eaten; their gold and silver were cankered; that the rest of them should be a witness against them, and should eat their flesh as it were fire; that, in one word, they had heaped treasure together for the last days, when "miseries were coming upon them," the prospect of which might well drench them in tears and fill them with terror. if these admonition and warnings were heeded there, would not "the south" break forth into "weeping and wailing, and gnashing of teeth?" what else are its rich men about, but withholding by a system of fraud, his wages from the laborer, who is wearing himself out under the impulse of fear, in cultivating their fields and producing their luxuries? encouragement and support do they derive from james, in maintaining the "peculiar institution" whence they derived their wealth, which they call patriarchal, and boast of as the "corner-stone" of the republic? in the new testament, we have, moreover, the general injunction, "_honor all men_." under this broad precept, every form of humanity may justly claim protection and respect. the invasion of any human right must do dishonor to humanity, and be a transgression of this command. how then, in the light of such obligations, must slavery be regarded? are those men honored, who are rudely excluded from a place in the human family, and shut up to the deep degradation and nameless horrors of chattelship? _can they be held as slaves, and at the same time be honored as men_? how far, in obeying this command, we are to go, we may infer from the admonitions and instructions which james applies to the arrangements and usages of religious assemblies. into these he can not allow "respect of persons" to enter. "my brethren," he exclaims, "have not the faith of our lord jesus christ, the lord of glory, with respect of persons. for if there come unto your assembly a man with a gold ring, in goodly apparel; and there come in also a poor man in vile raiment; and ye have respect to him that weareth the gay clothing, and say unto him, sit thou here in a good place; and say to the poor, stand thou there, or sit here under my footstool; are ye not then partial in yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts? _if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced of the law as transgressors_." on this general principle, then, religious assemblies ought to be regulated--that every man is to be estimated, not according to his _circumstances_--not according to any thing incidental to his _condition_; but according to his _moral worth_--according to the essential features and vital elements of his _character_. gold rings and gay clothing, as they qualify no man for, can entitle no man to, a "good place" in the church. nor can the "vile raiment of the poor man," fairly exclude him from any sphere, however exalted, which his heart and head may fit him to fill. to deny this, in theory or practice, is to degrade a man below a thing; for what are gold rings, or gay clothing, or vile raiment, but things, "which perish with the using?" and this must be "to commit sin, and be convinced of the law as transgressors." in slavery, we have "respect of persons," strongly marked, and reduced to system. here men are despised not merely for "the vile raiment," which may cover their scarred bodies. this is bad enough. but the deepest contempt for humanity here grows out of birth or complexion. vile raiment may be, often is, the result of indolence, or improvidence, or extravagance. it may be, often is, an index of character. but how can i be responsible for the incidents of my birth?--how for my complexion? to despise or honor me for these, is to be guilty of "respect of persons" in its grossest form, and with its worst effects. it is to reward or punish me for what i had nothing to do with; for which, therefore, i can not, without the greatest injustice, be held responsible. it is to poison the very fountains of justice, by confounding all moral distinctions. it is with a worse temper, and in the way of inflicting infinitely greater injuries, to copy the kingly folly of xerxes, in chaining and scourging the hellespont. what, then, so far as the authority of the new testament is concerned, becomes of slavery, which can not be maintained under any form nor for a single moment, without "respect of persons" the most aggravated and unendurable? and what would become of that most pitiful, silly, and wicked arrangement in so many of our churches, in which worshipers of a dark complexion are to be shut up to the negro pew?[a] [footnote a: in carlyle's review of the memoirs of mirabeau, we have the following anecdote, illustrative of the character of a "grandmother" of the count. "fancy the dame mirabeau sailing stately towards the church font; another dame striking in to take precedence of her; the dame mirabeau despatching this latter with a box on the ear, and these words, '_here, as in the army_, the baggage _goes last_!'" let those who justify the negro-pew-arrangement, throw a stone at this proud woman--if they dare.] nor are we permitted to confine this principle to _religious_ assemblies. it is to pervade social life every where. even where plenty, intelligence, and refinement, diffuse their brightest rays, the poor are to be welcomed with especial favor. "then said he to him that bade him, when thou makest a dinner or a supper, call not thy friends, nor thy brethren, neither thy kinsmen, nor thy rich neighbors, lest they also bid thee again, and a recompense be made thee. but when thou makest a feast, call the poor and the maimed, the lame and the blind, and thou shalt be blessed; for they can not recompense thee, but thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just." in the high places of social life then--in the parlor, the drawing-room, the saloon--special reference should be had, in every arrangement, to the comfort and improvement of those who are least able to provide for the cheapest rites of hospitality. for these, ample accommodations must be made, whatever may become of our kinsmen and rich neighbors. and for this good reason, that while such occasions signify little to the latter, to the former they are pregnant with good--raising their drooping spirits, cheering their desponding hearts, inspiring them with life, and hope, and joy. the rich and the poor thus meeting joyfully together, can not but mutually contribute to each other's benefit; the rich will be led to moderation, sobriety, and circumspection, and the poor to industry, providence, and contentment. the recompense must be rich and sure. a most beautiful and instructive commentary on the text in which these things are taught, the savior furnished in his own conduct. he freely mingled with those who were reduced to the very bottom of society. at the tables of the outcasts of society, he did not hesitate to be a cheerful guest, surrounded by publicans and sinners. and when flouted and reproached by smooth and lofty ecclesiastics, as an ultraist and leveler, he explained and justified himself by observing, that he had only done what his office demanded. it was his to seek the lost, to heal the sick, to pity the wretched;--in a word, to bestow just such benefits as the various necessities of mankind made appropriate and welcome. in his great heart, there was room enough for those who had been excluded from the sympathy of little souls. in its spirit and design, the gospel overlooked none--least of all, the outcasts of a selfish world. can slavery, however modified, be consistent with such a gospel?--a gospel which requires us, even amidst the highest forms of social life, to exert ourselves to raise the depressed by giving our warmest sympathies to those who have the smallest share in the favor of the world? those who are in "bonds" are set before us as deserving an especial remembrance. their claims upon us are described as a modification of the golden rule--as one of the many forms to which its obligations are reducible. to them we are to extend the same affectionate regard as we would covet for ourselves, if the chains upon their limbs were fastened upon ours. to the benefits of this precept, the enslaved have a natural claim of the greatest strength. the wrongs they suffer, spring from a persecution which can hardly be surpassed in malignancy. their birth and complexion are the occasion of the insults and injuries which they can neither endure nor escape. it is for the _work of god_, and not them own deserts, that they are loaded with chains. _this is persecution._ can i regard the slave as another self--can i put myself in his place--and be indifferent to his wrongs? especially, can i, thus affected, take sides with the oppressor? could i, in such a state of mind as the gospel requires me to cherish, reduce him to slavery or keep him in bonds? is not the precept under hand naturally subversive of every system and every form of slavery? the _general descriptions_ of the church which are found here and there in the new testament, are highly instructive in their bearing on the subject of slavery. in one connection, the following words meet the eye: "there is neither jew nor greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one in christ jesus."[a] here we have-- . a clear and strong description of the doctrine of _human equality_. "ye are all one;"--so much alike, so truly placed on common ground, all wielding each his own powers with such freedom, _that one is the same as another_. [footnote a: gal. iii. .] . this doctrine, self-evident in the light of reason, is affirmed on divine authority. "in christ jesus, _ye are all one_." the natural equality of the human family is a part of the gospel. for-- . all the human family are included in this description. whether men or women, whether bond or free, whether jews or gentiles, all are alike entitled to the benefit of this doctrine. wherever christianity prevails, the _artificial_ distinctions which grow out of birth, condition, sex, are done away. _natural_ distinctions are not destroyed. _they_ are recognized, hallowed, confirmed. the gospel does not abolish the sexes, forbid a division of labor, or extinguish patriotism. it takes woman from beneath the feet, and places her by the side of man; delivers the manual laborer from "the yoke," and gives him wages for his work; and brings the jew and gentile to embrace each other with fraternal love and confidence. thus it raises all to a common level, gives to each the free use of his own powers and resources, binds all together in one dear and loving brotherhood. such, according to the description of the apostle, was the influence, and such the effect of primitive christianity. "behold the picture!" is it like american slavery, which, in all its tendencies and effects, is destructive of all oneness among brethren? "where the spirit of the lord is," exclaims the same apostle, with his eye upon the condition and relations of the church, "_where the spirit of the lord is_, there is liberty." where, then, may we reverently recognize the presence, and bow before the manifested power, of this spirit? _there_, where the laborer may not choose how he shall be employed!--in what way his wants shall he supplied!--with whom he shall associate!--who shall have the fruit of his exertions! _there_, where he is not free to enjoy his wife and children! _there_, where his body and his soul, his very "destiny,"[a] are placed altogether beyond his control! _there_, where every power is crippled, every energy blasted, every hope crushed! _there_, where in all the relations and concerns of life, he is legally treated as if he had nothing to do with the laws of reason, the light of immortality, or the exercise of will! is the spirit of the lord _there_, where liberty is decried and denounced, mocked at and spit upon, betrayed and crucified! in the midst of a church which justified slavery, which derived its support from slavery, which carried on its enterprises by means of slavery, would the apostle have found the fruits of the spirit of the lord! let that spirit exert his influences, and assert his authority, and wield his power, and slavery must vanish at once and forever. [footnote a: "the legislature [of south carolina] from time to time, has passed many restricted and penal acts, with a view to bring under direct control and subjection the destiny _of the black population_." see the remonstrance of james s. pope and others, against home missionary efforts for the benefit of the enslaved--a most instructive paper.] in more than one connection, the apostle james describes christianity as "_the law of liberty_." it is in other words the law under which liberty can not but live and flourish--the law in which liberty is clearly defined, strongly asserted, and well protected. as the law of liberty, how can it be consistent with the law of slavery? the presence and the power of this law are felt wherever the light of reason shines. they are felt in the uneasiness and conscious degradation of the slave, and in the shame and remorse which the master betrays in his reluctant and desperate efforts to defend himself. this law it is which has armed human nature against the oppressor. wherever it is obeyed, "every yoke is broken." in these references to the new testament we have a _general description_ of the primitive church, and the _principles_ on which it was founded and fashioned. these principles bear the same relation to christian _history_ as to christian _character_, since the former is occupied with the development of the latter. what then is christian character but christian principle _realized_, acted out, bodied forth, and animated? christian principle is the soul, of which christian character is the expression--the manifestation. it comprehends in itself, as a living seed, such christian character, under every form, modification, and complexion. the former is, therefore, the test and interpreter of the latter. in the light of christian principle, and in that light only, we can judge of and explain christian character. christian history is occupied with the forms, modifications, and various aspects of christian character. the facts which are there recorded serve to show, how christian principle has fared in this world--how it has appeared, what it has done, how it has been treated. in these facts we have the various institutions, usages, designs, doings, and sufferings of the church of christ. and all these have of necessity, the closest relation to christian principle. they are the production of its power. through them, it is revealed and manifested. in its light, they are to be studied, explained, and understood. without it they must be as unintelligible and insignificant as the letters of a book, scattered on the wind. in the principles of christianity, then, we have a comprehensive and faithful account of its objects, institutions, and usages--of how it must behave, and act, and suffer, in a world of sin and misery. for between the principles which god reveals, on the one hand, and the precepts he enjoins, the institutions he establishes, and the usages he approves, on the other, there must be consistency and harmony. otherwise we impute to god what we must abhor in man--practice at war with principle. does the savior, then, lay down the _principle_ that our standing in the church must depend upon the habits, formed within us, of readily and heartily subserving the welfare of others; and permit us _in practice_ to invade the rights and trample on the happiness of our fellows, by reducing them to slavery. does he, _in principle_ and by example, require us to go all lengths in rendering mutual service, comprehending offices the most menial, as well as the most honorable; and permit us _in practice_ to exact service of our brethren, as if they were nothing better than "articles of merchandize?" does he require us _in principle_ "to work with quietness and eat our own bread;" and permit us _in practice_ to wrest from our brethren the fruits of their unrequited toil? does he in principle require us, abstaining from every form of theft, to employ our powers in useful labor, not only to provide for ourselves but also to relieve the indigence of others; and permit us _in practice_, abstaining from every form of labor, to enrich and aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of man-stealing? does he require us _in principle_ to regard "the laborer as worthy of his hire;" and permit us _in practice_ to defraud him of his wages? does he require us _in principle_ "to honor all men;" and permit us _in practice_ to treat multitudes like cattle? does he _in principle_ prohibit "respect of persons;" and permit us _in practice_ to place the feet of the rich upon the necks of the poor? does he _in principle_ require us to sympathize with the bondman as another self; and permit us _in practice_ to leave him unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor? _in principle_, "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" _in practice_, is _slavery_ the fruit of the spirit? _in principle_, christianity is the law of liberty; _in practice_, is it the law of slavery? bring practice in these various respects into harmony with principle, and what becomes of slavery? and if, where the divine government is concerned, practice is the expression of principle, and principle the standard and interpreter of practice, such harmony cannot but be maintained and must be asserted. in studying, therefore, fragments of history and sketches of biography--in disposing of references to institutions, usages, and facts in the new testament, this necessary harmony between principle and practice in the government, should be continually present to the thoughts of the interpreter. principles assert what practice must be. whatever principle condemns, god condemns. it belongs to those weeds of the dunghill which, planted by "an enemy," his hand will assuredly "root up." it is most certain, then, that if slavery prevailed in the first ages of christianity, it could nowhere have prevailed under its influence and with its sanction. the _condition_ in which, in its efforts to bless mankind, the primitive church was placed, must have greatly assisted the early christians in understanding and applying the principles of the gospel.--their _master_ was born in great obscurity, lived in the deepest poverty, and died the most ignominious death. the place of his residence, his familiarity with the outcasts of society, his welcoming assistance and support from female hands, his casting his beloved mother, when he hung upon the cross, upon the charity of a disciple--such things evince the depth of his poverty, and show to what derision and contempt he must have been exposed. could such an one, "despised and rejected of men--a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief," play the oppressor, or smile on those who made merchandize of the poor! and what was the history of the _apostles_, but an illustration of the doctrine, that "it is enough for the disciple, that he be as his master?" were they lordly ecclesiastics, abounding with wealth, shining with splendor, bloated with luxury! were they ambitious of distinction, fleecing, and trampling, and devouring "the flocks," that they themselves might "have the pre-eminence!" were they slaveholding bishops! or did they derive their support from the wages of iniquity and the price of blood! can such inferences be drawn from the account of their condition, which the most gifted and enterprising of their number has put upon record? "even unto this present hour, we both hunger, and thirst, and are naked, and _are buffetted_, and have _no certain dwelling place, and labor working with our own hands_. being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat; we are made as _the filth of the world_, and are the offscouring of all things unto this day[a]." are these the men who practiced or countenanced slavery? _with such a temper, they would not; in such circumstances, they could not_. exposed to "tribulation, distress, and persecution;" subject to famine and nakedness, to peril and the sword; "killed all the day long; accounted as sheep for the slaughter[b]," they would have made but a sorry figure at the great-house or slave-market! [footnote a: cor. iv. - .] [footnote b: rom. viii. , .] nor was the condition of the brethren, generally, better than that of the apostles. the position of the apostles doubtless entitled them to the strongest opposition, the heaviest reproaches, the fiercest persecution. but derision and contempt must have been the lot of christians generally. surely we cannot think so ill of primitive christianity as to suppose that believers, generally, refused to share in the trials and sufferings of their leaders; as to suppose that while the leaders submitted to manual labor, to buffeting, to be reckoned the filth of the world, to be accounted as sheep for the slaughter, his brethren lived in affluence, ease, and honor! despising manual labor! and living upon the sweat of unrequited toil! but on this point we are not left to mere inference and conjecture. the apostle paul in the plainest language explains the ordination of heaven. "but _god hath_ chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and god hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised hath god chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are."[a] here we may well notice, [footnote a: cor. i. , .] . that it was not by _accident_, that the primitive churches were made up of such elements, but the result of the divine choice--an arrangement of his wise and gracious providence. the inference is natural, that this ordination was co-extensive with the triumphs of christianity. it was nothing new or strange, that jehovah had concealed his glory "from the wise and prudent, and had revealed it unto babes," or that "the common people heard him gladly," while "not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, had been called." . the description of character which the apostle records, could be adapted only to what are reckoned the _very dregs of humanity_. the foolish and the weak, the base and the contemptible, in the estimation of worldly pride and wisdom--these were they whose broken hearts were reached, and moulded, and refreshed by the gospel; these were they whom the apostle took to his bosom as his own brethren. that _slaves_ abounded at corinth, may easily be admitted. _they_ have a place in the enumeration of elements of which, according to the apostle, the church there was composed. the most remarkable class found there, consisted of "things which are not"--mere nobodies, not admitted to the privileges of men, but degraded to a level with "goods and chattels;" of whom _no account_ was made in such arrangements of society as subserved the improvement, and dignity, and happiness of mankind. how accurately this description applies to those who are crushed under the chattel principle! the reference which the apostle makes to the "deep poverty of the churches of macedonia,"[b] and this to stir up the sluggish liberality of his corinthian brethren, naturally leaves the impression, that the latter were by no means inferior to the former in the gifts of providence. but, pressed with want and pinched by poverty as were the believers in "macedonia and achaia, it pleased them to make a certain contribution for the poor saints which were at jerusalem."[c] thus it appears, that christians every where were familiar with contempt and indigence, so much so, that the apostle would dissuade such as had no families from assuming the responsibilities of the conjugal relation[d]! [footnote b: cor. viii. .] [footnote c: rom. xv. .] [footnote d: cor. vi , ] now, how did these good people treat each other? did the few among them, who were esteemed wise, mighty, or noble, exert their influence and employ their power in oppressing the weak, in disposing of the "things that are not," as marketable commodities!--kneeling with them in prayer in the evening, and putting them up at auction the next morning! did the church sell any of the members to swell the "certain contribution far the poor saints at jerusalem!" far otherwise--as far as possible! in those christian communities where the influence of the apostles was most powerful, and where the arrangements drew forth their highest commendations, believers treated each other as brethren, in the strongest sense of that sweet word. so warm was their mutual love, so strong the public spirit, so open-handed and abundant the general liberality, that they are set forth as "_having all things common._" [e] slaves and their holders here? neither the one nor the other could in that relation to each other have breathed such an atmosphere. the appeal of the kneeling bondman, "am i not a man and a brother," must here have met with a prompt and powerful response. [footnote e: acts iv. ] the _tests_ by which our savior tries the character of his professed disciples, shed a strong light upon the genius of the gospel. in one connection[f], an inquirer demands of the savior, "what good thing shall i do that i may have eternal life?" after being reminded of the obligations which his social nature imposed upon him, he ventured, while claiming to be free from guilt in his relations to mankind, to demand, "what lack i yet?" the radical deficiency under which his character labored, the savior was not long or obscure in pointing out. if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven; and come and follow me. on this passage it is natural to suggest-- [footnote f: luke xvii - ] . that we have here a _test of universal application._ the rectitude and benevolence of our savior's character forbid us to suppose that he would subject this inquirer, especially as he was highly amiable, to a trial, where eternal life was at stake, _peculiarly_ severe. indeed, the test seems to have been only a fair exposition of the second great command, and of course it must be applicable to all who are placed under the obligations of that precept. those who can not stand this test, as their character is radically imperfect and unsound, must, with the inquirer to whom our lord applied it, be pronounced unfit for the kingdom of heaven. . the least that our savior can in that passage be understood to demand is, that we disinterestedly and heartily devote ourselves to the welfare of mankind, "the poor" especially. we are to put ourselves on a level with _them_, as we must do "in selling that we have" for their benefit--in other words, in employing our powers and resources to elevate their character, condition, and prospects. this our savior did; and if we refuse to enter into sympathy and cooperation with him, how can we be his _followers_? apply this test to the slaveholder. instead of "selling that he hath" for the benefit of the poor, he buys the poor, and exacts their sweat with stripes, to enable him to "clothe himself in purple and fine linen, and fare sumptuously every day;" or, he sells the poor to support the gospel and convert the heathen! what, in describing the scenes of the final judgment, does our savior teach us? _by what standard_ must our character be estimated, and the retributions of eternity be awarded? a standard, which both the righteous and the wicked will be surprised to see erected. from the "offscouring of all things," the meanest specimen of humanity will be selected--a "stranger" in the hands of the oppressor, naked, hungry, sickly; and this stranger, placed in the midst of the assembled universe, by the side of the sovereign judge, will be openly acknowledged as his representative. "glory, honor, and immortality," will be the reward of those who had recognized and cheered their lord through his outraged poor. and tribulation, anguish, and despair, will seize on "every soul of man," who had neglected or despised them. but whom, within the limits of our country, are we to regard especially as the representatives of our final judge? every feature of the savior's picture finds its appropriate original in our enslaved countrymen. . they are the least of his brethren. . they are subject to thirst and hunger, unable to command a cup of water or a crumb of bread. . they are exposed to wasting sickness, without the ability to procure a nurse or employ a physician. . they are emphatically "in prison," restrained by chains, goaded with whips, tasked, and under keepers. not a wretch groans in any cell of the prisons of our country, who is exposed to a confinement so rigorous and heart-breaking as the law allows theirs to be continually and permanently. . and then they are emphatically, and peculiarly, and exclusively, strangers--_strangers_ in the land which gave them birth. whom else do we constrain to remain aliens in the midst of our free institutions? the welch, the swiss, the irish? the jews even? alas, it is the _negro_ only, who may not strike his roots into our soil. every where we have conspired to treat him as a stranger--every where he is forced to feel himself a stranger. in the stage and steamboat, in the parlor and at our tables, in the scenes of business and in the scenes of amusement--even in the church of god and at the communion table, he is regarded as a stranger. the intelligent and religious are generally disgusted and horror-struck at the thought of his becoming identified with the citizens of our republic--so much so, that thousands of them have entered into a conspiracy to send him off "out of sight," to find a home on a foreign shore!--and justify themselves by openly alledging, that a "single drop" of his blood, in the veins of any human creature, must make him hateful to his fellow citizens!--that nothing but banishment from "our coasts," can redeem him from the scorn and contempt to which his "stranger" blood has reduced him among his own mother's children! who, then, in this land "of milk and honey," is "hungry and athirst," but the man from whom the law takes away the last crumb of bread and the smallest drop of water? who "naked," but the man whom the law strips of the last rag of clothing? who "sick," but the man whom the law deprives of the power of procuring medicine or sending for a physician? who "in prison," but the man who, all his life is under the control of merciless masters and cruel keepers? who a "stranger," but the man who is scornfully denied the cheapest courtesies of life--who is treated as an alien in his native country? there is one point in this awful description which deserves particular attention. those who are doomed to the left hand of the judge, are not charged with inflicting _positive injuries_ on their helpless, needy, and oppressed brother. theirs was what is often called _negative_ character. what they _had done_ is not described in the indictment. their _neglect_ of duty, what they _had_ not _done_, was the ground of their "everlasting punishment." the representative of their judge, they had seen a hungered and they gave him no meat, thirsty and they have him no drink, a stranger and they took him not in, naked and they clothed him not, sick and in prison and they visited him not. in as much as they did not yield to the claims of suffering humanity--did not exert themselves to bless the meanest of the human family, they were driven away in their wickedness. but what if the indictment had run thus: i was a hungered and ye snatched away the crust which might have saved me from starvation; i was thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the "cup of cold water," which might have moistened my parched lips; i was a stranger and ye drove me from the hovel which might have sheltered me from the piercing wind; i was sick and ye scourged me to my task; in prison and you sold me for my jail-fees--to what depths of hell must not those who were convicted under such charges be consigned! and what is the history of american slavery but one long indictment, describing under ever-varying forms and hues just such injuries! nor should it be forgotten, that those who incurred the displeasure of their judge, took far other views than he, of their own past history. the charges which he brought against them, they heard with great surprise. they were sure that they had never thus turned away from his necessities. indeed, when had they seen him thus subject to poverty, insult, and oppression! never. and as to that poor friendless creature whom they left unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor, and whom their judge now presented as his own representative, they never once supposed, that _he_ had any claims on their compassion and assistance. had they known, that he was destined to so prominent a place at the final judgment, they would have treated him as a human being, in despite of any social, pecuniary, or political considerations. but neither their _negative virtue_ nor their _voluntary ignorance_ could shield them from the penal fire which their selfishness had kindled. now amidst the general maxims, the leading principles, the "great commandments" of the gospel; amidst its comprehensive descriptions and authorized tests of christian character, we should take our position in disposing of any particular allusions to such forms and usages of the primitive churches as are supposed by divine authority. the latter must be interpreted and understood in the light of the former. but how do the apologists and defenders of slavery proceed? placing themselves amidst the arrangements and usages which grew out of the _corruptions_ of christianity, they make these the standard by which the gospel is to be explained and understood! some recorder or justice, without the light of inquiry or the aid of a jury, consigns the negro whom the kidnapper has dragged into his presence to the horrors of slavery. as the poor wretch shrieks and faints, humanity shudders and demands why such atrocities are endured? some "priest" or "levite," "passing by on the other side," quite self-possessed and all complacent reads in reply from his bread phylactery, _paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! yes, echoes the negro-hating mob, made up of "gentlemen of property and standing" together with equally gentle-men reeking from the gutter; _yes--paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! and humanity, brow-beaten, stunned with noise and tumult, is pushed aside by the crowd! a fair specimen this of the manner in which modern usages are made to interpret the sacred scriptures? of the particular passages in the new testament on which the apologists for slavery especially rely, the epistle to philemon first demands our attention. . this letter was written by the apostle paul while a "prisoner of jesus christ" at rome. . philemon was a benevolent and trustworthy member of the church at colosse, at whose house the disciples of christ held their assemblies, and who owed his conversion, under god, directly or indirectly to the ministry of paul. . onesimus was the servant of philemon; under a relation which it is difficult with accuracy and certainty to define. his condition, though servile, could not have been like that of an american slave; as, in that case, however he might have "wronged" philemon, he could not also have "_owed him ought_."[a] the american slave is, according to law, as much the property of his master as any other chattel; and can no more "owe" his master than can a sheep or a horse. the basis of all pecuniary obligations lies in some "value received." how can "an article of merchandise" stand on this basis and sustain commercial relations to its owner? there is no _person_ to offer or promise. _personality is swallowed up in american slavery_! [footnote a: phil. .] . how onesimus found his way to rome it is not easy to determine. he and philemon appear to have parted from each other on ill terms. the general character of onesimus, certainly, in his relation to philemon, had been far from attractive, and he seems to have left him without repairing the wrongs he had done him or paying the debts which he owed him. at rome, by the blessing of god upon the exertions of the apostle, he was brought to reflection and repentance. . in reviewing his history in the light of christian truth, he became painfully aware of the injuries, he had inflicted on philemon. he longed for an opportunity for frank confession and full restitution. having, however, parted with philemon on ill terms, he knew not how to appear in his presence. under such embarrassments, he naturally sought sympathy and advice of paul. _his_ influence upon philemon, onesimus knew must be powerful, especially as an apostle. . a letter in behalf of onesimus was therefore written by the apostle to philemon. after such salutations, benedictions, and thanks giving as the good character and useful life of philemon naturally drew from the heart of paul, he proceeds to the object of the letter. he admits that onesimus had behaved ill in the service of philemon; not in running away, for how they had parted with each other is not explained, but in being unprofitable and in refusing to pay the debts[b] which he had contracted. but his character had undergone a radical change. thenceforward fidelity and usefulness would be his aim and mark his course. and as to any pecuniary obligations which he had violated, the apostle authorized philemon to put them on _his_ account.[c] thus a way was fairly opened to the heart of philemon. and now what does the apostles ask? [footnote b: verse , .] [footnote c: verse .] . he asks that philemon would receive onesimus. how? "not as a _servant_, but _above_ a servant."[a] how much above? philemon was to receive him as "a son" of the apostle--"as a brother beloved"--nay, if he counted paul a partner, an equal, he was to receive onesimus as he would receive _the apostle himself[b]. so much_ above a servant was he to receive him! [footnote a: verse .] [footnote b: verse , , .] . but was not this request to be so interpreted and complied with as to put onesimus in the hands of philemon as "an article of merchandise," carnally, while it raised him to the dignity of a "brother beloved," spiritually? in other words, might not philemon consistently with the request of paul, have reduced onesimus to a chattel, as a man, while he admitted him fraternally to his bosom, as a christian? such gibberish in an apostolic epistle! never. as if, however, to guard against such folly, the natural product of mist and moonshine, the apostle would have onesimus raised above a servant to the dignity of a brother beloved, "both in the flesh and in the lord;"[c] as a man and christian, in all the relations, circumstances, and responsibilities of life. [footnote c: verse .] it is easy now with definiteness and certainty to determine in what sense the apostle in such connections uses the word "_brother_." it describes a relation inconsistent with and opposite to the _servile_. it is "not" the relation of a "servant." it elevates its subject "above" the servile condition. it raises him to full equality with the master, to the same equality, on which paul and philemon stood side by side as brothers; and this, not in some vague, undefined, spiritual sense, affecting the soul and leaving the body in bonds, but in every way, "both in the flesh and in the lord." this matter deserves particular and earnest attention. it sheds a strong light on other lessons of apostolic instruction. . it is greatly to our purpose, moreover, to observe that the apostle clearly defines the _moral character_ of his request. it was fit, proper, right, suited to the nature and relations of things--a thing which _ought_ to be done.[d] on this account, he might have urged it upon philemon in the form of an _injunction_, on apostolic authority and with great boldness.[e] _the very nature_ of the request made it obligatory on philemon. he was sacredly bound, out of regard to the fitness of things, to admit onesimus to full equality with himself--to treat him as a brother both in the lord and as having flesh--as a fellow man. thus were the inalienable rights and birth-right privileges of onesimus, as a member of the human family, defined and protected by apostolic authority. [footnote d: verse . to [greek: anaekon]. see robinson's new testament lexicon; "_it is fit, proper, becoming, it ought_." in what sense king james' translators used the word "convenient" any one may see who will read rom. i. and eph. v. , .] [footnote e: verse .] . the apostle preferred a request instead of imposing a command, on the ground of charity.[a] he would give philemon an opportunity of discharging his obligations under the impulse of love. to this impulse, he was confident philemon would promptly and fully yield. how could he do otherwise? the thing itself was right. the request respecting it came from a benefactor, to whom, under god, he was under the highest obligations.[b] that benefactor, now an old man and in the hands of persecutors, manifested a deep and tender interest in the matter, and had the strongest persuasion that philemon was more ready to grant than himself to entreat. the result, as he was soon to visit colosse, and had commissioned philemon to prepare a lodging for him, must come under the eye of the apostle. the request was so manifestly reasonable and obligatory, that the apostle, after all, described a compliance with it, by the strong word "_obedience_."[c] [footnote a: verse [greek: dia taen agapaen].] [footnote b: verse .] [footnote c: verse .] now how must all this have been understood by the church at colosse?--a church, doubtless, made up of such materials as the church at corinth, that is, of members chiefly from the humblest walks of life. many of them had probably felt the degradation and tasted the bitterness of the servile condition. would they have been likely to interpret the apostle's letter under the bias of feelings friendly to slavery!--and put the slaveholder's construction on its contents! would their past experience or present sufferings--for doubtless some of them were still "under the yoke"--have suggested to their thoughts such glosses as some of our theological professors venture to put upon the words of the apostle! far otherwise. the spirit of the lord was there, and the epistle was read in the light of "_liberty_." it contained the principles of holy freedom, faithfully and affectionately applied. this must have made it precious in the eyes of such men "of low degree" as were most of the believers, and welcome to a place in the sacred canon. there let it remain as a luminous and powerful defense of the cause of emancipation! but what with prof. stuart? "if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life."[a] [footnote a: see his letter to dr. fisk, supra p. .] "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." by what process? did the apostle, a prisoner at rome, seize upon the fugitive, and drag him before some heartless and perfidious "judge," for authority to send him back to colosse? did he hurry his victim away from the presence of the fat and supple magistrate, to be driven under chains and the lash to the field of unrequited toil, whence he had escaped? had the apostle been like some teachers in the american churches, he might, as a professor of sacred literature in one of our seminaries, or a preacher of the gospel to the rich in some of our cities, have consented thus to subserve the "peculiar" interests of a dear slaveholding brother. but the venerable champion of truth and freedom was himself under bonds in the imperial city, waiting for the crown of martyrdom. he wrote a letter to the church at colosse, which was accustomed to meet at the house of philemon, and another letter to that magnanimous disciple, and sent them by the hand of onesimus. so much for _the way_ in which onesimus was sent back to his master. a slave escapes from a patriarch in georgia, and seeks a refuge in the parish of the connecticut doctor, who once gave public notice that he saw no reason for caring for the servitude of his fellow men.[b] under his influence, caesar becomes a christian convert. burning with love for the son whom he hath begotten in the gospel, our doctor resolves to send him back to his master. accordingly, he writes a letter, gives it to caesar, and bids him return, staff in hand, to the "corner-stone of our republican institutions." now, what would any caesar do, who had ever felt a link of slavery's chain? as he left his _spiritual father_, should we be surprized to hear him say to himself, what, return of my own accord to the man who, with the hand of a robber, plucked me from my mother's bosom!--for whom i have been so often drenched in the sweat of unrequited toil!--whose violence so often cut my flesh and scarred my limbs!--who shut out every ray of light from my mind!--who laid claim to those honors to which my creator and redeemer only are entitled! and for what am i to return? to be cursed, and smitten, and sold! to be tempted, and torn, and destroyed! i can not thus throw myself away--thus rush upon my own destruction. [footnote b: "why should i care?"] who ever heard of the voluntary return of a fugitive from american oppression? do you think that the doctor and his friends could persuade one to carry a letter to the patriarch from whom he had escaped? and must we believe this of onesimus! "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." on what occasion?--"if," writes the apostle, "he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee ought, put that on my account." alive to the claims of duty, onesimus would "restore" whatever he "had taken away." he would honestly pay his debts. this resolution, the apostle warmly approved. he was ready, at whatever expense, to help his young disciple in carrying it into full effect. of this he assured philemon, in language the most explicit and emphatic. here we find one reason for the conduct of paul in sending onesimus to philemon. if a fugitive slave of the rev. mr. smylie, of mississippi, should return to him with a letter from a doctor of divinity in new york, containing such an assurance, how would the reverend slaveholder dispose of it? what, he exclaims, have we here? "if cato has not been upright in his pecuniary intercourse with you--if he owes you any thing--put that on my account." what ignorance of southern institutions! what mockery, to talk of pecuniary intercourse between a slave and his master! _the slave himself, with all he is and has, is an article of merchandise_. what can _he_ owe his master?--a rustic may lay a wager with his mule, and give the creature the peck of oats which he had permitted it to win. but who in sober earnest would call this a pecuniary transaction? "to be his servant for life!" from what part of the epistle could the expositor have evolved a thought so soothing to tyrants--so revolting to every man who loves his own nature? from this? "for perhaps he therefore departed for a season, that thou shouldest receive him for ever." receive him how? _as a servant_, exclaims our commentator. but what wrote the apostle? "not _now as a servant, but above a servant_, a brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord." who authorized the professor to bereave the word '_not_' of its negative influence? according to paul, philemon was to receive onesimus '_not_ as a servant;'--according to stuart, he was to receive him "_as a servant!_" if the professor will apply the same rules of exposition to the writings of the abolitionists, all difference between him and them must in his view presently vanish away. the harmonizing process would be equally simple and effectual. he has only to understand them as affirming what they deny, and as denying what they affirm. suppose that prof. stuart had a son residing at the south. his slave, having stolen money of his master, effected his escape. he fled to andover, to find a refuge among the "sons of the prophets." there he finds his way to prof. stuart's house, and offers to render any service which the professor, dangerously ill "of a typhus fever," might require. he is soon found to be a most active, skillful, faithful nurse. he spares no pains, night and day, to make himself useful to the venerable sufferer. he anticipates every want. in the most delicate and tender manner, he tries to sooth every pain. he fastens himself strongly on the heart of the reverend object of his care. touched with the heavenly spirit, the meek demeanor, the submissive frame, which the sick bed exhibits, archy becomes a christian. a new bond now ties him and his convalescent teacher together. as soon as he is able to write, the professor sends by archy the following letter to the south, to isaac stuart, esq.:-- "my dear son,--with a hand enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous illness, from which i am slowly recovering, i address you, on a subject which lies very near my heart. i have a request to urge, which my acquaintance with you, and your strong obligations to me, will, i can not doubt, make you eager fully to grant. i say a request, though the thing i ask is, in its very nature and on the principles of the gospel, obligatory upon you. i might, therefore, boldly demand, what i earnestly entreat. but i know how generous, magnanimous, and christ-like you are, and how readily you will "do even more than i say"--i, your own father, an old man, almost exhausted with multiplied exertions for the benefit of my family and my country, and now just rising, emaciated and broken, from the brink of the grave. i write in behalf of archy, whom i regard with the affection of a father, and whom, indeed, 'i have begotten in my sickness.' gladly would i have retained him, to be an _isaac_ to me; for how often did not his soothing voice, and skillful hand, and unwearied attention to my wants, remind me of you! but i chose to give you an opportunity of manifesting, voluntarily, the goodness of your heart; as, if i had retained him with me, you might seem to have been forced to grant what you will gratefully bestow. his temporary absence from you may have opened the way for his permanent continuance with you. not now as a slave. heaven forbid! but superior to a slave. superior, did i say? take him to your bosom, as a beloved brother; for i own him as a son, and regard him as such, in all the relations of life, both as a man and a christian.--'receive him as myself.' and that nothing may hinder you from complying with my request at once, i hereby promise, without adverting to your many and great obligations to me, to pay you every cent which he took from your drawer. any preparation which my comfort with you may require, you will make without much delay, when you learn, that i intend, as soon as i shall be able 'to perform the journey,' to make you a visit." and what if dr. baxter, in giving an account of this letter should publicly declare that prof. stuart of andover regarded slaveholding as lawful; for that "he had sent archy back to his son isaac, with an apology for his running away" to be held in perpetual slavery? with what propriety might not the professor exclaim: false, every syllable false. i sent him back, not to be held as a slave, _but recognized as a dear brother, in all respects, under every relation, civil and ecclesiastical_. i bade my son receive _archy as myself_. if this was not equivalent to a requisition to set him fully and most honorably free, and that, too, on the ground of natural obligation and christian principle, then i know not how to frame such a requisition. i am well aware that my supposition is by no means strong enough fully to illustrate the case to which it is applied. prof. stuart lacks apostolical authority. isaac stuart is not a leading member of a church consisting, as the early churches chiefly consisted, of what the world regard as the dregs of society--"the offscouring of all things." nor was slavery at colosse, it seems, supported by such barbarous usages, such horrid laws as disgrace the south. but it is time to turn to another passage which, in its bearing on the subject in hand, is, in our view, as well as in the view of dr. fisk and prof. stuart, in the highest degree authoritative and instructive. "let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of god and his doctrines be not blasphemed. and they that have believing masters, let them not despise them because they are brethren; but rather do them service, because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit."[a] [footnote a: tim. vi. , .] . the apostle addresses himself here to two classes of servants, with instructions to each respectively appropriate. both the one class and the other, in prof. stuart's eye, were _slaves_. this he assumes, and thus begs the very question in dispute. the term servant is _generic_, as used by the sacred writers. it comprehends all the various offices which men discharge for the benefit of each other, however honorable, or however menial; from that of an apostle[b] opening the path to heaven, to that of washing "one another's feet."[c] a general term it is, comprehending every office which belongs to human relations and christian character.[d] [footnote b: cor. iv. .] [footnote c: john xiii. .] [footnote d: mat. xx. - .] a leading signification gives us the _manual laborer_, to whom, in the division of labor, muscular exertion was allotted. as in his exertions the bodily powers are especially employed--such powers as belong to man in common with mere animals--his sphere has generally been considered low and humble. and as intellectual power is superior to bodily, the manual laborer has always been exposed in very numerous ways and in various degrees to oppression. cunning, intrigue, the oily tongue, have, through extended and powerful conspiracies, brought the resources of society under the control of the few, who stood aloof from his homely toil. hence his dependence upon them. hence the multiplied injuries which have fallen so heavily upon him. hence the reduction of his wages from one degree to another, till at length, in the case of millions, fraud and violence strip him of his all, blot his name from the record of _mankind_, and, putting a yoke upon his neck, drive him away to toil among the cattle. _here you find the slave._ to reduce the servant to his condition, requires abuses altogether monstrous--injuries reaching the very vitals of man--stabs upon the very heart of humanity. now, what right has prof. stuart to make the word "_servants_," comprehending, even as manual laborers, so many and such various meanings, signify "_slaves_," especially where different classes are concerned? such a right he could never have derived from humanity, or philosophy, or hermeneutics. is it his by sympathy with the oppressor? yes, different classes. this is implied in the term "_as many_,"[a] which sets apart the class now to be addressed. from these he proceeds to others, who are introduced by a particle,[b] whose natural meaning indicates the presence of another and a different subject. [footnote a: [greek: osoi.] see passow's schneider.] [footnote b: [greek: de.] see passow.] . the first class are described as "_under the yoke_"--a yoke from which they were, according to the apostle, to make their escape if possible.[c] if not, they must in every way regard the master with respect--bowing to his authority, working his will, subserving his interests so far as might be consistent with christian character.[d] and this, to prevent blasphemy--to prevent the pagan master from heaping profane reproaches upon the name of god and the doctrines of the gospel. they should beware of rousing his passions, which, as his helpless victims, they might be unable to allay or withstand. [footnote c: see cor. vii. --[greek: all ei kai d u n a s a i eleutheros genesthai.]] [footnote d: cor. vii. --[greek: mae ginesthe douloi anthropon.]] but all the servants whom the apostle addressed were not "_under the yoke_"[e]--an instrument appropriate to cattle and to slaves. these he distinguishes from another class, who instead of a "yoke"--the badge of a slave--had "_believing masters_." _to have a "believing master," then, was equivalent to freedom from "the yoke."_ these servants were exhorted not _to despise_ their masters. what need of such an exhortation, if their masters had been slaveholders, holding them as property, wielding them as mere instruments, disposing of them as "articles of merchandise?" but this was not consistent with believing. faith, "breaking every yoke," united master and servants in the bonds of brotherhood. brethren they were, joined in a relation which, excluding the yoke,[f] placed them side by side on the ground of equality, where, each in his appropriate sphere, they might exert themselves freely and usefully, to the mutual benefit of each other. here, servants might need to be cautioned against getting above their appropriate business, putting on airs, despising their masters, and thus declining or neglecting their service.[g] instead of this, they should be, as emancipated slaves often have been,[h] models of enterprise, fidelity, activity, and usefulness--especially as their masters were "worthy of their confidence and love," their helpers in this well-doing.[i] [footnote e: see lev. xxvi. ; isa. lviii. , .] [footnote f: supra p. .] [footnote g: see matt. vi. .] [footnote h: those, for instance, set free by that "believing master" james g. birney.] [footnote i: the following exposition is from the pen of elizur wright, jr.:--"this word [greek: antilambanesthai,] in our humble opinion, has been so unfairly used by the commentators, that we feel constrained to take its part. our excellent translators, in rendering the clause 'partakers of the benefit,' evidently lost sight of the component preposition, which expresses the _opposition of reciprocity_, rather than the _connection of participation_. they have given it exactly the sense of [greek: metalambanein,] ( tim. ii. .) had the apostle intended such a sense, he would have used the latter verb, or one of the more common words, [greek: metochoi, koinonountes], &c. (see heb. iii. , and tim. v. , where the latter word is used in the clause, 'neither be partaker of other men's sins.' had the verb in our text been used, it might have been rendered, 'neither be the _part-taker_ of other men's sins.') the primary sense of [greek: antilambano] is _to take in return--to take instead of, &c_. hence, in the middle with the genitive, it signifies _assist_, or _do one's part towards_ the person or thing expressed by that genitive. in this sense only is the word used in the new testament.--(see luke i. , and acts xx. .) if this be true, the word [greek: euergesai] can not signify the benefit conferred by the gospel, as our common version would make it, but the _well-doing_ of the servants, who should continue to serve their believing masters, while they were no longer under the _yoke_ of compulsion. this word is used elsewhere in the new testament but once, (acts iv. .) in relation to the '_good deed_' done to the impotent man. the plain import of the clause, unmystified by the commentators, is, that believing masters would not fail to _do their part towards_, or encourage by suitable returns, the _free_ service of those who had once been under the _yoke_."] such, then, is the relation between those who, in the view of prof. stuart, were christian masters and christian slaves[a]--the relation of "brethren," which, excluding "the yoke," and of course conferring freedom, placed them side by side on the common ground of mutual service, both retaining, for convenience's sake, the one while giving and the other while receiving employment, the correlative name, _as is usual in such cases_, under which they had been known. such was the instruction which timothy was required, as a christian minister, to give. was it friendly to slaveholding? [footnote a: letter to dr. fisk, supra, p. .] and on what ground, according to the princeton professor, did these masters and these servants stand in their relation to each other? on that _of a "perfect religious equality_."[a] in all the relations, duties, and privileges--in all the objects, interests, and prospects, which belong to the province of christianity, servants were as free as their master. the powers of the one, were allowed as wide a range and as free an exercise, with as warm encouragements, as active aids, and as high results, as the other. here, the relation of a servant to his master imposed no restrictions, involved no embarrassments, occasioned no injury. all this, clearly and certainly, is implied in "_perfect religious equality_," which the princeton professor accords to servants in relation to their master. might the _master_, then, in order more fully to attain the great ends for which he was created and redeemed, freely exert himself to increase his acquaintance with his own powers, and relations, and resources--with his prospects, opportunities, and advantages? so might his _servants_. was _he_ at liberty to "study to approve himself to god," to submit to his will and bow to his authority, as the sole standard of affection and exertion? so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty to sanctify the sabbath, and frequent the "solemn assembly?" so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty so to honor the filial, conjugal, and paternal relations, as to find in them that spring of activity and that source of enjoyment, which they are capable of yielding? so were _they_. in every department of interest and exertion, they might use their capacities, and wield their powers, and improve their opportunities, and employ their resources, as freely as he, in glorifying god, in blessing mankind, and in laying up imperishable treasures for themselves! give perfect religious equality to the american slave, and the most eager abolitionist must be satisfied. such equality would, like the breath of the almighty, dissolve the last link of the chain of servitude. dare those who, for the benefit of slavery, have given so wide and active a circulation do the pittsburgh pamphlet, make the experiment? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] in the epistle to the colossians, the following passage deserves earnest attention:--"servants, obey in all things your masters according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but in singleness of heart, fearing god: and whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to the lord, and not unto men; knowing, that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance; for ye serve the lord christ. but he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done: and there is no respect of persons.--masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye have a master in heaven."[a] [footnote a: col. iii. to iv. .] here it is natural to remark-- . that in maintaining the relation, which mutually united them, both masters and servants were to act in conformity with the principles of the divine government. whatever _they_ did, servants were to do in hearty obedience to the lord, by whose authority they were to be controlled and by whose hand they were to be rewarded. to the same lord, and according to the same law, was the _master_ to hold himself responsible. _both the one and the other were of course equally at liberty and alike required to study and apply the standard, by which they were to be governed and judged._ . the basis of the government under which they thus were placed, was _righteousness_--strict, stern, impartial. nothing here of bias or antipathy. birth, wealth, station,--the dust of the balance not so light! both master and servants were hastening to a tribunal, where nothing of "respect of persons" could be feared or hoped for. there the wrong-doer, whoever he might be, and whether from the top or bottom of society, must be dealt with according to his deservings. . under this government, servants were to be universally and heartily obedient; and both in the presence and absence of the master, faithfully to discharge their obligations. the master on his part, in his relations to the servants, was to make justice and equality the _standard of his conduct_. under the authority of such instructions, slavery falls discountenanced, condemned, abhorred. it is flagrantly at war with the government of god, consists in "respect of persons" the most shameless and outrageous, treads justice and equality under foot, and in its natural tendency and practical effects is nothing else than a system of wrong-doing. what have _they_ to do with the just and the equal who in their "respect of persons" proceed to such a pitch as to treat one brother as a thing because he is a servant, and place him, without the least regard to his welfare here, or his prospects hereafter, absolutely at the disposal of another brother, under the name of master, in the relation of owner to property? justice and equality on the one hand, and the chattel principle on the other, are naturally subversive of each other--proof clear and decisive that the correlates, masters and servants, cannot here be rendered slaves and owners, without the grossest absurdity and the greatest violence. "the relation of slavery," according to prof. stuart, is recognized in "the precepts of the new testament," as one which "may still exist without violating the christian faith or the church."[a] slavery and the chattel principle! so our professor thinks; otherwise his reference has nothing to do with the subject--with the slavery which the abolitionist, whom he derides, stands opposed to. how gross and hurtful is the mistake into which he allows himself to fall. the relation recognized in the precepts of the new testament had its basis and support in "justice and equality;" the very opposite of the chattel principle; a relation which may exist as long as justice and equality remain, and thus escape the destruction to which, in the view of prof. stuart, slavery is doomed. the description of paul obliterates every feature of american slavery, raising the servant to equality with his master, and placing his rights under the protection of justice; yet the eye of prof. stuart can see nothing in his master and servant but a slave and his owner. with this relation he is so thoroughly possessed, that, like an evil angel, it haunts him even when he enters the temple of justice! [footnote a: letter to dr. fisk, supra p. .] "it is remarkable," with the princeton professor, "that there is not even an exhortation" in the writings of the apostles "to masters to liberate their slaves, much less is it urged as an imperative and immediate duty."[b] it would be remarkable, indeed, if they were chargeable with a defect so great and glaring. and so they have nothing to say upon the subject? _that_ not even the princeton professor has the assurance to affirm. he admits that kindness, mercy, and justice, were enjoined with a _distinct reference to the government of god_.[c] "without respect of persons," they were to be god-like in doing justice. they were to act the part of kind and merciful "brethren." and whither would this lead them? could they stop short of restoring to every man his natural, inalienable rights?--of doing what they could to redress the wrongs, soothe the sorrows, improve the character, and raise the condition of the degraded and oppressed? especially, if oppressed and degraded by any agency of theirs. could it be kind, merciful, or just to keep the chains of slavery on their helpless, unoffending brother? would this be to honor the golden rule, or obey the second great command of "their master in heaven?" could the apostles have subserved the cause of freedom more directly, intelligibly, and effectually, than _to enjoin the principles, and sentiments, and habits, in which freedom consists--constituting its living root and fruitful germ_? [footnote b: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] [footnote c: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] the princeton professor himself, in the very paper which the south has so warmly welcomed and so loudly applauded as a scriptural defense of "the peculiar institution," maintains, that the "general principles of the gospel _have_ destroyed slavery _throughout out the greater part of christendom"_[a]--"that christianity has abolished both political and domestic bondage wherever it has had free scope--_that it_ enjoins _a fair compensation for labor; insists on the mental and intellectual improvement of_ all _classes of men; condemns_ all _infractions of marital or parental rights; requires in short not only that_ free scope _should be allowed to human improvement, but that _all suitable means_ _should be employed for the attainment of that end._"[b] it is indeed "remarkable," that while neither christ nor his apostles ever gave "an exhortation to masters to liberate their slaves," they enjoined such "general principles as have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of christendom;" that while christianity forbears "to urge" emancipation "as an imperative and immediate duty," it throws a barrier, heaven high, around every domestic circle; protects all the rights of the husband and the fathers; gives every laborer a fair compensation; and makes the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes, with free scope and all suitable means, the object of its tender solicitude and high authority. this is not only "remarkable," but inexplicable. yes and no--hot and cold, in one and the same breath! and yet these things stand prominent in what is reckoned an acute, ingenious, effective defense of slavery! [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. . .] [footnote b: the same, p. .] in his letter to the corinthian church, the apostle paul furnishes another lesson of instruction, expressive of his views and feelings on the subject of slavery. "let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called. art thou called being a servant? care not for it: but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman: likewise also he that is called, being free, is christ's servant. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men."[a] [footnote a: cor. vii. - .] in explaining and applying this passage, it is proper to suggest, . that it _could_ not have been the object of the apostle to bind the corinthian converts to the stations and employments in which the gospel found them. for he exhorts some of them to escape, if possible, from their present condition. in the servile state, "under the yoke," they ought not to remain unless impelled by stern necessity. "if thou canst be free, use it rather." if they ought to prefer freedom to bondage and to exert themselves to escape from the latter for the sake of the former, could their master consistently with the claims and spirit of the gospel have hindered or discouraged them in so doing? their "brother" could _he_ be, who kept "the yoke" upon their neck, which the apostle would have them shake off if possible? and had such masters been members of the corinthian church, what inferences must they have drawn from this exhortation to their servants? that the apostle regarded slavery as a christian institution?--or could look complacently on any efforts to introduce or maintain it in the church? could they have expected less from him than a stern rebuke, if they refused to exert themselves in the cause of freedom? . but while they were to use their freedom, if they could obtain it, they should not, even on such a subject, give themselves up to ceaseless anxiety. "the lord was no respecter of persons." they need not fear, that the "low estate," to which they had been wickedly reduced, would prevent them from enjoying the gifts of his hand or the light of his countenance. _he_ would respect their rights, sooth their sorrows, and pour upon their hearts, and cherish there, the spirit of liberty. "for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman." in _him_, therefore, should they cheerfully confide. . the apostle, however, forbids them so to acquiesce in the servile relation, as to act inconsistently with their christian obligations. to their savior they belonged. by his blood they had been purchased. it should be their great object, therefore, to render _him_ a hearty and effective service. they should permit no man, whoever he might be, to thrust in himself between them and their redeemer. "_ye are bought with a price_; be not ye the servants of men." with his eye upon the passage just quoted and explained, the princeton professor asserts that "paul represents this relation"--the relation of slavery--"as of comparatively little account."[a] and this he applies--otherwise it is nothing to his purpose--to _american_ slavery. does he then regard it as a small matter, a mere trifle, to be thrown under the slave-laws of this republic, grimly and fiercely excluding their victim from almost every means of improvement, and field of usefulness, and source of comfort; and making him, body and substance, with his wife and babes, "the servant of men?" could such a relation be acquiesced in consistently with the instructions of the apostle? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] to the princeton professor the commend a practical trial of the bearing of the passage in hand upon american slavery. his regard for the unity and prosperity of the ecclesiastical organizations, which in various forms and under different names unite the southern with the northern churches, will make the experiment grateful to his feelings. let him, then, as soon as his convenience will permit, proceed to georgia. no religious teacher[b] from any free state, can be likely to receive so general and so warm a welcome there. to allay the heat, which the doctrines and movements of the abolitionists have occasioned in the southern mind, let him with as much despatch as possible collect, as he goes from place to place, masters and their slaves. now let all men, whom it may concern, see and own that slavery is a christian institution! with his bible in his hand and his eye upon the passage in question, he addresses himself to the task of instructing the slaves around him. let not your hearts, my brethren, be overcharged with sorrow, or eaten up with anxiety. your servile condition cannot deprive you of the fatherly regards of him "who is no respecter of persons." freedom you ought, indeed, to prefer. if you can escape from "the yoke," throw it off. in the mean time rejoice that "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" that the gospel places slaves "on a perfect religious equality" with their master; so that every christian is "the lord's freeman." and, for your encouragement, remember that "christianity has abolished both political and domestic servitude whenever it has had free scope. it enjoins a fair compensation for labor; it insists on the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes of men; it condemns all infractions of marital or parental rights; in short it requires not only that free scope be allowed to human improvement, but that all suitable means should be employed for the attainment of that end."[c] let your lives, then, be honorable to your relations to your savior. he bought you with his own blood; and is entitled to your warmest love and most effective service. "be not ye the servants of men." let no human arrangements prevent you, as citizens of the kingdom of heaven, from making the most of your powers and opportunities. would such an effort, generally and heartily made, allay excitement at the south, and quench the flames of discord, every day rising higher and waxing hotter, in almost every part of the republic, and cement "the union?" [footnote b: rev. mr. savage, of utica, new york, had, not very long ago, a free conversation with a gentleman of high standing in the literary and religious world from a slaveholding state, where the "peculiar institution" is cherished with great warmth and maintained with iron rigor. by him, mr. savage was assured, that the princeton professor had, through the pittsburgh pamphlet, contributed most powerfully and effectually to bring the "whole south" under the persuasion, _that slaveholding is in itself right_--a system _to which the bible gives countenance and support_. in an extract from an article in the southern christian sentinel, a new presbyterian paper established in charleston, south carolina, and inserted in the christian journal for march , , we find the following paragraphs from the pen of rev. c.w. howard, and according to mr. chester, ably and freely endorsed by the editor. "there is scarcely any diversity of sentiment at the north upon this subject. the great mass of the people believing slavery to be sinful, are clearly of the opinion that as a system, it should be abolished throughout this land and throughout the world. they differ as to the time and mode of abolition. the abolitionists consistently argue, that whatever is sinful, should be instantly abandoned. the others, _by a strange sort of reasoning for christian men_, contend that though slavery is sinful, _yet it may be allowed to exist until it shall be expedient to abolish it_; or if, in many cases, this reasoning might be translated into plain english, the sense would be, both in church and state, _slavery, though sinful, may be allowed to exist until our interest will suffer us to say that it must be abolished_. this is not slander; it is simply a plain way of stating a plain truth. it does seem the evident duty of every man to become an abolitionist, who believes slavery to be sinful, for the bible allows no tampering with sin." "to these remarks, there are some noble exceptions to be found in both parties in the church. _the south owes a debt of gratitude to the biblical repertory, for the fearless argument in behalf of the position, that slavery is not forbidden by the bible_. the writer of that article is said, without contradiction, to be _prof. hodge of princeton--his name ought to be known and revered among you, my brethren, for in a land of anti-slavery men, he is the only one who has dared to vindicate your character from the serious charge of living in the habitual transgression of god's holy law_."] [footnote c: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] "it is," affirms the princeton professor, "on all hands acknowledged, that, at the time of the advent of jesus christ, slavery in its worst forms prevailed over the whole world. _the savior found it around him_ in judea."[a] to say that he found it _in judea_, is to speak ambiguously. many things were to be found "_in_ judea," which neither belonged to, nor were characteristic of _the jews_. it is not denied that _the gentiles_, who resided among them, might have had slaves; _but of the jews this is denied_. how could the professor take that as granted, the proof of which entered vitally into the argument and was essential to the soundness of the conclusions to which he would conduct us? how could he take advantage of an ambiguous expression to conduct his confiding readers on to a position which, if his own eyes were open, he must have known they could not hold in the light of open day? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] we do not charge the savior with any want of wisdom, goodness, or courage,[b] for refusing to "break down the wall of partition between jews and gentiles" "before the time appointed." while this barrier stood, he could not, consistently with the plan of redemption, impart instruction freely to the gentiles. to some extent, and on extraordinary occasions, he might have done so. but his business then was with "the lost sheep of the house of israel."[c] the propriety of this arrangement is not the matter of dispute between the princeton professor and ourselves. [footnote b: the same, p. .] [footnote c: matt. xv. .] in disposing of the question whether the jews held slaves during our savior's incarnation among them, the following points deserve earnest attention:-- . slaveholding is inconsistent with the mosaic economy. for the proof of this, we would refer our readers, among other arguments more or less appropriate and powerful, to the tract already alluded to.[a] in all the external relations and visible arrangements of life, the jews, during our savior's ministry among them, seem to have been scrupulously observant of the institutions and usages of the "old dispensation." they stood far aloof from whatever was characteristic of samaritans and gentiles. from idolatry and slaveholding--those twin-vices which had always so greatly prevailed among the heathen--they seem at length, as the result of a most painful discipline, to have been effectually divorced. [footnote a: "the bible against slavery."] . while, therefore, john the baptist, with marked fidelity and great power, acted among the jews the part of a _reprover_, he found no occasion to repeat and apply the language of his predecessors,[b] in exposing and rebuking idolatry and slaveholding. could he, the greatest of the prophets, have been less effectually aroused by the presence of "the yoke," than was isaiah?--or less intrepid and decisive in exposing and denouncing the sin of oppression under its most hateful and injurious forms? [footnote b: psalm lxxxii; isa. lviii. - ; jer. xxii. - .] . the savior was not backward in applying his own principles plainly and pointedly to such forms of oppression as appeared among the jews. these principles, whenever they have been freely acted on, the princeton professor admits, have abolished domestic bondage. had this prevailed within the sphere of our savior's ministry, he could not, consistently with his general character, have failed to expose and condemn it. the oppression of the people by lordly ecclesiastics, of parents by their selfish children, of widows by their ghostly counsellors, drew from his lips scorching rebukes and terrible denunciations.[c] how, then, must he have felt and spoke in the presence of such tyranny, if _such tyranny had been within his official sphere_, as should _have made widows_, by driving their husbands to some flesh-market, and their children not orphans, _but cattle_? [footnote c: matt. xxiii; mark vii. - .] . domestic slavery was manifestly inconsistent with the _industry_, which, _in the form of manual labor_, so generally prevailed among the jews. in one connection, in the acts of the apostles, we are informed, that, coming from athens to corinth, paul "found a certain jew named aquila, born in pontus, lately come from italy, with his wife priscilla; (because that claudius had commanded all jews to depart from rome;) and came unto them. and because he was of the same craft, he abode with them and wrought: (for by their occupation they were tent-makers.")[a] this passage has opened the way for different commentators to refer us to the public sentiment and general practice of the jews respecting useful industry and manual labor. according to _lightfoot_, "it was their custom to bring up their children to some trade, yea, though they gave them learning or estates." according to rabbi judah, "he that teaches not his son a trade, is as if he taught him to be a thief."[b] it was, _kuinoel_ affirms, customary even for jewish teachers to unite labor (opificium) with the study of the law. this he confirms by the highest rabbinical authority.[c] _heinrichs_ quotes a rabbi as teaching, that no man should by any means neglect to train his son to honest industry.[d] accordingly, the apostle paul, though brought up at the "feet of gamaliel," the distinguished disciple of a most illustrious teacher, practiced the art of tent-making. his own hands ministered to his necessities; and his example in so doing, he commends to his gentile brethren for their imitation.[e] that zebedee, the father of john the evangelist, had wealth, various hints in the new testament render probable.[f] yet how do we find him and his sons, while prosecuting their appropriate business? in the midst of the hired servants, "in the ship mending their nets."[g] [footnote a: acts xviii. - .] [footnote b: henry on acts xviii, - .] [footnote c: kuinoel on acts.] [footnote d: heinrichs on acts.] [footnote e: acts xx. , ; thess. iv. ] [footnote f: see kuinoel's prolegom. to the gospel of john.] [footnote g: mark i. , .] slavery among a people who, from the highest to the lowest, were used to manual labor! what occasion for slavery there? and how could it be maintained? no place can be found for slavery among a people generally inured to useful industry. with such, especially if men of learning, wealth, and station "labor, working with their hands," such labor must be honorable. on this subject, let jewish maxims and jewish habits be adopted at the south, and the "peculiar institution" would vanish like a ghost at daybreak. . another hint, here deserving particular attention, is furnished in the allusions of the new testament to the lowest casts and most servile employments among the jews. with profligates, _publicans_ were joined as depraved and contemptible. the outcasts of society were described, not as fit to herd with slaves, but as deserving a place among samaritans and publicans. they were "_hired servants_," whom zebedee employed. in the parable of the prodigal son we have a wealthy jewish family. here servants seem to have abounded. the prodigal, bitterly bewailing his wretchedness and folly, described their condition as greatly superior to his own. how happy the change which should place him by their side! his remorse, and shame, and penitence made him willing to embrace the lot of the lowest of them all. but these--what was their condition? they were hired servants. "make me as one of thy hired servants." such he refers to as the lowest menials known in jewish life. lay such hints as have now been suggested together; let it be remembered, that slavery was inconsistent with the mosaic economy; that john the baptist in preparing the way for the messiah makes no reference "to the yoke" which, had it been before him, he would, like isaiah, have condemned; that the savior, while he took the part of the poor and sympathized with the oppressed; was evidently spared the pain of witnessing within the sphere of his ministry, the presence of the chattel principle; that it was the habit of the jews, whoever they might be, high or low, rich or poor, learned or rude, "to labor, working with their hands;" and that where reference was had to the most menial employments, in families, they were described as carried on by hired servants; and the question of slavery "in judea," so far as the seed of abraham were concerned, is very easily disposed of. with every phase and form of society among them slavery was inconsistent. the position which, in the article so often referred to in this paper, the princeton professor takes, is sufficiently remarkable. northern abolitionists he saw in an earnest struggle with southern slaveholders. the present welfare and future happiness of myriads of the human family were at stake in this contest. in the heat of the battle, he throws himself between the belligerent powers. he gives the abolitionists to understand, that they are quite mistaken in the character of the object they have set themselves so openly and sternly against. slaveholding is not, as they suppose, contrary to the law of god. it was witnessed by the savior "in its worst form,"[a] without extorting from his lips a syllable of rebuke. "the sacred writers did not condemn it."[b] and why should they? by a definition[c] sufficiently ambiguous and slippery, he undertakes to set forth a form of slavery which he looks upon as consistent with the law of righteousness. from this definition he infers that the abolitionists are greatly to blame for maintaining that american slavery is inherently and essentially sinful, and for insisting that it ought at once to be abolished. for this labor of love the slaveholding south is warmly grateful and applauds its reverend ally, as if a very daniel had come as their advocate to judgment.[d] [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] [footnote b: the same p. .] [footnote c: the same p. .] [footnote d: supra p. .] a few questions, briefly put, may not here be inappropriate. . was the form of slavery which our professor pronounces innocent _the form_ witnessed by our savior "in judea?" that, _he_ will by no means admit. the slavery there was, he affirms, of the "worst" kind. _how then does he account for the alledged silence of the savior?--a silence covering the essence and the form--the institution and its "worst" abuses?_ . is the slaveholding, which, according to the princeton professor, christianity justifies, the same as that which the abolitionists so earnestly wish to see abolished? let us see. _christianity in supporting _the american system for slavery, according to prof. supporting slavery,_ hodge,_ "enjoins a fair compensation makes compensation impossible for labor." by reducing the laborer to a chattel. "it insists on the moral it sternly forbids its victim and intellectual improvement to learn to read even the of all classes of men." name of his creator and redeemer. "it condemns all infractions it outlaws the conjugal and of marital or parental rights." parental relations. "it requires that free scope it forbids any effort, on the should be allowed to human part of myriads of the human improvement." family, to improve their character, condition, and prospects. "it requires that all suitable it inflicts heavy penalties means should be employed to improve for teaching letters to the mankind." to the poorest of the poor. "wherever it has had free scope, it wherever it has free scope, has abolished domestic bondage." it perpetuates domestic bondage. _now it is slavery according to the american system_ that the abolitionists are set against. _of the existence of any_ such form of slavery as is consistent with prof. hodge's account of the requisitions of christianity, they know nothing. it has never met their notice, and of course, has never roused their feelings, or called forth their exertions. what, then, have _they_ to do with the censures and reproaches which the princeton professor deals around? let those who have leisure and good nature protect the _man of straw_ he is so hot against. the abolitionists have other business. it is not the figment of some sickly brain; but that system of oppression which in theory is corrupting, and in practice destroying both church and state;--it is this that they feel pledged to do battle upon, till by the just judgment of almighty god it is thrown, dead and damned, into the bottomless abyss. . _how can the south feel itself protected by any shield which may be thrown over such slavery, as may be consistent with what the princeton professor describes as the requisitions of christianity?_ is _this?_ the _slavery_ which their laws describe, and their hands maintain? "fair compensation for labor"--"marital and parental rights"--"free scope" and "all suitable means" for the "improvement, moral and intellectual, of all classes of men;"--are these, according to the statutes of the south, among the objects of slaveholding legislation? every body knows that any such requisition and american slavery are flatly opposed to and directly subversive of each other. what service, then, has the princeton professor, with all his ingenuity and all his zeal, rendered the "peculiar institution?" their gratitude must be of a stamp and complexion quite peculiar, if they can thank him for throwing their "domestic system" under the weight of such christian requisitions as must at once crush its snaky head "and grind it to powder." and what, moreover, is the bearing of the christian requisitions which prof. hodge quotes, upon _the definition of slavery_ which he has elaborated? "all the ideas which necessarily enter into the definition of slavery are, deprivation of personal liberty, obligation of service at the discretion of another, and the transferable character of the authority and claim of service of the master[a]." [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. ] _according to prof. hodge's according to prof. hodge's account of the requisitions of account of slavery, christianity,_ the spring of effort in the labor the laborer must serve at the is a fair compensation. discretion of another. free scope must be given for his moral he is deprived of personal and intellectual improvement. liberty--the necessary condition, and living soul of improvement, without which he has no control of either intellect or morals. his rights as a husband and a father the authority and claims of are to be protected. the master may throw an ocean between him and his family, and separate them from each other's presence at any moment and forever. christianity, then, requires such slavery as prof. hodge so cunningly defines, to be abolished. it was well provided, for the peace of the respective parties, that he placed _his definition_ so far from _the requisitions of christianity_. had he brought them into each other's presence, their natural and invincible antipathy to each other would have broken out into open and exterminating warfare. but why should we delay longer upon an argument which is based on gross and monstrous sophistry? it can mislead only such as _wish_ to be misled. the lovers of sunlight are in little danger of rushing into the professor's dungeon. those who, having something to conceal, covet darkness, can find it there, to their hearts' content. the hour can not be far away, when upright and reflective minds at the south will be astonished at the blindness which could welcome such protection as the princeton argument offers to the slaveholder. but _prof. stuart_ must not be forgotten. in his celebrated letter to dr. fisk, he affirms that "_paul did not expect slavery to be ousted in a day_[a]." _did not_ expect! what then? are the _requisitions_ of christianity adapted to any expectations which in any quarter and on any ground might have risen to human consciousness? and are we to interpret the _precepts_ of the gospel by the expectations of paul? the savior commanded all men every where to repent, and this, though "paul did not expect" that human wickedness, in its ten thousand forms would in any community "be ousted in a day." expectations are one thing; requisitions quite another. [footnote a: supra, p. .] in the mean time, while expectation waited, paul, the professor adds, "gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor." _that_ he did. of what character were these precepts? must they not have been in harmony with the golden rule? but this, according to prof. stuart, "decides against the righteousness of slavery" even as a "theory." accordingly, christians were required, _without_ _respect of persons_, to do each other justice--to maintain equality as common ground for all to stand upon--to cherish and express in all their intercourse that tender love and disinterested charity which one _brother_ naturally feels for another. these were the "ad interim precepts,"[a] which can not fail, if obeyed, to cut up slavery, "root and branch," at once and forever. [footnote a: letter to dr. fisk, p. .] prof. stuart comforts us with the assurance that "_christianity will ultimately certainly destroy slavery_." of this _we_ have not the feeblest doubt. but how could _he_ admit a persuasion and utter a prediction so much at war with the doctrine he maintains, that "_slavery may exist without_ violating the christian faith or the church?"[b] what, christianity bent on the destruction of an ancient and cherished institution which hurts neither her character nor condition![c] why not correct its abuses and purify its spirit; and shedding upon it her own beauty, preserve it, as a living trophy of her reformatory power? whence the discovery that, in her onward progress, she would trample down and destroy what was no way hurtful to her? this is to be _aggressive_ with a witness. far be it from the judge of all the earth to whelm the innocent and guilty in the same destruction! in aid of professor stuart, in the rude and scarcely covert attack which he makes upon himself, we maintain that christianity will certainly destroy slavery on account of its inherent wickedness--its malignant temper--its deadly effects--its constitutional, insolent, and unmitigable opposition to the authority of god and the welfare of man. [footnote b: the same, p. .] [footnote c: prof. stuart applies here the words, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_.] "christianity will _ultimately_ destroy slavery." "ultimately!" what meaneth that portentous word? to what limit of remotest time, concealed in the darkness of futurity, may it look? tell us, o watchman, on the hill of andover. almost nineteen centuries have rolled over this world of wrong and outrage--and yet we tremble in the presence of a form of slavery whose breath is poison, whose fang is death! if any one of the incidents of slavery should fall, but for a single day, upon the head of the prophet who dipped his pen, in such cold blood, to write that word "ultimately," how, under the sufferings of the first tedious hour, would he break out in the lamentable cry, "how _long_, o lord, how long!" in the agony of beholding a wife or daughter upon the table of the auctioneer, while every bid fell upon his heart like the groan of despair, small comfort would he find in the dull assurance of some heartless prophet, quite at "ease in zion," that "ultimately _christianity would destroy slavery_." as the hammer falls and the beloved of his soul, all helpless and most wretched, is borne away to the haunts of _legalized_ debauchery, his heart turns to stone, while the cry dies upon his lips, "_how_ long, _o lord_, how long?" "_ultimately!_" in _what circumstances_ does prof. stuart assure himself that christianity will destroy slavery? are we, as american citizens, under the sceptre of a nero? when, as integral parts of this republic--as living members of this community, did we forfeit the prerogatives of _freemen_? have we not the right to speak and act as wielding the powers which the principle of self-government has put in our possession? and without asking leave of priest or statesman, of the north or the south, may we not make the most of the freedom which we enjoy under the guaranty of the ordinances of heaven and the constitution of our country? can we expect to see christianity on higher vantage-ground than in this country she stands upon? in the midst of a republic based on the principle of the equality of mankind, where every christian, as vitally connected with the state, freely wields the highest political rights and enjoys the richest political privileges; where the unanimous demand of one-half of the members of the churches would be promptly met in the abolition of slavery, what "_ultimately_" must christianity here wait for before she crushes the chattel principle beneath her heel? her triumph over slavery is retarded by nothing but the corruption and defection so widely spread through the "sacramental host" beneath her banners! let her voice be heard and her energies exerted, and the _ultimately_ of the "dark spirit of slavery" would at once give place to the _immediately_ of the avenger of the poor. * * * * * no . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * correspondence, between the hon. f.h. elmore, one of the south carolina delegation in congress, and james g. birney, one of the secretaries of the american anti-slavery society. * * * * * new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this periodical contains sheets.--postage under miles, - / cts.; over miles, - / cts. _please read and circulate_. remarks in explanation. * * * * * anti-slavery office, _new york, may , _. in january, a tract entitled "why work for the slave?" was issued from this office by the agent for the _cent-a-week societies_. a copy of it was transmitted to the hon. john c. calhoun;--to _him_, because he has seemed, from the first, more solicitous than the generality of southern politicians, to possess himself of accurate information about the anti-slavery movement. a note written by me accompanied the tract, informing mr. calhoun, why it was sent to him. not long afterward, the following letter was received from the hon. f.h. elmore, of the house of representatives in congress. from this and another of his letters just now received, it seems, that the slaveholding representatives in congress, after conferring together, appointed a committee, of their own number, to obtain authentic information of the intentions and progress of the anti-slavery associations,--and that mr. elmore was selected, as the _south carolina_ member of the committee. several other communications have passed between mr. elmore and me. they relate, chiefly, however, to the transmission and reception of anti-slavery publications, which he requested to be sent to him,--and to other matters not having any connection with the merits of the main subject. it is, therefore, thought unnecessary to publish them. it may be sufficient to remark of all the communications received from mr. elmore--that they are characterized by exemplary courtesy and good temper, and that they bear the impress of an educated, refined, and liberal mind. it is intended to circulate this correspondence throughout the _whole country_. if the information it communicates be important for southern representatives in congress, it is not less so for their constituents. the anti-slavery movement has become so important in a national point of view, that no statesman can innocently remain ignorant of its progress and tendencies. the facts stated in my answer may be relied on, in proportion to the degree of accuracy to which they lay claim;--the arguments will, of course, be estimated according to their worth. james g. birney. correspondence. * * * * * washington city, feb. , to jas. g. birney, esq., _cor. sec. a.a.s. soc._ sir:--a letter from you to the hon. john c. calhoun, dated th january last, has been given to me, by him, in which you say, (in reference to the abolitionists or anti-slavery societies,) "we have nothing to conceal--and should you desire any information as to our procedure, it will be cheerfully communicated on [my] being apprised of your wishes." the frankness of this unsolicited offer indicates a fairness and honesty of purpose, which has caused the present communication, and which demands the same full and frank disclosure of the views with which the subjoined inquiries are proposed. your letter was handed to me, in consequence of a duty assigned me by my delegation, and which requires me to procure all the authentic information i can, as to the nature and intentions of yours and similar associations, in order that we may, if we deem it advisable, lay the information before our people, so that they may be prepared to decide understandingly, as to the course it becomes them to pursue on this all important question. if you "have nothing to conceal," and it is not imposing too much on, what may have been, an unguarded proffer, i will esteem your compliance as a courtesy to an opponent, and be pleased to have an opportunity to make a suitable return. and if, on the other hand, you have the least difficulty or objection, i trust you will not hesitate to withhold the information sought for, as i would not have it, unless as freely given, as it will, if deemed expedient, be freely used. i am, sir, your ob'd't serv't, f.h. elmore, of s.c. questions for j.g. birney, esq., cor. sec. a.a.s. society. . how many societies, affiliated with that of which you are the corresponding secretary, are there in the united states? and how many members belong to them _in the aggregate_? . are there any other societies similar to yours, and not affiliated with it, in the united states? and how many, and what is the aggregate their members? . have you affiliation, intercourse or connection with any similar societies out of the united states, and in what countries? . do your or similar societies exist in the colleges and other literary institutions of the non-slaveholding states, and to what extent? . what do you estimate the numbers of those who co-operate in this matter at? what proportion do they bear in the population of the northern states, and what in the middle non-slaveholding states? are they increasing, and at what rate? . what is the object your associations aim at? does it extend to the abolition of slavery only in the district of columbia, or in the whole slave country? . by what means, and under what power, do you propose to carry your views into effect? . what has been for three years past, the annual income of your societies? and how is it raised? . in what way, and to what purposes, do you apply these funds? . how many priming presses and periodical publications have you? . to what classes of persons do you address your publications, and are they addressed to the judgment, the imagination, or the feelings? . do you propagate your doctrines by any other means than oral and written discussions,--for instance, by prints and pictures in manufactures--say pocket handkerchiefs, &c. pray, state the various modes? . are your hopes and expectations increased or lessened by the events of the last year, and, especially, by the action of this congress? and will your exertions be relaxed or increased? . have you any permanent fund, and how much? anti-slavery office, _new york, march , _ hon. f.h. elmore, member of congress from s. carolina: sir,--i take pleasure in furnishing the information you have so politely asked for, in your letter of the th ult., in relation to the american anti-slavery society;--and trust, that this correspondence, by presenting in a sober light, the objects and measures of the society, may contribute to dispel, not only from your own mind, but--if it be diffused throughout the south--from the minds of our fellow-citizens there generally, a great deal of undeserved prejudice and groundless alarm. i cannot hesitate to believe, that such as enter on the examination of its claims to public favour, without bias, will find that it aims intelligently, not only at the promotion of the interests of the slave, but of the master,--not only at the re-animation of the republican principles of our constitution, but at the establishment of the union on an enduring basis. i shall proceed to state the several questions submitted in your letter, and answer them, in the order in which they are proposed. you ask,-- " . _how many societies, affiliated with that of which you are corresponding secretary, are there in the united states? and how many members belong to them_ in the aggregate?" answer.--our anniversary is held on the tuesday immediately preceding the second thursday in may. returns of societies are made only a short time before. in may, , there were auxiliaries reported. in may, , . in may, , . returns for the anniversary in may next have not come in yet. it may, however, be safely said, that the increase, since last may, is not less than .[a] of late, the multiplication of societies has not kept pace with the progress of our principles. where these are well received, our agents are not so careful to organize societies as in former times, when our numbers were few; _societies, now_, being not deemed so necessary for the advancement of our cause. the auxiliaries average not less than members each; making an aggregate of , . others estimate the auxiliaries at , and the average of members at . i give you, what i believe to be the lowest numbers. [footnote a: the number reported for may was three hundred and forty, making, in the aggregate, .--_report for may_, .] " . _are there any other societies similar to yours, and not affiliated with it in the united states? and how many, and what is the aggregate of their members_?" answer.--several societies have been formed in the methodist connection within the last two years,--although most of the methodists who are abolitionists, are members of societies auxiliary to the american. these societies have been originated by ministers, and others of weight and influence, who think that their brethren can be more easily persuaded, as a religious body, to aid in the anti-slavery movement by this twofold action. none of the large religious denominations bid fairer soon to be on the side of emancipation than the methodist. of the number of the methodist societies that are not auxiliary, i am not informed.--the illinois society comes under the same class. the rev. elijah p. lovejoy, the corresponding secretary, was slain by a mob, a few days after its organization. it has not held a meeting since; and i have no data for stating the number of its members. it is supposed not to be large.--neither is the delaware society, organized, a few weeks ago, at wilmington, auxiliary to the american. i have no information as to its numbers.--the manumission society in this city, formed in , with john jay its first, and alexander hamilton its second president, might, from its name, be supposed to be affiliated with the american. originally, its object, so far as regarded the slaves, and those illegally held in bondage _in this state_, was, in a great measure, similar. slavery being extinguished in new-york in , as a state system, the efforts of the manumission society are limited now to the rescue, from kidnappers and others, of such persons as are really free by the laws, but who have been reduced to slavery. of the old abolition societies, organized in the time, and under the influence of franklin and rush and jay, and the most active of their coadjutors, but few remain. their declension may be ascribed to this defect,--they did not inflexibly ask for _immediate_ emancipation.--the pennsylvania abolition society, formed in , with dr. franklin, president, and dr. rush, secretary, is still in existence--but unconnected with the american society. some of the most active and benevolent members of both the associations last named, are members of the american society. besides the societies already mentioned, there may be in the country a few others of anti-slavery name; but they are of small note and efficiency, and are unconnected with this. " . _have you affiliation, intercourse, or connection with any similar societies out of the united states, and in what countries_?" answer.--a few societies have spontaneously sprung up in canada. two have declared themselves auxiliary to the american. we have an agent--a native of the united states--in upper canada; not with a view to the organization of societies, but to the moral and intellectual elevation of the ten thousand colored people there; most of whom have escaped from slavery in this republic, to enjoy freedom under the protection of a monarchy. in great britain there are numerous anti-slavery societies, whose particular object, of late, has been, to bring about the abolition of the apprentice-system, as established by the emancipation act in her slaveholding colonies. in england, there is a society whose professed object is, to abolish slavery _throughout the world_. of the existence of the british societies, you are, doubtless, fully aware; as also of the fact, that, in britain, the great mass of the people are opposed to slavery as it existed, a little while ago, in their own colonies, and as it exists now in the united states.--in france, the "french society for the abolition of slavery" was founded in . i shall have the pleasure of transmitting to you two pamphlets, containing an account of some of its proceedings; from which you will learn, that, the duc de broglie is its presiding officer, and many of the most distinguished and influential of the public men of that country are members.--in hayti, also, "the haytian abolition society" was formed in may, . these are all the foreign societies of which i have knowledge. they are connected with the american by no formal affiliation. the only intercourse between them and it, is, that which springs up spontaneously among those of every land who sympathize with humanity in her conflicts with slavery. " . _do your or similar societies exist in the colleges and other literary institutions of the non-slaveholding states, and to what extent_?" answer.--strenuous efforts have been made, and they are still being made, by those who have the direction of most of the literary and theological institutions in the free states, to bar out our principles and doctrines, and prevent the formation of societies among the students. to this course they have been prompted by various, and possibly, in their view, good motives. one of them, i think it not uncharitable to say, is, to conciliate the wealthy of the south, that they may send their sons to the north, to swell the college catalogues. neither do i think it uncharitable to say, that in this we have a manifestation of that aristocratic pride, which, feeling itself honored by having entrusted to its charge the sons of distant, opulent, and distinguished planters, fails not to dull everything like sympathy for those whose unpaid toil supplies the means so lavishly expended in educating southern youth at northern colleges. these efforts at suppression or restraint, on the part of faculties and boards of trustees, have heretofore succeeded to a considerable extent. anti-slavery societies, notwithstanding, have been formed in a few of our most distinguished colleges and theological seminaries. public opinion is beginning to call for a relaxation of restraints and impositions; they are yielding to its demands; and _now_, for the most part, sympathy for the slave may be manifested by our generous college youth, in the institution of anti-slavery societies, without any downright prohibition by their more politic teachers. college societies will probably increase more rapidly hereafter; as, in addition to the removal or relaxation of former restraints, just referred to, the murder of mr. lovejoy, the assaults on the freedom of speech and of the press, the prostration of the right of petition in congress, &c, &c, all believed to have been perpetrated to secure slavery from the scrutiny that the intelligent world is demanding, have greatly augmented the number of college abolitionists. they are, for the most part, the diligent, the intellectual, the religious of the students. united in societies, their influence is generally extensively felt in the surrounding region; _dispersed_, it seems scarcely less effective. an instance of the latter deserves particular notice. the trustees and faculty of one of our theological and literary institutions united for the suppression of anti-slavery action among the students. the latter refused to cease pleading for the slave, as he could not plead for himself. they left the institution; were providentially dispersed over various parts of the country, and made useful, in a remarkable manner, in advancing the cause of humanity and liberty. one of these dismissed students, the son of a slaveholder, brought up in the midst of slavery, and well acquainted with its peculiarities, succeeded in persuading a pious father to emancipate his fourteen slaves. after lecturing a long time with signal success--having contracted a disease of the throat, which prevented him from further prosecuting his labors in this way--he visited the west indies, eighteen months ago, in company with another gentleman of the most ample qualifications, to note the operation of the british emancipation act. together, they collected a mass of facts--now in a course of publication--that will astonish, as it ought to delight, the whole south; for it shows, conclusively, that immediate emancipation is the best, the safest, the most profitable, as it is the most just and honorable, of all emancipations.[a] [footnote a: see appendix, a.] another of these dismissed students is one of the secretaries of this society. he has, for a long time, discharged its arduous and responsible duties with singular ability. to his qualifications as secretary, he adds those of an able and successful lecturer. he was heard, several times, before the joint committee of the legislature of massachusetts, a year ago, prior to the report of that committee, and to the adoption, by the senate and house of representatives, of their memorable resolutions in favor of the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and of the right of petition. " . _what do you estimate the number of those who co-operate in the matter at? what proportion do they bear in the population of the northern states, and what in the middle non-slaveholding states? are they increasing, and at what rate_?" answer.--those who stand _ready to join_ our societies on the first suitable occasion, may be set down as equal in number to those who are now _actually members_. those who are ready _fully to co-operate with us_ in supporting the freedom of speech and the press, the right of petition, &c, may be estimated at _double_, if not _treble_, the joint numbers of those who _already are members_, and those who are _ready to become members_. the recording secretary of the massachusetts society stated, a few weeks ago, that the abolitionists in the various minor societies in that state were one in thirty of the whole population. the proportion of abolitionists to the whole population is greater in massachusetts than in any other of the free states, except vermont,--where the spirit of liberty has almost entirely escaped the corruptions which slavery has infused into it in most of her sister states, by means of commercial and other intercourse with them. in maine, not much of systematic effort has, as yet, been put forth to enlighten her population as to our principles and proceedings. i attended the anniversary of the state society on the st of january, at augusta, the seat of government. the ministers of the large religious denominations were beginning, as i was told, to unite with us--and politicians, to descry the ultimate prevalence of our principles. the impression i received was, that much could, and that much would, speedily be done. in new hampshire, more labor has been expended, and a greater effect produced. public functionaries, who have been pleased to speak in contemptuous terms of the progress of abolitionism, both in maine and new hampshire, will, it is thought, soon be made to see, through a medium not at all deceptive, the grossness of their error. in rhode island, our principles are fast pervading the great body of the people. this, it is thought, is the only one of the free states, in which the subject of abolition has been fully introduced, which has not been disgraced by a mob, triumphant, for the time being, over the right of the people to discuss any, and every, matter in which they feel interested. a short time previous to the last election of members of congress, questions, embodying our views as to certain political measures were propounded to the several candidates. respectful answers and, in the main, conformable with our views, were returned. i shall transmit you a newspaper containing both the questions and the answers.[a] [footnote a: since the above was written, at the last election in this state for governor and lieutenant governor, the abolitionists _interrogated_ the gentlemen who stood candidates for these offices. two of them answered respectfully, and conformably to the views of the abolitionists. their opponents neglected to answer at all. the first were elected.--see appendix, b.] in connecticut, there has not been, as yet, a great expenditure of abolition effort. although the moral tone of this state, so far as slavery is concerned, has been a good deal weakened by the influence of her multiform connexions with the south, yet the energies that have been put forth to reanimate her ancient and lofty feelings, so far from proving fruitless, have been followed by the most encouraging results. evidence of this is found in the faithful administration of the laws by judges and juries. in may last, a slave, who had been brought from georgia to hartford, successfully asserted her freedom under the laws of connecticut. the cause was elaborately argued before the supreme court. the most eminent counsel were employed on both sides. and it is but a few days, since two anti-abolition rioters (the only ones on trial) were convicted before the superior court in new haven, and sentenced to pay a fine of twenty dollars each, and to be imprisoned six months, the longest term authorized by the law. a convention, for the organization of a state society, was held in the city of hartford on the last day of february. it was continued three days. the _call_ for it (which i send you) was signed by nearly eighteen hundred of the citizens of that state. seventeen hundred, as i was informed, are legal voters. the proceedings of the convention were of the most harmonious and animating character.[b] [footnote b: see appendix, c.] in new york, our cause is evidently advancing. the state is rapidly coming up to the high ground of principle, so far as universal liberty is concerned, on which the abolitionists would place her. several large anti-slavery conventions have lately been held in the western counties. their reports are of the most encouraging character. nor is the change more remarkable in the state than in this city. less than five years ago, a few of the citizens advertised a meeting, to be held in clinton hall, to form a city anti-slavery society. a mob prevented their assembling at the place appointed. they repaired, privately, to one of the churches. to this they were pursued by the mob, and routed from it, though not before they had completed, in a hasty manner, the form of organization. in the summer of , some of the leading political and commercial journals of the city were enabled to stir up the mob against the persons and property of the abolitionists, and several of the most prominent were compelled to leave the city for safety; their houses were attacked, broken into, and, in one instance, the furniture publicly burnt in the street. _now_, things are much changed. many of the merchants and mechanics are favorable to our cause; gentlemen of the bar, especially the younger and more growing ones, are directing their attention to it; twenty-one of our city ministers are professed abolitionists; the churches are beginning to be more accessible to us; our meetings are held in them openly, attract large numbers, are unmolested; and the abolitionists sometimes hear themselves commended in other assemblies, not only for their honest _intentions_, but for their _respectability_ and _intelligence_. new jersey has, as yet, no state society, and the number of avowed abolitionists is small. in some of the most populous and influential parts of the state, great solicitude exists on the subject; and the call for lecturers is beginning to be earnest, if not importunate. pennsylvania has advanced to our principles just in proportion to the labor that has been bestowed, by means of lectures and publications in enlightening her population as to our objects, and the evils and dangers impending over the whole country, from southern slavery. the act of her late convention, in depriving a large number of their own constituents (the colored people) of the elective franchise, heretofore possessed by them without any allegation of its abuse on their part, would seem to prove an unpropitious state of public sentiment. we would neither deny, nor elude, the force of such evidence. but when this measure of the convention is brought out and unfolded in its true light--shown to be a party measure to bring succor from the south--a mere following in the wake of north carolina and tennessee, who led the way, in their _new_ constitutions, to this violation of the rights of their colored citizens, that they might the more firmly compact the wrongs of the enslaved--a pernicious, a profitless violation of great principles--a vulgar defiance of the advancing spirit of humanity and justice--a relapse into the by-gone darkness of a barbarous age--we apprehend from it no serious detriment to our cause. ohio has been well advanced. in a short time, she will be found among the most prominent of the states on the right side in the contest now going on between the spirit of liberty embodied in the free institutions of the north, and the spirit of slavery pervading the south. her constitution publishes the most honorable reprobation of slavery of any other in the union. in providing for its own revision or amendment, it declares, that _no alteration of it shall ever take place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the state_. her supreme court is intelligent and firm. it has lately decided, virtually, against the constitutionality of an act of the legislature, made, in effect, to favor southern slavery by the persecution of the colored people within her bounds. she has, already, abolitionists enough to turn the scale in her elections, and an abundance of excellent material for augmenting the number. in indiana but little has been done, except by the diffusion of our publications. but even with these appliances, several auxiliary societies have been organized.[a] [footnote a: the first legislative movement against the annexation of texas to the union, was made, it is believed, in indiana. so early as december, , a joint resolution passed its second reading in one or both branches of the legislature. how it was ultimately disposed of, is not known.] in michigan, the leaven of abolitionists pervades the whole population. the cause is well sustained by a high order of talent; and we trust soon to see the influence of it in all her public acts. in illinois, the murder of mr. lovejoy has multiplied and confirmed abolitionists, and led to the formation of many societies, which, in all probability, would not have been formed so soon, had not that event taken place. i am not possessed of sufficient data for stating, with precision, what proportion the abolitionists bear in the population of the northern and middle non-slaveholding states respectively. within the last ten months, i have travelled extensively in both these geographical divisions. i have had whatever advantage this, assisted by a strong interest in the general cause, and abundant conversations with the best informed abolitionists, could give, for making a fair estimate of their numbers. in the northern states i should say, _they are one in ten_--in new york, new jersey, and pennsylvania, _one in twenty_--of the whole adult population. that the abolitionists have multiplied, and that they are still multiplying rapidly, no one acquainted with the smallness of their numbers at their first organization a few years ago, and who has kept his eyes about him since, need ask. that they have not, thus far, been more successful, is owing to the vastness of the undertaking, and the difficulties with which they have had to contend, from comparatively limited means, for presenting their measures and objects, with the proper developments and explanations, to the great mass of the popular mind. the progress of their principles, under the same amount of intelligence in presenting them, and where no peculiar causes of prejudice exist in the minds of the hearers, is generally proportioned to the degree of religious and intellectual worth prevailing in the different sections of the country where the subject is introduced. i know no instance, in which any one notoriously profane or intemperate, or licentious, or of openly irreligious _practice_, has professed, cordially to have received our principles. " . _what is the object your associations aim at? does it extend to abolition of slavery only in the district of columbia, or in the whole slave country_?" answer.--this question is fully answered in the second article of the constitution of the american anti-slavery society, which is in these words:-- "the object of this society is the entire abolition of slavery in the united states. while it admits that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to _legislate_ in regard to its abolition in said state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of god, and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. the society will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence congress to put an end to the domestic slave-trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control, especially in the district of columbia; and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may hereafter be admitted to the union." other objects, accompanied by a pledge of peace, are stated in the third article of the constitution,-- "this society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice,--that thus they may, according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites of civil and religious privileges; but this society will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force." " . _by what means and by what power do you propose to carry your views into effect_?" answer.--our "means" are the truth,--the "power" under whose guidance we propose to carry our views into effect, is, the almighty. confiding in these means, when directed by the spirit and wisdom of him, who has so made them as to act on the hearts of men, and so constituted the hearts of then as to be affected by them, we expect, . to bring the church of this country to repentance for the sin of oppression. not only the southern portion of it that has been the oppressor--but the northern, that has stood by, consenting, for half a century, to the wrong. . to bring our countrymen to see, that for a nation to persist in injustice is, but to rush on its own ruin; that to do justice is the highest expediency--to love mercy its noblest ornament. in other countries, slavery has sometimes yielded to fortuitous circumstances, or been extinguished by physical force. _we_ strive to win for truth the victory over error, and on the broken fragments of slavery to rear for her a temple, that shall reach to the heavens, and toward which all nations shall worship. it has been said, that the slaveholders of the south will not yield, nor hearken to the influence of the truth on this subject. we believe it not--nor give we entertainment to the slander that such an unworthy defence of them implies. we believe them _men_,--that they have understandings that arguments will convince--consciences to which the appeals of justice and mercy will not be made in vain. if our principles be true--our arguments right--if slaveholders be men--and god have not delivered over our guilty country to the retributions of the oppressor, not only of the stranger but of the native--our success is certain. " . _what has been for three years past, the annual income of your societies? and how has it been raised?_" answer.--the annual income of the societies at large, it would be impossible to ascertain. the total receipts of this society, for the year ending th of may, --leaving out odd numbers--was $ , ; for the year ending th of may, , $ , ; and for the year ending th of may, , $ , . from the last date, up to this--not quite ten months--there has been paid into the treasury the sum of $ , .[a] these sums are independent of what is raised by state and auxiliary societies, for expenditure within their own particular bounds, and for their own particular exigencies. also, of the sums paid in subscriptions for the support of newspapers, and for the printing (by auxiliaries,) of periodicals, pamphlets, and essays, either for sale at low prices, or for gratuitous distribution. the moneys contributed in these various modes would make an aggregate greater, perhaps, than is paid into the treasury of any one of the benevolent societies of the country. most of the wealthy contributors of former years suffered so severely in the money-pressure of this, that they have been unable to contribute much to our funds. this has made it necessary to call for aid on the great body of abolitionists--persons, generally, in moderate circumstances. they have well responded to the call, considering the hardness of the times. to show you the extremes that meet at our treasury,--general sewall, of maine, a revolutionary officer, eighty-five years old--william philbrick, a little boy near boston, not four years old--and a colored woman, who makes her subsistence by selling apples in the streets in this city, lately sent in their respective sums to assist in promoting the emancipation of the "poor slave." [footnote a: the report for may states the sum received during the previous year at $ , .] all contributions of whatever kind are _voluntary_. " . _in what way, and to what purposes do you apply these funds!_" answer.--they are used in sustaining the society's office in this city--in paying lecturers and agents of various kinds--in upholding the press--in printing books, pamphlets, tracts, &c, containing expositions of our principles--accounts of our progress--refutations of objections--and disquisitions on points, scriptural, constitutional, political, legal, economical, as they chance to arise and become important. in this office three secretaries are employed in different departments of duty; one editor; one publishing agent, with an assistant, and two or three young men and boys, for folding, directing, and despatching papers, executing errands, &c. the business of the society has increased so much of late, as to make it necessary, in order to ensure the proper despatch of it, to employ additional clerks for the particular exigency. last year, the society had in its service about sixty "permanent agents." this year, the number is considerably diminished. the deficiency has been more than made up by creating a large number of "local" agents--so called, from the fact, that being generally professional men, lawyers or physicians in good practice, or ministers with congregations, they are confined, for the most part, to their respective neighborhoods. some of the best minds in our country are thus engaged. their labors have not only been eminently successful, but have been rendered at but small charge to the society; they receiving only their travelling expenses, whilst employed in lecturing and forming societies. in the case of a minister, there is the additional expense of supplying his pulpit while absent on the business of his agency, however, in many instances, these agents, being in easy circumstances, make no charge, even for their expenses. in making appointments, the executive committee have no regard to party discrimination. this will be fully understood, when it is stated, that on a late occasion, two of our local agents were the candidates of their respective political parties for the office of secretary of state for the state of vermont. it ought to be stated here, that two of the most effective advocates of the anti-slavery cause are females--the misses grimké--natives of south carolina--brought up in the midst of the usages of slavery--most intelligently acquainted with the merits of the system, and qualified, in an eminent degree, to communicate their views to others in public addresses. they are not only the advocates of the slave at their own charge, but they actually contribute to the funds of the societies. so successfully have they recommended the cause of emancipation to the crowds that attended their lectures during the last year, that they were permitted on three several occasions publicly to address the joint committee (on slavery) of the massachusetts legislature, now in session, on the interesting matters that occupy their attention. " . _how many printing presses and periodical publications have you?_" answer.--we own no press. our publications are all printed by contract. the emancipator and human rights are the organs of the executive committee. the first (which you have seen,) is a large sheet, is published weekly, and employs almost exclusively the time of the gentleman who edits it. human rights is a monthly sheet of smaller size, and is edited by one of the secretaries. the increasing interest that is fast manifesting itself in the cause of emancipation and its kindred subjects will, in all probability, before long, call for the more frequent publication of one or both of these papers.--the anti-slavery magazine, a quarterly, was commenced in october, , and continued through two years. it has been intermitted, only to make the necessary arrangements for issuing it on a more extended scale.--it is proposed to give it size enough to admit the amplest discussions that we or our opponents may desire, and to give _them_ a full share of its room--in fine, to make it, in form and merit, what the importance of the subject calls for. i send you a copy of the prospectus for the new series.--the anti-slavery record, published for three years as a monthly, has been discontinued _as such_, and it will be issued hereafter, only as occasion may require:--the slave's friend, a small monthly tract, of neat appearance, intended principally for children and young persons, has been issued for several years. it is replete with facts relating to slavery, and with accounts of the hair-breadth escapes of slaves from their masters and pursuers that rarely fail to impart the most thrilling interest to its little readers.--besides these, there is the anti-slavery examiner, in which are published, as the times call for them, our larger essays partaking of a controversial character, such as smith's reply to the rev. mr. smylie--grimké's letter and "wythe." by turning to page of our fourth report (included in your order for books, &c,) you will find, that in the year ending th may, the issues from the press were--bound volumes, , --tracts and pamphlets, , --circulars, &c, , --prints, , --anti-slavery magazine, --slave's friend, , --human rights, , --emancipator, , . these are the issues of the american anti-slavery society, from their office in this city. other publications of similar character are issued by state societies or individuals--the liberator, in boston; herald of freedom, in concord, n.h.; zion's watchman and the colored american in this city. the latter is conducted in the editorial, and other departments, by colored citizens. you can judge of its character, by a few numbers that i send to you. then, there is the friend of man, in utica, in this state. the national enquirer, in philadelphia;[a] the christian witness, in pittsburgh; the philanthropist, in cincinnati.--all these are sustained by the friends, and devoted almost exclusively to the cause, of emancipation. many of the religious journals that do not make emancipation their main object have adopted the sentiments of abolitionists, and aid in promoting them. the alton observer, edited by the late mr. lovejoy, was one of these. [footnote a: the national enquirer, edited by benjamin lundy, has been converted into the pennsylvania freeman, edited by john g. whittier. mr. lundy proposes to issue the genius of universal emancipation, in illinois.] from the data i have, i set down the newspapers, as classed above, at upwards of one hundred. here it may also be stated, that the presses which print the abolition journals above named, throw off besides, a great variety of other anti-slavery matter, in the form of books, pamphlets, single sheets, &c, &c, and that, at many of the principal commercial points throughout the free states, depositories are established, at which our publications of every sort are kept for sale. a large and fast increasing number of the political journals of the country have become, within the last two years, if not the avowed supporters of our cause, well inclined to it. formerly, it was a common thing for most of the leading _party_-papers, especially in the large cities, to speak of the abolitionists in terms signally disrespectful and offensive. except in rare instances, and these, it is thought, only where they are largely subsidized by southern patronage, it is not so now. the desertions that are taking place from their ranks will, in a short time, render their position undesirable for any, who aspire to gain, or influence, or reputation in the north. " . _to what class of persons do you address your publications--and are they addressed to the judgment, the imagination, or the feelings_?" answer.--they are intended for the great mass of intelligent mind, both in the free and in the slave states. they partake, of course, of the intellectual peculiarities of the different authors. jay's "inquiry" and mrs. child's "appeal" abound in facts--are dispassionate, ingenious, argumentative. the "bible against slavery," by the most careful and laborious research, has struck from slavery the prop, which careless annotators, (writing, unconscious of the influence, the prevailing system of slavery throughout the christian world exercised on their own minds,) have admitted was furnished for it in the scriptures. "wythe" by a pains-taking and lucid adjustment of facts in the history of the government, both before and after the adoption of the constitution, and with a rigor of logic, that cannot, it is thought, be successfully encountered, has put to flight forever with unbiased minds, every doubt as to the "power of congress over the district of columbia." there are among the abolitionists, poets, and by the acknowledgment of their opponents, poets of no mean name too--who, as the use of poets is, do address themselves often--as john g. whittier does _always_ --powerfully to the imagination and feelings of their readers. our publications cannot be classed according to any particular style or quality of composition. they may characterized generally, as well suited to affect the public mind--to rouse into healthful activity the conscience of this nation, stupified, torpid, almost dead, in relation to human rights, the high theme of which they treat! it has often been alleged, that our writings appeal to the worst passions of the slaves, and that they are placed in their hands with a view to stir them to revolt. neither charge has any foundation in truth to rest upon. the first finds no support in the tenor of the writings themselves; the last ought forever to be abandoned, in the absence of any single well authenticated instance of their having been conveyed by abolitionists to slaves, or of their having been even found in their possession. to instigate the slaves to revolt, as the means of obtaining their liberty, would prove a lack of wisdom and honesty that none would impute to abolitionists, except such as are unacquainted with their character. revolt would be followed by the sure destruction, not only of all the slaves who might be concerned in it, but of multitudes of the innocent. moreover, the abolitionists, as a class, are religious--they favor peace, and stand pledged in their constitution, before the country and heaven, to abide in peace, so far as a forcible vindication of the right of the slaves to their freedom is concerned. further still, no small number of them deny the right of defence, either to individuals or nations, even when forcibly and wrongfully attacked. this disagreement among ourselves on this single point--of which our adversaries are by no means ignorant, as they often throw it reproachfully in our teeth--would forever prevent concert in any scheme that looked to instigating servile revolt. if there be, in all our ranks, one, who--personal danger out of the question--would excite the slaves to insurrection and massacre, or who would not be swift to repeat the earliest attempt to concoct such an iniquity--i say, on my obligations as a man, he is unknown to me. yet it ought not to be matter of surprise to abolitionists, that the south should consider them "fanatics," "incendiaries," "cut-throats," and call them so too. the south has had their character reported to them by the north, by those who are their neighbors, who, it was supposed, knew, and would speak the truth, and the truth only, concerning them. it would, i apprehend, be unavailing for abolitionists now to enter on any formal vindication of their character from charges that can be so easily repeated after every refutation. false and fraudulent as they knew them to be, they must be content to live under them till the consummation of the work of freedom shall prove to the master that they have been _his_ friends, as well as the friends of the slave. the mischief of these charges has fallen on the south--the malice is to be placed to the credit of the north. " . _do you propagate your doctrines by any other means than oral and written discussions--for instance, by prints and pictures in manufactures--say of pocket-handkerchiefs, calicoes, &c? pray, state the various modes?_" answer.--two or three years ago, an abolitionist of this city procured to be manufactured, at his own charge, a small lot of children's pocket-handkerchiefs, impressed with anti-slavery pictures and mottoes. i have no recollection of having seen any of them but once. none such, i believe, are now to be found, or i would send you a sample. if any manufactures of the kinds mentioned, or others similar to theta, are in existence, they have been produced independently of the agency of this society. it is thought that none such exist, unless the following should be supposed to fall within the terms of the inquiry. female abolitionists often unite in sewing societies. they meet together, usually once a week or fortnight, and labor through the afternoon, with their own hands, to furnish means for advancing the cause of the slave. one of the company reads passages from the bible, or some religious book, whilst the others are engaged at their work. the articles they prepare, especially if they be of the "fancy" kind, are often ornamented with handsomely executed emblems, underwritten with appropriate mottoes. the picture of a slave kneeling (such as you will see impressed on one of the sheets of this letter) and supplicating in the words, "am i not a man and a brother," is an example. the mottoes or sentences are, however, most generally selected from the scriptures; either appealing to human sympathy in behalf of human suffering, or breathing forth god's tender compassion for the oppressed, or proclaiming, in thunder tones, his avenging justice on the oppressor. a few quotations will show their general character:-- "blessed is he that considereth the poor." "defend the poor and fatherless; do justice to the afflicted and needy. deliver the poor and the needy; rid him out of the hand of the wicked." "open thy mouth for the dumb, plead the cause of the poor and needy." "blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy." "first, be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift." "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." "all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." again:-- "for he shall deliver the needy when he crieth; the poor also, and him that hath no helper." "the lord looseth the prisoners; the lord raiseth them that are bowed down; the lord preserveth the strangers." "he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, to set at liberty them that are bruised."' "for the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now will i arise, saith the lord; i will set him in safety from him that puffeth at him." again:-- "the lord executeth righteousness and judgment for all that are oppressed." "rob not the poor because he is poor, neither oppress the afflicted in the gate; for the lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them." "and i will come near to you to judgment, and i will be a swift witness against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow and the fatherless, and that turn aside the stranger from his right, and fear not me, saith the lord of hosts." "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." fairs, for the sale of articles fabricated by the hands of female abolitionists, and recommended by such pictures and sentences as those quoted above, are held in many of our cities and large towns. crowds frequent them to purchase; hundreds of dollars are thus realized, to be appropriated to the anti-slavery cause; and, from the cheap rate at which the articles are sold, vast numbers of them are scattered far and wide over the country. besides these, if we except various drawings or pictures on _paper_, (samples of which were put up in the packages you ordered a few days ago,) such as the slave-market in the district of columbia, with members of congress attending it--views of slavery in the south--a lynch court in the slave-states--the scourging of mr. dresser by a vigilance committee in the public square of nashville--the plundering of the post-office in charleston, s.c., and the conflagration of part of its contents, &c, &c, i am apprised of no other means of propagating our doctrines than by oral and written discussions. " . _are your hopes and expectations of success increased or lessened by the events of the last year, and especially by the action of this congress? and will your exertions be relaxed or increased?_" answer.--the events of the last year, including the action of the present congress, are of the same character with the events of the eighteen months which immediately preceded it. in the question before us, they may be regarded as one series. i would say, answering your interrogatory generally, that none of them, however unpropitious to the cause of the abolitionists they may appear, to those who look at the subject from an opposite point to the one _they_ occupy, seem, thus far, in any degree to have lessened their hopes and expectations. the events alluded to have not come altogether unexpected. they are regarded as the legitimate manifestations of slavery--necessary, perhaps, in the present dull and unapprehensive state of the public mind as to human rights, to be brought out and spread before the people, before they will sufficiently revolt against slavery itself. . they are seen in the church, and in the practice of its individual members. the southern portion of the american church may now be regarded as having admitted the dogma, that _slavery is a divine institution_. she has been forced by the anti-slavery discussion into this position--either to cease from slaveholding, or formally to adopt the only alternative, that slaveholding is right. she has chosen the alternative--reluctantly, to be sure, but substantially, and, within the last year, almost unequivocally. in defending what was dear to her, she has been forced to cast away her garments, and thus to reveal a deformity, of which she herself, before, was scarcely aware, and the existence of which others did not credit. so much for the action of the southern church as a body.--on the part of her members, the revelation of a time-serving spirit, that not only yielded to the ferocity of the multitude, but fell in with it, may be reckoned among the events of the last three years. instances of this may be found in the attendance of the "clergy of all denominations," at a tumultuous meeting of the citizens of charleston, s.c., held in august, , for the purpose of reducing to _system_ their unlawful surveillance and control of the post-office and mail; and in the alacrity with which they obeyed the popular call to dissolve the sunday-schools for the instruction of the colored people. also in the fact, that, throughout the whole south, church members are not only found on the vigilance committees, (tribunals organized in opposition to the laws of the states where they exist,) but uniting with the merciless and the profligate in passing sentence consigning to infamous and excruciating, if not extreme punishment, persons, by their own acknowledgment, innocent of any unlawful act. out of sixty persons that composed the vigilance committee which condemned mr. dresser to be scourged in the public square of nashville, twenty-seven were members of churches, and one of them a professed teachers of christianity. a member of the committee stated afterward, in a newspaper of which he was the editor, that mr. d. _had not laid himself liable to any punishment known to the laws_. another instance is to be found in the conduct of the rev. wm. s. plumer, of virginia. having been absent from richmond, when the ministers of the gospel assembled together formally to testify their abhorrence of the abolitionists, he addressed the chairman of the committee of correspondence a note, in which he uses this language:--"if abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that they should have the first warming at the fire."--"let them understand, that they will be caught, if they come among us, and they will take good heed to keep out of our way." mr. p. has no doubtful standing in the presbyterian church with which he is connected. he has been regarded as one of its brightest ornaments.[a] to drive the slaveholding church and its members from the equivocal, the neutral position, from which they had so long successfully defended slavery--to compel them to elevate their practice to an even height with their avowed principles, or to degrade their principles to the level of their known practice, was a preliminary, necessary in the view of abolitionists, either for bringing that part of the church into the common action against slavery, or as a ground for treating it as confederate with oppressors. so far, then, as the action of the church, or of its individual members, is to be reckoned among the events of the last two or three years, the abolitionists find in it nothing to lessen their hopes or expectations. [footnote a: in the division of the general assembly of the presbyterian church, that has just taken place, mr. plumer has been elected moderator of the "old school" portion.] . the abolitionists believed, from the beginning, that the slaves of the south were (as slaves are everywhere) unhappy, _because of their condition_. their adversaries denied it, averring that, as a class, they were "contented and happy." the abolitionists thought that the argument against slavery could be made good, so far as this point was concerned, by either _admitting_ or _denying_ the assertion. _admitting_ it, they insisted, that, nothing could demonstrate the turpitude of any system more surely than the fact, that man--made in the image of god--but a little lower than the angels--crowned with glory and honor, and set over the works of god's hands--his mind sweeping in an instant from planet to planet, from the sun of one system to the sun of another, even to the great centre sun of them all--contemplating the machinery of the universe "wheeling unshaken" in the awful and mysterious grandeur of its movements "through the void immense"--with a spirit delighting in upward aspiration--bounding from earth to heaven--that seats itself fast by the throne of god, to drink in the instructions of infinite wisdom, or flies to execute the commands of infinite goodness;--that such a being could be made "contented and happy" with "enough to eat, and drink, and wear," and shelter from the weather--with the base provision that satisfies the brutes, is (say the abolitionists) enough to render superfluous all other arguments for the _instant_ abandonment of a system whose appropriate work is such infinite wrong. _denying_ that "the slaves are contented and happy," the abolitionists have argued, that, from the structure of his moral nature--the laws of his mind--man cannot be happy in the fact, that he is _enslaved_. true, he may be happy in slavery, but it is not slavery that makes him so--it is virtue and faith, elevating him above the afflictions of his lot. the slave has a will, leading him to seek those things which the author of his nature has made conducive to its happiness. in these things, the will of the master comes in collision with his will. the slave desires to receive the rewards of his own labor; the power of the master wrests them from him. the slave desires to possess his wife, to whom god has joined him, in affection, to have the superintendence, and enjoy the services, of the children whom god has confided to him as a parent to train them, by the habits of the filial relation, for the yet higher relation that they may sustain to him as their heavenly father. but here he is met by the opposing will of the master, pressing _his_ claims with irresistible power. the ties that heaven has sanctioned and blessed--of husband and wife, of parent and child--are all sundered in a moment by the master, at the prompting of avarice or luxury or lust; and there is none that can stay his ruthless hand, or say unto him, "what doest thou?" the slave thirsts for the pleasures of refined and elevated intellect--the master denies to him the humblest literary acquisition. the slave pants to know something of that still higher nature that he feels burning within him--of his present state, his future destiny, of the being who made him, to whose judgment-seat he is going. the master's interests cry, "no!" "such knowledge is too wonderful for you; it is high, you cannot attain unto it." to predicate _happiness_ of a class of beings, placed in circumstances where their will is everlastingly defeated by an irresistible power--the abolitionists say, is to prove them destitute of the sympathies of _our_ nature--not _human_. it is to declare with the atheist, that man is independent of the goodness of his creator for his enjoyments--that human happiness calls not for any of the appliances of his bounty--that god's throne is a nullity, himself a superfluity. but, independently of any abstract reasoning drawn from the nature of moral and intelligent beings, facts have been elicited in the discussion of the point before us, proving slavery everywhere (especially southern slavery, maintained by enlightened protestants of the nineteenth century) replete with torments and horrors--the direst form of oppression that upheaves itself before the sun. these facts have been so successfully impressed on a large portion of the intelligent mind of the country, that the slaves of the south are beginning to be considered as those whom god emphatically regards as the "poor," the "needy," the "afflicted," the "oppressed," the "bowed down;" and for whose consolation he has said, "now will i arise--i will set him in safety from him that puffeth at him." this state of the public mind has been brought about within the last two or three years; and it is an event which, so far from lessening, greatly animates, the hopes and expectations of abolitionists. . the abolitionists believed from the first, that the tendency of slavery is to produce, on the part of the whites, looseness of morals, disdain of the wholesome restraints of law, and a ferocity of temper, found, only in solitary instances, in those countries where slavery is unknown. they were not ignorant of the fact, that this was disputed; nor that the "chivalry of the south" had become a cant phrase, including, all that is high-minded and honorable among men; nor, that it had been formally asserted in our national legislature, that slavery, as it exists in the south, "produces the highest toned, the purest, best organization of society that has ever existed on the face of the earth." nor were the abolitionists unaware, that these pretensions, proving anything else but their own solidity, had been echoed and re-echoed so long by the unthinking and the interested of the north, that the character of the south had been injuriously affected by them--till she began boldly to attribute her _peculiar_ superiority to her _peculiar_ institution, and thus to strengthen it. all this the abolitionists saw and knew. but few others saw and understood it as they did. the revelations of the last three years are fast dissipating the old notion, and bringing multitudes in the north to see the subject as the abolitionists see it. when "southern chivalry" and the _purity_ of southern society are spoken of now, it is at once replied, that a large number of the slaves show, by their _color_, their indisputable claim to white paternity; and that, notwithstanding their near consanguineous relation to the whites, they are still held and treated, in all respects, _as slaves_. nor is it forgotten now, when the claims of the south to "hospitality" are pressed, to object, because they are grounded on the unpaid wages of the laborer--on the robbery of the poor. when "southern generosity" is mentioned, the old adage, "be just before you are generous," furnishes the reply. it is no proof of generosity (say the objectors) to take the bread of the laborer, to lavish it in banquetings on the rich. when "southern chivalry" is the theme of its admirers, the hard-handed, but intelligent, working man of the north asks, if the espionage of southern hotels, and of ships and steamboats on their arrival at southern ports; if the prowl, by day and by night, for the solitary stranger suspected of sympathizing with the enslaved, that he may be delivered over to the mercies of a vigilance committee, furnishes the proof of its existence; if the unlawful importation of slaves from africa[a] furnishes the proof; if the abuse, the scourging, the hanging on suspicion, without law, of friendless strangers, furnish the proof; if the summary execution of slaves and of colored freemen, almost by the score, without legal trial, furnishes the proof; if the cruelties and tortures to which _citizens_ have been exposed, and the burning to death of slaves by slow fires,[b] furnish the proof. all these things, says he, furnish any thing but proof of _true_ hospitality, or generosity, or gallantry, or purity, or chivalry. [footnote a: mr. mercer, of virginia, some years ago, asserted in congress, that "cargoes" of african slaves were smuggled into the southern states to a deplorable extent. mr. middleton, of south carolina, declared it to be his belief, that thirteen thousand africans were annually smuggled into the southern states. mr. wright, of maryland, estimated the number at fifteen thousand. miss martineau was told in , by a wealthy slaveholder of louisiana, (who probably spoke of that state alone,) that the annual importation of native africans was from thirteen thousand to fifteen thousand. the president of the united states, in his last annual message, speaking of the navy, says, "the large force under commodore dallas [on the west india station] has been most actively and efficiently employed in protecting our commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves, &c."] [footnote b: within the last few years, four slaves, and one citizen of color, have been put to death in this manner, in alabama, mississippi, missouri, and arkansas.] certain it is, that the time when southern slavery derived countenance at the north, from its supposed connection with "chivalry," is rapidly passing away. "southern chivalry" will soon be regarded as one of the by-gone fooleries of a less intelligent and less virtuous age. it will soon be cast out--giving place to the more reasonable idea, that the denial of wages to the laborer, the selling of men and women, the whipping of husbands and wives in each others presence, to compel them to unrequited toil, the deliberate attempt to extinguish mind, and, consequently, to destroy the soul--is among the highest offences against god and man--unspeakably mean and ungentlemanly. the impression made on the minds of the people as to this matter, is one of the events of the last two or three years that does not contribute to lessen the hopes or expectations of abolitionists. . the ascendency that slavery has acquired, and exercises, in the administration of the government, and the apprehension now prevailing among the sober and intelligent, irrespective of party, that it will soon overmaster the constitution itself, may be ranked among the events of the last two or three years that affect the course of abolitionists. the abolitionists regard the constitution with unabated affection. they hold in no common veneration the memory of those who made it. they would be the last to brand franklin and king and morris and wilson and sherman and hamilton with the ineffaceable infamy of attempting to ingraft on the constitution, and therefore to _perpetuate_, a system of oppression in absolute antagonism to its high and professed objects, one which their own practice condemned,--and this, too, when they had scarcely wiped away the dust and sweat of the revolution from their brows! whilst abolitionists feel and speak thus of our constitutional fathers, they do not justify the dereliction of principle into which they were betrayed, when they imparted to the work of their hands _any_ power to contribute to the continuance of such a system. they can only palliate it, by supposing, that they thought, slavery was already a waning institution, destined soon to pass away. in their time, ( ) slaves were comparatively of little value--there being then no great slave-labor staple (as cotton is now) to make them profitable to their holders.[a] had the circumstances of the country remained as they then were, slave-labor, always and every where the most expensive--would have disappeared before the competition of free labour. they had seen, too, the principle of universal liberty, on which the revolution was justified, recognised and embodied in most of the state constitutions; they had seen slavery utterly forbidden in that of vermont --instantaneously abolished in that of massachusetts--and laws enacted in the new-england states and in pennsylvania, for its gradual abolition. well might they have anticipated, that justice and humanity, now starting forth with fresh vigor, would, in their march, sweep away the whole system; more especially, as freedom of speech and of the press--the legitimate abolisher not only of the acknowledged vice of slavery, but of every other that time should reveal in our institutions or practices--had been fully secured to the people. again; power was conferred on congress to put a stop to the african slave-trade, without which it was thought, at that time, to be impossible to maintain slavery, as a system, on this continent,--so great was the havoc it committed on human life. authority was also granted to congress to prevent the transfer of slaves, as articles of commerce, from one state to another; and the introduction of slavery into the territories. all this was crowned by the power of refusing admission into the union, to any new state, whose form of government was repugnant to the principles of liberty set forth in that of the united states. the faithful execution, by congress, of these powers, it was reasonably enough supposed, would, at least, prevent the growth of slavery, if it did not entirely remove it. congress did, at the set time, execute _one_ of them--deemed, then, the most effectual of the whole; but, as it has turned out, the least so. [footnote a: the cultivation of cotton was almost unknown in the united states before . it was not till two years afterward that it began to be raised or exported. (see report of the secretary of the treasury, feb. , .)--see appendix, d.] the effect of the interdiction of the african slave-trade was, not to diminish the trade itself, or greatly to mitigate its horrors; it only changed its name from african to american--transferred the seat of commerce from africa to america--its profits from african princes to american farmers. indeed, it is almost certain, if the african slave-trade had been left unrestrained, that slavery would not have covered so large a portion of our country as it does now. the cheap rate at which slaves might have been imported by the planters of the south, would have prevented the rearing of them for sale, by the farmers of maryland, virginia, and the other slave-selling states. if these states could be restrained from the _commerce_ in slaves, slavery could not be supported by them for any length of time, or to any considerable extent. they could not maintain it, as an economical system, under the competition of free labor. it is owing to the _non-user_ by congress, or rather to their unfaithful application of their power to the other points, on which it was expected to act for the limitation or extermination of slavery, that the hopes of our fathers have not been realized; and that slavery has, at length, become so audacious, as openly to challenge the principles of --to trample on the most precious rights secured to the citizen--to menace the integrity of the union and the very existence of the government itself. slavery has advanced to its present position by steps that were, at first, gradual, and, for a long time, almost unnoticed; afterward, it made its way by intimidating or corrupting those who ought to have been forward to resist its pretensions. up to the time of the "missouri compromise," by which the nation was wheedled out of its honor, slavery was looked on as an evil that was finally to yield to the expanding and ripening influences of our constitutional principles and regulations. why it has not yielded, we may easily see, by even a slight glance at some of the incidents in our history. it has already been said, that we have been brought into our present condition by the unfaithfulness of congress, in not _exerting_ the power vested in it, to stop the domestic slave-trade, and in the _abuse_ of the power of admitting "_new_ states" into the union. kentucky made application in , with a slave-holding constitution in her hand.--with what a mere _technicality_ congress suffered itself to be drugged into torpor:--_she was part of one of the "original states"--and therefore entitled to all their privileges._ one precedent established, it was easy to make another. tennessee was admitted in , without scruple, on the same ground. the next triumph of slavery was in , in the purchase of louisiana, acknowledged afterward, even by mr. jefferson who made it, to be unauthorized by the constitution--and in the establishment of slavery throughout its vast limits, actually and substantially under the auspices of that instrument which declares its only objects to be--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."[a] [footnote a: it may be replied, the colored people were held as _property_ by the laws of louisiana previously to the cession, and that congress had no right to divest the newly acquired citizens of their property. this statement is evasive. it does not include, nor touch the question, which is this:--had congress, or the treaty-making power, a right to recognise, and, by recognising, to establish, in a territory that had no claim of privilege, on the ground of being part of one of the "original states," a condition of things that it could not establish _directly_, because there was no grant in the constitution of power, direct or incidental, to do so--and because, _to do so_, was in downright oppugnancy to the principles of the constitution itself? the question may be easily answered by stating the following case:--suppose a law had existed in louisiana, previous to the cession, by which the children--male and female--of all such parents as were not owners of real estate of the yearly value of $ , had been--no matter how long--held in slavery by their more wealthy land-holding neighbors:--would congress, under the constitution, have a right (by recognising) to establish, for ever, such a relation as one white person, under such a law, might hold to another? surely not. and yet no substantial difference between the two cases can be pointed out.] in this case, the violation of the constitution was suffered to pass with but little opposition, except from massachusetts, because we were content to receive in exchange, multiplied commercial benefits and enlarged territorial limits. the next stride that slavery made over the constitution was in the admission of the state of louisiana into the union. _she_ could claim no favor as part of an "original state." at this point, it might have been supposed, the friends of freedom and of the constitution according to its original intent, would have made a stand. but no: with the exception of massachusetts, they hesitated and were persuaded to acquiesce, because the country was just about entering into a war with england, and the crisis was unpropitious for discussing questions that would create divisions between different sections of the union. we must wait till the country was at peace. thus it was that louisiana was admitted without a controversy. next followed, in and , mississippi and alabama--admitted after the example of kentucky and tennessee, without any contest. meantime, florida had given some uneasiness to the slaveholders of the neighboring states; and for their accommodation chiefly, a negociation was set on foot by the government to purchase it. missouri was next in order in . she could plead no privilege, on the score of being part of one of the original states; the country too, was relieved from the pressure of her late conflict with england; it was prosperous and quiet; every thing seemed propitious to a calm and dispassionate consideration of the claims of slaveholders to add props to their system, by admitting indefinitely, new slave states to the union. up to this time, the "evil" of slavery had been almost universally acknowledged and deplored by the south, and its termination (apparently) sincerely hoped for.[a] by this management its friends succeeded in blinding the confiding people of the north. they thought for the most part, that the slaveholders were acting in good faith. it is not intended by this remark, to make the impression, that the south had all along pressed the admission of new slave states, simply with a view to the increase of its own relative power. by no means: slavery had insinuated itself into favor because of its being mixed up with (other) supposed benefits--and because its ultimate influence on the government was neither suspected nor dreaded. but, on the missouri question, there was a fair trial of strength between the friends of slavery and the friends of the constitution. the former triumphed, and by the prime agency of one whose raiment, the remainder of his days, ought to be sackcloth and ashes,--because of the disgrace he has continued on the name of his country, and the consequent injury that he has inflicted on the cause of freedom throughout the world. although all the different administrations, from the first organization of the government, had, in the indirect manner already mentioned, favored slavery,--there had not been on any previous occasion, a direct struggle between its pretensions and the principles of liberty ingrafted on the constitution. the friends of the latter were induced to believe, whenever they should be arrayed against each other, that _theirs_ would be the triumph. tremendous error! mistake almost fatal! the battle was fought. slavery emerged from it unhurt--her hands made gory--her bloody plume still floating in the air--exultingly brandishing her dripping sword over her prostrate and vanquished enemy. she had won all for which she fought. her victory was complete--the sanction of the nation was given to slavery![b] [footnote a: mr. clay, in conducting the missouri compromise, found it necessary to argue, that the admission of missouri, as a slaveholding state, would aid in bringing about the termination of slavery. his argument is thus stated by mr. sergeant, who replied to him:--"in this long view of remote and distant consequences, the gentleman from kentucky (mr. clay) thinks he sees how slavery, when thus spread, is at last to find its end. it is to be brought about by the combined operation of the laws which regulate the price of labor, and the laws which govern population. when the country shall be filled with inhabitants, and the price of labor shall have reached a minimum, (a comparative minimum i suppose is meant,) free labor will be found cheaper than slave labor. slaves will then be without employment, and, of course, without the means of comfortable subsistence, which will reduce their numbers, and finally extirpate them. this is the argument as i understand it," says mr. sergeant; and, certainly, one more chimerical or more inhuman could not have been urged.] [footnote b: see appendix, e.] immediately after this achievement, the slaveholding interest was still more strongly fortified by the acquisition of florida, and the establishment of slavery there, as it had already been in the territory of louisiana. the missouri triumph, however, seems to have extinguished every thing like a systematic or spirited opposition, on the part of the free states, to the pretensions of the slaveholding south. arkansas was admitted but the other day, with nothing that deserves to be called an effort to prevent it--although her constitution attempts to _perpetuate_ slavery, by forbidding the master to emancipate his bondmen without the consent of the legislature, and the legislature without the consent of the master. emboldened, but not satisfied, with their success in every political contest with the people of the free states, the slaveholders are beginning now to throw off their disguise--to brand their former notions about the "_evil_, political and moral" of slavery, as "folly and delusion,"[a]--and as if to "make assurance double sure," and defend themselves forever, by territorial power, against the progress of free principles and the renovation of the constitution, they now demand openly--scorning to conceal that their object is, to _advance and establish their political power in the country_,--that texas, a foreign state, five or six times as large as all new england, with a constitution dyed as deep in slavery, as that of arkansas, shall be added to the union. [footnote a: mr. calhoun is reported, in the national intelligencer, as having used these words in a speech delivered in the senate, the th day of january:-- "many in the south once believed that it [slavery] was a moral and political evil; that folly and delusion are gone. we see it now in its true light, and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." mr. hammond, formerly a representative in congress from south carolina, delivered a speech (feb. , ) on the question of receiving petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. in answering those who objected to a slaveholding country, that it was "assimilated to an aristocracy," he says--"in this they are right. i accept the terms. _it is a government of the best._ combining all the advantages, and possessing but few of the disadvantages, of the aristocracy of the old world--without fostering, to an unwarrantable extent, the pride, the exclusiveness, the selfishness, the thirst for sway, the contempt for the rights of others, which distinguish the nobility of europe--it gives us their education, their polish, their munificence, their high honor, their undaunted spirit. slavery does indeed create an aristocracy--an aristocracy of talents, of virtue, of generosity, of courage. in a slave country, every freeman is an aristocrat. be he rich or poor, if he does not possess a single slave, he has been born to all the natural advantages of the society in which he is placed; and all its honors lie open before him, inviting his genius and industry. sir, i do firmly believe, that domestic slavery, regulated as ours is, produces the highest toned, the purest, best organization of society, that has ever existed on the face of the earth." that this _retraxit_ of former _follies and delusions_ is not confined to the mere politician, we have the following proofs:-- the charleston (s.c.) union presbytery--"resolved. that in the opinion of this presbytery, the holding of slaves, so far from being a sin in the sight of god, is nowhere condemned in his holy word; that it is in accordance with the example, or consistent with the precepts, of patriarchs, prophets, and apostles; and that it is compatible with the most fraternal regard to the good of the servants whom god has committed to our charge."--within the last few months, as we learn from a late no. of the charleston courier, the late synod of the presbyterian church, in augusta, (ga.) passed resolutions declaring "that slavery is a civil institution, with which the general assembly [the highest ecclesiastical tribunal] has nothing to do." again:--the charleston baptist association, in a memorial to the legislature of south carolina, say--"the undersigned would further represent, that the said association does not consider that the holy scriptures have made the fact of slavery a question of morals at all." and further,--"the right of masters to dispose of the time of their slaves, has been distinctly recognised by the creator of all things." again:--the edgefield (s.c.) association--"resolved, that the practical question of slavery, in a country where the system has obtained as a part of its stated policy, is settled in the scriptures by jesus christ and his apostles." "resolved, that these uniformly recognised the relation of master and slave, and enjoined on both their respective duties, under a system of servitude more degrading and absolute than that which obtains in our country." again we find, in a late no. of the charleston courier, the following:-- "the southern church.--the georgia conference of the methodist episcopal church, at a recent meeting in athens, passed resolutions, declaring that slavery, as it exists in the united states, is not a moral evil, and is a civil and domestic institution, with which christian ministers have nothing to do, further than to meliorate the condition of the slave, by endeavoring to impart to him and his master the benign influence of the religion of christ, and aiding both on their way to heaven."] the abolitionists feel a deep regard for the integrity and union of the government, _on the principles of the constitution_. therefore it is, that they look with earnest concern on the attempt now making by the south, to do, what, in the view of multitudes of our citizens, would amount to good cause for the separation of the free from the slave states. their concern is not mingled with any feelings of despair. the alarm they sounded on the "annexation" question has penetrated the free states; it will, in all probability, be favorably responded to by every one of them; thus giving encouragement to our faith, that the admission of texas will be successfully resisted,--that this additional stain will not be impressed on our national escutcheon, nor this additional peril brought upon the south.[a] [footnote a: see appendix, f.] this, the present condition of the country, induced by a long train of usurpations on the part of the south, and by unworthy concessions to it by the north, may justly be regarded as one of the events of the last few years affecting in some way, the measures of the abolitionists. it has certainly done so. and whilst it is not to be denied, that many abolitionists feel painful apprehensions for the result, it has only roused them up to make more strenuous efforts for the preservation of the country. it may be replied--if the abolitionists are such firm friends of the union, why do they persist in what must end in its rupture and dissolution? the abolitionists, let it be repeated _are_ friends of _the_ union that was intended by the constitution; but not of a union from which is eviscerated, to be trodden under foot, the right to speak,--to print--to petition,--the rights of conscience; not of a union whose ligaments are whips, where the interest of the oppressor is the _great_ interest, the right to oppress the _paramount_ right. it is against the distortion of the glorious union our fathers left us into one bound with despotic bands that the abolitionists are contending. in the political aspect of the question, they have nothing to ask, except what the constitution authorizes--no change to desire, but that the constitution may be restored to its pristine republican purity. but they have well considered the "dissolution of the union." there is no just ground for apprehending that such a measure will ever be resorted to by the _south_. it is by no means intended by this, to affirm, that the south, like a spoiled child, for the first time denied some favourite object, may not fall into sudden frenzy and do herself some great harm. but knowing as i do, the intelligence and forecast of the leading men of the south--and believing that they will, if ever such a crisis should come, be judiciously influenced by the _existing_ state of the case, and by the _consequences_ that would inevitably flow from an act of dissolution--they would not, i am sure, deem it desirable or politic. they would be brought, in their calmer moments, to coincide with one who has facetiously, but not the less truly remarked, that it would be as indiscreet in the slave south to separate from the free north, as for the poor, to separate from the parish that supported them. in support of this opinion, i would say: first--a dissolution of the union by the south would, in no manner, secure to her the object she has in view.--the _leaders_ at the south, both in the church and in the state, must, by this time, be too well informed as to the nature of the anti-slavery movement, and the character of those engaged in it, to entertain fears that, violence of any kind will be resorted to, directly or indirectly.[a] the whole complaint of the south is neither more nor less than this--the north talks about slavery. now, of all the means or appliances that could be devised, to give greater life and publicity to the discussion of slavery, none could be half so effectual as the dissolution of the union _because of the discussion_. it would astonish the civilized world--they would inquire into the cause of such a remarkable event in its history;--the result would be not only enlarged _discussion_ of the whole subject, but it would bring such a measure of contempt on the guilty movers of the deed, that even with all the advantages of "their education, their polish, their munificence, their high honor, their undaunted spirit," so eloquently set forth by the hon. mr. hammond, they would find it hard to withstand its influence. it is difficult for men in a _good_ cause, to maintain their steadfastness in opposition to an extensively corrupt public sentiment; in a _bad_ one, against public sentiment purified and enlightened, next to impossible, if not quite so. [footnote a: "it is not," says mr. calhoun, "that we expect the abolitionists will resort to arms--will commence a crusade to deliver our slaves by force."--"let me tell our friends of the south, who differ from us, that the war which the abolitionists wage against us is of a very different character, and _far more effective_. it is waged, not against our lives, but our character." more correctly, mr. c. might have said against a _system_, with which the slaveholders have chosen to involve their characters, and which they have determined to defend, at the hazard of losing them.] another result would follow the dissolution:--_now_, the abolitionists find it difficult, by reason of the odium which the principal slaveholders and their friends have succeeded in attaching to their _name_, to introduce a knowledge of their principles and measures into the great mass of southern mind. there are multitudes at the south who would co-operate with us, if they could be informed of our aim.[a] now, we cannot reach them--then, it would be otherwise. the united power of the large slaveholders would not be able longer to keep them in ignorance. if the union were dissolved, they _would_ know the cause, and discuss it, and condemn it. [footnote a: there is abundant evidence of this. our limits confine us to the following, from the first no. of the southern literary journal, (charleston, s.c.):--"there are _many good men even among us_, who have begun to grow _timid_. they think, that what the virtuous and high-minded men of the north look upon as a crime and a plague-spot, cannot be perfectly innocent or quite harmless in a slaveholding community." this, also, from the north carolina watchman:-- "it (the abolition party) is the growing party at the north. we are inclined to believe that there is even more of it at the south than prudence will permit to be openly avowed." "it is well known, mr. speaker, that there is a large, respectable and intelligent party in kentucky, who will exert every nerve and spare no efforts to dislodge the subsisting rights to our slave population, or alter in some manner, and to some extent, at least, the tenure by which that species of property is held."--_speech of the hon. james t. morehead in the kentucky legislature, last winter_.] a second reason why the south will not dissolve the union is, that she would be exposed to the visitation of _real_ incendiaries, exciting her slaves to revolt. now, it would cover any one with infamy, who would stir them up to vindicate their rights by the massacre of their masters. dissolve the union, and the candidates for "glory" would find in the plains of carolina and louisiana as inviting a theatre for their enterprise, as their prototypes, the houstons, the van rennsselaers, and the sutherlands did, in the prairies of texas or the forests of canada. a third reason why the south will not dissolve is, that the slaves would leave their masters and take refuge in the free states. the south would not be able to establish a _cordon_ along her wide frontier sufficiently strong to prevent it. then, the slaves could not be reclaimed, as they now are, under the constitution. some may say, the free states would not permit them to come in and dwell among them.--believe it not. the fact of separation on the ground supposed, would abolitionize the whole north. beside this, in an economical point of view, the _demand for labor_ in the western states would make their presence welcome. at all events, a passage through the northern states to canada would not be denied them. a fourth reason why the south will not dissolve is, that a large number of her most steady and effective population would emigrate to the free states. in the slave-_selling_ states especially, there has always been a class who have consented to remain there with their families, only in the hope that slavery would, in some way or other, be terminated. i do not say they are abolitionists, for many of them are slaveholders. it may be, too, that such would expect compensation for their slaves, should they be emancipated, and also that they should be sent out of the country. the particular mode of emancipation, however crude it may be, that has occupied their minds, has nothing to do with the point before us. _they look for emancipation--in this hope they have remained, and now remain, where they are_. take away this hope, by making slavery the _distinctive bond of union_ of a new government, and you drive them to the north. these persons are not among the rich, the voluptuous, the effeminate; nor are they the despised, the indigent, the thriftless--they are men of moderate property, of intelligence, of conscience--in every way the "bone and sinew" of the south. a fifth reason why the south will not dissolve, is her _weakness_. it is a remarkable fact, that in modern times, and in the christian world, all slaveholding countries have been united with countries that are free. thus, the west indian and mexican and south american slaveholding colonies were united to england, france, spain, portugal, and other states of europe. if england (before her emancipation act) and the others had at any time withdrawn the protection of their _power_ from their colonies, slavery would have been extinguished almost simultaneously with the knowledge of the fact. in the west indies there could have been no doubt of this, from the disparity in numbers between the whites and the slaves, from the multiplied attempts made from time to time by the latter to vindicate their rights by insurrection, and from the fact, that all their insurrections had to be suppressed by the _force_ of the mother country. as soon as mexico and the south american colonies dissolved their connexion with spain, slavery was abolished in every one of them. this may, i know, be attributed to the necessity imposed on these states, by the wars in which they engaged to establish their independence. however this may be--the _fact_ still remains. the free states of this union are to the slave, so far as the maintenance of slavery is concerned, substantially, in the relation of the european states to their slaveholding colonies. slavery, in all probability, could not be maintained by the south disjoined from the north, a single year. so far from there existing any reason for making the south an exception, in this particular, to other slave countries, there are circumstances in her condition that seem to make her dependence more complete. two of them are, the superior intelligence of her slaves on the subject of human rights, and the geographical connexion of the slave region in the united states. in the west indies, in mexico and south america the great body of the slaves were far below the slaves of this country in their intellectual and moral condition--and, in the former, their power to act in concert was weakened by the insular fragments into which they were divided. again, the depopulation of the south of large numbers of its white inhabitants, from the cause mentioned under the fourth head, would, it is apprehended, bring the two classes to something like a numerical equality. now, consider the present state of the moral sentiment of the christianized and commercial world in relation to slavery; add to it the impulse that this sentiment, acknowledged by the south already to be wholly opposed to her, would naturally acquire by an act of separation on her part, with a single view to the perpetuation of slavery; bring this sentiment in all its accumulation and intensity to act upon a nation where one half are enslavers, the other the enslaved--and what must be the effect? from the nature of mind; from the laws of moral influence, (which are as sure in their operation, if not so well understood, as the laws of physical influence,) the party "whose conscience with injustice is oppressed," must become dispirited, weakened in courage, and in the end unnerved and contemptible. on the other hand, the sympathy that would be felt for the oppressed--the comfort they would receive--the encouragement that would be given them to assert their rights, would make it an impossibility, to keep them in slavish peace and submission. this state of things would be greatly aggravated by the peculiarly morbid sensitiveness of the south to every thing that is supposed to touch her _character_. her highest distinction would then become her most troublesome one. how, for instance, could her chivalrous sons bear to be taunted, wherever they went, on business or for pleasure, out of their own limits, with the cry "the knights of the lash!" "go home and pay your laborers!" "cease from the scourging of husbands and wives in each others presence--from attending the shambles, to sell or buy as slaves those whom god has made of the same blood with yourselves--your brethren--your sisters! cease, high minded sons of the 'ancient dominion,' from estimating your revenue by the number of children you rear, to sell in the flesh market!" "go home and pay your laborers!" "go home and pay your laborers!" this would be a trial to which "southern chivalry" could not patiently submit. their "high honor," their "undaunted spirit" would impel them to the field--only to prove that the "last resort" requires something more substantial than mere "honor" and "spirit" to maintain it. suppose there should be a disagreement--as in all likelihood there soon would, leading to war between the north and the south? the north would scarcely have occasion to march a squadron to the field. she would have an army that could be raised up by the million, at the fireside of her enemy. it has been said, that during the late war with england, it was proposed to her cabinet, by some enterprising officers, to land five thousand men on the coast of south carolina and proclaim liberty to the slates. the success of the scheme was well thought of. but then the example! england herself held nearly a million of slaves at no greater distance from the scene of action than the west indies. _now_, a restraint of this kind on such a scheme does not exist. it seems plain beyond the power of argument to make it plainer, that a slaveholding nation--one under the circumstances in which the south separated from the north would be placed--must be at the mercy of every free people having neither power to vindicate a right nor avenge a wrong.[a] [footnote a: governor hayne, of south carolina, spoke in high terms, a few years ago, of the ability that the south would possess, in a military point of view, because her great wealth would enable her, at all times, to command the services of mercenary troops. without stopping to dispute with him, as to her comparative wealth, i would remark, that he seemed entirely to have overlooked this truth--that whenever a government is under the necessity of calling in foreign troops, to keep in subjection one half of the people, the power of the government has already passed into the hands of the _protectors_. they can and will, of course, act with whichever party will best subserve their purpose.] a sixth reason why the south will not dissolve the union, is found in the difficulty of bringing about an _actual_ separation. preparatory to such a movement, it would seem indispensable, that _union_ among the seceding states themselves should be secured. a general convention would be necessary to adjust its terms. this would, of course, be preceded by _particular_ conventions in the several states. to this procedure the same objection applies, that has been made, for the last two or three years, to holding an anti-abolition convention in the south:--it would give to the _question_ such notoriety, that the object of holding the convention could not be concealed from the slaves. the more sagacious in the south have been opposed to a convention; nor have they been influenced solely by the consideration just mentioned--which, in my view, is but of little moment--but by the apprehension, that the diversity of sentiment which exists among the slave states, themselves, in relation to the _system_, would be disclosed to the country; and that the slaveholding interest would be found deficient in that harmony which, from its perfectness heretofore, has made the slaveholders so successful in their action on the north. the slaveholding region may be divided into the _farming_ and the _planting_--or the slave-_selling_ and the slave-_buying_ districts. maryland, virginia, kentucky, missouri and east tennessee constitute the first. west tennessee is somewhat equivocal. all the states south of tennessee belong to the slave-_buying_ district. the first, with but few exceptions, have from the earliest times, felt slavery a reproach to their good name--an encumbrance on their advancement--at some period, to be cast off. this sentiment, had it been at all encouraged by the action of the general government, in accordance with the views of the convention that formed the constitution, would, in all probability, by this time, have brought slavery in maryland and virginia to an end. notwithstanding the easy admission of slave states into the union, and the _yielding_ of the free states whenever they were brought in collision with the south, have had a strong tendency to persuade the _farming_ slave states to continue their system, yet the sentiment in favor of emancipation in some form, still exists among them. proof, encouraging proof of this, is found in the present attitude of kentucky. her legislature has just passed a law, proposing to the people, to hold a convention to alter the constitution. in the discussion of the bill, slavery as connected with some form of emancipation, seems to have constituted the most important element. the public journals too, that are _opposed_ to touching the subject at all, declare that the main object for recommending a convention was, to act on slavery in some way. now, it would be in vain for the _planting_ south to expect, that kentucky or any other of the _farming_ slave states would unite with her, in making slavery the _perpetual bond_ of a new political organization. if they feel the inconveniences of slavery _in their present condition_, they could not be expected to enter on another, where these inconveniences would be inconceivably multiplied and aggravated, and, by the very terms of their new contract, _perpetuated_. this letter is already so protracted, that i cannot stop here to develop more at large this part of the subject. to one acquainted with the state of public sentiment, in what i have called, the _farming_ district, it needs no further development. there is not one of these states embraced in it, that would not, when brought to the test, prefer the privileges of the union to the privilege of perpetual slaveholding. and if there should turn out to be a single _desertion_ in this matter, the whole project of secession must come to nought. but laying aside all the obstacles to union among the seceding states, how is it possible to take the first step to _actual_ separation! the separation, at the worst, can only be _political_. there will be no chasm--no rent made in the earth between the two sections. the natural and ideal boundaries will remain unaltered. mason and dixon's line will not become a wall of adamant that can neither be undermined nor surmounted. the ohio river will not be converted into flame, or into another styx, denying a passage to every living thing. besides this stability of natural things, the multiform interests of the two sections would, in the main, continue as they are. the complicate ties of commerce could not be suddenly unloosed. the breadstuffs, the beef, the pork, the turkies, the chickens, the woollen and cotton fabrics, the hats, the shoes, the socks, the "_horn flints and bark nutmegs_,"[a] the machinery, the sugar-kettles, the cotton-gins, the axes, the hoes, the drawing-chains of the north, would be as much needed by the south, the day after the separation as the day before. the newspapers of the north--its magazines, its quarterlies, its monthlies, would be more sought after by the readers of the south than they now are; and the southern journals would become doubly interesting to us. there would be the same lust for our northern summers and your southern winters, with all their health-giving influences; and last, though not least, the same desire of marrying and of being given in marriage that now exists between the north and south. really it is difficult to say _where_ this long threatened separation is to _begin_; and if the place of beginning could be found, it would seem like a poor exchange for the south, to give up all these pleasant and profitable relations and connections for the privilege of enslaving an equal number of their fellow-creatures. [footnote a: senator preston's railroad speech, delivered at colombia, s.c., in .] thus much for the menace, that the "union will be dissolved" unless the discussion of the slavery question be stopped. but you may reply, "do you think the south is not in earnest in her threat of dissolving the union?" i rejoin, by no means;--yet she pursues a perfectly reasonable course (leaving out of view the justice or morality of it)--just such a course as i should expect she would pursue, emboldened as she must be by her multiplied triumphs over the north by the use of the same weapon. "we'll dissolve the union!" was the cry, "unless missouri be admitted!!" the north were frightened, and missouri was admitted with slavery engraved on her forehead. "we'll dissolve the union!" unless the indians be driven out of the south!! the north forgot her treaties, parted with humanity, and it is done--the defenceless indians are forced to "consent" to be driven out, or they are left, undefended, to the mercies of southern land-jobbers and gold-hunters. "we'll dissolve the union! if the tariff" [established at her own suggestion] "be not repealed or modified so that our slave-labor may compete with your free-labor." the tariff is accordingly modified to suit the south. "we'll dissolve the union!" unless the freedom of speech and the press be put down in the north!!--with the promptness of commission-merchants, the alternative is adopted. public assemblies met for deliberation are assailed and broken up at the north; her citizens are stoned and beaten and dragged through the streets of her cities; her presses are attacked by mobs, instigated and led on by men of influence and character; whilst those concerned in conducting them are compelled to fly from their homes, pursued as if they were noxious wild beasts; or, if they remain to defend, they are sacrificed to appease the southern divinity. "we'll dissolve the union" if slavery be abolished in the district of columbia! the north, frightened from her propriety, declares that slavery ought not to be abolished there now.--"we'll dissolve the union!" if you read petitions from your constituents for its abolition, or for stopping the slave-trade at the capital, or between the states. fifty northern representatives respond to the cry, "down, then, with the right of petition!!" all these assaults have succeeded because the north has been frightened by the war-cry, "we'll dissolve the union!" after achieving so much by a process so simple, why should not the south persist in it when striving for further conquests? no other course ought to be expected from her, till this has failed. and it is not at all improbable, that she will persist, till she almost persuades herself that she is serious in her menace to dissolve the union. she may in her eagerness, even approach so near the verge of dissolution, that the earth may give way under her feet and she be dashed in ruins in the gulf below. nothing will more surely arrest her fury, than the firm array of the north, setting up anew the almost forgotten principles of our fathers, and saying to the "dark spirit of slavery,"--"thus far shalt thou go, and no farther." this is the best--the only--means of saving the south from the fruits of her own folly--folly that has been so long, and so strangely encouraged by the north, that it has grown into intolerable arrogance--down right presumption. there are many other "events" of the last two or three years which have, doubtless, had their influence on the course of the abolitionists--and which might properly be dwelt upon at considerable length, were it not that this communication is already greatly protracted beyond its intended limits. i shall, therefore, in mentioning the remaining topics, do little more than enumerate them. the legislature of vermont has taken a decided stand in favor of anti-slavery principles and action. in the autumn of , the following resolutions were passed by an almost unanimous vote in both houses:-- "resolved, by the general assembly of the state of vermont, that neither congress nor the state governments have any constitutional right to abridge the free expressions of opinions, or the transmission of them through the medium of the public mails." "resolved, that congress do possess the power to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." "resolved, that his excellency, the governor, be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the executive of each of the states, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress." at the session held in november last, the following joint resolutions, preceded by a decisive memorial against the admission of texas, were passed by both branches--with the exception of the _fifth_ which was passed only by the house of representatives:-- . resolved, by the senate and house of representatives, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to use their influence in that body to prevent the annexation of texas to the union. . resolved, that, representing, as we do, the people of vermont, we do hereby, in their name, solemnly protest against such annexation in any form. . resolved, that, as the representatives of the people of vermont, we do solemnly protest against the admission, into this union, of any state whose constitution tolerates domestic slavery. . resolved, that congress have full power, by the constitution, to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the district of columbia and in the territories of the united states. [ . resolved, that congress has the constitutional power to prohibit the slave-trade between the several states of this union, and to make such laws as shall effectually prohibit such trade.] . resolved, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to present the foregoing report and resolutions to their respective houses in congress, and use their influence to carry the same speedily into effect. . resolved, that the governor of this state be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing report and resolutions to the president of the united states, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress. the influence of anti-slavery principles in massachusetts has become decisive, if we are to judge from the change of sentiment in the legislative body. the governor of that commonwealth saw fit to introduce into his inaugural speech, delivered in january, , a severe censure of the abolitionists, and to intimate that they were guilty of an offence punishable at common law. this part of the speech was referred to a joint committee of five, of which a member of the senate was chairman. to the same committee were also referred communications which had been received by the governor from several of the legislatures of the slaveholding states, requesting the legislature of massachusetts to enact laws, making it penal for citizens of that state to form societies for the abolition of slavery, or to speak or publish sentiments such as had been uttered in anti-slavery meetings and published in anti-slavery tracts and papers. the managers of the massachusetts anti-slavery society, in a note addressed to the chairman of the committee, requested permission, as a party whose rights were drawn in question, to appear before it. this was granted. the gentlemen selected by them to appear on their behalf were of unimpeachable character, and distinguished for professional merit and general literary and scientific intelligence. such was _then_ the unpopularity of abolitionism, that notwithstanding the personal influence of these gentlemen, they were ill--not to say rudely--treated, especially by the chairman of the committee; so much so, that respect for themselves, and the cause they were deputed to defend, persuaded them to desist before they had completed their remarks. a report, including resolutions unfavorable to the abolitionists was made, of which the following is a copy:-- the joint special committee, to whom was referred so much of the governor's message as related to the abolition of slavery, together with certain documents upon the same subject, communicated to the executive by the several legislatures of virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, and alabama, transmitted by his excellency to the legislature, and hereunto annexed, have considered the same, and ask leave, respectfully, to submit the following:-- resolved, that this legislature distinctly disavow any right whatever in itself, or in the citizens of this commonwealth, to interfere in the institution of domestic slavery in the southern states: it having existed therein before the establishment of the constitution; it having been recognised by that instrument; and it being strictly within their own keeping. resolved, that this legislature, regarding the agitation of the question of domestic slavery as having already interrupted the friendly relations which ought to exist between the several states of this union, and as tending permanently to injure, if not altogether to subvert, the principles of the union itself; and believing that the good effected by those who excite its discussion in the non-slaveholding states is, under the circumstances of the case, altogether visionary, while the immediate and future evil is great and certain; does hereby express its entire disapprobation of the doctrine upon this subject avowed, and the general measures pursued by such as agitate the question; and does earnestly recommend to them carefully to abstain from all such discussion, and all such measures, as may tend to disturb and irritate the public mind. the report was laid on the table, whence it was not taken up during the session--its friends being afraid of a lean majority on its passage; for the _alarm_ had already been taken by many of the members who otherwise would have favored it. from this time till the election in the succeeding autumn, the subject was much agitated in massachusetts. the abolitionists again petitioned the legislature at its session begun in january, ; especially, that it should remonstrate against the resolution of mr. hawes, adopted by the house of representatives in congress, by which all memorials, &c, in relation to slavery were laid, and to be laid, on the table, without further action on them. the abolitionists were again heard, in behalf of their petitions, before the proper committee.[a] the result was, the passage of the following resolutions with only dissenting voices to , in the house of representatives, and in the senate with not more than one or two dissentients on any one of them:-- [footnote a: the gentleman who had been chairman of the committee the preceding year, was supposed, in consequence of the change in public opinion in relation to abolitionists, to have injured his political standing too much, even to be nominated as a candidate for re-election.] "whereas, the house of representatives of the united states, in the month of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven, did adopt a resolution, whereby it was ordered that all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions, or papers, relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, without being either printed or referred, should be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever should be had thereon; and whereas such a disposition of petitions, then or thereafter to be received, is a virtual denial of the right itself; and whereas, by the resolution aforesaid, which is adopted as a standing rule in the present house of representatives, the petitions of a large number of the people of this commonwealth, praying for the removal of a great social, moral, and political evil, have been slighted and contemned: therefore,-- resolved, that the resolution above named is an assumption of power and authority at variance with the spirit and intent of the constitution of the united states, and injurious to the cause of freedom and free institutions; that it does violence to the inherent, absolute, and inalienable rights of man; and that it tends, essentially, to impair those fundamental principles of natural justice and natural law which are antecedent to any written constitutions of government, independent of them all, and essential to the security of freedom in a state. resolved, that our senators and representatives in congress, in maintaining and advocating the right of petition, have entitled themselves to the cordial approbation of the people of this commonwealth. resolved, that congress, having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district, and that its exercise should only be restrained by a regard to the public good." that you may yourself, judge what influence the abolition question exercised in the elections in massachusetts _last_ autumn, i send you three numbers of the liberator containing copies of letters addressed to many of the candidates, and their respective answers. the legislature have passed, _unanimously_, at its present session, resolutions (preceded by a report of great ability) protesting "_earnestly and solemnly against the annexation of texas to this union_;" and declaring that, "_no act done, or compact made, for such purpose, by the government of the united states, will be binding on the states or the people_." two years ago, governor marcy, of this state, showed himself willing, at the dictation of the south, to aid in passing laws for restraining and punishing the abolitionists, whenever the extremity of the case might call for it. two weeks ago, at the request of the young men's anti-slavery society of albany, the assembly-chamber, by a vote of the house (only two dissentient) was granted to alvan stewart, esq., a distinguished lawyer, to lecture on the subject of abolition. kentucky is assuming an attitude of great interest to the friends of liberty and the constitution. the blessings of "them that are ready to perish" throughout the land, the applause of the good throughout the world will be hers, if she should show moral energy enough to break every yoke that she has hitherto imposed on the "poor," and by which her own prosperity and true power have been hindered. in view of the late action in the senate and house of representatives in congress--adverse as they may seem, to those who think more highly of the branches of the legislature than of the source of their power--the abolitionists see nothing that is cause for discouragement. they find the people sound; they know that they still cherish, as their fathers did, the right of petition--the freedom of the press--the freedom of speech--the rights of conscience; that they love the liberty of the north more than they love the slavery of the south. what care they for _resolutions_ in the house, or resolutions in the senate, when the house and the senate are but their ministers, their servants, and they know that they can discharge them at their pleasure? it may be, that congress has yet to learn, that the people have but slight regard for their restraining resolutions. they ought to have known this from the history of such resolutions for the last two years. thirty-seven thousand petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia had their petitions laid on the table by the resolution of the house of representatives in may, . at the succeeding session, they had increased to one hundred and ten thousand.--the resolution of jan. , , laid all _their_ petitions in the same way on the table. at the _called_, and at the present session, these , had multiplied to five hundred thousand[a]. soon, senators and representatives will be sent from the free states who will need no petitions--they will know the prayer of their constituents _before they leave their homes_. [footnote a: see appendix, g.] in concluding this, my answer to your th interrogatory, i will say that i know of no event, that has transpired, either in or out of congress, for the last two or three years, that has had any other influence on the efforts of abolitionists than to increase and stimulate them. indeed, every thing that has taken place within that period, ought to excite to their utmost efforts all who are not despairing dastards. the demon of oppression in this land is tenfold more fierce and rampant and relentless than he was supposed to be before roused from the quiet of his lair. to every thing that is precious the abolitionists have seen him lay claim. the religion of the bible must be adulterated--the claims of humanity must be smothered--the demands of justice must be nullified--a part of our race must be shut out from the common sympathy of a common nature. nor is this all: they see their _own_ rights and those of the people; the right to speak--to write--to print--to publish--to assemble together--to petition their own servants--all brought in peril. they feel that the final conflict between popular liberty and aristocratic slavery has come; that one or the other must fall; and they have made up their minds, with the blessing of god on their efforts, that their adversary shall die. " . _have you any permanent fund, and how much?_" answer.--we have none. the contributions are anticipated. we are always in debt, and always getting out of debt. i have now, sir, completed my answers to the questions proposed in your letter of the th ult. it gives me pleasure to have had such an auspicious opportunity of doing so. i cannot but hope for good to both the parties concerned, where candor and civility have characterized their representatives. part of the answer to your th question may seem to wander from the strict terms of the question proposed. let it be set down to a desire, on my part, to give you all the information i can, at all germain to the inquiry. the "proffer," made in my note to mr. calhoun, was not "unguarded;"--nor was it _singular_. the information i have furnished has been always accessible to our adversaries--even though the application for it might not have been clothed in the polite and gentlemanly terms which have so strongly recommended yours to the most respectful consideration of your very obedient servant, james g. birney. * * * * * [in the explanatory remarks placed at the beginning of this correspondence, reasons were given, that were deemed sufficient, for not publishing more of the letters that passed between mr. elmore and myself than the two above. since they were in type, i have received from mr. elmore a communication, in reply to one from me, informing him that i proposed limiting the publication to the two letters just mentioned. it is dated may . the following extract shows that he entertains a different opinion from mine, and thinks that justice to him requires that _another_ of his letters should be included in the correspondence:-- "the order you propose in the publication is proper enough; the omission of business and immaterial letters being perfectly proper, as they can interest nobody. i had supposed my last letter would have formed an exception to the rule, which excluded immaterial papers. it explained, more fully than my first, my reasons for this correspondence, defined the limits to _which i had prescribed myself_, and was a proper accompaniment to _a publication_ of what _i_ had not written for publication. allow me, sir, to say, that it will be but bare justice to me that it should be printed with the other papers. i only suggest this for your own consideration, for--adhering to my former opinions and decision--i ask nothing and complain of nothing." it is still thought that the publication of the letter alluded to is unnecessary to the purpose of enlightening the public, as to the state, prospects, &c, of the anti-slavery cause. it contains no denial of the facts, nor impeachment of the statements, nor answer to the arguments, presented in my communication. but as mr. elmore is personally interested in this matter, and as it is intended to maintain the consistent liberality which has characterized the executive committee in all their intercourse with their opponents, the suggestion made by mr. elmore is cheerfully complied with. the following is a copy of the letter alluded to.--j.g.b.] "washington, may , . to james g. birney, esq., cor. sec. a.a.s.s. sir,--i have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the st instant, in which you again refer to the publication of the correspondence between us, in relation to the measures and designs of the abolitionists. i would have certainly answered yours of the d ult., on the same subject, more fully before this, had it not escaped my recollection, in consequence [of] having been more engaged than usual in the business before the house. i hope the delay has been productive of no inconvenience. if i correctly understand your letters above referred to, the control of these papers, and the decision as to their publication, have passed into the 'executive committee of the american anti-slavery society;' and, from their tenor, i infer that their determination is so far made, that nothing i could object would prevent it, if i desired to do so. i was certainly not apprised, when i entered into this correspondence, that its disposition was to depend on any other will than yours and mine,--but that matters nothing now,--you had the power, and i am not disposed to question the right or propriety of its exercise. i heard of you as a man of intelligence, sincerity, and truth,--who, although laboring in a bad cause, did it with ability, and from a mistaken conviction of its justice. as one of the representatives of a slave-holding constituency, and one of a committee raised by the representatives of the slave-holding states, to ascertain the intentions and progress of your associations, i availed myself of the opportunity offered by your character and situation, to propose to you inquiries _as to facts_, which would make those _developments so important to be known by our people_. my inquiries were framed to draw out _full and authentic details_ of the organization, numbers, resources, and designs of the abolitionists, of the means they resorted to for the accomplishment of their ends, and the progress made, and making, in their dangerous work, that all such information might be laid before the _four millions and a half of white inhabitants in the slave states, whose lives and property are menaced and endangered_ by this ill-considered, misnamed, and disorganizing philanthropy. they should be informed of the full length and breadth and depth of this storm which is gathering over their heads, before it breaks in its desolating fury. christians and civilized, they are _now_ industrious, prosperous, and happy; but should your schemes of abolition prevail, it will bring upon them overwhelming ruin, and misery unutterable. the two races cannot exist together upon terms of equality--the extirpation of one and the ruin of the other _would be inevitable_. this humanity, conceived in wrong and born in civil strife, would be baptized in a people's blood. it was, that our people might know, in time to guard against the mad onset, the full extent of this gigantic conspiracy and crusade against their institutions; and of necessity upon their lives with which they must sustain them; and their fortunes and prosperity, which _exist only while these institutions exist_, that i was induced to enter into a correspondence with you, who by your official station and intelligence were known to be well informed on these points, and from your well established character for candor and fairness, would make no statements of facts which were not known or believed by you to be true. to a great extent, my end has been accomplished by your replies to my inquiries. how far, or whether at all, your answers have run, beyond _the facts inquired for_, into theories, arguments, and dissertations, as erroneous as mischievous, is not a matter of present consideration. we differed no wider than i expected, but that difference has been exhibited courteously, and has nothing to do with the question of publication. your object, or rather the object of your committee, is to publish; and i, having no reason to desire it, as you have put me in possession of the facts i wished, and no reason not to desire it, as there is nothing to conceal, will leave yourself and the committee to take your own course, neither assenting nor dissenting, in what you may finally decide to do. very respectfully, your obedient servant, f.h. elmore." [this letter of mr. elmore contains but little more than a reiteration of alarming cries on the part of the slaveholder;--cries that are as old as the earliest attempts of philanthropy to break the fetters of the enslaved, and that have been repeated up to the present day, with a boldness that seems to increase, as instances of emancipation multiply to prove them groundless. those who utter them seem, in their panic, not only to overlook the most obvious laws of the human mind, and the lights of experience, but to be almost unconscious of the great events connected with slavery, that are now passing around them in the world, and conspiring to bring about its early abrogation among all civilized and commercial nations. however _christian, and civilized, industrious, prosperous and happy_, the slaveholders of the south may be, this cannot be said of the slaves. a large religious denomination of the state in which mr. elmore resides, has deliberately pronounced them to be "heathen." _their_ "industry" is seen at the end of the lash--of "prosperity" they have none, for they cannot possess any thing that is an element of prosperity--their "happiness" they prove, by running away from their masters, whenever they think they can effect their escape. this is the condition of a large _majority_ of the people in south carolina, mississippi and louisiana. the "two races" exist in peace in mexico,--in all the former south american dependencies of spain, in antigua, in the bermudas, in canada, in massachusetts, in vermont, in fine, in every country where they enjoy _legal equality_. it is the _denial_ of this that produces discontent. men will never be satisfied without it. let the slaveholders consult the irreversible laws of the human mind--make a full concession of right to those from whom they have withheld it, and they will be blessed with a peace, political, social, moral, beyond their present conceptions; without such concessions they never can possess it. a system that cannot withstand the assaults of truth--that replies to arguments with threats--that cannot be "talked about"--that flourishes in secrecy and darkness, and dies when brought forth into the light and examined, must in this time of inexorable scrutiny and relentless agitation, be a dangerous one. if _justice_ be done, all necessity for the extirpation of any part of the people will at once be removed. baptisms _of blood_ are seen only when humanity has failed in her offices, and the suffering discern hope only in the brute efforts of despair. mr. elmore is doubtless well versed in general history. to his vigorous declamation, i reply by asking, if he can produce from the history of our race a single instance, where emancipation, full and immediate, has been followed, as a legitimate consequence, by insurrection or bloodshed. i may go further, and ask him for a well authenticated instance, where an emancipated slave, singly has imbrued his hands in his master's blood. the first record of such an act in modern times, is yet to be made. mr. elmore says "the white inhabitants in the slave states should be informed of the full length and breadth and depth of this storm which is gathering over their heads, before it breaks in its desolating fury." in this sentiment there is not a reasonable man in the country, be he abolitionist or not, who will not coincide with him. we rejoice at the evidence we here have, in a gentleman of the influence and intelligence of mr. elmore, of the returning sanity of the south. how wildly and mischievously has she been heretofore misled! whilst the governors of virginia, alabama, tennessee and arkansas, have been repelling offers, made in respectful terms, of the fullest and most authentic accounts of our movements; and whilst governor butler of south carolina, has not only followed the example of his gubernatorial brethren just named, but is found corresponding with an obscure culprit in massachusetts--bribing him with a few dollars, the sum he demanded for his fraudulent promise to aid in thwarting the abolitionists[a]; whilst too, mr. calhoun has been willing to pass laws to shut out from his constituents and the south generally information that concerned them more nearly than all others--we now have it from the highest source, from one selected by a state delegation as its _representative_ in a general committee of the whole slaveholding delegations, that the south ought to be "_informed of the full length and breadth and depth_" of the measures, intentions, &c, of the abolitionists. at this there is not an abolitionist who will not rejoice. we ask for nothing but access to the popular mind of the south. we feel full confidence in the eternal rectitude of our principles, and of their reception at the south, when once they are understood. let the conflict come, let the truth of liberty fairly enter the lists with the error of slavery, and we have not a doubt of a glorious triumph. [footnote a: appendix h.] may we not, after this, expect the aid of mr. elmore and others of equal distinction in the south, in giving to their fellow-citizens the information that we have always believed, and that they now acknowledge, to be so, important to them? _may , _. james g. birney.] appendix. * * * * * appendix a. extract from an article addressed to the editor of the christian register and observer, signed w.e.c.--attributed to the rev. dr. channing. "speaking of slavery, i wish to recommend to your readers a book just from the press, entitled 'emancipation in the west indies,' and written by j. a. thome and j.h. kimball, who had visited those islands to inquire into the great experiment now going on there. i regard it as the most important work which has appeared among us for years. no man, without reading it, should undertake to pass judgment on emancipation. it is something more than a report of the observation and opinions of the writers. it consists, chiefly, of the opinions, conversations, letters, and other documents of the very inhabitants of the islands whose judgments are most trust-worthy; of the governors, special magistrates, police officers, managers, attorneys, physicians, &c; and, in most cases, the names of these individuals are given, so that we have the strongest evidence of the correctness of the work. the results of this great experiment surpass what the most sanguine could have hoped. it is hardly possible that the trial could have been made under more unfavorable circumstances. the planters on all the islands were opposed to the act of emancipation, and, in most, exceedingly and fiercely hostile to it, and utterly indisposed to give it the best chance of success. the disproportion of the colored race to the whites was fearfully great, being that of seven or eight to one; whilst, in our slaveholding states, the whites outnumber the colored people. the slaves of the west indies were less civilized than ours, and less fit to be trusted with their own support. another great evil was, that the proprietors, to a considerable extent, were absentees; residing in england, and leaving the care of their estates and slaves to managers and owners; the last people for such a trust, and utterly unfit to carry the wretched victims of their tyranny through the solemn transition from slavery to freedom. to complete the unhappy circumstances under which the experiment began, the act of emancipation was passed by a distant government, having no intimate knowledge of the subject; and the consequence was, that a system of 'apprenticeship,' as it was called, was adopted, so absurd, and betraying such ignorance of the principles of human nature, that, did we not know otherwise, we might suspect its author of intending to produce a failure. it was to witness the results of an experiment promising so little good, that our authors visited three islands, particularly worthy of examination--antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica. our authors went first to antigua, an island which had been wise enough to foresee the mischiefs of the proposed apprenticeship, and had substituted for it immediate and unqualified emancipation. the report given of this island is most cheering. it is, indeed, one of the brightest records in history. the account, beginning page , of the transition from slavery to freedom, can hardly be read by a man of ordinary sensibility without a thrill of tender and holy joy. why is it not published in all our newspapers as among the most interesting events of our age? from the accounts of antigua, it appears that immediate emancipation has produced only good. its fruits are, greater security, the removal of the fears which accompany slavery, better and cheaper cultivation of the soil, increased value of real estate, improved morals, more frequent marriages, and fewer crimes. _the people proclaim, with one voice, that emancipation is a blessing, and that nothing would tempt than to revert to slavery._ our authors proceeded next to barbadoes, where the apprenticeship system is in operation; and if any proof were needed of the docility and good dispositions of the negroes, it would be found in their acquiescence to so wonderful a degree in this unhappy arrangement. the planters on this island have been more disposed, than could have been anticipated, to make the best of this system, and here, accordingly, the same fruits of the act of emancipation are found as in antigua, though less abundant; and a very general and strong conviction prevails of the happiness of the change. in jamaica, apprenticeship manifests its worst tendencies. the planters of this island were, from first to last, furious in their hostility to the act of emancipation; and the effort seems to have been, to make the apprenticeship bear as heavily as possible on the colored people; so that, instead of preparing them for complete emancipation, it has rather unfitted them for this boon. still, under all these disadvantages, there is strong reason for expecting, that emancipation, when it shall come, will prove a great good. at any rate, it is hardly possible for the slaves to fall into a more deplorable condition, than that in which this interposition of parliament found them. the degree of success which has attended this experiment in the west indies, under such unfavorable auspices, makes us sure, that emancipation in this country, accorded by the good will of the masters, would be attended with the happiest effects. one thing is plain, that it would be perfectly _safe_. never were the west indies so peaceful and secure as since emancipation. so far from general massacre and insurrection, not an instance is recorded or intimated of violence of any kind being offered to a white man. our authors were continually met by assurances of security on the part of the planters, so that, in this respect at least, emancipation has been unspeakable gain. the only obstacle to emancipation is, therefore, removed; for nothing but well grounded fears of violence and crime can authorize a man to encroach one moment on another's freedom. the subject of this book is of great interest at the present moment. slavery, in the abstract, has been thoroughly discussed among us. we all agree that it is a great wrong. not a voice is here lifted up in defence of the system, when viewed in a general light. we only differ when we come to apply our principles to a particular case. the only question is, whether the southern states can abolish slavery consistently with the public safety, order, and peace? many, very many well disposed people, both at the north and south, are possessed with vague fears of massacre and universal misrule, as the consequences of emancipation. such ought to inquire into the ground of their alarm. they are bound to listen to the voice of _facts_, and such are given in this book. none of us have a right to make up our minds without inquiry, or to rest in opinions adopted indolently and without thought. it is a great crime to doom millions of our race to brutal degradation, on the ground of unreasonable fears. the power of public opinion is here irresistible, and to this power every man contributes something; so that every man, by his spirit and language, helps to loosen or rivet the chains of the slave." * * * * * the following sentiments are expressed by governor everett, of massachusetts, in a letter to edmund quincy, esq., dated "boston, april , . dear sir,--i have your favor of the st, accompanied with the volume containing the account of the tour of messrs. thome and kimball in the west indies, for which you will be pleased to accept my thanks. i have perused this highly interesting narrative with the greatest satisfaction. from the moment of the passage of the law, making provision for the immediate or prospective abolition of slavery in the british colonial possessions, i have looked with the deepest solicitude for tidings of its operation. the success of the measure, as it seemed to me, would afford a better hope than had before existed, that a like blessing might be enjoyed by those portions of the united states where slavery prevails. the only ground on which i had been accustomed to hear the continuance of slavery defended at the south, was that of necessity, and the impossibility of abolishing it without producing consequences of the most disastrous character to both parties. the passage of a law providing for the emancipation of nearly a million of slaves in the british colonies, seemed to afford full opportunity of bringing this momentous question to the decisive test of experience. _if the result proved satisfactory, i have never doubted that it would seal the fate of slavery throughout the civilised world_. as far as the observations of messrs. thome and kimball extended, the result is of the most gratifying character. it appears to place beyond a doubt, that the experiment of immediate emancipation, adopted by the colonial legislature of antigua, has fully succeeded in that island; and the plan of apprenticeship in other portions of the west indies, as well as could have been expected from the obvious inherent vices of that measure. _it has given me new views of the practicability of emancipation_. it has been effected in antigua, as appears from unquestionable authorities contained in the work of messrs. thome and kimball, not merely _without danger_ to the master, but without any sacrifice of his _interest_. i cannot but think that the information collected in the volume will have a powerful effect on public opinion, not only in the northern states, but in the slaveholding states." governor ellsworth, of connecticut, writes thus to a.f. williams, esq., of this city:-- "new haven, _may_ , . my dear sir,--just before i left home, i received from you the journal of thome and kimball, for which token of friendship i intended to have made you my acknowledgments before this; but i wished first to read the book. as far as time would permit, i have gone over most of its pages; and let me assure you, it is justly calculated to produce great effects, provided you can once get it into the hands of the planters. convince _them_ that their interests, as well as their security, will be advanced by employing free blacks, and emancipation will be accomplished without difficulty or delay. i have looked with great interest at the startling measure of emancipation in antigua; but if this book is correct, the question is settled as to that island beyond a doubt, since there is such accumulated testimony from all classes, that the business and real estate of the island have advanced, by reason of the emancipation, one fourth, at least, in value; while personal security, without military force, is felt by the former masters, and contentment, industry, and gratitude, are seen in those who were slaves. the great moral example of england, in abolishing slavery in the west indies, will produce a revolution on this subject throughout the world, and put down slavery in every christian country. with sentiments of high esteem, &c, w. w. ellsworth." * * * * * appendix b. a short time previous to the late election in rhode island for governor and lieutenant-governor, a letter was addressed to each of the candidates for those offices by mr. johnson, corresponding secretary of the rhode island anti-slavery society, embodying the views of the abolitionists on the several subjects it embraced, in a series of queries. their purport will appear from the answer of mr. sprague, (who was elected governor,) given below. the answer of mr. childs (elected lieutenant-governor) is fully as direct as that of governor sprague. "warwick, _march , _. dear sir,--your favor of the th inst. requesting of me, in conformity to a resolution of the executive committee of the rhode island anti-slavery society, an expression of my opinions on certain topics, was duly received. i have no motive whatever for withholding my opinions on any subject which is interesting to any portion of my fellow-citizens. i will, therefore, cheerfully proceed to reply to the interrogatories proposed, and in the order in which they are submitted. . among the powers vested by the constitution in congress, is the power to exercise exclusive legislation, 'in all cases whatsoever,' over the district of columbia? 'all cases' must, of course, include the _case_ of slavery and the slave-trade. i am, therefore, clearly of opinion, that the constitution does confer upon congress the power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in that district; and, as they are great moral and political evils, the principles of justice and humanity demand the exercise of that power. . the traffic in slaves, whether foreign or domestic, is equally obnoxious to every principle of justice and humanity; and, as congress has exercised its powers to suppress the slave-trade between this country and foreign nations, it ought, as a matter of consistency and justice, to exercise the same powers to suppress the slave-trade between the states of this union. the slave-trade within the states is, undoubtedly, beyond the control of congress; as the 'sovereignty of each state, to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery, which is tolerated within its limits,' is, i believe, universally conceded. the constitution unquestionably recognises the sovereign power of each state to legislate on the subject within its limits; but it imposes on us no obligation to add to the evils of the system by countenancing the traffic between the states. that which our laws have solemnly pronounced to be piracy in our foreign intercourse, no sophistry can make honorable or justifiable in a domestic form. for a proof of the feelings which this traffic naturally inspires, we need but refer to the universal execration in which the slave-dealer is held in those portions of the country where the institution of slavery is guarded with the most jealous vigilance. . congress has no power to abridge the right of petition. the right of the people of the non-slaveholding states to petition congress for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade in the district of columbia, and the traffic of human beings among the states, is as undoubted as any right guarantied by the constitution; and i regard the resolution which was adopted by the house of representatives on the st of december last as a virtual denial of that right, inasmuch as it disposed of all such petitions, as might be presented thereafter, in advance of presentation and reception. if it was right thus to dispose of petitions on _one_ subject, it would be equally right to dispose of them in the same manner on _all_ subjects, and thus cut of all communication, by petition between the people and their representatives. nothing can be more clearly a violation of the spirit of the constitution, as it rendered utterly nugatory a right which was considered of such vast importance as to be specially guarantied in that sacred instrument. a similar resolution passed the house of representatives at the first session of the last congress, and as i then entertained the same views which i have now expressed, i recorded my vote against it. . i fully concur in the sentiment, that 'every principle of justice and humanity requires, that every human being, when personal freedom is at stake, should have the benefit of a jury trial;' and i have no hesitation in saying, that the laws of this state ought to secure that benefit, so far as they can, to persons claimed as fugitives from 'service or labor,' without interfering with the laws of the united states. the course pursued in relation to this subject by the legislature of massachusetts meets my approbation. . i am opposed to all attempts to abridge or restrain the freedom of speech and the press, or to forbid any portion of the people peaceably to assemble to discuss any subject--moral, political, or religious. . i am opposed to the annexation of texas to the united states. . it is undoubtedly inconsistent with the principles of a free state, professing to be governed in its legislation by the principles of freedom, to sanction slavery, in any form, within its jurisdiction. if we have laws in this state which bear this construction, they ought to be repealed. we should extend to our southern brethren, whenever they may have occasion to come among us, all the privileges and immunities enjoyed by our own citizens, and all the rights and privileges guarantied to them by the constitution of the united states; but they cannot expect of us to depart from the fundamental principles of civil liberty for the purpose of obviating any temporal inconvenience which they may experience. these are my views upon the topics proposed for my consideration. they are the views which i have always entertained, (at least ever since i have been awakened to their vast importance,) and which i have always supported, so far as i could, by my vote in congress; and if, in any respect, my answers have not been sufficiently explicit, it will afford me pleasure to reply to any other questions which you may think proper to propose. i am, sir, very respectfully, your friend and fellow citizen, william sprague." oliver johnson, esq., cor. sec. r.i.a.s. society. appendix c. the abolitionists in connecticut petitioned the legislature of that state at its late session on several subjects deemed by them proper for legislative action. in answer to these petitions-- . the law known as the "black act" or the "canterbury law"--under which miss crandall was indicted and tried--was repealed, except a single provision, which is not considered objectionable. . the right to _trial by jury_ was secured to persons who are claimed as slaves. . resolutions were passed asserting the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and recommending that it be done as soon as it can be, "consistently with the _best good_ of the _whole country_."(!) . resolutions were passed protesting against the annexation of texas to the union. . resolutions were passed asserting the right of petition as inalienable--condemning mr. patton's resolution of dec. , as an invasion of the rights of the people, and calling on the connecticut delegation in congress to use their efforts to have the same rescinded. * * * * * appendix d. in the year there were but , , pounds of cotton produced in the united states, and but , exported. cotton never could have become an article of much commercial importance under the old method of preparing it for market. by hand-picking, or by a process strictly _manual_, a cultivator could not prepare for market, during the year, more than from to pounds; being only about one-tenth of what he could cultivate to maturity in the field. in ' mr. whitney invented the cotton-gin now in use, by which the labor of at least _one thousand_ hands under the old system, is performed by _one_, in preparing the crop for market. seven years after the invention ( ) , , pounds were raised, and , , exported. in , , , were raised-- , , exported. such was the effect of mr. whitney's invention. it gave, at once, extraordinary value to the _land_ in that part of the country where alone cotton could be raised; and to _slaves_, because it was the general, the almost universal, impression that the cultivation of the south could be carried on only by slaves. there being no _free_ state in the south, competition between free and slave labor never could exist on a scale sufficiently extensive to prove the superiority of the former in the production of cotton, and in the preparation of it for market. thus, it has happened that mr. whitney has been the innocent occasion of giving to slavery in this country its present importance--of magnifying it into the great interest to which all others must yield. how he was rewarded by the south--especially by the planters of georgia--the reader may see by consulting silliman's journal for january, , and the encyclopedia americana, article, whitney. * * * * * appendix e. it is impossible, of course, to pronounce with precision, how great would have been the effect in favor of emancipation, if the effort to resist the admission of missouri as a slaveholding state had been successful. we can only conjecture what it would have been, by the effect its admission has had in fostering slavery up to its present huge growth and pretensions. if the american people had shown, through their national legislature, a _sincere_ opposition to slavery by the rejection of missouri, it is probable at least--late as it was--that the early expiration of the 'system' would, by this time, have been discerned by all men. when the constitution was formed, the state of public sentiment even in the south--with the exception of south carolina and georgia, was favorable to emancipation. under the influence of this public sentiment was the constitution formed. no person at all versed in constitutional or legal interpretation--with his judgment unaffected by interest or any of the prejudices to which the existing controversy has given birth--could, it is thought, construe the constitution, _in its letter_, as intending to perpetuate slavery. to come to such a conclusion with a full knowledge of what was the mind of this nation in regard to slavery, when that instrument was made, demonstrates a moral or intellectual flaw that makes all reasoning useless. although it is a fact beyond controversy in our history, that the power conferred by the constitution on congress to "regulate commerce with foreign nations" was known to include the power of abolishing the african slave-trade--and that it was expected that congress, at the end of the period for which the exercise of that power on this particular subject was restrained, would use it (as it did) _with a view to the influence that the cutting off of that traffic would have on the "system" in this country_--yet, such has been the influence of the action of congress on all matters with which slavery has been mingled--more especially on the missouri question, in which slavery was the sole interest--that an impression has been produced on the popular mind, that the constitution of the united states _guaranties_, and consequently _perpetuates_, slavery to the south. most artfully, incessantly, and powerfully, has this lamentable error been harped on by the slaveholders, and by their advocates in the free states. the impression of _constitutional favor_ to the slaveholders would, of itself, naturally create for them an undue and disproportionate influence in the control of the government; but when to this is added the arrogance that the possession of irresponsible power almost invariably engenders in its possessors--their overreaching assumptions--the contempt that the slaveholders entertain for the great body of the _people_ of the north, it has almost delivered over the government, bound neck and heels, into the hands of slaveholding politicians--to be bound still more rigorously, or unloosed, as may seem well in their discretion. who can doubt that, as a nation, we should have been more honorable and influential abroad--more prosperous and united at home--if kentucky, at the very outset of this matter, had been refused admission to the union until she had expunged from her constitution the covenant with oppression? she would not have remained out of the union a single year on that account. if the worship of liberty had not been exchanged for that of power--if her principles had been successfully maintained in this first assault, their triumph in every other would have been easy. we should not have had a state less in the confederacy, and slavery would have been seen, at this time, shrunk up to the most contemptible dimensions, if it had not vanished entirely away. but we have furnished another instance to be added to the long and melancholy list already existing, to prove that,-- "facilis descensus averni, sed revocare gradum hoc opus hic labor est," if _poetry_ is not _fiction_. success in the missouri struggle--late as it was--would have placed the cause of freedom in our country out of the reach of danger from its inexorable foe. the principles of liberty would have struck deeper root in the free states, and have derived fresh vigor from such a triumph. if these principles had been honored by the government from that period to the present, (as they would have been, had the free states, even then, assumed their just preponderance in its administration,) we should now have, in missouri herself, a healthful and vigorous ally in the cause of freedom; and, in arkansas, a free people--_twice_ her present numbers--pressing on the confines of slavery, and summoning the keepers of the southern charnel-house to open its doors, that its inmates might walk forth, in a glorious resurrection to liberty and life. although young, as a people, we should be, among the nations, venerable for our virtue; and we should exercise an influence on the civilized and commercial world that we most despair of possessing, as long as we remain vulnerable to every shaft that malice, or satire, or philanthropy may find it convenient to hurl against us.[a] [footnote a: a comic piece--the production of one of the most popular of the french writers in his way--had possession of the paris stage last winter. when one of the personages separates husband and wife, he cries out, "bravo! this is the declaration of independence of the united states!" [bravo! c'est la declaration d'independence des etats unis.] one of our distinguished college-professors, lately on a tour in europe, had his attention called, while passing along the street of a german city, to the pictorial representation of a white man scourging a supplicating colored female, with this allusion underwritten:--"a specimen of equality--from republican america." truly might our countryman have exclaimed in the language, if not with the generous emotions of the trojan hero, when he beheld the noble deeds of his countrymen pencilled in a strange land-- --"quis jam locus-- quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris?" ] instead of being thus seated on a "heaven-kissing hill," and seen of all in its pure radiance; instead of enjoying its delightful airs, and imparting to them the healthful savor of justice, truth, mercy, magnanimity, see what a picture we present;--our cannibal burnings of human beings--our lynch courts--our lawless scourgings and capital executions, not only of slaves, but of freemen--our demoniac mobs raging through the streets of our cities and large towns at midday as well as at midnight, shedding innocent blood, devastating property, and applying the incendiaries' torch to edifices erected and dedicated to free discussion--the known friends of order, of law, of liberty, of the constitution--citizens, distinguished for their worth at home, and reflecting honor on their country abroad, shut out from more than half our territory, or visiting it at the hazard of their lives, or of the most degrading and painful personal inflictions--freedom of speech and of the press overthrown and hooted at--the right of petition struck down in congress, where, above all places, it ought to have been maintained to the last--the people mocked at, and attempted to be gagged by their own servants--the time the office-honored veteran, who fearlessly contended for the _right_, publicly menaced for words spoken in his place as a representative of the people, with an indictment by a slaveholding grand jury--in fine, the great principles of government asserted by our fathers in the declaration of independence, and embodied in our constitution, with which they won for us the sympathy, the admiration of the world--all forgotten, dishonoured, despised, trodden under foot! and this for slavery!! horrible catalogue!--yet by no means a complete one--for so young a nation, boasting itself, too, to be the freest on earth! it is the ripe fruit of that _chef d'oeuvre_ of political skill and patriotic achievement--the missouri compromise. another such compromise--or any compromise now with slavery--and the nation is undone. appendix f. the following is believed to be a correct exhibit of the legislative resolutions against the annexation of texas--of the times at which they were passed, and of the _votes_ by which they were passed:-- . vermont. " . _resolved, by the senate and house of representatives_, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to use their influence in that body to prevent the annexation of texas to the union. . _resolved_, that representing, as we do, the people of vermont, we do hereby, in their name, solemnly protest against such annexation in any form." [passed unanimously, nov. , .] . rhode island. (_in general assembly, october session, a. d. _.) "whereas the compact of the union between these states was entered into by the people thereof in their respective states, 'in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity;' and, therefore, a representative government was instituted by them, with certain limited powers, clearly specified and defined in the constitution--all other powers, not therein expressly relinquished, being 'reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.' and whereas this limited government possesses no power to extend its jurisdiction over any foreign nation, and no foreign nation, country, or people, can be admitted into this union but by the sovereign will and act of the free people of all and each of these united states, nor without the formation of a new compact of union--and another frame of government radically different, in objects, principles, and powers, from that which was framed for our own self-government, and deemed to be adequate to all the exigencies of our own free republic:-- therefore, resolved, that we have witnessed, with deep concern, the indications of a disposition to bring into this union, as a constituent member thereof, the foreign province or territory of texas. resolved, that, although we are fully aware of the consequences which must follow the accomplishment of such a project, could it be accomplished--aware that it would lead speedily to the conquest and annexation of mexico itself, and its fourteen remaining provinces or intendencies--which, together with the revolted province of texas, would furnish foreign territories and foreign people for at least twenty members of the new union; that the government of a nation so extended and so constructed would soon become radically [changed] in character, if not in form--would unavoidably become a military government; and, under the plea of necessity, would free itself from the restraints of the constitution and from its accountability to the people. that the ties of kindred, common origin and common interests, which have so long bound this people together, and would still continue to bind them: these ties, which ought to be held sacred by all true americans, would be angrily dissolved, and sectional political combinations would be formed with the newly admitted foreign states, unnatural and adverse to the peace and prosperity of the country. the civil government, with all the arbitrary powers it might assume, would be unable to control the storm. the usurper would find himself in his proper element; and, after acting the patriot and the hero for a due season, as the only means of rescuing the country from the ruin which he had chiefly contributed to bring upon it, would reluctantly and modestly allow himself to be declared 'protector of the commonwealth.' we are now fully aware of the deep degradation into which the republic would sink itself in the eyes of the whole world, should it annex to its own vast territories other and foreign territories of immense though unknown extent, for the purpose of encouraging the propagation of slavery, and giving aid to the raising of slaves within its own bosom, the very bosom of freedom, to be esported and sold in those unhallowed regions. although we are fully aware of these fearful evils, and numberless others which would come in their train, yet we do not here dwell upon them; because we are here firmly convinced that the free people of most, and we trust of all these states, will never suffer the admission of the foreign territory of texas into this union as a constituent member thereof--will never suffer the integrity of this republic to be violated, either by the introduction and addition to it of foreign nations or territories, one or many, or by dismemberment of it by the transfer of any one or more of its members to a foreign nation. the people will be aware, that should one foreign state or country be introduced, another and another may be, without end, whether situated in south america, in the west india islands, or in any other part of the world; and that a single foreign state, thus admitted, might have in its power, by holding the balance between contending parties, to wrest their own government from the hands and control of the people, by whom it was established for their own benefit and self-government. we are firmly convinced, that the free people of these states will look upon any attempt to introduce the foreign territory of texas, or any other foreign territory or nation into this union, as a constituent member or members thereof, as manifesting a willingness to prostrate the constitution and dissolve the union. resolved, that his excellency, the governor, be requested to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our senators and representatives in congress, and to each of the executives of the several states, with a request that the same may be laid before the respective legislatures of said states." [the preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted, nov. , .] . ohio. "_resolved, by the general assembly of the state of ohio_, that in the name, and on behalf of the people of the state of ohio, we do hereby solemnly protest against the annexation of texas to the union of these united states. _and be it further resolved_, that the governor be requested to transmit to each of our senators and representatives in congress, and to the governors of each of the states, a copy of the foregoing resolution, with a statement of the votes by which it was passed in each branch of the legislature." [passed by out of , the whole number in the house of representatives--unanomously in the senate. feb. , .] . massachusetts. "resolves against the annexation of texas to the united states. whereas a proposition to admit into the united states as a constituent member thereof, the foreign nation of texas, has been recommended by the legislative resolutions of several states, and brought before congress for its approval and sanction; and whereas such a measure would involve great wrong to mexico, and otherwise be of evil precedent, injurious to the interests and dishonorable to the character of this country; and whereas its avowed objects are doubly fraught with peril to the prosperity and permanence of this union, as tending to disturb and destroy the conditions of those compromises and concessions, entered into at the formation of the constitution, by which the relative weights of different sections and interests were adjusted, and to strengthen and extend the evils of a system which is unjust in itself, in striking contrast with the theory of our institutions, and condemned by the moral sentiment of mankind; and whereas the people of these united states have not granted to any or all of the departments of their government, but have retained in themselves, the only power adequate to the admission of a foreign nation into this confederacy; therefore, _resolved_, that we, the senate and house of representatives, in general court assembled, do in the name of the people of massachusetts, earnestly and solemnly protest against the incorporation of texas into this union, and declare, that no act done or compact made, for such purpose by the government of the united states, will be binding on the states or the people. _resolved_, that his excellency the governor be requested to forward a copy of these resolutions and the accompanying report to the executive of the united states, and the executive of each state and also to each of our senators and representatives in congress, with a request that they present the resolves to both houses of congress." [passed march , , unanimously, in both houses.] * * * * * . michigan. whereas, propositions have been made for the annexation of texas to the united states, with a view to its ultimate incorporation into the union: "and whereas, the extension of this general government over so large a country on the south-west, between which and that of the original states, there is little affinity, and less identity of interest, would tend, in the opinion of this legislature, greatly to disturb the safe and harmonious operations of the government of the united states, and put in imminent danger the continuance of this happy union: therefore, _be it resolved, by the senate and house of representatives of the state of michigan_, that in behalf, and in the name of the state of michigan, this legislature doth hereby dissent from, and solemnly protest against the annexation, for any purpose, to this union, of texas, or of any other territory or district of country, heretofore constituting a part of the dominions of spain in america, lying west or south-west of louisiana. and be it further resolved, by the authority aforesaid, that the governor of this state be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolve, under the great seal of this state, to the president of the united states; also, that he transmit one copy thereof, authenticated in manner aforesaid, to the president of the senate of the united states, with the respectful request of this legislature, that the same may be laid before the senate; also, that he transmit one copy thereof to the speaker of the house of representatives of the united states, authenticated in like manner, with the respectful request of this legislature, that the same may be laid before the house of representatives; and also, that he transmit to each of our senators and representatives in congress, one copy thereof, together with the report adopted by this legislature, and which accompanies said preamble and resolves." [passed nearly if not quite unanimously, april , ]. * * * * * . connecticut. "_resolved_, that we, the senate and house of representatives in general assembly convened, do, in the name of the people of this state, solemnly _protest_ against the annexation of texas to this union." [passed, it is believed, unanimously in both houses.] * * * * * (those which follow were passed by but one branch of the respective legislatures in which they were introduced.) . pennsylvania. _resolutions relative to the admission of texas into the union._ "_whereas_ the annexation of texas to the united states has been advocated and strongly urged by many of our fellow-citizens, particularly in the southern part of our country, and the president of texas has received authority to open a correspondence with, and appoint, a commissioner to our government to accomplish the object;--_and whereas_ such a measure would bring to us a dangerous extension of territory, with a population generally not desirable, and would probably involve us in war;--_and whereas_ the subject is now pressed upon and agitated in congress; therefore, _resolved_, &c, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to use their influence and vote against the annexation of texas to the territory of the united states. _resolved_, that the governor transmit to each of our senators and representatives a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions." [passed the senate march , , by to . postponed indefinitely in the house of representatives, april , by to .] * * * * * . maine. "_resolved_, that the legislature of the state of maine, on behalf of the people of said state, do earnestly and solemnly protest against the annexation of the republic of texas to these united states; and that our senators and representatives in congress be, and they hereby are, requested to exert their utmost influence to prevent the adoption of a measure at once so clearly unconstitutional, and so directly calculated to disturb our foreign relations, to destroy our domestic peace, and to dismember our blessed union." [passed in the house of representatives, march , , by to . senate (same day) refused to concur by to .] * * * * * . new-york. "_resolved_, (if the senate concur,) that the admission of the republic of texas into this union would be entirely repugnant to the will of the people of this state, and would endanger the union of these united states. _resolved_, (if the senate concur,) that this legislature do, in the name of the people of the state of new york, solemnly protest against the admission of the republic of texas into this union. _resolved_, (if the senate concur.) that his excellency the governor be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our senators and representatives in congress, and also to the governors of each of the united states, with a request that the same be laid before their respective legislatures." [these resolutions passed the house of representatives in april, by a large majority--the newspapers say, to . they were indefinitely postponed in the senate, by a vote of to .] * * * * * appendix g. the number of petitioners for abolition in the district of columbia, and on other subjects allied to it, have been ascertained (in the house of representatives) to be as follows:-- men. women. total. for abolition in the district, , , , against the annexation of texas, , , , rescinding the gag resolution, , , , against admitting any new slave state, , , , for abolition of the slave-trade between the states, , , , for abolition of slavery in the territories, , , , at the extra session for rescinding the gag resolution of jan. , , , , ---------------------------- total, , , , the number in the senate, where some difficulty was interposed that prevented its being taken, is estimated to have been about two-thirds as great as that in the house. * * * * * appendix h. [on the st of december, one of the secretaries of the american anti-slavery society addressed a note to each of the governors of the slave states, in which he informed them, in courteous and respectful terms, that he had directed the publishing agent of this society, thereafter regularly to transmit to them, free of charge, the periodical publications issued from the office of the society. to this offer the following replies were received:--] governor campbell's letter. james g. birney, esq., _new york_ "richmond, _dec. , _. sir,--i received, by yesterday's mail, your letter of the st instant, in which you state that you had directed the publishing agent of the american anti-slavery society, hereafter, regularly to transmit, free of charge, by mail, to all the governors of the slave states, the periodical publications issued from that office. regarding your society as highly mischievous, i decline receiving any communications from it, and must request that no publications from your office be transmitted to me. i am, &c, david campbell." * * * * * governor bagby's letter. "tuscaloosa, _jan. , _ sir,--i received, by due course of mail, your favor of the st of december, informing me that you had directed the publishing agent of the american anti-slavery society to forward to the governors of the slaveholding states the periodicals issued from that office. taking it for granted, that the only object which the society or yourself could have in view, in adopting this course, is, the dissemination of the opinions and principles of the society--having made up my own opinion, unalterably, in relation to the whole question of slavery, as it exists in a portion of the united states, and feeling confident that, in the correctness of this opinion, i am sustained by the entire free white population of alabama, as well as the great body of the people of this union, i must, with the greatest respect for yourself, personally but not for the opinions or principles advocated by the society--positively decline receiving said publications, or any others of a similar character, either personally or officially. indeed, it is presuming a little too much, to expect that the chief magistrate of a free people, elected by themselves, would hold correspondence or give currency to the publications of an organized society, openly engaged in a scheme fraught with more mischievous consequences to their interest and repose, than any that the wit or folly of mankind has heretofore devised. i am, very respectfully, your ob't servant, a.p. bagby" james g. birney, _esq., new york_. * * * * * governor cannon's letter. [this letter required so many alterations to bring it up to the ordinary standard of epistolary, grammatical, and orthographical accuracy, that it is thought best to give it in _word_ and _letter_, precisely as it was received at the office.] "executive dept.-- nashville. _dec. th, _. sir i have rec'd yours of the st inst notifying me, that you had directed, your periodical publications, on the subject of slavery to be sent to me free of charge &c--and you are correct, if sincere, in your views, in supposing that we widely differ, on this subject, we do indeed widely differ, on it, if the publications said to have emanated from you, are honest and sincere, which, i admit, is possible. my opinions are fix'd and settled, and i seldom look into or examine, the, different vague notions of others who write and theorise on that subject. hence i trust you will not expect me to examine, what you have printed on this subject, or cause to have printed. if you or any other man are influenced by feelings of humanity, and are laboring to relieve the sufferings, of the human race, you may find objects enough immediately around you, where you are, in any nonslaveholding state, to engage your, attention, and all your exertions, in that good cause. but if your aim is to make a flourish on the subject, before the world, and to gain yourself some notoriety, or distinction, without, doing good to any, and evil to many, of the human race, you are, pursuing the course calculated to effect. such an object, in which no honest man need envy. your honours, thus gaind, i know there are many such in our country, but would fain hope, you are not one of them. if you have lived, as you state forty years in a slave holding state, you know that, that class of its population, are not the most, miserable, degraded, or unhappy, either in their feelings or habits, you know they are generally governd, and provided for by men of information and understanding sufficient to guard them against the most, odious vices, and hibets of the country, from which, you know the slaves are in a far greater degree, exempt than, are other portions of the population. that the slaves are the most happy, moral and contented generally, and free from suffering of any kind, having, each full confidence, in his masters, skill means and disposition to provide well for him, knowing also at the same time that _it is his interest to do it_. hence in this state of society more than any other, superior intelligence has the ascendency, in governing and provideing, for the wants of those inferior, also in giveing direction to their labour, and industry, as should be the case, superior intelligence should govern, when united with virtue, and interest, that great predominating principle in all human affairs. it is my rule of life, when i see any man labouring to produce effects, at a distance from him, while neglecting the objects immediately around him, (in doing good) to suspect his sincerity, to suspect him for some selfish, or sinister motive, all is not gold that glitters, and every man is not what he, endeavours to appear to be, is too well known. it is the duty of masters to take care of there slaves and provide for them, and this duty i believe is as generally and as fully complyd with as any other duty enjoind on the human family, for next to their children their own offspring, their slaves stand next foremost in their care and attention, there are indeed very few instances of a contrary character. you can find around you, i doubt not a large number of persons intemix'd, in your society, who are entirely destitute of that care, and attention, towards them that is enjoyed by our slaves, and who are destitute of that deep feeling of interest, in guarding their morals and habits, and directing them through life in all things, which is here enjoyd by our slaves, to those let your efforts be directed immediately around you and do not trouble with your vague speculations those who are contented and happy, at a distance from you. very respectfully yours, n. cannon." mr. jas. g. birney, _cor. sec._ &c. * * * * * [the letter of the secretary to the governor of south carolina was not _answered_, but was so inverted and folded as to present the _subscribed_ name of the secretary, as the _superscription_ of the same letter to be returned. the addition of _new york_ to the address brought it back to this office. whilst governor butler was thus refusing the information that was proffered to him in the most respectful terms from this office, he was engaged in another affair, having connection with the anti-slavery movement, as indiscreet, as it was unbecoming the dignity of the office he holds. the following account of it is from one of the boston papers:--] "_hoaxing a governor_.--the national aegis says, that hollis parker, who was sentenced to the state prison at the late term of the criminal court for worcester county, for endeavoring to extort money from governor everett, had opened an extensive correspondence, previous to his arrest, with similar intent, with other distinguished men of the country. besides several individuals in new york, governor butler, of south carolina, was honored with his notice. a letter from that gentleman, directed to parker, was lately received at the post office in a town near worcester, enclosing a check for fifty dollars. so far as the character of parker's letter can be inferred from the reply of governor butler, it would appear, that parker informed the governor, that the design was entertained by some of our citizens, of transmitting to south carolina a quantity of 'incendiary publications,' and that with the aid of a little money, he (parker) would be able to unravel the plot, and furnish full information concerning it to his excellency. the bait took, and the money was forwarded, with earnest appeals to parker to be vigilant and active in thoroughly investigating the supposed conspiracy against the peace and happiness of the south. the aegis has the following very just remarks touching this case:--'governor butler belongs to a state loud in its professions of regard for state rights and state sovereignty. we, also, are sincere advocates of that good old republican doctrine. it strikes us, that it would have comported better with the spirit of that doctrine, the dignity, of his own station and character, the respect and courtesy due to a sovereign and independent state, if governor butler had made the proper representation, if the subject was deserving of such notice, to the acknowledged head and constituted authorities of that state, instead of holding official correspondence with a citizen of a foreign jurisdiction, and employing a secret agent and informer, whose very offer of such service was proof of the base and irresponsible character of him who made it.'" * * * * * governor conway's letter. executive department, little rock, arkansas, _march_ , . sir--a newspaper, headed '_the emancipator_,' in which you are announced the 'publishing agent,' has, for some weeks past, arrived at the post office in this city, to my address. not having subscribed, or authorized any individual to give my name as a subscriber, for that or any such paper, it is entirely _gratuitous_ on the part of its publishers to send me a copy; and not having a favorable opinion of the _intentions_ of the _authors and founders_ of the '_american anti-slavery society_;' i have to request a discontinuance of '_the emancipator_.' your ob't servant, "j.s. conway." r. g. williams, esq., new york. * * * * * [note.--the following extract of a letter, from the late chief justice jay to the late venerable elias boudinot, dated nov. , , might well have formed part of appendix e. its existence, however, was not known till it was too late to insert it in its most appropriate place. it shows the view taken of some of the _constitutional_ questions by a distinguished jurist,--one of the purest patriots too, by whom our early history was illustrated.] "little can be added to what has been said and written on the subject of slavery. i concur in the opinion, that it ought not to be _introduced, nor permitted_ in any of the _new_ states; and that it ought to be gradually diminished, and finally, abolished, in all of them. to me, the _constitutional authority_ of the congress to prohibit the _migration_ and _importation_ of slaves into any of the states, does not appear questionable. the first article of the constitution specifics the legislative powers committed to congress. the ninth section of that article has these words:--'the _migration_ or _importation_ of such persons as any of the _now existing_ states shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year --but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding _ten dollars_ for each person.' i understand the sense and meaning of this clause to be, that the power of the congress, although _competent to prohibit such migration and importation_, was not to be exercised with respect to the then existing states, and _them only_, until the year ; but that congress were at liberty to make such prohibition as to any _new state_ which might in the _meantime_ be established. and further, that from and after _that_ period, they were authorized to make such prohibition as to _all the states, whether new or old_. slaves were the persons intended. the word slaves was avoided, on account of the existing toleration of slavery, and its discordancy with the principles of the revolution; and from a consciousness of its being repugnant to those propositions to the declaration of independence:--'we hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created equal--that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights--and that, among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'" * * * * * no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * letter of gerrit smith, to hon. henry clay. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. ----- . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheets.--postage, under miles, cts. over , cts. _please read and circulate_. letter. * * * * * peterboro, march , . hon. henry clay: dear sir, in the annual meeting of the american colonization society, held in the capitol in the city of washington, december, , you commented on a speech made by myself, the previous autumn. your objections to that speech formed the principal subject matter of your remarks. does not this fact somewhat mitigate the great presumption of which i feel myself guilty, in undertaking, all unhonored and humble as i am, to review the production of one of the most distinguished statesmen of the age? until the appearance of your celebrated speech on the subject of slavery, i had supposed that you cherished a sacred regard for the right of petition. i now find, that you value it no more highly than they do, who make open war upon it. indeed, you admit, that, in relation to this right, "there is no substantial difference between" them and yourself. instead of rebuking, you compliment them; and, in saying that "the majority of the senate" would not "violate the right of petition in any case, in which, according to its judgment, the object of the petition could be safely or properly granted," you show to what destructive conditions you subject this absolute right. your doctrine is, that in those cases, where the object of the petition is such, as the supplicated party can approve, previously to any discussion of its merits--there, and there only, exists the right of petition. for aught i see, you are no more to be regarded as the friend of this right, than is the conspicuous gentleman[a] who framed the report on that subject, which was presented to the senate of my state the last month. that gentleman admits the sacredness of "the right to petition on any subject;" and yet, in the same breath, he insists on the equal sacredness of the right to refuse to attend to a petition. he manifestly failed to bear in mind, that a right to petition implies the correlative right to be heard. how different are the statesmen, who insist "on the right to refuse to attend to a petition," from him, who says, "whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard." and who are poor, if it be not those for whom the abolitionists cry? they must even cry by proxy. for, in the language of john quincy adams, the champion of the right of petition, "the slave is not permitted to cry for mercy--to plead for pardon--to utter the shriek of perishing nature for relief." it may be well to remark, that the error, which i have pointed out in the report in question, lies in the premises of the principal argument of that paper; and that the correction of this error is necessarily attended with the destruction of the premises, and with the overthrow of the argument, which is built upon them. [footnote a: colonel young.] i surely need not stop to vindicate the right of petition. it is a natural right--one that human laws can guarantee, but can neither create nor destroy. it is an interesting fact, that the amendment to the federal constitution, which guarantees the right of petition, was opposed in the congress of as superfluous. it was argued, that this is "a self-evident, inalienable right, which the people possess," and that "it would never be called in question." what a change in fifty years! you deny the power of congress to abolish the inter-state traffic in human beings; and, inasmuch as you say, that the right "to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states," does not include the right to prohibit and destroy commerce; and, inasmuch as it is understood, that it was in virtue of the right to regulate commerce, that congress enacted laws to restrain our participation in the "african slave trade," you perhaps also deny, that congress had the power to enact such laws. the history of the times in which the federal constitution was framed and adopted, justifies the belief, that the clause of that instrument under consideration conveys the power, which congress exercised. for instance, governor randolph, when speaking in the virginia convention of , of the clause which declares, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year ," said, "this is an exception from the power of regulating commerce, and the restriction is to continue only till . then congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future importations." were i, however, to admit that the right "to regulate commerce," does not include the right to prohibit and destroy commerce, it nevertheless would not follow, that congress might not prohibit or destroy certain branches of commerce. it might need to do so, in order to preserve our general commerce with a state or nation. so large a proportion of the cloths of turkey might be fraught with the contagion of the plague, as to make it necessary for our government to forbid the importation of all cloths from that country, and thus totally destroy one branch of our commerce with it, to the end that the other branches might be preserved. no inconsiderable evidence that congress has the right to prohibit or destroy a branch of commerce, is to be found in the fact, that it has done so. from march, , to may, , it enacted several laws, which went to prohibit or destroy, and, in the end, did prohibit or destroy the trade of this country with africa in human beings. and, if congress has the power to pass embargo laws, has it not the power to prohibit or destroy commerce altogether? it is, however, wholly immaterial, whether congress could prohibit our participation in the "african slave trade," in virtue of the clause which empowers it "to regulate commerce." that the constitution does, in some one or more of its passages, convey the power, is manifest from the testimony of the constitution itself. the first clause of the ninth section says: "the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to they year ." now the implication in this clause of the existence of the power in question, is as conclusive, as would be the express and positive grant of it. you will observe, too, that the power of congress over "migration or importation," which this clause implies, is a power not merely to "regulate," as you define the word, but to "prohibit." it is clear, then, that congress had the power to interdict our trade in human beings with africa. but, in view of what has been said on that point--in view of the language of the federal constitution--of the proceedings of the convention, which framed it--and of the cotemporary public sentiment--is it any less clear, that congress has the power to interdict the inter-state traffic in human beings? there are some, who assert that the words "migration" and "importation," instead of referring, as i maintain they do--the former to the removal of slaves from state to state, and the latter to their introduction from africa--are used in the constitution as synonyms, and refer exclusively to the "african slave trade." but there is surely no ground for the imputation of such utter tautology, if we recollect that the constitution was written by scholars, and that remarkable pains were taken to clear it of all superfluous words--a committee having been appointed for that special purpose. but, it may be asked, why, in reference to the taking of slaves from one state to another, use the word "migration," which denotes voluntary removal? one answer is--that it can be used with as much propriety in that case, as in the removal of slaves from africa--the removal in the one case being no less involuntary than in the other. another answer is--that the framers of the constitution selected the word "migration," because of its congruity with that of "persons," under which their virtuous shame sought to conceal from posterity the existence of seven hundred thousand slaves amongst a people, who had but recently entered upon their national career, with the solemn declaration, that "all men are created equal." john jay, whose great celebrity is partly owing to his very able expositions of the constitution, says: "to me, the constitutional authority of the congress to prohibit the migration _and_ importation of slaves into any of the states, does not appear questionable." if the disjunctive between "migration" and "importation" in the constitution, argues their reference to the same thing, mr. jay's copulative argues more strongly, that, in his judgment, they refer to different things. the law of congress constituting the "territory of orleans," was enacted in . it fully recognizes the power of that body to prohibit the trade in slaves between a territory and the states. but, if congress had this power, why had it not as clear a power to prohibit, at that time, the trade in slaves between any two of the states? it might have prohibited it, but for the constitutional suspension of the exercise of the power. the term of that suspension closed, however, in ; and, since that year, congress has had as full power to abolish the whole slave trade between the states, as it had in to abolish the like trade between the territory of orleans and the states. but, notwithstanding the conclusive evidence, that the constitution empowers congress to abolish the inter-state slave trade, it is incomprehensible to many, that such states as virginia and maryland should have consented to deprive themselves of the benefit of selling their slaves into other states. it is incomprehensible, only because they look upon such states in the light of their present character and present interests. it will no longer be so, if they will bear in mind, that slave labor was then, as it is now, unprofitable for ordinary agriculture, and that whitney's cotton-gin, which gave great value to such labor, was not yet invented, and that the purchase of louisiana, which has had so great an effect to extend and perpetuate the dominion of slavery, was not yet made. it will no longer be incomprehensible to them, if they will recollect, that, at the period in question, american slavery was regarded as a rapidly decaying, if not already expiring institution. it will no longer be so, if they will recollect, how small was the price of slaves then, compared with their present value; and that, during the ten years, which followed the passage of the act of virginia in , legalizing manumissions, her citizens emancipated slaves to the number of nearly one-twentieth of the whole amount of her slaves in that year. to learn whether your native virginia clung in the year to the inter-state traffic in human flesh, we must take our post of observation, not amongst her degenerate sons, who, in , sold men, women, and children, to the amount of twenty-four millions of dollars--not amongst her president dews, who write books in favor of breeding human stock for exportation--but amongst her washingtons, and jeffersons, and henrys, and masons, who, at the period when the constitution was framed, freely expressed their abhorrence of slavery. but, however confident you may be, that congress has not the lawful power to abolish the branch of commerce in question; nevertheless, would the abolition of it be so clearly and grossly unconstitutional, as to justify the contempt with which the numerous petitions for the measure are treated, and the impeachment of their fidelity to the constitution, and of their patriotism and purity, which the petitioners are made to endure? i was about to take it for granted, that, although you deny the power of congress to abolish the inter-state traffic in human beings, you do not justify the traffic--when i recollected the intimation in your speech, that there is no such traffic. for, when you speak of "the slave trade between the states," and add--"or, as it is described in abolition petitions, the traffic in human beings between the states"--do you not intimate there is no such traffic? whence this language? do you not believe slaves are human beings? and do you not believe that they suffer under the disruption of the dearest earthly ties, as human beings suffer? i will not detain you to hear what we of the north think of this internal slave trade. but i will call your attention to what is thought of it in your own kentucky and in your native virginia. says the "address of the presbyterian synod of kentucky to the churches in :"--"brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are torn asunder, and permitted to see each other no more. those acts are daily occurring in the midst of us. the shrieks and the agony often witnessed on such occasions, proclaim with a trumpet tongue the iniquity and cruelty of the system. there is not a neighborhood where these heart-rending scenes are not displayed. there is not a village or road that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that their hearts hold dear." says thomas jefferson randolph, in the virginia legislature in , when speaking of this trade: "it is a practice, and an increasing practice, in parts of virginia, to rear slaves for market. how can an honourable mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for the market like oxen for the shambles. is it better--is it not worse than the (foreign) slave trade--that trade which enlisted the labor of the good and wise of every creed and every clime to abolish? the (foreign) trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect, and manner, from the merchant who has brought him from the interior. the ties of father, mother, husband, and child, have already been rent in twain; before he receives him, his soul has become callous. but here, sir, individuals whom the master has known from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood--who have been accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears from the mother's arms, and sells into a strange country--among strange people, subject to cruel taskmasters." you are in favor of increasing the number of slave states. the terms of the celebrated "missouri compromise" warrant, in your judgment, the increase. but, notwithstanding you admit, that this unholy compromise, in which tranquillity was purchased at the expense of humanity and righteousness, does not "in terms embrace the case," and "is not absolutely binding and obligatory;" you, nevertheless, make no attempt whatever to do away any one of the conclusive objections, which are urged against such increase. you do not attempt to show how the multiplication of slave states can consist with the constitutional duty of the "united states to guarantee to every state in the union a republican form of government," any more than if it were perfectly clear, that a government is republican under which one half of the people are lawfully engaged in buying and selling the other half; or than if the doctrine that "all men are created equal" were not the fundamental and distinctive doctrine of a republican government. you no more vindicate the proposition to enlarge the realm of slavery, than if the proposition were as obviously in harmony with, as it is opposed to the anti-slavery tenor and policy of the constitution--the rights of man--and the laws of god. you are perhaps of the number of those, who, believing, that a state can change its constitution as it pleases, deem it futile in congress to require, that states, on entering the union, shall have anti-slavery constitutions. the framers of the federal constitution doubtless foresaw the possibility of treachery, on the part of the new states, in the matter of slavery: and the restriction in that instrument to the old states--"the states now existing"--of the right to participate in the internal and "african slave trade" may be ascribed to the motive of diminishing, if not indeed of entirely preventing, temptation to such treachery. the ordinance concerning the north-west territory, passed by the congress of , and ratified by the congress of , shows, so far as those bodies can be regarded as correct interpreters of the constitution which was framed in , and adopted in , that slavery was not to have a constitutional existence in the new states. the ordinance continues the privilege of recapturing fugitive slaves in the north-west territory to the "existing states." slaves in that territory, to be the subjects of lawful recapture, must in the language of the ordinance, owe "labour or service in one of the _original_ states." i close what i have to say on this topic, with the remark, that were it admitted, that the reasons for the increase of the number of slave states are sound and satisfactory, it nevertheless would not follow, that the moral and constitutional wrong of preventing that increase is so palpable, as to justify the scorn and insult, which are heaped by congress upon this hundred thousand petitioners for this measure. it has hitherto been supposed, that you distinctly and fully admitted the constitutional power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. but, on this point, as on that of the right of petition, you have for reasons known to yourself, suddenly and greatly changed your tone. whilst your speech argues, at no small length, that congress has not the right to abolish slavery in the district, all that it says in favor of the constitutional power to abolish it, is that "the language (of the constitution) may _possibly_ be sufficiently comprehensive to include a power of abolition." "faint praise dams;" and your very reluctant and qualified concession of the constitutional power under consideration, is to be construed, rather as a denial than a concession. until i acquire the skill of making white whiter, and black blacker, i shall have nothing to say in proof of the constitutional power of congress over slavery in the district of columbia, beyond referring to the terms, in which the constitution so plainly conveys this power. that instrument authorises congress "to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." if these words do not confer the power, it is manifest that no words could confer it. i will add that, never, until the last few years, had doubts been expressed, that these words do fully confer that power. you will, perhaps, say, that virginia and maryland made their cessions of the territory, which constitutes the district of columbia, with reservations on the subject of slavery. we answer, that none were expressed;[a] and that if there had been, congress would not, and in view of the language of the constitution, could not, have accepted the cessions. you may then say, that they would not have ceded the territory, had it occurred to them, that congress would have cleared it of slavery; and that, this being the fact, congress could not thus clear it, without being guilty of bad faith, and of an ungenerous and unjustifiable surprise on those states. there are several reasons for believing, that those states, not only did not, at the period in question, cherish a dread of the abolition of slavery; but that the public sentiment within them was decidedly in favor of its speedy abolition. at that period, their most distinguished statesmen were trumpet-tongued against slavery. at that period, there was both a virginia and a maryland society "for promoting the abolition of slavery;" and, it was then, that, with the entire consent of virginia and maryland, effectual measures were adopted to preclude slavery from that large territory, which has since given ohio and several other states to the union. on this subject, as on that of the inter-state slave trade, we misinterpret virginia and maryland, by not considering, how unlike was their temper in relation to slavery, amidst the decays and dying throes of that institution half a century ago, to what it is now, when slavery is not only revivified, but has become the predominant interest and giant power of the nation. we forget, that our whole country was, at that time, smitten with love for the holy cause of impartial and universal liberty. to judge correctly of the view, which our revolutionary fathers took of oppression, we must go back and stand by their side, in their struggles against it,--we must survey them through the medium of the anti-slavery sentiment of their own times, and not impute to them the pro-slavery spirit so rampant in ours. [footnote a: there is a proviso in the act of virginia. it was on this, that three years ago, in the senate of the united states, benjamin watkins leigh built his argument against the constitutional power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. i well remember that you then denied the soundness of his argument. this superfluous proviso virtually forbids congress to pass laws, which shall "affect the rights of individuals" in the ceded territory. amongst the inviolable "rights" was that of holding slaves, as mr. leigh contended. i regret, that, in replying to him, you did not make use of the fact, that all the members of congress from virginia voted in favor of the ordinance, which abolished slavery in the north-west territory; and this too, notwithstanding, that, in the act of , by which she ceded the north-west territory to the confederacy, she provided, that the "citizens of virginia" in the said territory, many of whom held slaves, should "be protected in the enjoyment of their rights." this fact furnishes striking evidence that at, or about, the time of the cession by virginia of her portion of the district of columbia, her statesmen believed, that the right to hold slaves in those portions of our country under the exclusive jurisdiction of congress, was not beyond the reach of the controlling power of congress.] i will, however, suppose it true, that virginia and maryland would not have made the cessions in question, had they foreseen, that congress would abolish slavery in the district of columbia:--and yet, i affirm, that it would be the duty of congress to abolish it. had there been state prisons in the territory, at the time congress acquired jurisdiction over it, and had congress immediately opened their doors, and turned loose hundreds of depraved and bloody criminals, there would indeed have been abundant occasion for complaint. but, had the exercise of its power in the premises extended no farther than to the liberation of such convicts, as, on a re-examination of their cases, were found to be clearly guiltless of the crimes charged upon them; the sternest justice could not have objected to such an occasion for the rejoicing of mercy. and are not the thousands in the district, for whose liberation congress is besought, unjustly deprived of their liberty? not only are they guiltless, but they are even unaccused of such crimes, as in the judgment of any, justly work a forfeiture of liberty. and what do virginia and maryland ask? is it, that congress shall resubject to their control those thousands of deeply wronged men? no--for this congress cannot do. they ask, that congress shall fulfil the tyrant wishes of these states. they ask, that the whole people of the united states--those who hate, as well as those who love slavery, shall, by their representatives, assume the guilty and awful responsibility of perpetuating the enslavement of their innocent fellow men:--of chaining the bodies and crushing the wills, and blotting out the minds of such, as have neither transgressed, nor even been accused of having transgressed, a single human law. and the crime, which virginia and maryland, and they, who sympathise with them, would have the nation perpetrate, is, not simply that of prolonging the captivity of those, who were slaves before the cession--for but a handful of them are now remaining in the district. most of the present number became slaves under the authority of this guilty nation. their wrongs originated with congress: and congress is asked, not only to perpetuate their oppression, but to fasten the yoke of slavery on generations yet unborn. there are those, who advocate the recession of the district of columbia. if the nation were to consent to this, without having previously exercised her power to "break every yoke" of slavery in the district, the blood of those so cruelly left there in "the house of bondage," would remain indelible and damning upon her skirts:--and this too, whether virginia and maryland did or did not intend to vest congress with any power over slavery. it is enough, that the nation has the power "to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to be slain," to make her fearfully guilty before god, if she "forbear" to exercise it. suppose, i were to obtain a lease of my neighbor's barn for the single and express purpose of securing my crops; and that i should find, chained up in one of its dark corners, an innocent fellow man, whom that neighbor was subjecting to the process of a lingering death; ought i to pause and recall president wayland's, "limitations of human responsibility," and finally let the poor sufferer remain in his chains; or ought i not rather, promptly to respond to the laws of my nature and my nature's god, and let him go free? but, to make this case analogous to that we have been considering--to that, which imposes its claims on congress--we must strike out entirely the condition of the lease, and with it all possible doubts of my right to release the victim of my neighbor's murderous hate. i am entirely willing to yield, for the sake of argument, that virginia and maryland, when ceding the territory which constitutes the district of columbia, did not anticipate, and did not choose the abolition of slavery in it. to make the admission stronger, i will allow, that these states were, at the time of the cession, as warmly opposed to the abolition of slavery in the district as they are said to be now: and to make it stronger still, i will allow, that the abolition of slavery in the district would prove deeply injurious, not only to virginia and maryland but to the nation at large. and, after all these admissions, i must still insist, that congress is under perfectly plain moral obligation to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. they, who are deterred from favoring the abolition of slavery in the district by the apprehension, that virginia and maryland, if not, indeed, the nation at large, might suffer injurious consequences from the measure, overlook the fact, that there is a third party in the case. it is common to regard the nation as constituting one of the parties--virginia and maryland another, and the only other. but in point of fact, there is a third party. of what does it consist? of horses, oxen, and other brutes? then we need not be greatly concerned about it--since its rights in that case, would be obviously subordinate to those of the other parties. again, if such be the composition of this third party, we are not to be greatly troubled, that president wayland and thousands of others entirely overlook its rights and interests; though they ought to be somewhat mindful even of brutes. but, this third party is composed, not of brutes--but of men--of the seven thousand men in the district, who have fallen under the iron hoofs of slavery--and who, because they are men, have rights equal to, and as sacred as the rights of any other men--rights, moreover, which cannot be innocently encroached on, even to the breadth of one hair, whether under the plea of "state necessity"--of the perils of emancipation--or under any other plea, which conscience-smitten and cowardly tyranny can suggest. if these lines shall ever be so favored, as to fall under the eye of the venerable and beloved john quincy adams, i beg, that, when he shall have read them, he will solemnly inquire of his heart, whether, if he should ever be left to vote against the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, and thus stab deeply the cause of civil liberty, of humanity, and of god; the guilty act would not result from overlooking the rights and interests, and even the existence itself, of a third party in the case--and from considering the claims of the nation and those of virginia and maryland, as the only claims on which he was called to pass, because they were the claims of the only parties, of which he was aware. you admit that "the first duty of congress in relation to the district, of columbia, is to render it available, comfortable, and convenient as a seat of the government of the whole union." i thank you for an admission, which can be used, with great effect, against the many, who maintain, that congress is as much bound to consult the interests and wishes of the inhabitants of the district, and be governed by them, as a state legislature is to study and serve the interests and wishes of its constituents. the inhabitants of the district have taken up their residence in it, aware, that the paramount object of congressional legislation is not their, but the nation's advantage. they judge, that their disfranchisement and the other disadvantages attending their residence are more than balanced by their favorable position for participating in governmental patronage and other benefits. they know, that they have no better right to complain, that the legislation of congress is not dictated by a primary regard to their interests, than has the colonization society, of which you are president, to complain, that the capitol, in which it holds its annual meetings, is not constructed and fitted up in the best possible manner for such occasions. they know, that to sacrifice the design and main object of that building to its occasional and incidental uses, would be an absurdity no greater than would congress be guilty of in shaping its legislation to the views of the thirty thousand white inhabitants of the district of columbia, at the expense of neglecting the will and interests of the nation. you feel, that there is no hazard in your admission, that the paramount object in relation to the district of columbia, is its suitableness for a seat of government, since you accompany that admission with the denial, that the presence of slavery interferes with such suitableness. but is it not a matter of deep regret, that the place, in which our national laws are made--that the place from which the sentiment and fashion of the whole country derive so much of their tone and direction--should cherish a system, which you have often admitted, is at war with the first principles of our religion and civil polity;[a] and the influences of which are no less pervading and controlling than corrupting? is it not a matter of deep regret, that they, whom other governments send to our own, and to whom, on account of their superior intellect and influence, it is our desire, as it is our duty, to commend our free institutions, should be obliged to learn their lessons of practical republicanism amidst the monuments and abominations of slavery? is it no objection to the district of columbia, as the seat of our government, that slavery, which concerns the political and moral interests of the nation, more than any other subject coming within the range of legislation, is not allowed to be discussed there--either within or without the halls of congress? it is one of the doctrines of slavery, that slavery shall not be discussed. some of its advocates are frank enough to avow, as the reason for this prohibition, that slavery cannot bear to be discussed. in your speech before the american colonization society in , to which i have referred, you distinctly take the ground, that slavery is a subject not open to general discussion. very far am i from believing, that you would employ, or intentionally countenance violence, to prevent such discussion. nevertheless, it is to this doctrine of non-discussion, which you and others put forth, that the north is indebted for her pro-slavery mobs, and the south for her pro-slavery lynchings. the declarations of such men as henry clay and john c. calhoun, that slavery is a question not to be discussed, are a license to mobs to burn up halls and break up abolition meetings, and destroy abolition presses, and murder abolition editors. had such men held the opposite doctrine, and admitted, yea, and insisted, as it was their duty to do, that every question in morals and politics is a legitimate subject of free discussion--the district of columbia would be far less objectionable, as the seat of our government. in that case the lamented dr. crandall would not have been seized in the city of washington on the suspicion of being an abolitionist, and thrown into prison, and subjected to distresses of mind and body, which resulted in his premature death. had there been no slavery in the district, this outrage would not have been committed; and the murders, chargeable on the bloodiest of all bloody institutions, would have been one less than they now are. talk of the slaveholding district of columbia being a suitable locality for the seat of our government! why, sir, a distinguished member of congress was threatened there with an indictment for the _crime_ of presenting, or rather of proposing to present, a petition to the body with which he was connected! indeed the occasion of the speech, on which i am now commenting, was the _impudent_ protest of inhabitants of that district against the right of the american people to petition their own congress, in relation to matters of vital importance to the seat of their own government! i take occasion here to admit, that i have seen but references to this protest--not the protest itself. i presume, that it is not dissimilar, in its spirit, to the petition presented about the same time by mr. moore in the other house of congress--his speech on which, he complains was ungenerously anticipated by yours on the petition presented by yourself. as the petition presented by mr. moore is short, i will copy it, that i may say to you with the more effect--how unfit is the spirit of a slaveholding people, as illustrated in this petition, to be the spirit of the people at the seat of a free government! [footnote a: "it (slavery) is a sin and a curse both to the master and the slave:"--_henry clay_.] "_to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the petition of the undersigned, citizens of the district of columbia represents--that they have witnessed with deep regret the attempts which are making _to disturb the integrity_ of the union by a band of fanatics, embracing men, women, and children, who cease not day and night to crowd the tables of your halls with seditious memorials--and solicit your honorable bodies that you will, in your wisdom, henceforth give neither support nor countenance to such unhallowed attempts, but that you will, in the most emphatic manner, set the seal of your disapprobation upon all such foul and unnatural efforts, by refusing not only to read and refer, but also to receive any papers which either directly or indirectly, or by implication, aim at any interference with the rights of your petitioners, or of those of any citizen of any of the states or territories of the united states, or of this district of which we are inhabitants." a legislature should be imbued with a free, independent, fearless spirit. but it cannot be, where discussion is overawed and interdicted, or its boundaries at all contracted. wherever slavery reigns, the freedom of discussion is not tolerated: and whenever slavery exists, there slavery reigns;--reigns too with that exclusive spirit of turkish despotism, that, "bears no brother near the throne." you agree with president wayland, that it is as improper for congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, as to create it in some place in the free states, over which it has jurisdiction. as improper, in the judgment of an eminent statesman, and of a no less eminent divine, to destroy what they both admit to be a system of unrighteousness, as to establish it! as improper to restrain as to practice, a violation of god's law! what will other countries and coming ages think of the politics of our statesmen and the ethics of our divines? but, besides its immorality, congress has no constitutional right to create slavery. you have not yet presumed to deny positively, that congress has the right to abolish slavery in the district of columbia; and, notwithstanding the intimation in your speech, you will not presume to affirm, that congress has the constitutional right to enact laws reducing to, or holding in slavery, the inhabitants of west point, or any other locality in the free states, over which it has exclusive jurisdiction. i would here remark, that the law of congress, which revived the operation of the laws of virginia and maryland in the district of columbia, being, so far as it respects the slave laws of those states, a violation of the federal constitution, should be held of no avail towards legalizing slavery in the district--and the subjects of that slavery, should, consequently, be declared by our courts unconditionally free. you will admit that slavery is a system of surpassing injustice:--but an avowed object of the constitution is to "establish justice." you will admit that it utterly annihilates the liberty of its victims:--but another of the avowed objects of the constitution is to "secure the blessings of liberty." you will admit, that slavery does, and necessarily must, regard its victims as _chattels_. the constitution, on the contrary, speaks of them as nothing short of _persons_. roger sherman, a signer of the declaration of independence, a framer of the federal constitution, and a member of the first congress under it, denied that this instrument considers slaves "as a species of property." mr. madison, in the th no. of the federalist admits, that the constitution "regards them as inhabitants." many cases might be cited, in which congress has, in consonance with the constitution, refused to recognize slaves as property. it was the expectation, as well as the desire of the framers of the constitution, that slavery should soon cease to exist is our country; and, but for the laws, which both congress and the slave states, have, in flagrant violation of the letter and spirit and obvious policy of the constitution, enacted in behalf of slavery, that vice would, ere this, have disappeared from our land. look, for instance, at the laws enacted in the fact of the clause: "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states"--laws too, which the states that enacted them, will not consent to repeal, until they consent to abandon slavery. it is by these laws, that they shut out the colored people of the north, the presence of a single individual of whom so alarms them with the prospect of a servile insurrection, that they immediately imprison him. such was the view of the federal constitution taken by james wilson one of its framers, that, without, as i presume, claiming for congress any direct power over slavery in the slave states, he declared that it possessed "power to exterminate slavery from within our borders." it was probably under a like view, that benjamin franklin, another of its framers, and benjamin rush, a signer of the declaration of independence, and other men of glorious and blessed memory, petitioned the first congress under the constitution to "countenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men," (the slaves of our country). and in what light that same congress viewed the constitution may be inferred from the fact, that, by a special act, it ratified the celebrated ordinance, by the terms of which slavery was forbidden for ever in the north west territory. it is worthy of note, that the avowed object of the ordinance harmonizes with that of the constitution: and that the ordinance was passed the same year that the constitution was drafted, is a fact, on which we can strongly rely to justify a reference to the spirit of the one instrument for illustrating the spirit of the other. what the spirit of the ordinance is, and in what light they who passed it, regarded "republics, their laws and constitutions," may be inferred from the following declaration in the ordinance of its grand object: "for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis wherever these republics, their laws and constitutions are erected; to fix and establish those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory, &c.; it is hereby ordained and declared that the following articles, &c." one of these articles is that, which has been referred to, and which declares that "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory." you will perhaps make light of my reference to james wilson and benjamin franklin, for i recollect you say, that, "when the constitution was about going into operation, its powers were not well understood by the community at large, and remained to be accurately interpreted and defined." nevertheless, i think it wise to repose more confidence in the views, which the framers of the constitution took of the spirit and principles of that instrument, than in the definitions and interpretations of the pro-slavery generation, which has succeeded them. it should be regarded as no inconsiderable evidence of the anti-slavery genius and policy of the constitution, that congress promptly interdicted slavery in the first portion of territory, and that, too, a territory of vast extent, over which it acquired jurisdiction. and is it not a perfectly reasonable supposition, that the seat of our government would not have been polluted by the presence of slavery, had congress acted on that subject by itself, instead of losing sight of it in the wholesale legislation, by which the laws of virginia and maryland were revived in the district? if the federal constitution be not anti-slavery in its general scope and character; if it be not impregnated with the principles of universal liberty; why was it necessary, in order to restrain congress, for a limited period, from acting against the slave trade, which is but a branch or incident of slavery, to have a clause to that end in the constitution? the fact that the framers of the constitution refused to blot its pages with the word "slave" or "slavery;" and that, by periphrase and the substitution of "persons" for "slaves," they sought to conceal from posterity and the world the mortifying fact, that slavery existed under a government based on the principle, that governments derive "their just powers from the consent of the governed," contains volumes of proof, that they looked upon american slavery as a decaying institution; and that they would naturally shape the constitution to the abridgment and the extinction, rather than the extension and perpetuity of the giant vice of the country. it is not to be denied, that the constitution tolerates a limited measure of slavery: but it tolerates this measure only as the exception to its rule of impartial and universal liberty. were it otherwise, the principles of that instrument could be pleaded to justify the holding of men as property, in cases, other than those specifically provided for in it. were it otherwise, these principles might be appealed to, as well to sanction the enslavement of men, as the capture of wild beasts. were it otherwise, the american people might be constitutionally realizing the prophet's declaration: "they all lie in wait for blood: they hunt every man his brother with a net." but mere principles, whether in or out of the constitution, do not avail to justify and uphold slavery. says lord mansfield in the famous somerset case: "the state of slavery is of such a nature, that it is incapable of being now introduced by courts of justice upon mere reasoning or inferences from any principles, natural or political; it must take its rise from _positive law_; the origin of it can in no country or age be traced back to any other source. a case so odious as the condition of slaves, must be taken strictly." grotius says, that "slavery places man in an unnatural relation to man--a relation which nothing but positive law can sustain." all are aware, that, by the common law, man cannot have property in man; and that wherever that law is not counteracted on this point by positive law, "slaves cannot breathe," and their "shackles fall." i scarcely need add, that the federal constitution does, in the main, accord with the common law. in the words of a very able writer: "the common law is the grand element of the united states constitution. all its fundamental provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles, and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole." to argue the anti-slavery character of the federal constitution, it is not necessary to take the high ground of some, that whatever in the constitution favors slavery is void, because opposed to the principles and general tenor of that instrument. much less is it necessary to take the still higher ground, that every law in favor of slavery, in whatever code or connection it may be found, is utterly invalid because of its plain contravention of the law of nature. to maintain my position, that the constitution is anti-slavery in its general character, and that constitutional slavery is, at the most, but an exception to that general character, it was not necessary to take either of these grounds; though, had i been disposed to take even the higher of them, i should not have lacked the countenance of the most weighty authorities. "the law of nature," says blackstone, "being coeval with mankind, and dictated by god himself, is of course superior in obligation to any other. it is binding over all the globe, in all countries, and at all times: no human laws are of any validity if contrary to this." the same writer says, that "the law of nature requires, that man should pursue his own true and substantial happiness." but that slavery allows this pursuit to its victims, no one will pretend. "there is a law," says henry brougham, "above all the enactments of human codes. it is the law written by the finger of god on the heart of man; and by that law, unchangeable and eternal, while men despise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty phantasy, that man can hold property in man." i add no more to what i have said on the subject of slavery in the district of columbia, than to ask, as i have done in relation to the inter-state slave trade and the annexation of slave states, whether petitions for its abolition argue so great a contempt of the constitution, and so entire a recklessness of propriety, as to merit the treatment which they receive at the hands of congress. admitting that congress has not the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the district--admitting that it has not the constitutional power to destroy what itself has established--admitting, too, that if it has the power, it ought not to exercise it;--nevertheless, is the case so perfectly clear, that the petitioners for the measure deserve all the abuse and odium which their representatives in congress heap upon them? in a word, do not the three classes of petitions to which you refer, merit, at the hands of those representatives, the candid and patient consideration which, until i read your acknowledgment, that, in relation to these petitions, "there is no substantial difference between" yourself and those, who are in favor of thrusting them aside undebated, unconsidered, and even unread, i always supposed you were willing to have bestowed on them? i pass to the examination of your charges against the abolitionists. _they contemn the "rights of property."_ this charge you prefer against the abolitionists, not because they believe that a legislature has the right to abolish slavery, nor because they deny that slaves are legally property; for this obvious truth they do not deny. but you prefer it, because they believe that man cannot rightfully be a subject of property. abolitionists believe, to use words, which i have already quoted, that it is "a wild and guilty phantasy, that man can hold property in man." they believe, that to claim property in the exalted being, whom god has made in his own image, and but "a little lower than the angels," is scarcely less absurd than to claim it in the creator himself. you take the position, that human laws can rightfully reduce a race of men to property; and that the outrage, to use your own language, is "sanctioned and sanctified" by "two hundred years" continuance of it. abolitionists, on the contrary, trace back man's inalienable self-ownership to enactments of the divine legislator, and to the bright morning of time, when he came forth from the hand of his maker, "crowned with glory and honor," invested with self-control, and with dominion over the brute and inanimate creation. you soothe the conscience of the slaveholder, by reminding him, that the relation, which he has assumed towards his down-trodden fellow-man, is lawful. the abolitionist protests, that the wickedness of the relation is none the less, because it is legalized. in charging abolitionists with condemning "the rights of property," you mistake the innocent for the guilty party. were you to be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of a kidnapper, and be reduced to a slave, and were i to remonstrate, though in vain, with your oppressor, who would you think was the despiser of "the rights of property"--myself, or the oppressor? as you would judge in that case, so judges every slave in his similar case. the man-stealer's complaint, that his "rights of property" in his stolen fellow men are not adequately respected by the abolitionist, recalls to my mind a very similar, and but little more ludicrous case of conscientious regard for the "rights of property." a traveler was plundered of the whole of his large sum of money. he pleaded successfully with the robber for a little of it to enable him to reach his home. but, putting his hand rather deeper into the bag of stolen coins than comported with the views of the robber, he was arrested with the cry, "why, man, have you no conscience?" you will perhaps inquire, whether abolitionists regard all the slaves of the south as stolen--as well those born at the south, as those, who were confessedly stolen from africa? i answer, that we do--that every helpless new-born infant, on which the chivalry of the south pounces, is, in our judgment, the owner of itself--that we consider, that the crime of man-stealing which is so terribly denounced in the bible, does not consist, as is alleged, in stealing a slave from a third person, but in stealing him from himself--in depriving him of self control, and subjecting him, as property, to the absolute control of another. joseph's declaration, that he "was stolen," favors this definition of man-stealing. jewish commentators authorise it. money, as it does not own itself, cannot be stolen from itself but when we reflect, that man is the owner of himself, it does not surprise us, that wresting away his inalienable rights--his very manhood--should have been called man-stealing. whilst on this subject of "the rights of property," i am reminded of your "third impediment to abolition." this "impediment" consists in the fact of the great value of the southern slaves--which, according to your estimation, is not less than "twelve hundred millions of dollars." i will adopt your estimate, and thus spare myself from going into the abhorrent calculation of the worth in dollars and cents of immortal man--of the worth of "the image of god." i thank you for your virtual admission, that this wealth is grasped with a tenacity proportioned to its vast amount. many of the wisest and best men of the north have been led into the belief that the slaveholders of the south are too humane and generous to hold their slaves fur the sake of gain. even dr. channing was a subject of this delusion; and it is well remembered, that his too favorable opinions of his fellow men, made it difficult to disabuse him of it. northern christians have been ready to believe, that the south would give up her slaves, because of her conscious lack of title to them. but in what age of the world have impenitent men failed to cling as closely to that, which they had obtained by fraud, as to their honest acquisitions? indeed, it is demonstrable on philosophical principles, that the more stupendous the fraud, the more tenacious is the hold upon that, which is gotten by it. i trust, that your admission to which i have just referred, will have no small effect to prevent the northern apologist for slavery from repeating the remark that the south would gladly liberate her slaves, if she saw any prospect of bettering the condition of the objects of her tender and solicitous benevolence. i trust, too, that this admission will go far to prove the emptiness of your declaration, that the abolitionists "have thrown back for half a century the prospect of any species of emancipation of the african race, gradual or immediate, in any of the states," and the emptiness of your declaration, that, "prior to the agitation of this subject of abolition, there was a progressive melioration in the condition of slaves throughout all the slave states," and that "in some of them, schools of instruction were opened," &c.; and i further trust, that this admission will render harmless your intimation, that this "melioration" and these "schools" were intended to prepare the slaves for freedom. after what you have said of the great value of the slaves, and of the obstacle it presents to emancipation, you will meet with little success in your endeavors to convince the world, that the south was preparing to give up the "twelve hundred millions of dollars," and that the naughty abolitionists have postponed her gratification "for half a century." if your views of the immense value of the slaves, and of the consequent opposition to their freedom, be correct, then the hatred of the south towards the abolitionists must be, not because their movements tend to lengthen, but because they tend to shorten the period of her possession of the "twelve hundred millions of dollars." may i ask you, whether, whilst the south clings to these "twelve hundred millions of dollars," it is not somewhat hypocritical in her to be complaining, that the abolitionists are fastening the "twelve hundred millions of dollars" to her? and may i ask you, whether there is not a little inconsistency between your own lamentations over this work of the abolitionists, and your intimation that the south will never consent to give up her slaves, until the impossibility, of paying her "twelve hundred millions of dollars" for them, shall have been accomplished? puerile and insulting as is your proposition to the abolitionists to raise "twelve hundred millions of dollars" for the purchase of the slaves, it is nevertheless instructive; inasmuch as it shows, that, in your judgment, the south is as little willing to give up her slaves, as the abolitionists are able to pay "twelve hundred millions of dollars" for them; and how unable the abolitionists are to pay a sum of money far greater than the whole amount of money in the world, i need not explain. but if the south must have "twelve hundred millions of dollars" to induce her to liberate her present number of slaves, how can you expect success fur your scheme of ridding her of several times the present number, "in the progress of some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred years?" do you reply, that, although she must have "four hundred dollars" a-piece for them, if she sell them to the abolitionists, she is, nevertheless, willing to let the colonization society have them without charge? there is abundant proof, that she is not. during the twenty-two years of the existence of that society, not so many slaves have been emancipated and given to it for expatriation, as are born in a single week. as a proof that the sympathies of the south are all with the slaveholding and _real_ character of this two-faced institution, and not at all with the abolition purposes and tendencies, which it professes at the north, none of its presidents, (and slave-holders only are deemed worthy to preside over it,) has ever contributed from his stock of slaves to swell those bands of emigrants, who, leaving our shores in the character of "nuisances," are instantly transformed, to use your own language, into "missionaries, carrying with them credentials in the holy cause of christianity, civilization, and free institutions." but you were not in earnest, when you held up the idea in your recent speech, that the rapidly multiplying millions of our colored countrymen would be expatriated. what you said on that point was but to indulge in declamation, and to round off a paragraph. it is in that part of your speech where you say that "no practical scheme for their removal or separation from us has yet been devised or proposed," that you exhibit your real sentiments on this subject, and impliedly admit the deceitfulness of the pretensions of the american colonization society. before closing my remarks on the topic of "the rights of property," i will admit the truth of your charge, that _abolitionists deny, that the slaveholder is entitled to "compensation" for his slaves_. abolitionists do not know, why he, who steals men is, any more than he, who steals horses, entitled to "compensation" for releasing his plunder. they do not know, why he, who has exacted thirty years' unrequited toil from the sinews of his poor oppressed brother, should be paid for letting that poor oppressed brother labor for himself the remaining ten or twenty years of his life. but, it is said, that the south bought her slaves of the north, and that we of the north ought therefore to compensate the south for liberating them. if there are individuals at the north, who have sold slaves, i am free to admit, that they should promptly surrender their ill-gotten gains; and no less promptly should the inheritors of such gains surrender them. but, however this may be, and whatever debt may be due on this score, from the north to the south, certain it is, that on no principle of sound ethics, can the south hold to the persons of the innocent slaves, as security for the payment of the debt. your state and mine, and i would it were so with all others, no longer allow the imprisonment of the debtor as a means of coercing payment from him. how much less, then, should they allow the creditor to promote the security of his debt by imprisoning a third person--and one who is wholly innocent of contracting the debt? but who is imprisoned, if it be not he, who is shut up in "the house of bondage?" and who is more entirely innocent than he, of the guilty transactions between his seller and buyer? another of your charges against abolitionists is, _that, although "utterly destitute of constitutional or other rightful power--living in totally distinct communities--as alien to the communities in which the subject on which they would operate resides, so far as concerns political power over that subject, as if they lived in africa or asia; they nevertheless promulgate to the world their purpose to be, to manumit forthwith, and without compensation, and without moral preparation, three millions of negro slaves, under jurisdictions altogether separated from those under which they live."_ i will group with this charge several others of the same class. _ ._ _abolitionists neglect the fact, that "the slavery which exists amongst us (southern people) is our affair--not theirs--and that they have no more just concern with it, than they have with slavery as it exists throughout the world."_ _ ._ _they are regardless of the "deficiency of the powers of the general government, and of the acknowledged and incontestable powers of the states."_ _ ._ "superficial men (meaning no doubt abolitionists) confound the totally different cases together of the powers of the british parliament and those of the congress of the united states in the matter of slavery."_ are these charges any thing more than the imagery of your own fancy, or selections from the numberless slanders of a time-serving and corrupt press? if they are founded on facts, it is in your power to state the facts. for my own part, i am utterly ignorant of any, even the least, justification for them. i am utterly ignorant that the abolitionists hold any peculiar views in relation to the powers of the general or state governments. i do not believe, that one in a hundred of them supposes, that slavery in the states is a legitimate subject of federal legislation. i believe, that a majority of the intelligent men amongst them accord much more to the claims of "state sovereignty," and approach far more nearly to the character of "strict constructionists," than does the distinguished statesman, who charges them with such latitudinarian notions. there may be persons in our country, who believe that congress has the absolute power over all american slavery, which the british parliament had over all british slavery; and that congress can abolish slavery in the slave states, because great britain abolished it in her west india islands; but, i do not know them; and were i to look for them, i certainly should not confine my search to abolitionists--for abolitionists, as it is very natural they should be, are far better instructed in the subject of slavery and its connections with civil government, than are the community in general. it is passing strange, that you, or any other man, who is not playing a desperate game, should, in the face of the constitution of the american anti-slavery society, which "admits, that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to the abolition of slavery in said state;" make such charges, as you have done. in an address "to the public," dated september , , and subscribed by the president, treasurer, the three secretaries, and the other five members of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, we find the following language. . "we hold that congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the southern states than in the french west india islands. of course we desire no national legislation on the subject. . we hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the legislatures of the several states in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such abolition is unconstitutional." but what slavery is it that the abolitionists call on congress to abolish? is it that in the slave states? no--it is that in the district of columbia and in the territories--none other. and is it not a fair implication of their petitions, that this is the only slavery, which, in the judgment of the petitioners, congress has power to abolish? nevertheless, it is in the face of this implication, that you make your array of charges. is it true, however, that the north has nothing more to do with slavery in the states, than with slavery in a foreign country? does it not concern the north, that, whilst it takes many thousands of her voters to be entitled to a representative in congress, there are districts at the south, where, by means of slavery, a few hundred voters enjoy this benefit. again, since the north regards herself as responsible in common with the south, for the continuance of slavery in the district of columbia and in the territories, and for the continuance of the interstate traffic in human beings; and since she believes slavery in the slave states to be the occasion of these crimes, and that they will all of necessity immediately cease when slavery ceases--is it not right, that she should feel that she has a "just concern with slavery?" again, is it nothing to the people of the north, that they may be called on, in obedience to a requirement of the federal constitution, to shoulder their muskets to quell "domestic violence?" but, who does not know, that this requirement owes its existence solely to the apprehension of servile insurrections?--or, in other words, to the existence of slavery in the slave states? again, when our guiltless brothers escape from the southern prison-house, and come among us, we are under constitutional obligation to deliver them up to their stony-hearted pursuers. and is not slavery in the slave states, which is the occasion of our obligation to commit this outrage on humanity and on the law of god, a matter of "just concern to us?" to what too, but slavery, in the slave states, is to be ascribed the long standing insult of our government towards that of hayti? to what but that, our national disadvantages and losses from the want of diplomatic relations between the two governments? to what so much, as to slavery in the slave states, are owing the corruption in our national councils, and the worst of our legislation? but scarcely any thing should go farther to inspire the north with a sense of her "just concern" in the subject of slavery in the slave states, than the fact, that slavery is the parent of the cruel and murderous prejudice, which crushes and kills her colored people; and, that it is but too probable, that the child will live as long as its parent. and has the north no "just concern" with the slavery of the slave states, when there is so much reason to fear that our whole blood-guilty nation is threatened with god's destroying wrath on account of it? there is another respect in which we of the north have a "just concern" with the slavery of the slave states. we see nearly three millions of our fellow men in those states robbed of body, mind, will, and soul--denied marriage and the reading of the bible, and marketed as beasts. we see them in a word crushed in the iron folds of slavery. our nature--the laws written upon its very foundations--the bible, with its injunctions "to remember them that are in bonds as bound with them," and to "open thy mouth for the dumb in the cause of all such as are appointed to destruction"--all require us to feel and to express what we feel for these wretched millions. i said, that we see this misery. there are many amongst us--they are anti-abolitionists--who do not see it; and to them god says; "but he that hideth his eyes shall have many a curse." i add, that we of the north must feel concerned about slavery in the slave states, because of our obligation to pity the deluded, hard-hearted, and bloody oppressors in those states: and to manifest our love for them by rebuking their unsurpassed sin. and, notwithstanding pro-slavery statesmen at the north, who wink at the iniquity of slave holding, and pro-slavery clergymen at the north, who cry, "peace, peace" to the slaveholder, and sew "pillows to armholes," tell us, that by our honest and open rebuke of the slaveholder, we shall incur his enduring hatred; we, nevertheless, believe that "open rebuke is better than secret love," and that, in the end, we shall enjoy more southern favor than they, whose secret love is too prudent and spurious to deal faithfully with the objects of its regard. "he that rebuketh a man, afterward shall find more favor than he that flattereth with the tongue." the command, "thou shall in any wise rebuke thy neighbor and not suffer sin upon him," is one, which the abolitionist feels, that he is bound to obey, as well in the case of the slaveholder, as in that of any other sinner. and the question: "who is my neighbor," is so answered by the savior, as to show, that not he of our vicinity, nor even he of our country, is alone our "neighbor." the abolitionists of the north hold, that they have certainly as much "just concern" with slavery in the slave states, as the temperance men of the north have with "intemperance" at the south. and i would here remark, that the weapons with which the abolitionists of the north attack slavery in the slave states are the same, and no other than the same, with those, which the north employs against the vice of intemperance at the south. i add too, that were you to say, that northern temperance men disregard "the deficiency of the powers of the general government," and also "the acknowledged and incontestable powers of the states;" your charge would be as suitable as when it is applied to northern abolitionists. you ascribe to us "the purpose to manumit the three millions of negro slaves." here again you greatly misrepresent us, by holding us up as employing coercive, instead of persuasive, means for the accomplishment of our object. our "purpose" is to persuade others to "manumit." the slaveholders themselves are to "manumit." it is evident, that others cannot "manumit" for them. if the north were endeavoring to persuade the south to give up the growing of cotton, you would not say, it is the purpose of the north to give it up. but, as well might you, as to say, that it is the "purpose" of the abolitionists to "manumit." it is very much by such misrepresentations, that the prejudices against abolitionists are fed and sustained. how soon they would die of atrophy, if they, who influence the public mind and mould public opinion, would tell but the simple truth about abolitionists. you say, that the abolitionists would have the slaves manumitted "without compensation and without moral preparation." i have already said enough on the point of "compensation." it is true, that they would have them manumitted immediately:--for they believe slavery is sin, and that therefore the slaveholder has no right to protract the bondage of his slaves for a single year, or for a single day or hour;--not even, were he to do so to afford them "a moral preparation" for freedom, or to accomplish any other of the kindest and best purposes. they believe, that the relation of slaveholder, as it essentially and indispensably involves the reduction of men to chattelship, cannot, under any plea whatever, be continued with innocence, for a single moment. if it can be--if the plain laws of god, in respect to marriage and religious instruction and many other blessings, of which chattelized man is plundered, can be innocently violated--why credit any longer the assertion of the bible, that "sin is the transgression of the law?"--why not get a new definition of sin? another reason with abolitionists in favor of immediate manumission, is, that the slaves do not, as a body, acquire, whilst in slavery, any "moral preparation" for freedom. to learn to swim we must be allowed the use of water. to learn the exercises of a freeman, we must enjoy he element of liberty. i will not say, that slaves cannot be taught, to some extent, the duties of freemen. some knowledge of the art of swimming may be acquired before entering the water. i have not forgotten what you affirm about the "progressive melioration in the condition of slaves," and the opening of "schools of instruction" for them "prior to the agitation of the subject of abolition;" nor, have i forgotten, that i could not read it without feeling, that the creations of your fancy, rather than the facts of history, supplied this information. instances, rare instances, of such "melioration" and of such "schools of instruction," i doubt not there have been: but, i am confident, that the southern slaves have been sunk in depths of ignorance proportioned to the profits of their labor. i have not the least belief, that the proportion of readers amongst them is one half so great, as it was before the invention of whitney's cotton gin. permit me to call your attention to a few of the numberless evidences, that slavery is a poor school for "moral preparation" for freedom. st. slavery turns its victims into thieves. "who should be astonished," says thomas s. clay, a very distinguished slaveholder of georgia, "if the negro takes from the field or corn-house the supplies necessary for his craving appetite and then justifies his act, and denies that it is stealing?" what debasement in the slave does the same gentleman's remedy for theft indicate? "if," says he, "the negro is informed, that if he does not steal, he shall receive rice as an allowance; and if he does steal, he shall not, a motive is held out which will counteract the temptation to pilfer." nd. slavery reeks with licentiousness. another son of the south says, that the slaveholder's kitchen is a brothel, and a southern village a sodom. the elaborate defence of slavery by chancellor harper of south carolina justifies the heaviest accusations, that have been brought against it on the score of licentiousness. how could you blame us for deeply abhorring slavery, even were we to view it in no other light than that in which the dews and harpers and its other advocates present it? rd. slavery puts the master in the place of god, and the master's law in the place of god's law! "the negro," says thomas s. clay, "is seldom taught to feel, that he is punished for breaking god's law! he only knows his master as law-giver and executioner, and the sole object held up to his view is to make him a more obedient and profitable slave. he oftener hears that he shall be punished if he steals, than if he breaks the sabbath or swears; and thus he sees the very threatenings of god brought to bear on his master's interests. it is very manifest to him, that his own good is very far from forming the primary reason for his chastisement: his master's interests are to be secured at all events;--god's claims are secondary, or enforced merely for the purpose of advancing those of his owner. his own benefit is the residuum after this double distillation of moral motive--a mere accident." th. the laws of nearly all the slave-states forbid the teaching of the slaves to read. the abundant declarations, that those laws are without exception, a consequence of the present agitation of the question of slavery are glaringly false. many of these laws were enacted long before this agitation; and some of them long before you and i were born. say the three hundred and fifty-three gentlemen of the district of abbeville and edgefield in south carolina, who, the last year, broke up a system of oral religious instruction, which the methodist conference of that state had established amongst their slaves: "intelligence and slavery have no affinity for each other." and when those same gentlemen declare, that "verbal and lecturing instruction will increase a desire with the black population to learn"--that "the progress and diffusion of knowledge will be a consequence"--and that "a progressive system of improvement will be introduced, that will ultimately revolutionize our civil institutions," they admit, that the prohibition of "intelligence" to the slaves is the settled and necessary policy of slavery, and not, as you would have us believe, a temporary expedient occasioned by the present "agitation of this subject of abolition." th. slavery--the system, which forbids marriage and the reading of the bible--does of necessity turn its subjects into heathens. a report of the synod of south carolina and georgia, made five years ago, says: "who could credit it, that in these years of revival and benevolent effort--that, in this christian republic, there are over two millions of human beings in the condition of heathen, and in some respects in a worse condition? they may be justly considered the heathen of this christian country, and will bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world." i will finish what i have to say on this point of "moral preparation" for freedom, with the remark, that the history of slavery in no country warrants your implication, that slaves acquire such "moral preparation." the british parliament substituted an apprenticeship for slavery with the express design, that it should afford a "moral preparation" for freedom. and yet, if you will read the reports of late visitors to the british west indies, you will find, that the planters admit, that they made no use of the advantages of the apprenticeship to prepare their servants for liberty. their own gain--not the slaves'--was their ruling motive, during the term of the apprenticeship, as well as preceding it. another of your charges is, _that the abolitionists "have increased the rigors of legislation against slaves in most if not all the slave states_." and suppose, that our principles and measures have occasioned this evil--are they therefore wrong?--and are we, therefore, involved in sin? the principles and measures of moses and aaron were the occasion of a similar evil. does it follow, that those principles and measures were wrong, and that moses and aaron were responsible for the sin of pharaoh's increased oppressiveness? the truth, which jesus christ preached on the earth, is emphatically peace: but its power on the depravity of the human heart made it the occasion of division and violence. that depravity was the guilty cause of the division and violence. the truth was but the innocent occasion of them. to make it responsible for the effects of that depravity would be as unreasonable, as it is to make the holy principles of the anti-slavery cause responsible for the wickedness which they occasion: and to make the great preacher himself responsible for the division and violence, would be but to carry out the absurdity, of which the public are guilty, in holding abolitionists responsible for the mobs, which are got up against them. these mobs, by the way, are called "abolition mobs." a similar misnomer would pronounce the mob, that should tear down your house and shoot your wife, "henry clay's mob." harriet martineau, in stating the fact, that the mobs of , in the city of new york, were set down to the wrong account, says, that the abolitionists were told, that "they had no business to scare the city with the sight of their burning property and demolished churches!" no doubt the light of truth, which the abolitionists are pouring into the dark den of slavery, greatly excites the monster's wrath: and it may be, that he vents a measure of it on the helpless and innocent victims within his grasp. be it so;--it is nevertheless, not the ithuriel spear of truth, that is to be held guilty of the harm:--it is the monster's own depravity, which cannot "endure touch of celestial temper, but returns of force to its own likeness."[a] [footnote a: this is a reference to a passage in milton's paradise lost, in which satan in disguise is touched by the spear of the archangel ithuriel and is thereby forced to return to his own form.] i am, however, far from believing, that the treatment of the slaves is rendered any more rigorous and cruel by the agitation of the subject of slavery. i am very far from believing, that it is any harsher now than it was before the organization of the american anti-slavery society. fugitive slaves tell us, it is not: and, inasmuch as the slaveholders are, and, by both words and actions, abundantly show, that they feel that they are, arraigned by the abolitionists before the bar of the civilized world, to answer to the charges of perpetrating cruelties on their slaves, it would, unless indeed, they are of the number of those "whose glory is in their shame," be most unphilosophical to conclude, that they are multiplying proofs of the truth of those charges, more rapidly than at any former stage of their barbarities. that slaveholders are not insensible to public opinion and to the value of a good character was strikingly exhibited by mr. calhoun, in his place in the senate of the united states, when he followed his frank disclaimer of all suspicion, that the abolitionists are meditating a war against the slaveholder's person, with remarks evincive of his sensitiveness under the war, which they are waging against the slaveholder's character. a fact occurs to me, which goes to show, that the slaveholders feel themselves to be put upon their good behavior by the abolitionists. although slaves are murdered every day at the south, yet never, until very recently, if at all, has the case occurred, in which a white man has been executed at the south for the murder of a slave. a few months ago, the southern newspapers brought us copies of the document, containing the refusal of governor butler of south carolina to pardon a man, who had been convicted of the murder of a slave. this document dwells on the protection due to the slave; and, if i fully recollect its character, an abolitionist himself could hardly have prepared a more appropriate paper for the occasion. whence such a document--whence, in the editorial captions to this document, the exultation over its triumphant refutations of the slanders of the abolitionists against the south--but, that governor butler feels--but, that the writes of those captions feel--that the abolitionists have put the south upon her good behavior. another of your charges is, _that the abolitionists oppose "the project of colonisation."_ having, under another head, made some remarks on this "project," i will only add, that we must oppose the american colonization society, because it denies the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty of immediate, unqualified emancipation. its avowed doctrine is, that, unless emancipation he accompanied by expatriation, perpetual slavery is to be preferred to it. not to oppose that society, would be the guiltiest treachery to our holy religion, which requires immediate and unconditional repentance of sin. not to oppose it, would be to uphold slavery. not to oppose it, would be to abandon the anti-slavery society. do you ask, why, if this be the character of the american colonization society, many, who are now abolitionists, continued in it so long? i answer for myself, that, until near the period of my withdrawal from it, i had very inadequate conceptions of the wickedness, both of that society, and of slavery. for having felt the unequalled sin of slavery no more deeply--for feeling it now no more deeply, i confess myself to be altogether without excuse. the great criminality of my long continuance in the colonization society is perhaps somewhat palliated by the fact, that the strongest proofs of the wicked character and tendencies of the society were not exhibited, until it spread out its wing over slavery to shelter the monster from the earnest and effective blows of the american anti-slavery society. another of your charges is, that the abolitionists, in declaring "that their object is not to stimulate the action of the general government, _but to operate upon the states themselves, in which the institution of domestic slavery exists," are evidently insincere, since the "abolition societies and movements are all confined to the free slates_." i readily admit, that our object is the abolition of slavery, as well in the slave states, as in other portions of the nation, where it exists. but, does it follow, because only an insignificant share of our "abolition societies and movements" is in those states, that we therefore depend for the abolition of slavery in them on the general government, rather than on moral influence? i need not repeat, that the charge of our looking to the general government for such abolition is refuted by the language of the constitution of the anti-slavery society. you may, however, ask--"why, if you do not look to the general government for it, is not the great proportion of your means of moral influence in the slave states, where is the great body of the slaves?" i answer that, in the first place, the south does not permit us to have them there; and that, in the words of one of your fellow senators, and in the very similar words of another--both uttered on the floor of the senate--"if the abolitionists come to the south, the south will hang them." pardon the remark, that it seems very disingenuous in you to draw conclusions unfavorable to the sincerity of the abolitionists from premises so notoriously false, as are those which imply, that it is entirely at their own option, whether the abolitionists shall have their "societies and movements" in the free or slave states. i continue to answer your question, by saying, in the second place, that, had the abolitionists full liberty to multiply their "societies and movements" in the slave states, they would probably think it best to have the great proportion of them yet awhile in the free states. to rectify public opinion on the subject of slavery is a leading object with abolitionists. this object is already realized to the extent of a thorough anti-slavery sentiment in great britain, as poor andrew stevenson, for whom you apologise, can testify. indeed, the great power and pressure of that sentiment are the only apology left to this disgraced and miserable man for uttering a bald falsehood in vindication of virginia morals. he above all other men, must feel the truth of the distinguished thomas fowel buxton's declaration, that "england is turned into one great anti-slavery society." now, sir, it is such a change, as abolitionists have been the instruments of producing in great britain, that we hope to see produced in the free states. we hope to see public sentiment in these states so altered, that such of their laws, as uphold and countenance slavery, will be repealed--so altered, that the present brutal treatment of the colored population in them will give place to a treatment dictated by justice, humanity, and brotherly and christian love;--so altered, that there will be thousands, where now there are not hundreds, to class the products of slave labor with other stolen goods, and to refuse to eat and to wear that, which is wet with the tears, and red with the blood of "the poor innocents," whose bondage is continued, because men are more concerned to buy what is cheap, than what is honestly acquired;--so altered, that our missionary and other religious societies will remember, that god says: "i hate robbery for burnt-offering," and will forbear to send their agents after that plunder, which, as it is obtained at the sacrifice of the body and soul of the plundered, is infinitely more unfit, than the products of ordinary theft, to come into the lord's treasury. and, when the warm desires of our hearts, on these points, shall be realized, the fifty thousand southerners, who annually visit the north, for purposes of business and pleasure, will not all return to their homes, self-complacent and exulting, as now, when they carry with them the suffrages of the north in favor of slavery: but numbers of them will return to pursue the thoughts inspired by their travels amongst the enemies of oppression--and, in the sequel, they will let their "oppressed go free." it were almost as easy for the sun to call up vegetation by the side of an iceberg, as for the abolitionists to move the south extensively, whilst their influence is counteracted by a pro-slavery spirit at the north. how vain would be the attempt to reform the drunkards of your town of lexington, whilst the sober in it continue to drink intoxicating liquors! the first step in the reformation is to induce the sober to change their habits, and create that total abstinence-atmosphere, in the breathing of which, the drunkard lives,--and, for the want of which, he dies. the first step, in the merciful work of delivering the slaveholder from his sin, is similar. it is to bring him under the influence of a corrected public opinion--of an anti-slavery sentiment:--and they, who are to be depended on to contribute to this public opinion--to make up this anti-slavery sentiment--are those, who are not bound up in the iron habits, and blinded by the mighty interests of the slaveholder. to depend on slaveholders to give the lead to public opinion in the anti-slavery enterprise, would be no less absurd, than to begin the temperance reformation with drunkards, and to look to them to produce the influences, which are indispensable to their own redemption. you say of the abolitionists, _that "they are in favor of amalgamation."_ the anti-slavery society is, as its name imports, a society to oppose slavery--not to "make matches." whether abolitionists are inclined to amalgamation more than anti-abolitionists are, i will not here take upon myself to decide. so far, as you and i may be regarded as representatives of these two parties, and so far as our marriages argue our tastes in this matter, the abolitionists and anti-abolitionists may be set down, as equally disposed to couple white with white and black with black--for our wives, as you are aware, are both white. i will here mention, as it may further argue the similarity in the matrimonial tastes of abolitionists and anti-abolitionists, the fact so grateful to us in the days, when we were "workers together" in promoting the "scheme of colonization," that our wives are natives of the same town. i have a somewhat extensive acquaintance at the north; and i can truly say, that i do not know a white abolitionist, who is the reputed father of a colored child. at the south there are several hundred thousand persons, whose yellow skins testify, that the white man's blood courses through their veins. whether the honorable portion of their parentage is to be ascribed exclusively to the few abolitionists scattered over the south--and who, under such supposition, must, indeed, be prodigies of industry and prolificness--or whether anti-abolitionists there have, notwithstanding all their pious horror of "amalgamation," been contributing to it, you can better judge than myself. that slavery is a great amalgamator, no one acquainted with the blended colors of the south will, for a moment, deny. but, that an increasing amalgamation would attend the liberation of the slaves, is quite improbable, when we reflect, that the extensive occasions of the present mixture are the extreme debasement of the blacks and their entire subjection to the will of the whites; and that even should the debasement continue under a state of freedom, the subjection would not. it is true, that the colored population of our country might in a state of freedom, attain to an equality with the whites; and that a multiplication of instances of matrimonial union between the two races might be a consequence of this equality: but, beside, that this would be a lawful and sinless union, instead of the adulterous and wicked one, which is the fruit of slavery, would not the improved condition of our down-trodden brethren be a blessing infinitely overbalancing all the violations of our taste, which it might occasion? i say violations of _our_ taste;--for we must bear in mind that, offensive as the intermixture of different races may be to us, the country or age, which practices it, has no sympathy whatever with our feeling on this point. how strongly and painfully it argues the immorality and irreligion of the american people, that they should look so complacently on the "amalgamation," which tramples the seventh commandment under foot, and yet be so offended at that, which has the sanction of lawful wedlock! when the vice president of this nation was in nomination for his present office, it was objected to him, that he had a family of colored children. the defence, set up by his partisans, was, that, although he had such a family, he nevertheless was not married to their mother! the defence was successful; and the charge lost all its odiousness; and the vice president's popularity was retrieved, when, it turned out, that he was only the adulterous, and not the married father of his children! i am aware, that many take the ground, that we must keep the slaves in slavery to prevent the matrimonial "amalgamation," which, they apprehend, would be a fruit of freedom. but, however great a good, abolitionists might deem the separation of the white and black races, and however deeply they might be impressed with the power of slavery to promote this separation, they nevertheless, dare not "do evil, that good may come:"--they dare not seek to promote this separation, at the fearful expense of upholding, or in anywise, countenancing a humanity-crushing and god-defying system of oppression. another charge against the abolitionists is implied in the inquiry you make, _whether since they do not "furnish in their own families or persons examples of intermarriage, they intend to contaminate the industrious and laborious classes of society of the north by a revolting admixture of the black element."_ this inquiry shows how difficult it is for southern minds, accustomed as they have ever been to identify labor with slavery, to conceive the true character and position of such "classes" at the north; and also how ignorant they are of the composition of our anti-slavery societies. to correct your misapprehensions on these points, i will briefly say, in the first place, that the laborers of the north are freemen and not slaves;--that they marry whom they please, and are neither paired nor unpaired to suit the interests of the breeder, or seller, or buyer, of human stock:--and, in the second place, that the abolitionists, instead of being a body of persons distinct from "the industrious and laborious classes," do, more than nineteen twentieths of them, belong to those "classes." you have fallen into great error in supposing, that _abolitionists_ generally belong to the wealthy and aristocratic classes. this, to a great extent, is true of _anti-abolitionists_. have you never heard the boast, that there have been anti-abolition mobs, which consisted of "gentlemen of property and standing?" you charge upon abolitionists "_the purpose to create a pinching competition between black labor and white labor;" and add, that "on the supposition of abolition the black class, migrating into the free states, would enter into competition with the white class, diminishing the wages of their labor_." in making this charge, as well as in making that which immediately precedes it, you have fallen into the error, that abolitionists do not belong to "the industrious and laborious classes." in point of fact, the abolitionists belong so generally to these classes, that if your charge be true, they must have the strange "purpose" of "pinching" themselves. whether "the black class" would, or would not migrate, i am much more pleased to have you say what you do on this point, though it be at the expense of your consistency, than to have you say, as you do in another part of your speech, that abolition "would end in the extermination or subjugation of the one race or the other." it appears to me highly improbable, that emancipation would be followed by the migration of the emancipated. emancipation, which has already added fifty per cent. to the value of estates in the british west indies, would immediately add as much to the value of the soil of the south. much more of it would be brought into use; and, notwithstanding the undoubted truth, that the freedman performs twice as much labor as when a slave, the south would require, instead of any diminution, a very great increase of the number of her laborers. the laboring population of the british west india islands, is one-third as large as that of the southern states; and yet, since these islands have got rid of slavery, and have entered on their career of enterprize and industry, they find this population, great as it is, insufficient to meet the increased demand for labor. as you are aware, they are already inviting laborers of this and other countries to supply the deficiency. but what is the amount of cultivable land in those islands, compared with that in all the southern states? it is not so extensive as the like land in your single state. but you may suppose, that, in the event of the emancipation of her slaves, the south would prefer white laborers. i know not why she should. such are, for the most part, unaccustomed to her kinds of labor, and they would exact, because they would need, far greater wages than those, who had never been indulged beyond the gratification of their simplest wants. there is another point of view, in which it is still more improbable, that the black laborers of the south would be displaced by immigrations of white laborers. the proverbial attachment of the slave to his "bornin-ground," (the place of his nativity,) would greatly contribute to his contentment with low wages, at the hands of his old master. as an evidence of the strong attachment of our southern colored brethren to their birth-places, i remark, that, whilst the free colored population of the free states increased from to but nineteen per cent., the like population in the slave states increased, in the same period, thirty five per cent;--and this, too, notwithstanding the operation of those oppressive and cruel laws, whose enactment was dictated by the settled policy of expelling the free blacks from the south. that, in the event of the abolition of southern slavery, the emancipated slaves would migrate to the north, rather than elsewhere, is very improbable. whilst our climate would be unfriendly to them, and whilst they would be strangers to our modes of agriculture, the sugar and cotton fields of texas, the west indies, and other portions of the earth, would invite them to congenial employments beneath congenial skies. that, in case southern slavery is abolished, the colored population of the north would be drawn off to unite with their race at the south, is, for reasons too obvious to mention, far more probable than the reverse. it will be difficult for you to persuade the north, that she would suffer in a pecuniary point of view by the extirpation of slavery. the consumption of the laborers at the south would keep pace with the improvement and elevation of their condition, and would very soon impart a powerful impulse to many branches of northern industry. another of your charges is in the following words: "the subject of slavery within the district of florida," and that "of the right of congress to prohibit the removal of slaves from one state to another," are, with abolitionists, "but so many masked batteries, concealing the real and ultimate point of attack. that point of attack is the institution of domestic slavery, as it exists in those states." if you mean by this charge, that abolitionists think that the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia and in florida, and the suppression of the interstate traffic in human beings are, in themselves, of but little moment, you mistake. if you mean, that they think them of less importance than the abolition of slavery in the slave states, you are right; and if you further mean, that they prize those objects more highly, and pursue them more zealously, because they think, that success in them will set in motion very powerful, if not indeed resistless influences against slavery in the slave states, you are right in this also. i am aware, that the latter concession brings abolitionists under the condemnation of that celebrated book, written by a _modern_ limiter of "human responsibility"--not by the _ancient_ one, who exclaimed, "am i my brother's keeper?" in that book, to which, by the way, the infamous atherton resolutions are indebted for their keynote, and grand pervading idea, we find the doctrine, that even if it were the duty of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, the north nevertheless should not seek for such abolition, unless the object of it be "ultimate within itself." if it be "for the sake of something ulterior" also--if for the sake of inducing the slaveholders of the slave states to emancipate their slaves--then we should not seek for it. let us try this doctrine in another application--in one, where its distinguished author will not feel so much delicacy, and so much fear of giving offence. his reason why we should not go for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, unless our object in it be "ultimate within itself," and unaccompanied by the object of producing an influence against slavery in the slave states, is, that the federal constitution has left the matter of slavery in the slave states to those states themselves. but will president wayland say, that it has done so to any greater extent, than it has left the matter of gambling-houses and brothels in those states to those states themselves? he will not, if he consider the subject:--though, i doubt not, that when he wrote his bad book, he was under the prevailing error, that the federal constitution tied up the hands and limited the power of the american people in respect to slavery, more than to any other vice. but to the other application. we will suppose, that great britain has put down the gambling-houses and brothels in her wide dominions--that mexico has done likewise; and that the george thompsons, and charles stuarts, and other men of god, have come from england to beseech the people of the northern states to do likewise within their respective jurisdictions;--and we will further suppose, that those foreign missionaries, knowing the obstinate and infatuated attachment of the people of the southern states to their gambling-houses and brothels, should attempt, and successfully, too, to blend with the motive of the people of the northern states to get rid of their own gambling houses and brothels, the motive of influencing the people of the southern states to get rid of theirs--what, we ask, would this eminent divine advise in such a case? would he have the people of the northern states go on in their good work, and rejoice in the prospect, not only that these polluting and ruinous establishments would soon cease to exist within all their limits, but that the influence of their overthrow would be fatal to the like establishments in the southern states? to be consistent with himself--with the doctrine in question--he must reply in the negative. to be consistent with himself, he must advise the people of the northern states to let their own gambling-houses and brothels stand, until they can make the object of their abolishment "ultimate within itself;"--until they can expel from their hearts the cherished hope, that the purification of their own states of these haunts of wickedness would exert an influence to induce the people of their sister states to enter upon a similar work of purity and righteousness. but i trust, that president wayland would not desire to be consistent with himself on this point. i trust that he would have the magnanimity to throw away this perhaps most pernicious doctrine of a pernicious book, which every reader of it must see was written to flatter and please the slaveholder and arrest the progress of the anti-slavery cause. how great the sin of seizing on this very time, when special efforts are being made to enlist the world's sympathies in behalf of the millions of our robbed, outraged, crushed countrymen--how great the sin, of seizing on such a time to attempt to neutralize those efforts, by ascribing to the oppressors of these millions a characteristic "nobleness"--"enthusiastic attachment to personal right"--"disinterestedness which has always marked the southern character"--and a superiority to all others "in making any sacrifice for the public good!" it is this sin--this heinous sin--of which president wayland has to repent. if he pities the slave, it is because he knows, that the qualities, which he ascribes to the slaveholder, do not, in fact, belong to him. on the other hand, if he believes the slaveholder to be, what he represents him to be, he does not--in the very nature of things, he cannot--pity the slave. he must rather rejoice, that the slave has fallen into the hands of one, who, though he has the name, cannot have the heart, and cannot continue in the relation of a slaveholder. if john hook, for having mingled his discordant and selfish cries with the acclamations of victory and then general joy, deserved patrick henry's memorable rebuke, what does he not deserve, who finds it in his heart to arrest the swelling tide of pity for the oppressed by praises of the oppressor, and to drown the public lament over the slave's subjection to absolute power, in the congratulation, that the slaveholder who exercises that power, is a being of characteristic "nobleness," "disinterestedness," and "sacrifice" of self-interest? president wayland may perhaps say, that the moral influence, which he is unwilling to have exerted over the slaveholder, is not that, which is simply persuasive, but that, which is constraining--not that, which is simply inducing, but that, which is compelling. i cheerfully admit, that it is infinitely better to induce men to do right from their own approbation of the right, than it is to shame them, or in any other wise constrain them, to do so; but i can never admit, that i am not at liberty to effect the release of my colored brother from the fangs of his murderous oppressor, when i can do so by bringing public opinion to bear upon that oppressor, and to fill him with uneasiness and shame. i have not, overlooked the distinction taken by the reverend gentleman; though, i confess that, to a mind no less obtuse than my own, it is very little better than "a distinction without a difference." whilst he denies, that i can, as an american citizen, rightfully labor for the abolition of slavery in the slave states, or even in the district of columbia; he would perhaps, admit that, as a man, i might do so. but am i not interested, as an american citizen, to have every part of my country cleared of vice, and of whatever perils its free institutions? am i not interested, as such, to promote the overthrow of gambling and rum drinking establishments in south carolina?--but why any more than to promote the overthrow of slavery? in fine, am i not interested, as an american citizen, to have my country, and my whole country, "right in the sight of god?" if not, i had better not be an american citizen. i say no more on the subject of the sophistries of president wayland's book on, "the limitations of human responsibility;" nor would i have said what i have, were it not that it is in reply to the like sophistries couched in that objection of yours, which i have now been considering. another of your charges against the abolitionists is, _that they seek to "stimulate the rage of the people of the free states against the people of the slave states. advertisements of fugitive slaves and of slaves to be sold are carefully collected and blazoned forth to infuse a spirit of detestation and hatred against one entire and the largest section of the union."_ the slaveholders of the south represent slavery as a heaven-born institution--themselves as patriarchs and patterns of benevolence--and their slaves, as their tenderly treated and happy dependents. the abolitionists, on the contrary, think that slavery is from hell--that slaveholders are the worst of robbers--and that their slaves are the wretched victims of unsurpassed cruelties. now, how do abolitionists propose to settle the points at issue?--by fanciful pictures of the abominations of slavery to countervail the like pictures of its blessedness?--by mere assertions against slavery, to balance mere assertions in its favor? no--but by the perfectly reasonable and fair means of examining slavery in the light of its own code--of judging of the character of the slaveholder in the light of his own conduct--and of arguing the condition of the slave from unequivocal evidences of the light in which the slave himself views it. to this end we publish extracts from the southern slave code, which go to show that slavery subjects its victims to the absolute control of their erring fellow men--that it withholds from them marriage and the bible--that it classes them with brutes and things--and annihilates the distinctions between mind and matter. to this end we republish in part, or entirely, pamphlets and books, in which southern men exhibit, with their own pens, some of the horrid features of slavery. to this end we also republish such advertisements as you refer to--advertisements in which immortal beings, made in the image of god, and redeemed by a savior's blood, and breathed upon by the holy spirit, are offered to be sold, at public auction, or sheriff's sale, in connection with cows, and horses, and ploughs: and, sometimes we call special attention to the common fact, that the husband and wife, the parent and infant child, are advertised to be sold together or separately, as shall best suit purchasers. it is to this end also, that we often republish specimens of the other class of advertisements to which you refer. some of the advertisements of this class identify the fugitive slave by the scars, which the whip, or the manacles and fetters, or the rifle had made on his person. some of them offer a reward for his head!--and it is to this same end, that we often refer to the ten thousands, who have fled from southern slavery, and the fifty fold that number, who have unsuccessfully attempted to fly from it. how unutterable must be the horrors of the southern prison house, and how strong and undying the inherent love of liberty to induce these wretched fellow beings to brave the perils which cluster so thickly and frightfully around their attempted escape? that love is indeed _undying_. the three hundred and fifty-three south carolina gentlemen, to whom i have referred, admit, that even "the old negro man, whose head is white with age, raises his thoughts to look through the vista which will terminate his bondage." i put it to your candor--can you object to the reasonableness and fairness of these modes, which abolitionists have adopted for establishing the truth on the points at issue between themselves and slaveholders? but, you may say that our republication of your own representations of slavery proceeds from unkind motives, and serves to stir up the "hatred," and "rage of the people of the free states against the people of the slave states." if such be an effect of the republication, although not at all responsible for it, we deeply regret it; and, as to our motives, we can only meet the affirmation of their unkindness with a simple denial. were we, however, to admit the unkindness of our motives, and that we do not always adhere to the apostolic motto, of "speaking the truth in love"--would the admission change the features of slavery, or make it any the less a system of pollution and blood? is the accused any the less a murderer, because of the improper motives with which his accuser brings forward the conclusive proof of his blood-guiltiness? we often see, in the speeches and writings of the south, that slaveholders claim as absolute and as rightful a property in their slaves, as in their cattle. whence then their sensitiveness under our republication of the advertisements, is which they offer to sell their human stock? if the south will republish the advertisements of our property, we will only not be displeased, but will thank her; and any rebukes she may see fit to pour upon us, for offering particular kinds of property, will be very patiently borne, in view of the benefit we shall reap from her copies of our advertisements. a further charge in your speech is, _that the abolitionists pursue their object "reckless of all consequences, however calamitous they may be;" that they have no horror of a "civil war," or "a dissolution of the union;" that theirs is "a bloody road," and "their purpose is abolition, universal abolition, peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must."_ it is true that, the abolitionists pursue their object, undisturbed by apprehensions of consequences; but it is not true, that they pursue it "reckless of consequences." we believe that they, who unflinchingly press the claims of god's truth, deserve to be considered as far less "reckless of consequences," than they, who, suffering themselves to be thrown into a panic by apprehensions of some mischievous results, local or general, immediate or remote, are guilty of compromising the truth, and substituting corrupt expediency for it. we believe that the consequences of obeying the truth and following god are good--only good--and that too, not only in eternity, but in time also. we believe, that had the confidently anticipated deluge of blood followed the abolition of slavery in the british west indies, the calamity would have been the consequence, not of abolition, but of resistance to it. the insanity, which has been known to follow the exhibition of the claims of christianity, is to be charged on the refusal to fall in with those claims, and not on our holy religion. but, notwithstanding, we deem it our duty and privilege to confine ourselves to the word of the lord, and to make that word suffice to prevent all fears of consequences; we, nevertheless, employ additional means to dispel the alarms of those, who insist on walking "by sight;" and, in thus accommodating ourselves to their want of faith, we are justified by the example of him, who, though he said, "blessed are they that have not seen and yet have believed," nevertheless permitted an unbelieving disciple, both to see and to touch the prints of the nails and the spear. when dealing with such unbelievers, we do not confine ourselves to the "thus saith the lord"--to the divine command, to "let the oppressed go free and break every yoke"--to the fact, that god is an abolitionist: but we also show how contrary to all sound philosophy is the fear, that the slave, on whom have been heaped all imaginable outrages, will, when those outrages are exchanged for justice and mercy, turn and rend his penitent master. when dealing with such unbelievers, we advert to the fact, that the insurrections at the south have been the work of slaves--not one of them of persons discharged from slavery: we show how happy were the fruits of emancipation in st. domingo: and that the "horrors of st. domingo," by the parading of which so many have been deterred from espousing our righteous cause, were the result of the attempt to re-establish slavery. when dealing with them, we ask attention to the present peaceful, prosperous, and happy condition of the british west india islands, which so triumphantly falsifies the predictions, that bankruptcy, violence, bloodshed, and utter ruin would follow the liberation of their slaves. we point these fearful and unbelieving ones to the fact of the very favorable influence of the abolition of slavery on the price of real estate in those islands; to that of the present rapid multiplication of schools and churches in them; to the fact, that since the abolition of slavery, on the first day of august , not a white man in all those islands has been struck down by the arm of a colored man; and then we ask them whether in view of such facts, they are not prepared to believe, that god connects safety with obedience, and that it is best to "trust in the lord with all thine heart, and lean not to thine own understanding." on the subject of "a dissolution of the union," i have only to say, that, on the one hand, there is nothing in my judgment, which, under god, would tend so much to preserve our republic, as the carrying out into all our social, political and religious institutions of its great foundation principle, that "all men are created equal;" and that, on the other hand, the flagrant violation of that principle in the system of slavery, is doing more than all thing, else to hasten the destruction of the republic. i am aware, that one of the doctrines of the south is, that "slavery is the corner-stone of the republican edifice." but, if it be true, that our political institutions harmonize with, and are sustained by slavery, then the sooner we exchange them for others the better. i am aware, that it is said, both at the north and at the south, that it is essential to the preservation of the union. but, greatly as i love the union, and much as i would sacrifice for its righteous continuance, i cannot hesitate to say, that if slavery be an indispensable cement, the sooner it is dissolved the better. i am not displeased, that you call ours "a bloody road"--for this language does not necessarily implicate our motives; but i am greatly surprised that you charge upon us the wicked and murderous "purpose" of a forcible abolition. in reply to this imputation, i need only refer you to the constitution of the american anti-slavery society--to the declaration of the convention which framed it--and to our characters, for pledges, that we design no force, and are not likely to stain our souls with the crime of murder. that constitution says: "this society will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force." the declaration says "our principles forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage. our measures shall be such only, as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption--the destruction of error by the potency of truth--the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love--and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance." as to our characters they are before the world. you would probably look in vain through our ranks for a horse-racer, a gambler, a profane person, a rum-drinker, or a duellist. more than nine-tenths of us deny the rightfulness of offensive, and a large majority, even that of defensive national wars. a still larger majority believe, that deadly weapons should not be used in cases of individual strife. and, if you should ask, "where in the free states are the increasing numbers of men and women, who believe, that the religion of the unresisting 'lamb of god' forbids recourse to such weapons, in all circumstances, either by nations or individuals?"--the answer is, "to a man, to a woman, in the ranks of the abolitionists." you and others will judge for yourselves, how probable it is, that the persons, whom i have described, will prove worthy of being held up as murderers. the last of your charges against the abolitionists, which i shall examine, is the following: _having begun "their operations by professing to employ only persuasive means," they "have ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuasion," and "they now propose to substitute the powers of the ballot box;" and "the inevitable tendency of their proceedings is if these should be found insufficient, to invoke finally the more potent powers of the bayonet."_ if the slaveholders would but let us draw on them for the six or eight thousand dollars, which we expend monthly to sustain our presses and lecturers, they would then know, from an experience too painful to be forgotten, how truthless is your declaration, that we "have ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuasion." you and your friends, at first, employed "persuasive means" against "the sub-treasury system." afterwards, you rallied voters against it. now, if this fail, will you resort to "the more potent powers of the bayonet?" you promptly and indignantly answer, "no." but, why will you not? is it because the prominent opposers of that system have more moral worth--more religious horror of blood--than arthur tappan, william jay, and their prominent abolition friends? were such to be your answer, the public would judge, whether the men of peace and purity, who compose the mass of abolitionists, would be more likely than the clays and wises and the great body of the followers of these congressional leaders to betake themselves from a disappointment at "the ballot-box" to "the more potent powers of the bayonet?" you say, that we "_now_ propose to substitute the powers of the ballot-box," as if it were only of late, that we had proposed to do so. what then means the following language in our constitution: "the society will also endeavor in a constitutional way to influence congress to put an end to the domestic slave-trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its control--especially in the district of columbia--and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state, that may be hereafter admitted to the union?" what then means the following language in the "declaration" of the convention, which framed our constitution: "we also maintain, that there are at the present time the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free states to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the constitution of the united states?" if it be for the first time, that we "_now_ propose" "political action," what means it, that anti-slavery presses have, from year to year, called on abolitionists to remember the slave at the polls? you are deceived on this point; and the rapid growth of our cause has been the occasion of your deception. you suppose, because it is only within the last few months, that you have heard of abolitionists in this country carrying their cause to "the ballot box," that it is only within the last few months that they have done so. but, in point of fact, some of them have done so for several years. it was not, however, until the last year or two, when the number of abolitionists had become considerable, and their hope of producing an impression on the elections proportionately strong, that many of them were seen bringing their abolition principles to the "ballot-box." nor was it until the elections of the last autumn, that abolition action at "the ballot-box" had become so extensive, as to apprise the nation, that it is a principle with abolitionists to "remember" in one place as well as in another--at the polls as well as in the closet--"them that are in bonds." the fact that, at the last state election, there were three or four hundred abolition votes given in the county in which i reside, is no more real because of its wide spread interest, than the comparatively unheard of fact, that about one hundred such votes were given the year before. by the way, when i hear complaints of abolition action at the "ballot-box," i can hardly refrain from believing, that they are made ironically. when i hear complaints, that the abolitionists of this state rallied, as such, at the last state election, i cannot easily avoid suspecting, that the purpose of such complaints is the malicious one of reviving in our breasts the truly stinging and shame-filling recollection, that some five-sixths of the voters in our ranks, either openly apostatized from our principles, or took it into their heads, that the better way to vote for the slave and the anti-slavery cause was to vote for their respective political parties. you would be less afraid of the abolitionists, if i should tell you that more than ten thousand of them in this state voted at the last state election, for candidates for law makers, who were openly in favor of the law of this state, which creates slavery, and of other laws, which countenance and uphold it. and you would owe me for one of your heartiest laughs, were i to tell you, that there are abolitionists--professed abolitionists--yes, actual members of the anti-slavery society--who, carrying out this delusion of helping the slave by helping their "party," say, that they would vote even for a slaveholder, if their party should nominate him. let me remark, however, that i am happy to be able to inform you, that this delusion--at least in my own state--is fast passing away; and that thousands of the abolitionists who, in voting last autumn for gov. marey or gov. seward, took the first step in the way, that leads to voting for the slaveholder himself, are now not only refusing to take another step in that inconsistent and wicked way, but are repenting deeply of that, which they have already taken in it. much as you dislike, not to say _dread_, abolition action at "the ballot-box," i presume, that i need not spend any time in explaining to you the inconsistency of which an abolitionist is guilty, who votes for an upholder of slavery. a wholesome citizen would not vote fur a candidate for a law maker, who is in favor of laws, which authorize gaming-houses or _groggeries_. but, in the eye of one, who his attempted to take the "guage and dimensions" of the hell of slavery, the laws, which authorize slaveholding, far transcend in wickedness, those, which authorize gaming-houses or _groggeries_. you would not vote for a candidate for a law-maker, who is in favor of "the sub-treasury system." but compared with the evil of slavery, what is that of the most pernicious currency scheme ever devised? it is to be "counted as the small dust of the balance." if you would withhold your vote in the case supposed--how gross in your eyes must be the inconsistency of the abolitionist, who casts his vote on the side of the system of fathomless iniquity! i have already remarked on "the third" of the "impediments" or "obstacles" to emancipation, which you bring to view. _"the first impediment," you say, "is the utter and absolute want of all power on the part of the general government to effect the purpose."_ but because there is this want on the part of the general government, it does not follow, that it also exists on the part of the states: nor does it follow, that it also exists on the part of the slaveholders themselves. it is a poor plea of your neighbor for continuing to hold his fellow man in slavery, that neither the federal government nor the state of kentucky has power to emancipate them. such a plea is about as valid, as that of the girl for not having performed the task, which her mistress had assigned to her. "i was tied to the table." "who tied you there?" "i tied myself there." _"the next obstacle," you say, "in the way of abolition arises out of the fact of the presence in the slave states of three millions of slaves."_ this is, indeed a formidable "obstacle:" and i admit, that it is as much more difficult for the impenitent slaveholder to surmount it, than it would be if there were but one million of slaves, as it is for the impenitent thief to restore the money he has stolen, than it would be, if the sum were one third as great. but, be not discouraged, dear sir, with this view of the case. notwithstanding the magnitude of the obstacle, the warmest desires of your heart for the abolition of slavery, may yet be realized. be thankful, that repentance can avail in every case of iniquity; that it can loosen the grasp of the man-thief, as well as that of the money-thief: of the oppressors of thousands as well as of hundreds:--of "three millions," as well as of one million. but, were i to allow, that the obstacle in question, is as great, as you regard it--nevertheless will it not increase with the lapse of years, and become less superable the longer the work of abolition is postponed? i suppose, however, that it is not to be disguised, that, notwithstanding the occasional attempts in the course of your speech to create a different impression, you are in favor of perpetual slavery; and that all you say about "ultra abolitionists" in distinction from "abolitionists," and about "gradual emancipation," in distinction from "immediate emancipation," is said, but to please those, who sincerely make, and are gulled by, such distinctions. i do not forget, that you say, that the abolition of slavery in pennsylvania was proper. but, most obviously, you say it, to win favor with the anti-slavery portion of the north, and to sustain the world's opinion of your devotion to the cause of universal liberty;--for, having made this small concession to that holy cause--small indeed, since pennsylvania never at any one time, had five thousand slaves--you, straightway, renew your claims to the confidence of slaveholders, by assuring them, that you are opposed to "any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or immediate," in states where the slave population is extensive;--and, for proof of the sincerity of your declaration, you refer them to the fact of your recent open and effective opposition to the overthrow of slavery in your own state. the south is opposed to gradual, as well as to immediate emancipation: and, were she, indeed, to enter upon a scheme of gradual emancipation, she would speedily abandon it. the objections to swelling the number of her free colored population, whilst she continued to hold their brethren of the same race in bondage, would be found too real and alarming to justify her perseverance in the scheme. how strange, that men at the north, who think soundly on other subjects, should deduce the feasibility of gradual emancipation in the slave states--in some of which the slaves outnumber the free--from the fact of the like emancipation of the comparative handful of slaves in new york and pennsylvania! you say, "_it is frequently asked, what will become of the african race among us? are they forever to remain in bondage? that question was asked more than half a century ago. it has been answered by fifty years of prosperity_." the wicked man, "spreading himself like the green bay tree," would answer this question, as you have. they, who "walk after their own lusts, saying, where is the promise of his coming--for since the fathers fell asleep all things continue as they were from the beginning of the creation?" would answer it, as you have. they, whose "heart is fully set in them to do evil, because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily," would answer it, as you have. but, however you or they may answer it, and although god may delay his "coming" and the execution of his "sentence," it, nevertheless, remains true, that "it shall be well with them that fear god, but it shall not be well with the wicked." "fifty years of prosperity!" on whose testimony do we learn, that the last "fifty years" have been "years of prosperity" to the south?--on the testimony of oppressors or on that of the oppressed?--on that of her two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders--for this is the sum total of the tyrants, who rule the south and rule this nation--or on that of her two millions and three quarters of bleeding and crushed slaves? it may well be, that those of the south, who "have lived in pleasure on the earth and been wanton and have nourished their hearts as in a day of slaughter," should speak of "prosperity:" but, before we admit, that the "prosperity," of which they speak, is that of the south, instead of themselves merely, we must turn our weeping eyes to the "laborers, who have reaped down" their oppressors' "fields without wages," and the "cries" of whom "are entered into the ears of the lord of sabaoth;" and we must also take into the account the tears, and sweat, and groans, and blood, of the millions of similar laborers, whom, during the last "fifty years," death has mercifully released from southern bondage. talks the slaveholder of the "prosperity" of the south? it is but his own "prosperity"--and a "prosperity," such as the wolf may boast, when gorging on the flock. you say, _that the people of the north would not think it "neighborly and friendly" if "the people of the slave states were to form societies, subsidize presses, make large pecuniary contributions, &c. to burn the beautiful capitals, destroy the productive manufactories, and sink the gallant ships of the northern states_." indeed, they would not! but, if you were to go to such pains, and expense for the purpose of relieving our poor, doubling our wealth, and promoting the spiritual interests of both rich and poor--then we should bless you for practising a benevolence towards us, so like that, which abolitionists practise towards you; and then our children, and children's children, would bless your memories, even as your children and children's children will, if southern slavery be peacefully abolished, bless our memories, and lament that their ancestors had been guilty of construing our love into hatred, and our purpose of naught but good into a purpose of unmingled evil. near the close of your speech is the remark: "_i prefer the liberty of my own country to that of any other people_." another distinguished american statesman uttered the applauded sentiment: "my country--my whole country--and nothing but my country;"--and a scarcely less distinguished countryman of ours commanded the public praise, by saying: "my country right--but my country, right or wrong." such are the expressions of _patriotism_ of that idolized compound of selfish and base affections! were i writing for the favor, instead of the welfare of my fellow-men, i should praise rather than denounce patriotism. were i writing in accordance with the maxims of a corrupt world, instead of the truth of jesus christ, i should defend and extol, rather than rebuke the doctrine, that we may prefer the interests of one section of the human family to those of another. if patriotism, in the ordinary acceptation of the word, be right, then the bible is wrong--for that blessed book requires us to love all men, even as we love ourselves. how contrary to its spirit and precepts, that, "lands intersected by a narrow frith, abhor each other, mountains interposed make enemies of nations, who had else, like kindred drops, been mingled into one." there are many, who consider that the doctrine of loving all our fellow men as ourselves, belongs, to use your words, "to a sublime but impracticable philosophy." let them, however, but devoutly ask him, who enjoins it, to warm and expand their selfish and contracted hearts with its influences; and they will know, by sweet experience, that under the grace of god, the doctrine is no less "practicable" than "sublime." not a few seem to suppose, that he, who has come to regard the whole world as his country, and all mankind as his countrymen, will have less love of home and country than the patriot has, who makes his own nation, and no other, the cherished object of his affections. but did the saviour, when on earth, love any individual the less, because the love of his great heart was poured out, in equal tides, over the whole human family? and would he not, even in the eyes of the patriot himself, be stamped with imperfection, were it, to appear, that one nation shares less than another in his "loving-kindness" and that "his tender mercies are (not) over all his works?" blessed be his holy name, that he was cast down the "middle wall of partition" between the jew and gentile!--that there is no respect of persons with him!--that "greek" and "jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian, scythian, bond" and "free," are equal before him! having said, "_i prefer the liberty of my own country to that of any other people_," you add--"_and the liberty of my own race to that of any other race."_ how perfectly natural, that the one sentiment should follow the other! how perfectly natural, that he who can limit his love by state or national lines, should be also capable of confining it to certain varieties of the human complexion! how perfectly natural, that, he who is guilty of the insane and wicked prejudice against his fellow men, because they happen to be born a dozen, or a hundred, or a thousand miles from the place of his nativity, should foster the no less insane and wicked prejudice against the "skin not colored like his own!" how different is man from god! "he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust." but were man invested with supreme control, he would not distribute blessings impartially even amongst the "good" and the "just." you close your speech with advice and an appeal to abolitionists. are you sure that an appeal, to exert the most winning influence upon our hearts, would not have come from some other source better than from one who, not content with endeavoring to show the pernicious tendency of our principles and measures, freely imputes to us bloody and murderous motives? are you sure, that you, who ascribe to us designs more diabolical than those of burning "beautiful capitals," and destroying "productive manufactories," and sinking "gallant ships," are our most suitable adviser? we have, however, waved all exception on this score to your appeal and advice, and exposed our minds and hearts to the whole power and influence of your speech. and now we ask, that you, in turn, will hear us. presuming that you are too generous to refuse the reciprocation, we proceed to call on you to stay your efforts at quenching the world's sympathy for the slave--at arresting the progress of liberal, humane, and christian sentiments--at upholding slavery against that almighty arm, which now, "after so long a time," is revealed for its destruction. we urge you to worthier and more hopeful employments. exert your great powers for the repeal of the matchlessly wicked laws enacted to crush the saviour's poor. set a happy and an influential example to your fellow slaveholders, by a righteous treatment of those, whom you unrighteously hold in bondage. set them this example, by humbling yourself before god and your assembled slaves, in unfeigned penitence for the deep and measureless wrongs you have done the guiltless victims of your oppression--by paying those _men_, (speak of them, think of them, no longer, as _brutes_ and _things_)--by paying these, who are my brother men and your brother men, the "hire" you have so long withheld from them, and "which crieth" to heaven, because it "is of you kept back"--by breaking the galling yoke from their necks, and letting them "go free." do you shrink from our advice--and say, that obedience to its just requirements would impoverish you? infinitely better, that you be honestly poor than dishonestly rich. infinitely better to "do justly," and be a lazarus; than to become a croesus, by clinging to and accumulating ill-gotten gains. do you add to the fear of poverty, that of losing your honors--those which are anticipated, as well as those, which already deck your brow? allow us to assure you, that it will be impossible for you to redeem "henry clay, the statesman," and "henry clay, the orator," or even "henry clay, the president of the united states," from the contempt of a slavery-loathing posterity, otherwise than by coupling with those designations the inexpressibly more honorable distinction of "henry clay, the emancipator." i remain, your friend, gerrit smith. no. the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * american slavery as it is: testimony of a thousand witnesses. * * * * * "behold the wicked abominations that they do!"--ezekial, viii, . "the righteous considereth the cause of the poor; but the wicked regardeth not to know it."--prov. , . "true humanity consists not in a squeamish ear, but in listening to the story of human suffering and endeavoring to relieve it."--charles james fox. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, office, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this periodical contains sheets--postage, under miles, - / cts; over miles, - / cents. advertisement to the reader. a majority of the facts and testimony contained in this work rests upon the authority of slaveholders, whose names and residences are given to the public, as vouchers for the truth of their statements. that they should utter falsehoods, for the sake of proclaiming their own infamy, is not probable. their testimony is taken, mainly, from recent newspapers, published in the slave states. most of those papers will be deposited at the office of the american anti-slavery society, nassau street, new york city. those who think the atrocities, which they describe, incredible, are invited to call and read for themselves. we regret that _all_ of the original papers are not in our possession. the idea of preserving them on file for the inspection of the incredulous, and the curious, did not occur to us until after the preparation of the work was in a state of forwardness, in consequence of this, some of the papers cannot be recovered. _nearly all_ of them, however have been preserved. in all cases the _name_ of the paper is given, and, with very few exceptions, the place and time, (year, month, and day) of publication. some of the extracts, however not being made with reference to this work, and before its publication was contemplated, are without date; but this class of extracts is exceedingly small, probably not a thirtieth of the whole. the statements, not derived from the papers and other periodicals, letters, books, &c., published by slaveholders, have been furnished by individuals who have resided in slave states, many of whom are natives of those states, and have been slaveholders. the names, residences, &c. of the witnesses generally are given. a number of them, however, still reside in slave states;--to publish their names would be, in most cases, to make them the victims of popular fury. new york, may , . note. the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, while tendering their grateful acknowledgments, in the name of american abolitionists, and in behalf of the slave, to those who have furnished for this publication the result of their residence and travel in the slave states of this union, announce their determination to publish, from time to time, as they may have the materials and the funds, tracts, containing well authenticated facts, testimony, personal narratives, &c. fully setting forth the _condition_ of american slaves. in order that they may be furnished with the requisite materials, they invite all who have had personal knowledge of the condition of slaves in any of the states of this union, to forward their testimony with their names and residences. to prevent imposition, it is indispensable that persons forwarding testimony, who are not personally known to any of the executive committee, or to the secretaries or editors of the american anti-slavery society, should furnish references to some person or persons of respectability, with whom, if necessary, the committee may communicate respecting the writer. facts and testimony respecting the condition of slaves, in _all respects_, are desired; their food, (kinds, quality, and quantity,) clothing, lodging, dwellings, hours of labor and rest, kinds of labor, with the mode of exaction, supervision, &c.--the number and time of meals each day, treatment when sick, regulations inspecting their social intercourse, marriage and domestic ties, the system of torture to which they are subjected, with its various modes; and _in detail_, their _intellectual_ and _moral_ condition. great care should be observed in the statement of facts. well-weighed testimony and well-authenticated facts; with a responsible name, the committee earnestly desire and call for. thousands of persons in the free states have ample knowledge on this subject, derived from their own observation in the midst of slavery. will such hold their peace? that which maketh manifest is _light_; he who keepeth his candle under a bushel at such a time and in such a cause as this, _forges fetters for himself_, as well as for the slave. let no one withhold his testimony because others have already testified to similar facts. the value of testimony is by no means to be measured by the _novelty_ of the horrors which it describes. _corroborative_ testimony,--facts, similar to those established by the testimony of others,--is highly valuable. who that can give it and has a heart of flesh, will refuse to the slave so small a boon? communications may be addressed to theodore d. weld, nassau-street, new york. new york, may, . contents. introduction. twenty-seven hundred thousand free born citizens of the u.s. in slavery; tender mercies of slaveholders; abominations of slavery; character of the testimony. personal narratives--part i. narrative of nehemiah caulkins; north carolina slavery; methodist preaching slavedriver, galloway; women at child-birth; slaves at labor; clothing of slaves; allowance of provisions; slave-fetters; cruelties to slaves; burying a slave alive; licentiousness of slave-holders; rev. thomas p. hunt, with his "hands tied"; preachers cringe to slavery; nakedness of slaves; slave-huts; means of subsistence for slaves; slaves' prayer. narrative of rev. horace moulton; labor of the slaves; tasks; whipping posts; food; houses; clothing; punishments; scenes of horror; constables, savage and brutal; patrols; cruelties at night; _paddle-torturing_; _cat-hauling_; branding with hot iron; murder with impunity; iron collars, yokes, clogs, and bells. narrative of sarah m. grimk�; barbarous treatment of slaves; converted slave; professor of religion, near death, tortured his slave for visiting his companion; counterpart of james williams' description of larrimore's wife; head of runaway slave on a pole; governor of north carolina left his sick slave to perish; cruelty to women slaves; christian slave a martyr for jesus. testimony of rev. john graham; twenty-seven slaves whipped. testimony of william poe; harris whipped a girl to death; captain of the u.s. navy murdered his boy, was tried and acquitted; overseer burnt a slave; cruelties to slaves. privations of the slaves. food; suffering from hunger; rations in the u.s. army, &c; prison rations; testimony. labor; slaves are overworked; witnesses; henry clay; child-bearing prevented; dr. channing; sacrifice of a set of hands every seven years; testimony; laws of georgia, louisiana, maryland, south carolina, and virginia. clothing; witnesses; advertisements; testimony; field-hands; nudity of slaves; john randolph's legacy to essex and hetty. dwellings; witnesses; slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged. treatment of the sick. personal narratives, part ii. testimony of the rev. william t. allan; woman delivered of a dead child, being whipped; slaves shot by hilton; cruelties to slaves; whipping post; assaults, and maimings; murders; puryear, "the devil,"; overseers always armed; licentiousness of overseers; "bend your backs"; mrs. h., a presbyterian, desirous to cut arthur tappan's throat; clothing, huts, and herding of slaves; iron yokes with prongs; marriage unknown among slaves; presbyterian minister at huntsville; concubinage in preacher's house; slavery, the great wrong. narrative of william leftwich; slave's life. testimony of lemuel sapington; nakedness of slaves; traffic in slaves. testimony of mrs. lowry; long, a professor of religion killed three men; salt water applied to wounds to keep them from putrefaction. testimony of william c. gildersleeve; acts of cruelty. testimony of hiram white; woman with a child chained to her neck; amalgamation, and mulatto children. testimony of john m. nelson; rev. conrad speece influenced alexander nelson when dying not to emancipate his slaves; george bourne opposed slavery in . testimony of angelina grimk� weld; house-servants; slave-driving female professors of religion at charleston, s.c.; whipping women and prayer in the same room; tread-mills; _slaveholding religion_; slave-driving mistress prayed for the divine blessing upon her whipping of an aged woman; girl killed with impunity; jewish law; barbarities; medical attendance upon slaves; young man beaten to epilepsy and insanity; mistresses flog their slaves; blood-bought luxuries; borrowing of slaves; meals of slaves; all comfort of slaves disregarded; severance of companion lovers; separation of parents and children; slave espionage; sufferings of slaves; horrors of slavery indescribable. testimony of cruelty inflicted upon slaves; colonization society; emancipation society of north carolina; kentucky. punishments; floggings; witnesses and testimony. slave driving; droves of slaves. cruelty to slaves; slaves like stock without a shelter; "six pound paddle." tortures of slaves. iron collars, chains, fetters, and hand-cuffs; advertisements for fugitive slaves; testimony; iron head-frame; chain coffles; droves of 'human cattle'; washington, the national slave market; testimony of james k. paulding, secretary of the navy; _literary fraud and pretended prophecy_ by mr. paulding; brandings, maimings, and gun-shot wounds; witnesses and testimony; mr. sevier, senator of the u.s.; judge hitchcock, of mobile; commendable fidelity to truth in the advertisements of slaveholders; thomas aylethorpe cut off a slave's ear, and sent it to lewis tappan; advertisements for runaway slaves with their teeth mutilated; excessive cruelty to slaves; slaves burned alive; mr. turner, a slave-butcher; slaves roasted and flogged; cruelties common; fugitive slaves; slaves forced to eat tobacco worms; baptist christians escaping from slavery; christian whipped for praying; james k. paulding's testimony; slave driven to death; coroner's inquest on harney's murdered female slave; man-stealing encouraged by law; trial for a murdered slave; female slave whipped to death, and during the torture delivered of a dead infant; slaves murdered; slave driven to death; slaves killed with impunity; george, a slave, chopped piece-meal, and burnt by lilburn lewis; retributive justice in the awful death of lilburn lewis; trial of isham lewis, a slave murderer. personal narratives.--part iii. narrative of rev. francis hawley; plantations; overseers; no appeal from overseers to masters. clothing; nudity of slaves. work; cotton-picking; mothers of slaves; presbyterian minister killed his slave; methodist colored preacher hung; licentiousness; slave-traffic; night in a slaveholder's house; twelve slaves murdered; slave driving baptist preachers; hunting of runaways slaves; amalgamation. testimony of reuben c. macy, and richard macy. whipping of slaves. testimony of eleazer powel; overseer of hinds stuart, shot a slave for opposing the torture of his female companion. testimony of rev. william scales. three slaves murdered with impunity; separation of lovers, parents, and children. testimony of jos. ide. mrs. t. a presbyterian kind woman-killer; female slave whipped to death; food; nakedness of slaves; old man flogged after praying for his tyrant; slave-huts not as comfortable as pig-sties. testimony of rev. phineas smith. texas; suit for the value of slave 'property'; anson jones, ambassador from texas; no trial or punishment for the murder of slaves; slave-hunting in texas; suffering drives the slaves to despair and suicide. testimony of phil'n bliss. ignorance of northern citizens respecting slavery; betting upon crops; extent and cruelty of the punishment of slaves; slaveholders excuse their cruelties by the example of preachers, and professors of religion, and northern citizens; novel torture, eulogized by a professor of religion; whips as common as the plough; _ladies_ use cowhides, with shovel and tongs. testimony of rev. wm. a. chapin. slave-labor; starvation of slaves; slaves lacerated, without clothing, and without food. testimony of t.m. macy. cotton plantations on st. simon's island; cultivation of rice; no time for relaxation; sabbath a nominal rest; clothing; flogging. testimony of f.c. macy. slave cabins; food; whipping every day; treatment of slaves as brutes; slave-boys fight for slaveholder's amusement; amalgamation common. testimony of a clergyman. natchez; 'lie down,' for whipping; slave-hunting; 'ball and chain' men; whipping at the same time, on three plantations; hours of labor; _christians_ slave-hunting; many runaway slaves annually shot; slaves in the stocks; slave branding. condition of slaves. slavery is unmixed cruelty; fear the only motive of slaves; pain is the means, not the end of slave-driving; characters of slave drivers and overseers, brutal, sensual, and violent; ownership of human beings utterly destroys _their_ comfort. objections considered: i. such cruelties are incredible. slaves deemed to be working animals, or merchandize; and called 'stock,' 'increase,' 'breeders,' 'drivers,' 'property,' 'human cattle'; testimony of thomas jefferson; slaves worse treated than quadrupeds; contrast between the usage of slaves and animals; testimony; northern incredulity discreditable to consistency; religious persecutions; recent 'lynchings,' and riots, in the united states; many outrageous felonies perpetrated with impunity; large faith of the objectors who 'can't believe'; 'doe faces,' and 'dough faces'; slave-drivers acknowledge their own enormities; slave plantations in alabama, louisiana, and mississippi 'second only to hell'; legislature of north carolina; incredulity discreditable to intelligence; abuse of power in the state, and churches; legal restraints; american slaveholders possess absolute power; slaves deprived of the safe guards of law; mutual aversion between the oppressor and the slave; cruelty the product of arbitrary power; testimony of thomas jefferson; judge tucker; presbyterian synod of south carolina, and georgia; general william h. harrison; president edwards; montesquieu; wilberforce; whitbread; characters. objection ii.--"slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well." not testimony but opinion; 'good treatment' of slaves; novel form of cruelty. objection iii.--"slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, and generosity." hospitality and benevolence contrasted; slaveholders in congress, respecting texas and hayti; 'fictitious kindness and hospitality.' objection iv.--"northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves are not cruelly treated." testimony; 'gubner poisened'; field-hands; parlor slaves; chief justice durell. objection v.--"it is for the interest of the masters to treat their slaves well." testimony; rev. j.n. maffitt; masters interest to treat cruelly the great body of the slaves; various classes of slaves; hired slaves; advertisements. objection vi.--"slaves multiply; a proof that they are not inhumanly treated, and are in a comfortable condition." testimony; martin van buren; foreign slave trade; 'beware of kidnappers'; 'citizens sold as slaves'; kidnapping at new orleans; slave breeders. objection vii.--"public opinion is a protection to the slave." decision of the supreme court of north and south carolina; 'protection of slaves'; mischievous effects of 'public opinion' concerning slavery; laws of different states; heart of slaveholders; reasons for enacting the laws concerning cruelties to slaves; 'moderate correction'; hypocrisy and malignity of slave laws; testimony of slaves excluded; capital crimes for slaves; 'slaveholding brutality,' worse than that of caligula; public opinion destroys fundamental rights; character of slaveholders' advertisements; public opinion is diabolical; brutal indecency; murder of slaves by law; judge lawless; slave-hunting; health of slaves; acclimation of slaves; liberty of slaves; kidnapping of free citizens; law of louisiana; friends', memorial; domestic slavery; advertisements; childhood, old age; inhumanity; butchering dead slaves; south carolina medical college; charleston medical infirmary; advertisements; slave murders; john randolph; charleston slave auctions; 'never lose a day's work'; stocks; slave-breeding; lynch law; slaves murdered; slavery among christians; licentiousness encouraged by preachers; 'fine old preacher who dealt in slaves'; cruelty to slaves by professors of religion; slave-breeding; daniel o'connel, and andrew stevenson; virginia a negro raising menagerie; legislature of virginia; colonization society; inter-state slave traffic; battles in congress; duelling; cock-fighting; horse-racing; ignorance of slaveholders; 'slaveholding civilization, and morality'; arkansas; slave driving ruffians; missouri; alabama; butcheries in mississippi; louisiana; tennessee; fatal affray in columbia; presentment of the grand jury of shelby county; testimony of bishop smith of kentucky. atlantic slaveholding region. georgia; north carolina; trading with negroes; conclusion. introduction. reader, you are empannelled as a juror to try a plain case and bring in an honest verdict. the question at issue is not one of law, but of facts--"what is the actual condition of the slaves in the united states?" a plainer case never went to a jury. look at it. twenty-seven hundred thousand persons in this country, men, women, and children, are in slavery. is slavery, as a condition for human beings, good, bad, or indifferent? we submit the question without argument. you have common sense, and conscience, and a human heart;--pronounce upon it. you have a wife, or a husband, a child, a father, a mother, a brother or a sister--make the case your own, make it theirs, and bring in your verdict. the case of human rights against slavery has been adjudicated in the court of conscience times innumerable. the same verdict has always been rendered--"guilty;" the same sentence has always been pronounced, "let it be accursed;" and human nature, with her million echoes, has rung it round the world in every language under heaven, "let it be accursed. let it be accursed." his heart is false to human nature, who will not say "amen." there is not a man on earth who does not believe that slavery is a curse. human beings may be inconsistent, but human _nature_ is true to herself. she has uttered her testimony against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and dashing against it her condemning brand. we repeat it, every man knows that slavery is a curse. whoever denies this, his lips libel his heart. try him; clank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are for _him_; give him an hour to prepare his wife and children for a life of slavery; bid him make haste and get ready their necks for the yoke, and their wrists for the coffle chains, then look at his pale lips and trembling knees, and you have _nature's_ testimony against slavery. two millions seven hundred thousand persons in these states are in this condition. they were made slaves and are held each by force, and by being put in fear, and this for no crime! reader, what have you to say of such treatment? is it right, just, benevolent? suppose i should seize you, rob you of your liberty, drive you into the field, and make you work without pay as long as you live, would that be justice and kindness, or monstrous injustice and cruelty? now, every body knows that the slaveholders do these things to the slaves every day, and yet it is stoutly affirmed that they treat them well and kindly, and that their tender regard for their slaves restrains the masters from inflicting cruelties upon them. we shall go into no metaphysics to show the absurdity of this pretence. the man who _robs_ you every day, is, forsooth, quite too tender-hearted ever to cuff or kick you! true, he can snatch your money, but he does it gently lest he should hurt you. he can empty your pockets without qualms, but if your _stomach_ is empty, it cuts him to the quick. he can make you work a life time without pay, but loves you too well to let you go hungry. he fleeces you of your _rights_ with a relish, but is shocked if you work bareheaded in summer, or in winter without warm stockings. he can make you go without your _liberty_, but never without a shirt. he can crush, in you, all hope of bettering your condition, by vowing that you shall die his slave, but though he can coolly torture your feelings, he is too compassionate to lacerate your back--he can break your heart, but he is very tender of your skin. he can strip you of all protection and thus expose you to all outrages, but if you are exposed to the _weather_, half clad and half sheltered, how yearn his tender bowels! what! slaveholders talk of treating men well, and yet not only rob them of all they get, and as fast as they get it, but rob them of _themselves_, also; their very hands and feet, all their muscles, and limbs, and senses, their bodies and minds, their time and liberty and earnings, their free speech and rights of conscience, their right to acquire knowledge, and property, and reputation;--and yet they, who plunder them of all these, would fain make us believe that their soft hearts ooze out so lovingly toward their slaves that they always keep them well housed and well clad, never push them too hard in the field, never make their dear backs smart, nor let their dear stomachs get empty. but there is no end to these absurdities. are slaveholders dunces, or do they take all the rest of the world to be, that they think to bandage our eyes with such thin gauzes? protesting their kind regard for those whom they hourly plunder of all they have and all they get! what! when they have seized their victims, and annihilated all their _rights_, still claim to be the special guardians of their _happiness_! plunderers of their liberty, yet the careful suppliers of their wants? robbers of their earnings, yet watchful sentinels round their interests, and kind providers for their comfort? filching all their time, yet granting generous donations for rest and sleep? stealing the use of their muscles, yet thoughtful of their ease? putting them under _drivers_, yet careful that they are not hard-pushed? too humane forsooth to stint the stomachs of their slaves, yet force their _minds_ to starve, and brandish over them pains and penalties, if they dare to reach forth for the smallest crumb of knowledge, even a letter of the alphabet! it is no marvel that slaveholders are always talking of their _kind treatment_ of their slaves. the only marvel is, that men of sense can be gulled by such professions. despots always insist that they are merciful. the greatest tyrants that ever dripped with blood have assumed the titles of "most gracious," "most clement," "most merciful," &c., and have ordered their crouching vassals to accost them thus. when did not vice lay claim to those virtues which are the opposites of its habitual crimes? the guilty, according to their own showing, are always innocent, and cowards brave, and drunkards sober, and harlots chaste, and pickpockets honest to a fault. every body understands this. when a man's tongue grows thick, and he begins to hiccough and walk cross-legged, we expect him, as a matter of course, to protest that he is not drunk; so when a man is always singing the praises of his own honesty, we instinctively watch his movements and look out for our pocket-books. whoever is simple enough to be hoaxed by such professions, should never be trusted in the streets without somebody to take care of him. human nature works out in slaveholders just as it does to other men, and in american slaveholders just as in english, french, turkish, algerine, roman and grecian. the spartans boasted of their kindness to their slaves, while they whipped them to death by thousands at the altars of their gods. the romans lauded their own mild treatment of their bondmen, while they branded their names on their flesh with hot irons, and when old, threw them into their fish ponds, or like cato "the just," starved them to death. it is the boast of the turks that they treat their slaves as though they were their children, yet their common name for them is "dogs," and for the merest trifles, their feet are bastinadoed to a jelly, or their heads clipped off with the scimetar. the portuguese pride themselves on their gentle bearing toward their slaves, yet the streets of rio janeiro are filled with naked men and women yoked in pairs to carts and wagons, and whipped by drivers like beasts of burden. slaveholders, the world over, have sung the praises of their tender mercies towards their slaves. even the wretches that plied the african slave trade, tried to rebut clarkson's proofs of their cruelties, by speeches, affidavits, and published pamphlets, setting forth the accommodations of the "middle passage," and their kind attentions to the comfort of those whom they had stolen from their homes, and kept stowed away under hatches, during a voyage of four thousand miles. so, according to the testimony of the autocrat of the russias, he exercises great clemency towards the poles, though he exiles them by thousands to the snows of siberia, and tramples them down by millions, at home. who discredits the atrocities perpetrated by ovando in hispaniola, pizarro in peru, and cortez in mexico,--because they filled the ears of the spanish court with protestations of their benignant rule? while they were yoking the enslaved natives like beasts to the draught, working them to death by thousands in their mines, hunting them with bloodhounds, torturing them on racks, and broiling them on beds of coals, their representations to the mother country teemed with eulogies of their parental sway! the bloody atrocities of philip ii, in the expulsion of his moorish subjects, are matters of imperishable history. who disbelieves or doubts them? and yet his courtiers magnified his virtues and chanted his clemency and his mercy, while the wail of a million victims, smitten down by a tempest of fire and slaughter let loose at his bidding, rose above the _te deums_ that thundered from all spain's cathedrals. when louis xiv. revoked the edict of nantz, and proclaimed two millions of his subjects free plunder for persecution,--when from the english channel to the pyrennees the mangled bodies of the protestants were dragged on reeking hurdles by a shouting populace, he claimed to be "the father of his people," and wrote himself "his most _christian_ majesty." but we will not anticipate topics, the full discussion of which more naturally follows than precedes the inquiry into the actual condition and treatment of slaves in the united states. as slaveholders and their apologists are volunteer witnesses in their own cause, and are flooding the world with testimony that their slaves are kindly treated; that they are well fed, well clothed, well housed, well lodged, moderately worked, and bountifully provided with all things needful for their comfort, we propose--first, to disprove their assertions by the testimony of a multitude of impartial witnesses, and then to put slaveholders themselves through a course of cross-questioning which shall draw their condemnation out of their own mouths. we will prove that the slaves in the united states are treated with barbarous inhumanity; that they are overworked, underfed, wretchedly clad and lodged, and have insufficient sleep; that they are often made to wear round their necks iron collars armed with prongs, to drag heavy chains and weights at their feet while working in the field, and to wear yokes, and bells, and iron horns; that they are often kept confined in the stocks day and night for weeks together, made to wear gags in their mouths for hours or days, have some of their front teeth torn out or broken off, that they may be easily detected when they run away; that they are frequently flogged with terrible severity, have red pepper rubbed into their lacerated flesh, and hot brine, spirits of turpentine, &c., poured over the gashes to increase the torture; that they are often stripped naked, their backs and limbs cut with knives, bruised and mangled by scores and hundreds of blows with the paddle, and terribly torn by the claws of cats, drawn over them by their tormentors; that they are often hunted with bloodhounds and shot down like beasts, or torn in pieces by dogs; that they are often suspended by the arms and whipped and beaten till they faint, and when revived by restoratives, beaten again till they faint, and sometimes till they die; that their ears are often cut off, their eyes knocked out, their bones broken, their flesh branded with red hot irons; that they are maimed, mutilated and burned to death over slow fires. all these things, and more, and worse, we shall _prove_. reader, we know whereof we affirm, we have weighed it well; _more and worse_ we will prove. mark these words, and read on; we will establish all these facts by the testimony of scores and hundreds of eye witnesses, by the testimony of _slaveholders_ in all parts of the slave states, by slaveholding members of congress and of state legislatures, by ambassadors to foreign courts, by judges, by doctors of divinity, and clergymen of all denominations, by merchants, mechanics, lawyers and physicians, by presidents and professors in colleges and _professional_ seminaries, by planters, overseers and drivers. we shall show, not merely that such deeds are committed, but that they are frequent; not done in corners, but before the sun; not in one of the slave states, but in all of them; not perpetrated by brutal overseers and drivers merely, but by magistrates, by legislators, by professors of religion, by preachers of the gospel, by governors of states, by "gentlemen of property and standing," and by delicate females moving in the "highest circles of society." we know, full well, the outcry that will be made by multitudes, at these declarations; the multiform cavils, the flat denials, the charges of "exaggeration" and "falsehood" so often bandied, the sneers of affected contempt at the credulity that can believe such things, and the rage and imprecations against those who give them currency. we know, too, the threadbare sophistries by which slaveholders and their apologists seek to evade such testimony. if they admit that such deeds are committed, they tell us that they are exceedingly rare, and therefore furnish no grounds for judging of the general treatment of slaves; that occasionally a brutal wretch in the _free_ states barbarously butchers his wife, but that no one thinks of inferring from that, the general treatment of wives at the north and west. they tell us, also, that the slaveholders of the south are proverbially hospitable, kind, and generous, and it is incredible that they can perpetrate such enormities upon human beings; further, that it is absurd to suppose that they would thus injure their own property, that self-interest would prompt them to treat their slaves with kindness, as none but fools and madmen wantonly destroy their own property; further, that northern visitors at the south come back testifying to the kind treatment of the slaves, and that the slaves themselves corroborate such representations. all these pleas, and scores of others, are bruited in every corner of the free states; and who that hath eyes to see, has not sickened at the blindness that saw not, at the palsy of heart that felt not, or at the cowardice and sycophancy that dared not expose such shallow fallacies. we are not to be turned from our purpose by such vapid babblings. in their appropriate places, we propose to consider these objections and various others, and to show their emptiness and folly. the foregoing declarations touching the inflictions upon slaves, are not hap-hazard assertions, nor the exaggerations of fiction conjured up to carry a point; nor are they the rhapsodies of enthusiasm, nor crude conclusions, jumped at by hasty and imperfect investigation, nor the aimless outpourings either of sympathy or poetry; but they are proclamations of deliberate, well-weighed convictions, produced by accumulations of proof, by affirmations and affidavits, by written testimonies and statements of a cloud of witnesses who speak what they know and testify what they have seen, and all these impregnably fortified by proofs innumerable, in the relation of the slaveholder to his slave, the nature of arbitrary power, and the nature and history of man. of the witnesses whose testimony is embodied in the following pages, a majority are slaveholders, many of the remainder have been slaveholders, but now reside in free states. another class whose testimony will be given, consists of those who have furnished the results of their own observation during periods of residence and travel in the slave states. we will first present the reader with a few personal narratives furnished by individuals, natives of slave states and others, embodying, in the main, the results of their own observation in the midst of slavery--facts and scenes of which they were eye-witnesses. in the next place, to give the reader as clear and definite a view of the actual condition of slaves as possible, we propose to make specific points; to pass in review the various particulars in the slave's condition, simply presenting sufficient testimony under each head to settle the question in every candid mind. the examination will be conducted by stating distinct propositions, and in the following order of topics. . the food of the slaves, the kinds, quality and quantity, also, the number and time of meals each day, &c. . their hours of labor and rest. . their clothing. . their dwellings. . their privations and inflictions. . _in conclusion,_ a variety of objections and arguments will be considered which are used by the advocates of slavery to set aside the force of testimony, and to show that the slaves are kindly treated. between the larger divisions of the work, brief personal narratives will be inserted, containing a mass of facts and testimony, both general and specific. * * * * * personal narratives. mr. nehemiah caulkins, of waterford, new london co., connecticut, has furnished the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, with the following statements relative to the condition and treatment of slaves, in the south eastern part of north carolina. most of the facts related by mr. caulkins fell under his personal observation. the air of candor and honesty that pervades the narrative, the manner in which mr. c. has drawn it up, the good sense, just views, conscience and heart which it exhibits, are sufficient of themselves to commend it to all who have ears to hear. the committee have no personal acquaintance with mr. caulkins, but they have ample testimonials from the most respectable sources, all of which represent him to be a man whose long established character for sterling integrity, sound moral principle and piety, have secured for him the uniform respect and confidence of those who know him. without further preface the following testimonials are submitted to the reader. this may certify, that we the subscribers have lived for a number of years past in the neighborhood with mr. nehemiah caulkins, and have no hesitation in stating that we consider him a man of high respectability and that his character for truth and veracity is unimpeachable. peter comstock. a.f. perkins, m.d. isaac beebe. lodowick beebe. d. g. otis. philip morgan. james rogers, m.d. _waterford, ct., jan. th, ._ mr. comstock is a justice of the peace. mr. l. beebe is the town clerk of waterford. mr. j. beebe is a member of the baptist church. mr. otis is a member of the congregational church. mr. morgan is a justice of the peace, and messrs. perkins and rogers are designated by their titles. all those gentlemen are citizens of waterford, connecticut. to whom it may concern. this may certify that mr. nehemiah caulkins, of waterford, in new london county, is a near neighbor to the subscriber, and has been for many years. i do consider him a man of _unquestionable veracity_ and certify that he is so considered by people to whom he is personally known. edward r. warren. _jan. th, ._ mr. warren is a commissioner (associate judge) of the county court, for new london county. this may certify that mr. nehemiah caulkins, of the town of waterford, county of new london, and state of connecticut, is a member of the first baptist church in said waterford, is in good standing, and is esteemed by us a man of truth and veracity. francis darrow, pastor of said church. _waterford, jan. th, ._ this may certify that nehemiah caulkins, of waterford, lives near me, and i always esteemed him, and believe him to be a man of truth and veracity. elisha beckwith. _jan. th, ._ mr. beckwith is a justice of the peace, a post master, and a deacon of the baptist church. mr. dwight p. jones, a member of the second congregational church in the city of new london, in a recent letter, says; "mr. caulkins is a member of the baptist church in waterford, and in every respect a very worthy citizen. i have labored with him in the sabbath school, and know him to be a man of active piety. the most _entire confidence_ may be placed in the truth of his statements. where he is known, no one will call them in question." we close these testimonials with an extract, of a letter from william bolles, esq., a well known and respected citizen of new london, ct. "mr. nehemiah caulkins resides in the town of waterford, about six miles from this city. his opportunities to acquire exact knowledge in relation to slavery, in that section of our country, to which his narrative is confined, have been very great. he is a carpenter, and was employed principally on the plantations, working at his trade, being thus almost constantly in the company of the slaves as well as of their masters. his full heart readily responded to the call, [for information relative to slavery,] for, as he expressed it, he had long desired that others might know what he had seen, being confident that a general knowledge of facts as they exist, would greatly promote the overthrow of the system. he is a man of undoubted character; and where known, his statements need no corroboration. yours, &c. william bolles." narrative of mr. caulkins. i feel it my duty to tell some things that i know about slavery, in order, if possible, to awaken more feeling at the north in behalf of the slave. the treatment of the slaves on the plantations where i had the greatest opportunity of getting knowledge, _was not so bad_ as that on some neighboring estates, where the owners were noted for their cruelty. there were, however, other estates in the vicinity, where the treatment was better; the slaves were better clothed and fed, were not worked so hard, and more attention was paid to their quarters. the scenes that i have witnessed are enough to harrow up the soul; but could the slave be permitted to tell the story of his sufferings, which no white man, not linked with slavery, _is allowed to know,_ the land would vomit out the horrible system, slaveholders and all, if they would not unclinch their grasp upon their defenceless victims. i spent eleven winters, between the years and , in the state of north carolina, mostly in the vicinity of wilmington; and four out of the eleven on the estate of mr. john swan, five or six miles from that place. there were on his plantation about seventy slaves, male and female: some were married, and others lived together as man and wife, without even a mock ceremony. with their owners generally, it is a matter of indifference; the marriage of slaves not being recognized by the slave code. the slaves, however, think much of being married by a clergyman. the cabins or huts of the slaves were small, and were built principally by the slaves themselves, as they could find time on sundays and moonlight nights; they went into the swamps, cut the logs, backed or hauled them to the quarters, and put up their cabins. when i first knew mr. swan's plantation, his overseer was a man who had been a methodist minister. he treated the slaves with great cruelty. his reason for leaving the ministry and becoming an overseer, as i was informed, was this: his wife died, at which providence he was so enraged, that he swore he would not preach for the lord another day. this man continued on the plantation about three years; at the close of which, on settlement of accounts, mr. swan owed him about $ , for which he turned him out a negro woman, and about twenty acres of land. he built a log hut, and took the woman to live with him; since which, i have been at his hut, and seen four or five mulatto children. he has been appointed _justice of the peace_, and his place as overseer was afterwards occupied by a mr. galloway. it is customary in that part of the country, to let the hogs run in the woods. on one occasion a slave caught a pig about two months old, which he carried to his quarters. the overseer, getting information of the fact, went to the field where he was at work, and ordered him to come to him. the slave at once suspected it was something about the pig, and fearing punishment, dropped his hoe and ran for the woods. he had got but a few rods, when the overseer raised his gun, loaded with duck shot, and brought him down. it is a common practice for overseers to go into the field armed with a gun or pistols, and sometimes both. he was taken up by the slaves and carried to the plantation hospital, and the physician sent for. a physician was employed by the year to take care of the sick or wounded slaves. in about six weeks this slave got better, and was able to come out of the hospital. he came to the mill where i was at work, and asked me to examine his body, which i did, and counted twenty-six duck shot still remaining in his flesh, though the doctor had removed a number while he was laid up. there was a slave on mr. swan's plantation, by the name of harry, who, during the absence of his master, ran away and secreted himself is the woods. this the slaves sometimes do, when the master is absent for several weeks, to escape the cruel treatment of the overseer. it is common for them to make preparations, by secreting a mortar, a hatchet, some cooking utensils, and whatever things they can get that will enable them to live while they are in the woods or swamps. harry staid about three months, and lived by robbing the rice grounds, and by such other means as came in his way. the slaves generally know where the runaway is secreted, and visit him at night and on sundays. on the return of his master, some of the slaves were sent for harry. when he came home, he was seized and confined in the stocks. the stocks were built in the barn, and consisted of two heavy pieces of timber, ten or more feet in length, and about seven inches wide; the lower one, on the floor, has a number of holes or places cut in it, for the ancles; the upper piece, being of the same dimensions, is fastened at one end by a hinge, and is brought down after the ancles are placed in the holes, and secured by a clasp and padlock at the other end. in this manner the person is left to sit on the floor. barry was kept in the stocks _day and night for a week_, and flogged _every morning_. after this, he was taken out one morning, a log chain fastened around his neck, the two ends dragging on the ground, and he sent to the field, to do his task with the other slaves. at night he was again put in the stocks, in the morning he was sent to the field in the same manner, and thus dragged out another week. the overseer was a very miserly fellow, and restricted his wife in what are considered the comforts of life--such as tea, sugar, &c. to make up for this, she set her wits to work, and, by the help of a slave, named joe, used to take from the plantation whatever she could conveniently, and watch her opportunity during her husband's absence, and send joe to sell them and buy for her such things as she directed. once when her husband was away, she told joe to kill and dress one of the pigs, sell it, and get her some tea, sugar, &c. joe did as he was bid, and she gave him the offal for his services. when galloway returned, not suspecting his wife, he asked her if she knew what had become of his pig. she told him she suspected one of the slaves, naming him, had stolen it, for she had heard a pig squeal the evening before. the overseer called the slave up, and charged him with the theft. he denied it, and said he knew nothing about it. the overseer still charged him with it, and told him he would give him one week to think of it, and if he did not confess the theft, or find out who did steal the pig, he would flog every negro on the plantation; before the week was up it was ascertained that joe had killed the pig. he was called up and questioned, and admitted that he had done so, and told the overseer that he did it by the order of mrs. galloway, and that she directed him to buy some sugar, &c. with the money. mrs. galloway gave joe the lie; and he was terribly flogged. joe told me he had been several times to the smoke-house with mrs. g, and taken hams and sold them, which her husband told me he supposed were stolen by the negroes on a neighboring plantation. mr. swan, hearing of the circumstance, told me he believed joe's story, but that his statement would not be taken as proof; and if every slave on the plantation told the same story it could not be received as evidence against a white person. to show the manner in which old and worn-out slaves are sometimes treated, i will state a fact. galloway owned a man about seventy years of age. the old man was sick and went to his hut; laid himself down on some straw with his feet to the fire, covered by a piece of an old blanket, and there lay four or five days, groaning in great distress, without any attention being paid him by his master, until death ended his miseries; he was then taken out and buried with as little ceremony and respect as would be paid to a brute. there is a practice prevalent among the planters, of letting a negro off from severe and long-continued punishment on account of the intercession of some white person, who pleads in his behalf, that he believes the negro will behave better, that he promises well, and he believes he will keep his promise, &c. the planters sometimes get tired of punishing a negro, and, wanting his services in the field, they get some white person to come, and, in the presence of the slave, intercede for him. at one time a negro, named charles, was confined in the stocks in the building where i was at work, and had been severely whipped several times. he begged me to intercede for him and try to get him released. i told him i would; and when his master came in to whip him again, i went up to him and told him i had been talking with charles, and he had promised to behave better, &c., and requested him not to punish him any more, but to let him go. he then said to charles, "as mr. caulkins has been pleading for you, i will let you go on his account;" and accordingly released him. women are generally shown some little indulgence for three or four weeks previous to childbirth; they are at such times not often punished if they do not finish the task assigned them; it is, in some cases, passed over with a severe reprimand, and sometimes without any notice being taken of it. they ate generally allowed four weeks after the birth of a child, before they are compelled to go into the field, they then take the child with them, attended sometimes by a little girl or boy, from the age of four to six, to take care of it while the mother is at work. when there is no child that can be spared, or not young enough for this service, the mother, after nursing, lays it under a tree, or by the side of a fence, and goes to her task, returning at stated intervals to nurse it. while i was on this plantation, a little negro girl, six years of age, destroyed the life of a child about two months old, which was left in her care. it seems this little nurse, so called, got tired of her charge and the labor of carrying it to the quarters at night, the mother being obliged to work as long as she could see. one evening she nursed the infant at sunset as usual, and sent it to the quarters. the little girl, on her way home, had to cross a run or brook, which led down into the swamp; when she came to the brook she followed it into the swamp, then took the infant and plunged it head foremost into the water and mud, where it stuck fast; she there left it and went to the negro quarters. when the mother came in from the field, she asked the girl where the child was; she told her she had brought it home, but did not know where it was; the overseer was immediately informed, search was made, and it was found as above stated, and dead. the little girl was shut up in the barn, and confined there two or three weeks, when a speculator came along and bought her for two hundred dollars. the slaves are obliged to work from daylight till dark, as long as they can see. when they have tasks assigned, which is often the case, a few of the strongest and most expert, sometimes finish them before sunset; others will be obliged to work till eight or nine o'clock in the evening. all must finish their tasks or take a flogging. the whip and gun, or pistol, are companions of the overseer; the former he uses very frequently upon the negroes, during their hours of labor, without regard to age or sex. scarcely a day passed while i was on the plantation, in which some of the slaves were not whipped; i do not mean that they were _struck a few blows_ merely, but had a _set flogging_. the same labor is commonly assigned to men and women,--such as digging ditches in the rice marshes, clearing up land, chopping cord-wood, threshing, &c. i have known the women go into the barn as soon as they could see in the morning, and work as late as they could see at night, threshing rice with the flail, (they now have a threshing machine,) and when they could see to thresh no longer, they had to gather up the rice, carry it up stairs, and deposit it in the granary. the allowance of clothing on this plantation to each slave, was given out at christmas for the year, and consisted of one pair of coarse shoes, and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. if the man has a wife she makes it up; if not, it is made up in the house. the slaves on this plantation, being near wilmington, procured themselves extra clothing by working sundays and moonlight nights, cutting cordwood in the swamps, which they had to back about a quarter of a mile to the ricer; they would then get a permit from their master, and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to wilmington, and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best could, and with the money buy an old jacket of the sailors, some coarse cloth for a shirt, &c. they sometimes gather the moss from the trees, which they cleanse and take to market. the women receive their allowance of the same kind of cloth which the men have. this they make into a frock; if they have any under garments _they must procure them for themselves_. when the slaves get a permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes make all ring again by singing the following significant ditty, which shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the human breast which for a while, at least, enables them to forget their wretchedness.[ ] hurra, for good ole massa, he giv me de pass to go to de city hurra, for good ole missis, she bile de pot, and giv me de licker. hurra, i'm goin to de city. [footnote : slaves sometimes sing, and so do convicts in jails under sentence, and both for the same reason. their singing proves that they _want_ to be happy not that they _are_ so. it is the _means_ that they use to make themselves happy, not the evidence that they are so already. sometimes, doubtless, the excitement of song whelms their misery in momentary oblivion. he who argues from this that they have no conscious misery to forget, knows as little of human nature as of slavery.--editor.] every saturday night the slaves receive their allowance of provisions, which must last them till the next saturday night. "potatoe time," as it is called, begins about the middle of july. the slave may measure for himself, the overseer being present, half a bushel of sweet potatoes, and heap the measure as long as they will lie on; i have, however, seen the overseer, if he think the negro is getting too many, kick the measure; and if any fall off tell him he has got his measure. no salt is furnished them to eat with their potatoes. when rice or corn is given, they give them a little salt; sometimes half a pint of molasses is given, but not often. the quantity of rice, which is of the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one peck. when corn is given them, their allowance is the same, and if they get it ground, (mr. swan had a mill on his plantation,) they must give one quart for grinding, thus reducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. when fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, one fish. as to meat, they seldom had any. i do not think they had an allowance of meat oftener than once in two or three months, and then the quantity was very small. when they went into the field to work, they took some of the meal or rice and a pot with them; the pots were given to an old woman, who placed two poles parallel, set the pots on them, and kindled a fire underneath for cooking; she took salt with her and seasoned the messes as she thought proper. when their breakfast was ready, which was generally about ten or eleven o'clock, they were called from labor, ate, and returned to work; in the afternoon, dinner was prepared in the same way. they had but two meals a day while in the field; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves after they returned to their quarters at night. at the time of killing hogs on the plantation, the pluck, entrails, and blood were given to the slaves. when i first went upon mr. swan's plantation, i saw a slave in shackles or fetters, which were fastened around each ankle and firmly riveted, connected together by a chain. to the middle of this chain he had fastened a string, so as in a manner to suspend them and keep them from galling his ankles. this slave, whose name was frank, was an intelligent, good looking man, and a very good mechanic. there was nothing vicious in his character, but he was one of those high-spirited and daring men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the means of cruelty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. mr. s. had employed a mr. beckwith to repair a boat, and told him frank was a good mechanic, and he might have his services. frank was sent for, his _shackles still on_. mr. beckwith set him to work making _trundels_, &c. i was employed in putting up a building, and after mr. beckwith had done with frank, he was sent for to assist me. mr. swan sent him to a blacksmith's shop and had his shackles cut off with a cold chisel. frank was afterwards sold to a cotton planter. i will relate one circumstance, which shows the little regard that is paid to the feelings of the slave. during the time that mr. isaiah rogers was superintending the building of a rice machine, one of the slaves complained of a severe toothache. swan asked mr. rogers to take his hammer and _knock out the tooth_. there was a slave on the plantation named ben, a waiting man. i occupied a room in the same hut, and had frequent conversations with him. ben was a kind-hearted man, and, i believe, a christian; he would always ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and was in the constant practice of praying morning and night.--one day when i was at the hut, ben was sent for to go to the house. ben sighed deeply and went. he soon returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom one of mr. swan's daughters had ordered him to flog. he brought her into the room where i was, and told her to stand there while he went into the next room: i heard him groan again as he went. while there i heard his voice, and he was engaged in prayer. after a few minutes he returned with a large cowhide, and stood before the girl, without saying a word. i concluded he wished me to leave the hut, which i did; and immediately after i heard the girl scream. at every blow she would shriek, "do, ben! oh do, ben!" this is a common expression of the slaves to the person whipping them: "do, massa!" or, "do, missus!" after she had gone, i asked ben what she was whipped for: he told me she had done something to displease her young missus; and in boxing her ears, and otherwise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a pin in the girl's dress, for which she sent her to be flogged. i asked him if he stripped her before flogging; he said, yes; he did not like to do this, but was _obliged_ to: he said he was once ordered to whip a woman, which he did without stripping her: on her return to the house, her mistress examined her back; and not seeing any marks, he was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped her: he replied that he had; she said she saw no marks, and asked him if he had made her pull her clothes off; he said, no. she then told him, that when he whipped any more of the women, he must make them strip off their clothes, as well as the men, and flog them on their bare backs, or he should be flogged himself. ben often appeared very gloomy and sad: i have frequently heard him, when in his room, mourning over his condition, and exclaim, "poor african slave! poor african slave!" whipping was so common an occurrence on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition to state the _many_ and _severe_ floggings i have seen inflicted on the slaves. they were flogged for not performing their tasks, for being careless, slow, or not in time, for going to the fire to warm, &c. &c.; and it often seemed as if occasions were sought as an excuse for punishing them. on one occasion, i heard the overseer charge the hands to be at a certain place the next morning at sun-rise. i was present in the morning, in company with my brother, when the hands arrived. joe, the slave already spoken of, came running, all out of breath, about five minutes behind the time, when, without asking any questions, the overseer told him to take off his jacket. joe took off his jacket. he had on a piece of a shirt; he told him to take it off: joe took it off: he then whipped him with a heavy cowhide full six feet long. at every stroke joe would spring from the ground, and scream, "o my god! do, massa galloway!" my brother was so exasperated; that he turned to me and said, "if i were joe, i would kill the overseer if i knew i should be shot the next minute." in the winter the horn blew at about four in the morning, and all the threshers were required to be at the threshing floor in fifteen minutes after. they had to go about a quarter of a mile from their quarters. galloway would stand near the entrance, and all who did not come in time would get a blow over the back or head as heavy as he could strike. i have seen him, at such times, follow after them, striking furiously a number of blows, and every one followed by their screams. i have seen the women go to their work after such a flogging, crying and taking on most piteously. it is almost impossible to believe that human nature can endure such hardships and sufferings as the slaves have to go through: i have seen them driven into a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in order to put down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and there stand in the water among the ice until it was bailed out. i have _often_ known the hands to be taken from the field, sent down the river in flats or boats to wilmington, absent from twenty-four to thirty hours, _without any thing to eat,_ no provision being made for these occasions. galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of the slaves were sick, he could give it to them without sending for the physician; but he always kept a good look out that they did not sham sickness. when any of them excited his suspicions, he would make them take the medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap on the top of the head, to make them swallow it. a man once came to him, of whom he said he was suspicious: he gave him two potions of salts, and fastened him in the stocks for the night. his medicine soon began to operate; and _there he lay in all his filth till he was taken out the next day._ one day, mr. swan beat a slave severely, for alleged carelessness in letting a boat get adrift. the slave was told to secure the boat: whether he took sufficient means for this purpose i do not know; he was not allowed to make any defence. mr. swan called him up, and asked why he did not secure the boat: he pulled off his hat and began to tell his story. swan told him he was a damned liar, and commenced beating him over the head with a hickory cane, and the slave retreated backwards; swan followed him about two rods, threshing him over the head with the hickory as he went. as i was one day standing near some slaves who were threshing, the driver, thinking one of the women did not use her flail quick enough, struck her over the head: the end of the whip hit her in the eye. i thought at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and doctoring for some days, she recovered. speaking to him about it, he said that he once struck a slave so as to put one of her eyes entirely out. a patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave found off the plantation without a pass is whipped on the spot. i knew a slave who started without a pass, one night, for a neighboring plantation, to see his wife: he was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. he stated his business to the patrol, who was well acquainted with him but all to no purpose. i spoke to the patrol about it afterwards: he said he knew the negro, that he was a very clever fellow, but he had to whip him; for, if he let him pass, he must another, &c. he stated that he had sometimes caught and flogged four in a night. in conversation with mr. swan about runaway slaves, he stated to me the following fact:--a slave, by the name of luke, was owned in wilmington; he was sold to a speculator and carried to georgia. after an absence of about two months the slave returned; he watched an opportunity to enter his old master's house when the family were absent, no one being at home but a young waiting man. luke went to the room where his master kept his arms; took his gun, with some ammunition, and went into the woods. on the return of his master, the waiting man told him what had been done: this threw him into a violent passion; he swore he would kill luke, or lose his own life. he loaded another gun, took two men, and made search, but could not find him: he then advertised him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or lodged in jail. his neighbors, however, advised him to offer a reward of two hundred dollars for him _dead or alive_, which he did. nothing however was heard of him for some months. mr. swan said, one of his slaves ran away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return he said he had found luke, and that he had a rifle, two pistols, and a sword. i left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the north; when i went out again, the next fall, i asked mr. swan if any thing had been heard of luke; he said he was _shot_, and related to me the manner of his death, as follows:--luke went to one of the plantations, and entered a hut for something to eat. being fatigued, he sat down and fell asleep. there was only a woman in the hut at the time: as soon as she found he was asleep, she ran and told her master, who took his rifle, and called two white men on another plantation: the three, with their rifles, then went to the hut, and posted themselves in different positions, so that they could watch the door. when luke waked up he went to the door to look out, and saw them with their rifles, he stepped back and raised his gun to his face. they called to him to surrender; and stated that they had him in their power, and said he had better give up. he said he would not: and if they tried to take him, he would kill one of them; for, if he gave up, he knew they would kill him, and he was determined to sell his life as dear as he could. they told him, if he should shoot one of them, the other two would certainly kill him: he replied, he was determined not to give up, and kept his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle was turned toward one, another, standing in a different direction, shot him through the head, and he fell lifeless to the ground. there was another slave shot while i was there; this man had run away, and had been living in the woods a long time, and it was not known where he was, till one day he was discovered by two men, who went on the large island near belvidere to hunt turkeys; they shot him and carried his head home. it is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pursue and catch runaway slaves. i was once bitten by one of them. i went to the overseer's house, the dog lay in the piazza, as soon as i put my foot upon the floor, he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not severely; he tore my pantaloons badly. the overseer apologized for his dog, saying he never knew him to bite a _white_ man before. he said he once had a dog, when he lived on another plantation, that was very useful to him in hunting runaway negroes. he said that a slave on the plantation once ran away; as soon as he found the course he took, he put the dog on the track, and he soon came so close upon him that the man had to climb a tree, he followed with his gun, and brought the slave home. the slaves have a great dread of being sold and carried south. it is generally said, and i have no doubt of its truth, that they are much worse treated farther south. the following are a few among the many facts related to me while i lived among the slaveholder. the names of the planters and plantations, i shall not give, _as they did not come under my own observation_. i however place the fullest confidence in their truth. a planter not far from mr. swan's employed an overseer to whom he paid $ a year; he became dissatisfied with him, because he did not drive the slaves hard enough, and get more work out of them. he therefore sent to south carolina, or georgia, and got a man to whom he paid i believe $ a year. he proved to be a cruel fellow, and drove the slaves almost to death. there was a slave on this plantation, who had repeatedly run away, and had been severely flogged every time. the last time he was caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried up to the chin, his arms being secured down by his sides. he was kept in this situation four or five days. the following was told me by an intimate friend; it took place on a plantation containing about one hundred slaves. one day the owner ordered the women into the barn, he then went in among them, whip in hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they began immediately to cry out "what have i done massa? what have i done massa?" he replied; "d--n you, i will let you know what you have done, you don't breed, i haven't had a young one from one of you for several months." they told him they could not breed while they had to work in the rice ditches. (the rice grounds are low and marshy, and have to be drained, and while digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to work in mud and water from one to two feet in depth; they were obliged to draw up and secure their frocks about their waist, to keep them out of the water, in this manner they frequently had to work from daylight in the morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) after swearing and threatening for some time, he told them to tell the overseer's wife, when they got in that way, and he would put them upon the land to work. this same planter had a female slave who was a member of the methodist church; for a slave she was intelligent and conscientious. he proposed a criminal intercourse with her. she would not comply. he left her and sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flogged. it was done. not long after, he renewed his proposal. she again refused. she was again whipped. he then told her why she had been twice flogged, and told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. the girl, seeing that her case was hopeless, her back smarting with the scourging she had received, and dreading a repetition, gave herself up to be the victim of his brutal lusts. one of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to a child which lived but two or three weeks. after its death the planter called the woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die; said it was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for it. she told, him with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances of its death. but her story availed her nothing against the savage brutality of her master. she was severely whipped. a healthy child four months old was then considered worth $ in north carolina. the foregoing facts were related to me by white persons of character and respectability. the following fact was related to me on a plantation where i have spent considerable time and where the punishment was inflicted. i have no doubt of its truth. a slave ran away from his master, and got as far as newbern. he took provisions that lasted him a week; but having eaten all, he went to a house to get something to satisfy his hunger. a white man suspecting him to be a runaway, demanded his pass; as he had none he was seized and put in newbern jail. he was there advertised, his description given, &c. his master saw the advertisement and sent for him; when he was brought back, his wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. a stick was then passed over his arms and under his knees, and he secured in this manner, his trowsers were then stripped down, and he turned over on his side, and severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over and severely beaten on the other side, and then turned back again, and tortured by another bruising and beating. he was afterwards kept in the stocks a week, and whipped every morning. to show the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how it covers with moral filth every thing it touches, i will state two or three facts, which i have on such evidence i cannot doubt their truth. a planter offered a white man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of his female slaves, whom he would get in the family way. this offer was no doubt made for the purpose of improving the stock, on the same principle that farmers endeavour to improve their cattle by crossing the breed. slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city, often hire their own time, for which they pay various prices per week or month, according to the capacity of the slave. the females who thus hire their time, pursue various modes to procure the money; their masters making no inquiry how they get it, provided the money comes. if it is not regularly paid they are flogged. some take in washing, some cook on board vessels, pick oakum, sell peanuts, &c., while others, younger and more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. i knew a man from the north who, though married to a respectable southern woman, kept two of these mulatto girls in an upper room at his store; his wife told some of her friends that he had not lodged at home for two weeks together, i have seen these two _kept misses_, as they are there called, at his store; he was afterwards stabbed in an attempt to arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten days. the clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting influence of slavery, and their moral courage is borne down by it. not the hypocritical and unprincipled alone, but even such as can hardly be supposed to be destitute of sincerity. going one morning to the baptist sunday school, in wilmington, in which i was engaged, i fell in with the rev. thomas p. hunt, who was going to the presbyterian school. i asked him how he could bear to see the little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and running about the streets, as we then saw them, their moral condition entirely neglected, while the whites were so carefully gathered into the schools. his reply was substantially this:--"i can't bear it, mr. caulkins. i feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what can i do? my hands are tied." now, if mr. hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as a servant of him who never failed to rebuke sin in high places, what shall be said of those clergymen at the north, where the power that closed his mouth is comparatively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how god abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouth on this subject, but to denounce the friends of emancipation, thus giving the strongest support to the accursed system of slavery. i believe mr. hunt has since become an agent of the temperance society. in stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to show the practical workings of the system of slavery, and if possible to correct the misapprehension on this subject, so common at the north. in doing this i am not at war with slave-holders. no, my soul is moved for them as well as for the poor slaves. may god send them repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth! principle, on a subject of this nature, is dearer to me than the applause of men, and should not be sacrificed on any subject, even though the ties of friendship may be broken. we have too long been silent on this subject, the slave has been too much considered, by our northern states, as being kept by necessity in his present condition.--were we to ask, in the language of pilate, "what evil have they done"--we may search their history, we cannot find that they have taken up arms against our government, nor insulted us as a nation--that they are thus compelled to drag out a life in chains! subjected to the most terrible inflictions if in any way they manifest a wish to be released.--let us reverse the question. what evil has been done to them by those who call themselves masters? first let us look at their persons, "neither clothed nor naked"--i have seen instances where this phrase would not apply to boys and girls, and that too in winter. i knew one young man seventeen years of age, by the name of dave, on mr. j. swan's plantation, worked day after day in the rice machine as naked as when he was born. the reason of his being so, his master said in my hearing, was, that he could not keep clothes on him--he would get into the fire and burn them off. follow them next to their huts; some with and some without floors:--go at night, view their means of lodging, see them lying on benches, some on the floor or ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the night:--others, of younger age, with a bare blanket wrapped about them; and one or two lying in the ashes. these things _i have often seen with my own eyes._ examine their means of subsistence, which consists generally of seven quarts of meal or eight quarts of small rice for one week; then follow them to their work, with driver and overseer pushing them to the utmost of their strength, by threatening and whipping. if they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their huts, as i have often been, and see them groaning under a burning fever or pleurisy, lying on some straw, their feet to the fire with barely a blanket to cover them; or on some boards nailed together in form of a bedstead. and after seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their sufferings, need i ask, is there any evil connected with their condition? and if so; upon whom is it to be charged? i answer for myself, and the reader can do the same. our government stands first chargeable for allowing slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. second, the states for enacting laws to secure their victim. third, the slaveholder for carrying out such enactments, in horrid form enough to chill the blood. fourth, every person who knows what slavery is, and does not raise his voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives consent to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the sight of god. "the blood of zacharias who was slain between the temple and altar," says christ, "will i require of this generation." look at the slave, his condition but little, if at all, better than that of the brute; chained down by the law, and the will of his master; and every avenue closed against relief; and the names of those who plead for him, cast out as evil;--must not humanity let its voice be heard, and tell israel their transgressions and judah their sins? may god look upon their afflictions, and deliver them from their cruel task-masters! i verily believe he will, if there be any efficacy in prayer. i have been to their prayer meetings and with them offered prayer in their behalf. i have heard some of them in their huts before day-light praying in their simple broken language, telling their heavenly father of their trials in the following and similar language. "fader in heaven, look upon de poor slave, dat have to work all de day long, dat cant have de time to pray only in de night, and den massa mus not know it.[ ] fader, have mercy on massa and missus. fader, when shall poor slave get through de world! when will death come, and de poor slave go to heaven;" and in their meetings they frequently add, "fader, bless de white man dat come to hear de slave pray, bless his family," and so on. they uniformly begin their meetings by singing the following-- "and are we yet alive to see each other's face," &c. [footnote : at this time there was some fear of insurrection and the slaves were forbidden to hold meetings.] is the ear of the most high deaf to the prayer of the slave? i do firmly believe that their deliverance will come, and that the prayer of this poor afflicted people will be answered. emancipation would be safe. i have had eleven winters to learn the disposition of the slaves, and am satisfied that they would peaceably and cheerfully work for pay. give them education, equal and just laws, and they will become a most interesting people. oh, let a cry be raised which shall awaken the conscience of this guilty nation, to demand for the slaves immediate and unconditional emancipation. nehemiah caulkins. * * * * * narrative and testimony of rev. horace moulton. mr. moulton is an esteemed minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, mass. he spent five years in georgia, between and . the following communication has been recently received from him. marlborough, mass., feb. , . dear brother-- yours of feb. d, requesting me to write out a few facts on the subject of slavery, as it exists at the south, has come to hand. i hasten to comply with your request. were it not, however, for the claims of those "who are drawn unto death," and the responsibility resting upon me, in consequence of this request, i should forever hold my peace. for i well know that i shall bring upon myself a flood of persecution, for attempting to speak out for the dumb. but i am willing to be set at nought by men, if i can be the means of promoting the welfare of the oppressed of our land. i shall not relate many particular cases of cruelty, though i might a great number; but shall give some general information as to their mode of treatment, their food, clothing, dwellings, deprivations, &c. let me say, in the first place, that i spent nearly five years in savannah, georgia, and in its vicinity, between the years and . my object in going to the south, was to engage in making and burning brick; but not immediately succeeding, i engaged in no business of much profit until late in the winter, when i took charge of a set of hands and went to work. during my leisure, however, i was an observer, at the auctions, upon the plantations, and in almost every department of business. the next year, during the cold months, i had several two-horse teams under my care, with which we used to haul brick, boards, and other articles from the wharf into the city, and cotton, rice, corn, and wood from the country. this gave me an extensive acquaintance with merchants, mechanics and planters. i had slaves under my control some portions of every year when at the south. all the brick-yards, except one, on which i was engaged, were connected either with a corn field, potatoe patch, rice field, cotton field, tan-works, or with a wood lot. my business, usually, was to take charge of the brick-making department. at those jobs i have sometimes taken in charge both the field and brick-yard hands. i have been on the plantations in south carolina, but have never been an overseer of slaves in that state, as has been said in the public papers. i think the above facts and explanations are necessary to be connected with the account i may give of slavery, that the reader may have some knowledge of my acquaintance with _practical_ slavery: for many mechanics and merchants who go to the south, and stay there for years, know but little of the dark side of slavery. my account of slavery will apply to _field hands_, who compose much the largest portion of the black population, (probably nine-tenths,) and not to those who are kept for kitchen maids, nurses, waiters, &c., about the houses of the planters and public hotels, where persons from the north obtain most of their knowledge of the evils of slavery. i will now proceed to take up specific points. the labor of the slaves males and females work together promiscuously on all the plantations. on many plantations _tasks_ are given them. the best working hands can have some leisure time; but the feeble and unskilful ones, together with slender females, have indeed a hard time of it, and very often answer for non-performance of tasks at the _whipping-posts_. none who worked with me had tasks at any time. the rule was to work them from sun to sun. but when i was burning brick, they were obliged to take turns, and _sit up all night_ about every other night, and work all day. on one plantation, where i spent a few weeks, the slaves were called up to work long before daylight, when business pressed, and worked until late at night; and sometimes some of them _all night_. a large portion of the slaves are owned by masters who keep them on purpose to hire out--and they usually let them to those who will give the highest wages for them, irrespective of their mode of treatment; and those who hire them, will of course try to get the greatest possible amount of work performed, with the least possible expense. women are seen bringing their infants into the field to their work, and leading others who are not old enough to stay at the cabins with safety. when they get there, they must set them down in the dirt and go to work. sometimes they are left to cry until they fall asleep. others are left at home, shut up in their huts. now, is it not barbarous, that the mother, with her child of children around her, half starved, must be whipped at night if she does not perform her task? but so it is. some who have very young ones, fix a little sack, and place the infants on their backs, and work. one reason, i presume is, that they will not cry so much when they can hear their mother's voice. another is, the mothers fear that the poisonous vipers and snakes will bite them. truly, i never knew any place where the land is so infested with all kinds of the most venomous snakes, as in the low lands round about savannah. the moccasin snakes, so called, and water rattle-snakes--the bites of both of which are as poisonous as our upland rattlesnakes at the north,--are found in myriads about the stagnant waters and swamps of the south. the females, in order to secure their infants from these poisonous snakes, do, as i have said, often work with their infants on their backs. females are sometimes called to take the hardest part of the work. on some brick yards where i have been, the women have been selected as the _moulders_ of brick, instead of the men. ii. the food of the slaves. it was a general custom, wherever i have been, for the masters to give each of his slaves, male and female, _one peck of corn per week_ for their food. this at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that it was worth when i was there, would amount to twelve and a half cents per week for board per head. it cost me upon an average, when at the south, one dollar per day for board. the price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. this would make my board equal in amount to the board of _forty-six slaves!_ this is all that good or bad masters allow their slaves round about savannah on the plantations. one peck of gourd-seed corn is to be measured out to each slave once every week. one man with whom i labored, however, being desirous to get all the work out of his hands he could, before i left, (about fifty in number,) bought for them every week, or twice a week, a beef's head from market. with this, they made a soup in a large iron kettle, around which the hands came at meal-time, and dipping out the soup, would mix it with their hommony, and eat it as though it were a feast. this man permitted his slaves to eat twice a day while i was doing a job for him. he promised me a beaver hat and as good a suit of clothes as could be bought in the city, if i would accomplish so much for him before i returned to the north; giving me the entire control over his slaves. thus you may see the temptations overseers sometimes have, to get all the work they can out of the poor slaves. the above is an exception to the general rule of feeding. for in all other places where i worked and visited; the slaves had _nothing from their masters but the corn_, or its equivalent in potatoes or rice, and to this, they were not permitted to come but _once a day_. the custom was to blow the horn early in the morning, as a signal for the hands to rise and go to work, when commenced; they continued work until about eleven o'clock, a.m., when, at the signal, all hands left off and went into their huts, made their fires, made their corn-meal into hommony or cake, ate it, and went to work again at the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their tasks were done. some cooked their breakfast in the field while at work. each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has done his work at night. there is generally one hand-mill on every plantation for the use of the slaves. some of the planters have no corn, others often get out. the substitute for it is, the equivalent of one peek of corn either in rice or sweet potatoes; neither of which is as good for the slaves as corn. they complain more of being faint, when fed on rice or potatoes, than when fed on corn. i was with one man a few weeks who gave me his hands to do a job of work, and to save time one cooked for all the rest. the following course was taken,--two crotched sticks were driven down at one end of the yard, and a small pole being laid on the crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on the middle of the pole; then made up a fire under the kettle and boiled the hommony; when ready, the hands were called around this kettle with their wooden plates and spoons. they dipped out and ate standing around the kettle, or sitting upon the ground, as best suited their convenience. when they had potatoes they took them out with their hands, and ate them. as soon as it was thought they had had sufficient time to swallow their food they were called to their work again. _this was the only meal they ate through the day._ now think of the little, almost naked and half starved children, nibbling upon a piece of cold indian cake, or a potato! think of the poor female, just ready to be confined, without any thing that can be called convenient or comfortable! think of the old toil-worn father and mother, without anything to eat but the coarsest of food, and not half enough of that! then think of _home_. when sick, their physicians are their masters and overseers, in most cases, whose skill consists in bleeding and in administering large potions of epsom salts, when the whip and _cursing_ will not start them from their cabins. iii. houses. the huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. they are not as good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside railroads. they are erected with posts and crotches, with but little or no frame-work about them. they have no stoves or chimneys; some of them have something like a fireplace at one end, and a board or two off at that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke. others have nothing like a fireplace in them; in these the fire is sometimes made in the middle of the hut. these buildings have but one apartment in them; the places where they pass in and out, serve both for doors and windows; the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and in many instances with refuse boards. in warm weather, especially in the spring, the slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive away the gnats and musketoes, which are very troublesome in all the low country of the south; so much so that the whites sleep under frames with nets over them, knit so fine that the musketoes cannot fly through them. some of the slaves have rugs to cover them in the coldest weather, but i should think _more have not_. during driving storms they frequently have to run from one hut to another for shelter. in the coldest weather, where they can get wood or stumps, they keep up fires all night in their huts, and lay around them, with their feet towards the blaze. men, women and children all lie down together, in most instances. there may be exceptions to the above statements in regard to their houses, but so far as my observations have extended, i have given a fair description, and i have been on a large number of plantations in georgia and south carolina up and down the savannah river. their huts are generally built compactly on the plantations, forming villages of huts, their size proportioned to the number of slaves on them. in these miserable huts the poor blacks are herded at night like swine, _without any conveniences of beadsteads, tables or chairs._ o misery to the full! to see the aged sire beating off the swarms of gnats and musketoes in the warm weather, and shivering in the straw, or bending over a few coals in the winter, clothed in rags. i should think males and females, both lie down at night with their working clothes on them. god alone knows how much the poor slaves suffer for the want of convenient houses to secure them from the piercing winds and howling storms of winter, almost as much in georgia as i do in massachusetts. iv. clothing. the masters [in georgia] make a practice of getting two suits of clothes for each slave per year, a thick suit for winter, and a thin one for summer. they provide also one pair of northern made sale shoes for each slave in _winter_. these shoes usually begin to rip in a few weeks. the negroes' mode of mending them is, to _wire_ them together, in many instances. do our northern shoemakers know that they are augmenting the sufferings of the poor slaves with their almost good for nothing sale shoes? inasmuch as it is done unto one of those poor sufferers it is done unto our saviour. the above practice of clothing the slave is customary to some extent. how many, however, fail of this, god only knows. the children and old slaves are, i should think, _exceptions_ to the above rule. the males and females have their suits from the same cloth for their winter dresses. these winter garments appear to be made of a mixture of cotton and wool, very coarse and _sleazy_. the whole suit for the men consists of a pair of pantaloons and a short sailor-jacket, _without shirt, vest, hat, stockings, or any kind of loose garments!_ these, if worn steadily when at work, would not probably last more than one or two months; therefore, for the sake of saving them, many of them work, especially in the summer, with no clothing on them except a cloth tied round their waist, and _almost all_ with nothing more on them than pantaloons, and these frequently so torn that they do not serve the purposes of common decency. the women have for clothing a short petticoat, and a short loose gown, something like the male's sailor-jacket, _without any under garment, stockings, bonnets, hoods, caps, or any kind of over-clothes._ when at work in the warm weather, they usually strip off the loose gown, and have nothing on but a short petticoat with some kind of covering over their breasts. many children may be seen in the summer months _as naked as they came into the world_. i think, as a whole, they suffer more for the want of comfortable bed clothes, than they do for wearing apparel. it is true, that some by begging or buying have more clothes than above described, but the _masters provide them with no more_. they are miserable objects of pity. it may be said of many of them, "i was _naked_ and ye clothed me not." it is enough to melt the hardest heart to see the ragged mothers nursing their almost naked children, with but a morsel of the coarsest food to eat. the southern horses and dogs have enough to eat and good care taken of them, but southern negroes, who can describe their misery? v. punishments. the ordinary mode of punishing the slaves is both cruel and barbarous. the masters seldom, if ever, try to govern their slaves by moral influence, but by whipping, kicking, beating, starving, branding, _cat-hauling_, loading with irons, imprisoning, or by some other cruel mode of torturing. they often boast of having invented some new mode of torture, by which they have "tamed the rascals," what is called a moderate flogging at the south is horribly cruel. should we whip our horses for any offence as they whip their slaves for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law. the masters whip for the smallest offences, such as not performing their tasks, being caught by the guard or patrol by night, or for taking any thing from the master's yard without leave. for these, and the like crimes, the slaves are whipped thirty-nine lashes, and sometimes seventy or a hundred, on the bare back. one slave, who was under my care, was whipped, i think one hundred lashes, for getting a small handful of wood from his master's yard without leave. i heard an overseer boasting to this same master that he gave one of the boys seventy lashes, for not doing a job of work just as he thought it ought to be done. the owner of the slave appeared to be pleased that the overseer had been so faithful. the apology they make for whipping so cruelly is, that it is to frighten the rest of the gang. the masters say, that what we call an ordinary flogging will not subdue the slaves; hence the most cruel and barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by man are daily and _hourly_ inflicted upon the naked bodies of these miserable bondmen; not by masters and negro-drivers only, but by the constables in the common markets and jailors in their yards. when the slaves are whipped, either in public or private, they have their hands fastened by the wrists, with a rope or cord prepared for the purpose: this being thrown over a beam, a limb of a tree, or something else, the culprit is drawn up and stretched by the arms as high as possible, without raising his feet from the ground or floor: and sometimes they are made to stand on tip-toe; then the feet are made fast to something prepared for them. in this distorted posture the monster flies at them, sometimes in great rage, with his implements of torture, and cuts on with all his might, over the shoulders, under the arms, and sometimes over the head and ears, or on parts of the body where he can inflict the greatest torment. occasionally the whipper, especially if his victim does not beg enough to suit him, while under the lash, will fly into a passion, uttering the most horrid oaths; while the victim of his rage is crying, at every stroke, "lord have mercy! lord have mercy!" the scenes exhibited at the whipping post are awfully terrific and frightful to one whose heart has not turned to stone; i never could look on but a moment. while under the lash, the bleeding victim writhes in agony, convulsed with torture. thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, which tear the skin at almost every stroke, is what the south calls a very _moderate punishment!_ many masters whip until they are tired--until the back is a gore of blood--then rest upon it: after a short cessation, get up and go at it again; and after having satiated their revenge in the blood of their victims, they sometimes _leave them tied, for hours together, bleeding at every wound_.--sometimes, after being whipped, they are bathed with a brine of salt and water. now and then a master, but more frequently a mistress who has no husband, will send them to jail a few days, giving orders to have them whipped, so many lashes, once or twice a day. sometimes, after being whipped, some have been shut up in a dark place and deprived of food, in order to increase their torments: and i have heard of some who have, in such circumstances, died of their wounds and starvation. such scenes of horror as above described are so common in georgia that they attract no attention. to threaten them with death, with breaking in their teeth or jaws, or cracking their heads, is _common talk_, when scolding at the slaves.--those who run away from their masters and are caught again generally fare the worst. they are generally lodged in jail, with instructions from the owner to have them cruelly whipped. some order the constables to whip them publicly in the market. constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men. they have become so accustomed to catching and whipping negroes, that they are as fierce as tigers. slaves who are absent from their yards, or plantations, after eight o'clock p.m., and are taken by the guard in the cities, or by the patrols in the country, are, if not called for before nine o'clock a.m. the next day, secured in prisons; and hardly ever escape, until their backs are torn up by the cowhide. on plantations, the _evenings_ usually present scenes of horror. those slaves against whom charges are preferred for not having performed their tasks, and for various faults, must, after work-hours at night, undergo their torments. i have often heard the sound of the lash, the curses of the whipper, and the cries of the poor negro rending the air, late in the evening, and long before day-light in the morning. it is very common for masters to say to the overseers or drivers, "put it on to them," "don't spare that fellow," "give that scoundrel one hundred lashes," &c. whipping the women when in delicate circumstances, as they sometimes do, without any regard to their entreaties or the entreaties of their nearest friends, is truly barbarous. if negroes could testify, they would tell you of instances of women being whipped until they have miscarried at the whipping-post. i heard of such things at the south--they are undoubtedly facts. children are whipped unmercifully for the smallest offences, and that before their mothers. a large proportion of the blacks have their shoulders, backs, and arms all scarred up, and not a few of them have had their heads laid open with clubs, stones, and brick-bats, and with the butt-end of whips and canes--some have had their jaws broken, others their teeth knocked in or out; while others have had their ears cropped and the sides of their cheeks gashed out. some of the poor creatures have lost the sight of one of their eyes by the careless blows of the whipper, or by some other violence. but punishing of slaves as above described, is not the only mode of torture. some tie them up in a very uneasy posture, where they must stand _all night_, and they will then work them hard all day--that is, work them hard all day and torment them all night. others punish by fastening them down on a log, or something else, and strike them on the bare skin with a board paddle full of holes. this breaks the skin, i should presume, at every hole where it comes in contact with it. others, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, _cat-haul_ them--that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by the hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied. this kind of punishment poisons the flesh much worse than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave. some are branded by a hot iron, others have their flesh cut out in large gashes, to mark them. some who are prone to run away, have iron fetters riveted around their ancles, sometimes they are put only on one foot, and are dragged on the ground. others have on large iron collars or yokes upon their necks, or clogs riveted upon their wrists or ancles. some have bells put upon them, hung upon a sort of frame to an iron collar. some masters fly into a rage at trifles and knock down their negroes with their fists, or with the first thing that they can get hold of. the whiplash-knots, or rawhide, have sometimes by a reckless stroke reached round to the front of the body and cut through to the bowels. one slaveholder with whom i lived, whipped one of his slaves one day, as many, i should think, as one hundred lashes, and then turned the _butt-end_ and went to beating him over the head and ears, and truly i was amazed that the slave was not killed on the spot. not a few slaveholders whip their slaves to death, and then say that they died under a "moderate correction." i wonder that ten are not killed where one is! were they not much hardier than the whites many more of them must die than do. one young mulatto man, with whom i was well acquainted, was killed by his master in his yard with _impunity_. i boarded at the same time near the place where this glaring murder was committed, and knew the master well. he had a plantation, on which he enacted, almost daily, cruel barbarities, some of them, i was informed, more terrific, if possible, than death itself. little notice was taken of this murder, and it all passed off without any action being taken against the murderer. the masters used to try to make me whip their negroes. they said i could not get along with them without flogging them--but i found i could get along better with them by coaxing and encouraging them than by beating and flogging them. i had not a heart to beat and kick about those beings; although i had not grace in my heart the three first years i was there, yet i sympathised with the slaves. i never was guilty of having but one whipped, and he was whipped but eight or nine blows. the circumstances were as follows: several negroes were put under my care, one spring, _who were fresh from congo and guinea_. i could not understand them, neither could they me, in one word i spoke. i therefore pointed to them to go to work; all obeyed me willingly but one--he refused. i told the driver that he must tie him up and whip him. after he had tied him, by the help of some others, we struck him eight or nine blows, and he yielded. i told the driver not to strike him another blow. we untied him, and he went to work, and continued faithful all the time he was with me. this one was not a sample, however--many of them have such exalted views of freedom that it is hard work for the masters to whip them into brutes, that is to subdue their noble spirits. the negroes being put under my care, did not prevent the masters from whipping them when they pleased. but they never whipped much in my presence. this work was usually left until i had dismissed the hands. on the plantations, the masters chose to have the slaves whipped in the presence of all the hands, to strike them with terror. vi. runaways numbers of poor slaves run away from their masters; some of whom doubtless perish in the swamps and other secret places, rather than return back again to their masters; others stay away until they almost famish with hunger, and then return home rather than die, while others who abscond are caught by the negro-hunters, in various ways. sometimes the master will hire some of his most trusty negroes to secure any stray negroes, who come on to their plantations, for many come at night to beg food of their friends on the plantations. the slaves assist one another usually when they can, and not be found out in it. the master can now and then, however, get some of his hands to betray the runaways. some obtain their living in hunting after lost slaves. the most common way is to train up young dogs to follow them. this can easily be done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods, and climb a tree, and then put the young dog on his track, and with a little assistance he can be taught to follow him to the tree, and when found, of course the dog would bark at such game as a poor negro on a tree. there was a man living in savannah when i was there, who kept a large number of dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway negroes. and he always had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of runaways are never found, but could he get news soon after one had fled, he was almost sure to catch him. and this fear of the dogs restrains multitudes from running off. when he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone several days, he took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and followed by the dogs. the dogs were as true to the track of a negro, if one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when he has found it. when the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must turn and fight them or climb a tree. if the latter, the dogs will stay and bark until the pursuer come. the blacks frequently deceive the dogs by crossing and recrossing the creeks. should the hunters who have no dogs, start a slave from his hiding place, and the slave not stop at the hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would at a deer. some masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or alive. it undoubtedly gives such more satisfaction to know that their property is dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to get it. some slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. i will mention one. he run off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a weapon with him he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs; but was afterwards shot. he had declared, that he never would be taken alive. the people rejoiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the death of the dogs, they were such ravenous hunters. poor fellow, he fought for life and liberty like a hero; but the bullets brought him down. a negro can hardly walk unmolested at the south.--every colored stranger that walks the streets is suspected of being a runaway slave, hence he must be interrogated by every negro hater whom he meets, and should he not have a pass, he must be arrested and hurried off to jail. some masters boast that their slaves would not be free if they could. how little they know of their slaves! they are all sighing and groaning for freedom. may god hasten the time! vii. confinement at night. when the slaves have done their day's work, they must be herded together like sheep in their yards, or on their plantations. they have not as much liberty as northern men have, who are sent to jail for debt, for they have liberty to walk a larger yard than the slaves have. the slaves must all be at their homes precisely at eight o'clock, p.m. at this hour the drums beat in the cities, as a signal for every slave to be in his den. in the country, the signal is given by firing guns, or some other way by which they may know the hour when to be at home. after this hour, the guard in the cities, and patrols in the country, being well armed, are on duty until daylight in the morning. if they catch any negroes during the night without a pass, they are immediately seized and hurried away to the guard-house, or if in the country to some place of confinement, where they are kept until nine o'clock, a.m., the next day, if not called for by that time, they are hurried off to jail, and there remain until called for by their master and his jail and guard house fees paid. the guards and patrols receive one dollar extra for every one they can catch, who has not a pass from his master, or overseer, but few masters will give their slaves passes to be out at night unless on some special business: notwithstanding, many venture out, watching every step they take for the guard or patrol, the consequence is, some are caught almost every night, and some nights many are taken; some, fleeing after being hailed by the watch, are shot down in attempting their escape, others are crippled for life. i find i shall not be able to write out more at present. my ministerial duties are pressing, and if i delay this till the next mail, i fear it will not be in season. your brother for those who are in bonds, horace moulton * * * * * narrative and testimony of sarah m. grimk�. miss grimké is a daughter of the late judge grimké, of the supreme court of south carolina, and sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimké. as i left my native state on account of slavery, and deserted the home of my fathers to escape the sound of the lash and the shrieks of tortured victims, i would gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of those scenes with which i have been familiar; but this may not, cannot be; they come over my memory like gory spectres, and implore me with resistless power, in the name of a god of mercy, in the name of a crucified savior, in the name of humanity; for the sake of the slaveholder, as well as the slave, to bear witness to the horrors of the southern prison house. i feel impelled by a sacred sense of duty, by my obligations to my country, by sympathy for the bleeding victims of tyranny and lust, to give my testimony respecting the system of american slavery,--to detail a few facts, most of which came under my _personal observation_. and here i may premise, that the actors in these tragedies were all men and women of the highest respectability, and of the first families in south carolina, and, with one exception, citizens of charleston; and that their cruelties did not in the slightest degree affect their standing in society. a handsome mulatto woman, about or years of age, whose independent spirit could not brook the degradation of slavery, was in the habit of running away: for this offence she had been repeatedly sent by her master and mistress to be whipped by the keeper of the charleston work-house. this had been done with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate her back in a most shocking manner; a finger could not be laid between the cuts. but the love of liberty was too strong to be annihilated by torture; and, as a last resort, she was whipped at several different times, and kept a close prisoner. a heavy iron collar, with three long prongs projecting from it, was placed round her neck, and a strong and sound front tooth was extracted, to serve as a mark to describe her, in case of escape. her sufferings at this time were agonizing; she could lie in no position but on her back, which was sore from scourgings, as i can testify, from personal inspection, and her only place of rest was the floor, on a blanket. these outrages were committed in a family where the mistress daily read the scriptures, and assembled her children for family worship. she was accounted, and was really, so far as almsgiving was concerned, a charitable woman, and tender hearted to the poor; and yet this suffering slave, who was the seamstress of the family, was continually in her presence, sitting in her chamber to sew, or engaged in her other household work, with her lacerated and bleeding back, her mutilated mouth, and heavy iron collar, without, so far as appeared, exciting any feelings of compassion. a highly intelligent slave, who panted after freedom with ceaseless longings, made many attempts to get possession of himself. for every offence he was punished with extreme severity. at one time he was tied up by his hands to a tree, and whipped until his back was one gore of blood. to this terrible infliction he was subjected at intervals for several weeks, and kept heavily ironed while at his work. his master one day accused him of a fault, in the usual terms dictated by passion and arbitrary power; the man protested his innocence, but was not credited. he again repelled the charge with honest indignation. his master's temper rose almost to frenzy; and seizing a fork, he made a deadly plunge at the breast of the slave. the man being far his superior in strength, caught the arm, and dashed the weapon on the floor. his master grasped at his throat, but the slave disengaged himself, and rushed from the apartment, having made his escape, he fled to the woods; and after wandering about for many months, living on roots and berries, and enduring every hardship, he was arrested and committed to jail. here he lay for a considerable time, allowed scarcely food enough to sustain life, whipped in the most shocking manner, and confined in a cell so loathsome, that when his master visited him, he said the stench was enough to knock a man down. the filth had never been removed from the apartment since the poor creature had been immured in it. although a black man, such had been the effect of starvation and suffering, that his master declared he hardly recognized him--his complexion was so yellow, and his hair, naturally thick and black, had become red and scanty; an infallible sign of long continued living on bad and insufficient food. stripes, imprisonment, and the gnawings of hunger, had broken his lofty spirit for a season; and, to use his master's own exulting expression, he was "as humble as a dog." after a time he made another attempt to escape, and was absent so long, that a reward was offered for him, _dead or alive_. he eluded every attempt to take him, and his master, despairing of ever getting him again, offered to pardon him if he would return home. it is always understood that such intelligence will reach the runaway; and accordingly, at the entreaties of his wife and mother, the fugitive once more consented to return to his bitter bondage. i believe this was the last effort to obtain his liberty. his heart became touched with the power of the gospel; and the spirit which no inflictions could subdue, bowed at the cross of jesus, and with the language on his lips--"the cup that my father hath given me, shall i not drink it?" submitted to the yoke of the oppressor, and wore his chains in unmurmuring patience till death released him. the master who perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave, was one of the most influential and honored citizens of south carolina, and to his equals was bland, and courteous, and benevolent even to a proverb. a slave who had been separated from his wife, because it best suited the convenience of his owner, ran away. he was taken up on the plantation where his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, then lived. his only object in running away was to return to her--no other fault was attributed to him. for this offence he was confined in the stocks _six weeks_, in a miserable hovel, not weather-tight. he received fifty lashes weekly during that time, was allowed food barely sufficient to sustain him, and when released from confinement, was not permitted to return to his wife. his master, although himself a husband and a father, was unmoved by the touching appeals of the slave, who entreated that he might only remain with his wife, promising to discharge his duties faithfully; his master continued inexorable, and he was torn from his wife and family. the owner of this slave was a professing christian, in full membership with the church, and this circumstance occurred when he was confined to his chamber during his last illness. a punishment dreaded more by the slaves than whipping, unless it is unusually severe, is one which was invented by a female acquaintance of mine in charleston--i heard her say so with much satisfaction. it is standing on one foot and holding the other in the hand. afterwards it was improved upon, and a strap was contrived to fasten around the ankle and pass around the neck; so that the least weight of the foot resting on the strap would choke the person. the pain occasioned by this unnatural position was great; and when continued, as it sometimes was, for an hour or more, produced intense agony. i heard this same woman say, that she had the ears of her waiting maid _slit_ for some petty theft. this she told me in the presence of the girl, who was standing in the room. she often had the helpless victims of her cruelty severely whipped, not scrupling herself to wield the instrument of torture, and with her own hands inflict severe chastisement. her husband was less inhuman than his wife, but he was often goaded on by her to acts of great severity. in his last illness i was sent for, and watched beside his death couch. the girl on whom he had so often inflicted punishment, haunted his dying hours; and when at length the king of terrors approached, he shrieked in utter agony of spirit, "oh, the blackness of darkness, the black imps, i can see them all around me--take them away!" and amid such exclamations he expired. these persons were of one of the first families in charleston. a friend of mine, in whose veracity i have entire confidence, told me that about two years ago, a woman in charleston with whom i was well acquainted, had starved a female slave to death. she was confined in a solitary apartment, kept constantly tied, and condemned to the slow and horrible death of starvation. this woman was notoriously cruel. to those who have read the narrative of james williams i need only say, that the character of young larrimore's wife is an exact description of this female tyrant, whose countenance was ever dressed in smiles when in the presence of strangers, but whose heart was as the nether millstone toward her slaves. as i was traveling in the lower country in south carolina, a number of years since, my attention was suddenly arrested by an exclamation of horror from the coachman, who called out, "look there, miss sarah, don't you see?"--i looked in the direction he pointed, and saw a human head stuck up on a high pole. on inquiry, i found that a runaway slave, who was outlawed, had been shot there, his head severed from his body, and put upon the public highway, as a terror to deter slaves from running away. on a plantation in north carolina, where i was visiting, i happened one day, in my rambles, to step into a negro cabin; my compassion was instantly called forth by the object which presented itself. a slave, whose head was white with age, was lying in one corner of the hovel; he had under his head a few filthy rags but the boards were his only bed, it was the depth of winter, and the wind whistled through every part of the dilapidated building--he opened his languid eyes when i spoke, and in reply to my question, "what is the matter?" he said, "i am dying of a cancer in my side."--as he removed the rags which covered the sore, i found that it extended half round the body, and was shockingly neglected. i inquired if he had any nurse. "no, missey," was his answer, "but de people (the slaves) very kind to me, dey often steal time to run and see me and fetch me some ting to eat; if dey did not, i might starve." the master and mistress of this man, who had been worn out in their service, were remarkable for their intelligence, and their hospitality knew no bounds towards those who were of their own grade in society: the master had for some time held the highest military office in north carolina, and not long previous to the time of which i speak, was the governor of the state. on a plantation in south carolina, i witnessed a similar case of suffering--an aged woman suffering under an incurable disease in the same miserably neglected situation. the "owner" of this slave was proverbially kind to her negroes; so much so, that the planters in the neighborhood said she spoiled them, and set a bad example, which might produce discontent among the surrounding slaves; yet i have seen this woman tremble with rage, when her slaves displeased her, and heard her use language to them which could only be expected from an inmate of bridewell; and have known her in a gust of passion send a favorite slave to the workhouse to be severely whipped. another fact occurs to me. a young woman about eighteen, stated some circumstances relative to her young master, which were thought derogatory to his character; whether true or false, i am unable to say; she was threatened with punishment, but persisted in affirming that she had only spoken the truth. finding her incorrigible, it was concluded to send her to the charleston workhouse and have her whipt; she pleaded in vain for a commutation of her sentence, not so much because she dreaded the actual suffering, as because her delicate mind shrunk from the shocking exposure of her person to the eyes of brutal and licentious men; she declared to me that death would be preferable; but her entreaties were vain, and as there was no means of escaping but by running away, she resorted to it as a desperate remedy, for her timid nature never could have braved the perils necessarily encountered by fugitive slaves, had not her mind been thrown into a state of despair.--she was apprehended after a few weeks, by two slave-catchers, in a deserted house, and as it was late in the evening they concluded to spend the night there. what inhuman treatment she received from them has never been revealed. they tied her with cords to their bodies, and supposing they had secured their victim, soon fell into a deep sleep, probably rendered more profound by intoxication and fatigue; but the miserable captive slumbered not; by some means she disengaged herself from her bonds, and again fled through the lone wilderness. after a few days she was discovered in a wretched hut, which seemed to have been long uninhabited; she was speechless; a raging fever consumed her vitals, and when a physician saw her, he said she was dying of a disease brought on by over fatigue; her mother was permitted to visit her, but ere she reached her, the damps of death stood upon her brow, and she had only the sad consolation of looking on the death-struck form and convulsive agonies of her child. a beloved friend in south carolina, the wife of a slaveholder, with whom i often mingled my tears, when helpless and hopeless we deplored together the horrors of slavery, related to me some years since the following circumstance. on the plantation adjoining her husband's, there was a slave of pre-eminent piety. his master was not a professor of religion, but the superior excellence of this disciple of christ was not unmarked by him, and i believe he was so sensible of the good influence of his piety that he did not deprive him of the few religious privileges within his reach. a planter was one day dining with the owner of this slave, and in the course of conversation observed, that all profession of religion among slaves was mere hypocrisy. the other asserted a contrary opinion, adding, i have a slave who i believe would rather die than deny his saviour. this was ridiculed, and the master urged to prove the assertion. he accordingly sent for this man of god, and peremptorily ordered him to deny his belief in the lord jesus christ. the slave pleaded to be excused, constantly affirming that he would rather die than deny the redeemer, whose blood was shed for him. his master, after vainly trying to induce obedience by threats, had him terribly whipped. the fortitude of the sufferer was not to be shaken; he nobly rejected the offer of exemption from further chastisement at the expense of destroying his soul, and this blessed martyr _died in consequence of this severe infliction_. oh, how bright a gem will this victim of irresponsible power be, in that crown which sparkles on the redeemer's brow; and that many such will cluster there, i have not the shadow of a doubt. sarah m. grimk�. _fort lee, bergen county, new jersey, rd month, th_, . testimony of the late rev. john graham of townsend, mass., who resided in s. carolina, from , to the latter part of . mr. graham graduated at amherst college in , spent some time at the theological seminary, in new haven, ct., and went to south carolina, for his health in . he resided principally on the island of st. helena, s.c., and most of the time in the family of james tripp, esq., a wealthy slave holding planter. during his residence at st. helena, he was engaged as an instructer, and was most of the time the stated preacher on the island. mr. g. was extensively known in massachusetts; and his fellow students and instructers, at amherst college, and at yale theological seminary, can bear testimony to his integrity and moral worth. the following are extracts of letters, which he wrote while in south carolina, to an intimate friend in concord, massachusetts, who has kindly furnished them for publication. extracts. _springfield, st. helena isl., s.c., oct. , ._ "last night, about one o'clock, i was awakened by the report of a musket. i was out of bed almost instantly. on opening my window, i found the report proceeded from my host's chamber. he had let off his pistol, which he usually keeps by him night and day, at a slave, who had come into the yard, and as it appears, had been with one of his house servants. he did not hit him. the ball, taken from a pine tree the next morning, i will show you, should i be spared by providence ever to return to you. the house servant was called to the master's chamber, where he received lashes, very severe too; and i could not only hear every lash, but each groan which succeeded very distinctly as i lay in my bed. what was then done with the servant i know not. nothing was said of this to me in the morning and i presume it will ever be kept from me with care, if i may judge of kindred acts. i shall make no comment." in the same letter, mr. graham says:-- "you ask me of my hostess"--then after giving an idea of her character says: "to day, she has i verily believe laid, in a very severe manner too, more than _stripes_, upon the house servants," ( in number.) _darlington, court moons. s.c. march, th, ._ "i walked up to the court house to day, where i heard one of the most interesting cases i ever heard. i say interesting, on account of its novelty to me, though it had no novelty for the people, as such cases are of frequent occurrence. the case was this: to know whether two ladies, present in court, were _white_ or _black_. the ladies were dressed well, seemed modest, and were retiring and neat in their look, having blue eyes, black hair, and appeared to understand much of the etiquette of southern behaviour. "a man, more avaricious than humane, as is the case with most of the rich planters, laid a remote claim to those two modest, unassuming, innocent and free young ladies as his property, with the design of putting them into the field, and thus increasing his stock! as well as the people of concord are known to be of a peaceful disposition, and for their love of good order, i verily believe if a similar trial should be brought forward there and conducted as this was, the good people would drive the lawyers out of the house. such would be their indignation at their language, and at the mean under-handed manner of trying to ruin those young ladies, as to their standing in society in this district, if they could not succeed in dooming them for life to the degraded condition of slavery, and all its intolerable cruelties. oh slavery! if statues of marble could curse you, they would speak. if bricks could speak, they would all surely thunder out their anathemas against you, accursed thing! how many white sons and daughters have bled and groaned under the lash in this sultry climate," &c. under date of march, , mr. g. writes, "i have been doing what i hope never to be called to do again, and what i fear i have badly done, though performed to the best of my ability, namely, sewing up a very bad wound made by a wild hog. the slave was hunting wild hogs, when one, being closely pursued, turned upon his pursuer, who turning to run, was caught by the animal, thrown down, and badly wounded in the thigh. the wound is about five inches long and very deep. it was made by the tusk of the animal. the slaves brought him to one of the huts on mr. tripp's plantation and made every exertion to stop the blood by filling the wound with ashes, (their remedy for stopping blood) but finding this to fail they came to me (there being no other white person on the plantation, as it is now holidays) to know if i could stop the blood. i went and found that the poor creature must bleed to death unless it could be stopped soon. i called for a needle and succeeded in sewing it up as well as i could, and in stopping the blood. in a short time his master, who had been sent for came; and oh, you would have shuddered if you had heard the awful oaths that fell from his lips, threatening in the same breath "_to pay him for that_!" i left him as soon as decency would permit, with his hearty thanks that i had saved him $ ! oh, may heaven protect the poor, suffering, fainting slave, and show his master his wanton cruelty--oh slavery! slavery!" under date of july, , mr. g. writes, "i wish you could have been at the breakfast table with me this morning to have seen and heard what i saw and heard, not that i wish your ear and heart and soul pained as mine is, with every day's observation 'of wrong and outrage' with which this place is filled, but that you might have auricular and ocular evidence of the cruelty of slavery, of cruelties that mortal language can never describe--that you might see the tender mercies of a hardened slaveholder, one who bears the name of being _one of the mildest and most merciful masters of which this island can boast_. oh, my friend, another is screaming under the lash, in the shed-room, but for what i know not. the scene this morning was truly distressing to me. it was this:--_after the blessing was asked_ at the breakfast table, one of the servants, a woman grown, in giving one of the children some molasses, happened to pour out a little more than usual, though not more than the child usually eats. her master was angry at the petty and indifferent mistake, or slip of the hand. he rose from the table, took both of her hands in one of his, and with the other began to beat her, first on one side of her head and then on the other, and repeating this, till, as he said on sitting down at table, it hurt his hand too much to continue it longer. he then took off his _shoe_, and with the heel began in the same manner as with his hand, till the poor creature could no longer endure it without screeches and raising her elbow as it is natural to ward off the blows. he then called a great overgrown negro _to hold her hands behind her_ while he should wreak his vengeance upon the poor servant. in this position he began again to beat the poor suffering wretch. it now became intolerable to bear; she _fell, screaming to me for help_. after she fell, he beat her until i thought she would have died in his hands. she got up, however, went out and washed off the blood and came in before we rose from table, one of the most pitiable objects i ever saw till i came to the south. her ears were almost as thick as my hand, her eyes awfully blood-shotten, her lips, nose, cheeks, chin, and whole head swollen so that no one would have known it was etta--and for all this, she had to turn round as she was going out and _thank her master!_ now, all this was done while i was sitting at breakfast with the rest of the family. think you not i wished myself sitting with the peaceful and happy circle around your table? think of my feelings, but pity the poor negro slave, who not only fans his cruel master when he eats and sleeps, but bears the stripes his caprice may inflict. think of this, and let heaven hear your prayers." in a letter dated st. helena island, s.c., dec. , , mr. g. writes, "if a slave here complains to his master, that his task is too great, his master at once calls him a scoundrel and tells him it is only because he has not enough to do, and orders the driver to increase his task, however unable he may be for the performance of it. i saw twenty-seven _whipped at one time_ just because they did not do more, when the poor creatures were so tired that they could scarcely drag one foot after the other." testimony of mr. william poe mr. poe is a native of richmond, virginia, and was formerly a slaveholder. he was for several years a merchant in richmond, and subsequently in lynchburg, virginia. a few years since, he emancipated his slaves, and removed to hamilton county, ohio, near cincinnati; where he is a highly respected ruling elder in the presbyterian church. he says,-- "i am pained exceedingly, and nothing but my duty to god, to the oppressors, and to the poor down-trodden slaves, who go mourning all their days, could move me to say a word. i will state to you a _few_ cases of the abuse of the slaves, but time would fail, if i had language to tell how many and great are the inflictions of slavery, even in its mildest form. benjamin james harris, a wealthy tobacconist of richmond, virginia, whipped a slave girl fifteen years old to death. while he was whipping her, his wife heated a smoothing iron, put it on her body in various places, and burned her severely. the verdict of the coroner's inquest was, "died of excessive whipping." he was tried in richmond, and acquitted. i attended the trial. some years after, this same harris whipped another slave to death. the man had not done so much work as was required of him. after a number of protracted and violent scourgings, with short intervals between, the slave died under the lash. harris was tried, and again acquitted, because none but blacks saw it done. the same man afterwards whipped another slave severely, for not doing work to please him. after repeated and severe floggings in quick succession, for the same cause, the slave, in despair of pleasing him, cut off his own hand. harris soon after became a bankrupt, went to new orleans to recruit his finances, failed, removed to kentucky, became a maniac, and died. a captain in the united states' navy, who married a daughter of the collector of the port of richmond, and resided there, became offended with his negro boy, took him into the meat house, put him upon a stool, crossed his hands before him, tied a rope to them, threw it over a joist in the building, drew the boy up so that he could just stand on the stool with his toes, and kept him in that position, flogging him severely at intervals, until the boy became so exhausted that he reeled off the stool, and swung by his hands until he died. the master was tried and acquitted. in goochland county, virginia, an overseer tied a slave to a tree, flogged him again and again with great severity, then piled brush around him, set it on fire, and burned him to death. the overseer was tried and imprisoned. the whole transaction may be found on the records of the court. in traveling, one day, from petersburg to richmond, virginia, i heard cries of distress at a distance, on the road. i rode up, and found two white men, beating a slave. one of them had hold of a rope, which was passed under the bottom of a fence; the other end was fastened around the neck of the slave, who was thrown flat on the ground, on his face, with his back bared. the other was beating him furiously with a large hickory. a slaveholder in henrico county, virginia, had a slave who used frequently to work for my father. one morning he came into the field with his back completely _cut up_, and mangled from his head to his heels. the man was so stiff and sore he could scarcely walk. this same person got offended with another of his slaves, knocked him down, and struck out one of his eyes with a maul. the eyes of several of his slaves were injured by similar violence. in richmond, virginia, a company occupied as a dwelling a large warehouse. they got angry with a negro lad, one of their slaves, took him into the cellar, tied his hands with a rope, bored a hole though the floor, and passed the rope up through it. some of the family drew up the boy, while others whipped. this they continued until the boy died. the warehouse was owned by a mr. whitlock, on the scite of one formerly owned by a mr. philpot. joseph chilton, a resident of campbell county, virginia, purchased a quart of tanners' oil, for the purpose, as he said, of putting it on one of his negro's heads, that he had sometime previous pitched or tarred over, for running away. in the town of lynchburg, virginia, there was a negro man put in prison, charged with having pillaged some packages of goods, which he, as head man of a boat, received at richmond, to be delivered at lynchburg. the goods belonged to a.b. nichols, of liberty, bedford county, virginia. he came to lynchburg, and desired the jailor to permit him to whip the negro, to make him confess, as there was _no proof against him_. mr. williams, (i think that is his name,) a pious methodist man, a great stickler for law and good order, professedly a great friend to the black man, delivered the negro into the hands of nichols. nichols told me that he took the slave, tied his wrists together, then drew his arms down so far below his knees as to permit a staff to pass above the arms under the knees, thereby placing the slave in a situation that he could not move hand or foot. he then commenced his bloody work, and continued, at intervals, until blows were inflicted. i received this statement from nichols himself, who was, by the way, a _son of the land of "steady habits_," where there are many like him, if we may judge from their writings, sayings, and doings." privations of the slaves. i. food. we begin with the _food_ of the slaves, because if they are ill treated in this respect we may be sure that they will be ill treated in other respects, and generally in a greater degree. for a man habitually to stint his dependents in their food, is the extreme of meanness and cruelty, and the greatest evidence he can give of utter indifference to their comfort. the father who stints his children or domestics, or the master his apprentices, or the employer his laborers, or the officer his soldiers, or the captain his crew, when able to furnish them with sufficient food, is every where looked upon as unfeeling and cruel. all mankind agree to call such a character inhuman. if any thing can move a hard heart, it is the appeal of hunger. the arab robber whose whole life is a prowl for plunder, will freely divide his camel's milk with the hungry stranger who halts at his tent door, though he may have just waylaid him and stripped him of his money. even savages take pity on hunger. who ever went famishing from an indian's wigwam? as much as hunger craves, is the indian's free gift even to an enemy. the necessity for food is such a universal want, so constant, manifest and imperative, that the heart is more touched with pity by the plea of hunger, and more ready to supply that want than any other. he who can habitually inflict on others the pain of hunger by giving them insufficient food, can habitually inflict on them any other pain. he can kick and cuff and flog and brand them, put them in irons or the stocks, can overwork them, deprive them of sleep, lacerate their backs, make them work without clothing, and sleep without covering. other cruelties may be perpetrated in hot blood and the acts regretted as soon as done--the feeling that prompts them is not a permanent state of mind, but a violent impulse stung up by sudden provocation. but he who habitually withholds from his dependents sufficient sustenance, can plead no such palliation. the fact itself shows, that his permanent state of mind toward them is a brutal indifference to their wants and sufferings--a state of mind which will naturally, necessarily, show itself in innumerable privations and inflictions upon them, when it can be done with impunity. if, therefore, we find upon examination, that the slaveholders do not furnish their slaves with sufficient food, and do thus habitually inflict upon them the pain of hunger, we have a clue furnished to their treatment in other respects, and may fairly infer habitual and severe privations and inflictions; not merely from the fact that men are quick to feel for those who suffer from hunger, and perhaps more ready to relieve that want than any other; but also, because it is more for the interest of the slaveholder to supply that want than any other; consequently, if the slave suffer in this respect, he must as the general rule, suffer _more_ in other respects. we now proceed to show that the slaves have insufficient food. this will be shown first from the express declarations of slaveholders, and other competent witnesses who are, or have been residents of slave states, that the slaves generally are _under-fed._ and then, by the laws of slave states, and by the testimony of slaveholders and others, the _kind, quantity_, and _quality,_ of their allowance will be given, and the reader left to judge for himself whether the slave _must_ not be a sufferer. the slaves suffer from hunger--declarations of slave-holders and others hon. alexander smyth, a slave holder, and for ten years, member of congress from virginia, in his speech on the missouri question. jan th, . "by confining the slaves to the southern states, where crops are raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you _doom them to scarcity and hunger._ it is proposed to hem in the blacks where they are ill fed." rev. george whitefield, in his letter, to the slave holders of md. va. n.c. s.c. and ga. published in georgia, just one hundred years ago, . "my blood has frequently run cold within me, to think how many of your slaves _have not sufficient food to eat;_ they are scarcely permitted to _pick up the crumbs,_ that fall from their master's table." rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio, a native of tennessee, and for same years a preacher in slave states. "thousands of the slaves are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives." report of the gradual emancipation society, of north carolina, . signed moses swain, president, and william swain, secretary. speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern part of that state, the report says,--"the master puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a _great part_ of them go _half starved_ much of the time." mr. asa a. stone, a theological student, who resided near natchez, miss., in - . "on almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger at some seasons of almost every year. there is always a _good deal of suffering_ from hunger. on many plantations, and particularly in louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost utter famishment,_ during a great portion of the year." thomas clay, esq., of georgia, a slaveholder. "from various causes this [the slave's allowance of food] is _often_ not adequate to the support of a laboring man." mr. tobias boudinot, st albans, ohio, a member of the methodist church. mr. b. for some years navigated the mississippi. "the slaves down the mississippi, are _half-starved,_ the boats, when they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for something to eat." president edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the conn. abolition society, . "the slaves are supplied with barely enough to keep them from _starving._" rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman of marlboro' mass., who lived five years in georgia. "as a general thing on the plantations, the slaves suffer extremely for the want of food." rev. george bourne, late editor of the protestant vindicator, n.y., who was seven years pastor of a church in virginia. "the slaves are deprived of _needful_ sustenance." . kinds of food. hon. robert turnbull, a slaveholder of charleston, south carolina. "the subsistence of the slaves consists, from march until august, of corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called _hominy_, or baked into corn bread. the other six months, they are fed upon the sweet potatoe. meat, when given, is only by way of _indulgence or favor._" mr. eleazar powell, chippewa, beaver co., penn., who resided in mississippi, in - . "the food of the slaves was generally corn bread, and _sometimes_ meat or molasses." reuben g. macy, a member of the society of friends, hudson, n.y., who resided in south carolina. "the slaves had no food allowed them besides _corn,_ excepting at christmas, when they had beef." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia, and recently of madison co., alabama, now member, of the presbyterian church, delhi, ohio. "on my uncle's plantation, the food of the slaves, was corn-pone and a small allowance of meat." william ladd, esq., of minot, me., president of the american peace society, and formerly a slaveholder of florida, gives the following testimony as to the allowance of food to slaves. "the usual food of the slaves was _corn_, with a modicum of salt. in some cases the master allowed no salt, but the slaves boiled the sea water for salt in their little pots. for about eight days near christmas, i.e., from the saturday evening before, to the sunday evening after christmas day, they were allowed some _meat_. they always with one single exception ground their corn in a hand-mill, and cooked their food themselves." extract of a letter from rev. d.c. eastman, a preacher of the methodist episcopal church, in fayette county, ohio. "in march, , mr. thomas larrimer, a deacon of the presbyterian church in bloomingbury, fayette county, ohio, mr. g.s. fullerton, merchant, and member of the same church, and mr. william a. ustick, an elder of the same church, spent a night with a mr. shepherd, about miles north of charleston, s.c., on the monk's corner road. he owned five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same meal and meat tubs as himself, but that out of a of all the slaves in that county _saw meat but once a year_, which was on christmas holidays." as an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon slaves, in respect to the _kind_ as well as the quality and quantity of their food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony of the late general wade hampton, of south carolina. general hampton was for some time commander in chief of the army on the canada frontier during the last war, and at the time of his death, about three years since, was the largest slaveholder in the united states. the general's testimony is contained in the following extract of a letter, just received from a distinguished clergyman in the west, extensively known both as a preacher and a writer. his name is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "you refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this place, respecting the late general wade hampton, of south carolina, and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the case--considering them well calculated to illustrate two points in the history of slavery: st, that the habit of slaveholding dreadfully blunts the feelings toward the slave, producing such insensibility that his sufferings and death are regarded with indifference. d, that the slave often has insufficient food, both in quantity and quality. "i received my information from a lady in the west of high respectability and great moral worth,--but think it best to withhold her name, although the statement was not made in confidence. "my informant stated that she sat at dinner once in company with general wade hampton, and several others; that the conversation turned upon the treatment of their servants, &c.; when the general undertook to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment he had made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. he said that he first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which they seemed to thrive tolerably well; that he then had measured out to them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any important change; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed to three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared, with an oath, that 'they died like rotten sheep!!' it is but justice to the lady to state that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost indignation; and she mentioned also that he received no countenance from the company present, but that all seemed to look at each other with astonishment. i give it to you just as i received it from one who was present, and whose character for veracity is unquestionable. "it is proper to add that i had previously formed an acquaintance with dr. witherspoon, now of alabama, if alive; whose former residence was in south carolina; from whom i received a particular account of the manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of general wade hampton, and others in the same part of the state; and certainly no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such masters and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether millstone. the cotton seed experiment i had heard of before also, as having been made in other parts of the south; consequently, i was prepared to receive as true the above statement, even if i had not been so well acquainted with the high character of my informant." . quantity of food the legal allowance of food for slaves in north carolina, is in the words of the law, "a quart of corn per day." see haywood's manual, . the legal allowance in louisiana is more, a barrel [flour barrel] of corn, (in the ear,) or its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of salt a month. in the other slave states the amount of food for the slaves is left to the option of the master. thos. clay, esq., of georgia, a slave holder, in his address before the georgia presbytery, . "the quantity allowed by custom is _a peck of corn a week_!" the maryland journal, and baltimore advertiser, may , . "_a single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice_, is the _ordinary_ quantity of provision for a _hard-working_ slave; to which a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though _rarely_, added." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, and elder in the presbyterian church, wilksbarre, penn. "the weekly allowance to grown slaves on this plantation, where i was best acquainted, was _one peck of corn_." wm. ladd, of minot, maine, formerly a slaveholder in florida. "the usual allowance of food was _one quart of corn a day_, to a full task hand, with a modicum of salt; kind masters allowed _a peck of corn a week_; some masters allowed no salt." mr. jarvis brewster, in his "exposition of the treatment of slaves in the southern states," published in n. jersey, . "the allowance of provisions for the slaves, is _one peck of corn, in the grain, per week_." rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman of marlboro, mass., who lived five years in georgia. "in georgia the planters give each slave only _one peck of their gourd seed corn per week_, with a small quantity of salt." mr. f.c. macy, nantucket, mass., who resided in georgia in . "the food of the slaves was three pecks of potatos a week during the potato season, and _one peck of corn_, during the remainder of the year." mr. nehemiah caulkins, a member of the baptist church in waterford, conn., who resided in north carolina, eleven winters. "the subsistence of the slaves, consists of _seven quarts of meal_ or _eight quarts of small rice for one week!_" william savery, late of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the society of friends, who travelled extensively in the slave states, on a religious visitation, speaking of the subsistence of the slaves, says, in his published journal, "_a peck of corn_ is their (the slaves,) miserable subsistence _for a week_." the late john parrish, of philadelphia, another highly respected minister of the society of friends, who traversed the south, on a similar mission, in and , says in his "remarks on the slavery of blacks;" "they allow them but _one peck of meal_, for a whole week, in some of the southern states." richard macy, hudson, n.y. a member of the society of friends, who has resided in georgia. "their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the week. they had nothing allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at christmas." rev. c.s. renshaw, of quincy, ill., (the testimony of a virginian). "the slaves are generally allowanced: a pint of corn meal and a salt herring is the allowance, or in lieu of the herring a "dab" of fat meat of about the same value. i have known the sour milk, and clauber to be served out to the hands, when there was an abundance of milk on the plantation. this is a luxury not often afforded." testimony of mr. george w. westgate, member of the congregational church, of quincy, illinois. mr. w. has been engaged in the low country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year, principally on the mississippi, and its tributary streams in the south-western slave states. "_feeding is not sufficient_,--let facts speak. on the coast, i.e. natchez and the gulf of mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears of corn, and a pint of salt per month. they may cook this in what manner they please, but it must be done after dark; they have no day light to prepare it by. some few planters, but only a few, let them prepare their corn on saturday afternoon. planters, overseers, and negroes, have told me, that in _pinching times_, i.e. when corn is high, they did not get near that quantity. in miss., i know some planters who allowed their hands three and a half pounds of meat per week, when it was cheap. many prepare their corn on the sabbath, when they are not worked on that day, which however is frequently the case on sugar plantations. there are very many masters on "the coast" who will not suffer their slaves to come to the boats, because they steal molasses to barter for meat; indeed they generally trade more or less with stolen property. but it is impossible to find out what and when, as their articles of barter are of such trifling importance. they would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, and would tell how badly they were fed, that they were almost starved; many a time i have set up all night, to prevent them from stealing something to eat." . quality of food. having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the slaves, it is important to know something of its _quality_, that we may judge of the amount of sustenance which it contains. for, if their provisions are of an inferior quality, or in a damaged state, their power to sustain labor must be greatly diminished. thomas clay, esq. of georgia, from an address to the georgia presbytery, , speaking of the quality of the corn given to the slaves, says, "there is _often a defect here_." rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman at marlboro, mass. and five years a resident of georgia. "the food, or 'feed' of slaves is generally of the _poorest_ kind." the "western medical reformer," in an article on the diseases peculiar to negroes, by a kentucky physician, says of the diet of the slaves; "they live on a coarse, _crude, unwholesome diet_." professor a.g. smith, of the new york medical college; formerly a physician in louisville, kentucky. i have myself known numerous instances of large families of _badly fed_ negroes swept off by a prevailing epidemic; and it is well known to many intelligent planters in the south, that the best method of preventing that horrible malady, _chachexia africana_, is to feed the negroes with _nutritious_ food. . number and time of meals each day. in determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the number of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their meals, and the number of meals each day, should be taken into consideration. philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio, and member of the presbyterian church, who lived in florida, in , and . "the slaves go to the field in the morning; they carry with them corn meal wet with water, and at _noon_ build a fire on the ground and bake it in the ashes. after the labors of the day are over, they take their _second_ meal of ash-cake." president edwards, the younger. "the slaves eat _twice_ during the day." mr. eleazar powell, chippewa, beaver county, penn., who resided in mississippi in and . "the slaves received _two_ meals during the day. those who have their food cooked for them get their breakfast about eleven o'clock, and their other meal _after night_." mr. nehemiah caulkins, waterford, conn., who spent eleven winters in north carolina. "the _breakfast_ of the slaves was generally about _ten or eleven_ o'clock." rev. phineas smith, centreville, n.y., who has lived at the south some years. "the slaves have usually _two_ meals a day, viz: at eleven o'clock and at night." rev. c.s. renshaw, quincy, illinois--the testimony of a virginian. "the slaves have _two_ meals a day. they breakfast at from ten to eleven, a.m., and eat their supper at from six to nine or ten at night, as the season and crops may be." the preceding testimony establishes the following points. st. that the slaves are allowed, in general, _no meat_. this appears from the fact, that in the _only_ slave states which regulate the slaves' rations _by law_, (north carolina and louisiana,) the _legal ration_ contains _no meat_. besides, the late hon. r.j. turnbull, one of the largest planters in south carolina, says expressly, "meat, when given, is only by the way of indulgence or favor." it is shown also by the direct testimony recorded above, of slaveholders and others, in all parts of the slaveholding south and west, that the general allowance on plantations is corn or meal and salt merely. to this there are doubtless many exceptions, but they are _only_ exceptions; the number of slaveholders who furnish meat for their _field-hands_, is small, in comparison with the number of those who do not. the house slaves, that is, the cooks, chambermaids, waiters, &c., generally get some meat every day; the remainder bits and bones of their masters' tables. but that the great body of the slaves, those that compose the field gangs, whose labor and exposure, and consequent exhaustion, are vastly greater than those of house slaves, toiling as they do from day light till dark, in the fogs of the early morning, under the scorchings of mid-day, and amid the damps of evening, are _in general_ provided with _no meat_, is abundantly established by the preceding testimony. now we do not say that meat _is necessary_ to sustain men under hard and long continued labor, nor that it is _not_. this is not a treatise on dietetics; but it is a notorious fact, that the medical faculty in this country, with very few exceptions, do most strenuously insist that it is necessary; and that working men in all parts of the country do _believe_ that meat is indispensable to sustain them, even those who work within doors, and only ten hours a day, every one knows. further, it is notorious, that the slaveholders themselves _believe_ the daily use of meat to be absolutely necessary to the comfort, not merely of those who labor, but of those who are idle, as is proved by the fact of meat being a part of the daily ration of food provided for convicts in the prisons, in every one of the slave states, except in those rare cases where meat is expressly prohibited, and the convict is, by _way of extra punishment_ confined to bread and water; he is occasionally, and for a little time only, confined to bread and water; that is, to the _ordinary diet_ of slaves, with this difference in favor of the convict, his bread is made for him, whereas the slave is forced to pound or grind his own corn and make his own bread, when exhausted with toil. the preceding testimony shows also, that _vegetables_ form generally no part of the slaves' allowance. the _sole_ food of the majority is _corn_: at every meal--from day to day--from week to week--from month to month, _corn_. in south carolina, georgia, and florida, the sweet potato is, to a considerable extent, substituted for corn during a part of the year. d. the preceding testimony proves conclusively, that the _quantity of food_ generally allowed to a full-grown field-hand, is a peck of corn a week, or a fraction over a quart and a gill of corn a day. the legal ration of north carolina is _less_--in louisiana it is _more_. of the slaveholders and other witnesses, who give the fore-going testimony, the reader will perceive that no one testifies to a larger allowance of corn than a peck for a week; though a number testify, that within the circle of their knowledge, _seven_ quarts was the usual allowance. frequently a small quantity of meat is added; but this, as has already been shown, is not the general rule for _field-hands_. we may add, also, that in the season of "pumpkins," "cimblins," "cabbages," "greens," &c., the slaves on small plantations are, to some extent, furnished with those articles. now, without entering upon the vexed question of how much food is necessary to sustain the human system, under severe toil and exposure, and without giving the opinions of physiologists as to the insufficiency or sufficiency of the slaves' allowance, we affirm that all civilized nations have, in all ages, and in the most emphatic manner, declared, that _eight quarts of corn a week_, (the usual allowance of our slaves,) is utterly insufficient to sustain the human body, under such toil and exposure as that to which the slaves are subjected. to show this fully, it will be necessary to make some estimates, and present some statistics. and first, the northern reader must bear in mind, that the corn furnished to the slaves at the south, is almost invariably the _white gourd seed_ corn, and that a quart of this kind of corn weighs five or six ounces _less_ than a quart of "flint corn," the kind generally raised in the northern and eastern states; consequently a peck of the corn generally given to the slaves, would be only equivalent to a fraction more than six quarts and a pint of the corn commonly raised in the new england states, new york, new jersey, &c. now, what would be said of the northern capitalist, who should allow his laborers but _six quarts and five gills of corn for a week's provisions?_ further, it appears in evidence, that the corn given to the slaves is often _defective_. this, the reader will recollect, is the voluntary testimony of thomas clay, esq., the georgia planter, whose testimony is given above. when this is the case, the amount of actual nutriment contained in a peck of the "gourd seed," may not be more than in five, or four, or even three quarts of "flint corn." as a quart of southern corn weighs at least five ounces less than a quart of northern corn, it requires little arithmetic to perceive, that the daily allowance of the slave fed upon that kind of corn, would contain about one third of a pound less nutriment than though his daily ration were the same quantity of northern corn, which would amount, in a year, to more than a hundred and twenty pounds of human sustenance! which would furnish the slave with his full allowance of a peck of corn a week for two months! it is unnecessary to add, that this difference in the weight of the two kinds of corn, is an item too important to be overlooked. as one quart of the southern corn weighs one pound and eleven-sixteenths of a pound, it follows that it would be about one pound and six-eighths of a pound. we now solicit the attention of the reader to the following unanimous testimony, of the civilized world, to the utter insufficiency of this amount of food to sustain human beings under labor. this testimony is to be found in the laws of all civilized nations, which regulate the rations of soldiers and sailors, disbursements made by governments for the support of citizens in times of public calamity, the allowance to convicts in prisons, &c. we will begin with the united states. the daily ration for each united states soldier, established by act of congress, may , . was the following: one pound of beef, one pound of bread, half a gill of spirits; and at the rate of one quart of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, and one pound of candles to every hundred rations. to those soldiers "who were on the frontiers," (where the labor and exposure were greater,) the ration was one pound two ounces of beef and one pound two ounces of bread. laws u.s. vol. d, sec. , p. . after an experiment of two years, the preceding ration being found _insufficient_, it was increased, by act of congress, july , , and was as follows: beef one pound and a quarter, bread one pound two ounces; salt two quarts, vinegar four quarts, soap four pounds, and candles one and a half pounds to the hundred rations. the preceding allowance was afterwards still further increased. the _present daily ration_ for the united states' soldiers, is, as we learn from an advertisement of captain fulton, of the united states' army, in a late number of the richmond (va.) enquirer, as follows: one and a quarter pounds of beef, one and three-sixteenths pounds of bread; and at the rate of _eight quarts of beans, eight pounds of sugar_, four pounds of coffee, two quarts of salt, four pounds of candles, and four pounds of soap, to every hundred rations. we have before us the daily rations provided for the emigrating ottawa indians, two years since, and for the emigrating cherokees last fall. they were the same--one pound of fresh beef, one pound of flour, &c. the daily ration for the united states' navy, is fourteen ounces of bread, half a pound of beef, six ounces of pork, three ounces of rice, three ounces of peas, one ounce of cheese, one ounce of sugar, half an ounce of tea, one-third of a gill molasses. the daily ration in the british army is one and a quarter pounds of beef, one pound of bread, &c. the daily ration in the french army is one pound of beef, one and a half pounds of bread, one pint of wine, &c. the common daily ration for foot soldiers on the continent, is one pound of meat, and one and a half pounds of bread. the _sea ration_ among the portuguese, has become the usual ration in the navies of european powers generally. it is as follows: "one and a half pounds of biscuit, one pound of salt meat, one pint of wine, with some dried fish and onions." prison rations.--before giving the usual daily rations of food allowed to convicts, in the principal prisons in the united states, we will quote the testimony of the "american prison discipline society," which is as follows: "the common allowance of food in the penitentiaries, is equivalent to one pound of meat, one pound of bread, and one pound of vegetables per day. it varies a little from this in some of them, but it is generally equivalent to it." first report of american prison discipline society, page . the daily ration of food to each convict, in the principal prisons in this country, is as follows: in the new hampshire state prison, one and a quarter pounds of meal, and fourteen ounces of beef, for _breakfast and dinner;_ and for supper, a soup or porridge of potatos and beans, or peas, the _quantity not limited_. in the vermont prison, the convicts are allowed to eat _as much as they wish_. in the massachusetts' penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, fourteen ounces of meat, half a pint of potatos, and one gill of molasses, or one pint of milk. in the connecticut state prison, one pound of beef, one pound of bread, two and a half pounds of potatos, half a gill of molasses, with salt, pepper, and vinegar. in the new york state prison, at auburn, one pound of beef, twenty-two ounces of flour and meal, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of salt, two quarts of vinegar, one and a half ounces of pepper, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred rations. in the new york state prison at sing sing, one pound of beef, eighteen ounces of flour and meal, besides potatos, rye coffee, and molasses. in the new york city prison, one pound of beef, one pound of flour; and three pecks of potatos to every hundred rations, with other small articles. in the new jersey state prison, one pound of bread, half a pound of beef, with potatos and cabbage, (quantity not specified,) one gill of molasses, and a bowl of mush for supper. in the late walnut street prison, philadelphia, one and a half pounds of bread and meal, half a pound of beef, one pint of potatos, one gill of molasses, and half a gill of rye, for coffee. in the baltimore prison, we believe the ration is the same with the preceding. in the pennsylvania eastern penitentiary, one pound of bread and one pint of coffee for breakfast, one pint of meat soup, with potatos without limit, for dinner, and mush and molasses for supper. in the penitentiary for the district of columbia, washington city, one pound of beef, twelve ounces of indian meal, ten ounces of wheat flour, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred rations. rations in english prisons.--the daily ration of food in the bedfordshire penitentiary, is _two pounds of bread;_ and if at hard labor, _a quart of soup for dinner._ in the cambridge county house of correction, three pounds of bread, and one pint of beer. in the millbank general penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, one pound of potatos, six ounces of beef, with half a pint of broth therefrom. in the gloucestershire penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, three-fourths of a pint of peas, made into soup, with beef, quantity not stated. also gruel, made of vegetables, quantity not stated, and one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed with it. in the leicestershire house of correction, two pounds of bread, and three pints of gruel; and when at hard labor, one pint of milk in addition, and twice a week a pint of meat soup at dinner, instead of gruel. in the buxton house of correction, one and a half pounds of bread, one and a half pints of gruel, one and a half pints of soup, four-fifths of a pound of potatos, and two-sevenths of an ounce of beef. notwithstanding the preceding daily ration in the buxton prison is about double the usual daily allowance of our slaves, yet the visiting physicians decided, that for those prisoners who were required to work the tread-mill, it was _entirely sufficient_. this question was considered at length, and publicly discussed at the sessions of the surry magistrates, with the benefit of medical advice; which resulted in "large additions" to the rations of those who worked on the tread-mill. see london morning chronicle, jan. , . to the preceding we add the _ration of the roman slaves_. the monthly allowance of food to slaves in rome was called "dimensum." the "dimensum" was an allowance of wheat or of other grain, which consisted of five _modii_ a month to each slave. ainsworth, in his latin dictionary estimates the _modius_, when used for the measurement of grain, at _a peck and a half_ our measure, which would make the roman slave's allowance _two quarts of grain a day_, just double the allowance provided for the slave by _law_ in north carolina, and _six_ quarts more per week than the ordinary allowance of slaves in the slave states generally, as already established by the testimony of slaveholders themselves. but it must by no means be overlooked that this "dimensum," or _monthly_ allowance, was far from being the sole allowance of food to roman slaves. in _addition_ to this, they had a stated _daily_ allowance (_diarium_) besides a monthly allowance of _money_, amounting to about a cent a day. now without further trenching on the reader's time, we add, compare the preceding daily allowances of food to soldiers and sailors in this and other countries; to convicts in this and other countries; to bodies of emigrants rationed at public expense; and finally, with the fixed allowance given to roman slaves, and we find the states of this union, the _slave_ states as well as the free, the united states' government, the different european governments, the old roman empire, in fine, we may add, the _world_, ancient and modern, uniting in the testimony that to furnish men at hard labor from daylight till dark with but - / lbs. of _corn_ per day, their sole sustenance, is to murder them by piece-meal. the reader will perceive by examining the preceding statistics that the _average daily_ ration throughout this country and europe exceeds the usual slave's allowance _at least a pound a day_; also that one-third of this ration for soldiers and convicts in the united states, and for solders and sailors in europe is _meat_, generally beef; whereas the allowance of the mass of our slaves is corn, only. further, the convicts in our prisons are sheltered from the heat of the sun, and from the damps of the early morning and evening, from cold, rain, &c.; whereas, the great body of the slaves are exposed to all of these, in their season, from daylight till dark; besides this, they labor more hours in the day than convicts, as will be shown under another head, and are obliged to prepare and cook their own food after they have finished the labor of the day, while the convicts have theirs prepared for them. these, with other circumstances, necessarily make larger and longer draughts upon the strength of the slave, produce consequently greater exhaustion, and demand a larger amount of food to restore and sustain the laborer than is required by the convict in his briefer, less exposed, and less exhausting toils. that the slaveholders themselves regard the usual allowance of food to slaves as insufficient, both in kind and quantity, for hard-working men, is shown by the fact, that in all the slave states, we believe without exception, _white_ convicts at hard labor, have a much _larger_ allowance of food than the usual one of slaves; and generally more than _one third_ of this daily allowance is meat. this conviction of slaveholders shows itself in various forms. when persons wish to hire slaves to labor on public works, in addition to the inducement of high wages held out to masters to hire out their slaves, the contractors pledge themselves that a certain amount of food shall be given the slaves, taking care to specify a _larger_ amount than the usual allowance, and a part of it _meat_. the following advertisement is an illustration. we copy it from the "daily georgian," savannah, dec. , . negroes wanted. the contractors upon the brunswick and alatamaha canal are desirous to hire a number of prime negro men, from the st october next, for fifteen months, until the st january, . they will pay at the rate of eighteen dollars per month for each prime hand. these negroes will be employed in the excavation of the canal. they will be provided with _three and a half pounds of pork or bacon, and ten quarts of gourd seed corn per week_, lodged in comfortable shantees and attended constantly a skilful physician. j.h. couper, p.m. nightingale. but we have direct testimony to this point. the late hon. john taylor, of caroline co. virginia, for a long time senator in congress, and for many years president of the agricultural society of the state, says in his "agricultural essays," no. , page , "bread alone ought never to be considered a sufficient diet for slaves except as a punishment." he urges upon the planters of virginia to give their slaves, in addition to bread, "salt meat and vegetables," and adds, "we shall be astonished to discover upon trial, that this great comfort to them is a profit to the master." the managers of the american prison discipline society, in their third report, page , say, "in the penitentiaries generally, in the united states, the animal food is equal to one pound of meat per day for each convict." most of the actual suffering from hunger on the part of the slaves, is in the sugar and cotton-growing region, where the crops are exported and the corn generally purchased from the upper country. where this is the case there cannot but be suffering. the contingencies of bad crops, difficult transportation, high prices, &c. &c., naturally occasion short and often precarious allowances. the following extract from a new orleans paper of april , , affords an illustration. the writer in describing the effects of the money pressure in mississippi, says: "they, (the planters,) are now left without provisions and the means of living and using their industry, for the present year. in this dilemma, planters whose crops have been from to bales, find themselves forced to sacrifice many of their slaves in order to get the common necessaries of life for the support of themselves and the rest of their negroes. in many places, heavy planters compel their slaves to fish for the means of subsistence, rather than sell them at such ruinous rates. there are at this moment thousands of slaves in mississippi, that know not where the next morsel is to come from. the master must be ruined to save the wretches from being starved." ii. labor the slaves are overworked. this is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are obliged to be in the field. but before furnishing testimony as to their hours of labor and rest, we will present the express declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are severely driven in the field. the senate and house of representatives of the state of south carolina. "many owners of slaves, and others who have the management of slaves, _do confine them so closely at hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest_.--see brevard's digest of the laws of south carolina, ." history of carolina.--vol. i, page . "so _laborious_ is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice, that had it been possible to obtain european servants in sufficient numbers, _thousands and tens of thousands_ must have perished." hon. alexander smyth, a slaveholder, and member of congress from virginia, in his speech on the "missouri question," jan. , . "is it not obvious that the way to render their situation _more comfortable_, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same motive to force the slave to incessant toil that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation. it is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ hard worked, that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. * * * the proposed measure would be extreme cruelty to the blacks. * * * you would * * * doom them to hard labor." "travels in louisiana," translated from the french by john davies, esq.--page . "at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, they _work both night and day_. abridged of their sleep, they _scarce retire to rest during the whole period_." the western review, no. ,--article "agriculture of louisiana." "the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves,) requiring when the process is commenced to be _pushed night and day_." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, elder of the presbyterian church, wilkesbarre, penn. "_overworked_ i know they (the slaves) are." mr. asa a. stone, a theological student, near natchez, miss., in and . "every body here knows _overdriving_ to be one of the most common occurrences, the planters do not deny it, except, perhaps, to northerners." philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer of elyria, ohio, who lived in florida in and . "during the cotton-picking season they usually labor in the field during the whole of the daylight, and then spend a good part of the night in ginning and baling. the labor required is very frequently excessive, and speedily impairs the constitution." hon. r.j. turnbull of south carolina, a slaveholder, speaking of the harvesting of cotton, says: "_all the pregnant women_ even, on the plantation, and weak and _sickly_ negroes incapable of other labour, are then _in requisition_." hours of labor and rest. asa a. stone, theological student, a classical teacher near natchez, miss., . "it is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves be in the field as _soon as it is light enough for them to see to work_, and remain there until it is _so dark that they cannot see_." mr. cornelius johnson, of farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi a part of and . "it is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at work _fifteen hours in the day_, and in the time of picking cotton a certain number of pounds is required of each. if this amount is not brought in at night, the slave is whipped, and the number of pounds lacking is added to the next day's job; this course is often repeated from day to day." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., wilkesbarre, penn, a native of georgia. "it was customary for the overseers to call out the gangs _long before day_, say three o'clock, in the winter, while dressing out the crops; such work as could be done by fire light (pitch pine was abundant,) was provided." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia and son of a slaveholder--he has recently removed to delhi, hamilton county, ohio. "_from dawn till dark_, the slaves are required to bend to their work." mr. nehemiah caulkins, waterford, conn., a resident in north carolina eleven winters. "the slaves are obliged to work _from daylight till dark_, as long as they can see." mr. eleazar powel, chippewa, beaver county, penn., who lived in mississippi in and . "the slaves had to cook and eat their breakfast and be in the field by _daylight, and continue there till dark_." philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio, who resided in florida in and . "the slaves commence labor _by daylight_ in the morning, and do not leave the field _till dark_ in the evening." "travels in louisiana," page . "both in summer and winter the slave must _be in the field by the first dawning of day_." mr. henry e. knapp, member of a christian church in farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi in and . "the slaves were made to work, from _as soon as they could see_ in the morning, till as late as they could see at night. sometimes they were made to work till nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could do, as burning cotton stalks, &c." a new orleans paper, dated march , , says: "to judge from the activity reigning in the cotton presses of the suburbs of st. mary, and the _late hours_ during which their slaves work, the cotton trade was never more brisk." mr. george w. westgate, a member of the congregational church at quincy, illinois, who lived in the south western slaves states a number of years says, "the slaves are driven to the field in the morning _about four o'clock_, the general calculation is to get them at work by daylight; the time for breakfast is between nine and ten o'clock, this meal is sometimes eaten '_bite and work_,' others allow fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the slave has while in the field. i have never known a case of stopping for an hour, in louisiana; in mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely subject to the will of the master. on cotton plantations, in cotton picking time, that is from october to christmas, each hand has a certain quantity to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished; their tasks are such as to keep them all the while busy." the preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the actual labor of the slaves _in the field_. in order to determine how many hours are left for sleep, we must take into the account, the time spent in going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of one, two and sometimes three miles; also the time necessary for pounding, or grinding their corn, and preparing, overnight, their food for the next day; also the preparation of tools, getting fuel and preparing it, making fires and cooking their suppers, if they have any, the occasional mending and washing of their clothes, &c. besides this, as everyone knows who has lived on a southern plantation, many little errands and _chores_ are to be done for their masters and mistresses, old and young, which have accumulated during the day and been kept in reserve till the slaves return from the field at night. to this we may add that the slaves are _social_ beings, and that during the day, silence is generally enforced by the whip of the overseer or driver.[ ] when they return at night, their pent up social feelings will seek vent, it is a law of nature, and though the body may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled. sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong affinities, and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows; even "_tired_ nature" will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to minister to a want of its being equally permanent and imperative as the want of sleep, and as much more profound, as the yearnings of the higher nature surpass the instincts of its animal appendage. [footnote : we do not mean that they are not suffered to _speak_, but, that, as conversation would be a hindrance to labour, they are generally permitted to indulge in it but little.] all these things make drafts upon _time_. to show how much of the slave's time, which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is necessarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at night, we subjoin a few testimonies. mr. cornelius johnson, farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi in the years and , says: "on all the plantations where i was acquainted, the slaves were kept in the field till dark; after which, those who had to grind their own corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family affairs of their own and of their master, such as bringing water, washing, clothes, &c. &c., and be in the field as soon as it was sufficiently light to commence work in the morning." mr. george w. westgate, of quincy, illinois, who has spent several years in the south western slave states, says: "their time, after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is their own; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient rest, but there are other things to be considered; much of their making, mending and washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food, hauling and chopping wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety of little nameless jobs must be done between those hours." philemon bliss, esq. of elyria, ohio, who resided in florida in and , gives the following testimony: "after having finished their field labors, they are occupied till nine or ten o'clock in doing _chores_, such as grinding corn, (as all the corn in the vicinity is ground by hand,) chopping wood, taking care of horses, mules, &c., and a thousand things necessary to be done on a large plantation. if any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder the 'niggers' from their work, but must be done in the night." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, an elder of the presbyterian church at wilkes-barre, pa. says: "the corn is ground in a handmill by the slave _after his task is done_--generally there is but one mill on the plantation, and as but one can grind at a time, the mill is going sometimes _very late at night_." we now present another class of facts and testimony, showing that the slaves engaged in raising the large staples, are _overworked_. in september, , the writer of this had an interview with james g. birney, esq., who then resided in kentucky, having removed with his family from alabama the year before. a few hours before that interview, and on the morning of the same day, mr. b. had spent a couple of hours with hon. henry clay, at his residence, near lexington. mr. birney remarked, that mr. clay had just told him, he had lately been led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase of the slave population in the far south west--estimates which he had presented, i think, in a speech before the colonization society. he now believed, that the births among the slaves in that quarter were _not equal to the deaths_--and that, of course, the slave population, independent of immigration from the slave-selling states, was _not sustaining itself_. among other facts stated by mr. clay, was the following, which we copy _verbatim_ from the original memorandum, made at the time by mr. birney, with which he has kindly furnished us. "sept. , .--hon. h. clay, in a conversation at his own house, on the subject of slavery, informed me, that hon. outerbridge horsey, formerly a senator in congress from the state of delaware, and the owner of a sugar plantation in louisiana, declared to him, that his overseer worked his hands so closely, that one of the women brought forth a child whilst engaged in the labors of the field. "also, that a few years since, he was at a brick yard in the environs of new orleans, in which one hundred hands were employed; among them were from _twenty to thirty young women_, in the prime of life. he was told by the proprietor, that there had _not been a child born among them for the last two or three years, although they all had husbands_." the preceding testimony of mr. clay, is strongly corroborated by advertisements of slaves, by courts of probate, and by executors administering upon the estates of deceased persons. some of those advertisements for the sale of slaves, contain the names, ages, accustomed employment, &c., of all the slaves upon the plantation of the deceased. these catalogues show large numbers of young men and women, almost all of them between twenty and thirty-eight years old; and yet the number of young children is _astonishingly small_. we have laid aside many lists of this kind, in looking over the newspapers of the slaveholding states; but the two following are all we can lay our hands on at present. one is in the "planter's intelligencer," alexandria, la., march , , containing one hundred and thirty slaves; and the other in the new orleans bee, a few days later, april , , containing fifty-one slaves. the former is a "probate sale" of the slaves belonging to the estate of mr. charles s. lee, deceased, and is advertised by g.w. keeton, judge of the parish of concordia, la. the sex, name, and age of each slave are contained in the advertisement which fills two columns. the following are some of the particulars. the whole number of slaves is _one hundred and thirty_. of these, _only three are over forty years old_. there are _thirty-five females_ between the ages of _sixteen and thirty-three_, and yet there are only thirteen children under the age of _thirteen years!_ it is impossible satisfactorily to account for such a fact, on any other supposition, than that these thirty-five females were so overworked, or underfed, or both, as to prevent child-bearing. the other advertisement is that of a "probate sale," ordered by the court of the parish of jefferson--including the slaves of mr. william gormley. the whole number of slaves is fifty-one; the sex, age, and accustomed labors of each are given. the oldest of these slaves is but _thirty-nine years old_: of the females, _thirteen_ are between the ages of sixteen and thirty-two, and the oldest female is but _thirty-eight_--and yet there are but _two children under eight years old!_ another proof that the slaves in the south-western states are over-worked, is the fact, that so few of them live to old age. a large majority of them are _old_ at middle age, and few live beyond fifty-five. in one of the preceding advertisements, out of one hundred and thirty slaves, only _three_ are over forty years old! in the other, out of fifty-one slaves, only _two_ are over _thirty-five_; the oldest is but thirty-nine, and the way in which he is designated in the advertisement, is an additional proof, that what to others is "middle age," is to the slaves in the south-west "old age:" he is advertised as "_old_ jeffrey." but the proof that the slave population of the south-west is so over-worked that it cannot _supply its own waste_, does not rest upon mere inferential evidence. the agricultural society of baton rouge, la., in its report, published in , furnishes a labored estimate of the amount of expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting "a well-regulated sugar estate." in this estimate, the annual net loss of slaves, over and above the supply by propagation, is set down at two and a half per cent! the late hon. josiah s. johnson, a member of congress from louisiana, addressed a letter to the secretary of the united states' treasury, in , containing a similar estimate, apparently made with great care, and going into minute details. many items in this estimate differ from the preceding; but the estimate of the annual _decrease_ of the slaves on a plantation was the same--two and a half per cent! the following testimony of rev. dr. channing, of boston, who resided some time in virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to such an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of population, is not confined to the far south and south-west. "i heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without the use of the whip. i was anxious to see him, and trusted that some discovery had been made favorable to humanity. i asked him how he was able to dispense with corporal punishment. he replied to me, with a very determined look, 'the slaves know that the work _must_ be done, and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.' in other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed on them, that they never incurred it. "i then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate, _decreased_ in number. i asked the cause. he replied, with perfect frankness and ease, 'the gang is not large enough for the estate.' in other words, they were not equal to the work of the plantation, and, yet were _made to do it_, though with the certainty of abridging life. "on this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. there was an unusual air of neatness. a superficial observer would have called the slaves happy. yet they were living under a severe, subduing discipline, and were _over-worked_ to a degree that _shortened life_."--_channing on slavery_, page , first edition. philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer of elyria, ohio, who spent some time in florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the slaves: "it is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all day, to labor half the night. this is usually the case on sugar plantations, during the sugar-boiling season; and on cotton, during its gathering. beside the regular task of picking cotton, averaging of the short staple, when the crop is good, pounds a day to the hand, the ginning (extracting the seed,) and baling was done in the night. said mr. ---- to me, while conversing upon the customary labor of slaves, 'i work my niggers in a hurrying time till or o'clock at night, and have them up by four in the morning.' "beside the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling, so common at the south. it is very common to _bet_ on the issue of a crop. a. lays a wager that, from a given number of hands, he will make more cotton than b. the wager is accepted, and then begins the contest; and who bears the burden of it? how many tears, yea, how many broken constitutions, and premature deaths, have been the effect of this spirit? from the desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler pursues his object, from the passions which the practice calls into exercise, we might conjecture many. such is the fact. in middle florida, a _broken-winded_ negro is more common than a _broken-winded_ horse; though usually, when they are declared unsound, or when their constitution is so broken that their recovery is despaired of, they are exported to new orleans, to drag out the remainder of their days in the cane-field and sugar house. i would not insinuate that all planters gamble upon their crops; but i mention the practice as one of the common inducements to 'push niggers.' neither would i assert that all planters drive the hands to the injury of their health. i give it as a _general_ rule in the district of middle florida, and i have no reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in other fertile sections. people there told me that the situation of the slaves was far better than in mississippi and louisiana. and from comparing the crops with those made in the latter states, and for other reasons, i am convinced of the truth of their statements." dr. demming, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in ashland, richland county, ohio, stated to professor wright, of new york city, "that during a recent tour at the south, while ascending the ohio river, on the steamboat fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with a mr. dickinson, a resident of pittsburg, in company with a number of cotton-planters and slave-dealers, from louisiana, alabama, and mississippi, mr. dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar planters upon the sugar coast in louisiana had ascertained, that, as it was usually necessary to employ about _twice_ the amount of labor during the boiling season, that was required during the season of raising, they could, by excessive driving, day and night, during the boiling season, accomplish the whole labor _with one set of hands_. by pursuing this plan, they could afford _to sacrifice a set of hands once in seven years!_ he further stated that this horrible system was now practised to a considerable extent! the correctness of this statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders then on board." the late mr. samuel blackwell, a highly respected citizen of jersey city, opposite the city of new york, and a member of the presbyterian church, visited many of the sugar plantations in louisiana a few years since: and having for many years been the owner of an extensive sugar refinery in england, and subsequently in this country, he had not only every facility afforded him by the planters, for personal inspection of all parts of the process of sugar-making, but received from them the most unreserved communications, as to their management of their slaves. mr. b., after his return, frequently made the following statement to gentlemen of his acquaintance,--"that the planters generally declared to him, that they were _obliged_ so to over-work their slaves during the sugar-making season, (from eight to ten weeks,) as to use _them up_ in seven or eight years. for, said they, after the process is commenced, it must be pushed without cessation, night and day; and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of slaves to do the _extra_ work at the time of sugar-making, as we could not profitably employ them the rest of the year." it is not only true of the sugar planters, but of the slaveholders generally throughout the far south and south west, that they believe it for their interest to wear out the slaves by excessive toil in eight or ten years after they put them into the field.[ ] [footnote : alexander jones. esq., a large planter in west feliciana, louisiana, published a communication in the "north carolina true american," nov. , , in which, speaking of the horses employed in the mills on the plantations for ginning cotton, he says, they "are much whipped and jaded;" and adds, "in fact, this service is so severe on horses, as to shorten their lives in many instances, if not actually kill them in gear." those who work one kind of their "live stock" so as to "shorten their lives," or "kill them in gear" would not stick at doing the same thing to another kind.] rev. doctor reed, of london, who went through kentucky, virginia and maryland in the summer of , gives the following testimony: "i was told confidently and from _excellent authority_, that recently at a meeting of planters in south carolina, the question was seriously discussed whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well fed, well clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of _at once_, and exhausted in some eight years. the decision was in favor of the last alternative. that decision will perhaps make many shudder. but to my mind this is not the chief evil. the greater and original evil is considering the _slave as property_. if he is only property and my property, then i have some right to ask how i may make that property most available." "visit to the american churches," by rev. drs. reed and mattheson. vol. p. . rev. john o. choules, recently pastor of a baptist church at new bedford, massachusetts, now of buffalo, new york, made substantially the following statement in a speech in boston. "while attending the baptist triennial convention at richmond, virginia, in the spring of , as a delegate from massachusetts, i had a conversation on slavery, with an officer of the baptist church in that city, at whose house i was a guest. i asked my host if he did not apprehend that the slaves would eventually rise and exterminate their masters. "why," said the gentleman, "i used to apprehend such a catastrophe, but god has made a providential opening, a _merciful safety valve_, and now i do not feel alarmed in the _prospect_ of what is coming. 'what do you mean,' said mr. choules, 'by providence opening a merciful safety valve?' why, said the gentleman, i will tell you; the slave traders come from the cotton and sugar plantations of the south and are willing to buy up more slaves than we can part with. we must keep a stock for the purpose of _rearing_ slaves, but we part with the most valuable, and at the same time, the most _dangerous_, and the demand is very constant and likely to be so, for when they go to these southern states, the average existence is only five years!" monsieur c.c. robin, a highly intelligent french gentleman, who resided in louisiana from to , and published a volume of travels, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the slaves there: "i have been a witness, that after the fatigue of the day, their labors have been prolonged several hours by the light of the moon; and then, before they could think of rest, they must pound and cook their corn; and yet, long before day, an implacable scold, whip in hand, would arouse them from their slumbers. thus, of more than twenty negroes, who in twenty years should have doubled, the number _was reduced to four or five_." in conclusion we add, that slaveholders have in the most public and emphatic manner declared themselves guilty of barbarous inhumanity toward their slaves in exacting from them such _long continued daily labor_. the legislatures of maryland, virginia and georgia, have passed laws providing that convicts in their state prisons and penitentiaries, "shall be employed in work each day in the year except sundays, not exceeding _eight_ hours, in the months of november, december, and january; _nine_ hours, in the months of february and october, and _ten_ hours in the rest of the year." now contrast this _legal_ exaction of labor from convicts with the exaction from slaves as established by the preceding testimony. the reader perceives that the amount of time, in which by the preceding laws of maryland, virginia, and georgia, the _convicts_ in their prisons are required to labor, is on an average during the year but little more than nine hours daily. whereas, the laws of south carolina permit the master to _compel_ his slaves to work fifteen hours in the twenty-four, in summer, and fourteen in the winter--which would be in winter, from daybreak in the morning until _four hours_ after sunset!--see brevard's digest, . the other slave states, except louisiana, have _no laws_ respecting the labor of slaves, consequently if the master should work his slaves day and night without sleep till they drop dead, _he violates no law!_ the law of louisiana provides for the slaves but two and a half hours in the twenty-four for "rest!" see law of louisiana, act of july , martin's digest . -- . iii. clothing. we propose to show under this head, that the clothing of the slaves by day, and their covering by night, are inadequate, either for comfort or decency. hon. t.t. bouldin, a slave-holder, and member of congress from virginia in a speech in congress, feb. , . mr. bouldin said "_he knew_ that many negroes had _died_ from exposure to weather," and added, "they are clad in a _flimsy fabric, that will turn neither wind nor water_." george buchanan, m.d., of baltimore, member of the american philosophical society, in an oration at baltimore, july , . "the slaves, _naked_ and starved, _often_ fall victims to the inclemencies of the weather." wm. savery of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the society of friends, who went through the southern states in , on a religious visit; after leaving savannah, ga., we find the following entry in his journal, th, month, , . "we rode through many rice swamps, where the blacks were very numerous, great droves of these poor slaves, working up to the middle in water, men and women nearly _naked_." rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio, a native of tennessee. "in every slave-holding state, _many slaves suffer extremely_, both while they labor and while they sleep, _for want of clothing_ to keep them warm." john parrish, late of philadelphia, a highly esteemed minister in the society of friends, who travelled through the south in . "it is shocking to the feelings of humanity, in travelling through some of those states, to see those poor objects, [slaves,] especially in the inclement season, in _rags_, and _trembling with the cold_." "they suffer them, both male and female, _to go without clothing_ at the age of ten and twelve years" rev. phineas smith, centreville, allegany, co., n.y. mr. s. has just returned from a residence of several years at the south, chiefly in virginia, louisiana, and among the american settlers in texas. "the apparel of the slaves, is of the coarsest sort and _exceedingly deficient_ in quantity. i have been on many plantations where children of eight and ten yeas old, were in a state of _perfect nudity_. slaves are _in general wretchedly clad_." wm. ladd, esq., of minot, maine, recently a slaveholder in florida. "they were allowed two suits of clothes a year, viz. one pair of trowsers with a shirt or frock of osnaburgh for summer; and for winter, one pair of trowsers, and a jacket of negro cloth, with a baize shirt and a pair of shoes. some allowed hats, and some did not; and they were generally, i believe, allowed one blanket in two years. garments of similar materials were allowed the women." a kentucky physician, writing in the western medical reformer, in , on the diseases peculiar to slaves, says. "they are _imperfectly clothed_ both summer and winter." mr. stephen e. maltby, inspector of provisions, skeneateles, n.y., who resided sometime in alabama. "i was at huntsville, alabama, in - , i frequently saw slaves on and around the public square, _with hardly a rag of clothing on them_, and in a _great many_ instances with but a single garment both in summer and in winter; generally the only bedding of the slaves was a _blanket_." reuben g. macy, hudson, n.y. member of the society of friends, who resided in south carolina, in and . "their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of 'negro cloth.' the women a petticoat, a very short 'short-gown,' and _nothing else_, the same kind of cloth; some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but they _generally went barefoot_." mr. lemuel sapington, of lancaster, pa., a native of maryland, and formerly a slaveholder. "their clothing is often made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted by the old women, who are no longer able to do out-door work; consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. and i have very frequently seen those who had not attained the age of twelve years _go naked_." philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio, who lived in florida in and . "it is very common to see the younger class of slaves up to eight or ten _without any clothing_, and most generally the laboring men wear _no shirts_ in the warm season. the perfect nudity of the younger slaves is so familiar to the whites of both sexes, that they seem to witness it with perfect indifference. i may add that the aged and feeble often _suffer from cold_." richard macy, a member of the society of friends, hudson, n.y., who has lived in georgia. "for _bedding_ each slave was allowed _one blanket_, in which they rolled themselves up. i examined their houses, but could not find any thing like _a bed_." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., wilkesbarre, pa., a native of georgia. "it is an every day sight to see women as well as men, with no other covering than a _few filthy rags fastened above the hips_, reaching midway to the ankles. _i never knew any kind of covering for the head_ given. children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years are seen in companies on the plantations, _in a state of perfect nudity_. this was so common that the most refined and delicate beheld them unmoved." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia, now a member of the presbyterian church, in delhi, ohio. "the only bedding of the slaves generally consists of _two old blankets_." advertisements like the following from the "new orleans bee," may , , are common in the southern papers. " dollars reward.--ranaway, the slave solomon, about years of age; badly clothed. the above reward will be paid on application to fernandez & whiting, no. , st. louis st." ranaway from the subscriber the negress fanny, always badly dressed, she is about or years old. john macoin, s. ann st. the darien (ga.), telegraph, of jan. , , in an editorial article, hitting off the aristocracy of the planters, incidentally lets out some secrets, about the usual _clothing_ of the slaves. the editor says,--"the planter looks down, with the most sovereign contempt, on the merchant and the storekeeper. he deems himself a lord, because he gets his two or three ragged servants, to row him to his plantation every day, that he may inspect the labor of his hands." the following is an extract from a letter lately received from rev. c.s. renshaw, of quincy, illinois. "i am sorry to be obliged to give more testimony without the _name_. an individual in whom i have great confidence, gave me the following facts. that i am not alone in placing confidence in him, i subjoin a testimonial from dr. richard eells, deacon of the congregational church, of quincy, and rev. mr. fisher, baptist minister of quincy. "we have been acquainted with the brother who has communicated to you some facts that fell under his observation, whilst in his native state; he is a professed follower of our lord, and we have great confidence in him as a man of integrity, discretion, and strict christian principle. richard eells. ezra fisher." quincy, jan. th, . testimony.--"i lived for thirty years in virginia, and have travelled extensively through fauquier, culpepper, jefferson, stafford, albemarle and charlotte counties; my remarks apply to these counties. "the negro houses are miserably poor, generally they are a shelter from neither the wind, the rain, nor the snow, and the earth is the floor. there are exceptions to this rule, but they are only exceptions; you may sometimes see puncheon floor, but never, or almost never a plank floor. the slaves are generally without _beds or bedsteads_; some few have cribs that they fasten up for themselves in the corner of the hut. their bed-clothes are a nest of rags thrown upon a crib, or in the corner; sometimes there are three or four families in one small cabin. where the slaveholders have more than one family, they put them in the same quarter till it is filled, then build another. i have seen exceptions to this, when only one family would occupy a hut, and where were tolerably comfortable bed-clothes. "most of the slaves in these counties are _miserably clad_. i have known slaves who went without shoes all winter, perfectly barefoot. the feet of many of them are frozen. as a general fact the planters do not serve out to their slaves, drawers, or any under clothing, or vests, or overcoats. slaves sometimes, by working at night and on sundays, get better things than their masters serve to them. "whilst these things are true of _field-hands_, it is also true that many slaveholders clothe their _waiters_ and coachmen like gentlemen. i do not think there is any difference between the slaves of professing christians and others; at all events, it is so small as to be scarcely noticeable. "i have seen men and women at work in the field more than half naked: and more than once in passing, when the overseer was not near, they would stop and draw round them a tattered coat or some ribbons of a skirt to hide their nakedness and shame from the stranger's eye." mr. george w. westgate, a member of the congregational church in quincy, illinois, who has spent the larger part of twelve years navigating the rivers of the south-western slave states with keel boats, as a trader, gives the following testimony as to the clothing and lodging of the slaves. "in lower tennessee, mississippi and louisiana, the clothing of the slaves is wretchedly poor; and grows worse as you go south, in the order of the states i have named. the only material is cotton bagging, i.e. bagging in which cotton is _baled_, not bagging made of cotton. in louisiana, especially in the lower country, i have frequently seen them with nothing but a tattered coat, not sufficient to hide their nakedness. in winter their clothing seldom serves the purpose of comfort, and frequently not even of decent covering. in louisiana _the planters never think of serving out shoes to slaves_. in mississippi they give one pair a year generally. i never saw or heard of an instance of masters allowing them _stockings_. a _small poor blanket is generally the only bed-clothing_, and this they frequently wear in the field when they have not sufficient clothing to hide their nakedness or to keep them warm. their manner of sleeping varies with the season. in hot weather they stretch themselves anywhere and sleep. as it becomes cool they roll themselves in their blankets, and lay scattered about the cabin. in cold weather they nestle together with their feet towards the fire, promiscuously. as a general fact the earth is their only floor and bed--not one in ten have anything like a bedstead, and then it is a mere bunk put up by themselves." mr. george a. avery, an elder in the fourth congregational church, rochester, n.y., who spent four years in virginia, says, "the slave children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten years, and i think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of _disgusting_ nudity. i have often seen them with their tow shirt (their only article of summer clothing) which, to all human appearance, had not been taken off from the time it was first put on, worn off from the bottom upwards shred by shred, until nothing remained but the straps which passed over their shoulders, and the less exposed portions extending a very little way below the arms, leaving the principal part of the chest, as well as the limbs, entirely uncovered." samuel ellison, a member of the society of friends, formerly of southampton co., virginia, now of marlborough, stark co., ohio, says, "i knew a methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. the children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age, were _entirely_ destitute of clothing. i have seen an old man compelled to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his nakedness." rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church, in buffalo, n.y., in describing a tour down and up the mississippi river in the winter of - , says, "at the wood yards where the boats stop, it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying wood. their dress which was quite uniform was provided without any reference to comfort. they had no covering for their heads; the stuff which constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in which brown domestic goods are done up. it was then december, and i thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without _stockings_, they must suffer from the cold." mr. benjamin clendenon, colerain, lancaster co., pa., a member of the society of friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour through the northern part of maryland in the winter of , thus speaks of a place a few miles from chestertown. "about this place there were a number of slaves; very few, if any, had _either stockings or shoes_; the weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow." the late major stoddard of the united states' artillery, who took possession of louisiana for the u.s. government, under the cession of , published a book entitled "sketches of louisiana," in which, speaking of the planters of lower louisiana, he says, "_few of them allow any clothing to their slaves_." the following is an extract from the will of the late celebrated john randolph of virginia. "to my old and faithful servants, essex and his wife hetty, i give and bequeath a pair of strong shoes, a suit of clothes and a blanket each, to be paid them annually; also an annual hat to essex." no virginia slaveholder has ever had a better name as a "kind master," and "good provider" for his slaves, than john randolph. essex and hetty were _favorite_ servants, and the memory of the long uncompensated services of those "old and faithful servants," seems to have touched their master's heart. now as this master was _john randolph_, and as those servants were "faithful," and favorite servants, advanced in years, and worn out in his service, and as their allowance was, in their master's eyes, of sufficient moment to constitute a paragraph in his last _will and testament_, it is fair to infer that it would be _very liberal_, far better than the ordinary allowance for slaves. now we leave the reader to judge what must be the _usual_ allowance of clothing to common field slaves in the hands of common masters, when essex and hetty, the "old" and "faithful" slaves of john randolph, were provided, in his last will and testament, with but _one_ suit of clothes annually, with but _one blanket_ each for bedding, with no _stockings_, nor _socks_, nor _cloaks_, nor overcoats, nor _handkerchiefs_, nor _towels_, and with no _change_ either of under or outside garments! iv. dwellings. the slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged. mr. stephen e. maltby. inspector of provisions, skaneateles, n.y. who has lived in alabama. "the huts where the slaves slept, generally contained but _one_ apartment, and that _without floor_." mr. george a. avery, elder of the th presbyterian church, rochester, n.y. who lived four years in virginia. "amongst all the negro cabins which i saw in va., _i cannot call to mind one_ in which there was any other floor than the _earth_; any thing that a northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would call a _bed_, nor a solitary _partition_, to separate the sexes." william ladd, esq., minot, maine. president of the american peace society, formerly a slaveholder in florida. "the dwellings of the slaves were palmetto huts, built by themselves of stakes and poles, thatched with the palmetto leaf. the door, when they had any, was generally of the same materials, sometimes boards found on the beach. they had _no floors_, no separate apartments, except the guinea negroes had sometimes a small inclosure for their 'god house.' these huts the slaves built themselves after task and on sundays." rev. joseph m. sadd, pastor pres. church, castile, greene co., n.y., who lived in missouri five years previous to . "the slaves live _generally_ in _miserable huts_, which are _without floors_, and have a single apartment only, where both sexes are herded promiscuously together." mr. george w. westgate, member of the congregational church in quincy, illinois, who has spent a number of years in slave states. "on old plantations, the negro quarters are of frame and clapboards, seldom affording a comfortable shelter from wind or rain; their size varies from by , to by , feet, and six or eight feet high; sometimes there is a hole cut for a window, but i never saw a sash, or glass in any. in the new country, and in the woods, the quarters are generally built of logs, of similar dimensions." mr. cornelius johnson, a member of a christian church in farmington, ohio. mr. j. lived in mississippi in - . "their houses were commonly built of logs, sometimes they were framed, often they had no floor, some of them have two apartments, commonly but one; each of those apartments contained a family. sometimes these families consisted of a man and his wife and children, while in other instances persons of both sexes, were thrown together without any regard to family relationship." the western medical reformer, in an article on the cachexia africana by a kentucky physician, thus speaks of the huts of the slaves. "they are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, and sometimes having an imperfect, and sometimes no floor, and seldom raised from the ground, ill ventilated, and surrounded with filth." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia, but has resided most of his life in madison, co. alabama. "the dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from to feet square, often without windows, doors, or floors, they have neither chairs, table, or bedstead." reuben l. macy of hudson, n.y. a member of the religious society of friends. he lived in south carolina in - . "the houses for the field slaves were about feet square, built in the coarsest manner, with one room, _without any chimney or flooring, with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out_." mr. lemuel sapington of lancaster, pa. a native of maryland, formerly a slaveholder. "the descriptions generally given of negro quarters, are correct; the quarters are _without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather_; they are uncomfortable both in summer and winter." rev. john rankin, a native of tennessee. "when they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not there the means of comfortable rest; _but on the cold ground they must lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber."_ philemon bliss, esq. elyria, ohio, who lived in florida, in . "the dwellings of the slaves are usually small _open_ log huts, with but one apartment, and very generally _without floors_." mr. w.c. gildersleeve, wilkesbarre, pa., a native of georgia. "their huts were generally put up without a nail, frequently without floors, and with a single apartment." hon. r.j. turnbull, of south carolina, a slaveholder. "the slaves live in _clay cabins_." v. treatment of the sick. the slaves suffer from human neglect when sick in proof of this we subjoin the following testimony: rev. dr. channing of boston, who once resided in virginia, relates the following fact in his work on slavery, page , st edition. "i cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed for his virtues_, and whose manners and conversation expressed much _benevolence and conscientiousness_. when i entered with him the hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman, very ill, probably approaching death. she was stretched on the floor. her head rested on something like a pillow; but _her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards._ the owner, i doubt not, had at least as much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not enter his mind." this _dying_ young woman "was _stretched on the floor_"--"her body and limbs extended upon the hard boards,"--and yet her master "was highly esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanor produced upon dr. channing the impression of "benevolence and conscientiousness" if the _sick and dying female_ slaves of _such_ a master, suffer such barbarous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of that inhumanity, exercised by the _majority_ of slaveholders, towards their aged, sick, and dying victims. the following testimony is furnished by sarah m. grimk�, a sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimké, of charleston, south carolina. "when the ladies' benevolent society in charleston, s.c., of which i was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were applied to for the relief of several sick and aged colored persons; one case i particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully burnt from having fallen into the fire; she was living with some free blacks who had taken her in out of compassion. on inquiry, we found that _nearly all_ the colored persons who had solicited aid, were _slaves_, who being no longer able to work for their "owners," were thus inhumanly cast out in their sickness and old age, and must have perished, but for the kindness of their friends. "i was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual welfare peculiar circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. i knew that she had been early seduced from the path of virtue, as nearly all the female slaves are. i knew also that her mistress, though a professor of religion, had never taught her a single precept of christianity, yet that she had had her severely punished for this departure from them, and that the poor girl was then ill of an incurable disease, occasioned partly by her own misconduct, and partly by the cruel treatment she had received, in a situation that called for tenderness and care. her heart seemed truly touched with repentance for her sins, and she was inquiring, "what shall i do to be saved?" i was sitting by her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, and was trying to establish her trembling spirit in the fullness of jesus, when i heard the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she approached the door. i read in the countenance of the prostrate sufferer, the terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. i knew my presence would be very unwelcome, but staid hoping that it might restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. in this, however, i was mistaken; she passed me without apparently observing that i was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick slave. she made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger commenced a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past misconduct, and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal destruction awaited her. no word of kindness escaped her. what had then roused her temper i do not know. she continued in this strain several minutes, when i attempted to soften her by remarking, that ------ was very ill, and she ought not thus to torment her, and that i believed jesus had granted her forgiveness. but i might as well have tried to stop the tempest in its career, as to calm the infuriated passions nurtured by the exercise of arbitrary power. she looked at me with ineffable scorn, and continued to pour forth a torrent of abuse and reproach. her helpless victim listened in terrified silence, until nature could endure no more, when she uttered a wild shriek, and casting on her tormentor a look of unutterable agony, exclaimed, "oh, mistress, i am dying." this appeal arrested her attention, and she soon left the room, but in the same spirit with which she entered it. the girl survived but a few days, and, i believe, saw her mistress _no more_" mr. george a. avery, an elder of a presbyterian church in rochester, n.y., who lived some years in virginia, gives the following: "the manner of treating the sick slaves, and especially in _chronic_ cases, was to my mind peculiarly revolting. my opportunities for observation in this department were better than in, perhaps, any other, as the friend under whose direction i commenced my medical studies, enjoyed a high reputation as a _surgeon_. i rode considerably with him in his practice, and assisted in the surgical operations and dressings from time to time. in confirmed cases of disease, it was common for the master to place the subject under the care of a physician or surgeon, at whose expense the patient should be kept, and if death ensued to the patient, or the disease was not cured, no compensation was to be made, but if cured a bonus of one, two, or three hundred dollars was to be given. no provision was made against the _barbarity_ or _neglect_ of the physician, &c. i have seen _fifteen or twenty of these helpless sufferers_ crowded together in the true spirit of slaveholding inhumanity, like the "brutes that perish," and driven from time to time _like_ brutes into a common yard, where they had to suffer any and every operation and experiment, which interest, caprice, or professional curiosity might prompt,--unrestrained by law, public sentiment, or the claims of common humanity." rev. william t. allan, son of rev. dr. allan, a slaveholder, of huntsville, alabama, says in a letter now before us: "colonel robert h. watkins, of laurence county, alabama, who owned about three hundred slaves, after employing a physician among them for some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. this colonel watkins was a presidential elector in ." a.a. guthrie, esq., elder in the presbyterian church at putnam, muskingum county, ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows. "a near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, in attempting to visit a sick woman on washington's bottom, wood county, virginia, missed the way, and stopping to ask directions of a group of colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of francis keen, sen., they were told to ask 'aunty, in the house.' on entering the hut, says my informant, i beheld such a sight as i hope never to see again; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said keen--her whole wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow cloth, and so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight around her person. in the hut there was neither table, chair, nor chest--a stool and a rude fixture in one corner, were all its furniture. on this last were a little straw and a few old remnants of what had been bedding--all exceedingly filthy. "the woman thus situated _had been for more than a day in travail_, without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper provision--during the night she said some fellow slave woman would stay with her, and the aforesaid children through the day. from a woman, who was a slave of keen's at the same time, my informant learned, that this poor woman suffered for three days, and then died--when too late to save her life her master sent assistance. it was understood to be a rule of his, to neglect his women entirely in such times of trial, unless they previously came and informed him, and asked for aid." rev. phineas smith, of centreville, n.y, who has resided four years at the south, says: "often when the slaves are sick, their accustomed toil is exacted from them. physicians are rarely called for their benefit." rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church in marlborough, mass., who resided a number of years in georgia, says: "another dark side of slavery is the neglect of the _aged_ and _sick_. many when sick, are suspected by their masters of _feigning_ sickness, and are therefore whipped out to work after disease has got fast hold of them; when the masters learn, that they are really sick, they are in many instances left alone in their cabins during work hours; not a few of the slaves are left to die without having one friend to wipe off the sweat of death. when the slaves are sick, the masters do not, as a general thing, employ physicians, but "doctor" them themselves, and their mode of practice in almost all cases is to bleed and give salts. when women are confined they have no physician, but are committed to the care of slave midwives. slaves complain very little when sick, when they die they are frequently buried at night without much ceremony, and in many instances without any; their coffins are made by nailing together rough boards, frequently with their feet sticking out at the end, and sometimes they are put into the ground without a coffin or box of any kind." personal narratives--part ii. testimony of the rev. william t. allan, late of alabama. mr. allan is a son of the rev. dr. allan, a slaveholder and pastor of the presbyterian church at huntsville, alabama. he has recently become the pastor of the presbyterian church in chatham, illinois. "i was born and have lived most of my life in the slave states, mainly in the village of huntsville, alabama, where my parents still reside. i seldom went to a _plantation_, and as my visits were confined almost exclusively to the families of professing christians, my _personal_ knowledge of slavery, was consequently a knowledge of its _fairest_ side, (if fairest may be predicated of foul.) "there was one plantation just opposite my father's house in the suburbs of huntsville, belonging to judge smith, formerly a senator in congress from south carolina, now of huntsville. the name of his overseer was tune. i have often seen him flogging the slaves in the field, and have often heard their cries. sometimes, too, i have met them with the tears streaming down their faces, and the marks of the whip, ('whelks,') on their bare necks and shoulders. tune was so severe in his treatment, that his employer dismissed him after two or three years, lest, it was said, he should kill off all the slaves. but he was immediately employed by another planter in the neighborhood. the following fact was stated to me by my brother, james m. allan, now residing at richmond, henry county, illinois, and clerk of the circuit and county courts. tune became displeased with one of the women who was pregnant, he made her lay down over a log, with her face towards the ground, and beat her so unmercifully, that she was soon after delivered of a _dead child_. "my brother also stated to me the following, which occurred near my father's house, and within sight and hearing of the academy and public garden. charles, a fine active negro, who belonged to a bricklayer in huntsville, exchanged the burning sun of the brickyard to enjoy for a season the pleasant shade of an adjacent mountain. when his master got him back, he tied him by his hands so that his feet could just touch the ground--stripped off his clothes, took a paddle, bored full of holes, and paddled him leisurely all day long. it was two weeks before they could tell whether he would live or die. neither of these cases attracted any particular notice in huntsville. "while i lived in huntsville a slave was killed in the mountain near by. the circumstances were these. a white man (james helton) hunting in the woods, suddenly came upon a black man, and commanded him to stop, the slave kept on running, helton fired his rifle and the negro was killed.[ ] [footnote : this murder was committed about twelve years since. at that time, james g. birney, esq., now corresponding secretary of the american anti-slavery society was the solicitor (prosecuting attorney) for that judicial district. his views and feelings upon the subject of slavery were, even at that period, in advance of the mass of slaveholders, and he determined if possible to bring the murderer to justice. he accordingly drew up an indictment and procured the finding of a true bill against helton. helton, meanwhile, moved over the line into the state of tennessee, and such was the apathy of the community, individual effort proved unavailing; and though the murderer had gone no further than to an adjoining county (where perhaps he still resides) he was never brought to trial.--ed.] "mrs. barr, wife of rev. h. barr of carrollton, illinois, formerly from courtland, alabama, told me last spring, that she has very often stopped her ears that she might not hear the screams of slaves who were under the lash, and that sometimes she has left her house, and retired to a place more distant, in order to get away from their agonizing cries. "i have often seen groups of slaves on the public squares in huntsville, who were to be sold at auction, and i have often seen their tears gush forth and their countenances distorted with anguish. a considerable number were generally sold publicly every month. "the following facts i have just taken down from the lips of mr. l. turner, a regular and respectable member of the second presbyterian church in springfield, our county town. he was born and brought up in caroline county, virginia. he says that the slaves are neither considered nor treated as human beings. one of his neighbors whose name was barr, he says, on one occasion stripped a slave and lacerated his back with a handcard (for cotton or wool) and then washed it with salt and water, with pepper in it. mr. turner _saw_ this. he further remarked that he believed there were _many_ slaves there in advanced life whose backs had never been well since they began to work. "he stated that one of his uncles had killed a woman--broke her skull with an ax helve: she had insulted her mistress! no notice was taken of the affair. mr. t. said, further, that slaves were _frequently murdered_. "he mentioned the case of one slaveholder, whom he had seen lay his slaves on a large log, which he kept for the purpose, strip them, tie them with the face downward, then have a kettle of hot water brought--take the paddle, made of hard wood, and perforated with holes, dip it into the hot water and strike--before every blow dipping it into the water--every hole at every blow would raise a 'whelk.' this was the usual punishment fur _running away_. "another slaveholder had a slave who had often run away, and often been severely whipped. after one of his floggings he burnt his master's barn: this so enraged the man, that when he caught him he took a pair of pincers and pulled his toe nails out. the negro then murdered two of his master's children. he was taken after a desperate pursuit, (having been shot through the shoulder) and hung. "one of mr. turner's cousins, was employed as overseer on a large plantation in mississippi. on a certain morning he called the slaves together, to give some orders. while doing it, a slave came running out of his cabin, having a knife in his hand and eating his breakfast. the overseer seeing him coming with the knife, was somewhat alarmed, and instantly raised his gun and shot him dead. he said afterwards, that he believed the slave was perfectly innocent of any evil intentions, he came out hastily to hear the orders whilst eating. _no_ notice was taken of the killing. "mr. t. related the whipping habits of one of his uncles in virginia. he was a wealthy man, had a splendid house and grounds. a tree in his _front yard_, was used as a _whipping post_. when a slave was to be punished, he would frequently invite some of his friends, have a table, cards and wine set out under the shade; he would then flog his slave a little while, and then play cards and drink with his friends, occasionally taunting the slave, giving him the privilege of confessing such and such things, at his leisure, after a while flog him again, thus keeping it up for hours or half the day, and sometimes all day. this was his _habit_. "_february th._--since writing the preceding, i have been to carrollton, on a visit to my uncle, rev. hugh barr, who was originally from tennessee, lived or years in courtland, lawrence county, alabama, and moved to illinois in . in conversation with the family, around the fireside, they stated a multitude of horrid facts, that were perfectly notorious in the neighborhood of courtland. "william p. barr, an intelligent young man, and member of his father's church in carrollton, stated the following. visiting at a mr. mosely's, near courtland, william mosely came in with a bloody knife in his hand, having just stabbed a negro man. the negro was sitting quietly in a house in the village, keeping a woman company who had been left in charge of the house,--when mosely, passing along, went in and demanded his business there. probably his answer was not as civil as slaveholding requires, mosely rushed upon him and stabbed him. the wound laid him up for a season. mosley was called to no account for it. when he came in with the bloody knife, he said he wished he had killed him. "john brown, a slaveholder, and a member of the presbyterian church in courtland, alabama, stated the following a few weeks since, in carrollton. a man near courtland, of the name of thompson, recently shot a negro _woman_ through the head; and put the pistol so close that her hair was singed. he did it in consequence of some difficulty in his dealings with her as a concubine. he buried her in a log heap; she was discovered by the buzzards gathering around it. "william p. barr stated the following, as facts well known in the neighborhood of courtland, but not witnessed by himself. two men, by the name of wilson, found a fine looking negro man at 'dandridge's quarter,' without a pass; and flogged him so that he died in a short time. they were not punished. "col. blocker's overseer attempted to flog a negro--he refused to be flogged; whereupon the overseer seized an axe, and cleft his skull. the colonel justified it. "one jones whipped a woman to death for 'grabbling' a potato hill. he owned or negroes. his own children could not live with him. "a man in the neighborhood of courtland, alabama, by the name of puryear, was so proverbially cruel that among the negroes he was usually called 'the devil.' mrs. barr, wife of rev. h. barr, was at puryear's house, and saw a negro girl about years old, waiting around the table, with a single garment--and that in cold weather; arms and feet bare--feet wretchedly swollen--arms burnt, and full of sores from exposure. all the negroes under his care made a wretched appearance. "col. robert h. watkins had a runaway slave, who was called jim dragon. before he was caught the last time, he had been out a year, within a few miles of his master's plantation. he never stole from any one but his master, except when necessity compelled him. he said he had a right to take from his master; and when taken, that he had, whilst out, seen his master a hundred times. having been whipped, clogged with irons, and yoked, he was set at work in the field. col. watkins worked about hands--generally had one negro out hunting runaways. after employing a physician for some time among his negroes, he ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. he was a presidential elector in . "col. ben sherrod, another large planter in that neighborhood, is remarkable for his kindness to his slaves. he said to rev. mr. barr, that he had no doubt he should be rewarded in heaven for his kindness to his slaves; and yet his overseer, walker, had to sleep with loaded pistols, for fear of assassination. three of the slaves attempted to kill him once, because of his _treatment of their wives_. "old major billy watkins was noted for his severity. i well remember, when he lived in madison county, to have often heard him yell at his negroes with the most savage fury. he would stand at his house, and watch the slaves picking cotton; and if any of them straitened their backs for a moment, his savage yell would ring, 'bend your backs.' "mrs. barr stated, that mrs. h----, of courtland, a member of the presbyterian church, sent a little negro girl to jail, suspecting that she had attempted to put poison in the water pail. the fact was, that the child had found a vial, and was playing in the water. this same woman (in high standing too,) told the rev. mr. mcmillan, that she could 'cut arthur tappan's throat from ear to ear.' "the clothing of slaves is in many cases comfortable, and in many it is far from being so. i have very often seen slaves, whose tattered rags were neither comfortable nor decent. "their _huts_ are sometimes comfortable, but generally they are miserable _hovels_, where male and female are herded promiscuously together. "as to the _usual_ allowance of food on the plantations in north alabama, i cannot speak confidently, from _personal_ knowledge. there was a slave named hadley, who was in the habit of visiting my father's slaves occasionally. he had run away several times. his reason was, as he stated, that they would not give him any meat--said he could not work without meat. the last time i saw him, he had quite a heavy iron yoke on his neck, the two prongs twelve or fifteen inches long, extending out over his shoulders and bending upwards. "_legal_ marriage is unknown among the slaves, they sometimes have a marriage form--generally, however, _none at all_. the pastor of the presbyterian church in huntsville, had two families of slaves when i left there. one couple were married by a negro preacher--the man was robbed of his wife a number of months afterwards, by her '_owner_.' the other couple just 'took up together,' without any form of marriage. they are both members of churches--the man a baptist deacon, sober and correct in his deportment. they have a large family of children--all children of concubinage--living in a minister's family. "if these statements are deemed of any value by you, in forwarding your glorious enterprize, you are at liberty to use them as you please. the great wrong is _enslaving a man_; all other wrongs are pigmies, compared with that. facts might be gathered abundantly, to show that it is _slavery itself_, and not cruelties merely, that make slaves unhappy. even those that are most kindly treated, are generally far from being happy. the slaves in my father's family are almost as kindly treated as _slaves_ can be, yet they pant for liberty. "may the lord guide you in this great movement. in behalf of the perishing, your friend and brother, william. t. allan" narrative of mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia. mr. leftwich is a grandson of gen. jabez leftwich, who was for some years a member of congress from virginia. though born in virginia, he has resided most of his life in alabama. he now lives in delhi, hamilton county, ohio, near cincinnati. as an introduction to his letter, the reader is furnished with the following testimonial to his character, from the rev. horace bushnell, pastor of the presbyterian church in delhi. mr. b. says: "mr. leftwich is a worthy member of this church, and is a young man of sterling integrity and veracity. h. bushnell." the following is the letter of mr. leftwich, dated dec. , . "dear brother--i am not ranked among the abolitionists, yet i cannot, as a friend of humanity, withhold from the public such facts in relation to the condition of the slaves, as have fallen under my own observation. that i am somewhat acquainted with slavery will be seen, as i narrate some incidents of my own life. my parents were slaveholders, and moved from virginia to madison county, alabama, during my infancy. my mother soon fell a victim to the climate. being the youngest of the children, i was left in the care of my aged grandfather, who never held a slave, though his sons owned from to during the time i resided with him. as soon as i could carry a hoe, my uncle, by the name of neely, persuaded my grandfather that i should be placed in his hands, and brought up in habits of industry. i was accordingly placed under his tuition. i left the domestic circle, little dreaming of the horrors that awaited me. my mother's own brother took me to the cotton field, there to learn habits of industry, and to be benefited by his counsels. but the sequel proved, that i was there to feel in my own person, and witness by experience many of the horrors of slavery. instead of kind admonition, i was to endure the frowns of one, whose sympathies could neither be reached by the prayers and cries of his slaves, nor by the entreaties and sufferings of a sister's son. let those who call slaveholders kind, hospitable and humane, mark the course the slaveholder pursues with one born free, whose ancestors fought and bled for liberty; and then say, if they can without a blush of shame, that he who robs the helpless of every _right_, can be truly kind and hospitable. "in a short time after i was put upon the plantation, there was but little difference between me and the slaves, except being _white_, i ate at the master's table. the slaves were my companions in misery, and i well learned their condition, both in the house and field. their dwellings are log huts, from ten to twelve feet square; often without windows, doors or floors. they have neither chairs, tables or bedsteads. these huts are occupied by eight, ten or twelve persons each. their bedding generally consists of two old blankets. many of them sleep night after night sitting upon their blocks or stools; others sleep in the open air. our task was appointed, and from dawn till dark all must bend to their work. their meals were taken without knife or plate, dish or spoon. their food was corn _pone_, prepared in the coarsest manner, with a small allowance of meat. their meals in the field were taken from the hands of the carrier, wherever he found them, with no more ceremony than in the feeding of swine. my uncle was his own overseer. for punishing in the field, he preferred a large hickory stick; and wo to him whose work was not done to please him, for the hickory was used upon our heads as remorselessly as if we had been mad dogs. i was often the object of his fury, and shall bear the marks of it on my body till i die. such was my suffering and degradation, that at the end of five years, i hardly dared to say i was _free_. when thinning cotton, we went mostly on our knees. one day, while thus engaged, my uncle found my row behind; and, by way of admonition, gave me a few blows with his hickory, the marks of which i carried for weeks. often i followed the example of the fugitive slaves, and betook myself to the mountains; but hunger and fear drove me back, to share with the wretched slave his toil and stripes. but i have talked enough about my own bondage; i will now relate a few facts, showing the condition of the slaves _generally_. "my uncle wishing to purchase what is called a good 'house wench,' a _trader_ in human flesh soon produced a woman, recommending her as highly as ever a jockey did a horse. she was purchased, but on trial was found wanting in the requisite qualifications. she then fell a victim to the disappointed rage of my uncle; innocent or guilty, she suffered greatly from his fury. he used to tie her to a peach tree in the yard, and whip her till there was no sound place to lay another stroke, and repeat it so often that her back was kept continually sore. whipping the females around the legs, was a favorite mode of punishment with him. they must stand and hold up their clothes, while he plied his hickory. he did not, like some of his neighbors, keep a pack of hounds for hunting runaway negroes, but be kept one dog for that purpose, and when he came up with a runaway, it would have been death to attempt to fly, and it was nearly so to stand. sometimes, when my uncle attempted to whip the slaves, the dog would rush upon them and relieve them of their rags, if not of their flesh. one object of my uncle's special hate was "jerry," a slave of a proud spirit. he defied all the curses, rage and stripes of his tyrant. though he was often overpowered--for my uncle would frequently wear out his stick upon his head--yet be would never submit. as he was not expert in picking cotton, he would sometimes run away in the fall, to escape abuse. at one time, after an absence of some months, he was arrested and brought back. as is customary, he was stripped, tied to a log, and the cow-skin applied to his naked body till his master was exhausted. then a large log chain was fastened around one ankle, passed up his back, over his shoulders, then across his breast, and fastened under his arm. in this condition he was forced to perform his daily task. add to this he was chained each night, and compelled to chop wood every sabbath, to make up lost time. after being thus manacled for some months, he was released--but his spirit was unsubdued. soon after, his master, in a paroxysm of rage, fell upon him, wore out his staff upon his head, loaded him again with chains, and after a month, sold him farther south. another slave, by the name of mince, who was a man of great strength, purloined some bacon on a christmas eve. it was missed in the morning, and he being absent, was of course suspected. on returning home, my uncle commanded him to come to him, but he refused. the master strove in vain to lay hands on him; in vain he ordered his slaves to seize him--they dared not. at length the master hurled a stone at his head sufficient to have felled a bullock--but he did not heed it. at that instant my aunt sprang forward, and presenting the gun to my uncle, exclaimed, 'shoot him! shoot him !' he made the attempt, but the gun missed fire, and mince fled. he was taken eight or ten months after while crossing the ohio. when brought back, the master, and an overseer on another plantation, took him to the mountain and punished him to their satisfaction in secret; after which he was loaded with chains and set to his task. "i here spent nearly all my life in the midst of slavery. from being the son of a slaveholder, i descended to the condition of a slave, and from that condition i rose (if you please to call it so,) to the station of a '_driver_.' i have lived in alabama, tennessee, and kentucky; and i _know_ the condition of the slaves to be that of unmixed wretchedness and degradation. and on the part of slaveholders, there is cruelty _untold_. the labor of the slave is constant toil, wrung out by fear. their food is scanty, and taken without comfort. their clothes answer the purposes neither of comfort nor decency. they are not allowed to read or write. whether they may worship god or not, depends on the will of the master. the young children, until they can work, often go naked during the warm weather. i could spend months in detailing the sufferings, degradation and cruelty inflicted upon slaves. but my soul sickens at the remembrance of these things." testimony of mr. lemuel sapington, a native of maryland. mr. sapington, is a repentant "soul driver" or slave trader, now a citizen of lancaster, pa. he gives the following testimony in a letter dated, jan. , . "i was born in maryland, afterwards moved to virginia, where i commenced the business of farming and trafficking in slaves. in my neighborhood the slaves were 'quartered.' the description generally given of negro quarters is correct. the quarters are without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather, they are uncomfortable both in summer and winter. the food there consists of potatoes, pork, and corn, which were given to them daily, by weight and measure. the sexes were huddled together promiscuously. their clothing is made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted by the old women who are no longer able to do out door work, consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. i have frequently seen those of both sexes who have not attained the age of twelve years go naked. their punishments are invariably cruel. for the slightest offence, such as taking a hen's egg, i have seen them stripped and suspended by their hands, their feet tied together, a fence rail of ordinary size placed between their ankles, and then most cruelly whipped, until, from head to foot, they were completely lacerated, a pickle made for the purpose of salt and water, would then be applied by a fellow-slave, for the purpose of healing the wounds as well as giving pain. then taken down and without the least respite sent to work with their hoe. "pursuing my assumed right of driving souls, i went to the southern part of virginia for the purpose of trafficking in slaves. in that part of the state, the cruelties practised upon the slaves, are far greater than where i lived. the punishments there often resulted in death to the slave. there was no law for the negro, but that of the overseer's whip. in that part of the country, the slaves receive nothing for food, but corn in the ear, which has to be prepared for baking after working hours, by grinding it with a hand-mill. this they take to the fields with them, and prepare it for eating, by holding it on their hoes, over a fire made by a stump. among the gangs, are often young women, who bring their children to the fields, and lay them in a fence corner, while they are at work, only being permitted to nurse them at the option of the overseer. when a child is three weeks old, a woman is considered in working order. i have seen a woman, with her young child strapped to her back, laboring the whole day, beside a man, perhaps the father of the child, and he not being permitted to give her any assistance, himself being under the whip. the uncommon humanity of the driver allowing her the comfort of doing so. i was then selling a drove of slaves, which i had brought by water from baltimore, my conscience not allowing me to drive, as was generally the case uniting the slaves by collars and chains, and thus driving them under the whip. about that time an unaccountable something, which i now know was an interposition of providence, prevented me from prosecuting any farther this unholy traffic; but though i had quitted it, i still continued to live in a slave state, witnessing every day its evil effects upon my fellow beings. among which was a heart-rending scene that took place in my father's house, which led me to lease a slave state, as well as all the imaginary comforts arising from slavery. on preparing for my removal to the state of pennsylvania, it became necessary for me to go to louisville, in kentucky, where, if possible, i became more horrified with the impositions practiced upon the negro than before. there a slave was sold to go farther south, and was hand-cuffed for the purpose of keeping him secure. but choosing death rather than slavery, he jumped overboard and was drowned. when i returned four weeks afterwards his body, that had floated three miles below, was yet unburied. one fact; it is impossible for a person to pass through a slave state, if he has eyes open, without beholding every day cruelties repugnant to humanity. respectfully yours, lemuel sapington. testimony of mrs. nancy lowry, a native of kentucky. mrs. lory, is a member of the non-conformist church in osnaburg, stark county, ohio, she is a native of kentucky. we have received from her the following testimony. "i resided in the family of reuben long, the principal part of the time, from seven to twenty-two years of age. mr. long had slaves, among whom were three who were treated with severity, although mr. long was thought to be a very human master. these three, namely john, ned, and james, had wives; john and ned had theirs at some distance, but james had his with him. all three died a premature death, and it was generally believed by his neighbors, that extreme whipping was the cause. i believe so too. ned died about the age of and john or . the cause of their flogging was commonly staying a little over the time, with their wives. mr. long would tie them up by the wrist, so high that their toes would just touch the ground, and then with a cow-hide lay the lash upon the naked back, until he was exhausted, when he would sit down and rest. as soon as he had rested sufficiently, he would ply the cow-hide again, thus he would continue until the whole back of the poor victim was lacerated into one uniform coat of blood. yet he was a strict professor of the christian religion, in the southern church. i frequently washed the wounds of john, with salt water, to prevent putrefaction. this was the usual course pursued after a severe flogging; their backs would be full of gashes, so deep the i could almost lay my finger in them. they were generally laid up after the flogging for several days. the last flogging ned got, he was confined to the bed, which he never left till he was carried to his grave. during john's confinement in his last sickness on one occasion while attending on him, he exclaimed, 'oh, nancy, miss nancy, i haven't much longer in this world, i feel as if my whole body inside and all my bones were beaten into a jelly.' soon after he died. john and ned were both professors of religion. "john ruffner, a slaveholder, had one slave named pincy, whom he as well as mrs. ruffner would often flog very severely. i frequently saw mrs. ruffner flog her with the broom, shovel, or any thing she could seize in her rage. she would knock her down and then kick and stamp her most unmercifully, until she would be apparently so lifeless, that i more than once thought she would never recover. often pincy would try to shelter herself from the blows of her mistress, by creeping under the bed, from which mrs. ruffner would draw her by the feet, and then stamp and leap on her body, till her breath would be gone. often pincy, would cry, 'oh missee, don't kill me!' 'oh lord, don't kill me!' 'for god's sake don't kill me!' but mrs. ruffner would beat and stamp away, with all the venom of a demon. the cause of pincy's flogging was, not working enough, or making some mistake in baking, &c. &c. many a night pincy had to lie on the bare floor, by the side of the cradle, rocking the baby of her mistress, and if she would fall asleep, and suffer the child to cry, so as to waken mrs. ruffner, she would be sure to receive a flogging." testimony of mr. wm. c. gildersleeve, a native of georgia mr. w.c. gildersleeve, a native of georgia, is an elder of the presbyterian church at wilkesbarre, pa. "_acts of cruelty, without number, fell under my observation_ while i lived in georgia. i will mention but one. a slave of a mr. pinkney, on his way with a wagon to savannah, 'camped' for the night by the road side. that night, the nearest hen-roost was robbed. on his return, the hen-roost was again visited, and the fowl counted one less in the morning. the oldest son, with some attendants made search, and came upon the poor fellow, in the act of dressing his spoil. he was too nimble for them, and made his retreat good into a dense swamp. when much effort to start him from his hiding place had proved unsuccessful, it was resolved to lay an ambush for him, some distance ahead. the wagon, meantime, was in charge of a lad, who accompanied the teamster as an assistant. the little boy lay still till nearly night, (in the hope probably that the teamster would return,) when he started with his wagon. after travelling some distance, the lost one made his appearance, when the ambush sprang upon him. the poor fellow was conducted back to the plantation. he expected little mercy. he begged for himself, in the most suplicating manner, 'pray massa give me lashes and let me go.' he was then tied by the hands, to a limb of a large mulberry tree, which grew in the yard, so that his feet were raised a few inches from the ground, while a _sharpened stick_ was driven underneath that he might rest his weight on it, or swing by his hands. in this condition lashes were laid on his bare body. i stood by and witnessed the whole, without as i recollect feeling the least compassion. so hardening is the influence of slavery, that it very much destroys feeling for the slave." testimony of mr. hiram white--a native of north carolina mr. white resided thirty-two years in chatham county, north carolina, and is now a member of the baptist church, at otter creek prairie, illinois. about the th december , a report was raised that the slaves in chatham county, north carolina, were going to rise on christmas day, in consequence of which a considerable commotion ensued among the inhabitants; orders were given by the governor to the militia captains, to appoint patrolling captains in each district, and orders were given for every man subject to military duty to patrol as their captains should direct. i went two nights in succession, and after that refused to patrol at all. the reason why i refused was this, orders were given to search every negro house for books or prints of any kind, and _bibles_ and _hymn books_ were particularly mentioned. and should we find any, our orders were to inflict punishment by whipping the slave until he _informed who_ gave them to him, or how they came by them. as regards the comforts of the slaves in the vicinity of my residence, i can say they had nothing that would bear that name. it is true, the slaves in general, of a good crop year, were tolerably well fed, but of a bad crop year, they were, as a general thing, cut short of their allowance. their houses were pole cabins, without loft or floor. their beds were made of what is there called "broom-straw." the men more commonly sleep on benches. their clothing would compare well with their lodging. whipping was common. it was hardly possible for a man with a common pair of ears, if he was out of his house but a short time on monday mornings, to miss of hearing the sound of the lash, and the cries of the sufferers pleading with their masters to desist. these scenes were more common throughout the time of my residence there, from to . mr. hedding of chatham county, held a slave woman. i traveled past heddings as often as once in two weeks during the winter of , and always saw her clad in a single cotton dress, sleeves came half way to the elbow, and in order to prevent her running away, a child, supposed to be about seven years of age, was connected with her by a long chain fastened round her neck, and in this situation she was compelled all the day to grub up the roots of shrubs and sapplings to prepare ground for the plough. it is not uncommon for slaves to make up on sundays what they are not able to perform through the week of their tasks. at the time of the rumored insurrection above named, chatham jail was filled with slaves who were said to have been concerned in the plot. without the least evidence of it, they were punished in divers ways; some were whipped, some had their _thumbs screwed in a vice_ to make them confess, but no proof satisfactory was ever obtained that the negroes had ever thought of an insurrection, nor did any so far as i could learn, acknowledge that an insurrection had ever been projected. from this time forth, the slaves were prohibited from assembling together for the worship of god, and many of those who had previously been authorized to preach the gospel were prohibited. amalgamation was common. there was scarce a family of slaves that had females of mature age where there were not some mulatto children. hiram white _otter creek prairie, jan. , _. testimony of mr. john m. nelson--a native of virginia. extract of a letter, dated january , , from john m. nelson, esq., of hillsborough. mr. nelson removed from virginia to highland county, ohio, many years since, where he is extensively known and respected. i was born and raised in augusta county, virginia; my father was an elder in the presbyterian church, and was "owner" of about twenty slaves; he was what was generally termed a "good master." his slaves were generally tolerably well fed and clothed, and not over worked, they were sometimes permitted to attend church, and called in to family worship; few of them, however, availed themselves of these privileges. on _some occasions_ i have seen him whip them severely, particularly for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for what was called, "running away." for _this_ they were scourged more severely than for any thing else. after they have been retaken, i have seen them stripped naked and suspended by the hands, sometimes to a tree, sometimes to a post, until their toes barely touched the ground, and whipped with a cowhide until the blood dripped from their backs. a boy named jack, particularly, i have seen served in this way more than once. when i was quite a child, i recollect it grieved me very much to see one _tied up_ to be whipped, and i used to intercede with tears in their behalf, and mingle my cries with theirs, and feel almost willing to take part of the punishment; i have been severely rebuked by my father for this kind of sympathy. yet, such is the hardening nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering slave, i became so blunted that i could not only witness their stripes with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse. one case i have often looked back to with sorrow and contrition, particularly since i have been convinced that "negroes are men." when i was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, i undertook to correct a young fellow named ned, for some supposed offence; i think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my striking him; this i considered the height of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. my father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. after i had whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and i kicked him in the face; my father said, "don't kick him, but whip him;" this i did until his back was literally covered with _welts_. i know i have repented, and trust i have obtained pardon for these things. my father owned a woman, (we used to call aunt grace,) she was purchased in old virginia. she has told me that her old master, in his _will_, gave her her freedom, but at his death, his sons had sold her to my father: when he bought her she manifested some unwillingness to go with him, when she was put in irons and taken by force. this was before i was born; but i remember to have seen the irons, and was told that was what they had been used for. aunt grace is still living, and must be between seventy and eighty years of age; she has, for the last forty years, been an exemplary christian. when i was a youth i took some pains to learn her to read; this is now a great consolation to her. since age and infirmity have rendered her of little value to her "owners," she is permitted to read as much as she pleases; this she can do, with the aid of glasses, in the old family bible, which is almost the only book she has ever looked into. this with some little mending for the black children, is all she does; she is still held as a slave. i well remember what a _heart-rending scene_ there was in the family when _my father sold her husband_; this was, i suppose, thirty-five years ago. and yet my father was considered one of the best of masters. i know of few who were better, but of _many_ who were worse. the last time i saw my father, which was in the fall of , he promised me that he would free all his slaves at his death. he died however without doing it; and i have understood since, that he omitted it, through the influence of rev. dr. speece, a presbyterian minister, who lived in the family, and was a _warm friend of the colonization society_. about the year or , i became a student of rev. george bourne; he was the first abolitionist i had ever seen, and the first i had ever heard pray or plead for the oppressed, which gave me the first misgivings about the _innocence_ of slaveholding. i received impressions from mr. bourne which i could not get rid of,[ ] and determined in my own mind that when i settled in life, it should be in a free state; this determination i carried into effect in , when i removed to this place, which i supposed at that time, to be all the opposition to slavery that was necessary, but the moment i became convinced that all slaveholding was in itself _sinful_, i became an abolitionist, which was about four years ago. [footnote : mr. bourne resided seven years in virginia, "in perils among false brethren; fiercely persecuted for his faithful testimony against slavery. more than twenty years since he published a work entitled 'the book and slavery irreconcileable.'"] testimony of angelina grimk� weld. mrs. weld is the youngest daughter of the late judge grimké, of the supreme court of south carolina, and a sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimké, of charleston. fort lee, bergen co., new jersey, fourth month th, . i sit down to comply with thy request, preferred in the name of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. the responsibility laid upon me by such a request, leaves me no option. while i live, and slavery lives, i _must_ testify against it. if i should hold my peace, "the stone would cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber would answer it." but though i feel a necessity upon me, and "a woe unto me," if i withhold my testimony, i give it with a heavy heart. my flesh crieth out, "if it be possible, let _this_ cup pass from me;" but, "father, _thy_ will be done," is, i trust, the breathing of my spirit. oh, the slain of the daughter of my people! they lie in all the ways; their tears fall as the rain, and are their meat day and night; their blood runneth down like water; their plundered hearths are desolate; they weep for their husbands and children, because they are not; and the proud waves do continually go over them, while no eye pitieth, and no man careth for their souls. but it is not alone for the sake of my poor brothers and sisters in bonds, or for the cause of truth, and righteousness, and humanity, that i testify; the deep yearnings of affection for the mother that bore me, who is still a slaveholder, both in fact and in heart; for my brothers and sisters, (a large family circle,) and for my numerous other slaveholding kindred in south carolina, constrain me to speak: for even were slavery no curse to its victims, the exercise of arbitrary power works such fearful ruin upon the hearts of _slaveholders_, that i should feel impelled to labor and pray for its overthrow with my last energies and latest breath. i think it important to premise, that i have seen almost nothing of slavery on _plantations_. my testimony will have respect exclusively to the treatment of "_house-servants_," and chiefly those belonging to the first families in the city of charleston, both in the religious and in the fashionable world. and here let me say, that the treatment of _plantation_ slaves cannot be fully known, except by the poor sufferers themselves, and their drivers and overseers. in a multitude of instances, even the master can know very little of the actual condition of his own field-slaves, and his wife and daughters far less. a few facts concerning my own family will show this. our permanent residence was in charleston; our country-seat (bellemont,) was miles distant, in the north-western part of the state; where, for some years, our family spent a few months annually. our _plantation_ was three miles from this family mansion. there, all the field-slaves lived and worked. occasionally, once a month, perhaps, some of the family would ride over to the plantation, but i never visited the _fields where the slaves were at work_, and knew almost nothing of their condition; but this i do know, that the overseers who had charge of them, were generally unprincipled and intemperate men. but i rejoice to know, that the general treatment of slaves in that region of country, was far milder than on the plantations in the lower country. throughout all the eastern and middle portions of the state, the planters very rarely reside permanently on their plantations. they have almost invariably _two residences_, and spend less than half the year on their estates. even while spending a few months on them, politics, field-sports, races, speculations, journeys, visits, company, literary pursuits, &c., absorb so much of their time, that they must, to a considerable extent, take the condition of their slaves _on trust_, from the reports of their overseers. i make this statement, because these slaveholders (the wealthier class,) are, i believe, almost the only ones who visit the north with their families;--and northern opinions of slavery are based chiefly on their testimony. but not to dwell on preliminaries, i wish to record my testimony to the faithfulness and accuracy with which my beloved sister, sarah m. grimké, has, in her 'narrative and testimony,' on a preceding page, described the condition of the slaves, and the effect upon the hearts of slaveholders, (even the best,) caused by the exercise of unlimited power over moral agents. of the _particular acts_ which she has stated, i have no personal knowledge, as they occurred before my remembrance; but of the spirit that prompted them, and that constantly displays itself in scenes of similar horror, the recollections of my childhood, and the effaceless imprint upon my riper years, with the breaking of my heart-strings, when, finding that i was powerless to shield the victims, i tore myself from my home and friends, and became an exile among strangers--all these throng around me as witnesses, and their testimony is graven on my memory with a pen of fire. why i did not become totally hardened, under the daily operation of this system, god only knows; in deep solemnity and gratitude, i say, it was the _lord's_ doing, and marvellous in mine eyes. even before my heart was touched with the love of christ, i used to say, "oh that i had the wings of a dove, that i might flee away and be at rest;" for i felt that there could be no rest for me in the midst of such outrages and pollutions. and yet i saw _nothing_ of slavery in its most vulgar and repulsive forms. i saw it in the city, among the fashionable and the honorable, where it was garnished by refinement, and decked out for show. a few _facts_ will unfold the state of society in the circle with which i was familiar far better than any general assertions i can make. i will first introduce the reader to a woman of the highest respectability--one who was foremost in every benevolent enterprise, and stood for many years, i may say, at the _head_ of the fashionable elite of the city of charleston, and afterwards at the head of the moral and religious female society there. it was after she had made a profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable world, that i knew her; therefore i will present her in her religious character. this lady used to keep cowhides, or small paddles, (called 'pancake sticks,') in four different apartments in her house; so that when she wished to punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, she might not have the trouble of sending for an instrument of torture. for many years, one or other, and _often_ more of her slaves, were flogged _every day_; particularly the young slaves about the house, whose faces were slapped, or their hands beat with the 'pancake stick; for every trifling offence--and often for no fault at all. but the floggings were not all; the scolding, and abuse daily heaped upon them all, were worse: 'fools' and 'liars,' 'sluts' and 'husseys,' 'hypocrites' and 'good-for-nothing creatures'; were the common epithets with which her mouth was filled, when addressing her slaves, adults as well as children. very often she would take a position at her window, in an upper story, and scold at her slaves while working in the garden, at some distance from the house, (a large yard intervening,) and occasionally order a flogging. i have known her thus on the watch, scolding for more than an hour at a time, in so loud a voice that the whole neighborhood could hear her; and this without the least apparent feeling of shame. indeed, it was no disgrace among slaveholders, and did not in the least injure her standing, either as a lady or a christian, in the aristocratic circle in which she moved. after the 'revival' in charleston, in , she opened her house to social prayer-meetings. the room in which they were held in the evening, and where the voice of prayer was heard around the family altar, and where she herself retired for private devotion thrice each day, was the very place in which, when her slaves were to be whipped with the cowhide, they were taken to receive the infliction; and the wail of the sufferer would be heard, where, perhaps only a few hours previous, rose the voices of prayer and praise. this mistress would occasionally send her slaves, male and female, to the charleston work-house to be punished. one poor girl, whom she sent there to be flogged, and who was accordingly stripped _naked_ and whipped, showed me the deep gashes on her back--i might have laid my whole finger in them--_large pieces of flesh had actually been cut out by the torturing lash_. she sent another female slave there, to be imprisoned and worked on the tread-mill. this girl was confined several days, and forced to work the mill while in a state of suffering from another cause. for ten days or two weeks after her return, she was lame, from the violent exertion necessary to enable her to keep the step on the machine. she spoke to me with intense feeling of this outrage upon her, as a _woman_. her men servants were sometimes flogged there; and so exceedingly offensive has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated backs, for days after the infliction, that they would be kept out of the house--the smell arising from their wounds being too horrible to be endured. they were always stiff and sore for some days, and not in a condition to be seen by visitors. this professedly christian woman was a most awful illustration of the ruinous influence of arbitrary power upon the temper--her bursts of passion upon the heads of her victims were dreaded even by her own children, and very often, all the pleasure of social intercourse around the domestic board, was destroyed by her ordering the cook into her presence, and storming at him, when the dinner or breakfast was not prepared to her taste, and in the presence of all her children, commanding the waiter to slap his face. _fault-finding_, was with her the constant accompaniment of every meal, and banished that peace which should hover around the social board, and smile on every face. it was common for her to order brothers to whip their own sisters, and sisters their own brothers, and yet no woman visited among the poor more than she did, or gave more liberally to relieve their wants. this may seem perfectly unaccountable to a northerner, but these seeming contradictions vanish when we consider that over _them_ she possessed no arbitrary power, they were always presented to her mind as unfortunate sufferers, towards whom her sympathies most freely flowed; she was ever ready to wipe the tears from _their_ eyes, and open wide her purse for _their_ relief, but the others were her _vassals_, thrust down by public opinion beneath her feet, to be at her beck and call, ever ready to serve in all humility, her, whom god in his providence had set over them--it was their _duty_ to abide in abject submission, and hers to _compel_ them to do so--_it was thus that she reasoned_. except at family prayers, none were permitted to _sit_ in her presence, but the seamstresses and waiting maids, and they, however delicate might be their circumstances, were forced to sit upon low stools, without backs, that they might be constantly reminded of their inferiority. a slave who waited in the house, was guilty on a particular occasion of going to visit his wife, and kept dinner waiting a little, (his wife was the slave of a lady who lived at a little distance.) when the family sat down to the table, the mistress began to scold the waiter for the offence--he attempted to excuse himself--she ordered him to hold his tongue--he ventured another apology; her son then rose from the table in a rage, and beat the face and ears of the waiter so dreadfully that the blood gushed from his mouth, and nose, and ears. this mistress was a _professor of religion_; her daughter who related the circumstance, was a _fellow member_ of the presbyterian church _with the poor outraged slave_--instead of feeling indignation at this outrageous abuse of her brother in the church, she justified the deed, and said "he got just what he deserved." i solemnly believe this to be a true picture of _slaveholding religion_. the following is another illustration of it: a mistress in charleston sent a grey headed female slave to the workhouse, and had her severely flogged. the poor old woman went to an acquaintance of mine and begged her to buy her, and told her how cruelly she had been whipped. my friend examined her _lacerated back_, and out of compassion did purchase her. the circumstance was mentioned to one of the former owner's relatives, who asked her if it were true. the mistress told her it was, and said that she had made the severe whipping of this aged woman a _subject of prayer_, and that she believed she had done right to have it inflicted upon her. the last 'owner' of the poor old slave, said she, had no fault to find with her as a servant. i remember very well that when i was a child, our next door neighbor whipped a young woman so brutally, that in order to escape his blows she rushed through the drawing-room window in the second story, and fell upon the street pavement below and broke her hip. this circumstance produced no excitement or inquiry. the following circumstance occurred in charleston, in : a slaveholder, after flogging a little girl about thirteen years old, set her on a table with her feet fastened in a pair of stocks. he then locked the door and took out the key. when the door was opened she was found dead, having fallen from the table. when i asked a prominent lawyer, who belonged to one of the first families in the state, whether the murderer of this helpless child could not be indicted, he coolly replied, that the slave was mr. ----'s property, and if he chose to suffer the _loss_, no one else had any thing to do with it. the loss of _human life_, the distress of the parents and other relatives of the little girl, seemed utterly out of his thoughts: it was the loss of _property_ only that presented itself to his mind. i knew a gentleman of great benevolence and generosity of character, so essentially to injure the eye of a little boy, about ten years old, as to destroy its sight, by the blow of a cowhide, inflicted whilst he was whipping him.[ ] i have heard the same individual speak of "breaking down the spirit of a slave under the lash" as perfectly right. [footnote : the jewish law would have set this servant free, for his eye's sake, but he was held in slavery and sold from hand to hand, although, besides this title to his liberty according to jewish law, he was a _mulatto_, and therefore free under the constitution of the united states, in whose preamble our fathers declare that they established it expressly to "secure the blessings of _liberty_ to themselves and _their posterity_."--ed.] i also know that an aged slave of his, (by marriage,) was allowed to get a scanty and precarious subsistence, by begging in the streets of charleston--he was too old to work, and therefore _his allowance was stopped_, and he was turned out to make his living by begging. when i was about thirteen years old, i attended a seminary, in charleston, which was superintended by a man and his wife of superior education. they had under their instruction the daughters of nearly all the aristocracy. their cruelty to their slaves, both male and female, i can never forget. i remember one day there was called into the school room to open a window, a boy whose head had been shaved in order to disgrace him, and he had been so dreadfully whipped that he could hardly walk. so horrible was the impression produced upon my mind by his heart-broken countenance and crippled person that i fainted away. the sad and ghastly countenance of one of their female mulatto slaves who used to sit on a low stool at her sewing in the piazza, is now fresh before me. she often told me, secretly, how cruelly she was whipped when they sent her to the work house. i had known so much of the terrible scourgings inflicted in that house of blood, that when i was once obliged to pass it, the very sight smote me with such horror that my limbs could hardly sustain me. i felt as if i was passing the precincts of hell. a friend of mine who lived in the neighborhood, told me she often heard the screams of the slaves under their torture. i once heard a physician of a high family, and of great respectability in his profession, say, that when he sent his slaves to the work-house to be flogged, he always went to see it done, that he might be sure they were properly, i.e. _severely_ whipped. he also related the following circumstance in my presence. he had sent a youth of about eighteen to this horrible place to be whipped and _afterwards_ to be worked upon the treadmill. from not keeping the step, which probably he could not do, in consequence of the lacerated state of his body; his arm got terribly torn, from the shoulder to the wrist. this physician said, he went every day to attend to it himself, in order that he might use those restoratives, which _would inflict the greatest possible pain_. this poor boy, after being imprisoned there for some weeks, was then brought home, and compelled to wear iron clogs on his ankles for one or two months. i saw him with those irons on one day when i was at the house. this man was, when young, remarkable in the fashionable world for his elegant and fascinating manners, but the exercise of the slaveholder's power has thrown the fierce air of tyranny even over these. i heard another man of equally high standing say, that he believed he suffered far more than his waiter did whenever he flogged him for he felt the _exertion_ for days afterward, but he could not let his servant go on in the neglect of his business, it was _his duty_ to chastise him. "his duty" to flog this boy of seventeen so severely that he felt _the exertion_ for days after! and yet he never felt it to be his duty to instruct him, or have him instructed, even in the common principles of morality. i heard the mother of this man say it would be no surprise to her, if he killed a slave some day, for, that, when transported with passion he did not seem to care what he did. he once broke a _large_ stick over the back of a slave and at another time the ivory butt-end of a long coach whip over the _head_ of another. this last was attacked with epileptic fits some months after, and has ever since been subject to them, and occasionally to violent fits of insanity. southern mistresses sometimes flog their slaves themselves though generally one slave is compelled to flog another. whilst staying at a friend's house some years ago, i one day saw the mistress with a cow-hide in her hand, and heard her scolding in an under tone, her waiting man, who was about twenty-five years old. whether she actually inflicted the blows i do not know, for i hastened out of sight and hearing. it was not the first time i had seen a mistress thus engaged. i knew she was a cruel mistress, and had heard her daughters disputing, whether their mother did right or wrong, to send the slave _children_, (whom she sent out to sweep chimneys) to the work house to be whipped if they did not bring in their wages regularly. this woman moved in the most fashionable circle in charleston. the income of this family was derived mostly from the hire of their slaves, about one hundred in number. their luxuries were blood-bought luxuries indeed. and yet what stranger would ever have inferred their cruelties from the courteous reception and bland manners of the parlor. every thing cruel and revolting is carefully concealed from strangers, especially those from the north. take an instance. i have known the master and mistress of a family send to their friends to _borrow_ servants to wait on company, because their own slaves had been so cruelly flogged in the work house, that they could not walk without limping at every step, and their putrified flesh emitted such an intolerable smell that they were not fit to be in the presence of company. how can northerners know these things when they are hospitably received at southern tables and firesides? i repeat it, no one who has not been an _integral part_ of a slaveholding community, can have any idea of its abominations. it is a whited sepulchre full of dead men's bones and all uncleanness. blessed be god, the angel of _truth_ has descended and rolled away the stone from the mouth of the sepulchre, and sits upon it. the abominations so long hidden are now brought forth before all israel and the sun. yes, the angel of truth _sits upon this stone_, and it can never be rolled back again. the utter disregard of the comfort of the slaves, in _little_ things, can scarcely be conceived by those who have not been a _component part_ of slaveholding communities. take a few particulars out of hundreds that might be named. in south carolina musketoes swarm in myriads, more than half the year--they are so excessively annoying at night, that no family thinks of sleeping without nets or "musketoe-bars" hung over their bedsteads, yet slaves are never provided with them, unless it be the favorite old domestics who get the cast-off pavilions; and yet these very masters and mistresses will be so kind to their _horses_ as to provide them with _fly nets_. bedsteads and bedding too, are rarely provided for any of the slaves--if the waiters and coachmen, waiting maids, cooks, washers, &c., have beds at all, they must generally get them for themselves. commonly they lie down at night on the bare floor, with a small blanket wrapped round them in winter, and in summer a coarse osnaburg sheet, or nothing. old slaves generally have beds, but it is because when younger _they have provided them for themselves._ only two meals a day are allowed the house slaves--the _first at twelve o'clock_. if they eat before this time, it is by stealth, and i am sure there must be a good deal of suffering among them from _hunger_, and particularly by children. besides this, they are often kept from their meals by way of punishment. no table is provided for them to eat from. they know nothing of the comfort and pleasure of gathering round the social board--each takes his plate or tin pan and iron spoon and holds it in the hand or on the lap. i _never_ saw slaves seated round a _table_ to partake of any meal. as the general rule, no lights of any kind, no firewood--no towels, basins, or soap, no tables, chairs, or other furniture, are provided. wood for cooking and washing _for the family_ is found, but when the master's work is done, the slave must find wood for himself if he has a fire. i have repeatedly known slave children kept the whole winter's evening, sitting on the stair-case in a cold entry, just to be at hand to snuff candles or hand a tumbler of water from the side-board, or go on errands from one room to another. it may be asked why they were not permitted to stay in the parlor, when they would be still more at hand. i answer, because waiters are not allowed to _sit_ in the presence of their owners, and as children who were kept running all day, would of course get very tired of standing for two or three hours, they were allowed to go into the entry and sit on the staircase until rung for. another reason is, that even slaveholders at times find the presence of slaves very annoying; they cannot exercise entire freedom of speech before them on all subjects. i have also known instances where seamstresses were kept in cold entries to work by the stair case lamps for one or two hours, every evening in winter--they could not see without standing up all the time, though the work was often too large and heavy for them to sew upon it in that position without great inconvenience, and yet they were expected to do their work as _well_ with their cold fingers, and standing up, as if they had been sitting by a comfortable fire and provided with the necessary light. house slaves suffer a great deal also from not being allowed to leave the house without permission. if they wish to go even for a draught of water, they must _ask leave_, and if they stay longer than the mistress thinks necessary, they are liable to be punished, and often are scolded or slapped, or kept from going down to the next meal. it frequently happens that relatives, among slaves, are separated for weeks or months, by the husband or brother being taken by the master on a journey, to attend on his horses and himself.--when they return, the white husband seeks the wife of his love; but the black husband must wait to see _his_ wife, until mistress pleases to let her chambermaid leave her room. yes, such is the despotism of slavery, that wives and sisters dare not run to meet their husbands and brothers after such separations, and hours sometimes elapse before they are allowed to meet; and, at times, a fiendish pleasure is taken in keeping them asunder--this furnishes an opportunity to vent feelings of spite for any little neglect of "duty." the sufferings to which slaves are subjected by separations of various kinds, cannot be imagined by those unacquainted with the working out of the system behind the curtain. take the following instances. chambermaids and seamstresses often sleep in their mistresses' apartments, but with no bedding at all. i know an instance of a woman who has been married eleven years, and yet has never been allowed to sleep out of her mistress's chamber.--this is a _great_ hardship to slaves. when we consider that house slaves are rarely allowed social intercourse during _the day_, as their work generally _separates_ them; the barbarity of such an arrangement is obvious. it is peculiarly a hardship in the above case, as the husband of the woman does not "belong" to her "owner;" and because he is subject to dreadful attacks of illness, and can have but little attention from his wife in the _day_. and yet her mistress, who is an old lady, gives her the highest character as a faithful servant, and told a friend of mine, that she was "entirely dependent upon her for _all_ her comforts; she dressed and undressed her, gave her all her food, and was so _necessary_ to her that she could not do without her." i may add, that this couple are tenderly attached to each other. i also know an instance in which the husband was a slave and the wife was free: during the illness of the former, the latter was _allowed_ to come and nurse him; she was obliged to leave the work by which she had made a living, and come to stay with her husband, and thus lost weeks of her time, or he would have suffered for want of proper attention; and yet his "owner" made her no compensation for her services. he had long been a faithful and a favorite slave, and his owner was a woman very benevolent to the poor whites.--she went a great deal among these, as a visiting commissioner of the ladies' benevolent society, and was in the constant habit of _paying the relatives of the poor whites_ for nursing _their_ husbands, fathers, and other relations; because she thought it very hard, when their time was taken up, so that they could not earn their daily bread, that they should be left to suffer. now, such is the stupifying influence of the "_chattel_ principle" on the minds of slaveholders, that i do not suppose it ever occurred to her that this poor _colored_ wife ought to be paid for her services, and particularly as she was spending her time and strength in taking care of her "_property_." she no doubt only thought how kind she was, to _allow_ her to come and stay so long in her yard; for, let it be kept in mind, that slaveholders have unlimited power to separate husbands and wives, parents and children, however and whenever they please; and if this mistress had chosen to do it, she could have debarred this woman from all intercourse with her husband, by forbidding her to enter her premises. persons who own plantations and yet live in cities, often take children from their parents as soon as they are weaned, and send them into the country; because they do not want the time of the mother taken up by attendance upon her own children, it being too valuable to the mistress. as a _favor_, she is, in some cases, permitted to go to see them once a year. so, on the other hand, if field slaves happen to have children of an age suitable to the convenience of the master, they are taken from their parents and brought to the city. parents are almost never consulted as to the disposition to be made of their children; they have as little control over them, as have domestic animals over the disposal of their young. every natural and social feeling and affection are violated with indifference; slaves are treated as though they did not possess them. another way in which the feelings of slaves are trifled with and often deeply wounded, is by changing their names; if, at the time they are brought into a family, there is another slave of the same name; or if the owner happens, for some other reason, not to like the name of the new comer. i have known slaves very much grieved at having the names of their children thus changed, when they had been called after a dear relation. indeed it would be utterly impossible to recount the multitude of ways in which the _heart_ of the slave is continually lacerated by the total disregard of his feelings as a social being and a human creature. the slave suffers also greatly from being continually watched. the system of espionage which is constantly kept up over slaves is the most worrying and intolerable that can be imagined. many mistresses are, in fact, during the absence of their husbands, really their drivers; and the pleasure of returning to their families often, on the part of the husband, is entirely destroyed by the complaints preferred against the slaves when he comes home to his meals. a mistress of my acquaintance asked her servant boy, one day, what was the reason she could not get him to do his work whilst his master was away, and said to him, "your master works a great deal harder than you do; he is at his office all day, and often has to study his law cases at night." "master," said the boy, "is working for himself, and for you, ma'am, but i am working for _him_". the mistress turned and remarked to a friend, that she was so struck with the truth of the remark, that she could not say a word to him. but i forbear--the sufferings of the slaves are not only innumerable, but they are _indescribable_. i may paint the agony of kindred torn from each other's arms, to meet no more in time; i may depict the inflictions of the blood-stained lash, but i cannot describe the daily, hourly, ceaseless torture, endured by the heart that is constantly trampled under the foot of despotic power. this is a part of the horrors of slavery which, i believe, no one has ever attempted to delineate; i wonder not at it, it mocks all power of language. who can describe the anguish of that mind which feels itself impaled upon the iron of arbitrary power--its living, writhing, helpless victim! every human susceptibility tortured, its sympathies torn, and stung, and bleeding--always feeling the death-weapon in its heart, and yet not so deep as to _kill_ that humanity which is made the curse of its existence. in the course of my testimony i have entered somewhat into the _minutiae_ of slavery, because this is a part of the subject often overlooked, and cannot be appreciated by any but those who have been witnesses, and entered into sympathy with the slaves as human beings. slaveholders think nothing of them, because they regard their slaves as _property_, the mere instruments of their convenience and pleasure. _one who is a slaveholder at heart never recognises a human being in a slave_. as thou hast asked me to testify respecting the _physical condition_ of the slaves merely, i say nothing of the awful neglect of their _minds and souls_ and the systematic effort to imbrute them. a wrong and an impiety, in comparison with which all the other unutterable wrongs of slavery are but as the dust of the balance. angelina g. weld. general testimony to the cruelties inflicted upon slaves. before presenting to the reader particular details of the cruelties inflicted upon american slaves, we will present in brief the well-weighed declarations of slaveholders and other residents of slave states, testifying that the slaves are treated with barbarous inhumanity. all _details_ and particulars will be drawn out under their appropriate heads. we propose in this place to present testimony of a _general character_--the solemn declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are treated with great cruelty. to discredit the testimony of witnesses who insist upon convicting themselves, would be an anomalous scepticism. to show that american slavery has _always_ had one uniform character of diabolical cruelty, we will go back one hundred years, and prove it by unimpeachable witnesses, who have given their deliberate testimony to its horrid barbarity, from to . testimony of rev. george whitefield. in a letter written by him in georgia, and addressed to the slaveholders of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina and georgia, in .--see benezet's "caution to great britain and her colonies." "as i lately passed through your provinces on my way hither, i was sensibly touched with a fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor negroes. "sure i am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as i would charitably hope there are _some_,) i fear the _generality_ of you that own negroes _are liable to such a charge_. not to mention what numbers have been given up to the inhuman usage of cruel _taskmasters_, who by their unrelenting scourges, have ploughed their backs and made long furrows, and at length brought them to the grave! "_the blood of them, spilt for these many years, in your respective provinces, will ascend up to heaven against you!_" the following is the testimony of the celebrated john woolman, an eminent minister of the society of friends, who traveled extensively in the slave state. we copy it from a "memoir of john woolman, chiefly extracted from a journal of his life and travels." it was published in philadelphia, by the "society of friends." "the following reflections, were written in , while he was traveling on a religious account among slaveholders." "many of the white people in these provinces, take little or no care of negro marriages; and when negroes marry, after their own way, some make so little account of those marriages, that, with views of outward interest, they often part men from their wives, by selling them far asunder; which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue. "many whose labor is heavy, being followed at their business in the field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose,--have, in common, little else allowed them but _one peck_ of indian corn and some salt for one week, with a few potatoes. (the potatoes they commonly raise by their labor on the first day of the week.) the correction ensuing on their disobedience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is often _very severe_, and sometimes _desperate_. men and women have many times _scarce clothes enough to hide their nakedness_--and boys and girls, ten and twelve years old, are often _quite naked_ among their masters' children. some use endeavors to instruct those (negro children) they have in reading; but in common, this is not only neglected, but disapproved."--p. . testimony of the 'maryland journal and baltimore advertiser,' of may , . "in the ordinary course of the business of the country, the punishment of relations frequently happens on the same farm, and in view of each other: the father often sees his beloved son--the son his venerable sire--the mother her much loved daughter--the daughter her affectionate parent--the husband sees the wife of his bosom, and she the husband of her affection, _cruelly bound up_ without delicacy or mercy, and without daring to interpose in each other's behalf, and punished with all the _extremity of incensed rage, and all the rigor of unrelenting severity_. let us reverse the case, and suppose it ours: all is silent horror!" testimony of the hon. william pinckney, of maryland. in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , mr. p. calls slavery in that state, "a speaking picture of _abominable oppression_;" and adds: "it will not do thus to ... act like _unrelenting tyrants_, perpetually sermonizing it with liberty as our text, and actual _oppression_ for our commentary. is she [maryland] not ... the foster mother of _petty despots_,--the patron of _wanton oppression?_" extract from a speech of mr. rice, in the convention for forming the constitution of kentucky, in : "the master may, and _often does, inflict upon him all the severity of punishment the human body is capable of bearing."_ president edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the connecticut abolition society, , says: "from these drivers, for every imagined, as well as real neglect or want of exertion, they receive the lash--the smack of which is all day long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only to lacerate the skin, but to tear out small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke. "this is the general treatment of the slaves. but many individuals suffer still more severely. _many, many are knocked down; some have their eyes beaten out: some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopped off_; and many, for a very small, or for no crime at all, have been beaten to death, merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or overseer." extract from an oration, delivered at baltimore, july , , by george buchanan, m.d., member of the american philosophical society. their situation (the slaves') is _insupportable_; misery inhabits their cabins, and pursues them in the field. inhumanly beaten, they _often_ fall sacrifices to the turbulent tempers of their masters! who is there, unless inured to savage cruelties, that can hear of the inhuman punishments _daily inflicted_ upon the unfortunate blacks, without feeling for them? can a man who calls himself a christian, coolly and deliberately tie up, _thumb-screw, torture with pincers_, and beat unmercifully a poor slave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of duty?--p. . testimony of hon. john randolph, of roanoke--a slaveholder. in one of his congressional speeches, mr. r. says: "avarice alone can drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post-horses _whipped to death_ in a mail coach. ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice? _the hand-cuff; the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide!_" major stoddard, of the united states' army, who took possession of louisiana in behalf of the united states, under the cession of , in his sketches of louisiana, page , says: "the feelings of humanity are outraged--the most odious tyranny exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and nakedness prevail amidst plenty. * * * cruel, and even unusual punishments are daily inflicted on these wretched creatures, enfeebled with hunger, labor and the lash. the scenes of misery and distress constantly witnessed along the coast of the delta, [of the mississippi,] the wounds and lacerations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers, torture the feelings of the passing stranger, and wring blood from the heart." though only the third of the following series of resolutions is directly relevant to the subject now under consideration, we insert the other resolutions, both because they are explanatory of the third, and also serve to reveal the public sentiment of indiana, at the date of the resolutions. as a large majority of the citizens of indiana at that time, were _natives of slave states_, they well knew the actual condition of the slaves. . "resolved unanimously, by the legislative council and house of representatives of indiana territory, that a suspension of the sixth article of compact between the united states and the territories and states north west of the river ohio, passed the th day of january, , for the term of ten years, would be highly advantageous to the territory, and meet the approbation of at least nine-tenths of the good citizens of the same." . "resolved unanimously, that the abstract question of liberty and slavery, is not considered as involved in a suspension of the said article, inasmuch as the number of slaves in the united states would not be augmented by the measure." . "resolved unanimously, that the suspension of the said article would be equally advantageous to the territory, to the states from whence the negroes would be brought, and _to the negroes themselves._ the states which are overburthened with negroes which they cannot comfortably support; * * and the negro himself would exchange a scanty pittance of the coarsest food, for a plentiful and nourishing diet; and a situation which admits not the most distant prospect of emancipation, for one which presents no considerable obstacle to his wishes." . "resolved unanimously, that a copy of these resolutions be delivered to the delegate to congress from this territory, and that he be, and he hereby is, instructed to use his best endeavors to obtain a suspension of the said article." j.b. thomas, _speaker of the house of representatives._ pierre minard, _president pro tem. of the legislative council. vincennes, dec._ , . "forwarded to the speaker the united states' senate, by william henry harrison, governor"--_american state papers_ vol . p. . monsieur c.c. robin, who resided in louisiana from to , and published a volume containing the results of his observations there, thus speaks of the condition of the slaves: "while they are at labor, the manager, the master, or the driver has commonly the whip in hand to strike the idle. but those of the negroes who are judged guilty of serious faults, are punished twenty, twenty-five, forty, fifty, or one hundred lashes. the manner of this cruel execution is as follows: four stakes are driven down, making a long square; the culprit is extended naked between these stakes, face downwards; his hands and his feet are bound separately, with strong cords, to each of the stakes, so far apart that his arms and legs, stretched in the form of st. andrew's cross, give the poor wretch no chance of stirring. then the executioner, who is ordinarily a negro, armed with the long whip of a coachman, strikes upon the reins and thighs. the crack of his whip resounds afar, like that of an angry cartman beating his horses. the blood flows, the long wounds cross each other, strips of skin are raised without softening either the hand of the executioner or the heart of the master, who cries 'sting him harder.' "the reader is moved; so am i: my agitated hand refuses to trace the bloody picture, to recount how many times the piercing cry of pain has interrupted my silent occupations; how many times i have shuddered at the faces of those barbarous masters, where i saw inscribed the number of victims sacrificed to their ferocity. "the women are subjected to these punishments as rigorously as the men--not even pregnancy exempts them; in that case, before binding them to the stakes, a hole is made in the ground to accommodate the enlarged form of the victim. "it is remarkable that the white creole women are ordinarily more inexorable than the men. their slow and languid gait, and the trifling services which they impose, betoken only apathetic indolence; but should the slave not promptly obey, should he even fail to divine the meaning of their gestures, or looks, in an instant they are armed with a formidable whip; it is no longer the arm which cannot sustain the weight of a shawl or a reticule--it is no longer the form which but feebly sustains itself. they themselves order the punishment of one of these poor creatures, and with a dry eye see their victim bound to four stakes; they count the blows, and raise a voice of menace, if the arm that strikes relaxes, or if the blood does not flow in sufficient abundance. their sensibility changed to fury must needs feed itself for a while on the hideous spectacle; they must, as if to revive themselves, hear the piercing shrieks, and see the flow of fresh blood; there are some of them who, in their frantic rage, pinch and bite their victims. "it is by no means wonderful that the laws designed to protect the slave, should be little respected by the generality of such masters. i have seen some masters pay those unfortunate people the miserable overcoat which is their due; but others give them nothing at all, and do not even leave them the hours and sundays granted to them by law. i have seen some of those barbarous masters leave them, during the winter, in a state of revolting nudity, even contrary to their own true interests, for they thus weaken and shorten the lives upon which repose the whole of their own fortunes. i have seen some of those negroes obliged to conceal their nakedness with the long moss of the country. the sad melancholy of these wretches, depicted upon their countenances, the flight of some, and the death of others, do not reclaim their masters; they wreak upon those who remain, the vengeance which they can no longer exercise upon the others." whitman mead, esq. of new york, in his journal, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, under date of "savannah, january , . "to one not accustomed to such scenes as slavery presents, the condition of the slaves is _impressively shocking._ in the course of my walks, i was every where witness to their wretchedness. like the brute creatures of the north, they are driven about at the pleasure of all who meet them: _half naked and half starved_, they drag out a pitiful existence, apparently almost unconscious of what they suffer. a threat accompanies every command, and a bastinado is the usual reward of disobedience." testimony of rev. john rankin, _a native of tennessee, educated there, and for a number of years a preacher in slave states--now pastor of a church in ripley, ohio._ "many poor slaves are stripped naked, stretched and tied across barrels, or large bags, _and tortured with the lash during hours, and even whole days, until their flesh is mangled to the very bones_. others are stripped and hung up by the arms, their feet are tied together, and the end of a heavy piece of timber is put between their legs in order to stretch their bodies, and so prepare them for the torturing lash--and in this situation they are often whipped until their bodies are covered _with blood and mangled flesh_--and in order to add the greatest keenness to their sufferings, their wounds are washed with _liquid salt_! and some of the miserable creatures are permitted to hang in that position until they actually _expire_; some die under the lash, others linger about for a time, and at length die of their wounds, and many survive, and endure again similar torture. these bloody scenes are _constantly exhibiting in every slave holding country--thousands of whips are every day stained in african blood_! even the poor _females_ are not permitted to escape these shocking cruelties."--_rankin's letters._ these letters were published fifteen years ago.--they were addressed to a brother in virginia, who was a slaveholder. testimony of the american colonization society. "we have heard of slavery as it exists in asia, and africa, and turkey--we have heard of the feudal slavery under which the peasantry of europe have groaned from the days of alaric until now, but excepting only the horrible system of the west india islands, we have never heard of slavery in any country, ancient or modern, pagan, mohammedan, or _christian! so terrible in its character_, as the slavery which exists in these united states."--_seventh report american colonization society,_ . testimony of the gradual emancipation society of north carolina. _signed by moses swain, president, and william swain, secretary._ "in the eastern part of the state, the slaves considerably outnumber the free population. their situation is there wretched beyond description. impoverished by the mismanagement which we have already attempted to describe, the master, unable to support his own grandeur and maintain his slaves, puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great part of them go half naked and half starved much of the time. generally, throughout the state, the african is an _abused, a monstrously outraged creature."--see minutes of the american convention, convened in baltimore, oct._ , . from niles' baltimore register for , vol , p. . "dealing in slaves has become a _large business_. establishments are made at several places in maryland and virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. these places of deposit are strongly built, and well supplied with _iron thumb-screws and gags_, and ornamented with _catskins and other whips--often times bloody_." judge ruffin, of the supreme court of north carolina, in one of his judicial decisions, says--"the slave, to remain a slave, must feel that there is no appeal from his master. no man can anticipate the provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of the master, prompting him to bloody vengeance on the turbulent traitor, a vengeance _generally_ practiced with impunity, by reason of its privacy."--see _wheeler's law of slavery_ p. . mr. moore, of virginia, in his speech before the legislature of that state, jan. , , says: "it must be confessed, that although the treatment of our slaves is in the general, as mild and humane as it can be, that it must always happen, that there will be found hundreds of individuals, who, owing either to the natural ferocity of their dispositions, or to the effects of intemperance, will be guilty of cruelty and barbarity towards their slaves, which is _almost intolerable_, and at which humanity revolts." testimony of b. swain, esq., of north carolina. "let any man of spirit and feeling, for a moment cast his thoughts over this land of slavery--think of the _nakedness_ of some, the _hungry yearnings_ of others, the _flowing tears and heaving sighs_ of parting relations, the _wailings and wo, the bloody cut of the keen lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies_--and all this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other depraved feelings of the human heart.... the worst is not generally known. were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once into view, a peal of seven-fold thunder could scarce strike greater alarm."--_see "swain's address,"_ . testimony of dr. james c. finley, _son of dr. finley, one of the founders of the colonization society, and brother of r.s. finley, agent of the american colonization society._ dr. j.c. finley was formerly one of the editors of the western medical journal, at cincinnati, and is well known in the west as utterly hostile to immediate abolition. "in almost the last conversation i had with you before i left cincinnati, i promised to give you some account of some scenes of atrocious cruelty towards slaves, which i witnessed while i lived at the south. i almost regret having made the promise, for not only are they _so atrocious_ that you will with difficulty believe them, but i also fear that they will have the effect of driving you into that _abolitionism_, upon the borders of which you have been so long hesitating. the people of the north _are ignorant of the horrors of slavery_--of the _atrocities_ which it commits upon the unprotected slave. * * * "i do not know that any thing could be gained by particularizing the scenes of _horrible barbarity_, which fell under my observation during my _short_ residence in one of the wealthiest, most intelligent, and most moral parts of georgia. their _number_ and _atrocity_ are such, that i am confident they would gain credit with none but _abolitionists_. every thing will be conveyed in the remark, that in a state of society calculated to foster the worst passions of our nature, the slave derives _no protection_ either from _law_ or _public opinion_, and that all the cruelties which the russians are reported to have acted towards the poles, after their late subjugation, are scenes of every-day occurrence in the southern states. this statement, incredible as it may seem, falls short, very far short of the truth." the foregoing is extracted from a letter written by dr. finley to rev. asa mahan, his former pastor, then of cincinnati, now president of oberlin seminary. testimony of rev. william t. allan, of illinois, _son of a slaveholder, rev. dr. allan of huntsville, ala._ "at our house it is so common to hear their (the slaves') screams, that we think nothing of it: and lest any one should think that in _general_ the slaves are well treated, let me be distinctly understood:--_cruelty_ is the _rule_, and _kindness_ the _exception_." extract of a letter dated july d, , from mr. nathan cole, of st. louis, missouri, to arthur tappan, esq. of this city: "i am not an advocate of the immediate and unconditional emancipation of the slaves of our country, yet _no man has ever yet depicted the wretchedness of the situation of the slaves in colors as dark for the truth_.... i know that many good people _are not aware of the treatment to which slaves are usually subjected_, nor have they any just idea of the extent of the evil." testimony of rev. james a. thome, _a native of kentucky--son of arthur thome esq., till recently a slaveholder._ "slavery is the parent of more suffering than has flowed from any one source since the date of its existence. such sufferings too! _sufferings inconceivable and innumerable--unmingled wretchedness_ from the ties of nature rudely broken and destroyed, the _acutest bodily tortures, groans, tears and blood_--lying forever in weariness and painfulness, in watchings, in hunger and in thirst, in cold and nakedness. "brethren of the north, be not deceived. _these sufferings still exist_, and despite the efforts of their cruel authors to hush them down, and confine them within the precincts of their own plantations, they will ever and anon, struggle up and reach the ear of humanity."--_mr. thome's speech at new york, may,_ . testimony of the maryville (tennessee) intelligencer, of oct. , . the editor, in speaking of the sufferings of the slaves which are taken by the internal trade to the south west, says: "place yourself in imagination, for a moment, in their condition. with _heavy galling chains_, riveted upon your person; _half-naked, half-starved_; your back _lacerated_ with the 'knotted whip;' traveling to a region where your _condition through time will be second only to the wretched creatures in hell_. "this depicting is not visionary. would to god that it was." testimony of the presbyterian synod of kentucky; _a large majority of whom are slaveholders._ "this system licenses and produces _great cruelty_. "mangling, imprisonment, starvation, every species of torture, may be inflicted upon him, (the slave,) and he has no redress. "there are now in our whole land two millions of human beings, exposed, defenceless, to every insult, and every injury short of maiming or death, which their fellow men may choose to inflict. _they suffer all_ that can be inflicted by wanton caprice, by grasping avarice, by brutal lust, by malignant spite, and by insane anger. their happiness is the sport of every whim, and the prey of every passion that may, occasionally, or habitually, infest the master's bosom. if we could calculate the amount of wo endured by ill-treated slaves, it would overwhelm every compassionate heart--it would move even the obdurate to sympathy. there is also a vast sum of suffering inflicted upon the slave by humane masters, as a punishment for that idleness and misconduct which slavery naturally produces. "_brutal stripes_ and all the varied kinds of personal indignities, are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses." testimony of the rev. n.h. harding, pastor of the presbyterian church, in oxford, north carolina, a slaveholder. "i am greatly surprised that you should in any form have been the apologist of a system so full of deadly poison to all holiness and benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness, and cold hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils, both to the oppressor and the oppressed, the one thousandth part of which has never been brought to light." mr. asa a. stone, a theological student, who lived near natchez, (mi.,) in and , sent the following with other testimony, to be published under his own name, in the n.y. evangelist, while he was still residing there. "floggings for all offences, including deficiencies in work, are _frightfully common_, and _most terribly severe._ "_rubbing with salt and red pepper is very common after a severe whipping._" testimony of rev. phineas smith, centreville, allegany co., n.y. who lived four years at the south. "they are badly clothed, badly fed, wretchedly lodged, unmercifully whipped, from month to month, from year to year, from childhood to old age." rev. joseph m. sadd, castile, genessee co. n.y. who was till recently a preacher in missouri, says, "it is true that barbarous cruelties are inflicted upon them, such as terrible lacerations with the whip, and excruciating tortures are sometimes experienced from the thumb screw." extract of a letter from sarah m. grimk�, dated th month, nd, "if the following extracts from letters which i have received from south carolina, will be of any use thou art at liberty to publish them. i need not say, that the names of the writers are withheld of necessity, because such sentiments if uttered at the south would peril their lives." extracts --south carolina, th month, th, . "with regard to slavery i must confess, though we had heard a great deal on the subject, we found on coming south the _half_, the _worst_ half too, had not been told us; not that we have ourselves seen much oppression, though truly we have felt its deadening influence, but the accounts we have received from every tongue that nobly dares to speak upon the subject, are indeed _deplorable_. to quote the language of a lady, who with true southern hospitality, received us at her mansion. "the _northern_ people don't know anything of slavery at all, they think it is _perpetual bondage merely_, but of the _depth of degradation_ that that word involves, they have no conception; if they had any just idea of it, they would i am sure use every effort until an end was put to such a shocking system.' "another friend writing from south carolina, and who sustains herself the legal relation of slaveholder, in a letter dated april th, , says--'i have some time since, given you my views on the subject of slavery, which so much engrosses your attention. i would most willingly forget what i have seen and heard in my own family, with regard to the slaves. _i shudder when i think of it_, and increasingly feel that slavery is a curse since it leads to such _cruelty_.'" punishments. i. floggings. the slaves are terribly lacerated with whips, paddles, &c.; red pepper and salt are rubbed into their mangled flesh; hot brine and turpentine are poured into their gashes; and innumerable other tortures inflicted upon them. we will in the first place, prove by a cloud of witnesses, that the slaves are whipped with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate and mangle their flesh in the most shocking manner, leaving permanent scars and ridges; after establishing this, we will present a mass of testimony, concerning a great variety of other tortures. the testimony, for the most part, will be that of the slaveholders themselves, and in their own chosen words. a large portion of it will be taken from the advertisements, which they have published in their own newspapers, describing by the scars on their bodies made by the whip, their own runaway slaves. to copy these advertisements _entire_ would require a great amount of space, and flood the reader with a vast mass of matter irrelevant to the _point_ before us; we shall therefore insert only so much of each, as will intelligibly set forth the precise point under consideration. in the column under the word "witnesses," will be found the name of the individual, who signs the advertisement, or for whom it is signed, with his or her place of residence, and the name and date of the paper, in which it appeared, and generally the name of the place where it is published. opposite the name of each witness, will be an extract, from the advertisement, containing his or her testimony. mr. d. judd, jailor, davidson co., tennessee, in the "nashville banner," dec. th, . "committed to jail as a runaway, a negro woman named martha, or years of age, has _numerous scars of the whip on her back_." mr. robert nicoll, dauphin st. between emmanuel and conception st's, mobile, alabama, in the "mobile commercial advertiser." "ten dollars reward for my woman siby, _very much scarred about the neck and ears by whipping_." mr. bryant johnson, fort valley houston co., georgia, in the "standard of union," milledgeville ga. oct. , . "ranaway, a negro woman, named maria, _some scars on her back occasioned by the whip_." mr. james t. de jarnett, vernon, autauga co., alabama, in the "pensacola gazette," july , . "stolen a negro woman, named celia. on examining her back you will find marks _caused by the whip_." maurice y. garcia, sheriff of the county of jefferson, la., in the "new orleans bee," august, , . "lodged in jail, a mulatto boy, _having large marks of the whip,_ on his shoulders and other parts of his body." r.j. bland, sheriff of claiborne co, miss., in the "charleston (s.c.) courier." august, , . "was committed a negro boy, named tom, is _much marked with the whip_." mr. james noe, red river landing, la., in the "sentinel," vicksburg, miss., august , . "ranaway, a negro fellow named dick--has _many scars on his back from being whipped."_ william craze, jailor, alexandria, la. in the "planter's intelligencer." sept. , . "committed to jail, a negro slave--his back is _very badly scarred."_ john a. rowland, jailor, lumberton, north carolina, in the "fayetteville (n.c.) observer," june , . "committed, a mulatto fellow--his back shows _lasting impressions of the whip,_ and leaves no doubt of his being a slave" j.k. roberts, sheriff, blount county, ala., in the "huntsville democrat," dec. , . "committed to jail, a negro man--his back _much marked_ by the whip." mr. h. varillat, no. girod street, new orleans--in the "commercial bulletin," august , . "ranaway, the negro slave named jupiter--has a _fresh mark_ of a cowskin on one of his cheeks." mr. cornelius d. tolin, augusta, ga., in the "chronicle and sentinel," oct. , . "ranaway, a negro man named johnson--he has a _great many marks of the whip_ on his back." w.h. brasseale, sheriff; blount county, ala., in the "huntsville democrat," june , . "committed to jail, a negro slave named james--_much scarred_ with a whip on his back." mr. robert beasley, macon, ga., in the "georgia messenger," july , . "ranaway, my man fountain--he is marked _on the back with the whip."_ mr. john wotton, rockville, montgomery county, maryland, in the "baltimore republican," jan. , . "ranaway, bill--has _several_ large scars on his back from a _severe_ whipping in _early life."_ d.s. bennett, sheriff, natchitoches, la., in the "herald," july , . "committed to jail, a negro boy who calls himself joe--said negro bears _marks of the whip."_ messrs. c.c. whitehead, and r.a. evans, marion, georgia, in the milledgeville (ga.) "standard of union," june , . "ranaway, negro fellow john--from being whipped, has _scars on his back, arms, and thighs."_ mr. samuel stewart, greensboro', ala., in the "southern advocate," huntsville, jan. , . "ranaway, a boy named jim--with the marks of the _whip_ on the small of the back, reaching round to the flank." mr. john walker, no. , banks' arcade new orleans, in the "bulletin," august , . "ranaway, the mulatto boy quash--_considerably marked_ on the back and other places with the lash." mr. jesse beene, cahawba, ala., in the "state intelligencer," tuskaloosa, dec. , . "ranaway, my negro man billy--he has the _marks of the_ whip." mr. john turner, thomaston, upson county, georgia--in the "standard of union," milledgeville, june , . "left, my negro man named george--has _marks of the whip very plain on his thighs."_ james derrah, deputy sheriff; claiborne county, mi., in the "port gibson correspondent," april , . "committed to jail, negro man toy--he has been _badly whipped."_ s.b. murphy, sheriff, wilkinson county, georgia--in the milledgeville "journal," may , . "brought to jail, a negro man named george--he has a _great many scars from the lash."_ mr. l.e. cooner, branchville orangeburgh district, south carolina--in the macon "messenger," may , . "one hundred dollars reward, for my negro glasgow, and kate, his wife. glasgow is years old--has _marks of the whip_ on his back. kate is --has a _scar_ on her cheek, _and several marks of a whip."_ john h. hand, jailor, parish of west feliciana, la., in the st. "francisville journal," july , "committed to jail, a negro boy named john, about years old--his back _badly marked_ with the _whip_, his upper lip and chin _severely bruised."_ the preceding are extracts from advertisements published in southern papers, mostly in the year . they are the mere _samples_ of hundreds of similar ones published during the same period, with which, as the preceding are quite sufficient to show the _commonness_ of inhuman floggings in the slave states, we need not burden the reader. the foregoing testimony is, as the reader perceives, that of the slaveholders themselves, voluntarily certifying to the outrages which their own hands have committed upon defenceless and innocent men and women, over whom they have assumed authority. we have given to _their_ testimony precedence over that of all other witnesses, for the reason that when men testify against _themselves_ they are under no temptation to exaggerate. we will now present the testimony of a large number of individuals, with their names and residences,--persons who witnessed the inflictions to which they testify. many of them have been slaveholders, and _all_ residents for longer or shorter periods in slave states. rev. john h. curtiss, a native of deep creek, norfolk county, virginia, now a local preacher of the methodist episcopal church in portage co., ohio, testifies as follows:-- "in or , one of my father's slaves was accused of taking the key to the office and stealing four or five dollars: he denied it. a constable by the name of hull was called; he took the negro, very deliberately tied his hands, and whipped him till the blood ran freely down his legs. by this time hull appeared tired, and stopped; he then took a rope, put a slip noose around his neck, and told the negro he was going to _kill_ him, at the same time drew the rope and began whipping: the negro fell; his cheeks looked as though they would burst with strangulation. hull whipped and kicked him, till i really thought he was going to kill him; when he ceased, the negro was in a complete gore of blood from head to foot." mr. david hawley, a class-leader in the methodist church, at st. alban's, licking county, ohio, who moved from kentucky to ohio in , testifies as follows:-- "in the year or , i saw a slave hung for killing his master. the master had whipped the slave's mother to death, and, locking him in a room, threatened him with the same fate; and, cowhide in hand, had begun the work, when the slave joined battle and slew the master." samuel ellison, a member of the society of friends, formerly of southampton county, virginia, now of marlborough, stark county, ohio, gives the following testimony:-- "while a resident of southampton county, virginia, i knew two men, after having been severely treated, endeavor to make their escape. in this they failed--were taken, tied to trees, and whipped to _death_ by their overseer. i lived a mile from the negro quarters, and, at that distance, could frequently hear the screams of the poor creatures when beaten, and could also hear the blows given by the overseer with some heavy instrument." major horace nye, of putnam, ohio, gives the following testimony of mr. wm. armstrong, of that place, a captain and supercargo of boats descending the mississippi river:-- "at bayou sarah, i saw a slave _staked out,_ with his face to the ground, and whipped with a large whip, which laid open the flesh for about two and a half inches _every stroke._ i stayed about five minutes, but could stand it no longer, and left them whipping." mr. stephen e. maltby, inspector of provisions, skeneateles, new york, who has resided in alabama, speaking of the condition of the slaves, says:-- "i have seen them cruelly whipped. i will relate one instance. one sabbath morning, before i got out of my bed, i heard an outcry, and got up and went to the window, when i saw some six or eight boys, from eight to twelve years of age, near a rack (made for tying horses) on the public square. a man on horseback rode up, got off his horse, took a cord from his pocket, _tied one of the boys_ by the _thumbs_ to the rack, and with his horsewhip lashed him most severely. he then untied him and rode off without saying a word. "it was a general practice, while i was at huntsville, alabama, to have a patrol every night; and, to my knowledge, this patrol was in the habit of traversing the streets with cow-skins, and, if they found any slaves out after eight o'clock without a pass, to whip them until they were out of reach, or to confine them until morning." mr. j.g. baldwin, of middletown, connecticut, a member of the methodist episcopal church, gives the following testimony:-- "i traveled at the south in : when near charlotte, n.c. a free colored man fell into the road just ahead of me, and went on peaceably.--when passing a public-house, the landlord ran out with a large cudgel, and applied it to the head and shoulders of the man with such force as to shatter it in pieces. when the reason of his conduct was asked, he replied, that he owned slaves, and he would not permit free blacks to come into his neighborhood. "not long after, i stopped at a public-house near halifax, n.c., between nine and ten o'clock p.m., to stay over night. a slave sat upon a bench in the bar-room asleep. the master came in, seized a large horsewhip, and, without any warning or apparent provocation, laid it over the face and eyes of the slave. the master cursed, swore, and swung his lash--the slave cowered and trembled, but said not a word. upon inquiry the next morning, i ascertained that the only offence was falling asleep, and this too in consequence of having been up nearly all the previous night, in attendance upon company." rev. joseph m. sadd, of castile, n.y., who has lately left missouri, where he was pastor of a church for some years, says:-- "in one case, near where we lived, a runaway slave, when brought back, was most cruelly beaten--bathed in the _usual_ liquid--laid in the sun, and a physician employed to heal his wounds:--then the same process of punishment and healing was _repeated_, _and repeated again_, and then the poor creature was sold for the new orleans market. this account we had from the _physician himself_." mr. abraham bell, of poughkeepsie, new york, a member of the scotch presbyterian church, was employed, in and , in levelling and grading for a rail-road in the state of georgia: he had under his direction, during the whole time, thirty slaves. mr. b. gives the following testimony:-- "_all_ the slaves had their backs scarred, from the oft-repeated whippings they had received." mr. alonzo barnard, of farmington, ohio, who was in mississippi in and , says:-- "the slaves were often severely whipped. i saw one _woman_ very severely whipped for accidentally cutting up a stalk of cotton.[ ] when they were whipped they were commonly _held down by four men_: if these could not confine them, they were fastened by stakes driven firmly into the ground, and then lashed often so as to draw blood at each blow. i saw one woman who had lately been delivered of a child in consequence of cruel treatment." [footnote : mr. cornelius johnson, of farmington, ohio, was also a witness to this inhuman outrage upon an unprotected woman, for the unintentional destruction of a stalk of cotton! in his testimony he is more particular, and says, that the number of lashes inflicted upon her by the overseer was "one hundred and fifty."] rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church at buffalo, n.y. says:-- "there was a steam cotton press, in the vicinity of my boarding-house at new orleans, which was driven night and day, without intermission. my curiosity led me to look at the interior of the establishment. there i saw several slaves engaged in rolling cotton bags, fastening ropes lading carts, &c. "the presiding genius of the place was a driver, who held a rope four feet long in his hand, which he wielded with cruel dexterity. he used it in single blows, just as the men were lifting to _tighten_ the bale cords. it seemed to me that he was desirous to edify me with a specimen of his authority; at any rate the cruelty was horrible." mr. john vance, a member of the baptist church, in st. albans, licking county, ohio, who moved from culpepper county, va., his native state in , testifies as follows:-- "in , i saw a woman by the name of mallix, flog her female slave with a horse-whip so horribly that she was washed in salt and water several days, to keep her bruises from mortifying. "in , i was returning from mill, in shenandoah county, when i heard the cry of murder, in the field of a man named painter. i rode to the place to see what was going on. two men, by the names of john morgan and michael siglar, had heard the cry and came running to the place. i saw painter beating a negro with a tremendous club, or small handspike, swearing he would kill him: but he was rescued by morgan and siglar. i learned that painter had commenced flogging the slave for not getting to work soon enough. he had escaped, and taken refuge under a pile of rails that were on some timbers up a little from the ground. the master had put fire to one end, and stood at the other with his club, to kill him as he came out. the pile was still burning. painter said he was a turbulent fellow and he _would_ kill him. the apprehension of p. was talked about, but, as a compromise, the negro was sold to another man." extract from the published journal of the late wm. saver, of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the religious society of friends:-- " th mo. d, . we passed on to augusta, georgia. they can scarcely tolerate us, on account of our abhorrence of slavery. on the th we got to savannah, and lodged at one blount's, a hard-hearted slaveholder. one of his lads, aged about fourteen, was ordered to go and milk the cow: and falling asleep, through weariness, the master called out and ordered him a flogging. i asked him what he meant by a flogging. he replied, the way we serve them here is, we cut their backs until they are raw all over, and then salt them. upon this my feelings were roused; i told him that was too bad, and queried *if it were possible; he replied it was, with many curses upon the blacks. at supper this unfeeling wretch _craved a blessing_! "next morning i heard some one begging for mercy, and also the lash as of a whip. not knowing whence the sound came, i rose, and presently found the poor boy tied up to a post, his toes scarcely touching the ground, and a negro whipper. he had already cut him in an unmerciful manner, and the blood ran to his heels. i stepped in between them, and ordered him untied immediately, which, with some reluctance and astonishment, was done. returning to the house i saw the landlord, who then showed himself in his true colors, the most abominably wicked man i ever met with, full of horrid execrations and threatenings upon all northern people; but i did not spare him; which occasioned a bystander to say, with an oath, that i should be "popped over." we left them, and were in full expectation of their way-laying or coming after us, but the lord restrained them. the next house we stopped at we found the same wicked spirit." col. elijah ellsworth, of richfield, ohio, gives the following testimony:-- "eight or ten years ago i was in putnam county, in the state of georgia, at a mr. slaughter's, the father of my brother's wife. a negro, that belonged to mr. walker, (i believe,) was accused of stealing a pedlar's trunk. the negro denied, but, without ceremony, was lashed to a tree--the whipping commenced--six or eight men took turns--the poor fellow begged for mercy, but without effect, until he was literally _cut to pieces, from his shoulders to his hips_, and covered with a gore of blood. when he said the trunk was in a stack of fodder, he was unlashed. they proceeded to the stack, but found no trunk. they asked the poor fellow, what he lied about it for; he said, "lord, massa, to keep from being whipped to death; i know nothing about the trunk." they commenced the whipping with redoubled vigor, until i really supposed he would be whipped to death on the spot; and such shrieks and crying for mercy! again he acknowledged, and again they were defeated in finding, and the same reason given as before. some were for whipping again, others thought he would not survive another, and they ceased. about two months after, the trunk was found, and it was then ascertained who the thief was: and the poor fellow, after being nearly beat to death, and twice made to lie about it, was as innocent as i was." the following statements are furnished by major horace nye, of putnam, muskingum county, ohio. "in the summer of , mr. john h. moorehead, a partner of mine, descended the mississippi with several boat loads of flour. he told me that floating in a place in the mississippi, where he could see for miles a head, he perceived a concourse of people on the bank, that for at least a mile and a half above he saw them, and heard the screams of some person, and from a great distance, the crack of a whip, he run near the shore, and saw them whipping a black man, who was on the ground, and at that time nearly unable to scream, but the whip continued to be applied without intermission, as long as he was in sight, say from one mile and a half, to two miles below--he probably saw and heard them for one hour in all. he expressed the opinion that the man could not survive. "about four weeks since i had a conversation with mr. porter, a respectable citizen of morgan county of this state, of about fifty years of age. he told me that he formerly traveled about five years in the southern states, and that on one occasion he stopped at a private house, to stay all night; (i think it was in virginia,) while he was conversing with the man, his wife came in, and complained that the wench had broken some article in the kitchen, and that she must be whipped. he took the _woman_ into the door yard, stripped her clothes down to her hips--tied her hands together, and drawing them up to a limb, so that she could just touch the ground, took a very large cowskin whip, and commenced flogging; he said that every stroke at first raised the skin, and immediately the blood came through; this he continued, until the blood stood in a puddle down at her feet. he then turned to my informant and said, 'well, yankee, what do you think of that?'" extract of a letter from mr. w. dustin, a member of the methodist episcopal church, and, when the letter was written, , a student of marietta college, ohio. "i find by looking over my journal that the murdering, which i spoke of yesterday, took place about the first of june, . "without commenting upon this act of cruelty, or giving vent to my own feelings, i will simply give you a statement of the fact, as known from _personal_ observation. "dr. k. a man of wealth, and a practising physician in the county of yazoo, state of mississippi, personally known to me, having lived in the same neighborhood more than twelve months, after having scourged one of his negroes for running away, declared with an oath, that if he ran away again, he would kill him. the negro, so soon as an opportunity offered, ran away again. he was caught and brought back. again he was scourged, until his flesh, mangled and torn, and thick mingled with the clotted blood, rolled from his back. he became apparently insensible, and beneath the heaviest stroke would scarcely utter a groan. the master got tired, laid down his whip and nailed the negro's ear to a tree; in this condition, nailed fast to the rugged wood, he remained all night! "suffice it to say, in the conclusion, that the next day he was found dead! "well, what did they do with the master? the sum total of it is this: he was taken before a magistrate and gave bonds, for his appearance at the next court. well, to be sure he had plenty of cash, so he paid up his bonds and moved away, and there the matter ended. "if the above fact will be of any service to you in exhibiting to the world the condition of the unfortunate negroes, you are at liberty to make use of it in any way you think best. yours, fraternally, m. dustin." mr. alfred wilkinson, a member of the baptist church in skeneateles, n.y. and the assessor of that town, has furnished the following: "i went down the mississippi in december, and saw twelve of fourteen negroes punished on one plantation, by stretching them on a ladder and tying them to it; then stripping off their clothes, and whipping them on the naked flesh with a heavy whip, the lash seven or eight feet long: most of the strokes cut the skin. i understood they were whipped for not doing the tasks allotted to them." from the philanthropist, cincinnati, ohio, feb. , . "a very intelligent lady the widow of a highly respectable preacher of the gospel of the presbyterian church, formerly a resident of a free state, and a colonizationist, and a strong antiabolitionist, who, although an enemy to slavery, was opposed to abolition on the ground that it was for carrying things too rapidly, and without regard to circumstances, and especially who believed that abolitionists exaggerated with regard to the evils of slavery, and used to say that such men ought to go to slave states and see for themselves, to be convinced that they did the slaveholders injustice, has gone and seen for herself. hear her testimony." _kentucky, dec._ , . "dear mrs. w.--i am still in the land of oppression and cruelty, but hope soon to breathe the air of a free state. my soul is sick of slavery, and i rejoice that my time is nearly expired: but the scenes that i have witnessed have made an impression that never can be effaced, and have inspired me with the determination to unite my feeble efforts with those who are laboring to suppress this horrid system. i am _now_ an _abolitionist_. you will cease to be surprised at this, when i inform you, that i have just seen a poor slave who was beaten by his inhuman master until he could neither walk nor stand. i saw him from my window carried from the barn where he had been whipped to the cabin, by two negro men; and he now lies there, and if he recovers, will be a sufferer for months, and probably for life. you will doubtless suppose that he committed some great crime; but it was not so. he was called upon by a young man (the son of his master,) to do something, and not moving as quickly as his young master wished him to do, he drove him to the barn, knocked him down, and jumped upon him, stamped, and then cowhided him until he was almost dead. this is not the first act of cruelty that i have seen, though it is the _worst_; and i am convinced that those who have described the cruelties of slaveholders, have not exaggerated." extract of a letter from gerrit smith, esq., of peterboro'. n.y. peterboro', december , . _to the editor of the union herald_: "my dear sir:--you will be happy to hear, that the two fugitive slaves, to whom in the brotherly love of your heart, you gave the use of your horse, are still making undisturbed progress towards the _monarchical_ land whither _republican_ slaves escape for the enjoyment of liberty. they had eaten their breakfast, and were seated in my wagon, before day-dawn, this morning. "fugitive slaves have before taken my house in their way, but never any, whose lips and persons made so forcible an appeal to my sensibilities, and kindled in me so much abhorrence of the hell-concocted system of american slavery. "the fugitives exhibited their bare backs to myself and a number of my neighbors. williams' back is comparatively scarred. but, i speak within bounds, when i say, that one-third to one-half of the whole surface of the back and shoulders of poor scott, _consists of scars and wales resulting from innumerable gashes._ his natural complexion being yellow and the callous places being nearly black, his back and shoulders remind you of a spotted animal." the louisville reporter (kentucky,) jan. , , contains the report of a trial for inhuman treatment of a female slave. the following is some of the testimony given in court. "dr. constant testified that he saw mrs. maxwell at the kitchen door, whipping the negro severely, without being particular whether she struck her in the face or not. the negro was lacerated by the whip, and the blood flowing. soon after, on going down the steps, he saw quantities of blood on them, and on returning, saw them again. she had been thinly clad--barefooted in very cold weather. sometimes she had shoes--sometimes not. in the beginning of the winter she had linsey dresses, since then, calico ones. during the last four months, had noticed many scars on her person. at one time had one of her eyes tied up for a week. during the last three months seemed declining, and had become stupified. mr. winters was passing along the street, heard cries, looked up through the window that was hoisted, saw the boy whipping her, as much as forty or fifty licks, while he staid. the girl was stripped down to the hips. the whip seemed to be a cow-hide. whenever she turned her face to him, he would hit her across the face either with the butt end or small end of the whip to make her turn her back round square to the lash, that he might get a fair blow at her. "mr. say had noticed several wounds on her person, chiefly bruises. "captain porter, keeper of the work-house, into which milly had been received, thought the injuries on her person very bad--some of them appeared to be burns--some bruises or stripes, as of a cow-hide." letter of rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio, to the editor of the philanthropist. ripley, feb. , . "some time since, a member of the presbyterian church of ebenezer, brown county, ohio, landed his boat at a point on the mississippi. he saw some disturbance among the colored people on the bank. he stepped up, to see what was the matter. a black man was stretched naked on the ground; his hands were tied to a stake, and one held each foot. he was doomed to receive fifty lashes; but by the time the overseer had given him twenty-five with his great whip, the blood was standing round the wretched victim in little puddles. it appeared just as if it had rained blood.--another observer stepped up, and advised to defer the other twenty-five to another time, lest the slave might die; and he was released, to receive the balance when he should have so recruited as to be able to bear it and live. the offence was, coming one hour too late to work." mr. rankin, who is a native of tennessee, in his letters on slavery, published fifteen years since, says: "a respectable gentleman, who is now a citizen of flemingsburg, fleming county, kentucky, when in the state of south carolina, was invited by a slaveholder, to walk with him and take a view of his farm. he complied with the invitation thus given, and in their walk they came to the place where the slaves were at work, and found the overseer whipping one of them very severely for not keeping pace with his fellows--in vain the poor fellow alleged that he was sick, and could not work. the master seemed to think all was well enough, hence he and the gentleman passed on. in the space of an hour they returned by the same way, and found that the poor slave, who had been whipped as they first passed by the field of labor, was actually dead! this i have from unquestionable authority." extract of a letter from a member of congress, to the editor of the new york american, dated washington, feb. , . the name of the writer is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "three days ago, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the new patent building were alarmed by an outcry in the street, which proved to be that of a slave who had just been knocked down with a brick-bat by his pursuing master. prostrate on the ground, with a large gash in his head, the poor slave was receiving the blows of his master on one side, and the kicks of his master's son on the other. his cries brought a few individuals to the spot; but no one dared to interfere, save to exclaim--you will kill him--which was met by the response, "he is mine, and i have a right to do what i please with him." the heart-rending scene was closed from _public_ view by dragging the poor bruised and wounded slave from the public street into his master's stable. what followed is not known. the outcries were heard by members of congress and others at the distance of near a quarter of a mile from the scene. "and now, perhaps, you will ask, is not the city aroused by this flagrant cruelty and breach of the peace? i answer--not at all. every thing is quiet. if the occurrence is mentioned at all, it is spoken of in whispers." _from the mobile examiner, august_ , . "police report--mayor's office. _saturday morning, august_ , . "his honor the mayor presiding. "mr. miller, of the foundry, brought to the office this morning a small negro girl aged about eight or ten years, whom he had taken into his house some time during the previous night. she had crawled under the window of his bed room to screen herself from the night air, and to find a warmer shelter than the open canopy of heaven afforded. of all objects of pity that have lately come to our view, this poor little girl most needs the protection of authority, and the sympathies of the charitable. from the cruelty of her master and mistress, she has been whipped, worked and starved, until she is now a breathing skeleton, hardly able to stand upon her feet. "the back of the poor little sufferer, (which we ourselves saw,) _was actually cut into strings, and so perfectly was the flesh worn from her limbs,_ by the wretched treatment she had received, that _every joint showed distinctly its crevices_ and protuberances through the skin. her little lips clung closely over her teeth--her cheeks were sunken and her head narrowed, and when her eyes were closed, the lids resembled film more than flesh or skin. "we would desire of our northern friends such as choose to publish to the world their own version of the case we have related, not to forget to add, in conclusion, that the owner of this little girl is a foreigner, speaks against slavery as an institution, and reads his bible to his wife, with the view of finding proofs for his opinions." rev. william scales, of lyndon, vermont, gives the following testimony in a recent letter: "i had a class-mate at the andover theological seminary, who spent a season at the south,--in georgia, i think--who related the following fact in an address before the seminary. it occasioned very deep sensation on the part of opponents. the gentleman was mr. julius c. anthony, of taunton, mass. he graduated at the seminary in . i do not know where he is now settled. i have no doubt of the fact, as be was an _eye-witness_ of it. the man with whom he resided had a very athletic slave--a valuable fellow--a blacksmith. on a certain day a small strap of leather was missing. the man's little son accused this slave of stealing it. he denied the charge, while the boy most confidently asserted it. the slave was brought out into the yard and bound--his hands below his knees, and a stick crossing his knees, so that he would lie upon either side in form of the letter s. one of the overseers laid on fifty lashes--he still denied the theft--was turned over and fifty more put on. sometimes the master and sometimes the overseers whipping--as they relieved each other to take breath. then he was for a time left to himself, and in the course of the day received four hundred lashes--still denying the charge, next morning mr. anthony walked out--the sun was just rising--he saw the man greatly enfeabled, leaning against a stump. it was time to go to work--he attempted to rise, but fell back--again attempted, and again fell back--still making the attempt, and still falling back, mr. anthony thought, nearly _twenty times_ before he succeeded in standing--he then staggered off to his shop. in course of the morning mr. a. went to the door and looked in. two overseers were standing by. the slave was feverish and sick--his skin and mouth dry and parched. he was very thirsty. one of the overseers, while mr. a, was looking at him, inquired of the other whether it were not best to give him a little water. 'no. damn him, he will do well enough,' was the reply from the other overseer. this was all the relief gained by the poor slave. a few days after, the slaveholder's _son confessed that he stole the strap himself._" rev. d.c. eastman, a minister of the methodist episcopal church at bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, has just forwarded a letter, from which the following is an extract: "george roebuck, an old and respectable farmer, near bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, a member of the methodist episcopal church, says, that almost forty-three years ago, he saw in bath county, virginia, a slave girl with a sore between the shoulders of the size and shape of a _smoothing iron._ the girl was 'owned' by one m'neil. a slaveholder who boarded at m'neil's stated that mrs. m'neil had placed the aforesaid iron when hot, between the girl's shoulders, and produced the sore. "roebuck was once at this m'neil's father's, and whilst the old man was at morning prayer, he heard the son plying the whip upon a slave out of doors. "eli west, of concord township, fayette county, ohio, formerly of north carolina, a farmer and an exhorter in the methodist protestant church, says, that many years since he went to live with an uncle who owned about fifty negroes. soon after his arrival, his uncle ordered his waiting boy, who was _naked_, to be tied--his hands to horse rack, and his feet together, with a rail passed between his legs, and held down by a person at each end. in this position he was whipped, from neck to feet, till covered with blood; after which he was _salted._ "his uncle's slaves received one quart of corn each day, and that only, and were allowed one hour each day to cook and eat it. they had no meat but once in the year. such was the general usage in that country. "west, after this, lived one year with esquire starky and mother. they had two hundred slaves, who received the usual treatment of starvation, nakedness, and the cowhide. they had one lively negro woman who bore no children. for this neglect, her mistress had her back made naked and a severe whipping inflicted. but as she continued barren, she was sold to the 'negro buyers.'" "thomas larrimer, a deacon in the presbyterian church at bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, and a respectable farmer, says, that in april, , as he was going down the mississippi river, about fifty miles below natchez, he saw ahead, on the left side of the river, a colored person tied to a post, and a man with a driver's whip, the lash about eight or ten feet long. with this the man commenced, with much deliberation, to whip, with much apparent force, and continued till he got out of sight. "when coming up the river forty or fifty miles below vicksburg, a judge owens came on board the steamboat. he was owner of a cotton plantation below there, and on being told of the above whipping, he said that slaves were often whipped to death for great offences, such as _stealing,_ &c.--but that when death followed, the overseers were generally severely _reproved!_ "about the same time, he spent a night at mr. casey's, three miles from columbia, south carolina. whilst there they heard him giving orders as to what was to be done, and amongst other things, "that nigger must be buried." on inquiry, he learnt that a gentleman traveling with a servant, had a short time previous called there, and said his servant had just been taken ill, and he should be under the necessity of leaving him. he did so. the slave became worst, and casey called in a physician, who pronounced it an old case, and said that he must shortly die. the slave said, if that was the case he would now tell the truth. he had been attacked, a long time since, with a difficulty in the side--his master swore he would 'have his own out of him' and started off to sell him, with a threat to kill him if he told he had been sick, more than a few days. they saw them making a rough plank box to bury him in. "in march, , twenty-five or thirty miles south of columbia, on the great road through sumpterville district, they saw a large company of female slaves carrying rails and building fence. three of them were far advanced in pregnancy. "in the month of january, , he put up with a drove of mules and horses, at one adams', on the drovers' road, near the south border of kentucky. his son-in-law, who had lived in the south, was there. in conversation about picking cotton, he said, 'some hands cannot get the sleight of it. i have a girl who to-day has done as good a day's work at grubbing as any _man_, but i could not make her a hand at cotton-picking. i whipped her, and if i did it once i did it five hundred times, but i found she _could_ not; so i put her to carrying rails with the men. after a few days i found her shoulders were so _raw_ that every rail was _bloody_ as she laid it down. i asked her if she would not rather pick cotton than carry rails. 'no,' said she, 'i don't get whipped now.'" william a. ustick, an elder of the presbyterian church at bloomingburg, and mr. g.s. fullerton, a merchant and member of the same church, were with deacon larrimer on this journey, and are witnesses to the preceding facts. mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio, and formerly secretary of the colonization society in that village, has recently communicated the facts that follow. we quote from his letter. "the following horrid flagellation was witnessed in part, till his soul was sick, by mr. glidden, an inhabitant of marietta, ohio, who went down the mississippi river, with a boat load of produce in the autumn of ; it took place at what is called 'matthews' or 'matheses bend' in december, . mr. g. is worthy of credit. "a negro was tied up, and flogged until the blood ran down and filled his shoes, so that when he raised either foot and set it down again, the blood would run over their tops. i could not look on any longer, but turned away in horror; the whipping was continued to the number of lashes, as i understood; a quart of spirits of turpentine was then applied to his lacerated body. the same negro came down to my boat, to get some apples, and was so weak from his wounds and loss of blood, that he could not get up the bank, but fell to the ground. the crime for which the negro was whipped, was that of telling the other negroes, that _the overseer had lain with his wife."_ mr. hall adds:-- "the following statement is made by a young man from western virginia. he is a member of the presbyterian church, and a student in marietta college. all that prevents the introduction of his _name,_ is the peril to his life, which would probably be the consequence, on his return to virginia. his character for integrity and veracity is above suspicion. "on the night of the great meteoric shower, in nov. . i was at remley's tavern, miles west of lewisburg, greenbrier co., virginia. a drove of or negroes stopped at the same place that night. they usually 'camp out,' but as it was excessively muddy, they were permitted to come into the house. so far as my knowledge extends, 'droves,' on their way to the south, eat but twice a day, early in the morning and at night. their supper was a compound of 'potatoes and meal,' and was, without exception, the _dirtiest, blackest looking mess i ever saw._ i remarked at the time that the food was not as clean, in appearance, as that which was given to a _drove of hogs_, at the same place the night previous. such as it was, however, a black woman brought it on her head, in a tray or trough two and a half feet long, where the men and women were promiscuously herded. the slaves rushed up and seized it from the trough in handfulls, before the woman could take it off her head. they jumped at it as if half-famished. "they slept on the floor of the room which they were permitted to occupy, lying in every form imaginable, males and females, promiscuously. they were so thick on the floor, that in passing through the room it was necessary to step over them. "there were three drivers, one of whom staid in the room to watch the drove, and the other two slept in an adjoining room. each of the latter took a female from the drove to lodge with him, as is the common practice of the drivers generally. there is no doubt about this particular instance, _for they were seen together_. the mud was so thick on the floor where this drove slept, that it was necessary to take a shovel, the next morning, and clear it out. six or eight in this drove were chained; all were for the south. in the autumn of the same year i saw a drove of upwards of a hundred, between and of them were fastened to one chain, the links being made of iron rods, as thick in diameter as a man's little finger. this drove was bound westward to the ohio river, to be shipped to the south. i have seen many droves, and more or less in each, almost without exception, were chained. i never saw but one drove, that went on their way making merry. in that one they were blowing horns, singing, &c., and appeared as if they had been drinking whisky. "they generally appear extremely dejected. i have seen in the course of five years, on the road near where i reside, or droves at least, passing to the south. they would average in each drove. near the first of january, , i started about sunrise to go to lewisburg. it was a bitter cold morning. i met a drove of negroes, or in number, remarkably ragged and destitute of clothing. one little boy particularly excited my sympathy. he was some distance behind the others, not being able to keep up with the rest. although he was shivering with cold and crying, the driver was pushing him up in a trot to overtake the main gang. all of them looked as if they were half-frozen. there was one remarkable instance of tyranny, exhibited by a boy, not more than eight years old, that came under my observation, in a family by the name of d----n, six miles from lewisburg. this youngster would swear at the slaves, and exert all the strength he possessed, to flog or beat them, with whatever instrument or weapon he could lay hands on, provided they did not obey him _instanter_. he was encouraged in this by his father, the master of the slaves. the slaves often fled from this young tyrant in terror." mr. hall adds:-- "the following extract is from a letter, to a student in marietta college, by his friend in alabama. with the writer, mr. isaac knapp, i am perfectly acquainted. he was a student in the above college, for the space of one year, before going to alabama, was formerly a resident of dummerston, vt. he is a professor of religion, and as worthy of belief as any member of the community. mr. k. has returned from the south, and is now a member of the same college. "in jan. ( ) a negro of a widow phillips, ranaway, was taken up, and confined in pulaski jail. one gibbs, overseer for mrs. p., mounted on horseback, took him from confinement, compelled him to run back to elkton, a distance of fifteen miles, whipping him all the way. when he reached home, the negro exhausted and worn out, exclaimed, 'you have broke my heart,' i.e. you have killed me. for this, gibbs flew into a violent passion, tied the negro to a stake, and, in the language of a witness, '_cut his back to mince-meat_.' but the fiend was not satisfied with this. he burnt his legs to a blister, with hot embers, and then chained him _naked_, in the open air, weary with running, weak from the loss of blood, and smarting from his burns. it was a cold night--and _in the morning the negro was dead_. yet this monster escaped without even _the shadow_ of a trial. 'the negro,' said the doctor, 'died, by--he knew not what; any how, gibbs did not kill him.'[ ] a short time since, (the letter is dated, april, .) 'gibbs whipped another negro unmercifully because the horse, with which he was ploughing, broke the reins and ran. he then raised his whip against mr. bowers, (son of mrs. p.) who shot him. since i came here,' (a period of about six months,) there have been eight white men and two negroes killed, within miles of me." [footnote : mr. knapp, gives me some further verbal particulars about this affair. he says that his informant saw the negro dead the next morning, that his legs were blistered, and that the negroes affirmed that gibbs compelled them to throw embers upon him. but gibbs denied it, and said the blistering was the effect of frost, as the negro was much exposed to before being taken up. mr. bowers, a son of mrs. phillips by a former husband, attempted to have gibbs brought to justice, but his mother justified gibbs, and nothing was therefore done about it. the affair took place in upper elkton, tennessee, near the alabama line.] the following is from mr. knapp's own lips, taken down a day or two since. "mr. buster, with whom i boarded, in limestone co., ala., related to me the following incident: 'george a slave belonging to one of the estates in my neighborhood, was lurking about my residence without a pass. we were making preparations to give him a flogging, but he escaped from us. not long afterwards, meeting a patrol which had just taken a negro in custody without a pass, i inquired, who have you there? on learning that it was _george_, well, i rejoined, there is a small matter between him and myself that needs adjustment, so give me the raw hide, which i accordingly took, and laid strokes on his back, to the utmost of my strength.' i was speaking of this barbarity, afterwards, to mr. bradley, an overseer of the rev. mr. donnell, who lives in the vicinity of moresville, ala., 'oh,' replied he, 'we consider _that_ a very light whipping here' mr. bradley is a professor of religion, and is esteemed in that vicinity a very pious, exemplary christian.'" extract of a letter from rev. c. stewart renshaw, of quincy, illinois, dated jan. , . "i do not feel at liberty to disclose the name of the brother who has furnished the following facts. he is highly esteemed as a man of scrupulous veracity. i will confirm my own testimony by the certificate of judge snow and mr. keyes, two of the oldest and most respectable settlers in quincy. quincy, dec. , " "dear sir,--we have been long acquainted with the christian brother who has named to you some facts that fell under his observation while a resident of slave states. he is a member of a christian church, in good standing; and is a man of strict integrity of character. henry h. snow, willard keyes. rev. c. stewart renshaw." "my informant spent thirty years of his life in kentucky and missouri. whilst in kentucky he resided in hardin co. i noted down his testimony very nearly in his own words, which will account for their _evidence-like_ form. on the general condition of the slaves in kentucky, through hardin co., he said, their houses were very uncomfortable, generally without floors, other than the earth: many had puncheon floors, but he never remembers to have seen a plank floor. in regard to clothing they were very badly off. in summer they cared little for clothing; but in winter they almost froze. their rags might hide their nakedness from the sun in summer, but would not protect them from the cold in winter. their bed-clothes were tattered rags, thrown into a corner by day, and drawn before the fire by night. 'the only thing,' said he, 'to which i can compare them, in winter, is _stock without a shelter.'_ "he made the following comparison between the condition of slaves in kentucky and missouri. so far as he was able to compare them, he said, that in missouri the slaves had better _quarters_-but are not so well clad, and are more severely punished than in kentucky. in both states, the slaves are huddled together, without distinction of sex, into the same quarter, till it is filled, then another is built; often two or three families in a log hovel, twelve feet square. "it is proper to state, that the sphere of my informant's observation was mainly in the region of hardin co., kentucky, and the eastern part of missouri, and not through those states generally. "whilst at st. louis, a number of years ago, as he was going to work with mr. henry males, and another carpenter, they heard groans from a barn by the road-side: they stopped, and looking through the cracks of the barn, saw a negro bound hand and foot to a post, so that his toes just touched the ground; and his master, captain thorpe, was inflicting punishment; he had whipped him till exhausted,--rested himself, and returned again to the punishment. the wretched sufferer was in a most pitiable condition, and the warm blood and dry dust of the barn had formed a mortar up to his instep. mr. males jumped the fence, and remonstrated so effectually with capt. thorpe, that he ceased the punishment. it was six weeks before that slave could put on his shirt! "john mackey, a rich slaveholder, lived near clarksville, pike co., missouri, some years since. he whipped his slave billy, a boy fourteen years old, till he was sick and stupid; he then sent him home. then, for his stupidity, whipped him again, and fractured his skull with an axe-helve. he buried him away in the woods; dark words were whispered, and the body was disinterred. a coroner's inquest was held, and mr. r. anderson, the coroner, brought in a verdict of death from fractured skull, occasioned by blows from an axe-handle, inflicted by john mackey. the case was brought into court, but mackey was rich, and his murdered victim was his slave; after expending about $ be walked free. "one mrs. mann, living near ----, in ---- co., missouri was known to be very cruel to her slaves. she had a bench made purposely to whip them upon; and what she called her "six pound paddle," an instrument of prodigious torture, bored through with holes; this she would wield with both hands as she stood over her prostrate victim. "she thus punished a hired slave woman named fanny, belonging to mr. charles trabue, who lives neat palmyra, marion co., missouri; on the morning after the punishment fanny was a corpse; she was silently and quickly buried, but rumor was not so easily stopped. mr. trabue heard of it, and commenced suit for his _property_. the murdered slave was disinterred, and an inquest held; her back was a mass of jellied muscle; and the coroner brought in a verdict of death by the 'six pound paddle.' mrs. mann fled for a few months, but returned again, and her friends found means to protract the suit. "this same mrs. mann had another hired slave woman living with her, called patterson's fanny, she belonged to a mr. patterson; she had a young babe with her, just beginning to creep. one day, after washing, whilst a tub of rinsing water yet stood in the kitchen, mrs. mann came out in haste, and sent fanny to do something out of doors. fanny tried to beg off--she was afraid to leave her babe, lest it should creep to the tub and get hurt--mrs. m. said she would watch the babe, and sent her off. she went with much reluctance, and heard the child struggle as she went out the door. fearing lest mrs. m. should leave the babe alone, she watched the room, and soon saw her pass out of the opposite door. immediately fanny hurried in, and looked around for her babe, she could not see it, she looked at the tub--there her babe was floating, a strangled corpse. the poor woman gave a dreadful scream; and mrs. m. rushed into the room, with her hands raised, and exclaimed, 'heavens, fanny! have you drowned your child?' it was vain for the poor bereaved one to attempt to vindicate herself: in vain she attempted to convince them that the babe had not been alone a moment, and could not have drowned itself; and that she had not been in the house a moment, before she screamed at discovering her drowned babe. all was false! mrs. mann declared it was all pretence--that fanny had drowned her own babe, and now wanted to lay the blame upon her! and mrs. mann was a white woman--of course her word was more valuable than the oaths of all the slaves of missouri. no evidence but that of slaves could be obtained, or mr. patterson would have prosecuted for his 'loss of property.' as it was, every one believed mrs. m. guilty, though the affair was soon hushed up." extract of a letter from col. thomas rogers, a native of kentucky, now an elder in the presbyterian church at new petersburg, highland co., ohio. "when a boy, in bourbon co., kentucky, my father lived near a slaveholder of the name of clay, who had a large number of slaves; i remember being often at their quarters; not one of their shanties, or hovels, had any floor but the earth. their clothing was truly neither fit for covering nor decency. we could distinctly, of a still morning, hear this man whipping his blacks, and hear their screams from my father's farm; this could be heard almost any still morning about the dawn of day. it was said to be his usual custom to repair, about the break of day, to their cabin doors, and, as the blacks passed out, to give them as many strokes of his cowskin as opportunity afforded; and he would proceed in this manner from cabin to cabin until they were all out. occasionally some of his slaves would abscond, and upon being retaken they were punished severely; and some of them, it is believed, died in consequence of the cruelty of their usage. i saw one of this man's slaves, about seventeen years old, wearing a collar, with long iron horns extending from his shoulders far above his head. "in the winter of - i traveled through part of the states of maryland and virginia to baltimore. at frost town, on the national road, i put up for the night. soon after, there came in a slaver with his drove of slaves; among them were two young men, chained together. the bar room was assigned to them for their place of lodging--those in chains were guarded when they had to go out. i asked the 'owner' why he kept these men chained; he replied, that they were stout young fellows, and should they rebel, he and his son would not be able to manage them. i then left the room, and shortly after heard a _scream_, and when the landlady inquired the cause, the slaver coolly told her not to trouble herself, he was only chastising one of his women. it appeared that three days previously her child had died on the road, and been thrown into a hole or crevice in the mountain, and a few stones thrown over it; and the mother weeping for her child was chastised by her master, and told by him, she 'should have something to cry for.' the name of this man i can give if called for. "when engaged in this journey i spent about one month with my relations in virginia. it being shortly after new year, _the time of hiring_ was over; but i saw the pounds, and the scaffolds which remained of the pounds, in which the slaves had been penned up" m. george w. westgate, of quincy, illinois, who lived in the southwestern slave states a number of years, has furnished the following statement. "the great mass of the slaves are under drivers and overseers. i never saw an overseer without a whip; the whip usually carried is a short loaded stock, with a heavy lash from five to six feet long. when they whip a slave they make him pull off his shirt, if he has one, then make him lie down on his face, and taking their stand at the length of the lash, they inflict the punishment. whippings are so _universal_ that a negro that has not been whipped is talked of in all the region as a wonder. by whipping i do not mean a few lashes across the shoulders, but a set flogging, and generally _lying down._ "on sugar plantations generally, and on some cotton plantations, they have negro drivers, who are in such a degree responsible for their gang, that if they are at fault, the driver is whipped. the result is, the gang are constantly driven by him to the extent of the influence of the lash; and it is uniformly the case that gangs dread a negro driver more than a white overseer. "i spent a winter on widow culvert's plantation, near rodney, mississippi, but was not in a situation to see extraordinary punishments. bellows, the overseer, for a trifling offence, took one of the slaves, stripped him, and with a piece of burning wood applied to his posteriors, burned him cruelly; while the poor wretch screamed in the greatest agony. the principal preparation for punishment that bellows had, was single handcuffs made of iron, with chains, by which the offender could be chained to four stakes on the ground. these are very common in all the lower country. i noticed one slave on widow calvert's plantation, who was whipped from twenty-five to fifty lashes every fortnight during the whole winter. the expression 'whipped to death,' as applied to slaves, is common at the south. "several years ago i was going below new orleans, in what is called the plaquemine country, and a planter sent down in my boat a runaway he had found in new orleans, to his plantation at orange points. as we came near the points he told me, with deep feeling, that he expected to be whipped almost to death: pointing to a graveyard, he said, 'there lie five who were whipped to death.' overseers generally keep some of the women on the plantation; i scarce know an exception to this. indeed, their intercourse with them is very much promiscuous,--they show them not much, if any favor. masters frequently follow the example of their overseers in this thing. "george w. westgate." ii. tortures, by iron collars, chains, fetters, handcuffs, &c. the slaves are often tortured by iron collars, with long prongs or "horns" and sometimes bells attached to them--they are made to wear chains, handcuffs, fetters, iron clogs, bars, rings, and bands of iron upon their limbs, iron masks upon their faces, iron gags in their mouths, &c. in proof of this, we give the testimony of slaveholders themselves, under their own names; it will be mostly in the form of extracts from their own advertisements, in southern newspapers, in which, describing their runaway slaves, they specify the iron collars, handcuffs, chains, fetters, &c., which they wore upon their necks, wrists, ankles, and other parts of their bodies. to publish the _whole_ of each advertisement, would needlessly occupy space and tax the reader; we shall consequently, as heretofore, give merely the name of the advertiser, the name and date of the newspaper containing the advertisement, with the place of publication, and only so much of the advertisement as will give the particular _fact_, proving the truth of the assertion contained in the _general head_. william toler, sheriff of simpson county, mississippi, in the "southern sun," jackson, mississippi, september , . "was committed to jail, a yellow boy named jim--had on a _large lock chain around his neck."_ mr. james r. green, in the "beacon," greensborough, alabama, august , . "ranaway, a negro man named squire--had on a _chain locked with a house-lock, around his neck."_ mr. hazlet loflano, in the "spectator," staunton, virginia, sept. , . "ranaway, a negro named david--with some _iron hobbles around each ankle."_ mr. t. enggy, new orleans, gallatin street, between hospital and barracks, n.o. "bee," oct. , . "ranaway, negress caroline--had on a _collar with one prong turned down."_ mr. john henderson, washington, county, mi., in the "grand gulf advertiser," august , . "ranaway, a black woman, betsey--had an _iron bar on her right leg."_ william dyer sheriff, claiborne, louisiana, in the "herald," natchitoches, (la.) july , . "was committed to jail, a negro named ambrose--has a _ring of iron around his neck."_ mr. owen cooke, "mary street, between common and jackson streets," new orleans, in the n.o. "bee," september , . "ranaway, my slave amos, had a _chain_ attached to one of his legs" h.w. rice, sheriff, colleton district, south carolina, in the "charleston mercury," september , . "committed to jail, a negro named patrick, about forty-five years old, and is _handcuffed._" w.p. reeves, jailor, shelby county, tennessee, in the "memphis enquirer, june , . "committed to jail, a negro--had on his right leg an _iron band_ with one link of a chain." mr. francis durett, lexington, lauderdale county, ala., in the "huntsville democrat," august , . "ranaway, a negro man named charles--had on a _drawing chain,_ fastened around his ankle with a house lock." mr. a. murat, baton rouge, in the new orleans "bee," june , . "ranaway, the negro manuel, _much marked with irons."_ mr. jordan abbott, in the "huntsville democrat," nov. , . "ranaway, a negro boy named daniel, about nineteen years old, and was _handcuffed."_ mr. j. macoin, no. ann street, new orleans, in the "bee," august ll, . "ranaway, the negress fanny--had on an _iron band about her neck."_ menard brothers, parish of bernard, louisiana, in the n.o. "bee," august , . "ranaway, a negro named john--having an _iron around his right foot."_ messrs. j.l. and w.h. bolton, shelby county, tennessee, in the "memphis enquirer," june , . "absconded, a colored boy named peter--had an _iron round his neck_ when he went away." h. gridly, sheriff of adams county, mi., in the "memphis (tenn.) times," september, . "was committed to jail, a negro boy--had on a _large neck iron_ with a _huge pair of horns and a large bar or band of iron_ on his left leg." mr. lambre, in the "natchitoches (la.) herald," march , . "ranaway, the negro boy teams--he had on his neck an _iron collar."_ mr. ferdinand lemos, new orleans, in the "bee," january , . "ranaway, the negro george--he had on _his neck an iron collar,_ the branches of which had been taken off" mr. t.j. de yampert, merchant, mobile, alabama, of the firm of de yampert, king & co., in the "mobile chronicle," june , . "ranaway, a negro boy about _twelve_ years old--had round his neck _a chain dog-collar_, with 'de yampert' engraved on it." j.h. hand, jailor, st. francisville, la., in the "louisiana chronicle," july , . "committed to jail, slave john--has several scars on his wrists, occasioned, as he says, by _handcuffs."_ mr. charles curener, new orleans, in the "bee," july , . "ranaway, the negro, hown--has a ring of iron on his left foot. also, grise, his _wife,_ having a _ring and chain on the left leg."_ mr. p.t. manning, huntsville, alabama, in the "huntsville advocate," oct. , . "ranaway, a negro boy named james--said boy was _ironed_ when he left me." mr. william l. lambeth, lynchburg, virginia, in the "moulton [ala.] whig," january , . "ranaway, jim--had on when he escaped a pair of _chain handcuffs."_ mr. d.f. guex, secretary of the steam cotton press company, new orleans, in the "commercial bulletin," may , . "ranaway, edmund coleman--it is supposed he must have _iron shackles on his ankles_." mr. francis durett, lexington, alabama, in the "huntsville democrat," march , . "ranaway ----, a mulatto--had on when he left, a _pair of handcuffs_ and a _pair of drawing chains_." b.w. hodges, jailor, pike county, alabama, in the "montgomery advertiser," sept. , . "committed to jail, a man who calls his name john--he has a _clog of iron on his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds_." p. bayhi captain of police, in the n.o. "bee," june , . "detained at the police jail, the negro wench myra--has several marks of _lashing_, and has _irons on her feet_." mr. charles kernin, parish of jefferson, louisiana, in the n.o. "bee," august , . "ranaway, betsey--when she left she had on her _neck an iron collar_." the foregoing advertisements are sufficient for our purpose, scores of similar ones may be gathered from the newspapers of the slave states every month. to the preceding testimony of slaveholders, published by themselves, and vouched for by their own signatures, we subjoin the following testimony of other witnesses to the same point. john m. nelson, esq., a native of virginia, now a highly respected citizen of highland county, ohio, and member of the presbyterian church in hillsborough, in a recent letter states the following:-- "in staunton, va., at the horse of mr. robert m'dowell, a merchant of that place, i once saw a colored woman, of intelligent and dignified appearance, who appeared to be attending to the business of the house, with an _iron collar_ around her neck, with horns or prongs extending out on either side, and up, until they met at something like a foot above her head, at which point there was a bell attached. this _yoke_, as they called it, i understood was to prevent her from running away, or to punish her for having done so. i had frequently seen _men_ with iron collars, but this was the first instance that i recollect to have seen a _female_ thus degraded." major horace nye, an elder in the presbyterian church at putnam, muskingum county, ohio, in a letter, dated dec. , , makes the following statement:-- "mr. wm. armstrong, of this place, who is frequently employed by our citizens as captain and supercargo of descending boats, whose word may be relied on, has just made to me the following statement:-- "while laying at alexandria, on red river, louisiana, he saw a slave brought to a blacksmith's shop and a collar of iron fastened round his neck, with two pieces rivetted to the sides, meeting some distance above his head. at the top of the arch, thus formed, was attached a large cow-bell, the motion of which, while walking the streets, made it necessary for the slave to hold his hand to one of its sides, to steady it. "in new orleans he saw several with iron collars, with horns attached to them. the first he saw had three prongs projecting from the collar ten or twelve inches, with the letter s on the end of each. he says iron collars are quite frequent there." to the preceding major nye adds:-- "when i was about twelve years of age i lived at marietta, in this state: i knew little of slaves, as there were few or none, at that time, in the part of virginia opposite that place. but i remember seeing a slave who had run away from some place beyond my knowledge at that time: he had an iron collar round his neck, to which was a strap of iron rivetted to the collar, on each side, passing over the top of the head; and another strap, from the back side to the top of the first--thus inclosing the head on three sides. i looked on while the blacksmith severed the collar with a file, which, i think, took him more than an hour." rev. john dudley, mount morris, michigan, resided as a teacher at the missionary station, among the choctaws, in mississippi, during the years and . in a letter just received mr. dudley says:-- "during the time i was on missionary ground, which was in and , i was frequently at the residence of the agent, who was a slaveholder.--i never knew of his treating his own slaves with cruelty; but the poor fellows who were escaping, and lodged with him when detected, found no clemency. i once saw there a fetter for '_the d----d runaways_,' the weight of which can be judged by its size. it was at least three inches wide, half an inch thick, and something over a foot long. at this time i saw a poor fellow compelled to work in the field, at 'logging,' with such a galling fetter on his ankles. to prevent it from wearing his ankles, a string was tied to the centre, by which the victim suspended it when he walked, with one hand, and with the other carried his burden. whenever he lifted, the fetter rested on his bare ankles. if he lost his balance and made a misstep, which must very often occur in lifting and rolling logs, the torture of his fetter was severe. thus he was doomed to work while wearing the torturing iron, day after day, and at night he was confined in the runaways' jail. some time after this, i saw the same dejected, heart-broken creature obliged to wait on the other hands, who were husking corn. the privilege of sitting with the others was too much for him to enjoy; he was made to hobble from house to barn and barn to house, to carry food and drink for the rest. he passed round the end of the house where i was sitting with the agent: he seemed to take no notice of me, but fixed his eyes on his tormentor till he passed quite by us." mr. alfred wilkinson, member of the baptist church in skeneateles, n.y. and an assessor of that town, testifies as follows :-- "i stayed in new orleans three weeks: during that time there used to pass by where i stayed a number of slaves, each with an iron band around his ankle, a chain attached to it, and an eighteen pound ball at the end. they were employed in wheeling dirt with a wheelbarrow; they would put the ball into the barrow when they moved.--i recollect one day, that i counted nineteen of them, sometimes there were not as many; they were driven by a slave, with a long lash, as if they were beasts. these, i learned, were runaway slaves from the plantations above new orleans. "there was also a negro woman, that used daily to come to the market with milk; she had an iron band around her neck, with three rods projecting from it, about sixteen inches long, crooked at the ends." for the fact which follows we are indebted to mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio. we quote his letter. "mr. curtis, a journeyman cabinet-maker, of marietta, relates the following, of which he was an eye witness. mr. curtis is every way worthy of credit. "in september, , at 'milligan's bend,' in the mississippi river, i saw a negro with an iron band around his head, locked behind with a padlock. in the front, where it passed the mouth, there was a projection inward of an inch and a half, which entered the mouth. "the overseer told me, he was so addicted to running away, it did not do any good to whip him for it. he said he kept this gag constantly on him, and intended to do so as long as he was on the plantation: so that, if he ran away, he could not eat, and would starve to death. the slave asked for drink in my presence; and the overseer made him lie down on his back, and turned water on his face two or three feet high, in order to torment him, as he could not swallow a drop.--the slave then asked permission to go to the river; which being granted, he thrust his face and head entirely under the water, that being the only way he could drink with his gag on. the gag was taken off when he took his food, and then replaced afterwards." extract of a letter from mrs. sophia little, of newport, rhode island, daughter of hon. asher robbins, senator in congress for that state. "there was lately found, in the hold of a vessel engaged in the southern trade, by a person who was clearing it out, an iron collar, with three horns projecting from it. it seems that a young female slave, on whose slender neck was riveted this fiendish instrument of torture, ran away from her tyrant, and begged the captain to bring her off with him. this the captain refused to do; but unriveted the collar from her neck, and threw it away in the hold of the vessel. the collar is now at the anti-slavery office, providence. to the truth of these facts mr. william h. reed, a gentleman of the highest moral character, is ready to vouch. "mr. reed is in possession of many facts of cruelty witnessed by persons of veracity; but these witnesses are not willing to give their names. one case in particular he mentioned. speaking with a certain captain, of the state of the slaves at the south, the captain contended that their punishments were often very _lenient_; and, as an instance of their excellent clemency, mentioned, that in one instance, not wishing to whip a slave, they sent him to a blacksmith, and had an iron band fastened around him, with three long projections reaching above his head; and this he wore some time." extract of a letter from mr. jonathon f. baldwin, of lorain county, ohio. mr. b. was formerly a merchant in massillon, ohio, and an elder in the presbyterian church there. "dear brother,--in conversation with judge lyman, of litchfield county, connecticut, last june, he stated to me, that several years since he was in columbia, south carolina, and observing a colored man lying on the floor of a blacksmith's shop, as he was passing it, his curiosity led him in. he learned the man was a slave and rather unmanageable. several men were attempting to detach from his ankle an iron which had been bent around it. "the iron was a piece of a flat bar of the ordinary size from the forge hammer, and bent around the ankle, the ends meeting, and forming a hoop of about the diameter of the leg. there was one or more strings attached to the iron and extending up around his neck, evidently so to suspend it as to prevent its galling by its weight when at work, yet it had galled or griped till the leg had swollen out beyond the iron and inflamed and suppurated, so that the leg for a considerable distance above and below the iron, was a mass of putrefaction, the most loathsome of any wound he had ever witnessed on any living creature. the slave lay on his back on the floor, with his leg on an anvil which sat also on the floor, one man had a chisel used for splitting iron, and another struck it with a sledge, to drive it between the ends of the hoop and separate it so that it might be taken off. mr. lyman said that the man swung the sledge over his shoulders as if splitting iron, and struck many blows before he succeeded in parting the ends of the iron at all, the bar was so large and stubborn--at length they spread it as far as they could without driving the chisel so low as to ruin the leg. the slave, a man of twenty-five years, perhaps, whose countenance was the index of a mind ill adapted to the degradations of slavery, never uttered a word or a groan in all the process, but the copious flow of sweat from every pore, the dreadful contractions and distortions of every muscle in his body, showed clearly the great amount of his sufferings; and all this while, such was the diseased state of the limb, that at every blow, the bloody, corrupted matter gushed out in all directions several feet, in such profusion as literally to cover a large area around the anvil. after various other fruitless attempts to spread the iron, they concluded it was necessary to weaken by filing before it could be got off which he left them attempting to do." mr. william drown, a well known citizen of rhode island, formerly of providence, who has traveled in nearly all the slave states, thus testifies in a recent letter: "i recollect seeing large gangs of slaves, generally a considerable number in each gang, being chained, passing westward over the mountains from maryland, virginia, &c. to the ohio. on that river i have frequently seen flat boats loaded with them, and their keepers armed with pistols and dirks to guard them. "at new orleans i recollect seeing gangs of slaves that were driven out every day, the sabbath not excepted, to work on the streets. these had heavy chains to connect two or more together, and some had iron collars and yokes, &c. the noise as they walked, or worked in their chains, was truly dreadful!" rev. thomas savage, pastor of the congregational church at bedford, new hampshire, who was for some years a resident of mississippi and louisiana, gives the following fact, in a letter dated january , . "in , while employed as an instructor at second creek, near natchez, mississippi, i resided on a plantation where i witnessed the following circumstance. one of the slaves was in the habit of running away. he had been repeatedly taken, and repeatedly whipped, with great severity, but to no purpose. he would still seize the first opportunity to escape from the plantation. at last his owner declared, i'll fix him, i'll put a stop to his running away. he accordingly took him to a blacksmith, and had an _iron head-frame_ made for him, which may be called lock-jaw, from the use that was made of it. it had a lock and key, and was so constructed, that when on the head and locked, the slave could not open his mouth to take food, and the design was to prevent his running away. but the device proved unavailing. he was soon missing, and whether by his own desperate effort, or the aid of others, contrived to sustain himself with food; but he was at last taken, and if my memory serves me, his life was soon terminated by the cruel treatment to which he was subjected." the western luminary, a religious paper published at lexington, kentucky, in an editorial article, in the summer of , says: "a few weeks since we gave an account of a company of men, women and children, part of whom were manacled, passing through our streets. last week, a number of slaves were driven through the main street of our city, among whom were a number manacled together, two abreast, all connected by, and supporting a _heavy iron chain_, which extended the whole length of the line." testimony of a virginian. the _name_ of this witness cannot be published, as it would put him in peril; but his _credibility_ is vouched for by the rev. ezra fisher, pastor of the baptist church, quincy, illinois, and dr. richard eels, of the same place. these gentlemen say of him, "we have great confidence in his integrity, discretion, and strict christian principle." he says-- "about five years ago, i remember to have passed, in _a single day_, four droves of slaves for the south west; the largest drove had slaves in it, and the smallest upwards of . i counted or in a single _coffle_. the '_coffle chain_' is a chain fastened at one end to the centre of the bar of a pair of hand cuffs, which are fastened to the right wrist of one, and the left wrist of another slave, they standing abreast, and the chain between them. these are the head of the coffle. the other end is passed through a ring in the bolt of the next handcuffs, and the slaves being manacled thus, two and two together, walk up, and the coffle chain is passed, and they go up towards the head of the coffle. of course they are closer or wider apart in the coffle, according to the number to be coffled, and to the length of the chain. _i have seen hundreds of droves and chain-coffles of this description_, and every coffle was a scene of misery and wo, of tears and brokenness of heart." mr. samuel hall a teacher in marietta college, ohio, gives, in a late letter, the following statement of a fellow student, from kentucky, of whom he says, "he is a professor of religion, and worthy of entire confidence." "i have seen at least _fifteen_ droves of 'human cattle,' passing by us on their way to the south; and i do not recollect an exception, where there were not more or less of them _chained_ together." mr. george p.c. hussey, of fayetteville, franklin county, pennsylvania, writes thus: "i was born and raised in hagerstown, washington county, maryland, where slavery is perhaps milder than in any other part of the slave states; and yet i have seen _hundreds_ of colored men and women chained together, two by two, and driven to the south. i have seen slaves tied up and lashed till the blood ran down to their heels." mr. giddings, member of congress from ohio, in his speech in the house of representatives, feb. , , made the following statement: "on the beautiful avenue in front of the capitol, members of congress, during this session, have been compelled to turn aside from their path, to permit a coffle of slaves, males and females, _chained to each other by their necks_, to pass on their way to this _national slave market_." testimony of james k. paulding, esq. the present secretary of the united states' navy. in , mr. paulding published a work, entitled 'letters from the south, written during an excursion in the summer of .' in the first volume of that work, page , mr. p. gives the following description: "the sun was shining out very hot--and in turning the angle of the road, we encountered the following group: first, a little cart drawn by one horse, in which five or six half naked black children were tumbled like pigs together. the cart had no covering, and they seemed to have been broiled to sleep. behind the cart marched three black women, with head, neck and breasts uncovered, and without shoes or stockings: next came three men, bare-headed, and _chained together with an ox-chain_. last of all, came a white man on horse back, carrying his pistols in his belt, and who, as we passed him, had the impudence to look us in the face without blushing. at a house where we stopped a little further on, we learned that he had bought these miserable beings in maryland, and was marching them in this manner to one of the more southern states. shame on the state of maryland! and i say, shame on the state of virginia! and every state through which this wretched cavalcade was permitted to pass! i do say, that when they (the slaveholders) permit such flagrant and indecent outrages upon humanity as that i have described; when they sanction a villain in thus marching half naked women and men, loaded with chains, without being charged with any crime but that of being _black_ from one section of the united states to another, hundreds of miles in the face of day, they disgrace themselves, and the country to which they belong."[ ] [footnote : the fact that mr. paulding, in the reprint of these "letters," in , struck out this passage with all others disparaging to slavery and its supporters, does not impair the force of his testimony, however much it may sink the man. nor will the next generation regard with any more reverence, his character as a prophet, because in the edition of , two years after the american antislavery society was formed, and when its auxiliaries were numbered by hundreds, he inserted a _prediction_ that such movements would be made at the north, with most disastrous results. "wot ye not that such a man as i can certainly divine!" mr. paulding has already been taught by judge jay, that he who aspires to the fame of an oracle, without its inspiration, must resort to other expedients to prevent detection, than the clumsy one of _antedating_ his responses.] iii. brandings, maimings, guy-shot wounds, &c. the slaves are often branded with hot irons, pursued with fire arms and _shot_, hunted with dogs and torn by them, shockingly maimed with knives, dirks, &c.; have their ears cut off, their eyes knocked out, their bones dislocated and broken with bludgeons, their fingers and toes cut off, their faces and other parts of their persons disfigured with scars and gashes, _besides_ those made with the lash. we shall adopt, under this head, the same course as that pursued under previous ones,--first give the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, to the mutilations, &c. by copying their own graphic descriptions of them, in advertisements published under their own names, and in newspapers published in the slave states, and, generally, in their own immediate vicinity. we shall, as heretofore, insert only so much of each advertisement as will be necessary to make the point intelligible. mr. micajah ricks, nash county, north carolina, in the raleigh "standard," july , . "ranaway, a negro woman and two children; a few days before she went off, _i burnt her with a hot iron_, on the left side of her face,_ i tried to make the letter m._" mr. asa b. metcalf, kingston, adams co. mi. in the "natchez courier;' june , . "ranaway mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball._" mr. william overstreet, benton, yazoo co. mi. in the "lexington (kentucky) observer," july , . "ranaway a negro man named henry, _his left eye out_, some scars from a _dirk_ on and under his left arm, and _much scarred_ with the whip." mr. r.p. carney, clark co. ala., in the mobile register, dec. , one hundred dollars reward for a negro fellow pompey, years old, he is _branded_ on the _left jaw_. mr. j. guyler, savannah georgia, in the "republican," april , . "ranaway laman, an old negro man, grey, has _only one eye._" j.a. brown, jailor, charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," jan. , . "committed to jail a negro man, has _no toes_ on his left foot." mr. j. scrivener, herring bay, anne arundel co. maryland, in the annapolis republican, april , . "ranaway negro man elijah, has a scar on his left cheek, apparently occasioned by _a shot_." madame burvant corner of chartres and toulouse streets, new orleans, in the "bee," dec. , . "ranaway a negro woman named rachel, has _lost all her toes_ except the large one." mr. o.w. lains, in the "helena, (ark.) journal," june , . "ranaway sam, he was _shot_ a short time since, through the hand, and has _several shots in his left arm and side_." mr. r.w. sizer, in the "grand gulf, [mi.] advertiser," july , . "ranaway my negro man dennis, said negro has been _shot_ in the left arm between the shoulders and elbow, which has paralyzed the left hand." mr. nicholas edmunds, in the "petersburgh [va.] intelligencer," may , . "ranaway my negro man named simon, _he has been shot badly_ in his back and right arm." mr. j. bishop, bishopville, sumpter district, south carolina, in the "camden [s.c.] journal," march , . "ranaway a negro named arthur, has a considerable _scar_ across his _breast and each arm_, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the goodness of god." mr. s. neyle, little ogeechee, georgia, in the "savannah republican," july , . "ranaway george, he has a _sword cut_ lately received on his left arm." mrs. sarah walsh, mobile, ala. in the "georgia journal," march , . "twenty five dollars reward for my man isaac, he has a scar on his forehead caused by a _blow_, and one on his back made by _a shot from a pistol_." mr. j.p. ashford, adams co. mi. in the "natchez courier," august , . "ranaway a negro girl called mary, has a small scar over her eye, a _good many teeth missing_, the letter a _is branded on her cheek and forehead_." mr. ely townsend, pike co. ala. in the "pensacola gazette," sep. , . "ranaway negro ben, has a scar on his right hand, his thumb and fore finger being injured by being _shot_ last fall, a part of _the bone came out_, he has also one or two _large scars_ on his back and hips." s.b. murphy, jailer, irvington, ga. in the "milledgeville journal," may , . "committed a negro man, is _very badly shot in the right side_ and right hand." mr. a. luminais, parish of st. john louisiana, in the new orleans "bee," march , . "detained at the jail, a mulatto named tom, has a _scar_ on the right cheek and appears to have been _burned with powder_ on the face." mr. isaac johnson, pulaski co. georgia, in the "milledgeville journal," june , . "ranaway a negro man named ned, _three of his fingers_ are drawn into the palm of his hand by a _cut_, has a _scar_ on the back of his neck nearly half round, done by a _knife_." mr. thomas hudnall, madison co. mi. in the "vicksburg register," september , . "ranaway a negro named hambleton, _limps_ on his left foot where he was _shot_ a few weeks ago, while runaway." mr. john mcmurrain, columbus, ga. in the "southern sun," august , . "ranaway a negro boy named mose, he has a _wound_ in the right shoulder near the back bone, which was occasioned by a _rifle shot_." mr. moses orme, annapolis, maryland, in the "annapolis republican," june , . "ranaway my negro man bill, he has a _fresh wound in his head_ above his ear." william strickland, jailor, kershaw district, s.c. in the "camden [s.c.] courier," july , . "committed to jail a negro, says his name is cuffee, he is lame in one knee, occasioned _by a shot_." the editor of the "grand gulf advertiser," dec. , . "ranaway joshua, his thumb is off of his left hand." mr. william bateman, in the "grand gulf advertiser," dec. , . "ranaway william, _scar_ over his left eye, one between his eye brows, one on his breast, and his right leg has been _broken_." mr. b.g. simmons, in the "southern argus," may , . "ranaway mark, his left arm has been _broken_." mr. james artop, in the "macon [ga.] messenger, may , . "ranaway, caleb, years old, has an awkward gait occasioned by his being _shot_ in the thigh." j.l. jolley, sheriff of clinton, co. mi. in the "clinton gazette," july , . "was committed to jail a negro man, says his name is josiah, his back very much scarred by the whip, and _branded on the thigh and hips, in three or four places_, thus (j.m.) the _rim of his right ear has been bit or cut off_." mr. thomas ledwith, jacksonville east florida, in the "charleston [s.c.] courier, sept. , . "fifty dollars reward, for my fellow edward, he has a _scar_ on the corner of his mouth, two _cuts_ on and under his arm, and the _letter e on his arm_." mr. joseph james, sen., pleasant ridge, paulding co. ga., in the "milledgeville union," nov. , . "ranaway, negro boy ellie, has a _scar_ on one of his arms _from the bite of a dog_." mr. w. riley, orangeburg district, south carolina, in the "columbia [s.c.] telescope," nov. , . "ranaway a negro man, has a _scar_ on the ankle produced by a _burn_, and a _mark on his arm_ resembling the letter s." mr. samuel mason, warren co, mi. in the "vicksburg register," july , ." "ranaway, a negro man named allen, he has a scar on his breast, also a scar under the left eye, and has _two buck shot in his right arm_." mr. f.l.c. edwards, in the "southern telegraph", sept. , "ranaway from the plantation of james surgette, the following negroes, randal, _has one ear cropped_; bob, _has lost one eye_, kentucky tom, _has one jaw broken_." mr. stephen m. jackson, in the "vicksburg register", march , . "ranaway, anthony, _one of his ears cut off_, and his left hand cut with an axe." philip honerton, deputy sheriff of halifax co. virginia, jan. . "was committed, a negro man, has a _scar_ on his right side by a burn, one on his knee, and one on the calf of his leg _by the bite of a dog_." stearns & co. no. , new levee, new orleans, in the "bee", march , . "absconded, the mulatto boy tom, his fingers _scarred_ on his right hand, and has a _scar_ on his right cheek" mr. john w. walton, greensboro, ala. in the "alabama beacon", dec. , . "ranaway my black boy frazier, with a _scar_ below and one above his right ear." mr. r. furman, charleston, s.c. in the "charleston mercury" jan. , . "ranaway, dick, about , has lost the small toe of one foot." mr. john tart, sen. in the "fayetteville [n.c.] observer", dec. , "stolen a mulatto boy, _ten_ years old, he has a _scar_ over his eye which was made by an axe." mr. richard overstreet, brook neal, campbell co. virginia, in the "danville [va.] reporter", dec. , . "absconded my negro man coleman, has a _very large scar_ on one of his legs, also one on _each_ arm, by a burn, and his heels have been frosted." the editor of the new orleans "bee" in that paper, august , . "fifty dollars reward, for the negro jim blake--has a _piece cut out of each ear_, and the middle finger of the left hand _cut off_ to the second joint." mr. bryant jonson, port valley, houston county, georgia, in the milledgeville "union", oct. , . "ranaway, a negro woman named maria--has a scar on one side of her cheek, by a _cut_--some scars on her back." mr. leonard miles, steen's creek, rankin county, mi. in the "southern sun", sept. , "ranaway, gabriel--has _two or three scars across his neck_ made with a knife." mr. bezou, new orleans, in the "bee" may , . "ranaway, the mulatto wench mary--has a _cut on the left arm, a scar on the shoulder, and two upper teeth missing_." mr. james kimborough, memphis, tenn. in the "memphis enquirer" july , . "ranaway, a negro boy, named jerry--has a _scar_ on his right check two inches long, from the cut of a knife." mr. robert beasley, macon, georgia, in the "georgia messenger", july , . "ranaway, my man fountain--has _holes in his ears, a scar_ on the right side of his forehead--has been _shot in the hind parts of his legs_--is marked on the back with the whip." mr. b.g. barrer, st. louis, missouri, in the "republican", sept. , . "ranaway, a negro man named jarret--_has a scar_ on the under part of one of his arms, occasioned by a wound from a knife." mr. john d. turner, near norfolk, virginia, in the "norfolk herald", june , . "ranaway, a negro by the name of joshua--he has a cut across one of his ears, which he will conceal as much as possible--one of his ankles is _enlarged by an ulcer_." mr. william stansell, picksville, ala. in the "huntsville democrat", august , . "ranaway, negro boy harper--has a scar on one of his hips in the form of a g." hon. ambrose h. sevier senator, in congress, from arkansas in the "vicksburg register", of oct. . "ranaway, bob, a slave--has a _scar across his breast_, another on the _right side of his head_--his back is _much scarred_ with the whip." mr. r.a. greene, milledgeville, georgia, in the "macon messenger" july , . "two hundred and fifty dollars reward, for my negro man jim--he is much marked with _shot_ in his right thigh,--the shot entered on the outside, half way between the hip and knee joints." benjamin russel, deputy sheriff, bibb county, ga. in the "macon telegraph", december , . "brought to jail, john--_left ear cropt_." hon. h hitchcock, mobile, judge of the supreme court, in the "commercial register", oct. , . "ranaway, the slave ellis--he has _lost one of his ears_." mrs. elizabeth l. carter, near groveton, prince william county, virginia, in the "national intelligencer", washington, d.c. june , . "ranaway, a negro man, moses--he has _lost a part_ of one of his ears." mr. william d. buckels, natchez, mi. in the "natchez courier," july , . "taken up, a negro man--is _very much scarred_ about the face and body, and has the left _ear bit off_." mr. walter r. english, monroe county, ala. in the "mobile chronicle," sept. , . "ranaway, my slave lewis--he has lost a _piece of one ear_, and a _part of one of his fingers_, a _part of one of his toes_ is also lost." mr. james saunders, grany spring, hawkins county, tenn. in the "knoxville register," june , . "ranaway, a black girl named mary--has a _scar_ on her cheek, and the end of one of her toes _cut off_." mr. john jenkins, st joseph's, florida, captain of the steamboat ellen, "apalachicola gazette," june , . "ranaway, the negro boy caesar--he has _but one eye_." mr. peter hanson, lafayette city, la., in the new orleans "bee," july , . "ranaway, the negress martha--she has _lost her right eye_." mr. orren ellis, georgeville, mi. in the "north alabamian," sept. , . "ranaway, george--has had the lower part of _one of his ears bit off_." mr. zadock sawyer, cuthbert, randolph county, georgia, in the "milledgeville union," oct. , . "ranaway, my negro tom--has a piece _bit off the top of his right ear_, and his little finger is _stiff_." mr. abraham gray, mount morino, pike county, ga. in the "milledgeville union," oct. , . "ranaway, my mulatto woman judy--she has had her _right arm broke_." s.b. tuston, jailer, adams county, mi. in the "natchez courier," june , . "was committed to jail, a negro man named bill--has had the _thumb of his left hand split_." mr. joshua antrim, nineveh, warren county, virginia, in the "winchester virginian," july , . "ranaway, a mulatto man named joe--his fingers on the left hand are _partly amputated_." j.b. randall, jailor, marietta, cobb county, ga., in the "southern recorder;" nov. , . "lodged in jail, a negro man named jupiter--is very _lame in his left hip_, so that he can hardly walk--has lost a joint of the middle finger of his left hand." mr. john n. dillahunty, woodville, mi., in the "n.o. commercial bulletin," july , . "ranaway, bill--has a scar over one eye, also one on his leg, from _the bite of a dog_--has a _burn on his buttock, from a piece of hot iron in shape of a t_." william k. ratcliffe, sheriff, franklin county, mi. in the "natchez free trader," august , . "committed to jail, a negro named mike--_his left ear off_" mr. preston halley, barnwell, south carolina, in the "augusta [ga.] chronicle," july , . "ranaway, my negro man levi--his left hand has been _burnt_, and i think the end of his fore finger _is off_." mr. welcome h. robbins, st. charles county, mo. in the "st. louis republican," june , . "ranaway, a negro named washington--has _lost a part of his middle finger and the end of his little finger_." g. gourdon & co. druggists, corner of rampart and hospital streets, new orleans, in the "commercial bulletin," sept. , . "ranaway, a negro named david drier--has _two toes cut_." mr. william brown, in the "grand gulf advertiser," august , . "ranaway, edmund--has a _scar_ on his right temple, and under his right eye, and _holes in both ears_." mr. james mcdonnell, talbot county, georgia, in the "columbus enquirer," jan. , . "runaway, a negro boy _twelve or thirteen_ years old--has a scar on his left cheek _from the bite of a dog_." mr. john w. cherry, marengo county, ala. in the "mobile register," june , . "fifty dollars reward, for my negro man john--he has a considerable scar on his _throat_, done with a _knife_." mr. thos. brown, roane co. tenn. in the "knoxville register," sept , . "twenty-five dollars reward, for my man john--the _tip_ of his nose is _bit off_." messrs. taylor, lawton & co., charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," nov. . "ranaway, a negro fellow called hover--has a _cut_ above the right eye." mr. louis schmidt, faubourg, sivaudais, la. in the new orleans "bee," sept. , . "ranaway, the negro man hardy--has a _scar_ on the upper lip, and another made with a _knife_ on his neck." w.m. whitehead, natchez, in the "new orleans bulletin," july , . "ranaway, henry--has half of one _ear bit off_." mr. conrad salvo, charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," august , . "ranaway, my negro man jacob--he has but _one eye_." william baker, jailer, shelby county, ala., in the "montgomery (ala.) advertiser," oct. , . "committed to jail, ben--his _left thumb off_ at the first joint." mr. s.n. hite, camp street, new orleans, in the "bee," feb. , . "twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave sally--walks as though _crippled_ in the back." mr. stephen m. richards, whitesburg, madison county, alabama, in the "huntsville democrat," sept , . "ranaway, a negro man named dick--has a _little finger off_ the right hand." mr. a. brose, parish of st. charles, la. in the "new orleans bee," feb. , . "ranaway, the negro patrick--has his little finger of the right hand _cut close to the hand_." mr. needham whitefield, aberdeen, mi. in the "memphis (tenn.) enquirer," june , . "ranaway, joe dennis--has a small _notch_ in one of his ears." col. m.j. keith, charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," nov. , . "ranaway, dick--has _lost the little toe_ of one of his feet." mr. r. faucette, haywood, north carolina, in the "raleigh register," april , . "escaped, my negro man eaton--his _little finger_ of the right hand has been _broke_." mr. g.c. richardson, owen station, mo., in the st. louis "republican," may , . "ranaway, my negro man named top--has had one of his _legs broken_." mr. e. han, la grange, fayette county, tenn. in the gallatin "union," june , . "ranaway, negro boy jack--has a small _crop out of his left ear_." d. herring, warden of baltimore city jail, in the "marylander," oct , . "was committed to jail, a negro man--has _two scars_ on his forehead, and the _top of his left ear cut off_." mr. james marks, near natchitoches, la. in the "natchitoches herald," july , . "stolen, a negro man named winter--has a _notch_ cut out of the left ear, and the mark of _four or five buck shot_ on his legs." mr. james barr, amelia court house, virginia, in the "norfolk herald," sept. , . "ranaway, a negro man--_scar back of his left eye_, as if from the _cut_ of a knife." mr. isaac michell, wilkinson county, georgia, in the "augusta chronicle," sept , . "ranaway, negro man buck--has a very _plain mark_ under his ear on his jaw, about the size of a dollar, having been _inflicted by a knife._" mr. p. bayhi, captain of the police, suburb washington, third municipality, new orleans, in the "bee," oct. , . "detained at the jail, the negro boy hermon--has a scar below his left ear, from the _wound of a knife_." mr. willie paterson, clinton, jones county, ga. in the "darien telegraph," dec. , . "ranaway, a negro man by the name of john--he has a _scar_ across his cheek, and one on his right arm, apparently done with a _knife_." mr. samuel ragland, triana, madison county, alabama, in the "huntsville advocate," dec. , . "ranaway, isham--has a _scar_ upon the breast and upon the under lip, from the _bite of a dog_." mr. moses e. bush, near clayton, ala. in the "columbus (ga.) enquirer," july , . "ranaway, a negro man--has a _scar_ on his hip and on his breast, and _two front teeth out_." c.w. wilkins, sheriff baldwin co, ala, is the "mobile advertiser;" sept. , . "committed to jail, a negro man, he is _crippled_ in the right leg." mr. james h. taylor, charleston south carolina, in the "courier," august , . "absconded, a colored boy, named peter, _lame_ in the right leg." n.m.c. robinson, jailer, columbus, georgia, in the "columbus (ga.) enquirer," august , . "brought to jail, a negro man, his left ankle has been _broke_." mr. littlejohn rynes, hinds co. mi. in the "natchez courier," august, , . "ranaway, a negro man named jerry, has a small piece _cut out of the top of each ear_." the heirs of j.a. alston, near georgetown, south carolina, in the "georgetown [s.c.] union," june , . "absconded a negro named cuffee, has _lost one finger_; has an _enlarged leg_." a.s. ballinger, sheriff, johnston co, north carolina, in the "raleigh standard," oct. , . "committed to jail, a negro man; has a _very sore leg_." mr. thomas crutchfield, atkins, ten. in the "tennessee journal," oct. , . "ranaway, my mulatto boy cy, has but _one hand_, all the fingers of his right hand were _burnt off_ when young." j.a. brown, jailer, orangeburg, south carolina, in the "charleston mercury," july , . "was committed to jail, a negro named bob, appears to be _crippled_ in the right leg." s.b. turton, jailer, adams co. miss. in the "natchez courier," sept. , . "was committed to jail, a negro man, has his _left thigh broke_." mr. john h. king, high street, georgetown, in the "national intelligencer," august , . "ranaway, my negro man, he has the _end of one_ of his fingers _broken_." mr. john b. fox, vicksburg, miss. in the "register," march , . "ranaway, a yellowish negro boy named tom, has a _notch_ in the back of one of his ears." messrs. fernandez and whiting, auctioneers, new orleans, in the "bee," april , . "will be sold martha, aged nineteen, _has one eye out_." mr. marshall jett, farrowsville, fauquier co. virginia, in the "national intelligencer," may , . "ranaway, negro man ephraim, has a _mark_ over one of his eyes, occasioned by a _blow_." s.b. turton, jailer adams co. miss. in the "natches courier," oct. , . "was committed a negro, calls himself jacob, has been _crippled_ in his right leg." john ford, sheriff of mobile county, in the "mississippian," jackson mi. dec. , . "committed to jail, a negro man cary, a _large scar on his forehead_." e.w. morris, sheriff of warren county, in the "vicksburg [mi.] register," march , . "committed as a runaway, a negro man jack, he has _several scars_ on his face." mr. john p. holcombe, in the "charleston mercury," april , . "absented himself, his negro man ben, _has scars_ on his throat, occasioned by the _cut of a knife_." mr. geo. kinlock, in the "charleston, s.c. courier," may , . "ranaway, negro boy kitt, or years old, _has a piece taken out of one of his ears_." wm. magee, sheriff, mobile co. in the "mobile register," dec. , . "committed to jail, a runaway slave, alexander, a _scar_ on his left check." mr. henry m. mcgregor, prince george county, maryland, in the "alexandria [d.c.] gazette," feb. , . "ranaway, negro phil, _scar through the right eye brow_ part of the _middle toe_ right foot _cut off_." green b jourdan, baldwin county ga. in the "georgia journal," april , . "ranaway, john, has a _scar_ on one of his hands extending from the wrist joint to the little finger, also a _scar_ on one of his legs." messrs. daniel and goodman, new orleans, in the "n.o. bee," feb. , . "absconded, mulatto slave alick, has a _large scar over_ one of his cheeks." jeremiah woodward, gonchland, co. va. in the "richmond va. whig," jan. , . " dollars reward for nelson, has a _scar_ on his forehead occasioned by a _burn_, and one on his lower lip and one about the knee." samuel rawlins, gwinet co. ga. in the "columbus sentinel," nov. , . "ranaway, a negro man and his wife, named nat and priscilla, he has a small _scar_ on his left cheek, _two stiff fingers_ on his right hand with a _running sore_ on them; his wife has a _scar_ on her left arm, and one _upper tooth out_." the reader perceives that we have under this head, as under previous ones, given to the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, under their own names, a precedence over that of all other witnesses. we now ask the reader's attention to the testimonies which follow. they are endorsed by responsible names--men who 'speak what they know, and testify what they have seen'--testimonies which show, that the slaveholders who wrote the preceding advertisements, describing the work of their own hands, in branding with hot irons, maiming, mutilating, cropping, shooting, knocking out the teeth and eyes of their slaves, breaking their bones, &c., have manifested, _as far as they have gone_ in the description, a commendable fidelity to truth. it is probable that some of the scars and maimings in the preceding advertisements were the result of accidents; and some _may be_ the result of violence inflicted by the slaves upon each other. without arguing that point, we say, these are the _facts_; whoever reads and ponders them, will need no argument to convince him, that the proposition which they have been employed to sustain, _cannot be shaken_. that any considerable portion of them were _accidental_, is totally improbable, from the nature of the case; and is in most instances disproved by the advertisements themselves. that they have not been produced by assaults of the slaves upon each other, is manifest from the fact, that injuries of that character inflicted by the slaves upon each other, are, as all who are familiar with the habits and condition of slaves well know, exceedingly rare; and of necessity must be so, from the constant action upon them of the strongest dissuasives from such acts that can operate on human nature. advertisements similar to the preceding may at any time be gathered by scores from the daily and weekly newspapers of the slave states. before presenting the reader with further testimony in proof of the proposition at the head of this part of our subject, we remark, that some of the tortures enumerated under this and the preceding heads, are not in all cases inflicted by slaveholders as _punishments_, but sometimes merely as preventives of escape, for the greater security of their 'property'. iron collars, chains, &c. are put upon slaves when they are driven or transported from one part of the country to another, in order to keep them from running away. similar measures are often resorted to upon plantations. when the master or owner suspects a slave of plotting an escape, an iron collar with long 'horns,' or a bar of iron, or a ball and chain, are often fastened upon him, for the double purpose of retarding his flight, should he attempt it, and of serving as an easy means of detection. another inhuman method of _marking_ slaves, so that they may be easily described and detected when they escape, is called _cropping_. in the preceding advertisements, the reader will perceive a number of cases, in which the runaway is described as '_cropt_,' or a '_notch cut_ in the ear, or a part or the whole of the ear _cut off_,' &c. two years and a half since, the writer of this saw a letter, then just received by mr. lewis tappan, of new york, containing a negro's ear cut off close to the head. the writer of the letter, who signed himself thomas oglethorpe, montgomery, alabama, sent it to mr. tappan as 'a specimen of a negro's ears,' and desired him to add it to his 'collection.' another method of _marking_ slaves, is by drawing out or breaking off one or two _front teeth_--commonly the upper ones, as the mark would in that case be the more obvious. an instance of this kind the reader will recall in the testimony of sarah m. grimké, page , and of which she had _personal_ knowledge; being well acquainted both with the inhuman master, (a distinguished citizen of south carolina,) by whose order the brutal deed was done, and with the poor young girl whose mouth was thus barbarously mutilated, to furnish a convenient mark by which to describe her in case of her elopement, as she had frequently run away. the case stated by miss g. serves to unravel what, to one uninitiated, seems quite a mystery: i.e. the frequency with which, in the advertisements of runaway slaves published in southern papers, they are described as having _one or two front teeth out_. scores of such advertisements are in southern papers now on our table. we will furnish the reader with a dozen or two. jesse debruhl, sheriff, richland district, "columbia (s.c.) telescope," feb. , . "committed to jail, ned, about years of age, has lost his _two upper front teeth_." mr. john hunt, black water bay, "pensacola (ga.) gazette," october , . " dollars reward, for perry, _one under front tooth_ missing, aged years." mr. john frederick, branchville, orangeburgh district, s.c. "charleston (s.c.) courier," june , . " dollars reward, for mary, _one or two upper teeth_ out, about years old." mr. egbert a. raworth, eight miles west of nashville on the charlotte road "daily republican banner," nashville, tennessee, april , . "ranaway, myal, years old, one of his _fore teeth out_." benjamin russel, deputy sheriff bibb co. ga. "macon (ga.) telegraph," dec. , . "brought to jail john, years old, _one fore tooth out_." f. wisner, master of the work house, "charleston (s.c.) courier." oct. , . "committed to the charleston work house tom, _two of his upper front teeth out_, about years of age." mr. s. neyle, "savannah (ga.) republican," july , . "ranaway peter, has lost _two front teeth_ in the upper jaw." mr. john mcmurrain, near columbus, "georgia messenger," aug. , . "ranaway, a boy named moses, some of his _front teeth out_." mr. john kennedy, stewart co. la. "new orleans bee," april , . "ranaway, sally, her _fore teeth out_." mr. a.j. hutchings, near florence, ala. "north alabamian," august , "ranaway, george winston, two of his _upper fore teeth out_ immediately in front." mr. james purdon, commons street, n.o. "new orleans bee," feb. , . "ranaway, jackson, has lost _one of his front teeth_." mr. robert calvert, in the "arkansas state gazette," august , . "ranaway, jack, years old, has lost _one of his fore teeth_." mr. a.g.a. beazley, in the memphis gazette, march , . "ranaway, abraham, or years of age, _his front teeth out_." mr. samuel townsend, in the "huntsville [ala.] democrat," may , . "ranaway, dick, or years of age, _has one front tooth out_." mr. philip a. dew, in the "virginia herald," of may , . "ranaway, washington, about years of age, has _an upper front tooth out_." j.g. dunlap, "georgia constitutionalist," april , . "ranaway, negro woman abbe, _upper front teeth out_." john thomas, "southern argus," august , . "ranaway, lewis, or years old, _one or two of his front teeth out_." m.e.w. gilbert, in the "columbus [ga.] enquirer," oct. . . " dollars reward, for prince, or years old, _one or two teeth out_ in front on the upper jaw." publisher of the "charleston mercury," aug. , . "ranaway, seller saunders, _one fore tooth out_, about years of age." mr. byrd m. grace, in the "macon [ga.] telegraph," oct. , . "ranaway, warren, about or years old, has lost _some of his front teeth_." mr. george w. barnes, in the "milledgeville [ga.] journal," may , . "ranaway, henry, about years old, has one of his _upper front teeth out_." d. herring, warden of baltimore jail, in "baltimore chronicle," oct. , . "committed to jail elizabeth steward, or years old, has _one of her front teeth out_." mr. j.l. colborn, in the "huntsville [ala.] democrat," july , . "ranaway liley, years of age, _one fore tooth gone_." samuel harman jr. in the "new orleans bee," oct. , . " dollars reward, for adolphe, years old, _two of his front teeth_ are missing." were it necessary, we might easily add to the preceding list, _hundreds_. the reader will remark that all the slaves, whose ages are given, are _young_--not one has arrived at middle age; consequently it can hardly be supposed that they have lost their teeth either from age or decay. the probability that their teeth were taken out by force, is increased by the fact of their being _front teeth_ in almost every case, and from the fact that the loss of no _other_ is mentioned in the advertisements. it is well known that the front teeth are not generally the first to fail. further, it is notorious that the teeth of the slaves are remarkably sound and serviceable, that they decay far less, and at a much later period of life than the teeth of the whites: owing partly, no doubt, to original constitution; but more probably to their diet, habits, and mode of life. as an illustration of the horrible mutilations _sometimes_ suffered by them in the breaking and tearing out of their teeth, we insert the following, from the new orleans bee of may , . $ reward.--ranaway, friday, may , julia, a negress, eighteen or twenty years old. she has lost her upper teeth, and the under ones are all broken. said reward will be paid to whoever will bring her to her master, no. barracks-street, or lodge her in the jail. the following is contained in the same paper. ranaway, nelson, years old,--"all his teeth are missing." this advertisement is signed by "s. elfer," faubourg marigny. we now call the attention of the reader to a mass of testimony in support of our general proposition. george b. ripley, esq. of norwich, connecticut, has furnished the following statement, in a letter dated dec. , . "gurdon chapman, esq., a respectable merchant of our city, one of our county commissioners,--last spring a member of our state legislature,--and whose character for veracity is above suspicion, about a year since visited the county of nansemond, virginia, for the purpose of buying a cargo of corn. he purchased a large quantity of mr. ----, with whose family he spent a week or ten days; after he returned, he related to me and several other citizens the following facts. in order to prepare the corn for market by the time agreed upon, the slaves were worked as hard as they would bear, from daybreak until or o'clock at night. they were called directly from their bunks in the morning to their work, without a morsel of food until noon, when they took their breakfast and dinner, consisting of bacon and corn bread. the quantity of meat was not one tenth of what the same number of northern laborers usually have at a meal. they were allowed but fifteen minutes to take this meal, at the expiration of this time the horn was blown. the rigor with which they enforce punctuality to its call, may be imagined from the fact, that a little boy only nine years old was whipped so severely by the driver, that in many places the whip cut through his clothes (which were of cotton,) for tardiness of not over three minutes. they then worked without intermission until or at night; after which they prepared and ate their second meal, as scanty as the first. an aged slave, who was remarkable for his industry and fidelity, was working with all his might on the threshing floor; amidst the clatter of the shelling and winnowing machines the master spoke to him, but he did not hear; he presently gave him several severe cuts with the raw hide, saying, at the same time, 'damn you, if you cannot hear i'll see if you can feel.' one morning the master rose from breakfast and whipped most cruelly, with a raw hide, a nice girl who was waiting on the table, for not opening a _west_ window when he had told her to open an east one. the number of slaves was only forty, and yet the lash was in constant use. the bodies of all of them were literally covered with old scars. "not one of the slaves attended church on the sabbath. the social relations were scarcely recognised among them, and they lived in a state of promiscuous concubinage. the master said he took pains to breed from his best stock--the whiter the progeny the higher they would sell for house servants. when asked by mr. c. if he did not fear his slaves would run away if he whipped them so much, he replied, they know too well what they must suffer if they are taken--and then said, 'i'll tell you how i treat my runaway niggers. i had a big nigger that ran away the second time; as soon as i got track of him i took three good fellows and went in pursuit, and found him in the night, some miles distant, in a corn-house; we took him and ironed him hand and foot, and carted him home. the next morning we tied him to a tree, and whipped him until there was not a sound place on his back. i then tied his ankles and hoisted him up to a _limb_--feet up and head down--we then whipped him, until the damned nigger smoked so that i thought he would take fire and burn up. we then took him down; and to make sure that he should not run away the third time, i run my knife in back of the ankles, and _cut off the large cords_,--and then i ought to have put some lead into the wounds, but i forgot it' "the truth of the above is from unquestionable authority; and you may publish or suppress it, as shall best subserve the cause of god and humanity." extract of a letter from stephan sewall, esq., winthrop, maine, dated jan. th, . mr. s. is a member of the congregational church in winthrop, and late agent of the winthrop manufacturing company. "being somewhat acquainted with slavery, by a residence of about five years in alabama, and having witnessed many acts of slaveholding cruelty, i will mention one or two that came under my eye; and one of excessive cruelty mentioned to me at the time, by the gentleman (now dead,) that interfered in behalf of the slave. "i was witness to such cruelties by an overseer to a slave, that he twice attempted to drown himself, to get out of his power: this was on a raft of slaves, in the mobile river. i saw an owner take his runaway slave, tie a rope round him, then get on his horse, give the slave and horse a cut the whip, and run the poor creature barefooted, very fast, over rough ground, where small black jack oaks had been cut up, leaving the sharp stumps, on which the slave would frequently fall; then the master would drag him as long as he could himself hold out; then stop, and whip him up on his feet again--then proceed as before. this continued until he got out of my sight, which was about half a mile. but what further cruelties this wretched man, (whose passion was so excited that he could scarcely utter a word when he took the slave into his own power,) inflicted upon his poor victim, the day of judgment will unfold. "i have seen slaves severely whipped on plantations, but this _is an every day occurrence_, and comes under the head of general treatment. "i have known the case of a husband compelled to whip his wife. this i did not witness, though not two rods from the cabin at the time. "i will now mention the case of cruelty before referred to. in or , while the public works were going forward on dauphin island, mobile bay, a contractor, engaged on the works, beat one of his slaves so severely that the poor creature had no longer power to writhe under his suffering: he then took out his knife, and began to _cut his flesh in strips, from his hips down_. at this moment, the gentleman referred to, who was also a contractor, shocked at such inhumanity, stepped forward, between the wretch and his victim, and exclaimed, 'if you touch that slave again you do it at the peril of your life.' the slaveholder raved at him for interfering between him and his slave; but he was obliged to drop his victim, fearing the arm of my friend--whose stature and physical powers were extraordinary." extract of a letter from mrs. mary cowles, a member of the presbyterian church at geneva, ashtabula county, ohio, dated th, mo. th, . mrs. cowles is a daughter of mr. james colwell of brook county, virginia, near west liberty. "in the year , i think, when i was twenty-one years old, a man in the vicinity where i resided, in brooke co. va. near west liberty, by the name of morgan, had a little slave girl about six years old, who had a habit or rather a natural infirmity common to children of that age. on this account her master and mistress would pinch her ears with hot tongs, and throw hot embers on her legs. not being able to accomplish their object by these means, they at last resorted to a method too indelicate, and too horrible to describe in detail. suffice it to say, it soon put an end to her life in the most excruciating manner. if further testimony to authenticate what i have stated is necessary, i refer you to dr. robert mitchel who then resided in the vicinity, but now lives at indiana, pennsylvania, above pittsburgh." mary cowles. testimony of william ladd, esq., now of minot, maine, formerly a slaveholder in florida. mr. ladd is now the president of the american peace society. in a letter dated november , , mr. ladd says: "while i lived in florida i knew a slaveholder whose name was hutchinson, he had been a preacher and a member of the senate of georgia. he told me that he dared not keep a gun in his house, because he was so passionate; and that he had _been the death of three or four men_. i understood him to mean _slaves_. one of his slaves, a girl, once came to my house. she had run away from him at indian river. the cords of one of her hands were so much contracted that her hand was useless. it was said that he had thrust her hand into the fire while he was in a fit of passion, and held it there, and this was the effect. my wife had hid the girl, when hutchinson came for her. out of compassion for the poor slave, i offered him more than she was worth, which he refused. we afterward let the girl escape, and i do not know what became of her, but i believe he never got her again. it was currently reported of hutchinson, that he once knocked down a _new_ negro (one recently from africa) who was clearing up land, and who complained of the cold, as it was mid-winter. the slave was stunned with the blow. hutchinson, supposing he had the 'sulks,' applied fire to the side of the slave until it was so roasted that he said the slave was not worth curing, and ordered the other slaves to pile on brush, and he was consumed. "a murder occurred at the settlement, (musquito) while i lived there. an overseer from georgia, who was employed by a mr. cormick, in a fit of jealousy shot a slave of samuel williams, the owner of the next plantation. he was apprehended, but afterward suffered to escape. this man told me that he had rather whip a negro than sit down to the best dinner. this man had, near his house, a contrivance like that which is used in armies where soldiers are punished with the picket; by this the slave was drawn up from the earth, by a cord passing round his wrists, so that his feet could just touch the ground. it somewhat resembled a new england well sweep, and was used when the slaves were flogged. "the treatment of slaves at musquito i consider much milder than that which i have witnessed in the united states. florida was under the spanish government while i lived there. there were about fifteen or twenty plantations at musquito. i have an indistinct recollection of four or five slaves dying of the cold in amelia island. they belonged to mr. bunce of musquito. the compensation of the overseers was a certain portion of the crop." gerrit smith, esq. of peterboro, in a letter, dated dec. , , says: "i have just been conversing with an inhabitant of this town, on the subject of the cruelties of slavery. my neighbors inform me that he is a man of veracity. the candid manner of his communication utterly forbade the suspicion that he was attempting to deceive me. "my informant says that he resided in louisiana and alabama during a great part of the years and :--that he frequently saw slaves whipped, never saw any killed; but often heard of their being killed:--that in several instances he had seen a slave receive, in the space of two hours, five hundred lashes--each stroke drawing blood. he adds that this severe whipping was always followed by the application of strong brine to the lacerated parts. "my informant further says, that in the spring of , he steered a boat from louisville to new orleans. whilst stopping at a plantation on the east bank of the mississippi, between natchez and new orleans, for the purpose of making sale of some of the articles with which the boat was freighted, he and his fellow boatmen saw a shockingly cruel punishment inflicted on a couple of slaves for the repeated offence of running away. straw was spread over the whole of their backs, and, after being fastened by a band of the same material, was ignited, and left to burn, until entirely consumed. the agonies and screams of the sufferers he can never forget." dr. david nelson, late president of marion college, missouri, a native of tennessee, and till forty years old a slaveholder, said in an anti-slavery address at northampton, mass. jan. -- "i have not attempted to harrow your feelings with stories of cruelty. i will, however, mention one or two among the many incidents that came under my observation as family physician. i was one day dressing a blister, and the mistress of the house sent a little black girl into the kitchen to bring me some warm water. she probably mistook her message; for she returned with a bowl full of boiling water; which her mistress no sooner perceived, than she thrust her hand into it, and held it there till it was half cooked." mr. henry h. loomis, a member of the presbyterian theological seminary in the city of new york, says, in a recent letter-- "the rev. mr. hart, recently my pastor, in otsego county, new york, and who has spent some time at the south as a teacher, stated to me that in the neighborhood in which he resided a slave was set to watch a turnip patch near an academy, in order to keep off the boys who occasionally trespassed on it. attempting to repeat the trespass in presence of the slave, they were told that his 'master forbad it.' at this the boys were enraged, and hurled brickbats at the slave until his face and other parts were much injured and wounded--but nothing was said or done about it as an injury to the slave. "he also said, that a slave from the same neighborhood was found out in the woods, with his arms and legs burned almost to a cinder, up as far as the elbow and knee joints; and there appeared to be but little more said or thought about it than if he had been a brute. it was supposed that his master was the cause of it--making him an example of punishment to the rest of the gang!" the following is an extract of a letter dated march , , from mr. john clarke, a highly respected citizen of scriba, oswego county, new york, and a member of the presbyterian church. the 'mrs. turner' spoken of in mr. c.'s letter, is the wife of hon. fielding s. turner, who in resided at lexington, kentucky, and was the attorney for the commonwealth. soon after that, he removed to new orleans, and was for many years judge of the criminal court of that city. having amassed an immense fortune, he returned to lexington a few years since, and still resides there. mr. c. the writer, spent the winter of - in lexington. he says, "yours of the th ult. is received, and i hasten to state the facts which came to my knowledge while in lexington, respecting the occurrences about which you inquire. mrs. turner was originally a boston lady. she is from to years of age, and the wife of judge turner, formerly of new orleans, and worth a large fortune in slaves and plantations. i repeatedly heard, while in lexington, kentucky, during the winter of - , of the wanton cruelty practised by this woman upon her slaves, and that she had caused several to be _whipped to death_; but i never heard that she was suspected of being deranged, otherwise than by the indulgence of an ungoverned temper, until i heard that her husband was attempting to incarcerate her in the lunatic asylum. the citizens of lexington, believing the charge to be a false one, rose and prevented the accomplishment for a time, until, lulled by the fair promises of his friends, they left his domicil, and in the dead of night she was taken by force, and conveyed to the asylum. this proceeding being judged illegal by her friends, a suit was instituted to liberate her. i heard the testimony on the trial, which related only to proceedings had in order to getting her admitted into the asylum; and no facts came out relative to her treatment of her slaves, other than of a general character. "some days after the above trial, (which by the way did not come to an ultimate decision, as i believe) i was present in my brother's office, when judge turner, in a long conversation with my brother on the subject of his trials with his wife, said, '_that woman has been the immediate cause of the death of_ six _of my servants, by her severities_! "i was repeatedly told, while i was there, that she drove a colored boy from the second story window, a distance of to feet, on to the pavement, which made him a cripple for a time. "i heard the trial of a man for the murder of his slave, by whipping, where the evidence was to my mind perfectly conclusive of his guilt; but the jury were two of them for convicting him of manslaughter, and the rest for acquitting him; and as they could not agree were discharged--and on a subsequent trial, as i learned by the papers, the culprit was acquitted." rev. thomas savage, of bedford, new hampshire, in a recent letter, states the following fact: "the following circumstance was related to me last summer, by my brother, now residing as a physician, at rodney, mississippi; and who, though a pro-slavery man, spoke of it in terms of reprobation, as an act of capricious, wanton cruelty. the planter who was the actor in it i myself knew; and the whole transaction is so characteristic of the man, that, independent of the strong authority i have, i should entertain but little doubt of its authenticity. he is a wealthy planter, residing near natchez, eccentric, capricious and intemperate. on one occasion he invited a number of guests to an elegant entertainment, prepared in the true style of southern luxury. from some cause, none of the guests appeared. in a moody humor, and under the influence, probably, of mortified pride, he ordered the overseer to call the people (a term by which the field hands are generally designated,) on to the piazza. the order was obeyed, and the people came. 'now,' said he, 'have them seated at the table. accordingly they were seated at the well-furnished, glittering table, while he and his overseer waited on them, and helped them to the various dainties of the feast. 'now,' said he, after awhile, raising his voice, 'take these rascals, and give them twenty lashes a piece. i'll show them how to eat at my table.' the overseer, in relating it, said he had to comply, though reluctantly, with this brutal command." mr. henry p. thompson, a native and still a resident of nicholasville, kentucky, made the following statement at a public meeting in lane seminary, ohio, in . he was at that time a slaveholder. "_cruelties_, said he, _are so common_, i hardly know what to relate. but one fact occurs to me just at this time, that happened in the village where i live. the circumstances are these. a colored man, a slave, ran away. as he was crossing kentucky river, a white man, who suspected him, attempted to stop him. the negro resisted. the white man procured help, and finally succeeded in securing him. he then wreaked his vengeance on him for resisting--flogging him till he was not able to walk. they then put him on a horse, and came on with him ten miles to nicholasville. when they entered the village, it was noticed that he sat upon his horse like a drunken man. it was a very hot day; and whilst they were taking some refreshment, the negro sat down upon the ground, under the shade. when they ordered him to go, he made several efforts before he could get up; and when he attempted to mount the horse, his strength was entirely insufficient. one of the men struck him, and with an oath ordered him to get on the horse without any more fuss. the negro staggered back a few steps, fell down, and died. i do not know that any notice was ever taken of it." rev. coleman s. hodges, a native and still a resident of western virginia, gave the following testimony at the same meeting. "i have frequently seen the mistress of a family in virginia, with whom i was well acquainted, beat the woman who performed the kitchen work, with a stick two feet and a half long, and nearly as thick as my wrist; striking her over the head, and across the small of the back, as she was bent over at her work, with as much spite as you would a snake, and for what i should consider no offence at all. there lived in this same family a young man, a slave, who was in the habit of running away. he returned one time after a week's absence. the master took him into the barn, stripped him entirely naked, tied him up by his hands so high that he could not reach the floor, tied his feet together, and put a small rail between his legs, so that he could not avoid the blows, and commenced whipping him. he told me that he gave him five hundred lashes. at any rate, he was covered with wounds from head to foot. not a place as big as my hand but what was cut. such things as these are perfectly common all over virginia; at least so far as i am acquainted. generally, planters avoid punishing their slaves before strangers." mr. calvin h. tate, of missouri, whose father and brothers were slaveholders, related the following at the same meeting. the plantation on which it occurred, was in the immediate neighborhood of his father's. "a young woman, who was generally very badly treated, after receiving a more severe whipping than usual, ran away. in a few days she came back, and was sent into the field to work. at this time the garment next her skin was stiff like a scab, from the running of the sores made by the whipping. towards night, she told her master that she was sick, and wished to go to the house. she went, and as soon as she reached it, laid down on the floor exhausted. the mistress asked her what the matter was? she made no reply. she asked again; but received no answer. 'i'll see,' said she, 'if i can't make you speak.' so taking the tongs, she heated them red hot, and put them upon the bottoms of her feet; then upon her legs and body; and, finally, in a rage, took hold of her throat. this had the desired effect. the poor girl faintly whispered, 'oh, misse, don't--i am most gone;' and expired." extract of a letter from rev. c.s. renshaw, pastor of the congregational church, quincy, illinois. "judge menzies of boone county, kentucky, an elder in the presbyterian church, and a slaveholder, told me that _he knew_ some overseers in the tobacco growing region of virginia, who, to make their slaves careful in picking the tobacco, that is taking the worms off; (you know what a loathsome thing the tobacco worm is) would make them _eat_ some of the worms, and others who made them eat every worm they missed in picking." "mrs. nancy judd, a member of the non-conformist church in osnaburg, stark county, ohio, and formerly a resident of kentucky, testifies that she knew a slaveholder, "mr. brubecker, who had a number of slaves, among whom was one who would frequently avoid labor by hiding himself; for which he would get severe floggings without the desired effect, and that at last mr. b. would tie large cats on his naked body and whip them to make them tear his back, in order to break him of his habit of hiding." rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church in marlborough, massachusetts, says: "some, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, _cat-haul_ them; that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by its hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied; this kind of punishment, as i have understood, poisons the flesh much worse than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave." rev. abel brown, jr. late pastor of the first baptist church, beaver, pennsylvania, in a communication to rev. c.p. grosvenor, editor of the christian reflector, says: "i almost daily see the poor heart-broken slave making his way to a land of freedom. a short time since, i saw a noble, pious, distressed, spirit-crushed slave, a member of the baptist church, escaping from a (professed christian) bloodhound, to a land where he could enjoy that of which he had been robbed during forty years. his prayers would have made us all feel. i saw a baptist sister of about the same age, her children had been torn from her, her head was covered with fresh wounds, while her upper lip had scarcely ceased to bleed, in consequence of a blow with the poker, which knocked out her teeth; she too, was going to a land of freedom. only a very few days since, i saw a girl of about eighteen, with a child as white as myself, aged ten months; a christian master was raising her child (as well his own perhaps) to sell to a southern market. she had heard of the intention, and at midnight took her only treasure and traveled twenty miles on foot through a land of strangers--she found friends." rev. henry t. hopkins, pastor of the primitive methodist church in new york city, who resided in virginia from to , relates the following fact: "an old colored man, the slave of mr. emerson; of portsmouth, virginia, being under deep conviction for sin, went into the back part of his master's garden to pour out his soul in prayer to god. for this offence he was whipped thirty-nine lashes." extract of a letter from doctor f. julius lemoyne, of washington, pennsylvania, dated jan. , . "lest you should not have seen the statement to which i am going to allude, i subjoin a brief outline of the facts of a transaction which occurred in western virginia, adjacent to this county, a number of years ago--a full account of which was published in the "witness" about two years since by dr. mitchell, who now resides in indiana county, pennsylvania. a slave boy ran away in cold weather, and during his concealment had his legs frozen; he returned, or was retaken. after some time the flesh decayed and _sloughed_--of course was offensive--he was carried out to a field and left there without bed, or shelter, _deserted to die_. his only companions were the house dogs which he called to him. after several days and nights spent in suffering and exposure, he was visited by drs. mckitchen and mitchell in the field, of their own accord, having heard by report of his lamentable condition; they remonstrated with the master; brought the boy to the house, amputated both legs, and he finally recovered." hon. james k. paulding, the secretary of the navy of the u. states, in his "letters from the south" published in , relates the following: "at one of the taverns along the road we were set down in the same room with an elderly man and a youth who seemed to be well acquainted with him, for they conversed familiarly and with true republican independence--for they did not mind who heard them. from the tenor of his conversation i was induced to look particularly at the elder. he was telling the youth something like the following detested tale. he was going, it seems, to richmond, to inquire about a draft for seven thousand dollars, which he had sent by mail, but which, not having been acknowledged by his correspondent, he was afraid had been stolen, and the money received by the thief. 'i should not like to lose it,' said he, 'for i worked hard for it, and sold many a poor d----l of a black to carolina and georgia, to scrape it together.' he then went on to tell many a perfidious tale. all along the road it seems he made it his business to inquire where lived a man who might be tempted to become a party in this accursed traffic, and when he had got some half dozen of these poor creatures, _he tied their hands behind their backs_, and drove them three or four hundred miles or more, bare-headed and half naked through the burning southern sun. fearful that _even southern humanity_ would revolt at such an exhibition of human misery and human barbarity, he gave out that they were runaway slaves he was carrying home to their masters. on one occasion a poor black woman exposed this fallacy, and told the story of her being _kidnapped_, and when he got her into a wood out of hearing, he beat her, to use his own expression, 'till her back was white.' it seems he married all the men and women he bought, himself, because they would sell better for being man and wife! but, said the youth, were you not afraid, in traveling through the wild country and sleeping in lone houses, these slaves would rise and kill you? 'to be sure i was,' said the other, 'but i always fastened my door, put a chair on a table before it, so that it might wake me in falling, and slept with a loaded pistol in each hand. it was a bad life, and i left it off as soon as i could live without it; for many is the time i have separated wives from husbands, and husbands from wives, and parents from children, but then i made them amends by marrying them again as soon as i had a chance, that is to say, i made them call each other man and wife, and sleep together, which is quite enough for negroes. i made one bad purchase though,' continued he. 'i bought a young mulatto girl, a lively creature, a great bargain. she had been the favorite of her master, who had lately married. the difficulty was to get her to go, for the poor creature loved her master. however, i swore most bitterly i was only going to take to take her to her mother's at ---- and she went with me, though she seemed to doubt me very much. but when she discovered, at last, that we were out of the state, i thought she would go mad, and in fact, the next night she drowned herself in the river close by. i lost a good five hundred dollars by this foolish trick.'" vol. i. p. . mr. ---- spillman, a native, and till recently, a resident of virginia, now a member of the presbyterian church in delhi, hamilton co., ohio, has furnished the two following facts, of which he had personal knowledge. "david stallard, of shenandoah co., virginia, had a slave, who run away; he was taken up and lodged in woodstock jail. stallard went with another man and took him out of the jail--tied him to their horses--and started for home. the day was excessively hot, and they rode so fast, dragging the man by the rope behind them, that he became perfectly exhausted--fainted--dropped down, and died. "henry jones, of culpepper co., virginia, owned a slave, who ran away. jones caught him, tied him up, and for two days, at intervals, continued to flog him, and rub salt into his mangled flesh, until his back was literally cut up. the slave sunk under the torture; and for some days it was supposed he must die. he, however, slowly recovered; though it was some weeks before he could walk." mr. nathan cole, of st. louis, missouri, in a letter to mr. arthur tappan, of new-york, dated july , , says,-- "you will find inclosed an account of the proceedings of an inquest lately held in this city upon the body of a slave, the details of which, if published, not one in ten could be induced to believe true.[ ] it appears that the master or mistress, or both, suspected the unfortunate wretch of hiding a bunch of keys which were missing; and to extort some explanation, which, it is more than probable, the slave was as unable to do as her mistress, or any other person, her master, major harney, an officer of our army, had whipped her for three successive days, and it is supposed by some, that she was kept tied during the time, until her flesh was so lacerated and torn that it was impossible for the jury to say whether it had been done with a whip or hot iron; some think both--but she was tortured to death. it appears also that the husband of the said slave had become suspected of telling some neighbor of what was going on, for which major harney commenced torturing him, until the man broke from him, and ran into the mississippi and drowned himself. the man was a pious and very industrious slave, perhaps not surpassed by any in this place. the woman has been in the family of john shackford, esq., the present doorkeeper of the senate of the united states, for many years; was considered an excellent servant--was the mother of a number of children--and i believe was sold into the family where she met her fate, as matter of conscience, to keep her from being sent below." [footnote : the following is the newspaper notice referred to:-- an inquest was held at the dwelling house of major harney, in this city, on the th inst. by the coroner, on the body of hannah, a slave. the jury, on their oaths, and after hearing the testimony of physicians and several other witnesses, found, that said slave "came to her death by wounds inflicted by william s. harney."] mr. ezekiel birdseye, a highly respected citizen of cornwall, litchfield co., connecticut, who resided for many years at the south, furnished to the rev. e. r. tyler, editor of the connecticut observer, the following personal testimony. "while i lived in limestone co., alabama, in - , a tavern-keeper of the village of moresville discovered a negro carrying away a piece of old carpet. it was during the christmas holidays, when the slaves are allowed to visit their friends. the negro stated that one of the servants of the tavern owed him some twelve and a half or twenty-five cents, and that he had taken the carpet in payment. this the servant denied. the innkeeper took the negro to a field near by, and whipped him cruelly. he then struck him with a stake, and punched him in the face and mouth, knocking out some of his teeth. after this, he took him back to the house, and committed him to the care of his son, who had just then come home with another young man. this was at evening. they whipped him by turns, with heavy cowskins, and made the _dogs shake him_. a mr. phillips, who lodged at the house, heard the cruelty during the night. on getting up he found the negro in the bar-room, terribly mangled with the whip, and his flesh so torn by the dogs, that the cords were bare. he remarked to the landlord that he was dangerously hurt, and needed care. the landlord replied that he deserved none. mr. phillips went to a neighboring magistrate, who took the slave home with him, where he soon died. the father and son were both tried, and acquitted!! a suit was brought, however, for damages in behalf of the owner of the slave, a young lady by the name of agnes jones. _i was on the jury when these facts were stated on oath_. two men testified, one that he would have given $ for him, the other $ or $ . the jury found the latter sum. "at union court house, s.c., a tavern-keeper, by the name of samuel davis, procured the conviction and execution of his own slave, for stealing a cake of gingerbread from a grog shop. the slave raised the latch of the back door, and took the cake, doing no other injury. the shop keeper, whose name was charles gordon, was willing to forgive him, but his master procured his conviction and execution by hanging. the slave had but one arm; and an order on the state treasury by the court that tried him, which also assessed his value, brought him more money than he could have obtained for the slave in market." mr. ----, an elder of the presbyterian church in one of the slave states, lately wrote a letter to an agent of the anti-slavery society, in which he states the following fact. the name of the writer is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "i was passing through a piece of timbered land, and on a sudden i heard a sound as of murder; i rode in that direction, and at some distance discovered a naked black man, hung to the limb of a tree by his hands, his feet chained together, and a pine rail laid with one end on the chain between his legs, and the other upon the ground, to steady him; and in this condition the overseer gave him _four hundred lashes_. the miserably lacerated slave was then taken down, and put to the care of a physician. and what do you suppose was the offence for which all this was done? simply this; his owner, observing that he laid off corn rows too crooked, he replied, 'massa, much corn grow on crooked row as on straight one!' this was it--this was enough. his overseer, boasting of his skill in managing a _nigger_, he was submitted to him, and treated as above." david l. child, esq., of northampton, massachusetts, secretary of the united states' minister at the court of lisbon during the administration of president monroe, stated the following fact in an oration delivered by him in boston, in . (see child's "despotism of freedom," p. . "an honorable friend, who stands high in the state and in the nation, [ ] was _present at the_ burial of a female slave in mississippi, who _had been whipped to death_ at the stake by her master, because she was gone longer of an errand to the neighboring town than her master thought necessary. under the lash she protested tlat she was ill, and was obliged to rest in the fields. to complete the climax of horror, she was delivered of a dead infant while undergoing the punishment." [footnote : "the narrator of this fact is now absent from the united states, and i do not feel at liberty to mention his name."] the same fact is stated by mrs. child in her "appeal." in answer to a recent letter, inquiring of mr. and mrs. child if they were now at liberty to disclose the name of their informant, mr. c. says,-- "the witness who stated to us the fact was john james appleton, esq., of cambridge, mass. he is now in europe, and it is not without some hesitation that i give his name. he, however, has openly embraced our cause, and taken a conspicuous part in some anti-slavery public meetings since the time that i felt a scruple at publishing his name. mr. appleton is a gentleman of high talents and accomplishments. he has been secretary of legation at rio janeiro, madrid, and the hague; commissioner at naples, and charge d'affaires at stockholm." the two following facts are stated upon the authority of the rev. joseph g. wilson, pastor of the presbyterian church in salem, washington co., indiana. "in bath co., kentucky, mr. l., in the year ' or ' , while intoxicated, in a fit of rage whipped a female slave until she fainted and fell on the floor. then he whipped her to get up; then with red hot tongs he burned off her ears, and whipped her again! but all in vain. he then ordered his negro men to carry her to the cabin. there she was found dead next morning. "one wall, in chester district, s.c., owned a slave, whom he hired to his brother-in-law, wm. beckman, for whom the slave worked eighteen months, and worked well. two weeks after returning to his master he ran away on account of bad treatment. to induce him to return, the master sold him _nominally_ to his neighbor, to whom the slave gave himself up, and by whom he was returned to his master:--punishment, _stripes_. to prevent escape a bar of iron was fastened with three bands, at the waist, knee, and ankle. that night he broke the bands and bar, and escaped. next day he was taken and whipped to death, by three men, the master, thorn, and the overseer. first, he was whipped and driven towards home; on the way he attempted to escape, and was shot at by the master,--caught, and knocked down with the butt of the gun by thorn. in attempting to cross a ditch he fell, with his feet down, and face on the bank; they whipped in vain to get him up--he died. his soul ascended to god, to be a swift witness against his oppressors. this took place at o'clock. next evening an inquest was held. of thirteen jurors, summoned by the coroner, nine said it was murder; two said it was manslaughter, and two said it was justifiable! he was bound over to court, tried, and acquitted--not even fined!" the following fact is stated on the authority of mr. wm. willis, of green plains, clark co. ohio; formerly of caroline co. on the eastern shore of maryland. "mr. w. knew a slave called peter white, who was sold to be taken to georgia; he escaped, and lived a long time in the woods--was finally taken. when he found himself surrounded, he surrendered himself quietly. when his pursuers had him in their possession, they shot him in the leg, and broke it, out of mere wantonness. the next day a methodist minister set his leg, and bound it up with splints. the man who took him, then went into his place of confinement, wantonly jumped upon his leg and crushed it. his name was william sparks." most of our readers are familiar with the horrible atrocities perpetrated in new orleans, in , by a certain madame la laurie, upon her slaves. they were published extensively in northern newspapers at the time. the following are extracts from the accounts as published in the new orleans papers immediately after the occurrence. the new orleans bee says:-- "upon entering one of the apartments, the most appalling spectacle met their eyes. seven slaves, more or less horribly mutilated, were seen suspended by the neck, with their limbs apparently stretched and torn, from one extremity to the other. they had been confined for several months in the situation from which they had thus providentially been rescued; and had been merely kept in existence to prolong their sufferings, and to make them taste all that a most refined cruelty could inflict." the new orleans mercantile advertiser says: "a negro woman was found chained, covered with bruises and wounds from severe flogging.--all the apartments were then forced open. in a room on the ground floor, two more were found chained, and in a deplorable condition. up stairs and in the garret, four more were found chained; some so weak as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds and sores. one mulatto boy declares himself to have been chained for five months, being fed daily with only a handful of meal, and receiving every morning the most cruel treatment." the new orleans courier says:-- "we saw one of these miserable beings.--he had a large hole in his head--his body, from head to foot, was covered with scars and filled with worms." the new orleans mercantile advertiser says: "seven poor unfortunate slaves were found--some chained to the floor, others with chains around their necks, fastened to the ceiling; and one poor old man, upwards of sixty years of age, chained hand and foot, and made fast to the floor, in a _kneeling position_. his head bore the appearance of having been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually to be seen making a feast of his brains!! a woman had her back literally cooked (if the expression may be used) with the lash; _the very bones might be seen projecting through the skin!_" the new york sun, of feb. , , contains the following:-- "two negroes, runaways from virginia, were overtaken a few days since near johnstown, cambria co. pa. when the persons in pursuit called out for them to stop or they would shoot them.--one of the negroes turned around and said, he would die before he would be taken, and at the moment received a rifle ball through his knee: the other started to run, but was brought to the ground by a ball being shot in his back. after receiving the above wounds they made battle with their pursuers, but were captured and brought into johnstown. it is said that the young men who shot them had orders to take them dead or alive." mr. m.m. shafter, of townsend, vermont, recently a graduate of the wesleyan university at middletown, connecticut, makes the following statement: "some of the events of the southampton, va. insurrection were narrated to me by mr. benjamin w. britt, from riddicksville, n.c. mr. britt claimed the honor of having shot a black on that occasion, for the crime of disobeying mr. britt's imperative 'stop.' and mr. ashurst, of edenton, georgia, told me that a neighbor of his 'fired at a likely negro boy of his mother,' because the said boy encroached upon his premises." mr. david hawley, a class leader in the methodist episcopal church at st. albans, licking county, ohio, who moved from kentucky to ohio in , certifies as follows:-- "about the year , a slave had escaped for canada, but was arrested in hardin county. on his return, i saw him in hart county--his wrists tied together before, his arms tied close to his body, the rope then passing behind his body, thence to the neck of a horse on which rode the master, with a club about three feet long, and of the size of a hoe handle; which, by the appearance of the slave, had been used on his head, so as to wear off the hair and skin in several places, and the blood was running freely from his mouth and nose; his heels very much bruised by the horse's feet, as his master had rode on him because he _would_ not go fast enough. such was the slave's appearance when passing through where i resided. such cases were not unfrequent." the following is furnished by mr. f.a. hart, of middletown, connecticut, a manufacturer, and an influential member of the methodist episcopal church. it occurred in , about twenty-five miles this side of baltimore, maryland.-- "i had spent the night with a methodist brother; and while at breakfast, a person came in and called for help. we went out and found a crowd collected around a carriage. upon approaching we discovered that a slave-trader was endeavoring to force a woman into his carriage. he had already put in three children, the youngest apparently about eight years of age. the woman was strong, and whenever he brought her to the side of the carriage, she resisted so effectually with her feet that he could not get her in. the woman becoming exhausted, at length, by her frantic efforts, he thrust her in with great violence, _stamped her down upon the bottom with his feet_! shouted to the driver to go on; and away they rolled, the miserable captives moaning and shrieking, until their voices were lost in the distance." mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio, writes as follows:-- "mr. isaac c. fuller is a member of the methodist episcopal church in marietta. he was a fellow student of mine while in college, and now resides in this place. he says:--in , as i was descending the ohio with a flat boat, near the 'french islands,' so called, below cincinnati, i saw two negroes on horseback. the horses apparently took fright at something and ran. both jumped over a rail fence; and one of the horses, in so doing, broke one of his fore-legs, falling at the same time and throwing the negro who was upon his back. a white man came out of a house not over two hundred yards distant, and came to the spot. seizing a stake from the fence, he knocked the negro down five or six times in succession. "in the same year i worked for a mr. nowland, eleven miles above baton rouge, la. at a place called 'thomas' bend.' he had an overseer who was accustomed to flog more or less of the slaves every morning. i heard the blows and screams as regularly as we used to hear the college bell that summoned us to any duty when we went to school. this overseer was a nephew of nowland, and there were about fifty slaves on his plantation. nowland himself related the following to me. one of his slaves ran away, and came to the homo chitto river, where he found no means of crossing. here he fell in with a white man who knew his master, being on a journey from that vicinity. he induced the slave to return to baton rouge, under the promise of giving him a pass, by which he might escape, but, in reality, to betray him to his master. this he did, instead of fulfilling his promise. nowland said that he took the slave and inflicted five hundred lashes upon him, cutting his back all to pieces, and then thew on hot embers. the slave was on the plantation at the time, and told me the same story. he also rolled up his sleeves, and showed me the scars on his arms, which, in consequence, appeared in places to be callous to the bone. i was with nowland between five and six months." rev. john rankin, formerly of tennessee, now pastor of the presbyterian church of ripley, ohio, has furnished the following statement:-- "the rev. ludwell g. gaines, now pastor of the presbyterian church of goshen, clermont county, ohio, stated to me, that while a resident of a slave state, he was summoned to assist in taking a man who had made his black woman work naked several days, and afterwards murdered her. the murderer armed himself, and threatened to shoot the officer who went to take him; and although there was ample assistance at hand, the officer declined further interference." mr. rankin adds the following:-- "a presbyterian preacher, now resident in a slave state, and therefore it is not expedient to give his name, stated, that he saw on board of a steamboat at louisville, kentucky, a woman who had been forced on board, to be carried off from all she counted dear on earth. she ran across the boat and threw herself into the river, in order to end a life of intolerable sorrows. she was drawn back to the boat and taken up. the brutal driver beat her severely, and she immediately threw herself again into the river. she was hooked up again, chained, and carried off." testimony of m. william hansborough, of culpepper county, virginia, the "owner" of sixty slaves. "i saw a slave taken out of prison by his master, on a hot summer's day, and driven, by said master, on the road before him, till he dropped down dead." the above statement was made by mr. hansborough to lindley coates, of lancaster county, pa. a distinguished member of the society of friends, and a member of the late convention in pa. for altering the state constitution. the letter from mr. c. containing this testimony of mr. h. is now before us. mr. tobias boudinot, a member of the methodist church in st. albans, licking county, ohio, says: "in nicholasville, ky. in the year , he saw a slave fleeing before the patrol, but he was overtaken near where he stood, and a man with a knotted cane, as large as his wrist, struck the slave a number of times on his head, until the club was broken and he made tame; the blood was thrown in every direction by the violence of the blows." the rev. william dickey, of bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, wrote a letter to the rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio thirteen years since, containing a description of the cutting up of a slave with a broad axe; beginning at the feet and gradually cutting the legs, arms, and body into pieces! this diabolical atrocity was committed in the state of kentucky, in the year . the perpetrators of the deed were two brothers, lilburn and isham lewis, nephews of president jefferson. the writer of this having been informed by mr. dickey, that some of the facts connected with this murder were not contained in his letter published by mr. rankin, requested him to write the account _anew_, and furnish the additional facts. this he did, and the letter containing it was published in the "human rights" for august, . we insert it here, slightly abridged, with the introductory remarks which appeared in that paper. "mr. dickey's first letter has been scattered all over the country, south and north; and though multitudes have affected to disbelieve its statements, _kentuckians_ know the truth of them quite too well to call them in question. the story is fiction or fact--if _fiction_, why has it not been nailed to the wall? hundreds of people around the mouth of cumberland river are personally knowing to these facts. _there_ are the records of the court that tried the wretches.--_there_ their acquaintances and kindred still live. all over that region of country, the brutal butchery of george is a matter of public notoriety. it is quite needless, perhaps, to add, that the rev. wm. dickey is a presbyterian clergyman, one of the oldest members of the chilicothe presbytery, and greatly respected and beloved by the churches in southern ohio. he was born in south carolina, and was for many years pastor of a church in kentucky." rev. wm. dickey's letter. "in the county of livingston, ky. near the mouth of cumberland river, lived lilburn lewis, a sister's son of the celebrated jefferson. he was the wealthy owner of a considerable gang of negroes, whom he drove constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. the consequence was, that they would run away. among the rest was an ill-thrived boy of about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was sent to the spring for water, and in returning let fall an elegant pitcher: it was dashed to shivers upon the rocks. this was made the occasion for reckoning with him. it was night, and the slaves were all at home. the master had them all collected in the most roomy negro house, and a rousing fire put on. when the door was secured, that none might escape, either through _fear of him_ or _sympathy with george_, he opened to them the design of the interview, namely, that they might be effectually advised to _stay at home and obey his orders_. all things now in train, he called up george, who approached his master with unreserved submission. he bound him with cords; and by the assistance of isham lewis, his youngest brother, laid him on a broad bench, the _meat-block_. he then proceeded to _hack off george at the ankles_! it was with the _broad axe_! in vain did the unhappy victim _scream and roar_! for he was completely in his master's power; not a hand among so many durst interfere; casting the feet into the fire, he lectured them at some length.--he next _chopped him off below the knees_! george _roaring out_ and praying his master to begin at the _other end_! he admonished them again, throwing the legs into the fire--then, above the knees, tossing the joints into the fire--the next stroke severed the thighs from the body; these were also committed to the flames--and so it may be said of the arms, head, and trunk, until all was in the fire! he threatened any of them with similar punishment who should in future disobey, run away, or disclose the proceedings of that evening. nothing now remained but to consume the flesh and bones; and for this purpose the fire was brightly stirred until two hours after midnight; when a coarse and heavy back-wall, composed of rock and clay, covered the fire and the remains of george. it was the sabbath--this put an end to the _amusements_ of the evening. the negroes were now permitted to disperse, with charges to keep this matter among themselves, and never to whisper it in the neighbourhood, under the penalty of a like punishment. "when he returned home and retired, his wife exclaimed, 'why, mr. lewis, where have you been, and what were you doing?' she had heard a strange _pounding_ and dreadful _screams_, and had smelled something like fresh meat _burning_. the answer he returned was, that he had never enjoyed himself at a ball so well as he had enjoyed himself that night. "next morning he ordered the hands to rebuild the back-wall, and he himself superintended the work, throwing the pieces of flesh that still remained, with the bones, behind, as it went up--thus hoping to conceal the matter. but it _could not be hid_--much as the negroes seemed to hazard, they did _whisper the horrid deed_. the neighbors came, and in his presence tore down the wall; and finding the _remains_ of the boy, they apprehended lewis and his brother, and testified against them. they were committed to jail, that they might answer at the coming court for this shocking outrage; but finding security for their appearance at court, they were admitted to bail! "in the interim, other articles of evidence leaked out. that of mrs. lewis hearing a pounding, and screaming and her smelling fresh meat burning, for not till now had this come out. he was offended with her for disclosing these things, alleging that they might have some weight against him at the pending trial. "in connection with this is another item, full of horror. mr.s. lewis, or her girl, in making her bed one morning after this, found, under her bolster, a keen butcher knife! the appalling discovery forced from her the confession that she considered her life in jeopardy. messrs. rice and philips, whose wives were her sisters, went to see her and to bring her away if she wished it. mr. lewis received them with all the expressions of _virginia hospitality_. as soon as they were seated they said, 'well, letitia, we supposed that you might be unhappy here, and afraid for your life; and we have come to-day to take you to your father's, if you desire it.' she said, 'thank you, kind brothers, i am indeed afraid for my life.'--we need not interrupt the story to tell how much surprised he affected to be with this strange procedure of his brothers-in-law, and with this declaration of his wife. but all his professions of fondness for her, to the contrary notwithstanding, they rode off with her before his eyes.--he followed and overtook, and went with them to her father's; but she was locked up from him, with her own consent, and he returned home. "now he saw that his character was gone, his respectable friends believed that he had massacred george; but, worst of all, he saw that they considered the life of the harmless letitia was in danger from his perfidious hands. it was too much for his chivalry to sustain. the proud virginian sunk under the accumulated load of public odium. he proposed to his brother isham, who had been his accomplice in the george affair, that they should finish the play of life with a still deeper tragedy. the plan was, that they should shoot one another. having made the hot-brained bargain, they repaired with their guns to the grave-yard, which was on an eminence in the midst of his plantation. it was inclosed with a railing, say thirty feet square. one was to stand at one railing, and the other over against him at the other. they were to make ready, take aim, and count deliberately , , , and then fire. lilburn's will was written, and thrown down open beside him. they cocked their guns and raised them to their faces; but the peradventure occurring that one of the guns might miss fire, isham was sent for a rod, and when it was brought, lilburn cut it off at about the length of two feet, and was showing his brother how the survivor might do, provided one of the guns should fail; (for they were determined upon going together;) but forgetting, perhaps, in the perturbation of the moment that the gun was cocked, when he touched trigger with the rod the gun fired, and he fell, and died in a few minutes--and was with george in the eternal world, where _the slave is free from his master_. but poor isham was so terrified with this unexpected occurrence and so confounded by the awful contortions of his brother's face, that he had not nerve enough to follow up the play, and finish the plan as was intended, but suffered lilburn to go alone. the negroes came running to see what it meant that a gun should be fired in the grave-yard. there lay their master, dead! they ran for the neighbors. isham still remained on the spot. the neighbors at the first charged him with the murder of his brother. but he, though as if he had lost more than half his mind, told the whole story; and the course of range of the ball in the dead man's body agreeing with his statement, isham was not farther charged with lilburn's death. "the court sat--isham was judged to be guilty of a capital crime in the affair of george. he was to be hanged at salem. the day was set. my good old father visited him in the prison--two or three times talked and prayed with him; i visited him once myself. we fondly hoped that he was a sincere penitent. before the day of execution came, by some means, i never knew what, isham was _missing_. about two years after, we learned that he had gone down to natchez, and had married a lady of some refinement and piety. i saw her letters to his sisters, who were worthy members of the church of which i was pastor. the last letter told of his death. he was in jackson's army, and fell in the famous battle of new orleans." "i am, sir, your friend, "wm. dickey." personal narratives-part iii. narrative and testimony of rev. francis hawley. mr. hawley is the pastor of the baptist church in colebrook, litchfield county, connecticut. he has resided fourteen years in the slave states, north and south carolina. his character and standing with his own denomination at the south, may be inferred from the fact, that the baptist state convention of north carolina appointed him, a few years since, their general agent to visit the baptist churches within their bounds, and to secure their co-operation in the objects of the convention. mr. h. accepted the appointment, and for some time traveled in that capacity. "i rejoice that the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society have resolved to publish a volume of facts and testimony relative to the character and workings of american slavery. having resided fourteen years at the south, i cheerfully comply with your request, to give the result of my observation and experience. "and i would here remark, that one may reside at the south for years, and not witness extreme cruelties; a northern man, and one who is not a slaveholder, would be the last to have an opportunity of witnessing the infliction of cruel punishments." plantations. "a majority of the large plantations are on the banks of rivers, far from the public eye. a great deal of low marshy ground lies in the vicinity of most of the rivers at the south; consequently the main roads are several miles from the rivers, and generally no _public_ road passes the plantations. a stranger traveling on the _ridge_, would think himself in a miserably poor country; but every two or three miles he will see a road turning off and leading into the swamp; taking one of those roads, and traveling from two to six miles, he will come to a large gate; passing which, he will find himself in a clearing of several hundred acres of the first quality of land; passing on, he will see , or , or more slaves--men, women, boys and girls, at their task, every one with a hoe; or, if in cotton picking season, with their baskets. the overseer, with his whip, either riding or standing about among them; or if the weather is hot, sitting under a shade. at a distance, on a little rising ground, if such there be, he will see a cluster of huts, with a tolerable house in the midst, for the overseer. those huts are from ten to fifteen feet square, built of logs, and covered, not with shingles, but with boards, about four feet long, split out of pine timber with a '_frow_'. the floors are very commonly made in this way. clay is first worked until it is soft; it is then spread upon the ground, about four or five inches thick; when it dries, it becomes nearly as hard as a brick. the crevices between the logs are sometimes filled with the same. these huts generally cost the master nothing--they are commonly built by the negroes at night, and on sundays. when a slave of a neighboring plantation takes a wife, or to use the phrase common at the south, 'takes up' with one of the women, he builds a hut, and it is called her house. upon entering these huts, (not as comfortable in many instances as the horse stable,) generally, you will find no chairs, but benches and stools; no table, no bedstead, and no bed, except a blanket or two, and a few rags or moss; in some instances a knife or two, but very rarely a fork. you may also find a pot or skillet, and generally a number of gourds, which serve them instead of bowls and plates. the cruelties practiced on those secluded plantations, the judgment day alone can reveal. oh, brother, could i summon ten slaves from ten plantations that i could name, and have them give but one year's history of their bondage, it would thrill the land with horror. those overseers who follow the business of overseeing for a livelihood, are generally the most unprincipled and abandoned of men. their wages are regulated according to their skill in extorting labor. the one who can make the most bags of cotton, with a given number of hands, is the one generally sought after; and there is a competition among them to see who shall make the largest crop, according to the hands he works. i ask, what must be the condition of the poor slaves, under the unlimited power of such men, in whom, by the long-continued practise of the most heart-rending cruelties, every feeling of humanity has been obliterated? but it may be asked, cannot the slaves have redress by appealing to their masters? in many instances it is impossible, as their masters live hundreds of miles off. there are perhaps thousands in the northern slave states, [and many in the free states,] who own plantations in the southern slave states, and many more spend their summers at the north, or at the various watering places. but what would the slaves gain, if they should appeal to the master? he has placed the overseer over them, with the understanding that he will make as large a crop as possible, and that he is to have entire control, and manage them according to his own judgment. now suppose that in the midst of the season, the slaves make complaint of cruel treatment. the master cannot get along without an overseer--it is perhaps very sickly on the plantation he dare not risk his own life there. overseers are all enraged at that season, and if he takes part with his slave against the overseer, he would destroy his authority, and very likely provoke him to leave his service--which would of course be a very great injury to him. thus, in nineteen cases out of twenty, self-interest would prevent the master from paying any attention to the complaints of his slaves. and, if any should complain, it would of course come to the ears of the overseer, and the complainant would be inhumanly punished for it." clothing. "the rule, where slaves are hired out, is two suits of clothes per year, one pair of shoes, and one blanket; but as it relates to the great body of the slaves, this cannot be called a general rule. on many plantations, the children under ten or twelve years old, go _entirely naked_--or, it clothed at all, they have nothing more than a shirt. the cloth is of the coarsest kind, far from being durable or warm; and their shoes frequently come to pieces in a few weeks. i have never known any provision made, or time allowed for the washing of clothes. if they wish to wash, as they have generally but one suit, they go after their day's toil to some stream, build a fire, pull off their clothes and wash them in the stream, and dry them by the fire; and in some instances they wear their clothes until they are worn off; without washing. i have never known an instance of a slaveholder putting himself to any expense, that his slaves might have decent clothes for the sabbath. if by making baskets, brooms, mats, &c. at night or on sundays, the slaves can get money enough to buy a sunday suit, very well. i have never known an instance of a slaveholder furnishing his slaves with stockings or mittens. i _know_ that the slaves suffer much, and no doubt many die in consequence of not being well clothed." food. "in the grain-growing part of the south, the slaves, as it relates to food, fare tolerably well; but in the cotton, and rice-growing, and sugar-making portion, some of them fare badly. i have been on plantations where, from the appearance of the slaves, i should judge they were half-starved. they receive their allowance very commonly on sunday morning. they are left to cook it as they please, and when they please. many slaveholders rarely give their slaves meat, and very few give them more food than will keep them in a working condition. they rarely ever have a _change_ of food. i have never known an instance of slaves on plantations being furnished either with sugar, butter, cheese, or milk." work. "if the slaves on plantations were well fed and clothed, and had the stimulus of wages, they could perhaps in general perform their tasks without injury. the horn is blown soon after the dawn of day, when all the hands destined for the field must be 'on the march!' if the field is far from their huts, they take their breakfast with them. they toil till about ten o'clock, when they eat it. they then continue their toil till the sun is set. "a neighbor of mine, who has been an overseer in alabama, informs me, that there they ascertain how much labor a slave can perform in a day, in the following manner. when they commence a new cotton field, the overseer takes his watch, and marks how long it takes them to hoe one row, and then lays out the task accordingly. my neighbor also informs me, that the slaves in alabama are worked very hard; that the lash is almost universally applied at the close of the day, if they fail to perform their task in the cotton-picking season. you will see them, with their baskets of cotton, slowly bending their way to the cotton house, where each one's basket is weighed. they have no means of knowing accurately, in the course of the day, how they make progress; so that they are in suspense, until their basket is weighed. here comes the mother, with her children; she does not know whether herself, or children, or all of them, must take the lash; they cannot weigh the cotton themselves--the whole must be trusted to the overseer. while the weighing goes on, all is still. so many pounds short, cries the overseer, and takes up his whip, exclaiming, 'step this way, you d--n lazy scoundrel, or bitch.' the poor slave begs, and promises, but to no purpose. the lash is applied until the overseer is satisfied. sometimes the whipping is deferred until the weighing is all over. i have said that all must be _trusted_ to the overseer. if he owes any one a grudge, or wishes to enjoy the fiendish pleasure of whipping a little, (for some overseers really delight in it,) they have only to tell a falsehood relative to the weight of their basket; they can then have a pretext to gratify their diabolical disposition; and from the character of overseers, i have no doubt that it is frequently done. on all plantations, the male and female slaves fare pretty much alike; those who are with child are driven to their task till within a few days of the time of their delivery; and when the child is a few weeks old, the mother must again go to the field. if it is far from her hut, she must take her babe with her, and leave it in the care of some of the children--perhaps of one not more than four or five years old. if the child cries, she cannot go to its relief; the eye of the overseer is upon her; and if, when she goes to nurse it, she stays a little longer than the overseer thinks necessary, he commands her back to her task, and perhaps a husband and father must hear and witness it all. brother, you cannot begin to know what the poor slave mothers suffer, on thousands of plantations at the south. "i will now give a few facts, showing the workings of the system. some years since, a presbyterian minister moved from north carolina to georgia. he had a negro man of an uncommon mind. for some cause, i know not what, this minister whipped him most unmercifully. he next nearly _drowned_ him; he then put him _in the fence_; this is done by lifting up the corner of a 'worm' fence, and then putting the feet through; the rails serve as _stocks_. he kept him there some time, how long i was not informed, but the poor slave _died_ in a few days; and, if i was rightly informed, nothing was done about it, either in church or state. after some tame, he moved back to north carolina, and is now a member of ---- presbytery. i have heard him preach, and have been in the pulpit with him. may god forgive me! "at laurel hill, richmond county, north carolina, it was reported that a runaway slave was in the neighborhood. a number of young men took their guns, and went in pursuit. some of them took their station near the stage road, and kept on the look-out. it was early in the evening--the poor slave came along, when the ambush rushed upon him, and ordered him to surrender. he refused, and kept them off with his club. they still pressed upon him with their guns presented to his breast. without seeming to be daunted, he caught hold of the muzzle of one of the guns, and came near getting possession of it. at length, retreating to a fence on one side of the road, he sprang over into a corn-field, and started to run in one of the rows. one of the young men stepped to the fence, fired, and lodged the whole charge between his shoulders; he fell, and died in a short time. he died without telling who his master was, or whether he had any, or what his own name was, or where he was from. a hole was dug by the side of the road his body tumbled into it, and thus ended the whole matter. "the rev, mr. c. a methodist minister, held as his slave a negro man, who was a member of his own church. the slave was considered a very pious man, had the confidence of his master, and all who knew him, and if i recollect right, he sometimes attempted to preach. just before the nat turner insurrection, in southampton county, virginia, by which the whole south was thrown into a panic, then worthy slave obtained permission to visit his relatives, who resided either in southampton, or the county adjoining. this was the only instance that ever came to my knowledge, of a slave being permitted to go so far to visit his relatives. he went and returned according to agreement. a few weeks after his return, the insurrection took place, and the whole country was deeply agitated. suspicion soon fixed on this slave. nat turner was a baptist minister, and the south became exceedingly jealous of all negro preachers. it seemed as if the whole community were impressed with the belief that he knew all about it; that he and nat turner had concocted an extensive insurrection; and so confident were they in this belief, that they took the poor slave, tried him, and hung him. it was all done in a few days. he protested his innocence to the last. after the excitement was over, many were ready to acknowledge that they believed him innocent. he was hung upon _suspicion_! "in r---- county, north carolina, lived a mr. b. who had the name of being a cruel master. three or four winters since, his slaves were engaged in clearing a piece of new land. he had a negro girl, about years old, whom he had severely whipped a few days before, for not performing her task. she again failed. the hands left the field for home; she went with them a part of the way, and fell behind; but the negroes thought she would soon be along; the evening passed away, and she did not come. they finally concluded that she had gone back to the new ground, to lie by the log heaps that were on fire. but they were mistaken: she had sat down by the foot of a large pine. she was thinly clad--the night was cold and rainy. in the morning the poor girl was found, but she was speechless and died in a short time. "one of my neighbors sold to a speculator a negro boy, about years old. it was more than his poor mother could bear. her reason fled, and she became a perfect _maniac_, and had to be kept in close confinement. she would occasionally get out and run off to the neighbors. on one of these occasions she came to my house. she was indeed a pitiable object. with tears rolling down her checks, and her frame shaking with agony, she would cry out, _'don't you hear him--they are whipping him now, and he is calling for me!'_ this neighbor of mine, who tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus broke her heart, was a _member of the presbyterian church._ "mr. s----, of marion district, south carolina, informed me that a boy was killed by the overseer on mr. p----'s plantation. the boy was engaged in driving the horses in a cotton gin. the driver generally sits on the end of the sweep. not driving to suit the overseer, he knocked him off with the butt of his whip. his skull was fractured. he died in a short time. "a man of my acquaintance in south carolina, and of considerable wealth, had an only son, whom he educated for the bar; but not succeeding in his profession, he soon returned home. his father having a small plantation three or four miles off; placed his son on it as an overseer. following the example of his father, as i have good reason to believe, he took the wife of one of the negro men. the poor slave felt himself greatly injured, and expostulated with him. the wretch took his gun, and deliberately shot him. providentially he only wounded him badly. when the father came, and undertook to remonstrate with his son about his conduct, he threatened to shoot him also! and finally, took the negro woman, and went to alabama, where he still resided when i left the south. "an elder in the presbyterian church related to me the following.--'a speculator with his drove of negroes was passing my house, and i bought a little girl, nine or ten years old. after a few months, i concluded that i would rather have a plough-boy. another speculator was passing, and i sold the girl. she was much distressed, and was very unwilling to leave.'--she had been with him long enough to become attached to his own and his negro children, and he concluded by saying, that in view of the little girl's tears and cries, he had determined never to do the like again. i would not trust him, for i know him to be a very avaricious man. "while traveling in anson county, north carolina, i put up for a night at a private house. the man of the house was not at home when i stopped, but came in the course of the evening, and was noisy and profane, and nearly drunk. i retired to rest, but not to sleep; his cursing and swearing were enough to keep a regiment awake. about midnight he went to his kitchen, and called out his two slaves, a man and woman. his object, he said, was to whip them. they both begged and promised, but to no purpose. the whipping began, and continued for some time. their cries might have been heard at a distance. "i was acquainted with a very wealthy planter, on the pedee river, in south carolina, who has since died in consequence of intemperance. it was said that he had occasioned the death of twelve of his slaves, by compelling them to work in water, opening a ditch in the midst of winter. the disease with which they died was a pleurisy. "in crossing pedee river, at cashway ferry, i observed that the ferryman had no hair on either side of his head, i asked him the cause. he informed me that it was caused by his master's cane. i said, you have a very bad master. 'yes, a very bad master.' i understood that he was once a number of congress from south carolina. "while traveling as agent for the north carolina baptist state convention, i attended a three days' meeting in gates county, friday, the first day, passed off. saturday morning came, and the pastor of the church, who lived a few miles off, did not make his appearance. the day passed off, and no news from the pastor. on sabbath morning, he came hobbling along, having but little use of one foot. he soon explained: said he had a hired negro man, who, on saturday morning, gave him a 'little _slack jaw.'_ not having a stick at hand, he fell upon him with his fist and foot, and in _kicking_ him, he injured his foot so seriously, that he could not attend meeting on saturday. "some of the slaveholding ministers at the south, put their slaves under overseers, or hire them out, and then take the pastoral care of churches. the rev. mr. b----, formerly of pennsylvania, had a plantation in marlborough district, south carolina, and was the pastor of a church in darlington district. the rev. mr. t----, of johnson county, north carolina, has a plantation in alabama. "i was present, and saw the rev. j---- w----, of mecklenburg county, north carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines is burke county. the rev. h---- m----, of orange county, sold for $ , a negro man to a speculator, on a monday of a camp meeting. "runaway slaves are frequently hunted with guns and dogs. _i was once out on such an excursion, with my rifle and two dogs._ i trust the lord has forgiven me this heinous wickedness! we did not take the runaways. "slaves are sometimes most unmercifully punished for trifling offences, or mere mistakes. "as it relates to amalgamation, i can say, that i have been in respectable families, (so called,) where i could distinguish the family resemblance in the slaves who waited upon the table. i once hired a slave who belonged to his own _uncle._ it is so common for the female slaves to have white children, that little or nothing is ever said about it. very few inquiries are made as to who the father is. "thus, brother ----, i have given you very briefly, the result, in part, of my observations and experience relative to slavery. you can make what disposition of it you please. i am willing that my name should go to the world with what i have now written. "yours affectionately, for the oppressed, "francis hawley." _colebrook, connecticut, march_ , . testimony of reuben g. macy and richard macy. the following is an extract of a letter recently received from charles marriott of hudson, new york. mr. marriott is an elder in the religious society of friends, and is extensively known and respected. "the two following brief statements, are furnished by richard macy and reuben g. macy, brothers, both of hudson, new york. they are head carpenters by trade, and have been well known to me for more than thirty years, as esteemed members of the religious society of friends. they inform me that during their stay in south carolina, a number more similar cases to those here related, came under their notice, which to avoid repetition they omit. c. marriott." testimony of reuben g. macy. "during the winter of and , i resided on an island near the mouth of the savanna river, on the south carolina side. most of the slaves that came under my particular notice, belonged to a widow and her daughter, in whose family i lived. no white man belonged to the plantation. her slaves were under the care of an overseer who came once a week to give orders, and settled the score laid up against such as their mistress thought deserved punishment, which was from twenty-five to thirty lashes on their naked backs, with a whip which the overseer generally brought with him. this whip had a stout handle about two feet long, and a lash about four and a half feet. from two to four received the above, i believe nearly every week during the winter, sometimes in my presence, and always in my hearing. i examined the backs and shoulders of a number of the men, which were mostly naked while they were about their labor, and found them covered with hard ridges in every direction. one day, while busy in the cotton house, hearing a noise, i ran to the door and saw a colored woman pleading with the overseer, who paid no attention to her cries, but tied her hands together, and passed the rope over a beam, over head, where was a platform for spreading cotton, he then drew the rope as tight as he could, so as to let her toes touch the ground; then stripped her body naked to the waist, and went deliberately to work with his whip, and put on twenty-five or thirty lashes, she pleading in vain all the time. i inquired, the cause of such treatment, and was informed it was for answering her mistress rather '_short_.'" "a woman from a neighboring plantation came where i was, on a visit; she came in a boat rowed by six slaves, who, according to the common practice, were left to take care of themselves, and having laid them down in the boat and fallen asleep, the tide fell, and the water filling the stern of the boat, wet their mistresses trunk of clothes. when she discovered it, she called them up near where i was, and compelled them to whip each other, till they all had received a severe flogging. she standing by with a whip in her hand to see that they did not spare each other. their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the week, and such as were not there to receive their portion at the appointed time, had to live as they could during the coming week. each one had the privilege of planting a small piece of ground, and raising poultry for their own use which they generally sold, that is, such as did improve the privilege which were but few. they had nothing allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at christmas which a slave brought three miles on his head. they were allowed three days rest at christmas. their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of whitish woollen cloth called negro cloth. the women had nothing but a petticoat, and a very short short-gown, made of the same king of cloth. some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but they generally went _barefoot_. the houses for the field slaves were about fourteen feet square, built in the coarsest manner, having but one room, without any chimney, or flooring, with a hole at the roof at one end to let the smoke out. "each one was allowed one blanket in which they rolled themselves up. i examined their houses but could not discover any thing like a bed. i was informed that when they had a sufficiency of potatoes the slaves were allowed some; but the season that i was there they did not raise more than were wanted for seed. all their corn was ground in one hand-mill, every night just as much as was necessary for the family, then each one his daily portion, which took considerable time in the night. i often awoke and heard the sound of the mill. grinding the corn in the night, and in the dark, after their day's labor, and the want of other food, were great hardships. "the traveling in those parts, among the islands, was altogether with boats, rowed by from four to ten slaves, which often stopped at our plantation, and staid through the night, when the slaves, after rowing through the day, were left to shift for themselves; and when they went to savannah with a load of cotton the were obliged to sleep in the open boats, as the law did not allow a colored person to be out after eight o'clock in the evening, without a pass from his master." testimony of richard macy. "the above account is from my brother, i was at work on hilton head about twenty miles north of my brother, during the same winter. the same allowance of one peck of corn for a week, the same kind of houses to live in, and the same method of grinding their corn, and always in the night, and in the dark, was practiced there. "a number of instances of severe whipping came under my notice. the first was this:--two men were sent out to saw some blocks out of large live oak timber on which to raise my building. their saw was in poor order, and they sawed them badly, for which their master stripped them naked and flogged them. "the next instance was a boy about sixteen years of age. he had crept into the coach to sleep; after two or three nights he was caught by the coach driver, a _northern man_, and stripped _entirely naked_, and whipped without mercy, his master looking on. "another instance. the overseer, a young white man, had ordered several negroes a boat's crew, to be on the spot at a given time. one man did not appear until the boat had gone. the overseer was very angry and told him to strip and be flogged; he being slow, was told if he did not instantly strip off his jacket, he, the overseer, would whip it off which he did in shreds, whipping him cruelly. "the man ran into the barrens and it was about a month before they caught him. he was newly starved, and at last stole a turkey; then another, and was caught. "having occasion to pass a plantation very early one foggy morning, in a boat we heard the sound of the whip, before we could see, but as we drew up in front of the plantation, we could see the negroes at work in the field. the overseer was going from one to the other causing them to lay down their hoe, strip off their garment, hold up their hands and receive their number of lashes. thus he went on from one to the other until we were out of sight. in the course of the winter a family came where i was, on a visit from a neighboring island; of course, in a boat with negroes to row them--one of these a barber, told me that he ran away about two years before, and joined a company of negroes who had fled to the swamps. he said they suffered a great deal--were at last discovered by a party of hunters, who fired among them, and caused them to scatter. himself and one more fled to the coast, took a boat and put off to sea, a storm came on and swamped or upset them, and his partner was drowned, he was taken up by a passing vessel and returned to his master. richard macy. _hudson, mo. th_, ." testimony of mr. eleazar powell extract of a letter from mr. william scott, a highly respectable citizen of beaver co. pennsylvania, dated jan , . _chippeca township, beaver co. pa. jan._ , . "i send you the statement of mr. eleazar powell, who was born, and has mostly resided in this township from his birth. his character for sobriety and truth stands above impeachment. "with sentiments of esteem, i am your friend, william scott. "in the month of december, , i went to the state of mississippi to work at my trade, (masonry and bricklaying,) and continued to work in the counties of adams and jefferson, between four and five months. in following my business i had an opportunity of seeing the treatment of slaves in several places. "in adams county i built a chimney for a man named joseph gwatney; he had forty-five field hands of both sexes. the field in which they worked at that time, lay about two miles from the house; the hands had to cook and eat their breakfast, prepare their dinner, and be in the field at daylight, and continue there till dark. in the evening the cotton they had picked was weighed, and if they fell short of their task they were whipped. one night i attended the weighing--two women fell short of their task, and the master ordered the black driver to take them to the quarters and flog them; one of them was to receive twenty-five lashes and pick a peck of cotton seed. i have been with the overseer several times through the negro quarters. the huts are generally built of split timber, some larger than rails, twelve and a half feet wide and fourteen feet long--some with and some without chimneys, and generally without floors; they were generally without daubing, and mostly had split clapboards nailed on the cracks on the outside, though some were without even that: in some there was a kind of rough bedstead, made from rails, polished with the axe, and put together in a very rough manner, the bottom covered with clapboards, and over that a bundle of worn out clothes. in some huts there was no bedstead at all. the above description applies to the places generally with which i was acquainted, and they were mostly _old settlements._ "in the east part of jefferson county i built a chimney for a man named ---- m'coy; he had forty-seven laboring hands. near where i was at work, m'coy had ordered one of his slaves to set a post for a gate. when he came to look at it, he said the slave had not set it in the right place; and ordered him to strip, and lie down on his face; telling him that if he struggled, or attempted to get up, two men, who had been called to the spot, should seize and hold him fast. the slave agreed to be quiet, and m'coy commenced flogging him on the bare back, with the wagon whip. after some time the sufferer attempted to get up; one of the slaves standing by, seized him by the feet and held him fast; upon which he yielded, and m'coy continued to flog him ten or fifteen minutes. when he was up, and had put on his trowsers, the blood came through them. "about half a mile from m'coy's was a plantation owned by his step-daughter. the overseer's name was james farr, of whom it appears mrs. m'coy's waiting woman was enamoured. one night, while i lived there, m'coy came from natchez, about o'clock at night. he said that dinah was gone, and wished his overseer to go with him to farr's lodgings. they went accordingly, one to each door, and caught dinah as she ran out, she was partly dressed in her mistress's clothes; m'coy whipped her unmercifully, and she afterwards made her escape. on the next day, (sabbath), m'coy came to the overseer's, where i lodged, and requested him and me to look for her, as he was afraid that she had hanged herself. he then gave me the particulars of the flogging. he stated that near farr's he had made her strip and lie down, and had flogged her until he was tired; that before he reached home he had a second time made her strip, and again flogged her until he was tired; that when he reached home he had tied her to a peach-tree, and after getting a drink had flogged her until he was thirsty again; and while he went to get a drink the woman made her escape. he stated that he knew, from the whipping he had given her, there must be in her back cuts an inch deep. he showed the place where she had been tied to the tree; there appeared to be as much blood as if a hog had been stuck there. the woman was found on sabbath evening, near the sprang, and had to be carried into the house. "while i lived there i heard m'coy say, if the slaves did not raise him three hundred bales of cotton the ensuing season, he would kill every negro he had. "another case of flogging came under my notice: philip o. hughes, sheriff of jefferson county, had hired a slave to a man, whose name i do not recollect. on a sabbath day the slave had drank somewhat freely; he was ordered by the tavern keeper, (where his present master had left his horse and the negro,) to stay in the kitchen; the negro wished to be out. in persisting to go out he was knocked down three times; and afterwards flogged until another young man and myself ran about half a mile, having been drawn by the cries of the negro and the sound of the whip. when we came up, a number of men that had been about the tavern, were whipping him, and at intervals would ask him if he would take off his clothes. at seeing them drive down the stakes for a regular flogging he yielded, and took them off. they then flogged him until satisfied. on the next morning i saw him, and his pantaloons were all in a gore of blood. "during my stay in jefferson county, philip o. hughes was out one day with his gun--he saw a negro at some distance, with a club in one hand and an ear of corn in the other--hughes stepped behind a tree, and waited his approach; he supposed the negro to be a runaway, who had escaped about nine months before from his master, living not very far distant. the negro discovered hughes before he came up, and started to run; he refusing to stop, hughes fired, and shot him through the arm. through loss of blood the negro was soon taken and put in jail. i saw his wound twice dressed, and heard hughes make the above statement. "when in jefferson county i boarded six weeks in fayette, the county town, with a tavern keeper named james truly. he had a slave named lucy, who occupied the station of chamber maid and table waiter. one day, just after dinner mrs. truly took lucy and bound her arms round a pine sapling behind the house, and commenced flogging her with a riding-whip; and when tired would take her chair and rest. she continued thus alternately flogging and resting, for at least an hour and a half. i afterwards learned from the bar-keeper, and others, that the woman's offence was that she had bought two candles to set on the table the evening before, not knowing there were yet some in the box. i did nor see the act of flogging above related; but it was commenced before i left the house after dinner, and my work not being more than twenty rods from the house, i distinctly heard the cries of the woman all the time, and the manner of tying i had from those who did see it. "while i boarded at truly's, an overseer shot a negro about two miles northwest of fayette, belonging to a man named hinds stuart. i heard stuart himself state the particulars. it appeared that the negro's wife fell under the overseer's displeasure, and he went to whip her. the negro said she should not be whipped. the overseer then let her go, and ordered him to be seized. the negro, having been a driver, rolled the lash of his whip round his hand, and said he would not be whipped at that time. the overseer repeated his orders. the negro took up a hoe, and none dared to take hold of him. the overseer then went to his coat, that he had laid off to whip the negro's wife, and took out his pistol and shot him dead. his master ordered him to be buried in a hole without a coffin. stuart stated that he would not have taken two thousand dollars for him. no punishment was inflicted on the overseer. eleazar powell, jr." testimony on the authority of rev. wm. scales, lyndon, vt the following is an extract of a letter from two professional gentlemen and their wives, who have lived for some years in a small village in one of the slave states. they are all persons of the highest respectability, and are well known in at least one of the new england states. their names are with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society; but as the individuals would doubtless be murdered by the slaveholders, if they were published, the committee feel sacredly bound to withhold them. the letter was addressed to a respected clergyman in new england. the writers say: "a man near us owned a valuable slave--his best--most faithful servant. in a gust of passion, he struck him dead with a lever, or stick of wood. "during the years ' and ' , the following transpired. a slave in our neighborhood ran away and went to a place about thirty miles distant. there he was found by his pursuers on horseback, and compelled by the whip to run the distance of thirty miles. it was an exceedingly hot day--and within a few hours after he arrived at the end of his journey the slave was dead. "another slave ran away, but concluded to return. he had proceeded some distance on his return, when he was met by a company of two or three drivers who raced, whipped and abused him until he fell down and expired. this took place on the sabbath." the writer after speaking of another murder of a slave in the neighborhood, without giving the circumstances, say--"there is a powerful new england influence at ----" the village where they reside--"we may therefore suppose that there would he as little of barbarian cruelty practiced there as any where;--at least we might suppose that the average amount of cruelty in that vicinity would be sufficiently favorable to the side of slavery.--describe a circle, the centre of which shall be--, the residence of the writers, and the radius fifteen miles, and in about one year three, and i think four slaves have been _murdered_, within that circle, under circumstances of horrid cruelty.--what must have been the amount of murder in the whole slave territory? the whole south is rife with the crime of separating husbands and wives, parents and children." testimony of joseph ide, esq. mr. ide is a respected member of the baptist church in sheffield, caledonia county, vt.; and recently the postmaster in that town. he spent a few months at the south in the years and . in a letter to the rev. wm. scales of lyndon, vt. written a few weeks since, mr. ide writes as follows. "in answering the proposed inquiries, i will say first, that although there are various other modes resorted to, whipping with the cowskin is the usual mode of inflicting punishment on the poor slave. i have never actually witnessed a whipping scene, for they are usually taken into some back place for that purpose; but i have often heard their groans and screams while writhing under the lash; and have seen the blood flow from their torn and lacerated skins after the vengeance of the inhuman master or mistress had been glutted. you ask if the woman where i boarded whipped a slave to death. i can give you the particulars of the transaction as they were related to me. my informant was a gentleman--a member of the presbyterian church in massachusetts--who the winter before boarded where i did. he said that mrs. t---- had a female slave whom she used to whip unmercifully, and on one occasion, she whipped her as long as she had strength, and after the poor creature was suffered to go, she crawled off into a cellar. as she did not immediately return, search was made, and she was found dead in the cellar, and the horrid deed was kept a secret in the family, and it was reported that she died of sickness. this wretch at the same time was a member of a presbyterian church. towards her slaves she was certainly the most cruel wretch of any woman with whom i was ever acquainted--yet she was nothing more than a slaveholder. she would deplore slavery as much as i did, and often told me she was much of an abolitionist as i was. she was constant in the declaration that her kind treatment to her slaves was proverbial. thought i, then the lord have mercy on the rest. she has often told me of the cruel treatment of the slaves on a plantation adjoining her father's in the low country of south carolina. she says she has often seen them driven to the necessity of eating frogs and lizards to sustain life. as to the mode of living generally, my information is rather limited, being with few exceptions confined to the different families where i have boarded. my stopping places at the south have mostly been in cities. in them the slaves are better fed and clothed than on plantations. the house servants are fed on what the families leave. but they are kept short, and i think are oftener whipped for stealing something to eat than any other crime. on plantations their food is principally hommony, as the southerners call it. it is simply cracked corn boiled. this probably constitutes seven-eights of their living. the house-servants in cities are generally decently clothed, and some favorite ones are richly dressed, but those on the plantations, especially in their dress, if it can be called dress, exhibit the most haggard and squalid appearance. i have frequently seen those of both sexes more than two-thirds naked. i have seen from forty to sixty, male and female, at work in a field, many of both sexes with their bodies entirely naked--who did not exhibit signs of shame more than cattle. as i did not go among them much on the plantations, i have had but few opportunities for examining the backs of slaves--but have frequently passed where they were at work, and been occasionally present with them, and in almost every case there were marks of violence on some parts of them--every age, sex and condition being liable to the whip. a son of the gentleman with whom i boarded, a young man about twenty-one years of age, had a plantation and eight or ten slaves. he used to boast almost every night of whipping some of them. one day he related to me a case of whipping an old negro--i should judge sixty years of age. he said he called him up to flog him for some real or supposed offence, and the poor old man, being pious, asked the privilege of praying before he received his punishment. he said he granted him the favor, and to use his own expression, 'the old nigger knelt down and prayed for me, and then got up and took his whipping.' in relation to negro huts, i will say that planters usually own large tracts of land. they have extensive clearings and a beautiful mansion house--and generally some forty or fifty rods from the dwelling are situated the negro cabins, or huts, built of logs in the rudest manner. some consist of poles rolled up together and covered with mud or clay--many of them not as comfortable as northern pig-sties." testimony of rev. phineas smith mr. smith is now pastor of the presbyterian church in centreville, allegany county, n.y. he has recently returned from a residence in the slave states, and the american slave holding settlements in texas. the following is an extract of a letter lately received from him. "you inquire respecting instances of cruelty that have come within my knowledge. i reply. avarice and cruelty constitute the very gist of the whole slave system. many of the enormities committed upon the plantations will not be described till god brings to light the hidden things of darkness, then the tears and groans and blood of innocent men, women and children will be revealed, and the oppressor's spirit must confront that of his victim. "i will relate a case of _torture_ which occurred on the brassos while i resided a few miles distant upon the chocolate bayou. the case should be remembered as a true illustration of the nature of slavery, as it exists at the south. the facts are these. an overseer by the name of alexander, notorious for his cruelty, was found dead in the timbered lands of the brassos. it was supposed that he was murdered, but who perpetrated the act was unknown. two black men were however seized, taken into the prairie and put to the torture. a physician by the name of parrott from tennessee, and another from new england by the name of anson jones, were present on this occasion. the latter gentleman is now the texan minister plenipotentiary to the united states, and resides at washington. the unfortunate slaves being stripped, and all things arranged, the torture commenced by whipping upon their bare backs. six athletic men were employed in this scene of inhumanity, the names of some of whom i well remember. there was one of the name of brown, and one or two of the name of patton. those six executioners were successively employed in cutting up the bodies of these defenceless slaves, who persisted to the last in the avowal of their innocence. the bloody whip was however kept in motion till savage barbarity itself was glutted. when this was accomplished, the bleeding victims were re-conveyed to the inclosure of the mansion house where they were deposited for a few moments. '_the dying groans however incommoding the ladies, they were taken to a back shed where one of them soon expired_.'[ ] the life of the other slave was for a time despaired of, but after hanging over the grave for months, he at length so far recovered as to walk about and labor at light work. these facts _cannot be controverted_. they were disclosed under the solemnity of an oath, at columbia, in a court of justice. i was present, and shall never forget them. the testimony of drs. parrott and jones was most appalling. i seem to hear the death-groans of that murdered man. his cries for mercy and protestations of innocence fell upon adamantine hearts. the facts above stated, and others in relation to this scene of cruelty came to light in the following manner. the master of the murdered man commenced legal process against the actors in this tragedy for the _recovery of the value of the chattel_, as one would institute a suit for a horse or an ox that had been unlawfully killed. it was a suit for the recovery of _damages_ merely. no _indictment_ was even dreamed of. among the witnesses brought upon the stand in the progress of this cause were the physicians, parrott and jones above named. the part which they were called to act in this affair was, it is said, to examine the pulse of the victims during the process of _torture_. but they were mistaken as to the quantum of torture which a human being can undergo and not die under it. can it be believed that one of these physicians was born and educated in the land of the pilgrims? yes, in my own native new england. it is even so! the stone-like apathy manifested at the trial of the above cause, and the screams and the death-groans of an innocent man, as developed by the testimony of the witnesses, can never be obliterated from my memory. they form an era in my life, a point to which i look back with horror. [footnote : the words of dr. parrott, a witness on the trial hereafter referred to.] "another case of cruelty occurred on the san bernard near chance prairie, where i resided for some time. the facts were these. a slave man fled from his master, (mr. sweeny) and being closely _pursued_ by the overseer and a son of the owner, he stepped a few yards in the bernard and placed himself upon a root, from which there was no possibility of his escape, for he could not swim. in this situation he was fired upon with a blunderbuss loaded heavily with ball and grape shot. the overseer who shot the gun was at a distance of a few feet only. the charge entered the body of the negro near the groin. he was conveyed to the plantation, lingered in inexpressible agony a few days and expired. a physician was called, but medical and surgical skill was unavailing. no notice whatever was taken of this murder by the public authorities, and the murderer was not discharged from the service of his employer. "when slaves flee, as they not unfrequently do, to the timbered lands of texas, they are hunted with guns and dogs. "the sufferings of the slave not unfrequently drive him to despair and suicide. at a plantation on the san bernard, where there were but five slaves, two during the same year committed suicide by drowning." testimony of philemon bliss, esq. mr. bliss is a highly respectable member of the bar, in elyria, lorain co. ohio, and member of the presbyterian church, in that place. he resided in florida, during the years and . the following extracts are from letters, written by mr. b. in , while residing on a plantation near tallahassee, and published soon after in the ohio atlas; also from letters written in and published in the new york evangelist. "in speaking of slavery as it is, i hardly know where to begin. the physical condition of the slave is far from being accurately known at the north. gentlemen _traveling_ in the south can know nothing of it. they must make the south their residence; they must live on plantations, before they can have any opportunity of judging of the slave. i resided in augustine five months, and had i not made _particular_ inquiries, which most northern visitors very seldom or never do, i should have left there with the impression that the slaves were generally very _well_ treated, and were a happy people. such is the report of many northern travelers who have no more opportunity of knowing their real condition than if they had remained at home. what confidence could we place in the reports of the traveler, relative to the condition of the irish peasantry, who formed his opinion from the appearance of the waiters at a dublin hotel, or the household servants of a country gentleman? and it is not often on plantations even, that _strangers_ can witness the punishment of the slave. i was conversing the other day with a neighboring planter, upon the brutal treatment of the slaves which i had witnessed: he remarked, that had i been with him i should not have seen this. "when i whip niggers, i take them out of sight and hearing." such being the difficulties in the way of a stranger's ascertaining the treatment of the slaves, it is not to be wondered at that gentlemen, of undoubted veracity, should give directly false statements relative to it. but facts cannot lie, and in giving these i confine myself to what has come under my own personal observation. "the negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and, excepting the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the field till dark in the evening. there is a good deal of contention among planters, who shall make the most cotton to the hand, or, who shall drive their negroes the hardest; and i have heard bets made and staked upon the issue of the crops. col. w. was boasting of his large crops, and swore that 'he made for his force, the largest crops in the country.' he was disputed of course. on riding home in company with mr. c. the conversation turned upon col. w. my companion remarked, that though col. w. had the reputation of making a large crop, yet he could beat him himself, and did do it the last year. i remarked that i considered it no honor to _col. w_. to drive his slaves to death to make a large crop. i have heard no more about large crops from him since. drivers or overseers usually drive the slaves worse than masters.--their reputation for good overseers depends in a great measure upon the crops they make, and the death of a slave is no loss to them. "of the extent and cruelty of the punishment of the slave, the northern public know nothing. from the nature of the case they can know little, as i have before mentioned. "i _have seen_ a woman, a mother, compelled, in the presence of her master and mistress, _to hold up her clothes_, and endure the whip of the driver on the naked body for more than _twenty minutes_, and while her cries would have rent the heart of any one, who had not hardened himself to human suffering. her master and mistress were conversing with apparent indifference. what was her crime? she had a task given her of sewing which she _must finish_ that day. late at night she finished it; but _the stitches were too long_, and she must be whipped. the same was repeated three or four nights for the same offence. _i have seen_ a man tied to a tree, hands and feet, and receive blows with the paddle[ ] on the fleshy parts of the body. two others received the same kind of punishment at the time, though i did not count the blows. one received lashes. their crime was stealing mutton. i have _frequently_ heard the shrieks of the slaves, male and female, accompanied by the strokes of the paddle or whip, when i have not gone near the scene of horror. i knew not their crimes, excepting of one woman, which was stealing _four potatoes_ to eat with her bread! the more common number of lashes inflicted was fifty or eighty; and this i saw not once or twice, but so frequently that i can not tell the number of times i have seen it. so frequently, that my own heart was becoming so hardened that i could witness with comparative indifference, the female writhe under the lash, and her shrieks and cries for mercy ceased to pierce my heart with that keenness, or give me that anguish which they first caused. it was not always that i could learn their crimes; but of those i did learn, the most common was non-performance of tasks. i have seen men strip and receive from one to three hundred strokes of the whip and paddle. my studies and meditations were almost nightly interrupted by the cries of the victims of cruelty and avarice. tom, a slave of col. n. obtained permission of his overseer on sunday, to visit his son, on a neighboring plantation, belonging in part to his master, but neglected to take a "pass." upon its being demanded by the other overseer, he replied that he had permission to come, and that his having a mule was sufficient evidence of it, and if he did not consider it as such, he could take him up. the overseer replied he would take him up; giving him at the same time a blow on the arm with a stick he held in his hand, sufficient to lame it for some time. the negro collared him, and threw him; and on the overseer's commanding him to submit to be tied and whipped, he said he would not be whipped by _him_ but would leave it to massa j. they came to massa j.'s. i was there. after the overseer had related the case as above, he was blamed for not shooting or stabbing him at once.--after dinner the negro was tied, and the whip given to the overseer, and he used it with a severity that was shocking. i know not how many lashes were given, but from his shoulders to his heels there was not a spot unridged! and at almost every stroke the blood flowed. he could not have received less than , _well laid on_. but his offence was great, almost the greatest known, laying hands on a _white_ man! had he struck the overseer, under any provocation, he would have been in some way disfigured, perhaps by the loss of his ears, in addition to a whipping: or he might have been hung. the most common cause of punishments is, not finishing tasks. [footnote : a piece of oak timber two and a half feet long, flat and wide at one end.] "but it would be tedious mentioning further particulars. the negro has no other inducement to work but the _lash_; and as man never acts without motive, the lash must be used so long as all other motives are withheld. hence corporeal punishment is a necessary part of slavery. "punishments for runaways are usually severe. once whipping is not sufficient. i have known runaways to be whipped for six or seven nights in succession for one offence. i have known others who, with pinioned hands, and a chain extending from an iron collar on their neck, to the saddle of their master's horse, have been driven at a smart trot, one or two hundred miles, being compelled to ford water courses, their drivers, according to their own confession, not abating a whit in the rapidity of their journey for the case of the slave. one tied a kettle of sand to his slave to render his journey more arduous. "various are the instruments of torture devised to keep the slave in subjection. the stocks are sometimes used. sometimes blocks are filled with pegs and nails, and the slave compelled to stand upon them. "while stopping on the plantation of a mr. c. i saw a whip with a knotted lash lying on the table, and inquired of my companion, who was also an acquaintance of mr. c's, if he used that to whip his negroes? "oh," says he, "mr. c. is not severe with his hands. he never whips very hard. the _knots in the lash are so large_ that he does not usually draw blood in whipping them." "it was principally from hearing the conversation of southern men on the subject, that i judge of the cruelty that is generally practiced toward slaves. they will deny that slaves are generally ill treated; but ask them if they are not whipped for certain offences, which either a freeman would have no temptation to commit, or which would not be an offence in any but a slave, and for non-performance of tasks, they will answer promptly in the affirmative. and frequently have i heard them excuse their cruelty by citing mr. a. or mr. b. who is a christian, or mr. c. a preacher, or mr. d. from the _north_, who "drives his hands tighter, and whips them harder, than we ever do." driving negroes to the utmost extent of their ability, with occasionally a hundred lashes or more, and a few switchings in the field if they hang back in the driving seasons, viz: in the hoing and picking months, is perfectly consistent with good treatment! "while traveling across the peninsula in a stage, in company with a northern gentleman, and southern lady, of great worth and piety, a dispute arose respecting the general treatment of slaves, the gentleman contending that their treatment was generally good--'o, no!' interrupted the lady, 'you can know nothing of the treatment they receive on the plantations. people here do whip the poor negroes most cruelly, and many half starve them. you have neither of you had opportunity to know scarcely anything of the cruelties that are practiced in this country,' and more to the same effect. i met with several others, besides this lady, who appeared to feel for the sins of the land, but they are few and scattered, and not usually of sufficiently stern mould to withstand the popular wave. "masters are not forward to publish their "domestic regulations," and as neighbors are usually several miles apart, one's observation must be limited. hence the few instances of cruelty which break out can be but a fraction of what is practised. a planter, a professor of religion, in conversation upon the universality of whipping, remarked that a planter in g--, who had whipped a great deal, at length got tired of it, and invented the following _excellent_ method of punishment, which i saw practised while i was paying him a visit. the negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above his head, and feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part of the body. "the master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so doleful that we feared he was dying. we went to him, and found him covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. he could not have lived an hour longer. mr. ---- found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment, that it almost superseded the whip." "how much do you give your niggers for a task while hoeing cotton," inquired mr. c---- of his neighbor mr. h----." h. "i give my men an acre and a quarter, and my women an acre."[ ] [footnote : cotton is planted in drills about three feet apart, and is hilled like corn.] c. "well, that is a fair task. niggers do a heap better if they are drove pretty tight." h. "o yes, i have driven mine into complete subordination. when i first bought them they were discontented and wished me to sell them, but i soon whipped _that_ out of them; and they now work very contentedly!" c. "does mary keep up with the rest?" h. "no, she does'nt often finish the task alone, she has to get sam to help her out after he has done his, _to save her a whipping_. there's no other way but to be severe with them." c. "no other, sir, if you favor a nigger you spoil him." "the whip is considered as necessary on a plantation as the plough; and its use is almost as common. the negro whip is the common teamster's whip with a black leather stock, and a short, fine, knotted lash. the paddle is also frequently used, sometimes with holes bored in the flattened end. the ladies (!) in chastising their domestic servants, generally use the cowhide. i have known some use shovel and tongs. it is, however, more common to commit them to the driver to be whipped. the manner of whipping is as follows: the negro is tied by his hands, and sometimes feet, to a post or tree, and stripped to the skin. the female slave is not always tied. the number of lashes depends upon the character for severity of the master or overseer. "another instrument of torture is sometimes used, how extensively i know not. the negro, or, in the case which came to my knowledge, the negress was compelled to stand barefoot upon a block filled with sharp pegs and nails for two or three hours. in case of sickness, if the master or overseer thinks them seriously ill, they are taken care of, but their complaints are usually not much heeded. a physician told me that he was employed by a planter last winter to go to a plantation of his in the country, as many of the negroes were sick. says he--"i found them in a most miserable condition. the weather was cold, and the negroes were barefoot, with hardly enough of _cotton_ clothing to cover their nakedness. those who had huts to shelter them were obliged to build them nights and sundays. many were sick and some had died. i had the sick taken to an older plantation of their masters, where they could be made comfortable, and they recovered. i directed that they should not go to work till after sunrise, and should not work in the rain till their health became established. but the overseer refusing to permit it, i declined attending on them farther. i was called,' continued he, 'by the overseer of another plantation to see one of the men. i found him lying by the side of a log in great pain. i asked him how he did, 'o,' says he, 'i'm most dead, can live but little longer.' how long have you been sick? i've felt for more than six weeks as though i could hardly stir.' why didn't you tell your master, you was sick? 'i couldn't see my master, and the overseer always whips us when we complain, i could not stand a whipping.' i did all i could for the poor fellow, but his _lungs were rotten_. he died in three days from the time he left off work.' the cruelty of that overseer is such that the negroes almost tremble at his name. yet he gets a high salary, for he makes the largest crop of any other man in the neighborhood, though none but the hardiest negroes can stand it under him. "that man," says the doctor, "would be hung in my country." he was a german." testimony of rev. william a. chapin. rev. william scales, of lyndon, vermont, has furnished the following testimony, under date of dec. , . "i send you an extract from a letter that i have just received, which you may use _ad libitum_. the letter is from rev. wm. a. chapin, greensborough, vermont. to one who is acquainted with mr. c. his opinion and statements must carry conviction even to the most obstinate and incredulous. he observes, 'i resided, as a teacher, nearly two years in the family of carroll webb, esq., of hampstead, new kent co. about twenty miles from richmond, virginia. mr. webb had three or four plantations, and was considered one of the two wealthiest men in the county: it was supposed he owned about two hundred slaves. he was a member of the presbyterian church, and was elected an elder while i was with him. he was a native of virginia, but a graduate of a new-england college. "the slaves were called in the morning before daylight, i believe at all seasons of the year, that they might prepare their food, and be ready to go to work as soon as it was light enough to see. i know that at the season of husking corn, october and november, they were usually compelled to work late--till or o'clock at night. i know this fact because they accompanied their work with a loud singing of their own sort. i usually retired to rest between and o'clock, and generally heard them at their work as long as i was awake. the slaves lived in wretched log cabins, of one room each, without floors or windows. i believe the slaves sometimes suffer for want of food. one evening, as i was sitting in the parlor with mr. w. one of the most resolute of the slaves came to the door, and said, "master, i am willing to work for you, but i want something to eat." the only reply was, "clear yourself." i learned that the slaves had been without food all day, because the man who was sent to mill could not obtain his grinding. he went again the next day, and obtained his grist, and the slaves had no food till he returned. he had to go about five miles.[ ] [footnote : to this, rev. mr. scales adds, "in familiar language, and in more detail, as i have learned it in conversation with mr. chapin, the fact is as follows:-- "mr. w. kept, what he called a 'boy,' i.e. a _man_, to go to mill. it was his custom not to give his slaves anything to eat while he was gone to mill--let him have been gone longer or shorter--for this reason, if he was lazy, and delayed, the slaves would become hungry: hence indignant, and abuse him--this was his punishment. on that occasion he went to mill in the morning. the slaves came up at noon, and returned to work without food. at night, after having worked hard all day, without food, went to bed without supper. about o'clock the next day, they came up in a company, to their master's door, (that master an elder in the church), and deputed one more resolute than the rest to address him. this he did in the most respectful tones and terms. "we are willing to work for you, master, but we can't work without food; we want something to eat." "clear yourself," was the answer. the slaves retired; and in the morning were driven away to work without food. at noon, i think, or somewhat after, they were fed."] "i know the slaves were sometimes severely whipped. i saw the backs of several which had numerous scars, evidently caused by long and deep lacerations of the whip; and i have good reason to believe that the slaves were generally in that condition; for i never saw the back of one exposed that was not thus marked,--and from their tattered and scanty clothing their backs were often exposed." testimony of messrs. t.d.m. and f.c. macy. this testimony is communicated in a letter from mr. cyrus pierce, a respectable and well known citizen of nantucket, mass. of the witnesses, messrs. t.d.m. and f.c. macy, mr. pierce says, "they are both inhabitants of this island, and have resided at the south; they are both worthy men, for whose integrity and intelligence i can vouch unqualifiedly; the former has furnished me with the following statement. "during the winter of - , i resided on the island of st. simon, glynn county, georgia. there are several extensive cotton plantations on the island. the overseer of the plantation on that part of the island where i resided was a georgian--a man of stern character, and at times _cruelly abusive_ to his slaves. i have often been witness of the _abuse_ of his power. in south carolina and georgia, on the low lands, the cultivation is chiefly of rice. the land where it is raised is often inundated, and the labor of preparing it, and raising a crop, is very arduous. men and women are in the field from earliest dawn to dark--often _without hats_, and up to their arm-pits in mud and water. at st. simon's, cotton was the staple article. ocra, the driver, usually waited on the overseer to receive orders for the succeeding day. if any slave was insolent, or negligent, the driver was authorized to punish him with the whip, with as many blows as the magnitude of the crime justified. he was frequently cautioned, upon the peril of his skin, to see that all the negroes were off to the field in the morning. 'ocra,' said the overseer, one evening, to the driver, 'if any pretend to be sick, send me word--allow no lazy wench or fellow to skulk in the negro house.' next morning, a few minutes after the departure of the hands to the field, ocra was seen hastening to the house of the overseer. he was soon in his presence. 'well, ocra, what now?' 'nothing, sir, only rachel says she sick--can't go to de field to-day.' 'ah, sick, is she? i'll see to her; you may be off. she shall see if i am longer to be fooled with in this way. here, christmas, mix these salts--bring them to me at the negro house.' and seizing his whip, he made off to the negro settlement. having a strong desire to see what would be the result, i followed him. as i approached the negro house, i heard high words. rachel was stating her complaint--children were crying from fright--and the overseer threatening. rachel.--'i can't work to-day--i'm sick!' overseer.--'but you shall work, if you die for it. here, take these salts. now move off--quick--let me see your face again before night, and, by g--d, you shall smart for it. be off--no begging--not a word;'--and he dragged her from the house, and followed her or rods, threatening. the woman did not reach the field. overcome by the exertion of walking, and by agitation, she sunk down exhausted by the road side--was taken up, and carried back to the house, where an _abortion_ occurred, and her life was greatly jeoparded. "it was _no uncommon_ sight to see a whole family, father, mother, and from two to five children, collected together around their piggin of hommony, or pail of potatoes, watched by the overseer. one meal was always eaten in the field. no time was allowed for relaxation. "it was not unusual for a child of five or six years to perform the office of nurse--because the mother worked in a remote part of the field, and was not allowed to leave her employment to take care of her infant. want of proper nutriment induces sickness of the worst type. "no matter what the nature of the service, a peck of corn, dealt out on sunday, must supply the demands of nature for a week. "the sabbath, on a southern plantation, is a mere nominal holiday. the slaves are liable to be called upon at all times, by those who have authority over them. "when it rained, the slaves were allowed to collect under a tree until the shower had passed. seldom, on a week day, were they permitted to go to their huts during rain; and even had this privilege been granted, many of those miserable habitations were in so dilapidated a condition, that they would afford little or no protection. negro huts are built of logs, covered with boards or thatch, having _no flooring_, and but one apartment, serving all the purposes of sleeping, cooking, &c. some are furnished with a temporary loft. i have seen a whole family herded together in a loft ten feet by twelve. in cold weather, they gather around the fire, spread their blankets _on the ground_, and keep as comfortable as they can. their supply of clothing is scanty--each slave being allowed a holland coat and pantaloons, of the coarsest manufacture, and one pair of cowhide shoes. the women, enough of the same kind of cloth for one frock. they have also one pair of shoes. shoes are given to the slaves in the winter only. in summer, their clothing is composed of osnaburgs. slaves on different plantations are not allowed without a written permission, to visit their fellow bondsmen, under penalty of severe chastisement. i witnessed the chastisement of a young male slave, who was found lurking about the plantation, and could give no other account of himself, than that he wanted to visit some of his acquaintance. fifty lashes was the penalty for this offence. i could not endure the dreadful shrieks of the tortured slave, and rushed away front the scene." the remainder of this testimony is furnished by mr. f.c. macy. "i went to savannah in . sailing up the river, i had my first view of slavery. a large number of men and women, with _a piece of board on their heads, carrying mud_, for the purpose of dyking, near the river. after tarrying a while in savannah, i went down to the sea islands of de fuskee and hilton head, where i spent six months. negro houses are small, built of rough materials, _and no floor_. their clothing, (one suit,) coarse; which they received on christmas day. their food was three pecks of potatoes per week, in the potatoe season, and one peck of corn the remainder of the year. the slaves carried with them into the field their meal, and a gourd of water. they cooked their hommony in the field, and ate it with a wooden paddle. their treatment was little better than that of brutes. _whipping_ was nearly an every-day practice. on mr. m----'s plantation, at the island de fuskee, i saw an old man whipped; he was about . he had no clothing on, except a shirt. the man that inflicted the blows was flim, a tall and stout man. the whipping was _very severe_. i inquired into the cause. some vegetables had been stolen from his master's garden, of which he could give no account. i saw several women whipped, some of whom were in very _delicate_ circumstances. the case of one i will relate. she had been purchased in charleston, and separated from her husband. on her passage to savannah, or rather to the island, she was delivered of a child; and in about three weeks after this, she appeared to be deranged. she would leave her work, go into the woods, and sing. her master sent for her, and ordered the driver to whip her. i was near enough to hear the strokes. "i have known negro boys, partly by persuasion, and partly by force, made to strip off their clothing and fight for _the amusement of their masters_. they would fight until both got to crying. "one of the planters told me that his boat had been used without permission. a number of his negroes were called up, and put in a building that was lathed and shingled. the covering could be easily removed from the inside. he called one out for examination. while examining this one, he discovered another negro, coming out of the roof. he ordered him back: he obeyed. in a few moments he attempted it again. the master took deliberate aim at his head, but his gun missed fire. he told me he should probably have killed him, had his gun gone off. the negro jumped and run. the master took aim again, and fired; but he was so far distant, that he received only a few shots in the calf of his leg. after several days he returned, and received a severe whipping. "mr. b----, planter at hilton head, freely confessed, that he kept one of his slaves as a mistress. she slept in the same room with him. this, i think, is a very common practice." testimony of a clergyman. the following letter was written to mr. arthur tappan, of new york, in the summer of . as the name of the writer cannot be published with safety to himself, it is withheld. the following testimonials, from mr. tappan, professor wright, and thomas ritter, m.d. of new york, establish the trust-worthiness and high respectability of the writer. "i received the following letters from the south during the year . they were written by a gentleman who had then resided some years in the slave states. not being at liberty to give the writer's name, i cheerfully certify that he is a gentleman of established character, a graduate of yale college, and a respected minister of the gospel. "arthur tappan." "my acquaintance with the writer of the following letter commenced, i believe, in , from which time we were fellow students in yale college till . i have occasionally seen him since. his character, so far as it has come within my knowledge, has been that of an upright and remarkably _candid_ man. i place great confidence both in his habits of careful and unprejudiced observation and his veracity. "e. wright, jun. new york, april , ." "i have been acquainted with the writer of the following letter about twelve years, and know him to be a gentleman of high respectability, integrity, and piety. we were fellow students in yale college, and my opportunities for judging of his character, both at that time and since our graduation, have been such, that i feel myself fully warranted in making the above unequivocal declaration. "thomas ritter. , cherry-street, new york." "natchez, . "it has been almost four years since i came to the south-west; and although i have been told, from month to month, that i should soon wear off my northern prejudices, and probably have slaves of my own, yet my judgment in regard to oppression, or my prejudices, if they are pleased so to call them, remain with me still. i judge still from those principles which were fixed in my mind at the north; and a residence at the south has not enabled me so to pervert truth, as to make injustice appear justice. "i have studied the state of things here, now for years, coolly and deliberately, with the eye of an uninterested looker on; and hence i may not be altogether unprepared to state to you some facts, and to draw conclusions from them. "permit me then to relate what i have seen; and do not imagine that these are all exceptions to the general treatment, but rather believe that thousands of cruelties are practised in this christian land, every year, which no eye that ever shed a tear of pity could look upon. "soon after my arrival i made an excursion into the country, to the distance of some twenty miles. and as i was passing by a cotton field, where about fifty negroes were at work, i was inclined to stop by the road side to view a scene which was then new to me. while i was, in my mind, comparing this mode of labor with that of my own native place, i heard the driver, with a rough oath, order one that was near him, who seemed to be laboring to the extent of his power, to "lie down." in a moment he was obeyed; and he commenced whipping the offender upon his naked back, and continued, to the amount of about twenty lashes, with a heavy raw-hide whip, the crack of which might have been heard more than half a mile. nor did the females escape; for although i stopped scarcely fifteen minutes, no less than three were whipped in the same manner, and that so severely, i was strongly inclined to interfere. "you may be assured, sir, that i remained not unmoved: i could no longer look on such cruelty, but turned away and rode on, while the echoes of the lash were reverberating in the woods around me. such scenes have long since become familiar to me. but then the full effect was not lost; and i shall never forget, to my latest day, the mingled feelings of pity, horror, and indignation that took possession of my mind. i involuntarily exclaimed, o god of my fathers, how dost thou permit such things to defile our land! be merciful to us! and visit us not in justice, for all our iniquities and the iniquities of our fathers! "as i passed on i soon found that i had escaped from one horrible scene only to witness another. a planter with whom i was well acquainted, had caught a negro without a pass. and at the moment i was passing by, he was in the act of fastening his feet and hands to the trees, having previously made him take off all his clothing except his trowsers. when he had sufficiently secured this poor creature, he beat him for several minutes with a green switch more than six feet long; while he was writhing with anguish, endeavoring in vain to break the cords with which he was bound, and incessantly crying out, "lord, master! do pardon me this time! do, master, have mercy!" these expressions have recurred to me a thousand times since; and although they came from one that is not considered among the sons of men, yet i think they are well worthy of remembrance, as they might lead a wise man to consider whether such shall receive mercy from the righteous judge, as never showed mercy to their fellow men. "at length i arrived at the dwelling of a planter of my acquaintance, with whom i passed the night. at about eight o'clock in the evening i heard the barking of several dogs, mingled with the most agonizing cries that i ever heard from any human being. soon after the gentleman came in, and began to apologize, by saying that two of his runaway slaves had just been brought home; and as he had previously tried every species of punishment upon them without effect, he knew not what else to add, except to set his blood hounds upon them. 'and,' continued he, 'one of them has been so badly bitten that he has been trying to die. i am only sorry that he did not; for then i should not have been further troubled with him. if he lives i intend to send him to natchez or to new orleans, to work with the ball and chain.' "from this last remark i understood that private individuals have the right of thus subjecting their unmanageable slaves. i have since seen numbers of these 'ball and chain' men, both in natchez and new orleans, but i do not know whether there were any among them except the state convicts. "as the summer was drawing towards a close, and the yellow fever beginning to prevail in town, i went to reside some months in the country. this was the cotton picking season, during which, the planters say, there is a greater necessity for flogging than at any other time. and i can assure you, that as i have sat in my window night after night, while the cotton was being weighed, i have heard the crack of the whip, without much intermission, for a whole hour, from no less than three plantations, some of which were a full mile distant. "i found that the slaves were kept in the field from daylight until dark; and then, if they had not gathered what the master or overseer thought sufficient, they were subjected to the lash. "many by such treatment are induced to run away and take up their lodging in the woods. i do not say that all who run away are thus closely pressed, but i do know that many are; and i have known no less than a dozen desert at a time from the same plantation, in consequence of the overseer's forcing them to work to the extent of their power, and then whipping them for not having done more. "but suppose that they run away--what is to become of them in the forest? if they cannot steal they must perish of hunger--if the nights are cold, their feet will be frozen; for if they make a fire they may be discovered, and be shot at. if they attempt to leave the country, their chance of success is about nothing. they must return, be whipped--if old offenders, wear the collar, perhaps be branded, and fare worse than before. "do you believe it, sir, not six months since, i saw a number of my _christian_ neighbors packing up provisions, as i supposed for a deer hunt; but as i was about offering myself to the party, i learned that their powder and balls were destined to a very different purpose: it was, in short, the design of the party to bring home a number of runaway slaves, or to shoot them if they should not be able to get possession of them in any other way. "you will ask, is not this murder? call it, sir, by what name you please, such are the facts:--many are shot every year, and that too while the masters say they treat their slaves well. "but let me turn your attention to another species of cruelty. about a year since i knew a certain slave who had deserted his master, to be caught, and for the first time fastened to the stocks. in those same stocks, from which at midnight i have heard cries of distress, while the master slept, and was dreaming, perhaps, of drinking wine and of discussing the price of cotton. on the next morning he was chained in an immovable posture, and branded in both cheeks with red hot stamps of iron. such are the tender mercies of men who love wealth, and are determined to obtain it at any price. "suffer me to add another to the list of enormities, and i will not offend you with more. "there was, some time since, brought to trial in this town a planter residing about fifteen miles distant, for whipping his slave to death. you will suppose, of course, that he was punished. no, sir, he was acquitted, although there could be no doubt of the fact. i heard the tale of murder from a man who was acquainted with all the circumstances. 'i was,' said he, 'passing along the road near the burying-ground of the plantation, about nine o'clock at night, when i saw several lights gleaming through the woods; and as i approached, in order to see what was doing, i beheld the coroner of natchez, with a number of men, standing around the body of a young female, which by the torches seemed almost perfectly white. on inquiry i learned that the master had so unmercifully beaten this girl that she died under the operation: and that also he had so severely punished another of his slaves that he was but just alive.'" we here rest the case for the present, so far as respects the presentation of facts showing the condition of the slaves, and proceed to consider the main objections which are usually employed to weaken such testimony, or wholly to set it aside. but before we enter upon the examination of specific objections, and introductory to them, we remark,-- . that the system of slavery must be a system of horrible cruelty, follows of necessity, from the fact that two millions seven hundred thousand human beings _are held by force_, and used as articles of property. nothing but a heavy yoke, and an iron one, could possibly keep so many necks in the dust. that must be a constant and mighty pressure which holds so still such a vast army; nothing could do it but the daily experience of severities, and the ceaseless dread and certainty of the most terrible inflictions if they should dare to toss in their chains. . were there nothing else to prove it a system of monstrous cruelty, the fact that fear is the only motive with which the slave is plied during his whole existence, would be sufficient to brand it with execration as the grand tormentor of man. the slave's _susceptibility of pain_ is the sole fulcrum on which slavery works the lever that moves him. in this it plants all its stings; here it sinks its hot irons; cuts its deep gashes; flings its burning embers, and dashes its boiling brine and liquid fire: into this it strikes its cold flesh hooks, grappling irons, and instruments of nameless torture; and by it drags him shrieking to the end of his pilgrimage. the fact that the master inflicts pain upon the slave not merely as an _end_ to gratify passion, but constantly as a _means_ of extorting labor, is enough of itself to show that the system of slavery is unmixed cruelty. . that the slaves must suffer frequent and terrible inflictions, follows inevitably from the _character of those who direct their labor_. whatever may be the character of the slaveholders themselves, all agree that the overseers are, as a class, most abandoned, brutal, and desperate men. this is so well known and believed that any testimony to prove it seems needless. the testimony of mr. wirt, late attorney general of the united states, a virginian and a slaveholder, is as follows. in his life of patrick henry, p. , speaking of the different classes of society in virginia, he says,--"last and lowest a feculum, of beings called 'overseers'--_the most abject, degraded, unprincipled race_, always cap in hand to the dons who employ them, and furnishing materials for the exercise of their _pride, insolence, and spirit of domination_." rev. phineas smith, of centreville, new-york, who has resided some years at the south, says of overseers-- "it need hardly be added that overseers are in general ignorant, _unprincipled and cruel_, and in such low repute that they are not permitted to come to the tables of their employers; yet they have the constant control of all the human cattle that belong to the master. "these men are continually advancing from their low station to the higher one of masters. these changes bring into the possession of power a class of men of whose mental and moral qualities i have already spoken." rev. horace moulton, marlboro', massachusetts, who lived in georgia several years, says of them,-- "the overseers are _generally loose in their morals_; it is the object of masters to employ those whom they think will get the most work out of their hands,--hence those who _whip and torment the slaves the most_ are in many instances called the best overseers. the masters think those whom the slaves fear the most are the best. quite a portion of the masters employ their own slaves as overseers, or rather they are called drivers; these are more subject to the will of the masters than the white overseers are; some of them are as lordly as an austrian prince, and sometimes more cruel even than the whites." that the overseers are, as a body, sensual, brutal, and violent men is _proverbial_. the tender mercies of such men _must be cruel_. . the _ownership_ of human beings necessarily presupposes an utter disregard of their happiness. he who assumes it monopolizes their _whole capital_, leaves them no stock on which to trade, and out of which to _make_ happiness. whatever is the master's gain is the slave's loss, a loss wrested from him by the master, for the express purpose of making it _his own gain_; this is the master's constant employment--forcing the slave to toil--violently wringing from him all he has and all he gets, and using it as his own;--like the vile bird that never builds its nest from materials of its own gathering, but either drives other birds from theirs and takes possession of them, or tears them in pieces to get the means of constructing their own. this daily practice of forcibly robbing others, and habitually living on the plunder, cannot but beget in the mind the _habit_ of regarding the interests and happiness of those whom it robs, as of no sort of consequence in comparison with its own; consequently whenever those interests and this happiness are in the way of its own gratification, they will be sacrificed without scruple. he who cannot see this would be unable to _feel_ it, if it were seen. objections considered. objection i--"such cruelties are incredible." the enormities inflicted by slaveholders upon their slaves will never be discredited except by those who overlook the simple fact, that he who holds human beings as his bona fide property, _regards_ them as property, and not as _persons;_ this is his permanent state of mind toward them. he does not contemplate slaves as human beings, consequently does not _treat_ them as such; and with entire indifference sees them suffer privations and writhe under blows, which, if inflicted upon whites, would fill him with horror and indignation. he regards that as good treatment of slaves, which would seem to him insufferable abuse if practiced upon others; and would denounce that as a monstrous outrage and horrible cruelty, if perpretated upon white men and women, which he sees every day meted out to black slaves, without perhaps ever thinking it cruel. accustomed all his life to regard them rather as domestic animals, to hear them stormed at, and to see them cuffed and caned; and being himself in the constant habit of treating them thus, such practices have become to him a mere matter of course, and make no impression on his mind. true, it is incredible that men should treat as _chattels_ those whom they truly regard as _human beings;_ but that they should treat as chattels and working animals those whom they _regard_ as such, is no marvel. the common treatment of dogs, when they are in the way, is to kick them out of it; we see them every day kicked off the sidewalks, and out of shops, and on sabbaths out of churches,--yet, as they are but _dogs_, these do not strike us as outrages; yet, if we were to see men, women, and children--our neighbors and friends, kicked out of stores by merchants, or out of churches by the deacons and sexton, we should call the perpetrators inhuman wretches. we have said that slaveholders regard their slaves not as human beings, but as mere working animals, or merchandise. the whole vocabulary of slaveholders, their laws, their usages, and their entire treatment of their slaves fully establish this. the same terms are applied to slaves that are given to cattle. they are called "stock." so when the children of slaves are spoken of prospectively, they are called their "increase;" the same term that is applied to flocks and herds. so the female slaves that are mothers, are called "breeders" till past child bearing; and often the same terms are applied to the different sexes that are applied to the males and females among cattle. those who compel the labor of slaves and cattle have the same appellation, "drivers:" the names which they call them are the same and similar to those given to their horses and oxen. the laws of slave states make them property, equally with goats and swine; they are levied upon for debt in the same way; they are included in the same advertisements of public sales with cattle, swine, and asses; when moved from one part of the country to another, they are herded in droves like cattle, and like them urged on by drivers; their labor is compelled in the same way. they are bought and sold, and separated like cattle: when exposed for sale, their good qualities are described as jockies show off the good points of their horses; their strength, activity, skill, power of endurance, &c. are lauded,--and those who bid upon them examine their persons, just as purchasers inspect horses and oxen; they open their mouths to see if their teeth are sound; strip their backs to see if they are badly scarred, and handle their limbs and muscles to see if they are firmly knit. like horses, they are warranted to be "sound," or to be returned to the owner if "unsound." a father gives his son a horse and a _slave_; by his will he distributes among them his race-horses, hounds, game-cocks, and _slaves_. we leave the reader to carry out the parallel which we have only begun. its details would cover many pages. that slaveholders do not practically regard slaves as _human beings_ is abundantly shown by their own voluntary testimony. in a recent work entitled, "the south vindicated from the treason and fanaticism of northern abolitionists," which was written, we are informed, by colonel dayton, late member of congress from south carolina; the writer, speaking of the awe with which the slaves regard the whites, says,-- "the northerner looks upon a band of negroes as upon so many _men_, but the planter or southerner _views them in a very different light._" extract from the speech of mr. summers, of virginia, in the legislature of that state, jan. , . see the richmond whig. "when, in the sublime lessons of christianity, he (the slaveholder) is taught to 'do unto others as he would have others do unto him,' he never dreams that the degraded negro is within the pale of that holy canon." president jefferson, in his letter to governor coles, of illinois, dated aug. , , asserts, that slaveholders regard their slaves as brutes, in the following remarkable language. "nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing the degraded condition, both bodily and mental, of these unfortunate beings [the slaves], few minds have yet doubted but that they were as legitimate subjects of property as their horses or cattle." having shown that slaveholders regard their slaves as mere working animals and cattle, we now proceed to show that their actual treatment of them, is _worse_ than it would be if they were brutes. we repeat it, slaveholders treat their slaves worse than they do their brutes. whoever heard of cows or sheep being deliberately tied up and beaten and lacerated till they died? or horses coolly tortured by the hour, till covered with mangled flesh, or of swine having their legs tied and being suspended from a tree and lacerated with thongs for hours, or of hounds stretched and made fast at full length, flayed with whips, red pepper rubbed into their bleeding gashes, and hot brine dashed on to aggravate the torture? yet just such forms and degrees of torture are _daily_ perpetrated upon the slaves. now no man that knows human nature will marvel at this. though great cruelties have always been inflicted by men upon brutes, yet incomparably the most horrid ever perpetrated, have been those of men upon _their own species_. any leaf of history turned over at random has proof enough of this. every reflecting mind perceives that when men hold _human beings_ as _property_, they must, from the nature of the case, treat them worse than they treat their horses and oxen. it is impossible for _cattle_ to excite in men such tempests of fury as men excite in each other. men are often provoked if their horses or hounds refuse to do, or their pigs refuse to go where they wish to drive them, but the feeling is rarely intense and never permanent. it is vexation and impatience, rather than settled rage, malignity, or revenge. if horses and dogs were intelligent beings, and still held as property, their opposition to the wishes of their owners, would exasperate them immeasurably more than it would be possible for them to do, with the minds of brutes. none but little children and idiots get angry at sticks and stones that lie in their way or hurt them; but put into sticks and stones intelligence, and will, and power of feeling and motion, while they remain as now, articles of property, and what a towering rage would men be in, if bushes whipped them in the face when they walked among them, or stones rolled over their toes when they climbed hills! and what exemplary vengeance would be inflicted upon door-steps and hearth-stones, if they were to move out of their places, instead of lying still where they were put for their owners to tread upon. the greatest provocation to human nature is _opposition to its will_. if a man's will be resisted by one far _below_ him, the provocation is vastly greater, than when it is resisted by an acknowledged superior. in the former case, it inflames strong passions, which in the latter lie dormant. the rage of proud haman knew no bounds against the poor jew who would not do as he wished, and so he built a gallows for him. if the person opposing the will of another, be so far below him as to be on a level with chattels, and be actually held and used as an article of property; pride, scorn, lust of power, rage and revenge explode together upon the hapless victim. the idea of _property_ having a will, and that too in opposition to the will of its _owner_, and counteracting it, is a stimulant of terrible power to the most relentless human passions and from the nature of slavery, and the constitution of the human mind, this fierce stimulant must, with various degrees of strength, act upon slaveholders almost without ceasing. the slave, however abject and crushed, is an intelligent being: he has a _will_, and that will cannot be annihilated, _it will show itself_; if for a moment it is smothered, like pent up fires when vent is found, it flames the fiercer. make intelligence _property_, and its manager will have his match; he is met at every turn by an _opposing will_, not in the form of down-right rebellion and defiance, but yet, visibly, an _ever-opposing will_. he sees it in the dissatisfied look, and reluctant air and unwilling movement; the constrained strokes of labor, the drawling tones, the slow hearing, the feigned stupidity, the sham pains and sickness, the short memory; and he _feels_ it every hour, in innumerable forms, frustrating his designs by a ceaseless though perhaps invisible countermining. this unceasing opposition to the will of its 'owner,' on the part of his rational 'property,' is to the slaveholder as the hot iron to the nerve. he raves under it, and storms, and gnashes, and smites; but the more he smites, the hotter it gets, and the more it burns him. further, this opposition of the slave's will to his owner's, not only excites him to severity, that he may gratify his rage, but makes it necessary for him to use violence in breaking down this resistance--thus subjecting the slave to additional tortures. there is another inducement to cruel inflictions upon the slave, and a necessity for it, which does not exist in the case of brutes. offenders must be made an example to others, to strike them with terror. if a slave runs away and is caught, his master flogs him with terrible severity, not merely to gratify his resentment, and to keep him from running away again, but as a warning to others. so in every case of disobedience, neglect, stubbornness, unfaithfulness, indolence, insolence, theft, feigned sickness, when his directions are forgotten, or slighted, or supposed to be, or his wishes crossed, or his property injured, or left exposed, or his work ill-executed, the master is tempted to inflict cruelties, not merely to wreak his own vengeance upon him, and to make the slave more circumspect in future, but to sustain his authority over the other slaves, to restrain them from like practices, and to preserve his own property. a multitude of facts, illustrating the position that slaveholders treat their slaves _worse_ than they do their cattle, will occur to all who are familiar with slavery. when cattle break through their owners' inclosures and escape, if found, they are driven back and fastened in again; and even slaveholders would execrate as a wretch, the man who should tie them up, and bruise and lacerate them for straying away; but when _slaves_ that have escaped are caught, they are flogged with the most terrible severity. when herds of cattle are driven to market, they are suffered to go in the easiest way, each by himself; but when slaves are driven to market, they are fastened together with handcuffs, galled by iron collars and chains, and thus forced to travel on foot hundreds of miles, sleeping at night in their chains. sheep, and sometimes horned cattle are marked with their owners' initials--but this is generally done with paint, and of course produces no pain. slaves, too, are often marked with their owners' initials, but the letters are stamped into their flesh with a hot iron. cattle are suffered to graze their pastures without stint; but the slaves are restrained in their food to a fixed allowance. the slaveholders' horses are notoriously far better fed, more moderately worked, have fewer hours of labor, and longer intervals of rest than their slaves; and their valuable horses are far more comfortably housed and lodged, and their stables more effectually defended from the weather, than the slaves' huts. we have here merely _begun_ a comparison, which the reader can easily carry out at length, from the materials furnished in this work. we will, however, subjoin a few testimonies of slaveholders, and others who have resided in slave states, expressly asserting that slaves are treated _worse than brutes_. the late dr. george buchanan, of baltimore, maryland, a member of the american philosophical society, in an oration delivered in baltimore, july , , page , says: "the africans whom you despise, whom you _more inhumanly treat than brutes_, are equally capable of improvement with yourselves." the rev. george whitefield, in his celebrated letter to the slaveholders of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, written one hundred years ago, (see benezet's caution to great britain and her colonies, page ), says: "sure i am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as i would charitably hope there are _some_) i fear the _generality_ of you that own negroes, _are liable to such a charge_." mr. rice, of kentucky in his speech in the convention that formed the constitution of that state, in , says: "he [the slave] is a rational creature, reduced by the power of legislation to the _state of a brute_, and thereby deprived of every privilege of humanity.... the brute may steal or rob, to supply his hunger; but the slave, though in the most starving condition, _dare not do either, on penalty of death, or some severe punishment_." rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, mass. who lived some years in georgia, says: "the southern horses and dogs have enough to eat, and good care is taken of them; but southern negroes--who can describe their misery and their wretchedness, their nakedness and their cruel scourgings! none but god. should we _whip our horses_ as they whip their slaves, even for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law." rev. phineas smith, centerville, allegany county, new york, who has resided four years in the midst of southern slavery-- "avarice and cruelty are twin sisters; and i do not hesitate to declare before the world, as my deliberate opinion, that there is _less compassion_ for working slaves at the south, than for working oxen at the north." steven sewall, esq. winthrop, maine, a member of the congregational church, and late agent of the winthrop manufacturing company, who resided five years in alabama, says-- "i do not think that brutes, not even horses, are treated with _so much cruelty_ as american slaves." if the preceding considerations are insufficient to remove incredulity respecting the cruelties suffered by slaves, and if northern objectors still say, 'we might believe such things of savages, but that civilized men, and republicans, in this christian country, can openly and by system perpetrate such enormities, is impossible';--to such we reply, that this incredulity of the people of the free states, is not only discreditable to their intelligence, but to their consistency. who is so ignorant as not to know, or so incredulous as to disbelieve, that the early baptists of new england were fined, imprisoned, scourged, and finally banished by our puritan forefathers?--and that the quakers were confined in dungeons, publicly whipped at the cart-tail, had their ears cut off, cleft sticks put upon their tongues, and that five of them, four men and one woman, were hung on boston common, for propagating the sentiments of the society of friends? who discredits the fact, that the civil authorities in massachusetts, less than a hundred and fifty years ago, confined in the public jail a little girl of four years old, and publicly hung the rev. mr. burroughs, and eighteen other persons, mostly women, and killed another, (giles corey,) by extending him upon his back, and piling weights upon his breast till he was crushed to death [ ]--and this for no other reason than that these men and women, and this little child, were accused by others of _bewitching_ them. [footnote : judge sewall, of mass. in his diary, describing this horrible scene, says that when the tongue of the poor sufferer had, in the extremity of his dying agony, protruded from his mouth, a person in attendance took his cane and thrust it back into his mouth.] even the children in connecticut, know that the following was once a law of that state: "no food or lodging shall be allowed to a quaker. if any person turns quaker, he shall be banished, and not be suffered to return on pain of death." these objectors can readily believe the fact, that in the city of new york, less than a hundred years since, thirteen persons were publicly burned to death, over a slow fire: and that the legislature of the same state took under its paternal care the african slave-trade, and declared that "all encouragement should be given to the _direct_ importation of slaves; that all _smuggling_ of slaves should be condemned, as _an eminent discouragement to the fair trader_." they do not call in question the fact that the african slave-trade was carried on from the ports of the free states till within thirty years; that even members of the society of friends were actively engaged in it, shortly before the revolutionary war; [ ] that as late as , no less than fifty-nine of the vessels engaged in that trade, were sent out from the little state of rhode island, which had then only about seventy thousand inhabitants; that among those most largely engaged in these foul crimes, are the men whom the people of rhode island delight to honor: that the man who dipped most deeply in that trade of blood (james de wolf,) and amassed a most princely fortune by it, was not long since their senator in congress; and another, who was captain of one of his vessels, was recently lieutenant governor of the state. [footnote : see life and travels of john woolman, page .] they can believe, too, all the horrors of the middle passage, the chains, suffocation, maimings, stranglings, starvation, drownings, and cold blooded murders, atrocities perpetrated on board these slave-ships by their own citizens, perhaps by their own townsmen and neighbors--possibly by their own _fathers_: but oh! they 'can't believe that the slaveholders can be so hard-hearted towards their slaves as to treat them with great cruelty.' they can believe that his holiness the pope, with his cardinals, bishops and priests, have tortured, broken on the wheel, and burned to death thousands of protestants--that eighty thousand of the anabaptists were slaughtered in germany--that hundreds of thousands of the blameless waldenses, huguenots and lollards, were torn in pieces by the most titled dignitaries of church and state, and that _almost every professedly christian sect, has, at some period of its history, persecuted unto blood_ those who dissented from their creed. they can believe, also, that in boston, new york, utica, philadelphia, cincinnati, alton, and in scores of other cities and villages of the free states, 'gentlemen of property and standing,' led on by civil officers, by members of state legislatures, and of congress, by judges and attorneys-general, by editors of newspapers, and by professed ministers of the gospel, have organized mobs, broken up lawful meetings of peaceable citizens, committed assault and battery upon their persons, knocked them down with stones, led them about with ropes, dragged them from their beds at midnight, gagged and forced them into vehicles, and driven them into unfrequented places, and there tormented and disfigured them--that they have rifled their houses, made bonfires of their furniture in the streets, burned to the ground, or torn in pieces the halls or churches in which they were assembled--attacked them with deadly weapons, stabbed some, shot others, and killed one. they can believe all this--and further, that a majority of the citizens in the places where these outrages have been committed, connived at them; and by refusing to indict the perpetrators, or, if they were indicted, by combining to secure their acquittal, and rejoicing in it, have publicly adopted these felonies as their own. all these things they can believe without hesitation, and that they have even been done by their own acquaintances, neighbors, relatives; perhaps those with whom they interchange courtesies, those for whom they _vote_, or to whose _salaries they contribute_--but yet, oh! they can never believe that slaveholders inflict cruelties upon their slaves! they can give full credence to the kidnapping, imprisonment, and deliberate murder of william morgan, and that by men of high standing in society; they can believe that this deed was aided and abetted, and the murderers screened from justice, by a large number of influential persons, who were virtually accomplices, either before or after the fact; and that this combination was so effectual, as successfully to defy and triumph over the combined powers of the government;--yet that those who constantly rob men of their time, liberty, and wages, and all their _rights_, should rob them of bits of flesh, and occasionally of a tooth, make their backs bleed, and put fetters on their legs, is too monstrous to be credited! further these same persons, who 'can't believe' that slaveholders are so iron-hearted as to ill-treat their slaves, believe that the very _elite_ of these slaveholders, those most highly esteemed and honored among them, are continually daring each other to mortal conflict, and in the presence of mutual friends, taking deadly aim at each other's hearts, with settled purpose to _kill_, if possible. that among the most distinguished governors of slave states, among their most celebrated judges, senators, and representatives in congress, there is hardly _one_, who has not either killed, or tried to kill, or aided and abetted his friends in trying to kill, one or more individuals. that pistols, dirks, bowie knives, or other instruments of death are generally carried throughout the slave states--and that deadly affrays with them, in the streets of their cities and villages, are matters of daily occurrence; that the sons of slaveholders in southern colleges, bully, threaten, and fire upon their teachers, and their teachers upon them; that during the last summer, in the most celebrated seat of science and literature in the south, the university of virginia, the professors were attacked by more than seventy armed students, and, in the words of a virginia paper, were obliged 'to conceal themselves from their fury;' also that almost all the riots and violence that occur in northern colleges, are produced by the turbulence and lawless passions of southern students. that such are the furious passions of slaveholders, no considerations of personal respect, none for the proprieties of life, none for the honor of our national legislature, none for the character of our country abroad, can restrain the slaveholding members of congress from the most disgraceful personal encounters on the floor of our nation's legislature--smiting their fists in each other's faces, throttling and even _kicking_ and trying to _gouge_ each other--that during the session of the congress just closed, no less than six slaveholders, taking fire at words spoken in debate, have either rushed at each other's throats, or kicked, or struck, or attempted to knock each other down; and that in all these instances, they would doubtless have killed each other, if their friends had not separated them. further, they know full well, these were not insignificant, vulgar blackguards, elected because they were the head bullies and bottle-holders in a boxing ring, or because their constituents went drunk to the ballot box; but they were some of the most conspicuous members of the house--one of them a former speaker. our newspapers are full of these and similar daily occurrences among slaveholders, copied verbatim from their own accounts of them in their own papers and all this we fully credit; no man is simpleton enough to cry out 'oh, i can't believe that slaveholders do such things;'--and yet when we turn to the treatment which these men mete out to their _slaves_, and show that they are in the habitual practice of striking, kicking, knocking down and shooting _them_ as well as each other--the look of blank incredulity that comes over northern dough-faces, is a study for a painter: and then the sentimental outcry, with eyes and hands uplifted, 'oh, indeed, i can't believe the slaveholders are so cruel to their slaves.' most amiable and touching charity! truly, of all yankee notions and free state products, there is nothing like a '_dough face_'--the great northern staple for the southern market--'made to order,' in any quantity, and _always on hand_. 'dough faces!' thanks to a slaveholder's contempt for the name, with its immortality of truth, infamy and scorn.[ ] [footnote : "_doe_ face," which owes its paternity to john randolph, age has mellowed into "_dough_ face"--a cognomen quite as expressive and appropriate, if not as classical.] though the people of the free states affect to disbelieve the cruelties perpetrated upon the slaves, yet slaveholders believe _each other_ guilty of them, and speak of them with the utmost freedom. if slaveholders disbelieve any statement of cruelty inflicted upon a slave, it is not on account of its _enormity_. the traveler at the south will hear in delaware, and in all parts of maryland and virginia, from the lips of slaveholders, statements of the most horrible cruelties suffered by the slaves _farther_ south, in the carolinas and georgia; when he finds himself in those states he will hear similar accounts about the treatment of the slaves in _florida_ and _louisiana_; and in missouri, kentucky, and tennessee he will hear of the tragedies enacted on the plantations in arkansas, alabama and mississippi. since anti-slavery societies have been in operation, and slaveholders have found themselves on trial before the world, and put upon their good behavior, northern slaveholders have grown cautious, and now often substitute denials and set defences, for the voluntary testimony about cruelty in the far south, which, before that period, was given with entire freedom. still, however, occasionally the 'truth will out,' as the reader will see by the following testimony of an east tennessee newspaper, in which, speaking of the droves of slaves taken from the upper country to alabama, mississippi, louisiana, etc., the editor says, they are 'traveling to a region where their condition through time will be second only to that of the wretched creatures in hell.' see "maryville intelligencer," of oct, , . distant cruelties and cruelties _long past_, have been till recently, favorite topics with slaveholders. they have not only been ready to acknowledge that their _fathers_ have exercised great cruelty toward their slaves, but have voluntarily, in their official acts, made proclamation of it and entered it on their public records. the legislature of north carolina, in , branded the successive legislatures of that state for more than thirty years previous, with the infamy of treatment towards their slaves, which they pronounce to be 'disgraceful to humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and principles of a free, christian, and enlightened country.' this treatment was the enactment and perpetuation of a most barbarous and cruel law. but enough. as the objector can and does believe all the preceeding facts, if he still '_can't_ believe' as to the cruelties of slaveholders, it would be barbarous to tantalize his incapacity either with evidence or argument. let him have the benefit of the act in such case made and provided. having shown that the incredulity of the objector respecting the cruelty inflicted upon the slaves, is discreditable to his consistency, we now proceed to show that it is equally so to his _intelligence_. whoever disbelieves the foregoing statements of cruelties, on the ground of their enormity, proclaims his own ignorance of the nature and history of man. what! incredulous about the atrocities perpetrated by those who hold human beings as property, to be used for their pleasure, when history herself has done little else in recording human deeds, than to dip her blank chart in the blood shed by arbitrary power, and unfold to human gaze the great red scroll? that cruelty is the natural effect of arbitrary power, has been the result of all experience, and the voice of universal testimony since the world began. shall human nature's axioms, six thousand years old, go for nothing? are the combined product of human experience, and the concurrent records of human character, to be set down as 'old wives' fables?' to disbelieve that arbitrary power naturally and habitually perpetrates cruelties, where it can do it with impunity, is not only ignorance of man, but of _things_. it is to be blind to innumerable proofs which are before every man's eyes; proofs that are stereotyped in the very words and phrases that are on every one's lips. take for example the words _despot_ and _despotic_. despot, signifies etymologically, merely one who _possesses_ arbitrary power, and at first, it was used to designate those alone who _possessed_ unlimited power over human beings, entirely irrespective of the way in which they exercised it, whether mercifully or cruelly. but the fact, that those who possessed such power, made their subjects their _victims_, has wrought a total change in the popular meaning of the word. it now signifies, in common parlance, not one who _possesses_ unlimited power over others, but one who exercises the power that he has, whether little or much, _cruelly_. so _despotic_, instead of meaning what it once did, something pertaining to the _possession_ of unlimited power, signifies something pertaining to the _capricious, unmerciful and relentless exercise_ of such power. the word tyrant, is another example--formerly it implied merely a _possession_ of arbitrary power, but from the invariable abuse of such power by its possessors, the proper and entire meaning of the word is lost, and it now signifies merely one who _exercises power to the injury of others_. the words tyrannical and tyranny follow the same analogy. so the word arbitrary; which formerly implied that which pertains to the will of one, independently of others; but from the fact that those who had no restraint upon their wills, were invariably capricious, unreasonable and oppressive, these words convey accurately the present sense of _arbitrary_, when applied to a person. how can the objector persist in disbelieving that cruelty is the natural effect of arbitrary power, when the very words of every day, rise up on his lips in testimony against him--words which once signified the _mere possession_ of arbitrary power, but have lost their meaning, and now signify merely its cruel _exercise_; because such a use of it has been proved by the experience of the world, to be inseparable from its _possession_--words now frigid with horror, and never used even by the objector without feeling a cold chill run over him. arbitrary power is to the mind what alcohol is to the body; it intoxicates. man loves power. it is perhaps the strongest human passion; and the more absolute the power, the stronger the desire for it; and the more it is desired, the more its exercise is enjoyed: this enjoyment is to human nature a fearful temptation,--generally an overmatch for it. hence it is true, with hardly an exception, that arbitrary power is abused in proportion as it is _desired_. the fact that a person intensely desires power over others, _without restraint_, shows the absolute necessity of restraint. what woman would marry a man who made it a condition that he should have the power to divorce her whenever he pleased? oh! he might never wish to exercise it, but the _power_ he would have! no woman, not stark mad, would trust her happiness in such hands. would a father apprentice his son to a master, who insisted that his power over the lad should be _absolute_? the master might perhaps, never wish to commit a battery upon the boy, but if he should, he insists upon having full swing! he who would leave his son in the, clutches of such a wretch, would be bled and blistered for a lunatic as soon as his friends could get their hands upon him. the possession of power, even when greatly restrained, is such a fiery stimulant, that its lodgement in human hands is always perilous. give men the handling of immense sums of money, and all the eyes of argus and the hands of briarcus can hardly prevent embezzlement. the mutual and ceaseless accusations of the two great political parties in this country, show the universal belief that this tendency of human nature to abuse power, is so strong, that even the most powerful legal restraints are insufficient for its safe custody. from congress and state legislatures down to grog-shop caucuses and street wranglings, each party keeps up an incessant din about _abuses of power_. hardly an officer, either of the general or state governments, from the president down to the ten thousand postmasters, and from governors to the fifty thousand constables, escapes the charge of '_abuse of power_.' 'oppression,' 'extortion,' 'venality,' 'bribery,' 'corruption,' 'perjury,' 'misrule,' 'spoils,' 'defalcation,' stand on every newspaper. now without any estimate of the lies told in these mutual charges, there is truth enough to make each party ready to believe of the other, and _of their best men too,_ any abuse of power, however monstrous. as is the state, so is the church. from general conferences to circuit preachers; and from general assemblies to church sessions, abuses of power spring up as weeds from the dunghill. all legal restraints are framed upon the presumption, that men will abuse their power if not hemmed in by them. this lies at the bottom of all those checks and balances contrived for keeping governments upon their centres. if there is among human convictions one that is invariable and universal, it is, that when men possess unrestrained power over others, over their time, choice, conscience, persons, votes, or means of subsistence, they are under great temptations to abuse it; and that the intensity with which such power is desired, generally measures the certainty and the degree of its abuse. that american slaveholders possess a power over their slaves which is virtually absolute, none will deny.[ ] that they _desire_ this absolute power, is shown from the fact of their holding and exercising it, and making laws to confirm and enlarge it. that the desire to possess this power, every tittle of it, is _intense_, is proved by the fact, that slaveholders cling to it with such obstinate tenacity, as well as by all their doings and sayings, their threats, cursings and gnashings against all who denounce the exercise of such power as usurpation and outrage, and counsel its immediate abrogation. [footnote : the following extracts from the laws of slave-states are proofs sufficient. "the slave is entirely subject to the will of his master."--louisiana civil code, art. . "slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal,_ in the hands of their owner and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes, whatsoever."--laws of south carolina, brev. dig. ; prince's digest, , &c.] from the nature of the case--from the laws of mind, such power, so intensely desired, griped with such a death-clutch, and with such fierce spurnings of all curtailment or restraint, _cannot but be abused._ privations and inflictions must be its natural, habitual products, with ever and anon, terror, torture, and despair let loose to do their worst upon the helpless victims. though power over others is in every case liable to be used to their injury, yet, in almost all cases, the subject individual is shielded from great outrages by strong safeguards. if he have talents, or learning, or wealth, or office, or personal respectability, or influential friends, these, with the protection of law and the rights of citizenship, stand round him as a body guard: and even if he lacked all these, yet, had he the same color, features, form, dialect, habits, and associations with the privileged caste of society, he would find in _them_ a shield from many injuries, which would be _invited,_ if in these respects he differed widely from the rest of the community, and was on that account regarded with disgust and aversion. this is the condition of the slave; not only is he deprived of the artificial safeguards of the law, but has none of those _natural_ safeguards enumerated above, which are a protection to others. but not only is the slave destitute of those peculiarities, habits, tastes, and acquisitions, which by assimilating the possessor to the rest of the community, excite their interest in him, and thus, in a measure, secure for him their protection; but he possesses those peculiarities of bodily organization which are looked upon with deep disgust, contempt, prejudice, and aversion. besides this, constant contact with the ignorance and stupidity of the slaves, their filth, rags, and nakedness; their cowering air, servile employments, repulsive food, and squalid hovels, their purchase and sale, and use as brutes--all these associations, constantly mingling and circulating in the minds of slaveholders, and inveterated by the hourly irritations which must assail all who use human beings as things, produce in them a permanent state of feeling toward the slave, made up of repulsion and settled ill-will. when we add to this the corrosions produced by the petty thefts of slaves, the necessity of constant watching, their reluctant service, and indifference to their master's interests, their ill concealed aversion to him, and spurning of his authority; and finally, that fact, as old as human nature, that men always hate those whom they oppress, and oppress those whom they hate, thus oppression and hatred mutually begetting and perpetuating each other--and we have a raging compound of fiery elements and disturbing forces, so stimulating and inflaming the mind of the slaveholder against the slave, that _it cannot but break forth upon him with desolating fury._ to deny that cruelty is the spontaneous and uniform product of arbitrary power, and that the natural and controlling tendency of such power is to make its possessor cruel, oppressive, and revengeful towards those who are subjected to his control, is, we repeat, to set at nought the combined experience of the human race, to invalidate its testimony, and to reverse its decisions from time immemorial. a volume might be filled with the testimony of american slaveholders alone, to the truth of the preceding position. we subjoin a few illustrations, and first, the memorable declaration of president jefferson, who lived and died a slaveholder. it has been published a thousand times, and will live forever. in his "notes on virginia," sixth philadelphia edition, p. , he says,-- "the whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetual exercise of the most _boisterous passions_, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other..... the parent _storms_, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of _wrath_, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus _nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny,_ cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities." hon. lewis summers, judge of the general court of virginia, and a slaveholder, said in a speech before the virginia legislature in ; (see richmond whig of jan. , ,) "a slave population exercises _the most pernicious influence_ upon the manners, habits and character, of those among whom it exists. lisping infancy learns the vocabulary of abusive epithets, and struts the _embryo tyrant_ of its little domain. the consciousness of superior destiny takes possession of his mind at its earliest dawning, and love of power and rule, 'grows with his growth, and strengthens with his strength.' unless enabled to rise above the operation of those powerful causes, he enters the world with miserable notions of self-importance, and under the government of an unbridled temper." the late judge tucker of virginia, a slaveholder, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, in his "letter to a member of the virginia legislature," , says,-- "i say nothing of the baneful effects of slavery on our _moral character_, because i know you have been long sensible of this point." the presbyterian synod of south carolina and georgia, consisting of all the clergy of that denomination in those states, with a lay representation from the churches, most, if not all of whom are slaveholders, published a report on slavery in , from which the following is an extract. "those only who have the management of servants, know what the _hardening effect_ of it is upon _their own feelings towards them._ there is no necessity to dwell on this point, as all _owners_ and _managers_ fully understand it. he who commences to manage them with tenderness and with a willingness to favor them in every way, must be watchful, otherwise he will settle down in _indifference, if not severity."_ general william h. harrison, now of ohio, son of the late governor harrison of virginia, a slaveholder, while minister from the united states to the republic of colombia, wrote a letter to general simon bolivar, then president of that republic, just as he was about assuming despotic power. the letter is dated bogota, sept. , . the following is an extract. "from a knowledge of your own disposition and present feelings, your excellency will not be willing to believe that you could ever be brought to an act of tyranny, or even to execute justice with unnecessary rigor. but trust me, sir, there is nothing more corrupting, nothing more _destructive of the noblest and finest feelings of our nature than the exercise of unlimited power_. the man, who in the beginning of such a career, might shudder at the idea of taking away the life of a fellow-being, might soon have his conscience so seared by the repetition of crime, that the agonies of his murdered victims might become music to his soul, and the drippings of the scaffold afford blood to swim in. history is full of such excesses." william h. fitzhugh, esq. of virginia, a slaveholder, says,--"slavery, in its mildest form, is cruel and unnatural; _its injurious effects on our morals and habits are mutually felt."_ hon. samuel s. nicholas, late judge of the court of appeals of kentucky, and a slaveholder, in a speech before the legislature of that state, jan. , says,-- "the deliberate convictions of the most matured consideration i can give the subject, are, that the institution of slavery is a _most serious injury to the habits, manners and morals_ of our white population--that it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipation, and vice." dr. thomas cooper, late president of the college of south carolina, in a note to his edition of the "institutes of justinian" page , says,-- "all absolute power has a direct tendency, not only to detract from the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to deprave the good qualities of those who possess it..... the whole history of human nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in saying that _such is the tendency of power_ on the one hand and slavery on the other." a south carolina slaveholder, whose name is with the executive committee of the am. a.s. society, says, in a letter, dated april , :-- "i think it (slavery) _ruinous to the temper_ and to our spiritual life; it is a thorn in the flesh, for ever and for ever goading us on to say and to do what the eternal god cannot but be displeased with. i speak from experience, and oh! my desire is to be delivered from it." monsieur c.c. robin, who was a resident of louisiana from to , published a work on that country; in which, speaking of the effect of slaveholding on masters and their children, he says:-- "the young creoles make the negroes who surround them the play-things of their whims: they flog, for pastime, those of their own age, just as their fathers flog others at their will. these young creoles, arrived at the age in which the passions are impetuous, do not _know how to bear contradiction_; they will have every thing done which they command, _possible or not_; and in default of this, they avenge their offended pride by multiplied punishments." dr. george buchanan, of baltimore, maryland, member of the american philosophical society, in an oration at baltimore, july , , said:-- "for such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it _destroys every humane principle_, vitiates the mind, instills ideas of unlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of government."--_buchanan's oration_, p. . president edwards the younger, in a sermon before the connecticut abolition society, in , page , says:-- "slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness, and a _domineering spirit_ and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, and in all who have the control of them. a man who has been bred up in domineering over negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting such a habit of haughtiness and domination as will express itself in his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or in any office, civil or military, with which he may be invested." the celebrated montesquieu, in his "spirit of the laws," thus describes the effect of slaveholding upon the master:-- "the master contracts all sorts of bad habits; and becomes _haughty, passionate, obdurate, vindictive, voluptuous, and cruel_." wilberforce, in his speech at the anniversary of the london anti-slavery society, in march, , said:-- "it is _utterly impossible_ that they who live in the administration of the petty despotism of a slave community, whose minds have been _warped_ and _polluted_ by that contamination, should not _lose that respect_ for their fellow creatures over whom they tyrannize, which is essential in the nature and moral being of man, to rescue them from the abuse of power over their prostrate fellow creatures." in the great debate, in the british parliament, on the african slave-trade, mr. whitbread said: "arbitrary power would spoil the hearts of the best." but we need not multiply proofs to establish our position: it is sustained by the concurrent testimony of sages, philosophers, poets, statesmen, and moralists, in every period of the world; and who can marvel that those in all ages who have wisely pondered men and things, should be unanimous in such testimony, when the history of arbitrary power has come down to us from the beginning of time, struggling through heaps of slain, and trailing her parchments in blood. time would fail to begin with the first despot and track down the carnage step by step. all nations, all ages, all climes crowd forward as witnesses, with their scars, and wounds, and dying agonies. but to survey a multitude bewilders; let us look at a single nation. we instance rome; both because its history is more generally known, and because it furnishes a larger proportion of instances, in which arbitrary power was exercised with comparative mildness, than any other nation ancient or modern. and yet, her whole existence was a tragedy, every actor was an executioner, the curtain rose amidst shrieks and fell upon corpses, and the only shifting of the scenes was from blood to blood. the whole world stood aghast, as under sentence of death, awaiting execution, and all nations and tongues were driven, with her own citizens, as sheep to the slaughter. of her seven kings, her hundreds of consuls, tribunes, decemvirs, and dictators, and her fifty emperors, there is hardly one whose name has come down to us unstained by horrible abuses of power; and that too, notwithstanding we have mere shreds of the history of many of them, owing to their antiquity, or to the perturbed times in which they lived; and these shreds gathered from the records of their own partial countrymen, who wrote and sung their praises. what does this prove? not that the romans were worse than other men, nor that their rulers were worse than other romans, for history does not furnish nobler models of natural character than many of those same rulers, when first invested with arbitrary power. neither was it mainly because the martial enterprise of the earlier romans and the gross sensuality of the later, hardened their hearts to human suffering. in both periods of roman history, and in both these classes, we find men, the keen sympathies, generosity, and benevolence of whose general character embalmed their names in the grateful memories of multitudes. _they were human beings, and possessed power without restraint_--this unravels the mystery. who has not heard of the emperor trajan, of his moderation, his clemency, his gashing sympathies, his forgiveness of injuries and forgetfulness of self, his tearing in pieces his own robe, to furnish bandages for the wounded--called by the whole world in his day, "the best emperor of rome;" and so affectionately regarded by his subjects, that, ever afterwards, in blessing his successors upon their accession to power, they always said, "may you have the virtue and goodness of trajan!" yet the deadly conflicts of gladiators who were trained to kill each other, to make sport for the spectators, furnished his chief pastime. at one time he kept up those spectacles for days in succession. in the tortures which he inflicted on christians, fire and poison, daggers and dungeons, wild beasts and serpents, and the rack, did their worst. he threw into the sea, clemens, the venerable bishop of rome, with an anchor about his neck; and tossed to the famished lions in the amphitheatre the aged ignatius. pliny the younger, who was proconsul under trajan, may well be mentioned in connection with the emperor, as a striking illustration of the truth, that goodness and amiableness towards one class of men is often turned into cruelty towards another. history can hardly show a more gentle and lovely character than pliny. while pleading at the bar, he always sought out the grievances of the poorest and most despised persons, entered into their wrongs with his whole soul, and never took a fee. who can read his admirable letters without being touched by their tenderness and warmed by their benignity and philanthropy: and yet, this tender-hearted pliny coolly plied with excruciating torture two spotless females, who had served as deaconesses in the christian church, hoping to extort from them matter of accusation against the christians. he commanded christians to abjure their faith, invoke the gods, pour out libations to the statues of the emperor, burn incense to idols, and curse christ. if they refused, he ordered them to execution. who has not heard of the emperor titus--so beloved for his mild virtues and compassionate regard for the suffering, that he was named "the delight of mankind;" so tender of the lives of his subjects that he took the office of high priest, that his hands might never be defiled with blood; and was heard to declare, with tears, that he had rather die than put another to death. so intent upon making others happy, that when once about to retire to sleep, and not being able to recall any particular act of beneficence performed during the day, he cried out in anguish, "alas! i have lost a day!" and, finally, whom the learned kennet, in his roman antiquities, characterizes as "the only prince in the world that has the character of _never doing an ill action_." yet, witnessing the mortal combats of the captives taken to war, killing each other in the amphitheatre, amidst the acclamations of the populace, was a favorite amusement with titus. at one time he exhibited shows of gladiators, which lasted one hundred days, during which the amphitheatre was flooded with human blood. at another of his public exhibitions he caused five thousand wild beasts to be baited in the amphitheatre. during the siege of jerusalem, he set ambushes to seize the famishing jews, who stole out of the city by night to glean food in the valleys: these he would first dreadfully scourge, then torment them with all conceivable tortures, and, at last, crucify them before the wall of the city. according to josephus, not less than five hundred a day were thus tormented. and when many of the jews, frantic with famine, deserted to the romans, titus cut off their hands and drove them back. after the destruction of jerusalem, he dragged to rome one hundred thousand captives, sold them as slaves, and scattered them through every province of the empire. the kindness, condescension, and forbearance of adrian were proverbial; he was one of the most eloquent orators of his age; and when pleading the cause of injured innocence, would melt and overwhelm the auditors by the pathos of his appeals. it was his constant maxim, that he was an emperor, not for his own good, but for the benefit of his fellow creatures. he stooped to relieve the wants of the meanest of his subjects, and would peril his life by visiting them when sick of infectious diseases; he prohibited, by law, masters from killing their slaves, gave to slaves legal trial, and exempted them from torture; yet towards certain individuals and classes, he showed himself a monster of cruelty. he prided himself on his knowledge of architecture, and ordered to execution the most celebrated architect of rome, because he had criticised one of the emperor's designs. he banished all the jews from their native land, and drove them to the ends of the earth; and unloosed the bloodhounds of persecution to rend in pieces his christian subjects. the gentleness and benignity of the emperor aurelius, have been celebrated in story and song. history says of him, 'nothing could quench his desire of being a blessing to mankind;' and pope's eulogy of him is in the mouth of every schoolboy--'like good aurelius, let him reign;' and yet, '_good_ aurelius,' lifted the flood gates of the fourth, and one of the most terrible persecutions against christians that ever raged. he sent orders into different parts of his empire, to have the christians murdered who would not deny christ. the blameless polycarp, trembling under the weight of a hundred years, was dragged to the stake and burned to ashes. pothinus, bishop of lyons, at the age of ninety, was dragged through the streets, beaten, stoned, trampled upon by the soldiers, and left to perish. tender virgins were put into nets, and thrown to infuriated wild bulls; others were fastened in red hot iron chairs; and venerable matrons were thrown to be devoured by dogs. constantine the great has been the admiration of christendom for his virtues. the early christian writers adorn his justice, benevolence and piety with the most exalted eulogy. he was baptized, and admitted to the christian church. he abrogated paganism, and made christianity the religion of his empire; he attended the councils of the early fathers of the church, consulted with the bishops, and devoted himself with the most untiring zeal to the propagation of christianity, and to the promotion of peace and love among its professors; he convened the council of nice, to settle disputes which had long distracted the church, appeared in the assembly with admirable modesty and temper, moderated the heats of the contending parties, implored them to exercise mutual forbearance, and exhorted them to love unfeigned, to forgive one another, as they hoped to be forgiven by christ. who would not think it uncharitable to accuse such a man of barbarity in the exercise of power?--and yet he drove arius and his associates into banishment, for opinion's sake, denounced death against all with whom his books should afterwards be found, and prohibited, on pain of death, the exercise, however peaceably, of the functions of any other religion than christianity. in a fit of jealousy and rage, he ordered his innocent son, crispus, to execution, without granting him a hearing; and upon finding him innocent, killed his own wife, who had falsely accused him. to the preceding maybe added theodosius the great, the last roman emperor before the division of the empire. he was a member of the christian church, and in his zeal against paganism, and what he deemed heresy, surpassed all who were before him. the christian writers of his time speak of him as a most illustrious model of justice, generosity, magnanimity, benevolence, and every virtue. and yet theodosius denounced capital punishments against those who held 'heretical' opinions, and commanded inter-marriage between cousins to be punished by burning the parties alive. on hearing that the people of antioch had demolished the statues set up in that city, in honor of himself, and had threatened the governor, he flew into a transport of fury, ordered the city to be laid in ashes, and all the inhabitants to be slaughtered; and upon hearing of a resistance to his authority in thessalonica, in which one of his lieutenants was killed, he instantly ordered a _general massacre_ of the inhabitants; and in obedience to his command, seven thousand men, women and children were butchered in the space of three hours. the foregoing are a few of many instances in the history of rome, and of a countless multitude in the history of the world, illustrating the truth, that the lodgement of arbitrary power, in the best human hands, is always a fearfully perilous experiment; that the mildest tempers, the most humane and benevolent dispositions, the most blameless and conscientious previous life, with the most rigorous habits of justice, are no security, that, in a moment of temptation, the possessors of such power will not make their subjects their victims; illustrating also the truth, that, while men may exhibit nothing but honor, honesty, mildness, justice, and generosity, in their intercourse with those of their own grade, or language, or nation, or hue, they may practice towards others, for whom they have contempt and aversion, the most revolting meanness, perpetrate robbery unceasingly, and inflict the severest privations, and the most barbarous cruelties. but this is not all: history is full of examples, showing not only the effects of arbitrary power on its victims, but its terrible reaction on those who exercise it; blunting their sympathies, and hardening to adamant their hearts toward _them_, at least, if not toward the human race generally. this is shown in the fact, that almost every tyrant in the history of the world, has entered upon the exercise of absolute power with comparative moderation; multitudes of them with marked forbearance and mildness, and not a few with the most signal condescension, magnanimity, gentleness and compassion. among these last are included those who afterwards became the bloodiest monsters that ever cursed the earth. of the roman emperors, almost every one of whom perpetrated the most barbarous atrocities, vitellius seems to have been the only one who cruelly exercised his power from the _outset_. most of the other emperors, sprung up into fiends in the hot-bed of arbitrary power. if they had not been plied with its fiery stimulants, but had lived under the legal restraints of other men, instead of going to the grave under the curses of their generation, multitudes might have called them blessed. the moderation which has generally distinguished absolute monarchs at the commencement of their reigns, was doubtless in some cases assumed from policy; in the greater number, however, as is manifest from their history, it has been the natural workings of minds held in check by previous associations, and not yet hardened into habits of cruelty, by being accustomed to the exercise of power without restraint. but as those associations have weakened, and the wielding of uncontrolled sway has become a habit, like other evil doers, they have, in the expressive language of scripture, 'waxed worse and worse.' for eighteen hundred years an involuntary shudder has run over the human race, at the mention of the name of nero; yet, at the commencement of his reign, he burst into tears when called upon to sign the death-warrant of a criminal, and exclaimed, 'oh, that i had never learned to write!' his mildness and magnanimity won the affections of his subjects; and it was not till the poison of absolute power had worked within his nature for years, that it swelled him into a monster. tiberius, claudius, and caligula, began the exercise of their power with singular forbearance, and each grew into a prodigy of cruelty. so averse was caligula to bloodshed, that he refused to look at a list of conspirators against his own life, which was handed to him; yet afterwards, a more cruel wretch never wielded a sceptre. in his thirst for slaughter, he wished all the necks in rome _one_, that he might cut them off at a blow. domitian, at the commencement of his reign, carried his abhorrence of cruelty to such lengths, that he forbad the sacrificing of oxen, and would sit whole days on the judgment-seat, reversing the unjust decisions of corrupt judges; yet afterwards, he surpassed even nero in cruelty. the latter was content to torture and kill by proxy, and without being a spectator; but domitian could not be denied the luxury of seeing his victims writhe, and hearing them shriek; and often with his own hand directed the instrument of torture, especially when some illustrious senator or patrician was to be killed by piece-meal. commodus began with gentleness and condescension, but soon became a terror and a scourge, outstripping in his atrocities most of his predecessors. maximin too, was just and generous when first invested with power, but afterwards rioted in slaughter with the relish of a fiend. history has well said of this monarch, 'the change in his disposition may readily serve to show how dangerous a thing is power, that could transform a person of such rigid virtues into such a monster.' instances almost innumerable might be furnished in the history of every age, illustrating the blunting of sympathies, and the total transformation of character wrought in individuals by the exercise of arbitrary power. not to detain the reader with long details, let a single instance suffice. perhaps no man has lived in modern times, whose name excites such horror as that of robespierre. yet it is notorious that he was naturally of a benevolent disposition, and tender sympathies. "before the revolution, when as a judge in his native city of arras he had to pronounce judgment on an assassin, he took no food for two days afterwards, but was heard frequently exclaiming, 'i am sure he was guilty; he is a villain; but yet, to put a human being to death!!' he could not support the idea; and that the same necessity might not recur, he relinquished his judicial office.--(see laponneray's life of robespierre, p. .) afterwards, in the convention of , he urged strongly the abolition of the punishment of death; and yet, for sixteen months, in and , till he perished himself by the same guillotine which he had so mercilessly used on others, no one at paris consigned and caused so many fellow-creatures to be put to death by it, with more ruthless insensibility."--_turner's sacred history of the world_, vol. p. . but it is time we had done with the objection, "such cruelties are incredible." if the objector still reiterates it, he shall have the last word without farther molestation. an objection kindred to the preceding now claims notice. it is the profound induction that slaves _must_ be well treated because _slaveholders say they are!_ objection. ii.--'slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well.' self-justification is human nature; self-condemnation is a sublime triumph over it, and as rare as sublime. what culprits would be convicted, if their own testimony were taken by juries as good evidence? slaveholders are on trial, charged with cruel treatment to their slaves, and though in their own courts they can clear themselves _by their own oaths_,[ ] they need not think to do it at the bar of the world. the denial of crimes, by men accused of them, goes for nothing as evidence in all _civilized_ courts; while the voluntary confession of them, is the best evidence possible, as it is testimony _against themselves_, and in the face of the strongest motives to conceal the truth. on the preceding pages, are hundreds of just such testimonies; the voluntary and explicit testimony of slaveholders against themselves, their families and ancestors, their constituents and their rulers; against their characters and their memories; against their justice, their honesty, their honor and their benevolence. now let candor decide between those two classes of slaveholders, which is most entitled to credit; that which testifies in its own favor, just as self-love would dictate, or that which testifies against all selfish motives and in spite of them; and though it has nothing to gain, but every thing to lose by such testimony, still utters it. but if there were no counter testimony, if all slaveholders were unanimous in the declaration that the treatment of the slaves is _good_, such a declaration would not be entitled to a feather's weight as testimony; it is not _testimony_ but _opinion_. testimony respects matters of _fact_, not matters of opinion: it is the declaration of a witness as to _facts_, not the giving of an opinion as to the nature or qualities of actions, or the _character_ of a course of conduct. slaveholders organize themselves into a tribunal to adjudicate upon their own conduct, and give us in their decisions, their estimate of their own character; informing us with characteristic modesty, that they have a high opinion of themselves; that in their own judgment they are very mild, kind, and merciful gentlemen! in these conceptions of their own merits, and of the eminent propriety of their bearing towards their slaves, slaveholders remind us of the spaniard, who always took off his hat whenever he spoke of himself, and of the governor of schiraz, who, from a sense of justice to his own character added to his other titles, those of, 'flower of courtesy,' 'nutmeg of consolation,' and 'rose of delight.' [footnote : the law of which the following is an extract, exists in south carolina. "if any slave shall suffer in life, limb or member, when no white person shall be present, or being present, shall refuse to give evidence, the owner or other person, who shall have the care of such slave, and in whose power such slave shall be, shall be deemed guilty of such offence, _unless_ such owner or other person shall make the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall by his own oath clear and exculpate himself. which oath every court where such offence shall be tried, is hereby compared to administer, and to _acquit the offender_, if clear proof of the offence be not made by _two_ witnesses at least."-- brevard's digest, . the state of louisiana has a similar law.] the _sincerity_ of those worthies, no one calls in question; their real notions of their own merits doubtless ascended into the sublime: but for aught that appears, they had not the arrogance to demand that their own notions of their personal excellence, should be taken as the _proof_ of it. not so with our slaveholders. not content with offering incense at the shrine of their own virtues, they have the effrontery to demand, that the rest of the world shall offer it, because _they_ do; and shall implicitly believe the presiding divinity to be a good spirit rather than a devil, because _they_ call him so! in other words, since slaveholders profoundly appreciate their own gentle dispositions toward their slaves, and their kind treatment of them, and everywhere protest that they do truly show forth these rare excellencies, they demand that the rest of the world shall not only believe that they _think_ so, but that they think _rightly_; that these notions of themselves are _true_, that their taking off their hats to themselves proves them worthy of homage, and that their assumption of the titles of, 'flower of kindness,' and 'nutmeg of consolation,' is conclusive evidence that they deserve such appellations! was there ever a more ridiculous doctrine, than that a man's opinion of his own actions is the true standard for measuring them, and the certificate of their real qualities!--that his own estimate of his treatment of others; is to be taken as the true one, and such treatment be set down as _good_ treatment upon the strength of his judgment. he who argues the good treatment of the slave, from the slaveholder's _good opinion_ of such treatment, not only argues against human nature and all history, his own common sense, and even the testimony of his senses, but refutes his own arguments by his daily practice. every body acts on the presumption that men's feelings will vary with their _practices_; that the light in which they view individuals and classes, and their feelings towards them, will modify their opinions of the treatment which they receive. in any case of treatment that affects himself, his church, or his political party, no man so stultifies himself as to argue that such treatment must be good, because the _author_ of it thinks so. who would argue that the american colonies were well treated by the mother country, because parliament thought so? or that poland was well treated by russia, because nicholas thought so? or that the treatment of the cherokees by georgia is proved good by georgia notions of it? or that of the greeks by the turks, by turkish opinions of it? or that of the jews by almost all nations, by the judgment of their persecutors? or that of the victims of the inquisition, by the opinions of the inquisitor general, or of the pope and his cardinals? or that of the quakers and baptists, at the hands of the puritans,--to be judged of by the opinions of the legislatures that authorized, and the courts that carried it into effect. all those classes of persons did not, in their own opinion, abuse their victims. if charged with perpetrating outrageous cruelty upon them, all those oppressors would have repelled the charge with indignation. our slaveholders chime lustily the same song, and no man with human nature within him, and human history before him, and with sense enough to keep him out of the fire, will be gulled by such professions, unless his itch to be humbugged has put on the type of a downright chronic incurable. we repeat it--when men speak of the treatment of others as being either good or bad, their declarations are not generally to be taken as testimony to matters of _fact_, so much as expressions of _their own feelings_ towards those persons or classes who are the subjects of such treatment. if those persons are their fellow citizens; if they are in the same class of society with themselves; of the same language, creed, and color; similar in their habits, pursuits, and sympathies; they will keenly feel any wrong done to them, and denounce it as base, outrageous treatment; but let the same wrongs be done to persons of a condition in all respects the reverse, persons whom they habitually despise, and regard only in the light of mere conveniences, to be used for their pleasure, and the idea that such treatment is barbarous will be laughed at as ridiculous. when we hear slaveholders say that their slaves are _well treated_, we have only to remember that they are not speaking of _persons_, but of _property_; not of men and women, but of _chattels_ and _things_; not of friends but of _vassals_ and _victims_; not of those whom they respect and honor, but of those whom they _scorn_ and trample on; not of those with whom they sympathize, and co-operate, and interchange courtesies, but of those whom they regard with contempt and aversion and disdainfully set with the dogs of their flock. reader, keep this fact in your mind, and you will have a clue to the slaveholder's definition of "_good treatment_." remember also, that a part of this "good treatment" of which the slaveholders boast, is plundering the slaves of all their inalienable rights, of the ownership of their own bodies, of the use of their own limbs and muscles, of all their time, liberty, and earnings, of the free exercise of choice, of the rights of marriage and parental authority, of legal protection, of the right to be, to do, to go, to stay, to think, to feel, to work, to rest, to eat, to sleep, to learn, to teach, to earn money, and to expend it, to visit, and to be visited, to speak, to be silent, to worship according to conscience, in fine, their right to be protected by just and equal laws, and to be _amenable to such only_. of _all these rights the slaves are plundered_; and this is a _part_ of that "good treatment" of which their plunderers boast! what then is the _rest_ of it? the above is enough for a sample, at least a specimen-brick from the kiln. reader, we ask you no questions, but merely tell you what _you know_, when we say that men and women who can habitually do such things to human beings, _can do_ any thing _to them_. the declarations of slaveholders, that they treat their slaves well, will put no man in a quandary, who keeps in mind this simple principle, that the state of mind towards others, which leads one to inflict cruelties on them _blinds the inflicter to the real nature of his own acts_. to him, they do not _seem_ to be cruelties; consequently, when speaking of such treatment toward such persons, he will protest that it is not cruelty; though if inflicted upon himself or his friends, he would indignantly stigmatize it as atrocious barbarity. the objector equally overlooks another every-day fact of human nature, which is this, that cruelties invariably cease to _seem_ cruelties when the _habit_ is formed though previously the mind regarded them as such, and shrunk from them with horror. the following fact, related by the late lamented thomas pringle, whose life and poems have published in england, is an appropriate illustration. mr. pringle states it on the authority of captain w. f. owen, of the royal navy. "when his majesty's ships, the leven and the barracouta, employed in surveying the coast of africa, were at mozambique, in , the officers were introduced to the family of senor manuel pedro d'almeydra, a native of portugal, who was a considerable merchant settled on that coast; and it was an opinion agreed in by all, that donna sophia d'almeydra was the most superior woman they had seen since they left england, captain owen, the leader of the expedition, expressing to senor d'almeydra his detestation of slavery, the senor replied, 'you will not be long here before you change your sentiments. look at my sophia there. before she would marry me, she made me promise that i should give up the slave trade. when we first settled at mozambique, she was continually interceding for the slaves, and she _constantly wept when i punished them_; and now she is among the slaves front morning to night; she regulates the whole of my slave establishment; she inquires into every offence committed by them, pronounces sentence upon the offender, and _stands by and sees them punished_.' "to this, mr. pringle, who was himself for six years a resident of the english settlement at the cape of good hope, adds, 'the writer of this article has seen, in the course of five or six years, as great a change upon english ladies and gentleman of respectability, as that described to have taken place in donna sophia d'almeydra; and one of the individuals whom he has in his eye, while he writes this passage, lately confessed to him this melancholy change, remarking at the same time, 'how altered i am in my feelings with regard to slavery. i do not appear to myself the same person i was on my arrival in this colony, and if i would give the world for the feelings i then had, i could not recall them.'" slaveholders know full well that familiarity with slavery produces indifference to its cruelties and reconciles the mind to them. the late judge tucker, a virginia slaveholder and professor of law in the university of william and mary, in the appendix to his edition of blackstone's commentaries, part , pp. , , commenting on the law of virginia previous to , which outlawed fugitive slaves, says: "such are the cruelties to which slavery gives rise, such the horrors to which the mind becomes _reconciled_ by its adoption." the following facts from the pen of charles stuart, happily illustrate the same principle: "a young lady, the daughter of a jamaica planter, was sent at an early age to school to england, and after completing her education, returned to her native country. "she is now settled with her husband and family in england. i visited her near bath, early last spring, ( .) conversing on the above subject, the paralyzing effects of slaveholding on the heart, she said: "'while at school in england, i often thought with peculiar tenderness of the kindness of a slave who had nursed and carried me about. upon returning to my father's, one of my first inquiries was about him. i was deeply afflicted to find that he was on the point of undergoing a "law flogging for having run away." i threw myself at my father's feet and implored with tears, his pardon; but my father steadily replied, that it would ruin the discipline of the plantation, and that the punishment must take place. i wept in vain, and retired so grieved and disgusted, that for some days after, i could scarcely bear with patience, the sight of my own father. but many months had not elapsed ere _i was as ready as any body_ to seize the domestic whip, _and flog my slaves without hesitation_.' "this lady is one of the most christian and noble minds of my acquaintance. she and her husband distinguished themselves several years ago, in jamaica, by immediately emancipating their slaves." "a lady, now in the west indies, was sent in her infancy, to her friends, near belfast, in ireland, for education. she remained under their charge from five to fifteen years of age, and grew up every thing which her friends could wish. at fifteen, she returned to the west indies--was married--and after some years paid her friends near belfast, a second visit. towards white people, she was the same elegant, and interesting woman as before; apparently full of every virtuous and tender feeling; but towards the colored people she was like a tigress. if wilberforce's name was mentioned, she would say, 'oh, i wish we had the wretch in the west indies, i would be one of the first to help to tear his heart out!'--and then she would tell of the manner in which the west indian ladies used to treat their slaves. 'i have often,' she said, 'when my women have displeased me, snatched their baby from their bosom, and running with it to a well, have tied my shawl round its shoulders and pretended to be drowning it: oh, it was so funny to hear the mother's screams!'--and then she laughed almost convulsively at the recollection." mr. john m. nelson, a native of virginia, whose testimony is on a preceding page, furnishes a striking illustration of the principle in his own case. he says: "when i was quite a child, i recollect it grieved me very much to see one tied up to be whipped, and i used to intercede _with tears in their behalf_, and _mingle my cries with theirs_, and feel almost willing to take part of the punishment. yet such is the hardening nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering slave, i became so blunted that i could not only witness their stripes with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse. when i was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, i undertook to correct a young fellow named ned, for some supposed offence, i think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my striking him; this i considered the height of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. my father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. after i had whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and i kicked him in the face; my father said, 'don't kick him but whip him,' this i did until his back was literally covered with _welts_." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, now elder of the presbyterian church, wilkes-barre, penn. after describing the flogging of a slave, in which his hands were tied together, and the slave hoisted by a rope, so that his feet could not touch the ground; in which condition one hundred lashes were inflicted, says: "i stood by and witnessed the whole without feeling the least compassion; so _hardening_ is the influence of slavery that it _very much destroys feeling for the slave_." mrs. child, in her admirable "appeal," has the following remarks: "the ladies who remove from the free states into the slaveholding ones almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first exceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and after a while, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive servants. this reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance, who is considered an unusually fervent christian. yet christianity expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. this shows how dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become _accustomed_ to what is wrong. "a judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of her relatives, who married a slave owner, and removed to his plantation. the lady in question was considered very amiable, and had a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. after several years residence among her slaves, she visited new england. 'her history was written in her face,' said my friend; 'its expression had changed into that of a fiend. she brought but few slaves with her; and those few were of course compelled to perform additional labor. one faithful negro woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing, ironing, and scouring. if, after a sleepless night with the restless babes, (driven from the bosom of their mother,) she performed her toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood resounded with the cries of her victim. the instrument of punishment was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her new england visitors. 'for my part,' continued my friend, 'i did not try to be polite to her; for i was not hypocrite enough to conceal my indignation.'" the fact that the greatest cruelties may be exercised quite unconsciously when cruelty has become a habit, and that at the same time, the mind may feel great sympathy and commiseration towards other persons and even towards irrational animals, is illustrated in the case of tameriane the great. in his life, written by himself, he speaks with the greatest sincerity and tenderness of his grief at having accidentally crushed an ant; and yet he ordered melted lead to be poured down the throats of certain persons who drank wine contrary to his commands. he was manifestly sincere in thinking himself humane, and when speaking of the most atrocious cruelties perpetrated by himself, it does not seem to ruffle in the least the self-complacency with which he regards his own humanity and piety. in one place he says, "i never undertook anything but i commenced it placing my faith on god"--and he adds soon after, "the people of shiraz took part with shah mansur, and put my governor to death; i therefore ordered _a general massacre of all the inhabitants_." it is one of the most common caprices of human nature, for the heart to become by habit, not only totally insensible to certain forms of cruelty, which at first gave it inexpressible pain, but even to find its chief amusement in such cruelties, till utterly intoxicated by their stimulation; while at the same time the mind seems to be pained as keenly as ever, at forms of cruelty to which it has not become accustomed, thus retaining _apparently_ the same general susceptibilities. illustrations of this are to be found every where; one happens to lie before us. bourgoing, in his history of modern spain, speaking of the bull fights, the barbarous national amusement of the spaniards, says: "young ladies, old men, people of all ages and of all characters are present, and yet the habit of attending these bloody festivals does not correct their weakness or their timidity, nor injure the sweetness of their manners. i have moreover known foreigners, distinguished by the gentleness of their manners, who experienced at first seeing a bull-fight such very violent emotions as made them turn pale, and they became ill; but, notwithstanding, this entertainment became afterwards an irresistible attraction, without operating any revolution in their characters." modern state of spain, by j. f. bourgoing, minister plenipotentiary from france to the court of madrid, vol ii., page . it is the _novelty_ of cruelty, rather than the _degree_, which repels most minds. cruelty in a _new_ form, however slight, will often pain a mind that is totally unmoved by the most horrible cruelties in a form to which it is _accustomed_. when pompey was at the zenith of his popularity in rome, he ordered some elephants to be tortured in the amphitheatre for the amusement of the populace; this was the first time they had witnessed the torture of those animals, and though for years accustomed to witness in the same place, the torture of lions, tigers, leopards, and almost all sorts of wild beasts, as well as that of men of all nations, and to shout acclamations over their agonies, yet, this _novel form_ of cruelty so shocked the beholders, that the most popular man in rome was execrated as a cruel monster, and came near falling a victim to the fury of those who just before were ready to adore him. we will now briefly notice another objection, somewhat akin to the preceding, and based mainly upon the same and similar fallacies. objection iii.--'slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, hospitality, benevolence, and generosity.' multitudes scout as fictions the cruelties inflicted upon slaves, because slaveholders are famed for their courtesy and hospitality. they tell us that their generous and kind attentions to their guests, and their well-known sympathy for the suffering, sufficiently prove the charges of cruelty brought against them to be calumnies, of which their uniform character is a triumphant refutation. now that slaveholders are proverbially hospitable to their guests, and spare neither pains nor expense in ministering to their accommodation and pleasure, is freely admitted and easily accounted for. that those who make their inferiors work for them, without pay, should be courteous and hospitable to those of their equals and superiors whose good opinions they desire, is human nature in its every-day dress. the objection consists of a fact and an inference: the fact, that slaveholders have a special care to the accommodation of their _guests;_ the inference, that therefore they must seek the comfort of their _slaves_--that as they are bland and obliging to their equals, they must be mild and condescending to their inferiors--that as the wrongs of their own grade excite their indignation, and their woes move their sympathies, they must be touched by those of their chattels--that as they are full of pains-taking toward those whose good opinions and good offices they seek, they will, of course, show special attention to those to whose good opinions they are indifferent, and whose good offices they can _compel_--that as they honor the literary and scientific, they must treat with high consideration those to whom they deny the alphabet--that as they are courteous to certain _persons_, they must be so to "property"--eager to anticipate the wishes of visitors, they cannot but gratify those of their vassals--jealous for the rights of the texans, quick to feel at the disfranchisement of canadians and of irishmen, alive to the oppressions of the greeks and the poles, they must feel keenly for their _negroes!_ such conclusions from such premises do not call for serious refutation. even a half-grown boy, who should argue, that because men have certain feelings toward certain persons in certain circumstances, they must have the same feelings toward all persons in all circumstances, or toward persons in opposite circumstances, of totally different grades, habits, and personal peculiarities, might fairly be set down as a hopeless simpleton: and yet, men of sense and reflection on other subjects, seem bent upon stultifying themselves by just such shallow inferences from the fact, that slaveholders are hospitable and generous to certain persons in certain grades of society belonging to their own caste. on the ground of this reasoning, all the crimes ever committed may be disproved, by showing, that their perpetrators were hospitable and generous to those who sympathized and co-operated with them. to prove that a man does not hate one of his neighbors, it is only necessary to show that he loves another; to make it appear that he does not treat contemptuously the ignorant, he has only to show that he bows respectfully to the learned; to demonstrate that he does not disdain his inferiors, lord it over his dependents, and grind the faces of the poor, he need only show that he is polite to the rich, pays deference to titles and office, and fawns for favor upon those above him! the fact that a man always smiles on his customers, proves that he never scowls at those who dun him! and since he has always a melodious "good morning!" for "gentlemen of property and standing," it is certain that he never snarls at beggars. he who is quick to make room for a doctor of divinity, will, of course, see to it that he never runs against a porter; and he who clears the way for a lady, will be sure never to rub against a market woman, or jostle an apple-seller's board. if accused of beating down his laundress to the lowest fraction, of making his boot-black call a dozen times for his pay, of higgling and screwing a fish boy till he takes off two cents, or of threatening to discharge his seamstress unless she will work for a shilling a day, how easy to brand it all as slander, by showing that he pays his minister in advance, is generous in christmas presents, gives a splendid new-year's party, expends hundreds on elections, and puts his name with a round sum on the subscription paper of the missionary society. who can forget the hospitality of king herod, that model of generosity "beyond all ancient fame," who offered half his kingdom to a guest, as a compensation for an hour's amusement.--could such a noble spirit have murdered john the baptist? incredible! joab too! how his soft heart was pierced at the exile of absalom! and how his bowels yearned to restore him to his home! of course, it is all fiction about his assassinating his nephew, amasa, and abner the captain of the host! since david twice spared the life of saul when he came to murder him, wept on the neck of jonathan, threw himself upon the ground in anguish when his child sickened, and bewailed, with a broken heart, the loss of absalom--it proves that he did not coolly plot and deliberately consummate the murder of uriah! as the government of the united states generously gave a township of land to general la fayette, it proves that they have never defrauded the indians of theirs! so the fact, that the slaveholders of the present congress are, to a man, favorable to recognizing the independence of texas, with her fifty or sixty thousand inhabitants, _before she has achieved it_, and before it is recognized by any other government, proves that these same slaveholders do _not oppose_ the recognition of hayti, with her million of inhabitants, whose independence was achieved nearly half a century ago, and which is recognized by the most powerful governments on earth! but, seriously, no man is so slightly versed in human nature as not to know that men habitually exercise the most opposite feelings, and indulge in the most opposite practices toward different persons or different classes of persons around them. no man has ever lived who was more celebrated for his scrupulous observance of the most exact justice, and for the illustration furnished in his life of the noblest natural virtues, than the roman cato. his strict adherence to the nicest rules of equity--his integrity, honor, and incorruptible faith--his jealous watchfulness over the rights of his fellow citizens, and his generous devotion to their interest, procured for him the sublime appellation of "the just." towards _freemen_ his life was a model of every thing just and noble: but to his slaves he was a monster. at his meals, when the dishes were not done to his liking, or when his slaves were careless or inattentive in serving, he would seize a thong and violently beat them, in presence of his guests.--when they grew old or diseased, and were no longer serviceable, however long and faithfully they might have served him, he either turned them adrift and left them to perish, or starved them to death in his own family. no facts in his history are better authenticated than these. no people were ever more hospitable and munificent than the romans, and none more touched with the sufferings of others. their public theatres often rung with loud weeping, thousands sobbing convulsively at once over fictitious woes and imaginary sufferers: and yet these same multitudes would shout amidst the groans of a thousand dying gladiators, forced by their conquerors to kill each other in the amphitheatre for the _amusement_ of the public.[ ] [footnote : dr. leland, in his "necessity of a divine revelation," thus describes the prevalence of these shows among the romans:--"they were exhibited at the funerals of great and rich men, and on many other occasions, by the roman consuls, praetors, aediles, senators, knights, priests, and almost all that bore great offices in the state, as well as by the emperors; and in general, by all that had a mind to make an interest with the people, who were extravagantly fond of those kinds of shows. not only the men, but the women, ran eagerly after them; who were, by the prevalence of custom, so far divested of that compassion and softness which is natural to the sex, that they took a pleasure in seeing them kill one another, and only desired that they should fall genteelly, and in an agreeable attitude. such was the frequency of those shows, and so great the number of men that were killed on those occasions, that lipsius says, no war caused such slaughter of mankind, as did these sports of pleasure, throughout the several provinces of the vast roman empire."--_leland's neces. of div. rev._ vol. ii. p. .] alexander, the tyrant of phaeres, sobbed like a child over the misfortunes of the trojan queens, when the tragedy of andromache and hecuba was played before him; yet he used to murder his subjects every day for no crime, and without even setting up the pretence of any, but merely _to make himself sport_. the fact that slaveholders may be full of benevolence and kindness toward their equals and toward whites generally, even so much so as to attract the esteem and admiration of all, while they treat with the most inhuman neglect their own slaves, is well illustrated by a circumstance mentioned by the rev. dr. channing, of boston, (who once lived in virginia,) is his work on slavery, p. , st edition:-- "i cannot," says the doctor, "forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed for his virtues_, and whose manners and conversation expressed much _benevolence_ and _conscientiousness_. when i entered with him the hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman very ill, probably approaching death. she was stretched on the floor. her head rested on something like a pillow, but her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards. the owner, i doubt not, had, at least, as much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not enter his mind." mr. george a. avery, an elder of a presbyterian church in rochester, n.y. who resided some years in virginia, says:-- "on one occasion i was crossing the plantation and approaching the house of a friend, when i met him, _rifle in hand_, in pursuit of one of his negroes, declaring he would shoot him in a moment if he got his eye upon him. it appeared that the slave had refused to be flogged, and ran off to avoid the consequences; _and yet the generous hospitality of this man to myself, and white friends generally, scarcely knew any bounds._ "there were amongst my slaveholding friends and acquaintances, persons who were as _humane_ and _conscientious_ as men can be, and persist in the impious claim of _property_ in a fellow being. still i can recollect but _one instance_ of corporal punishment, whether the subject were male or female, in which the infliction was not on the _bare back_ with the _raw hide_, or a similar instrument, the subject being _tied_ during the operation to a post or tree. the _exception_ was under the following circumstances. i had taken a walk with a friend on his plantation, and approaching his gang of slaves, i sat down whilst he proceeded to the spot where they were at work; and addressing himself somewhat earnestly to a female who was wielding the hoe, in a moment caught up what i supposed a _tobacco stick_, (a stick some three feet in length on which the tobacco, when out, is suspended to dry.) about the size of a _man's wrist_, and laid on a number of blows furiously over her head. the woman crouched, and seemed stunned with the blows, but presently recommenced the motion of her hoe." dr. david nelson, a native of tennessee, and late president of marion college, missouri, in a lecture at northampton, mass. in january, , made the following statement:-- "i remember a young lady who played well on the piano, and was very ready to weep over any fictitious tale of suffering. i was present when one of her slaves lay on the floor in a high fever, and we feared she might not recover. i saw that young lady _stamp upon her with her feet;_ and the only remark her mother made was, 'i am afraid evelina is too _much_ prejudiced against poor mary.'" general william eaton, for some years u.s. consul at tunis, and commander of the expedition against tripoli, in , thus gives vent to his feelings at the sight of many hundreds of sardinians who had been enslaved by the tunisians: "many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less tolerable than death. alas! remorse seizes my whole soul when i reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which _my eyes have seen_ in my own native country. _how frequently_, in the southern states of my own country, have i seen _weeping mothers_ leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as _deep anguish_ as if they led them to the slaughter; and _yet felt my bosom tranquil_ in the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. but when i see the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood claim kindred with my own, _i curse the perpetrators, and weep over the wretched victims of their rapacity._ indeed, truth and justice demand from me the confession, that the christian slaves among the barbarians of africa are treated with more humanity than the african slaves among professing christians of civilized america; and yet _here_ [in tunis] sensibility _bleeds at every pore_ for the wretches whom fate has doomed to slavery." rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church, buffalo, n.y. who spent the winter of - at the south, says:-- "in the interior of mississippi i was invited to the house of a planter, where i was received with great cordiality, and entertained with marked hospitality. "there i saw a master in the midst of his household slaves. the evening passed most pleasantly, as indeed it must, where assiduous hospitalities are exercised towards the guest. "late in the morning, when i had gained the tardy consent of my host to go on my way, as a final act of kindness, he called a slave to show me across the fields by a nearer route to the main road. 'david,' said he, 'go and show this gentleman as far as the post-office. do you know the big bay tree?' 'yes, sir.' 'do you know where the cotton mill is?' 'yes, sir.' 'where squire malcolm's old field is?' 'y--e--s, sir,' said david, (beginning to be bewildered). 'do you know where squire malcolm's cotton field is?' 'no, sir.' 'no, sir,' said the enraged master, _levelling his gun at him_. 'what do you stand here, saying, yes, yes, yes, for, when you don't know?' all this was accompanied with _threats_ and _imprecations_, and a manner that contrasted strangely with the _religious conversation and gentle manners_ of the previous evening." the rev. james h. dickey, formerly a slaveholder in south carolina, now pastor of the presbyterian church in hennepin, ill. in his "review of nevins' biblical antiquities," after asserting that slaveholding tends to beget "a spirit of cruelty and tyranny, and to destroy every generous and noble feeling," (page ,) he adds the following as a note:-- "it may be that this will be considered censorious, and the proverbial generosity and hospitality of the south will be appealed to as a full confutation of it. the writer thinks he can appreciate southern kindness and hospitality. having been born in virginia, raised and educated in south carolina and kentucky, he is altogether southern in his feelings, and habits, and modes of familiar conversation. he can say of the south as cowper said of england, 'with all thy faults i love thee still, my country.' and nothing but the abominations of slavery could have induced him willingly to forsake a land endeared to him by all the associations of childhood and youth. "yet it is candid to admit that it is not all gold that glitters. there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. the famous robin hood was kind and generous--no man more hospitable--he robbed the rich to supply the necessities of the poor. others rob the poor to bestow gifts and lavish kindness and hospitality on their rich friends and neighbors. it is an easy matter for a man to appear kind and generous, when he bestows that which others have earned. "i said, there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. i once knew a man who left his wife and children three days, without fire-wood, without bread-stuff and without shoes, while the ground was covered with snow--that he might indulge in his cups. and when i attempted to expostulate with him, he took the subject out of my hands, and expatiating on the evils of intemperance more eloquently than i could, concluded by warning me, _with tears_, to avoid the snares of the latter. he had tender feelings, yet a hard heart. i once knew a young lady of polished manners and accomplished education, who would weep with sympathy over the fictitious woes exhibited in a novel. and waking from her reverie of grief, while her eye was yet wet with tears, would call her little waiter, and if she did not appear at the first call, would rap her head with her thimble till my head ached. "i knew a man who was famed for kindly sympathies. he once took off his shirt and gave it to a poor white man. the same man hired a black man, and gave him for his _daily task_, through the winter, to feed the beasts, keep fires, and make one hundred rails: and in case of failure the lash was applied so freely, that, in the spring, his back was _one continued sore, from his shoulders to his waist_. yet this man was a professor of religion, and famous for his tender sympathies to white men!" objection iv.--'northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves are not cruelly treated.' answer:--their knowledge on this point must have been derived, either from the slaveholders and overseers themselves, or from the slaves, or from their own observation. if from the slaveholders, _their_ testimony has already been weighed and found wanting; if they derived it from the slaves, they can hardly be so simple as to suppose that the _guest, associate and friend of the master_, would be likely to draw from his _slaves_ any other testimony respecting his treatment of them, than such as would please _him_. the great shrewdness and tact exhibited by slaves in _keeping themselves out of difficulty_, when close questioned by strangers as to their treatment, cannot fail to strike every accurate observer. the following remarks of chief justice henderson, a north carolina slaveholder, in his decision (in ,) in the case of the state _versus_ charity, devereaux's north carolina reports, , illustrate the folly of arguing the good treatment of slaves from their own declarations, _while in the power of their masters_. in the case above cited, the chief justice, in refusing to permit a master to give in evidence, declarations made to him by his slave, says of masters and slaves generally-- "the master has an almost _absolute control_ over the body and _mind_ of his slave. the master's _will_ is the slave's _will_. all his acts, _all his sayings_, are made with a view to propitiate his master. his confessions are made, not from a love of truth, not from a sense of duty, not to speak a falsehood, but to _please his master_--and it is in vain that his master tells him to speak the truth and conceals from him how he wishes the question answered. the slave _will_ ascertain, or, which is the same thing, think that he has ascertained _the wishes of his master,_ and mould his answer accordingly. we therefore more often get the wishes of the master, or the slave's belief of his wishes, than the truth." the following extract of a letter from the hon. seth m. gates, member elect of the next congress, furnishes a clue by which to interpret the looks, actions, and protestations of slaves, when in the presence of their masters' guests, and the pains sometimes taken by slaveholders, in teaching their slaves the art of _pretending_ that they are treated well, love their masters, are happy, &c. the letter is dated leroy, jan. , . "i have sent your letter to rev. joseph m. sadd, castile, genesee county, who resided five years in a slave state, and left, disgusted with slavery. i trust he will give you some facts. i remember one fact, which his wife witnessed. a relative, where she boarded, returning to his plantation after a temporary absence, was not met by his servants with such demonstrations of joy as was their wont. he ordered his horse put out, took down his whip, ordered his servants to the barn, and gave them a most cruel beating, because they did not run out to meet him, and pretend great attachment to him. mrs. sadd had overheard the servants agreeing not to go out, before his return, as they said _they did not love him_--and this led her to watch his conduct to them. this man was a professor of religion!" if these northern visitors derived their information that the slaves are _not_ cruelly treated from _their own observation_, it amounts to this, _they did not see_ cruelties inflicted on the slaves. to which we reply, that the preceding pages contain testimony from hundreds of witnesses, who testify that they _did see_ the cruelties whereof they affirm. besides this, they contain the solemn declarations of scores of slaveholders themselves, in all parts of the slave states, that the slaves are cruelly treated. these declarations are moreover fully corroborated, by the laws of slave states, by a multitude of advertisements in their newspapers, describing runaway slaves, by their scars, brands, gashes, maimings, cropped ears, iron collars, chains, &c. &c. truly, after the foregoing array of facts and testimony, and after the objectors' forces have one after another filed off before them, now to march up a phalanx of northern _visitors_, is to beat a retreat. 'visitors!' what insight do casual visitors get into the tempers and daily practices of those whom they visit, or of the treatment that their slaves receive at their hands, especially if these visitors are strangers, and from a region where there are no slaves, and which claims to be opposed to slavery? what opportunity has a stranger, and a temporary guest, to learn the every-day habits and caprices of his host? oh, these northern visitors tell us they have visited scores of families at the south and never saw a master or mistress whip their slaves. indeed! they have, doubtless, visited hundreds of families at the north--did they ever see, on such occasions, the father or mother whip their children? if so, they must associate with very ill-bred persons. because well-bred parents do not whip their children in the presence, or within the hearing of their guests are we to infer that they never do it _out_ of their sight and hearing? but perhaps the fact that these visitors do not _remember_ seeing slaveholders strike their slaves, merely proves, that they had so little feeling for them, that though they might be struck every day in their presence, yet as they were only slaves and 'niggers,' it produced no effect upon them; consequently they have no impressions to recall. these visitors have also doubtless _rode_ with scores of slaveholders. are they quite certain they ever saw them whip their _horses_? and can they recall the persons, times, places, and circumstances? but even if these visitors regarded the slaves with some kind feelings, when they first went to the south, yet being constantly with their oppressors, seeing them used as articles of property, accustomed to hear them charged with all kinds of misdemeanors, their ears filled with complaints of their laziness, carelessness, insolence, obstinacy, stupidity, thefts, elopements, &c. and at the same time, receiving themselves the most gratifying attentions and caresses from the same persons, who, while they make to them these representations of their slaves, are giving them airings in their coaches, making parties for them, taking them on excursions of pleasure, lavishing upon them their choicest hospitalities, and urging them to protract indefinitely their stay--what more natural than for the flattered guest to admire such hospitable people, catch their spirit, and fully sympathize with their feelings toward their slaves, regarding with increased disgust and aversion those who can habitually tease and worry such loveliness and generosity[ ]. after the visitor had been in contact with the slave-holding spirit long enough to have imbibed it, (no very tedious process,) a cuff, or even a kick administered to a slave, would not be likely to give him such a shock that his memory would long retain the traces of it. but lest we do these visitors injustice, we will suppose that they carried with them to the south humane feelings for the slave, and that those feelings remained unblunted; still, what opportunity could they have to witness the actual condition of the slaves? they come in contact with the house-servants only, and as a general thing, with none but the select ones of these, the _parlor_-servants; who generally differ as widely in their appearance and treatment from the cooks and scullions in the kitchen, as parlor furniture does from the kitchen utensils. certain servants are assigned to the parlor, just as certain articles of furniture are selected for it, _to be seen_--and it is no less ridiculous to infer that the kitchen scullions are clothed and treated like those servants who wait at the table, and are in the presence of guests, than to infer that the kitchen is set out with sofas, ottomans, piano-fortes, and full-length mirrors, because the parlor is. but the house-slaves are only a fraction of the whole number. the _field-hands_ constitute the great mass of the slaves, and these the visitors rarely get a glimpse at. they are away at their work by day-break, and do not return to their huts till dark. their huts are commonly at some distance from the master's mansion, and the fields in which they labor, generally much farther, and out of sight. if the visitor traverses the plantation, care is taken that he does not go alone; if he expresses a wish to see it, the horses are saddled, and the master or his son gallops the rounds with him; if he expresses a desire to see the slaves at work, his conductor will know _where_ to take him, and _when_, and _which_ of them to show; the overseer, too, knows quite too well the part he has to act on such occasions, to shock the uninitiated ears of the visitors with the shrieks of his victims. it is manifest that visitors can see only the least repulsive parts of slavery, inasmuch as it is wholly at the option of the master, what parts to show them; as a matter of necessity, he can see only the _outside_--and that, like the outside of doorknobs and andirons is furbished up to be _looked at_. so long as it is human nature to wear _the best side out_, so long the northern guests of southern slaveholders will see next to nothing of the reality of slavery. those visitors may still keep up their autumnal migrations to the slave states, and, after a hasty survey of the tinsel hung before the curtain of slavery, without a single glance behind it, and at the paint and varnish that _cover up_ dead men's bones, and while those who have hoaxed them with their smooth stories and white-washed specimens of slavery, are tittering at their gullibility, they return in the spring on the same fool's-errand with their predecessors, retailing their lesson, and mouthing the praises of the masters, and the comforts of the slaves. they now become village umpires in all disputes about the condition of the slaves, and each thence forward ends all controversies with his oracular, "i've _seen_, and sure i ought to know." [footnote : well saith the scripture, "a gift blindeth the eyes." the slaves understand this, though the guest may not; they know very well that they have no sympathy to expect from their master's guests; that the good cheer of the "big house," and the attentions shown them, will generally commit them in their master's favor, and against themselves. messrs. thome and kimball, in their late work, state the following fact, in illustration of this feeling among the negro apprentices in jamaica. "the governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined with one of the wealthiest proprietors. the next day one of the negroes of the estate said to another, "de new gubner been _poison'd_." "what dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment, "de gubner been _poison'd_! dah, now!--how him poisoned?" "_him eat massa's turtle soup last night_," said the shrewd negro. the other took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the poison was one from which he was likely to suffer more than his excellency."--_emancipation in the west indies_, p. .] but all northern visitors at the south are not thus easily gulled. many of them, as the preceding pages show, have too much sense to be caught with chaff. we may add here, that those classes of visitors whose representations of the treatment of slaves are most influential in moulding the opinions of the free states, are ministers of the gospel, agents of benevolent societies, and teachers who have traveled and temporarily resided in the slave states--classes of persons less likely than any others to witness cruelties, because slaveholders generally take more pains to keep such visitors in ignorance than others, because their vocations would furnish them fewer opportunities for witnessing them, and because they come in contact with a class of society in which fewer atrocities are committed than in any other, and that too, under circumstances which make it almost impossible for them to witness those which are actually committed. of the numerous classes of persons from the north who temporarily reside in the slave states, the mechanics who find employment on the _plantations_, are the only persons who are in circumstances to look "behind the scenes." merchants, pedlars, venders of patents, drovers, speculators, and almost all descriptions of persons who go from the free states to the south to make money see little of slavery, except _upon the road_, at public inns, and in villages and cities. let not the reader infer from what has been said, that the _parlor_-slaves, chamber-maids, &c. in the slave states are not treated with cruelty--far from it. they often experience terrible inflictions; not generally so terrible or so frequent as the field-hands, and very rarely in the presence of guests[ ] house-slaves are for the most part treated far better than plantation-slaves, and those under the immediate direction of the master and mistress, than those under overseers and drivers. it is quite worthy of remark, that of the thousands of northern men who have visited the south, and are always lauding the kindness of slaveholders and the comfort of the slaves, protesting that they have never seen cruelties inflicted on them, &c. each perhaps, without exception, has some story to tell which reveals, better perhaps than the most barbarous butchery could do, a public sentiment toward slaves, showing that the most cruel inflictions must of necessity be the constant portion of the slaves. [footnote : rev. joseph m. sadd, a presbyterian clergyman, in castile, genesee county, n.y. recently from missouri, where he has preached five years, in the midst of slaveholders, says, in a letter just received, speaking of the pains taken by slaveholders to conceal from the eyes of strangers and visitors, the cruelties which they inflict upon their slaves-- "it is difficult to be an eye-witness of these things; the master and mistress, almost invariably punish their slaves only in the presence of themselves and other slaves."] though facts of this kind lie thick in every corner, the reader will, we are sure, tolerate even a needless illustration, if told that it is from the pen of n.p. rogers, esq. of concord, n.h. who, whatever he writes, though it be, as in this case, a mere hasty letter, always finds readers to the end. "at a court session at guilford, stafford county, n.h. in august, , the hon. daniel m. durell, of dover, formerly chief justice of the common pleas for that state, and a member of congress, was charging the abolitionists, in presence of several gentlemen of the bar, at their boarding house, with exaggerations and misrepresentations of slave treatment at the south. 'one instance in particular,' he witnessed, he said, where he 'knew they misrepresented. it was in the congregational meeting house at dover. he was passing by, and saw a crowd entering and about the door; and on inquiry, found that _abolition was going on in there_. he stood in the entry for a moment, and found the englishman, thompson, was holding forth. the fellow was speaking of the treatment of slaves; and he said it was no uncommon thing for masters, when exasperated with the slave, to hang him up by the two thumbs, and flog him. i knew the fellow lied there,' said the judge, 'for i had traveled through the south, from georgia north, and i never saw a single instance of the kind. the fellow said it was a common thing.' 'did you see any _exasperated masters_, judge,' said i, 'in your journey?' 'no sir,' said he, 'not an individual instance.' 'you hardly are able to convict mr. thompson of falsehood, then, judge,' said i, 'if i understood you right. he spoke, as i understood you, of _exasperated masters_--and you say you did not see any. mr. thompson did not say it was common for masters in good humor to hang up their slaves.' the judge did not perceive the materiality of the distinction. 'oh, they misrepresent and lie about this treatment of the niggers,' he continued. 'in going through all the states i visited, i do not now remember a single instance of cruel treatment. indeed, i remember of seeing but one nigger struck, during my whole journey. there was one instance. we were riding in the stage, pretty early one morning, and we met a black fellow, driving a span of horses, and a load (i think he said) of hay. the fellow turned out before we got to him, clean down into the ditch, as far as he could get. he knew, you see, what to depend on, if he did not give the road. our driver, as we passed the fellow, fetched him a smart crack with his whip across the chops. he did not make any noise, though i guess it hurt him some--he grinned.--oh, no! these fellows exaggerate. the niggers, as a general thing, are kindly treated. there may be exceptions, but i saw nothing of it.' (by the way, the judge did not know there were any abolitionists present.) 'what did you _do_ to the driver, judge,' said i, 'for striking that man?' 'do,' said he, 'i did nothing to him, to be sure.' 'what did you _say_ to him, sir?' said i. 'nothing,' he replied: 'i said nothing to him.' 'what did the other passengers do?' said i. 'nothing, sir,' said the judge. 'the fellow turned out the white of his eye, but he did not make any noise.' 'did the driver say any thing, judge, when he struck the man?' 'nothing,' said the judge, 'only he _damned him_, and told him he'd learn him to keep out of the reach of his whip.' 'sir,' said i, 'if george thompson had told this story, in the warmth of an anti-slavery speech, i should scarcely have credited it. i have attended many anti-slavery meetings, and i never heard an instance of such _cold-blooded, wanton, insolent_, diabolical cruelty as this; and, sir, if i live to attend another meeting, i shall relate this, and give judge durell's name as the witness of it.' an infliction of the most insolent character, entirely unprovoked, on a perfect stranger, who had showed the utmost civility, in giving all the road, and only could not get beyond the long reach of the driver's whip--and he a stage driver, a class _generous_ next to the sailor, in the sober hour of morning--and _borne in silence_--and _told to show that the colored man of the south was kindly treated_--all evincing, to an unutterable extent, that the temper of the south toward the slave is merciless, even to _diabolism_--and that the north regards him with, if possible, a more fiendish indifference still!" it seems but an act of simple justice to say, in conclusion, that many of the slaveholders from whom our northern visitors derive their information of the "good treatment" of the slave, may not design to deceive them. such visitors are often, perhaps generally brought in contact with the better class of slaveholders, whose slaves are really better fed, clothed, lodged, and housed; more moderately worked; more seldom whipped, and with less severity, than the slaves generally. those masters in speaking of the good condition of their slaves, and asserting that they are treated _well_, use terms that are not _absolute_ but _comparative_: and it may be, and doubtless often is true that their stares are treated well _as slaves_, in comparison with the treatment received by slaves generally. so the overseers of such slaves, and the slaves themselves, may, without lying or designing to mislead, honestly give the same testimony. as the great body of slaves within their knowledge _fare worse_, it is not strange that, when speaking of the treatment on their own plantation, they should call it _good_. objection v.--'it is for the interest of the masters to treat their slaves well.' so it is for the interest of the drunkard to quit his cups; for the glutton to curb his appetite; for the debauchee to bridle his lust; for the sluggard to be up betimes; for the spendthrift to be economical, and for all sinners to stop sinning. even if it were for the interest of masters to treat their slaves well, he must be a novice who thinks _that_ a proof that the slaves _are_ well treated. the whole history of man is a record of real interests sacrificed to present gratification. if all men's actions were consistent with their best interests, folly and sin would be words without meaning. if the objector means that it is for the pecuniary interests of masters to treat their slaves well, and thence infers their good treatment, we reply, that though the love of money is strong, yet appetite and lust, pride, anger and revenge, the love of power and honor, are each an overmatch for it; and when either of them is roused by a sudden stimulant, the love of money worsted in the grapple with it. look at the hourly lavish outlays of money to procure a momentary gratification for those passions and appetites. as the desire for money is, in the main, merely a desire for the means of gratifying _other_ desires, or rather for one of the means, it must be the _servant_ not the sovereign of those desires, to whose gratification its only use is to minister. but even if the love of money were the strongest human passion, who is simple enough to believe that it is all the time so powerfully excited, that no other passion or appetite can get the mastery over it? who does not know that gusts of rage, revenge, jealousy and lust drive it before them as a tempest tosses a feather? the objector has forgotten his first lessons; they taught him that it is human nature to gratify the _uppermost_ passion: and is _prudence_ the uppermost passion with slaveholders, and self-restraint their great characteristic? the strongest feeling of any moment is the sovereign of that moment, and rules. is a propensity to practice _economy_ the predominant feeling with slaveholders? ridiculous! every northerner knows that slaveholders are proverbial for lavish expenditures, never higgling about the _price_ of a gratification. human passions have not, like the tides, regular ebbs and flows, with their stationary, high and low water marks. they are a dominion convulsed with revolutions; coronations and dethronements in ceasless succession--each ruler a usurper and a despot. love of money gets a snatch at the sceptre as well as the rest, not by hereditary right, but because, in the fluctuations of human feelings, a chance wave washes him up to the throne, and the next perhaps washes him off without time to nominate his successor. since, then, as a matter of fact, a host of appetites and passions do hourly get the better of love of money, what protection does the slave find in his master's _interest_, against the sweep of his passions and appetites? besides, a master can inflict upon his slave horrible cruelties without perceptibly injuring his health, or taking time from his labor, or lessening his value as property. blows with a small stick give more acute pain, than with a large one. a club bruises, and benumbs the nerves, while a switch, neither breaking nor bruising the flesh, instead of blunting the sense of feeling, wakes up and stings to torture all the susceptibilities of pain. by this kind of infliction, more actual cruelty can be perpetrated in the giving of pain at the instant, than by the most horrible bruisings and lacerations; and that, too, with little comparative hazard to the slave's health, or to his value as property, and without loss of time from labor. even giving to the objection all the force claimed for it, what protection is it to the slave? it _professes_ to shield the slave from such treatment alone, as would either lay him aside from labor, or injure his health, and thus lessen his value as a working animal, making him a _damaged article_ in the market. now, is nothing _bad treatment_ of a human being except that which produces these effects? does the fact that a man's constitution is not actually shattered, and his life shortened by his treatment, prove that he is treated well? is no treatment cruel except what sprains muscles, or cuts sinews, or bursts blood vessels, or breaks bones, and thus lessens a man's value as a working animal? a slave may get blows and kicks every hour in the day, without having his constitution broken, or without suffering sensibly in his health, or flesh, or appetite, or power to labor. therefore, beaten and kicked as he is, he must be treated _well_, according to the objector, since the master's _interest_ does not suffer thereby. finally, the objector virtually maintains that all possible privations and inflictions suffered by slaves, that do not actually cripple their power to labor, and make them 'damaged merchandize,' are to be set down as 'good treatment,' and that nothing is _bad_ treatment except what produces these effects. thus we see that even if the slave were effectually shielded from all those inflictions, which, by lessening his value as property, would injure the interests of his master, he would still nave no protection against numberless and terrible cruelties. but we go further, and maintain that in respect to large classes of slaves, it is for the _interest_ of their masters to treat them with barbarous inhumanity. . _old slaves._ it would be for the interest of the masters to shorten their days. . _worn out slaves._ multitudes of slaves by being overworked, have their constitutions broken in middle life. it would be _economical_ for masters to starve or flog such to death. . _the incurably diseased and maimed._ in all such cases it would be _cheaper_ for masters to buy poison than medicine. . _the blind, lunatics, and idiots_. as all such would be a tax on him, it would be for his interest to shorten their days. . _the deaf and dumb, and persons greatly deformed._ such might or might not be serviceable to him; many of them at least would be a burden, and few men carry burdens when they can throw them off. . _feeble infants._ as such would require much nursing, the time, trouble and expense necessary to raise them, would generally be more than they would be worth as _working animals_. how many such infants would be likely to be 'raised,' from _disinterested_ benevolence? to this it may be added that in the far south and south west, it is notoriously for the interest of the master not to 'raise' slaves at all. to buy slaves when nearly grown, from the northern slave states, would be _cheaper_ than to raise them. this is shown in the fact, that mothers with infants sell for less in those states than those without them. and when slave-traders purchase such in the upper country, it is notorious that they not unfrequently either sell their infants, or give them away. therefore it would be for the _interest_ of the masters, throughout that region, to have all the new-born children left to perish. it would also be for their interest to make such arrangements as effectually to separate the sexes, or if that were not done, so to overwork the females as to prevent childbearing. . _incorrigible slaves_. on most of the large plantations, there are, more or less, incorrigible slaves,--that is, slaves who _will not_ be profitable to their masters--and from whom torture can extort little but defiance.[ ] these are frequently slaves of uncommon minds, who feel so keenly the wrongs of slavery that their proud spirits spurn their chains and defy their tormentors. [footnote : advertisements like the following are not unfrequent in the southern papers. _from the elizabeth (n.c.) phenix, jan. , ._ "the subscriber offers for sale his blacksmith nat, years of age, and _remarkably large and likely_. the only cause of my selling him is i cannot control him. _hertford, dec. , ._ j. gordon."] they have commonly great sway over the other slaves, their example is contagious, and their influence subversive of 'plantation discipline.' consequently they must be made a warning to others. it is for the _interest_ of the masters (at least they believe it to be) to put upon such slaves iron collars and chains, to brand and crop them; to disfigure, lacerate, starve and torture them--in a word, to inflict upon them such vengeance as shall strike terror into the other slaves. to this class may be added the incorrigibly thievish and indolent; it would be for the interest of the masters to treat them with such severity as would deter others from following their example. . _runaways._ when a slave has once runaway from his master and is caught, he is thenceforward treated with severity. it is for the interest of the master to make an example of him, by the greatest privations and inflictions. . _hired slaves._ it is for the interest of those who hire slaves to get as much out of them as they can; the temptation to overwork them is powerful. if it be said that the master could, in that case, recover damages, the answer is, that damages would not be recoverable in law unless actual injury--enough to impair the power of the slave to labor, be _proved._ and this ordinarily would be impossible, unless the slave has been worked so greatly beyond his strength as to produce some fatal derangement of the vital functions. indeed, as all who are familiar with such cases in southern courts well know, the proof of actual injury to the slave, so as to lessen his value, is exceedingly difficult to make out, and every hirer of slaves can overwork them, give them insufficient food, clothing, and shelter, and inflict upon them nameless cruelties with entire impunity. we repeat then that it is for the _interest_ of the hirer to push his slaves to their utmost strength, provided he does not drive them to such an extreme, that their constitutions actually give way under it, while in his hands. the supreme court of maryland has decided that, 'there must be _at least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor_ to warrant an action by the master.'--_ harris and johnson's reports, ._ . _slaves under overseers whose wages are proportioned to the crop which they raise._ this is an arrangement common in the slave states, and in its practical operation is equivalent to a bounty on _hard driving_--a virtual premium offered to overseers to keep the slaves whipped up to the top of their strength. even where the overseer has a fixed salary, irrespective of the value of the crop which he takes off, he is strongly tempted to overwork the slaves, as those overseers get the highest wages who can draw the largest income from a plantation with a given number of slaves; so that we may include in this last class of slaves, the majority of all those who are under overseers, whatever the terms on which those overseers are employed. another class of slaves may be mentioned; we refer to the slaves of masters who _bet_ upon their crops. in the cotton and sugar region there is a fearful amount of this desperate gambling, in which, though money is the ostensible stake and forfeit, human life is the real one. the length to which this rivalry is carried at the south and south west, the multitude of planters who engage in it, and the recklessness of human life exhibited in driving the murderous game to its issue, cannot well be imagined by one who has not lived in the midst of it. desire of gain is only one of the motives that stimulates them;--the _eclat_ of having made the largest crop with a given number of hands, is also a powerful stimulant; the southern newspapers, at the crop season, chronicle carefully the "cotton brag," and the "crack cotton picking," and "unparalleled driving," &c. even the editors of professedly religious papers, cheer on the méleé and sing the triumphs of the victor. among these we recollect the celebrated rev. j.n. maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at natchez, miss. in which he took care to assign a prominent place, and capitals to "the cotton brag." the testimony of mr. bliss, page , details some of the particulars of this _betting_ upon crops. all the preceding classes of slaves are in circumstances which make it "for the _interest_ of their masters," or those who have the management of them, to treat them cruelly. besides the operation of the causes already specified, which make it for the interest of masters and overseers to treat cruelly _certain classes_ of their slaves, a variety of others exist, which make it for their interest to treat cruelly _the great body_ of their slaves. these causes are, the nature of certain kinds of products, the kind of labor required in cultivating and preparing them for market, the best times for such labor, the state of the market, fluctuations in prices, facilities for transportation, the weather, seasons, &c. &c. some of the causes which operate to produce this are-- . _the early market_. if the planter can get his crop into market early, he may save thousands which might be lost if it arrived later. . _changes in the market_. a sudden rise in the market with the probability that it will be short, or a gradual fall with a probability that it will be long, is a strong temptation to the master to push his slaves to the utmost, that he may in the one case make all he can, by taking the tide at the flood, and in the other lose as little as may be, by taking it as early as possible in the ebb. . _high prices_. whenever the slave-grown staples bring a high price, as is now the case with cotton, every slaveholder is tempted to overwork his slaves. by forcing them to do double work for a few weeks or months, while the price is up, he can _afford_ to lose a number of them and to lessen the value of all by over-driving. a cotton planter with a hundred vigorous slaves, would have made a profitable speculation, if, during the years ' , , and , when the average price of cotton was cents a pound, he had so overworked his slaves that half of them died upon his hands in ' , when cotton had fallen to six and eight cents. no wonder that the poor slaves pray that cotton and sugar may be cheap. the writer has frequently heard it declared by planters in the lower country, that, it is more profitable to drive the slaves to such over exertion as to _use them up_, in seven or eight years, than to give them only ordinary tasks and protract their lives to the ordinary period.[ ] [footnote : the reader is referred to a variety of facts and testimony on this point on the th page of this work.] . _untimely seasons_. when the winter encroaches on the spring, and makes late seed time, the first favorable weather is a temptation to overwork the slaves, too strong to be resisted by those who hold men as mere working animals. so when frosts set in early, and a great amount of work is to be done in a little time, or great loss suffered. so also after a long storm either in seed or crop time, when the weather becomes favorable, the same temptation presses, and in all these cases the master would _save money_ by overdriving his slaves. . _periodical pressure of certain kinds of labor._ the manufacture of sugar is an illustration. in a work entitled "travels in louisiana in ," translated from the french, by john davis, is the following testimony under this head:-- "at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, they (the slaves in louisiana,) work _both night and day_. abridged of their sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole period" see page . in an article on the agriculture of louisiana, published in the second number of the "western review," is the following:--"the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the process of making sugar is commenced, to be pressed night and day." it would be for the interest of the sugar planter greatly to overwork his slaves, during the annual process of sugar-making. the severity of this periodical pressure, in preparing for market other staples of the slave states besides sugar, may be inferred from the following. mr. hammond, of south carolina, in his speech in congress, feb. . , (see national intelligencer) said, "in the heat of the crop, the loss of one or two days, would inevitably ruin it." . _times of scarcity_. drought, long rain, frost, &c. are liable to cut off the corn crop, upon which the slaves are fed. if this happens when the staple which they raise is at a low price, it is for the interest of the master to put the slave on short rations, thus forcing him to suffer from hunger. . _the raising of crops for exportation_. in all those states where cotton and sugar are raised for exportation, it is, for the most part, more profitable to buy provisions for the slaves than to raise them. where this is the case the slaveholders believe it to be for their interest to give their slaves less food, than their hunger craves, and they do generally give them insufficient sustenance.[ ] [footnote : hear the testimony of a slaveholder, on this subject, a member of congress from virginia, from to , hon. alexander smyth. in the debate on the missouri question in the u.s. congress, - , the admission of missouri to the union, as a slave state, was urged, among other grounds, as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the south. mr. smyth, of virginia said, "the plan of our opponents seems to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the countries where _sugar, cotton, and tobacco_ are cultivated. but, sir, by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are _purchased, you doom them to scarcity and hunger_. is it not obvious that the way to render their situation more comfortable, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same motive to force the slave to incessant toil, that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco, are raised for exportation. it is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ hard worked and ill fed, that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. . . . the proposed measure would be extreme cruelty to the blacks. . . . you would . . . doom them to scarcity and hard labor."--[speech of mr. smyth, jan. , ]--see national intelligencer. those states where the crops are raised for exportation, and a large part of the provisions purchased, are, louisiana, mississippi, alabama, arkansas, western tennessee, georgia, florida, and, to a considerable extent, south carolina. that this is the case in louisiana, is shown by the following. "corn, flour, and bread stuffs, generally are obtained from kentucky, ohio;" &c. see "emigrants guide through the valley of the mississippi," page . that it is the case with alabama, appears from the testimony of w. jefferson jones, esq. a lawyer of high standing in mobile. in a series of articles published by him in the mobile morning chronicle, he says; (see that paper for aug. , .) "the people of alabama _export_ what they raise, and _import_ nearly all they consume." but it seems quite unnecessary to prove, what all persons of much intelligence well know, that the states mentioned export the larger part of what they raise, and import the larger part of what they consume. now more than _one million of slaves_ are held in those states, and parts of states, where provisions are mainly imported, and consequently they are "_doomed to scarcity and hunger_."] now let us make some estimate of the proportion which the slaves, included in the foregoing _nine classes_, sustain to the whole number, and then of the proportion affected by the operation of the _seven_ causes just enumerated. it would be nearly impossible to form an estimate of the proportion of the slaves included in a number of these classes, such as the old, the worn out, the incurably diseased, maimed and deformed, idiots, feeble infants, incorrigible slaves, &c. more or less of this description are to be found on all the considerable plantations, and often, many on the same plantation; though we have no accurate data for an estimate, the proportion cannot be less than one in twenty-five of the whole number of slaves, which would give a total of more than _one hundred thousand_. of some of the remaining classes we have data for a pretty accurate estimate. st. _lunatics_.--various estimates have been made, founded upon the data procured by actual investigation, prosecuted under the direction of the legislatures of different states; but the returns have been so imperfect and erroneous, that little reliance can be placed upon them. the legislature of new hampshire recently ordered investigations to be made in every town in the state, and the number of insane persons to be reported. a committee of the legislature, who had the subject in charge say, in their report--"from many towns no returns have been received, from others the accounts are erroneous, there being cases _known to the committee_ which escaped the notice of the 'selectmen.' the actual number of insane persons is therefore much larger than appears by the documents submitted to the committee." the medical society of connecticut appointed a committee of their number, composed of some of the most eminent physicians in the state, to ascertain and report the whole number of insane persons in that state. the committee say, in their report, "the number of towns from which returns have been received is seventy, and the cases of insanity which have been noticed in them are five hundred and ten." the committee add, "fifty more towns remain to be heard from, and if insanity should be found equally prevalent in them, the entire number will scarcely fall short of _one thousand_ in the state." this investigation was made in , when the population of the state was less than two hundred and eighty thousand. if the estimate of the medical society be correct, the proportion of the insane to the whole population would be about one in two hundred and eighty. this strikes us as a large estimate, and yet a committee of the legislature of that state in , reported seven hundred and seven insane persons in the state, who were either wholly or in part supported as _town paupers, or by charity_. it can hardly be supposed that more than _two-thirds_ of the insane in connecticut belong to families _unable to support them_. on this supposition, the whole number would be greater than the estimate of the medical society sixteen years previous, when the population was perhaps thirty thousand less. but to avoid the possibility of an over estimate, let us suppose the present number of insane persons in connecticut to be only seven hundred. the population of the state is now probably about three hundred and twenty thousand; according to this estimate, the proportion of the insane to the whole population, would be one to about four hundred and sixty. making this the basis of our calculation, and estimating the slaves in the united states at two millions, seven hundred thousand, their present probable number, and we come to this result, that there are about six thousand insane persons among the slaves of the united states. we have no adequate data by which to judge whether the proportion of lunatics among slaves is greater or less than among the whites; some considerations favor the supposition that it is less. but the dreadful physical violence to which the slaves are subjected, and the constant sunderings of their tenderest ties, might lead us to suppose that it would be more. the only data in our possession is the official census of chatham county, georgia, for , containing the number of lunatics among the whites and the slaves.--(see the savannah georgian, july , .) according to this census, the number of lunatics among eight thousand three hundred and seventy three whites in the country, is only _two,_ whereas, the number among ten thousand eight hundred and ninety-one slaves, is _fourteen_. d. _the deaf and dumb._--the proportion of deaf and dumb persons to the other classes of the community, is about one in two thousand. this is the testimony of the directors of the 'american asylum for the deaf and dumb,' located at hartford, connecticut. making this the basis of our estimate, there would be one thousand six hundred deaf and dumb persons among the slaves of the united states. d. _the blind._--we have before us the last united states census, from which it appears, that in , the number of blind persons in new hampshire was one hundred and seventeen, out of a population of two hundred and sixty-nine thousand five hundred and thirty-three. adopting this as our basis, the number of blind slaves in the united states would be nearly one thousand three hundred. th. _runaways._--of the proportion of the slaves that run away, to those that do not, and of the proportion of the runaways that are _taken_ to those that escape entirely, it would be difficult to make a probable estimate. something, however, can be done towards such an estimate. we have before us, in the grand gulf (miss.) advertiser, for august , , a list of runaways that were then in the jails of the two counties of adams and warren, in that state; the names, ages, &c. of each one given; and their owners are called upon to take them away. the number of runaways thus taken up and committed in these _two_ counties is forty-six. the whole number of _counties_ in mississippi is _fifty-six._ many of them, however, are thinly populated. now, without making this the basis of our estimate for the whole slave population in all the state--which would doubtless make the number much too large--we are sure no one who has any knowledge of facts as they are in the south, will charge upon us an over-statement when we say, that of the present generation of slaves, probably _one in thirty_ is of that class--i.e., has at some time, perhaps often, runaway and been retaken; on that supposition the whole number would be not far from ninety thousand. th. _hired slaves._--it is impossible to estimate with accuracy the proportion which the hired slaves bear to the whole number. that it is very large all who have resided at the south, or traveled there, with their eyes open, well know. some of the largest slaveholders in the country, instead of purchasing plantations and working their slaves themselves, hire them out to others. this practice is very common. rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church in marlborough, mass., who lived some years in georgia, says: "a _large proportion_ of the slave are owned by masters who keep them on purpose to hire out." large numbers of slaves, especially in mississippi, louisiana, arkansas, alabama, and florida, are owned by _non-residents_; thousands of them by northern capitalists, who _hire them out_. these capitalists in many cases own large plantations, which are often leased for a term of years with a 'stock' of slaves sufficient to work them. multitudes of slaves 'belonging' to _heirs_, are hired out by their guardians till such heirs become of age, or by the executors or trustees of persons deceased. that the reader may form some idea of the large number of slaves that are hired out, we insert below a few advertisements, as a specimen of hundreds in the newspapers of the slave states. from the "pensacola gazette," may . "notice to slaveholders. wanted upon my contract, on the alabama, florida, and georgia rail road, four hundred black laborers, _for which_ a liberal price will be paid. r. loring, _contractor_." the same paper has the following, signed by an officer of the united states. "wanted at the navy yard, pensacola, sixty laborers. the owners to subsist and quarter them beyond the limits of the yard. persons having laborers to hire, will apply to the commanding officer. w.k. latimer." from the "richmond (va.) enquirer," april , . "laborers wanted.--the james river, and kenawha company, are in immediate want of several hundred good laborers. gentlemen wishing to send negroes from the country, are assured that the very best care shall be taken of them. richard reins, _agent of the james river, and kenawha co_." from the "vicksburg (mis.) register," dec. , . " negroes, males and females, _for hire for the year_ . apply to h. hendren." from the "georgia messenger," dec. , . "negroes to hire. on the first tuesday next, including carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, seamstresses, cooks, &c. &c. for information; apply to ossian gregory." from the "alexandria (d.c.) gazette," dec. , . "the subscriber wishes to _employ_ by the month or year, one hundred able bodied men, and thirty boys. persons having servants, will do well to give him a call. philip roach, near alexandria." from the "columbia (s.c.) telescope," may , . "wanted to hire, twelve or fifteen negro girls, from ten to fourteen years of age. they are wanted for the term of two or three years. e.h. & j. fisher." "negroes wanted. the subscriber is desirous of hiring of _first rate negro men_. wilson nesbitt." from the "norfolk (va.) beacon," march , . "laborers wanted. one hundred able bodied men are wanted. the hands will be required to be delivered in halifax by the _owners_. apply to shield & walke." from the "lynchburg virginian," dec. , . " negro men. the subscribers wish to hire for the next year negro men. langhorne, scruggs & cook." "hiring of negroes. on saturday, the th day of december, , at mrs. tayloe's tavern, in amherst county, there will be _hired_ thirty or forty valuable negroes. in addition to the above, i have for _hire_, men, women, boys, and girls--several of them excellent house servants. maurice h. garland." from the "savannah georgian," feb. , . "wanted to hire, one hundred prime negroes, by the year. j.v. redden." from the "north carolina standard," feb. , . "negroes wanted.--w. & a. stith, will give twelve dollars per month for fifty strong negro fellows, to commence work immediately; and for fifty more on the first day of february, and for fifty on the first day of march." from the "lexington (ky.) reporter," dec. , . "will be hired, for one year; on the first day of january, , on the farm of the late mrs. meredith, a number of valuable negroes. r.s. todd, sheriff of fayette co. and curator for james and elizabeth breckenridge." "negroes to hire. on wednesday, the th inst. i will hire to the highest bidder, the negroes belonging to charles and robert innes. geo. w. williams. _guardian_." the following _nine_ advertisements were published in one column of the "winchester virginian," dec. , . "negro hirings. "will be offered for hire, at captain long's hotel, a number of slaves--men, women, boys and girls--belonging to the orphans of george ash, deceased. richard w. barton." _guardian_. "will be offered for hire, at my hotel, a number of slaves, consisting of men, women, boys and girls. joseph long. _exr. of edmund shackleford, dec'd_." "will be offered for hire, for the ensuing year, at capt. long's hotel, a number of slaves. moses r. richards." "will be offered for hire, the slaves belonging to the estate of james bowen, deceased, consisting of men, and women, boys and girls. giles cook. _one of the exrs. of james bowen dec'd_." "the _hiring_ at millwood will take place on friday, the th day of december, . burwell." "n.b. we are desired to say that other valuable negroes will also be _hired_ at millwood on the same day, besides those offered by mr. b." "the slaves of the late john jolliffe, about twenty in number, and of all ages and both sexes, will be offered for hire at cain's depot. david w. barton. _administrator_." "i will hire at public hiring before the tavern door of dr. lacy, about negroes, consisting of men, and women. james r. richards." "will be hired, at carter's tavern, on st of december, a number of negroes. john j.h. gunnell." "negroes for hire, (privately.) about twelve servants, consisting of men, women, boys, and girls, for hire privately. apply to the subscriber at col. smith's in battletown. john w. owen." a volume might easily be filled with advertisements like the preceding, showing conclusively that _hired_ slaves must be a large proportion of the whole number. the actual proportion has been variously estimated, at / , / , / , / , &c. if we adopt the last as our basis, it will make the number of hired slaves, in the united states, five hundred and forty thousand! th. _slaves under overseers whose wages are a part of the crop_.--that this is a common usage; appears from the following testimony. the late hon. john taylor, of caroline co. virginia, one of the largest slaveholders in the state, president of the state agricultural society, and three times elected to the senate of the united states, says, in his "agricultural essays," no. . p. , "this necessary class of men, (overseers,) are bribed by agriculturalists, not to improve, but to impoverish their land, _by a share of the crop for one year_.... the _greatest_ annual crop, and not the most judicious culture, advances his interest, and establishes his character; and the fees of these land-doctors, are much higher for killing than for curing.... the most which the land can yield, and seldom or never improvement with a view to future profit, is a point of common consent, and mutual need between the agriculturist and his overseer.... must the practice of hiring a man for one year, by a share of the crop, to lay out all his skill and industry in killing land, and as little as possible in improving it, be kept up to commemorate the pious leaning of man to his primitive state of ignorance and barbarity? _unless this is abolished_, the attempt to fertilize our lands is needless." philemon bliss, esq, of elyria, ohio, who lived in florida, in - , says, "it is common for owners of plantations and slaves, to hire overseers to take charge of them, while they themselves reside at a distance. _their wages depend principally upon the amount of labor which they can exact from the slave_. the term "good overseer," signifies one who can make the greatest amount of the staple, cotton for instance, from a given number of hands, besides raising sufficient provisions for their consumption. he has no interest in the life of the slave. hence the fact, so notorious at the south, that negroes are driven harder and fare worse under overseers than under their owners." william ladd, esq. of minot, maine, formerly a slaveholder in florida, speaking, in a recent letter of the system of labor adopted there, says; "the compensation of the overseers _was a certain portion of the crop_." rev. phineas smith, of centreville, allegany co. n.y. who has recently returned from a four years' residence, in the southern slave states and texas, says, "the mode in which _many_ plantations are managed, is calculated and _designed_, as an inducement to the slave driver, to lay upon the slave the _greatest possible burden, the overseer being entitled by contract, to a certain share of the crop_." we leave the reader to form his own opinion, as to the proportion of slaves under overseers, whose wages are in proportion to the crop, raised by them. we have little doubt that we shall escape the charge of wishing to make out a "strong case" when we put the proportion at _one-eighth_ of the whole number of slaves, which would be _three hundred and fifty thousand_. without drawing out upon the page a sum in addition for the reader to "run up," it is easily seen that the slaves in the preceding classes amount to more than eleven hundred thousand, exclusive of the deaf and dumb, and the blind, some of whom, especially the former, might be profitable to their "owners"; now it is plainly for the interest of the "owners" of these slaves, or of those who have the charge of them, to _treat than cruelly_, to overwork, under-feed, half-clothe, half-shelter, poison, or kill outright, the aged, the broken down, the incurably diseased, idiots, feeble infants, most of the blind, some deaf and dumb, &c. it is besides a part of the slave-holder's creed, that it is _for his interest_ to treat with terrible severity, all runaways and the incorrigibly stubborn, thievish, lazy, &c.; also for those who hire slaves, to overwork them; also for overseers to overwork the slaves under them, when their own wages are increased by it. we have thus shown that it would be "_for the interest_," of masters and overseers to treat with _habitual_ cruelty _more than one million_ of the slaves in the united states. but this is not all; as we have said already, it is for the interest of overseers generally, whether their wages are proportioned to the crop or not, to overwork the slaves; we need not repeat the reasons. neither is it necessary to re-state the arguments, going to show that it is for the interest of slaveholders, who cultivate the great southern staples, especially cotton, and the sugarcane, to overwork periodically _all_ their slaves, and _habitually_ the majority of them, when the demand for those staples creates high prices, as has been the case with cotton for many years, with little exception. instead of entering into a labored estimate to get at the proportion of the slaves, affected by the operation of these and the other causes enumerated, we may say, that they operate _directly_ on the "field hands," employed in raising the southern staples, and indirectly upon all classes of the slaves. finally, the conclude this head by turning the objector's negative proposition into an affirmative one, and state formally what has been already proved. _it is for the interest of shareholders, upon their own principles, and by their own showing, to treat cruelly the great body of their slaves._ objection vi.--the fact that the slaves multiply so rapidly proves that they are not inhumanely treated, but are in a comfortable condition to this we reply in brief, st. it has been already shown under a previous head, that, in considerable sections of the slave states, especially in the south west, the births among slaves are fewer than the deaths, which would exhibit a fearful decrease of the slave population in those sections, if the deficiency were not made up by the slave trade from the upper country. d. the fact that all children born of slave _mothers_, whether their fathers are whites or free colored persons, are included in the census with the slaves, and further that all children born of white mothers, whose fathers are mulattos or blacks, are also included in the census with colored persons and almost invariably with _slaves_, shows that it is impossible to ascertain with any accuracy, _what is the actual increase of the slaves alone._ d. the fact that thousands of slaves, generally in the prime of life, are annually smuggled into the united states from africa, cuba, and elsewhere, makes it manifest that all inferences drawn from the increase of the slave population, which do not make large deductions, for constant importations, must be fallacious. mr. middleton of south carolina, in a speech in congress in , declared that "thirteen thousand africans are annually smuggled into the southern states." mr. mercer of virginia, in a speech in congress about the same time declared that "_cargoes_," of african slaves were smuggled into the south to a deplorable extent. mr. wright, of maryland, in a speech in congress, estimated the number annually at fifteen thousand. miss martineau, in her recent work, (society in america,) informs us that a large slaveholder in louisiana, assured her in , that the annual importation of native africans was from thirteen to fifteen thousand. the president of the united states, in his message to congress, december, , says, "the large force under commodore dallas, (on the west india station,) has been most actively and efficiently employed in protecting our commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves," &c. &c. the new orleans courier of th february, , has these remarks: "it is believed that african negroes have been _repeatedly_ introduced into the united states. the number and the proximity of the florida ports to the island of cuba, make it no difficult matter; nor is our extended frontier on the sabine and red rivers, at all unfavorable to the smuggler. human laws have, in all countries and ages, been violated whenever the inducements to do so afforded hopes of great profit. "the united states' law against the importation of africans, _could it be strictly enforced_, might in a few years give the sugar and cotton planters of texas advantage over those of this state; as it would, we apprehend, enable the former, under a stable government, to furnish cotton and sugar at a lower price than we can do. when giving publicity to such reflections as the subject seems to suggest, we protest against being considered advocates for any violation of the laws of our country. every good citizen must respect those laws, notwithstanding we may deem them likely to be evaded by men less scrupulous." that both the south and north swarm with men 'less scrupulous,' every one knows. the norfolk (va.) beacon, of june , , has the following: "_slave trade.--eight african negroes_ have been taken into custody, at apalachicola, by the u.s. deputy marshal, alleged to have been imported from cuba, on board the schooner emperor, captain cox. indictments for piracy, under the acts for the suppression of the slave trade, have been found against captain cox, and other parties implicated. the negroes were bought in cuba by a frenchman named malherbe, formerly a resident of tallahassee, who was drowned soon after the arrival of the schooner." the following testimony of rev. horace moulton, now a minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, mass., who resided some years in georgia, reveals some of the secrets of the slave-smugglers, and the connivance of the georgia authorities at their doings. it is contained in a letter dated february , . "the foreign slave-trade was carried on to some considerable extent when i was at the south, notwithstanding a law had been made some ten years previous to this, making this traffic piracy on the high seas. i was somewhat acquainted with the secrets of this traffic, and, i suppose, i might have engaged in it, had i so desired. were you to visit all the plantations in south carolina, georgia, alabama, and mississippi, i think you would be convinced that the horrors of the traffic in human flesh have not yet ceased. i was _surprised to find so many that could not speak english among the slaves,_ until the mystery was explained. this was done, when i learned that slave-cargoes were landed on the coast of florida, not a thousand miles from st. augustine. they could, and can still, in my opinion, be landed as safely on this coast as in any port of this continent. you can imagine for yourself how easy it was to carry on the traffic between this place and the west indies. when landed on the coast of florida, it is an easy matter to distribute them throughout the more southern states. the law which makes it piracy to traffic in the foreign slave trade is a dead letter; and i doubt not it has been so in the more southern states ever since it was enacted. for you can perceive at once, that interested men, who believe the colored man is so much better off here than he possibly can be in africa, will not hesitate to kidnap the blacks whenever an opportunity presents itself. i will notice one fact that came under my own observation, which will convince you that the horrors of the foreign slave-trade have not yet ceased among our southern gentry. it is as follows. a slave ship, which i have reason to believe was employed by southern men, came near the port of savannah with about five hundred slaves, from guinea and congo. it was said that the ship was driven there by contrary winds; and the crew, pretending to be short of provisions, run the ship into a by place, near the shore, between tybee light and darien, to recruit their stores. well, as providence would have it, the revenue cutter, at that time taking a trip along the coast, fell in with this slave ship, took her as a prize, and brought her up into the port of savannah. the cargo of human chattels was unloaded, and the captives were placed in an old barracks, in the fort of savannah, under the protection of the city authorities, they pretending that they should return them all to their native country again, as soon as a convenient opportunity presented itself. the ship's crew of course were arrested, and confined in jail. now for the sequel of this history. about one third part of the negroes died in a few weeks after they were landed, in seasoning, so called, or in becoming acclimated--or, as i should think, a distemper broke out among them, and they died like the israelites when smitten with the plague. those who did not die in seasoning, must be hired out a little while, to be sure, as the city authorities could not afford to keep them on expense doing nothing. as it happened, the man in whose employ i was when the cargo of human beings arrived, hired some twenty or thirty of them, and put them under my care. they continued with me until the sickly season drove me off to the north. i soon returned, but could not hear a word about the crew of pirates. they had something like a mock trial, as i should think, for no one, as i ever learned, was condemned, fined, or censured. but where were the poor captives, who were going to be returned to africa by the city authorities, as soon as they could make it convenient? oh, forsooth, those of whom i spoke, being under my care, were tugging away for the same man; the remainder were scattered about among different planters. when i returned to the north again, the next year, the city authorities had not, down to that time; made it convenient to return these poor victims. the fact is, they belonged there; and, in my opinion, they were designed to be landed near by the place where the revenue cutter seized them. probably those very planters for whom they were originally designed received them; and still there was a pretence kept up that they would be returned to africa. this must have been done, that the consciences of those might be quieted, who were looking for justice to be administered to these poor captives. it is easy for a company of slaveholders, who desire to traffic in human flesh, to fit out a vessel, under spanish colors, and then go prowling about the african coast for the victims of their lusts. if all the facts with relation to the african slave-trade, now secretly carried on at the south, could be disclosed, the people of the free states would be filled with amazement." it is plain, from the nature of this trade, and the circumstances under which it is carried on, that the number of slaves imported would be likely to be estimated far _below_ the truth. there can be little doubt that the estimate of mr. wright, of maryland, (fifteen thousand annually,) is some thousands too small. but even according to his estimate, the african slave-trade adds one hundred and fifty thousand slaves to each united states' census. these are in the prime of life, and their children would swell the slave population many thousands annually--thus making a great addition to each census. . it is a notorious fact, that large numbers of free colored persons are kidnapped every year in the free states, taken to the south, and sold as slaves. hon. george m. stroud, judge of the criminal court of philadelphia, in his sketch of the slave laws, speaking of the kidnapping of free colored persons in the northern states, says-- "remote as is the city of philadelphia from those slaveholding states in which the introduction of slaves from places within the territory of the united states is freely permitted, and where also the market is tempting, _it has been ascertained,_ that more than thirty free colored persons, mostly children, have been kidnapped here, and carried away, within the last two years. five of these, through the kind interposition of several humane gentlemen, have been restored to their friends, though not without _great expense and difficulty_; the others _are still retained in bondage_, and if rescued at all, it must be by sending white witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles. the costs attendant upon lawsuits, under such circumstances, will probably fall but little short of the estimated value, as slaves, of the individuals kidnapped." the following is an extract from mrs. child's appeal, pp. - . "i know the names of four colored citizens of massachusetts, who went to georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that state, and sold as slaves. they have sent the most earnest exhortations to their families and friends, to do something for their relief; but the attendant expenses require more money than the friends of negroes are apt to have, and the poor fellows, as yet, remain unassisted. "a new york paper, of november, , contains the following caution. _"beware of kidnappers!_--it is well understood, that there is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation, of stealing colored children for the southern market. it is believed that three or four have been stolen within as many days. there are suspicions of a foul nature connected with some who serve the police in subordinate capacities. it is hinted that there may be those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical practices. let the public be on their guard! it is still fresh in the memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove of negroes, was made up from this city and philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation of all the negroes in this state took place, under our present constitution, and were taken through virginia, the carolinas, and tennessee, and disposed of in the state of mississippi. some of those who were taken from philadelphia were persons of intelligence; and after they had been driven through the country in chains, and disposed of by sale on the mississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were rescued from bondage. the persons who were guilty of this abominable transaction are known, and now reside in north carolina. they may very probably be engaged in similar enterprizes at the present time--at least there is reason to believe, that the system of kidnapping free persons of color from the northern cities, has been carried on more extensively than the public arc generally aware of." george bradburn, esq. of nantucket, mass. a member of the legislature of that state, at its last session, made a report to that body, march , , 'on the deliverance of citizens liable to be sold as slaves.' that report contains the following facts and testimony. "the following facts are a few out of a vast multitude, to which the attention of the undersigned has been directed. "on the th of february last, the undersigned had an interview with the rev. samuel snowden, a respectable and intelligent clergyman of the city of boston. this gentleman stated, and he is now ready to make oath, that during the last six years, he has himself, by the aid of various benevolent individuals, procured the deliverance from jail of six citizens of massachusetts, who had been, arrested and imprisoned as runaway slaves, and who, but for his timely interposition, would have been sold into perpetual bondage. the names and the places of imprisonment of those persons, as stated by mr. s. were as follows: "james hight, imprisoned at mobile; william adams, at norfolk; william holmes, also at norfolk; james oxford, at wilmington; james smith, at baton rouge; john tidd, at new orleans. "in , mary smith, a native of this state, returning from new orleans, whither she had been in the capacity of a servant, was cast upon the shores of north carolina. she was there seized and sold as a slave. information of the fact reached her friends at boston. those friends made an effort to obtain her liberation. they invoked the assistance of the governor of this commonwealth. a correspondence ensued between his excellency and the governor of north carolina: copies of which were offered for the inspection of your committee. soon afterwards, by permission of the authorities of north carolina, 'mary smith' returned to boston. but it turned out, that this was not _the_ mary smith, whom our worthy governor, and other excellent individuals of boston, had taken so unwearied pains to redeem from slavery. it was another woman, of the same name, who was also a native of massachusetts, and had been seized in north carolina as a runaway slave. the mary smith has not yet been heard of. if alive, she is now, in all probability, wearing the chains of slavery. "about a year and a half since, several citizens of different free states were rescued from slavery, at new orleans, by the direct personal efforts of an acquaintance of the undersigned. the benevolent individual alluded to is jacob barker, esq. a name not unknown to the commercial world. mr. barker is a resident of new orleans. a statement of the cases in reference is contained in a letter addressed by him to the hon. samuel h. jenks, of nantucket." the letter of mr. barker, referred to in this report to the legislature of massachusetts, bears date august , . the following are extracts from it. "a free man, belonging to baltimore, by the name of ephraim larkin, who came here cook of the william tell, was arrested and thrown into prison a few weeks since, and sent in chains to work on the road. i heard of it, and with difficulty found him; and after the most diligent and active exertions, got him released--in effecting which, i traveled in the heat of the day, thermometer ranging in the shade from to , more than twenty times to and from prison, the place of his labor, and the different courts, a distance of near three miles from my residence; and after i had established his freedom, had to pay for his arrest, maintenance, and the advertising him as a runaway slave, $ . , as per copy of bill herewith--the allowance for work not equalling the expenses, the amount augments with every day of confinement. "in pursuing the cook of the william tell, i found three other free men, confined in the same prison; one belonged also to baltimore, by the name of leaven dogerty: he was also released, on my paying $ expenses; one was a descendant of the indians who once inhabited nantucket--his name is eral lonnon. lonnon had been six weeks in prison; he was released without difficulty, on my paying $ . expenses--and no one seemed to know why he had been confined or arrested, as the law does not presume persons of mixed blood to be slaves. but for the others, i had great difficulty in procuring what was considered competent witnesses to prove them free. no complaint of improper conduct had been made against either of them. at one time, the recorder said the witness must be white; at another, that one respectable witness was insufficient; at another, that a person who had been (improperly) confined and released, was not a competent witness, &c. &c. lonnon has been employed in the south sea fishery from nantucket and new bedford, nearly all his life; has sailed on those voyages in the ships eagle, maryland, gideon, triton, and samuel. he was born at marshpee, plymouth (barnstable) county, mass. and prefers to encounter the leviathan of the deep, rather than the turnkeys of new orleans. "the other was born in st. johns, nova scotia, and bears the name of william smith, a seaman by profession. "immediately after these men were released, two others were arrested. they attempted to escape, and being pursued, ran for the river, in the vain hope of being able to swim across the mississippi, a distance of a mile, with a current of four knots. one soon gave out, and made for a boat which had been despatched for their recovery, and was saved; the other being a better swimmer, continued on until much exhausted, then also made for the boat--it was too late; he sank before the boat could reach him, and was drowned. they claimed to be freemen. "on sunday last i was called to the prison of the municipality in which i reside, to serve on an inquest on the body of a drowned man. there i saw one other free man confined, by the name of henry tier, a yellow man, born in new york, and formerly in my employ. he had been confined as a supposed runaway, near six months, without a particle of testimony; although from his color, the laws of louisiana presume him to be free. i applied immediately for his release, which was promptly granted. at first, expenses similar to those exacted in the third municipality were required; but on my demonstrating to the recorder that the law imposed no such burden on free men, he was released without any charge whatever. how free men can obtain satisfaction for having been thus wrongfully imprisoned, and made to work in chains on the highway, is not for me to decide. i apprehend no satisfaction can be had without more active friends, willing to espouse their cause, than can be found in this quarter. therefore i repeat, that no person of color should come here without a certificate of freedom from the governor of the state to which he belongs. "very respectfully, your assured friend, jacob barker." "n.b.--since writing the preceding, i have procured the release of another free man from the prison of the third municipality, on the payment of $ . , as per bill, copy herewith. his name is william lockman--he was born in new jersey, of free parents, and resides at philadelphia. a greater sum was required which was reduced by the allowance of his maintenance (written _labor_,) while at work on the road, which the law requires the municipality to pay; but it had not before been so expounded in the third municipality. i hope to get it back in the case of the other three. the allowance for labor, in addition to their maintenance, is twenty-five cents per day; but they require those illiterate men to advance the whole before they can leave the prison, and then to take a certificate for their labor, and go for it to another department--to collect which, is ten times more trouble than the money when received is worth. while these free men, without having committed any fault, were compelled to work in chains, on the roads, in the burning sun, for cents per day, and pay in advance - cents per day for maintenance, doctor's, and other bills, and not able to work half their time, i paid others, working on ship-board, in sight, two dollars per day. j.b." the preceding letter of mr. barker, furnishes grounds for the belief, that _hundreds_, if not _thousands_ of free colored persons, from the different states of this union, both slave and free from the west indies, south america, mexico, and the british possessions in north america, and from other parts of the world, are reduced to slavery _every year_ in our slave states. if a single individual, in the course of a few days, _accidentally_ discovered _six_ colored free men, working in irons, and soon to be sold as slaves, in a _single_ southern city, is it not fair to infer, that in all the slave states, there must be _multitudes_ of such persons, now in slavery, and that this number is rapidly increasing, by ceaseless accessions? the letter of mr. barker is valuable, also, as a graphic delineation of the 'public opinion' of the south. the great difficulty with which the release of these free men was procured, notwithstanding the personal efforts of mr. jacob barker, who is a gentleman of influence, and has, we believe, been an alderman of new orleans, reveals a 'public opinion,' insensible as adamant to the liberty of colored men. it would be easy to fill scores of pages with details similar to the preceding. we have furnished enough, however, to show, that, in all probability, _each_ united states' census of the _slave_ population, is increased by the addition to it of _thousands_ of free colored persons, kidnapped and sold as slaves. th. to argue that the rapid multiplication of any class in the community, is proof that such a class is well-clothed, well-housed, abundantly fed, and very _comfortable_, is as absurd as to argue that those who have _few children_, must of course, be ill-clothed, ill-housed, badly lodged, overworked, ill-fed, &c. &c. true, privations and inflictions may be carried to such an extent as to occasion a fearful diminishment of population. that was the case generally with the slave population in the west indies, and, as has been shown, is true of certain portions of the southern states. but the fact that such an effect is _not_ produced, does not prove that the slaves do not experience great privations and severe inflictions. they may suffer much hardship, and great cruelties, without experiencing so great a derangement of the vital functions as to prevent child-bearing. the israelites multiplied with astonishing rapidity, under the task-masters and burdens of egypt. does this falsify the declarations of scripture, that 'they sighed by reason of their bondage,' and that the egyptians 'made them serve _with rigor_,' and made 'their lives bitter with _hard bondage_.' 'i have seen,' said god, 'their _afflictions_. i have beard their _groanings_,' &c. the history of the human race shows, that great _privations and much suffering_ may be experienced, without materially checking the rapid increase of population. besides, if we should give to the objection all it claims, it would merely prove, that the female slaves, or rather a portion of them, are in a comfortable condition; and that, so far as the absolute necessities of life are concerned, the females of _child-bearing_ age, in delaware, maryland, northern, western, and middle virginia, the upper parts of kentucky and missouri, and among the mountains of east tennessee and western north carolina, are in general tolerably well supplied. the same remark, with some qualifications, may be made of the slaves generally, in those parts of the country where the people are slaveholders, mainly, that they may enjoy the privilege and profit of being _slave-breeders_. objection viii.--'public opinion is a protection to the slave.' answer. it was public opinion that _made him a slave_. in a republican government the people make the laws, and those laws are merely public opinion _in legal forms_. we repeat it,--public opinion made them slaves, and keeps them slaves; in other words, it sunk them from men to chattels, and now, forsooth, this same public opinion will see to it, that these _chattels_ are treated like _men!_ by looking a little into this matter, and finding out how this 'public opinion' (law) protects the slaves in some particulars, we can judge of the amount of its protection in others. . it protects the slaves from _robbery_, by declaring that those who robbed their mothers may rob them and their children. "all negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who now are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their offspring, are hereby declared to be, and shall remain, forever, hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother."--law of south carolina, brevard's digest, . others of the slave states have similar laws. . it protects their _persons_, by giving their master a right to flog, wound, and beat them when he pleases. see devereaux's north carolina reports, .--case of the state vs. mann, ; in which the supreme court decided, that a master who _shot_ at a female slave and wounded her, because she got loose from him when he was flogging her, and started to run from him, had violated _no law_, and could not be indicted. it has been decided by the highest courts of the slave states generally, that assault and battery upon a slave is not indictable as a criminal offence. the following decision on this point was made by the supreme court of south carolina in the case of the state vs. cheetwood, hill's reports, . _protection of slaves_.--"the criminal offence of assault and battery _cannot, at common law, be committed on the person of a slave_. for, notwithstanding for some purposes a slave is regarded in law as a person, yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of personal protection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action of trespass for the battery of his slave. "there can be therefore no offence against the state for a mere beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or an attempt to kill and murder. the peace of the state is not thereby broken; for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of being within the peace of the state. he is not a citizen, and _is not in that character entitled to her protection_." this 'public opinion' protects the _persons_ of the slaves by depriving them of jury trial;[ ] their _consciences_, by forbidding them to assemble for worship, unless their oppressors are present;[ ] their _characters_, by branding them as liars, in denying them their oath in law;[ ] their _modesty_, by leaving their master to clothe, or let them go naked, as he pleases;[ ] and their _health_, by leaving him to feed or starve them, to work them, wet or dry, with or without sleep, to lodge them, with or without covering, as the whim takes him;[ ] and their _liberty_, marriage relations, parental authority, and filial obligations, by _annihilating_ the whole.[ ] this is the protection which 'public opinion,' in the form of _law_, affords to the slaves; this is the chivalrous knight, always in stirrups, with lance in rest, to champion the cause of the slaves. [footnote : law of south carolina. james' digest, - . law of louisiana. martin's digest, . law of virginia. rev. code, .] [footnote : miss. rev. code, . similar laws exist in the slave states generally.] [footnote : "a slave cannot be a witness against a white person, either in a civil or criminal cause." stroud's sketch of the laws of slavery, .] [footnote : stroud's sketch of the slave laws, .] [footnote : stroud's sketch, - .] [footnote : stroud's sketch, - .] public opinion, protection to the slave! brazen effrontery, hypocrisy, and falsehood! we have, in the laws cited and referred to above, the formal testimony of the legislatures of the slave states, that, 'public opinion' does pertinaciously _refuse_ to protect the slaves; not only so, but that it does itself persecute and plunder them all: that it originally planned, and now presides over, sanctions, executes and perpetuates the whole system of robbery, torture, and outrage under which they groan. in all the slave states, this 'public opinion' has taken away from the slave his _liberty_; it has robbed him of his right to his own body, of his right to improve his mind, of his right to read the bible, of his right to worship god according to his conscience, of his right to receive and enjoy what he earns, of his right to live with his wife and children, of his right to better his condition, of his right to eat when he is hungry, to rest when he is tired, to sleep when be needs it, and to cover his nakedness with clothing: this 'public opinion' makes the slave a prisoner for life on the plantation, except when his jailor pleases to let him out with a 'pass,' or sells him, and transfers him in irons to another jail-yard: this 'public opinion' traverses the country, buying up men, women, children--chaining them in coffles, and driving them forever from their nearest friends; it sets them on the auction table, to be handled, scrutinized, knocked off to the highest bidder; it proclaims that they shall not have their liberty; and, if their masters give it them, 'public opinion' seizes and throws them back into slavery. this same 'public opinion' has formally attached the following legal penalties to the following acts of slaves. if more than seven slaves are found together in any road, without a white person, _twenty lashes a piece_; for visiting a plantation without a written pass, ten lashes; for letting loose a boat from where it is made fast, _thirty-nine lashes for the first offence_; and for the second, '_shall have cut off from his head one ear_;' for keeping or carrying a _club, thirty-nine lashes_; for having any article for sale, without a ticket from his master, _ten lashes_; for traveling in any other than 'the most usual and accustomed road,' when going alone to any place, _forty lashes_; for traveling in the night, without a pass, _forty lashes_; for being found in another person's negro-quarters, _forty lashes_; for hunting with dogs in the woods, _thirty lashes_; for being on _horseback_ without the written permission of his master, _twenty-five lashes_; for riding or going abroad in the night, or riding horses in the day time, without leave, a slave may be whipped, _cropped_, or _branded in the cheek_ with the letter r, or otherwise punished, _not extending to life_, or so as to render him _unfit for labor_. the laws referred to may be found by consulting brevard's digest, , , ; haywood's manual, , chap. , pp. , ; virginia revised code, - ; prince's digest, ; missouri laws, ; mississippi revised code, . laws similar to these exist throughout the southern slave code. extracts enough to fill a volume might be made from these laws, showing that the protection which 'public opinion' grants to the slaves, is hunger, nakedness, terror, bereavements, robbery, imprisonment, the stocks, iron collars, hunting and worrying them with dogs and guns, mutilating their bodies, and murdering them. a few specimens of the laws and the judicial decisions on them, will show what is the state of 'public opinion' among slaveholders towards their slaves. let the following suffice.--'any person may lawfully kill a slave, who has been outlawed for running away and lurking in swamps, &c.'--law of north carolina; judge stroud's sketch of the slave laws, ; haywood's manual, . 'a slave _endeavoring_ to entice another slave to runaway, if provisions, &c. be prepared for the purpose of aiding in such running away, shall be punished with death. and a slave who shall aid the slave so endeavoring to entice another slave to run away, shall also suffer death.'--law of south carolina; stroud's sketch of slave laws, - ; brevard's digest, , . another law of south carolina provides that if a slave shall, when absent from the plantation, refuse to be examined by '_any white_ person,' (no matter how crazy or drunk,) 'such white person may seize and chastise him; and if the slave shall _strike_ such white person, such slave may be lawfully killed.'-- brevard's digest, . the following is a law of georgia.--'if any slave shall presume to strike any white person, such slave shall, upon trial and conviction before the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for the first offence as they shall think fit, not extending to life or limb; and for the second offence, death.'--prince's digest, . the same law exists in south carolina, with this difference, that death is made the punishment for the _third_ offence. in both states, the law contains this remarkable proviso: 'provided always, that such striking be not done by the command and in the defence of the person or property of the owner, or other person having the government of such slave, in which case the slave shall be wholly excused!' according to this law, if a slave, by the direction of his overseer, strike a white man who is beating said overseer's _dog_, 'the slave shall be wholly excused;' but if the white man has rushed upon the slave himself, instead of the _dog_, and is furiously beating him, if the slave strike back but a single blow, the legal penalty is 'any _punishment_ not extending to life or limb;' and if the tortured slave has a second onset made upon him, and, after suffering all but death, again strike back in self-defence, the law kills him for it. so, if a female slave, in obedience to her mistress, and in defence of 'her property,' strike a white man who is kicking her mistress' pet kitten, she 'shall be wholly excused,' saith the considerate law: but if the unprotected girl, when beaten and kicked _herself_, raise her hand against her brutal assailant, the law condemns her to 'any punishment, not extending to life or limb; and if a wretch assail her again, and attempt to violate her chastity, and the trembling girl, in her anguish and terror, instinctively raise her hand against him in self-defence, she shall, saith the law, 'suffer death.' reader, this diabolical law is the 'public opinion' of georgia and south carolina toward the slaves. this is the vaunted 'protection' afforded them by their 'high-souled chivalry.' to show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states far more effectually protects the _property_ of the master than the _person_ of the slave, the reader is referred to two laws of louisiana, passed in . the one attaches a penalty 'not exceeding one thousand dollars,' and 'imprisonment not exceeding two years,' to the crime of 'cutting or breaking any iron chain or collar,' which any master of slaves has used to prevent their running away; the other, a penalty 'not exceeding five hundred dollars,' to 'wilfully cutting out the tongue, putting out the eye, _cruelly_ burning, or depriving any slave of _any limb_.' look at it--the most horrible dismemberment conceivable cannot be punished by a fine of _more_ than five hundred dollars. the law expressly fixes that, as the utmost limit, and it _may_ not be half that sum; not a single moment's imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, and the next hour he may cut out another slave's tongue, or burn his hand off. but let the same man break a chain put upon a slave, to keep him from running away, and, besides paying double the penalty that could be exacted from him for cutting off a slave's leg, the law imprisons him not exceeding two years! this law reveals the _heart_ of slaveholders towards their slaves, their diabolical indifference to the most excruciating and protracted torments inflicted on them by '_any_ person;' it reveals, too, the _relative_ protection afforded by 'public opinion' to the _person_ of the slave, in appalling contrast with the vastly surer protection which it affords to the master's _property_ in the slave. the wretch who cuts out the tongue, tears out the eyes, shoots off the arms, or burns off the feet of a slave, over a slow fire, _cannot_ legally be fined more than five hundred dollars; but if he should in pity loose a chain from his galled neck, placed there by the master to keep him from escaping, and thus put his property in some jeopardy, he may be fined _one thousand dollars_, and thrust into a dungeon for two years! and this, be it remembered, not for _stealing_ the slave from the master, nor for _enticing_, or even advising him to run away, or giving him any information how he can effect his escape; but merely, because, touched with sympathy for the bleeding victim, as he sees the rough iron chafe the torn flesh at every turn, he removes it;--and, as escape without this incumbrance would be easier than with it, the master's property in the slave is put at some risk. for having caused this slight risk, the law provides a punishment--fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding _two years_. we say 'slight risk,' because the slave may not be disposed to encounter the dangers, and hunger, and other sufferings of the woods, and the certainty of terrible inflictions if caught; and if he should attempt it, the risk of losing him is small. an advertisement of five lines will set the whole community howling on his track; and the trembling and famished fugitive is soon scented out in his retreat, and dragged back and delivered over to his tormentors. the preceding law is another illustration of the 'protection' afforded to the limbs and members of slaves, by 'public opinion' among slaveholders. here follow two other illustrations of the brutal indifference of 'public opinion' to the _torments_ of the slave, while it is full of zeal to compensate the master, if any one disables his slave so as to lessen his market value. the first is a law of south carolina. it provides, that if a slave, engaged in his owner's service, be attacked by a person 'not having sufficient cause for so doing,' and if the slave shall be '_maimed or disabled_' by him, so that the owner suffers a loss from his inability to labor, the person maiming him shall pay for his 'lost time,' and 'also the charges for the cure of the slave!' this vandal law does not deign to take the least notice of the anguish of the '_maimed' slave_, made, perhaps, a groaning cripple for life; the horrible wrong and injury done to _him_, is passed over in utter silence. it is thus declared to be _not a criminal act_. but the pecuniary interests of the master are not to be thus neglected by 'public opinion'. oh no! its tender bowels run over with sympathy at the master's injury in the 'lost _time_' of his slave, and it carefully provides that he shall have pay for the whole of it.--see _brevard's digest_, , . a law similar to the above has been passed in louisiana, which contains an additional provision for the benefit of the _master_--ordaining, that 'if the slave' (thus _maimed and disabled_,) 'be forever rendered unable to work,' the person maiming, shall pay the master the appraised value of the slave before the injury, and shall, in addition, _take_ the slave, and maintain him during life.' thus 'public opinion' transfers the helpless cripple from the hand of his master, who, as he has always had the benefit of his services, might possibly feel some tenderness for him, and puts him in the sole power of the wretch who has disabled him for life--protecting the victim from the fury of his tormentor, by putting him into his hands! what but butchery by piecemeal can, under such circumstances, be expected from a man brutal enough at first to 'maim' and 'disable' him, and now exasperated by being obliged to pay his full value to the master, and to have, in addition, the daily care and expense of his maintenance. since writing the above, we have seen the following judicial decision, in the case of jourdan, vs. patton-- martin's louisiana reports, . a slave of the plaintiff had been deprived of his _only eye_, and thus rendered _useless_, on which account the court adjudged that the defendant should pay the plaintiff his full value. the case went up, by appeal, to the supreme court. judge mathews, in his decision said, that 'when the defendant had paid the sum decreed, the slave ought to be placed in his possession,'--adding, that 'the judgment making full compensation to the owner _operates a change of property_. he adds, 'the principle of humanity which would lead us to suppose, that the mistress whom he had long served, would treat her miserable blind slave with more kindness than the defendant to whom the judgment ought to transfer him, cannot be taken into consideration!' the full compensation of the mistress for the loss of the services of the slave, is worthy of all 'consideration,' even to the uttermost farthing; 'public opinion' is omnipotent for _her_ protection; but when the food, clothing, shelter, fire and lodging, medicine and nursing, comfort and entire condition and treatment of her poor blind slave throughout his dreary pilgrimage, is the question--ah! that, says the mouthpiece of the law, and the representative of 'public opinion,' 'cannot be taken into consideration.' protection of slaves by 'public opinion' among slaveholders!! the foregoing illustrations of southern 'public opinion,' from the laws made by it and embodying it, are sufficient to show, that, so far from being an efficient protection to the slaves, it is their deadliest foe, persecutor and tormentor. but here we shall probably be met by the legal lore of some 'justice shallow,' instructing us that the life of the slave is fully protected by law, however unprotected he may be in other respects. this assertion we meet with a point blank denial. the law does not, in reality, protect the life of the slave. but even if the letter of the law would fully protect the life of the slave, 'public opinion' in the slave states would make it a dead letter. the letter of the law would have been all-sufficient for the protection of the lives of the miserable gamblers in vicksburg, and other places in mississippi, from the rage of those whose money they had won; but 'gentlemen of property and standing 'laughed the law to scorn, rushed to the gamblers' house, put ropes round their necks, dragged them through the streets, hanged them in the public square, and thus saved the sum they had not yet paid. thousands witnessed this wholesale murder, yet of the scores of legal officers present, not a soul raised a finger to prevent it, the whole city consented to it, and thus aided and abetted it. how many hundreds of them helped to commit the murders, _with their own hands_, does not appear, but not one of them has been indicted for it, and no one made the least effort to bring them to trial. thus, up to the present hour, the blood of those murdered men rests on that whole city, and it will continue to be a city of murderers, so long as its citizens, agree together to shield those felons from punishment; and they do thus agree together so long as they encourage each other in refusing to bring them to justice. now, the _laws_ of mississippi were not in fault that those men were murdered; nor are they now in fault, that their murderers are not punished; the laws demand it, but the people of mississippi, the legal officers, the grand juries and legislature of the state, with one consent agree, that the law _shall be a dead letter_, and thus the whole state assumes the guilt of those murders, and in bravado, flourishes her reeking hands in the face of the world.[ ] [footnote : we have just learned from mississippi papers, that the citizens of vicksburg are erecting a public monument in honor of dr. h.s. bodley, who was the ring-leader of the lynchers in their attack upon the miserable victims. to give the crime the cold encouragement of impunity alone, or such slight tokens of favor as a home and a sanctuary, is beneath the chivalry and hospitality of mississippians; so they tender it incense, an altar, and a crown of glory. let the marble rise till it be seen from afar, a beacon marking the spot where law lies lifeless by the hand of felons; and murderers, with chaplets on their heads, dance and shout upon its grave, while 'all the people say, amen.'] the letter of the law on the statute book is one thing, the practice of the community under that law often a totally different thing. each of the slave states has laws providing that the life of no _white_ man shall be taken without his having first been indicted by a grand jury, allowed an impartial trial by a petit jury, with the right of counsel, cross-examination of witnesses, &c.; but who does not know that if arthur tappan were pointed out in the streets of new orleans, mobile, savannah, charleston, natchez, or st. louis, he would be torn in pieces by the citizens with one accord, and that if any one should attempt to bring his murderers to punishment, he would be torn in pieces also. the editors of southern newspapers openly vaunt, that every abolitionist who sets foot in their soil, shall, if he be discovered, be hung at once, without judge or jury. what mockery to quote the _letter of the law_ in those states, to show that abolitionists would have secured to them the legal protection of an impartial trial! before the objector can make out his case, that the life of the slave is protected by the law, he must not only show that the _words of the law_ grant him such protection, but that such a state of public sentiment exists as will carry out the provisions of the law in their true spirit. any thing short of this will be set down as mere prating by every man of common sense. it has been already abundantly shown in the preceding pages, that the public sentiment of the slaveholding states toward the slaves is diabolical. now, if there were laws in those states, the _words_ of which granted to the life of the slave the same protection granted to that of the master, what would they avail? acts constitute protection; and is that public sentiment which makes the slave 'property,' and perpetrates hourly robbery and batteries upon him, so penetrated with a sense of the sacredness of his right to life, that it will protect it at all hazards, and drag to the gallows his owner, if he take the life of his own _property_? if it be asked, why the penalty for killing a slave is not a mere _fine_ then, if his life is not really regarded as sacred by public sentiment--we answer, that formerly in most, if not in all the slave states, the murder of a slave _was_ punished by a mere fine. this was the case in south carolina till a few years since. yes, as late as , in the state of south carolina, which boasts of its chivalry and honor, at least as loudly as any state in the union, a slaveholder might butcher his slave in the most deliberate manner--with the most barbarous and protracted torments, and yet not be subjected to a single hour's imprisonment--pay his fine, stride out of the court and kill another--pay his fine again and butcher another, and so long as he paid to the state, cash down, its own assessment of damages, without putting it to the trouble of prosecuting for it, he might strut 'a gentleman.'--see _brevard's digest_, . the reason assigned by the legislature for enacting a law which punished the wilful murder of a human being by a _fine_, was that 'cruelty _is_ highly unbecoming,' and 'odious.' it was doubtless the same reason that induced the legislature in , to make a show of giving _more_ protection to the life of the slave. their fathers, when they gave _some_ protection, did it because the time had come when, not to do it would make them 'odious,' so the legislature of made a show of giving still greater protection, because, not to do it would make them '_odious_.' fitly did they wear the mantles of their ascending fathers! in giving to the life of a slave the miserable protection of a fine, their fathers did not even pretend to do it out of any regard to the sacredness of his life as a human being, but merely because cruelty is 'unbecoming' and 'odious.' the legislature of _nominally_ increased this protection; not that they cared more for the slave's rights, or for the inviolabity of his life as a human being, but the civilized world had advanced since the date of the first law. the slave-trade which was then honorable merchandise, and plied by lords, governors, judges, and doctors of divinity, raising them to immense wealth, had grown 'unbecoming,' and only raised its votaries by a rope to the yard arm; besides this, the barbarity of the slave codes throughout the world was fast becoming 'odious' to civilized nations, and slaveholders found that the only conditions on which they could prevent themselves from being thrust out of the pale of civilization, was to meliorate the iron rigor of their slave code, and thus _seem_ to secure to their slaves some protection. further, the northern states had passed laws for the abolition of slavery--all the south american states were acting in the matter; and colombia and chili passed acts of abolition that very year. in addition to all this the missouri question had been for two years previous under discussion in congress, in state legislatures, and in every village and stage coach; and this law of south carolina had been held up to execration by northern members of congress, and in newspapers throughout the free states--in a word, the legislature of south carolina found that they were becoming 'odious;' and while in their sense of justice and humanity they did not surpass their fathers, they winced with equal sensitiveness under the sting of the world's scorn, and with equal promptitude sued for a truce by modifying the law. the legislature of south carolina modified another law at the same session. previously, the killing of a slave 'on a sudden heat or passion, or by undue correction,' was punished by a fine of three hundred and fifty pounds. in an act was passed diminishing the fine to five hundred dollars, but authorizing an imprisonment 'not exceeding six months.' just before the american revolution, the legislature of north carolina passed a law making _imprisonment_ the penalty for the wilful and malicious murder of a slave. about twenty years after the revolution, the state found itself becoming 'odious,' as the spirit of abolition was pervading the nations. the legislature, perceiving that christendom would before long rank them with barbarians if they so cheapened human life, repealed the law, candidly assigning in the preamble of the new one the reason for repealing the old--that it was 'disgraceful' and 'degrading! as this preamble expressly recognizes the slave as 'a human creature,' and as it is couched in a phraseology which indicates some sense of justice, we would gladly give the legislature credit for sincerity, and believe them really touched with humane movings towards the slave, were it not for a proviso in the law clearly revealing that the show of humanity and regard for their rights, indicated by the words, is nothing more than a hollow pretence--hypocritical flourish to produce an impression favorable to their justice and magnanimity. after declaring that he who is 'guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, shall suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a freeman;' the act concludes thus: 'provided, always, this act shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of assembly of this state; or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful overseer, or master, or to any slave dying under _moderate correction_.' reader, look at this proviso. . it gives free license to all persons to kill _outlawed slaves_. well, what is an outlawed slave? a slave who runs away, lurks in swamps, &c., and kills a _hog_ or any other domestic animal to keep himself from starving, is subject to a proclamation of _outlawry_; (haywood's manual, ,) and then whoever finds him may shoot him, tear him in pieces with dogs, burn him to death over a slow fire, or kill him by any other tortures. . the proviso grants full license to a master to kill his slave, if the slave _resist_ him. the north carolina bench has decided that this law contemplates not only actual resistance to punishment, &c., but also _offering_ to resist. (stroud's sketch, .) if, for example, a slave undergoing the process of branding should resist by pushing aside the burning stamp; or if wrought up to frenzy by the torture of the lash, he should catch and hold it fast; or if he break loose from his master and run, refusing to stop at his command; or if he _refuse_ to be flogged; or struggle to keep his clothes on while his master is trying to strip him; if, in these, or any one of a hundred other ways he _resist_, or offer, or _threaten_ to resist the infliction; or, if the master attempt the violation of the slave's wife, and the husband resist his attempts without the least effort to injure him, but merely to shield his wife from his assaults, this law does not merely permit, but it _authorizes_ the master to murder the slave on the spot. the brutality of these two provisos brands its authors as barbarians. but the third cause of exemption could not be outdone by the legislation of fiends. 'dying under moderate _correction_!' moderate _correction_ and death--cause and effect! 'provided always,' says the law, 'this act shall not extend to any slave dying under _moderate correction_!' here is a formal proclamation of impunity to murder--an express pledge of _acquittal_ to all slaveholders who wish to murder their slaves, a legal absolution--an indulgence granted before the commission of the crime! look at the phraseology. nothing is said of maimings, dismemberments, skull fractures, of severe bruisings, or lacerations, or even of floggings; but a word is used the common-parlance import of which is, _slight chastisement_; it is not even _whipping_, but '_correction_' and as if hypocrisy and malignity were on the rack to outwit each other, even that weak word must be still farther diluted; so '_moderate_' is added: and, to crown the climax, compounded of absurdity, hypocrisy, and cold-blooded murder, the _legal definition_ of 'moderate correction' is covertly given; which is, _any punishment_ that kills the victim. all inflictions are either _moderate_ or _immoderate_; and the design of this law was manifestly to shield the murderer from conviction, _by carrying on its face the rule for its own interpretation_; thus advertising, beforehand, courts and juries, that the fact of any infliction _producing death_, was no evidence that it was _immoderate_, and that beating a man to death came within the legal meaning of 'moderate correction!' the _design_ of the legislature of north carolina in framing this law is manifest; it was to produce the impression upon the world, that they had so high a sense of justice as voluntarily to grant adequate protection to the lives of their slaves. this is ostentatiously set forth in the preamble, and in the body of the law. that this was the most despicable hypocrisy, and that they had predetermined to grant no such protection, notwithstanding the pains taken to get the _credit_ of it, is fully revealed by the _proviso_, which was framed in such a way as to nullify the law, for the express accommodation of slaveholding gentlemen murdering their slaves. all such find in this proviso a convenient accomplice before the fact, and a packed jury, with a ready-made verdict of 'not guilty,' both gratuitously furnished by the government! the preceding law and proviso are to be found in haywood's manual, ; also in laws of tennessee, act of october , ; and in stroud's sketch, . enough has been said already to show, that though the laws of the slave states profess to grant adequate protection to the life of the slave, such professions are mere empty pretence, no such protection being in reality afforded by them. but there is still another fact, showing that all laws which profess to protect the slaves from injury by the whites are a mockery. it is this--that the testimony, neither of a slave nor of a free colored person, is _legal_ testimony against a white. to this rule there is _no exception_ in any of the slave states: and this, were there no other evidence, would be sufficient to stamp, as hypocritical, all the provisions of the codes which _profess_ to protect the slaves. professing to grant _protection_, while, at the same time, it strips them of the only _means_ by which they can make that protection available! injuries must be legally _proved_ before they can be legally _redressed_: to deprive men of the power of _proving_ their injuries, is itself the greatest of all injuries; for it not only exposes to all, but invites them, by a virtual guarantee of impunity, and is thus the _author_ of all injuries. it matters not what other laws exist, professing to throw safeguards round the slave--_this_ makes them blank paper. how can a slave prove outrages perpetrated upon him by his master or overseer, when his own testimony and that of all his fellow-slaves, his kindred, associates, and acquaintances, is ruled out of court? and when he is entirely in the _power_ of those who injure him, and when the only care necessary, on their part, is, to see that no _white_ witness is looking on. ordinarily, but _one_ white man, the overseer, is with the slaves while they are at labor; indeed, on most plantations, to commit an outrage in the _presence_ of a white witness would be more difficult than in their absence. he who wished to commit an illegal act upon a slave, instead of being obliged to _take pains_ and watch for an opportunity to do it unobserved by a white, would find it difficult to do it in the presence of a white if he wished to do so. the supreme court of louisiana, in their decision, in the case of crawford vs. cherry,( , _martin's la. rep._ ; also "_law of slavery,_" ,) where the defendant was sued for the value of a slave whom he had shot and killed, say, "the act charged here, is one _rarely_ committed in the presence of _witnesses_," (whites). so in the case of the state vs. mann, (_devereux, n.c. rep._ ; and _"law of slavery," _ ;) in which the defendant was charged with shooting a slave girl 'belonging' to the plaintiff; the supreme court of north carolina, in their decision, speaking of the provocations of the master by the slave, and 'the consequent wrath of the master' prompting him to _bloody vengeance_, add, _'a vengeance generally practised with impunity, by reason of its privacy.'_ laws excluding the testimony of slaves and free colored persons, where a white is concerned, do not exist in all the slave states. one or two of them have no legal enactment on the subject; but, in those, _'public opinion'_ acts with the force of law, and the courts _invariably reject it_. this brings us back to the potency of that oft-quoted 'public opinion,' so ready, according to our objector, to do battle for the _protection_ of the slave! another proof that 'public opinion,' in the slave states, plunders, tortures, and murders the slaves, instead of _protecting_ them, is found in the fact, that the laws of slave states inflict _capital_ punishment on slaves for a variety of crimes, for which, if their masters commit them, the legal penalty is merely _imprisonment_. judge stroud in his sketch of the laws of slavery, says, that by the laws of virginia, there are 'seventy-one crimes for which slaves are capitally punished though in none of these are whites punished in manner more severe than by imprisonment in the penitentiary.' (p. , where the reader will find all the crimes enumerated.) it should be added, however, that though the penalty for each of these seventy-one crimes is 'death,' yet a majority of them are, in the words of the law, 'death within clergy;' and in virginia, _clergyable_ offences, though _technically_ capital, are not so in fact. in mississippi, slaves are punished capitally for more than _thirty_ crimes, for which whites are punished only by fine or imprisonment, or both. eight of these are not _recognized as crimes_, either by common law or by statute, when committed by whites. in south carolina slaves are punished capitally for _nine_ more crimes than the whites--in georgia, for _six_--and in kentucky, for _seven_ more than whites, &c. we surely need not detain the reader by comments on this monstrous inequality with which the penal codes of slave states treat slaves and their masters. when we consider that guilt is in proportion to intelligence, and that these masters have by law doomed their slaves to ignorance, and then, as they darkle and grope along their blind way, inflict penalties upon them for a variety of acts regarded as praise worthy in whites; killing them for crimes, when whites are only fined or imprisoned--to call such a 'public opinion' inhuman, savage, murderous, diabolical, would be to use tame words, if the english vocabulary could supply others of more horrible import. but slaveholding brutality does not stop here. while punishing the slaves for crimes with vastly greater severity than it does their masters for the same crimes, and making a variety of acts _crimes_ in law, which are right, and often _duties_, it persists in refusing to make known to the slaves that complicated and barbarous penal code which loads them with such fearful liabilities. the slave is left to get a knowledge of these laws as he can, and cases must be of constant occurrence at the south, in which slaves get their first knowledge of the existence of a law by suffering its penalty. indeed, this is probably the way in which they commonly learn what the laws are; for how else can the slave get a knowledge of the laws? he cannot _read_--he cannot _learn_ to read; if he try to master the alphabet, so that he may spell out the words of the law, and thus avoid its penalties, the law shakes its terrors at him; while, at the same time, those who made the laws refuse to make them known to those for whom they are designed. the memory of caligula will blacken with execration while time lasts, because be hung up his laws so high that people could not read them, and then punished them because they did not keep them. our slaveholders aspire to blacker infamy. caligula was content with hanging up his laws where his subjects could _see_ them; and if they could not read them, they knew where they were, and might get at them, if, in their zeal to learn his will, they had used the same means to get up to them that those did who hung them there. even caligula, wretch as he was, would have shuddered at cutting their legs off, to prevent their climbing to them; or, if they had got there, at boring their eyes out, to prevent their reading them. our slaveholders virtually do both; for they prohibit their slaves acquiring that knowledge of letters which would enable them to read the laws; and if, by stealth, they get it in spite of them, they prohibit them books and papers, and flog them if they are caught at them. further--caligula merely hung his laws so high that they could not be _read_--our slaveholders have hung theirs so high above the slave that they cannot be _seen_--they are utterly out of sight, and he finds out that they are there only by the falling of the penalties on his head.[ ] thus the "public opinion" of slave states protects the defenceless slave by arming a host of legal penalties and setting them in ambush at every thicket along his path, to spring upon him unawares. [footnote : the following extract from the alexandria (d.c.) gazette is all illustration. "criminals condemned.--on monday last the court of the borough of norfolk, va. sat on the trial of four negro boys arraigned for burglary. the first indictment charged them with breaking into the hardware store of mr. e.p. tabb, upon which two of them were found guilty by the court, and condemned to suffer the penalty of the law, which, in the case of a slave, is death. the second friday in april is appointed for the execution of their awful sentence. _their ages do not exceed sixteen_. the first, a fine active boy, belongs to a widow lady in alexandria; the latter, a house servant, is owned by a gentleman in the borough. the value of one was fixed at $ , and the other at $ ; which sums are to be re-imbursed to their respective owners out of the state treasury." in all probability these poor boys, who are to be hung for stealing, never dreamed that death was the legal penalty of the crime. here is another, from the "new orleans bee" of ---- , --"the slave who struck some citizens in canal street, some weeks since, has been tried and found guilty, and is sentenced to be hung on the th."] stroud, in his sketch of the laws of slavery, page , thus comments on this monstrous barbarity. "the hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is to be taught the laws before he is expected to obey them;[ ] yet the guiltless slave is subjected to an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of which, probably, has he ever heard." [footnote : "it shall be the duty of the keeper [of the penitentiary] on the receipt of each prisoner, to _read_ to him or her such parts of the penal laws of this state as impose penalties for escape, and to make all the prisoners in the penitentiary acquainted with the same. it shall also be his duty, on the discharge of such prisoner, to read to him or her such parts of the laws as impose additional punishments for the repetition of offences."--_rule th_, for the internal government of the penitentiary of georgia. sec. of the penitentiary act of .--prince's digest, .] having already drawn so largely on the reader's patience, in illustrating southern 'public opinion' by the slave laws, instead of additional illustrations of the same point from another class of those laws, as was our design, we will group together a few particulars, which the reader can take in at a glance, showing that the "public opinion" of slaveholders towards their slaves, which exists at the south, in the form of law, tramples on all those fundamental principles of right, justice, and equity, which are recognized as sacred by all civilized nations, and receive the homage even of barbarians. . one of these principles is, that the _benefits_ of law to the subject should overbalance its burdens--its protection more than compensate for its restraints and exactions--and its blessings altogether outweigh its inconveniences and evils--the former being numerous, positive, and permanent, the latter few, negative, and incidental. totally the reverse of all this is true in the case of the slave. law is to him all exaction and no protection: instead of lightening his _natural_ burdens, it crushes him under a multitude of artificial ones; instead of a friend to succor him, it is his deadliest foe, transfixing him at every step from the cradle to the grave. law has been beautifully defined to be "benevolence acting by rule;" to the american slave it is malevolence torturing by system. it is an old truth, that _responsibility_ increases with _capacity_; but those same laws which make the slave a "_chattel_," require of him _more_ than of _men_. the same law which makes him a _thing_ incapable of obligation, loads him with obligations superhuman--while sinking him below the level of a brute in dispensing its _benefits_, he lays upon him burdens which would break down an angel. . _innocence is entitled to the protection of law._ slaveholders make innocence free plunder; this is their daily employment; their laws assail it, make it their victim, inflict upon it all, and, in some respects, more than all the penalties of the greatest guilt. to other innocent persons, law is a blessing, to the slave it is a curse, only a curse and that continually. . _deprivation of liberty is one of the highest punishments of crime_; and in proportion to its justice when inflicted on the guilty, is its injustice when inflicted on the innocent; this terrible penalty is inflicted on two million seven hundred thousand, innocent persons in the southern states. . _self-preservation and self-defence_, are universally regarded as the most sacred of human rights, yet the laws of slave states punish the slave with _death_ for exercising these rights in that way, which in others is pronounced worthy of the highest praise. . _the safeguards of law are most needed where natural safe-guards are weakest._ every principle of justice and equity requires, that, those who are totally unprotected by birth, station, wealth, friends, influence, and popular favor, and especially those who are the innocent objects of public contempt and prejudice, should be more vigilantly protected by law, than those who are so fortified by defence, that they have far less need of _legal_ protection; yet the poor slave who is fortified by _none_ of these _personal_ bulwarks, is denied the protection of law, while the master, surrounded by them all, is panoplied in the mail of legal protection, even to the hair of his head; yea, his very shoe-tie and coat-button are legal protegees. . the grand object of law is to _protect men's natural rights_, but instead of protecting the natural rights of the slaves, it gives slaveholders license to wrest them from the weak by violence, protects them in holding their plunder, and _kills_ the rightful owner if he attempt to recover it. this is the _protection_ thrown around the rights of american slaves by the 'public opinion,' of slaveholders; these the restraints that hold back their masters, overseers, and drivers, from inflicting injuries upon them! in a republican government, _law_ is the pulse of its _heart_--as the heart beats the pulse beats, except that it often beats _weaker_ than the heart, never stronger--or to drop the figure, laws are never _worse_ than those who make them, very often better. if human history proves anything, cruelty of practice will always go beyond cruelty of law. law-making is a formal, deliberate act, performed by persons of mature age, embodying the intelligence, wisdom, justice and humanity, of the community; performed, too, at leisure, after full opportunity had for a comprehensive survey of all the relations to be affected, after careful investigation and protracted discussion. consequently laws must, in the main, be a true index of the permanent feelings, the settled _frame of mind_, cherished by the community upon those subjects, and towards those persons and classes whose condition the laws are designed to establish. if the laws are in a high degree cruel and inhuman, towards any class of persons, it proves that the feelings habitually exercised towards that class of persons, by those who make and perpetuate those laws, are at least _equally_ cruel and inhuman. we say _at least equally_ so; for if the _habitual_ state of feeling towards that class be unmerciful, it must be unspeakably cruel, relentless and malignant when _provoked_; if its _ordinary_ action is inhuman, its contortions and spasms must be tragedies; if the waves run high when there has been no wind, where will they not break when the tempest heaves them! further, when cruelty is the _spirit_ of the law towards a proscribed class, when it _legalizes great outrages_ upon them, it connives at, and abets _greater_ outrages, and is virtually an accomplice of all who perpetrate them. hence, in such cases, though the _degree_ of the outrage is illegal, the perpetrator will rarely be convicted, and, even if convicted, will be almost sure to escape punishment. this is not _theory_ but _history_. every judge and lawyer in the slave states _knows_, that the legal conviction and _punishment_ of masters and mistresses, for illegal outrages upon their slaves, is an event which has rarely, if ever, occurred in the slave states; they know, also, that although _hundreds_ of slaves have been _murdered_ by their masters and mistresses in the slave states, within the last twenty-five years, and though the fact of their having committed those murders has been established beyond a _doubt_ in the minds of the surrounding community, yet that the murderers have not, in a single instance, suffered the penalty of the law. finally, since slaveholders have deliberately legalized the perpetration of the most cold-blooded atrocities upon their slaves, and do pertinaciously refuse to make these atrocities _illegal_, and to punish those who perpetrate them, they stand convicted before the world, upon their own testimony, of the most barbarous, brutal, and habitual inhumanity. if this be slander and falsehood, their own lips have uttered it, their own fingers have written it, their own acts have proclaimed it; and however it may be with their _morality_, they have too much human nature to perjure themselves for the sake of publishing their own infamy. having dwelt at such length on the legal code of the slave states, that unerring index of the public opinion of slaveholders towards their slaves; and having shown that it does not protect the slaves from cruelty, and that even in the few instances in which the letter of the law, if _executed_, would afford some protection, it is virtually nullified by the connivance of courts and juries, or by popular clamor; we might safely rest the case here, assured that every honest reader would spurn the absurd falsehood, that the 'public opinion' of the slave states protects the slaves and restrains the master. but, as the assertion is made so often by slaveholders, and with so much confidence, notwithstanding its absurdity is fully revealed by their own legal code, we propose to show its falsehood by applying other tests. we lay it down as a truth that can be made no plainer by reasoning, that the same 'public opinion,' which restrains men from _committing_ outrages, will restrain them from _publishing_ such outrages, if they do commit them;--in other words, if a man is restrained from certain acts through fear of losing his character, should they become known, he will not voluntarily destroy his character by _making them known_, should he be guilty of them. let us look at this. it is assumed by slaveholders, that 'public opinion' at the south so frowns on cruelty to the slaves, that _fear of disgrace_ would restrain from the infliction of it, were there no other consideration. now, that this is sheer fiction is shown by the fact, that the newspapers in the slaveholding states, teem with advertisements for runaway slaves, in which the masters and _mistresses_ describe their men and women, as having been 'branded with a hot iron,' on their 'cheeks,' 'jaws,' 'breasts,' 'arms,' 'legs,' and 'thighs;' also as 'scarred,' 'very much scarred,' 'cut up,' 'marked,' &c. 'with the whip,' also with 'iron collars on,' 'chains,' 'bars of iron,' 'fetters,' 'bells,' 'horns,' 'shackles,' &c. they, also, describe them as having been wounded by 'buck-shot,' 'rifle-balls,' &c. fired at them by their 'owners,' and others when in pursuit; also, as having 'notches,' cut in their ears, the tops or bottoms of their ears 'cut off,' or 'slit,' or 'one ear cut off' or 'both ears cut off' &c. &c. the masters and mistresses who thus advertise their runaway slaves, coolly sign their names to their advertisements, giving the street and number of their residences, if in cities, their post office address, &c. if in the country; thus making public proclamation as widely as possible that _they_ 'brand,' 'scar,' 'gash,' 'cut up,' &c. the flesh of their slaves; load them with irons, cut off their ears, &c.; they speak of these things with the utmost _sang froid_, not seeming to think it possible, that any one will esteem them at all the less because of these outrages upon their slaves; further, these advertisements swarm in many of the largest and most widely circulated political and commercial papers that are published in the slave states. the editors of those papers constitute the main body of the literati of the slave states; they move in the highest circle of society, are among the 'popular' men in the community, and _as a class_, are more influential than any other; yet these editors publish these advertisements with iron indifference. so far from proclaiming to such felons, homicides, and murderers, that they will not be their blood-hounds, to hunt down the innocent and mutilated victims who have escaped from their torture, they freely furnish them with every facility, become their accomplices and share their spoils; and instead of outraging 'public opinion,' by doing it, they are the men after its own heart, its organs, its representatives, its _self_. to show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states, towards the slaves, is absolutely _diabolical_, we will insert a few, out of a multitude, of similar advertisements from a variety of southern papers now before us. the north carolina standard, of july , , contains the following:-- "twenty dollars reward. ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman and two children; the woman is tall and black, and _a few days before she went off_, i burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face; i tried to make the letter m, _and she kept a cloth over her head and face, and a fly bonnet on her head so as to cover the burn;_ her children are both boys, the oldest is in his seventh year; he is a _mulatto_ and has blue eyes; the youngest is black and is in his fifth year. the woman's name is betty, commonly called bet." micajah ricks. _nash county, july _, . hear the wretch tell his story, with as much indifference as if he were describing the cutting of his initials in the bark of a tree. _"i burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face,"--"i tried to make the letter m_," and this he says in a newspaper, and puts his name to it, and the editor of the paper who is, also, its proprietor, publishes it for him and pockets his fee. perhaps the reader will say, 'oh, it must have been published in an insignificant sheet printed in some obscure corner of the state; perhaps by a gang of 'squatters,' in the dismal swamp, universally regarded as a pest, and edited by some scape-gallows, who is detested by the whole community.' to this i reply that the "north carolina standard," the paper which contains it, is a large six columned weekly paper, handsomely printed and ably edited; it is the leading democratic paper in that state, and is published at raleigh, the capital of the state, thomas loring, esq. editor and proprietor. the motto in capitals under the head of the paper is, "the constitution and the union of the states--they must be preserved." the same editor and proprietor, who exhibits such brutality of feeling towards the slaves, by giving the preceding advertisement a conspicuous place in his columns, and taking his pay for it, has apparently a keen sense of the proprieties of life, where _whites_ are concerned, and a high regard for the rights, character and feelings of those whose skin is colored like his own. as proof of this, we copy from the number of the paper containing the foregoing advertisement, the following _editorial_ on the pending political canvass. "we cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the gubernatorial canvass will be conducted with a _due regard to the character_, and _feelings_ of the distinguished individuals who are candidates for that office; and that the press of north carolina will _set an example_ in this respect, worthy of _imitation and of praise_." what is this but chivalrous and honorable feeling? the good name of north carolina is dear to him--on the comfort, 'character and feelings,' of her _white_ citizens he sets a high value; he feels too, most deeply for the _character of the press_ of north carolina, sees that it is a city set on a hill, and implores his brethren of the editorial corps to 'set an example' of courtesy and magnanimity worthy of imitation and praise. now, reader, put all these things together and con them over, and then read again the preceding advertisement contained in the same number of the paper, and you have the true "north carolina standard," by which to measure the protection extended to slaves by the 'public opinion' of that state. j.p. ashford advertises as follows in the "natchez courier," august , . "ranaway, a negro girl called mary, has a small scar over her eye, a _good many teeth missing_, the letter a. _is branded on her cheek and forehead_." a.b. metcalf thus advertises a woman in the same paper, june , . "ranaway, mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball_." john henderson, in the "grand gulf advertiser," august , , advertises betsey. "ranaway, a black woman betsey, has an _iron bar on her right leg_." robert nicoll, whose residence is in mobile, in dauphin street, between emmanuel and conception streets, thus advertises a woman in the "mobile commercial advertiser." "ten dollars reward will be given for my negro woman liby. the said liby is about years old and very much scarred about the neck and ears, occasioned by whipping, had on a handkerchief tied round her ears, as she commonly wears it to hide the scars." to show that slaveholding brutality now is the same that it was the eighth of a century ago, we publish the following advertisement from the "charleston (s.c.) courier," of . "twenty dollars reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, on the th instant, a negro girl named molly. "the said girl was sold by messrs. wm. payne & sons, as the property of an estate of a mr. gearrall, and purchased by a mr. moses, and sold by him to a thomas prisley, of edgefield district, of whom i bought her on the th of april, . she is or years of age, slim made, lately branded on the left cheek, thus, r, and a piece taken off of her ear on the same side; the same letter on the inside of both her legs. "abner ross, fairfield district." but instead of filling pages with similar advertisements, illustrating the horrible brutality of slaveholders towards their slaves, the reader is referred to the preceding pages of this work, to the scores of advertisements written by slaveholders, printed by slaveholders, published by slaveholders, in newspapers edited by slaveholders and patronized by slaveholders; advertisement describing not only men and boys, but women aged and middle-aged, matrons and girls of tender years, their necks chafed with iron collars with prongs, their limbs galled with iron rings and chains, and bars of iron, iron hobbles and shackles, all parts of their persons scarred with the lash, and branded with hot irons, and torn with rifle bullets, pistol balls and buck shot, and gashed with knives, their eyes out, their ears cut off, their teeth drawn out, and their bones broken. he is referred also to the cool and shocking indifference with which these slaveholders, 'gentlemen' and 'ladies,' reverends, and honorables, and excellencies, write and print, and publish and pay, and take money for, and read and circulate, and sanction, such infernal barbarity. let the reader ponder all this, and then lay it to heart, that this is that 'public opinion' of the slaveholders which protects their slaves from all injury, and is an effectual guarantee of personal security. however far gone a community may be in brutality, something of protection may yet be hoped for from its 'public opinion,' if _respect for woman_ survive the general wreck; that gone, protection perishes; public opinion becomes universal rapine; outrages, once occasional, become habitual; the torture, which was before inflicted only by passion, becomes the constant product of a _system_, and, instead of being the index of sudden and fierce impulses, is coolly plied as the permanent means to an end. when _women_ are branded with hot irons on their faces; when iron collars, with prongs, are riveted about their necks; when iron rings are fastened upon their limbs, and they are forced to drag after them chains and fetters; when their flesh is torn with whips, and mangled with bullets and shot, and lacerated with knives; and when those who do such things, are regarded in the community, and associated with as 'gentlemen' and 'ladies;' to say that the 'public opinion' of _such_ a community is a protection to its victims, is to blaspheme god, whose creatures they are, cast in his own sacred image, and dear to him as the apple of his eye. but we are not yet quite ready to dismiss this protector, 'public opinion.' to illustrate the hardened brutality with which slaveholders regard their slaves, the shameless and apparently unconscious indecency with which they speak of their female slaves, examine their persons, and describe them, under their own signatures, in newspapers, hand-bills, &c. just as they would describe the marks of cattle and swine, on all parts of their bodies; we will make a few extracts from southern papers. reader, as we proceed to these extracts, remember our motto--'true humanity consists _not_ in a squeamish ear.' mr. p. abdie, of new orleans, advertises in the new orleans bee, of january , , for one of his female slaves, as follows; "ranaway, the negro wench named betsey, aged about years, handsome-faced, and good countenance; having the marks of the whip behind her neck, and several others on her rump. the above reward, ($ ,) will be given to whoever will bring that wench to p. abdie." the new orleans bee, in which the advertisement of this vandal appears, is the 'official gazette of the state--of the general council--and of the first and third municipalities of new orleans.' it is the largest, and the most influential paper in the south-western states, and perhaps the most ably edited--and has undoubtedly a larger circulation than any other. it is a daily paper, of $ a year, and its circulation being mainly among the larger merchants, planters, and professional men, it is a fair index of the 'public opinion' of louisiana, so far as represented by those classes of persons. advertisements equally gross, indecent, and abominable, or nearly so, can be found in almost every number of that paper. mr. william robinson, georgetown, district of columbia, advertised for his slave in the national intelligencer, of washington city, oct. , , as follows: "eloped from my residence a young negress, years old, of a chestnut, or brown color. she has a very singular mark--this mark, to the best of my recollection, covers a part of her _breasts_, _body_, and _limbs_; and when her neck and arms are uncovered, is very perceptible; she has been frequently seen east and south of the capitol square, and is harbored by ill-disposed persons, of every complexion, for her services." mr. john c. beasley, near huntsville, alabama, thus advertises a young girl of eighteen, in the huntsville democrat, of august st, . "ranaway maria, about years old, _very far advanced with child._" he then offers a reward to any one who will commit this young girl, in this condition, _to jail_. mr. james t. de jarnett, vernon, autauga co. alabama, thus advertises a woman in the pensacola gazette, july , . "celia is a _bright_ copper-colored negress, _fine figure_ and _very smart_. on examining her back, you will find marks caused by the whip." he closes the advertisement, by offering a reward of _five hundred dollars_ to any person who will lodge her in _jail_, so that he can get her. a person who lives at chartres street, new orleans, advertises in the 'bee,' of may , for "the negress patience, about years old, has _large hips_, and is _bow-legged_." a mr. t. cuggy, in the same paper, thus describes "the negress caroline." "_she has awkward feet, clumsy ankles, turns out her toes greatly in walking, and has a sore on her left shin_." in another, of june , mr. p. bahi advertises "maria, with a clear white complexion, and _double nipple on her right breast_." mr. charles craige, of federal point, new hanover co. north carolina, in the wilmington advertiser, august , , offers a reward for his slave jane, and says "_she is far advanced in pregnancy_." the new orleans bulletin, august , , advertises "the negress mary, aged nineteen, has a scar on her face, walks parrot-toed, and is _pregnant_." mr. j.g. muir, of grand gulf, mississippi, thus advertises a woman in the vicksburg register, december , . "ranaway a negro girl--has a number of _black lumps on her breasts, and is in a state of pregnancy_." mr. jacob besson, donaldsonville, louisiana, advertises in the new orleans bee, august , , "the negro woman victorine--she is _advanced in pregnancy_." mr. j.h. leverich & co. no. , old levee, new orleans, advertises in the 'bulletin,' january , , as follows. "$ reward.--ranaway a negro girl named caroline about years of age, is _far advanced in child-bearing_. the above reward will be paid for her delivery at either of the _jails_ of the city." mr. john duggan, thus advertises a woman in the new orleans bee, of sept. . "ranaway from the subscriber a mulatto woman, named esther, about thirty years of age, _large stomach_, wants her upper front teeth, and walks pigeon-toed--supposed to be about the lower fauxbourg." mr. francis foster, of troop co. georgia, advertises in the columbus (ga.) enquirer of june , --"my negro woman patsey, has a stoop in her walking, occasioned by a _severe burn on her abdomen_." the above are a few specimens of the gross details, in describing the persons of females, of all ages, and the marks upon all parts of their bodies; proving incontestably, that slaveholders are in the habit not only of stripping their female slaves of their clothing, and inflicting punishment upon their 'shrinking flesh,' but of subjecting their naked persons to the most minute and revolting inspection, and then of publishing to the world the results of their examination, as well as the scars left by their own inflictions upon them, their length, size, and exact position on the body; and all this without impairing in the least, the standing in the community of the shameless wretches who thus proclaim their own abominations. that such things should not at all affect the standing of such persons in society, is certainly no marvel: how could they affect it, when the same communities enact laws _requiring_ their own legal officers to inspect minutely the persons and bodily marks of all slaves taken up as runaways, and to publish in the newspapers a particular description of all such marks and peculiarities of their persons, their size, appearance position on the body, &c. yea, verily, when the 'public opinion' of the community, in the solemn form of law, commands jailors, sheriffs, captains of police, &c. to divest of their clothing aged matrons and young girls, minutely examine their naked persons, and publish the results of their examination--who can marvel, that the same 'public opinion' should tolerate the slaveholders themselves, in doing the same things to their own property, which they have appointed legal officers to do as their proxies.[ ] [footnote : 'as a sample of these laws, we give the following extract from one of the laws of maryland, where slaveholding 'public opinion' exists in its mildest form.' "it shall be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties of this state, upon any runaway servant or slave being committed to his custody, to cause the same to be advertised, &c. and to make particular and minute descriptions of _the person and bodily marks_, of such runaway."--_laws of maryland of _, chap. , sec. and . that the sheriffs, jailors, &c. do not neglect this part of their official 'duty,' is plain from the minute description which they give in the advertisements of marks upon all parts of the persons of females, as well as males; and also from the occasional declaration, 'no scars discoverable on any part,' or 'no marks discoverable _about_ her;' which last is taken from an advertisement in the milledgeville (geo.) journal, june , , signed 't.s. denster, jailor.'] the zeal with which slaveholding '_public opinion_' protects the lives of the slaves, may be illustrated by the following advertisements, taken from a multitude of similar ones in southern papers. to show that slaveholding 'public opinion' is the same _now_, that it was half a century ago, we will insert, in the first place, an advertisement published in a north carolina newspaper, oct. , , by w. skinner, the clerk of the county of perquimons, north carolina. "ten silver dollars reward will be paid for apprehending and delivering to me my man moses, who ran away this morning; or i will give five times the sum to any person who will make due proof of his _being killed_, and never ask a question to know by whom it was done." w. skinner. _perquimons county, n.c. oct. , ._ the late john parrish, of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the religious society of friends, who traveled through the slave states about _thirty-five years_ since, on a religious mission, published on his return a pamphlet of forty pages, entitled 'remarks on the slavery of the black people.' from this work we extract the following illustrations of 'public opinion' in north and south carolina and virginia at that period. "when i was traveling through north carolina, a black man, who was outlawed, being shot by one of his pursuers, and left wounded in the woods, they came to an ordinary where i had stopped to feed my horse, in order to procure a cart to bring the poor wretched object in. another, i was credibly informed, was shot, his head cut off, and carried in a bag by the perpetrators of the murder, who received the reward, which was said to be $ , continental currency, and that his head was stuck on a coal house at an iron works in virginia--and this for going to visit his wife at a distance. crawford gives an account of a man being gibbetted alive in south carolina, and the buzzards came and picked out his eyes. another was burnt to death at a stake in charleston, surrounded by a multitude of spectators, some of whom were people of the _first rank_; ... the poor object was heard to cry, as long as he could breathe, 'not guilty--not guilty.'" the following is an illustration of the 'public opinion' of south carolina about fifty years ago. it is taken from judge stroud's sketch of the slave laws, page . "i find in the case of 'the state vs. m'gee,' i bay's reports, , it is said incidentally by messrs. pinckney and ford, counsel for the state (of s.c.), 'that the _frequency_ of the offence (_wilful_ murder of a slave) was owing to the _nature of the punishment_', &c.... this remark was made in , when the above trial took place. it was made in a public place--a courthouse--and by men of great personal respectability. there can be, therefore, no question as to its _truth_, and as little of its _notoriety_." in the grand jury for the district of cheraw, s.c. made a _presentment_, from which the following is an extract. "we, the grand jurors of and for the district of cheraw, do present the inefficacy of the present punishment for killing negroes, as a great defect in the legal system of this state: and we do earnestly recommend to the attention of the legislature, that clause of the negro act, which confines the penalty for killing slaves to fine and imprisonment only: in full confidence, that they will provide some other _more effectual_ measures to prevent the frequency of crimes of this nature."--_matthew carey's american museum, for feb. _.--appendix, p. . the following is a specimen of the 'public opinion' of georgia twelve years since. we give it in the strong words of colonel stone, editor of the new york commercial advertiser. we take it from that paper of june , . "hunting men with dogs.-a negro who had absconded from his master, and for whom a reward of $ was offered, has been apprehended and committed to prison in savannah. the editor, who states the fact, adds, with as much coolness as though there were no barbarity in the matter, that he did not surrender till _he was considerably_ maimed by the dogs that had been set on him--desperately fighting them--one of which he badly cut with a sword." twelve days after the publication of the preceding fact, the following horrible transaction took place in perry county, alabama. we extract it from the african observer, a monthly periodical, published in philadelphia, by the society of friends. see no. for august, . "tuscaloosa, ala. june , . "some time during the last week a mr. m'neilly having lost some clothing, or other property of no great value, the slave of a neighboring planter was charged with the theft. m'neilly, in company with his brother, found the negro driving his master's wagon; they seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the negro stabbed m'neilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. the negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who _waved his authority_, perhaps through fear, as a crowd of persons had collected to the number of seventy or eighty, near mr. people's (the justice) house. _he acted as president of the mob,_ and put the vote, when it was decided he should be immediately executed by _being burnt to death_. the sable culprit was led to a tree, and tied to it, and a large quantity of pine knots collected and placed around him, and the fatal torch applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of several gentlemen who were present; and the miserable being was in a short time burned to ashes. "this is the second negro who has been thus put to death, without judge or jury, in this county." the following advertisements, testimony, &c. will show that the slaveholders of _to-day_ are the _children_ of those who shot, and hunted with bloodhounds, and burned over slow fires, the slaves of half a century ago; the worthy inheritors of their civilization, chivalry, and tender mercies. the "wilmington (north carolina) advertiser" of july , , contains the following advertisement. "$ will be paid to any person who may apprehend and safely confine in any jail in this state, a certain negro man, named alfred. and the same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence is given of _having been_ killed. he has one or more scars on one of his hands, caused by his having been shot. "the citizens of onslow. "richlands, onslow co. may th, ." in the same column with the above and directly under it is the following:-- "ranaway my negro man richard. a reward of $ will be paid for his apprehension dead or alive. satisfactory proof will only be required of his being killed. he has with him, in all probability, his wife eliza, who ran away from col. thompson, now a resident of alabama, about the time he commenced his journey to that state. durant h. rhodes." in the "mason (georgia) telegraph," may , is the following: "about the st of march last the negro man ransom left me without the least provocation whatever; i will give a reward of twenty dollars for said negro, if taken dead or alive,--and if killed in any attempt, an advance of five dollars will be paid. bryant johnson. "_crawford co. georgia_" see the "newbern (n.c.) spectator," jan. , , for the following:-- "ranaway, from the subscriber, a negro man named sampson. fifty dollars reward will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his confinement in any jail so that i get him, and should he resist in being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, i will not hold any person liable for damages should the slave be killed. enoch foy. "jones county, n.c." from the "macon (ga.) messenger," june , . "to the owners of runaway negroes. a large mulatto negro man, between thirty-five and forty years old, about six feet in height, having a high forehead, and hair slightly grey, was killed, near my plantation, on the th inst. _he would not surrender_ but assaulted mr. bowen, who killed him in self-defence. if the owner desires further information relative to the death of his negro, he can obtain it by letter, or by calling on the subscriber ten miles south of perry, houston county. edm'd. jas. mcgehee." from the 'charleston (s.c.) courier,' feb. , . "$ reward. ranaway from the subscriber, in november last, his two negro men, named billy and pompey. "billy is years old, and is known as the patroon of my boat for many years; in all probability he may resist; in that event dollars will be paid for his head." from the 'newbern (n.c.) spectator,' dec . . "$ reward. ranaway from the subscriber, about three years ago, a certain negro man named ben, commonly known by the name of ben fox. he had but one eye. also, one other negro, by the name of rigdon, who ranaway on the th of this month. "i will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of lenoir or jones county, or for the killing of them, so that i can see them. w.d. cobb." in the same number of the spectator two justices of the peace advertise the same runaways, and give notice that if they do not immediately return to w.d. cobb, their master, they will be considered as outlaws, and any body may kill them. the following is an extract from the proclamation of the justices. "and we do hereby, by virtue of an act of the assembly of this state, concerning servants and slaves, intimate and declare, if the said slaves do not surrender themselves and return home to their master immediately after the publication of these presents, _that any person may kill and destroy said slaves by such means as he or they think fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence for so doing, or without incurring any penalty or forfeiture thereby._ "given under our hands and seals, this th november, . "b. coleman, j.p. [seal.] "jas. jones, j.p. [seal.]" on the th, of april , in the city of st louis, missouri, a black man, named mcintosh who had stabbed an officer, that had arrested him, was seized by the multitude, fastened to a tree _in the midst of the city_, wood piled around him, and in open day and in the presence of an immense throng of citizens, he was burned to death. the alton (ill.) telegraph, in its account of the scene says; "all was silent as death while the executioners were piling wood around their victim. he said not a word, until feeling that the flames had seized upon him. he then uttered an awful howl, attempting to sing and pray, then hung his head, and suffered in silence, except in the following instance:--after the flames had surrounded their prey, his eyes burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a cinder, some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest, proposed to put an end to his misery by shooting him, when it was replied, 'that would be of no use, since he was already out of pain.' 'no, no,' said the wretch, 'i am not, i am suffering as much as ever; shoot me, shoot me.' 'no, no,' said one of the fiends who was standing about the sacrifice they were roasting, 'he shall not be shot. _i would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery_;' and the man who said this was, as we understand, an officer of justice!" the st. louis correspondent of a new york paper adds, "the shrieks and groans of the victim were loud and piercing, and to observe one limb after another drop into the fire was awful indeed. he was about fifteen minutes in dying. i visited the place this morning, and saw his body, or the remains of it, at the place of execution. he was burnt to a crump. his legs and arms were gone, and only a part of his head and body were left." lest this demonstration of 'public opinion' should be regarded as a sudden impulse merely, not an index of the settled tone of feeling in that community, it is important to add, that the hon. luke e. lawless, judge of the circuit court of missouri, at a session of that court in the city of st. louis, some months after the burning of this man, decided officially that since the burning of mcintosh was the act, either directly or by countenance of a _majority_ of the citizens, it is 'a case which transcends the jurisdiction,' of the grand jury! thus the state of missouri has proclaimed to the world, that the wretches who perpetrated that unspeakably diabolical murder, and the thousands that stood by consenting to it, were _her representatives_, and the bench sanctifies it with the solemnity of a judicial decision. the 'new orleans post,' of june , , publishes the following; "we understand, that a negro man was lately condemned, by the mob, to be burned over a slow fire, which was put into execution at grand gulf, mississippi, for murdering a black woman, and her master." mr. henry bradley, of pennyan, n.y., has furnished us with an extract of a letter written by a gentleman in mississippi to his brother in that village, detailing the particulars of the preceding transaction. the letter is dated grand gulf, miss. august , . the extract is as follows: "i left vicksburg and came to grand gulf. this is a fine place immediately on the banks of the mississippi, of something like fifteen hundred inhabitants in the winter, and at this time, i suppose, there are not over two hundred white inhabitants, but in the town and its vicinity there are negroes by thousands. the day i arrived at this place there was a man by the name of g---- murdered by a negro man that belonged to him. g---- was born and brought up in a----, state of new york. his father and mother now live south of a----. he has left a property here, it is supposed, of forty thousand dollars, and no family. "they took the negro, mounted him on a horse, led the horse under a tree, put a rope around his neck, raised him up by throwing the rope over a limb; they then got into a quarrel among themselves; some swore that he should be burnt alive; the rope was cut and the negro dropped to the ground. he immediately jumped to his feet; they then made him walk a short distance to a tree; he was then tied fast and a fire kindled, when another quarrel took place; the fire was pulled away from him when about half dead, and a committee of twelve appointed to say in what manner he should be disposed of. they brought in that he should then be cut down, his head cut off, his body burned, and his head stuck on a pole at the corner of the road in the edge of the town. that was done and all parties satisfied! "g---- _owned the negro's wife, and was in the habit of sleeping with her!_ the negro said he had killed him, and he believed he should be rewarded in heaven for it. "this is but one instance among many of a similar nature. s.s." we have received a more detailed account of this transaction from mr. william armstrong, of putnam, ohio, through maj. horace nye, of that place. mr. a. who has been for some years employed as captain and supercargo of boats descending the river, was at grand gulf at the time of the tragedy, and _witnessed_ it. it was on the sabbath. from mr. armstrong's statement, it appears that the slave was a man of uncommon intelligence; had the over-sight of a large business--superintended the purchase of supplies for his master, &c.--that exasperated by the intercourse of his master with his wife, he was upbraiding her one evening, when his master overhearing him, went out to quell him, was attacked by the infuriated man and killed on the spot. the name of the master was green; he was a native of auburn, new york, and had been at the south but a few years. mr. ezekiel birdseye, of cornwall, conn., a gentleman well known and highly respected in litchfield county, who resided a number of years in south carolina, gives the following testimony:-- "a man by the name of waters was killed by his slaves, in newberry district. three of them were tried before the court, and ordered to be burnt. i was but a few miles distant at the time, and conversed with those who saw the execution. the slaves were tied to a stake, and pitch pine wood piled around them, to which the fire was communicated. thousands were collected to witness this barbarous transaction. _other executions of this kind took place in various parts of the state, during my residence in it, from to _. about three or four years ago, a young negro was burnt in abbeville district, for an attempt at rape." in the fall of , there was a rumor of a projected insurrection on the red river, in louisiana. the citizens forthwith seized and hanged nine slaves, and three free colored men, without trial. a few months previous to that transaction, a slave was seized in a similar manner and publicly burned to death, in arkansas. in july, , the citizens of madison county, mississippi, were alarmed by rumors of an insurrection arrested five slaves and publicly executed them without trial. the missouri republican, april , , gives the particulars of the deliberate murder of a negro man named tom, a cook on board the steamboat pawnee, on her passage up from new orleans to st. louis. some of the facts stated by the republican are the following: "on friday night, about o'clock, a deaf and dumb german girl was found in the storeroom with tom. the door was locked, and at first tom denied she was there. the girl's father came. tom unlocked the door, and the girl was found secreted in the room behind a barrel. the next morning some four or five of the deck passengers spoke to the captain about it. this was about breakfast time. immediately after he left the deck, a number of the deck passengers rushed upon the negro, bound his arms behind his back and carried him forward to the bow of the boat. a voice cried out 'throw him overboard,' and was responded to from every quarter of the deck--and in an instant he was plunged into the river. the whole scene of tying him and throwing him overboard scarcely occupied _ten minutes_, and was so precipitate that the officers were unable to interfere in time to save him. "there were between two hundred and fifty and three hundred passengers on board." the whole process of seizing tom, dragging him upon deck, binding his arms behind his back, forcing him to the bow of the boat, and throwing him overboard, occupied, the editor informs us, about ten minutes, and of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred deck passengers, with perhaps as many cabin passengers, it does not appear that _a single individual raised a finger to prevent this deliberate murder_; and the cry "throw him overboard," was it seems, "responded to from every quarter of the deck!" rev. james a. thome, of augusta, ky., son of arthur thome, esq., till recently a slaveholder, published five years since the following description of a scene witnessed by him in new orleans: "in december of , i landed at new orleans, in the steamer w----. it was after night, dark and rainy. the passengers were called out of the cabin, from the enjoyment of a fire, which the cold, damp atmosphere rendered very comfortable, by a sudden shout of, 'catch him--catch him--catch the negro.' the cry was answered by a hundred voices--'catch him--_kill_ him,' and a rush from every direction toward our boat, indicated that the object of pursuit was near. the next moment we heard a man plunge into the river, a few paces above us. a crowd gathered upon the shore, with lamps and stones, and clubs, still crying, 'catch him--kill him--catch him--shoot him.' "i soon discovered the poor man. he had taken refuge under the prow of another boat, and was standing in the water up to his waist. the angry vociferation of his pursuers, did not intimidate him. he defied them all. 'don't you _dare_ to come near me, or i will sink you in the river.' he was armed with despair. for a moment the mob was palsied by the energy of his threatenings. they were afraid to go to him with a skiff, but a number of them went on to the boat and tried to seize him. they threw a noose rope down repeatedly, _that they might pull him up by the neck_! but he planted his hand firmly against the boat and dashed the rope away with his arms. one of them took a long bar of wood, and leaning over the prow, endeavored to strike him on the head, the blow must have shattered the skull, but it did not reach low enough. the monster raised up the heavy club again and said, 'come out now, you old rascal, or die.' 'strike,' said the negro; 'strike--shiver my brains _now_; i want to die;' and down went the club again, without striking. this was repeated several times. the mob, seeing their efforts fruitless, became more enraged and threatened to stone him, if he did not surrender himself into their hands. he again defied them, and declared that he would drown himself in the river, before they should have him. they then resorted to persuasion, and promised they would not hurt him. 'i'll die first;' was his only reply. even the furious mob was awed, and for a while stood dumb. "after standing in the cold water for an hour, the miserable being began to fail. we observed him gradually sinking--his voice grew weak and tremulous--yet he continued to _curse_! in the midst of his oaths he uttered broken sentences--'i did'nt steal the meat--i did'nt steal--my master lives--master--master lives up the river--(his voice began to gurgle in his throat, and he was so chilled that his teeth chattered audibly)--i did'nt--steal--i did'nt steal--my--my master--my--i want to see my master--i didn't--no--my mas--you want--you want to kill me--i didn't steal the'--his last words could just be heard as be sunk under the water. "during this indescribable scene, _not one of the hundred that stood around made any effort to save the man until he was apparently drowned_. he was then dragged out and stretched on the bow of the boat, and soon sufficient means were used for his recovery. the brutal captain ordered him to be taken off his boat--declaring, with an oath, that he would throw him into the river again, if he was not immediately removed. i withdrew, sick and horrified with this appalling exhibition of wickedness. "upon inquiry, i learned that the colored man lived some fifty miles up the mississippi; that he had been charged with stealing some article from the wharf; was fired upon with a pistol, and pursued by the mob. "in reflecting upon this unmingled cruelty--this insensibility to suffering and disregard of life--i exclaimed, 'is there no flesh in man's obdurate heart?' "one poor man, chased like a wolf by a hundred blood hounds, yelling, howling, and gnashing their teeth upon him--plunges into the cold river to seek protection! a crowd of spectators witness the scene, with all the composure with which a roman populace would look upon a gladiatorial show. not a voice heard in the sufferer's behalf. at length the powers of nature give way; the blood flows back to the heart--the teeth chatter--the voice trembles and dies, while the victim drops down into his grave. "what an atrocious system is that which leaves two millions of souls, friendless and powerless--hunted and chased--afflicted and tortured and driven to death, without the means of redress.--yet such is the system of slavery." the 'public opinion' of slaveholders is illustrated by scores of announcements in southern papers, like the following, from the raleigh, (n.c.) register, august , . joseph gale and son, editors and proprietors--the father and brother of the editor of the national intelligence, washington city, d.c. "on saturday night, mr. george holmes, of this county, and some of his friends, were in pursuit of a runaway slave (the property of mr. holmes) and fell in with him in attempting to make his escape. mr. h. discharged a gun at his legs, for the purpose of disabling him; but unfortunately, the slave stumbled, and the shot struck him near the small of the back, of which wound he died in a short time. the slave continued to run some distance after he was shot, until overtaken by one of the party. we are satisfied, from all that we can learn, that mr. h. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." oh! the _gentleman_, it seems, only shot at his legs, merely to 'disable'--and it must be expected that every _gentleman_ will amuse himself in shooting at his own property whenever the notion takes him, and if he should happen to hit a little higher and go through the small of the back instead of the legs, why every body says it is 'unfortunate,' and the whole of the editorial corps, instead of branding him as a barbarous wretch for shooting at his slave, whatever part be aimed at, join with the oldest editor in north carolina, in complacently exonerating mr. holmes by saying, "we are satisfied that mr. h. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." and so 'public opinion' wraps it up! the franklin (la.) republican, august , , has the following: "negroes taken.--four gentlemen of this vicinity, went out yesterday for the purpose of finding the camp of some noted runaways, supposed to be near this place; the camp was discovered about o'clock, the negroes four in number, three men and one woman, finding they were discovered, tried to make their escape through the cane; two of them were fired on, one of which made his escape; the other one fell after running a short distance, his wounds are not supposed to be dangerous; the other man was taken without any hurt; the woman also made her escape." thus terminated the mornings amusement of the '_four gentlemen_,' whose exploits are so complacently chronicled by the editor of the franklin republican. the three men and one woman were all fired upon, it seems, though only one of them was shot down. the half famished runaways made not the least resistance, they merely rushed in panic among the canes, at the sight of their pursuers, and the bullets whistled after them and brought to the ground one poor fellow, who was carried back by his captors as a trophy of the 'public opinion' among slaveholders. in the macon (ga.) telegraph, nov. , , we find the following account of a runaway's den, and of the good luck of a 'mr. adams,' in running down one of them 'with his excellent dogs:' "a runaway's den was discovered on sunday near the washington spring, in a little patch of woods, where it had been for several months, so artfully concealed under ground, that it was detected only by accident, though in sight of two or three houses, and near the road and fields where there has been constant daily passing. the entrance was concealed by a pile of pine straw, representing a hog bed--which being removed, discovered a trap door and steps that led to a room about six feet square, comfortably ceiled with plank, containing a small fire-place the flue of which was ingeniously conducted above ground and concealed by the straw. the inmates took the alarm and made their escape; but mr. adams and his excellent dogs being put upon the trail, soon run down and secured one of them, which proved to be a negro fellow who had been out about a year. he stated that the other occupant was a woman, who had been a runaway a still longer time. in the den was found a quantity of meal, bacon, corn, potatoes, &c., and various cooking utensils and wearing apparel." yes, mr. adams' 'excellent dogs' did the work! they were well trained, swift, fresh, keen-scented, 'excellent' men-hunters, and though the poor fugitive in his frenzied rush for liberty, strained every muscle, yet they gained upon him, and after dashing through fens, brier-beds, and the tangled undergrowth till faint and torn, he sinks, and the blood-hounds are upon him. what blood-vessels the poor struggler burst in his desperate push for life--how much he was bruised and lacerated in his plunge through the forest, or how much the dogs tore him, the macon editor has not chronicled--they are matters of no moment--but his heart is touched with the merits of mr. adams' 'excellent dogs,' that 'soon _run down_ and _secured_' a guiltless and trembling human creature! the georgia constitutionalist, of jan. , contains the following letter from the coroner of barnwell district, south carolina, dated aiken, s.c. dec. , . "_to the editor of the constitutionalist:_ "i have just returned from an inquest i held over the body of a negro man, a runaway, that was shot near the south edisto, in this district, (barnwell,) on saturday last. he came to his death by his own recklessness. he refused to be taken alive--and said that other attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he would not be taken. he was at first, (when those in pursuit of him found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the intention of merely crippling him. he was shot at several times, and at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. he kept in the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the neighbors were in pursuit of him. as soon as the negro was taken, the best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. one of the witnesses at the inquisition, stated that the negro boy said he was from mississippi, and belonged to so many persons, that he did not know who his master was, but again he said his master's name was brown. he said his name was sam, and when asked by another witness, who his master was, he muttered something like augusta or augustine. the boy was apparently above thirty-five or forty years of age, about six feet high, slightly yellow in the face, very long beard or whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared to have been a runaway for a long time. william h. pritchard, _coroner (ex-officio,) barnwell dist. s.c._" the norfolk (va.) herald, of feb. , has the following: "three negroes in a ship's yawl, came on shore yesterday evening, near new point comfort, and were soon after apprehended and lodged in jail. their story is, that they belonged to a brig from new york bound to havana, which was cast away to the southward of cape henry, some day last week; that the brig was called the maria, captain whittemore. i have no doubt they are deserters from some vessel in the bay, as their statements are very confused and inconsistent. one of these fellows is a mulatto, and calls himself isaac turner; the other two are quite black, the one passing by the name of james jones and the other john murray. they have all their clothing with them, and are dressed in sea-faring apparel. they attempted to make their escape, and _it was not till a musket was fired at them, and one of them slightly wounded_, that they surrendered. they will be kept in jail till something further is discovered respecting them." the 'st. francisville (la.) chronicle,' of feb. , . gives the following account of a 'negro hunt,' in that parish. "two or three days since a gentleman of this parish, in _hunting runaway negroes_, came upon a camp of them in the swamp on cat island. he succeeded in arresting two of them, but the third made fight; and upon _being shot in the shoulder_, fled to a sluice, where the _dogs succeeded_ in drowning him before assistance could arrive." "'the dogs _succeeded_ in drowning him'! poor fellow! he tried hard for his life, plunged into the sluice, and, with a bullet in his shoulder, and the blood hounds unfleshing his bones, he bore up for a moment with feeble stroke as best he might, but 'public opinion,' '_succeeded_ in drowning him,' and the same 'public opinion,' calls the man who fired and crippled him, and cheered on the dogs, 'a gentleman,' and the editor who celebrates the exploit is a 'gentleman' also!" a large number of extracts similar to the above, might here be inserted from southern newspapers in our possession, but the foregoing are more than sufficient for our purpose, and we bring to a close the testimony on this point, with the following. extract of a letter, from the rev. samuel j. may, of south scituate, mass. dated dec. , . "you doubtless recollect the narrative given in the oasis, of a slave in georgia, who having ranaway from his master, (accounted a very hospitable and even humane gentleman,) was hunted by his master and his retainers with horses, dogs, and rifles, and having been driven into a tree by the hounds, was shot down by his more cruel pursuers. all the facts there given, and some others equally shocking, connected with the same case, were first communicated to me in , by mr. w. russell, a highly respectable teacher of youth in boston. he is doubtless ready to vouch for them. the same gentleman informed me that he was keeping school on or near the plantation of the monster who perpetrated the above outrage upon humanity, that he was even invited by him to join in the hunt, and when he expressed abhorrence at the thought, the planter holding up the rifle which he had in his hand said with an oath, 'damn that rascal, this is the third time he has runaway, and he shall never run again. i'd rather put a ball into his side, than into the best buck in the land.'" mr. russell, in the account given by him of this tragedy in the 'oasis,' page , thus describes the slaveholder who made the above expression, and was the leader of the 'hunt,' and in whose family he resided at the time as an instructor he says of him--he was "an opulent planter, in whose family the evils of slaveholding were palliated by every expedient that a humane and generous disposition could suggest. he was a man of noble and elevated character, and distinguished for his generosity, and kindness of heart." in a letter to mr. may, dated feb. , , mr. russell, speaking of the hunting of runaways with dogs and guns, says: "occurrences of a nature similar to the one related in the 'oasis,' were not unfrequent in the interior of georgia and south carolina twenty years ago. _several_ such fell under my notice within the space of fifteen months. in two such 'hunts,' i was solicited to join." the following was written by a sister-in-law of gerrit smith, esq., peterboro. she is married to the son of a north carolinian. "in north carolina, some years ago, several slaves were arrested for committing serious crimes and depredations, in the neighborhood of wilmington, among other things, burning houses, and, in one or more instances, murder. "it happened that the wife of one of these slaves resided in one of the most respectable families in w. in the capacity of nurse. mr. j. _the first lawyer in the place_, came into the room, where the lady of the house, was sitting, with the nurse, who held a child in her arms, and, addressing the nurse, said, hannah! would you know your husband if you should see him?--oh, yes, sir, she replied--when he drew from beneath his cloak the head of the slave, at the sight of which the poor woman immediately fainted. the heads of the others were placed upon poles, in some part of the town, afterwards known as 'negro head point.'" we have just received the above testimony, enclosed in a letter from mr. smith, in which he says, "that the fact stated by my sister-in-law, actually occurred, there can be no doubt." the following extract from the diary of the rev. elias cornelius, we insert here, having neglected to do it under a preceding head, to which it more appropriately belongs. "new orleans, sabbath, february , . early this morning accompanied a.h. esq. to the _hospital_, with the view of making arrangements to preach to such of the sick as could understand english. the first room we entered presented a scene of human misery, such as i had never before witnessed. a poor negro man was lying upon a couch, apparently in great distress; a more miserable object can hardly be conceived. his face was much _disfigured_, an iron collar, two inches wide and half an inch thick, was clasped about his neck, while one of his feet and part of the leg were in a state of putrefaction. we inquired the cause of his being in this distressing condition, and he answered us in a faltering voice, that he was willing to tell us all the truth. "he belonged to mr. ---- a frenchman, ran-away, was caught, and punished with one hundred lashes! this happened about christmas; and during the cold weather at that time, he was confined in the _cane-house, with a scanty portion of clothing, and without fire_. in this situation his foot had frozen, and mortified, and having been removed from place to place, he was yesterday brought here by order of his new master, who was an american. i had no time to protract my conversation with him then, but resolved to return in a few hours and pray with him. "having returned home, i again visited the hospital at half past eleven o'clock, and concluded first of all [he was to preach at ,] to pray with the poor lacerated negro. i entered the apartment in which he lay, and observed an old man sitting upon a couch; but, without saying anything went up to the bed-side of the negro, who appeared to be asleep. i spoke to him, but he gave no answer. i spoke again, and moved his head, still he said nothing. my apprehensions were immediately excited, and i felt for his pulse, but it was gone. said i to the old man, 'surely this negro is dead.' 'no,' he answered, 'he has fallen asleep, for he had a very restless season last night.' i again examined and called the old gentleman to the bed, and alas, it was found true, that he was dead. not an eye had witnessed his last struggle, and i was the first, as it should happen, to discover the fact. i called several men into the room, and without ceremony they wrapped him in a sheet, and carried him to the _dead-house_ as it is called."--edwards' life of rev. elias cornelius, pp. , , . the protection extended by 'public opinion,' to the health[ ] of the slaves. this may be judged of from the fact that it is perfectly notorious among slaveholders, both north and south, that of the tens of thousands of slaves sold annually in the northern slave states to be transported to the south, large numbers of them die under the severe, process of acclimation, _all_ suffer more or less, and multitudes _much_, in their health and strength, during their first years in the far south and south west. that such is the case is sufficiently proved by the care taken by all who advertise for sale or hire in louisiana, mississippi, alabama, arkansas, &c. to inform the reader, that their slaves are 'creoles,' 'southern born,' 'country born,' &c. or if they are from the north, that they are 'acclimated,' and the importance attached to their _acclimation_, is shown in the fact, that it is generally distinguished from the rest of the advertisements either by _italics_ or capitals. almost every newspaper published in the states far south contains advertisements like the following. [footnote : see pp. - .] from the "vicksburg (mi.) register," dec. , . "i offer my plantation for sale. also seventy-five _acclimated negroes_. o.b. cobb." from the "southerner," june , . "i will sell my old-river plantation near columbia in arkansas;--also one hundred and thirty acclimated slaves. benj. hughes." _port gibson, jan. , ._ from the "planters' (la.) intelligencer," march . "probate sale--will be offered for sale at public auction, to the highest bidder, one hundred and thirty _acclimated_ slaves." g.w. keeton. judge of the parish of concordia" from the "arkansas advocate," may , . "by virtue of a deed of trust, executed to me, i will sell at public auction at fisher's prairie, arkansas, sixty likely negroes, consisting of men, women, boys and girls, the most of whom are well acclimated. grandison d. royston, _trustee_." from the "new orleans bee," feb. , . "valuable acclimated negroes" "will be sold on saturday, th inst. at o'clock, at the city exchange, st. louis street." then follows a description of the slaves, closing with the same assertion, which forms the caption of the advertisement "all acclimated." general felix houston, of natchez, advertises in the "natchez courier," april , , "thirty five very fine _acclimated_ negroes." without inserting more advertisements, suffice it to say, that when slaves are advertised for sale or hire, in the lower southern country, if they are _natives_, or have lived in that region long enough to become acclimated, it is _invariably_ stated. but we are not left to _conjecture_ the amount of suffering experienced by slaves from the north in undergoing the severe process of 'seasoning' to the climate, or '_acclimation_' a writer in the new orleans argus, september, , in an article on the culture of the sugar cane, says; 'the loss by _death_ in bringing slaves from a northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing, is not less than twenty-five per cent.' nothwithstanding the immense amount of suffering endured in the process of acclimation, and the fearful waste of life, and the _notoriety_ of this fact, still the 'public opinion' of virginia, maryland, delaware, kentucky, missouri, &c. annually drives to the far south, thousands of their slaves to undergo these sufferings, and the 'public opinion,' of the far south buys them, and forces the helpless victims to endure them. the 'protection' vouchsafed by 'public opinion,' to liberty. this is shown by hundreds of advertisements in southern papers, like the following: from the "mobile register," july . . "will be sold cheap for cash, in front of the court house of mobile county, on the d day of july next, one mulatto man named henry hall, who says he is free; his owner or owners, _if any_, having failed to demand him, he is to be sold according to the statute in such cases made and provided, _to pay jail fees._ wm. magee, sh'ff m.c." from the "grand gulf (miss.) advertiser," dec. , . "committed to the jail of chickasaw co. edmund, martha, john and louisa; the man , the woman , john years old, and louisa months. they say they are free and were decoyed to this state." the "southern argus," of july , , contains the following. "ranaway from my plantation, a negro boy named william. said boy was taken up by thomas walton, and says _he was free_, and that his parents live near shawneetown, illinois, and that he was _taken_ from that place in july ; says his father's name is william, and his mother's sally brown, and that they moved from fredericksburg, virginia. i will give twenty dollars to any person who will deliver said boy to me or col. byrn, columbus. samuel h. byrn" the first of the following advertisements was a standing one, in the "vicksburg register," from dec. till aug. . the second advertises the same free man for sale. "sheriff's sale" "committed, to the jail of warren county, as a runaway, on the d inst. a negro man, who calls himself john j. robinson; _says that he is free_, says that he kept a baker's shop in columbus, miss. and that he peddled through the chickasaw nation to pontotoc, and came to memphis, where he sold his horse, took water, and came to this place. the owner of said boy is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be dealt with as the law directs. wm. everett, jailer. dec. , " "notice is hereby given, that the above described boy, who calls himself john j. robinson, having been confined in the jail of warren county as a runaway, for six months--and having been regularly advertised during this period, i shall proceed to sell said negro boy at public auction, to the highest bidder for cash, at the door of the court house in vicksburg, on monday, st day of august, , in pursuance of the statute in such cases made and provided. e. w. morris, sheriff. _vicksburg, july , ._" see "newborn (n.c.) spectator," of jan. , , for the following advertisement. "ranaway, from the subscriber a negro man known as frank pilot. he is five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, and about years old, _has been free since_ --is now my property, as heir at law of his last owner, _samuel ralston_, dec. i will give the above reward if he is taken and confined in any jail so that i can get him. samuel ralston. pactolus, pitt county." from the tuscaloosa (ala.) "flag of the union," june . "committed to the jail of tuscaloosa county, a negro man, who says his name is robert winfield, and _says he is free_. r.w. barber, _jailer_." that "public opinion," in the slave states affords no protection to the liberty of colored persons, even after those persons become legally free, by the operation of their own laws, is declared by governor comegys, of delaware, in his recent address to the legislature of that state, jan. . the governor, commenting upon the law of the state which provides that persons convicted of certain crimes shall be sold as servants for a limited time, says, "_the case is widely different with the negro(!)_ although ordered to be disposed of as a servant for a term of years, _perpetual slavery in the south is his inevitable doom_; unless, peradventure, age or disease may have rendered him worthless, or some resident of the state, from motives of _benevolence_, will pay for him three or four times his intrinsic _value_. it matters not for how short a time he is ordered to be sold, so that he can be carried from the state. once beyond its limits, _all chance of restored freedom is gone_--for he is removed far from the reach of any testimony to aid him in an effort to be released from bondage, when his _legal_ term of servitude has expired. _of the many colored convicts sold out of the state, it is believed none ever return_. of course they are purchased _with the express view to their transportation for life_, and bring such enormous prices as to prevent all _competition_ on the part of those of our citizens who _require_ their services, and _would keep them in the state_." from the "memphis (ten.) enquirer," dec. , . "$ reward. ranaway, from the subscriber, on thursday last, a negro man named isaac, years old, about feet or inches high, dark complexion, well made, full face, speaks quick, and very correctly for a negro. _he was originally from new-york_, and no doubt will attempt to pass himself as free. i will give the above reward for his apprehension and delivery, or confinement, so that i obtain him, if taken out of the state, or $ if taken within the state. jno. simpson. _memphis, dec. ._" mark, with what shameless hardihood this jno. simpson, tells the public that _he knew_ isaac wright was a free man! 'he was originally from new york,' he tells us. and yet he adds with brazen effrontery, '_he will attempt to pass himself as free._' this isaac wright, was shipped by a man named lewis, of new bedford, massachusetts, and sold as a slave in new orleans. after passing through several hands, and being flogged nearly to death, he made his escape, and five days ago, (march ,) returned to his friends in philadelphia. from the "baltimore sun," dec. , . "free negroes--merry ewall, a free negro, from virginia, was committed to jail, at snow hill, md. last week, for remaining in the state longer than is allowed by the law of . the fine in his case amounts to $ . capril purnell, a negro from delaware, is now in jail in the same place, for a violation of the same act. his fine amounts to four thousand dollars, and he will be sold in a short time." the following is the decision of the supreme court, of louisiana, in the case of gomez _vs_. bonneval, martin's la. reports, , and wheeler's "law of slavery," p. - . _marginal remark of the compiler.--"a slave does not become free on his being illegally imported into the state."_ "_per cur. derbigny_, j. the petitioner is a negro in actual state of slavery; he claims his freedom, and is bound to prove it. in his attempt, however, to show that he was free before he was introduced into this country, he has failed, so that his claim rests entirely on the laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves in the united states. that the plaintiff was imported since that prohibition does exist is a fact sufficiently established by the evidence. what right he has acquired under the laws forbidding such importation is the only question which we have to examine. formerly, while the act dividing louisiana into two territories was in force in this country, slaves introduced here in contravention to it, were freed by operation of law; but that act was merged in the legislative provisions which were subsequently enacted on the subject of importation of slaves into the united states generally. under the now existing laws, the individuals thus imported acquire _no personal right_, they are mere passive beings, who are disposed of _according to the will_ of the different state legislatures. in this country they are to _remain slaves_, and to be sold for the benefit of the state. the plaintiff, therefore, has nothing to claim as a freeman; and as to a mere change of master, should such be his wish, _he cannot be listened to in a court of justice_." extract from a speech of mr. thomson of penn. in congress, march , , on the prisons in the district of columbia. "i visited the prisons twice that i might myself ascertain the truth. * * in one of these cells (but eight feet square,) were confined at that time, seven persons, three women and four children. the children were confined under a strange system of law in this district, by which a colored person who _alleges_ he is free, and appeals to the tribunals of the country, to have the matter tried, is committed to prison, till the decision takes place. they were almost naked--one of them was sick, lying on the damp brick floor, _without bed, pillow, or covering_. in this abominable cell, seven human beings were confined day by day, and night after night, without a bed, chair, or stool, or any other of the most common necessaries of life."--_gales' congressional debates_, v. , p. . the following facts serve to show, that the present generation of slaveholders do but follow in the footsteps of their fathers, in their zeal for liberty. extract from a document submitted by the committee of the yearly meeting of friends in philadelphia, to the committee of congress, to whom was referred the memorial of the people called quakers, in . "in the latter part of the year , several of the people called quakers, residing in the counties of perquimans and pasquotank, in the state of north carolina, liberated their negroes, as it was then clear there was no existing law to prevent their so doing; for the law of could not at that time be carried into effect; and they were suffered to remain free, until a law passed, in the spring of , under which they were taken up and sold, contrary to the bill of rights, recognized in the constitution of that state, as a part thereof, and to which it was annexed. "in the spring of , when the general assembly met for the first time, a law was enacted to prevent slaves from being emancipated, except for meritorious services, &c. to be judged of by the county courts or the general assembly; and ordering, that if any should be manumitted in any other way, they be taken up, and the county courts within whose jurisdictions they are apprehended should order them to be sold. under this law the county courts of perquimans and pasquotank, in the year , ordered a large number of persons to be sold, who were free at the time the law was made. in the year several of those cases were, by certiorari, brought before the superior court for the district of edentorn, where the decisions of the county courts were reversed, the superior court declaring, that said county courts, in such their proceedings, have exceeded their jurisdiction, violated the rights of the subject, and acted in direct opposition to the bill of rights of this state, considered justly as part of the constitution thereof; by giving to a law, not intended to affect this case, a retrospective operation, thereby to deprive free men of this state of their liberty, contrary to the laws of the land. in consequence of this decree several of the negroes were again set at liberty; but the next general assembly, early in , passed a law, wherein they mention, that doubts have arisen, whether the purchasers of such slaves have a good and legal title thereto, and confirm the same; under which they were again taken up by the purchasers and reduced to slavery." [the number of persons thus re-enslaved was .] the following are the decrees of the courts, ordering the sale of those freemen:-- "perquimans county, july term, at hartford, a.d. . "these may certify, that it was then and there ordered, that the sheriff of the county, to-morrow morning, at ten o'clock, expose to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the court-house door, the several negroes taken up as free, and in his custody, agreeable to law. "test. wm. skinner, clerk. "a true copy, th august, . "test. j. harvey, clerk." "pasquotank county, september court, &c. &c. . "present, the worshipful thomas boyd, timothy hickson, john paelin, edmund clancey, joseph reading, and thomas rees, esqrs. justices. "it was then and there ordered, that thomas reading, esq. take the free negroes taken up under an act to prevent domestic insurrections and other purposes, and expose the same to _the best bidder_, at public vendue, for ready money, and be accountable for the same, agreeable to the aforesaid act; and make return to this or the next succeeding court of his proceedings. "a copy. enoch reese, c.c." the protection of "public opinion" to domestics ties. the barbarous indifference with which slaveholders regard the forcible sundering of husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, and the unfeeling brutality indicated by the language in which they describe the efforts made by the slaves, in their yearnings after those from whom they have been torn away, reveals a 'public opinion' towards them as dead to their agony as if they were cattle. it is well nigh impossible to open a southern paper without finding evidence of this. though the truth of this assertion can hardly be called in question, we subjoin a few illustrations, and could easily give hundreds. from the "savannah georgian," jan. , . "$ reward will be given for my two fellows, abram and frank. abram has a _wife_ at colonel stewart's, in liberty county, and a _sister_ in savannah, at capt. grovenstine's. frank has a _wife_ at mr. le cont's, liberty county; a _mother_ at thunderbolt, and a _sister_ in savannah. wm. robarts. wallhourville, th jan. " from the "lexington (ky.) intelligencer." july , . "$ reward.--ranaway from the subscribers living in this city, on saturday th inst. a negro man, named dick, about years of age. it is highly probable said boy will make for new orleans as _he has a wife_ living in that city, and he has been heard to say frequently that _he was determined to go to new orleans_. "drake c. thompson. "lexington, june , " from the "southern argus," oct. , . "runaway--my negro man, frederick, about years of age. he is no doubt near the plantation of g.w. corprew, esq of noxubbee county, mississippi, as _his wife belongs to that gentleman, and he followed her from my residence_. the above reward will be paid to any one who will confine him in jail and inform me of it at athens, ala. "athens, alabama. kerkman lewis." from the "savannah georgian," july , . "ran away from the subscriber, his man joe. he visits the city occasionally, where he has been harbored by his _mother_ and _sister_. i will give one hundred dollars for proof sufficient to _convict his harborers_. r.p.t. mongin." the "macon (georgia) messenger," nov. , , has the following:-- "$ reward.--ran away, a negro man, named cain. he was brought from florida, and _has a wife near mariana_, and probably will attempt to make his way there. h.l. cook." from the "richmond (va.) whig," july , . "absconded from the subscriber, a negro man, by the name of wilson. he was born in the county of new kent, and raised by a gentleman named ratliffe, and by him sold to a gentleman named taylor, on whose farm he had a _wife_ and _several children_. mr. taylor sold him to a mr. slater, who, in consequence of removing to alabama, wilson left; and when retaken was sold, and afterwards purchased, by his present owner, from t. mccargo and co. of richmond." from the "savannah (ga. ) republican," sept. , . "$ reward for my negro man jim.--jim is about or years of age. it is probable he will aim for savannah, as he said _he had children_ in that vicinity. j.g. owens. barnwell district, s.c." from the "staunton (va.) spectator," jan. , . "runaway, jesse.--he has a _wife_, who belongs to mr. john ruff, of lexington, rockbridge county, and he may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. moses mccue." from the "augusta (georgia) chronicle," july , . "$ reward for my negro charlotte. she is about years old. she was purchased some months past from mr. thomas. j. walton, of augusta, by thomas w. oliver; and, as her _mother_ and acquaintances live in that city, it is very likely she is _harbored_ by some of them. martha oliver." from the "raleigh (n.c.) register," july , . ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named jim, the property of mrs. elizabeth whitfield. he _has a wife_ at the late hardy jones', and may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. john o'rorke." from the "richmond (va.) compiler," sept. , . "ranaway from the subscriber, ben. he ran off without any known cause, and _i suppose he is aiming to go to his wife, who was carried from the neighborhood last winter_. john hunt." from the "charleston (s.c.) mercury," aug. , . "absconded from mr. e.d. bailey, on wadmalaw, his negro man, named saby. said fellow was purchased in january, from francis dickinson, of st. paul's parish, and is probably now in that neighborhood, _where he has a wife_. thomas n. gadsden." from the "portsmouth (va.) times," august , . "$ dollars reward will be given for the apprehension of my negro man isaac. he _has a wife_ at james m. riddick's, of gates county, n.c. where he may probably be lurking. c. miller." from the "savannah (georgia) republican." may , . "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber in savannah, his negro girl patsey. she was purchased among the gang of negroes, known as the hargreave's estate. she is no doubt lurking about liberty county, at which place _she has relatives_. edward houstoun, of florida" from the "charleston (s.c.) courier," june , . "$ reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery, at the workhouse in charleston, of a mulatto woman, named ida. it is probable she may have made her way into georgia, where she has _connections_. matthew muggridge." from the "norfolk (va.) beacon," march , . "the subscriber will give $ for the apprehension of his negro woman, maria, who ran away about twelve months since. she is known to be lurking in or about chuckatuch, in the county of nansemond, where _she has a husband_, and _formerly belonged_. peter oneill." from the "macon (georgia) messenger," jan. , . "ranaway from the subscriber, two negroes, davis, a man about years old; also peggy, his wife, near the same age. said negroes will probably make their way to columbia county, as _they have children_ living in that county. i will liberally reward any person who may deliver them to me. nehemiah king." from the "petersburg (va.) constellation," june , . "ranaway, a negro man, named peter. _he has a wife_ at the plantation of mr. c. haws, near suffolk, where it is supposed he is still lurking. john l. dunn." from the "richmond (va.) whig," dec. , . "ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man, named john lewis. it is supposed that he is lurking about in new kent county, where he professes to have a _wife_. hill jones, agent for r.f. & p. railroad co." from the "red river (la.) whig," june d, . "ran away from the subscriber, a mulatto woman, named maria. it is probable she may be found in the neighborhood of mr. jesse bynum's plantation, where _she has relations_, &c. thomas j. wells." from the "lexington (ky.) observer and reporter," sept. , . "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, a negro girl, named maria. she is of a copper color, between and years of age--_bare headed_ and _bare footed_. she is small of her age--very sprightly and very likely. she stated she was _going to see her mother_ at maysville. sanford thomson." from the "jackson (tenn.) telegraph," sept. , . "committed to the jail of madison county, a negro woman, who calls her name fanny, and says she belongs to william miller, of mobile. she formerly belonged to john givins, of this county, who now owns _several of her children_. david shropshire, jailor." from the "norfolk (va.) beacon," july d, . "runaway from my plantation below edenton, my negro man, nelson. _he has a mother living_ at mr. james goodwin's, in ballahack, perquimans county; and _two brothers_, one belonging to job parker, and the other to josiah coffield. wm. d. rascoe." from the "charleston (s.c.) courier," jan. , . "$ reward.--run away from the subscriber, his negro fellow, john. he is well known about the city as one of my bread carriers: _has a wife_ living at mrs. weston's, on hempstead. john formerly belonged to mrs. moor, near st. paul's church, where his _mother_ still lives, and _has been harbored by her_ before. john t. marshall. , tradd street." from the "newbern (n.c.) sentinel," march , . "ranaway, moses, a black fellow, about years of age--has a _wife_ in washington. thomas bragg, sen. warrenton, n.c." from the "richmond (va.) whig," june , . "ranaway, my man peter.--he has a _sister_ and _mother_ in new kent, and a _wife_ about fifteen or eighteen miles above richmond, at or about taylorsville. theo. a. lacy." from the "new orleans bulletin," feb. , . "ranaway, my negro philip, aged about years.--he may have gone to st. louis, as _he has a wife there_. w.g. clark, new levee." from the "georgian," jan. , . "a reward of $ will be paid for the apprehension of his negro woman, diana. diana is from to age. she formerly belonged to mr. nath. law, of liberty county, _where her husband still lives_. she will endeavor to go there perhaps. d. o'byrne." from the "richmond (va.) enquirer," feb. , . "$ reward for a negro woman, named sally, years old. we have just reason to believe the said negro to be now lurking on the james river canal, or in the green spring neighborhood, where, we are informed, _her husband resides_. the above reward will be given to any person _securing_ her. polly c. shields. mount elba, feb. , ." "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, his negro man pauladore, commonly called paul. i understand gen. r.y. hayne _has purchased his wife and children_ from h.l. pinckney, esq. and has them now on his plantation at goosecreek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently _lurking_. t. davis." "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, a negro woman, named matilda. it is thought she may be somewhere up james river, as she was claimed as _a wife_ by some boatman in goochland. j. alvis." "stop the runaway!!!--$ reward. ranaway from the eagle tavern, a negro fellow, named nat. he is no doubt attempting to _follow his wife, who was lately sold to a speculator_ named redmond. the above reward will be paid by mrs. lucy m. downman, of sussex county, va." multitudes of advertisements like the above appear annually in the southern papers. reader, look at the preceding list--mark the unfeeling barbarity with which their masters and _mistresses_ describe the struggles and perils of sundered husbands and wives, parents and children, in their weary midnight travels through forests and rivers, with torn limbs and breaking hearts, seeking the embraces of each other's love. in one instance, a mother torn from all her children and taken to a remote part of another state, presses her way back through the wilderness, hundreds of miles, to clasp once more her children to her heart: but, when she has arrived within a few miles of them, in the same county, is discovered, seized, dragged to jail, and her purchaser told, through an advertisement, that she awaits his order. but we need not trace out the harrowing details already before the reader. rev. c.s. renshaw, of quincy, illinois, who resided some time in kentucky, says;-- "i was told the following fact by a young lady, daughter of a slaveholder in boone county, kentucky, who lived within half a mile of mr. hughes' farm. hughes and neil traded in slaves down the river: they had bought up a part of their stock in the upper counties of kentucky, and brought them down to louisville, where the remainder of their drove was in jail, waiting their arrival. just before the steamboat put off for the lower country, two negro women were offered for sale, each of them having a young child at the breast. the traders bought them, took their babes from their arms, and offered them to the highest bidder; and they were sold for one dollar apiece, whilst the stricken parents were driven on board the boat; and in an hour were on their way to the new orleans market. you are aware that a young babe _decreases_ the value of a field hand in the lower country, whilst it increases her value in the 'breeding states.'" the following is an extract from an address, published by the presbyterian synod of kentucky, to the churches under their care, in :-- "brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are _torn asunder_, and permitted to see each other no more. these acts are daily occurring in the midst of us. the _shrieks_ and the _agony, often_ witnessed on such occasions, proclaim, with a trumpet tongue, the iniquity of our system. _there is not a neighborhood_ where these heart-rending scenes are not displayed. _there is not a village or road_ that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by _force_ from all that their hearts hold dear."--_address_, p. . professor andrews, late of the university of north carolina, in his recent work on slavery and the slave trade, page , in relating a conversation with a slave-trader, whom he met near washington city, says, he inquired, "'do you _often_ buy the wife without the husband?' 'yes, very often; and frequently, too, they _sell me the mother while they keep her children. i have often known them take away the infant from its mother's breast, and keep it, while they sold her_.'" the following sale is advertised in the "georgia journal," jan, , . "will be sold, the following property, to wit: one ---- child, by the name of james, _about eight months old_, levied on as the property of gabriel gunn." the following is a standing advertisement in the charleston (s.c.) papers:-- " negroes for sale--the subscriber has _just arrived from petersburg, virginia_, with one hundred and twenty _likely young_ negroes of both sexes and every description, which he offers for sale on the most reasonable terms. "the lot now on hand consists of plough boys several likely and well-qualified house servants of both sexes, several _women with children, small girls_ suitable for nurses, and several small boys without their mothers. planters and traders are earnestly requested to give the subscriber a call previously to making purchases elsewhere, as he is enabled and will sell as cheap, or cheaper, than can be sold by any other person in the trade. benjamin davis. hamburg, s.c. sept. , ." extract of a letter to a member of congress from a friend in mississippi, published in the "washington globe," june, . "the times are truly alarming here. many plantations _are entirely stripped of negroes_ (protection!) and horses, by the marshal or sheriff.--suits are multiplying--two thousand five hundred in the united states circuit court, and three thousand in hinds county court." testimony of mr. silas stone, of hudson, new york. mr. stone is a member of the episcopal church, has several times been elected an assessor of the city of hudson, and for three years has filled the office of treasurer of the county. in the fall of , mr. stone witnessed a sale of slaves, in charleston, south carolina, which he thus describes in a communication recently received from him. "i saw droves of the poor fellows driven to the slave markets kept in different parts of the city, one of which i visited. the arrangements of this place appeared something like our northern horse-markets, having sheds, or barns, in the rear of a public house, where alcohol was a handy ingredient to stimulate the spirit of jockeying. as the traders appeared, lots of negroes were brought from the stables into the bar room, and by a flourish of the whip were made to assume an active appearance. 'what will you give for these fellows?' 'how old are they? 'are they healthy?' 'are they quick?' &c. at the same time the owner would give them a cut with a cowhide, and tell them to dance and jump, cursing and swearing at them if they did not move quick. in fact all the transactions in buying and selling slaves, partakes of jockey-ship, as much as buying and selling horses. there was as little regard paid to the feelings of the former as we witness in the latter. "from these scenes i turn to another, which took place in front of the noble 'exchange buildings,' in the heart of the city. on the left side of the steps, as you leave the main hall, immediately under the windows of that proud building, was a stage built, on which a mother with eight children were placed, and sold at auction. i watched their emotions closely, and saw their feelings were in accordance to human nature. the sale began with the eldest child, who, being struck off to the highest bidder, was taken from the stage or platform by the purchaser, and led to his wagon and stowed away, to be carried into the country; the second, and third were also sold, and so until seven of the children were torn from their mother, while her discernment told her they were to be separated probably forever, causing in that mother the most agonizing sobs and cries, in which the children seemed to share. the scene beggars description; suffice it to say, it was sufficient to cause tears from one at least 'whose skin was not colored like their own,' and i was not ashamed to give vent to them." the "protection" afforded by "public opinion" to childhood and old age. in the "new orleans bee," may , , mr. p. bahi, gives notice that he has _committed to_ jail as a runaway 'a _little_ negro aged about seven years.' in the "mobile advertiser," sept. , , william magee, sheriff, gives notice that george walton, esq. mayor of the city has _committed_ to jail as a runaway slave, jordan, about twelve years old, and the sheriff proceeds to give notice that if no one claims him the boy will be _sold as a slave_ to pay jail fees. in the "memphis (tenn.) gazette," may , , w.h. montgomery advertises that he will sell at auction a boy aged , another aged , and a girl , to pay the debts of their deceased master. b.f. chapman, sheriff, natchitoches (la.) advertises in the 'herald,' of may , , that he has "_committed to_ jail, as a runaway a negro boy between and years of age." in the "augusta (ga.) chronicle," feb. , . r.h. jones, jailor, says, "brought to _jail_ a negro _woman_ sarah, she is about or _years old_." in the "winchester virginian," august , , mr. r.h. menifee, offers ten dollars reward to any one who will catch and lodge in jail, abram and nelly, _about_ _years old_, so that he can get them again. j. snowden, jailor, columbia, s.c. gives notice in the "telescope," nov, , , that he has committed to jail as a runaway slave, "_caroline fifty years of age_." y.s. pickard, jailor, savannah, georgia, gives notice in the "georgian," june , , that he has taken up for a runaway and lodged in jail charles, _years of age_. in the savannah "georgian," april , , mr. j. cuyler, says he will give five dollars, to anyone who will catch and bring back to him "saman, _an old negro man, and grey, and has only one eye_." in the "macon (ga.) telegraph," jan. , , messrs. t. and l. napier, advertise for sale nancy, a woman _years of age_, and peggy, a woman _years of age_. the following is from the "columbian (ga.) enquirer," march , . "$ reward.--ranaway, a negro woman named matilda, aged about or years. also, on the same night, a negro fellow of small size, very aged, _stoop-shouldered_, who walks very decrepidly, is supposed to have gone off. his name is dave, and he has claimed matilda for wife. it may be they have gone off together. "i will give twenty-five dollars for the woman, delivered to me in muscogee county, or confined in any jail so that i can get her. moses butt." j.b. randall, jailor, cobb (co.) georgia, advertises an old negro man, in the "milledgeville recorder," nov. , . "a negro man, has been lodged in the common jail of this county, who says his name is jupiter. he _has lost all his front teeth above and below--speaks very indistinctly, is very lame, so that he can hardly walk_." rev. charles stewart renshaw, of quincy, illinois, who spent some time in slave states, speaking of his residence in kentucky, says:-- "one sabbath morning, whilst riding to meeting near burlington, boone co. kentucky, in company with mr. willis, a teacher of sacred music and a member of the presbyterian church, i was startled at mingled shouts and screams, proceeding from an old log house, some distance from the road side. as we passed it, some five or six boys from to years of age, came out, some of them cracking whips, followed by two colored boys crying. i asked mr. w. what the scene meant. 'oh,' he replied, 'those boys have been whipping the niggers; that is the way we bring slaves into subjection in kentucky--we let the children beat them.' the boys returned again into the house, and again their shouting and stamping was heard, but ever and anon a scream of agony that would not be drowned, rose above the uproar; thus they continued till the sounds were lost in the distance." well did jefferson say, that the children of slaveholders are 'nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny.' the 'protection' thrown around a mother's yearnings, and the helplessness of childhood by the 'public opinion' of slaveholders, is shown by _thousands_ of advertisements of which the following are samples. from the "new orleans bulletin," june . "negroes for sale.--a negro woman years of age, and has two children, one eight and the other three years. said negroes will be sold separately or together _as desired_. the woman is a good seamstress. she will be sold low for cash, or _exchanged_ for groceries. for terms apply to mayhew bliss, & co. front levee." from the "georgia journal," nov. . "to be sold--one negro girl about _months old_, belonging to the estate of william chambers, dec'd. sold for the purpose of _distribution!!_ jethro dean, samuel beall, ex'ors." from the "natchez courier," april , . "notice--is hereby given that the undersigned pursuant to a certain deed of trust will on thursday the th day of april next, expose to sale at the court house, to the highest bidder for cash, the following negro slaves, to wit; fanny, aged about years; mary, aged about years; amanda, aged about months; wilson, aged about months. said slaves, to be sold for the satisfaction of the debt secured in said deed of trust. w.j. minor." from the "milledgeville journal," dec. , . "executor's sale. "agreeable to an order of the court of wilkinson county, will be sold on the first tuesday in april next, before the court-house door in the town of irwington, one negro girl _about two years old_, named rachel, belonging to the estate of william chambers dec'd. sold _for the benefit_ of the heirs and creditors of said estate. samuel bell, jesse peacock, ex'ors." from the "alexandria (d.c.) gazette" dec. . "i will give the highest cash price for likely negroes, _from to years of age_. geo. kephart." from the "southern whig," march , .-- "will be sold in la grange, troup county, one negro girl, by the name of charity, aged about or years; as the property of littleton l. burk, to satisfy a mortgage fi. fa. from troup inferior court, in favor of daniel s. robertson vs. said burk." from the "petersburgh (va.) constellation," march , . " _negroes wanted immediately_.--the subscriber will give a good market price for fifty likely negroes, _from to years of age_. henry davis." the following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman, a native and still a resident of one of the slave states, and _still a slaveholder_. he is an elder in the presbyterian church, his letter is now before us, and his name is with the executive committee of the am. anti-slavery society. "permit me to say, that around this very place where i reside, slaves are brought almost constantly, and sold to miss. and orleans; that _it is usual_ to part families forever by such sales--the parents from the children and the children from the parents, of every size and age. a mother was taken not long since, in this town, from a _sucking child_, and sold to the lower country. three young men i saw some time ago taken from this place in chains--while the mother of one of them, old and decrepid, _followed with tears and prayers her son, or miles, and bid him a final farewell_! o, thou great eternal, is this justice! is this equity!!--equal rights!!" we subjoin a few miscellaneous facts illustrating the inhumanity of slaveholding 'public opinion.' the shocking indifference manifested at the death of slaves as _human beings_, contrasted with the grief at their loss _as property_, is a true index to the public opinion of slaveholders. colonel oliver of louisville, lost a valuable race-horse by the explosion of the steamer oronoko, a few months since on the mississippi river. eight human beings whom he held as slaves were also killed by the explosion. they were the riders and grooms of his race-horses. a louisville paper thus speaks of the occurrence: "colonel oliver suffered severely by the explosion of the oronoko. he lost _eight_ of his rubbers and riders, and his horse, joe kearney, which he had sold the night before for $ , ." mr. king, of the new york american, makes the following just comment on the barbarity of the above paragraph: "would any one, in reading this paragraph from an evening paper, conjecture that these '_eight_ rubbers and riders,' that together with a horse, are merely mentioned as a 'loss' to their owner, were human beings--immortal as the writer who thus brutalizes them, and perhaps cherishing life as much? in this view, perhaps, the 'eight' lost as much as colonel oliver." the following is from the "charleston (s.c.) patriot," oct. . "_loss of property_!--since i have been here, (rice hope, n. santee,) i have seen much misery, and much of human suffering. the loss of property has been immense, not only on south santee, but also on this river. mr. shoolbred has lost, (according to the statement of the physician,) forty-six negroes--the majority lost being the _primest hands_ he had--bricklayers, carpenters, blacksmiths and coopers. mr. wm. mazyck has lost negroes. col. thomas pinkney, in the neighborhood of , and many other planters, to on each plantation. mrs. elias harry, adjoining the plantation of mr. lucas, has lost up to date, negroes--the _best part of her primest_ negroes on her plantation." from the "natchez (miss.) daily free trader," feb. , . "_found_.--a negro's head was picked up on the rail-road yesterday, which the owner can have by calling at this office and paying for the advertisement." the way in which slaveholding 'public opinion' protects a poor female lunatic is illustrated in the following advertisement in the "fayetteville (n.c.) observer," june , : "taken and committed to jail, a negro girl named nancy, who is supposed to belong to spencer p. wright, of the state of georgia. she is about years of age, and is a lunatic. the owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, or she will be sold to pay her jail fees. fred'k home, jailor." a late prospectus of the south carolina medical college, located in charleston, contains the following passage:-- "some advantages of a _peculiar_ character are connected with this institution, which it may be proper to point out. no place in the united states offers as great opportunities for the acquisition of anatomical knowledge, subjects being obtained from among the colored population in sufficient number for every purpose, and proper dissections carried on without offending any individuals in the community!!" _without offending any individuals in the community_! more than half the population of charleston, we believe, is 'colored;' _their_ graves may be ravaged, their dead may be dug up, dragged into the dissecting room, exposed to the gaze, heartless gibes, and experimenting knives, of a crowd of inexperienced operators, who are given to understand in the prospectus, that, if they do not acquire manual dexterity in dissection, it will be wholly their own fault, in neglecting to improve the unrivalled advantages afforded by the institution--since each can have as many human bodies as he pleases to experiment upon--and as to the fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, brothers, and sisters, of those whom they cut to pieces from day to day, why, they are not 'individuals in the community,' but 'property,' and however _their_ feelings may be tortured, the 'public opinion' of slaveholders is entirely too 'chivalrous' to degrade itself by caring for them! the following which has been for some time a standing advertisement of the south carolina medical college, in the charleston papers, is another index of the same 'public opinion' toward slaves. we give an extract:-- "_surgery of the medical college of south carolina, queen st_.--the faculty inform their professional brethren, and the public that they have established a _surgery_, at the old college, queen street, for the treatment of negroes, which will continue in operation, during the session of the college, say from first november, to the fifteenth of march ensuing. "the _object_ of the faculty, in opening this surgery, is to collect as _many interesting cases_, as possible, for the _benefit_ and _instruction_ of their pupils--at the same time, they indulge the hope, that it may not only prove an _accommodation_, but also a matter of economy to the public. they would respectfully call the attention of planters, living in the vicinity of the city, to this subject; particularly such as may have servants laboring under surgical diseases. such _persons of color_ as may not be able to pay for medical advice, will be attended to gratis, at stated hours, as often as may be necessary. "the faculty take this opportunity of soliciting the co-operation of such of their professional brethren, as are favorable to their objects." "the first thing that strikes the reader of the advertisement is, that this _surgery_ is established exclusively 'for the treatment of _negroes_; and, if he knows little of the hearts of slaveholders towards their slaves, he charitably supposes, that they 'feel the dint of pity,' for the poor sufferers and have founded this institution as a special charity for their relief. but the delusion vanishes as he reads on; the professors take special care that no such derogatory inference shall be drawn from their advertisement. they give us the three reasons which have induced them to open this 'surgery for the treatment of negroes.' the first and main one is, 'to collect as many _interesting cases_ as possible for the benefit and instruction of their _pupils_--another is, 'the hope that it may prove an _accommodation_,'--and the third, that it may be 'a matter of economy to the _public_' another reason, doubtless, and controlling one, though the professors are silent about it, is that a large collection of 'interesting surgical cases,' always on hand, would prove a powerful attraction to students, and greatly increase the popularity of the institution. in brief, then, the motives of its founders, the professors, were these, the accommodation of their _students_--the accommodation of the _public_ (which means, _the whites_)--and the accommodation of slaveholders who have on their hands disabled slaves, that would make 'interesting cases,' for surgical operation in the presence of the pupils--to these reasons we may add the accommodation of the medical institution and the accommodation of _themselves_! not a syllable about the _accommodation_ of the hopeless sufferers, writhing with the agony of those gun shot wounds, fractured sculls, broken limbs and ulcerated backs which constitute the 'interesting cases' for the professors to 'show off' before their pupils, and, as practice makes perfect, for the students themselves to try their hands at by way of experiment. why, we ask, was this surgery established 'for the treatment of _negroes'_ alone? why were these 'interesting cases' selected from that class exclusively? no man who knows the feeling of slave holders towards slaves will be at a loss for the reason. 'public opinion' would tolerate surgical experiments, operations, processes, performed upon them, which it would execrate if performed upon their master or other whites. as the great object in collecting the disabled negroes is to have 'interesting cases' for the students, the professors who perform the operations will of course endeavor to make them as 'interesting' as possible. the _instruction of the student_ is the immediate object, and if the professors can accomplish it best by _protracting_ the operation, pausing to explain the different processes, &c. the subject is only a negro, and what is his protracted agony, that it should restrain the professor from making the case as 'interesting' as possible to the students by so using his knife as will give them the best knowledge of the parts, and the process, however it may protract or augment the pain of the subject. the _end_ to be accomplished is the _instruction_ of the student, operations upon the negroes are the _means_ to the end; _that_ tells the whole story--and he who knows the hearts of slaveholders and has common sense, however short the allowance, can find the way to his conclusions without a lantern. by an advertisement of the same medical institution, dated november , , and published in the charleston papers, it appears that an 'infirmary has been opened in connection with the college.' the professors manifest a great desire that the masters of servants should send in their disabled slaves, and as an inducement to the furnishing of such _interesting cases_ say, all medical and surgical aid will be offered _without making them liable to any professional charges_. disinterested bounty, pity, sympathy, philanthropy. however difficult or numerous the surgical cases of slaves thus put into their hands by the masters, they charge not a cent for their _professional services_. their yearnings over human distress are so intense, that they beg the privilege of performing all operations, and furnishing all the medical attention needed, _gratis_, feeling that the relief of misery is its own reward!!! but we have put down our exclamation points too soon--upon reading the whole of the advertisement we find the professors conclude it with the following paragraph:-- "the sole object of the faculty in the establishment of such an institution being to promote the interest of medical education within their native state and city." in the "charleston (south carolina) mercury" of october , , we find an advertisement of half a column, by a dr. t. stillman, setting forth the merits of another 'medical infirmary,' under his own special supervision, at no. church street, charleston. the doctor, after inveighing loudly against 'men totally ignorant of medical science,' who flood the country with quack nostrums backed up by 'fabricated proofs of miraculous cures,' proceeds to enumerate the diseases to which his 'infirmary' is open, and to which his practice will be mainly confined. appreciating the importance of 'interesting cases,' as a stock in trade, on which to commence his experiments, he copies the example of the medical professors, and advertises for them. but, either from a keener sense of justice, or more generosity, or greater confidence in his skill, or for some other reason, he proposes to _buy up_ an assortment of _damaged_ negroes, given over, as incurable, by others, and to make such his 'interesting cases,' instead of experimenting on those who are the 'property' of others. dr. stillman closes his advertisement with the following notice:-- "to planters and others.--wanted _fifty negroes_. any person having sick negroes, considered incurable by their respective physicians, and wishing to dispose of them, dr. s. will pay cash for negroes affected with scrofula or king's evil, confirmed hypocondriasm, apoplexy, diseases of the liver, kidneys, spleen, stomach and intestines, bladder and its appendages, diarrhea, dysentery, &c. the highest cash price will be paid on application as above." the absolute barbarism of a 'public opinion' which not only tolerates, but _produces_ such advertisements as this, was outdone by nothing in the dark ages. if the reader has a heart of flesh, he can feel it without help, and if he has not, comment will not create it. the total indifference of slaveholders to such a cold blooded proposition, their utter unconsciousness of the paralysis of heart, and death of sympathy, and every feeling of common humanity for the slave, which it reveals, is enough, of itself to show that the tendency of the spirit of slaveholding is, to kill in the soul whatever it touches. it has no eyes to see, nor ears to hear, nor mind to understand, nor heart to feel for its victims as _human beings_. to show that the above indication of the savage state is not an index of individual feeling, but of 'public opinion,' it is sufficient to say, that it appears to be a standing advertisement in the charleston mercury, the leading political paper of south carolina, the organ of the honorables john c. calhoun, robert barnwell rhett, hugh s. legare, and others regarded as the elite of her statesmen and literati. besides, candidates for popular favor, like the doctor who advertises for the fifty 'incurables,' take special care to conciliate, rather than outrage, 'public opinion.' is the doctor so ignorant of 'public opinion' in his own city, that he has unwittingly committed violence upon it in his advertisement? we trow not. the same 'public opinion' which gave birth to the advertisement of doctor stillman, and to those of the professors in both the medical institutions, founded the charleston 'work house'--a soft name for a moloch temple dedicated to torture, and reeking with blood, in the midst of the city; to which masters and mistresses send their slaves of both sexes to be stripped, tied up, and cut with the lash till the blood and mangled flesh flow to their feet, or to be beaten and bruised with the terrible paddle, or forced to climb the tread-mill till nature sinks, or to experience other nameless torments. the "vicksburg (miss.) register," dec. , , contains the following item of information: "ardor in betting.--two gentlemen, at a tavern, having summoned the waiter, the poor fellow had scarcely entered, when he fell down in a fit of apoplexy. 'he's dead!' exclaimed one. 'he'll come to!' replied the other. 'dead, for five hundred!' 'done!' retorted the second. the noise of the fall, and the confusion which followed, brought up the landlord, who called out to fetch a doctor. 'no! no! we must have no interference--there's a bet depending!' 'but, sir, i shall lose a valuable servant!' 'never mind! you can put him down in the bill!'" about the time the vicksburg paper containing the above came to hand, we received a letter from n.p. rogers, esq. of concord, n.h. the editor of the 'herald of freedom,' from which the following is an extract: "some thirty years ago, i think it was, col. thatcher, of maine, a lawyer, was in virginia, on business, and was there invited to dine at a public house, with a company of the gentry of the south. _the place_ i forget--the fact was told me by george kimball, esq. now of alton, illinois who had the story from col. thatcher himself. among the servants waiting was a young negro man, whose beautiful person, obliging and assiduous temper, and his activity and grace in serving, made him a favorite with the company. the dinner lasted into the evening, and the wine passed freely about the table. at length, one of the gentlemen, who was pretty highly excited with wine, became unfortunately incensed, either at some trip of the young slave, in waiting, or at some other cause happening when the slave was within his reach. he seized the long-necked wine bottle, and struck the young man suddenly in the temple, and felled him dead upon the floor. the fall arrested, for a moment, the festivities of the table. 'devilish unlucky,' exclaimed one. 'the gentleman is very unfortunate,' cried another. 'really a loss,' said a third, &c, &c. the body was dragged from the dining hall, and the feast went on; and at the close, one of the gentlemen, and the very one, i believe, whose hand had done the homicide, shouted, in bacchanalian bravery, and _southern generosity_, amid the broken glasses and fragments of chairs, 'landlord! put the nigger into the bill!' this was that murdered young man's _requiem and funeral service_." mr. george a. avery, a merchant in rochester, new york, and an elder in the fourth presbyterian church in that city, who resided four years in virginia, gives the following testimony: "i knew a young man who had been out hunting, and returning with some of his friends, seeing a negro man in the road, at a little distance, deliberately drew up his rifle, and shot him dead. this was done without the slightest provocation, or a word passing. this young man passed through the _form_ of a trial, and, although it was not even _pretended_ by his counsel that he was not guilty of the act, deliberately and wantonly perpetrated, _he was acquitted_. it was urged by his counsel, that he was a _young_ man, (about years of age,) had no _malicious_ intention, his mother was a widow, &c, &c" mr. benjamin clendenon, of colerain, lancaster county, pennsylvania, a member of the society of friends, gives the following testimony: "three years ago the coming month, i took a journey of about seventy-five miles from home, through the eastern shore of maryland, and a small part of delaware. calling one day, near noon, at georgetown cross-roads, i found myself surrounded in the tavern by slaveholders. among other subjects of conversation, their human cattle came in for a share. one of the company, a middle-aged man, then living with a second wife, acknowledged, that after the death of his first wife, he lived in a state of concubinage with a female slave; but when the time drew near for the taking of a second wife, he found it expedient to remove the slave from the premises. the same person gave an account of a female slave he formerly held, who had a propensity for some one pursuit, i think the attendance of religious meetings. on a certain occasion, she presented her petition to him, asking for this indulgence; he refused--she importuned--and he, with sovereign indignation, seized a chair, and with a blow upon the head, knocked her senseless upon the floor. the same person, for some act of disobedience, on the part, i think, of the same slave, when employed in stacking straw, felled her to the earth with the handle of a pitch fork. all these transactions were related with the _utmost composure_, in a bar-room within thirty miles of the pennsylvania line." the two following advertisements are illustrations of the regard paid to the marriage relations by slaveholding judges, governors, senators in congress, and mayors of cities. from the "montgomery, (ala.) advertiser," sept. , . "$ reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named moses. he is of common size, about years old. he formerly belonged to judge benson, of montgomery, and it is said, has a wife in that county. john gayle" the john gayle who signs this advertisement, is an ex-governor of alabama. from the "charleston courier," nov. . "ranaway from the subscriber, about twelve months since, his negro man paulladore. his complexion is dark--about years old. i understand gen. r.y. hayne has purchased his wife and children from h.l. pinckney, esq. and has them now on his plantation, at goose creek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently lurking. thomas davis." it is hardly necessary to say, that the general r.y. hayne, and h.l. pinckney, esq. named in the advertisement, are ex-governor hayne, formerly u.s. senator from south carolina, and hon. henry l. pinckney, late member of congress from charleston district, and now intendant (mayor) of that city. it is no difficult matter to get at the 'public opinion' of a community, when _ladies_ 'of property and standing' publish, under their own names, such advertisements as the following. mrs. elizabeth l. carter, of groveton, prince william county, virginia, thus advertises her negro man moses: "ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named moses, aged about years, about six feet high, well made, and possessing a good address, and has lost a part on one of his ears." mrs. b. newman, of the same place, and in the same paper, advertises-- "penny, the wife of moses, aged about years, brown complexion, tall and likely, _no particular marks of person recollected._" both of the above advertisements appear in the national intelligencer, (washington city,) june , . in the mobile mercantile advertiser, of feb. , , is an advertisement signed sarah walsh, of which the following is an extract: "twenty-five dollars reward will be paid to any one who may apprehend and deliver to me, or confine in any jail, so that, i can get him, my man isaac, who ranaway sometime in september last. he is years of age, feet inches high, has a _scar on his forehead, caused by a blow_, and one on his back, made by a shot from a pistol." in the "new orleans bee," dec. , , mrs. burvant, whose residence is at the corner of chartres and toulouse streets, advertises a woman as follows: "ranaway, a negro woman named rachel--_has lost all her toes except the large one_." from the "huntsville (ala.) democrat," june , : "ten dollars reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman named sally, about years of age, taking along her two children--one three years, and the other seven months old. these negroes were purchased by me at the sale of george mason's negroes, on the first monday in may, and left _a few days_ thereafter. any person delivering them to the jailor in huntsville, or to me, at my plantation, five miles above triana, on the tennessee river, shall receive the above reward. charity cooper" from the "mississippian," may , : "ten dollars reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, a man named aaron, yellow complexion, blue eyes, &c. i have no doubt he is lurking about jackson and its vicinity, probably harbored by some of the negroes sold as the property of _my late husband_, harry long, deceased. some of them are about richland, in madison co. i will give the above reward when brought to me, about six miles north-west of jackson, or put in jail, _so that i can get him_. lucy long." if the reader, after perusing the preceding facts, testimony, and arguments, still insists that the 'public opinion' of the slave states protects the slave from outrages, and alleges, as proof of it, that _cruel_ masters are frowned upon and shunned by the community generally, and regarded as monsters, we reply by presenting the following facts and testimony. "col. means, of manchester, ohio, says, that when he resided in south carolina, _his neighbor_, a physician, became enraged with his slave, and sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes. after having received one hundred and forty, he fainted. after inflicting the full number of lashes, the cords with which he was bound were loosed. when he revived, he staggered to the house, and sat down in the sun. being faint and thirsty, he _begged_ for some water to drink. the master went to the well, and procured some water but instead of giving him to drink, he threw the whole bucket-full in his face. nature could not stand the shock--he sunk to rise no more. for this crime, the physician was bound over to court, and tried, and _acquitted_--and the next year he was elected to the legislature!" testimony of hon. john randolph, of virginia "in one of his congressional speeches, mr. r. says: avarice alone can drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post horses, _whipped to death_ in a mail coach. ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice? the hand cuff, the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide! what man is worse received in society for being a hard master? who denies the hand of a sister or daughter to such monsters?" mr. george a. avery, of rochester, new york, who resided four years in virginia, testifies as follows: "i know a local methodist minister, a man of talents, and popular as a preacher, who took his negro girl into his barn, in order to whip her--and _she was brought out a corpse_! his friends seemed to think this of _so little importance to his ministerial standing_, that although i lived near him about three years, i do not recollect to have heard them apologize for the deed, though i recollect having heard one of his neighbors allege this fact as a reason why he did not wish to hear him preach." notwithstanding the mass of testimony which has been presented establishing the fact that in the 'public opinion' of the south the slaves find no protection, some may still claim that the 'public opinion' exhibited by the preceding facts is not that of the _highest class of society at the south_, and in proof of this assertion, refer to the fact, that 'negro brokers,' negro speculators, negro auctioneers, and negro breeders, &c., are by that class universally despised and avoided, as are all who treat their slaves with cruelty. to this we reply, that, if all claimed by the objector were true, it could avail him nothing for 'public opinion' is neither made nor unmade by 'the first class of society.' that class produces in it, at most, but slight modifications; those who belong to it have generally a 'public opinion,' within their own circle which has rarely more, either of morality or mercy than the public opinion of the mass, and is, at least, equally heartless and more intolerant. as to the estimation in which 'speculators,' 'soul drivers,' &c. are held, we remark, that, they are not despised because they _trade in slaves_ but because they are _working_ men, all such are despised by slaveholders. white drovers who go with droves of swine and cattle from the free states to the slave states, and yankee pedlars, who traverse the south, and white day-laborers are, in the main, equally despised, or, if negro-traders excite more contempt than drovers, pedlars, and day-laborers, it is because, they are, as a class more ignorant and vulgar, men from low families and boors in their manners. ridiculous to suppose, that a people, who have, _by law_, made men articles of trade equally with swine, should despise men-drovers and traders, more than hog-drovers and traders. that they are not despised because it is their business to trade in _human beings_ and bring them to market, is plain from the fact that when some 'gentleman of property and standing' and of a 'good family' embarks in a negro speculation, and employs a dozen 'soul drivers' to traverse the upper country, and drive to the south coffles of slaves, expending hundreds of thousands in his wholesale purchases, he does not lose caste. it is known in alabama, that mr. erwin, son-in-law of the hon. henry clay, and brother of j.p. erwin, formerly postmaster, and late mayor of the city of nashville, laid the foundation of a princely fortune in the slave-trade, carried on from the northern slave states to the planting south; that the hon. h. hitchcock, brother-in-law of mr. e., and since one of the judges of the supreme court of alabama, was interested with him in the traffic; and that a late member of the kentucky senate (col. wall) not only carried on the same business, a few years ago, but accompanied his droves in person down the mississippi. not as the _driver_, for that would be vulgar drudgery, beneath a gentleman, but as a nabob in state, ordering his understrappers. it is also well known that president jackson was a 'soul driver,' and that even so late as the year before the commencement of the last war, he bought up a coffle of slaves and drove them down to louisiana for sale. thomas n. gadsden, esq. the principal slave auctioneer in charleston, s.c. is of one of the first families in the state, and moves in the very highest class of society there. he is a descendant of the distinguished general gadsden of revolutionary memory, the most prominent southern member in the continental congress of , and afterwards elected lieutenant governor and then governor of the state. the rev. dr. gadsden, rector of st. phillip's church, charleston, and the rev. phillip gadsden, both prominent episcopal clergymen in south carolina, and colonel james gadsden of the united states army, after whom a county in florida was recently named, are all brothers of this thomas n. gadsden, esq. the largest slave auctioneer in the state, under whose hammer, men, women and children go off by thousands; its stroke probably sunders _daily_, husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, perhaps to see each other's faces no more. now who supply the auction table of this thomas n. gadsden, esq. with its loads of human merchandize? these same detested 'soul drivers' forsooth! they prowl through the country, buy, catch, and fetter them, and drive their chained coffles up to his stand, where thomas n. gadsden, esq. knocks them off to the highest bidder, to ex-governor butler perhaps, or to ex-governor hayne, or to hon. robert barnwell rhett, or to his own reverend brother, dr. gadsden. now this high born, wholesale _soul-seller_ doubtless despises the retail 'soul-drivers' who give him their custom, and so does the wholesale grocer, the drizzling tapster who sneaks up to his counter for a keg of whiskey to dole out under a shanty in two cent glasses; and both for the same reason. the plea that the 'public opinion' among the highest classes of society at the south is mild and considerate towards the slaves, that _they_ do not overwork, underfeed, neglect when old and sick, scantily clothe, badly lodge, and half shelter their slaves; that _they_ do not barbarously flog, load with irons, imprison in the stocks, brand and maim them; hunt them when runaway with dogs and guns, and sunder by force and forever the nearest kindred--is shown, by almost every page of this work, to be an assumption, not only utterly groundless, but directly opposed to masses of irrefragable evidence. if the reader will be at the pains to review the testimony recorded on the foregoing pages he will find that a very large proportion of the atrocities detailed were committed, not by the most ignorant and lowest classes of society, but by persons 'of property and standing,' by masters and mistresses belonging to the 'upper classes,' by persons in the learned professions, by civil, judicial, and military officers, by the _literati_, by the fashionable elite and persons of more than ordinary 'respectability' and external morality--large numbers of whom are professors of religion. it will be recollected that the testimony of sarah m. grimké, and angelina g. weld, was confined exclusively to the details of slavery as exhibited in the _highest classes of society_, mainly in charleston, s.c. see their testimony pp. - and - . the former has furnished us with the following testimony in addition to that already given. "nathaniel heyward of combahee, s.c., one of the wealthiest planters in the state, stated, in conversation with some other planters who were complaining of the idle and lazy habits of their slaves, and the difficulty of ascertaining whether their sickness was real or pretended, and the loss they suffered from their frequent absence on this account from their work, said, 'i never lose a day's work: it is an _established_ rule on my plantations that the tasks of all the sick negroes _shall be done by those who are well in addition to their own_. by this means a vigilant supervision is kept up by the slaves over each other, and they take care that nothing but real sickness keeps any one out of the field.' i spent several winters in the neighborhood of nathaniel heyward's plantations, and well remember his character as a severe task master. _i was present when the above statement was made_." the cool barbarity of such a regulation is hardly surpassed by the worst edicts of the roman caligula--especially when we consider that the plantations of this man were in the neighborhood of the combahee river, one of the most unhealthy districts in the low country of south carolina; further, that large numbers of his slaves worked in the _rice marshes_, or 'swamps' as they are called in that state--and that during six months of the year, so fatal to health is the malaria of the swamps in that region that the planters and their families invariably abandon their plantations, regarding it as downright presumption to spend a single day upon them 'between the frosts' of the early spring and the last of november. the reader may infer the high standing of mr. heyward in south carolina, from the fact that he was selected with four other freeholders to constitute a court for the trial of the conspirators in the insurrection plot at charleston, in . another of the individuals chosen to constitute that court was colonel henry deas, now president of the board of trustees of charleston college, and a few years since a member of the senate of south carolina. from a late correspondence in the "greenvile (s.c.) mountaineer," between rev. william m. wightman, a professor in randolph, macon, college, and a number of the citizens of lodi, south carolina, it appears that the cruelty of this colonel deas to his slaves, is proverbial in south carolina, so much that professor wightman, in the sermon which occasioned the correspondence, spoke of the colonel's inhumanity to his slaves as a matter of perfect notoriety. another south carolina slaveholder, hon. whitmarsh b. seabrook, recently, we believe, lieut. governor of the state, gives the following testimony to his own inhumanity, and his certificate of the 'public opinion' among south carolina slaveholders 'of high degree.' in an essay on the management of slaves, read before the agricultural society of st. johns, s.c. and published by the society, charleston, , mr. s. remarks: "i consider _imprisonment in the stocks at night_, with or without hard labor in the day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of _good_ government. to the correctness of this opinion _many_ can bear testimony. experience has convinced me that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more _horror_." the advertisements of the professors in the medical colleges of south carolina, published with comments--on pp. , , are additional illustrations of the 'public opinion' of the _literati_. that the 'public opinion' of _the highest class of society_ in south carolina, regards slaves a mere _cattle_, is shown by the following advertisement, which we copy from the "charleston (s.c.) mercury" of may : "negroes for sale.--a girl about twenty years of age, (raised in virginia,) and her two female children, one four and the other two year old--is remarkably strong and healthy--never having had a day's sickness, with the exception of the small pox, in her life. the children are fine and healthy. she is very prolific in her generating qualities, _and affords a rare opportunity to any person who wishes to raise a family of strong and healthy servants for their own use._ "any person wishing to purchase will please leave their address at the mercury office." the charleston mercury, in which this advertisement appears, _is the leading political paper in south carolina_, and is well known to be the political organ of messrs. calhoun, rhett, pickens, and others of the most prominent politicians in the state. its editor, john stewart, esq., is a lawyer of charleston, and of a highly respectable family. he is a brother-in-law of hon. robert barnwell rhett, the late attorney-general, now a member of congress, and hon. james rhett, a leading member of the senate of south carolina; his wife is a niece of the late governor smith, of north carolina, and of the late hon. peter smith, intendant (mayor) of the city of charleston; and a cousin of the late hon. thomas s. grimké. the circulation of the 'mercury' among the wealthy, the literary, and the fashionable, is probably much larger than that of any other paper in the state. these facts in connection with the preceding advertisement, are a sufficient exposition of the 'public opinion' towards slaves, prevalent in these classes of society. the following scrap of 'public opinion' in florida, is instructive. we take it from the florida herald, june , : ranaway from my plantation, on monday night, the th instant, a negro fellow named ben; eighteen years of age, polite when spoken to, and speaks very good english for a negro. as i have traced him out in several places in town, i am certain he is harbored. this notice is given that i am determined, that whenever he is taken, _to punish him till he informs me_ who has given him food and protection, and _i shall apply the law of judge lynch to my own satisfaction_, on those concerned in his concealment. a. watson. june , ." now, who is this a. watson, who proclaims through a newspaper, his determination to _put to the torture_ this youth of eighteen, and to lynch to his 'satisfaction' whoever has given a cup of cold water to the panting fugitive. is he some low miscreant beneath public contempt? nay, verily, he is a 'gentleman of property and standing,' one of the wealthiest planters and largest slaveholders in florida. he resides in the vicinity of st. augustine, and married the daughter of the late thomas c. morton, esq. one of the first merchants in new york. we may mention in this connection the well known fact, that many wealthy planters make it a _rule never to employ a physician among their slaves_. hon. william smith, senator in congress, from south carolina, from to , and afterwards from to , is one of this number. he owns a number of large plantations in the south western states. one of these, borders upon the village of huntsville, alabama. the people of that village can testify that it is a part of judge smith's _system_ never to employ a physician _even in the most extreme cases_. if the medical skill of the overseer, or of the slaves themselves, can contend successfully with the disease, they live, if not, _they die_. at all events, a physician is _not to be called_. judge smith was appointed a judge of the supreme court of the united states three years since. the reader will recall a similar fact in the testimony of rev. w.t. allan, son of rev. dr. allan, of huntsville, (see p. ,) who says that colonel robert h. watkins, a wealthy planter, in alabama, and a presidential elector in , who works on his plantations three hundred slaves, 'after employing a physician for some time among his negroes, he ceased to do so, alledging as the reason, that it was _cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician_.' it is a fact perfectly notorious, that the late general wade hampton, of south carolina, who was the largest slaveholder in the united states, and probably the wealthiest man south of the potomac, was _excessively cruel_ in the treatment of his slaves. the anecdote of him related by a clergyman, on page , is perfectly characteristic. for instances of barbarous inhumanity of various kinds, and manifested by persons belonging to the most respectable circles of society, the reader can consult the following references:--testimony of rev. john graham, p. , near the bottom; of mr. poe, p. , middle; of rev. j. o. choules, p. , middle; of rev. dr. channing, p. , top; of mr. george a. avery, p. , bottom; of rev. w.t. allan, p. ; of mr. john m. nelson, p. , bottom; of dr. j.c. finley, p. , top; of mr. dustin, p. , bottom; of mr. john clarke, p. ; of mr. nathan cole, p. , middle; rev. william dickey, p. ; rev. francis hawley, p. ; of mr. powell, p. , middle; of rev. p. smith p. . the preceding are but a few of a large number of similar cases contained in the foregoing testimonies. the slaveholder mentioned by mr. ladd, p. , who knocked down a slave and afterwards piled brush upon his body, and consumed it, held the hand of a female slave in the fire till it was burned so as to be useless for life, and confessed to mr. ladd, that he had killed _four_ slaves, had been a _member of the senate of georgia_ and a _clergyman_. the slaveholder who whipped a female slave to death in st. louis, in , as stated by mr. cole, p. , was a _major in the united states army_. one of the physicians who was an abettor of the tragedy on the brassos, in which a slave was tortured to death, and another so that he barely lived, (see rev. mr. smith's testimony, p. .) was dr. anson jones, a native of connecticut, who was soon after appointed minister plenipotentiary from texas to this government, and now resides at washington city. the slave mistress at lexington, ky., who, as her husband testifies, has killed six of his slaves, (see testimony of mr. clarke, p. ,) is the wife of hon. fielding s. turner, late judge of the criminal court of new orleans, and one of the wealthiest slaveholders in kentucky. lilburn lewis, who deliberately chopped in pieces his slave george, with a broad-axe, (see testimony of rev. mr. dickey, p. ) was a wealthy slaveholder, and a nephew of president jefferson. rev. francis hawley, who was a general agent of the baptist state convention of north carolina, confesses (see p. ,) that while residing in that state he once went out with his hounds and rifle, to hunt fugitive slaves. but instead of making further reference to testimony already before the reader, we will furnish additional instances of the barbarous cruelty which is tolerated and sanctioned by the 'upper classes' of society at the south; we begin with clergymen, and other officers and members of churches. that the reader may judge of the degree of 'protection' which slaves receive from 'public opinion,' and among the members and ministers of professed christian churches, we insert the following illustrations. extract from an editorial article in the "lowell (mass.) observer" a religious paper edited at the time ( ) by the rev. daniel s. southmayd, who recently died in texas. "we have been among the slaves at the south. we took pains to make discoveries in respect to the evils of slavery. we formed our sentiments on the subject of the cruelties exercised towards the slaves from having witnessed them. we now affirm that we never saw a man, who had never been at the south, who thought as much of the cruelties practiced on the slaves, as we _know_ to be a fact. "a slave whom i loved for his kindness and the amiableness of his disposition, and who belonged to the family where i resided, happened to stay out _fifteen minutes longer_ than he had permission to stay. it was a mistake--it was _unintentional_. but what was the penalty? he was sent to the house of correction with the order that he should have _thirty lashes upon his naked body with a knotted rope!!!_ he was brought home and laid down in the stoop, in the back of the house, in _the sun, upon the floor_. and there he lay, with more the appearance of a rotten carcass than a living man, for four days before he could do more than move. and who was this inhuman being calling god's property his own, and ruing it as he would not have dared to use a beast? you may say he was a tiger--one of the more wicked sort, and that we must not judge others by him. _he was a professor of that religion which will pour upon the willing slaveholder the retribution due to his sin_. "we wish to mention another fact, which our own eyes saw and our own ears heard. we were called to evening prayers. the family assembled around the altar of their accustomed devotions. there was one female _slave_ present, who belonged to another master, but who had been hired for the day and tarried to attend family worship. the precious bible was opened, and nearly half a chapter had been read, when the eye of the master, who was reading, observed that the new female servant, instead of being seated like his own slaves, _flat upon the floor_, was standing in a stooping posture upon her feet. he told her to sit down on the floor. she said it was not her custom at home. he ordered her again to do it. she replied that her master did not require it. irritated by this answer, he repeatedly _struck her upon the head with the very bible he held in his hand_. and not content with this, he seized his cane and _caned her down stairs most unmercifully_. he then returned to resume his profane work, but we need not say that _all_ the family were not there. do you ask again, who was this wicked man? _he was a professor of religion!!_" rev. huntington lyman, late pastor of the free church in buffalo, new york, says:-- "walking one day in new orleans with a professional gentleman, who was educated in connecticut, we were met by a black man; the gentleman was greatly incensed with the black man for passing so _near_ him, and turning upon him _he pushed him with violence off walk into the street_. this man was a professor of religion." (and _we_ add, a member, and if we mistake not an officer of the presbyterian church which was established there by rev. joel parker, and which was then under his teachings-ed.) mr. ezekiel birdseye, a gentleman of known probity, in cornwall, litchfield county, conn. gives the testimony which follows:-- "a baptist clergyman in laurens district, s.c. whipped his slave to death, whom he _suspected_ of having stolen about sixty dollars. the slave was in the prime of life and was purchased a few weeks before for $ of a slave trader from virginia or maryland. the coroner, wm. irby, at whose house i was then boarding, _told me_, that on reviewing the dead body, he found it _beat to a jelly from head to foot_. the master's wife discovered the money a day or two after the death of the slave. she had herself removed it from where it was placed, not knowing what it was, as it was tied up in a thick envelope. i happened to be present when the trial of this man took place, at laurens court house. his daughter testified that her father untied the slave, when he appeared to be failing, and gave him cold water to drink, of which he took freely. his counsel pleaded that his death _might_ have been caused by drinking cold water in a state of excitement. the judge charged the jury, that it would be their duty to find the defendant guilty, if they believed the death was caused by the whipping; but if they were of opinion that drinking cold water caused the death, they would find him not guilty! the jury found him--not guilty!" dr. jeremiah s. waugh, a physician in somerville, butler county, ohio, testifies as follows:-- "in the year , i boarded with the rev. john mushat, a seceder minister, and principal of an academy in iredel county, n.c. he had slaves, and was in the habit of restricting them on the sabbath. one of his slaves, however, ventured to disobey his injunctions. the offence was he went away on sabbath evening, and did not return till monday morning. about the time we were called to breakfast, the rev. gentleman was engaged in chastising him for _breaking the sabbath_. he determined not to submit--attempted to escape by flight. the master immediately took down his gun and pursued him--levelled his instrument of death, and told him, if he did not stop instantly _he would blow him through_. the poor slave returned to the house and submitted himself to the lash; and the good master, while yet pale with rage, _sat down to the table, and with a trembling voice_ asked god's blessing!" the following letter was sent by capt. jacob dunham, of new york city, to a slaveholder in georgetown, d.c. more than twenty years since: "georgetown, june , . "dear sir--passing your house yesterday, i beheld a scene of cruelty seldom witnessed--that was the brutal chastisement of your negro girl, _lashed to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman manner, too bad to describe_. my blood chills while i contemplate the subject. this has led me to investigate your character from your neighbors; who inform me that you have _caused the death_ of one negro man, whom you struck with a sledge for some trivial fault--that you have beaten another black girl with such severity that the _splinters_ remained in her back for some weeks after you sold her--and many other acts of barbarity, too lengthy to enumerate. and to my great surprise, i find you are a _professor of the christian religion!_ "you will naturally inquire, why i meddle with your family affairs. my answer is, the cause of humanity and a sense of my duty requires it.--these hasty remarks i leave you to reflect on the subject; but wish you to remember, that there is an all-seeing eye who knows all our faults and will reward us according to our deeds. i remain, sir, yours, &c jacob dunham. master of the brig cyrus, of n.y." rev. sylvester cowles, pastor of the presbyterian church in fredonia, n.y. says:-- "a young man, a member of the church in conewango, went to alabama last year, to reside as a clerk in an uncle's store. when he had been there about nine months, he wrote his father that he must return home. to see members of the same church sit at the communion table of our lord one day, and the next to see one seize any weapon and knock the other down, _as he had seen_, he _could not_ live there. his good father forthwith gave him permission to return home." the following is a specimen of the shameless hardihood with which a professed minister of the gospel, and editor of a religious paper, assumes the right to hold god's image as a chattel. it is from the southern christian herald:-- "it is stated in the georgetown union, that a negro, supposed to have died of cholera, when that disease prevailed in charleston, was carried to the public burying ground to be interred; but before interment signs of life appeared, and, by the use of proper means, he was restored to health. and now the man who first perceived the signs of life in the slave, and that led to his preservation, claims the property as his own, and is about bringing suit for its recovery. as well might a man who rescued his neighbor's slave, or his _horse_, from drowning, or who extinguished the flames that would otherwise soon have burnt down his neighbor's house, claim the _property_ as his own." rev. george bourne, of new york city, late editor of the "protestant vindicator," who was a preacher seven years in virginia, gives the following testimony.[ ] "benjamin lewis, who was an elder in the presbyterian church, engaged a carpenter to repair and enlarge his house. after some time had elapsed, kyle, the builder, was awakened very early in the morning by a most piteous moaning and shrieking. he arose, and following the sound, discovered a colored woman nearly naked, tied to a fence, while lewis was lacerating her. kyle instantly commanded the slave driver to desist. lewis maintained his jurisdiction over his slaves, and threatened kyle that he would punish him for his interference. finally kyle obtained the release of the victim. "a second and a third scene of the same kind occurred, and on the third occasion the altercation almost produced a battle between the elder and the carpenter. "kyle immediately arranged his affairs, packed up his tools and prepared to depart. 'where are you going?' demanded lewis. 'i am going home;' said kyle. 'then i will pay you nothing for what you have done,' retorted the slave driver, 'unless you complete your contract.' the carpenter went away with this edifying declaration, 'i will not stay here a day longer; for i expect the fire of god will come down and burn you up altogether, and i do not choose to go to hell with you.' through hush-money and promises not to whip the women any more, i believe kyle returned and completed his engagement. "james kyle of harrisonburg, virginia, frequently narrated that circumstance, and his son, the carpenter, confirmed it with all the minute particulars combined with his temporary residence on the shenandoah river. "john m'cue of augusta county, virginia, a _presbyterian preacher_, frequently on the lord's day morning, tied up his slaves and whipped them; and left them bound, while he went to the meeting house and preached--and after his return home repeated his scourging. that fact, with others more heinous, was known to all persons in his congregation and around the vicinity; and so far from being censured for it, he and his brethren justified it as essential to preserve their 'domestic institutions.' "mrs. pence, of rockingham county, virginia, used to boast,--'i am the best hand to whip a _wench_ in the whole county.' she used to pinion the girls to a post in the yard on the lord's day morning, scourge them, put on the '_negro plaster_,' salt, pepper, and vinegar, leave them tied, and walk away to church as demure as a nun, and after service repeat her flaying, if she felt the whim. i once expostulated with her upon her cruelly. 'mrs. pence, how can you whip your girls so publicly and disturb your neighbors so on the lord's day morning.' her answer was memorable. 'if i were to whip them on any other day i should lose a day's work; but by whipping them on sunday, their backs get well enough by monday morning.' that woman, if alive, is doubtless a member of the church now, as then. "rev. dr. staughton, formerly of philadelphia, often stated, that when he lived at georgetown, s.c. he could tell the doings of one of the slaveholders of the baptist church there by his prayers at the prayer meeting. 'if,' said he, 'that man was upon good terms with his slaves, his words were cold and heartless as frost; if he had been whipping a man, he would pray with life; but if he had left a woman whom he had been flogging, tied to a post in his cellar, with a determination to go back and torture her again, o! how he would pray!' the rev. cyrus p. grosvenor of massachusetts can confirm the above statement by dr. staughton. "william wilson, a presbyterian preacher of augusta county, virginia, had a young colored girl who was constitutionally unhealthy. as no means to amend her were availing, he sold her to a member of his congregation, and in the usual style of human flesh dealers, warranted her 'sound,' &c. the fraud was instantly discovered; but he would not refund the amount. a suit was commenced, and was long continued, and finally the plaintiff recovered the money out of which he had been swindled by slave-trading with his own preacher. no presbytery censured him, although judge brown, the chancellor, severely condemned the imposition. "in the year , johab graham, a preacher, lived with alexander nelson a presbyterian elder, near stanton, virginia, and he informed me that a man had appeared before nelson, who was a magistrate, and swore falsely against his slave,--that the elder ordered him thirty-nine lashes. all that wickedness was done as an excuse for his dissipated owner to obtain money. a negro trader had offered him a considerable sum for the 'boy,' and under the pretence of saving him from the punishment of the law, he was trafficked away from his woman and children to another state. the magistrate was aware of the perjury, and the whole abomination, but all the truth uttered by every colored person in the southern states would not be of any avail against the notorious false swearing of the greatest white villain who ever cursed the world. 'how,' said johab graham, can i preach to-morrow?' i replied, 'very well; go and thunder the doctrine of retribution in their ears, obadiah , till by the divine blessing you kill or cure them. my friends, john m. nelson of hillsborough, ohio, samuel linn, and robert herron, and others of the same vicinity, could 'make both the ears of every one who heareth them tingle' with the accounts which they can give of slave-driving by professors of religion in the shenandoah valley, virginia. "in , near frederick, in maryland, a most barbarous planter was killed in a fit of desperation, by four of his slaves _in self-defence_. it was declared by those slaves while in prison that, besides his atrocities among their female associates, he had deliberately butchered a number of his slaves. the four men were murdered by law, to appease the popular clamor. i saw them executed on the twenty-eighth day of jan'y, . the facts i received from the rev. patrick davidson of frederick, who constantly visited them during their imprisonment--and who became an abolitionist in consequence of the disclosures which he heard from those men in the jail. the name of the planter is not distinctly recollected, but it can be known by a inspection of the record of the trial in the clerk's office, frederick. "a minister of virginia, still living, and whose name must not be mentioned for fear of nero preston and his confederate-hanging myrmidons, informed me of this fact in , in his own house. 'a member of my church, said he, lately whipped a colored youth to death. what shall i do?' i answered, 'i hope you do not mean to continue him in your church.' that minister replied, 'how can we help it' we dare not call him to an account. we have no legal testimony.' their communion season was then approaching. i addressed his wife,--'mrs. ---- do you mean to sit at the lord's table with that murderer?'--,'not i,' she answered: 'i would as soon commune with the devil himself.' the slave killer was equally unnoticed by the civil and ecclesiastical authority. "john baxter, a presbyterian elder, the brother of that slaveholding doctor in divinity, george a. baxter, held as a slave the wife of a baptist colored preacher, familiarly called 'uncle jack.' in a late period of pregnancy he scourged her so that the lives of herself and her unborn child were considered in jeopardy. uncle jack was advised to obtain the liberation of his wife. baxter finally agreed, i think, to sell the woman and her children, three of them, i believe for six hundred dollars, and an additional hundred if the unborn child survived a certain period after its birth. uncle jack was to pay one hundred dollars per annum for his wife and children for seven years, and baxter held a sort of mortgage upon them for the payment. uncle jack showed me his back in furrows like a ploughed field. his master used to whip up the flesh, then beat it downwards, and then apply the 'negro plaster,' salt, pepper, mustard, and vinegar, until all jack's back was almost as hard and unimpressible as the bones. there is slaveholding religion! a presbyterian elder receiving from a baptist preacher seven hundred dollars for his wife and children. james kyle and uncle jack used to tell that story with great christian sensibility; and uncle jack would weep tears of anguish over his wife's piteous tale, and tears of ecstasy at the same moment that he was free, and that soon, by the grace of god, his wife and children, as he said, 'would be all free together.'" rev. james nourse, a presbyterian clergyman of mifflia co. penn., whose father is, we believe, a slaveholder in washington city, says,-- "the rev. mr. m----, now of the huntingdon presbytery, after an absence of many months, was about visiting his old friends on what is commonly called the 'eastern shore.' late in the afternoon, on his journey, he called at the house of rev. a.c. of p----town, md. with this brother he had been long acquainted. just at that juncture mr. c. was about proceeding to whip a colored female, who was his slave. she was firmly tied to a post in front of his dwelling-house. the arrival of a clerical visitor at such a time, occasioned a temporary delay in the execution of mr. c's purpose. but the delay was only temporary; for not even the presence of such a guest could destroy the bloody design. the guest interceded with all the mildness yet earnestness of a brother and new visitor. but all in vain, 'the woman had been saucy and must be punished.' the cowhide was accordingly produced, and the _rev. mr. c_., a large and very stout man, applied it 'manfully' on 'woman's' bare and 'shrinking flesh.' i say bare, because you know that the slave women generally have but three or four inches of the arm near the shoulder covered, and the neck is left entirely exposed. as the cowhide moved back and forward, striking right and left, on the head, neck and arms, at every few strokes the sympathizing guest would exclaim, 'o, brother c. desist' but brother c. pursued his brutal work, till, after inflicting about sixty lashes, the woman was found to be suffused with blood on the hinder part of her neck, and under her frock between the shoulders. yet this rev. gentleman is well esteemed in the church--was, three or four years since, moderator of the synod of philadelphia, and yet walks abroad, feeling himself unrebuked by law or gospel. ah, sir does not this narration give fearful force to the query--_what has the church to do with slavery_?' comment on the facts is unnecessary, yet allow me to conclude by saying, that it is my opinion such occurrences _are not rare in the south_. j.n." rev. charles stewart renshaw, of quincy, illinois, in a recent letter, speaking of his residence, for a period, in kentucky, says-- "in a conversation with mr. robert willis, he told me that his negro girl had run away from him some time previous. he was convinced that she was lurking round, and he watched for her. he soon found the place of her concealment, drew her from it, got a rope, and tied her hands across each other, then threw the rope over a beam in the kitchen, and hoisted her up by the wrists; 'and,' said he, 'i whipped her there till i made the lint fly, i tell you.' i asked him the meaning of making 'the lint fly,' and he replied, '_till the blood flew_.' i spoke of the iniquity and cruelty of slavery, and of its immediate abandonment. he confessed it an evil, but said, 'i am a _colonizationist_--i believe in that scheme.' mr. willis is a teacher of sacred music, and a member of the presbyterian church in lexington, kentucky." mr. r. speaking of the presbyterian minister and church where he resided, says: "the minister and all the church members held slaves. some were treated kindly, others harshly. _there was not a shade of difference_ between their slaves and those of their _infidel_ neighbors, either in their physical, intellectual, or moral state: in some cases they would _suffer_ in the comparison. "in the kitchen of the minister of the church, a slave man was living in open adultery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church, with an 'assured hope' of heaven--whilst the man's wife was on the minister's farm in fayette county. the minister had to bring a cook down from his farm to the place in which he was preaching. the choice was between the wife of the man and this church member. he _left the wife_, and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed. "a methodist preacher last fall took a load of produce down the river. amongst other _things_ he took down five slaves. he sold them at new orleans--he came up to natchez--bought seven there--and took them down and sold them also. last march he came up to preach the gospel again. a number of persons on board the steamboat (the tuscarora.) who had seen him in the slave-shambles in natchez and new orleans, and now, for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had much sport at the expense of 'the fine old preacher who dealt in slaves.' a non-professor of religion, in campbell county, ky. sold a female and two children to a methodist professor, with the proviso that they should not leave that region of country. the slave-driver came, and offered $ more for the woman than he had given, and he sold her. she is now in the lower country, and _her orphan babes are in kentucky_. "i was much shocked once, to see a presbyterian elder's wife call a little slave to her to kiss her feet. at first the boy hesitated--but the command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, be approached timidly, knelt, and kissed her foot." rev. w.t. allan, of chatham, illinois, gives the following in a letter dated feb. , : "mr. peter vanarsdale, an elder of the presbyterian church in carrollton, formerly from kentucky, told me, the other day, that a mrs. burford, in the neighborhood of harrodsburg, kentucky, had _separated a woman and her children_ from their husband and father, taking them into another state. mrs. b. was a member of the _presbyterian church_. the bereaved husband and father was also a professor of religion. "mr. v. told me of a slave woman who had lost her son, separated from her by public sale. in the anguish of her soul, she gave vent to her indignation freely, and perhaps harshly. sometime after, she wished to become a member of the church. before they received her, she had to make humble confession for speaking as she had done. _some of the elders that received her, and required the confession, were engaged is selling the son from his mother_." the following communication from the rev. william bardwell, of sandwich, massachusetts, has just been published in zion's watchman, new york city: _mr. editor_:--the following fact was given me last evening, from the pen of a shipmaster, who has traded in several of the principal ports in the south. he is a man of unblemished character, a member of the m.e. church in this place, and familiarly known in this town. the facts were communicated to me last fall in a letter to his wife, with a request that she would cause them to be published. i give verbatim, as they were written from the letter by brother perry's own hand while i was in his house. "a methodist preacher, wm. whitby by name, who married in bucksville, s.c., and by marriage came into possession of some slaves, in july, , was about moving to another station to preach, and wished, also, to move his family and slaves to tennessee, much against the will of the slaves, one of which, to get clear from him, ran into the woods after swimming a brook. the parson took after him with his gun, which, however, got wet and missed fire, when he ran to a neighbor for another gun, with the intention, as he said, of killing him: he did not, however, catch or kill him; he chained another for fear of his running away also. the above particulars were related to me by william whitby himself. thomas c. perry. march , ." "i find by examining the minutes of the s.c. conference, that there is such a preacher in the conference, and brother perry further stated to me that he was well acquainted with him, and if this statement was published, and if it could be known where he was since the last conference, he wished a paper to be sent him containing the whole affair. he also stated to me, verbally, that the young man he attempted to shoot was about nineteen years of age, and had been shut up in a corn-house, and in the attempt of mr. whitby to chain him, he broke down the door and made his escape as above mentioned, and that mr. w. was under the necessity of hiring him out for one year, with the risk of his employer's getting him. brother perry conversed with one of the slaves, who was so old that he thought it not profitable to remove so far, and had been sold; _he_ informed him of all the above circumstances, and said, with tears, that he thought he had been so faithful as to be entitled to liberty, but instead of making him free, he had sold him to another master, besides parting one husband and wife from those ties rendered a thousand times dearer by an infant child which was torn for ever from the husband. william bardwell. _sandwich, mass._, march , ." mr. william poe, till recently a slaveholder in virginia, now an elder in the presbyterian church at delhi, ohio, gives the following testimony:-- "an elder in the presbyterian church in lynchburg had a most faithful servant, whom he flogged severely and sent him to prison, and had him confined as a felon a number of days, for being _saucy_. another elder of the same church, an auctioneer, habitually sold slaves at his stand--very frequently _parted families_--would often go into the country to sell slaves on execution and otherwise; when remonstrated with, he justified himself, saying, 'it was his business;' the church also justified him on the same ground. "a doctor duval, of lynchburg, va. got offended with a very faithful, worthy servant, and immediately sold him to a negro trader, to be taken to new orleans; duval still keeping the wife of the man as his slave. this duval was a professor of religion." mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio, says, in a recent letter:-- "a student in marietta college, from mississippi, a professor of religion, and in every way worthy of entire confidence, made to me the following statement. [if his name were published it would probably cost him his life.] "when i was in the family of the rev. james martin, of louisville, winston county, mississippi, in the spring of , mrs. martin became offended at a female slave, because she did not move faster. she commanded her to do so; the girl quickened her pace; again she was ordered to move faster, or, mrs. m. declared, she would break the broomstick over her head. again the slave quickened her pace; but not coming up to the _maximum_ desired by mrs. m. the latter declared she would _see_ whether she (the slave) could move or not: and, going into another apartment, she brought in a raw hide, awaiting the return of her husband for its application. in this instance i know not what was the final result, but i have heard the sound of the raw-hide in at least _two_ other instances, applied by this same reverend gentleman to the back of his _female_ servant." mr. hall adds--"the name of my informant must be suppressed, as" he says, "there are those who would cut my throat in a moment, if the information i give were to be coupled with my name." suffice it to say that he is a professor of religion, a native of virginia, and a student of marietta college, whose character will bear the strictest scrutiny. he says:-- "in , at charlestown, va. i conversed with several members of the church under the care of the rev. mr. brown, of the same place. taking occasion to speak of slavery, and of the sin of slaveholding, to one of them who was a lady, she replied, "i am a slaveholder, and i _glory_ in it." i had a conversation, a few days after, with the pastor himself, concerning the state of religion in his church, and who were the most exemplary members in it. the pastor mentioned several of those who were of that description; the _first_ of whom, however, was the identical lady who _gloried_ in being a slaveholder! that church numbers nearly two hundred members. "another lady, who was considered as devoted a christian as any in the same church, but who was in poor health, was accustomed to flog some of her female domestics with a raw-hide till she was exhausted, and then go and lie down till her strength was recruited, rising again and resuming the flagellation. this she considered as not at all derogatory to her christian character." mr. joel s. bingham, of cornwall, vermont, lately a student in middlebury college, and a member of the congregational church, spent a few weeks in kentucky, in the summer of . he relates the following occurrence which took place in the neighborhood where he resided, and was a matter of perfect notoriety in the vicinity. "rev. mr. lewis, a baptist minister in the vicinity of frankfort, ky. had a slave that ran away, but was retaken and brought back to his master, who threatened him with punishment for making an attempt to escape. though terrified the slave immediately attempted to run away again. mr. l. commanded him to stop, but he did not obey. _mr. l. then took a gun, loaded with small shot and fired at the slave, who fell_; but was not killed, and afterward recovered. mr. l. did not probably intend to kill the slave, as it was his legs which were aimed at and received the contents of the gun. the master asserted that he was driven to this necessity to maintain his authority. this took place about the first of july, ." the following is given upon the authority of rev. orange scott, of lowell, mass. for many years a presiding elder in the methodist episcopal church. "rev. joseph hough, a baptist minister, formerly of springfield, mass. now of plainfield, n.h. while traveling in the south, a few years ago, put up one night with a methodist family, and spent the sabbath with them. while there, one of the female slaves did something which displeased her mistress. she took a chisel and mallet, and very deliberately cut off one of her toes!" slave breeding an index of public 'opinion' among the 'highest class of society' in virginia and other northern slave states. but we shall be told, that 'slave-breeders' are regarded with contempt, and the business of slave breeding is looked upon as despicable; and the hot disclaimer of mr. stevenson, our minister plenipotentiary at the court of st. james, in reply to mr. o'connell, who had intimated that he might be a 'slave breeder,' will doubtless be quoted.[ ] in reply, we need not say what every body knows, that if mr. stevenson is not a 'slave breeder,' he is a solitary exception among the large slaveholders of virginia. what! virginia slaveholders not 'slave-breeders?' the pretence is ridiculous and contemptible; it is meanness, hypocrisy, and falsehood, as is abundantly proved by the testimony which follows:-- mr. gholson, of virginia, in his speech in the legislature of that state, jan. , , (see richmond whig,) says:-- "it has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered by steady and old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to its annual profits; the owner of orchards, to their annual fruits; the owner of _brood mares_, to their product; and the owner of _female slaves, to their increase_. we have not the fine-spun intelligence, nor legal acumen, to discover the technical distinctions drawn by gentlemen. the legal maxim of '_partus sequitur ventrem_' is coeval with the existence of the rights of property itself, and is founded in wisdom and justice. it is on the justice and inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female slave; has her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises the helpless and infant offspring. the value of the property justifies the expense; and i do not hesitate to say, that in its _increase consists much of our wealth_." hon. thomas mann randolph, of virginia. formerly governor of that state, in his speech before the legislature in , while speaking of the number of slaves annually sold from virginia to the more southern slave states, said:-- "the exportation has _averaged_ eight thousand five hundred for the last twenty years. forty years ago, the whites exceeded the colored , , the colored now exceed the whites , ; and these results too during an exportation of near , slaves since the year , now perhaps the fruitful progenitors of half a million in other states. it is a practice and an increasing practice, in parts of virginia, to rear slaves for market. how can an honorable mind, a patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for market, like oxen for the shambles." professor dew, now president of the university of william and mary, virginia, in his review of the debate in the virginia legislature, - , says, p . "from all the information we can obtain, we have no hesitation in saying that upwards of six thousand [slaves] are yearly exported [from virginia] to other states.' again, p. : 'the slaves which virginia annually sends off to the south, are a source of wealth to virginia'--again, p. : 'a full equivalent being thus left in the place of the slave, this emigration becomes an advantage to the state, and does not check the black population as much as, at first view, we might imagine--because it furnishes every inducement to the master to attend to the negroes, to encourage breeding, and to cause the _greatest number possible to be raised._ &c." _"virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state for other states."_ extract from the speech of mr. faulkner, in the va. house of delegates, . [see richmond whig.] "but he [mr. gholson,] has labored to show that the abolition of slavery, were it practicable, would be _impolitic_, because as the drift of this portion of his argument runs, your slaves constitute the entire wealth of the state, all the _productive capacity_ virginia possesses. and, sir, as things are, _i believe he is correct_. he says, and in this he is sustained by the gentleman from halifax, mr. bruce, that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth at present, of eastern virginia. is it true that for years the only increase in the wealth and resources of virginia, has been a remnant of the natural _increase_ of this miserable race?--can it be, that on this _increase_, she places her solo dependence? i had always understood that indolence and extravagance were the necessary concomitants of slavery; but, until i heard these declarations, i had not fully conceived the horrible extent of this evil. these gentlemen state the fact, which the history and _present aspect of the commowealth but too well sustain_. the gentlemen's facts and argument in support of his plea of impolicy, to me, seem rather unhappy. to me, such a state of things would itself be conclusive at least, that something, even as a measure of policy, should be done. what, sir, have you lived for two hundred years, without personal effort or productive industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone _by the return from sales of the increase of slaves_, and retaining merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can sustain, as stock, _depending, too, upon a most uncertain market_? when that market is closed, as in the nature of things it must be, what then will become of this gentleman's hundred millions worth of slaves, and the annual product?" in the debates in the virginia convention, in , judge upsher said--"the value of slaves as an article of property [and it is in that view only that they are legitimate subjects of taxation] _depends much on the state of the market abroad_. in this view, it is the value of land _abroad_, and not of land here, which furnishes the ratio. it is well known to us all, that nothing is more fluctuating than the value of slaves. a late law of louisiana reduced their value per cent, in two hours after its passage was known. if it should be our lot, as i trust it will be, to acquire the country of texas, their price will rise again."--p. . mr. goode, of virginia, in his speech before the virginia legislature, in jan. , [see richmond whig, of that date,] said:-- "the superior usefulness of the slaves in the south, will constitute an _effectual demand_, which will remove them from our limits. we shall send them from our state, because _it will be our interest to do so_. our planters are already becoming farmers. many who grew tobacco as their only staple, have already introduced, and commingled the wheat crop. they are already semi-farmers; and in the natural course of events, they must become more and more so.--as the greater quantity of rich western lands are appropriated to the production of the staple of our planters, that staple will become less profitable.--we shall gradually divert our lands from its production, until we shall become actual farmers.--then will the necessity for slave labor diminish; then will the effectual demand diminish, and then will the quantity of slaves diminish, until they shall be adapted to the effectual demand. "but gentlemen are alarmed _lest the markets of other states be closed against the introduction of our slaves_. sir, the demand for slave labor must increase through the south and west. it has been heretofore limited by the want of capital; but when emigrants shall be relieved from their embarrassments, contracted by the purchase of their lands, the annual profits of their estates, will constitute an accumulating capital, which they will _seek to invest in labor_. that the demand for labor must increase in proportion to the increase of capital, is one of the demonstrations of political economists; and i confess, that for the removal of slavery from virginia, i look to the efficacy of that principle; together with the circumstance that our southern brethren are constrained to continue planters, by their position, soil and climate." the following is from niles' weekly register, published at baltimore, md. vol. , p. . _"dealing in slaves has become a large business_; establishments are made in several places in maryland and virginia, at which they are sold like cattle; these places of deposit are strongly built, and well supplied with thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with cow-skins and other whips oftentimes bloody." r.s. finley, esq., late general agent of the american colonization society, at a meeting in new york, th feb. , said: "in virginia and other grain-growing slave states, the blacks do not support themselves, and the only profit their masters derive from them is, repulsive as the idea may justly seem, in breeding them, like other live stock for the more southern states." rev. dr. graham, of fayetteville, n.c. at a colonization meeting, held in that place in the fall of said: "he had resided for years in one of the largest slaveholding counties in the state, had long and anxiously considered the subject, and still it was dark. there were nearly slaves offered in new orleans market last winter. from virginia alone were annually sent to the south; and from virginia and n.c. there had gone, in the same direction, in the last twenty years, , slaves. while not had gone to africa. what it portended, he could not predict, but he felt deeply, that _we must awake in these states and consider the subject_." hon. philip doddridge, of virginia, in his speech in the virginia convention, in , [debates p. .] said:-- "the acquisition of texas will greatly _enhance the value of the property_, in question, [virginia slaves.]" hon c.f. mercer, in a speech before the same convention, in , says: "the tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate, when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth for twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of this population." (debates, p. .) hon. henry clay, of ky., in his speech before the colonization society, in , says: "it is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the united states, would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the southern market which keeps it up in his own." the new orleans courier, feb. , , speaking of the prohibition of the african slave-trade, while the internal slave-trade is plied, says: "the united states law may, and probably does, put millions _into the pockets of the people living between the roanoke, and mason and dixon's line_; still we think it would require some casuistry to show that _the present slave-trade from that quarter_ is a whit better than the one from africa. one thing is certain--that its results are more menacing to the tranquillity of the people in this quarter, as there can be no comparison between the ability and inclination to do mischief, possessed by the virginia negro, and that of the rude and ignorant african." that the new orleans editor does not exaggerate in saying that the internal slave-trade puts 'millions' into the pockets of the slaveholders in maryland and virginia, is very clear from the following statement, made by the editor of the virginia times, an influential political paper, published at wheeling, virginia. of the exact date of the paper we are not quite certain, it was, however, sometime in , probably near the middle of the year--the file will show. the editor says:-- "we have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported from virginia within the last twelve months, at , --each slave averaging at least $ , making an aggregate at $ , , . of the number of slaves exported, not more than _one-third_ have been sold, (the others having been carried by their owners, who have removed,) _which would leave in the state the_ sum of $ , , arising from the sale of slaves." according to this estimate about forty thousand slaves were sold out of the state of virginia in a single year, and the 'slave-breeders' who hold them, put into their pockets twenty-four million of dollars, the price of the 'souls of men.' the new york journal of commerce of oct. , , contained a letter from a virginian, whom the editor calls 'a very good and sensible man,' asserting that twenty thousand slaves had been driven to the south from virginia _during that year_, nearly one-fourth of which was then remaining. the maryville (tenn.) intelligencer, some time in the early part of , (we have not the date,) says, in an article reviewing a communication of rev. j.w. douglass, of fayetteville, north carolina: "sixty thousand slaves passed through a little western town for the southern market, during the year ." the natchez (miss.) courier, says "that the states of louisiana, mississippi, alabama, and arkansas, imported two hundred and fifty thousand slaves from the more northern slave states in the year ." the baltimore american gives the following from a mississippi paper, of : "the report made by the committee of the citizens of mobile, appointed at their meeting held on the st instant, on the subject of the existing pecuniary pressure, states, among other things: that so large has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by alabama of that species of property from other states since , have amounted to about ten million dollars annually." further the _inhumanity_ of a slaveholding 'public opinion' toward slaves, follows legitimately from the downright ruffianism of the slaveholding _spirit_ in the 'highest class of society,' when roused, it tramples upon all the proprieties and courtesies, and even common decencies of life, and is held in check by none of those considerations of time, and place, and relations of station, character, law, and national honor, which are usually sufficient, even in the absence of conscientious principles, to restrain other men from outrages. our national legislature is a fit illustration of this. slaveholders have converted the congress of the united states into a very bear garden. within the last three years some of the most prominent slaveholding members of the house, and among them the late speaker, have struck and kicked, and throttled, and seized each other by the hair, and with their fists pummelled each other's faces, on the floor of congress. we need not publish an account of what every body knows, that during the session of the last congress, mr. wise of virginia and mr. bynum of north carolina, after having called each other "liars, villains" and "damned rascals" sprung from their seats "both sufficiently armed for any desperate purpose," cursing each other as they rushed together, and would doubtless have butchered each other on the floor of congress, if both had not been seized and held by their friends. the new york gazette relates the following which occurred at the close of the session of . "the house could not adjourn without another brutal and bloody row. it occurred on sunday morning immediately at the moment of adjournment, between messrs. campbell and maury, both of tennessee. he took offence at some remarks made to him by his colleague, mr. campbell, and the fight followed." the huntsville (ala.) democrat of june , , gives the particulars which follow: "mr. maury is said to be badly hurt. he was near losing his life by being knocked through the window; but his adversary, it is said, saved him by clutching the hair of his head with his left hand, while he struck him with his right." the same number of the huntsville democrat, contains the particulars of a fist-fight on the floor of the house of representatives, between mr. bell, the late speaker, and his colleague mr. turney of tennessee. the following is an extract: "mr. turney concluded his remarks in reply to mr. bell, in the course of which he commented upon that gentleman's course at different periods of his political career with great severity. "he did not think his colleague [mr. turney,] was actuated by private malice, but was the willing voluntary instrument of others, the tool of tools. mr. turney. it is false! it is false! mr. stanley called mr. turney to order. at the same moment both gentlemen were perceived in personal conflict, and blows with the fist were aimed by each at the other. several members interfered, and suppressed the personal violence; others called order, order, and some called for the interference of the speaker. the speaker hastily took the chair, and insisted upon order; but both gentlemen continued struggling, and endeavoring, notwithstanding the constraint of their friends, to strike each other." the correspondent of the new york gazette gives the following, which took place about the time of the preceding affrays: "the house was much agitated last night, by the passage between mr. biddle, of pittsburgh, and mr. downing, of florida. mr. d. exclaimed "do you impute falsehood to me!" at the same time catching up some missile and making a demonstration to advance upon mr. biddle. mr. biddle repeated his accusation, and meanwhile, mr. downing was arrested by many members." the last three fights all occurred, if we mistake not, in the short space of one month. the fisticuffs between messrs. bynum and wise occurred at the previous session of congress. at the same session messrs. peyton of tenn. and wise of virginia, went armed with pistols and dirks to the meeting of a committee of congress, and threatened to shoot a witness while giving his testimony. we begin with the first on the list. who are messrs. wise and bynum? both slaveholders. who are messrs. campbell and maury? both slaveholders. who are messrs. bell and turney? both slaveholders. who is mr. downing, who seized a weapon and rushed upon mr. biddle? a slaveholder. who is mr. peyton who drew his pistol on a witness before a committee of congress? a slaveholder of course. all these bullies were slaveholders, and they magnified their office, and slaveholding was justified of her children. we might fill a volume with similar chronicles of slaveholding brutality. but time would fail us. suffice it to say, that since the organization of the government, a majority of the most distinguished men in the slaveholding states have gloried in strutting over the stage in the character of murderers. look at the men whom the people delight to honor. president jackson, senator benton, the late gen. coffee,--it is but a few years since these slaveholders shot at, and stabbed, and stamped upon each other in a tavern broil. general jackson had previously killed mr. dickenson. senator clay of kentucky has immortalized himself by shooting at a near relative of chief justice marshall, and being wounded by him; and not long after by shooting at john randolph of virginia. governor m'duffie of south carolina has signalized himself also, both by shooting and being shot,--so has governor poindexter, and governor rowan, and judge m'kinley of the u.s. supreme court, late senator in congress from alabama,--but we desist; a full catalogue would fill pages. we will only add, that a few months since, in the city of london, governor hamilton, of south carolina, went armed with pistols, to the lodgings of daniel o'connell, 'to stop his wind' in the bullying slang of his own published boast. during the last session of congress messrs. dromgoole and wise[ ] of virginia, w. cost johnson and jenifer of maryland, pickens and campbell of south carolina, and we know not how many more slaveholding members of congress have been engaged, either as principals or seconds, in that species of murder dignified with the name of duelling. but enough; we are heart-sick. what meaneth all this? are slaveholders worse than other men? no! but arbitrary power has wrought in them its mystery of iniquity, and poisoned their better nature with its infuriating sorcery. their savage ferocity toward each other when their passions are up, is the natural result of their habit of daily plundering and oppressing the slave. the north carolina standard of august , , contains the following illustration of this ferocity exhibited by two southern lawyers in settling the preliminaries of a duel. "the following conditions were proposed by alexander k. mcclung, of raymond, in the state of mississippi, to h.c. stewart, as the laws to govern a duel they were to fight near vicksburg: "article st. the parties shall meet opposite vicksburg, in the state of louisiana, on thursday the th inst. precisely at o'clock, p.m. agreed to. " d. the weapons to be used by each shall weigh one pound two and a half ounces, measuring sixteen inches and a half in length, including the handle, and one inch and three-eighths in breadth. agreed to. " d. both knives shall be sharp on one edge, and on the back shall be sharp only one inch at the point. agreed to. " th. each party shall stand at the distance of eight feet from the other, until the word is given. agreed to. " th. the second of each party shall throw up, with a silver dollar, on the ground, for the word, and two best out of three shall win the word. agreed to. " th. after the word is given, either party may take what advantage he can with his knife, but on throwing his knife at the other, shall be shot down by the second of his opponent. agreed to. " th. each party shall be stripped entirely naked, except one pair of linen pantaloons; one pair of socks, and boots or pumps as the party please. acceded to. " th. the wrist of the left arm of each party shall be tied tight to his left thigh, and a strong cord shall be fastened around his left arm at the elbow, and then around his body. rejected. " th. after the word is given, each party shall be allowed to advance or recede as he pleases, over the space of twenty acres of ground, until death ensues to one of the parties. agreed to--the parties to be placed in the centre of the space. " th. the word shall be given by the winner of the same, in the following manner, viz: "gentlemen are you ready?" each party shall then answer, "i am!" the second giving the word shall then distinctly command--_strike_. agreed to. "if either party shall violate these rules, upon being notified by the second of either party, he may be liable to be shot down instantly. as established usage points out the duty of both parties, therefore notification is considered unnecessary." the favorite amusements of slaveholders, like the gladiatorial shows of rome and the bull fights of spain, reveal a public feeling insensible to suffering, and a depth of brutality in the highest degree revolting to every truly noble mind. one of their most common amusements is cock fighting. mains of cocks, with twenty, thirty, and fifty cocks on each side, are fought for hundreds of dollars aside. the fowls are armed with steel spurs or '_gafts_,' about two inches long. these 'gafts' are fastened upon the legs by sawing off the _natural_ 'spur,' leaving only enough of it to answer the purpose of a _stock_ for the tube of the "gafts," which are so sharp that at a stroke the fowls thrust them through each other's necks and heads, and tear each other's bodies till one or both dies, then two others are brought forward for the amusement of the multitude assembled, and this barbarous pastime is often kept up for days in succession, hundreds and thousands gathering from a distance to witness it. the following advertisements from the raleigh register, june , , edited by messrs. gales and son, the father and brother of mr. gales, editor of the national intelligencer, and late mayor of washington city, reveal the public sentiment of north carolina. "chatham against nash, or any other county in the state. i am authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties--to be fought the ensuing spring. gideon alston. chatham county, june , ." two weeks after, this challenge was answered as follows: "to mr. gideon alston, of chatham county, n.c. "sir: in looking over the north carolina standard of the th inst. i discover a challenge over your signature, headed 'chatham against nash,' in which you state: that you are 'authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties, to be fought the ensuing spring' which challenge i accept: and do propose to meet you at rolesville, in wake county, n.c. on the last wednesday in may next, the parties to show thirty-one cocks each--fight four days, and be governed by the rules as laid down in turner's cock laws--which, if you think proper to accede to, you will signify through this or any other medium you may select, and then i will name the sum for which we shall fight, as that privilege was surrendered by you in your challenge. "i am, sir, very respectfully, &c. nicholas w. arrington, near hilliardston, nash co. north carolina june nd, " the following advertisement in the richmond whig, of july , , exhibits the public sentiment of virginia. "main of cocks.--a large 'main of cocks,' a side, for $ 'the fight', and $ 'the odd,' will be fought between the county of dinwiddie on one part, and the counties of hanover and henrico on the other. "the 'regular' fighting will be continued _three days_, and from the large number of 'game uns' on both sides and in the adjacent country, will be prolonged no doubt a _fourth_. to prevent confusion and promote 'sport,' the pit will be enclosed and furnished with _seats_; so that those having a curiosity to witness a species of diversion originating in a better day (for they had no rag money then,) can have _that_ very _natural_ feeling gratified. "the petersburg constellation is requested to copy." _horse-racing_ too, as every body knows, is a favorite amusement of slaveholders. every slave state has its race course, and in the older states almost every county has one on a small scale. there is hardly a day in the year, the weather permitting, in which crowds do not assemble at the south to witness this barbarous sport. horrible cruelty is absolutely inseparable from it. hardly a race occurs of any celebrity in which some one of the coursers is not lamed, 'broken down,' or in some way seriously injured, often for life, and not unfrequently they are killed by the rupture of some vital part in the struggle. when the heats are closely contested, the blood of the tortured animal drips from the lash and flies at every leap from the stroke of the rowel. from the breaking of girths and other accidents, their riders (mostly slaves) are often thrown and maimed or killed. yet these amusements are attended by thousands in every part of the slave states. the wealth and fashion, the gentlemen and _ladies_ of the 'highest circles' at the south, throng the race course. that those who can fasten steel spurs upon the legs of dunghill fowls, and goad the poor birds to worry and tear each other to death--and those who can crowd by thousands to _witness_ such barbarity--that those who can throng the race-course and with keen relish witness the hot pantings of the life-struggle, the lacerations and fitful spasms of the muscles, swelling through the crimsoned foam, as the tortured steeds rush in blood-welterings to the goal--that such, should look upon the sufferings of their slaves with, indifference is certainly small wonder. perhaps we shall be told that there are thronged race-courses at the north. true, there are a few, and they are thronged chiefly by _southerners_, and 'northern men with _southern_ principles,' and supported mainly by the patronage of slaveholders who summer at the north. cock-fighting and horse-racing are "_southern_ institutions." the idleness, contempt of labor, dissipation, sensuality, brutality, cruelty, and meanness, engendered by the habit of making men and women work without pay, and flogging them if they demur at it, constitutes a congenial soil out of which cock-fighting and horse-racing are the spontaneous growth. again,--the kind treatment of the slaves is often argued from the liberal education and enlarged views of slaveholders. the facts and reasonings of the preceding pages have shown, that 'liberal education,' despotic habits and ungoverned passions work together with slight friction. and every day's observation shows that the former is often a stimulant to the latter. but the notion so common at the north that the majority of the slaveholders are persons of education, is entirely erroneous. a _very few_ slaveholders in each of the slave states have been men of _ripe_ education, to whom our national literature is much indebted. a larger number may be called _well_ educated--these reside mostly in the cities and large villages, but a majority of the slaveholders are ignorant men, thousands of them notoriously so, _mere boors_ unable to write their names or to read the alphabet. no one of the slave states has probably so much general education as virginia. it is the oldest of them--has furnished one half of the presidents of the united states--has expended more upon her university than any state in the union has done during the same time upon its colleges--sent to europe nearly twenty years since for her most learned professors, and in fine, has far surpassed every other slave state in her efforts to disseminate education among her citizens, and yet, the governor of virginia in his message to the legislature (jan. , ) says, that of four thousand six hundred and fourteen adult males in that state, who applied to the county clerks for marriage licenses in the year , 'one thousand and forty seven _were unable to write their names_.' the governor adds, 'these statements, it will be remembered, are confined to one sex: the education of females it is to be feared, is in a condition of _much greater neglect_.' the editor of the virginia times, published at wheeling, in his paper of jan. , , says,-- "we have every reason to suppose that one-fourth of the people of the state cannot write their names, and they have not, of course, any other species of education." kentucky is the child of virginia; her first settlers were some of the most distinguished citizens of the mother state; in the general diffusion of intelligence amongst her citizens kentucky is probably in advance of all the slave states except virginia and south carolina; and yet governor clark, in his last message to the kentucky legislature, (dec , ) makes the following declaration: "from the computation of those most familiar with the subject, it appears that at least one third of the adult population of the state are unable to write their names." the following advertisement in the "milledgeville (geo.) journal," dec. , , is another specimen from one of the 'old thirteen.' "notice.--i, pleasant webb, of the state of georgia, oglethorpe county, being an _illiterate man, and not able to write my own name_, and whereas it hath been represented to me that there is a certain promissory note or notes out against me that i know nothing of, and further that some man in this state holds a bill of sale for _a certain negro woman named ailsey and her increase, a part of which is now in my possession_, which i also know nothing of. now do hereby certify and declare, that i have no knowledge whatsoever of any such papers existing in my name as above stated and i hereby require all or any person or persons whatsoever holding or pretending to hold any such papers, to produce them to me within thirty days from the date hereof, shewing their authority for holding the same, or they will be considered fictitious and fraudulently obtained or raised, by some person or persons for base purposes after my death. "given under my hand this nd day of december, . pleasant webb. his mark x." finally, that slaves must habitually suffer great cruelties, follows inevitably from the brutal outrages which their masters inflict on each other. slaveholders, exercising from childhood irresponsible power over human beings, and in the language of president jefferson, "giving loose to the worst of passions" in the treatment of their slaves, become in a great measure unfitted for self control in their intercourse with each other. tempers accustomed to riot with loose reins, spurn restraints, and passions inflamed by indulgence, take fire on the least friction. we repeat it, the state of society in the slave states, the duels, and daily deadly affrays of slaveholders with each other--the fact that the most deliberate and cold-blooded murders are committed at noon day, in the presence of thousands, and the perpetrators eulogized by the community as "honorable men," reveals such a prostration of law, as gives impunity to crime--a state of society, an omnipresent public sentiment reckless of human life, taking bloody vengeance on the spot for every imaginary affront, glorying in such assassinations as the only true honor and chivalry, successfully defying the civil arm, and laughing its impotency to scorn. when such things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the dry? when slaveholders are in the habit of caning, stabbing, and shooting _each other_ at every supposed insult, the unspeakable enormities perpetrated by such men, with such passions, upon their defenceless slaves, _must_ be beyond computation. to furnish the reader with an illustration of slaveholding civilization and morality, as exhibited in the unbridled fury, rage, malignant hate, jealousy, diabolical revenge, and all those infernal passions that shoot up rank in the hot-bed of arbitrary power, we will insert here a mass of testimony, detailing a large number of affrays, lynchings, assassinations, &c., &c., which have taken place in various parts of the slave states within a brief period--and to leave no room for cavil on the subject, these extracts will be made exclusively from newspapers published in the slave states, and generally in the immediate vicinity of the tragedies described. they will not be made second hand from _northern_ papers, but from the original _southern_ papers, which now lie on our table. before proceeding to furnish details of certain classes of crimes in the slave states, we advertise the reader-- st. that _we shall not_ include in the list those crimes which are ordinarily committed in the free, as well as in the slave states. d. we shall not include any of the crimes perpetrated by whites upon slaves and free colored persons, who constitute a majority of the population in mississippi and louisiana, a large majority in south carolina, and, on an average, two-fifths in the other slave states. d. fist fights, canings, beatings, biting off noses and ears, gougings, knockings down, &c., unless they result in _death_, will not be included in the list, nor will _ordinary_ murders, unless connected with circumstances that serve as a special index of public sentiment. th. neither will _ordinary, formal duels_ be included, except in such cases as just specified. th. the only crimes which, as the general rule, will be specified, will be deadly affrays with bowie knives, dirks, pistols. rifles, guns, or other death weapons, and _lynchings_. th. the crimes enumerated will, for the most part, be only those perpetrated _openly_, without _attempt at concealment_. th. we shall not attempt to give a full list of the affrays, &c., that took place in the respective states during the period selected, as the only files of southern papers to which we have access are very imperfect. the reader will perceive, from these preliminaries, that only a _small_ proportion of the crimes actually perpetrated in the respective slave states during the period selected, will be entered upon this list. he will also perceive, that the crimes which will be presented are of a class rarely perpetrated in the free states; and if perpetrated there at all, they are, with scarcely an exception, committed either by slaveholders, temporarily resident in them, or by persons whose passions have been inflamed by the poison of a southern contact--whose habits and characters have become perverted by living among slaveholders, and adopting the code of slaveholding morality. we now proceed to the details, commencing with the new state of arkansas. arkansas. at the last session of the legislature of that state, col. john wilson, president of the bank at little rock, the capital of the state, was elected speaker of the house of representatives. he had been elected to that office for a number of years successively, and was one of the most influential citizens of the state. while presiding over the deliberations of the house, he took umbrage at words spoken in debate by major anthony, a conspicuous member, came down from the speaker's chair, drew a large bowie knife from his bosom, and attacked major a., who defended himself for some time, but was at last stabbed through the heart, and fell dead on the floor. wilson deliberately wiped the blood from his knife, and returned to his seat. the following statement of the circumstances of the murder, and the trial of the murderer, is abridged from the account published in the arkansas gazette, a few months since--it is here taken from the knoxville (tennessee) register, july , . "on the th of december last, maj. joseph j. anthony, a member of the legislature of arkansas, was murdered, while performing his duty as a member of the house of representatives, by john wilson, speaker of that house. "the facts were these: a bill came from the senate, commonly called the _wolf bill_. among the amendments proposed, was one by maj. anthony, that the signature of the president of the real estate bank should be attached to the certificate of the wolf scalp. col. wilson, the speaker, asked maj. anthony whether he intended the remark as personal. maj. anthony promptly said, "_no, i do not_." and at that instant of time, a message was delivered from the senate, which suspended the proceedings of the house for a few minutes. immediately after the messenger from the senate had retired, maj. anthony rose from his seat, and said he wished to explain, that he did not intend to insult the speaker or the house; when wilson, interrupting, peremptorily ordered him to take his seat. maj. anthony said, as a member, he had a right to the floor, to explain himself. wilson said, in an angry tone, 'sit down, or you had better;' and thrust his hand into his bosom, and drew out a large bowie knife, or inches in length, and descended from the speaker's chair to the floor, with the knife drawn in a menacing manner. maj. anthony, seeing the danger he was placed in, by wilson's advance on him with a drawn knife, rose from his chair, set it out of his way, stepped back a pace or two, and drew his knife. wilson caught up a chair, and struck anthony with it. anthony, recovering from the blow, caught the chair in his left hand, and a fight ensued over the chair. wilson received two wounds, one on each arm, and anthony lost his knife, either by throwing it at wilson, or it escaped by accident. after anthony had lost his knife, wilson advanced on anthony, who was then retreating, looking over his shoulder. seeing wilson pursuing him, he threw a chair. wilson still pursued, and anthony raised another chair as high as his breast, with a view, it is supposed, of keeping wilson off. wilson then caught hold of the chair with his left hand, raised it up, and with his right hand deliberately thrust the knife, up to the hilt, into anthony's heart, and as deliberately drew it out, and wiping off the blood with his thumb and finger, retired near to the speaker's chair. "as the knife was withdrawn from anthony's heart, he fell a lifeless corpse on the floor, without uttering a word, or scarcely making a struggle; so true did the knife, as deliberately directed, pierce his heart. "three days elapsed before the constituted authorities took any notice of this horrible deed; and not then, until a relation of the murdered anthony had demanded a warrant for the apprehension of wilson. several days then elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. he then, in a carriage and four, came to the place appointed for his trial. four or five days were employed in the examination of witnesses, and never was a clearer case of murder proved than on that occasion. notwithstanding, the court (justice brown dissenting) admitted wilson to bail, and positively refused that the prosecuting attorney for the state should introduce the law, to show that it was not a bailable case, or even to hear an argument from him. "at the time appointed for the session of the circuit court, wilson appeared agreeably to his recognizance. a motion was made by wilson's counsel for _change of venue_, founded on the affidavits of wilson, and two other men. the court thereupon removed the case to saline county, and ordered the sheriff to take wilson into custody, and deliver him over to the sheriff of saline county. "the sheriff of pulaski never confined wilson one minute, but permitted him to go where he pleased, without a guard, or any restraint imposed on him whatever. on his way to saline, he entertained him freely at his own house, and the next day delivered him over to the sheriff of that county, who conducted the prisoner to the debtor's room in the jail, and gave him the key, so that he and every body else had free egress and ingress at all times. wilson invited every body to call on him, as he wished to see his friends, and his room was crowded with visitors, who called to drink grog, and laugh and talk with him. but this theatre was not sufficiently large for his purpose. he afterwards visited the dram-shops, where he freely treated all that would partake with him, and went fishing and hunting with others at pleasure, and entirely with out restraint. he also ate at the same table with the judge, while on trial. "when the court met at saline, wilson was put on his trial. several days were occupied in examining the witnesses in the case. after the examination was closed, while col. taylor was engaged in a very able, lucid, and argumentative speech, on the part of the prosecution, some man collected a parcel of the rabble, and came within a few yards of the court-house door, and bawled in a loud voice, 'part them--part them!' every body supposed there was an affray, and ran to the doors and windows to see; behold, there was nothing more than the man, and the rabble he had collected around him, for the purpose of annoying col. taylor while speaking. a few minutes afterwards, this same person brought a horse near the court-house door, and commenced crying the horse, as though he was for sale, and continued for ten or fifteen minutes to ride before the court-house door, crying the horse, in a loud and boisterous tone of voice. the judge sat as a silent listener to the indignity thus offered the court and counsel by this man, without interposing his authority. "to show the depravity of the times, and the people, after the verdict had been delivered by the jury, and the court informed wilson that he was discharged, there was a rush toward him: some seized him by the hand, some by the arm, and there was great and loud rejoicing and exultation, directly in the presence of the court: and wilson told the sheriff to take the jury to a grocery, that he might treat them, and invited every body that chose to go. the house was soon filled to overflowing. the rejoicing was kept up till near supper time: but to cap the climax, soon after supper was over, a majority of the jury, together with many others, went to the rooms that had been occupied several days by the friend and relation of the murdered anthony, and commenced a scene of the most ridiculous dancing, (as it is believed,) in triumph for wilson, and as a triumph over the feelings of the relations of the departed anthony. the scene did not close here. the party retired to a dram-shop, and continued their rejoicing until about half after o'clock. they then collected a parcel of horns, trumpets, &c., and marched through the streets, blowing them, till near day, when one of the company rode his horse in the porch adjoining the room which was occupied by the relations of the deceased." this case is given to the reader at length, in order fully to show, that in a community where the law sanctions the commission of every species of outrage upon one class of citizens, it fosters passions which will paralyze its power to protect the other classes. look at the facts developed in this case, as exhibiting the state of society among slaveholders. st. that the members of the legislature are _in the habit_ of wearing bowie knives. wilson's knife was or inches long.[ ] d. the murderer, wilson, was a man of wealth, president of the bank at the capital of the state, a high military officer, and had, for many years, been speaker of the house of representatives, as appears from a previous statement in the arkansas gazette. d. the murder was committed in open day, before all the members of the house, and many spectators, not one of whom seems to have made the least attempt to intercept wilson, as he advanced upon anthony with his knife drawn, but "made way for him," as is stated in another account. th. though the murder was committed in the state-house, at the capital of the state, days passed before the civil authorities moved in the matter; and they did not finally do it, until the relations of the murdered man demanded a warrant for the apprehension of the murderer. even then, several days elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. when his trial came on, he drove to it in state, drew up before the door with "his coach and four," alighted, and strided into court like a lord among his vassals; and there, though a clearer case of deliberate murder never reeked in the face of the sun, yet he was admitted to bail, the court absolutely refusing to hear an argument from the prosecuting attorney, showing that it was not a bailable case. th. the sheriff of pulaski county, who had wilson in custody, "never confined him a moment, but permitted him to go at large wholly unrestrained." when transferred to saline co. for trial, the sheriff of that county gave wilson the same liberty, and he spent his time in parties of pleasure, fishing, hunting, and at houses of entertainment. th. finally, to demonstrate to the world, that justice among slaveholders is consistent with itself; that authorizing man-stealing and patronising robbery, it will, of course, be the patron and associate of murder also, the judge who sat upon the case, and the murderer who was on trial for his life before him, were boon-companions together, eating and drinking at the same table throughout the trial. then came the conclusion of the farce--the uproar round the court-house during the trial, drowning the voice of the prosecutor while pleading, without the least attempt by the court to put it down--then the charge of the judge to the jury, and their unanimous verdict of acquittal--then the rush from all quarters around the murderer with congratulations--the whole crowd in the court room shouting and cheering--then wilson leading the way to a tavern, inviting the sheriff, and jury, and all present to "a treat"--then the bacchanalian revelry kept up all night, a majority of the jurors participating--the dancing, the triumphal procession through the streets with the blowing of horns and trumpets, and the prancing of horses through the porch of the house occupied by the relations of the murdered anthony, adding insult and mockery to their agony. a few months before this murder on the floor of the legislature, george scott, esq., formerly marshall of the state was shot in an affray at van buren, crawford co., arkansas, by a man named walker; and robert carothers, in an affray in st. francis co., shot william rachel, just as rachel was shooting at carothers' father. (_national intelligencer, may , , and little rock gazette, august , ._) while wilson's trial was in progress, mr. gabriel sibley was stabbed to the heart at a public dinner, in st. francis co., arkansas, by james w. grant. (_arkansas gazette, may , ._) hardly a week before this, the following occurred: "on the th ult., an encounter took place at little rock, ark., between david f. douglass, a young man of or , and dr. wm. c. howell. a shot was exchanged between them at the distance of or feet with double-barrelled guns. the load of douglass entered the left hip of dr. howell, and a buckshot from the gun of the latter struck a negro girl, or years of age, just below the pit of the stomach. douglass then fired a second time and hit howell in the left groin, penetrating the abdomen and bladder, and causing his death in four hours. the negro girl, at the last dates, was not dead, but no hopes were entertained of her recovery. douglass was committed to await his trial at the april term of the circuit court."--_louisville journal_. the little rock gazette of oct. , says, "we are again called upon to record the cold blooded murder of a valuable citizen. on the th instant, col. john lasater, of franklin co., was murdered by john w. whitson, who deliberately shot him with a shot gun, loaded with a handful of rifle balls, six of which entered his body. he lived twelve hours after he was shot. "whitson is the son of william whitson, who was unfortunately killed, about a year since, in a rencontre with col. lasater, (who was fully exonerated from all blame by a jury,) and, in revenge of his father's death, committed this bloody deed." these atrocities were all perpetrated within a few months of the time of the deliberate assassination, on the floor of the legislature by the speaker, already described, and are probably but a small portion of the outrages committed in that state during the same period. the state of arkansas contains about forty-five thousand white inhabitants, which is, if we mistake not, the present population of litchfield county, connecticut. and we venture the assertion, that a public affray, with deadly weapons, has not taken place in that county for fifty years, if indeed ever since its settlement a century and a half ago. missouri. missouri became one of the united states in . its present white population is about two hundred and fifty thousand. the following are a few of the affrays that have occurred there during the years and ' . the "salt river journal" march , , has the following. "_fatal affray_.--an affray took place during last week, in the town of new london, between dr. peake and dr. bosley, both of that village, growing out of some trivial matter at a card party. after some words, bosley threw a glass at peake, which was followed up by other acts of violence, and in the quarrel peake stabbed bosley, several times with a dirk, in consequence of which, bosley died the following morning. the court of inquiry considered peake justifiable, and discharged him from arrest." from the "st. louis republican," of september , . "we learn that a fight occurred at bowling-green, in this state, a few days since, between dr. michael reynolds and henry lalor. lalor procured a gun, and mr. dickerson wrested the gun from him; this produced a fight between lalor and dickerson, in which the former stabbed the latter in the abdomen. mr. dickerson died of the wound." the following was in the same paper about a month previous, august , . "_a horse thief shot_.--a thief was caught in the act of stealing a horse on friday last, on the opposite side of the river, by a company of persons out sporting. mr. kremer, who was in the company, levelled his rifle and ordered him to stop; which he refused; he then fired and lodged the contents in the thief's body, of which he died soon afterwards. mr. k. went before a magistrate, who after hearing the case, refused to hold him for further trial!" on the th of july, , alpha p. buckley murdered william yaochum in an affray in jackson county, missouri. (missouri republican, july , .) general atkinson of the united states army was waylaid on the th of september, , by a number of persons, and attacked in his carriage near st. louis, on the road to jefferson barracks, but escaped after shooting one of the assailants. the new orleans true american of october , ' , speaking of this says: "it will be recollected that a few weeks ago, judge dougherty, one of the most respectable citizens of st. louis, was murdered upon the same road." the same paper contains the following letter from the murderer of judge dougherty. "_murder of judge dougherty_.--the st. louis republican received the following mysterious letter, unsealed, regarding this brutal murder:"-- "natchez, miss., sept. . "messrs. editors:--revenge is sweet. on the night of the th, th, and th, i made preparations, and did, on the th july kill a rascal, and only regret that i have not the privilege of telling the circumstance. i have so placed it that i can never be identified; and further, i have no compunctions of conscience for the death of thomas m. dougherty." but instead of presenting individual affrays and single atrocities, however numerous, (and the missouri papers abound with them,) in order to exhibit the true state of society there, we refer to the fact now universally notorious, that for months during the last fall and winter, some hundreds of inoffensive mormons, occupying a considerable tract of land; and a flourishing village in the interior of the state, have suffered every species of inhuman outrage from the inhabitants of the surrounding counties--that for weeks together, mobs consisting of hundreds and thousands, kept them in a state of constant siege, laying waste their lands, destroying their cattle and provisions, tearing down their houses, ravishing the females, seizing and dragging off and killing the men. not one of the thousands engaged in these horrible outrages and butcheries has, so far as we can learn, been indicted. the following extract of a letter from a military officer of one of the brigades ordered out by the governor of missouri, to terminate the matter, is taken from the north alabamian of december , . correspondence of the nashville whig. the mormon war. "millersburg, mo. november . "dear sir--a lawless mob had organized themselves for the express purpose of driving the mormons from the country, or exterminating them, for no other reason, that i can perceive, than that these poor deluded creatures owned a large and fertile body of land in their neighborhood, and would not let them (the mobocrats) have it for their own price. i have just returned from the seat of difficulty, and am perfectly conversant with all the facts in relation to it. the mob meeting with resistance altogether unanticipated, called loudly upon the kindred spirits of adjacent counties for help. the mormons determined to die in defence of their rights, set about fortifying their town "far west," with a resolution and energy that kept the mob (who all the time were extending their cries of help to all parts of missouri) at bay. the governor, from exaggerated accounts of the mormon depredations, issued orders for the raising of several thousand mounted riflemen, of which this division raised five hundred, and the writer of this was _honored_ with the appointment of ---- to the brigade. "on the first day of this month, we marched for the "seat of war," but general clark, commander-in-chief, having reached far west on the day previous with a large force, the difficulty was settled when we arrived, so we escaped the infamy and disgrace of a bloody victory. before general clark's arrival, the mob had increased to about four thousand, and determined to attack the town. the mormons upon the approach of the mob, sent out a white flag, which being fired on by the mob, jo smith and rigdon, and a few other mormons of less influence, gave themselves up to the mob, with a view of so far appeasing their wrath as to save their women and children from violence. vain hope! the prisoners being secured, the mob entered the town and perpetrated every conceivable act of brutality and outrage--forcing fifteen or twenty mormon girls to yield to their brutal passions!!! of these things i was assured by many persons while i was at far west, in whose veracity i have the utmost confidence. i conversed with many of the prisoners, who numbered about eight hundred, among whom there were many young and interesting girls, and i assure you, a more distracted set of creatures i never saw. i assure you, my dear sir, it was peculiarly heart-rending to see old gray headed fathers and mothers, young ladies and innocent babes, forced at this inclement season, with the thermometer at degrees below zero, to abandon their warm houses, and many of them the luxuries and elegances of a high degree of civilization and intelligence and take up their march for the uncultivated wilds of the missouri frontier. "the better informed here have but one opinion of the result of this mormon persecution, and that is, it is a most fearful extension of judge lynch's jurisdiction." the present white population of missouri is but thirty thousand less than that of new hampshire, and yet the insecurity of human life in the former state to that in the latter, is probably at least twenty to one. alabama. this state was admitted to the union in . its present white population is not far from three hundred thousand. the security of human life to alabama, may be inferred from the facts and testimony which follow: the mobile register of nov. , , contains the annual message of mr. mcvay, the acting governor of the state, at the opening of the legislature. the message has the following on the frequency of homicides: "we hear of homicides in different parts of the state _continually_, and yet how few convictions for murder, and still fewer executions? how is this to be accounted for? in regard to 'assault and battery with intent to commit murder,' why is it that this offence continues so common--why do we hear of stabbings and shootings _almost daily_ in some part or other of our state?" the "montgomery (alabama) advertiser" of april , , has the following from the mobile register: "within a few days a man was shot in an affray in the upper part of the town, and has since died. the perpetrator of the violence is at large. we need hardly speak of another scene which occurred in royal street, when a fray occurred between two individuals, a third standing by with a cocked pistol to prevent interference. on saturday night a still more exciting scene of outrage took place in the theatre. "an altercation commenced at the porquett entrance between the check-taker and a young man, which ended in the first being desperately wounded by a stab with a knife. the other also drew a pistol. if some strange manifestations of public opinion, do not coerce a spirit of deference to law, and the abandonment of the habit of carrying secret arms, we shall deserve every reproach we may receive, and have our punishment in the unchecked growth of a spirit of lawlessness, reckless deeds, and exasperated feeling, which will destroy our social comfort at home, and respectability abroad." from the "huntsville democrat," of nov. , . "a trifling dispute arose between silas randal and pharaoh massingale, both of marshall county. they exchanged but a few words, when the former drew a bowie knife and stabbed the latter in the abdomen fronting the left hip to the depth of several inches; also inflicted several other dangerous wounds, of which massengale died immediately.--randal is yet at large, not having been apprehended." from the "free press" of august , . "the streets of gainesville, alabama, have recently been the scene of a most tragic affair. some five weeks since, at a meeting of the citizens, col. christopher scott, a lawyer of good standing, and one of the most influential citizens of the place, made a violent attack on the tombeckbee rail road company. a mr. smith, agent for the t.r.r. company, took col. c's remarks as a personal insult, and demanded an explanation. a day or two after, as mr. smith was passing colonel scott's door, he was shot down by him, and after lingering a few hours expired. "it appears also from an alabama paper, that col. scott's brother, l.s. scott esq., and l.j. smith esq., were accomplices of the colonel in the murder." the following is from the "natchez free trader," june , . "an affray, attended with fatal consequences, occurred in the town of moulton, alabama, on the th may. it appears that three young men from the country, of the name of j. walton, geo. bowling, and alexander bowling, rode into moulton on that day for the purpose of chastising the bar-keeper at mccord's tavern, whose name is cowan, for an alleged insult offered by him to the father of young walton. they made a furious attack on cowan, and drove him into the bar room of the tavern. some time after, a second attack was made upon cowan in the street by one of the bowlings and walton, when pistols were resorted to by both parties. three rounds were fired, and the third shot, which was said to have been discharged by walton, struck a young man by the name of neil, who happened to be passing in the street at the time, and killed him instantly. the combatants were taken into custody, and after an examination before two magistrates, were bailed." the following exploits of the "alabama volunteers," are recorded in the florida herald, jan. , . "save us from our friends.--on monday last, a large body of men, calling themselves alabama volunteers, arrived in the vicinity of this city. it is reported that their conduct during their march from tallahassee to this city has been a series of excesses of every description. they have committed almost every crime except murder, and have even threatened life. "large numbers of them paraded our streets, grossly insulted our females, and were otherwise extremely riotous in their conduct. one of the squads, forty or fifty in number, on reaching the bridge, where there was a small guard of three or four men stationed, assaulted the guard, overturned the sentry-box into the river, and bodily seized two of the guard, and threw them into the river, where the water was deep, and they were forced to swim for their lives. at one of the men while in the water, they pointed a musket, threatening to kill him; and pelted with every missile which came to hand." the following alabama tragedy is published by the "columbia (s.c.) telescope," sept. **, , from the wetumpka sentinel. "our highly respectable townsman, mr. hugh ware, a merchant of wetumpka, was standing in the door of his counting room, between the hours of and o'clock at night, in company with a friend, when an assassin lurked within a few paces of his position, and discharged his musket, loaded with ten or fifteen buckshot. mr. ware instantly fell, and expired without a struggle or a groan. a coroner's inquest decided that the deceased came to his death by violence, and that abner j. cody, and his servant john, were the perpetrators. john frankly confessed, that his master, cody, compelled him to assist, threatening his life if he dared to disobey; that he carried the musket to the place at which it was discharged; that his master then received it from him, rested it on the fence, fired and killed mr. ware." from the "southern (miss.) mechanic," april , . "horrid butchery.--a desperate fight occurred in montgomery, alabama, on the th ult. we learn from the advocate of that city, that the persons engaged were wm. s. mooney and kenyon mooney, his son, edward bell, and bushrod bell, jr. the first received a wound in the abdomen, made by that fatal instrument, the bowie knife, which caused his death in about fifteen hours. the second was shot in the side, and would doubtless have been killed, had not the ball partly lost its force by first striking his arm. the third received a shot in the neck, and now lies without hope of recovery. the fourth escaped unhurt, and, we understand has fled. this is a brief statement of one of the bloodiest fights that we ever heard of." from the "virginia statesman," may , . "several affrays, wherein pistols, dirks and knives were used, lately occurred at mobile. one took place on the th inst., at the theatre, in which a mr. bellum was so badly stabbed that his life is despaired of. on the wednesday preceding, a man named johnson shot another named snow dead. no notice was taken of the affair." from the "huntsville advocate," june , . "desperate affray.--on sunday the th inst., an affray of desparate and fatal character occurred near jeater's landing, marshall county, alabama. the dispute which led to it arose out of a contested right to _possession_ of a piece of land. a mr. steele was the occupant, and mr. james mcfarlane and some others, claimants. mr. f. and his friends went to mr. steele's house with a view to take possession, whether peaceably or by violence, we do not certainly know. as they entered the house a quarrel ensued between the opposite parties, and some blows perhaps followed; in a short time, several guns were discharged from the house at mr. mcfarlane and friends. mr. m. was killed, a mr. freamster dangerously wounded, and it is thought will not recover; two others were also wounded, though not so as to endanger life. mr. steele's brother was wounded by the discharge of a pistol from one of mr. m's friends. we have heard some other particulars about the affray, but we abstain from giving them, as incidental versions are often erroneous, and as the whole matter will be submitted to legal investigation. four of steele's party, his brother, and three whose names are lenten, collins and wills, have been arrested, and are now confined in the gaol in this place." from the "norfolk beacon," july , . "a few days since at claysville, marshal co., alabama, messrs. nathaniel and graves w. steele, while riding in a carriage, were shot dead, and alex. steele and wm. collins, also in the carriage, were severely wounded, (the former supposed mortally,) by messrs. jesse allen, alexander and arthur mcfarlane, and daniel dickerson. the steeles, it appears, last year killed james mcfarlane and another person in a similar manner, which led to this dreadful retaliation." from the montgomery (ala.) advocate--washington, autauga co., dec. , . "fatal rencontre.--on friday last, the th ult., a fatal rencontre took place in the town of washington, autauga county, between john tittle and thomas j. tarleton, which resulted in the death of the former. after a patient investigation of the matter, mr. tarleton was released by the investigating tribunal, on the ground that the homicide was clearly justifiable." the "columbus (ga.) sentinel" july , , quotes the following from the mobile (ala.) examiner. "a man by the name of peter church was killed on one of the wharves night before last. the person by whom it was done delivered himself to the proper authorities yesterday morning. the deceased and destroyer were friends and the act occurred in consequence of an immaterial quarrel." the "milledgeville federal union" of july , , has the following "in selma, alabama resided lately messrs. philips and dickerson, physicians. mr. p. is brother to the wife of v. bleevin esq., a rich cotton planter in that neighborhood; the latter has a very lovely daughter, to whom dr. d. paid his addresses. a short time since a gentleman from mobile married her. soon after this, a schoolmaster in selma set a cry afloat to the effect, that he had heard dr. d. say things about the lady's conduct before marriage which ought not to be said about any lady. dr. d. denied having said such things, and the other denied having spread the story; but neither denials sufficed to pacify the enraged parent. he met dr. d. fired at him two pistols, and wounded him. dr. d. was unarmed, and advanced to mr. bleevin, holding up his hands imploringly, when mr. b. drew a bowie knife, and stabbed him to the heart. the doctor dropped dead on the spot: and mr. bleevin has been held to bail." the following is taken from the "alabama, intelligencer," sept. , . "on the th instant, a deadly rencounter took place in the streets of russelville, (our county town,) between john a. chambers, esq., of the city of mobile, and thomas l. jones, of this county. in the rencounter, jones was wounded by several balls which took effect in his chin, mouth, neck, arm, and shoulder, believed to be mortal; he did not fire his gun. "mr. chambers forthwith surrendered himself to the sheriff of the county, and was on the th, tried and fully acquitted, by a court of inquiry." the "maysville (ky.) advocate" of august , , gives the following affray, which took place in girard, alabama, july th. "two brothers named thomas and hal lucas, who had been much in the habit of quarrelling, came together under strong excitement, and tom, as was his frequent custom, being about to flog hal with a stick of some sort, the latter drew a pistol and shot the former, his own brother, through the heart, who almost instantly expired!" the "new orleans bee" of oct. , , relates an affray in mobile, alabama, between benjamin alexander, an aged man of ninety, with thomas hamilton, his grandson, on the th of september, in which the former killed the latter with a dirk. the "red river whig" of july , , gives the particulars of a tragedy in western alabama, in which a planter near lakeville, left home for some days, but suspecting his wife's fidelity, returned home late at night, and finding his suspicions verified, set fire to his house and waited with his rifle before the door, till his wife and her paramour attempted to rush out, when he shot them both dead. from the "morgan (ala.) observer," dec. . "we are informed from private sources, that on last saturday, a poor man who was moving westward with his wife and three little children and driving a small drove of sheep, and perhaps a cow or two, which was driven by his family, on arriving in florence, and while passing through, met with a citizen of that place, who rode into his flock and caused him some trouble to keep it together, when the mover informed the individual that he must not do so again or he would throw a rock at him, upon which some words ensued, and the individual again disturbed the flock, when the mover, as near as we can learn, threw at him upon this the troublesome man got off his horse, went into a grocery, got a gun, and came out and deliberately shot the poor stranger in the presence of his wife and little children. the wounded man then made an effort to get into some house, when his murderous assailant overtook and stabbed him to the heart with a _bowie knife_. this revolting scene, we are informed, occurred in the presence of many citizens, who, report says, never even lifted their voices in defence of the murdered man." a late number of the "flag of the union," published at tuscalosa, the seat of the government of alabama, states that "since the commencement of the late session of the legislature of that state, no less than thirteen fights had been had within sight of the capitol." _pistols and bowie knives were used in every case_. the present white population of alabama is about the same with that of new jersey, yet for the last twenty years there has not been so many public deadly affrays, and of such a horrible character, in new jersey, as have taken place in alabama within the last eight months. mississippi. mississippi became one of the united states in . its present white population is about one hundred and sixty thousand. the following extracts will serve to show that those who combine together to beat, rob, and manacle innocent men, women and children, will stick at nothing when their passions are up. the following murderous affray at canton, mississippi, is from the "alabama beacon," sept, , . "a terrible tragedy recently occurred at canton, miss., growing out of the late duel between messrs. dickins and drane of that place. a kentuckian happening to be in canton, spoke of the duel, and charged mr. mitchell calhoun, the second of drane, with cowardice and unfairness. mr. calhoun called on the kentuckian for an explanation, and the offensive charge was repeated. _a challenge and fight with bowie knives, toe to toe_, were the consequences. both parties were dreadfully and dangerously wounded, though neither was dead at the last advices. mr. calhoun is a brother to the hon. john calhoun, member of congress." here follows the account of the duel referred to above, between messrs. dickins and drane. "intelligence has been received in this town of a fatal duel that took place in canton, miss., on the th ult., between rufus k. dickins, and a mr. westley drane. they fought with double barrelled guns, loaded with buckshot--both were mortally wounded." the "louisville journal" publishes the following, nov. . "on the th instant, a fatal affray took place at gallatin, mississippi. the principal parties concerned were, messrs. john w. scott, james g. scott, and edmund b. hatch. the latter was shot down and then stabbed twice through the body, by j.g. scott." the "alabama beacon" of sept. , , says: "an attempt was made in vicksburg lately, by a gang of lynchers, to inflict summary punishment on three men of the name of fleckenstein. the assault was made upon the house, about o'clock at night. meeting with some resistance from the three fleckensteins, a leader of the gang, by the name of helt, discharged his pistol, and wounded one of the brothers severely in the neck and jaws. a volley of four or five shots was almost instantly returned, when helt fell dead, a piece of the top of the skull being torn off, and almost the whole of his brains dashed out. his comrades seeing him fall, suddenly took to their heels. there were, it is supposed, some _ten or fifteen_ concerned in the transaction." the "manchester (miss.) gazette," august , , says: "it appears that mr. asa hazeltine, who kept a public or boarding house in jackson, during the past winter, and mr. benjamin tanner, came here about five or six weeks since, with the intention of opening a public house. foiled in the design, in the settlement of their affairs some difficulty arose as to a question of veracity between the parties. mr. tanner, deeply excited, procured a pistol and loaded it with the charge of death, sought and found the object of his hatred in the afternoon, in the yard of messrs. kezer & maynard, and in the presence of several persons, after repeated and ineffectual attempts on the part of capt. jackson to baffle his fell spirit, shot the unfortunate victim, of which wound mr. hazeltine died in a short time. "we understand that mr. hazeltine was a native of boston." the "columbia (s.c.) telescope," sept. , , gives the details below: "by a letter from mississippi, we have an account of a rencontre which took place in rodney, on the th july, between messrs. thos. j. johnston and g.h. wilcox, both formerly of this city. in consequence of certain publications made by these gentlemen against each other, johnston challenged wilcox. the latter declining to accept the challenge, johnston informed his friends at rodney, that he would be there at the term of the court then not distant, when he would make an attack upon him. he repaired thither on the th, and on the next morning the following communication was read aloud in the presence of wilcox and a large crowd: "rodney, july , . "mr. johnston informs mr. wilcox, that at or about o'clock of this day, he will be on the common, opposite the presbyterian church of this town, waiting and expecting mr. wilcox to meet him there. "i pledge my honor that mr. johnston will not fire at mr. wilcox, until he arrives at a distance of one hundred yards from him, and i desire mr. wilcox or any of his friends, to see that distance accurately measured. "mr. johnston will wait there thirty minutes. "j. m. duffield. "mr. wilcox declined being a party to any such arrangement, and mr. d. told him to be prepared for an attack. accordingly, about an hour after this, johnston proceeded towards wilcox's office, armed with a double-barrelled gun, (one of the barrels rifled,) and three pistols in his belt. he halted about fifty yards from w's door and leveled his gun. w. withdrew before johnston could fire, and seized a musket, returned to the door and flashed. johnston fired both barrels without effect. wilcox then seized a double barrel gun, and johnston a musket, and both again fired. wilcox sent twenty-three buck shot over johnston's head, one of them passing through his hat, and wilcox was slightly wounded on both hands, his thigh and leg." from the "alabama beacon," may , . "an affray of the most barbarous nature was expected to take place in arkansas opposite princeton, on thursday last. the two original parties have been endeavoring for several weeks, to settle their differences at natchez. one of the individuals concerned stood pledged, our informant states, to fight three different antagonists in one day. the fights, we understand, were to be with pistols; but a variety of other weapons were taken along--among others, the deadly bowie knife. these latter instruments, we are told, were whetted and dressed up at grand gulf, as the parties passed up, avowedly with the intention of being used in the field." from the "southern (miss) argus," nov. , . "we learn that, at a wood yard above natchez, on sunday evening last, a difficulty arose between captain crosly, of the steamboat galenian, and one of his deck passengers. capt. c. drew a bowie knife, and made a pass at the throat of the passenger, which failed to do any harm, and the captain then ordered him to leave his boat. the man went on board to get his baggage, and the captain immediately sought the cabin for a pistol. as the passenger was about leaving the boat, the captain presented a pistol to his breast, which snapped. instantly the enraged and wronged individual seized capt. crosly by the throat, and brought him to the ground, when he drew a dirk and stabbed him eight or nine times in the breast, each blow driving the weapon into his body up to the hilt. the passenger was arrested, carried to natchez, tried and acquitted." the "planter's intelligencer" publishes the following from the vicksburg sentinel of june , . "about o'clock, we observed two men 'pummeling' one another in the street, to the infinite amusement of a crowd. presently a third hero made his appearance in the arena, with bowie knife in hand, and he cried out, "let me come at him!" upon hearing this threat, one of the pugilists 'took himself off,' our hero following at full speed. finding his pursuit was vain, our hero returned, when an attack was commenced upon another individual. he was most cruelly beat, and cut through the skull with a knife; it is feared the wounds will prove mortal. the sufferer, we learn, is an inoffensive german." from the "mississippian," nov. , . "on tuesday evening last, d, an affray occurred at the town of tallahasse, in this county, between hugh roark and captain flack, which resulted in the death of roark. roark went to bed, and flack, who was in the barroom below, observed to some persons there, that he believed they had set up roark to whip him; roark, upon hearing his name mentioned, got out of bed and came downstairs. flack met and stabbed him in the lower part of his abdomen with a knife, letting out his bowels. roark ran to the door, and received another stab in the back. he lived until thursday night, when he expired in great agony. flack was tried before a justice of the peace, and we understand was only held to bail to appear at court in the event roark should die." from the "grand gulf advertiser" nov. , . "_attempt at riot at natchez_.--the _courier_ says, that in consequence of the discharge of certain individuals who had been arraigned for the murder of a man named _medill_, a mob of about persons assembled on the night of the st instant, with the avowed purpose of _lynching_ them. but fortunately, the objects of their vengeance had escaped from town. foiled in their purpose, the rioters repaired to the shantee where the murder was committed, and precipitated it over the bluff. the military of the city were ordered out to keep order." from the "natchez free trader." "a violent attack was lately made on captain barrett, of the steamboat southerner, by three persons from wilkinson co., miss., whose names are carey, and one of the name of j.s. towles. the only reason for the outrage was, that captain b. had the assurance to require of the gentlemen, who were quarreling on board his boat, to keep order for the peace and comfort of the other passengers. _towles_ drew a bowie knife upon the captain; which the latter wrested from him. a pistol, drawn by one of the careys was also taken, and the assailant was knocked overboard. fortunately for him he was rescued from drowning. the brave band then landed. on her return up the river, the southerner stopped at fort adams, and on her leaving that place, an armed party, among whom were the careys and towles, fired into the boat, but happily the shot missed a crowd of passengers on the hurricane deck." from the "mississippian," dec. , . "greet spikes, a citizen of this county, was killed a few days ago, between this place and raymond, by a man named pegram. it seems that pegram and spikes had been carrying weapons for each other for some time past. pegram had threatened to take spikes' life on first sight, for the base treatment he had received at his hands. "we have heard something of the particulars, but not enough to give them at this time. pegram had not been seen since." the "lynchburg virginian," july , , says: "a fatal affray occurred a few days ago in clinton, mississippi. the actors in it were a mr. parham, mr. shackleford, and a mr. henry. shackleford was killed on the spot, and henry was slightly wounded by a shot gun with which parham was armed." from the "columbus (ga.) sentinel," nov. , . "_butchery_.--a bowie knife slaughter took place a few days since in honesville, miss. a mr. hobbs was the victim; strother the butcher." the "vicksburg sentinel," sept. , , says: "it is only a few weeks since humanity was shocked by a most atrocious outrage, inflicted by the lynchers, on the person of a mr. saunderson of madison, co. in this state. they dragged this respectable planter from the bosom of his family, and mutilated him in the most brutal manner--maiming him most inhumanly, besides cutting off his nose and ears and scarifying his body to the very ribs! we believe the subject of this foul outrage still drags out a miserable existence--an object of horror and of pity. last week a club of lynchers, amounting to four or five individuals, as we have been credibly informed, broke into the house of mr. scott of wilkinson co., a respectable member of the bar, forced him out, and hung him dead on the next tree. we have heard of numerous minor outrages committed against the peace of society, and the welfare and happiness of the country; but we mention these as the most enormous that we have heard for some months. "it now becomes our painful duty, to notice a most disgraceful outrage committed by the lynchers of vicksburg, on last sunday. the victim was a mr. grace, formerly of the neighborhood of warrenton, va., but for two years a resident of this city. he was detected in giving free passes to slaves and brought to trial before squire maxey. unfortunately for the wretch, either through the want of law or evidence, he could not be punished, and he was set at liberty by the magistrate. the city marshal seeing that a few in the crowd were disposed to lay violent hands on the prisoner in the event of his escaping punishment by law, resolved to accompany him to his house. the lynch mob still followed, and the marshal finding the prisoner could only be protected by hurrying him to jail, endeavored to effect that object. the lynchers, however, pursued the officer of the law, dragged him from his horse, bruised him, and conveyed the prisoner to the most convenient point of the city for carrying their blood-thirsty designs into execution. we blush while we record the atrocious deed; in this city, containing nearly , souls, in the broad light of day, this aged wretch was stripped and flogged, we believe within hearing of the lamentations and the shrieks of his afflicted wife and children." in an affray at montgomery, mississippi, july , , mr. a.l. herbert was killed by dr. j.b. harrington. see grand gulf advertiser, august , . the "maryland republican" of january , , has the following: "a street rencounter lately took place in jackson, miss., between mr. robert mcdonald and mr. w.h. lockhart, in which mcdonald was shot with a pistol and immediately expired. lockhart was committed to prison." the "nashville banner," june , , has the following: "on the th inst. col. james m. hulet was shot with a rifle without any apparent provocation in gallatin, miss., by one richard m. jones." from the "huntsville democrat," dec. , . "the aberdeen (miss.) advocate, of saturday last, states that on the morning of the day previous, (the th) a dispute arose between mr. robert smith and mr. alexander eanes, both of aberdeen, which resulted in the death of mr. smith, who kept a boarding house, and was an amiable man and a good citizen. in the course of the contradictory words of the disputants, the lie was given by eanes, upon which smith gathered up a piece of iron and threw it at eanes, but which missed him and lodged in the walls of the house. at this eanes drew a large dirk knife, and stabbed smith in the abdomen, the knife penetrating the vitals, and thus causing immediate death. smith breathed only a few seconds after the fatal thrust. "eanes immediately mounted his horse and rode off, but was pursued by mr. hanes, who arrested and took him back, when he was put under guard to await a trial before the proper authorities." from the "vicksburg register," nov. , . "on the d inst. an affray occurred between one stephen scarbrough and a.w. higbee of grand gulf, in which scarbrough was stabbed with a knife, which occasioned his death in a few hours. higbee has been arrested and committed for trial." from the "huntsville (ala.) democrat" nov. , . "_life in the southwest_.--a friend in louisiana writes, under date of the st ult., that a fight took place a few days ago in madison parish, miles below lake providence, between a mr. nevils and a mr. harper, which terminated fatally. the police jury had ordered a road on the right bank of the mississippi, and the neighboring planters were out with their forces to open it. for some offence, nevils, the superintendent of the operations, flogged two of harper's negroes. the next day the parties met on horseback, when harper dismounted, and proceeded to cowskin nevils for the chastisement inflicted on the negroes. nevils immediately drew a pistol and shot his assailant dead on the spot. both were gentlemen of the highest respectability. "an affray also came off recently, as the same correspondent writes us, in raymond, hinds co., miss., which for a serious one, was rather amusing. the sheriff had a process to serve on a man of the name of bright, and, in consequence of some difficulty and intemperate language, thought proper to commence the service by the application of his cowskin to the defendant. bright thereupon floored his adversary, and, wresting his cowhide from him, applied it to its owner to the extent of at least five hundred lashes, meanwhile threatening to shoot the first bystander who attempted to interfere. the sheriff was carried home in a state of insensibility, and his life has been despaired of. the mayor of the place, however, issued his warrant, and started three of the sheriff's deputies in pursuit of the delinquent, but the latter, after keeping them at bay till they found it impossible to arrest him, surrendered himself to the magistrate, by whom he was bound over to the next circuit court. from the mayor's office, his honor and the parties litigant proceeded to the tavern to take a drink by way of ending hostilities. but the civil functionary refused to sign articles of peace by touching glasses with bright, whereupon the latter made a furious assault upon him, and then turned and flogged 'mine host' within an inch of his life because he interfered. satisfied with his day's work, bright retired. can we show any such specimens of chivalry and refinement in kentucky!" from the "grand gulf (miss.) advertiser," june , . "death by violence.--the moral atmosphere in our state appears to be in a deleterious and sanguinary condition. _almost every exchange paper which reaches us contains some inhuman and revolting case of murder or death by violence. not less than fifteen deaths by violence have occurred, to our certain knowledge, within the past three months._ such a state of things, in a country professing to be moral and christian, is a disgrace to human nature and is well calculated, to induce those abroad unacquainted with our general habits and feelings, to regard the morals of our people in no very enviable light; and does more to injure and weaken our political institutions than years of pecuniary distress. the frequency of such events is a burning disgrace to the morality, civilization, and refinement of feeling to which we lay claim and so often boast in comparison with the older states. and unless we set about and put an immediate and effectual termination to such revolting scenes, we shall be compelled to part with what all genuine southerners have ever regarded as their richest inheritance, the proud appellation of the '_brave, high-minded and chivalrous sons of the south_.' "this done, we should soon discover a change for the better--peace and good order would prevail, and the ends of justice be effectually and speedily attained, and then the people of this wealthy state would be in a condition to bid defiance to the disgraceful reproaches which are now daily heaped upon them by the religious and moral of other states." "the present white population of mississippi is but little more than half as great as that of vermont, and yet more horrible crimes are perpetrated by them every month, than have ever been perpetrated in vermont since it has been a state, now about half a century. whoever doubts it, let him get data and make his estimate, and he will find that this is no random guess." louisiana. louisiana became one of the united states in . its present white population is about one hundred and fifteen thousand. the extracts which follow furnish another illustration of the horrors produced by passions blown up to fury in the furnace of arbitrary power. we have just been looking over a broken file of louisiana papers, including the last six months of , and the whole of , and find ourselves obliged to abandon our design of publishing even an abstract of the scores and _hundreds_ of affrays, murders, assassinations, duels, lynchings, assaults, &c. which took place in that state during that period. those which have taken place in new orleans alone, during the last eighteen months, would, in detail, fill a volume. instead of inserting the details of the principal atrocities in louisiana, as in the states already noticed, we will furnish the reader with the testimony of various editors of newspapers, and others, residents of the state, which will perhaps as truly set forth the actual state of society there, as could be done by a publication of the outrages themselves. from the "new orleans bee," of may , . "_contempt of human life._--in view of the crimes which are _daily_ committed, we are led to inquire whether it is owing to the inefficiency of our laws, or to the manner in which those laws are administered, that this _frightful deluge of human blood fowl through our streets and our places of public resort_. "whither will such contempt for the life of man lead us? the unhealthiness of the climate mows down annually a part of our population; the murderous steel despatches its proportion; and if crime increases as it has, the latter will soon become _the most powerful agent in destroying life_. "we cannot but doubt the perfection of our criminal code, when we see that _almost every criminal eludes the law_, either by boldly avowing the crime, or by the tardiness with which legal prosecutions are carried on, or, lastly, by the convenient application of _bail_ in criminal cases." the "new orleans picayune" of july , , says: "it is with the most painful feelings that we _daily_ hear of some _fatal_ duel. yesterday we were told of the unhappy end of one of our most influential and highly respectable merchants, who fell yesterday morning at sunrise in a duel. as usual, the circumstances which led to the meeting were trivial." the new orleans correspondent of the new york express, in his letter dated new orleans, july , , says: "thirteen duels have been fought in and near the city during the week; _five more were to take place this morning_." the "new orleans merchant" of march , , says: "murder has been rife within the two or three weeks last past; and what is worse, the authorities of those places where they occur are _perfectly regardless of the fact_." the "new orleans bee" of september , , says: "not two months since, the miserable barba became a victim to one of the most cold-blooded schemes of assassination that ever disgraced a civilized community. last sunday evening an individual, gonzales by name, was seen in perfect health, in conversation with his friends. on monday morning his dead body was withdrawn from the mississippi, near the ferry of the first municipality, in a state of terrible mutilation. to cap the climax of horror, on friday morning, about half past six o'clock, the coroner was called to hold an inquest over the body of an individual, between magazine and tchoupitoulas streets. the head was entirely severed from the body; the lower extremities had likewise suffered amputation; the right foot was completely dismembered from the leg, and the left knee nearly severed from the thigh. several stabs, wounds and bruises, were discovered on various parts of the body, which of themselves were sufficient to produce death." the "georgetown (south carolina) union" of may , , has the following extract from a new orleans paper. "a short time since, two men shot one another down in one of our bar rooms, one of whom died instantly. a day or two after, one or two infants were found murdered, there was every reason to believe, by their own mothers. last week we had to chronicle a brutal and bloody murder, committed in the heart of our city: the very next day a murder-trial was commenced in our criminal court: the day ensuing this, we published the particulars of hart's murder. the day after that, tibbetts was hung for attempting to commit a murder; the next day again we had to publish a murder committed by two spaniards at the lake--this was on friday last. on sunday we published the account of another murder committed by the italian, gregorio. on monday, another murder was committed, and the murderer lodged in jail. on tuesday morning another man was stabbed and robbed, and is not likely to recover, but the assassin escaped. the same day reynolds, who killed barre, shot himself in prison. on wednesday, another person, mr. nicolet, blew out his brains. yesterday, the unfortunate george clement destroyed himself in his cell; and in addition to this dreadful catalogue we have to add that of the death of two, brothers, who destroyed themselves through grief at the death of their mother; and truly may we say that 'we know not what to-morrow will bring forth.'" the "louisiana advertiser," as quoted by the salt river (mo.) journal of may , , says: "within the last ten or twelve days, three suicides, four murders, and two executions, have occurred in the city!" the "new orleans bee" of october , , says: "we remark with regret the frightful list of homicides that are _daily_ committed in new orleans." the "planter's banner" of september . , published at franklin, louisiana, after giving an account of an affray between a number of planters, in which three were killed and a fourth mortally wounded, says that "davis (one of the murderers) was arrested by the by-standers, but a _justice of the peace_ came up and told them, he did not think it right to keep a man 'tied in that manner,' and 'thought it best to turn him loose.' _it was accordingly so done_." this occurred in the parish of harrisonburg. the banner closes the account by saying: "our informant states that _five white men_ and _one_ negro have been murdered in the parish of madison, during the months of july and august." this _justice of the peace_, who bade the by-standers unloose the murderer, mentioned above, has plenty of birds of his own feather among the law officers of louisiana. two of the leading officers in the new orleans police took two witnesses, while undergoing legal examination at covington, near new orleans, "carried them to a bye-place, and _lynched_ them, during which inquisitorial operation, they divulged every thing to the officers, messrs. foyle and crossman." the preceding fact is published in the maryland republican of august , . judge canonge of new orleans, in his address at the opening of the criminal court, nov. , , published in the "bee" of nov. , in remarking upon the prevalence of out-breaking crimes, says: "is it possible in a civilized country such crying abuses are _constantly_ encountered? how many individuals have given themselves up to such culpable habits! yet we find magistrates and juries hesitating to expose crimes of the blackest dye to eternal contempt and infamy, to the vengeance of the law. "as a louisianian parent, _i reflect with terror_ that our beloved children, reared to become one day honorable and useful citizens, may be the victims of these votaries of vice and licentiousness. without some powerful and certain remedy, _our streets will become butcheries overflowing with the blood of our citizens_." the editor of the "new orleans bee," in his paper of oct. , , has a long editorial article, in which he argues for the virtual legalizing of lynch law, as follows: "we think then that in the circumstances in which we are placed, the legislature ought to sanction such measures as the situation of the country render necessary, by giving to justice a _convenient latitude_. there are occasions when the delays inseparable from the administration of justice would be inimical to the public safety, and when the most fatal consequences would be the result. "it appears to us, that there is an urgent necessity to provide against the inconveniences which result from popular judgment, and to check the disposition for the speedy execution of justice resulting from the unconstitutional principle of a pretended lynch law, by authorizing the parish court to take cognizance without delay, against every free man who shall be convicted of a crime; from the accusations arising from the mere provocations to the insurrection of the working classes. "all judicial sentences ought to be based upon law, and the terrible privilege which the populace now have of punishing with death certain crimes, _ought to be consecrated by law_, powerful interests would not suffice in our view to excuse the interruption of social order, if the public safety was not with us the supreme law. "this is the reason that whilst we deplore the imperious necessity which exists, we entreat the legislative power to give the sanction of principle to what already exists in fact." the editor of the "new orleans bee," in his paper, oct , , says: "we remark with regret the frightful list of homicides, whether justifiable or not, that are daily committed in new orleans. it is not through any inherent vice of legal provision that such outrages are perpetrated with impunity: it is rather in the neglect of the _application of the law_ which exists on this subject. "we will confine our observation to the dangerous facilities afforded by this code for the escape of the homicide. we are well aware that the laws in question are intended for the distribution of equal justice, yet we have too often witnessed the acquittal of delinquents whom we can denominate by no other title than that of homicides, while the simple affirmation of others has been admitted (in default of testimony) who are themselves the authors of the deed, for which they stand in judgment. the _indiscriminate system of accepting bail_ is a blot on our criminal legislation, and is one great reason why so many violators of the law avoid its penalties. to this doubtless must be ascribed the non-interference of the attorney general. the law of _habeas corpus_ being subjected to the interpretation of every magistrate, whether versed or not in criminal cases, a degree of arbitrary and incorrect explanation necessarily results. how frequently does it happen that the mayor or recorder decides upon the gravest case without putting himself to the smallest trouble to inform the attorney general, who sometimes only hears of the affair when investigation is no longer possible, or when the criminal has wisely commuted his punishment into temporary or perpetual exile." that morality suffers by such practices, is beyond a doubt; yet moderation and mercy are so beautiful in themselves, that we would scarcely protest against indulgence, were it not well known that the acceptance of bail is the safeguard of every delinquent who, through wealth or connections, possesses influence enough to obtain it. here arbitrary construction glides amidst the confusion of testimony; there it presumes upon the want of evidence, and from one cause or another it is extremely rare, that a refusal to bail has delivered the accused into the hands of justice. in criminal cases, the court and jury are the proper tribunals to decide upon the reality of the crime, and the palliating circumstances; _yet it is not unfrequent_ for the public voice to condemn as an odious assassin, the very individual who by the acquittal of the judge, walks at large and scoffs at justice. "it is time to restrict within its proper limits this pretended right of personal protection; it is time to teach our population to abstain from mutual murder upon slight provocation.--duelling, heaven knows, is dreadful enough, and quite a sufficient means of gratifying private aversion, and avenging insult. frequent and serious brawls in our cafes, streets and houses, every where attest the insufficiency or misapplication of our legal code, or the want of energy in its organs. to say that unbounded license is the insult of liberty is folly. liberty is the consequence of well regulated laws--without these, freedom can exist only in name, and the law which favors the escape of the opulent and aristocratic from the penalties of retribution, but consigns the poor and friendless to the chain-gang or the gallows, is in fact the very essence of slavery!!" the editor of the same paper says (nov. , .) "perhaps by an equitable, but strict application of that law, (the law which forbids the wearing of deadly weapons concealed,) the effusion of human blood might be stopt _which now defiles our streets and our coffee-houses as if they were shambles_! reckless disregard of the life of man is rapidly gaining ground among us, and the habit of seeing a man whom it is taken for granted was armed, murdered merely for a _gesture_, may influence the opinion of a jury composed of citizens, whom, long impunity to homicides of every kind has persuaded, that the right of self-defence extends even to the taking of life for _gestures_, more or less threatening. so many daily instances of outbreaking passion which have thrown whole families into the deepest affliction, teach us a terrible lesson." from the "columbus (ga.) sentinel," july , . "_wholesale murders_.--no less than three murders were committed in new orleans on monday evening last. the first was that of a man in poydras, near the corner of tehapitoulas. the murdered individual had been suspected of a _liason_ with another man's wife in the neighbourhood, was caught in the act, followed to the above corner and shot. "the second was that of a man in perdido street. circumstances not known. "the third was that of a watchman, on the corner of custom house and burgundy street, who was found dead yesterday morning, shot through the heart. the deed was evidently committed on the opposite side from where he was found, as the unfortunate man was tracked by his blood across the street. in addition to being shot through the heart, two wounds in his breast, supposed to have been done with a bowie knife, were discovered. no arrests have been made to our knowledge." the editor of the "charleston, (s.c.) mercury" of april, , snakes the following remarks. "the energy of a tacon is much needed to vivify the police of new orleans. in a single paper we find an account of the execution of one man for robbery and intent to kill, of the arrest of another for stabbing a man to death with a carving knife; and of a third found murdered on the levee on the previous sunday morning. in the last case, although the murderer was known, _no steps had been taken for his arrest_; and to crown the whole, it is actually stated in so many words, that the city guards are not permitted, according to their instructions, to patrol the levee after night, for fear of attacks from persons employed in steamboats!" the present white population of louisiana is but little more than that of rhode island, yet more appalling crime is committed in louisiana _every day_, than in rhode island during a year, notwithstanding the tone of public morals is probably lower in the latter than in any other new england state. tennessee. tennessee became one of the united states in . its present white population is about seven hundred thousand. the details which follow, go to confirm the old truth, that the exercise of arbitrary power tends to make men monsters. the following, from the "memphis (tennessee) enquirer," was published in the virginia advocate, jan. , . "below will be found a detailed account of one of the most unnatural and aggravated murders ever recorded. col. ward, the deceased, was a man of high standing in the state, and very much esteemed by his neighbors, and by all who knew him. the brothers concerned in this 'murder, most foul and unnatural,' were lafayette, chamberlayne, caesar, and achilles jones, (the nephews of col. ward.) "the four brothers, all armed, went to the residence of mr. a.g. ward, in shelby co., on the evening of d instant. they were conducted into the room in which col. ward was sitting, together with some two or three ladies, his intended wife amongst the number. upon their entering the room, col. ward rose, and extended his hand to lafayette. he refused, saying he would shake hands with no such d----d rascal. the rest answered in the same tone. col. ward remarked that they were not in a proper place for a difficulty, if they sought one. col. ward went from the room to the passage, and was followed by the brothers. he said he was unarmed, but if they would lay down their arms, he could whip the whole of them; or if they would place him on an equal footing, he could whip the whole of them one by one. caesar told chamberlayne to give the col. one of his pistols, which he did, and both went out into the yard, the other brothers following. while standing a few paces from each other, lafayette came up, and remarked to the col., 'if you spill my brother's blood, i will spill yours,' about which time chamberlayne's pistol fired, and immediately lafayette bursted a cap at him. the colonel turned to lafayette, and said, 'lafayette, you intend to kill,' and discharged his pistol at him. the ball struck the pistol of lafayette, and glanced into his arm. by this time albert ward, being close by, and hearing the fuss, came up to the assistance of the colonel, when a scuffle amongst all hands ensued. the colonel stumbled and fell down--he received several wounds from a large bowie knife; and, after being stabbed, chamberlayne jumped upon him, and stamped him several times. after the scuffle, caesar jones was seen to put up a large bowie knife. colonel ward said he was a dead man. by the assistance of albert ward, he reached the house, distance about or yards, and in a few minutes expired. on examination by the coroner, it appeared that he had received several wounds from pistols and knives. albert ward was also badly bruised, not dangerously." the "new orleans bee," sept. , , published the following from the "nashville (tennessee) whig." "the nashville whig, of the th ult., says: pleasant watson, of de kalb county, and a mr. carmichael, of alabama, were the principals in an affray at livingston, overton county, last week, which terminated in the death of the former. watson made the assault with a dirk, and carmichael defended himself with a pistol, shooting his antagonist through the body, a few inches below the heart. watson was living at the last account. the dispute grew out of a horse race." the new orleans courier, april , , has the following extract from the "mcminersville (tennessee) gazette." "on saturday, the th instant, colonel david l. mitchell, the worthy sheriff of white county, was most barbarously murdered by a man named joseph little. colonel mitchell had a civil process against little. he went to little's house for the purpose of arresting him. he found little armed with a rifle, pistols, &c. he commenced a conversation with little upon the impropriety of his resisting, and stated his determination to take him, at the same time slowly advancing upon little, who discharged his rifle at him without effect. mitchell then attempted to jump in, to take hold of him when little struck him over the head with the barrel of his rifle, and literally mashed his skull to pieces; and, as he lay prostrate on the earth, little deliberately pulled a large pistol from his belt, and placing the muzzle close to mitchell's head, he shot the ball through it. little has made his escape. _there were three men near by when the murder was committed, who made no attempt to arrest the murderer_." the following affray at athens, tennessee, from the mississippian, august , . "an unpleasant occurrence transpired at athens on monday. captain james byrnes was stabbed four times, twice in the arm, and twice in the side by a.r. livingston. the wounds are said to be very severe, and fears are entertained of their proving mortal. the affair underwent an examination before sylvester nichols, esq., by whom livingston was let to bail." the "west tennessean," aug. , , says-- "a duel was fought at calhoun, tenn., between g.w. carter and j.c. sherley. they used yaugers at the distance of yards. the former was slightly wounded, and the latter quite dangerously." june d, , benjamin shipley, of hamilton co., tennessee, shot archibald mccallie. (_nashville banner_, july , .) june d, , levi stunston, of weakly co., tennessee, killed william price, of said county, in an affray. (_nashville banner, july , _.) october , , in an affray at wolf's ferry, tennessee, martin farley, senior, was killed by john and solomon step. (_georgia telegraph, nov , ._.) feb. , , john manie was killed by william doss at decatur, tennessee. (_memphis gazette, may , _.) "from the nashville whig." "_fatal affray in columbia, tenn_.--a fatal street encounter occurred at that place, on the d inst., between richard h. hays, attorney at law, and wm. polk, brother to the hon. jas. k. polk. the parties met, armed with pistols, and exchanged shots simultaneously. a buck-shot pierced the brain of hays, and he died early the next morning. the quarrel grew out of a sportive remark of hays', at dinner, at the columbia inn, for which he offered an apology, not accepted, it seems, as polk went to hays' office, the same evening, and chastised him with a whip. this occurred on friday, the fatal result took place on monday." in a fight near memphis, tennessee, may , , mr. jackson, of that place, shot through the heart mr. w.f. gholson, son of the late mr. gholson, of virginia. (_raleigh register, june , _.) the following horrible outrage, committed in west tennessee, not far from randolph, was published by the georgetown (s.c.) union, may , , from the louisville journal. "a feeble bodied man settled a few years ago on the mississippi, a short distance below randolph, on the tennessee side. he succeeded in amassing property to the value of about $ , , and, like most of the settlers, made a business of selling wood to the boats. this he sold at $ . a cord, while his neighbors asked $ . one of them came to remonstrate against his underselling, and had a fight with his brother-in-law clark, in which he was beaten. he then went and obtained legal process against clark, and returned with a deputy sheriff, attended by a posse of desperate villains. when they arrived at clark's house, he was seated among his children--they put two or three balls through his body. clark ran, was overtaken and knocked down; in the midst of his cries for mercy, one of the villains fired a pistol in his mouth, killing him instantly. they then required the settler to sell his property to them, and leave the country. he, fearing that they would otherwise take his life, sold them his valuable property for $ , and departed with his family. _the sheriff was one of the purchasers._" the baltimore american, feb. , , publishes the following from the nashville (tennessee) banner: "a most atrocious murder was committed a few days ago at lagrange, in this state, on the body of mr. john t. foster, a respectable merchant of that town. the perpetrators of this bloody act are e. moody, thomas moody, j.e. douglass, w.r. harris, and w.c. harris. the circumstances attending this horrible affair, are the following:--on the night previous to the murder, a gang of villains, under pretence of wishing to purchase goods, entered mr. foster's store, took him by force, and rode him through the streets _on a rail_. the next morning, mr. f. met one of the party, and gave him a caning. for this just retaliation for the outrage which had been committed on his person, he was pursued by the persons alone named, while taking a walk with a friend, and murdered in the open face of day." the following presentment of a tennessee grand jury, sufficiently explains and comments on itself: the grand jurors empanelled to inquire for the county of shelby, would separate without having discharged their duties, if they were to omit to notice public evils which they have found their powers inadequate to put in train for punishment. the evils referred to exist more particularly in the town of memphis. the audacity and frequency with which outrages are committed, forbid us, in justice to our consciences, to omit to use the powers we possess, to bring them to the severe action of the law; and when we find our powers inadequate, to draw upon them public attention, and the rebuke of the good. an infamous female publicly and grossly assaults a lady; therefore a public meeting is called, the mayor of the town is placed in the chair, resolutions are adopted, providing for the summary and lawless punishment of the wretched woman. in the progress of the affair, _hundreds of citizens_ assemble at her house, and raze it to the ground. the unfortunate creature, together with two or three men of like character, are committed, in an open canoe or boat, without oar or paddle, to the middle of the mississippi river. such is a concise outline of the leading incidents of a recent transaction in memphis. it might be filled up by the detail of individual exploits, which would give vivacity to the description; but we forbear to mention them. we leave it to others to admire the manliness of the transaction, and the courage displayed by a mob of hundreds, in the various outrages upon the persons and property of three or four individuals who fell under its vengeance. the present white population of tennessee is about the same with that of massachusetts, and yet more outbreaking crimes are committed in tennessee in a _single month_, than in massachusetts during a whole year; and this, too, notwithstanding the largest town in tennessee has but six thousand inhabitants; whereas, in massachusetts, besides one of eighty thousand, and two others of nearly twenty thousand each, there are at least a dozen larger than the chief town in tennessee, which gives to the latter state an important advantage on the score of morality, the country being so much more favorable to it than large towns. kentucky. kentucky has been one of the united states since . its present white population is about six hundred thousand. the details which follow show still further that those who unite to plunder of their rights one class of human beings, regard as _sacred_ the rights of no class. the following affair at maysville, kentucky, is extracted from the maryland republican, january , . "a fight came on at maysville, ky. on the th ultimo, in which a mr. coulster was stabbed in the side and is dead; a mr. gibson was well hacked with a knife; a mr. ferris was dangerously wounded in the head, and another of the same name in the hip; a mr. shoemaker was severely beaten, and several others seriously hurt in various ways." the following is extracted from the n.c. standard. "a most bloody and shocking transaction took place in the little town of clinton, hickman co. ken. the circumstances are briefly as follows: a special canvass for a representative from the county of hickman, had for some time been in progress. a gentleman by the name of binford was a candidate. the state senator from the district, judge james, took some exceptions to the reputation of binford, and intimated that if b. should be elected, he (james) would resign rather than serve with such a colleague. hearing this, binford went to the house of james to demand an explanation. mrs. james remarked, in a jest as binford thought, that if she was in the place of her husband she would resign her seat in the senate, and not serve with such a character. b. told her that she was a woman, and could say what she pleased. she replied that she was not in earnest. james then looked b. in the face and said that, if his wife said so, it was the fact--'he was an infamous scoundrel and d----d rascal.' he asked b. if he was armed, and on being answered in the affirmative, he stepped into an adjoining room to arm himself; he was prevented by the family from returning, and binford walked out. j. then told him from his piazza, that he would meet him next day in clinton. "true to their appointment, the enraged parties met on the streets the following day. james shot first, his ball passing through his antagonist's liver, whose pistol fired immediately afterwards, and missing j., the ball pierced the head of a stranger by the name of collins, who instantly fell and expired. after being shot, binford sprang upon j. with the fury of a wounded tiger, and would have taken his life but for a second shot received through the back from bartin james, the brother of thomas. even after he received the last fatal wound he struggled with his antagonist until death relaxed his grasp, and he fell with the horrid exclamation, _'i am a dead man!'_ "judge james gave himself up to the authorities; and when the informant of the editor left clinton, binford, and the unfortunate stranger lay shrouded corpses together." the "n.o. bee" thus gives the conclusion of the matter: "judge james was tried and acquitted, the death of binford being regarded as an act of justifiable homicide." from the "flemingsburg kentuckian," june ,' . affray.--thomas binford, of hickman county, kentucky, recently attacked a mr. gardner of dresden, with a drawn knife, and cut his face pretty badly. gardner picked up a piece of iron and gave him a side-wipe above the ear that brought him to terms. the skull was fractured about two inches. binford's brother was killed at clinton, kentucky, last fall by judge james. the "red river whig" of september , , says:--"a ruffian of the name of charles gibson, attempted to murder a girl named mary green, of louisville, ky. on the d ult. he cut her in six different places with a bowie knife. his object, as stated in a subsequent investigation before the police court, was to cut her throat, which she prevented by throwing up her arms." from the "louisville advertiser," dec. th, :--"a startling tragedy occurred in this city on saturday evening last, in which a.h. meeks was instantly killed, john rothwell mortally wounded, william holmes severely wounded, and henry oldham slightly, by the use of bowie knives, by judge e.c. wilkinson, and his brother, b.r. wilkinson, of natchez, and j. murdough, of holly springs, mississippi. it seems that judge wilkinson had ordered a coat at the shop of messrs. varnum & redding. the coat was made; the judge, accompanied by his brother and mr. murdough, went to the shop of varnum & redding, tried on the coat, and was irritated because, as he believed, it did not fit him. mr. redding undertook to convince him that he was in error, and ventured to assure the judge that the coat was well made. the judge instantly seized an iron poker, and commenced an attack on redding. the blow with the poker was partially warded off--redding grappled his assailant, when a companion of the judge drew a bowie knife, and, but for the interposition and interference of the unfortunate meeks, a journeyman tailor, and a gentleman passing by at the moment, redding might have been assassinated in his own shop. shortly afterwards, redding, meeks, rothwell, and holmes went to the galt house. they sent up stairs for judge wilkinson, and he came down into the bar room, when angry words were passed. the judge went up stairs again, and in a short time returned with his companions, all armed with knives. harsh language was again used. meeks, felt called on to state what he had seen of the conflict, and did so, and murdough gave him the d--d lie, for which meeks struck him. on receiving the blow with the whip, murdough instantly plunged his bowie knife into the abdomen of meeks, and killed him on the spot. "at the same instant b.r. wilkinson attempted to get at redding, and holmes and rothwell interfered, or joined in the affray. holmes was wounded, probably by b.r. wilkinson; and the judge, having left the room for an instant, returned, and finding rothwell contending with his brother, or bending over him, he (the judge) stabbed rothwell in the back, and inflicted a mortal wound. "judge wilkinson, his brother, and j. murdough, have been recently tried and acquitted." from the "new orleans bee," sept. , . "it appears from the statement of the lexington intelligencer, that there has been for some time past, an enmity between the drivers of the old and opposition lines of stages running from that city. on the evening of the th an encounter took place at the circus between two of them, powell and cameron, and the latter was so much injured that his life was in imminent danger. about o'clock the same night, several drivers of the old line rushed into keizer's hotel, where powell and other drivers of the opposition-line boarded, and a general melee took place, in the course of which several pistols were discharged, the ball of one of them passing through the head of crabster, an old line driver, and killing him on the spot. crabster, before he was shot, had discharged his own pistol which had burst into fragments. two or three drivers of the opposition were wounded with buck shot, but not dangerously." the "mobile advertiser" of september , , copies the following from the louisville (ky.) journal. "a mr. campbell was killed in henderson county on the st ult. by a mr. harrison. it appears, that there was an affray between the parties some months ago, and that harrison subsequently left home and returned on the st in a trading boat. campbell met him at the boat with a loaded rifle and declared his determination to kill him, at the same time asking him whether he had a rifle and expressing a desire to give him a fair chance. harrison affected to laugh at the whole matter and invited campbell into his boat to take a drink with him. campbell accepted the invitation, but, while he was in the act of drinking, harrison seized his rifle, fired it off, and laid campbell dead by striking him with the barrel of it." the "missouri republican" of july , published the details which follow from the louisville journal. mount sterling, ky. july , . "gentlemen:--a most unfortunate and fatal occurrence transpired in our town last evening, about o'clock. some of the most prominent friends of judge french had a meeting yesterday at col. young's, near this place, and warm words ensued between mr. albert thomas and belvard peters, esq., and a few blows were exchanged, and several of the friends of each collected at the spot. whilst the parties were thus engaged. mr. wm. white, who was a friend of mr. peters, struck mr. thomas, whereupon b.f. thomas esq. engaged in the combat on the side of his brother and mr. w. roberts on the part of peters--mr. g.w. thomas taking part with his brothers. albert thomas had peters down and was taken off by a gentleman present, and whilst held by that gentleman, he was struck by white; and b.f. thomas having made some remark white struck him. b.f. thomas returned the blow, and having a large knife, stabbed white, who nevertheless continued the contest, and, it is said, broke thomas's arm with a rock of a chair. thomas then inflicted some other stabs, of which white died in a few minutes. roberts was knocked down twice by albert thomas, and, i believe, is much hurt. g.w. thomas was somewhat hurt also. white and b.f. thomas had always been on friendly terms. you are acquainted with the messrs. thomas. mr. white was a much larger man than either of them, weighing nearly pounds, and in the prime of life. as you may very naturally suppose, great excitement prevails here, and mr. b.f. thomas regrets the fatal catastrophe as much as any one else, but believes from all the circumstances that he was justifiable in what he did, although he would be as far from doing such an act when cool and deliberate as any man whatever." the "new orleans bulletin" of aug. , , extracts the following from the louisville journal. "news has just reached us, that thomas p. moore, attacked the senior editor of this paper in the yard of the harrodsburg springs. mr. moore advanced upon mr. prentice with a drawn pistol and fired at him; mr. prentice then fired, neither shot taking effect. mr. prentice drew a second pistol, when mr. moore quailed and said he had no other arms; whereupon mr. prentice from superabundant magnanimity spared the miscreant's life." from "the floridian" of june , . murder. mr. gillespie, a respectable citizen aged , was murdered a few days since by a mr. arnett, near mumfordsville, ky., which latter shot his victim twice with a rifle. the "augusta (ga.) sentinel," may , , has the following account of murders in kentucky: "at mill's point, kentucky, dr. thomas rivers was shot one day last week, from out of a window, by lawyer ferguson, both citizens of that place, and both parties are represented to have stood high in the estimation of the community in which they lived. the difficulty we understand to have grown out of a law suit at issue between them." just as our paper was going to press, we learn that the brother of dr. rivers, who had been sent for, had arrived, and immediately shot lawyer ferguson. he at first shot him with a shot gun, upon his retreat, which did not prove fatal; he then approached him immediately with a pistol, and killed him on the spot." the right rev. b.b. smith, bishop of the episcopal diocese of kentucky, published about two years since an article in the lexington (ky.) intelligencer, entitled "thoughts on the frequency of homicides in the state of kentucky." we conclude this head with a brief extract from the testimony of the bishop, contained in that article. "the writer has never conversed with a traveled and enlightened european or eastern man, who has not expressed the most undisguised horror at the frequency of homicide and murder within our bounds, and at the _ease with which the homicide escapes from punishment_. "as to the frequency of these shocking occurrences, the writer has some opportunity of being correctly impressed, by means of a yearly tour through many counties of the state. he has also been particular in making inquiries of our most distinguished legal and political characters, and from some has derived conjectural estimates which were truly alarming. a few have been of the opinion, that on an average one murder a year may be charged to the account of every county in the state, making the frightful aggregate of human lives sacrificed to revenge, or the victims of momentary passion, in the course of every ten years. "others have placed the estimate much lower, and have thought that thirty for the whole state, every year, would be found much nearer the truth. an attempt has been made lately to obtain data more satisfactory than conjecture, and circulars have been addressed to the clerks of most of the counties, in order to arrive at as correct an estimate as possible of the actual number of homicides during the three years last past. it will be seen, however, that statistics thus obtained, even from every county in the state, would necessarily be imperfect, inasmuch as the records of the courts _by no means show all the cases_, which occur, some escaping without _any_ of the forms of a legal examination, and there being _many affrays_ which end only in wounds, or where the parties are separated. "from these returns, it appears that in counties there have been, within the last three years, of homicides of every grade, , but only convictions in the same period, leaving cases which have passed wholly unpunished. during the same period there have been from eighty-five counties, only eleven commitments to the state prison, nine for manslaughter, and two for shooting with intent to kill, _and not an instance of capital punishment in the person of any white offender_. thus an approximation is made to a general average, which probably would not vary much from one in each county every three years, or about in ten years. "it is believed that such a register of crime amongst a people professing the protestant religion and speaking the english language, is not to be found, with regard to any three-quarters of a million of people, since the downfall of the feudal system. compared with the records of crime in scotland, or the eastern states, the results are absolutely shocking! _it is believed there are more homicides, on an average of two years, in any of our more populous counties, than in the whole of several of our states, of equal or nearly equal white population with kentucky._ "the victims of these affrays are not always, by any means, the most worthless of our population. "it too often happens that the enlightened citizen, the devoted lawyer, the affectionate husband, and precious father, are thus instantaneously taken from their useful stations on earth, and hurried, all unprepared, to their final account! "the question, is again asked, what could have brought about, and can perpetuate, this shocking state of things?" as an illustration of the recklessness of life in kentucky, and the terrible paralysis of public sentiment, the bishop states the following fact. "a case of shocking homicide is remembered, where the guilty person was acquitted by a sort of acclamation, and the next day was seen in public, with two ladies hanging on his arm!" notwithstanding the frightful frequency of deadly affrays in kentucky, as is certified by the above testimony of bishop smith, there are fewer, in proportion to the white population, than in any of the states which have passed under review, unless tennessee may be an exception. the present white population of kentucky is perhaps seventy thousand more than that of maine, and yet more public fatal affrays have taken place in the former, within the last six months, than in the latter during its entire existence as a state. the seven slave states which we have already passed under review, are just one half of the slave states and territories, included in the american union. before proceeding to consider the condition of society in the other slave states, we pause a moment to review the ground already traversed. the present entire white population of the states already considered, is about two and a quarter millions; just about equal to the present white population of the state of new york. if the amount of crime resulting in loss of life, which is perpetrated by the white population of those states upon the _whites alone_, be contrasted with the amount perpetrated in the state of new york, by _all_ classes, upon _all_, we believe it will be found, that more of such crimes have been committed in these states within the last months, than have occurred in the state of new york for half a century. but perhaps we shall be told that in these seven states, there are scores of cities and large towns, and that a majority of all these deadly affrays, &c., take place in _them_; to this we reply, that there are _three times as many_ cities and large towns in the state of new york, as in all those states together, and that nearly all the capital crimes perpetrated in the state take place in these cities and large villages. in the state of new york, there are more than _half a million_ of persons who live in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, whereas in kentucky, tennessee, alabama, mississippi, louisiana, arkansas and missouri, there are on the largest computation not more than _one hundred thousand_ persons, residing in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, and the white population of these places (which alone is included in the estimate of crime, and that too _inflicted upon whites only_,) is probably not more than _sixty-five thousand_. but it will doubtless be pleaded in mitigation, that the cities and large villages in those states are _new_; that they have not had sufficient time thoroughly to organize their police, so as to make it an effectual terror to evil doers; and further, that the rapid growth of those places has so overloaded the authorities with all sorts of responsibilities, that due attention to the preservation of the public peace has been nearly impossible; and besides, they have had no official experience to draw upon, as in the older cities, the offices being generally filled by young men, as a necessary consequence of the newness of the country, &c. to this we reply, that new orleans is more than a century old, and for half that period has been the centre of a great trade; that st. louis, natchez, mobile, nashville, louisville and lexington, are all half a century old, and each had arrived at years of discretion, while yet the sites of buffalo, rochester, lockport, canandaigua, geneva, auburn, ithaca, oswego, syracuse, and other large towns in western new-york, _were a wilderness_. further, as _a number_ of these places are larger than _either_ of the former, their growth must have been more _rapid_, and, consequently, they must have encountered still greater obstacles in the organization of an efficient police than those south western cities, with this exception, they were not settled by slaveholders. the absurdity of assigning the _newness_ of the country, the unrestrained habits of pioneer settlers, the recklessness of life engendered by wars with the indians, &c., as reasons sufficient to account for the frightful amount of crime in the states under review, is manifest from the fact, that vermont is of the same age with kentucky; ohio, ten years younger than kentucky, and six years younger than tennessee; indiana, five years younger than louisiana; illinois, one year younger than mississippi; maine, of the same age with missouri, and two years younger than alabama; and michigan of the same age with arkansas. now, let any one contrast the state of society in maine, vermont, ohio, indiana, illinois, and michigan with that of kentucky, tennessee, alabama, missouri, louisiana, arkansas, and mississippi, and candidly ponder the result. it is impossible satisfactorily to account for the immense disparity in crime, on any other supposition than that the latter states were settled and are inhabited almost exclusively by those who carried with them the violence, impatience of legal restraint, love of domination, fiery passions, idleness, and contempt of laborious industry, which are engendered by habits of despotic sway, acquired by residence in communities where such manners, habits and passions, mould society into their own image.[ ] the practical workings of this cause are powerfully illustrated in those parts of the slave states where slaves abound, when contrasted with those where very few are held. who does not know that there are fewer deadly affrays in proportion to the white population--that law has more sway and that human life is less insecure in east tennessee, where there are very few slaves, than in west tennessee, where there are large numbers. this is true also of northern and western virginia, where few slaves are held, when contrasted with eastern virginia; where they abound; the same remark applies to those parts of kentucky and missouri, where large numbers of slaves are held, when contrasted with others where there are comparatively few. we see the same cause operating to a considerable extent in those parts of ohio, indiana and illinois, settled mainly by slaveholders and others, who were natives of slave states, in contrast with other parts of these states settled almost exclusively by persons from free states; that affrays and breaches of the peace are far more frequent in the former than in the latter, is well known to all. we now proceed to the remaining slave states. those that have not yet been considered, are delaware, maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, georgia, and the territory of florida. as delaware has hardly two thousand five hundred slaves, arbitrary power over human beings is exercised by so few persons, that the turbulence infused thereby into the public mind is but an inconsiderable element, quite insufficient to inflame the passions, much less to cast the character of the mass of the people; consequently, the state of society there, and the general security of life is but little less than in new jersey and pennsylvania, upon which states it borders on the north and east. the same causes operate in a considerable measure, though to a much less extent to maryland and in northern and western virginia. but in lower virginia, north and south carolina, georgia and florida, the general state of society as it respects the successful triumph of passion over law, and the consequent and universal insecurity of life is, in the main, very similar to that of the states already considered. in some portions of each of these states, human life has probably as little real protection as in arkansas, mississippi and louisiana; but generally throughout the former states and sections, the laws are not so absolutely powerless as in the latter three. deadly affrays, duels, murders, lynchings, &c., are, in proportion to the white population, as frequent and as rarely punished in lower virginia as in kentucky and missouri; in north carolina and south carolina as in tennessee; and in georgia and florida as in alabama. to insert the criminal statistics of the remaining slave states in detail, as those of the states already considered have been presented, would, we find, fill more space than can well be spared. instead of this, we propose to exhibit the state of society in all the slaveholding region bordering on the atlantic, by the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, corroborated by a few plain facts. leaving out of view florida, where law is the _most_ powerless, and maryland where probably it is the _least_ so, we propose to select as a fair illustration of the actual state of society in the atlantic slaveholding regions, north carolina whose border is but miles from the free states of pennsylvania and new jersey, and georgia which constitutes its south western boundary. we will begin with georgia. this state was settled more than a century ago by a colony under general oglethorpe. the colony was memorable for its high toned morality. one of its first regulations was an absolute prohibition of slavery in every form: but another generation arose, the prohibition was abolished, a multitude of slaves were imported, the exercise of unlimited power over them lashed up passion to the spurning of all control, and now the dreadful state of society that exists in georgia, is revealed by the following testimony out of her own mouth. the editor of the darien (georgia) telegraph, in his paper of november , , published the following. "_murderous attack_.--between the hours of three and four o'clock, on saturday last, the editor of this paper was attacked by fourteen armed ruffians, and knocked down by repeated blows of bludgeons. all his assailants were armed with pistols, dirks, and large clubs. many of them are known to us; but _there is neither law nor justice to be had in darien! we are doomed to death_ by the employers of the assassins who attacked us on saturday, and no less than our blood will satisfy them. the cause alleged for this unmanly, base, cowardly outrage, is some expressions which occurred in an election squib, printed at this office, and extensively circulated through the county, _before the election_. the names of those who surrounded us, when the attack was made, are, a. lefils, jr. (son to the representative), madison thomas, francis harrison, thomas hopkins, alexander blue, george wing, james eilands, w.i. perkins, a.j. raymur: the others we cannot at present recollect. the two first, lefils and thomas struck us at the same time. pistols were levelled at us in all directions. we can produce the most respectable testimony of the truth of this statement." the same number of the "darien telegraph," from which the preceding is taken, contains a correspondence between six individuals, settling the preliminaries of duels. the correspondence fills, with the exception of a dozen lines, _five columns_ of the paper. the parties were col. w. whig hazzard, commander of one of the georgia regiments in the recent seminole campaign, dr. t.f. hazzard, a physician of st. simons, and thomas hazzard, esq. a county magistrate, on the one side, and messrs. j.a. willey, a.w. willey, and h.b. gould, esqs. of darien, on the other. in their published correspondence the parties call each other "liar," "mean rascal," "puppy," "villain," &c. the magistrate, thomas hazzard, who accepts the challenge of j.a. willey, says, in one of his letters, "being a magistrate, under a solemn oath to do all in my power to keep the peace," &c., and yet this personification of georgia justice superscribes his letter as follows: "to the liar, puppy, fool, and poltroon, mr. john a. willey" the magistrate closes his letter thus: "here i am; call upon me for personal satisfaction (in _propria forma_); and in the farm field, on st. simon's island, (_deo juvante_,) i will give you a full front of my body, and do all in my power to satisfy your thirst for blood! and more, i will wager you $ , to be planked on the scratch! that j.a. willey will neither kill or defeat t.f. hazzard." the following extract from the correspondence is a sufficient index of slaveholding civilization. "articles of battle between john a. willey and w. whig hazzard. "condition . the parties to fight on the same day, and at the same place, (st. simon's beach, near the lighthouse,) where the meeting between t.f. hazzard and j.a. willey will take place. "condition . the parties to fight with broad-swords in the right hand, and a dirk in the left. "condition . on the word "charge," the parties to advance, and attack with the broadsword, or close with the dirk. "condition . the head of the vanquished to be cut off by the victor, and stuck upon a pole on the farm field dam, the original cause of dispute. "condition . neither party to object to each other's weapons; and if a sword breaks, the contest to continue with the dirk. "this col. w. whig hazzard is one of the most prominent citizens in the southern part of georgia, and previously signalized himself, as we learn from one of the letters in the correspondence, by "three deliberate rounds in a duel." the macon (georgia) telegraph of october , , contains the following notice of two affrays in that place, in each of which an individual was killed, one on tuesday and the other on saturday of the same week. in publishing the case, the macon editor remarks: "we are compelled to remark on the inefficiency of our laws in bringing to the bar of public justice, persons committing capital offences. under the present mode, a man has nothing more to do than to leave the state, or step over to texas, or some other place not farther off, and he need entertain no fear of being apprehended. so long as such a state of things is permitted to exist, just so long will every man who has an enemy (and there are but few who have not) _be in constant danger of being shot down in the streets_." to these remarks of the macon editor, who is in the centre of the state, near the capital, the editor of the darien telegraph, two hundred miles distant, responds as follows, in his paper of october . . "the remarks of our contemporary are not without cause. they apply, with peculiar force, to this community. _murderers and rioters will never stand in need of a sanctuary as long as darien is what it is_." it is a coincidence which carries a comment with it, that in less than a week after this darien editor made these remarks, he was attacked in the street by "_fourteen_ gentlemen" armed with bludgeons, knives, dirks, pistols, &c., and would doubtless have been butchered on the spot if he had not been rescued. we give the following statement at length as the chief perpetrator of the outrages, col. w.n. bishop, was at the time a high functionary of the state of georgia, and, as we learn from the macon messenger, still holds two public offices in the state, one of them from the direct appointment of the governor. from the "georgia messenger" of august , . "during the administration of wilson lumpkin, william n. bishop received from his excellency the appointment of indian agent, in the place of william springer. during that year ( ,) the said governor gave the command of a company of men, in number, to the said w.n. bishop, to be selected by him, and armed with the muskets of the state. this band was organized for the special purpose of keeping the cherokees in subjection, and although it is a notorious fact that the cherokees in the neighborhood of spring place were peaceable and by no means refractory, the said band were kept there, and seldom made any excursion whatever out of the county of murray. it is also _a notorious fact_, that the said band, from the day of their organization, never permitted a citizen of murray county opposed to the dominant party of georgia, to exercise the right of suffrage at any election whatever. from that period to the last of january election, the said band appeared at the polls with the arms of the state, rejecting every vote that "was not of the true stripe," as they called it. that they frequently seized and dragged to the polls honest citizens, and compelled them to vote contrary to their will. "such acts of arbitrary despotism were tolerated by the administration. appeals from the citizens of murray county brought them no relief--and incensed at such outrages, they determined on the first monday in january last, to turn out and elect such judges of the inferior court and county officers, as would be above the control of bishop, that he might thereby be prevented from packing such a jury as he chose to try him for his brutal and unconstitutional outrages on their rights. accordingly on sunday evening previous to the election, about twenty citizens who lived a distance from the county site, came in unarmed and unprepared for battle, intending to remain in town, vote in the morning and return home. they were met by bishop and his state band, and asked by the former 'whether they were for peace or war.' they unanimously responded, "we are for peace:' at that moment bishop ordered a fire, and instantly _every musket of his band was discharged on those citizens_, of whom were wounded, and others escaped with bullet holes in their clothes. not satisfied with the outrage, _they dragged an aged man from his wagon and beat him nearly to death_. "in this way the voters were driven from spring place, and before day light the next morning, the polls were opened by order of bishop, and soon after sun rise they were closed; bishop having ascertained that the band and schley men had all voted. a runner was then dispatched to milledgeville, and received from governor schley commissions for those self-made officers of bishop's, two of whom have since runaway, and the rest have been called on by the citizens of the county to resign, being each members of bishop's band, and doubtless runaways from other states. "after these outrages, bishop apprehending an appeal to the judiciary on the part of the injured citizens of murray county, had a jury drawn to suit him and appointed one of his band clerk of the superior court. for these acts, the governor and officers of the central bank rewarded him with an office in the bank of the state, since which his own jury found _eleven true bills_ against him." in the milledgeville federal union of may , , we find the following presentment of the grand jury of union county, georgia, which as it shows some relics of a moral sense, still lingering in the state we insert. presentment of the grand jury of union co., march term, . "we would notice, as a subject of painful interest, the appointment of wm. n. bishop to the high and responsible office of teller, of the central bank of the state of georgia--an institution of such magnitude as to merit and demand the most unslumbering vigilance of the freemen of this state; as a portion of whom, we feel bound to express our _indignant reprehension_ of the promotion of such a character to one of its most responsible posts--and do exceedingly regret the blindness or _depravity_ of those who can sanction such a measure. "we request that our presentment be published in the miners' recorder and federal union. john martin, foreman" on motion of henry l. sims, solicitor general, "ordered by the court, that the presentments of the grand jury, be published according to their request." thomas henry, clerk. the same paper, four weeks after publishing the preceding facts, contained the following: we give it in detail as the wretch who enacted the tragedy was another public functionary of the state of georgia and acting in an official capacity. "murder.--one of the most brutal and inhuman murders it has ever fallen to our lot to notice, was lately committed in cherokee county, by julius bates, the son of the principal keeper of the penitentiary, upon an indian. "the circumstances as detailed to us by the most respectable men of both parties, are these. at the last superior court of cass county, the unfortunate indian was sentenced to the penitentiary. bates, as _one of the penitentiary guard_, was sent with another to carry him and others, from other counties to milledgeville. he started from cassville with the indian ironed and bare footed; and walked him within a quarter of a mile of canton, the c.h. in cherokee, a distance of twenty-eight to thirty miles, over a very rough road in little more than half the day. on arriving at a small creek near town, the indian [who had walked until the _soles of his feet were off and those of his heel turned back_,] made signs to get water, bates refused to let him, and ordered him to go on: the indian stopped and finally set down, whereupon bates dismounted and gathering a pine knot, commenced and continued beating him and jirking him by a chain around his neck, until the citizens of the village were drawn there by the severity of the blows. the unfortunate creature was taken up to town and died in a few hours. "an inquest was held, and the jury found a verdict of murder by bates. a warrant was issued, but bates had departed that morning in charge of other prisoners taken from canton, and the worthy officers of the county desisted from his pursuit, 'because they apprehended he had passed the limits of the county.' we understand that the warrant was immediately sent to the governor to have him arrested. will it be done? we shall see." having devoted so much space to a revelation of the state of society among the slaveholders of georgia, we will tax the reader's patience with only a single illustration of the public sentiment--the degree of actual legal protection enjoyed in the state of north carolina. north carolina was settled about two centuries ago; its present white population is about five hundred thousand. passing by the murders, affrays, &c. with which the north carolina papers abound, we insert the following as an illustration of the public sentiment of north carolina among 'gentlemen of property and standing.' the 'north carolina literary and commercial journal,' of january , , published at elizabeth city, devotes a column and a half to a description of the lynching, tarring, feathering, ducking, riding on a rail, pumping, &c., of a mr. charles fife, a merchant of that city, for the crime of 'trading with negroes.' the editor informs us that this exploit of vandalism was performed very deliberately, at mid-day, and _by a number of the citizens_, 'the most respectable in the city,' &c. we proceed to give the reader an abridgement of the editor's statement in his own words.-- "such being the case, a number of the citizens, the most respectable in this city, collected, about ten days since, and after putting the fellow on a rail, carried him through town with a duck and chicken tied to him. he was taken down to the water and his head tarred and feathered; and when they returned he was put under a pump, where for a few minutes he underwent a little cooling. he was then told that he must leave town by the next saturday--if he did not he would be visited again, and treated more in accordance with the principles of the laws of judge lynch. "on saturday last, he was again visited, and as fife had several of his friends to assist him, some little scuffle ensued, when several were knocked down, but nothing serious occurred. fife was again mounted on a rail and brought into town, but as he promised if they would not trouble him he would leave town in a few days, he was set at liberty. several of our magistrates _took no notice of the affair_, and rather seemed to tacitly acquiesce in the proceedings. the whole subject every one supposed was ended, as fife was to leave in a few days, when what was our astonishment to hear that mr. charles r. kinney had visited fife, advised him not to leave, and actually took upon himself to examine witnesses, and came before the public as the defender of fife. the consequence was, that all the rioters were summoned by the sheriff to appear in the court house and give bail for their appearance at our next court. on monday last the court opened at o'clock, judge bailey presiding. such an excitement we never witnessed before in our town. a great many witnesses were examined, which proved the character of fife beyond a doubt. at one time rather serious consequences were apprehended--high words were spoken, and luckily a blow which was aimed at mr. kinney, was parried off, and we are happy to say the court adjourned after ample securities being given. the next day fife was taken to jail for trading with negroes, but has since been released on paying $ . the interference of mr. kinney was wholly unnecessary; it was an assumption on his part which properly belonged to our magistrates. fife had agreed to go away, and the matter would have been amicably settled but for him. we have no unfriendly feelings towards mr. kinney: no personal animosities to gratify: we have always considered him as one of our best lawyers. but when he comes forth as the supporter of such a fellow as fife, under the plea that the laws have been violated--when he arraigns the acts of thirty of the inhabitants of this place, it is high time for him to reflect seriously on the consequences. the penitentiary system is the result of the refinement of the eighteenth century. as man advances in the sciences, in the arts, in the intercourse of social and civilized life, in the same proportion does crime and vice keep an equal pace, and always makes demands on the wisdom of legislators. now, what is the lynch law but the penitentiary system carried out to its full extent, with a little more steam power? or more properly, it is simply thus: _there are some scoundrels in society on whom the laws take no effect; the most expeditious and short way is to let a majority decide and give them_ justice." let the reader notice, st, that this outrage was perpetrated with great deliberation, and after it was over, the victim was commanded to leave town by the next week: when that cooling interval had passed, the outrage was again deliberately repeated. d. it was perpetrated by "thirty persons,' "_the most respectable in the city_." d. that at the second lynching of fife, several of his neighbors who had gathered to defend him, (seeing that all the legal officers in the city had refused to do it, thus violating their oaths of office,) _were knocked down_, to which the editor adds, with the business air of a professional butcher, "nothing _serious_ occurred!" th. that not a single magistrate in the city took the least notice either of the barbarities inflicted upon fife, or of the assaults upon his friends, knocking them down, &c., but, as the editor informs us, all "seemed to acquiesce in the proceedings." th. that this conduct of the magistrates was well pleasing to the great mass of the citizens, is plain, from the remark of the editor that "every one supposed that the whole subject was ended," and from his wondering exclamation, "what was our astonishment to hear that mr. c.r. kinney had actually took upon him to examine witnesses," &c., and also from the editor's declaration, "such an excitement we never before witnessed in our town." excitement at what? not because the laws had been most impiously trampled down at noon-day by a conspiracy of thirty persons, "the most respectable in the city;" not because a citizen had been twice seized and publicly tortured for hours, without trial, and in utter defiance of all authority; nay, verily! this was all complacently acquiesced in; but because in this slaveholding sodom there was found a solitary lot who dared to uplift his voice for _law_ and the _right of trial by jury_; this crime stirred up such an uproar in that city of "most respectable" lynchers as was "_never witnessed before_," and the noble lawyer who thus put every thing at stake in invoking the majesty of law, would, it seems, have been knocked down, even in the presence of the court, if the blow had not been "parried." th. mark the murderous threat of the editor--when he arraigns the _acts_," (no matter how murderous) "of thirty citizens of this place, it is high time for him to reflect seriously _on the consequences_." th. the open advocacy of "lynch law" by a set argument, boldly setting it above all codes, with which the editor closes his article, reveals a public sentiment in the community which shows, that in north carolina, though society may still rally under the flag of civilization, and insist on wrapping itself in its folds, barbarism is none the less so in a stolen livery, and savages are savages still, though tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of the stars and stripes. it may be stated, in conclusion, that the north carolina "literary and commercial journal," from which the article is taken, is a large six-columned paper, edited by f.s. proctor, esq., a graduate of a university, and of considerable literary note in the south. having drawn out this topic to so great a length, we waive all comments, and only say to the reader, in conclusion, _ponder these things_, and lay it to heart, that slaveholding "is justified _of her children_." verily, they have their reward! "with what measure ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again." those who combine to trample on others, will trample on _each other_. the habit of trampling upon _one_, begets a state of mind that will trample upon _all_. accustomed to wreak their vengeance on their slaves, indulgence of passion becomes with slaveholders a second law of nature, and, when excited even by their equals, their hot blood brooks neither restraint nor delay; _gratification_ is the _first_ thought--prudence generally comes too late, and the slaves see their masters fall a prey to each other, the victims of those very passions which have been engendered and infuriated by the practice of arbitrary rule over _them_. surely it need not be added, that those who thus tread down their equals, must trample as in a wine-press their defenceless vassals. if, when in passion, they seize those who are _on their own level_, and dash them under their feet, with what a crushing vengeance will they leap upon those who are _always_ under their feet? * * * * * footnotes. footnote : a few years since mr. bourne published a work entitled, "picture of slavery in the united states." in which he describes a variety of horrid atrocities perpetrated upon slaves; such as brutal scourging and lacerations with the application of pepper, mustard, salt, vinegar, &c., to the bleeding gashes; also maimings, cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds described on the preceeding pages. these descriptions of mr. bourne were, at that time, thought by multitudes _incredible_, and probably, even by some abolitionists, who had never given much reflection to the subject. we are happy to furnish the reader with the following testimony of a virginia slaveholder to the _accuracy_ of mr. bourne's delineations. especially as this slaveholder is a native of one of the counties (culpepper) near to which the atrocities described by mr. b. were committed. testimony of mr. william hansborough, of culpepper, county, virginia, the "owner" of sixty slaves, to mr. bourne's "picture or slavery" as a _true_ delineation. lindley coates, of lancaster co., pa., a well known member of the society of friends, and a member of the late pennsylvania convention for revising, the constitution of the state, in a letter now before us, describing a recent interview between him and mr. hansborough, of several days continuance, says,--"i handed him bourne's picture of slavery to read: _after reading it_, he said, that all of the sufferings of slaves therein related, were _true delineations, and that he had seen all those modes of torture himself_." footnote : the following is mr. stevenson's disclaimer: it was published in the 'london mail,' oct , . _to the editor of the evening mail:_ sir--i did not see until my return from scotland the note addressed by mr. o'connell, to the editor of the chronicle, purporting to give an explanation of the correspondence which has passed between us, and which i deemed it proper to make public. i do not intend to be drawn into any discussion of the subject of domestic slavery as it exists in the united states, nor to give any explanation of the motives or circumstances under which i have acted. disposed to regard mr. o'connell as a man of honor. i was induced to take the course i did; whether justifiable or not, the world will now decide. the tone and report of his last note (in which he disavows responsibility for any thing he may say) precludes any further notice from me, than to say that the charge which he has thought proper again to repeat, of my being a breeder of slaves for sale and traffick, is wholly destitute of truth; and that i am warranted in believing it has been made by him without the slightest authority. such, too, i venture to say, is the case in relation to his charge of slave-breeding in virginia. i make this declaration, not because i admit mr. o'connell's right to call for it, but to prevent my silence from being misinterpreted. a. stevenson _ portland place, oct. _ footnote : mr. wise said in one of his speeches during the last session of congress, that he was obliged to go armed for the protection of his life in washington. it could not have been for fear of _northern_ men. footnote : a correspondent of the "frederick herald," writing from little rock, says, "anthony's knife was about _twenty-eight inches_ in length. they _all_ carry knives here, or pistols. there are several kinds of knives in use--a narrow blade, and about twelve inches long, is called an 'arkansas tooth-pick.'" footnote : bishop smith of kentucky, in his testimony respecting homicides, which is quoted on a preceding pages, thus speaks of the influence of slave-holding, as an exciting cause. "are not some of the indirect influences of a system, the existence of which amongst us can never be sufficiently deplored, discoverable in these affrays? are not our young men more heady, violent and imperious in consequence of their early habits of command? and are not our taverns and other public places of resort, much more crowded with an inflammable material, than if young men were brought up in the staid and frugal habits of those who are constrained to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow? * * * is not intemperance more social, more inflammatory, more pugnacious where a fancied superiority of gentlemanly character is felt in consequence of exemption from severe manual labor? is there ever stabbing where there is not idleness and strong drink?" the bishop also gives the following as another exciting cause; it is however only the product of the preceding. "has not a public sentiment which we hear characterized as singularly high-minded and honorable, and sensitively alive to every affront, whether real or imaginary, but which strangers denominate rough and ferocious, much to do in provoking these assaults, and then in applauding instead of punishing the offender." the bishop says of the young men of kentucky, that they "grow up proud, impetuous, and reckless of all responsibility;" and adds, that the practice of carrying deadly weapons is with them "nearly universal." * * * * * index. * * * * * to facilitate the use of the index, some of the more common topics are arranged under one general title. thus all the volumes which are cited are classed under the word, books; and to that head reference must be made. the same plan has been adopted concerning _female slave-drivers, laws, narratives, overseers, runaways, slaveholders, slave-murderers, slave-plantations, slaves, female_ and _male, testimony_ and _witnesses_. therefore, with a few _emphatical_ exceptions only, the facts will be found, by recurring to the prominent person or subject which any circumstance includes. all other miscellaneous articles will be discovered in alphabetical order. * * * * * a. absolute power of slaveholders absurdity of slaveholding pretexts abuse of power acclimated slaves adrian adultery in a preacher's house advertisement for slaves advertisement for slaves to hire advertisements affray african slave-trade aged slaves uncommon alabama alexander the tyrant allowance of provisions amalgamation american colonization society "amiable and touching charity!" amusements of slave-drivers animals and slaves, usage of, contrasted antioch, massacre at "arbitrary," arbitrary power, cruelty of " " pernicious ardor in betting arius arkansas atlantic slaveholding region auctioneers of slaves auctions for slaves augustine aurelius aversion between the oppressor and the slave b. babbling of slaveholders backs of slaves carded " " putrid "ball and chain" men baptist preachers battles in congress beating a woman's face with shoes bedaubing of slaves with oil and tar begetting slaves for pay "bend your backs" benevolence of slaveholders betting on crops " slaves beware of kidnappers bibles searched for blind slaves blocks with sharp pegs and nails blood-bought luxuries bodley, h.s. bones dislocated books. african observer american convention, minutes of " museum " state papers andrews' slavery and the slave trade bay's reports benezet's caution to britain and her colonies blackstone's commentaries, by tucker book and slavery irreconcilable bourgoing's spain bourne's picture of slavery brevard's digest of the laws of south carolina brewster's exposition of slave treatment buchanan's oration carey's american museum carolina, history of channing on slavery charity, "amiable and touching!" childs' appeal civil code of louisiana clay's address to georgia presbytery colonization society's reports cornelius elias, life of davis's travels in louisiana debates in virginia convention devereux's north carolina reports dew's review of debates in the virginia legislature edwards' sermon emancipation in the west indies emigrant's guide through the valley of mississippi gales' congressional debates harris and johnson's reports haywood's manual hill's reports human rights james' digest jefferson's notes josephus' history justinian, institutes of kennet's roman antiquities laponneray's life of robespierre law of slavery laws of united states leland's necessity of divine revelation letters from the south, by j.k. paulding life of elias cornelius louisiana, civil code of " , sketches of martineau's harriet, society in america martin's digest of the laws of louisiana maryland laws of mead's journal mississippi revised code missouri laws modern state of spain by j.f. bourgoing montesquieu's spirit of laws necessity of divine revelation niles' baltimore register north carolina reports by devereaux oasis parrish's remarks on slavery paulding's letters from the south paxton's letters on slavery presbyterian synod, report of picture of slavery prince's digest prison discipline society, reports of rankin's letters reed and matheson's visit to am. churches review of nevins' biblical antiquities rice, speech of in kentucky convention robespierre, life of robin's travels roman antiquities slavery's journal slavery and the slave trade society in america sewall's diary south carolina, laws of south vindicated by drayton spirit of laws swain's address stroud's sketch of the slave laws taylor's agricultural essays travels in louisiana tucker's blackstone tucker's judge, letter turner's sacred history of the world virginia legislature, review of debates in " , revised code " , negro-raising state visit to american churches western medical journal western medical reformer western review wheeler's law of slavery wirt's life of patrick henry woolman john, life of books of slaves stolen borrowing of slaves bourne, george, anecdote of boy killed boys' fight to amuse their drivers bowie knives boys' retort brandings branding with hot iron brasses "breeders" breeding of slaves prevented "breeding wenches" " " comparative value of bribes for begetting slaves brick-yards "broken-winded" slaves brutality to slaves brutes and slaves treated alike burial of slaves burning of mcintosh burning slaves burning with hot iron burning with smoothing irons butchery c. cabins of slaves cachexia africana caligula can't believe capital crimes captain in the u.s. navy, tried for murder carding of slaves cat-hauling cato the just causes of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves chained slave chains changes in the market character of overseers " romans " slave-drivers charleston " infirmary at " jail " slave auctions " surgery at " work-house chastity punished child-bearing prevented childbirth of slaves childhood unprotected children flogged " naked choking of slaves chopping of slaves piecemeal christian females tortured " martyr " slave-hunting " slave-murderer christian, slave whipped to death christians, persecutions of " slavery among " treat their slaves like others christian woman kidnapped chronic diseases churches, abuse of power in church members "citizens sold as slaves" civilization and morality clarkson, thomas claudius clemens clothing for slaves cock-fighting code of louisiana collars of iron columbia, district of " fatal affray at comfort of slaves disregarded commodus concubinage condemned criminals condition of slaves confinement at night congress of the united states " a bear garden connecticut, law of, against quakers constables, character of constantine the great contempt of human life contrasts of benevolence conversation between c. and h converted slave cooking for slaves correction moderate corrupting influence of slavery cotton-picking cotton-plantations cotton seed mixed with corn for food council of nice courts, decrees of cowhides, with shovel and tongs crack of the whip heard afar off crimes of slaves, capital criminals condemned cringing of northern preachers cropping of ears crops for exportation cruelties, common " inflicted upon slaves " of cortez in mexico " ovando in hispaniola " pizarro in peru " of slave-drivers incredible cruel treatment of slaves the masters' interest cultivation of rice cutting of a.t. s throat by a presbyterian woman d. d'almeydra, donna sophia damaged negroes bought darlington c.h., south carolina dauphin island, mobile bay "dead or alive" dead slave claimed deaf slaves death at child birth death-bed, horrors of a slave driver death by violence, death of a slave murderer decrees of courts decisions, judicial declarations of slaveholders deformed slaves delivery of a dead child from whipping description of slave drivers, by john randolph despair of slaves desperate affray "despot" "dimensum" of roman slaves diseased slaves dislocation of bones district of columbia " " prisons in ditty of slaves "doe-faces"--"dough-faces" dogs provided for dogs to hunt slaves domestic slavery domitian donnell, rev. mr. "dough-faces" "drivers" driving of slaves droves of "human cattle" " " slaves duelling dumb slaves dwellings of slaves dying slave dying young women e. ear-cropping early market ear-notching ear-slitting eating tobacco worms effects of public opinion concerning slavery emancipation society of north carolina english ladies and gentlemen enormities of slave drivers evenings in the "negro quarter" evidence of slaves vs. white persons null ewall, merry examples pleaded in justification of cruelty to slaves exchange of slaves exportation of slave from virginia eyes struck out f. faith objectors who "_can't believe_" fatal rencontre "fault-finding" favorite amusements of slaveholders fear, the only motive of slaves feast for slaves feeding insufficient feeble infants _felonies_ on account of slavery " perpetrated with impunity female hypocrite female slave deranged female slave drivers burford, mrs. carter, mrs. elizabeth l. charleston charlestown, va galway, mrs. harris, mrs. h., mrs. throat cutter laurie, madame la mallix, mrs. mann, mrs. mabtin, mrs. maxwell, mrs. mcneil, mrs. morgan, mrs. newman, mrs. b. pence, mrs. phinps, mrs. professor of religion ruffner, mrs. south carolina starky, mrs. swan, mrs. teacher at charleston t., mrs. trip, mrs. truby, mrs turner, mrs. walsh, sarah female slave starved to death " " whipped to death by a methodist preacher female stripped by order of her mistress fetters field-hands lighting of boys to amuse their drivers fine old preacher who dealt in slaves fingers cut off flogging for unfinished tasks " of children " pregnant women until they miscarry " slaves " young man floggings florida food, kinds of " of slaves " quality of " quantity of free citizens stolen free woman " " kidnapped frequent murders friends, memorial of front-teeth knocked out fundamental rights destroyed g. gadsden thomas n. slave auctioneer gagging of slaves galloway flogging jo. gambling on crops gambling slaveholder gang of slaves generosity of slaveholders georgia girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons girls' toe cut off good treatment of slaves governor of north carolina " " shiraz grand jury presentment of, guiltiness of slavery gun shot wounds h. habits of slave-drivers hampton wade, murderer of slaves handcuffs "hands tied" hanging of nine slaves harris benjamin, slave murderer head found head of a runaway slave on a pole health of slaves heart of slaveholders herding of slaves hilton james, slave murderer hired slaves hiring of slaves "horrible malady" "horrid butchery" horrors of a slave-driver at death " " the "middle passage" horse-racing horses more cared for than slaves hospitality of slaveholders hours of rest " " work hospital at new orleans house-slaves houses of slaves "house-wench" hovels of slaves huguenots, persecution of "human cattle" human rights against slavery hunger of slaves hunter of slaves hunting men with dogs hunting of slaves hunt, rev. thomas p. husband whipping his wife huts of slaves hymn-books searched for hypocrisy of vice i. idiot slaves ignatius ignorance of northern citizens of slavery " " slaveholders impunity of killing slaves inadequate clothing income from hiring slaves incorrigible slaves incredibility of evidence against slavery incredulity discreditable to consistency " " " intelligence indecency of slave-drivers indiana legislature, resolutions of infant drowned infant slaves infirmary at charleston infliction of pain inspection of naked slaves intercession for slaves interest of slaveholders introduction iron collars iron fetters iron head-front israelites in egypt j. jewish law joe flogged jones, anson, minister from texas judicial decisions k. kentucky " sunday morning kicking of slaves kidnappers kidnapping kindness of slaveholders kinds of food kind treatment of slaves. knives, bowie knocking out of teeth l. labor, hours of labor of slaves ladies benevolent society ladies flog with cowhides ladies, public opinion known by ladies use shovel and tongs law concerning slavery law-making laws, georgia " louisiana " maryland " mississippi " north carolina " south carolina " spirit of " tennessee " united states " virginia law, safeguards of taken from slaves law suit for a murdered slave, legal restraints licentiousness " encouraged by preachers licentiousness of slavedrivers "lie down" for whipping, life in the south-west, lives of slaves unprotected lodging of slaves long, his cruelty 'loss of property' louisiana " law of " sketches of, louis xiv. of france lovers severed, lunatic slaves "lynchings" in the united states lynch law, m. maimed slaves maimings malady of slaves manacling of slaves maniac woman man sold by a presbyterian elder man-stealing paid for marriage unknown among slaves martyr for christ maryland journal maryville intelligencer massacre at antioch " " thessalonica " " vicksburg masters grant no redress to slaves mcintosh, burning of maximin meals number of " of slaves "meat once a year" mediation for slaves medical attendance " college of south carolina " infirmary at charleston medicine administered to slaves members of churches memorial of friends menagerie of slaves men and women whipped methodist colored preacher hung, methodist girl whipped for her chastity methodist preacher, a slave dealer " " " driver " woman cut off a girl's toe method of taking meals "middle passage" miscarriage of women at the whipping post mississippi missouri mistresses flog slaves mobile "moderate correction" moors, repulsion of morgan, william mormons mothers and babes separated mothers of slaves mulatto children in all families multiplying of slaves murderers of slaves tried and acquitted murder of slaves by law " " " bad feeling " " " piece-meal " " every seven years " " frequent " " with impunity murders in alabama " " arkansas n. naked children " "dave" " females whipped " " inspected " men and women at work in a field nakedness of slaves nantz, edict of 'national slave-market' natchez nat turner 'negro head point 'negroes for sale 'negroes taken nero 'never lose a day's work' new england, witches of new orleans " " hospital new york, thirteen persons burnt at nice, council of 'nigger put in the bill' night-confinement night at a slaveholder's house night in slave huts nine slaves hanged no marriage among slaves north carolina " " governor of " " legislature of " " kidnappers northern visitors to the slave states nothing can disgrace slave-drivers novel torture nudity of slaves nursing of slave-children o. objections considered ocra, a slave-driver oiling of a slave old age uncommon among slaves " " unprotected old dying slaves "old settlement" " slaves oppressor aversion of to his slave outlawry of slaves outrageous felonies on account of slavery " " perpetrated with impunity overseers, character of " generally armed " no appeal from overseers of slaves-- alabama alexander killed bellemont bellows blocken's bradley cormick's cruel to a proverb farr, james galloway gibbs goochland methodist preacher milligan's bend nowland's tune turner's cousin walker overworking of slaves ownership of human beings destroys their comfort. p. "paddle" torture paddle whipping pain, the means of slave drivers "pancake sticks" parents and children separated parlor-slaves parricide threatened patrol pay for begetting mulatto slaves periodical pressure persecution of huguenots persecution for religion personal narratives philanthropist philip ii. and the moors physicians not employed for slaves physicians of slaves physician's statement pig-sties more comfortable than slave-huts plantations pleas for cruelty to slaves ploughs and whips equally common pliny poles, russian clemency to polycarp "poor african slave" portuguese slaves pothinus prayer of slaves praying and slave-whipping in the same room praying slaves whipped preacher claims a dead slave preacher hung preachers, cringing of preacher's "hands tied" preachers silenced pregnant slaves " " whipped presbyterian elders at lynchburg presbyterian minister killed his slave presbyterian slave-trader presbyterian woman desirious to cut a.t.'s throat presentment of the grand jury at cheraw pretexts for slavery absurd prisons in the district of columbia prison slave privations of the slaves-- clothing dwellings food kinds of food labor number of meals quality of food quantity of food time of meals. promiscuous concubinage "property" " 'loss of' protection of slaves protestants in france provisions, allowance of public opinion destroys fundamental rights, " " diabolical " " protects the slave punishment of slaves punishments purchasing a wife puryer "the devil" putrid backs of slaves q. quality of food quantity of food r. race of slaves murdered every seven years randolph john will of " " description of slavedrivers " " "doe faces" rations rearing of slaves relaxation, no time for religious persecutions respect for woman lost rest, hours of restraints, legal retort of a boy rhode island, kidnappers and pirates of rice plantations richmond whig rio janeiro slavery at riot at natchez riots in the united states robespierre romans roman slavery runaways runaway slaves-- advertisements for baptist man and woman buried alive chilton's converted "dead or alive" head on a pole hung hunting of intelligent man jim dragon luke man buried " dragged by a horse " maimed " murdered " severe punishments of " shot " " by baptist preacher " taken from jail " tied and driven " to his wife " whipped to death many, annually shot i stallard's man white peter young woman s. sabbath, a nominal holiday safeguards of the law taken from slaves sale of a man by a presbyterian elder sale of slaves savannah, ga. savannah slave-hunter save us from our friends scarcity, times of scenes of horror search for bibles and hymn books secretary of the navy separation of slaves shame unknown among naked slaves shoes for slaves sick, treatment of "six pound paddle," "slack-jaw," slave-breeders " breeding slave-drivers acknowledge their enormities " " character of slaveholders-- adams baptist preachers barr baxter, george a baxter, john blocker, colonel blount britt, benjamin w. burbecker burvant, mrs. c.a., rev. casey chilton, joseph clay c., mr. cooper, charity curtis, davis, samuel dras, henry delaware female hypocrite gautney, joseph gayle, governor governor of north carolina green hampton, wade harney, william s. harris, benjamin james hayne, governor hedding henrico county, va. heyward, nathaniel hughes, philip o. hutchinson hypocrite woman indecency of jones jones, henry lewis, benjamin lewis, isham lewis, lilburn lewis, rev. mr. long, lucy long, reuben l., of bath, ky. maclay, john martin, rev. james matthews' bend m'coy m'cue, john methodist methodist preachers m'neilly moresville morgan mosely, william murderer mushat, rev. john nansemond, va. natchez planter nelson, alexander nichols, of connecticut north carolina owens, judge painter physician pinckney, h.l. presbyterian presbyterian minister, huntsville " " north carolina " preacher professing christian puryar, "the devil" randolph, john reiks, micajah rodney ruffner shepherd, s.c. sherrod, ben slaughter, smith, judge sophistry of south carolina sparks, william stallard, david starky, swan, john teacher at charleston thompson thorpe tripp, james truly, james turner, fielding s. turner, uncle of virginian, wall watkins, billy watkins, robert h. watson, a. w., colonel webb, carroll " pleasant west's uncle widow and daughter, savannah river willis, robert wilson, william woman woman, professor of religion, slaveholders justify their cruelties by example " possess absolute power " sophistry of slaveholding amusements " brutality " indecency " murderers " religion slave-mothers, " plantations second only to hell slavery among christians slavery illustrated-- slave-auctions " blocks with nails " boys fight to amuse their drivers, " branding " breeding " burner " burning slave-cabins " " at night slave-children nursed " choking " clothing " collars " cookery slave-ditty " dogs " driver's death " " licentiousness of " driving " fetters " food " gagging " gangs " handcuffs " herding slaveholders, civilization and morality of " declarations of " habits of " heart of " hospitality of " interest of " sophistry of " "treat their slaves well" slaveholding professor "slaveholding religion" slave-hovels " hunting " " by christians slave imprisoned " in chains " in the stocks " kicking " killed, and put in the bill " killing with impunity " labor " manacles " martyr " meals " mothers " murderers, tried and acquitted " patrol " physicians " punishments of slave quarters, slavery, code of law respecting " among christians " domestic " guilt of " of whites " public opinion and effects of " unmixed cruelty slave selling slaves aversion of to their oppressors " backs of, putrid " blind " books of searched for " branded " brutality to " burial of " carded " cat-hauling of " comfort of disregarded " deaf " dead or alive " deformed " deprived of every safeguard of the law " described " diseased " dread to be sold for the south " dumb " dying " evidence of against white persons null " exchanged " reported from virginia " fear their only motive " feasted and flogged " hired " idiots " incorrigible " infant " in the stocks " " u.s. treatment of " lunatics " maimed " merchandise " multiply " murdered by cottonseed " " overwork " " piece-meal " " starvation " " every seven years " " frequently " " with impunity " naked " not treated as human beings " outlawed " overworked " prayers of " privations of " protection of " sale of " stock " surgeons of " taking medicine " tantalized " starvation of " teeth of knocked out " tied up all night " toe cut off " torments of " travelling in droves " treated worse as they are farther south " treatment of by christians " under overseers " watching of " without redress " " shelter " working animals " worn out " worse treated than brutes " wounded by gun-shot slave testimony excluded " torturing hypocrite " trade with africa " trading " " honorable " traffic slave murderers slave plantation slave usage contrasted with that of animals slave whipping slave yokes whipped whipped and burnt whipped to death slaves treatment of slave trade sleeping in clothes slitting of ears smoothing iron on girl's backs sophistry of slaveholders south carolina laws of " " medical college southern dogs and horses spartan slavery speece, rev. conrad opposed to emancipation spirit of laws springfield, s.c. starvation of a female slave " " slaves statement of a physician state, abuse of power in stealing of freemen stevenson, andrew, letter by st. helena, s.c. stillman's, dr. medical infirmary at charleston stocks for slaves "stock without shelter: "subject of prayer" suffering of slaves " " " drives to despair and suicide sugar-planters suicide of slaves suit for a dead slave " " " murdered slave sunday morning in kentucky surgeon of slaves surgery at charleston "susceptibility of pain" t. tanner's oil poured on a slave tantalising of slaves tappan, arthur tarring of slaves taskwork of slaves teeth knocked out tender regard of slaveholders for slave tennessee testimony.-- allen, rev. william t. avery, george a. caulkins, nehemiah channing, dr. chapin, rev. william a. chapman, gordon clergyman cruelty to slaves dickey, rev. william drayton, colonel gildersleeve, william c. graham, rev. john grimké, sarah m. hawley, rev. francis ide, joseph jefferson, thomas macy, f.c. " reuben g. " richard " t.d.m. moulton, rev. horace nelson, john m. new orleans of slaves excluded paulding, james k. poe, william powel, eleazar sapington, lemuel scales, rev. william secretary of the navy smith, rev. phineas summers, mr. virginian westgate, george w. weld, angelina grimké white, hiram wist, william texas theodosius the great thessalonica, massacre at thumb-screws tiberius time for relaxation, not allowed times of scarcity titus tobacco worms eaten tooth knocked out tortures " eulogized by a professor of religion trading with negroes traffic in slaves trajan treatment of sick slaves treatment of slaves in the united states by professing christians, " little better than that of brutes trial of women,--"_white and black_," trials for murdering slaves turkish slavery turner, nat twelve slaves killed by overwork twenty-seven hundred thousands of free-born citizens in the united states tying up of slaves at night "tyrant" "uncle jack," baptist preacher under garments not allowed to slaves united states, laws of university of virginia untimely seasons usage of slaves and brutes contrasted vapid babblings of slaveholders vice, hypocrisy of vicksburg, massacre of virginia, a slave menagerie " exportation of slaves from " university of visitors to slave states vitellius washing for slaves washington slavery " the national slave market west indian slaves whip, cracking of heard at a distance "whipped to death" whipping-- children every day females on three plantations heard at one time pregnant women slaves slaves after a feast " for praying with paddle women with prayer whipping-posts whips equally common on plantations as ploughs "white or black;" trial of whites in slavery white slave wholesale murders wife, purchase of a will of john randolph wilmington, n.c. witches of new-england witnesses. abbot, jordan abdie, p. adams, mr. african observer alexandria gazette allan, rev. william t. alston, j.a., heirs of alton telegraph alvis, j. anderson, benjamin andrews, professor anthony, julius c. antram, joshua appleton, john james arkansas advocate armstrong, william artop, james ashford, j.p. augusta chronicle avery, george a. aylethorpe, thomas bahi, p. baker, william baldwin, j.g. baldwin, jonathan f. ballinger, a.s. baltimore sun baptist deacon bardwell, rev. william barker, jacob barnard, alonzo barnes, george w. barr, james " mrs. " rev. hugh barrer, b.g. barton, david w. " richard w. bateman, william baton rouge, agricultural society of bayli, p. beall, samuel beasley, a.g.a. " john c. " robert beene, jesse bell, abraham " samuel bennett, d.b. besson, jacob bezon, mr. bingham, joel s. birdseye, ezekiel birney, james g. bishop, j. blackwell, samuel bland, r.j. bliss mayhew and co " philemon, bolton, j.l. and w.h. boudinot, tobias bouldin, t.t. bourgoing, j.f. bourne, george bradley, henry bragg, thomas brasseale, w.h. brewster, jarvis brothers, menard brove, a. brown, j.a. " john " rev. abel " william bruce mr. buchanan, dr. buckels, william d. burvant, madame burwell bush, moses e. buster, mr. butt, moses byrn, samuel h. calvert, robert carney, r.p. carolina, history of carter, mrs. elizabeth caulkins, nehemiah channing, dr. chapin, rev. william a. chapman, b.f. " gardon charleston courier " mercury " patriot cherry, john w. child, david l. " mrs. choules, rev. john o. citizens of onslow clark, w.g. clarke john clay, henry, " thomas clenderson, benjamin clergyman coates lindley cobb, w.d. colborn, j.l. cole, nathan coleman, h. colonization society columbian inquirer comegys, governor congress, member of connecticut, medical society of constant, dr. cooke, owen cook, giles " h.l. cooper, thomas cornelius, rev. elias corner, charles " l.e. cotton plantere cowles, mrs. mary " rev. sylvester craige, charles crane, william crutchfield, thomas cuggy, t. curtis, mr. " rev. john h. cuyler, j. daniel and goodman darien telegraph davidson, rev. patrick davis, john davis, benjamin dean, jethro " thomas demming, dr. denser, t.s. derbigny, judge dew, philip a. " president dickey, rev. james h. " william dickinson, mr. dillahunty, john h. doddridge, philip dorrah, james downman, mrs. lucy m. douglas, rev. j.w. drake and thomson drayton, colonel drown, william dudley, rev. john duggan, john dunn, john l. dunham, jacob durell, judge durett, francis dustin, w. dyer, william eastman, rev. d.b. eaton, general william edmunds, nicholas edwards, f.l.c. " president " junior " ellison, samuel ellis, orren ellsworth, elijah emancipation society of n.c. english, walter r. evans, r.a. everett, william faulkner, mr. fayetteville observer fernandez and whiting finley, james c. " r.s. fishers, e.h. and i. fitzhugh, william h. ford, john foster, francis fox, john b. foy, enoch francisville chronicle franklin republican frederick, john friends, yearly meeting of fuller, isaac c. fullerton, g.s. furman, b. gadsden, thomas n. gaines, rev. ludwell, g. gales, joseph garcia, henrico y. garland, maurice h. gates, seth m. gayle, john georgetown union georgia constitutionalist " journal georgian gholson, mr. giddings, mr. gilbert, e.w. gildersterre, william c. glidden, mr. goode, mr. gourden and co. grace, byrd m. graham, rev. john " rev. dr. grand gulf advertiser graham, jehab gray, abraham greene, r.a. green, james r. gregory, ossian gridley, h. grimké, sarah m. grosvenor. rev. cyrus p. guex, d.f. gunnell, john j.h. guthrie, a.a. guyler, j. halley, preston hall, samuel han, e. hand, john h. hansborough, william hanson, peter harding, n.h. harman, samuel harrison, general w.h. hart, f.a. " rev. mr. harvey, j. hawley, david " rev. francis hayne, general r.y. henderson, john " judge hendren, h. herring, d. " dr. hitchcock, judge hite, s.n. hodges, b.w. " rev. coleman s. holcombe, john p. holmes, george home, frederick honerton, philip hopkins, rev. henry t. horsey, outerbridge hough, rev. joseph houstoun, edward hudnall, thomas hughes, benjamin hunt, john " rev. thomas p. hussey, george p.c. huston, felix hutchings, a.j. ide, joseph indiana, legislature of jackson, stephen m. " telegraph james, joseph jarnett, james t. de jarvett, james t. jefferson, thomas jenkins, john jett, marshall johnson, bryant " cornelius " isaac " josiah s. jolley, j.l. jones, alexander " anson " hill " james " r.h. " w. jefferson jourdan, green b. judd, d. " mrs. nancy keeton, g.w. kennedy, john kentucky, synod of kephart, george kernin, charles keyes, willard kimball and thome " george kimborough, james king, charles " john h. " nehemiah knapp, henry e. " isaac kyle, frederick " james lacy, theodore a. ladd, william lains, o.w. lambeth, william l. lambre, mr. lancette, r. langhorne, scruggs and cook larrimer, thomas latimer, w.k. lawless, judge lawyer, zadok ledwith, thomas leftwich, william lemes, ferdinand leverich and co. lewis, kirkman lexington intelligencer " observer little, mrs. sophia loflano, hazlet long, joseph loomis, henry h. loring, r. " thomas louisville reporter lowry, mrs. nancy luminais, a. lyman, judge " rev. h. macoin, j. macon messenger " telegraph macy, f.c. " reuben g. " richard " t.d.m. magee, william males, henry maltby, stephen e. manning, p.t. marietta college, student of marks, james marriott, charles marshall, john t. martineau, harriet maryland journal maryville intelligencer mason, samuel mathieson, rev. james may, rev. samuel j. mccue, moses mcdonnell, james mcgehee, edward j. mcgregor, henry m. mcmurrain, john mead whitman medical college of south carolina memphis gazette " inquirer menefee, r.h. menzies, judge mercer, mr. metcalf, asa b. middleton, mr. miles, lemuel milledgeville journal " recorder miller, c. minister from texas, a. jones minor, w.i. missouri republican mitchell, dr. robert mitchell, isaac m'neilly mobile advertiser " examiner " register mongin, r.p.t. montesquieu montgomery, w.h. moore, mr. va. moorhead, john h. morris, e.w. moulton, rev. horace moyne dr. f. julius le muggridge, matthew muir j.g. murat a. murphy s.b. napier t. and l. natchez courier " daily free trade national intelligencer nelson dr. david " john m. nesbitt wilson newbern sentinel " spectator new hampshire, legislature of newman mrs. b. new orleans argus " bee " bulletin " courier " kidnapping at " mercantile advertiser " post new york american " sun neyle s. nicholas judge nicoll robert niles hezekiah noe james norfolk beacon " herald n.c. literary and commercial-standard n.c. journal nourse rev. james nye horace o'byrne o'connell daniel oliver colonel o'neill peter onslow, citizens of orme moses o'rorke john overstreet, richard overstreet, william owen, captain n.f. owen, john w. owens, j.g. parrish, john parrott, dr. patterson, willie paulding, james k. peacock, jesse perry, thomas c. petersburg constellation philanthropist pickard, j.s. pinckney, h.l. pinkney, william planter's intelligencer planters of south carolina poe, william porter, mr. portsmouth times powell, eleazar presbyterian elder president of the united states pringle, thomas pritchard, william h. probate sale purdon, james ragland, samuel raleigh register ralston, samuel randall, j.b. randolph, john riadolph, thomas mann rankin, rev. john rascoe, william d. rawlins, samuel raworth, egbert a. redden j.v. red river whig reed, rev. andrew reed, william h. reese, enoch reins, richard reeves, w.p. renshaw rev. c.s. rhodes, durant h. rice, h.w. rice, rev. david richardson, g.c. richards, james k. richards, moses r. richards, stephen m. richmond compiler richmond inquirer richmond whig ricks, micajah riley, w. ripley, george b. roach, philip robbins, welcome h. robarts, william roberts, j.h. robin, c.c. robinson, n.m.c. robinson, william roebuck, george rogers, n.p. rogers, thomas ross, abner rowland, john a. ruffin, judge russel, benjamin russel, w. rymes, littlejohn sadd, rev. joseph m. salvo, conrad sapington, lemuel saunders, james savage, rev. thomas savannah georgian savannah republican savory, william scales, rev. william schmidt, louis scott, rev. orange scott, william scrivener, j. seabrook, whitmarsh b. secretary of the navy selfer senator of the united states sevier, ambrose h. sewall, stephen shafter, m.m. sheith, m.j. shield and walker shields, polly c. shropshire, david simmons, b.c. simpson, john sizer, r.w. skinner, w. slaveholders smith, bishop of kentucky smith, gerrit smith, professor smith, rev. phineas smyth, alexander snow, henry h. snowden, j. snowden, rev. samuel south carolina, legislature of south carolina, medical college of south carolina, slaveholder of southern argus southern christian herald southerner southmayd, rev. daniel s. spillman, mr. stansell, william staughton, rev. dr. staunton spectator steams and co. stevenson, andrew stewart, samuel stillmam, dr. stith, w. and a. stone, asa a. stone, silas stone, william l. strickland, william stroud, george m. stuart, charles summers, mr. swain, b. synod of south carolina and georgia tart, john tate, calvin h. taylor, james h. " john " lawton, and co. texan minister, anson jones thatcher, colonel thome and kimball thome, james a. thompson, henry p. thomson, mr. " , sandford todd, r.s. toler, william tolin, cornelius d. townsend, ely " , samuel tucker, judge turnbull, robert turner, john " , john d. " , l. tarton, s.b. tuscaloosa flag of the union upsher, judge ustick, william a. vance, john van buren, martin varillat, h. vicksburg register virginia minister virginian walker, john walton, george " , john w. walsh, sarah washington globe waugh, dr. jeremiah s. weld, angelina grimké wells, thomas j. west eli western luminary " medical journal " " reformer " review westgate, george w. whitbread, samuel whitefield, george " , needham whitehead, c.c. " , w.w. white, hiram wightman, rev. william m. wilberforce, w. wilkins, c.w. wilkinson, alfred williams, george w. willis, robert willis, william wilmington advertiser wilson, rev. joseph g. winchester virginian wirt, william wisner, f. witherspoon, dr. woodward, jeremiah woolman, john wotton, john wright, mr. yampert, t.j. de yearly meeting of friends woman dying " flogged because her child died " maniac " no respect for women at childbirth " " the same labor with men " " work " miscarry under the whip " not breeding " pregnant whipped " severe whippers of slaves " slaves workhouse at charleston working hours " of slaves worn-out slaves "worse and worse" worship of god prohibited wounds by gunshot wright isaac yokes for slaves the anti-slavery examiner. no. . * * * * * speech of hon. thomas morris, of ohio, in reply to the speech of the hon. henry clay. in senate, february , . new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street: . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheets.--postage, under miles, cts. over , cts. _please read and circulate._ speech * * * * * mr. president--i rise to present for the consideration of the senate, numerous petitions signed by, not only citizens of my own state, but citizens of several other states, new york, pennsylvania, michigan, illinois, and indiana. these petitioners, amounting in number to several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in communicating to congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which, to them, appear of the highest importance. these petitions, sir, are on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and from this district, the slave trade between the different states of this confederacy, between this country and texas, and against the admission of that country into the union, and also against that of any other state, whose constitution and laws recognise or permit slavery. i take this opportunity to present all these petitions together, having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in order that as small a portion of the attention of the senate might be taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard to the rights of the petitioners. and i now present them under the most peculiar circumstances that have ever probably transpired in this or any other country. i present them on the heel of the petitions which have been presented by the senator from kentucky [mr. clay] signed by the inhabitants of this district, praying that congress would not receive petitions on the subject of slavery in the district, from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. this is something new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most extraordinary in itself. these petitions i am bound in duty to present--a duty which i cheerfully perform, for i consider it not only a duty but an honor. the respectable names which these petitions bear, and being against a practice which i as deeply deprecate and deplore as they can possibly do, yet i well know the fate of these petitions; and i also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which i present them. in availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the character and proceedings of these petitioners, it must be obvious to all that i am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. the strong prejudice which is evinced by the petitioners of the district, the unwillingness of the senate to hear, the power which is arrayed against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose rights i am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more able and eloquent than the _lone_ and humble individual who now addresses you. what, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena, opposed by such powerful odds? nothing, sir, nothing but a strong sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause i advocate is just; that the petitioners whom i represent are honest, upright, intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and benevolence. in representing such men, and in such a cause, though by the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the senate of the united states, order, and a decent respect to the opinions of others, would prevail. from the causes which i have mentioned, i can hardly hope for this. i expect to proceed through scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion. permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that i have been now six years a member of this body. i have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion of many of my constituents, pressed myself upon the notice of the senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. i question very much if i have occupied the time of the senate during the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six days. i hope, therefore, that i shall not be thought obtrusive, or charged with taking up time with abolition petitions. i hope, mr. president, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here. who has began the agitation now? the senator from kentucky [mr. clay.] who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the senate and the country on its results? the senator from south carolina, mr. [calhoun.] and pray, sir, under what circumstances is this agitation begun? let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records on your table, that when i, as a member of this body, but a few days since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these petitions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung from their seats and objected to its introduction. and when you, sir, decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his constituents and this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that the senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution printed, by order of the senate, was denied. let the senator from south carolina before me remember that, at the last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery, they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on, and decided; and let the senator from kentucky reflect, that the petition which he offered against our right, was also received and ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and i call on the senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which i have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or referred. posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time, may well wonder what power could induce the senate of the united states to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. permit me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself, is. it is the power of slavery. it is a power, according to the calculation of the senator from kentucky, which owns twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a power which claims human property more than double the amount which the whole money of the world could purchase. what can stand before this power? truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. this power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions and laws; but it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or other aid. let it be borne in mind that the bank power, some years since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception of petitions against the action of the senate on their resolutions of censure against the president. the country took instant alarm, and the political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. the same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the same thing. this is the array of power that even now is attempting such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the bank power. it, too, begins to tremble for its safety. what is to be done? why, petitions are received and ordered to be printed, against the right of petitions which are not received, and the whole power of debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. but all will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of the black power of the south with the white power of the north must take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of petition. let me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as i said on a former day, god forbid that they should ever rule this country! i have seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for some time past; i informed my private friends of the political party with which i have heretofore acted, during the first week of this session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the present administration; and i warned them of the folly and mischief they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery. all doubts are now terminated. the display made by the senator from kentucky, [mr. clay,] and his denunciations of these petitioners as abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his efforts met from the senator from south carolina, [mr. calhoun,] clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the advantage of political aspirants. the gentleman from south carolina [mr. calhoun] seemed, at the conclusion of the argument made by the senator from kentucky, to be filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. he told us, that about twelve months since he had offered a resolution which turned the tide in favor of the great principle of state rights, and says he is highly pleased with the course taken by the kentucky senator. all is now safe by the acts of that senator. the south is now consolidated as one man; it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now passed it; it is the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by it; and that abolition is now dead, and will soon be forgotten. so far the senator from south carolina, as i understand him. but, sir, is this really the case? is the south united as one man, and is the senator from kentucky the great centre of attraction? what a lesson to the friends of the present administration, who have been throwing themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! the black enchantment i hope is now at an end--the dream dissolved, and we awake into open day. no longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt on this subject. but is the great epoch passed? is it not rather just beginning? is abolitionism dead--or is it just awaking into life? is the right of petition strangled and forgotten--or is it increasing in strength and force? these are serious questions for the gentleman's consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. sir, when these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like the enemies of the strong man in days of old. but let me bring back the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to sober realities and solemn facts. i have now lying before me the names of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these petitioners called) are not _all dead_. these are my first proofs to show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. i have also, sir, since the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by providence to suit the occasion, and by whom i know not. it is the cincinnati republican of the d instant, which contains an extract from the louisville advertiser, a paper printed in kentucky, in louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. that paper is the leading administration journal, too, as i am informed, in kentucky. hear what it says on the death of abolition:-- "abolition--cincinnati--the louisville advertiser. "we copy the following notice of an article which we lately published, upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the louisville advertiser:-- "'abolition.--the reader is referred to an interesting article which we have copied from the cincinnati republican--a paper which lately supported the principles of democracy; a paper which has _turned_, but not quite far enough to act with the adamses and slades in congress, or the whig abolitionists of ohio. it does not, however, give a correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in cincinnati. there they are in the ascendant. they control the city elections, regulate what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and intelligence. the republican tells us, that they are not laboring loco focos--but "drones" and "consumers"--the "rich and well-born," of course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding states. even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in cincinnati. we doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway in that place in the last four years. when negroes reach "the queen city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its wealth. they receive the aid of the _elite_ of the buckeyes; and we have a strong faction in kentucky, struggling zealously to make her one of the dependencies of cincinnati! let our mutual sons go on. the day of mutual retribution is at hand--much nearer than is now imagined. the republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the slaveholding states, warns us of the danger which exists, although its new-born zeal for whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the right of petitioning congress to abolish slavery. there are about two hundred and fifty abolition societies in ohio at the present time, and, from the circular issued at head quarters, cincinnati, it appears that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize additional societies--or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war which has been commenced on the slaveholding states.'" i do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire whole; much of it i repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding state--from the state of the senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds--and as the south carolina senator pronounces them dead, i produce this from a slaveholding state, for the special benefit and consolation of the two senators. it comes from a source to which, i am sure, both gentlemen ought to give credit. but suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is liberty dead also and slavery triumphant? is liberty of speech, of the press, and the right of petition also dead? true, it has been strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if they suppose it also strangled in the country; and the very attempt, in legislative bodies, to sustain a local and individual interest, to the destruction of our rights, proves that those rights are not dead, but a living principle, which slavery cannot extinguish; and be my lot what it may, i shall, to the utmost of my abilities, under all circumstances, and at all times, contend for that freedom which is the common gift of the creator to all men, and against the power of these two great interests--the slave power of the south, and banking power of the north--which are now uniting to rule this country. the cotton bale and the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit system with slave labor. these two congenial spirits have at last met and embraced each other, both looking to the same object--to live upon the unrequited labor of others--and have now erected for themselves a common platform, as was intimated during the last session, on which they can meet, and bid defiance, as they hope, to free principles and free labor. with these introductory remarks, permit me, sir, to say here, and let no one pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent me, that i charge gentlemen, when they use the word abolitionists, they mean petitioners here such as i now present--men who love liberty, and are opposed to slavery--that in behalf of these citizens i speak; and, by whatever name they may be called, it is those who are opposed to slavery whose cause i advocate. i make no war upon the rights of others. i do no act but what is moral, constitutional, and legal, against the peculiar institutions of any state; but acts only in defence of my own rights, of my fellow citizens, and, above all, of my state, i shall not cease while the current of life shall continue to flow. i shall, mr. president, in the further consideration of this subject, endeavor to prove, first, the right of the people to petition; second, why slavery is wrong, and why i am opposed to it; third, the power of slavery in this country, and its dangers; next, answer the question, so often asked, what have the free states to do with slavery? then make some remarks by way of answer to the arguments of the senator from kentucky, [mr. clay.] mr. president, the duty i am requested to perform is one of the highest which a representative can be called on to discharge. it is to make known to the legislative body the will and the wishes of his constituents and fellow-citizens; and, in the present case, i feel honored by the confidence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the duty. the petitioners have not trusted to my fallible judgment alone, but have declared, in written documents, the most solemn expression of their will. it is true these petitions have not been sent here by the whole people of the united states, but from a portion of them only; yet such is the justice of their claim, and the sure foundation upon which it rests, that no portion of the american people, until a day or two past, have thought it either safe or expedient to present counter petitions; and even now, when counter petitions have been presented, they dare not justify slavery, and the selling of men and women in this district, but content themselves with objecting to others enjoying the rights they practise, and praying congress not to receive or hear petitions from the people of the states--a new device of slave power this, never before thought of or practiced in any country. i would have been gratified if the inventors of this system, which denies to others what they practise themselves, had, in their petition, attempted to justify slavery and the slave trade in the district, if they believe the practice just, that their names might have gone down to posterity. no, sir; very few yet have the moral courage to record their names to such an avowal; and even some of these petitioners are so squeamish on this subject, as to say that they might, from conscientious principles, be prevented from holding slaves. not so, sir, with the petitioners which i have the honor to represent; they are anxious that their sentiments and their names should be made matter of record; they have no qualms of conscience on this subject; they have deep convictions and a firm belief that slavery is an existing evil, incompatible with the principles of political liberty, at war with our system of government, and extending a baleful and blasting influence over our country, withering and blighting its fairest prospects and brightest hopes. who has said that these petitions are unjust in principle, and on that ground ought not to be granted? who has said that slavery is not an evil? who has said it does not tarnish the fair fame of our country? who has said it does not bring dissipation and feebleness to one race, and poverty and wretchedness to another, in its train? who has said, it is not unjust to the slave, and injurious to the happiness and best interest of the master? who has said it does not break the bonds of human affection, by separating the wife from the husband, and children from their parents? in fine, who has said it is not a blot upon our country's honor, and a deep and foul stain upon her institutions? few, very few, perhaps none but him who lives upon its labor, regardless of its misery; and even many whose local situations are within its jurisdiction, acknowledge its injustice, and deprecate its continuance; while millions of freemen deplore its existence, and look forward with strong hope to its final termination. slavery! a word, like a secret idol, thought too obnoxious or sacred to be pronounced here but by those who worship at its shrine--and should one who is not such worshipper happen to pronounce the word, the most disastrous consequences are immediately predicted, the union is to be dissolved, and the south to take care of itself. do not suppose, mr. president, that i feel as if engaged in a forbidden or improvident act. no such thing. i am contending with a local and "_peculiar_" interest, an interest which has already banded together with a force sufficient to seize upon every avenue by which a petition can enter this chamber, and exclude all without its haven. i am not now contending for the rights of the negro, rights which his creator gave him and which his fellow-man has usurped or taken away. no, sir! i am contending for the rights of the white person in the free states, and am endeavoring to prevent them from being trodden down and destroyed by that power which claims the black person as _property_. i am endeavoring to sound the alarm to my fellow-citizens that this power, tremendous as it is, is endeavoring to unite itself with the monied power of the country, in order to extend its dominion and perpetuate its existence. i am endeavoring to drive from the back of the _negro slave_ the politician who has seated himself there to ride into office for the purpose of carrying out the object of this unholy combination. the chains of slavery are sufficiently strong, without being riveted anew by tinkering politicians of the free states. i feel myself compelled into this contest, in defence of the institutions of my own state, the persons and firesides of her citizens, from the insatiable grasp of the slaveholding power as being used and felt in the free states. to say that i am opposed to slavery in the abstract, are but cold and unmeaning words, if, however capable of any meaning whatever, they may fairly be construed into a love for its existence; and such i sincerely believe to be the feeling of many in the free states who use the phrase. i, sir, am not only opposed to slavery in the abstract, but also in its whole volume, in its theory as well as practice. this principle is deeply implanted within me; it has "grown with my growth and strengthened with my strength." in my infant years i learned to hate slavery. your fathers taught me it was wrong in their declaration of independence: the doctrines which they promulgated to the world, and upon the truth of which they staked the issue of the contest that made us a nation. they proclaimed "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." these truths are solemnly declared by them. i believed then, and believe now, they are self-evident. who can acknowledge this, and not be opposed to slavery? it is, then, because i love the principles which brought your government into existence, and which have become the corner stone of the building supporting you, sir, in that chair, and giving to myself and other senators seats in this body--it is because i love all this, that i hate slavery. is it because i contend for the right of petition, and am opposed to slavery, that i have been denounced by many as an abolitionist? yes; virginia newspapers have so denounced me, and called upon the legislature of my state to dismiss me from public confidence. who taught me to hate slavery, and every other oppression? _jefferson_, the great and the good jefferson! yes, _virginia senators_, it was your own jefferson, virginia's favorite son, a man who did more for the natural liberty of man, and the civil liberty of his country, than any man that ever lived in our country; it was him who taught me to hate slavery; it was in his school i was brought up. that mr. jefferson was as much opposed to slavery as any man that ever lived in our country, there can be no doubt; his life and his writings abundantly prove the fact. i hold in my hand a copy, as he penned it, of the original draft of the declaration of independence, a part of which was stricken out, as he says, in compliance with the wishes of south carolina and georgia. i will read it. speaking of the wrongs done us by the british government, in introducing slaves among us, he says: "he (the british king) has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred right of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the christian king of great britain. determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his prerogative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain execrable commerce, and that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms against us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has also obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." thus far this great statesman and philanthropist. had his contemporaries been ruled by his opinions, the country had now been at rest on this exciting topic. what abolitionist, sir, has used stronger language against slavery than mr. jefferson has done? "cruel war against human nature," "violating its most sacred rights," "piratical warfare," "opprobrium of infidel powers," "a market where men should be bought and sold," "execrable commerce," "assemblage of horrors," "crimes committed against the liberty of the people," are the brands which mr. jefferson has burned into the forehead of slavery and the slave trade. when, sir, have i, or any other person opposed to slavery, spoken in stronger and more opprobrious terms of slavery, than this? you have caused the bust of this great man to be placed in the centre of your capitol; in that conspicuous part where every visitor must see it, with its hand resting on the declaration of independence, engraved upon marble. why have you done this? is it not mockery? or is it to remind us continually of the wickedness and danger of slavery? i never pass that statue without new and increased veneration for the man it represents, and increased repugnance and sorrow that he did not succeed in driving slavery entirely from the country. sir, if i am an abolitionist, jefferson made me so; and i only regret that the disciple should be so far behind the master, both in doctrine and practice. but, sir, other reasons and other causes have combined to fix and establish my principles in this matter, never, i trust, to be shaken. a free state was the place of my birth; a free territory the theatre of my juvenile actions. ohio is my country, endeared to me by every fond recollection. she gave me political existence, and taught me in her political school; and i should be worse than an unnatural son did i forget or disobey her precepts. in her constitution it is declared, "that all men are born equally free and independent," and "that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the state, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes." shall i stand up for slavery in any case, condemned as it is by such high authority as this? no, never! but this is not all, indiana, our younger western sister, endeared to us by every social and political tie, a state formed in the same country as ohio, from whose territory slavery was forever excluded by the ordinance of july, --she too, has declared her abhorrence of slavery in more strong and empathic terms than we have done. in her constitution, after prohibiting slavery, or involuntary servitude, being introduced into the state, she declares, "but as to the holding any part of the human creation in slavery, or involuntary servitude, can originate only in _tyranny_ and _usurpation_, no alteration of her constitution should ever take place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the state, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes whereof the party had been duly convicted." illinois and michigan also formed their constitutions on the same principles. after such a cloud of witnesses against slavery, and whose testimony is so clear and explicit, as a citizen of ohio, i should be recreant to every principle of honor and of justice, to be found the apologist or advocate of slavery in any state, or in any country whatever. no, i cannot be so inconsistent as to say i am opposed to slavery in the _abstract_, in its separation from a human being, and still lend my aid to build it up, and make it perpetual in its operation and effects upon _man_ in this or any other country. i also, in early life, saw a slave kneel before his master, and hold up his hands with as much apparent submission, humility, and adoration, as a man would have done before his maker, while his master with out-stretched rod stood over him. this, i thought, is slavery; one man subjected to the will and power of another, and the laws affording him no protection, and he has to beg pardon of man, because he has offended man, (not the laws,) as if his master were a superior and all powerful being. yes, this is slavery, boasted american slavery, without which, it is contended even here, that the union of these states would be dissolved in a day, yes, even in an hour! humiliating thought, that we are bound together as states by the chains of slavery! it cannot be--the blood and the tears of slavery form no part of the cement of our union--and it is hoped that by falling on its bands they may never corrode and eat them asunder. we who are opposed to and deplore the existence of slavery in our country, are frequently asked, both in public and private, what have you to do with slavery? it does not exist in your state; it does not disturb you! ah, sir, would to god it were so--that we had nothing to do with slavery, nothing to fear from its power, or its action within our own borders, that its name and its miseries were unknown to us. but this is not our lot; we live upon its borders, and in hearing of its cries; yet we are unwilling to acknowledge, that if we enter its territories and violate its laws, that we should be punished at its pleasure. we do not complain of this, though it might well be considered just ground of complaint. it is our firesides, our rights, our privileges, the safety of our friends, as well as the sovereignty and independence of our state, that we are now called upon to protect and defend. the slave interest has at this moment the whole power of the country in its hands. it claims the president as a northern man with southern feelings, thus making the chief magistrate the head of an interest, or a party, and not of the country and the people at large. it has the cabinet of the president, three members of which are from the slave states, and one who wrote a book in favor of southern slavery, but which fell dead from the press, a book which i have seen, in my own family, thrown musty upon the shelf. here then is a decided majority in favor of the slave interest. it has five out of nine judges of the supreme court; here, also, is a majority from the slave states. it has, with the president of the senate, and the speaker of the house of representatives, and the clerks of both houses, the army and the navy; and the bureaus, have, i am told, about the same proportion. one would suppose that, with all this power operating in this government, it would be content to _permit_--yes i will use the word _permit_--it would be content to permit us, who live in the free states, to enjoy our firesides and our homes in quietness; but this is not the case. the slaveholders and slave laws claim that as property, which the free states know only as persons, a reasoning property, which, of its own will and mere motion, is frequently found in our states; and upon which thing we sometimes bestow food and raiment, if it appear hungry and perishing, believing it to be a human being; this perhaps is owing to our want of vision to discover the process by which a man is converted into a thing. for this act of ours, which is not prohibited by our laws, but prompted by every feeling, christian and humane, the slaveholding power enters our territory, tramples under foot the sovereignty of our state, violates the sanctity of private residence, seizes our citizens, and disregarding the authority of our laws, transports them into its own jurisdiction, casts them into prison, confines them in fetters, and loads them with chains, for pretended offences against their own laws, found by willing grand juries upon the oath (to use the language of the late governor of ohio) of a perjured villain. is this fancy, or is it fact, sober reality, solemn fact? need i say all this, and much more, as now matter of history in the case of the rev. john b. mahan, of brown county, ohio? yes, it is so; but this is but the beginning--a case of equal outrage has lately occurred, if newspapers are to be relied on, in the seizure of a citizen of ohio, without even the forms of law, and who was carried into virginia and shamefully punished by tar and feathers, and other disgraceful means, and rode upon a rail, according to the order of judge lynch, and this, only because in ohio he was an abolitionist. would i could stop here--but i cannot. this slave interest or power seizes upon persons of color in our states, carries them into states where men are property, and makes merchandize of them, sometimes under sanction of law, but more properly by its abuse, and sometimes by mere personal force, thus disturbing our quiet and harassing our citizens. a case of this kind has lately occurred, where a colored boy was seduced from ohio into indiana, taken from thence into alabama and sold as a slave; and to the honor of the slave states, and gentlemen who administer the laws there, be it said, that many who have thus been taken and sold by the connivance, if not downright corruption, of citizens in the free states, have been liberated and adjudged free in the states where they have been sold, as was the case of the boy mentioned, who was sold in alabama. slave power is seeking to establish itself in every state, in defiance of the constitution and laws of the states within which it is prohibited. in order to secure its power beyond the reach of the states, it claims its parentage from the constitution of the united states. it demands of us total silence as to its proceedings, denies to our citizens the liberty of speech and the press, and punishes them by mobs and violence for the exercise of these rights. it has sent its agents into the free states for the purpose of influencing their legislatures to pass laws for the security of its power within such state, and for the enacting new offences and new punishments for their own citizens, so as to give additional security to its interest. it demands to be heard in its own person in the hall of our legislature, and mingle in debate there. sir, in every stage of these oppressions and abuses, permit me to say, in the language of the declaration of independence--and no language could be more appropriate--we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms, and our repeated petitions have been answered by repeated injury. a power, whose character is marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to rule over a free people. in our sufferings and our wrongs we have besought our fellow-citizens to aid us in the preservation of our constitutional rights, but, influenced by the love of gain or arbitrary power, they have sometimes disregarded all the sacred rights of man, and answered in violence, burnings, and murder. after all these transactions, which are now of public notoriety and matter of record, shall we of the free states tauntingly be asked what we have to do with slavery? we should rejoice, indeed, if the evils of slavery were removed far from us, that it could be said with truth, that we have nothing to do with slavery. our citizens have not entered its territories for the purpose of obstructing its laws, nor do we wish to do so, nor would we justify any individual in such act; yet we have been branded and stigmatized by its friends and advocates, both in the free and slave states, as incendiaries, fanatics, disorganizers, enemies to our country, and as wishing to dissolve the union. we have borne all this without complaint or resistance, and only ask to be secure in our persons, by our own firesides, and in the free exercise of our thoughts and opinions in speaking, writing, printing and publishing on the subject of slavery, that which appears to us to be just and right; because we all know the power of truth, and that it will ultimately prevail, in despite of all opposition. but in the exercise of all these rights, we acknowledge subjection to the laws of the state in which we are, and our liability for their abuse. we wish peace with all men; and that the most amicable relations and free intercourse may exist between the citizens of our state and our neighboring slaveholding states; we will not enter their states, either in our proper persons, or by commissioners, legislative resolutions, or otherwise, to interfere with their slave policy or slave laws; and we shall expect from them and their citizens a like return, that they do not enter our territories for the purpose of violating our laws in the punishment of our people for the exercise of their undoubted rights--the liberty of speech and of the press on the subject of slavery. we ask that no man shall be seized and transported beyond our state, in violation of our own laws, and that we shall not be carried into and imprisoned in another state for acts done in our own. we contend that the slaveholding power is properly chargeable with all the riots and disorders which take place on account of slavery. we can live in peace with all our sister states; if that power will be controlled by law, each can exercise and enjoy the full benefits secured by their own laws; and this is all we ask. if we hold up slavery to the view of an impartial public as it is, and if such view creates astonishment and indignation, surely we are not to be charged as libellers. a state institution ought to be considered the pride, not the shame of the state; and if we falsify such institutions, the disgrace is ours, not theirs. if slavery, however, is a blemish, a blot, an eating cancer in the body politic, it is not our fault if, by holding it up, others should see in the mirror of truth its deformity, and shrink back from the view. we have not, and we intend not, to use any weapons against slavery, but the moral power of truth and the force of public opinion. if we enter the slave states, and tamper with the slave contrary to law, punish us, we deserve it; and if a slaveholder is found in a free state, and is guilty of a breach of the law there, he also ought to be punished. these petitioners, as far as i understand them, disclaim all right to enter a slave state for the purpose of intercourse with the slave. it is the master whom they wish to address; and they ask and ought to receive protection from the laws, as they are willing to be judged by the laws. we invite into the arena of public discussion in our state the slaveholder; we are willing to hear his reasons and facts in favor of slavery, or against abolitionists: we do not fear his errors while we are ourselves free to combat them. the angry feelings which in some degree exist between the citizens of the free and slaveholding states, on account of slavery, are, in many cases, properly chargeable to those who defend and support slavery. attempts are almost daily making to force the execution of slave laws in the free states; at least, their power and principles: and no term is too reproachful to be applied to those who resist such acts, and contend for the rights secured to every man under their own laws. we are often reminded that we ought to take color as evidence of property in a human being. we do not believe in such evidence, nor do we believe that a man can justly be made property by human laws. we acknowledge, however, that a _man_, not a _thing_ may be held to service or labor under the laws of a state, and, if he escape into another state, he ought to be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due; that this delivery ought to be in pursuance of the laws of the state where such person is found, and not by virtue of any act of congress. this brings me, mr. president, to the consideration of the petition presented by the senator from kentucky, and to an examination of the views he has presented to the senate on this highly important subject. sir, i feel, i sensibly feel my inadequacy in entering into a controversy with that old and veteran senator; but nothing high or low shall prevent me from an honest discharge of my duty here. if imperfectly done, it may be ascribed to the want of ability, not intention. if the power of my mind, and the strength of my body, were equal to the task, i would arouse every man, yes, every woman and child in the country, to the danger which besets them, if such doctrines and views as are presented by the senator should ever be carried into effect. his denunciations are against abolitionists, and under that term are classed all those who petition congress on the subject of slavery. such i understand to be his argument, and as such i shall treat it. i, in the first place, put in a broad denial to all his general facts, charging this portion of my fellow citizens with improper motives or dangerous designs. that their acts are lawful he does not pretend to deny. i called for proof to sustain his charges. none such has been offered, and none such exists, or can be found. i repel them as calumnies double-distilled in the alembic of slavery. i deny them, also, in the particulars and inferences; and let us see upon what ground they rest, or by what process of reasoning they are sustained. the very first view of these petitioners against our right of petition strikes the mind that more is intended than at first meets the eye. why was the committee on the district overlooked in this case, and the senator from kentucky made the organ of communication? is it understood that anti-abolitionism is a passport to popular favor, and that the action of this district shall present for that favor to the public a gentleman upon this hobby? is this petition presented as a subject of fair legislation? was it solicited by members of congress, from citizens here, for political effect? let the country judge. the petitioners state that no persons but themselves are authorized to interfere with slavery in the district; that congress are their own legislature; and the question of slavery in the district is only between them and their constituted legislators; and they protest against all interference of others. but, sir, as if ashamed of this open position in favor of slavery, they, in a very coy manner, say that some of them are not slaveholders, and might be forbidden by conscience to hold slaves. there is more dictation, more political heresy, more dangerous doctrine contained in this petition, than i have ever before seen couched together in so many words. we! congress their own legislature in all that concerns this district! let those who may put on the city livery, and legislate for them and not for his constituents, do so; for myself, i came here with a different view, and for different purposes. i came a free man, to represent the people of ohio; and i intend to leave this as such representative, without wearing any other livery. why talk about executive usurpation and influence over the members of congress? i have always viewed this district influence as far more dangerous than that of any other power. it has been able to extort, yes, extort from congress, millions to pay district debts, make district improvements, and in support of the civil and criminal jurisprudence of the district. pray, sir, what right has congress to pay the corporate debts of the cities in the district more than the debts of the corporate cities in your state and mine? none, sir. yet this has been done to a vast amount; and the next step is, that we, who pay all this, shall not be permitted to petition congress on the subject of their institutions, for, if we can be prevented in one case, we can in all possible cases. mark, sir, how plain a tale will silence these petitioners. if slavery in the district concerns only the inhabitants and congress, so does all municipal regulations. should they extend to granting lottery, gaming-houses, tippling-houses, and other places calculated to promote and encourage vice--should a representative in congress be instructed by his constituents to use his influence, and vote against such establishments, and the people of the district should instruct him to vote for them, which should he obey? to state the question is to answer it; otherwise the boasted right of instruction by the constituent body is "mere sound," signifying nothing. sir, the inhabitants of this district are subject to state legislation and state policy; they cannot complain of this, for their condition is voluntary; and as this city is the focus of power, of influence, and considered also as that of fashion, if not of folly, and as the streams which flow from here irradiate the whole country, it is right, it is proper, that it should be subject to state policy and state power, and not used as a leaven to ferment and corrupt the whole body politic. the honorable senator has said the petition, though from a city, is the fair expression of the opinion of the district. as such i treated it, am willing to acknowledge the respectability of the petitioners and their rights, and i claim for the people of my own state equal respectability and equal rights that the people of the district are entitled to: any peculiar rights and advantages i cannot admit. i agree with the senator, that the proceedings on abolition petitions, heretofore, have not been the most wise and prudent course. they ought to have been referred and acted on. such was my object, a day or two since, when i laid on your table a resolution to refer them to a committee for inquiry. you did not suffer it, sir, to be printed. the country and posterity will judge between the people whom i represent and those who caused to be printed the petition from the city. it cannot be possible that justice can have been done in both cases. the exclusive legislation of congress over the district is as much the act of the constituent body, as the general legislation of congress over the states, and to the operation of this act have the people within the district submitted themselves. i cannot, however, join the senator that the majority, in refusing to receive and refer petitions, did not intend to destroy or impair the right in this particular. they certainly have done so. the senator admits the abolitionists are now formidable; that something must be done to produce harmony. yes, sir, do justice, and harmony will be restored. act impartially, that justice may be done: hear petitions on both sides, if they are offered, and give righteous judgments, and your people will be satisfied. you cannot compromise them out of their rights, nor lull them to sleep with fallacies in the shape of reports. you cannot conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them by sophistry. remember you cannot now turn public opinion, nor can you overthrow it. you must, and you will, abandon the high ground you have taken, and receive petitions. the reason of the case, the argument and the judgment of the people, are all against you. one in this cause can "chase a thousand," and the voice of justice will be heard whenever you agitate the subject. in indiana, the right to petition has been most nobly advocated in a protest, by a member, against some puny resolutions of the legislature of that state to whitewash slavery. permit me to read a paragraph, worthy an american freeman: "but who would have thought until lately, that any would have doubted the right to petition in a respectful manner to congress? who would have believed, that congress had any authority to refuse to consider the petitions of the people? such a step would overthrow the autocrat of russia, or cost the grand seignior of constantinople his head. can it be possible, therefore, that it has been reserved for a republican government, in a land boasting of its free institutions, to set the first precedent of this kind? our city councils, our courts of justice, every department of government are approached by petition, however unanswerable, or absurd, so that its terms are respectful. none go away unread, or unheard. the life of every individual is a perfect illustration of the subject of petitioning. petition is the language of want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad variety of woes, imploring relief, at the hand of some power superior to himself. petitioning is the foundation of all government, and of all administrations of law. yet it has been reserved for our congress, seconded indirectly by the vote of this legislature, to question this right, hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven-deeded, so undoubted, that our fathers did not think it necessary to place a guaranty of it in the first draft of the federal constitution. yet this sacred right has been, at one blow, driven, destroyed, and trodden under the feet of slavery. the old bulwarks of our federal and state constitutions seem utterly to have been forgotten, which declare, 'that the freedom of speech and the press shall not be abridged, nor the right of the people peaceably to assemble and _petition_ for the redress of their grievances.'" these, sir, are the sentiments which make abolitionists formidable, and set at nought all your councils for their overthrow. the honorable senator not only admits that abolitionists are formidable, but that they consist of three classes. the friends of humanity and justice, or those actuated by those principles, compose one class. these form a very numerous class, and the acknowledgment of the senator proves the immutable principles upon which opposition to slavery rests. men are opposed to it from principles of humanity and justice--men are abolitionists, he admits, on that account. we thank the senator for teaching us that word, we intend to improve it. the next class of abolitionists, the senator says, are so, apparently, for the purpose of advocating the right of petition. what are we to understand from this? that the right of petition needs advocacy. who has denied this right, or who has attempted to abridge it? the slaveholding power, that power which avoids open discussion, and the free exercise of opinion; it is that power alone which renders the advocacy of the right of petition necessary, having seized upon all the powers of the government. it is fast uniting together those opposed to its iron rule, no matter to what political party they have heretofore belonged; they are uniting with the first class, and act from principles of humanity and justice; and if the mists and shades of slavery were not the atmosphere in which gentlemen were enveloped, they would see constant and increasing numbers of our most worthy and intelligent citizens attaching themselves to the two classes mentioned, and rallying under the banners of abolitionism. they are compelled to go there, if the gentleman will have it so, in order to defend and perpetuate the liberties of the country. the hopes of the oppressed spring up afresh from this discussion of the gentleman. the third class, the senator says, are those who, to accomplish their ends, act without regard to consequences. to them, all the rights of property, of the states, of the union, the senator says, are nothing. he says they aim at other objects than those they profess--emancipation in the district of columbia. no, says the senator, their object is _universal emancipation_, not only in the district, but in the territories and in the states. their object is to set free three millions of negro slaves. who made the senator, in his place here, the censor of his fellow citizens? who authorized him to charge them with other objects than those they profess? how long is it since the senator himself, on this floor, denounced slavery as an evil? what other inducements or object had he then in view? suppose universal emancipation to be the object of these petitioners; is it not a noble and praiseworthy object; worthy of the christian, the philanthropist, the statesman, and the citizen? but the senator says, they (the petitioners) aim to excite one portion of the country against another. i deny, sir, this charge, and call for the proof; it is gratuitous, uncalled for, and unjust towards my fellow citizens. this is the language of a stricken conscience, seeking for the palliation of its own acts by charging guilt upon others. it is the language of those who, failing in argument, endeavor to cast suspicion upon the character of their opponents, in order to draw public attention from themselves. it is the language of disguise and concealment, and not that of fair and honorable investigation, the object of which is truth. i again put in a broad denial to this charge, that any portion of these petitioners, whom i represent, seek to excite one portion of the country against another; and without proof i cannot admit that the assertion of the honorable senator establishes the fact. it is but opinion, and naked assertion only. the senator complains that the means and views of the abolitionists are not confined to securing the right of petition only; no, they resort to other means, he affirms, to the ballot box; and if that fail, says the senator, their next appeal will be to the bayonet. sir, no man, who is an american in feeling and in heart, but ought to repel this charge instantly, and without any reservation whatever, that if they fail at the ballot box they will resort to the bayonet. if such a fratricidal course should ever be thought of in our country, it will not be by those who seek redress of wrongs, by exercising the right of petition, but by those only who deny that right to others, and seek to usurp the whole power of the government. if the ballot box fail them, the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs and violence now are. does the senator believe that any portion of the honest yeomanry of the country entertain such thoughts? i hope he does not. if thoughts of this kind exist, they are to be found in the hearts of aspirants to office, and their adherents, and none others. who, sir, is making this question a political affair? not the petitioners. it was the slaveholding power which first made this move. i have noticed for some time past that many of the public prints in this city, as well as elsewhere, have been filled with essays against abolitionists for exercising the rights of freemen. both political parties, however, have courted them in private and denounced them in public, and both have equally deceived them. and who shall dare say that an abolitionist has no right to carry his principles to the _ballot box? who fears the ballot box?_ the honest in heart, the lover of our country and its institutions? no, sir! it is feared by the tyrant; he who usurps power, and seizes upon the liberty of others; he, for one, fears the ballot box. where is the slave to party in this country who is so lost to his own dignity, or so corrupted by interest or power, that he does not, or will not, carry his principles and his judgment into the ballot box? such an one ought to have the mark of cain in his forehead, and sent to labor among the negro slaves of the south. the honorable senator seems anxious to take under his care the ballot box, as he has the slave system of the country, and direct who shall or who shall not use it for the redress of what they deem a political grievance. suppose the power of the executive chair should take under its care the right of voting, and who should proscribe any portion of our citizens who should carry with them to the polls of election their own opinions, creeds, and doctrines. this would at once be a deathblow to our liberties, and the remedy could only be found in revolution. there can be no excuse or pretext for revolution while the ballot box is free. our government is not one of force, but of principle; its foundation rests on public opinion, and its hope is in the morality of the nation. the moral power of that of the ballot box is sufficient to correct all abuses. let me, then, proclaim here, from this high arena, to the citizens not only of my own state, but to the country, to all sects and parties who are entitled to the right of suffrage, to the ballot box! carry with you honestly your own sentiments respecting the welfare of your country, and make them operate as effectually as you can, through that medium, upon its policy and for its prosperity. fear not the frowns of power. it trembles while it denounces you. the senator complains that the abolitionists have associated with the politics of the country. so far as i am capable of judging, this charge is not well founded; many politicians of the country have used abolitionists as stepping stones to mount into power; and, when there, have turned about and traduced them. he admits that political parties are willing to unite with them any class of men, in order to carry their purposes. are abolitionists, then, to blame if they pursue the same course? it seems the senator is willing that his party should make use of even abolitionists; but he is not willing that abolitionists should use the same party for their purpose. this seems not to be in accordance with that equality of rights about which we heard so much at the last session. abolitionists have nothing to fear. if public opinion should be for them, politicians will be around and amongst them as the locusts of egypt. the senator seems to admit that, if the abolitionists are joined to either party, there is danger--danger of what? that humanity and justice will prevail? that the right of petition will be secured to all equally? and that the long lost and trodden african race will be restored to their natural rights? would the senator regret to see this accomplished by argument, persuasion, and the force of an enlightened public opinion? i hope not; and these petitioners ask the use of no other weapons in this warfare. these ultra-abolitionists, says the senator, invoke the power of this government to their aid. and pray, sir, what power should they invoke? have they not the same right to approach this government as other men? is the senator or this body authorized to deny them any privileges secured to other citizens? if so, let him show me the charter of his power and i will be silent. until he can do this, i shall uphold, justify, and sustain them, as i do other citizens. the exercise of power by congress in behalf of the slaves within this district, the senator seems to think, no one without the district has the least claim to ask for. it is because i reside without the district, and am called within it by the constitution, that i object to the existence of slavery here. i deny the gentleman's position, then, on this point. on this then, we are equal. the senator, however, is at war with himself. he contends the object of the cession by the states of virginia and maryland, was to establish a seat of government _only_, and to give congress whatever power was necessary to render the district a valuable and comfortable situation for that purpose, and that congress have full power to do whatever is necessary for this district; and if to abolish slavery be necessary, to attain the object, congress have power to abolish slavery in the district. i am sure i quote the gentleman substantially; and i thank him for this precious confession in his argument; it is what i believe, and i know it is all i feel disposed to ask. if we can, then, prove that this district is not as comfortable and convenient a place for the deliberations of congress, and the comfort of our citizens who may visit it, while slavery exists here, as it would be without slavery, then slavery ought to be abolished; and i trust we shall have the distinguished senator from kentucky to aid us in this great national reformation. i take the senator at his word. i agree with him that this ought to be such a place as he has described; but i deny that it is so. and upon what facts do i rest my denial? we are a christian nation, a moral and religious people. i speak for the free states, at least for my own state; and what a contrast do the very streets of your capital daily present to the christianity and morality of the nation? a race of slaves, or at least colored persons, of every hue from the jet black african, in regular gradation, up to the almost pure anglo-saxon color. during the short time official duty has called me here, i have seen the really red haired, the freckled, and the almost white negro; and i have been astonished at the numbers of the mixed race, when compared with those of full color, and i have deeply deplored this stain upon our national morals; and the words of dr. channing have, thousands of times, been impressed on my mind, that "a slave country reeks with licentiousness." how comes this amalgamation of the races? it comes from slavery. it is a disagreeable annoyance to persons who come from the free states, especially to their christian and moral feelings. it is a great hindrance to the proper discharge of their duties while here. remove slavery from this district, and this evil will disappear. we argue this circumstance alone as sufficient cause to produce that effect. but slavery presents within the district other and still more appalling scenes--scenes well calculated to awaken the deepest emotions of the human heart. the slave-trade exists here in all its horrors, and unwhipt of all its crimes. in view of the very chair which you now occupy, mr. president, if the massy walls of this building, did not prevent it, you could see the prison, the _pen_, the hell, where human beings, when purchased for sale, are kept until a cargo can be procured for transportation to a southern or foreign market, for i have little doubt slaves are carried to texas for sale, though i do not know the fact. sir, since congress have been in session, a mournful group of these unhappy beings, some thirty or forty, were marched, as if in derision of members of congress, in view of your capitol, chained and manacled together, in open day-light, yes, in the very face of heaven itself, to be shipped at baltimore for a foreign market. i did not witness this cruel transaction, but speak from what i have heard and believe. is this district, then, a fit place for our deliberations, whose feelings are outraged with impunity with transactions like this? suppose, sir, that mournful and degrading spectacle was at this moment exhibited under the windows of our chamber, do you think the senate could deliberate, could continue with that composure and attention which i see around me? no, sir; all your powers could not preserve order for a moment. the feelings of humanity would overcome those of regard for the peculiar institutions of the states; and though we would be politically and legally bound not to interfere, we are not morally bound to withhold our sympathy and our execration in witnessing such inhuman traffic. this traffic alone, in this district, renders it an uncomfortable and unfit place for your seat of government. sir, it is but one or two years since i saw standing at the railroad depot, as i passed from my boarding house to this chamber, some large wagons and teams, as if waiting for freight; the cars had not then arrived. i was inquired of, when i returned to my lodgings, by my landlady, if i knew the object of those wagons which i saw in the morning. i replied, i did not; i suppose they came and were waiting for loading. "yes, for slaves," said she; "and one of those wagons was filled with little boys and little girls, who had been bought up through the country, and were to be taken to a southern market. ah, sir!" continued she, "it made my very heart ache to see them." the very recital unnerved and unfitted me for thought or reflection on any other subject for some time. it is scenes like this, of which ladies of my country and my state complained in their petitions, some time since, as rendering this district unpleasant, should they visit the capital of the nation as wives, sisters, daughters, or friends of members of congress. yet, sir, these respectable females were treated here with contemptuous sneers; they were compared, on this floor, to the fish-women of paris, who dipped their fingers in the blood of revolutionary france. sir, if the transaction in slaves here, which i have mentioned, could make such an impression on the heart of a lady, a resident of the district, one who had been used to slaves, and was probably an owner, what would be the feelings of ladies from free states on beholding a like transaction? i will leave every gentleman and every lady to answer for themselves. i am unable to describe it. shall the capital of your country longer exhibit scenes so revolting to humanity, that the ladies of your country cannot visit it without disgust? no; wipe off the foul stain, and let it become a suitable and comfortable place for the seat of government. the senator, as if conscious that his argument on this point had proved too much, and of course had proven the converse of what he wished to establish, concluded this part by saying, that if slavery is abolished, the act ought to be confined to the city alone. we thank him for this small sprinkling of correct opinion upon this arid waste of public feeling. liberty may yet vegetate and grow even here. the senator insists that the states of virginia and maryland would never have ceded this district if they had have thought slavery would ever have been abolished in it. this is an old story twice told. it was never, however, thought of, until the slave power imagined it, for its own security. let the states ask a retrocession of the district, and i am sure the free states will rejoice to make the grant. the senator condemns the abolitionists for desiring that slavery should not exist in the territories, even in florida. he insists that, by the treaty, the inhabitants of that country have the right to remove their effects when they please; and that, by this condition, they have the right to retain their slaves as effects, independently of the power of congress. i am no diplomatist, sir, but i venture to deny the conclusion of the senator's argument. in all our intercourse with foreign nations, in all our treaties in which the words "goods, effects," &c. are used, slaves have never been considered as included. in all cases in which slaves are the subject matter of controversy, they are specially named by the word "slaves; and, if i remember rightly, it has been decided in congress, that slaves are not property for which a compensation shall be made when taken for public use, (or rather, slaves cannot be considered as taken for public use,) or as property by the enemy, when they are in the service of the united states. if i am correct, as i believe i am, in the positions i have assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by this part of his argument, against abolitionists, for asking that slavery shall not exist in florida." the gentleman contends that the power to remove slaves from one state to another, for sale, is found in that part of the constitution which gives congress the power to regulate commerce within the states, &c. this argument is _non sequiter_, unless the honorable senator can first prove that slaves are proper articles for commerce. we say that congress have power over slaves only as persons. the united states can protect persons, _but cannot make them property_, and they have full power in regulating commerce, and can, in such regulations, prohibit from its operations every thing but property; property made so by the laws of nature, and not by any municipal regulations. the dominion of man over things, as property, was settled by his creator when man was first placed upon the earth. he was to subdue the earth, and have dominion over the fish of the sea, the fowls of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth; every herb bearing seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding seed, was given for his use. this is the foundation of all right in property of every description. it is for the use of man the grant is made, and of course man cannot be included in the grant. every municipal regulation, then, of any state, or any of its peculiar institutions, which makes man property, is a violation of this great law of nature, and is founded in usurpation and tyranny, and is accomplished by force, fraud, or an abuse of power. it is a violation of the principles of truth and justice, in subjecting the weaker to the stronger man. in a christian nation such property can form no just ground for commercial regulations, but ought to be strictly prohibited. i therefore believe it is the duty of congress, by virtue of this power, to regulate commerce, to prohibit, at once, slaves being used as articles of trade. the gentleman says, the constitution left the subject of slavery entirely to the states. to this position i assent; and, as the states cannot regulate their own commerce, but the same being the right of congress, that body cannot make slaves an article of commerce, because slavery is left entirely to the states in which it exists; and slaves within those states, according to the gentleman, are excluded from the power of congress. can congress, in regulating commerce among the several states, authorize the transportation of articles from one state, and their sale in another, which they have not power so to authorize in any state? i cannot believe in such doctrine; and i now solemnly protest against the power of congress to authorize the transportation to, and the sale in, ohio, of any negro slave whatever, or for any possible purpose under the sun. who is there in ohio, or elsewhere, that will dare deny this position? if ohio contains such a recreant to her constitution and policy, i hope he may have the boldness to stand forth and avow it. if the states in which slavery exists love it as a household god, let them keep it there, and not call upon us in the free states to offer incense to their idol. we do not seek to touch it with unhallowed hands, but with pure hands, upraised in the cause of truth and suffering humanity. the gentleman admits that, at the formation of our government, it was feared that slavery might eventually divide or distract our country; and, as the ballot box seems continually to haunt his imagination, he says there is real danger of dissolution of the union if abolitionists, as is evident they do, will carry their principles into the ballot box. if not disunion in fact, at least in feeling, in the country, which is always the precursor to the clash of arms. and the gentleman further says we are taught by holy writ, "that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." the moral of the gentleman's argument is, that truth and righteousness will prevail, though opposed by power and influence; that abolitionists, though few in number, are greatly to be feared; one, as i have said, may chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; and, as their weapons of warfare are not "carnal, but mighty to the pulling down of strong holds," even slavery itself; and as the ballot box is the great moral lever in political action, the gentleman would exclude abolitionists entirely from its use, and for opinion's sake, deny them this high privilege of every american citizen. permit me, sir, to remind the gentleman of another text of holy writ. "the wicked flee when no man pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a lion." the senator says that those who have slaves, are sometimes supposed to be under too much alarm. does this prove the application of the text i have just quoted: "conscience sometimes makes cowards of us all." the senator appeals to abolitionists, and beseeches them to cease their efforts on the subject of slavery, if they wish, says he, "to exercise their benevolence." what! abolitionists benevolent! he hopes they will select some object not so terrible. oh, sir, he is willing they should pay tithes of "mint and rue," but the weighter matters of the law, judgment and mercy, he would have them entirely overlook. i ought to thank the senator for introducing holy writ into this debate, and inform him his arguments are not the sentiments of him, who, when on earth, went about doing good. the senator further entreats the clergy to desist from their efforts in behalf of abolitionism. who authorized the senator, as a politician, to use his influence to point out to the clergy what they should preach, or for what they should pray? would the senator dare exert his power here to bind the consciences of men? by what rule of ethics, then, does he undertake to use his influence, from this high place of power, in order to gain the same object, i am at a loss to determine. sir, this movement of the senator is far more censurable and dangerous, as an attempt to unite church and state, than were the petitions against sunday mails, the report in opposition to which gained for you, mr. president, so much applause in the country. i, sir, also appeal to the clergy to maintain their rights of conscience; and if they believe slavery to be a sin, we ought to honor and respect them for their open denunciation of it, rather than call on them to desist, for between their conscience and their god, we have no power to interfere; we do not wish to make them political agents for any purpose. but the senator is not content to entreat the clergy alone to desist; he calls on his countrywomen to warn them, also, to cease their efforts, and reminds them that the ink shed from the pen held in their fair fingers when writing their names to abolition petitions, may be the cause of shedding much human blood! sir, the language towards this class of petitioners is very much changed of late; they formerly were pronounced idlers, fanatics, old women and school misses, unworthy of respect from intelligent and respectable men. i warned gentlemen then that they would change their language; the blows they aimed fell harmless at the feet of those against whom they were intended to injure. in this movement of my countrywomen i thought was plainly to be discovered the operations of providence, and a sure sign of the final triumph of _universal emancipation_. all history, both sacred and profane, both ancient and modern, bears testimony to the efficacy of female influence and power in the cause of human liberty. from the time of the preservation, by the hands of women, of the great jewish law-giver, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved for the purpose of freeing his countrymen from egyptian bondage, has woman been made a powerful agent in breaking to pieces the rod of the oppressor. with a pure and uncontaminated mind, her actions spring from the deepest recesses of the human heart. denounce her as you will, you cannot deter her from her duty. pain, sickness, want, poverty and even death itself form no obstacles in her onward march. even the tender virgin would dress, as a martyr for the stake, as for her bridal hour, rather than make sacrifice of her purity and duty. the eloquence of the senate, and clash of arms, are alike powerful when brought in opposition to the influence of pure and virtuous woman. the liberty of the slave seems now to be committed to her charge, and who can doubt her final triumph? i do not.--you cannot fight against her and hope for success; and well does the senator know this; hence this appeal to her feelings to terrify her from that which she believes to be her duty. it is a vain attempt. the senator says that it was the principles of the constitution which carried us through the revolution. surely it was; and to use the language of another senator from a slave state, on a former occasion, these are the very principles on which the abolitionists plant themselves. it was the principle that all men are born free and equal, that nerved the arm of our fathers in their contest for independence. it was for the natural and inherent rights of _man_ they contended. it is a libel upon the constitution to say that its object was not liberty, but slavery, for millions of the human race. the senator, well fearing that all his eloquence and his arguments thus far are but chaff, when weighed in the balance against truth and justice, seems to find consolation in the idea, and says that which opposes the ulterior object of abolitionists, is that the general government has no power to act on the subject of slavery, and that the constitution or the union would not last an hour if the power claimed was exercised by congress. it is slavery, then, and not liberty, that makes us one people. to dissolve slavery, is to dissolve the union. why require of us to support the constitution by oath, if the constitution itself is subject to the power of slavery, and not the moral power of the country? change the form of the oath which you administer to senators on taking seats here, swear them to support slavery, and according to the logic of the gentleman, the constitution and the union will both be safe. we hear almost daily threats of dissolving the union, and from whence do they come? from citizens of the free states? no! from the slave states only. why wish to dissolve it? the reason is plain, that a new government may be formed, by which we, as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people. no impartial observer of passing events, can, in my humble judgment, doubt the truth of this. the senator thinks the abolitionists in error, if they wish the slaveholder to free his slave. he asks, why denounce him? i cannot admit the truth of the question; but i might well ask the gentleman, and the slaveholders generally, "why are you angry at me, because i tell you the truth?" it is the light of truth which the slaveholder cannot endure; a plain unvarnished tale of what slavery is, he considers a libel upon himself. the fact is, the slaveholder feels the leprosy of slavery upon him. he is anxious to hide the odious disease from the public eye, and the ballot box and the right of petition, when used against him, he feels as sharp reproof; and being unwilling to renounce his errors, he tries to escape from their consequences, by making the world believe that he is the persecuted, and not the persecutor. slaveholders have said here, during this very session, "the fact is, slavery will not bear examination." it is the senator who denounces abolitionists for the exercise of their most unquestionable rights, while abolitionists condemn that only which the senator himself will acknowledge to be wrong at all times and under all circumstances. because he admits that if it was an original question whether slaves should be introduced among us, but few citizens would be found to agree to it, and none more opposed to it than himself. the argument is, that the evil of slavery is incurable; that the attempt to eradicate it would commence a struggle which would exterminate one race or the other. what a lamentable picture of our government, so often pronounced the best upon earth! the seeds of disease, which were interwoven into its first existence, have now become so incorporated into its frame, that they cannot be extracted without dissolving the whole fabric; that we must endure the evil without hope and without complaint. our very natures must be changed before we can be brought tamely to submit to this doctrine. the evil will be remedied: and to use the language of jefferson again, "this people will yet be free." the senator finds consolation, however in the midst of this existing evil, in color and caste. the black race (says he) is the strong ground of slavery in our country. yes, it is _color_, not right and justice, that is to continue forever slavery in our country. it is prejudice against color, which is the strong ground of the slaveholder's hope. is that prejudice founded in nature, or is it the effect of base and sordid interest? let the mixed race which we see here, from black to almost perfect white, springing from white fathers, answer the question. slavery has no just foundation in color: it rests exclusively upon usurpation, tyranny, oppressive fraud, and force. these were its parents in every age and country of the world. the senator says, the next or greatest difficulty to emancipation is, the amount of property it would take from the owners. all ideas of right and wrong are confounded in these words: emancipate property, emancipate a horse, or an ox, would not only be unmeaning, but a ludicrous expression. to emancipate is to set free from slavery. to emancipate, is to set free a man, not property. the senator estimates the number of slaves--_men_ now held in bondage--at three millions in the united states. is this statement made here by the same voice which was heard in this capitol in favor of the liberties of greece, and for the emancipation of our south american brethren from political thralldom? it is; and has all its fervor in favor of liberty been exhausted upon foreign countries, so as not to leave a single whisper in favor of three millions of men in our own country, now groaning under the most galling oppression the world ever saw? no, sir. sordid interest rules the hour. men are made property, and paper is made money, and the senator, no doubt, sees in these two peculiar institutions a power which, if united, will be able to accomplish all his wishes. he informs us that some have computed the slaves to be worth the average amount of five hundred dollars each. he will estimate within bounds at four hundred dollars each. making the amount twelve hundred millions of dollars' worth of slave property. i heard this statement, mr. president, with emotions of the deepest feeling. by what rule of political or commercial arithmetic does the senator calculate the amount of property in human beings? can it be fancy or fact, that i hear such calculation, that the people of the united states own twelve hundred millions' (double the amount of all the specie in the world) worth of property in human flesh! and this property is owned, the gentleman informs us, by all classes of society, forming part of all our contracts within our own country and in europe. i should have been glad, sir, to have been spared the hearing of a declaration of this kind, especially from the high source and the place from which it emanated. but the assertion has gone forth that we have twelve hundred millions of slave property at the south; and can any man so close his understanding here as not plainly to perceive that the power of this vast amount of property at the south is now uniting itself to the banking power of the north, in order to govern the destinies of this country. six hundred millions of banking capital is to be brought into this coalition, and the slave power and the bank power are thus to unite in order to break down the present administration. there can be no mistake, as i believe, in this matter. the aristocracy of the north, who, by the power of a corrupt banking system, and the aristocracy of the south, by the power of the slave system, both fattening upon the labor of others, are now about to unite in order to make the reign of each perpetual. is there an independent american to be found, who will become the recreant slave to such an unholy combination? is this another compromise to barter the liberties of the country for personal aggrandisement? "resistance to tyrants is obedience to god." the senator further insists, "that what the law makes property is property." this is the predicate of the gentleman; he has neither facts nor reason to prove it; yet upon this alone does he rest the whole case that negroes are property. i deny the predicate and the argument. suppose the legislature of the senator's own state should pass a law declaring his wife, his children, his friends, indeed, any white citizen of kentucky, _property_, and should they be sold and transferred as such, would the gentleman fold his arms and say, "yes, they are property, for the law has made them such?" no, sir; he would denounce such law with more vehemence than he now denounces abolitionists, and would deny the authority of human legislation to accomplish an object so clearly beyond its power. human laws, i contend, cannot make human beings property, if human force can do it. if it is competent for our legislatures to make a black man _property_, it is competent for them to make a white man the same; and the same objection exists to the power of the people in an organic law for their own government; they cannot make property of each other; and, in the language of the constitution of indiana, such an act "can only originate in usurpation and tyranny." dreadful, indeed, would be the condition of this country, if these principles should not only be carried into the ballot box, but into the presidential chair. the idea that abolitionists ought to pay for the slaves if they are set free, and that they ought to think of this, is addressed to their fears, and not to their judgment. there is no principle of morality or justice that should require them or our citizens generally to do so. to free a slave is to take from usurpation that which it has made property and given to another, and bestow it upon the rightful owner. it is not taking property from its true owner for public use. men can do with their own as they please, to vary their peace if they wish, but cannot be compelled to do so. the gentleman repeats the assertion that has been repeated a thousand and one times: that abolitionists are retarding the emancipation of the slave, and have thrown it back fifty or a hundred years; that they have increased the rigors of slavery, and caused the master to treat his slave with more severity. slavery, then, is to cease at some period; and because the abolitionists have said to the slaveholder, "now is the accepted time," and because he thinks this an improper interference, and not having the abolitionists in his power, he inflicts his vengeance on his unoffending slave! the moral of this story is, the slaveholder will exercise more cruelty because he is desired to show mercy. i do not envy the senator the full benefit of his argument. it is no doubt a true picture of the feelings and principles which slavery engenders in the breast of the master. it is in perfect keeping with the threat we almost daily hear; that if petitioners do not cease their efforts in the exercise of their constitutional rights, others will dissolve the union. these, however, ought to be esteemed idle assertions and idle threats. the senator tells us that the consequences arising from the freedom of slaves, would be to reduce the wages of the white laborer. he has furnished us with neither data nor fact upon which this opinion can rest. he, however, would draw a line, on one side of which he would place the slave labor, and on the other side free white labor; and looking over the whole, as a general system, both would appear on a perfect equality. i have observed, for some years past, that the southern slaveholder has insisted that his laborers are, in point of integrity, morality, usefulness, and comfort, equal to the laboring population of the north. thus endeavoring to raise the slave in public estimation, to an equality with the free white laborer of the north; while, on the other hand, the northern aristocrat has, in the same manner, viz.: by comparison, endeavored to reduce his laborers to the moral and political condition of the slaves of the south. it is for the free white american citizens to determine whether they will permit such degrading comparisons longer to exist. already has this spirit broken forth in denunciation of the right of universal suffrage. will free white laboring citizens take warning before it is too late? the last, the great, the crying sin of abolitionists, in the eyes of the senator, is that they are opposed to colonization, and in favor of amalgamation. it is not necessary now to enter into any of the benefits and advantages of colonization; the senator has pronounced it the noblest scheme ever devised by man; he says it is powerful but harmless. i have no knowledge of any resulting benefits from the scheme to either race. i have not a doubt as to the real object intended by its founders; it did not arise from principles of humanity and benevolence towards the colored race, but a desire to remove the free of that race beyond the united states, in order to perpetuate and make slavery more secure. the senator further makes the broad charge, that abolitionists wish to _enforce_ the unnatural system of amalgamation. we deny the fact, and call on the senator for proof. the citizens of the free states, the petitioners against slavery, the abolitionists of the free states in favor of amalgamation! no, sir! if you want evidence of the fact, and reasoning in support of amalgamation, you must look into the slave states; it is there it spreads and flourishes from slave mothers, and presents all possible colors and complexions, from the jet black african to the scarcely to be distinguished white person. does any one need proof of this fact? let him take but a few turns through the streets of your capital, and observe those whom he shall meet, and he will be perfectly satisfied. amalgamation, indeed! the charge is made with a very bad grace on the present occasion. no, sir; it is not the negro _woman_, it is the _slave_ and the contaminating influence of slavery that is the mother of amalgamation. does the gentleman want facts on this subject? let him look at the colored race in the free states; it is a rare occurrence there. a colony of blacks, some three or four hundred, were settled, some fifteen or twenty years since, in the county of brown, a few miles distant from my former residence in ohio, and i was told by a person living near them, a country merchant with whom they dealt, when conversing with him on this very subject, he informed me he knew of but one instance of a mulatto child being born amongst them for the last fifteen years; and i venture the assertion, had this same colony been settled in a slave state, the cases of a like kind would have been far more numerous. i repeat again, in the words of dr. channing, it is a slave country that reeks with licentiousness of this kind, and for proof i refer to the opinions of judge harper, of north carolina, in his defence of southern slavery. the senator, as if fearing that he had made his charge too broad, and might fail in proof to sustain it, seems to stop short, and make the inquiry, where is the process of amalgamation to begin? he had heard of no instance of the kind against abolitionists; they (the abolitionists) would begin it with the laboring class; and if i understand the senator correctly, that abolitionism, by throwing together the white and the black laborers, would naturally produce this result. sir, i regret, i deplore, that such a charge should be made against the laboring class--that class which tills the ground; and, in obedience to the decree of their maker, eat their bread in the sweat of their face--that class, as mr. jefferson says, if god has a chosen people on earth, they are those who thus labor. this charge is calculated for effect, to induce the laboring class to believe, that if emancipation takes place, they will be, in the free states, reduced to the same condition as the colored laborer. the reverse of that is the truth of the case. it is the slaveholder now, he who looks upon labor as only fit for a servile race, it is him and his kindred spirits who live upon the labor of others, endeavoring to reduce the white laborer to the condition of the slave. they do not yet claim him as property, but they would exclude him from all participation in the public affairs of the country. it is further said, that if the negroes were free, the black would rival the white laborer in the free states. i cannot believe it, while so many facts exist to prove the contrary. negroes, like the white race, but with stronger feelings, are attached to the place of their birth, and the home of their youth; and the climate of the south is congenial to their natures, more than that of the north. if emancipation should take place at the south--and the negro be freed from the fear of being made merchandize, they would remove from the free states of the north and west, immediately return to that country, because it is the home of their friends and fathers. already in ohio, as far as my knowledge extends, has free white labor, (emigrants,) from foreign countries, engrossed almost entirely all situations in which male or female labor is found. but, sir, this plea of necessity and convenience is the plea of tyrants. has not the free black person the same right to the use of his hands as the white person: the same right to contract and labor for what price he pleases? would the gentleman extend the power of the government to the regulation of the productive industry of the country? this was his former theory, but put down effectually by the public voice. taking advantage of the prejudice against labor, the attempt is now being made to begin this same system, by first operating on the poor black laborer. for shame! let us cease from attempts of this kind. the senator informs us that the question was asked fifty years ago that is now asked, can the negro be continued forever in bondage? yes; and it will continue to be asked, in still louder and louder tones. but, says the senator, we are yet a prosperous and happy nation. pray, sir, in what part of your country do you find this prosperity and happiness? in the slave states? no! no! there all is weakness gloom, and despair; while, in the free states, all is light, business, and activity. what has created the astonishing difference between the gentleman's state and mine--between kentucky and ohio? slavery, the withering curse of slavery, is upon kentucky, while ohio is free. kentucky, the garden of the west, almost the land of promise, possessing all the natural advantages, and more than is possessed by ohio, is vastly behind in population and wealth. sir, i can see from the windows of my upper chamber, in the city of cincinnati, lands in kentucky, which, i am told, can be purchased from ten to fifty dollars per acre; while lands of the same quality, under the same improvements, and the same distance from me in ohio, would probably sell from one to five hundred dollars per acre. i was told by a friend, a few days before i left home, who had formerly resided in the county of bourbon, kentucky--a most excellent county of lands adjoining, i believe, the county in which the senator resides--that the white population of that county was more than four hundred less than it was five years since. will the senator contend, after a knowledge of these facts, that slavery in this country has been the cause of our prosperity and happiness? no, he cannot. it is because slavery has been excluded and driven from a large proportion of our country, that we are a prosperous and happy people. but its late attempts to force its influence and power into the free states, and deprive our citizens of their unquestionable rights, has been the moving cause of all the riots, burnings, and murders that have taken place on account of abolitionism; and it has, in some degree, even in the free states, caused mourning, lamentation, and woe. remove slavery, and the country, the whole country, will recover its natural vigor, and our peace and future prosperity will be placed on a more extensive, safe, and sure foundation. it is a waste of time to answer the allegations that the emancipation of the negro race would induce them to make war on the white race. every fact in the history of emancipation proves the reverse; and he that will not believe those facts, has darkened his own understanding, that the light of reason can make no impression: he appeals to interest, not to truth, for information on this subject. we do not fear his errors, while we are left free to combat them. the senator implores us to cease all commotion on this subject. are we to surrender all our rights and privileges, all the official stations of the country, into the hands of the slaveholding power, without a single struggle? are we to cease all exertions for our own safety, and submit in quiet to the rule of this power? is the calm of despotism to reign over this land, and the voice of freemen to be no more heard! this sacrifice is required of us, in order to sustain slavery. _freemen_, will you make it? will you shut your ears and your sympathies, and withhold from the poor, famished slave, a morsel of bread? can you thus act, and expect the blessings of heaven upon your country? i beseech you to consider for yourselves. mr. president, i have been compelled to enter into this discussion from the course pursued by the senate on the resolutions i submitted a few days since. the cry of abolitionist has been raised against me. if those resolutions are abolitionism, then i am an abolitionist from the sole of my feet to the crown of my head. if to maintain the rights of the states, the security of the citizen from violence and outrage; if to preserve the supremacy of the laws; if insisting on the right of petition, a medium through which _every person_ subject to the laws has an undoubted right to approach the constitutional authorities of the country, be the doctrines of abolitionists, it finds a response in every beating pulse in my veins. neither power, nor favor, nor want, nor misery, shall deter me from its support while the vital current continues to flow. condemned at home for my opposition to slavery, alone and singlehanded here, well may i feel tremor and emotion in bearding this lion of slavery in his very _den_ and upon his own ground. i should shrink, sir, at once, from this fearful and unequal contest, was i not thoroughly convinced that i am sustained by the power of truth and the best interests of the country. i listened to the senator of kentucky with undivided attention. i was disappointed, sadly disappointed. i had heard of the senator's tact in making compromises and agreements on this floor, and though opposed in principle to all such proceedings, yet i hoped to hear something upon which we could hang a hope that peace would be restored to the borders of our own states, and all future aggression upon our citizens from the free states be prevented. now, sir, he offers us nothing but unconditional submission to political death; and not political alone, but absolute _death_. we have counted the cost in this matter, and are determined to live or die free. let the slaveholder hug his system to his bosom in his own state, we will not go there to disturb him; but, sir, within our own borders we claim to enjoy the same privileges. even, sir, here in this district, this ten miles square of common property and common right, the slave power has the assurance to come into this very hall, and request that we--yes, mr. president, that my constituents--be denied the right of petition on the subject of slavery in this district. this most extraordinary petition against the right of others to petition on the same subject of theirs, is graciously received and ordered to be printed; paeans sung to it by the slave power, while the petitions i offer, from as honorable, free, high-minded and patriotic american citizens as any in this district, are spit upon, and turned out of doors as an _unclean thing_! genius of liberty! how long will you sleep under this iron power of oppression? not content with ruling over their own slaves, they claim the power to instruct congress on the question of receiving petitions; and yet we are tauntingly and sneeringly told that we have nothing to do with the existence of slavery in the country, a suggestion as absurd as it is ridiculous. we are called upon to make laws in favor of slavery in the district, but it is denied that we can make laws against it; and at last the right of petition on the subject, by the people of the free states, is complained of as an improper interference. i leave it to the senator to reconcile all these difficulties, absurdities, claims and requests of the people of this district, to the country at large; and i venture the opinion that he will find as much difficulty in producing the belief that he is correct now, that he has found in obtaining the same belief that he was before correct in his views and political course on the subject of banks, internal improvements, protective tariffs, &c., and the regulation, by acts of congress, of the productive industry of the country, together with all the compromises and coalitions he has entered into for the attainment of those objects. i rejoice, however, that the senator has made the display he has on this occasion. it is a powerful shake to awaken the sleeping energies of liberty, and his voice, like a trumpet, will call from their slumbers millions of freemen to defend their rights; and the overthrow of his theory now, is as sure and certain, by the force of public opinion, as was the overthrow of all his former schemes, by the same mighty power. i feel, mr. president, as if i had wearied your patience, while i am sure my own bodily powers admonish me to close; but i cannot do so without again reminding my constituents of the greetings that have taken place on the consummation and ratification of the treaty, offensive and defensive, between the slaveholding and bank powers, in order to carry on a war against the liberties of our country, and to put down the present administration. yes, there is no voice heard from new england now. boston and faneuil hall are silent as death. the free day-laborer is, in prospect, reduced to the political, if not moral condition of the slave; an ideal line is to divide them in their labor; yes, the same principle is to govern on both sides. even the farmer, too, will soon be brought into the same fold. it will be again said, with regard to the government of the country, "the farmer with his huge paws upon the statute book, what can he do?" i have endeavored to warn my fellow-citizens of the present and approaching danger, but the dark cloud of slavery is before their eyes, and prevents many of them from seeing the condition of things as they are. that cloud, like the cloud of summer, will soon pass away, and its thunders cease to be heard. slavery will come to an end, and the sunshine of prosperity warm, invigorate and bless our whole country. i do not know, mr. president, that my voice will ever again be heard on this floor. i now willingly, yes, gladly, return to my constituents, to the people of my own state. i have spent my life amongst them, and the greater portion of it in their service, and they have bestowed upon me their confidence in numerous instances. i feel perfectly conscious that, in the discharge of every trust which they have committed to me, i have, to the best of my abilities, acted solely with a view to the general good, not suffering myself to be influenced by any particular or private interest whatever; and i now challenge those who think i have done otherwise, to lay their finger upon any public act of mine, and prove to the country its injustice or anti-republican tendency. that i have often erred in the selection of means to accomplish important ends i have no doubt, but my belief in the truth of the doctrines of the declaration of independence, the political creed of president jefferson, remains unshaken and unsubdued. my greatest regret is that i have not been more zealous, and done more for the cause of individual and political liberty than i have done. i hope, on returning to my home and my friends, to join them again in rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty upon every hill in our state, until their broad glare shall enlighten every valley, and the song of triumph will soon be heard, for the hearts of our people are in the hands of a just and holy being, (who can not look upon oppression but with abhorrence.) and he can turn them whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water are turned. though our national sins are many and grievous, yet repentance, like that of ancient nineveh, may divert from us that impending danger which seems to hang over our heads as by a single hair. that all may be safe, i conclude that the negro will yet be set free. the anti-slavery examiner. no. . * * * * * the constitution a pro-slavery compact. or selections from the madison papers, &c. * * * * * new york: american anti-slavery society. nassau street. . contents. introduction. debates in the congress of the confederation debates in the federal convention list of members of the federal convention speech of luther martin debates in state conventions massachusetts new york pennsylvania virginia north carolina south carolina extracts from the federalist debates in first congress address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society letter from francis jackson to gov. briggs extract from mr. webster's speech extracts from j.q. adams's address, november, introduction. every one knows that the "madison papers" contain a report, from the pen of james madison, of the debates in the old congress of the confederation and in the convention which formed the constitution of the united states. we have extracted from them, in these pages, all the debates on those clauses of the constitution which relate to slavery. to these we have added all that is found, on the same topic, in the debates of the several state conventions which ratified the constitution: together with so much of the speech of luther martin before the legislature of maryland, and of the federalist, as relate to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the debates of the first federal congress on slavery. these are all printed without alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the state from which he came. the notes and italics are those of the original, but the editor has added one note on page th, which is marked as his, and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of rufus king's, and two of james madison's--a distinction which the importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have reprinted exactly from the originals. these extracts develope most clearly all the details of that "compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in ; granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his part toward the north. they prove also that the nation at large were fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly and with open eyes. we have added the late "address of the american anti-slavery society," and the letter of francis jackson to governor briggs, resigning his commission of justice of the peace--as bold and honorable protests against the guilt and infamy of this national bargain, and as proving most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet. the clauses of the constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery character are the following:-- art. , sect. . representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three fifths of all other persons_. art. , sect. . congress shall have power . . . to suppress insurrections. art. , sect. . the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. art. . sec. . no person, held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping, into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. art. , sect. . the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against domestic violence_. the first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence, perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave trade, disgraces the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty years, _without obliging congress to do so even then_, and thus the slave trade may be legalized to-morrow if congress choose: the fourth is a promise on the part of the whole nation to return fugitive slaves to their masters, a deed which god's law expressly condemns and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt. these are the articles of the "compromise," so much talked of, between the north and south. we do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what is the meaning of the clauses above cited. for no man or party, of any authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject they all relate. if indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest for ever. a few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the constitution makes no compromise with slavery. notwithstanding the clear light of history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both state and federal;--the action of congress and the state legislature;--the constant practice of the executive in all its branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for half a century, still they contend that the nation does not know its own meaning, and that the constitution does not tolerate slavery! every candid mind however must acknowledge that the language of the constitution is clear and explicit. its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot include the slaves themselves! many persons beside slaves in this country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the states," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the national government is not bound to put them down by force. such a thing has been heard of before as one description including a great variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance. but granting that the terms of the constitution are ambiguous--that they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent, unbroken practice of every department of the government, judicial, legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how and where can such a question ever be settled? if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has authority to settle their meaning for them? if then the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and for the last half century, the constitution of the united states, has been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his duty both as a man and an abolitionist. what the constitution may become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and repudiate it _as it is_. but the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the community, is this. some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding that the constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this false construction, as they think it, has been foisted in upon the instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all it touches. they assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a bargain as the constitution is represented to be, and has in its present hands become. now these pages prove the melancholy fact that willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for gain and became partners with tyrants that they might share in the profits of their tyranny. and in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers tell us they meant to incorporate into the constitution, and which the sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist there after all? forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions at least of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who, after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all? besides, the advocates of this new theory of the anti-slavery character of the constitution, quote some portions of the madison papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the community should hear all that these debates have to say on the subject. the further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact that the constitution was meant to be, what it has always been esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom. if then the constitution be, what these debates show that our fathers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a "covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be immediately annulled. but if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, union itself is impossible, without guilt. for it is undeniable that the fifty years passed under this (anti-slavery) constitution, shew us the slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the government;--prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free states and making the courts of the country their tools. to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. the trial of fifty years with the best of men and the best of constitutions, on this supposition, only proves that it is impossible for free and slave states to unite on any terms, without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery. we dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the american anti-slavery society, no union with slaveholders. the constitution a pro-slavery compact. * * * * * _extracts from debates in the congress of confederation, preserved by thomas jefferson, _. on friday, the twelfth of july, , the committee appointed to draw the articles of confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second, the house resolved themselves into a committee to take them into consideration. on the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined the proportion or quota of money which each state should furnish to the common treasury, and the manner of voting in congress. the first of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these words:-- "article . all charges of war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by the united states assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality, except indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and transmitted to the assembly of the united states." mr. chase (of maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white inhabitants." he admitted that taxation should be always in proportion to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in practice. the value of the property in every state could never be estimated justly and equally. some other measure for the wealth of the state must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would be more simple. he considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. he therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception only. he observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those states where there are few slaves. that the surplus of profit which a northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.; whereas, a southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. there is no more reason therefore for taxing the southern states on the farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the northern ones on their farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle. that the method proposed would therefore tax the southern states according to their numbers and their wealth conjunctly, while the northern would be taxed on numbers only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the state, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it. mr. john adams (of massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the state, and not as subjects of taxation. that as to this matter, it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of slaves. that in some countries the laboring poor were called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the difference as to the state was imaginary only. what matters it whether a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand? the ten laborers add as much wealth, annually to the state, increase its exports as much, in the one case as the other. certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits, no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. therefore the state in which are the laborers called freemen, should be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. suppose, by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the laborers of a state could in the course of one night be transformed into slaves,--would the state be made the poorer, or the less able to pay taxes? that the condition of the laboring poor in most countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the northern states,--is as abject as that of slaves. it is the number of laborers which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. that it is the use of the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of the state, which produces the fallacy. how does the southern farmer procure slaves? either by importation or by purchase from his neighbor. if he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a laborer from one firm to another, which does not change the annual produce of the state, and therefore should not change its tax; that if a northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true, invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the southern farmer working ten slaves. that a state of one hundred thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property. that a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called the wealth of his employer: but as to the state, both were equally its wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax. mr. harrison (of virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves should be counted as one freeman. he affirmed that slaves did not do as much work as freemen, and doubted if two affected more than one. that this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in the southern colonies being from £ to £ , while in the northern it was generally £ . mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take place, the southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the northern ones would bear the burthen. that slaves increase the profits of a state, which the southern states mean to take to themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which would of course fall so much the heavier on the northern; that slaves occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their places. it is our duty to lay every discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would give thee _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. that other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the north as the south, and south as the north; but not so as to slaves: that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or white; and the practice of the southern colonies has always been to make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they be black or white. he acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the most; but they consume the most also. they do not produce a greater surplus for taxation. the slave is neither fed nor clothed so expensively as a freeman. again, white women are exempted from labor generally, which negro women are not. in this then the southern states have an advantage as the article now stands. it has sometimes been said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is said that the labor of the slave is the dearest. mr. payne (of massachusetts) urged the original resolution of congress, to proportion the quotas of the states to the number of souls. mr. witherspoon (of new-jersey) was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. this is the true barometer of wealth. the one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal between the states. it has been objected that negroes eat the food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed. horses also eat the food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. it has been said too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the state is to pay, we do no more than those states themselves do, who always take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. but the cases are not parallel. in the southern colonies, slaves pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent. that as to the original resolution of congress, it was temporary only, and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground. august st. the question being put, the amendment proposed was rejected by the votes of new-hampshire, massachusetts, rhode-island, connecticut, new-york, new-jersey and pennsylvania, against those of delaware, maryland, virginia, north, and south carolina. georgia was divided. _vol. i. pp_. - - , - - . _extracts from madison's report of debates in the congress of the confederation._ tuesday, feb. , . mr. wolcott declares his opinion that the confederation ought to be amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen and sixty years of age. _p_. . tuesday, march , . the eleventh and twelfth paragraphs: mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was in congress when the articles of confederation directing a valuation of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of compromising the different ideas of the eastern and southern states, as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in question. mr. clark (of new jersey) was in favor of them. he said that he was also in congress when this article was decided; that the southern states would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land, if half their slaves only should be included; but that the eastern states would not concur in that proposition. it was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by ages, as the, report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion in absolute numbers. with this view, and that the blank might be filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p._ - . friday, march , . the committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one freeman. mr. wolcott (of connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. mr. carroll as four to one. mr. williamson (of north carolina) said he was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. mr. higginson (of massachusetts) as four to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would he a juster proportion. mr. holton as four to three.--mr. osgood said he did not go beyond four to three. on a question for rating them as three to two, the votes were. new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, divided; connecticut, aye; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, aye; maryland, no; virginia, no; north carolina, no; south carolina, no. the paragraph was then proposed, by general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it; but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be agreed to. after some further discussions on the report, in which the necessity of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into view, mr. madison (of virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that slaves should be rated as five to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) seconded the motion. mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said he would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise. mr. lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that two slaves were not equal to one freeman. on the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, divided; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye: south carolina, aye. a motion was then made by mr. bland, seconded by mr. lee, to strike out the clause so amended, and, on the question "shall it stand," it passed in the negative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no; so the clause was struck out. the arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the states having slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility of the others, ought to have greater weight in the case; and that the exports of the former states were greater than of the latter. on the other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their labor, they did as little as possible and omitted every exertion of thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it: that if the exports of the states having slaves exceeded those of the others, their imports were in proportion, slaves being employed wholly in agriculture, not in manufacturers; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was much more against the southern states than the others. on the main question, new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new york (mr. lloyd, aye); new jersey, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no. _pp._ - - . tuesday, april , . congress resumed the report on revenue, &c. mr. hamilton, who had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. he was seconded by mr. osgood. those who voted differently from their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the slaves. the rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition. _p_. . monday, may . the resolutions on the journal, instructing the ministers in europe to remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously_. _p_. . * * * * * _extract from "debates in the federal convention" of , for the formation of the constitution of the united states_. monday, june , . it was then moved by mr. rutledge, seconded by mr. butler, to add to the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the motion just agreed to, the words, "according to the quotas of contribution." on motion of mr. wilson, seconded by mr. pinckney, this was postponed, in order to add, after the words, "equitable rates of representation," the words following: "in proportion to the whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and three fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, except indians not paying taxes, in each state"--this being the rule in the act of congress, agreed to by eleven states, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the states, and requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years. mr. gerry (of massachusetts) thought property not the rule of representation. why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the south, be in the rule of representation more than, the cattle and horses of the north? on the question,--massachusetts, connecticut, new york, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, delaware, no-- . _vol. ii. pp._ - . saturday, june , . he (mr. madison) admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured as far as possible. wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defence. but he contended that the states were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. these two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the united states. it did not lie between the large and small states. it lay between the northern and southern; and if any defensive power were necessary, it ought to be mutually given to these two interests. he was so strongly impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. the one which had occurred was, that instead of proportioning the votes of the states in both branches to their respective numbers of inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should he represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants only; and in the other, according to the whole number, counting the slaves us free. by this arrangement the southern scale would have the advantage in one house, and the northern in the other. he had been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was, the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and which would destroy the equilibrium of interests. _pp._ - . monday, july , . mr. patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague. for this reason new jersey was against it. he could regard negro slaves in no light but as property. they are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the contrary are themselves property, and like other property, entirely at the will of the master. has a man in virginia a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves? and if negroes are not represented in the states to which they belong, why should they be represented in the general government. what is the true principle of representation? it is an experiment by which an assembly of certain individuals, chosen, by the people, is substituted in place of the inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. if such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? they would not. why then should they be represented? he was also against such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of confederation, had been assigned to use the term "slaves," and had substituted a description. mr. madison reminded mr. patterson that his doctrine of representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for ever silence the pretensions of the small states to an equality of votes with the large ones. they ought to vote in the same proportion in which their citizens would do if the people of all the states were collectively met. he suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that in the first branch the states should be represented according to their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which has for one of its primary objects, the guardianship of property, according to the whole number, including slaves. mr. butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth in the apportionment of representation. mr. king had always expected, that, as the southern states are the richest, they would not league themselves with the northern, unless some respect was paid to their superior wealth. if the latter expect those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to receive them without allowing some advantages in return. eleven out of thirteen of the states had agreed to consider slaves in the apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go together. _pp_. - - . tuesday, july ; . mr. king remarked that the four eastern states, having , souls, have one-third fewer representatives than the four southern states, having not more than , souls, rating the blacks as five for three. the eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be dissatisfied. he believed them to be very desirous of uniting with their southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. he was fully convinced that the question concerning a difference of interests did not lie where it had hitherto been discussed, between the great and small states: but between the southern and eastern. _p_. . wednesday, july , . mr. butler and general pinckney insisted that blacks be included in rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out. mr. gerry thought that three fifths of them was, to say the least, the full proportion that could be admitted. mr. gorham. this ratio was fixed by congress as a rule of taxation. then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the states having slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. at present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are assured that they are equal to freemen. the arguments on the former occasion had convinced them that three fifths was pretty near the just proportion, he should vote according to the same opinion now. mr. butler insisted that the labor of a slave in south carolina was as productive and valuable as that of a freeman in massachusetts; that as wealth was the greatest means of defence and utility to the nation, they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and was itself to be supported by property. mr. mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to virginia, because he thought it unjust. it was certain that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land, increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases of emergency become themselves soldiers. as in these important respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to be excluded from the estimate of representation. he could not, however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them as such. he added, as worthy of remark, that the southern states have this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of property common to all the states. mr. williamson reminded mr. gorham, that if the southern states contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites, when taxation was in view, the eastern states, on the same occasion, contended for their equality. he did not, however, either then or now, concur in either extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths. on mr. butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in the apportionment of representation,--delaware, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- . new york not on the floor. mr. gouverneur morris said he had several objections to the proposition of mr. williamson. in the first place it fettered the legislature too much. in the second place, it would exclude some states altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle them to a single representation. in the third place, it will not consist with the resolution passed on saturday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust the representation, from time to time on the principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of equity. if slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth, then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why is no other wealth but slaves included? these objections may perhaps be removed by amendments.... another objection with him, against admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. they would reject any plan that was to have such an effect. pp. - - & . wednesday, july , . the next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered: mr. king, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. he thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite great discontents among the states having no slaves. he had never said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this. he remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by the committee, the southern states had received more than the number of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled them to. mr. sherman. south carolina had not more beyond her proportion than new york and new hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion. georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that state seemed to justify it. in general the allotment might not be just, but considering all circumstances he was satisfied with it. mr. gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by the people of the eastern states. but he recollected that when the proposition of congress for changing the eighth article of the confederation was before the legislature of massachusetts, the only difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in the ratio of three-fifths only.[ ] [footnote : they were then to have been a rule of taxation only.] mr. wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks in the proportion of three fifths could be explained. are they admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality with white citizens? are they admitted as property--then why is not other property admitted into the computation? these were difficulties, however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of compromise. he had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people of pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (mr. gouverneur morris.) mr. gouvemeur morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the dilemma of doing injustice to the southern states, or to human nature; and he must therefore do it to the former. for he could never agree to give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not believe those states would ever confederate on terms that would deprive them of that trade. on the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the blacks,--connecticut, virginia, north carolina. georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland,[ ] south carolina, no-- . pp. - - . [footnote : mr. carroll said, in explanation of the vote of maryland, that he wished the _phraseology_ to be altered as to obviate, if possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the eastern and middle states.] thursday, july , . mr. butler contended that representation should be according to the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks. general pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by gouverneur morris,] concerning the negroes. he was now again alarmed at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. south carolina has in one year exported to the amount of , £. sterling, all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. will she be represented in proportion to this amount? she will not. neither ought she then be subject to a tax on it. he hoped a clause would be inserted in the system, restraining the legislature from taxing exports. mr. gouverneur morris having so varied his motion by inserting the word "direct," it passed, _nem. con._, as follows: "provided always that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation." mr. davie said it was high time now to speak out. he saw that it was meant by some gentlemen to deprive the southern states of any share of representation for their blacks. he was sure that north carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as three-fifths. if the eastern states meant, therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end. dr. johnson thought that wealth and population were the true, equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best measure of wealth. he concluded, therefore, that the number of people ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions, including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the computation. as various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into consideration, and report them. mr. gouverneur morris. it had been said that it is high time to speak out. as one member, he would candidly do so. he came here to form a compact for the good of america. he was ready to do so with all the states. he hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such compact. if they would not, he was ready to join with any states that would. but as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the eastern states to insist on what the southern states will never agree to. it is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other states can never admit; and he verily believed the people of pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. what can be desired by these states more then has been already proposed--that the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation according to population and wealth? general pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature; and that property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government instituted for the protection of property. the first clause in the report of the first grand committee was postponed. mr. ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house, the words following, "and that the rule of contribution for direct taxation, for the support of the government of the united states, shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every other description in the several states, until some other use rule that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several states, can be devised and adopted by the legislature." mr. butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed. mr. randolph was not satisfied with the motion. the danger will be revived, that the ingenuity of the legislature may evade or pervert the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in the first instance. he proposed, in lieu of mr. ellsworth's motion, "that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that may be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative circumstances of the states, a census shall be taken within two years from the first meeting of the general legislature of the united states, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio recommended by congress in their resolution of the eighteenth day of april, , (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number;) and that the legislature of the united states shall arrange the representation accordingly." he urged strenuously that express security ought to be provided for including slaves in the ratio of representation. he lamented that such a species of property existed. but as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. it was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding slaves altogether; the legislature therefore ought not to be left at liberty. mr. ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of mr. randolph. mr. wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the end would be equally attained. mr. pinckney moved to amend mr. randolph's motion, so as to make "blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." this, he urged, was nothing more than justice. the blacks are the laborers, the peasants, of the southern states. they are as productive of pecuniary resources as those of the northern states. they add equally to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength, of the nation. it will also be politic with regard to the northern states, as taxation is to keep pace with representation. on mr. pinckney's (of s. carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--south carolina, georgia, aye -- ; massachusetts, connecticut (doctor johnson, aye), new jersey, pennsylvania (three against two), delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- . mr. randolph's (of virginia) proposition, as varied by mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,-- mr. gerry (of massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not be carried into execution, as the states were not to be taxed as states. with regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be more productive when there were no slaves, than where there were; the consumption being greater. mr. ellsworth (of connecticut.) in the case of a poll-tax there would be no difficulty. but there would probably be none. the sum allotted to a state may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan used by the state in raising its own supplies. on the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--connecticut, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new-jersey, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts, south carolina, divided. _pp._ to . friday, july , . on the motion of mr. randolph (of virginia), the vote of monday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust, from time to time, the representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the blacks. mr. gouverneur morris (of pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as leaving still an incoherence. if negroes were to be viewed as inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number, and not in the proportion of three-fifths. if as property, the word wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. the train of business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. a distinction has been set up, and urged, between the northern and southern states. he had hitherto considered this doctrine as heretical. he still thought the distinction groundless. he sees, however, that it is persisted in; and the southern gentlemen will not be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority in the public councils. the consequence of such a transfer of power from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in order to provide some defence for the northern states against it. but to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due confidence. if it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. there can be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to be entitled to it. the eastern states may claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the southern states claim it for their peculiar objects. in this struggle between the two ends of the union, what part ought the middle states, in point of policy, to take? to join their eastern brethren, according to his ideas. if the southern states get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with spain for the mississippi. this language is already held. the interior country, leaving no property nor interest exposed to the sea, will be little affected by such a war. he wished to know what security the northern and middle states will have against this danger. it has been said that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia only, will in a little time have a majority of the people of america. they must in that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands. mr. butler (of south carolina). the security the southern states want is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. it was not supposed that north carolina, south carolina and georgia, would have more people than all the other states, but many more relatively to the other states, than they now have. the people and strength of america are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly. on the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change as moved by mr. randoph (of virginia), it passed in the affirmative,-- massachusetts, connecticut, new-jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; delaware, divided. _pp_. - - - - . saturday, july , . mr. madison (of virginia). it seemed now pretty well understood, that the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but between the northern and southern states. the institution of slavery, and its consequences, formed the line of discrimination. _p_. . monday, july , . general pinckney reminded the convention, that if the committee should fail to insert some security to the southern states against an emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by duty to his state to vote against their report. _p_. . tuesday, july , . mr. gouverneur morris hoped the committee would strike out the whole of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. he had only meant it as a bridge[ ] to assist us over a certain gulf; having passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. he thought the principle laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections. _p_. . [footnote : the object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for, and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation claimed by the southern states on account of the negroes.] wednesday, august , . mr. king wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning the admission of slaves into the rule of representation. he could not reconcile his mind to the article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter part. the admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of america. he had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore, because he had hope that this concession would have produced a readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the general government, and to mark a full confidence in it. the report under consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes. in two great points the hands of the legislature were absolutely tied. the importation of slaves could not be prohibited. exports could not be taxed. is this reasonable? what are the great objects of the general system? first, defence against foreign invasion; secondly, against internal sedition. shall all the states, then, be bound to defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which will render defence more difficult? shall one part of the united states be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the compensation for the burden? if slaves are to be imported, shall not the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to enable the general government to defend their masters? there was so much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of the northern states could never be reconciled to it. no candid man could undertake to justify it to them. he had hoped that some accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. he never could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be represented in the national legislature. indeed, he could so little persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not sure he could assent to it under any circumstances. at all events, either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable. mr. sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of representation having been settled after much difficulty and deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition; especially as the present article, as amended, did not preclude any arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report. mr. gouverneur morris moved to insert "free" before the word "inhabitants." much, he said, would depend on this point. he never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. it was a nefarious institution. it was the curse of heaven on the states where it prevailed. compare the free regions of the middle states, where a rich and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes of virginia, maryland, and the other states having slaves. travel through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. the moment you leave the eastern states, and enter new-york, the effects of the institution become visible. passing through the jerseys and entering pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the change. proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the increasing proportion of these wretched beings. upon what principle is it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? are they men? then make them citizens, and let them vote. are they property? why, then is no other property included? the houses in this city (philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover the rice swamps of south carolina. the admission of slaves into the representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the inhabitant of georgia and south carolina, who goes to the coast of africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears away his fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, and damns them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen of pennsylvania or new-jersey, who views with a laudable horror so nefarious a practice. he would add, that domestic slavery is the most prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed constitution. the vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite offspring of aristocracy. and what is the proposed compensation to the northern states, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every impulse of humanity? they are to bind themselves to march their militia for the defence of the southern states, for their defence against those very slaves of whom they complain. they must supply vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. the legislature will have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports; both of which will fall heavier on them than on the southern inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a northern freeman will pay more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag that covers his nakedness. on the other side, the southern states are not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of having their votes in the national government increased in proportion; and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves exempt from all contributions for the public service. let it not be said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. it is idle to suppose that the general government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a country. they can only do it through the medium of exports, imports and excises. for what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? he would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in the united states, than saddle posterity with such a constitution. mr. dayton seconded the motion. he did it, he said, that his sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of the amendment. mr. sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. it was the freemen of the southern states who were, in fact, to be represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are only included in the estimate of the taxes. this was his idea of the matter. mr. pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as more burthensome to the united states than the slaves. he thought this could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one. mr. wilson thought the motion premature. an agreement to the clause would be no bar to the object of it. on the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants," new-jersey, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- . pp. - - - - - . tuesday, august , . mr. l. martin proposed to vary article , section , so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. in the first place, as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the apportionment of representatives, such a clause would leave an encouragement to this traffic. in the second place, slaves weakened one part of the union, which the other parts were bound to protect; the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. and in the third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the revolution, and dishonorable to the american character, to have such a feature in the constitution. mr. rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be encouraged by this section. he was not apprehensive of insurrections, and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to protect the southern against them. religion and humanity had nothing to do with this question. interest alone is the governing principle with nations. the true question at present is, whether the southern states shall or shall not be parties to the union. if the northern states consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers. mr. ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. let every state import what it pleases. the morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the states themselves. what enriches a part enriches the whole, and the states are the best judges of their particular interest. the old confederation had not meddled with this point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one. mr. pinckney. south carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade. in every proposed extension of the powers of congress, that state has expressly and watchfully excepted that of meddling with the importation of negroes. if the states be all left at liberty on this subject, south carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is wished, as virginia and maryland already have done. adjourned. _pp_. - . wednesday, august , . article , section , was resumed. mr. sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. he disapproved of the slave trade; yet as the states were now possessed of the right to import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the matter as we find it. he observed that the abolition of slavery seemed to be going on in the united states, and that the good sense of the several states would probably by degrees complete it. he urged on the convention the necessity of despatching its business. col. mason. this infernal traffic originated in the avarice of british merchants. the british government constantly checked the attempts of virginia to put a stop to it. the present question concerns not the importing states alone, but the whole union. the evil of having slaves was experienced during the late war. had slaves been treated as they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous instruments in their hands. but their folly dealt by the slaves as it did by the tories. he mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the slaves in greece and sicily; and the instructions given by cromwell to the commissioners sent to virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. maryland and virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves expressly. north carolina had done the same in substance. all this would be in vain, if south carolina and georgia be at liberty to import. the western people are already calling out for slaves for their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can be got through south carolina and georgia. slavery discourages arts and manufactures. the poor despise labor when performed by slaves. they prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country. they produce the most pernicious effect on manners. every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. they bring the judgment of heaven on a country. as nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. by an inevitable chain of causes and effects, providence punishes national sins by national calamities. he lamented that some of our eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in the nefarious traffic. as to the states being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. he held it essential in every point of view, that the general government should have power to prevent the increase of slavery. mr. ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character. he said, however, that if it was to be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those already in the country. as slaves also multiply so fast in virginia and maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards south carolina and georgia. let us not intermeddle. as population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. slavery, in time, will not be a speck in our country. provision is already made in connecticut for abolishing it. and the abolition has already taken place in massachusetts. as to the danger of insurrections from foreign influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves. mr. pinckney. if slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world. he cited the case of greece, rome and other ancient states; the sanction given by france, england, holland and other modern states. in all ages, one half of mankind have been slaves. if the southern states were let alone, they will probably of themselves stop importations. he would himself, as a citizen of south carolina, vote for it. an attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will produce serious objections to the constitution, which he wished to see adopted. gen. pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign the constitution and use their personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the assent of their constituents. south carolina and georgia cannot do without slaves. as to virginia, she will gain by stopping the importations. her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she wants. it would be unequal, to require south carolina and georgia, to confederate on such unequal terms. he said the royal assent, before the revolution, had never been refused to south carolina, as to virginia. he contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole union. the more slaves, the more produce to employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of this, the more revenue for the common treasury. he admitted it to be reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of south carolina from the union. mr. baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature. georgia was decided on this point. that state has always hitherto supposed a general government to be the pursuit of the central states, who wished to have a vortex for every thing; that her distance would preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently purchase it by yielding national powers. from this it might be understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of her favorite prerogatives. if left to herself, she may probably put a stop to the evil. as one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people, who carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation. mr. wilson observed that if south carolina and georgia were themselves disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the importation might be prohibited. as the section now stands, all articles imported are to be taxed. slaves alone are exempt. this is in fact a bounty on that article. mr. gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the states as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. mr. dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized to the states by the constitution. the true question was, whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation; and this question ought to be left to the national government, not to the states particularly interested. if england and france permit slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those kingdoms. greece and rome were made unhappy by their slaves. he could not believe that the southern states would refuse to confederate on the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be immediately exercised by the general government. mr. williamson stated the law of north carolina on the subject, to wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. it imposed a duty of £ on each slave imported from africa; £ on each from elsewhere; and £ on each from a state licensing manumission. he thought the southern states could not be members of the union, if the clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing down not absolutely necessary, and which any state must disagree to. mr. king thought the subject should be considered in a political light only. if two states will not agree to the constitution, as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from the other states. he remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to strike the commercial sagacity of the northern and middle states. mr. langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the general government. he could not, with a good conscience, have it with the states, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import slaves. gen. pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think south carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. he moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one difficulty that had been started. mr. rutledge. if the convention thinks that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. the people of those states will never be such fools, as to give up so important an interest. he was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of gen. pinckney for a commitment. mr. gouverneur morris wished the whole subject to be committed including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation act. these things may form a bargain among the northern and southern states. mr. butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing exports. mr. sherman said it was better to let the southern states import slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. he was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, because it implied they were _property_. he acknowledged that if the power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the general government, that it would be exercised. he thought it would be its duty to exercise the power. mr. read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes on experts should also be committed. mr. sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and therefore could not be committed. mr. randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground might, if possible, be found. he could never agree to the clause as it stands. he would sooner risk the constitution. he dwelt on the dilemma to which the convention was exposed. by agreeing to the clause, it would revolt the quakers, the methodists, and many others in the states having no slaves. on the other hand, two states might be lost to the union. let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment. on the question for committing the remaining part of sections and , of article ,--connecticut, new jersey, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, pennsylvania, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts absent. p. - . friday, august , . _in convention_,--governor livingston, from the committee of eleven, to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section, and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh article, delivered in the following report: "strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the committee, and insert, 'the migration or importation of such persons as the several states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.' "the fifth section to remain as in the report. "the sixth section[ ] to be stricken out." p. . [footnote : this sixth section was, "no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house."--editor.] saturday, august , . the report of the committee of eleven (see friday, the twenty-fourth) being taken up,-- gen. pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight." mr. gorham seconded the motion. mr. madison. twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. so long a term will be more dishonorable to the american character, than to say nothing about it in the constitution. on the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. gouverneur morris was for making the clause read at once, "the importation of slaves in north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, shall not be prohibited, &c." this he said, would be most fair, and would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to naturalization, the liberty reserved to the states might be defeated. he wished it to be known, also, that this part of the constitution was a compliance with those states. if the change of language, however, should be objected to, by the members from those states, he should not urge it. col. mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, lest it should give offence to the people of those states. mr. sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which had been declined by the old congress, and were not pleasing to some people. m. clymer concurred with mr. sherman. mr. williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all circumstances, to let in south carolina and georgia on those terms, than to exclude them from the union. mr. gouverneur morris withdrew his motion. mr. dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the states which had not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "the importation of slaves into such of the states as shall permit the same, shall not be prohibited by the legislature of the united states, until the year ;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con._[ ] [footnote : in the printed journals, connecticut, virginia, and georgia, voted in the affirmative.] the first part of the report was then agreed to, amended as follows: "the migration or importation of such persons as the several states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ,"-- new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words, "average of the duties and on imports," and insert "common impost on articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con._ mr. sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves. mr. king and mr. langdon considered this as the price of the first part. gen. pinckney admitted that it was so. col. mason. not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves. mr. gorham thought that mr. sherman should consider the duty, not as implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the importation of them. mr. gouverneur morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it implies that the legislature may tax freemen imported. mr. sherman, in answer to mr. gorham, observed, that the smallness of the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of the importation. mr. madison thought it wrong to admit in the constitution the idea that there could be property in men. the reason of duties did not hold, as slaves are not, like merchandise, consumed, &c. col. mason, in answer to mr. gouverneur morris. the provision as it stands, was necessary for the case of convicts; in order to prevent the introduction of them. it was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was agreed to. _pp_. to . tuesday, august , . article , was then taken up. general pinckney was not satisfied with it. he seemed to wish some provision should be included in favor of property in slaves. on the question on article ,-- new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, aye-- ; south carolina, no-- ; georgia, divided. article , being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited. mr. butler and mr. pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." mr. wilson. this would oblige the executive of the state to do it, at the public expense. mr. sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. mr. butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular provision might be made, apart from this article. article , as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_. _pp_. - . wednesday, august , . general pinckney said it was the true interest of the southern states to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on the commerce of the eastern states by the revolution, their liberal conduct towards the views[ ] of south carolina, and the interest the weak southern states had in being united with the strong eastern states, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents, though prejudiced against the eastern states, would be reconciled to this liberality. he had, himself, he said, prejudices against the eastern states before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever. _p_. . [footnote : he meant the permission to import slaves. an understanding on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place between those parts of the union, which explains the vote on the motion depending, as well as the language of general pinckney and others.] mr. butler moved to insert after article , "if any person bound to service or labor in any of the united states, shall escape into another state, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the state to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con_. _p_. . monday, september , . mr. rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the articles relating to slaves might be altered by the states not interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. in order to obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition: "provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the seventh article." _p_. . thursday, september , . article , section . on motion of mr. randolph, the word "servitude" was struck out, and "service" unanimously[ ] inserted, the former being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the obligations of free persons. [footnote : see page of the printed journal.] mr. dickinson and mr. wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes," from article , section , as improperly placed in a clause relating merely to the constitution of the house of representatives. mr. gouverneur morris. the insertion here was in consequence of what had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of counting the negroes in the _representation_. the including of them may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally only to that representation. on the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,--new jersey, delaware, maryland, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- . _pp_. - . saturday, september , . article , section , (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal in a moral view. _p_. . mr. gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his name from the constitution: -- -- -- -- -- , that three fifths of the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen. _p_. . * * * * * list of members of the federal convention who formed the constitution of the united states. from attended. new hampshire, john langdon, july , . _john pickering,_ nicholas gilman, " . _benjamin west_. massachusetts, _francis dana_, elbridge gerry, may . nath'l gorham, " . rufus king, " . caleb strong, " . rhode island, (no appointment.) connecticut, w.s. johnson, june . roger sherman, may . oliver ellsworth, " . new york, robert yates, " . alex'r hamilton, " . john lansing, june . new jersey, wm. livingston, " . david brearly, may . wm. c. houston, do. wm. patterson, do. _john nielson_, _abraham clark_. jonathan dayton, june . pennsylvania, benj. franklin, may . thos. miffin, do. pennsylvania. robert morris, may . gen. clymer, " . thos. fitzsimmons, " . jared ingersoll, " . james wilson, " . gouv'r morris, " . delaware, geo. reed, " . g. bedford, jr. " . john dickinson, " . richard bassett, " . jacob broom, " . maryland, james m'henry, " . daniel of st. tho. jenifer, june . daniel carroll, july . john f. mercer, aug. . luther martin, june . virginia, g. washington, may . _patrick henry_, (declined.) edmund randolph, " . john blair, " . jas. madison, jr. " . george mason, " . george wythe, " . james mcclurg, (in room p. henry) " . north carolina, _rich'd caswell_ (resigned). alex'r martin, may . wm. r. davie, " . wm. blount (in room of r. caswell), june . _willie jones_ (declined). r. d. spaight, may . hugh williamson, (in room of w. jones,) may . south carolina, john rutledge, " . chas. c. pinckney, " . chas. pinckney, " . peirce butler, " . georgia, william few, " . abr'm baldwin, june . william pierce, may . _george walton_. wm. houston, june . _nath'l pendleton_. those with numbers before their names signed the constitution. those in italics never attended. members who attended, but did not sign the constitution, -- extract from a speech of luther martin, (delivered before the legislature of maryland,) one of the delegates from maryland to the convention that formed the constitution of the united states. with respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_ article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it, besides the great objection of inequality--it was urged, that no principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in apportioning the number of _representatives_ a state should have in the government--that it involved the absurdity of increasing the power of a state in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that state violated the rights of freedom--that it might be proper to take slaves into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned, because it had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them into account in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave trade_, and to make it the _interest_ of the states to _continue_ that _infamous traffic_--that slaves could not be taken into account as _men_, or _citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of citizens_, in the states which adopted or continued slavery--if they were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors, rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _southern states_, as it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _eastern_. by the ninth section of this article, the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited prior to the year , but a duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. the design of this clause is to prevent the general government from prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word "stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_." they anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which might be odious in the ears of americans, although they were willing to admit into their system those _things_ which the expression signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on every foreigner who comes into a state to become a citizen, whether he comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant to extend to the importation of slaves. this clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the convention. as the system was reported by the committee of detail, the provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited, without confining it to any particular period. this was rejected by eight states--georgia, south carolina, and, i think, north carolina, voting for it. we were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states, that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves, and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their assent from such a system. a committee of one member from each state was chosen by ballot, to take this part of the system under their consideration, and to endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those states. to this committee also was referred the following proposition, which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and commercial states were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the eastern states; but which these last states were as anxious to reject. this committee, of which also i had the honor to be a member, met and took under their consideration the subjects committed to them. i found the _eastern_ states, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing to indulge the southern states, at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the southern states would in their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted. this report was adopted by a majority of the convention, but not without considerable opposition. it was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those, rights to which god and nature had entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the _rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that god whose protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said, it ought to be considered that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor african slave and his american master! it was urged that by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged, that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the number of slaves are increased in any state, in the same proportion the state is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore will by so the much want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. it was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the general government a power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor and interest. these reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system. you will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is prohibited from interfering in the slave-trade before the year eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security that such prohibition will ever take place; and i think there is great reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited afterwards. at this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so great abhorrence as we have done. when our liberties were at stake, we warmly felt for the common rights of men. the danger being thought to be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more insensible to those rights. in those states which have restrained or prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative acts, which may be repealed. when those states find that they must, in their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by the sanction which is given to it in the general government. by the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or _invasion_. as the state governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving such a power to the general government; since, whenever the state which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its safety requires it, it will make use of that power. and it was urged, that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a state should oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them during its pleasure in the remotest part of the union; so that a citizen of georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of new hampshire; or a citizen of new hampshire in the furthest extreme of the south, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every connexion. these considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative also to this clause. * * * * * extracts from debates in the several state conventions on the adoption of the united states' constitution. * * * * * massachusetts convention. the third paragraph of the d section being read, mr. king rose to explain it. there has, says he, been much misconception of this section. it is a principle of this constitution, that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. this paragraph states, that the numbers of free persons shall be determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. these persons are the slaves. by this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. and it was adopted, because it was the language of all america. mr. widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered as a free person? mr. king in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more intelligible, said that five negro children of south carolina, are to pay as much tax as the three governors of new hampshire, massachusetts, and connecticut. mr. gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of massachusetts; and if it operated against any state, it was pennsylvania, because they have more white persons _bound_ than any other. judge dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the southern states were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern states work no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. can, asked he, that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of freemen? are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real advantage to a state, than _five_ of those poor slaves? mr. nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable mr. king, by saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and shown us the other side of the question. it is a good rule that works both ways--and the gentlemen should also have told us, that three of our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the working negroes of virginia. mr. n. adverted to a statement of mr. king, who had said, that five negro children of south carolina were equally rateable as three governors of new england, and wished, he said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the other side--as it would then appear that this state will pay as great a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern states will for five hearty working negro men. he hoped, he said, while we were making a new government, we should make it better than the old one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it was a reason why we should make a better one now. mr. dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against the paragraph under consideration. he thought them wholly unfounded; that the black inhabitants of the southern states must be considered either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly represented? our _own_ state laws and constitution would lead us to consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an equal basis for representation as though they were all white inhabitants. in either view, therefore, he could not see that the northern states would suffer, but directly to the contrary. he thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage in dispute with another article in the constitution, that permits congress, in the year , wholly to prohibit the importation of slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on such blacks as should be imported before that period. besides, by the new constitution, every particular state is left to its own option totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own territories. what could the convention do more? the members of the southern states, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. it would not do to abolish slavery, by an act of congress, in a moment, and so destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. but we may say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption. mr. neal (from kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued for years. his profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the constitution. other gentlemen said, in addition to this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever shall be free, and gen. thompson exclaimed: mr. president, shall it be said, that after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? oh! washington, what a name has he had! how he has immortalized himself! but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk per cent. on the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article, towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the constitution. they observed, that in the confederation there was no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this constitution provides, that congress may, after years, totally annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the states, except two, have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be done. in the interim, all the states were at liberty to prohibit it. saturday, january .--[the debate on the th section still continued desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto, as had before been used. both sides deprecated the slave trade in the most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by mr. nason, major lusk, mr. neal, and others, that this constitution provided for the continuation of the slave trade for years. on the other, the honorable judge dana, mr. adams and others, rejoiced that a door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious, abhorrent practice, in a certain time.] gen. heath. mr. president,--by my indisposition and absence, i have lost several important opportunities: i have lost the opportunity of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. i have lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the paragraphs. i have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious, enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during the investigation of the system. this is my misfortune, and i must bear it. the paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, &c., is one of those considered during my absence, and i have heard nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but i think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather too far on both sides. i apprehend that it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern states. no gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than i do: it is generally detested by the people of this commonwealth; and i ardently hope that the time will soon come, when our brethren in the southern states will view it as we do, and put a stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. two questions naturally arise: if we ratify the constitution, shall we do any thing by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the partakers of other men's sins? i think neither of them. each state is sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right, and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. we are not in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is laid on the federal government, which could not be avoided, and a union take place. the federal convention went as far as they could; the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the states, now _existing only_, new states cannot claim it. congress, by their ordinance for erecting new states, some time since, declared that the new states shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in them. but whether those in slavery in the southern states will be emancipated after the year , i do not pretend to determine: i rather doubt it. mr. neal rose and said, that as the constitution at large, was now under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which respected the africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and, unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever he liked the other parts of the constitution, be a sufficient reason for him to give his negative to it. major lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate, that although the insertion of the amendments in the constitution was devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever would be adopted. turning from the subject of amendments, the major entered largely into the consideration of the th section, and in the most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor natives of africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. with the brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy condition, in a state of slavery. rev. mr. buckus. much, sir, has been said about the importation of slaves into this country. i believe that, according to my capacity, no man abhors that wicked practice more than i do, and would gladly make use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts of the land. but let us consider where we are, and what we are doing. in the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the importation of slaves into any of these states: but a door is now opened hereafter to do it; and each state is at liberty now to abolish slavery as soon as they please. and let us remember our former connexion with great britain, from whom many in our land think we ought not to have revolted. how did they carry on the slave trade! i know that the bishop of gloucester, in an annual sermon in london, in february, , endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the americans. but at the close of the war, the bishop of chester, in an annual sermon, in february, , ingenuously owned, that their nation is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the west indies worse than the french or spaniards have done theirs. thus slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an honorable gentleman said some days ago, "though we cannot say that slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a consumption." and a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of abraham to destroy the inhabitants of canaan, and to take their houses, vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and hold others as servants. and as christian privileges are greater than those of the hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as far as they could extend their power. and from thence the mystery of iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of slaves and souls of men. but all ought to remember, that when god promised the land of canaan to abraham and his seed, he let him know that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity of the amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate direction of heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment of god upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a criminal justly condemned. and in doing it they were not allowed to invade the lands of the edomites, who sprang from esau, who was not only of the seed of abraham, but was born at the same birth with israel; and yet they were not of that church. neither were israel allowed to invade the lands of the moabites, or of the children of ammon, who were of the seed of lot. and no officer in israel had any legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. even david, the man after god's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in the new testament. and we are to remember that abraham and his seed, for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. and it was a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family for seven years, and then to have their freedom. and that covenant was expressly repealed in various parts of the new testament; and particularly in the first epistle to the corinthians, wherein it is said--ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify god in your body, and in your spirit, which are god's. and again--circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the commandments of god. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men. thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house, "that the bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order of men." * * * * * new york convention. mr. smith. he would now proceed to state his objections to the clause just read, (section , of article , clause .) his objections were comprised under three heads: st, the rule of apportionment is unjust; d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall not be reduced; d, it is inadequate. in the first place, the rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that is, in plain english, each state is to send representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it contains. he could not see any rule by which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;--the principle of a representation being that every free agent should be concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people, who were so wicked as to keep slaves. he knew it would be admitted, that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern states, though utterly repugnant to his feelings. mr. hamilton. in order that the committee may understand clearly the principles on which the general convention acted, i think it necessary to explain some preliminary circumstances. sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its interests into different classes. there are navigating and non-navigating states--the northern are properly the navigating states: the southern appear to possess neither the means; nor the spirit of navigation. this difference of situation naturally produces a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. it was the interest of the northern states that there should be no restraints on their navigation, and that they should leave full power, by a majority in congress, to make commercial regulations in favor of their own, and in restraint of the navigation of foreigners. the southern states wished to impose a restraint on the northern, by requiring that two-thirds in congress should be requisite to pass an act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to employ the shipping of the northern states would probably enhance their freight. this being the case, they insisted strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution; and the northern states were as anxious in opposing it. on the other hand, the small states seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed: the large states, on the contrary, thought it improper that rhode island and delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. it became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the convention must have dissolved without effecting any thing. would it have been wise and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted their country? no. every man who hears me--every wise man in the united states, would have condemned them. the convention were obliged to appoint a committee for accommodation. in this committee the arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was accepted. it was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all parties should be indulged. gentlemen will see, that if there had not been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the convention had no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. any other system would have been impracticable. let a convention be called to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times; they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing interests to reconcile. but dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. we will examine it upon its own merits. the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own. whether this be reasoning or declamation, i will not presume to say. it is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. the regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is entirely just that they should be gratified. the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the states. but the justice of this plan will appear in another view. the best writers on government have held that representation should be compounded of persons and property. this rule has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the constitution of new-york. it will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are considered altogether as property. they are men, though degraded to the condition of slavery. they are persons known to the municipal laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. but representation and taxation go together--and one uniform rule ought to apply to both. would it be just to compute these slaves in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the apportionment of representatives? would it be just to impose a singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage? another circumstance ought to be considered. the rule we have been speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. now, you have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented at all; and have no voice in your government; these will be included in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole. this proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the southern states, but extend to other parts of the union. mr. m. smith. i shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the hon. gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this clause: for though i am confident they might be easily refuted, yet i am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the southern states. the amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the clause in this respect. mr. harrison. among the objections, that, which has been made to the mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. i think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the objection. he has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been formed. * * * * * pennsylvania convention. mr. wilson. much fault has been found with the mode of expression, used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. i believe i can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used, and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution--and as to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the subject has come into the view of the united states, and of the legislatures of the several states. the gentleman, (mr. findley) will recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of land, and other enumerated property, within the states. after trying this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode that could not be carried into execution. congress were satisfied of this, and in the year recommended, in conformity with the powers they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota should be according to the number of free people, including those bound to servitude, and excluding indians not taxed. these were the expressions used in , and the fate of this recommendation was similar to all their other resolutions. it was not carried into effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen, who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward and state it as an objection on the present occasion. it was natural, sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they found had been received as unexceptional before. with respect to the clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year . the honorable gentleman says, that this cause is not only dark, but intended to grant to congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves. no such thing was intended; but i will tell you what was done, and it gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. under the present confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long as they please; but by this article, after the year the congress will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the disposition of any state to the contrary. i consider this as laying the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though the period is more distant than i could wish, yet it will produce the same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in pennsylvania. it is with much satisfaction i view this power in the general government, whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be obtained, i am sorry it was no more; but from this i think there is reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and slaves will never be introduced amongst them. the gentleman says, that it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the introduction of white people from europe, as this tax may deter them from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will discover the care that the convention took in selecting their language. the words are the _migration_ or importation of such persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only on those imported. i recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentleman from westmoreland (mr. findley) and the honorable gentleman from cumberland (mr. whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the th section, art. , arguing very unfairly, that because congress might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves, within any of the united states, congress might therefore permit slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. i confess i little thought that this part of the system would be excepted to. i am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union. if there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one, it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. yet the lapse of a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from within our borders. how would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent and philanthropic european? would he cavil at an expression? catch at a phrase? no, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the other side of your chair to do. mr. mckean. the arguments against the constitution are, i think, chiefly these: ... that migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to , nor a tax or duty imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person. provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the importation of slaves after the year , but the gentlemen in opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not prohibited them at once. i suspect those gentlemen are not well acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord with the will and pleasure of any one person. instead of finding fault with what has been gained, i am happy to see a disposition in the united states to do so much. * * * * * virginia convention. gov randolph said, we are told in strong language, of dangers to which we will be exposed unless we adopt this constitution. among the rest, domestic safety is said to be in danger. this government does not attend to our domestic safety. it authorizes the importation of slaves for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade. instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. though this evil is increasing, there is no clause in the constitution that will prevent the northern and eastern states from meddling with our whole property of that kind. there is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the southern states those they now possess. it is far from being a desirable property. but it will involve us in great difficulties and infelicity to be now deprived of them. there ought to be a clause in the constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a great many people. mr. lee. the honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the continuance of the existing slavery! is it not obviously inconsistent to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? i submit it to the consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the one case, it can be censurable in the other? mr. lee then concluded by earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly. mr. henry. it says, that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually invaded." if you give this clause a fair construction, what is the true meaning of it? what does this relate to? not domestic insurrections, but war. if the country be invaded, a state may go to war; but cannot suppress insurrections. if there should happen an insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be invaded.--they cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition of congress. mr. george nicholas said, another worthy member says, there is no power in the states to quell an insurrection of slaves. have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first clause gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no. but it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the state governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the general government to aid them with the strength of the union when called for. no part of the constitution can show that this power is taken away. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, this is a fatal section, which has created more dangers than any other. the first clause allows the importation of slaves for twenty years. under the royal government, this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts were made to prevent it; but the interest of the african merchants prevented its prohibition. no sooner did the revolution take place, than it was thought of. it was one of the great causes of our separation from great britain. its exclusion has been a principal object of this state, and most of the states in the union. the augmentation of slaves weakens the states; and such a trade is diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. yet, by this constitution, it is continued for twenty years. as much as i value an union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states into the union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to the union. and though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no security for the property of that kind which we have already. there is no clause in this constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax as will amount to manumission. and should the government be amended, still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till after the expiration of twenty years. for the fifth article, which provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. i have ever looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to america. i cannot express my detestation of it. yet they have not secured us the property of the slaves we have already. so that, "they have done what they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to have done." mr. madison. mr. chairman, i should conceive this clause to be impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded without encountering greater evils. the southern states would not have entered into the union of america, without the temporary permission of that trade. and if they were excluded from the union, the consequences might be dreadful to them and to us. we are not in a worse situation than before. that traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may continue the prohibition. the union in general is not in a worse situation. under the articles of confederation, it might be continued forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty years. there is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. a tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. from the mode of representation and taxation, congress cannot lay such a tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. another clause secures us that property which we now possess. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. for the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect. but in this constitution, "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. this is a better security than any that now exists. no power is given to the general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states. the taxation of this state being equal only to its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. they cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years; but after that period, they can. the gentlemen from south carolina and georgia argued in this manner: "we have now liberty to import this species of property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased, or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the assistance of imported slaves. what would be the consequence of hindering us from it? the slaves of virginia would rise in value, and we would be obliged to go to your markets." i need not expatiate on this subject. great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would be worse. if those states should disunite from the other states, for not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers. mr. tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. he thought the reasons urged by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. it was one cause of the complaints against british tyranny, that this trade was permitted. the revolution had put a period to it; but now it was to be revived. he thought nothing could justify it. this temporary restriction on congress militated, in his opinion, against the arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up, was retained by the states; for that if this restriction had not been inserted, congress could have prohibited the african trade. the power of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided. this seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable rights. it was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or included in the constitution. but he contended for it one way or the other. it would be justified by our own example, and that of england. his earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity, that he had opposed this wicked clause. mr. madison. as to the restriction in the clause under consideration, it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations. mr. henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on congress, was a plain demonstration that congress could exercise powers by implication. the gentleman had admitted that congress could have interdicted the african trade, were it not for this restriction. if so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained by implication. he demanded where, then, was their doctrine of reserved rights? he wished for negative clauses to prevent them from assuming any powers but those expressly given. he asked why it was moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? he feared its omission was done with design. they might lay such heavy taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the southern states would be the only sufferers. his opinion was confirmed by the mode of levying money. congress, he observed, had power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. imposts (or duties) and excises, were to be uniform. but this uniformity did not extend to taxes. this might compel the southern states to liberate their negroes. he wished this property therefore to be guarded. he considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a security for this property, as no security at all. it was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in maryland or new-york. this could not prevent congress from interfering with that property by laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. he apprehended it would be productive of much stock-jobbing, and that they would play into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would be lost to the country. mr. george nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery, would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade would be done away. he asked, if gentlemen did not see the inconsistency of their arguments? they object, says he, to the constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the slaves who are so now, will be manumitted. at the same moment, it is opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. he contended that it was advantageous to virginia, that it should be in the power of congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years, as it would then put a period to the evil complained of. as the southern states would not confederate without this clause, he asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting it to be such? virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a share. he endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the restriction on congress was a proof that they would have power not given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted. but the southern states insisted on this exception to that general superintendency for twenty years. it could not therefore have been a power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a delegated power. the taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and representation were fixed according to the census established in the constitution. the exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the census. had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving great inconveniences and oppressions. but, says mr. nicholas, is it from the general government we are to fear emancipation? gentlemen will recollect what i said in another house, and what other gentlemen have said that advocated emancipation. give me leave to say, that that clause is a great security for our slave tax. i can tell the committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by the taxes on negroes. had this constitution been adopted, it would not have been the case. the taxes were laid on all our negroes. by this system two-fifths are exempted. he then added, that he imagined gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another place. mr. henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in the enumeration, yet the proportion of virginia being once fixed, might be laid on blacks and blacks only. for the mode of raising the proportion of each state being to be directed by congress, they might make slaves the sole object to raise it. personalities he wished to take leave of: they had nothing to do with the question, which was solely whether that paper was wrong or not. mr. nicholas replied, that negroes must he considered as persons, or property. if as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them was fixed in the constitution. if he apprehended a poll tax on negroes, the constitution had prevented it. for, by the census, where a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. for the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion. the second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows: the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. no capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. mr. george mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured by the restriction in the fourth clause, capitation or other direct tax should he laid but in proportion to the census before directed to be taken. but that when maturely considered it would be found to be no security whatsoever. it was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and representation. it only meant that the quantum to be raised of each state should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein directed. but the general government was not precluded from laying the proportion of any particular state on any one species of property they might think proper. for instance, if five hundred thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of southern states on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate that kind of property. no real security could arise from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one state, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. this only meant, that runaway slaves should not be protected in other states. as to the exclusion of _ex post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any security in this case. for laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex post facto_. mr. madison replied, that even the southern states, who were most affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no danger to the property they now hold. it appeared to him, that the general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might prohibit the traffic altogether. the census in the constitution was intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the community. no gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and excises, uniformly. but uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any article which would be easy for one state, but what would be heavy for another. that the proportion of each state being ascertained, it would be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object. that there must be some decree of confidence put in agents, or else we must reject a state of civil society altogether. another great security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five states were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were other states which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken any step to take them from the people. there were a few slaves in new york, new jersey and connecticut: these states could, probably, oppose any attempts to annihilate this species of property. he concluded, by observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the committee. the second section was then read as follows: * * * * * no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. mr. george mason.--mr. chairman, on some former part of the investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some observations on the security of property coming within this section. it was then said, and i now say, that there is no security, nor have gentlemen convinced me of this. mr. henry. among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please. and this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common interest with you. they will, therefore, have no feeling for your interests. it has been repeatedly said here, that the great object of a national government, was national defence. that power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be rendered detestable and oppressive. if you give power to the general government to provide for the general defence, the means must be commensurate to the end. all the means in the possession of the people must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public defence. in this state there are , blacks, and there are many in several other states. but there are few or none in the northern states, and yet if the northern states shall be of opinion, that our numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource. may congress not say, that every black man must fight? did we not see a little of this last war? we were not so hard pushed, as to make emancipation general. but acts of assembly passed, that every slave who would go to the army should be free. another thing will contribute to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. let all these considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the minds of congress. let that urbanity, which i trust will distinguish america, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they have power of manumission. and have they not, sir? have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare? may they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery? may not they pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? there is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. the paper speaks to the point. they have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will clearly and certainly exercise it. as much as i deplore slavery, i see that prudence forbids its abolition. i deny that the general government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the states have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. the majority of congress is to the north, and the slaves are to the south. in this situation, i see a great deal of the property of the people of virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. i repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings was emancipated. as we ought with gratitude to admire that decree of heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. but is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? we ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of the country. but we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of their unhappy fate. i know that in a variety of particular instances, the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their emancipation. let me not dwell on this subject. i will only add, that this, as well as every other property of the people of virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of situation with us. this is a local matter, and i can see no propriety in subjecting it to congress. have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? why, sir, your slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--those who are in the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain. gov. randolph said, that honorable gentleman, and some others, have insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. the inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments. but if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no danger of enfranchisement taking place, i beg leave to refer them to the paper itself. i hope that there is none here, who, considering the subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection dishonorable to virginia; that at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by the operation of the general government, be made _free_. but if any gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system. i ask, and i will ask again and again, till i be answered (not by declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of slavery? is it the clause which says, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year ?" this is an exception from the power of regulating commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till . then congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? were it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, i might tell you that the southern states, even south carolina herself, conceived this property to be secure by these words. i believe, whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of slavery. go to their meaning. point out the clause where this formidable power of emancipation is inserted. but another clause of the constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. the words of the clause are, "no person held to service or labor in our state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor. and when authority is given to owners of slaves to vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought, that after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free? i observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable for another consideration; that although we went article by article through the constitution, and although we did not expect a general review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. pardon me if i remind you of the true state of that business. i appeal to the candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper appeal, i ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? the power is, "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." so that they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the general welfare. no man who reads it can say it is general as the honorable gentleman represents it. you must violate every rule of construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that formidable power which it is represented to be. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, with respect to commerce and navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the union, and that without it, the states in convention would never concur. i differ from him. it never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the union. i will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of that affair. this business was discussed at philadelphia for four months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was often under consideration; and i assert, that eight states out of twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation laws. true it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it stands. if i am right, there was a great majority for requiring two-thirds of the states in this business, till a compromise took place between the northern and southern states; the northern states agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the southern states conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws should be on the footing on which they now stand. if i am mistaken, let me be put right. these are my reasons for saying that this was not a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. the newfoundland fisheries will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. the eastern states therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate. mr. madison said-- i was struck with surprise when i heard him express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. let me ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? there is no power to warrant it, in that paper. if there be, i know it not. but why should it be done? says the honorable gentleman, for the general welfare--it will infuse strength into our system. can any member of this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? can any one believe, that the american councils will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the union? why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? i believe such an idea never entered into an american breast, nor do i believe it ever will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported suspicious for reasons. mr. henry. he asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? i say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. he admits that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can show me nothing like such a power granted in that constitution. notwithstanding he admits their right to this power by implication, he says that i am unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our slaves, though the word emancipation is not mentioned in it. they can exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another. thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power though it not be delegated. mr. z. johnson. they tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation. the principle has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round. slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. if it were totally abolished, it would do much good. * * * * * north carolina convention. the first three clauses of the second section read. mr. goudy. mr. chairman, this clause of taxation will give an advantage to some states over others. it will be oppressive to the southern states. taxes are equal to our representation. to augment our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be represented. if a state has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one representative for them. i wish not to be represented with negroes, especially if it increases my burthens. mr. davie. mr. chairman, i will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman last up has said. i wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty on the subject of such awful importance. it ought to be considered, that _some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may be possessed. the gentleman "does not wish to be represented with negroes." this, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but we cannot at present alter their situation. the eastern states had great jealousies on this subject. they insisted that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as well as the other. it became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the legislation of the union; and as the northern states were more populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed population. it was attempted to form a rule of representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable rule or criterion of representation. it was urged by the deputies of the eastern states, that a representation of two-fifths would be of little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal and burthensome. that in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_ inhabitants. on the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the community. that as rational beings they had a right of representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war. on these principles, the eastern states gave the matter up, and consented to the regulation as it has been read. i hope these reasons will appear satisfactory. it is the same rule or principle which was proposed some years ago by congress, and assented to by twelve of the states. it may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from guilford, [mr. goudy,] but i hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and circumstances of his country. mr. james galloway said, that he did not object to the representation of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of representatives. he was surprised how we came to have but five, including those intended to represent negroes. that in his humble opinion north carolina was entitled to that number independent of the negroes. first clause of the th section read. mr. j. m'dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction. mr. spaight answered that there was a contest between the northern and southern states--that the southern states, whose principal support depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of the northern states to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely. that south carolina and georgia insisted on this clause, as they were now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: that in the course of twenty years they would be fully supplied: that the trade would be abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be laid on. mr. m'dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he expected, and by no means satisfactory to him and that he looked upon it as a very objectionable part of the system. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, i rise to express sentiments similar to those of the gentleman from craven. for my part, were it practicable to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great cruelties have been exercised. when the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for things which are not attainable. it was the wish of a great majority of the convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the states of south carolina and georgia would not agree to it. consider then what would be the difference between our present situation in this respect, if we do not agree to the constitution, and what it will be if we do agree to it. if we do not agree to it, do we remedy the evil? no, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it will be in the power of every state to continue it forever. they may or may not abolish it at their discretion. but if we adopt the constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress declare so, whether particular states please so or not: surely, then, we gain by it. this was the utmost that could be obtained. i heartily wish more could have been done. but as it is, this government is nobly distinguished above others by that very provision. where is there another country in which such a restriction prevails? we, therefore, sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. i hope, therefore, that this part of the constitution will not be condemned because it has not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain. mr. spaight further explained the clause. that the limitation of this trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the eastern states and the southern states. south carolina and georgia wished to extend the term. the eastern states insisted on the entire abolition of the trade. that the state of north carolina had not thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves, and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it. mr. iredell added to what he had said before, that the states of georgia and south carolina had lost a great many slaves during the war, and that they wished to supply the loss. mr. galloway. mr. chairman, the explanation given to this clause does not satisfy my mind. i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. but in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic for twenty years, yet i do not wish to see the tax on the importation extended to all persons whatsoever. our situation is different from the people to the north. we want citizens; they do not. instead of laying a tax, we ought to give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to come among us. with respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires the utmost consideration. the property of the southern states consists principally of slaves. if they mean to do away slavery altogether, this property will be destroyed. i apprehend it means to bring forward manumission. if we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send them to? it is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission, they are to stay among us. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, the worthy gentleman, i believe, has misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on _such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." now, sir, observe that the eastern states, who long ago have abolished slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore used another that answered the same purpose. the committee will observe the distinction between the two words migration and importation. the first part of the clause will extend to persons who come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but the last part extends to slaves only. the word _migration_ refers to free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because free people cannot be said to be imported. the tax, therefore, is only to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who migrate. i further beg leave to say, that this gentleman is mistaken in another thing. he seems to say that this extends to the abolition of slavery. is there anything in this constitution which says that congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those slaves who are now in the country? is it not the plain meaning of it, that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of slaves? it does not extend to those now in the country. there is another circumstance to be observed. there is no authority vested in congress to restrain the states in the interval of twenty years, from doing what they please. if they wish to inhibit such importation, they may do so. our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation of slaves. article fourth. the first section and two first clauses of the second section read without observation. the last clause read-- mr. iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. in some of the northern states, they have emancipated all their slaves. if any of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they could, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again. this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the southern states, and to prevent it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. though the word slave be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. the northern delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned. the rest of the fourth article read without any observation. * * * * * it is however to be observed, (said mr. iredell,) that the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from any alteration till the year ; and in order that no consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no state shall, by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the senate without its own consent. the two first prohibitions are with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. as to the first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference between the northern and southern states. the northern states have been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. the subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a good many years. in twenty years there will probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be considered with less difficulty and greater coolness. in the mean time, the compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. a compromise likewise took place with regard to the importation of slaves. it is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of south carolina and georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. in the mean time, it is left to the states to admit or prohibit the importation, and congress may impose a limited duty upon it. * * * * * south carolina convention. hon. rawlins lowndes. in the first place, what cause was there for jealousy of our importing negroes? why confine us to twenty years, or rather why limit us at all? for his part he thought this trade could be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. but they don't like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the southern states allow of this, without the consent of nine states? judge pendleton observed, that only three states, georgia, south carolina, and north carolina, allowed the importation of negroes. virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them. mr. lowndes continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there was no reason offered, why the southern states might not find it necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. without negroes this state would degenerate into one of the most contemptible in the union: and cited an expression that fell from gen. pinckney on a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in south carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the importation of negroes. even in granting the importation for twenty years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten dollars, and, in addition this, were liable to a capitation tax. negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our kind friends in the north were determined soon to tie up our hands, and drain us of what we had. the eastern states drew their means of subsistence, in a great treasure, from their shipping; and on that head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens: they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! why, then, call this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it on the other? major butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost. this, mr. lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. they are to be the carriers: and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses would fall upon us. hon. e. rutledge. the gentleman had complained of the inequality of the taxes between the northern and southern states--that ten dollars a head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes were afterwards taxed. to this it was answered, that the ten dollars per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles; and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side; or, at least, not against us. in the northern state, the labor is performed by white people; in the southern by black. all the free people (and there are few others) in the northern states, are to be taxed by the new constitution whereas, only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the southern states are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. but the principal objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping--that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the americans; that the ship-building business was principally carried on in the northern states. when this subject is duly considered, the southern states, should be the last to object to it. mr. rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned. gen. charles cotesworth pinckney. we were at a loss for some time for a rule to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the states, at last we thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be apportioned among the several states, by adding to the whole number of free persons three-fifths of the slaves. we thus obtained a representation for our property, and i confess i did not expect that we had conceded too much to the eastern states, when they allowed us a representation for a species of property which they have not among them. the honorable gentleman alleges, that the southern states are weak, i sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually protecting each other. without union with the other states, south carolina must soon fall. is there any one among us so much a quixotte as to suppose that this state could long maintain her independence if she stood alone, or was only connected with the southern states? i scarcely believe there is. let an invading power send a naval force into the chesapeake to keep virginia in alarm, and attack south carolina with such a naval and military force as sir henry clinton brought here in , and though they might not soon conquer us, they would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. as, from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union with the eastern states, who are strong? for who have been the greatest sufferers in the union, by our obtaining, our independence? i answer, the eastern states; they have lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. it is notorious that some ports to the eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated; that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendships, and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them, in some measure, partake of our prosperity. the general then said he would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the african trade after the year . on this point your delegates had to contend with the religious and political prejudices of the eastern and middle states, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of virginia, who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. i am of the same opinion now as i was two years ago, when i used the expressions that the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp land uncleared of south carolina, i would raise my voice against restricting the importation of negroes. i am as thoroughly convinced as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with negroes, and that without them south carolina would soon be a desert waste. you have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that i need not now repeat them. it was alleged, by some of the members who opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness of any state who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves and the neighboring states, and that as we were allowed a representation for them in the house of representatives, our influence in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to defend ourselves. "show some period," said the members from the eastern states, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices of our people on this subject." the middle states and virginia made us no such proposition; they were for an immediate and total prohibition. we endeavored to obviate the objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the house: a committee of the states was appointed in order to accommodate this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on the footing recited in the constitution. by this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several states. we have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of america they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. in short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make. we would have made better if we could, but on the whole i do not think them bad. hon. robert barnwell. mr. barnwell continued to say, i now come to the last point for consideration, i mean the clause relative to the negroes; and here i am particularly pleased with the constitution; it has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate investigation; no, it has declared that the united states shall not, at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet gentlemen are displeased with it. congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its expiration may continue it as long as they please. this question then arises, what will their interest lead them to do? the eastern states, as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of america, it will, therefore certainly be their interest to encourage exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, i appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit is derived? to think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of mankind, that i am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever. * * * * * federalist, no. . by james madison it were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year , or rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. but it is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed. it ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within these states, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a considerable discouragement from the federal government, and may be totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few states which continue the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the union. happy would it be for the unfortunate africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being redeemed from the oppressions of their european brethern! attempts have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent voluntary and beneficial emigrations from europe to america. i mention these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed government. * * * * * federalist, no. . by james madison. all this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? slaves are considered as property, not as persons. they ought therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is regulated by a census of persons. this is the objection as i understand it, stated in its full force. i shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. we subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our southern brethern observe, that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. but we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. the true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as property. in being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty: and chastised in his body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. in being protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. the federal constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property. this is in fact their true character. it is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. this question may be placed in another light. it is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. would the convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? could it be reasonably expected, that the southern states would concur in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light, when advantages were to be conferred? might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the southern states with the, barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethern, should themselves contend, that the government to which all the states are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain? it may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the states possessing them. they neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? in rejecting them altogether, the constitution would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been appealed to as the proper guide. this objection is repelled by a single observation. it is a fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several states is to be determined by a federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each state, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the state itself may designate. the qualifications of which the right of suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two states. in some of the states the difference is very material. in every state, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the state, who will be included in the census by which the federal constitution apportions the representatives. in this point of view, the southern states might retort the complaint, by insisting, that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular states towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other states, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. a rigorous adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be gainers by it. all that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on the other side. let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in truth, a peculiar one. let the compromising expedient of the constitution be annually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_. debates in first congress, may , . mr. parker (of va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. he was sorry that the constitution prevented congress from prohibiting the importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. he hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the success of his motion. mr. smith (of south carolina,) hoped that such an important and serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. he expected the committee had got through the business, and would rise without discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. it was certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the state he represented; he did not think any one thing that had been discussed was so important to them, and the welfare of the union, as the question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn or laid on the table. mr. sherman (of ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. he could not reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. he hoped it would be withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent subject. mr. jackson, (of geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect on others. he recollected that virginia was an old settled state, and had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burthen upon the importation. he knew this business was viewed in an odious light to the eastward, because the people were capable of doing their own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to break us down at once. he was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were imported from all the goals of europe; wretches, convicted of the most flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever. he thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the africans, and had no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was equally apparent as the one proposed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important subject at the time when debate was almost precluded. the committee had gone through the impost bill, and the whole union were impatiently expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo that full discussion which it deserves. we have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of slaves is proper or not; the constitution gives us no power on that point, it is left to the states to judge of that matter as they see fit. but if it was a business the gentleman was determined to discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and even then not have introduced it without previous notice. he hoped the committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not speaking so much for the state he represented, as for georgia, because the state of south carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be renewed when its limitation expired. mr. parker (of va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. although the gentleman from connecticut (mr. sherman) had said, that they ought not to be enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were looked upon by the african traders in this light, he knew it was degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves a moment longer. he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if possible wipe off the stigma which america laboured under. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged, should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our declaration of independence. mr. sherman (of ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral evil. now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust, because two or three states would bear the whole burthen, while he believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. he was against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn. mr. ames (of mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. no one could suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn. mr. livermore. was not against the principle of the motion, but in the present case he conceived it improper. if negroes were goods, wares, or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were not, the bill would be inconsistent: but if they are goods, wares or merchandise, the per cent ad valorum, will embrace the importation; and the duty of per cent is nearly equal to dollars per head, so there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue. mr. jackson (of ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject, but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better off in their present situation, than they would be if they were manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? work for a living? experience has shewn us they will not. examine what is become of those in maryland, many of them have been set free in that state; did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? no, they turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. what is to be done for compensation? will virginia set all her negroes free? will they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? when this practice comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear. but our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the coast of africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made slaves together. in these cases it is only a change of one slavery for another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance. he would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted by the avowed friends of the measure; georgia in particular would be oppressed. on this account it would be the most odious tax congress could impose. mr. schureman (of n.j.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the house, as a distinct proposition. if the gentleman persisted in having the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was supported. mr. madison, (of va.) i cannot concur with gentlemen who think the present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the same thing at a greater expense of time. but the gentlemen say that it is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come within the title of the bill. but this objection may be obviated by accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed, that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from the importation to which it relates. our object in enumerating persons on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the united states. the motion is calculated to avoid the very evil intimated by the gentleman. it has been said that this tax will be partial and oppressive; but suppose a fair view is taken of this subject, i think we may form a different conclusion. but if it be partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have laid taxes of this nature? yet are they not thought to be justified by national policy? if any article is warranted on this account, how much more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last i should be willing to make a concession upon so far as i was at liberty to go, according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--i would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey the inviolable commands of either. i understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent or unconstitutional. i believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be rectified; i believe the intention is well understood, but i am far from supposing the diction improper. if the description of the persons does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from georgia, (mr. jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, i see no difficulty in changing the phraseology. i conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of america, with respect to the african trade. we have liberty to impose a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was granted, i presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves, they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value and ought to be paid for. if gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per cent, ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the constitution. it is to be hoped that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. i do not wish to say any thing harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from those i represent; but if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, to vary the practice obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this; but it is certain a majority of the states are opposed to this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance it as far as is in our power. if i was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the several states, are the best able to judge of what is proper and conducive to their particular prosperity, i should venture to say that it is as much the interest of georgia and south carolina, as of any in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves, tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government. i hope, in making these observations, i shall not be understood to mean that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and circumstances of any part of the united states, or that the particular representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their immediate constituents. if we examine the proposal measure by the agreement there is between it, and the existing state laws, it will show us that it is patronized by a very respectable part of the union. i am informed that south carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. this is not the case with one state. i am sorry that her situation is such as to seem to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we do not wish to do, to some particular part. perhaps gentlemen contend against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. if it does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it. but if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the best reason for making it the object of a separate one. if this is the sense of the committee i shall submit. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as possible. he had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they ought to support it generally. mr. burke (of s.c.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that the value of a slave averaged about £ , and the duty on that sum at five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther than that sum, he conceived it made not difference whether they were enumerated or left in the common mass. mr. madison, (of va.) if we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is, whether the five percent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and merchandise to any person whatsoever. but if that general definition of goods, wares, and merchandise are supposed to include african slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty pointed out by the constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense, expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity. mr. bland (of va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of this measure. he had made up his mind upon it, he wished slaves had never been introduced into america; but if it was impossible at this time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would prevent its extending farther. he had some doubts whether the prohibitory laws of the states were not in part repealed. those who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the importation, were prevented by the constitution from continuing such regulation, which declares, that no state shall lay any impost or duties on imports. if this was the case, and he suspected pretty strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his colleague was not apparent. mr. sherman (of ct.) said, the constitution does not consider these persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them into any state which shall permit the same, but they have no power to prohibit such importation for twenty years. but congress have power to declare upon what terms persons coming into the united states shall be entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be uniform. he was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he meant convicts particularly. he thought that some regulation respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it ought to be taken up in a different manner. mr. madison (of va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a bill on the same principles. mr. parker (of va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. he knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but they were treated as articles of merchandise. although he wished to get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their consent. the committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned. february th, . mr. lawrance (of new york,) presented an address from the society of friends, in the city of new york; in which they set forth their desire of co-operating with their southern brethren. mr. hartley (of penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual assembly of friends, held at philadelphia, to a committee; he thought it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the community. mr. white (of va.) seconded the motion. mr. smith, (of s.c.) however respectable the petitioners may be, i hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. i flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure. mr. fitzsimons, (of penn.) if we were now about to determine the final question, the observation of the gentleman from south carolina would apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house. mr. jackson (of geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the members from the great object that was before the committee of the whole? is it because the feelings of the friends will be hurt, to have their affair conducted in the usual course of business? gentlemen who advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the members who represent that part of the union which is principally to be affected by the measure. i believe, sir, that the latter class consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. why then should such particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business of questionable policy? if congress are disposed to interfere in the importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers, because the constitution expressly mentions all the power they can exercise on the subject. mr. sherman (of conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a committee, to consist of a member from each state, because several states had already made some regulations on this subject. the sooner the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better. mr. parker, (of va.) i hope, mr. speaker, the petition of these respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the importance of its object demands: and i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding so considerable a part of the community attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future prosperity and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. the constitution has authorized as to levy a tax upon the importation of such persons as the states shall authorize to be admitted. i would willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the constitution, i shall cheerfully give it my assent and support. mr. madison, (of va.) the gentleman from pennsylvania, (mr. fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. if gentlemen do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well acquiesce in it to-day; and i apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed at any measure it is likely congress should take; because they will recollect, that the constitution secures to the individual states the right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject, however, to a tax, if congress are disposed to impose it, of not more than ten dollars on each person. the petition, if i mistake not, speaks of artifices used by self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from new york states a case, that may require the consideration of congress. if anything is within the federal authority to restrain such violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be practised in some parts of the united states it will certainly tend to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is a proper subject for our discussion. it may be, that foreigners take the advantage of the liberty afforded them by the american trade, to employ our shipping in the slave trade between africa and the west indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by restrictive laws of their nation. if this is the case, is there any person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? another consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to take measures that were unconstitutional. mr. stone (of md.) feared that if congress took any measures, indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the southern states. he thought the subject was of general concern, and that the petitioners had no more right to interfere with it than any other members of the community. it was an unfortunate circumstance, that it was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of human nature letter than all the world beside; and that they would, in consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to do. as the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. suppose there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a petition of this kind? certainly it would remain on your table. he would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit. unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment. mr. burke (of s.c.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what did not deserve it. the men in the gallery had come here to meddle in a business with which they have nothing to do; they were volunteering it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. he had a respect for the body of quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding their outward pretences. if their petition is to be noticed, congress ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might have the subject more fairly before them. the rights of the southern states ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences. mr. hartley (of penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity, they solicited the legislature of the union to repel, as far as in their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. nor do they merit censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality than other people's. but it is not for congress to refuse to hear the applications of their fellow-citizens, while those applications contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. what is the object of the address before us? it is intended to bring before this house a subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to their conveniency. mr. lawrance, (of n.y.) the gentleman from south carolina says, the petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or constitution. sir, in all our acts, as well as in the constitution, we have noticed this society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases where others are called upon to swear? if we pay this attention to them, in one instance, what good reason is there for condemning them in another? i think the gentleman from maryland (mr. stone,) carries his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade: not that i suppose it immediately in the power of congress to abolish a traffic which is a disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support its object. mr. jackson, (of ga.) i differ much in opinion with the gentleman last up. i apprehend if, through the interference of the general government, the slave-trade was abolished, it would evince to the people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold their property in jeopardy. any extraordinary attention of congress to this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. i would beg to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if they have funds sufficient to pay for them? if they have, they may come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a business in which they are not interested. they may as well come forward, and solicit congress to interdict the west-india trade, because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. but, sir, is the whole morality of the united states confined to the quakers? are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted on this occasion? is it to them we owe our present happiness? was it they who formed the constitution? did they, by their arms, or contributions, establish our independence? i believe they were generally opposed to that measure. why, then, on their application, shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, secured to the community their liberty and property? if congress pay any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish just ground of alarm to the southern states. but, why do these men set themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? do they understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of providence better than others? if they were to consult that book which claims our regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but commended. their saviour, who possessed more benevolence and commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. and if they fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no novel doctrine since the days of cain. but be these things as they may, i hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in order to prevent alarming our southern brethren. mr. sedgwick, (of mass.) if it was a serious question, whether the memorial should be committed or not, i would not urge it at this time; but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our relative situation with the people. a number of men,--who are certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a practice productive of great evil. now, setting aside the religious motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? for my part i do not apprehend that any state, or any considerable number of individuals in any state, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment of the petition, from a fear that congress intend to exercise an unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; i believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of this body. how can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of procedure in business? why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow, which we can do to-day? for the result, i apprehend, will be the same in either case. mr. smith, (of s.c.) the question, i apprehend, is, whether we will take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be committed? now, i oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper; perhaps the prayer of it is improper. if i understood it right, on its first reading, though, to be sure, i did not comprehend perfectly all that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional act, because the constitution secures that trade to the states, independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one years. if, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and patriotism of the house. mr. boudinot, (of n.j.) it has been said that the quakers have no right to interfere in this business; i am surprised to hear this doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled, that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of quakers that i am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes from citizens of the united states, who are as equally concerned in the welfare and happiness of their country as others. there certainly is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in gentlemen's minds. if the petitioners were so uninformed as to suppose that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet, i trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. i do not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have reported. if it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way, to put a stop to the slave-trade in america, i do not doubt of its policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration. mr. sherman (of conn.) observed, that the petitioners from new york, stated that they had applied to the legislature of that state, to prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy, because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general government, under the constitution of the united states; it would, therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by the legislature of new york. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should, therefore, now follow them further in that track than barely to observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress, in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the duty of congress to afford redress as far as in their power. that their southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave-trade by the first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave-trade had brought upon all who were concerned in it. mr. madison (of va.) thought the question before the committee was no otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious opposition. did they permit the commitment of the memorial, as a matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the discouragement of the african slave-trade, nor alarm the owners with an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish slavery in all the states; such things are not contemplated by any gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it. mr. white (of va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. he conceived that a business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose there was any reason for a deviation. mr. page (of va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they would be satisfied. mr. stone (of md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared, that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house, should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read. mr. baldwin (of ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house; he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. to be sure it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. he was afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business, as it had been termed by the gentleman from georgia. mr. huntington (of conn.) considered the petitioners as much disinterested as any person in the united states; he was persuaded they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this, others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject, they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of. but he thought that would better be done by considering it in the light of revenue. when the committee of the whole, on the finance business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into consideration, without giving any ground for alarm. mr. tucker, (of s.c.) i have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we ought to dismiss it without further notice. what is the purport of the memorial? it is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of congress to effect its abrogation. but congress have no authority, under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle upon which we can proceed to take it up. but what effect do these men suppose will arise from their exertions? will a duty of ten dollars diminish the importation? will the treatment be better than usual? i apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. because an interference with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. but if they will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave-trade, let them prefer their petitions to the state legislatures, who alone have the power of forbidding the importation; i believe their applications there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is there. i look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the intention of the framers. mr. smith (of s.c.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should lay over till to-morrow. mr. boudinor (of n.j.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read, "unless where the house shall direct otherwise." mr. smith (of s.c.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question. mr. clymer (of penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because, though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the situation of the members. mr. fitzsimons (of penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays. mr. baldwin (of ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject over a day at least. mr. smith (of s.c.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any gentleman. if the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that call. mr. white (of va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. and the address was ordered to lie on the table. february th, . the following memorial was presented and read: "to the senate and house of representatives of the united states: the memorial of the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the african race, respectfully showeth: that from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed several years since in this state, by a number of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. a just and acute conception of the true principles of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation with their views, which, by the blessing of divine providence, have been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their fellow creatures of the african race. they have also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and abroad. that mankind are all formed by the same almighty being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happiness, the christian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed of americans fully coincides with the position. your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. they have observed with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the united states;' and as they conceive, that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered, without distinction of color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or delayed. from a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution, your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the american people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. "benjamin franklin, _president_. "philadelphia, _february_ , ." mr. hartley (of penn.) then called up the memorial presented yesterday, from the annual meeting of friends at philadelphia, for a second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved to be committed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) was sorry the petition had a second reading as he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that consideration he wished it thrown aside. he feared the commitment of it would be a very alarming circumstance to the southern states; for if the object was to engage congress in an unconstitutional measure, it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that they ever put additional powers into their hands. he was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject and that signed by a man who ought to have known the constitution better. he thought it a mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. it would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. do these men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? this would never be submitted to by the southern states without a civil war. do they mean to purchase their freedom? he believed their money would fall short of the price. but how is it they are more concerned in this business than others? are they the only persons who possess religion and morality? if the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body, praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety, or any moral object? they know it would be an improper interference; and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence, which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house. mr. seney (of md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention, and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. its only object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could: indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined yesterday that it should be committed. mr. burke (of s.c.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it would be refered to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. did it not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave-trade, while the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no such power? he was certain the commitment would sound in alarm, and blow the trumpet of sedition in the southern states. he was sorry to see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution; however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of a member from each state, and he was appointed, he would decline serving. mr. scott, (of penn.) i can't entertain a doubt but the memorial duty particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and i hope we may be inclined to take it into consideration. we can, at present, lay our hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. i would take this, and if it is all we can do, we must be content. but i am sorry that the framers of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it for good and all; for i look upon the slave-trade to be one of the most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither god nor devil, i should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law of nature. i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? what are the rights of conquest? some have dared to advance this monstrous principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or patrimony of another man. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a religious light, but i do not stand in need of religious motives to induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring about its total abolition. perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation; but i am sure i would go as far as i could. mr. jackson (of ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal service. the gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence, which the christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion is not against it; he will see, from genesis to revelation, the current setting strong that way. there never was a government on the face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. the purest sons of freedom in the grecian republics, the citizens of athens and lacedaemon all held slaves. on this principle the nations of europe are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. but suppose all this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of civil discord, for the people of the southern states will resist one tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to be divested of their property without a struggle. the gentleman says, if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go in emancipating these people; but, i believe his judgment would be of short duration in georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge might be in danger. mr. sherman (of conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the house. mr. baldwin (of ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought before congress, because it was a delicate nature, as it respected some of the states. gentlemen who had been present at the formation of this constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the southern states were so tender upon this point, that they had well nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the extreme desire of preserving the union, and obtaining an efficient government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. if gentlemen look over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, i fear we shall feel it tremble under our feet. congress have no power to interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the th section of the first article of the constitution; every thing else is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. if we examine the constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject, cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other part. "the migration or importation of such persons, shall not be prohibited by congress." but lest this should not have secured the object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "that no capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census;" this was intended to prevent congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. if we go on to the th article, we shall find the st and th clauses of the th section of the st article restrained from being altered before the year . gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition of the slave-trade; i think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to establish an order of nobility, or a national religion. mr. sylvester of (n.y.) said that he had always been in the habit of respecting the society called quakers; he respected them for their exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he conceived it to be a business in the province of the state legislature. mr. lawrance of (of n.y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it had been properly examined, they could see how far congress may constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. mr. smith (of s.c.) insisted that it was not in the power of the house to grant the prayer of the petition, which went to the total abolishment of the slave trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. he observed, that in the southern states, difficulties had arisen on adopting the constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade. perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that it is, they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. if their object had been for congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition, on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? the petition speaks of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? if gentlemen can assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the southern states; for i can assure them, that there is no point on which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with which they think the government has nothing to do. when we entered into this confederacy, we did it from political, not from moral motives, and i do not think my constituents want to learn morals from the petitioners; i do not believe they want improvement in their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home. the gentleman from georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the southern states. on entering into this government, they apprehended that the other states, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the southern states were under to hold this species of property, would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation; and had they not seen that the constitution provided against the effect of such a disposition, i may be bold to say, they never would have adopted it. and notwithstanding all the calmness with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the discussion alone will create great alarm. we have been told, that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent here, we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by every means in our power. gentlemen should consider that when we entered into a political connexion with the other states, that this property was there; it was acquired under a former government, conformably to the laws and constitution; therefore anything that will tend to deprive them of that property, must be an _ex post facto_ law, and as such is forbid by our political compact. i said the states would never have entered into the confederation, unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be depopulated. why will these people then make use of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? we labor under difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. a gentleman can hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this place or philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this seduction, are accessaries to the robbery. the reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is charging them with the want of humanity; i believe the proprietors are persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. it was said yesterday, that the quakers were a society known to the laws, and the constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies; they stand exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore, relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that sufficient to induce us to commit it? what may appear a moral virtue in their eyes, may not be so in reality. i have heard of a sect of shaking quakers, who, i presume, suppose their tenets of a moral tendency; i am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a numerous offspring about them. now, if these people were to petition congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, i ask, would gentlemen agree to refer such a petition? i think if they would reject one of that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this. mr. page (of va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. he observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared to be the total abolition of the slave trade: but that congress would consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must produce the abolition of the slave trade. if then the prayer contained nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not be frustrated. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was not taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that, on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government (from which was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. he presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to commit the petition. he lived in a state which had the misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as any gentleman in south carolina or georgia, yet, if he was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the virtue of congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional authority. mr. madison (of va.) the debate has taken a serious turn, and it will be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have given general satisfaction. if there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what ground such an event was to be apprehended. the petition prayed, in general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on mr. churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for an unconstitutional interference by the general government. he admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from taking measures to abolish the slave-trade; yet there were a variety of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new states, to be formed out of the western territory, different from what they could in the old settled states. he thought the object well worthy of consideration. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought the interference of congress fully compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the miseries to which the tribes of africa were exposed by this inhuman commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable circumstances. he then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? he then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves. it was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has spoken on the occasion. congress can, agreeable to the constitution, lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this immediately. he made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the southern states, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal to the southern states to purchase the whole of them, and their resources in the western territory may furnish them with means. he did not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to intermeddle in the business. he thought that no objection had been offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial. mr. boudinot (of n.j.) had carefully examined the petition, and found nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he, therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it to be committed. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power, and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of consequence, no occasion for committing it. mr. stone (of md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment. the question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and nays were called for, and are as follows:-- yeas.--messrs. ames, benson, boudinot, brown, cadwallader, clymer, fitzsimons, floyd, foster, gale, gerry, gilman, goodhue, griffin, grout, hartley, hathorne, heister, huntington, lawrence, lee, leonard, livermore, madison, moore, muhlenberg, pale, parker, partridge, renssellaer, schureman, scott, sedgwick, seney, sherman, sinnickson, smith of maryland, sturges, thatcher, trumbull, wadsworth, white, and wynkoop-- . noes--messrs. baldwin, bland, bourke, coles, huger, jackson, mathews, sylvester, smith of s.c., stone, and tucker-- . whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the petition of the society of friends, at new york, and the memorial from the pennsylvania society, for the abolition of slavery, were also referred to a committee.--lloyd's debates. _debate on committee's report, march_, . eliot's debates. mr. tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even its deliberations highly injurious to some of the states in the union. mr. jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided on their true grounds. he was against the propositions generally, and would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their present sentiments. with respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves here, their situation in their native states, and the disposal of them in case of emancipation, should be considered. that slavery was an evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which rendered that habit necessary. such situations the states of south carolina and georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. it was frequently advanced on the floor of congress, how unhealthy those climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to exist there. what, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated territory? is it to remain a waste? is the rice trade to be banished from our coasts? are congress willing to deprive themselves of the revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries? let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in the report. i call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in which they can be of service. they are of no use to congress. the powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. a multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. how strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to confirm the constitution under which they sit! this is the case with others of the resolutions. a gentleman from maryland (mr. stone) very properly observed, that the union had received the different states with all their ill habits about them. this was one of these habits established long before the constitution, and could not now be remedied. he begged congress to reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the southern states. the violation of this compact they would seize on with avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal, and it had always been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. he begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them to attend to the interest of two whole states, as well as to the memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to establish. he seconded mr. tucker's motion. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, the gentleman from massachusetts, (mr. gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee, of which he was a member, that the memorial of the pennsylvania society, required congress to violate the constitution. it was not less astonishing to see dr. franklin taking the lead in a business which looks so much like a persecution of the southern inhabitants, when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a view of showing the immorality of one set of men persecuting others for a difference of opinion. the parable was to this effect: an old traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch abraham for a night's lodging. in conversation, abraham discovered that the stranger differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. in the night god appeared unto abraham, and said, where is the stranger? abraham answered, i found that he did not worship the true god, and so i turned him out of doors. the almighty thus rebuked the patriarch: have i borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not bear with him one night? has the almighty, said mr. smith, borne with us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who differ from us on this point? mr. boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of mr. s., but could not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any of the states, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year , and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves. candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them, prior to that period. mr. boudinot observed, that he was well informed that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five per cent. ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the states, or equalizing the duties throughout the union. if this was not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. mr. boudinot observed, that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of st. peter, where he foretells that among other damnable heresies, "through covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you." [note.--this petition, with others of a similar object, was committed to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four successive days; it was then reported to the house with amendments, and by the house ordered to be inscribed in its journals, and then laid on the table. that report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: the committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people called quakers, and also a memorial from the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as amended in committee of the whole.) "first: that the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited by congress prior to the year ." "secondly: that congress have no power to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the states; it remaining with the several states alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." "thirdly: that congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the united states from carrying on the african slave trade, for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such importations." "fourthly: that congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in any part of the united states for transporting persons from africa to any foreign port."] address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society to the friends of freedom and emancipation in the united states. at the tenth anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, held in the city of new york, may th, ,--after grave deliberation, and a long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to god, require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that the motto inscribed on the banner of freedom should be, no union with slaveholders; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights, or the promotion of the interests of liberty; and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to compromise the principles of justice and humanity. a decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the american society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. this is due not only to the society, but also to the country and the world. it is declared by the american people to be a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life,_ liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." it is further maintained by them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." these doctrines the patriots of sealed with their blood. they would not brook even the menace of oppression. they held that there should be no delay in resisting at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments of power on their liberties. appealing to the great ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free. for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their deeds, and glory in their triumphs. it is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind. we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound heart. a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation. to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists. but, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it. we charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human blood. we charge upon the american constitution, that it contains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, and consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey to another. we charge upon the existing national government, that it is an insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of american slavery. these charges we proceed briefly to establish: i. it is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt,--that the american union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding states; in other words, by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by depriving the north of equal rights and privileges, and by incorporating the slave system into the government. in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"--null and void before god, from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and the supporters of which are equally guilty. it was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that, without such a compromise there could have been no union; that, without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic. to this see reply: the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical. it is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. it is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration. it is at war with the government of god, and subversive of the foundations of morality. it is to make lies our refuge, and under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the overflowing scourge. "therefore, thus saith the lord god, judgment will i lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place." moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not spare." this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since god said, "let there be light." it assumes that to be practicable, which is impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. a partnership between right and wrong, is wholly wrong. a compromise of the principles of justice, is the deification of crime. better that the american union had never been formed, than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! if they were guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! if it was sinful at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its corruption? the fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union, rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country, to the prostration of northern rights. in the just use of words, the american union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world. how then can it be innocently sustained? it is not certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother country would have reconquered the colonies. the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of england. ii. the american constitution is the exponent of the national compact. we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that, in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. it is not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. it is not a form of words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may determine. _it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant_--nothing more, nothing less, _as a matter of bargain and compromise_. even if it can be construed to mean something else, without violence to its language, such construction is not to be tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. no just or honest use of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to serve under it_. to the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be found in the constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of slavery; and that these were adopted _in good faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected_. on this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. if it be objected, that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties, _whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_; and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because they are immoral_, and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one can innocently swear to support the constitution. again, if it be objected, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is _not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of the country_. moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the united states. the words, "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the white population. "to promote the general welfare," referred to their own welfare exclusively. "to establish justice," was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of slavery. this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument, and by their own practice under it. we would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. it is absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. as truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from the american soil! the truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty _to themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose. they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in _words_ they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they continually denied it. they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. why, then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses? _why cling to the falsehood, that they were no respecters of person in the formation of the government_? alas! that they had no more fear of god, no more regard for man, in their hearts! "the iniquity of the house of israel and judah [the north and south] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the lord hath forsaken the earth, and the lord seeth not." we proceed to a critical examination of the american constitution, in its relations to slavery. in article i, section , it is declared--"the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." in this section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to mean that there should be no interference with the african slave trade, on the part of the general government, until the year . for twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, the citizens of the united states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships, populating the atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its termination, congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy, yet all christendom knows that the american flag, instead of being the terror of the african slavers, has given them the most ample protection. the manner in which the th section was agreed to, by the national convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the hon. luther martin,[ ] who was a prominent member of that body: [footnote : speech before the legislature of maryland in .] "the eastern states, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!) were _very willing to indulge the southern states_ at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the southern states would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted." behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity, on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth! it is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not adopted "without considerable opposition." alluding to it, mr. martin observes-- "it was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature has entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only of putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that god whose protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally the lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor _african slave_ and his _american master!_ [ ] [footnote : how terribly and justly as the guilty nation been scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the slave trade!] "it was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in any state, in the same proportion is the state weakened and exposed to foreign invasion and domestic insurrection; and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much, want aid and be a burden to, the union. "it was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the general government power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest. "these reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system." [ ] [footnote : secret proceedings, p. .] happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the constitution! but for the sake of securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may come, and to make the end sanctify the means. they were willing to enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. they did this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of god. "the eastern states were very willing to _indulge_ the southern states" in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_ by no restriction on being laid on navigation acts!!--had there been no other provision of the constitution justly liable to objection, this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their creator, and to each other. it was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one who partook of it. if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be _constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the constitution, at the pleasure of congress, whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of southern opposition to emancipation. it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was, that the traffic _should cease_ in ; but the only thing secured by it was, the _right_ of congress (not any obligation) to prohibit it at that period. if, therefore, congress had not chosen to exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely, under the constitution_. the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it. true, there is no probability that the african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due the framers of the constitution on this ground; for, while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition_. again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"--namely, that the parties to the constitution regarded only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an express alteration in the instrument, in the manner therein set forth_. while, therefore, the constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. for it avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law of god and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory. whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_, obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. the object of the constitution is not to define _what is the law of god_, but what is the will of the people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them. article , sect. , provides--"representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_." here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the african slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at the present time, enables the south to have twenty-five additional representatives in congress on the score of _property_, while the north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding states. referring to this atrocious bargain, alexander hamilton remarked in the new york convention-- "the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own: whether this is _reasoning_, or _declamation_, (!!) i will not presume to say. it is the _unfortunate_ situation of the southern states to have a great part of their population, as well as _property_, in blacks. the regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of accommodation_ which governed the convention: and without this _indulgence_, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it is entirely just that they should be _gratified_.--the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be _capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout the united states." if such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of alexander hamilton, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing american independence, and in framing the american constitution? listen, now, to the questions of john quincy adams, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:-- "'in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.'--'is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes.'--'it was _one_ of the curses from that pandora's box, adjusted at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the south, and to aggravate the burdens of the north.'--'if there be a parallel to it in human history, it can only be that of the roman emperors, who, from the days when julius caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic, among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was that of tribune of the people. a roman emperor tribune of the people, is an exact parallel to that feature in the constitution of the united states which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'the constitution of the united states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states. the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of privileged orders of men. but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves, in the hall of this house, in the chair of the senate, and in the presidential mansion?'--'this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six states of the union, constitutes a privileged order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility ever known. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. to call it an aristocracy, is to do injustice to that form of government. aristocracy is the government of _the best_. its standard qualification for accession to power _is merit_, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals of time. if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny, what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves? it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. it was introduced into the constitution of the united states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons. little did the members of the convention from the free states foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession.'--'the house of representatives of the united states consists of members--all, by _the letter_ of the constitution, representatives only of _persons_, as of them really are; but the other , equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the _property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. each of these members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw.'--'here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. by the influence of slavery, in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the members of the federal senate, are owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest as the members elected by them to the house.'--'by this process it is that all political power in the states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of _wrong._'--'its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.'--'the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states.--the biennial register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the union. if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders.'" it is confessed by mr. adams, alluding to the national convention that framed the constitution, that "the delegation from the free states, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the southern slaveholder, did listen to _a compromise between right and wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign, and indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the north american union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence." hence to swear to support the constitution of the united states, _as it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage war against human liberty. it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators, _incorrigible men-stealers_, merciless tyrants, blood thirsty assassins, who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they threaten to murder any northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their _rights_! they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance. to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation, is nothing short of insanity. article iv., section , declares,--"no person held to service or labor on one state, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves. it alone makes slavery a national institution, a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. this agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the north. under the mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." the warning which the prophet isaiah gave to oppressing moab was of a similar kind: "take counsel, execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. let mine outcasts dwell with thee, moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." the prophet obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation:--"for thy violence against thy brother jacob, shame shall come over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that did remain_, in the day of distress." how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of edom by the same prophet! "the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee, thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, who shall bring me down to the ground? though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will i bring thee down, saith the lord." the emblem of american pride and power is the _eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_. her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and her defiance of the almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness of edom. what shall be her punishment? truly, it may be affirmed of the american people, (who live not under the levitical but christian code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"they all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"this is a people robbed and spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, restore." by this stipulation, the northern states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with bloodhounds, and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them. at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find, throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in safety, in _consequence of this provision of the constitution_? how is it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population? it is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. this indicates either ignorance, or folly or something worse. james madison, as one of the framers of the constitution, is of some authority on this point. alluding to that instrument, in the virginia convention, he said:-- "another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. at present, if any slave elopes to those states where slaves are free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the states are _uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in this constitution, 'no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' this clause was expressly inserted to enable the owners of slaves to reclaim them. _this is a better security than any that now exists_. no power is given to the general government to interfere with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states." in the same convention, alluding to the same clause, gov. randolph said:-- "every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. and, when authority is given to owners of slaves _to vindicate their property_, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?" it is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. but this is criticism against fact. slaves are recognized not merely as property, but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal. this is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a paradox--the american constitution is a paradox--the american union is a paradox--the american government is a paradox; and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. after the independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of god exhorted the people, saying, "execute true judgment, and show mercy and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. but they refused to hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone." "shall i not visit for these things? saith the lord. shall not my soul be avenged on such a notion as this?" whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor, must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the supreme court of the united states, in the case of prigg versus the state of pennsylvania. by that decision, any southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the south, without hindrance or molestation on the part of the state, and without any legal process duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if, when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival south, they cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is sealed! hence the free colored population of the north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on southern plantations, and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey. as soon as that appalling decision of the supreme court was enunciated, in the name of the constitution, the people of the north should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty. in the th sect. of art. iv., the united states guarantee to protect every state in the union "against _domestic violence_." by the th section of article i., congress is empowered "to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, _suppress insurrections_, and repel invasions." these provisions, however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population, were adopted with special reference to the slave population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and the south left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would unquestionably be successful. says mr. madison, respecting these clauses:-- "on application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be, the militia of the other states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections. does this bar the states from calling forth their own militia? no; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence." the answer to patrick henry's objection, as urged against the constitution in the virginia convention, that there was no power left to the _states_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly vested in congress, george nicholas asked:-- "have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first part gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no! but _it gives an additional security;_ for, beside the power in the state government to use their own militia, it will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them with the strength of the union, when called for." this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all the people. in consequence of it, that system has multiplied its victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave states have been admitted into the union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of american commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved, lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or, whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government; as, for example, in the case of nat turner's insurrection in virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service. cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of florida. a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the florida indians, because they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars. but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address. we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the north and the south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with god and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be immediately annulled. in behalf of the society which we represent, we call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey god rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to unite with us under the stainless banner of liberty, having for its motto--"equal rights for all--no union with slaveholders!" it is pleaded that the constitution provides for its own amendment; and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object. true, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that instrument is binding as it stands. is it not to violate every moral instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be amended in these particulars? let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to promote a good object, as to interpret the constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation, acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. if, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still asserted, that the constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted liberty replies:--"what though the assertion be true? of what avail is a mere piece of parchment? in itself, though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of heaven--it is powerless; it has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though beautiful in death. i am famishing for lack of bread! how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? i am manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! what consolation is it to know, that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my friends?" if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgement is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightened despotism, which scoffs at all constitutional restrains, and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us! "would such tameness and submission have freighted the may-flower for plymouth rock? would it have resisted the stamp act, the tea tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the british government sought to rive the liberties of america? the wheel of the revolution would have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed--"_why, what is done cannot be undone_. that is the first thought." no it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather it never entered their minds at all. they sprang to the conclusion at once--"_what is done_ shall _be undone_. that is our first and only thought." "is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and famous bunker hill? the debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn? gray plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb; and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!" it is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne. it matters not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical. we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our own sacred rights are trampled in the dust. as citizens of the state, we appeal to the state in vain for protection and redress. as citizen of the united states, we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national government consents to our destruction. we are denied the right of locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen states of the union. if we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to travel south of mason and dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. if we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave states, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, hear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an antislavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! these are appalling and undeniable facts. three millions of the american people are crushed under the american union! they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened to our limbs, their cause is ours! the union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it! the constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! our motto is, "no union with slaveholders," either religious or political. they are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of god! we separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--o no! but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey god and vindicate the gospel of his son--to hasten the downfall of slavery in america, and throughout the world! we are not acting under a blind impulse. we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. it will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives. we shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished as traitors. but we shall bide our time. whether safety or peril, whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position is sublime and glorious, that our faith in god is rational and steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely, that we are in the right, we shall not falter nor be dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to the number of "three hundred men." freemen! are you ready for the conflict? come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government, and declare your independence? up, then, with the banner of revolution! not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons! no--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_ blood be shed--for we aim, as did christ our leader, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth! secede, then, from the government. submit to its exactions, but pay it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. fill no offices under it. send no senators or representatives to the national or state legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you cannot ask another to perform as your agent. circulate a declaration of disunion from slaveholders, throughout the country. hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast! do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? what did the crucified nazarene do without the elective franchise? what did the apostles do? what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do? what did luther and his intrepid associates do? what can women and children do? what has father mathew done for teetotalism? what has daniel o'connell done for irish repeal? "stand, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of god! the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the united states, let time determine. it would be a waste of time to argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. in ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. what is now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--first, to create discussion and agitation throughout the north; and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance. secondly, to convulse the slumbering south like an earthquake, and convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety. thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and to carry the battle to the gate. fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it. we reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the american union, we have the god of justice with us. we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us. we are confident that all free hearts will be with us. we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us. in behalf of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, wm. lloyd garrison, _president_. wendell phillips, maria weston chapman } _secretaries_. _boston, may , _. letter from francis jackson. boston, th july, . _to his excellency george n. briggs_: sir--many years since, i received from the executive of the commonwealth a commission as justice of the peace. i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found it a convenience to myself, and others. it might continue to be so, could i consent longer to hold it. but paramount considerations forbid, and i herewith transmit to you my commission respectfully asking you to accept my resignation. while i deem it a duty to myself to take this step, i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me. in entering upon the duties of the office in question, i complied with the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the constitution of the united states_." i regret that i ever took that oath. had i then as maturely considered its full import, and the obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who take it, as i have done since, i certainly never would have taken it, seeing, as i now do, that the constitution of the united states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold and perpetuate _slavery_. it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding states choose to retain it. it regards the slave code as lawful in the states which enact it. still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never before done for african slavery. it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution, spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and thus gave to slavery a national existence." consequently, the oath to support the constitution of the united states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of god. i am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. i only say, that _i_ would not now deliberately take it; and that, having inconsiderately taken it, i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul. i take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the commission, which was the occasion of my taking it. i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular, if not censurable; and i must, therefore, be allowed to make a more specific statement of those _provisions of the constitution_ which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery. the very first article of the constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the national legislature. it regards slaves under the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen. but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that by the laws of all the states where they live, they are regarded not as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of this provision of the constitution is, to take legislative power out of the hands of _men_ as such, and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels. fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the smallest number that shall send one member into the house of representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave state thus: to a congressional district in south carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred apiece, it gives one representative in congress; to a district in massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred, one representative is assigned. but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in the five hundred free persons. five hundred freemen of carolina could send one representative to congress, while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of massachusetts, to do the same thing; that is, one slaveholder in carolina is clothed by the constitution with the same political power and influence in the representatives hall at washington, as sixty massachusetts men like you and me, who "eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows." according to the census of , and the _ratio_ of representation based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the house of representatives. and as it has been estimated, (as an approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the united states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those twenty-five representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of _property_ which, five years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. all this vast amount of property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. in congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. and this it has ever done. in all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a bank or sub-treasury, free trade or a tariff, this immense power has moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection. while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the house of representatives, "in the senate of the union," says john quincy adams, "the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. by the influence of slavery in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the fifty-two members of the federal senate, twenty-six are owners of slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the house." the dominant power which the constitution gives to the slave interest, as thus seen and exercised in the _legislative halls_ of our nation, is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the national government. in the _electoral college_, the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the halls of congress. even the preliminary nominating conventions, before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, must ask of the genius of slavery, to what votary she will show herself propitious. this very year, we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of state. the candidate of one party declares, "i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and adds, "it is not true, and i rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition. i should deeply lament it, if it were true."[ ] [footnote : henry clay's speech in the united states senate in , and confirmed at raleigh, n.c. .] the other party nominates a man who says, "i have no hesitation in declaring that i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of texas to the territory and government of the united states." thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder. the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of justice. of the nine justices of the supreme court of the united states, five are slaveholders and of course, must be faithless to their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of john quincy adams, when he says--"the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong." thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the constitution, that i have sworn to support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it may be regarded by the constitution as "persons," is in fact and practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger; counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole power, and controlling the destiny of the nation. if we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both. slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the presidential chair. the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues from the lips of slavery. the army is in the hands of slavery, and at her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of florida, or march from the missouri to the borders of mexico, to look after her interests in texas. the navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of africa, to suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery. freemen of the north, who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery, cannot travel through the slave states, but at the peril of their lives. the representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor on congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to pray that she would let her poor victims go. i renounce my allegiance to a constitution that enthrones such a power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own protection, support and perpetuation. passing by that clause of the constitution, which restricted congress for twenty years, from passing any law against the african slave trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of africa, i come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees protection against "_domestic violence_," and which pledges to the south the military force of the country, to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_ and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the constitution, i say distinctly, i never will support. that part of the constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves, i never have supported and never will. i will join in no slave-hunt. my door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. when i shut it against him, may god shut the door of her mercy against me! under this clause of the constitution, and designed to carry it into effect, slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a character, as have left the free citizen of the north without protection for his own liberty. the question, whether a man seized in a free state as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of congress does not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a judge of a united state' court, or even of the humblest state magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim. by virtue of this law, freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where i am not personally known, neither the constitution nor laws of the united states would shield me from the same destiny. these, sir, are the specific parts of the constitution of the united states, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it. i cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of god, or solemnly call him to witness my promise that i will break it. it is true that the constitution provides for its own amendment, and that by this process, all the guarantees of slavery may be expunged. but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done. it cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made. it is also true that the framers of the constitution did studiously keep the words "slave" and "slavery" from its face. but to do our constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word "slavery" a place in the constitution, they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the _thing_. they were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they sacrificed justice in doing so. there is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it was _intended_ so to operate by the framers of the constitution. the highest judicial authorities--chief justice shaw, of the supreme court of massachusetts, in the latimer case, and mr. justice story, in the supreme court of the united states, in the case of _prigg vs. the state of pennsylvania_,--tell us, i know not on what evidence, that without this "compromise," this security for southern slaveholders, "the union could not have been formed." and there is still higher evidence, not only that the framers of the constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that slavery was wrong. mr. madison[ ] informs us that the clause in question, as it came out of the hands of dr. johnson, the chairman of the "committee on style," read thus: "no person legally held to service, or labor, in one state, escaping into another, shall," &c., and the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws thereof" inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." a conclusive proof that, although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of "service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in "equivocal" words: and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgement of coming generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was not "legal in a moral view," that it was a violation of the moral law of god; and yet knowing and confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence. [footnote : madison papers, p. .] this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_ all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims. with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. they made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political expediency." i am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they were doing. in the strong language of john quincy adams,[ ] in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "little did the members of the convention, from the free states, imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession." [footnote : see his report on the massachusetts resolutions.] i verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the constitution, its national unity, its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions; yet the _moral_ injury that has been done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of god; by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all. a melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all time-serving and temporising statesmen! a striking illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency! yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the authors of the constitution have reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? was it reasonable in them to expect that after they had introduced a vicious element into the very constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a state to license immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that is not "legal in a moral view." bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl. let slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the state, and you will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control. to me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our national government, that literally there is no health in it. the only remedy that i can see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the patient_. the constitution of the united states, both in theory and practice, is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil, that i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer. henceforth it is dead to me, and i to it. i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. the burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, i shall endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law, and distinctly declaring, that while i retain my own liberty, i will be a part to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his. very respectfully, your friend, francis jackson. * * * * * from mr. webster's speech at niblo's gardens. "we have slavery, already, amongst us. the constitution found it among us; it recognized it and gave it solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the constitution. all the stipulations, contained in the constitution, _in favor of the slaveholding states_ which are already in the union, ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter."!!! * * * * * extracts from john q. adams's address at north bridgewater, nov. , . the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_.--protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harrassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. the reluctance with which the freemen of the north submitted to the dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed. the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. a stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the constitution of the united states, would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country. there is not word in the constitution _apparently_ bearing up on the condition of slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution if there were not a slave in the land. the delegates from south carolina and georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the constitution; and the freemen of the north, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the south were saturated with the blood of african bondage, and from midnight of the st december, , not a slave from africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil. but the internal traffic was still lawful, and the _breeding_ states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the slave-trader from africa, while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the american slave-trade exclusively to themselves. perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the north; but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole union, and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with africa had been allowed. but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been, never--no, never would they have consented to it. the representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons, was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of all the rest of the community. this species of property was odious in its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man, and of the vital principles of christianity; it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the states in which it was concentrated. in some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community, required of the favored class. the roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings gathered by hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants. but in the constitution of the united states, the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous. no extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of the slave. the property in horses was the gift of god to man, at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. you are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate states. but if it be so, as to the mere question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people. this is now your condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle, which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of their representative; but their elective franchise shall he transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed. the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of president and vice president of the united states, and every department of the government of the union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two.--but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government at home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. from the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world. but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves. the cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the union at the establishment of the constitution, has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave. and the suppression of the african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of george washington, patrick henry, richard henry lee, and thomas jefferson, into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of immortal man. of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the constitution of the united states was formed, what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued, the congress of the confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or a murmur. but in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the chief-magistracy of the union held, during forty-four of them, by the owners of slaves. the executive departments, the army and navy, the supreme judicial court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands. * * * * * from that day ( ,) slavery, slaveholding, slave-breeding and slave-trading, have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government, and of the slaveholding states, at home and abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free states, it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slaveholding power. of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery, by the first article amendatory of the constitution. * * * * * the anti-slavery examiner.--no. xi the constitution a pro-slavery compact or selections from the madison papers, &c. second edition, enlarged. * * * * * new york: american anti-slavery society, nassau street. . contents. introduction. debates in the congress of the confederation. debates in the federal convention. list of members of the federal convention. speech of luther martin. debates in state conventions. massachusetts, new york, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, extracts from the federalist, debates in first congress, address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, letter from francis jackson to gov. briggs, extract from mr. webster's speech, extracts from j.q. adams's address, november, . introduction. * * * * * every one knows that the "madison papers" contain a report, from the pen of james madison, of the debates in the old congress of the confederation and in the convention which formed the constitution of the united states. we have extracted from them, in these pages, all the debates on those clauses of the constitution which relate to slavery. to these we have added all that is found, on the same topic, in the debates of the several state conventions which ratified the constitution: together with so much of the speech of luther martin before the legislature of maryland, and of the federalist, as relate to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the debates of the first federal congress on slavery. these are all printed without alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the state from which he came. the notes and italics are those of the original, but the editor has added two notes on page , which are marked as his, and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of rufus king's, and two of james madison's--a distinction which the importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have reprinted exactly from the originals. these extracts develop most clearly all the details of that "compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in ; granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his part toward the north. they prove also that the nation at large were fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly and with open eyes. we have added the late "address of the american anti-slavery society," and the letter of francis jackson to governor briggs, resigning his commission of justice of the peace--as bold and honorable protests against the guilt and infamy of this national bargain, and as proving most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet. the clauses of the constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery character are the following :-- art. , sect. .--representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_. art. , sect. .--congress shall have power . . . to suppress insurrections. art. , sect. .--the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. art. , sect. .--no person, held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. art. , sect. .--the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against domestic violence_. the first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence, perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave-trade, disgraces the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty years, _without obliging congress to do so even then_, and thus the slave-trade may be legalized to-morrow if congress choose: the fourth is a promise on the part of the whole nation to return fugitive slaves to their masters, a deed which god's law expressly condemns and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt. these are the articles of the "compromise," so much talked of, between the north and south. we do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what is the meaning of the clauses above cited. for no man or party, of any authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject they all relate. if indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest forever. a few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the constitution makes no compromise with slavery. notwithstanding the clear light of history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both state and federal;--the action of congress and the state legislature;--the constant practice of the executive in all its branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for half a century, still they contend that the nation does not know its own meaning, and that the constitution does not tolerate slavery! every candid mind, however, must acknowledge that the language of the constitution is clear and explicit. its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot include the slaves themselves! many persons besides slaves in this country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the states," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the national government is not bound to put them down by force. such a thing has been heard of before as one description including a great variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance. but granting that the terms of the constitution are ambiguous--that they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent, unbroken practice of every department of the government, judicial, legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how and where can such a question ever be settled? if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has authority to settle their meaning for them? if then the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and for the last half century, the constitution of the united states has been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his duty both as a man and an abolitionist. what the constitution may become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and repudiate it _as it is_. but the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the community, is this. some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding that the constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this false construction, as they think it, has been foisted into the instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all it touches. they assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a bargain as the constitution is represented to be, and has in its present hands become. now these pages prove the melancholy fact, that willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for gain, and became partners with tyrants, that they might share in the profits of their tyranny. and in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers tell us they meant to incorporate into the constitution, and which the sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist there, after all? forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions, at least, of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who, after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all? besides, the advocates of this new theory of the anti-slavery character of the constitution, quote some portions of the madison papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the community should hear _all_ that these debates have to say on the subject. the further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact, that the constitution was meant to be, what it has always been esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom. if then the constitution be, what these debates show that our fathers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a "covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be immediately annulled. no abolitionist can consistently take office under it, or swear to support it. but if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, union itself is impossible, without guilt. for it is undeniable that the fifty years passed under this (anti-slavery) constitution, show us the slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the government;--prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free states, and making the courts of the country their tools. to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. the trial of fifty years with the best of men and the best of constitutions, on this supposition, only proves that it is impossible for free and slave states to unite on any terms, without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery. we dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the american anti-slavery society,-- no union with slaveholders! the constitution a pro-slavery compact. * * * * * _extracts from debates in the congress of confederation, preserved by thomas jefferson, ._ congress proceeded the same day to consider the declaration of independence, * * * the clause too reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of africa was struck out, in compliance to south carolina and georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who on the contrary still wished to continue it. our northern brethren also, i believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for though their people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others.--p. . on friday, the twelfth of july, , the committee appointed to draw the articles of confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second, the house resolved themselves into a committee to take them into consideration. on the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined the proportion or quota of money which each state should furnish to the common treasury, and the manner of voting in congress. the first of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these words:-- "article . all charges of war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by the united states assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and duality, except indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and transmitted to the assembly of the united states." mr. chase (of maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white inhabitants." he admitted that taxation should be always in proportion to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in practice. the value of the property in every state could never be estimated justly and equally. some other measure for the wealth of the state must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would be more simple. he considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. he therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception only. he observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those states where there are few slaves. that the surplus of profit which a northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.; whereas, a southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. there is no more reason therefore for taxing the southern states on the farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the northern ones on their farmers' heads and the heads of their cattle. that the method proposed would therefore tax the southern states according to their numbers and their wealth conjunctly, while the northern would be taxed on numbers only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the state, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it. mr. john adams (of massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the state and not as subjects of taxation. that as to this matter it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of slaves. that in some countries the laboring poor were called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the difference as to the state was imaginary only. what matters it whether a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand? the ten laborers add as much wealth annually to the state, increase its exports as much, in the one case as the other. certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits, no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. therefore the state in which are the laborers called freemen, should be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. suppose, by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the laborers of a state could in the course of one night be transformed into slaves,--would the state be made the poorer, or the less able to pay taxes? that the condition of the laboring poor in most countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the northern states,--is as abject as that of slaves. it is the number of laborers which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. that it is the use of the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of the state, which produces the fallacy. how does the southern farmer procure slaves? either by importation or by purchase from his neighbor. if he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a laborer from one farm to another, which does not change the annual produce of the state, and therefore should not change its tax; that if a northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true, invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the southern farmer working ten slaves. that a state of one hundred thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property. that a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called the wealth of his employer: but as to the state, both were equally its wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax. mr. harrison (of virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves should be counted as one freeman. he affirmed that slaves did not do as much work as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one. that this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in the southern colonies being from £ to £ , while in the northern it was generally £ . mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take place, the southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the northern ones would bear the burthen. that slaves increase the profits of a state, which the southern states mean to take to themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which would of course fall so much the heavier on the northern; that slaves occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their places. it is our duty to lay every discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would give the _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. that other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the north as the south, and south as the north; but not so as to slaves: that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or white; and the practice of the southern colonies has always been to make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they be black or white. he acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the most; but they consume the most also. they do not produce a greater surplus for taxation. the slave is neither fed nor clothed so expensively as a freeman. again, white women are exempted from labor generally, which negro women are not. in this then the southern states have an advantage as the article now stands. it has sometimes been said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is said that the labor of the slave is the dearest. mr. payne (of massachusetts) urged the original resolution of congress, to proportion the quotas of the states to the number of souls. dr. witherspoon (of new-jersey) was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. this is the true barometer of wealth. the one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal between the states. it has been objected that negroes eat the food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed: horses also eat the food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. it has been said too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the state is to pay, we do no more than those states themselves do, who always take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. but the cases are not parallel. in the southern colonies, slaves pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent. that as to the original resolution of congress, it was temporary only, and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground. august st. the question being put, the amendment proposed was rejected by the votes of new-hampshire, massachusetts, rhode-island, connecticut, new-york, new-jersey and pennsylvania, against those of delaware, maryland, virginia, north; and south carolina. georgia was divided.--_pp_. - - , - - . * * * * * _extracts from madison's report of debates in the congress of the confederation._ tuesday, january , . if the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the federal articles, the committee would certainly have preferred some other rule of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain qualifications as to slaves.--_p_. tuesday, feb. , . mr. wolcott declares his opinion that the confederation ought to be amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen and sixty years of age.--_p_. thursday, march , . (the eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:) mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was in congress when the articles of confederation directing a valuation of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of compromising the different ideas of the eastern and southern states, as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in question. mr. clark (of new-jersey) was in favor of them. he said that he was also in congress when this article was decided; that the southern states would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land if half their slaves only should be included; but that the eastern states would not concur in that proposition. it was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by ages, as the report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion in absolute numbers. with this view, and that the blank might be filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p_. - . friday, march , . the committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one freeman. mr. wolcott (of connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. mr. carroll as four to one. mr. williamson (of north carolina) said he was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. mr. higginson (of massachusetts) as four to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would be a juster proportion. mr. holton as four to three.--mr. osgood said he did not go beyond four to three. on a question for rating them as three to two, the votes were, new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island; divided; connecticut, aye; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, aye; maryland, no; virginia, no; north carolina, no; south carolina, no. the paragraph was then postponed, by general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it; but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be agreed to. after some further discussions on the report, in which the necessity of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into view, mr. madison (of virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that slaves should be rated as five to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) seconded the motion. mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said he would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise. mr. lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that two slaves were not equal to one freeman. on the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, divided; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, aye. a motion was then made by mr. bland, seconded by mr. lee, to strike out the clause so amended, and, on the question "shall it stand," it passed in the negative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no; so the clause was struck out. the arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the states having slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility of the others, ought to have great weight in the case; and that the exports of the former states were greater than of the latter. on the other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their labor, they did as little as possible, and omitted every exertion of thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it; that if the exports of the states having slaves exceeded those of the others, their imports were in proportion, slaves employed wholly in agriculture, not in manufactures; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was much more against the southern states than the others. on the main question, new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new york (mr. floyd, aye;) new jersey, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no.--_pp. - - _. tuesday, april l, . congress resumed the report on revenue, &c. mr. hamilton, who had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. he was seconded by mr. osgood. those who voted differently from their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the slaves. the rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition.--_p. _. monday, may , . the resolutions on the journal instructing the ministers in europe to remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously.--p. ._ * * * * * _letter from mr. madison to edmund randolph_. philadelphia, april , . a change of the valuation of lands for the number of inhabitants, deducting two-fifths of the slaves, has received a tacit sanction, and, unless hereafter expunged, will go forth in the general recommendation, as material to future harmony and justice among the members of the confederacy. the deduction of two-fifths was a compromise between the wide opinions and demands of the southern and other states.--_p. _. * * * * * _extract from "debates in the federal convention" of , for the formation of the constitution of the united states_. tuesday, may , . mr. charles pinckney laid before the house the draft of a federal government. * * * "the proportion of direct taxation shall be regulated by the whole number of inhabitants of every description"--_pp_. , . wednesday, may , . the following resolution, being the second of those proposed by mr. randolph, was taken up, viz. "_that the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different cases_." colonel hamilton moved to alter the resolution so as to read, "that the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the number of free inhabitants." mr. spaight seconded the motion.--_p_. . wednesday, june , . mr. madison. we have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive dominion ever exercised by man over man.--_p_. . monday, june , . mr. sherman proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first branch should be according to the respective numbers of free inhabitants; mr. rutledge proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first branch should be according to the quotas of contribution. mr. king and mr. wilson, in order to bring the question to a point, moved, "that the right of suffrage in the first branch of the national legislature ought not to be according to the rule established in the articles of confederation, but according to some equitable ratio of representation."--_p_. . it was then moved by mr. rutledge, seconded by mr. butler, to add to the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the motion just agreed to, the words "according to the quotas of contribution." on motion of mr. wilson, seconded by mr. pinckney, this was postponed; in order to add, after the words, "equitable ratio of representation," the words following: "in proportion to the whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, except indians not paying taxes, in each state"--this being the rule in the act of congress, agreed to by eleven states, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the states, and requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years. mr. gerry (of massachusetts) thought property not the rule of representation. why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the south, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and horses of the north? on the question,--massachusetts, connecticut, new york, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, delaware, no-- .--_pp_. - . tuesday, june , . mr. madison. where slavery exists, the republican theory becomes still more fallacious.--_p_. . saturday, june , . mr. madison,--admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured as far as possible. wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defence. but he contended that the states were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. these two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the united states. it did not lie between the large and small states. it lay between the northern and southern; and if any defensive power were necessary, it ought to be mutually given to these two interests. he was so strongly impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. the one which had occurred was, that, instead of proportioning the votes of the states in both branches, to the irrespective numbers of inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should be represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants only; and in the other according to the whole number, counting slaves as free. by this arrangement the southern scale would have the advantage in one house, and the northern in the other. he had been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and which would destroy the equilibrium of interests.--_pp_. - monday, july , . mr. pinckney. there is a real distinction between the northern and southern interests. north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, in their rice and indigo, had a peculiar interest which might be sacrificed.--_p_. . friday, july , . mr. pinckney--thought the blacks ought to stand on an equality with the whites; but would agree to the ratio settled by congress.--_p._ . monday, july , . mr. patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague. for this reason new jersey was against it. he could regard negro slaves in no light but as property. they are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the contrary are themselves property, and like other property entirely at the will of the master. has a man in virginia a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves? and if negroes are not represented in the states to which they belong, why should they be represented in the general government. what is the true principle of representation? it is an expedient by which an assembly of certain individuals, chosen by the people, is substituted in place of the inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. if such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? they would not. why then should they be represented? he was also against such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of confederation, had been ashamed to use the term "slaves," and had substituted a description. mr. madison reminded mr. patterson that his doctrine of representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for ever silence the pretensions of the small states to an equality of votes with the large ones. they ought to vote in the same proportion in which their citizens would do, if the people of all the states were collectively met. he suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that in the first branch the states should be represented according to their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which had for one of its primary objects the guardianship of property, according to the whole number, including slaves. mr. butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth in the apportionment of representation. mr. king had always expected, that, as the southern states are the richest, they would not league themselves with the northern, unless some respect were paid to their superior wealth. if the latter expect those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to receive them without allowing some advantages in return. eleven out of thirteen of the states had agreed to consider slaves in the apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go together.--_pp_. - - . tuesday, july , . _in convention_,--mr. king reported, from the committee yesterday appointed, "that the states at the first meeting of the general legislature, should be represented by sixty-five members, in the following proportions, to wit:--new hampshire, by ; massachusetts, ; rhode island, ; connecticut, ; new york, ; new jersey, ; pennsylvania, ; delaware, ; maryland, ; virginia, ; north carolina, ; south carolina, ; georgia, ." mr. king remarked that the four eastern states, having , souls, have one-third fewer representatives than the four southern states, having not more than , souls, rating the blacks as five for three. the eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be dissatisfied. he believed them to be very desirous of uniting with their southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. he was fully convinced that the question concerning a difference of interests did not lie where it had hitherto been discussed, between the great and small states; but between the southern and eastern. for this reason be had been ready to yield something, in the proportion of representatives, for the security of the southern. no principle would justify the giving them a majority. they were brought as near an equality as was possible. he was not averse to giving them a still greater security, but did not see how it could be done. general pinckney. the report before it was committed was more favorable to the southern states than as it now stands. if they are to form so considerable a minority, and the regulation of trade is to be given to the general government, they will be nothing more than overseers for the northern states. he did not expect the southern states to be raised to a majority of representatives; but wished them to have something like an equality. mr. williamson. the southern interest must be extremely endangered by the present arrangement. the northern states are to have a majority in the first instance, and the means of perpetuating it. general pinckney urged the reduction; dwelt on the superior wealth of the southern states, and insisted on its having its due weight in the government. mr. gouverneur morris regretted the turn of the debate. the states, he found, had many representatives on the floor. few, he feared, were to be deemed the representatives of america. he thought the southern states have, by the report, more than their share of representation. property ought to have its weight, but not all the weight. if the southern states are to supply money, the northern states are to spill their blood. besides, the probable revenue to be expected from the southern states has been greatly overrated.--_pp_. - - - . wednesday, july , . mr. williamson moved that mr. randolph's propositions be postponed, in order to consider the following, "that in order to ascertain the alterations that may happen in the population and wealth of the several states, a census shall be taken of the free white inhabitants, and three-fifths of those of other descriptions on the first year after this government shall have been adopted, and every ---- year thereafter; and that the representation be regulated accordingly." mr. butler and general pinckney insisted that blacks be included in the rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out. mr. gerry thought that three-fifths of them was, to say the least, the full proportion that could be admitted. mr. gorham. this ratio was fixed by congress as a rule of taxation. then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the states having slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. at present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are assured that they are equal to freemen. the arguments on the former occasion had convinced him, that three-fifths was pretty near the just proportion, and he should vote according to the same opinion now. mr. butler insisted that the labor of a slave in south carolina was as productive and valuable, as that of a freeman in massachusetts; that as wealth was the great means of defence and utility to the nation, they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and was itself to be supported by property. mr. mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to virginia, because he thought it unjust. it was certain that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land, increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases of emergency become themselves soldiers. as in these important respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to be excluded from the estimate of representation. he could not, however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them as such. he added, as worthy of remark, that the southern states have this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of property common to all the states. mr. williamson reminded mr. gorham that if the southern states contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites when taxation was in view, the eastern states, on the same occasion, contended for their equality. he did not, however, either then or now, concur in either extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths. on mr. butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in the apportionment of representation,--delaware, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- ; new york, not on the floor. mr. gouverneur morris said he had several objections to the proposition of mr. williamson. in the first place, it fettered the legislature too much. in the second place, it would exclude some states altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle them to a single representation. in the third place, it will not consist with the resolution passed on saturday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust the representation from time to time on the principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of equity. if slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth, then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why is no other wealth but slaves included? these objections may perhaps be removed by amendments. mr. king thought there was great force in the objections of mr. gouverneur morris. he would, however, accede to the proposition for the sake of doing something. mr. gouverneur morris. another objection with him, against admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. they would reject any plan that was to have such an effect. mr. madison. future contributions, it seemed to be understood on all hands, would be principally levied on imports and exports.--pp. - - - ; - - . on the question on the first clause of mr. williamson's motion, as to taking a census of the _free_ inhabitants, it passed in the affirmative,--massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, aye-- ; delaware, maryland, south carolina, georgia, no-- . the next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered, mr. king, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. he thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite great discontents among the states having no slaves. he had never said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this. he remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by the committee, the southern states had received more than the number of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled them to. mr. sherman. south carolina had not more beyond her proportion than new york and new hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion. georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that state seemed to justify it. in general the allotment might not be just, but considering all circumstances he was satisfied with it. mr. gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by the people of the eastern states. but he recollected that when the proposition of congress for changing the eighth article of the confederation was before the legislature of massachusetts, the only difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in the ratio of three-fifths only.[ ] [footnote : they were then to have been a rule of taxation only.] mr. wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks in the proportion of three-fifths could be explained. are they admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality with white citizens? are they admitted as property--then why is not other property admitted into the computation? these were difficulties, however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of compromise. he had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people of pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (mr. gouverneur morris.) mr. gouverneur morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the dilemma of doing injustice to the southern states, or to human nature; and he must therefore do it to the former. for he could never agree to give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not believe those states would ever confederate on terms that would deprive them of that trade. on the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the blacks,--connecticut, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland,[ ] south carolina, no-- .--_pp_. - - . [footnote : mr. carroll said, in explanation of the vote of maryland, that he wished the _phraseology_ to be so altered as to obviate, if possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the eastern and middle states.] thursday, july , . _in convention_,--mr. gouverneur morris moved a proviso, "that taxation shall be in proportion to representation." mr. butler contended again, that representation should be according to the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks; admitting the justice of mr. gouverneur morris's motion. general pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by gouverneur morris] concerning the negroes. he was now again alarmed at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. south carolina has in one year exported to the amount of , £. sterling, all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. will she be represented in proportion to this amount? she will not. neither ought she then to be subject to a tax on it. he hoped a clause would be inserted in the system, restraining the legislature from taxing exports. mr. wilson approved the principle, but could not see how it could be carried into execution; unless restrained to direct taxation. mr. gouverneur morris having so varied his motion by inserting the word "direct," it passed, _nem. con_., as follows: "provided always that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation" mr. davie said it was high time now to speak out. he saw that it was meant by some gentlemen to deprive the southern states of any share of representation for their blacks. he was sure that north carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as three-fifths. if the eastern states meant, therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end. dr. johnson thought that wealth and population were the true, equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best measure of wealth. he concluded, therefore, that the number of people ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions, including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the computation. as various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into consideration, and report them. mr. gouveneur morris. it had been said that it is high time to speak out. as one member, he would candidly do so. he came here to form a compact for the good of america. he was ready to do so with all the states. he hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such compact. if they would not, he was ready to join with any states that would. but as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the eastern states to insist on what the southern states will never agree to. it is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other states can never admit; and he verily believed the people of pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. what can be desired by these states more than has been already proposed--that the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation according to population and wealth? general pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature, and that property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government instituted for the protection of property. the first clause in the report of the first grand committee was postponed. mr. ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house the words following, "and that the rule of contribution by direct taxation, for the support of the government of the united states, shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every other description in the several states, until some other rule that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several states, can be devised and adopted by the legislature." mr. butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed. mr. randolph was not satisfied with the motion. the danger will be revived, that the ingenuity of the legislature may evade or pervert the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in the first instance. he proposed, in lieu of mr. ellsworth's motion "that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that stay be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative circumstances of the states, a census shall be taken within two years from the first meeting of the general legislature of the united states, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio recommended by congress in their resolution of the eighteenth day of april, , (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number); and that the legislature of the united states shall arrange the representation accordingly." he urged strenuously that express security ought to be presided for including slaves in the ratio of representation. he lamented that such a species of property existed. but as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. it was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding slaves altogether; the legislature therefore ought not to be left at liberty. mr. ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of mr. randolph. mr. wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the end would be equally attained. mr. pinckney moved to amend mr. randolph's motion, so as to make "blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." this, he urged was nothing more than justice. the blacks are the laborers, the peasants, of the southern states. they are as productive of pecuniary resources as those of the northern states. they add equally to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength, of the nation. it will also be politic with regard to the northern states, as taxation is to keep pace with representation. on mr. pinckney's (of s. carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, connecticut (doctor johnson, aye), new jersey, pennsylvania (three against two), delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- . mr. randolph's (of virginia) proposition, as varied by mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,-- mr. gerry (of massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not be carried into execution, as the states were not to be taxed as states. with regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be more productive where there were no slaves, than where there were; the consumption being greater. mr. ellsworth (of connecticut). in the case of a poll-tax there would be no difficulty. but there would probably be none. the sum allotted to a state may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan used by the state in raising its own supplies. on the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--connecticut, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts, south carolina, divided.--pp. to . friday, july , . mr. madison said, that having always conceived that the difference of interest in the united states lay not between the large and small, but the northern and southern states.-p. . on the motion of mr. randolph (of virginia) the vote of monday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust, from time to time, the representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the blacks. mr. gouverneur morris (of pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as leaving still an incoherence. if negroes were to be viewed as inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number, and not in the proportion of three-fifths. if as property, the word wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. the train of business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. a distinction had been set up, and urged, between the northern and southern states. he had hitherto considered this doctrine as heretical. he still thought the distinction groundless. he sees, however, that it is persisted in; and the southern gentlemen will not be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority in the public councils. the consequence of such a transfer of power from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in order to provide some defence for the northern states against it. but to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due confidence. if it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. there can be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to be entitled to it. the eastern states may claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the southern states claim it for their peculiar objects. in this struggle between the two ends of the union, what part ought the middle states, in point of policy, to take? to join their eastern brethren, according to his ideas. if the southern states get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with spain for the mississippi. this language is already held. the interior country, having no property nor interest exposed on the sea, will be little affected by such a war. he wished to know what security the northern and middle states will have against this danger. it has been said that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia only, will in a little time have a majority of the people of america. they must in that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands. mr. butler (of south carolina). the security the southern states want is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. it was not supposed that north carolina, south carolina and georgia, would have more people than all the other states, but many more relatively to the other states, than they now have. the people and strength of america are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly. on the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change as moved by mr. randolph (of virginia) it passed in the affirmative,--massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; delaware, divided.--_pp_. - - - - . saturday, july , . mr. madison. it seemed now to be pretty well understood, that the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but between the northern and southern, states. the institution of slavery, and it's consequences, formed the line of discrimination.--_p_. . tuesday, july , . mr. williamson. the largest state will be sure to succeed. this will not be virginia, however. her slaves will have no suffrage.--_p_. . thursday, july , . mr. madison. the right of suffrage was much more diffusive in the northern than the southern states; and the latter could have no influence in the election, on the score of the negroes.--p. . monday, july , . general pinckney reminded the convention, that if the committee should fail to insert some security to the southern states against an emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by duty to his state to vote against their report.--_p_. . tuesday, july , . mr. williamson. as the executive is to have a kind of veto on the laws, and there is an essential difference of interests between the northern and southern states, particularly in the carrying trade, the power will be dangerous, if the executive is to be taken from part of the union, to the part from which he is not taken.--_p_. . mr. gouverneur morris hoped the committee would strike out the whole of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. he had only meant it as a bridge[ ] to assist us over a certain gulf; having passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. he thought the principle laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections.--_p_. . [footnote : the object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for, and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation claimed by the southern states on account of the negroes.] wednesday, july , . mr. madison. refer the appointment of the national executive to the state legislatures, and * * * the remaining mode was an election by the people, or rather by the qualified part of them at large. * * * the second difficulty arose from the disproportion of qualified voters in the northern and southern states, and the disadvantages which this mode would throw on the latter. the answer to this objection was--in the first place, that this disproportion would be continually decreasing under the influence of the republican laws introduced in the southern states, and the more rapid increase of their population; in the second place, that local considerations must give way to the general interest. as an individual from the southern states, he was willing to make the sacrifice.--pp. - . thursday, july , . mr. gouverneur morris. revenue will be drawn, it is foreseen, as much as possible from trade.--p. . monday, august , . mr. rutledge delivered in the report of the committee of detail. article vii. sect. . the proportions of direct taxation shall be regulated by the whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, (except indians not paying taxes); which number shall, within six years after the first meeting of the legislature, and within the term of every ten years afterwards, be taken in such a manner as the said legislature shall direct. sect. . no tax or duty shall be laid by the legislature on articles exported from any state; nor on the migration or importation of such persons as the several states shall think proper to admit; nor shall such migration or importation be prohibited. sect. . no capitation tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census herein before directed to be taken. sect. . no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house.--pp. - - . wednesday, august , . mr. king wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning the admission of slaves into the rule of representation. he could not reconcile his mind to the article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter part. the admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of america. he had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore, because he had hoped that this concession would have produced a readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the general government, and to mark a full confidence in it. the report under consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes. in two great points the hands of the legislature were absolutely tied. the importation of slaves could not be prohibited. exports could not be taxed. is this reasonable? what are the great objects of the general system? first, defence against foreign invasion; secondly, against internal sedition. shall all the states, then, be bound to defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which will render defence more difficult? shall one part of the united states be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the compensation for the burden? if slaves are to be imported, shall not the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to enable the general government to defend their masters? there was so much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of the northern states could never be reconciled to it. no candid man could undertake to justify it to them. he had hoped that some accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. he never could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be represented in the national legislature. indeed, he could so little persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not sure be could assent to it under any circumstances. at all events, either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable. mr. sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of representation having been settled after much difficulty and deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition; especially as the present article, as amended, did not preclude any arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report. mr. gouverneur morris moved to insert "free" before the word "inhabitants." much, he said, would depend on this point. he never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. it was a nefarious institution. it was the curse of heaven on the states where it prevailed. compare the free regions of the middle states, where a rich and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes of virginia, maryland, and the other states having slaves. travel through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. the moment you leave the eastern states, and enter new york, the effects of the institution become visible. passing through the jerseys and entering pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the change. proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the increasing proportion of these wretched beings. upon what principle is it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? are they men? then make them citizens, and let them vote. are they property? why, then, is no other property included? the houses in this city (philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover the rice swamps of south carolina. the admission of slaves into the representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the inhabitant of georgia and south carolina who goes to the coast of africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears away his fellow creatures from their dearest connections, and damns them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen of pennsylvania or new jersey, who views with a laudable horror so nefarious a practice. he would add, that domestic slavery is the most prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed constitution. the vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite offspring of aristocracy. and what is the proposed compensation to the northern states, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every impulse of humanity? they are to bind themselves to march their militia for the defence of the southern states, for their defence against those very slaves of whom they complain. they must supply vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. the legislature will have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports; both of which will fall heavier on them than on the southern inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a northern freeman will pay more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag that covers his nakedness. on the other side, the southern states are not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of having their votes in the national government increased in proportion; and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves exempt from all contributions for the public service. let it not be said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. it is idle to suppose that the general government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a country. they can only do it through the medium of exports, imports and excises. for what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? he would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in the united states, than saddle posterity with such a constitution. mr. dayton seconded the motion. he did it, he said, that his sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of the amendment. mr. sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. it was the freemen of the southern states who were, in fact, to be represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are only included in the estimate of the taxes. this was his idea of the matter. mr. pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as more burdensome to the united states than the slaves. he thought this could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one. mr. wilson thought the motion premature. an agreement to the clause would be no bar to the object of it. on the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants," new-jersey, aye-- ; new-hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- .--pp. - - - - - . thursday, august , . mr. mason urged the necessity of connecting with the powers of levying taxes, duties, &c., the prohibition in article , sect. , "that no tax should be laid on exports." he hoped the northern states did not mean to deny the southern this security. mr. gouverneur morris considered such a proviso as inadmissible anywhere. mr. madison. fourthly, the southern states, being most in danger and most needing naval protection, could the less complain, if the burthen should be somewhat heaviest on them. and finally, we are not providing for the present moment only; and time will equalize the situation of the states in this matter. he was, for these reasons, against the motion. mr. mercer. it had been said the southern states had most need of naval protection. the reverse was the case. were it not for promoting the carrying trade of the northern states, the southern states could let the trade go into foreign bottoms, where it would not need our protection.--pp. - - - . tuesday, august , . articles , section , was then resumed. mr. dickinson moved to postpone this, in order to reconsider article , section , and to _limit_ the number of representatives to be allowed to the large states. unless this were done, the small states would be reduced to entire insignificance, and encouragement given to the importation of slaves. mr. sherman would agree to such a reconsideration; but did not see the necessity of postponing the section before the house. mr. dickinson withdrew his motion. article , section , was then agreed to,--ten ayes; delaware alone, no.--p. . article , section , was then taken up. mr. langdon. by this section the states are left at liberty to tax exports. this could not be admitted. it seems to be feared that the northern states will oppress the trade of the southern. this may be guarded against, by requiring the concurrence of two-thirds, or three-fourths of the legislature, in such cases.--p. - . mr. madison. as to the fear of disproportionate burthens on the more exporting states, it might be remarked that it was agreed, on all hands, that the revenue would principally be drawn from trade.--p. . col. mason--a majority, when interested, will oppress the minority. if we compare the states in this point of view, the eight northern states have an interest different from the five southern states; and have, in one branch of the legislature, thirty-six votes, against twenty-nine, and in the other in the proportion of eight against five. the southern states had therefore ground for their suspicions. the case of exports was not the same with that of imports.--pp. - . mr. l. martin proposed to vary article , section , so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. in the first place, as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the apportionment of representatives, such a clause would leave an encouragement to this traffic. in the second place, slaves weakened one part of the union, which the other parts were bound to protect; the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. and in the third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the revolution, and dishonorable to the american character, to have such a feature in the constitution. mr. rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be encouraged by this section. he was not apprehensive of insurrections, and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to protect the southern against them. religion and humanity had nothing to do with this question. interest alone is the governing principle with nations. the true question at present is, whether the southern states shall or shall not be parties to the union. if the northern states consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers. mr. ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. let every state import what it pleases. the morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the states themselves. what enriches a part enriches the whole, and the states are the best judges of their particular interest. the old confederation had not meddled with this point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one. mr. pinckney. south carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade. in every proposed extension of the powers of congress, that state has expressly and watchfully excepted that of meddling with the importation of negroes. if the states be all left at liberty on this subject, south carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is wished, as virginia and maryland already have done. adjourned.--_pp_. - . wednesday, august , . _in convention_,--article , section , was resumed. mr. sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. he disapproved of the slave trade; yet as the states were now possessed of the right to import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the matter as we find it. he observed that the abolition of slavery seemed to be going on in the united states, and that the good sense of the several states would probably by degrees complete it. he urged on the convention the necessity of despatching its business. col. mason. this infernal traffic originated in the avarice of british merchants. the british government constantly checked the attempts of virginia to put a stop to it. the present question concerns not the importing states alone, but the whole union. the evil of having slaves was experienced during the late war. had slaves been treated as they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous instruments in their hands. but their folly dealt by the slaves as it did by the tories. he mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the slaves in greece and sicily; and the instructions given by cromwell to the commissioners sent to virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. maryland and virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves expressly. north carolina had done the same in substance. all this would be in vain, if south carolina and georgia be at liberty to import. the western people are already calling out for slaves for their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can be got through south carolina and georgia. slavery discourages arts and manufactures. the poor despise labor when performed by slaves. they prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country. they produce the most pernicious effect on manners. every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. they bring the judgment of heaven on a country. as nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. by an inevitable chain of causes and effects, providence punishes national sins by national calamities. he lamented that some of our eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. as to the states being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. he held it essential in every point of view, that the general government should have power to prevent the increase of slavery. mr. ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character. he said, however, that if it was to be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those already in the country. as slaves also multiply so fast in virginia and maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards south carolina and georgia. let us not intermeddle. as population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. slavery, in time, will not be a speck in our country. provision is already made in connecticut for abolishing it. and the abolition has already taken place in massachusetts. as to the danger of insurrections from foreign influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves. mr. pinckney. if slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world. he cited the case of greece, rome and other ancient states; the sanction given by france, england, holland and other modern states. in all ages one half of mankind have been slaves. if the southern states were let alone, they will probably of themselves stop importations. he would himself, as a citizen of south carolina, vote for it. an attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will produce serious objections to the constitution, which he wished to see adopted. gen. pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign the constitution and use their personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the assent of their constituents. south carolina and georgia cannot do without slaves. as to virginia, she will gain by stopping the importations. her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she wants. it would be unequal, to require south carolina and georgia, to confederate on such unequal terms. he said the royal assent, before the revolution, had never been refused to south carolina, as to virginia. he contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole union. the more slaves, the more produce to employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of this, the more revenue for the common treasury. he admitted it to be reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of south carolina from the union. mr. baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature. georgia was decided on this point. that state has always hitherto supposed a general government to be the pursuit of the central states, who wished to have a vortex for everything; that her distance would preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently purchase it by yielding national powers. from this it might be understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of her favorite prerogatives. if left to herself, she may probably put a stop to the evil. as one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people, who carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation. mr. wilson observed that if south carolina and georgia were themselves disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the importation might be prohibited. as the section now stands, all articles imported are to be taxed. slaves alone are exempt. this is in fact a bounty on that article. mr. gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the states as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. mr. dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized to the states by the constitution. the true question was, whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation; and this question ought to be left to the national government, not to the states particularly interested. if england and france permit slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those kingdoms. greece and rome were made unhappy by their slaves. he could not believe that the southern states would refuse to confederate on the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be immediately exercised by the general government. mr. williamson stated the law of north carolina on the subject, to wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. it imposed a duty of £ on each slave imported from africa; £ on each from elsewhere; and £ on each from a state licensing manumission. he thought the southern states could not be members of the union, if the clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing down not absolutely necessary, and which any state must disagree to. mr. king thought the subject should be considered in a political light only. if two states will not agree to the constitution, as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from the other states. he remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to strike the commercial sagacity of the northern and middle states. mr. langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the general government. he could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the states, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import slaves. gen. pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think south carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. he moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one difficulty that had been started. mr. rutledge. if the convention thinks that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. the people of those states will never be such fools, as to give up so important an interest. he was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of gen. pinckney for a commitment. mr. gouverneur morris wished the whole subject to be committed, including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation act. these things may form a bargain among the northern and southern states. mr. butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing exports. mr. sherman said it was better to let the southern states import slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. he was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, because it implied they were _property_. he acknowledged that if the power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the general government, that it would be exercised. he thought it would be its duty to exercise the power. mr. read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes on exports should also be committed. mr. sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and therefore could not be committed. mr. randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground might, if possible, be found. he could never agree to the clause as it stands. he would sooner risk the constitution. he dwelt on the dilemma to which the convention was exposed. by agreeing to the clause, it would revolt the quakers, the methodists, and many others in the states having no slaves. on the other hand, two states might be lost to the union. let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment. on the question for committing the remaining part of sections and , of article ,--connecticut, new jersey, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, pennsylvania, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts absent. mr. pinckney and mr. langdon moved to commit section , as to a navigation act by two-thirds of each house. mr. gorham did not see the propriety of it. is it meant to require a greater proportion of votes? he desired it to be remembered, that the eastern states had no motive to union but a commercial one. they were able to protect themselves. they were not afraid of external danger, and did not need the aid of the southern states. mr. wilson wished for a commitment, in order to reduce the proportion of votes required. mr. ellsworth was for taking the plan as it is. this widening of opinions had a threatening aspect. if we do not agree on this middle and moderate ground, he was afraid we should lose two states, with such others as may be disposed to stand aloof; should fly into a variety of shapes and directions, and most probably into several confederations,--and not without bloodshed. on the question for committing section , as to a navigation act, to a member from each state,--new hampshire, massachusetts, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; connecticut, new jersey, no-- . the committee appointed were messrs. langdon, king, johnson, livingston, clymer, dickinson, l. martin, madison, williamson, c.c. pinckney, and baldwin. to this committee were referred also the two clauses above mentioned of the fourth and fifth sections of article .--pp. to . friday, august , _in convention_,--governor livingston, from the committee of eleven, to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section, and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh article, delivered in the following report: "strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the committee, and insert, 'the migration or importation of such persons as the several states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports. "the fifth section to remain as in the report. the sixth section to be stricken out."--p. . saturday, august , . the report of the committee of eleven (see friday, the twenty-fourth), being taken up,-- gen. pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight." mr. gorham seconded the motion. mr. madison. twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. so long a term will be more dishonorable to the american character, than to say nothing about it in the constitution. on the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--new-hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. gouverneur morris was for making the clause read at once, "the importation of slaves in north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, shall not be prohibited, &c." this he said, would be most fair, and would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to naturalization, the liberty reserved to the states might be defeated. he wished it to be known, also, that this part of the constitution was a compliance with those states. if the change of language, however, should be objected to, by the members from those states, he should not urge it. col. mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, lest it should give offence to the people of those states. mr. sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which had been declined by the old congress, and were not pleasing to some people. mr. clymer concurred with mr. sherman. mr. williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all circumstances, to let in south carolina and georgia on those terms, than to exclude them from the union. mr. gouverneur morris withdrew his motion. mr. dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the states which had not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "the importation of slaves into such of the states as shall permit the same, shall not be prohibited by the legislature of the united states, until the year ;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con_.[ ] [footnote : in the printed journals, connecticut, virginia, and georgia, voted in the affirmative.] the first part of the report was then agreed to, amended as follows: "the migration or importation of such persons as the several states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ,"-- new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words, "average of the duties laid on imports," and insert "common impost on articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con_. mr. sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves. mr. king and mr. langdon considered this as the price of the first part. gen. pinckney admitted that it was so. col. mason. not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves. mr. gorham thought that mr. sherman should consider the duty, not as implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the importation of them. mr. gouverneur morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it implies that the legislature may tax freemen imported. mr. sherman, in answer to mr. gorham, observed, that the smallness of the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of the importation. mr. madison thought it wrong to admit in the constitution the idea that there could be property in men. the reason of duties did not hold, as slaves are not, like merchandize consumed, &c. col. mason, in answer to mr. gouverneur morris. the provision, as it stands, was necessary for the case of convicts, in order to prevent the introduction of them. it was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was agreed to.--_pp_. to . tuesday, august , . article , was then taken up.[ ] [footnote : article was,--the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.--editor.] general pinckney was not satisfied with it. he seemed to wish some provision should be included in favor of property in slaves. on the question on article ,--new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, aye-- ; south carolina, no-- ; georgia, divided. article ,[ ] being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited. [footnote : article was,--any person charged with treason, felony or high misdemeanor in any state, who shall flee from justice, and shall be found in any other state, shall, on demand of the executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of the offence.--editor.] mr. butler and mr. pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." mr. wilson. this would oblige the executive of the state to do it, at the public expense. mr. sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. mr. butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular provision might be made, apart from this article. article , as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_.--_pp_. - . wednesday, august , . article , section , by the committee of eleven reported to be struck out (see the twenty-fourth inst.) being now taken up,-- mr. pinckney moved to postpone the report, in favor of the following proposition: "that no act of the legislature for the purpose of regulating the commerce of the united states with foreign powers, among the several states, shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members of each house." he remarked that there were five distinct commercial interests. the power of regulating commerce was a pure concession on the part of the southern states. they did not need the protection of the northern states at present.--_p_. . general pinckney said it was the true interest of the southern states to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on the commerce of the eastern states by the revolution, their liberal conduct towards the views[ ] of south carolina, and the interest the weak southern states had in being united with the strong eastern states, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents, though prejudiced against the eastern states, would be reconciled to this liberality. he had, himself, he said, prejudices against the eastern states before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever.--_p_. . [footnote : he meant the permission to import slaves. an understanding on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place between those parts of the union, which explains the vote of the motion depending, as well as the language of general pinckney and others.] mr. pinckney replied, that his enumeration meant the five minute interests. it still left the two great divisions of northern and southern interests. mr. gouverneur morris opposed the object of the motion as highly injurious.--a navy was essential to security, particularly of the southern states;-- mr. williamson. as to the weakness of the southern states, he was not alarmed on that account. the sickliness of their climate for invaders would prevent their being made an object. he acknowledged that he did not think the motion requiring two-thirds necessary in itself; because if a majority of the northern states should push their regulations too far, the southern states would build ships for themselves; but he knew the southern people were apprehensive on this subject, and would be pleased with the precaution. mr. spaight was against the motion. the southern states could at any time save themselves from oppression, by building ships for their own use.--_p_. . mr. butler differed from those who considered the rejection of the motion as no concession on the part of the southern states. he considered the interests of these and of the eastern states to be as different as the interests of russia and turkey. being, notwithstanding, desirous of conciliating the affections of the eastern states, he should vote against requiring two-thirds instead of a majority.--_p_. . mr. madison. he added, that the southern states would derive an essential advantage, in the general security afforded by the increase of our maritime strength. he stated the vulnerable situation of them all, and of virginia in particular. mr. rutledge was against the motion of his colleague. at the worst, a navigation act could bear hard a little while only on the southern states. as we are laying the foundation for a great empire, we ought to take a permanent view of the subject, and not look at the present moment only. mr. gorman. the eastern states were not led to strengthen the union by fear for their own safety. he deprecated the consequences of disunion; but if it should take place, it was the southern part of the continent that had most reason to dread them. on the question to postpone, in order to take up mr. pinckney's motion,-- maryland, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, south carolina, no-- . the report of the committee for striking out section , requiring two-thirds of each house to pass a navigation act, was then agreed to, _nem. con_. mr. butler moved to insert after article , "if any person bound to service or labor in any of the united states, shall escape into another state, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the state to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con_.--_p_. - - . thursday, august , . article , being taken up, on a question for striking out "domestic violence," and inserting "insurrections," it passed in the negative,--new jersey, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, no-- .--_pp_. - . monday, september , . mr. rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the articles relating to slaves might be altered by the states not interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. in order to obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition: "provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the seventh article:"--_p_. . tuesday, september , . article , section . on motion of mr. randolph, the word "servitude" was struck out, and "service" unanimously[ ] inserted, the former being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the obligations of free persons. [footnote : see page of the printed journal.] mr. dickenson and mr. wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes," from article , section , as improperly placed in a clause relating merely to the constitution of the house of representatives. mr. gouverneur morris. the insertion here was in consequence of what had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of counting the negroes in the _representation_. the including of them may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally only to that of representation. on the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,-- new jersey, delaware, maryland, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- .--_pp_. - . saturday, september , . article , section , (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal in a moral view.--p. . mr. gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his name from the constitution: - - - - - , that three-fifths of the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen.--p. . list of members of the federal convention who formed the constitution of the united states. _from_ _attended._ new hampshire, john langdon, july , . _john pickering_, nicholas gilman, " . _benjamin west_, massachusetts, _francis dana_, elbridge gerry, may . nath'l gorham, " . rufus king, " . caleb strong, may . rhode island, (no appointment.) connecticut, w.s. johnson, june . roger sherman, may . oliver ellsworth, " . new york, robert yates, " . alex'r hamilton, " . john lansing, june . new jersey, wm. livingston, " . david brearly, may . wm. c. houston, may . wm. patterson, do. _john nielson_, _abraham clark_. jonathan dayton, june . pennsylvania, benj. franklin, may . thos. mifflin, do. robert morris, may . geo. clymer, " . thos. fitzsimons, " . jared ingersoll, " . james wilson, " . gouv'r morris, " . delaware, geo. reed, " . g. bedford, jr. " . john dickenson, " . richard bassett, " . jacob broom, " . maryland, james m'henry, " . daniel of st. tho. jenifer, june . daniel carroll, july . john f. mercer, aug. . luther martin, june . virginia, g. washington, may . _patrick henry_, (declined.) edmund randolph, " . john blair, " . jas. madison, jr. " . george mason, " . george wythe, " . james mcclurg, (in room of p. henry) " . wm. blount (in room of r. caswell), june . _willie jones_, (declined.) r.d. spaight, may . hugh williamson, (in room of w. jones,) may . south carolina, john rutledge, " . chas. c. pinckney, " . chas. pinckney, " . peirce butler, " . georgia, william few, may . abr'm baldwin, june . william pierce, may . _george walton._ wm. houston, june . _nath'l pendleton._ those with numbers before their names signed the constitution. those in italics never attended. members who attended, but did not sign the constitution, -- extracts from a speech of luther martin, (delivered before the legislature of maryland,) one of the delegates from maryland to the convention that formed the constitution of the united states. with respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_ article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it, besides the great objection of inequality--it was urged, that no principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in apportioning the number of _representatives_ a state should have in the government--that it involved the absurdity of increasing the power of a state in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that state violated the rights of freedom--that it might be proper to take slaves into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned, because it had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them into account in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave trade_, and to make it the interest of the states to continue that _infamous traffic_--that slaves could not be taken into account as _men_, or _citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of citizens_, in the states which adopted or continued slavery--if they were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors, rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _southern states_, as it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _eastern_. by the ninth section of this article, the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited prior to the year , but a duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. the design of this clause is to prevent the general government from prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word "stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_." they anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which might be odious in the ears of americans, although they were willing to admit into their system those _things_ which the expressions signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on every foreigner who comes into a state to become a citizen, whether he comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant to extend to the importation of slaves. this clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the convention. as the system was reported by the committee of detail, the provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited, without confining it to any particular period. this was rejected by eight states--georgia, south carolina, and, i think, north carolina, voting for it. we were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states, that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves, and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their assent from such a system. a committee of one member from each state was chosen by ballot, to take this part of the system under their consideration, and to endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those states. to this committee also was referred the following proposition, which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and commercial states were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the eastern states; but which these last states were as anxious to reject. this committee, of which also i had the honor to be a member, met and took under their consideration the subjects committed to them. i found the _eastern_ states, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing to indulge the southern states, at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the southern states would in their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted. this report was adopted by a majority of the convention, but not without considerable opposition. it was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature had entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the _rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that god whose protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said, it ought be considered that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor african slave and his american master! it was urged that by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged, that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the number of slaves are increased in any state, in the same proportion the state is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore will by so much the more want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. it was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the general government a power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we should prohibit the government from interfering with both slave trade, than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor and interest. these reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system. you will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is prohibited from interfering in the slave trade before the year eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security that such prohibition will ever take place; and i think there is great reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited afterwards. at this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so great abhorrence as we have done. when our liberties were at stake, we warmly felt for the common rights of men. the danger being thought to be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more insensible to those rights. in those states which have restrained or prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative acts, which may be repealed. when those states find that they must, in their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by the sanction which is given to it in the general government. by the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or _invasion_. as the state governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving such a power to the general government; since, whenever the state which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its safety requires it, it will make use of that power. and it was urged, that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a state should oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them during its pleasure in the remotest part of the union; so that a citizen of georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of new hampshire; or a citizen of new hampshire in the furthest extreme of the south, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every connexion. these considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative also to this clause. extracts from debates in the several state conventions on the adoption of the united states' constitution. * * * * * massachusetts convention. the third paragraph of the d section being read, mr. king rose to explain it. there has, says he, been much misconception of this section. it is a principle of this constitution, that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. this paragraph states, that the number of free persons shall be determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. these persons are the slaves. by this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. and it was adopted, because it was the language of all america. mr. widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered as a free person? mr. king in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more intelligible, said that five negro children of south carolina, are to pay as much tax as the three governors of new hampshire, massachusetts, and connecticut. mr. gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of massachusetts; and if it operated against any state, it was pennsylvania, because they have more white persons _bound_ than any other. judge dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the southern states were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern states work no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. can, asked he, that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of freemen? are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real advantage to a state, than _five_ of those poor slaves? mr. nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable mr. king, by saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and shown us the other side of the question. it is a good rule that works both ways--and the gentleman should also have told us, that three of our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the working negroes of virginia. mr. n. adverted to a statement of mr. king, who had said, that five negro children of south carolina were equally rateable as three governors of new england, and wished, he said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the other side--as it would then appear that this state will pay as great a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern states will for five hearty working negro men. he hoped, he said, while we were making a new government, we should make it better than the old one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it was a reason why we should make a better one now. mr. dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against the paragraph under consideration. he though them wholly unfounded; that the black inhabitants of the southern states must be considered either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly represented? our _own_ state laws and constitution would lead us to consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an equal basis for representation as though they were all white inhabitants. in either view, therefore, he could not see that the northern states would suffer, but directly to the contrary. he thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage in dispute with another article in the constitution, that permits congress, in the year , wholly to prohibit the importation of slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on such blacks as should be imported before that period. besides, by the new constitution, every particular state is left to its own option totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own territories. what could the convention do more? the members of the southern states, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. it would not do to abolish slavery, by an act of congress, in a moment, and so destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. but we may say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption. mr. neal (from kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued for years. his profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the constitution. other gentlemen said, in addition to this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever shall be free, and gen. thompson exclaimed: mr. president, shall it be said, that after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? oh! washington, what a name has he had! how he has immortalized himself! but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk per cent. on the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the constitution. they observed, that in the confederation there was no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this constitution provides, that congress may, after years, totally annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the states, except two, have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be done. in the interim, all the states were at liberty to prohibit it. saturday, january .--[the debate on the th section still continued desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto, as had before been used. both sides deprecated the slave trade in the most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by mr. nason, major lusk, mr. neal, and others, that this constitution provided for the continuation of the slave trade for years. on the other, the honorable judge dana, mr. adams and others, rejoiced that a door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious, abhorrent practice, in a certain time.] gen. heath. mr. president,--by my indisposition and absence, i have lost several important opportunities: i have lost the opportunity of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. i have lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the paragraphs. i have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious, enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during the investigation of the system. this is my misfortune, and i must bear it. the paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, &c., is one of those considered during my absence, and i have heard nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but i think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather too far on both sides. i apprehend that it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern states. no gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than i do: it is generally detested by the people of this commonwealth; and i ardently hope that the time will soon come, when our brethren in the southern states will view it as we do, and put a stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. two questions naturally arise: if we ratify the constitution, shall we do any thing by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the partakers of other men's sins? i think neither of them. each state is sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right, and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. we are not in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is laid on the federal government, which could not be avoided, and a union take place. the federal convention went as far as they could; the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the states, now _existing only_, new states cannot claim it. congress, by their ordinance for erecting new states, some time since, declared that the new states shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in them. but whether those in slavery in the southern states will be emancipated after the year , i do not pretend to determine: i rather doubt it. mr. neal rose and said, that as the constitution at large, was now under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which respected the africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and, unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever he liked the other parts of the constitution, be a sufficient reason for him to give his negative to it. major lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate, that although the insertion of the amendments in the constitution was devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever would be adopted. turning from the subject of amendments, the major entered largely into the consideration of the th section, and in the most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor natives of africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. with the brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy condition, in a state of slavery. rev. mr. backus. much, sir, hath been said about the importation of slaves into this country. i believe that, according to my capacity, no man abhors that wicked practice more than i do, and would gladly make use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts of the land. but let us consider where we are, and what we are doing. in the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the importation of slaves into any of these states: but a door is now opened hereafter to do it; and each state is at liberty now to abolish slavery as soon as they please. and let us remember our former connexion with great britain, from whom many in our land think we ought not to have revolted. how did they carry on the slave trade! i know that the bishop of gloucester, in an annual sermon in london, in february, , endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the americans. but at the close of the war, the bishop of chester, in an annual sermon, in february, , ingenuously owned, that their nation is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the west indies worse than the french or spaniards have done theirs. thus slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an honorable gentleman said some days ago, "though we cannot say that slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a consumption." and a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of abraham to destroy the inhabitants of canaan, and to take their houses, vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and hold others as servants. and as christian privileges are greater than those of the hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as far as they could extend their power. and from thence the mystery of iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of slaves and souls of men. but all ought to remember, that when god promised the land of canaan to abraham and his seed, he let him know that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity of the amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate direction of heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment of god upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a criminal justly condemned. and in doing it they were not allowed to invade the lands of the edomites, who sprang from esau, who was not only of the seed of abraham, but was born at the same birth with israel; and yet they were not of that church. neither were israel allowed to invade the lands of the moabites, or of the children of ammon, who were of the seed of lot. and no officer in israel had any legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. even david, the man after god's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in the new testament and we are to remember that abraham and his seed, for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. and it was a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family for seven years, and then to have their freedom. and that covenant was expressly repealed in various parts of the new testament; and particularly in the first epistle to the corinthians, wherein it is said--ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify god in your body, and in your spirit, which are god's. and again--circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the commandments of god. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men. thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house, "that the bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order of men." new york convention. mr. m. smith. he would now proceed to state his objections to the clause just read, (section , of article , clause ). his objections were comprised under three heads: st, the rule of apportionment is unjust; d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall not be reduced; d, it is inadequate. in the first place, the rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that is, in plain english, each state is to send representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it contains. he could not see any rule by which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;--the principle of a representation being that every free agent should be concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people who were so wicked as to keep slaves. he knew it would be admitted, that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern states, though utterly repugnant to his feelings. mr. hamilton. in order that the committee may understand clearly the principles on which the general convention acted, i think it necessary to explain some preliminary circumstances. sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its interests into different classes. there are navigating and non-navigating states--the northern are properly the navigating states: the southern appear to possess neither the means nor the spirit of navigation. this difference of situation naturally produces a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. it was the interest of the northern states that there should be no restraints on the navigation, and that they should have full power, by a majority on congress, to make commercial regulations. the southern states wished to impose a restraint on the northern, by requiring that two-thirds in congress should be requisite to pass an act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to employ the shipping of the northern states would probably enhance their freight. this being the case, they insisted strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution; and the northern states were as anxious in opposing it. on the other hand, the small states seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed: the large states, on the contrary, thought it improper that rhode island and delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. it became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the convention must have dissolved without effecting any thing. would it have been wise and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted their country? no. every man who hears me--every wise man in the united states, would have condemned them. the convention were obliged to appoint a committee for accommodation. in this committee the arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was accepted. it was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all parties should be indulged. gentlemen will see, that if there had not been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the convention had no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. any other system would have been impracticable. let a convention be called to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times; they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing interests to reconcile. but dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. we will examine it upon its own merits. the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own. whether this be reasoning or declamation, i will not presume to say. it is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. the regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is entirely just that they should be gratified. the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the states. but the justice of this plan will appear in another view. the best writers on government have held that representation should be compounded of persons and property. this rule has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the constitution of new york. it will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are considered altogether as property. they are men, though degraded to the condition of slavery. they are persons known to the municipal laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. but representation and taxation go together--and one uniform rule ought to apply to both. would it be just to compute these slaves in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the apportionment of representatives? would it be just to impose a singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage? another circumstance ought to be considered. the rule we have been speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. now, you have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented at all; and have no voice in your government: these will be included in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole. this proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the southern states, but extend to other parts of the union. mr. m. smith. i shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the honorable gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this clause: for though i am confident they might be easily refuted, yet i am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the southern states. the amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the clause in this respect. mr. harrison. among the objections, that, which has been made to the mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. i think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the objection. he has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been formed. * * * * * pennsylvania convention. mr. wilson. much fault has been found with the mode of expression, used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. i believe i can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used, and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution--and as to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the subject has come into the view of the united states, and of the legislatures of the several states. the gentleman, (mr. findley) will recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of land, and other enumerated property, within the states. after trying this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode that could not be carried into execution. congress were satisfied of this, and in the year recommended, in conformity with the powers they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota should be according to the number of free people, including those bound to servitude, and excluding indians not taxed. these were the expressions used in , and the fate of this recommendation was similar to all their other resolutions. it was not carried into effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen, who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward and state it as an objection on the present occasion. it was natural, sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they found had been received as unexceptionable before. with respect to the clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year . the honorable gentleman says, that this clause is not only dark, but intended to grant to congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves. no such thing was intended; but i will tell you what was done, and it gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. under the present confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long as they please; but by this article, after the year the congress will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the disposition of any state to the contrary. i consider this as laying the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though the period is more distant than i could wish, yet it will produce the same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in pennsylvania. it is with much satisfaction i view this power in the general government, whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be obtained, i am sorry it was no more; but from this i think there is reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and slaves will never be introduced amongst them. the gentleman says, that it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the introduction of white people from europe, as this tax may deter them from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will discover the care that the convention took in selecting their language. the words are the _migration_ or importation of such persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only on those imported. i recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentlemen from westmoreland (mr. findley,) and the honorable gentleman from cumberland (mr. whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the th section, art. , arguing very unfairly, that because congress might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves, within any of the united states, congress might therefore permit slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. i confess i little thought that this part of the system would be excepted to. i am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union. if there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one, it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. yet the lapse of a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from within our borders. how would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent and philanthropic european? would he cavil at an expression? catch at a phrase? no, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the other side of your chair to do. mr. mckean. the arguments against the constitution are, i think, chiefly these:.... that migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to , nor a tax or duty imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person. provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the importation of slaves after the year , but the gentlemen in opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not prohibited them at once. i suspect those gentlemen are not well acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord with the will and pleasure of any one person. instead of finding fault with what has been gained, i am happy to see a disposition in the united states to do so much. virginia convention. gov. randolph. this is one point of weakness i wish for the honor of my countrymen that it was the only one. there is another circumstance which renders us more vulnerable. are we not weakened by the population of those whom we hold in slavery? the day may come when they may make impression upon us. gentlemen who have been long accustomed to the contemplation of the subject, think there is a cause of alarm in this case: the number of those people, compared to that of the whites, is in an immense proportion: their number amounts to , --that of the whites, only to , . * * * * i beseech them to consider, whether virginia and north carolina, both oppressed with debts and slaves, can defend themselves externally, or make their people happy internally. george mason. we are told in strong language, of dangers to which we will be exposed unless we adopt this constitution. among the rest, domestic safety is said to be in danger. this government does not attend to our domestic safety. it authorizes the importation of slaves for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade. instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. though this evil is increasing, there is no clause in the constitution that will prevent the northern and eastern states from meddling with our whole property of that kind. there is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the southern states those they now possess. it is far from being a desirable property. but it will involve us in great difficulties and infelicity to be now deprived of them. there ought to be a clause in the constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a great many people. mr. lee. the honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the continuance of the existing slavery! is it not obviously inconsistent to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? i submit it to the consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the one case, it can be censurable in the other? mr. lee then concluded by earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly. mr. henry. it says that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually invaded." if you give this clause a fair construction, what is the true meaning of it? what does this relate to? not domestic insurrections, but war. if the country be invaded, a state may go to war; but cannot suppress insurrections. if there should happen an insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be invaded.--they cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition of congress. mr. george nicholas. another worthy member says, there is no power in the states to quell an insurrection of slaves. have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first clause gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no. but it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the state governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the general government to aid them with the strength of the union when called for. no part of this constitution can show that this power is taken away. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, this is a fatal section, which has created more dangers than any other. the first clause allows the importation of slaves for twenty years. under the royal government, this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts were made to prevent it; but the interest of the african merchants prevented its prohibition. no sooner did the revolution take place, than it was thought of. it was one of the great causes of our separation from great britain. its exclusion has been a principal object of this state, and most of the states in the union. the augmentation of slaves weakens the states; and such a trade is diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. yet, by this constitution, it is continued for twenty years. as much as i value an union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states into the union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to the union. and though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no security for the property of that kind which we have already. there is no clause in this constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax as will amount to manumission. and should the government be amended, still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till after the expiration of twenty years. for the fifth article, which provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. i have ever looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to america. i cannot express my detestation of it. yet they have not secured us the property of the slaves we have already. so that, "they have done what they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to have done" mr. madison. mr. chairman, i should conceive this clause to be impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded without encountering greater evils. the southern states would not have entered into the union of america, without the temporary permission of that trade. and if they were excluded from the union, the consequences might be dreadful to them and to us. we are not in a worse situation than before. that traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may continue the prohibition. the union in general is not in a worse situation. under the articles of confederation, it might be continued forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty years. there is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. a tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. from the mode of representation and taxation, congress cannot lay such a tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. another clause secures us that property which we now possess. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. for the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect. but in this constitution, "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. this is a better security than any that now exist. no power is given to the general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states. the taxation of this state being equal only to its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. they cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years: but after that period, they can. the gentlemen from south carolina and georgia argued in this manner: "we have now liberty to import this species of property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased, or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the assistance of imported slaves. what would be the consequence of hindering us from it? the slaves of virginia would rise in value, and we would be obliged to go to your markets." i need not expatiate on this subject. great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would be worse. if those states should disunite from the other states, for not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers. mr. tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. he thought the reasons urged by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. it was one cause of the complaints against british tyranny, that this trade was permitted. the revolution had put a period to it; but now it was to be revived. he thought nothing could justify it. this temporary restriction on congress militated, in his opinion, against the arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up, was retained by the states; for that if this restriction had not been inserted, congress could have prohibited the african trade. the power of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided. this seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable rights. it was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or included in the constitution. but he contended for it one way or the other. it would be justified by our own example, and that of england. his earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity, that he had opposed this wicked clause. mr. madison. as to the restriction in the clause under consideration, it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations. mr. henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on congress, was a plain demonstration that congress could exercise powers by implication. the gentleman had admitted that congress could have interdicted the african trade, were it not for this restriction. if so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained by implication. he demanded where, then, was their doctrine of reserved rights? he wished for negative clauses to prevent them from assuming any powers but those expressly given. he asked why it was moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? he feared its omission was done with design. they might lay such heavy taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the southern states would be the only sufferers. his opinion was confirmed by the mode of levying money. congress, he observed, had power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. imposts (or duties) and excises, were to be uniform. but this uniformity did not extend to taxes. this might compel the southern states to liberate their negroes. he wished this property therefore to be guarded. he considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a security for this property, as no security at all. it was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in maryland or new york. this could not prevent congress from interfering with that property by laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. he apprehended it would be productive of much stockjobbing, and that they would play into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would be lost to the country. mr. george nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade would be done away. he asked if gentlemen did not see the inconsistency of their arguments? they object, says he, to the constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the slaves who are now, will be manumitted. at that same moment, it is opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. he contended that it was advantageous to virginia, that it should be in the power of congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years, as it would then put a period to the evil complained of. as the southern states would not confederate without this clause, he asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting to it to be such? virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a share. he endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the restriction on congress was a proof that they would have power not given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted. but the southern states insisted on this exception to that general superintendency for twenty years. it could not therefore have been a power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a delegated power. the taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and representation were fixed according to the census established in the constitution. the exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the census. had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving great inconveniences and oppressions. but, says mr. nicholas, is it from the general government we are to fear emancipation? gentlemen will recollect what i said in another house, and what other gentlemen have said that advocated emancipation. give me leave to say, that that clause is a great security for our slave tax. i can tell the committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by the taxes on negroes. had this constitution been adopted, it would not have been the case. the taxes were laid on all our negroes. by this system two-fifths are exempted. he then added, that he had imagined gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another place. mr. henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in the enumeration, yet the proportion of virginia being once fixed, might be laid on blacks and blacks only. for the mode of raising the proportion of each state being to be directed by congress, they might make slaves the sole object to raise it. personalities he wished to take leave of; they had nothing to do with the question, which was solely whether that paper was wrong or not. mr. nicholas replied, that negroes must be considered as persons, or property. if as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them was fixed in the constitution. if he apprehended a poll tax on negroes, the constitution had prevented it. for, by the census, where a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. for the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion. the second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows: the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. no capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. mr. george mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured by the restriction in the fourth clause, that no capitation or other direct tax should be laid but in proportion to the census before directed to be taken. but that when maturely considered it would be found to be no security whatsoever. it was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and representation. it only meant that the quantum to be raised of each state should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein directed. but the general government was not precluded from laying the proportion of any particular state on any one species of property they might think proper. for instance, if five hundred thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of the southern states on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate that kind of property. no real security could arise from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one state, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. this only meant, that runaway slaves should not be protected in other states. as to the exclusion of _ex post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any security in this case. for laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex post facto_. mr. madison replied, that even the southern states, who were most affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no danger to the property they now hold. it appeared to him, that the general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might prohibit the traffic altogether. the census in the constitution was intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the community. no gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and excises, uniformly. but uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any article which would be easy for one state, but what would be heavy for another. that the proportion of each state being ascertained, it would be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object. that there must be some degree of confidence put in agents, or else we must reject a state of civil society altogether. another great security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five states were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were other states which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken any step to take them from the people. there were a few slaves in new york, new jersey and connecticut: these states would, probably, oppose any attempts to annihilate this species of property. he concluded, by observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the committee. the second section was then read as follows: * * * no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service. mr. george mason.--mr. chairman, on some former part of the investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some observations on the security of property coming within this section. it was then said, and i now say, that there is no security, nor have gentlemen convinced me of this. mr. henry. among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please. and this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common interest with you. they will, therefore, have no feeling for your interests. it has been repeatedly said here, that the great object of a national government, was national defence. that power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be rendered detestable and oppressive. if you give power to the general government to provide for the general defence, the means must be commensurate to the end. all the means in the possession of the people must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public defence. in this state there are , blacks, and there are many in several other states. but there are few or none in the northern states, and yet if the northern states shall be of opinion, that our numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource. may congress not say, that every black man must fight? did we not see a little of this last war? we were not so hard pushed, as to make emancipation general. but acts of assembly passed, that every slave who would go to the army should be free. another thing will contribute to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. let all these considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the minds of congress. let that urbanity, which i trust will distinguish america, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they have power of manumission. and have they not, sir? have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare? may they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery? may not they pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? there is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. the paper speaks to the point. they have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will clearly and certainly exercise it. as much as i deplore slavery, i see that prudence forbids its abolition. i deny that the general government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the states have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. the majority of congress is to the north, and the slaves are to the south. in this situation, i see a great deal of the property of the people of virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. i repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings was emancipated. as we ought with gratitude to admire to admire that decree of heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. but is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? we ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of the country. but we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of their unhappy fate. i know that in a variety of particular instances, the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their emancipation. let me not dwell on this subject. i will only add, that this, as well as every other property of the people of virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of situation with us. this is a local matter, and i can see no propriety in subjecting it to congress. have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? why, sir, your slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--those who are in the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain. gov. randolph. that honorable gentleman, and some others, have insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. the inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments. but if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no danger of enfranchisement taking place, i beg leave to refer them to the paper itself. i hope that there is none here, who, considering the subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection dishonorable to virginia; that at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by the operation of the general government be made _free_. but if any gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system. i ask, and i will ask again and again, till i be answered (not by declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of slavery? is it the clause which says, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year ?" this is an exception from the power of regulating commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till . then congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? were it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, i might tell you that the southern states, even south carolina herself; conceived this property to be secure by these words. i believe, whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of slavery. go to their meaning. point out the clause where this formidable power of emancipation is inserted. but another clause of the constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. the words of the clause are, "no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor. and when authority is given to owners of slaves to vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought, that after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free? i observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable for another consideration; that although we went article by article through the constitution, and although we did not expect a general review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. pardon me if i remind you of the true state of that business. i appeal to the candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper appeal, i ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? the power is, "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." so that they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the general welfare. no man who reads it can say it is general as the honorable gentleman represents it. you must violate every rule of construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that formidable power which it is represented to be. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, with respect to commerce and navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the union, and that without it, the states in convention would never concur. i differ from him. it never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the union. i will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of that affair. this business was discussed at philadelphia for four months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was often under consideration; and i assert, that eight states out of twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation laws. true it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it stands. if i am right, there was a great majority for requiring two-thirds of the states in this business, till a compromise took place between the northern and southern states; the northern states agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the southern states conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws should be on the footing on which they now stand. if i am mistaken, let me be put right. these are my reasons for saying that this was not a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. the newfoundland fisheries will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. the eastern states therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate. mr. madison. i was struck with surprise when i heard him express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. let me ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? there is no power to warrant it, in that paper. if there be, i know it not. but why should it be done? says the honorable gentleman, for the general welfare--it will infuse strength into our system. can any member of this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? can any one believe, that the american councils will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the union? why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? i believe such an idea never entered into an american breast, nor do i believe it ever will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons. mr. henry. he asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? i say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. he admits that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can shew me nothing like such a power granted in that constitution. notwithstanding he admits their right to this power by implication, he says that i am unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our slaves, though the word emancipation be not mentioned in it. they can exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another. thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power though it be not delegated. mr. z. johnson. they tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation. the principle has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round. slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. if it were totally abolished, it would do much good. north carolina convention. the first three clauses of the second section read. mr. goudy. mr. chairman, this clause of taxation will give an advantage to some states, over the others. it will be oppressive to the southern states. taxes are equal to our representation. to augment our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be represented. if a state has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one representative for them. i wish not to be represented with negroes, especially if it increases my burthens. mr. davie. mr. chairman, i will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman last up has said. i wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty on a subject of such awful importance. it ought to be considered, that _some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may be possessed. the gentleman "does not wish to be represented with negroes." this, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but cannot at present alter their situation. the eastern states had great jealousies on this subject. they insisted that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as well as the other. it became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the legislation of the union; and as the northern states were more populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed population. it was attempted to form a rule of representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable rule or criterion of representation. it was urged by the deputies of the eastern states, that a representation of two-fifths would of little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal and burthensome. that in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_ inhabitants. on the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the community. that as rational beings they had a right of representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war. on these principles, the eastern states gave the matter up, and consented to the regulation as it has been read. i hope these reasons will appear satisfactory. it is the same rule or principle which was proposed some years ago by congress, and assented to by twelve of the states. it may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from guilford, (mr. goudy,) but i hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and circumstances of his country. mr. james galloway said, that he did not object to the representation of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of representatives. he was surprised how we came to have but five, including those intended to represent negroes. that in his humble opinion north carolina was entitled to that number independent of the negroes. first clause of the th section read. mr. j. m'dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction. mr. spaight answered that there was a contest between the northern and southern states--that the southern states, whose principal support depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of the northern states to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely. that south carolina and georgia insisted on this clause, as they were now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: that in the course of twenty years they would be fully supplied: that the trade would be abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be laid on. mr. m'dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he expected, and by no means satisfactory to him, and that he looked upon it as a very objectionable part of the system. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, i rise to express sentiments similar to those of the gentleman from craven. for my part, were it practicable to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great cruelties have been exercised. when the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for things which are not attainable. it was the wish of a great majority of the convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the states of south carolina and georgia would not agree to it. consider then what would be the difference between our present situation in this respect, if we do not agree to the constitution, and what it will be if we do agree to it. if we do not agree to it, do we remedy the evil? no, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it will be in the power of every state to continue it forever. they may or may not abolish it at their discretion. but if we adopt the constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress declare so, whether particular states please so or not: surely, then, we gain by it. this was the utmost that could be obtained. i heartily wish more could have been done. but as it is, this government is nobly distinguished above others by that very provision. where is there another country in which such a restriction prevails? we, therefore, sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. i hope, therefore, that this part of the constitution will not be condemned, because it has not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain. mr. spaight further explained the clause. that the limitation of this trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the eastern states and the southern states. south carolina and georgia wished to extend the term. the eastern states insisted on the entire abolition of the trade. that the state of north carolina had not thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves, and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it. mr. iredell added to what he had said before, that the states of georgia and south carolina had lost a great many slaves during the war, and that they wished to supply the loss. mr. galloway. mr. chairman, the explanation given to this clause does not satisfy my mind. i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. but in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic for twenty years, yet i do not wish to see the tax on the importation extended to all persons whatsoever. our situation is different from the people to the north. we want citizens; they do not. instead of laying a tax, we ought to a give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to come among us. with respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires the utmost consideration. the property of the southern states consists principally of slaves. if they mean to do away slavery altogether, this property will be destroyed. i apprehend it means to bring forward manumission. if we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send them to? it is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission, they are to stay among us. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, the worthy gentleman, i believe, has misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on _such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." now, sir, observe that the eastern states, who long ago have abolished slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore used another that answered the same purpose. the committee will observe the distinction between the two words migration and importation. the first part of the clause will extend to persons who come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but the last part extends to slaves only. the word _migration_ refers to free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because free people cannot be said to be imported. the tax, therefore, is only to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who migrate. i further beg leave to say, that the gentleman is mistaken in another thing. he seems to say that this extends to the abolition of slavery. is there anything in this constitution which says that congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those slaves who are now in the country? is it not the plain meaning of it, that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of slaves? it does not extend to those now in the country. there is another circumstance to be observed. there is no authority vested in congress to restrain the states in the interval of twenty years, from doing what they please. if they wish to inhibit such importation, they may do so. our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation of slaves. article fourth. the first section and two first clauses of the second section read without observation. the last clause read-- mr. iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. in some of the northern states, they have emancipated all their slaves. if any of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again. this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the southern states, and to prevent it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. though the word _slave_ be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. the northern delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned. the rest of the forth article read without observation. * * * * * mr. iredell. it is however to be observed, that the first and forth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from any alteration until the year ; and in order that no consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no state shall, by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the senate without its own consent. the two first prohibitions are with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. as to the first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference between the northern and southern states. the northern states have been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. the subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a good many years. in twenty years there will probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be re-considered with less difficulty and greater coolness. in the mean time, the compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. a compromise likewise took place in regard to the importation of slaves. it is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of south carolina and georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. in the mean time, it is left to the states to admit or prohibit the importation, and congress may impose a limited duty upon it. south carolina convention. hon. rawlins lowndes. in the first place, what cause was there for jealously of our importing negroes? why confine us to twenty years, or rather why limit us at all? for his part he thought this trade could be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. but they don't like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the southern states allow of this, without the consent of nine states? judge pendleton observed, that only three states, georgia, south carolina, and north carolina, allowed the importation of negroes. virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them. mr. lowndes continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there was no reason offered, why the southern states might not find it necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. without negroes this state would degenerate into one of the most contemptible in the union; and cited an expression that fell from gen. pinckney on a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in south carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the importation of negroes. even in granting the importation for twenty years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten dollars, and, in addition to this, were liable to a capitation tax. negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our kind friends in the north were determined soon to tie up our hands, and drain us of what we had. the eastern states drew their means of subsistence, in a great measure, from their shipping; and on that head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens; they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! why, then, call this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it on the other? major butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost. this, mr. lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. they are to be the carriers; and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses would fall upon us. hon. e. rutledge. the gentleman had complained of the inequality of the taxes between the northern and southern states--that ten dollars a head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes were afterwards taxed. to this it was answered, that the ten dollars per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles; and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side; or, at least, not against us. in the northern states, the labor is performed by white people; in the southern by black. all the free people (and there are few others) in the northern states, are to be taxed by the new constitution, whereas, only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the southern states are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. but the principle objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping--that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the americans; that the shipbuilding business was principally carried on in the northern states. when this subject is duly considered, the southern states, should be the last to object to it. mr. rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned. gen. charles cotesworth pinckney. we were at a loss for some time for a role to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the states, at last we thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be apportioned among the several states, by adding to the whole number of free persons three-fifths of the slaves. we thus obtained a representation for our property, and i confess i did not expect that we had conceded too much to the eastern states, when they allowed us a representation for a species of property which they have not among them. the honorable gentleman alleges, that the southern states are weak, i sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually protecting each other. without union with the other states, south carolina must soon fall. is there any one among us so much a quixotte as to suppose that this state could long maintain her independence if she stood alone, or was only connected with the southern states? i scarcely believe there is. let an invading power send a naval force into the chesapeake to keep virginia in alarm, and attack south carolina with such a naval and military force as sir henry clinton brought here in , and though they might not soon conquer us, they would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. as, from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union with the eastern states, who are strong? for who have been the greatest sufferers in the union, by our obtaining our independence? i answer, the eastern states; they have lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. it is notorious that some ports to the eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated; that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendship, and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them, in some measure, partake of our prosperity. the general then said he would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the african trade after the year . on this point your delegates had to contend with the religious and political prejudices of the eastern and middle states, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of virginia, who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. i am of the same opinion now as i was two years ago, when i used the expressions that the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp land uncleared of south carolina, i would raise my voice against restricting the importation of negroes. i am as thoroughly convinced as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat, swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with negroes, and that without them south carolina would soon be a desert waste. you have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that i need not now repeat them. it was alleged, by some of the members who opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness of any state who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves and the neighboring states, and that as we were allowed a representation for them in the house of representatives, our influence in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to defend ourselves. "show some period," said the members from the eastern states, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices of our people on this subject." the middle states and virginia made us no such proposition; they were for an immediate and total prohibition. we endeavored to obviate the objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the house: a committee of the states was appointed in order to accommodate this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on the footing recited in the constitution. by this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several states. we have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of america they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. in short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make. we would have made better if we could, but on the whole i do not think them bad. hon. robert barnwell. mr. barnwell continued to say, i now come to the last point for consideration, i mean the clause relative to the negroes; and here i am particularly pleased with the constitution; it has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate investigation; no, it has declared that the united states shall not, at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet gentlemen are displeased with it. congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its expiration may continue it as long as they please. this question then arises, what will their interest lead them to do? the eastern states, as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of america, it will, therefore, certainly be their interest to encourage exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, i appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit is derived? to think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of mankind, that i am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever. federalist, no. by james madison. it were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year , or rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. but it is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed. it ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within these states, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a considerable discouragement from the federal government, and may be totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few states which continue the unnatural traffic in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the union. happy would it be for the unfortunate africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being redeemed from the oppressions of their european brethren! attempts have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent voluntary and beneficial emigrations from europe to america. i mention these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed government. federalist, no. . by james madison. all this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? slaves are considered as property, not as persons. they ought therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is regulated by a census of persons. this is the objection as i understand it; stated in its full force. i shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. we subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our southern brethren observe, that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. but we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. the true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as property. in being compelled to labor, not for himself; but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. in being protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. the federal constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property. this is in fact their true character. it is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. this question may be placed in another light. it is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. would the convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? could it be reasonably expected, that the southern states would concur in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light, when advantages were to be conferred? might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the southern states with the barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the government to which all the states are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain? it may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the states possessing them. they neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? in rejecting them altogether, the constitution would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been appealed to the proper guide. this objection is repelled by a single observation. it is a fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several states is to be determined by a federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each state, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the state itself may designate. the qualifications on which the right of suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two states. in some of the states the difference is very material. in every state, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the state, who will be included in the census by which the federal constitution apportions the representatives. in this point of view, the southern states might retort the complaint, by insisting, that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular states towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other states, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. a rigorous adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be gainers by it. all that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on the other side. let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in truth, a peculiar one. let the compromising expedient of the constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_. debates in first congress. lloyd's debates. may , . mr. parker (of va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. he was sorry that the constitution prevented congress from prohibiting the importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. he hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the success of his motion. mr. smith (of south carolina,) hoped that such an important and serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. he expected the committee had got through the business, and would rise without discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. it was certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the state he represented; be did not think any one thing that had been discussed was so important to them, and the welfare of the union, as the question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn or laid on the table. mr. sherman (of ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. he could not reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. he hoped it would be withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent subject. mr. jackson, (of geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect on others. he recollected that virginia was an old settled state, and had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burden upon the importation. he knew this business was viewed in an odious light to the eastward, because the people were capable of doing their own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to break us down at once. he was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were imported from all the goals of europe; wretches, convicted of the most flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever. he thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the africans, and had no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was equally apparent as the one proposed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important subject at a time when debate was almost precluded. the committee had gone through the impost bill, and the whole union were impatiently expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo that full discussion which it deserves. we have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of slaves is proper or not; the constitution gives us no power on that point, it is left to the states to judge of that matter as they see fit. but if it was a business the gentleman was determined to discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and even then not have introduced it without previous notice. he hoped the committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not speaking so much for the state he represented, as for georgia, because the state of south carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be renewed when its limitation expired. mr. parker (of va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. although the gentleman from connecticut (mr. sherman) had said, that they ought not to be enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were looked upon by the african traders in this light; he knew it was degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves a moment longer. he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if possible wipe off the stigma which america labored under. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged, should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our declaration of independence. mr. sherman (of ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral evil. now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust, because two or three states would bear the whole burden, while he believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. he was against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn. mr. ames (of mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. no one could suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn. mr. livermore. was not against the principle of the motion, but in the present case he conceived it improper. if negroes were goods, wares, or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were not, the bill would be inconsistent; but if they are goods, wares or merchandise, the per cent ad valorem, will embrace the importation; and the duty of per cent is nearly equal to dollars per head, so there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue. mr. jackson (of ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject, but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better off in their present situation, than they would be if they were manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? work for a living? experience has shewn us they will not. examine what is become of those in maryland, many of them have been set free in that state; did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? no, they turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. what is to be done for compensation? will virginia set all her negroes free? will they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? when this practice comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear. but our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the coast of africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made slaves together. in these cases it is only a change of one slavery for another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance. he would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted by the avowed friends of the measure; georgia in particular would be oppressed. on this account it would be the most odious tax congress could impose. mr. schureman (of n.j.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the house, as a distinct proposition. if the gentleman persisted in having the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was supported. mr. madison, (of va.) i cannot concur with gentlemen who think the present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the same thing at a greater expense of time. but the gentlemen say that it is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come within the title of the bill. but this objection may be obviated by accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed, that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from the importation to which it relates. our object in enumerating persons on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the united states. the motion is calculated to avoid the very evil intimated by the gentleman. it has been said that this tax will be partial and oppressive: but suppose a fair view is taken of this subject, i think we may form a different conclusion. but if it be partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have laid taxes of this nature? yet are they not thought to be justified by national policy? if any article is warranted on this account, how much more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last i should be willing to make a concession upon so far as i was at liberty to go, according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--i would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey the inviolable commands of either. i understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent or unconstitutional. i believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be rectified; i believe the intention is well understood, but i am far from supposing the diction improper. if the description of the persons does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from georgia, (mr. jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, i see no difficulty in changing the phraseology. i conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of america, with respect to the african trade. we have liberty to impose a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was granted, i presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves, they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value and ought to be paid for. if gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per cent ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the constitution. it is to be hoped that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. i do not wish to say anything harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from those i represent; but if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, to vary the practice of obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this; but it is certain a majority of the states are opposed to this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance it as far as is in our power. if i was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the several states, are the best able to judge of what is proper and conducive to their particular prosperity, i should venture to say that it is as much the interest of georgia and south carolina, as of any in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves, tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government. i hope, in making these observations, i shall not be understood to mean that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and circumstances of any part of the united states, or that the particular representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their immediate constituents. if we examine the proposed measure by the agreement there is between it, and the existing state laws, it will show us that it is patronized by a very respectable part of the union. i am informed that south carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. this is not the case with one state. i am sorry that her situation is such as to seem to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we do not wish to do, to some particular part. perhaps gentlemen contend against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. if it does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it. but if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the best reason for making it the object of a separate one. if this is the sense of the committee i shall submit. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as possible. he had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they ought to support it generally. mr. burke (of s.c.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that the value of a slave, averaged about £ , and the duty on that sum at five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther than that sum, he conceived it made no difference whether they were enumerated or left in the common mass. mr. madison, (of va.) if we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is, whether the five per cent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and merchandise to any person whatsoever. but if that general definition of goods, wares and merchandise are supposed to include african slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty pointed out by the constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense, expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity. mr. bland (of va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of this measure. he had made up his mind upon it, he wished had never been introduced into america; but if it was impossible at this time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would prevent its extending farther. he had some doubts whether the prohibitory laws of the states were not in part repealed. those who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the importation, were prevented by the constitution from continuing such regulation, which declares, that no state shall lay any impost or duties on imports. if this was the case, and he suspected pretty strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his colleague was now apparent. mr. sherman (of ct.) said, the constitution does not consider these persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them into any state which shall permit the same, but they have no power to prohibit such importation for twenty years. but congress have power to declare upon what terms persons coming into the united states shall be entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be uniform. he was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he meant convicts particularly. he thought that some regulation respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it ought to be taken up in a different manner. mr. madison (of va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a bill on the same principles. mr. parker (of va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. he knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but they were treated as articles of merchandise. although he wished to get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their consent. the committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned. february th, . mr. lawrance (of new york,) presented an address from the society of friends, in the city of new york; in which they set forth their desire of co-operating with their southern brethren. mr. hartley (of penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual assembly of friends, held at philadelphia, to a committee; he thought it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the community. mr. white (of va.) seconded the motion. mr. smith, (of s.c.) however respectable the petitioners may be, i hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. i flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure. mr. fitzsimons (of penn.) if we were now about to determine the final question, the observation of the gentleman from south carolina would apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house. mr. jackson (of geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the members from the great object that was before the committee of the whole? is it because the feelings of the friends will be hurt, to have their affair conducted in the usual course of business? gentlemen who advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the members who represent that part of the union which is principally to be affected by the measure. i believe, sir, that the latter class consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. why then should such particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business of questionable policy? if congress are disposed to interfere in the importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers, because the constitution expressly mentions all the power they can exercise on the subject. mr. sherman (of conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a committee, to consist of a member from each state, because several states had already made some regulations on this subject. the sooner the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better. mr. parker, (of va.) i hope, mr. speaker, the petition of these respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the importance of its object demands; and i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding so considerable a part of the community attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future prosperity and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. the constitution has authorized us to levy a tax upon the importation of such persons as the states shall authorize to be admitted. i would willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the constitution, i shall cheerfully give it my assent and support. mr. madison, (of va.) the gentleman from pennsylvania, (mr. fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. if gentlemen do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well acquiesce in it to-day; and i apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed at any measure it is likely congress should take; because they will recollect, that the constitution secures to the individual states the right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject, however, to a tax, if congress are disposed to impose it, of not more than ten dollars on each person. the petition, if i mistake not, speaks of artifices used by self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from new york states a case that may require the consideration of congress. if anything is within the federal authority to restrain such violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be practised in some parts of the united states, it will certainly tend to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is a proper subject for our discussion. it may be, that foreigners take advantage of the liberty afforded them by the american trade, to employ our slipping in the slave trade between africa and the west indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by restrictive laws of their nation. if this is the case, is there any person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? another consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to take measures that were unconstitutional. mr. stone (of md.) feared that if congress took any measures, indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the southern states. he thought the subject was of general concern, and that the petitioners had no more right to interfere will it than any other members of the community. it was an unfortunate circumstance, that it was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of human nature better than all the world beside; and that they would, in consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to do. as the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. suppose there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a petition of this kind? certainly it would remain on your table. he would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit. unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment. mr. burke (of s.c.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what did not deserve it. the men in the gallery had come here to meddle in a business with which they had nothing to do; they were volunteering it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. he had a respect for the body of quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding their outward pretences. if their petition is to be noticed, congress ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might have the subject more fairly before them. the rights of the southern states ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences. mr. hartley (of penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity, they solicited the legislature of the union to repel, as far as in their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. nor do they merit censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality than other people's. but it is not for congress to refuse to hear the applications of their fellow citizens, while those applications contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. what is the object of the address before us? it is intended to bring before this house a subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to their conveniency. mr. lawrance (of n.y.) the gentleman from south carolina says, the petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or constitution. sir, in all our acts, as well as in the constitution, we have noticed this society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases where others are called upon to swear? if we pay this attention to them, in one instance, what good reason is there for contemning them in another? i think the gentleman from maryland (mr. stone,) carries his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade; not that i suppose it immediately in the power of congress to abolish a traffic which is a disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support its object. mr. jackson, (of ga.) i differ much in opinion with the gentleman last up. i apprehend if, through the interference of the general government, the slave trade was abolished, it would evince to the people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold their property in jeopardy. any extraordinary attention of congress to this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. i would beg to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if they have funds sufficient to pay for them? if they have, they may come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a business in which they are not interested. they may as well come forward, and solicit congress to interdict the west india trade, because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. but, sir, is the whole morality of the united states confined to the quakers? are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted on this occasion? is it to them we owe our present happiness? was it they who formed the constitution? did they, by their arms, or contributions, establish our independence? i believe they were generally opposed to that measure. why, then, on their application, shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, secured to the community their liberty and property? if congress pay any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish just ground of alarm to the southern states. but, why do these men set themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? do they understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of providence better than others? if they were to consult that book which claims our regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but commended. their saviour, who possessed more benevolence and commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. and if they fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no novel doctrine since the days of cain. but be these things as they may, i hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in order to prevent alarming our southern brethren. mr. sedgwick, (of mass.) if it was a serious question, whether the memorial should be committed or not, i would not urge it at this time; but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our relative situation with the people. a number of men,--who are certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a practice productive of great evil. now, setting aside the religious motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? for my part i do not apprehend that any state, or any considerable number of individuals in any state, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment of the petition, from a fear that congress intend to exercise an unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; i believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of this body. how can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of procedure in business? why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow, which we can do to-day? for the result, i apprehend, will be the same in either case. mr. smith, (of s.c.) the question, i apprehend, is, whether we will take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be committed? now, i oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper; perhaps the prayer of it is improper. if i understood it right, on its first reading, though, to be sure, i did not comprehend perfectly all that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional act, because the constitution secures that trade to the states, independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one years. if, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and patriotism of the house. mr. boudinot, (of n.j.) it has been said that the quakers have no right to interfere in this business; i am surprised to hear this doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled, that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of quakers that i am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes from citizens of the united states, who are as equally concerned in the welfare and happiness of their country as others. there certainly is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in gentlemen's minds. if the petitioners were so uninformed: as to suppose that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet, i trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. i do not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have reported. if it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way, to put a stop to the slave trade in america, i do not doubt of its policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration. mr. sherman (of conn.) observed, that the petitioners from new york, stated that they had applied to the legislature of that state, to prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy, because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general government, under the constitution of the united states; it would, therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by the legislature of new york. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should, therefore, not follow them further in that track than barely to observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress, in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the duty of congress to afford redress as far as is in their power. that their southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave trade by the first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave trade had brought upon all who were concerned in it. mr. madison (of va.) thought the question before the committee was no otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious opposition. did they permit the commitment of the memorial, as a matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the discouragement of the african slave trade, nor alarm the owners with an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish slavery in all the states; such things are not contemplated by any gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it. mr. white (of va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. he conceived that a business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose there was any reason for a deviation. mr. page (of va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they would be satisfied. mr. stone (of md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared, that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house, should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read. mr. baldwin (of ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house; he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. to be sure it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. he was afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business, as it had been termed by the gentleman from georgia. mr. huntington (of conn.) considered the petitioners as much disinterested as any person in the united states; he was persuaded they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this, others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject, they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of. but he thought that would better be done by considering it in the light of revenue. when the committee of the whole, on the finance business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into consideration, without giving any ground for alarm. mr. tucker, (of s.c.) i have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we ought to dismiss it without further notice. what is the purport of the memorial? it is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of congress to effect its abrogation. but congress have no authority, under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle upon which we can proceed to take it up. but what effect do these men suppose will arise from their exertions? will a duty of ten dollars diminish the importation? will the treatment be better than usual? i apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. because an interference with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. but if they will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave trade, let them prefer their petitions to the state legislatures, who alone have the power of forbidding the importation; i believe their applications there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is there. i look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the intention of the framers. mr. smith (of s.c.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should lay over till to-morrow. mr. boudinot (of n.j.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read, "unless where the house shall direct otherwise." mr. smith (of s.c.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question. mr. clymer (of penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because, though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the situation of the members. mr. fitzsimons (of penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays. mr. baldwin (of ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject over for a day at least. mr. smith (of s.c.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any gentleman. if the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that call. mr. white (of va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. and the address was ordered to lie on the table. february th, . the following memorial was presented and read: "to the senate and house of representatives of the united states: the memorial of the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the african race, respectfully showeth: that from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed several years since in this state, by a number of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. a just and acute conception of the true principles of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative cooperation with their views, which, by the blessing of divine providence, have been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their fellow creatures of the african race. they have also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and abroad. that mankind are all formed by the same almighty being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happiness, the christian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed of americans fully coincides with the position. your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. they have observed with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the united states;' and as they conceive, that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or delayed. from a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution, your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the american people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. "benjamin franklin, _president._ "philadelphia, _february , ."_ mr. hartley (of penn.) then called up the memorial presented yesterday, from the annual meeting of friends at philadelphia, for a second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved to be committed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) was sorry the petition had a second reading, as he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that consideration he wished it thrown aside. he feared the commitment of it would be a very alarming circumstance to the southern states; for if the object was to engage congress in an unconstitutional measure, it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that they ever put additional powers into their hands. he was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject, and that signed by a man who ought to have known the constitution better. he thought it a mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. it would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. do these men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? this would never be submitted to by the southern states without a civil war. do they mean to purchase their freedom? he believed their money would fall short of the price. but how is it they are more concerned in this business than others? are they the only persons who possess religion and morality? if the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body, praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety, or any moral object? they know it would be an improper interference; and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence, which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house. mr. seney (of md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention, and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. its only object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could: indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined yesterday that it should be committed. mr. burke (of s.c.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. did it not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave trade, while the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no such power? he was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, and blow the trumpet of sedition in the southern states. he was sorry to see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution; however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of a member from each state, and he was appointed, he would decline serving. mr. scott, (of penn.) i can't entertain a doubt but the memorial is strictly agreeable to the constitution: it respects a part of the duty particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and i hope we may, be inclined to take it into consideration. we can, at present, lay our hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. i would take this, and if it is all we can do, we must be content. but i am sorry that the framers of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it for good and all; for i look upon the slave-trade to be one of the most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither god nor devil, i should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law of nature. i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? what are the rights of conquest? some have dared to advance this monstrous principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or patrimony of another man. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a religious light, but i do not stand in need of religious motives to induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring about its total abolition. perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation; but i am sure i would go as far as i could. mr. jackson (of ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal service. the gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence, which the christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion is not against it; he will see, from genesis to revelation, the current setting strong that way. there never was a government on the face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. the purest sons of freedom in the grecian republics, the citizens of athens and lacedaemon all held slaves. on this principle the nations of europe are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. but suppose all this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of civil discord, for the people of the southern states will resist one tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to be divested of their property without a struggle. the gentleman says, if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go in emancipating these people; but, i believe his judgment would be of short duration in georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge might be in danger. mr. sherman (of conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the house. mr. baldwin (of ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought before congress, because it was of a delicate nature, as it respected some of the states. gentlemen who had been present at the formation of this constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the southern states were so tender upon this point, that they had well nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the extreme desire of preserving the union, and obtaining an efficient government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. if gentlemen look over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, i fear we shall feel it tremble under our feet. congress have no power to interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the th section of the first article of the constitution; every thing else is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. if we examine the constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject, cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other part. "the migration or importation of such persons, shall not be prohibited by congress." but lest this should not have secured the object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "that no capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census;" this was intended to prevent congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. if we go on to the th article, we shall find the st and th clauses of the th section of the st article restrained from being altered before the year . gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition of the slave-trade; i think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to establish an order of nobility, or a national religion. mr. sylvester (of n.y.) said that he had always been in the habit of respecting the society called quakers; he respected them for their exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he conceived it to be a business in the province of the state legislatures. mr. lawrance (of n.y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it had been properly examined, they could see how far congress may constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. mr. smith (of s.c.) insisted that it was not in the power of the house to brunt the prayer of the petition, which event to the total abolishment of the slave-trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. he observed, that in the southern states, difficulties had arisen on adopting the constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade. perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that if is, they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. if their object had been for congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition, on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? the petition speaks of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? if gentlemen can assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the southern states; for i can assure them, that there is no point on which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with which they think the government has nothing to do. when we entered into this confederacy, we did it from political, not from moral motives, and i do not think my constituents want to learn morals from the petitioners; i do not believe they want improvement in their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home. the gentleman from georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the southern states. on entering into this government, they apprehended that the other states, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the southern states were under to hold this species of property, would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation; and had they not seen that the constitution provided against the effect of such a disposition, i may be bold to say, they never would have adopted it. and notwithstanding all the calumny's with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the discussion alone will create great alarm. we have been told, that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent here; we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by every means in our power. gentlemen should consider that when we entered into a political connexion with the other states, that this property was there; it was acquired under a former government, conformably to the laws and constitution; therefore anything that will tend to deprive them of that property, must be an ex post facto law, and as such is forbid by our political compact. i said the states would never have entered into the confederation, unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the state of agriculture in that county, that without slaves it must be depopulated. why will these people then make use of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? we labor under difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. a gentleman can hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this place or philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this seduction, are accessaries to the robbery. the reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is charging them with the want of humanity; i believe the proprietors are persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. it was said yesterday, that the quakers were a society known to the laws, and the constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies; they stood exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore, relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that sufficient to induce us to commit it? what may appear a moral virtue in their eyes, may not be so in reality. i have heard of a sect of shaking quakers, who, i presume, suppose their tenets of a moral tendency; i am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a numerous offspring about them. now, if these people were to petition congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, i ask, would gentlemen agree to refer such a petition? i think if they would reject one of that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this. mr. page (of va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. he observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared to be the total abolition, of the slave trade; but that congress would consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must produce the abolition of the slave trade. if then the prayer contained nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not be frustrated. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was not taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government (from which was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if anything could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. he presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to commit the petition. he lived in a state which had the misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as any gentleman in south carolina or georgia, yet, if he was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the virtue of congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional authority. mr. madison (of va.) the debate has taken a serious turn, and it will be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have given general satisfaction. if there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what ground such an event was to be apprehended. the petition prayed, in general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on mr. churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for an unconstitutional interference by the general government. he admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from taking measures to abolish the slave trade; yet there were a variety of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new states, to be formed out of the western territory, different from what they could in the old settled states. he thought the object well worthy of consideration. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought the interference of congress fully compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the miseries to which the natives of africa were exposed by this inhuman commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable circumstances. he then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? he then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves. it was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has spoken on the occasion. congress can, agreeable to the constitution, lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this immediately. he made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the southern states, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal to the southern states to purchase the whole of them, and their resources in the western territory may furnish them with means. he did not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to intermeddle in the business. he thought that no objection had been offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial. mr. boudinot (of n.j.) had carefully examined the petition, and found nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he, therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it to be committed. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power, and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of consequence, no occasion for committing it. mr. stone (of md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment. the question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and nays were called for, and are as follows:-- yeas.--messrs. ames, benson, boudinot, brown, cadwallader, clymer, fitzsimons, floyd, foster, gale, gerry, gilman, goodhue, griffin, grout, hartley, hathorne, heister, huntington, lawrance, lee, leonard, livermore, madison, moore, muhlenberg, page, parker, partridge, renssellaer, schureman, scott, sedgwick, seney, sherman, sinnickson, smith of maryland, sturges, thatcher, trumbull, wadsworth, white, and wynkoop-- . noes.--messrs. baldwin, bland, bourke, coles, huger, jackson, mathews, sylvester, smith of s.c., stone, and tucker-- . whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the petition of the society of friends, at new york, and the memorial from the pennsylvania society, for the abolition of slavery, were also referred to a committee. _debate on committee's report, march ._ eliot's debates. mr. tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even its deliberations highly injurious to some of the states in the union. mr. jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided on their true grounds. he was against the propositions generally, and would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their present sentiments. with respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves here, their situation in their native states, and the disposal of them in case of emancipation, should be considered. that slavery was an evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which rendered that habit necessary. such situations the states of south carolina and georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. it was frequently advanced on the floor of congress, how unhealthy those climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to exist there. what, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated territory? is it to remain a waste? is the rice trade to be banished from our coasts? are congress willing to deprive themselves of the revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries? let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in the report. i call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in which they can be of service. they are of no use to congress. the powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. is not the first proposition of the report fully contained in the constitution? is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. a multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. how strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to confirm the constitution under which they sit! this is the case with others of the resolutions. a gentleman from maryland (mr. stone,) very properly observed, that the union had received the different states with all their ill habits about them. this was one of these habits established long before the constitution, and could not now be remedied. he begged congress to reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the southern states. the violation of this compact they would seize on with avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal, and it always had been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. he begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them to attend to the interests of two whole states, as well as to the memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to establish. he seconded mr. tucker's motion. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, the gentlemen from massachusetts, (mr. gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee, of which he was a member, that the memorial of the pennsylvania society, required congress to violate the constitution. it was not less astonishing to see dr. franklin taking the lead in a business which looks so much like a persecution of the southern inhabitants, when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a view of showing the impropriety of one set of men persecuting others for a difference of opinion. the parable was to this effect: an old traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch abraham for a night's lodging. in conversation, abraham discovered that the stranger differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. in the night god appeared unto abraham, and said, where is the stranger? abraham answered, i found that he did not worship the true god, and so i turned him out of doors. the almighty thus rebuked the patriarch: have i borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not bear with him one night? has the almighty, said mr. smith, borne with us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who differ from us on this point? mr. boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of mr. s., but could not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any of the states, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year , and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves. candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them, prior to that period. mr. boudinot observed, that he was well informed that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five per cent ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the states, or equalizing the duties throughout the union. if this was not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. mr. boudinot observed, that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of st. peter, where he foretells that among other damnable heresies, "through covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you." [note.--this petition, with others of a similar object, was committed to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four successive days; it was then reported to the house with amendments, and by the house ordered to be inscribed in its journals, and then laid on the table. that report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: the committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people called quakers, and also a memorial from the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as amended in committee of the whole.) "first: that the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited by congress prior to the year ." "secondly: that congress have no power to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the states; it remaining with the several states alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." "thirdly: that congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the united states from carrying on the african slave trade, for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such importations." "fourthly: that congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in any part of the united states for transporting persons from africa to any foreign port."] address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society to the friends of freedom and emancipation in the u. states. at the tenth anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, held in the city of new-york, may th, ,--after grave deliberation, and a long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to god, require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that the motto inscribed on the banner of freedom should be, no union with slaveholders; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights, or the promotion of the interests of liberty; and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to compromise the principles of justice and humanity. a decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the american society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. this is due not only to the society, but also to the country and the world. it is declared by the american people to be a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life_, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." it is further maintained by them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." these doctrines the patriots of sealed with their blood. they would not brook even the menace of oppression. they held that there should be no delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments of power on their liberties. appealing to the great ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free. for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their deeds, and glory in their triumphs. it is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind. we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound heart. a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation. to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists. but, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it. we charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human blood. we charge upon the american constitution, that it contains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey to another. we charge upon the existing national government, that it is an insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of american slavery. these charges we proceed briefly to establish: . it is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt,--that the american union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding states; in other words, by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by depriving the north of equal rights and privileges, and by incorporating the slave system into the government. in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"--null and void before god, from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and the supporters of which are equally guilty. it was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that, without such a compromise there could have been no union; that, without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic. to this we reply: the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical. it is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. it is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration. it is at war with the government of god, and subversive of the foundations of morality. it is to make lies our refuge, and under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the overflowing scourge. "therefore, thus saith the lord god, judgment will i lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place." moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not spare." this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villainy that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since god said, "let there be light." it assumes that to be practicable, which is impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. a partnership between right and wrong, is wholly wrong. a compromise of the principles of justice, is the deification of crime. better that the american union had never been formed, than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! if they were guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! if it was sinful at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its corruption? the fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union, rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country, to the prostration of northern rights. in the just use of words, the american union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world. how then can it be innocently sustained? it is not certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother country would have reconquered the colonies. the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of england. ii. the american constitution is the exponent of the national compact. we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that, in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. it is not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. it is not a form of words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may determine. _it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant_--nothing more, nothing less, _as a matter of bargain and compromise_. even if it can be construed to mean something else, without violence to its language, such construction is not to be tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. no just or honest use of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to serve under it_. to the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be found in the constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that instrument, other words were used intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of slavery; and that these were adopted _in good faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected_. on this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. if it be objected, that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties, _whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_; and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because they are immoral_, and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one can innocently swear to support the constitution. again, if it be objected, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is _not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of the country_. moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the united states. the words, "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the white population. "to promote the general welfare," referred to their own welfare exclusively. "to establish justice," was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of slavery. this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument, and by their own practice under it. we would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. it is absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. as truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from the american soil! the truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty to _themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose. they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in words they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they continually denied it. they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. why, then, concede to them virtues which they did not possess? _why cling to the falsehood, that they were no respecters of persons in the formation of the government_? alas! that they had no more fear of god, no more regard for man, in their hearts! "the iniquity of the house of israel and judah [the north and south] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the lord hath forsaken the earth, and the lord seeth not." we proceed to a critical examination of the american constitution, in its relations to slavery. in article , section , it is declared--"the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." in this section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to mean that there should be no interference with the african slave trade, on the part of the general government, until the year . for twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, the citizens of the united states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships, populating the atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its termination, congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy, yet all christendom knows that the american flag, instead of being the terror of the african slavers, has given them the most ample protection. the manner in which the th section was agreed to, by the national convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the hon. luther martin[ ] who was a prominent member of that body: [footnote : speech before the legislature of maryland in .] "the eastern states, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery, (!) were _very willing to indulge the southern states_ at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the southern states would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted." behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity, on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth! it is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not adopted "without considerable opposition." alluding to it, mr. martin observes-- "it was said that we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_: that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature has entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we scarcely had risen from our knees, from supplicating his aid and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sport with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that god whose protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said it ought to be considered that national crimes can only be and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor _african slave_ and his _american master_![ ] [footnote : how terribly and justly has this guilty nation been scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the slave trade!] "it was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly, in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; that, from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves were increased in any state, in the same proportion the state is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection; and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore will by so much the more, want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. "it was further said, that, as in this system, we were giving the general government a power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor and interest. "these reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes a part of the system."[ ] [footnote : secret proceedings, p. .] happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the constitution! but for the sake of securing some local advantages, they chose to do evil that good might come, and to make the end sanctify the means. they were willing to enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. they did this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of god. "the eastern states were very willing to _indulge_ the southern states" in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_ by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!--had there been no other provision of the constitution justly liable to objection, this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their creator, and to each other. it was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one who partook of it. if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be _constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the constitution, at the pleasure of congress, whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of southern opposition to emancipation. it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was, that the traffic _should cease_ in ; but the only thing secured by it was, the _right_ of congress (not any obligation) to prohibit it at that period. if, therefore, congress had not chosen to exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely under the constitution._ the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it. true, there is no probability that the african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due the framers of the constitution on this ground; for, while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition._ again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"--namely, that the parties to the constitution regarded only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set forth._ while, therefore, the constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. for it avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law of god and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory. whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_ obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. the object of the constitution is not to define _what is the law of god_, but what is the will of the people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them. article , sect. , provides--"representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_." here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the african slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at the present time, enables the south to have twenty-five additional representatives in congress on the score of property, while the north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding states. referring to this atrocious bargain, alexander hamilton remarked in the new york convention-- "the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own: whether this be _reasoning_ or _declamation_, (!!) i will not presume to say. it is the _unfortunate_ situation of the southern states to have a great part of their population as well as _property_, in blacks. the regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of accommodation_ which governed the convention; and without this _indulgence_, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it is entirely just that they should be _gratified_.--the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be _capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the states." if such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of alexander hamilton, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing american independence, and in framing the american constitution? listen, now, to the opinions of john quincy adams, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:-- "'in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.'--'is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes.'--'it was _one_ of the curses from that pandora's box, adjusted at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the south, and to aggravate the burthens of the north.'--'if there be a parallel to it in human history, it can only be that of the roman emperors, who, from the days when julius caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic, among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was that of tribune of the people. a roman emperor tribune of the people, is an exact parallel to that feature in the constitution of the united states which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'the constitution of the united states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states. the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of privileged orders of men. but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves, in the hall of this house, in the chair of the senate, and in the presidential mansion?'--'this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six states of the union, constitutes a privileged order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility ever known. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. to call it an aristocracy, is to do injustice to that form of government. aristocracy is the government of the _best_. its standard qualification for accession to power is _merit_, ascertained by popular election, recurring at short intervals of time. if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny, what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves? it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. it was introduced into the constitution of the united states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons. little did the members of the convention from the free states imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession.'--'the house of representatives of the u. states consists of members--all, by the _letter_ of the constitution, representatives only of _persons_, as of them really are; but the other , equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the _property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. each of these members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw.'--'here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. by the influence of slavery, in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the members of the federal senate, are owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest as the member elected by them to the house.'--'by this process it is that all political power in the states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of _wrong_.'--'its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.'--'the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states.--the biennial register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the union. if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders.'" it is confessed by mr. adams, alluding to the national convention that framed the constitution, that "the delegation from the free states, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendancy of the southern slaveholder, did listen to a _compromise between right and wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign and indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the north american union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence." hence, to swear to support the constitution of the united states, _as it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage war against human liberty. it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators _incorrigible men-stealers_, merciless tyrants, blood thirsty assassins, who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they threaten to murder any northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their rights! they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance. to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation, is nothing short of insanity. article , section , declares,--"no person held to service or labor in one state, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves. it alone makes slavery a national institution, a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. this agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the north. under the mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." the warning which the prophet isaiah gave to oppressing moab was of a similar kind: "take counsel, execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. let mine outcasts dwell with thee, moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." the prophet obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation:--"for thy violence against thy brother jacob, shame shall come over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodst on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that did remain_, in the day of distress." how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of edom by the same prophet! "the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee, thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, who shall bring me down to the ground? though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will i bring thee down, saith the lord." the emblem of american pride and power is the _eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_. her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and her defiance of the almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness of edom. what shall be her punishment? truly, it may be affirmed of the american people, (who live not under the levitical but christian code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"they all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"this is a people robbed and spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, restore." by this stipulation, the northern states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them. at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find, throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in safety, _in consequence of this provision of the constitution_? how is it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population? it is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. this indicates, either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. james madison, as one of the framers of the constitution, is of some authority on this point. alluding to that instrument, in the virginia convention, he said:-- "another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the states are _uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in this constitution, 'no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. _this is a better security than any that now exists_. no power is given to the general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states." in the same convention, alluding to the same clause, gov. randolph said:-- "every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. and, when authority is given to owners of slaves to _vindicate their property_, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?" it is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. but this is criticism against fact. slaves are recognized not merely as property, but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal. this is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a paradox--the american constitution is a paradox--the american union is a paradox--the american government is a paradox; and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. after the independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of god exhorted the people, saying, "execute true judgment, and show mercy and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. but they refused to hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone." "shall i not visit for these things? saith the lord. shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?" whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor, must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the supreme court of the united states, in the case of prigg versus the state of pennsylvania. by that decision, any southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the south, without hindrance or molestation on the part of the state, and without any legal process duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if, when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival south, they cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is sealed! hence the free colored population of the north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on southern plantations, and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey. as soon as that appalling decision of the supreme court was enunciated, in the name of the constitution, the people of the north should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty. in the th sect. of art. iv., the united states guarantee to protect every state in the union "against _domestic violence_." by the th section of article i., congress is empowered "to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, _suppress insurrections_, and repel invasions." these provisions, however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population, were adopted with special reference to the slave population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and the south left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would unquestionably be successful. says mr. madison, respecting these clauses:-- "on application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be, the militia of the other states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections. does this bar the states from calling forth their own militia? no; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence." the answer to patrick henry's objection, as urged against the constitution in the virginia convention, that there was no power left to the _states_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly vested in congress, george nicholas asked:-- "have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first clause gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no! but it _gives an additional security_; for, beside the power in the state governments to use their own militia, it will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them with the strength of the union, when called for." this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all the people. in consequence of it, that system has multiplied its victims from seven hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave states have been admitted into the union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of american commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved, lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or, whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government; as, for example, in the case of nat turner's insurrection in virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service. cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of florida. a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the florida indians, because they gave succor to these poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars. but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address. we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the north and the south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with god and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be immediately annulled. in behalf of the society which we represent, we call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey god rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to unite with us under the stainless banner of liberty, having for its motto--"equal rights for all--no union with slaveholders!" it is pleaded that the constitution provides for its own amendment; and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object. true, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that instrument is binding as it stands. is it not to violate every moral instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be amended in these particulars? let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to promote a good object, as to interpret the constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation, acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. if, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still asserted, that the constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted liberty replies;--"what though the assertion be true? of what avail is a mere piece of parchment? in itself, though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of heaven--it is powerless; it has no executive vitality: it is a lifeless corpse, even though beautiful in death. i am famishing for lack of bread! how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? i am manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! what consolation is it to know, that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my friends?" if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us! "would such tameness and submission have freighted the may-flower for plymouth rock? would it have resisted the stamp act, the tea tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the british government sought to rive the liberties of america? the wheel of the revolution would have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed--"_why, what is done cannot be undone_. that is the first thought." no, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it never entered their minds at all. they sprang to the conclusion at once--"_what is done_ shall _be undone_. that is our first and only thought." "is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and famous bunker hill? the debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn? gray plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb; and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!" it is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne. it matters not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical. we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the dust. as citizens of the state, we appeal to the state in vain for protection and redress. as citizens of the united states, we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national government consents to our destruction. we are denied the right of locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen states of the union. if we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to travel south of mason and dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. if we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave states, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! these are appalling and undeniable facts. three millions of the american people are crushed under the american union! they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on our limbs, their cause is ours! the union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it! the constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! our motto is, "no union with slaveholders," either religious or political. they are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of god! we separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--o no! but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey god and vindicate the gospel of his son--to hasten the downfall of slavery in america, and throughout the world! we are not acting under a blind impulse. we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. it will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives. we shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished as traitors. but we shall bide our time. whether safety or peril, whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position is sublime and glorious, that our faith in god is rational and steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely, that we are in the right, we shall not falter nor be dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to the number of "three hundred men." freemen! are you ready for the conflict? come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government, and declare your independence? up, then, with the banner of revolution! not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons! no--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_ blood be shed--for we aim, as did christ our leader, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth! secede, then, from the government. submit to its exactions, but pay it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. fill no offices under it. send no senators or representatives to the national or state legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you cannot ask another to perform as your agent. circulate a declaration of disunion from slaveholders, throughout the country. hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast! do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot box? what did the crucified nazarene do without the elective franchise? what did the apostles do? what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do? what did luther and his intrepid associates do? what can women and children do? what has father matthew done for teetotalism? what has daniel o'connell done for irish repeal? "stand, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of god! the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the united states, let time determine. it would he a waste of time to argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. in ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. what is now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--first, to create discussion and agitation throughout the north; and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance. secondly, to convulse the slumbering south like an earthquake, and convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety. thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and to carry the battle to the gate. fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it. we reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the american union, we have the god of justice with us. we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us. we are confident that all free hearts will be with us. we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us. in behalf of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, wm. lloyd garrison, _president_. wendell phillips, }_secretaries_. maria weston chapman, } boston, may , . letter from francis jackson. boston, th july, . _to his excellency george n. briggs:_ sir--many years since, i received from the executive of the commonwealth a commission as justice of the peace. i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found it a convenience to myself, and others. it might continue to be so, could i consent longer to hold it. but paramount considerations forbid, and i herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully asking you to accept my resignation. while i deem it a duty to myself to take this step, i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me. in entering upon the duties of the office in question, i complied with the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the constitution of the united states_." i regret that i ever took that oath. had i then as maturely considered its full import, and the obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who take it, as i have done since, i certainly never would have taken it, seeing, as i now do, that the constitution of the united states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold and perpetuate _slavery_. it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding states choose to retain it. it regards the slave code as lawful in the states which enact it. still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never before done for african slavery. it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life; adopted it as a national institution, spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and thus gave to slavery a national existence." consequently, the oath to support the constitution of the united states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of god. i am not in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. i only say, that _i_ would not now deliberately take it; and that, having inconsiderately taken it; i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul. i take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to receive back the commission, which was the occasion of my taking it. i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular, if not censurable; and i must, therefore, be allowed to make a more specific statement of those _provisions of the constitution_ which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery. the very first article of the constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the national legislature. it regards slaves under the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen. but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that by the laws of all the states where they live, they are regarded not as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of this provision of the constitution is, to take legislative power out of the hands of _men_, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels. fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the smallest number that shall send one member into the house of representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave state thus: to a congressional district in south carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred apiece, it gives one representative in congress; to a district in massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred, one representative is assigned. but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in the five hundred free persons. five hundred freemen of carolina could send one representative to congress, while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of massachusetts, to do the same thing: that is, one slaveholder in carolina is clothed by the constitution with the same political power and influence in the representatives hall at washington, as sixty massachusetts men like you and me, who "eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows." according to the census of , and the _ratio_ of representation based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the house of representatives. and as it has been estimated, (as an approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the united states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those twenty-five representatives, each chosen, at most by only ten thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that number, were the representatives not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them, but of property which, five years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. all this vast amount of property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. in congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. and this it has ever done. in all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a bank or sub-treasury, free trade or a tariff, this immense power has moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection. while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the house of representatives, "in the senate of the union," says john quincy adams, "the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. by the influence of slavery in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the fifty-two members of the federal senate, twenty-six are owners of slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the house" the dominant power which the constitution gives to the slave interest, as thus seen and exercised in the _legislative halls_ of our nation, is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the national government. in the _electoral colleges_, the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the halls of congress. even the preliminary nominating conventions, before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, must ask of the genius of slavery, to what votary she will show herself propitious. this very year, we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of state. the candidate of one party declares, "i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and adds, "it is not true, and i rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition. i should deeply lament it, if it were true."[ ] [footnote : henry clay's speech in the united states senate in , and confirmed at raleigh, n.c. .] the other party nominates a man who says, "i have no hesitation in declaring that i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of texas to the territory and government of the united states." thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder. the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of _justice_. of the nine justices of the supreme court of the united states, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of john quincy adams, when he says--"the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong." thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the constitution, that i have sworn to support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it may be regarded by the constitution as "persons," is in fact and practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger; counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole power, and controlling the destiny of the nation. if we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each; and controlling the action of both. slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the presidential chair. the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues from the lips of slavery. the army is in the hands of slavery, and at her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of florida, or march from the missouri to the borders of mexico, to look after her interests in texas. the navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of africa, to suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery. freemen of the north, who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery, cannot travel through the slave states, but at the peril of their lives. the representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to pray that she would let her poor victims go. i renounce my allegiance to a constitution that enthrones such a power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own protection, support and perpetuation. passing by that clause of the constitution, which restricted congress for twenty years, from passing any law against the african slave trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of africa, i come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees protection against "_domestic violence_," which pledges to the south the military force of the country, to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves, and binds us, and our children, to shoot down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_, and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the constitution, i say distinctly, i never will support. that part of the constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves, i never have supported and never will. i will join in no slave-hunt. my door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. when i shut it against him, may god shut the door of his mercy against me! under this clause of the constitution, and designed to carry it into effect, slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a character, as have left the free citizen of the north without protection for his own liberty. the question, whether a man seized in a free state as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of congress does not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a judge of a united states' court, or even of the humblest state magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim. by virtue of this law, freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where i am not personally known, neither the constitution nor laws of the united states would shield me from the same destiny. these, sir, are the specific parts of the constitution of the united states, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it. i cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of god, or solemnly call him to witness my promise that i will break it. it is true that the constitution provides for its own amendment, and that by this process, all the guarantees of slavery may be expunged. but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done. it cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made. it is also true that the framers of the constitution did studiously keep the words "slave" and "slavery" from its face. but to do our constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word "slavery" a place in the constitution, they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the _thing_. they were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they sacrificed justice in doing so. there is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it was _intended_ so to operate by the farmers of the constitution. the highest judicial authorities--chief justice shaw, of the supreme court of massachusetts, in the latimer case, and mr. justice story, in the supreme court of the united states, in the case of _prigg_ vs. _the state of pennsylvania_,--tell us, i know not on what evidence, that without this "compromise," this security for southern slaveholders, "the union could not have been formed." and there is still higher evidence, not only that the framers of the constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that slavery was wrong. mr. madison[ ] informs us that the clause in question, as it came of the hands of dr. johnson, the chairman of the "committee on style," read thus: "no person legally held to service, or labor, in one state, escaping into another, shall," &c. and that the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws thereof" inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." a conclusive proof that, although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of "service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in "equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was _not_ "legal in a moral view," that it was a violation of the moral law of god; and yet knowing and confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence. [footnote : madison papers, p. .] this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_ all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims. with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. they made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political expediency." i am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they were doing. in the strong language of john quincy adams,[ ] in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "little did the members of the convention, from the free states, imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession." [footnote : see his report on the massachusetts resolutions.] i verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the constitution, its national unity, its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions; yet the moral injury that has been done, by the countenance shown to slavery; by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of a man, to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by enacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of god; by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all. a melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all time-serving and temporizing statesmen! a striking illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency! yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the authors of the constitution have reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after they had introduced a vicious element into the very constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a state to license immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over anything that is not "legal in a moral view." bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl. let slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the state, and you will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims multiply apace, till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control. to me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our national government, that literally there is no health in it. the only remedy that i can see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the patient_. the constitution of the united states, both in theory and practice, is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil, that i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer. henceforth it is dead to me, and i to it. i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. the burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, i shall endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law, and distinctly declaring, that while i retain my own liberty, i will be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his. very respectfully, your friend, francis jackson from mr. webster's speech at niblo's gardens. "we have slavery, already, amongst us. the constitution found it among us; it recognized it and gave it solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the constitution. all the stipulations, contained in the constitution, _in favor of the slaveholding states_ which are already in the union, ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter." !!! * * * * * extracts from john q. adams's address at north bridgewater, november , . the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_.--protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. the reluctance with which the freemen of the north submitted to the dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed. the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. a stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the constitution of the united states, would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country. there is not a word in the constitution _apparently_ bearing upon the condition of slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land. the delegates from south carolina and georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the constitution; and the freemen of the north, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the south were saturated with the blood of african bondage, and from midnight of the st of december, , not a slave from africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil. but the internal traffic was still lawful, and the _breeding_ states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the slave-trader from africa, while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the american slave-trade exclusively to themselves. perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the north; but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole union, and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed, while that with africa had been allowed. but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been, never--no, never would they have consented to it. the representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons, was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of all the rest of the community. this species of property was odious in its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man, and of the vital principles of christianity; it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the states in which it was concentrated. in some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community, required of the favored class. the roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings gathered by hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants. but in the constitution of the united states, the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous. no extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of the slave. the property in horses was the gift of god to man, at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. you are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate states. but if it be so, as to the mere question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people. this is now your condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle, which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed. the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of president and vice president of the united states, and every department of the government of the union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two--but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government at home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. from the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world. but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves. the cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the union at the establishment of the constitution, has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave. aud the suppression of the african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of george washington, patrick henry, richard henry lee, and thomas jefferson, into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of immortal man. of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the constitution of the united states was formed, what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued, the congress of the confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or a murmur. but in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the south--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the chief-magistracy of the union held, during forty-four of them, by the owners of slaves. the executive department, the army and navy, the supreme judicial court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands. * * * * * from that day ( ,) slavery, slaveholding, slave-breeding and slave-trading, have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government, and of the slaveholding states, at home and abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free states, it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slave-holding power. of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery, by the first article amendatory of the constitution. no. . anti-slavery examiner. chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or, no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. by beriah green. new york published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street this no. contains - / sheet--postage under miles, cts. over , cts. please read and circulate. the new testament against slavery. "the son of man is come to seek and to save that which was lost." is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? in thomas jefferson, supported by a noble band of patriots and surrounded by the american people, opened his lips in the authoritative declaration: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." and from the inmost heart of the multitudes around, and in a strong and clear voice, broke forth the unanimous and decisive answer: amen--such truths we do indeed hold to be self-evident. and animated and sustained by a declaration, so inspiring and sublime, they rushed to arms, and as the result of agonizing efforts and dreadful sufferings, achieved under god the independence of their country. the great truth, whence they derived light and strength to assert and defend their rights, they made the foundation of their republic. and in the midst of this republic, must we prove, that he, who was the truth, did not contradict "the truths" which he himself; as their creator, had made self-evident to mankind? is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, according to those laws which make it what it is, is american slavery? in the statute-book of south carolina thus it is written:[ ] "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, construction and purposes whatever." the very root of american slavery consists in the assumption, that law has reduced men to chattels. but this assumption is, and must be, a gross falsehood. men and cattle are separated from each other by the creator, immutably, eternally, and by an impassable gulf. to confound or identify men and cattle must be to lie most wantonly, impudently, and maliciously. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of palpable, monstrous falsehood? [footnote : stroud's slave laws, p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? how can a system, built upon a stout and impudent denial of self-evident truth--a system of treating men like cattle--operate? thomas jefferson shall answer. hear him. "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy, who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances."[ ] such is the practical operation of a system, which puts men and cattle into the same family and treats them alike. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of a school where the worst vices in their most hateful forms are systematically and efficiently taught and practiced? is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, in , did the general assembly of the presbyterian church affirm respecting its nature and operation? "slavery creates a paradox in the moral system--it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings, in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. it exhibits them as dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true god; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. such are some of the consequences of slavery; consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, _often take place_ in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place, still the slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardship and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest."[ ] must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of such things? [footnote : notes on virginia, boston ed. , pp. , .] [footnote : minutes of the general assembly for , p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? it is already widely felt and openly acknowledged at the south, that they cannot support slavery without sustaining the opposition of universal christendom. and thomas jefferson declared, "i tremble for my country when i reflect that god is just; that his justice can not sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events; that it may become practicable by supernatural influences! the almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest."[ ] and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of what universal christendom is impelled to abhor, denounce, and oppose; is not in favor of what every attribute of almighty god is armed against? [footnote : notes on virginia, boston ed. , pp. , .] "ye have despised the poor." it is no man of straw, with whom, in making out such proof, we are called to contend. would to god we had no other antagonist! would to god that our labor of love could be regarded as a work of supererogation! but we may well be ashamed and grieved to find it necessary to "stop the mouths" of grave and learned ecclesiastics, who from the heights of zion have undertaken to defend the institution of slavery. we speak not now of those, who amidst the monuments of oppression are engaged in the sacred vocation; who, as ministers of the gospel, can "prophesy smooth things" to such as pollute the altar of jehovah with human sacrifices; nay, who themselves bind the victim and kindle the sacrifice. that they should put their savior to the torture, to wring from his lips something in favor of slavery, is not to be wondered at. they consent to the murder of the children; can they respect the rights of the father? but what shall we say of distinguished theologians of the north--professors of sacred literature at our oldest divinity schools--who stand up to defend, both by argument and authority, southern slavery! and from the bible! who, balaam-like, try a thousand expedients to force from the mouth of jehovah a sentence which they know the heart of jehovah abhors! surely we have here something more mischievous and formidable than a man of straw. more than two years ago, and just before the meeting of the general assembly of the presbyterian church, appeared an article in the biblical repertory,[ ] understood to be from the pen of the professor of sacred literature at princeton, in which an effort is made to show, that slavery, whatever may be said of any abuses of it, is not a violation of the precepts of the gospel. this article, we are informed, was industriously and extensively distributed among the members of the general assembly--a body of men, who by a frightful majority seemed already too much disposed to wink at the horrors of slavery. the effect of the princeton apology on the southern mind, we have high authority for saying, has been most decisive and injurious. it has contributed greatly to turn the public eye off from the sin--from the inherent and necessary evils of slavery to incidental evils, which the abuse of it might be expected to occasion. and how few can be brought to admit, that whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows where or how, any such thing is chargeable upon them! thus our princeton prophet has done what he could to lay the southern conscience asleep upon ingenious perversions of the sacred volume! [footnote : for april, . the general assembly of the presbyterian church met in the following may, at pittsburgh, where, in pamphlet form, this article was distributed. the following appeared upon the title page: pittsburgh: . _for gratuitous distribution_. ] about a year after this, an effort in the same direction was jointly made by dr. fisk and professor stuart. in a letter to a methodist clergyman, mr. merrit, published in zion's herald, dr. fisk gives utterance to such things as the following:-- "but that you and the public may see and feel, that you have the ablest and those who are among the honestest men of this age, arrayed against you, be pleased to notice the following letter from prof. stuart. i wrote to him, knowing as i did his integrity of purpose, his unflinching regard for truth, as well as his deserved reputation as a scholar and biblical critic, proposing the following questions:--" . does the new testament directly or indirectly teach, that slavery existed in the primitive church? . in tim. vi. , and they that have believing masters, &c., what is the relation expressed or implied between "they" (servants) and "believing masters?" and what are your reasons for the construction of the passage? . what was the character of ancient and eastern slavery?-- especially what (legal) power did this relation give the master over the slave? professor stuart's reply. andover, th apr., rev. and dear sir,--yours is before me. a sickness of three month's standing (typhus fever) in which i have just escaped death, and which still confines me to my house, renders it impossible for me to answer your letter at large. . the precepts of the new testament respecting the demeanor of slaves and of their masters, beyond all question, recognize the existence of slavery. the masters are in part "believing masters," so that a precept to them, how they are to behave as masters, recognizes that the relation may still exist, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_, ("without violating the christian faith or the church.") otherwise, paul had nothing to do but to cut the band asunder at once. he could not lawfully and properly temporize with a _malum in se_, ("that which is in itself sin.") if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life. the relation did exist, may exist. the _abuse_ of it is the essential and fundamental wrong. not that the theory of slavery is in itself right. no; "love thy neighbor as thyself," "do unto others that which ye would that others should do unto you," decide against this. but the relation once constituted and continued, is not such a _malum in se_ as calls for immediate and violent disruption at all hazards. so paul did not counsel. . tim. vi. , expresses the sentiment, that slaves, who are christians and have christian masters, are not, on that account, and because _as christians they are brethren_, to forego the reverence due to them as masters. that is, the relation of master and slave is not, as a matter of course, abrogated between all christians. nay, servants should in such a case, _a fortiori_, do their duty cheerfully. this sentiment lies on the very face of the case. what the master's duty in such a case may be in respect to _liberation_, is another question, and one which the apostle does not here treat of. . every one knows, who is acquainted with greek or latin antiquities, that slavery among heathen nations has ever been more unqualified and at looser ends than among christian nations. slaves were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_. their treatment depended, as it does now, on the temper of their masters. the power of the master over the slave was, for a long time, that of _life and death_. horrible cruelties at length mitigated it. in the apostle's day, it was at least as great as among us. after all the spouting and vehemence on this subject, which have been exhibited, the _good old book_ remains the same. paul's conduct and advice are still safe guides. paul knew well that christianity would ultimately destroy slavery, as it certainly will. he knew, too, that it would destroy monarchy and aristocracy from the earth: for it is fundamentally a doctrine of _true liberty and equality_. yet paul did not expect slavery or anarchy to be ousted in a day; and gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor _ad interim_. with sincere and paternal regard, your friend and brother, m. stuart. --this, sir, is doctrine that will stand, because it is _bible doctrine_. the abolitionists, then, are on a wrong course. they have traveled out of the record; and if they would succeed, they must take a different position, and approach the subject in a different manner. respectfully yours, w. fisk "so they wrap [snarl] it up." what are we taught here? that in the ecclesiastical organizations which grew up under the hands of the apostles, slavery was admitted as a relation that did not violate the christian faith; that the relation may now in like manner exist; that "the abuse of it is the essential and fundamental wrong;" and of course, that american christians may hold their own brethren in slavery without incurring guilt or inflicting injury. thus, according to prof. stuart, jesus christ has not a word to say against "the peculiar institutions" of the south. if our brethren there do not "abuse" the privilege of enacting unpaid labor, they may multiply their slaves to their hearts' content, without exposing themselves to the frown of the savior or laying their christian character open to the least suspicion. could any trafficker in human flesh ask for greater latitude! and to such doctrines, dr. fisk eagerly and earnestly subscribes. he goes further. he urges it on the attention of his brethren, as containing important truth, which they ought to embrace. according to him, it is "_bible doctrine_," showing, that "the abolitionists are on a wrong course," and must, "if they would succeed, take a different position." we now refer to such distinguished names, to show, that in attempting to prove that jesus christ is not in favor of american slavery, we contend with something else than a man of straw. the ungrateful task, which a particular examination of professor stuart's letter lays upon us, we hope fairly to dispose of in due season. enough has now been said to make it clear and certain, that american slavery has its apologists and advocates in the northern pulpit; advocates and apologists, who fall behind few if any of their brethren in the reputation they have acquired, the stations they occupy, and the general influence they are supposed to exert. is it so? did slavery exist in judea, and among the jews, in its worst form, during the savior's incarnation? if the jews held slaves, they must have done in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the mosaic dispensation. whoever has any doubts of this may well resolve his doubts in the light of the argument entitled "the bible against slavery." if, after a careful and thorough examination of that article, he can believe that slaveholding prevailed during the ministry of jesus christ among the jews and in accordance with the authority of moses, he would do the reading public an important service to record the grounds of his belief--especially in a fair and full refutation of that argument. till that is done, we hold ourselves excused from attempting to prove what we now repeat, that if the jews during our savior's incarnation held slaves, they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and spirit of the mosaic dispensation. could christ and the apostles every where among their countrymen come in contact with slaveholding, being as it was a gross violation of that law which their office and their profession required them to honor and enforce, without exposing and condemning it? in its worst forms, we are told, slavery prevailed over the whole world, not excepting judea. as, according to such ecclesiastics as stuart, hodge and fisk, slavery in itself is not bad at all, the term "_worst_" could be applied only to "_abuses_" of this innocent relation. slavery accordingly existed among the jews, disfigured and disgraced by the "worst abuses" to which it is liable. these abuses in the ancient world, professor stuart describes as "horrible cruelties." and in our own country, such abuses have grown so rank, as to lead a distinguished eye-witness--no less a philosopher and statesman than thomas jefferson--to say, that they had armed against us every attribute of the almighty. with these things the savior every where came in contact, among the people to whose improvement and salvation he devoted his living powers, and yet not a word, not a syllable, in exposure and condemnation of such "horrible cruelties" escaped his lips! he saw--among the "covenant people" of jehovah he saw, the babe plucked from the bosom of its mother; the wife torn from the embrace of her husband; the daughter driven to the market by the scourge of her own father;--he saw the word of god sealed up from those who, of all men, were especially entitled to its enlightening, quickening influence;--nay, he saw men beaten for kneeling before the throne of heavenly mercy;--such things he saw without a word of admonition or reproof! no sympathy with them who suffered wrong--no indignation at them who inflicted wrong, moved his heart! from the alleged silence of the savior, when in contact with slavery among the jews, our divines infer, that it is quite consistent with christianity. and they affirm, that he saw it in its worst forms; that is, he witnessed what professor stuart ventures to call "horrible cruelties." but what right have these interpreters of the sacred volume to regard any form of slavery which the savior found, as "worst," or even bad? according to their inference--which they would thrust gag-wise into the mouths of abolitionists--his silence should seal up their lips. they ought to hold their tongues. they have no right to call any form of slavery bad--an abuse; much less, horribly cruel! their inference is broad enough to protect the most brutal driver amidst his deadliest inflictions! "think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets; i am not come to destroy, but to fulfil." and did the head of the new dispensation, then, fall so far behind the prophets of the old in a hearty and effective regard for suffering humanity? the forms of oppression which they witnessed, excited their compassion and aroused their indignation. in terms the most pointed and powerful, they exposed, denounced, threatened. they could not endure the creatures, "who used their neighbors' service without wages, and gave him not for his work;"[ ] who imposed "heavy burdens"[ ] upon their fellows, and loaded them with "the bands of wickedness;" who, "hiding themselves from their own flesh," disowned their own mothers' children. professions of piety joined with the oppression of the poor, they held up to universal scorn and execration, as the dregs of hypocrisy. they warned the creature of such professions, that he could escape the wrath of jehovah only by heart-felt repentance. and yet, according to the ecclesiastics with whom we have to do, the lord of these prophets passed by in silence just such enormities as he commanded them to expose and denounce! every where, he came in contact with slavery in its worst forms--"horrible cruelties" forced themselves upon his notice; but not a word of rebuke or warning did he utter. he saw "a boy given for a harlot, and a girl sold for wine, that they might drink,"[ ] without the slightest feeling of displeasure, or any mark of disapprobation! to such disgusting and horrible conclusions, do the arguings which, from the haunts of sacred literature, are inflicted on our churches, lead us! according to them, jesus christ, instead of shining as the light of the world, extinguished the torches which his own prophets had kindled, and plunged mankind into the palpable darkness of a starless midnight! o savior, in pity to thy suffering people, let thy temple be no longer used as a "den of thieves!" [footnote : jeremiah, xxii. .] [footnote : isaiah, lviii. , .] [footnote : joel, iii. .] "thou thoughtest that i was altogether such an one as thyself." in passing by the worst forms of slavery, with which he every where came in contact among the jews, the savior must have been inconsistent with himself. he was commissioned to preach glad tidings to the poor; to heal the broken-hearted; to preach deliverance to the captives; to set at liberty them that are bruised; to preach the year of jubilee. in accordance with this commission, he bound himself, from the earliest date of his incarnation, to the poor, by the strongest ties; himself "had not where to lay his head;" he exposed himself to misrepresentation and abuse for his affectionate intercourse with the outcasts of society; he stood up as the advocate of the widow, denouncing and dooming the heartless ecclesiastics, who had made her bereavement a source of gain; and in describing the scenes of the final judgment, he selected the very personification of poverty, disease and oppression, as the test by which our regard for him should be determined. to the poor and wretched; to the degraded and despised, his arms were ever open. they had his tenderest sympathies. they had his warmest love. his heart's blood he poured out upon the ground for the human family, reduced to the deepest degradation, and exposed to the heaviest inflictions, as the slaves of the grand usurper. and yet, according to our ecclesiastics, that class of sufferers who had been reduced immeasurably below every other shape and form of degradation and distress; who had been most rudely thrust out of the family of adam, and forced to herd with swine; who, without the slightest offence, had been made the footstool of the worst criminals; whose "tears were their meat night and day," while, under nameless insults and killing injuries they were continually crying, o lord, o lord:--this class of sufferers, and this alone, our biblical expositors, occupying the high places of sacred literature, would make us believe the compassionate savior coldly overlooked. not an emotion of pity; not a look of sympathy; not a word of consolation, did his gracious heart prompt him to bestow upon them! he denounces damnation upon the devourer of the widow's house. but the monster, whose trade it is to make widows and devour them and their babes, he can calmly endure! o savior, when wilt thou stop the mouths of such blasphemers! "it is the spirit that quickeneth." it seems that though, according to our princeton professor, "the subject" of slavery "is hardly alluded to by christ in any of his personal instructions,"[ ] he had a way of "treating it." what was that? why, "he taught the true nature, dignity, equality, and destiny of men," and "inculcated the principles of justice and love."[ ] and according to professor stuart, the maxims which our savior furnished, "decide against" "the theory of slavery." all, then, that these ecclesiastical apologists for slavery can make of the savior's alleged silence is, that he did not, in his personal instructions, "_apply his own principles to this particular form of wickedness_." for wicked that must be, which the maxims of the savior decide against, and which our princeton professor assures us the principles of the gospel, duly acted on, would speedily extinguish.[ ] how remarkable it is, that a teacher should "hardly allude to a subject in any of his personal instructions," and yet inculcate principles which have a direct and vital bearing upon it!--should so conduct, as to justify the inference, that "slaveholding is not a crime,"[ ] and at the same time lend its authority for its "speedy extinction!" [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, (already alluded to,) p. .] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] higher authority than sustains _self-evident truths_ there cannot be. as forms of reason, they are rays from the face of jehovah. not only are their presence and power self-manifested, but they also shed a strong and clear light around them. in their light, other truths are visible. luminaries themselves, it is their office to enlighten. to their authority, in every department of thought, the same mind bows promptly, gratefully, fully. and by their authority, he explains, proves, and disposes of whatever engages his attention and engrosses his powers as a reasonable and reasoning creature. for what, when thus employed and when most successful, is the utmost he can accomplish? why, to make the conclusions which he would establish and commend, _clear in the light of reason_;--in other words, to evince that _they are reasonable_. he expects that those with whom he has to do will acknowledge the authority of principle--will see whatever is exhibited in the light of reason. if they require him to go further, and, in order to convince them, to do something more than show that the doctrines he maintains, and the methods he proposes, are accordant with reason--are illustrated and supported with "self-evident truths"--they are plainly "beside themselves." they have lost the use of reason. they are not to be argued with. they belong to the mad-house. "come now, let us reason together, saith the lord." are we to honor the bible, which professor stuart quaintly calls "the good old book," by turning away from "self-evident truths" to receive its instructions? can these truths be contradicted or denied there? do we search for something there to obscure their clearness, or break their force, or reduce their authority? do we long to find something there, in the form of premises or conclusions, of arguing or of inference, in broad statement or blind hints, creed-wise or fact-wise, which may set us free from the light and power of first principles? and what if we were to discover what we were thus in search of?--something directly or indirectly, expressly or impliedly prejudicial to the principles, which reason, placing us under the authority of, makes self-evident? in what estimation, in that case, should we be constrained to hold the bible? could we longer honor it as the book of god? _the book of god opposed to the authority of_ reason! why, before what tribunal do we dispose of the claims of the sacred volume to divine authority? the tribunal of reason. _this every one acknowledges the moment he begins to reason on the subject_. and what must reason do with a book, which reduces the authority of its own principles--breaks the force of self-evident truths? is he not, by way of eminence, the apostle of infidelity, who, as a minister of the gospel or a professor of sacred literature, exerts himself, with whatever arts of ingenuity or show of piety, to exalt the bible at the expense of reason? let such arts succeed and such piety prevail, and jesus christ is "crucified afresh and put to an open shame." what saith the princeton professor? why, in spite of "general principles," and "clear as we may think the arguments against despotism, there have been thousands of enlightened _and good men_, who _honestly_ believe it to be of all forms of government the best and most acceptable to god."[ ] now these "good men" must have been thus warmly in favor of despotism, in consequence of, or in opposition to, their being "enlightened." in other words, the light, which in such abundance they enjoyed, conducted them to the position in favor of despotism, where the princeton professor so heartily shook hands with them, or they must have forced their way there in despite of its hallowed influence. either in accordance with, or in resistance to the light, they became what he found them--the advocates of despotism. if in resistance to the light--and he says they were "enlightened men"--what, so far as the subject with which alone he and we are now concerned, becomes of their "honesty" and "goodness?" good and honest resisters of the light, which was freely poured around them! of such, what says professor stuart's "good old book?" their authority, where "general principles" command the least respect, must be small indeed. but if in accordance with the light, they have become the advocates of despotism, then is despotism "the best form of government and most acceptable to god." it is sustained by the authority of reason, by the word of jehovah, by the will of heaven! if this be the doctrine which prevails at certain theological seminaries, it must be easy to account for the spirit which they breathe, and the general influence which they exert. why did not the princeton professor place this "general principle" as a shield, heaven-wrought and reason approved, over that cherished form of despotism which prevails among the churches of the south, and leave the "peculiar institutions" he is so forward to defend, under its protection? [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] what is the "general principle" to which, whatever may become of despotism, with its "honest" admirers and "enlightened" supporters, human governments should be universally and carefully adjusted? clearly this--_that as capable of, man is entitled to, self government_. and this is a specific form of a still more general principle, which may well be pronounced self-evident--_that every thing should be treated according to its nature_. the mind that can doubt this, must be incapable of rational conviction. man, then,--it is the dictate of reason, it is the voice of jehovah--must be treated as _a man_. what is he? what are his distinctive attributes? the creator impressed his own image on him. in this were found the grand peculiarities of his character. here shone his glory. here reason manifests its laws. here the will puts forth its volitions. here is the crown of immortality. why such endowments? thus furnished--the image of jehovah--is he not capable of self-government? and is he not to be so treated? _within the sphere where the laws of reason place him_, may he not act according to his choice--carry out his own volitions?--may he not enjoy life, exult in freedom, and pursue as he will the path of blessedness? if not, why was he so created and endowed? why the mysterious, awful attribute of will? to be a source, profound as the depths of hell, of exquisite misery, of keen anguish, of insufferable torment! was man, formed "according to the image of jehovah," to be crossed, thwarted, counteracted; to be forced in upon himself; to be the sport of endless contradictions; to be driven back and forth forever between mutually repellant forces; and all, all "at the discretion of another!"[ ] how can man be treated according to his nature, as endowed with reason or will, if excluded from the powers and privileges of self-government?--if "despotism" be let loose upon him, to "deprive him of personal liberty, oblige him to serve at the discretion of another" and with the power of "transferring" such "authority" over him and such claim upon him, to "another master?" if "thousands of enlightened and good men" can so easily be found, who are forward to support "despotism" as "of all governments the best and most acceptable to god," we need not wonder at the testimony of universal history, that "the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now." groans and travail pangs must continue to be the order of the day throughout "the whole creation," till the rod of despotism be broken, and man be treated as man--as capable of, and entitled to, self-government. [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] but what is the despotism whose horrid features our smooth professor tries to hide beneath an array of cunningly selected words and nicely-adjusted sentences? it is the despotism of american slavery--which crushes the very life of humanity out of its victims, and transforms them to cattle! at its touch, they sink from men to things! "slaves," saith professor stuart, "were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_." yes, truly. and slaves in republican america are _property_; and as that easily, clearly, and definitely settles "all questions about their _relation_," why should the princeton professor have put himself to the trouble of weaving a definition equally ingenious and inadequate--at once subtle and deceitful. ah, why? was he willing thus to conceal the wrongs of his mother's children even from himself? if among the figments of his brain, he could fashion slaves, and make them something else than property, he knew full well that a very different pattern was in use among the southern patriarchs. why did he not, in plain words and sober earnest, and good faith, describe the thing as it was, instead of employing honied words and courtly phrases, to set forth with all becoming vagueness and ambiguity, what might possibly be supposed to exist in the regions of fancy. "for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil." but are we, in maintaining the principle of self-government, to overlook the unripe, or neglected, or broken powers of any of our fellow-men with whom we may be connected?--or the strong passions, vicious propensities, or criminal pursuits of others? certainly not. but in providing for their welfare, we are to exert influences and impose restraints suited to their character. in wielding those prerogatives which the social of our nature authorizes us to employ for their benefit, we are to regard them as they are in truth, not things, not cattle, not articles of merchandize, but men, our fellow-men--reflecting, from however battered and broken a surface, reflecting with us the image of a common father. and the great principle of self-government is to be the basis, to which the whole structure of discipline under which they may be placed, should be adapted. from the nursery and village school on to the work-house and state-prison, this principle is ever and in all things to be before the eyes, present in the thoughts, warm on the heart. otherwise, god is insulted, while his image is despised and abused. yes, indeed; we remember, that in carrying out the principle of self-government, multiplied embarrassments and obstructions grow out of wickedness on the one hand and passion on the other. such difficulties and obstacles we are far enough from overlooking. but where are they to be found? are imbecility and wickedness, bad hearts and bad heads, confined to the bottom of society? alas, the weakest of the weak, and the desperately wicked, often occupy the high places of the earth, reducing every thing within their reach to subserviency to the foulest purposes. nay, the very power they have usurped, has often been the chief instrument of turning their heads, inflaming their passions, corrupting their hearts. all the world knows, that the possession of arbitrary power has a strong tendency to make men shamelessly wicked and insufferably mischievous. and this, whether the vassals over whom they domineer, be few or many. if you cannot trust man with himself, will you put his fellows under his control?--and flee from the inconveniences incident to self-government, to the horrors of despotism? "thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal." is the slaveholder, the most absolute and shameless of all despots, to be entrusted with the discipline of the injured men who he himself has reduced to cattle?--with the discipline with which they are to be prepared to wield the powers and enjoy the privileges of freemen? alas, of such discipline as _he_ can furnish, in the relation of owner to property, they have had enough. from this sprang the very ignorance and vice, which in the view of many, lie in the way of their immediate enfranchisement. he it is, who has darkened their eyes and crippled their powers. and are they to look to him for illumination and renewed vigor!--and expect "grapes from thorns and figs from thistles!" heaven forbid! when, according to arrangements which had usurped the sacred name of law, he consented to receive and use them as property, he forfeited all claims to the esteem and confidence, not only of the helpless sufferers themselves, but also of every philanthropist. in becoming a slaveholder, he became the enemy of mankind. the very act was a declaration of war upon human nature. what less can be made of the process of turning men to cattle? it is rank absurdity--it is the height of madness, to propose to employ _him_ to train, for the places of freemen, those whom he has wantonly robbed of every right--whom he has stolen from themselves. sooner place burke, who used to murder for the sake of selling bodies to the dissector, at the head of a hospital. why, what have our slaveholders been about these two hundred years? have they not been constantly and earnestly engaged in the work of education?--training up their human cattle? and how? thomas jefferson shall answer. "the whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other." is this the way to fit the unprepared for the duties and privileges of american citizens? will the evils of the dreadful process be diminished by adding to its length? what, in , was the unanimous testimony of the general assembly of the presbyterian church? why, after describing a variety of influences growing out of slavery, most fatal to mental and moral improvement, the general assembly assure us, that such "consequences are not imaginary, but connect themselves with the very existence[ ] of slavery. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, _often_ take place in fact, and in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place," "still the slave is deprived of his natural right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest." is this the condition in which our ecclesiastics would keep the slave, at least a little longer, to fit him to be restored to himself? [footnote : the words here marked as emphatic, were so distinguished by ourselves.] "and they stopped their ears." the methods of discipline under which, as slaveholders; the southrons now place their human cattle, they with one consent and in great wrath, forbid us to examine. the statesman and the priest unite in the assurance, that these methods are none of our business. nay, they give us distinctly to understand, that if we come among them to take observations, and make inquiries, and discuss questions, they will dispose of us as outlaws. nothing will avail to protect us from speedy and deadly violence! what inference does all this warrant? surely, not that the methods which they employ are happy and worthy of universal application. if so, why do they not take the praise, and give us the benefit of their wisdom, enterprise, and success? who, that has nothing to hide, practices concealment? "he that doeth truth cometh to the light, that his deeds may be manifest, that they are wrought in god." is this the way of slaveholders? darkness they court--they will have darkness. doubtless "because their deeds are evil." can we confide in methods for the benefit of our enslaved brethren, which it is death for us to examine? what good ever came, what good can we expect, from deeds of darkness? did the influence of the masters contribute any thing in the west indies to prepare the apprentices for enfranchisement? nay, verily. all the world knows better. they did what in them lay, to turn back the tide of blessings, which, through emancipation, was pouring in upon the famishing around them. are not the best minds and hearts in england now thoroughly convinced, that slavery, under no modification, can be a school for freedom? we say such things to the many who allege, that slaves cannot at once be entrusted with the powers and privileges of self-government. however this may be, they cannot be better qualified under the _influence of slavery_. _that must be broken up_ from which their ignorance, and viciousness, and wretchedness proceeded. that which can only do what it has always done, pollute and degrade, must not be employed to purify and elevate. _the lower their character and condition, the louder, clearer, sterner, the just demand for immediate emancipation_. the plague-smitten sufferer can derive no benefit from breathing a little longer an infected atmosphere. in thus referring to elemental principles--in thus availing ourselves of the light of self-evident truths--we bow to the authority and tread in the foot-prints of the great teacher. he chid those around him for refusing to make the same use of their reason in promoting their spiritual, as they made in promoting their temporal welfare. he gives them distinctly to understand, that they need not go out of themselves to form a just estimation of their position, duties, and prospects, as standing in the presence of the messiah. "why, even of yourselves," he demands of them, "judge ye not what is _right_?"[ ] how could they, unless they had a clear light, and an infallible standard within them, whereby, amidst the relations they sustained and the interests they had to provide for, they might discriminate between truth and falsehood, right and wrong, what they ought to attempt and what they ought to eschew? from this pointed, significant appeal of the savior, it is clear and certain, that in human consciousness may be found self-evident truths, self-manifested principles; that every man, studying his own consciousness, is bound to recognize their presence and authority, and in sober earnest and good faith to apply them to the highest practical concerns of "life and godliness." it is in obedience to the bible, that we apply self-evident truths, and walk in the light of general principles. when our fathers proclaimed these truths, and at the hazard of their property, reputation, and life, stood up in their defence, they did homage to the sacred scriptures--they honored the bible. in that volume, not a syllable can be found to justify that form of infidelity, which in the abused name of piety, reproaches us for practising the lessons which nature teacheth. these lessons, the bible requires us[ ] reverently to listen to, earnestly to appropriate, and most diligently and faithfully to act upon in every direction, and on all occasions. [footnote : luke, xii. .] [footnote : cor. xi. .] why, our savior goes so far in doing honor to reason, as to encourage men universally to dispose of the characteristic peculiarities and distinctive features of the gospel in the light of its principles. "if any man will do his will, he shall know of the doctrine, whether it be of god, or whether i speak of myself."[ ] natural religion--the principles which nature reveals, and the lessons which nature teaches--he thus makes a test of the truth and authority of revealed religion. so far was he, as a teacher, from shrinking from the clearest and most piercing rays of reason--from calling off the attention of those around him from the import, bearings, and practical application of general principles. and those who would have us escape from the pressure of self-evident truths, by betaking ourselves to the doctrines and precepts of christianity, whatever airs of piety they may put on, do foul dishonor to the savior of mankind. [footnote : john, vii. .] and what shall we say of the golden rule, which, according to the savior, comprehends all the precepts of the bible? "whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets." according to this maxim, in human consciousness, universally, may be found, . the standard whereby, in all the relations and circumstances of life, we may determine what heaven demands and expects of us. . the just application of this standard, is practicable for, and obligatory upon, every child of adam. . the qualification requisite to a just application of this rule to all the cases in which we can be concerned, is simply this--_to regard all the members of the human family as our brethren, our equals_. in other words, the savior here teaches us, that in the principles and laws of reason, we have an infallible guide in all the relations and circumstances of life; that nothing can hinder our following this guide, but the bias of _selfishness_; and that the moment, in deciding any moral question, we place _ourselves in the room of our brother_, before the bar of reason, we shall see what decision ought to be pronounced. does this, in the savior, look like fleeing self-evident truths!--like decrying the authority of general principles!--like exalting himself at the expense of reason!--like opening a refuge in the gospel for those whose practice is at variance with the dictates of humanity! what then is the just application of the golden rule--that fundamental maxim of the gospel, giving character to, and shedding light upon, all its precepts and arrangements--to the subject of slavery?--_that we must "do to" slaves as we would be done by_, as slaves, _the_ relation _itself being justified and continued_? surely not. a little reflection will enable us to see, that the golden rule reaches farther in its demands, and strikes deeper in its influences and operations. the _natural equality_ of mankind lies at the very basis of this great precept. it obviously requires _every man to acknowledge another self in every other man_. with my powers and resources, and in my appropriate circumstances, i am to recognize in any child of adam who may address me, another self in his appropriate circumstances and with his powers and resources. this is the natural equality of mankind; and this the golden rule requires us to admit, defend, and maintain. "why do ye not understand my speech; even because ye cannot hear my word." they strangely misunderstand and grossly misrepresent this doctrine, who charge upon it the absurdities and mischiefs which _any "levelling system"_ cannot but produce. in all its bearings, tendencies, and effects, it is directly contrary and powerfully hostile to any such system. equality of rights, the doctrine asserts; and this necessarily opens the way for _variety of condition_. in other words, every child of adam has, from the creator, the inalienable right of wielding, within reasonable limits, his own powers, and employing his own resources, according to his own choice;--the right, while he respects his social relations, to promote as he will his own welfare. but mark--his own powers and resources, and not another's, are thus inalienably put under his control. the creator makes every man free, in whatever he may do, to exert himself, and not another. here no man may lawfully cripple or embarrass another. the feeble may not hinder the strong, nor may the strong crush the feeble. every man may make the most of himself, in his own proper sphere. now, as in the constitutional endowments; and natural opportunities, and lawful acquisitions of mankind, infinite variety prevails, so in exerting each himself, in his own sphere, according to his own choice, the variety of human condition can be little less than infinite. thus equality of rights opens the way for variety of condition. but with all this variety of make, means, and condition, considered individually, the children of adam are bound together by strong ties which can never be dissolved. they are mutually united by the social of their nature. hence mutual dependence and mutual claims. while each is inalienably entitled to assert and enjoy his own personality as a man, each sustains to all and all to each, various relations. while each owns and honors the individual, all are to own and honor the social of their nature. now, the golden rule distinctly recognizes, lays its requisitions upon, and extends its obligations to, the whole nature of man, in his individual capacities and social relations. what higher honor could it do to man, as _an individual_, than to constitute him the judge, by whose decision, when fairly rendered, all the claims of his fellows should be authoritatively and definitely disposed of? "whatsoever ye would" have done to you, so do ye to others. every member of the family of adam, placing himself in the position here pointed out, is competent and authorized to pass judgment on all the cases in social life in which he may be concerned. could higher responsibilities or greater confidence be reposed in men individually? and then, how are their _claims upon each other_ herein magnified! what inherent worth and solid dignity are ascribed to the social of their nature! in every man with whom i may have to do, i am to recognize the presence of _another self_, whose case i am to make _my own_. and thus i am to dispose of whatever claims he may urge upon me. thus, in accordance with the golden rule, mankind are naturally brought, in the voluntary use of their powers and resources, to promote each other's welfare. as his contribution to this great object, it is the inalienable birthright of every child of adam, to consecrate whatever he may possess. with exalted powers and large resources, he has a natural claim to a correspondent field of effort. if his "abilities" are small, his task must be easy and his burden light. thus the golden rule requires mankind mutually to serve each other. in this service, each is to exert _himself_--employ _his own_ powers, lay out his own resources, improve his own opportunities. a division of labor is the natural result. one is remarkable for his intellectual endowments and acquisitions; another, for his wealth; and a third, for power and skill in using his muscles. such attributes, endlessly varied and diversified, proceed from the basis of a _common character_, by virtue of which all men and each--one as truly as another--are entitled, as a birthright, to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." each and all, one as well as another, may choose his own modes of contributing his share to the general welfare, in which his own is involved and identified. under one great law of mutual dependence and mutual responsibility, all are placed--the strong as well as the weak, the rich as much as the poor, the learned no less than the unlearned. all bring their wares, the products of their enterprise, skill and industry, to the same market, where mutual exchanges are freely effected. the fruits of muscular exertion procure the fruits of mental effort. john serves thomas with his hands, and thomas serves john with his money. peter wields the axe for james, and james wields the pen for peter. moses, joshua, and caleb, employ their wisdom, courage, and experience, in the service of the community, and the community serve moses, joshua, and caleb, in furnishing them with food and raiment, and making them partakers of the general prosperity. and all this by mutual understanding and voluntary arrangement. and all this according to the golden rule. what then becomes of _slavery_--a system of arrangements in which one man treats his fellow, not as another self, but as a thing--a chattel--an article of merchandize, which is not to be consulted in any disposition which may be made of it;--a system which is built on the annihilation of the attributes of our common nature--in which man doth to others what he would sooner die than have done to himself? the golden rule and slavery are mutually subversive of each other. if one stands, the other must fall. the one strikes at the very root of the other. the golden rule aims at the abolition of the relation itself, in which slavery consists. it lays its demands upon every thing within the scope of _human action_. to "whatever men do." it extends its authority. and the relation itself, in which slavery consists, is the work of human hands. it is what men have done to each other--contrary to nature and most injurious to the general welfare. this relation, therefore, the golden rule condemns. wherever its authority prevails, this relation must be annihilated. mutual service and slavery--like light and darkness, life and death--are directly opposed to, and subversive of, each other. the one the golden rule cannot endure; the other it requires, honors, and blesses. "love worketh no ill to his neighbor." like unto the golden rule is the second great commandment--"_thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself_." "a certain lawyer," who seems to have been fond of applying the doctrine of limitation of human obligations, once demanded of the savior, within what limits the meaning of the word "neighbor" ought to be confined. "and who is my neighbor?" the parable of the good samaritan set that matter in the clearest light, and made it manifest and certain, that every man whom we could reach with our sympathy and assistance, was our neighbor, entitled to the same regard which we cherished for ourselves. consistently with such obligations, can _slavery, as a_ relation, be maintained? is it then a _labor of love_--such love as we cherish for ourselves--to strip a child of adam of all the prerogatives and privileges which are his inalienable birthright? to obscure his reason, crush his will, and trample on his immortality?--to strike home to the inmost of his being, and break the heart of his heart?--to thrust him out of the human family, and dispose of him as a chattel--as a thing in the hands of an owner, a beast under the lash of a driver? all this, apart from every thing incidental and extraordinary, belongs to the relation, in which slavery, as such, consists. all this--well fed or ill fed, underwrought or overwrought, clothed or naked, caressed or kicked, whether idle songs break from his thoughtless tongue or "tears be his meat night and day," fondly cherished or cruelly murdered;--_all this_ enters vitally into the relation itself, _by which every slave_, as a slave, _is set apart from the rest of the human family_. is it an exercise of love, to place our "neighbor" under the crushing weight, the killing power, of such a relation?--to apply the murderous steel to the very vitals of his humanity? "ye therefore applaud and delight in the deeds of your fathers; for they killed them, and ye build their sepulchres."[ ] the slaveholder may eagerly and loudly deny, that any such thing is chargeable upon him. he may confidently and earnestly allege, that he is not responsible for the state of society in which he is placed. slavery was established before he began to breathe. it was his inheritance. his slaves are his property by birth or testament. but why will he thus deceive himself? why will he permit the cunning and rapacious spiders, which in the very sanctuary of ethics and religion are laboriously weaving webs from their own bowels, to catch him with their wretched sophistries?--and devour him, body, soul, and substance? let him know, as he must one day with shame and terror own, that whoever holds slaves is himself responsible for _the relation_, into which, whether reluctantly or willingly, he thus enters. _the relation cannot be forced upon him_. what though elizabeth countenanced john hawkins in stealing the natives of africa?--what though james, and charles, and george, opened a market for them in the english colonies?--what though modern dracos have "framed mischief by law," in legalizing man-stealing and slaveholding?--what though your ancestors, in preparing to go "to their own place," constituted you the owner of the "neighbors" whom they had used as cattle?--what of all this, and as much more like this, as can be drawn from the history of that dreadful process by which men are "deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_?" can all this force you to put the cap upon the climax--to clinch the nail by doing that, without which nothing in the work of slave-making would be attempted? _the slaveholder is the soul of the whole system_. without him, the chattel principle is a lifeless abstraction. without him, charters, and markets, and laws, and testaments, are empty names. and does _he_ think to escape responsibility? why, kidnappers, and soul-drivers, and law-makers, are nothing but his _agents_. he is the guilty _principal_. let him look to it. [footnote : you join with them in their bloody work. they murder, and you bury the victims.] but what can he do? do? keep his hands off his "neighbor's" throat. let him refuse to finish and ratify the process by which the chattel principle is carried into effect. let him refuse, in the face of derision, and reproach, and opposition. though poverty should fasten its bony hand upon him, and persecution shoot forth its forked tongue; whatever may betide him--scorn, flight, flames--let him promptly and steadfastly refuse. better the spite and hate of men than the wrath of heaven! "if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee; for it is profitable for thee, that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell." professor stewart admits, that the golden rule and the second great commandment "decide against the theory of slavery, as being in itself right." what, then, is their relation to the particular precepts, institutions, and usages, which are authorized and enjoined in the new testament? of all these, they are the summary expression--the comprehensive description. no precept in the bible, enforcing our mutual obligations, can be more or less than _the application of these injunctions to specific relations or particular occasions and conditions_. neither in the old testament nor the new, do prophets teach or laws enjoin, any thing which the golden rule and the second great command do not contain. whatever they forbid, no other precept can require; and whatever they require, no other precept can forbid. what, then, does he attempt, who turns over the sacred pages to find something in the way of permission or command, which may set him free from the obligations of the golden rule? what must his objects, methods, spirit be, to force him to enter upon such inquiries?--to compel him to search the bible for such a purpose? can he have good intentions, or be well employed? is his frame of mind adapted to the study of the bible?--to make its meaning plain and welcome? what must he think of god, to search his word in quest of gross inconsistencies, and grave contradictions! inconsistent legislation in jehovah! contradictory commands! permissions at war with prohibitions! general requirements at variance with particular arrangements! what must be the moral character of any institution which the golden rule decides against?--which the second great command condemns? _it cannot but be wicked_, whether newly established or long maintained. however it may be shaped, turned, colored--under every modification and at all times--_wickedness must be its proper character. it must be_, in itself, _apart from its circumstances_, in its essence, _apart from its incidents_, sinful. "think not to say within yourselves, we have abraham for our father." in disposing of those precepts and exhortations which have a specific bearing upon the subject of slavery, it is greatly important, nay, absolutely essential, that we look forth upon the objects around us from the right post of observation. our stand we must take at some central point, amidst the general maxims and fundamental precepts, the known circumstances and characteristic arrangements, of primitive christianity. otherwise, wrong views and false conclusions will be the result of our studies. we cannot, therefore, be too earnest in trying to catch the general features and prevalent spirit of the new testament institutions and arrangements. for to what conclusions must we come, if we unwittingly pursue our inquiries under the bias of the prejudice, that the general maxims of social life which now prevail in this country, were current, on the authority of the savior, among the primitive christians! that, for instance, wealth, station, talents, are the standard by which our claims upon, and our regard for, others, should be modified?--that those who are pinched by poverty, worn by disease, tasked in menial labors, or marked by features offensive to the taste of the artificial and capricious, are to be excluded from those refreshing and elevating influences which intelligence and refinement may be expected to exert; that thus they are to constitute a class by themselves, and to be made to know and keep their place at the very bottom of society? or, what if we should think and speak of the primitive christians, as if they had the same pecuniary resources as heaven has lavished upon the american churches?--as if they were as remarkable for affluence, elegance, and splendor? or, as if they had as high a position and as extensive an influence in politics and literature?--having directly or indirectly, the control over the high places of learning and of power? if we should pursue our studies and arrange our arguments--if we should explain words and interpret language--under such a bias, what must inevitably be the results? what would be the worth of our conclusions? what confidence could be reposed in any instruction we might undertake to furnish? and is not this the way in which the advocates and apologists of slavery dispose of the bearing which primitive christianity has upon it? they first ascribe, unwittingly, perhaps, to the primitive churches; the character, relations, and condition of american christianity, and amidst the deep darkness and strange confusion thus produced, set about interpreting the language and explaining the usages of the new testament! "so that ye are without excuse." among the lessons of instruction which our savior imparted, having a general bearing on the subject of slavery, that in which he sets up the _true standard of greatness_, deserves particular attention. in repressing the ambition of his disciples, he held up before them the methods by which alone healthful aspirations for eminence could be gratified, and thus set the elements of true greatness in the clearest light. "ye know, that they which are accounted to rule over the gentiles, exercise lordship over them; and their great ones exercise authority upon them. but so shall it not be among you; but whosoever will be great among you, shall be your minister; _and whosoever of you will be the chiefest, shall be servant of all_." in other words, through the selfishness and pride of mankind, the maxim widely prevails in the world, that it is the privilege, prerogative, and mark of greatness, to exact service; that our superiority to others, while it authorizes us to relax the exertion of our own powers, gives us a fair title to the use of theirs; that "might," while it exempts us from serving, "gives the right" to be served. the instructions of the savior open the way to greatness for us in the opposite direction. superiority to others, in whatever it may consist, gives us a claim to a wider field of exertion, and demands of us a larger amount of service. we can be great only as we _are useful_. and "might gives right" to bless our fellow men, by improving every opportunity and employing every faculty, affectionately, earnestly, and unweariedly, in their service. thus the greater the man, the more active, faithful, and useful the servant. the savior has himself taught us how this doctrine must be applied. he bids us improve every opportunity and employ every power, even through the most menial services, in blessing the human family. and to make this lesson shine upon our understandings and move our hearts, he embodied in it a most instructive and attractive example. on a memorable occasion, and just before his crucifixion, he discharged for his disciples the most menial of all offices--taking, _in washing their feet_, the place of the lowest servant. he took great pains to make them understand, that only by imitating this example could they honor their relations to him as their master; that thus only would they find themselves blessed. by what possibility could slavery exist under the influence of such a lesson, set home by such an example? _was it while washing the disciples' feet, that our savior authorized one man to make a chattel of another_? to refuse to provide for ourselves by useful labor, the apostle paul teaches us to regard as a grave offence. after reminding the thessalonian christians, that in addition to all his official exertions he had with his own muscles earned his own bread, he calls their attention to an arrangement which was supported by apostolical authority, "that if any would not work, neither should he eat." in the most earnest and solemn manner, and as a minister of the lord jesus christ, he commanded and exhorted those who neglected useful labor, "_with quietness to work and eat their own bread_." what must be the bearing of all this upon slavery? could slavery be maintained where every man eat the bread which himself had earned?--where idleness was esteemed so great a crime, as to be reckoned worthy of starvation as a punishment? how could unrequited labor be exacted, or used, or needed? must not every one in such a community contribute his share to the general welfare?--and mutual service and mutual support be the natural result? the same apostle, in writing to another church, describes the true source whence the means of liberality ought to be derived. "let him that stole steal no more; but rather let him labor, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth." let this lesson, as from the lips of jehovah, be proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of south carolina. let it be universally welcomed and reduced to practice. let thieves give up what they had stolen to the lawful proprietors, cease stealing, and begin at once to "labor, working with their hands," for necessary and charitable purposes. could slavery, in such a case, continue to exist? surely not! instead of exacting unpaid services from others, every man would be busy, exerting himself not only to provide for his own wants, but also to accumulate funds, "that he might have to give to" the needy. slavery must disappear, root and branch, at once and forever. in describing the source whence his ministers should expect their support, the savior furnished a general principle, which has an obvious and powerful bearing on the subject of slavery. he would have them remember, while exerting themselves for the benefit of their fellow men, that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." he has thus united wages with work. whoever renders the one is entitled to the other. and this manifestly according to a mutual understanding and a voluntary arrangement. for the doctrine that i may force you to work for me for whatever consideration i may please to fix upon, fairly opens the way for the doctrine, that you, in turn, may force me to render you whatever wages you may choose to exact for any services you may see fit to render. thus slavery, even as involuntary servitude, is cut up by the root. even the princeton professor seems to regard it as a violation of the principle which unites work with wages. the apostle james applies this principle to the claims of manual laborers--of those who hold the plough and thrust in the sickle. he calls the rich lordlings who exacted sweat and withheld wages, to "weeping and howling," assuring them that the complaints of the injured laborer had entered into the ear of the lord of hosts, and that, as a result of their oppression, their riches were corrupted, and their garments moth-eaten; their gold and silver were cankered; that the rust of them should be a witness against them, and should eat their flesh as it were fire; that, in one word, they had heaped treasures together for the last days, when "miseries were coming upon them," the prospect of which might well drench them in tears and fill them with terror. if these admonitions and warnings were heeded there, would not "the south" break forth into "weeping and wailing, and gnashing of teeth?" what else are its rich men about, but withholding by a system of fraud, his wages from the laborer, who is wearing himself out under the impulse of fear, in cultivating their fields and producing their luxuries! encouragement and support do they derive from james, in maintaining the "peculiar institution" which they call patriarchal, and boast of as the "corner-stone" of the republic? in the new testament, we have, moreover, the general injunction, "_honor all men_." under this broad precept, every form of humanity may justly claim protection and respect. the invasion of any human right must do dishonor to humanity, and be a transgression of this command. how then, in the light of such obligations, must slavery be regarded? are those men honored, who are rudely excluded from a place in the human family, and shut up to the deep degradation and nameless horrors of chattelship? _can they be held as slaves, and at the same time be honored as men_? how far, in obeying this command, we are to go, we may infer from the admonitions and instructions which james applies to the arrangements and usages of religious assemblies. into these he can not allow "respect of persons" to enter. "my brethren," he exclaims, "have not the faith of our lord jesus christ, the lord of glory, with respect of persons. for if there come unto your assembly a man with a gold ring, in goodly apparel; and there come in also a poor man in vile raiment; and ye have respect to him that weareth the gay clothing, and say unto him, sit thou here in a good place; and say to the poor, stand thou there, or sit here under my footstool; are ye not then partial in yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts?" _if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced of the law as transgressors_. on this general principle, then, religious assemblies ought to be regulated--that every man is to be estimated, not according to his _circumstances_--not according to anything incidental to his _condition_; but according to his _moral worth_--according to the essential features and vital elements of his _character_. gold rings and gay clothing, as they qualify no man for, can entitle no man to, a "good place" in the church. nor can the "vile raiment of the poor man," fairly exclude him from any sphere, however exalted, which his heart and head may fit him to fill. to deny this, in theory or practice, is to degrade a man below a thing; for what are gold rings, or gay clothing, or vile raiment, but things, "which perish with the using?" and this must be "to commit sin, and be convinced of the law as transgressor." in slavery, we have "respect of persons," strongly marked, and reduced to system. here men are despised not merely for "the vile raiment," which may cover their scarred bodies. this is bad enough. but the deepest contempt of humanity here grows out of birth or complexion. vile raiment may be, often is, the result of indolence, or improvidence, or extravagance. it may be, often is, an index of character. but how can i be responsible for the incidents of my birth?--how for my complexion? to despise or honor me for these, is to be guilty of "respect of persons" in its grossest form, and with its worst effects. it is to reward or punish me for what i had nothing to do with; for which, therefore, i cannot, without the greatest injustice, be held responsible. it is to poison the very fountains of justice, by confounding all moral distinctions. what, then, so far as the authority of the new testament is concerned, becomes of slavery, which cannot be maintained under any form nor for a single moment, without "respect of persons" the most aggravated and unendurable? and what would become of that most pitiful, silly, and wicked arrangement in so many of our churches, in which worshippers of a dark complexion are to be sent up to the negro pew?[ ] [footnote : in carlyle's review of the memoirs of mirabeau, we have the following anecdote illustrative of the character of a "grandmother" of the count. "fancy the dame mirabeau sailing stately towards the church font; another dame striking in to take precedence of her; the dame mirabeau despatching this latter with a box on the ear, and these words, '_here, as in the army_, the baggage _goes last_!'" let those who justify the negro-pew arrangement, throw a stone at this proud woman--if they dare.] nor are we permitted to confine this principle to religious assemblies. it is to pervade social life everywhere. even where plenty, intelligence and refinement, diffuse their brightest rays, the poor are to be welcomed with especial favor. "then said he to him that bade him, when thou makest a dinner or a supper, call not thy friends, nor thy brethren, neither thy kinsmen, nor thy rich neighbors, lest they also bid thee again, and a recompense be made thee. but when thou makest a feast, call the poor and the maimed, the lame and the blind, and thou shalt be blessed; for they cannot recompense thee, but thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just." in the high places of social life then--in the parlor, the drawing-room, the saloon--special reference should be had, in every arrangement, to the comfort and improvement of those who are least able to provide for the cheapest rites of hospitality. for these, ample accommodations must be made, whatever may become of our kinsmen and rich neighbors. and for this good reason, that while such occasions signify little to the latter, to the former they are pregnant with good--raising their drooping spirits, cheering their desponding hearts, inspiring them with life, and hope, and joy. the rich and the poor thus meeting joyfully together, cannot but mutually contribute to each other's benefit; the rich will be led to moderation, sobriety, and circumspection, and the poor to industry, providence, and contentment. the recompense must be great and sure. a most beautiful and instructive commentary on the text in which these things are taught, the savior furnished in his own conduct. he freely mingled with those who were reduced to the very bottom of society. at the tables of the outcasts of society he did not hesitate to be a cheerful guest, surrounded by publicans and sinners. and when flouted and reproached by smooth and lofty ecclesiastics, as an ultraist and leveler, he explained and justified himself by observing, that he had only done what his office demanded. it was his to seek the lost, to heal the sick, to pity the wretched;--in a word, to bestow just such benefits as the various necessities of mankind made appropriate and welcome. in his great heart, there was room enough for those who had been excluded from the sympathy of little souls. in its spirit and design, the gospel overlooked none--least of all, the outcasts of a selfish world. can slavery, however modified, be consistent with such a gospel?--a gospel which requires us, even amidst the highest forms of social life, to exert ourselves to raise the depressed by giving our warmest sympathies to those who have the smallest share in the favor of the world? those who are in "bonds" are set before us as deserving an especial remembrance. their claims upon us are described as a modification of the golden rule--as one of the many forms to which its obligations are reducible. to them we are to extend the same affectionate regard as we would covet for ourselves, if the chains upon their limbs were fastened upon ours. to the benefits of this precept, the enslaved have a natural claim of the greatest strength. the wrongs they suffer spring from a persecution which can hardly be surpassed in malignancy. their birth and complexion are the occasion of the insults and injuries which they can neither endure nor escape. it is for _the work of god_, and not their own deserts, that they are loaded with chains. _this is persecution_. can i regard the slave as another self--can i put myself in his place--and be indifferent to his wrongs? especially, can i, thus affected, take sides with the oppressor? could i, in such a state of mind as the gospel requires me to cherish, reduce him to slavery or keep him in bonds? is not the precept under hand naturally subversive of every system and every form of slavery? the general descriptions of the church, which are found here and there in the new testament, are highly instructive in their bearing on the subject of slavery. in one connection, the following words meet the eye: "there is neither jew nor greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one in christ jesus."[ ] here we have-- . a clear and strong description of the doctrine of _human equality_. "ye are all one;"--so much alike, so truly placed on common ground, all wielding each his own powers with such freedom, _that one is the same as another_. . this doctrine, self-evident in the light of reason, is affirmed on divine authority. "in christ jesus, _ye are all one_." the natural equality of the human family is a part of the gospel. for-- . all the human family are included in this description. whether men or women, whether bond or free, whether jews or gentiles, all are alike entitled to the benefit of this doctrine. whether christianity prevails, the _artificial_ distinctions which grow out of birth, condition, sex, are done away. _natural_ distinctions are not destroyed. _they_ are recognized, hallowed, confirmed. the gospel does not abolish the sexes, forbid a division of labor, or extinguish patriotism. it takes woman from beneath the feet, and places her by the side of man; delivers the manual laborer from "the yoke," and gives him wages for his work; and brings the jew and the gentile to embrace each other with fraternal love and confidence. thus it raises all to a common level, gives to each the free use of his own powers and resources, binds all together in one dear and loving brotherhood. such, according to the description of the apostle, was the influence, and such the effect of primitive christianity. "behold the picture!" is it like american slavery, which, in all its tendencies and effects, is destructive of all oneness among brethren? [footnote : gal. iii. .] "where the spirit of the lord is," exclaims the same apostle, with his eye upon the condition and relations of the church, "_where the spirit of the lord is_, there is liberty." where, then, may we reverently recognize the presence, and bow before the manifested power, of this spirit? _there_, where the laborer may not choose how he shall be employed!--in what way his wants shall be supplied!--with whom he shall associate!--who shall have the fruit of his exertions! _there_, where he is not free to enjoy his wife and children! _there_, where his body and his soul, his very "destiny,"[ ] are placed altogether beyond his control! _there_, where every power is crippled, every energy blasted, every hope crushed! _there_, where in all the relations and concerns of life, he is legally treated as if he had nothing to do with the laws of reason, the light of immortality, or the exercise of will! is the spirit of the lord _there_, where liberty is decried and denounced, mocked at and spit upon, betrayed and crucified! in the midst of a church which justified slavery, which derived its support from slavery, which carried on its enterprises by means of slavery, would the apostle have found the fruits of the spirit of the lord! let that spirit exert his influences, and assert his authority, and wield his power, and slavery must vanish at once and for ever. [footnote : "the legislature (of south carolina) from time to time, has passed many restricted and penal acts, with a view to bring under direct control and subjection the destiny of the black population." see the remonstrance of james s. pope and others against home missionary efforts for the benefit of the enslaved--a most instructive paper.] in more than one connection, the apostle james describes christianity as "_the law of liberty_." it is, in other words, the law under which liberty cannot but live and flourish--the law in which liberty is clearly defined, strongly asserted, and well protected. as the law of liberty, how can it be consistent with the law of slavery? the presence and the power of this law are felt wherever the light of reason shines. they are felt in the uneasiness and conscious degradation of the slave, and in the shame and remorse which the master betrays in his reluctant and desperate efforts to defend himself. this law it is which has armed human nature against the oppressor. wherever it is obeyed, "every yoke is broken." in these references to the new testament we have a _general description_ of the primitive church, and the _principles_ on which it was founded and fashioned. these principles bear the same relation to christian _history_ as to christian _character_, since the former is occupied with the development of the latter. what then is christian character but christian principle _realized_, acted out, bodied forth, and animated? christian principle is the soul, of which christian character is the expression--the manifestation. it comprehends in itself, as a living seed, such christian character, under every form, modification, and complexion. the former is, therefore, the test and interpreter of the latter. in the light of christian principle, and in that light only we can judge of and explain christian character. christian history is occupied with the forms, modifications, and various aspects of christian character. the facts which are there recorded serve to show, how christian principle has fared in this world--how it has appeared, what it has done, how it has been treated. in these facts we have the various institutions, usages, designs, doings, and sufferings of the church of christ. and all these have of necessity, the closest relation to christian principle. they are the production of its power. through them, it is revealed and manifested. in its light, they are to be studied, explained, and understood. without it they must be as unintelligible and insignificant as the letters of a book scattered on the wind. in the principles of christianity, then, we have a comprehensive and faithful account of its objects, institutions, and usages--of how it must behave, and act, and suffer, in a world of sin and misery. for between the principles which god reveals, on the one hand, and the precepts he enjoins, the institutions he establishes, and the usages he approves, on the other, there must be consistency and harmony. otherwise we impute to god what we must abhor in man--practice at war with principle. does the savior, then, lay down the _principle_ that our standing in the church must depend upon the habits formed within us, of readily and heartily subserving the welfare of others; and permit us _in practice_ to invade the rights and trample on the happiness of our fellows, by reducing them to slavery. does he, _in principle_ and by example, require us to go all lengths in rendering mutual service, or comprehending offices that most menial, as well as the most honorable; and permit us _in practice_ to exact service of our brethren, as if they were nothing better than "articles of merchandize!" does he require us _in principle_ "to work with quietness and eat our own bread;" and permit us _in practice_ to wrest from our brethren the fruits of their unrequited toil? does he _in principle_ require us, abstaining from every form of theft, to employ our powers in useful labor, not only to provide for ourselves but also to relieve the indigence of others; and permit us _in practice_, abstaining from every form of labor, to enrich and aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of man-stealing? does he require us _in principle_ to regard "the laborer as worthy of his hire"; and permit us _in practice_ to defraud him of his wages? does he require us _in principle_ to honor all men; and permit us _in practice_ to treat multitudes like cattle? does he _in principle_ prohibit "respect of persons;" and permit us _in practice_ to place the feet of the rich upon the necks of the poor? does he _in principle_ require us to sympathize with the bondman as another self; and permit us _in practice_ to leave him unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor? _in principle_, "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" _in practice_, is _slavery_ the fruit of the spirit? _in principle_, christianity is the law of liberty; _in practice_, it is the law of slavery? bring practice in these various respects into harmony with principle, and what becomes of slavery? and if, where the divine government is concerned, practice is the expression of principle, and principle the standard and interpreter of practice, such harmony cannot but be maintained and must be asserted. in studying, therefore, fragments of history and sketches of biography--in disposing of references to institutions, usages, and facts in the new testament, this necessary harmony between principle and practice in the government _of god_, should be continually present to the thoughts of the interpreter. principles assert what practice must be. whatever principle condemns, god condemns. it belongs to those weeds of the dung-hill which, planted by "an enemy," his hand will assuredly "root up." it is most certain then, that if slavery prevailed in the first ages of christianity, it could nowhere have prevailed under its influence and with its sanction. * * * * * the condition in which in its efforts to bless mankind, the primitive church was placed, must have greatly assisted the early christians in understanding and applying the principles of the gospel. their _master_ was born in great obscurity, lived in the deepest poverty, and died the most ignominious death. the place of his residence, his familiarity with the outcasts of society, his welcoming assistance and support from female hands, his casting his beloved mother, when he hung upon the cross, upon the charity of a disciple--such things evince the depth of his poverty, and show to what derision and contempt he must have been exposed. could such an one, "despised and rejected of men--a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief," play the oppressor, or smile on those who made merchandize of the poor! and what was the history of the _apostles_, but an illustration of the doctrine, that "it is enough for the disciple, that he be as his master?" were they lordly ecclesiastics, abounding with wealth, shining with splendor, bloated with luxury! were they ambitious of distinction, fleecing, and trampling, and devouring "the flocks," that they themselves might "have the pre-eminence!" were they slaveholding bishops! or did they derive their support from the wages of iniquity and the price of blood! can such inferences be drawn from the account of their condition, which the most gifted and enterprising of their number has put upon record? "even unto this present hour, we both hunger, and thirst, and are naked, and _are buffetted_, and have _no certain dwelling place, and labor working with our own hands_. being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat; we are made as _the filth of the world_, and are the offscouring of all things unto this day."[ ] are these the men who practised or countenanced slavery? _with such a temper, they_ would not; _in such circumstances, they_ could not. exposed to "tribulation, distress, and persecution;" subject to famine and nakedness, to peril and the sword; "killed all the day long; accounted as sheep for the slaughter,"[ ] they would have made but a sorry figure at the _great-house_ or slave-market. [footnote : cor. iv. - .] [footnote : rom. viii. , .] nor was the condition of the brethren, generally, better than that of the apostles. the position of the apostles doubtless entitled them to the strongest opposition, the heaviest reproaches, the fiercest persecution. but derision and contempt must have been the lot of christians generally. surely we cannot think so ill of primitive christianity as to suppose that believers, generally, refused to share in the trials and sufferings of their leaders; as to suppose that while the leaders submitted to manual labor, to buffeting, to be reckoned the filth of the world, to be accounted as sheep for the slaughter, his brethren lived in affluence, ease, and honor! despising manual labor and living upon the sweat of unrequited toil! but on this point we are not left to mere inference and conjecture. the apostle paul in the plainest language explains the ordination of heaven. "but _god hath_ chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and god hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised hath god chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are."[ ] here we may well notice, . that it was not by _accident_, that the primitive churches were made up of such elements, but the result of the divine choice--an arrangement of his wise and gracious providence. the inference is natural, that this ordination was co-extensive with the triumphs of christianity. it was nothing new or strange, that jehovah had concealed his glory "from the wise and prudent, and had revealed it unto babes," or that "the common people heard him gladly," while "not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, had been called." . the description of character, which the apostle records, could be adapted only to what are reckoned the _very dregs of humanity_. the foolish and the weak, the base and the contemptible, in the estimation of worldly pride and wisdom--these were they whose broken hearts were reached, and moulded, and refreshed by the gospel; these were they whom the apostle took to his bosom as his own brethren. [footnote : cor. i. , .] that _slaves_ abounded at corinth, may easily be admitted. _they_ have a place in the enumeration of elements of which, according to the apostle, the church there was composed. the most remarkable class found there, consisted of "things which are not"--mere nobodies, not admitted to the privileges of men, but degraded to a level with "goods and chattels;" of whom _no account_ was made in such arrangements of society as subserved the improvement, and dignity, and happiness of mankind. how accurately the description applies to those who are crushed under the chattel principle! the reference which the apostle makes to the "deep poverty of the churches of macedonia,"[ ] and this to stir up the sluggish liberality of his corinthian brethren, naturally leaves the impression, that the latter were by no means inferior to the former in the gifts of providence. but, pressed with want and pinched by poverty as were the believers in "macedonia and achaia, it pleased them to make a certain contribution for the poor saints which were at jerusalem."[ ] thus it appears, that christians everywhere were familiar with contempt and indigence, so much so, that the apostle would dissuade such as had no families from assuming the responsibilities of the conjugal relation![ ] [footnote : cor. viii. .] [footnote : rom. xviii. - .] [footnote : cor. vii. , .] now, how did these good people treat each other? did the few among them, who were esteemed wise, mighty, or noble, exert their influence and employ their power in oppressing the weak, in disposing of the "things that are not," as marketable commodities!--kneeling with them in prayer in the evening, and putting them up at auction the next morning! did the church sell any of the members to swell the "certain contribution for the poor saints at jerusalem!" far other wise--as far as possible! in those christian communities where the influence of the apostles was most powerful, and where the arrangements drew forth their highest commendations, believers treated each other as _brethren_, in the strongest sense of that sweet word. so warm was their mutual love, so strong the public spirit, so open-handed and abundant the general liberality, that they are set forth as "_having all things common_."[ ] slaves and their holders here? neither the one nor the other could, in that relation to each other, have breathed such an atmosphere. the appeal of the kneeling bondman, "am i not a man and a brother," must here have met with a prompt and powerful response. [footnote : acts, iv. .] the _tests_ by which our savior tries the character of his professed disciples, shed a strong light upon the genius of the gospel. in one connection,[ ] an inquirer demands of the savior, "what good thing shall i do that i may have eternal life?" after being reminded of the obligations which his social nature imposed upon him, he ventured, while claiming to be free from guilt in his relations to mankind, to demand, "what lack i yet?" the radical deficiency under which his character labored, the savior was not long or obscure in pointing out. "if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and thou shall have treasure in heaven; and come and follow me." on this passage it is natural to suggest-- . that we have here a _test of universal application_. the rectitude and benevolence of our savior's character forbid us to suppose, that he would subject this inquirer, especially as he was highly amiable, to a trial, where eternal life was at stake, _peculiarly_ severe. indeed, the test seems to have been only a fair exposition of the second great command, and of course it must be applicable to all who are placed under the obligations of that precept. those who cannot stand this test, as their character is radically imperfect and unsound, must, with the inquirer to whom our lord applied it, be pronounced unfit for the kingdom of heaven. . the least that our savior can in that passage be understood to demand is, that we disinterestedly and heartily devote ourselves to the welfare of mankind, "the poor" especially. we are to put ourselves on a level with _them_, as we must do "in selling that we have" for their benefit--in other words, in employing our powers and resources to elevate their character, condition, and prospects. this our savior did; and if we refuse to enter into sympathy and co-operation with him, how can we be his _followers_? apply this test to the slaveholder. instead of "selling that he hath" for the benefit of the poor, he buys the poor, and exacts their sweat with stripes, to enable him to "clothe himself in purple and fine linen, and fare sumptuously every day;" or, he sells the poor to support the gospel and convert the heathen! [footnote : luke, xviii. - .] what, in describing the scenes of the final judgment, does our savior teach us? _by what standard_ must our character be estimated, and the retributions of eternity be awarded? a standard, which both the righteous and the wicked will be surprised to see erected. from the "offscouring of all things," the meanest specimen of humanity will be selected--a "stranger" in the hands of the oppressor, naked, hungry, sickly; and this stranger, placed in the midst of the assembled universe, by the side of the sovereign judge, will be openly acknowledged as his representative. "glory, honor, and immortality," will be the reward of those who had recognized and cheered their lord through his outraged poor. and tribulation, anguish, and despair, will seize on "every soul of man" who had neglected or despised them. but whom, within the limits of our country, are we to regard especially as the representatives of our final judge? every feature of the savior's picture finds its appropriate original in our enslaved countrymen. . they are the least of his brethren. . they are subject to thirst and hunger, unable to command a cup of water or a crumb of bread. . they are exposed to wasting sickness, without the ability to procure a nurse or employ a physician. . they are emphatically "in prison," restrained by chains, goaded with whips, tasked, and under keepers. not a wretch groans in any cell of the prisons of our country, who is exposed to a confinement so vigorous and heartbreaking as the law allows theirs to be continually and permanently. . and then they are emphatically, and peculiarly, and exclusively, strangers--_strangers_ in the land which gave them birth. whom else do we constrain to remain aliens in the midst of our free institutions? the welch, the swiss, the irish? the jews even? alas, it is the _negro_ only, who may not strike his roots into our soil. every where we have conspired to treat him as a stranger--every where he is forced to feel himself a stranger. in the stage and steamboat, in the parlor and at our tables, in the scenes of business and in the scenes of amusement--even in the church of god and at the communion table, he is regarded as a stranger. the intelligent and religious are generally disgusted and horror-struck at the thought of his becoming identified with the citizens of our republic--so much so, that thousands of them have entered into a conspiracy to send him off "out of sight," to find a home on a foreign shore!--and justify themselves by openly alleging, that a "single drop" of his blood, in the veins of any human creature, must make him hateful to his fellow citizens!--that nothing but banishment from "our coasts," can redeem him from the scorn and contempt to which his "stranger" blood has reduced him among his own mother's children! who, then, in this land "of milk and honey," is "hungry and athirst," but the man from whom the law takes away the last crumb of bread and the smallest drop of water? who "naked," but the man whom the law strips of the last rag of clothing? who "sick," but the man whom the law deprives of the power of procuring medicine or sending for a physician? who "in prison," but the man who, all his life, is under the control of merciless masters and cruel keepers! who a "stranger," but the man who is scornfully denied the cheapest courtesies of life--who is treated as an alien in his native country? there is one point in this awful description which deserves particular attention. those who are doomed to the left hand of the judge, are not charged with inflicting _positive_ injuries on their helpless, needy, and oppressed brother. theirs was what is often called _negative_ character. what they _had done_ is not described in the indictment. their _neglect_ of duty, what they _had_ not _done_, was the ground of their "everlasting punishment." the representative of their judge, they had seen a hungered and they gave him no meat, thirsty and they gave him no drink, a stranger and they took him not in, naked and they clothed him not, sick and in prison and they visited him not. in as much as they did not yield to the claims of suffering humanity--did not exert themselves to bless the meanest of the human family, they were driven away in their wickedness. but what if the indictment had run thus: i was a hungered and ye snatched away the crust which might have saved me from starvation; i was thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the "cup of cold water," which might have moistened my parched lips; i was a stranger and ye drove me from the hovel which might have sheltered me from the piercing wind; i was sick and ye scourged me to my task; in prison and you sold me for my jail-fees--to what depths of hell must not those who were convicted under such charges be consigned! and what is the history of american slavery but one long indictment, describing under ever-varying forms and hues just such injuries! nor should it be forgotten, that those who incurred the displeasure of their judge, took far other views than he, of their own past history. the charges which he brought against them, they heard with great surprise. they were sure that they had never thus turned away from his necessities. indeed, when had they seen him thus subject to poverty, insult, and oppression? never. and as to that poor friendless creature, whom they left unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor, and whom their judge now presented as his own representative, they never once supposed, that _he_ had any claims on their compassion and assistance. had they known, that he was destined to so prominent a place at the final judgment, they would have treated him as a human being, in despite of any social, pecuniary, or political considerations. but neither their _negative virtue_ nor their _voluntary ignorance_ could shield them from the penal fire which their selfishness had kindled. now amidst the general maxims, the leading principles, the "great commandments" of the gospel; amidst its comprehensive descriptions and authorized tests of christian character, we should take our position in disposing of any particular allusions to such forms and usages of the primitive churches as are supported by divine authority. the latter must be interpreted and understood in the light of the former. but how do the apologists and defenders of slavery proceed? placing themselves amidst the arrangements and usages which grew out of the _corruptions_ of christianity, they make these the standard by which the gospel is to be explained and understood! some recorder or justice. without the light of inquiry or the aid of a jury, consigns the negro whom the kidnapper has dragged into his presence to the horrors of slavery. as the poor wretch shrieks and faints, humanity shudders and demands why such atrocities are endured. some "priest" or "levite," "passing by on the other side," quite self-possessed and all complacent, reads in reply from his broad phylactery, _paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! yes, echoes the negro-hating mob, made up of "gentlemen of property and standing" together with equally gentle-men reeking from the gutter; _yes--paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! and humanity, brow-beaten, stunned with noise and tumult, is pushed aside by the crowd! a fair specimen this of the manner in which modern usages are made to interpret the sacred scriptures? of the particular passages in the new testament on which the apologists for slavery especially rely, the epistle to philemon first demands our attention. . this letter was written by the apostle paul while a "prisoner of jesus christ" at rome. . philemon was a benevolent and trustworthy member of the church at colosse, at whose house the disciples of christ held their assemblies, and who owed his conversion, under god, directly or indirectly to the ministry of paul. . onesimus was the servant of philemon; under a relation which it is difficult with accuracy and certainty to define. his condition, though servile, could not have been like that of an american slave; as, in that case, however he might have "wronged" philemon, he could not also have "owed him ought."[ ] the american slave is, according to law, as much the property of his master as any other chattel; and can no more "owe" his master than can a sheep or a horse. the basis of all pecuniary obligations lies in some "value received." how can "an article of merchandise" stand on this basis and sustain commercial relations to its owner? there is no _person_ to offer or promise. _personality is swallowed up in american slavery_! . how onesimus found his way to rome it is not easy to determine. he and philemon appear to have parted from each other on ill terms. the general character of onesimus, certainly, in his relation to philemon, had been far from attractive, and he seems to have left him without repairing the wrongs he had done him or paying the debts which he owed him. at rome, by the blessing of god upon the exertions of the apostle, he was brought to reflection and repentance. . in reviewing his history in the light of christian truth, he became painfully aware of the injuries he had inflicted on philemon. he longed for an opportunity for frank confession and full restitution. having, however, parted with philemon on ill terms, he knew not how to appear in his presence. under such embarrassments, he naturally sought sympathy and advice of paul. _his_ influence upon philemon, onesimus knew must be powerful, especially as an apostle. . a letter in behalf of onesimus was therefore written by the apostle to philemon. after such salutations, benedictions, and thanksgiving as the good character and useful life of philemon naturally drew from the heart of paul, he proceeds to the object of the letter. he admits that onesimus had behaved ill in the service of philemon; not in running away, for how they had parted with each other is not explained; but in being unprofitable and in refusing to pay the debts[ ] which he had contracted. but his character had undergone a radical change. thenceforward fidelity and usefulness would be his aim and mark his course. and as to any pecuniary obligations which he had violated, the apostle authorized philemon to put them on his account.[ ] thus a way was fairly opened to the heart of philemon. and now what does the apostles ask? . he asks that philemon would receive onesimus, how? "not as a _servant_, but above a _servant_."[ ] how much above? philemon was to receive him as "a son" of the apostle--"as a brother beloved"--nay, if he counted paul a partner, an equal, he was to receive onesimus as he would receive _the apostle himself_.[ ] _so much_ above a servant was he to receive him! . but was not this request to be so interpreted and complied with as to put onesimus in the hands of philemon as "an article of merchandise," carnally, while it raised him to the dignity of a "brother beloved," spiritually? in other words, might not philemon consistently with the request of paul have reduced onesimus to a chattel, as a man, while he admitted him fraternally to his bosom, as a christian? such gibberish in an apostolic epistle! never. as if, however to guard against such folly, the natural product of mist and moonshine, the apostle would have onesimus raised above a servant to the dignity of a brother beloved, "both in the flesh and in the lord;"[ ] as a man and christian, in all the relations, circumstances, and responsibilities of life. [footnote : philemon, .] [footnote : verse , .] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse , , .] [footnote : verse .] it is easy now with definiteness and certainty to determine in what sense the apostle in such connections uses the word "_brother_". it describes a relation inconsistent with and opposite to the _servile_. it is "not" the relation of a "servant." it elevates its subject "above" the servile condition. it raises him to full equality with the master, to the same equality, on which paul and philemon stood side by side as brothers; and this, not in some vague, undefined, spiritual sense, affecting the soul and leaving the body in bonds, but in every way, "both in the flesh and in the lord." this matter deserves particular and earnest attention. it sheds a strong light on other lessons of apostolic instruction. . it is greatly to our purpose, moreover, to observe that the apostle clearly defines the _moral character_ of his request. it was fit, proper, right, suited to the nature and relation of things--a thing which _ought_ to be done.[ ] on this account, he might have urged it upon philemon in the form of an _injunction_, on apostolic authority and with great boldness.[ ] _the very nature_ of the request made it obligatory on philemon. he was sacredly bound, out of regard to the fitness of things, to admit onesimus to full equality with himself--to treat him as a brother both in the lord and as having flesh--as a fellow man. thus were the inalienable rights and birthright privileges of onesimus, as a member of the human family, defined and protected by apostolic authority. . the apostle preferred a request instead of imposing a command, on the ground of charity.[ ] he would give philemon an opportunity of discharging his obligations under the impulse of love. to this impulse, he was confident philemon would promptly and fully yield. how could he do otherwise? the thing itself was right. the request respecting it came from a benefactor, to whom, under god, he was under the highest obligations.[ ] that benefactor, now an old man, and in the hands of persecutors, manifested a deep and tender interest in the matter and had the strongest persuasion that philemon was more ready to grant than himself to entreat. the result, as he was soon to visit collosse, and had commissioned philemon to prepare a lodging for him, must come under the eye of the apostle. the request was so manifestly reasonable and obligatory, that the apostle, after all, described a compliance with it, by the strong word "_obedience_."[ ] [footnote : verse . to [greek: anaekon]. see robinson's new testament lexicon; "_it is fit, proper, becoming, it ought_." in what sense king james' translators used the word "convenient" any one may see who will read rom. i. and eph. v. , .] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse --[greek: dia taen agapaen]] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse .] now, how must all this have been understood by the church at colosse? --a church, doubtless, made up of such materials as the church at corinth, that is, of members chiefly from the humblest walks of life. many of them had probably felt the degradation and tasted the bitterness of the servile condition. would they have been likely to interpret the apostle's letter under the bias of feelings friendly to slavery!--and put the slaveholder's construction on its contents! would their past experience or present sufferings--for doubtless some of them were still "under the yoke"--have suggested to their thoughts such glosses as some of our theological professors venture to put upon the words of the apostle! far otherwise. the spirit of the lord was there, and the epistle was read in the light of "_liberty_." it contained the principles of holy freedom, faithfully and affectionately applied. this must have made it precious in the eyes of such men "of low degree" as were most of the believers, and welcome to a place in the sacred canon. there let it remain as a luminous and powerful defence of the cause of emancipation! but what saith professor stuart? "if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life."[ ] [footnote : see his letter to dr. fisk, supra pp. , ] "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." by what process? did the apostle, a prisoner at rome, seize upon the fugitive, and drag him before some heartless and perfidious "judge," for authority to send him back to colosse? did he hurry his victim away from the presence of the fat and supple magistrate, to be driven under chains and the lash to the field of unrequited toil, whence he had escaped? had the apostle been like some teachers in the american churches, he might, as a professor of sacred literature in one of our seminaries, or a preacher of the gospel to the rich in some of our cities, have consented thus to subserve the "peculiar" interests of a dear slaveholding brother. but the venerable champion of truth and freedom was himself under bonds in the imperial city, waiting for the crown of martyrdom. he wrote a letter to the church a colosse, which was accustomed to meet at the house of philemon, and another letter to that magnanimous disciple, and sent them by the hand of onesimus. so much for _the way_ in which onesimus was sent back to his master. a slave escapes from a patriarch in georgia, and seeks a refuge in the parish of the connecticut doctor of divinity, who once gave public notice that he saw no reason for caring for the servitude of his fellow men.[ ] under his influence, caesar becomes a christian convert. burning with love for the son whom he hath begotten in the gospel, our doctor resolves to send him back to his master. accordingly, he writes a letter, gives it to caesar, and bids him return, staff in hand, to the "corner-stone of our republican institutions." now, what would my caesar do, who had ever felt a link of slavery's chain? as he left his _spiritual father_, should we be surprised to hear him say to himself, what, return of my own accord to the man who, with the hand of a robber, plucked me from my mother's bosom!--for whom i have been so often drenched in the sweat of unrequited toil!--whose violence so often cut my flesh and scarred my limbs!--who shut out every ray of light from my mind!--who laid claim to those honors to which my creator and redeemer only are entitled! and for what am i to return? to be cursed, and smitten, and sold! to be tempted, and torn, and destroyed! i cannot thus throw myself away--thus rush upon my own destruction. [footnote : "why should i care?"] who ever heard of the voluntary return of a fugitive from american oppression? do you think that the doctor and his friends could persuade one to carry a letter to the patriarch from whom he had escaped? and must we believe this of onesimus? "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." on what occasion?--"if," writes the apostle, "he hath wronged thee, or oweth the aught, put that on my account." alive to the claims of duty, onesimus would "restore" whatever he "had taken away." he would honestly pay his debts. this resolution the apostle warmly approved. he was ready, at whatever expense, to help his young disciple in carrying it into full effect. of this he assured philemon, in language the most explicit and emphatic. here we find one reason for the conduct of paul in sending onesimus to philemon. if a fugitive slave of the rev. dr. smylie, of mississippi, should return to him with a letter from a doctor of divinity in new york, containing such an assurance, how would the reverend slaveholder dispose of it? what, he exclaims, have we here? "if cato has not been upright in his pecuniary intercourse with you--if he owes you any thing--put that on my account." what ignorance of southern institutions! what mockery, to talk of pecuniary intercourse between a slave and his master! _the slave himself, with all he is and has, is an article of merchandise_. what can _he_ owe his master? a rustic may lay a wager with his mule, and give the creature the peck of oats which he has permitted it to win. but who, in sober earnest, would call this a pecuniary transaction? "to be his servant for life!" from what part of the epistle could the expositor have evolved a thought so soothing to tyrants--so revolting to every man who loves his own nature? from this? "for perhaps he therefore departed for a season, that thou shouldst receive him for ever." receive him how? _as a servant_, exclaims our commentator. but what wrote the apostle? "not _now as a servant, but above a servant_, a brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord." who authorized the professor to bereave the word "_not_" of its negative influence? according to paul, philemon was to receive onesimus "_not_ as a servant;"--according to stuart, he was to receive him "_as a servant_!" if the professor will apply the same rules of exposition to the writings of the abolitionists, all difference between him and them must in his view presently vanish away. the harmonizing process would be equally simple and effectual. he has only to understand them as affirming what they deny, and as denying what they affirm. suppose that professor stuart had a son residing, at the south. his slave, having stolen money of his master, effected his escape. he fled to andover, to find a refuge among the "sons of the prophets." there he finds his way to professor stuart's house, and offers to render any service which the professor, dangerously ill "of a typhus fever," might require. he is soon found to be a most active, skilful, faithful nurse. he spares no pains, night and day, to make himself useful to the venerable sufferer. he anticipates every want. in the most delicate and tender manner, he tries to sooth every pain. he fastens himself strongly on the heart of the reverend object of his care. touched with the heavenly spirit, the meek demeanor, the submissive frame, which the sick bed exhibits, archy becomes a christian. a new bond now ties him and his convalescent teacher together. as soon as he is able to write, the professor sends archy with the following letter to the south, to isaac stuart, esq.:-- "my dear son,--with a hand enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous illness, from which i am slowly recovering, i address you on a subject which lies very near my heart. i have a request to urge, which our mutual relation to each other, and your strong obligations to me, will, i cannot doubt, make you eager fully to grant. i say a request, though the thing i ask is, in its very nature and on the principles of the gospel, obligatory upon you. i might, therefore, boldly demand, what i earnestly entreat. but i know how generous, magnanimous, and christ-like you are, and how readily you will 'do even more than i say'--i, your own father, an old man, almost exhausted with multiplied exertions for the benefit of my family and my country and now just rising, emaciated and broken, from the brink of the grave. i write in behalf of archy, whom i regard with the affection of a father, and whom, indeed, 'i have forgotten in my sickness.' gladly would i have retained him, to be _an isaac_ to me; for how often did not his soothing voice, and skilful hand, and unwearied attention to my wants remind me of you! but i chose to give you an opportunity of manifesting, voluntarily, the goodness of your heart; as, if i had retained him with me, you might seem to have been forced to grant what you will gratefully bestow. his temporary absence from you may have opened the way for his permanent continuance with you. not now as a slave. heaven forbid! but superior to a slave. superior, did i say? take him to your bosom, as a beloved brother; for i own him as a son, and regard him as such, in all the relations of life, both as a man and a christian. 'receive him as myself.' and that nothing may hinder you from complying with my request at once, i hereby promise, without adverting to your many and great obligations to me, to pay you every cent which he took from your drawer. any preparation which my comfort with you may require, you will make without much delay, when you learn, that i intend, as soon as i shall be able 'to perform the journey,' to make you a visit." and what if dr. baxter, in giving an account of this letter should publicly declare that professor stuart, of andover regarded slaveholding as lawful; for that "he had sent archy back to his son isaac, with an apology for his running away" to be held in perpetual slavery? with what propriety might not the professor exclaim: false, every syllable false. i sent him back, not to be held as a slave, _but recognized as a dear brother, in all respects, under every relation, civil and ecclesiastical_. i bade my son receive _archy as myself_. if this was not equivalent to a requisition to set him fully and most honorably free, and that, too, on the ground of natural obligation and christian principle, then i know not how to frame such a requisition. i am well aware that my supposition is by no means strong enough fully to illustrate the case to which it is applied. professor stuart lacks apostolical authority. isaac stuart is not a leading member of a church consisting, as the early churches chiefly consisted, of what the world regard as the dregs of society--"the offscouring of all things." nor was slavery at colosse, it seems, supported by such barbarous usages, such horrid laws as disgrace the south. but it is time to turn to another passage which, in its bearing on the subject in hand, is, in our view, as well as in the view of dr. fisk. and prof. stuart, in the highest degree authoritative and instructive. "let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of god and his doctrines be not blasphemed. and they that have believing masters, let them not despise them because they are brethren; but rather do them service, because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit." [ ] [footnote : tim. vi. . . the following exposition of this passage is from the pen of elizur wright, jr.:-- "this word [greek: antilambanesthai] in our humble opinion, has been so unfairly used by the commentators, that we feel constrained to take its part. our excellent translators, in rendering the clause 'partakers of the benefit,' evidently lost sight of the component preposition, which expresses the _opposition of reciprocity_, rather than the _connection of participation_. they have given it exactly the sense of [greek: metalambanein], ( tim. ii. .) had the apostle intended such a sense, he would have used the latter verb, or one of the more common words, [greek: metochoi, koinonomtes, &c.] (see heb. iii. , and tim. v. , where the latter word is used in the clause, 'neither be partaker of other men's sins.' had the verb in our text been used, it might have been rendered, 'neither be the _part-taker_ of other men's sins.') the primary sense of [greek: antilambans] is _to take in return_--_to take instead of, &c._ hence, in the middle with the genitive, it signifies _assist_, or _do one's part towards_ the person or thing expressed by that genitive. in this sense only is the word used in the new testament,--(see luke i. , and acts, xx. .) if this be true, the word [greek: emsgesai] cannot signify the benefit conferred by the gospel, as our common version would make it, but the _well doing_ of the servants, who should continue to serve their believing masters, while they were no longer under the _yoke_ of compulsion. this word is used elsewhere in the new testament but once (acts. iv. .) in relation to the '_good deed_' done to the impotent man. the plain import of the clause, unmystified by the commentators, is, that believing masters would not fail to do their part towards, or encourage by suitable returns, the free service of those who had once been under the yoke."] . the apostle addresses himself here to two classes of servants, with instructions to each respectively appropriate. both the one class and the other, in professor stuart's eye, were slaves. this he assumes, and thus begs the very question in dispute. the term servant is generic, as used by the sacred writers. it comprehends all the various offices which men discharge for the benefit of each other, however honorable, or however menial; from that of an apostle[ ] opening the path to heaven, to that of washing "one another's feet."[ ] a general term it is, comprehending every office which belongs to human relations and christian character.[ ] [footnote : cor. iv. .] [footnote : john, xiii, .] [footnote : mat, xx, - .] a leading signification gives us the manual laborer, to whom, in the division of labor, muscular exertion was allotted. as in his exertions the bodily powers are especially employed--such powers as belong to man in common with mere animals--his sphere has generally been considered low and humble. and as intellectual power is superior to bodily, the manual laborer has always been exposed in very numerous ways and in various degrees to oppression. cunning, intrigue, the oily tongue, have, through extended and powerful conspiracies, brought the resources of society under the control of the few, who stood aloof from his homely toil. hence his dependence upon them. hence the multiplied injuries which have fallen so heavily upon him. hence the reduction of his wages from one degree to another, till at length, in the case of millions, fraud and violence strip him of his all, blot his name from the record of _mankind_, and, putting a yoke upon his neck, drive him away to toil among the cattle. _here you find the slave_. to reduce the servant to his condition, requires abuses altogether monstrous--injuries reaching the very vitals of man--stabs upon the very heart of humanity. now, what right has professor stuart to make the word "_servants_," comprehending, even as manual laborers, so many and such various meanings, signify "_slaves_," especially where different classes are concerned? such a right he could never have derived from humanity, or philosophy, or hermeneutics. it is his by sympathy with the oppressor? yes, different classes. this is implied in the term "as many,"[ ] which sets apart the class now to be addressed. from these he proceeds to others, who are introduced by a particle,[ ] whose natural meaning indicates the presence of another and a different subject. [footnote : [greek: ochli] see passow's schneider.] [footnote : [greek: dd.] see passow.] . the first class are described as "_under the yoke_"--a yoke from which they were, according to the apostle, to make their escape if possible.[ ] if not, they must in every way regard the master with respect--bowing to his authority, working his will, subserving his interests so far as might be consistent with christian character.[ ] and this, to prevent blasphemy--to prevent the pagan master from heaping profane reproaches upon the name of god and the doctrines of the gospel. they should beware of rousing his passions, which, as his helpless victims, they might be unable to allay or withstand. [footnote : see cor. vii, --[greek: all' ei kai dunasai eleuphoros genesthai].] [footnote : see cor. vii, --[greek: mae ginesthe doulos anthroton].] but all the servants whom the apostle addressed were not "_under the yoke_"[ ]--an instrument appropriate to cattle and to slaves. these he distinguishes from another class, who instead of a "yoke"--the badge of a slave--had "_believing masters_." _to have a "believing master," then, was equivalent to freedom from "the yoke_." these servants were exhorted not _to despise_ their masters. what need of such an exhortation, if their masters had been slaveholders, holding them as property, wielding them as mere instruments, disposing of them as "articles of merchandise." but this was not consistent with believing. faith, "breaking every yoke," united master and servants in the bonds of brotherhood. brethren they were, joined in a relation which, excluding the yoke,[ ] placed them side by side on the ground of equality, where, each in his appropriate sphere, they might exert themselves freely and usefully, to the mutual benefit of each other. here, servants might need to be cautioned against getting above their appropriate business, putting on airs, despising their masters, and thus declining or neglecting their service. [ ] instead of this, they should be, as emancipated slaves often have been, [ ] models of enterprise, fidelity, activity, and usefulness--especially as their masters were "worthy of their confidence and love," their helpers in this well-doing. [footnote : see lev. xxvi. ; isa lviii. , .] [footnote : supra p. .] [footnote : see mat. vi. .] [footnote : those, for instance, set free by that "believing master" james g. birney.] such, then, is the relation between those who, in the view of professor stuart, were christian masters and christian slaves [ ]--the relation of "brethren," which, excluding "the yoke," and of course conferring freedom, placed them side by side on the common ground of mutual service, both retaining, for convenience sake, the one while giving and the other while receiving employment, the correlative name, _as is usual in such cases_, under which they had been known. such was the instruction which timothy was required, as a christian minister, to give. was it friendly to slaveholding? [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, supra, p. .] and on what ground, according to the princeton professor, did these masters and these servants stand in their relation to each other? on that _of a "perfect religious equality."_[ ] in all the relations, duties, and privileges--in all the objects, interests, and prospects, which belong to the province of christianity, servants were as free as their master. the powers of the one, were allowed as wide a range and as free an exercise, with as warm encouragements, as active aids, and as high results, as the other. here, the relation of a servant to his master imposed no restrictions, involved no embarrassments, occasioned no injury. all this, clearly and certainly, is implied in "_perfect religious equality_," which the princeton professor accords to servants in relation to their master. might the _master_, then, in order more fully to attain the great ends for which he was created and redeemed, freely exert himself to increase his acquaintance with his own powers, and relations, and resources--with his prospects, opportunities, and advantages? so might his _servants_. was _he_ at liberty to "study to approve himself to god," to submit to his will and bow to his authority, as the sole standard of affection and exertion? so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty to sanctify the sabbath, and frequent the "solemn assembly?" so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty so to honor the filial, conjugal, and paternal relations, as to find in them that spring of activity and that source of enjoyment, which they are capable of yielding? so were _they_. in every department of interest and exertion, they might use their capacities, and wield their powers, and improve their opportunities, and employ their resources, as freely as he, in glorifying god, in blessing mankind, and in laying up imperishable treasures for themselves! give perfect religious equality to the american slave, and the most eager abolitionist must be satisfied. such equality would, like the breath of the almighty, dissolve the last link of the chain of servitude. dare those who, for the benefit of slavery, have given so wide and active a circulation to the pittsburg pamphlet, make the experiment? [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] in the epistle to the colossians, the following passage deserves earnest attention:--"servants, obey in all things your masters according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but in singleness of heart, fearing god: and whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to the lord, and not unto men; knowing, that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance; for ye serve the lord christ. but he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done: and there is no respect of persons.--masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye have a master in heaven."[ ] [footnote : col. iii. to iv. .] here it is natural to remark-- . that in maintaining the relation, which mutually united them, both masters and servants were to act in conformity with the principles of the divine government. whatever _they_ did, servants were to do in hearty obedience to the lord, by whose authority they were to be controlled and by whose hand they were to be rewarded. to the same lord, and according to the same law, was the _master_ to hold himself responsible. _both the one and the other were of course equally at liberty and alike required to study and apply the standard, by which they were to be governed and judged_. . the basis of the government under which they thus were placed, was _righteousness_--strict, stern, impartial. nothing here of bias or antipathy. birth, wealth, station,--the dust of the balance not so light! both master and servants were hastening to a tribunal, where nothing of "respect of persons" could be feared or hoped for. there the wrong-doer, whoever he might be, and whether from the top or bottom of society, must be dealt with according to his deservings. . under this government, servants were to be universally and heartily obedient; and both in the presence and absence of the master, faithfully to discharge their obligations. the master on his part, in his relations to the servants, was to make justice and equality the _standard of his conduct_. under the authority of such instructions, slavery falls discountenanced, condemned, abhorred. it is flagrantly at war with the government of god, consists in "respect of persons" the most shameless and outrageous, treads justice and equality under foot, and in its natural tendency and practical effects is nothing else than a system of wrong-doing. what have _they_ to do with the just and the equal who in their "respect of persons" proceed to such a pitch as to treat one brother as a thing because he is a servant, and place him, without the least regard to his welfare here, or his prospects hereafter, absolutely at the disposal of another brother, under the name of master, in the relation of owner to property? justice and equality on the one hand, and the chattel principle on the other, are naturally subversive of each other--proof clear and decisive that the correlates, masters and servants, cannot here be rendered slaves and owners, without the grossest absurdity and the greatest violence. "servants, be obedient to them that are _your_ masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but as the servants of christ, doing the will of god from the heart; with good will doing service, as to the lord, and not to men: knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the lord, whether _he be_ bond or free. and, ye masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening: knowing that your master also is in heaven; neither is there respect of persons with him."[ ] [footnote : ephesians, vi. - .] without repeating here what has already been offered in exposition of kindred passages, it may be sufficient to say:-- . that the relation of the servants here addressed, to their master, was adapted to make him the object of their heart-felt attachment. otherwise they could not have been required to render him an affectionate service. . this relation demanded a perfect reciprocity of benefits. it had its soul in _good-will_, mutually cherished and properly expressed. hence "the same things," the same in principle, the same in substance, the same in their mutual bearing upon the welfare of the master and the servants, was to be rendered back and forth by the one and the other. it was clearly the relation of mutual service. do we here find the chattel principle? . of course, the servants might not be slack, time-serving, unfaithful. of course, the master must "forbear threatening." slavery without threatening! impossible. wherever maintained, it is of necessity a _system of threatening_, injecting into the bosom of the slave such terrors, as never cease for a moment to haunt and torment him. take from the chattel principle the support, which it derives from "threatening," and you annihilate it at once and forever. . this relation was to be maintained in accordance with the principles of the divine government, where "respect of persons" could not be admitted. it was, therefore, totally inconsistent with, and submissive of, the chattel principle, which in american slavery is developed in a system of "respect of persons," equally gross and hurtful. no abolitionist, however eager and determined in his opposition to slavery, could ask for more than these precepts, once obeyed, would be sure to confer. "the relation of slavery," according to professor stuart, is recognized in "the precepts of the new testament," as one which "may still exist without violating the christian faith or the church."[ ] slavery and the chattel principle! so our professor thinks; otherwise his reference has nothing to do with the subject--with the slavery which the abolitionist, whom he derides, stands opposed to. how gross and hurtful is the mistake into which he allows himself to fall. the relation recognized in the precepts of the new testament had its basis and support in "justice and equality;" the very opposite of the chattel principle; a relation which may exist as long as justice and equality remain, and thus escape the destruction to which, in the view of professor stuart, slavery is doomed. the description of paul obliterates every feature of american slavery, raising the servant to equality with his master, and placing his rights under the protection of justice; yet the eye of professor stuart can see nothing in his master and servant but a slave and his owner. with this relation he is so thoroughly possessed, that, like an evil angel, it haunts him even when he enters the temple of justice! [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, supra p. .] "it is remarkable," saith the princeton professor, "that there is not even an exhortation" in the writings of the apostles "to masters to liberate their slaves, much less is it urged as an imperative and immediate duty."[ ] it would be remarkable, indeed, if they were chargeable with a defect so great and glaring. and so they have nothing to say upon the subject? _that_ not even the princeton professor has the assurance to affirm. he admits that kindness, mercy, and justice, were enjoined with a _distinct reference to the government of god_.[ ] "without respect of persons," they were to be god-like in doing justice. they were to act the part of kind and merciful "brethren." and whither would this lead them? could they stop short of restoring to every man his natural, inalienable rights?--of doing what they could to redress the wrongs, sooth the sorrows, improve the character, and raise the condition of the degraded and oppressed? especially, if oppressed and degraded by any agency of theirs. could it be kind, merciful, or just to keep the chains of slavery on their helpless, unoffending brother? would this be to honor the golden rule, or obey the second great command of "their master in heaven?" could the apostles have subserved the cause of freedom more directly, intelligibly, and effectually, than _to enjoin the principles, and sentiments, and habits, in which freedom consists--constituting its living root and fruitful germ_! [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] the princeton professor himself, in the very paper which the south has so warmly welcomed and so loudly applauded as a scriptural defence of "the peculiar institution," maintains, that the "general principles of the gospel _have_ destroyed slavery _throughout the greater part of christendom_"[ ]--"that christianity has abolished both political and domestic bondage wherever it has had free scope--_that it_ enjoins _a fair compensation for labor; insists on the mental and intellectual improvement of_ all _classes of men; condemns_ all _infractions of marital or parental rights; requires, in short, not only that_ free scope _should be allowed to human improvement, but that_ all suitable means _should be employed for the attainment of that end_."[ ] it is indeed "remarkable," that while neither christ nor his apostles ever gave "an exhortation to masters to liberate their slaves," they enjoined such "general principles as have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of christendom;" that while christianity forbears "to urge" emancipation "as an imperative and immediate duty," it throws a barrier, heaven high, around every domestic circle; protects all the rights of the husband and the father; gives every laborer a fair compensation; and makes the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes, with free scope and all suitable means, the object of its tender solicitude and high authority. this is not only "remarkable," but inexplicable. yes and no--hot and cold, in one and the same breath! and yet these things stand prominent in what is reckoned an acute, ingenious, effective defence of slavery! [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. , .] [footnote : the same, p. .] in his letter to the corinthian church, the apostle paul furnishes another lesson of instruction, expressive of his views and feelings on the subject of slavery. "let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called. art thou called being a servant? care not for it; but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman: likewise also he that is called, being free, is christ's servant. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men." [ ] [footnote : cor. vii. - .] in explaining and applying this passage, it is proper to suggest: . that it _could_ not have been the object of the apostle to bind the corinthian converts to the stations and employments in which the gospel found them. for he exhorts some of them to escape, if possible, from their present condition. in the servile state, "under the yoke," they ought not to remain unless impelled by stern necessity. "if thou canst be free, use it rather." if they ought to prefer freedom to bondage and to exert themselves to escape from the latter for the sake of the former, could their master consistently with the claims and spirit of the gospel have hindered or discouraged them in so doing? their "brother" could _he_ be, who kept "the yoke" upon their neck, which the apostle would have them shake off if possible? and had such masters been members of the corinthian church, what inferences must they have drawn from this exhortation to their servants? that the apostle regarded slavery as a christian institution?--or could look complacently on any efforts to introduce or maintain it in the church? could they have expected less from him than a stern rebuke, if they refused to exert themselves in the cause of freedom? . but while they were to use their freedom, if they could obtain it, they should not, even on such a subject, give themselves up to ceaseless anxiety. "the lord was no respecter of persons." they need not fear, that the "low estate," to which they had been wickedly reduced, would prevent them from enjoying the gifts of his hand or the light of his countenance. _he_ would respect their rights, sooth their sorrows, and pour upon their hearts, and cherish there, the spirit of liberty. "for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman." in _him_, therefore, should they cheerfully confide. . the apostle, however, forbids them so to acquiesce in the servile relation, as to act inconsistently with their christian obligations. to their savior they belonged. by his blood they had been purchased. it should be their great object, therefore, to render _him_ a hearty and effective service. they should permit no man, whoever he might be, to thrust in himself between them and their redeemer. "_ye are bought with a price_; be not ye the servants of men." with his eye upon the passage just quoted and explained, the princeton professor asserts that "paul represents this relation"--the relation of slavery--"as of comparatively little account."[ ] and this he applies--otherwise it is nothing to his purpose--to _american_ slavery. does he then regard it as a small matter, a mere trifle, to be thrown under the slave-laws of this republic, grimly and fiercely excluding their victim from almost every means of improvement, and field of usefulness, and source of comfort; and making him, body and substance, with his wife and babes, "the servant of men?" could such a relation be acquiesced in consistently with the instructions of the apostle? [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] to the princeton professor we commend a practical trial of the bearing of the passage in hand upon american slavery. his regard for the unity and prosperity of the ecclesiastical organizations, which in various forms and under different names, unite the southern with the northern churches, will make the experiment grateful to his feelings. let him, then, as soon as his convenience will permit, proceed to georgia. no religious teacher [ ] from any free state, can be likely to receive so general and so warm a welcome there. to allay the heat, which the doctrines and movements of the abolitionists have occasioned in the southern mind, let him with as much despatch as possible, collect, as he goes from place to place, masters and their slaves. now let all men, whom it may concern, see and own that slavery is a christian institution! with his bible in his hand and his eye upon the passage in question, he addresses himself to the task of instructing the slaves around him. let not your hearts, my brethren, be overcharged with sorrow, or eaten up with anxiety. your servile condition cannot deprive you of the fatherly regards of him "who is no respecter of persons." freedom you ought, indeed, to prefer. if you can escape from "the yoke," throw it off. in the mean time rejoice that "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" that the gospel places slaves "on a perfect religious equality" with their master; so that every christian is "the lord's freeman." and, for your encouragement, remember that "christianity has abolished both political and domestic servitude wherever it has had free scope. it enjoins a fair compensation for labor; it insists on the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes of men; it condemns all infractions of marital or parental rights; in short it requires not only that free scope be allowed to human improvement, but that all suitable means should be employed for the attainment of that end." [ ] let your lives, then, be honorable to your relations to your savior. he bought you with his own blood; and is entitled to your warmest love and most effective service. "be not ye the servants of men." let no human arrangements prevent you, as citizens of the kingdom of heaven, from making the most of your powers and opportunities. would such an effort, generally and heartily made, allay excitement at the south, and quench the flames of discord, every day rising higher and waxing hotter, in almost every part of the republic, and cement "the union?" [footnote : rev. mr. savage, of utica, new york, had, not very long ago, a free conversation with a gentleman of high standing in the literary and religious world from a slaveholding state, where the "peculiar institution" is cherished with great warmth and maintained with iron rigor. by him, mr. savage was assured, that the princeton professor had, through the pittsburg pamphlet, contributed most powerfully and effectually to bring the "whole south" under the persuasion, _that slaveholding is in itself right_--a system _to which the bible gives countenance and support_. in an extract from an article in the southern christian sentinel, a new presbyterian paper established in charleston, south carolina, and inserted in the christian journal for march , , we find the following paragraphs from the pen of rev. c.w. howard, and, according to mr. chester, ably and freely endorsed by the editor. "there is scarcely any diversity of sentiment at the north upon this subject. the great mass of the people, believing slavery to be sinful, are clearly of the opinion that, as a system, it should be abolished throughout this land and throughout the world. they differ as to the time and mode of abolition. the abolitionists consistently argue, that whatever is sinful should be instantly abandoned. the others, _by a strange sort of reasoning for christian men_, contend that though slavery is sinful, _yet it may be allowed to exist until it shall he expedient to abolish it_; or, if, in many cases, this reasoning might be translated into plain english, the sense would be, both in church and state, _slavery, though sinful, may be allowed to exist until our interest will suffer us to say that it must be abolished_. this is not slander; it is simply a plain way of stating a plain truth. it does seem the evident duty of every man to become an abolitionist, who believes slavery to be sinful, for the bible allows no tampering with sin. "to these remarks, there are some noble exceptions, to be found in both parties in the church. _the south owes a debt of gratitude to the biblical repertory, for the fearless argument in behalf of the position, that slavery is not forbidden by the bible_. the writer of that article is said, without contradiction, to be _professor hodge, of princeton_--his name ought to be known and revered among you, _my brethren, for in a land of anti-slavery men, he is the_ only one _who has dared to vindicate your character from the serious charge of living in the habitual transgression of god's holy law_."] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] "it is," affirms the princeton professor, "on all hands acknowledged, that, at the time of the advent of jesus christ, slavery in its worst forms prevailed over the whole world. _the savior found it around him_ in judea."[ ] to say that he found it _in judea_, is to speak ambiguously. many things were to be found "_in_ judea," which neither belonged to, nor were characteristic of _the jews_. it is not denied that _the gentiles_, who resided among them, might have had slaves; _but of the jews this is denied_. how could the professor take that as granted, the proof of which entered vitally into the argument and was essential to the soundness of the conclusions to which he would conduct us? how could he take advantage of an ambiguous expression to conduct his confiding readers on to a position which, if his own eyes were open, he must have known they could not hold in the light of open day! [footnote : the same, p. ] we do not charge the savior with any want of wisdom, goodness, or courage,[ ] for refusing to "break down the wall of partition between jews and gentiles" "before the time appointed." while this barrier stood, he could not, consistently with the plan of redemption, impart instruction freely to the gentiles. to some extent, and on extraordinary occasions, he might have done so. but his business then was with "the lost sheep of the house of israel." [ ] the propriety of this arrangement is not the matter of dispute between the princeton professor and ourselves. [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : matt. xv. .] in disposing of the question whether the jews held slaves during our savior's incarnation among them, the following points deserve earnest attention:-- . slaveholding is inconsistent with the mosaic economy. for the proof of this, we would refer our readers, among other arguments more or less appropriate and powerful, to the tract already alluded to.[ ] in all the external relations and visible arrangements of life, the jews, during our savior's ministry among them, seem to have been scrupulously observant of the institutions and usages of the "old dispensation." they stood far aloof from whatever was characteristic of samaritans and gentiles. from idolatry and slaveholding--those twin-vices which had always so greatly prevailed among the heathen--they seem at length, as the result of a most painful discipline, to have been effectually divorced. [footnote : "the bible against slavery."] . while, therefore, john the baptist; with marked fidelity and great power, acted among the jews the part of a _reprover_, he found no occasion to repeat and apply the language of his predecessors,[ ] in exposing and rebuking idolatry and slaveholding. could he, the greatest of the prophets, have been less effectually aroused by the presence of "the yoke," than was isaiah?--or less intrepid and decisive in exposing and denouncing the sin of oppression under its most hateful and injurious forms? [footnote : psalm lxxxii; isa. lviii. - jer. xxii. - .] . the savior was not backward in applying his own principles plainly and pointedly to such forms of oppression as appeared among the jews. these principles, whenever they have been freely acted on, the princeton professor admits, have abolished domestic bondage. had this prevailed within the sphere of our savior's ministry, he could not, consistently with his general character, have failed to expose and condemn it. the oppression of the people by lordly ecclesiastics, of parents by their selfish children, of widows by their ghostly counsellors, drew from his lips scorching rebukes and terrible denunciations.[ ] how, then, must he have felt and spoke in the presence of such tyranny, if _such tyranny had been within his official sphere_, as should _have made widows_, by driving their husbands to some flesh-market, and their children not orphans, _but cattle_? [footnote : matt. xxiii; mark, vii. - .] . domestic slavery was manifestly inconsistent with the _industry_, which, _in the form of manual labor_, so generally prevailed among the jews. in one connection, in the acts of the apostles, we are informed, that, coming from athens to corinth, paul "found a certain jew, named aquila, born in pontus, lately come from italy, with his wife priscilla; (because that claudius had commanded all jews to depart from rome;) and came unto them. and because he was of the same craft, he abode with them and wrought: (for by their occupation they were tent-makers.")[ ] this passage has opened the way for different commentators to refer us to the public sentiment and general practice of the jews respecting useful industry and manual labor. according to _lightfoot_, "it was their custom to bring up their children to some trade, yea, though they gave them learning or estates." according to rabbi judah, "he that teaches not his son a trade, is as if he taught him to be a thief."[ ] it was, _kuinoel_ affirms, customary even for jewish teachers to unite labor (opificium) with the study of the law. this he confirms by the highest rabbinical authority.[ ] _heinrichs_ quotes a rabbi as teaching, that no man should by any means neglect to train his son to honest industry.[ ] accordingly, the apostle paul, though brought up at the "feet of gamaliel," the distinguished disciple of a most illustrious teacher, practised the art of tent-making. his own hands ministered to his necessities; and his example is so doing, he commends to his gentile brethren for their imitation.[ ] that zebedee, the father of john the evangelist, had wealth, various hints in the new testament render probable.[ ] yet how do we find him and his sons, while prosecuting their appropriate business? in the midst of the hired servants, "in the ship mending their nets."[ ] [footnote : acts, xviii. - .] [footnote : henry on acts, xviii. - .] [footnote : kuinoel on acts.] [footnote : heinrichs on acts.] [footnote : acts, xx. , ; thess. iv. .] [footnote : see kuinoel's prolegom. to the gospel of john.] [footnote : mark, i. , .] slavery among a people who, from the highest to the lowest, were used to manual labor! what occasion for slavery there? and how could it be maintained? no place can be found for slavery among a people generally inured to useful industry. with such, especially if men of learning, wealth, and station, "labor, working with their hands," such labor must be honorable. on this subject, let jewish maxims and jewish habits be adopted at the south, and the "peculiar institution" would vanish like a ghost at daybreak. . another hint, here deserving particular attention, is furnished in the allusions of the new testament to the lowest casts and most servile employments among the jews. with profligates, _publicans_ were joined as depraved and contemptible. the outcasts of society were described, not as fit to herd with slaves, but as deserving a place among samaritans and publicans. they were "_hired servants_," whom zebedee employed. in the parable of the prodigal son we have a wealthy jewish family. here servants seem to have abounded. the prodigal, bitterly bewailing his wretchedness and folly, described their condition as greatly superior to his own. how happy the change which should place him by their side? his remorse, and shame, and penitence made him willing to embrace the lot of the lowest of them all. but these--what was their condition? they were hired servants. "make me as one of thy hired servants." such he refers to as the lowest menials known in jewish life. lay such hints as have now been suggested together; let it be remembered, that slavery was inconsistent with the mosaic economy; that john the baptist in preparing the way for the messiah makes no reference "to the yoke" which, had it been before him, he would, like isaiah, have condemned; that the savior, while he took the part of the poor and sympathized with the oppressed, was evidently spared the pain of witnessing within the sphere of his ministry, the presence, of the chattel principle, that it was the habit of the jews, whoever they might be, high or low, rich or poor, learned or rude, "to labor, working with their hands;" and that where reference was had to the most menial employments, in families, they were described as carried on by hired servants; and the question of slavery "in judea," so far as the seed of abraham were concerned, is very easily disposed of. with every phase and form of society among them slavery was inconsistent. the position which, in the article so often referred to in this paper, the princeton professor takes, is sufficiently remarkable. northern abolitionists he saw in an earnest struggle with southern slaveholders. the present welfare and future happiness of myriads of the human family were at stake in this contest. in the heat of the battle, he throws himself between the belligerent powers. he gives the abolitionists to understand, that they are quite mistaken in the character of the objections they have set themselves so openly and sternly against. slaveholding is not, as they suppose, contrary to the law of god. it was witnessed by the savior "in its worst forms"[ ] without extorting from his laps a syllable of rebuke. "the sacred writers did not condemn it." [ ] and why should they? by a definition[ ] sufficiently ambiguous and slippery, he undertakes to set forth a form of slavery which he looks upon as consistent with the law of righteousness. from this definition he infers that the abolitionists are greatly to blame for maintaining that american slavery is inherently and essentially sinful, and for insisting that it ought at once to be abolished. for this labor of love the slaveholding south is warmly grateful and applauds its reverend ally, as if a very daniel had come as their advocate to judgment.[ ] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] [footnote : supra, p. .] a few questions, briefly put, may not here be inappropriate. . was the form of slavery which our professor pronounces innocent _the form_ witnessed by our savior "in judea?" that, _he_ will by no means admit. the slavery there was, he affirms, of the "worst" kind. _how then does he account for the alleged silence of the savior?--a silence covering the essence and the form--the institution and its "worst" abuses_? . is the slaveholding, which, according to the princeton professor, christianity justifies, the same as that which the abolitionists so earnestly wish to see abolished? let us see. _christianity in supporting slavery, _the american system for according to professor hodge_, supporting slavery_, "enjoins a fair compensation for makes compensation labor" impossible by reducing the laborer to a chattel. "it insists on the moral and it sternly forbids its intellectual improvement of all victim to learn to read classes of men" even the name of his creator and redeemer. "it condemns all infractions of it outlaws the conjugal marital or parental rights." and parental relations. "it requires that free scope it forbids any effort, on should be allowed to human the part of myriads of the improvement." human family, to improve their character, condition, and prospects. "it requires that all suitable it inflicts heavy means should be employed to improve penalties for teaching mankind" letters to the poorest of the poor. "wherever it has had free scope, wherever it has free it has abolished domestic bondage." scope, it perpetuates domestic bondage. _now it is slavery according to the american system_ that the abolitionists are set against. _of the existence of any_ such form of slavery as is consistent with professor hodge's account of the requisitions of christianity, they know nothing. it has never met their notice, and of course, has never roused their feelings or called forth their exertions. what, then, have _they_ to do with the censures and reproaches which the princeton professor deals around? let those who have leisure and good nature protect the man of _straw_ he is so hot against. the abolitionists have other business. it is not the figment of some sickly brain; but that system of oppression which in theory is corrupting, and in practice destroying both church and state;--it is this that they feel pledged to do battle upon, till by the just judgment of almighty god it is thrown, dead and damned, into the bottomless abyss. . _how can the south feel itself protected by any shield which may be thrown over_ such slavery, _as may be consistent with what the princeton professor describes as the requisitions of christianity_? is _this_ the _slavery_ which their laws describe, and their hands maintain? "fair compensation for labor"--"marital and parental rights"--"free scope" and "all suitable means" for the "improvement, moral and intellectual, of all classes of men;"--are these, according to the statutes of the south, among the objects of slaveholding legislation? every body knows that any such requisitions and american slavery are flatly opposed to and directly subversive of each other. what service, then, has the princeton professor, with all his ingenuity and all his zeal, rendered the "peculiar institution?" their gratitude must be of a stamp and complexion quite peculiar, if they can thank him for throwing their "domestic system" under the weight of such christian requisitions as must at once crush its snaky head "and grind it to powder." and what, moreover, is the bearing of the christian requisitions, which professor hodge quotes, upon the definition of slavery which he has elaborated? "all the ideas which necessarily enter into the definition of slavery are, deprivation of personal liberty, obligation of service at the discretion of another, and the transferable character of the authority and claim of service of the master."[ ] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet p. .] _according to professor hodge's _according to professor hodge's account of the definition of slavery_, requisitions of christianity_, the spring of effort in the the laborer must serve at the laborer is a fair compensation. discretion of another. free scope must be given for he is deprived of personal his moral and intellectual liberty--the necessary condition, improvement. and living soul of improvement, without which he has no control of either intellect or morals. his rights as a husband and the authority and claims of the a father are to be protected. master may throw an ocean between him and his family, and separate them from each other's presence at any moment and forever. christianity, then, requires such slavery as professor hodge so cunningly defines, to be abolished. it was well provided for the peace of the respective parties, that he placed _his definition_ so far from _the requisitions of christianity_. had he brought them into each other's presence, their natural and invincible antipathy to each other would have broken out into open and exterminating warfare. but why should we delay longer upon an argument which is based on gross and monstrous sophistry? it can mislead only such as _wish_ to be misled. the lovers of sunlight are in little danger of rushing into the professor's dungeon. those who, having something to conceal, covet darkness, can find it there, to their heart's content. the hour cannot be far away, when upright and reflective minds at the south will be astonished at the blindness which could welcome such protection as the princeton argument offers to the slaveholder. but _professor stuart_ must not be forgotten. in his celebrated letter to dr. fisk, he affirms that "_paul did not expect slavery to be ousted in a day_."[ ] _did not_ expect! what then! are the _requisitions_ of christianity adapted to any expectations which in any quarter and on any ground might have risen to human consciousness? and are we to interpret the _precepts_ of the gospel by the expectations of paul? the savior commanded all men every where to repent, and this, though "paul did not expect" that human wickedness, in its ten thousand forms would in any community "be ousted in a day." expectations are one thing; requisitions quite another. [footnote : supra, p. .] in the mean time, while expectation waited, paul, the professor adds, "gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor." _that_ he did. of what character were these precepts? must they not have been in harmony with the golden rule? but this, according to professor stuart, "decides against the righteousness of slavery" even as a "theory." accordingly, christians were required, _without respect of persons_, to do each other justice--to maintain equality as common ground for all to stand upon--to cherish and express in all their intercourse that tender love and disinterested charity which one _brother_ naturally feels for another. these were the "ad interim precepts."[ ] which cannot fail, if obeyed, to cut up slavery, "root and branch," at once and forever. [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, p. .] professor stuart comforts us with the assurance that "_christianity will ultimately certainly destroy slavery_." of this _we_ have not the feeblest doubt. but how could _he_ admit a persuasion and utter a prediction so much at war with the doctrine he maintains, that "_slavery may exist without_ violating the christian faith or the church?"[ ] what, christianity bent on the destruction of an ancient and cherished institution which hurts neither her character nor condition?[ ] why not correct its abuses and purify its spirit; and shedding upon it her own beauty, preserve it, as a living trophy of her reformatory power? whence the discovery that, in her onward progress, she would trample down and destroy what was no way hurtful to her? this is to be _aggressive_ with a witness. far be it from the judge of all the earth to whelm the innocent and guilty in the same destruction! in aid of professor stuart, in the rude and scarcely covert attack which he makes upon himself, we maintain that christianity will certainly destroy slavery on account of its inherent wickedness--its malignant temper--its deadly effects--its constitutional, insolent, and unmitigable opposition to the authority of god and the welfare of man. [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, p. .] [footnote : professor stuart applies here the words, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_.] "christianity will _ultimately_ destroy slavery." "ultimately!" what meaneth that portentous word? to what limit of remotest time, concealed in the darkness of futurity, may it look? tell us, o watchman, on the hill of andover. almost nineteen centuries have rolled over this world of wrong and outrage--and yet we tremble in the presence of a form of slavery whose breath is poison, whose fang is death! if any one of the incidents of slavery should fall, but for a single day, upon the head of the prophet, who dipped his pen in such cold blood, to write that word "ultimately," how, under the sufferings of the first tedious hour, would he break out in the lamentable cry, "how _long_, o lord, how long!" in the agony of beholding a wife or daughter upon the table of the auctioneer, while every bid fell upon his heart like the groan of despair, small comfort would he find in the dull assurance of some heartless prophet, quite at "ease in zion," that "ultimately _christianity would destroy slavery_." as the hammer falls, and the beloved of his soul, all helpless and most wretched, is borne away to the haunts of _legalized_ debauchery, his hearts turns to stone, while the cry dies upon his lips, "_how_ long, _o lord_, how long!" "_ultimately_!" in _what circumstances_ does professor stuart assure himself that christianity will destroy slavery? are we, as american citizens, under the sceptre of a nero? when, as integral parts of this republic--as living members of this community, did we forfeit the prerogatives of _freemen_? have we not the right to speak and act as wielding the powers which the privileges of self-government has put in our possession? and without asking leave of priest or statesman of the north or the south, may we not make the most of the freedom which we enjoy under the guaranty of the ordinances of heaven and the constitution of our country! can we expect to see christianity on higher vantage-ground than in this country she stands upon? in the midst of a republic based on the principle of the equality of mankind, where every christian, as vitally connected with the state, freely wields the highest political rights and enjoys the richest political privileges; where the unanimous demand of one-half of the members of the churches would be promptly met in the abolition of slavery, what "_ultimately_" must christianity here wait for before she crushes the chattel principle beneath her heel? her triumph over slavery is retarded by nothing but the corruption and defection so widely spread through the "sacramental host" beneath her banners! let her voice be heard and her energies exerted, and the _ultimately_ of the "dark spirit of slavery" would at once give place to the _immediately_ of the avenger of the poor. no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * disunion. address of the american anti-slavery society and f. jackson's letter on the pro-slavery character of the constitution new york: american anti-slavery society. nassau street. . boston: printed by david h. ela, no. , cornhill. address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society to friends of freedom and emancipation in the u. states. at the tenth anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, held in the city of new-york, may th, ,--after grave deliberation, and a long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to god, require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that the motto inscribed on the banner of freedom should be, no union with slaveholders; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights, or the promotion of the interests of liberty; and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to compromise the principles of justice and humanity. a decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the american society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. this is due not only to the society, but also to the country and the world. it is declared by the american people to be a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." it is further maintained by them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." these doctrines the patriots of sealed with their blood. they would not brook even the menace of oppression. they held that there should be no delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments of power on their liberties. appealing to the great ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free. for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their deeds, and glory in their triumphs. it is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind. we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound heart. a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation. to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists. but, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it. we charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human blood. we charge upon the american constitution, that it contains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey to another. we charge upon the existing national government, that it is an insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of american slavery. these charges we proceed briefly to establish: i. it is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt,--that the american union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding states; in other words, by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by depriving the north of equal rights and privileges, and by incorporating the slave system into the government. in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"--null and void before god, from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and the supporters of which are equally guilty. it was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that, without such a compromise there could have been no union; that, without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic. to this we reply: the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical. it is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. it is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration. it is at war with the government of god, and subversive of the foundations of morality. it is to make lies our refuge, and under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the overflowing scourge. "therefore, thus saith the lord god, judgment will i lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the bail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place." moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not spare." this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since god said, "let there by light." it assumes that to be practicable, which is impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with injustice, and safety with blood guiltiness. a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. a partnership between right and wrong, is wholly wrong. a compromise of the principles of justice, is the deification of crime. better that the american union had never been formed, than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! if they were guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! if it was sinful at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its corruption? the fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union, rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country, to the prostration of northern rights. in the just use of words, the american union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world. how then can it be innocently sustained? it is not certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother country would have reconquered the colonies. the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of england. ii. the american constitution is the exponent of the national compact. we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that, in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. it is not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. it is not a form of words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may determine. _it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant_--nothing more, nothing less, _as a matter of bargain and compromise_. even if it can be construed to mean something else, without violence to its language, such construction is not to be tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. no just or honest use of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to serve under it_. to the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be found in the constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of slavery; and that these were adopted _in good faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected_. on this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. if it be objected, that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties, _whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_; and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because they are immoral_, and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one can innocently swear to support the constitution. again, if it be objected, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity: and therefore, it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is _not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of the country_. moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the united states. the words, "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the white population. "to promote the general welfare," referred to their own welfare exclusively. "to establish justice," was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of slavery. this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument, and by their own practice under it. we would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. it is absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. as truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from the american soil! the truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty _to themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose. they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy; and though _in words_ they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they continually denied it. they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. why, then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses. _why cling to the falsehood, that they were not respecters of persons in the formation of the government_? alas! that they had no more fear of god, no more regard for man, in their hearts! "the iniquity of the house of israel and judah [the north and south] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the lord hath forsaken the earth, and the lord seeth not." we proceed to a critical examination of the american constitution, in its relations to slavery. in article , section , it is declared--"the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." in this section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to mean that there should be no interference with the african slave trade, on the part of the general government, until the year . for twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, the citizens of the united states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships, populating the atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its termination, congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy, yet all christendom knows that the american flag, instead of being the terror of the african slavers, has given them the most ample protection. the manner in which the th section was agreed to, by the national convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the hon. luther martin,[ ] who was a prominent member of that body: "the eastern states, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!) _were very willing to indulge the southern states_ at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the southern states would, in the return, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted." behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity, on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth! it is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not adopted "without considerable opposition." alluding to it, mr. martin observes-- [footnote : speech before the legislature of maryland in .] "it was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature has entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only of putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that god whose protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally the lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor _african slave_ and his _american master_![ ] [footnote : how terribly and justly has this guilty nation been scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the slave trade! secret proceedings, p. .] "it was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in any state, in the same proportion is the state weakened and exposed to foreign invasion and domestic insurrection: and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much, want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. "it was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the general government power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest. "these reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system."[ ] [footnote : secret proceedings, p. .] happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the constitution! but for the sake of securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may come, and to make the end sanctify the means. they were willing to enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. they did this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of god. "the eastern states were very willing to _indulge_ the southern states" in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_ by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!--had there been no other provision of the constitution justly liable to objection, this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their creator, and to each other. it was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one who partook of it. if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be _constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the constitution, at the pleasure of congress, whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of southern opposition to emancipation. it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was, that the traffic _should cease_ in ; but the only thing secured by it was, the _right_ of congress (not any obligation) to prohibit it at that period. if, therefore, congress had not chosen to exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely, under the constitution_. the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it. true, there is no probability that the african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due the framers of the constitution on this ground; for, while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition_. again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"--namely, that the parties to the constitution regarded only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set forth_. while, therefore, the constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. for it avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law of god and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory. whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_ obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. the object of the constitution is not to define _what is the law of god_, but what is the will of the people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them. article , sect. , provides--"representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_." here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the african slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at the present time, enables the south to have twenty-five additional representatives in congress on the score of _property_, while the north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, aid then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding states. referring to this atrocious bargain, alexander hamilton remarked in the new york convention-- "the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own: whether this is _reasoning_ or _declamation_, (!!) i will not presume to say. it is the _unfortunate_ situation of the southern states to have a great part of their population, as well as _property_, in blacks. the regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of accommodation_ which governed the convention; and without this _indulgence_, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them it is entirely just that they should be _gratified_--the southern states possess certain staples,--tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be _capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout the united states." if such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of alexander hamilton, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing american independence, and in framing the american constitution? listen, now, to the opinions of john quincy adams, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:-- "'in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.'--'is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes.'--'it was _one_ of the curses from that pandora's box, adjusted at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the south, and to aggravate the burdens of the north.'--'if there be a parallel to it in human history, it can only be that of the roman emperors, who, from the days when julius caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic, among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was that of tribune of the people. a roman emperor tribune of the people, is an exact parallel to that feature in the constitution of the united states which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'the constitution of the united states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states. the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of privileged orders of men. but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves, in the hall of this house, in the chair of the senate, and in the presidential mansion?'--'this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six states of the union, constitutes a privileged order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility ever known. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. to call it an aristocracy, is to do injustice to that form of government. aristocracy is the government of _the best_. its standard qualification for accession to power _is merit_, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals of time. if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny, what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves? it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. it was introduced into the constitution of the united states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons. little did the members of the convention from the free states foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession.'--'the house of representatives of the united states consists of members--all, by the _letter_ of the constitution, representatives only of _persons_, as of them really are; but the other , equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the _property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. each of these members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw,'--'here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. by the influence of slavery, in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the members of the federal senate, are owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest as the members elected by them to the house.'--'by this process it is that all political power in the states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of _wrong_.--its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.--the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states.--the biennial register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the union. if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders.'" it is confessed by mr. adams, alluding to the national convention that framed the constitution, that "the delegation from the free states, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the southern slaveholder, did listen to a _compromise between right and wrong_--_between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign, and indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the north american union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence." hence, to swear to support the constitution of the united states, _as it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage war against human liberty. it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators, _incorrigible men-stealers_, merciless tyrants, blood thirsty assassins, who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they threaten to murder any northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their _rights_! they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance. to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation, is nothing short of insanity. article iv., section , declares,--"no person held to service or labor in one state, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves. it alone makes slavery a national institution, a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. this agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the north. under the mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." the warning which the prophet isaiah gave to oppressing moab was of a similar kind: "take counsel, execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. let mine outcasts dwell with thee, moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." the prophet obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation:--"for thy violence against thy brother jacob, shame shall come over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that did remain_, in the day of distress." how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of edom by the same prophet! "the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee, thou whose habitation is high; that sayeth in thy heart, who shall bring me down to the ground? though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will i bring thee down, saith the lord." the emblem of american pride and power is the _eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_. her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and her defiance of the almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness of edom. what shall be her punishment? truly, it may be affirmed of the american people, (who live not under the levitical but christian code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"they all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said, --"this is a people robbed and spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, restore." by this stipulation, the northern states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them. at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find, throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in safety, _in consequence of this provision of the constitution_? how is it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population? it is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. this indicates either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. james madison as one of the framers of the constitution, is of some authority on this point. alluding to that instrument, in the virginia convention, he said:-- "another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. at present, if any slave elopes to those states where slaves are free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the states are _uncharitable_(!) to one another in this respect; but in this constitution, 'no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor away be due. this clause was expressly inserted to enable the owners of slaves to reclaim them. _this is a better security than any that now exists_. no power is given to the general government to interfere with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states." in the same convention, alluding to the same clause, gov. randolph said:-- "every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. and, when authority is given to owners of slaves to _vindicate their property_, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?" it is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. but this is criticism against fact. slaves are recognized not merely as property, but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal. this is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a paradox--the american constitution is a paradox--the american union is a paradox--the american government is a paradox; and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. after the independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of god exhorted the people, saying, "execute true judgment, and show mercy and compassion every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. but they refused to hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone." "shall i not visit for these things? saith the lord. shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?" whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor, must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the supreme court of the united states, in the case of prigg versus the state of pennsylvania. by that decision, any southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the south, without hindrance or molestation on the part of the state, and without any legal process duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if, when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival south, they cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is sealed! hence the free colored population of the north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on southern plantations, and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey. as soon as that appalling decision of the supreme court was enunciated, in the name of the constitution, the people of the north should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty. in the th sect. of art. iv., the united states guarantee to protect every state in the union "_against domestic violence_." by the th section of article ., congress is empowered "to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, _suppress insurrections_, and repel invasions." these provisions, however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population, were adopted with special reference to the slave population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and the south left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would unquestionably be successful. says mr. madison, respecting these clauses:-- "on application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be, the militia of the other states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections. does this bar the states from calling forth their own militia? no; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence." the answer to patrick henry's objection, as urged against the constitution in the virginia convention, that there was no power left to the states to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly vested in congress, george nicholas asked:-- "have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first part gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no! but _it gives an additional security_; for, beside the power in the state government to use their own militia, it will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them with the strength of the union, when called for." this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all the people. in consequence of it, that system has multiplied its victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave states have been admitted into the union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of american commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved, lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture, have been over awed and crushed,--or, whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government; as, for example, in the case of nat turner's insurrection in virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service. cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of florida. a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the florida indians, because they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars. but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address. we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the north and the south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with god and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be immediately annulled. in behalf of the society which we represent, we call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey god rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to unite with us under the stainless banner of liberty, having for its motto--"equal rights for all--no union with slaveholders!" it is pleaded that the constitution provides for its own amendment; and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object. true, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that instrument is binding as it stands. is it not to violate every moral instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be amended in these particulars? let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to promote a good object, as to interpret the constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation, acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. if, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still asserted, that the constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted liberty replies:--"what though the assertion be true? of what avail is a mere piece of parchment? in itself, though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of heaven--it is powerless; it has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though beautiful in death. i am famishing for lack of bread! how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? i am manacled, wounded, bleeding dying! what consolation is it to know, that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my friends?" if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us! would such tameness and submission have freighted the may-flower for plymouth rock? would it have resisted the stamp act, the tea tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the british government sought to rive the liberties of america? the wheel of the revolution would have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed--"_why, what is done cannot be undone_. that is the first thought." no, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it never entered their minds at all. they sprang to the conclusion at once--"_what is done_ shall _be undone_. that is our first and only thought." "is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and famous bunker hill? the debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn?" "gray plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb; and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!" it is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne. it matters not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical. we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the dust. as citizens of the state, we appeal to the state in vain for protection and redress. as citizens of the united states, we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national government consents to our destruction. we are denied the right of locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen states of the union. if we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to travel south of mason and dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. if we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave states, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! these are appalling and undeniable facts. three millions of the american people are crushed under the american union! they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on our limbs, their cause is ours! the union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it! the constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! our motto is, "no union with slaveholders," either religious or political. they are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of god! we separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--o no! but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey god and vindicate the gospel of his son--hasten the downfall of slavery in america, and throughout the world! we are not acting under a blind impulse. we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. it will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives. we shall be ridiculed as fools, accused as visionaries, branded as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished as traitors. but we shall bide our time. whether safety or peril, whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position is sublime and glorious, that our faith in god is rational and steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely, that we are in the right, we shall not falter nor be dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to the number of "three hundred men." freemen! are you ready for the conflict? come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government, and declare your independence? up, then, with the banner of revolution! not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons! no--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_ blood be shed--for we aim, as did christ our leader, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth! secede, then, from the government. submit to its exactions, but pay it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. fill no offices under it. send no senators or representatives to the national or state legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you cannot ask another to perform as your agent. circulate a declaration of disunion from slaveholders, throughout the country. hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast! do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? what did the crucified nazarene do without the elective franchise? what did the apostles do? what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do? what did luther and his intrepid associates do? what can women and children do? what has father mathew done for teetotalism? what has daniel o'connell done for irish repeal? "stand, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of god! the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the united states, let time determine. it would be a waste of time to argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. in ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. what is now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--first, to create discussion and agitation throughout the north; and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance. secondly, to convulse the slumbering south like an earthquake, and convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety. thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and to carry the battle to the gate. fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it. we reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the american union, we have the god of justice with us. we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us. we are confident that all free hearts will be with us. we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us. in behalf of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, wm. lloyd garrison, _president_. wendell phillips, } _secretaries_. maria weston chapman, } _boston, may_ , . * * * * * letter from francis jackson. boston, th july, _to his excellency george n. briggs_: sir--many years since, i received from the executive of the commonwealth a commission as justice of the peace. i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found it a convenience to myself, and others. it might continue to be so, could i consent longer to hold it. but paramount considerations forbid, and i herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully asking you to accept my resignation. while i deem it a duty to myself to take this step, i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me. in entering upon the duties of the office in question, i complied with the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the constitution of the united states_." i regret that i ever took that oath. had i then as maturely considered its full import, and the obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who take it, as i have done since, i certainly never would have taken it, seeing, as i now do, that the constitution of the united states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold and perpetuate _slavery_. it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding states choose to retain it. it regards the slave code as lawful in the states which enact it. still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never before done for african slavery. it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution, spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and thus gave to slavery a national existence." consequently, the oath to support the constitution of the united states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of god. i am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. i only say, that _i_ would not now deliberately take it; and that, having inconsiderately taken it, i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul. i take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the commission, which was the occasion of my taking it. i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular, if not censurable; and i must, therefore, be allowed to make a more specific statement of those _provisions of the constitution_ which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery. the very first article of the constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the national legislature. it regards slaves under the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen. but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that by the laws of all the states where they live, they are regarded not as _persons_; but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of this provision of the constitution is, to take legislative power out of the hands of _men_, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels. fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the smallest number that shall send one member into the house of representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave state thus: to a congressional district in south carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred apiece, it gives one representative in congress; to a district in massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred, one representative is assigned. but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in carolina form no part of "the constituency;" that is found only in the five hundred free persons. five hundred freemen of carolina could send one representative to congress, while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of massachusetts, to do the same thing: that is, one slaveholder in carolina is clothed by the constitution with the same political power and influence in the representatives hall at washington, as sixty massachusetts men like you and me, who "eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows." according to the census of , and the ratio of representation based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the house of representatives. and as it has been estimated, (as an approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the united states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those twenty-five representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of _property_ which, five years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. all this vast amount of property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. in congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. and this it has ever done. in all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a bank or sub-treasury, free trade or a tariff, this immense power has moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection. while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the house of representatives, "in the senate of the union," says john quincy adams, "the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. by the influence of slavery in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the fifty-two members of the federal senate, twenty-six are owners of slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the house." the dominant power which the constitution gives to the slave interest, as thus seen and exercised in the _legislative halls_ of our nation, is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the national government. in the _electoral colleges_, the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the halls of congress. even the preliminary nominating conventions, before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, must ask of the genius of slavery, to what votary she will show herself propitious. this very year, we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of the state. the candidate of one party declares. "i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and adds, "it is not true, and i rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition. i should deeply lament it, if it were true."[ ] [footnote : henry clay's speech in the united states senate in , and confirmed at raleigh, n.c. .] the other party nominates a man who says, "i have no hesitation in declaring that i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of texas to the territory and government of the united states." thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder. the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of _justice_. of the nine justices of the supreme court of the united states, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of john quincy adams, when he says--"the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong." thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the constitution, that i have sworn to support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it may be regarded by the constitution as "persons," is in fact and practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger; counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole power, and controlling the destiny of the nation. if we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both. slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the presidential chair. the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues from the lips of slavery. the army is in the hands of slavery, and at her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of florida, or march from the missouri to the borders of mexico, to look after her interests in texas. the navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of africa, to suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery. freemen of the north, who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery, cannot travel through the slave states, but at the peril of their lives. the representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to pray that she would let her poor victims go. i renounce my allegiance to a constitution that enthrones such a power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own protection, support and perpetuation. passing by that clause of the constitution, which restricted congress for twenty years, from passing any law against the african slave trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of africa, i come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees protection against "_domestic violence_," and which pledges to the south the military force of the country, to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_ and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the constitution, i say distinctly, i never will support. that part of the constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves, i never have supported and never will. i will join in no slave-hunt. my door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. when i shut it against him, may god shut the door of his mercy against me! under this clause of the constitution, and designed to carry it into effect, slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a character, as have left the free citizen of the north without protection for his own liberty. the question, whether a man seized in a free state as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of congress does not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a judge of a united states' court, or even of the humblest state magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim. by virtue of this law, freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where i am not personally known, neither the constitution nor laws of the united states would shield me from the same destiny. these, sir, are the specific parts of the constitution of the united states, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it. i cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of god, or solemnly call him to witness my promise that i will break it. it is true that the constitution provides for its own amendment, and that by this process, all the guarantees of slavery may be expunged. but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done. it cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made. it is also true that the framers of the constitution did studiously keep the words "slave" and "slavery" from its face. but to do our constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word "slavery" a place in the constitution, they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the _thing_. they were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they sacrificed justice in doing so. there is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it was intended so to operate by the framers of the constitution. the highest judicial authorities--chief justice shaw, of the supreme court of massachusetts, in the latimer case, and mr. justice story, in the supreme court of the united states, in the case of _prigg_ vs. _the state of pennsylvania_,--tell us, i know not on what evidence, that without this "compromise," this security for southern slaveholders, "the union could not have been formed." and there is still higher evidence, not only that the framers of the constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that slavery was wrong. mr. madison[ ] informs us that the clause in question, as it came out of the hands of dr. johnson, the chairman of the "committee on style," read thus: "no person legally held to service, or labor, in one state, escaping into another, shall," &c., and that the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws thereof" inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." a conclusive proof that, although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of "service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in "equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was _not_ "legal in a moral view," that it was a violation of the moral law of god; and yet knowing and confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence. [footnote : madison papers, p. ] this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_ all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims. with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that in this part of their work they intended to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. they made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political expediency." i am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong, that they were doing. in the strong language of john quincy adams,[ ] in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "little did the members of the convention, from the free states, imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession." [footnote : see his report on the massachusetts resolutions.] i verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the constitution, its national unity, its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions; yet the _moral_ injury that has been done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of god; by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all. a melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all timeserving and temporising statesmen! a striking illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency! yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the authors of the constitution have reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? was it reasonable in them to expect that after they had introduced a vicious element into the very constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a state to license immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that is not "legal in a moral view." bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl. let slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the state, and you will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control. to me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our national government, that literally there is no health in it. the only remedy that i can see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the patient_. the constitution of the united states, both in theory and practice, is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil, that i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer. henceforth it is dead to me, and i to it. i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. the burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, i shall endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law, and distinctly declaring, that while i retain my own liberty, i will be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his. very respectfully, your friend, francis jackson. * * * * * from mr. webster's speech at niblo's gardens. "we have slavery, already, amongst us. the constitution found it among us; it recognized it and gave it solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the constitution. all the stipulations, contained in the constitution, _in favor of the slaveholding states_ which are already in the union, ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fullness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter."!!! * * * * * extracts from john q. adams's address at north bridgewater, nov. , . the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_.--protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. the reluctance with which the freemen of the north submitted to the dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed. the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. a stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the constitution of the united states, would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country. there is not a word in the constitution _apparently_ bearing upon the condition of slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land. the delegates from south carolina and georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the constitution; and the freemen of the north, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the south were saturated with the blood of african bondage, and from midnight of the st of december, , not a slave from africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil. but the internal traffic was still lawful, and the _breeding_ states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the slave-trader from africa, while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the american slave-trade exclusively to themselves. perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the north; but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole union, and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with africa had been allowed. but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been, never--no, never would they have consented to it. the representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons, was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of all the rest of the community. this species of property was odious in its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man, and of the vital principles of christianity; it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the states in which it was concentrated. in some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community, required of the favoured class. the roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings gathered by hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants. but in the constitution of the united states, the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous. no extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of the slave. the property in horses was the gift of god to man, at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. you are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate states. but if it be so, as to the mere question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people. this is now your condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle, which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part not lot in the choice of their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed. the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of president and vice president of the united states, and every department of the government of the union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two.--but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government at home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. from the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world. but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves. the cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the union at the establishment of the constitution, has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave. and the suppression of the african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of george washington, patrick henry, richard henry lee, and thomas jefferson, into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of immortal man. of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the constitution of the united states was formed, what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued, the congress of the confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or a murmur. but in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the south--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the chief-magistracy of the union held, during forty-four of them, by the owners of slaves. the executive departments, the army and navy, the supreme judicial court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the same spectacle:--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands. * * * * * from that day ( ), slavery, slaveholding, slave-breeding and slave-trading, have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government, and of the slaveholding states, at home and abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free states, it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slaveholding power. of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery, by the first article amendatory of the constitution. no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * on the condition of the free people of color in the united states. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheet.--postage, under miles, - / cts. over , cts. please read and circulate. on the condition of the free people of color. * * * * * it appears from the census of , that there were then , free colored persons in the united states. at the present time the number cannot be less than , . fifteen states of the federal union have each a smaller population than this aggregate. hence if the whole mass of human beings inhabiting connecticut, or new jersey, or any other of these fifteen states, were subjected to the ignorance, and degradation, and persecution and terror we are about to describe, as the lot of this much injured people, the amount of suffering would still be numerically less than that inflicted by a professedly christian and republican community upon the free negroes. candor, however, compels us to admit that, deplorable as is their condition, it is still not so wretched as colonizationists and slaveholders, for obvious reasons, are fond of representing it. it is not true that free negroes are "more vicious and miserable than slaves _can_ be,"[ ] nor that "it would be as humane to throw slaves from the decks of the middle passage, as to set them free in this country,"[ ] nor that "a sudden and universal emancipation without colonization, would be a greater curse to the slaves themselves, than the bondage in which they are held." [footnote : rev. mr. bacon, of new haven, rep. am. col. soc. p. .] [footnote : african repository, vol. iv. p. .] it is a little singular, that in utter despite of these rash assertions slaveholders and colonizationists unite in assuring us, that the slaves are rendered _discontented_ by _witnessing_ the freedom of their colored brethren; and hence we are urged to assist in banishing to africa these sable and dangerous mementoes of liberty. we all know that the wife and children of the free negro are not ordinarily sold in the market--that he himself does not toil under the lash, and that in certain parts of our country he is permitted to acquire some intelligence, and to enjoy some comforts, utterly and universally denied to the slave. still it is most unquestionable, that these people grievously suffer from a cruel and wicked prejudice--cruel in its consequences; wicked in its voluntary adoption, and its malignant character. colonizationists have taken great pains to inculcate the opinion that prejudice against color is implanted in our nature by the author of our being; and whence they infer the futility of every effort to elevate the colored man in this country, and consequently the duty and benevolence of sending him to africa, beyond the reach of our cruelty.[ ] the theory is as false in fact as it is derogatory to the character of that god whom we are told is love. with what astonishment and disgust should we behold an earthly parent exciting feuds and animosities among his own children; yet we are assured, and that too by professing christians, that our heavenly father has implanted a principle of hatred, repulsion and alienation between certain portions of his family on earth, and then commanded them, as if in mockery, to "love one another." [footnote : "prejudices, which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion itself can subdue, mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation _inevitable and incurable_."--_address of the connecticut col. society_. "the managers consider it clear that causes exist, and are now operating, to prevent their improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of _any human power_: christianity cannot do for them here, what it will do for them in africa. this is not the _fault_ of the colored man, _nor of the white man_, but an ordination of providence, _and no more to be changed than the laws of nature_."-- rep. am. col. soc. p. . "the people of color must, in this country, remain for ages, probably for ever, a separate and distinct caste, weighed down by causes powerful, universal, invincible, which neither legislation nor christianity can remove."--african repository vol. viii. p. . "do they (the abolitionists) not perceive that in thus confounding all the distinctions which god himself has made, they arraign the wisdom and goodness of providence itself? it has been his divine pleasure, to make the black man black, and the white man white, and to distinguish them by other _repulsive_ constitutional differences."--speech in senate of the united states, february , , by henry clay, president of the am. col. soc.] in vain do we seek in nature, for the origin of this prejudice. young children never betray it, and on the continent of europe it is unknown. we are not speaking of matters of taste, or of opinions of personal beauty, but of a prejudice against complexion, leading to insult, degradation and oppression. in no country in europe is any man excluded from refined society, or deprived of literary, religious, or political privileges on account of the tincture of his skin. if this prejudice is the fiat of the almighty, most wonderful is it, that of all the kindreds of the earth, none have been found submissive to the heavenly impulse, excepting the white inhabitants of north america; and of these, it is no less strange than true, that this divine principle of repulsion is most energetic in such persons as, in other respects, are the least observant of their maker's will. this prejudice is sometimes erroneously regarded as the _cause_ of slavery; and some zealous advocates of emancipation have flattered themselves that, could the prejudice be destroyed, negro slavery would fall with it. such persons have very inadequate ideas of the malignity of slavery. they forget that the slaves in greece and rome were of the same hue as their masters; and that at the south, the value of a slave, especially of a female, rises, as the complexion recedes from the african standard. were we to inquire into the geography of this prejudice, we should find that the localities in which it attains its rankest luxuriance, are not the rice swamps of georgia, nor the sugar fields of louisiana, but the hills and valleys of new england, and the prairies of ohio! it is a fact of acknowledged notoriety, that however severe may be the laws against colored people at the south, the prejudice against their _persons_ is far weaker than among ourselves. it is not necessary for our present purpose, to enter into a particular investigation of the condition of the free negroes in the slave states. we all know that they suffer every form of oppression which the laws can inflict upon persons not actually slaves. that unjust and cruel enactments should proceed from a people who keep two millions of their fellow men in abject bondage, and who believe such enactments essential to the maintenance of their despotism, certainly affords no cause for surprise. we turn to the free states, where slavery has not directly steeled our hearts against human suffering, and where no supposed danger of insurrection affords a pretext for keeping the free blacks in ignorance and degradation; and we ask, what is the character of the prejudice against color _here_? let the rev. mr. bacon, of connecticut, answer the question. this gentleman, in a vindication of the colonization society, assures us, "the _soodra_ is not farther separated from the _brahim_ in regard to all his privileges, civil, intellectual, and moral, than the negro from the white man by the prejudices which result from the difference made between them by the god of nature."--(_rep. am. col. soc._ p. .) we may here notice the very opposite effect produced on abolitionists and colonizationists, by the consideration that this difference _is_ made by the god of nature; leading the one to discard the prejudice, and the other to banish its victims. with these preliminary remarks we will now proceed to take a view of the condition of the free people of color in the non-slaveholding states; and will consider in order, the various disabilities and oppressions to which they are subjected, either by law or the customs of society. . general exclusion from the elective franchise. were this exclusion founded on the want of property, or any other qualification deemed essential to the judicious exercise of the franchise, it would afford no just cause of complaint; but it is founded solely on the color of the skin, and is therefore irrational and unjust. that taxation and representation should be inseparable, was one of the axioms of the fathers of our revolution; and one of the reasons they assigned for their revolt from the crown of britain. but _now_, it is deemed a mark of fanaticism to complain of the disfranchisement of a whole race, while they remain subject to the burden of taxation. it is worthy of remark, that of the thirteen original states, only _two_ were so recreant to the principles of the revolution, as to make a _white skin_ a qualification for suffrage. but the prejudice has grown with our growth, and strengthened with our strength; and it is believed that in _every_ state constitution subsequently formed or revised,[excepting vermont and maine, and the revised constitution of massachusetts,] the crime of a dark complexion has been punished, by debarring its possessor from all approach to the ballot-box.[ ] the necessary effect of this proscription in aggravating the oppression and degradation of the colored inhabitants must be obvious to all who call to mind the solicitude manifested by demagogues, and office-seekers, and law makers, to propitiate the good will of all who have votes to bestow. [footnote : from this remark the revised constitution of new york is _nominally_ an exception; colored citizens, possessing a _freehold_ worth two hundred and fifty dollars, being allowed to vote; while suffrage is extended to _white_ citizens without any property qualification.] . denial of the right of locomotion. it is in vain that the constitution of the united states expressly guarantees to "the citizens of each state, all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states:"--it is in vain that the supreme court of the united states has solemnly decided that this clause confers on every citizen of one state the right to "pass through, or reside in any other state for the purposes of trade, agriculture, professional pursuits, or _otherwise_." it is in vain that "the members of the several state legislatures" are required to "be bound by oath or affirmation to support" the constitution conferring this very guarantee. constitutions, and judicial decisions, and religious obligations are alike outraged by our state enactments against people of color. there is scarcely a slave state in which a citizen of new york, with a dark skin, may visit a dying child without subjecting himself to legal penalties. but in the slave states we look for cruelty; we expect the rights of humanity and the laws of the land to be sacrificed on the altar of slavery. in the free states we had reason to hope for a greater deference to decency and morality. yet even in these states we behold the effects of a miasma wafted from the south. the connecticut black act, prohibiting, under heavy penalties, the instruction of any colored person from another state, is well known. it is one of the encouraging signs of the times, that public opinion has recently compelled the repeal of this detestable law. but among all the free states, ohio stands pre-eminent for the wickedness of her statutes against this class of our population. these statutes are not merely infamous outrages on every principle of justice and humanity, but are gross and palpable violations of the state constitution, and manifest an absence of moral sentiment in the ohio legislature as deplorable as it is alarming. we speak the language, not of passion, but of sober conviction; and for the truth of this language we appeal, first, to the statutes themselves, and then to the consciences of our readers. we shall have occasion to notice these laws under the several divisions of our subject to which they belong; at present we ask attention to the one intended to prevent the colored citizens of other states from removing into ohio. by the constitution of new york, the colored inhabitants are expressly recognized as "citizens." let us suppose then a new york freeholder and voter of this class, confiding in the guarantee given by the federal constitution removes into ohio. no matter how much property he takes with him; no matter what attestations he produces to the purity of his character, he is required by the act of , to find, within twenty days, two freehold sureties in the sum of five hundred dollars for his _good behavior_; and likewise for his _maintenance_, should he at any future period from any cause whatever be unable to maintain himself, and in default of procuring such sureties he is to be removed by the overseers of the poor. the legislature well knew that it would generally be utterly impossible for a stranger, and especially a _black_ stranger, to find such sureties. it was the _design_ of the act, by imposing impracticable conditions, to prevent colored emigrants from remaining within the state; and in order more certainly to effect this object, it imposes a pecuniary penalty on every inhabitant who shall venture to "harbor," that is, receive under his roof, or who shall even "employ" an emigrant who has not given the required sureties; and it moreover renders such inhabitant so harboring or employing him, legally liable for his future maintenance!! we are frequently told that the efforts of the abolitionists have in fact aggravated the condition of the colored people, bond and free. the _date_ of this law, as well as the date of most of the laws composing the several slave codes, show what credit is to be given to the assertion. if a barbarous enactment is _recent_, its odium is thrown upon the friends of the blacks--if _ancient_, we are assured it is _obsolete_. the ohio law was enacted only four years after the state was admitted into the union. in there were only three hundred and thirty-seven free blacks in the territory, and in the number in the state was nine thousand five hundred. of course a very large proportion of the present colored population of the state must have entered it in ignorance of this iniquitous law, or in defiance of it. that the law has not been universally enforced, proves only that the people of ohio are less profligate than their legislators--that it has remained in the statute book for thirty-two years, proves the depraved state of public opinion and the horrible persecution to which the colored people are legally exposed. but let it not be supposed that this vile law is in fact obsolete, and its very existence forgotten. in , a very general effort was made to enforce this law, and about _one thousand free blacks_ were in consequence of it driven out of the state; and sought a refuge in the more free and christian country of canada. previous to their departure, they sent a deputation to the governor of the upper province, to know if they would be admitted, and received from sir james colebrook this reply,--"tell the _republicans_ on your side of the line, that we royalists do not know men by their color. should you come to us, you will be entitled to all the privileges of the rest of his majesty's subjects." this was the origin of the wilberforce colony in upper canada. we have now before us an ohio paper, containing a proclamation by john s. wiles, overseer of the poor in the town of fairfield, dated th march, . in this instrument notice is given to all "black or mulatto persons" residing in fairfield, to comply with the requisitions of the act of within twenty days, or the law would be enforced against them. the proclamation also addresses the white inhabitants of fairfield in the following terms,--"whites, look out! if any person or persons _employing_ any black or mulatto person, contrary to the d section of the above law, you may look out for the breakers." the extreme vulgarity and malignity of this notice indicates the spirit which gave birth to this detestable law, and continues it in being. now what says the constitution of ohio? "all are born free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent, inalienable rights; among which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty, _acquiring, possessing, and protecting property_, and pursuing and attaining happiness and safety." yet men who had called their maker to witness, that they would obey this very constitution, require impracticable conditions, and then impose a pecuniary penalty and grievous liabilities on every man who shall give to an innocent fellow countryman a night's lodging, or even a meal of victuals in exchange for his honest labor! . denial of the right of petition. we explicitly disclaim all intention to imply that the several disabilities and cruelties we are specifying are of universal application. the laws of some states in relation to people of color are more wicked than others; and the spirit of persecution is not in every place equally active and malignant. in none of the free states have these people so many grievances to complain of as in ohio, and for the honor of our country we rejoice to add, that in no other state in the union, has their right to petition for a redress of their grievances been denied. on the th january, , a petition for relief from certain legal disabilities, from colored inhabitants of ohio, was presented to the _popular_ branch of the legislature, and its rejection was moved by george h. flood.[ ] this rejection was not a denial of the prayer, but an _expulsion of the petition itself_, as an intruder into the house. "the question presented for our decision," said one of the members, "is simply this--shall human beings, who are bound by every enactment upon our statute book, be _permitted_ to _request_ the legislature to modify or soften the laws under which they live?" to the grand sultan, crowded with petitions as he traverses the streets of constantinople, such a question would seem most strange; but american democrats can exert a tyranny over _men who have no votes_, utterly unknown to turkish despotism. mr. flood's motion was lost by a majority of only _four_ votes; but this triumph of humanity and republicanism was as transient as it was meagre. the _next_ day, the house, by a large majority, resolved: "that the blacks and mulattoes who may be residents within this state, have no constitutional right to present their petitions to the general assembly for any purpose whatsoever, and that any reception of such petitions on the part of the general assembly is a mere act of privilege or policy, and not imposed by any expressed or implied power of the constitution." [footnote : it is sometimes interesting to preserve the names of individuals who have perpetrated bold and unusual enormities.] the phraseology of this resolution is as clumsy as its assertions are base and sophistical. the meaning intended to be expressed is simply, that the constitution of ohio, neither in terms nor by implication, confers on such residents as are negroes or mulattoes, any right to offer a petition to the legislature for any object whatever; nor imposes on that body any obligation to notice such a petition; and whatever attention it may please to bestow upon it, ought to be regarded as an act not of duty, but merely of favor or expediency. hence it is obvious, that the _principle_ on which the resolution is founded is, that the reciprocal right and duty of offering and hearing petitions _rest solely on constitutional enactment_, and not on moral obligation. the reception of negro petitions is declared to be a mere act of _privilege or policy_. now it is difficult to imagine a principle more utterly subversive of all the duties of rulers, the rights of citizens, and the charities of private life. the victim of oppression or fraud has no _right_ to appeal to the constituted authorities for redress; nor are those authorities under any obligation to consider the appeal--the needy and unfortunate have no right to implore the assistance of their more fortunate neighbors: and all are at liberty to turn a deaf ear to the cry of distress. the eternal and immutable principles of justice and humanity, proclaimed by jehovah, and impressed by him on the conscience of man, have no binding force on the legislature of ohio, unless expressly adopted and enforced by the state constitution! but as the legislature has thought proper thus to set at defiance the moral sense of mankind, and to take refuge behind the enactments of the constitution, let us try the strength of their entrenchments. the words of the constitution, which it is pretended sanction the resolution we are considering are the following, viz.--"the _people_ have a right to assemble together in a peaceable manner to consult for their common good, to _instruct their representatives_, and to apply to the legislature for a redress of grievances." it is obvious that this clause confers no rights, but is merely declaratory of existing rights. still, as the right of the people to apply for a redress of grievances is coupled with the right of _instructing their representatives_, and as negroes are not electors and consequently are without representatives, it is inferred that they are not part of _the people_. that ohio legislators are not christians would be a more rational conclusion. one of the members avowed his opinion that "none but voters had a right to petition." if then, according to the principle of the resolution, the constitution of ohio denies the right of petition to all but electors, let us consider the practical results of such a denial. in the first place, every female in the state is placed under the same disability with "blacks and mulattoes." no wife has a right to ask for a divorce--no daughter may plead for a father's life. next, no man under twenty-one years--no citizen of any age, who from want of sufficient residence, or other qualification, is not entitled to vote--no individual among the tens of thousands of aliens in the state--however oppressed and wronged by official tyranny or corruption, has a right to seek redress from the representatives of the people, and should he presume to do so, may be told, that, like "blacks and mulattoes," he "has no constitutional right to present his petition to the general assembly for any purpose whatever." again--the state of ohio is deeply indebted to the citizens of other states, and also to the subjects of great britain for money borrowed to construct her canals. should any of these creditors lose their certificates of debt, and ask for their renewal; or should their interest be withheld, or paid in depreciated currency, and were they to ask for justice at the hands of the legislature, they might be told, that any attention paid to their request must be regarded as a "mere act of privilege or policy, and not imposed by any expressed or implied power of the constitution," for, not being voters, they stood on the same ground as "blacks and mulattoes." such is the folly and wickedness in which prejudice against color has involved the legislators of a republican and professedly christian state in the nineteenth century. . exclusion from the army and militia. the federal government is probably the only one in the world that forbids a portion of its subjects to participate in the national defence, not from any doubts of their courage, loyalty, or physical strength, but merely on account of the tincture of their skin! to such an absurd extent is this prejudice against color carried, that some of our militia companies have occasionally refused to march to the sound of a drum when beaten by a black man. to declare a certain class of the community unworthy to bear arms in defence of their native country, is necessarily to consign that class to general contempt. . exclusion from all participation in the administration of justice. no colored man can be a judge, juror, or constable. were the talents and acquirements of a mansfield or a marshall veiled in a sable skin, they would be excluded from the bench of the humblest court in the american republic. in the slave states generally, no black man can enter a court of justice as a witness against a white one. of course a white man may, with perfect impunity, defraud or abuse a negro to any extent, provided he is careful to avoid the presence of any of his own caste, at the execution of his contract, or the indulgence of his malice. we are not aware that an outrage so flagrant is sanctioned by the laws of any _free_ state, with one exception. that exception the reader will readily believe can be none other than ohio. a statute of this state enacts, "that no black or mulatto _person_ or _persons_ shall hereafter be permitted to be sworn, or give evidence in any court of record or elsewhere, in this state, in any cause depending, or matter of controversy, when either party to the same is a white person; or in any prosecution of the state against any white person." we have seen that on the subject of petition the legislature regards itself as independent of all obligation except such as is imposed by the constitution. how mindful they are of the requirements even of that instrument, when obedience to them would check the indulgence of their malignity to the blacks, appears from the th section of the th article, viz.--"all courts shall be open, and every _person_, for any injury done him in his lands, goods, person or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of law, and right and justice administered without denial or delay." ohio legislators may deny that negroes and mulattoes are citizens, or people; but they are estopped by the very words of the statute just quoted, from denying that they are "_persons_." now, by the constitution every _person_, black as well as white, is to have justice administered to him without denial or delay. but by the law, while any unknown _white_ vagrant may be a witness in any case whatever, no black suitor is permitted to offer a witness of his own color, however well established may be his character for intelligence and veracity, to prove his rights or his wrongs; and hence in a multitude of cases, justice is denied in despite of the constitution; and why denied? solely from a foolish and wicked prejudice against color. . impediments to education. no people have ever professed so deep a conviction of the importance of popular education as ourselves, and no people have ever resorted to such cruel expedients to perpetuate abject ignorance. more than one third of the whole population of the slave states are prohibited from learning even to read, and in some of them free men, if with dark complexions, are subject to stripes for teaching their own children. if we turn to the free states, we find that in all of them, without exception, the prejudices and customs of society oppose almost insuperable obstacles to the acquisition of a liberal education by colored youth. our academies and colleges are barred against them. we know there are instances of young men with dark skins having been received, under peculiar circumstances, into northern colleges; but we neither know nor believe, that there have been a dozen such instances within the last thirty years. colored children are very generally excluded from our common schools, in consequence of the prejudices of teachers and parents. in some of our cities there are schools _exclusively_ for their use, but in the country the colored population is usually too sparse to justify such schools; and white and black children are rarely seen studying under the same roof; although such cases do sometimes occur, and then they are confined to elementary schools. some colored young men, who could bear the expense, have obtained in european seminaries the education denied them in their native land. it may not be useless to cite an instance of the malignity with which the education of the blacks is opposed. the efforts made in connecticut to prevent the establishment of schools of a higher order than usual for colored pupils, are too well known to need a recital here; and her black act, prohibiting the instruction of colored children from other states, although now expunged from her statute book through the influence of abolitionists, will long be remembered to the opprobrium of her citizens. we ask attention to the following illustration of public opinion in another new england state. in an academy was built by subscription in canaan, new hampshire, and a charter granted by the legislature; and at a meeting of the proprietors it was determined to receive all applicants having "suitable moral and intellectual recommendations, without other distinctions;" in other words, without reference to _complexion_. when this determination was made known, a town meeting was forthwith convened, and the following resolutions adopted, viz. "resolved, that we view with _abhorrence_ the attempt of the abolitionists to establish in this town a school for the instruction of the sable sons and daughters of africa, in common with our sons and daughters. "resolved, that we will not associate with, nor in any way countenance, any man or woman who shall hereafter persist in attempting to establish a school in this town for the _exclusive_ education of blacks, _or_ for their education in conjunction with the whites." the frankness of this last resolve is commendable. the inhabitants of canaan, assembled in legal town meeting, determined, it seems, that the blacks among them should in future have no education whatever--they should not be instructed in company with the whites, neither should they have schools exclusively for themselves. the proprietors of the academy supposing, in the simplicity of their hearts, that in a free country they might use their property in any manner not forbidden by law, proceeded to open their school, and in the ensuing spring had twenty-eight white, and fourteen colored scholars. the crisis had now arrived when the cause of prejudice demanded the sacrifice of constitutional liberty and of private property. another town meeting was convoked, at which, without a shadow of authority, and in utter contempt of law and decency, it was ordered, that the academy should be forcibly removed, and a committee was appointed to execute the abominable mandate. due preparations were made for the occasion, and on the th of august, three hundred men, with about oxen, assembled at the place, and taking the edifice from off its foundation, dragged it to a distance, and left it a ruin. no one of the actors in this high-handed outrage was ever brought before a court of justice to answer for this criminal and riotous destruction of the property of others. the transaction we have narrated, expresses in emphatic terms the deep and settled hostility felt in the free states to the education of the blacks. the prejudices of the community render that hostility generally effective without the aid of legal enactments. indeed, some remaining regard to decency and the opinion of the world, has restrained the legislatures of the free states, with _one exception_, from consigning these unhappy people to ignorance by "decreeing unrighteous decrees," and "framing mischief by a law." our readers, no doubt, feel that the exception must of course be ohio. we have seen with what deference ohio legislators profess to regard their _constitutional_ obligations; and we are now to contemplate another instance of their shameless violation of them. the constitution which these men have sworn to obey declares, "no law shall be passed to prevent the poor of the several townships and counties in this state from an _equal_ participation in the schools, academies, colleges, and universities in this state, which are endowed in whole, or _in part_, from the revenue arising from _donations_ made by the united states, for the support of _colleges and schools_--and the door of said schools, academies, and universities shall be open for the reception of scholars, students, and teachers of every _grade_, without any distinction or preference whatever." can language be more explicit or unequivocal? but have any donations been made by the united states for the support of colleges and schools in ohio? yes--by an act of congress, the sixteenth section of land in _each_ originally surveyed township in the state, was set apart as a donation for the express purpose of endowing and supporting common schools. and now, how have the scrupulous legislators of ohio, who refuse to acknowledge any other than constitutional obligations to give ear to the cry of distress--how have they obeyed this injunction of the constitution respecting the freedom of their schools? they enacted a law in , declaring that, "when any appropriation shall be made by the directors of any school district, from the treasury thereof, for the payment of a teacher, the school in such district shall be open"--to whom? "_to scholars, students, and teachers of every grade, without distinction or preference whatever_," as commanded by the constitution? oh no! "shall be open to all the white children residing therein!!" such is the impotency of written constitutions, where a sense of moral obligation is wanting to enforce them. we have now taken a review of the ohio laws against free people of color. some of them are of old, and others of recent date. the opinion entertained of all these laws, new and old, by the _present_ legislators of ohio, may be learned by a resolution adopted in january last, ( ) by both houses of the legislature. "resolved, that in the opinion of this general assembly it is unwise, impolitic, and inexpedient to repeal _any_ law now in force imposing disabilities upon black or mulatto persons, thus placing them upon an equality with the whites, so far as this legislature can do, and indirectly inviting the black population of other states to emigrate to this, to the manifest injury of the public interest." the best comment on the _spirit_ which dictated this resolve is an enactment by the _same_ legislature, abrogating the supreme law which requires us to "do unto others as we would they should do unto us," and prohibiting every citizen of ohio from _harboring or concealing_ a fugitive slave, under the penalty of fine or imprisonment. general obedience to this vile statute is alone wanting to fill to the brim the cup of ohio's iniquity and degradation. she hath done what she could to oppress and crush the free negroes within her borders. she is now seeking to rechain the slave who has escaped from his fetters. . impediments to religious instruction. it is unnecessary to dwell here on the laws of the slave states prohibiting the free people of color from learning to read the bible, and in many instances, from assembling at discretion to worship their creator. these laws, we are assured, are indispensable to the perpetuity of that "peculiar institution," which many masters in israel are now teaching, enjoys the sanction of him who "will have all men to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth," and who has left to his disciples the injunction, "search the scriptures." we turn to the free states, in which no institution requires, that the light of the glorious gospel of christ should be prevented from shining on any portion of the population, and inquire how far prejudice here supplies the place of southern statutes. the impediments to education already mentioned, necessarily render the acquisition of religious knowledge difficult, and in many instances impracticable. in the northern cities, the blacks have frequently churches of their own, but in the country they are too few, and too poor to build churches and maintain ministers. of course they must remain destitute of public worship and religious instruction, unless they can enjoy these blessings in company with the whites. now there is hardly a church in the united states, not exclusively appropriated to the blacks, in which one of their number owns a pew, or has a voice in the choice of a minister. there are usually, indeed, a few seats in a remote part of the church, set apart for their use, and in which no white person is ever seen. it is surely not surprising, under all the circumstances of the case, that these seats are rarely crowded. colored ministers are occasionally ordained in the different denominations, but they are kept at a distance by their white brethren in the ministry, and are very rarely permitted to enter their pulpits; and still more rarely, to sit at their tables, although acknowledged to be ambassadors of christ. the distinction of _caste_ is not forgotten, even in the celebration of the lord's supper, and seldom are colored disciples permitted to eat and drink of the memorials of the redeemer's passion till after every white communicant has been served. . impediments to honest industry. in this country ignorance and poverty are almost inseparable companions; and it is surely not strange that those should be poor whom we compel to be ignorant. the liberal professions are virtually sealed against the blacks, if we except the church, and even in that admission is rendered difficult by the obstacles placed in their way in acquiring the requisite literary qualifications;[ ] and when once admitted, their administrations are confined to their own color. many of our most wealthy and influential citizens have commenced life as ignorant and as pennyless as any negro who loiters in our streets. had their complexion been dark, notwithstanding their talents, industry, enterprize and probity, they would have continued ignorant and pennyless, because the paths to learning and to wealth, would then have been closed against them. there is a conspiracy, embracing all the departments of society, to keep the black man ignorant and poor. as a general rule, admitting few if any exceptions, the schools of literature and of science reject him--the counting house refuses to receive him as a bookkeeper, much more as a partner--no store admits him as a clerk--no shop as an apprentice. here and there a black man may be found keeping a few trifles on a shelf for sale; and a few acquire, as if by stealth, the knowledge of some handicraft; but almost universally these people, both in town and country, are prevented by the customs of society from maintaining themselves and their families by any other than menial occupations. [footnote : of the truth of this remark, the trustees of the episcopal theological seminary at new-york, lately (june, ) afforded a striking illustration. a young man, regularly acknowledged by the bishop as a candidate for orders, and in consequence of such acknowledgment entitled, by an _express statute_ of the seminary, to admission to its privileges, presented himself as a pupil. but god had given him a dark complexion, and _therefore_ the trustees, regardless of the statute, barred the doors against him, by a formal and deliberate vote. as a compromise between conscience and prejudice, the professors offered to give him _private_ instruction--to do in secret what they were ashamed to do openly--to confer as a favor, what he was entitled to demand as a right. the offer was rejected. it is worthy of remark, that of the trustees who took an _active_ part against the _colored_ candidate, one is the president _of the new york colonization society_; another a manager, and a third, one of its public champions; and that the bishop of the diocese, who wished to exclude his candidate from the theological school of which he is both a trustee and a professor, lately headed a recommendation in the newspapers for the purchase of a packet ship for liberia, as likely to "render far more efficient than heretofore, the enterprize of colonization."] in , a black man of irreproachable character, and who by his industry and frugality had accumulated several thousand dollars, made application in the city of new york for a carman's license, and was refused solely and avowedly on account of his complexion! we have already seen the effort of the ohio legislature, to consign the negroes to starvation, by deterring others from employing them. ignorance, idleness, and vice, are at once the punishments we inflict upon these unfortunate people for their complexion; and the crimes with which we are constantly reproaching them. . liability to be seized, and treated as slaves. an able-bodied colored man sells in the southern market for from eight hundred to a thousand dollars; of course he is worth stealing. colonizationists and slaveholders, and many northern divines, solemnly affirm, that the situation of a slave is far preferable to that of a free negro; hence it would seem an act of humanity to convert the latter into the former. kidnapping being both a lucrative and a benevolent business, it is not strange it should be extensively practised. in many of the states this business is regulated by law, and there are various ways in which the transmutation is legally effected. thus, in south carolina, if a free negro "entertains" a runaway slave, it may be his own wife or child, he himself is turned into a slave. in , a _free woman and her three children_ underwent this benevolent process, for _entertaining_ two fugitive children of six and nine years old. in virginia all emancipated slaves remaining twelve months in the state, are kindly restored to their former condition. in maryland a free negro who marries a white woman, thereby acquires all the privileges of a slave--and generally, throughout the slave region, including the district of columbia, every negro not known to be free, is mercifully considered as a slave, and if his master cannot be ascertained, he is thrown into a dungeon, and there kept, till by a public sale a master can be provided for him. but often the law grants to colored men, _known to be free_, all the advantages of slavery. thus, in georgia, every _free_ colored man coming into the state, and unable to pay a fine of one hundred dollars, becomes a slave for life; in florida, insolvent debtors, if _black_, are sold for the benefit of their creditors; and in the district of columbia a free colored man, thrown into jail on suspicion of being a slave and proving his freedom, is required by law to be sold as a slave, if too poor to pay his jail fees. let it not be supposed that these laws are all obsolete and inoperative. they catch many a northern negro, who, in pursuit of his own business, or on being decoyed by others ventures to enter the slave region; and who, of course, helps to augment the wealth of our southern brethren. on the th of march, , a report by a committee was made to the house of representatives of the massachusetts legislature, in which are given the _names_ of seventeen free colored men who had been enslaved at the south. it also states an instance in which twenty-five colored citizens, belonging to massachusetts, were confined at one time in a southern jail, and another instance in which free colored persons from different free states were confined, all preparatory to their sale as slaves according to law. the facts disclosed in this report induced the massachusetts legislature to pass a resolution protesting against the kidnapping laws of the slave states, "as invading the sacred rights of citizens of this commonwealth, as contrary to the constitution of the united states, and in utter derogation of that great principle of the common law which presumes every person to be innocent until proved to be guilty;" and ordered the protest to be forwarded to the governors of the several states. but it is not at the south alone that freemen may be converted into slaves "according to law." the act of congress respecting the recovery of fugitive slaves, affords most extraordinary facilities for this process, through official corruption and individual perjury. by this act, the claimant is permitted to _select_ a justice of the peace, before whom he may bring or send his alleged slave, and even to prove his property by _affidavit_. indeed, in almost every state in the union, a slaveholder may recover at law a human being as his beast of burden with far less ceremony than he could his pig from the possession of his neighbor. in only three states is a man, claimed as a slave, entitled to a trial by jury. at the last session of the new york legislature a bill allowing a jury trial in such cases was passed by the lower house, but rejected by a _democratic_ vote in the senate, democracy in that state, being avowedly only _skin_ deep, all its principles of liberty, equality, and human rights depending on complexion. considering the wonderful ease and expedition with which fugitives may be recovered by law, it would be very strange if mistakes did not sometimes occur. _how_ often they occur cannot, of course, be known, and it is only when a claim is _defeated_, that we are made sensible of the exceedingly precarious tenure by which a poor friendless negro at the north holds his personal liberty. a few years since, a girl of the name of mary gilmore was arrested in philadelphia, as a fugitive slave from maryland. testimony was not wanting in support of the claim; yet it was most conclusively proved that she was the daughter of poor _irish_ parents--having not a drop of negro blood in her veins--that the father had absconded, and that the mother had died a drunkard in the philadelphia hospital, and that the infant had been kindly received and _brought up in a colored family_. hence the attempt to make a slave of her. in the spring of , a colored man was arrested in philadelphia, on a charge of having absconded from his owner _twenty-three_ years before. this man had a wife and family depending upon him, and a home where he enjoyed their society; and yet, unless he could find witnesses who could prove his freedom for more than this number of years, he was to be torn from his wife, his children, his home, and doomed for the remainder of his days to toil under the lash. _four_ witnesses for the claimant swore to his identity, although they had not seen him before for twenty-three years! by a most extraordinary coincidence, a new england captain, with whom this negro had sailed _twenty-nine_ years before, in a sloop from nantucket, happened at this very time to be confined for debt in the same prison with the alleged slave, and the captain's testimony, together with that of some other witnesses, who had known the man previous to his pretended elopement, so fully established his freedom, that the court discharged him. another mode of legal kidnapping still remains to be described. by the federal constitution, fugitives from _justice_ are to be delivered up, and under this constitutional provision, a free negro may be converted into a slave without troubling even a justice of the peace to hear the evidence of the captor's claim. a fugitive slave is, of course, a felon--he not only steals himself, but also the rags on his back which belong to his master. it is understood he has taken refuge in new york, and his master naturally wishes to recover him with as little noise, trouble, and delay as possible. the way is simple and easy. let the grand jury indict a.b. for stealing wearing apparel, and let the indictment, with an affidavit of the criminal's flight, be forwarded by the governor of the state, to his excellency of new york, with a requisition for the delivery of a.b., to the agent appointed to receive him. a warrant is, of course, issued to "any constable of the state of new york," to arrest a.b. for what purpose?--to bring him before a magistrate where his identity may be established?--no, but to deliver him up to the foreign agent. hence, the constable may pick up the first likely negro he finds in the street, and ship him to the south; and should it be found, on his arrival on the plantation, that the wrong man has come, it will also probably be found that the mistake is of no consequence to the planter. a few years since, the governor of new york signed a warrant for the apprehension of virginia negroes, as fugitives from justice.[ ] under this warrant, a man who had lived in the neighborhood for three years, and had a wife and children, and who claimed to be free, was seized, on a sunday evening, in the public highway, in west chester county, n.y., and without being permitted to take leave of his family, was instantly hand-cuffed, thrown into a carriage, and hurried to new york, and the next morning was on his voyage to virginia. [footnote : there is no evidence that he knew they were negroes; or that he acted otherwise than in perfect good faith. the alleged crime was stealing a boat. the _real_ crime, it is said, was stealing themselves and escaping in a boat. the most horrible abuses of these warrants can only be prevented by requiring proof of identity before delivery.] free colored men are converted into slaves not only by law, but also contrary to law. it is, of course, difficult to estimate the extent to which illegal kidnapping is carried, since a large number of cases must escape detection. in a work published by judge stroud, of philadelphia, in , he states, that it had been _ascertained_ that more than _thirty_ free colored persons, mostly children, had been kidnapped in that city within the last two years.[ ] [footnote : stroud's sketch of the slave laws, p. .] . subjection to insult and outrage. the feeling of the community towards these people, and the contempt with which they are treated, are indicated by the following notice, lately published by the proprietors of a menagerie, in new york. "the proprietors wish it to be understood, that people of color are not permitted to enter, _except when in attendance upon children and families_." for two shillings, any white scavenger would be freely admitted, and so would negroes, provided they came in a capacity that marked their dependence--their presence is offensive, _only_ when they come as independent spectators, gratifying a laudable curiosity. even death, the great leveller, is not permitted to obliterate, among christians, the distinction of caste, or to rescue the lifeless form of the colored man from the insults of his white brethren. in the porch of a presbyterian church, in philadelphia, in , was suspended a card, containing the form of a deed, to be given to purchasers of lots in a certain burial ground, and to enhance the value of the property, and to entice buyers, the following clause was inserted, "no person of _color_, nor any one who has been the subject of _execution_, shall be interred in said lot." our colored fellow-citizens, like others, are occasionally called to pass from one place to another; and in doing so are compelled to submit to innumerable hardships and indignities. they are frequently denied seats in our stage coaches; and although admitted upon the _decks_ of our steam boats, are almost universally excluded from the cabins. even women have been forced, in cold weather, to pass the night upon deck, and in one instance the wife of a colored clergyman lost her life in consequence of such an exposure. the contempt poured upon these people by our laws, our churches, our seminaries, our professions, naturally invokes upon their heads the fierce wrath of vulgar malignity. in order to exhibit the actual condition of this portion of our population, we will here insert some _samples_ of the outrages to which they are subjected, taken from the ordinary public journals. in an account of the new york riots of , the _commercial advertiser_ says--"about twenty poor african (native american) families, have had their all destroyed, and have neither bed, clothing, nor food remaining. their houses are completely eviscerated, their furniture a wreck, and the ruined and disconsolate tenants of the devoted houses are reduced to the necessity of applying to the corporation for bread." the example set in new york was zealously followed in philadelphia. "some arrangement, it appears, existed between the mob and the white inhabitants, as the dwelling houses of the latter, contiguous to the residences of the blacks, were illuminated and left undisturbed, while the huts of the negroes were singled out with unerring certainty. the furniture found in these houses was generally broken up and destroyed--beds ripped open and their contents scattered in the streets.... the number of houses assailed was not less than twenty. in one house there was a _corpse, which was thrown from the coffin, and in another a dead infant was taken out of the bed, and cast on the floor, the mother being at the same time barbarously treated_."--_philadelphia gazette_. "no case is reported of an attack having been _invited_ or _provoked_ by the residents of the dwellings assailed or destroyed. the extent of the depredations committed on the _three_ evenings of riot and outrage can only be judged of by the number of houses damaged or destroyed. so far as ascertained, this amounts to forty-five. one of the houses assaulted was occupied by an unfortunate cripple--who, unable to fly from the fury of the mob, was so beaten by some of the ruffians, that he has since died in consequence of the bruises and wounds inflicted ... for the last two days the jersey steam boats have been loaded with numbers of the colored population, who, fearful their lives were not safe in this, determined to seek refuge in another state. on the jersey side, tents were erected, and the negroes have taken up a temporary residence, until a prospect shall be offered for their perpetual location in some place of security and liberty."--_national gazette_. the facts we have now exhibited, abundantly prove the extreme cruelty and sinfulness of that prejudice against color which we are impiously told is an ordination of providence. colonizationists, assuming the prejudice to be natural and invincible, propose to remove its victims beyond its influence. abolitionists, on the contrary, remembering with the psalmist, that "it is he that hath made us, and not we ourselves," believe that the benevolent father of us all requires us to treat with justice and kindness every portion of the human family, notwithstanding any particular organization he has been pleased to impress upon them. instead, therefore, of gratifying and fostering this prejudice, by continually banishing from our country those against whom it is directed, abolitionists are anxious to destroy the prejudice itself; feeling, to use the language of another, that--"it is time to recognize in the humblest portions of society, partakers of our nature with all its high prerogatives and awful destinies--time to remember that our distinctions are _exterior_ and evanescent, our resemblance real and permanent--that all is transient but what is moral and spiritual--that the only graces we can carry with us into another world, are graces of divine implantation, and that amid the rude incrustations of poverty and ignorance there lurks an imperishable jewel--a soul, susceptible of the highest spiritual beauty, destined, perhaps, to adorn the celestial abodes, and to shine for ever in the mediatorial diadem of the son of god--_take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones_." no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * can abolitionists vote or take office under the united states constitution? "the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery is the vital and animating spirit of the national government." new york: american anti-slavery society, nassau street . introduction. the american anti-slavery society, at its annual meeting in may, , adopted the following resolution: _resolved_, that secession from the present united states government is the duty of every abolitionist; since no one can take office, or throw a vote for another to hold office, under the united states constitution, without violating his anti-slavery principles, and rendering himself an abettor of the slaveholder in his sin. the passage of this resolution has caused two charges to be brought against the society: _first_, that it is a _no-government_ body, and that the whole doctrine of non-resistance is endorsed by this vote:--and _secondly_, that the society transcended its proper sphere and constitutional powers by taking such a step. the logic which infers that because a man thinks the federal government bad, he must necessarily think _all_ government so, has at least, the merit and the charm of novelty. there is a spice of arrogance just perceptible, in the conclusion that the constitution of these united states is so perfect, that one who dislikes it could never be satisfied with any form of government whatever! were o'connell and his fellow catholics non-resistants, because for two hundred years they submitted to exclusion from the house of lords and the house of commons, rather than qualify themselves for a seat by an oath abjuring the pope? were the _non-juring_ bishops of england non-resistants, when they went down to the grave without taking their seats in the house of lords, rather than take an oath denying the stuarts and to support the house of hanover? both might have purchased power at the price of one annual falsehood. there are some in this country who do not seem to think that price at all unreasonable. it were a rare compliment indeed to the non-resistants, if every exhibition of rigid principle on the part of an individual is to make the world suspect him of leaning towards their faith. the society is not opposed to government, but only to _this_ government based upon and acting for slavery. with regard to the second charge, of exceeding its proper limits and trespassing on the rights of the minority, it is enough to say, that the object of the american anti-slavery society is the "entire abolition of slavery in the united states." of course it is its duty to find out all the sources of pro-slavery influence in the land. it is its right, it is its duty to try every institution in the land, no matter how venerable, or sacred, by the touchstone of anti-slavery principle; and if it finds any one false, to proclaim that fact to the world, with more or less of energy, according to its importance in society. it has tried the constitution, and pronounced it unsound. no member's conscience need be injured--the qualification for membership remains the same, "the belief that slave-holding is a heinous crime"--no new test has been set up--but the majority of the society, for the time being, faithful to its duty of trying every institution by the light of the present day--of uttering its opinion on every passing event that touches the slave's welfare, has seen it to be duty to sound forth its warning, no union with slaveholders. no one who did not vote for the resolution is responsible for it. no one is asked to quit our platform. we, the majority, only ask him to extend to our opinions the same toleration that we extend to him, and agreeing to differ on this point, work together where we can. we proscribe no man for difference of opinion. it is said, that having refused in , to say that a man _ought to vote_, on the ground that such a resolution would be tyrannical and intolerant, the society is manifestly inconsistent now in taking upon itself to say that no abolitionist _can_ consistently vote. but the inconsistency is only apparent and not real. there may he a thousand reasons why a particular individual ought not to do an act, though the act be innocent in itself. it would be tyranny therefore in a society which can properly take notice of but one subject, slavery, to promulgate the doctrine that all its members ought to do any particular act, as for instance, to vote, to give money, to lecture, to petition, or the like. the particular circumstances and opinions of each one must regulate his actions. all we have a right to ask is, that he do for the slave's cause as much as he does for any other of equal importance. but when an act is wrong, it is no intolerance to say to the whole world that it ought _not to be done_. after the abolitionist has granted that slavery is wrong, we have the right to judge him by his own principles, and arraign him for inconsistency that, so believing, he helps the slaveholder by his oath. the following pages have been hastily thrown together in explanation of the vote above recited. they make no pretension to a full argument of the topic. i hope that in a short time i shall get leisure sufficient to present to our opponents, unless some one does it for me, a full statement of the reasons which have led us to this step. i am aware that we non-voters are rather singular. but history, from the earliest christians downwards, is full of instances of men who refused all connection with government, and all the influence which office could bestow, rather than deny their principles, or aid in doing wrong. yet i never heard them called either idiots or over-scrupulous. sir thomas more need never have mounted the scaffold, had he only consented to take the oath of supremacy. he had only to tell a lie with solemnity, as we are asked to do, and he might not only have saved his life, but, as the trimmers of his day would have told him, doubled his influence. pitt resigned his place as prime minister of england, rather than break faith with the catholics of ireland. should i not resign a petty ballot rather than break faith with the slave? but i was specially glad to find a distinct recognition of the principle upon which we have acted, applied to a different point, in the life of that patriarch of the anti-slavery enterprise, granville sharpe. it is in a late number of the edinburgh review. while an underclerk in the war office, he sympathized with our fathers in their struggle for independence. "orders reached his office to ship munitions of war to the revolted colonies. if his hand had entered the account of such a cargo, it would have contracted in his eyes the stain of innocent blood. to avoid this pollution, he resigned his place and his means of subsistence at a period of life when be could no longer hope to find any other lucrative employment." as the thoughtful clerk of the war office takes his hat down from the peg where it has used to hang for twenty years, methinks i hear one of our opponents cry out, "friend sharpe, you are absurdly scrupulous." "you may innocently aid government in doing wrong," adds another. while liberty party yelps at his heels, "my dear sir, you are quite losing your influence!" and indeed it is melancholy to reflect how, from that moment the mighty underclerk of the war office(!) dwindled into the mere granville sharpe of history! the man of whom mansfield and hargrave were content to learn law, and wilberforce, philanthropy. one friend proposes to vote for men who shall be pledged not to take office unless the oath to the constitution is dispensed with, and who shall then go on to perform in their offices only such duties as we, their constituents, approve. he cites, in support of his view, the election of o'connell to the house of commons, in , i believe, just one year before the "oath of supremacy," which was the objectionable one to the catholics, was dispensed with. now, if we stood in the same circumstances as the catholics did in , the example would be in point. when the public mind is thoroughly revolutionized, and ready for the change, when the billow has reached its height and begins to crest into foam, then such a measure may bring matters to a crisis. but let us first go through, in patience, as o'connell did, our twenty years of agitation. waiving all other objections, this plan seems to me mere playing at politics, and an entire waste of effort. it loses our high position as moral reformers; it subjects us to all that malignant opposition and suspicion of motives which attend the array of parties; and while thus closing up our access to the national conscience, it wastes in fruitless caucussing and party tactics, the time and the effort which should have been directed to efficient agitation. the history of our union is lesson enough, for every candid mind, of the fatal effects of every, the least, compromise with evil. the experience of the fifty years passed under it, shows us the slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the government;--prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free states, and making the courts of the country their tools. to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. the trial of fifty years only proves that it is impossible for free and slave states to unite on any terms, without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery. why prolong the experiment? let every honest man join in the outcry of the american anti-slavery society, no union with slaveholders. wendell phillips. _boston, jan_. , . the no-voting theory. "god never made a citizen, and no one will escape as a man, from the sins which he commits as a citizen." can an abolitionist consistently take office, or vote, under the constitution of the united states? st. what is an abolitionist? one who thinks slaveholding a sin in all circumstances, and desires its abolition. of course such an one cannot consistently aid another in holding his slave;--in other words, i cannot innocently aid a man in doing that which i think wrong. no amount of fancied good will justify me in joining another in doing wrong, unless i adopt the principle "of doing evil that good may come." d. what do taking office and voting under the constitution imply? the president swears "to execute the office of president," and "to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states." the judges "to discharge the duties incumbent upon them agreeably to the constitution and laws of the united states." all executive, legislative, and judicial officers, both of the several states and of the general government, before entering on the performance of their official duties, are bound to take an oath or affirmation, "_to support the constitution of the united states_." this is what every office-holder expressly _promises in so many words_. it is a contract between him and the _whole nation_. the voter, who, by voting, sends his fellow citizen into office as his representative, knowing beforehand that the taking of this oath is the first duty his agent will have to perform, does by his vote, request and authorize him to take it. he therefore, by voting, impliedly engages to support the constitution. what one does by his agent he does himself. of course no honest man will authorize and request another to do an act which he thinks it wrong to do himself! every voter, therefore, is bound to see, _before voting_, whether he could himself honestly swear to _support_ the constitution. now what does this oath of office-holders relate to and imply? "it applies," says chief justice marshall, "in an especial manner, to their conduct in their official character." judge story, in his commentaries on the constitution, speaks of it as "a solemn obligation to the due execution of the trusts reposed in them, and to support the constitution." it is universally considered throughout the country, by common men and by the courts, as a promise to do what the constitution bids, and to avoid what it forbids. it was in the spirit of this oath, under which he spake, that daniel webster said in new york, "the constitution gave it (slavery) solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound by the constitution. all the stipulations contained in the constitution in favor of the slaveholding states ought to be fulfilled; and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter." it is more than an oath of allegiance; more than a mere promise that we will not resist the laws. for it is an engagement to "support them"; as an _officer_ of government, to carry them into effect. without such a promise on the part of its functionaries, how could government exist? it is more than the expression of that obligation which rests on all peaceable citizens to _submit_ to laws, even though they will not actively _support_ them. for it is the promise which the judge makes, that he will actually _do_ the business of the courts; which the sheriff assumes, that he will actually _execute_ the laws. let it be remarked, that it is an oath to support _the_ constitution--that is, _the whole of it_; there are no exceptions. and let it be remembered, that by it each _one_ makes a contract with the _whole_ nation, that he will do certain acts. d. what is the constitution which each voter thus engages to support? it contains the following clauses: art. , sect. . representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three fifths of all other persons_. art. , sect. . congress shall have power ... to suppress insurrections. art. , sec. . no person, held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. art. , sect. . the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against domestic violence_. the first of these clauses, relating to representation, gives to , inhabitants of carolina equal weight in the government with , inhabitants of massachusetts, provided they are rich enough to hold , slaves:--and accordingly confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them, thus tempting them to continue to uphold the system. its result has been, in the language of john quincy adams, "to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government;" and again, to enable "a knot of slaveholders to give the law and prescribe the policy of the country." so that "since slavery, slaveholding, slavebreeding, and slavetrading have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government." the second and the last articles relating to insurrection and domestic violence, perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery: the third is a promise, on the part of the whole north, to return fugitive slaves to their masters; a deed which god's law expressly condemns, and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt. these are the clauses which the abolitionist, by voting or taking office, engages to uphold. while he considers slaveholding to be sin, he still rewards the master with additional political power for every additional slave that he can purchase. thinking slaveholding to be sin, he pledges to the master the aid of the whole army and navy of the nation to reduce his slave again to chains, should he at any time succeed a moment in throwing them off. thinking slaveholding to be sin, he goes on, year after year, appointing by his vote judges and marshals to aid in hunting up the fugitives, and seeing that they are delivered back to those who claim them! how beautifully consistent are his _principles_ and his _promises_! objections. objection i. allowing that the clause relating to representation and that relating to insurrections are immoral, it is contended that the article which orders the return of fugitive slaves was not meant to apply to slaves, but has been misconstrued and misapplied! answer. the meaning of the other two clauses, settled as it has been by the unbroken practice and cheerful acquiescence of the government and people, no one has attempted to deny. this also has the same length of practice, and the same acquiescence, to show that it relates to slaves. no one denies that the government and courts have so construed it, and that the great body of the people have freely concurred in and supported this construction. and further, "the madison papers" (containing the debates of those who framed the constitution, at the time it was made) settle beyond all doubt what meaning the framers intended to convey. look at the following extracts from those papers: _tuesday, august th_, . mr. butler and mr. pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." mr. wilson. this would oblige the executive of the state to do it, at the public expense. mr. sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. mr. butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular provision might be made, apart from this article. article , as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con._--madison papers, pp. - . _wednesday, august_ , . mr. butler moved to insert after article , "if any person bound to service or labor in any of the united states, shall escape into another state, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the state to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con._--p. . and again, after the wording of the above article had been slightly changed, and the clause newly numbered, as in the present constitution, we find another statement most clearly showing to what subject the whole was intended to refer: _saturday, september_ , . article , section , (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term legal equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was _legal_ in a moral view.--p. . is it not hence evident that slavery was the subject referred to by the whole article? the debates of the convention held in the several states to ratify the constitution, at the same time show clearly what meaning it was thought the framers had conveyed:--in virginia mr. madison said, another clause secures to us that property which we now possess. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. for the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect. but in this constitution, "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. this is a better security than any that now exists. patrick henry, in reply observed, the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in maryland or new york. governor randolph said, but another clause of the constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. the words of the clause are, "no person held to service or labor in one state," &c. every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor. if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, &c. general pinckney in south carolina convention observed, "we have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of america they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before." in north carolina, mr. iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. in some of the northern states, they have emancipated all their slaves. if any of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again. this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the southern states, and to prevent it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. though the word _slave_ be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. the northern delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned. but even if two clauses are immoral that is enough for our purpose, and shews that no honest man should engage to uphold them. who has the right to construe and expound the laws? of course the courts of the nation. the constitution provides (article , section ,) that the supreme court shall be the final and only interpreter of its meaning. what says the supreme court? that this clause does relate to slaves, and order their return. all the other courts concur in this opinion. but, say some, the courts are corrupt on this question. let us appeal to the people. nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand answer, that the courts have construed it rightly, and almost as many cheerfully support it. if the unanimous, concurrent, unbroken practice of every department of the government, judicial, legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the people for fifty years, do not prove which is the true construction, then how and where can such a question ever be settled? if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has authority to settle their meaning for them? if the constitution is not what history, unbroken practice, and the courts prove that our fathers intended to make it, and what too, their descendants, this nation say they did make it, and agree to uphold,--who shall decide what the constitution is? this is the sense then in which the nation understand that the promise is made to them. the nation _understand_ that the judge pledges himself to return fugitive slaves. the judge knows this when he takes the oath. and paley expresses the opinion of all writers on morals, as well as the conviction of all honest men, when he says, "that a promise is binding in that sense in which the promiser thought at the time that the other party understood it." objection ii. a promise to do an immoral act is not binding: therefore an oath to support the constitution of the united states, does not bind one to support any provisions of that instrument which are repugnant to his ideas of right. and an abolitionist, thinking it wrong to return slaves, may as an office-holder, innocently and properly take an oath to support a constitution which commands such return. answer. observe that this objection allows the constitution to be pro-slavery, and admits that there are clauses in it which no abolitionist ought to carry out or support. and observe, further, that we all agree, that a bad promise is better broken than kept--that every abolitionist, who has before now taken the oath to the constitution, is bound to break it, and disobey the pro-slavery clauses of that instrument. so far there is no difference between us. but the point in dispute now is, whether a man, having found out that certain requirements of the constitution are wrong, can, after that, innocently swear to support and obey them, _all the while meaning not to do so_. now i contend that such loose construction of our promises is contrary alike to honor, to fair dealing, and to truthfulness--that it tends to destroy utterly that confidence between man and man which binds society together, and leads, in matters of government, to absolute tyranny. the constitution is a series of contracts made by each individual with every other of the fourteen millions. a man's oath is evidence of his assent to this contract. if i offer a man the copy of an agreement, and he, after reading, swears to perform it, have i not a right to infer from his oath that he assents to the _rightfulness_ of the articles of that paper? what more solemn form of expressing his assent could he select? a man's oath expresses his conviction of the rightfulness of the actions he promises to do, as well as his determination to do them. if this be not so, i can have no trust in any man's word. he may take my money, promise to do what i wish in return, and yet, keeping my money, tell me, on the morrow, that he shall not keep his promise, and never meant to, because the act, his conscience tells him, is wrong. who would trust property to such men, or such maxims in the common affairs of life? shall we not be as honest in the senate house as on 'change? the north makes a contract with the south by which she receives certain benefits, and agrees to render certain services. the benefits she carefully keeps--but the services she refuses to render, because immoral contracts are not binding! is this fair dealing? it is the rule alike of law and common sense, that if we are not able, from _any cause_, to furnish the article we have agreed to, we ought to return the pay we have received. if power is put into our hands on certain conditions, and we find ourselves unable to comply with those conditions, we ought to surrender the power back to those who gave it. immoral laws are doubtless void, and should not be obeyed. but the question is here, whether one knowing a law to be immoral, may innocently promise to obey it in order to get into office? the people have settled the conditions on which one may take office. the first is, that he assent to their constitution. is it honest to accept power with the intention at the time of not keeping the conditions?--the rightfulness of those conditions is not here the question. objection iii. i swear to support the constitution, _as i understand it_. certain parts of it, in my opinion, contradict others and are therefore void. answer. will any one take the title deed of his house and carry it to the man he bought of, and let him keep the covenants of that paper as he says "he understands them?" do we not all recognize the justice of having some third, disinterested party to judge between two disputants about the meaning of contracts? who ever heard of a contract of which each party was at liberty to keep as much as he thought proper? as in all other contracts, so in that of the constitution, there is a power provided to affix the proper construction to the instrument, and that construction both parties are bound to abide by, or repudiate the _whole_ contract. that power is the supreme court of the united states. do we seek the common sense, practical view of this question? go to the exchange and ask any broker how many dollars he will trust any man with, who avows his right to make promises with the design, at the time, of breaking some parts, and not feeling called upon to state which those parts will be? do you seek the moral view of the point, which philosophers have taken? paley says, "a promise is binding in that sense in which the promiser thought at the time of making that the other party understood it." is there any doubt what meaning the great body of the american people attach to the constitution and the official oath? they are that party to whom the promise is made. but, say some, our lives are notice to the whole people what meaning we attach to the oath, and we will protest when we swear, that we do not include in our oath the pro-slavery clauses. you may as well utter the protest now, as when you are swearing--or at home, equally as well as within the state house. for no such protest can be of any avail. the chief justice stands up to administer to me the oath of some office, no matter which. "sir," say i, "i must take that oath with a qualification, excluding certain clauses." his reply will be, "sir, i have no discretion in this matter. i am here merely to administer a prescribed form of oath. if you assent to it, you are qualified for your station. if you do not, you cannot enter. i have no authority given me to listen to exceptions. i am a servant--the people are my masters--here is what they require that you support, not this or that part of the constitution, but '_the constitution_,' that is, the _whole_." baffled here, i turn to the people. i publish my opinions in newspapers. i proclaim them at conventions, i spread them through the country on the wings of a thousand presses. does this avail me? yes, says liberty party, if after this, men choose to vote for you, it is evident they mean you shall take the oath as you have given notice that you understand it. well, the voters in boston, with this understanding, elect me to congress, and i proceed to washington. but here arises a difficulty,--my constituents at home have assented--but when i get to congress, i find i am not the representative of boston only, but of the whole country. the interests of carolina are committed to my hands as well as those of massachusetts; i find that the contract i made by my oath was not with boston, but with the whole nation. it is the _nation_ that gives me the power to declare war and make peace--to lay taxes on cotton, and control the commerce of new orleans. the nation prescribed the conditions in , when the constitution was settled, and though boston may be willing to accept me on other terms, carolina is not willing. boston has accepted my protest, and says, "take office." carolina says, "the oath you swear is sworn to me, as well as to the rest--i demand the whole bond." in other words, when i have made my protest, what evidence is there that _the nation_, the other party to the contract, assents to it? there can be none until that nation amends its constitution. massachusetts when she accepted that constitution, bound herself to send only such men as could swear to return slaves. if by an underhand compromise with some of her citizens, she sends persons of other sentiments, she is perjured, and any one who goes on such an errand is a partner in the perjury. massachusetts has no right to assent to my protest--she has no right to send representatives, except on certain conditions. she cannot vary those conditions, without leave from those whose interests are to be affected by the change, that is, the whole nation. those conditions are written down in the constitution. do she and south carolina differ, as to the meaning? the court will decide for them. but, says the objector, do you mean to say that i swear to support the constitution, not as i understand it, but as some judge understands it? yes, i do--otherwise there is no such thing as law. this right of private judgment, for which he contends, exists in religion--but not in government. law is a rule _prescribed_. the party prescribing must have the right to construe his own rule, otherwise there would be as many laws as there are individual consciences. statutes would be but recommendations if every man was at liberty to understand and obey them as he thought proper. but i need not argue this. the absurdity of a government that has no right to govern--and of laws which have no fixed meaning--but which each man construes to mean what he pleases and obeys accordingly--must be evident to every one. what more power did the most despotic of the english stuarts ask, than the right, after having sworn to laws, to break such as their consciences disapproved? it is the essence of tyranny. what is the constitution of the united states? in good old fashioned times we thought we knew, when we had read it and listened to the court's exposition. but we have improved upon that. the liberty party man says, it is for him "what he understands it." john c. calhoun, of course, has the same right, and instead of "liberty regulated by law," we have liberty regulated by fourteen millions of understandings! the liberty party man takes office on conditions, which, he says, are not binding upon him. he gives us notice that he shall use the power as he thinks right, without any regard to these conditions of his oath. well, if this is law, it is good for all. john c. calhoun can of course take office with the same broad liberty, and swear to support the constitution "as _he_ understands it." he has told us often what that "understanding" is--"to sustain slavery." of course having made this public, if, after that, carolina sends him, according to liberty party logic, it is evidence that massachusetts assents to his "understanding," and accepts his oath with that meaning! why i thought i had fathomed the pro-slavery depths of the constitution when i read over all its wicked clauses--but that is skimming only the surface, if the constitution allows every man, to whom it commits power to use it, as he chooses to "understand" the conditions, and not as the nation understands them. if with this right, abolitionists may take office and help liberty, we must remember that by the same rule, slaveholders may take office and lawfully use all their power to help slavery. if this be so, how absurd to keep crying out of this and the other thing it is "unconstitutional." away with such logic! if we have a constitution, let us remember jefferson's advice, and not make it "waste paper by construction." the man who tampers thus with the sacred obligation of an oath,--swears, and jesuit like, keeps "reserved meanings" in his own breast,--does more harm to society by loosening the foundations of morals, than he would do good, did his one falsehood free every slave from the potomac to the del norte. objection iv. "the oath does not mean that i will positively do what i swear to do, but only that i will do it, _or submit_ to the penalty the law awards. if my actions in office don't suit the nation, let them impeach me." answer. that is, john tyler may, without consulting congress, plunge us into war with mexico--incur fifty millions of public debt--lose a hundred thousand lives--and the _sufficient recompense_ to this nation will be to impeach john tyler, esq., and send him home to his slaves! these are the wise safeguards of constitutional liberty! he has faithfully kept it "as he understands it." what is a russian slave? one who holds life, property, and all, at the mercy of the czar's idea of right. does not this description of the power every officer has here, under our constitution, reduce americans to the same condition? but, is it true that the bearing of the penalty is an excuse for breach of our official oaths? the judge who, in questions of divorce, has trifled with the sanctity of the marriage tie--who, in matters of property has decided unjustly, and taken bribes--in capital cases has so dealt judgment as to send innocent men to the gallows--may cry out, "if you don't like me, impeach me." but will impeachment restore the dead to life, or the husband to his defamed wife? would the community consider his submission to impeachment as equivalent to the keeping of his oath of office, and thenceforward view him as an honest, truth-speaking, unperjured man? it is idle to suppose so. yet the interests committed to some of our officeholders' keeping, are more important often than even those which a judge controls. and we must remember that men's ideas of right always differ. to admit such a principle into the construction of oaths, if it enable one man to do much good, will enable scoundrels who creep into office to do much harm, "according to _their_ consciences." but yet the rule, if it be admitted, must be universal. liberty becomes, then, matter of accident. objection v. i shall resign whenever a case occurs that requires me to aid in returning a fugitive slave. answer. "the office-holder has promised active obedience to the constitution in every exigency which it has contemplated and sought to provide for. if he promised, not meaning to perform in certain cases, is he not doubly dishonest? dishonest to his own conscience in promising to do wrong, and to his fellow-citizens in purposing from the first to break his oath, as he knew they understood it? if he had sworn, not regarding anything as immoral which he bound himself to do, and afterwards found in the oath something against his conscience of which he was not at first aware, or if by change of views he had come to deem sinful what before he thought right, then doubtless, by promptly resigning, he might escape guilt. but is not the case different, when among the acts promised are some known at the time to be morally wrong? 'it is a sin to swear unto sin,' says the poet, although it be, as he truly adds, 'a greater sin to keep the sinful oath.'" the captain has no right to put to sea, and resign when the storm comes. besides what supports a wicked government more than good men taking office under it, even though they secretly determine not to carry out all its provisions? the slave balancing in his lonely hovel the chance of escape, knows nothing of your secret reservations, your future intentions. he sees only the swarming millions at the north ostensibly sworn to restore him to his master, if he escape a little way. perchance it is your false oath, which you don't mean to keep, that makes him turn from the attempt in despair. he knows you only--the world knows only by your _actions_, not your _intentions_, and those side with his master. the prayer which he lifts to heaven, in his despair, numbers you rightly among his oppressors. objection vi. i shall only take such an office as brings me into no connection with slavery. answer. government is a whole; unless each in his circle aids his next neighbor, the machine will stand still. the senator does not himself return the fugitive slave, but he appoints the marshal, whose duty it is to do so. the state representative does not himself appoint the judge who signs the warrant for the slave's recapture, but he chooses the united states senator who does appoint that judge. the elector does not himself order out the militia to resist "domestic violence," but he elects the president, whose duty requires, that a case occurring, he should do so. to suppose that each of these may do that part of his duty that suits him, and leave the rest undone, is _practical anarchy_. it is bringing ourselves precisely to that state which the hebrew describes. "in those days there was no king in israel, but each man did what was right in his own eyes." this is all consistent in us, who hold that man is to do right, even if anarchy follows. how absurd to set up such a scheme, and miscall it a _government_,--where nobody governs, but everybody does as he pleases. objection vii. as men and all their works are imperfect, we may innocently "support a government which, along with many blessings, assists in the perpetration of some wrong." answer. as nobody disputes that we may rightly assist the worst government in doing good, provided we can do so without at the same time aiding it in the wrong it perpetrates, this must mean, of course, that it is right to aid and obey a government _in doing wrong_, if we think that, on the whole, the government effects more good than harm. otherwise the whole argument is irrelevant, for this is the point in dispute; since every office of any consequence under the united states constitution has some immediate connection with slavery. let us see to what lengths this principle will carry one. herod's servants, then, were right in slaying every child in bethlehem, from two years old and under, provided they thought herod's government, on the whole, more a blessing than a curse to judea! the soldiers of charles ii. were justified in shooting the covenanters on the muirs of scotland, if they thought his rule was better, on the whole, for england, than anarchy! according to this theory, the moment the magic wand of government touches our vices, they start up into virtues! but has government any peculiar character or privilege in this respect? oh, no--government is only an association of individuals, and the same rules of morality which govern my conduct in relation to a thousand men, ought to regulate my conduct to any one. therefore, i may innocently aid a man in doing wrong, if i think that, on the whole, he has more virtues than vices. if he gives bread to the hungry six days in the week, i may rightly help him, on the seventh, in forging bank notes, or murdering his father! the principle goes this length, and every length, or it cannot be proved to exist at all. it ends at last, practically, in the old maxim, that the subject and the soldier have no right to keep any conscience, but have only to obey the rulers they serve: for there are few, if any, governments this side of satan's, which could not, in some sense, be said to do more good than harm. now i candidly confess, that i had rather be covered all over with inconsistencies, in the struggle to keep my hands clean, than settle quietly down on such a principle as this. it is supposing that we may-- "to do a great right, do a little wrong;" a rule, which the master poet of human nature has rebuked. it is doing evil that good may come--a doctrine, of which an apostle has pronounced the condemnation. and let it be remembered that in dealing with the question of slavery, we are not dealing with extreme cases. slavery is no minute evil which lynx-eyed suspicion has ferreted out. every sixth man is a slave. the ermine of justice is stained. the national banner clings to the flag-staff heavy with blood. "the preservation of slavery," says our oldest and ablest statesman, "is the vital and animating _spirit_ of the national government." surely if it be true that a man may justifiably stand connected with a government in which he sees some slight evils--still it is also true, even then, that governments _may_ sin so atrociously, so enormously, may make evil so much the _purpose_ of their being, as to render it the duty of honest men to wash their hands of them. i may give money to a friend whose life has some things in it which i do not fully approve--but when his nights are passed in the brothel, and his days in drunkenness, when he uses his talents to seduce others, and his gold to pave their road to ruin, surely the case is changed. i may perhaps sacrifice health by staying awhile in a room rather overheated, but i shall certainly see it to be my duty to rush out, when the whole house is in full blaze. objection viii. god intended that society and governments should exist. we therefore are bound to support them. he has conferred upon us the rights of citizenship in this country, and we cannot escape from the responsibility of exercising them. god made us _citizens_. answer. this reminds me of an old story i have heard. when the legislature were asked to set off a portion of the town of dorchester and call it south boston, the old minister of the town is said to have objected, saying, "god made it dorchester, and dorchester it ought to be." god made us social beings, it is true, but _society_ is not necessarily the constitution of the united states! because god meant some form of government should exist, does not at all prove that we are justified in supporting a wicked one. man confers the rights and regulates the duties of citizenship. god never made a _citizen_, and no one will escape, as a man, from the sins he commits as a citizen. this is the first time that it has ever been held an excuse for sin that we "went with the multitude to do evil!" certainly we can be under no _such_ responsibility to become and remain _citizens_, as will excuse us from the sinful acts which as such citizens we are called to commit. does god make obligatory on his creature the support of institutions which require him to do acts in themselves wrong? to suppose so, were to confound all the rules of god's moral kingdom. president wayland has lately been illustrating, and giving his testimony to the principle, that a combination of men cannot change the moral character of an act, which is in itself sinful--that the law of morals is binding the same on communities, corporations, &c. as on individuals. after describing slavery, and saying that to hold a man in such a state is wrong--he goes on: "i will offer but one more supposition. suppose that any number, for instance one half of the families in our neighborhood, should by law enact that the weaker half should be slaves, that we would exercise over them the authority of masters, prohibit by law their instruction, and concert among ourselves means for holding them permanently in their present situation. in what manner would this alter the moral aspect of the case?" a law in this case is merely a determination of one party, in which all unite, to hold the other party in bondage; and a compact by which the whole party bind themselves to assist every individual of themselves to subdue all resistance from the other party, and guaranteeing to each other that exercise of this power over the weaker party which they now possess. now i cannot see that this in any respect changes the nature of the parties. they remain, as before, human beings, possessing the same intellectual and moral nature, holding the same relations to each other and to god, and still under the same unchangeable law, thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. by the act of holding a man in bondage, this law is violated. wrong is done, moral evil is committed. in the former case it was done by the individual; now it is done by the individual and the society. before, the individual was responsible only for his own wrong; now he is responsible both for his own, and also, as a member of the society, for all the wrong which the society binds itself to uphold and render perpetual. the scriptures frequently allude to the fact, that wrong done by law, that is by society, is amenable to the same retribution as wrong done by the individual. thus, psalm : - . 'shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with them which frame mischief by a law, and gather themselves together against the soul of the righteous, and condemn the innocent blood? but the lord is my defence; and my god is the rock of my refuge. and he shall bring upon them their own iniquity, and shall cut them off in their own wickedness; yea, the lord our god shall cut them off' so also isaiah : - . 'wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed.' &c. besides, persecution for the sake of religious opinion is always perpetrated by law; but this in no manner affects its moral character. there is, however, one point of difference, which arises from the fact that this wrong has been established by law. it becomes a social wrong. the individual, or those who preceded him, may have surrendered their individual right over it to the society. in this case it may happen that the individual cannot act as he might act, if the law had not been made. in this case the evil can only be eradicated by changing the opinions of the society, and inducing them to abolish the law. it will however be apparent that this, as i said before, does not change the relation of the parties either to each other or to god. the wrong exists as before. the individual act is wrong. the law which protects it is wrong. the whole society, in putting the law into execution, is wrong. before only the individual, now, the whole society, becomes the wrong doer, and for that wrong, both the individuals and the society are held responsible in the sight of god." if such "individual act is wrong," the man who knowingly does it is surely a sinner. does god, through society, require men to sin? objection ix. if not being non-resistants, we concede to mankind the right to frame governments, which must, from the very nature of man, be more or less evil, the right or duty to support them, when framed, necessarily follows. answer. i do not think it follows at all. mankind, that is, any number of them, have a right to set up such forms of worship as they see fit, but when they have done so, does it necessarily follow that i am in duty bound to support any one of them, whether i approve it or not? government is precisely like any other voluntary association of individuals--a temperance or anti-slavery society, a bank or railroad corporation. i join it, or not, as duty dictates. if a temperance society exists in the village where i am, that love for my race which bids me seek its highest good, commands me to join it. so if a government is formed in the land where i live, the same feeling bids me to support it, if i innocently can. this is the whole length of my duty to government. from the necessity of the case, and that constitution of things which god has ordained, it follows that in any specified district, the majority must rule--hence results the duty of the minority to submit. but we must carefully preserve the distinction between _submission_ and _obedience_ --between _submission_ and _support_. if the majority set up an immoral government, i obey those laws which seem to me good, because they are good--and i submit to all the penalties which my disobedience of the rest brings on me. this is alike the dictate of common sense, and the command of christianity. and it must be the true doctrine, since any other obliges me to obey the majority if they command me to commit murder, a rule which even the tory blackstone has denied. of course for me to do anything i deem wrong, is the same, in quality, as to commit murder. objection x. but it is said, your theory results in good men leaving government to the dishonest and wicked. answer. well, if to sustain government we must sacrifice honesty, government could not be in a more appropriate place, than in the hands of dishonest men. but it by no means follows, that if i go out of government, i leave nothing but dishonest men behind. an act may be sin to me, which another may sincerely think right--and if so, let him do it, till he changes his mind. i leave government in the hands of those whom i do not think as clear-sighted as myself, but not necessarily in the hands of the dishonest. whether it be so in this country now, is not, at present, the question, but whether it would be so necessarily, in all cases. the real question is, what is the duty of those who presume to think that god has given them clearer views of duty than the bulk of those among whom they live? don't think us conceited in supposing ourselves a little more enlightened than our neighbors. it is no great thing after all to be a little better than a lynching--mobocratic--slaveholding--debt repudiating community. what then is the duty of such men? doubtless to do all they can to extend to others the light they enjoy. will they best do so by compromising their principles? by letting their political life give the lie to their life of reform? who will have the most influence, he whose life is consistent, or he who says one thing to-day, and swears another thing to-morrow--who looks one way and rows another? my object is to let men _understand me_, and i submit that the body of the roman people understood better, and felt more earnestly, the struggle between the people and the princes, when the little band of democrats _left the city_ and encamped on _mons sacer, outside_, than while they remained mixed up and voting with their masters, shoulder to shoulder. _dissolution_ is our _mons sacer_--god grant that it may become equally famous in the world's history as the spot where the right triumphed. it is foolish to suppose that the position of such men, divested of the glare of official distinction, has no weight with the people. if it were so, i am still bound to remember that i was not sent into the world _to have influence_, but to do my duty according to my own conscience. but it is not so. people do know an honest man when they see him. (i allow that this is so rare an event now-a-days, as almost to justify one in supposing they might have forgotten how he looked.) they will give a man credit, when his life is one manly testimony to the truthfulness of his lips. even liberty party, blind as she is, has light enough to see that "consistency is the jewel, the everything of such a cause as ours." the position of a non-voter, in a land where the ballot is so much idolized, kindles in every beholder's bosom something of the warm sympathy which waits on the persecuted, carries with it all the weight of a disinterested testimony to truth, and pricks each voter's conscience with an uneasy doubt, whether after all voting _is_ right. there is constantly a mordecai in the gate. i admit that we should strive to have a _political_ influence--for with politics is bound up much of the welfare of the people. but this objection supposes that the ballot box is the _only_ means of political influence. now it is a good thing that every man should have the right to vote. but it is by no means necessary that every man should actually vote, in order to influence his times. we by no means necessarily desert our social duty when we refuse to take office, or to confer it. lafayette did better service to the cause of french liberty when he retired to lagrange and refused to acknowledge napoleon, than he could have done had he stood, for years, at the tyrant's right hand. from the silence of that chamber there went forth a voice--from the darkness of that retreat there burst forth a light; feeble indeed at first, like the struggling beams of the morning, but destined like them to brighten into perfect day. this objection, that we non-voters shall lose all our influence, confounds the broad distinction between _influence_ and _power_. _influence_ every honest man must and will have, in exact proportion to his honesty and ability. god always annexes influence to worth. the world, however unwilling, can never get free from the influence of such a man. this influence the possession of office cannot give, nor the want of it take away. for the exercise of such influence as this, man is responsible. _power_ we buy of our fellow men at a certain price. before making the bargain it is our duty to see that we do not pay "too dear for our whistle." he who buys it at the price of truth and honor, buys only weakness--and sins beside. of those who go to the utmost verge of honesty in order to reach the seats of worldly power, and barter a pure conscience for a weighty name, it may be well said with old fuller, "they need to have steady heads who can dive into these gulfs of policy, and come out with a safe conscience." objection xi. this withdrawing from government is pharisaical--"shall we, 'weak, sinful men,'" one says, "perhaps even more sinful than the slaveholder, cry out, no union with slaveholders?" such a course is wanting in brotherly kindness. answer. because we refuse to aid a wrong-doer in his sin, we by no means proclaim, or assume, that we think our _whole character_ better than his. it is neither pharisaical to have opinions, nor presumptuous to guide our lives by them. if i have joined with others in doing wrong, is it either presumptuous or unkind, when my eyes are opened, to refuse to go any further with them in their career of guilt? does love to the thief require me to help him in stealing? yet this is all we refuse to do. we will extend to the slaveholder all the courtesy he will allow. if he is hungry, we will feed him; if he is in want, both hands shall be stretched out for his aid. we will give him full credit for all the good that he does, and our deep sympathy in all the temptations under whose strength he falls. but to help him in his sin, to remain partners with him in the slave-trade, is more than he has a right to ask. he would be a strange preacher who should set out to reform his circle by joining in all their sins! it is a principle similar to that which the tipsy duke of norfolk acted on, when seeing a drunken friend in the gutter, he cried out, "my dear fellow, i can't help you out, but i'll do better, i'll lie down by your side." objection xii. but consider, the abstaining from all share in government will leave bad men to have everything their own way--admit texas--extend slavery, &c. &c. answer. that is no matter of mine. god, the great conservative power of the universe, when he established the right, saw to it that it should always be the safest and best. he never laid upon a poor finite worm the staggering load of following out into infinity the complex results of his actions. we may rest on the bosom of infinite wisdom, confident that it is enough for us to do justice, he will see to it that happiness results. objection xiii. but the same conscientious objection against promising your support to government, ought to lead you to avoid actually giving your support to it by paying taxes or sueing in the courts. answer. this is what logicians call a _reductio ad absurdum_: an attempt to prove our principle unsound by showing that, fairly carried out, it leads to an absurdity. but granting all it asks, it does not saddle us with any absurdity at all. it is perfectly possible to live without petitioning, sueing, or holding stocks. thousands in this country have lived, died, and been buried, without doing either. and does it load us with any absurdity to prove that we shall be obliged to do from principle, what the majority of our fellow-citizens do from choice? we lawyers may think it is an absurdity to say a man can't sue, for, like the apostle at ephesus, it touches our "craft," but that don't go far to prove it. then, as to taxes, doubtless many cases might be imagined, when every one would allow it to be our duty to resist the slightest taxation, did christianity allow it, with "war to the hilt." if such cases may ever arise, why may not this be one? until i become an irishman, no one will ever convince me that i ought to vote, by proving that i ought not to pay taxes! suppose all these difficulties do really encompass us, it will not be the first time that the doing of one moral duty has revealed a dozen others which we never thought of. the child has climbed the hill over his native village, which he thought the end of the world, and lo! there are mountains beyond! he won't remedy the matter by creeping back to his cradle and disbelieving in mountains! but then, is there any such inconsistency in non-voters sueing and paying taxes? look at it. a. and b. have agreed on certain laws, and appointed c. to execute them. a. owes me, who am no party to the contract, a just debt, which his laws oblige him to pay. do i acknowledge the rightfulness of his relation to b. and c. by asking c. to use the power given him, in my behalf? it appears to me that i do not. i may surely ask a. to pay me my debt--why not then ask the keeper, whom he has appointed over himself, to make him do so? i am a prisoner among pirates. the mate is abusing me in some way contrary to their laws. do i recognize the rightfulness of the captain's authority, by asking him to use the power the mate has consented to give him, to protect me? it seems to me that i do not necessarily endorse the means by which a man has acquired money or power, when i ask him to use either in my behalf. an alien does not recognize the rightfulness of a government by living under it. it has always been held that an english subject may swear allegiance to an usurper and yet not be guilty of treason to the true king. because he may innocently acknowledge the king _de facto_ (the king _in deed_,) without assuming him to be king _de jure_ (king by _right_.) the distinction itself is as old as the time of edward the first. the principle is equally applicable to suits. it has been universally acted on and allowed. the catholic, who shrank from acknowledging the heretical government of england, always, i believe, sued in her courts. who could convince a common man, that by sueing in constantinople or timbuctoo, he does an act which makes him responsible for the character of those governments? then, as for taxes. it is only our voluntary acts for which we are responsible. and when did government ever trust tax-paying to the voluntary good will of its subjects? when it does so, i, for one, will refuse to pay. when did any sane man conclude that our saviour's voluntary payment of a tax acknowledged the rightfulness of rome's authority over judea? "the states," says chief justice marshall, "have only not to elect senators, and this government expires without a struggle." every november, then, we _create_ the government anew. now, what "instinct" will tell a common-sense man, that the act of a _sovereign_,--voting--which creates a wicked government, is, _essentially_ the same as the submission of a _subject_,--tax-paying,--an act done without our consent. it should be remembered, that we vote as _sovereigns_,--we pay taxes as _subjects_. who supposes that the humble tax-payer of austria, who does not, perhaps, know in what name the charter of his bondage runs, is responsible for the doings of metternich? and what sane man likens his position to that of the voting sovereign of the united states? my innocent acts may, through others' malice, result in evil. in that case, it will be for my best judgment to determine whether to continue or cease them. they are not thereby rendered essentially sinful. for instance, i walk out on sabbath morning. the priest over the way will exclaim, "sabbath-breaker," and the infidel will delude his followers, by telling them i have no regard for christianity. still, it will be for me to settle which, in present circumstances, is best,--to remain in, and not be misconstrued, or to go out and bear a testimony against the superstitious keeping of the day. different circumstances will dictate different action on such a point. i may often be the _occasion_ of evil when i am not responsible for it. many innocent acts _occasion_ evil, and in such case all i am bound to ask myself before doing such _innocent act_, is, "shall i occasion, on the whole, more harm or good." there are many cases where doing a duty even, we shall occasion evil and sin in others. to save a slaveholder from drowning, when we know he has made a will freeing his slaves, would put off, perhaps forever, their emancipation, but of course that is not my fault. this making a man responsible for all the evil his acts, _incidentally_, without his will, occasion, reminds me of that principle of turkish law which dr. clarke mentions, in his travels, and which they call "homicide by an intermediate cause." the case he relates is this: a young man in love poisoned himself, because the girl's father refused his consent to the marriage. the cadi sentenced the father to pay a fine of $ , saying "if you had not had a daughter, this young man had not loved; if he had not loved, he had never been disappointed; if not disappointed, he would never have taken poison." it was the same cadi possibly, who sentenced the island of samos to pay for the wrecking of a vessel, on the principle that "if the island had not been in the way, the vessel would never have been wrecked!" then of taxes on imports. buying and selling, and carrying from country to country, is good and innocent. but government, if i trade here, will take occasion to squeeze money out of me. very well. i shall deliberate whether i will cease trading, and deprive them of the opportunity, or go on and use my wealth to reform them. 'tis a question of expediency, not of right, which my judgment, not my conscience, must settle. an act of mine, innocent in itself, and done from right motives, no after act of another's can make a sin. to import, is rightful. after-taxation, against my consent, cannot make it wrong. neither am i obliged to smuggle, in order to avoid it. i include in these remarks, all taxes, whether on property, or imports, or railroads. a chemist, hundreds of years ago, finds out how to temper steel. the art is useful for making knives, lancets, and machinery. but he knows that the bad will abuse it by making swords and daggers. is he responsible? certainly not. similar to this is trading in america,--knowing government will thus have an opportunity to increase its revenue. but suppose the chemist to see two men fighting, one has the other down,--to the first our chemist presents a finely tempered dagger. such is voting under the united states constitution--appointing an officer to help the oppressor. the difference between voting and tax-paying is simply this: i may do an act right in itself, though i know some evil will result. paul was bound to preach the gospel to the jews, though he knew some of them would thereby be led to add to their sins by cursing and mobbing him. so i may locate property in philadelphia, trade there, and ride on its railroads, though i know government will, without my consent, thereby enrich itself. other things being equal, of course i shall not allow it the opportunity. but the advantages and good results of my doing so, _may be_ such as would make it my duty there to live and trade, even subject to such an evil. but on the other hand, i may not do an act wrong in itself to secure any amount of fancied good. now, appointing a man by my vote to a pro-slavery office, (and such is every one under the united states constitution,) is wrong in itself, and no other good deeds which such officer may do, will justify an abolitionist in so appointing him. let it not be said, that this reasoning will apply to voting--that voting is the right of every human being, (which i grant only for the sake of argument,) and innocent in itself. voting _under our_ constitution is appointing a man to swear to protect, and actually to protect slavery. now, appointing agents generally is the right of every man, and innocent in itself, but appointing an agent to commit a murder is sin. i trade, and government taxes me; do i authorize it? no. i vote, and the marshal whom my agent appoints, returns a slave to south carolina. do i authorize it? _yes_. i knew it would be his _sworn duty_, when i voted; and i assented to it, by voting under the constitution which makes it his duty. if i trade, it is said, i may foresee that government will be helped by the taxes i pay, therefore i ought not to trade. but i do not trade _for the purpose_ of paying taxes! and if i am to be charged with all the foreseen results of my actions, then garrison is responsible for the boston mob! the reason why i am responsible for the pro-slavery act of a united states officer, for whom i have voted, is this: i must be supposed to have _intended_ that which my agent is _bound_ by his contract with me (that is, his oath of office) to do. allow me to request our opposers to keep distinctly in view the precise point in debate. this is not whether massachusetts can rightfully trade and make treaties with south carolina, although she knows that such a course will result in strengthening a wrongdoer. such are most of the cases which they consider parallel to ours, and for permitting which they charge us with inconsistency. but the question really is, whether massachusetts can join hands and strength with south carolina, for the express and avowed purpose of sustaining slavery. this she does in the constitution. for he who swears to support an instrument of twelve clauses, swears to support one as well as another,--and though one only be immoral,--still he swears to do an immoral act. now, my conviction is, "which fire will not burn out of me," that to return fugitive slaves is sin--to promise so to do, and not do it, is, if possible, baser still; and that any conjunction of circumstances which makes either necessary, is of the devil, and not of god. objection xiv. duty requires of a non-voter to quit the country, and go where his taxes will not help to build up slavery. answer. god gave me my birth here. because bad men about me "play such tricks before high heaven, as make the angels weep," does it oblige me to quit? i have as good right here as they. if they choose to leave, let them--i shall remain. 'twould be a pretty thing, indeed, if, as often as i found myself next door to a bad man, who would bring up his children to steal my apples and break my windows, i were obliged to take the temptation away by cutting down all my apple trees and moving my house further west, into the wilderness. this would be, in good john wesley's phrase, "giving up all the good times to the devil," with a witness. objection xv. "society has the right to prescribe the terms, upon the expressed or implied agreement to comply with which a person may reside within its limits." answer. this principle i utterly deny. all that society has a right to demand is peaceful submission to its exactions:--_consent_ they have neither the power nor the right to exact or to imply. twenty men live on a lone island. nineteen set up a government and say, every man who lives there shall worship idols. the twentieth submits to all their laws, but refuses to commit idolatry. have they the _right_ to say, "do so, or quit;" or, to say, "if you stay, we will consider you as impliedly worshipping idols?" doubtless they have the _power_, but the majority have no _rights_, except those which justice sanctions. will the objector show me the justice of his principle? i was born here. i ask no man's permission to remain. all that any man or body of men have a right to infer from my staying here, is that, in doing this _innocent act_, i think, that on the whole, i am effecting more good than harm. lawyers say, i cannot find this right laid down in the books. that will not trouble me. some old play has a character in it who never ties his neckcloth without a warrant from mr. justice overdo. i claim no relationship to that very scrupulous individual. objection xvi. these clauses, to which you refer, are inconsistent with the preamble of the constitution, which describes it as made "to establish justice" and "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity:" and as, when two clauses of the same instrument are inconsistent, one must yield and be held void--we hold these three clauses void. answer. a _specific_ clause is not to be held void on account of general terms, such as those of the preamble. it is rather to be taken as an exception, allowed and admitted at the time, to those general terms. again. you say they are inconsistent. but the courts and the people do not think so. now they, being the majority, settle the law. the question then is, whether the law being settled,--and according to your belief settled immorally,--you will _volunteer_ your services to execute it and carry it into effect? this you do by becoming an officeholder. it seems to me this question can receive but one answer from honest men. last of all, the objector cries out, the constitution may be _amended_, and i shall vote to have it changed. answer. but at present it is necessary to swear to support it _as it is_. what the constitution may become, a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and repudiate it _as it is_. how long may one promise to do evil, in hope some time or other to get the power to do good? we will not brand the constitution of the united states as pro-slavery, after--it had ceased to be so! this objection reminds me of miss martineau's story of the little boy, who hurt himself, and sat crying on the sidewalk. "don't cry!" said a friend, "it won't hurt you tomorrow."--"well then," said the child, "i won't cry tomorrow." we come then, it seems to me, back to our original conclusion: that the man who swears to support the constitution, swears to support the whole of it, pro-slavery clauses and all,--that he swears to support it _as it is_, not as it hereafter may become,--that he swears to support it in the sense given to it by the courts and the nation, not as he chooses to understand it,--and that the courts and the nation expect such an one in office to do his share toward the suppression of slave, as well as other, insurrections, and to aid the return of fugitive slaves. after an _abolitionist_ has taken such an oath, or by his vote sent another to take it for him, i do not see how he can look his own principles in the face. thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou lie? we who call upon the slaveholder to do right, no matter what the consequences or the cost, are certainly bound to look well to our own example. at least we can hardly expect to win the master to do justice by _setting him an example of perjury_. it is almost an insult in an abolitionist, while not willing to sacrifice even a petty ballot for his principles, to demand of the slaveholder that he give up wealth, home, old prejudices and social position at their call. extracts from j.q. adams. the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_. protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into this country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.--is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?--the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. its operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.--the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two. but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation, nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government and home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the south--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. the anti-slavery examiner. address to the friends of constitutional liberty, on the violation by the united states house of representatives of the right of petition at the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . this no. contains sheet.--postage, under miles, - / ct. over , - / cts. please read and circulate. address. to the friends of constitutional liberty:-- there was a time, fellow citizens, when the above address would have included the people of the united states. but, alas! the freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and the right of petition, are now hated and dreaded by our southern citizens, as hostile to the perpetuity of human bondage; while, by their political influence in the federal government, they have induced numbers at the north to unite with them in their sacrilegious crusade against these inestimable privileges. on the th january last, the house of representatives, on motion of mr. johnson, from maryland, made it a standing rule of the house that "no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, or any state or territory of the united states, in which it now exists, shall be received by the house, or entertained in any way whatever." thus has the right of petition been immolated in the very temple of liberty, and offered up, a propitiatory sacrifice to the demon of slavery. never before has an outrage so unblushingly profligate been perpetrated upon the federal constitution. yet, while we mourn the degeneracy which this transaction evinces, we behold, in its attending circumstances, joyful omens of the triumph which awaits our struggle with the hateful power that now perverts the general government into an engine of cruelty and loathsome oppression. before we congratulate you on these omens, let us recall to your recollection the steps by which the enemies of human rights have advanced to their present rash and insolent defiance of moral and constitutional obligation. in , a newspaper was established in boston, for the purpose of disseminating facts and arguments in favor of the duty and policy of immediate emancipation. the legislature of georgia, with all the recklessness of despotism, passed a law, offering a reward of $ , for the abduction of the editor, and his delivery in georgia. as there was no law, by which a citizen of massachusetts could be tried in georgia, for expressing his opinions in the capital of his own state, this reward was intended as the price of blood. do you start at the suggestion? remember the several sums of $ , , of $ , , and of $ , , offered in southern papers for kidnapping certain abolitionists. remember the horrible inflictions by southern lynch clubs. remember the declaration, in the united states senate, by the brazen-fronted preston, that, should an abolitionist be caught in carolina, he would be hanged. but, as the slaveholders could not destroy the lives of the abolitionists, they determined to murder their characters. hence, the president of the united states was induced, in his message of , to congress, to charge them with plotting the massacre of the southern planters; and even to stultify himself, by affirming that, for this purpose, they were engaged in sending, by _mail_, inflammatory appeals to the _slaves_--sending papers to men who could not read them, and by a conveyance through which they could not receive them! he well knew that the papers alluded to were appeals on the immorality of converting men, women, and children, into beasts of burden, and were sent to the masters, for _their_ consideration. the masters in charleston, dreading the moral influence of these appeals on the conscience of the slaveholding community, forced the post office, and made a bonfire of the papers. the post master general, with the sanction of the president, also hastened to their relief, and, in violation of oaths, and laws, and the constitution, established ten thousand censors of the press, each one of whom was authorized to abstract from the mail every paper which _he_ might think too favorable to the rights of man. for more than twenty years, petitions have been presented to congress, for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. the right to present them, and the power of congress to grant their prayer, were, until recently, unquestioned. but the rapid multiplication of these petitions alarmed the slaveholders, and, knowing that they tended to keep alive at the north, an interest in the slave, they deemed it good policy to discourage and, if possible, suppress all such applications. hence mr. pinckney's famous resolution, in , declaring, "that all petitions, or papers, relating _in any way, or to any extent_ whatever to the _subject of slavery_, shall, without being printed or referred, be laid on the table; and no further action, whatever shall be had thereon!" the peculiar atrocity of this resolution was, that it not merely trampled upon the rights of the petitioners, but took from each member of the house his undoubted privilege, as a legislator of the district, to introduce any proposition he might think proper, for the protection of the slaves. in every slave state there are laws affording, at least, some nominal protection to these unhappy beings; but, according to this resolution, slaves might be flayed alive in the streets of washington, and no representative of the people could offer even a resolution for inquiry. and this vile outrage upon constitutional liberty was avowedly perpetrated "to repress agitation, to allay excitement, and re-establish harmony and tranquillity among the various sections of the union!!" but this strange opiate did not produce the stupefying effects anticipated from it. in , the petitioners were only , --the next session they numbered , . mr. hawes, of ky., now essayed to restore tranquillity, by gagging the uneasy multitude; but, alas! at the next congress, more than , petitioners carried new terror to the hearts of the slaveholders. the next anodyne was prescribed by mr. patton, of va., but its effect was to rouse from their stupor some of the northern legislatures, and to induce them to denounce his remedy as "a usurpation of power, a violation of the constitution, subversive of the fundamental principles of the government, and at war with the prerogatives of the people."[ ] it was now supposed that the people most be drugged by a _northern_ man, and _atherton_ was found a fit instrument for this vile purpose; but the dose proved only the more nauseous and exciting from the foul hands by which it was administered. [footnote : resolutions of massachusetts and connecticut, april and may, .] in these various outrages, although all action on the petitions was prohibited, the papers themselves were received and laid on the table, and _therefore_ it was contended, that the right of petition had been preserved inviolate. but the slaveholders, maddened by the failure of all their devices, and fearing the influence which the mere sight of thousands and tens of thousands of petitions in behalf of liberty, would exert, and, taking advantage of the approaching presidential election to operate upon the selfishness of some northern members, have succeeded in crushing the right of petition itself. that you may be the more sensible, fellow citizens, of the exceeding profligacy of the late rule and of its palpable violation of both the spirit and the letter of the constitution, which those who voted for it had sworn to support, suffer us to recall to your recollection a few historical facts. the framers of the federal constitution supposed the right of petition too firmly established in the habits and affections of the people, to need a constitutional guarantee. their omission to notice it, roused the jealousy of some of the state conventions, called to pass upon the constitution. the _virginia_ convention proposed, as an amendment, "that every _freeman_ has a right to petition, or apply to the legislature, for a redress of grievances." and this amendment, with others, was ordered to be forwarded to the different states, for their consideration. the conventions of north carolina, new york, and rhode island, were held subsequently, and, of course, had before them the virginia amendment. the north carolina convention adopted a declaration of rights, embracing the very words of the proposed amendment; and this declaration was ordered to be submitted to congress, before that state would enter the union. the conventions of new york and of rhode island incorporated in their _certificates of ratification_, the assertion that "every _person_ has a right to petition or apply to the legislature for a redress of grievances"--using the virginia phraseology, merely substituting the word _person_ for _freeman_, thus claiming the right of petition even for slaves; while virginia and north carolina confined it to freemen. the first congress, assembled under the constitution, gave effect to the wishes thus emphatically expressed, by proposing, as an amendment, that "congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or _abridging_ the freedom of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and _to petition government_ for a redress of grievances." this amendment was duly ratified by the states, and when members of congress swear to support the constitution of the united states, they are as much bound by their oath to refrain from abridging the right of petition, as they are to fulfil any other constitutional obligation. and will the slaveholders and their abettors, dare to maintain that they have not foresworn themselves, because they have abridged the right of the people to petition for a redress of grievances, by a rule of the house, and not by a _law_? if so, they may by a rule require every member, on taking his seat, to subscribe the creed of a particular church, and then call their maker to witness that they are guiltless of making a _law_ "respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." the right to petition is one thing, and the disposition of a petition after it is received, is another. but the new rule makes no disposition of the petitions; it prohibits their reception; they may not be brought into the legislative chamber. hundreds of thousands of the people are debarred all access to their representatives, for the purpose of offering them a prayer. it is said that the manifold abominations perpetrated in the district are no grievances to the petitioners, and _therefore_ they have no right to ask for their removal. but the right guaranteed by the constitution, is a right to ask for the redress of _grievances_, whether personal, social, or moral. and who, except a slaveholder, will dare to contend that it is no grievance that our agents, our representatives, our servants, in our name and by our authority, enact laws erecting and licensing markets in the capital of the republic, for the sale of human beings, and converting free men into slaves, for no other crime, than that of being too poor to pay united states' officers the jail fees accruing from an iniquitous imprisonment? again, it is pretended that the objects prayed for, are palpably unconstitutional, and that _therefore_ the petitions ought not to be received. and by what authority are the people deprived of their right to petition for any object which a majority of either house of congress, for the time being, may please to regard as unconstitutional? if this usurpation be submitted to, it will not be confined to abolition petitions. it is well known that most of the slaveholders _now_ insist, that all protecting duties are unconstitutional, and that on account of the tariff the union was nearly rent by the very men who are now horrified by the danger to which it is exposed by these _petitions_! should our northern manufacturers again presume to ask congress to protect them from foreign competition, the southern members will find a precedent, sanctioned by northern votes, for a rule that "no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying for the imposition of duties for the encouragement of manufactures, shall be received by the house, or entertained in any way whatever." it does indeed, require southern arrogance, to maintain that, although congress is invested by the constitution with "exclusive jurisdiction, in all cases whatsoever," over the district of columbia, yet that it would be so palpably unconstitutional to abolish the slave-trade, and to emancipate the slaves in the district, that petitions for these objects ought not to be received. yet this is asserted in that very house, on whose minutes is recorded a resolution, in , appointing a committee, with power to send for persons and papers, "to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on, in and through the district of columbia, and report whether any, and what means are necessary for putting a stop to the same:" and another, in , instructing the committee on the district of columbia to inquire into the expediency of providing by law, "for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district." in the very first congress assembled under the federal constitution, petitions were presented, asking its interposition for the mitigation of the evils, and final abolition of the african slave-trade, and also praying it, as far as it possessed the power, to take measures for the abolition of slavery. these petitions excited the wrath and indignation of many of the slave-holding members, yet no one thought of refusing to receive them. they were referred to a select committee, at the instance of mr. madison, himself, who "entered into a critical review of the circumstances respecting the adoption of the constitution, and the ideas upon the limitation of the powers of congress to interfere in the regulation of the commerce of slaves, and showed that they undoubtedly were not precluded from interposing in their importation; and generally to regulate the mode in which every species of business shall be transacted. he adverted to the western country, and the cession of georgia, in which congress have certainly the power to _regulate the subject of slavery_; which shows that gentlemen are mistaken in supposing, that congress cannot constitutionally interfere in the business, in any degree, whatever. he was in favor of committing the petition, and justified the measure by repeated precedents in the proceedings of the house."--_u.s. gazette, th feb._, . here we find one of the earliest and ablest expounders of the constitution, maintaining the power of congress to "regulate the subject of slavery" in the national territories, and urging the reference of abolition petitions to a special committee. the committee made a report; for which, after a long debate, was substituted a declaration, by the house, that congress could not abolish the slave trade prior to the year , but had a right so to regulate it as to provide for the humane treatment of the slaves on the passage; and that congress could not interfere in the emancipation or treatment of slaves in the _states_. this declaration gave entire satisfaction, and no farther abolition petitions were presented, till after the district of columbia had been placed under the "exclusive jurisdiction" of the general government. you all remember, fellow citizens, the wide-spread excitement which a few years since prevailed on the subject of sunday mails. instead of attempting to quiet the agitation, by outraging the rights of the petitioners, congress referred the petitions to a committee, and made no attempt to stifle discussion. why, then, we ask, with such authorities and precedents before them, do the slaveholders in congress, regardless of their oaths, strive to gag the friends of freedom, under _pretence_ of allaying agitation? because conscience does make cowards of them all--because they know the accursed system they are upholding will not bear the light--because they fear, if these petitions are discussed, the abominations of the american slave trade, the secrets of the prison-houses in washington and alexandria, and the horrors of the human shambles licensed by the authority of congress, will be exposed to the score and indignation of the civilized world. unquestionably the late rule surpasses, in its profligate contempt of constitutional obligation, any act in the annals of the federal government. as such it might well strike every patriot with dismay, were it not that attending circumstances teach us that it is the expiring effort of desperation. when we reflect on the past subserviency of our northern representatives to the mandates of the slaveholders, we may well raise, on the present occasion, the shout of triumph, and hail the vote on the recent rule as the pledge of a glorious victory. suffer us to recall to your recollection the majorities by which the successive attempts to crush the right of petition and the freedom of debate have been carried. pinckney's gag was passed may, , by a majority of hawes's jan. , patton's dec. , atherton's dec. , johnson's jan. , surely, when we find the majority against us reduced from to , we need no new incentive to perseverance. another circumstance which marks the progress of constitutional liberty, is the gradual diminution in the number of our northern _serviles_. the votes from the free states in favor of the several gags were as follows:-- for pinckney's for hawes's for patton's for atherton's for johnson's there is also another cheering fact connected with the passage of the rule which deserves to be noticed. heretofore the slaveholders have uniformly, by enforcing the previous question, imposed their several gags by a silent vote. on the present occasion they were twice baffled in their efforts to stifle debate, and were, for days together, compelled to listen to speeches on a subject which they have so often declared should not be discussed. a base strife for southern votes has hitherto, to no small extent, enlisted both the political parties at the north in the service of the slaveholders. the late unwonted independence of northern politicians, and the deference paid by them to the wishes of their own constituents, in preference to those of their southern colleagues, indicates the advance of public opinion. no less than northern members of the administration party voted for the atherton gag, while only dared to record their names in favor of johnson's; and of the representation of six states, _every vote_ was given _against_ the rule, without distinction of party. the tone in which opposite political journals denounce the late outrage may warn the slaveholders that they will not much longer hold the north in bonds. the leading administration paper in the city of new york regards the rule with "utter abhorrence;" while the official paper of the opposition, edited by the state printer, trusts that the names of the recreant northerners who voted for it may be "handed down to eternal infamy and execration." the advocates of abolition are no longer consigned to unmitigated contempt and obloquy. passing by the various living illustrations of our remark, we appeal for our proofs to the dead. the late william leggett, the editor of a democratic journal in the city of new york, was denounced, in , by the "democratic republican general committee," for his abolition doctrines. far from faltering in his course, on account of the censure of his own party, he exclaimed, with a presentiment almost amounting to prophecy, "the stream of public opinion now sets against us, but it is about to turn, and the regurgitation will be tremendous. proud in that day may well be the man who can float in triumph on the first refluent wave, swept onward by the deluge which he himself, in advance of his fellows, had largely shared in occasioning. such be my fate; and, living or dying, it will in some measure be mine. i have written my name in ineffaceable letters on the abolition record." and he did live to behold the first swelling of the refluent wave. the denounced abolitionist was honored by a democratic president with a diplomatic mission; and since his death, the resolution condemning him has been expunged from the minutes of the democratic committee. of the many victims of the recent awful calamity in our waters, what name has been most frequently uttered by the pulpit and the press in the accents of lamentation and panegyric? on whose tomb have freedom, philanthropy, and letters been invoked to strew their funeral wreaths? all who have heard of the loss of the lexington are familiar with the name of charles follen. and who was he? one of the men officially denounced by president jackson as a gang of miscreants, plotting insurrection and murder--and, recently, a member of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. let us then, fellow citizens, in view of all these things, thank god and take courage. we are now contending, not merely for the emancipation of our unhappy fellow men, kept in bondage under the authority of our own representatives--not merely for the overthrow of the human shambles erected by congress on the national domain--but also for the preservation of those great constitutional rights which were acquired by our fathers, and are now assailed by the slaveholders and their northern auxiliaries. that you may remember these auxiliaries and avoid giving them new opportunities of betraying your rights, we annex a list of their dishonored names. the following twenty-eight members from the free states voted in the affirmative on the recent gag rule. maine. virgil d. parris albert smith new hampshire. charles g. atherton edmund burke ira a. eastman tristram shaw new york. nehemiah h. earle john fine nathaniel jones governeur kemble james de la montayne john h. prentiss theron r. strong pennsylvania. john davis joseph fornance james gerry george m'cullough david petriken william s. ramsey ohio. d.p. leadbetter william medill isaac parrish george sweeney jonathan taylor john b. weller indiana. john davis george h. proffit illinois. john reynolds. let us turn to our more immediate representatives, and we trust more faithful servants. our state legislatures will not refuse to hear our prayers. let us petition them immediately to rebuke the treason by which the constitution has been surrendered into the hands of the slaveholders--let us implore them to demand from congress, in the name of the free states, that they shall neither destroy nor abridge the right of petition--a right without which our government would be converted into a despotism. we call on you, fellow citizens of every religious faith and party name, to unite with us in guarding the citadel of our country's freedom. if there are any who will not co-operate with us in laboring for the emancipation of the slave, surely there are none who will stand aloof from us while contending for the liberty of themselves, their children, and their children's children. to the rescue, then, fellow citizens! and, trusting in him without whom all human effort is weakness, let us not doubt that our faithful endeavors to preserve the rights he has given us will, through his blessing, be crowned with success. arthur tappan, james g. birney, joshua leavitt, lewis tappan, samuel e. cornish, simeon s. jocelyn, la roy sunderland, theodore s. wright, duncan dunbar, james s. gibbons, henry b. stanton _executive committee of the american anti-slavery society_. _new york, february_ , . half a century. by jane grey swisshelm. * * * * * "god so willed: mankind is ignorant! a man am i: call ignorance my sorrow, not my sin!" "o, still as ever friends are they who, in the interest of outraged truth deprecate such rough handling of a lie!" robert browning. . preface. it has been assumed, and is generally believed, that the anti-slavery struggle, which, culminated in the emancipation proclamation of , originated in infidelity, and was a triumph of skepticism over christianity. in no way can this error be so well corrected as by the personal history of those who took part in that struggle; and as most of them have passed from earth without leaving any record of the education and motives which underlay their action, the duty they neglected becomes doubly incumbent on the few who remain. to supply one quota of the inside history of the great abolition war, is the primary object of this work; but scarcely secondary to this object is that of recording incidents characteristic of the peculiar institution overthrown in that struggle. another object, and one which struggles for precedence, is to give an inside history of the hospitals during the war of the rebellion, that the american people may not forget the cost of that government so often imperiled through their indifference. a third object, is to give an analysis of the ground which produced the woman's rights agitation, and the causes which limited its influence. a fourth is, to illustrate the force of education and the mutability of human character, by a personal narrative of one who, in , would have broken an engagement rather than permit her name to appear in print, even in the announcement of marriage; and who, in , had as much newspaper notoriety as any man of that time, and was singularly indifferent to the praise or blame of the press;--of one who, in , could not break the seal of silence set upon her lips by "inspiration," even so far as to pray with a man dying of intemperance, and who yet, in , addressed the minnesota senate in session, and as many others as could be packed in the hall, with no more embarrassment than though talking with a friend in a chimney corner. j.g.s. contents chapter i. i find life ii. progress in calvinism, hunt ghosts, see la fayette iii. father's death iv. go to boarding school v. lose my brother vi. join church, and make new endeavors to keep sabbath vii. deliverer of the dark night viii. fitting myself into my sphere ix. habitations of horrid cruelty x. kentucky contempt for labor xi. rebellion xii. the valley of the shadow of death xiii. "labor--service or act" xiv. swissvale xv. willows by the water-courses xvi. the waters grow deep xvii. my name appears in print xviii. mexican war letters xix. training school xx. rights of married women xxi. pittsburg saturday visiter xxii. reception of the visiter xxiii. my crooked telescope xxiv. mint, cummin and annis xxv. free soil party xxvi. visit washington xxvii. daniel webster xxviii. fugitive slave law--the two riddles xxix. bloomers and woman's rights conventions xxx. many matters xxxi. the mother church xxxii. politics and printers xxxiii. sumner, burlingame and cassius m. clay xxxiv. finance and desertion xxxv. my hermitage xxxvi. the minnesota dictator xxxvii. another visiter xxxviii. border ruffianism xxxix. speak in public xl. a famous victory xli. state and national politics xlii. religious controversies xliii. frontier life xliv. printers xlv. the rebellion xlvi. platforms xlvii. out into the world and home again xlviii. the aristocracy of the west xlix. the indian massacre of ' l. a missive and a mission li. no use for me among the wounded lii. find work liii. hospital gangrene liv. get permission to work lv. find a name lvi. drop my alias lvii. hospital dress lviii. special work lix. heroic and anti-heroic treatment lx. cost of order lxi. learn to control pyaemia lxii. first case of growing a new bone lxiii. a heroic mother lxiv. two kinds of appreciation lxv. life and death lxvi. meet miss dix and go to fredericksburg lxvii. the old theater lxviii. am placed in authority lxix. visitors lxx. wounded officers lxxi. "now i lay me down to sleep" lxxii. more victims and a change of base lxxiii. prayers enough and to spare lxxiv. get out of the old theater lxxv. take boat and see a social party lxxvi. take final leave of fredericksburg lxxvii. try to get up a society and get sick lxxviii. an efficient nurse lxxix. two fredericksburg patients lxxx. am enlightened conclusion half a century. chapter i. i find life. those soft pink circles which fell upon my face and hands, caught in my hair, danced around my feet, and frolicked over the billowy waves of bright, green grass--did i know they were apple blossoms? did i know it was an apple tree through which i looked up to the blue sky, over which white clouds scudded away toward the great hills? had i slept and been awakened by the wind to find myself in the world? it is probable that i had for some time been familiar with that tree, and all my surroundings, for i had been breathing two and a half years, and had made some progress in the art of reading and sewing, saying catechism and prayers. i knew the gray kitten which walked away; knew that the girl who brought it back and reproved me for not holding it was adaline, my nurse; knew that the young lady who stood near was cousin sarah alexander, and that the girl to whom she gave directions about putting bread into a brick oven was big jane; that i was little jane, and that the white house across the common was squire horner's. there was no surprise in anything save the loveliness of blossom and tree; of the grass beneath and the sky above; and this first indelible imprint on my memory seems to have found this inner something i call me, as capable of reasoning as it has ever been. while i sat and wondered, father came, took me in his loving arms and carried me to mother's room, where she lay in a tent-bed, with blue foliage and blue birds outlined on the white ground of the curtains, like the apple-boughs on the blue and white sky. the cover was turned down, and i was permitted to kiss a baby-sister, and warned to be good, lest mrs. dampster, who had brought the baby, should come and take it away. this autocrat was pointed out, as she sat in a gray dress, white 'kerchief and cap, and no other potentate has ever inspired me with such reverential awe. my second memory is of a "great awakening" to a sense of sin, and of my lost and undone condition. on a warm summer day, while walking alone on the common which lay between home and squire horner's house, i was struck motionless by the thought that i had forgotten god. it seemed probable, considering the total depravity of my nature, that i had been thinking bad thoughts, and these i labored to recall, that i might repent and plead with divine mercy for forgiveness. but alas! i could remember nothing save the crowning crime--forgetfulness of god. i seemed to stand outside, and see myself a mere mite, in a pink sun-bonnet and white bib, the very chief of sinners, for the probability was i had been thinking of that bonnet and bib. it was quite certain that god knew my sin; and ah, the crushing horror that i could, by no possibility conceal aught from the all-seeing eye, while it was equally impossible to win its approval. the divine law was so perfect that i could not hope to meet its requirements--the divine law-giver so alert that no sin could escape detection. under that cloud of doom the sunshine grew dark, and i did not dare to move until a cheery voice called out something about my pretty bonnet, and gave me a sense of companionship in this dreadful, dreadful world. rose, a large native african, had spoken to me from her place in squire horner's kitchen, and i went home full of solemn resolves and sad forebodings. this is probably what evangelists would call my conversion, and it came in my third summer. there was a fire in the grate when mother showed dr. robt. wilson, our family physician, a pair of wristbands and collar i had stitched for father, and when they spoke of me as not being three years old--but then i had in my mind the marks of that "great awakening." to me, no childhood was possible under the training this indicates, yet in giving that training, my parents were loving and gentle as they were faithful. believing in the danger of eternal death, they could but guard me from it, by the only means of which they had any knowledge. before the completion of that momentous third year of life, i had learned to read the new testament readily, and was deeply grieved that our pastor played "patty cake" with my hands, instead of hearing me recite my catechism, and talking of original sin. during that winter i went regularly to school, where i was kept at the head of a spelling-class, in which were young men and women. one of these, wilkins mcnair, used to carry me home, much amused, no doubt, by my supremacy. his father, col. dunning mcnair, was proprietor of the village, and had been ridiculed for predicting that, in the course of human events, there would be a graded, mcadamized road, all the way from philadelphia to pittsburg, and that if he did not live to see it his children would. he was a neighbor and friend of wm. wilkins, afterwards judge, secretary of war, and minister to russia, and had named his son for him. when his prediction was fulfilled and the road made, it ran through his land, and on it he laid out the village and called it wilkinsburg. mr. mcnair lived south of it in a rough stone house--the manor of the neighborhood--with half a dozen slave huts ranged before the kitchen door, and the gateway between his grounds and the village, as seen from the upper windows of our house, was, to me, the boundary between the known and the unknown, the dread portal through which came adam, the poor old ragged slave, with whom my nurse threatened me when i did not do as she wished. he was a wretched creature, who made and sold hickory brooms, as he dragged his rheumatic limbs on the down grade of life, until he found rest by freezing to death in the woods, where he had gone for saplings. i was born on the th of december, , in pittsburg, on the bank of the monongahela, near its confluence with the allegheny. my father was thomas cannon, and my mother mary scott. they were both scotch-irish and descended from the scotch reformers. on my mother's side were several men and women who signed the "solemn league and covenant," and defended it to the loss of livings, lauds and life. her mother, jane grey, was of that family which was allied to royalty, and gave to england her nine day's queen. this grandmother i remember as a stately old lady, quaintly and plainly dressed, reading a large bible or answering questions by quotations from its pages. she was unsuspicious as an infant, always doubtful about "actual transgressions" of any, while believing in the total depravity of all. educated in ireland as an heiress, she had not been taught to write, lest she should marry without the consent of her elder brother guardian. she felt that we owed her undying gratitude for bestowing her hand and fortune on our grandfather, who was but a yoeman, even if "he did have a good leasehold, ride a high horse, wear spurs, and have hamilton blood in his veins." she made us familiar with the battle of the boyne and the sufferings in londonderry, in both of which her great-grandfather had shared, but was incapable of that sectarian rancor, which marks so many descendents of the men who met on those fields of blood and fought for their convictions. in april, , father moved from pittsburg out to the new village of wilkinsburg; took with him a large stock of goods, bought property, built the house in which i first remember him, and planted the apple tree which imprinted the first picture on my memory. but the crash which followed the last war with england brought general bankruptcy; the mortgages on col. mcnair's estate made the titles valueless, and this, with the fall of his real estate in pittsburg, reduced father to poverty, from which he never recovered. chapter ii. progress in calvinism--hunt ghosts--see la fayette.--age, - . my parents were members of the covenanter congregation, of which dr. john black was pastor for forty-five years. he was a man of power, a profound logician, with great facility in conveying ideas. to his pulpit ministrations i am largely indebted for whatever ability i have to discriminate between truth and falsehood; but the church was in pittsburg, and our home seven miles away, so we seldom went to meeting. the rules of the denomination forbade "occasional hearing." father and mother had once been "sessioned" for stopping on their way home to hear the conclusion of a communion service in dr. brace's church, which was seceder. so our sabbaths were usually spent in religious services at home. these i enjoyed, as it aided my life-work of loving and thinking about god, who seemed, to my mind, to have some special need of my attention. nothing was done on that day which could have been done the day before, or could be postponed till the day after. coffee grinding was not thought of, and once, when we had no flour for saturday's baking, and the buckwheat cakes were baked the evening before and warmed on sabbath morning, we were all troubled about the violation of the day. there was a presbyterian "meeting-house" two miles east of wilkinsburg, where a large, wealthy congregation worshipped. rev. james graham was pastor, and unlike other presbyterians, they never "profaned the sanctuary" by singing "human compositions," but confined themselves to rouse's version of david's psalms, as did our own denomination. this aided that laxness of discipline which permitted big jane, adaline and brother william to attend sometimes, under care of neighbors. once i was allowed to accompany them. i was the proud possessor of a pair of red shoes, which i carried rolled up in my 'kerchief while we walked the two miles. we stopped in the woods; my feet were denuded of their commonplace attire and arrayed in white hose, beautifully clocked, and those precious slices, and my poor conscience tortured about my vanity. the girls also exchanged theirs for morocco slippers. we concealed our walking shoes under a mossy log and proceeded to the meeting-house. it was built in the form of a t, of hewn logs, and the whole structure, both inside and out, was a combination of those soft grays and browns with which nature colors wood, and in its close setting of primeval forest, made a harmonious picture. atone side lay a graveyard; birds sang in the surrounding trees, some of which reached out their giant arms and touched the log walls. swallows had built nests under the eaves outside, and some on the rough projections inside, and joined their twitter to the songs of other birds and the rich organ accompaniment of wind and trees. there were two sermons, and in the intermission, a church sociable, in fact if not in name. friends who lived twenty miles apart, met here, exchanged greetings and news, gave notices and invitations, and obeyed the higher law of kindness under protest of their calvinistic consciences. in this breathing-time we ate our lunch, went to the nearest house and had a drink from the spring which ran through the stone milk-house. it was a day full of sight-seeing and of solemn, grand impressions. of the two sermons i remember but one, and this from the text "many are called but few are chosen," and the comments were calvinism of the most rigid school. on our way home, my brother william--three years older than i--was very silent and thoughtful for some time, then spoke of the sermon, of which i entirely approved, but he stoutly declared that he did not believe it; did not believe god called people to come to him while he did not choose to have them come. it would not be fair, indeed, he thought it would be mean. that evening, when we were saying the shorter catechism, the question, "what are the decrees of god?" came to me, and after repeating the answer, i asked father to explain it--not that i needed any explanation, but that william might be enlightened; for i was anxious about his soul, on account of his skepticism. enlightened he could not be, and even to father expressed his doubts and disapprobation. we renewed the discussion when alone, and during all his life i labored with him; but soon found the common refuge of orthodox minds, in feeling that those especially loved by them will be made exceptions in the general distribution of wrath due to unbelief. one day i went with him to hunt the cow. we came to a wood just north of the village, where the wind roared and shook the trees so that i was quite awe-stricken; but he held my hand and assured me there was no danger, until he suddenly drew me back, exclaiming: "oh see!" as a great tree came crashing down across the path before us, and so near that it must have fallen on us if he had not seen it and stepped back. even then he refused to go home without the cow, and taking up a daddy-long-legs, he inquired of it where she was, and started in the direction indicated, when we were arrested by the voice of big jane, who had come to search for us. on reaching home, we found a new baby-sister, elizabeth. soon after her birth, in april, , father moved back to pittsburg, and lived on sixth street, opposite trinity church, on property belonging to my maternal grandfather. there was no church there at that time, but a thickly peopled graveyard, which adjoined that of the first presbyterian church, on the corner of sixth and wood. these were above the level of the street, and were protected by a worm-fence that ran along the top of a green bank on which we played and gathered flowers. grandmother took me sometimes to walk in these graveyards at night, and there talked to me about god and heaven and the angels. i was sufficiently interested in these, but especially longed to see the ghosts, and often went to look for them. we had a bachelor uncle who delighted in telling us tales of the supernatural, and he peopled these graveyards with ghosts, in which i believed as implicitly as in the revelations made to john on the isle of patmos, which were my favorite literature. when the congregation concluded to abandon the "round church," which stood on the triangle between liberty, wood and sixth streets, and began to dig for a foundation for trinity, where it now stands, there was great desecration of graves. one day a thrill of excitement and stream of talk ran through the neighborhood, about a mrs. cooper, whose body had been buried three years, and was found in a wonderful state of preservation, when the coffin was laid open by the diggers. it was left that the friends might remove it, and that night i felt would be the time for ghosts. so i went over alone, and while i crouched by the open grave, peering in, a cloud passed, and the moon poured down a flood of light, by which i could see the quiet sleeper, with folded hands, taking her last, long rest. it was inexpressibly grand, solemn and sad. there were no gaslights, no paved street near, no one stirring. earth was far away and heaven near at hand, but no ghost came, and i went home disappointed. afterwards i had a still more disheartening adventure. i had gone an errand to cousin alexander's, on fifth street, stayed late, and coming home, found wood street deserted. the moon shone brightly, but on the graveyard side were heavy shadows, except in the open space opposite the church. i was on the other side, and there was the office of the democratic paper, and over the door the motto "our country, right or wrong." this had long appeared to be an uncanny spot, owing to the wickedness of this sentiment, and i was thinking of the possibility of seeing auld nick guarding his property, when my attention was attracted to a tall, white figure in the bright moonlight, outside the graveyard fence. i stopped an instant, in great surprise, and listened for footsteps, but no sound accompanied the motion. it did not walk, but glided, and must have risen out of the ground, for only a moment before there was nothing visible. i clasped my hands in mute wonder, but my ghost was getting away, and to make its acquaintance i must hurry. crossing the street i ran after and gained on it. it passed into the shadow of the engine house, on across sixth street, into the moonlight, then into the shadow, before i overtook it, when lo! it was a mortal woman, barefoot, in a dress which was probably a faded print. most prints faded then, and this was white, long and scant, making a very ghostly robe, while on her head she carried a bundle tied up in a sheet. she had, of course, come out of virgin alley, where many laundresses lived, and had just passed out of the shadow when i saw her. we exchanged salutations, and i went home to lie and brood over the unreliable nature of ghosts. i was trying to get into a proper frame of mind for saying my prayers, but i doubt if they were said that night, as we were soon aroused by the cries of fire. henry clay was being burned, in effigy, on the corner of sixth and wood streets, to show somebody's disapproval of his course in the election of john quincy adams. the democratic editor, mcfarland, was tried and found guilty of the offense, and took revenge in ridiculing his opponents. charles glenn, a fussy old gentleman, member of our church, was an important witness for the prosecution, and in the long, rhyming account published by the defendant, he was thus remembered: "then in came glenn, that man of peace, and swore to facts as sleek as grease; by all his uncle aleck's geese, mcfarland burnt the tar-barrel." it was before this time that lafayette revisited pittsburg, and people went wild to do him honor. the schools paraded for his inspection, and ours was ranged along the pavement in front of the first presbyterian church, the boys next the curb, the girls next the fence, all in holiday attire, and wearing blue badges. the distinguished visitor passed up between them, leaning on the arm of another gentleman, bowing and smiling as he went. when he came to where i stood, he stepped aside, laid his hand on my head, turned up my face and spoke to me. i was too happy to know what he said, and in all the years since that day, that hand has lain on my brow as a consecration. chapter iii. father's death.--age, - . in the city we went regularly to meeting, and dr. black seemed always to talk to _me_, and i had no more difficulty in understanding his sermons, than in mastering the details of the most simple duty. the first of which i preserve the memory was about peter, who was made to illustrate the growth of crime. he began with boasting; then came its natural fruit, cowardice, in following his master afar off; next falsehood, and from this he proceeded to perjury. it did seem that a disciple of christ could go no further; but for falsehood and perjury there might be excuse in the hope of reward, and peter found a lower deep, for "he began to curse and to swear." a profane swearer is without temptation, and serves the devil for the pure love of the service. what more could peter do to prove that he knew not jesus? in the communion service is a ceremony called "fencing the tables," which consists of an appeal to the consciences of intended communicants. dr. black began with the first commandment and forbade those living in its violation to come to the table, and so proceeded through the decalogue. when he came to the eighth, he straightened himself, placed his hands behind him, and with thrilling emphasis said, "i debar from this holy table of the lord, all slave-holders and horse-thieves, and other dishonest persons," and without another word passed to the ninth commandment. soon after we returned to the city, sister mary died of consumption, and father's health began to fail. i have preserved the spinning wheel on which mother converted flax yarn into thread, which she sold to aid in the support of the family, but soon the entire burden fell on her, for father's illness developed into consumption, from which he died in march, . in spite of all the testamentary precautions he could take, whatever of his estate might have been available for present support, was in the hands of lawyers, and mother was left with her children and the debts. there were the contents of his shop and warehouse, some valuable real estate in pittsburg, which had passed out of his possession on a claim of ground-rent, and a village home minus a title. william was a mechanical genius, so mother set him to making little chairs, which he readily sold, but he liked better to construct fire engines, which were quite wonderful but brought no money. he had a splendid physique, was honorable and faithful, and if mother had been guided by natural instinct in governing him, all would have been well; but he never met the requirements of the elders of the church, who felt it their duty to manage our family affairs. so he was often in trouble, and i, who gloried in him, contrived to shield him from many a storm. at this time there was a fashionable _furor_ for lace work. mother sent me to learn it, and then procured me pupils, whom i taught, usually sitting on their knee. but lace work soon gave way to painting on velvet. this, too, i learned, and found profit in selling pictures. ah, what pictures i did make. i reached the culminating glory of artist life, when judge braden, of butler, gave me a new crisp five dollar bill for a goddess of liberty. indeed, he wanted me to be educated for an artist, and was far-seeing and generous enough to have been my permanent patron, had an artistic education, or any other education, been possible for a western pennsylvania girl in that dark age--the first half of the nineteenth century. mother made a discovery in the art of coloring leghorn and straw bonnets, which brought her plenty of work, so we never lacked comforts of life, although grandfather's executors made us pay rent for the house we occupied. chapter iv. go to boarding-school.--age, . during my childhood there were no public schools in pennsylvania. the state was pretty well supplied with colleges for boys, while girls were permitted to go to subscription schools. to these we were sent part of the time, and in one of them joseph caldwell, afterwards a prominent missionary to india, was a schoolmate. but we had dr. black's sermons, full of grand morals, science and history. in lieu of colleges for girls, there were boarding-schools, and edgeworth was esteemed one of the best in the state. it was at braddock's field, and mrs. olever, an english woman of high culture, was its founder and principal. to it my cousin, mary alexander, was sent, but returned homesick, and refused to go back unless i went with her. it was arranged that i should go for a few weeks, as i was greatly in need of country air; and, highly delighted, i was at the rendezvous at the hour, one o'clock, with my box, ready for this excursion into the world of polite literature. mary was also there, and a new scholar, but father olever did not come for us until four o'clock. he was a small, nervous gentleman, and lamps were already lighted in the smoky city when we started to drive twelve miles through spring mud, on a cloudy, cheerless afternoon. we knew he had no confidence in his power to manage those horses, though we also knew he would do his best to save us from harm; but as darkness closed around us, i think we felt like babes in the woods, and shuddered with vague fear as much as with cold and damp. when we reached the "bullock pens," half a mile west of wilkinsburg, there were many lights and much bustle in and around the old yellow tavern, where teamsters were attending to their weary horses. here we turned off to the old mud road, and came to a place of which i had no previous knowledge--a place of outer darkness and chattering teeth. we met no more teams, saw no more lights, but seemed to be in an utterly uninhabited country. then, after an hour of wearisome jolting and plunging, we discovered that the darkness had not been total, for the line of the horizon had been visible, but now it was swallowed up. we knew we were in a wood, by the rush of the wind amid the dried white oak leaves--knew that the road grew rougher at every step--that our driver became more nervous as he applied the brake, and we went down, down. still the descent grew steeper. we stopped, and father olever felt for the bank with his whip to be sure we were on the road. then we heard the sound of rushing, angry waters, mingled with the roar of the wind, and he seemed to hesitate about going on, but we could not very well stay there, and he once more put his horses in motion, while we held fast and prayed silently to the great deliverer. after stopping again and feeling for the bank, lest we should go over the precipitous hillside, which he knew was there, he proceeded until, with a great plunge, we were in the angry waters, which arose to the wagon-bed, and roared and surged all around us. the horses tried to go on, when something gave way, and our guardian concluded further progress was impossible, and began to hallo at the top of his voice. for a long time there was no response; then came an answering call from a long distance. next a light appeared, and that, too, was far away, but came toward us. when it reached the brink of the water, and two men with it, we felt safe. the light-bearer held it up so that we saw him quite well, and his peculiar appearance suited his surroundings. he was more an overgrown boy than a man, beardless, with a long swarthy face, black hair and keen black eyes. he wore heavy boots outside his pantaloons, a blouse and slouch hat, spoke to his companion as one having authority, and with a laugh said to our small gentleman: "is this where you are?" but gave no heed to the answer as he waded in and threw off the check lines, saying: "i wonder you did not drown your horses." he next examined the wagon, paying no more attention to father olever's explanations than to the water in which he seemed quite at home, and when he had finished his inspection he said: "they must go to the house," and handing the light to the driver he took us up one by one and carried us to the wet bank as easily as a child carries her doll. he gave some directions to his companion, took the light and said to us: "come on," and we walked after him out into the limitless blackness, nothing doubting. we went what seemed a long way, following this brigand-looking stranger, without seeing any sign of life or hearing any sound save the roar of wind and water, but on turning a fence corner, we came in sight of a large two-story house, with a bright light streaming out through many windows, and a wide open door. there was a large stone barn on the other side of the road, and to this our conductor turned, saying to us: "go on to the house." this we did, and were met at the open door by a middle-aged woman, shading with one hand the candle held in the other. this threw a strong light on her face, which instantly reminded me of an eagle. she wore a double-bordered white cap over her black hair, and looked suspiciously at us through her small keen, black eyes, but kindly bade us come in to a low wainscoted hall, with broad stairway and many open doors. through one of these and a second door we saw a great fire of logs, and i should have liked to sit by it, but she led us into a square wainscoted room on the opposite side, in which blazed a coal fire almost as large as the log heap in the kitchen. she gave us seats, and a white-haired man who sat in the corner, spoke to us, and made me feel comfortable. up to this time all the surroundings had had an air of enchanted castles, brigands, ghosts, witches. the alert woman with the eagle face, in spite of her kindness, made me feel myself an object of doubtful character, but this old man set me quite at ease. we were no more than well warmed when the wagon drove to the door, and the boy-man with the lantern appeared, saying, "come on." we followed him again, and he lifted us into the wagon, while the mistress of the house stood on the large flag-stone door-step, shading her candle-flame, and giving directions about our wraps. "coming events cast their shadows before," when they are between us and the light; but that night the light must have been between them and me; for i bade good-bye to our hostess without any premonition we should ever again meet, or that i should sit alone, as i do to-night, over half a century later, in that same old wainscoted room, listening to the roar of those same angry waters and the rush of the wind wrestling with the groaning trees, in the dense darkness of this low valley. when we had been carefully bestowed in the wagon, our deliverer took up his lantern, saying to father olever: "drive on." he was obeyed, and led the way over a bridge across another noisy stream, and along a road where there was the sound of a waterfall very near, then up a steep, rocky way until he stopped, saying, "i guess you can get along now." to father olever's thanks he only replied by a low, contemptuous but good-humored laugh, as he turned to retrace his steps. all comfort and strength and hope seemed to go with him. we were abandoned to our fate, babes in the woods again, with only god for our reliance. but after a while we could see the horizon, and arrived at our destination several minutes before midnight, to find the great mansion full of glancing lights and busy, expectant life. the large family had waited up for father olever's return, for he and his wagon were the connecting link between that establishment and the outside world. he appeared to great advantage surrounded by a bevy of girls clamoring for letters and messages. to me the scene was fairy-land. i had never before seen anything so grand as the great hall with its polished stairway. we had supper in the housekeeper's room, and i was taken up this stairway, and then up and up a corkscrew cousin until we reached the attic, which stretched over the whole house, one great dormitory called the "bee-hive." here i was to sleep with helen semple, a pittsburg girl, of about my own age, a frail blonde, who quite won my heart at our first meeting. next day was sabbath, and i was greatly surprised to see pupils walk on the lawn. this was such a desecration of the day, but i made no remark. i was too solemnly impressed by the grandeur of being at braddock's field to have hinted that anything could be wrong. but for my own share in the violation i was painfully penitent. this was not new, for there were a long series of years in which the principal business of six days of every week, was repentance for the very poor use made of the seventh, and from this dreary treadmill of sin and sorrow, no faith ever could or did free me. i never could see salvation in christ apart from salvation from sin, and while the sin remained the salvation was doubtful and the sorrow certain. on the afternoon of that first sabbath, a number of young lady pupils came to the bee-hive for a visit, and as i afterwards learned to inspect and name the two new girls, when i was promptly and unanimously dubbed "wax doll." after a time, one remarked that they must go and study their "ancient history lesson." i caught greedily at the words, ancient history. ah, if i could only be permitted to study such a lesson! no such progress or promotion seemed open to me; but the thought interfered with my prayers, and followed me into the realm of sleep. so when that class was called next forenoon, i was alert, and what was my surprise, to hear those privileged girls stumbling over the story of sampson? could it be possible that was ancient history? how did it come to pass that every one did not know all about sampson, the man who had laid his lead on delilah's wicked lap, to be shorn of his strength. if there is any thing in that account, or any lesson to be drawn from it, with which i was not then familiar, it is something i have never learned. indeed, i seemed to have completed my theological education before i did my twelfth year. one morning, mrs. olever sent for me, and told me she had learned my mother was not able to send me to school, but if i would take charge of the lessons of the little girls, she would furnish me board and tuition. this most generous offer quite took my breath away, and was most gladly accepted; but it was easy work, and i wondered my own studies were so light. i was allowed to amuse myself drawing flowers, which were quite a surprise, and pronounced better than anything the drawing master could do--to recite poetry, for the benefit of the larger girls, and to play in the orchard with my pupils. with the other girls, i became interested in hair-dressing. i had read "the children of the abbey," and amanda's romantic adventures enchanted me; but she was quite outside my life. now i made a nearer acquaintance with her. she changed her residence; so had i. she had brown ringlets; i too should have them. so one friday night, my hair was put up in papers, and next morning, i let loose an amazing shower of curls. the next thing to do was to go off alone, and sit reading in a romantic spot. of course i did not expect to meet lord mortimer! miss fitzallen never had any such expectations. i was simply going out to read and admire the beauties of nature. when i had seated myself, in proper attitude, on the gnarled root of an old tree, overhanging a lovely ravine, i proceeded to the reading part of the play, and must of course be too much absorbed to hear the approaching footsteps, to which i listened with bated breath. so i did not look up when they stopped at my side, or until a pleasant voice said: "why you look quite romantic, my dear." then i saw miss olever, the head teacher, familiarly called "sissy jane." in that real and beautiful presence miss fitzallen retired to her old place, and oh, the mortification she left behind her! i looked up, a detected criminal, into the face of her who had brought to me this humiliation, and took _her_ for a model. my folly did not prevent our being sincere friends during all her earnest and beautiful life. she passed on, and i got back to the bee-hive, when i disposed of my curls, and never again played heroine. chapter v. lose my brother.--age, - . measured by the calendar, my boarding-school life was six weeks; but measured by its pleasant memories, it was as many years. mother wrote for me to come home; and in going i saw, by sunlight, the scene of our adventure that dark night going out. it was a lovely valley, walled in by steep, wooded hills. two ravines joined, bringing each its contribution of running water, and pouring it into the larger stream of the larger valley--a veritable "meeting of the waters"--in all of nature's work, beautiful exceedingly. the house, which stood in the center of a large, green meadow, through which the road ran, was built in two parts, of hewn logs, with one great stone chimney on the outside, protected by an overshot in the roof, but that one in which the log-heap burned that night was inside. one end had been an indian fort when gen. braddock tried to reach fort pitt by that road. the other end and stone barn had been built by its present proprietor. a log mill, the oldest in allegheny county, stood below the barn, and to it the french soldiers had come for meal from fort duquesne. the stream crossed by the bridge was the mill-race, and the waterfall made by the waste-gate. it was the homestead of a soldier of the revolution, one of washington's lieutenants--the old man we had seen. the woman was his second wife. they had a numerous family, and an unpronounceable name. at home i learned that, on account of a cough, i had been the object of a generous conspiracy between mother and mrs. olever, and had been brought home because i was worse. our doctors said i was in the first stage of consumption, that elizabeth was to reach that point early in life, and that our only hope lay in plenty of calomel. mother had lost her husband and four vigorous children; there had been no lack of calomel, and now, when death again threatened, she resolved to conduct the defense on some new plan. she had gained legal possession of our village home, and moved to it. our lot was large and well supplied with choice fruit, and the place seemed a paradise after our starved lives in the smoky city. my apple tree still grew at the east end of the house. there was a willow tree mother had planted, which now swept the ground with its long, graceful branches. there were quantities of rose and lilac bushes, a walled spring of delicious water in the cellar, and a whole world of wealth; but the potato lot looked up in despair--a patch of yellow clay. mother put a twelve years' accumulation of coal ashes on it, and thus proved them valuable both as a fertilizer and a preventive of potato-rot, though at first her project met general opposition. william did the heavy work and was proud of it. he was in splendid health, for his insubordination had, from a very early age, saved him from drugging either mental or physical. the lighter gardening became part of my treatment for consumption. by having me each day lie on the floor on my back without a pillow, and gentle use of dumb-bells, mother straightened my spine and developed my chest--my clothes being carefully adapted to its expansion. dancing was strictly forbidden by our church, but mother was educated in ireland and danced beautifully. she had a class of girls and taught us, and with plenty of fresh air, milk and eggs, effectually disposed of hereditary consumption in her family. but while attending to us, she must also make a living, so she bought a stock of goods on credit, opened a store, and soon had a paying business. in this i was her special assistant. but the work supplied to william did not satisfy the holy men of the church, who furnished us advice. he still made fire engines, and a brook in a meadow presented irresistible temptation to water-wheels and machinery. one of his tilt-hammers made a very good ghost, haunting the meadow and keeping off trespassers. he had a foundry, where he cast miniature cannon, kettles and curious things, and his rifle-practice was a neighborhood wonder. he brought water from the cellar, and did other chores which pennsylvania rules assigned to women, and when boys ridiculed him, he flogged them, and did it quite as effectually as he rendered them the same service when they were rude to a girl. he was a universal favorite, even if he did hate catechism and love cake. so mother's conscience was worked upon until she bound him to a cabinet maker in the city. to him, the restraint was unendurable, and he ran away. he came after dark to bid me good-bye, left love for mother and elizabeth, and next morning left pittsburg on a steamboat, going to that eldorado of pittsburg boys--"down the river." for some time letters came regularly from him, and he was happy and prosperous. then they ceased, and after two years of agonizing suspense, we heard that he had died of yellow fever in new orleans. to us, this was dreadful, irreparable, and was wholly due to that iron-bedstead piety which permits no natural growth, but sets down all human loves and longings as of satanic origin. soon after our removal to the village, grandfather's estate was advertised for sheriff's sale. mother had the proceedings stayed, the executors dismissed, and took out letters of administration, which made it necessary for her to spend some portion of every month in the city. this threw the entire charge of house and store on me. as soon, therefore, as possible, she sent me to the city to school, where i realized my aspiration of studying ancient history and the piano, and devoured the contents of the text-book of natural philosophy with an avidity i had never known for a novel. in april, , i began to teach school, the only one in wilkinsburg, and had plenty of pupils, young men and women, boys and girls, at two dollars and one dollar and a half a term. taught seven hours a day, and saturday forenoon, which was devoted to bible reading and catechism. i was the first, i believe, in allegheny co., to teach children without beating them. i abolished corporeal punishment entirely, and was so successful that boys, ungovernable at home, were altogether tractable. this life was perfectly congenial, and i followed it for nearly six years. mother started a sabbath school, the only one in the village, and this, too, we continued for years. one of the pupils was a girl of thirteen, daughter of a well-to-do farmer, who lived within a mile of the village. her father had been converted at a camp-meeting and was a devout methodist. the first day she attended, i asked her the question: "how many gods are there?" she thought a moment, and then said, with an air of satisfaction: "five." i was shocked, and answered in the language of the catechism: "o margaret! 'there is but one only living and true god.'" she hung her head, then nodded it, and with the emphasis of a judge who had weighed all the evidence, said: "i am sure i ha' hearn tell o' more nur one of em." a young theological student came sometimes to stay over sabbath and assist in the school. he led in family worship, and had quite a nice time, until one evening he read a chapter from the song of songs which was solomon's, when i bethought me that he was very much afraid of toads. i began to cultivate those bright-eyed creatures, so that it always seemed probable i had one in my pocket or sleeve. the path of that good young man became thorny until it diverged from mine. i was almost fifteen, when i overheard a young lady say i was growing pretty. i went to my mirror and spent some moments in unalloyed happiness and triumph. then i thought, "pretty face, the worms will eat you. all the prettiest girls i know are silly, but you shall never make a fool of me. helen's beauty ruined troy. cleopatra was a wretch. so if you are pretty, _i_ will be master, remember that." chapter vi. join church and make new endeavors to keep sabbath.--age, . in the year , the covenanter church of this country said in her synod: "slavery and christianity are incompatible," and never relaxed her discipline which forbade fellowship with slave-holders--so i was brought up an abolitionist. i was still a child when i went through wilkins' township collecting names to a petition for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. here, in a strictly orthodox presbyterian community, i was everywhere met by the objections: "niggers have no souls," "the jews held slaves," "noah cursed canaan," and these points i argued from house to house, occasionally for three years, and made that acquaintance which led to my being sent for in cases of sickness and death, before i had completed my sixteenth year. in this, i in some measure took the place long filled by mother, who was often a substitute for doctor and preacher. looking back at her life, i think how little those know of calvinists who regard them merely as a class of autocrats, conscious of their own election to glory, and rejoicing in the reprobation of all others; for i have never known such humble, self-distrustful people as i have found in that faith. mother, whose life was full of wisdom and good works, doubted, even to the last, her own acceptance with god. she and i believed that "a jealous god," who can brook no rivals, had taken away our loving husband and father; our strong and brave son and brother, because we loved them too much, and i was brought up to think it a great presumption to assume that such a worm of the dust as i, could be aught to the creator but a subject of punishment. during the spring of , mother said to me: "sabbath week is our communion, and i thought you might wish to join the church." i was startled and without looking up, said: "am i old enough?" "if you feel that the dying command of the savior, 'do this in remembrance of me' was addressed to you, you are old enough to obey it." not another word was said and the subject was never again broached between us, but here a great conflict began. that command was given to me, but how could i obey it without eating and drinking damnation to myself? was mine a saving faith, or did i, like the devils, believe and tremble? i had been believing as long as i could remember, but did not seem to grow in the image of god. the conflict lasted several days. sleep left me. the heavens were iron and the earth brass. i turned to erskine to learn the signs of saving faith, but found only reason to suspect self-deception. i could not submit to god's will--could not be willing that william should be lost--nay, i was not willing that any one should be lost. i could not stay in heaven, and know that any one was enduring endless torments in some other place! i must leave and go to their relief. it was dreadful that abraham did not even try to go to poor dives, or to send some one. my whole soul flew into open revolt; then oh! the total depravity which could question "the ways of god to man." i hated milton. i despised his devils; had a supreme contempt for the "prince of the power of the air;" did not remember a time when i was afraid of him. god was "my refuge and my shield, in straits a present aid." if he took care of me, no one else could hurt me; if he did not, no one else could; and to be accepted by him was all there was or could be worth caring for; but how should i find this acceptance with my heart full of rebellion? one afternoon i became unable to think, but a white mist settled down over hell. even those contemptible devils were having their tongues cooled with blessed drops of water. the fires grew dim, and it seemed as if there was to be a rain of grace and mercy in that region of despair. then i preferred my petition, that god would write his name upon my forehead, and give me that "new name" which should mark me as his; that he would bring william into the fold, and do with me as he would. i would be content to spend my whole life in any labor he should appoint, without a sign of the approval of god or man, if, in the end, i and mine should be found among those "who had washed their robes, and made them white in the blood of the lamb." i fell asleep--slept hours--and when the sun was setting, woke in perfect peace. my proposition had been accepted, and wonderful grace, which had given what i had not dared to ask, assurance of present acceptance. i should have all the work and privation for which i had bargained--should be a thistle-digger in the vineyard; should be set to tasks from which other laborers shrank, but in no trial could i ever be alone, and should at last hear the welcome "well done." i arose as one from a grave to a joyous resurrection; but kept all these things in my heart. personal experiences being altogether between god and the soul, were not considered fit subjects for conversation, and when i came before the session applying for church, membership, no mention was made of them, except as a general confession of faith. rev. andrew black addressed the table at which i sat in my first communion, and said: "the lord's supper has been named the eucharist, after the oath taken by a roman soldier, never to turn his back upon his leader. you, in partaking of these emblems, do solemnly vow that you will never turn your back upon christ, but that you will follow him whithersoever he goeth. let others do as they will, you are to follow the lamb, through good and through evil report, to a palace or to a prison; follow him, even if he should lead you out of the church." this was in perfect harmony with my private agreement, and no other act of my life has been so solemn or far-reaching in its consequences, as that ratification of my vow, and it is one i have least cause to repent. however, it brought a new phase to an old trouble. how should i follow christ? i could not do as he had done. i could not go to meeting every sabbath, and society every friday; and if i did, was that following christ who never built a meeting-house, or conducted any service resembling those now held? i read the life of jonathan edwards, and settled back into the old sabbath-keeping rut. resolving to do my best, i prayed all week, for grace to keep the next sabbath. i rose early that trial-morning, prayed as soon as my eyes were open, read a chapter, looked out into the beautiful morning, thought about god and prayed--spent so much time praying, that elizabeth had breakfast ready when i went down stairs. while i ate it, i held my thoughts to the work of the day, worshiping god; but many facts and fancies forced themselves in and disturbed my pious meditations. after breakfast, i went back to my room to continue my labor; but mother soon came and said: "do you intend to let elizabeth do all the work?" i dropped my roll of saintship, and went and washed the dishes. had i been taught that he who does any honest work serves god and follows christ, what a world of woe would have been spared me. chapter vii. the deliverer of the dark night.--age, - . quiltings furnished the principal amusement, and at these i was in requisition, both for my expertness with the needle, and my skill in laying out work; but as i had no brother to come for me, i usually went home before the evening frolic, which consisted of plays. male and female partners went through the common quadrille figures, keeping time to the music of their own voices, and making a denouement every few moments by some man kissing some woman, perhaps in a dark hall, or some woman kissing some man, or some man kissing all the women, or _vice versa_. elders and preachers often looked on in pious approbation, and the church covered these sports with the mantle of her approval, but was ready to excommunicate any one who should dance. promiscuous dancing was the fiery dragon which the church went out to slay. only its death could save her from a fit of choler which might be fatal, unless, indeed, the dancing were sanctified by promiscuous kissing. if men and women danced together without kissing, they were in immediate danger of eternal damnation; but with plenty of kissing, and rude wrestling to overcome the delicacy of women who objected to such desecration, the church gave her blessing to the quadrille. my protest against these plays had given offense, and i chose to avoid them; but one evening the host begged me to remain, saying he would see that i was not annoyed, and would himself take me home. the frolic was only begun, when he came and asked permission to introduce a gentleman, saying: "if you do not treat him well, i will never forgive you." there was no need of this caution, for he presented a man whose presence made me feel that i was a very little girl and should have been at home. he was over six feet tall, well formed and strongly built, with black hair and eyes, a long face, and heavy black whiskers. he was handsomely dressed, and his manner that of a grave and reverend seignior. a russian count in a new york drawing room, then, when counts were few, could not have seemed more foreign than this man in that village parlor, less than two miles from the place of his birth. he was the son of the old revolutionary soldier, with the unpronouncable name, who lived in the beautiful valley. this i knew at once, but did not, for some time, realize that it was he who rescued us from the black waters on that dark night, carried us to safety and light, and left us again in darkness. this incident, so much to me, he never could distinguish among the many times he had "helped olever and his seminary girls out of scrapes," and he never spoke of these adventures without that same laugh which i noticed when father olever thanked him. he had elected me as his wife some years before this evening, and had not kept it secret; had been assured his choice was presumptuous, but came and took possession of his prospective property with the air of a man who understood his business. i next saw him on horseback, and this man of giant strength in full suit of black, riding a large spirited black horse, became my "black knight." my sister hated him, and my mother doubted him, or rather doubted the propriety of my receiving visits from him. his family were the leading methodists of the township; his father had donated land and built a meeting-house, which took his name, and his house was the headquarters of traveling preachers. there was a camp-meeting ground on the farm; his mother "lived without sin," prayed aloud and shouted in meeting, while the income and energy of the family were expended in propagating a faith which we believed false. a marriage with him would be incongruous and bring misery to both. these objections he overruled, by saying he was not a member of any church, would never interfere with my rights of conscience, would take or send me to my meeting when possible, and expect me to go sometimes with him. he proposed going up the allegheny to establish saw-mills, and if i would go into the woods with him, there should be no trouble about religion. so there seemed no valid objection, and two years after our introduction we were married, on the th of november, . then all was changed. i offended him the day after by shedding tears when i left home to go for a visit to his father's house, and his sister had told him that i cried while dressing to be married. these offenses he never forgave, and concluded that since i cared so little for him, he would not leave his friends and go up the allegheny with me. his services were indispensable at home, since his brother samuel had gone into business for himself, and the next brother william was not seventeen, and could not take charge of the farm and mills. his mother was ready to take me into the family,--although the house was not large enough to accommodate us comfortably--the old shop in the yard could be fitted up for a school-room. i could teach and he could manage the estate. in this change, he but followed that impulse which led the men of england, centuries ago, to enact, that "marriage annuls all previous contracts between the parties," and which now leads men in all civilized countries to preserve such statutes. it is an old adage, "all is fair in love as in war," but i thought not of general laws, and only felt a private grievance. by a further change of plan, i was to get religion and preach. wesley made the great innovation of calling women to the pulpit, and although it had afterwards been closed to them generally, there were still women who did preach, while all were urged to take part in public worship. my husband had been converted after our engagement and shortly before our marriage, and was quite zealous. he thought me wonderfully wise, and that i might bring souls to christ if i only would. i quoted paul: "let women keep silence in churches, and learn of their husbands at home." he replied, "wives, obey your husbands." he laughed at the thought of my learning from him and said: "what shall i teach you? will you come to the mill and let me show you how to put a log on the carriage?" it was a very earnest discussion, and the bible was on both sides; but i followed the lead of my church, which taught me to be silent. he quoted his preachers, who were in league with him, to get me to give myself to the lord, help them save souls, by calling on men everywhere to repent; but i was obstinate. i would not get religion, would not preach, would not live in the house with his mother, and stayed with my own. his younger brothers came regularly to me for lessons with my sister, and i added two idiotic children bound to his sister's husband, to whose darkened minds i found the key hidden from other teachers. his brothers i adopted from the first, in place of the one i had lost, and they repaid my love in kind; but books soon appeared as an entering wedge between their souls and religion, which formed the entire mental pabulum of the family. i believe there was not at that time a member of the pittsburg conference who was a college graduate, few who had even a good, common school education, while two of those who preached in our meetinghouse and were frequent guests in the family, were unable to read. my husband's father was old and feeble, and had devised his property to his wife, to be divided at her death between her sons. my husband, as her agent, would come into possession of the whole, and they thought i might object to the "prophet's chamber;" but it required no worldly motive to stimulate these fiery zealots to save a sinner from the toils of calvinism. it is probable many of them would have laid down his life for his religion, and when they got on the track of a sinner, they pursued him as eagerly as ever an english parson did a fox, but it was to save, not to kill. in these hot pursuits, they did not stand on ceremony, and in my case, found a subject that would not run. my kith and kin had died at the stake, bearing testimony against popery and prelacy; had fought on those fields where scotchmen charged in solid columns, singing psalms; and though i was wax at all other points, i was granite on "the solemn league and covenant." with the convictions of others i did not interfere, but when attacked would "render a reason." my assailants denounced theological seminaries as "preacher-factories"--informed me that "neither dr. black nor any of his congregation ever had religion," and that only by getting it could any one be saved. my husband became proud of my defense, and the boys grew disrespectful to their religious guides. their mother became anxious about their souls, so the efforts for my conversion were redoubled. from the first the preachers disapproved of my being permitted to go to my meeting, and especially to my husband accompanying me. he refused to go, on the ground that he had not been invited to commune, and as i sank in the deep waters of affliction, i did so need the pulpit teachings of my old pastor, which seemed to lift me and set my feet upon a rock. one day i walked the seven miles and back, when the family carriage went to take two preachers to an appointment; three horses stood in the old stone barn, and my husband at home with his mother. this gave great offense as the advertisement of a grievance, and was never repeated. during all my childhood and youth, i had been spoiled by much love, if love can spoil. i was non-resistant by nature, and on principle, believed in the power of good. forbearance, generosity, helpful service, would, should, must, win my new friends to love me. getting me into the house with my mother-in-law, was so important a part of the plan of salvation, that to effect it, i was left without support or compensation for my services as teacher, tailor, dress-maker, for my husband's family. he visited me once or twice a week, and ignored my mother's presence, while she felt that in this, as in any church-joining conflict, only god could help me, and stood aloof. to me the sun was darkened, and the moon refused her light. i knew "that jealous god" who claimed the supreme love of his creatures, was scourging me for making an idol and bowing down before it--for loving my husband. i knew it was all just and clung to the almighty arm, with the old cry, "though he slay me, yet will i trust in him." to my husband i clung with like tenacity, and could not admit that my suffering was through any fault of his. the summer after my marriage, mother went for a long visit to butler, and left us in possession of her house. my husband bought a village property, including a wagon-maker's shop, employed a workman and sent him to board with me. he also made some additions to a dwelling on it, that we might go there to live, and the workmen boarded with me, while my mother-in-law furnished provisions and came or sent a daughter to see that i did not waste them. her reproofs were in the form of suggestions, and she sought to please me by saying she had "allowed james" to get certain things for me; but he did not visit me any oftener than when mother was at home, and when she returned in the autumn, the potatoes were frozen in the ground, the apples on the trees, and the cow stood starving at the stable door. then i learned that i had been expected to secure the fall crops on mother's lot, and this was not unreasonable, for i had married a pennsylvania farmer, and their wives and sisters and daughters did such work often, while the "men folks" pitched horseshoes to work off their surplus vitality. lack of strength was no reason why a woman should fail in her duty, for when one fell at her post, there was always another to take her place. up to this time mother had left me to settle my troubles, but now, she told me i must turn and demand justice; that generosity was more than thrown away; that i never could live with my husband and bear his neglect and unkindness and that of his family. i must leave him, defend myself, or die. that i should have been expected to gather apples and dig potatoes, filled her with indignation. she advised me to stay with her and refuse to see him, but i shuddered to think it had come to this in one short year, and felt that all would yet be well. so i went to live in the house he provided for me, his mother furnished my supplies, and he came once a week to see me. here let me say, that in my twenty years of married life, my conflicts were all spiritual; that there never was a time when my husband's strong right arm would not be tempered to infantile gentleness to tend me in illness, or when he hesitated to throw himself between me and danger. over streams and other places impassible to me, he carried me, but could not understand how so frail a thing could be so obstinate. chapter viii. fitting myself into my sphere.--age, , . during all my girlhood i saw no pictures, no art gallery, no studio, but had learned to feel great contempt for my own efforts at picture-making. a traveling artist stopped in wilkinsburg and painted some portraits; we visited his studio, and a new world opened to me. up to that time portrait painting had seemed as inaccessible as the moon--a sublimity i no more thought of reaching than a star; but when i saw a portrait on the easel, a palette of paints and some brushes, i was at home in a new world, at the head of a long vista of faces which i must paint; but the new aspiration was another secret to keep. bard, the wagon-maker, made me a stretcher, and with a yard of unbleached muslin, some tacks and white lead, i made a canvas. in the shop were white lead, lampblack, king's yellow and red lead, with oil and turpentine. i watched bard mix paints, and concluded i wanted brown. years before, i heard of brown umber, so i got umber and some brushes and begun my husband's portrait. i hid it when he was there or i heard any one coming, and once blistered it badly trying to dry it before the fire, so that it was a very rough work; but it was a portrait, a daub, a likeness, and the hand was his hand and no other. the figure was correct, and the position in the chair, and, from the moment i began it, i felt i had found my vocation. what did i care for preachers and theological arguments? what matter who sent me my bread, or whether i had any? what matter for anything, so long as i had a canvas and some paints, with that long perspective of faces and figures crowding up and begging to be painted. the face of every one i knew was there, with every line and varying expression, and in each i seemed to read the inner life in the outer form. oh, how they plead with me! what graceful lines and gorgeous colors floated around me! i forgot god, and did not know it; forgot philosophy, and did not care to remember it; but alas! i forgot to get bard's dinner, and, although i forgot to be hungry, i had no reason to suppose he did. he would willingly have gone hungry, rather than give any one trouble; but i had neglected a duty. not only once did i do this, but again and again, the fire went out or the bread ran over in the pans, while i painted and dreamed. my conscience began to trouble me. housekeeping was "woman's sphere," although i had never then heard the words, for no woman had gotten out of it, to be hounded back; but i knew my place, and scorned to leave it. i tried to think i could paint without neglect of duty. it did not occur to me that painting was a duty for a married woman! had the passion seized me before marriage, no other love could have come between me and art; but i felt that it was too late, as my life was already devoted to another object--housekeeping. it was a hard struggle. i tried to compromise, but experience soon deprived me of that hope, for to paint was to be oblivious of all other things. in my doubt, i met one of those newspaper paragraphs with which men are wont to pelt women into subjection: "a man does not marry an artist, but a housekeeper." this fitted my case, and my doom was sealed. i put away my brushes; resolutely crucified my divine gift, and while it hung writhing on the cross, spent my best years and powers cooking cabbage. "a servant of servants shall she be," must have been spoken of women, not negroes. friends have tried to comfort me by the assurance that my life-work has been better done by the pen, than it could have been with the pencil, but this cannot be. i have never cared for literary fame; have avoided, rather than sought it; have enjoyed the abuse of the press more than its praise; have held my pen with a feeling of contempt for its feebleness, and never could be so occupied with it as to forget a domestic duty, while i have never visited a picture gallery, but i have bowed in deep repentance for the betrayal of a trust. where are the pictures i should have given to the world? where my record of the wrongs and outrages of my age; of the sorrows and joys; the trials and triumphs, that should have been written amid autumn and sunset glories in the eloquent faces and speaking forms which have everywhere presented themselves, begging to be interpreted? why have i never put on canvas one pair of those pleading eyes, in which are garnered the woes of centuries? is that christianity which has so long said to one-half of the race, "thou shalt not use any gift of the creator, if it be not approved by thy brother; and unto man, not god, thou shalt ever turn and ask, 'what wilt thou have me to do?'" it was not only my art-love which must be sacrificed to my duty as a wife, but my literary tastes must go with it. "the husband is the head of the wife." to be head, he must be superior. an uncultivated husband could not be the superior of a cultivated wife. i knew from the first that his education had been limited, but thought the defect would be easily remedied as he had good abilities, but i discovered he had no love for books. his spiritual guides derided human learning and depended on inspiration. my knowledge stood in the way of my salvation, and i must be that odious thing--a superior wife--or stop my progress, for to be and appear were the same thing. i must be the mate of the man i had chosen; and if he would not come to my level, i must go to his. so i gave up study, and for years did not read one page in any book save the bible. my religions convictions i could not change, but all other differences should disappear. mother moved to the city in the spring of , and my health was rapidly failing. i had rebelled against my mother-in-law, returned her supplies, and refused to receive anything from her. this brought on a fearful crisis, in which my husband threatened suicide; but i was firm, and he concluded to rent the mills and take me away. this he did. his father lived but a few months, and died on the second anniversary of our marriage. he lies buried in the ground he donated as "god's acre," with only this inscription at his head: "john swisshelm, aged ." no sign that he was one of the world's heroes--yet, when our revolution broke out, his parents had but two children. the oldest enlisted and was killed, when john caught up his rifle, took his place, and kept it until the close of the war. he spent the winter in valley forge, and once, in the darkest time, discovered washington on his knees in a lonely thicket, praying aloud for his country. this gave him hope, when hope was well-nigh dead, and he followed his commander across the jerseys, one of the two thousand who wrote in blood, from their shoeless feet, their protest against british rule on the soil they thus consecrated to freedom. chapter ix. habitations of horrid cruelty.--age, , . on the th of june, , the white frost lay on the west side of pittsburg roofs as we steamed away from her wharf, bound for louisville, where my husband proposed going into a business already established by his brother samuel. on the boat, all the way down the river, the general topic of conversation was the contrast between the desolate slave-cursed shores of kentucky, and the smiling plenty of the opposite bank; but louisville was largely settled by northern people, and was to prove an oasis in the desert of slavery. it lay at the head of the falls of the ohio, and the general government had lately expended large sums in building a canal around them. henry clay was in the zenith of his power, slavery held possession of the national resources, louisville might count on favors, and she was to be queen city of the west. there was an aspiring little place which fancied itself a rival, a little boat-landing, without natural advantages, called cincinnati, where they killed hogs; but it was quite absurd to think of her competing with the great metropolis at the head of the canal. i was quite surprised to find there were a good many houses and folks in cincinnati; but our boat did not stop long, and we soon reached our eldorado. before we effected a landing at the crowded wharf, i fell to wondering if a pittsburg drayman could take a louisville dray, its load, its three horses and ragged driver, pile them on his dray, and with his one horse take them to their destination--and i thought he could. samuel met us, and as we went in a hack to the boarding place he had engaged. i wondered what had happened that so many men were off work in the middle of the forenoon. who or what could they be, those fellows in shining black broadcloth, each with a stove-pipe hat on the side of his head, his thumbs in the armholes of a satin vest, displaying a wonderful glimmer of gold chain and diamond stud, balancing himself first on his heels and then on his toes, as he rolled a cigar from one side of his mouth to the other? how did they come to be standing around on corners and doorsteps by the hundred, like crows on a cornfield fence? it was some time before i learned that this was the advance guard of a great army of woman-whippers, which stretched away back to the atlantic, and around the shores of the gulf of mexico, and that they were out on duty as a staring brigade, whose business it was to insult every woman who ventured on the street without a male protector, by a stare so lascivious as could not be imagined on american free soil. i learned that they all lived, in whole or in part, by the sale of their own children, and the labor of the mothers extorted by the lash. i came to know one hoary-haired veteran, whose entire support came from the natural increase and wages of nineteen women, one of whom, a girl of eighteen, lived with him in a fashionable boarding-house, waited on him at table, slept in his room, and of whose yearly wages one hundred and seventy-five dollars were credited on his board bill. i learned that none of the shapely hands displayed on the black vests, had ever used other implement of toil than a pistol, bowie-knife or slave-whip; that any other tool would ruin the reputation of the owner of the taper digits; but they did not lose caste by horsewhipping the old mammys from whose bosoms they had drawn life in infancy. our boarding-house was on walnut street, one block west of the theatre, and looked toward the river. on the opposite side of the street stood a two-story brick house, always closed except when a negress opened and dusted the rooms. i never saw sadness or sorrow until i saw that face; and it did not appear except about her work, or when she emerged from a side gate to call in two mulatto children, who sometimes came out on the pavement. this house belonged to a northern "mudsill," who kept a grocery, and owned the woman, who was the mother of five children, of whom he was the father. the older two he had sold, one at a time, as they became saleable or got in his way. on the sale of the first, the mother "took on so that he was obliged to flog her almost to death before she gave up." but he had made her understand that their children were to be sold, at his convenience, and that he "would not have more than three little niggers about the house at one time." after that first lesson she had been "reasonable." our hostess, a kentucky lady, used to lament the loss of two boys--"two of the beautifulest boys!" they were the sons of her bachelor uncle, who had had a passion for liza, one of his father's slaves, a tall, handsome quadroon, who rejected his suit and was in love with jo, a fellow slave. to punish both, the young master had jo tied up and lashed until he fainted, while liza was held so that she must witness the torture, until insensibility came to her relief. this was done three times, when jo was sold, and liza herself bound to the whipping-post, and lashed until she yielded, and became the mother of those two beautiful boys. "but," added her biographer, "she never smiled after jo was sold, took consumption and died when her youngest boy was two months old. they were the beautifulest boys i ever laid eyes on, and uncle sot great store by them. he couldn't bear to have them out of his sight, and always said he would give them to me. he would have done it, i know, if he had made a will; but he took sick sudden, raving crazy, and never got his senses for one minute. it often took three men to hold him on the bed. he thought he saw jo and liza, and died cursing and raving." she paused to wipe away a tear, and added: "the boys were sold down south. maybe your way, up north, is best, after all. i never knew a cruel master die happy. they are sure to be killed, or die dreadful!" she had an old, rheumatic cook, martha, who seldom left her basement kitchen, except when she went to her baptist meeting, but for hours and hours she crooned heart-breaking melodies of that hope within her, of a better and a happier world. she had a severe attack of acute inflammation of the eyelids, which forcibly closed her eyes, and kept them closed; then she refused to work. her wages, one hundred and seventy-five dollars a year, were paid to her owner, a woman, and these went on; so her employer sent for her owner, and i, as an abolitionist, was summoned to the conference, that i might learn to pity the sorrows of mistresses, and understand the deceitfulness of slaves. the injured owner sat in the shaded parlor, in a blue-black satin dress, that might almost have stood upright without assistance from the flesh or bones inside; with the dress was combined a mass of lace and jewelry that represented a large amount of money, and the mass as it sat there, and as i recall it, has made costly attire odious. this bedizzoned martyr, this costumer's advertisement, sat and fanned as she recounted her grievances. her entire allowance for personal expenses, was the wages of nine women, and her husband would not give her another dollar. they, knowing her necessities, were so ungrateful!--nobody could think how ungrateful; but in all her sorrows, martha was her crowning grief. she had had two husbands, and had behaved so badly when the first was sold. then, every time one of her thirteen children were disposed of, she "did take on so;" nobody could imagine "how she took on!" once, the gentle mistress had been compelled to send her to the workhouse and have her whipped by the constable; and that cost fifty cents; but really, this martyr and her husband had grown weary of flogging martha. one hated so to send a servant to the public whipping-post; it looked like cruelty--did cruelty lacerate the feelings of refined people, and it was so ungrateful in martha, and all the rest of them, to torture this fine lady in this rough way. as to martha's ingratitude, there could be no doubt; for, to this, our hostess testified, and called me to witness, that she had sent her a cup of tea every day since she had complained of being sick; yes, "a cup of tea with sugar in it," and yet the old wretch had not gone to work. when they had finished the recital of their grievances they came down to business. the owner would remit two week's wages; after that it was the business of the employer to pay them, and see that they were earned. if it were necessary now to send martha to the whipping-post, the lady in satin would pay the fifty cents; but for any future flogging, the lady in lawn must be responsible to the city of louisville. we adjourned to the kitchen where old martha stood before her judge, clutching the table with her hard hands, trembling in every limb, her eyelids swollen out like puff-balls, and offensive from neglect, her white curls making a border to her red turban, receiving her sentence without a word. as a sheep before her shearers she was dumb, opening not her mouth. those wrinkled, old lips, from which i had heard few sounds, save those of prayer and praise, were closed by a cruelty perfectly incomprehensible in its unconscious debasement. our hostess was a leading member of the fourth st. m.e. church, the other feminine fiend a presbyterian. i promised the lord then and there, that for life, it should be my work to bring "deliverance to the captive, and the opening of the prison to them that are bound," but all i could do for martha, was to give her such medical treatment as would restore her sight and save her from the whipping-post, and this i did. while i lived on that dark and bloody ground, a man was beaten to death in an open shed, on the corner of two public streets, where the sound of the blows, the curses of his two tormentors, and his shrieks and unavailing prayers for mercy were continued a whole forenoon, and sent the complaining air shuddering to the ears of thousands, not one of whom offered any help. a brown-haired girl, maria, the educated, refined daughter of a kentucky farmer, was lashed by her brutal purchaser, once, and again and again for chastity, where hundreds who heard the blows and shrieks knew the cause. from that house she was taken to the work-house and scourged by the public executioner, backed by the whole force of the united states government. oh! god! can this nation ever, ever be forgiven for the blood of her innocent children? passing a crowded church on a sabbath afternoon, i stepped in, when the preacher was descanting on the power of religion, and, in illustration, he told of two wicked young men in that state, who were drinking and gambling on sunday morning, when one said: "i can lick the religion out of any nigger." the other would bet one hundred dollars that he had a nigger out of whom the religion could not be licked. the bet was taken and they adjourned to a yard. this unique nigger was summoned, and proved to be a poor old man. his master informed him he had a bet on him, and the other party commanded him to "curse jesus?" on pain of being flogged until he did. the old saint dropped on his knees before his master, and plead for mercy, saying: "massa! massa! i cannot curse jesus! jesus die for me! he die for you, massa. i no curse him; i no curse jesus!" the master began to repent. in babyhood he had ridden on those old bowed shoulders, then stalwart and firm, and he proposed to draw the bet, but the other wanted sport and would win the money. oh! the horrible details that that preacher gave of that day's sport, of the lashings, and faintings, and revivals, with washes of strong brine, the prayers for mercy, and the recurring moan! "i no curse jesus, massa! i no curse jesus; jesus die for me, massa; i die for jesus?" as the sun went down jesus took him, and his merciful master had sold a worthless nigger for one hundred dollars. but, the only point which the preacher made, was that one in favor of religion. when it could so support a nigger, what might it not do for one of the superior race? for months i saw every day a boy who could not have been more than ten years old, but who seemed to be eight, and who wore an iron collar with four projections, and a hoop or bail up over his head. this had been put on him for the crime of running away; and was kept on to prevent a repetition of that crime. the master, who thus secured his property, was an elder in the second presbyterian church, and led the choir. the principal baptist preacher owned and hired out one hundred slaves; took them himself to the public mart, and acted as auctioneer in disposing of their services. the time at which this was done, was in the christmas holidays, or rather the last day of the year, when the slaves' annual week of respite ended. a female member of the fourth st. methodist church was threatened with discipline, for nailing her cook to the fence by the ear with a ten-penny nail. the preacher in charge witnessed the punishment from a back window of his residence. hundreds of others witnessed it, called by the shrieks of the victim; and his reverence protested, on the ground that such scenes were calculated to injure the church. chapter x. kentucky contempt for labor.--age, , . to a white woman in louisville, work was a dire disgrace, and one sabbath four of us sat suffering from thirst, with the pump across the street, when i learned that for me to go for a pitcher of water, would be so great a disgrace to the house as to demand my instant expulsion. i grew tired doing nothing. my husband's business did not prosper, and i went to a dressmaker and asked for work. she was a new england woman, and after some shrewd questions, exclaimed: "my dear child, go home to your mother! what does your husband mean? does he not know you would be insulted at every step if you work for a living? go home--go home to your mother!" i was homesick, and the kindness of the voice and eyes made me cry. i told her i could not leave my husband. "then let him support you, or send you home until he can! i have seen too many like you go to destruction here. go home." i said that i could never go to destruction, but she interrupted me: "you know nothing about it. you are a mere baby. they all thought as you do. go home to your mother!" "but i never can go to destruction! no evil can befall me, for he that keepeth israel slumbers not nor sleeps." she concluded to give me work, but said: "i will send it by a servant. don't you come here." i never thrust my anti-slavery opinions on any one, but every southerner inquired concerning them, and i gave true answers. there were many boarders in the house, and one evening when there were eighteen men in the parlor, these questions brought on a warm discussion, when one said: "you had better take care how you talk, or we will give you a coat of tar and feathers." i agreed to accept such gratuitous suit, and a mississippi planter, who seemed to realize the situation, said gently: "indeed, madam, it is not safe for you to talk as you do." "when reminded of constitutional guarantees for freedom of speech, and his enjoyment of it in my native state, he replied: "there is no danger in pennsylvania from freedom of speech, but if people were allowed to talk as you do here, it would overthrow our institutions." there were mobs in the air. the mayor closed a sunday-school, on the ground that in it slaves were taught to read. the teacher, a new england woman, denied the charge, and claimed that only free children had been taught, while slaves were orally instructed to obey their masters, as good presbyterians, who hoped to escape the worm that never dies. her defense failed, but seemed to establish the right of free colored people to a knowledge of the alphabet, but there was no school for them, and i thought to establish one. jerry wade, the gault house barber, was a mulatto, who had bought himself and family, and acquired considerable real estate. in the back of one of his houses, lived his son with a wife and little daughter. we rented the front, and mother sent me furniture. this was highly genteel, for it gave us the appearance of owning slaves, and olivia, young wade's wife, represented herself as my slave, to bring her and her child security. as a free negro, she labored under many disadvantages, so begged me to claim her. in this house i started my school, and there were no lack of pupils whose parents were able and willing to pay for their tuition, but ruffians stood before the house and hooted at the "nigger school." threatening letters were sent me, and wade was notified that his house would be burned or sacked, if he permitted its use for such purpose. in one day my pupils were all withdrawn. after this, i began to make corsets. it was a joy to fit the superb forms of kentucky women, and my art-love found employment in it, but my husband did not succeed, and went down the river. a man came to see if i could give work to his half-sister, for whose support he could not fully provide. she was a fitzhugh,--a first virginia family. her father had died, leaving a bankrupt estate. she had learned dressmaking, and had come with him to louisville to find work, but she was young and beautiful, and he dare not put her into a shop, but thought i might protect her, so she came to live with me. one evening an old and wealthy citizen called about work i was doing for his wife, became interested in me, as a stranger who had seen little of louisville, and tendered the use of his theatre-box and carriage to the young lady and myself. i declined, with thanks. when he had taken leave, miss fitzhugh sprang to her feet, and with burning cheeks and flashing eyes, demanded to know if i knew that that man had insulted us both. i did not know, but she did, and would tell edward, who should cowhide him publicly. i told her that if edward attempted that, he would probably lose his life, and we would certainly be dragged into a police court. even if we had been insulted, it only proved that the old man thought we were like himself--that we were told in the psalms that wicked men thought god was like themselves, and did approve their sin, and he did not have them cowhided. after a moment's reflection she sat down, exclaiming: "well, you are the strangest woman i ever did see!" we never again saw the man, and i hope the incident helped the honest edward in his loving task of protecting the fiery fitzhugh. my husband's trip down the river was a failure, and he went back home. remembering he had heard me say i could do so much better at corset-making if i could buy goods at wholesale, he sold his wilkinsburg property and turned the proceeds into dry goods. to me this seemed very unwise, but i tried to make the best of it, and we took a business house on fourth street. i cut and fitted dresses, and with a tape-line could take a measure from which i could make a perfect fit without trying on. i soon had more work than i could do, and took two new girls, but the goods were dead stock. my husband was out of employment, and tried to assist in my business. he was out most of the day, and in the evening wanted to retire early. i was busy all day, and could not go out alone after dark, so came to be a prisoner. one warm evening i was walking back and forth in front of our house, though i knew it a great risk, when a man overtook me, cleared his throat as if to speak, and passed on to the lamp-post, which had made one limit of my walk. i did not shorten my path, and when i came up to the post he again cleared his throat as if to speak, and next time stepped out, lifted his hat, and remarked: "a very pleasant evening, miss." i stopped, looked at him, and said: "it is a very pleasant evening; had you not better walk on and enjoy it?" he bowed low, and answered: "i beg your pardon, madam. i was mistaken." "pardon for what, sir? it _is_ a very pleasant evening; please to pass on." he did, and i walked till i was tired, thinking of all the sacrifices i had made to be my husband's housekeeper and keep myself in woman's sphere, and here was the outcome! i was degrading him from his position of bread-winner. if it was my duty to keep his house, it must be his to find me a house to keep, and this life must end. i would go with him to the poorest cabin, but he must be the head of the matrimonial firm. he should not be my business assistant. i would not be captain with him for lieutenant. how to extricate myself i did not see, but extricated i would be. we needed a servant. a kentucky "gentleman," full six feet three, with broad shoulders and heavy black whiskers, came to say: "i have a woman i can let you have! a good cook, good washah and ionah, fust rate housekeepah! i'll let you have ah for two hundred dollahs a yeah; but i'll tell you honest, you'll have to hosswhipah youahself about twice a week, for that wife of youahs could nevah do anything with ah." while he talked i looked. his suit was of the finest black broadcloth, satin vest, a pompous display of chain, seals, studs and rings, his beaver on the back of his head, his thumbs in the arms of his vest, and feet spread like the collossus of rhodes. this new use for pennsylvania muscle seemed to strike my husband as infinitely amusing, for he burst out laughing, and informed the "gentleman" that he did not follow the profession of whipping women, and must decline his offer. but i wanted to be back on free soil, out of an atmosphere which killed all manhood, and furnished women-whippers as a substitute for men. chapter xi. rebellion.--age, . during the late spring and early summer, my letters from home spoke often of mother's failing health, and in july one came from her saying her disease had been pronounced cancer, and bidding me come to her. the same mail brought a letter from dr. joseph gazzam, telling me she was certainly on her death-bed, and adding: "let nothing prevent your coming to your mother at once." i was hurt by this call. was i such a monster that this old family friend thought it necessary to urge me to go to my dying mother? stunned and stupified with grief, i packed my trunk. my husband came in at noon, and i handed him the letters. he read them and expressed surprise and sorrow, and i told him to hurry to the wharf and see when the first boat started. he thought i should not go until i heard again. it might not be so bad. then, after reflecting, said, why go at all, if there was no hope? of what use could i be? if there was hope, he would agree to my going, but as there was none, he must object. in fact, he did not see how i could think of leaving him with those goods on his hands. how could i be so ready to drop all and not think of the consequences, for what could he do with that stock of dry goods. my mother pretended to be a christian, but would take me away from my duty. i, too, read the bible, but paid little heed to its teachings. he brought that book and read all of paul's directions to wives, but rested his case on ephesians, v, : "wives submit yourselves unto your own husbands as unto the lord. for the husband is head of the wife even as christ is head of the church; therefore, as the church is subject unto christ, so let the wives be to their own husbands in everything." while he continued his comments, i buried my head in pillows, saying, "lord what wilt thou have me to do?" milton epitomized paul when he made eve say to adam, "be god thy law, thou mine;" but was that the mind and will of god? had he transferred his claim to the obedience of half the human family? was every husband god to his wife? would wives appear in the general judgment at all, or if they did, would they hand in a schedule of marital commands? if the passage meant anything it meant this: one might as well try to be, and not to be, at the same time, as own allegiance to god and the same allegiance to man. i was either god's subject or i was not. if i was not, i owed him no obedience. christ as head of the church was her absolute lawgiver, and thus saith the lord, was all she dare demand. was i to obey my husband in that way? if so, i had no business with the moral law or any other law, save his commands. christian england had taken this view, and enacted that a wife should not be punished for any crime committed by command, or in presence of her husband, "because, being altogether subject to him, she had no will of her own;" but this position was soon abandoned, and this passage stamped as spurious. every christian church had so stamped it, for all encouraged wives to join their communion with or without the consent of their husbands. thousands of female martyrs had sealed their testimony with their blood, opposing the authority of their husbands, and had been honored by the church. as for me, i must take that passage alone for my bible, or expunge it. then and there i cast it from me forever, as being no part of divine law, and thus unconsciously took the first step in breaking through a faith in plenary inspiration. i next turned to the book in general for guidance: "wives, obey your husbands;" "children obey your parents;" "honor thy father and thy mother." what a labyrinth of irreconcilable contradictions! god, in nature, spoke with no uncertain sound, "go home to your mother," and my choice was made while my husband talked. i said that if he did not see about a boat i would. when he told me that he had a legal right to detain me, and would exercise it, i assured him the attempt would be as dangerous as useless, for i was going to pittsburg. he went out, promising to engage my passage, but staid so long that i went to the wharf, where respectable women were not seen alone, saw a boat with a flag out for pittsburg, engaged a berth, and so left louisville. chapter xii. the valley of the shadow of death.--age, , . mother was suffering when i reached her, as i had not dreamed of. after a consultation, drs. gazzam and fahnestock thought she could not live more than four weeks; but spear said she might linger three months. this blanched the cheek of each one. three months of such unremitting pain, steadily on the increase, was appalling; but mother faced the prospect without a murmur, willing to bear by god's grace what he should inflict, and to wait his good time for deliverance. i was filled with self-reproach, for i should have been with her months before. in a few days my mother-in-law and one of her daughters came to see how long i proposed to stay, why i had left james with the goods, and when i would go and take charge of them. they had had a letter from him, and he was in great trouble. she was gentle and grave--inquired minutely about our nursing, but thought it expensive--dwelt at length on the folly of spending time and money in caring for the sick when recovery was impossible. mother could not see them, and they were offended, for they proposed helping to take care of her, that i might return to my duty. some time after the visit of my mother-in-law, her son-in-law--who was a class-leader and a man of prominence in the community--came with solemn aspect, took my hand, sighed, and said: "i heard you had left james with the goods." here he sighed again, wagged his head, and added: "but i couldn't believe it!" and without another word turned and walked away. they chose to regard mother's illness as a personal grievance. "the way of the transgressor is hard;" and she, having sinned against the saints, must bear her iniquity, and thus suffer the just reward of her deeds. i had frequent letters from my husband, and he was waiting on the wharf, watching every boat for my appearance. i told him before leaving louisville, that i never would return--never again would try to live in a slave state, and advised him to sell the goods at auction, and with the money start a sawmill up the allegheny river, and i would go to him. this advice he resented. at length he grew tired waiting, and came for me. it is neither possible nor necessary here to describe the trouble which ensued, but i would not nor did not leave mother, and she at last remembered the protection to which she was entitled by the city government. with all mother's courage, her moans were heartbreaking. no opiate then known could bring one half-hour of any sleep in which they ceased, and in her waking hours the burden of her woe found vent in a low refrain: "my father! is it not enough?" our principal care was to guard her from noise. the click of a knife or spoon on a plate or cup in the adjoining room, sent a thrill of pain to her nerve centres. only two friends were gentle enough to aid elizabeth and me in nursing her, as she murmured, constantly: "if my husband were only here!" she could bear no voice in reading save gabriel adams' and my own. i read to her comforting passages of scripture, and said prayers which carried her soul up to the throne, and fell back on mine in showers of dust and ashes. a great black atheism had fallen on me. there was no justice on earth, no mercy in heaven. her house was in pittsburg, on sixth street, a little cottage built for her father and mother when they were alone. it stood back in a yard, and rough men in passing stepped lightly--children went elsewhere with their sports--friends tapped on the gate, and we went out to answer inquiries and receive supplies--prayers were offered for her in churches, societies and families. the house was a shrine consecrated by suffering and sorrow. the third month passed, and still she lingered. for seven weeks she took no nourishment but half a cup of milk, two parts water, per day. then her appetite returned and her agony increased, but still with no lament save: "my father! is it not enough?" in the sixth month, january th, , relief came. as i knelt for her last words, she said: "elizabeth?" i replied, "she is here, dear mother, what of her?" summoning strength she said: "let no one separate you!" then looked up and said, "it is enough," and breathed no more. as her spirit rose, it broke the cloud, and the divine presence fell upon me. the room, the world was full of peace. she had been caught up out of the storm; and "he who endureth unto the end shall be saved." by her request, i and a dear friend, martha campbell, prepared her body for burial, and we wrapped her in a linen winding-sheet, as the body of christ was buried--no flowers, no decorations; only stern, solemn death. on the last day of father's life he had said to her, "mary you are human, and must have faults, but whatever they are i never have seen them." she had been his widow seventeen years, and by her desire we opened his grave and laid her body to mingle its dust with his, who had been her only love in the life that now is, and with whom she expected to spend an eternity. chapter xiii. "labor--service or act."--age, . mother's will left everything to trustees, for the use of elizabeth and myself. she had wished my husband to join her in a suit for the recovery of father's city property, and he refused, but signed a deed with me conveying my interest to her. this claim she also willed to her trustees for my use. he felt himself wronged and became angry, but had one remedy. being the owner of my person and services, he had a right to wages for the time spent in nursing mother, and would file his claim against her executors. i do not know why i should have been so utterly overwhelmed by this proposal to execute a law passed by christian legislators for the government of christian people--a law which had never been questioned by any nation, or state, or church, and was in full force all over the world. why should the discovery of its existence curdle my blood, stop my heart-beats, and send a rush of burning shame from forehead to finger-tip? why should i have blushed that my husband was a law-abiding citizen of the freest country in the world? why blame him for acting in harmony with the canons of every christian church--aye, of that one of which i was a member, and proud of its history as a bulwark of civil liberty? was it any fault of his that "all that she (the wife) can acquire by her labor-service or act during coverture, belongs to her husband?" certainly not. yet that law made me shrink and think of mother's warning, given so long ago. but marriage was a life-contract, and god required me to keep it to the end, and said, "when thou passeth through the fire i will be with thee, and the floods shall not overflow thee." i could not bear to have a bill sent to mother's executors for my wages, but i could compromise, and i did. he returned to louisville, sold the goods, went on a trading-boat, and joined samuel in little rock. while he was there samuel died--died a presbyterian, and left this message for me: "tell sister jane i will meet her in heaven." this my husband transmitted to me, and was deeply grieved and much softened by his brother's death. rev. isaiah niblock, of butler, pa., a distant relative and very near friend, asked me to take charge of the butler seminary and become his guest. my salary would be twenty-five dollars a month, and this was munificent. elizabeth went to pittsburg to school, and i to butler, where my success was complete and i very happy. among my pupils were two daughters of my old patron, judge braden. one of these, little nannie, was full of pleasant surprises, and "brought down the house" during examination, by reciting a country girl's account of her presentation at court, in which occurs this stanza: "and there the king and i were standing face and face together; i said, 'how is your majesty? it's mighty pleasant weather!'" by nannie's way of giving the lines, they were so fixed on my memory as to be often mingled with solemn reveries in after years. petitions were presented in the pennsylvania legislature for the abolition of capital punishment. senator sullivan, chairman of the committee to which they were referred, wrote to mr. niblock for the scripture view. he was ill and requested me to answer, which i did, and mr. sullivan drew liberally from my arguments in his report against granting the petitions. the report was attacked, and i defended it in several letters published in a butler paper--anonymously--and this was my first appearance in print, except a short letter published by george d. prentiss, in the louisville _journal_, of which i remember nothing, save the strangeness of seeing my thoughts in print. chapter xiv. swissvale.--age, , . in april, , my husband took possession of the old home in the valley, and we went there to live. there were large possibilities in the old house, and we soon had a pleasant residence. i had the furniture mother left me, and a small income from her estate. the farm i named "swissvale," and such is the name thereof. when the pennsylvania railroad was built it ran through it, but not in sight of the house, and the station was called for the homestead. in the summer of ' i began to write stories and rhymes, under the _nom de plume_ of "jennie deans," for _the dollar newspaper_ and _neal's saturday gazette_, both of philadelphia. reece c. fleeson published an anti-slavery weekly in pittsburg, _the spirit of liberty_, and for this i wrote abolition articles and essays on woman's right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. my productions were praised, and my husband was provoked that i did not use my own name. if i were not ashamed of my articles, why not sign them? he had not given up the idea that i should preach. indeed, he held me accountable for most of the evils in the world, on the ground that i could overthrow them if i would. elizabeth was married in june, and went to ohio. in the autumn, my husband's mother and the boys came to live with us, to which i made no objection, for "honor thy father and mother" was spoken as much to him as to me. maybe i had some spiritual pride in seeing that she turned from her converted daughters, who were wealthy and lived near, to make a home with unregenerate me. she liked my housekeeping, and "grandmother," as i always called her, with her white 'kerchiefs and caps, sitting by the fireplace plying her knitting-needles, became my special pride. my husband had converted the louisville goods into one panther, one deer, two bears, and a roll of "wildcat" money. it was not very good stock with which to begin life on a farm, but the monotony was relieved by a hooking, kicking cow, and a horse which broke wagons to splinters. tom, the panther, was domiciled in the corner made by the old stone chimney and the log wall of the house, close to the path which led to the garden. the bears were chained in the meadow behind the house and billy, the deer, ranged at will. tom and the bears ate pigs and poultry so fast that we gave up trying to raise any, while billy's visits to the garden did not improve the vegetables. i tried to establish some control over tom, as a substitute for the fear he felt for his master, who was not always within call, and who insisted that tom could be tamed so as to serve the place of a watchdog. tom had been quite obedient for tom, and my terror for him had abated. i was interested in the heathen of india, and was president of a society which met in pittsburg. coming home from a meeting, i was thrown out of a buggy and so badly hurt that i was kept in bed six weeks. when i began to go out on crutches, i started to go to the garden, and forgot tom until i heard him growl. he lay flat, with his nose on his paws, his tail on the ground straight as a ramrod, save a few inches at the tip, which wagged slowly, his eyes green and fiery, and i not three feet from his head, and just in reach, even if his chain held; but i had seen it break in one of those springs which he was now preparing to make. there was no help near! he would spring for my head and shoulders. if these were out of his way, he could not hold me by my dress which, was a thin muslin wrapper. he was not likely to leap until something moved, and might lie there sometime. i had heard that a panther will not jump under the gaze of a human eye, so i looked steadily into his, while i talked to him. "tom! tom! down sir," and so tried to recall his knowledge of me. fortunately my feet were a little in advance of my crutches, and while i looked and talked, holding my body motionless, i was planting my crutches and throwing my weight on my well foot. i heard the girl coming out of the house and knew the time had come. with all my strength i swung myself backward as he made the leap. his hot breath rushed into my face, his fiery eyes glared close to mine, but his chain was too short. then i knew i had no mission for taming panthers. from the first i had feared that he would kill some child, and it was impossible to prevent them trooping to see him. after my own narrow escape i protested so strongly against keeping him, that my husband consented to sell him to a menagerie; but those which came were supplied with panthers, and, although he was a splendid specimen, full nine feet long, no sale was found for him. that adventure supplied memory with a picture, which for long years breathed and never was absent. if it was not before me it was in some corner, and i knew tom was crouched to spring on me; his fiery eyes glared, the tip of his tail wagged, and he was waiting, only waiting for me to move. often when i woke at night, he was on my bed or in a corner of the room. he was hidden in fence corners and behind bushes on the roadside, and mary's little lamb was never half so faithful as my phantom panther. my husband could not understand the fear i felt, nor realize the danger of keeping him. he enjoyed his own mastery over him, and with a box on the side of the head he made tom whine and crouch like a spaniel. i have often wondered that in all the accounts i have ever read of lights with wild animals, no one ever planted a good fist-blow under the ear of his four-legged antagonist, and so stretch it out stiff to await his leisure in disposing of it. chapter xv. willows by the water-courses.--age, . pennsylvania customs made it unmanly for a man or boy to aid any woman, even mother or wife, in any hard work with which farms abounded at that time. dairy work, candle and sausage making were done by women, and any innovation was met with sneers. i stubbornly refused to yield altogether to a time-honored code, which required women to perform outdoor drudgery, often while men sat in the house, and soon had the sympathy of our own boys; for it was often impossible to obtain any domestic help, though pittsburg "charitable" people supported hundreds of women in idleness who might have had homes and wages in farmhouses. much of the natural beauty of swissvale had been destroyed by pioneer improvements, which i sought in some degree to replace. i loved the woods, and with my little grubbing-hoe transplanted many wild and beautiful things. this my mother-in-law did not approve, as her love for the beautiful was satisfied by a flower border in the garden. one day she said: "james, i would not have that willow in that corner. the roots will get into the race. it is the real basket willow, and if you cut it into stubs and stick them in the swamp, you can sell enough willow to buy all your baskets." i replied: "grandmother, you forget that is my tree; i want it to drape that bare knoll. the roots will run below the bed of the race. the boys can get plenty of stubs at flemming's." she only replied by a "humph!" and next day i discovered my tree had been sawed into pieces and planted in the swamp. words would not restore it, and i wasted none; but next morning rose early, and, hatchet in hand, went to the parent tree, climbed on a fence and cut off a limb, which i dragged home, feeling glad that anything had brought me a walk on such a glorious morning. i planted the main stock in that corner, then put about a hundred twigs in the swamp for basket willow. in a few days my second tree disappeared, and i brought another, for a tree there was indispensable, and i hoped to make my husband see as i did, and thought i had won his consent to willows. so i went up and down the race and runs, putting in twigs, and thinking of the "willows by the watercourses," and israel's lament: "by babel's streams we sat and wept when zion we thought on, in midst thereof we hanged our harps the willow trees upon." i was banished from my zion, never permitted to hear the teachings of my old pastor, for which my soul panted as the thirsty hart for the water brooks, and in my babylon i wanted willows. some of my plantings were permitted to remain, and swissvale is now noted for its magnificent willows; but that main tree was chopped up and burned. in its stead i planted a young chestnut, where it still stands, a thing of beauty and joy to the boys. chapter xvi. the waters grow deep.--age, . the plans for my conversion seemed to be aided by our coming to the farm, as i fitted up the "prophet's chamber" to entertain my husband's friends in his house. there were two preachers in the circuit. the eldest, a plain, blunt man, began on his first visit to pelt me with problems about "man-made ministers" and calvinism. i replied by citing the election of abraham, jacob, and the entire jewish nation, and by quoting the th chapter of romans, until he seemed to despair and came no more, for they could not accept my hospitality while i refused their religion. the other circuit rider was young, handsome and zealous, and was doing a great work in converting young girls. on his first visit i thought him rude. on his second, he inquired at table: "is this the place where they put onions into everything?" i replied that we used none in tea or coffee. when i joined him and my husband in the parlor, he waved his hand around the room to point out its decorations and said: "brother james tells me that this is all your work. it is quite wonderful, and now, sister, what a pity it is that you will not turn your attention to religion. you seem to do everything so well." he motioned as if to lay his hand on my shoulder. i drew back and said: "excuse me, sir, but i am not your sister; and as for your religion you remind me with it of doctor jaynes and his hair tonic." "how so, sister?" "again pardon, but i am not your sister. doctor jaynes uses a large part of his column to persuade us that it is good to have good hair. no one disputes that, and he should prove that his tonic will bring good hair. so you talk of the importance of religion. no one disputes this, and it is your business to prove that the nostrum you peddle is religion. i say it is not. it is a system of will worship. religion is obedience to god's law. you teach people that they can, and do, obey this law perfectly, while they do not know it. your church has no bibles in her pews, few in her families, and these unread. preachers and all, not one in twenty can repeat the ten commandments. you are blind leaders of the blind, and must all fall into the ditch, destroyed for lack of knowledge!" that week he proposed to abandon the swissvale meeting-house, and build one in wilkinsburg, giving as a reason the impossibility of keeping up a congregation with me on the farm. next conference sent rev. henderson as presiding elder, who brought in a new era. he slept in the "prophet's chamber," admired my pretty rooms, and said nothing about my getting religion. the circuit preacher was of the same mind, an earnest, modest, young man, wrestling with english grammar, who on his first visit sought my help about adverbs, while my mother-in-law looked on in evident displeasure. to her this was the dawn of that new day, in which the methodist church rivals all others in her institutions of learning. the good time of inspiration was slipping away. what wonder that she clutched it as jacob did his angel? there in that house she had for long years been an oracle to inspired men, and now to see god's spirit displaced by kirkham's grammar was rank infidelity. the wilkinsburg meeting-house was being built, and that one which had been to her all that the temple ever was to solomon, would be left to the owls and bats--her zion desolate. those walls, made sacred by visions of glory and shouts of triumph, would crumble to ruin in the clinging silence. how could she but think that the influence was evil which could bring such result? the new building was consecrated with much ceremony. the two hendersons staid with, us, and on sabbath morning consulted me as to the best way of taking up subscriptions. mother-in-law looked on till she could bear it no longer, and said: "brother henderson, if you mean to be in time for love feast, you must not stay fooling there." both men sprang to their feet, hurried away and never returned. general conference at its session in baltimore, in , passed the "black gag" law, which forbade colored members of the church to give testimony in church-trials against white members, in any state where they were forbidden to testily in courts. four members of the pittsburg conference voted for it, and when my husband returned from the dedication, i learned that three of them had figured prominently in the exercises, and he had refused to commune on account of their ministrations. everything went smoothly for ten days, when my husband came to our room, where i sat writing, threw himself on the bed and poured out such a torrent of accusations as i had not dreamed possible, and of which i refrain from giving any adequate description. i looked up and saw that he was livid with rage. his words appeared the ravings of a mad man, yet there was method in them, and no crime in the calendar with which they did not charge me. butter money was not accounted for, pickles and preserves missing, things about the house were going to destruction, the country was full of falsehoods and i had told them all. it was all a blur of sound and fury, but in it stood out these words: "you ruined samuel, and now you are trying to ruin the boys and those two fool preachers. people know it, too, and i am ashamed to show my face for the talk." when he seemed to have finished, i asked: "how long since you learned my real character?" this spurred him to new wrath, and he exclaimed: "there now, that's the next of it. you will go and tell that i've abused you. it's not me. i never suspected your honesty, but my mother, yes, my poor old mother. i would not care, if you could only behave yourself before my mother!" i sat leaning my elbows on my table with my head in my hands, and the words "ruined samuel" became a refrain. i thought of the danger out of which i had plucked him while in louisville, of the force with which i had grappled him with hooks of steel, as he hung on the outer edge of that precipice of dissipation, while i clung to the almighty arm for help. i thought of the tears and solemnity with which this man had given to me the dying message of that rescued brother. earth seemed to be passing away, and to leave no standing room. i was teaching school in the abandoned meeting-house. it was noon recess and i must hurry or be late. i passed into the hall and out of the house, with the thought "i cross his threshold now for the last time;" but i must remain near and finish my school, when i would be present to meet those monstrous charges before the world. my reveries did not interfere with my school duties, and when they were over i sat in the old meeting-house or walked its one aisle, with the quiet dead lying all around me, thinking of that good fight which i should fight, ere i finished my course, and lay down to rest as they did. but the sun went down, the long twilight drew on the coming night, and i was homeless. where should i go? i thought of the burkhammers, whose little son lay among the dead beside me. i had tended him in his last illness and prepared his body for burial. they were german tenants of judge wilkins and to reach their house i must pass through the dark valley over which now lay a new pall. there were lights in the house as i passed, and tom rattled his chain and gave forth one of those shrieks which pierced the air for a mile. i was glad to know that he was not loose, and that it was only my phantom which crouched in every available place, ready to spring. the bears bellowed a response to his shriek, but i did not hasten. the stream, so loud and angry on that night of my first entrance into this vale of tears, was now low, and sang a lullaby of angelic music as i crossed it on stepping stones. on the hillside it was almost as dark as that night when father olever stopped and felt for the bank with his whip. the burkhammers asked no questions, and i went to sleep without giving any account of my strange visit, but about midnight i awoke myself and the whole family by my sobs. they gathered around my bed, and i must tell. what i said i do not know, but the old man interrupted me with: "oh tamm jim. you stay here mit us. my old woman und me, we has blenty. we dakes care of you. nopody never said nodding bad about you. everypody likes you, caus you is bleasant mit everypody." as he talked he drew his sleeve across his eyes, while his wife and daughter comforted me. i would board there and finish my school, then go to butler and take the seminary, or a place in the common school. i saw no one as i passed my late home next morning. in school the first exercise was bible, reading verse about with the pupils. the xxv ( ) chapter of matthew came in order, and while reading its account of the final judgment, i saw as by a revelation why this trouble had been sent to me, and a great flood of light seemed thrown across my path before me. christ's little ones were sick and in prison, and i had not visited them! old martha, standing before her judges, rose up to upbraid me! i was to have followed the lamb, and had been making butter to add to an estate larger now than the owner could use. no wonder she thought i stole the money. i, who had failed to rebuke man-stealing, might steal anything. that meeting-house which i had been helping to build by entertaining its builders and aiding them about subscriptions, it and they were a part of a great man-thieving machine. i had been false to every principle of justice; had been decorating parlors when i should have been tearing down prisons! _i_, helping black gagites build a church! "when thou a thief didst see thou join'st with him in sin."' thinking, reaching out for the path to that bastile which i must attack, i went on with my school duties until my husband walked in and asked why i had not been at home. i was worn with intense strain, and at the word home, burst into a passion of tears. i told the pupils to take their books, and leave, there would be no more school, and i could hear them go around on tip-toe and whisper. twice a pair of little arms were thrown around me, and the sound of the retreating footsteps died away when my husband laid his hand all trembling on my head. i threw it off and begged him to go away, his presence would kill me. he would not go, and i went out into the woods. he followed, and said he had never charged me with an evil thought, much less an action, was the most loving of husbands and the most injured in that i had thought he had found fault with me. he might have spoken a hasty word, but was it right to lay it up against him? i still begged him to leave--that i should die if he did not. he went, and i crossed the fields to the house of thomas dickson, thinking that from it i could get to the city by the river road and fly any where. mrs. dickson made me go to bed, as i was able to go no where else, and here my husband's brother-in-law found me. he had come as peace-maker, and could not think what it all meant; some angry words of james about his mother, who would now go back to live with him. the dicksons joined him with entreaties. if my husband had injured me, he was very, very sorry, was quite overwhelmed with grief for the pain he had cost me. then they brought down the lever of scripture and conscience: "if thy brother offend thee seventy times seven," and i yielded. my husband came and i went home with him that evening, expecting that my mother-in-law was installed in her new home on the hill; but she met and kissed me at the door, and i did not care. nothing could add to the shudder of going into the house, and she seemed so grieved and frightened that my heart was touched, and i was sorry for her that we had ever met. chapter xvii. my name appears in print.--age, . it was the third morning after my return, that my head would not leave the pillow. dr. carothers came and blistered me from head to feet, and for three weeks i saw no one but my attendants and my phantom panther. he never left me. there was one corner of the room in which he stayed most, and sometimes there was not room for his tail to wag, and then he moved forward where i could not see his head. this troubled me, for then i could not hold him with my eyes. at night they were two balls of green fire; but they had always been, only when i was well i could turn my head away, now i could not move it. i knew most of the time it was a shadow from my brain, but was glad to hear tom's chain rattle and feel sure it was not his very self. they nursed me carefully, and i lay thinking of the "little ones sick and in prison." old martha came and plead with me. i saw liza and maria under the lash for the crime of chastity, and myself the accomplice of their brutal masters. i pictured one of them a member of the m.e. church, appealing to that church for redress and spurned under the "black gag," and i? why i had been helping men who voted for it to build a meeting-house! what was peter's denial compared to mine? the case arranged itself in my mind. i had writing materials brought, and there, with my head fast on the pillow, i wrote a hexameter rhyme half a column long, arraigning by name those black gag preachers, painting the scene, and holding them responsible. i signed my initials, and sent it to mr. fleeson, with a note telling him to give my name if it was inquired for. our "spirit" did not come that week; but soon my husband came to my room with a copy of "the pittsburg gazette," in which was an editorial and letter full of pious horror and denunciation of that article, and giving my name as the author; so that we knew mr. fleeson had published the name in full. this was my first appearance in print over my own signature, and while i was shocked, my husband was delighted, even though he knew a libel suit was threatened. i soon went to pittsburg, saw william elder and john a. wills, the only anti-slavery lawyers in the city. they said the article was actionable, for it had brought those men into contempt. elder added: "they are badly hurt, or they would not cry out so loud." both tendered their gratuitous services for my defense. in a civil suit we could prove the truth of the charge, and they could get nothing, for my husband owned no property--everything belonged to his mother--and my trustees could not be held for my misdeeds. their action would doubtless be criminal, and i would probably be imprisoned. i went home and wrote a reply to the _gazette_, which it refused to publish, but it appeared in the _spirit_. i reiterated, urged and intensified my charges against these false priests, until they were dumb about their injuries and libel suit, but of that original article i never could get a copy. every one had been sold and resold, and read to rags, before i knew it was in print. i continued to write for the "spirit," but still there did not seem to be anything i could do for the slave. as soon as i was able to be about the house, i fell into my old round of drudgery, but with hope and pride shut out of it. once my burden pressed so that i could not sleep, and rose at early dawn, and sat looking over the meadow, seeing nothing but a dense, white fog. i leaned back, closed my eyes and thought how like it was to my own life. when i looked again, oh, the vision of glory which, met my sight! the rising sun had sent, through an opening in the woods, a shaft of light, which centred on a hickory tree that stood alone in the meadow, and was then in the perfection of its golden autumn glory. it dripped with moisture, blazed and shimmered. the high lights were diamond tipped, and between them and the deepest shadow was every tint of orange and yellow, mingled and blended in those inimitable lines of natural foliage. over it, through it, and around it, rolled the white fog, in great masses, caressing the earth and hanging from the zenith, like the veil of the temple of the most high. all around lay the dark woods, framing in the vision like serried ranks encompassing a throne, to which great clouds rolled, then lifted and scudded away, like couriers coming for orders and hastening to obey them. john's new jerusalem never was so grand! no square corners and forbidding walls. the gates were not made of several solid pearls, but of millions of pearletts, strung on threads of love, offering no barriers through which any soul might not pass. my patmos had been visited and i could dwell in it, work and wait; but i would live in it, not lie in a tomb, and once more i took hold of life. i organized a society at which we read, had refreshments and danced--yea, broke church rules and practiced promiscuous dancing minus promiscuous kissing. of course this was wicked. i roamed the woods, brought wild flowers and planted them, set out berry bushes, and collected a large variety of roses and lilies. chapter xviii. mexican war.--age, - . james g. birney was the presidential candidate of the "liberty party" in , as he had been in ' . during the campaign i wrote under my initials for _the spirit of liberty_, and exposing the weak part of an argument soon came to be my recognized forte. for using my initials i had two reasons--my dislike and dread of publicity and the fear of embarrassing the liberty party with the sex question. abolitionists were men of sharp angles. organizing them was like binding crooked sticks in a bundle, and one of the questions which divided them was the right of women to take any prominent part in public affairs. in that campaign, the great whig argument against the election of polk was, that it would bring on a war with mexico for the extension of slavery, and when the war came, whigs and liberty party men vied with each other in their cry of "our country, right or wrong!" and rushed into the army over every barrier set up by their late arguments. the nation was seized by a military madness, and in the furore, the cause of the slave went to the wall, and _the spirit of liberty_ was discontinued. its predecessor, _the christian witness_, had failed under the successive management of william burleigh, dr. elder, and rev. edward smith, three giants in those days, and there seemed no hope that any anti-slavery paper could be supported in pittsburg, while all anti-slavery matter was carefully excluded from both religious and secular press. it was a dark day for the slave, and it was difficult to see hope for a brighter. to me, it seemed that all was lost, unless some one were especially called to speak that truth, which alone could make the people free, but certainly i could not be the messenger. for years there had ran through my head the words, "open thy mouth for the dumb, plead the cause of the poor and needy." the streams sang them, the winds shrieked them, and now a trumpet sounded them, but the words could not mean more than talking in private. i would not, could not, believe they meant more, for the bible in which i read them bid me be silent. my husband wanted me to lecture as did abbey kelley, but i thought this would surely be wrong. the church had silenced me so effectuately, that even now all my sense of the great need of words could not induce me to attempt it; but if i could "plead the cause" through the press, i must write. even this was dreadful, as i must use my own name, for my articles would certainly be libelous. if i wrote at all, i must throw myself headlong into the great political maelstrom, and would of course be swallowed up like a fishing-boat in the great norway horror which decorated our school geographies; for no woman had ever done such a thing, and i could never again hold up my head under the burden of shame and disgrace which would be heaped upon me. but what matter? i had no children to dishonor; all save one who had ever loved me were dead, and she no longer needed me, and if the lord wanted some one to throw into that gulf, no one could be better spared than i. _the pittsburg commercial journal_ was the leading whig paper of western pennsylvania, robert m. riddle, its editor and proprietor. his mother was a member of our church, and i thought somewhere in his veins must stir anti-slavery blood. so i wrote a letter to the _journal_, which appeared with an editorial disclaimer, "but the fair writer should have a hearing." this letter was followed by another, and they continued to appear once or twice a week during several months. i do not remember whom i attacked first, but from first to last my articles were as direct and personal as nathan's reproof to david. of slavery in the abstract i knew nothing. there was no abstraction in tying martha to a whipping-post and scourging her for mourning the loss of her children. the old kentucky saint who bore the torture of lash and brine all that bright sabbath day, rather than "curse jesus," knew nothing of the abstraction of slavery, or the finespun theories of politeness which covered the most revolting crimes with pretty words. this great nation was engaged in the pusillanimous work of beating poor little mexico--a giant whipping a cripple. every man who went to the war, or induced others to go, i held as the principal in the whole list of crimes of which slavery was the synonym. each one seemed to stand before me, his innermost soul laid bare, and his idiosyncrasy i was sure to strike with sarcasm, ridicule solemn denunciations, old truths from bible and history and the opinions of good men. i had a reckless abandon, for had i not thrown myself into the breach to die there, and would i not sell my life at its full value? my style i caught from my crude, rural surroundings, and was familiar to the unlearned, and i was not surprised to find the letters eagerly read. the _journal_ announced them the day before publication, the newsboys cried them, and papers called attention to them, some by daring to indorse, but more by abusing mr. riddle for publishing such unpatriotic and "incendiary rant." in quoting the strong points, a venal press was constrained to "scatter the living coals of truth." the name was held to be a _nom de plume_, for in print it looked so unlike the common pronunciation of that of one of the oldest families in the county that it was not recognized. moreover, it must be a disguise adopted by some man. wiseacres, said one of the county judges. no western pennsylvania woman had ever broken out of woman's sphere. all lived in the very centre of that sacred enclosure, making fires by which, husbands, brothers and sons sat reading the news; each one knowing that she had a soul, because the preacher who made his bread and butter by saving it had been careful to inform her of its existence as preliminary to her knowledge of the indispensable nature of his services. but the men whom i ridiculed and attacked knew the hand which, held the mirror up to nature, and also knew they had a legal remedy, and that to their fines and imprisonment i was as indifferent as to their opinions. one of these, hon. gabriel adams, had taken me by the hand at father's funeral, led me to a stranger and introduced me as: "the child i told you of, but eight years old, her father's nurse and comforter." he had smoothed my hair and told me not to cry; god would bless me for being a good child. he was a member of the session when i joined church; his voice in prayer had soothed mother's hard journey through the dark valley; and now, as mayor of the city, had ordered its illumination in honor of the battle of buena vista, and this, too, on saturday evening, when the unholy glorification extended into the sabbath. measured by the standards of his profession as an elder in the church, whose highest judicatory had pronounced slavery and christianity incompatible; no one was more valuable than he, and of none was i so unsparing, yet as i wrote, the letter was blistered with tears; but his oft repeated comment was: "jane is right," and he went out of his way to take my hand and say, "you were right." samuel black, a son of my pastor, dropped his place as leader of the pittsburg bar and rushed to the war. my comments were thought severe, even for me, yet the first intimation i had that i had not been cast aside as a monster, came from his sister, who sent me a message that her father, her husband and herself, approved my criticism. samuel returned with a colonel's commission, and one day i was about to pass him without recognition, where he stood on the pavement talking to two other lawyers, when he stepped before me and held out his hand. i drew back, and he said: "is it possible you will not take my hand?" i looked at it, then into his manly, handsome face, and answered: "there is blood on it; the blood of women and children slain at their own altars, on their own hearthstones, that you might spread the glorious american institution of woman-whipping and baby-stealing." "oh," he exclaimed, "this is too bad! i swear to you i never killed a woman or a child." "then you did not fight in mexico, did not help to bombard buena vista." his friends joined him, and insisted that i did the colonel great wrong, when he looked squarely into my face and, holding out his hand, said: "for sake of the old church, for sake of the old man, for sake of the old times, give me your hand." i laid it in his, and hurried away, unable to speak, for he was the most eloquent man in pennsylvania. he fell at last at the head of his regiment, while fighting in the battle of fair oaks, for that freedom he had betrayed in mexico. when kossuth was on his starring tour in this country, he used to create wild enthusiasm by "your own late glorious struggle with mexico;" but when he reached that climax in his pittsburg speech a dead silence fell upon the vast, cheering audience. the social ostracism i had expected when i stepped into the political arena, proved to be bunyan lions. instead of shame there came such a crop of glory that i thought of pulling down my barns and building greater, that i might have where to store my new goods. among the press notices copied by the _journal_ was this: "the _pittsburg commercial journal_ has a new contributor who signs her name 'jane g. swisshelm,' dips her pen in liquid gold, and sands her paper with the down from butterflies' wings." this troubled me, because it seemed as though i had been working for praise; still the pretty compliment gratified me. chapter xix. training school. paul fought with beasts at ephesus, as a part of his training for that "good fight" with principalities and powers and iniquity in high places, and i think that tom and the bears helped to prepare me for a long conflict with the southern tiger. i had early come to think that tom would kill some of the children who trooped to see him, and that i should be responsible as i alone saw the danger. this danger i sought to avert, but how to dispose of the beautiful creature i could not conjecture. there was usually a loaded gun in the house, but i was almost as much afraid of it as of tom. all our neighbors were delighted with him and loath to have him killed. i had once tried to poison a cat but failed, and i would not torture tom. i wanted dr. palmer to give me a dose for him, but he declined. i tried in vain to get some one to shoot him. then i thought of striking the great beast on the head with a hatchet, while he had hold of some domestic animal. the plan seemed feasible, but i kept my own council and my hatchet, and practiced with it until i could hit a mark, and thought i could bury the sharp blade in tom's skull. one day, all the men were in the meadow making hay, and i alone getting dinner. john mckelvey came with his great dog, watch. he went up into the meadow, and watch staid in the kitchen. i started to go to the garden for parsley, and found tom crouched to spring on a cow. he made the leap, came short of the cow, which ran away bellowing with terror, and tom had but touched the ground when watch sprang upon him. it was a sight for an amphitheatre. the two great creatures rolled in a struggle, which i knew must be fatal to watch, but thought he could engage tom's attention until i got my hatchet. i ran back for it, took the dinner-horn and blew a blast that would bring one man, and i did not want a thousand. then i ran back to the scene of conflict, horn in one hand, hatchet in the other, and lo! no conflict was there. no tom! no dog! nothing but the torn and bloody ground. horror of horrors, there was a broken chain! tom loose! tom free! now some one would be murdered. i turned to look, and there on a log not a rod from me, he stood with head erect and tail drooping, his white throat, jaws and broken chain dripping with blood, and with my first thankfulness that he had not escaped, came admiration for the splendid sight: the bold, sweeping curves and graceful motion as he turned his head to listen. then i learned panthers went by sound, not scent. i blew another blast on the horn and went toward him, for i must not lose sight of him. if he attacked me, could i defend myself with the hatchet? when they found me i would be horrible to look upon, and it would kill elizabeth. will my peas burn? the flies will get into that pitcher of cream. if i am killed, they will forget to put parsley in the soup. tom changed his weight from one fore-claw to the other, and gnashed his teeth. "here, the king and i are standing face and face together; king tom, how is your majesty, it's mighty pleasant weather." so ran my thoughts in the intense strain of that waiting. it must be full ten minutes before tom's master could get to the house after that first blast, and if he did not hear that, must be too late; but tom kept his place and my husband rushed by me, carrying the pitchfork with which he had been at work, and i saw no more until tom was in his cage. watch had dragged himself to his master's feet to die, and i went into the house and finished getting dinner, more than ever afraid of tom and more than ever at a loss to know how to get rid of him. yet he still lived and rattled his chain by the garden path, but it was a year before our next adventure. one summer morning at sunrise i was shocked out of sleep by shrieks and shouts and scurrying feet. i sprang out of bed and rushed into the hall in time to see tom dash out of it into the dining-room, mother-in-law and the girl disappearing up stairs and the two hired men through the barn door. my husband soon followed tom, who had taken refuge under a large heavy falling-leaf table, and seemed inclined to stay there. this time his collar was broken and feeling the advantage he paid no heed to the hand or voice of his quandom master. he would not move, but growled defiance, and the table protected him from a blow under the ear, so his late master became utterly nonplussed. if the cage were there, the great beast would probably go into it, but how get it there? the wealth of india would not have induced one of those men to come out of that barn, or one of those women to come down those stairs. something must be done, and i proposed to hold tom while my husband brought the cage. he hesitated. i was not in good fighting trim, for my hair which was long and heavy had fallen loose, but preparation could avail nothing. the only hope lay in perfect coolness and a steady gaze. i knelt and took hold of tom by the back of the neck, talked to him and thought that cage was long in coming. he shifted his weight and seemed about to get up. this meant escape, and i held him hard, commanding him to "lie down, sir." he blinked at me, seemed quite indifferent and altogether comfortable. by and by, the man who had ceased to be master returned without the cage, utterly demoralized; and was here without a weapon, without a plan. i resigned my place and told him i would bring a rope. this i intended to do, and also my hatchet. i had but gotten half way to the front door when there was a scuffle, the loud voice of my husband, shrieks up stairs, rattling of furniture and crashing of glass, and when i got back to the room i saw the tip of tom's tail disappearing. he had gone through the window and taken the sash with him. he ran into his cage, and that was his last taste of liberty; but he lived a year after, chained in a corn crib. every evening in the gloaming he would pace back and forth, raise his kingly head, utter his piercing shriek, then stop and hark for a response; walk again, shriek and listen, while the bears would bellow an answer. the bears, too, were often exciting and interesting. once i rescued a toddling child when running towards "big bear," and not more than two feet from where he stood waiting with hungry eyes. at another time, they both broke loose, on a bitter cold day when i was alone in the house. i defended myself with fire, meeting them at every door and window with a hickory brand. i wondered as they went round and round the house, if they would stop in the chimney corner, and make the acquaintance of tom; but they took no notice of him, and after they had eaten several buckets of porridge, they concluded there was nothing in the house they wanted, so became good natured and went and climbed a tree. such schoolmasters must have imparted a flavor of savagery to my mexican war letters, which attracted readers as they did visitors. chapter xx. rights of married women. after mother's death, i prosecuted to a successful issue a suit for the recovery of the house in which i was born. it stood on water street, near market, and our lawyer, walter lowrie, afterwards supreme judge, was to have given us possession of the property on the st of july, , which would add eight hundred dollars a year to the income of my sister and myself. but on the th of april, the great fire swept away the building and left a lot bearing ground rent. property rose and we had a good offer for the lease. every one was willing to sell, but the purchasers concluded that both our husbands must sign the deed. to this no objection was made, and we met, in william shinn's office, when my husband refused to sign unless my share of the purchase money were paid to him. mother's will was sacred to me. the money he proposed to put in improvements on the swissvale mills. these, in case of his death before his mother, would go to his brothers. i had not even a dower right in the estate, and already the proceeds of my labor and income from my separate estate were put upon it. i refused to give him the money, and on my way alone from the lawyer's office it occurred to me that all the advances made by humanity had been through the pressure of injustice, and that the screws had been turned on me that i might do something to right the great wrong which forbade a married woman to own property. so, instead of spending my strength quarreling with the hand, i would strike for the heart of that great tyranny. i borrowed books from judge wilkins, took legal advice from colonel black, studied the laws under which i lived, and began a series of letters in the _journal_ on the subject of a married woman's right to hold property. i said nothing of my own affairs and confined myself to general principles, until a man in east liberty furnished me an illustration, and with it i made the cheeks of men burn with anger and shame. the case was that of a young german merchant who married the daughter of a wealthy farmer. her father gave her a handsome outfit in clothes and furniture. she became ill soon after marriage, her sister took her place as housekeeper and nursed her till she died, after bequeathing the clothes and furniture to the sister; but the sorrowing husband held fast to the property and proposed to turn it into money. the father wanted it as souvenirs of his lost child, and tried to purchase of him, but the husband raised the price until purchase was impossible, when he advertised the goods for sale at vendue. the father was an old citizen, highly respected, and so great contempt and indignation was felt, that at the vendue no one would bid against him, so the husband's father came forward and ran up the price of the articles. when her riding dress, hat and whip were held up, there was a general cry of shame. the incident came just in time for my purpose, so i turned every man's scorn against himself, said to them: "gentlemen, these are your laws! your english ancestors made them! your fathers brought them across the water and planted them here, where they flourish like a green bay tree. you robbed that wife of her right to devise her own property--that husband is simply your agent." lucretia mott and mary a. grew, of philadelphia, labored assiduously for the same object, and in the session of ' and ' , the legislature of pennsylvania secured to married women the right to hold property. soon after the passage of the bill, william a. stokes said to me: "we hold you responsible for that law, and i tell you now, you will live to rue the day when you opened such a pandora's box in your native state, and cast such an apple of discord into every family in it." his standing as a lawyer entitled his opinion to respect, and as he went on to explain the impossibility of reconciling that statute with, the general tenor of law and precedent, i was gravely apprehensive. the public mind was not prepared for so great a change; there had been no general demand for it; lawyers did not know what to do with it, and judges shook their heads. indeed, there was so much doubt and opposition that i feared a repeal, until some months after col. kane came to me and said: "there is a young lawyer from steubenville named stanton who would like to be introduced to you." i was in a gracious mood and consented to receive the young lawyer named stanton. as he came into the room and advanced toward me, immediately i felt myself in the presence of a master mind, of a soul born to command. when introduced he gravely took my hand, and said: "i called to congratulate you upon the passage of your bill. it is a change i have long desired to see." we sat and talked on the subject some time, and my fears vanished into thin air. if this man had taken that law into favor it would surely stand, and as he predicted be "improved and enlarged." i have never been so forcibly impressed by any stranger. his compactness of body and soul, the clear outlines of face and figure, the terseness of his sentences, and firmness yet tenderness of his voice, were most striking; and as he passed down the long room after taking leave my thought was: "mr. stanton you have started for some definite point in life, some high goal, and you will reach it." this was prophetic, for he walked into the war department of this nation at a time when it is probable no other man in it, could have done the work there which freedom demanded in her hour of peril, for this young man was none other than edwin m. stanton, the ajax of the great rebellion. chapter xi. the pittsburg saturday visiter. after the war, abolitionists began to gather their scattered forces and wanted a liberty party organ. to meet this want, charles p. shiras started the _albatross_ in the fall of ' . he was the "iron city poet," author of "dimes and dollars" and "owe no man a dollar." he was of an old and influential family, had considerable private fortune, was courted and flattered, but laid himself and gifts on the altar of liberty. his paper was devoted to the cause of the slave and of the free laborer, and started with bright prospects. he and mr. fleeson urged me to become a regular contributor, but mr. riddle objected, and the _journal_ had five hundred readers for every one the _albatross_ could hope. in the one i reached the ninety and nine unconverted, while in the other i must talk principally to those who were rooted and grounded in the faith. so i continued my connection with the _journal_ until i met james mcmasters, a prominent abolitionist, who said sorrowfully: "well, the last number of the _albatross_ will be issued on thursday." "is it possible?" "possible and true! that is the end of its first quarter, and shiras gives it up. in fact we all do. no use trying to support an abolition paper here." while he spoke a thought struck me like a lightning flash, and he had but finished speaking, when i replied: "i have a great notion to start a paper myself." he was surprised, but caught at the idea, and said: "i wish you would. you can make it go if anybody can, and we'll do all we can to help you." i did not wait to reply, but hurried after my husband, who had passed on, soon overtook and told him the fate of the _albatross_. for this he was sorry, for he always voted a straight abolition ticket. i repeated to him what i had said to mr. mcmasters, when he said: "nonsense!" then reflected a little, and added, "well, i do not know after all but it would be a good idea. riddle makes lots of money out of your letters." when we had talked about five minutes, he turned to attend to business and i went to the _journal_ office. i found mr. riddle in his sanctum, and told him the _albatross_ was dead; the liberty party without an organ, and that i was going to start the _pittsburg saturday visitor;_ the first copy must be issued saturday week, so that abolitionists would not have time to be discouraged, and that i wanted him to print my paper. he had pushed his chair back from his desk, and sat regarding me in utter amazement while i stated the case, then said: "what do you mean? are you insane? what does your husband say?" i said my husband approved, the matter was all arranged, i would use my own estate, and if i lost it, it was nobody's affair. he begged me to take time to think, to send my husband to him, to consult my friends. told me my project was ruinous, that i would lose every dollar i put into it, and begged, entreated me to take time; but all to no purpose, when a bright idea came to him. "you would have to furnish a desk for yourself, you see there is but one in this room, and there is no other place for you. you could not conduct a paper and stay at home, but must spend a good deal of time here!" then i suddenly saw the appalling prospect thus politely presented. i had never heard of any woman save mary kingston working in an office. her father, a prominent lawyer, had employed her as his clerk, when his office was in their dwelling, and the situation was remarkable and very painful; and here was i, looking not more than twenty, proposing to come into the office of the handsome stranger who sat bending over his desk that he might not see me blush for the unwomanly intent. mr. riddle was esteemed one of the most elegant and polished gentlemen in the city, with fine physique and fascinating manners. he was a man of the world, and his prominence had caused his name to become the target for many an evil report in the bitter personal conflicts of political life. i looked the facts squarely in the face and thought: "i have been publicly asserting the right of woman to earn a living as book-keepers, clerks, sales-women, and now shall i shrink for fear of a danger any one must meet in doing as i advised? this is my red sea. it can be no more terrible than the one which confronted israel. duty lies on the other side, and i am going over! 'speak unto the children of israel that they go forward.' the crimson waves of scandal, the white foam of gossip, shall part before me and heap themselves up as walls on either hand." so rapidly did this reflection pass through my mind, or so absorbed was i with it, that there had been no awkward pause when i replied: "i will get a desk, shall be sorry to be in your way, but there is plenty of room and i can be quiet." he seemed greatly relieved, and said cheerfully: "oh yes, there is plenty of room, i can have my desk moved forward and take down the shutters, when there will be plenty of light. heretofore you have been jove thundering from a cloud, but if you will come down to dwell with mortals we must make a place for you." taking down the shutters meant exposing the whole interior of the room to view, from a very public street; and after he had exhausted every plea for time to get ready, he engaged to have the first copy of the _visiter_ printed on the day i had set. he objected to my way of spelling the word, but finding i had johnson for authority, would arrange the heading to suit. i was in a state of exaltation all forenoon, and when i met my husband at dinner, the reaction had set in, and i proposed to countermand the order, when he said emphatically: "you will do no such thing. the campaign is coming, you have said you will start a paper, and now if you do not, i will." the coming advent was announced, but i had no arrangements for securing either advertisements or subscribers. josiah king, now proprietor of the _pittsburg gazette_ and james h. mcclelland called at the _journal_ office and subscribed, and with these two supporters, the _pittsburg saturday visiter_, entered life. the mechanical difficulty of getting out the first number proved to be so great that the forms were not on the press at p.m. by five the streets were so blocked by a waiting crowd, that vehicles went around by other ways, and it was six o'clock, jan. th, , when the first copy was sold at the counter. i was in the editorial room all afternoon, correcting proof to the last moment, and when there was nothing more i could do, was detained by the crowd around the doors until it was after eleven. editors and reporters were gathered in the sanctum, and mr. riddle stood by his desk pointing out errors to some one who should have prevented them, when i had my wraps on ready to start. mr. fleeson, then a clerk on the _journal_, stepped out, hat in hand, and bowing to the proprietor, said: "mr. riddle, it is your privilege to see mrs. swisshelm to her lodgings, but as you seem to decline, i hope you will commission me." mr. fleeson was a small man and mr. riddle had drawn himself to his full height and stood looking down at him, saying: "i want it distinctly understood that mrs. swisshelm's relations in this office are purely those of business. if she requires anything of any man in it, she will command him and her orders shall be obeyed. she has not ordered my attendance, but has kept her servant here all the evening to see her to her friend's house, and this should be sufficient notice to any gentleman that she does not want him." during the ten years we used the same editorial-room. mr. riddle was often absent on the days i must be there, and always secured plenty of light by setting away the shutters when i entered. he generally made it necessary for me to go to his house and settle accounts, and never found it convenient to offer his escort to any place unless accompanied by his wife. the _visiter_ was three years old when he turned one day, examined me critically, and exclaimed: "why do you wear those hideous caps? you seem to have good hair. mrs. riddle says she knows you have, and she and some ladies were wondering only yesterday, why you do make yourself such a fright." the offending cap was a net scarf tied under the chin, and i said, "you know i am subject to quinsy, and this cap protects my tonsils." he turned away with a sigh, and did not suspect that my tonsils had no such protection outside the office, where i must meet a great many gentlemen and make it apparent that what i wanted of them was votes! votes!! votes for the women sold on the auction block, scourged for chastity, robbed of their children, and that admiration was no part of my object. any attempt to aid business by any feminine attraction was to my mind revolting in the extreme, and certain to bring final defeat. in nothing has the church of rome shown more wisdom than in the costume of her female missionaries. when a woman starts out in the world on a mission, secular or religious, she should leave her feminine charms at home. had i made capital of my prettiness, i should have closed the doors of public employment to women for many a year, by the very means which now makes them weak, underpaid competitors in the great workshop of the world. one day mr. riddle said: "i wish you had been here yesterday. robert watson called. he wanted to congratulate us on the relations we have for so long maintained. we have never spoken of it, but you must have known the risk of coming here. he has seen it, says he has watched you closely, and you are an exception to all known law, or the harbinger of a new era in human progress." robert watson was a retired lawyer of large wealth, who watched the world from his study, and philosophized about its doings; and when mr. riddle had given me this conclusion, the subject was never again referred to in our years of bargaining, buying and selling, paying and receipting. chapter xxii. reception of the visiter. while preparing matter for the first number of the _visiter_, i had time to think that so far as any organization was concerned, i stood alone. i could not work with garrison on the ground that the constitution was pro-slavery, for i had abandoned that in , when our church split on it and i went with the new school, who held that it was then anti-slavery. the covenanters, before it was adopted, denounced it as a "covenant with death and an agreement with hell." i had long ago become familiar with the arguments on that side, and i concluded they were fallacious, and could not go back to them even for a welcome into the abolition ranks. the political action wing of the anti-slavery party had given formal notice that no woman need apply for a place among them. true, there was a large minority who dissented from this action, but there was division enough, without my furnishing a cause for contention. so i took pains to make it understood that i belonged to no party. i was fighting slavery on the frontier plan of indian warfare, where every man is captain-lieutenants, all the corporals and privates of his company. i was like the israelites in the days when there was no king, and "every man did that which, was right in his own eyes." it seemed good unto me to support james g. birney, for president, and to promulgate the principles of the platform on which he stood in the last election. this i would do, and no man had the right or power to stop me. my paper was a six column weekly, with a small roman letter head, my motto, "speak unto the children of israel that they go forward," the names of my candidates at the head of the editorial column and the platform inserted as standing matter. it was quite an insignificant looking sheet, but no sooner did the american eagle catch sight of it, than he swooned and fell off his perch. democratic roosters straightened out their necks and ran screaming with terror. whig coons scampered up trees and barked furiously. the world was falling and every one had "heard it, saw it, and felt it." it appeared that on some inauspicious morning each one of three-fourths of the secular editors from maine to georgia had gone to his office suspecting nothing, when from some corner of his exchange list there sprang upon him such a horror as he had little thought to see. a woman had started a political paper! a woman! could he believe his eyes? a woman! instantly he sprang to his feet and clutched his pantaloons, shouted to the assistant editor, when he, too, read and grasped frantically at his cassimeres, called to the reporters and pressmen and typos and devils, who all rushed in, heard the news, seized their nether garments and joined the general chorus, "my breeches! oh, my breeches!" here was a woman resolved to steal their pantaloons, their trousers, and when these were gone they might cry "ye have taken away my gods, and what have i more?" the imminence of the peril called for prompt action, and with one accord they shouted, "on to the breach, in defense of our breeches! repel the invader or fill the trenches with our noble dead." "that woman shall not have _my_ pantaloons," cried the editor of the big city daily; "nor my pantaloons" said the editor of the dignified weekly; "nor my pantaloons," said he who issued manifestos but once a month; "nor mine," "nor mine," "nor mine," chimed in the small fry of the country towns. even the religious press could not get past the tailor shop, and "pantaloons" was the watchword all along the line. george d. prentiss took up the cry, and gave the world a two-third column leader on it, stating explicitly, "she is a man all but the pantaloons." i wrote to him asking a copy of the article, but received no answer, when i replied in rhyme to suit his case: perhaps you have been busy horsewhipping sal or lizzie, stealing some poor man's baby, selling its mother, may-be. you say--and you are witty-- that i--and, tis a pity-- of manhood lack but dress; but you lack manliness, a body clean and new, a soul within it, too. nature must change her plan ere you can be a man. this turned the tide of battle. one editor said, "brother george, beware of sister jane." another, "prentiss has found his match." he made no reply, and it was not long until i thought the pantaloon argument was dropped forever. there was, however, a bright side to the reception of the _visiter_. horace greeley gave it respectful recognition, so did n.p. willis and gen. morris in the _home journal_. henry peterson's _saturday evening post, godey's lady's book_, graham's and sargeant's magazines, and the anti-slavery papers, one and all, gave it pleasant greeting, while there were other editors who did not, in view of this innovation, forget that they were american gentlemen. there were some saucy notices from "john smith," editor of _the great west_, a large literary sheet published in cincinnati. after john and i had pelted each other with paragraphs, a private letter told me that she, who had then won a large reputation as john smith, was celia, who afterwards became my very dear friend until the end of her lovely life, and who died the widow of another dear friend, wm. h. burleigh. in the second number of the _visiter_, james h. mcclelland, as secretary of the county convention, published its report and contributed an able article, thus recognizing it as the much needed county organ of the liberty party. chapter xxiii. my crooked telescope. in the autumn of , dr. robert mitchell, of indiana, pa., was tried in pittsburg, in the united states court, before judge grier, for the crime of harboring fugitive slaves. in an old cabin ten miles from indiana, on one of the doctor's farms, some colored men had taken refuge and worked as harvest hands in the neighborhood. to it came the sheriff at midnight with a posse, and after as desperate a resistance as unarmed men could make, two were captured. on one of these was found a note: "kill a sheep and give jerry the half. rob't mitchell." the name of the man who had the note was jerry. it was addressed to a farmer who kept sheep for the doctor, so it was conclusive evidence of the act charged, and the only defense possible was want of knowledge. there was no proof that dr. mitchell knew jerry to be a slave, none, surely, that he knew him to be the property of plaintiff, who was bound to give notice of ownership before he could be entitled to damages from defendant. this defense judge grier overruled, by deciding that no notice was required, the law presumed a guilty knowledge on the part of defendant. under this ruling dr. mitchell was fined $ , and the costs, which were $ , additional. his homestead and a magnificent tract of pine land lying on the northern slope of the alleghenies, were sold by the sheriff of indiana county to pay the penalty of this act of christian charity; but the dr. said earnestly, "i'll do it again, if they take every dollar i have." this ruling was alarming, for under it, it was unsafe either to sell or give food or lodging to a stranger. the alarm was general, and even pro-slavery men regretted that this necessary act of justice should fall so heavily on so good and gentle a man. there was much unfavorable comment, but all in private, for the pittsburg press quailed before judge grier, and libel laws were the weapon with which he most loved to defend the dignity of the bench. one editor he had kept in jail three months and ruined his business. col. hiram kane was a brilliant writer, a poet and pungent paragraphist, and had at one time criticised some of judge grier's decisions, when by a libel suit the judge had broken up his business and kept him in jail eighteen months. public sentiment was on kane's side, and he had an ovation on his release, when he became city editor of the _journal_. there was disappointment that i had not criticised judge grier's course in the first number of the _visiter_, but this was part of my plan. in the second number i stated that there had been for a long time a great legal luminary visible in the pennsylvania heavens, which had suddenly disappeared. i had been searching for him for several weeks with the best telescopes in the city, and had about given him up as a lost star, when i bethought me of paddy, who had heated his gun-barrel and bent it around a tree so that he might be able to shoot around corners. paddy's idea was so excellent that i had adopted it and made a crooked telescope, by which i had found that luminary almost sixty degrees below our moral horizon. from this i proceeded to the merits of the case. judge grier and dr. mitchell were both elders in the presbyterian church. the judge administered to men the eucharist oath to follow christ, then usurped the law-making power of the united states to punish them for obeying one of the plainest precepts of the master. the article seemed to throw him into a furious passion. he threatened to sue mr. riddle for having the _visiter_ printed and sold in his office, and, as for me, i was to suffer all the pains and penalties which law and public scorn could inflict. he demanded a satisfactory retraction and apology as the least atonement he could accept for the insult. these mr. riddle promised in my name, and i did not hesitate to make the promise good. my next article was headed "an apology," and in it i stated the circumstances which had called it out, and the pleasant prospect of my being sent to mount airy (our county jail) in case this, my apology, was not satisfactory. i should of course do my best to satisfy his honor, but in case of failure, should take comfort in the fact that the mount would make a good observatory. from that height i should be able to use my telescope much better than in my present valley of humiliation. indeed, the mere prospect had so improved my glass, that i had caught a new view of our sunken star, and to-day, this dispenser of justice, this gentleman with the high sense of honor, was a criminal under sentence of death by the divine law. "he who stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." judge grier had helped a gang of thieves to steal jerry, whose ancestors had been stolen in africa. the original thief sold all he could sell--the title of a thief--and as the stream cannot rise above the fountain, jerry's master held the same title to him that any man would to judge grier's horse, provided he had stolen it. the purchaser of a stolen horse acquired no title in him, and the purchaser of a stolen man acquired no title in him. the man who helped another steal a horse, was a horse thief, and the man who helped another steal a man, was a man thief, condemned to death by divine law. jerry, after having been once stolen, had recovered possession of himself, and his master and other thieves had re-stolen him! judge grier, with full knowledge of this fact, had prostituted law for the benefit of the thieves. nothing more was heard of a libel suit. two years after, james mcmasters was sued for harboring a fugitive; was to be tried before grier, and spoke to his lawyer about summoning the editor of the _visiter_. the attorney exclaimed: "oh bring her, by all means! no matter what she knows, or whether she knows anything; bring her into court, and i'll win the case for you. grier is more afraid of her than of the devil." the editor was summoned, gave testimony, and found judge grier a most courteous and considerate gentleman, with no signs of fear. the case hung on the question of notice. the judge reversed his former decision, and those who were apt to feed beggars, breathed more freely. a case was tried for the remanding of a slave, and lawyer snowden appeared for the master. the _visiter_ sketched the lawyer as his client's dog, towser; a dog of the blood-hound breed, with a brand new brass collar, running with his nose to the ground, while his owner clapped his hands and shouted: "seek him, seek him towser!" this caught the fancy of the street boys, who called him, "towser, where's your collar?" "seek him, towser." he was the last pittsburg lawyer who took a case against a slave, and public sentiment had so advanced that there never afterwards was a fugitive taken out of the county. chapter xxiv. mint, cummin and annis. while the bench and bar were thus demanding the attention of the _visiter_, the pulpit was examining its morals with a microscope, and defending the sum of all villainies as a bible institution. the american churches, with three exceptions, not only neglected "the weightier matters of the law, judgment and mercy," but were the main defense of the grossest injustice, the most revolting cruelty; and, to maintain an appearance of sanctity, were particularly devout and searching in the investigation of small sins. a religions contemporary discovered that the _visiter_ did actually advertise "jayne's expectorant," and such an expectoration of pious reprehension as this did call forth! the _visiter_ denied that the advertisement was immoral, and carried the war into africa--that old man-stealing africa--and there took the ground that chattel slavery never did exist among the jews; that what we now charge upon them as such was a system of bonded servitude; that the contract was originally between master and servant; the consideration of the labor paid to the servant; that in all cases of transfer, the master sold to another that portion of the time and labor of the servant, which were still due; that there was no hint of any man selling a free man into slavery for the benefit of the seller; that the servants bought from "the heathen around about," were bought from themselves, or in part at least, for their benefit, to bring them under general law and into the church; that nothing like american slavery was ever known in the days of moses, or any other day than that of this great republic, since our slavery was "the vilest that ever saw the sun," john wesley being witness. the _visiter_ cited the purchase by joseph of the people of egypt, and leviticus xxv, xxxix: "if thy brother be waxen poor and sell himself unto thee." the bible had not then been changed to suit the exigencies of slavery. in later editions, "sell himself" is converted into "be sold," but as the passage then stood it was a sledge-hammer with which one might beat the whole pro-slavery bible argument into atoms, and while the _visiter_ used it with all the force it could command, it took the ground that if the bible did sanction slavery, the bible must be wrong, since nothing could make slavery right. chapter xxv. free soil party. the free soil or barnburner party was organized in ' , and nominated martin van buren for president. the _visiter_ dropped its birney flag and raised the van buren standard. in supporting him the editor of the _visiter_ was charged with being false to the cause of the slave, and of playing into the hands of the whigs. all the editor had ever said about that pro-slavery ex-president was cast into its teeth by democratic, liberty party and garrisonian papers, which, one and all, held that van buren was a cunning old fox, as pro-slavery as in those days when, as president of the u.s. senate, he gave his casting vote for the bill which authorized every southern post-master to open all the mail which came to his office, search for and destroy any matter that he might think dangerous to southern institutions. in his present hostility to slavery, he was actuated by personal hatred of louis cass, the democratic candidate, and sought to draw off enough. democratic votes to defeat him. the object of the _visiter_ in supporting van buren was to smash one of the great pro-slavery parties of the nation, or gain an anti-slavery balance of power to counteract the slavery vote for which both contended. a few thousand reliable votes would compel one party to take anti-slavery ground. the van buren movement was almost certain to defeat the democrats, and force the whigs to seek our alliance. true, the free soil platform did not suit liberty party men, who said it simply proposed to confine slavery to its present limits, and not destroy it where it already existed. to all of which, and much more, the little _visiter_ replied, that with van buren's motives it had nothing to do. his present attitude was one of hostility to the spread of slavery, and this being a long step in advance of other parties, was a position desirable to gain and hold. to decline aiding those who proposed to circumscribe slavery because they did not propose its destruction, was as if a soldier should refuse to storm an outpost on the ground that it was not the citadel. checking the advance of an enemy was one step toward driving him off the field, and a rusty cannon might be worth several bright-barreled muskets in holding him at bay. the lord punished israel by the hand of jehu and hazael, both wicked men. slavery was bursting her bounds, coming over on us like the sea on holland. one very dirty shovel might be worth a hundred silver teaspoons in keeping back the waters, and this free soil party could do more to check its advance than a hundred of the little liberty party with that pure patriot, gerrit smith, at its head. in doing right, take all the help you can get, even from satan. let him assist to carry your burden as long as he will travel your road, and only be careful not to turn off with him when he takes his own. the _visitor_ had thousands of readers scattered over every state and territory in the nation, in england and the canadas. it was quoted more perhaps than any other paper in the country, and whether for blame or praise, its sentiments were circulated, and men of good judgment thought it made thousands of votes for the free soil party. chapter xxvi. visit washington.--age, . when slavery thought to reap the fruits of the war into which she had plunged the nation with mexico, lo! there was a lion in her path, and not a bunyan lion either, for this kingly beast wore no collar, no chain held him. the roused north had laid her great labor paw on the california gold fields and stood showing her teeth while the serpent with raised crest was coiled to strike, and the world waited and wondered. henry clay, the synonym for compromise, was still in the united states senate, and, with his cat-like tread, stepped in between the belligerents with a cunning device--a device similar to that by which the boys disposed of the knife they found jointly--one was to own, the other to carry and use it. so by this plan the lion was to own california, and the snake was to occupy it as a hunting-ground; nay, not it alone, but every state and territory in the union must be given up to its slimy purposes. in other words, california was to be admitted as a free state, upon condition of the passage of the fugitive slave bill, which authorized the slave-hunter to follow the fugitive into every home, every spot of this broad land; to tear him from any altar, and demand the services of every "good citizen" in his hellish work. men by thousands, once counted friends of freedom, bowed abjectly to this infamous decision. daniel webster, the leading whig statesman, made a set speech in favor of thus giving up the whole country to the dominion of the slave power. it was another great bid for the next presidential nomination, which must be controlled by the south. the danger was imminent, the crisis alarming, and the excitement very great. i longed to be in washington, so i wrote to horace greeley, who answered that he would pay me five dollars a column for letters. it was said that this was the first time a woman had been engaged in that capacity. i went to washington in the early part of ' , going by canal to the western foot of the alleghenies, and then by rail to the foot of the inclined plane, where our cars were wound up and let down by huge windlasses. i was in a whirl of wonder and excitement by this, my first acquaintance with the iron-horse, but had to stay all night in baltimore because the daily train for washington had left before ours came. i had letters to the proprietor of the irving house, where i took board. had others to col. benton, henry clay, and other great men, but he who most interested me was dr. gamaliel bailey, editor of the _national era_. the great want of an anti-slavery paper at the capitol had been supplied by five-dollar subscriptions to a publication fund, and dr. bailey called from cincinnati to take charge of it, and few men have kept a charge with more care and skill. he and the _era_ had just passed the ordeal of a frightful mob, in which he was conciliatory, unyielding and victorious; and he was just then gravely anxious about the great crisis, but most of all anxious that the _era_ should do yeoman service to the cause which had called it into life. the _era_ had a large circulation, and high literary standing, but dr. bailey was troubled about the difficulty or impossibility of procuring anti-slavery tales. mrs. southworth was writing serials for it, and he had hoped that she, a southern woman with northern principles, could weave into her stories pictures of slavery which would call damaging attention to it, but in this she had failed. anti-slavery tales, anti-slavery tales, was what the good doctor wanted. temperance had its story writer in arthur. if only abolition had a good writer of fiction, one who could interest and educate the young. he knew of but one pen able to write what he wanted, and alas, the finances of the _era_ could not command it. if only he could engage mrs. stowe. i had not heard of her, and he explained that she was a daughter of lyman beecher. i was surprised and exclaimed: "a daughter of lyman beecher write abolition stories! saul among the prophets!" i reminded the doctor that president beecher and prof. stowe had broken up the theological department of lane seminary by suppressing the anti-slavery agitation raised by theodore weld, a kentucky student, and threw their influence against disturbing the congregational churches with the new fanaticism; that edward beecher invented the "organic sin," devil, behind which churches and individuals took refuge when called upon to "come up to the help of the lord against the mighty." but dr. bailey said he knew them personally, and that despite their public record, they were at heart anti-slavery, and that prudence alone dictated their course. mrs. stowe was a graphic story-teller, had been in kentucky, taken in the situation and could describe the peculiar institution as no one else could. if he could only enlist her, the whole family would most likely follow into the abolition ranks; but the bounty money, alas, where could he raise it? where there is the will there is a way, and it was but a few months after that conversation when dr. bailey forwarded one hundred dollars to mrs. stowe as a retaining fee for her services in the cause of the slave, and lo! the result, "uncle tom's cabin." as it progressed he sent her another, and then another hundred dollars. was ever money so well expended? that grand old lion, joshua r. giddings, had also passed through the mob, and as i went with him to be presented to president taylor, a woman in the crowd stepped back, drew away her skirts, and with a snarl exclaimed, "a pair of abolitionists!" the whole air of freedom's capital thrilled and palpitated with hatred of her and her cause. on the question of the pending fugitive slave bill, the feeling was intense and bitterly partisan, although not a party measure. mr. taylor, the whig president, had pronounced the bill an insult to the north, and stated his determination to veto it. fillmore, the vice-president, was in favor of it. so, freedom looked to a man owning three hundred slaves, while slavery relied on "a northern man with southern principles." president taylor was hated by the south, was denounced as a traitor to his section, while southern men and women fawned upon and flattered fillmore. webster, the great whig statesman of the north, had bowed the knee to baal, while col. benton, of missouri, was on the side of freedom. the third, or anti-slavery party, represented by chase and hale in the senate, was beginning to make itself felt, and must be crushed and stamped out at all hazards--the infant must be strangled in its cradle. while abolition was scoffed at by hypocritical priests as opening a door to amalgamation, here, in the nation's capital, lived some of our most prominent statesmen in open concubinage with negresses, adding to their income by the sale of their own children, while one could neither go out nor stay in without meeting indisputable testimony of the truth of thomas jefferson's statement: "the best blood of virginia runs in the veins of her slaves." but the case which interested me most was a family of eight mulattoes, bearing the image and superscription of the great new england statesman, who paid the rent and grocery bills of their mother as regularly as he did those of his wife. pigs were the scavengers, mud and garbage the rule, while men literally wallowed in the mire of licentiousness and strong drink. in congress they sat and loafed with the soles of their boots turned up for the inspection of the ladies in the galleries. their language and gestures as they expectorated hither and thither were often as coarse as their positions, while they ranted about the "laws and constitution," and cracked their slave-whips over the heads of the dough-faces sent from the northern states. washington was a great slave mart, and her slave-pen was one of the most infamous in the whole land. one woman, who had escaped from it, was pursued in her flight across the long bridge, and was gaining on the four men who followed her, when they shouted to some on the virginia shore, who ran and intercepted her. seeing her way blocked, and all hope of escape gone, with one wild cry she clasped her hands above her head, sprang into the potomac, and was swept into that land beyond the river death, where alone was hope for the american slave. another woman with her two children was captured on the steps of the capitol building, whither she had fled for protection, and this, too, while the stars and stripes floated over it. one of president tyler's daughters ran away with the man she loved, in order that they might be married, but for this they must reach foreign soil. a young lady of the white house could not marry the man of her choice in the united states. the lovers were captured, and she was brought to his excellency, her father, who sold her to a slave-trader. from that washington slave-pen she was taken to new orleans by a man who expected to get twenty-five hundred dollars for her on account of her great beauty. my letters to the new york _tribune_, soon attracted so much attention that is was unpleasant for me to live in a hotel, and i became the guest of my friend mrs. emma d.e.n. southworth. it was pleasant to look into her great, dreamy grey eyes, with their heavy lashes, at the broad forehead and the clustering brown curls, and have her sit and look into the fire and talk as she wrote of the strange fancies which peopled her busy brain. among the legislative absurdities which early attracted my attention was that of bringing every claim against the government before congress. if a man thought government owed him ten dollars, the only way was to have the bill pass both houses. in my _tribune_ letters, i ventilated that thoroughly, and suggested a court, in which brother jonathan could appear by attorney. mr. greeley seconded the suggestion warmly, and this, i think, was the origin of the court of claims. there was yet one innovation i wanted to make, although my stay in washington would necessarily be short. no woman had ever had a place in the congressional reporter's gallery. this door i wanted to open to them, called on vice-president fillmore and asked him to assign me a seat in the senate gallery. he was much surprised and tried to dissuade me. the place would be very unpleasant for a lady, would attract attention, i would not like it; but he gave me the seat. i occupied it one day, greatly to the surprise of the senators, the reporters, and others on the floor and in the galleries; but felt that the novelty would soon wear off, and that women would work there and win bread without annoyance. but the senate had another sensation that day, for foot, in a speech alluded to "the gentleman from missouri." benton sprang to his feet, and started toward him, but a dozen members rushed up to hold him, and he roared: "stand off, gentlemen! unhand me! let me reach the scoundrel!" everyone stamped, and ran, and shouted "order!" the speaker pounded with his mallet, and foot ran down the aisle to the chair, drawing out a great horse-pistol and cocking it, cried: "let him come on, gentlemen! let him come on!" while he increased the distance between them as fast as time and space would permit. after the hubbub had subsided, foot explained: "mr. speaker, i saw the gentleman coming, and i advanced toward the chair." i have never seen a well-whipped rooster run from his foe, without thinking of foot's advance. chapter xxvii. daniel webster. darkest of the dark omens for the slave, in that dark day, was the defalcation of daniel webster. he whose eloquence had secured in name the great northwest to freedom, and who had so long been dreaded by the slave-power, had laid his crown in the dust; had counseled the people of the north to conquer their prejudices against catching slaves, and by his vote would open every sanctuary to the bloodhound. the prestige of his great name and the power of his great intellect were turned over to slavery, and the friends of freedom deplored and trembled for the result. there was some general knowledge through the country of the immorality of southern men in our national capital. serious charges had been made by abolitionists against henry clay, but webster was supposed to be a moral as well as an intellectual giant. brought up in puritan new england, he was accredited with all the new england virtues; and when a southern woman said to me, in answer to my strictures on southern men: "oh, you need not say anything! look at your own daniel webster!" i wondered and began to look at and inquire about him, and soon discovered that his whole panoply of moral power was a shell--that his life was full of rottenness. then i knew why i had come to washington. i gathered the principal facts of his life at the capitol, stated them to dr. snodgrass, a prominent washington correspondent, whose anti-slavery paper had been suppressed in baltimore by a mob, to joshua r. giddings and gamaliel bailey. they assured me of the truth of what had been told me, but advised me to keep quiet, as other people had done. i took the whole question into careful consideration; wrote a paragraph in a letter to the _visiter_, stating the facts briefly, strongly; and went to read it to my friend, mrs. george w. julian. i found her and her husband together, and read the letter to them. they sat dumb for a moment, then he exclaimed: "you must not publish that!" "is it true?" "oh, yes! it is true! but none the less you must not publish it!" "can i prove it?" "no one will dare deny it. we have all known that for years, but no one would dare to make it public. no good can come of its publication; it would ruin you, ruin your influence, ruin your work. you would lose your _tribune_ engagement, by which you are now doing so much good. we all feel the help you are to the good cause. do not throw away your influence!" "does not the cause of the slave hang on the issue in congress?" "i think it does." "is not mr. webster's influence all against it?" "yes, of course!" "would not that influence be very much less if the public knew just what he is?" "of course it would, but you cannot afford to tell them. you have no idea what his friends would say, what they would do. they would ruin you." i thought a moment, and said: "i will publish it, and let god take care of the consequences." "good!" exclaimed mrs. julian, clapping her hands. "i would if i were in your place." but when i went to post the letter, i hesitated, walked back and forth on the street, and almost concluded to leave out that paragraph. i shuddered lest mr. julian's prediction should prove true. i was gratified by my position on the _tribune_--the social distinction it gave me and courtesy which had been shown me. grave senators went out of their way to be polite, and even pro-slavery men treated me with distinguished consideration. my washington life had been eminently agreeable, and i dreaded changing popularity for public denunciation. but i remembered my red sea, and my motto--"speak unto the children of israel that they go forward." the duty of destroying that pro-slavery influence was plain. all the objections were for fear of the consequences to me. i had said god should take care of these, and mailed the letter, but i must leave washington. mr. greeley should not discharge me. i left the capitol the day after taking my seat in the reporter's gallery, feeling that that door was open to other women. the surprise with which the webster statement was received was fully equalled by the storm of denunciation it drew down upon me. the new york _tribune_ regretted and condemned. other secular papers made dignified protests. the religious press was shocked at my indelicacy, and fellows of the baser sort improved their opportunity to the utmost. i have never seen, in the history of the press, such widespread abuse of any one person as that with which i was favored; but, by a strange fatality, the paragraph was copied and copied. it was so short and pointed that in no other way could its wickedness be so well depicted as by making it a witness against itself. i had nothing to do but keep quiet. the accusation was made. i knew where to find the proof if it should be legally called for, and until it was i should volunteer no evidence, and my witnesses could not be attacked or discredited in advance. by and by people began to ask for the contradiction of this "vile slander." it was so circumstantial as to call for a denial. it could not be set aside as unworthy of attention. what did it mean? mr. webster was a prominent candidate for president. would his friends permit this story to pass without a word of denial? mr. julian was right; no one would dare deny the charge. he was, however, wrong in saying it would ruin me. my motive was too apparent, and the revelations too important, for any lasting disgrace to attach to it. on all hands it was assured that the disclosure had had a telling effect in disposing of a formidable power which had been arrayed against the slave, as mr. webster failed to secure the nomination. some one started a conundrum: "why is daniel webster like sisera? because he was killed by a woman," and this had almost as great a run as the original accusation. when the national convention met in pittsburg, in , to form the free democratic party, there was an executive and popular branch held in separate halls. i attended the executive. very few women were present, and i the only one near the platform. the temporary chairman left the chair, came to me to be introduced, saying: "i want to take the hand that killed daniel webster." henry wilson was permanent chairman of that convention, and he came, too, with similar address. even mr. greeley continued to be my friend, and i wrote for the _tribune_ often after that time. chapter xxviii. fugitive slave law. when it became certain that the fugitive slave bill could pass congress, but could not command a two-thirds vote to carry it over the assured veto of president taylor, he ate a plate of strawberries, just as president harrison had done when he stood in the way of southern policy, and like his great predecessor taylor, died opportunely, when mr. fillmore became president, and signed the bill. when it was the law of the land, there was a rush of popular sentiment in favor of obedience, and a rush of slave-catchers to take advantage of its provisions. thousands of slaves were returned to bondage. whigs and democrats were still bidding for the southern vote, and now vied with each other as to who should show most willingness to aid their southern brethren in the recovery of their lost property. the church also rushed to the front to show its christian zeal for the wrongs of those brethren, who, by the escape of their slaves, lost the means of building churches and buying communion services, and there was no end of homilies on the dishonesty of helping men to regain possession of their own bodies. all manner of charges were rung about onesimus, and paul became the patron saint of slave-catchers. among the many devices brought to bear on the consciences of pittsburgers, was a sermon preached, as per announcement, by rev. riddle, pastor of the third presbyterian church. it was received with great favor, by his large wealthy congregation, was printed in pamphlet form, distributed by thousands and made a profound impression, for pittsburg is a presbyterian city, and a sermon by its leading pastor was convincing. the sermon was an out and out plea for the bill and obedience to its requirements. did not paul return onesimus to his master? were not servants told to obey their masters? running away was gross disobedience, etc., etc. robt. m. riddle, in a careful leader in _the journal_, deprecated the existence of the law, but since it did exist, counseled obedience. he was a polished and forcible writer and his arguments had great weight. the _visiter_ published an article on "the two riddles," in which was drawn a picture of a scantily clad woman, with bruised and bleeding feet, clasping an infant to her bosom, panting before her pursuers up third street. the master called on all good citizens for help. the cry reached the ears of the tall editor of the _journal_ seated at his desk. he dropped his pen, hastily donned his new brass collar and started in hot pursuit of this wicked woman, who was feloniously appropriating the property of her master. the other riddle--the presbyterian pastor--planted himself by the lamp post on the corner of third and market streets, and with spectacles on nose and raised hands, loudly implored divine blessing on the labors of his tall namesake. the _visiter_ concluded by advising masters who had slaves to catch, to apply to these gentlemen, who would attend to business from purely pious and patriotic motives. i did not see mr. riddle for two weeks after the publication of the sketch, and then we met on the street. he had never before been angry or vexed with me, but now he was both, and said: "how could you do me such an injustice?" "why is it an injustice?" "oh you know it is! you know i would cut off my right hand, before i would aid in capturing a fugitive." "then why do you counsel others to do it?" "oh you know better! and rev. riddle, he and his friends are distressed about it. you do not know what you have done! i have already had three letters from the south, asking me to aid in returning fugitives, and he, too, has had similar applications. oh it is too humiliating, too bad. you must set it right!" i agreed to do so, and the _visiter_ explained that it had been mistaken in saying that both or either of the two riddles would aid in returning fugitives. they both scorned the business, and robt. m., would cut off his right hand, rather than engage in it. he only meant that other people should do what would degrade him. he was not a good citizen, and did not intend to be. as for his reverence, he would shirk his christian duties; would not pray by that lamppost, or any other lamp-post, for the success of slave-catchers. he had turned his back upon paul, and had fallen from grace since preaching his famous sermon. the gentlemen had been accredited with a patriotism and piety of which they were incapable, and a retraction was necessary; but if any other more patriotic politician or divine, further advanced in sanctification would send their names to the _visiter_, it would notify the south. in answering bible arguments, as to the righteousness of the fugitive slave bill, the main dependence of _the visiter_ was deuteronomy xxiii: and : "thou shalt not deliver unto his master, the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. "he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place where he shall choose, in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best, thou shalt not oppress him." that old bible, in spite of pro-slavery interpreters, proved to be the great bulwark of human liberty. in , slavery and democracy formed that alliance to which we owe the great rebellion. the south became solid, and whigs had no longer any motive for catching slaves. chapter xxix. bloomers and woman's rights conventions. the appearance of _the visiter_ was the signal for an outbreak, for which i was wholly unprepared, and one which proved the existence of an eating cancer of discontent in the body politic. under the smooth surface of society lay a mass of moral disease, which suddenly broke out into an eruption of complaints, from those who felt themselves oppressed by the old saxon and ecclesiastical laws under which one-half the people of the republic still lived. in the laws governing the interests peculiar to men, and those affecting their interests in common with woman, great advance had been made during the past six centuries, but those regarding the exclusive interests of women, had remained in _statu quo_, since king alfred the great and the knights of his round table fell asleep. the anti-negro slavery object of my paper seemed to be lost sight of, both by friends and foes of human progress, in the surprise at the innovation of a woman entering the political arena, to argue publicly on great questions of national policy, and while men were defending their pantaloons, they created and spread the idea, that masculine supremacy lay in the form of their garments, and that a woman dressed like a man would be as potent as he. strange as it may now seem, they succeeded in giving such efficacy to the idea, that no less a person than mrs. elizabeth cady stanton was led astray by it, so that she set her cool, wise head to work and invented a costume, which she believed would emancipate woman from thraldom. her invention was adopted by her friend mrs. bloomer, editor and proprietor of the _lily_, a small paper then in infancy in syracuse, n.y., and from her, the dress took its name--"the bloomer." both women believed in their dress, and staunchly advocated it as the sovereignest remedy for all the ills that woman's flesh is heir to. i made a suit and wore it at home parts of two days, long enough to feel assured that it must be a failure; and so opposed it earnestly, but nothing i could say or do could make it apparent that pantaloons were not the real objective point, at which all discontented woman aimed. i had once been tried on a charge of purloining pantaloons, and been acquitted for lack of evidence; but now, here was the proof! the women themselves, leaders of the malcontents, promulgated and pressed their claim to bifurcated garments, and the whole tide of popular discussion was turned into that ridiculous channel. the _visiter_ had a large list of subscribers in salem, ohio, and in the summer of ' a letter from a lady came to me saying, that the _visiter_ had stirred up so much interest in women's rights that a meeting had been held and a committee appointed to get up a woman's rights convention, and she, as chairman of that committee, invited me to preside. i felt on reading this as if i had had a douche bath; then, as a lawyer might have felt who had carried a case for a corporation through the lower court, and when expecting it up before the supreme bench, had learned that all his clients were coming in to address the court on the merits of the case. by the pecks of letters i had been receiving, i had learned that there were thousands of women with grievances, and no power to state them or to discriminate between those which could be reached by law and those purely personal; and that the love of privacy with which the whole sex was accredited was a mistake, since most of my correspondents literally agonized to get before the public. publicity! publicity! was the persistent demand. to meet the demand, small papers, owned and edited by women, sprang up all over the land, and like jonah's gourd, perished in a night. ruskin says to be noble is to be known, and at that period there was a great demand on the part of women for their full allowance of nobility; but not one in a hundred thought of merit as a means of reaching it. no use waiting to learn to put two consecutive sentences together in any connected form, or for an idea or the power of expressing it. one woman was printing her productions, and why should not all the rest do likewise? they had so long followed some leader like a flock of sheep, that now they would rush through the first gap into newspaperdom. i declined the presidential honors tendered me, on the ground of inability to fill the place; and earnestly entreated the movers to reconsider and give up the convention, saying: "it will open a door through which fools and fanatics will pour in, and make the cause ridiculous." the answer was that it was too late to recede. the convention was held, and justified my worst fears. when i criticised it, the reply was: "if you had come and presided, as we wished you to do, the result would have been different. you started the movement and now refuse to lead it, but cannot stop it." the next summer a convention was held in akron, ohio, and i attended, hoping to modify the madness, but failed utterly, by all protests i could make, to prevent the introduction by the committee on resolutions of this: "_resolved_, that the difference in sex is one of education." a man stood behind the president to prompt her, but she could not catch his meaning, and when confusion came, she rose and made a little speech, in which she stated that she knew nothing of parliamentary rules, and when consenting to preside had resolved, if there were trouble, to say to the convention as she did to her boys at home: "quit behaving yourselves!" this brought down the house, but brought no order, and she sat down, smiling, a perfect picture of self-complaisance. people thought the press unmerciful in its ridicule of that convention, but i felt in it all there was much forbearance. no words could have done justice to the occasion. it was so much more ridiculous than ridicule, so much more absurd than absurdity. the women on whom that ridicule was heaped were utterly incapable of self-defense, or unconscious of its need. the mass of nobility seekers seemed content to get before the public by any means, and to wear its most stinging sarcasms as they would a new dress cap. in those days i reserved all my hard words for men, and in my notice of the convention mildly suggested that it would have been better had mrs. oliver johnson been made president, as she had great executive ability and a good knowledge of parliamentary rules. this suggestion was received by the president as an insult never to be forgiven, and in the _visiter_ defended herself against it. i replied, and in the discussion which followed she argued that the affairs of each family should be so arranged that the husband and wife would be breadwinner and housekeeper by turns, day or oven half day about. he should go to business in the forenoon, then in the afternoon take care of baby and permit her to go to the office, shop or warehouse from which came the family supplies. i took the ground that baby would be apt to object, and that in our family the rule would not work, since i could not put a log on the mill-carriage, and the water would be running to waste all my day or half-day as bread-winner. about the same time, mrs. stanton published a series of articles in mrs. bloomer's paper, the _lily_, in which she taught that it was right for a mother to make baby comfortable, lay him in his crib, come out, lock the door, and leave him to develop his lungs by crying or cooing, as he might decide, while mamma improved her mind and attended to her public and social duties. against such head winds, it was hard for my poor little craft to make progress in asserting the right of women to influence great public questions. for something over twenty years, after that akron meeting, i did not see a woman's rights convention, and in all have seen but five. up to there had been no material improvement in them, if those i saw were a fair specimen. their holders have always seemed to me like a woman who should undertake at a state fair to run a sewing machine, under pretense of advertising it, while she had never spent an hour in learning its use. however, those conventions have probably saved the republic. from the readiness with which pennsylvania legislators responded to the petition of three of four women, acting without concert, in the matter of property rights, it is probable that in a fit of generosity the men of the united states would have enfranchised its women _en masse;_ and the government now staggering under the ballots of ignorant, irresponsible men, must have gone down under the additional burden of the votes which would have been thrown upon it, by millions of ignorant, irresponsible women. before that time, the unanswerable argument of judge hurlbut had been published, and had made a deep impression on the minds of thinking men. had this been followed by the earnest, thrilling appeals of susan b. anthony, free from all alliance with cant and vanity, we should no doubt have had a voting population to-day, under which no government could exist ten years; but those conventions raised the danger signal, and men took heed to the warning. chapter xxx. many matters. the period of the _visiter_ was one of great mental activity--a period of hobbies--and it, having assumed the reform roll, was expected to assume all the reforms. turkish trowsers, fourierism, spiritualism, vegetarianism, phonetics, pneumonics, the eight hour law, criminal caudling, magdaleneism, and other devices for teaching pyramids to stand on their apex was pressed upon the _visiter_, and it held by the disciples of each as "false to all its professions," when declining to devote itself to its advocacy. there were a thousand men and women, who knew exactly what it ought to do; but seldom two of them agreed, and none ever thought of furnishing funds for the doing of it. reformers insisted that it should advocate their plan of hurrying up the millenium, furnish the white paper and pay the printers. pond parents came with their young geniuses to have them baptized in type from the _visiter_ font. male editors were far away folks, but the _visiter_ would sympathize with family hopes. ah, the crop of miltons, shakespeares, and drydens which was growing up in this land, full forty years ago. what has ever become of them? here conscience gives a twinge, for that wicked _visiter_ did advise that parents should treat young genius as scientists do wood, which they wish to convert into pure carbon, _i.e._, cover it up with neglect and discouragement, and pat these down with wholesome discipline, solid study and useful work, and so let the fire smoulder out of sight. the policy of the _visiter_ in regard to woman's rights, was to "go easy," except in the case of those slave-women, who had no rights. for others, gain an advance when you could. educate girls with boys, develop their brains, and take away legal disabilities little by little, as experience should show was wise; but never dream of their doing the world's hard work, either mental or physical; and heaven defend them from going into all the trades. the human teeth proved that we should eat flesh, and the human form proved that men should take the ore out of the mines, subdue the inertia of matter and the ferocity of animals; that they should raise the grain, build the houses, roads and heavy machinery; and that women should do the lighter work. as this work was as important as the heavier, and as it fell principally on wives and mothers, they in these relations should receive equal compensation with the husband and father. by this plan, the estate acquired by a matrimonial firm, would belong equally to both parties, and each could devise his or her share, so that a woman would know that her accumulations would go to her heirs, not to her successor. consequently, every wife would have an incentive to industry and economy, instead of being stimulated to idleness and extravagance as by existing laws. women should not weaken their cause by impracticable demands. make no claim which could not be won in a reasonable time. take one step at a time, get a good foothold in it and advance carefully. suffrage in municipal elections for property holders who could read, and had never been connected with crime, was the place to strike for the ballot. say nothing about suffrage elsewhere until it proved successful here. intemperance was then under treatment by washingtonianism. by this philosophy it was held that each man consists of about thirty pounds of solid matter, wet up with several buckets of water; that in youth his mother and sweetheart, kneads, rolls, pats and keeps him in shape, until his wife takes charge of him and makes him into large loaves or little cakes, according to family requirements; but must not stop kneading, rolling, patting, on pain of having him all flatten out. the diagnosis of drunkenness was that it was a disease for which the patient was in no way responsible, that it was created by existing saloons, and non-existing bright hearths, smiling wives, pretty caps and aprons. the cure was the patent nostrum of pledge-signing, a lying-made-easy invention, which like calomel, seldom had any permanent effect on the disease for which it was given, and never failed to produce another and a worse. here the cure created an epidemic of forgery, falsehood and perjury. napoleon selected his generals for their large noses. dr. washingtonian chose his leaders for their great vices. the honors bestowed upon his followers were measured by their crimes, and that man who could boast the largest accumulation was the hero of the hour. a decent, sober man was a mean-spirited fellow; while he who had brought the grey hair of parents in sorrow to the grave, wasted his patrimony and murdered his wife and children, was "king o' men for a' that." the heroines were those women who had smilingly endured every wrong, every indignity that brutality could inflict; had endured them not alone for themselves but for their children; and she who had caressed the father of her child while he dashed its brains out, headed the list in saintship; for love was the kneading trough, and obedience the rolling pin, in and with which that precious mess called a man was to be made into an angel. the _visiter_ held that the law-giver of mount sinai knew what was in man, and had not given any such account of him; that the commands, "thou shalt," and "thou shalt not," were addressed to each individual; that the disease of opening one's mouth and pouring whisky into it was under the control of the mouth-opener; that drunkenness was a crime for which the criminal should be punished by such terms of imprisonment as would effectually protect society and prevent its confirmation. it told women that that dough ought to be baked in the furnace of affliction; that the coil of an anaconda was preferable to the embraces of a drunken man; that it is a crime for a woman to become the mother of a drunkard's child; that she who fails to protect her child from the drunken fury of any man, even to the extent of taking his life on the spot, if possible, is a coward and a traitor to the highest impulses of humanity. these sentiments made a stir in temperance ranks, and there was much defense of the dear fellows. the organization, seemed to be principally occupied in teaching, that among men, only rumsellers are free moral agents, and that they and the women are to bear the iniquity of us all. one philadelphia woman, engaged in scattering rose-leaf remedies over the great cancer of the land, concluded that the editor of the _visiter_ horsewhipped the unfortunate man she called husband, once a day, with great regularity. much sympathy was expressed for that much-abused man; and this was amusing to those who knew he could have tied four such tyrants in a sheaf, and carried them off like a bundle of sticks. but people had found a monster, a giantess, with flaming black eyes, square jaws and big fists, who lived at the top of a very high bean-pole, and ate nothing but the uncooked flesh of men. however, the man-eating idea came to be useful, and proved that a bad name is better than none. in ' , the _visiter_ began a weekly series of "letters to country girls," which were seized upon as a new feature in journalism, were very extensively copied, and won golden opinions from all sorts of men. in ' they were collected in book form, and "mine ancient enemy," george d. prentiss, gave them kindly notice. chapter xxxi. the mother church. when the _visiter_ entered life, it was still doubtful which side of the slavery question the roman church would take. o'connell was in the zenith of his power and popularity, was decidedly anti-slavery, and members of catholic churches chose sides according to personal feeling, as did those of other churches. it was not until , that abolitionists began to feel the alliance between romanism and slavery; but from that time, to be a member of the roman church was to be a friend of "southern interests." in pittsburg there was great harmony between catholics and protestants, for the protestant-irish, by which western pennsylvania was so largely settled, were generally refugees driven from ireland for their connection with the union, or robert emmet rebellion. our pastor, rev. john black, escaped in the night, and he and the only catholic priest in pittsburg, father mcguire, were intimate friends. the bishop of the diocese, r.r. o'conner, was, i think, a priest of the capponsacchi order, one of those men by whose existence the creator renders a reason for the continuance of the race. after the days of which i write, there was an excitement in pittsburg about miss tiernan, a beautiful, accomplished girl, who became a nun, and was said to have mysteriously disappeared. when the bishop resigned his office and became a member of an austere order of monks, there were not lacking those who charged the act to remorse for his connection with her unexplained death; but i doubt not, that whatever that connection was, it did honor to his manhood, however it may have affected his priesthood. in the days of his episcopal honors, he was a favorite with all sorts and conditions of men, and when he published a letter condemning our infant-system of public schools, and demanding a division of the school fund, he produced a profound sensation. i think this letter appeared in ' . it was the morning of one of the days of the week i spent regularly at the office. i found mr. riddle waiting to ask what i proposed to do about it. i stated, without hesitation, that i would oppose it to the best of my ability, when he replied: "i took it for granted that you would have consulted mr. white (conductor of the _gazette_), and we feel that we cannot afford to lose our catholic patronage by taking issue with the bishop, and that it will not be necessary. you, as a pupil of dr. black, ought to be able to answer bishop o'conner's arguments, and we will leave him to you. the religious press will, of course, be a unit against him, and the secular press need not fear to leave the case in your hands." the two papers for which he spoke, were the two great whig dailies of the western part of the state. the other daily was the _democratic post_, conducted by a catholic, and virtually the bishop's organ; and to meet this attack on the very foundations of civil liberty, the _visitor_, a weekly, was the only representative of the secular press. the whig papers might have taken a different course, had it been known at first that bishop o'conner's letter was only a part of a concerted attack, and that all over the union the bishops had published similar letters. but this was before the days of telegraphy, and we were weeks learning the length and breadth of the movement. bishop o'conner replied very courteously to my strictures on his letter, and we maintained the controversy for some length of time. having all the right on my side, i must have been a dolt not to make it apparent; and the friends of the bishop must have felt that he gained nothing, else they would not have been so angry; but he was courteous until he dropped the subject. my catholic patrons gradually withdrew their advertisements and subscriptions. thousands of protestants were rejoiced at what they called my triumph, and borrowed the _visiter_ to read my articles. very many bought copies, but i think i did not gain one subscriber or advertiser by that labor in defense of a common cause. nay, i lost protestant as well as catholic support, for business men did not care to be known to catholic customers as a patron of a paper which had strenuously opposed the policy of the church. that experience and a close observation for many years have taught me that the secular papers of the united states, with a few exceptions, are almost as much under the control of the pontiff as the press of austria. nor is it the secular press alone which is thus controlled. there are religions papers who throw "sops to cerebus," as an offset to teachings demanded by protestant readers. these "sops" are paid for indirectly by patronage, which would be withdrawn whenever the bishop took alarm at an article in that same paper. protestants do not carry their religion either into political or business relations, and so there is no offset to the religious, political and business concentration of romanism. there was no other outbreak between me and my catholic neighbors until the dedication of the pittsburg cathedral, when my report gave serious offense, and caused bishop o'conner to make a very bitter personal attack on me. he did not know how truly the offensive features of my report were the result of ignorance; but thought me irreverent, blasphemous. i had never before been inside a catholic church; never seen a catholic ceremonial; did not know the name of a single vestment; was overwhelmed with astonishment, and thought my readers as ignorant as i; so tried to give a description which would enable them to see what i had seen, hear what i had heard. every bishop and priest and member of any religions brotherhood in this country and canada was said to be present. some of the things they wore looked like long night-gowns, some short ones; some like cradle quilts, some like larger quilts. there were many kinds of patch-work and embroidery; some of the men wore skirts and looked very funny. quite a number wore something on their heads which looked like three pieces of pasteboard, the shape of a large flat-iron, and fastened together at the right angles and points. they formed into procession and started around the outside of the building. i thought of going "around and about" jerusalem, and the movement had a meaning; but they walked into a fence corner, swung a censor, turned and walked into another corner, and then back into the house, without compassing the building. i said there was nothing to prevent bad spirits coming in at that side. i copied the bishop's angry reply, plead my ignorance and that of protestants in general for all that seemed irreverent, and called upon him for explanations. what did it all mean? what was the spiritual significance of those externals? i ignored his evident anger; had no reason to be other than personally respectful to him, yet my second article irritated him more than the first. i had stated that the men in the procession were the most villainous-looking set i had ever seen; that every head and face save those of the bishops of orleans and pittsburg, were more or less stamped by sensuality and low cunning. in bishop o'conner's reply, he said i had gone to look for handsome men. i answered that i had, and that it was right to do so. the church, in her works of art, had labored to represent christ and his apostles as perfectly-formed men--men with spiritual faces. she had never represented any of her saints as a wine-bibber, a gross beef-eater, or a narrow-headed, crafty, cringing creature. these living men could not be the rightful successors of those whose statues and pictures adorned that cathedral. archbishop hughes, in his sermon on that occasion, had argued that all the forms of the church had a holy significance. what was that significance? moreover, in the days of john there were seven churches. whatever had the church of rome done with the other six owned on the isle of patmos by him who stood in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks? for two months every issue of the _visiter_ copied and replied to one of the bishop's articles, but never could bring him to the point of explaining any portion of that great mystery. but the discussion marked me as the subject of a hatred i had not deemed possible, and i have seldom, if ever, met a catholic so obscure that he did not recognize my name as that of an enemy. so bitter was the feeling, that when my only baby came great fears were felt lest she should be abducted; but this i knew never could be done with bishop o'conner's consent. chapter xxxii. politics and printers. when the pittsburg national convention, which formed the free democratic party, had finished its labors, a committee waited on the _visiter_, to bespeak that support which had already been resolved upon, and soon after a state convention in harrisburg indorsed it by formal resolution as a party organ. it did its best to spread the principles of the party, and its services called out commendations, as well as the higher compliments of stalwart opposition, from the foes of those principles. allegheny county was overwhelmingly whig. the _visiter_ worked against the party, and the cry from the whig press became: "why attack our party? it is better than the democratic. if you were honest, you would devote yourself to its destruction, not to that of the whig." to this, the answer was: "the whig party is a gold-bearing quartz rock, and we mean to pound it into the smallest possible pieces, in order to get out the gold. the democratic party is an old red sandstone, and there is plenty of sand lying all around about." in the summer of the editor visited the world's fair, held in new york, and on her return found the office machinery at a stand-still. she had a contract with two printers, who, in making it, had given no notice that they were the irresponsible agents of a union, and therefore had no right to dispose of their own labor. they professed to be entirely satisfied with their work and wages, and loath to leave them; but mars' union had cracked his whip, and disobedience was ruin, if not death. for these poor pennsylvania self-made slaves the _visiter_ had no pity, although they plead for it. it advertised for women to take their places, stating that its editor was in its composing-room. other, if not all other city papers, did likewise, and there was a rush of women to the printing offices; but ninety out of a hundred had not passed that stage of development in which women live by wheedling men. those who wheedled most winningly got the places, and the result in less than two months was such a mess of scandal, as drove them, like whipped curs, back to their kennels; but the editor of the _visiter_ took a good look at each of the hundred applicants, and from them selected three, who had heads, not hat pins, on their shoulders. mr. riddle was a partner in the _visiter_, and engaged a woman. the editor refused to give her a case, when he indignantly said: "women have no mercy on each other. there is that poor woman who has been trying to make a living at her trade making vests, and is now on the point of starvation. i have mercy on her, but you have none." the answer was: "a woman who cannot make a living at one good trade already learned, will not mend matters by learning another. i do not propose to turn this office into an eleemosynary establishment. i want the women whom the work wants, not those who want the work. how long could that weak woman maintain her respectability among all these men? would it be any kindness to put her in a place she is incapable of filling, and where she must inflict incalculable injury on herself, and the general cause of woman's right to labor? do not let your generosity run away with your judgment." my three typos came to be the main stay of the _journal_, as well as the only typos of the _visiter_, for they were the nucleus of an efficient corps of female type-setters, who held their places until mr. riddle's last illness broke down his establishment. soon after the opening of the pa.c.r.r., there was a bad accident, one train running into another in a deep cut, at night; commenting on it the _visiter_ suggested a red light on the rear of every train. the suggestion was accepted immediately, and this is the origin of the red light signal. chapter xxxiii. sumner, burlingame and cassius m. clay. the republican party was organized in pittsburg, and when it became national through the philadelphia convention in the summer of ' , and nominated fremont, it seemed that it might injure rather than aid the party to have a woman take a prominent place in it. the nurseling--political abolition--was out of its cradle, had grown to man's estate, and with bearded lip had gone forth to battle, a man among men. there were honors and emoluments to be won in the cause of the slave, and no doubt of its final triumph. the _visiter_ had been sold to mr. riddle and united with his weekly, thus extending its circulation, and cutting off the ruinous expense of its publication. the _journal_ was thoroughly republican, and would be ably conducted. no further need of a page devoted to freedom, when every page was consecrated to the overthrow of slavery. before taking action, it was best to consult an old subscriber, charles sumner, then on the allegheny mountains, recovering from the brook's assault. i took baby and went to see him. he was domiciled in the family of dr. jackson, pennsylvania state geologist, and seemed to be one of it. in the sitting-room were his desk and lounge, where he wrote or lay and talked, principally with dr. furness, of philadelphia, who was with him, devoting an ever-growing store of information to the amusement of his friend. dr. jackson was full of instruction, and no man more ready than sumner to learn. he held that all knowledge was useful in adding to one's resources--inquired minutely about the shoeing of the horse he rode; and over a watermelon at dessert the doctor gave a lecture on amputation, which became a large capital to one at least of his hearers, and was of intense interest to sumner. the children loved him, loved to be near him, and never seemed to be in his way. once when a toddling wee thing crept to his side while he was absorbed in writing, took hold of his clothes, drew herself to his feet and laid her head against his knee, he placed a weight to hold his paper, laid his hand on her head and went on with his work. when some one would have removed her, he looked up and said: "oh, let the little one alone!" he spoke with profound admiration of mrs. purviance, wife of the member of congress from butler, pa. said he was sorry never to have met her. her influence in washington society had been so ennobling that the friends of freedom owed her a lasting debt of gratitude. she boarded with her husband at the national where her wealth, independence and sparkling social qualities made her a recognized leader, while all her influence was cast upon the right side. he thought the success of the north in the famous struggle which elected banks speaker of the house, was largely due to mrs. purviance. he was oppressed with anxiety about burlingame, who had gone to canada to fight a duel, and there was great rejoicing, when he suddenly appeared one evening after the sun had hidden behind the pine trees. he and sumner met and greeted each other with the abandon of boys. no duel had been fought, since brooks, the challenger, had refused to pass through pennsylvania to clifton, the place of meeting, for fear of mob violence. even the offer of a safe conduct of troops by the governor, failed to reassure him, and burlingame had hurried on to set his friend's mind at rest. after the general rejoicing, the two sat facing each other, when sumner leaned forward, placed a hand on each of burlingame's shoulders, and said: "tell me, anson, you did not mean to shoot that man, did you?" burlingame's head dropped an instant, then raising it, he said, slowly: "i intended to take the best aim i could." here he drew back his right arm, and took the position of holding a gun, "at the broadest part of him, his breast; wait for the word, and then--fire!" sumner dropped back in his chair, let his hands fall on his knees and exclaimed, sorrowfully: "oh, anson! i did not believe it." burlingame's eyes filled with tears, and he said: "charles, i saw you lying bleeding and insensible on the senate floor, when i did not expect ever again to hear you speak; and i intended then to kill him. i tell you, charles, we have got to meet those fellows with guns, some day, and the sooner we begin, the better." on being consulted, both these champions of the right said the _visiter_ must not desert the cause. sumner added solemnly: "the slave never had more need of it; never had more need of you." so that editor went on with her work, feeling such an opinion as almost a divine call. in talking with mr. sumner during that visit, i learned that the same doctor attended both president harrison and president taylor in their last illness, and used his professional authority to prevent their friends seeing them until the fatal termination of their illness was certain. also, that it was that same doctor who was within call when brooks made his assault on sumner, took charge of the case, and made an official statement that the injury was very slight, gave it a superficial dressing, and sought to exclude every one from the room of his patient. said sumner: "i shuddered when i recovered consciousness, and found this man beside me." he dismissed him promptly, and did not hesitate to say that he believed he would not have recovered under his treatment. when the south seceded, this useful man left washington and joined the confederacy. the campaign of was very spirited. a large mass meeting was held in pittsburg, and cassius m. clay was the orator of the occasion. he was at the heighth of a great national popularity, and seemed as if any honor might be open to him. he dined that evening with robert palmer, of allegheny, and a small party of friends. the house was brilliantly lighted, and at the table, while clay was talking, and every one in gala day spirits, the light suddenly went out, and what a strange sensation fell on one guest--a feeling of coming evil. there was no re-lighting. the gas had failed, prophetic of the going out of that brilliant career, and its slow ending in the glimmer of a single candle. chapter xxxiv. finance and desertion. the _pittsburg saturday visiter_ began life with two subscribers, and in the second year reached six thousand, but was always a heavy drain on my income. my domestic duties made it impossible i could give any attention to the business department, and i was glad, at the close of the first year, to transfer a half interest to mr. riddle, who became equal partner and co-editor. at the end of the second year he proposed to buy my interest, unite the _visiter_ with his weekly, and pay me a salary for editing a page. had the proposal been made directly to me, i should have accepted at once, but it was made through my brother-in-law, william swisshelm, who had been clerk and business manager of the _visiter_ for eighteen months. he advised me not to accept; said the paper was netting fifteen hundred a year, and that if i would retain my interest he would purchase mr. riddle's, get type, have all the work done in a separate establishment, and make it a decided success. i was afraid of this arrangement, but was anxious to keep up the paper as a separate publication, and agreed on condition that he would assume the entire financial responsibility, keep my interest at mr. riddle's valuation, and leave me no further risk than my services. if there were profits, we would share them; if none, i got no pay, as usual, but sunk no money. to make the changes he desired, i loaned him money until i had most of my small estate invested, and supposed the paper was prospering until suddenly informed that the sheriff was about to sell it. we transferred it to mr. riddle, with my services two years in advance, to pay the debts, and i wrote for the new york _tribune_, at five dollars a column, to meet my personal expenses, as my income from my property was gone. i forget at what time the _visiter_ was united to the weekly _journal;_ but very soon after the presidential campaign of ' , i learned that my late partner had endorsed several notes which were not likely to be paid by the persons who gave them, and that one of these was already entered as a lien against his interest in the family estate. we had had no settlement, so i went to my lawyer, william m. shinn, who said that the entire interest of my debtor in his father's will was worth less than my claim since his death, without heirs, before his mother transferred his share to the other heirs. he advised me, if possible, to get a deed of that share as the only security for which i could hope. i directed him to prepare it, went immediately to the office, saw my late partner, and told him that if he did not execute that deed, i would sue him for a settlement before i left the city. he did, and i took it home early in the afternoon. in march ' , i resigned my place on the _family journal and visiter_, feeling that my public work was over, and that no life save one of absolute solitude was possible for me. i had lived over twenty years without the legal right to be alone one hour--to have the exclusive use of one foot of space--to receive an unopened letter, or to preserve a line of manuscript "from sharp and sly inspection." in the latter half of the nineteenth century, a pennsylvania court decided that a husband had a right to open and read any communication addressed to his wife. living as i did, under this law i had burned the private journal kept in girlhood, and the letters received from my brother, mother, sister and other friends, to preserve their contents from the comments of the farm laborers and female help, who, by common custom, must eat at our table and take part in our conversation. at the office i had received, read and burned, without answer, letters from some of the most prominent men and women of the era; letters which would be valuable history to-day; have, therefore, no private papers, and write this history, except a few public dates, entirely from memory. into the mists some rays of light penetrated, and by them i saw that the marriage contract by which i was bound, was that one which i had made and which secured my liberty of conscience and voice in choosing a home. the fraud by which church, and state substituted that bond made for saxon swine-herds, who ate boar's heads, lived in unchinked houses and wore brass collars, in the days when alfred the great was king, was such as would vitiate any other contract, and must annul even that of marriage; but, granting that it was binding, it must bind both parties, and had been broken by the party of the other part through failure to comply with its requirements. our marriage had been a mistake, productive of mutual injury; but for one, it was not too late to repair the wrong. he, a man in the prime of life, with unspotted reputation, living without labor, on the income of a patrimonial estate, to which he had made large additions, could easily find a help-mate for him; one who could pad matrimonial fetters with those devices by which husbands are managed. my desertion would leave him free to make a new choice, and i could more easily earn a living alone. the much-coveted and long-delayed birth of a living child appeared to have barred my appeal to this last resort, but the mother's right to the custody of her infant is one i would defend to the taking of life. my husband would consent to no separation, and we had a struggle for my separate, personal property or its equivalent; a struggle in which wm. m. shinn was my lawyer, and judge mellon his, and in which i secured my piano by replevin, dr. john scott being my bondsman, and learned that i might not call a porter into the house to remove my trunk. i therefore got my clothing, some books, china and bedding by stealth, and the assistance of half a dozen families of neighbors. a test suit as to my right to support was decided in , and in it a judge in my native city, charged the jury that: "if a wife have no dress and her husband refuse to provide one, she may purchase one--a plain dress--not silk, or lace, or any extravagance; if she have no shoes, she may get a pair; if she be sick and he refuse to employ a physician, she may send for one, and get the medicine he may prescribe; and for these necessaries the husband is liable, but here his liability ceases." the suit was about goods i had purchased by my lawyer's advice--two black silk dresses, a thirty dollar shawl, a dozen pairs black kid gloves, stockings, flannel, linen, half dozen yards white brussels lace, any one of which would have outlawed the bill, even if i had gone in an eden costume to make the purchase; but being clothed when i made my appearance at the counter, the merchant could not plead that i "had no dress," and lost his case. in a subsequent suit carried up to the supreme court and decided in ' , it was proved that my husband had forbidden our merchant to credit me on his account, and the merchant's books presented in court showed that for twelve years he had kept two separate accounts, one against my husband and one against me. on his were charged clothing for himself, mother, brothers and employes, common groceries, etc.; while on mine were entered all my clothing, all high-priced tea, white sugar, etc., all tableware, fine cutlery, table linen, bedding, curtains and towels; on his were, credits for farm products; on mine, only cash; and he was credited with butter and eggs on the same day that i was charged with bed-ticking and towels. my personal expenses from nov. , ' , the date of our marriage, until nov. , ' , twenty years, averaged less than fifty dollars a year. all my husband's labor for all his life, and mine for twenty years, with a large part of my separate property, had gone to swell his mother's estate, on the proceeds of which she kept her carriage and servants until she died, aged ninety-four, while i earned a living for myself and his only child. i left pittsburg with my baby about the th of may, ' , and went by boat to st. paul. before leaving, i went to settle with mr. riddle and say goodbye, and found him much troubled. he said: "why is it i have known nothing of all this? i did not dream there was anything wrong in your domestic relations, and may have been selfish and inconsiderate." my husband, mine no more, came upon the boat while she lay at the wharf, held baby on his knee and wept over her; when the last bell rang, he bade me good-bye; carried her to the gangway, held her to the last moment, then placed her in my arms, sprang ashore and hurried up the wharf. he would, i think, have carried her off, but that he knew she would break his heart crying for mother before i could get to her. he had once taken her away in a fit of anger and walked the floor with her most of the night, seriously alarmed for her life, and could not venture on that experiment again. he loved her most tenderly, and his love was as tenderly returned. since, as a duty to her, i was careful to teach her to "honor thy father" on earth as well as in heaven. had he and i gone into the pine woods, as he proposed, upon marriage; had we been married under an equitable law or had he emigrated to minnesota, as he proposed, before i thought of going, there would have been no separation; but after fifteen years in his mother's house i must run away or die, and leave my child to a step-mother. so i ran away. he thought i would return; enlarged and improved the house, wrote and waited for us; could make no deed without my signature; i would sign none, and after three years he got a divorce for desertion. in ' he married again, and i having, voluntarily, assumed the legal guilt of breaking my marriage contract, do cheerfully accept the legal penalty--a life of celibacy--bringing no charge against him who was my husband, save that he was not much better than the average man. knew his rights, and knowing sought to maintain them against me; while, in some respects, he was to me incalculably more than just. years after i left him, he said to our neighbor, miss hawkins, when speaking of me: "i believe she is the best woman god ever made, and we would have had no trouble but for her friends." my sister had removed with her husband to st. cloud, minnesota, and through him i had secured forty acres of land on the shore of one of a nest of lovely lakes, lying on the east side of the mississippi, twelve miles from st. cloud. on this little farm i would build a cabin of tamarac logs, with the bark on and the ends sticking out at the corners criss-cross. my cabin would have one room and a loft, each with a floor of broad rough boards well jointed, and a ladder to go from one to the other. it would have an open fire-place, a rough flag hearth, and a rustic porch, draped with hop vines and wild roses. i would have a boat, catch fish and raise poultry. no sound of strife should ever come into my cabin but those of waves, winds, birds and insects. ah, what a paradise it would be! i had not yet learned that every human soul is a shunamite, "a company of two armies," and wherever there is one, there is strife. to live is to contend, and life is finished when contentions end. at st. paul i took a stage, and night came on when we were still twenty miles from st. cloud. the wolves stood and looked at the stage, and i knew they were between me and my hermitage; but they were only prairie wolves, and all day my cabin had been growing more and more beautiful. the lakes, the flowers, the level prairies and distant knolls, but most of all the oak openings were enchanting, and in one of these my cabin would stand. the passengers talked politics and i talked too, and one man said to me: "did you say you were going to st. cloud? "yes." "well, i tell you, madam, them sentiments of yours won't go down there. gen. lowrie don't allow no abolition in these parts and he lives in st. cloud." i had had many surprises, but few to equal this; had heard of gen. lowrie as a man of immense wealth and influence, but no one had hinted at this view of his character. i had thought of him as the friend of my friends; but as the other passengers were confirming this account and i watching the wolves, there flashed across my mind the thought: "this is a broad country; but if this be true, there is not room in it for gen. lowrie and me." chapter xxxv. my hermitage. it was midnight before we reached east st. cloud, and the ferry-boat had stopped running, so that it was a bright morning the th of june when i found myself in half a dozen pairs of loving arms. in a few days we made an excursion to the site of my cabin. it was more beautiful than i had thought. on the opposite side of the lake lived captain briggs, with a head full of sea-stories, and a new england wife. my hermitage would be greatly improved by such neighbors only one mile distant, and as the captain had lately killed two large bears between his house and the site of mine, there would soon be no more bears. but i must have the loft of my cabin large enough for several beds, as the children insisted on spending their summers with me. brother harry bespoke a second room, for he would want a place to stay all night when out hunting with his friends, and my hermitage began to grow into a hotel. i had commenced arrangements with workmen, when harry said to me: "sis, elizabeth and i have talked this matter over, and if you persist, we will take out a writ of lunacy. there is not a man in this territory who would not say on oath, that you are insane to think of going where the bears would eat you if the indians did not kill you. the troops are ordered away from the forts; you'll get frontier life enough with us, for we are going to have music with the indians." next day the troops from fort ripley marched past, on their way to kansas, to put down the free state party. bleeding kansas was called on for more blood, and united states soldiers were to sacrifice the friends of freedom on the altar of slavery. the people of minnesota were left without protection from savages, that the people of kansas might be given over to the tender mercies of men no less barbarous than the sioux. i had run away from the irrepressible conflict, feeling that my work was done; had fled to the great northwest--forever consecrated to freedom by solemn act and deed of the nation--thinking i should see no more of our national curse, when here it confronted me as it had never done before. my cabin perished in a night, like jonah's gourd--perished that liberty might be crushed in kansas; for without a garrison at fort ripley, my project was utterly insane. chapter xxxvi. the minnesota dictator. every day, from my arrival in st. cloud, evidence had been accumulating of the truth of that stage-whisper about gen. lowrie, who lived in a semi-barbaric splendor, in an imposing house on the bank of the mississippi, where he kept slaves, bringing them from and returning them to his tennessee estate, at his convenience, and no man saying him nay. he owned immense tracts of land; had and disposed of all the government contracts he pleased; traveled over europe with his salaried physician; said to this man "go," and he went, to that "come," and he came, and to a third "do this," and it was done. but of all his commands "go" was most potent; for, as president of a claim club, his orders to pre-emptors were enforced by judge lynch. he never condescended to go to congress, but sent an agent; furnished all the democratic votes that could possibly be wanted in any emergency, and nobody wondered when a good list came from a precinct in which no one lived. republicans on their arrival in his dominion, were converted to the democratic faith, fast as sinners to christianity in a maffitt meeting, and those on whom the spirit fell not, kept very quiet. people had gone there to make homes, not to fight the southern tiger, and any attempt against such overwhelming odds seemed madness, for lowrie's dominion was largely legitimate. he was one of those who are born to command--of splendid physique and dignified bearing, superior intellect and mesmeric fascination. his natural advantages had been increased by a liberal education; he had been brought up among slaves, lived among indians as agent and interpreter, felt his own superiority, and asserted it with the full force of honest conviction. on all hands he was spoken of as dictator, and there was both love and respect mingled with the fear by which he governed. his father was a presbyterian minister, who taught that slavery was divine, and both were generous and lenient masters. he was the embodiment of the slave power. all its brute force, pious pretenses, plausibility, chivalry, all the good and bad of the southern character; all the weapons of the army of despotism were concentrated in this man, the friend of my friends, the man who stood ready to set me on the pinnacle of social distinction by his recognition. across the body of the prostrate slave lay the road to wealth, and many good men had shut their eyes and stepped over. the territorial government under buchanan was a mere tool of slavery. every federal officer was a southerner, or a northern man with southern principles. government gold flowed freely in that channel, and to the eagles gen. lowrie had but to say, as to his other servants, "come," and they flew into his exchequer. so thoroughly was minnesota under the feet of slavery, that in september, ' --after we thought the state redeemed--the house of william d. babbitt, in minneapolis, was surrounded from midnight until morning by a howling mob, stoning it, firing guns and pistols, attempting to force doors and windows, and only prevented gaining entrance by the solidity of the building and the bravery of its defense. it was thus besieged because its owner and occupant had dared interfere to execute the common law in favor of freedom. minneapolis and its twin-city st. anthony each had a large first-class hotel, to which southern people resorted in summer, bringing their slaves, holding them often for months, and taking them back to the south, no one daring to make objection; until one woman, eliza winston, appealed to mr. babbitt, who took her into court, where judge vanderbilt decreed her freedom, on the ground that her claimant had forfeited his title by bringing her into a free state. at the rendering of this decree, rev. knickerbocker, rector of the only protestant episcopal church in the city, arose in open court, and charged the judge with giving an unrighteous judgment. he condemned the law as at war with scripture and the rights of the master, and its enforcement as injurious to the best interests of the community. it was the old story of demetrius; and the people, already keenly alive to the profit of boarding southern families with their servants, were glad to have a mantle of piety thrown over their love of gain. the court room was packed, and under the eloquent appeal of the reverend gentleman, it soon became evident the populace would make a rush, take the woman out of the hands of the law, and deliver her to the master. she and her friends had about lost hope, when an unlooked for diversion called attention from them. the red head of "bill king," afterwards post-master of the u.s. house of representatives, arose, like the burning bush at the foot of mount horeb, and his stentorian voice poured forth such a torrent of denunciation on priest-craft, such a flood of solid swearing against the insolence and tyranny of ecclesiasticism, that people were surprised into inactivity, until mr. babbitt got the woman in his carriage and drove off with her. there could no longer be a question of her legal right to her own body and soul; but her friends knew that the law of freedom had lain too long dormant to be enforced now without further serious opposition, and mr. babbitt brought into use his old training on the underground railroad to throw the blood-hounds off the scent, so secreted the woman in the house of prof. stone, and prepared his own strong residence to bear a siege. for that siege preparations were made by the clerical party during the afternoon and evening, without any effort at concealment, and to brute force the besieging party added brute cunning. it was known that in my lecturing tours, i was often mr. babbitt's guest, and might arrive at any hour. so, shortly after midnight, the doorbell was rung, when mr. babbitt inquired: "who is there?" "mrs. swisshelm.' "it is not mrs. swisshelm's voice?" "william griffin (a colored porter) is with her." "it is not william griffin's voice." then, for the first time, there were signs of a multitude on the porch, and with an oath the speaker replied: "we want that slave." "you cannot have her." a rush was made to burst in the door, but it was of solid walnut and would not yield, when the assailants brought fenceposts to batter it in, and were driven back by a shot from a revolver in the hall. the mob retired to a safer distance, and the leader--mine host of a first-class hotel--mounted the carriage-block and harangued his followers on the sacred duty of securing the financial prosperity of the two cities by restoring eliza winston to her owners, and made this distinct declaration of principles: "i came to this state with five thousand dollars; have but five hundred left, but will spend the last cent to see 'bill' babbitt's heart's blood." after which heroic utterance a fresh volley of stones and shots were fired, and fresh rush made for doors and windows. the sidelights of the front door had been shattered, and one burly ruffian thrust himself halfway in, but stuck, when a defender leveled a revolver at his head, and said to mrs. babbitt, who was then in command of the hall, while her husband defended the parlor windows: "shall i shoot him?" "yes, shoot him like a dog." but mrs. edward messer, her sister, who knew mr. babbitt's dread of taking life, knocked the pistol up and struck the ruffian's head with a stick, when it was withdrawn, and again the mob fell back and resorted to stones and sticks and oaths and howlings and gunshots, and threats of firing the house. mrs. babbitt thought that personal appeals might bring citizens to the rescue, and in an interval of black darkness between lightning flashes, escaped through a back cellar way, and had almost reached the shelter of a cornfield adjoining the garden, when the lightning revealed her and three men started in pursuit. it was two months before the birth of one of her children, and mr. elliott, a neighbor who was hastening to the rescue, saw her danger and ran to engage her pursuers. stumbling through the corn, he encountered one and cudgeled him, but all were separated by the darkness. mrs. babbitt, however, succeeded in reaching the more thickly settled portion of the city, and the first man she called upon for help, replied: "you have made your bed--lie in it!" the sheriff came, with two or three men, and talked to the mob, which dispersed before daylight, with open threats to "have babbitt's heart's blood," and for months his family lived in momentary apprehension of his murder. for months he was hooted at in the streets of minneapolis as "nigger thief," and called "eliza." no arrests were made, and he has always felt it fortunate that mrs. messer prevented the shooting of the man in the side-light, as he thinks to this day that in the state of public sentiment, the man firing the shot would have been hanged for murder by any hennepin county jury, and his home razed to the ground or burned. eliza winston was sent by underground railroad to canada, because minnesota, in the year of grace, , could not or would not defend the freedom of one declared free by decision of her own courts. when such events were actual facts in ' , near the center of the state, under a republican administration, what was the condition of public sentiment in the northern portion of the territory in ' , when there was scarce a pretense of law or order, and the southern democracy held absolute sway? i soon understood the situation; had known for years that the southern threats, which northern men laughed at as "tin kettle thunder," were the desperate utterances of lawless men, in firm alliance with the "hierarchy of rome for the overthrow of this republic." chapter xxxvii. another visiter. george brott was proprietor of lower st. cloud and had started a paper, _the advertiser_, to invite immigration. there were two practical printers in town, both property-owners, both interested in its growth, and when the resources of _the advertiser_ had been consumed and they had had union rates for work done on it, they fell back on their dignity and did nothing. they had enlisted in the wrong army, did not belong with this band of pioneers, making its way against savage beasts and men. they were soldiers of a union whose interests were all opposed to those of st. cloud, so they were looking on, waiting to see if the great need of a paper would not compel their neighbors to pay tribute to their union. mr. brott asked me if i would take charge of a paper and take town lots for a salary. i told him i was an abolitionist. he laughed, and said: "a lady has a right to be of whatever politics she pleases," and went on to say, that if i could recommend minnesota to emigrants, and st. cloud as a town site, he cared nothing for my opinions on other points. he thought we might unite all the town proprietors, and so raise money to pay the printers, so i wrote to each one, asking his support to the st. cloud _visiter_, as an advertising medium. all, save gen. lowrie, were prompt in making favorable response; but from him i had not heard, when there had been three issues of the paper. mr. brott was in the office, and i said: "there is one thing more. i feel that some day i will attack gen. lowrie, who is your friend. he will set shepley on me; i will make short work of him. then we will have a general melee, and i will clear out that clique. shepley is your lawyer, and i do not want to use your press in that way without your consent." while i spoke, his jaw dropped and he sat staring at me in literal open-mouthed wonder, then threw back his head, laughed heartily and said: "oh, go ahead! i bake no bread in any of their ovens!" very soon i had a letter from gen. lowrie, saying: "i myself will give the st. cloud _visiter_ a support second to that of no paper in the territory, if it will support buchanan's administration. otherwise i can do nothing." i had not finished reading, when the thought came: "now i have you." yet still i knew it looked like, ah, very like a man catching a whale with a fish hook secured to his own person, when there were a hundred chances to one that the whale had caught him. i replied that the st. cloud _visiter_ would support mr. buchanan's administration, since it could not live without gen. lowrie's assistance, and such was his ultimatum. on the second day after that contract was made, brother harry came, all trembling with rage, and said: "lowrie is telling all over town that he has bought you, and that the _visiter_ is to support buchanan!" "it is true," was the astounding answer, when he said bad words, rushed from the room and slammed the door. then followed ten days, the only ones since he became my brother when he would not call me "sis." elizabeth said: "i would have seen lowrie and his money in the bottom of the sea, first! what would mother say?" the next issue of the _visiter_ made no allusion to its change of base, and there was plenty of time to discuss the question. those who knew my record refused to believe i had sold out, and took bets on it. however, the next number contained an editorial which relieved the minds of friends, but which created the gravest apprehension. it stated that the _visiter_ would, in future, support buchanan's administration, and went on to state the objects of that administration as being the entire subversion of freedom and the planting of slavery in every state and territory, so that toombs could realize his boast, and call the roll of his slaves at the foot of bunker hill. it reminded its readers that john randolph had said in the united states senate when speaking to northern men: "we have driven you to the wall, and will drive you there again, and next time we will keep you there and nail you to the counter like base money." mr. buchanan, a northern man, had fulfilled the prediction. henry clay had said that northern workingmen were "mudsills, greasy mechanics and small-fisted farmers." these mudsills had been talking of voting themselves farms; but it would be much more appropriate if they would vote themselves masters. southern laborers were blessed with kind masters, and mr. buchanan and the st. cloud _visiter_ were most anxious that northern laborers should be equally well provided for. when the paper was read, there was a cry of "sold! sold! lowrie had sold himself instead of buying the _visiter_." at first there was a laugh, then a dead stillness of dread, and men looked at me as one doomed. chapter xxxviii. border ruffianism. in lowrie's first ebulition of wrath, he vowed vengeance, but an intimate friend of his, who had been a democrat in pittsburg, begged him to do nothing and said: "let her alone, for god's sake! let her alone, or she will kill you. i know her, and you do not. she has killed every man she ever touched. let her alone!" but lowrie knew it was too late for letting alone, and sent me a verbal message, by one he knew i would believe, that i must stop or the consequences would be fatal. stopping was no part of my plan, and so i told his messenger. the second number of buchanan's organ explained how it was that i became a supporter of a policy i had so long opposed. gen. lowrie owned northern minnesota, land and inhabitants, bought folks up as fast as they came to it, and had bought me. he was going to support the _visiter_ great power and glory, if it gave satisfaction as a democratic organ. i would work hard for the money, and it would be odd if any one gave mr. buchanan a more enthusiastic support than i. indeed, i was his only honest supporter. all the others pretended he was going to do something quite foreign to his purpose, while i was in his confidence. the one sole object of his administration was the perpetuation and spread of slavery, and this object the _visiter_ would support with the best arguments in its power. this was vitriol dressing on a raw wound, and the suppression of the _visiter_ was expected by judge lynch. brave men held their breath to see me beard the lion in his den, not knowing my armor as i did. then came an announcement with a great flourish of trumpets of a lecture on "woman," by the hon. shepley, the great legal light and democratic orator of minnesota. the lecture was delivered in due time to a densely packed house, and was as insulting as possible. the lecture divided women into four classes--coquettes, flirts, totally depraved, and strong-minded. he painted each class and found some redeeming trait in all save the last. the speaker might as well have named me as the object of his attack, and his charges thus publicly made were not to be misunderstood. at every point there were rounds and shouts of applause by clacquers, and brother harry once rose in a towering rage, but i dragged him down and begged him to keep quiet. in my review of the lecture, i praised it, commended its eloquence and points, but suggested that the learned gentleman had not included all women in his classification. for instance, he had left out the frontier belle who sat up all night playing cards with gentlemen; could beat any man at a game of poker, and laugh loud enough to be heard above the roaring of a river. in this i struck at gambling as a social amusement, which was then rapidly coming into fashion in our little city, and which to me was new and alarming. mr. shepley pretended to think that the picture resembled his wife, and this idea was seized upon as drowning men catch at straws. behind this they sought to conceal the whole significance of the quarrel. gen. lowrie cared not for my attacks on himself. oh, no, indeed! he was suddenly seized by a fit of chivalry, and would defend to the death, a lady whom he had never seen. an effort was made to dispose of me by mob, as a means of clearing the moral atmosphere of the city. it was being discussed in a grocery while "tom" alden lay on the counter. he rose, brought down his big fist, and with a preface of oaths, said: "now, boys, i tell you what it is. we're democrats. this is a fight between her and lowrie, and we're going to see fair play. if she licks him, let him take it. no woman is going to be mobbed in this city! so there!" gen. lowrie hid an uncle who lived with him, a very eccentric, single-minded man, who was greatly distressed about the affair, and who became a messenger bent on making peace. he begged me to desist for lowrie's sake, that i might not drive him to cover himself with shame, and bring lasting regret. he insisted that i knew nothing of the dangers which environed me; i would be secretly murdered, with personal indignities; would be tied to a log and set afloat on the mississippi. i had no wish to court danger--shrank from the thought of brute force; but if i let this man escape, his power, now tottering, would be re-established; slavery triumphant in the great northwest; minnesota confirmed a democratic strong-hold, sending delegates of dough-faces to congress to aid in the great conspiracy against the nation's life. so i told the messenger that i would continue to support buchanan's administration, that i would pile my support upon it until it broke down under the weight and sunk into everlasting infamy. the night after i had sent this, as my final answer to the offer of leniency, the _visiter_ was visited by three men in the "wee sma' hours, anent the twal," the press broken, some of the type thrown into the river, some scattered on the road, and this note left on the table: "if you ever again attempt to publish a paper in st. cloud, you yourself will be as summarily dealt with as your office has been.----vigilance." the morning brought intense excitement and the hush of a great fear. men walked down to the bank of the great mississippi, looked at the little wrecked office standing amid the old primeval forest, as if it were a great battle-ground, and the poor little type were the bodies of the valiant dead. they only spoke in whispers, and stood as if in expectation of some great event, until judge gregory arrived, and said, calmly: "gentlemen, this is an outrage which must be resented. the freedom of the press must be established if we do not want our city to become the center of a gang of rowdies who will drive all decent people away and cut off immigration. i move that we call a public meeting at the stearns house this evening, to express the sentiments of the people at st. cloud." this motion was carried unanimously, but very quietly, and i said: "gentlemen, i will attend that meeting and give a history of this affair." chapter xxxix. speak in public. at length the time had come when i could no longer skulk behind a printing press. that bulwark had been torn down, and now i must literally open my mouth for the dumb, or be one of those dogs spoken of in scripture who would not bark. the resolve to speak at that meeting had come in an instant as a command not to be questioned, and i began to prepare. james mckelvey, a lawyer, and nephew of my husband, drew my will and i executed it, settled my business and wrote a statement of the _visiter_ trouble that it might live if i ceased to do so, then went to bed, sent for miles brown to come to my room, and saw him alone. he was a pennsylvanian, who had the reputation of being a dead shot, and had a pair of fine revolvers. he pledged himself solemnly to go with me and keep near me, and shoot me square through the brain, if there was no other way of preventing me falling alive into the hands of the mob. my mind was then at ease, and i slept until my mail was brought. in it was a letter from william m. shinn, saying that without his knowledge, my husband had succeeded in having my one-third interest in the swissvale estate sold at sheriff's sale, and had become the purchaser. mr. shinn added his opinion that the sale was fraudulent, and proposed entering suit to have it set aside; but i could attend to no suit and lost all hope of saving anything from my separate estate. surely the hand of the lord lay heavily upon me that day, but i never doubted that it was his hand. the good shepherd would lead me and feed me and i should know no want. when it was time to go to the meeting, i was dressed by other hands than my own. i knew harry and my brother-in-law, henry swisshelm, had organized for defense, and asked no questions, but went with them. elizabeth carried her camphor bottle as coolly as if mobs and public meetings were things of every day life, while mrs. hyke, a new england woman, held my arm, saying: "we'll have a nice time in the river together, for i am going in with you. they can't separate us." as we approached the stearns house, the crowd thickened and pressed upon us. harry stopped and said: "gentlemen, stand back, if you please!" the guard closed around me, every man with his hand on his revolver. there were oaths and growls, but the mob gave way, and made no further opposition to our entrance. the meeting was called to order by thomas stearns, the owner of the house and for whom the county had been named, who with his brave wife had made every possible arrangement for the meeting. the large parlors were packed with women, and every other foot of space downstairs and even up, were filled with men, while around the house was a crowd. it was a wonder where all the people could have come from. a rostrum had been erected at the end of the parlor next the hall, but i had no sooner taken it than there was an ominous murmur outside, and it was discovered that my head made a tempting target for a shot through the front door, so the rostrum was moved out of range. there was not much excitement until i named gen. lowrie and two other men as the persons who had destroyed the _visiter_ office. then there was a perfect howl of oaths and cat-calls. gen. lowrie was on the ground himself, loading his forces outside. a rush was made, stones hurled against the house, pistols fired, and every woman sprang to her feet, but it was to hear and see, not shriek. harry held the doorway into the hall; henry that into the dining room. brown had joined harry, and i said in a low, concentrated voice: "brown." he turned and pressed up to the rostrum. "don't fail me! don't leave me! remember!" "i remember! don't be afraid! i'll do it! but i'm going to do some other shooting first." "save two bullets for me!" i plead, "and shoot so that i can see you." "i will, i will," but all the time he was looking to the door; mrs. hyke was clinging to me sobbing: "we'll go together; no one can part us." the mob were pressed back and comparative quiet restored, and when i finished the reading of my address i began to extemporize. what i said seemed to be the right words at the right time. a hushed attention fell upon the audience, inside and out. then there was applause inside, which called forth howls from the outside, and when i stepped from the platform, i was overwhelmed with congratulations, and more astonished than any one, to learn that i could speak in public. t.h. barrett, a young civil engineer, was chairman of the committee on resolutions, and brought in a set which thrilled the audience. they were a most indignant denunciation of the destruction of the office, an enthusiastic endorsement of the course of the _visiter_, and a determination to re-establish it, under the sole control of its editor. they were passed singly by acclamation until the last, when i protested that they should take time to think--should consider if it were not better to get another editor. there could be no peace with me in the editorial chair, for i was an abolitionist and would light slavery and woman-whippers to the death, and after it. there was a universal response of "good! good! give it to 'em, and we'll stand by you." this was the beginning of the final triumph of free speech, but the end was yet in the dim distance, and this i knew then as well as afterwards. t.h. barrett, who carried that meeting, is the man who fought the last battle of the rebellion at the head of his negro troops away down in texas, ten days after lee's surrender, and before that news had reached him, brown was charged with cowardice, in having kept back among the women, and i had to explain on his account. chapter xl. a famous victory. the day after the stearns house meeting, i was thought to be dying. all that medical skill and loving hands could do was done to draw me from the dark valley into which i seemed to have passed; while those men who had planted themselves and their rifles between me and death by violence, came on tip-toe to know if i yet lived. when i was able to be out it was not thought safe for me to do so--not even to cross the street and sit on the high green bank which overlooked the river. harry was constantly armed and on guard, and a pistol shot from his house, night or day, would have brought a score of armed men in a very short time. a printing company had been formed to re-establish the _visiter_. in it were forty good men and true, and they sent an agent to chicago to buy press and type. the st. cloud _visiter_ was to begin a new life as the mouthpiece of the republican party, and i was no longer a scout, conducting a war on the only rational plan of indian warfare. i begged my friends to stand abide and leave lowrie and me to settle the trouble, saying to them: "i cannot fight behind ramparts of friends. i must take the risks myself, must have an open field. protect me from brute force and give me moral aid, but stand aside." but they were full of enthusiasm, and would bear the brunt of battle. there were open threats of the destruction of the new press, and it was no time to quit the field. of the first number of the resurrected _visiter_, the st. cloud printing co. was publisher, and i sole editor. i prepared the contents very carefully, that they might not give unnecessary offense, dropped the role of supporting buchanan, and tried to make a strong republican paper of the abolition type, and in the leader gave a history of the destruction of my office. the paper gave great satisfaction to the publishers, who had not thought i could be so calm; but lowrie threatened a libel suit for my history of that outrage, and i said to the printing company: "you must get out of my way or i will withdraw." at once they gave me a bill of sale for the press and material, and of the second number i was sole editor and proprietor, but it was too late. the libel suit was brought, damages laid at $ , , and every lawyer in that upper country retained for the prosecution. this was in the spring of ' . the two years previous the country had been devastated by grasshoppers, and no green thing had escaped. there was no old grain, the mass of people had been speculating in town lots, and such had been the demand for city charters, that a wag moved in legislature to reserve one-tenth of the land of minnesota for agricultural purposes. the territorial had just been exchanged for a state government, which was not yet in working order. the capital of every man in the printing company was buried in corner lots, or lots which were not on a corner. the wolves and bears cared nothing for surveyor's stakes, and held possession of most of the cities, howling defiance at the march of civilization. the troops were still in kansas establishing slavery, and we lived in a constant state of alarm. the men were organized for defense against indians, and must do picket duty. all the money was in the hands of the enemy. citizens had everything to buy and nothing to buy it with. provisions were brought up from st. paul by wagon, except when a boat could come from st. anthony. those men of the company who were especially marked, were men of families, and it is hard to starve children for the freedom of the press. the nearest court was st. anthony. any defense of that suit must be ruinous to those men, and i advised them to compromise. a committee was appointed to meet six lawyers, and were in despair when they learned the ultimatum of the great dictator. with the terms demanded, they had no inclination to comply, but sent j. fowler to me with the contract they were required to sign. this bound the company in a bond of $ , actual payment, that the _st. cloud visiter_ should publish in its columns a card from mr. shepley, of which a copy was appended, and which stated that the destruction of the office was not for any political cause, but was solely on account of an attack made by its editor on the reputation of a lady. also, that said _visiter_ should never again discuss or refer to the destruction of its office. fowler burned with indignation, and was much surprised when i returned the paper, saying that i would comply with these demands. he protested that i should not--that they had set out to defend the freedom of the press. "which you cannot do," i remarked. "you sign that paper just as you would hand your money to a robber who held a pistol to your head and demanded it. there is a point at which the bravest must yield, where resistance is madness, and you have reached this point. the press is mine, leave its freedom to me. defend me from brute force and do your duty to your families." he returned to the consultation room, where every one was surprised at my compliance. they had all given me credit for more pluck, but since i surrendered, the case was lost. the contract was signed, the bond executed, and everything made tight and fast as law could make it. the friends of free press were indignant, but bided their time. stephen miller, a nephew of my mother-in-law, and afterwards governor of minnesota, was on a visit to harrisburg during all this trouble, and when he returned, he flew into a towering rage over what he termed the cowardly backdown of the printing company, and published a card in the st. paul papers, washing his hands of it. but to the victors belong the spoils and glory, and now they made much of them. ladies got out their silks, their jewels and their laces. there were sounds of revelry by night, where fair women and gallant men drew around the social board, on which sparkled the wine-cup and glimmered the yellow gold, to be taken up by the winner. champagne was drunk in honor of the famous victory, hands were shaken over it, stray sheep were brought back into the true democratic fold, and late opinions about presses and types were forgotten. though, among all the rejoicings, the bar had the best of it. for once its members had not been like the blades of a pair of scissors; had not even seemed to cut each other, while only cutting that which came between. for once its members were a band of brothers, concentrated into one sharp, keen dagger, with which they had stabbed freedom to the heart. that triumphant bar stroked its bearded chin, and parted its silky mustache; hem'd its wisest hem; haw'd its most impressive haw. "if gen. lowrie had ah, but ah, taken legal advice ah, in the first instance ah, all would have been well ah!" they were the generals who had won this famous victory, and wore their laurels with a jaunty air, while a learned and distinguished divine from the center of the state, in a sermon, congratulated the lord on having succeeded in "restoring peace to this community, lately torn by dissensions,"--and all was quiet on the mississippi. on its bank sat poor little i, looking out on its solemn march to the sea, thinking of minnesota; sending a wail upon its bosom to meet and mingle with that borne by the missouri from kansas; thinking of a sad-faced slave, who landed with her babe in her arms here, just in front of my unfinished loft, performed the labor of a slave in this free northern land, and embarked from this same landing to go to a tennessee auction block, nobody saying to the master, "why do ye this?" against the power which thus trampled constitutional guarantees, congressional enactments and state rights in the dust, i seemed to stand alone, with my hands tied--stood in a body weighing just one hundred pounds, and kept in it by the most assiduous care. i was learning to set type, and as i picked the bits of lead from the labeled boxes, there ran the old tune of st. thomas, carrying through my brain these words: "yea, though i walk in death's dark vale, yet will i fear none ill." why did the heathen rage and kings vex themselves? god, even our god, should dash them together like potsherds. what an uneven fight it was--god and i against that little clique--against a world! i rented the office to the boys, who at once gave me notice that i was no longer wanted in it. they issued a half-sheet _visiter_, with "the devil" as editor and proprietor. his salutatory informed his readers, that he was in full possession and was going to have a good time; had taught the _visiter_ to lie, and was going to tunnel the mississippi. those were bright boys, and they had a jolly week. mr. shepley's card appeared, as per agreement, and thus far the terms of release for the printing company complied with, and the contract with the _dictator_ filled. but what next? had i actually given up the publication? of course i had. its finances were desperate, and what else could i do? what motive could i have for attempting to go on with it? oh, what a famous victory. the next publication day passed and no _visiter_. there was a dress parade of triumphant troops, and that most famous victory was bearing fruit. next day the _st. cloud democrat_ made its appearance, and i was sole editor and proprietor. into the first editorial column i copied verbatim, with a prominent heading, the article from the _visiter_ on which the libel suit was founded, and gave notice that i alone was pecuniarily responsible for all the injury that could possibly be done to the characters of all the men who might feel themselves aggrieved thereby. of the late _visiter_ i had an obituary; gave a short sketch of its stormy life; how it was insulted, overborne, enslaved; that it could not live a slave, and died in its new chains. it seems strange that those lawyers should have been so stupid, or should have accredited me with such amazing stupidity when they drew up that bond; but so it was, and the tables were completely turned. to sue me for libel was folly, for in st. paul or st. anthony i should have had the gratuitous services of the best legal talent in the state, and they and their case would have been ground into very small and dirty dust. no famous victory was ever before turned into a more total rout by a more simple ambush, and by it i won the clear field necessary to the continuance of my work. i still had protection from physical violence, but had no fear of legal molestation, and after the next fall election, border ruffianism fell into such disrepute in st. cloud that loaded guns seemed no longer necessary to sustain the freedom of the press. chapter xli. state and national politics. when _the st. cloud democrat_ began its career as the organ of the republican party in northern minnesota, the central and southern portions of the state were fairly supplied with republican papers, the conductors all being more or less skillful in the art of plowing and sowing the political field; but with no very bright prospect of harvesting a victory. under the lowrie dictatorship of the north, it is difficult to see how the success of a republican could have been made possible, any more than giving the electoral vote of southern republican states to the republican candidate in . to overthrow that dictatorship was the work i had volunteered to do, and in doing it, my plan was to "plow deep," subsoil to the beam. preachers held men accountable to god for their sunday services, but it was my aim to urge the divine claim to obedience, all the rest of the week. i held that election day was of all others, the lord's day. he instituted the first republic. all the training which moses gave the jews was to fit them for self-government, and at his death the choice of their rulers was left with them and they were commanded to "choose men, fearing god and hating covetousness, and set them to rule over you." for no creed, no form of worship, no act of his life, is a man more directly responsible to god, than for casting his vote or the non-fulfillment of that duty. when the nominations were made for the second state election in , gen. lowrie had lost ground so fast that he needed the indorsement of his party. this was given in his nomination for lieut. governor. the republicans nominated ignatius donnelly, a fiery young orator, who took the stump, and was not deterred by any super-refinement from making the most of his opponent's reputation as the stealthy destroyer of a printing office, because he had made a bad bargain in buying its editor. he and the party which had made his methods its own by nominating him, were held up to the most unmerciful ridicule. the canvass seemed to turn on the indorsement or repudiation of border-ruffianism, press-breaking, woman-mobbing. my _personnel_ had then become familiar to the people of the state, and the large man who instituted a mob to suppress a woman of my size, and then failed, was not a suitable leader for american men, even if they were democrats. the death-knell of democratic rule in minnesota was rung in that election. the whole republican state ticket was elected, with gov. ramsey at its head, and he was the first governor to tender troops to president lincoln for the suppression of the rebellion. the result was gratifying, although our own county, stearns, was overwhelmingly democratic, and must remain so, since the great mass of the people were catholics. however, the election of the state ticket was largely due to the personal popularity of gov. ramsey, and this could not be depended upon for a lasting arrangement, so i spent the winter following lecturing through the state, sowing seed for the coming presidential campaign. i never spoke in public during an election excitement, never advocated on the platform the claims of any particular man, but urged general principles. stephen miller was our st. cloud delegate to the chicago convention which nominated mr. lincoln, led the canvass in the state, as the most efficient speaker and was chairman of the electoral college. his prominent position in the border ruffian war added largely to his popularity in the state, and once more that little printing office under the grand old trees was plunged into politics; this time into an election on which hung the destinies of the nation. how that election was carried on in other states i know not, but in minnesota the banner of republicanism and human freedom was borne aloft over a well fought field. there was not much surface work. men struggled for the right against the old despotism of might, and planted their cause on foundations more enduring than minnesota granite itself. yet, even then, the opposition of the garrisonians was most persistent. there was a large anti-slavery element among the original settlers of minnesota, but it was mostly of the garrisonian or non-voting type, and had lain dormant under pro-slavery rule. to utilize this element at the polls was my special desire. the ground occupied by them was the one i had abandoned, _i.e._, the ground made by the covenanters when the constitution first appeared. they pronounced it "a covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and would not vote or hold office under it; would not take an oath to support it. so firmly had garrison planted himself on the old covenanter platform, that it is doubtful whether he labored harder for the overthrow of slavery or political anti-slavery; whether he more fiercely denounced slave-holders or men who voted against slave-holding. once after a "flaming" denunciation of political abolitionists, some one said to him: "mr. garrison, i am surprised at the ground you take! do you not think james g. birney and gerrit smith are anti-slavery?" he hesitated, and replied: "they have anti-slavery tendencies, i admit." now, james g. birney, when a young man, fell heir to the third of an alabama estate, and arranged with the other heirs to take the slaves as his portion. he took them all into a free state, emancipated them, and left himself without a dollar, but went to work and became the leader of political abolitionists, while gerrit smith devoted his splendid talents and immense wealth to the cause of the slave. when their mode of action was so reprehensible to mr. garrison, we may judge the strength of his opposition to that plan of action which resulted in the overthrow of slavery. his non-resistance covered ballots as well as bullets, and slavery, the creation of brute force and ballots, must not be attacked by any weapon, save moral suasion. so it was, that garrisonianism, off the line of the underground railroad, was a rather harmless foe to slavery, and was often used by it to prevent the casting of votes which would endanger its power. from the action of the slave power, it must by that time have been apparent to all, that adverse votes was what it most dreaded; but old-side covenanters, quakers, and garrisonians could not cast these without soiling their hands by touching that bad constitution. but that moral _dilettanteism_, which thinks first of its own hands, was not confined to non-voting abolitionists; for the "thorough goers" of the old liberty party, could not come down from their perch on platforms which embraced all the moralities, to work on one which only said to slavery "not another foot of territory." both these parties attacked me. the one argued that i, of necessity, endorsed slavery every where by recognizing the constitution; the other that i must favor its existence where it then was, by working with the republican party, which was only pledged to prevent its extension. to me, these positions seemed utterly untenable, their arguments preposterous, and i did my best to make this appear. i claimed the constitution as anti-slavery, and taught the duty of overthrowing slavery by and through it, but no argument which i used did half the service of an illustration which came to me: i had a little garden in which the weeds did grow, and little bobbie miller had a little broken hoe. when i went into my garden to cut the weeds away, i took up bobbie's little hoe to help me in the fray. if that little hoe were wanting, i'd take a spoon or fork, or any other implement, but always keep at work. if any one would send me a broader, sharper hoe, i'd use it on those ugly weeds and cut more with one blow; but till i got a better hoe, i'd work away with bobbie's. i'd ride one steady-going nag, and not a dozen hobbies; help any man or boy, or fiend to do what needed doing, and only stop when work came up which done would call for ruing. this conceit struck popular fancy as plain argument could not have done, and the republican party came to be called "robbie miller's hoe "--an imperfect means of reaching a great end, and one that any one might use without becoming responsible for its imperfections. during the heat of that lincoln campaign, galusha a. grow, then speaker of the u.s. house of representatives, came to st. cloud to speak, and found me ill with quinsy; but i went to the meeting. it was held in wilson's hall, which was on the second floor of a frame building, and was so packed that before he began fears were felt lest the floors should give way. but the speaker told the audience that the floor would "hold still" if they did; and any one who felt uneasy had better leave now. no one left, and for two hours and a half he held that packed assembly in close and silent attention. he was very popular on the frontier on account of his homestead bill, yet the hall was surrounded all the time he spoke by a howling democratic mob, who hurled stones against the house, fired guns, shouted and yelled, trying to drown his voice. to make it more interesting and try to draw out the audience, they made a huge bonfire and burned me in effigy as-- "the mother of the republican party." the result of that campaign is known, for in it minnesota was made so thoroughly republican that the party must needs split, in order to got rid of its supremacy. chapter xlii. religious controversies. the _st. cloud democrat_ found in orthodoxy a foe almost as powerful and persistent as slavery itself. in a local controversy about dancing, i recommended that amusement as the only substitute for lascivious plays, and this was eagerly seized upon by those who saw nothing wrong in wholesale concubinage of the south. a fierce attack was made on _the democrat_ by a zealous baptist minister; to which i replied, when it was announced and proclaimed that on a certain sabbath, at a.m., this minister would answer _the democrat_. at the appointed hour the house overflowed, and people crowded around the doors and windows, while gen. lowrie occupied a prominent seat in the audience. it surely was an odd sight to see that preacher mount the stand, carrying an open copy of _the democrat_, lay it down beside the bible, and read verse about from the two documents. the sermon was as odd as the text. it disposed of me by the summary mode of denunciation, but also disposed of david, solomon and miriam at the same time. when i gave the discourse a careful scriptural criticism, i carried the community, and was strengthened by the controversy. but another, more serious and general dispute was at hand. when theodore parker died, the orthodox press from maine to georgia, handed him over to satan to be tormented; and then my reputation for heresy reached its flood-tide. rev. john renwick, one of our covenanter martyrs, was my ideal of a christian, and when he lay in the edinburg prison under sentence of death, his weeping friends begged him to conform and save his life. they said to him: "dinna ye think that we, who ha' conformit may be saved?" "aye, aye. god forbid that i should limit his grace." "an' dinna ye think, ye too could be saved and conform?" "oh, aye aye. the blood of christ cleanseth fra all sin." "weel, what mair do ye want, than the salvation o' yer saul?" "mair, mickle mair! i want to honor my master, and bear witness to the truth." to satisfy this want, he died a felon's death. the central idea of that old hero-making westminster theology was, that man's chief end is to glorify god first, and enjoy him forever when that is done. in all the religious training of my youth, i had never heard the term "seek salvation." we were to seek the privilege of serving god; yet i was willing to be dead-headed into heaven, with the rest of the presbyterians. a protestant episcopal convention had pointedly refused to advise members of that church to respect the marriage relation among their slaves, and so had dimmed the elizabethian glory of a church which once stood for freedom so nobly that the winds and waves became her allies, and crowned her with victory. the general assembly had laid the honor of its martyrs in the dust by endorsing human slavery; and i must be false to every conviction if i did not protest against calling that christianity which held out crowns of glory to man-thieves and their abettors, and everlasting torments to those who had spent their lives glorifying god and bearing witness to the truth. my defense of parker and unwillingness to have all unitarians sent to the other side of the great gulf, won for me a prominent place among those whom the churches pronounced "infidels." but there came a time when "providence" seemed to be on the side of the slave. rev. j. calhoun was a highly-cultured gentleman, a presbyterian clergyman, and one of those urbane men who add force and dignity to any opinion. his wife was gen. lowrie's only sister. he preached gratuitously in st. cloud, and border ruffianism and slavery gained respectability through their connection, when he and his wife made that fatal plunge off the bridge in st. cloud--a plunge which sent a thrill of horror through the land. i accompanied my sympathetic, respectful obituary notice, with the statement that the costly cutter wrecked, and the valuable horse instantly killed, were both purchased with money obtained by the sale of a woman and her child, who had been held as slaves in minnesota, in defiance of her law, and been taken by this popular divine to a tennessee auction block. the accident was entirely owing to the unprecedented and unaccountable behavior of that horse, and people shuddered with a new horror on being reminded of the price which had been paid for him--bodies and souls of two citizens and the honor of that free state. chapter xliii. frontier life. the culture which the pale faces introduced into that land of the dakotas was sometimes curious. the first sermon i heard there was preached in rockville--a town-site on the sauk, twelve miles from its confluence with the mississippi--in a store-room of which the roof was not yet shingled. the only table in the town served as a pulpit; the red blankets from one wagon were converted into cushions for the front pews, which consisted of rough boards laid on trussles. there was only one hymn book, and after reading the hymn, the preacher tendered the book to any one who would lead the singing, but no one volunteered. my scruples about psalms seemed to vanish, so i went forward, took the book, lined out the hymn, and started a tune, which was readily taken up and sung by all present. we were well satisfied with what the day brought us, as we rode home past those wonderful granite rocks which spring up out of the prairie, looking like old hay-ricks in a meadow. there were people in our frontier town who would have graced any society, and with the elasticity of true culture adapted themselves to all circumstances. at my residence, which adjoined the _democrat_ office, i held fortnightly receptions, at which dancing was the amusement, and coffee and sandwiches the refreshments. at one of these, i had the honor to entertain gov. ramsey, lieut.-gov. donnelly, state treas. shaeffer, and a large delegation from st. paul; but not having plates for seventy people, i substituted squares of white printing paper. when gov. ramsey received his, he turned it over, and said: "what am i to do with this?" "that is the ticket you are to vote," was the answer. in our social life there was often a weird mingling of civilization and barbarism. upon one occasion, a concert was given, in which the audience were in full dress, and all evening in the principal streets of st. cloud a lot of chippewas played foot-ball with the heads of some sioux, with whom they had been at war that day. in those days, brains and culture were found in shanties. the leaders of progress did not shrink from association with the rude forces of savages and mother nature. st. cloud was the advance post of that march of civilization by which the northern pacific railroad has since sought to reach the sascatchewan, a territory yet to be made into five wheat-growing states as large as illinois. all the hudson bay goods from europe passed our doors, in wagons or on sleds, under the care of the burbanks, the great mail carriers and express men of minnesota, and once they brought a young lady who had come by express from glasgow, scotland, and been placed under the charge of their agent at new york, and whom they handed over to the officer she had come to marry on the shores of hudson bay. but their teams usually came east with little freight, as the furs sent to europe came down in carts, not one of which had so much iron as a nail in them, and which came in long, creaking trains, drawn by oxen or indian ponies. in each train there was generally one gorgeous equipage--a cart painted blue, with a canvas cover, drawn by one large white ox in raw-hide harness. in this coach of state rode the lady of the train--who was generally a half-breed--on her way to do her shopping in st. paul. once the lady was a full-blooded indian, and had her baby with her, neatly dressed and strapped to a board. a bandage across the forehead held the head in place, and every portion of the body was as secure as board and bandages could make them, except the arms from the elbow down, but no danger of the little fellow sucking his thumb. his lady mamma did not have to hold him, for he was stood up in a corner like a cane or umbrella, and seemed quite comfortable as well as content. she had traveled seven weeks, had come seventeen hundred miles to purchase some dresses and trinkets, and would no doubt be a profitable customer to st. paul merchants, for the lady of the train was a person of wealth and authority, always the wife of the commander-in-chief, and her sentence of death might have been fatal to any man in it. in these trains were always found indians filling positions as useful laborers, for the english government never gave premiums for idleness and vagabondism among indians, by feeding and clothing them without effort on their own part. their dexterity in turning griddle cakes, by shaking the pan and giving it a jerk which sent the cake up into the air and brought it down square into the pan other side up, would have made biddy's head whirl to see. the "gov. ramsey" was the first steamboat which ran above the falls of st. anthony, and in the spring of ' she was steamed and hawsered up the sauk rapids, and ran two hundred miles, until the falls of pokegamy offered insurmountable barriers to further progress. it was thought impossible to get her down again, there was no business for her, and she lay useless until, the next winter, anson northup took out her machinery and drew it across on sleds to the red river of the north, where it was built into the first steamboat which ever ran on that river. before starting on his expedition, mr. northup came to the _democrat_ office to leave an advertisement and ask me to appeal to the public for aid in provisions and feed to be furnished along the route. he was in a buffalo suit, from his ears to his feet, and looked like a bale of furs. on his head he wore a fox skin cap with the nose lying on the two paws of the animal just between his eyes, the tail hanging down between his shoulders. he was a brave, strong man, and carried out his project, which to most people was wild. nothing seemed more important than the cultivation of health for the people, and to this i gave much earnest attention, often expressed in the form of badinage. there were so many young housekeepers that there was much need of teachers. i tried to get the new england women to stop feeding their families on dough--especially hot soda dough--and to substitute well-baked bread as a steady article of diet. in trying to wean them from cake, i told of a time when chaos reigned on earth, long before the days of the mastodons, but even then, new england women were up making cake, and would certainly be found at that business when the last trump sounded. but they bore with my "crotchets" very patiently, and even seemed to enjoy them. chapter xliv. printers. the printer's case used to be one of the highways to editorial and congressional honors; but the little fellows of the craft invented a machine which goes over it like a "header" over a wheat-field and leaves a dead level of stalks, all minus the heads, so that no tall fellows are left to shame them by passing on from the "stick" to the tripod or speaker's mallet. their great union rolling-pin flattens them all out like pie-crust, and tramps are not overshadowed by the superiority of industrious men. but the leveling process makes impassable mountains and gorges in other walks of life--makes it necessary that a publisher with one hundred readers must pay as much for type-setting as he with a hundred thousand. the salary of editors and contributors may vary from nothing to ten thousand a year; but through all mutations of this life, the printer's wages must remain in _statu quo_. so the union kills small papers, prevents competition in the newspaper business, builds up monster establishments, and keeps typos at the case forever and a day. i knew when the _visiter_ started that it could not live and pay for type-setting the same price as paid by the new york _tribune_, and the day the office became mine, i stated that fact to the printers, who took their hats and left. in ' , i had spent some part of every day for two weeks in a composing room, and with the knowledge then acquired, i, in ' started the business of practical printer. i took a proof of my first stick, and lo, it read from right to left. i distributed that, but had to mark the stick that i might remember. the first day i took two boys as apprentices. first, wesley miller, who had spent two months in a harrisburg office, and knew something of the art, but did not like anything about it except working the press. second, my nephew, william b. mitchell, who was thirteen, knew nothing of types, but was a model of patient industry. our magnanimous printers hung around hotels, laughing at the absurdity of this amateur office. we might set type, but when it came to making and locking up a form, ha, ha, wouldn't there be sport? that handsome new type would all be a mess of pi, then somebody would be obliged to come to their terms or st. cloud would be without a paper. it was their great opportunity to display their interest in the general welfare, and they embraced it to the full; but of the little i had learned in that short apprenticeship six years ago, i retained a clear conception of the principles of justification by works. i brought these to bear on those forms, made them up, locked them, and sent for stephen miller to carry them to the press, when each one lifted like a paving stone; but alas, alas, the columns read from right to left. i unlocked them, put the matter back in the galleys, made them up new, and we had the paper off on time. from that time until the first of january, ' , i carried on the business of practical printer, issued a paper every week, did a large amount of job work, was city and county printer for half a dozen counties, did all the legal advertising, published the tax lists, and issued extras during the indian massacres. chapter xlv. the rebellion. when, after mr. lincoln's election, the south made the north understand that her threats of disunion meant something more than "tin kettle thunder," there was little spirit of compromise among the republicans and douglas democrats of minnesota, who generally looked with impatience on the abject servility with which northern men in congress begged their southern masters not to leave them, with no slaves to catch, no peculiar institution to guard. i was in favor of not only permitting the southern states to leave the union, but of driving them out of it as we would drive tramps out of a drawing room. _put_ them out! and open every avenue for the escape of their slaves. but from that spirit of conciliation with which the north first met, secession, the change was sudden. the fire on sumter lit an actual flame of freedom, and the people were ready then to wipe slavery from the whole face of the land. when gen. fremont issued his famous order confiscating the slaves of rebels in arms, i was in receipt of a large exchange list, and have never seen such unanimity on any subject. i think there were but two papers which offered an objection; but this land was not worthy to do a generous deed. so, president lincoln rescinded that order, and the great rushing stream of popular enthusiasm was dammed, turned back to flow into the dismal swamp of constitutional quibbles and statutory inventions. there it lay, and bred reptiles and miasmas to sting and poison the guilty inhabitants of this great land; and never since have we been permitted to reach an enthusiasm in favor of any great principle; for history has no record of a great act so thoroughly divested of all greatness by the meanness of the motive, as is our "act of emancipation." long after the war was in progress, the old habit of yielding precedence to the south manifested itself so strongly as to sour and disgust the staunchest republicans. the only two important military appointments given by mr. lincoln's administration to st. cloud were given to two southern democrats, officeholders under buchanan and supporters of breckinridge, the southern candidate for president in ' . in the autumn of ' , i asked a farmer to take out and post bills for a meeting to send delegates to the county convention. he had been an active worker in the campaign of ' , had never sought an office, and i was surprised when he declined so small a service, but his explanation was this: "if the democrats win the election, the democrats will get the offices. if the republicans win the election, the democrats will get the offices, and i don't see but we may as well let them win the election." when i explained that the more false others were to a party or principle, the more need there was for him to be true, he took the bills and managed the meeting; but running a republican ticket under a republican administration was not so easy as running the same ticket under buchanan. then men had hope and enthusiasm, but this was killed by a victory through which the enemy was made to triumph. as gov. ramsey was the first to tender troops to president lincoln for the suppression of the rebellion, so the men of minnesota were among the first to organize and drill. stephen miller raised a company in st. cloud, with it joined the first regiment at ft. snelling, and was appointed lieut. col. we went to ft. snelling to see our first regiment embark. it was a grand sight to see the men in red shirts and white havelocks march down that rocky, winding way, going to their southern graves, for very few of them ever returned. more troops were called for, and two companies formed in st. cloud. while they waited under marching orders, they and the citizens were aroused at two o'clock one morning by the cry from the east side of the river of, "indians, indians." a boat was sent over and brought a white-lipped messenger, with the news of the sioux massacre at ft. ridgley. chapter xlvi. platforms. my first public speech was the revelation of a talent hidden in a napkin, and i set about putting it to usury. i wrote a lecture--"women and politics"--as a reason for my anomalous position and a justification of those men who had endorsed my right to be a political leader, and gave sketches of women in sacred and profane history who had been so endorsed by brave and wise men. the lecture gave an account of the wrongs heaped upon women by slavery, as a reason why women were then called upon for special activity, and i never failed to "bring down the house" by describing the scene in which the tall kentuckian proposed to the tall pennsylvanian that he should horsewhip an old woman one hundred and two times, to compel her to earn two hundred dollars with which his mightiness might purchase havana cigars, gold chains, etc., or to elicit signs of shame by relating the fact of the united states government proposing to withdraw diplomatic relations with austria for whipping hungarian women for political offenses, while woman-whipping was the principal industry of our american chivalry. i stated that men had sought to divide this world into two fields--religion and politics. in the first, they were content that their mothers and wives should dwell with them, but in the second, no kid slipper was ever to be set. horace mann had warned women to stand back, saying: "politics is a stygian pool." i insisted that politics had reached this condition through the permit given to satan to turn all the waste water of his mills into that pool; that this grant must be rescinded and the pool drained at all hazards. indeed the emergency was such that even women might handle shovels. chicago had once been in a swamp, but the city fathers had lifted it six feet. politicians must "raise the grade," must lift their politics the height of a man, and make them a habitation for men, not reptiles. at this an audience would burst into uproarous applause. as for the grand division, no surveyor could find the line; for no line was possible between religion and politics. the attempt to divide them is an assumption that there is some part of the universe in which the lord is not law-giver. the fathers of the republic had explored and found a country they thought was outside the divine jurisdiction, and called it politics. because old world government had bowed to popes and prelates, they would ignore deity, and say to omnipotence what canute did to the sea: "thus far shalt thou go but no further, and here shall thy proud waves be stayed." but god laughed them to scorn, and would certainly dash them to pieces. the government which they had set up like the golden image of nebuchadnezzer, and demanded that all should bow before it, this same government was bound to sustain men in scourging women for chastity. every man who voted a democratic ticket voted to put down as insurrection any attempt to stand between the cradle and its robber. i never spoke of the st. cloud trouble--there was too much else to talk about. i was seldom interrupted by anything but applause; but in stillwater i was hissed for denouncing buchanan's administration. i waited a moment, then lowered my voice, and said i had raised a good many goslings, and thought i had left them all in pennsylvania, but found some had followed me, and was sorry to have no corn for them. there was no further interruption. i was at that time the guest of a son of my pittsburg friend, judge mcmillan, who led the singing in our church, and with whom i expect to sing "st. thomas" in heaven. my host of that evening afterwards became u.s. senator from minnesota. a considerable portion of three winters i traveled in minnesota and lectured, one day riding thirty miles in an open cutter when the mercury was frozen and the wind blew almost a gale. have crossed houseless prairies between midnight and morning, with only a stage driver, and i never encountered a neglect or a rudeness: but found gentlemen in red flannel shirts and their trowsers stuffed into the tops of their boots, who had no knowledge of grammar, and who would, i think, have sold their lives dearly in my defense. late in ' or early in ' , i lectured in mantorville, and was the guest of mr. bancroft, editor of the _express_, when he handed me a copy of the new york _tribune_, pointed to an item, and turned away. it was a four line announcement that he who had been my husband had obtained a divorce on the ground of desertion. i laid down the paper, looked at my hands, and thought: "once more you are mine. true, the proceeds of your twenty years of brick-making are back there in egypt with your lost patrimony, but we are over the red sea, out in the free desert; no pursuit is possible, and if bread fails, god will send manna." while i sat, mrs. bancroft came to me, caressed me, and said: "old things have passed away, and all things have become new." chapter xlvii. out into the world and home again. in my first lecturing winter i spoke in the hall of representatives, st. paul, to a large audience, and succeeded past all my hopes. i spoke there again in the winter of ' and ' , on the anti-slavery question, and in a public hall on "woman's legal disabilities." both were very successful, and i was invited to give the latter lecture before the senate, which i did. the hall was packed and the lecture received with profound attention, interrupted by hearty applause. the senate was in session, and gen. lowrie occupied his seat as a member. it was a great fall for him to tumble from his dictatorship to so small an honor. he sat and looked at me like one in a dream, and i could not but see that he was breaking. i hoped he would come up with others when they began to crowd around me, but he did not. i had come to be the looked-at of all lookers; the talked-of of all talkers; was the guest of geo. a. nurse, the u.s. attorney, dined with the governor, and was praised by the press. i was dubbed the "fanny kemble of america," and reminded critics of the then greatest shylock of the stage. a judge from ohio said there was "not a man in the state who could have presented that case (woman's legal disabilities) so well." indeed, i was almost as popular as if i were about to be hanged! a responsible eastern lecture-agent offered me one hundred dollars each for three lectures, one in milwaukee, one in chicago and one in cleveland. i wanted to accept, but was overruled by friends, who thought me too feeble to travel alone, and that i would make more by employing an agent. they selected a pious gentleman, whose name i have forgotten, and we left st. paul at four o'clock one winter morning, in a prairie schooner on bob-sleds, to ride to la crosse. one of the passengers was a pompous southerner, who kept boasting of the "buck niggers" he had sold and the "niggers" he had caught, and his delight in that sort of work. his talk was aimed at me, but he did not address me, and for hours i took no notice; then, after an unusual explosion, i said quietly: "can you remember, sir, just exactly how many niggers you have killed and eaten in your day?" he looked out on the river and seemed to begin a calculation, but must have found the lists of his exploits too long for utterance, for he had spoken not another word when we reached la crosse, where we took cars for madison, wisconsin. we reached that beautiful city of lakes in time to meet news of the ft. donelson fatal victory; that victory made so much worse than a hundred defeats by the return to their masters of the slaves who remained in the fort and claimed the protection of our flag--the victory which converted the great loyal army of the north into a gang of slave-catchers. alas, my native land! all hope for the preservation of the government died out in my heart. what could a just god want with such a people? what could he do but destroy them? that victory was celebrated in madison with appropriate ceremonies. men got drunk and cursed "niggers and abolitionists," sat up all night in noisy orgies drinking health and success to him who was the synonym of american glory. the excitement and sudden revulsion against abolitionists with the total incompetence of my agent, caused a financial failure of my lecture, but i made pleasant friendships with gov. harvey, prof. carr and their wives. i started along the route we had come, and everywhere, in cars, hotels, men were hurrahing for grant and cursing "niggers and abolitionists." the hero had healed the breach between the loving brothers of the north and south, who were to rush into each others arms across the prostrate form of liberty. thank god for the madness of the south; for that sublime universal government which maketh "the wrath of man to praise him." even in that hour of triumph for despotism, i did not doubt but freedom would march on until no slave contaminated the earth; but before that march this degraded government must share the fate of that other babylon, which once dealt "in slaves and souls of men." my first small town lecture was another financial failure, and in the hall i paid and dismissed that highly respectable incubus--my agent. that night i slept in a hotel, and going to a bed which had not been properly ventilated, wondered if it could be my duty to breast that storm of popular frenzy. could i at any time be required to drink tea out of a coarse delf cup and sleep in such a bed? luxuries i wanted none; but a china cup, silver spoon and soft blankets were necessaries of life. as i lay, uncertain always whether i slept, i seemed to sit on a projecting rock on the side of a precipice draped with poisonous vines. there was no spot on which i could place my feet, while out of holes, snakes hissed at me, and on ledges panthers glared at me with their green fiery eyes, and the tips of their tails wagging. far below lay a lovely green valley, walled on both sides by these haunted precipitous banks, but stretching up and down until lost in vista. i knew that to the right was north--the direction of home; and to the left, south--the way out into the great unknown. if i could only reach that lovely valley and the clear stream which ran through it; but this was a vain longing, until there appeared in it a young man in a grey suit and soft broad-brimmed black felt hat. he came up the precipice toward me, and a way made itself before him, until he held up his hand, and said: "come down!" i saw his face, and knew it was christ. after seeing that face, all the conceptions of all the artists are an offense. moreover, the christ of to-day, in the person of his follower, has often come to me in the garb of a working man, but never in priestly robes. he led me down the precipice without a word, pointed northward and said: "walk in the valley and you will be safe." he was gone, and i became conscious that i had been seeking popularity, money, and these were not for me; i must go home, but first i would try to repair the loss incurred by that agent. i lectured in a small town, a nucleus of a seven day baptist settlement, and was the guest of the proprietor, who had built a great many concrete walls. coming out into a heavy wind, i took acute inflammation of the lungs. my hostess gave me every attention; but i must go home for my symptoms were alarming, so took the train the next morning, with my chest in wet compresses, a viol of aconite in my pocket, and was better when by rail and schooner i reached the house of the good samaritan, judge wilson, of winona. here i was made whole, lectured in winona and other towns, and got back to st. paul with more money than when i left. i started for home one morning in a schooner. at one the next morning our craft settled down and refused to go farther. the snow was three feet deep; it had been raining steadily for twelve hours, and when the men got out to pry out the runners, they went down, down, far over their knees. the driver and express agent were booted for such occasions, but the two germans were not. myself, "these four and no more," were down in the book of fate for a struggle with inertia. it was muscle and mind against matter. to the muscle i contributed nothing, but might add something to the common stock of mind. the agent, and driver concluded that he should take a horse and go to the nearest house, two miles back, to get shovels to dig us out. i asked if there were fresh horses and men at the house. "no." "how far is it to st. cloud?" "six miles." "are there fresh horses and men there?" "oh, plenty." "if you dig us out here, how long will it be before we go in again?" this they did not know. "then had not the driver better go to st. cloud with both horses? the horse left here would be ruined standing in that slush." "but, madam," said the agent, "if we do that we will have to leave you here all night." "well," i said, "i do not see how you are going to get rid of me." so the driver started with the two horses on that dreadful journey; had i known how dreadful, i should have tried to keep him till morning. as he left, i made the germans draw off their boots and pour out the water, rub their chilled feet and roll them up in a buffalo robe. the agent lay on his box, i cuddled in a corner, and we all went to sleep to the music of the patter of the soft rain on our canvas cover. at sunrise we were waked by a little army of men and horses and another schooner, into which we passed by bridge. we reached st. cloud in time for breakfast, and were greeted by the news that general lowrie had been sent home insane. he was confined in his own house, and his much envied young wife, with her two babies, had become an object of pity. chapter xlviii. the aristocracy of the west. before going to minnesota, i had the common cooper idea of the dignity and glory of the noble red man of the forest; and was especially impressed by his unexampled faithfulness to those pale-faces who had ever been so fortunate as to eat salt with him. in planning my hermitage, i had pictured the most amicable relations with those unsophisticated children of nature, who should never want for salt while there was a spoonful in my barrel. i should win them to friendships as i had done railroad laborers, by caring for their sick children, and aiding their wives. indeed, i think the indians formed a large part of the attractions of my cabin by the lakes; and it required considerable time and experience to bring me to any true knowledge of the situation, which was, and is, this: between the indian and white settler, rages the world-old, world-wide war of hereditary land-ownership against those who beg their brother man for leave to live and toil. william penn disclaimed the right of conquest as a land title, while he himself held an english estate based on that title, and while every acre of land on the globe was held by it. he could not recognize that title in english hands, but did in the hands of indians, and while pretending to purchase of them a conquest title, perpetrated one of the greatest swindles on record since that by which jacob won the birthright of his starving brother. this penn swindle has been so carefully cloaked that it has become the basis of our whole indian policy, the legitimate parent of a system never equalled on earth for crime committed with the best intentions. it intends to be especially just, by holding that the creator made north america for the exclusive use of savages, and that civilization can only exist here by sufferance of the proprietors. this sufferance it tries to purchase by engaging to support these proprietors in absolute idleness, from the proceeds of the toil they license, even as kings and other landed aristocrats are supported by the labor of their subjects and tenants. as the successors of the tent-maker of tarsus have for thirteen centuries been found on the side of aristocrats in every contest with plebians, so the piety of the east, controlled by men who live without labor, was and is on the side of the royal red man, who has a most royal contempt for plows, hoes and all other degrading implements. the same community of interests which arrayed the mass of the clergy on the side of southern slaveholders, arrayed that same clergy on the side of the western slave holder, and against the men who seek, with plows and hoes, to get a living out of the ground. under this arrangement we have the spectacle of a christian people arrayed in open hostility to those who plant christian churches, schools and libraries on the lair of the wolf; and in alliance with the savage who coolly unjoints the feet and hands of little children, puts them in his hunting pouch as evidence of his valor, and leaves the victim to die at leisure; of those who thrust christian babies into ovens, and deliberately roast them to death; of those who bind infants, two by two, by one wrist, and throw them across a fence to die; of those who collect little children in groups and lock them up in a room, to wail out their little lives; of those who commit outrages on innocent men and women who the pen must forever refuse to record. the apology with which piety converts the crimes of its pets into virtues, is that its own agents have failed to carry out its own contract with its own friends. the men and women who take their lives in their hands to lead the westward march of civilization, are held as foes by the main body of the army, who conspire with the enemy, and hand them over as scapegoats whose tortures and death are to appease divine wrath for the crimes which this same main body say it has itself committed against indians. no one pretends that western settlers have injured indians, but eastern philanthropists, through the government they control, have, according to their own showing, been guilty of no end of frauds; and as they do not, and cannot, stop the stealing, they pay their debts to the noble red man by licensing him to outrage women, torture infants and burn homes. when gold is scarce in the east, they substitute scalps and furnish indians with scalping-knives by the thousand, that they may collect their dues at their own convenience. this may seem to-day a bitter partisan accusation, but it must be the calm verdict of history when this comes to be written by impartial pens. under the pretense that america belonged, in fee simple, and by special divine right, to that particular hoard of savages, who, by killing off some other hoard of savages, were in possession when columbus first saw the great west, the eastern states, which had already secured their land by conquest, have become more implacable foes to civilization than the savages themselves. the quaker would form no alliance with southern slave-holders. he recoiled from the sale of women and children in south carolina, but covered with his gray mantle of charity the slave trade in minnesota. when a settler refused to exchange his wife or daughter with an indian for a pony, and that indian massacred the whole family to repair his wrongs, his quaker lawyer justified the act on the score of extreme provocation, and won triumphal acquittal from the jury of the world. when the sioux, after the bull run disaster, arose as the allies of the south, and butchered one thousand men, women and children in minnesota, the quakers and other good people flew to arms in their defense, and carried public sentiment in their favor. the agents of the eastern people had delayed the payment of annuity three weeks, and then insulted mr. lo by tendering him one-half his money in government bonds, and for this great wrong the peaceable quaker, the humanitarian unitarian, the orthodox congregationalist and presbyterian, the enthusiastic methodist and staid baptist, felt it but right mr. lo should have his revenge. most eastern christians are opposed to polygamy in utah, and fourierism in france, but in minnesota among indians these institutions are sacred. they demanded that england should by law prohibit widow-burning and other heathen customs in india, but nothing so rude as statutes must interfere with the royal privileges of these western landlords. if by gentle means mr. lo can be persuaded to stop taking all the wives he can get, extorting their labor by the cudgel, and selling them and their children at will, all well and good! millions are expended on the persuading business, and prayer poured out like the rains in noah's flood, without any perceptible effect; but still they keep on paying and praying, and carefully abstain from all means at all likely to accomplish the desired result. all the property of every tribe must be held in common, so that there can possibly be no incentive to industry and economy; but if the indian refuse to be civilized on that plan, he must go on taking scalps and being excused, until extermination solve the problem. long before i saw an indian on his native soil, the u.s. government had spent millions in carrying out this penn policy. for long years, indians had sat like crows, watching the white farmers and artisans sent to teach them industry, and had grunted their honest contempt. they watched the potato planting, that they might pick out the seed for present use. they pulled down fences, and turned their ponies into the growing crops, used the rails for fire wood, burned mills and houses built for them, rolled barrels of flour up steep acclivities, started them down and shouted to see them leap and the flour spurt through the staves; knocked the heads out of other barrels, and let the ponies eat the flour; poured bags of corn on the ground when they wanted the bag, and in every way showed their contempt for the government, whose policy they believed to be the result of cowardice. thousands of dollars' worth of agricultural machinery lay "rotting in the sun" while the noble red aristocrat played poker in the shade; his original contempt for labor intensified by his power to extract a living from laborers, through their fear of his scalping knife. hole-in-the-day, the chippewa chief, had been educated by baptist missionaries, and was a good english scholar, but would not condescend to speak to the government except through an interpreter. for him six hundred acres of land had been fenced, and a large frame cottage built and painted white. in this he lived with six wives, and a united states salary of two thousand a year and his traveling expenses. he dressed like a white man, dined with state officers in st. paul, went to church with a lady on his arm, sat in a front pew, and was a highly distinguished gentleman of the scalping school. chapter xlix. the indian massacre of ' . the indians had been ugly from the first outbreak of the rebellion, and commissioner dole, with senator wilkinson, had come out to pacify them. the party passed through st. cloud, and had camped several miles west, when in the night there came up one of those sudden storms peculiar to this land. their tents were whisked away like autumn leaves, and they left clinging to such productions of mother nature as were at hand, well rooted in her bosom, to avoid a witches' dance in the air. but it grew worse when the rain had covered the level ground six inches deep in water, and they must keep their heads above the surface. they returned to st. cloud in the morning in sorry plight, and the delay was one of the injuries to the poor indians, and counted as sufficient justification for the subsequent massacre. the delay, however, saved their lives. the messenger who aroused the people of st. cloud in the small hours was traveling post after this dole commission, for whose safety there was much anxiety, but none for st. cloud, since the indians would not attack us while there were two companies of soldiers in town. true, they were unarmed, but surely arms would be sent and their marching orders rescinded. the outbreak was mysterious. it was of course in the interests of the south, and meant to prevent the troops leaving the state; but why had not the tribes struck together? the answer was that after the massacre had been arranged in council, two sioux visited a white family in which they had often been entertained, were drunk, and could not resist the impulse to butcher their entertainers. this precipitated the attack, for so soon as the news reached the tribe, they went to work to execute their bloody purpose. johnson, a converted chippewa, hurried to inform us that his tribe with hole-in-the-day in council had resolved to join the sioux and were to have made st. cloud their base of operations, but the sioux had broken out before the arms and ammunition came, and these they were hourly expecting. on the same day a formal message came from hole-in-the-day that commissioner dole must come to the reservation to confer with his young braves, who would await his arrival ten days, after which time their great chief declined to be responsible for them. a runner arrived from ft. abercrombie, who had escaped by crawling through the grass, and reported the fort besieged by a thousand savages, and quite unprepared for defense. there were several st. cloud people in the fort, and so far from expecting aid from it it must be relieved. the garrison at ft. ripley had not a man to spare for outside defense. people began to pour into st. cloud with tales of horror to freeze the blood, and the worst reports were more than confirmed. the victorious sioux had undisputed possession of the whole country west, southwest and northwest of us, up to within twelve miles of the city, and had left few people to tell tales. our troops spent their time teaching women and children the use of firearms, and hoping for arms and orders to go to the relief of abercrombie. there was no telegraph, and the last mail left no alternative but to start for fort snelling, with such short time to get there that every available man and horse must go to hurry them forward. they left in the afternoon, and that was a dreadful night. many of the more timid women had gone east, but of those that remained some paced the streets, wringing their hands and sobbing out their fear and despair and sorrow for the husbands and brothers and sons taken from them at such a crisis. when the troops left, we thought there were no more men in st. cloud, but next morning found a dozen, counting the boys, who were organized to go out west to the rescue of settlers, and still there were some guards and pickets, and some who did nothing but find fault with everything any one else did. men and women spoke with stiffened lips and blanched faces. families in the outskirts gathered to more central places, and there were forty-two women and children in my house the night after the troops left, and for every night for weeks. we kept large kettles of boiling water as one means of defense. i always had the watchword, and often at midnight i would go out to see that the pickets were on duty, and report to the women that all was well. brother harry was appointed general of state troops, succeeding gen. lowrie, and arms were sent to him for distribution, while women kept muskets by them and practiced daily. the office of my democratic contemporary was closed, and he fled to new england, while his assistant went with my only male assistant to rescue settlers. i had two young ladies in the office, one a graduate of a new york high school, and through all the excitement they kept at work as coolly as at any other time. we got out the paper regularly, and published many extras. the history of the horrors and heroisms which reached us during the six weeks in which ft. abercrombie held out until relief came, would make a volume, and cannot he written here. the unimaginable tortures and indecencies inflicted on brave men and good women, are something for which the christian supporters and excusers of the sioux must yet account at the bar where sentimental sympathy with criminals is itself a crime; and where the wail of tortured infants will not be hushed by reckoning of bad beef and a deficiency in beans. while the sioux sat in council to determine that butchery, some objected, on the ground that such crimes would be punished, but little crow, leader of the war party, quieted their fears by saying: "white man no like indian! indian catch white man, roast him, kill him! white man catch indian, feed him, give him blankets," and on this assurance they acted. one thing was clearly proven by that outbreak, viz.: that services to, and friendship for, indians, are the best means of incurring their revenge. those families who had been on most intimate terms with them, were those who were massacred first and with the greatest atrocities. the more frequently they had eaten salt with a pale-face, the more insatiable was their desire for vengeance. the missionaries were generally spared, as the source through which they expected pardon and supplies. the indian was much too cunning to kill the goose that laid the golden egg. the tribe do not object to the conversion of individuals. saying prayers does not interfere with their ideas of their own importance. preachers do not labor with their hands, and indians can join the clerical order or get religion, without losing caste, for labor to them is pollution. two wagon loads of arms and ammunition _en route_ for hole-in-the-day, were intercepted during the massacre, and for want of them he was induced to keep quiet. for being such a good indian, he had a triumphal trip to washington at government expense, got ten thousand dollars, and a seventh wife. chapter l. a missive and a mission. soon after the people had returned to such homes as were left them, i received a letter from general lowrie, who was then in an insane asylum in cincinnati. i caught his humor and answered as carefully as if he had been a sick brother, gave an extract in the _democrat_, accompanied by a notice, and sent him a copy; after which he wrote frequently, and i tried earnestly to soothe him. in one of his letters was this passage: "your quarrel and mine was all wrong. there was no one in that upper country capable of understanding you but me, no one capable of understanding me, but you. we should have been friends, and would have been, if we had not each had a self which we were all too anxious to defend." after the sioux had finished their work of horror, minnesota men, aided by volunteers from iowa and wisconsin, pursued and captured the murderers of one thousand men, women and children; tried them, found them guilty, and proposed to hang them just as if they had been white murderers. but when the general government interfered and took the prisoners out of the hands of the state authorities, and when it became evident that eastern people endorsed the massacre and condemned the victims as sinners who deserved their fate, one of the state officers proposed that i should go east, try to counteract the vicious public sentiment, and aid our congressional delegation in their effort to induce the administration either to hang the sioux murderers, or hold them as hostages during the war. to me this was a providential call, for i had been planning to make a home in the east, that our daughter, then old enough to live without me, might spend a portion of her time with her father. with letters from all our state officers, i left my minnesota home at four o'clock a.m., january nd, ' , leaving the _democrat_ in charge of my first apprentice, william b. mitchell. in washington, the minnesota delegation secured the use of dr. sutherland's church, and a packed audience for my lecture on indians. it was enthusiastically applauded, and for a time i did hope for some security for women and children on the frontier; but the secretary of the interior assured me it was not worth while to see the president, for "mr. lincoln will hang nobody!" and our minnesota delegation agreed with him. indeed, there was such a _furor_ of pious pity for the poor injured sioux, such admiration for their long suffering patience under wrong, and final heroic resistance, that i might about as well have tried to row myself from the head of goat island up the rapids of niagara, as stem that current. the ring which makes money by caudling indians, had the ear of both president and people, and the bureau had a paying contract in proving little crow's sagacity. the sioux never were so well supplied with blankets and butcher-knives, as when they received their reward for that massacre; never had so many prayers said and hymns sung over them, and their steamboat ride down the minnesota and mississippi and up the missouri, to a point within two days' walk of the scene of their exploits, furnished them an excursion of about two thousand miles, and left them well prepared for future operations. they appreciated their good fortune, have been a terror to united states troops and western settlers ever since, and have enjoyed their triumph to the full. one morning senator wilkinson and i went to see the president, and in the vestibule of the white house met two gentlemen whom he introduced as sec. stanton and gen. fremont. the first said he needed no introduction, and i said i had asked senator wilkinson to see him on my account. he replied: "do not ask any one to see me! if you want anything from me, come yourself. no one can have more influence." gen. fremont inquired where i was staying, and said he would call on me. this frightened me, and i felt like running away. but they were so kind and cordial that our short chat is a pleasant memory; but mr. wilkinson and i failed to see mr. lincoln. next day sec. stanton gave me an appointment in the quarter master general's office, but there was no place for me to go to work. gen. fremont called at the houses of two friends where i was visiting, but both times i was absent. in i had also missed the calls of his wife and sister, and so i seemed destined never to meet the people i admired above all others. my friends wished me to attend a presidential reception; but it was useless to see mr. lincoln on the business which brought me to washington, and i did not care to see him on any other. he had proved an obstructionist instead of an abolitionist, and i felt no respect for him; while his wife was every where spoken of as a southern woman with southern sympathies--a conspirator against the union. i wanted nothing to do with the occupants of the white house, but was told i could go and see the spectacle without being presented. so i went in my broadcloth traveling dress, and lest there should be trouble about my early leave-taking, would not trust my cloak to the servants, but walked through the hall with it over my arm. i watched the president and mrs. lincoln receive. his sad, earnest, honest face was irresistible in its plea for confidence, and mrs. lincoln's manner was so simple and motherly, so unlike that of all southern women i had seen, that i doubted the tales i had heard. her head was not that of a conspirator. she would be incapable of a successful deceit, and whatever her purposes were, they must be known to all who knew her. mr. lincoln stood going through one of those, dreadful ordeals of hand-shaking, working like a man pumping for life on a sinking vessel, and i was filled with indignation for the selfish people who made this useless drain on his nervous force. i wanted to stand between him and them, and say, "stand back, and let him live and do his work." but i could not resist going to him with the rest of the crowd, and when he took my hand i said: "may the lord have mercy on you, poor man, for the people have none." he laughed heartily, and the men around him, joined in his merriment. when i came to mrs. lincoln, she did not catch the name at first, and asked to hear it again, then repeated it, and a sudden glow of pleasure lit her face, as she held out her hand and said how very glad she was to see me. i objected to giving her my hand because my black glove would soil her white one; but she said: "then i shall preserve the glove to remember a great pleasure, for i have long wished to see you." my escort was more surprised than i by her unusual cordiality, and said afterwards: "it was no polite affectation. i cannot understand it from her." i understood at once that i had met one with whom i was in sympathy. no politeness could have summoned that sudden flash of pleasure. her manner was too simple and natural to have any art in it; and why should she have pretended a friendship she did not feel? abolitionists were at a discount. they had gone like the front ranks of the french cavalry at waterloo, into the sunken way, to make a bridge, over which moderate men were rushing to honors and emoluments. gideon's army had done its work, and given place to the camp followers, who gathered up the spoils of victory. none wore so poor that they need do them reverence, and i recognized mrs. lincoln as a loyal, liberty-loving woman, more staunch even than her husband in opposition to the rebellion and its cause, and as my very dear friend for life. chapter li. no use for me among the wounded. i had not thought, even after deciding to remain in washington, of doing any hospital work--knew nothing about it; and in strength was more like a patient than a nurse; but while i waited for a summons to go to the duties of my clerkship, i met some ladies interested in hospitals. one of these, mrs. thayer, had an ambulance at her command, and took me for a day's visiting among the forts, on a day when it was known that our armies in virginia were engaged with the enemy. the roads were almost impassable, and as a skillful driver and two good horses used their best efforts to take us from place to place, i felt like a thief; that ambulance ought to be at the front, and us with it, or on our knees pleading for the men whose breasts were a living wall between us and danger, between liberty and her deadly foes. the men in the forts had no special need of us, and sometimes their thanks for the tracts we brought them, gave an impulse to strike them square in the face, but mrs. thayer was happy in her work, and thought me uncivil to her friends. we reached the last fort on our round before i saw anything interesting; and here a sorrowful woman drew me aside to tell me of the two weeks she had spent with her husband, now in the last stage of camp-fever, and of her fruitless efforts to get sufficient straw for his bed, while the bones were cutting through the skin as he lay on the slats of his cot. she wrung her hands in a strange, suppressed agony, and exclaimed "oh! if they had only let me take him home when i came first; but say nothing here, or they will not let me stay." i verified her statement of her husband's condition, so that i could speak from observation without compromising her, and spoke to the surgeon, who politely regretted the scarcity of straw, and hoped to get some soon. i returned to the sufferer, who was from new hampshire, and a very intelligent man; and after talking with him and his wife, concluded to look up the commander of that fort, and put some powder and a lighted match into his ear; but first consulted mrs. thayer, who begged me to take no notice, else she would no longer be permitted to visit the fort. she had introduced me to two fashionably dressed ladies, officers' wifes, resident there; and when i must say or do nothing about this man, lest i should destroy mrs. thayer's opportunity for doing good, i concluded we had discovered a new variety of savage, and came away thinking i could do something in the city. next morning i stated the case to miss dix, who was neither shocked nor surprised. i had never before seen her, but her tall, angular person, very red face, and totally unsympathetic manner, chilled me. the best ambulance in the service was exclusively devoted to her use, and i thought she would surely go or send a bed to that man before noon; but she proposed to do nothing of the kind, had engagements for the day, which seemed to me of small import compared to that of placing that man on a comfortable bed; but she could do nothing that day, by reason of these engagements, and nothing next day, it being sunday, on which day she attended to no business. we spoke of the great battle then in progress, and i tendered my services, could take no regular appointment, would want no pay, could not work long; but might be of use in an emergency! emergencies were things of which she had no conception. everything in her world moved by rule, and her arrangements were complete. she had sent eight nurses to the front, and more could only be in the way. i inquired about hospital supplies, and she grew almost enthusiastic in explaining the uselessness, nay, absurdity, of sending any. government furnished everything that could possibly be wanted. the sanitary and christian commissioners were all a mistake; soldiers' aid societies a delusion and a snare. she was burdened with stores sent to her for which there was no use; and she hoped i would use my influence to stop the business of sending supplies. from her i went direct to the sanitary commission, and found a large house full of salaried clerks and porters, and boxes, and bails, although this was not their storehouse. here again i stated the case of the man without a bed, and found listeners neither surprised nor shocked. every one seemed quite familiar with trifles of that nature, and by and by, i, too, would look upon them with, indifference. i do not remember whether it was saturday engagements, or sunday sanctity, or lack of jurisdiction, which barred the commission from interference; but think they must wait until the fort surgeon sent a requisition. i inquired here about hospital stores, and found there was great demand for everything, especially money. they declined my services in every capacity save that of inducing the public to hurry forward funds and supplies. i told them of miss dix's opinion on that subject, and they agreed that it was quite useless to send anything to her, since she used nothing she received, and would not permit any one else to use stores. late in the next week mrs. thayer came, in great tribulation, to know how i ever could have done so foolish and useless a thing as report that case to miss dix! oh dear! oh dear! it was so unwise! miss dix had gone to the fort on monday, taken the surgeon to task about that bed, gave me as her authority, and for me mrs. thayer was responsible, and would be excluded from that fort on account of my indiscretion. there was another standing quarrel between the directress of nurses and the surgeons. the bitterness engendered would all be visited upon the patients, and it was so deplorable to think i had been so imprudent. her distress was so real, and she was so real in her desire to do good, that i felt myself quite a culprit, especially as the man got no bed, and died on his slats. i was so lectured and warned about the sin of this, my first offense, in telling that which "folk wad secret keep" in hospital management, that i was afraid to go to another, lest i should get some one into trouble; so stayed at home while the washington hospitals were being filled with wounded from the battle of chancellorville. i think it was the afternoon of the second sabbath that i went with mrs. kelsey to visit campbell, to get material for a letter, and tendered my services, but their arrangements were complete. passing through the wards it did indeed seem as if nothing was wanting. as a matter of form, i asked james bride, of wisconsin, if there was anything i could do for him, was surprised to see him hesitate, and astounded to have him answer: "well, nothing particular, unless"--he stopped and picked at the coverlid--"unless you could get us something to quench thirst." "something to quench thirst? why, i have been told you have everything you can possibly require!" "well, they are very good to us, and do all they can; but it gets very hot in here in the afternoons, we cannot go out into the shade, and get so thirsty. drinking so much water makes us sick, and if we had something a little sour!" "but, would they let me bring you anything?" "o yes! i see ladies bring things every day." "then i shall be glad to bring you something tomorrow." chapter lii. find work. that morning i wrote to the new york _tribune,_ relating the incident of the man asking for cooling drinks, and saying that if people furnished the material, i would devote my time to distributing their gifts. next morning i got two dozen lemons, pressed the juice into a jar, put in sugar, took a glass and spoon and, so soon as visitors were admitted, began giving lemonade to those men who seemed to have most need. going to the water tank for every glass of water made it slow work, but i improved my walks by talking to the men, hearing their wants and adding to their stock of hope and cheerfulness, and was glad to see that the nurses did not seem to object to my presence, even though campbell was the one only hospital in the city from which female nurses were rigorously excluded. so noted had it become for the masculine pride of its management, that i had been warned not to stay past the length of an ordinary visit, lest i should be roughly told to go away; and my surprise was equal to my pleasure, when a man came and said: "would it not be easier for you if you had a pitcher?" i said it would, but that i lived too far away to bring one. "oh! i will bring you a pitcher! why did you not ask for one?" "i did not want to trouble you, for they told me you did not like to have women here." he laughed, and said: "i guess we'll all be glad enough to have you! not many of your sort. first thing they all do is to begin to make trouble, and it always takes two men to wait on one of them." he brought the pitcher, and i felt that i was getting on in the world. still i was very humble and careful to win the favor of "the king's chamberlain"--those potencies, the nurses, who might report me to that royal woman-hater, dr. baxter, surgeon in charge, whose name was a terror to women who intruded themselves into military hospitals. as i passed, with my pitcher, i saw one man delerious, and expectorating, profusely, a matter green as grass could be--knew this was hospital gangrene, and remembered all dr. palmer had told me years before, of his experience in paris hospitals, and the antidotes to that and scurvey poison. indeed, the results of many conversations with first-class physicians, and of some reading on the subject of camp diseases, came to me; and i knew just what was wanted here, but saw no sign that the want was likely to be supplied. for this man it was too late, but i could not see that anything was being done to prevent the spread of this fearful scourge. passing from that ward into the one adjoining, i came suddenly upon two nurses dressing a thigh stump, while the patient filled the air with half-suppressed shrieks and groans. i had never before seen a stump, but remembered dr. jackson's lecture over the watermellon at desert, on amputation, for the benefit of charles sumner; and electricity never brought light quicker than there came to me the memory of all he had said about the proper arrangement of the muscles over the end of the bone; and added to this, came a perfect knowledge of the relations of those mangled muscles to the general form of the body. i saw that the nurse who held the stump tortured the man by disregarding natural law, and setting down pitcher and glass on the floor, i stepped up, knelt, slipped my hands under the remains of that strong thigh, and said to the man who held it: "now, slip out your hands! easy! easy! there!" the instant it rested on my hands the groans ceased, and i said: "is that better?" "oh, my god! yes!" "well, then, i will always hold it when it is dressed!" "but you will not be here!" "i will come!" "that would be too much trouble!" "i have nothing else to do, and will think it no trouble!" the nurse, who did the dressing, was very gentle, and there was no more pain; but i saw that the other leg was amputated below the knee, and this was a double reason why he should be tenderly cared for. so i took the nurse aside, and asked when the wounds were to be dressed again. he said in the morning, and promised to wait until i came to help. next morning i was so much afraid of being late that i would not wait for the street cars to begin running, but walked. the guard objected to admitting me, as it was not time for visitors, but i explained and he let me pass. i must not go through the wards at that hour, so went around and came in by the door near which he lay. what was my surprise to find that not only were his wounds dressed, but that all his clothing and bed had been changed, and everything about him made as white and neat and square as if he were a corpse, which he more resembled than a living man. oh, what a tribute of agony he had paid to the demon of appearance! we all pay heavy taxes to other people's eyes; but on none is the levy quite so onerous as on the patients of a model hospital! i saw that he breathed and slept, and knew his time was short; but sought the head nurse, and asked why he had not waited for me; he hesitated, stammered, blushed and said: "why, the fact is, sister, he has another wound that it would not be pleasant for you to see." "do you mean that that man has a groin wound in addition to all else?" "yes, sister! yes! and i thought--" "no matter what you thought, you have tortured him to save your mock-modesty and mine. you could have dressed that other wound, covered him, and let me hold the stump. you saw what relief it gave him yesterday. how could you--how dare you torture him?" "well, sister, i have been in hospitals with sisters a great deal, and they never help to dress wounds. i thought you would not get leave to come. would not like to." "i am not a sister, i am a mother; and that man had suffered enough. oh, how dared you? how dared you to do such a thing?" i wrung my hands, and he trembled like a leaf, and said. "it was wrong, but i did not know. i never saw a sister before--" "i tell you i am no sister, and i cannot think whatever your sisters are good for." he promised to let me help him whenever it would save pain, and i returned to the dying man. the sun shone and birds sang. he stirred, opened his eyes, smiled to see me, and said. "it is a lovely morning, and i will soon be gone." i said, "yes; the winter of your life is past; for you the reign of sorrow is over and gone; the spring time appears on the earth, and the time for the singing of birds has come; your immortal summer is close at hand; christ, who loveth us, and has suffered for us, has prepared mansions of rest, for those who love him, and you are going soon." "oh, yes; i know he will take me home, and provide for my wife and children when i am gone." "then all is well with you!" he told me his name and residence, in pittsburg, and i remembered that his parents lived our near neighbors when i was a child. so, more than ever, i regretted that i could not have made his passage through the dark valley one of less pain; but it was a comfort to his wife to know i had been with him. when he slept again, i got a slightly wounded man to sit by him and keep away the flies, while i went to distribute some delicacies brought to him by visitors, and which he would never need. at the door of ward three, a large man stood, and seemed to be an officer. i asked him if there were any patients in that ward who would need wine penado. he looked down at me, pleasantly, and said: "i think it very likely, madam, for it is a very bad ward." it was indeed a very bad ward, for a settled gloom lay upon the faces of the occupants, who suffered because the ward-master and entire set of nurses had recently been discharged, and new, incompetent men appointed in their places. as i passed down, turning from right to left, to give to such men as needed it the mild stimulant i had brought, i saw how sad and hopeless they were; only one man seemed inclined to talk, and he sat near the centre of the ward, while some one dressed his shoulder from which the arm had been carried away by a cannon ball. a group of men stood around him, talking of that strange amputation, and he was full of chat and cheerfulness. they called him charlie; but my attention was quickly drawn to a young man, on a cot, close by, who was suffering torture from the awkwardness of a nurse who was dressing a large, flesh-wound on the outside of his right thigh. i set my bowl on the floor, caught the nurse's wrist, lifted his hand away, and said: "oh, stop! you are hurting that man! let me do that!" he replied, pleasantly, "i'll be very glad to, for i'm a green hand!" i took his place; saw the wounded flesh creep at the touch of cold water, and said: "cold water hurts you!" "yes ma'am; a little!" "then we must have some warm!" but nurse said there was none. "no warm water?" i exclaimed, as i drew back and looked at him, in blank astonishment. "no, ma'am! there's no warm water!" "how many wounded men have you in this hospital?" "well, about seven hundred, i believe." "about seven hundred wounded men, and no warm water! so none of them get anything to eat!" "oh, yes! they get plenty to eat." "and how do you cook without warm water?" "why, there's plenty of hot water in the kitchen, but we're not allowed to go there, and we have none in the wards." "where is the kitchen?" he directed me. i covered the wound--told the patient to wait and i would get warm water. in the kitchen a dozen cooks stopped to stare at me, but one gave me what i came for, and on returning to the ward i said to charlie: "now you can have some warm water, if you want it." "but i do not want it! i like cold water best!" "then it is best for you, but it is not best for this man!" i had never before seen any such wound as the one i was dressing, but i could think of but one way--clean it thoroughly, put on clean lint and rags and bandages, without hurting the patient, and this was very easy to do; but while i did this, i wanted to do something more, viz.: dispel the gloom which hung over that ward. i knew that sick folks should have their minds occupied by pleasant thoughts, and never addressed an audience with more care than i talked to that one man, in appearance, while really talking to all those who lay before me and some to whom my back was turned. i could modulate my voice so as to be heard at quite a distance, and yet cause no jar to very sensitive nerves close at hand; and when i told my patient that i proposed to punish him now, while he was in my power, all heard and wondered; then every one was stimulated to learn that it was to keep him humble, because, having received such a wound in the charge on marie's hill, he would be so proud by and by that common folks would be afraid to speak to him. i should be quite thrown into the shade by his laurels, and should probably take my revenge in advance by sticking pins in him now, when he could not help himself. this idea proved to be quite amusing, and before i had secured that bandage, the men seemed to have forgotten their wounds, except as a source of future pride, and were firing jokes at each other as rapidly as they had done bullets at the enemy. when, therefore, i proposed sticking pins into any one else who desired such punishment, there was quite a demand for my services, and with my basin of tepid water i started to wet the hard, dry dressings, and leave them to soften before being removed. before night i discovered that lint is an instrument of incalculable torture, and should never be used, as either blood or pus quickly converts some portion of it into splints, as irritating as a pine shaving. chapter liii. hospital gangrene. about nine o'clock i returned to the man i had come to help, and found that he still slept. i hoped he might rouse and have some further message for his wife, before death had finished his work, and so remained with him, although i was much needed in the "very bad ward." i had sat by him but a few moments when i noticed a green shade on his face. it darkened, and his breathing grew labored--then ceased. i think it was not more than twenty minutes from the time i observed the green tinge until he was gone. i called the nurse, who brought the large man i had seen at the door of the bad ward, and now i knew he was a surgeon, knew also, by the sudden shadow on his face when he saw the corpse, that he was alarmed; and when he had given minute directions for the removal of the bed and its contents, the washing of the floor and sprinkling with chloride of lime, i went close to his side, and said in a low voice: "doctor, is not this hospital gangrene?" he looked down at me, seemed to take my measure, and answered: "i am very sorry to say, madam, that it is." "then you want lemons!" "we would be glad to have them!" "glad to have them?" i repeated, in profound astonishment, "why, you _must_ have them!" he seemed surprised at my earnestness, and set about explaining: "we sent to the sanitary commission last week, and got half a box." "sanitary commission, and half a box of lemons? how many wounded have you?" "seven hundred and fifty." "seven hundred and fifty wounded men! hospital gangrene, and half a box of lemons!" "well, that was all we could get; government provides none; but our chaplain is from boston--his wife has written to friends there and expects a box next week!" "to boston for a box of lemons!" i went to the head nurse whom i had scolded in the morning, who now gave me writing materials, and i wrote a short note to the _new york tribune_: "hospital gangrene has broken out in washington, and we want lemons! _lemons!_ lemons! ~lemons!~ no man or woman in health, has a right to a glass of lemonade until these men have all they need; send us lemons!" i signed my name and mailed it immediately, and it appeared next morning. that day schuyler colfax sent a box to my lodgings, and five dollars in a note, bidding me send to him if more were wanting; but that day lemons began to pour into washington, and soon, i think, into every hospital in the land. gov. andrews sent two hundred boxes to the surgeon general. i received so many, that at one time there were twenty ladies, several of them with ambulances, distributing those which came to my address, and if there was any more hospital gangrene that season i neither saw nor heard of it. the officers in campbell knew of the letter, and were glad of the supplies it brought, but some time passed before they identified the writer as the little sister in the bad ward, who had won the reputation of being the "best wound-dresser in washington." chapter liv. get permission to work. rules required me to leave campbell at five o'clock, but the sun was going down, and i lay on a cot, in the bad ward, feeling that going home, or anywhere else, was impossible, when that large doctor came, felt my pulse, laid his hand on my brow, and said: "you must not work so hard or we will lose you! i have been hunting for you to ask if you would like to remain with us?" "like to remain with you? well, you will have to send a file of soldiers with fixed bayonets to drive me away." he laughed quite heartily, and said: "we do not want you to go away. i am executive officer; surgeon kelley and dr. baxter, surgeon in charge, has commissioned me to say that if you wish to stay, he will have a room prepared for you. he hunted for you to say so in person, but is gone; now i await your decision. shall i order you a room?" "surgeon baxter! why--what does he know about me?" "oh, surgeon baxter, two medical inspectors, and the surgeon of this ward were present this morning when you came in and took possession." his black eyes twinkled, and he shook with laughter when i sat up, clasped my hands, and said: "oh, dear? were they the men who were standing around charlie? why i had not dreamed of them being surgeons!" "did you not know by their shoulders traps?" "shoulderstraps? do surgeons have shoulderstraps? i thought only officers wore them!" "well, surgeons are officers, and you can know by my shoulderstraps that i am a surgeon." "oh, i do not mind you; but dr. baxter! how i did behave before him! what must he have thought? and he does not allow women to come here!" "well. you passed inspection; and as you propose to stay with us, i will have a room prepared for you." he then went on to state that the reason doctor baxter would not have female nurses, was that he would not submit to miss dix's interference, did not like the women she chose, and army regulations did not permit him to employ any other. "but," he continued, "no one can object to his entertaining a guest, and as his guest you can employ your time as you wish." ah! what a glorious boon it was, this privilege of work, and my little barrack-room, just twice the width of my iron cot. i would not have exchanged for any suite in windsor palace. chapter lv. find a name. nothing was more needed in the bad ward, than an antidote for homesickness, and, to furnish this, i used my talking talent to the utmost, but no subject was so interesting as myself. i was the mystery of the hour. charlie was commissioned to make discoveries, and the second day came, with a long face, and said: "do you know what they say about you?" "no indeed! and suspect i should never guess." "well, they say you're an old maid!" i stopped work, rose from my knees, confronted him and exclaimed, with an injured air: "an old maid! why charlie! is it possible you let them talk in that manner about me, after the nice pickles i gave you?" the pickles had made him sick, and now there was a general laugh at his expense, but he stuck to his purpose and said: "well, ain't you on old maid?" "an old maid, charlie? did any one ever see such a saucy boy?" "oh, but tell us, good earnest, ain't you an old maid?" "well then, good earnest, charlie, i expect i shall be one, if i live to be old enough." "live to be old enough! how old do you call yourself?" i set down my basin, counted on my fingers, thought it over and replied: "well, if i live two months and five days longer, i shall be sixteen." then there was a shout at charlie's expense, and i resumed my work, grave as an owl. that furnished amusement until it grew stale, when charlie came to ask me my name, and i told him it was mrs. snooks. "mrs. snooks?" repeated a dozen men, who looked sadly disappointed, and charlie most of all, as i added: "yes; mrs. timothy snooks, of snooksville, minnesota." this was worse and worse. it was evident no one liked the name, but all, save one, were too polite to say so, and he roared out: "i don't believe a word of it!" i sat at some distance with my back to him, dressing a wound; and, without turning, said, "why? what is the matter with you?" "i don't believe that such a looking woman as you are ever married a fellow by the name of snooks:" "that is because you are not acquainted with the snooks' family: brother peter's wife is a much better looking woman than i am!" "good lookin'!" he sneered; "call yourself good lookin', do you?" "well, i think you intimated as much, did he not boys?" they all said he had, and the laugh was turned on him; but he exclaimed doggedly, "i don't care! i'm not goin' to call you snooks!" "and what do you propose to call me?" "i'll call you mary." "but mary is not my name." "i don't care! it's the name of all the nice girls i know!" "very good! i too shall probably be a nice girl if i live to grow up, but just now it seems as if i should die in infancy--am too good to live." "you're the greatest torment ever any man saw." the last pin was in that bandage; i arose, turned, and the thought flashed through my brain, "a tiger." his eyes literally blazed, and i went to him, looking straight into them, just as i had done into tom's more than once. a minnie rifle ball had passed through his right ankle, and when i saw him first the flesh around the wound was purple and the entire limb swollen almost to bursting. the ward master told me he had been given up three days before, and was only waiting his turn to be carried to the dead house. next morning the surgeon confirmed the account, said he had been on the amputation table and sent away in hope the foot might be saved, adding: "i think we were influenced by the splendor of the man's form. it seemed sacrilege to mangle such a leg then, before we knew it was too late." i thought the inflammation might be removed. he said if that were done they could amputate and save him, and the conversation ended in the surgeon giving the man to me to experiment on my theory. this seemed to be generally known, and the case was watched with great interest. no one interfered with my treatment of him, and nurses designated him to me as "your man." he was a cross between a hercules and apollo--grey-eyed, brown-haired, the finest specimen of physical manhood i have ever seen, and now his frail hold on life was endangered by the rage into which i had unwittingly thrown him. so i sat bathing and soothing him, looking ever and anon steadily into his eyes, and said: "you had better call me mother." "mother!" he snarled, "you my mother!" "why not?" "why, you're not old enough!" "i am twice as old as you are! "no, you 're not; and another thing, you're not big enough!" he raised his head, surveyed me leisurely and contemptuously, his dark silky moustache went up against his handsome nose as he sank back and said slowly: "why, you-'re-not-much-bigger-'an-a-bean!" "still, i am large enough to take care of you and send you back to your regiment if you are reasonable: but no one can do anything for you if you fly into a rage in this way!" "yes! and you know that, and you put me in a rage going after them other fellows. you know i've got the best right to you. i claimed you soon as you come in the door, and called you afore you got half down the ward. you said you'd take care of me and now you don't do it. the surgeon give me to you too. you know i can't live if you don't save me, and you don't care if i die!" i was penitent and conciliatory, and promised to be good, when he said doggedly: "yes! and i'll call you mary!" "very well, mary is a good name--it was my mother's, and i shall no doubt come to like it." "i guess it is a good name! it was my mother's name too, and any woman might be glad to be called mary. but i never did see a woman 'at had any sense!" he soon growled himself to sleep, and from that time i called him "ursa major;" but he only slept about half an hour, when a nurse in great fright summoned me. they had lifted him and he had fainted. i helped to put him back into bed, and bathed him until consciousness returned, when he grasped my wrist with a vice-like hold and groaned. "oh god! oh mother! is this death?" i heard no more of miss mary, or nice girls; but god and mother and death were often on his lips. to the great surprise of every one i quelled the inflammation and fever, banished the swelling, and got him into good condition, when the foot was amputated and shown to me. the ankle joint was ground into small pieces, and these were mingled with bits of leather and woolen sock. no wonder the inflammation had been frightful; but it was some time after that before i knew the foot might have been saved by making a sufficient opening from the outside, withdrawing the loose irritating matter, and keeping an opening through which nature could have disposed of her waste. i do not know if surgery have yet discovered this plain, common-sense rule, but tens of thousands of men have died, and tens of thousands of others have lost limbs because it was not known and acted upon. all those men who died of gun-shot flesh wounds were victims to surgical stupidity. i nursed the cross man until he went about on crutches, and his faith in me was equal in perfection to his form, for he always held that i could "stop this pain" if i would, and rated me soundly if i was "off in ward ten" when he wanted me. one day he scolded worse than usual, and soon after an irishman said, in an aside: "schure mum, an' ye mustn't be afther blamin' de rist av us fur that fellow's impidence. schure, an' there's some av us that 'ud kick him out av the ward, if we could, for the way he talks to ye afther all that you have done for 'im an' fur all av us." "why! why! how can you feel so? what difference is it to me how he talks? it does him good to scold, and what is the use of a man having a mother if he cannot scold her when he is in pain? i wish you would all scold me! it would do you ever so much good. you quite break my heart with your patience. do, please be as cross as bears, all of you, whenever you feel like it, and i will get you well in half the time." "schure mum, an' nobody iver saw the likes of ye!" a man was brought from a field hospital, and laid in our ward, and one evening his stump was giving him great pain, when the cross man advised him to send for me, and exclaimed: "there's mother, now; send for her." "oh!" groaned the sufferer, "what can she do?" "i don't know what she can do; an' she don't know what she can do; but just you send for her! she'll come, and go to fussin' an' hummin' about just like an old bumble-bee, an' furst thing you know you won't know nothin', for the pain'll be gone an' you'll be asleep." chapter lvi. drop my alias. the second or third day of my hospital work, mrs. gaylord, the chaplain's wife, came and inquired to what order i belonged, saying that the officers of the hospital were anxious to know. i laughed, and told her i belonged exclusively to myself, and did not know of any order which would care to own me. then she very politely inquired my name, and i told her it was mrs. jeremiah snooks, when she went away, apparently doubting my statement. i had been in campbell almost a week, when dr. kelly came and said: "madam, i have been commissioned by the officers of this hospital to ascertain your name. none of us know how to address you, and it is very awkward either in speaking to you, or of you, not to be able to name you." "doctor, will not mrs. snooks do for a name, for all the time i shall be here?" "no, madam, it will not do." i was very unwilling to give my name, which was prominently before the public, on account of my indian lecture and _tribune_ letters, but i seemed to have at least a month's work to do in campbell. hospital stores were pouring in to my city address, and being sent to me at a rate which created much wonder, and the men who had given me their confidence had a right to know who i was. so i gave my name, and must repeat it before the doctor could realize the astounding fact; even then he took off his cap and said: "it is not possible you are _the_ mrs. ----, the lady who lectured in doctor sunderland's church!" so i was proclaimed, with a great flourish of trumpets. for two hours my patients seemed afraid of me, and it did seem too bad to merge that giantess of the bean-pole and the press and the tall woman of the platform both in poor little insignificant me! it was like blotting out the big bear and the middle-sized bear from the old bear story, and leaving only the one poor little bear to growl over his pot of porridge. in ward five was one man who had been laid on his left side, and never could be moved while he lived. his right arm suffered for lack of support, and when i knelt to give him nourishment from a spoon, and pray with him that the deliverer would soon come, he always laid that arm over my shoulders. the first time i knelt there after i was known, he said: "ah, you are such a great lady, and do not mind a poor soldier laying his arm over you!" "christ, the great captain of our salvation," i replied, "gathers you in his arms and pillows your head upon his bosom. am i greater than he? your good right arm has fought for liberty, and it is an honor to support it, when you are no longer able." but nothing else i could ever say to him, was so much comfort as the old cry of the sufferer by the wayside, "jesus, thou son of david, have mercy on me." over and over again we said that prayer in concert, while he waited in agony for the only relief possible--that of death; and from our last interview i returned to the bad ward, so sad that i felt the shadow of my face fall upon every man in it. i could not drive away death's gloom; but i could work and talk, and both work and talk were needed. i sat down between two young irishmen, both with wounded heads, and began to bathe them, and comfort them, and said: "if you are not better in the morning, i shall amputate both those heads; they shall not plague you in this manner another day." maybe my sad face made this funny, for their sense of the ridiculous was so touched that they clasped their sore heads and shrieked with laughter. every man in the ward caught the infection, and i was called upon for explanations of the art of amputating heads, and inquiries as to surgeon baxter's capacity of performing the operation. this grotesque idea proved a fruitful subject of conversation, and aided in leading sufferers away from useless sorrow, toward hope and health; and bad as the ward was we lost but two men in it. chapter lvii. hospital dress. in that sad ward one superior, intelligent young man, who was thought to be doing well, suddenly burst an artery, and ropes were put up to warn visitors and others not to come in, and we who were in, moved with bated breath lest some motion should start the life-current. while his last hope was on a stillness which forbade him to move a finger, two lady visitors came to the door, were forbidden to enter, but seeing me inside, must follow the sheep instinct of the sex, and go where any other woman had gone. so, with pert words, they forced their way in, made a general flutter, and, oh horror! one of them caught her hoops on the iron cot of the dying man. he was only saved from a severe jerk by the prompt intervention of the special nurse. they were led out as quietly as possible, but the man had received a slight jerk and a serious shock. the hemorrhage would probably have returned if they had not come in, but it did return, and the young, strong life ebbed steadily away in a crimson current which spread over the floor. from that day until the end of my hospital work, one fact forced itself upon my attention, and this is, that with all the patriotism of the american women, during that war, and all their gush of sympathy for the soldier, a vast majority were much more willing to "kiss him for his mother" than render him any solid service, and that not one in a hundred of the women who succeeded in getting into hospitals would dress so as not to be an object of terror to men whose life depended on quiet. women were capable of any heroism save wearing a dress suitable for hospital work. the very, very few who laid aside their hoops, those instruments of dread and torture, generally donned bloomers, and gave offense by airs of independence. good women would come long distances to see dying husbands, brothers and sons, and fill the wards with alarm by their hoops. when any one was hurt by them they were very sorry, but never gave up the cause of offense, while their desire to look well, and the finery and fixings they donned to improve their appearance, was a very broad and painful burlesque. women were seldom permitted to stay in a hospital over night, even with a dying friend, and the inhabitants were generally glad when they started for home. it was the dress nuisance which caused nuns to have the preference in so many cases; but i could not see or hear that they ever did anything but make converts to the church and take care of clothing and jellies. one thing is certain, _i.e._, that women never can do efficient and general service in hospitals until their dress is prescribed by laws inexorable as those of the medes and persians. then, that dress should be entirely destitute of steel, starch, whale-bone, flounces, and ornaments of all descriptions; should rest on the shoulders, have a skirt from the waist to the ankle, and a waist which leaves room for breathing. i never could have done my hospital work but for the dress which led most people to mistake me for a nun. chapter lviii. special work. in the wilderness of work i must choose, and began to select men who had been given up by the surgeons, and whom i thought might be saved by special care. surgeon kelly soon entered into my plan, and made his ward my headquarters. to it my special patients were brought, until there was no more room for them. that intuitive perception of the natural position of muscles, and the importance of keeping them in it, which came to me on first seeing a wound dressed, gave me such control over pain that i used to go through the wards between midnight and morning and put amputation cases to sleep at the rate of one in fifteen minutes. in these morning walks i saw that the nurses were on duty and had substantial refreshments, saw those changes for the worse, sure to come, if they came at all, in those chill hours. seeing them soon was important to meeting them successfully, and i succeeded in breaking up many a chill before it did serious damage, which must have proved fatal if left until the morning visit of the surgeon. also, in those walks i chose special cases; have more than once sat down by a man and calculated in this way: "you may have twenty, forty years of useful life, if i can save you; i shall certainly die one year sooner for the labor i expend on you, but there will be a large gain in the average of life and usefulness; and when you risked all of your life for the country as much mine as yours, it is but just that i should give a small part of mine to save you." every man lived whom i elected to life, and dr. kelly, who knew more than any one else about my plans, and on whom i most counted for aid, has said that i saved enough to the government in bounty money, by returning men to duty who would otherwise have died, to warrant it in supporting me the balance of my life; but his statements could not always be relied upon, for he insisted that i never slept, had not been asleep during the seven weeks spent in campbell, was a witch and would float like a cork, if thrown from the long bridge into the potomac. in selecting a man in desperate case to be saved, i always took his temperament and previous life into consideration. a man of pure life and sanguine temperament was hard to kill. give him the excuse of good nursing and he would live through injuries which must be fatal to a bilious, suspicious man, or one who had been guilty of any excess. a tobacco chewer or smoker died on small provocation. a drunkard or debauchee was killed by a scratch. there were two ward surgeons who disapproved of the innovation of a woman in campbell, and especially of one held amenable to no rules. they were both in favor of heroic treatment, which i did not care to witness, and i spent little time in their wards. one of them kept a man, with two bricks tied to his foot and hanging over the foot of the bed, until he died, after ten days of a sleepless agony such as could not well have been excelled in an inquisition; while his wife tried to comfort him under a torture she begged in vain to have remitted. the night after she started home with his body, i was passing through the ward, when i came upon a young philadelphia zouave in a perfect paroxysm of anguish. three nurses stood around him, and to my inquiry "what _is_ the matter?" replied by dumb show that coming death was the matter, and that soon all would be over; while in words they told me he had not slept for forty-eight hours. i had one place a chair for me, sat down, and with my long, thin hands grasped the thigh stump, which was making all the trouble, drew and pressed the muscle into a natural, easy position, cooed and talked and comforted the sufferer, as i should have done a sick baby, and in ten minutes he was asleep. then i whispered the nurses to bring cotton and oakum, and little cushions; made them put the cotton and oakum, in small tufts, to my index fingers; and while i crooned my directions in a sing-song lullaby air, i worked in this support, gradually and imperceptibly withdrawing my hands, until i could substitute the little cushions for the force by which they held the muscle in proper position. this done, my boy-soldier slept as sweetly as ever he had done in his crib. next morning a nurse came running for me to hurry to him. he had slept six hours, waked, had his breakfast, and had his wound dressed, and now the pain was back bad as ever. i went, fixed the mangled muscle with reference to his change of position, made a half-mould to hold it there, and before i had finished he began an eight-hour sleep. ten days after he was sent home to his mother, and i saw or heard of him no more. chapter lix. heroic and anti-heroic treatment. the other ward in which i was not welcome, adjoined that one in which my room was situated, and to reach it i must go out of doors or pass through one-half the length of that ward. in these passages i had an opportunity for studying piemia and its ordinary treatment, and could give the men lemonade when they wanted it. in this ward lay a young german with a wounded ankle. he had a broad, square forehead, skin white as wax, large blue eyes and yellow hair, inclined to curl. his whole appearance indicated high culture, and an organization peculiarly sensitive to pleasure or pain; but no one seemed to understand that he suffered more than others from a like cause. surgeon and nurses scoffed at his moans, and thought it babyish, for a muscular man over six feet to show so many signs of pain. i think that from some cause, the surgeon felt vindictive toward him, and that his subordinates took their cue from him. when i went to give him lemonade, he would clutch my hand or dress, look up in my face, and plead: "oh, mutter! mutter!" but if i sat down to soothe and comfort him, a nurse always came to remind me of the surgeon's orders, and i used to go around on the outside, that he might not see and call me. when he was in the amputation room i heard his shrieks and groans, and carried a glass of wine to the door for him. he heard my voice, and called "mutter! mutter!" i pushed past the orderly, ran to him, and his pleading eyes seemed to devour me as he fastened his gaze on my face. i cannot think to this day why be should have been nude for the amputation of a foot; but he was, and some one threw a towel across his loins as i approached. dr. baxter said: "no sympathy! no sympathy!" so i stood by him, placed a hand on each side of his corrugated brow, steadied my voice and said: "be a man and a soldier!" he had asked me for bread; i gave him a stone, and no wonder he dashed it back in my face. with a fierce cry he said: "i hev been a man and a sojer long enough!" ah! verily had he, and much too long. days before that he should have been "a boy again;" aye, a baby, a very infant--should have been soothed and softened and comforted with all the tenderness of mother-love; but even now, in this cruel extremity, every sign of sympathy was denied him. some one put a hand gently but firmly on each of my shoulders, turned my back to him, took me out of the room, and i hurried away, while the air shuddered with his shrieks and groans. after he had been brought back to his place in the ward i could often hear him as i passed to and from my room, and even while i occupied it. once he saw me through the open door, and called, "mutter! mutter!" i went, knelt by him, took his hands, which were stretched appealingly to me, and spoke comforting words, while his blue eyes seemed ready to start from their sockets, as he clung to my hands with the old familiar cry: "oh, mutter! mutter!" he was strapped down to his iron cot, about as closely as he had been to the amputation table, and the cot fastened to the floor. i had not been five minutes at his side when his special nurse hurried up and warned me to leave, saying: "it's surgeon's orders. he's not going to have any babyin'!" i drew my hands from the frantic grasp, took away that last hold on human sympathy, and hurried oat, while his cry of "oh, mutter! mutter!" rung in my ears as i turned and looked on his pure high brow for the last time. next morning i heard he had lock-jaw, and that the surgeon was to leave. the night after that victim of some frightful, fiendish experiment had been carried to the dead-house, i was passing through the ward, when attracted by sounds of convulsive weeping, and i found a young man in an agony of grief, in one of those sobbing fits sure to come to the bravest. he was in a high fever, and while i bathed his face and hands, i asked the cause of his outbreak, and he sobbed: "oh, the pain in my wound! this is the third night i have not slept, and my god! i can bear it no longer!" it was a flesh-wound in the thigh, such an one as usually proved fatal, and while i set him to talking i began patching scraps of observation into a theory. he was from pennsylvania, and bitterly charged his state with having done nothing for her wounded, and when i asked why he had not sent for me, he said: "oh, i thought you were from massachusetts, like all the rest of them; and if my own state would do nothing for me, i would not beg. people come here every day looking for massachusetts soldiers. since i have been frantic here, ladies have come and stood and looked at me, and said 'poor fellow!' as if i had been a dog. i was as well raised as any of them, even if i am a common soldier." i thought his recovery very doubtful, and talked to draw his thoughts to the better land. to his charges against his native land, i said: "i am a pennsylvanian; and more than that, the governor of pennsylvania sent me to you; bade me come to-night, that you might know he had not forgotten you." "he did? why, how did he know anything about it?" "he just knows all about it, and has been caring for you all this time. i do not mean andy curtin. he is nothing but a subaltern; but the dear lord, our father in heaven, who never forgets us, though he often afflicts us. he sent me to you now, that you might know he loves you. it was he who made me love you and care to help you. all the love and care that come to you are a part of his love." "he wept afresh but less bitterly, and said: "oh you will think i am a baby!" "well! that is just what you ought to be. your past life is sufficient certificate of manhood; and now has come your time to be a baby, while i am mother. you have been lying here like an engine, under a high pressure of steam, and the safety-value fastened down with a billet of wood, until there has been almost an explosion. now just take away that stick of wood--your manhood and pride, and let out all the groans and tears you have pent in your heart. cry all you can! this is your time for crying!" when i had talked him into a mood to let me feel if his feet were warm, i found that wounded limb dreadfully swollen, cold almost as death, stretched out as he lay on his back, and a cushion right under the heel. had there been no wound the position must have been unendurable. without letting him know, i drew that cushion up until it filled the hollow between the heel and calf of the leg, and supported the strained muscle, tucked a handful of oakum under the knee, moved the toes, brushed and rubbed the foot, until circulation started, sponged it, rolled it in flannel, of which i had a supply in my basket, washed the well foot, and put a warm woolen sock on it, arranged the cover so that it would not rest on the toes of the sore leg; told him to get the new surgeon next morning to make a large opening on the lower side of his thigh, where the bullet had gone out--to ask him to cut lengthwise of the muscle; get out everything he could, that ought not to be in there; keep that opening open with a roll of bandage, so that old mother nature should have a trap-door through which she could throw her chips out of that work-shop in his thigh; to be sure and not hint to the surgeon that i had said anything about it, and not fail to have it done. i left him asleep, and the next day he told me the surgeon had taken a quart of pus and several pieces of woolen cloth out of his wound, and his recovery was rapid. chapter lx. cost of order. in making molds and rests for mangled limbs, i had large demands for little cushions, and without economy could not get enough. when one just fitted a place i wanted to keep it, and to do this, must have it aired, perhaps washed. to avoid lint dressings, i hunted pieces of soft, table linen, gave to patients pieces to suit, and as the supply was short they would get nurses and surgeons to leave their pieces of linen, after dressing their wounds until i should take charge, and have them cleansed for next time. to do all this, i must use the grass-plats and railings for airing and drying cushions and rags. these plats and railings were for ornament, and there was soon a protest against putting them to "such vile uses." i had gone into the hospital with the stupid notion that its primary object was the care and comfort of the sick and wounded. it was long after that i learned that a vast majority of all benevolent institutions are gotten up to gratify the asthetic tastes of the public; exhibit the wealth and generosity of the founders, and furnish places for officers. the beneficiaries of the institutions are simply an apology for their existence, and having furnished that apology, the less said about them the better. the surgeons of campbell did really want its patients to be happy and get well; but it was a model institution, with a reputation to sustain; was part of a system under general laws, which might not be broken with impunity. there was no law against a man dying for want of sleep from pain caused by misplaced muscle; but the statutes against litter were inexorable as those of the medes and persians. the campbell surgeons winked at my litter, until one regular inspection day, when my cushions and rags, clean and unclean, those marked john smith, and those labeled tom brown, were all huddled up and stuffed _en masse_ into the pantry closet. i used to wonder if the creator had invented a new variety of idiot, and made a lot in order to supply the army with medical inspectors, or, if by some cunning military device, the surgeon-general had been able to select all those conglomerations of official dignity and asinine stupidity, from the open donkey-market of the world. inspecting a hospital was just like investigating an indian fraud. the man whose work was to be inspected or investigated, met the inspector or investigator at the door, showed him all he wished him to see and examine witnesses wholly in his power--when the inspected and inspector, the investigated and investigator exchanged compliments, and the public were gratified to learn that all was in a most gratifying condition of perfect order. one day we had a particularly searching inspection, and next day nurse told me of some four new cases which had been brought in a week before, one of whom the inspectors said was past hope. i found his feet and legs with, a crust on them like the shell of a snail; had a piece of rubber cloth laid under them, and with tepid water, a good crash towel, and plenty of rubbing, got down to the skin, which i rubbed well with lard. then with fresh towels and water at hand, i drew away the sheet in which the patient had rolled his head, and while i washed his head and arms and breast, i talked, and he tried to answer; but it was some time before he could steady his tongue and lips so as to articulate, and when he did, his first words were: "are you the woman that's been a-washin' my feet?" "that is exactly what i have been doing, and much need they had of it. do you not think you are a pretty fellow to have me come all the way from minnesota to wash your feet?" it was with much effort he could fix his dazed eyes on my face, and he made several pitiful attempts before he succeeded in saying: "i think ye'r the best woman that ever i saw!" "ah, that is because you never saw much, away out there in venango county, pennsylvania, where you live. there are thousands of better women than i, running around hunting work, in this part of the country." "is there?" "yes, indeed; and nothing for them to do!" "i never saw none uv 'em!" "that is because you have had your head rolled up in that sheet. just keep your head uncovered, so you can breathe this nice, fresh air; open your eyes every little while, and you will see a whole row of those women, all hunting work!" he seemed quite interested, and when i had done washing and given directions to a nurse to cleanse the balance of his person, i asked if there was anything more i could do for him, when he stammered: "not unless you could get me a cup of tea--a cup of good green tea, 'thout any milk or sugar in it. if you do, i'll pay you for it." "pay me for it, will you? and how much will you give me--three cents?" "oh, i'll give you twenty-five cents." "twenty-five cents for a cup of good green tea, without any milk or sugar in it!" i called the ward to witness the bargain, said i should grow rich at that rate, and hurried off for the tea. i had a little silver tray and tea-set, with two china cups. mrs. gangewer, of the ohio aid society, had sent me a tin tea-kettle and spirit-lamp; folks at a distance had sent plenty of the best tea; and that little tea-tray had become a prominent feature of campbell long before this poor fellow specified his want. i made the tray unusually attractive that day, and fed him his tea from a spoon, while he admired the tiny pot, out of which, with the aid of the kettle, i could furnish twenty cups of good tea. when i had served all in that ward who wanted tea, the first one took a second cup, and while taking it his skin grew moist, and i knew he was saved from that death of misplaced matter vulgarly called "dirt," to which well-paid medical inspectors had consigned him, while giving their invaluable scientific attention to floor-scrubbing and bed-making, to whitewashing and laundry-work. i doubt if there were a medical inspector in the army who was not a first rate judge of the art of folding and ironing a sheet or pillow-slip; of the particular tuck which brought out the outlines of the corners of a mattress, as seen through a counterpane; and of the art and mystery of cleaning a floor. it did seem as if they had all reached office through their great proficiency as cabin-boys. next day i went to that ward with my tea-tray; and after learning that that man had been washed once more, asked him if he wanted another cup of tea. "i'd like to have one," he stammered; "but i didn't pay you for the last one, and i can't find my wallet!" i saw the debt troubled him, and took this as one more evidence that somewhere there were people who sold hospital stores to sick soldiers. so i took pains to explain that he owed me nothing; that the tea was his--ladies had sent it to me to give to him--and all the pay they wanted was for him to get well, and go home to his mother. the idea that some one was thinking for him seemed to do him almost as much good as the tea. i left campbell next day, but on my first visit found him convalescing, and on the second visit he ran down the ward holding his sides and laughing, and i saw or heard of him no more. chapter lxi. learn to control piemia. about ten days after i went to campbell, i was called at midnight to a death-bed. it was a case of flesh-wound in the thigh, and the whole limb was swollen almost to bursting, so cold as to startle by the touch, and almost as transparent as glass. i knew this was piemia and that for it medical science had no cure; but i wanted to warm that cold limb, to call circulation back to that inert mass. the first thought was warm, wet compresses, hot bricks, hot flannel; but the kitchen was locked, and it was little i could do without fire, except to receive and write down his dying messages to parents, and the girl who was waiting to be his wife. when the surgeon's morning hour came he still lived; and at my suggestion the warm compresses were applied. he said, "they feel so good," and was quite comforted by them, but died about ten o'clock. i was greatly grieved to think he had suffered from cold the last night of life, but how avoid any number of similar occurrences? there was no artificial heat in any of the wards. a basin of warm water was only to be obtained by special favor of the cooks; but they had been very courteous. the third day of my appearance among them, one looked up over the edge of the tub over which he bent, washing potatoes, and said, as i stood waiting for hot water, "do you know what you look like going around here among us fellows?" "no! but nothing dreadful i hope." "you just look like an angel, and that's what we all think; we're ever so much better since you came." the memory of this speech gave me courage to go and lay my trouble before the cooks, who gathered to hear me tell the story of that death, the messages left for the friends who should see him no more, and of my sorrow that i could not drive away the cold on that last, sad night. they all wiped their eyes on their aprons; head cook went to a cupboard, brought a key and handed it to me, saying: "there, mother, is a key of this kitchen; come in here whenever you please. we will always find room on the ranges for your bricks, and i'll have something nice in the cupboard every night for you and the nurses." this proved to be the key to the situation, and after i received that bit of metal from cook, there was not one death from piemia in any ward where i was free to work, although i have had as many, i think, as sixty men struck with the premonitary chill, in one night. i concluded that "piemia" was french for neglect, and that the antidote was warmth, nourishing food, stimulants, friction, fresh air and cheerfulness, and did not hesitate to say that if death wanted to get a man out of my hands, he must send some other agent than piemia. i do not believe in the medical theory concerning it; do not believe pus ever gets into the veins, or that there is any poison about it, except that of ignorance and indifference on the part of doctors and nurses. chapter lxii. first case of growing a new bone. i had searched for minnesota men in campbell, found none, and had been there a week, when mrs. kelsey told me there was one in ward ten, credited to a wisconsin regiment; and from him i learned that he was a friend and neighbor of my friends, mr. and mrs. bancroft, of mantorville, and my conscience reproached me for not sooner finding him; but the second day mrs. gaylord came, as a messenger from the surgeons, to tell me i need not spend time and strength on him, as he could not be saved. his was a thigh wound. they had thought to amputate, but found the bone shattered from joint to joint--had, with a chain saw, cut it off above the knee, and picked out the bone in pieces. there was a splinter attached to the upper joint, but that was all the bone left in the thigh, and the injury was one from which recovery was impossible. his father, a doctor, was visiting him, and knew he must die. i went to the patient, who said: "dr. true, the ward surgeon has just been here, and tells me i must die!" i sat by him fitting the measure i had been taking for two days to this new aspect of the case, and talking of death, and the preparation for it, until i thought i understood the case, when i said: "be ready for death, as every one of any sense should always be; but i do not intend to let you die." "i guess you cannot help it! all the surgeons and father agree that there is no hope for me." "but they are all liable to be mistaken, and none of them have taken into the account your courage and recuperative force; your good life and good conscience; your muscle, like a pine log; your pure breath; your clear skin and good blood. i do not care what they say, you will live; i will not let you die!" i found dr. baxter, and said: "i want you to save corporal kendall!" "corporal kendall! who is he?" "the man out of whose thigh you took the bone last week." his face grew sad, but he said: "oh, we mean to save them all if we can." "doctor, that is no answer. i am interested in this man, know his friends and want to understand his case. if i can keep his stomach in good working order and well supplied with blood-making food, keep away chills and keep down pain, so that he can sleep, will he not get well?" he laughed and replied: "well, i really never heard of a man dying under such circumstances." "i can do that, doctor." "if you can you will save him, of course, and we will give him to you." "but, doctor, you must do all the surgery. i must not give him pain; cannot see that wound." "oh, certainly, we will do everything in our power; but he is yours, for we have no hope of saving him." "another thing, doctor; you will have him brought to ward four." he gave the order at once, adding: "put him to the right of howard"--a young philadelphian with a thigh stump, who was likely to die of hemorrhage, and whose jerking nerves i could soothe and quiet better than any one else. by this arrangement the man minus a thigh bone was placed in the center of my field of labor, and under the care of dr. kelly; but full ten days after this arrangement was made, he came with a rueful face and said: "we have consulted the surgeon-general, medical inspector, and a dozen other surgeons outside the hospital, and they all agree that there is no hope for kendall. the surgeons here have commissioned me to tell you, for we think you ought to know. we all appreciate what you are doing, and think you will save all your other men if you live, but you cannot stand this strain long. you do not know it; but there is a limit to your powers of endurance, and you are breaking. you certainly will die if you keep on as you have been going, and it is not worth your while to kill yourself for kendall, for you cannot save him." "what is the reason he cannot be saved?" "well, there are several reasons. first, i performed the operation, and did not do it as thoroughly as i wished. he was coming out from under the influence of the chloroform, and they hurried me. the case was hopeless, and no use to give him pain, so there are several pieces of bone which i failed to find. these are driven into the flesh, and nature in trying to get rid of them will get up such excessive suppuration that he must die of exhaustion. then there is the thigh without a bone, and there is nothing in the books to warrant a hope that it could heal in that condition. we could not, in any case, hope for the formation of a new bone. there are re-sections of two inches, but this is the longest new formation of which we know anything, and in this case there can be no hope, because the periosteum is destroyed." "periosteum, doctor. what is that, again?" "it is the bone-feeder; the strong membrane which incloses the bone, and through which it is made. in this case it is absolutely destroyed, removed, torn to shreds--gone. so there are several reasons why he cannot be saved." "doctor kelly, do you intend to let him lie there and die?" "oh no! oh no! i will do all in my power for him. i am paid for that; it is my duty; but it is not your duty to sacrifice your own life in a vain effort to save another." "doctor kelly, he _shall_ not die; i will not let him. i know nothing about your books and bones; but he can live with one bone wanting, and i tell you he shall not die, and i will not die either." it was a week or more after this conversation i found my patient, one morning, with blue lips and a pinched nose, and said to him: "what is this?" "well, i had a chill last night." "a chill and did not send for me?" "you were here until after midnight, and must have some rest." "corporal kendall, how _dare_ you talk to me in that manner? you promised to send for me if there were any change for the worse; and after this i cannot trust you. now i must stay here. do you think i am going to lose my investment in you? do you suppose i would work over you as i have been doing, and then drop you for fear of a little more work?" as i passed to the kitchen i found that blue lips and pinched noses had suddenly come into fashion; that there were more of them than i had time to count; but did not, for a moment, dream of letting a man get into the graveyard by that gate. the merry, young irishman who had volunteered as my orderly, had a period of active service; and no more willing pair of hands and feet ever were interposed between men and death. hot bricks, hot blankets, bottles of hot water, hot whisky punch and green tea were the order of the forenoon, and of a good many hours of night and day after it; for that victory was won by a long struggle. for ten nights i never lay down in my room; but slept, all i did sleep, lying on a cot about the center of ward four, and two cots from the man minus a bone. i could drop asleep in an instant, and sleep during ordinary movements; but a change in a voice brought me to my post in a moment. i could command anything in the dispensary or store-rooms at any hour of the day or night, and carried many a man through the crisis of a night attack, when if he had been left until discovered in the morning, there would have been little hope for him; and when a surgeon could have done nothing without a key to the kitchen which none of them had. i kept no secrets from any of them: told each one just what i had done in his ward; thankfully received his approval and directions, asked about things i did not understand, and was careful that my nursing was in harmony with his surgery. during that trial-time there was one night that death seemed to be gaining the victory in corporal kendall's case. pain defied my utmost efforts and held the citadel. sleep fled; the circulation grew sluggish, and both he and i knew that the result hung on the hour. it was two o'clock a.m., and from midnight i had been trying to bring rest. the injured limb was suspended in a zinc trough. i had raised, lowered it by imperceptible motions; cut bandage where it seemed to bind, tucked in bits of cotton or oakum, kept the toes in motion, irritated the surface wherever i could get the point of a finger in through the bandages; kept up the heat of the body, and the hope of the soul; and sat down to hold his hands and try mesmeric passes and sounds, when he turned his head on the pillow, and said: "even if i should get well, i'll never be fit for infantry service again." "no, you never will." "i might walk with that machine you talk of; but never could march and carry a knapsack! but i have been thinking. i am a pretty good engineer. you know secretary stanton? you might get me transferred to the navy, and i could run an engine on a gunboat." "that is it, exactly! you will get over this! i will have you transferred to a gunboat, and next time you will go into the rebellion prow foremost. you ought to be at work, in time to help take charleston." i continued to talk, in a sing-song croone, to stroke his head, and hold his hand, until he slept, which was but a few moments after settling that transfer, and the last time i saw him, which was in ' , he got over the ground and up and down stairs, as fast as most people, his new bone being quite as good as any of the old ones, except being a little short and decidedly crooked, although the crook did not effect its usefulness or general appearance. chapter lxiii. a heroic mother. james bride, who drew me to campbell, by asking for "something to quench thirst," was one of the thousands who died of flesh-wounds, for want of surgical trap doors, through which nature might throw out her chips. his wound was in the hip, and no opening ever was made to the center of the injury, except that made by the bullet which had gone in and staid there. his mother came three days before he died, and being minus hoops and finery, the ward surgeon was anxious she should remain with her son, and we arranged that she should sleep in my room. there was just space between the cot and wall for the breadth of a mattress, and when the door was shut, that space was long enough, for me to lie between the door and the stand. i have never entertained a guest more cheerfully, or one by whose presence i felt more honored; yet the traveling costume was a short calico dress, strong leather shoes and blue woolen stockings, visible below the dress, a gingham sunbonnet and double-bordered cap tied under her chin. several richly dressed ladies came from eastern cities to see dying relatives, but to none of them were the surgeons so thoroughly respectful, as to this plain, strong, clean, high-souled country-woman, who staid with her son, and was hailed with joy by all the men in his ward, to every one of whom she was sympathetic and helpful. her case was hard. she and her husband, who was old and feeble, had just three sons, two strong and vigorous, one a cripple. their two vigorous sons enlisted together, and fell in the charge on marie's hill, within ten feet and ten minutes of each other. william was buried on the battle-field, and she had come to see james die in hospital. when all was over and her boy was carried to the dead house, they brought her to me, and i have never heard such pathetic, eloquent expressions of grief as those she poured forth in that little, rough, barrack-room. "oh, william! william!" she sobbed, "you are lying, to-night, in your bloody grave, and your mother will never know where it is! and you, james! you were my first-born, but i cannot go to you now, where you lie in the darkness among the dead! oh, but it is a sad story i must carry to your old father, to bring his gray hairs in sorrow to the grave. who can we lean upon, in our old age? who will take care of johnny when we are gone? oh, it is a hard, hard lot." she wrung her hands, bowed over her knees, in a paroxysm of tears, then raised herself, threw back her head, and exclaimed. "but oh! boys dear, wouldn't i rather you were where you are this night, than that you had thrown down your guns and run!" chapter lxiv. two kinds of appreciation. looking down the long vista of memory, to the many faces turned to me from beds of pain, i find few to which i can attach a name, and one i seem never to have looked upon but once. it is a long, sallow face, surmounted by bushy, yellow hair; it has a clear, oval outline, and straight nose, brown eyes and a down of young manhood on the wasted, trembling lips; i knew it then, as the face of a fever patient, but not one to whom i had rendered any special service, and felt surprised when the trembling lips said, in a pitiful, pleading way. "we boys has been a talkin' about you!" "have you, my dear--and what have you boys been saying about me?" "we've jist been a sayin' that good many ladies has been kind to us, but none uv 'em ever loved us but you!" "well, my dear, i do not know how it is with the other ladies, but i am sure i do love you very, very dearly! you do not know half how much i love you." "oh, yes, we do! yes, we do! we know 'at you don't take care uv us 'cause it's your juty! you jist do it 'cause you love to!" "that is it exactly--just because i love to, and because i want you to get well and go to your mothers." "yes! but the boys says you don't care about 'em when they get well." "they do not need to have me care for them when they are well." "oh, yes, they do! yes, they do! an' if that's the way you're a goin' to serve me, i'll stay sick a long time." when hospital stores came to me so fast that there was great trouble in getting them wisely distributed, campbell lent me an ambulance to go around, see where they were needed, and supply as many as i could. i had a letter from an old pittsburg neighbor, asking me to see his brother in douglas hospital, and went in an ambulance well supplied with jellies and fruit. douglas hospital was an institution of which the city was proud. it had much finer buildings than any other in the city, occupied the finest residence block in the city, and had a wide reputation for grandeur and beauty and superb management. i found the halls and rooms quite as elegant as i had any reason to expect, but was surprised to find that elegance undisturbed by the presence of sick or wounded men. in one back room a wounded officer looked lonely, and they said there were other rooms used for sick soldiers, but all i saw were parlors, reception rooms, offices and sleeping apartments for surgeons, and the lady abbess, with her attendant sisters of mercy or charity. after we had strolled through several sumptuous apartments, we were taken out into the adjoining square, where there were large barracks as white as lime and brushes could make them, and making a pretty picture among the trees. inside, the walls were white as on the outside, and the pictures already up, as well as those just being put up, were bright as bright could be. indeed. i do not know how pictures could have been greener or bluer or yellower or redder, and when the show-off man called my attention to them, as calculated to make the place cheerful; i recognized their merit, but suggested that some paper blinds might be desirable to keep the sun from shining into the faces of the men who lay on the cots. the roof or walls did not seem well calculated to keep out wind or rain, but paper blinds would ward off sunshine. from the condition of the floor, it was evident that the demon of the scrubbing brush, which has possession of all model institutions, had full sway in douglas barracks. pine boards could not well have been made whiter. no laundry man need have feared to own to the doing up of the bed linen and counterpanes, and science had not discovered any mode of making a bed look more like a packing box, than those in that model hospital. what an impertinence a sick or wounded man was, in one of those nice, square beds. he was almost certain to muss and toss it, and this must have been a crowning calamity. after the showman had shown all he cared to have me see. i sat talking with the man i had come to visit, and he said, in a whisper: "are there lice in all the hospitals?" "lice? why, certainly not." "well, there are plenty of them here, and they tell us they cannot be helped--that they have them in all the hospitals. look here!" he turned down the nice counterpane, and there, in the blanket, the disgusting creatures swarmed. i was shocked, and half rose, in the impulse to make an outcry, but he warned me not to let any one know he had told me, or it would be bad for him. i asked why he did not tell the surgeon. "he knows all about them, and says they cannot be helped." "you have sisters of charity here; tell them." "oh, they never do anything in the ward but walk around and talk nice, and pray with men who are going to die. they must know about them." i walked around alone, and the show-man did not seem to like it, but i talked with the men in the cots, put my hand under the cover, found feet encrusted with the exudations of fever, until they were hard and dry as a bit of kindling wood; hair full of dust from the battle-field, and not one man who had been washed since being carried away from it; while there were vermin in every bed. the ward-master objected to my leaving a jar of jelly with my friend. it would spoil the good order of the ward, and all delicacies were to be given into the care of the sisters. i found one of them who was quite willing to take charge of anything i wished to leave, but was powerless in the matter of vermin. it was the ward master's business to attend to that. it was the business of the sisters to look after the clothing when it came from the laundry, put it in order, and give it out when wanted. my failure to get a bed for the man in the fort by applying to those in authority, made me feel that it would be useless to try that plan about the vermin; and, in my perplexity, i turned to my old friend and confidant, the public. to reach it, i wrote to the _new york tribune_, giving a very mild statement of the case. two days after surgeon baxter came, with a copy of that letter, and told me he had been ordered to discharge me on account of it. i spoke of the men who must die if i left, and he was sorry but had no option. then he bethought him that maybe i might get the surgeon-general to permit me to remain, at least until the cases of my special patients were settled; otherwise i must leave the hospital that day. he was sorry i had dated the letter from campbell, had it not been for this, he could use his influence to sustain me; but professional etiquette forbade him to harbor or countenance one who spoke unfavorably of a brother-surgeon. in other words, by living in a hospital i became one of a ring, bound to keep hospital secrets, and use only words of commendation in speaking or writing of anything i saw. i took a street car and proceeded to the office of the surgeon-general--saw the man who held the lives of my patients in his hands, ate the only piece of humble pie that over crossed my lips, by apologizing for telling the truth, and got permission to go back to the men who looked to me for life. i have felt that i made a great mistake--felt that if i had then and there made war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt, against the whole system of fraud and cruelty embodied in the hospital service, i should have saved many more lives in the end. even while i talked to the head of that nest of corruption, and listened to his inane platitudes about my duty as an inmate of a hospital to report abuses to him, and "the regular way of proceeding," i did want to hurl the gauntlet of an irregular defiance into his plausible face, but the pleading eyes in campbell held me; i could not let those men die, and die they must if i must leave them. nobody denied the truth of my statements about douglas hospital, and i never learned that any one objected to the facts or their continuance. it was only their exposure which gave offense. this letter made me an object of dread. folks never knew what i might see or say next; and there soon arose another trouble about my living in campbell; for miss dix objected, claimed that it was an infringement on her authority. then again, there were others who could not see why there should be but one female nurse in campbell. dr. baxter, by admitting me, had abandoned his ground, acknowledged that men alone could not manage a first-class hospital; and having discovered his mistake, was bound to rectify it by admitting a corps of lady nurses. he was bombarded by miss dix's official power, pestered by the persistant appeals of volunteers; sneered and scoffed at and worried, until he fell back on his old position, and promptly dismissed me so soon as my patients were out of danger. he was always courteous to me as a visiter, and has my lasting gratitude and respect for breaking his rules and bearing the persecution he did, that i might do the work i did, and could not have done without his effective and generous co-operation. the proportion of thigh stumps saved, was the test of a hospital's success; and the summer i was in campbell, we saved nineteen out of twenty; next summer chaplain gaylord told me they lost nineteen in twenty, and added: "piemia has literally swept our wards." chapter lxv. life and death. when released from the hospital, i had neither money nor clothes, and this is all the account i can render to the generous people who sent me hospital stores. i could not answer their letters. some of them i never read. i could only give up my life to distributing their bounty, and knew that neither their money nor my own had remained in my hands when it was necessary for me to borrow two dollars to get a dress. my cloth traveling suit was no longer fit for use, and my platform suit too good. these were all i had brought to washington; but the best men never refused me audience because i wore a shaker bonnet, a black lawn skirt and gray linen sack. some thought i dressed in that way to be odd, but it was all i could afford. the quarter-master-general had canceled my appointment, because i had not reported for duty, but secretary stanton reinstated me, and i went to work on the largest salary i had ever received--fifty dollars a month. after some time it was raised to sixty, and i was more than independent; but my health was so broken that half a dozen doctors commanded me to lie on my back for a month, and i spent every moment i could in that position. i had grown hysterical, and twice while at work in the office, broke out into passionate weeping, while thinking of something in my hospital experience, something i had borne, when it occurred, without a tear, or even without feeling a desire to weep. in september i had twenty days' leave of absence to go to st. cloud, settle my business and bring my household gods. there were still no railroads in minnesota, and i was six days going, must have six to return, and one to visit friends at pittsburg, yet in the time left, sold _the democrat_, closed my home, and met gen. lowrie for the first and last time. he called and we spent an hour talking, principally of the war, which he thought would result in two separate governments. his reason seemed to be entirely restored; but his prestige, power, wealth and health were gone. i tried to avoid all personal matters, as well as reference to our quarrel, but he broke into the conversation to say: "i am the only person who ever understood you. people now think you go into hospitals from a sense of duty; from benevolence, like those good people who expect to get to heaven by doing disagreeable things on earth; but i know you go because you must; go for your own pleasure; you do not care for heaven or anything else, but yourself." he stopped, looked down, traced the pattern of the carpet with the point of his cane, then raised his head and continued: "you take care of the sick and wounded, go into all those dreadful places just as i used to drink brandy--for sake of the exhilaration it brings you." we shook hands on parting, and from our inmost hearts, i am sure, wished each other well. i was more than ever impressed by the genuine greatness of the man, who had been degraded by the use of irresponsible power. we reached washington in good time, and i soon realized the great advantage of rest. six hours of office work came so near nothing to do, that had i been in usual health i should probably have raised some disturbance from sheer idleness; but i learned by and by that the close attention demanded to avoid mistakes, could not well have been continued longer. several ladies continued distributing hospital stores for me all that fall and winter, and next spring i still had some to send out. when able i went myself, and in carver found a man who had been wounded in a cavalry charge, said to have been as desperate as that of "the light brigade;" and who refused to take anything from me, because he had "seen enough of these people who go around hospitals pretending to take care of wounded soldiers." i convinced him it was his duty to take the jelly in order to prevent my stealing it. also, that it was for my interest to save his life, that i might not have to pay my share of the cost of burying him and getting a man in his place. nay, that it was my duty to get him back into the saddle as fast as possible, that my government need not pay him for lying abed. he liked this view of the case, and not only took what i offered him, but next time i went asked for jefferson-tie shoes to support his foot, and when i brought them said he would be ready for duty in a week. in judiciary square, a surgeon asked me to give a jar of currant jelly to a man in ward six, who was fatally wounded. i found the man, those in the neighboring cots and the nurse, all very sad, talked to him a few moments, and said: "you think you are going to die!" "that is what they all say i must do!" "well, i say you are not going to do anything of the kind!" "oh! i guess i am!" "not unless you have made up your mind to it, and are quite determined. those hip wounds kill a great many men, because folks do not know how to manage them, and because the men are easy to kill; but it takes a good deal to kill a young man with a good conscience, who has never drank liquor or used tobacco; who has muscle like yours, a red beard and blue gray eyes." i summoned both his day and night nurse, told all three together of the surgical trap-door that old mother nature wanted made and kept open, clear up to the center of that wound. the surgeon would always make one if the patient wanted it. i told them about the warmth and nourishment and care needed, and left him and them full of hope and resolution. next time i was in judiciary, a young man on crutches accosted me, saying: "were not you in ward six, about six weeks ago?" "yes!" "do you remember a man there, that every one said was going to die, and you said he wouldn't?" "yes." "well, i'm the fellow." i looked at him inquiringly, and said: "well, did you die?" he burst into uproarious laughter, and replied: "no, but i'm blamed if i wouldn't, if you hadn't come along." i passed on, left him leaning against the wall finishing his laugh, and saw or heard of him no more. it was but a few days after he passed out of my knowledge that news came of the death of gen. lowrie. it was the old story, "the great man down," for he died in poverty and neglect, but with his better self in the ascendent. his body lies in an unmarked grave, in that land where once his word was law. pondering on his death, i thought of that country boy going to his father's house, with the life restored by one he knew not, even by name, and the going home of that mature man, who thought he knew my inmost soul, and with whose political death i was charged. only the wisdom of eternity can determine which, if either, i served or injured. to the one, life may lack blessing, to the other, death be all gain. chapter lxvi. meet miss dix and go to fredericksburg. i sat down stairs, for the first time after a two weeks' illness, when georgie willets, of jersey city, came in, saying: "here is a pass for you and one for me, to go to fredericksburg! a boat leaves in two hours, and we must hurry!" for several days the air had shuddered with accounts of the terrible suffering of our men, wounded in the battle of the wilderness; and a pall of uncertainty and gloom hung over the city. i made a tuck in a queen's-cloth dress, donned it, selected a light satchel, put into one side a bottle of whiskey and one of sherry, half a pound of green tea, two rolls of bandage and as much old table-linen as packed them close; put some clothing for myself in the other side, and a cake of black castile soap, for cleansing wounds; took a pair of good scissors, with one sharp point, and a small rubber syringe, as surgical instruments; put these in my pocket, with strings attaching them to my belt; got on my shaker bonnet, and with a large blanket shawl and tin cup, was on board with georgie, an hour before the boat left. it had brought a load of wounded from belle plain; some were still on board, and suffering intensely from thirst, and hard, dry dressings. it was a hot day, and we both went to work giving drinks of water, wetting wounds, and bathing hot heads and hands. as georgie passed the foot of the cabin stairs, miss dix was coming down, and called to her, saying: "what are you doing here?" she made no reply, but passed on to her work, when the irate lady turned to where i was drawing water from a cooler, and asked, in a tone of high displeasure: "who is that young girl?" "miss georgie willets, of jersey city," i replied. "and where is she going?" "to fredericksburg." "by whose authority?" she demanded. "by authority of the surgeon-general," i replied. "the surgeon-general has no authority to send a young girl down there alone." "she is not going alone." "who is going with her?" she asked, tartly. "i am." "who are you?" i told her, and she ceased to be insulting long enough to expostulate on the great impropriety of the proceeding, as well as to explain the total lack of any need of help in fredericksburg. she had just returned from that city, where she had arranged everything in the most satisfactory manner. hospitals had been established, with surgeons and nurses. there was therefore not the slightest occasion for our going further; but she was about to organize relief for the men while waiting at the washington wharf to be taken to hospitals. here i might be useful, and here she would be glad to have me work; but as for that handsome young girl, she wondered at me for bringing her into such a place. georgie was not merely handsome. she was grand, queenly; and i told miss dix that i differed with her about the kind of women who should go into such places. we wanted young, vigorous women--women whose self-respect and social position would command the respect of those to whom they ministered. she grew angry again, and said: "she shall not go to fredericksburg; i will have her arrested!" i was kneeling beside a man whose wounds i was bathing; for i had not suspended my work to talk with her, who stood, straight as a telegraph pole, holding a bottle which she ever and anon applied to her nose; but when she reached this climax, i raised my head, looked into her face, and said: "i shall not be sorry miss dix, if you do; for then i shall apply to my friends, mrs. abraham lincoln and secretary stanton, and have your authority tested." i went on with my work; she growled something and left the boat, but did not disturb us further. going down the river i grew worse, and thought i might be obliged to return with the boat, and stay at home; but consulted a surgeon on his way to the front, who talked with another, and said: "there is no immediate danger in your case. it is only secondary hemorrhage; and with care you may go on, but must not attempt to do anything. you can, however, be of incalculable service, simply by being in fredericksburg; can sit down and see that people do their duty. what our wounded need most, is people who have an interest in their welfare--friends. you can do a great deal toward supplying this want, this great need; but be careful and do not try to work." after some time this surgeon brought, and introduced col. chamberlain, of maine, evidently an invalid, and a man of the purely intellectual type. two other surgeons were with him, and all three endeavored to persuade him to return to washington, as his lack of health made it very dangerous, if not quite useless, for him to go to the front. i thought the surgeons right; and told him i feared he was throwing away his life, in an effort to do the impossible. he explained that he was in command of a brigade of eight regiments; that in them were hundreds of his neighbors and pupils, for he had resigned a professorship in a college to enlist. said he knew his own constitution better than any one else could know it; knew he would be stronger when he reached his post, and that the danger would be in any attempt to keep out of danger--the danger which his men must face. turning to me he said: "if you had eight children down there, you would go to them, if you could!" we arranged that if he should be wounded so as to suffer a thigh amputation, he should let me know, that i might nurse him through. at belle plaine, georgie went to look for transportation, and i to the sanitary commission boat, where i was introduced to mrs. gen. barlow and miss hancock, both busy furnishing hot coffee to those being embarked for washington. mrs. barlow was a tall, superbly formed woman, very handsome, and full of health and spirits. she looked down on me compassionately, and said: "oh, you poor little thing! what ever brought you here? we have sick folks enough now! do sit down until i get you a cup of tea!" while i drank the tea, she stood looking at me, and said meditatively: "oh, you queer little thing," and hurried off to her work. soon a colonel with a badly wounded head came on board, leaned against, a post and groaned. i found a basin of water and a towel, and began bathing his head, wetting those torturing dressings and making him comparatively comfortable, when she stopped in her hurried walk, looked on an instant, and exclaimed: "oh, you nice little thing! now i see what you are good for! i could not do that; but you will take care of their wounds and i will feed them! that will be grand!" soon georgie came to say there was no transportation to be had, but she had found a campbell surgeon in charge of a hospital tent, and he wanted me; said he was worn out, and had plenty of work for both of us. the doctor had a large tent, filled with wounded lying on loose hay. his patients seemed to want for nothing, but he must needs give so much time to receiving and forwarding those pouring in from the front, that he needed us. he had a little tent put up for us, and that was the only night i have ever slept in a tent. next morning while we were attending to a colonel, and lieutenant colonel, both of the same regiment, and both badly wounded and just brought in, one said to the other: "my god, if our men in fredericksburg could have a little of this care!" "why?" said i, "i have heard that everything possible was being done for them?" "everything possible!" exclaimed one, and both together began the most terrible recital of the neglect and abuse of the wounded in that horrible place--men dying of thirst, and women spitting in their faces, kicking and spurning them. we set down our basins; georgie started in one direction and i in another, to find transportation. the surgeon in command of the station stood superintending the loading of oats while he looked at my pass, and said he could not possibly send us, adding: "fredericksburg is no place for a lady. it is impossible to describe the condition of things there." "but, doctor, i am not a lady! i am a hospital nurse. the place where men are suffering must be the place for me. i do not look strong, but you cannot think how much i can do. "but, madam, you forget that our army is cut off from its base of supplies, and must be furnished with subsistence, and that we have not half the transportations we need." "doctor, you are sending bags of oats in ambulances! i do not weigh much more than one, and will be worth six when you get me there." he promised to send me that afternoon, but i doubted him; went to the christian commission tent, found a man who knew me by reputation, and told him they had better send me to fredericksburg, or put me under arrest, for i was in a mood to be dangerous. he feigned fright, caught up his hat, and said: "we'll get you out of this in the shortest possible space of time." an hour after i was on the way, and georgie a few moments in advance. i had seen bad roads in northern and western pennsylvania, but this was my first ride over no road. we met a steady stream of such wounded as were able to walk, but comparatively few were brought in ambulances. it was raining when we reached fredericksburg, at four o'clock on sabbath, and i went to the surgeon in command, reported, and asked him to send me to the worst place--the place where there was most need. "then i had better send you to the old theater, for i can get no one to stay there." he gave me my appointment, and i went to a corps surgeon, who signed it, and advised me not to go to the theater--i could do nothing, as the place was in such dreadful condition, while i could be useful in many other places. chapter lxvii. the old theater. this building was on princess ann street. the basement floor was level with the sidewalk, but the ground sloped upward at the back; so that the yard was higher than the floor. across the front was a vestibule, with two flights of stairs leading up to the auditorium; behind the vestibule a large, low room, with two rows of pillars supporting the upper floor; and behind this three small rooms, and a square hall with a side entrance. the fence was down between the theater and catholic church, next door. i stopped in the church to see georgie, who was already at work there, came and left by the back door, and entered the theater by the side hall. the mud was running in from the yard. opposite the door, in a small room, was a pile of knapsacks and blankets; and on them lay two men smoking. to get into the large room, i must step out of the hall mud over one man, and be careful not to step on another. i think it was six rows of men that lay close on the floor, with just room to pass between the feet of each row; they so close in the rows that in most places i must slide one foot before the other to get to their heads. the floor was very muddy and strewn with _debris_, principally of crackers. there was one hundred and eighty-two men in the building, all desperately wounded. they had been there a week. there were two leather water-buckets, two tin basins, and about every third man had saved his tin-cup or canteen; but no other vessel of any sort, size or description on the premises--no sink or cess-pool or drain. the nurses were not to be found; the men were growing reckless and despairing, but seemed to catch hope as i began to thread my way among them and talk. no other memory of life is more sacred than that of the candor with which they took me into their confidence, as if i had been of their own sex, yet ever sought to avoid wounding the delicacy they ascribed to mine. i found some of the nurses--cowards who had run away from battle, and now ran from duty--galvanized them into activity, invented substitutes for things that were wanting--making good use of an old knapsack and pocket-knife--and had tears of gratitude for pay. one man lay near the front door, in a scant flannel shirt and cotton drawers, his left thigh cut off in the middle and the stump supported on the only pillow in the house. it was six by ten inches, stuffed with straw. his head was supported by two bits of board and a pair of very muddy boots. he called me, clutched my dress, and plead: "mother, can't you get me a blanket, i'm so cold; i could live if i could get any care!" i went to the room where the men lay smoking on the blankets; but one of them wearing a surgeon's shoulderstraps, and speaking in a german accent, claimed them as his private property, and positively refused to yield one. the other man was his orderly, and words were useless--they kept their blankets. going into a room behind that, i found a man slightly wounded sitting on the floor, supporting another who had been shot across the face, and was totally blind. he called, and when i came and talked with them, said: "won't you stay with us?" "stay with you?" i replied, "well, i rather think i will, indeed; i came to stay, and am one of the folks it is hard to drive away!" "oh! thank god; everybody leaves us; they come and promise, and then go off, but i know you will stay; you will do something for us!" it was so pitiful, that for an instant my courage failed, and i said: "i will certainly stay with you; but fear it is little i can do for you." "oh, you can speak to us; you do not know how good your voice sounds. i have not seen a woman in three months; what is your name?" "my name is mother." "mother; oh my god! i have not seen my mother for two years. let me feel your hand?" i took between both of mine his hand, covered with mud and blood and smoke of battle, and told him i was not only going to stay with them, but was going to send him back to his regiment, with a lot more who were lying around here doing nothing, when there was so much fighting to be done; i had come on purpose to make them well, and they might make up their minds to it. my own courage had revived, and i must revive theirs; i could surely keep them alive until help should come. by softening the torturing bandages on his face, i made him more comfortable; and in an adjoining room found another man with a thigh stump, who had been served by field-surgeons, as the thieves served the man going from jerusalem to jericho: i.e., "stripped him, left him naked and half dead." those men surely did not go into battle without clothes; and why they should have been sent out of the surgeon's hands without enough of even underclothing to cover them, is the question i have never yet had answered. common decency led to his being placed in the back room alone, but i shall never blush for going to him and doing the little i could for his comfort. after i returned to the large room, i took notice about clothing, and found that most of the men had on their ordinary uniform; some had two blankets, more had one; but full one-third were without any. there was no shadow or pretense of a bed or pillow, not even a handful of straw or hay! there was no broom, no hoe, or shovel, or spade to sweep or scrape the floor; and the horrors were falling upon me when the man of the blankets came, and said: "mattam, iv you are goin' to do any ding for tese men, you petter git dem someding to eat." "something to eat?" "yaas! mine cot, someding to eat! de government petter leave dem to tie on de pattle field, nur do pring tem here to starve." i looked at him in much surprise, and said: "who are you?" "vy, i am de surgeon. tey send me here; put mine cot, i cannot do notting. tere ish notting to do mit!" i called out: "men, what have you had to eat?" "hard tack, and something they call coffee," was the response. "have you had no meat?" "meat? we have forgotten what it tastes like!" in one corner, near the front door, was a little counter and desk, with a stationary bench in front. to this desk the surgeon gave me a key. i found writing material, and sent a note of four lines to the corps surgeon. half an hour after, an irate little man stormed in and stamped around among those prostrate men, flourishing a scrap of paper and calling for the writer. his air was that of the champion who wanted to see "the man who struck billy patterson," and his fierceness quite alarmed me, lest he should step on some of the men. so i hurried to him, and was no little surprised to find that the offending missive was my note. i told him i had written it, and could have had no thought of "reporting" him, since i knew nothing about him. after considerable talk i learned that he had charge of the meat, and that none had been issued to that place, because no "requisition" had been sent. i had never written a requisition, but found blanks in that desk, filled one, signed it and gave it to the meat man, who engaged that the beef should be there next morning. it grew dark, and we had two tallow candles lighted! may none of my readers ever see such darkness made visible--such rows of haggard faces looking at them from out such cavernous gloom! i talked hopefully, worked and walked, while mentally exclaiming: "oh, god! what shall i do?" about nine o'clock dr. porter, division surgeon, came with georgie, to take us to our quarters. these were but half a block away, on the same side of the street, but on the opposite side, and corner of the next cross-street, in a nice two-story brick house, with a small yard in front. an old lady answered his summons, but refused to admit us: when he insisted and i interposed, saying the lady was afraid of soldiers, but would admit us. we would bid him good night, and soon our lodgings would be all right. she was relieved, took us in, cooked our rations for herself and us, gave us a comfortable bed, and was uniformly kind all the time we staid, and seemed sorry to have us leave. i spoke the first night to dr. porter about blankets and straw, or hay for beds, but was assured that none were to be had. supplies could not reach them since being cut off from their base, and the provost marshal, gen. patrick, would not permit anything to be taken out of the houses, though many of them were unoccupied, and well supplied with bedding and other necessaries. i thought we ought to get two blankets for those two naked men, if the government should pay their weight in gold for them; and suggested that the surgeons take what was necessary for the comfort of the men, and give vouchers to the owners. i knew such claims would be honored; would see that they should be; but he said the matter had been settled by the provost, and nothing more could be done. it seems to me now that i must have been benumbed, or i could have done something to provide covering for those men. i did think of giving one of them my shawl, but i must have died without it. i remembered my douglas hospital letter, and knew that gen. patrick could order me out of fredericksburg, and leave these men to rot in the old theater. already their wounds were infested by worms, which gnawed and tormented them; some of those wounds were turning black, many were green; the vitality of the men was sinking for want of food and warmth. i could not forsake them to look after reform; would not fail to do what i could, in an effort to do what i could not or might not accomplish. in the morning i saw that the men had something they called coffee, and found canned milk for it, which was nourishment; but a new difficulty arose. the men who brought the coffee would distribute it to those who had cups or canteens, and the others would get none. i had some trouble to induce them to leave their cans, until, with the two tin cups i could borrow, i could give about one-third the whole number the coffee they could not otherwise have. our cooking was done in the churchyard, with that of the church patients. a shed had been put up; but our cooking was an "uncovenanted mercy," and when our beef came there was a question as to how it could be cooked--how that additional work could be done. i wrote to the provost-marshal, stating our trouble, and the extremity of one hundred and eighty-two men. asked that we might take a cook-stove out of a vacant house near; promised to take good care of it and have it returned; and he wrote, for answer: "i am not a thief! if you want a stove send to the sanitary commission!" he must have known that the commission was as pressed as the government to conform its arrangements to the movements of an army cut off from its base of supplies, and that it had no stoves, so the plain english of his answer was: "let your wounded die of hunger, in welcome! i am here to guard the property of the citizens of fredericksburg!" i had already written to the commission for blankets and a broom, but there were none to be had. it soon however sent a man, who cut branches off trees, and with them swept the floors. chapter lxviii. am placed in authority. on monday morning i sent for dr. porter, and stated the trouble about nurses shirking. he had them all summoned in the front end of the large room, and in presence of the patients, said to them: "you see this lady? well, you are to report to her for duty; and if she has any fault to find with you she will report you to the provost-marshal!" i have never seen a set of men look more thoroughly subdued. there were eleven of them, and they all gave me the military salute. the doctor went off, and i set them to work. one middle-aged irishman had had some experience as a nurse; could dress wounds--slowly, but very well--was faithful and kind; and him i made head-nurse up stairs, where there were fifty-four patients, and gave him three assistants, for whom he was to be responsible. after patrick's note, i calculated my resources, and got ready for a close siege. as i sat on that little stationary bench, making an inventory, i heard shrieks, groans and curses, at the far end of the room; ran to the place, and got there in time to see the surgeon of the blankets tearing the dry dressings off a thigh stump! coming up behind him, i caught him by both ears, and had my hands full, ordered him to stop, and said: "you had better go back to your room and smoke." again i sent for surgeon porter, and in less than two hours that little wretch, with his orderly, packed up his blankets and i saw him or them no more. i had never dressed a thigh stump, but must dress a good many now; i rolled that one in a wet cloth, and covered it carefully, to let the man get time to rest, while i got rid of his horrid tormentor. when there was so much to be done, i would do the most needful thing first, and this was ridding the wounds of worms and gangrene, supporting the strength of the men by proper food, and keeping the air as pure as possible. i got our beef into the way of being boiled, and would have some good substantial broth made around it. i went on a foraging expedition--found a coal-scuttle which would do for a slop-pail, and confiscated it, got two bits of board, by which it could be converted into a stool, and so bring the great rest of a change of position to such men as could sit up; had a little drain made with a bit of board for a shovel, and so kept the mud from running in at the side door; melted the tops off some tin cans, and made them into drinking cups; had two of my men confiscate a large tub from a brewery, set it in the vestibule to wash rags for outside covers to wounds, to keep off chill, and had others bring bricks and rubbish mortar from a ruin across the street, to make substitutes for pillows. i dressed wounds! dressed wounds, and made thorough work of it. in the church was a dispensary where i could get any washes or medicines i wished, and i do not think i left a worm. some of them were over half an inch long, with black heads and many feet, but most were maggots. they were often deeply seated, but my syringe would drive them out, and twice a day i followed them up. the black and green places grew smaller and better colored with every dressing. the men grew stronger with plenty of beef and broth and canned milk. i put citric acid and sugar in their apple sauce as a substitute for lemons. i forget how many thigh stumps i had, but i think as many as twelve. one of them was very short and in a very bad condition. one morning when i was kneeling and dressing it, the man burst into tears, and said: "you do not seem to mind this, but i know you would not do it for anything but the love of god, and none but he can ever reward you; but if i live to see my wife and children, it will be through what you have done for me, and i will teach them to bless your name!" he quite took me by surprise, for i seemed to have forgotten any other life than that i was then living; and dressing the most frightful wounds was as natural as eating. i felt no disgust, no shrinking, and mere conventional delicacy is withdrawn when the angel of death breathes upon it. the man we stepped over at the back door, proved to be a student from the pennsylvania agricultural college, shot through the alimentary canal, near the base of the spine. for him there was no hope, but i did what i could to make him less uncomfortable, and once he said: "this is strange work for a lady." "you forget," i said, "that i am surgeon in charge, that you and i were made of the same kind of clay, in much the same fashion, and will soon turn into just the same kind of dust." how my heart was wrung for him, with his refined face, dying for a country which sent its bayonets to stand between him and the armful of straw, with which i might have raised him above that muddy floor. he had no knapsack to serve as a pillow, no blanket, no cup, and his position across the doorway was cold and uncomfortable; but even after i had made a better place for him, he objected to leaving two companions, who lay next to him, and i could not find room for all three together, even on that dirty floor. he himself always dressed the wound where the bullet entered, and was most grateful for the means of doing so. i cared for that one through which death's messenger made its exit, and although he knew its condition, he did not know the certainty of a fatal result, and resented any intimation that he should not recover. chapter lxix. visiters. the second morning of my work in the old theater, miss hancock came to see how i got along. she was thoroughly practical, and a most efficient laborer in the hospital field, and soon thought of something to better the condition of the man minus clothes, who lay quite near my desk and the front door, and caught my dress whenever he could, to plead for a blanket. she could get no blanket; but was stationed in the methodist church, where there was a surgeon in charge, and everything running in regular order. in a tent adjoining, this man could be laid out of the draught and chill of that basement, and she would do her best to get some clothing for him. she sent two men with a stretcher, who took him to the church tent, where i fear he was not much better provided for than in the place he left. after some days, mrs. gen. barlow came to see the men who all belonged to her husband's division, and were rejoiced to see her; and to express a general fear for my life. i was to die of overwork and want of sleep, "and then," she exclaimed, "what will become of these men? no one but you ever could or would have done anything for them. do you know there were three surgeons detailed for duty here, before you came, and none of them would stay? now if you die, they will. do take some rest!" i listened and looked at her flushed face, while she talked, and said: "mrs. barlow, i am not going to die--am in no danger whatever, and will hold out until help comes. this cannot last; government will come to the rescue, and my men will be here when it comes. after all is over, i will fall to pieces like an old stage coach when the king-bolt drops out; will lie around as lumber for a while, then some one will put me together again, and i will be good as new. it is you who are killing yourself. you must change your arrangements or you will take typhoid fever, and after such a strain, recovery will be hopeless. i take nobody's disease--am too repellant; but you will catch contagion very readily. keep away from fever cases and rest; you are in imminent peril." she hurried away, laughing at the idea of one in her perfect health being injured by hard work; but my heart was full of evil omen. i had talked with mrs. senator pomeroy, on her way from her last visit to the contraband camp, where she gave her life in labor for the friendless and poor, and she had looked very much as mrs. barlow did that day. soon after this, i was made glad by the sight of my friend, mrs. judge ingersol. people say her daughter, mrs. gov. chamberlain, is a beauty, but she is not old enough ever to have been as beautiful as her mother, that day, in her plain widow's dress, walking among the wounded, with her calm face so full of strength and gentleness. she and mrs. barlow had hatched a rebellion. in the city was a barn containing straw, for want of which our men were dying. it was guarded by one of gen. barlow's men. mrs. barlow took two others, went with them, placed herself in front of the guard, told them to break open the barn and carry out the straw, and him to fire, if he thought it is duty; but he must reach them through her. the man's orders were to guard the barn; with the straw out of it he had nothing to do. the men moved side and side, going in and out, and she kept in range to cover them until the last armful had been removed. it was taken away and was to be distributed; but there was still so little compared to the need, that there must be consultation about the manner of using it. mrs. ingersol thought it should be made into small pillows, and volunteered to undertake that work; as the commission could furnish muslin, i thought this best. she found a loft, and engaged several fredericksburg women to work for pay. they worked one day, but did not return on the second. there were a good many union women there by this time, who should have helped, but few could confine themselves to obscure work in a loft, when there was so much excitement on the streets. there was no authority to hold any one to steady employment; and so about two-thirds the helpers who reached fredericksburg, spent a large part of their time in an aimless wandering and wondering, and finding so much to be done, could do nothing. so, most of the time mrs. ingersol was in her loft alone, except the orderlies who stuffed her slips, sewed up the ends and carried them off to the places she designated; but she had nimble fingers, and sleight-of-hand, and turned out a surprising number of small straw pillows. as my allowance came, the question was what to do with them. they were too precious for use. what should i do with those scraps of white on that field of grime? our gaunt horror became grotesque, in view of such unwonted luxuries. what! a whole dozen or two little straw pillows among one hundred and sixty men! who should elect the aristocrats to be cradled in such luxury amid that world of want? when my aristocrat was elected, how should his luxury be applied? would i put it under his head or mangled limb? i think i never realized our destitution until those little pillows came to remind me that sometimes wounded men had beds! oh, god! would relief never come? like the scotch girl in the besieged fortress of india, i felt like laying my ear to the ground, to harken for the sound of the bagpipes, the tramp of the campbells coming. it did seem that, without surgical aid or comforts of any kind, my men must soon be all past hope; but a surgeon came, and i hailed him with joy, thinking him the advance guard of the army of relief. half an hour after his appearance i missed him, and saw him no more; and this was the fourth which left those men, after being regularly detailed to duty among them--left them to die or live, as they could. soon after this we had an official visit from one of those laundry critics, called "medical inspectors." as there were no sheets or counterpanes to look after, he turned his attention to a heap of dry rubbish in the vestibule, which gave the place an untidy appearance, as seen from the street. to remove this eyesore he had one of my nurses hunt up a wheel-barrow, and two shovels--shovels were accessible by this time--and ordered him and another to wheel that rubbish out into the street. the wheel-barrow coming in the door called my attention, when i learned that we were going to be made respectable. i sent the wheel-barrow home, gave the shovels to two men to dig a sink hole back in the yard, and forbade any disturbance of the dry, harmless rubbish in the vestibule. i would not have my men choked with dust by its removal, and set about getting up false appearances. no medical inspector should white that sepulchre until he cleared the dead men's bones out of it. he had not looked at a wound; did not know if the men had had any dinner. a man did not need a medical diploma to clear up after stage carpenters. if the government wanted that kind of work done, it had better send a man and cart with its donkey. chapter lxx. wounded officers. in washington, i had done nothing for any wounded officer, except a captain who was brought to our ward when all the others were taken away, and in fredericksburg i began on that principle. i found twenty in the old theater, and had them removed to private houses, to make room for the men, and that they might be better cared for. officers could be quartered in private houses, and have beds, most of those taken out of the theater were put into houses between it and our quarters, so that i could see them on my way to and from meals. among them was the blind man, who still craved to hear me speak and feel my hand, and i kept his face in a wet compress until a surgeon was dressing it and found the inflammation so gone that he drew the lid of one back, and the man cried out in delight: "i can see! i can see! now let me see mother." i stood in his range of vision, until the surgeon closed the lids, when he said: "now, mother, i shall always remember just how you look." i found in my visit to those men that some orderlies needed some one to keep them in order, and that a helpless man is not always sure his servant will serve him. often the orderlies themselves were powerless, and those men would have suffered if i had not cared for them. more than once some of them said: "i wish, mother, we were back with you in the old theater?" there was a captain whose stump i must fix every night before he could sleep, and when his wife came i tried to teach her, but she was so much afraid of hurting him she could do nothing. i learned in time that officers quartered in private houses, even with the greater comforts they had, often suffered more than the men in all their privations. mrs. barlow came for me to see one given up to die, and i found him in a large handsome room, on the first floor of an elegant residence, absolutely hopeless, but for years have not been able to recall the trouble in his case. it must have been easy to set right, for he began at once to recover, and i felt that people had been very stupid, and that there was an unreasonable amount of wonder and gratitude over whatever it was i did. it was often so easy to save a life, where there were the means of living, that a little courage or common sense seemed like a miraculous gift to people whose mental powers had been turned in other directions. but i found another side to looking after officers in private quarters. one evening after dark, georgia called to tell me of a dreadful case of suffering which a surgeon wished her to see. he was there to accompany her, but she declined going without me, and i went along, walking close behind them, as the pavement was narrow. he did not seem to notice that i was there, was troubled with the weight of his diploma and shoulderstraps, and talked very patronizingly to the lady at his side, until she turned, and said to me: "do you hear that?" "oh, yes," i replied, "and feel very grateful to the young man for his permission to do the work he is paid for doing, but if he had reserved his patronage until some one had asked for it, it would have had more weight." "your friend is sarcastic," was his reply to her; and i said no more until we reached the case of great distress, which was on the second floor of a vacant house, and proved to be a colonel in uniform, seated in an easy chair, smoking, while his orderly sat in another chair, oil the other side of the room. georgie stood looking from one man to the other in speechless surprise; but i spoke to the man in the chair, saying: "how is it, sir, that you, an officer, in need of nothing, have trespassed upon our time and strength, when you know that men are dying by hundreds for want of care?" he began to apologize and explain, but i said to georgie: "come, miss willets, we are not needed here." as we passed from the room, the surgeon took his cap to accompany us, when i stopped, made a gesture, and said: "young man! stay where you are! your friend must be too ill to do without you. i will see the young lady to her quarters. the vidette is on the corner, and we do not need you!" we came away filled with wonder, but we did not for some time realize the danger. we came to know that miss dix's caution was not altogether unwise; that women had been led into traps of this kind, when it would have been well for them had they died there, and when duty to themselves and the public required them to get one or more doctors ready for dissection. after that lesson, however, i did not fear to leave georgie, who remained with the army, doing grand work, until richmond fell, but laying the foundation of that consumption, of which she died. of all the lives which the rebellion cost us, none was more pure, more noble, than that of this beautiful, refined, strong, gentle girl. chapter lxxi. "now i lay me down to sleep." the sanitary commission soon got a supply of clothing, and sent two men to wash and dress my patients. these, with the one sweeping floors with branches, were an incalculable help and comfort; but these two did their work and passed on to other places. one of the men they had dressed grew weak, and i was at a loss to account for his symptoms, until by close questioning, i drew from him the answer, "it is my other wound!" these words sounded like a death-knell, but i insisted on seeing the other wound, and found four bullet holes under his new clothes. from the one wound, for which i had been caring, he might easily recover; but with four more so distributed that he must lie on one, and no surgeon to make trap doors, no bed--there was no hope. he was so bright, so good, so intelligent, so courageous, it was hard to give him up. ah, if i had him in campbell, with dr. kelly to use the knife! how my heart clung to him! he lay near the center of the room, with his head close to a column; and one night as i knelt giving him drink, and arranging his knapsack and brick pillow, making the most of his two blankets, and thinking of his mother at home, i was suddenly impressed by the beauty and grandeur of his face;--his broad, white brow shaded by bushy, chestnut hair, half curling; the delicate oval of his cheeks; the large, expressive grey eyes; the straight nose and firm chin and lips!--he could not have been more than twenty-two, almost six feet high, with a frame full of vigor. how many such men were there in this land? how many could we afford to sacrifice in order to preserve a country for the use of cowards and traitors, and other inferior types of the race? the feeble light of my candle threw this picture into strong relief against the surrounding gloom, and it was harder than ever to give him up, but this must be done; and i wanted to extract from that bitter cup one drop of sweetness for his mother; so i said to him: "now, george, do you think you can sleep?" he said he could, and i added: "will you pray before you sleep?" he said he would. "do you always pray before going to sleep?" he nodded, and i continued: "let us pray together, to-night, just the little prayer your mother taught you first." he clasped his hands, and together we repeated "now i lay me down to sleep," to the end; when i said: "do you mean that, george? do you mean to ask god to keep your soul, for christ's sake, while you are here; and, for his sake, to take it to himself when you go hence, whenever that may be?" the tears were running over his cheeks, and he said, solemnly: "i do." "then it is all well with you, and you can rest in him who giveth his beloved sleep." there was no time for long prayers, and i must go to another sufferer. a kind, strong man, from the michigan aid society, came and worked two days among my men, and said: "if i only had them in a tent, on the ground; but this floor is dreadful!" up stairs were some wounds i must dress, while a corpse lay close beside one of the men, so that i must kneel touching it, while i worked. it lay twelve hours before i could get it taken to its shallow, coffinless grave; and while i knelt there, the man whose wound i was dressing, said: "never mind; we'll make you up a good purse for this!" he had no sooner spoken than a murmur of contemptuous disapproval came from the other men, and one said: "a purse for her! she's got more money than all of us, i bet!" another called out: "no, we won't! won't do anything of the kind! we're your boys; ain't we, mother? you're not working for money!" "why," persisted the generous man, "we made up a purse of eighty dollars for a woman t' other time i was hurt, and she hadn't done half as much for us!" "eighty dollars!" called out the man who thought me rich; "eighty dollars for her! why i tell you she could give every one of us eighty dollars, and would not miss it!" another said: "she isn't one of the sort that are 'round after purses!" why any of them should have thought me rich i cannot imagine except for the respect with which officers treated me. to veil the iron hand i held over my nurses, i made a jest of my authority, pinned a bit of bandage on my shoulder, and played commander-in-chief. officers and guards would salute when we passed, as an innocent joke, but the men came to regard me as a person of rank. citizens of fredericksburg, who at first insulted me on the street, as they did other yankee nurses, heard that i was a person of great influence, and began to solicit my good offices on behalf of friends arrested by order of secretary stanton, and held as hostages, for our sixty wounded who were made prisoners while trying to pass through the city, before we took possession. so i was decked in plumes of fictitious greatness, and might have played princess in disguise if i had had time; but i had only two deaths in the old theater--this man up stairs, and the man without clothes, who lay alone in that back room, and after the amputation of his thigh, had no covering until government gave him one of virginia clay. chapter lxxii. more victims and a change of base. one day at noon, the air thrilled with martial music and the earth shook under the tramp of men as seven thousand splendid troops marched up princess ann street on their way to reinforce our army, whose rear was about eight miles from us. they were in superb order, and the forts around washington had been stripped of their garrisons, and most of their guns, to furnish them; but the generalship which cut our army off from its base of supplies, and blundered into the battle of the wilderness, like a blind horse into a briar patch, without shelling or burning the dry chapperal in which our dead and wounded were consumed together, after the battle, had made no arrangements for the safe arrival of its reinforcements. so they were ambushed soon after passing through fredericksburg; and that night, before ten o'clock, all the places i had succeeded in making vacant were filled with the wounded from this reinforcement. how many of them were brought to fredericksburg i do not know; but it must have been a good many, when some were sent to my den of horrors. one evening, after dark, i went to the dispensary, and found a surgeon just in from the front for supplies. while they were being put up, he told us of the horrible carnage at spottsylvania that day, when the troops had been hurled, again and again, against impregnable fortifications, under a rain of rifle balls, which cut down a solid white oak tree, eighteen inches in diameter. the battle had ceased for the night, and it was not known whether it would be renewed in the morning. "but if it is," said the speaker, "it will be the bloodiest day of the war, and we must be whipped, routed. the rebels are behind breastworks which cannot be carried. any man but grant would have known that this morning, but he is to fight it out on this line, and it is generally thought he will try it again in the morning. if he does, it will be a worse rout than bull run." no one was present but the surgeon in charge of the church, the dispensary clerk, and myself; so he was no alarmist, for when he had done speaking, he took his package, mounted his horse and left. people had said, through the day, that the roar of guns was heard in the higher portions of the city, but no news of the battle seemed to have reached it during all the next day. i spent it in preparing for the worst, warned georgie and tightened the reins on my nurses. i had had no reason to complain of any, and felt that i should hold them to duty, even through a rout. it also seemed well to know where our wounded were located, in that part of the city, so that if an attempt were made to remove them, in a hurry, there might not be any overlooked. at half-past eleven that night i had heard nothing from the front, and went to sleep, with heavy forebodings. at two o'clock i was aroused by the sounds of a moving multitude, rose and looked out to see, under the starlight, a black stream pouring down the side street, on the corner of which our quarters were situated, and turning down princess ann, toward the river landing. to me, it was the nation going to her doom, passing through the little period of starlight, on into the darkness and the unknown. in louisville, i had learned to believe that the eternal verities demanded the destruction of our government. true, the south had beaten the north in her bloody struggle for the privilege of holding her slaves while she flogged them; but i could see, in this, no reason why that north should be chosen as freedom's standard-bearer! our ignoble emancipation proclamation had furnished no rock of moral principle on which to plant her feet while she struggled in that bloody surf. god was blotting out our name from among the nations, that he might plant here a government worthy of such a country. i calculated there was a rear guard that would hold the enemy back until morning, and did not wake georgie, who needed sleep; but i must be with my men, who would be alarmed by the unusual sounds; must see that those nurses did not run away. to get to my post, i must cross that stream, and as i stood waiting on the bank, could see that it was not composed of men in martial array. it met exactly all my previous conceptions of a disorderly flight. there were men in and out of uniform, men rolled in blankets, men on horseback and men on foot, cannon, caisons, baggage wagons, beef cattle, ambulances and nondescripts, all mixed and mingled, filling the street from wall to wall; no one speaking a word, and all intent on getting forward as fast as possible. so thickly were they packed that i waited in vain, as much as twenty minutes, for some opening through which i might work my way to the other side, and at last called the vidette, who came and helped me over. reaching the theater, i found many of the men awake and listening; went among them and whispered, as i did something for each, that there was some movement on the street i did not understand, but should probably know about in the morning. during the suspense of those dark hours, and all the next day i was constantly reminded of the bible metaphor of "a nail fastened in a sure place." the absolute confidence which those men reposed in me, the comfort and strength i could give them, were so out of proportion to my strength that it was a study. i was a very small nail, but so securely fastened in the source of all strength, that they could hold by me and hope, even when there seemed nothing to hope for. as for me, all the armies of the world, and the world itself might melt or blow away, but i should be safe with god, and know that for every creature he was working out some noble destiny. all the pain, and sorrow, and defeat, were rough places--briars in an upward path to something we should all rejoice to see. all day that dark stream surged around that corner, and i took heart that the flight was not disorderly, since i heard of none coming by any other street. all day the work went on as usual at the old theater, and i made short excursions to other places. up that street in one end of an engine house, up a narrow, winding stair, i found a room full of men deserted, and in most pitiable condition. they were all supposed to be fever cases, but one young man had an ankle wound, in which inflammation had appeared. i hurried to the surgeons, stationed in the far end of the building, and reported the case. they sent immediately for the man, and i knew in two hours that the amputation had been successful, and barely in time. as i went on that errand, i met two christian commission men walking leisurely, admiring the light of the rising sun on the old buildings, and told them of the urgent demand for help, and chicken broth or beef broth and water up in that room. they were polite, and promised to go as soon as possible to the relief of that distress; but when i returned and up to the last knowledge i had of the case, they had not been there. i secured a can of cooked turkey, the only one i ever saw, and a pitcher of hot water, and with these made a substitute for chicken broth; gave them all drinks of water, bathed their faces, found one of their absent nurses, made him promise to stay, and went back to the main building to have some one see that he kept his word. here was a large floor almost covered with wounded, and among them a woman stumbled about weeping, wailing, boo-hooing and wringing her hands; i caught her wrist, and said: "what _is_ the matter?" "oh! oh! oh! boo-hoo! boo-hoo! the poor fellow is goin' to die an' wants me to write to his mother." "well, write to her and keep quiet! you need not kill all the rest of them because he is going to die." "oh! boo-hoo! some people has no feelin's; but i have got feelin's!" i led her to the surgeon in charge, who sent her and her "feelin's" to her quarters, and told her not to come back. she was the only one of the dix' nurses i saw in fredericksburg, and her large, flat, flabby face was almost hideous with its lack of eye-brows and lashes; but this hideousness must have been her recommendation, as she could not have been more than twenty years old. from the engine house i went to the methodist church. miss hancock had been detailed to the general hospital, just being established, and i found a house full of men in a sad condition. nine o'clock, on a hot morning, and no wounds dressed; bandages dry and hard, men thirsty and feverish, nurses out watching that stream pouring through the city, and patients helpless and despondent. i got a basin of water and a clean rag, never cared for sponges, and went from one to another, dripping water in behind those bandages to ease the torment of lint splints, brought drinks and talked to call their attention from the indefinite dread which filled the air, and got up considerable interest in--i do not remember what--but something which set them to talking. some wounds i dressed, and while engaged on one, a man called from the other side of the house to know what the fun was all about, when the man whose wound i was attending placed a hand on each of his sides, screamed with laughter, and replied: "oh, jim! do get her to dress your wound, for i swear, she'd make a dead man laugh!" i found some of the nurses; a surgeon came in who would, i thought, attend to them, and i went back to my post to find every man on duty. it was near sundown when we heard that this backward movement was a "change of base;" but to me it seemed more like looking for a base, as there had been none to change. the stream thickened toward nightfall, and continued until two o'clock next morning; so that our army was twenty-four hours passing through fredericksburg; and in that time i do not think a man strayed off on to any other street! all poured down that side street, turned that corner, and went on down princess ann. chapter lxxiii. prayers enough and to spare. the next evening, after hearing of the battle of spottsylvania, and while waiting to know if it had been renewed, i sat after sundown on the door-step of our quarters, when an orderly hurried up and inquired for the christian commission. a lieutenant was dying, and wanted to see a preacher. i directed the messenger, but doubted if he would find a preacher, as i had seen nothing of any save a catholic priest, with whom i had formed an alliance; and i went to stay with the dying man, who was alone. i found him nervous and tired, with nothing to hinder his return to his regiment inside of a month. he had been converted, was a member of the methodist church, and seemed an humble christian man. i told him he was getting well, had seen too much company, and must go to sleep, which he proceeded to do in a very short time after being assured that that motion was in order. he had slept perhaps five minutes when the messenger returned, followed by six preachers! i made a sign that he slept and should not be disturbed, but they gathered around the bed with so much noise they waked him. there seemed to be a struggle for precedence among his visitors, but one gained the victory. they all wanted to shake hands with the man in the bed, but his left arm was off, and i objected; whereupon the head spokesman groaned a good solid groan, to which the others groaned a response. he stood at the foot of the bed, spread his chest, and inquired: "well, brother, how is your soul in this solemn hour?" the answer was such as a good christian might make; and i told the gentleman that the lieutenant had been unnecessarily alarmed; that he had seen too much company, was weary and excited, needed rest, and was rapidly recovering; that he ought to go to sleep; but they all knelt around the bed, and the first prayed a good, long, loud prayer; talked about "the lake that burneth," and other pleasant things, while i held the patient's hand, and felt his nerves jerk. i thought it would soon be over; but no sooner had this one finished than the next fell to, and gave us a prayer with more of those sobs made by hard inhalation than his predecessor, and a good deal more brimstone. no sooner had he relieved his mind than a third threw back his head to begin, and i spoke, quietly as possible; begged they would let the lieutenant sleep; told them that down in the old theater was a man in a back room, alone and dying. i had tried to get some one to sit with him and pray with him, and hoped one or two of them would go to him at once, as every moment might make it too late. a man was also dying in the engine-house, who ought to have some christian friend with him as he crossed the dark valley. they listened impatiently; then the man whose turn it was to ventilate his eloquence, pushed his sleeves up to the elbows, rubbed his hands as if about to lift some heavy weight, and exclaimed: "yes, sister! yes. we'll attend to them; but, first, let us get through with this case!" then he went to work and ladled out groans, sobs and blue blazes. the other three followed suit, and when they had all had a good time on their knees, each one gave a short oration, and when they got through i reminded them again of the two dying men; but like the undutiful son, they said, "i go! and went not!" it was two of the six whom i met next morning, and asked to go to the relief of those poor patients, who promised and went not. chapter lxxiv. get out of the old theater. i do not know how long i was in charge of the old theater, but remember talking to some one of having been there ten days, and things looking as usual. it was after the change of base, that one afternoon i got eight hopeful cases sent to the general hospital, where they would have beds. that night about ten o'clock the vidette halted a man, who explained that he was surgeon in charge of that institution, and when he got leave to go on, i caught him by the lapel of his coat, and said: "if you are surgeon--what is the reason that the eight men i sent you this afternoon had had no supper at nine o'clock?" he promised to attend to them before he slept, and on that we parted. soon after this, dr. childs, of philadelphia, and a regular army surgeon, came to the old theater, hung their coats and official dignity, if they had any, on the wall--never said a word about the rubbish in the hall, but fastened up their sleeves and went to work. when they came, i felt as if i could not take another step, went to my room and lay down, thinking of raphael's useless angels leaning their baby arms on a cloud. my angels wore beards, and had their sleeves turned up like farm laborers, as they lifted men out of the depths of despair into the light and warmth of human help and human sympathy. in sending the men away, they sent the amputation cases and george to the church, and sent for me to go to them there. georgie had gone to the general hospital, and there was no surgeon in charge at the church when i went to it. so, once more, i set about doing that which was right in my own eyes. i could have a bale of hay, whipped out my needle and thread, and for several bad cases who had two blankets converted one into a bed tick, had it filled with hay, and a man placed on it; but three were sadly in need of beds, and had no blankets; and to them i alloted the balance of my precious bale, had it placed under them loose, and rejoiced in their joy over so great a luxury. my theater men had been laid in a row close to the wall, next to the late scene of their suffering; and about midnight of the first night there, a nurse asked me to go to a man who was dying. i found him in front of the altar. the doors and front panels of the pews had been fastened v shape to the floor, and he lay with one arm over this, and his head hanging forward. he had been shot through the chest, was breathing loud and in gasps, worn out for want of support, and to lay him down was to put out his lamp of life instantly. what he needed was a high-backed chair, but general patrick's sense of duty to the citizens of fredericksburg left no hope of such a support. as the only substitute in my reach, i sat on the edge of the pew door and its panel, drew his arm across my knee, raised his head to my shoulder, and held it there by laying mine against it. in this way i could talk in a low monotone to him, and the hopes to which the soul turns when about to leave the tenement of clay. he gasped acquiescence in these hopes, and his words led several men near to draw their sleeves across their eyes; but they all knew he was dying, and a little sympathy and sadness would not injure them. he reached toward the floor, and, the man next handed up a daguerreotype case, which he tried to open. i took and opened it; found the picture of a young, handsome woman, and held it and a candle, so that he could see it. his tears fell on it, as he looked, and he gasped, "i shall never be where that has been." i said: "is it your wife?" and he replied, "no! but she would have been." i always tried to avoid bringing sadness to the living on account of death; but it must have been hard for men to sleep in sound of his labored breathing; and to soften it i began singing "shining shore." he took it up at once, in a whisper tone, keeping time, as if used to singing. soon one, then another and another joined, until all over the church these prostrate men were singing that soft, sad melody. on the altar burned a row of candles before a life-sized picture of the virgin and child. the cocks crew the turn of the night outside, and when we had sung the hymn through, some of the men began again, and we had sung it a second time when i heard george call me. i knew that he, too, was dying, and would probably not hear the next crowing of the cock. i must go to him! how could i leave this head unsupported? oh, death where is thy sting? i think it was with me that night; but i went to george, and when the sun arose it looked upon two corpses, the remains of two who had gone from my arms in one night, full of hope in the great hereafter. chapter lxxv. take boat and see a social party. next morning a new surgeon took charge, and ordered that hay to be removed. the men clung to their beds and sent for me; i plead a respite, in hopes of getting muslin to make ticks; but was soon detected in the act of taking a bowl of broth to one of my patients. this the surgeon forbade on the ground that it was not regular meal time. i said the man was asleep at meal time. this he would not permit, men must be fed at regular hours, or not at all, and the new authority informed me that "more wounded soldiers had been killed by women stuffing them than by anything else." he had just come from massachusetts, and this was his first day among the wounded. i set my bowl down before the altar, found a surgeon who ranked him, and stated the case, when the higher authority said: "give every man an ox, every day, if he will take it in beef tea." "but, doctor, there is nothing in beef tea. i give broth." "very good, give them whatever you please and whenever you please--we can trust you." the new surgeon was promptly dismissed, and when next i saw him he was on his way back to massachusetts. that night a nurse came for me to go to the theater which had been vacated, and once more almost filled with men who lay in total darkness, without having any provision made for them. i got them lights, nurses and food, but could not go back for another siege in that building--could not leave my present post, but the city was being evacuated. both theater and church were emptied, and i went to the tobacco warehouse, where mrs. ingersol was perplexed about a man with a large bullet in his brain. when i had seen him and assured her that another ounce of lead in a skull of that kind was of no consequence, she redoubled her care, and i have no doubt he is living yet. but there was one man in whom i felt a deep interest and for whom i saw little hope. he had a chest wound, and had seemed to be doing well when there was a hemorrhage, and he lay white and still almost as death. he must not attempt to speak, and i was a godsend to him, for i knew what he needed without being told, and gave him the best care i could. he was of a western state, and his name dutton, and when i left him i thought he must die in being moved, as he must be soon; but i must go with a boat-load of wounded. this boat was a mere transport, and its precious freight was laid on the decks as close as they could well be packed, the cabin floor being given up to the wounded officers. there were several surgeons on board who may have been attending to the men, but cannot remember seeing any but one engaged in any work of that kind. there were also seven lady nurses, all i think volunteers, all handsomely if not elegantly dressed. of course they could do nothing there, and i cannot see how they could have done anything among the wounded in any place where there were no bedsteads to protect the men from their hoops. they had probably been engaged in preparing food, taking charge of, and distributing supplies and other important work, for personal attendance on the men was but a part of the work to be done. surgeons could do little without soiling their uniforms, but my dress had long been past soiling or spoiling; my old kid slippers without heels, could be slid, with the feet in them, quite under a man, and as i stepped sideways across them, they took care that my soft dress did not catch on their buttons. when i sat on one heel to bathe a hot face, give a drink or dress a wound, some man took hold of me with his well hand and steadied me, while another held my basin. i had half of an old knapsack to put under a wound, keep the floor dry and catch the worms when i drove them out--and no twenty early birds ever captured so many in the same length of time. i became so eager in the pursuit that i kept it up by candle-light, until late midnight, when i started to go to my stateroom. entering the cabin, i came upon a social party, the like of which i trust no one else will ever see. on the sofas sat those seven lady nurses, each with the arm of an officer around her waist, in full view of the wounded men on the floor, some of whom must go from that low bed, to one still lower--even down under the daisies. i stopped, uttered some exclamation, then stood in speechless surprise. three surgeons released the ladies they were holding, came forward and inquired if there was anything wanted. i might have replied that men and women were wanted, but think i said nothing. when i reached my room i found in the berth a woman who raised up and said: "the stewardess told me this was your room; will you let me stay with you?" she was another georgie--young, calm, strong, refined, was miss gray of columbia hospital, and staid with me through a long hard trial, in which she proved that her price was above rubies. next morning i found on one of the guards, young johnson, the son of an old wilkinsburg schoolmate. hoped i had so checked the decay and final destroyers which had already taken hold of him, that he might live. wrote to his people, and saw him at noon transferred with the other patients, the surgeons and stylish lady nurses, to a large hospital boat; when miss gray and i returned in the transport to fredericksburg. chapter lxxvi. take final leave of fredericksburg. i cannot remember if our boat lay at the fredericksburg wharf one day or two; but she might start any moment, and those who went ashore took the risk of being left, as this was the last boat. the evacuation was almost complete, and we waited the result of expeditions to gather up our wounded from field hospitals at the front. we were liable to attack at any moment, and were protected by a gunboat which lay close along side. there was plenty to do on board, but in doing it i must see the piles of stores on the wharf brought there too late to be of service to our wounded, and now to be abandoned to the rebels. there were certainly one hundred bales of hay, which would have more than replaced all that was withheld by united states bayonets from our own men in their extremity. i soon learned after entering fredericksburg, that our commissaries were issuing stores without stint to the citizens; went and saw them carry off loads of everything there was to give; and when those one hundred and eighty-two union soldiers were literally starving in the old theater, union soldiers were dealing out delicacies to rebels, while others guarded the meanest article of their property, and kept it from our men, even when it was necessary to save life. i consulted several old sanitary commission men, who told me it was always so when grant was at the front; that he was then in absolute command; that patrick, the provost marshal, was his friend, and would be sustained; and that we must be quiet or we would be ordered out of fredericksburg. gen. grant may have been loyal to the union cause, but it has always seemed to me that in fighting its battles, he was moved by the pure love of fighting, and took that side which could furnish him the most means to gratify his passion for war. his generalship was certainly of a kind that would soon have proved fatal to our cause in the war of the revolution, and only succeeded in the war of the rebellion, because the resources at his command were limitless, as compared with those of the enemy. it was late in the afternoon when our boat shoved off, and as we steamed away we saw the citizens rush down and take possession of the stores left on the wharf. during the evening and night we were fired into several times from the shores, but these attacks were returned from the gun-boat, which kept our assailants at such distance that their shots were harmless. we must have no lights that night, and the fires were put out or concealed, that they might not make us a target. so i slept, as there was nothing to be done, but in the morning was out early in search of worms, and was having good success, when two richly, fashionably dressed ladies came to tell me there was to be nothing to eat, save for those who took board at the captain's table. they had gone to the kitchen to make a cup of tea for a wounded officer, and were ignominiously driven off by the cook. what was to be done? we might be ten days getting to washington. i went in search of a surgeon in charge, and found one in bed, sick; waited at his door until he joined me, when together we saw the captain of the boat. there were two new cook-stoves on board, but to put one up would be to forfeit the insurance. there were plenty of commissary stores. the surgeon went with me, ordered the commissary to give me anything i wanted, and went back to bed. our stores consisted of crackers, coffee, dried-apples, essence of beef, and salt pork in abundance, a little loaf bread, and about half a pound of citric acid. of these only the crackers and bread could be eaten without being cooked. there were four hundred and fifty wounded men--all bad cases, all exhausted from privation. how many of them would live to reach washington on a diet of crackers and water? i went to the cook, a large, sensible colored woman, and stated the case as well as i could. after hearing it she said: "i see how it is; but you see all these officers and ladies are agoin to board with the captain, an' i'll have a sight o' cooking to do. i can't have none of those fine ladies comin' a botherin' around me, carryin' off my things or upsettin' 'em. but i'll tell you what i'll do; i'll hurry up my work and clare off my things; then you can have the kitchen, you an' that young lady that's with you; but them women, with their hoops an' their flounces, must stay out o' here!" it was hard to see how two of them would get into that small domain, a kitchen about ten feet square, half filled by a cook-stove, shelves, and the steep, narrow, open stairs which led to the upper deck; but what a kingdom that little kitchen was to me! all the utensils leaked, but cook helped me draw rags through the holes in the three largest which i was to have, and which covered the top of the stove. there were plenty of new wooden buckets and tin dippers on board as freight, some contraband women, and an active little man, who had once been a cook's assistant. he and the women were glad to work for food. he was to help me in the kitchen. they worked outside, and must not get in the way of the crew. they washed dried apples and put them to soak in buckets, pounded crackers in bags and put the crumbs into buckets, making each one a third full and covering them with cold water. i put a large piece of salt pork into my largest boiler, added water and beef essence enough to almost fill the boiler, seasoned it, and as soon as it reached boiling point had it ladled into the buckets with the cracker-crumbs, and sent for distribution. the second boiler was kept busy cooking dried apples, into which i put citric acid and sugar, for gangrene prevailed among the wounds. in the third boiler i made coffee; i kept it a-soak, and as soon as it boiled i put it strong into buckets, one-third full of cold water. i kept vessels in the oven and on the small spaces on top of the stove. my little man fired up like a fire-king, another man laid plenty of wood at hand; and i think that was the only cook-stove that was ever "run" to its full capacity for a week. by so running it, i could give every man a pint of warm soup and one of warm coffee every twenty-four hours. to do this, everything must "come to time." when one piece of pork was cooked, it was cut into small pieces and distributed, and another put into the boiler. during our cooking times i usually sat on the stairs, where i could direct and be out of the way; and to improve the time, often had a plate and cup from which i ate and drank. cook always saved me something nice, and i made tea for myself. i was running my body as i did the cook stove, making it do quadruple duty, and did not spare the fuel in either case. around each foot, below the instep, i had a broad, firm bandage, one above each ankle and one below each knee. if soldiers on the march had adopted this precaution, they would have escaped the swollen limbs so often distressing. i also had each knee covered by several layers of red flannel, to protect them while i knelt on damp places. soon after going into campbell, i discovered that muscles around the bone will do double service if held firmly in place, and so was enabled in all my hospital work, to do what seemed miraculous to the most experienced surgeons. i rested every moment i could, never stood when i might sit, made no useless motions, spent no strength in sorrow, had no sentiment, was simply the engineer of a machine--my own body; could fall asleep soon as i lay down, and wake any moment with my senses all alert, outlived my prejudice about china cups, and drank tea from brown earthen mugs used for soup, and never washed save in cold water; often ate from a tin plate with my left hand, while my right held a stump to prevent that jerking of the nerves which is so agonizing to the patient, many a time eating from the same tin plate with my patient, and making merry over it; and think i must have outstanding engagements to dance cotillions with one hundred one-legged men. one day while i sat eating and watching, that just enough cans of beef were put into each boiler of broth, and no time wasted by letting it stand after reaching boiling point, a surgeon asked to see me at the kitchen door. he informed me that up on the forecastle, some men had had soup twice while those in some other place had had none. he evidently wished to be lenient, but felt that i had been guilty of great neglect. i heard his grievance, and said: "doctor, how many of you surgeons are on this boat?" after some consideration he answered: "four!" "four surgeons!" i repeated, "beside the surgeon in charge, who is sick! we have four hundred and fifty wounded men! i draw all the rations, find a way to cook them, have them cooked and put into the buckets, ready for distribution. do you not think that you four could organize a force to see that they are honestly distributed--or do you expect me to be in the kitchen, up in the forecastle, and at the stern on the boiler deck, at one and the same time? doctor, could you not take turns in amusing those ladies? could they not spare two of you for duty?" i heard no more complaints, but left miss grey more in charge of the kitchen, and did enough medical inspecting to know that i had been unjust. some of the surgeons had been on duty, and the men were not so much neglected as i had feared. as for the ladies, i do not know how many there were of them, but they were of good social position--quite as good as the average of those whose main object in life is to look as much better than their neighbors as circumstances will admit. there was on board one of those folks for whose existence christianity is responsible, and which sensible hindoos reduce to their original elements, viz.: a widow who gets a living by being pious, and is respectable through sheer force of cheap finery; one who estimates herself by her surroundings, and whose every word and look and motion is an apology for her existence. she was a dix, or paid nurse. the ladies snubbed her; we had no room for her hoops; and she spent her time in odd corners, taking care of them and her hair, and turning up her eyes, like a duck in a thunder-storm, under the impression that it looked devotional. if i had killed all the folks i have felt like killing, she would have gone from that boat to her final rest. one night about eleven o'clock a strange surgeon, who had just come aboard with twenty wounded, came to the kitchen door, and handed in a requisition for tea and custard and chicken for his men. the man told him he could have nothing but cracker-broth or coffee. he was very indignant, and proceeded to get up a scene; but the man said, firmly: "can't help it, surgeon! that's the orders!" "orders! whose orders?" i got down from my porch on the stairs, came forward and said: "it is my orders, sir, and i am sorry, but this is really all we can do for you. if your men have tin cups, each one can have a cup of warm soup--it will not be very hot--or a cup of warm coffee. those who get soup will get no coffee, and those who get coffee can have no soup. you can get tin cups from the commissary, and should have them ready, so that the food will not cool." while i made this statement he stood regarding me with ineffable disdain, and when i was through inquired: "who are you?" "i am the cook!" "the cook!" he repeated, contemptuously. "i will report your insolence when we reach washington!" "that may be your duty; but i will send up the coffee and soup, and do you get the tin cups." he stamped off in dudgeon, and others who heard him were highly indignant; but i was greatly pleased to find a surgeon who would get angry and raise a disturbance on behalf of his patients. i never knew his name, but if this should meet his eye i trust he will accept my thanks for his faithfulness to his charge. on the lower deck, behind the boilers, lay twenty wounded prisoners, who at first looked sulky; but as i was stepping over and among them, one caught my dress, looked up pleadingly, and said: "mother, can't you get me some soft bread? i can't eat this hard-tack." he was young, scarce more than a boy; had large, dark eyes, a good head--tokens of gentle nurture--and alas! a thigh stump. he told me he was of a mississippi regiment, and his name willie gibbs. i bathed his hot face, and said i would see about the bread; then went to another part of the deck, where our men were very closely packed, and stated the case to them. there was very little soft bread--it was theirs by right; what should i do? i think they all spoke at once, and all said the same words: "oh, mother! give the johnnies the soft bread! we can eat hard-tack!" i think i was impartial, but there was a temptation to give willie gibbs a little more than his share of attention. his face was so sad, and there was so little hope that he would ever again see those who loved him, that i think i did more for him than for any other one on board. his companions came to call me "mother," and i hope felt their captivity softened by my care; and often rebel hands supported me while i crouched at work. when we approached washington, i proposed rewarding the cook for the incalculable service she had rendered, but she replied: "no, ma'am, i will not take anything from you 'cept that apron! when we get to washington, you will not want it any more, an' i'll keep it all my life to remember you, and leave it to my children! lord! there isn't another lady in the world could 'a done what you've done; an' i know you're a lady! them women with the fine clothes is trying to pass for ladies, but, lord! i know no lady 'u'd dress up that way in a place like this, an' men know it, too--just look at you, an' how you do make them fellers in shoulderstraps stand 'round!" her observation showed her southern culture, for whatever supremacy the north may have over the south, southern ladies are far in advance of those of the north in the art of dress. a southern lady seldom commits an incongruity, or fails to dress according to age, weather, and the occasion. i do not think any one of any social standing would have gone among wounded men, with the idea of rendering any assistance, tricked out in finery, as hundreds, if not thousands, of respectable northern women did. the apron which i gave to my friend the cook, was brown gingham, had seen hard service, and cost, originally, ten cents, and half an hour's hand-sewing; but if it aids her to remember me as pleasantly as i do her, it is part of a bond of genuine friendship. chapter lxxvii. try to get up a society and get sick. after two days in bed at home, i was so much better, that when mrs. ingersol came with a plan for organizing a society to furnish the army with female nurses, i went to see mrs. lincoln about it. she was willing to cooperate, and i went to secretary stanton, who heard me, and replied: "you must know that mrs. barlow and mrs. ingersol and you are not fair representatives of your sex," and went on to explain the embarrassment of the surgeon-general from the thousands of women pressing their services upon the government, and the various political influences brought to bear on behalf of applicants, and of the well grounded opposition of surgeons to the presence of women in hospitals, on account of their general unfitness. gen. scott, as a personal friend of miss dix, had appointed her to the place she held, and it was so convenient and respectful to refer people to her, that the war department would not interfere with the arrangement. in other words, she was a break-water against which feminine sympathies could dash and splash without submerging the hospital service. after what i had seen among the women who had succeeded in getting in, i had not much to say. a society might prescribe a dress, but might be no more successful than miss dix in making selections of those who should wear it. i asked the secretary how it came that no better provision had been made for our wounded after the battle of the wilderness, and tears sprang to his eyes as he replied: "we did not know where they were. we had made every arrangement at the points designated by gen. grant, but he changed his plans and did not notify us. the whole army was cut off from its base of supplies and must be sustained. as soon as we knew the emergency, we did everything in our power; but all our preparations were lost. everything had to be done over again. you cannot regret the suffering more than i, but it was impossible for me to prevent it." i never saw him so earnest, so sorrowful, so deeply moved. that effort seemed to be the straw which broke the camel's back, and i was so ill as to demand medical attendance. for this i sent to campbell. dr. kelly came, but his forte was surgery, and my case was left with dr. true, who had had longer practice in medicine. they both decided that i had been inoculated with gangrene while dressing wounds, and for some weeks i continued to sink. i began to think my illness fatal, and asked the doctor, who said: "i have been thinking i ought to tell you that if you have any unsettled business you should attend to it." i had a feeling of being generally distributed over the bed, of being a mass of pulp without any central force, but i had had a letter that day from my daughter, who was with her father and grandmother in swissvale, and wanted to come to me, and the thought came: "does god mean to make my child an orphan, that others may receive their children by my death?" then i had a strange sensation of a muster, a gathering of scattered life-force, and when it all came together it made a protest; i signed to the doctor, who put his ear to my lips, and i said: "doctor true, i shall live to be an hundred and twenty years old!" he took up the lamp, threw the light on my face, and peered anxiously into it, and i looked straight into his eyes, and said: "i will!" he laughed and set down the lamp, saying: "then you must get over this!" "you must get me over it. bring dr. kelly!" next morning, i had them carry me into a larger room, where the morning sun shone on me, and ten days after, started for pennsylvania, where i spent three weeks with my old swissvale neighbors, col. hawkins and wm. s. haven. when i returned to washington, i found an official document, a recommendation from the quarter-master general, of my dismissal for absence without leave. it was addressed to secretary stanton, who had written on the outside: "respectfully referred to mrs. swisshelm, by edwin m. stanton." i went back to work, and learned that mrs. gen. barlow had died of typhoid fever, in washington. no man died more directly for the government. thousands who fell on the battle-field, exhibited less courage and devotion to that service, and did less to secure its success. i know not where her body lies, but wherever it does, no decoration-day should pass in which her memory is not crowned with immortelles. she died at a time when my life was despaired of, and when mrs. ingersol wrote to a maine paper of my illness, adding: "i hope the lord will not take her away, until he has made another like her." she told me afterwards that just then she held the world at a grudge; but it must have been relieved of my presence long ere this, if i had not found in homoepathy relief from pain, which for eight months made life a burden, and for which the best old-school physicians proposed no cure. chapter lxxviii. an efficient nurse. to show the capabilities of some of the women who thought they had a mission for saving the country by acting as hospital nurses, i give the history of one. while i lay ill, a friend came and told of a most excellent woman who had come from afar, and tendered her services to the government, who had exerted much influence and spent much effort to get into a hospital as nurse, but had failed. hearing of my illness, her desire to be useful led her to tender her services, so that if she could not nurse wounded soldiers she could nurse one who had. the generous offer was accepted, and i was left an afternoon in her care. i wanted a cup of tea. she went to the kitchen to make it, and one hour after came up with a cup of tea, only this and nothing more, save a saucer. to taste the tea. i must have a spoon, and to get one she must go along a hall, down a long flight of stairs, through another hall and the kitchen, to the pantry. when she had made the trip the tea was so much too strong that a spoonful would have made a cup. she went down again for hot water, and after she had got to the kitchen remembered that she had thrown it out, thinking it would not be wanted. the fire had gone out, and she came up to inquire if she should make a new one, and if so, where she should find kindling? she had spent almost two hours running to and fro, was all in perspiration and a fluster, had done me a great deal of harm and nobody any good, had wasted all the kindlings for the evening fire, enough tea to have served a large family for a meal, and fairly illustrated a large part of the hospital service rendered by women oppressed with the nursing mission. my sense of relief was inexpressible when mrs. george b. lincoln returned from her visit to the white house, sent my tea-maker away and took charge of me once more. chapter lxxix. two fredericksburg patients. some months after leaving fredericksburg, i was walking on pennsylvania avenue, when the setting sun shone in my face, and a man in uniform stopped me, saying: "excuse me! you do not know me, but i know you!" i turned, looked at him carefully, and said: "i do not know you!" "oh, no! but the last time you saw me, you cut off my beard with your scissors and fed me with a teaspoon. when you left me you did not think you would ever see me again." "oh!" i exclaimed joyfully, "you are dutton." he laughed, and replied, "that's me. i have just got a furlough and am going home." he was very pale and thin, but i was so glad to see him and shake hands, and wish him safely home with his friends. during the great review after the war, i had a seat near the president's stand. there was a jam, and a man behind me called my attention to a captain, at a short distance, who had something to say to me, and passed along the words: "you took care of me on the boat coming from fredericksburg." looking across, i could see him quite well, but even when his hat was off could not recognize him; and this is all i have ever heard from or of the men with whose lives mine was so knit during that terrible time. i fear that not many survived, and doubt if a dozen of them ever knew me by any other name than that of "mother." chapter lxxx. am enlightened. when early appeared before washington, we all knew there was nothing to prevent his coming in and taking possession. the forts were stripped. there were no soldiers either in or around the city. the original inhabitants were ready to welcome him with open arms. the departments were closed, that the clerks might go out in military array, to oppose; but of course few soldiers were sitting at desks at that stage of the war. the news at the quartermaster's office one morning was that the foreign ministers had been notified, and that the city would be shelled that afternoon. we lived on the north side of the city; and when i went home, thousands of people were on the streets, listening to the sound of guns at fort reno. so far as i knew, there was a universal expectation that the city would be occupied by rebel troops that night. as this was in harmony with the general tenor of my anticipations for a quarter of a century, i readily shared in the popular opinion, and for once was with the majority. among the groups who stood in the streets were many contrabands, and their faces were pitiful to see. one scantily-clad woman, holding a ragged infant, and with two frightened, ragged children clinging to her skirts, stood literally quaking. her black face had turned gray with terror, and she came to me and asked: "oh! missus! does ye tink dey will get in?" suddenly my eyes were opened, like those of the prophet's servant when he saw the horses and chariots of fire, and i replied: "no! never! they will come no nearer than they now are! you can go home and rest in peace, for you are just as safe from them as if you were in heaven!" she was greatly comforted; but a gentleman said, as she moved away: "i wish i could share your opinion; but what is to hinder their coming in?" "god is to hinder! he has appointed us to rescue these people. they are collected here in thousands, and the prayers of centuries are to be answered now!" i myself went home feeling all the confidence i spoke, and wondering i could have been so stupid as to doubt. our government and people were very imperfect, but had developed a sublime patriotism--made an almost miraculous growth in good. ten righteous men would have saved sodom. we had ten thousand; and i must think there are few histories of supernatural interference in the affairs of the jews more difficult to account for, on merely natural grounds, than the preservation of washington in that crisis. conclusion. december th, , the fiftieth anniversary of my birth, found me in washington, at work in the quarter-master's office, on a salary of sixty dollars a month, without any provision for support in old age; and so great a sufferer as never to have a night of rest unbroken by severe pain, but with my interest in a country rescued from the odium of southern slavery, and a faint light breaking of the day which is yet to abolish that of the west. in the summer of ' , dr. king, of pittsburg, came to know what i would take for my interest in ten acres of the swissvale estate, which he had purchased. my deed had presented a barrier to the sale of a portion of it, and he was in trouble: i consulted secretary stanton, who said: "your title to that property is good against the world!" it had become valuable and the idea of its ownership was alarming! i had made up my mind to poverty, had been discharged from the quarter-master's office by special order of president johnson, "for speaking disrespectfully of the president of the united states!"--_washington star_--was the first person dismissed by mr. johnson; was without visible means of support, could not suddenly adjust my thought to anything so foreign to all my plans as coming into possession of a valuable estate, and said: "oh, secretary stanton, how shall i ever undertake such a stewardship at my time of life?" he looked sternly at me, and replied: "mrs. swisshelm, don't be a fool! take care of yourself! it is time you would begin. the property is yours now. you are morally responsible for it, and can surely make some better use of it than giving it away to rich men around pittsburg. go at once and attend to your interests." this was our last interview. i instituted the suit he advised, and he would have plead my cause before the supreme court, but when it came up he was holding possession of the war department to defeat president johnson's policy of making the south triumphant. however, the decree of the court was in my favor, and through it i have been able to rescue the old log block house from the tooth of decay, and to sit in it and recall those passages of life with which it is so intimately connected. the end. a visit to the united states in by joseph sturge boston: dexter s. king, no. cornhill. "'tis liberty alone that gives the flower of fleeting life its lustre and perfume; and we are weeds without it. all constraint, except what wisdom lays on evil men, is evil; hurts the faculties, impedes their progress in the road of science; blinds the eyesight of discovery; and begets, in those that suffer it, a sordid mind." cowper. preface to the american edition preface to the english edition a visit, &c. general observations appendix a: anti-slavery epistle of "friends" in great britain. appendix b: early efforts of "friends" in behalf of negro appendix c: report of the committee of the yearly meeting of friends, &c. appendix d: elisha tyson. appendix e: the "amistad captives" appendix f: extract from an essay by william jay appendix g: opium war with china. appendix h: letter of a.l. pennock. appendix i: gerrit smith's slaves. appendix k: the society of friends in america and the colonization society appendix l: memorial of citizens of boston, united states, to the lords of the admiralty, great britain. preface to the american edition. within a few years past, several of our visitors from the other side of the atlantic, have published their views of our country and her institutions. basil hall, hamilton and others, in their attempts to describe the working of the democratic principle in the united states, have been unfavorably influenced by their opposite political predilections. on the other hand, miss martineau, who has strong republican sympathies, has not, at all times, been sufficiently careful and discriminating in the facts and details of her spirited and agreeable narrative. the volume of mr. sturge, herewith presented, is unlike any of its predecessors. its author makes no literary pretensions. his style, like his garb, is of the plainest kind; shorn of every thing like ornament, it has yet a truthful, earnest simplicity, as rare as it is beautiful. the reader will look in vain for those glowing descriptions of american scenery, and graphic delineations of the peculiarities of the american character with which other travellers have endeavored to enliven and diversify their journals. coming among us on an errand of peace and good will--with a heart oppressed and burdened by the woes of suffering humanity--he had no leisure for curious observations of men and manners, nor even for the gratification of a simple and unperverted taste for the beautiful in outward nature. his errand led him to the slave-jail of the negro-trafficker--the abodes of the despised and persecuted colored man--the close walls of prisons. his narrative, like his own character, is calm, clear, simple; its single and manifest aim, _to do good_. although this volume is mainly devoted to the subject of emancipation, and to his intercourse with the religious society of which he is a member, yet the friends of peace, of legal reform, and of republican institutions, will derive gratification from its perusal. the liberal spirit of christian philanthropy breathes through it. the author's deep and settled detestation of our slavery, and of the hypocrisy which sustains and justifies it, does not render him blind to the beauty of the republican principle of popular control, nor repress in any degree his pleasure in recording its beneficent practical fruits in the free states. the labors of mr. sturge in the cause of emancipation have given him the appellation of the "howard of our days." the author of the popular "history of slavery," page , thus notices his arduous personal investigations of the state of things in the west india islands, under the apprenticeship system. "the idea originated with joseph sturge, of birmingham, a member of that religious body, the friends, who have ever stood pre-eminent in noiseless but indefatigable exertions in the cause of the negro; and who seem to possess a more thorough practical understanding than is generally possessed by statesmen and politicians, of the axiom that the shortest communication between two given points, is a straight line. while others were speculating, and hoping that the worst reports from the west indies might not be true, and that the evils would work their own cure, this generous and heroic philanthropist, resolved to go himself and ascertain the facts and the remedy required." on his return, mr. sturge, with his companion, thomas harvey, published a full account of their investigations into the working of the apprenticeship system; and his testimony before the parliamentary committee, occupied seven days. his disclosures sealed the fate of the apprenticeship system. such a demonstration of popular sentiment was called forth against it, that the colonies, one after another, felt themselves under the necessity of abandoning it for unconditional emancipation. it was a remark of brougham, in the house of lords, that the abolition of the apprenticeship was the work of one man, and that man was joseph sturge. mr. sturge's benevolent labors have not been confined to the abolition of slavery. he is a prominent member of the anti-corn law league. he is an active advocate of the cause of universal peace. he has given all his influence to the cause of the oppressed and laboring classes of his own countrymen: and his name is at this moment, the rallying-word of millions, as the author and patron of the "suffrage declaration," which is now in circulation in all parts of the united kingdom, pledging its signers to the great principle of universal suffrage--a full, fair and free representation of the people. it was reserved for the untitled quaker of birmingham to take the lead in the great and good work of uniting, for the first time, the middle and the working classes of his countrymen, and in so doing, to infuse hope and newness of life into the dark dwellings of the english peasant and artisan. the editor of the london non-conformist, speaking of this movement of mr. sturge, says: "the declaration is put forth by a man, who, perhaps, in a higher degree than any other individual, has the confidence of both the middle class and the working men. the former can trust to his prudence; the latter have faith in his sincerity." such is the man, who, prompted by his untiring benevolence, visited our shores during the past year. this volume is the brief record of his visit, and of the impressions produced upon his mind by our conflicting interests and institutions. it is now republished, in the belief that the opinions of its author will be received with candor and respect by all classes of our citizens, and that they are calculated to make a permanent and salutary impression, in favor of the great cause of universal freedom. boston, may, . preface to the english edition. in visiting the united states, the objects which preferred the chief claim to my attention were the _universal abolition of slavery_, and _the promotion of permanent international peace_. deeply impressed with the conviction that the advancement of these is intimately connected with the progress of right views among professing christians in that country, it was my desire not only to inform myself of the actual state of feeling and opinion among this important class, but if possible, to contribute my mite of encouragement and aid to those who are bearing the burden and heat of the day, in an arduous contest, on whose issue the alternative of a vast amount of human happiness or misery depends. this general outline of my motives included several specific, practical objects, which will be found detailed in the ensuing pages. for obvious reasons, _the abolition of slavery in the united states_ is the most prominent topic in my narrative; but i have freely interspersed observations on other subjects of interest and importance, as they came under consideration. short notices are introduced of some of the prominent abolitionists of america; and, though sensible how imperfectly i have done justice to exertions, which, either in degree or kind, have scarcely a parallel in the annals of self-denying benevolence, i fear i shall occasionally have hurt the feelings of the individuals referred to, by what they may deem undeserved or unseasonable praise; yet i trust they will pardon the act for the sake of the motive, which is to introduce the english anti-slavery reader to a better acquaintance with his fellow laborers in the united states. my short stay, and the limited extent of my visit, prevented my becoming acquainted with many who are equally deserving of notice. less than twelve months have elapsed since i embarked on this "visit;" and though, with the help of steam by sea and land, an extensive journey may now be performed in a comparatively short time, yet, during this brief interval, my own engagements would have prevented my placing the following narrative so early before the public without assistance. it is right to state that a large portion of the work has been prepared for the press from a rough transcript of my journal, from my correspondence, and other documents, by the friend who accompanied me on a former journey to the west indies, and who then compiled the account of our joint labors. nearly the whole of the narrative portion of this publication has been sent to america, to different individuals who were concerned in, or present at the transactions related, and has been returned to me with their verification of the facts; so that the reader has the strongest guaranty for their accuracy. the inferences and comments i am solely responsible for, and i leave them to rest on their own merits. in undertaking this journey, i was careful not to shackle my individual liberty by appearing as the representative of any society, whether religious or benevolent; and, on the other hand, none of those friends, who kindly furnished me with letters of introduction, are in any way responsible for my proceedings in the united states, or for any thing which this volume contains. in conclusion,--should these pages come under the notice of any, who, though well wishers to their species, are not yet identified with anti-slavery effort, i would entreat such to "come over and help us." if they are ambitious of a large and quick return for their outlay of money, of time, of labor,--for their painful sympathies and self-denying prayers,--where will they find a cause where help is more needed, or where it would be rewarded more surely and abundantly? let them reflect on what has been effected, within a few short years, in the british west indies, so recently numbered among "the dark places of the earth, full of the habitations of cruelty,"--but now scenes of light, gladness, and prosperity, temporal and spiritual. to show what remains to be accomplished for the universal abolition of slavery--a field in which the laborers are few indeed, in proportion to its extent--i may be allowed to quote the following comprehensive statement, from the preface to one of the most important volumes that ever issued from the press on the subject of slavery:[a] [footnote a: "proceedings of the london anti-slavery convention."] "the extent of these giant evils may be gathered from a brief statement of facts. in the united states of america, the slave population is estimated to be , , ; in brazil, , , ; in the spanish colonies, , ; in the french colonies, , ; in the dutch colonies, , ; in the danish and swedish colonies, , ; and in texas, , ; besides those held in bondage by great britain, in the east indies, and the british settlements of ceylon, malacca, and penang; and by france, holland, and portugal, in various parts of asia and africa; amounting in all to several millions more; and exclusive also of those held in bondage by the native powers of the east, and other parts of the world, of whose number it is impossible to form a correct estimate. "to supply the slave-markets of the western world, , native africans are, on the most moderate calculation, annually required; whilst the slave-markets of the east require , more. in procuring these victims of a guilty traffic, to be devoted to the rigors of perpetual slavery, it is computed that , perish in addition, and under circumstances the most revolting and afflicting. "but this is not all. in the southern section of the united states, and in british india, a vast internal slave-trade is carried on, second only in horror and extent to that which has so long desolated and degraded africa. "these facts exhibit, also, the magnitude of the responsibility which devolves upon abolitionists; in view of it they may well be allowed to disclaim, as they do, all sectarian motive, all party feeling: 'glory to god in the highest, on earth peace, good will to man,' is their aim: consistently with the blessed character of this gospel anthem, they recognize no means as allowable for them, in the prosecution of their holy enterprise, than those which are of a moral, religious, and pacific nature; in the diligent use of these means, and trusting in god, they cherish the hope that, under his blessing, they may be permitted to accomplish the great work to which they are devoted; and thus be made instrumental in advancing the sacred cause of freedom, and its attendant blessings, civilization and religion, throughout the earth." j.s. edgbaston, near birmingham, second month, st, . a visit, &c. i embarked at portsmouth, on board the british queen steam packet, commanded by captain franklin, on the th of the d month, (march,) . during the first two or three days, the weather was unusually fine for the season of the year, and gave us the prospect of a quick and prosperous voyage. the passengers, about seventy in number, were of various nations, including english, french, german and american. the very objectionable custom of supplying the passengers with intoxicating liquors without limit and without any additional charge, thus compelling the temperate or abstinent passenger to contribute to the expenses of the intemperate, was done away. each individual paid for the wine and spirits he called for, a circumstance which greatly promoted sobriety in the ship; but i am sorry to say three or four, and these my own countrymen, were not unfrequently in a state of intoxication. on one occasion, after dinner, one of these addressed an intelligent black steward, who was waiting, by the contemptuous designation of "blackey;" the man replied to him in this manner:--"my name is robert; when you want any thing from me please to address me by my name; there is no gentleman on board who would have addressed me as you have done; we are all the same flesh and blood; i did not make myself; god made me." this severe and public rebuke commended itself to every man's conscience, and my countryman obtained no sympathy even from the most prejudiced slaveholder on board. several of my fellow passengers stood in this relation; and i found i could freely converse with a native american slaveholder not only with less risk of giving offence, but that he was more ready to admit the inherent evils of slavery than the europeans who had become inured to the system by residence in the southern states of america, or than the american merchants residing in the northern cities, whose participation in the commerce of the slave states had imbued them with pro-slavery views and feelings. one of them, a french merchant of new orleans, went so far as to assure me, that in his opinion it would be as reasonable to class the negroes with monkeys, as to place them on an equality with the whites. on the nights of the th and th the aurora borealis was very beautiful and vivid, which is said to be, in these latitudes, an indication of stormy weather. accordingly on the th the weather became less favorable, with an increased swell in the sea, wind more ahead, and occasional squalls. on the night of the th we encountered one of the most awful hurricanes ever witnessed by the oldest sailor on board; and from this date to the th inst. we experienced a succession of storms of indescribable violence and severity, which at some intervals caused great and i believe very just alarm for the safety of the ship. the president steamer, coming in the opposite direction, is known to have encountered the same weather, and was doubtless lost, not having since been heard of. our escape, under divine providence, must be attributed to the great strength of the vessel, which had been thoroughly repaired since her last voyage, and to the skill and indefatigable attention of the captain. on the th the wind abated, and the greater number of the floats or propelling boards of the paddle wheels having been carried away, and our stock of coals very much reduced, the captain decided to make for halifax, nova scotia, where we arrived on the evening of the th. after a stay of twenty-four hours, for repairs and supplies, we again left for new york, where we arrived safely on the night of th month, (april,) d. the following day, being the first of the week, i landed about the time of the gathering of the different congregations, and inquired my way to the meeting of the orthodox section of the society of friends, and afterwards took up my abode at the carlton hotel. here i met, for the first time, my friend j.g. whittier, whom i had been anxious to associate with myself in my future movements, and who kindly consented to be my companion as far as his health would permit. the next morning, on returning to the vessel to get my luggage passed, a custom-house officer manifested his disapproval of my character and objects as an abolitionist, by giving me much unnecessary trouble, and by being the means of my paying duty on a small machine for copying letters for my own private use, and other articles which i believe are usually passed free. ordinarily at this port, the luggage of respectable passengers is passed with little examination, on an assurance that it comprises no merchandise. this was almost the only instance of discourteous treatment i met with in the united states. we remained in new york from the th to the th of this month, which time was occupied in visiting different friends of the anti-slavery cause, and in receiving calls at our hotel. i had much pleasure and satisfaction in my intercourse here with several individuals distinguished in the anti-slavery cause, some of whom i had met in , during a short visit to new york on my way from the west indies. among these, ought particularly to be mentioned the brothers arthur and lewis tappan. the former was elected president of the american anti-slavery society on its formation, and remained at its head until the division which took place last year, when he became president of the american and foreign anti-slavery society. his name is not more a byeword of reproach, than a watchword of alarm throughout the slave states; and the slave holders have repeatedly set a high price upon his head by advertisement in the public papers. in the just estimation of the pro-slavery party, arthur tappan is abolition personified; and truly the cause needs not to be ashamed of its representative, for a more deservedly honored and estimable character it would be difficult to find. in personal deportment he is unobtrusive and silent; his sterling qualities are veiled by reserve, and are in themselves such as make the least show--clearness and judgment, prudence and great decision. he is the head of an extensive mercantile establishment, and the high estimation in which he is held by his fellow citizens, notwithstanding the unpopularity of his views on slavery, is the result of a long and undeviating career of public spirit and private integrity, and of an uninterrupted succession of acts of benevolence. during a series of years of commercial prosperity, his revenues were distributed with an unsparing hand through the various channels which promised benefit to his fellow creatures; and in this respect, his gifts, large and frequent though they were, were probably exceeded in usefulness by the influence of his example as a man and a christian. his brother lewis, with the same noble and disinterested spirit in the application of his pecuniary resources, possesses the rare faculty of incessant labor; which, when combined, as in his case, with great intellectual and physical capacity, eminently qualifies for a leading position in society. he unites in a remarkable degree, the apparently incompatible qualities of versatility and concentration; and his admirable endowments have been applied in the service of the helpless and the oppressed with corresponding success. he has been from the beginning one of the most active members of the central anti-slavery committee in new york, a body that has directed the aggressive operations against slavery, on a national scale, with a display of resources, and an untiring and resolute vigor, that have attracted the admiration of all, who, sympathizing in their object, have had the privilege of watching their proceedings. of those who have impressed the likeness of their own character on these proceedings, lewis tappan is one of the chief; and he has shared with his brother the most virulent attacks from the pro-slavery party. some years ago he had the ear of a negro sent to him by post, in an insulting anonymous letter. during the past year, though marked by a severe domestic affliction, in addition to his engagements as a merchant, in partnership with his brother arthur, and his various public and private duties as a man and as a citizen, in the performance of which i believe he is punctual and exemplary, he has edited, almost without assistance, the american and foreign anti-slavery reporter, and has also been one of the most active members of a committee of benevolent individuals formed to watch over the interest of the amistad captives. besides superintending the maintenance, education, and other interests of these africans, it was necessary to defend their cause against the whole power of the united states' government, to raise funds for these objects, to interest foreign governments in their welfare, and more than all, to keep them constantly before the public, not only for their own sakes, but that a portion of the sympathy and right feeling which was elicited in their favor might be reflected towards the native slave population of the country, whose claim to freedom rests upon the same ground of natural and indefeasible right. with what success this interesting cause has been prosecuted is well expressed in a single sentence by a valued transatlantic correspondent of mine, who, writing at the most critical period of the controversy, says:--"we, or rather lewis tappan, has made the whole nation look the captives in the face." joshua leavitt, proprietor and editor of the new york emancipator, a large weekly abolition newspaper, and secretary of the american and foreign anti-slavery society, is another remarkable man, clear and sound in judgment, and efficient in action. he is justly regarded by american abolitionists as one of their ablest supporters. la roy sunderland, member of the executive committee, and editor of "zion's watchman," a methodist, religious, and anti-slavery newspaper, with his slight figure, dark intellectual face, and earnest manner, is pointed out to the anti-slavery visitor from the old world as the most prominent advocate of emancipation among the wesleyans. his boldness and faithfulness have combined against him the leading influences of his denomination, but notwithstanding he has been several times tried by ecclesiastical councils, they have always failed to substantiate the charges against him, and his vindication has been complete. theodore s. wright, member of the committee, is a colored presbyterian preacher in this city--an amiable man, much and deservedly respected. all the above mentioned individuals, who have from an early period been among the most zealous and laborious members of the anti-slavery committee, found themselves placed by the events of last year in the position of seceders from the american anti-slavery society, though their opinions had undergone no change. they now belong to the american and foreign anti-slavery society, or as it is technically called the "new organization," a distinction which will be afterwards explained. james m'cune smith, a young colored physician, i had known in england, where he studied for his profession, having been shut out of the colleges of his own country by the prejudice against his complexion. notwithstanding this prejudice he is now practising, i understand, with success, and has fair prospects. i had a pleasant interview with isaac t. hopper, whom also i had met in . he belongs to the american anti-slavery society, or "old organization," and has been a zealous and fearless abolitionist for half a century. he has been recently disowned by the "hicksite friends" for his connection with the newspaper called the "national anti-slavery standard." early on the morning of the th, we left for burlington by railroad, where we were most kindly received by our venerable friends stephen grellett and his wife. on the following day, we took tea with john cox, residing about three miles from burlington, at a place called oxmead, where formerly that eminent minister of the society of friends, george dillwin, resided. j.c. is now in his eighty-seventh year, enjoying a green and cheerful old age, and feeling all the interest of his youth in the anti-slavery cause. it was cheering and animating to witness the serene spirit of this venerable man, and deeply were we interested in the reminiscences of his youth. he well remembered john woolman, whose former residence, mount holly, is within a few miles of oxmead, and of whom he related various particulars characteristic of the simplicity, humanity, and great circumspection of his life and conversation. when john woolman first brought the subject of slavery before the yearly meeting of the society of friends at philadelphia, at a time when its members were deeply implicated both in slave-holding and in slave-dealing, he stood almost alone in his anti-slavery testimony, which he expressed in few and appropriate words. some severe remarks were made by others in reply, on this and on successive similar occasions, when he introduced the subject, but such treatment provoked no rejoinder from john woolman, who would quietly resume his seat and weep in silent submission. he was not deterred by this discouraging reception from again and again bringing the subject before the next yearly meeting, and finally his unwearied efforts, always prosecuted in the "meekness of wisdom," resulted in the society of friends entirely wiping away the reproach of this abomination. the great qualification of john woolman for pleading the cause of the oppressed was the same which has been ascribed with equal truth and beauty to his contemporary and co-worker, anthony benezet: "a peculiar capacity for being profoundly sensible of their wrongs." the biographer of the latter has described another occurrence in the philadelphia yearly meeting at a subsequent stage of this momentous controversy, which may prove an interesting counterpart to the foregoing relation. "on one occasion during the annual convention of the society at philadelphia, when that body was engaged on the subject of slavery, as it related to its own members, some of whom had not wholly relinquished the practice of keeping negroes in bondage, a difference of sentiment arose as to the course which ought to be pursued. for a moment it appeared doubtful which opinion would preponderate. at this critical juncture benezet left his seat, which was in an obscure part of the house, and presented himself weeping at an elevated door in the presence of the whole congregation, whom he thus addressed--'ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto god.' he said no more: under the solemn impression which succeeded this emphatic quotation, the proposed measure received the united sanction of the assembly."[a] [footnote a: life of anthony benezet, by roberts vaux.] even the passing observer is aware how closely the society of friends is identified with the anti-slavery cause, and if such an one were to make this fact the subject of historical investigation, he would probably find it one of considerable interest.--he would learn that some years before the call of thomas clarkson in his early manhood, by a series of distinct and remarkable providences, into this field of labor, this society in america had been pervaded by a noiseless agitation on the subject of slavery, which resulted in the abandonment of the slave-trade, in the liberation of their slaves, and in the adoption of a rule of discipline excluding slaveholders from religious fellowship; so that for many years past, the sins in question have been not so much as to be named among them, or the possibility of their commission hinted at, by any one bearing the name and professing the principles of a "friend." the change described, was effected, not by "pressure from without," but by the constraining influence of the love of christ. the chief instruments in the hands of divine providence in bringing about so remarkable a reformation, were john woolman and anthony benezet, of whom the former was the earlier in the field and broke up the fallow ground, under circumstances of the greatest discouragement, of which the instance above related is an example. the life of this ever-memorable man was a pattern of apostolic christianity--pure, patient, self-denying, meek. love was the element he breathed. his heart not only yearned towards the oppressed of the human family, but his compassion extended to the brute creation, under whose sufferings in the service of man, to use his own expression, "creation at this day doth loudly groan." though dependent on his own labor for a livelihood, he was careful in a most exemplary degree, "not to entangle himself with affairs of this life, that he might please him who had called him to be a soldier;" and the reader of his life will find that this unworldly man took similar pains to avoid wealth, which others do to acquire it. perhaps i may be excused for dwelling a moment on this theme, when i state that one of the latest public acts of my beloved and lamented father-in-law, james cropper, was to cause john woolman's auto-biography and writings to be re-edited, and a large and cheap edition to be struck off, which has appeared since his decease.[a] this work is well known to the society of friends, but should any other reader be induced by these desultory remarks to peruse it, he will find himself richly repaid. in the picturesque simplicity of its style, refined literary taste has found an inimitable charm,[b] but the spiritually minded reader will discover beauties of a far higher order. [footnote a: a journal of the life, gospel labors, and christian experience, &c. &c. of john woolman. warrington, thomas hurst.] [footnote b: see charles lamb's works.] taking leave for the present of our venerable friends at oxmead and burlington, we proceeded on the th to philadelphia, where we remained several days, at the union hotel. during this brief stay, we received visits from a large number of the friends of the anti-slavery cause, and made some calls in return. among others, i had the pleasure of seeing james forten, an aged and opulent man of color, whose long career has been marked by the display of capacity and energy of no common kind. the history of his life is interesting and instructive, affording a practical demonstration of the absurdity, as well as injustice, of that prejudice which would stamp the mark of intellectual inferiority on his complexion and race. i returned to new york on the th, in company with several anti-slavery friends. one of these, dr. bartholomew fussell, resided on the borders of the state of maryland, and had afforded relief and aid to many negroes escaping from slavery. he had kept no account of the number thus assisted till last year, when there were thirty-four, being fewer he thought than the average of several years preceding. the same individual related some interesting particulars of the late elisha tyson, of baltimore, an abolitionist of the old school, who had rescued many negroes from illegal bondage. dr. fussell was an eye witness of the following occurrence: a poor woman had been seized by the agents of woolfolk, the notorious maryland slave dealer, and was carried along the street in which elisha tyson lived. when they arrived opposite his house, she demanded to see "father tyson." a crowd collected about the party, and she so far moved their pity, that they insisted that her wish should be complied with. one of the men hereupon went to inform his employer, who galloped off, pistol in hand, and found elisha tyson standing at his own door. woolfolk with an oath declared he would "send him to hell for interfering with his _property_." elisha tyson coolly exposed his breast, telling him that he dared not shoot, and that he (woolfolk) "was in hell already, though he did not know it." an investigation followed; the poor woman was proved to be illegally detained, and was set at liberty.[a] it is generally allowed that so bold and uncompromising an advocate of the negroes' right as elisha tyson does not now remain in the slave states. [footnote a: see appendix d for a brief account of this ancient philanthropist.] as the old school of abolitionists has been mentioned, and will occasionally be referred to hereafter, the following historical statement of its rise and decline, and of the commencement of the present abolition movement, will probably be interesting to the anti-slavery reader on this side of the atlantic. it is from the pen of my valued coadjutor john g. whittier. "the old anti-slavery societies, established about the period of the american revolution, and of which the late judge jay, benjamin franklin, dr. rush, and other distinguished statesmen were members, were composed mainly of the religious society of friends. these societies were for many years active and energetic in their labors for the slave, and the free people of color; and little, if any, serious opposition was made to their exertions, which indeed seem to have been confined to the particular states in which they were located. they rendered essential service in promoting the gradual abolition of slavery in new york, pennsylvania, and new jersey. "in commenced the discussion of what is now known as the 'missouri question.' the anti-slavery societies took ground against the admission into the union of the territory of missouri as a slave state. they succeeded in arousing the public attention; and for two sessions the subject was warmly debated in congress; the slave-holders finally carrying their point by working upon the fears of a few northern members, by means of that old threat of dissolving the union, which in the very outset of the government had extorted from the convention which framed the constitution, a clause legalizing the foreign slave trade for twenty years. the admission of missouri as a slave state was a fatal concession to the south: the abolitionists became disheartened: their societies lingered on a few years longer, and nearly all were extinct previous to . the colonization scheme had in the mean time, in despite of the earnest and almost unanimous rejection of it by the colored people, obtained a strong hold on the public mind, and had especially enlisted the favorable regard of some of the leading influences of the society of friends. here and there over the country, might be found still a faithful laborer, like elisha tyson, of baltimore, thomas shipley, of philadelphia, and moses brown, of rhode island, holding up the good old testimony against prejudice and oppression in the midst of a wide spread apostacy. i should mention in this connection, benjamin lundy, a member of the society of friends, who devoted his whole life to the cause of freedom, travelling on foot thousands of miles, visiting every part of the slave states, mexico and the haytian republic. about the year , he visited boston, and enlisted the sympathies of william lloyd garrison, then a very young man. not long after, he was joined by the latter as an associate editor of _the genius of universal emancipation_, an anti-slavery paper which he had established at baltimore. after a residence in baltimore of about six months, garrison was thrown into prison for an alledged libel upon a northern slave-trader, whence he was liberated on the payment of his fine by the benevolent arthur tappan. lundy continued his paper some time longer in baltimore, where he was subjected to brutal personal violence from the notorious woolfolk, the great slave-dealer of that city. he afterwards removed it to philadelphia; and in made a tour through the south western states and texas, in which he encountered great dangers, and suffered extreme hardships from sickness and destitution. this journey was deemed by many an unprofitable and hazardous experiment, but it proved of great importance. he collected an immense amount of facts, developing beforehand the grand slave-holding conspiracy for revolutionizing texas, and annexing it to the american union, as a slave territory. these he published to the world on his return; and it has justly been said of him, by john quincy adams, that his exertions alone, under providence, prevented the annexation of texas to the united states. this bold and single-hearted pioneer died not long since in the state of illinois, whither he repaired to take the place of the lamented lovejoy, who was murdered by a mob in that state, in . "in , wm. lloyd garrison commenced, under great difficulties and discouragements, the publication of the _liberator_, in boston; and by the energy and earnestness of his appeals, roused the attention of many minds to the subject of slavery. shortly after, a society was formed in boston in favor of immediate emancipation. it consisted at first, if i remember right, of only twelve members. previous to this, however, a society, embracing very similar principles, had been formed in pennsylvania. in , upwards of sixty delegates from several of the free states, met at philadelphia; among them were elizur wright and beriah green, (who had been compelled to give up their professorships in western reserve [ohio] college, for their attachment to freedom,) lewis tappan, william lloyd garrison, charles w. denison, arnold buffum, amos a. phelps, and john g. whittier. this convention organized the american anti-slavery society, proposing to make use of the common instrumentalities afforded by the government and laws, for the abolition of slavery; at the same time, disavowing a design to use any other than peaceful and lawful measures." in some of the southern states there are professing christian churches who permit slave-holding, but disallow the selling of slaves, except with their own consent. dr. fussell informed me how this fair-seeming rule of discipline was frequently evaded. first, a church member wishing to turn his negroes into cash, begins by making their yoke heavier, and their life a burden. next they are thrown in the way of decoy slaves, belonging to woolfolk, or some other dealer, who introduce themselves to the intended victims, for the purpose of expatiating on the privileges enjoyed by the slaves of so indulgent a master as theirs; and thus the poor unhappy dupes would be persuaded to go and petition to be sold, and so the rule of discipline, above cited, would be _literally_ complied with. so great, generally, is the dread of being sold to the south, that my informant said the larger number of runaways escape when the price is high, as the danger of being sold is then most imminent. the greater proportion of those who thus emancipate themselves are domestics, owing to their superior intelligence, and their opportunities of ascertaining the best mode of escape. on the th, i met the executive committee of the american and foreign anti-slavery society, at their office, no. fulton street, new york. the chair was taken by the president of the society. the subject under discussion was the best time and place of holding another convention of the friends of the anti-slavery cause from all parts of the world. after deliberate consideration, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted. _resolved_,--"that this committee fully recognise and adopt the principles upon which the general anti-slavery convention, held in london last year, was convened, and upon which it acted; that we feel greatly encouraged by the results of its meetings, and that we would strongly recommend our transatlantic friends to summon a second convention in london, at about the same period in ; and that in the event of their doing so, we will use our best exertions to promote a good representation of american abolitionists on the occasion." _resolved_,--"that we deeply sympathize with the british and foreign anti-slavery society, in their noble efforts for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade; that we assure them of our hearty co-operation in their well devised plans and energetic labors; and that so long as the slave question--in connection with the promotion of the rights of the free people of color--and nothing else, is admitted to a place in anti-slavery meetings, they may expect the co-operation of all true-hearted abolitionists throughout the world, in carrying forward the great objects of our associations to a glorious consummation." i returned to philadelphia on the afternoon of the th, but before leaving my hotel in new york, informed one of the proprietors that i intended being in that city on the week of the anniversaries of the religious and benevolent institutions; that as i took a lively interest in the anti-slavery question, it was probable some of my friends among the people of color would call upon me, and that if he, or any of his southern customers objected to this, i would go elsewhere; he answered that he had no objection, and even intimated his belief that public opinion was undergoing a favorable change in reference to this prejudice. although i did not arrive in philadelphia till near midnight, i found my kind friends, samuel webb and wife waiting to receive me, whose hospitable dwelling i made my home, whenever i afterwards lodged in this city. samuel webb is one of the few on whose shoulders the burden of the anti-slavery cause mainly rests in philadelphia. he is a practical man, conversant with business, thoroughly acquainted with the anti-slavery subject in all its phases, and a strenuous advocate for bringing political influence to bear upon the question. he was one of the most active in promoting the erection of pennsylvania hall, a beautiful edifice designed to be open to the use of the anti-slavery societies; which was no sooner so appropriated than it was destroyed by a mob in the th month, (may,) . the fire-scathed ruin of this building yet stands a conspicuous token that the principles of true liberty, though loudly vaunted, are neither understood nor enjoyed in this capital of a _free_ republic. if freedom of thought, of speech, of the press, and the right of petition had been _realities_ in philadelphia, pennsylvania hall would have been yet standing. samuel webb has since taken the chief labor of an appeal to the legal tribunals for compensation for this infamous destruction of property, and a jury have at length awarded damages, though to a very inadequate amount. during the ensuing week i was chiefly occupied in attending the philadelphia friends' yearly meeting. in the intervals of the sittings, i had many opportunities of meeting "friends" from whom i received much kindness, and many more invitations than it was possible for me to accept. there are many "friends" of this city who take a deep interest in the anti-slavery cause; among whom i may mention thomas wistar, an aged and influential individual, who, like his venerable contemporary, john cox, has been an abolitionist from his youth up, and a member of the original society; and one who has been accustomed to bear his testimony on behalf of the oppressed, on suitable occasions, in the presence of his brethren in religious fellowship, and whose communications of this kind, are always weighty, solemn, and impressive. dr. caspar wistar, son of thomas wistar, is a warm hearted, active abolitionist, a liberal contributor of his pecuniary means, and deeply solicitous that "friends" in the united states should be induced to engage earnestly in the cause of emancipation. edward needles, a kind and open hearted man, a native of maryland, and president of the "old abolition society," is a devoted friend to the anti-slavery cause. the subject of slavery was introduced in the yearly meeting by the reading of certain minutes of the meeting for sufferings, from which it appeared that meeting, (the executive committee of the society,) had taken up the question of the foreign slave-trade, but had not yet entertained the consideration of the slavery and internal slave-trade of their own country. on the subject of the latter, a very faithful minute from the meeting for sufferings in london was received and read. as this term will sometimes occur in the ensuing pages, it may be necessary to state for the information of the general reader, that the society of friends is distributed into various "yearly meetings," of which there are several on the continent of north america. within the compass of each an annual assembly is held to regulate all the affairs and discipline of that section of the body. there is also in each yearly meeting a permanent committee called the "meeting for sufferings" for administering the affairs of the societies, in the intervals of its annual assemblies. the technical name of this committee is an expressive memorial of those times of trial, when its chief employment was to record "sufferings" and persecutions, and to afford such succor and alleviation as circumstances admitted. an address from the yearly meeting of london on slavery was also read,[a] which was followed by observations from several, which evinced great exercise of mind on the subject. three thousand copies of it were ordered to be printed for distribution among friends of pennsylvania, and the whole subject of slavery and the slave-trade was referred to their meeting for sufferings, with a recommendation that an account should be drawn up and printed of the former abolition of slavery within the limits of the society of friends. i need hardly state how much these measures were in unison with my own feelings, and that i heartily rejoiced at signs of an awakening zeal in my american brethren. let them but ask for the ancient ways, and follow in the footsteps of their predecessors, whose memorials are their precious inheritance, and once more shall they be made a blessing to mankind, and messengers of mercy and deliverance to the oppressed.[b] [footnote a: see appendix a.] [footnote b: see appendix b.] it will be interesting to some of my english readers to be informed, that both the sale and use of spirituous liquors come within the scope of discipline among "friends" in america. in this yearly meeting it is required that the subordinate meetings should report the number of their members, who continue to sell, use, or give ardent spirits. if i remember rightly the number of cases reported was fifty-nine. at present the moderate use of spirits subjects to admonition, but it was discussed at this time whether the rule of discipline should not be rendered more stringent, and this practice made a disownable offence. finally it was resolved to make no alteration at present, but to recommend the local meetings of friends to use further labor in the line of reproof and persuasion. i am informed that some of the american yearly meetings of friends go still farther on this subject. it will scarcely be questioned that public sentiment both in the united states, and in england, condemns even the moderate use of ardent spirits as a beverage, though some difference of opinion will exist as to the propriety of a religious society making it a cause of disownment or exclusion. in this case of the philadelphia meeting, however, it may be remarked, that in a community of many thousand members, the practice may be regarded as almost eradicated by the milder methods of persuasion. it is a fact deserving of notice, that the same worthies of the last century, woolman, benezet, and others, who raised the standard of anti-slavery testimony, also by the same process of independent thinking, and single-minded, unhesitating obedience to convictions of duty, anticipated the verdict of public opinion on this subject. woolman found that even the most moderate use of ardent spirits, was unfavorable to that calm religious meditation, which was the habit of his mind, and has left his views on record in various characteristic passages. i shall also, i trust, be excused for introducing the following anecdote of two of his contemporaries. "jacob lindley, to adopt his own designation of himself was a 'stripling' when he attended a yearly meeting of friends held at philadelphia; his mind had been for some time much afflicted with an observation of the pernicious effects of spirituous liquors, and he was anxious that the religious society to which he belonged, should cease to use, and prevent any of its members from being instrumental in manufacturing or vending them. he therefore rose and developed his feelings to the assembly, in the energetic and pathetic manner for which he was peculiarly remarkable. when the meeting adjourned, he observed a stranger pressing through the crowd towards him, who took him by the hand in the most affectionate manner, and said, 'my dear young friend, i was very glad to hear thy voice on the subject of spirituous liquors; i have much unity with thy concern, and hope that no discouragement may have been received from its not being farther noticed; and now i want thee to go home, and take dinner with me, having something farther to say to thee on the subject.' lindley accepted the invitation, and after they had dined, benezet introduced his young guest into a little room used as a study, where he produced a manuscript work on the subject of spirituous liquors, in an unfinished state; he opened the book and laid it on a table before them, saying, 'this is a treatise which i have been for some time engaged in writing, on the subject of thy concern in meeting to-day; and now if thou hast a mind to sit down, and write a paragraph or two, i will embody it in the work, and have it published.'"[a] [footnote a: life of anthony benezet, p. - .] these eminent men, john woolman and anthony benezet, had much in common; yet their characters were as unlike as opposite temperaments, and as alike as similarity of views, could make them. so marked was their coincidence of sentiment in opposition to the prevailing opinions and practices of that day, that it might be surmised one was a disciple of the other, yet there is no reason to suppose such was the case. each had the single eye; both learned in the same school, and sat at the feet of the same divine master. it is an interesting fact that on the subject last noticed, their labors should have been comparatively fruitless, and for a long interval almost forgotten, while their views on slavery rapidly spread, and produced extensive and permanent results. does not this illustrate the lesson long ago taught by a great master of wisdom: "in the morning sow thy seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand; for thou knowest not whether shall prosper, either this or that, or whether they shall both be alike good." may we not infer from this, that even those labors, rightly undertaken, which do not immediately prosper, are yet owned and accepted in the divine sight? to return from this digression to our attendance of the yearly meeting in philadelphia: one interesting part of the business was the annual report on education; from which it appeared, that the whole number of children, of an age for education, within the compass of this yearly meeting, was eighteen hundred and fourteen, and of these ninety-eight were temporarily absent, though most of them had been receiving instruction during part of the year. i was also deeply interested in the statements made relative to the wicked expatriation of the indians living within this yearly meeting's limits, by the united states government, from lands which had been secured to them by treaty in the most solemn manner, to the western wilderness, under plea of a fraudulently obtained cession of their lands, by a few of their number. what greatly aggravates the case is the fact, that these indians were making rapid progress in civilization, and from a nation of hunters had generally become an agricultural people. their whole history is a reproach and blot on the american government, and shews either that public and private virtue amongst the people is at a low ebb, or that "the wicked bear rule." on behalf of this injured people, "friends" appear to have made strenuous efforts, but have failed in producing any decidedly favorable impression on the government. the report on this subject, embodied a very affecting letter from the chiefs of this tribe, describing their grief and distress at the prospect of a cruel removal from the homes of their ancestors.[a] [footnote a: see appendix c.] during this week, my valued friends, john and maria candler, arrived from hayti, after a stay of many months in jamaica. at the close of the yearly meeting, a meeting was held, and attended by about three hundred "friends," to whom john candler gave much interesting information, detailing the results of emancipation in that island, from his own extensive observations and inquiries. at the request of some individuals present i added a few observations at the close, on the principles and objects of the british and foreign anti-slavery society. i visited at this time the celebrated schuylkill waterworks, which are beautifully situated on the river of that name. the water is raised to large reservoirs, at a higher level than the tops of the houses, by pumps worked by the current of the river. the supply not only suffices for the domestic use of the inhabitants, but is abundant for every public purpose of ornament or utility. my kind host, samuel webb, who accompanied me, pointed out a plot of land, presented by william penn to a friend, to enable him to keep a cow, which is now worth many hundred thousand dollars for building purposes. he also showed me a mansion, the late proprietor of which had received a large accession of wealth from the quantities of plate which had been shipped to him in coffee barrels from st. domingo, on the eve of the revolution in that island, and whose owners are supposed to have subsequently perished, as they never appeared, with one solitary exception, to claim their property. it will be necessary, in order to make certain passages of the succeeding narrative intelligible to my readers in this country, that some account should be given of the schism which has recently taken place in the once united and compact organizations of the abolitionists. the american anti-slavery society, whose origin has been already described, acted with great unity and efficiency for several years; auxiliaries were formed in all the free states; it scattered its publications over the land like the leaves of autumn, and at times had thirty or forty lecturers in the field. it kept a steady and vigilant eye upon the movements of the pro-slavery party, and wherever a vulnerable point was discovered, it directed its attacks. in its executive committee were such men as judge jay, arthur and lewis tappan, la roy sunderland, simeon s. jocelyn, (the early laborer on behalf of the free colored people,) joshua leavitt, henry b. stanton, and the late dr. follen, a german political refugee, equally distinguished for his literary attainments and his love of liberty. until the last three or four years, entire union of purpose and concert of action existed among the american abolitionists. this harmony was first disturbed by the course pursued in the boston liberator. the editor of that paper, william lloyd garrison, whose early anti-slavery career has already been alluded to, and who was deservedly honored by the great body of the abolitionists, for his sufferings in their cause, and for his triumphant exposure of the oppressive tendencies of the colonization scheme, had always refused to share with any society or committee, the editorial responsibility of his journal. about the time referred to, several pieces were inserted in the _liberator_, questioning the generally received opinions on the first day of the week. these were followed by others on other subjects, and he continued to keep his readers apprised of the new views of ethics and theology, which from time to time were presented to his own mind. his paper was not the special organ of any anti-slavery society, yet it was regarded, by general consent of the friends and enemies of the cause, as the organ of the anti-slavery movement. the discussion in its columns of new and startling doctrines, on subjects unconnected with slavery, occasioned many of the former much uneasiness and embarrassment, while it furnished the latter with new excuses for their enmity, and with the pretence that under cover of _abolition_, lurked a design of assailing institutions and opinions justly held in regard throughout the christian world. in the summer of , sarah and angelina grimke visited new england for the purpose of advocating the cause of the slave, with whose condition they were well acquainted, being natives of south carolina, and having been themselves at one time implicated in the system. their original intention was to confine their public labors to audiences of their own sex, but they finally addressed promiscuous assemblies. their intimate knowledge of the true character of slavery; their zeal, devotion, and gifts as speakers, produced a deep impression, wherever they went. they met with considerable opposition from colonizationists, and also from a portion of the new england clergy, on the ground of the impropriety of their publicly addressing mixed audiences. this called forth in the liberator, which at that time, i understand, was under the patronage, though i believe not under the control of the massachusetts anti-slavery society, a discussion of the abstract question of the entire equality of the rights and duties of the two sexes. here was a new element of discord. in , at the annual new england convention of abolitionists, a woman was for the first time placed on committees with men, an innovation upon the general custom of the community, which excited much dissatisfaction in the minds of many. about this time the rightfulness of civil and church government began to be called in question, through the columns of the liberator, by its editor and correspondents. these opinions were concurrently advocated with the doctrine of non-resistance. those who hold these opinions, while they deny that civil and ecclesiastical government are of divine authority, are yet passively submissive to the authority of the former, though they abstain from exercising the political rights of citizenship. there were not wanting those, among the opponents of abolition, to charge the anti-slavery body at large with maintaining these views, and in consequence serious embarrassments were thrown in the way of a successful prosecution of the cause. the executive committee of the society at new york were placed in a difficult position, but as far as i am able to judge, they endeavored to hold on the steady tenor of their way, without, on the one hand, countenancing the introduction of extraneous matters upon the anti-slavery platform; or, on the other hand, yielding to the clamor of the pro-slavery party, whether in church or state. in subsequent anti-slavery meetings in boston, new york, and elsewhere, it became manifest that there was a radical difference of opinion on the subject of political action; the non-resistant and no-government influence, operating decidedly against the employment of the elective franchise in the anti-slavery cause; and the agitation of this question, as well as that of the rights of women, in their meetings, gave to them a discordant and party character, painfully contrasting with the previous peaceful and harmonious action of the societies. that some of both parties began to overlook the great subject of the slaves' emancipation, in zealous advocacy of, or opposition to, these new measures, i cannot well doubt, judging from the testimony of those, who, not fully sympathizing with either, endeavored to bring all back to the single object of the anti-slavery association. in addition to these intestine troubles, the pro-slavery party made strenuous exertions to fasten upon the society the responsibility of the opinions and proceedings of its non-resistant and no-government members. under these circumstances it is easy to understand the interruption, for a season, of the unity of feeling and action which had previously characterized the assemblies of the abolitionists. the actual separation in the societies took place in the spring of . the members of the executive committee at new york, with one exception, seceded and became members of the committee of the "new organization," under the name of the "american and foreign anti-slavery society." there are, therefore, now two central or national anti-slavery societies; the "old organization," retaining the designation of the "american anti-slavery society." the state societies have, for the most part, taken up a position of neutrality, or independence of both. it is important to add that the division took place on the "women's rights" question, and that this is the only one of the controverted points which the american anti-slavery society has officially affirmed; and it is argued, on behalf of their view of this question, that since, in the original "constitution" of the society, the term, describing its members, officers, et cet., is "persons," that women are plainly invested with the same eligibility to appointments, and the same right to vote and act as the other sex. i need not say how this "constitutional" argument is met on the other side. the other new views are held by comparatively few persons, and neither anti-slavery society in america is responsible for them. in conclusion, i rejoice to be able to add, that the separation, in its effects, appears to have been a healing measure; a better and kinder feeling is beginning to pervade all classes of american abolitionists; the day of mutual crimination seems to be passing away, and there is strong reason to hope that the action of the respective societies will henceforward harmoniously tend to the same object. that such may be the result is my sincere desire. it is proper in this connection to state that a considerable number of active and prominent abolitionists do not entirely sympathize with either division of the anti-slavery society; and there are comparatively few who make their views, for or against the question on which the division took place, a matter of conscience. i have now given a brief, and i trust an impartial account of the origin of these dissensions. some may possibly regard the views and proceedings above referred to, as the natural growth of abolitionism, but as well might the divisions among the early reformers be charged upon the doctrines of the reformation, or the "thirty years' war" upon the preaching of luther. on the evening of the th instant, we met at a social party the leading abolitionists of philadelphia of the "old organization." there were present all but one of the delegates from pennsylvania to the london convention. i availed myself of the opportunity of briefly and distinctly stating the unanimous conclusion of the london anti-slavery committee, in which i entirely concurred, on the points at issue. i observed, in substance, that in the struggle for the liberation of the slaves in the british colonies, one great source of our moral strength was, the singleness of our object, and our not allowing any other subject, however important or unexceptionable, to be mixed up with it; that though the aid of our female coadjutors had been of vital importance to the success of the anti-slavery enterprize, yet that their exertions had been uniformly directed by separate committees of their own sex, and that the abolitionists of europe had no doubt that their united influence was most powerful in this mode of action: that the london committee being convinced that no female delegate had crossed the atlantic, under the belief that the "call" or invitation was intended to include women, felt themselves called upon, without in the slightest degree wishing to interfere with private opinion on this, or any other subject, to withhold their assent to the reception of such delegates, as members of the convention, and that their decision, when appealed against, had been ratified in the convention itself, by an overwhelming majority, after a protracted discussion: finally, that those whose views i represented, could not be parties to the introduction, in any future convention, of this or any other question, which we deemed foreign to our cause, and therefore that for those with whom it was a point of conscience to carry out what they deemed "women's rights," i saw no alternative but a separate organization, in which i wished that their efforts on behalf of the oppressed colored race, might be crowned with the largest measure of success. i observed, in conclusion, that my object was simply to state the decision of those with whom i acted in great britain, and that i must decline discussion, being fully convinced that it was better that the now separate societies should aim at the common object, in a spirit of kind and friendly co-operation, each in its own sphere, rather than that they should waste their energies in mutual contentions, and in the unprofitable discussion of topics not legitimately belonging to the great question of the abolition of slavery. although i had to address a company almost unanimously opposed on these points to myself, my communication was received in a kind and friendly spirit, and i was courteously informed that it would be taken into consideration at the next meeting of the committee. my friend, daniel neall, at whose house this interview took place, is a venerable looking man, a native of delaware, and son-in-law of the excellent warner mifflin. he has been an abolitionist from his boyhood. two years ago, he was dragged from the house of a friend in delaware, and tarred and feathered, and otherwise mal-treated by a mob of slave-holders and their abettors; he mildly told those near him that if they would call at his house at philadelphia, he would treat them in a very different manner. he was president of the pennsylvania hall association, and in the terrible mobs of , manifested a calm, quiet courage, as rare as it is commendable. i remained in philadelphia until the morning of the th, and during this interval paid many visits, and obtained much information, on the state of the anti-slavery feeling in this city, and more particularly amongst the members of the religious community to which i belong. on one occasion an esteemed individual kindly invited a number of "friends" to meet me at his house, including some who object to uniting in anti-slavery effort with those of other denominations. i was introduced by the reading of a certificate of membership from the monthly meeting to which i belong, and also a document from a number of "friends" in england, well known to those in america, commending me, and the cause in which i was engaged, to their kind and favorable consideration. i then briefly related the leading objects of my visit to america, and that it was my anxious wish the members of my own religious society in this land, could see it their place to take the same active and prominent part in the anti-slavery cause, as their brethren in england had done, especially as the principles on which the british and foreign and the american and foreign societies were founded, were entirely in accordance with the views of the society of friends. those who spoke in reply mostly vindicated the course pursued in the united states. from this interview, as well as from others of a more private nature, with leading "friends," i came to the conclusion, that a number of these would continue, by their influence and advice, to oppose their fellow members joining anti-slavery societies, though it is not probable that any disciplinary proceedings would be taken against such who might act in opposition to this counsel, so long as the recognized principles of the society were not compromised. on this, to me, painfully interesting subject, i could dwell at length, but i will simply remark that, while it is evident that anti-slavery feeling is at too low an ebb among "friends" here, yet doubtless, many of those who thus excuse themselves from active and effective service in the cause, still deeply sympathize with their oppressed fellow-men, and are not quite at ease in view of the apathy and inaction of the body to which they belong. on the th we arrived at baltimore; during a stay of two or three days, we found several persons who were friendly to our cause. there are computed to be five thousand slaves in this city, but of course slavery does not obtrude itself on the casual observer. here, as in other countries, he who would see it as it is, must view it on the plantations. the free people of color in baltimore, are alive to the importance of education. one individual told us, that in distributing about two hundred and fifty religious books, which had been sent to be gratuitously supplied to the poor of this class, he found only five or six families, in which the children were not learning to read and write. while in baltimore, the inquiries i made respecting elisha tyson, fully confirmed the impression i have attempted to convey of his extraordinary character; perhaps no one has so good a claim to be considered the granville sharp of north america, and i have inserted in another place some particulars drawn from his biography, which will be found full of interest.[a] i am glad also to state, that if there is no one citizen of baltimore on whom his mantle rests, there are yet some who are active in preventing the illegal detention of negroes, and of bringing such cases before the proper tribunal. one of these related the following case of recent occurrence. a woman, who was the wife of a free man, and the mother of four children, and who had long believed herself legally free, was claimed by the heir of her former master. the case was tried, and his right of property in her and her children affirmed. he then sold the family to a slave dealer for a thousand dollars; of whom the husband of the woman re-purchased them, (his _own_ wife and children,) for eleven hundred dollars, to repay which he bound himself to labor for the person from whom it was borrowed, for twelve years. yet this is but a mitigated instance of oppression in this _christian_ country. [footnote a: see appendix d.] the religious public of this city appear to be doing nothing collectively, to abolish or ameliorate slavery, and with the exception of "friends," and the body who have lately seceded from them, i fear that all are more or less implicated in its actual guilt. i was informed not long since, even the roman catholics, who are more free from the contamination than many other religious bodies, had, in some part of the state, sold several of their own church members, and applied the proceeds to the erection of a place of worship. we called upon the roman catholic bishop to inquire into the truth of this, but he was from home. when at philadelphia afterwards, in conversation with a priest, i gave the particulars, and said i should be glad to be furnished with the means of contradicting it. i have not heard from him since. i am informed that the yearly meeting of "friends" has advised its members not to unite with the anti-slavery societies, and has latterly discontinued petitioning the legislature for the abolition of the internal slave trade, and the amelioration of the slave code; such is the prevailing influence of a pro-slavery atmosphere. the code in question has of late years been rendered more severe, and the legal emancipation of slaves more difficult; yet i was pleased to learn that public opinion has in this respect counteracted legislative tyranny; that slavery has in fact become milder, and the number of manumissions has not lessened. the mischievous influence of the colonization society is very extensive among professing christians in baltimore, and is paramount in the legislature of the state. the _american_ slave trade is carried on in the most open manner in this city. we paid a visit to the establishment of an extensive slave dealer, a large new building in one of the principal streets. the proprietor received us with great courtesy, and permitted us to inspect the premises. cleanliness and order were every where visible, and, might we judge from the specimens of food shewn us, the animal wants of the slaves are not neglected. there were only five or six negroes _in stock_, but the proprietor told us he had sometimes three or four hundred there, and had shipped off a cargo to new orleans a few days before. that city is the market where the highest price is generally obtained for them. the premises are strongly secured with bolts and bars, and the rooms in which the negroes are confined, surround an open court yard, where they are permitted to take the air. we were accompanied and kindly introduced by an individual who has often been engaged in preventing negroes from being illegally enslaved; and the proprietor of the establishment expressed his approval of his efforts, and that when such cases come before himself in the way of trade, he was accustomed to send them to our friend for investigation; he added that slaves would often come to him, and ask him to purchase them, and that he was the means of transferring them from worse masters to better; that he never parted families, though of course he could not control their fate, either before they came into his hands, or after they left him. he said he frequently left his concerns for weeks together, under the care of his head slave, whose wife he had made free, and promised the same boon to him, if he conducted himself well a few years longer. i thought it right to intimate my view of the nature of slavery and the slave trade, and that i deemed it wholly inconsistent with the plain precept "do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." this he did not attempt to controvert, yet he stated in extenuation, that the law permitted the trade in slaves, though he should be as willing as any one to have the system abolished, if the state would grant them compensation for their property. he farther said, that he was born in a slave state, that his mother had been for fifty years a member of the wesleyan body, and that though he had not joined a christian church himself, he had never sworn an oath, nor committed an immoral act in his life. he also shewed, i think, convincingly, that dealing in slaves was not worse than slave holding. on leaving the premises, we found the door of his office had been locked upon us during this conference. i subsequently learned that this person, though living in considerable style, was not generally received in respectable society, and that a lady whom he had lately married, was shunned by her former acquaintance. such is the testimony of the slave-holders of baltimore against slave dealing, by which they condemn themselves in the sight of god and man, and add the guilt of hypocrisy to their own sin. some time afterwards i addressed the following letter to this individual, which was published in many of the american papers: "to hope h. slaughter, _slave trader, baltimore_: "since thou courteously allowed me, in company with my friend, j.g. whittier, to visit thy slave establishment in the city of baltimore, some weeks since, i have often felt a desire to address a few lines to thee. i need not, perhaps, say that my feelings were painfully exercised in looking over thy buildings, fitted up with bolts and bars, for the reception of human beings for sale. a sense of the misery and suffering of the unfortunate slaves, who have been from time to time confined there--of their separation from home and kindred--and of the dreary prospect before them of a life of unrequited toil in the south and south west--rested heavily upon me. i could there realize the true nature of the system of slavery. i was in a market-house for human flesh, where humanity is degraded to a level with the brute; and where children of our common father in heaven, and for whom our blessed redeemer offered up the atoning sacrifice of his blood, were bargained for and sold like beasts that perish. and when i regarded thee as the merchant in this dreadful traffic, and heard thee offer remarks, which might in some degree be considered as an apology for thy business, calling our attention to the cleanly state of the apartments, the wholesome provisions, et cet.; and especially when i heard thee declare that thou hadst been educated by a pious mother--that thou wast never addicted to swearing or other immoralities--and that thy business was a legalized one--that thou didst nothing contrary to law--and that, while in thy possession, the poor creatures were treated kindly--that families were not separated,[a] et cet.,--i was glad to perceive some evidence that the nature of thy employment had not extinguished the voice of conscience within thee. in thy sentiments, and in the manner of their utterance, i thought i could see that truth had not left itself without a witness in thy breast, and that a sense of the wrongfulness of thy occupation still disturbed thee. [footnote a: "the latter remark, of course, applies only to the time they remained with thee. for, on the day we visited thy establishment, a friend with whom i was dining informed me, that a few days before a woman and child had been sold to thee, whose husband and father was a free man, who, in his distress, had been offering to bind himself for a term of years, in order to raise the sum (i think $ ) demanded for them; but, as he had been unable to do so, my friend had no doubt they had been sent off with the very lot of slaves, which, we were told by thyself had just been forwarded to new orleans from thy prison. _who_ is most guilty in this atrocious transaction--the slave owner, who sold thee the woman and child at baltimore--_thou_, the transporter of them for ever from their husband and parent--_the purchasers_ of the mother and child at new orleans, where they may be for ever separated from each other--or the _citizen_ who, by his vote and influence, creates and upholds enactments which legalize this monstrous system, is known only to him before whom the secrets of all hearts are unfolded."] "to thy remark that thy business was necessary to the system of slavery, and an essential part of it--and if slave-_holding_ were to be justified at all, the slave-_trade_ must be also--i certainly can offer no valid objection; for i have never been able to discover any moral difference between the planter of virginia and the slave dealer of baltimore, richmond, and washington. each has his part to act in the system, and each is necessary to the other. and if the matter were not, in all its bearings, painfully serious, it would be amusing to witness the absurd contempt with which the slave owner of maryland or virginia professes to look upon the trader, whose purchase of his surplus slaves alone enables him to retain the residue in his possession; for it seems very evident that the only profitable part of the system in those states, at the present time, is the sale of the annual increase of the slaves. "in passing from thy premises, we looked in upon the triennial convention of the baptists of the united states, then in session in the city of baltimore, where i found slave-holding ministers of high rank in the church, urging successfully the exclusion from the missionary board of that society, of all those who, in principle and practice, were known to be decided abolitionists; and the results of their efforts satisfied me that the darkest picture of slavery is not to be found in the jail of the slave-trader, but rather in a convocation of professed ministers of the gospel of christ, expelling from the board of a society formed to enlighten the heathen of other nations, all who consistently labor for the overthrow of a system which denies a knowledge of the holy scriptures to near three millions of heathen at home! "but allow me, in a spirit, as i trust, of christian kindness, to entreat thee not to seek excuses for thy own course in the evil conduct of others. thou hast already reached the middle period of life--the future is uncertain. by thy hopes of peace here and hereafter, let me urge thee to abandon this occupation. it is not necessary to argue its intrinsic wickedness, for thou knowest it already. i would therefore beseech thee to listen to that voice which, i am persuaded, sometimes urges thee to 'put away the evil of thy doings,' to 'do justice and love mercy,' and thus cease to draw upon thyself the curse which fell upon those merchants of tyre, who 'traded in the persons of men.' that these warnings of conscience may not longer be neglected on thy part, is the sincere wish of one who, while he abhors thy occupation, feels nothing but kindness and good will towards thyself. "thy friend, "joseph sturge. "_new york, th month th, ._" the baptist convention alluded to in the foregoing letter was one whose proceedings i regarded with considerable interest, for it had been generally understood that the ministers delegated from the south, as well as some of those from the northern states, intended to exclude abolitionists from every office on the missionary board, and especially to remove my friend, elon galusha, a distinguished baptist minister, from the station of vice-president, for the offence of attending the london anti-slavery convention, and more particularly for supporting the following resolutions of that assembly: " . that it is the deliberate and deeply-rooted conviction of this convention, which it thus publicly and solemnly expresses to the world, that slavery, in whatever form, or in whatever country it exists, is contrary to the eternal and immutable principles of justice, and the spirit and precepts of christianity; and is, therefore a sin against god, which acquires additional enormity when committed by nations professedly christian, and in an age when the subject has been so generally discussed, and its criminality so thoroughly exposed. " . that this convention cannot but deeply deplore the fact, that the continuance and prevalence of slavery are to be attributed in a great degree to the countenance afforded by many christian churches, especially in the western world, which have not only withheld that public and emphatic testimony against the crime which it deserves, but have retained in their communion, without censure, those by whom it is notoriously perpetrated. " . that this convention, while it disclaims the intention or desire of dictating to christian communities the terms of their fellowship, respectfully submits that it is their incumbent duty to separate from their communion all those persons who, after they have been faithfully warned in the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin of enslaving their fellow-creatures, or holding them in slavery--a sin, by the commission of which, with whatever mitigating circumstances it may be attended in their own particular instance, they give the support of their example to the whole system of compulsory servitude, and the unutterable horrors of the slave trade. " . that it be recommended to the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, in the name of this convention, to furnish copies of the above resolutions to the ecclesiastical authorities of the various christian churches throughout the world." on entering the meeting, we found the question was already before them, previous to balloting for the officers for the ensuing three years. the pro-slavery party were anxious to prevent all discussion, but some on the other side proposed questions which compelled their notice. among the rest it was plainly asked, if the southern delegates did not come pledged against the re-election of elon galusha. this was denied, but certain resolutions which had appeared in the public papers were appealed to in proof of the fact. the inquiry becoming more searching, an expedient was resorted to, which, though quite novel to me, was, i am told, not unfrequently adopted when discussions assume a shape not quite satisfactory to the controlling powers of a synod. it was proposed that they should pray, and then proceed at once to the ballot. the ministers called upon were r. fuller and elon galusha, who were considered to represent the opposite sides of the discussion. the former individual is a large slave-holder, an influential leader in his denomination, and had canvassed and condemned elon galusha's views and conduct in the public newspapers. i must avow, this whole proceeding was little calculated to remove my objection to the practice of calling upon any individual to offer supplication in a public assembly. after prayer had been offered, they proceeded to the ballot, and we left the meeting, deeply impressed with the profanation of employing the most solemn act of devotion to serve the exigencies of controversy. in the evening i met a number of the anti-slavery members of the convention, from whom i learned that the vote had excluded elon galusha and all other known abolitionists from official connection with the board, by an hundred and twenty-four to an hundred and seventeen, which being a much smaller majority than was expected, they considered the result a triumph rather than a defeat. on the st of the th month, (may) we returned to wilmington, in delaware, where we remained at the hospitable residence of our friend samuel hilles, till the d instant, and met a number of "friends," and others, who treated us with great kindness and hospitality, inspected one of the flour mills on the brandywine river, and the process of drying indian corn before it is ground; these are some of the oldest flour mills in the state. a. large peach orchard of one of my friends in the neighborhood, was beautifully in bloom. great quantities of this delicious fruit are raised in delaware, new jersey, and maryland. here, as in other parts of the states, much money, has been lost by a silk, or rather mulberry tree, mania. young mulberry trees rose to a dollar and a quarter each, though they can be multiplied almost without limit in a single year. as might have been expected, a re-action took place, many parties were ruined, and berry trees may now be had for the trouble of digging them up. the number of slaves in this small state is now reduced to four or five thousand, and from all the information i could collect, i feel convinced that if those who are friendly to emancipation were to exert themselves, they would succeed, without much difficulty, in procuring the abolition of slavery within its limits. my friend, john g. whittier, being, from increase of indisposition, unable to go forward, i left wilmington alone, and arrived in new york in time to be present at a baptist anti-slavery convention, which i had been invited to attend, and at which i was called upon to make a few observations on the present state of the question. several important resolutions were unanimously adopted, containing a cordial approval of the principles of proceeding of the london convention, a recommendation that another convention should be held at the same place in , and an assurance that exertions should be used to promote a good delegation from the baptist anti-slavery body. on that respecting christian fellowship with slave-holding churches, dr. brisbane spoke in a touching manner, and said he must support it, though his friends and relations were in the south, and some of those dearest to him still countenanced slavery, or were themselves slave-holders. on the th i returned to philadelphia, and that evening attended, by invitation, a meeting of the juvenile anti-slavery society, but took no part in the proceedings. this society is one of the most efficient in the state; it is entirely confined to young men. i also received a formal invitation to attend other meetings about to be held, which i felt under the necessity of declining, from a belief that i could not participate in the discussions of the meetings with advantage to the cause which we all had at heart, and from the fact that previous to receiving the invitation i had made other arrangements which would occupy most of my time. the present organized anti-slavery societies in pennsylvania insist upon the mixed action of men and women in committees, et cet. those who do not hold with their views have either silently withdrawn, avoid participating in measures which they disapprove, or do not attend meetings when it is expected any such measures will be brought forward. among such measures may be reckoned the censures which in a few instances have been passed on the london convention, and the british and foreign anti-slavery society; censures sometimes more decided in sentiment than temperate in expression. my own inclination would have led me to attend several of these meetings, when my other engagements would have permitted, if i could have done so as an ordinary spectator and hearer; but on considering that i might appear on the one hand to give a tacit sanction to acts and sentiments which i disapproved, or on the other hand, that i might be drawn into controversy by explaining my objections, i concluded to forego the gratification which the proceedings might have afforded me, and i subsequently saw no reason to repent the decision i came to. during this visit to philadelphia, i made calls upon various individuals who are deeply interested in the anti-slavery cause, but who have not joined any anti-slavery society. among these i must instance professor charles d. cleveland, an excellent individual, of the presbyterian persuasion, a man of fine talents and an accomplished scholar, who is the editor of a paper called the american intelligencer, in which he has reprinted a very large edition of j.j. gurney's "letters from the west indies," and has extensively distributed it through the post office. this effort of judicious zeal, will probably make hundreds of emancipationists, and disarm hostility and rouse indifference to a great extent. no impartial and benevolent mind can read these authentic details of the results of emancipation in the british colonies, and remain unconvinced of its safety and blessed fruits to every class of the community. the professor has published and circulated dr. channing's "emancipation," in the same shape. i also called upon the late governor of illinois, edward coles, who was born in a slave state, but in early life, while at college, from a conviction of the sinfulness of slave-holding, he resolved upon liberating the negroes which would come into his possession on the death of his father. this he faithfully performed, removed the people to illinois, and presented them; with lands for their subsistence. he himself soon removed there and became governor of the territory. it was owing to his determined and vigorous efforts that slavery was made unconstitutional in that state. he was a friend of president jefferson, and corresponded with him on the subject of slavery. all his liberated slaves prospered, all learned to read and write, two are now ministers of the gospel, and one is the governor's agent, and a man of property. the number thus freed were between thirty and forty, and their value amounted to half his property; but a, blessing has followed the sacrifice, and he has now retired to philadelphia with a handsome competence. in the course of conversation, the governor spoke of the prejudice, against color prevailing here as much stronger than in the slave states, i may add, from my own observation, and much concurring testimony, that philadelphia appears to be the metropolis of this odious prejudice, and that there is probably no city in the known world, where dislike, amounting to hatred of the colored population, prevails more than in the city of brotherly love! among the proofs of this, and of the same feeling in the state at large, it may be noticed that two or three years since, a convention was called for amending the state constitution, which among other changes, formally deprived men of color of the elective franchise. practically this was of little importance, for it was taking away a right, the exercise of which, if attempted, would have roused popular indignation to the peril of their lives. a yet more obvious sign to the stranger in philadelphia, are the ruins of "pennsylvania hall," which most of my readers are probably aware was destroyed by a pro-slavery mob in the spring of . it stood near the centre of the city, and was sixty-two feet front by one hundred deep, and fifty-two feet to the eaves: the large saloon in the second story with its galleries being capable of holding three thousand persons. on the occasion of its opening, a large number of the friends of emancipation assembled in the city, to attend the anniversary of the pennsylvania anti-slavery society, and some other meetings connected with the cause. letters of congratulation on the opening of the hall were received by the managers from ex-president adams, william slade and francis james, members of congress, thomas morris of the u.s. senate, judge jay, gerritt smith, and other distinguished friends of equal rights. the letter of the venerable ex-president is written with his characteristic energy, and i quote an extract from it in further proof of the sentiments already expressed on the state of feeling in the land of penn and benezet, pemberton and franklin, on the subject of slavery. "the right of discussion upon slavery, and an indefinite extent of topics connected with it, is banished from one-half the states of this union. it is _suspended_ in both houses of congress; opened and closed at the pleasure of the slave representation; opened for the promulgation of nullification sophistry; closed against the question, what is slavery? at the sound of which the walls of the capitol staggered like a drunken man. "for this suppression of the freedom of speech and press, and the right of petition, the people of the _free_ states of this union are responsible, and the _people of pennsylvania most of all_. of this responsibility, i say it with a pang, sharper than language can express, _the city of philadelphia must take herself the largest share_." the meetings of the first day passed without disturbance. on the evening of the second day, a meeting of the female anti-slavery society was held in the hall, the proceedings of which were greatly disturbed by a mob of from to persons, assembled without. the windows on all sides were beaten in by stones and other missiles, and one or two persons severely injured. the next day the mob lingered about the building, no effort being made by the pro-slavery authorities to disperse them. in the evening the building was attacked, the doors burst open, and fire communicated to the interior; and in the midst of at least , persons, the noble and costly hall was consumed, with the exception of its bare walls. my friend john g. whittier, who was present at the time, states that the most dreadful threats were uttered by the rioters against the prominent abolitionists. the house of samuel webb was particularly marked for destruction; and as the mob assembled nightly for several days, it is scarcely possible to conceive a more trying situation than that in which the abolitionists were placed. the "friends" asylum for colored orphans, a small but useful institution, was attacked by a portion of the mob, and the next day the association to which it belongs publicly disclaimed any connection with the abolition societies. one of the daily papers also contained the following, headed "communication." "an opinion having become prevalent that a considerable number of the society of orthodox friends were present at the late meetings in pennsylvania hall, taking an active part in the proceedings, and that they still uphold the principles in relation to slavery and the colored race there promulgated, it is but justice to this respectable body of people to correct public opinion in relation to the subject, by observing that _very few_ if any attended the meetings; that among the society it is doubtful whether twenty individuals are to be found in this city who embrace their doctrines, and that they, as a body, are opposed to the indiscreet course which has been taken by the ultra abolitionists. had their views been understood in relation to the subject, their property in thirteenth street would, no doubt, have been spared the violence it has suffered, being in no way connected with abolitionism, but merely designed as a shelter for an unfortunate class of children who have large claims upon the community; and who, upon application made in their behalf for the purposes for which this asylum was designed, even to the _mob_, i have no hesitation in saying that, as _human beings_, they would not oppose it." while other portions of the community were in like manner propitiating the mob, the few but faithful abolitionists of the city calmly but firmly maintained their principles, even at the peril of life and estate. on the morning after the burning of the hall, the state anti-slavery society, pursuant to adjournment, met at the ruins of the hall, and, amidst the smoking walls, and with the mob lingering about them, they proceeded to their business--abraham l. pennock, the vice president of the society, presiding. the editor of the pennsylvania freeman, john g. whittier, whose publication office and papers had been destroyed by the mob, in his next paper published the following editorial article, which i have copied simply to show that while the abolitionists on this occasion maintained their sentiments in a clear and unequivocal manner, they did not indulge in the language of revenge or anger. "we perhaps need offer no apology to our distant readers, for the want of variety in our present number. ours must be this week a record of violence--a story of persecution and outrage. we hardly dare trust ourselves to speak upon this matter. it is our desire to do so, if at all, in a tone of calmness,--to hold ourselves aloof, as far as possible, from the present excitement,--to utter our abiding testimony, now dearer than ever to our hearts, not in the language of passion, but firmly and decidedly. "our readers will gather from the statements made in the different extracts in our paper, and especially from the address of the executive committee of the state anti-slavery society, the leading facts of the outrage. of the course pursued by the civil authorities, we leave the community to judge. our own reliance for protection has been upon that providence whose mercy is over all,--in the justice of our cause, and in our conscious innocence of heart and integrity of purpose. we rejoice, and in so doing, the abolitionists of pennsylvania unite with us, that human life was not sacrificed in defence of our hall, our persons, and our property. we know, indeed, that had the attack been made upon the united states bank, or any similar institution in this city, the civil authorities would have met its fury, not as now, with a speech only, but with loaded firelocks and fixed bayonets. we know, it is true, that the mob were in a great measure left free to work their mischievous will upon us. but if those in authority have, _upon their own principles_, treated us with neglect in the hour of our peril, upon them let the responsibility rest. we have thus far survived the onset. under god, for to him alone are we indebted for protection, we are still left to bear our testimony to the truth. our consciences are in this matter void of offence. in cheerful serenity of spirit, and not in the tone of menace or boasting, we declare our faith in the principles of emancipation unfaltering--our zeal undiminished--our determination to persevere unaltered. our confidence in the triumphant and glorious issue of the present struggle remains firm. 'truth smote to earth revives again; the eternal years of god are hers-- but error wounded, shrieks with pain, and dies among her worshippers.' "from this time henceforward, pennsylvania must become the great battle-field of opinion on the subject of slavery. the light of that evening's sacrifice has reached already every portion of our state. men are every where inquiring why the sacrifice was made? why a mighty city was convulsed with violence? why a noble hall was burned by incendiaries in the view of gazing thousands? why the 'shelter for orphan children' was set on fire, and why the houses of our citizens were surrounded by a ruffian mob? they may be told now by the perpetrators of these outrages, that all has been occasioned by the conduct of the abolitionists. but the delusion cannot last. truth will make its way to the abused ear of the community; and it will be known that the scenes which have disgraced our city, are directly attributable to the influence of southern slavery. the spirit of free inquiry, now fairly awakened, will never again slumber in this state. like the greek fire, it will blaze with fiercer intensity for every attempt to extinguish it." the proceedings of the authorities and the public at large, consequent upon this act of incendiarism and outrageous violence, were truly characteristic. it is supposed that the destruction of the hall was planned beforehand, and there is some evidence to show that strangers from the south were implicated in the conspiracy; but, as usual, the old drama of the wolf accusing the lamb was enacted over again, and a pretext was laid hold of, that, in the peculiar state of feeling existing in the community, was almost deemed a justification of all that had happened; though, in truth, it was in the last degree ridiculous. it was asserted that colored men had been seen walking arm in arm with white ladies, and that white men had handed colored females out of their carriages at the door of the hall, as politely as if they had not belonged to the proscribed class. in several instances, if not in all, these reports were untrue in point of fact, and originated in the existing paradox, that colored men and women are sometimes white, and that white gentlemen and ladies are not unfrequently of dark complexion. as an illustration, i quote the following scene from a letter addressed to me by robert purvis, an intelligent and educated man of color, and the son-in-law of james forten, a wealthy and venerable colored citizen of philadelphia, recently deceased. "in regard to my examination before the jury in the pennsylvania hall case, i have to say, that it was both a painful and ludicrous affair. at one time the fulness of an almost bursting heart was ready to pour forth in bitter denunciation--then the miserable absurdity of the thing, rushing into my mind, would excite my risible propensities. you know the county endeavored to defend itself against the award of damages, by proving that the abolitionists were the cause of the destruction of the building, in promoting promiscuous intermingling, in doors and out, of blacks and whites, thereby exciting public feeling, &c. a witness, whose name i now forget, in proof of this point, stated, that upon a certain day, hour, &c., a '_negress_' approached the hall, in a carriage, when a white man assisted her in getting out, offered his arm, which was instantly accepted, and he escorted her to the saloon of the building! in this statement he was collected, careful, and solemn--minutely describing the dress, appearance of the parties, as well as the carriage, the exact time, &c.--the clerks appointed for the purpose taking down every word, and the venerable jurors looking credulous and horror-stricken. upon being called to _rebut_ the testimony i, in truth and simplicity, confirmed his testimony in every particular!! the attorney, on our behalf, david paul brown, esq., a gentleman, scholar, and philanthropist, in a tone of irony peculiarly severe, demanded, 'whether i had the unblushing impudence, in broad day-light, to offer my arm to my wife?' i replied, in deep affectation of the criminality involved, that the only palliation i could offer, for conduct so outrageous was, that it was unwittingly done, it seemed so natural. this, as you might well suppose, produced some merriment at the expense of the witness for the county, and of all others, whose gullibility and prejudice had given credit to what would have been considered, had i been what is called a white man, an awful story." the proceedings in the case are, i believe, still pending. my friend, samuel webb, in a letter dated " th month th, ," says: "last th day, after several years incessant struggle, we brought the case of the pennsylvania hall before the court of criminal sessions. george m. dallas, counsel for the county, in opposing the award of the appraisers, (thirty-three thousand dollars, not one-third of what it ought to have been,) spoke for about one hour--the purport of his speech was--that here was no mob at all, (!) that the jury appointed to ascertain the facts had reported to the court, that the mob, if mob it might be called, was composed of orderly, respectable citizens; and of, course, orderly, respectable citizens could not be a mob. after this i should not be surprised to hear it doubted whether there ever was such a building, or if there was, whether it was ever destroyed; but unluckily the ruined walls are still standing, and if i had my way, _there they should stand_, until slavery shall be abolished, which it will be, soon after your east india possessions can grow cotton for six cents per lb. by free labor." to resume the narrative: i paid a visit to the widow of joseph lancaster, who, with her three children by a former husband, are living in great obscurity in the suburbs of this city. i returned to new york on the th, for the purpose of being in the city at the time when the religious and benevolent anniversaries are held, and of meeting parties who attend them. here i had the pleasure of meeting with several warm-hearted abolitionists from distant parts of the country. the first meeting i attended was the anniversary of the american and foreign anti-slavery society, which, though held at a distance from the centre of the city, in consequence of the pre-engagement of the new york tabernacle, was well attended, and i believe gave general satisfaction. i was present also at two other of its meetings. i attended several adjourned sittings of a convention called for the purpose of organizing a political "liberty party," on the grand principle of the abolition of slavery. the chief business in hand was to nominate a president and vice president of the united states, for the next election, and the choice fell upon my friend james g. birney, for president, and thomas morris, late united states senator from ohio, for vice president. a plan was arranged for putting in nomination abolition candidates for every office in the free states, down to that of constable. i listened to the discussions that took place with considerable interest, as there are some valuable friends to the cause, men, whose opinions justly carry great weight, who do not think this the best means of bringing political influence to bear upon the question, but who would prefer voting for such anti-slavery candidates, as might be nominated by either of the two great parties already existing, or in the absence of any such candidate would decline voting at all. my own bias was in favor of this course, since it was the one pursued in great britain, and which had been so eminently successful in the general election of . i became convinced, however, that the "third party" has strong reasons in its favor, and that in various important respects the abolitionists of the united states are differently circumstanced in regard to elections from those of my own country; and it must not be forgotten that many of the men who pledged themselves on the hustings in england were not faithful at the time of trial. at the last sitting of the convention, i stated the advantage we had found in england, when we wished to carry any specific measure, of a personal interview with the members of the legislature, who might state facts to them and answer their objections. it was immediately suggested to send a deputation to albany, where the senate and assembly of the state of new york were then in session, to promote the repeal of two iniquitous laws affecting people of color, and which were to be brought before the consideration of the houses. one of them is known as the "nine months law." by its provisions a slave-holder could bring his negro "with his own consent" into this _free_ state, and keep him there in slavery for nine months! at the expiration of the time it was of course very easy by a short journey to a neighboring state, to obtain a new license, and thus perpetuate slave-holding in the state of new york. the other law was an act restricting the elective franchise of men of color, to those possessing a fixed amount of property, no such restriction existing in the case of white men. this suggestion was adopted by the convention, and a deputation appointed, with what success will be seen hereafter. in order to give a general idea of the course pursued by the "liberty party," i subjoin a statement of the plan of operation issued by a philadelphia committee. "plan of operation. "a national committee to meet at utica, to have a general care and oversight of the cause throughout the nation, and to act as a central corresponding committee.--state committees, to perform similar duties, in their states.--county committees, the same in their respective counties.--city and district committees, the same in their respective cities and districts.--township and ward committees, to have the particular charge of their respective townships or wards. "this duty may be performed by their appointing a sub-committee, to consist of one member for each block, square, section, sub-division, or neighborhood, whose duty it will be to endeavor to abolitionize his sub-division; or, at least, ascertain, as far as practicable, how many of the legal voters will vote the liberty ticket, and transmit the number to his city or county committee, which is to forward the number of voters in their city or county to their stale committee, and the state committee is to forward the number of voters in their state to the national committee; and also to distribute, or cause to be distributed, in his sub-division, such tracts, circulars, notices, tickets, &c., as shall be furnished by his superior committee for that purpose. "each committee is to communicate with its next superior committee once a year, or oftener, if required, and to meet at such time and place not less than once a month, as shall be agreed upon between it and its superior committee." i afterwards was present at one of a series of meetings, held for the purpose of introducing to the public the amistad captives, africans of the mendi country, who had recently regained their freedom. the case of these people is so singularly interesting, that, though some of my readers may be already well acquainted with it, i venture to introduce a brief statement of their history in the appendix.[a] [footnote a: see appendix e.] on this occasion a very crowded and miscellaneous assembly attended, to see and hear the mendians, although the admission had been fixed as high as half a dollar, with the view of raising a fund, to carry them to their native country. fifteen of them were present, including one little boy and three girls. cinque their chief, spoke with great fluency in his native language; and his action and manner were very animated and graceful. not much of his speech was translated, yet he greatly interested his audience. the little boy could speak our language with facility; and each of them read without hesitation one or two verses in the new testament. it was impossible for any one to go away with the impression, that in native intellect these people were inferior to the whites. the information which i privately received, from their tutor and others who had full opportunities of appreciating their capacities and attainments, fully confirmed my own very favorable impressions. one evening during my stay, i took tea with twelve or fifteen colored gentlemen, at the house of a colored family. the refined manners and great intelligence of many of them would have done credit to any society. the whites have a monopoly of prejudice, but not a monopoly of intellect; nor of education and accomplishments; nor even of those more trivial, yet fascinating graces, which throw the charm of elegance and refinement over social life. i found from the conversation i had with my colored friends, on different occasions, that the prejudice against them was steadily, and not very slowly, giving way; yet several instances were mentioned, of recent occurrence, which show that it is still strong: i will quote one only. a colored gentleman informed me that last winter a near female relative being about to take a journey by railway to philadelphia, she was compelled, though in delicate health, to travel in the comfortless, exposed car, expressly provided for negroes, though he offered to pay double fare for a place in the regular carriage. a lady, not of the proscribed class, who has long resided in new york, mentioned to me as a marked indication of a favorable change in regard to color, the holding of such meetings as those at which the amistad captives were introduced. such an exhibition, instead of causing a display of benevolent interest among all classes, would, some years ago, have excited the malignant passions of the multitude, and probably caused a popular out-break. another sign of the times was, that white and colored children might be seen walking in procession without distinction, on the anniversaries of the charity schools. the same lady, in whose veracity i place full confidence, informed me that there is now residing in this city, a native of cuba, formerly a slave-holder at the havana, who had narrowly escaped assassination from a negro. he had threatened the slave with punishment the following day, but the desperate man concealed himself in his master's room, and in the night, stabbed and killed his mistress by mistake, instead of his master. three negroes were executed as principal and accessories; but their intended victim was so terrified that he left havana for new york. his fears, not his conscience, were alarmed, for he still carries on his diabolical traffic between africa and cuba, and is reported to have gained by it, last year, one hundred thousand dollars. he lives in great splendor, and has the character of a liberal and generous man, but with the most implacable hatred to the blacks. "one murder makes a villain, thousands a hero." how wide the distinction between this man and the wretches who paid the forfeit of their lives for a solitary murder![a] [footnote a: sir f. buxton has shown that two lives at least are sacrificed for every slave carried off from africa.] on the evening of the th, in company with several of my abolition friends, i started for albany, where the state legislature was then in session. the distance from new york is about a hundred and fifty-five miles, and is frequently performed by the steamers, on the noble river hudson, in nine hours and a half up the stream, and in eight hours down. on these steamers there is accommodation for several hundred passengers to lodge, and the fare is only one dollar, with an extra charge for beds and meals. for an additional dollar, two persons may secure a state room to themselves. as night drew on, and the deck began to be cleared, i observed a well-dressed black man and woman sitting apart, and supposing they could obtain no berths on account of their color, i went and spoke to them. i told them i and several others on board were abolitionists. the man then informed us they were escaping from slavery, and had left their homes little more than two days before. they appeared very intelligent, though they could neither read nor write, and described to us how they had effected their escape. they had obtained leave to go to a wedding, from which they were not expected to return till the evening of the day following. having procured forged certificates of freedom, for which they paid twenty-five dollars, each, they came forward with expedition by railway and steam boat. they had heard of emancipation in the british west indies, and the efforts of the abolitionists in the states, but they were unacquainted with the existence of vigilance committees, to facilitate the escape of runaway slaves. we assisted them to proceed to the house of a relative of one of our party, out of the track of the pursuer, should they be followed. there is little doubt that they have safely reached canada, for i was told at albany, public opinion had become so strong in favor of self-emancipation, that if a runaway were seized in the city, it is probable he would be rescued by the people. i would also point attention to the fact, which is brought to light by this relation, that the slave-holders have not only to contend with the honest and open-handed means which the abolitionists most righteously employ,[a] to facilitate the escape of slaves, but with the mercenary acts of members of their own community, who live by the manufacture and sale of forged free papers. [footnote a: see deut. xxiii, , .] during my stay in albany, i waited upon william h. seward, the governor, and on luther bradish, the lieutenant governor of the state of new york. it will, i trust, be considered no breach of confidence, if i state that i found their sentiments on the true principles of liberty, worthy of the enlightened legislators and first magistrates of a free republic. they concur in the general sentiment that public opinion in this metropolitan state is making rapid progress in favor of full and impartial justice to the people of color, a movement to which their own example in the high stations which they adorn has given a powerful impulse. i attended part of the sittings of the senate and assembly, and conversed with a number of members of both houses. the public business was transacted with at least as much order and decorum as in the lords and commons of great britain. i left albany the same evening, and had the satisfaction of hearing, a few days afterwards, that the repeal of "the nine months law" had passed both houses, and was ratified by the governor; and that in the assembly upwards of fifty members had voted for it, although it was thought not ten would have done so two years since. by this change of the law any slave brought by his master within the limits of the state, even with his own consent, is not obliged to return to slavery. i proceeded by way of new york to hartford in connecticut, in order to be present at an anti-slavery meeting of the state society, to which i had been invited. on my arrival, on the afternoon of the th, i found the meeting assembled, and in the chair my friend j.t. norton, a member of the connecticut legislature, a munificent and uncompromising friend to the anti-slavery cause, and one of the delegates to the london convention. a black minister of religion addressed the meeting in an able and interesting manner. soon after the close of his speech, a circumstance, quite unexpected to me, introduced a discussion on the right of women to vote and publicly act, conjointly with men. the chairman decided that the motion in favor of it was negatived, but the minority required the names on both sides to be taken down; this consumed much time, and disturbed the harmony of the meeting. i attended in the evening a committee of the legislature, which was sitting at the court house, to hear the speeches of persons who were allowed to address the committee in support of a petition that the word "white" should be expunged from the constitution of connecticut. this change would of course give equal rights to the colored class. when i entered, the same colored minister i had heard in the afternoon, was addressing the committee. he was listened to with great attention, not only by the members, but by near two hundred of the inhabitants, who were present. he was followed on the same side, by a white gentleman in a very strong and uncompromising speech. the next day i paid my respects to william w. ellsworth, the governor of the state, and to one of the judges of the court; and afterwards attended the adjourned meeting of the anti-slavery society. the vexed question of "women's rights" was again brought forward in another shape; the names on both sides again called for, with the same result as before. my belief was fully confirmed, that those who differ so widely in sentiment, have no alternative but to meet and act in distinct organizations. the amistad captives arrived at hartford on the afternoon of the same day, and were to address a meeting in the evening. an anti-slavery bazaar or fair which i visited this day, furnished ample testimony of the zeal of the female friends of the oppressed slave in this district. i returned the same evening to new haven, and subsequently received a copy of two resolutions, approving the proceedings of the general anti-slavery convention, in which it is stated by the connecticut anti-slavery committee, "they have abundant evidence that the cause of the slave has been essentially promoted thereby;" also recommending "that a convention of men from all parts of the world, friendly to the cause of immediate emancipation, be again called in london, in the summer of ." on the st, i proceeded to the residence of judge jay, where i was very kindly received by his wife and family, the judge himself being from home. on his return the next day, i had much interesting conversation with him on the prospects of our cause. he is convinced that it is making steady progress, notwithstanding the schism in the anti-slavery ranks. he said also, that of the runaway slaves who called at his house, some have told him that their condition had improved of late years; others saw no change in their treatment; not one has complained that they suffered more than formerly, in consequence of the discussions at the north about abolition. with regard to the free blacks, he fears that the persecution of them by the slave-holders has increased; though at the north the prejudice against them has unquestionably, in his opinion, been much mitigated by the efforts of the abolitionists. it is an interesting fact, and one that ought to encourage the humble and retired laborer in the cause of truth and righteousness, that this able and distinguished advocate of the claims of the oppressed slaves and people of color, was converted to his present views by elizabeth heyrick's pamphlet, "immediate, not gradual, abolition of west india slavery." let me for a moment pause to render a tribute of justice to the memory of that devoted woman. few will deny that the long and heart-sickening interval that occurred between the abolition of the slave-trade of great britain, and the emancipation of her slaves, was owing to the false, but universal notion, that the slaves must be gradually prepared for freedom: a notion that we now confess is as contrary to reason and christian principle as it is opposed to the past experience of our colonies. yet a generation passed away while the abolitionists of great britain were trying to make ropes of sand--to give practical effect to an impracticable theory; pursuing a delusion, which this honored woman was the first to detect; and that less by force and subtlety of argument, than by the statement of self-evident truths, and by the enforcement of the simple and grand principle that christianity admits of no compromise with sin. this was an easy lesson, yet it was one which our senators and statesmen, our distinguished philanthropists, and our whole anti-slavery host were slow to learn. the pamphlet produced little immediate effect, but to cause its writer to be regarded as an amiable enthusiast and visionary. it now remains a monument of the indestructible nature, and the irresistible power of truth, even when wielded by feeble and despised hands. judge jay read to me part of a very interesting and important manuscript, which he had prepared on the preservation of international peace. he suggests that any two nations, entering into an alliance, should embody in their treaty a clause mutually binding them to refer any dispute or difficulty that may arise, to the arbitration of one or more friendly powers. as he has concluded to publish his pamphlet, i trust it will shortly be in the hands of the friends of peace in this country, as well as in america. this idea is beautifully simple, and of easy application. through the kindness of the author, i have been furnished with a long and important extract from his manuscript, which i am permitted to lay before the british public by anticipation, in the appendix to the present work.[a] on returning from his hospitable mansion, he obligingly sent his carriage with me to sing sing, but the steamboat had started earlier than we expected, and i hired a carriage and a pair of horses, with the driver, who was also the proprietor, to convey me the remainder of the way to new york. the distance for which i engaged it, was thirty-six miles, for the moderate sum of five dollars. on the road, the man pointed out the place where major andre was taken, whose tragical end excites sympathy even to this day, in the breast of the americans. on entering the city, we passed a man in livery, and my driver remarked, "there, that is english; i would not wear _that_ for a hundred dollars a day." long may the american, who lives by his daily labor, preserve this feeling of honorable independence. [footnote a: see appendix f.] during my stay at new york this time, i was the guest of my friend william shotwell, jr., at whose hospitable dwelling, i afterwards took up my abode, whenever i lodged in the city. from the th to the th, i was chiefly occupied in attending the sittings of the friends' yearly meeting of this state; and, during the intervals, in seeing many friends in private company. i was much encouraged to find among them, a considerable number thoroughly imbued with anti-slavery sentiments; especially, from the western parts of the state. the subject of slavery was introduced, in the yearly meeting, by reading the epistle from the society in england, which is elsewhere quoted.[a] this was followed on the part of many, by expressions of deep feeling; and the question was referred to a committee, for practical consideration. in consequence of the report of this committee, at a subsequent sitting, five hundred copies of the english address were directed to be printed, and circulated among friends, within the compass of the yearly meeting; and the whole subject was referred to its "meeting for sufferings," with an earnest recommendation, that they should embrace every right opening for furthering the great object. the clerk of the yearly meeting expressed his firm conviction, that the work was on the wheel, and that nothing would be permitted to stop its progress, until, either in mercy or in judgment, the bonds of every slave should be broken. he spoke in a very powerful manner. in most of the epistles sent out from this yearly meeting, as well as from that of philadelphia, the subject of slavery was introduced, and commended to the earnest consideration of the body, here and elsewhere. previous to the assembling of the yearly meeting, i had placed in the hands of one of its members, the following letter: [footnote a: see appendix a.] my dear friend,--wilt thou have the kindness to ask the friends with whom it rests to grant such a request, to permit the use of the meeting house at a convenient time, either during the yearly meeting, or before those who attend from the country leave the city, for the purpose of affording my friend john candler an opportunity of giving friends some outline of emancipation in jamaica. i should like at the same time to give a little information on the state of the anti-slavery question in other parts of the world. john candler, it is i believe generally known, visited jamaica with the full sanction of the "meeting for sufferings," in london. my visit to this country had no particular reference to the members of our society, but my friends in england kindly furnished me with the enclosed documents. affectionately, joseph sturge. _new york, th month th_, . this request was kindly complied with. the large meeting house was granted for the evening of the th. the clerks of the men's and women's meetings gave public notice of it in their respective assemblies. the former, the venerable and worthy richard mott, encouraged friends to be present, and said, as a thinking and reasoning people, they need fear no harm from a calm consideration of the subject. the attendance was large, including, i believe, most of those friends who were from the country. the following brief notice of it in the american and foreign anti-slavery reporter, will explain the character of the meeting. "on thursday evening of last week, the members of the society of friends (orthodox,) assembled in this city at their annual meeting, met at their meeting house in orchard street, to listen to the statements of john candler, of england, lately returned from a visit to the west india islands, as to the results of emancipation in those islands, and also of our esteemed friend, joseph sturge, in reference to the general subject of emancipation throughout the world. "the meeting was largely attended. the successful and happy results of the immediate emancipation of the slaves of the colonies, as detailed by john candler, were calculated to strengthen the conviction that to do justice is always expedient. joseph sturge gave a history of the progress of the anti-slavery cause in great britain from the time of the old abolition society, of which thomas clarkson was a member, and of which he is sole survivor. he also glanced at the state of the cause in other quarters of the globe--at the efforts for east india emancipation, and at late movements in france, brazil and spain, in favor of emancipation; concluding with a most affecting appeal to the members of his religious society to omit no right opportunity for pleading for the slave, and for hastening the day of his deliverance. "we take pleasure in recording such evidences that the good old testimony of the society of friends, on this subject, is still maintained among them. the friends of the past generation set a noble example to other christian sects, by emancipating their slaves, from a sense of religious duty; and it seems to us, that those of the present day have great responsibilities resting upon them; and that it especially becomes them to see to it that their light is not hidden in this hour of darkness and prejudice, on the subject of human rights. the slaveholder and his victim both look to them;--the one with deprecating gesture, and words of flattery--the other in beseeching and half reproachful earnestness. we cannot doubt that the agonizing appeal of the latter is listened to by all who truly feel the weight of their religious testimonies resting upon them; and we trust there will be found among them, an increasing zeal to secure to these unhappy victims of avarice and the lust of power, that liberty which george fox, two centuries in advance of his contemporaries, declared to be 'the right of all men.'" when the assembly broke up, the clerk of the yearly meeting, who sat by us, expressed to me his entire satisfaction with the proceedings, as did others present. one influential member of the society, however, who met me the next day in the street, stated very decidedly his disapprobation of the tenor of certain parts of my address; but i found that he condemned me on hearsay evidence, not having attended the meeting himself. on the th, i was favored with a call from lieutenant governor cunningham, of st. kitts, on his way to england, who gave a very favorable account of the continued good conduct of the emancipated slaves in that island. it is surely an eminent token of the divine blessing on a national act of justice and mercy, that evidence of this kind should have been so abundantly and uniformly supplied from every colony where slavery has been abolished. a fine black man was brought to me about this time, who showed me papers by which it appeared he had lately given one thousand five hundred dollars for his freedom. he had since been driven from the state in which he lived, by the operation of a law, enacted to prevent the continued residence of free people of color, and has thus been banished from a wife and family, who are still slaves. he has agreed with their owner, that if he can pay two thousand five hundred dollars, in six years, his wife and six children shall be free, and he was then trying to get employment in new york, in the hope of being able to raise this large sum within the specified time. on the th, i proceeded to burlington; while i was there five or six friends drew up and presented me with a resolution, expressive of their readiness and desire to join with other members of their religious society in active efforts for the abolition of slavery. on the th, i paid a second visit to my venerable friend john cox. the next morning his grandson kindly accompanied me to mount holly, to see the humble dwelling of the late john woolman. i afterwards received from john cox a letter, from which i quote the following extract relating to this remarkable man, whose character confers interest even on the most trivial incidents of his life which can now be remembered: "since our separation on the morning of the st ultimo, when my grandson accompanied thee to mount holly, i have been there, it having been previously reported that the ancient, humble dome, which passed under thy inspection as the residence of john woolman, he never inhabited, though that he built the house (as solomon built the temple,) is admitted. with a view to remove this erroneous impression, i sought and obtained an interview with the only man now living in the town, who was contemporary with john woolman, (now eighty years of age,) and in habits of occasional intercourse with him. he informed me that john woolman's daughter (an only child,) and her husband resided in the house when her father embarked for london, which was in the year , as recorded in his journal. the fact of residence is corroborated by the circumstance of the search for and destruction of caterpillars in the apple orchard, which i think, was related to thee. "the sage historian of by-gone days, whom i met at mount holly, spake of his being at john woolman's little farm, in the season of harvest, when it was customary, and so remains to the present time, for farmers to slay a young calf or a lamb; the common mode is by bleeding in the jugular vein; but with a view to mitigate the sufferings of the animal in that mode, he had prepared, and kept by him for that express purpose, a large block of wood with a smooth surface, and after confining the limbs of the animal, it was laid gently thereon, and the head severed from the body at one stroke." while in this neighborhood, i made a call on nathan dunn, the proprietor of the "chinese collection." he resided many years at canton, and since his return has built himself a mansion in the chinese style. his museum of chinese curiosities is by far the most extensive and valuable which has ever been seen out of that country, and forms one of the most attractive and instructive exhibitions in philadelphia; one whose character and arrangement are quite _unique_, and which has some pretensions to the title of "china in miniature." it occupies the whole of the lower saloon of that splendid building recently erected at the corner of ninth and george streets, by the philadelphia museum company. the visitor's notice is first attracted by a series of groups of figures, representing chinese of nearly every grade in society, engaged in the actual business of life. the figures, in their appropriate costume, are modeled in a peculiarly fine clay, by chinese artists, with exquisite skill and effect. all are accurate likenesses of originals, most of whom are now living. the following enumeration of one of the cases, expanded in the subsequent description, which i quote from the catalogue, will give an idea of the manner in which chinese life and manners are illustrated: "case viii.--_no_. . _chinese gentleman_.-- . _beggar asking alms_.-- . _servant preparing breakfast_.-- . _purchaser_.-- . _purchaser examining a piece of black silk. the proprietor behind the counter making calculations on his counting board_.--_clerk entering goods_.--_circular table, with breakfast furniture_. "this has been arranged so as to afford an exact idea of a chinese retail establishment. two purchasers have been placed by the counter: one of whom is scrutinizing a piece of black silk that lies before him. the owner, behind the counter, is carelessly bending forward, and intent on casting an account on the 'calculating dish,' while his clerk is busy making entries in the book, in doing which he shows us the chinese mode of holding a pen, or rather brush, which is perpendicularly between the thumb and all the fingers. a servant is preparing breakfast. a circular eight-legged table, very similar to those used by our great grandfathers, is spread in the centre of the shop. among its furniture, the ivory chopsticks are the most novel. on the visitor's right hand sits a gentleman, with a pipe, apparently a chance comer, 'just dropped in' about meal time; on the left, a blind beggar stands, beating two bamboo sticks against each other, an operation with which he continues to annoy all whom he visits, till he is relieved by some trifling gratuity, usually a single _cash_. a gilt image of fo is inserted in the front part of the counter, and a small covered tub, filled with tea, with a few cups near by, standing on the counter, from which customers are always invited to help themselves. "the merchants and shop-keepers of canton are prompt, active, obliging, and able. they can do an immense business in a short time, and without noise, bustle, or disorder. their goods are arranged in the most perfect manner, and nothing is ever out of its place. these traits assimilate them to the more enterprising of the western nations, and place them in prominent contrast with the rest of the asiatics. it is confidently asserted by those who have had the best opportunities of judging, that as business men, they are in advance of spanish, italian, and portuguese merchants. "there is a variety of amusing inscriptions on the scrolls hung up in the interior of some of the shops, which serve at the same time to mark the thrifty habits of the traders. a few specimens are subjoined:--'gossipping and long sitting injure business.' 'former customers have inspired caution--no credit given.' 'a small stream always flowing.' 'genuine goods; prices true.' 'trade circling like a wheel,' et cet." in addition to the above models, the collection includes an almost innumerable variety of specimens of the fine arts and manufactures, comprising almost every article of use and luxury--furniture, modern and antique porcelain, models houses, pagodas, boats, junks, and bridges; pieces of silk, linen, cotton, grass-cloth, and other fabrics manufactured in china for home consumption; books and drawings, costume, idols, and appendages of worship; weapons, musical instruments, signs, mottoes, and entablatures, and numerous paintings, which last, it is justly observed, "will satisfy every candid mind that great injustice has been done to the chinese artists, in the notion hitherto entertained respecting their want of skill. they paint insects, birds, fishes, fruits, flowers, with great correctness and beauty; and the brilliancy and variety of their colors cannot be surpassed. they group with considerable taste and effect, and their perspective--a department of the art in which they have been thought totally deficient--is often very good." many of the paintings represent actual scenes and occurrences; and thus, like the models before mentioned, bring living china before the mind's eye. the following is a good example. " . _view of the interior of the consoo house, with the court in session, for the final decision of the charge of piracy committed by the crew of a chinese junk on a french captain and sailors, at a short distance from macao_. "the french ship, navigatre, put in to cochin china in distress. having disposed of her to the government, the captain, with his crew, took passage for macao in a chinese junk belonging to the province of fokien. part of their valuables consisted of about , dollars in specie. four chinese passengers bound for macao, and one for fokien, were also on board. this last apprised the frenchmen in the best manner he could, that the crew of the junk had entered into a conspiracy to take their lives and seize their treasure. he urged that an armed watch should be kept. on reaching the ladrone islands, the poor macao passengers left the junk. here the frenchmen believed themselves out of danger, and exhausted by sickness and long watching, yielded to a fatal repose. they were all massacred but one, a youth of about nineteen years of age, who escaped by leaping into the sea, after receiving several wounds. a fishing boat picked him up and landed him at macao, where information was given to the officers of government, and the crew of the junk, with their ill-gotten gains, were seized, on their arrival at the port of destination in fokien. "having been found guilty by the court, in their own district, they were sent down to canton, by order of the emperor, to the unchat-see, (criminal judge) to be confronted with the young french sailor. this trial is represented in the painting. the prisoners were taken out of their cages, as is seen in the foreground. the frenchman recognized seventeen out of the twenty-four; but when the passenger, who had been his friend, was brought in, the two eagerly embraced each other, which scene is also portrayed in the painting. an explanation of this extraordinary act was made to the judge, and the man forthwith set at liberty. a purse was made up for him by the chinese and foreigners, and he was soon on his way homeward. the seventeen _were_ decapitated, in a few days, in the presence of the foreigners; the captain, was to be put to a 'lingering death,' the punishment of traitors, and the stolen treasures were restored." i do not quote the above for the sake of the anecdote, though the relation is authentic, but as, affording a striking illustration of the advanced civilization of the chinese. it shows that the supremacy of the law is universal, and its administration efficient. the criminals, in this instance, are promptly seized, tried, and condemned on strong evidence; but, before they are executed, reference is made to the distant metropolis, pekin. here it is observed, that the most important witness was not 'confronted with the prisoners,' and they are forthwith directed to be conveyed to canton, to be examined in his presence. seventeen are recognized by him and are executed. the rest escape. now this is just what might have taken place under the best ordered governments of europe. the humane maxims of british jurisprudence, if not acknowledged in theory, may be here witnessed in practical operation, and the single circumstance of referring capital convictions to the emperor, in his distant metropolis, for confirmation, before they are carried into effect, shows a respect for human life, even in the persons of criminals, which is one of the surest tokens of a high state of civilization. such is the criminal jurisprudence of china, in practice; in theory, its just praise has been awarded, some years ago, by an able writer in the edinburgh review. he says:-- "the most remarkable thing in this code, is its great reasonableness, clearness, and consistency; the businesslike brevity and directness of the various provisions, and the plainness and moderation of the language in which they are expressed. it is a clear, concise, and distinct series of enactments, savoring throughout of practical judgment and european good sense. when we turn from the ravings of the zendavesta, or the puranas, to the tone of sense and of business of this chinese collection, we seem to be passing from darkness to light--from the drivellings of dotage to the exercise of an improved understanding; and, redundant and minute as these laws are in many particulars, we scarcely know any european code that is at once so copious and so consistent, or that is nearly so free from intricacy, bigotry and fiction." in addition to what have been noticed, the chinese exhibition includes a copious and very interesting collection of specimens of the natural history of china. i trust the extended notice i have given to the subject, will at least prove that this is not an ordinary exhibition, but a representation of a distant country and remarkable people, in which amusement is most skilfully and philosophically made subservient to practical instruction. a beneficent creator has implanted within us a thirst for information about other scenes and people. to be totally devoid of this feeling would argue, perhaps, not merely intellectual but moral deficiency. such being the case, the founder of the "chinese collection" deserves to be regarded as a public benefactor, for, by spending a few hours in his museum, with the aid of the descriptive catalogue, one may learn more of the chinese than by the laborious perusal of all the works upon them that have ever been written.[a] [footnote a: while the above was passing through the press, i have learned that this interesting collection has arrived for exhibition in this country.] i cannot dismiss this subject without expressing my deep regret that the british public should appear to view with indifference, or complacency, the cruel and unjust war which our government is now waging against this highly cultivated and unoffending people, at the instigation of a handful of men, who have acquired wealth and importance in the vigorous pursuit of an immoral and unlawful traffic, by means the most criminal and detestable. i have attempted, since my return from the united states, to give some expression to my sentiments, in a letter which has been widely circulated, and which will be found reprinted in the appendix.[a] i trust none under whose notice this subject may come will endeavor to evade their share of responsibility. if the present war with china were the sole consideration, perhaps no course would be left to the christian citizen, but to record his protest and mourn in silence; but the conclusion of the war _per se_ would not terminate the difficulty, for trade and mutual intercourse between the two countries, _on the basis of a reciprocation of interests_, can never be restored till the east india company's opium trade, a traffic, like the slave trade, hateful in the sight of god and man, is suppressed; or at least, until british connection with it is severed; if asked who are the guilty persons, i would say, in the first instance, the east india company; secondly, the opium smugglers; thirdly, the british government, and lastly, the british people, who, by silent acquiescence, make the whole guilt, and the whole responsibility their own. [footnote a: see appendix g.] the author of the most popular modern work on china, who long superintended the interests of the british merchants at canton, and whose work, to a considerable extent, reflects their views, after stating the increasing discouragements imposed by the authorities on foreign commerce, the effect for the most part of opium smuggling, and other lawless proceedings, observes:--"these (discouragements) are their (the british merchants) real subjects of complaint in china; and whenever the accumulation of wrong shall have proved, by exact calculation, that it is more profitable, according to merely commercial principles, to remonstrate than submit, these will form a righteous and equitable ground of quarrel!!"[a] [footnote a: davis's china and the chinese, (murray's family library,) vol. i. p. .] the remonstrance here alluded to is war, as is apparent from the context of the passage, as well as from the fact, that by the author's own showing no other kind of remonstrance remained to be tried. the true "casus belli" is set forth by anticipation in this passage without disguise, and by one who knew well, and has clearly described the causes that were operating to produce a rupture. the opium merchants have discovered that now, in the fulness of time, it is _profitable_ to go to war with china, and forthwith the vast power of great britain, obedient to their influence, is put in motion to sustain their unrighteous quarrel, to the unspeakable degradation of the character of this professedly christian nation. the morality of the war on our side, is the morality of the highwayman; that morality by which the strong in all ages have preyed upon the weak. and though a handful of unprincipled men find their account in it, before the people of great britain have paid the expenses of the war, and the losses from derangement and interruption of commerce, it will cost millions more than all the profit that has ever accrued to them from the opium trade. from what motive then, do we uphold a traffic, which is the curse of china, the curse of india, and a calamity to great britain? such a war may be fruitful in trophies of military glory, if such can be gained by the slaughter of the most pacific people in the world; but to expect that it will promote the reputation, the prosperity, or the happiness of this country, would be to look for national wickedness to draw down the divine blessing. the descriptive catalogue of the "ten thousand chinese things," concludes with sentiments on this subject which do equal honor to the head and heart of the writer. "alas for missionary efforts, so long as the grasping avarice of the countries, whence the missionaries go, sets at nought every christian obligation before the very eyes of the people whom it is sought to convert! most devoutly do we long for the auspicious day, when the pure religion, that distilled from the heart, and was embodied in the life of jesus, shall shed its sacred influence on every human being; but, in our inmost soul we believe it will not come, till the principles of religion shall take a firmer hold on the affections of those who profess to receive it, and rear a righteous embankment around their sordid and stormy passions. when the missionary shall find an auxiliary in the stainless life of every compatriot who visits the scene of his labors, for purposes of pleasure or of gain,--when he can point not only to the pure maxims and sublime doctrines proclaimed by the founder of his faith, but to the clustering graces that adorn its professors,--then indeed will the day dawn, and the day star of the millennium arise upon the world." during my short stay in philadelphia on this occasion, i visited several of its prisons, philanthropic institutions, et cet. these are pre-eminently the glory of this beautiful city; yet as they have been often described, i shall pass them by in silence, with the exception of two, the refuge, and the penitentiary; which i briefly notice because i may offer a few general remarks in another place, on the important subject of prison discipline. the refuge is an asylum for juvenile delinquents, founded on the just and benevolent principle that offences against society, committed by very young persons, should be disciplined by training and education, rather than by punishment. in this establishment there are from eighty to ninety boys, and from forty to fifty girls, of ages varying from eight to twenty-one years. the former are employed in various light handicraft trades, and the latter in domestic services, and both spend a portion of their time in school. they remain from six months to four years. from the statements of the superintendent and matron, it appeared that about three-fourths of the male, and four-fifths of the female inmates become respectable members of society, and the remainder are chiefly such as are fifteen or sixteen years of age when first admitted into the refuge, an age at which character may be considered as in a great measure formed. the labor of the children pays about one-fifth of the expense of the establishment, the rest being defrayed by the legislature. the prejudice of color intrudes even here, no children of that class being admitted into the refuge. colored delinquency is left to ripen into crime, with little interference from public or private philanthropy. as might have been expected, colored are more numerous than white criminals, in proportion to relative population; and this is appealed to as a proof of their naturally vicious and inferior character; when in fact the government and society at large are chargeable with their degradation. the penitentiary contained, at the time of my visit, about three hundred and forty male, and thirty-five female prisoners. in this celebrated prison, hard labor is combined with solitary confinement, an arrangement which is technically known as the "separate system." silence and seclusion are so strictly enforced as to be almost absolute and uninterrupted; even the minister who addresses the prisoners on the sabbath is known to them only by his voice. a marked feature of this institution is security without the aid of any deadly weapon, none being allowed in the possession of the attendants, or indeed upon the premises. as compared with the "silent system," exhibited in the not less famed prisons of the state of new york, this is much less economical, as the mode of employing the prisoners, in their solitary cells, greatly lessens the power of a profitable application of their labor. if prisoners exceed their allotted task, one-half of their surplus earnings is given to them on being set at liberty. my visit was too cursory to enable me to give a decisive opinion on the "separate system," but i confess my impression is, that the punishment is one of tremendous and indiscriminating severity, and i find it difficult to believe that either the safety of society, or the welfare of the prisoner, can require the infliction of so much suffering. criminals are sometimes condemned for very long periods, or for life; and in these cases, i was informed, occasionally manifested great recklessness and carelessness of their existence. i am also not quite convinced that the reformation of prisoners is effected to the extent sometimes inferred from the small number of recommittals. a statistical conclusion cannot be drawn from this datum, unsupported by other proofs. on the d of the th month, (june,) i proceeded to wilmington, delaware, with my friend john g. whittier. here we met a company of warm-hearted and intelligent abolitionists, with whom we discussed the prospects of the cause. it was calculated that if compensation were conceded, to which many would on principle object, a tax of less than one dollar per acre would buy up all the slaves in the state for emancipation. it was admitted by all, that the abolition of slavery would advance the price of land in a far greater ratio; probably ten or twenty dollars per acre. we went forward the same evening to baltimore, accompanied by one of our wilmington acquaintance, and in the railway carriage was a member of the society of friends from north carolina, who, though a colonizationist, appeared to be a man of candor. he gave it as his opinion that the majority of the free people of that state are in favor of the abolition of slavery. we also had the company, a part of the way, of samuel e. sewall, counsellor at law, in boston, an early and tried abolitionist, and a faithful friend and legal adviser of the free people of color. the next morning, we left baltimore for washington, two hours' ride by railway. the railroads of this country being often extremely narrow, the trains frequently pass almost close to the piers of the bridges and viaducts, a circumstance which explains the following printed notice in the carriages: "passengers are cautioned not to put their arms, head, or legs out of the window." in passing from a free to a slave state, the most casual observer is struck with the contrast. the signs of industry and prosperity on the broad face of the country are universally in favor of the former, and that to a degree which none but an eye witness can conceive. this fact has been often noticed, and has been affirmed by slaveholders themselves, in the most emphatic terms. in cities the difference is not less remarkable, and was forcibly brought to our notice in the hotel at which we took up our residence on arriving at washington, and which, though the first in the city, and the temporary residence of many members of congress, was greatly deficient in the cleanliness, comfort, and order, which prevail in the well-furnished and well-conducted establishments of new york, philadelphia, boston, &c. at this house, i understood, some of the servants were free, and others slaves. we were now in the district of columbia, the seat of this powerful federal government, and in the city of washington, the metropolis of the united states. here are concentrated as it were into one focus, the associations of the past, connected with the great struggle for independence, and the memory of those names and events which already belong to history. whatever may be our political principles, or the opinions of those who like myself consider all resort to arms as forbidden under the christian dispensation, it is impossible to recall without emotion, transactions which have exerted and will continue to exert, so marked an influence on the destinies of mankind. this city was not the scene of those events, but it was erected to be a perpetual monument of them, and in the limited district of ten miles square, in which it stands, the government which was then called into existence reigns sole and supreme. if a stranger were to inquire here for the monuments of the fathers of the revolution, the american would proudly point to the capitol, with the national congress in full session, and to the levee of the president, crowded by free citizens, and representatives of foreign nations. the united states were thirteen dependent colonies, they are now twenty-six sovereign states, rich and populous, covering the face of this vast continent, and compacted into one powerful confederacy. but notwithstanding the glowing emotions which seem naturally called forth by the locality, there is many an american who bitterly feels that the district of columbia is the shame, rather than the glory of his country. here is proclaimed to the whole world by the united voice of the american people, "we hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights--that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and here also by a majority of the same people expressing their deliberate will, through their representatives, this declaration is trampled under foot, and turned into derision.[a] [footnote a: "large establishments have grown up upon the national domain, provided with prisons for the safe keeping of negroes till a full cargo is procured; and should, at any time, the factory prisons be insufficient, the public ones, erected by congress, are at the service of the dealers, and the united states marshal becomes the agent of the slave trade."--_judge jay's view of the action of the federal government in behalf of slavery_, _page_ . "but the climax of infamy is still untold. this trade in blood,--this buying, imprisoning, and exporting of boys and girls eight years old,--this tearing asunder of husbands and wives, parents and children,--is all legalized, in virtue of authority delegated by congress!! the th page of the laws of the city of washington is polluted by the following enactment, bearing date th july, :--'for a _license_ to trade or traffic in slaves for profit, four hundred dollars.'"--_ibid_, _page_ .] the district of columbia is the chief seat of the american slave trade; commercial enterprize has no other object! washington is one of the best supplied and most frequented slave marts in the world. the adjoining and once fertile and beautiful states of virginia and maryland, are now blasted with sterility, and ever-encroaching desolation. the curse of the first murderer rests upon the planters, and the ground will no longer yield to them her strength. the impoverished proprietors find now their chief source of revenue in what one of themselves expressly termed, their "crop of human flesh." hence the slave-holding region is now divided into the "slave-breeding," and "slave-consuming" states. from its locality, and, from its importance as the centre of public affairs, the district of columbia has become the focus of this dreadful traffic, which almost vies with the african slave trade itself in extent and cruelty, besides possessing aggravations peculiarly its own.[a] its victims are marched to the south in chained coffles, overland, in the face of day, and by vessels coastwise. those who protest against these abominations are the abolitionists; a body whose opinions are so unpopular that no term of reproach is deemed vile enough for their desert; yet if these should hold their peace, the very stones would surely cry out. the state of things in this district has one peculiar feature; being under the supreme local government of congress, it presents almost the only tangible point for the political efforts of those hostile to slavery. against slavery in any but their own states, the abolitionists have neither the power nor the wish to exert that constitutional interference which they rightfully employ in the states of which they are citizens; but with respect to the district of columbia, they are, in common with the whole republic, responsible for the exercise of political influence for the abolition of slavery within its limits. hence this is the grand point of attack. they have experienced a succession of repulses, but their eventual success is certain; the political influence of the slave-holding interest, which is now paramount, and which controls and dictates the entire policy of the general government will be destroyed. then will the abolition of american slavery be speedily consummated. [footnote a: "human flesh is now the great staple of virginia, in the legislature of this state, in , thomas jefferson randolph declared that virginia had been converted into 'one grand menagerie, where men are reared for the market, like oxen for the shambles.' this same gentleman thus compared the foreign with the domestic traffic: 'the trader (african) receives the slave, a stranger in aspect, language and manner, from the merchant who brought him from the interior. but _here_, sir, individuals whom the master has known from infancy,--whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood,--who have been accustomed to look to him for protection,--he tears from the mother's arms, exiles into a foreign country, among a strange people, subject to cruel task-masters. in my opinion, it is much worse.'--mr. gholson, of virginia, in his speech in the legislature of that state, january , , says: 'the master forgoes the service of the female slave, has her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises the helpless and infant offspring. the value of the property justifies the expense; and i do not hesitate to say, that in its increase consists much of our wealth.'--professor dew, now president of the college of william and mary, virginia, in his review of the debate in the virginia legislature, - , speaking of the revenue arising from the trade, says: 'a full equivalent being thus left in the place of the slave, this emigration becomes an advantage to the state, and does not check the black population as much as at first view we might imagine; because it furnishes every inducement to the master to attend to the negroes, to _encourage breeding_, and to cause the greatest number possible to be raised. virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state, for other states.'--mr. c.f. mercer asserted, in the virginia convention of , 'the tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate; when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth for twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of this population.'"--_judge jay's view_, _pages_ , .] very soon after our arrival, we proceeded to the house of representatives, then sitting, and were favored, by introductions from a member, with seats behind the speaker's chair. the subject before the house was, of course, peculiarly interesting to me, being the proposed re-enactment of the "gag;" a rule of the house, by which petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, are laid upon the table, without being read or referred, and thus are virtually rejected. one of the speakers, william slade, of vermont, who was opposed to the "gag," told the pro-slavery members that they were greatly mistaken in supposing that such a measure would suppress the anti-slavery feeling of the country. they might, for a time, block up the potomac, but it would only be to direct its waters into a new channel; in the same way as the rejection of anti-slavery petitions had resulted in the formation of a third abolition political party, which was now regularly organized and in the field. having previously heard much of the virulence of the pro-slavery members, i was particularly impressed with the silence and attention with which they listened to this speech, and with the feeling which seemed evidently to prevail, that the subject could no longer be met with contempt and ridicule. one of the liberal members told me afterwards, that they felt themselves in a different atmosphere to what they did two years ago, both in the house and in the city, when touching upon this subject. before the debate closed, the house divided on the question, whether ex-president adams, the veteran defender of the constitutional right of petition, and who had brought forward this motion for the repeal of the "gag," was entitled to the right of reply. this was decided in his favor, and the house adjourned till the beginning of the following week. in the afternoon, i proceeded, by a steam packet, with one of my friends, to alexandria, about six miles distant, on the other side of the potomac. a merchant, to whom i had an introduction, kindly accompanied us to a slave-trading establishment there, which is considered the principal one in the district. the proprietor was absent; but the person in charge, a stout, middle-aged man, with a good-natured countenance, that little indicated his employment, readily consented to show us over the establishment. on passing behind the house, we looked through a grated iron door, into a square court or yard, with very high walls, in which were about fifty slaves. some of the younger ones were dancing to a fiddle, an affecting proof, in their situation, of the degradation caused by slavery. there were others, who seemed a prey to silent dejection. among these was a woman, who had run away from her master twelve years ago, and had married and lived ever since as a free person. she was at last discovered, taken and sold, along with her child, and would shortly be shipped to new orleans, unless her husband could raise the means of her redemption, which we understood he was endeavoring to do. if he failed, they are lost to him for ever. another melancholy looking woman was here with her nine children, the whole family having been sold away from their husband and father, to this slave-dealer, for two thousand two hundred and fifty dollars. this unfeeling separation is but the beginning of their sorrows. they will, in all probability, be re-sold at new orleans, scattered and divided, until not perhaps two of them are left together. the most able-bodied negro i saw, cost the slave-dealer six hundred and eighty-five dollars. our guide told us that they sometimes sent from this house from fifteen hundred to two thousand slaves to the south in a year, and that they occasionally had three hundred to four hundred at once in their possession. that the trade was not now so brisk, but that prices were rising. the return and profits of this traffic appear to be entirely regulated by the fluctuations in the value of the cotton. women are worth one-third less than men. but one instance of complete escape ever occurred from these premises, though some of the slaves were occasionally trusted out in the fields. he showed us the substantial clothing, shoes, &c., with which the slaves were supplied when sent to the south; a practice, i fear, enforced more by the cupidity of the buyers, than the humanity of the seller. our informant stated, in answer to inquiries, that by the general testimony of the slaves purchased, they were treated better by the planters than was the case ten years ago. he also admitted the evils of the system, and said, with apparent sincerity, he wished it was put an end to. we went afterwards to the city jail, to see a youth whose case i had heard of in delaware, who had come to alexandria on board a vessel, and had here been seized and imprisoned on suspicion of being a slave, not having any document to prove his freedom. he had now been incarcerated for near twelve months, and though admitted by the jailer and every one else to be free, he was about to be sold in a few days into slavery for a term, in order to pay the jail-fees, amounting to eighty dollars. in the evening on returning to washington, we paid a visit by appointment to john quincy adams, ex-president of the united states; who though considerably more than seventy years of age, is yet one of the most assiduous and energetic members of the house of representatives, and one of the most influential public men of the day. to this must be added the far higher praise that his distinguished powers are employed in the service of humanity, truth, and justice. how rare is it to witness such a union of intellectual and moral greatness! posterity will do justice to his fame, when slavery shall exist only in the records of the past, and when it shall be related with wonder, that this venerable man, standing almost alone in his defence of the right of petition, received daily anonymous letters threatening him with assassination. he received us very kindly, and in the course of conversation expressed how much importance he attached to the late repeal of the "nine months law," in the state of new york, as a favorable indication of the current of public feeling. he did not appear sanguinely to anticipate that he should be in a majority on his pending motion for the repeal of the "gag." one of the principal objects of my visit to washington was to present an address to the president, from the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society. in the course of my inquiries of various official persons, members of congress, et cet., i found that to obtain an audience for the express purpose would be very difficult, as no member of congress appeared willing to undertake the unpopular service of introducing the bearer of such a document. i was not disposed to apply to the british ambassador, who on some occasions had shown a want of sympathy with the anti-slavery cause. i found, however, that it was not contrary to etiquette, in this country, for a private individual to address a note to the president, to which, in ordinary courtesy, according to the custom of the place, he has a right to expect a reply. i would remark, however, that nothing is more easy than to gain access to the president; but i felt that to avail myself of those facilities, to place in his hands a document which he might object to receive, would be uncandid. i therefore addressed a note to him, stating that i was the bearer of a memorial from the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, signed by thomas clarkson, addressed to the president of the united states, in which i said, "it may, perhaps, be right to state, that the memorial refers to slavery and the slave-trade in the united states, and that it was written before the death of general harrison was known in europe." i then asked permission to present it. to this i received no reply. we were afterwards introduced to the president, by a member of congress, who evinced an anxiety that i should make no reference to the memorial; and the president, on his part, made no allusion to it, or to my letter to himself. after this interview, we proceeded to the senate, but it had risen just as we entered. i had a short conversation with henry clay, who alluded to joseph john gurney's work on the west indies, which i need scarcely add, is written in a series of letters to this statesman. he said that the recent short crop of sugar in jamaica was a proof that the author had been misled in the favorable information he had collected, and also that this deficiency in the crop was a proof not only of the idleness, but of the immorality of the negroes. he accused my companion, john g. whittier, of deserting him, after having been his warm friend; and on j.w.'s giving his reasons for so doing, he complained that the abolitionists improperly interfered with the affairs of the south, though he made an exception in favor of the society of friends. he inquired if j.g. whittier was a "friend" in regular standing, evidently intimating a doubt on that point, on account of his being so decided an abolitionist. the praise of such men is the strongest testimony that could be adduced to the declension of the society of friends in anti-slavery zeal. to a great extent i fear their sentiments on this subject have been held traditionally; and that in many cases, they have not only done nothing themselves, but by example and precept have condemned the activity of others; i trust, however, a brighter day in regard to their labors is approaching. i feel disinclined to take leave of henry clay, without some animadversions which, on the public character of a public man, i may offer without any breach of propriety. in early life, that is in some part of the last century, he supported measures tending to the "eradication of slavery" in kentucky, and at various periods since, he has indulged in cheap declamation against slavery, though he is not known to have committed himself by a solitary act of manumission. on the contrary, having commenced life with a single slave, he has industriously increased the number to upwards of seventy. as a statesman, his conduct on this question has been consistently pro-slavery. he indefatigably negotiated for the recovery of fugitive slaves from canada, when secretary of state, though without success. in the senate he successfully carried through the admission of missouri into the union, as a slave state. he has resisted a late promising movement in kentucky in favor of emancipation; and lastly, in one of his most elaborate speeches, made just before the late presidential election, the proceedings of the abolitionists were reviewed and condemned, and he utterly renounced all sympathy with their object. by way of apology for his early indiscretion, he observes, "but if i had been then, or were _now_, a citizen of any of the planting states--the southern or southwestern states--i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or immediate." in this extract, and throughout the whole speech, slavery is treated as a pecuniary question, and the grand argument against abolition, is the loss of property that would ensue. joseph john gurney, who appears to have been favorably impressed by henry clay's professions of liberality, his courteous bearing, and consummate address, manifested a laudable anxiety that so influential a statesman should be better informed on the point on which he seemed so much in the dark; he therefore addressed to him his excellent "letters on the west indies," of which the great argument is, that emancipation has been followed by great prosperity to the planters, and attended with abundant blessings, temporal and spiritual, to the other classes, and that the same course would necessarily be followed by the same results in the united states. he has accumulated proof upon proof of his conclusions supplied by personal and extensive investigation in the british colonies. but henry clay shews no sign of conviction. yet though he made to us the absurd remark, already quoted, on joseph john gurney's work, i have too high an opinion of his understanding to think him the victim of his own sophistry. he is a lawyer and a statesman. he is accustomed to weigh evidence, and to discriminate facts. i have little doubt that all my valued friend would have taught him, he knew already. he could not be ignorant of the contrast presented by his own state of kentucky, and the adjoining state of ohio, and that the difference is solely owing to slavery. if j.j. gurney could have shewn that abolition would soon be the high road to the president's chair, it is not improbable that he would have made an illustrious convert to anti-slavery principles. henry clay's celebrated speech before alluded to, was delivered in the character of a candidate for the presidency just before the last election--it was prepared with great care, and rehearsed beforehand to a select number of his political friends. the whig party being the strongest, and he being the foremost man of that party, he might be looked upon as president-elect, if he could but conciliate the south, by wiping off the cloud of abolitionism that faintly obscured his reputation. he succeeded to his heart's desire in his immediate object, but eventually, by this very speech, completely destroyed his sole chance of success, and was ultimately withdrawn from the contest. thus does ambition overleap itself.[a] [footnote a: as a practical commentary on henry clay's professions of a regard for the cause of human liberty, i append the following advertisement, which, about two years ago, was circulated in ohio: "three hundred dollar's reward. "_run away_ from james kendall, in bourbon county, ky., to whom he was hired the present year, on saturday night last, the th instant, a negro man, named somerset, about twenty-six years of age, five feet, seven or eight inches high, of a dark copper color, having a deep scar on his right cheek, occasioned by a burn, stout made, countenance bold and determined, and voice coarse. his clothing it is thought unnecessary to describe, as he may have already changed it. "also, "from e. muir, of the same county, on the same night, (and supposed to have gone in company,) a negro man, named bob, about twenty-nine years old, near six feet high, weighing about or pounds, of a dark copper color, of a pleasant countenance, uncommonly smooth face, and a remarkable small hand for a negro of his size. he spells and reads a little. his clothing was a greenish jean coat and black cloth pantaloons. "we will give the above reward for the delivery of said negroes to the undersigned, or their confinement in jail, so that we get them; or dollars for either of them, if taken out of the state, or dollars for them, or dollars for either, if taken out of the county, and in the state. "henry clay, senior, "e. muir. "_bourbon co. ky., sept_. , ." ] on leaving the senate house, we drove to a slave-dealer's establishment, near at hand, and within sight of the _capitol_. i have given some particulars of this visit elsewhere, which i need not repeat. i cast my eye on some portraits and caricatures of abolitionists, british and american, among whom daniel o'connell figured in association with arthur tappan, and the ex-president adams. the young man in charge of the establishment began to explain them, for our amusement; on which, one of my companions pointed to me, and informed him i was an english abolitionist. he looked uneasy at our presence, and evidently desirous we should not prolong our stay. he told us there were five or six other dealers in the city who had no buildings of their own, and who kept their slaves here, or at the public city jail, at thirty-four cents per diem, the difference in comfort being wholly on the side of the private establishments. we subsequently visited the city jail, to which reference is made in the letter below, and were able to confirm this statement from our own observation. we left for baltimore this afternoon. although i had not succeeded in presenting the address before-mentioned to the president, i little regretted the failure, being convinced that it would not be less generally read by the public on that account, and in this i have not been disappointed. i proceeded at once, the next morning, to philadelphia; and here i concluded to print and publish the following letter, which, was sent, through the post, to the president, and to each member of the senate and house of representatives. "_to the abolitionists of the united states_. "i was commissioned by the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, to present a memorial from them to your president, and proceeded to washington, a few days ago, accompanied by john g. whittier, of massachusetts, and a friend from the state of delaware. "it was my first visit to the seat of legislation of your great republic. on our arrival we went to the house of representatives, then in session. a member from maryland was speaking on our entrance, who was the author of a resolution, which had been carried in a former congress, excluding nearly three millions of your countrymen, on whom every species of wrong and outrage is committed with impunity, from all right of petition, either by them selves or their friends. he was advocating the re-enactment of this very resolution for the present congress, and stated that he had a letter from your president approving the measure. although i believe i do not speak too strongly when i say an attempt to enforce such a resolution by any crowned head in the civilized world, would be inevitably followed by a revolution, yet it seemed evident that no small portion of your _present_ members were in favor of it. it was with no ordinary emotion that i saw the venerable ex-president adams at his post, nobly contending against this violation of the rights of his countrymen, and i could not but regret that, with one or two exceptions, be appeared to find little support from his younger colleagues of the free states. "the same day we visited one of the well-known slave-trading establishments at alexandria. on passing to it we were shewn the costly mansion of its late proprietor, who has lately retired on a large property acquired by the sale of native born americans. in an open enclosure, with high walls which it is impossible to scale, with a strong iron-barred door, and in which we were told that there were sometimes from three to four hundred persons crowded, we saw about fifty slaves. amongst the number thus incarcerated was a woman with nine children, who had been cruelly separated from their husband and father, and would probably be shortly sent to new orleans, where they would never be likely to see him again, and where the mother may be for ever severed from every one of her children, and each of them sold to a separate master. from thence we went to the alexandria city jail, where we saw a young man who was admitted to be free even by the jailer himself. he had been seized and committed in the hope that he might prove a slave, and that the party detaining him would receive a reward. he had been kept there nearly twelve months because he could not pay the jail fees, and instead of obtaining any redress for false imprisonment, was about to be sold into slavery for a term to reimburse these fees. "the next morning i was desirous of handing to the president the memorial, of which the following is a copy: "'_address to the president of the united states, from the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society_. "'sir,--as the head of a great confederacy of states, justly valuing their free constitution and political organization, and tenacious of their rights and their character, the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, through their esteemed coadjutor and representative, joseph sturge, would respectfully approach you in behalf of millions of their fellow-men, held in bondage in the united states. those millions are denied, not only the immunities enjoyed by the citizens of your great republic generally, and of the equal privileges and the impartial protection of the civil law, but are deprived of their personal rights, so that they cease to be regarded and treated, under your otherwise noble institutions, as men, except in the commission of crime, when the utmost rigor of your penal statutes is invoked and enforced against them; but are reduced to the degraded condition of "chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, to _all intents, constructions, and purposes, whatsoever_." "'this is the language and the law of slavery; and under this law, guarded with jealousy by their political institutions, the slaveholders of the south rest their claims to property in man but, sir, there are claims anterior to all human laws, and superior to all political institutions, which are immutable in their nature,--claims which are the birthright of every human being, of every clime, and of every color,--claims which god has conferred, and which man cannot destroy without sacrilege, or infringe without sin. personal liberty is among these, the greatest and best, for it is the root of all other rights, the conservative principle of human associations, the spring of public virtues, and essential to national strength and greatness. "'the monstrous and wicked assumption of power by man, over his fellow man, which slavery implies, is alike abhorrent to the moral sense of mankind; to the immutable principles of justice; to the righteous laws of god; and to the benevolent principles of the gospel. it is, therefore, indignantly repudiated by all the fundamental laws of all truly enlightened and civilized communities, and by none more emphatically than by that over which, sir, it is your honor to preside. "'the great doctrine, that god hath "created all men equal, and endowed them with certain inalienable rights, and that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," is affirmed in your declaration of independence, and justified in the theory of your constitutional laws. but there is a stain upon your glory; slavery, in its most abject and revolting form, pollutes your soil; the wailings of slaves mingle with your songs of liberty; and the clank of their chains is heard, in horrid discord with the chorus of your triumphs. "'the records of your states are not less distinguished by their wise provisions for securing the order and maintaining the institutions of your country, than by their ingenious devices for riveting the chains, and perpetuating the degradation of your colored brethren; their education is branded as a crime against the state--their freedom is dreaded as a blasting pestilence--the bare suggestion of their emancipation is proscribed as treason to the cause of american independence. "'these things are uttered in sorrow; for the committee deeply deplore the flagrant inconsistency, so glaringly displayed between the lofty principles embodied in the great charter of your liberties, and the evil practices which have been permitted to grow up under it, to mar its beauty and impair its strength. but it is not on these grounds alone, or chiefly, that they deplore the existence of slavery in the united states. manifold as are the evils which flow from it--dehumanizing as are its tendencies--fearful as its reaction confessedly is on its supporters,--the reproach of its existence does not terminate on the institutions which gave it birth: the sublime principles and benign spirit of christianity are dishonored by it. in the light of divine truth it stands revealed, in all its hideous deformity, a crime against god,--a daring usurpation of the prerogative and authority of the most high! it is as a violation of his righteous laws, an outrage on his glorious attributes, a renunciation of the claims of his blessed gospel, that they especially deplore the countenance and support it receives among you; and, in the spirit of christian love and fraternal solicitude, would counsel its immediate and complete overthrow, as a solemn and imperative duty, the performance of which no sordid reasons should be permitted to retard--no political considerations prevent. slavery is a sin against god, and ought, therefore, to be abolished. "'the utter extinction of slavery, and its sister abomination, the internal slave-trade of the united states, second only in horror and extent to the african, and in some of its features even more revolting, can only be argued, by the philanthropy of this country, on the abstract principles of moral and religious duty; and to those principles the people of your great republic are pledged on the side of freedom beyond every nation in the world! "'the negro, by nature our equal, made like ourselves in the image of his creator, gifted by the same intelligence, impelled by the same passions and affections, and redeemed by the same savior, is reduced by cupidity and oppression below the level of the brute, spoiled of his humanity, plundered of his rights, and often hurried to a premature grave, the miserable victim of avarice and heedless tyranny! men have presumptuously dared to wrest from their fellows the most precious of their rights--to intercept as far as they may the bounty and grace of the almighty--to close the door to their intellectual progress--to shut every avenue to their moral and religious improvement, to stand between them and their maker! it is against this crime the committee protest as men and as christians, and earnestly but respectfully call upon you, sir, to use the influence with which you are invested, to bring it to a peaceful and speedy close; and, may you in closing your public career, in the latest hours of your existence on earth, be consoled with the reflection that you have not despised the afflictions of the afflicted, but that faithful to the trust of your high stewardship, you have been "just, ruling in the fear of the lord," that you have executed judgment for the oppressed, and have aided in the deliverance of your country from its greatest crime, and its chiefest reproach. "'on behalf of the committee, "'thomas clarkson. "'british and foreign anti-slavery society, for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade throughout the world. "' , _new broad street, london, march th_, .' "i thought it most candid to address a letter to the president informing him of the character of the foregoing memorial, rather than take advantage of a merely formal introduction to present it, without a previous explanation. to this letter no reply was received, and no allusion was made to it by the president at a subsequent introduction, which we had to him. it may be proper to mention in this connection, that memorials of a similar character, bearing upon slavery and the slave-trade, signed by the venerable clarkson, have been presented to different heads of governments, in other parts of the world, and have been uniformly received with marked respect. "previous to our departure, we visited a private slave-trading establishment in the city, and looked in upon a group of human beings herded together like cattle for the market, within an enclosure of high brick walls surrounding the jail. the young man in attendance, informed us that there were five or six other regular slave-dealers in the city, who, having no jails of their own, either placed their slaves at this establishment, or in the public city prison. the former was generally preferred, on account of its superior accommodations in respect to food and lodging. on my making some remarks to the young man on the nature of his occupation, he significantly, and as i think, very justly replied, that he knew of no reasons for condemning slave-traders, which did not equally apply to slave-holders. you will bear in mind that this was said within view of the capitol, where slave-holders control your national legislation, and within a few minutes' walk of that mansion where a slave-holder sits in the presidential chair, placed there by your votes; and it is certainly no marvel, that, with such high examples in his favor, the humble slave-dealer of the district should feel himself in honorable company, and really regard his occupation as one of respectability and public utility. "from thence we proceeded to the city prison, an old and loathsome building, where we examined two ranges of small stone cells, in which were a large number of colored prisoners. we noticed five or six in a single cell, barely large enough for a solitary tenant, under a heat as intense as that of the tropics. the keeper stated that in rainy seasons the prison was uncomfortably wet. the place had to us a painful interest, from the fact that here dr. crandall, a citizen of the free states, was confined until his health was completely broken down, and was finally released only to find a grave, for the crime of having circulated a pamphlet on emancipation, written by one of the friends who accompanied me.[a] on inquiry of the keeper, he informed us that slaves were admitted into his cells, and kept for their owners at the rate of thirty-four cents per day, and that transfers of them from one master to another sometimes took place during their confinement; thus corroborating the testimony of the keeper of the private jail before mentioned, that this city prison, the property of the people of the united states, and for the rebuilding of which, a large sum of your money has been appropriated, is made use of by the dealers in human beings as a place of deposit and market; and thus you, in common with your fellow citizens, are made indirect participators in a traffic equal in atrocity to that foreign trade, the suppression of which, to use the words of your president in his late message, 'is required by the public honor, and the promptings of humanity.' [footnote a: on being released from prison, dr. crandall went to kingston, jamaica, to recruit his health. a gentleman of that city, w. wemyss anderson, found him in his lodgings, solitary and friendless, and rapidly sinking under his disease. he took him, though a perfect stranger, into his own house; and the last days of dr. crandall were soothed by the kind sympathy and attentions of a christian family. it was also manifest, that he enjoyed the sunshine of inward peace, and the rich consolations of the gospel. his kind host, whom i count it a privilege to call my friend, obeyed, in this instance, the apostolic injunction, and experienced the consequent reward, "be not forgetful to entertain strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares."] "as one who has devoted much of his humble labors to the cause you wish to promote, i perhaps shall be excused for thus stating these facts to you, as they all passed before my personal observation in the course of a few hours. i shall deem it right to publish them in europe, where i am about shortly to return. recollect, they all occurred and exist within the district of columbia, and that those who elect the legislators who uphold the slave system, are justly responsible for it in the sight of god and man. is it not all the natural consequence of your electing slave-holders and their abettors to the highest offices of your state and nation? some of your most intelligent citizens have given it as their opinion that fully two-thirds of the whole population of the united states are in favor of the abolition of slavery; and my own observation, since i landed on these shores, not only confirms this opinion, but has convinced me that there is a very rapid accession to their numbers daily taking place; and yet we have the extraordinary fact exhibited to the world, that about two hundred and fifty thousand slave-holders--a large proportion of whom, bankrupt in fortune and reputation, have involved many of the north in their disgrace and ruin--hold in mental bondage the whole population of this great republic, who permit themselves to be involved in the common disgrace of presenting a spectacle of national inconsistency altogether without a parallel. i confess that, although an admirer of many of the institutions of your country, and deeply lamenting the evils of my own government, i find it difficult to reply to those who are opposed to any extension of the political rights of englishmen, when they point to america and say, that where all have a control over the legislation but those who are guilty of a dark skin, slavery and the slave-trade remain not only unmitigated, but continue to extend; and that while there is an onward movement in favor of its extinction, not only in england and france, but even in cuba and brazil, american legislators cling to this enormous evil, without attempting to relax or mitigate its horrors. allow me, therefore, to appeal to you by every motive which attaches you to your country, seriously to consider how far you are accountable for this state of things, by want of a faithful discharge of those duties for which every member of a republican government is so deeply responsible; and may i not express the hope that, on all future occasions, you will take care to promote the election of none as your representatives who will not _practically_ act upon the principle that in every clime, and of every color, 'all men are equal?' "your sincere friend, "joseph sturge. "_philadelphia, th month th_, ." this letter was extensively reprinted, not only in the anti-slavery but in pro-slavery newspapers, both in the north and south. in the numerous angry comments upon it, no attempt that has come to my knowledge was made to deny any one of my statements. one of the papers intimates that the vote by which the house soon after refused to adopt a specific and exclusive rule against abolition petitions, was brought about by "the sinister influence of mr. sturge." i need not add how happy i should have been to have possessed the influence with which this writer has so liberally invested me, and that i should have regarded it as a talent to be employed and improved to the very utmost. i spent from the th to the th of the sixth month, (june) in philadelphia and the vicinity, during which time, i made numerous calls, and met several large parties in private. during this stay, in company with john g. whittier, i paid a visit to my excellent friend, abraham l. pennock, at his residence in haverford, delaware county, about ten miles from the city. he is an influential member of the society of friends, and until recently he has been a resident in the city. he has, for many years, been an uncompromising abolitionist, and an active member and officer of anti-slavery societies; yet he appears to enjoy the respect and confidence not only of his anti-slavery associates, but of the society of friends, and the community generally. i found him a warm advocate, in practice as well as theory, of entire abstinence from the products of slave labor, as well as of independent political action on the part of abolitionists. he expressed much regret that he was unable to attend the general anti-slavery convention, in london, and gave his cordial approbation to its proceedings.[a] [footnote a: see appendix h.] we reluctantly bade farewell to our kind friend and his interesting family, all the members of which appear to share his zeal and untiring devotion to the cause of the oppressed, and returned to our lodgings in the city. even now i look back to this visit as among the most grateful recollections of my sojourn in the united states. i may mention, in this connection, that a.l. pennock, as well as others with whom i conversed on the subject, spoke with much regret of the want of faithfulness on the part of members of the society of friends, in maintaining their testimony against slavery, while exercising their civil rights as citizens and electors. from all i could learn, i have been led to fear that "friends" in the united states, with few exceptions, are in the practice of voting for public officers, without reference to their sentiments on the important subject of slavery. at the late presidential election it is very evident that the great body of "friends" who took any part in it, voted for john tyler, the slaveholder. among the active friends of emancipation, who occupy a high station in our society, i can scarcely omit mentioning enoch lewis, of chester county, pennsylvania, whose talents and literary acquirements, devoted as they are, to the maintenance and promulgation of the principles and christian testimonies of our religious society, deservedly command a high degree of respect. among the members of the society which have separated from "friends" in philadelphia and elsewhere, i met with many warm and steady friends of emancipation, some of whom have proved their sincerity by great sacrifices. amongst these i cannot omit mentioning james and lucretia mott, james wood, dr. isaac parish, and thomas earle, of this city. i republished in philadelphia, with the permission of the author, in two separate pamphlets, for distribution amongst those to whom it was addressed, "a letter to the clergy of various denominations, and to the slave-holding planters in the southern parts of the united states of america, by thomas clarkson." this remarkable production was written after its venerable author had attained his eightieth year, and has been pronounced by a very competent judge the most vigorous production of his pen. as its circulation had but just commenced when i left the united states, i could not judge of the effect produced by this energetic appeal from one whose name must command respect, even from the slave-holders; but i have since been informed it has been read with interest and attention. i had several conferences with "friends" who were interested in the cause, to discuss the best mode of engaging the members of the society to unite their efforts on behalf of the oppressed and suffering slaves; and though no immediate steps were resolved on, yet i found so much good feeling in many of them, that i cannot but entertain a hope, that fruit will hereafter appear. i had spent much of my time and labor in philadelphia, particularly among that numerous and influential body with whom i am united in a common bond of religious belief, and i trust of christian affection. of the kindness and hospitality i experienced i shall ever retain a grateful recollection; yet i finally took my leave of this city, under feelings of sorrow and depression that so many of the very class of christian professors who once took the lead in efforts for the abolition of slavery, efforts evidently attended with the favor and sanction of the most high, should now be discouraging, and holding back their members from taking part in so righteous a cause. among the warmest friends of the slave, sound both in feeling and sentiment, are a few venerable individuals who are now standing on the brink of the grave, and whose places, among the present generation, i could not conceal from myself, there were but few fully prepared to occupy. i had found in many friends much passive anti-slavery feeling, and was to some extent cheered by the discovery. may a due sense of their responsibility rest upon every follower of christ, to remember them that are in bonds, and under affliction, not only with a passive, but with an active and self-denying sympathy, a sympathy that makes common cause with its object. apart from the fact, that philadelphia is one of the most beautiful cities in the world, to a member of the society of friends it must ever be an object of peculiar interest. here william penn made his great experiment of a christian government. here, to the annual assemblies of friends, came warner mifflin, and john woolman, and james pemberton, and george dillwyn, and other worthies of the past, who have now gone from works to rewards. a few miles distant, in frankford, is still to be seen the residence of the excellent thomas chalkley. here benezet exemplified, in the simplicity, humility, and untiring benevolence of his daily life, the lessons inculcated in his writings. and here, at this day, are a larger number of members of our religious society than can be found congregated elsewhere, within an equal space of territory. they are, in general, in easy circumstances, many of them wealthy, and occupying a high rank in the community. who can recur, without a lively feeling of interest, to the hopes and prayers of the benevolent founder of the city, as expressed in affecting terms in his farewell letter, written as he was about taking his final departure for england. "and thou, philadelphia, the virgin settlement of this province, named before thou wert born, what love, what care, what service, and what travail has there been to bring thee forth, and preserve thee from such as would defile thee! oh, that thou mayest be kept from the evil that would overwhelm thee! that faithful to the god of mercies, in a life of righteousness, thou mayest be preserved to the end!" on the th, with john g. whittier, i left for new york, and the next day we proceeded by steam packet to newport, on rhode island, to attend the new england yearly meeting of the society of friends, which was to be held the next week. we arrived about seven o'clock in the morning. i found the change of climate particularly refreshing and agreeable. during the last fortnight, the range of the thermometer had frequently reached degrees or degrees in the shade: a tropical heat, without those alleviations which render the heat of the tropics not only tolerable, but sometimes delightful. in rhode island, the climate, while we were there, was almost as temperate as an english summer. some parts of the new england states are much resorted to by southern families of wealth; and their annual migrations have the effect of materially adding to the vast amount of complicated pro-slavery interests which exist in the free states, as well as of diffusing pro-slavery opinions and feelings throughout the entire community. we may hope this current will soon set in the opposite direction. the season was too early for the arrival of these visitors, and the hotels were generally filled with "friends," collected from near and distant places, to attend the yearly meeting. there were upwards of a hundred boarding at the same house with ourselves. soon after our arrival i addressed a letter, making the same application for the use of the meeting house for my friend, john candler, who was also here, and myself, which had been complied with at new york, forwarding at the same time my credentials. my request, however, in this instance was not granted. yet there was plainly a willingness on the part of many to receive information, and we caused it to be known that we should be at home at our hotel, on the evening of the sixteenth. about two hundred friends assembled, and appeared interested in a brief outline of the state and prospects of the cause in europe which i endeavored to give them. the subject of slavery was brought before the yearly meeting by a proposition from one of its subordinate, or "quarterly meetings," to encourage more action, on the part of the society, for its abolition. a proposal was immediately made, and assented to without discussion, that the consideration of it should be referred to a committee. on the reading of the address on slavery from the london yearly meeting, it was, in like manner, immediately proposed and agreed to, that it should be referred to the same committee. at a subsequent sitting, this committee reported, that they should recommend the whole subject to be left under the care of their "meeting for sufferings," which was adopted. with the exception of reading the documents, and going through the necessary forms of business, these proceedings passed almost in silence; yet, in the several epistles drawn up to be forwarded to the other yearly meetings, allusion was made to the deep exercise of friends at this meeting, on the subject of slavery, and their strong desire and wish to encourage others to embrace every right opening for promoting its abolition; with a plain intimation, however, in their epistle to great britain, of their disapproval of friends uniting with any of the anti-slavery associations of the day. these passages in the epistles passed without remark or objection. the meeting for sufferings, of rhode island, has thus virtually undertaken to do, or at least to originate, all that is to be done, during the present year, by friends of new england, to help the helpless, and to relieve the oppressed slaves. sincerely do i desire, that it may not incur the responsibility of neglecting so solemn a charge. i subsequently met, on board the steamer in which we left newport, many members of this body; with one of whom i had some conversation, in the presence of other friends, to whom i felt it right to state, that the declarations of sympathy for the slaves, in the epistles which had been sent out, were stronger, in my judgment, than was justified by any thing which had been expressed, or had been manifested, in the yearly meeting. this conviction i yet retain. i afterwards obtained some authentic extracts from the laws of rhode island, affecting the people of color, and under which slavery is very distinctly recognized and sanctioned, even in this _free_ state. i felt it my duty to forward a copy of these to the "meeting for sufferings," accompanied by the following letter:-- "_to the meeting for sufferings of new england_ _yearly meeting of friends._ "on passing through providence, from the yearly meeting at rhode island, a solicitor of that place kindly furnished me with the annexed extracts from the laws of the state of rhode island. i thought it best to send a copy to you, as it is probable some members of your meeting may not be aware of their precise nature; and it is a source of regret to me, and i know it will be so to my friends in england, to know that in the state in which your yearly meeting is held, slavery is fully legalized, if the slaves are the property of persons not actually citizens of that place;--the most odious distinctions of color also remain on the statute book, including one (section , no. ,) which is a disgrace to any civilized community. i may add, that two very respectable solicitors in providence expressed their decided opinion, that if friends heartily promoted the repeal of these obnoxious laws, which throw all the moral influence of the state on the side of slavery, it might easily be accomplished. i cannot but hope the subject will receive your prompt attention. "truly your friend, "joseph sturge." to soften the impression which i fear the preceding detail will give, i may remark, that i am convinced, from extensive private communication with friends in new england, that there is yet among them much genuine anti-slavery feeling, especially where the deadening commercial intercourse with the south does not operate; and though, at present, with some bright individual exceptions, this is a talent for the most part hidden or unemployed, i trust that many faithful laborers in this great cause will yet be found among them. during our stay in rhode island, we twice visited dr. channing, at his summer residence, a few miles from newport. the delicacy which ought ever to protect unreserved social intercourse, forbids me to enrich my narrative with any detail of his enlightened and comprehensive sentiments; yet i cannot but add, that, widely differing from him as i do, on many important points, i was both deeply interested and instructed by his modest candor and sincerity, and by the spirit of charity with which he appeared habitually to regard those of opposite opinions. our conversation embraced various topics. i may be allowed to mention, that he highly approved of judge jay's suggestion for the promotion of permanent international peace. he also made a practical suggestion on the anti-slavery movement, which i trust will be acted on--that petitions should be sent to congress, praying that the free states should be relieved from all direct or indirect support of slavery. as the south has loudly complained of northern interference, this will be taking the planters on their own ground. sixth month, (june) th.--we went on to new bedford, where, the next day, we called on a number of persons friendly to abolition, and met a large party of them the same evening, at the house of a friend. a public meeting for worship was appointed during our stay, at the request of a minister of the society of friends from indiana, which we attended. i had the pleasure of witnessing the colored part of the audience, placed on a level, and sitting promiscuously with the white, the only opportunity i had of making such an observation in the united states; as, on ordinary occasions, the colored people rarely attend friends' meetings. one of the waiters at our hotel told me he had escaped from slavery some years before. the idea of running away had been first suggested to his mind, by reflecting on his hard lot, being over-worked, and kept without a sufficiency of food, and cruelly beaten, while his owner was living in luxury and idleness, on the fruits of his labor. he had been flogged for merely speaking to one of his master's visitors, in reply to a question, because it was suspected he had divulged matter that his master did not wish the stranger to know. on the st, we arrived at boston, and stopped at the marlborough hotel. one of the first things noticed by a visitor to the states is the number and extent of the hotels, almost all of which are on the principle of the english boarding houses. besides the number of casual visitors in a population which travels from place to place, perhaps more than any other in the world, the hotels are the permanent homes of a numerous and important class of unmarried men, engaged in business, and often indeed of young married persons, who choose to avoid expense and the cares of housekeeping. at many, if not most of the hotels, cleanliness, regularity, and order, pervade all the arrangements, and as much comfort is to be found as is compatible with throng and publicity. still the domestic charm of private life is wanting, and its absence renders the system of constant residence most uncongenial to english habits and feelings. an unsocial reserve lies on the surface of english character, and the love of privacy, or at least of a retirement which can be closed and expanded at will, is an extensive and deep-seated feeling. yet the anglo-american, even of the purest descent, has early lost the latter characteristic, while he often retains the first unimpaired. what law governs the hereditary transmission of such traits? several first rate hotels in new england are strictly on the temperance plan, and among them is the marlborough, in boston, the second in extent of business in this important city, and which makes up from one hundred to two hundred beds. no intoxicating liquor of any kind can be had in the house. printed notices are also hung up in the bed rooms, that it is the established rule to take in no fresh company and to receive no accounts on the first day of the week, and the cooking and other preparations are as much as possible performed before hand, that the servants may enjoy the day of rest, and partake of the moral and spiritual benefit of a weekly pause from the whirl and turmoil of secular engagements. i had scarcely ventured to hope that i should ever witness a large hotel like this, conducted on such principles; but having now seen it, it adds additional strength to my conviction, that in proportion as christianity is carried out in common life, in the same proportion is the lost happiness of man recovered. too many in the present day, who are not behind-hand in profession, keep their principles more for show than use. they acknowledge the purity of them, and have some faint perception of their moral beauty, but secretly believe, and sometimes, openly avow them to be impracticable in the present state of the world. they who exhibit proof of the contrary, are benefactors to their fellow men; and among these, justly deserves to be classed nathaniel rogers, the proprietor of the marlborough hotel, in boston. we called upon several of our anti-slavery friends on the day of our arrival, and in the evening, took tea with a number of those who approve of the proceedings of the london convention, and who concur in the principles of the british and foreign anti-slavery society. the subjects discussed were the time and place of a future convention of the friends of the slave of different nations. london was unanimously approved as the place, and the preponderance of sentiment was in favor of as the time. on the d we went on to lynn. here are a very considerable number of the society of friends, who are desirous of taking part in active anti-slavery exertion, when they can do so without compromise of principle. it is greatly to be regretted that in this vicinity, a few individuals, formerly members of our religious society, have embraced, in connection with their abolition views, the doctrines of non-resistance, or non-government, in church and state, and thus greatly added to the difficulties in the way of efficient action on the part of consistent members; but whatever may be the errors and indiscretions of these individuals, they furnish no valid excuse for the apathy and inaction on the part of "friends," nor lessen, in the slightest degree, their responsibility for the firm and faithful maintenance of our christian testimony against oppression. we proceeded, the same evening, to amesbury, where the family of my friend and companion john g. whittier reside, in whose hospitable and tranquil retreat we remained till the th. here i found myself in a manufacturing district, and paid a visit to a large woollen mill, and was much pleased with the cleanliness and order displayed, and with the evident comfort and prosperity of the working people, who are chiefly young women, none of whom are admitted under sixteen years of age. any person given to intoxication would be instantly discharged. all the manufactories in this place are joint-stock companies, and the mills are worked by water power, of which there is an abundant supply. i had agreed, on my return to boston, to meet my abolition friends at a tea party, and found an entertainment provided from the marlborough hotel, in a large room adjoining one of the chapels, on a scale of great profusion, a little to my disappointment, as i had anticipated one of a social rather than of a public character, though i could not but feel the kindness which it was intended to manifest. charles stewart renshaw, from jamaica, was opportunely present, and his information on the state of that island added much interest to the evening, the proceedings of which, i hope, gave pretty general satisfaction. in condescension to my wish, my valued friend, nathaniel colver, suggested to the company to dispense with the usual form of public prayer, and substitute an interval of silence, after the reading of a portion of scripture, which was kindly complied with. before leaving boston, i had a long interview with william lloyd garrison. his view of "women's rights" is so far a matter of conscience with him, as to be made an indispensable term of union; yet though widely differing on this, and other important points, we parted, i trust, as we met, on personally friendly terms; and certainly on my part with a desire to promote a spirit of forbearance, and with a deeper and stronger conviction that the friends of the bleeding and oppressed slave, should not spend their strength in unprofitable contention upon points in regard to which both parties claim to act conscientiously, while the common cause requires their undivided energies. on the th i left boston for the beautiful town of worcester, about forty miles distant, on the principal line of railway to new york, where i had the pleasure of visiting, at his own residence, my friend, cyrus p. grosvenor, one of the delegates to the anti-slavery convention last year. there are here a considerable number of sincere abolitionists, of whom we met a small company in the evening, in a room used as the friends' meeting house. i gave them a brief account of the state of the anti-slavery cause in other parts of the world. in company with john m. earle, editor of one of the worcester papers, with whom i had formed a previous acquaintance at the yearly meeting, i also called on the governor of the state of massachusetts, who resides in this place. we had some friendly conversation, but he seemed cautious on the subject of abolition. the temperance cause in worcester has made so much progress that at the three largest and best hotels, which make up nearly one hundred beds each, no intoxicating liquor of any kind is sold. a people thus willing to carry out their convictions, to the sacrifice of prejudice, appetite, and apparent self-interest, cannot long remain a nation of slave-holders. in common with the rest of new england, this town is remarkable for the number, size, and beauty of its places of worship. i calculated, with the aid of a well-informed inhabitant, that if the entire population were to go to a place of worship, at the same hour, in the same day, there would be ample accommodation, and room to spare. yet here there is no compulsory tax to build churches, and maintain ministers. by the efficacy of the voluntary principle alone is this state of things produced. my dear friend, john g. whittier returned home from worcester on account of increased indisposition, while i proceeded alone to new york. the journey from boston to the latter city is a remarkably pleasant one. leaving boston at four in the afternoon, we proceed on one of the best railways in the states, at the rate of upwards of twenty miles an hour, through a very beautiful and generally well cultivated country, to the city of norwich, in the state of connecticut, where the train arrives about eight in the evening, and the passengers immediately embark on a handsome steamer, for new york, enjoying, as long as daylight lasts, the fine scenery on the banks of the thames. the night i went was moonlight; and, after long enjoying the coolness of the evening on deck, the company retired to their berths, and arrived at new york at the seasonable hour of six the following morning. i remained in new york until the th of the seventh month (july). my friends, william shotwell and wife, had left the city during the hot months, but very kindly placed their town house at my service, and i found the retirement thus at my command both refreshing and very serviceable, in enabling me to bring up arrears of writing. during this interval, i spent one very pleasant day with theodore and angelina grimke weld, and their sister, sarah grimke, who reside on a small farm, a few miles from newark. to the great majority of my readers these names need no introduction; yet, for the benefit of the few, i will briefly allude to their past history. when the american anti-slavery society was formed, in , theodore d. weld was at the lane seminary, near cincinnati, ohio. he was unable to attend on that occasion, but wrote a letter, declaring his entire sympathy with its object. soon after, through the influence and exertions of himself and henry b. stanton, a large majority of the students at lane seminary, comprising several slave-holders and sons of slave-holders, became members of an anti-slavery society. the faculty opposed the formation of this society, and finally expelled its members from the seminary. for two or three years after, theodore weld was engaged in anti-slavery effort, principally in the states of ohio and new york. his voice failed at last, and for several years he was unable to address a public assembly. angelina grimke weld, and her sister, sarah grimke, were natives of south carolina, the daughters of a distinguished judge of that state; for several years they resided in philadelphia. having long felt a deep interest in the condition of the slaves, in the year they, in accordance with what they believed to be a sense of religious duty, visited new york and new england, to plead the cause of those, with whose sorrows, degradation, and cruel sufferings, they had been familiar in their native state. they are evidently women of superior endowments, kind-hearted and energetic, and still retain something of the warmth and fervor of character peculiar to the south. few, even of the well informed abolitionists of england, have an adequate idea of the extent, variety, and excellence of the anti-slavery literature of the united states, or of the amount of intellectual power which has been willingly consecrated to this service. of the cause itself, with all its exigencies, we may adopt, in a yet more limited sense, the sentiment of the christian poet, on the transient nature of all sublunary things, "these, therefore, are occasional, and pass." the time approaches when the shackles of the slave will fall off--when his suffering and despairing cry will be no more heard. slavery itself is a temporary exigency; but its removal has called, and will yet call forth, works bearing the impress of intellectual supremacy, which will be embodied in the permanent literature of the age, and will contribute to raise the character, and to extend the reputation, of that literature. the names of channing, jay, child, green, and pierpont, are already their own passport to fame. other names might be mentioned; but, one instance excepted, selection might be invidious. that exception is theodore d. weld, whose palm of superiority few would be disposed to contest. his principal works are, "the bible against slavery;" "power of congress over slavery in the district of columbia;" and "slavery as it is." all his writings are marked by varied excellence; yet their chief characteristic is an irresistible and overwhelming power of argument. although brief and compressed in style, he exhausts his subject; and his two principal works, though on warmly controverted topics, have never been replied to. he would be a bold antagonist who should enter the lists against him: he would be a yet bolder ally who should attempt to go over the same ground, or to do better what has been done so well. one of the most voluminous and popular writers that ever lived, observed to a friend, "that he was more proud of his compositions for manure, than of any other compositions with which he had any concern." my friend, has the same love of rural occupations, and has found severe manual labor essential for the recovery of health, broken by labor of another kind. i found him at work on his farm, driving his own wagon and oxen, with a load of rails. when he had disposed of his freight, we mounted the wagon, and drove to his home. two or three of his fellow-students at the lane seminary arrived about the same time, and we spent the day in agreeable, and, i trust, profitable intercourse. in the household arrangements of this distinguished family, dr. graham's dietetic system is rigidly adopted, which excludes meat, butter, coffee, tea, and all intoxicating beverages. i can assure all who may be interested to know, that this roman simplicity of living does not forbid enjoyment, when the guest can share with it the affluence of such minds as daily meet at their table. the "graham system," as it is called, numbers many adherents in america, who are decided in its praise. my friends, theodore d. and angelina weld, and sarah grimke, sympathize, to a considerable extent, with the views on "women's rights," held by one section of abolitionists; yet they deeply regret that this, or any other extraneous doctrine, should have been made an apple of discord; and, since the rise of these unhappy divisions, they have held aloof from both the anti-slavery organizations, though, as among the most able and successful laborers in the field, they may justly be accounted allies by each party. difference of opinion on these points did not, for a moment, interrupt the pleasure of our intercourse; and i could not but wish, that those, of whatever party, who are accustomed to judge harshly of all who cannot pronounce their "shibboleth," might be instructed by the candid, charitable, and peace-loving deportment of theodore d. weld. during my visit to new york, i became acquainted with many who were deeply interested in the abolition cause, not a few of whom were members of my own religious society. among these, i may particularly mention my venerable friends, richard mott and samuel parsons. i paid a second visit to the residence of the latter at flushing, but regret to say, i found him too unwell to enjoy company.[a] his sons are anxiously desirous of furthering the abolition cause on every suitable occasion. one evening i spent with a respectable minister, who is a man of color, and who assured me that most of the intelligent persons of his class in new york approve of the course pursued by the late convention in london, and the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society. i saw at his house a man who had purchased his freedom for twelve hundred dollars, intending to remain in the same state, but, as in a precisely similar case already noticed, he afterwards found he had no alternative but to emigrate, leaving his still enslaved family behind him, or to be again sold into slavery himself, under the laws enacted to drive out free people of color. he was trying to raise the large sum of fourteen hundred dollars, to purchase his wife and four children. [footnote a: this illness terminated fatally. one of his intimate friends in this country, has favored me with the following communication respecting him. "samuel parsons had been from early life, a warm friend to the african race; his love of peace rendered him at the first accessible to prejudice against the american anti-slavery society, through the misrepresentations respecting its violent and rash measures; which misrepresentations it was much more easy to believe than to investigate. yet his interest for the negro and colored population of the united states continued, and he extended acts of protection and kindness towards them, whenever opportunity for it was afforded. in the eleventh month, last year, i find the following paragraph in one of his letters to us, viz. 'though sensible that i am drawing towards the close of time, i cannot avoid taking a deep interest in the moral reformation, relative to slavery and intemperance, which is progressing in the earth; my son robert and i look at these publications as they appear, with deep solicitude. the proceedings of the anti-slavery convention of the world, and its movements, are of great moment to the whole civilized world. the anti-slavery cause, has not, i fear, advanced much the last year; the separation in the national society, and the truckling to the south of the politicians of both sides, during the late presidential election, has for a time marred the work; but the anti-slavery banner of a third party is still displayed, and it will probably continue to nominate till it seriously influences the elections. in the mean time, the individual states, one after another, are freeing the colored people from part of their civil disabilities. a hard battle is to be fought, but mighty is truth, and must prevail.'"] "the fourth of july," the anniversary of the independence of the united states, fell this year on the first day of the week, and was therefore celebrated the day following. it is still marked by extravagant demonstrations of joy, and often disgraced by scenes of intemperance and demoralization. the better part of the community wisely counteract the evil, to a great extent, by holding, on the same day, temperance meetings, school examinations, opening their places of worship, et cet. i accompanied my friend lewis tappan to attend an anti-slavery meeting at newark, in which theodore weld was expected to take a part for the first time after an interval of five years' discontinuance of public speaking. several years before, he had been carried away by the stream in crossing a river, and had very narrowly escaped drowning. this accident caused an affection of the throat, and eventually disqualified him for public labor except with the pen, to which, though deemed a great loss at the time by his fellow-laborers in the anti-slavery cause, we probably owe the invaluable works before referred to. it was on the same anniversary, five years ago, that he had spoken last, a circumstance to which he made a touching allusion: he spoke very impressively for more than half an hour without serious inconvenience, and i hope it may please providence to restore his ability to plead, as he was wont to do with great power, for the cause of the oppressed. in the afternoon there was a public examination of the scholars belonging to the place of worship in which the preceding meeting was held, and in connection with this a little incident occurred, which may serve to illustrate the state of public feeling. newark, from its extensive trade with the south, is much under pro-slavery influence. but the congregation of this chapel are generally anti-slavery, and have several colored children in their school. one of these, a little black girl, was qualified to take part in the public examination; but this, in the estimation of some of the parents of white scholars, and several even of the trustees, could not be borne. others, on the contrary, resolved to battle with the prejudice of caste, and to call for her, if she were not brought forward; and, finally, i suppose, by way of compromise, she was brought on the platform to recite alone, after the little scholars who could rejoice in the aristocratic complexion had performed their parts, without suffering the indignity of a public association with a colored child. even this was, however, considered a victory by the anti-prejudice party. i left on the seventh for niagara, being desirous to see the celebrated falls, and to visit some friends living in the western part of this state, as well as to find relief from the oppressive and tropical heat. i hoped also to fall in with my friends and fellow laborers, j. and m. candler, who had gone with a party in the same direction. i need not describe a route so often traversed by europeans. one of its agreeable incidents was an accidental meeting with john curtis, of ohio, on his way, on a free trade mission, to great britain, from motives which i believe to be disinterested and philanthropic. his labors, which are principally intended to show the evils of our taxes upon food, will not be in vain; though he will find many in england, as i found in america, who have no ear for truth when it opposes their prejudices or imaginary self-interest. he gave me a most cheering account of the march of abolition in ohio, and said he had lately attended a meeting held at the invitation of the abolitionists, on the th of july, at which there were three thousand persons, who had come to the place of meeting in nine hundred vehicles of different kinds. he said he had never witnessed a more enthusiastic meeting. another gentleman and his wife made themselves known to me, in the railway carriage, as warm abolitionists, and spoke favorably of the prospects of the cause in this part of the state of new york. the gentleman said he had lately had a discussion with a deacon of a church he attended, who defended the admission of slave-holders to the communion. on being asked, however, whether he would admit sheep-stealers, he acknowledged this was not so great a crime as man-stealing, and pleaded no further in favor of church-fellowship with slave-holders. the journey from new york to the falls of niagara, a distance of miles, is performed in about forty-eight hours, and when the railway communication is further completed, and the speed raised to the standard of the best english lines, it will probably be accomplished in less than thirty hours. the railway passed for many miles through the original forest, in which i observed very lofty trees, but none of an extraordinary girth. in many places the ground was crowded with fallen trees, in every stage of decay. i found my friends at the eagle hotel, at niagara, where i remained till the twelfth, enjoying with them the views and scenery of "the falls," a spectacle of nature in her grandest aspect, which mocks the limited capacity of man to conceive or to describe. on the eleventh, being the first day of the week, we held a meeting for worship, at our hotel, and were joined by an irish lady and her three daughters, who had been living here some months. this lady told me she was present when m'leod was arrested in this hotel. from all i have been able to learn, there are a number of reckless men on both sides the border line, who are anxious to foment war for the sake of plunder; but the great bulk of the american people, i am persuaded, are for peace, and especially for peace with england, a feeling which time is strengthening. on the twelfth, our whole party left for buffalo, by railway, getting a transient view of lake ontario before entering the city. here we parted company, they proceeding to toronto, by steam packet, and i to syracuse by coach. the american vehicle of this name, carries nine inside passengers on three cross seats. it is hung on leather springs, so as to be fitted to maintain the shocks of a _corduroy_ road. wishing to see the country, i mounted the box, by the side of the coachman, but at times had some difficulty in retaining my seat. the value of land in this part of the country, when cleared and in cultivation, i understood to be from thirty to fifty dollars per acre. a large breadth of wheat is grown, of which the yield is generally good; but this year there will be, in many cases, a short crop, from the extreme drought in the two preceding months. i went forward from syracuse to rochester by railway, and thence, with the exception of twelve miles by coach, by the same conveyance to auburn, where we arrived at two o'clock in the morning. one of my fellow-passengers had been a soldier in the so-called "patriot" army, which enlisted against santa anna, in the revolt of texas. he stated, that some planters were emigrating from mississippi, with as many as two hundred "hands," (slaves,) and plainly said, it was intended to plant the anglo-saxon flag on the walls of mexico. if half what he asserted was true, the worst apprehensions of the abolitionists are too likely to be realized by the texian revolution, and the establishment of a new slave-holding power on the vast territory claimed by that piratical band of robbers, and forming the south-western frontier of the united states. at auburn i paid a visit to the celebrated state prison, and though, from want of time to call upon a gentleman in the city for whom i had a letter, i was unprovided with an introduction, i was politely admitted by the superintendent, who refused to receive the fee customarily paid by visitors, when he found, from the entry of my name and address, i was an englishman. i passed through the different workshops, in which nearly all handicraft trades are carried on, and very superior work is frequently executed by the prisoners. besides other less complicated machines, one complete locomotive engine has been constructed within these walls. as the system of discipline adopted here is the same as at sing sing, also in this state, i defer for the present, any remarks upon its character and success. i left auburn, in a hired carriage, for skaneateles, to pay a visit to my friend, james cannings fuller. he has a rich farm of acres, with a good house upon it, about a quarter of a mile west of the large and flourishing village of skaneateles, which overlooks a beautiful lake of the same name, sixteen miles in length, and in some places two miles wide. james c. fuller left england about seven years ago, and has carried his abolition principles with him to his adopted country. he told me that there had been a great change for the better in the public mind since his residence in this neighborhood. abolitionism was once so unpopular, that he has been mobbed four times in his own otherwise quiet village. on one occasion he was engaged in a public discussion on slavery, and a mob so much disturbed the meeting, by the throwing of shot, and yells the most discordant the human voice could make, that his opponent moved an adjournment, and afterwards accompanied him on his way to his own house, with many other persons, as a body-guard. they were followed by a large number of other persons, who attempted to throw him down, and were very free in the use of missiles and mud; the mob were so vociferous, that their shoutings were heard two and a half miles distant, many persons leaving their houses to endeavor to ascertain the cause of such an uproar. on james c. fuller's entering his house, the mob surrounded his parlor windows, and these would, most probably, have been smashed in pieces, and the building defaced, had not one of the assailants been seized with a fit, and in that state conveyed into james c. fuller's parlor, where he lay insensible for three quarters of an hour. this sudden seizure diverted the attention of the mob from my friend and his property to their own companion. james c. fuller informed me that mobs in america are generally, if not always, instigated by "persons of property and standing;" and the most blameable, in his case, were not those who yelled, et cet., et cet., but others who prompted the outrage. happily this state of things is now altered: as much order and decorum, with fixed attention, is now witnessed at an abolition lecture as at any other lecture; and a colored man can now collect a larger meeting in skaneateles than a white man, and the behavior of the audience is attentive, kind, and respectful. my friend, john candler, who was here a fortnight before me, collected a large assembly to hear his account of the effects of emancipation in our west india islands, and many expressed themselves much gratified with his narrative. being anxious to proceed to peterboro', to visit gerrit smith, i accepted james c. fuller's kind offer to take me in his carriage. the distance is nearly fifty miles, and the roads were, in some parts, very rough; but they intersect a fine country. much wheat is grown in many places, and here the crop appeared generally good. having started rather late in the afternoon, we were benighted before we reached manlius square, where we lodged. though my kind friend would not permit me to pay my share of the bill, yet, to gratify my curiosity, he communicated the particulars of the charge, as follows: half a bushel of oats for the horses, cents; supper for two persons, cents; two beds, cents; hay and stable-room for the two horses, cents; total, one dollar, or about s. d. sterling. we arrived at peterboro' early the following morning, where i remained till the sixteenth, at the house of gerrit smith. he was once a zealous supporter of the colonization society, but when convinced of the evil character and tendency of that scheme, he withdrew from it, and became a warm and able advocate of the immediate abolition of slavery. he is one of the few americans who have inherited large property from their parents, and he has contributed to this cause with princely munificence. gerrit smith and arthur tappan have, each on one or more occasions given single donations of ten thousand dollars (upwards of two thousand pounds sterling) to promote anti-slavery objects. his wife, ann carroll smith, who is a native of maryland, and his daughter, an only child, share in my valued friend's ardent sympathy for the sufferings of the slave. during my stay, he received a letter from samuel worthington, of mississippi, who held in slavery harriet russell. harriet was formerly the slave of ann carroll smith, having been given to her when they were both children. ann c. smith was but twelve years old when, with her father's family, she removed from maryland to new york. harriet was left in maryland. shortly after ann c. smith's marriage, and when she was about eighteen years of age, her brother, james fitzhugh, of maryland, wrote to ask her to give harriet to him, stating that she was, or was about to be, married to his slave, samuel russell. she consented: and her brother soon after emigrated to kentucky, taking samuel and harriet with him. after this samuel and harriet were repeatedly sold. some years ago, gerrit and ann c. smith having become deeply impressed with the great sin of slavery, were anxious to learn what had become of harriet. but they did not succeed in ascertaining her residence, until the letter received during my visit informed them of it, and which also stated that harriet and her husband were living, and that they had several children. the price put upon the family was four thousand dollars. james c. fuller having kindly offered to go into kentucky, where samuel worthington then resided, to negotiate with him for the purchase of the family, g. smith gladly accepted the offer of one so well qualified for this undertaking. james c. fuller succeeded in purchasing the family for three thousand five hundred dollars, exclusive of his travelling expenses, and those of the slave family, which amounted to about two hundred and eighty dollars. he has published a very interesting account of his journey, in a letter addressed to myself, from which some extracts are given in the appendix.[a] eighteen months ago, g. and a.c. smith united with other children of her father, the late col. fitzhugh, in purchasing, at the cost of four thousand dollars, the liberty of ten slaves, who, or their parents, were among the slaves of colonel fitzhugh when he left maryland. i have recently learned that they are negotiating the purchase of the liberty of other slaves, who formerly belonged to colonel fitzhugh. it is nearly seven years since gerrit smith and his family adopted the practice of total abstinence from all slave produce, thus additionally manifesting the sincerity of those convictions which have induced him to contribute so largely of his wealth both to the anti-slavery funds, and for the liberation of all slaves with which his family property had the most remote connection. [footnote a: see appendix i.] here, i had some expectation of again meeting my friend, james g. birney, who was gone on a journey to ohio, and is well known to english abolitionists, by his able assistance at the great anti-slavery convention, as one of its vice-presidents, and by his subsequent labors, which are thus acknowledged, on his return to america, by the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society:-- "that this committee are deeply sensible of the services rendered to the anti-slavery cause by their esteemed friend and coadjutor, james gillespie birney, esq., whilst in this country, in a course of laborious efforts, in which his accurate and extensive information, his wise and judicious counsels, and his power of calm and convincing statement, have become eminently conspicuous. "the committee also take the present occasion to record their sense of his zealous and disinterested labors in defence of the rights of outraged humanity in his own country, during a period of great excitement and opposition: and of the proof he has given of his sincerity, in having twice manumitted the slaves that had come into his possession; a noble example, which they trust others will not be slow to follow." whilst j.g. birney was in this country, in addition to his arduous labors, in addressing large assemblies in many of the cities of the united kingdom, he prepared and published his excellent work, "the american churches the bulwark of american slavery," which is eminently deserving of the attentive perusal of all christian readers. the estimation in which james g. birney is held by american abolitionists, is marked by his having been twice unanimously selected by the "liberty party," as a candidate for the presidential chair. i found g. smith as much interested in the subject of temperance, as in that of slavery. no person in the whole of the township in which he lives is licensed to sell drams. for an innkeeper to sell a glass of spirits, or even of strong beer, is illegal, and exposes him to a heavy fine. the next morning i left early for utica, where i had the pleasure of again meeting the friends i had parted from at buffalo, with whom i paid a visit to the oneida institute, about two miles from utica. this college was the first in the united states to throw open its doors to students, irrespective of color. it was also one of the earliest institutions to combine manual labor with instruction. the principle is adopted partly from a motive of economy, but principally because intellectual vigor is believed to depend on bodily health, and that these can be best secured and preserved by exercise and labor, especially out of door and agricultural employments. the labor of the students defrays a considerable part of the expense of their support, but as the severe pressure of the times has limited the means of many liberal benefactors of oneida, the establishment, which usually comprises one hundred young men, is now limited to about one-third of the number. several of these are colored. the oberlin institute in ohio is on a much larger scale than this, and is on an equally liberal footing with regard to color. i much regretted being unable, from want of time, to comply with the urgent request of my friend, wm. dawes and others, to visit this important and interesting establishment. the number of students at oberlin last year was five hundred and sixty, including those in the department for females. i was much pleased to have the opportunity of becoming further acquainted with the president of oneida, beriah green, and with his friend, wm. goodell, who resides in the neighborhood. their names will be reverenced by the abolitionists of america as long as the memory of anti-slavery efforts shall survive. before we left, we had an opportunity of meeting the students together, who appeared much interested with my friend john candler's details of the results of emancipation in jamaica. i was disappointed in not finding at home alvan stewart, one of the ablest and most zealous friends of the anti-slavery cause; but beriah green kindly accompanied me to call upon several of their abolition friends in the city. my limited time prevented my paying a visit to henry b. stanton, who was residing not far from utica, and whose acquaintance i had the pleasure of making in england. he also will be remembered for his able assistance at the convention, and by his eloquent addresses at public meetings in this country. the following record of his services is made by the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society:-- "that this committee, in taking leave of their friend and fellow-laborer in the cause of universal emancipation, henry brewster stanton, esq., record their high estimate of the valuable services rendered by him to that cause, whilst in great britain, by his eloquent and powerful advocacy; and, in tendering him their thanks, they express their sincere desire for his success in the great work to which he has devoted himself." the name of henry b. stanton previously occurs in conjunction with that of theodore d. weld, as having left lane seminary with many other students, rather than be silent on the abolition question: becoming from that time a strenuous and powerful anti-slavery advocate. i proceeded in the evening to albany, and thence to new york the next morning; where i remained from the th to the th instant, and, during this time, i put in circulation the following address:-- "_to the members of the religious society of friends in the united states of america_. "dear friends,--having for many years believed it my duty to devote a considerable portion of my time and attention to the promotion of the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade, i have acted in cordial co-operation with the british and foreign anti-slavery society since its formation. the principles of that society may be briefly explained by the following extract from its constitution: 'that so long as slavery exists, there is no reasonable prospect of the annihilation of the slave-trade, and of extinguishing the sale and barter of human beings: that the extinction of slavery and the slave-trade will be attained most effectually by the employment of those means which are of a moral, religious, and pacific character: and that no measures be resorted to by this society in the prosecution of their objects, but such as are in entire accordance with these principles.' "my visit to this country had reference, in a great measure, to the objects for which this society was established; but, although i left my native land with the general approbation and full unity of my friends, they concurred with me in opinion, that any _official_ document, beyond a certificate from 'my monthly meeting,' expressive of sympathy with my engagement, might rather obstruct than promote the end i had in view. i was desirous of a personal interchange of sentiment with many of the abolitionists in this land, upon matters having an important bearing upon our future exertions. the warm attachment which i have ever felt to the religious society with which i am connected, and the ready co-operation of its members with their christian neighbors in promoting this cause in great britain, inclined me to embrace every suitable opportunity to communicate with friends in this country. and i have been encouraged, not only by the great personal kindness i have received from them generally, but also by the lively interest expressed by most, on the subject of emancipation, wherever i have introduced it. "a further acquaintance with friends in the compass of the three or four 'yearly meetings,' in which my lot has been cast, and my inquiries respecting the state of the other yearly meetings, has convinced me that a large number of their most consistent members, including many aged and universally respected friends, are desirous of embracing every right opening, both individually and collectively, for the promotion of the abolition cause. and while they are fully aware that there are reasons growing out of the existing state of things, which render great circumspection necessary, they can see no good ground for believing that the manner in which friends of this country, of a former generation, labored for the liberation of the slave, was not under the guidance of the spirit of truth. "this is now the course pursued by friends generally in england. that there may be no misapprehension as to the conduct of friends, with regard to this subject, in great britain, i may mention, that i am the bearer of a document expressive of unity with my visit, signed by william allen, josiah forster, william forster, george stacey, samuel fox, george w. alexander, and robert forster, who declare themselves fellow members with myself of the british and foreign anti-slavery committee. this committee is composed of persons of various religious denominations, amongst whom it will be seen are many of the prominent members of our meeting for sufferings. upon the list of delegates to the late anti-slavery convention, in london, are the names of nearly one hundred well known friends, including those of four who are, or have been clerks of the yearly meeting; and the present clerk of that meeting, my esteemed friend, george stacey, took an active part, and rendered essential service in the convention. the meeting house in gracechurch street was freely granted by friends in london, who have charge of it, for the use of the convention, and the concluding sittings of that body were held in it. "in fact, friends generally in england think it their duty to render every aid in their power to the anti-slavery cause, whether in their collective capacity, or individually uniting with their fellow-citizens, when they can do so without any compromise of our religious principles and testimonies. i speak more explicitly on this point, because i have ascertained with much concern, that there is an influential portion of the society, including, i have no doubt, some sincere abolitionists, who have been so fearful that the testimonies of the society might suffer by any union with others, that they have not only avoided such a co-operation themselves, but have dissuaded those of their brethren, who have believed it incumbent upon them to act otherwise; and in one 'yearly meeting,' at least, i have too much reason to fear they have tacitly, if not actively sanctioned the omission of the names of friends on meeting appointments,--however consistent in their conduct, and concerned for the welfare of the society--simply because they have felt it their duty to act with persons of other denominations in promoting the abolition of slavery; thus, in appearance at least, throwing the whole weight and influence of the society, in its collective capacity, against a movement, which, although doubtless partaking of the imperfections attendant upon all human instrumentality, has already aroused the whole country to a sense of the wrongs of the slave, and secured to the nominally free colored citizens, in many of the states, rights of which they have been so long and so unjustly deprived. "though i can hardly expect that any thing from one entertaining my view of the subject, can have much weight with those friends, who, with a full understanding of the heavy responsibility they were assuming, have discountenanced anti-slavery exertions, and the use of our meeting houses, even by consistent members, for the purpose of giving information on the subject:[a] yet, as it has occasioned me no small degree of anxiety, both in reference to the anti-slavery cause, and the society of friends itself, i believe i cannot return to my native land with peace of mind, without earnestly and affectionately pressing upon such friends, the great importance of a careful examination of the ground which they have taken. our unwearied adversary is sometimes permitted to lead us into the most fearful errors, when he assumes the appearance of an angel of light. and is there not great danger, in encouraging the young and inexperienced to suppose that the maintenance of any of our testimonies may be neglected, except when we feel a divine intimation to uphold them, and may it not open the door to great laxity in our practice? while i fully believe that the true disciple of christ will be favored with the immediate guidance of the holy spirit whenever it is needful to direct his steps; it appears to me especially important, that, in matters of self-sacrifice and conflicting with our worldly interest or reputation, we should guard against being deluded into a neglect of duty, by waiting for this direct divine intimation, where the path of duty is obvious and clearly understood, and when testimonies are concerned, which we have long considered it our duty, on all occasions, to support. if, under such a view of the subject, we do believe it our duty to cease to act ourselves, and discourage our brethren from laboring in the cause of the slave; a close self-examination surely is needful, in order to ascertain if we are consistently carrying out the same principle in our daily walk in life--in our mercantile transactions--our investments of property--in our connection with public institutions,--and with political parties. [footnote a: "it is right to state, that i was much encouraged by the lively expression of sympathy in the anti-slavery cause in the yearly meetings of philadelphia and new york: that at the former place friends opened a room at the meeting house for my friend john candler to give some information on the subject, and at new york the large meeting house was not only readily granted to him and me for the same purpose, but the clerks of the yearly meeting kindly gave notice and invited friends to attend."] "it should be borne in perpetual recollection, that we are in no small danger of shrinking from a faithful maintenance of those testimonies which are unpopular with the world, as well as of not seeing our own neglect of duty, while censuring the zeal or supposed indiscretion of others. besides, if this good cause be really endangered by popular excitement, and the indiscretion of its imprudent advocates, the obligation of consistent friends to be found at their posts, faithfully maintaining the testimony of truth on its behalf, is greatly increased; and it is under such circumstances that i think i have seen the peculiar advantage and protection to our young friends in england, of having their elder brethren with them, aiding them by their sympathy, as well as by their advice and counsel. i am persuaded that those who are called to occupy the foremost ranks in society cannot be too careful not to impose a burden upon tender consciences, by discouraging, either directly or indirectly, a course of conduct which is sanctioned by the precepts and examples of our divine master, lest they alienate from us some of his disciples, and thereby greatly injure the society they are so laudably anxious to 'keep unspotted from the world.' "we are told, on the highest authority, that 'by their fruits' we are to judge of the laborers in the christian vineyard; and, while i am fully aware of the greater difficulties in the way of emancipation _here_, as compared with great britain, i have been almost irresistibly led to contrast the difference in the results of the course pursued by friends in the two countries. in america, during the last twenty-five years, it is evident that slavery and the slave-trade have greatly increased; and even where the members of our society are the most numerous and influential, the prejudice against color is as strong as in any part of the world,[a] and friends themselves, in many places, are by no means free from this prejudice. in great britain, friends, by society action, and by uniting with their fellow-countrymen, not only contributed, under providence, in no small degree, to the passage of the act of , for the abolition of slavery in the british west indies; but, when it was found that the system of apprenticeship which this act introduced, was made an instrument of cruel oppression to the slaves, a renewal of similar labors for about twelve months, resulted in the _complete_ emancipation of our colored brethren in those colonies. [footnote a: "i should, i believe, do wrong to conceal the sorrow which i have felt that the scheme of african colonization, the great support of which, at the present time, appears to be hostility to anti-slavery efforts and an unchristian prejudice against color, still has the sympathy and the active aid of some members of our society."] "in closing this letter, i wish to address a few words to that numerous and valuable class of friends, previously alluded to, with whom i deeply sympathize, who are only deterred from more active exertion by their reluctance to give dissatisfaction to those whom they respect. the sorrow which i feel, under the consideration that, in parting with many of you, we never probably shall meet again in mutability, is softened by the persuasion, that the difficulties by which you are surrounded are lessening, and that some who are now opposing you, will, ere long, join you in efforts, which shall remove from the minds, both of abolitionists and slave-holders, the belief so generally entertained, that the society of friends in this country are not earnestly engaged for the _total and immediate_ abolition of slavery. no one regrets more than myself that any friends to the cause of abolition should connect other topics with it, which, however suitable to be discussed on their own merits, must necessarily interfere with this simple and momentous object. you are aware of some of the circumstances which may have led to the state of feeling, with many in our society, which we so much deplore. and it is my fervent desire that none of you, in any steps you may consider it your duty to take, may afford just cause of uneasiness, by any compromise of christian principle, any improper harshness of language, or by the introduction of any subject not strictly belonging to the anti-slavery cause. your situation is one of peculiar difficulty and delicacy. both from a regard to your own religious society and the suffering slave, you have need to exercise great watchfulness, and to cultivate feelings of brotherly love and that 'charity which suffereth long, and is kind.' the beautiful example of john woolman, in this respect, is worthy of your imitation. his labors were, for years, far less encouraged by the leading influences of society than your own at the present time; yet we find, in reading his invaluable journal, no traces of bitterness or uncharitable feeling. "finally, dear friends of all classes,--in thus freely addressing you, i have written, not only with a strong attachment to our religious society, but, i trust, under a feeling of a degree of that love, which is not confined to geographical boundaries, or affected by color or by clime. the prayer of my heart is, that each of you may be willing to be made instrumental, in the divine hand, in faithfully maintaining our christian testimony against slavery; bearing in mind, that the labors of your ancestors have greatly increased your responsibility, by separating you from those influences which so deaden the feelings and harden the heart against the claims of our brethren in bonds. may these considerations, viewed in connection with the difficulties which obstruct the progress of emancipation in this land, stimulate you to increased exertion; and when you are summoned to the bar of that final tribunal, towards which we are all hastening, may you have the inexpressible consolation of reflecting, that you have performed all you could towards 'undoing the heavy burden and letting the oppressed go free.' "i am, very sincerely, "your friend, "joseph sturge." "new york, seventh month th, ." the above letter so fully embodies my view of the state of the society in reference to the anti-slavery cause, that i shall think it needless, after a few general observations, again recur to this subject. i feel bound to acknowledge that this public mode of making my sentiments known was disapproved by some friends; yet of all the objections that were made to the proceeding, none tended to impugn the accuracy of my representation of the existing state of things. this is approved by some, and deplored by others, but my statement has not been denied by any. in consequence of a remonstrance made to me on special grounds in the kindest and most christian manner by two beloved friends, i felt called upon to subject my motives and conduct, in issuing such an address, to deliberate reconsideration; and the result was, that i not only felt myself clear of just censure, but that in no other way could i have discharged my duty according to my own interpretation of its dictates. of other objectors, i may add, that simply to enumerate their reasons, stated to me in private conference, would be the severest public animadversion that could be made, either on the individuals themselves, or on the society whose views they professed to represent. in the present state of this great controversy, the abolitionists may justly say, "he that is not with us, is against us," while the pro-slavery party can witness, "he that is not against us, is on our side." hence the praise bestowed on the neutrality of the society of friends by the great slave-holding senator, henry clay. hence also the suspicious compliments of the late president van buren, the first act of whose administration was a pledge to refuse his signature to any bill for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. i fear it is undeniable that in the last eight years the collective influence of the society has been thrown into the pro-slavery scale, and this notwithstanding the existence of much diffused and passive sympathy and right feeling on behalf of the slave, in the breasts of probably a large majority of individual members. the abolitionists of the united states have been treated by too many influential friends, as well as by the leading professors of other denominations, as a party whose contact is contamination; yet to a bystander it is plainly obvious that the true grounds of offence are not always those ostensibly alleged, but the activity, zeal, and success with which they have cleared themselves of participation in other men's sins, and by which they have condemned the passive acquiescence of a society making a high profession of anti-slavery principles. i do not intend to defend all the proceedings of the anti-slavery societies. that they have sometimes erred in judgment and action,--that they have had unworthy men among their members, i have little doubt. but, the same objections might have been raised to the old anti-slavery societies, in which the leading friends of the united states took an active part with their neighbors of other denominations, and, with far greater force against the colonization society, which is patronized, even to this day, both by individual members and by at least one meeting of sufferings.[a] the causes that have produced the state of things i have attempted to describe, derive their origin, i believe, from one source--inaction. after the society of friends had purified itself from slave-holding, it gradually subsided into a state of rest, and finally lapsed into lethargy and indifference on this question. in the world we live in, evil is the quick and spontaneous growth, while good is the forced and difficult culture. good principles can only be preserved bright, pure, and efficient, by watchful care and constant use; if laid aside, they rust and perish. these are the necessary effects of the fall of man by disobedience from that state of happiness and holiness in which he was formed by a beneficent creator. in a state of inaction, friends have been exposed to the influences of a corrupt public sentiment; they have, to a considerable extent, imbibed the prejudice against color, while some of them have been caught by the gilded bait of southern commerce. [footnote a: see appendix k.] in a former part of this work i have briefly alluded to that memorable reformation, which, in the latter part of the preceding century, purged the society of friends from the heinous sins of slave trading and holding slaves. this reformation in great britain, with perhaps a few individual exceptions, consisted merely in the adoption of new convictions, and the abandonment of lax opinions; but, on the american continent, it was sealed by the willing sacrifice of an immense amount of property. one can scarcely avoid looking back with regret to times when convictions of duty had such power, when christian principle was carried out, whatever the cost. then, indeed, was exhibited, by the american friends, the fruit of a world-overcoming faith. it must be confessed that the present position of their descendants presents an unpleasing contrast; yet i trust, that from all i have written, the conclusion will be drawn, that i look forward to the future with hope; though it is a hope chastened with fear. next to a fervent desire that slavery may be speedily abolished, it is one of the warmest wishes of my heart, that the "society of friends" in america, may be among the chiefly honored agents in accomplishing, in the wisdom and power of jesus christ, so great a work, thereby contributing to the fulfilment of the angelic prophecy of "glory to god, and good will to man." i subsequently visited, in company with a colored gentleman, one of the principal colored schools in new york, in which there were upwards of three hundred children present. all the departments appeared to be conducted, under colored teachers, with great order and efficiency, and the attainments of the higher classes were very considerable. on the whole, this school would bear comparison with any similar school for white children which i ever visited. having received from great britain the minutes of a special meeting of the anti-slavery society, called to consider the time of holding a second general convention, i met some of the friends of the cause in new york, together with john g. whittier and elizur wright, of boston, to obtain an interchange of their sentiments on the same subject. after considerable discussion, they unanimously concluded to leave the decision as to the time of holding a future convention to the london committee--the question of time being the summer of or . the numerous persons on whom i called, before leaving new york, concurred uniformly in the belief that public opinion was steadily, and somewhat rapidly advancing, in favor of emancipation, and that the prejudice against color was lessening. the unanimity i found in the opinion that public feeling in favor of peace was continually strengthening, was very encouraging. all whom i consulted, approved of the suggestion of judge jay, already mentioned, though i had no suitable opportunity of obtaining the collective sentiments of the friends of peace in new york upon it. the secretary of the vigilance committee, an association existing in several of the northern cities, formed to aid runaway slaves in escaping to a place of safety, as well as to protect the free colored people from kidnappers, informed me that the number of slaves who applied for assistance was constantly on the increase. he said that, only a few days before, a man, who was a preacher of the gospel, who was escaping to canada, called upon him; and on being asked why he was fleeing from slavery, he exposed his naked back, lacerated with a recent flogging, and said that he had received that punishment for going to his place of worship. on the evening of the th i went up the river hudson to sing sing, in company with lewis tappan. our object was to spend the next day, which was the first day of the week, in this celebrated state prison. we lodged at a quiet hotel, on an eminence above the village; and next morning, about eight o'clock, we went to the prison, where we were very kindly received by the superintendent, j.g. seymour, and by the chaplain. soon afterwards, we had the opportunity of seeing all the male prisoners, about seven hundred and fifty, in the chapel, when they were addressed by a minister of the presbyterian persuasion, whom we had met on board the steamer, and whom lewis tappan had invited to be there. we were informed that about one-third of the prisoners were colored: these did not sit separate, but were intermixed with the rest. in general, however, the striking language of de beaumont, a late french traveller in the united states, will be found true. "the prejudice against color haunts its victim wherever he goes,--in the hospitals where humanity suffers,--in the churches where it kneels to god,--_in the prisons where it expiates its offences_,--in the grave-yards where it sleeps the last sleep." from hence we proceeded to the female department, where about eighty were assembled, some of whom seemed much affected by an address from my friend, lewis tappan. he told them he saw at least one present who had been a scholar in his colored sabbath school at new york. the white women were placed in the front seats, and the colored behind them. we next went to the sabbath school for the male prisoners, held in the chapel, where the attendance is general, though perfectly voluntary. twenty-five of the best educated and most orderly prisoners are allowed to teach classes: the other teachers were officers of the prison, and other persons attracted hither by benevolent motives; and i was told the teachers selected among the convicts had not once been detected in the abuse of this privilege, by entering into conversation on other topics. on the breaking up of the school, lewis tappan addressed them, and i added a few words. we were kindly invited to dine with the matron. she mentioned one instance of complete reformation in a female, which was to be attributed she believed, under the divine blessing, to the ministry of joseph j. gurney, who visited sing sing, in the course of his religious labors in the united states. after dinner we were permitted to visit the male prisoners at their cells, list shoes being provided for us that we might walk along the galleries without noise. those who wished to do so, were suffered to speak to us through their grated doors, in a low voice. a number embraced this opportunity; of the sincere repentance and reformation of some of whom, i could scarcely doubt. one prisoner, a man of color, appeared to enjoy a state of perfect happiness, under a sense of being at peace with his maker. another manifested such a feeling of his spiritual blessings, and especially of that change of heart he had been favored to experience, as scarcely to have a desire for his liberation, though his health was visibly sinking under the confinement, and there appeared little other prospect but that of his dying in the prison, as he had been condemned for ten years, of which three yet remained. several were englishmen, who were mostly under feigned names, keeping their real names secret, from a natural unwillingness to disgrace their families. some of these were men of education, and communicated to me in confidence their family names. one referred to gentlemen standing deservedly high in the estimation of the british public, as well knowing him. two or three of this class wept much, when speaking of their situation, and of the offences that had brought them there. i gathered from the prisoners themselves that a great change had been introduced, both in the affairs and in the management of the prison, within the last eighteen months, by the present excellent superintendent and chaplain and their coadjutors, and with the happiest effects. the former system was one of brutal severity; now, without any relaxation of discipline, needless severity is discarded, and the floggings have been reduced nine-tenths, the great object being the reformation of the prisoners. one of these, speaking of the superintendent and chaplain, said: "there was not a prisoner in the jail, but rejoiced to hear the sound of their feet." j.g. seymour mentioned one of the english prisoners to me, whose heart had been softened, and his reformation commenced, through the kindness of his prosecutor, who had spent both time and money in endeavoring to procure his release. this statement was fully confirmed in an interesting conversation i had with the individual himself, who was subsequently permitted, as well as another englishman, to send letters by me to their relations in this country. an extract from the correspondence of one of my unfortunate fellow-countrymen, which i am permitted to make, will afford an interesting view of the internal administration of the sing sing prison, by one of its inmates. after alluding to the absolute monotony of prison life, he gives one day as a specimen of every day. "monday morning, the large prison bell rings at five o'clock, when we all rise; half an hour after, we all go out to work, to our respective shops, till breakfast, the keepers all the time seated upon a high seat, overlooking--seeing that everything is ordered and going on in a proper manner: no talking allowed upon any occasion, or under any pretence whatever. when the breakfast-bell rings, we all go in to breakfast, each one to a separate room, (which are all numbered, one thousand in all;) every man's breakfast is ready for him in his room,--one pint of coffee, with plenty of meat, potatoes, and rye bread. after one hour, the prison opens again, and we work in a similar manner till twelve--dinner hour--when we go in again. dinner is set ready as before,--an ample quantity of meat, potatoes, and bread, with a cup of water, (the best beverage in the world--would to god i had never drank any thing else, and i should not have been here;) one hour allowed for dinner, when we go out and work again till six o'clock, when we come in and are locked up for the night, with a large bowl of mush, (hasty pudding with molasses,) the finest food in the world, made from indian meal. thus passes each day of the week. sundays we rise at the same hour; each man has a clean shirt given him in his room, then goes to the kitchen, brings his breakfast in with him, the same as before, and is locked up till eight, when divine service is performed by a most worthy and able chaplain. after service, through the pious and benevolent efforts of mr. seymour, we have an excellent sabbath school. bible classes, where from three to four hundred attend, about half to learn to read, and the others to receive instruction in the way to attain everlasting life, under the immediate inspection of mr. seymour; and i am happy to say, that the greatest attention is paid by scholars of both classes: many, very many, know how to appreciate the value of these privileges, and benefit by them accordingly. mr. seymour has obtained a large library for us, and one of the prisoners is librarian. at eleven o'clock we are locked up for the day, with an extra allowance of food and water sufficient. the librarian and an assistant are left open, to distribute the books; that is to go to each man's cell, get the book he had the previous sunday, and give him another in exchange, generally supplying them with a small tract, of which we mostly have a great plenty." a large proportion of the prisoners work in a stone quarry without the walls; and the most painful sight i saw at sing sing were the sentinels placed on prominent points commanding the prison, with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, who have orders at once to shoot a convict who may attempt to escape, if he does not obey the order to return. i was told, however, an occurrence of the kind had not happened for years. a number of the female domestics in different families in the village of sing sing, have been prisoners, and are now reformed and generally conducting themselves to the entire satisfaction of their employers. there are few subjects more interesting to a civilized and christian community, than that of prison discipline. it will scarcely, at the present day, be denied that the only motives on which, in such a government, criminal law can be administered, are the public safety, and the reformation of the criminal himself. vengeance has not been delegated to man under the christian dispensation. it is too evident, nevertheless, that the principle of retaliatory punishment, irrespective of any considerations of public safety, or the benefit of the offender, pervades our criminal jurisprudence, both in theory and practice, and just so far as this is the case, is the last great object defeated, for his feelings are deadened, and his heart hardened by it. the most depraved wretch has that within him which testifies that his fellow worm has no right to inflict pain upon him solely as a _punishment_, and his heart rebels against what he feels to be oppression. on the more enlightened, the effect is equally unfavorable, for he contrasts the practice of his persecutors with their profession, and is perhaps conducted thereby to infidelity and despair. one of the prisoners at sing sing, while contrasting the former with the present management, said, "we used to hear the gospel preached to us on the sabbath, but see its doctrines trampled upon in all the conduct pursued towards us the whole week besides." how different the result where the law of love reigns! at sing sing there are numerous recent instances where conviction on the minds of the prisoners that the authorities of the prison have no other object than their temporal and spiritual benefit, has softened their hearts, and thereby disposed them to the reception of that consoling faith in a crucified saviour, which is the only foundation of true amendment of life. how important is it that all the offices in a prison should be filled by persons of true piety; and where can such be more usefully employed? in a former part of this work, i have expressed a somewhat unfavorable opinion on "the separate system," adopted in the philadelphia penitentiary. one of my objections to this system is this, that to deprive man so entirely of human society, is to do violence to the strongest instinct of his nature, and thereby to inflict suffering far more severe than corporeal pain or privation. if the severity of this system does not obviously tend to carry out the legitimate objects of prison discipline, it cannot be defended. the small number of recommittals is no proof of the efficacy of this system; since, in a country like the united states, a liberated felon may very easily choose another locality for his sphere of action. in favor of the "separate system," it is occasionally pleaded that the prisoner is under a veil of secresy; and that when he goes forth, neither the censorious public, nor his fellow-prisoners, can point him out; and thus, his character being comparatively unblemished, he can, with less difficulty, procure employment. it is obvious that this would induce, in many cases, a degree of dishonest concealment from an employer, and encourage dissimulation. it would be much better that the prisoner should depend for a situation on the good character which the superintendent would give him if reformed; and i was glad to find at sing sing guarded situations had been procured, in numerous instances, for the liberated prisoners, and that their employers, with very little exception, represented them to be most valuable servants. i could hear of no case, in either of the prisons i visited, of any permanent injury to the health of a prisoner from the entire disuse of intoxicating drinks, however intemperate their previous habits might have been. the same remark is true with regard to tobacco. i will only add, that it is notorious that the prison discipline of great britain, notwithstanding all its recent improvements, is yet lamentably deficient; and that though the united states justly claim precedence of us in this respect, they have, by no means reached perfection. the greatest deficiency of all, however, in each nation, is that of institutions like the philadelphia refuge, co-extensive with the wants of the community, for the reformation of juvenile delinquency; thus suppressing crime in its small beginnings. so long as this want is unsupplied, and the juvenile offender is contaminated by contact with the hardened criminal, the statesmen and those who control the legislatures of both countries, dishonor their profession of christianity. on the th, i accompanied my friends, j. and m. candler, to the steamer which was to convey them on board the "roscius" packet, to sail for liverpool this afternoon. i afterwards called upon charles collins, who, for many years past, has dealt exclusively in articles of free labor produce, and for which he said he had found the demand to increase of late. i am more and more convinced that this branch of the abolition question has not received the attention it deserves from the friends of the cause. before leaving new york, i ought not to omit to record a visit that was on a previous occasion paid us at our hotel, by william cullen bryant, whose name on this side of the water is associated with some of the most beautiful productions of american literature. he is the editor of the _new york evening post_, a leading democratic paper, and, to his credit be it said, he has always advocated the rights of the abolitionists. he has a thin, pale, thought-worn countenance, and his manner is quiet and unassuming. i also formed an agreeable acquaintance with lydia maria child, known in both hemispheres as one of the most pleasing of american writers. she is editor of the _national anti-slavery standard_. her services in the cause of the slave have been of great value, and have been given at the risk of destroying her interests and popularity as an author. i finally quitted this city, in the steamer, for boston, on the th, accompanied by john g. whittier. i remained in boston till the first of the eighth month, (august) when i embarked on board the "caledonia" steamer for england.--during the interval, i made a number of calls upon the abolitionists in boston; and, among others, saw henry and maria chapman and wendell phillips; the former of whom had just returned from a visit to hayti, and the latter from europe. i had several interviews with martha v. and lucy m. ball, secretaries of the boston female emancipation society, who have long been faithful and laborious abolitionists. i also met, as at new york, a number of the friends of the cause, again to consider the best time for calling a second general convention, to whom i read the london minutes on that subject. a resolution was unanimously passed, of the same tenor as those of new york, lately noticed. while in this city, i had not only the pleasure of renewing my intimacy with my friend, nathaniel colver, who is known to many of the english abolitionists as their valuable and cordial coadjutor at the great convention in london, but of becoming acquainted with many zealous and able friends of the slave. one of these was amos a. phelps, one of those who signed the original declaration issued by the american anti-slavery society, on its foundation at philadelphia, in . we also went to salem, and met a number of "friends" who were abolitionists, and who appeared desirous to embrace every suitable opportunity of promoting the cause. salem is a city of about fourteen thousand inhabitants, and i was told that the number of its population who went and returned to and from boston, a distance of fourteen miles, weekly, was about five hundred--a striking proof of the locomotive energy of the americans. their gratification, in this respect, has been much facilitated of late by the rapid extension of railways. these, with few exceptions, are by no means so completely constructed as in england; but, owing to the cheapness of land, timber, et cet., and by making the lines generally single, and, on the average, the speed of travelling being about one-fourth less than is common in england, they answer the purpose of rapid transit, while the outlay is about as many dollars per mile as it is sovereigns with us. on this railway, and some others in new england, the lines are double, and the construction and speed are nearly equal to ours. i was informed, the proportion of severe accidents is not larger than in great britain. the carriages are generally built to hold sixty or seventy persons, who are seated two by two, one behind another, on double rows of seats, ranged across the carriage, with room to walk between, along the centre. the carriage in which we returned from salem had twenty-two seats on each side, to contain two each, or, in the whole, eighty-eight passengers. yet the weight of this machine would be little more than that of an english first-class carriage, to hold eighteen persons, and it cost probably less. their carriages are well ventilated in summer, and warmed by a stove in winter. locomotive engines approach boston near enough to prevent the use of horses; but, on arriving at the distance of a mile or two from new york, philadelphia, and baltimore, the carriages and passengers are drawn in by horses. one carriage is often specially reserved for the ladies on the principal lines, into which gentlemen do not usually intrude, unless they have ladies under their care. it is common, however, for the latter to take their seats in any of the carriages. there is no distinction of price, and none of accommodation, except that an inferior and more exposed carriage, at the same fare, is purposely provided for persons of color; but this disgraceful relic of past times cannot survive long. the principal disadvantage that i observed on the american, as compared with the english railways, was the delay on meeting other trains, and on stopping for them at places where they could pass, and also the sparks from the wood, used for fuel instead of coke. on one occasion, my coat was set on fire in this way, though i was seated in a covered carriage. very efficient locomotive engines are made in the united states. i visited a celebrated manufactory at philadelphia, which has sent ten to england, for the use of the birmingham and gloucester railway. at the time of my visit, they had many orders unexecuted from several european governments. as far as my inquiries went, the cost of making them is, upon the whole, about the same as in england. having been, for several years, a director on the birmingham and london railway, i felt some interest in these inquiries, and came to the conclusion, that there are several arrangements of economy, and some of convenience, in the construction and working of railways, which the english might borrow with advantage from the united states. on the th instant, the secretary of the peace society convened a meeting of the members of that society, and of other influential gentlemen, including alden bradford, late secretary of the state of massachusetts; robert rantoul, an eloquent and prominent member of the legislature, and s.e. coues, of new hampshire,[a] to take into consideration the best means of securing permanent international peace. a very harmonious and satisfactory discussion took place, and the following statement of the proceedings was subsequently handed to me by the gentleman who officiated as secretary to the meeting: [footnote a: since elected president of the american peace society.] "a meeting of the friends of peace was held in the city of boston, on the evening of the th day of july, . "the meeting was called for the purpose of meeting mr. joseph sturge, from england, and there were present most of the active members of the american peace society. "amasa walker, esq., was chosen chairman; and j.p. blanchard, secretary. "mr. sturge addressed the meeting, and suggested the expediency of calling, at some future time, a convention of the friends of peace, of different nations, to deliberate upon the best method of adjusting international disputes; and, offered, for the consideration of the meeting, a plan proposed by judge jay, in which all the friends of peace could unite. "the meeting was then addressed by several gentlemen, who cordially approved the plan proposed, and, subsequently, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted. "resolved,--that this meeting receives with great pleasure the suggestion of our friend joseph sturge, of england, of a general conference of the friends of peace, at the earliest practical opportunity, at london, to consult on the measures which are best adapted to promote universal peace among the nations of the earth; and they respectfully refer the subject to the executive committee of the american peace society, for their decision, on correspondence and consultation with the friends of the cause in this and other countries. "resolved,--that the suggestion by judge jay, of the insertion of a clause in all conventional treaties between nations, mutually binding the parties to submit all international disputes, during the continuance of such treaties, to the arbitration of some one or more friendly powers, presents a definite and practicable object of effort, worthy of the serious attention of the friends of peace. and this meeting recommends to the friends of the cause, in different countries, to petition their respective governments in favor of the measure." on the th, in company with john g. whittier and c. stewart renshaw, i went over to lowell, the chief seat of the woollen and cotton manufacture in america. less than twenty years ago, there were not more than forty or fifty houses on the site of this flourishing city, which now contains upwards of twenty thousand inhabitants. its numerous mills are all worked by water power, and belong to incorporated joint-stock companies. we were obligingly shown over two of the largest woollen and cotton factories, where every stage of the manufacture was in process, from the cotton, or sheep's wool, to the finished fabric. we also visited works, where the printing of cottons is executed in a superior style, besides a new process for dyeing cotton in the thread, invented by an englishman, now in the establishment. the following abstract of the manufacturing statistics of lowell, on the first of january, , will show the great importance to which this new branch of industry has attained with such unprecedented rapidity. ten joint-stock companies, with a capital of ten millions of dollars, having thirty-two woollen and cotton factories, besides print works, et cet., with one hundred and seventy-eight thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight spindles, and five thousand five hundred and eighty-eight looms, employing two thousand one hundred and seventy-two males, and six thousand nine hundred and twenty females, who made, in , sixty-five millions eight hundred and two thousand four hundred yards of cotton and woollen cloths, in which were consumed twenty-one millions four hundred and twenty-four thousand pounds of cotton alone. the average amount earned by the male hands employed, exclusive of their board, is four dollars and eighty cents, or about twenty shillings sterling per week, and of the females two dollars, or about eight shillings and sixpence per week. but the most striking and gratifying feature of lowell, is the high moral and intellectual condition of its working population. in looking over the books of the mills we visited, where the operatives entered their names, i observed very few that were not written by themselves; certainly not five per cent. of the whole number were signed with a mark, and many of these were evidently irish. it was impossible to go through the mills, and notice the respectable appearance and becoming and modest deportment of the "factory girls," without forming a very favorable estimate of their character and position in society. but it would be difficult indeed for a passing observer to rate them so high as they are proved to be by the statistics of the place. the female operatives are generally boarded in houses built and owned by the "corporation" for whom they work, and which are placed under the superintendence of matrons of exemplary character, and skilled in housewifery, who pay a low rent for the houses, and provide all necessaries for their inmates, over whom they exercise a general oversight, receiving about one dollar and one-third from each per week. each of these houses accommodates from thirty to fifty young women, and there is a wholesome rivalry among the mistresses which shall make their inmates most comfortable. we visited one of the hoarding houses, and were highly pleased with its arrangement. a considerable number of the factory girls are farmers' daughters, and come hither from vermont, new hampshire, and other distant states, to work for two, three, or four years, when they return to their native hills, dowered with a little capital of their own earnings. the factory operatives at lowell form a community that commands the respect of the neighborhood, and of all under whose observation they come. no female of an immoral character could remain a week in any of the mills. the superintendent of the boott corporation informed me, that, during the five and a half years of his superintendence of that factory, employing about nine hundred and fifty young women, he had known of but one case of an illegitimate birth--and the mother was an irish "immigrant." any male or female employed, who was known to be in a state of inebriety, would be at once dismissed. at the suggestion of the benevolent and intelligent superintendent of the boott company, we waited to see the people turn out to dinner, at half-past twelve o'clock. we stood in a position where many hundreds passed under our review, whose dress, and quiet and orderly demeanor would have done credit to any congregation breaking up from their place of worship. one of the gentlemen with me, who is from a slave state, where all labor is considered degrading, remarked, with emotion, "what would i give if, (naming a near relative in the slave states,) could witness this only for a quarter of an hour!" we dined with one of our abolition friends at lowell, who informed us that many hundreds of the factory girls were members of the anti-slavery society; and that, although activity in this cause has been pretty much suspended by the division in the ranks of its friends, yet there is no diminution of good feeling on the subject. the following extracts, from a pamphlet published by a respectable citizen of lowell, will further illustrate the moral statistics of the place, which, i believe, can be paralleled by no other manufacturing town in the world. the work is dated july, :-- "there are now in the city fourteen regularly organized religious societies, besides one or two others quite recently established. ten of these societies constitute a sabbath school union. their third annual report was made on the fourth of the present month, and it has been published within a few days. i derive from it the following facts. the number of scholars connected with the ten schools at the time of making the report, was four thousand nine hundred and thirty-six, and the number of teachers was four hundred and thirty-three, making an aggregate of five thousand three hundred and sixty-nine. the number who joined the schools during the year, was three thousand seven hundred and seventy, the number who left was three thousand one hundred and twenty-nine. about three-fourths of the scholars are females. a large proportion of the latter are over fifteen years of age, and consist of girls employed in the mills. more than five hundred of these scholars have, during the last year, become personally interested in practical piety, and more than six hundred have joined themselves to the several churches. now let it be borne in mind, that there are four or five sunday schools in the city, some of which are large and flourishing, not included in this statement. let it be borne in mind, too, that a great proportion of these scholars are the factory girls, and furthermore, that these most gratifying results just given, have nothing in them extraordinary--they are only the common, ordinary results of several of the past years. there has been no unusual excitement; no noise, no commotion. silently, quietly, unobtrusively, from sabbath to sabbath, in these little nurseries of truth, duty and religion, has the good seed been sowing and springing up--watered by the dews, and warmed by the smiles of heaven--to everlasting life.... "i shall now proceed to enumerate some of the influences which have been most powerful in bringing about these results. among these are the example and watchful care and oversight of the boarding house keepers, the superintendents, and the overseers.... but a power vastly more active, all pervading and efficient, than any and all of these, is to be found in the jealous and sleepless watchfulness, over each other, of the girls themselves.... the strongest guardianship of their own character, as a class, is in their own hands, and they will not suffer either overseer or superintendent to be indifferent to this character with impunity. "the relationship which is here established between the sunday school scholar and her teacher--between the member of the church and her pastor--the attachments which spring up between them, are rendered close and strong by the very circumstances in which these girls are placed. these relationships and these attachments take the place of the domestic ties and the home affections, and they have something of the strength and fervency of these." the next extract shows their prosperity in a pecuniary point. "the average wages, clear of board, amount to about two dollars a week. many an aged father or mother, in the country, is made happy and comfortable, by the self-sacrificing contributions from the affectionate and dutiful daughter here. many an old homestead has been cleared of its incumbrances, and thus saved to the family by these liberal and honest earnings. to the many and most gratifying and cheering facts, which, in the course of this examination i have had occasion to state, i here add a few others relating to the matter now under discussion, furnished me by mr. carney, the treasurer of the lowell institution for savings. the whole number of depositors in this institution, on the d july, was nineteen hundred and seventy-six; the whole number of deposits was three hundred and five thousand seven hundred and ninety-six dollars and seventy cents, (about £ , .) of these depositors, nine hundred and seventy-eight are factory girls, and the amount of their funds now in the bank, is estimated by mr. carney, in round numbers, at one hundred thousand dollars, (about £ , .) it is a common thing for one of these girls to have five hundred dollars (about £ sterling) in deposit, and the only reason why she does not exceed this sum is the fact, that the institution pays no interest on any larger sum than this. after reaching this amount, she invests her remaining funds elsewhere." in confirmation of this description of the state of the lowell population, i have obtained, through the kindness of a friend in massachusetts, the following parallel statistics to a recent date:-- "public schools.--by the report of the school committee for the year ending on the th of fourth month (april) , it appears that the whole number of pupils in the schools, who attended during the whole or part of the year, was , . the whole amount expended by the city for these schools, during the year, was , dollars, cents. "sabbath schools.--the number of scholars and teachers in the sabbath schools, connected with the various religious societies in lowell, during the year ending on the th of seventh month (july) , was , . "savings bank.--the lowell institution for savings, in its report of fifth month (may), , acknowledges , dollars, cents, deposits, from , persons; together with , dollars, cents, nett amount received for interest on loans and dividends in stocks, less expense and dividends paid--making in all, , dollars, cents; nett amount of interest, , dollars, cents. within the year, , dollars, cents, had been deposited, and , dollars, cents, drawn out. "paupers.--the whole expense of the city for the support of the poor, during the year ending on the st of twelfth month (december) , was , dollars, cents." as a proof, slight yet significant, of the spread of intellectual cultivation, i ought not to omit a notice of the "lowell offering," a little monthly magazine, of original articles, written exclusively by the factory girls. the editor of the _boston christian examiner_ commends this little periodical to those who consider the factory system to be degrading and demoralizing; and expresses a doubt "whether a committee of young ladies, selected from the most refined and best educated families in any of our towns and cities, could make a fairer appearance in type than these hard-working factory girls." the city of lowell has been distinguished by british tourists as the manchester of the united states; but, in view of the facts above related, an american has declared it to be "_not_ the manchester of the united states." besides the general prosperity of the operatives, the shareholders in the different corporations divide from eight to fifteen per cent, per annum on their capital. the inquiry naturally suggests itself, why the state of things in the manufacturing districts of great britain should be so widely different from this? some may satisfy themselves by recollecting that england is an old and america a young country; though, to my mind, this affords no reasonable explanation of the contrast--since, from the possession of surplus capital, complete machinery, and facility of communication, et cet., the advantages for _commerce and manufactures_, under a system of perfectly unrestricted exchange, must preponderate greatly in favor of the former. but whatever the solution of the difficulty, it is quite evident that the statesman who would elevate the moral standard of our working population, must begin by removing the physical depression and destitution in which a large proportion of them, without any fault of their own, are compelled to drag out a weary and almost hopeless existence. to some peculiarly constituted minds, "over-production" is the explanation of the present appalling distresses of this country; and what they are pleased to consider a healthy state of things, is to be restored by a diminution of production;--yet nothing is more certain, than that the largest amount of production which has ever been reached, is not more than adequate to supply our increasing population with the necessaries of life, on even a very limited scale of comfort. a diminished production implies the starving down of the population to such a diminished number as may obtain leave to toil, and leave to subsist, from legislators, who, either in ignorance or selfishness, set aside nature's laws, and disregard the plainly legible ordinances of divine providence. if we reflect on the part which commerce is made to perform in the moral government of the world, on the one hand as the bond of peace between powerful nations, by creating a perpetual interchange of temporal benefits; and, on the other, as the channel for the diffusion of blessings of an intellectual and spiritual kind; we are conducted irresistibly to the conclusion, that any arbitrary interruption of its free course must draw down its own punishment. though the laws of nature may not permit the limited soil of this country to grow food enough for its teeming population, yet while great britain possesses mineral wealth, abundant capital, and the largest amount of skilled industry of any nation in the world, the tributary supplies of other countries would not only satisfy our present wants, but would, i firmly believe, with an unfettered commerce, raise our working population, the most numerous, and by far the most important part of the community, to the same level of prosperity as the same class in the united states. then would there be more hope for the success of efforts to elevate the standard of moral and intellectual cultivation among them, for as an improvable material they are no way inferior to any population upon earth. john curtis of ohio, a free trade missionary to this country, has published a pamphlet full of important statistical facts, illustrating the suicidal policy of great britain, from which i venture to take the following extracts: "england already obtains luxuries in superabundance; but these can never supply the wants of her artizans--they demand substantial bread and meat, and a market where their labor can procure these necessaries. tropical climates are not adapted to supply their wants. for this reason trade either with the east or west indies cannot give effectual relief: it may furnish luxuries, but england is overstocked with them already. the food of tropical climates, with the exception of rice, is not calculated for export. the people of england, if they are to import food, need the production of a climate similar to their own. in this respect america is well adapted to supply them. "all parts of the united states between thirty-seven and forty-four degrees of north latitude will produce wheat. but that part of the country best adapted to furnish an abundant supply is, beyond all question, the northern part of the mississippi valley, and the contiguous country south of the great lakes. it has been styled _par excellence_ the wheat-growing region of america. within its limits lie the six north-western states of the american union, ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, iowa, and wiskonsan (including as states the two territories of iowa and wiskonsan, about to be admitted into the union.) these states, exclusive of two hundred thousand square miles, the title to which is yet mostly in the indian tribes, cover an area of two hundred and thirty-six thousand and eleven square miles. the country is, generally, an undulating prairie, interspersed with groves of trees, and unbroken by hill or mountain. the soil commonly rests upon a strata of limestone, is fertile beyond description, and abundantly watered by the finest springs and streams. its climate is clear and salubrious, and the country as well calculated as any other on the globe to minister to the support and happiness of civilized man. as already explained, for an inland country, it possesses unequalled facilities for foreign intercourse and commerce, by means of its great lakes and rivers. the most distant parts of it are now reached in twenty days from liverpool. the energies of the american people have been chiefly expended, during the last few years, in opening and taking possession of this region, which they consider destined to become the future seat of american wealth and greatness. "wheat once formed a leading article in the exports of the united states. the trade of that country with great britain was then double the present amount in proportion to the number of the population. had the trade of the two countries continued free, it would have increased with the increase of population and capital. the legitimate exchange trade has decreased between england and america for thirty years. what part has the restrictive system had in producing this result? a few facts may enable us not only to answer this question, but to anticipate the consequences of a continuance of the same policy. from the time of the revolutionary war in america until , the trade between the two countries regularly increased with the increase of the population. the average annual consumption of foreign merchandise in the united states for each inhabitant was, from to , s. d. " to , s. d. "in came the second american war, and in the british corn law, which was promptly followed by the high american tariff of . for ten years prior to , the annual average consumption of merchandize had fallen to s. d., while the population of the states was nearly double, and their capital treble that of the ten years preceding . soon after followed the modification of the american tariff, and the importations based on the great transatlantic loans of that period. but, notwithstanding the stimulation and extravagance of the time, the average annual consumption amounted to only s. per head of foreign produce during the ten years prior to . abating the importation based on the loans of the last few years, and the trade of england with the united states has not increased in amount for the last thirty years, while the population of england has increased from eighteen to twenty-seven millions, and that of the states from seven to seventeen millions. "let the reader observe this, that in the eastern states, in that of massachusetts, for instance, in which state boston is situated, the people bring a large part of their food from the western states, where they obtain it in exchange for their manufactures. if free trade were allowed, is it possible for any man to give a reason why the manufacturer and laborer of manchester would not be able to do as well as the manufacturer and laborer of boston now does, abating the difference of transporting goods and grain across the atlantic? at least, the consequence would be an extension of trade, and employment equal to the amount of food which would, in such case, be brought from america; and the limit to this quantity will be found only when the wants of englishmen are supplied, and their ability to pay exhausted. the ability of america to supply any required quantity of food has already been shown. there lie the broad lands, ready for cultivation as soon as there shall be a demand for the produce. and if seventeen millions of people, sent chiefly from england, or descended from those who have been sent, are not sufficient to raise the requisite quantity of provisions demanded of them by those who remain in the parent country, then let more be sent, for the land lies equally open to the people of all nations. "then, as to the ability of englishmen to pay for all they want, let us ask, what those who produce the food, or those who bring it, can want in exchange that england cannot furnish? gold, it is said.[a] but for what do they want gold but to purchase other supplies than food? and as they would then have the means to pay, england would be the very country which, of all others, could supply them to advantage. whatever was wanted which her own artizans do not produce themselves, they could still supply. englishmen would not at all be confined to a direct sale or exchange of their goods with the wheat grower, but can give him the merchandize of india and china, and the fruits of the tropics, for which english manufactures would pay. if the idle mills and idle laborers of england could at once be set at work to produce food for the people, new activity would be imparted to trade in every part of the world--from india to the frozen regions of greenland and labrador. but, on the other hand, how is it possible for england to extend her foreign trade while the present restrictions continue? even with such a country as india, reduced under british sway, it cannot be done except by diminishing the commerce with other countries to the same extent. england cannot, in her present condition, greatly increase her consumption of such merchandize as india can furnish, or dispose of such merchandize abroad, to any great extent, for the reasons already given. [footnote a: "englishmen, reasoning from a restricted course of trade, are constantly prone to the belief that the purchase of foreign corn, from some unexplained necessity, must take away their gold. americans, from the same cause, reason in the same manner respecting the purchase of foreign goods. under the action of the restrictive system, there may be some truth in the reasonings of each party, but they certainly form a beautiful running commentary upon each other."] "as to any proposed gain by the colonial trade, it is the very thing rejected by the restrictions on the trade with the united states. what are these states but the greatest colonies ever planted by great britain? and their independence does not at all prevent england from deriving all the advantage from them ever to be derived from colonies. the only good which england can derive from her extensive colonization is not to be gained by swaying a barren sceptre over distant colonies, but by spreading abroad her race, her language, her civilization, and thus enlarging the sphere of her commerce. under a free system of intercourse england would not derive less benefit, at present, from the united states than if they had remained a part of the british dominions, for if trade were free, they would not trade the less because of their independence, or furnish less food, or at higher prices. england, however, seems determined to sacrifice all the advantages which naturally accrue to her from having colonized the finest part of the new world, and to refuse the abundance and relief thus providentially prepared by her own offspring." the great importance of these extracts is the best apology for their length--but there is yet another branch of the subject. a country whose population is beyond its means of supply from its own soil, has no resources but that of her manufactures and foreign trade; if these be dried up, her people must emigrate or starve. but the united states has an alternative;--her first and best resource,--and the most profitable application of her industry is in her broad and fertile lands, the superabundant produce of which would not only feed, but, by exchange, clothe her population, and supply them with all the comforts of civilized life. she cannot avail herself of this to its full extent without our aid. but, if we refuse to trade on equal terms, her wants will not, therefore, go unsupplied. she can manufacture for herself--her resources for manufactures and commerce are, at least, equal to our own, with the exception of capital and population, which the lapse of a few more years will supply. "the present may justly be considered a crisis in the commercial policy of america. if it be decided that foreign markets are to continue closed against american corn--if england, which is the principal corn market of the world, refuse to exchange the produce of her mills and workshops for that of the fields of the americans, they have no other alternative than to erect mills and workshops from which to supply themselves. the effect of such a course would prove decisive on the trade with england, and go far to complete the ruin so effectually begun by the british corn law and corresponding restrictions. if forced from employment on the land, which an abundant and fertile soil has naturally made their most profitable one, it will be found that the americans lack neither the talent, the energy, nor the means, at once to extend their present manufactures to the full supply of their own wants. they have water-power, coal, and iron, in greater natural abundance and perfection than any other part of the world."[a] [footnote a: "the united states are computed to contain not less than eighty thousand square miles of coal, or sixteen times as much as europe. one of these coal fields extends nine hundred miles in length. the state of pennsylvania has ten thousand square miles of coal and iron. great britain and ireland have two thousand. all the north-western states of america contain large quantities of coal. the coal strata of the states generally lie above the level of the streams, and the coal is taken from the hill sides. the beds of coal and iron are to a great extent contiguous."] this is not mere theory. the developement is actually begun: "a few years since, the country smiths, and the matrons with their daughters at the household wheel and loom, were the principal manufacturers of america. now the cotton mills alone are computed at one thousand, and the capital invested in manufacturing machinery at £ , , . the estimated value of some of the principal articles of manufacture is as follows: woollens, £ , , cotton, , , leather, , , hats and caps, , , linen, , , paper, , , glass, , , iron and steel, , , "some idea of the rapidity with which the american manufactures are now capable of being extended, may be formed from the past progress of the cotton manufacture. the consumption of raw cotton was, in , , bales. , , " , , " , , " "the united states already supply two-thirds of their own consumption of cottons. at the above rate of increase--of nearly fifty per cent, in five years--america will much more than supply its own market in five years to come. never has the manufacturing interest of the united states been in as prosperous and sound a condition as at present. they need no high tariff to protect them against british competition. _the english corn law is their best protection_." it is the restrictive policy of great britain that has called into existence lowell and the manufacturing cities of the united states, producing an immense amount of articles which were once the sole products of british industry and skill. if the same policy is continued, the prosperity of the united states will be impeded, but that of england will be destroyed. the following is an extract from the memorial of joshua leavitt to congress, on the wheat interests of the north western states: "should it, indeed, come to be settled that there is to be no foreign market for these products, the fine country under contemplation is not, therefore, to be despaired of. let the necessity once become apparent, and there will be but one mind among the people of the north-west. the same patriotism which carried our fathers through the self-denying non-importation agreements of the revolution, will produce a fixed determination to build up a home market, at every sacrifice. and it can be done. what has been done already in the way of manufactures, shows that it can be done. the recent application of the hot-blast with anthracite coal to the making of iron, and the discovery of a mine of natural steel, would be auxiliaries of immense value. we could draw to our factories the best workmen of europe, attracted less by the temptation of wages, than by the desire to leave liberty and land as the inheritance of their children. but it would take a long time to build up a manufacturing interest adequate to supply the wants of the northwest, or to consume the produce of these wide fields; and the burden of taxation for internal improvements, uncompleted and unproductive, would be very heavy and hard to bear: and all the population that is concentrated upon manufactures, is so much kept back from the occupation of that noble domain; and the national treasury would feel the effects of the curtailment of imports and the cessation of land sales; and the amount of misery which the loss of the american market would occasion to the starving operatives and factory children on the other side of the atlantic, is worthy to be taken into the account, by every statesman who has not forgotten that he is a man." if we refuse the americans as customers, we compel them to become our rivals; and, after supplying their own wants, they will compete with us for the trade of the world, on more than equal terms. our statesmen may yet employ america to build up the prosperity of our country whilst increasing her own, or they may suffer its rapidly developing and gigantic resources to work out our ruin: the alternative is before them and before the country--but decision must be prompt, for there is no pause in the march of events. however unwise the policy, we cannot be surprised that the american and continental manufacturer are each applying to his government to follow our example, and protect home trade by fiscal regulations. this question of trade with america has also most important anti-slavery bearings--and here, again, i find my own views anticipated by the able writer already quoted: "the present policy of restricting the traffic with america so closely to cotton, gives a deceitful appearance to the stated imports and exports. from these statements there should, in fairness, be deducted the value of all the raw cotton which is returned to america; and, in fact, if the true exchange trade would be seen, all should be deducted that is exported from england. that portion of cotton goods which is of english origin, that is, their value above the raw material out of which they were made, is, in fact, the only real part of english export. before exclusive importance was bestowed on cotton, the exchange with america was in a large proportion of articles not to be returned. it would be so again if trade were free." again: "to one effect which would be produced in america by the repeal of the corn and provision laws, no party or class in england can profess indifference, and that is, _its effect on slavery in the united states_. at the present time, england gives a premium to american slavery by admitting, at low duties, the cotton of the slave-holder, which is his staple production, and refusing corn, which is mostly the produce of free labor. the slave-holding states, to the productions of which great britain confines her american trade, are less populous and less wealthy than the free; yet of their produce england received in , according to the american estimates, £ , , , while of that of the free states she received less than £ , ." "it should be remembered that the labor of the slave states, is almost wholly expended in agriculture, under the stimulus of a good market, while a large part of that of the free states is otherwise employed, for the want of such market. the effective laborers of the free states are double the number of those in the slave states; and were an opportunity given them, they would export in as great a proportion. thus england, by her laws, fosters an odious institution abroad, which, in words, she loudly condemns, and spends millions to rid the world of; whilst she rejects more honorable, profitable, and wealthy customers, the fruits of whose free and active industry are in effect made contraband in england by law. "not only would england escape this inconsistency and reproach, by repealing the corn law, but she would strike a most effectual blow at the existence of slavery in the united states. cotton, at present, from being made by the corn law the principal exchangeable article in the american trade, assumes an undue and unnatural importance in american commerce, legislation, and home industry. the slave-owner drives his slaves in its production, and purchases supplies of the northern freeman, whose interests are thus identified with those of the cotton grower, and the slave-holding interest becomes predominant in the country. from their habits, the people of the slave-holding states are constantly contracting more debts in the free states than they have the means of paying; so that, under the present system of intercourse, the slaveholders exercise over the free population of the north, the same control which an insolvent debtor frequently has over his creditor, by threatening to break and ruin him, if not allowed his own way. a repeal of the corn laws would release the free states from their present commercial and consequent political vassalage to the southern slave-holders, and thereby take from american slavery, the great citadel of its strength, and insure its overthrow by the influences which would arise to assail it from all quarters. "but as free trade, in destroying the odious monopoly of the haughty slave-holder, would benefit and not injure him, so would its effects be found universally. it would give peace and plenty to england and the world,--it would enlarge and secure trade, bind the spreading branches of the anglo-saxon race by natural affinity to england as their acknowledged head, and promote the liberty and civilization of the human family at large." in view of the whole spirit of this discussion of one of the most important questions bearing upon human interests, i would simply add, that a wise providence has bound the duty and the interest, both of individual and social man, firmly together, but for the trial of his virtue the bands are concealed. on the st, i took my luggage on board the steam packet "caledonia," for liverpool, via halifax, which was to sail the day following, although it was the first day of the week. the proprietors of the packets are bound in a heavy fine to sail on the appointed days, whether those fall on the first day of the week or not. by this arrangement the religious feelings of the people of boston are offended, which is the more inexcusable, on the part of the british government, as it does not suffer its own mails to depart, either from london or halifax, on that day. some gentlemen, who were interested in the subject, placed in my hands a memorial addressed to the lords of the admiralty in great britain, praying for such an alteration of the arrangements as would prevent this periodical violation of the first day of the week. a gentleman, who was active in getting it signed, assured me it was received with universal favor. the signatures, obtained on very short notice, are those of the most influential men in their respective stations in the city of boston, and include the names of the mayor of the city, an ex-lieutenant governor of the state of massachusetts, one bishop, upwards of forty ministers of religion, of different denominations, nine gentleman, upwards of one hundred and twenty merchants, seventeen presidents of insurance companies, the post-master of boston, five physicians, seven members of the legal profession, and two editors of newspapers. after my arrival in this country, i presented this document, through the secretary of the admiralty, to the authorities to whom it is addressed, but regret to state that the request was not complied with. the memorial, and the reply of the lords of the admiralty are given in the appendix[a] [footnote a: .see appendix l.] on leaving the shores of the united states, i left the following letter for publication:-- "_to the friends of immediate emancipation in the united states_. "having visited your country as an humble fellow-laborer in the great cause in which you are engaged, and which, through trials and difficulties a stranger can scarcely appreciate, you have so zealously maintained, i have had a pleasing and satisfactory interview with many of you, with reference to future exertions, in cooperation with those of other lands, who unite with you in regarding slave-holding and slave-trading as a heinous sin in the sight of god, which should be immediately abolished. it is the especial privilege of those who are laboring in such a cause, to feel that 'every country is their country, and every man their brother,' and to live above the atmosphere of sectional jealousy and national hostility; and hence i feel an assurance, that you will receive with kindness a few lines from me on the eve of my departure to my native land. "you concur generally in opinion, that in endeavoring to obtain the great object we have in view, it is very important that the friends of the cause should be united, not only in principle, but, as far as may be, in the character of the measures which they pursue; and i have been much encouraged in finding that you have generally adopted the sentiment so rapidly spreading on the other side of the atlantic,--'that there is no reasonable hope of abolishing the slave-trade, but, by the abolition of slavery, and that no measures should be pursued for its attainment, but those which are of a moral, religious, and pacific character.' the progress of emancipation in europe has been, beyond a doubt, greatly retarded by leaving slavery and the slave-holder unmarked by public reprobation, and concentrating all the energies of philanthropy upon a fruitless effort to abolish the slave-trade. and in this country the colonization scheme, with its delusive promise of good to africa, and its vague anticipations of putting an end to the slave-trade by armed colonies on the coast of that ill-fated continent, has been the means of obstructing emancipation at home, of unprofitably absorbing the energies and blinding the judgment of many sincere friends of the slave, and of strengthening the unchristian prejudice against color. the abolitionists of europe, with few exceptions, have seen the error of their former course of action, and are now striking directly at the root, instead of lopping the branches of slavery; and if further evidence of the evil tendency and character of colonization is needed in the united states, the recent proceeding of a meeting of the maryland society at baltimore, must convince all who are friendly to the true interests of the people of color, that it is a scheme deserving only the support of the enemies of freedom.[a] [footnote a: "the following resolution was passed at the meeting of the maryland society above alluded to:--'that while it is most earnestly hoped that the free colored people of maryland may see that their best and most permanent interests will be consulted by their emigration from this state; and while this convention would deprecate any departure from the principle which makes colonization dependent upon the voluntary action of the free colored people themselves--yet, if, regardless of what has been done to provide them with an asylum, they continue to persist in remaining in maryland, in the hope of enjoying here an equality of social and political rights, they ought to be solemnly warned, that, in the opinion of this convention, a day must arrive when circumstances that cannot be controlled, and which are now maturing, will deprive them of choice, and leave them no alternative but removal,'"] "the rapid progress of public opinion, as to the iniquity of slavery, and the entire safety, as well as advantage, of its immediate abolition--the attention which has been awakened to it in all parts of the civilized world--the movements in france, spain, brazil, and denmark, and other countries with slave-holding dependencies, all indicating that the days of slavery are numbered, should serve to encourage and stimulate us to increased exertions; and while it is a cause of profound regret, that any thing should have disturbed the harmony and unity of the real friends of emancipation in this country--the hardest battle field of our moral warfare--i am not without hope, that, in future, those who,--from a conscientious difference of opinion, not as to the object, but the precise mode of obtaining it,--cannot act in one united band, will laudably emulate each other in the promotion of our common cause, and in christian forbearance upon points of disagreement; and that, where they cannot praise, they will be careful not to censure those, who, by a different road, are earnestly pursuing the same end. without entering into the controversies which have divided our friends on this side the water, i believe it would be nothing more than a simple act of justice for me to state, on my return to europe, my conviction that a large portion of the abolitionists of the united states, who approve of the proceedings of the late general anti-slavery convention, and are desirous of acting in unity with the british and foreign anti-slavery society, from the general identity of their practice, as well as principles, with those of the british and foreign society, are entitled to the sympathies, and deserving of the confidence and co-operation of the abolitionists of great britain. it has been my pleasure to meet, in a kindly interchange of opinion, many valuable and devoted friends of emancipation; who, while dissenting from the class above-mentioned in some respects, are nevertheless disposed to cultivate feelings of charity and good will towards all who are sincerely laboring for the slaves. and in this connection i may state, that neither on behalf of myself, or of my esteemed coadjutors in great britain, am i disposed to recriminate upon another class of abolitionists, who, on some points, have so far differed from the british and foreign anti-slavery committee, and the great majority of the convention above mentioned, as to sustain their representatives in refusing to act with that convention, and in protesting against its proceedings; and who have seen fit to censure the committee in their public meetings and newspapers in this country, as 'arbitrary and despotic,' and their conduct as 'unworthy of men claiming the character of abolitionists.' "as a corresponding member of the british and foreign anti-slavery committee, and intimately acquainted with its proceedings, i am persuaded that its members have acted wisely, and consulted the best interest of the cause in which they were engaged, in generally leaving unnoticed any censures that have been cast upon them while in the prosecution of their labors. yet, before leaving this country, i deem it right to bear my testimony to the great anxiety of that committee faithfully to discharge the duties committed to their trust; and to state that it has never been my privilege to be united to any body more desirous of keeping simply to the one great object of their association--the total and immediate abolition of slavery and the slave-trade. i am persuaded that all candid minds, making due allowance for the imperfection pertaining to human associations, will feel their confidence in the future integrity of that committee increased in proportion as they closely investigate their past acts; and that, even when the wisdom of their course may have been questioned, they will accord to them a scrupulous honesty of purpose. "the first public suggestion of a general anti-slavery convention, like the one held last year in london, originated, i believe, on this side of the atlantic, although the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society took upon themselves the heavy responsibility of convening it. at its close, they invited an expression of the opinion of the delegates, as to the desirableness of again summoning such an assembly. the expression was generally in the affirmative; and, after discussion, a resolution was passed, leaving it to the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, after consulting with the friends of the cause in other parts of the world, to decide this important question, as well as the time and place of its meeting, should another convention be resolved upon. "since i have been in the united states, i have found those abolitionists who approved the principles and proceedings of the late convention so generally in favor of another, and of london as its place of meeting, that the only question seemed to be whether it should be held in or . this expression of opinion is, i know, so generally in accordance with the views of the british and foreign anti-slavery committee, and of many other prominent abolitionists in europe, that i have little doubt they will feel encouraged to act upon it, probably at the latter period. there is abundant and increasing evidence of the powerfully beneficial influence of the late convention upon almost every part of the world where slavery is still tolerated; and we are encouraged to hope that the one in anticipation will be still more efficient for the promotion of universal liberty. "painful as has been to me the spectacle of many of the leading influences of the ecclesiastical bodies in this country, either placed in direct hostility to, or acting as a drag upon, the wheel of the anti-slavery enterprise--and of the manifest preponderance of a slave-holding influence in the councils of the state--i am not one of those who despair of a healthful renovation of public sentiment which shall purify church as well as state from this abomination. there are decided indications that all efforts of councils and synods to unite 'pure religion and undefiled,' with a slave-trading and slave-holding counterfeit of christianity, must ere long utterly fail. and it is to me a matter of joy, as it must be to every friend of impartial liberty and free institutions, that the citizens of this republic are more and more feeling that the plague-spot of slavery, as with the increased facilities of communication its horrors and deformity become more apparent in the eyes of the world, is fixing a deep disgrace upon the character of their country, and paralyzing the beneficial influence which might otherwise flow from it as an example of a well-regulated free government. may each american citizen who is desirous of washing away this disgrace, to whatever division of the anti-slavery host he may attach himself, ever bear in mind that the cause is of too tremendous and pressing a nature to admit of his wasting his time in censuring and impeding the progress of those who may array themselves under a somewhat different standard from his own; and that any energies thus wasted, which belong to the one great object, so far as human instrumentality is concerned, is not only deferring the day of freedom to two and a half millions of his countrymen, but inasmuch as the fall of american slavery must be the death-blow to the horrid system, wherever it exists, the result of the struggle here involves the slavery or freedom of millions in other parts of the world, as well as the continuance or suppression of that slave-trade, to the foreign branch of which alone more than _one thousand victims are daily sacrificed_; and in reference to which it has justly been said, 'that all that has been borne to africa of the boasted improvements of civilized life, is a masterly skill in the contrivance, and an unhesitating daring in the commission of crimes, which the mind of the savage was too simple to devise, and his heart too gentle to execute.' there are no doubtful indications that it is the will of him, who has the hearts of all at his disposal, that, either in judgment or in mercy, this dreadful system shall ere long cease. it is not for us to say why, in his inscrutable wisdom, he has thus far permitted one portion of his creatures so cruelly to oppress another; or by what instrumentality he will at length redress the wrongs of the poor, and the oppression of the needy; but should the worst fears of one of your most distinguished citizens, who in view of this subject, acknowledged that he 'trembled for his country, when he remembered that god was just,' be finally realized, may each one of you feel that no exertions on his part have been wanting to avert the divine displeasure, and preserve your land from those calamities which, in all ages, have rebuked the crimes of nations. "your sincere friend, "joseph sturge. "boston, seventh month st, ." my dear friend john g. whittier, whose pleasant company and invaluable aid i had enjoyed, as much as his health would permit, during my stay in the united states, kindly accompanied me on board. had he been less closely identified with the transactions of which the present volume is a record, i should have felt it due to his station among the earliest and most distinguished advocates of the anti-slavery cause in america, to attempt some delineation, however imperfect, of that rare and consecrated union of consistent christian character, fine talents, and sound and impartial judgment, which give him so much weight in the councils of his fellow-laborers. we set sail about noon on the st of the eighth month, (august,) and arrived off liverpool about eleven o'clock, p.m. on the th, which interval included ten hours delay at halifax. we had about ninety passengers from halifax to liverpool, and with the exception of a severe gale on the th, almost amounting to a hurricane, we had a very favorable voyage. the time from halifax to within sight of the light house off the south coast of ireland was announced to be only nine days and thirteen minutes. one of my fellow passengers had recently been traveling in the southern states, and showed me a letter given to him as a curiosity at the post office at charleston, south carolina, which was addressed by a slave to her husband, but from insufficient direction had never reached its destination. it was to convey the tidings that she was about to be sold to the south, and begging him, in simple and affecting terms, to come and see her, as they would never meet again. another of the passengers, who had also been a fellow voyager with my friend joseph john gurney, had recently travelled in texas. he was strongly impressed with the evils likely to result from the proposed recognition of that government by great britain. in consequence of the promising aspect of these negotiations between general hamilton and lord palmerston in favor of texas, the paper money issued by that piratical government, and which had not been previously negotiable for more than one tenth of its nominal value, rapidly rose. the texas republic, in his opinion, could not secure a permanence without british recognition. many planters, with their slaves, have emigrated thither to escape their creditors from the border states, and the republic has been lavish of grants of land to men of capital and influence, to induce them to settle within its limits. my informant considered the state of society to be as bad as it well could be, and continue to exist. the white inhabitants are living not only in fear of hostile indians, but in fear of each other. from a late letter of a friend in america, i make the following extract relative to the present condition of texas. "to give thee some adequate idea of the importance of that beautiful republic of texas, which lord palmerston and the late whig government of england took under their especial protection, i will just refer to the statistics of the late election of its president. the successful candidate, general houston, a man notorious for his open contempt for all the decencies of civilized society,--brutal, brawling, profane, and licentious,--received somewhat rising five thousand votes: his competitor, judge burnet, between two and three thousand,--a vote smaller by thousands than that of our little county of essex, in massachusetts. late accounts from texas inform us that gangs of organized desperadoes, under the names of moderators and regulators, are traversing its territory, perpetrating the most brutal outrages. in one instance they seized a respectable citizen who dared to express his dissatisfaction with their proceedings, hurried him into the forest, and deliberately dug his grave before his eyes, _intending to bury him alive_! the miserable victim, horrified by the prospect of such a fate, broke away from his tormentors, and attempted to escape, but was shot down and instantly killed! such a congregation as texas presents was never, i suspect, known, save in that city into which the macedonian monarch gathered and garnered, in one scoundrel community, the vagabond rascality of his kingdom. "thou would'st be amused to read an article, which has made its appearance in the _houston telegraph_--a texian paper--in which the editor says, 'that while we deeply commiserate the situation of our sister republic, in regard to the political scourge of abolitionism, it is pleasing to reflect that our country enjoys a _complete immunity from its effects_. indeed we may with safety declare, that throughout the whole extent of our country, not a single abolitionist can be found.' he goes on to say that this induces many of the southern planters to emigrate to texas, who, he remarks, '_will necessarily look to texas, as the hebrews did to the promised land, for a refuge and home_.' it will thus be seen that texas is the promised land of the patriarchal slave-holders of the southern states. when hunted from every other quarter of the globe by the inexorable spirit of abolition, when even cuba and brazil cease to afford them an asylum--when slave-holding shall be every where else as odious and detestable as midnight larceny, or highway robbery,--texas alone, uninfected and secure, is to open its gates of refuge to the persecuted calhouns and mcduffies, and their northern allies in church and state--the san marino of slavery, dissevered from the world's fanaticism--isolated and apart, like the floating air-island of dean swift." the following extract from a recent new york paper gives an equally deplorable representation of the society in texas. "the pestilent influence of the recent horrible murders on the arkansas, and other united states' rivers, has caused the practice of lynching to break forth with renewed fury in texas, where it had apparently slept for the previous year. and we find recorded in the texas papers nearly a dozen of these murders that have occurred, and undoubtedly there have been more than as many more. in shelby county two citizens have been shot down, and several houses burned by a party of outlaws. in red river two men have been hanged as horse-thieves, without judge or jury. in washington county one man has been shot down, under the pretence that he was a murderer. in austin county two men were killed, and two hostile parties were in arms for several days, taking the law into their own hands. in jefferson county two men have been killed, and the house of one of them burnt to the ground by a party of self-styled 'regulators.' and all this in the space of a year." several of my fellow-passengers were from cuba, and some of them slave-holders by their own admission. with one or two of those who could speak english, i had much conversation on the abolition of slavery. they concurred with apparent sincerity in the desire that the slave trade might be effectually suppressed. they seemed to consider that this trade was promoted by the mother country as one means of preventing the colony from aspiring to independence. they admitted the abstract injustice of slavery, and one remarked, that a difference of the color of the skin was a misfortune, not a crime. they were not, however, disposed to entertain a thought of emancipation, without being fully compensated for their slaves. i had again the pleasure of observing on this voyage, the benefits of the change of system with regard to the supply of wines and spirits, each passenger paying for what he consumes, instead of his fare including the privilege of drinking _ad libitum_. one of the stewards told me the quantity consumed was little more than one-tenth as much as under the former system. i cannot conclude my narrative more gratefully to my own feelings than by a tribute to the upright and conscientious officer who commanded the vessel. on the first day of the week, the only one we spent at sea, the passengers, and as many of the servants as could conveniently attend, assembled morning and evening in the saloon, for the purpose of religious worship. lord frederick fitzclarence, one of the passengers, officiating as a minister of the english establishment; and every evening a similar opportunity was offered in the fore cabin to all who were inclined to be present. the captain firmly resisted the introduction of cards on the first day of the week, and in his whole conduct manifested an anxiety not only for the temporal comfort and safety, but for the spiritual interests of those under his care. would that all captains of vessels, invested as they are with such authority and influence over the passengers and crews, were like-minded with my friend captain mckellar. i disembarked at liverpool early in the morning on the th of eighth month, (august,) . general observations the reader who has accompanied me thus far, will not need to be informed that i have designedly omitted many of those remarks on scenery, manners, and institutions, which were naturally suggested to my own mind by a retrospect of my sojourn in the united states. on various subjects of great interest and importance, it would be difficult for me to add anything new or valuable to the information contained in other and well known works; while on those points to which my attention was chiefly directed, i have endeavored, as far as practicable, to incorporate the results of my inquiries in the preceding narrative. there remain, however, a few observations, for which, having found no appropriate place, i would bespeak attention in a concluding chapter. in the northern states, education, in the common acceptation of the term, may be considered as universal; in illustration of which it may be mentioned, that on the occasion of the late census, not a single american adult in the state of connecticut, was returned as unable to read or write. funds for education are raised by municipal taxation in each town or district, to such an amount as the male adults may decide. their public schools are universally admitted to be well conducted and efficient, and combine every requisite for affording a sound, practical, elementary education to the children of the less affluent portion of the community. i need scarcely add that in a republican government, this important advantage being conceded, the road to wealth and distinction, or to eminence of whatever kind, is thrown open to all of every class without partiality--the colored alone excepted. the following extract from a letter received since my return from a respected member of the society of friends, residing in worcester, massachusetts, will give a lively idea of the general diffusion and practical character of education in the new england states. "the public schools of the place, like those throughout the state, are supported by a tax, levied on the people by themselves, in their primary assemblies or town meetings, and they are of so excellent a character as to have driven other schools almost entirely out from among us. they are so numerous as to accommodate amply all the children, of suitable age to attend. they are graduated from the infant school, where the a b c is taught, up to the high school for the languages and mathematics, where boys are fitted for the university, and advanced so far, if they choose, as to enter the university one or two years ahead. these schools are attended by the children of the whole population promiscuously; and, in the same class we find the children of the governor and ex-governor of the state, and those of their day-laborers, and of parents who are so poor that their children are provided with books and stationery from the school fund. under this system, we have no children who do not acquire sufficient school learning to qualify them for transacting all the business which is necessary in the ordinary pursuits of life. a child growing up without school learning would be an anomaly with us. all standing thus on a level, as to advantages, talent is developed, wherever it happens to be; and neither wealth nor ancestral honors give any advantage in the even-handed contest which may here be waged for distinction. it is thus that we find, almost uniformly, that our first men, either in government or the professions, are the sons of comparatively poor and obscure persons. in places where the wealthier portion of the community have placed their children in select schools, they are found much less likely to excel, than when placed in contact and collision with the mass, where they are compelled to come in competition with those whose physical condition prepares them for mental labor, and whose situation in society holds forth every inducement to their exertions. to this system, which is co-eval with the foundation of the state, i attribute, in a great degree, that wonderful energy of character which distinguishes the people of new england, and which has filled the world with the evidences of their enterprise." the preceding statements refer to new england, the oldest portion of the free states. the more recently settled northern and western states are necessarily less advanced, yet their educational statistics would probably bear comparison with any country in the world, except the most favored portion of their own. in the slave states the aspect of things affords a striking contrast. not only is the slave population, with but few exceptions, in a condition of heathen barbarism, a condition which it is the express object of those laws of the slave states, forbidding, under the heaviest penalties, the instruction of the slaves, to perpetuate; but the want of common elementary education among large numbers of the privileged class is notorious. compare virginia with massachusetts,--"the american almanac for the year , states, (page ) there are supposed to be hardly fewer than , adult white persons in virginia who cannot read and write!" an able writer gives the following facts. "no one of the slave states has probably so much general education as virginia. it is the oldest of them--has furnished one half of the presidents of the united states--has expended more upon her university than any state in the union has done during the same time upon its colleges--sent to europe nearly twenty years since for her most learned professors; and in fine, has far surpassed every other slave state in her efforts to disseminate education among her citizens; and yet, the governor of virginia in his message to the legislature, (jan. , ) says, that of four thousand six hundred and fourteen adult males in that state, who applied to the county clerks for marriage licences in the year , one thousand and forty seven were unable to write their names." the governor adds, "these statements, it will be remembered are confined to one sex: the education of females, it is to be feared, is in a condition of _much greater neglect_."--the editor of the virginia times published at wheeling, in his paper of january d, , says,--"we have every reason to suppose that one fourth of the people of the state cannot write their names, and they have not of course any other species of education."[a] [footnote a: "american slavery as it is," page .] the destitution of the means of moral and religious improvement is in like manner very great. a recent number of the "monthly extracts from the correspondence of the american bible society," contains the following extract from the th annual report of the virginia bible society: "the sub-sheriff of one of our western counties stated the following fact to your agent. a jury was to be empannelled in a remote settlement of this country--he happened to have left his home without a bible--there was no bible in the house where the jury was to sit, and the sheriff travelled fourteen miles calling at every house, before he found a bible. pious surveyors stated to your agent that they had traversed every settlement in a remote section of one or two of our south western counties, that they had frequently inquired among the settlers for a bible, but had never seen or heard of one in a region, say sixty miles by fifty." there are few things more striking in the free states than the number and commodiousness of the places of worship. in the new england states, however general the attendance might be, none would be excluded for want of room. the other means or accompaniments of religious instruction are in the same abundance. how is it possible to evade the conclusion that christianity flourishes most, when it is unencumbered and uncorrupted by state patronage? what favored portion of the united kingdom could compare its religious statistics with new england? religion and morality, viewed on the broad scale, are cause and effect--a remark which is fully borne out in the northern states, and in no instance more remarkably exemplified than in the spread of temperance. a few years ago the consumption of ardent spirits, and other intoxicating drinks, was as general as in england, and the effects even more conspicuous and debasing. it is now very rare, in the free states, to see a drunken person, even in the most populous cities. at the large hotels, as far as my observation extended, it is the exception, not the rule, to take any spirituous or fermented beverage at or after dinner; and no case of inebriety came under my notice in any of these establishments. i have already remarked, that some of the first hotels in the principal cities are established on the strictest temperance principles. i believe, in private hospitality, intoxicating drinks are, in like manner, very much discarded. at the tables of members of the society of friends, it is very rare to see either wine or malt liquor introduced; while, as already noticed, the selling, using, or giving ardent spirits is so great an offence as to be made the subject of church discipline. this is, by no means, one of the "peculiarities" of "friends," as i believe it may be generally stated that the same practices, in most other christian communities, would be considered as quite incompatible with a profession of religion. the effects of this great reformation are not confined to the united states, although the change hitherto has been much more gradual in my native country; not so, however, in ireland, now, by a happy reverse, a scene of light and promise, amidst surrounding gloom and depression. of the american facts i have to record, connected with the temperance movement, the most grateful is the striking contrast that is exhibited in the irish emigrants. by the divine blessing on theobald mathew's benevolent labors, they have generally forsaken their besetting sin of drunkenness in their native land, and if compelled to seek the means of subsistence in another country, they now at least do not carry with them habits that tend irresistibly to destitution and degradation. the irish movement is likewise re-acting most beneficially on the native irish, who have long been settled in america, and who are joining the total abstinence societies in great number, though hitherto the most intemperate part of the community. in short, whether i consider the religious, the benevolent, or the literary institutions of the northern states--whether i contemplate the beauty of their cities, or the general aspect of their fine country, in which nature every where is seen rendering her rich and free tribute to industry and skill--or whether i regard the general comfort and prosperity of the laboring population,--my admiration is strongly excited, and, to do justice to my feelings, must be strongly expressed. probably there is no country where the means of temporal happiness are so generally diffused, notwithstanding the constant flow of emigrants from the old world; and, i believe there is no country where the means of religious and moral improvement are so abundantly provided--where facilities of education are more within the reach of all--or where there is less of extreme poverty and destitution. as morals have an intimate connection with politics, i do not think it out of place here to record my conviction, that the great principle of popular control, which is carried out almost to its full extent in the free states, is not only beautiful in theory, but that it is found to work well in practice. it is true that disgraceful scenes of mob violence and lynch-law have occurred; but perhaps not more frequently than popular outbreaks in great britain; while, generally, the supremacy of law and order have been restored, without troops, or special commissions, or capital punishments. it is also true, that these occurrences are, for the most part, directly traceable, not to the celebrated declaration of the equal and inalienable right of all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, which is the fundamental principle of the constitution; but to the flagrant violation of that principle in the persons of the colored population, of whom those in most of the free states are actually or virtually deprived of political rights; and the rest, constituting a majority of the population in some of the southern states, are held in abject slavery. the corruptions and disorders that obscure the bright example of the american people, and detract from the estimation in which their institutions and policy would otherwise be held, generally spring from this source. so long as slavery and distinction of color exist, america will always be pointed at with the finger of scorn, for her flagrant violation of all truth and consistency. but let us not forget that this odious institution is the disgraceful legacy of a monarchy--that it is no necessary effect of republican institutions, but the reverse. our quarrel, therefore, is not with the declaration of rights, but that this celebrated declaration should be regarded, in the instance of one class in the community, as a mere rhetorical flourish, and should thus be deprived of its legitimate practical effect. the great feature of the political arrangements of the free states is, the absence of the aristocratic element. a pure despotism in the hands of one man has seldom been seen, except in the instances of those renowned military chiefs, whom a retributive providence has at intervals employed as the scourge of guilty nations. an aristocracy under various forms and names, has usually been the governing power, and as the too frequent result, laws have been made and administered for the benefit of the few, and not for the many. yet the united states of north america exhibit, however, notwithstanding their political theory to the contrary, an aristocracy of the worst kind, _an aristocracy of color_; in the free states of the many against the few, in affirming these to be a degraded race, as long as african blood runs in their veins; and in the slave states, for a no better reason, reducing them even when they are the majority; to the condition of brute beasts, to be held and sold as goods and chattels. and this leads me to observe that the writer who mistakes the general government of the confederacy, with its limited scope and powers, for the chief source of laws and administration in the separate states will unavoidably present a confused and distorted representation of existing facts. each state constitutes within itself a distinct republic, virtually independent of the general government, so long as its legislation does not conflict with the specific articles of the constitutional compact; all the rights and powers of sovereignty, not specifically delegated to the government in that instrument, being retained by the states. hence nothing can present a wider contrast than the slavery-blackened code of south carolina, and the statutes of massachusetts, characterized by republican simplicity and equality. the preceding observations in favor of the democratic institutions of the northern states, are therefore to be understood as of local application; and i would explicitly admit that a well-ordered and a well-working government on such principles must in a great measure depend upon the amount of virtue and intelligence in the community: but while a government which is based upon the principles of impartial justice requires a virtuous people properly to administer it, it has, i believe, within itself one of the most powerful elements for the formation of such a community. on the subject of peace my inquiries elicited an almost uniformly favorable response. if we except those who would encourage the war spirit, from hopes of sharing in the plunder, or those to whom it would open up the path to distinction and emolument, there are comparatively few who do not desire the maintenance of peace. in the religious part of the community, there is a rapidly spreading conviction of the unchristian character of war, in every shape; and the president, in his late message to congress, in stating that "the time ought to be regarded as having gone by when a resort to arms is to be esteemed as the only proper arbiter of national differences", has expressed the sentiments of the great bulk of the intelligent citizens of the united states. i believe also that the majority would be found willing to assent to any reasonable and practical measure that should preclude the probability of an appeal to arms, or of keeping up what are absurdly called "peace establishments" of standing armies and appointed fleets for the protection of national safety or honor. the late excitements on the boundary and mcleod questions were confined to comparatively few of the population, and the report of them was magnified by distance. but a far stronger guaranty for the permanence of international peace than any treaties, will be found in the interchange of mutual benefits by commerce. for this reason he who is successful in promoting a free and unchecked commerce, is the benefactor, not of his own country alone, but of the world at large. there are few countries where in practice free trade is more fully carried out than in the united states, but in theory the true doctrine of this subject is only in part adopted by her statesmen and leading minds. they are willing to trade on equal terms, but will meet prohibition with prohibition. here undoubtedly they mistake their real interests, but though such a policy will not advance the prosperity of america, it will inflict tremendous and lasting injury on great britain. whatever the event, _we_ cannot complain. the terms offered by the united states, though not wise, on an enlarged view of her own interests, are yet _reciprocal_, and therefore fair between nation and nation. if, however, i possessed any influence with the enlightened citizens of north america, i should be in no common degree anxious to exert it against those false views of trade and commerce which distort alike the maxims and the policy of her rulers. their manufactures flourish, not in consequence of protection, but in defiance of it. with such an extended coast, and such facilities of internal communication, prohibition is impossible. the manufactures of england are excluded, not by the revenue laws of the states, but by the corn laws of great britain, which forbid the british manufacturer to take in exchange the only article of value his american customer has to spare; a prohibition which, unhappily for the people of this country, our government has power to enforce. the prohibitory system is, to a great extent, impracticable in the united states; and just so far as it should be found practicable, it would prove injurious, by creating fictitious and dependent interests, which, in the course of time, would become insupportably burdensome to the commonwealth, and eventually would have to be relinquished at the cost of a fearful amount of individual distress and national suffering. legitimate commerce is that department of the national welfare, in which it is the business of statesmanship to do nothing but remove the impediments of its own creating in past times. in all other respects, commercial legislation is a nuisance; and if under some circumstances trade is found to flourish concurrently with such interference, the fact is due either to the restrictions and regulations being practically inoperative, or more frequently, to the high profits arising from unexhausted resources, in the absence of competition, enabling commerce to advance in spite of impediments; in the same way as cultivation by slave labor, notwithstanding its expensiveness and inordinate waste, enables the first planter on a virgin soil, and with an open market for his produce, to roll in his carriage, though beggary is to be the fate of the second or third generation of his descendants. in giving the preceding representation of the religious, the moral, and the intellectual elevation of the population of the northern states of the union, i have indicated the source we must look to for the abolition of slavery, to which it is now time to turn our attention, for no american question can be discussed, into which this important subject does not largely enter. light and darkness, truth and falsehood, are not more in opposition than christianity and slavery. if the religion that is professed in the free states be not wholly a dead letter,--if the moral and intellectual light which they appear to enjoy be indeed light, and not darkness,--then the abolition of slavery is certain, and cannot be long delayed. in order to make this apparent, as well as to vindicate my own proceedings in the united states, it is incumbent on me to show, that the great contest, for the abolition of american slavery, is to be decided in the _free_ states, by the power of public opinion. i have distinctly admitted, that the confederated republics have each their independent sovereignty. neither the free states, nor the general government, can perhaps constitutionally abolish slavery in any one of the existing slave states. yet there are certain objects clearly within the limits of the constitutional power of the general government, such as the suppression of the internal slave-trade, and the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, for which it is undeniably lawful and constitutional for every american citizen to strive; and the attainment of which would suffice to cripple, and ultimately destroy slavery in every part of the union. the slave-holding power is so sensible of this, that all its united strength is employed to retain that control over the general government, which it has exercised from the date of the independence, and never more despotically than at the present time. amidst the difficulties which beset, and the dangers which threatened the country, at the period of the formation of the constitution, the southern states dictated such a compromise as they thought fit; and, with the great principles of liberty paraded on the face of the declaration of independence, came into the union on the express understanding that those principles should be perpetually violated in their favor. of the details of this compromise, by far the most important, and one which has mainly contributed to consolidate the political supremacy of the south, is the investiture of the slave masters with political rights, in proportion to the amount of their slave property. every five slaves confer three votes on their owner; though, in other points of view, a slave is a mere chattel--an article of property and merchandize,--yet, in this instance, and in _criminal proceedings against him_, his _personality_ is recognized, for the express object of adding to the weight of his chains, and increasing the power of his oppressor. the north, in voting away the rights and freedom of the laboring population of the south, surrendered its own liberty. the haughty slave-holding masters of the great confederacy have from the beginning chosen the presidents, and the high officers of state, and have controlled the policy of the government, from a question of peace or war, to the establishment of a tariff or a bank. in the executive department they have dictated all appointments, from a letter-carrier to an ambassador; an amusing illustration of which i find in my recent correspondence. a late member of the massachusetts legislature, writes on the eighth month (august) , : "one instance of the all-pervading _espionage_ of the slave power i may mention. the newly appointed postmaster of philadelphia employed, among his numerous clerks and letter-carriers, joshua coffin, who, some three years ago, aided in restoring to liberty a free colored citizen of new york, who had been kidnapped and sold into slavery. the appointment of the postmaster not being confirmed, he wrote to his friends in congress to inquire the reason, and was told that the delay was occasioned by the fact that he had employed coffin as one of his letter-carriers! coffin was immediately dismissed, and the senate in a few days confirmed the appointment! is not this a pitiful business?" if the reader, who wishes further information, will consult william jay's work, entitled "a view of the action of the federal government in behalf of slavery," he will find ample historical proof that the internal and external administration of the union--legislative, executive, and diplomatic--has been employed, without any deviation from consistency, to subserve the interests of the slave-holding states. yet these states are, in population, numerically weaker than those of the north, and inferior, to a far greater degree, in wealth, intelligence, and the other elements of political power. they are strong only in the compactness of their union, while the citizens of the free states are divided in interest and opinion. here, then, is presented a distinct and legitimate object for those of the abolitionists who regard their political rights as a trust for the benefit of the oppressed and helpless, to combine the scattered and divided power of the north into a united phalanx, which shall wrest the administration of the federal union from the slave-holding interest, and shall purify the general government from the contamination of slavery, by reversing its general policy on that subject, and by the adoption of the specific measures before mentioned; while, in the states in which they respectively reside, the abolitionists feel it to be their duty to exert themselves, to wipe away from the statute book every vestige of that barbarism which makes political, civil, or religious rights depend upon the color of the skin. yet more important is it, however, to bring the moral force of the north to bear against slavery, by reforming the prevailing public sentiment of the religious, moral, and intelligent portion of the community. here again, one of the most sagacious leaders of the pro-slavery party, j.c. calhoun, has descried the danger from afar, and has publicly proclaimed it in the senate of the united states, by vehemently deprecating the anti-slavery proceedings, not as intended to provoke the slaves to a servile war, but as a crusade against the _character_ of the slave-holders. although the different states are distinct governments, their geographical boundaries are mere lines upon the map; their inhabitants speak the same language, and enjoy a communion of citizenship all over the union. the north eastern states have by far the greater part of the whole commerce of the union, and are the medium through which the planter exchanges his cotton for provisions and clothing for his slaves, implements for his agriculture, and his own family supplies. these commercial ties create a direct and extensive pro-slavery interest in the north. again, the planter is yet more dependent on the north for education for his children, and for the gratification of his own intellectual wants, as the slave-holding region has few colleges, and those of secondary reputation; while i believe it has no periodical of higher pretension than the political newspapers. the pro-slavery re-action in this way, on the seminaries of the north, and on the literature of the united states, is most sensibly felt. another powerful cause that contributes to leaven the entire population into one mind on the subject of slavery, is the double migration that annually takes place of people of the southern states to the north, in summer, and of the inhabitants of the free states to the south in winter. hence follow family alliances, the interchange of hospitalities, and a fusion of sentiments, so that the slavery interest spreads its countless ramifications through every corner of the free north. another cause, and perhaps the most powerful of all, is the community of religious fellowship in leading denominations. the episcopalians, the methodists, the baptists, and the presbyterians of two schools, are severally but one body, all over the union, and as a matter of course, all are tainted with slavery, and for consistency's sake, make common cause against abolition. the pamphlet of james g. birney, entitled "the american churches the bulwarks of american slavery,"[a] offers the amplest proof that the methodist episcopal, the baptist, the presbyterian, and the anglican episcopal churches are committed, both in the persons of their eminent ministers, and by resolutions passed in a church capacity, to the monstrous assertion that slavery, so far from being a moral evil, which it is the duty of the church to seek to remove, is a christian institution resting on a scriptural basis; this assertion is repeated in the numerous quotations of the pamphlet, in a variety and force of expression that show the utterers were resolved not to leave their meaning in the smallest doubt. indeed, it might be supposed, from the perusal of this pamphlet, that the suppression of abolitionism, if not the maintenance of slavery, was one of the first duties of the christian churches in america. [footnote a: published by ward & co., paternoster-row, london.] the following extracts are offered in illustration:-- the methodist episcopal church.--"resolved, that it is the sense of the georgia annual conference, that slavery, as it exists in the united states, _is not a moral evil_." "the rev. wilbur fisk, d.d., late president of the (methodist) wesleyan university in connecticut--'the new testament enjoins obedience upon the slave as an obligation _due_ to a present _rightful_ authority.'" "rev. e.d. simms, professor in randolph macon college, a methodist institution--'thus we see, that the slavery which exists in america, _was founded in right_.'" "the rev. william winans, of mississippi, in the general conference, in --'yes, sir, presbyterians, baptists, methodists, should be slaveholders,--yes, he repeated it boldly--there should be members, and _deacons_, and elders and bishops, too, who were slave-holders.'" "the rev. j.h. thornwell, at a public meeting, held in south carolina, supported the following resolution--'that slavery, as it exists in the south, is no evil, and is consistent with the principles of revealed religion; and that all opposition to it arises from a misguided and fiendish fanaticism, which we are bound to resist in the very threshold.'" "rev. mr. crowder, of virginia, at the annual conference in baltimore, --'in its _moral_ aspect, slavery was not only countenanced, permitted, and regulated by the bible, but it was positively _instituted_ by god himself--he had, in so many words, enjoined it.'" the baptist church--"memorial of the charleston baptist association, to the legislature of south carolina: "'_the right of masters to dispose of the time of their slaves has been distinctly recognized by the creator of all things_, who is surely at liberty to vest the right of property over any object in whomsoever he pleases.'" "rev. r. furman, d.d., of south carolina--'the right of holding slaves is clearly established in the holy scriptures, both by precept and example.'" "the late rev. lucius bolles, d.d., of massachusetts, cor. sec. am. bap. board for foreign missions, ( .)--'there is a pleasing degree of union among the multiplying thousands of baptists throughout the land.... our southern brethren are generally, both ministers and people, slave-holders.'" presbyterian church.--"resolution of charleston union presbytery--'that, in the opinion of this presbytery, the holding of slaves, so far from being a sin in the sight of god, is no where condemned in his holy word.'" "rev. thomas s. witherspoon, of alabama, writing to the editor of the _emancipator_, says--'i draw my warrant from the scriptures of the old and new testament, to hold the slave in bondage. the principle of holding the heathen in bondage is recognized by god.... when the tardy process of the law is too long in redressing our grievances, we of the south have adopted the summary remedy of judge lynch--and really, i think it one of the most wholesome and salutary remedies for the malady of northern fanaticism, that can be applied.'" "rev. robert n. anderson, of virginia--'now _dear christian brethren_, i humbly express it as my earnest wish, that you _quit yourselves like men_. if there be any stray goat of a minister among you, tainted with the bloodhound principles of abolitionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and left to the _public to dispose of him in other respects_.'" the protestant episcopal church.--"john jay, himself an episcopalian--'she has not merely remained a mute and careless spectator of this great conflict of truth and justice with hypocrisy and cruelty, but her very _priests and deacons may be seen ministering at the altar of slavery_, offering their talents and influence at its unholy shrine, and openly repeating the awful blasphemy, _that the precepts of our savior sanction the system of american slavery_.'" in page is the following:-- "the rev. james smylie, a.m., of the amite presbytery, mississippi, in a pamphlet, published by him a short time ago, _in favor_ of american slavery, says:--'if slavery be a sin, and advertising and apprehending slaves, with a view to restore them to their masters, is a direct violation of the divine law; and if _the buying, selling, or holding a slave, for the sake of gain_, is a heinous sin and scandal; then, verily, _three-fourths of all the episcopalians, methodists, baptists_, and _presbyterians_, in _eleven states of the union_, are of the devil. they 'hold,' if they do not buy and sell slaves, and, _with few exceptions_, they hesitate not to 'apprehend and restore' runaway slaves, when in their power.'" yet, in the face of evidence so overwhelming as this, showing how the whole moral atmosphere of the northern states is tainted with pro-slavery corruption, the abolitionists are frequently taunted with the question, what has the north to do with slavery? it is, however, a part of their vocation to bear contempt and reproach. they know they are at the right end of the lever, though at some apparent distance from the object to be moved. _their mission is to correct public opinion in the free states_. let us suppose, for a moment, this object attained--the whole slave-holding portion of the churches cut off, as a diseased and corrupt excrescence; the national literature purified, and the entire community pervaded by sound christian feeling--a feeling which should abhor all participation, in word or deed, with the guilt of slavery; and how could the south maintain, for a single day, the perpetual warfare, which would be thus waged against her from without, and seconded by alarmed consciences in her own citadel? the rise of the present abolition movement dates from the year , when a few persons met at philadelphia, and adopted and signed a declaration of their sentiments. he, however, who would trace anti-slavery sentiments to their source, must go back to the first era of christianity, and to the authoritative promulgation of the divine law of love by the lips of the savior of mankind himself. in the darkest times, since that period, the true doctrine of the unlawfulness of slavery has never been wholly lost, being in fact a part of the imperishable substance of vital christianity. from until the division referred to in an early portion of this work, the anti-slavery societies multiplied with extraordinary rapidity. the following account of the present state of the cause is furnished by my friend, john g. whittier. "he who, at the present time, judges of the progress of the anti-slavery cause in the united states, by statistics of the formation of new societies, or the activity and efficiency of the old, will obtain no adequate idea of the truth. the unfortunate divisions among the american abolitionists, and, the difficulty of uniting, for any continuous effort, those who differ widely as to the proper means to be used, and measures to be pursued, have, in a great measure, changed the direction and manifestation of anti-slavery feeling and action. thus, while public opinion, in all the free states, is manifestly approximating to abolition, and new converts to its principles are daily avowing themselves, it is exceedingly rare to hear of the formation of a new anti-slavery society, and there are few accessions to those which are already in existence. yet the fresh recipients of the truths of anti-slavery doctrine find abundant work for their hands to do, even without the pale of organized societies, in purifying the churches with which they are connected, and in counteracting the pro-slavery politics of the country. "the two great political parties in the united states, radically disagreeing in almost all other points, are of one heart and mind, in opposing emancipation; not, i suppose, from any real affinity to, or love for the 'peculiar institution,' but for the purpose of securing the votes of the slave-holders, who, more consistent than the northern abolitionists, refuse to support any man for office, who is not willing to do homage to slavery. the competition between these two parties for southern favor is one of the most painful and disgusting spectacles which presents itself to the view of a stranger in the united states. to every well wisher of america it must be a matter of interest and satisfaction to know, that there is a growing determination in the free states to meet the combination of slave-holders in behalf of slavery, by one of freemen in behalf of liberty; and thus compel the party politicians, on the ground of expediency, if not of principle, to break from the thraldom of the slave power, and array themselves on the side of freedom. "it is an undoubted fact, that, at the present time, the various denominations of professing christians in the united states are more deeply agitated by this question than at any former period. the publication of such books as weld's 'slavery as it is,' has unveiled the monstrous features of slavery to the christian public in the northern states. the blasphemous attempts of southern professors and ministers, to defend their abominable practices upon christian grounds, have powerfully re-acted against them at the north; and church after church, especially in new england, is taking the high stand of the late general convention in london, in withholding its fellowship from slave-holders, and closing its pulpit against their preachers. "recent movements in the slave states themselves encourage the friends of freedom. in kentucky, at the late election for state officers, one of the candidates, cassius m. clay, nephew of henry clay, avowed his opposition to pro-slavery principles in the strongest terms, and staked his election upon this avowal. he was warmly supported, and his opponent only succeeded by a small majority. tennessee, in her mountain region, has many decided, uncompromising abolitionists, whose encouraging letters and statements have been published within the last year, in the northern anti-slavery papers. the excellent work of joseph john gurney, on the west indies, and dr. channing's late pamphlet, entitled "emancipation," have been very widely circulated in many of the slave states; and, so far as can be ascertained, have been read with interest by the planters. the movements of english and french abolitionists have attracted general attention, and, in the southern states, have awakened no small degree of solicitude. "that baleful american peculiarity, prejudice against color, is evidently diminishing, under the influence of anti-slavery principles and practice; and the laws which have oppressed the free colored citizen are rapidly yielding to the persevering action of the abolitionists. dr. channing has not over-stated the fact, that the provision in the federal constitution, relative to the reclaiming of fugitive slaves, has been silently but effectually repealed by the force of public opinion, and the interposition of jury trial, in many of the free states. in massachusetts, vermont, maine, and new york, with the exception of its slavery-ridden commercial emporium, the recovery of a slave by legalized kidnappers is entirely out of the question. in any one of these states, it would, to use the language of a new york mechanic, be exceedingly difficult to prove, to the satisfaction of a jury of honest freemen, that a man had been born 'contrary to the declaration of independence.' the frontiers of slavery are every where very much exposed, and all along the line of maryland, delaware, kentucky, virginia, and missouri, the tide of self-emancipated men and women is pouring in upon the free states. i cannot give a better idea of the extent of this peculiar emigration, than by copying extracts from the _centreville times_, a paper published in maryland:-- "'_free negroes and slaves_.--when it is too late, the people of maryland will begin to look for the means of protection in their slave property. we still say slave property; although, notwithstanding slaves are recognized as property by the constitution, without which recognition this confederation never would have been formed: yet such has been the effect of fanaticism and emancipation, of the intermeddling machinations of abolitionists, and the mischievous agency of free negroes--that _the very owners of this species of property seem to begin to doubt whether slaves are property or not_; and so much has its value become impaired, in the possession of those who reside contiguous to the non-slaveholding states, that the question has been raised, whether they are, in fact, worth keeping. either discipline must be so much relaxed, as that the labor of the slave will scarcely pay for his support; or, if forced to labor no more than is even necessary to health and contentment, they abscond, and passing over the lines into a non-slaveholding state, are there concealed and protected. the number and the success of elopements leave no doubt of the establishment of a regular chain of posts, accessary to, and of systematic plans, deliberately organized, for their seduction and concealment. in these escapes, the free negroes are, for the most part, undoubtedly instrumental, as they are to most of the robberies committed by slaves. while at easton, two weeks since, the slaves of two gentlemen made their escape, being each, if not recovered, a loss of one thousand dollars; and the firm persuasion was, that, in both cases, the runaways were furnished with passes by a free negro barber. even if apprehended, these gentlemen will have been put to an expense of not less than three hundred dollars, and this without the slightest pretext of ill usage or unkindness. "'the usual process is, when the owner is supposed to have despaired of his recovery, for some abolition or free negro lawyer to open a correspondence with the owner, representing the runaway to be in canada, or otherwise beyond apprehension--coolly adding, with a highwayman's impudence, "take that or nothing;" and the owner has to put up with a total loss, or compromise for a third of the value of his property--the result in either case, proving an incentive to others to be off in like manner"' * * * * * "'there is not an interest that is not impaired, by the proximity of the free states, and the protection there afforded to slaves, and by the presence and intercommunion of the free with the slave negro. even the value of land is diminished by it. maryland suffers the disadvantages, without the advantages of a slave state. the disadvantage consists in the reputation, (the odium, north of the delaware,) of being a slave state. _the capitalists of the north refuse, on that account, to invest in maryland lands, though they could buy land in maryland for twenty dollars an acre, which is intrinsically worth more than theirs, which they could sell for an hundred._ our condition is, in fact, that of neither the one or the other; and, unless something can be done to counteract the progress of fanaticism on this subject, and that abuse of strength and heedless injustice which always follows irresponsible power, _slavery in maryland must cease, either by sale, while that right remains to the slave-holder, or ere long, by forced emancipation_. "'virginia--once proud and independent virginia, already half captive to the north--will soon take her place as the frontier slave state;--maryland, with her southern principles, eaten out by northern men, will then assume to her the relation that pennsylvania now bears to maryland;--nay, it is but too obvious that, as things are now working, in process of time, and that not slowly, _slavery must cease to exist in all the provision-growing states_,--its northernmost line will be the line of the sugar, the rice, and the cotton culture,--the climate alone affording to the slave-holder that shelter which justice could not offer from the rapacity of his pursuers. will the southern still accept the shadow without the substance of equal and confederate powers? be his relation, then, what it may--independent, confederate, or colonial--for one, we say, let it be defined. to the misery of the slave, let him not add the meanness of the dupe. let him remember, that time and corruption have often achieved what would have defied the power of the sword;--in a word, let the slave-holder think, while yet, if yet, he has power to act.'" i have now concluded an imperfect attempt to delineate the present state of the anti-slavery cause, on the north american continent, with incidental notices of the past history of the efforts of its friends. in regard to the future, my hopes are built on the continuance of these efforts, and on the concurrent aid afforded by the march of events, both in the united states and in the world at large, under the manifestly over-ruling power of that gracious being, who sometimes employs human instrumentality to accomplish his purposes of mercy; but who works also himself, by his immutable laws, and by the dispensations of his providence. the end. appendix. appendix a. p. . anti-slavery epistle of "friends" in great britain. "from our yearly meeting held in london, by adjournment from the th of the th month to the th of the same inclusive, . "_to the yearly meetings of friends on the continent of north america_. "dear friends,--we think it a favor to us, and we accept it as an evidence that our lord is mindful of us, that from one time to another, when thus assembled for mutual edification, and the renewing of our spiritual strength, we are in any small measure brought afresh to the enjoyment of that love which flows from god to man, through jesus christ our savior; and under its blessed influence quickened to exercise of mind, not only for the health and prosperity of all those professing the same faith with ourselves, but for the coming of the kingdom of god upon earth, and the universal prevalence of righteousness and truth among men. this love has often brought us in christian compassion and tenderness of spirit, deeply to feel for that portion of the great family of man subjected to the degradation and cruelty of slavery. "we do not cease to rejoice with reverent thanksgiving to almighty god, for the termination of this system of iniquity in the british colonies. it was an act of justice on the part of our legislature, and it has removed an enormous load of guilt from our beloved country; but in our rejoicing, we cannot, nor would we wish, to forget the hundreds of thousands of our brethren and sisters on the continent of america, and elsewhere, still detained in this abject condition, and liable to all the misery and oppression which it entails upon its victims. "we have a strong conviction of the guilt and sinfulness of slavery, and its pernicious effects upon both the oppressed and the oppressor. that man should claim a right of property in the person of his fellow--that man should buy and sell his brother--that civil governments in their legislative enactments, should so far forget that 'god who giveth to all, life, and breath, and all things, and hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth,' as to treat those who differ from them in the color of their skin, or any other external peculiarity, as beasts that perish, as chattels and articles of merchandise,--is in such direct violation of the whole moral law, and of the righteousness of the new testament, and that in a day in which the principles of civil and religious liberty are so fully acknowledged in many of the nations of christendom, may well excite both indignation and sorrow. and we cannot but regard it as such proof of hardness of heart, and perverted understanding, that we think it can be attributed to nothing short of the deceivableness of satan working upon the fallen nature of man. "it was, dear friends, in the gradual unfolding of that light in which the things that are reproved are made manifest, that your forefathers and ours, were brought to see the criminality of slavery. thus enlightened, they could find no peace with god, until they had put away this evil of their doings from before his eyes--until by a conscientious discharge of their individual religious duty, they had restored those whom they held in bondage, to the full enjoyment of unqualified freedom. under the influence of divine wisdom, and by this faithfulness on the part of upright friends, our religious society were brought to a united and settled judgment as a body, that personal slavery, both in its origin and its results, was so great an evil, that it could be tolerated by no mitigation of its hardship; and they felt the demands of equity to be so urgent upon them, that they were concerned to enjoin it upon friends every where, by a ready compliance with such reasonable duty, to cease to do evil, by immediately releasing those they held as slaves. their own hands being cleansed from this pollution, they felt it to be laid upon them, plainly and faithfully, to labor with their countrymen to bring them to a full understanding of the requiring of the divine law, and to press it upon them to act up to its commandments. in the love of god, they were bold, both in your country and in ours, to plead the cause of the oppressed with those in power. we believe, and we would wish to speak of it with modesty and humility, that their faithfulness, in connection with the exertions of humane and devoted men of other christian communities, were instrumental to bring about the abolition of the slave trade, as well as the extinction of slavery. "we are reverently impressed with a sense of the prerogatives of the great head of the church, to dispose of his servants, and to employ their time, and every talent which he has intrusted them, in such a way and manner as may consist with the purposes of his wisdom and love. it is the concern of this meeting, that all our dear friends may carefully seek each to know his lord's will, and to ascertain his individual path of duty; at the same time we desire to encourage one another to simple obedience to that which in the true light may be made manifest to them; and each to an unflinching and uncompromising avowal of his allegiance to his lord in all things. "we observe with satisfaction and comfort, in the epistles from your yearly meetings, which have been read in this meeting, that there is a very general acknowledgment of concern on this important subject. it has often been a prominent feature in the brotherly correspondence which subsists between us. the expression of your encouragement in times past, has been helpful to us, and in the trials and difficulties you have had to endure, our hearts have been brought into fellow feeling with you. in this work of justice and love, we have long labored together. it has helped to strengthen the bond of our union; and in the fresh sense of this christian fellowship, as it is now renewed amongst us, we offer you, beloved friends, the warm expression of our sympathy, and our strong desire for your help and encouragement. so far removed as we are from the scene of slavery, we are aware that we can but imperfectly appreciate either the sufferings of the slave, or the trials of those who live in the midst of such oppression; nor do we believe that we can fully appreciate either the labors of faithful friends in your land, or the obstacles and discouragements which have been thrown in their way. "the brief review we have taken of the history of our society, in reference to this deeply interesting subject, and the feeling which prevails with us, under a sense of the enormity of the evil, urges us, and we desire that it may have the same effect upon you, still to persevere; and in every way that may be pointed out to us of the lord, that we may continue to expose the evil of this unjust interference with the natural and social rights of man. time is short, the day is spending fast with every one of us, and we had need to use diligence in the work of our day. we know the high authority under which we are commanded to 'love our neighbor as ourselves.' it is our desire on our own account, and in this exercise of mind we believe, dear friends, that you are one with us, that in our efforts to discharge the duties laid upon us, we may watch against a hopeless and distrustful spirit in times of discouragement. and o that in his great mercy and love towards his poor afflicted and helpless children, it might please him to hasten the coming of that day, even to this generation of the enslaved in your land, in which every yoke shall be broken and the oppressed go free. "if, in this righteous cause, we move in the leading of our lord, we may humbly trust that he, with whom there is no respect of persons, who careth for the sparrows and feedeth the ravens, will grant to his dependent ones the help and support of his holy spirit, and enable them, in the face of every opposition, to do that which is made known to them as his will. "with the enlarged views entertained by friends of the mercy and love of our heavenly father towards his children of every nation and tongue all the world over, we desire to press it upon you still to labor for the removal of all those unjust laws and limitations of right and privilege consequent upon the unwarrantable distinction of color--a distinction which has brought so much suffering upon those settled in different parts of the union, and which we think must conduce to the strengthening of the prejudices of former years, and to retard the work of emancipation. "it is affecting to us to think with what astonishing rapidity slavery is extending itself upon the continent of north america, and how from year to year the slave population is increasing among you. our spirits are oppressed with a sense of the magnitude of the evil; we tremble at the awful consequence which, in the justice and wisdom of almighty god, may ensue to those who persist in the upholding of it. we commend the whole subject to your most serious attention, and desiring that divine wisdom may be near to help in your deliberations upon it, "we bid you, affectionately, farewell. "signed in and on behalf of the meeting, by "george stacey, "_clerk to the meeting this year_." appendix b. p. . early efforts of "friends" in behalf of negro slaves. the following extract from clarkson's "memoirs of the public and private life of william penn," will show how the society of friends, at a very early period, became unwarily entangled with the practice of slave holding; and also that the unchristian nature of it was immediately perceived by the more spiritual minded among them. it will serve also to prove that the testimony of friends against slavery is no novelty, but is coeval with its rise as a distinct religious body. the measures proposed by william penn on this subject, are an honorable testimony to the comprehensive benevolence of that truly great and magnanimous legislator, yet they fell short of the exigencies of the case, and of what christian people required; consequently what good they directly effected was local and temporary. viewed as the germ of subsequent anti-slavery enterprises of the last century, in europe and america, their interest and importance cannot be too highly estimated. "i must observe, that soon after the colony (pennsylvania) had been planted, that is, in the year , when william penn was first resident in it, some few africans had been imported, but that more had followed. at this time the traffic in slaves was not branded with infamy, as at the present day. it was considered, on the other hand, as favorable to both parties: to the american planters, because they had but few laborers, in comparison with the extent of their lands; and to the poor africans themselves, because they were looked upon as persons redeemed out of superstition, idolatry, and heathenism. but though the purchase and sale of them had been admitted with less caution upon this principle, there were not wanting among the quakers of pennsylvania those who, soon after the introduction of them there, began to question the moral licitness of the traffic. accordingly, at the yearly meeting for pennsylvania, held in , it had been resolved, on the suggestion of emigrants from crisheim, who had adopted the principles of william penn, that the buying, selling, and holding men in slavery, was inconsistent with the tenets of the christian religion. in , a similar resolution had been passed at the yearly meeting of the same religious society for the same province. in consequence, then, of these noble resolutions, the quakers had begun to treat their slaves in a different manner from that of other people. they had begun to consider them as children of the same great parent, to whom fraternal offices were due; and hence, in , there were instances where they had admitted them into their meeting houses to worship in common with themselves.[a] [footnote a: "i cannot help copying into a note an anecdote from thomas story's journal for this year ( ). 'on the th,' says he, 'we had a pretty large meeting, where several were tendered, among whom were some negroes. and here i shall observe, that thomas simons having several negroes, one of them, as also several belonging to henry white, had of late come to meetings, and having a sense of truth, several others thereway were likewise convinced, and like to do well. and the morning that we came from thomas simons's, my companion speaking some words of truth to his negro woman, she was tendered; and as i passed on horseback by the place where she stood weeping, i gave her my hand, and then she was much more broken: and finding the day of the lord's tender visitation and mercy upon her, i spake encouragingly to her, and was glad to find the poor blacks so near the truth and reachable.' she stood there, looking after us and weeping, as long as we could see her. i had inquired of one of the black men how long they had come to meetings, and he said 'they had always been kept in ignorance, and disregarded as persons who were not to expect any thing from the lord, till jonathan taylor, who had been there the year before, discoursing with them, had informed them that the grace of god, through christ, was given also to them; and that they ought to believe in and be led and taught by it, and so might come to be good friends, and saved as well as others. and on the next occasion, which was when william ellis and aaron atkinson were there, they went to meetings, and several of them were convinced.' thus one planteth and another watereth, but god giveth the increase."] "william penn was highly gratified by the consideration of what has been done on this important subject. from the very first introduction of enslaved africans into this province, he had been solicitous about their temporal and eternal welfare. he had always considered them as persons of the like nature with himself; as having the same desire of pleasure and the same aversion from pain; as children of the same father, and heirs of the same promises. knowing how naturally the human heart became corrupted and hardened by the use of power, he was fearful lest, in time, these friendless strangers should become an oppressed people. accordingly, as his predecessor, george fox, when he first visited the british west indies, exhorted all those who attended his meetings for worship there, to consider their slaves as branches of their own families, for whose spiritual instruction they would one day or other be required to give an account, so william penn had, on his first arrival in america, inculcated the same notion. it lay, therefore, now upon his mind to endeavor to bring into practice what had appeared to him to be right in principle. one of them was to try to incorporate the treatment of slaves, as a matter of christian duty, into _the discipline of his own religious society_; and the other, to secure it among others in the colony of a different religious description, _by a legislative act_. both of these were necessary. the former, however, he resolved to attempt first. the society itself had already afforded him a precedent, by its resolutions in and in , as before mentioned, and had thereby done something material in the progress of the work. it was only to get a minute passed upon their books to the intended effect. accordingly, at the very first monthly meeting of the society, which took place in philadelphia in the present year, he proposed the subject. he laid before them the concern which had been so long upon his mind, relative to these unfortunate people; he pressed upon them the duty of allowing them as frequently as possible to attend their meetings for worship, and the benefit that would accrue to both, by the instruction of them in the principles of the christian religion. the result was, that a meeting was appointed more particularly for the negroes, once every month; so that besides the common opportunities they had of collecting religious knowledge, by frequenting the places of worship, there was one day in the month, in which, as far as the influence of the monthly meeting extended, they could neither be temporally nor spiritually overlooked. at this meeting also, he proposed means, which were acceded to, for a more frequent intercourse between friends and the indians; he (william penn,) taking upon himself the charge of procuring interpreters, as well as of forwarding the means proposed."--vol. ii. pp. - . appendix c. p. . report of the committee of the yearly meeting of friends, held in philadelphia, appointed for the gradual civilization, &c., of the indian natives, presented to the meeting, fourth month st, , and directed to be printed for the use of the members. "to the yearly meeting. "the committee charged with promoting the gradual improvement and civilization of the indian natives, report:-- "that although they have given attention to this interesting concern, there are but few subjects in their operations, since the last report, which require notice. the indians have been in a very unsettled condition during the past year, in consequence of the embarrassment and distress produced by the ratification of the treaty, and their uncertainty as to the best course to be pursued by them in their trying and perplexing circumstances. they still cling to the hope that they shall be able to ward off the calamity which threatens them, either through the favorable disposition of the new administration and senate, to give their case a re-hearing, or by an appeal to the supreme court of the united states. small as the hope afforded by these sources may appear to a disinterested observer, they are buoyed up by it, and seem as unwilling as ever, to look toward relinquishing their present homes. "in a communication addressed to the committee, dated tunesassah, fifth month th, , signed by ten chiefs, they say, 'although, the information of the ratification of the treaty is distressing to us, yet it is a satisfaction to hear from you, and to learn that you still remember us in our troubles, and are disposed to advise and assist us. the intelligence of the confirmation of the treaty caused many of our women to shed tears of sorrow. we are sensible that we stand in need of the advice of our friends. our minds are unaltered on the subject of emigration.' another dated cold spring, twelfth month th, , holds this language: 'brothers, we continue to feel relative to the treaty as we have ever felt. we cannot regard it as an act of our nation, or hold it to be binding on us. we still consider, that in justice, the land is at this time as much our own as ever it was. we have done nothing to forfeit our right to it; and have come to a conclusion to remain upon it as long as we can enjoy it in peace.' 'we trust in the great spirit: to him we submit our cause.' "a letter from the senecas, residing at tonawanda, was addressed to the committee, from which the following extracts are taken: "'by the help of the great spirit we have met in open council this d day of the fifth month, , for the purpose of deliberating on the right course for us to pursue under the late act of the government of the united states relating to our lands. brothers, we are in trouble; we have been told that the president has ratified a treaty, by which these lands are sold from our possession. we look to you and solicit your advice and your sympathy under the accumulating difficulties that now surround us. we feel more than ever, our need of the help of the great and good spirit, to guide us aright. may his council ever preserve and direct us all in true wisdom. "'it is known to you, brothers, that at different times our people have been induced to cede, by stipulated treaties, to the government of the united states, various tracts of our territory, until it is so reduced that it barely affords us a home. we had hoped by these liberal concessions to secure the quiet and unmolested possession of this small residue, but we have abundant reason to fear that we have been mistaken. the agent and surveyor of a company of land speculators, known as the ogden company, have been on here to lay out our land into lots, to be sold from us to the whites. we have protested against it, and have forbidden their proceeding. "'brothers, what we want, is that you should intercede with the united states government on our behalf. we do not want to leave our lands. we are willing that the emigrating party should sell out their rights, but we are not willing that they should sell ours. "'brothers, we want the president of the united states to know that we are for peace; that we only ask the possession of our just rights. we have kept in good faith all our agreements with the government. in our innocence of any violation we ask its protection. in our weakness we look to it for justice and mercy. we desire to live upon our lands in peace and harmony. we love tonawanda. it is the residue left us of the land of our forefathers. we have no wish to leave it. here are our cultivated fields, our houses, our wives and children, and our firesides--and here we wish to lay our bones in peace. "'brothers, in conclusion, we desire to express our sincere thanks to you for your friendly assistance in times past, and at the same time earnestly solicit your further attention and advice. brothers, may the great spirit befriend you all--farewell.' "desirous of rendering such aid as might be in our power, a correspondence has been held with some members of congress, on the subject of the treaty, and other matters connected with it; and recently, two of our number visited washington, and were assured by the present secretary of war, under whose immediate charge the indian affairs are placed, that it was his determination, and that of the other officers of the government, to give to the treaty, and the circumstances attending its procurement, a thorough examination; and to adopt such a course respecting it, as justice and humanity to the indians would dictate. "the friends who have for several years resided at tunesassah still continue to occupy the farm, and have charge of the saw and grist mills and other improvements. the farm, during the past year, has yielded about thirty-five tons of hay, two hundred bushels of potatoes, one hundred bushels of oats, and one hundred bushels of apples. notwithstanding the unsettlement produced by the treaty during the past season, the indians have raised an adequate supply of provisions to keep them comfortably during the year; and they manifest an increased desire to avoid the use of ardent spirits, and to have their children educated. in their letter of the twelfth month last, the chiefs say, 'we are more engaged to have our children educated than we have heretofore been. there are at this time three schools in operation on this reservation, for the instruction of our youth.' "our friend, joseph batty, in a letter dated th of second month last, says, 'the indians have held several temperance councils this winter. the chiefs--with the exception of two, who were not present--have all signed a pledge to abstain from the use of all intoxicating liquors, and appear engaged to bring about a reform among their people; but the influence of the whites among them is prejudicial to their improvement in this and other respects.' "by direction of the committee, "thomas wistar, _clerk_. "_philadelphia, th month th, _." appendix d. p. . elisha tyson. the following particulars of this memorable person are chiefly taken from a work, now very scarce, entitled "the life of elisha tyson, the philanthropist, by a citizen of baltimore." "the eldest known ancestor of mr. tyson was a german quaker, converted to the faith of fox by the preaching of william penn. persecuted by the government of his native country for his religion, he gathered up his all and followed penn to england; with whom, and at whose request, he afterwards embarked for america, and was among the first settlers of pennsylvania. he established himself within what are now called the environs of philadelphia, married the daughter of an english settler, and became the happy father of sons and daughters. from these, many descendants have been derived. "elisha tyson was one of the great grandsons in direct descent of the german quaker, and was born on the spot which he had chosen for his residence. the religion and virtues of this ancestor were instilled into the minds of his children and children's children, to the third and fourth generation--not by transmission of blood, but by the force of a guarded and a christian education. in the subject of this memoir, they blazed forth with superior lustre. from his infancy he was conspicuous in his neighborhood for that benevolence of heart and intrepidity of soul, which so highly distinguished him in after life." in his early manhood he removed to baltimore, in the slave state of maryland. here, from his first residence, he took an active part in various benevolent and public spirited enterprises, although he had to struggle with early difficulties, having no resources for his support but honesty, industry, and perseverance. the cause of the oppressed slaves very soon engaged his attention, and his unwearied exertions in their behalf ceased not till the close of a long and energetic life. in the following quotation, describing the american slave trade, although the past tense is employed by his biographer, yet if louisiana be substituted for georgia, the whole representation is true of the present time. that dreadful traffic has increased many fold since the date here alluded to, at which e. tyson's career of benevolence commenced. "even the most creditable merchants felt no compunction in speculating in the flesh and blood of their own species. these articles of merchandize were as common as wheat and tobacco, and ranked with these as a staple of maryland. this state of things was naturally productive of scenes of cruelty. georgia was then the great receptacle of that portion of these unfortunate beings, who were exported beyond the limits of their native soil; and the worst name given to tartarus itself could not be more appalling to their imaginations than the name of that sister state. and when we consider the dreadful consequences suffered by the victims of this traffic; a separation like that of death between the nearest and dearest relatives; a banishment for ever from the land of their nativity and the scenes of their youth; the painful inflictions by the hands of slave drivers, to whom cruelty was rendered delightful by its frequent exercise; with many other sufferings too numerous to mention, we cannot wonder at this horror on the part of these unfortunate beings, and that it should cause them to use all the means in their power to avoid so terrible a destiny. the slave-trader, aware of all this, and fearful lest his victims might seek safety by flight, became increasingly careful of his property. with these men, and upon such subjects, care is cruelty; and thus the apparent necessity of the case came in aid of the favorite disposition of their minds. they charged their victims with being the authors of that cruelty, which had its true origin in their own remorseless hearts. their plea for additional rigor, being plausibly urged, was favorably received by a community darkened by prejudice. few regarded with pity, and most with stoical indifference, this barbarous correction for crimes anticipated, and rigorous penance for offences existing only in the diabolical fancies of their tormentors. the truth is, it was the love these poor wretches bore their wives, children, and native soil, for which they were punished. they were commonly bound two and two by chains, riveted to iron collars fastened around their necks, more and more closely, as their drivers had more and more reason to suspect a desire to escape. if they were conveyed in wagons, as they sometimes were, additional chains were so fixed, as to connect the right ancle of one with the left ancle of another, so that they were fastened foot to foot, and neck to neck. if a disposition to complain, or to grieve, was manifested by any of them, the mouths of such were instantly stopped with a gag. if, notwithstanding this, the overflowings of sorrow found a passage through other channels, they were checked by the 'scourge inexorable;'--the cruel monsters thus endeavoring to lessen the appearance of pain, by increasing its reality. these were scenes of ordinary occurrence; troops of these poor slaves were continually seen fettered as before described, marching two and two, with commanders before and behind, swords by their sides, and pistols in their belts--the triumphant victors over unarmed women and children. the sufferings of their victims, were, if possible, increased, when they were compelled to stop for the night. they were crowded in cellars, and loaded with an additional number of fetters. on those routes usually taken by them to the south, stated taverns were selected as their resting places for the night. in these, dungeons under ground were specially contrived for their reception. iron staples, with rings in them, were fixed at proper places in the walls; to these, chains were welded; and to these chains the fetters of the prisoners were locked, as the means of certain safety. it was usual every day for these slave-drivers to keep a strict record of the imagined offences of their slaves; which, if not to their satisfaction expiated by suffering during the day, remained upon the register until its close; when, in the midst of midnight dungeon horrors, goaded with a weight of fetters, in addition to those which had galled them during their weary march, these reputed sins were atoned by their blood, which was made to trickle down 'the scourge with triple thongs.'" such was the evil with which elisha tyson, when "young, solitary, and friendless," undertook to grapple; the means he chiefly employed, were such as tended to purify and enlighten public opinion. "he had two principal modes of operating upon the public mind; by conversation in public and private places, and by the press. through the means of the first, he worked upon the feelings and sentiments of the higher and more influential classes; by means of the latter, he influenced in a great degree, the mass of the community. in private conversation, his arguments were so cogent, his appeals so energetic, and his manner so sincere and disinterested, that few could avoid conviction. it is true, indeed, as it regards the press, that he did not publish very much of his own composing; but he procured the publication of a vast deal of his own dictating. by his arguments and entreaties, he aroused the zeal of many individuals, each of whom enlisted himself as a kind of voluntary amanuensis, who wrote and published his dictations. many important essays have in this way been communicated to the public." but he undertook also, services requiring a yet sterner resolution, and more heroic perseverance, services which demanded that he himself should be in bondage neither to riches, honor, nor reputation, since his exertions endangered all his personal interests in such a community as that by which he was surrounded. "of those held in servitude, two classes of beings felt in a peculiar manner the kindness and sympathy of mr. tyson--those entitled to their freedom, and illegally held in slavery--and those, who, though not illegally kept in bondage, yet were treated with inhumanity by their masters. "where he had reason to believe that a person claimed as a slave was entitled to his freedom, he would, in the first place, in order to avoid litigation, lay before the reputed owner, the grounds of his belief. if these were disregarded, he then proceeded to employ counsel, by whom a petition for freedom was filed in the proper court, and the case prosecuted to a final determination. what excited most astonishment in these trials, was the extraordinary success which attended him. very few were the cases in which he was defeated; and his failure even in these, was more generally owing to the want of testimony, than to the want of justice on his side. to enumerate his successes, would be as impossible, on account of their vast number, as it would be tedious on account of their similarity to each other. whole families were often liberated by a single verdict, the fate of one relative deciding the fate of many. and often ancestors, after passing a long life in illegal slavery, sprung at last, like the chrysalis in autumn, into new existence, beneath the genial rays of the sun of liberty, which shed at the same time its benign influence upon their children, and children's children. "the titles of the individuals, thus liberated, to their freedom, were variously derived. sometimes from deeds of manumission, long suppressed, and at last brought to light, by the searching scrutiny of tyson--sometimes from the genealogy of the petitioner, traced by him to some indian or white maternal ancestor--sometimes from the right to freedom, claimed by birth, but attempted to be destroyed by the rapacity of some vile kidnapper, and sometimes from the violation of those of our laws which manumitted slaves imported from foreign parts. "the labors of mr. tyson, were not confined to a single district--they extended over the whole of maryland. there is not a county in it, which has not felt his influence, or a court of justice, whose records do not bear proud testimonials of his triumphs over tyranny. throwing out of calculation the many liberations indirectly resulting from his efforts, we speak more than barely within bounds, when we say, that he has been the means, under providence, of rescuing at least two thousand human beings from the galling yoke of a slavery, which, but for him, would have been perpetual. "and here let me join my readers in expressions of wonder and astonishment at this extraordinary display of human benevolence, in the person of a single individual--unsupported by power, wealth, or title, beneath the frowns of society, and against a torrent of prejudice." in the year an "abolition society," (see antecedent pages and ,) was formed in baltimore, of which elisha tyson was a member until its dissolution, seven years afterwards. "from that time, mr. tyson supported alone the cause of emancipation in maryland. alone, i mean, as the sole director and prime mover of the machinery by which that cause was maintained. assisted, he was, no doubt, from time to time; but that assistance was procured through his influence, or rendered effectual under his inspection and advice.[a] [footnote a: "one of the most active assistants was his brother jesse, much younger than elisha. he followed him to this state a few years after the arrival of the latter, was an active member of the abolition society, and continued, to the day of his death, to co-operate with elisha."] "the slave traffic gave rise to an evil still greater--i mean the crime of _kidnapping_. if the horrors arising from the first were so great as i have described them, how shall i depict those of the other! slaves only were the victims of the slave trade. in passing from hand to hand, they merely exchanged one condition of slavery for another. and though on such occasions they fell from a less degree of misery into a greater, they could not number among their privations any thing so bitter as the loss of liberty. it was this that made the difference between them and the victims of the kidnapper; not that they laid their hands exclusively upon the freeman, for sometimes their rapacity seized upon a slave. but this was very seldom, for the vigilance of slave owners was always alive to detect, and their vengeance to punish such daring felony. in almost all cases of man stealing, the stolen beings were of those who had tasted the sweets of liberty. to the kidnapper, who made these his prey, there were great facilities for escaping with impunity; not only because, in the depth and darkness of a dungeon, his limbs loaded with fetters, and utterance choked with a gag, his suffering could not be made visible or audible, but also because the deadness of sensibility on this subject, which still pervaded the public, though in a less degree than formerly, seemed to have unnerved every eye and palsied every ear. sights of misery passed darkly before the one and sounds of wo fell lifeless on the other. "on one occasion mr. tyson received intelligence that three colored persons, supposed to have been kidnapped, had been seen under suspicious circumstances, late in the evening, with a notorious slave-trader, in a carriage, which was then moving rapidly towards a quarter of the precincts of baltimore in which there was a den of man-hunters. it was late in the day when he received the information, which was immediately communicated to the proper authorities. as the testimony offered to these was not, in their opinion, sufficiently strong to induce them to act instantaneously, mr. tyson was obliged to seek for aid in other quarters. he accordingly requested certain individuals, who had sometimes lent him their assistance, to accompany him to the scene of suspicion, in order to obtain, if possible, additional proof. one after another made excuse, (some telling him that the evidence was too weak to justify any effort, and others saying that it would be better to postpone the business for the next morning,) until mr. tyson saw himself without the hope of foreign assistance. but he did not yield or despair--one hope yet remained, and that rested on himself. alone he determined to search out the den of thieves, to see and judge for himself. if there was no foundation for his suspicions, to dismiss them; if they were true, to call in the aid of the civil power, for the punishment of guilt and the rescue of innocence. "so much time had been spent in receiving the excuses of his friends, that it was late at night when he set out, on foot and without a single weapon of defence. in the midst of silence and darkness, he marched along until he arrived at the place of destination. it was situated in the very skirts of the city--a public tavern in appearance, but almost exclusively appropriated to a band of slave-traders. here they conveyed their prey, whether stolen or purchased; here they held their midnight orgies, and revelled in the midst of misery. the keeper of this place was himself one of the party, and therefore not very scrupulous about the sort of victims his companions chose to place beneath his care. mr. tyson ascended the door-sill, and, for a moment, listened, if perchance he might hear the sounds of wo. suddenly a loud laugh broke upon his ears, which was soon lost in a chorus of laughter. indignant at the sound, he reached forth his hand and rapped with his whole might. no answer was received. he rapped again--all was silence. he then applied himself to the fastening of the door, and finding it unlocked, opened it and entered. suddenly four men made their appearance. they had been carousing around a table which stood in the centre of a room, and when a little alarmed by the rapping at the door, they had gone in different directions to seize their weapons. mr. tyson immediately recognised in the countenance of one of these, who appeared to be their leader, the slave-trader whose conduct had given rise to the suspicions that had brought him thither. nor was it many moments before the person and character of mr. tyson became known. "'i understand,' said he, 'that there are persons confined in this place entitled to their freedom?' "'you have been wrongly informed,' said the leader of the quartette; 'and, besides, what business is it of yours?' "'whether i am wrongly informed,' said mr. tyson, calmly, 'can be soon made to appear; and i hold it my business, as it is the business of every good man in the community, to see that all doubts of this kind are settled!' "'you shall advance no further,' rejoined the leader, swearing a tremendous oath, and putting himself in a menacing attitude. "with the rapidity of lightning, and with a strength that seemed to have been lent him for the occasion, mr. tyson broke through the arms of his opponent. as he had been repeatedly at this house on similar errands, he knew the course he should steer, and made directly for the door of the dungeon. there he met another of the band, with a candle in one hand, and in the other, a pistol, which, having cocked, he presented full against the breast of mr. tyson, swearing that he would shoot him if he advanced a step further. "'shoot if thee dare,' said mr. tyson, in a voice of thunder, 'but thee dare not, coward as thou art, for well does thee know, that the gallows would be thy portion.' "whether it was the voice and countenance of mr. tyson, or the terror of the word gallows, that affected the miscreant, his arm suddenly fell, and he stood as if struck dumb with amazement. mr. tyson taking advantage of the moment, in the twinkling of an eye, snatched the candle from the hand of the kidnapper, entered the dungeon door, which was providentially unlocked, and descended into the vault below. "there he beheld a dismal sight; six poor creatures chained to each other by links connected with the prison wall! the prisoners shrunk within themselves at the sight of a man, and one of them uttered a shriek of terror, mistaking the character of their visitor. he told them that he was their friend; and his name was elisha tyson. that name was enough for them, for their whole race had been long taught to utter it. he inquired, 'if any of them were entitled to their freedom?' 'yes,' said one, 'these two boys say that they and their, mother here are free, but she can't speak to you, for she is gagged.' mr. tyson approached this woman, and found that she was really deprived of her utterance. he instantly cut away the band that held in the gag, and thus gave speech to the dumb. she told her tale; 'she was manumitted by a gentleman on the eastern shore of maryland; her sons were born after her emancipation, and of course free. she referred to persons and papers. she had come over the chesapeake in a packet, for the purpose of getting employment; and was, with her children, decoyed away immediately on her arrival, by a person who brought her to that house. mr. tyson told her to be of good comfort, for he would immediately provide the means of her rescue. he then left the dungeon and ascended the stair way, when he reached the scene of his preceding contest; he, looked around, but saw no one save the keeper of the tavern. fearing that the others had escaped, or were about to escape, he hastened out of the house, and proceeded with rapid strides in pursuit of a constable. he soon found one and entreated his assistance. but the officer refused, unless mr. tyson would give him a bond of indemnity against all loss which he might suffer by his interference. mr. tyson complied without hesitation. the officer, after summoning assistance, proceeded with mr. tyson to the scene of cruelty. there meeting with the tavern keeper, they compelled him to unlock the fetters of the three individuals claiming their freedom. they then searched the house for the supposed kidnappers, and found two of them; in, bed, whom, together with the women, and children, they conveyed that night to the jail of baltimore county, to await the decision of a court of justice. the final consequence was, the mother and children were adjudged free. one of the two slave-traders, taken as afore-mentioned in custody, was found guilty of having kidnapped them, and was sentenced to the maryland penitentiary, for a term of years. "on another occasion, mr. tyson having received satisfactory evidence that a colored person, on board a vessel about to sail for new orleans, in louisiana, was entitled to his freedom, hastened to his assistance. on reaching the wharf, where the vessel had lain, he learned that she had cleared out the day before, and was then lying at anchor, a mile down the river. he immediately procured two officers of the peace, with whom he proceeded in a batteau, with a full determination to board the suspected ship. "when he arrived alongside, he hailed the captain and asked him 'whether such a person, (naming him,) having on board negroes destined for the new orleans market, was not among the number of passengers.' before the captain had time to reply, the passenger alluded to, who had overheard the question, stepped to the side of the vessel, and recognising mr. tyson, asked what business _he_ had with him. 'i understand,' said mr. tyson, 'that a colored person,' describing him, 'now in thy possession, is entitled to his freedom.' 'he is my slave,' said the trader; 'i have purchased him by a fair title, and no man shall interfere between him and me.' "'if these documents speak the truth,' said mr. tyson, holding certain papers in his hand, 'however fairly you have purchased him he is not your slave.' he then proceeded to read the documents. at the same time a light breeze springing up, the captain ordered all hands to hoist sail and be off. mr. tyson seeing that there was not a minute to be lost, requested the constables to go on board with him for the purpose of rescuing the free man who had been deprived of his rights. the trader immediately drew a dagger from his belt, (for this sort of men went always armed,) and swore that 'the first man that dared set his foot upon the deck of that ship was a dead man.' 'then i will be that man,' said mr. tyson, with a firm voice and intrepid countenance, and sprang upon the deck. the trader stepped back aghast. the officers followed, and descended the hold of the ship. there they soon saw the object of their search. without any resistance being made on the part of a single person on board, they led their rescued prisoner along and safely lodged him in the boat below. then mr. tyson, addressing the trader, said, 'if you have any lawful claim to this man, come along and try your title; if you cannot come, name your agent, and i will see that justice is done to all parties.' the trader, who seemed dumb with confusion, made no answer; and mr. tyson requested his boatmen to row off. ere they had proceeded half their distance from the ship, her sails were spread and she began to ride down the stream. had mr. tyson's visit been delayed half an hour longer, his benevolent exertions would have been in vain. "no one appearing to dispute the right of the colored man to freedom, his freedom papers were given him and he was set at liberty. "the whole life of mr. tyson was diversified by acts such as we have just described. those i have given to the reader may be considered as specimens merely, a few examples out of a vast many, which, if they were all repeated, would satiate by their number and tire by their uniformity. "the joy manifested by the poor creatures whom he thus rescued from misery, on their deliverance, may be imagined, but cannot well be described. sometimes it broke forth in loud and wild demonstrations; sometimes it was deep and inexpressible, or expressed only by mingled tears of gratitude and ecstacy, rolling silently but profusely down their wo-worn cheeks. "mr. tyson, it is remarkable, would always turn his eyes from these manifestations. he would listen to no declarations of thanks. when these were strongly pressed upon him, he would usually exclaim, 'well, that will do now; that is enough for this time.' and once when one of these creatures, fearful that mr. tyson would not consider him sufficiently grateful, cried out, 'indeed, master, i am very thankful, i would die to serve you,' mr. tyson exclaimed, 'why, man, i have only done my duty; i don't want thy thanks;' and turned abruptly away. "equalled only by the delight of the rescued victims, was the chagrin and vexation of the slave-traders, when they saw their prey torn from their grasp. they cursed the law; they cursed its ministers; but above all, they invoked imprecations upon the head of tyson. "they swore that they would murder him, that they would fire his dwelling over his head, that they would do a thousand things, all full of vengeance. none of these threats were ever put into execution; for though a plot was once laid to take away his life, fear dispersed the actors long before the day of performance. thus does it always happen that the wickedest of men are also the meanest, and therefore the most dastardly. and thus did the cowardice of mr. tyson's enemies shield him from the effects of their enmity. nor did he profit less by that individual fear of him which these slave-traders were made to feel. they feared him because they deprecated his hostility. in order, if possible, to lessen this hostility, they frequently became informers on others engaged in the same traffic. this they were further inclined to do, in consequence of the jealousy that subsisted between them--a jealousy very natural to competitors in the same line of business. it was always a time of exultation with them when one of their number found his way into the penitentiary. "it sometimes happened that mr. tyson extracted from the mouths of these monsters, evidence which afterwards went to criminate those who had uttered it. it was usual with him when he could not obtain testimony against a suspected person, to send for such person and interrogate him. no one refused his summons--fear forbade the refusal; and after they had come, the very fear which brought them there sacrificed them to injured humanity. sometimes those who came voluntarily for the purpose of criminating others, involved themselves in toils of their own weaving; where they were no sooner seen, by the penetrating eye of tyson, than he reached forth his hands and secured his astonished prisoner, before he had a suspicion of his danger. "mr. tyson's knowledge of the sort of people with whom he had principally to deal was perfect. his quickness of perception and self-command were also remarkable. these qualifications gave him an extraordinary power in the examinations just alluded to. "one evening the servant announced a stranger at the door, who wished to see mr. tyson privately. mr. tyson requested that he might be asked into the room where we were then sitting, and if further privacy were necessary he should have it. "when the door opened and the stranger appeared, he was no other than the slave-trader we have just alluded to. "'your humble servant,' said the man, casting off his hat and bowing profoundly; 'i hope you are well, sir; i have a few words for your private ear.' "'every one present may be safely trusted,' said mr. tyson; 'but sit down.' "the man seated himself. 'well,' said mr. tyson, 'what is there new in thy way of business; i suppose it continues as usual to be a good business?' "'ah! sir,' said the man, 'i believe it to be a bad business in more ways than one. i am resolved to quit it.' "'not while thee can get two hundred dollars profit per man,' said mr. tyson. "'notwithstanding that,' said the trader, 'it's a bad business; it's a hard business; i must quit it, and that very soon.' "'hast thou heard of the old saying,' said mr. tyson, 'hell is paved with good intentions? i fear,' said he, 'when thee goes there thee will find thine among the number.' "'i know,' said the trader, 'you think me very bad; but when you hear what i have to communicate, perhaps your opinion will alter a little.' "'i wish it may; but,' said mr. tyson, 'thy progress down hill has been so rapid, and thou hast got so far, that thee will find it rather hard to turn about and ascend.' "these doubtings, attended with a shrewd, suspicious, yet satirical look, had the effect intended; for the man became doubly anxious to do what he had come to do, and what he thought would be esteemed a great favor by mr. tyson. accordingly, after a word or two of preface, he stated that he 'had reason to believe that ----', naming a certain trader, 'had kidnapped two free blacks.' "'thee is certainly mistaken,' said mr. tyson, affecting great surprise; 'it is hardly possible that so worthy a man could have been guilty of so great a crime.' "this apparent doubt on the part of mr. tyson, made the man more anxious to bring out all his testimony. "'but who told thee this piece of news?' said mr. tyson. there was a breach at once into the man's order and arrangement and he hesitated for a reply. 'mr. ----, mr. ----, mr. ----, what do ye call him, spoke to me about it.' 'who?' said mr. tyson. 'mr. ----,' said the man; mentioning the name of a veteran dealer in human flesh. "'is he engaged in the traffic now?' asked mr. tyson. "'yes, sir; very deep in it.' "'by himself, or in partnership?' asked mr. tyson carelessly. "'why, i believe he is in partnership with some body.' "'is he not in partnership,' said mr. tyson, 'with ----?' naming the person whom the man was anxious to inculpate. "'i believe he was, but i don't know that he is now.' "'thee don't know of their having dissolved?' asked mr. tyson at the same time, as if thoughtlessly lighting his pipe. "'no, i do not. but as i was going to say,' said the trader-- "'ah, true,' said mr. tyson, 'we must not forget. thee was talking about a case of kidnapping; well?' "'last night,' said the trader, 'a hack drove up to the tavern where i lodge. the hackman inquired the way to ----'s tavern, which is the place of rendezvous for ---- and his gang;' naming the person whose guilt _seemed_ to be the principal object of inquiry. 'i looked into the carriage, and saw two boys.' "'did thee speak to them?' "'no, they were gagged, and that made me think they were kidnapped.' "'was any body with them?' "'nobody but the driver, and he was black.' "'did thee direct him as he requested?' asked mr. tyson. "'yes.' "'and they arrived accordingly?' "'yes.' "'did thee follow them?' "'no sir, not immediately--but i went this morning, and inquired whether a hack with two boys and a black driver, had not arrived late last night, and they said there had.' "'what o'clock last night was it when thee saw the carriage?' "'about ten, sir.' "'was the hack close, or were the curtains down?' "'the curtains were down, and that increased my suspicion.' "mr. tyson had now heard enough to convince him that if there was any kidnapping in this case, the trader who stood before him had a much nearer connection with it than that of a mere spectator. "he had said in the first place that he obtained his knowledge from a trader who had been partner with the party implicated. he then stated that he derived it from seeing the kidnapped persons in a hack. and though it was ten o'clock at night, (at a time, too, as mr. tyson knew, when there was no moon,) yet he could not only see that these two persons were in the hack, but that they were gagged. he could not have done this by the light of a candle or the moon, because 'the hack was tight, and the curtains were down.' "fearing lest the suspicions of the trader might be excited as to the sentiments of mr. tyson towards him, an end was put to the part of the dialogue which related to the kidnapping, by saying, 'well, i am much obliged to thee for thy information; we'll see this ----, and settle the matter with him;' and then turned the tide of conversation into a different direction. "the same day mr. tyson sent for the person who was first mentioned as the person communicating the knowledge of the transaction, and asked him as to the fact of such communication. it was positively denied. he had 'not seen the informer for six weeks, except the last evening, when he brought a hack load of negroes to the tavern where he and his partner were lodgers.' "'were two boys among the number?' "'yes.' "'were they gagged?' "'yes.' "the moment this man left his house, mr. tyson went in search of bailiffs and civil process. with these he proceeded to the place where the two boys were confined, and had them and all three of the traders taken into custody. "it turned out afterwards, in the further prosecution of this investigation, (by what testimony we do not distinctly recollect,) that the informer who first came to mr. tyson had himself kidnapped the two boys. he sold them to the person upon whom he had endeavored, in the manner we have detailed, to affix the whole crime; who, refusing afterward to pay their price, and yet determined to retain them, exasperated the seller to such a degree that he resolved to sacrifice him; in attempting which he sacrificed himself, for he was afterward convicted and sentenced to the penitentiary. "during the progress of any investigation originated by mr. tyson in behalf of individual freedom, his anxiety about the final issue, though concealed from the world, burned with intensity. his days were restless, his nights were sleepless, and himself, except when in company, which he avoided at those times, lost in the abstractions of hope or of despondency. "when he succeeded, his joy was strong, but invisible or inaudible, save to the father of all mercies. to him he never failed 'to pour out his soul' in pious thanksgivings for that he made him a humble instrument in the restoration of a fellow being to light and liberty. "when he failed, which was seldom, after he had seriously undertaken a case, his sorrow was equally great, and as inscrutable to human observation, excepting that of the unfortunate objects of his care, who saw him mingling tears of sympathy with theirs of suffering. "though mr. tyson seldom failed in those cases which he had commenced in legal form, yet very many persons were turned hopelessly away whose cases were too groundless for adjudication; and often those who knew they had no cause for hope,--condemned to be torn from their connections and sold, as if to death, never to be heard of more,--would call merely to obtain his sympathies, as if the universe had no other friend for them. "a man who lived with his master, in anne arundel county, came late one evening to mr. tyson, and begged that he would listen to his case. his master had promised him his freedom, provided he would raise and pay him the sum of five hundred dollars in six years; and he had earned half of the money, which he had given his master. the six years were not expired, yet he was about to be sold to georgia. mr. tyson asked if 'there was any receipt for the money.' 'no.' 'was there any witness who could prove its payment?' 'nobody but his master's wife.' 'then,' said mr. tyson, 'the law is against thee, and thou must submit. i can do nothing for thee.' never, said mr. tyson, when relating this story, shall i forget the desperate resolution which showed itself in the countenance and manner of this man when he said, with clenched fist, his eyes raised to heaven, his whole frame bursting with the purpose of his soul, while a smile of triumph played around his lips, 'i will die before the georgia man shall have me.' and then suddenly melting into a flood of tears, he said, 'i cannot live away from my wife and children.' after this poor fellow had left me, said mr. tyson, i said to a person present, 'that is no common man; he will do what he has resolved.' "a short time afterwards, the remains of a colored person who had been drowned in the basin at baltimore were discovered. the fact coming to the knowledge of mr. tyson, he went to see the body, and recognized in its features and from its dress, the remains of the unfortunate man who, a short time before, had breathed the dreadful resolution in his presence." such are a few of the memorials which this friend of the human race has left behind him. he was not less persevering, and scarcely less successful in his endeavors to obtain the mitigation of the slave laws in maryland. some of the most repulsive of these were repealed or altered, particularly those restricting manumissions. thus the condition and the prospects of the whole body of slaves was improved, in addition to _more than two thousand_ delivered by his immediate instrumentality from illegal bondage. hundreds of free and happy families have cause at this day to bless the memory of "father tyson." he also deeply interested himself on behalf of the indian tribes; and once in company with another individual, as a deputation from the society of friends in baltimore, undertook a dangerous journey to visit several tribes miles distant, to the north-west of the ohio. the main object of the mission was to induce the indians to refrain from the use of ardent spirits--of whose destructive effects the chiefs were themselves fully sensible. the following affecting address was made to an assembly of "friends" in baltimore, by little turtle, a chief famous for courage, sagacity and eloquence: "brothers and friends:--when our forefathers first met on this great island, your red brethren were very numerous! but since the introduction among us of what you call spirituous liquors, and what we think may justly be called poison, our numbers are greatly diminished. it has destroyed a great part of your red brethren. "my brothers and friends:--we plainly perceive, that you see the very evil which destroyed your red brethren; it is not an evil of our own making; we have not placed it among ourselves; it is an evil placed among us by the white people; we look to them to remove it out of our country. we tell them, 'brethren, bring us useful things; bring goods that will clothe us, our women and our children; and not this evil liquor, that destroys our reason, that destroys our health, and destroys our lives.' but all we can say on this subject is of no service, nor gives relief to your red brethren. "my brother and friends:--i rejoice to find that you agree in opinion with us, and express an anxiety to be, if possible, of service to us, in removing this great evil out of our country; an evil which has had so much room in it; and has destroyed so many of our lives, that it causes our young men to say, 'we had better be at war with the white people.' this liquor, which they introduce into our country, is more to be feared than the gun and the tomahawk. there are more of us dead, since the treaty of greenville, than we lost by the six years war before. it is all owing to the introduction of this liquor amongst us. "brothers:--when our young men have been out hunting, and are returning home, loaded with skins and furs, on their way if it happens that they come along where some of this whiskey is deposited, the white man who sells it, tells them to take a little drink; some of them will say 'no, i do not want it;' they go on till they come to another house, where they find more of the same kind of drink; it is there offered again; they refuse; and again the third time. but finally, the fourth or fifth time, one accepts of it and takes a drink; and getting one, he wants another; and then a third, and a fourth, till his senses have left him. after his reason comes back to him again, when he gets up and finds where he is, he asks for his peltry. the answer is, 'you have drank them,' 'where is my gun?' 'it is gone?' 'where is my blanket?' 'it is gone.' 'where is my shirt?' 'you have sold it for whiskey!!' now, brothers, figure to yourselves, the condition of this man. he has a family at home; a wife and children, who stand in need of the profits of his hunting. what must be their wants, when he himself is even without a shirt?" the journey of elisha tyson and his companion, james gillingham, occurred a few years subsequent to the interview at which the preceding speech was made. they met a council of the indians at fort wayne, whom elisha tyson addressed to the following effect: "he painted in glowing colors the dreadful effects of intemperance--both upon civilized and savage life--told them that they must resolve to abstain entirely from it. if they admitted it at all among them, it would soon conquer them, and reduce them to a condition worse than that of the brute creation. that not until they abandoned altogether the use of ardent spirits would they be fit subjects for civilization. if they were ready to do this he would then unfold to them the blessings of civilization--the superiority of such a condition over the one in which they then subsisted. he traced their history from the earliest period to the present time--shewed them how, as the white population had expanded itself, they had retreated into the western wilderness--that if they did not remain, but continued to retreat, in a few years they would have no territory upon this continent. in order, therefore, to their permanent establishment, he recommended to them the practice of agriculture, as a substitute for hunting. he advised them to mark out their lands, and ask advice of the agents established by the society of friends among them, with respect to their cultivation. they stood ready, not only with their advice, but with their assistance; they were furnished for their use with all the necessary implements of husbandry, with beasts of the plough also, and beasts of burden. "they had come a great distance, endured much privation and fatigue in order to see them, and must endure a great deal more before they could again behold their wives and their children. but they could bear it all with patience, nay with joy, if they could only have the satisfaction of seeing them adopt the disinterested advice which he had thus given them." the following is one of the speeches made in reply, by white loon, an influential chief: "brothers:--ever since your great father onas, (william penn,) came upon this great island, the quakers have been the friends of red men. they have proved themselves worthy of being the descendants of their great father. and now, when all the whites have forgotten that they owe any thing to us, the quakers of baltimore, though so far distant from us, have remembered the distressed condition of their red brethren, and interceded with the great spirit in our behalf. "brothers:--you have travelled very far to see us--you have climbed over mountains--you have swam over deep and rapid torrents--you have endured cold, and hunger, and fatigue, in order that you might have an opportunity of seeing your red brethren. for this, so long as life exists within us, we shall be very grateful. "brothers:--that wide region of country over which you have passed, was once filled with red men. then was there a plenty of deer and buffalo, and all kinds of game. but the white people came from beyond the great water; they landed in multitudes on our shores; they cut down our forests; they drove our warriors before them, and frightened the wild herds, so that they sought security in the deep shades of the west. "brothers:--these white men were not your grandfathers; for, as i said before, the sons of onas were always the friends of red men. "brothers:--the whites are still advancing upon us. they have reached our territory, and have built their wigwams within our very hunting grounds. our game is vanishing away. "brothers:--formerly our hunters pursued the wild deer, and the buffalo, and the bear; and when they killed them they ate their flesh for food, and used their skins as covering for themselves, their old men, their women, and their children. but now, they kill them that they may have plenty of skins and furs to sell to the white men. the consequence of this is, the game is destroyed wantonly, and faster than our necessities require. "brothers:--we would not mind all this, provided these skins and furs were exchanged for useful articles--for implements of husbandry, or clothes for our old men, our women, and our children. but they are too often bartered away for whiskey, that vile poison, which has sunk even wapakee into the dust. "brothers:--we shall soon be under the necessity either of leaving our hunting grounds or of converting them into pastures and fields of corn. under the kind assistance of our brothers, the quakers, we have already proceeded a great way. you have witnessed, as you have passed among us, the good effects of the kindness of our brothers. we are disposed to go on as we have begun, until our habits and manners, as well as the face of our country, shall be changed and look like those of the white people. "brothers:--accept from us this belt of wampum and pipe of peace. and may the great sasteretsy, who conducted you here in safety, still go with you and restore you in peace and happiness to the arms of your women and children." after this, with ceremonies such as those already described, but, if possible, accompanied with more solemnity, the chiefs dissolved the council. it is a melancholy reflection, that soon such memorials as these will be the only remains of that noble but unfortunate race who once peopled the continent of north america. _war_ has slain its thousands, but _alcohol_ its tens of thousands; and the fortitude which could bear without shrinking the most cruel inflictions of torture, has proved powerless to resist the seductions of strong drink. it is to be feared a heavy retribution awaits the white man, the pitiless author of their extermination. the biographer of e. tyson has taken great pains to represent him as a friend to the colonization society, but in this respect i am informed, by one who well knew him, he has done him great injustice. it is confessed, indeed, that for a long period e. tyson viewed this scheme with great jealousy. "when we saw," remarks this writer, "domestic tyrants, and men who had actually, in the southern slave-trade, speculated in the flesh and blood of their fellow creatures, united with their betters in a society, the professed object of which was the peopling of a continent with freemen by the depopulation of a continent of slaves, he argued, as he had a right to argue, mischief to the cause." no evidence is adduced to show that this same distrust of the colonization society was ever removed, beyond the fact that, having been the means of liberating eleven native africans from a slave-ship, he cooperated with gen. harper, an influential colonizationist, in restoring them to their native country, which bordered upon the colony of liberia. this was the last public act of his life. "the great concern in which he had spent his life was the constant topic of his conversation; and he continued with his latest breath to enforce the claims of the unhappy sons of slavery upon the humanity of their brethren. it was natural that he should feel a strong anxiety about the fate of those who, through his exertions, had been restored to their friends in africa. he was on the alert to hear intelligence of their fate--his spirit seemed to follow them across the mighty waters. on one occasion he was heard to say, 'if i could only hear of their safe arrival i should die content;' and on another, that he 'had prayed to the father of mercies that he would be pleased to spare his life until he could receive the pleasing intelligence.' his prayer was heard. the news reached his ears amid the last lingerings of life. he shed tears of joy on the occasion; and when he had sufficiently yielded to the first burst of feeling, exclaimed, like one satiated with earthly happiness, 'now i am ready to die; my work is done.' his expressions were prophetic; for in the short space of forty-eight hours, on the th of february, , at the age of years, he breathed his soul into the hands of god almighty." the following are some notices of his personal appearance and mental characteristics: "the person of mr. tyson was about six feet in height, though the habit of leaning forward as he walked, gave a less appearance to his stature. the rest of his frame was suited to his height. "the features of his countenance were strong. his forehead was high; his nose large, and of the roman order; his eyes were dark and piercing; his lips so singularly expressive, that even in their stillest mood they would almost seem to be uttering the purposes of his mind. indeed his whole face was indicative, to a striking degree, of the passions and feelings of his soul. "the mind of mr. tyson was strong, rather than brilliant. with scarcely any imagination, he possessed a judgment almost infallible in its decisions; great powers of reason, which were more conspicuous for the certainty of its conclusions than remarkable for displaying the train of inferences by which it arrived at them. he possessed wonderful acuteness of understanding, quickness of perception, and readiness of reply. "for these qualities he was indebted more to nature than to art. he was not educated for the exalted station of a philanthropist, but for the business of the world; and yet he seemed fitted exactly for the part he acted. he possessed not the refinements of education; he had not learned to soar into the regions of fancy, his destiny was upon the earth; and he knew no flight but that which bears the soul to heaven." appendix e. p. . the "amistad captives." the following statements are drawn from a "history of the amistad captives, &c., by john w. barber, member of the connecticut historical society;" from the authentic reports of the proceedings in the courts of law, and from a letter of my friend, lewis tappan, to the public papers. "during the month of august, , the public attention was somewhat excited by several reports stating that a vessel of suspicious and piratical character had been seen near the coast of the united states, in the vicinity of new york. this vessel was represented as a 'long, low, black schooner,' and manned by blacks. the united states steamer fulton and several revenue cutters were despatched after her, and notice was given to the collectors at various sea ports." this suspicious looking schooner proved to be the "amistad," which was eventually captured off culloden point, by lieut. gedney, of the u.s. brig "washington." at this time, however, the africans, who were in possession of the vessel, were in communication with the shore, and peaceably trafficking with the inhabitants for a supply of water for their intended voyage to their own country. they had spontaneously submitted to the command of one of their number, cinque, a man of extraordinary natural capacity. when they were taken, he was separated from his companions and conveyed on board the brig. "cinque having been put on board of the 'washington,' displayed much uneasiness, and seemed so very anxious to get on board the schooner that his keepers allowed him to return. once more on the deck of the 'amistad,' the blacks clustered around him, laughing, screaming, and making other extravagant demonstrations of joy. when the noise had subsided, he made an address, which raised their excitement to such a pitch, that the officer in command had cinque led away by force. he was returned to the 'washington,' and was manacled to prevent his leaping overboard. on wednesday, he signified by motions that if they would take him on board the schooner again, he would show them a handkerchief full of doubloons. he was accordingly sent on board. his fetters were taken off, and he once more went below, where he was received by the africans in a still more wild and enthusiastic manner than he was the day previous. instead of finding the doubloons, he again made an address to the blacks, by which they were very much excited. dangerous consequences were apprehended. cinque was seized, taken from the hold, and again fettered. while making his speech, his eye was often turned to the sailors in charge: the blacks yelled, leapt about, and seemed to be animated with the same spirit and determination of their leader. cinque, when taken back to the 'washington,' evinced little or no emotion, but kept his eye steadily fixed on the schooner." an event so extraordinary and unprecedented as the capture of the "amistad," excited the most lively interest among all classes. the africans, forty-four in number, were brought to new haven and secured in the county jail. a number of gentlemen formed themselves into a committee to watch over their interests, and immediately there was begun a long and complicated series of judicial proceedings, to determine how they should be disposed of. ruiz and montez, the two white men, late the prisoners, but claiming to be the owners of the africans, caused them to be indicted for piracy and murder. this was almost immediately disposed of, on the ground that the charges, if true, were not cognizable in the american courts, the alleged offences having been perpetrated on board a spanish vessel. the africans therefore were in no immediate danger of capital punishment. ruiz and montez on their part seem to have met with sympathy and kindness, and to testify their gratitude caused the following to be inserted in the new york papers: "a card. "new london, august , . "the subscribers, don jose ruiz, and don pedro montez, in gratitude for their most unhoped for and providential rescue from the hands of a ruthless gang of african bucaneers and an awful death, would take this means of expressing, in some slight degree, their thankfulness and obligation to lieut. com. t.r. gedney, and the officers and crew of the u.s. surveying brig washington, for their decision in seizing the amistad, and their unremitting kindness and hospitality in providing for their comfort on board their vessel, as well as the means they have taken for the protection of their property. "we also must express our indebtedness to that nation whose flag they so worthily bear, with an assurance that this act will be duly appreciated by our most gracious sovereign, her majesty the queen of spain. don jose, ruiz, don pedro montez." ruiz and montez are thus described by a correspondent of the new london gazette, who visited the amistad immediately after its capture: "jose ruiz, is a very gentlemanly and intelligent young man, and speaks english fluently. he was the owner of most of the slaves and cargo, which he was conveying to his estate on the island of cuba. the other, pedro montez, is about fifty years of age, and is the owner of three of the slaves. he was formerly a ship master, and has navigated the vessel since her seizure by the blacks. both of them, as may be naturally supposed, are most unfeignedly thankful for their deliverance. pedro is the most striking instance of complacency and unalloyed delight we have ever witnessed, and it is not strange, since only yesterday his sentence was pronounced by the chief of the bucaneers, and his death song chanted by the grim crew, who gathered with uplifted sabres around his devoted head, which, as well as his arms, bear the scars of several wounds inflicted at the time of the murder of the ill-fated captain and crew. he sat smoking his havana on the deck, and to judge from the martyr-like serenity of his countenance, his emotions are such as rarely stir the heart of man. when mr. porter, the prize master, assured him of his safety, he threw his arms around his neck, while gushing tears coursing down his furrowed cheek, bespoke the overflowing transport of his soul. every now and then he clasped his hands, and with uplifted eyes, gave thanks to 'the holy virgin' who had led him out of his troubles." it will be necessary to contrast the deeds of these "gentlemanly and intelligent" _christians_ with that of the "ruthless gang of african bucaneers," from whose grasp they were so providentially rescued. in giving the subsequent detail, i would not be understood as compromising for a single instant my belief in the inviolability of human life, though it must i think be confessed that in the instance related below, the heathen and barbarous negroes contrast very favorably with the civilized and christian spaniards. "the following communication from mr. day, of new haven, gives a summary account of the african captives, as stated by themselves, from the time they left africa, till the time they obtained possession of the amistad: "new haven, oct. , . [to the editor of the journal of commerce.] "gentlemen--the following short and plain narrative of one or two of the african captives, in whose history and prospects such anxious interest is felt, has been taken at the earliest opportunity possible, consistently with more important examinations. it may be stated in general terms, as the result of the investigations thus far made, that the africans all testify that they left africa about six months since; were landed under cover of the night at a small village or hamlet near havana, and after ten or twelve days were taken through havana by night by the man who had bought them, named pipi, who has since been satisfactorily proved to be ruiz; were cruelly treated on the passage, being beaten and flogged, and in some instances having vinegar and gunpowder rubbed into their wounds; and that they suffered intensely from hunger and thirst. the perfect coincidence in the testimony of the prisoners, examined as they have been separately, is felt by all who are acquainted with the minutes of the examination, to carry with it overwhelming evidence of the truth of their story. yours respectfully, "george e. day." "monday, oct. . "this afternoon, almost the first time in which the two interpreters, covey and pratt, have not been engaged with special reference to the trial to take place in november, one of the captives named grabeau, was requested to give a narrative of himself since leaving africa, for publication in the papers. the interpreters, who are considerably exhausted by the examinations which have already taken place, only gave the substance of what he said, without going into details, and it was not thought advisable to press the matter. grabeau first gave an account of the passage from africa to havana. on board the vessel there was a large number of men, but the women and children were far the most numerous. they were fastened together in couples by the wrists and legs, and kept in that situation day and night. here grabeau and another of the africans named kimbo, lay down upon the floor, to show the painful position in which they were obliged to sleep. by day it was no better. the space between decks was so small,--according to their account not exceeding four feet,--that they were obliged, if they attempted to stand, to keep a crouching posture. the decks fore and aft were crowded to overflowing. they suffered (grabeau said) terribly. they had rice enough to eat, but had very little to drink. if they left any of the rice that was given to them uneaten, either from sickness or any other cause, they were whipped. it was a common thing for them to be forced to eat so much as to vomit. many of the men, women, and children died on the passage. "they were landed by night at a small village near havana. soon several white men came to buy them, and among them was the one claiming to be their master, whom they call pipi, said to be a spanish nick-name for jose. pipi, or ruiz, selected such as he liked, and made them stand in a row. he then felt each of them in every part of the body; made them open their mouths to see if their teeth were sound, and carried the examinations to a degree of minuteness of which only a slave dealer would be guilty. "when they were separated from their companions who had come with them from africa, there was weeping among the women and children, but grabeau did not weep, 'because he is a man.' kimbo, who sat by, said that he also shed no tears--but he thought of his home in africa, and of friends left there whom he should never see again. "the men bought by ruiz were taken on foot through havana in the night, and put on board a vessel. during the night they were kept in irons, placed about the hands, feet and neck. they were treated during the day in a somewhat milder manner, though all the irons were never taken off at once. their allowance of food was very scant, and of water still more so. they were very hungry, and suffered much in the hot days and nights from thirst. in addition to this there was much whipping, and the cook told them that when they reached land they would all be eaten. this 'made their hearts burn.' to avoid being eaten, and to escape the bad treatment they experienced, they rose upon the crew with the design of returning to africa. "such is the substance of grabeau's story, confirmed by kimbo, who was present most of the time. he says he likes the people of this country, because, to use his own expression, 'they are good people--they believe in god, and there is no slavery here.' "the story of grabeau was then read and interpreted to cinque, while a number of the other africans were standing about, and confirmed by all of them in every particular. when the part relating to the crowded state of the vessel from africa to havana was read, cinque added that there was scarcely room enough to sit or lie down. another showed the marks of the irons on his wrists, which must at the time have been terribly lacerated. on their separation at havana, cinque remarked that almost all of them were in tears, and himself among the rest, 'because they had come from the same country, and were now to be parted for ever.' to the question, how it was possible for the africans when chained in the manner he described, to rise upon the crew, he replied that the chain which connected the iron collars about their necks was fastened at the end by a padlock, and that this was first broken, and afterwards the other irons. their object, he said, in the affray, was to make themselves free. he then requested it to be added to the above, that 'if he tells a lie, god sees him by day and by night.'" the interpreters alluded to in the preceding extract were two africans belonging to the crew of the british brig of war buzzard, which providentially arrived at new york, from a cruise on the coast of africa. they were found to speak the same language as the prisoners, and with the consent of captain fitzgerald, their services were immediately secured by the indefatigable committee for the african captives. by their aid much information was elicited respecting the native country and previous history of these negroes, with many incidental particulars of great interest, some of which will appear in the following account. the criminal proceedings against the mendians being quashed, there remained the claim of ruiz and montez to have the negroes returned to them as their property. to sustain this claim they produced the license, signed by the proper authorities at havana, permitting the removal of these negroes from that port to principe, in the same island. this document is signed by general espelata, captain-general of cuba, and countersigned by martinez, one of the most extensive slave-traders in the known world. this pass or license described the negroes as _ladinos_, a term used to designate africans who have been long settled in cuba. it was proved, however, that they were _bozal_ negroes, that is, such as had been very lately introduced, and the testimony on both sides, on this point, established a fact that is but too notorious, that the slave trade to cuba is openly carried on with the connivance, and even with the corrupt participation of the authorities. one of the witnesses, d. francis bacon, gives the following account of the slave trade:-- "mr. bacon stated that he left the coast of africa on the th of july, . he knew a place called dumbokoro [lomboko] by the spaniards: it was an island in the river or lagoon of gallinas. there is a large slave factory or depot at this place, which is said to belong to the house of martinez in havana; there are also different establishments on different islands. mr. bacon stated that he had seen american, russian, spanish, and portuguese vessels at gallinas. the american flag was a complete shelter; no man-of-war daring to capture an american vessel. the slave trade on that part of the coast is the universal business of the country, and by far the most profitable, and all engaged in it who could raise the means. extensive wars take place in africa, for obtaining slaves from the vanquished. different towns and villages make war upon each other for this purpose. some are sold on account of their crimes, others for debts. the slaves are all brought on to the coast by other blacks, and sold at the slave factories, as no white man dare penetrate into the interior. some of the blacks who have been educated at sierra leone, have been principal dealers in the slave trade." the decision of the district court of connecticut on this question of property, was to the effect that since their original introduction into cuba was plainly illegal, they were free by the law of spain, and of course could not be the property of spanish subjects. the subsequent proceedings were undertaken on behalf of the united states' government. "the district attorney, mr. holabird, filed his claim under lieut. gedney's libel, on two distinct grounds; one that these africans had been claimed by the government of spain, and ought to be retained till the pleasure of the executive might be known, as to that demand; and the other, that they should be held subject to the disposition of the president, to be re-transported to africa, under the act of ." the court finally decreed that the africans should be delivered to the president of the united states, to be transported to africa, there to be delivered to an agent appointed to receive and conduct them home. against this decision, though it is what he had asked for, holabird appealed on behalf of the united states' government, and through a protracted series of law proceedings, it was finally carried before the supreme court of the united states, the highest tribunal in the nation. the counsel employed on both sides, in the different stages, were of the highest reputation; and finally the venerable john quincy adams, after an absence from the courts of nearly forty years, during which interval he had filled the highest offices of state, at home and abroad, in the service of his country, did not think it beneath him to defend the mendians before the supreme court, against the _conspiracies_ of forsyth, the secretary of state, and the spanish ambassador. in his first communication to the latter, forsyth says: "all the proceedings in the matter, on the part of both the executive and judicial branches of the government, have had their foundation in the assumption that montez and ruiz alone were the parties aggrieved; and that their claim to the surrender of the property was founded in fact and in justice." the spanish minister and his successor, complained bitterly, in the course of a long correspondence, of the delay in giving up the africans, on the ground, as emphatically stated in one of their letters to the department of state, that "the public vengeance had not been satisfied; for be it recollected that the legation of spain does not demand the delivery of slaves, but of assassins." in a previous communication it was intimated that "the infliction of capital punishment in this case (in the united states,) would not be attended with the salutary effects had in view by the law, when it resorts to this painful and terrible alternative, namely, to prevent the commission of similar offences." notwithstanding these dreadful intimations of the fate awaiting the africans in cuba, the american government deliberately adopted the design of delivering them up, either as _property_ or as assassins. that government found willing agents in the united states' marshal, and the district attorney of connecticut. the following extracts from the argument of john quincy adams, will explain these disgraceful transactions: "on the th of january, the secretary of state writes to the secretary of the navy, acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the d, informing him that the schooner grampus would receive the negroes of the amistad, 'for the purpose of conveying them to cuba, in the event of their delivery being adjudged by the circuit court, before whom the case is pending.' this singular blunder, in naming the court, shows in what manner and with how little care the department of state allowed itself to conduct an affair, involving no less than the liberties and lives of every one of my clients. this letter enclosed the order of the president to the marshal of connecticut for the delivery of the negroes to lieut. paine. although disposing of the lives of forty human beings, it has not the form or solemnity of a warrant, and is not even signed by the president in his official capacity. it is a mere order. "'the marshal of the united states for the district of connecticut will deliver over to lieut. john s. paine, of the united states navy, and aid in conveying on board the schooner grampus, under his command, all the negroes, late of the spanish schooner amistad, in his custody, under process now pending before the circuit court of the united states for the district of connecticut. for so doing, this order will be his warrant. "'given under my hand, at the city of washington, this th day of january, a.d. . "'m. van buren. "'by the president: "'john forsyth, sec. of state.' "that order is good for nothing at all. it did not even describe the court correctly, under whose protection those unfortunate people were. and on the th of january, the district attorney had to send a special messenger, who came, it appears, all the way to washington in one day, to inform the secretary that the negroes were not holden under the order of the circuit court, but of the district court. and he says, 'should the pretended friends of the negroes'--the pretended friends!--'obtain a writ of habeas corpus, the marshal could not justify under that warrant.' and he says, 'the marshal wishes me to inquire'--a most amiable and benevolent inquiry--'whether in the event of a decree requiring him to release the negroes, or in case of an appeal by the adverse party, it is expected the executive warrant will be executed'--that is, whether he is to carry the negroes on board of the grampus in the face of a decree of the court. and he requests instructions on the point." on the th of january, the very next day after the letter of the district attorney was written at new haven, the secretary of state replies in a despatch which is marked 'confidential.' "'[confidential.] "'department of state, jan. , . "'sir,--your letter of the th inst. has just been received. the order for the delivery of the negroes of the amistad is herewith returned, corrected agreeably to your suggestion. with reference to the inquiry from the marshal, to which you allude, i have to state, by direction of the president, that if the decision of the court is such as is anticipated, the order of the president is to be carried into execution, unless an appeal shall actually have been interposed. you are not to take it for granted that it will be interposed. and if, on the contrary, the decision of the court is different, you are to take out an appeal, and allow things to remain as they are until the appeal shall have been decided. i am, sir, your obedient servant "'john forsyth. "'w.s. holabird, esq., "'_attorney u.s. for district of conn._' "but after all the order did not avail. the district judge, contrary to all these anticipations of the executive, decided that the thirty-six negroes taken by lieut. gedney and brought before the court on the certificate of the governor-general of cuba, were freemen; that they had been kidnapped in africa; that they did not own these spanish names; that they were not _ladinos_; and were not correctly described in the passport, but were new negroes bought by ruiz in the depot of havana, and fully entitled to their liberty." at a public meeting held subsequent to their liberation, the teacher of the africans made a statement as follows:--their ruling passion was a love for home; and their desire to return thither was constantly manifesting itself. one day, a short time ago, fohlee came to his teacher, with his cap in his hand, and said, "if merican men offer me as much gold as fill this cap full up, and give me houses, land and every ting, so dat i stay in dis country, i say no! is dat like my father? is dat like my mother? is dat like my sister? is dat like my brother? no! i want to see my father, my mother, my brother and sister." this feeling manifested itself in many ways; and they expressed themselves willing to undergo any thing short of losing their lives, if by so doing they could be at liberty to return to the mendi country. i now introduce the lively narrative of my friend lewis tappan: "excursion with the amistad africans. "_on board steam boat, l.i. sound, nov_. , . "brother leavitt:--as the committee had chartered a ship to take the mendians to sierra leone about the middle of this month, and as the funds contributed by a benevolent public were about all expended, it appeared necessary, in addition to an appeal published in the newspapers, to take some prompt and efficient measures to procure funds sufficient to pay for their outfit and passages, and, if possible, something to sustain the contemplated mission in mendi. one of the committee being sick and another absent, it devolved upon me to perform the excursion. i was assisted essentially by mr. samuel deming, one of the committee at farmington, and by mr. william raymond and mr. needham. on arriving at hartford, the third instant, i learned that mr. deming had proceeded to boston, accompanied by ten of the mendians, viz., cinque, banna, si-si, su-ma, fu-li, ya-bo-i, so-ko-ma, kin-na, ka-li and mar-gru. these were selected not on account of being the best scholars, but with reference to their being the best singers, although some of them are among the best scholars. none of them, however, have had instruction in music. arriving in boston, the city was, as i anticipated, full of excitement, on account of the approaching election,--a circumstance unknown to the committee at farmington, who had sent off the mendians sooner than we had calculated,--and it seemed almost impossible to procure a suitable place in which to hold meetings, or to arrest the attention of the people, as the whole--democrats, whigs and abolitionists--had every nerve strained for the political contest. however, preparation had been made for a meeting at the melodeon, late lion theatre, on thursday evening. a few hundreds assembled, and appeared to be highly gratified with the performances. it seemed to them marvellous that these men and children, who, less than three years since, were almost naked savages in the interior of africa, should, under the untoward circumstances in which they have been placed for the largest part of the time since they have been in a civilized and christian country, appear so far advanced in civilization and knowledge. only forty-six dollars were received, the proceeds of tickets and a collection, but a strong desire was expressed that there should be another meeting. "saturday evening was the only evening we could have marlboro' chapel, the largest church in the city. preliminary to this meeting, a private meeting of invited gentlemen was held during the afternoon, at the marlboro' hotel, the mendians being present. the meeting was well attended and a good impression was made. in the evening there was a large meeting in the chapel; rev. dr. anderson opened it with prayer, concluding with the lord's prayer, each sentence being repeated in our language by the mendians. a statement was then made of their past and present condition, of their good conduct, their proficiency, of their ardent desire to return to mendi, and the favorable prospects of establishing a mission in their country. three or four of the best readers were then called upon to read a passage in the new testament. they then read and spelled a passage named by the audience. one of the africans next related, in 'merica language,' their condition in their own country, their being kidnapped, the sufferings of the middle passage, their stay at havana, the transactions on board the amistad, &c. the story was intelligible to the audience, with occasional explanations. they were next requested to sing two or three of their native songs. the performance afforded great delight to the audience. as a pleasing contrast, however, they sang immediately after, one of the songs of zion: "'when i can read my title clear to mansions in. the skies, i'll bid farewell to every fear, and wipe my weeping eyes.' "this produced a deep impression upon the audience; and while these late pagans were singing so correctly and impressively a hymn in a christian church, many 'weeping eyes,' bore testimony that the act and its associations touched a chord that vibrated in many hearts. cinque was then introduced to the audience, and addressed them in his native tongue. it is impossible to describe the novel and deeply interesting manner in which he acquitted himself. the subject of his speech was similar to that of his countryman who had addressed the audience in english, but he related more minutely and graphically the occurrences on board the amistad. the easy manner of cinque, his natural, graceful and energetic action, the rapidity of his utterance, and the remarkable and various expressions of his countenance, excited the admiration and applause of the audience. he was pronounced a powerful natural orator, and one born to sway the minds of his fellow men. should he be converted and become a preacher of the cross in africa, what delightful results may be anticipated! "the amount of the statements made by kin-na, fu-li and cinque, and the facts in the case, are as follows:--these mendians belong to six different tribes, although their dialects are not so dissimilar as to prevent them from conversing together very readily. most of them belong to a country which they call mendi, but which is known to geographers and travellers as kos-sa, and lies south-east of sierra leone; as we suppose, from sixty to one hundred and twenty miles. with one or two exceptions, these mendians are not related to each other; nor did they know each other until they met at the slave factory of pedro blanco, the wholesale trafficker in men, at lomboko, on the coast of africa. they were stolen separately, many of them by black men, some of whom were accompanied by spaniards, as they were going from one village to another, or were at a distance from their abodes. the whole came to havana in the same ship, a portuguese vessel named tecora, except the four children, whom they saw, for the first time, on board the amistad. it seems that they remained at lomboko several weeks, until six or seven hundred were collected, when they were put in irons and placed in the hold of a ship, which soon put to sea. being chased by a british cruiser, she returned, landed the cargo of human beings, and the vessel was seized and taken to sierra leone for adjudication. after some time, the africans were put on board the tecora. after suffering the horrors of the middle passage, they arrived at havana. here they were put into a barracoon, one of the oblong enclosures, without a roof, where human beings are kept, as they keep sheep and oxen near the cattle markets, in the vicinity of our large cities, until purchasers are found, for ten days, when they were sold to jose ruiz, and shipped on board the amistad, together with the three girls and a little boy who came on board with pedro montez. the amistad was a coaster, bound to principe, in cuba, distant some two or three hundred miles. the africans were kept in chains and fetters, and were supplied with but a small quantity of food or water. a single banana, they say, was served out as food for a day or two, and only a small cup of water for each daily. when any of them took a little water from the cask, they were severely flogged. the spaniards took antonio, the cabin-boy and slave to captain ferrer, and stamped him on the shoulder with a hot iron; then put powder, palm oil, &c. upon the wound, so that they 'could know him for their slave.' the cook, a colored spaniard, told them that on their arrival at principe, in three days, they would have their throats cut, be chopped in pieces, and salted down for meat for the spaniards. he pointed to some barrels of beef on the deck, then to an empty barrel, and by significant gestures,--as the mendians say, by 'talking with his fingers,'--he made them understand that they were to be slain, &c. at four o'clock that day, when they were called on deck to eat, cinque found a nail, which he secreted under his arm. in the night they held a counsel as to what was best to be done. 'we feel bad,' said kin-na, 'and we ask cinque what we had best do. cinque say, "me think, and by and by i tell you."' he then said, 'if we do nothing, we be killed. we may as well die in trying to be free as to be killed and eaten.' cinque afterwards told them what he would do. with the aid of the nail and the assistance of grabeau, he freed himself from the irons on his wrists and ancles, and from the chain on his neck. he then, with his own hands, wrested the irons from the limbs and necks of his countrymen. it is not in my power to give an adequate description of cinque when he showed how he did this and led his comrades to the conflict and achieved their freedom. in my younger years i saw kemble and siddons, and the representation of othello, at covent garden, but no acting that i ever witnessed came near that to which i allude. when delivered from their irons, the mendians, with the exception of the children, who were asleep, about four or five o'clock in the morning, armed with cane-knives, some boxes of which they found in the hold, leaped upon the deck. cinque killed the cook. the captain fought desperately. he inflicted wounds on two of the africans, who soon after died, and cut severely one or two of those who now survive. two sailors leaped over the side of the vessel. the mendians say 'they could not catch land--they must have swum to the bottom of the sea,' but ruiz and montez supposed they reached the island in a boat. cinque now took command of the vessel; placed si-si at the helm; gave his people plenty to eat and drink. ruiz and montez had fled to the hold. they were dragged out, and cinque ordered them to be put in irons. they cried and begged not to be put in chains, but cinque replied, 'you say fetters good for negro--if good for negro good for spanish man too: you try them two days, and see how you feel.' the spaniards asked for water, and it was dealt out to them in the same little cup with which they had dealt it out to the africans. they complained bitterly of being thirsty. cinque said, 'you say little water enough for nigger. if little water do for him, a little do for you too.' cinque said the spaniards cried a great deal; he felt very sorry; only meant to let them see how good it was to be treated like the poor slaves. in two days the irons were removed; and then, said cinque, we give them plenty water and food, and treat them very well. kin-na stated that as the water fell short, cinque would not drink any, nor allow any of the rest to drink any thing but salt water, but dealt out daily a little to each of the four children, and the same quantity to each of the two spaniards! in a day or two ruiz and montez wrote a letter, and told cinque that when they spoke a vessel, if he would give it to them, the people would take them to sierra leone. cinque took the letter and said, 'very well;' but afterwards told his brethren, 'we have no letter in mendi. i don't know what is in that letter--there may be death in it. so we will take some iron and a string, bind them about the letter, and send it to the bottom of the sea.' "when any vessel came in sight, the spaniards were shut down in the hold, and forbidden to come on deck on pain of death. one of the africans, who could talk a little english, answered questions when they were hailed from other vessels. "it is unnecessary to narrate here subsequent facts, as they have been published throughout the country. after cinque's address a collection was taken, and the services were concluded by the mendians singing bishop heber's missionary hymn: "'from greenland's icy mountains.' "at the conclusion of the meeting some linen and cotton table cloths and napkins, manufactured by the africans, were exhibited, and eagerly purchased of them by persons present, at liberal prices. they are in the habit of purchasing linen and cotton at the shops, unravelling the edges about six to ten inches, and making, with their fingers, neat fringes, in imitation, they say, of 'mendi fashion.' large numbers of the audience advanced, and took cinque and the rest by the hand. the transactions of this meeting have thus been stated at length, and the account will serve to show how the subsequent meetings were conducted, as the services in other places were similar. "these africans, while in prison, (which was the largest part of the time they have been in this country) learned but little comparatively, but since they have been liberated, they have been anxious to learn, as they said 'it would be good for us in our own country.' many of them write well, read, spell and sing well, and have attended to arithmetic. the younger ones have made great progress in study. most of them have much fondness for arithmetic. they have also cultivated as a garden fifteen acres of land, and have raised a large quantity of corn, potatoes, onions, beets, et cet., which will be useful to them at sea. in some places we visited, the audience were astonished at the performance of kali, who is only eleven years of age. he would not only spell any word in either of the gospels, but spell sentences, without any mistake, such sentences as 'blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth,' naming each letter and syllable, and recapitulating as he went along, until he pronounced the whole sentence. two hundred and seven dollars were received at this meeting. "'on sabbath evening a meeting was attended in rev. mr. beman's church, (colored.) it was impossible for all to gain admittance--collected sixteen dollars and fifty-one cents. the same evening a meeting was held at elder n. colver's. a very warm interest was manifested by this congregation, and the sum of ninety dollars was contributed. the next morning a respectable mechanic, a member of this church, offered to go to mendi with his wife and child, to take up their permanent abode there. on monday we proceeded to haverhill. it was a rainy day, and town meeting was held at the same hour. the audience was small, but a deep interest was felt, and fifty-six dollars contributed. rev. charles fitch opened the meeting with prayer. the mendians and their friends will long remember the hospitality and generosity of their friends in this place. after a stay of two hours, we proceeded to lowell. the heavy rain prevented a general attendance. only thirty-one dollars was collected, beside some private donations. mr. john levi, a colored citizen, rendered important services to us, and several of the clergymen and other inhabitants rendered efficient aid. on tuesday we went to nashua, n.h., and remained two hours. owing to some untoward circumstances, the inhabitants generally had not been notified of the meeting. a small number only attended. the collection was twenty-seven dollars. in the evening at lowell, the large methodist church, st. paul's, was crowded, one thousand five hundred people being present, it was said, and many hundreds unable to get admission. the meeting was opened with an appropriate prayer by rev. luther lee. in order to give an opportunity to the audience to see and hear cinque, he was invited into the pulpit, where he made an energetic address. one hundred and six dollars were collected. at the close of the services, nearly the whole congregation came forward and took the mendians by the hand, with kind words and many presents. the ministers of all denominations attended the meeting, with many of the most respectable citizens. during the day the africans were invited to visit the 'boott corporation,' and were conducted over the whole establishment (cotton mills,) by the agent, mr. french. as might be supposed, they were astonished beyond measure. after inspecting the machinery, the fabrics, and the great wheel, one of them turned to me and said, 'did man make this?' on receiving a reply, he said, 'he no live now--he live a great while ago.' afterwards they visited the carpet factory, and expressed great delight at the beauty and excellence of the carpets and rugs. cinque wished to purchase a miniature hearth rug, but the agent allowed him to select one of the large and beautiful rugs to take to mendi, which he generously presented to him. the workmen here--chiefly englishmen--made a collection of fifty-eight dollars and fifty cents on the spot, and presented it to the mendi fund. "in pursuance of previous arrangements, we turned aside, wednesday, november , to attend a meeting in the large south church in andover, at o'clock, a.m. the house was crowded in every part. dr. edwards led in prayer, and dr. woods interrogated some of the mendians. after a stay of two hours we returned to the cars, followed by a large multitude. collected eighty-four dollars. it was remarked at the meeting here, as in other places, that the contemplated mission to mendi was to be an anti-slavery mission; that no money would be solicited or received of slave holders; that the committee were not connected with any other missionary associations, and would not assume a hostile attitude towards any. a young gentleman here offered to go to mendi as a teacher. "in the afternoon a meeting was held in boston, at the marlboro' chapel. the scholars in the sabbath and week-day schools had been notified of it and attended in large numbers, together with several respectable inhabitants of boston and the neighboring towns. the meeting was opened with prayer by rev. w.b. tappan. the collection was one hundred and ten dollars. in the evening a meeting was held at the melodeon, and was attended by a large number of persons. collection one hundred and thirty-three dollars. the next day, thursday the th, we left for springfield. the meeting was held in the evening, at the town hall, as some of the parish committee objected to its being held in the church, fearing it would desecrate the place. the hall was crowded, and many could not gain admittance. dr. osgood opened the meeting with prayer, took several of the mendians to his own house, and manifested a deep interest on their behalf, as did many of the other inhabitants. the mendians were all hospitably entertained in this place without expense. some 'fellows of the baser sort' insulted kin-na and others as they went to the hall; and in the introduction of his speech, kin-na spoke of the treatment he had received. but there are many warm-hearted and generous friends of the colored race in this town. 'we said nothing to them,' said kin-na; 'why did they treat us so? what can we do? we are few and feeble. what can the dog do when the lion attacks him; or what can be done when the cat and the mouse come together!' collection seventy-three dollars. the mendians were invited by mr. burleigh to see a large picture exhibiting here--'the descent of christ from the cross,' copied from rubens--and were highly gratified. "here we received a cordial invitation from two of the ministers of northampton and several of their people to visit that place, with the assurance that the first church, the largest in the county, should be opened for the mendians. on the th we rode to n. in the rain. mount tom and the connecticut river were pointed out to cinque, who said, 'in my country we have very great mountain--much bigger than that--and river about so wide, but very deep.' the weather cleared away towards night, and the church was nearly filled. rev. mr. pennington, colored minister of hartford, opened the meeting with prayer. collection seventy-five dollars, in addition to seventeen dollars from the female abolition society; fifty-three dollars collected before we arrived, and eighty-five contributed by 'a friend,' a short time since. the reception here was warm-hearted. mr. warner, keeper of the principal hotel in that place, furnished the mendians with one of his best rooms, seated them at the table with his family and boarders, and, on being asked for his bill the next day, he replied, 'there is nothing to pay!' the agents of the nashua and andover rail roads also declined taking pay for the passages of the mendians. on saturday, we rose at o'clock, p.m., and returned to springfield. here we took the steam boat for hartford. on arriving, application was made to mr. colton, keeper of the temperance hotel, to accommodate the mendians. he demurred. mr. warner's noble treatment of them was mentioned. mr. c. said he could not place them at his table. he was told that this was not insisted upon; that if he would furnish me a room they could eat there, and sleep wherever it was convenient to mr. c. but he absolutely refused to entertain them any how. as this house has been patronized by abolitionists, they ought to know this fact. after remaining in the cold on the wharf about an hour, the mendians were received and hospitably entertained by several families without charge. "on the sabbath, november , they attended public worship in rev. mr. pennington's church. in the afternoon the church was filled. an address was made by the writer, and the mendians read in the testament and sang a hymn. collection eight dollars. in the evening a meeting was held in the centre church, rev. dr. hawes's. notices were read in the other churches, and handbills had been posted the previous day. the church, in every part, was crowded, and large numbers were unable to obtain admittance. dr. hawes opened the meeting with prayer. the services were of an interesting character. collection eighty dollars. dr. hawes interrogated kin-na. he said, 'the mendi people believe in a great spirit, although they do not worship him. they know they have souls. we think,' said kin-na, 'we make clothes. dog can't do this. he no soul, but we have.' he said on another occasion, when asked if his people believed in a future state, 'the mendi people all sadducees.' kin-na said that they 'owe every thing to god. he keep them alive, and give them free. when he go home to mendi, they tell their brethren about god, jesus christ, and heaven.' fu-li, on a former evening, being asked, 'what is faith?' replied, 'believing in jesus christ, and trusting in him.' their answers to questions show that they have read and that they understand the scriptures, and hopes are entertained that one or two at least know experimentally the value of religion. the fact that there is no system of idolatry in mendi for missionaries to oppose and the natives technically to adhere to, is an encouraging fact with regard to the contemplated mission. another pleasing and remarkable fact exists: labor is suspended every seventh day, and has been from time immemorial. they do not engage in any religious services, but dress in their best apparel, feast on that day,--as some do here,--visit, &c. this day, th, rev. mr. gallaudet and mr. brigham have invited the mendians to visit the deaf and dumb asylum and the insane institution. on a person's giving, by signs, the deaf and dumb alphabet to mar-gru, one of the girls, she, in a few minutes, repeated nearly the whole. they told mr. brigham that there were insane people and idiots in mendi, and described their actions and the treatment of them. two of the mendians will be detained as witnesses in hartford this day, in a cause appealed from a lower court. some of the mendians were grossly assaulted at farmington some time since, on a training day; and those who committed the assault and battery were convicted and fined. an appeal was taken. when thus assailed, the mendians, as usual, exhibited their peaceful disposition, and said, 'we no fight.' on wednesday there is to be a large fare meeting at farmington--on which occasion dr. hawes is to preach. in a few days the mendians will embark from new york. may the lord preserve them, and carry them safely to their native land, to their kindred and homes. su-ma, the eldest, has a wife and five children. cinque has a wife and three children. they all have parents or wives, or brothers and sisters. what a meeting it will be with these relations and friends, when they are descried on the hills of mendi! we were invited to visit other places, but time did not allow of longer absence. i must not forget to mention that the whole band of these mendi are teetotallers. at a tavern where we stopped, ban-na took me aside, and with a sorrowful countenance, said, 'this bad house--bar house--no good.' but the steam boat is at the wharf, and i must close. the collections in money, on this excursion of twelve days, is about one thousand dollars, after deducting travelling expenses. more money is needed to defray the expenses of the mendians to their native land, and to sustain their religious teachers. very truly yours, "lewis tappan." but to conclude the narrative of these interesting africans. after all the trickery on the part of the u.s. government, it was finally decreed by the supreme court, that the mendians were free persons, and might go whither they pleased. they were unanimous for returning to their native country. the mendian negroes, thirty-five in number, embarked from new york for sierra leone, on the th of the th month, (november,) , on board the barque gentleman, captain morris, accompanied by five missionaries and teachers. the british government has manifested a praiseworthy interest in their welfare, and will assist them to reach their own country from sierra leone. their stay in the united states has been of immense service to the anti-slavery cause, and there is reason to hope that under their auspices, christianity and civilization may be introduced into their native country. appendix f. p. . extract from an essay by william jay, "_on the folly and evils of war, and the means of preserving peace._" "but, after all that can be said against war, and after the fullest admission of its folly, cruelty, and wickedness, still the question recurs, how can it be prevented? it would be an impeachment of the divine economy to suppose that an evil so dreadful was inseparably and inevitably connected with human society. we are informed, by divine authority, that wars proceed from our lusts; but our lusts, although natural to us, are not invincible. he who admits the free agency of man, will not readily allow that either individuals or nations are compelled to do evil. the universal prevalence of christian principles must, of necessity, exterminate wars; and hence we are informed, by revelation, that when righteousness shall cover the earth, 'the nations shall learn war no more.' "and are we to wait, it will be inquired, till this distant and uncertain period for the extinction of war? we answer, that revelation affords us no ground to expect that all mankind will previously be governed by the precepts of justice and humanity; but that experience, reason, and revelation, all unite in leading us to believe that the regeneration of the world will be a gradual and progressive work. civilization and christianity are diffusing their influence throughout the globe, mitigating the sufferings and multiplying the enjoyments of the human family. free institutions are taking the place of feudal oppressions--education is pouring its light on minds hitherto enveloped in all the darkness of ignorance--the whole system of slavery, both personal and political, is undermined by public opinion, and must soon be prostrated; and the signs of the times assure us that the enormous mass of crime and wretchedness, which is the fruit of drunkenness, will, at no very remote period, disappear from the earth. "and can it be possible, that, of all the evils under which humanity groans, war is the only one which religion and civilization, and the active philanthropy of the present day, can neither remove nor mitigate? such an opinion, if general, would be most disastrous to the world, and it will now be our endeavor to prove that it is utterly groundless. * * * * "we have often seen extensive national alliances for the prosecution of war, and no sufficient reason can be assigned why such alliances might not be formed for the preservation of peace. it is obvious that war might instantly be banished from europe, would its nations regard themselves as members of one great society, and erect a court for the trial and decision of their respective differences. "but we are told that such an agreement among the nations is impossible. it is unquestionably so at present, for the obvious reason, that time is necessary to enlighten and direct public opinion, and produce a general acquiescence in the plan, as well as to arrange the various stipulations and guaranties that would be requisite. it is certainly not surprising, that those who suppose a congress of nations for the maintenance of peace, can only be brought about by a simultaneous movement of the various states and kingdoms of the earth, who are to continue to battle with each other till the signal is given for universal peace and harmony, should be startled at the boldness and absurdity of the project. but this boldness and absurdity belong not to the project we advocate. we have no expectation whatever of any general, much less simultaneous effort of mankind in behalf of peace. a congress for the decision of national differences, instead of arising in the midst of the present military policy of europe, must be preceded by an extensive, although partial abandonment of war, and will be the _effect_ and not the cause of the general diffusion of pacific sentiments. "hence it is in vain to look for a sudden and universal cessation of war, even among civilized and christian nations. but reason and experience warrant the hope that some one state may be led to adopt a pacific policy, and thus set an example which through the blessing of providence, and the prevalence of christian principles, may usher in the reign of universal peace. "but by whom, and in what way it will be asked, is this example to be set? it may be a feeling of national vanity, and it may be a reference to the peculiarities of our local, social, and political condition, that inspires the hope, that to the united states is to be reserved the glory of teaching to mankind the blessings of peace, and the means of preserving them. * * "but in _what way_ are we to make the experiment? certainly in the way least likely to excite alarm and opposition. in every effort to promote the temporal or spiritual welfare of others, we should consider things as they really are, and not merely as they ought to be, and we should consult expediency as far as we can do so, without compromising principle. * * * "of all the nations with whom we have relations, none probably enjoy in an equal degree our good will, as france. no spirit of rivalry in commerce or manufactures exists between us, no adjacent territory furnishes occasion for border aggressions and mutual criminations, while our past relations afford subjects of pleasing and grateful recollection, and at present we see no prospect of the interruption of that harmony which has so long subsisted between the two nations. "let us suppose that under these propitious circumstances, a convention should now be concluded between the two governments, by which it should be agreed, that if unhappily any difference should hereafter arise between us, that could not be adjusted by negociation, neither party should resort to arms, but that they should agree on some friendly power, to whom the matter in difference should be referred, and whose decision should be final; or that if it should so happen that the parties could not concur in selecting an umpire, that then each party should select a friendly power, and that the sovereigns or states thus selected, should, if necessary, call to their aid the assistance of a third. "to what well founded objections would such a treaty be subject? it is true that treaties of this kind have been of rare occurrence, but all experience is in their favor. vattel remarks (law of nations, book ii., chap. ,) 'arbitration is a method very reasonable, very conformable to the law of nature, in determining differences that do not directly interest the safety of the nation. though the strict right may be mistaken by the arbitrator, _it is still more to be feared that it will be overwhelmed by the fate of arms_. the swiss have had the precaution in all their alliances among themselves, and even in those they have contracted with the neighboring powers, to agree beforehand on the manner in which their disputes were to be submitted to arbitrators, in case they could not adjust them in an amicable manner. _this wise precaution has not a little contributed to maintain the helvetic republic in that flourishing state which secures its liberty, and renders it respectable throughout europe_.' "but it may be said, a nation ought not to permit others to decide on her rights and claims. why not? will the decision be less consistent with justice, from being impartial and disinterested? it is a maxim confirmed by universal experience, that no man should be judge in his own cause; and are nations less under the influence of interest and of passion than individuals? are they not, in fact, still less under the control of moral obligation? treaties have often been violated by statesmen and senators, who would have shrunk from being equally faithless in their private contracts. is it to be supposed that the government of a friendly power, in a controversy between us and france, in which it had no interest, and with the observation of the civilized world directed to its decision, would be less likely to pronounce a fair and impartial judgment than either france or ourselves? "but we can decide our own controversies for ourselves, it is said; that is, we can go to war and take our chance for the result. alas, 'it is an error,' says vattel, 'no less absurd than pernicious, to say that war is to _decide_ controversies between those who, as in the case of nations, acknowledge no judge. it is _power_ or _prudence_ rather than right that victory usually declares for.'--book iii. chap. . "the united states chose to decide for themselves the controversy about impressment, by appealing to the sword. in this appeal they of course placed no reliance on the propriety and justice of their claims, since such considerations could have no influence on the fate of battle; but they depended solely on their capacity to inflict more injury than they would receive themselves, and this difference in the amount of injury was to turn the scale in our favor. our expectations, however, were disappointed. our commerce was annihilated, our frontier towns were laid in ashes, our capital taken, our attempts upon canada were repulsed, with loss and disgrace; our people became burthened with taxes, and we were at last glad to accept a treaty of peace which, instead of containing, as we had fondly hoped, a formal surrender on the part of great britain of the right of impressment, made not the slightest allusion to the subject. "let us now suppose that a treaty similar to the one we have proposed with france had, in , existed between great britain and the united states; the question of impressment would then have been submitted to one or more friendly powers. "it is scarcely possible that the umpires could have given any decision of this question that would have been as injurious to either party as was the prosecution of the war. had the claims of great britain been sanctioned, some american seamen would, no doubt, have been occasionally compelled to serve in the british navy; but how very small would have been their number compared with the thousands who perished in the war; and how utterly insignificant would have been their sufferings resulting from serving on board a british instead of an american vessel, when weighed against the burdens, the slaughters, the conflagrations, inflicted on their country in the contest? if, on the other hand, the decision had been in our favor, great britain would have lost a few seamen from her navy, but she would have saved the lives of a far greater number, and she would have been spared an amount of treasure which would have commanded the services of ten times as many sailors as she could ever hope to recover by impressment. "it is not, however, probable, that the umpires, anxious to do right, and having no motive to do wrong, would have sanctioned, without qualification, the claims of either party. "we can scarcely anticipate any future national difference which it would not be more prudent and expedient to submit to arbitration than to the chance of war. however just may be our cause, however united our people, we cannot foresee the issue of the contest, nor tell what new enemies we may be called to encounter, what sacrifices to bear, what concessions to make. "we have already partially commenced the experiment of arbitrament, by referring no less than three of our disputes to the determination of as many friendly powers. a difference as to the meaning of an article, in our last treaty of peace with great britain, was referred to the emperor of russia, who decided it in our favor. the question of our northern boundary was referred to the king of the netherlands; and although the line he assigned was not the one claimed by either party, it was vastly less injurious to each, than would have been one month's hostility on account of it. our disputes with mexico were verging rapidly to open war, when they were happily submitted to the king of prussia, and are now in the course of satisfactory adjustment. "a treaty with france of the character proposed, would greatly increase our importance in the estimation of all europe--as it would permanently secure us from her hostility. it would be seen and felt, that whatever other nation might enter into collision with us, it could not expect the aid of france, but that under all circumstances we should enjoy the friendship and commerce of our ancient ally. these considerations would not be without their influence on england. she has colonies near us which we may capture, or essentially injure, and which cannot be defended by her, but at very inconvenient expense. a war with us must ever be undesired by her, for the obvious reason that in such a contest she has little to gain and much to lose. our treaty also with france would deprive england of the aid of the only nation that could afford her effectual assistance in a war against us. she would therefore, find it her interest to avail herself of a similar treaty, and thus to secure herself from hostilities which on many accounts she must wish to avoid. once assured by such treaties of permanent peace with france and england, we should find our alliance courted by the other powers of europe, who would not readily consent that those two nations should have exclusively the uninterrupted enjoyment of our great and growing commerce. they would think it a matter of prudence also, to avoid the risk of collision with a powerful republic, that had already secured the permanent friendship of france and england; and they would hasten to contract similar treaties. under such circumstances, every consideration of policy would prompt our south american neighbors to desire that their amicable relations with us might remain uninterrupted; and to them we might offer the same stipulations with full confidence of their cordial acceptance. "and will it be said that all this is visionary and impossible? the plan we propose rests on no supposed reformation in the passions and propensities of mankind; but upon obvious principles of national interest, deduced from reason and experience, and susceptible of the plainest demonstration. it is a plan adapted to the existing state of civilized society, and accommodated to the passions and prejudices by which that society is influenced. it is indeed perfectly consistent with the precepts of christianity, but it is also in accordance with the selfish dictates of worldly policy. "to this plan we can imagine only one plausible objection, which is, that the treaties would not be observed. it is readily admitted that if the only guaranty for the faithful observance of these treaties consisted in the virtue and integrity of those who signed them, the confidence to be reposed in them would be faint indeed. happily, however, we have a far stronger guaranty in national interest and in public opinion. * * * "dismissing then all idle fears that these treaties, honestly contracted and obviously conducive to the highest interests of the parties, would not be observed, let us contemplate the rich and splendid blessings they would confer on our country. protected from hostile violence and invasion by a moral defence, more powerful than armies and navies, we might indeed beat our swords into ploughshares and our spears into pruning hooks. the millions now expended in our military establishments could be applied to objects directly ministering to human convenience and happiness. our whole militia system, with its long train of vices and its vexatious interruptions of labor, would be swept away. the arts of peace would alone be cultivated, and would yield comforts and enjoyments in a profusion and perfection of which mankind have witnessed no example. in the expressive language of scripture, our citizens would each 'sit under his own vine and under his own fig tree, with none to make him afraid,' and our peaceful and happy republic would be the praise and glory of all lands. * * * * * "it is impossible that a scene so bright and lovely should not attract the admiration and attention of the world. the extension of education in europe, and the growing freedom of her institutions, are leading her population to think, and to express their thoughts. the governments of the eastern continent, whatever may be their form, are daily becoming more and more sensitive to public opinion. the people already restive under their burdens, would soon discover that those burdens would be greatly diminished by the adoption of the american policy. before long, some state would commence the experiment on a small scale, and its example would be followed by others. in time these conventions would give way to more extended pacific alliances, and a greater number of umpires would be selected; nor is it the vain hope of idle credulity, that at last a union might be formed, embracing every christian nation, for guarantying the peace of christendom, by establishing a tribunal for the adjustment of national differences, and by preventing all forcible resistance to its decrees. "it is unnecessary to discuss, at this time, the character and powers with which such a tribunal should be invested. whenever it shall be desired, little difficulty will be experienced in devising for it a satisfactory organization; that it is possible to form such a court, and that next to christianity it would be the richest gift ever bestowed by heaven upon our suffering world, will be doubted by few who have patiently and candidly investigated the subject. "but many who admit the advantages and practicability of the plan we have proposed, will be tempted to despair of success, by the apparent difficulty of inducing an effort for its accomplishment. similar difficulties, however, have been experienced and overcome. the abolition of the slave trade, and the suppression of intemperance were once as apparently hopeless as the cessation of war. let us again recur for instruction and encouragement to the course pursued by the friends of freedom and temperance. had the british abolitionists employed themselves in addressing memorials to the various courts of europe, soliciting them to unite in a general agreement to abandon the traffic, they would unquestionably have labored in vain, and spent their strength for nought. they adopted another and a wiser course. they labored to awaken the consciences of their own countrymen, and to persuade them to do justice and to love mercy; and thus to set an example to the rest of europe, infinitely more efficacious than all the arguments and remonstrances which reason and eloquence could dictate. "in vain might moralists and philanthropists have declaimed for ages on the evils of drunkenness, had no temperance society been formed till all mankind were ready to adopt a pledge of total abstinence. the authors of the temperance reformation did not lavish their strength and resources in attempting to convince the world of the blessings of temperance, but forming themselves into a temperance society, gave a visible and tangible proof that the principle they recommended was not merely expedient but practicable. and surely if we desire to persuade mankind that war is an unnecessary evil, it is indispensable that we should be able to point them to some instance in which it has been safely dispensed with; nor can we hope to effect a change in the opinion of europe, while our own people remain unaffected by our assertions and arguments. "here then must be the field of our labors; and let those labors be quickened by the reflection, that while they are aimed at the happiness of the human race, they are calculated to confer on our beloved country a moral sublimity which no worldly glory can approach. "but what are the means we shall use? the same by which the commerce in human beings was destroyed, and which are now driving intemperance from the earth--_voluntary associations and the press_. "let the friends of peace concentrate their exertions in peace societies; and let the press proclaim throughout our land, in all its length and breadth, the folly, the wickedness, and the horrors of war; and call on our rulers to provide for the amicable adjustment of national differences. in the first treaty that shall be formed for this purpose we shall behold the dawn of that glorious day, the theme of prophets and the aspirations of saints, when nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. "the present age is propitious to the enterprise. it is an age of energy and of freedom. all the powers of mind are in full activity, and every eye and every ear is open to the reception of new truths. science and philanthropy are daily achieving triumphs which the past century dared not imagine. the world is no longer governed by princes and senates, but by public opinion, and at the fiat of this mighty potentate, ancient institutions are levelled in the dust. let this despot wield only a delegated authority, and each individual, however humble, can enhance or diminish his power. who, then, will refuse to lend his assistance to enable public opinion to say to the troubled nations, 'peace--be still;' and to compel the rulers of the earth to refer their disputes to another tribunal than the sword. "in this cause every man can labor, and it is a cause in which every man is called to labor, by interest and by duty. but it is a cause that peculiarly claims the zeal and devotion of christians. they are the servants of him who is not only the mighty god and the everlasting father, but the prince of peace. they know that war is opposed to all his attributes, and contradicts the precepts of his word. conscience gives her sanction to the means we have proposed, and prophecy assures us of the accomplishment of the object to which they are directed. why, then, will not christians use the talents and influence given them from above to effect this consummation? let them not plead, in excuse for listlessness and indifference, that it is god alone who 'maketh wars to cease to the end of the earth.' in the moral government of the world, the purposes of its almighty ruler are accomplished by his blessing upon human means. he has promised that righteousness shall cover the whole earth; and in reliance on this promise, his servants are now bearing the everlasting gospel to every nation and kindred, and tongue and people. he has also promised that nations shall learn war no more, and in his faithfulness we have all the incentive which certainty of ultimate success can give to human exertion. and in what cause can the energies of christian benevolence be more appropriately exercised? to prevent war is to avoid the effusion of human blood, and the commission of innumerable crimes and atrocities;--it is to diffuse peace, and comfort, and happiness, through the great family of man,--it is to foster the arts and sciences which minister to the wants of society,--it is to check the progress of vice,--to speed the advance of the gospel,--to rescue immortal souls from endless misery,--and to secure to them a felicity as durable as it is inconceivable. "to him who in faith and zeal labors in this great and holy cause a rich reward is secured. while doing good to others, he is himself a sharer in the blessing he bestows. the very exercise of his benevolent affections affords a pure and exquisite delight, and when he enters the world of peace and love, he shall experience the full import of those cheering, but mysterious words--blessed are the peace makers, for they shall be called the children of god."' appendix g. p. . opium war with china. "to the christian public of great britain. "in again appealing to you in reference to the opium war in china, i will begin by quoting the following extracts from a letter which i addressed to you on the th of the third month, . "'it is now too notorious to render needful entering at large into the subject, that the guilty traffic in opium, grown by the east india company, to be smuggled into china, at length compelled the chinese government to vindicate the laws of the empire, which prohibit its introduction, and to take decisive measures for the suppression of the traffic, by the arrest of the parties concerned in it at canton, and the seizure and destruction of the opium found in the chinese waters.[a] it is also well known that the superintendent of the british trade, (capt. elliott) so far compromised his official character and duty, as to take under his protection one of the most extensive opium smugglers, and thus rendered himself justly liable to the penalties to which they were obnoxious; and at the same time gave, as far as was in his power, the sanction of the british nation to this unrighteous violation of the chinese laws. [footnote a: "see 'thelwall's iniquities of the opium trade,' and 'king's opium crisis,'"] "'the following fact is, however, not so generally known. an individual,[b] now in this country, who has acquired immense wealth by this unlawful trade, has been in communication with the government, and his advice, it is presumed, has in no small degree influenced the measures they have adopted; though a leading partner in a firm to which a large proportion of the opium that was destroyed belonged; and at the very time he was claiming compensation, or urging a war with china, his house in india was sending armed vessels loaded with opium, along the coast of china, and selling it in open defiance of the laws of that empire. this information, with the names of the vessels and the parties concerned, the number of chests of opium on board, the enormous profits they were realizing, et cet., was some time ago communicated to the secretary of state for foreign affairs, on authority which he did not and could not dispute.' [footnote b: "this individual is in the new house of commons, professedly as a reformer, and represents a borough which formerly sent to that house one of its most upright members, who has now retired from public life.] "on the th of april, sir james graham brought forward a motion in the house of commons, in reference to this subject, but in a manner which gave it so much of a party character, that our cruel injustice to the chinese, and the disgraceful conduct of our government in attacking them, was lost sight of by many, whose professed principles ought to have made them foremost in condemning these proceedings. the whig ministry having intimated they would resign if sir j. graham carried his motion, every other consideration was forgotten in anxiety lest a political party should be injured or lose office. "this feeling not only pervaded the supporters of the government in the house of commons, but also extended to many leading religious professors of various denominations; and thus no public feeling sufficiently strong could be raised to counteract in downing-street, the combined and powerful influence of the east india company and the wealthy opium smugglers; though public meetings were held in london and many places in the country, and petitions forwarded justly deprecating this war, as one of almost unparalleled iniquity. at the meeting in the metropolis, which was held at freemason's hall, and at which the earl of stanhope presided, the following resolutions were passed:-- "' . that this meeting, whilst it most distinctly disavows any party or political objects, and deprecates most strongly any such construction being put upon its efforts, deeply laments that the moral and religious feeling of the country should be outraged--the character of christianity disgraced in the eyes of the world--and this kingdom involved in war with upwards of three hundred and fifty millions of people, in consequence of british subjects introducing opium into china, in direct and known violation of the laws of that empire. "' . that, although the chinese have not been heard in their defence, the statements adduced by the advocates of the war, clearly establish the fact, that the east india company, the growers of and traffickers in opium, and british subjects who received the protection of the laws of china, have been, throughout, the wrong doers; therefore this meeting (without reference to the conviction of many, that all war is opposed to the spirit and precepts of the gospel,) holds it to be the bounden duty of the government immediately to effect an equitable and pacific settlement of the existing differences with china. "' . that all traffic in opium with the chinese being contraband, the opium which was surrendered to their government was justly confiscated; and that to demand payment from the chinese, to make reprisals upon them, or, for this country to give compensation to the british merchants thus engaged in smuggling, would be to sanction and even grant a premium on crime. "' . that the petition now read be adopted by this meeting, and presented to both houses of parliament; and that the right honorable earl stanhope be requested to present the same to the house of lords, and lord sandon to the house of commons. "' . that the resolutions of this meeting be published at the discretion of the committee; and that a copy of them in the chinese language be transmitted, through the high commissioner lin, to the emperor of china.' "since this period, i have been in company with several englishmen who were at canton at the time of the seizure of the opium; and though some of them were concerned in the trade themselves, and were naturally biassed in favor of their own country, they all agreed in condemning the proceedings of the english. i have recently spent some time in the united states, whose intercourse with china is extensive and frequent, and where the merits of this case are clearly understood by many of the most intelligent and candid-minded citizens; and these, without any exception, considered the acts of the british government in this matter as some of the most flagrant that ever disgraced a civilized, much less a christian people. "on my return to this country i found a new administration entering upon office; the members of which have, for the most part, condemned the conduct of their predecessors in relation to this war; and i again, therefore, venture to appeal to the _christian_ public of my country that they may, without delay, forward petitions, or memorials, strongly urging a reference of the existing differences with china to commissioners mutually appointed, who shall be authorized to adjust them, and also to determine upon the best means of entirely suppressing the guilty traffic in opium. the present government are not yet committed to this cruel war; and may no difference of political views deter you from the faithful discharge of this christian duty! even should you not succeed in inducing our rulers to adopt this course, or the overtures of this country be rejected by the chinese, you will have satisfaction in having made the attempt. "one-third of the human race are now receiving their impressions of the christian religion, by its professors waging a murderous war to compel them to make restitution to the contraband opium dealers, for the destruction of this deadly poison, which continues to be grown by the east india company, and poured into china in defiance of all laws, human and divine. besides the loss of life sustained by the chinese, and the fearful mortality amongst the british troops, from the unhealthiness of the climate, it is probable that little short of ten millions sterling has already been expended in naval and military armaments, and the enhanced price of tea and sugar,[a] in the monstrous attempt to force the chinese to pay about two millions to those opium smugglers. all this, be it remembered, is added to the burdens upon the industry of our own oppressed population. [footnote a: it is well known that the high rate of freights from calcutta, in consequence of the shipping required for the chinese expedition, greatly contributed to the late extravagant price of sugar.] "earnestly desiring that you may be induced to discharge your duty as christians, and whatever may be the result, acquit yourselves of your share of the national guilt, i conclude with the words of a friend: 'for my own part, i think the present distress of the nation may be the retributive chastisement of our recent atrocious war in china and the east. * * * all history, and the daily march of events, demonstrate the perpetual retributive interference of an overruling providence. yet this doctrine, proclaimed as loudly by experience as by revelation, and as legibly written on the page of history as in the bible, appears to have not the smallest practical influence on the most enlightened statesmen, and the most christian and enlightened nation in the world.' "very respectfully, "joseph sturge. "_birmingham, th month th_, ." "_ th month th_, . "since writing the foregoing, the intelligence has arrived that canton has been seized; that 'gen. sir hugh gough calculates the loss of the chinese, in the different attacks, at one thousand killed and three thousand wounded;' that the british have extracted six millions of dollars as a ransom for evacuating the city, which the chinese call 'opium compensation;' and it is but too evident that the work of the wholesale murder of this unoffending people has but begun, for capt. elliot, who appears to have been too tender of shedding human blood to please his employers, is recalled, and is succeeded by sir h. pottenger, who, it is reported, has instructions from lord palmerston to demand _fifteen millions_ of dollars for the opium smugglers, and the whole of the expenses of the war, and to secure the right to the british of planting armed factories in the different chinese ports. "shall history record that no voice was raised by the christians of britain against the employment of their money, and that of their starving countrymen, in deeds like these!!" appendix h. p. . letter of a.l. pennock. the following letter was addressed by abraham l. pennock, conveying his resignation of the office of vice president of the american anti-slavery society, (old organization,) after the occurrence of the painful divisions in the anti-slavery body, which have been already noticed. this letter is written in an excellent spirit, and clearly developes the cause of the separation. "to the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "other reasons than those which will be presented in this letter, made it desirable to me to be released from any official connection with the anti-slavery society. i thought those reasons so well known to some of the delegates from the pennsylvania society, and withal they were deemed by me of so much value, that i felt both surprise and regret at understanding that my name was continued as one of the vice presidents of the parent society. thus saying, i am, nevertheless, bound to express my indebtedness for the kind feeling toward me, and confidence in my love for the slave, which, doubtless, induced the appointment. "by an accident to my anti-slavery newspapers, i have just received the proceedings of the society at the above meeting. i am sorry to find in them superadded reasons for regret at my appointment, as that appointment seems to place me in the false position of appearing to be in favor of its leading measures; some of which, denunciatory of co-laborers in the abolition cause, have not my unity. "in the heavy responsibilities of the former executive committee, i find a sufficient reason for their transfer of the 'emancipator' and other property for which they stood personally engaged; and i therefore cannot join in affirming such transfer to be 'a flagrant breach of trust;' and their answer in justification of their course, 'an attempt to defend which betrays an utter disregard of the rights of abolitionists.' "believing in the intellectual equality of the sexes, i go fully for women's rights and duties. they possess a moral force of immense power, which they are bound to exert for the good of mankind; including emphatically so, those who are in the hopeless and most wretched condition of slaves. the belief of the value of female co-operation is common to the anti-slavery community; and the only question regarding it which has arisen, is, whether it shall be exerted in societies and conventions of women, or in societies and conventions of men and women, irrespective of sex. the question is of recent date, not even coeval with the modern anti-slavery enterprise; and the practice, at the origination of this enterprise, that of separate action. we can all bear testimony to the powerful impression upon the public mind, made by women, acting singly or in societies and conventions, before it was thought of merging their influence in a joint stock community with their brethren. where can we find an anti-slavery organization more potential, and so dignified, as was the convention of american women? is it therefore surprising that the question has not been conclusively settled by american abolitionists, that women ought to act identically on the same platform and in the same society with men; and that the practice, founded on this plan, still remains measurably local, and, by many conforming to it, is deemed experimental? "in convening a world's convention, no innovation upon the general social usages was contemplated by our brethren in england who called it. the convention was meant to be a convention of men; and what was deficient of explicitness in the first notice was amply made up in the reiteration of the call. it was fully known before the appointment of delegates by the american anti-slavery society that the intention of the committee of the british and foreign anti-slavery society was such as is above explained. the views of the inviting party being known, it was competent to the invited to accept or reject the invitation, but not to modify its terms. the american society, however, in face of the invitation, with a knowledge of the extreme sensitiveness of that portion of the british people whom the convention would deem it important to conciliate, to any innovation upon established forms, and itself not united in discarding the distinctions of sex, resolved to send female delegates to the convention, and thus, in effect, to appeal from the committee to the paramount authority of the convention, and with it to settle the american question. "in exercising this authority we are to suppose, from the high moral, intellectual, and philanthropic standing of its members, the convention, in adhering to the general usages of society, meant to perpetuate no injustice; and we know, from their very respectful attention to the rejected delegates, that they were influenced by no want of courtesy--i am satisfied that they acted according to their best impressions of duty, the carrying out of which was their high aim; and that the convention was not the less a world's convention because it did not embrace both sexes as its members, or any reforms without the scope of its call. i cannot unite, therefore, in the resolutions declaring the proceedings of the british and foreign anti-slavery society 'arbitrary and despotic;' or the act of the london conference, excluding the female delegates of the american society appointed in contradiction to the terms of the invitation, as 'highly disrespectful to the delegates, and to us, their constituents, tyrannical in its nature, mischievous in its tendencies, and unworthy of men claiming the character of abolitionists.' "thus my views not being in harmony with the action of the society, in the particulars above referred to, my duty to it and myself is, to tender you this as my resignation of the office of vice president for pennsylvania, and not to await another election for withdrawing from it. "with no heart for the controversies which have got in among my brethren, the common friends of the enslaved, and which are sadly wasting their anti-slavery strength, but with a warm heart for the legitimate objects of the american anti-slavery society, i shall not cease anxiously to desire its prosperity and speedy triumph with these just limitations. "your friend, "(signed) abraham l. pennock. "_haverford, th month th_, ." appendix i. p. . gerrit smith's slaves. _extract of a letter from james cannings fuller to joseph sturge_. "dear friend,--doubtless thou hast often thought of the visit to our mutual friend, gerrit smith, and dwelt on the recollection with pleasure. as thou requested me to furnish thee with the result of the case which was brought under our notice from the correspondence in the case of sam and harriet, i cheerfully comply, by giving thee a somewhat detailed account, believing it may be interesting to thee, and not unproductive of benefit to others. "there are in america no small number of individuals whose circumstances, by parental gift or marriage endowments, are similar to those of our dear friend, ann carroll smith. i would there were a host prepared, like her and her noble husband, to do sacrifice of their substance on the altar of human rights. "ann carroll fitzhugh is the daughter of the late col. wm. fitzhugh, a slaveholder, who formerly resided in hagerstown, maryland. about twenty-three years ago, he removed to geneseo, new york. twenty human chattels, whom he brought with him, became free by the law of ; the remainder were left on his plantation, in maryland. mammy rachael, who nursed the colonel's wife, on the births of james fitzhugh and his sister ann, gave to the former a boy, who was named sam; and to the latter a girl, called harriet. they grew up together, and ultimately formed a strong attachment. when ann fitzhugh was about eighteen years old, her brother wrote to inquire if she would give him harriet, that she might become sam's wife. when it is considered that ann was young and inexperienced; that she had been educated to consider slavery right; that the doctrine of inalienable personal ownership had not then been urged; and that the idea of bestowing a wife on her brother's slave was naturally pleasing, it is no marvel that she cheerfully granted the request. "james fitzhugh removed from maryland to kentucky. in the course of events, his pecuniary affairs became embarrassed, and creditors grew clamorous for the adjustment of their claims. his effects were likely to be sold by the sheriff, and it was reported he had no legal title to harriet. under these circumstances, gabriel jackson prevailed on him to transfer sam, his wife, and first-born child, to him, in payment of his debt. this man afterwards sold them to samuel worthington, a cotton planter of mississippi; whose letter, in reply to gerrit smith, arrived the day we were at his house; and he being in doubt how to effect the redemption of the family, and their safe transportation, thou wilt remember that i agreed to effect both, to what i shall call the elysian fields, or, more properly, eden. i started on the th of seventh month, via lake erie and the erie canal, which extends from north to south three hundred and nine miles through the state of ohio. from the canal i took steam-boat down the ohio, to maysville, kentucky. the mistress of the eagle hotel sat at her table as a queen, surrounded by many slaves. there seemed to be twice as many hands to do the work as were needful. "from maysville to lexington (sixty-five miles) is the best road i ever travelled, not excepting the english roads. it is made and repaired with whitish limestone, from beginning to end. they told me the repairs were principally made by irishmen, as slaves were not to be trusted to do the work. at starting, i observed that the mail bags were nearly empty; and the driver being questioned, informed me, that i could carry the whole mail in my coat pockets. when he told me he was a pennsylvanian, i asked whether he could not earn as much in a free, as in a slave state. he said that eighteen dollars a month was the most he ever received for driving a team in a free state, and that now he received thirty dollars a month. this opened the way for a little anti-slavery talk. 'last sunday night,' said he, 'i saw a big black man making the best of his way for canada; i might have stopped him, and had the reward of two hundred dollars, which was offered.' "i asked him whether it was best to have god's blessing, with the fruits of his honest industry, or his curse, with two hundred dollars blood money. he answered, with moistened eyes, 'i wish all the slaves were free,' to which i responded, 'amen.' "some incidents connected with the escape of this negro, go to prove that slaves can 'take care of themselves,' by a little ingenuity, when occasion requires. thinking it would be more expeditious, as well as more agreeable, to ride from slavery than to run from it, he took a horse; whether his master's or not, i did not ascertain. the turnpike gates were a great hindrance, and greatly increased the risk of apprehension. to avoid this, just before reaching a turnpike gate, he let down a fence, carefully put it up again, to avoid pursuit, passed round the back of the keeper's house, and came out through the fence beyond. as he was remounting his horse on one of these occasions, the driver came up with him. supposing him to be one of the keeper's family, he wished him good night, but instantly discovered by his voice that he was a colored man, putting his horse to full speed. when he returned to paynestown, he heard people talking about a runaway, and told dr. whitehead he believed he had seen the man the night before: 'i hope that he'll get safe into canada,' was the reply. "'how can you say that, and be a slave-holder?' asked the coachman. "'i wish there were no slaves,' replied he; 'and as soon as others will liberate theirs, mine shall go free.' "stage coaches afford no facilities to the poor fugitives. by the law of the united states' government, no colored man can drive a mail stage; neither can any colored man ride on one, unless he is known to be free, or is a slave travelling with his master. stage owners incur heavy penalties if they infringe these rules. a verdict of one thousand six hundred dollars was lately recovered by a slave-master against the company. "at washington the stage was stopped to know if a colored boy could be put on. 'yes; where is he?' 'up at the jail yonder.' the querist took a seat inside; and soon after i spied a colored man on the outside, with keepers. he was a re-captured runaway, who had taken a horse with him, and imitated the israelites, in borrowing various other articles, when he escaped from bondage. he assumed false whiskers and a pair of spectacles; and on reaching the ohio river, produced free papers duly stamped with the county seal. but, unfortunately, when questioned where he had staid the preceding night, he foolishly attempted to describe the place, and was thus detected; two hundred dollars had been offered for him if taken out of the state, and one hundred dollars if taken in the state. to ride in a stage, with a man behind, whose legs and arms were fastened together with rivetted chains and padlocks, was enough to make one feel the force of patrick henry's exclamation, 'give me liberty, or give me death!' it was a poor consolation to administer to the gnawings of his hunger, while beholding his manly frame thus manacled: but i thought he seemed to eat my gingerbread with a better relish, when i told him it was made where colored men were free. at payne's tavern, in fairview, the poor fellow had to undergo an examination from the landlord, and listen to a homily about truth-telling; so little do slave-holders seem aware that stealing and lying are constituent parts of their own system. in the stage office at lexington, we encountered the man who claimed this poor fugitive. the driver, who had come with us the two last stages, was a native of duchess co., n.y.; and he began to plead with the slave-holder in behalf of the slave. i heard of another case where the angry master threatened to flog and sell a recovered runaway, whom he had with him; but the stage driver remonstrated with him so effectually, that he wept like a child, and promised forgiveness to his slave. "having a great desire to see the imported cattle on henry clay's plantation, i went thither. on approaching the house i saw a colored man, to whom i said, 'where wert thou raised?' 'in washington.' 'did henry clay buy thee there?' 'wilt thou shew me his improved cattle?' he pointed to the orchard, and said the man who had charge of them was there. as i followed his direction, i encountered a very intelligent-looking boy, apparently eight or nine years old. i said to him, 'canst thou read?' 'no.' 'is there a school for colored people on henry clay's plantation?' 'no.' 'how old art thou?' 'don't know.' in the orchard i found a woman at work with her needle. i asked 'how old art thou?' 'a big fifty.' 'how old is that?' 'near sixty.' 'how many children hast thou?' 'fifteen or sixteen.' 'where are they?' 'colored folks don't know where their children is; they are sent all over the country.' 'where wert thou raised?' 'washington.' 'did henry clay buy thee there?' 'yes.' 'how many children hadst thou then?' 'four.' 'where are they?' 'i don't know. they tell me they are dead.' the hut, in which this '_source of wealth_' lives, was neither as good, nor as well floored as my stable. several slaves were picking fruit in the orchard. i asked one of the young men whether they were taught to read on this plantation, and he answered, 'no.' i found the overseer of the cattle with a short handled stout whip, which had been broken. he said it answered both for a riding whip, and occasionally 'to whip off the slaves.' "what, my friend, is to be learned from these gleanings at ashland?--from the doings of our mutual friend, joseph john gurney's 'dear friend,' henry clay: the man who boasts that 'every pulsation of his heart beats high for liberty,' yet is not ashamed to buy men and women at the capitol!--that place which, above all others, ought not to be cursed by the footsteps of a slave. yet i fear there are not wanting in the abolition ranks men so wedded to political party, that they may be tempted to vote for henry clay; serving their party and themselves thereby, and perchance thinking they serve their country. "do not think clay a sinner above all other men. his slaves appeared to be well fed and well clothed. indeed, the general superiority of condition in kentucky slaves, over those of maryland and virginia, cannot fail to strike the most superficial observer. "pursuing my journey, i came to blue lick, whose waters are celebrated throughout the united states. at the spring i found several men, white and colored. i asked if i could have a drink. a white man said the waters were free to all. i asked, 'will they make all free?' they again replied that the spring was free to all. 'i perceive thou dost not understand my question,' said i. but the countenances of the colored men brightened, and, with a cheerful tone, they answered significantly, 'we know what you mean.' "i found samuel worthington quite a different person than his letters had led me to imagine. when i introduced myself he appeared nervous and embarrassed. he was a kentuckian by birth, but having met with reverses in fortune he went to mississippi, and became an overseer; first on a salary of six hundred dollars, and afterwards two thousand dollars. he now owns a cotton plantation, with about one hundred and twenty slaves, and is reputed wealthy. he is considered an accomplished gentleman, of sound, discriminating, and feeling mind. i believe he is a kind master, in the common acceptation of the term; that is, he feeds and clothes his slaves well, and does not overwork them, though the overseer's whip is the stimulus to labor. he gave me some account of provision; but the only item i remember is, that he cured twenty-five thousand pounds of pork annually, for his slaves. far be it from me to say any thing disrespectful of him, except that he is a slave-holder; a word which, in my view, comprises 'the sum of all villany,' in my transactions with him, i found him fair and honorable, as far as it can be honorable to sell human flesh. "he said he had long since received a letter from j. fitzhugh, concerning sam's family; but as he knew their situation would not be bettered by being transferred to him, he had taken no notice of the application. when gerrit smith's letter came, he supposed that the writer was not in earnest, 'that it was all done for effect, and would end in smoke.' he was surprised to learn, by g. smith's reply to him, that it was my intention to come to harrodsburg; he regretted that it was so, as it disturbed him, and might break up his family arrangements. his wife had three small children, one of them a babe, and the proposed arrangements would leave her without assistance. he told me he was not a man to be driven; and i answered that we were well matched on that point, it would, however, be better for us both to ascertain coolly how far we could agree. he began by saying that he did not feel bound to sell the family, in consequence of what he had written to g. smith; for he had only said that he might be induced to take four thousand dollars for them. after some preliminaries, he proposed that i should have a conversation with sam; for he did not think he could be prevailed upon to leave him. i assured him i should do no such thing, until he and i had settled the question of dollars and cents. i had no idea of presenting the cup of freedom to sam's lips, and then having it dashed to the ground. 'i do not believe,' said i, 'that there is a man on these grounds whom i could not induce to go with me from slavery; but if sam has objections, let me talk with his wife.' "'no, that will not do,' replied he; 'she would go with you.' 'yes,' said i, 'let me talk to your women of a mother's right to herself and her offspring, and then see how many of them you would find willing to remain in bondage!' "after various pros and cons, we concluded a bargain, subject of course to the parties being _willing_ to leave the 'patriarchal institution.' three thousand five hundred dollars were to be paid, and both of us together were to have an opportunity of conversing with sam and his wife. the master probably felt so confident that his slave would not leave him, that he had not patience to wait the promised interview; for he popped the delicate question to him alone. sam had been informed of the whole progress of the affair, from the time of g. smith's first letter; and he answered promptly that he would go so that before i met him, that _difficult_ part of the business had 'ended in smoke.' "s. worthington's disappointment was the greater because i had told him that i had felt like one of old: 'if the woman will not be _willing_ to follow thee, then thou shalt be clear from this;' that i could go back with a quiet mind; and that the consciences of my friends in peterboro' would doubtless be satisfied, having given harriet and her family the liberty of choice, and thus made all the reparation in their power for having ever held her in slavery. "the large price paid for the redemption of this family may surprise thee, especially if thou hast not forgotten that passage in worthington's letter where he says, 'i am, to some extent, opposed to slavery; nor do i object to the efforts of abolitionists when done in a good spirit.' it is, however, but justice to say that the description he gave of the family is strictly correct 'they are all sprightly, remarkable for good character, and of course most valuable for house servants.' he said he had repeatedly been offered two thousand dollars for sam, and he believed he would command that sum any day from those who knew his worth; that his old master prised him very highly, particularly for his moral excellence; and, speaking of his conduct, described him as a 'gentleman.' yet he talked as if he were certain that sam and his family would be reduced to beggary if left to themselves at the north! the children, it is true, have had little preparation in slavery for self reliance; for the most favored of them cannot spell their own names. "s. worthington said many had inquired of him what business brought me there; and being informed of the object of my mission, they advised him to have nothing to do with me. 'but,' said he, 'though i am certain the condition of sam and his wife cannot be bettered, i do not think the same with regard to their children; and as mr. smith seems disposed to do a kind action, i cannot, in conscience, attempt to frustrate it. if i were to send you home without this family, i should have a troubled mind.' "one of worthington's greatest difficulties in parting with these slaves was, that it would leave his wife destitute of servants. i pitied her, and felt it right to express my sympathy. i told her my compassion was increased, because i apprehended there was a struggle in her own breast between duty and interest; and i appealed to her whether she did not know it was a duty to let them go, though personal interest would induce her to keep them in her service. i was glad to perceive that these remarks enabled her to relieve herself of a weight--her countenance brightened up, and she appeared quite willing i should take them away. she showed great kindness to harriet and her children, and evidently felt deeply moved at parting with the nurse, who had thrice been with her through nature's sorest trials. she appeared to me to be a nice lady-like person; and, if i judge aright, she knows what estimate ought to be placed upon slavery in a woman's mind. "those who know me will not suspect that i sought to conceal my abolition, even in the hot-bed of slavery. yet i assure thee i had no intention of making it a common topic of conversation, unless the way appeared to open; but thy experience, i doubt not, as well as mine, proves that it is ever opening. the most we need to do is to embrace opportunities, without seeking to make them. i had not expected to say as much as i did, but it was such a curiosity for a quaker to be seen in such company, that it was soon universally known why i had come and what i had done. this gave rise to many conversations with slave holders, which i trust did some good. i was astonished at their extreme ignorance concerning the laboring population of the north. thou wilt perhaps be surprised to hear me assert that slave holders do not know what slavery is. still more strange will it seem when i tell thee that thy old friend was highly complimented by them for his prudence and discretion! the story had become current that i would not talk to sam till i had settled the business with his master; and as they generally professed to believe that abolitionists wished to incite the slave against their master, by every mischievous incentive they could devise, my conduct naturally enough seemed to them remarkable. i told them i must honestly abjure such complimentary language; for, so far from being what they would consider discreet, i was in fact an abolitionist of the most ultra school. i assured them that most of my associates at the north would have proceeded as i had done, and some of them probably with more discretion. i like much better to talk to a southerner on slavery than with a northern apologist. i regard him as far less mean. there is a mind to be appealed to for _facts_, and there is a feeling that can be reached by a simple testimony of republican truth. in this, the slave holder sometimes 'sees his face as in a glass; but he goeth away and forgetteth what manner of man he is.' "as my prudence and discretion had excited observation, i ventured to remark that it would be a great gratification to me, if the slave holders would meet together and let me occupy an hour or so in defining the true position and principles of the abolitionists; but this, as i had expected, was declined. "when i paid the money, i felt constrained to testify that i could in no degree sanction the principle that man could hold property in man; that the slaves were our equals by creation, and for their salvation, equally with ours, did christ leave the right hand of the father to suffer on the cross. i told them that contradictory as it might seem to them, the man who was now paying money for slaves, had such a detestation of the system, that he deemed it a duty to abstain from eating or wearing any of the products of slavery. this seemed to them wondrous strange, and they inquired if there were many at the north who agreed with me in this scruple. i told them yes; that the number was increasing, and that my friend, gerrit smith, had abstained from slave produce for many years. "a few hours previous to my final departure one after another gathered around me, and as we stood in the open piazza, i said what i could to explain the principles and practice of abolitionists. i think s. worthington felt a little hurt at my being thus engaged, for when the stage drove up, he came in great haste to inform me that it was ready. i found it surrounded by many persons, principally colored, who had assembled to bid farewell to the objects of my charge. their master shook each slave by the hand and bade them farewell. i observed him as we moved away, and thought he seemed to be a good deal moved from some cause or other. "i took care that coachman and passengers should be informed of the history of sam and his wife; and some one or other of them was sure to make it a subject of conversation wherever we stopped. at lawrenceburg, where we put up for the night, the landlord was also stage proprietor and a slave holder. he tried to make me believe that his slaves were much better off than himself. he enumerated his troubles and perplexities in contrast with the blessed freedom from care enjoyed by his slaves. i told him he had made out his case very well; but to test his sincerity, i merely wished him to declare candidly, whether he should be altogether willing that himself and family should exchange places with a slave family. the test was too severe, and he walked off. two young men at table then took up the conversation. the tyranny which slavery exercises over the entire community, was illustrated by the assertion that the head of a certain college did not dare to acknowledge himself an abolitionist; for if he did he would lose his office, which brought him in a good salary; and, moreover, the people of d---- would dismiss him from his pastoral charge. i of course took the ground that he could not be a truly christian minister, who would purchase his bread and cheese at the expense of denying his own belief, or suppressing his own convictions. "my host inquired whether i would sit at table with colored people; and he seemed much surprised when i answered, 'i do not judge persons by their complexion, but by moral worth. at my own table i sit with colored people, and i shall with these.' "the south, however, is much more free from prejudice against color than the north; provided the distinction between the classes is understood.--a gentleman may seat his slave beside him in a stage coach, and a lady makes no objection to ride next a fat negro woman, even when the thermometer is at ninety degrees; provided always that her fellow travellers understand she is her _property_. "at shelbyville the stage was likely to be crowded with new passengers, when i said to some young men who were about to get in, that i had a family with me who must not be turned out of the seats they had occupied. samuel and his family took their accustomed seats, and those who could not find room rode on the roof of the coach; among them was a member elect of the legislature. as we started, a well dressed man, among the crowd at the tavern-door, called out, 'go it abolition!' "a crowd at this place attracted my attention, and i found it was an executor's sale; comprising 'lands, houses, furniture, horses, cows, hogs, and twenty likely negroes.' slaves must, however, be more of a cash article than other commodities; for they were to be sold on four months' credit; real estate, on twelve and twenty four months, and all other property, six months'. "at louisville, we fell in with elisha, brother of samuel worthington, on his return to arkansas, where he had a cotton plantation. he manifested much openness and good will, and pressingly invited me to visit him, should i ever go down the mississippi. after considerable conversation on slavery, he asked me what i thought would be the effect of my late visit. i replied, it was a subject i had often contemplated myself, but i did not know whether it had entered the heads of others. for my own part, i thought i had taught the slaveholders a lesson. they maintained that the slaves did not want their freedom; yet here was one, well fed and well clothed, and in fact living in clover, as far as a slave could do so, ready, without my asking him, to go with me among strangers. if he would leave such a kind master, what might not be expected of the oppressed field hand? "'perhaps a quotation from latimer would furnish you with a more direct reply to your question,' said i, 'you know he said at the stake--"we shall this day light such a fire in england, as i trust, by god's grace, will never be put out." and i believe my visit has kindled a flame of liberty in harrodsburg, that shall burn for years to come; and, by its light, i trust, that many will find their way into canada.' "i told him, too, i had a question to ask, and i wanted a direct answer--yes, or no. 'were the slaves any worse off, since the question of abolition has been agitated?' "he said they were not, excepting in one respect. formerly, when a preacher came among them to hold meetings with the slaves, they had no objection; but now, they feared that slaves from different plantations might thus congregate together and plot mischief. i asked him if slaves in mississippi were aware of abolition efforts in the north; and he said he believed they were. "we parted with samuel at louisville, we taking the steam boat for cincinnati, and leaving him to proceed to worthington plantation for his boys. he stood and watched the departure of our boat with a soul full of emotion. he felt himself a connecting link between his sons in distant mississippi, and his wife and daughters on their way to peterboro'; and i was glad to see nature and affection gush forth in tears. they say colored people cannot take care of themselves, but i assure thee i had hard work to make these people move a step, till a safe plan was arranged for their absent children. "when i went to pay the captain my fare, he asked whether the colored woman and girls were my property. i answered yes; but explained to him my peculiar situation, and i told him i detested the very name of slavery. he said they usually asked for a reference, but he felt sure that a person of my appearance would not tell him a falsehood. i told him i would show him my bill of sale, as soon as the hurry had subsided; not because i acknowledged his right to demand it, but because he was civil and polite, and i was willing to satisfy him. when i showed him the bill, he knew both the seller and the witness, as i had expected. i asked him whether, if i had brought a barrel of lard on board, he would have troubled me to prove property? he apologized by saying, that they had been imposed on by white men, who put slaves on board, under the pretence that they were free; and that the owners of the line had been obliged to pay six thousand dollars for fugitive slaves. i noticed there were no colored hands on board. "on arriving at buffalo, we put up at the mansion house; and the first object that caught my eye was an advertisement, dated liberty, in missouri, offering three hundred dollars reward for three fugitive slaves. this is a free state with a vengeance! no stage riding for colored people here; moreover, it was with great difficulty i could obtain breakfast for my companions, though i had paid for it. i hope abolitionists will keep clear of such a pro-slavery atmosphere as surrounds the mansion house. "on board the cars, colorophobia again began to rage; but the agent soon quelled it, by finding other seats for two persons, who thought better of themselves than others did of them. in the stage to auburn, difficulty again occurred, and the driver wanted to return my money, when some of the passengers objected to the complexion of some of my companions. i told him the stage was too crowded to hold us at any event; but unless he sent us on to auburn in good season, i should teach the company a lesson they would not soon forget. he did so; and i arrived safely at my own house, after an absence of twenty-six days, and a travel of one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five miles. the whole cost of redemption, including our travelling expenses, was three thousand five hundred and eighty-three dollars and eighty-one cents. (£ .) "we had not been long there before harriet said to my wife, 'madam, i return you a thousand thanks for letting your gentleman fetch us;' and i believe she said no more than she felt, and i felt the force of her grateful acknowledgments. "after two days' rest, we proceeded to gerrit smith's; where, as thou mayest well believe, we received the friendly welcome which those are wont to receive who visit his house. "_skaneateles, th month th, ._" appendix k. page . _the society of friends in america and the colonization society_. the "friends" alluded to in the text as supporting the colonization society in a collective capacity, are those of north carolina. in two influential "friends" appeared at the annual meeting of the colonization society, as delegates from the society of friends in north carolina. one of the resolutions passed at the time, is as follows:--"that the thanks of this meeting be presented to the society of friends in north carolina, for the aid they have liberally bestowed and repeatedly rendered to the cause of african colonization." the yearly meeting of friends in north carolina stands among the donors of that year, as having contributed five hundred dollars to the colonization society. i fear no change has since taken place in the favorable disposition of "friends" of that region towards this institution, for during one of my visits to philadelphia, i was informed by a "friend," just returned from north carolina, that an agent of the colonization society had been recently permitted to make an appeal before the members of the "meeting of sufferings" of that yearly meeting, which had afterwards granted him two hundred dollars out of the common stock of the society. nothing is more certain than that approbation of the principles and measures of the colonization society, cannot co-exist with any lively desires for the extinction of slavery, by the only practical means--_emancipation_; and accordingly i was not surprised to find it urged by some prominent individuals as a reason for their own inactivity, and that of the society at large, on this subject, that "friends" living within the slave states, urged their brethren at the north not to unite with the anti-slavery societies. it appears, however, that "friends" of north carolina do not, at all events, object to uniting or co-operating with those of other denominations, in promoting an object which they approve. their objection to abolition societies evidently rests on quite different grounds. i must here be permitted to say a few words, respecting the character and objects of the society, thus officially patronized by the friends of north carolina. the greatest objection to this society, is its representing slavery, and the prejudice against color, as necessary and incurable evils, for which its own mockery of a remedy is the only palliative; and thus administering an opiate to the consciences, not only of slave-holders, but of others who are unwilling to part with their sinful prejudices, and to enter into that fellowship of suffering with the enslaved, without which no efforts for the removal of slavery will be effectual. the following extracts, elucidating this subject, are from a printed letter written by a friend of high station and extensive influence, then residing in north carolina, but now of the state of indiana, in defence of the colonization society. it is dated "third month th, ," and i suppress his name, because time and reflection have, i believe, in some degree modified his views. speaking of the opposition of friends in england to the colonization society, he says, "i have supposed that they would think it more consistent with christian principles to emancipate them in the southern states, and let them remain there, as they have done in the northern states. i apprehend that friends in england are not fully apprised of some important circumstances, which place the southern states in a very different situation from the northern. in the first place, there never were so many people of color in the northern states, as there are in the southern; and another circumstance that diminished them there, and increased them greatly here, was while the northern states were legislating on the subject of gradual emancipation, avaricious masters sent them by thousands to the southern markets, before the emancipating laws were actually passed, which left a small proportion in those states, in comparison to the whites; not many more, perhaps, than they were willing to have for laborers, waiting men, waiting women, et cet. and notwithstanding they have freed their slaves, for which they are entitled to applause, yet they never dreamed of raising them to equal citizenship and privileges with the white people. no, my friend, they can no more reconcile to themselves the idea of sitting down by the side of a colored african, (american?) in any legislative or judiciary department, than the high spirited southern slaveholder; _and not only so, they never intend to admit them to these privileges, while the state government, and the united states' government continue in existence_." again, after stating various objections to emancipation, he goes on to say, "i need not dwell much upon the subject of universal emancipation, in stating the best, or the worst, or most probable results of such a measure, because the southern people have no more idea of the general emancipation of slaves, without colonizing them, than the northern people have of admitting the few among _them_ to equal rights and privileges. not even the friends of humanity here, think that a general emancipation, to remain here, would better their condition," et cet. the inferences plainly to be drawn from all this, and from much besides to the same purport, are, that the wicked determination of the white people to retain their sinful prejudices, is, like the laws of the medes and persians, immutable; and must, therefore, be accommodated by the transportation of the unoffending objects of their intense dislike. on this point i will observe that, if it be so, the remedy is worse than the disease; but that christian principle is powerful enough, as daily experience testifies, to combat and destroy this unholy prejudice. the next inference is, that because the slave population in the southern states is much more numerous than it was in the northern, _therefore_ the same reasons for emancipation do not exist. is not the true conclusion from such premises, the very reverse of this? the motives to abolition increase, both in weight and number, in proportion to the absolute and relative increase of the slave population. the british west indies present an example of the safety and advantages of the measure in a community, where the whites are a mere handful compared to the colored population. that state of feeling from which the colonization society sprung, is well illustrated by this writer, in giving, in natural language, a picture of his own mind. after again repeating his statement of the vast proportion which the colored population bears to the white, in the slave states, he says, "now, my friend, the general emancipation of such a number of these poor, degraded creatures, say more than two millions, always to remain here with the white people, even if the government should take the necessary care for their education and preparation for freedom and civilized life, which to be sure it ought, they must or will be a degraded people, while the reins of government remain in the hands of the whites. supposing the very best consequences that could follow such a measure, even that both classes should generally exercise christian feelings towards each other, which is very improbable, if not morally impossible, the peculiarly marked difference of features and color, will be always an insurmountable barrier to general amalgamation." again, "were they of the same color and features that we are, in an elective republican government like this, where talents and merit are the common footsteps to esteem and preferment, there would be no difficulty in universal emancipation, without a separation. i have no idea that they are at all inferior to the white people in intellect; give them the same opportunity for enterprise and improvement." their only sin, it appears, after all, is being "guilty of a skin not colored like our own." i may observe, in passing, that amalgamation, the bugbear of anti-abolitionists, is the necessary result of slavery, not of emancipation. the preceding extracts present a faithful picture of colonization principles, though it is not every colonizationist who would avow them with so much simplicity. the writer notwithstanding, manifests some benevolent feeling towards the slaves. his conscience cannot be satisfied with the present state of things, and he, like too many others, takes refuge in the pleasing delusion that it would be practicable to convey these colored americans across the atlantic and make them comfortable in africa, because their ancestors were born there. as reasonably and as justly might he talk of transporting the white americans to england because their ancestors removed from this country. it is very easily demonstrable, that this could not possibly be accomplished--that neither the means of transport could be found, nor the means of settlement provided; and were these impossibilities removed, it might also be shown, very easily, that it would be suicidal policy to remove the entire laboring population of the southern states from a soil and climate for which they only are adapted. yet emancipation by removal is the theory of the colonization society, and in this point of view that society must be characterized as a grand imposture. what must be the power of that delusion which can render intelligent and philanthropic men the victims of such a fallacy? if the whites, who hold the reins of government, could but be brought to exercise christian feelings towards the people of color, which this worthy friend thinks is perhaps "morally impossible," how rapidly would all difficulties vanish? to accomplish this desirable end is the object of the abolitionists; they feel it to be difficult, but they know it to be not impossible. the writer of this pamphlet uniformly couples "ultra slaveholders" and "northern manumissionists" in the same censure. they are the two objectionable extremes; colonizationists and moderate slave-holders being, i suppose, the golden mean. one illustration more of the animus with which he regards a black population. "and so it is with the new england immediate manumissionists; they have so few people of color that they do not consider them an evil; and hence they conclude that the southern states may do as they have done--free them at once; but i have no doubt at all, if there was as large a proportion of colored people in the new england states as in the southern, there would be but one voice, and that would be for colonizing them somewhere." the following passage is historically interesting: "the yearly meeting of friends of north carolina have sent several hundreds of those they have had under their care to liberia, for whose emancipation in this state they could never obtain a law, though they petitioned for it oftentimes for the space of fifty years, always finding the chief objection of the legislature to be that of the great number and degraded and low character of the free persons of color already in the state. we prefer sending them to africa rather than to any of the free states or to canada--because we believe _that_ is their proper home. we sent some to the state of ohio; and since then hundreds of blacks have been in a manner compelled, by the laws of that state, or the prejudices of some of its citizens, to leave it and go to canada. we have sent some to indiana, but that state has passed laws, we hear, to prevent any more coming. we have sent some to pennsylvania, but, about two years ago, we shipped near one hundred from newbern and beaufort to chester; they were not suffered to land, neither there nor at philadelphia, nor yet on the jersey shore opposite, but had to float on the delaware river until the colonization society took them into possession; then they were landed in jersey, ten miles below philadelphia, and re-shipped for africa. north carolina yearly meeting has contributed thousands of dollars to the colonization society; it has probably done more for it than any other religious community has in america, not merely because it has provided us an asylum for the people of color under our care, but upon the ground of our belief that it is a great, humane, and benevolent institution. i am not informed of a single member of the society of friends in this country, not even in any of the slave states, who is not in favor of colonizing them in africa. we believe generally that colonizing them there gradually is the most likely way to put a peaceful end to slavery, and place them in the great scale of equality with the rest of the civilized world." i have devoted a space to this letter for several reasons; first, because the writer is a man of note and influence in his own country, and has plainly uttered what many of the society of friends even now feel, secondly, he has shown what was the prevalent sentiment among friends not longer than seven years since, though i hope and believe a considerable change has taken place in the interval; and lastly, because, within a few months past, a well-known american, a zealous agent of the colonization society, has privately employed this very letter to induce abolitionists in england to look favorably on that society. i would add, also, that i learn, on the authority of an english "friend," who has lately visited the various yearly meetings in america, that in those parts of the slave states in which "friends" chiefly reside, their influence is very perceptible in mitigating the treatment of the slaves in their neighborhood. this, i willingly believe; indeed the example of a body who refuse to hold slaves, cannot but be highly beneficial. appendix l.--page . "_memorial of citizens of boston, united states, to the lords of the admiralty, great britain_. "to the right honorable the lords of the admiralty of great britain. "the undersigned, the citizens of boston, in the united states of america, of different religious denominations, respectfully represent-- "that by existing arrangements for the sailing of the cunard line of steamers between boston and liverpool, it becomes necessary for them to leave this port on the sabbath, whenever that happens to be the regular day appointed for sailing; and that this occurs a number of times in the course of a year. that the sailing of a steamer on that day is a source of deep regret to many good citizens, who are compelled, whenever the event happens, either to defer their departure to a future day, or to yield to an arrangement which violates their christian feelings. and what is still more to be lamented, as a consequence growing out of the present regulation, is that aside from the tumult necessarily attendant on the sailing of these vessels on the lord's day, it furnishes an occasion for the needless profanation of the day by thousands who assemble as spectators on our wharves to witness their departure. "the undersigned regard a proper observance of the sabbath as vital to the general peace, good order, and welfare of society; and they are deeply impressed with the belief that nothing of a secular or worldly nature should be done on that day by individuals, by governments, or by any of their departments, which is not in the strictest sense a work of necessity or mercy; and they most respectfully represent, that they are unable to perceive any reasons which render the sailing of steamers from this port on the lord's day such a work. and believing as they do, that it will be the pleasure of your lordships at all times to cherish and promote, so far as you may be able, a due observance of the sabbath, they respectfully and earnestly request your lordships so to vary the present arrangements as to the times for the sailing of these steamers, that their departure from this port shall be changed to another day, whenever the appointed day for sailing shall fall upon the christian sabbath. and they venture to express their confident belief that not only the public welfare, but also the private advantage of individuals concerned in the enterprize, would be ultimately promoted by the arrangements here prayed for. "the undersigned cannot conclude their memorial without adverting to the high and responsible station that has been assigned by providence to the english and american people, in the great work which they and we rejoice to know is now so rapidly progressing, of improving the moral and religious character and condition of the world; nor can they be unmindful of the fact, that to the same extent as their standing before the world in this respect is permanent, so will be the influence of their example on the nations around them, whether it be good or bad. "that the subject here presented may receive your lordship's favorable and christian consideration is the sincere and earnest desire of your lordships' most respectful memorialists." the signatures to this document included the late mayor and one of the former ones, who was also lieutenant-governor of the state of massachusetts, one bishop, upwards of forty clergymen of different denominations, nine gentlemen, upwards of one hundred and twenty merchants, seventeen presidents of insurance companies, the postmaster of boston, five physicians, seven members of the legal profession, two editors of newspapers; and it was accompanied by the following memorandum from one of the gentlemen who had taken it round for signature. "the undersigned having been personally engaged in obtaining the signatures to the memorial, asking a change in the sailing of the cunard steamers, when the regular sailing day occurs on the sabbath, hereby certifies that the memorialists are among the most respectable and influential of their respective professions, that the memorial was received with almost universal favor, and that, had time been allowed, and had it been deemed necessary to do it, thousands of names might have been obtained. "amos a. phelps." "boston, july , ." on my arrival in this country, i found that lord melbourne's administration was about to resign; i therefore deferred forwarding the memorial until the present ministers had entered upon the duties of their respective offices; when i called at the admiralty, and placed it in the hands of the secretary, having little doubt the application would have been at once granted; but a few days after it was presented i received the following reply:-- "admiralty, september , . "sir,--having laid before my lords commissioners of the admiralty the communications of the citizens of boston, united states, representing their wish that the departure of mr. cunard's steamers on a sunday, from their port, should, for the future be discontinued; i am commanded by their lordships to acquaint you, that after having given that attention to the subject, which their respect for the citizens of boston, and for the religious opinions expressed by them, could not fail to dictate, my lords have, upon mature consideration, come to the conclusion, that, with a due regard to the exigencies of the public service, the proposed alteration cannot be carried into effect. my lords, therefore, beg you will have the goodness to convey their decision to the citizens of boston, together with the assurance of their respect for the opinions they have expressed, and their consequent regret at being unable to comply with their request. "i am, sir, "your most obedient humble servant, "john barrow. "joseph sturge, esq., birmingham." [illustration] william jay and the constitutional movement for the abolition of slavery by bayard tuckerman with a preface by john jay new-york dodd, mead & company copyright by dodd, mead & company, . university press: john wilson and son, cambridge, u. s. a. preface by john jay. a prolonged illness, added to other causes, has disappointed my hope of completing an elaborate biography of my father. this memoir by mr. tuckerman is devoted chiefly to the part borne by judge jay in the antislavery work, to which his time and thoughts were so long given. in this connection the memoir develops his personal characteristics, with the constitutional principles and national policy advocated by him in that historic contest; while of necessity it touches but lightly on his home life, his varied correspondence, and his judicial charges, one of which assisted to avert the passage of a pro-slavery legislative act infringing the liberty of speech and of the press; and the scope of the volume forbids its dwelling on his writings on other topics, some of which are still subjects of discussion. judge jay's memoir on the formation of a national bible society, which in so warmly encouraged the hopes of the venerable boudinot, was followed by spirited controversial pamphlets with an antagonist as able and eminent as bishop hobart. the correspondence after jay's first letter was marked by an unusual sharpness, which happily did not prevent my cherished and lamented friend, the son and namesake of the bishop, from becoming in later years sincerely attached to his father's antagonist. it was a contest in which jay vindicated the right of churchmen to assist in the distribution of the bible, and anticipated in this his similar efforts for a lifetime to secure the united action of all good citizens, without regard to creed or politics, in practicable schemes for the elevation and happiness of mankind. among his earlier essays were two on "sunday: its value as a civil institution, and its sacred character"; while a third, upon "duelling as a relic of barbarism," was honoured, when the authorship was still unknown, by a medal from an anti-duelling association at savannah. the life of john jay. judge jay, in the life of his father, which was welcomed as an important addition to our american biography of the revolution, vindicated, by a careful presentation of the historical evidence then available, the soundness of the judgment of jay and adams, as peace commissioners at paris in - , regarding the policy of the french court as unfriendly to the american claims to the boundaries, the fisheries, and the mississippi. that judgment, afterwards acquiesced in by dr. franklin in the joint violation by the commissioners of the instructions of congress--a violation that enabled them to obtain from england boundaries and concessions far greater than either congress or france expected--had been roughly criticised and denied, even in volumes of diplomatic correspondence claiming an official sanction. its vindication by judge jay has recently been more than confirmed by the ample proofs published by m. de circourt in the secret correspondence of the count de vergennes with his able corps of diplomatic agents, as well as by the interesting revelations in lord edmond fitzmaurice's "life of lord shelburne"; and these volumes have dissipated a cloud of error which for half a century travestied the facts and dimmed the glory of the closing act of the american revolution.[a] jay's "war and peace," and international arbitration. judge jay's little book on "war and peace," with a plan of stipulation by treaty for international arbitration which subsequently led to his becoming the president of the american peace society, and which before its publication attracted the attention of that sturdy advocate for peace, joseph sturge, during his visit at bedford, seems entitled to special notice as one whose scheme is still agitated in the governmental and national councils of europe. the plan promptly received the approval of the peace society of london, and of english statesmen like richard cobden and the indefatigable henry richard. it exercised a european influence in the highest quarters when its spirit, under the leadership of lord clarendon, received the sanction of the great powers of europe who signed the treaty at paris in . its endorsement, while cautiously expressed, was recognized as having a new and profound significance. the protocol no. declared the wish of the signatory governments that states between which any serious misunderstanding might arise should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, as far as circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly power; it being understood that the wish expressed by congress should not in any case oppose limits to that liberty of appreciation which no power could alienate in questions that touched its dignity. with that limitation the recommendation, in advance of a resort to war to have recourse to a friendly power, was introduced by the congress to the international code of europe; and among those great diplomatists were the count walewski and baron bourgueny, on the part of france; count de buol-schauenstein and baron de hubner, on the part of austria; lord clarendon and lord cowley, on the part of great britain; count orloff and baron de bruno, on the part of russia; and count cavour and the marquis de villamarina, on the part of sardinia. the action of the congress was subsequently confirmed by that of the lesser states of europe. mr. gladstone pronounced the protocol "a very great triumph, a powerful engine in behalf of civilized humanity." the late earl of derby referred to it as "the principle which to its immortal honour was embodied in the protocols of the conference at paris"; and the earl of malmesbury pronounced the act "one important to civilization and to the security of the peace of europe." the idea that this scheme is more and more regarded as widely applicable to international disputes, as easily practicable and profoundly important to the peace of nations, would seem probable from the extent to which, as the century approaches its completion, the scheme has occupied more and more the attention of both the statesmen and of the masses who are the most interested in discovering a substitute for war. for a time after the geneva award, the moral weight and value of international arbitration seemed to be more doubted than ever. it was said that while the scheme had in that case avoided war, it had suggested the probability of claims so extravagant and inadmissible as almost to force the opposing party to break the treaty under the cover of which they were advanced, even at the risk of increased hostility and a resort to war; and that the escape of both nations from such a catastrophe by the action of the genevan court in dismissing without argument the american claims for indirect damages was but a happy accident. but this idea seems to have been succeeded by the happier thought that an appeal to international arbitration is an appeal to the fairness of the world, and that the question for the parties, judges, and spectators is so clearly one of honour, that no nation can afford to ask what the justice of the world candidly disapproves. in the case of the geneva congress, while the rejected claims were presented in the name of the president, general grant himself subsequently denied their justice and approved their rejection. sir lyon (now lord) playfair, who perhaps appreciates the entire subject of arbitration as thoroughly as any living statesman, gave an interesting sketch of its recent progress, both in europe and america, in a paper entitled, "a topic for christmas," in the _north american review_ for december, . three years before, sir lyon had headed a deputation of members of the english parliament who came to present to the president of the united states a memorial from members of the house of commons, with delegates from english trades unions representing , workingmen. congress in response concurrently resolved to invite from time to time, as fit occasion might arise, negotiations with any government with which the united states has or may have diplomatic relations, to the end that any differences or disputes arising between the two governments which cannot be settled by diplomatic agency may be referred to arbitration and be peacefully adjusted by such means. although europe is supposed by many to be awaiting a war of gigantic magnitude, sir lyon, referring to the approval of arbitration by the pan-american congress by continental parliaments and international assemblies at paris and london, said that the legislatures which had already passed resolutions in favor of arbitration represented , , of people, and remarked that the extension of that feeling would be a better force than an international police to secure the observance of treaties. the excess of war preparation already endangering national credit and threatening national bankruptcy is quoted as proving that the arbitration idea will be insisted upon, and in the anticipated movement the united states is described as fitted to be the leading champion of arbitration. sheridan is quoted among others as saying: "i mean what i say when i express the belief that arbitration will rule the world." the scheme is now represented as likely to be accepted by thinkers who reject the thought of kant, bentham, and mills for an international congress; and sir lyon playfair, in connection with the idea of arbitration, quotes the remark of mazzini that "thought is the action of men and action the thought of the people." "the war with mexico," and antislavery papers. the "review of the war with mexico" stands among judge jay's volumes unexcelled by exactness of congressional, diplomatic, and, to some extent, military research; and by plainness of speech in regard to national outrages and perfidy without a name, perpetrated in the cause of slavery; and his writings generally on this subject show the same accurate inquiry and outspoken frankness. it was on the varied phases of our treatment of the coloured people, free and slave, at our own doors, the cruel wrong so full of injustice to the blacks, of scandal to christendom, and of menace to the republic, that jay wrote with deepest earnestness, the most exacting research, and a fearless pen. his inquiry into "the american colonization and the antislavery societies" and "the action of the federal government in behalf of slavery," developed facts which implicated prominent politicians of both parties, and aroused at once their surprise and indignation, while the disclosure directly appealed to the pride and conscience of the american people. the same judicial, dauntless, and defiant spirit marked the appeals which he prepared for the antislavery society against the calumnies of the press, and the dignified protest against the libellous charges so unworthily made by president jackson in his message to congress. the same spirit animated his address on "the condition of the people of colour in the united states"; the "appeal to the friends of constitutional liberty, on the violation by the house of representatives of the right of petition"; his supplement to "the reproof of the american church," by bishop wilberforce of oxford; the exposure in the letter to bishop ives of the clerical efforts to sanctify slavery and caste; and his earnest demand for the equal admission of the coloured churches to the diocesan council of new york. so, too, with the critical analysis of mr. clay's "compromise bill," including the fugitive law and mr. webster's "theory of physical geography"; his address to the inhabitants of new mexico and california, so timely distributed in english and spanish, and so happily followed in california by a free constitution, urging them to resist the domination of slavery with its ignorance and degradation, and to secure, by their own manly independence and just statesmanship, a glorious future of power and happiness; his address to the antislavery christians; and his plain reminders to the protestant episcopal church, and to the tract and other societies, of the inconsistency and evil influence of their compromising pro-slavery policy. constitutional principles--an historic parallel. the part of jay's life pictured by mr. tuckerman not only exhibits these characteristics, but shows the antislavery society to have been founded by his care, in , on constitutional principles so just and so clearly defined, that in sixteen hundred and fifty auxiliary societies had been established on the same basis, educating the rising generation, on whom was to rest the destiny of the country in the near future. it was an education of the quiet and effective influence of which the pro-slavery leaders seemed unconscious, although to some it may recall the thought of dr. storrs, when he said:--"when i think of a millennium in our time, in our civilization, my thought rests and fastens on the promise, 'a little child shall lead them.'" the charge had already been made against the opponents of slavery of a disregard of constitutional obligations--of a desire to dissolve the union and to encourage slave insurrection. the society declared the exclusive right of each slave state to legislate in regard to slavery; the constitutional right of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, to prohibit it in the territories and new states, and to control the domestic as well as the foreign slave trade; and it disclaimed the idea of countenancing the slaves in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force. and here is suggested, by the action and the anticipation of the slave power, an interesting historic parallel. the formation of the antislavery society in december, , followed closely upon mr. calhoun's nullification in south carolina in , when, as mr. pollard tell us, a medal was struck inscribed, "john c. calhoun, first president of the c. s. a." a counterpart of this medal in gold is said to exist at richmond, with the name of jefferson davis as the first president of the southern confederacy, and " " on the reverse side. these incidents seem to emphasize the fact that the constitutional principles adopted by the antislavery society in , and so widely circulated by the press and its auxiliaries before the war, although often assailed, were, in , made the basis of the republican party, which, as americans of all sections may now with mutual regard and affection thank god, maintained the union and abolished slavery. such a revolution in public opinion is a forcible reminder of the truth that every principle contains within itself the germ of a prophecy, and it is a thought fraught with hope and confidence to reformers even when they seem to be threatened with disaster and defeat. the early scheme for a southern confederacy. the determination to found a confederacy with slavery as its cornerstone appears as a fundamental feature in the policy of the slave power for some thirty years before the outbreak of the civil war. mr. calhoun's idea of secession, apparently suggested by the tariff, general jackson predicted would be renewed on the question of slavery. the novel of prof. beverly tucker in , entitled, "the partisan leader; or, twenty years after," foreshadowed the steps at home and abroad which were taken in forming the new confederacy; and in the south carolina convention in , southern politicians like rhett, parker, keith, and inglis said that the matter had nothing to do with mr. lincoln or the fugitive law, but had been culminating for a long series of years. the thought of a southern confederacy may have stimulated the policy of using the power of the republic, while it lasted, in the interest of the confederacy that was to succeed it; supplying a motive for the texan rebellion, the war with mexico, the effort to secure cuba, the filibustering expeditions to central america, the determination to reopen the african slave-trade, and the pro-slavery action of the buchanan administration. northern and european sympathy with slavery. it would be hardly fair to the southern leaders to assume that they found no reason for their hope of effecting the dissolution of the union in the sympathy and aid promised from the north and from europe. the secret conferences with lord lyons of northern sympathizers with slavery were disclosed by the despatches of that eminent diplomatist. mayor fernando wood's proposition that new york should become a free city, independent both of the states and the nation, showed in no slight degree the temper of the citizens whom he represented; while the later appeal of so eminent and popular a leader as governor horatio seymour to the citizens of the state was equally significant when he said, "in the downfall of the nation, and amid its crumbling ruins, we will cling to the fortunes of new york." such utterances enforced by leaders of the prominence of franklin pierce and vallandingham; the political action of sympathizers with slavery and the anti-draft riots in new york, supplemented by the unfriendliness of european governments; and the escape of the "alabama"--all these circumstances tended to encourage the hopes that were doomed to disappointment. nor in considering the antislavery movement should we overlook the effect of the antislavery opinion of our country in ending the danger of european intervention, which had been unwittingly encouraged by mr. seward's too hasty assurance to our minister in france (april , ), that "the revolution was without a cause, without a pretext, and without an object; and that the condition of slavery in the several states would remain just the same, whether it should succeed or fail." the antislavery policy, first of enlistment and then of emancipation, so earnestly urged upon mr. lincoln and adopted by him with conscientious caution, enlightened europe as to the true meaning of the contest in our recognition of the equal right to freedom and the equal dignity of labour, and forbade its rulers to assist in the establishment of a slave confederacy; and the historian lessing, when alluding to the cordial reception by his holiness the sovereign pontiff of the diplomatic agents of mr. jefferson davis, and the papal letter recognizing and commending "the illustrious president of the southern confederacy," remarks that this was "the only official recognition of the chief conspirator by the head of any government." nor should the right appreciation by the abolitionists of the prospect of freedom for the slaves be forgotten. the fidelity of the negroes during the war, both to the families with whom they lived, to which vice-president stephens bore distinct testimony, and to the northern army, from which they expected emancipation, was no less honourable and conspicuous than the devotion and gallantry they constantly exhibited in the war, as at fort hudson and fort wagner, at milliken's bend and lake providence, at newbern and at olustee, where their rear-guard saved the army. their conduct, whether at home or in the field, justified the conviction of their steadfast friends in the safety of immediate emancipation, and added untold force to the sacredness of the pledges so often given during the war, and still, to the national discredit, unfulfilled--of national aid to state education, so as to secure to every child of our coloured citizens the ability to read his bible and the constitution, to fulfill his duties and protect his rights. as time and reflection impress upon the american mind a clear comprehension of the changes, national, social, and political, that a triumph of the slave power would have brought to america and its effect as a set-back to the civilization of the world, an increased interest will be felt in the beginnings of the contest, and in the men and causes that shaped its end. the lesson for to-day. i cordially recommend mr. tuckerman's memoir to the students of the antislavery contest, as throwing light on that interesting and but partially written chapter of american history, in which my father bore a part; and on the character and policy of the sturdy band with whom he was associated, including arthur and lewis tappan, joshua leavitt, james g. birney, gerrit smith, and their true-hearted compatriots; while a wider view would include a group of noble women, who, if differing as to means, were united in devotion, headed by the honoured names of maria weston chapman and harriet beecher stowe, lucretia mott, lydia maria child, and the sisters grimké. among our citizens who will be long remembered as early and fearless opponents of slavery, leading and acting with energy and independence, according to their personal convictions and occasionally in differing ways, were the venerable isaac t. hopper, william lloyd garrison, whose life has been so faithfully recorded by his sons, john greenleaf whittier, whose old huguenot spirit lives in his verse as in his name, ellis gray loring, lovejoy, the martyr of the west, wendell phillips, with his matchless eloquence, theodore d. weld, with his trenchant pen, elizur wright, jr., samuel r. ward, william goodell, s. s. jocelyn, gamaliel bailey, jr., edmund quincey, s. h. gay, oliver johnston, james s. gibbons, and others, who opened the way--sometimes by devious and diverging paths--for the party of the union and emancipation. as the contest advanced from the field of politics to that of war, came union men from different points whose names will live in our history with those of john a. andrew, john c. fremont, john p. hale, chase, sumner, seward, preston and john a. king, wilmot, giddings, wade, holt, and edwin d. stanton. in new york, where mob law had prevailed, the union league club upheld the loyalty of the city, the credit of the nation, and the sanitary commission; raised troops for hancock in addition to its own coloured regiments; stimulated the ardour of our soldiers and the patriotism of the country; welcomed, of the army, grant and sherman, mead and sheridan, hancock and hooker, warren and burnside, and of the navy, farragut, dupont and rogers, winslow and the youthful cushing; verifying in its spirit and action the remark of vice-president colfax that on the union league club lincoln had leaned in the darkest hours. the club did not forget, neither will the truthful historian forget, that amid the european plots and intrigues in the interest of slavery, we had friends high and low, from alexander of russia, the emancipator of twenty millions of serfs--who, like lincoln, fell by assassination--to the humble peasants, who instinctively recognised the hostility to the rights of labor inherent in the slavery system, whose vicious features had been exposed by john bright with such masterly effect. goldwin smith, the historic scholar of oxford, who at home had denounced those who would have made england an accomplice in "the creation of a great slave empire, and in its future extension from the grave of washington to the halls of montezuma," in his reply to the greetings of the eminent citizens who had asked him to the club and who assembled to meet him,[b] said, "your cause is ours; it is the cause of the whole human race." the same idea, in almost the same words, was expressed by the count de cavour a few days before his death, in a despatch to the italian minister at washington, when he said "that ours was the cause not only of constitutional liberty, but of all humanity." the antislavery story from the calhoun medal, struck to commemorate the supposed birth of a slave empire to the constitutional abolition of slavery, concerned humanity, and has lessons of warning and encouragement for the men and women of to-day, on whom rest the hopes of the country, and who, against odds that seem as formidable as those presented by the slave power at its culmination, are bravely striving for the advance of humanity, the purification of our politics, and the preservation of american institutions. they may well adopt the inspiriting legend of geneva to which the antislavery contest of america has given a new radiance, "post tenebras lux." our institutions, no longer endangered by slavery, are assailed with skilful intrigue in their own strongholds, the public school and the polls, especially of our great cities, where a corrupt, irresponsible, secret rule recalls the council of ten and the lion of saint mark, and now it is charged that our very legislation at times is not simply partisan but fraudulent. the incompatibility of such proceedings with american principles and american rights recalls with emphatic force the warning so distinctly and repeatedly given us by dr. orestes a. brownson, that eminent and philosophic representative of our citizens of the roman catholic faith who stand squarely by the american constitution and american institutions, of the danger of allowing foreigners to meddle with our public schools when he said that american civilization was "the farthest point in advance yet reached by any age or nation, and that foreigners who come to educate according to their civilization necessarily educate for a civilization behind the times and below that of this country." the enlightening effect of an impartial study of the antislavery contest on an independent and philosophic critic can be read in the interesting and instructive pages of von holst; and a review of that contest, from the first presentment of the principles of the antislavery society to the parting scene of grant and lee at appomatox, and the adoption of the constitutional amendment of emancipation, affords, step by step, amid whatever mistakes and blunders, evidence which becomes the more striking and conclusive, as time passes, of what was accomplished in the antislavery struggle for humanity and the world in shaping the future of the republic, by calm resolve, a faithful adhesion to truth and principle, patient perseverance, unflinching courage, faith in the triumph of right, american manliness, and far-sighted christian statesmanship. bedford house, katonah, new york, may, . contents. chapter i. page birth and education of william jay.--his early philanthropic interests.--appointed judge of westchester county. chapter ii. early opposition to slavery.--growth of the slave power.--the missouri compromise.--jay begins political agitation for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. chapter iii. development of the antislavery movement.--organization of antislavery societies.--anti-abolition riots.--jay publishes his "inquiry." chapter iv. continued efforts to suppress the antislavery movement by force and intimidation.--favourable effect upon the public mind produced by jay's writings. chapter v. gradual decline of riotous demonstrations against the abolitionists.--changes occur in the doctrines and methods of the american antislavery society.--judge jay resigns his membership, while continuing his efforts on behalf of emancipation. chapter vi. judge jay continues to support the antislavery cause by his advice and writings.--in consequence of his opinions he is deprived of his seat on the bench.--his visit to europe.--his views on the liberty party.--on the annexation of texas.--his "review of the mexican war."--his advocacy of international arbitration as a remedy for war.--his work in the episcopal church. chapter vii. unpopularity of the abolitionists.--the compromises of and the fugitive-slave law.--jay's reply to webster's th of march speech.--the attitude of the episcopal church.--the abrogation of the missouri compromise.--disunion. chapter viii. death of judge jay.--his position among antislavery men.--his other public and philanthropic interests.--his private life.--his character. bibliography index appendix illustrations. william jay, from a crayon by martin _frontispiece._ view of bedford house, the home of judge jay chief-justice jay, from a painting by gilbert stuart william jay, from a painting by vanderlyn william jay, from a painting by wenzler mrs. william jay, from a painting by w. e. west william jay. chapter i. birth and education of william jay.--his early philanthropic interests.--appointed judge of westchester county. william jay, the second son of john jay, the first chief-justice of the united states, and his wife, sarah van brugh livingston, was born in the city of new york the th of june, . new york was then the seat of the federal government, and the year is memorable as that in which the national constitution superseded the articles of confederation, while the inauguration of washington marked a new era in american history. during the absence of john jay in england, while negotiating the "jay treaty," he was elected governor of new york, and returned home to assume that office in . william, then eight years old, was placed at school with the rev. thomas ellison, the rector of st. peter's church, albany. there he received an old-fashioned training. in he wrote to his father: "mr. ellison put me in virgil, and i can now say the first two eclogues by heart, and construe and parse and scan them." and later on: "i learn nothing but latin." among his schoolmates was j. fenimore cooper, who afterwards drew a portrait of their old instructor in one of his "sketches of england," addressed to jay: "thirty-six years ago you and i were schoolfellows and classmates in the house of a clergyman of the true english school. this man was an epitome of the national prejudices and in some respects of the national character. he was the son of a beneficed clergyman in england, had been regularly graduated at oxford and admitted to orders; entertained a most profound reverence for the king and the nobility; was not backward in expressing his contempt for all classes of dissenters and all ungentlemanly sects; was particularly severe on the immoralities of the french revolution, and though eating our bread, was not especially lenient to our own; compelled you and me to begin virgil with the eclogues, and cicero with the knotty phrase that opens the oration in favour of the poet archias, 'because these writers would not have placed them first in the books if they did not intend people to read them first'; spent his money freely and sometimes that of other people; was particularly tenacious of the ritual and of all the decencies of the church; detested a democrat as he did the devil; cracked his jokes daily about mr. jefferson, never failing to place his libertinism in strong relief against the approved morals of george iii., of several passages in whose history it is charitable to suppose he was ignorant; prayed fervently on sunday, and decried all morals, institutions, churches, manners, and laws but those of england from monday to saturday." still, jay and cooper were indebted to ellison's thoroughness in the classics for much of the mental training, the correct taste, and the pure english which marked their subsequent intellectual efforts. jay was prepared for college by henry davis, afterwards president of hamilton college. the boy as he appeared at this time was thus described by his cousin, susan sedgwick: "as i look back to that fresh spring-time of life, there rises clearly before me a vigorous, sturdy boy, full of health and animation, with laughing eyes, cheeks glowing and dimpled, and exhibiting already marked traits: with a strong will, yet easily reduced by rightful authority; in temper quick, even to passion, but never vindictive; the storm easily raised as soon appeased, thus foreshadowing him at that later period, when, however capable of self-control, his fearless resistance to wrong and uncompromising advocacy of right partook of the same vehement character, happily expressed by his friend, mr. fenimore cooper, who, in reference to his then recently published denunciation of the evils of war, addressed him playfully, 'thou most pugnacious man of peace.'" william entered yale college in january, , in his fifteenth year. upon the college roll during his four years were names afterwards well known in our history. there were trained side by side boys who were soon to be arrayed against each other in religion, politics, and in the momentous conflict of slavery with freedom, which, passing from the senate to the field, their sons and grandsons were to terminate by the sword. from the state of south carolina came john c. calhoun, who significantly chose for the subject of his graduating oration, "the qualifications necessary for a perfect statesman;" christopher edward gadsden, afterwards bishop of his native state; and thomas smith grimké, eminent at the bar, in scholarship and philanthropy. among the northern students was the rev. john pierpont, known as the reformer and poet, who at the age of seventy-six went to the front during the civil war as chaplain of a massachusetts regiment; hon. henry randolph storrs, of new york, the jurist; rev. dr. nathaniel william taylor, of the calvinistic school of edwards and dwight; dr. thomas h. gallaudet, of huguenot descent, who devoted himself to the education of deaf-mutes; dr. alexander h. stevens, of new york; rev. dr. samuel farmer jarvis, the learned professor of oriental literature; rev. dr. gardiner spring, of new york, the famous presbyterian divine; the hon. william huntington, of connecticut; jacob sutherland, of new york; and james a. hillhouse, of new haven, one of the most scholarly of our poets, whose generous hospitality at his beautiful home, sachem's wood, with its avenue of stately elms planted by his father and himself, was for many years the delight of his friends. at yale jay met cooper again, and strengthened a friendship which lasted through life. it was during a visit at bedford, about , while sitting on the piazza with chief-justice jay, smoking and talking of the incidents of the revolution, that fenimore cooper learned the adventures of a patriotic american, who was apparently attached to the royal cause, but who constantly warned of danger the continental army in westchester and was especially useful during the sitting of the state convention at white plains. the services and escapes of this man were reproduced in "harvey birch, the spy of the neutral ground," which achieved so great a success at home and in europe, where it still holds its place, having been honoured by more translations, including the persian and arabic, than any similar work written in english until the appearance of "uncle tom's cabin." in a letter to his grandson, william jay, in , judge jay gave some particulars of his college course, which show the simplicity of life in those days and the still lingering influence of english habits: "through the influence of a professor with whom i had previously lived, i was placed in the room of a resident graduate. the resident graduates were denominated 'sirs'; they had a pew in the chapel called the sirs' pew; and when spoken of in college always had sir prefixed to their names. my room-mate was sir holly (dr. horace holly). as a mere freshman i looked up to my room-mate with great respect and treated him accordingly. we had no servants to wait on us, except that a man came every morning to make our beds and sweep the room, and once a week to scatter clean white sand on the floor. i rose early--generally before six in winter--made the fire, and then went, pitcher in hand, often wading through snow, for water for sir holly and myself. at that time the freshmen occupied in part the place of sizers in the english universities, and they were required to run errands for the seniors. our meals were taken in a large hall with a kitchen opening into it. the students were arranged at tables according to their classes. all sat on wooden benches, not excepting the tutors; the latter had a table to themselves on an elevated platform whence they had a view of the whole company. but it was rather difficult for them to attend to their plates and to watch two hundred boys at the same time. salt beef once a day and dry cod were perhaps the most usual dishes. on sunday mornings during the winter our breakfast-tables were graced with large tin milk-cans filled with stewed oysters; at the proper season we were occasionally treated at dinner with green peas. as you may suppose, a goodly number of waiters were needed in the hall. these were all students, and many of them among the best and most esteemed scholars. about half-past five in winter the bell summoned us from our beds, and at six it called us to prayers in the chapel. we next repaired to the recitation-rooms and recited by candle-light the lessons we had studied the preceding evening. at eight we had breakfast, and at nine the bell warned us to our rooms. at twelve it called us to a recitation or a lecture. after dinner we recommenced our studies and recited for the third time at four o'clock. during study hours the tutors would frequently go the rounds, looking into our rooms to see that we were not playing truant. before supper, we all attended evening prayers in the chapel." the presidency of the college was then occupied by dr. timothy dwight, who also gave instruction in _belles-lettres_, oratory, and theology. to him jay wrote in : "i retain a grateful recollection of your kind attention to me, and i have, and trust will ever have, reason to acknowledge the goodness of providence in placing me under your care, when many of my opinions were to be formed and my principles established." still later, he wrote to a college friend: "your remarks on dr. dwight are grateful to my heart. i cherish his memory as one of the best friends i ever had." in his senior year jay took part in debates among the students, presided over by dr. dwight. some of the subjects discussed were: "ought infidels to be excluded from office?" "ought religion to be supported by law?" "would a division of the union be politic?" "would it be politic to encourage manufactures in the united states?" on the last question dr. dwight remarked: "we shall always buy things where we can get them the cheapest; we will never make our commodities so long as we can buy them better and cheaper elsewhere." jay displayed his natural inclination for the law by contributing a series of articles on legal subjects, over the signature of "coke," to the _literary cabinet_, the students' paper. he took his degree in september, , having injured his eyesight in his efforts to attain a high standing in his class. "during the winter of my junior year," he wrote in warning to his grandson william, "i was struggling hard for honours, and trying to make up for lost time; i used to rise about four o'clock, light my fire, and sit down to the study of conic sections. i brought on a weakness in my eyes which lasted several years. be sure you never rise before the sun and study your latin and greek by candle-light or gas-light." after graduation jay went to albany and began the study of the law in the office of john b. henry. on the d of september, , he married augusta, daughter of john mcvickar, a merchant of new york, and vestryman of trinity church. the difficulty with his eyesight, which had seriously interfered with his legal studies, became so pronounced as to compel him to abandon his profession for some years. during this period he retired with his wife to his father's country seat, "bedford," in westchester county, and there devoted himself with energy to agricultural pursuits. the farm included about eight hundred acres, part of a tract purchased by jacobus van cortlandt from katonah sagamore and other indian chieftains in , and confirmed by patent of queen anne in . it had come to chief-justice jay partly through his mother, mary van cortlandt, the wife of peter jay, and partly through her sister, eve van cortlandt, the wife of judge john chambers. [illustration: the jay house at bedford.] of the forty fields into which the farm was divided, jay kept a separate account: showing the tillage and produce, the drainage and fencing, the dates of planting and reaping. a volume of this kind, begun in , contained entries as late as , the year before his death. he perfected himself in grafting and budding, and was particularly successful with peaches, with cherries, pears and plums, some of them with huguenot names and memories, and with muskmelons from persian seed, brought to him from the east by a friend. he raised horses from imported stock, merino sheep, and superintended the curing of hams from a westphalian recipe, furnished by an old hessian farm hand--one of the hirelings who had come to conquer and remained to cultivate the country. in jay and fenimore cooper drafted the constitution for an agricultural society of which governor jay was the first president and general pierre van cortlandt the second--an institution of great use in the development of westchester county. in , when twenty-six years of age, jay entered upon that course of active philanthropy which for the next forty years employed his thoughts and pen. his first effort was directed to the improvement of his native town of bedford in the organization of the society for the suppression of vice. by means of this society, of which he was the secretary, he did much to restrain the liquor traffic and to diminish intemperance. later on, as a judge, he used all the power of the law to the same end; and it was he who suggested the law, still in force, which forbids a tavern-keeper to supply drink on credit. an interesting incident in this early period of his life was the part which he bore in founding the american bible society, in organizing its machinery for the immense work it had to perform, and in vindicating the principles of the society against the attacks of the opposing party in his own church. in this struggle jay proved the independence of character and courage of conviction which afterwards distinguished him through the seemingly hopeless years of antislavery effort. the general distribution of bibles in our day makes it difficult to appreciate the limited supply, the high cost, and the consequent rarity of the bible when this society began its work. the high-church party in new york were opposed to the association of episcopalians with other christians to circulate the bible, and opposed even to the distribution of the bible, unless accompanied by the prayer-book as an interpreter. in these views they were vigorously supported by their distinguished leader, bishop john henry hobart. jay, who had inherited with his huguenot blood a faith in the bible not to be restrained by ecclesiastical assumption, was an officer of the westchester bible society and deeply interested in the work. on the appearance of a pastoral letter from bishop hobart in which the high-church views were expressed, he published a pamphlet showing that it was "the interest and duty of episcopalians to unite with their fellow-christians of all denominations in spreading the knowledge of the word of god." this pamphlet brought him into an active conflict with the eminent bishop which lasted for several years, and taught him that a philanthropic cause, even so plainly meritorious, was not to be carried on without the opposition of powerful conservative interests. convinced that a national society could accomplish more than the local and scattered state bible societies, jay published a pamphlet in which showed the imperative importance of the work, and urged united action. at the same time the venerable elias boudinot of new jersey was exerting himself to the same end. when he received a letter from jay enclosing the pamphlet, he thus welcomed his youthful ally: "these precious moments i have devoted to a full consideration of one of the greatest and most interesting subjects that has ever concerned the children of men. weak and feeble and scarcely able to think or write, my efforts promised but little in the cause, when your welcome and unexpected letter was brought in. my drooping spirits were raised and my mind greatly revived. i could not help giving glory to god for the great encouragement afforded me to press on in this glorious cause, when i thus beheld his special mercy in raising up so powerful a support in this joyous work and labour of love." in the same year the american bible society was formed with the assistance of the best names in the country. elias boudinot was chosen president, with john jay and matthew clarkson, a gallant officer of the revolution, as vice-presidents. others on the roll were: john langdon, the statesman of new hampshire; william gray, the eminent merchant of boston; the scholarly john cotton smith, of connecticut, with the blood of the cottons and the mathers of colonial history; william tighlman, the jurist of pennsylvania; william wirt and bushrod washington, of virginia; charles cotesworth pinckney, of south carolina; governor worthington, of ohio; john bolton, of georgia; felix grundy, of tennessee; and of new york: dr. john b. romeyne; colonel richard varick, washington's aide; daniel d. tompkins, the governor who obtained the abolition of slavery in the state; john pintard, john aspinwall, jeremiah evarts, frederic de peyster, george griffin, de witt clinton, the patroon stephen van rensselaer, and colonel henry rutgers. notwithstanding the honourable support given to the society, it had to resist a carefully organized assault on the part of bishop hobart and an influential portion of his clergy aimed at the vital principle on which the success of the movement depended--the cordial union of all christians. jay's previous training in the same field of controversy, his staunch devotion at once to his cause and to his church, designated him as the proper person to carry on, in behalf of the society, the war of letters and pamphlets which ensued. although pitted against an adversary to whom age, experience, and station gave great advantages, he acquitted himself with credit, displaying literary and reasoning powers which were soon to exert a potent effect upon the great moral issue of our time. other questions of a philanthropic character occupied his pen. the synod of albany having offered a prize for the best essay on the observance of the sabbath, jay competed for it with success. a more notable incident of the same sort occurred in . the savannah anti-duelling association offered a medal for the best argument against duelling. the committee appointed to judge the essays were: john cummings; james m. wayne, subsequently appointed by president jackson a justice of the supreme court; r. w. habersham, afterwards governor of georgia; william law; and matthew hall mcallister, mayor of savannah and an opponent of nullification in . that in these southern men were seeking to root out the habit of duelling, and that the prize should have been awarded by them to william jay, is a curious commentary on the connection between slavery and duelling. at this time both practices had their opponents at the south who were allowed to express their opinions. as the grip of slavery increased in strength and closed the mouth of every objector, anti-duelling sentiment was simultaneously extinguished. both barbarous practices were to increase and to perish together. jay's essay could then find praise among men who a few years later would not tolerate in their homes any product of his pen. in may, , jay was appointed one of the judges of westchester county. the mention of the fact in his diary closed with the words, "may i have grace to discharge with fidelity the duties of the station." two years later a commission from governor clinton made him the first judge of the county, an office which he held until , when the adoption of the new constitution terminated all offices under the old one. fenimore cooper then wrote to him, "i see that you are unhorsed with other clever fellows." but in response to a general demand, governor clinton reappointed him under the new constitution, and he continued to hold office under successive governors of different parties until , when he was displaced by governor bouck at the demand of the pro-slavery wing of the democracy. a decision of jay's, rejecting a witness who declared his un-belief in god, occurred when de tocqueville was in the united states, and was commented upon by the distinguished frenchman as having been accepted by the press without comment, and as showing that the american people combined the notions of christianity and of liberty so intimately that it was impossible to make them conceive of the one without the other, and that they held religion to be indispensable to the maintenance of republican institutions. in , soon after jay's death, when an attempt was made by a pro-slavery faction in the county to remove his portrait from the court-house at white plains, it was defeated by a protest of the members of the bar. "many of us," they said, "were well acquainted with judge jay, and can speak from personal knowledge of those high qualities which have given him an historic celebrity. whilst he entertained and vigorously vindicated decided opinions on certain questions which have much divided society and produced much acrimony of feeling--in which many of us did not sympathize with him--yet we can all bear testimony to the noble frankness and sincerity of his nature, to his deep interest in all questions tending to advance the interest of the race, and to the extraordinary intellectual strength displayed by him on all occasions in giving expression to his convictions." in the early years of jay's life, it appears that his mind turned naturally toward philanthropic subjects. his moral sense was largely developed, his conscience active, his humanity aggressive. his own comfortable circumstances did not close his heart to the sufferings of others. his generous nature longed to replace evil by good. and in the cause which his conscience approved, no obloquy nor social unpopularity could impede his progress. at the same time, there was about him nothing of the intemperate agitator. he was a judge and brought to his philanthropic labours a judicial habit of mind. indeed, it was this habit of mind which distinguished him among his fellow-workers in the antislavery cause. it was his mission to urge emancipation with the constitution in his hand; to meet in conflict that portion of society which silenced its uneasy conscience by a repetition of constitutional provisions, and at the same time to combat those who were inclined to seek emancipation by unconstitutional means. his quiet country life, in which healthful out-of-door pursuits were mingled with the study and reflection of his library, particularly fitted him to look at this all-important question with calmness, with consideration for both sides, and yet with the vigour of a mind free to work exhaustively on a subject involving many conflicting theories and duties. he brought to his task real talents, literary and polemic; a style ready and concise; a reasoning enlivened by an effective vein of irony. he had a refined and benevolent countenance, a pleasing manner, a temper even, but easily roused to indignation at the sight of injustice. before considering his first connection with the antislavery movement, we may glance at its situation in the early manhood of william jay. chapter ii. early opposition to slavery.--growth of the slave power.--the missouri compromise.--jay begins political agitation for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. the movement which culminated in the civil war and the total abolition of slavery in the united states was first humanitarian, and subsequently political. philanthropists prepared the way for the statesman and the soldier. the humanitarian movement had begun before the time of william jay and his fellow-workers. to find its beginnings, we must look back into the colonial days of the eighteenth century. there, among the first, was george keith, of pennsylvania, denouncing the system on grounds of both christianity and public policy. and samuel sewall, chief-justice of massachusetts, who, in his pamphlet, "the selling of joseph," quaintly testified to the truth. "these ethiopians," he said, "as black as they are, seeing they are the sons and daughters of the first adam and the offspring of god, they ought to be treated with respect agreeable." ralph sandiford, benjamin lay, william burling, anthony benezet, the huguenot, were men who spoke as sincerely as later abolitionists and whose words were heard. there was john woolman, of new jersey, who pointed out "the dark gloominess overhanging the land, the spirit of fierceness and love of dominion," resulting from this iniquity; and dr. samuel hopkins, of newport, r. i., whose eloquent exhortations banished the slave trade from a congregation growing rich on its spoils; and dr. benjamin rush, of philadelphia, who foretold that "future ages will be at a loss which to condemn most, our folly or our guilt in abetting this direct violation of nature and religion." the legislatures of virginia, south carolina, pennsylvania, and massachusetts in turn attempted to restrict the slave-trade; but their efforts were annulled in england, where the slave interest, through its champion, lord sandwich, forbade any interference with "a traffic so beneficial to the nation." the colonies had no sooner achieved their independence than they found themselves face to face with the great question, and on the threshold of their national life a great change was perceptible in the attitude of the people towards slavery. the old seventeenth century idea, that to drag a negro from his heathen wilds to labour unrequited in a christian community tended to the benefit of his soul, had passed away. the slave-trade was generally recognized as indefensible. there were men who denounced slavery itself as an abominable evil. even those most determined to maintain the institution took the ground that it was an unfortunate necessity, but that it must be preserved to avoid greater evils. in , through the noble efforts of thomas jefferson, timothy pickering, rufus king, nathan dane, william grayson, and richard henry lee, congress passed the great ordinance which forbade slavery to cross the ohio river into the northwest territory. the struggle between right and wrong had begun, but the opposing forces were very unequal. on one side was humane sentiment; on the other was deeply rooted habit, pecuniary interest, the pressure of political questions of seemingly overriding importance. among the great leaders of the time there are two whose opinions and practice give an excellent illustration of the prevailing antislavery feeling: john jay of new york, patrick henry of virginia. there is no disagreement as to the moral elevation of john jay's character. abroad and at home, officially and unofficially, he was always the opponent of slavery. yet jay purchased and held men as slaves. to obtain domestic servants otherwise was extremely difficult. after his slaves had served him sufficiently long and faithfully to return to him what he considered the value of his outlay, he gave them their freedom. he believed that slavery in principle was wrong, but he yielded so far to convenience and custom. patrick henry was an antislavery man and placed his position on record in the following words: "is it not amazing that, at a time when the rights of humanity are defined and understood with precision, in a country above all others fond of liberty, in such an age, we find men professing a religion the most humane, mild, meek, gentle, and generous adopting a principle as repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with the bible and destructive of liberty? every thinking, honest man rejects it in speculation, but how few in practice, from conscientious motives! would any one believe that i am a master of slaves of my own purchase? i am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living without them. i will not, i cannot, justify it; however culpable my conduct, i will so far pay my _devoirs_ to duty as to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts and lament my want of conformity to them. i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil; everything we can do is to improve it, if it happens in our own day; if not, let us transmit to our own descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot and an abhorrence of slavery." such being the character of antislavery sentiment, its chances of success seem hopeless enough when we hear the other side. when congress was considering the articles of confederation, wilson, of pennsylvania, said: "dismiss your slaves, freemen will take their places." the reply of lynch, of south carolina, showed the existence of men willing to sacrifice everything to the preservation of slavery. "our slaves are our property," said he; "if that is debated, there is an end to confederation." thus, at this crisis in the national history, there first distinctively appeared that aggressive, uncompromising party, afterwards to be known as the slave power--an association of men then forming a minority even in the south, but determined to carry its point at all hazards; men who were willing to sacrifice every consideration of the public good to the permanence of a system profitable to themselves, but which reduced human beings to the level of beasts. against a party so resolute, antislavery opinion of the patrick henry variety could not prevail. moreover, the distracted state of the country, the imperative necessity for union, made every other question seem secondary to the majority of patriotic statesmen. in the constitutional convention, the slave power, then chiefly represented by south carolina and georgia, by threatening to defeat the establishment of a stable government and by making the preservation of slavery a _sine qua non_ to the union, obtained the concessions so big with future disaster. the struggle over this subject in the days of the formation of the government was the beginning of the "irrepressible conflict." the slave power had come into being as a distinct force, aiming to dominate the rest of the community in the interest of property in man. on the other hand, the opposition began to organize. several abolition and manumission societies were formed. the oldest of these was that of pennsylvania, which in chose franklin for its president. a society was formed in new york in with john jay as president and alexander hamilton as secretary; in rhode island in , under the lead of dr. hopkins. in , before the connecticut society, jonathan edwards the younger maintained the doctrine of _immediate emancipation_. similar associations were at work in new jersey, virginia, and maryland. antislavery men were thus uniting in their cause, but unfortunately they were, with rare exceptions, devoid of the earnestness which characterized their opponents. their hostility to the system was a sentiment rather than a principle. it could hasten somewhat emancipation at the north; but it had no force to contend against the pecuniary interests which were daily binding tighter the bonds of the negro in the south. there, in the early years of the present century, the cotton-gin, which had been invented in , gave an impetus to the production of cotton which nearly doubled the value of slaves. at the north the profits of the african trade which supplied this increased demand for negroes gave to the slave power allies almost as determined as themselves. the year , fixed by the constitution as the limit of the duration of the slave-trade, witnessed the next contest. the result was a definite prohibition of the trade by law. but it was a barren victory for the cause of humanity. the interests involved in both northern and southern states had grown so large and influential as to make the law a dead letter. the trade continued with unabated vigour, and marked by even greater cruelties to the wretched cargoes. the slave power was growing in strength and determination, bent on controlling the national government, influencing our foreign relations, reaching out already to grasp new slave territory. from to continued the great contest over the admission of missouri as a slave state, in which was involved the question whether the extension and encouragement of slavery was to be the permanent policy of the united states government. men and words were not wanting to expose and condemn the contemplated evil. but the slave power had grown to too great proportions. henry clay, who had believed "slavery to be a wrong, a grievous wrong, which no contingency can make right," now, at the behest of slaveholders, threw his great influence against the cause of humanity. as in the days of the constitutional convention the slave power had secured the perpetuation of its system by threats of preventing a union of the states, so in it obtained the principle of the extension of slavery by threats of dissolving the union. thomas jefferson, so faithful an advocate of freedom, was now appalled by the sound of a strife which, "like the fire-bell at midnight," announced disaster, and he counselled concession. even john quincy adams was on the same side, "from extreme unwillingness to put the union in hazard." so passed the so-called compromise, which allowed slavery to break its bounds and to spread over arkansas and missouri. the slave power had won a great victory and had shown immense growth. the old apologetic position that the system, although wrong, could not be abolished without entailing greater evils, was now exchanged for the bold doctrine that slavery was a good thing, to be extended and strengthened. the struggle was growing fiercer and was becoming more clearly an issue between north and south, but the bone of contention was yet the extension, not the abolition, of slavery. the slave power, warned by the opposition it had met with in congress, that a new spirit was arising in the north, instinctively felt that its position could be maintained only by further aggression. none but slaveholders were allowed to represent the south in congress, where every public measure was considered first in the light of its effect upon the institution of slavery. at home, such humane laws regarding the blacks as still existed were repealed, new and more cruel enactments were passed, the manumission of slaves by grateful or repentant masters was prohibited. while at the south opinion tended towards united and vigorous action, the sentiments of the people at the north were divided. the majority, although disliking slavery "in the abstract," were so fearful of the outcome of the contention, were so anxious to see some settlement which would put an end to agitation, that they were disposed to accept the line drawn by the missouri compromise as the best solution possible, and to resent any further antislavery expression as an element of profitless disturbance. in this class there grew up a dislike of the negroes, a hatred of the questions involved in their existence among us, a general prejudice against colour, which tended greatly to the support of the slave power. many persons who preserved abolition views were lulled into repose of conscience by support of the colonization society, an organization formed in the south to get rid of free coloured persons by shipping them to africa, but skilfully made to appear as a philanthropic scheme to solve the slavery problem. men of the highest character and with the best intentions had joined this society in the belief that therein might be found the means of uprooting slavery. the ten years following the missouri compromise were unpromising for the cause of the slave. the southern states were ceaselessly strengthening themselves. race prejudice, the fear of business disturbance, apathy, made the north acquiescent. cotton was king, and to that authority conscience submitted. still there were signs of light and materials for improvement. in the exciting struggle for the establishment of slavery in illinois resulted in favour of freedom. there existed in the country one hundred and forty antislavery societies, of which one hundred and six were in the south. in was held in baltimore a convention at which eighty-one of these societies were represented. there was not enough "fight" among these antislavery men to make much impression. their views were directed towards preventing the extension of slavery, towards its abolition in the district of columbia (where its existence involved recognition by the united states government) and its "gradual" cessation elsewhere. the fact of their holding the convention in baltimore indicates the still lingering sympathy of a considerable party in the south, and it shows also that the slave power did not look upon them with much concern. it is not until antislavery stands upon the platform of abolition as an _immediate duty_ that it is swept from the face of the southern states. there were earnest men already engaged in a new and more vigorous crusade: elias hicks, the quaker, who proclaimed boldly the sin of owning men or condoning the practice in others; rev. john rankin, of tennessee, who removed with his congregation across the ohio river, rather than acquiesce in slavery; william goodell, of providence, beginning a career of forty years; above all, benjamin lundy, who sacrificed to the cause all that men hold dear. between and four abolition papers were being published, _the emancipator_ in tennessee, _the abolition intelligencer_ in kentucky, _the liberalist_ in louisiana, and, most important, lundy's _genius of universal emancipation_ in maryland. all of these papers were published in the south, and the majority of the manumission societies were there. thus, in , when william jay began his labours, the line between freedom and slavery was not yet drawn. a few slaves were still held in new york. many antislavery people were to be found at the south and many pro-slavery people at the north. the united states was a slaveholding nation. jay was a deeply interested observer of the contest in congress which resulted in the missouri compromise. in , when he was thirty years of age, his attitude towards the extension of slavery was stated in a letter to elias boudinot: "i have no doubt that the laws of god, and, as a necessary and inevitable consequence, the true interests of our country, forbid the extension of slavery. if our country is ever to be redeemed from the curse of slavery the present congress must stand between the living and the dead and stay the plague. now is the accepted time, now is the day of salvation. if slavery once takes root on the other side of the mississippi, it can never afterwards be extiminated, but will extend with the future western empire, poisoning the feelings of humanity, checking the growth of those principles of virtue and religion which constitute alike the security and happiness of civil society." in the year occurred an incident which marks the beginning of a new phase in the antislavery struggle--the movement which demanded abolition in the district of columbia. there, on territory exclusively under the jurisdiction of the national congress, it could be claimed justly that the question of states rights was not involved and that the constitutional provisions did not apply. in this movement, which continued until its object was accomplished in april, , william jay was a pioneer. in august of the year john owen, the proprietor of a paper-mill at croton falls, near the jay farm at bedford, received a parcel from new york which happened to have been wrapped in a washington newspaper, _the national intelligencer_, of the st of august. on looking it over his eye was caught by the following advertisement: "was committed to the jail of washington county, district of columbia, on the d of july last, a runaway negro man by the name of gilbert horton. he is five feet high, stout made, large full eyes, and a scar on his left arm near the elbow; had on when committed a tarpaulin hat, linen shirt, blue cloth jacket and trousers; says that he was born free in the state of new york near peekskill. the owner or owners of the above-described negro man, if any, are requested to come and take him away, or he will be sold for his jail fees and other expenses, as the law directs." there is a sort of grim humour about this advertisement, appearing, as it did, according to law, in the capital of the great free republic of the world, under a flag supposed to typify human liberty. it declared that a man who claimed to be and actually was a citizen of the state of new york was held in jail without any charge and would be sold into lifelong slavery unless claimed as a slave by an owner who did not exist. it declared, in short, that a free citizen of the united states who had any negro blood in his veins would be reduced to slavery by the act of setting foot in the capital of his country. here was an issue which involved the rights of the state of new york, but could not be said to be an attack on those of virginia or south carolina. mr. owen recognized in the gilbert horton thus described a free man who had worked in his neighbourhood. he lost no time in mounting his horse and riding over to bedford to submit the matter to judge jay. by the latter's advice a letter was despatched at once to the marshal of the district of columbia, giving proofs of horton's freedom, and a meeting was called of the citizens of westchester county to take action on the subject. this meeting, held on the th of august, with oliver green in the chair and william jay as secretary, passed the following resolutions: "i. that this meeting view this procedure with the indignation becoming men who have a just sense of the value of personal liberty, and a proper abhorrence of cruelty and oppression. "ii. that the evidence affords unequivocal proof of the freedom of horton. "iii. that the secretary is hereby desired to transmit to his excellency the governor the evidence above referred to, and, in the name of this meeting, to request his excellency to demand from the proper authorities the instant liberation of the said horton as a free citizen of the state of new york. "iv. that by the fourth article of the constitution of the united states the citizens of each state are entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the several states, and that it is the duty of the state of new york to protect its citizens in the enjoyment of these rights without regard to their complexion. "v. that the law under which horton has been imprisoned, and by which a free citizen without evidence of crime and without trial by jury may be condemned to servitude for life, is repugnant to our republican institutions, and revolting to justice and humanity; and that the representatives of this state in congress are hereby requested to use their endeavours to procure its repeal. "vi. that the secretary, with john owen, esq., be a committee to prepare and to present to the citizens of this county, for their signatures, a petition to congress for the immediate abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. "vii. that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and published." on receiving from judge jay the westchester resolutions, governor clinton submitted them immediately to president john quincy adams, who was paying a summer visit to his home at quincy, mass., with a respectful demand for the liberation of gilbert horton as a free man and a citizen. the president sent the papers with a letter from himself to henry clay, then secretary of state. henry clay was absent at the time, and the chief clerk of the department wrote to governor clinton that the instructions of the president had been anticipated by the discharge of horton by the marshal of the district. the committal had taken place under an old law of maryland, "which was adopted by congress with the other general laws then in force in that state for the county of washington upon its assuming exclusive jurisdiction over the territory." this disposal of the case left the principle at issue untouched, and jay could not be satisfied with such a result. his views are expressed in a letter written in september to hon. charles miner, a member of congress: "since i read a resolution introduced by you in relation to slavery in the district of columbia, the subject has been scarcely absent from my mind, and the late imprisonment in washington of a citizen of this county afforded an opportunity which i gladly embraced of obtaining an expression of public opinion. i do not entertain the slightest hope that our petition will be favourably received, nor the slightest apprehension that the cause we espouse will not finally triumph. the history of the abolition of the slave-trade teaches us the necessity of patient perseverance, and affords a pledge that perseverance will be ultimately crowned with success. we have nothing to fear, but much to hope, from the violence and threats of our opponents. apathy is the only obstacle we have reason to dread, and to remove this obstacle it is necessary that the attention of the public should be constantly directed to the subject. every discussion in congress in relation to slavery, no matter how great may be the majority against us, advances our cause. we shall rise more powerful from every defeat." jay's next step was to draft the memorial to congress ordered by the westchester resolutions. it declared: "the outrage offered to a citizen of this county, and a violation of the constitutional rights involved in that outrage, affords to the meeting new and strong evidences of the impropriety of the continuance of slavery in the district of columbia. as citizens of the republic, professing to acknowledge that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, and that among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, your petitioners cannot but regard it as derogatory to the government of the country that its laws should violate any of these rights in a territory under its exclusive jurisdiction. to your honourable body was given by the constitution the exclusive jurisdiction in all cases whatever over that district, and your right and ability to grant the prayer of these petitioners cannot be called in question, and the confined limit of the district and the comparatively small number of slaves it contains obviates the objections sometimes urged against sudden emancipation. "your petitioners therefore earnestly entreat your honourable body that the government of this great republic, glorying as it does in acknowledging and protecting the rights of mankind, diffusing the blessings of freedom, may no longer by law withhold these rights and blessings from any portion of the inhabitants of its own immediate territory, but in the exercise of your prerogative you will immediately provide for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia in such manner as in your wisdom may seem best." the publication of the westchester resolutions elicited no unfavourable comments at the north, but it gave no little disquietude to southern editors, two of whom declared that black persons travelling in the south should carry proofs of their freedom, as whites in europe were compelled to carry passports. the introduction of the subject into congress, even at that day, when there was no excitement at the north on the subject of slavery, brought out the susceptibility and dictatorial tone of the slaveholding interest which marked all subsequent debates up to the election of lincoln. soon after the assembling of congress in , mr. aaron ward, representing westchester county, introduced the resolution: "that the committee on the district of columbia be directed to enquire whether there be in force in the said district any law which authorizes the imprisonment of any man of colour and his sale as an unclaimed slave for gaol fees, and if so to enquire into the expediency of repealing the same." mr. ward accompanied his resolution with remarks of a moderate character, referring to the circumstances of horton's arrest, the fact of his being a citizen of new york, and the danger in which he stood of being sold as a slave; he contrasted the law under which such proceedings could be had with the provisions of the national constitution; and he concluded by saying: "the jurisdiction of the district, sir, ought to be exhibited to the country and to the world without a stain. its object should be not to oppress but to vindicate the rights of freemen, and if there is a spot on earth where these rights are to be held sacred that place is the district of columbia." for a northern man merely to touch upon the rights of coloured persons was enough to arouse the leading southern members of the house to angry opposition. john forsythe, who as minister to spain had arranged the session of florida, james hamilton, already an extreme advocate of states rights and afterwards governor of south carolina, charles a. wickliffe, afterwards postmaster-general under president tyler, and george mcduffie, of georgia, all took pains to throw ridicule upon the resolution, or to oppose its consideration. they considered, no doubt correctly, that to have any negroes spoken of in congress otherwise than as property was an indirect blow at slavery. w. l. brent, of maryland, said that the resolution as it stood was calculated to excite only angry debate and irritated feelings. if the mover would omit the words "being a citizen of any state," the most objectionable part would be removed. mr. ward consented to this emasculation and his resolution was then carried. the committee reported on the th july, that in the district of columbia, "if a free man of colour should be apprehended as a runaway, he is subjected to the payment of all fees and rewards given by law for apprehending runaways; and upon failure to make such payment, is liable to be sold as a slave." "that is," said judge jay, "a man acknowledged to be free and unaccused of any offence is to be sold as a slave to pay fees and rewards given by law for apprehending runaways. if turkish despotism is disgraced by an enactment of equal atrocity, we are ignorant of the fact." the committee thought the law rather hard, and recommended such an alteration of it as would make such charges payable by the corporation of washington. but even this alteration was never made. "the code of washington," jay said some years later, "is yet polluted by unquestionably the most iniquitous statute in christendom." and the fact continued that a coloured citizen of a free state could be sold into slavery if found in washington. convinced that no reform could be expected except by the total abolition of slavery on united states territory, convinced, too, that this was the first necessary step in a campaign against slavery itself, jay set on foot a movement for popular petitions to congress and for legislative expression in behalf of their consideration. the pennsylvania legislature passed such resolutions in january, ; the new york assembly followed soon afterwards, when jay wrote to his friend charles miner: "the mail this evening brings the news that resolutions instructing our representatives in congress to vote for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia have passed our assembly by a vote of to . in the fulness of my heart i thank god and take courage." among his co-workers at this time was henry d. sedgwick, to whom he wrote in : "i have read your pamphlet with much interest; your ideas on the abolition of slavery correspond with those i have long entertained and expressed. duty is the only safe rule of expediency. no nation ever has suffered, and none ever will, for doing justice and loving mercy. but moral considerations apart, i have no doubt it would be wise policy in the southern states immediately to emancipate their slaves. the period must arrive when slavery must cease on this continent. the progress of knowledge and religion, the example of st. domingo, the abolition of slavery in mexico and south america, the decreasing value of slave labour, and the rapidly augmenting coloured population in the south, all combine in rendering this event inevitable. but the slaves will either receive their freedom as a boon, or they will wrest it by force from their masters; and the evils attending these two modes of emancipation certainly bear no proportion to each other. you remark, 'our country fought for justice and should be ready to render the justice which it demanded.' i observe a similar sentiment in a letter written by my father from spain to judge benson during the contest to which you allude. speaking of the abolition of slavery, he says, 'till america comes into this measure her prayers to heaven for liberty will be impious.' this is a strong expression, but it is just. were i in your legislature i would prepare a bill for the purpose with great care, and would never cease moving it till it became a law or i ceased to be a member. i believe that god governs the world, and i believe it to be a maxim in his court, as in ours, that those who ask for equity ought to do it. i do not think the free states guiltless of upholding slavery while, through their representatives, they tolerate it in the district of columbia. were the free states to will it, slavery would cease at the capital of the republic, and an example would be set that could not fail of having a salutary influence." [illustration: after gilbert stuart. a. w. elson & co., boston john jay] chapter iii. development of the antislavery movement.--organization of antislavery societies.--anti-abolition riots.--jay publishes his "inquiry." chief-justice jay died at bedford in , and his son william occupied his leisure during the following five years in preparing "the life and letters of john jay." this work was published in two octavo volumes in , and was highly praised for both thoroughness and impartiality. meanwhile events were occurring which raised antislavery sentiment from the torpor in which it had fallen after the excitement of the missouri compromise, and which brought the whole question before the people as a live issue which compelled attention. between the years and took place a remarkable series of debates in virginia on the subject of slavery, brought about by dissatisfaction with the state constitution and by the nat turner massacre, in which a number of slaves had risen against their masters. in these debates the evils of slavery were exposed as clearly as they were afterwards by the abolitionists, and with an outspoken freedom which, when indulged in by northern men, was soon to be denounced as treasonable and incendiary. these southern speakers were silenced by the slave power. but there were men in the north who thought the same and who would not be silenced. chief among these was william lloyd garrison. he had begun his memorable career by circulating petitions in vermont in in favor of emancipation in the district of columbia. having joined lundy in baltimore in editing the _genius of universal emancipation_, he had suffered ignominy in the cause in a southern jail; drawing from persecution and hardship only new inspiration, he began the publication of the _liberator_ at boston in january, . in the following year, under his leadership, was formed the new england anti-slavery society, which placed itself on the new ground that _immediate, unconditional emancipation, without expatriation, was the right of every slave and could not be withheld by his master an hour without sin_. in march, , the _weekly emancipator_ was established in new york, with the assistance of arthur and lewis tappan, and under the editorship of william goodell. in the same year appeared at haverhill, mass., a vigorous pamphlet by john g. whittier, entitled "justice and expediency, or slavery considered with a view to its rightful and effectual remedy, abolition." nearly simultaneously were published mrs. lydia maria child's "appeal in behalf of that class of americans called africans," and a pamphlet by elizur wright, jr., a professor in the western reserve college, on "the sin of slavery and its remedy." these publications and the doctrines of the _liberator_ produced great excitement throughout the country. the south had been able to hear the words "gradual emancipation" with a confident equanimity, and only a few years before had tolerated a convention in baltimore gathered to forward that object. but the word "immediate" now prefixed to emancipation acted as a firebrand to gunpowder. southern newspapers and politicians could not find epithets strong enough to denounce the fanatical incendiaries who said that slavery, being wrong in itself, should cease at once. a reward was offered by a southern legislature for the person of garrison, dead or alive. for lending whittier's pamphlet to a white man dr. reuben crandall was tried for his life at washington on the charge of "circulating tappan, garrison & co.'s papers encouraging the negroes to insurrection." the lives of the abolitionists were safer at the north, but their principles were condemned there in terms quite as decided. to say that slavery ought to be immediately abolished was sufficient cause for the clergyman to lose his pulpit and the merchant his credit. the new doctrine was too sound to be ignored, and its agitation was disorganizing, vexatious, injurious to business, destructive of private and political peace. the north agreed with the south that slavery was not a subject to which the right of free speech applied. the abolitionists were accused of injuring the cause of the blacks by their proceedings. and indeed, at the south the treatment of the slave became harsher, and at the north the prejudice against the free negro was intensified. in miss crandall, a quaker lady, endeavoured to establish a boarding-school for the education of coloured girls in canterbury, conn. a committee of the inhabitants waited upon her, who represented "that by putting her design into execution she would bring ruin and disgrace upon them all." three town meetings were held in one week to discuss ways and means to suppress a scheme which would render "insecure the persons, property, and reputation of our citizens." the state of connecticut passed a special law to forbid the establishment of such a school. under it, miss crandall was tried and convicted. the constitutionality of the law was called in question and the case was appealed. but the inhabitants of canterbury thought the crisis too serious to depend on legal technicalities. miss crandall was driven from the town by persecution. the shops would sell her no food; her well was filled with manure, and water from other sources refused; her house was smeared with filth and finally set on fire. the trustees of the noyes academy in plymouth, n. h., having consented to the admission of coloured pupils, the respectable people of the town avoided the contemplated disgrace by moving the school building from its foundations and depositing it in a swamp. in a wealthy coloured man bought a pew on the floor of park street church in boston. his neighbours nailed up the door of the pew, and so many "aggrieved brethren" threatened to leave that the trustees were obliged to prevent the threatened contamination of the sanctuary by excluding the coloured pew-holder. a hundred similar cases might be cited to show that before the emancipation of the slaves could gain even a hearing, the north had to be educated to consider the negro race as human beings capable of improvement and deserving of humane encouragement. in may, , judge jay contributed to the first number of the _emancipator_ a letter which sets forth his own views of the problem of american slavery at that time and also some of the difficulties in the path of the emancipationists: "the duty and policy of immediate emancipation, although clear to us, are not so to multitudes of good people who abhor slavery and sincerely wish its removal. they take it for granted, no matter why or wherefore, that if the slaves were now liberated they would instantly cut the throats and fire the dwellings of their benefactors. hence these good people look upon the advocates of emancipation as a set of dangerous fanatics, who are jeopardizing the peace of the southern states and riveting the fetters of the slaves by the very attempt to break them. in their opinion the slaves are not fit for freedom, and therefore it is necessary to wait patiently till they are. now, unless these patient waiters can be brought over to our side, emancipation is hopeless; for, first, they are an immense majority of all among us who are hostile to slavery; and, secondly, they are as conscientious in their opinions as we are in ours, and unless converted will oppose and defeat all our efforts. but how are they to be converted? only by the exhibition of truth. the moral, social, and political evils of slavery are but imperfectly known and considered. these should be portrayed in strong but true colours, and it would not be difficult to prove that, however inconvenient and dangerous emancipation may be, the continuance of slavery must be infinitely more inconvenient and dangerous. "constitutional restrictions, independent of other considerations, forbid all other than moral interference with slavery in the southern states. but we have as good and perfect a right to exhort slaveholders to liberate their slaves as we have to exhort them to practice any virtue or avoid any vice. nay, we have not only the right, but under certain circumstances it may be our duty to give such advice; and while we confine ourselves within the boundaries of right and duty, we may and ought to disregard the threats and denunciations by which we may be assailed. "the question of slavery in the district of columbia is totally distinct, as far as we are concerned, from that of slavery in the southern states. "as a member of congress, i should think myself no more authorized to legislate for the slaves of virginia than for the serfs of russia. but congress has full authority to abolish slavery in the district, and i think it to be its duty to do so. the public need information respecting the abominations committed at washington with the sanction of their representatives--abominations which will cease whenever those representatives please. if this subject is fully and ably pressed upon the attention of our electors, they may perhaps be induced to require pledges from candidates for congress for their votes for the removal of this foul stain from our national government. as to the colonization society, it is neither a wicked conspiracy on the one hand nor a panacea for slavery on the other. many good and wise men belong to it and believe in its efficacy." in the summer of the abolitionists of great britain succeeded in obtaining the act of emancipation for the , slaves in the west indies. in june arthur tappan wrote to judge jay asking for his "opinion as to the expediency of forming an american antislavery society and of doing it now. the impulse given to the cause by the movement in england would, it appears to me, aid us greatly here." jay replied very cautiously. a new york society, he thought, might be desirable immediately. the constitutions and proceedings of such societies demanded great caution and prudence; they must blend the wisdom of the serpent with the harmlessness of the dove. the southern people affected to apprehend an unconstitutional interference with their property, as they called it, by the northern abolitionists, and no ground for such pretended fear should be given. with this view, he suggested the incorporation into the constitution of antislavery societies a distinct declaration, such as the following: "we concede that congress, under the present national compact, has no right to interfere with any of the slave states in relation to this momentous subject. but we maintain that congress has a right and is solemnly bound to suppress the domestic slave-trade between the several states and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction." he further suggested that the two subjects, the colonization society and the political condition of the free blacks, should be avoided. "duty and policy," he said, "in my opinion demand the emancipation of our slaves, but they do not demand that immediately on their emancipation they shall be invested with the right of suffrage." on the d of october the new york city antislavery society was successfully organized, despite an active and organized effort to prevent it. a call had been issued for a meeting of the friends of immediate emancipation at clinton hall. a counter-notice was published, signed "many southerners," inviting a meeting at the same time and place. the proprietors of clinton hall, alarmed at the situation, refused to let it to the abolitionists, who then applied to the clinton hotel, where they were also refused. the southerners and their northern sympathizers, finding clinton hotel closed, held a meeting at tammany hall, with general bogardus, the united states marshal, in the chair, with speeches and resolutions against the abolitionists, when a report that the abolitionists were in session at chatham street hall sent them there in haste, only to find the hall closed and dark. an eye-witness described the crowd assembled by the southern call as "a genuine drunken, infuriated mob of blackguards of every species, some with good clothes, and the major part the very sweepings of the city." the public was amused the next morning by a leading editorial in the _courier and enquirer_, congratulating the country on the failure of the "disorganizing fanatics to organize a society fraught with danger to the union and based upon an open violation of the united states constitution;" while the advertising column of the same sheet contained the official proceedings of the abolitionists at the chatham street chapel, where with promptness, energy, and order they had received the report of a committee, adopted a constitution, elected officers, adjourned and closed the building before the arrival of the rioters from tammany. the successful management of the affair was due chiefly to the coolness and skill of lewis tappan, to whose devotion and energy the antislavery cause was from this time constantly indebted. the peaceful and lawful aims of the society, its frank acknowledgment of the rights of the southern states were set forth in its constitution: "while it admits that each state in which slavery exists has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in said state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of god, and that the duty, safety, and best interest of all concerned require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. the society will also endeavour in a constitutional way to influence congress to put an end to the domestic slave-trade and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control, especially in the district of columbia, and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may hereafter be admitted to the union. "the society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of colour, by encouraging their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice, that thus they may _according to their intellectual and moral worth_ share an equality with the whites of civil and religious privileges; but this society will never in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force." notwithstanding the distinct and moderate language in which the society set forth its lawful objects, pro-slavery prejudice was aroused to violent opposition. a week later a meeting was called to protest against the "reckless agitations of the abolitionists." theodore frelinghuysen, united states senator from new jersey, declared that "nine tenths of the horrors of slavery were imaginary," that "the crusade of abolition" was "the poetry of philanthropy," that emancipationists were "seeking to dissolve the union." chancellor walworth came down from albany to say that they were "reckless incendiaries" and their efforts unconstitutional. david b. ogden declared the doctrine of immediate emancipation to be "a palpable and direct nullification of the constitution." on the th of october, , a circular invitation was addressed to judge jay and others to attend a convention at philadelphia on the th december to form a national antislavery society. this step was taken in concurrence with the views of the friends of immediate emancipation in boston, providence, new york, and philadelphia. among the motives for organizing such a society without delay it was argued that union is strength; that the advocates of the immediate abolition of slavery, though comparatively few and much scattered, were many in the aggregate, and could act, when combined, with irresistible power; that the cause was urgent, public expectation excited, its friends to some extent committed to such a movement during the present year; that they had the example of similar organizations, which, though feeble and condemned by public opinion in the outset, had speedily risen to great influence, and had been the means under god of immense benefit to the human race, especially in the case of the national antislavery society of great britain, and of the american temperance society. the invitation was signed by a committee consisting of arthur tappan, joshua leavitt, and elizur wright, jr., all officers of the new york antislavery society. at the same time judge jay received a letter from rev. samuel j. may urging him to be present. "this is a cause," wrote may, "in which our wisest and best and most prudent men ought to engage. there never has been in our country so great a demand for the exertions of true patriots and real christians.... let me beg of you to be there, at the convention. i have heard the hope that you will be there expressed most fervently by many." jay replied to the committee that he could not be present. "it would perhaps be uncandid to conceal from you," he said, "that the expediency of the proposed attempt to form a national society at the present time seems to me to be at least questionable. may it not increase the irritation and hostility extensively felt towards abolitionists without promoting their objects more effectually than local societies? if, however, a national society is to be formed, it is to be hoped its proceedings will be marked with great prudence and moderation. the great objection made to antislavery associations is that they aim at an unconstitutional interference with slavery. this objection, false as i am persuaded it is, has nevertheless an extensive and injurious influence, and unless it be removed success will be hopeless. it seems to me, therefore, of the utmost importance that correct constitutional principles on this subject should not only be entertained, but explicitly and unequivocally avowed by every antislavery society. this avowal might be made in the preamble of their constitution in some form like the following: "'the object of this society is to promote the abolition of slavery in the united states. as all legislation relative to slavery in the several states in which it exists can be constitutionally exercised only by their respective legislatures, this society will endeavour to effect its object, so far as relates to these states, by argument addressed to the understanding and conscience of their citizens. but inasmuch as the federal constitution confers on congress the exclusive right to legislate for the district of columbia, this society will use all such lawful and constitutional means as may be deemed advisable to induce congress to abolish slavery in that district without delay.' "i am very sensible that the friends of emancipation hold these principles, but not having given them sufficient prominence in their writings they have subjected themselves to much injurious suspicion." judge jay's letter was read on the first day of the antislavery convention held in philadelphia in december, ; and in the declaration of principles, reported by william lloyd garrison, john g. whittier, and samuel j. may, and unanimously adopted by the convention, appeared the following clauses, by which the abolitionists were enabled to repel the charge, so persistently made, that they sought to accomplish their ends by unconstitutional means, by asking congress to exceed its power by meddling with slavery in the states: "we fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of each state to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery which is tolerated within its limits; we concede that congress under the present national compact has no right to interfere with any of the slave states in relation to this momentous subject. "but we maintain that congress has a right and is solemnly bound to suppress the domestic slave-trade between the several states, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction." in an energetic attempt was made by alvan stewart, of utica, to strike out the clause in the constitution of the american antislavery society which recognized the rights of the southern states under the united states constitution. jay perceived the injury that such a course would inflict on the position of the abolitionists. it would, indeed, have committed the society to the doctrine that congress could continue slavery in the states. he opposed the change with vigour during a debate of two days and succeeded in maintaining the all-important clause. looked at by the light of subsequent events, the importance of placing the antislavery movement on a strictly constitutional basis cannot be overrated. upon the principles thus distinctly avowed rested the moral and political strength of the movement during a struggle of nearly thirty years. and these principles became, in , under the guidance of the founders of the republican party, the chief plank in the platform of that great organization, under whose sturdy lead, aided by citizens of all parties, the supremacy of the national constitution was maintained, the integrity of the national territory was preserved, slavery was ended, and the republic saved. judge jay was not yet officially connected with the antislavery societies, but his sympathy was close with them and their officers. at the request of the executive committee of the new york society, he drafted a petition for abolition in the district of columbia for circulation in new york, in which he again distinctly drew the line between the power of congress over the district and its want of power as regarded the states. this careful discrimination had no weight with the many who were unwilling to admit that anything said or done by the abolitionists was right. but it succeeded with more liberal men, among them the good chancellor kent. the chancellor, whose reputation as a jurist was second to none, signed the petition, which he declared to contain "no unconstitutional doctrine." the first anniversary of the american antislavery society was held at the chatham street chapel in the beginning of may, . arthur tappan presided, and addresses were made by elizur wright, jr., rev. amos a. phelps of boston, james a. stone of kentucky, a delegate from the lane seminary, robert purvis of philadelphia, rev. henry g. ludlow, wm. lloyd garrison, and charles stewart. the meeting met with disorderly interruptions; the newspapers contained abusive attacks upon the abolitionists and appealed against them to the passions of the lowest and most ignorant class in the community. "all this violence and obloquy," remarked judge jay, "are not without an object, and that object is intimidation." the truth of this observation was soon disgracefully verified. when the fourth of july was celebrated at the chatham street chapel by an antislavery oration from david paul brown of philadelphia, the disorderly elements evoked by the press against the blacks and abolitionists responded in large force and with increased lawlessness. on the th of july a mob assembled at the chapel, broke open the doors, passed resolutions in favor of the colonization society and by a suggestive vote adjourned until the next meeting of the antislavery society. the mob then proceeded to the bowery theatre to avenge some expressions attributed to an english actor, and next to the house of mr. lewis tappan, which was attacked with bricks and stones, the furniture broken up and burned in the street. the riots continued for several days with little hindrance from the city authorities. six churches were attacked and a large number of houses occupied by abolitionists or by coloured people. against the latter the fury of the mob was especially directed. the same scenes of riot and cruelty toward the helpless blacks occurred in philadelphia, where forty-five houses were destroyed. it was evident that the arguments of the abolitionists could not be met except with violence. the mobs, as usual, were cowardly. in some cases the determined action of the abolitionists afforded them the protection refused by the police. it was announced that among the houses to be attacked was that of dr. abraham l. cox, in broome street, a few doors east of broadway. john jay, then a student at columbia college, was living in the house. some members of the new york young men's antislavery society, with guns and pistols, were gathered within and notice was given publicly that an attack would be repelled by force. late that night the mob in its lawless career passed close to dr. cox's house, but did not dare to molest it. similar preparations for defence saved the store of arthur tappan. while the new york mob, as the _commercial advertiser_ said, were "now nightly engaged in deeds of violence," the same paper distinctly took the ground that the abolitionists should not enjoy "the protection of the law and the aid of the military," except "on condition that the causers of these mischiefs shall be abated and the outrages upon public feelings from the forum, the pulpit, and the press shall no more be repeated by these reckless incendiaries." the _courier and inquirer_ of the same day said: "now we tell them [the abolitionists] that when they openly and publicly promulgate doctrines which outrage public feelings, they have no right to demand protection of the people they insult," and they must understand "that they prosecute their treasonable and beastly plans at their own peril." such was the view taken of american freedom of speech by the pro-slavery party. the manly traits of american character seemed to be lost in the prevailing atmosphere of race prejudice, cowardice, and injustice. politicians of both parties, representatives of the commercial and professional classes of the north, acquiesced in a policy which they thought would advance their views, but which was destructive of the fundamental principles of american liberty. the highest and the lowest had joined hands to assail the coloured people and their friends. names honoured in the church and the state, which should have helped to elevate public opinion and to guide it in the path of justice, obeyed the mandates and echoed the denunciations of the slave power. for a time was presented an alliance in behalf of slavery of the highest classes with the scum of politicians and criminals. the intrepid william leggett was one of the few who dared to publish the truth. "the fury of demons," he wrote in the _evening post_, "seems to have entered into the breasts of our misguided populace. the rights of public and private property, the obligations of law, the authority of its ministers and even the power of the military are all equally spurned by these audacious sons of riot and disorder." candid and cautious thinkers began to take alarm at the disregard for law which seemed to be spreading through the country. "these mobs," wrote dr. channing, "are indeed most dishonourable to us as a people, because they have been too much the expression of public sentiment, ... because there was a willingness that the antislavery movement should be put down by force." the conduct of the mobs, and the encouragement given to them by the press, aroused the spirit and stimulated the energy of the abolitionists. "these crimes," said judge jay, "abundantly prove the extreme cruelty and sinfulness of that prejudice against colour which we are impiously told is an ordination of providence. colonizationists, assuming the prejudice to be natural and invincible, propose to remove its victims beyond its influence. abolitionists, on the contrary, remembering with the psalmist 'that it is he that hath made us, and not we ourselves,' believe that the benevolent father of us all requires us to treat with justice and kindness every portion of the human family." although he had been an earnest emancipationist for ten years, judge jay had had doubts of the wisdom of forming antislavery societies at so early a period in the movement. he had feared that unmeasured and unconstitutional doctrines might be adopted which would set the cause in a false light before the country. his advice had been sought and followed, as we have seen, and there was no longer any reason why he should not become an active member. in , immediately after the riots and when the outlook seemed darkest, he took a place on the executive committee of the national society. "in that season of feverish excitement," wrote hon. henry wilson, "judge william jay, inheriting not only the honoured name, but the principles and purity of the illustrious chief-justice, at first declined an office in the new society, deeming its organization premature," but now "sought to take his share of its labours and responsibilities. his name gave prestige; his talents, learning, and integrity afforded strength, while his cautious and ready pen laid precious gifts upon its altar." in february, , was published jay's "inquiry into the character and tendency of the american colonization and american antislavery societies." the book bore upon its title-page the words of milton, "give me liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely, according to my conscience, above all liberties"--a sentiment considered treasonable in america by the slave power. this work had a powerful effect upon public opinion, not only on account of the arguments it contained, but largely on account of the character and position of its author. it was the policy of the pro-slavery party to represent the abolitionists as ignorant and reckless agitators, with nothing to lose. but here was a man of family and fortune, a judge on the bench, high in the counsels of the episcopal church, who set forth the detested doctrines with judicial moderation and unanswerable logic. jay began by an exposure of the colonization society. he showed that it was merely a scheme to get rid of the free blacks at the south, where they were regarded as a nuisance; that its officers represented it at the north as a solution of the slavery question to quiet emancipationists and to obtain their subscriptions. he set forth the constitutional and merciful objects of the american antislavery society. he showed that abolitionists were neither acting in opposition to law, nor were in any manner exciting the slaves to insurrection; that the opinions they professed were such as had been freely uttered by jefferson, franklin, and numerous southern statesmen within fifty years. he exposed the cruel character of american slavery, the beastly degradation, physical, moral, and mental, to which it condemned the blacks; the horrors of the interstate slave-trade, tearing husband from wife and children from their mothers to be sold into distant places; he pointed out the national disgrace involved in the fact that in the city of washington, under the stars and stripes, slave-dealers were licensed to ply their trade in human flesh, leading the chained "coffles" of black wretches about the streets. the concluding chapters were devoted to showing that emancipation could be accomplished with safety, and that the real danger to the country lay in the continuation of slavery. the welcome extended to this book by the avowed abolitionists is illustrated by the following extract from the annual report of the massachusetts antislavery society in : "we know it will not be thought invidious towards others who have greatly contributed by their excellent writings to help on our glorious enterprise, if we make especial mention of the volume from the pen of the hon. william jay of new york. his 'inquiry' was published in the early part of last year. coming from him, a man extensively known, and highly respected and beloved by all who know him, it could not fail to command the public attention. the very rapid sale of the first and second editions evinced the eagerness of thousands to know the results of his inquiry into the sentiments and plans of the two societies which had stood from the birth of the latter in the attitude of opposition. it is a book so full of pertinent facts and carefully drawn conclusions that it could not fail to impart the convictions of its author to other minds. no book on the subject has probably been read by more persons, nor has any one been instrumental to the conversion of more." the importance of the "inquiry" to the antislavery cause is illustrated by the diverse character of the men whose attention was attracted by it--men whose conservative habits of mind, whose business and professional interests caused them to ignore if not to condemn the abolitionists. "your book," wrote rev. beriah green, who presided at the organization of the american antislavery society in philadelphia, "will command a large circle of readers who could not be persuaded to examine a paragraph written by any of us who have so long been known and hated and execrated as abolitionists. to many of these, your arguments, so skilfully arranged, so powerfully described, so happily conducted to so triumphant a conclusion, must prove convincing. they must abandon their 'miry clay,' and, aided by your hand, take a position 'on the rock.'" among leading men influenced by jay's "inquiry" may be mentioned dr. alonzo potter, afterwards bishop of pennsylvania, and peter g. stuyvesant, a representative of the solid knickerbockers of new york. edward delavan, of albany, wrote: "you have done the cause of humanity an incalculable amount of good by the work." mrs. theodore sedgwick wrote from stockbridge: "we are reading your book on american slavery with great interest. you have rendered an invaluable service to the country and to the cause of humanity." the approbation most welcome to jay was probably that of the eminent chancellor kent. "i have read the volume," he said, "with equal interest and astonishment. you have accumulated a mass of facts of which a great part were to me unknown, and they are of a surprising kind. i do not well see how your argument on any material point can be gainsaid. you have amply vindicated the character and intentions of the american antislavery society from all injurious imputations. the details of the slave-trade and its accompanying atrocities, as carried on at washington, are horrible, and your work must go far towards opening the eyes and disabusing the minds of the public. i have, from the very beginning, had doubts and misgivings as to the efficacy and results of the american colonization society, and for some years past i have become satisfied that the scheme was in reality but an utopian vision, though i had supposed until now that its fruits were better. permit me to add that i have been much pleased, not only with the clearness, force, simplicity, and precision of the style, but with your fearless, frank, and manly, but courteous vindication of the cause of truth and justice, and with your striking appeals to the conscience and responsibilities of the christian reader." chapter iv. continued efforts to suppress the antislavery movement by force and intimidation.--favourable effect upon the public mind produced by jay's writings. the second anniversary of the american antislavery society was held at the presbyterian church at houston and thompson streets in new york on the th of may, . james g. birney, of kentucky, george thompson, of england, and william lloyd garrison made addresses. judge jay was appointed foreign corresponding secretary, and instructed to convey to the duc de broglie, president of the french society for the abolition of slavery, the sympathy of american abolitionists. the increasing activity and strength of the antislavery movement were not unnoticed by the partisans of the slave power, both north and south, and an incident occurred at charleston, s. c., on the night of july th, which illustrated the temper and methods of the party. the american antislavery society had directed their publishers to forward a number of their periodical papers presenting facts and arguments on the subject of slavery to various southern gentlemen of distinction in the hope of inspiring a spirit of inquiry among persons of influence and character. "but it was precisely this spirit of inquiry," said judge jay, "that the advocates of perpetual bondage feared might be fatal to their favourite institution. hence they affected to believe that the papers sent to the masters were intended to incite the slaves to insurrection." the fact that a considerable number of antislavery publications had arrived at charleston became known, and a mob broke into the post-office and burned the mail in the streets. arthur tappan, william l. garrison, and rev. samuel h. cox were burned in effigy. mass meetings were held at charleston and richmond to approve the action of the mob, and aroused great excitement throughout the country. a committee was appointed at charleston to take charge of the northern mail on its arrival and to see that no antislavery papers should reach their destinations. the postmaster advised the postmaster-general that under existing circumstances he had determined to suppress all antislavery publications, and asked for instructions. amos kendall, jackson's postmaster-general, whose sworn duty it was to preserve the sanctity of the mails, was only too willing to act as the tool of the slave power. "we owe," he replied, "an obligation to the laws, but a higher one to the communities in which we live, and if the former be perverted to destroy the latter, it is patriotism to disregard them. entertaining these views, i _cannot sanction and will not condemn the step you have taken_." these novel and dangerous doctrines, by which the laws of the republic were to be set aside by public officers for political purposes, received the sanction of president jackson. the postmaster at new york, samuel l. gouverneur, proposed to the american antislavery society that it voluntarily desist from sending its publications by mail, but the executive committee properly refused to yield the legal rights which they possessed in common with their fellow-citizens. the postmaster announced that antislavery papers would not be forwarded until further notice, and wrote to washington for instructions. kendall replied that he was "deterred from giving an order to exclude the whole series of antislavery publications from the southern mail only by a want of legal power." such a power, he admitted, vested in the head of the post-office department, would be fearfully dangerous and had been withheld properly; but he added, with more regard to the public opinion of the moment than to the principles of the constitution, "if i were situated as you are, i would do as you have done." some members of the executive committee wished to test the action of the new york postmaster in the united states courts, but judge jay opposed the plan for reasons which he gave in a letter to elizur wright, jr.: "the action must be brought and tried in the city of new york--in that city in which this same gentleman, after his offence had been publicly proclaimed by himself in the newspapers, addressed thousands of the citizens in the park and was received by their applause. nor is this all. his conduct is commended by his superior, who is a member of the president's cabinet and probably acts with the approbation of general jackson. under such circumstances, i think it improbable that a prosecution would be attended with any result beneficial to our cause. we have not surrendered our rights, but they have been violently wrested from us.... _festina lente_ is sometimes a safe maxim. fidelity to our principles and prudence in our conduct will, in time, through the blessing of god, crown our labours with success. you think it is hardly to be supposed that the people of the north are willing to give up the right of the post-office. certainly they are not willing to give up their own, but they are willing _at present_ to give up _our_ right to it." the south, recognizing the growing strength of antislavery opinion, began its appeals to the north to save the union by suppressing the abolitionists. a public meeting in virginia requested that this might be done "by strong yet lawful, by mild yet constitutional means"--terms which recalled the inquisitor of the holy office handing over condemned heretics to the executioner with the ironical request that he would deal with them tenderly and without blood-letting. in deference to the slave power the post-office had been made to nullify the freedom of the press, and freedom of speech was now to be suppressed, if possible, by mob violence. the situation of abolitionists in this year may be inferred from letters written from brooklyn during the summer by mrs. lydia maria child: "i have not ventured into the city, nor does one of us dare to go to church to-day, so great is the excitement here. you can form no conception of it. 'tis like the times of the french revolution, when no man dared trust his neighbour. private assassins from new orleans are lurking at the corners of the streets to stab arthur tappan; and very large sums are offered for any one who will get mr. george thompson into the slave states. i tremble for him. he is almost a close prisoner in his chamber, his friends deeming him in eminent peril the moment it is ascertained where he is.... five thousand dollars were offered on the exchange in new york for the head of arthur tappan on friday last. elizur wright is barricading his house with shutters, bars, and bolts. judge jay has been with us two or three days. he is as firm as the everlasting hills." the popular feeling against the abolitionists was growing daily, and from every quarter they were charged with "unconstitutional, insurrectionary, and diabolical designs." to attempt to disabuse the community of the false impressions received from pro-slavery speakers and newspapers seemed the most important duty at this time. the following anonymous letter, signed "a returning southerner," was received by arthur tappan, and placed the necessity for such action in a strong light: "though we are unknown to each other, yet the friendship i feel for you induces me to address you. i have been where you have not, and have heard what you have not, and believe that great prudence is requisite on your part. i do not ask you to remit your philanthropic efforts. heaven and future ages, if not the present, will appreciate them. "i do not pretend to advise, but have often thought that you and your friends do not take sufficient means to disabuse the public of the ceaseless charges of a multitude of papers. "a vast majority in this city have never seen one of your papers, and countless multitudes, not only here but through our vast republic, believe without a doubt, for they have seen it unceasingly asserted and never contradicted, that you ardently wish your incendiary publications to excite the slaves to rebellion and bloodshed, massacre and rapine in their worst forms. while this impression is so common, or rather so universal, i was glad to see in circulation, as tending in some measure to your safety and the safety of this association, that you address not the slave but his master--a fact well enough known by your vengeance-seeking foes, but not known by those whom they intend to use as instruments of violence. i only presume further to suggest a card, to be inserted at least a week in the _courier and inquirer_, stating in brief terms that you do not advocate the violence imputed to you; that you address the reason of white men, not the passions of slaves." the executive committee of the american antislavery society resolved to ask judge jay to prepare such a statement as the crisis called for. jay was on a tour through the white mountains at the time, but immediately on his return he prepared the following address, which was published in september, , and was widely circulated in america and europe: "_to the public._ "in behalf of the american antislavery society we solicit the candid attention of the public to the following declaration of our principles and objects. were the charges which are brought against us made only by persons who are interested in the continuance of slavery, and by such as are influenced solely by unworthy motives, this address would be unnecessary; but there are those who merit and possess our esteem, who would not voluntarily do us injustice, and who have been led by gross misrepresentations to believe that we are pursuing measures at variance not only with the constitutional rights of the south but with the precepts of humanity and religion. to such we offer the following explanations and assurances: " st. we hold that congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the southern states than in the french west india islands. of course we desire no national legislation on the subject. " d. we hold that slavery cannot be lawfully abolished except by the legislatures of the several states in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such abolition is unconstitutional. " d. we believe that congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the district of columbia that the state governments have within their respective jurisdictions, and that it is their duty to efface so foul a spot from the national escutcheon. " th. we believe the american citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions of the constitutions, laws, and institutions of any and every state and nation under heaven; and we mean never to surrender the liberty of speech, of the press, or of conscience--blessings we have inherited from our fathers, and which we intend, so far as we are able, to transmit unimpaired to our children. " th. we have uniformly deprecated all forcible attempts on the part of the slaves to recover their liberty; and were it in our power to address them we would exhort them to observe a quiet and peaceful demeanour, and would assure them that no insurrectionary movement on their part would receive from us the slightest aid or countenance. " th. we would deplore any servile insurrection, both on account of the calamities which would attend it and on account of the occasion which it would furnish of increased severity and oppression. " th. we are charged with sending incendiary publications to the south. if by the term 'incendiary' is meant publications containing arguments and facts to prove slavery to be a moral and political evil, and that duty and policy require its immediate abolition, the charge is true. but if this term is used to imply publications encouraging insurrection and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters, the charge is utterly and unequivocally false. we beg our fellow-citizens to notice that this charge is made without proof, and by many who confess that they have never read our publications, and that those who make it offer to the public no evidence from our writings in support of it. " th. we are accused of sending our publications to the slaves, and it is asserted that their tendency is to excite insurrections. both the charges are false. these publications are not intended for the slaves, and were they able to read them, they would find in them no encouragement to insurrection. " th. we are accused of employing agents in the slave states to distribute our publications. we have never had one such agent. we have sent no packages of our papers to any person in those states for distribution, except to five respectable resident citizens at their own request. but we have sent by mail single papers addressed to public officers, editors of newspapers, and clergymen. if, therefore, our object is to excite the slaves to insurrection, the masters are our agents! " th. we believe slavery to be sinful, injurious to this and to every other country in which it prevails; we believe immediate emancipation to be the duty of every slaveholder, and that the immediate abolition of slavery, by those who have the right to abolish it, would be safe and wise. these opinions we have freely expressed, and we certainly have no intention to refrain from expressing them in future, and urging them upon the consciences and hearts of our fellow-citizens who hold slaves or apologize for slavery. " th. we believe that the education of the poor is required by duty, and by a regard for the permanency of our republican institutions. there are thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens, even in the free states, sunk in abject poverty, and who, on account of their complexion, are virtually kept in ignorance, and whose instruction in certain cases is actually prohibited by law. we are anxious to protect the rights and to promote the virtue and happiness of the coloured portion of our population, and on this account we have been charged with a design to encourage intermarriage between the whites and the blacks. this charge has been repeatedly and is now again denied; while we repeat that the tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever slavery exists. " th. we are accused of acts that tend to a dissolution of the union, and even of wishing to dissolve it. we have never 'calculated the value of the union,' because we believe it to be inestimable, and that the abolition of slavery will remove the chief danger of its dissolution; and one of the many reasons why we endeavour to preserve the constitution is that it restrains congress from making any law 'abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.' "such, fellow-citizens, are our principles. are they unworthy of christians and of republicans? or are they in truth so atrocious that in order to prevent their diffusion you are yourselves willing to surrender at the dictation of others the invaluable privilege of free discussion, the very birthright of americans? will you, in order that the abominations of slavery may be concealed from public view, and that the capital of your republic may continue to be as it now is, under the sanction of congress, the great slave-mart of the american continent, consent that the general government, in acknowledged defiance of the constitution and laws, shall appoint throughout the length and breadth of your land ten thousand censors of the press, each of whom shall have the right to inspect every document you may commit to the post-office, and to suppress every pamphlet and newspaper, whether religious or political, which in his sovereign pleasure he may adjudge to contain an incendiary article? surely we need not remind you that if you submit to such an encroachment on your liberties the days of our republic are numbered, and that although abolitionists may be the first, they will not be the last victims offered at the shrine of arbitrary power. "(signed) "arthur tappan, "john rankin, "william jay, "elizur wright, jr., "abraham l. cox, "lewis tappan, "joshua leavitt, "samuel e. cornish, "simeon s. jocelin, "theodore s. wright. "new york, september d, ." the effect of jay's address to the public was thus described by elizur wright, jr.: "the southern papers are copying it extensively, and most of them charge us with having disclaimed in it our real motives--a proof that our real sentiments were before misunderstood. in a large number of northern papers it is copied with more or less approbation. indeed, none but the determined pro-slavery presses fail to speak of it as a candid, firm, and honourable if not convincing document." "it has had a most beneficial effect," wrote lewis tappan. "what a contrast to the ebullition of public meetings!" a movement was begun in the year , on the part of the southern press and southern legislatures to induce penal legislation in the north against the expression of antislavery sentiments. the _richmond whig_ revealed its opinion of its northern allies when it said: "depend upon it, the northern people will never sacrifice their lucrative trade with the south so long as the hanging of a few thousands will prevent it." in obedience to these demands, pro-slavery men in the north were actually to be found proposing legislation intended to destroy the freedom of the press and to make antislavery expression a criminal offence. judge jay took occasion to meet this movement in a charge which he delivered to the westchester grand jury, in which he said: "any law which might be passed to abridge in the slightest degree the freedom of speech or of the press, or to shield any one subject from discussion, would be utterly null and void; and it would be the duty of every genuine republican to resist with energy and decision so palpable an outrage on the declared will of the people." these remarks were widely published and did much to discourage the pro-slavery agitators. but other illegitimate and violent schemes to reduce to silence antislavery men were soon brought into play. south carolina having inaugurated the assault upon the constitutional rights of the north through the post-office, alabama followed in a yet bolder step against the personal security of abolitionists. governor gayle, of that state, demanded of the governor of new york that ransom g. williams, the publishing agent of the antislavery society, should be surrendered to him to be tried under the laws of alabama on an indictment found against him by the grand jury for publishing in the _emancipator_, in the city of new york, the following sentiment: "god commands and all nature cries out that man should not be held as property. the system of making men property has plunged two and a quarter millions of our fellow-countrymen into the deepest physical and moral degradation, and they are every moment sinking deeper." this expression was the most offensive which the alabama grand jury could discover in the documents of the society on which to base the indictment and demand, and as the one which came nearest to anything resembling an attempt to incite the slaves to insurrection. williams had never been in the state of alabama, was never subject to its laws, had never fled from its jurisdiction, and these facts were admitted by the governor when he made requisition for williams as a "fugitive from justice." while the american antislavery society was considering what action it should take for the protection of its agent, lewis tappan wrote to judge jay ( th september) suggesting that he should get the opinion of two or three eminent lawyers on the subject to be circulated by the society. jay replied: "the southern papers have intimated that northern abolitionists may be indicted in the courts and then demanded of the state executives, and you request my opinion whether it would be advisable to obtain and publish the legal opinion of eminent counsel on this novel doctrine. the doctrine is so monstrous, so utterly at variance with all our ideas of constitutional and state rights, that it shocks the understanding and moral sense of the community, and i verily believe that there is not one northern governor who would dare to arrest a citizen on such a demand. but if we manifest alarm at this doctrine and get lawyers to controvert it, there will be found rival presses, venal lawyers, and corrupt politicians to support the other side of the question; the community will begin to discuss the subject, passion and interest and prejudice will believe whatever they want to believe. my opinion, therefore, is that the less we say on this subject the better, and that we should not give a factitious importance to the doctrine." jay's advice was followed and proved to be wise. governor marcy could do nothing but refuse the request of governor gayle, although he softened his refusal by abuse of the abolitionists. under the leadership of alvan stewart a convention was called to meet at utica on october , , to form a new york state antislavery society. about six hundred delegates were present. the spirit of mob violence, which was being encouraged by pro-slavery orators and presses throughout the country to suppress the abolitionists by force, was relied upon to prevent the meeting of the convention. the mob having occupied in advance the room in the court-house prepared for the meeting, the delegates repaired to a presbyterian church, where they had barely enough time to organize and elect officers before the riotous supporters of slavery broke into the church and violently dispersed the convention. the lawless tyranny to which the delegates were subjected and their courageous conduct attracted to their cause many persons who had held aloof hitherto. chief among these was gerrit smith, who from this time gave to the antislavery movement unstinted contributions of money and intelligent labour. judge jay, notwithstanding his unavoidable absence from the convention, was elected president of the society then formed. at about the same time as the utica riots occurred the mobbing of william lloyd garrison, in boston, by "gentlemen of property and standing." and all over the north were enacted scenes of violence, encouraged by a large portion of the press, which were intended to gratify the southern demand that abolitionism should be put down at all hazards. the sanctity of the mails, the constitutional right of free speech and of lawful assemblage, were forgotten by a large portion of the people. and they were forgotten by the president of the united states himself. in december, , andrew jackson, in his message to congress, gave a tacit approval to mob rule, to the suppression of the freedom of the press, and to the oft-exposed falsehood that the abolitionists distributed documents among the slaves intended to incite them to insurrection; and he recommended the closing of the mails to antislavery people. the position taken by president jackson was so unjust, so unconstitutional, and so calculated to aggravate the situation, that the american antislavery society determined to make an official reply to it. judge jay was chosen to answer the president on behalf of the society, and he prepared an address which was signed by all the officers. this document was a complete exposure of the falsity of the charges made and of the unlawfulness of the restrictive measures which jackson proposed to congress. "you have accused," said jay, "an indefinite number of your fellow-citizens, without designation of name or residence, of making unconstitutional and wicked efforts, and of harbouring intentions which could be entertained only by the most depraved and abandoned of mankind; and yet you carefully abstain from averring _which_ article of the constitution they have transgressed; you omit stating when, where, and by whom these wicked attempts were made; you give no specification of the inflammatory appeals which you assert have been addressed to the passions of the slaves. you well know that the 'moral influence' of your charges will affect thousands and tens of thousands of your countrymen, many of them your political friends--some of them heretofore honoured with your confidence--most, if not all of them, of irreproachable character; and yet, by the very vagueness of your charges, you incapacitate each one of this multitude from proving his innocence.... it is deserving of notice that the _attempt_ to circulate our papers is alone charged upon us. it is not pretended that we have put our appeals into the hands of a single slave, or that in any instance our endeavours to excite a servile war have been crowned with success. and in what way was our most execrable attempt made? by secret agents, traversing the slave country in disguise, stealing by night into the hut of the slave, and reading to him our inflammatory appeals? you, sir, answer this question by declaring that we attempted the mighty mischief by circulating our appeals _through the mails_! and are the southern slaves, sir, accustomed to receive periodicals by mail? of the thousands of publications mailed from the antislavery office for the south, did you ever hear, sir, of one solitary paper being addressed to a slave? would you know to whom they were directed, consult the southern newspapers, and you will find them complaining that they were sent to public officers, clergymen, and other influential citizens. thus, it seems, we are incendiaries who place the torch in the hands of him whose dwelling we would fire! we are conspiring to incite a servile war, and announce our design to the masters and commit to their care and disposal the very instruments by which we expect to effect our purpose!... to repel your charges and to disabuse the public was a duty we owed to ourselves, to our children, and, above all, to the great and holy cause in which we are engaged. that cause we believe is approved by our maker; and while we retain this belief, it is our intention, trusting to his direction and protection, to persevere in our endeavours to impress upon the minds and hearts of our countrymen the sinfulness of claiming property in human beings, and the duty and wisdom of immediately relinquishing it. when convinced that our endeavours are wrong, we shall abandon them, but such conviction must be produced by other arguments than vituperation, popular violence, or penal enactments." in judge jay resigned the presidency of the new york state antislavery society. the distance of his home from the headquarters of the society made the office nearly nominal, and he thought that it should be filled by a person more favourably situated for usefulness. "we commenced the present struggle," he wrote in his letter of resignation, "to obtain the freedom of the slave; we are compelled to continue it to preserve our own. we are now contending, not so much with the slaveholders of the south about human rights, as with the political and commercial aristocracy of the north, for the liberty of speech, of the press, and of conscience. our politicians are selling our constitutions and laws for southern votes. our great capitalists are speculating, not merely in land and banks, but in the liberties of the people. we are called to contemplate a spectacle never, i believe, before witnessed--the wealthy portion of the community striving to introduce anarchy and violence on a calculation of profit; making merchandise of peace and good order! in boston we have seen the editor of a newspaper led through the streets with a halter by gentlemen 'of property and standing.' the new york mobs were excited, not by the humble penny press, but by the malignant falsehood and insurrectionary appeals of certain commercial journals. rich and honourable men in cincinnati have recently at a public meeting proclaimed lynch law, and through their influence a printing-press devoted to freedom has been destroyed, and the whole affair, we are coolly and most truly told, was a _business transaction_. [illustration: william jay] "... it cannot be, it is not in human nature that judges and lawyers and rich merchants will long enjoy the exclusive privileges of trampling on the laws. these men are sowing the wind and they will reap the whirlwind. they may see the buddings of their harvest in the recent assaults upon the holland land company. when the tempest of anarchy they are now raising shall sweep over the land it will not be the humble abolitionist, but the lofty possessor of power and fortune, who will first be levelled by the blast.... the obligations of religion and of patriotism; the duties we owe to ourselves, to our children, the cause of freedom, and the cause of humanity--all require us to be faithful to our principles, to persevere in our exertions, and to surrender our rights only with our breath. duties are ours and consequences are god's, and while we discharge the first we may be confident that the latter will be entirely consistent with our true welfare." chapter v. gradual decline of riotous demonstrations against the abolitionists.--changes occur in the doctrines and methods of the american antislavery society.--judge jay resigns his membership, while continuing his efforts on behalf of emancipation. the effort to suppress the antislavery movement by force, which was carried on by northern people at the instigation of the south, continued through the years and . the incidents which attracted the most attention were the murder of lovejoy at alton and the burning of pennsylvania hall in philadelphia by a mob. by assassination and arson a considerable portion of the american people sought to destroy the right to free speech and free assemblage guaranteed by the american constitution and cherished hitherto as a birthright. the right of free discussion, wrote alexander h. everett at the time, "is not only endangered, but for the present, at least, is actually lost." "the newspapers of every day," he continued, "bring to our view the account of some new case in which a printing-press has been seized and thrown into the river; a public meeting broken up; a citizen tarred and feathered, scourged--too often, i add with horror, put to a violent death by a lawless mob for no other cause or crime than the free discussion of the subject of slavery." the impunity with which these crimes were committed, the connivance or leniency of the authorities whose sworn duty it was to uphold the laws, made this time a critical one for the security of american liberties. in pursuing their lawful course undaunted through this "reign of terror," when so large a portion of their fellow-countrymen seemed to have forgotten the obligations of citizens to established law, the abolitionists not only maintained the existence of their cause, but they preserved those rights which americans value above all others. that free speech continued to exist in the united states was duo to their indomitable courage. such a state of affairs could not endure long. lawless feeling exhausted itself in fruitless violence. antislavery societies increased in numbers and membership. comparative order and toleration gradually displaced the disgraceful passions which had placed the liberties of the country in hazard. as opposition diminished and their path became easier, abolitionists began to differ among themselves as to the best means to attain their ends and as to the fundamental principles of their cause. in new york state a tendency was developed, under the leadership of gerrit smith, to adopt political methods. in boston moral agitation remained the accepted means. but here novel theories on other subjects were being adopted by leading antislavery people and thus associated in the public mind with antislavery itself. garrison adopted and recommended in the _liberator_ his no-government and non-resistance doctrines. he put forth new and not generally accepted views regarding the observance of sunday. he took pains to declare that he adopted these theories in his private capacity, and not as an abolitionist. but he had many followers who did not discriminate so carefully. the public mind became confused and began to associate abolitionism with a variety of novel and unpopular opinions. the cause was thus obstructed and divisions occurred among those who laboured for the emancipation of the negro. up to this time women had not taken part in public meetings, and to many persons the idea of their doing so was repugnant. the admission of women to membership and office in the same societies as men was determined in boston in , after a struggle and amidst much objection. "i have observed," wrote jay in a private letter in , "frequent attempts to use abolition as a pack-horse to carry forth into the world some favourite notion having no legitimate connection with the antislavery cause; and have witnessed the dissensions caused in our ranks by such inconsiderate and dishonest assumptions. thus i have known an official document, under the signature of a secretary of a state society, pass a high eulogium on a particular form of church government; and i have seen an editorial article in an official antislavery periodical recommending a decoction of dried currants as a substitute for the fermented juice of the grape in the observance of the lord's supper! all such perversions of antislavery influence appear to me to be dishonest in their character, and dangerous in their consequences to the continuance and efficiency of our organization. no one is more strenuous than myself for the right of opinion and discussion; but common justice and fairness require that we should not make others responsible for our peculiar opinions, nor seek to propagate them by means entrusted to us for very different purposes. "the practice of passing numerous resolutions at our antislavery meetings strikes me as a growing and pernicious evil. too many seem to think that all our objects are to be effected by resolutions; and amid the vast multitude that are proposed and adopted with little reflection, it is not surprising, yet deeply to be deplored, that some are false _in fact_, more false in sentiment, and very many coarse and vulgar in expression. falsehood is not the less immoral for being employed in a good cause, and it is very unwise to impair the charms of truth by arraying her in vulgar attire. it is to be wished that our meetings may in future be less prodigal of their resolutions, and more circumspect as to the matter and language." judge jay looked with dismay upon the novel doctrines on other subjects which were becoming associated with antislavery in the public mind. he deplored the loss of strength which must result from a departure from the singleness of purpose announced in the declaration of principles at the founding of the american antislavery society. and there were differences of opinion arising on the fundamental principles of the cause which troubled him still more. as has been shown in these pages, he had joined the american antislavery society only after a deliberate examination of its constitution and the conviction that its principles were in strict accordance with the constitution of the united states. he was as strong an advocate of emancipation as lived, but to him the constitution was the supreme law under which all benefits could be and must be obtained. efforts to seek the abolition of slavery by arguments or conduct in violation of the constitution seemed to him wicked in themselves and fatal to the cause. such efforts he had now to combat. at the sixth anniversary of the massachusetts antislavery society, held in january, , the business committee, composed of messrs. garrison, phelps, may, and fairbanks, reported the following resolution: "_resolved_, that in order to bring our coloured friends within the brotherhood of this nation, we will encourage them in petitioning to congress, in their own names, for the redress of their grievances, and, if not successful, then we will lend them our aid in bringing their cause before the court of the united states to ascertain if a man can be held in bondage agreeably to the principles contained in the declaration of independence or the constitution of our country." judge jay wrote a letter to mr. ellis gray loring, march th, asking for more definite information as to the true intent of the society in passing the resolution. "who are the _coloured friends_ alluded to?" he asked. "obviously _slaves_, because if congress does not redress their grievances, then the society is to lead them into the court of the united states to ascertain whether a man can be held in _bondage_. "what grievances are the slaves, under the encouragement of the society, to petition congress to redress? obviously those they suffer as slaves, because if congress does not redress them, redress is to be sought in the court, by demanding if a man can be held in _bondage_, that is, as a slave. "what slaves are intended by the resolution? no qualification or limitation whatever is expressed or implied. the society, no doubt, recognizes the slaves of georgia as its coloured friends as well as the slaves of the district of columbia. the resolution is the tenth of a series of resolutions reported by the committee, and in none of them is any mention made of the district of columbia, and, moreover, the question to be decided by the court is not whether an inhabitant of the district can be held as a slave, but whether a man can be held in bondage agreeably to the principles of the declaration of independence and the constitution of our country, and the tribunal to decide this question is not the court of the district but the court of the united states. "members of congress take an oath to support the constitution of the united states. if, therefore, the society believe the constitution does not authorize congress to redress the grievances of its coloured friends, it has pledged itself to encourage those friends to petition congress to commit perjury. hence it appears to me that the true meaning of this resolution, expressed in plain language, is, '_resolved_, that in our opinion congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish slavery throughout the united states, and that we will encourage the slaves to petition congress for an act of emancipation, and should no such an act be passed we will aid them in suing for their freedom in the supreme court of the united states.' "it is to be regretted that the society did not announce the means they intend to employ to encourage the slaves to send petitions to congress. the pledge has been solemnly given. is it to be redeemed by sending among them secret or avowed agents? it is singular also that if the society believes the 'court of the united states' can give liberty to the slaves, it should not make an _immediate_ application for its beneficent interposition, but should resolve to postpone such application not only until it has succeeded in prompting them to petition congress for a redress of their grievances, but also until a sufficient time has elapsed to learn the result of this moral experiment. permit me now, sir, to call your attention to the past professions of some of the gentlemen who reported this resolution, and of the society which adopted it. "on the th december, , messrs. phelps, garrison, and may, as members of the philadelphia convention, signed the following declaration: 'we fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of _each state to legislate exclusively_ on the subject of slavery which is tolerated within its limits. we concede that congress has no _right to interfere_ with any slave state in relation to the momentous subject.' "mr. garrison afterwards, in an editorial article in the _liberator_, thus expresses himself: 'abolitionists as clearly understand and as sacredly regard the constitutional powers of congress as do their traducers, and they know, and have again and again asserted, that congress has _no more rightful authority to sit in judgment upon southern slavery than it has to legislate for the abolition of slavery in the french colonies_.' "on the th of august, , at a meeting of the massachusetts antislavery society, duly held in boston, an address to the public was adopted, professing to set forth the _true principles and objects_ of the society; and to give this statement a stronger claim to the confidence of the community it was authenticated by the signatures of _thirty-one_ of the principal officers and members of the society, including _your own_ and those of three of the committee who reported the late resolution, viz., messrs. garrison, may, and fairbanks. the opinion of the society at that time on the power of congress was in that document thus explicitly stated: 'we fully acknowledge that no change in the slave laws of the southern states can be made unless by the southern legislatures. neither congress nor the legislatures of the free states have authority _to change the condition_ of a single slave in the slave states.' yet the society now stands prepared to encourage the slaves to petition congress for a redress of their grievances! and now, sir, the object of this letter is to ascertain whether the resolution i have quoted does in truth represent the present opinion held by your society on the power of congress, or whether the resolution was intended to be confined to slaves in the district of columbia and the territory of florida. "it cannot be necessary to dwell on the vast importance of an explicit declaration by your board on this subject. independent of the deep concern i feel in the harmony, integrity, and consistency of the abolition party, i have a personal interest in the inquiry i now make of you. an _enlarged_ edition of my book is ready for the press, but the late resolution of your society compels me to suspend its publication. i had treated the charge that abolitionists desired congress to interfere with slavery in the states as calumnious, and in refutation of it had appealed to their solemn disclaimers. i need not say, sir, that until the late resolution is satisfactorily explained, or its doctrine disavowed by your society, i cannot in my new edition deny the charge, but must as an honest man substitute for my confident assertions and triumphant appeals most painful and humiliating confessions. permit me to suggest that it is highly desirable that your board should act explicitly on this subject before the meeting of the american antislavery society, that, if possible, no inquiries or investigation may then arise to mar the harmony of the meeting and retard the progress of abolition. "i flatter myself, sir, that your sentiments on the constitutional question remain the same as when you signed the address of , and that you comprehend and appreciate the motives which have prompted this letter. i shall await your answer with extreme anxiety." on receipt of this letter mr. loring communicated with a number of the members of the board of managers and endeavoured to hold a meeting of the board for the purpose of rescinding or repudiating the resolution; but it was not until the th that he succeeded in getting a quorum together. after mr. loring had read judge jay's letter to the board, they promptly passed the following resolution: "_resolved_, that as said resolution was submitted to the meeting just at its close, when but few delegates were present, and was adopted without deliberation or discussion, this board recommend its reconsideration at the next quarterly meeting of the society. _"resolved_, as the sense of this board, that congress has no power to abolish slavery in the several states of this union." in a letter dated the th of march, enclosing a copy of the above resolution, mr. loring said: "i can hear of but one or two persons here who believe in the power of congress over slavery in the states, viz., the misses grimké, mr. alanson st. clair, and perhaps mr. may and mrs. chapman. several, however, and those influential persons (mr. garrison among them), think slavery unconstitutional, and believe it would be so pronounced by the supreme court of the united states if the point should ever be made. in this opinion i can by no means agree." the "unfortunate resolution," he continued, was offered by a "silly officious person" at a moment of much haste and confusion just as the meeting was breaking up, and had been approved without proper consideration by the committee whose duty it was to revise all resolutions. "it seems, however, to have been understood by those who voted for it as applying only to free coloured persons whose rights might be infringed by southern laws or to slaves in the district of columbia; and the pledge given to try the question of slavery in the united states courts seems to have arisen from the notion that the question of the accordance of slavery with the constitution might be incidentally raised and determined even in a case in which the party whose rights are to be vindicated is free." in conclusion mr. loring said that this question would assume an important aspect at the future meetings of the antislavery society, and earnestly hoped wise and honest counsel would prevail. he thought it would be sufficient ground for dissolving the union were the united states supreme court to assume power over slavery in the several states. "the honesty and common sense of the nation," he wrote, "would revolt against such a doctrine and against those who should maintain it." in his reply, dated the th of march, judge jay congratulated mr. loring on the service he had rendered the cause of abolition by procuring the passage of the resolutions from the board of managers. "in the fulness of our zeal," he wrote, "we are all liable occasionally to stray beyond the line of propriety, and it evinces more devotion to duty to acknowledge and correct errors than to avoid committing them." at the fifth annual meeting of the american antislavery society, held at the broadway tabernacle on the d of may, , alvan stewart of utica, n. y., offered a resolution, vigorously supported by himself and others, to the following effect: "that the clause of the second article of the constitution of this society be struck out which admits 'that each state in which slavery exists has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in said state.'" this motion was equivalent to a declaration on the part of the society that congress had the right, under the constitution, to abolish slavery. judge jay had previously declared that stewart's doctrine was false, untenable, and hurtful to the cause. the arguments by which it was supported he considered absurd. for two days of continued debate he exposed its fallacy and danger and was rewarded by the defeat of the resolution. but such attempts to change the original articles of belief upon which the society was founded gave him great uneasiness for the future. his feelings upon this subject were shown in a letter to the secretary of the young men's antislavery society who had invited him to preside at its convention: "on uniting with the american antislavery society some years since i remarked, with the letter requesting that my name might be enrolled among its members, that i had attentively considered its constitution, and expressed my conviction that in joining the society i was acting consistently with my obligations as a christian and a citizen. the great moral principles advanced in the constitution perfectly accorded, in my opinion, with the precepts of the gospel, and the measures proposed, by which those principles were to be carried into practice, equally accorded with the obligations of the oath i had taken to support the constitution of the united states. i embarked in the antislavery cause with a firm determination to support the principles and measures avowed by the society at the hazard of obloquy, persecution, and, if necessary, even life itself; and never in advocating the cause to sacrifice truth and principle to expediency. how far i have acted up to this determination others must judge. i am not myself conscious of having departed from it. "the constitution of the society contains an express admission that 'each state in which slavery exists has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition;' and the object of the society in regard to slavery in the states is declared to be to effect its abolition by 'arguments addressed to the understandings and consciences of our fellow-citizens.' notwithstanding these explicit declarations we were accused of aiming to effect our object by inducing congress to invade the rights of the states by abolishing slavery within their limits; and it was justly argued that such an attempt was unconstitutional, and would, if successful, lead to civil war and a severance of the union. so gross and unfounded were the calumnies circulated against us, that it was deemed expedient by the executive committee of the society, of which i was one, to publish an address to the public, pledging our individual characters and responsibility as to the real objects and principles entertained by our association. this address bore my signature among others, and contained, as nearly as i can recollect, the following passage: 'we hold that congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the states in which it exists than it has to abolish slavery in the french west india islands; consequently we desire no national legislation on the subject.' we were justified in giving this pledge by the declaration of the convention which formed the society, by the constitution of the society itself, by the constitutions of the several state societies, and by the uniform language of antislavery publications. few persons have been more conversant with the writings of abolitionists than myself; yet i can truly aver that until the appearance of mr. stewart's extraordinary argument i was not aware that there was a man or woman belonging to an antislavery society who entertained a different opinion. this gentleman, holding the responsible station of chairman of the executive committee of the state society, avowing in its constitution the inability of congress to abolish slavery in the states, published an article in the official paper of the society, asserting the constitutional power of congress immediately to emancipate every slave in the united states, declaring that abolitionists had 'but one thing to do'--which was to petition congress to exercise this power; thus repudiating the moral means they had prescribed for themselves, viz., 'arguments addressed to the understandings and consciences of our fellow-citizens'; and virtually recommending the employment of _force_, the power of the general government as the sole agent in effecting the abolition of slavery. "i had supposed that sentiments so utterly at variance with the solemn asseverations of abolitionists, so repugnant to the constitutional pledges of their societies, would have excited universal indignation; but i was mistaken. after the publication of these sentiments, mr. stewart was selected as one of the orators of the american society at their ensuing anniversary. at the annual meeting in may last he moved to purge from the constitution the concession i have quoted, thus giving the society the constitutional right of discharging what he had proclaimed the sole duty of abolitionists, that of petitioning congress to abolish slavery in the states; and in supporting his motion he ridiculed the idea of effecting our object by addresses to the understanding and consciences of slaveholders. on taking the question a majority of the society was in favour of expunging; and the admission respecting the power of congress still stands in the constitution only because it required a vote of two thirds to cancel it. mr. stewart was afterwards elected a manager of the society. a state society since organized has by a formal vote refused to insert the usual admission into its constitution, and another previously organized has since stricken it from its constitution. "from this state of facts it is apparent that the pledges given to the public in our constitution, and in the address of the executive committee to which i have referred, that abolitionists admitted that congress had no right to interfere with slavery in the states, that hence arguments were the only means they intended to use for its abolition, have been flagrantly falsified. so far as i was concerned, and unquestionably many more, the pledge was given in good faith, and however others may belie it, i mean honestly to abide by it. in my opinion, congress has no more right to pass a general emancipation law than to direct how broadway shall be paved; and without intending to impeach the motives of others, i must take the liberty to say that i would regard such a law as a most wicked and detestable act of usurpation--an act that would inevitably and properly sever the union and necessarily result in bloodshed and national calamity. "it seems to me, moreover, inconsistent with christian sincerity and plain dealing for our societies to profess in their constitution a belief in great and important principles, and to promise to regulate their measures in accordance with those principles, and at the same time to retain in communion with them and elevate to office men who openly repudiate and ridicule those principles and avow a wish to introduce a course of action utterly repugnant. "on discovering from the proceedings of last may that the american society and its auxiliaries no longer considered their avowed principles binding on their members, but that they might be treated with insult and ridicule without incurring a loss of either confidence or office, and that in the bosom of the society opinions were entertained utterly at variance with public and solemn professions, and in their practical consequences hostile to the welfare of the country and inconsistent with the oath i had taken to support the constitution of the united states, i deemed it my duty no longer to share in the responsibilities of their measures. i have not since taken part in the meeting of any antislavery society, and the recklessness with which the pledge given by myself and other officers of the society has been falsified, warns me to be cautious how i again become identified with the promises and declarations of these associations. these considerations induce me very respectfully to decline your kind invitation. "my attachment to the cause of abolition, and to the principles avowed in the constitution of the american society, was never stronger than at this moment; and i shall ever regard it a duty and a privilege to labour for the abolition of slavery in every manner consistent with propriety and my moral and political obligations. "although my confidence in the integrity and singleness of purpose of antislavery societies is weakened, i have not the most distant wish to interrupt their harmony or impede their usefulness. i have thus, sir, frankly but with much pain stated my sentiments. these sentiments i have no desire to conceal or to obtrude upon others; and you are at liberty to suppress this letter or make any use of it you may think proper." the annual meeting of the connecticut antislavery society was held at new haven in may, , commencing on the th. the society considered this meeting to be of vital importance to the prosperity of the cause in that state on account of the legislature being in session there at that time, many of the members of which were expected to attend. in april judge jay received an invitation from the committee of arrangements to deliver an address on the "action of the federal government in behalf of slavery," on which subject the committee felt convinced that judge jay could "give the society as well as our legislators some valuable information." other engagements compelled judge jay to decline the invitation. in his letter to the committee of arrangements informing them of his inability to comply with their request, judge jay assured them that the interest he had theretofore professed to feel in the antislavery cause had suffered no diminution; and his conviction of the truth of the great principles set forth in the constitution of the american society had, if possible, grown stronger from continued reflection and observation; but as to the singleness of purpose and the efficiency and integrity of the present antislavery organization his opinion had undergone a change. "in joining the organization," he wrote, "i had good cause to believe that i would not be called upon to co-operate with men who condemned any of its avowed principles, or with men who would seek to render it an instrument for promoting other objects than the abolition of slavery. "one of the principles laid down in the constitution of the american society, and a most important one as limiting its operations, is that by the constitution of the united states congress has no right to legislate for the abolition of slavery in the several states in which it exists. yet a gentleman was in chosen by the society one of its officers after having both in print and in the presence of the society denied this doctrine and contended that it was the duty of abolitionists to petition congress to pass a law for the immediate emancipation of all the slaves in the united states. the expulsion of this gentleman from the society was in my opinion required by the respect it owed itself, and by the good faith it owed both to the public and to its members. the course pursued was an emphatic declaration on the part of the society that its professed principles, however useful they might be in conciliating public confidence and in acquiring funds, were by no means binding on its members. having sworn to support the constitution of the united states, and regarding the proposed mode of emancipation a most palpable violation of it, and seeing that the avowed principles of the society were in fact no security for its conformity to them in its conduct, i then determined never again to take a part in its meetings or in those of its auxiliaries. subsequent events have given me no cause to regret this determination. "one of the great objects for which the american society was avowedly formed was to effect the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia and of the american slave-trade by congressional legislation. yet men belonging to the society, and even some of its officers, are now publicly maintaining that all compulsory laws are sinful, and of course that it would be a usurpation of the divine prerogative for congress to suppress by penal law the abomination of slavery in the capital of the republic, and the nefarious traffic in human flesh of which the capital is the great depot. i cannot as an abolitionist act with those who reprobate all enactments, not merely for the abolition of slavery where it exists, but even for preventing its re-establishment on soil from which it has been extirpated; and also for protecting the poor coloured man, his wife, and children from the merciless kidnapper. "certainly the founders of the society did not intend to effect by it any alteration in the social relations of the sexes; and not the most distant hint of such a design can be found in the constitution; yet it is in vain to deny that an attempt is now making to render antislavery societies instrumental in advancing certain theories respecting the rights of women. "the american society was intended as a central organization by which the contributions and efforts of abolitionists were to be concentrated and directed; and for some years it discharged its functions with wonderful zeal, energy, and success. but at last the managers of certain local societies imagined that the vitality of the extremities of the system would be quickened by arresting the pulsations of the heart; and accordingly measures were adopted, and with perfect success, to paralyze the parent institution. "for a while abolitionists exhibited a pattern of christian and disinterested benevolence in behalf of the oppressed which commanded the secret admiration even of their enemies, and conciliated the favour of the good. latterly a strong desire has been evinced to change the antislavery enterprise from a religious into a political one, and a scramble for the loaves and fishes has already commenced. "unwilling to take a part in the bitter feuds which now divide abolitionists, and not choosing to assume any responsibility for principles and measures i cannot approve, i deem it most consistent with my obligations as a christian and a citizen to absent myself from an arena in which i can do no good and in which i can no longer appear without being engaged in unprofitable conflict. but most cheerfully will i again enlist in a new antislavery organization (if any such can be devised) that will offer a fair promise of avoiding the errors which have destroyed the efficiency and moral character of the present. "i beg you to be assured that in the preceding remarks i have had no particular reference to the connecticut society, not being aware that it is open to censure. "i have no desire either to conceal or to obtrude my opinions respecting the existing state of the antislavery enterprise, but i deemed it due to myself to state frankly and without reserve the considerations which induce me to pursue a course apparently at variance with my former public vindication of the american antislavery society." among abolitionists there was a great diversity of opinion as to whether women should be admitted to membership in antislavery societies and permitted to hold office and generally to enjoy the same privileges as men. this question was the cause of much feeling and was destined to create an unfortunate division in the antislavery ranks. the subject was first voted upon in the new england society, where, in , it was resolved to permit all persons, whether men or women, who agreed with them on the subject of slavery to participate in the meetings as members. an attempt having been made in vain to rescind this vote, a protest was drawn up by amos r. phelps, charles t. torrey, and five others, disclaiming all responsibility for it, and denouncing the action of the society as injurious to the cause of the slave by connecting with it an entirely foreign subject and by establishing a dangerous precedent. at the sixth annual meeting of the american antislavery society, held in new york, may , , it was voted, ayes to nays, "that the roll of the convention be made up by placing upon it the names of all persons, male or female, who are delegated from any auxiliary society, or members of this society." the seventh annual meeting of the american society was fixed for the th of may, . it was generally realized that on this occasion a definitive settlement of the woman question would be made. the board of managers of the massachusetts society made strenuous efforts to insure a large attendance of members sharing their views. a large steamboat was chartered which conveyed garrison and his party to new york, and it was soon manifest that they had mustered a majority sufficient to carry their point. arthur tappan, the president of the society, anticipating "a recurrence of the scenes witnessed last year, and resolved not to be found contending with his abolition brethren," did not attend the meeting, and francis jackson presided in his place. among the persons nominated by the chairman as a business committee was miss abby kelley. after a long and exciting debate miss kelley was elected by a vote of to . immediately after the result was announced, lewis tappan, charles w. denison, and amos phelps, members of the business committee, asked to be excused from serving upon it. after the meeting had adjourned those members who had voted against the admission of women met and organized a new society under the name of the "american and foreign antislavery society." arthur tappan was chosen president, james g. birney and henry b. stanton, secretaries, and lewis tappan, treasurer. the executive committee was composed of gerrit smith, judge jay, john g. whittier, joshua leavitt, and other leading abolitionists. on june st judge jay wrote a note to mr. j. c. jackson, the recording secretary of the american antislavery society, asking that his name be stricken from the roll as a member. in stating his reasons for resigning, he said that the proceedings at the late meeting of the society had convinced him that the institution was being used, by those who had recently acquired control of it, as an instrument for advancing the doctrine of the equality of the sexes in all the relations of life. "married women without their husbands," he said, "were associated with men in the executive committee--a committee to which is confided the management of the society, and whose meetings have hitherto been, and will probably continue to be, both frequent and private." the principle thus officially avowed by the society judge jay declared had not the remotest connection with the true objects for which the society was formed, nor was it sanctioned by the constitution. "however grievous some women may find the yoke imposed upon them by the opinions usually entertained on the subject," he continued, "that is not the yoke which abolitionists associated to break." the claims now set up by the society in regard to "the rights of women" appeared to him necessarily to involve their participation in the sacred ministry, their exercise of the elective franchise, and their entire independence in the conjugal relation. irrespective of the soundness of these claims, it did not appear by what right the society called upon its members to support them. judge jay contended that "any association for the professed purpose of abolishing negro slavery may with as much propriety prescribe the form of baptism and the lord's supper as it may insist that women are authorized to administer these ordinances." fully convinced that the society as thus managed was exerting an influence not only very injurious to the antislavery cause, but contrary to domestic order and happiness and inconsistent with the precepts of the gospel, judge jay deemed it his duty to sever his connection with it. in our time, when the admission of women to participation in nearly every form of activity is universally accepted, it may seem extraordinary that the american antislavery society should have divided upon such an issue. but what is now a familiar custom was then a strange doctrine, the consequences of which were unknown and were dreaded by conservative people. the abolitionists whose votes admitted women to equal rights with men contended that women were among the most useful and influential workers for the cause and that they should have a corresponding position in the councils of the party. it was denied that active participation in the meetings of the societies was inappropriate to their sex. on the other hand, it was believed by many persons earnestly and usefully engaged in the cause of emancipation that the antislavery society should pursue its end unimpeded and undisturbed by outside issues. the emancipation of woman might be a highly desirable reform, but it should be sought separately from the emancipation of the negro. an individual should be allowed to labour for the slave without being forced to support untried theories regarding woman's rights and the sinfulness of human government. at this period judge jay was especially active with his pen. in was published his "view of the action of the federal government in behalf of slavery." this work was the first effective exposure of the manner in which the united states government had been used for many years by pro-slavery statesmen to carry out their own ends. judge jay showed the shameful position in which the national government had been placed before the nations of the world when the president and his diplomatic representatives were forced by the slave power to demand the return of fugitive slaves and compensation for their loss when shipwreck had allowed them to attain liberty on a foreign shore; when the armies of the united states were sent to florida at enormous expense to capture alleged runaway private property; when the power of the government was strained to prevent abolition in cuba and to introduce slavery into texas. the efforts to suppress the right of petition and freedom of debate in congress were thoroughly described. an account, humiliating to every american, was given of the condition of the national capital itself, converted by the fostering protection of the united states government into the chief slave-market of the union. judge jay's next publication was entitled, "on the condition of free people of colour in the united states." he showed that they were denied the right to the franchise, to liberty of locomotion, to the lowest employment in the public service; that their education was impeded almost to prohibition and that even their industry was hampered by cruel restrictions. worst of all, they might at any time be seized and sold into slavery without recourse to law. in appeared his pamphlet on "the violation by the house of representatives of the right of petition." these writings had a wide circulation among persons not reached by the ordinary antislavery literature, and their influence was highly beneficial. although the woman question was the ostensible cause of the schism of , there were several other differences which tended quite as much to divide the abolition camp. while the garrison party continued to depend solely upon moral agitation and opposed all political effort, a numerous and powerful body in the antislavery ranks began to look to the ballot-box as the instrument of reform. in , under the leadership of gerrit smith, alvan stewart, myron holley, elizur wright, joshua leavitt, and william goodell, a convention at albany organized the liberty party by the nomination of james g. birney, of kentucky, for president, and of thomas earle, of pennsylvania, for vice-president. out of a total of about two and a half million votes cast at this election, the candidates of the liberty party received a little over seven thousand. w. h. harrison, the whig candidate, defeated his democratic opponent, martin van buren. although the abolition vote was not large, it gave the party great encouragement, and an address was issued congratulating the friends of the slave that a new power to overthrow slavery had been found in "the terse literature of the ballot-box." judge jay's attitude towards the formation of the liberty party appears in a correspondence which took place between him and gerrit smith in july, . "i suppose you have come, as well as myself," wrote smith, "to the conclusion that whilst american slavery exists our national political parties will be essentially and irrevocably pro-slavery parties, and that abolitionists cannot, therefore, vote consistently for the candidates of such parties. if you have come to this conclusion, you of course admit that we are under the necessity of designating our own candidates for law-makers and that the object of the freeman's state convention to be held in syracuse the first wednesday in august is proper. now, when we come together in that convention there is one thing which, next to the blessing of heaven, we shall need far more than any other. i mean your consent that we shall put you in nomination for governor. will you enable me to insure the convention of that consent? if you will, you will in so doing render a very great service to our holy cause--a service which i see not how we can well dispense with. if there be anything selfish in your heart, we have, of course, nothing to address to it. we do not expect to elect you, and we are well aware that your nomination would expose you to pro-slavery ridicule and hatred. if you give your consent to the nomination, we know that such consent must proceed from your disinterested and self-sacrificing love for the antislavery cause. do, my dear sir, give us your name; we can rally about it those who will be dead to the power of any other name." to this strong appeal jay gave the following reply: "i was last evening favoured with your letter of the th inst. asking me to consent to be the abolition candidate for governor at the ensuing election. the request implies a confidence in the strength and sincerity of my attachment for the abolition cause that demands my acknowledgments. i cannot now embrace the opportunity afforded by your letter of entering at large into the question of a distinct abolition party; but justice to myself and respect for you induce me to mention some general principles which i think applicable to the present case. "an abolition political party supposes a union for the election of rulers without regard to the sentiments of the associates or their candidates on any other subject than that of slavery. of course the party and the rulers elected by them may have the most opposite and irreconcilable opinions on every topic but one of local and national interest; yet it is supposed such discordant materials will form one homogeneous mass. abolitionists give but little promise of such wonderful unity in the future. i doubt the practicability of forming such a party; and i moreover question whether such a party would be consistent with our obligations as citizens. it is evident that this party could effect its professed object, the abolition of slavery, only in a course of years, and in the meantime it is _to neglect and disregard every other interest_. the party as such can have no opinion and exert no influence either in elections or elsewhere in relation to the trade, the finances, internal improvements, foreign affairs, or the military power of the nation, and no inquiry is to be allowed into the opinions of candidates on these most important topics. "i fear the very attempt to form such a party will prove injurious to the antislavery cause. it excites dissensions among ourselves. on this point i will not enlarge. it will present in its results a false and disheartening estimate of the number of abolitionists; because as many antislavery men will refuse to support the abolition candidates, the canvass will represent us as far less numerous than we really are. moreover, the abolitionists who are thus called out of the political parties can of course exercise no more influence in them. we are depriving the parties of the little salt that keeps them from utter putrefaction. had the whig abolitionists in the last legislature been nominated by an abolitionist party they would not have been elected and we should not now have the glorious and blessed jury law. "i have never approved under present circumstances of any further organized interference by abolitionists with elections than the official questioning of candidates. under that system every abolitionist might exert a powerful influence merely by withholding his vote, without giving his suffrage for one to whom he was politically opposed. the experiment failed, but by whose fault? seward and bradish, marcy and tracy, dealt frankly with us. yet abolitionists made but little difference between the friends and foes. had bradish had , votes more than seward the conversion of our politicians to abolition would have been general and instantaneous, and slavery would have received an irremediable wound. and can we believe that if abolitionists would not then refrain from voting for the party, they will now consent to vote against it? "i am very far from thinking that it can never be right and proper to set up abolition candidates without regard to party preferences. had the question of emancipation been almost equally poised in the british parliament it would have been patriotic to turn the scale by a temporary abandonment of the contested objects and the election of antislavery members. and so also i can readily conceive of circumstances in which it may be the duty of the abolitionists of a particular state or district to suspend for a time their labours for the slave in order to unite with the friends of temperance to carry some great point. but taking into consideration the existing circumstances of the antislavery cause, i am not clear that the formation of an abolition political party, disregarding all the other interests of the country, is consistent with either duty or policy, and of course it becomes me to decline the request with which you have honoured me. may god enlighten and direct us, and when we cannot think alike may he give us the graces of meekness and charity." chapter vi. judge jay continues to support the antislavery cause by his advice and writings.--in consequence of his opinions he is deprived of his seat on the bench.--his visit to europe.--his views on the liberty party.--on the annexation of texas.--his "review of the mexican war."--his advocacy of international arbitration as a remedy for war.--his work in the episcopal church. after the division in the ranks of the antislavery societies in , judge jay ceased to take an active part in their proceedings, preferring to support the cause independently by his writings. but he was continually applied to by the societies to assist them by his advice, to give legal opinions on the positions which they wished to take, and to prepare documents which required special judgment and ability. in april, , jay prepared an address to the british antislavery society, at the request of mrs. lydia maria child, who wrote on behalf of the american antislavery society. a little later, again by request of mrs. child, he gave a legal opinion on the advisability of carrying to the supreme court the cases of three men who had been condemned in missouri to twelve years' imprisonment for aiding slaves to escape. he continued his membership in the american and foreign antislavery society in new york. here he laboured unceasingly to keep the society fast to its declared purpose, and to prevent it from adding new doctrines and objects which he believed must result in further divisions injurious to the cause. in april, , he wrote on this subject to lewis tappan: "i am glad the society will not be concerned in establishing a missionary station in africa. the great vice of our antislavery societies has been, and is, meddling with things they have no right to meddle with, and this they have done on a most vicious principle, that the end sanctifies the means. in general, abolitionists mean well; but they grievously mistake when they think themselves authorized to pursue, in their associated capacity, whatever benevolent or religious plan they individually approve. they unite for certain specified purposes, and receive money expressly to forward those purposes; and to employ their associated influence or their common funds for other distinct purposes is not, in my opinion, consistent with strict morality." in august, , judge jay was requested by the executive committee of the american and foreign antislavery society to allow his name to be announced as a regular contributor to the society's organ, the _reporter_. he took this opportunity to repeat his warnings against the departure of the abolitionists from the line of action which they had marked out for themselves in the early days of the agitation. "as an abolitionist i have deeply deplored the dissensions which have marred our harmony and almost annihilated our moral influence; and i have constantly and resolutely abstained, as far as my sense of duty would permit me, from aggravating those dissensions by partaking in them. the obvious tendency of the _announcement_ contemplated by your resolution is to impress the public with the belief that the gentlemen who are held forth as the future contributors to the _reporter_ maintain the principles and approve the course of that paper. such an impression, so far as regards myself, would be most strictly accurate were the principles and course of the paper to continue such as they have hitherto been. to the american and foreign antislavery society i did fondly look as a refuge for such abolitionists as had been expelled from the old society by the faithlessness of those who converted it into an instrument for spreading other than antislavery doctrines. i did, notwithstanding past experience, regard the constitution of the new society as affording a guarantee that its members would not be required to support any other principles and measures than such as were indicated in that instrument. in consequence of this belief i did not decline office in the society, and i aided in defraying the expenses and in filling the columns of the _reporter_. the paper was conducted with ability and honesty, promised to exert a happy influence in restoring peace and harmony to our ranks. the society was pledged by its constitution 'carefully to abstain from all the machinery of party political arrangements in effecting the objects,' and the _reporter_ faithfully conformed itself to this pledge. but in the very last number we are informed that at the last meeting a vote of the society, '_nearly unanimous_,' was taken in favour of striking this pledge from the constitution, but that inasmuch as the notice required by article x. had not been given, the amendment was not _constitutionally_ adopted. the pledge is therefore virtually, although not formally, withdrawn; and we have every reason to believe that at the next meeting it will be expunged from the constitution. it is therefore obvious that the society, instead of being a rallying point for abolitionists, is henceforth to be a mere partisan organization, excluding from its fellowship multitudes of honest, zealous, and consistent abolitionists because they cannot adopt the maxim now promulgated in certain quarters, that the friends of immediate emancipation should labour to secure for themselves all the loaves and fishes in the gift of the republic--the power and emoluments of _every office_, from that of president of the united states to that of path master of a ward district. the vote of the society just mentioned is tantamount to a declaration that it will as soon as possible employ all the machinery of party political arrangement for the exclusive elevation of abolitionists to political power. this is not an object for which i have associated with abolitionists, nor is it one in which i intend to co-operate with them. but the _reporter_, i am bound to believe, will be used as an instrument to effect this object, because i am bound to believe that the official organ of the society will not fail to advocate and pursue its avowed policy. hence i cannot and ought not to give it in advance my confidence and countenance by complying with the request with which you have honoured me. "i have thus frankly stated my sentiments without intending to impeach the motives of others, and without meaning to assume a hostile attitude towards the friends and supporters of what is denominated the third party. with that party i cannot conscientiously and consistently unite, but i have purposely abstained from publicly mingling in the controversies to which it has given rise, and i have now expressed my dissent from it only because i could not otherwise explain my refusal of your polite invitation. "in justice to myself, permit me to remark that my opinions on slavery and abolition have undergone no change, and that every principle i have ever avowed as an abolitionist is still cherished by me with no other difference than possibly a stronger conviction than formerly of its truth and importance. "that we may all be guided by wisdom from above and be enabled not merely to break the bonds of the slaves, but in our conduct to adorn our christian profession, is my fervent wish." the antislavery societies, by the admission into their proceedings of projected reforms having no connection with their ostensible object, had gradually become divided and weakened. jay had protested unceasingly against this course, but the tendency had been irresistible. "our antislavery societies," he wrote in , "are, for the most part, virtually defunct. antislavery conventions are whatever the leaders present happen to be; sometimes disgustingly irreligious, and very often jacobinical and disorganizing; and frequently proscriptive of such of their brethren who will not consent to render abolition a mere instrument for effecting certain political changes having no relation whatever to slavery." the antislavery societies had accomplished the noble and seemingly hopeless task of arousing the national conscience from its lethargy. their labours had started and given irresistible impulse to a movement on behalf of the slave which was not to rest until emancipation was attained. but the active conduct of this movement was now passing from their hands into the domain of politics. the contest had become a national issue, to be fought out in legislative halls and to be determined at the polls. in august, , the national convention of the liberty party was held at buffalo. this convention was more largely attended than the first, every free state excepting new hampshire having sent delegates. james g. birney was again nominated for president, and thomas morris, of ohio, for vice-president. the canvass was carried on with great vigour and spirit. the birney vote in showed a large increase, amounting to , . it caused the election of polk and gave to the abolitionists the balance of power in new york and michigan. judge jay had never considered himself as belonging to either the whig or the democratic party. he believed that his judicial position should debar him from active partisanship. above all, his disapproval of the policy adopted by both political parties towards the slavery question disinclined him to be a member of either. his attitude towards the liberty party, on its formation in , was set forth in the letter written to gerrit smith declining the nomination for governor, which was quoted at length in the last chapter. judge jay then doubted the expediency of a separate political party making abolition its article of faith and test of membership. but as events proceeded, as both the great parties seemed irrevocably pledged to the support of slavery, above all, as both favoured the annexation of texas, jay became a pronounced and active member of the liberty party. he viewed the annexation proceedings with horror, as the death-knell of emancipation and as a scheme of wicked injustice which must react injuriously upon the whole nation. in march, , he wrote to dr. h. j. bowditch, of boston: "the full and entire triumph of the antislavery cause is near and certain, provided that texas is kept out of the union. on this point are centred all my fears. i am not disheartened by the corruption of politicians, nor the deathlike apathy of the community, so long as we remain independent of the renegade republic. give us time and we can arouse the community from its stupor, we can change public opinion, and politicians will bellow aloud for abolition the moment they find it popular. the danger is that before this change is effected the slaveholders will demand the annexation of texas as the price of the presidency and that one or more of the candidates will consent to pay it." when birney was nominated in , jay wrote to gerrit smith: "i congratulate you upon this result. birney is a man for whom christians and patriots can consistently vote. he shall have my cordial support. in my opinion, the selection is creditable to the liberty party, and if it continues to give us candidates of this character, it will be a blessing to our country.... to that party i shall be true so far, and so far only, as it shall be true to itself. may god direct its measures for the protection of our own rights and for the ultimate liberation of the slave." judge jay was as anxious that the liberty party should keep faithfully to its antislavery purpose as he had been in the case of the antislavery societies. he believed that the party must end in failure if it allowed extraneous and dividing policies to be admitted to its platform. on this subject he wrote in september, , to henry b. stanton, who had invited him to a convention in boston: "notwithstanding the annexation of texas, great good may result from the liberty party, provided it be faithful to itself, and be wisely conducted. hence i am distressed by whatever threatens to impair its integrity and usefulness. you are not ignorant, i presume, of the strenuous efforts now making to change its character and to convert it from an antislavery party into one for matters and things in general. "it is proposed by men of talents, energy, and influence that the party shall in future maintain: "that the federal government has the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the _states_. "that the clergy shall be subject to all the burdens and enjoy all the privileges of other citizens. this is aimed at the clergy of new york who are not eligible to office, but exempted, to a great extent, from taxation. no man is hereafter to be acknowledged to belong to the liberty party unless he objects to the state showing any indulgence to the ministers of religion. they must be enrolled in the militia, and, like others, called out to work on the highway. "that custom-houses be abolished, and with them all protective duties. "that the salaries of the president and congressmen be reduced. "that the legal profession is a privileged caste and should be abolished. "that the public lands be given away. "that all monopolies, by which i understand incorporated companies, banks, railroads, etc., be abolished. "that women should exercise the right of suffrage and be eligible to office, etc., etc., etc. "it is needless to say that if these tests of membership of the liberty party be adopted, we shall drive from us all whose judgment or whose consciences revolt at them, while those who remain in the party will regard the removal of slavery as a very subordinate object of their labours. my purpose of troubling you with this letter is to suggest to you the expediency of the convention adopting a resolution in which, without alluding to the efforts making to change the character of the party, it shall declare that the sole objects of the party are the abolition of slavery, the deliverance of the federal government from its influence, and the elevation of the coloured race to equal rights with the whites; and inviting all who approve of those objects to co-operate with us, whatever may be their opinion on questions of state or national policy." at the liberty party convention held at newburg in october, , judge jay was unanimously nominated as a candidate for senator. in his letter accepting the nomination, he took occasion again to urge the exclusion of irrelevant subjects from the platform of the party. "recent circumstances induce me to accompany my acceptance of this nomination with some remarks. attempts are making to render the liberty party subservient to other objects than the overthrow of slavery and the elevation of the coloured people. to these attempts i can lend no aid. while i most explicitly accord to every abolitionist the right of expressing his own opinions on every political and religious subject, i as explicitly deny the right, and shall strenuously resist the attempt, to make me and other members responsible for opinions not necessarily involved in the great objects for the attainment of which the party was formed. in the pursuit of those objects i will cordially and honestly co-operate with others from whose sentiments i dissent; but i cannot co-operate with them in promoting religious and political changes which i believe to be wrong, in order to increase the influence and hasten the triumph of the liberty party. to do so would be to act upon the principle, as wicked and detestable as slavery itself, that the end justifies the means. the fact that many good men who unite in abhorrence of slavery entertain conflicting views of the expediency and morality of various proposed reforms seems to me a sufficient reason why the liberty party should not permit itself to be distracted by the other questions which agitate the community, and which in truth are of but little moment compared with the great evil with which we are struggling." in jay wrote again on this subject: "i shall leave the liberty party whenever it makes abolition a pack-horse to carry favourite measures unconnected with slavery, whether those measures are of whig or democratic origin." early in the year the antislavery opinions and labours of judge jay caused the loss of his seat on the bench of westchester county, which he had occupied for more than twenty-five years with such general approval as to cause his steady reappointment term after term by governors of the state who were his political opponents. the circumstances of his removal are described in a letter which he wrote to mr. minot mitchell, in may, : "i thank you for your friendly letter in relation to my removal from the bench. the loss of an office which i had held for about a quarter of a century (and which i had contemplated resigning in the course of the present year) is not a matter of personal regret. my motive in holding for so long a time a situation which subjected me to no little inconvenience and yielded no emolument was a desire to be useful, and a belief that i could exert on the bench a wholesome moral influence. how far that belief was well founded is for others to decide. to myself, it is grateful to know that my official conduct, whatever mistakes i may have made, has been pure, unbiased by personal partialities, and uninfluenced by any fear except that of my maker. "to the gentlemen of the westchester bar generally, as well as to yourself in particular, i am deeply indebted for the uniform kindness and courtesy with which i have been treated; and had i known at the december term that we were not to meet again, i would have embraced the opportunity of publicly acknowledging my obligations to them, and of bidding them an affectionate farewell. "under the circumstances of the case, it would be an affectation of humility to ascribe my loss of office to any dissatisfaction with my official conduct on the part of the bar or the public. the _new york plebeian_, amid all its vituperative clamour for my dismissal, does not even hint a charge against me as a judge, and the editor of the _westchester herald_, notwithstanding his blind devotion to his party, bears a flattering testimony to my ability as a 'jurist,' and admits that my 'moral worth' is not questioned, as he believes, 'by any man in the country.' "nor have i been proscribed on account of my political opinions. those opinions belong to the old washington school--i have never concealed them; and they are the same now as they were when i received office from governors tompkins, clinton, throop, and marcy, and when president jackson tendered to me an important and lucrative appointment. "for twenty years or more i have had no connection with party politics, and have attended no party meeting. it appeared to me unbecoming a judge to be a political partisan; and i, moreover, observed so much profligacy, venality, and hypocritical profession in both parties, that i could not conscientiously identify myself with either. i have for years voted for those i believed to be the most honest of the candidates offered for my suffrage, without regard to the party dogmas they professed. "that the people of westchester had lost their confidence in me and wished me to descend from the bench is not pretended. on the contrary, i have the most abundant and gratifying proofs of the correctness of your remark, that my removal has occasioned in the county, with all political parties, unusual dissatisfaction and complaint. "if, then, my removal has been effected contrary to the wishes of the county, and not because i lacked in ability or integrity, nor even on account of my politics, it becomes a matter of public interest to inquire with what motives and with what views the chief magistrate of new york dispenses the patronage intrusted to him by the constitution for the good of the state. "governor bouck has, in this instance, as in another far more important, only acted as the instrument of a faction which, while prating about _equal rights_, is ever ready and eager to barter the welfare, honour, and freedom of the north for southern votes. "you may recollect that previous to my last appointment i was permitted to hold over for a year after my term of office had expired. this extraordinary delay in filling a vacancy on the bench was not the result of accident or inadvertency. it arose from doubts entertained by the leaders at albany whether the party would gain more at the south than it would lose in westchester by my removal. mr. van buren was then a candidate for the presidency, and i was shown a confidential letter from one of his particular friends at albany to an influential democrat of this county, discussing the expediency of my removal. the letter was put into my hands by the gentleman to whom it was addressed. it was admitted by the writer that my conduct as a judge was irreproachable, and that there were no other objections to my reappointment than my antislavery sentiments. my only fault in the eyes of this champion of equal rights was that i was opposed to converting men and women into beasts of burden. still, he was apprehensive that my removal for _such_ a cause might savour of persecution for _abstract opinions_; in other words, might be unpopular; and he wished to know what the party in westchester deemed most expedient. after a year's deliberation and hesitation, i was reappointed. mr. van buren is again a candidate, but _now_ he has a southern democrat for a competitor; and his party in the state being so strong that he can well afford to risk a little dissatisfaction in westchester, it is deemed prudent to propitiate the demon of slavery by offering a victim, however humble, on his altar. the _plebeian_, devoted to mr. van buren's election, avowed with unblushing frankness that my reappointment would be calculated to prejudice the democratic party 'in the eyes of our southern brethren.' "thus, it seems that in order to elevate mr. van buren to the presidency the magistrates of the free, sovereign, and independent state of new york are to be selected with reference to the good pleasure of southern slaveholders. "pardon, my dear sir, the egotism of this letter. i have been compelled to speak of myself in order to expose the canting profligacy of our demagogues, and to illustrate one of the numberless accursed influences of slavery. this abhorred system, which in the south makes merchandise of the souls and bodies of men, is at the same time trafficking in the politics, the religion, and the liberties of the north, and putrefying whatever it touches. against this system i have contended, as did my father before me, and the leisure governor bouck has given me shall be faithfully devoted to a continuance of the warfare." the "leisure" given to him by governor bouck had first to be used by jay in an attempt to restore his health, which for several years had been failing. in the autumn of he determined upon a visit to egypt, and on the st of november he sailed from new york in the "victoria," of tons, accompanied by his wife and his daughters maria and augusta. after a short visit to london, the party sailed from southampton for malta in the "great liverpool" of the oriental line, with passengers and mail bound to india. at malta jay was interested in meeting the famous wit, scholar, and diplomatist, john hookham frere, who entertained him at his house outside the walls of the city. while in england, jay had been requested by john beaumont, on behalf of the british and foreign antislavery society, to take charge of a quantity of antislavery tracts printed in the arabic language, and to insure their distribution. after his arrival in cairo, jay gave packages of the tracts to several persons whose facilities for distributing them in egypt were greater than his own. others he disposed of himself. "during the short time i was in egypt," he said in a letter, "i distributed tracts in the slave market, in the bazaars, in a public coffee-house, in the hotels, and to persons in the streets." and he was much struck with the fact that what he could do peacefully in egypt, in a portion of his own country would have endangered his life. on his return home, jay visited paris, and while there communicated to the duc de broglie the motives of the southern statesmen in seeking the annexation of texas, and made no secret of his hope that france would oppose the proceedings.[c] the events leading up to the annexation of texas and the mexican war were followed by jay with the closest attention. the injustice and cruelty with which mexico was treated throughout these proceedings by the united states government excited his warmest indignation. he was deeply grieved at events which seemed to postpone indefinitely the emancipation of the slaves; his fears were aroused for the security of free institutions in the north by the great impetus given to the southern spirit of domination. but above all he felt the disgrace incurred by his own country in forcing upon a weak and friendly power a desolating war for the sole object of wresting from it a territory to be peopled by slaves. the result of jay's minute knowledge of this dark page in american history was embodied in a volume entitled "a review of the causes and consequences of the mexican war," which was published in . in this searching "review" jay exposed the parentage of the movement for the acquisition of texas in the desire of the south to extend the territory devoted to slavery, with the twofold object of creating a new market for slave-breeders and of giving to the slave states an overwhelming control of congress. he traced the devious paths of intrigue by which a rebellion was fomented in texas by americans settled there for that express purpose; the encouragement and aid given secretly to the rebels by the united states; the recognition of their independence; and finally the subterfuges adopted to achieve the annexation in violation of international rights and the constitution itself. jay set forth plainly the fact that hostilities were begun by the united states troops; he described the military operations by which a weak and defenceless people were reduced to consent to a dismemberment of their country; he showed the enormous cost in life and money involved in this war undertaken to furnish a new market for slaves and new power to slaveholders. jay's "review of the mexican war" is a contribution to the history of the country which students cannot afford to pass unread. the views expressed in it are painful to patriotism for the reason that they are dictated by the pure patriotism which would make known the whole truth as a warning to posterity. the book on the mexican war was written originally for the american peace society, which had offered a prize for the best work on the subject. the committee appointed to pass judgment on the dissertations presented in competition awarded the prize to jay's book on condition that he should expunge from it all "general censures on the whig party." jay refused to comply with this condition and the prize went to another. but the peace society recognized that the value of jay's book lay in its impartial character and caused it to be published as the exposition of the society's views. as nearly all the newspapers of both parties had supported the war, they were loth to notice a book which placed the object of their encomiums in so unpleasant a light. but many private letters were received by jay which showed him that he had the approval of the best minds. joshua r. giddings wrote: "thanks be to him who rules the destiny of nations that we have among us competent and faithful men who possess the moral courage to stand forth and chronicle, in the language of truth, the barbarities of which the nation is guilty. the history of this age will speak to those who come after facts which will cause our descendants to blush. your 'review of the mexican war' is faithful and just.... in writing it you have performed a service to your country and to mankind infinitely greater than was ever performed by any military officer." "every portion of it," wrote charles francis adams, "commands my unqualified assent. that in the course of god's providence good may be ultimately educed out of evil is the only compensating reflection which we can draw from the observation of so much wrong. it may be that out of the very measures so wickedly devised to sustain a system of crime may come the means by which it will be overthrown. that your book will do great service in combining and perpetuating the evidence bearing upon this portion of american history, i do not for a moment doubt. it is my profound conviction that there never was a more wicked and unjustifiable war, promoted by one party and connived at by the other, than the late war with mexico." the prevention of war was a subject which had occupied the mind of judge jay for a number of years. the result of his reflections was that system of international arbitration which has become since his death so efficacious a method of settling international disputes. a pamphlet entitled "war and peace: the evils of the first and a plan for preserving the last" was still in manuscript in his desk when, in , joseph sturge, the celebrated english philanthropist, visited bedford. jay read the pamphlet to sturge, who was so much struck by the work that he embodied a portion of it in a book which he published on his return to england. the views of jay attracted the attention of the english peace society, who published the whole pamphlet in london in . jay's plan for the prevention of war was exceedingly simple. it provided that a stipulation should be made in every treaty that future international differences should be referred first to arbitration, to attempt a peaceful settlement. the idea was heartily approved by cobden, who wrote to judge jay: "if your government is prepared to insert an arbitration clause in the pending treaties i am persuaded that it will be accepted by our government." the scheme of arbitration thus proposed by jay, and supported by joseph sturge and his friends of the english peace society, was approved by peace congresses held in brussels in , in paris in , and in london in . having thus attracted general attention, it was recommended by protocol no. of the congress of paris held in after the crimean war, which protocol was unanimously adopted by the plenipotentiaries of france, austria, great britain, prussia, russia, sardinia, and turkey. these governments declared their wish that the states between which any serious misunderstanding might arise should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, as far as circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly power. the honour of the introduction of this measure in the first congress belongs to lord clarendon, whose services had been solicited by joseph sturge and henry richard. it was subsequently referred to by lord derby as worthy of immortal honour. lord malmsbury pronounced it an act "important to civilization and to the security of the peace of europe." the protocol was afterwards approved by all the other powers to which it was referred, more than forty in number. the plan thus suggested by judge jay for the prevention of war bore fruit during his life, and was destined in after-years to become established in the mind of the civilized world as the true remedy for the greatest scourge of nations.[d] judge jay was an earnest and active member of the episcopal church, but he was never blind to its imperfections. he deplored as much as any man the countenance given by the church to slavery, but he believed that reformation must and would come from within. he had no sympathy with the "come-outers." concerning them he wrote in : "infidelity is now vigorously availing itself of the conduct of the clergy in relation to this subject to assail the blessed religion of which they are the ministers. a sect is forming who profess to believe that the church is so corrupted by slavery that good men are required to separate from her. these people call themselves 'come-outers.' lecturers are enlisted in their service, and the clergy, as identified with the cause of human bondage, are daily held up to public detestation as heartless hypocrites." jay would not deny the justice with which the attacks on the clergy were made, and he laboured to place the church where it belonged, in the front rank of the great humanitarian movement. to his efforts were largely due the admission of coloured clergy to the conventions of the church, and the gradual abolition of that spirit of caste which prevented a white clergyman from recognizing a black one as fit to deliberate with him on matters relating to their common religion. to destroy this race hatred, so contrary to the spirit of christianity, and to arouse the church to its duty of active opposition to slavery, were jay's constant endeavours in the conventions of the church. his pen also was frequently occupied with the same subject. his "letter to bishop ives" of north carolina was a severe yet just arraignment of clergymen who justified slavery from the scriptures, and it exposed the wickedness of their course in language and with arguments to which they and their sympathizers were unable to reply. when a "history of the american church," by samuel wilberforce, was published in england, there was naturally in america much curiosity to see the work. two american publishers announced their intention of reprinting it. but time passed and no reprint appeared. the explanation is given in the words of jay: "the author of the 'history' in the course of his work advances certain doctrines on the subject of 'slavery' and of 'caste in the church' which it is thought inconvenient to discuss, and which cannot be admitted in this republic without sealing the condemnation of almost every christian sect among us and overwhelming our own church with shame and confusion. there are, it is to be feared, but few among our twelve hundred clergymen who, on reading the 'history,' would not find their consciences whispering, 'thou art the man,' and who would not be anxious to conceal the volume from their parishioners. hence its suppression." jay was determined that the truths regarding the episcopal church in america set forth by the celebrated dr. wilberforce should not be quite unattainable by the clergy and laity especially concerned. in he caused those passages of the "history" relating to slavery to be printed, and introduced them with forcible remarks of his own in the pamphlet entitled "a reproof of the american church by the bishop of oxford." [illustration: william jay] chapter vii. unpopularity of the abolitionists.--the compromises of and the fugitive-slave law.--jay's reply to webster's th of march speech.--the attitude of the episcopal church.--the abrogation of the missouri compromise.--disunion. the prospect was dark for the antislavery cause in . its friends had increased steadily in numbers and in earnestness. but the slave power had mustered all its forces in an aggressive campaign which aimed to make slavery a national instead of a local institution, to introduce it into territory hitherto free, and to browbeat the north into submission to every demand of the slaveholder. the compromise measures adopted this year in congress--above all, the fugitive-slave law--marked the successful advance of arrogant southern dictation. in the north, the dislike of antislavery men and the willingness to satisfy the south at the expense of conscience was expressed in such scenes as the attack of the rynders mob on the meeting of the american antislavery society in new york and the passive attitude towards it adopted by the authorities. although the plan of putting down the abolitionists by force had proved impracticable, no efforts were spared to make their lives uncomfortable by the attacks of the press and by the pressure of social disapproval. "our politicians," wrote jay to charles sumner, "may pride themselves on their adroitness in pandering to popular prejudices, and in acquiring power and influence by seasonable changes of opinion and conduct. but a day is coming when their motives and actions will be judged by a very different tribunal than public opinion, and when a single act of benevolence, a single sacrifice of personal consideration to the cause of truth, will outweigh a whole life of obsequiousness and political trickery. "the truths we advocate are unpalatable to the two extremes of society. we shock the coarse, vulgar prejudices of the rabble, while the disinterested benevolence we profess is to them an enigma to be solved only by the imputation of fanaticism. at the same time we disturb the tranquil consciences of the rich, thwart the calculations of politicans, and interrupt the harmony subsisting between our merchants and their southern customers. hence the upper classes look upon us as impertinent and exceedingly ungenteel, and unfit to move in the higher circles. i cannot tell how far your personal experience coincides with mine, but _i_ know whereof i affirm. i have advanced no ultra-fanatical doctrines in politics or religion. on the subject of slavery i have but reiterated the opinions of many of the best and greatest men in england and in our own country. i have advocated no congressional action except such as mr. webster, in his better days, pronounced constitutional, and i have condemned all forcible resistance to the fugitive-slave law. yet solely on account of my antislavery efforts, i find myself nearly insulated in society." the compromise measures of were repulsive and disheartening to the antislavery men in the north. and no circumstance connected with them was more discouraging than the change of front made by daniel webster--his abandonment of the wilmot proviso and his concession to the southern demand for the extension of slavery into the new territory acquired by the mexican war. webster's speech of the th of march was answered by judge jay in a letter to the _evening post_ of march th, and was afterwards published as a pamphlet and widely circulated. in this letter jay recalled the eloquent and positive declaration of webster made in the senate on august , , after new mexico and california had been acquired: "my opposition to the increase of slavery in this country, or to the increase of slave representation, is general and universal. it has no reference to the lines of latitude or points of the compass. i shall oppose all such extension at all times and under all circumstances, even against all inducements, against all supposed limitation of great interests, against all combinations, against all compromises." these words were contrasted by jay with webster's present excuse for abandoning opposition to the extension of slavery on the ground that the laws of "physical geography" made slavery impossible in the new territory and to forbid its existence there was merely "to re-enact the will of god." "to what," asked jay, "did this solemn, emphatic, unqualified asservation refer? did he then know that there was a foot of territory in the united states over which it was morally and physically impossible to extend slavery? was he promising in these impressive terms to oppose what he was conscious would never be attempted? did he make this pledge before his country with a mental reservation to unite hereafter with general cass and the slaveholders in denouncing and scorning the proviso? did he mean to deceive his own party? did he desire to keep up an angry agitation throughout the nation for electioneering purposes, and did he thus intimate his belief in the danger of the extension of slavery and slave representation, when he well knew that the fiat of the almighty had rendered such extension impossible? was he then acquainted with the law of physical geography which would render the proviso 'a re-enactment of the will of god?' and did he purposely conceal the secret of this law in his own breast, when by revealing it he might have stilled the raging billows of popular passion which threatened to ingulf the union? to suppose all this would be to impute to mr. webster a degree of trickery and turpitude rarely paralleled even among politicians. hence we are bound to assume that the law of nature on which he _now_ relies is a recent discovery, subsequent at least to the th august, . it is, however, extraordinary that a gentleman of his acquirements did not sooner become acquainted with '_this law of physical geography--the law of the formation of the earth, that settles forever, beyond all terms of human enactment, that slavery cannot exist in california or new mexico_.' it is to be regretted that mr. webster did not condescend to demonstrate the existence of this law and to explain the mode of its operation. he indeed tells us that our new territories are 'asiatic in their formation and scenery'; but this fact does not prove his law, since slavery has existed for ages amid the scenery of asia; it exists in the deserts of africa, has existed in every country of europe, and now exists in the frozen regions of russia. this law, moreover, must have been enacted by the creator since , or its operation must have been suspended in deference to the spanish government; for under that government negro slavery did exist in california and new mexico, and it ceased in , not by the 'law of physical geography,' but by a mexican edict. thousands of slaves are employed in the mines of brazil, and mr. webster does not explain how his law forbids their employment in the mines of california.... "he pays a sorry compliment to the common sense of the people in offering to them at the eleventh hour a new and unheard-of law of 'physical geography,' together with the 'asiatic scenery and formation' of the conquered territories, as an _excuse_ for violating the faith he had plighted in behalf of the proviso. he has shocked the moral sense of a large portion of the community by giving in advance his sanction to the fugitive-slave law, which makes the liberty or bondage of a citizen depend on the affidavit of a slaveholder and the judgment of a post-master--a law which converts sympathy for guiltless misery into crime, and threatens to tenant our jails with our most estimable men and women. but mr. webster underrates the intelligence and sensibilities of the masses. relying on the southern affinities of our commercial cities, on the subserviency of politicians, on the discipline of party, and on his own great influence, mr. webster looks _down_ upon the people; but the time is probably not far distant when the people will cease to look up to him. parties will accept of any leaders who can acquire for them the spoils of the day, but in the political history of our country the people have never placed their affections upon any man in whose stability and consistency they did not confide." to give such assistance as he could to a fugitive slave had always been regarded by judge jay as a duty. "the slaveholders," he had written, "with their accustomed impudence and mendacity, apply the term _theft_ to the humane and christian efforts to assist a slave in escaping from his home of bondage. in their sense of the expression, i glory in being a slave-stealer, and i inculcate upon my children the duty, the christian duty, of this kind of theft." he had sheltered and aided many runaways at his home at bedford, and his will contained a bequest of a thousand dollars to be used for this purpose. his son john gave his services as a lawyer constantly and successfully to prevent the return of fugitive slaves. when the fugitive-slave bill became a law judge jay was applied to by many individuals, societies, and periodicals to give his views concerning it. "the law," he said in a private letter, "is an outrage upon the constitution of our country and the precepts of our religion. it is a burlesque on justice and on all the acknowledged rules of evidence in the trial of issues. the demand it makes upon individual citizens to aid in hunting and enslaving their fellow-men is diabolical. i have made up my mind to suffer imprisonment and the spoiling of my goods rather than hazard my soul by rendering any active obedience to this sinful law. it is horrible that so many of our fashionable cotton divines are now preaching up the supremacy of human law and virtually dethroning him whose ambassadors they profess to be." "in my opinion, every northern slave-catcher is a base man, and every lawyer who takes reward against the innocent is a disgrace to a noble profession. i myself shall offer no forcible resistance against the execution of this most wicked law, but i trust that, through the grace of god, i would go to the scaffold sooner than obey it." concerning the constitutionality of the law, judge jay wrote to josiah quincy: "the fugitive-slave clause in the constitution is of course obligatory, but there is a wide distinction between the fugitive-slave _clause_ and the fugitive-slave _law_. the constitution gives no power to congress to legislate on the subject, but imposes on the states the obligation of rendition. chief-justice hornblower, of new york, and chancellor walworth, of new york, long since pronounced the fugitive law of ' unconstitutional on this very ground." the demoralization caused by the execution of the law was described by jay in a letter to gerrit smith: "it is scoundrelizing our people. cruelty and injustice are cultivated as virtues, christian love and sympathy with human suffering are treated as prejudices to be conquered, and zeal in hunting slaves is made the test of patriotism and of fitness for office. but the most diabolical effect of the law is the competition it has excited among our politicians to offer the blood of their fellow-citizens in exchange for southern votes." to a committee of free coloured men who asked judge jay's advice regarding the propriety of arming themselves to prevent being kidnapped under the law, he said: "most deeply do i sympathize with you in your unhappy state. with your wives and children, you are now placed at the disposal of any villain who is ready to perjure himself for the price you will bring in the human shambles of the south. with less ceremony and trouble than a man can impound his neighbour's ox, you may be metamorphosed from a citizen of the state of new york into a beast of burden on a southern plantation. on leaving your house in the morning you may be enticed into another, where one of the newly appointed commissioners, after reading one affidavit, made a thousand miles off, and another that you are the person named in the first, or on the bare oath of the kidnapper himself, may inform you, to your amazement and horror, that you are a _slave_. the fetters previously prepared are placed on your limbs, and in a few minutes you are travelling with railroad velocity to a southern market. never again will you behold your wife and children, nor will any tidings from them ever reach your ear. the remainder of your life is to be one of toil and stripes.... yet," he continued, "leave, i beseech you, the pistol and the bowie-knife to southern ruffians and their northern mercenaries. that this law will lead to bloodshed i take for granted, but let it be the blood of the innocent, not of the guilty. if anything can arouse the torpid conscience of the north, it will be our streets stained with human blood shed by the slave-catchers." the fugitive-slave law, in jay's opinion, was the natural sequence to the attempt to put down the antislavery movement by force: "for years, most strenuous efforts, prompted by commercial and political views, were made to deprive the opponents of slavery of their constitutional privileges by lawless violence. the right of petition was suspended, the freedom of debate interrupted, the sanctity of the post-office violated, public meetings dispersed, printing-presses destroyed, furious mobs excited, churches sacked, private houses gutted, and even murder perpetrated. all this violation of rights was regarded with complacency by many who had much at stake, so long as abolitionists alone were the victims. but the spirit of aggression thus raised and fostered is seeking new subjects on which to exercise its power. 'gentlemen of property and standing' are now beginning to feel alarmed about socialism, anti-rentism, agrarianism, etc. hence, of late we hear much of the importance of conservatism, as it is called. the political movements of the last few months seem to indicate that our landlords and cotton lords and merchant princes regard an alliance with the aristocracy of the south as at least in some degree a security against the violation of vested rights, sequestration of rents, oppressive taxation, unequal laws, etc. to the influence of gentlemen of this class the late slave law owes its passage. "and is it indeed believed that the rights of the rich will be protected by familiarizing the populace with the practice of injustice and cruelty towards the poor? will the sight of innocent men seized in our streets and sent in fetters to till the broad fields of great landowners increase the reverence felt for land titles? is it wise to give the people practical lessons in the demolition of all the barriers raised by the common law for the protection of the weak against the strong? is it true conservatism to obliterate in the masses the sense of justice, the feelings of humanity, the distinction between right and wrong?" the tacit support given to slavery by the episcopal church at large and the active support given to it by many individual clergymen was a source of constant grief to judge jay and a frequent subject of his thoughts. "you well know," he wrote to joseph sturge, "what a mighty effort has been made by our northern traders in southern votes and merchandise, under the leadership of daniel webster, to roll back the antislavery tide. to a certain extent they have succeeded. the commercial interest in the great towns, through a rivalry for the southern trade, has professed great alacrity in slave-catching, and political aspirants for office under the federal government find it expedient to make slave-hunting the test of patriotism. but the religious feeling of the commonalty--that is, of those who are not pre-eminently gentlemen of property and standing--is shocked by the enormous cruelty and injustice of the fugitive law. to overcome this feeling, which in its demonstrations is exceedingly inconvenient to our merchants and office-seekers, the clergy have been urged by the press and other agencies to come out in support of the law--in other words, to give the sanction of the gospel of christ to the enslavement of innocent men. some pastors who preach in fine churches to rich and fashionable city congregations have complied. you must understand that many of our brokers, merchants, lawyers, and editors were exceedingly scandalized by the opposition of religious people to this vile law, and they have trembled for the honour of our holy religion when some of its professors contended that an impious law was not binding on the conscience." the position of the church was strongly stated by jay in a letter to rev. hiram jelliff: "it is one of the most melancholy circumstances of the condition of the coloured people that so many of the ministers of the lord jesus christ are among their most influential enemies. the church of the living god is the great buttress of slavery and caste in the united states. if any plea can be urged in behalf of infidelity, it is that christianity as represented by multitudes of its official teachers authorizes the abrogation of all its precepts of humility, justice, and benevolence in the treatment of persons to whom god has given a coloured skin. look at the conventions of new york and pennsylvania excluding ministers and disciples of the crucified redeemer merely because they are poor and despised! i confess, my dear sir, that were i a young man, with no early religious impressions and about to decide on the truth or falsehood of revelation, i fear i should be strongly tempted to believe that a religion such as it is practically exhibited by your cotton-parsons could not and did not proceed from a just and benevolent being. i have had great opportunities of knowing the effect produced by the countenance given to slavery and caste by the church on the faith of many kind-hearted and conscientious people, and in all sincerity i declare that our pro-slavery clergy, our negro-hating clergy, our slave-catching clergy, are the most successful apostles of infidelity in the country. i write thus freely to you because your course is in direct opposition to those i condemn. the saviour eat, drank, and lodged with the samaritans, who were the negroes of judea, a despised, degraded caste, from whom a jew disdained to receive even a cup of water.... may god bless and reward your labours." occupying, as judge jay did, a position of leadership in both the episcopal church and the antislavery movement, it was to him that men most frequently turned for advice on subjects relating to the connection between the church and slavery. from mature minds, such as that of senator salmon p. chase, from divinity students and young men contemplating connection with a religious body, came inquiries regarding the duty of joining the church or of remaining a member. to a young man jay wrote in : "i shall say nothing of the claims of the episcopal church as arising from her doctrines, forms, and government, except that i know of no church which, judged _by its authorized standards_, is more scriptural and more conducive to holiness in this life and to salvation in the next. you desire to enter this church but have not been able to overcome the objection arising from its connection with slavery, and would like to know, for your information, how i reconcile my continuance in this church with my antislavery opinions. assuredly i could not belong to a church which exacted of its members an admission of the lawfulness of human bondage. of such a sin and folly the episcopal church is guiltless. no sanction of slavery can be found in any of her standards, and hence i can very consistently hold the doctrines of the church and join in its prayers and rites and at the same time regard american slavery as the sum of all villainies. there are in the church slaveholding bishops, clergymen, and communicants, _plenty of them_. but i am not responsible for their presence.... there never has been, and i suppose there never will be, a widely extended church without unworthy pastors and members. a _pure_ church composed of fallible and sinful men is a figment of the imagination.... many popish doctrines and practices are occasionally advocated by our puseyites. but i, as a private member of the church, am in no degree responsible for the heresies of puseyism nor the more disgusting heresies of cotton-divinity.... in my opinion, in nine cases out of ten an antislavery christian can do more good to his own soul, to the cause of christ, and to the interests of the slave by remaining in his church and there battling for truth and justice, than by going in search of a pure church. it often happens when an abolitionist abandons an alleged pro-slavery church he finds no other that suits him. hence the public worship of god and the sacraments are neglected. gradually he and his family learn to live without god in the world, and finally enter upon that broad road which leads to destruction." the position assumed by the episcopal church towards the rights and elevation of the blacks was indicated by the refusal of the diocesan council of new york to admit the coloured church of st. philip, although the parish was constitutionally entitled to be represented and her minister and delegates were entitled to seats and votes. judge jay opposed earnestly a majority report from a committee on the question of their admission, which contended that the applicants belonged to a race "socially degraded, and improper associates for the class of persons who attend our conventions." such an apology for the violation of the constitutional rights ordained by the state, and such a presentation of the theological views entertained by the committee on the unity of the church and the catholic brotherhood of its members, was not calculated to strengthen the opposition to st. philip's; and the christian world breathed more freely when, after a nine years' struggle to obtain a vote on the question maintained by judge jay and his son, the coloured parish was admitted by a large majority of both orders. in southern aggression had nearly reached its culminating point. the missouri compromise was abrogated; the kansas-nebraska bill threw open to slavery an immense territory hitherto free, under the subterfuge invented by general cass and senator douglas of "popular sovereignty." slavery was thus to extend over the vast regions in the centre of the continent. an indefinite number of new slave states were to be admitted into the union, which would give the control of the senate, and consequently of all legislation, forever to the slave power. in february, , judge jay received an invitation to address the anti-nebraska convention of the free democracy of massachusetts. his age and health prevented a journey to boston, but he wrote to the committee of invitation as follows: "it is meet and right that the stupendous iniquity now about to be perpetrated should be resisted by the true-hearted citizens of that state which, more than any other in the confederacy, has debauched the moral sentiment of the nation and prepared the community for submission to the most insolent usurpation yet attempted by the slave power. the present effort to extend the dominion of the whip to the northern limits of the united states is the legitimate consequence of the disastrous and disgraceful concessions of . those concessions were effected more through the ability and labours of the late distinguished senator from massachusetts than of any of his coadjutors. mr. webster, avowing the entire constitutionality of the wilmot proviso and having voted for it in relation to oregon, objected to its application to the newly conquered territories on the ground that their _asiatic scenery_ and _geographical conformation_ rendered it _physically impossible_ for negro slavery ever to exist in them. unhappily for his novel and extraordinary theory, numerous slaves were at the time he spoke held in california.... slaves are at this day held in new mexico. "mr. webster, in giving his earnest and cordial support to the atrocious fugitive-slave act, candidly acknowledged on the floor of the senate that in 'his judgment' congress had no constitutional power to legislate on the subject, the obligation of surrendering fugitives resting on the states. yet he scrupled not in his subsequent addresses to speak in terms of unmeasured obloquy of every lawyer who presumed to deny the constitutionality of that horrible law. he admitted the right of congress to grant the fugitive a trial by jury, yet was unwearied in his advocacy of a law denying to the most helpless of mortals that important safeguard of personal liberty.... "the course of this gentleman at a moment when the dearest principles of liberty, justice, and humanity were vehemently assailed was rapturously applauded by the monied, the literary, and the ecclesiastical aristocracy of massachusetts, and the new england church has to a great extent canonized his memory. "the ardour evinced by the city of boston in the surrender of simms, and the intense servility and degradation accompanying that surrender, together with the emphatic endorsement of mr. webster's conduct, have exerted an influence in behalf of human bondage and in derogation of christian obligation far beyond the bounds of massachusetts. the moral bulwark raised at the north against slavery in times past by the religious sentiment and the respect for the rights of man is nearly demolished. "the slave power, taking advantage of the present paralysis of the northern conscience and the frantic cupidity of our demagogues and merchants for southern votes and southern trade, is about placing its yoke on willing and bending necks. "think not that nebraska is to be the terminus of slaveholding encroachments. new slave states are from time to time to be carved out of mexico. cuba is to be wrested from spain and st. domingo re-enslaved and annexed. as the field for slave labour widens and widens, the supply will be found inadequate to the demand. the discovery will then be made that both religion and policy require the repeal of the prohibition of the african slave-trade. we shall be told of the christian duty of bringing the pagans of africa to our own civilized shores and of preparing them for heaven by the discipline of the whip and the teachings of slave-drivers, while politicans and political economists will insist on the removal of the restriction as essential to the development of our national wealth and enterprise. in vain will virginia and the other breeding states strive to retain their present lucrative monopoly of the human shambles. the cotton and sugar states, together with the newly acquired slave states, aided by northern politicians, will establish free trade in the bodies and souls of men. "the southern church is almost without exception the unblushing champion of slavery, while the northern church, adopting a time-serving, heartless, and often hypocritical neutrality, and holding in its fraternal embrace slave-breeders and slave-traders, has virtually taught that the vilest outrages on both the civil and religious rights of the black man are perfectly compatible with the highest sanctity in his white oppressor. some of our religious journals are sadly grieved and scandalized by the alleged discovery that certain opponents of slavery are infidels. for my own part, i know of no form of infidelity so hideous as that which impiously claims the authority of almighty god for abrogating all his laws in behalf of justice and mercy in reference to our conduct towards millions of our countrymen not of the same colour as ourselves. this cutaneous christianity, so insulting to the deity, so disastrous to man, is fast becoming the national religion. "the present crisis is indeed an awful one. while various causes have aided in producing it, its immediate origin is to be traced to the lamentable defection, in , of so many of the rich and influential from truth and justice, liberty and humanity, under the fallacious plea of saving the union. well may the free democracy of massachusetts, with their hands and consciences undefiled by oblations on the altar of the american moloch, now strive to avert the calamity impending over the country. may a long-suffering god bless their efforts and rescue a guilty nation from the punishment it seems anxious to inflict upon itself." "as to the wickedness of the whole kansas business," jay wrote to charles sumner, in march, , "i most fully agree with you, and i do not wonder that amid such abounding iniquity you are at a loss what atrocity to assail first. i am very much inclined to look upon every northern member of congress who voted for the repeal of the missouri compromise as a rascal. this may seem harsh--it is certainly not polite--and yet i am utterly unable to assign a good, honest, religious motive for the vote, or to reconcile it with the fear of god or with love to man.... let us fight on, with all our heart and mind and soul. god is with us, approves our efforts, and whether he shall crown them with success or not, he will not forget our work of faith and labour of love. i have full faith in an ultimate triumph, although you and i may not live to enjoy it. my belief is, that as soon as the north ceases to tremble before the slave-drivers, the non-slaveholders of the south will proclaim their independence and insist upon free speech and a free press, and as soon as these are obtained the doom of slavery is sealed." the repeal of the missouri compromise was the beginning of the end, the fatal step of the south on its road to destruction. throughout the north the conviction grew that union and slavery could not exist much longer together. on the th of july, , garrison publicly burned a copy of the constitution of the united states with the words, "the union must be dissolved!" he represented only an extreme sentiment. but the people at large began to calculate the value of this union for which so many sacrifices had been made. slavery became odious to many persons hitherto indifferent to the subject, on the ground that it persistently and selfishly placed the union in peril. in the summer of judge jay received a circular calling for a national disunion convention, to be held at worcester, signed by t. w. higginson, wendell phillips, daniel mann, and w. l. garrison. to this circular he replied at length, giving his views on the question of separation as it then appeared to him. "the subject you propose for consideration," he said, "has long been to me one of deep and painful interest. although fully conscious of the many social, commercial, and political advantages derived from the federal union, i am nevertheless convinced that it is at present a most grievous moral curse to the american people. to the people of the south it is a curse by fostering and strengthening and perpetuating an iniquitous, corrupting institution. to the millions of african descent among us it is a curse by riveting the chains of the bondman and deepening the degradation of the free man. to the people of the free states it is a curse by tempting them to trample under foot the obligations of truth, justice, and humanity for the wages of iniquity with which the federal government has so abundantly rewarded apostates from liberty and righteousness. "in my opinion, while the union continues to be thus a curse it will be indissoluble; if it ever ceases to be a curse, it will be converted into a blessing. * * * * * "what possible reason have you to expect that those in church and state who have surrendered their consciences to the seductions of the union will listen to your call and aid you in breaking a power which they glory in saving? while i believe you are doomed to disappointment, i nevertheless rejoice in every exposure of the demoralizing influence of the union. i rejoice in such exposure, not as tending to bring about dissolution, but to render it unnecessary. when the people of the north cease to idolize the union, they will cease to offer on its altar their rights and their duties. when released from their thraldom to the slave power, they will cease to place its minions in office. when no longer covetous of the votes and the trade of the south, they will no longer be bullied into all manner of wretchedness and all manner of insult by the idea and ever-repeated threats of dissolution. but when this happy time arrives, the union will be converted from a curse into a blessing. our divines, instead of vindicating cruelty and oppression, and denouncing as fanatics those who consider the will of god a higher law than an accursed act of congress, will become preachers of righteousness. democrats, seeing the federal patronage wielded by the opponents of slavery, will, in the rapidity and extent of their conversion to truth and justice, eclipse all the marvels of new england revivals; and men who for years have been bowed to the earth by spinal weakness will as by miracle stand erect. when all this happens, the north will continue its union with the south; and you yourselves will have no wish to see that union severed. "at the close of the war, washington, solicitous that the divine favour might rest on the new-born nation, publicly offered the prayer that god would dispose us all to do justice and love mercy. may the union, when exerting an influence in accordance with this prayer, be indissoluble; but may god forbid that it may ever be saved by promoting, extending, and perpetuating injustice and cruelty, by invoking the wrath of heaven, and becoming a proverb and a reproach among the nations of the earth." chapter viii. death of judge jay.--his position among antislavery men.--his other public and philanthropic interests.--his private life.--his character. judge jay was not destined to live to see the triumph of the antislavery cause and of the constitutional principles to which he had devoted his life. several years of failing health preceded his death, which took place at bedford, october the th, . his career in the antislavery cause, dating from the missouri compromise in , was in several respects unique, and among the leaders of the movement his position continued to be distinctive. his first active efforts in favour of the slave, the presentation to congress in of petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, were marked by a careful regard to the provisions of the united states constitution. at the first formation of antislavery societies he feared that philanthropic enthusiasm might place the movement in a wrong position by a failure to recognize those provisions. his advice was asked by the men who organized the american society in philadelphia, and it was carried into effect by the insertion into the constitution of the society of a complete recognition of the supreme national law, in strict accordance with which, only, the objects of the society should be sought. to maintain the abolitionists in the impregnable position thus adopted was the constant and characteristic labour of jay's life. this position, consistently held by him against unconstitutional doctrines advanced by both abolitionists and slaveholders, was the position adopted by the republican party in , and maintained until real union and real liberty were won together. the antislavery movement was begun and supported by those whom lincoln called "the plain people." men of "property and standing" were generally passively if not actively hostile. it received little help from the churches, from the learned professions or the wealthy mercantile classes. it was a very unpopular cause, denounced by politicians, merchants, and lawyers, despised by many of the clergy, certain to bring social and business injury, if not active persecution, to whomsoever adopted it. hence the championship of william jay derived a special importance. his judicial and social position, his independent means, his active membership in the most aristocratic of churches, made him a leader of peculiar value. his advocacy of the cause could be attributed neither to ignorant fanaticism nor to disorganizing tendencies. he set an example to the class most able and least willing to oppose the curse of slavery. a third peculiarity of jay's position among antislavery men was the nature of the work which he performed. without health sufficient to make long journeys at a time when travelling was difficult, seldom leaving his country home, he was rarely seen at the meetings and conventions of the abolitionists. he was a voice, speaking words of reason, moderation and authority in times of blind excitement; a voice which spoke at the right moment and was always heard with respect. jay's activity lay in his pen. in a crisis when the judicious course of action or the accurate view of events was obscured by doubt and passion, a pamphlet or a public letter from judge jay cast a clear and steady light. his writings were consulted by the most eminent men when considering subjects connected with slavery. of this a notable instance was the use made of jay's argument on the "amistad" case by john quincy adams when addressing the house of representatives in that celebrated cause. these writings form a continuous and lucid commentary on the history of the long and varied struggle between the forces of slavery and of freedom. the published works of judge jay present but a part of the fruits and the influence of his pen. his correspondence was voluminous and extended to the rank and file as well as to the leaders of the antislavery movement. constant resort was made to him for information and advice, which was always given with frankness and care.[e] we may close appropriately our review of jay's antislavery work with remarks made after his death to the coloured people of new york by frederick douglass, who escaped from the slave-driver to urge with native eloquence the emancipation of his race: "in common with you, my friends, i wear the hated complexion which william jay never hated. i have worn the galling chain which william jay earnestly endeavoured to break. i have felt the heavy lash, and have experienced in my own person the cruel wrongs which caused his manly heart to melt in pity for the slave.... in view of the mighty struggle for freedom in which we are now engaged, and the tremendous odds arrayed against us, every coloured man and every friend of the coloured man in this country must deeply feel the great loss we have sustained in this death, and look around with anxious solicitude for the man who shall rise to fill the place now made vacant. with emphasis it may be said of him, he was our wise counsellor, our firm friend, and our liberal benefactor. against the fierce onsets of popular abuse he was our shield; against governmental intrigue and oppression he was our learned, able, and faithful defender; against the crafty counsels of wickedness in high places, where mischief is framed by law and sin is sanctioned and supported by religion, he was a perpetual and burning rebuke." besides his work for the negro race, william jay had various public and philanthropic interests. prominent among these were the duties of judge of westchester county, which he exercised for more than twenty-five years. jay revised the rules of the court, which had been handed down almost unchanged since ; and he introduced a strict observance of forms, which, combined with his prompt and explicit decisions, made the westchester court one of the most dignified in the country. the sittings were held alternately at white plains and at bedford, the half-shire towns of the county. jay also attended to chamber business in other towns. at that period the westchester bar embraced many lawyers of marked ability, such as r. r. voorhis, aaron ward, william nelson, peter jay munro, j. w. strong, minot mitchell, and james smith; and from new york, alexander mcdonald, william m. price, and peter augustus jay frequently appeared among them. it has been said of judge jay's charges to grand juries that "they commanded attention, from their clear exposition of the law without the slightest concession to the popular currents of the day and with careful regard to constitutional rights, morality, and justice." these charges were frequently requested for publication as timely reminders of legal and moral truths, the relation of which to current events was being overlooked. judge jay's conduct on the bench caused his reappointment term after term by governors of opposing political parties; and after his death, when a pro-slavery faction endeavoured to remove his portrait from the court-house at white plains, members of the bar who disagreed with jay's abolition opinions were foremost in preventing any act of disrespect to his memory. jay's philanthropy was religious in its motive and practical in its activity. a life-long worker in the cause of temperance, his efforts produced substantial results, as in the legislation proposed by him which forbade the sale of intoxicating liquors on credit. for many years a member and president of the peace society, he was not satisfied with exposing the evils of war. his mind sought and found a remedy for it in the system of international arbitration, of which the practicability was immediately acknowledged, and towards which the civilized world has since turned with constantly growing confidence. the organization of the american bible society in the face of the opposition of the authorities in his own church displayed in jay's early life the self-reliance and independence of character which gave so much strength to his later career. always true to his church, he never compromised his convictions to fit a position in which that church was untrue to itself. during the antislavery movement the churches were hostile. fearful of alienating their southern members and the northern men whose business interests demanded subserviency to the slave power, hardly any ecclesiastical organization was guiltless of lending a passive support to slavery. theological students, on leaving their seminary, were cautioned by their instructors to avoid the troublesome topic if they would be successful ministers of christ. clergymen who preached that property in man was sinful were disciplined by ecclesiastical superiors or cast off by outraged christian congregations. an orthodox religious newspaper was the safest printed matter for a northern man to have in his possession when travelling in the south. the episcopal church had its slaveholding bishops and ministers, not a few of whom justified slavery from the scriptures. it had in the north its "cotton divines," who enjoined from the pulpit obedience to the odious law which sought to make slave-catchers of christian men and women. it went so far as persistently to infringe its own laws by shutting the doors of its conventions upon legally chosen delegates of congregations composed of free coloured men. the church of christ was turned into a social club which did not hesitate to exclude a black man as an "unfit associate." shocked at this attitude, many conscientious men withdrew from the communion. but such a course was inconsistent with jay's character. false and repulsive as was to him such a conception of the christian religion, he refused, as a churchman, to accept it. he remained in the ranks, striving by his own conduct to show that a man could be a good churchman and hate slavery at the same time. fearless in his expression of christian truth, he was for twenty years a thorn in the side of pro-slavery churchmen, and a rallying-point for those who understood better the spirit of christianity and recognized the brotherhood of man before god. jay's private life was happy and peaceful. the library at bedford, with its book-shelves crowded to the ceiling and its windows looking out over the hills of westchester to the blue outlines of the catskills, claimed a considerable portion of every day. the hours there passed in reflection and in literary labour were hours of pleasure, enhanced by the desire and the hope of usefulness. out-of-doors were the avocations of a country life, which jay was well constituted to enjoy: the farm, with its interesting record of crops and growing livestock; the garden, where a great variety of flowers and vegetables flourished within hedges of old box; the lawn, with its trees planted by his father and himself--all these gave occupation in pleasing contrast to that of the library. the public roads in the neighbourhood of the jay farm are now adorned and shaded by noble trees planted by the judge. along these roads and over the westchester hills he loved to ride on horseback, an exercise and pleasure which he enjoyed until the last year of his life. judge jay preferred to consider bedford as a farm rather than as a country seat, and he observed to bishop coxe in this regard that a farm without a gate or a fence out of repair was more to his taste than an ornamental estate. the weak eyesight and somewhat delicate health which in his youth seemed a misfortune as debarring him from a career of activity in the city turned in the end to his advantage. a happier life than that at bedford could hardly have been devised for him; and it is probable that the studious retirement of his country library gave to his views on public questions a thoroughness and moderation greater than could have been attained amidst the hurry and distraction of a great city. in his family relations, jay was still more fortunate. his wife lived to be his sympathetic companion until , when he himself was near his end. her accomplishments, especially in reading and drawing, her grace, gentleness, and goodness, her natural charity, added immeasurably to the happiness of jay's life. "i have always regarded her," said the late rev. j. w. alexander, "as one of the happiest specimens of a christian lady that it has been my lot to meet. intelligent, graceful, pious, gentle, sportive in the right place, generous and catholic, she awakened a sincere respect and attachment, and our memory of her is blessed." the late bishop horatio potter of new york, speaking of her later life, said: "the serene composure, the sweet simplicity and dignity, bespoke a peaceful and elevated spirit, and made an impression on the most transient visitor never to be effaced." dr. john henry hobart, son of the bishop, wrote to john jay: "your mother, always gentle, placid, and cheerful, with an unfailing smile and pleasant words for her young guests, sympathizing with their boyish enthusiasm for poetry and romance, and tempering their ardour with counsel and caution, which her own sensitive spirit conveyed in the most delicate forms--of her i must speak thus feelingly; it only indicates the debt of gratitude i owe to her memory." [illustration: augusta jay] judge jay had one brother, peter augustus jay, who was thirteen years his senior. between the brothers there continued through life an uninterrupted affection and confidence. peter augustus led an active professional and social life in new york city, holding office as judge, as recorder, and as a member of the state assembly. on his death, in , high tributes to his ability as a jurist and to his character as a public-spirited citizen were paid by chancellor kent, chief-justice samuel jones, and david b. ogden. as a member of the assembly, he was conspicuous in the advocacy of various important measures, among which may be mentioned his efforts to extend the right of suffrage to black citizens of the state. peter augustus jay was not himself prominent in the antislavery cause, but he was generally in sympathy with his brother's work. the right reverend a. cleveland coxe, bishop of western new york, was a frequent visitor in his youth at bedford. some extracts from a letter written by him to john jay afford an interesting view of the domestic life of the judge's home: "william jay was one of those true sons of the republic who inherited sound views of its constitutional system from your illustrious grandfather, and from personal acquaintance with some other fathers of the nation who were high in the confidence of washington and shared his just and lofty ideas of national policy. your father was one of those born statesmen who breathed under the inspiration of such ideas, and was animated by them to efforts for the preservation of the constitution itself in degenerate days. those were the days when the 'spoils-system' had begun to act with corrosive effect on public affairs and public men. the science of true statesmanship seemed ready to perish. the country fell into the hands of mere politicians, with whom legislation was a trade and a struggle for personal aggrandizement. the epoch had little use for men of pure patriotism, but your father, incapable of ambition or the pursuit of personal ends, stood aside and devoted himself with intrepidity to unpopular principles, of which he foresaw the utility, while he was hardly less prophetic of the cruel war which must be the consequence of popular indifference and blindness to the national perils. he was little seen, but greatly felt, and has left a mark on the diplomacy of his time which is a gain to humanity and to civilization. "i cannot forget the charms of that domestic life which he made so attractive to his children and to the large circle of kindred and friends who were admitted to its enjoyments. it was in that, with our beloved friend hobart, i was invited to spend the christmas holidays at bedford. we were boys together at that time, and i remember to what hours we prolonged our recreations, with no other restriction than your father's cheerful injunction, as he bade us good-night: 'young gentlemen, please remember not to laugh too loudly; it might deprive some of us of the sleep which you seem not to require for yourselves.' how merrily we 'saw the old year out and the new year in,' that christmas-tide! i often thought of irving's 'bracebridge hall' as realized in america, in the home of your happy boyhood. year after year, winter and summer, through college life, you led me to renew my holidays in bedford. how much i learned from your father's condescension to boyhood in conversing with his boy-visitors as if they were men! he drew out our opinions and encouraged us to state them frankly when he suspected that we had the boldness to prefer our crude ideas to his own judicial and grave conceptions of fact and principle. he played chess with his youthful guests, but never permitted them to beat him, as that would have been no compliment to lads who worked hard and wished to win in a fair game. "i have rarely seen a household in which family life was ordered more particularly with reference to religion. there was much of the huguenot in the piety of the judge, but nothing of the puritan. family prayers were observed twice a day, the servants attending and sharing in the responses. after-evening prayers in those early days, we enjoyed a few cotillons and contra-dances, mrs. jay presiding at the piano. and when the ladies had withdrawn, chess-playing and other games occupied us, not infrequently until after midnight. sundays in the old homestead, after church-going, were like other days, save in the chastened cheerfulness of conversation and employment. a feature of sunday evenings was the custom for every member of the family to recite something in prose or poetry, and the judge often closed such recitals by reading selections from bishop heber, mr. milman, and other favourites of those times. in the third decade of this century, the daughters of 'the governor,' mrs. banyer and miss jay, were often the guests of their brother. they would have been interesting figures in any society, and were eminent in new york for their christian virtues and devotion to every good work. the elder sister, born in spain, seemed to preserve in her face and carriage something borrowed from her native climate, while mrs. banyer, born in france, was not less conspicuously marked by characteristics of her french ancestry. while the only son of judge jay is a recognized type of his father's principles and character, his daughters not less resembled their mother--a lady whose memory i hold in very great respect, with an affectionate estimate of her worth as a beautiful example of her gracious sex, in all characteristics 'wherein there is virtue and wherein there is praise.' "i feel, at this distance of time, that i owe much to the friendship of judge jay, apart from the pleasures it conferred upon me. how much he taught me! how often his maxims led me to correct my faults, though he never seemed to instruct, much less to rebuke! even in his decline, and when he was nearing the end, he favoured me with an occasional letter. need i say that, while entirely free from cant and pharisaic professions, such letters were models of christian submission, and not less of 'faith, hope, and charity'? i have frequently reflected upon them as i find myself approaching the end. his lofty example leads me to say with the inspired moralist: 'mark the perfect man and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace.'" bibliography. the life of john jay. with selections from his correspondence and miscellaneous papers. in two volumes, . war and peace. the evils of the first and a plan for preserving the last. london, . a review of the causes and consequences of the mexican war, . miscellaneous writings on slavery, . in which are collected: inquiry into the character and tendency of the american colonization, and american antislavery societies. a view of the action of the federal government in behalf of slavery. on the condition of the free people of colour in the united states. address to the friends of constitutional liberty, on the violation by the united states house of representatives of the right of petition. introductory remarks to the reproof of the american church contained in the recent "history of the protestant episcopal church in america" by the bishop of oxford. a letter to the right reverend l. silliman ives, bishop of the protestant church in the state of north carolina. address to the inhabitants of new mexico and california, on the omission by congress to provide them with territorial governments, and on the social and political evils of slavery. letter to hon. william nelson, m. c., on mr. clay's compromise. a letter to the hon. samuel a. eliot, representative in congress from the city of boston, in reply to his apology for voting for the fugitive-slave bill. an address to the antislavery christians of the united states. signed by a number of clergymen and others. letter to rev. r. s. cook, corresponding secretary of the american tract society. letter to lewis tappan, esq., treasurer of the american missionary society. pamphlets. report of the bedford society for the suppression of vice, . letter to venders of ardent spirits, . answer to bishop hobart's pastoral letter on the subject of bible societies, by an episcopalian, . memoir on the subject of a general bible society, by a citizen of new york, . appeal in behalf of the american bible society, by a lay member of the convention, . dialogue between a clergyman and a layman on the subject of bible societies, by a churchman, . remarks on a petition to the legislature praying for the repeal of the acts for improving the agriculture of this state, by a westchester farmer, . letter to bishop hobart occasioned by the strictures on bible societies contained in his late charge to the convention of new york, by a churchman, . letter to bishop hobart in reply to the pamphlet addressed by him to the author under the signature of "corrector," by william jay, . reply to a second letter to the author from bishop hobart, with remarks on his hostility to bible societies, by william jay, . essay on the importance of the sabbath considered merely as a civil institution, . essay on the perpetuity and divine authority of the sabbath. published by the synod of albany, . remarks on the proposed changes in the liturgy and confirmation service, . the office of assistant bishop inconsistent with the constitution of the protestant episcopal church, . essay on duelling, . address to the inhabitants of westchester county on temperance, . addresses to the westchester county auxiliary bible society, , , , , and other years. address before the new york female bible society, . letter of hon. william jay to hon. theodore frelinghuysen on slavery, . address before the american peace society, . trial by jury in new york, . address to the non-slaveholders of the south, on the social and political evils of slavery, . the calvary pastoral, with comments, a tract for the times, . reply to mr. webster's th of march speech, . reply to remarks of the rev. moses stuart in his pamphlet entitled "conscience and the constitution." j. a. gray, new york, . the kossuth excitement, . the bible against slavery. j. k. wellman, adrian, michigan, . petition of the american peace society to the united states senate in behalf of stipulated arbitration, . an examination of the mosaic law of servitude, "the statutes of the lord are right--psalm xix. ." m. w. dodd, new york, . "the eastern war," an argument for the cause of peace. address before the american peace society, . a letter to the rev. wm. berrian, d.d., on the resources, present position, and duties, of trinity church, occasioned by his late pamphlet, "facts against fancy." a. d. randolph & co., new york. judge jay left in manuscript an elaborate commentary, the work of many years, on the old and new testaments. index. _abolition intelligencer_, the, . abolition movement, its early history, _et seq._ abolition societies, early, , . abolitionists, hatred of, , , , , , . ----, differences among, , . adams, charles francis, . ----, john quincy, , , , . alexander, george w., . ----, j. w., . american and foreign antislavery society, formation of, . american antislavery society, formation of, , ; division in, . anderson, w. w., . anti-annexation meeting, in new york, . antislavery movement, development of, _et seq._ antislavery societies, formation of, . antislavery society of new york city, , . aspinwall, john, . bailey, g., jr., xvii, . banyer, mrs., , . bedford, , , . benezet, anthony, . benson, judge, . bible society, iii, , , . birney, james g., xvi, , , , , , . bogardus, general, . bolton, john, . bouck, gov., , , . boudinot, elias, iii, , , . bourgueny, baron, vi. bradish, luther, . brent, w. l., . broglie, duc de, , . brown, david p., . brownson, dr. orestes a., xix. brune, baron, vi. buol-schauenstein, count, vi. buren, van, martin, , . burling, william, . calhoun, john c., xii, . canterbury, persecution at, . cass, lewis, . cavour, count, vi, xviii. chambers, john, . channing, w. e., . chapman, mrs., xvi, . chase, salmon p., , . chatham street chapel, , . child, mrs. lydia maria, xvii, , , , . circourt, m. de, v. clarendon, lord, vi, . clarkson, matthew, . clarkson, thomas, . clay, henry, , . cleveland, c. d., . clinton, de witt, , , , . clinton hall, . cobden, r., vi. colebrook, sir w., . colonization society, . _commercial advertiser_, . compromise of , . constitutional questions, xi, , , , , . cooper, j. fenimore, , , , , . cornish, samuel e., . cortlandt, van, eve, . ----, jacobus, . ----, mary, . ----, pierre, . cotton-gin, the, . _courier and inquirer_, , . cowley, lord, vi. cox, abraham l., , . cox, samuel h., . coxe, a. cleveland, . crandall, miss, . ----, reuben, , . cummings, john, . dane, nathan, . davis, henry, . ----, jefferson, xii. delavan, edward, . denison, charles w., . derby, lord, vii. disunion, , , . douglas, senator, . douglass, frederick, . duelling, essay on, . dwight, timothy, . earle, thomas, . edwards, jonathan, . ellison, thomas, . emancipation, gradual, . ----, immediate, , , , . ----, in west indies, . _emancipator_, the, , . episcopal church, its attitude towards slavery, , , , , . evarts, jeremiah, . everett, alexander h., . fitzmaurice, lord edmond, v. forsythe, john, . franklin, benjamin, iv, . frelinghuysen, theodore, . frere, john hookham, . fugitive-slave law, , , , , . gadsden, christopher edward, . gallatin, albert, . gallaudet, thomas h., . garrison, william l., xvii, , , , , , , , , , , , . gay, s. h., xvii. gayle, gov., . _genius of universal emancipation_, . gibbons, james s., xvii. giddings, joshua r., . gladstone, w. e., vi. goodell, william, xvii, , , , . gouverneur, samuel l., . gray, william, . grayson, william, . green, rev. beriah, , . green, oliver, . griffin, george, . grimké, misses, xvii, , . ----, thomas smith, . grundy, felix, . habersham, r. w., , . hale, john p., . hamilton, alexander, . ----, james, . hammond, j. d., . harrison, w. h., . henry, john b., . ----, patrick, , . hicks, elias, . higginson, t. w., . hillhouse, james a., . hobart, bishop, iv, , . ----, john henry, . holley, myron, . holly, horace, . hopkins, samuel, , . hopper, isaac t., xvii. hornblower, chief-justice, . horton, gilbert, case of, , , . hubner, baron, vi. huntington, william, . immediate emancipation, first proclaimed as a duty, . international arbitration, v, , . ives, bishop, x. jackson, andrew, . ----, francis, . ----, j. c., . jarvis, samuel f., . jay, john, iv, , , , , , , , , . ----, john, d, . ----, miss, , . ----, peter augustus, , . ---- treaty, iv. ----, william, his birth, ; education, ; at yale college, , ; studies law, ; marriage, ; begins life at bedford, , ; begins philanthropic work, ; advocates bible societies, ; conflict with bishop hobart and high-church party, , , ; organizes american bible society, , ; takes prize for essay on the sabbath, ; for essay on duelling, ; appointed judge, ; early adoption of antislavery cause, ; espouses cause of gilbert horton, ; begins movement for abolition of slavery in district of columbia, , , , , ; writes "life of john jay," ; his view of slavery problem in , , ; consulted regarding formation of american antislavery society, ; advises acknowledgment of constitutional provisions, , ; invited to join in organizing the american antislavery society, ; his views on such an organization, ; suggests a definite avowal of constitutional principles, , ; becomes a member of executive committee of american antislavery society, ; publishes his "inquiry," ; its influence, , ; appointed foreign corresponding secretary, ; gives advice on right to use the mails, ; his "address to the public," ; elected president of new york state antislavery society, ; his reply to president jackson's message, ; protests against the introduction of irrelevant doctrines into antislavery societies, , , ; protests against unconstitutional doctrines, , ; defeats alvan stewart's resolution, ; his opinion of the danger of unconstitutional doctrines, , ; his opinion of stewart's position, ; his loss of faith in the usefulness of antislavery societies, , ; placed on executive committee of american and foreign antislavery society, ; resigns membership in american antislavery society, ; views on the woman question, , ; his "view of the action of the federal government," ; his "condition of the free people of colour," ; his "violation of the right of petition," ; his attitude towards liberty party in , , , ; his attitude towards antislavery societies after the schism, , , , , ; his attitude towards liberty party in , , , , , ; his views on the annexation of texas, , , ; nominated for senator by the liberty party, ; deprived of his seat on the bench, ; his visit to europe, ; his "review of the mexican war," , ; his "war and peace," and plan for international arbitration, , ; his attitude towards the "come-outers," ; his work in the episcopal church in favour of the slave, , , , , , ; "letter to bishop ives," ; reply to webster, , ; attitude towards the fugitive-slave law, , , , ; views on the kansas-nebraska bill, , , ; views on disunion, , , ; his death, ; his distinctive position among antislavery men, , , ; his writings, ; his conduct as judge, ; other philanthropic work, ; his position as a churchman, , ; his life at bedford, , ; his family life, , , . ----, william, d, , . ----, mrs. william, , . jefferson, thomas, , . jelliff, hiram, . jocelyn, simeon s., xvii, , . johnston, oliver, xvii. jones, samuel, . katonah, . keith, george, . kelley, miss abby, . kendall, amos, , . kent, james, , , , . king, rufus, . langdon, john, . law, william, . lay, benjamin, . leavitt, joshua, xvi, , , , , . lee, richard h., . leggett, william, . _liberalist_, the, . _liberator_, the, . liberty party, , , , . lincoln, abraham, xiii, xviii, . loring, ellis gray, xvii, , , . lovejoy, elijah p., . ludlow, henry g., . lundy, benjamin, , . lyons, lord, xiv. mcallister, matthew h., . mcdonald, alexander, . mcduffie, george, . mcvickar, john, . mails, destruction of, . malmsbury, lord, vii, . mann, daniel, . marcy, governor, , . may, samuel j., , , , , . miner, charles, , . missouri compromise, . mitchell, minot, , . mobs, , , . morris, thomas, . morrison, dr., . mott, lucretia, xvii. munro, peter jay, . nelson, william, . noyes academy, . ogden, david b., , . orloff count, vi. owen, john, . palfrey, j. g., . peyster, de, frederic, . phelps, amos a., , , , . phillips, wendell, xvii, . pickering, thomas, . pierpont, john, . pinckney, charles c., . pintard, john, . playfair, sir lyon, viii, . potter, alonzo, . ----, horatio, . purvis, robert, . quincy, edmund, xvii. quincy, josiah, . rankin, john, , . rensselaer, van, stephen, . _reporter_, the, . republican party, . "review of the mexican war," ix. richard, henry, vi, . riots, pro-slavery, , . romeyne, john b., . rush, benjamin, . rutgers, henry, . st. clair, alanson, . st. philip's church, . sandiford, ralph, . sandwich, lord, . scoble, john, . sedgwick, henry d., . ----, susan, . ----, theodore, , . ----, mrs. theodore, . sewall, samuel, . seward, w. h., xiv, , . simms, . slade, william, . slave power, growth of, . smith, gerrit, xvi, , , , , , , . ----, goldwin, xviii. ----, james, . ----, john cotton, . spring, gardiner, . stanton, henry b., , . stephens, a. h., xv. stevens, alexander h., . stewart, alvan, , , , , , , . ----, charles, . stone, james a., . storrs, henry r., . stowe, harriet b., xvii. strong, j. w., . sturge, joseph, v, , , , . stuyvesant, peter g., . sumner, charles, , , . tabernacle, the broadway, . tappan, arthur, xvi, , , , , , , , , , , , . ----, lewis, xvi, , , , , , , , . taylor, nathaniel w., . thompson, george, , . tighlman, william, . tocqueville, de, a., . tompkins, daniel d., . torrey, charles t., . tucker, beverly, xiii. utica convention, . varick, richard, . vaux, robert, . vergennes, count de, v. villamarina, marquis de, vi. voorhis, r. r., . walewski, count, vi. walworth, chancellor, . "war and peace," v, , . ward, aaron, , . ----, samuel r., xvii. washington, bushrod, . ----, george, . wayne, james m., . webster, daniel, , , , . _weekly emancipator_, . weld, theodore d., xvii. whittier, john g., xvii, , , . wickliffe, charles a., . wilberforce, samuel, , . williams, ransom g., , . wilson, henry, . wirt, william, . woman question, the, , , . woolman, john, . worthington, governor, . wright, elizur, jr,, xvii, , , , , , , , . ----, theodore s., . appendix. representatives of antislavery opinion in new york in . a complimentary breakfast was given to professor goldwin smith at the rooms of the union league club, on union square, new york, on saturday morning, the th november, . the following gentlemen joined in the invitation: jonathan sturges, _president of union league club_, _new york_; charles butler; john c. hamilton; wm. curtis noyes, ll.d.; hon. horace greeley, _editor of the new york tribune_; hon. h. j. raymond, editor of the new york times; rev. h. w. bellows, d.d., _president of united states sanitary commission_; francis lieber, ll.d., _professor of history in columbia college_; vincenzo botta, ph.d.; elliot c. cowdin; col. james mckaye; wm. h. webb; geo. c. ward; isaac ferris, d.d., _chancellor of the university_; wm. allen butler; hon. samuel b. ruggles, ll.d.; hon. wm. e. dodge; wm. h. osborn; a. gracie king; c. a. bristed; cyrus w. field; t. b. coddington; wm. j. hoppin; charles h. marshall; alfred pell; horace webster, ll.d., _principal of the free academy_; john jay; wm. cullen bryant; wm. m. evarts; parke godwin, _editor of the evening post_; f. a. p. barnard, ll.d., _president of columbia college_; w. t. blodgett; geo. griswold; hon. chas. p. kirkland; james brown; john e. williams; a. a. low, _president of the chamber of commerce_; john austin stevens, jr., _secretary of the chamber of commerce_; geo. t. strong; john c. green; richard m. hunt; geo. w. blunt; john a. weeks; otis d. swan; col. l. g. b. cannon; theodore roosevelt; c. e. detmold. among the distinguished guests invited to meet professor goldwin smith, the following gentlemen were present: rev. dr. thompson; john a. stevens; prof. john w. draper; maj.-gen. b. f. butler, u. s. a; m. auguste laugel, of france; hon. geo. bancroft; geo. p. putnam; dr. willard parker; rev. s. osgood, d.d.; hon. e. d. morgan; rev. h. ward beecher; rev. a. p. putnam; rev. a. cleveland coxe, d.d., _assistant bishop-elect of the western diocese of new york_; prof. h. b. smith, d.d., _professor of systematic theology in union theological seminary, new york_; chas. king, ll.d.; peter cooper, _founder of the cooper union_; g. w. curtis; geo. l. schuyler; prof. theo. w. dwight, ll.d., _law professor in columbia college_; rev. g. l. prentiss, d.d. among the letters of regret were notes from lincoln, fessenden, major-general halleck, and attorney-general bates. footnotes: [a] the title of m. de circourt's work is:--"_histoire de l'action commune de la france et de l'amerique pour l'indépendence des �tats unis._" paris, . [b] in view of their historic significance, their names are given in the appendix. [c] during judge jay's absence in europe a striking anti-annexation texas meeting was held at the tabernacle in new york, on the th of april, . it had been called by members of the king, duer, townsend, goodhue, sedgwick, field, griswold, and hyslop families and many leading merchants of new york. the call was subsequently presented by john jay to the new york historical society, for preservation in its records. a letter was read from chancellor kent denouncing the annexation of texas without the consent of mexico as a breach of national faith which would be universally condemned. speeches were made by theodore sedgwick and d. d. field. but the most imposing feature of the manifestation was the presence in the chair of albert gallatin, the last survivor of jefferson's cabinet, who, despite his age and infirmities, had been carried to the meeting to protest in his own name and in that of his historic chief against so flagrant a violation of national honour and public faith. the appeal of gallatin for a time promised to be successful. van buren, whose views had been doubtful, wrote, under its influence, his letter to hammett objecting to annexation. but an annexation meeting was held in richmond to counteract that at new york, and when the democratic convention met at baltimore an adroit change of policy in regard to nominations displaced van buren and nominated polk. [d] the later history of international arbitration is set forth by sir lyon playfair in the _north american review_ for december, . [e] among those with whom judge jay was most often in communication may be mentioned: arthur and lewis tappan, rev. s. s. jocelyn, rev. a. a. phelps, robert vaux, e. wright, jr., joshua leavitt, samuel j. may, reuben crandall, james g. birney, theodore sedgwick, beriah green, gerrit smith, john scoble of england, mrs. l. m. child, miss grimké, wm. goodell, g. bailey, jr., rev. dr. morrison of england, gov. r. w. habersham, w. w. anderson of jamaica, w. i., joseph sturge of england, jabez d. hammond, geo. w. alexander of england, william slade, john quincy adams, wm. h. seward, s. p. chase, prof. c. d. cleveland, thomas clarkson of england, sir w. colebrook, governor of new brunswick, charles sumner, chief-justice hornblower, j. g. palfrey, and john p. hale. transcriber's notes: text in italics is surrounded with underscores: _italics_. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from the original. punctuation has been corrected without note. proofreaders the abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights - by john f. hume g.p. putnam's sons new york and london the knickerbocker press foreword the opening chapter of this work was prepared during the recent presidential campaign. it was the idea of the author that it should appear in one of the leading newspapers or magazines before the election, but maturer reflection brought about a change of purpose. he realized that its publication at that time, might, not altogether unreasonably, be looked upon as a political move having as its object the election or defeat of a particular candidate for office, whereas he had no desire to play the partisan. his sole aim was to vindicate the character of a portion of the citizens of this country--some living, some dead--whom he had always believed to be most deserving of popular esteem, from what he considered the unmerited aspersions of a man who has since come into a position so conspicuous and so influential that his condemnation necessarily carries with it a damaging effect. having gone so far as the preparation of the initial chapter, he concluded that proofs of his assumptions and assertions might at certain points be thought desirable, if not necessary, and that he should so prolong his work as to provide them. his first idea at this point, as his years went back beyond the beginning of the abolitionist movement in this country, and as he had been from early boyhood identified with this movement, was to contribute such information as his recollection of events would supply. in other words, he decided to write a narrative, the matter of which would be reminiscent, with here and there a little history woven in among the strands of memory like a woof in the warp. it has ended in history supplying the warp, and the reminiscence indifferently supplying the woof. however, the value of the production is, doubtless, greatly enhanced by the change. a string of pearls--dropping the former simile and adopting another--is estimated according to the gems it contains, and not because of the cord that holds it together. the personal experiences and recollections that are here and there interwoven, by themselves would be of little consequence; but they will be found to carry upon them certain historical facts and inferences--some new in themselves and in their connections--which, as the author hopes and believes, are of profitable quality and abounding interest. in consequence of the change of plan just explained, the scope of the work is materially affected. what was begun as a magazine article, and continued as a brochure, ends in a volume. j.f.h. poughkeepsie, n.y., july, . contents chapter page i.--theodore roosevelt and the abolitionists ii.--the abolitionists--who and what they were iii.--one of their traits iv.--pro-slavery prejudice v.--the political situation vi.--anti-slavery pioneers vii.--salmon portland chase viii.--john quincy adams ix.--anti-slavery societies x.--wanted, an anti-slavery society xi.--anti-slavery orators xii.--lincoln and douglas xiii.--anti-slavery women xiv.--mobs xv.--anti-slavery martyrs xvi.--the underground railroad xvii.--colonization xviii.--lincoln and emancipation xix.--the end of abolitionism xx.--missouri xxi.--missouri _(continued)_ xxii.--some abolition leaders xxiii.--rolls of honor appendix emancipation proclamation border slave-state message "prayer of twenty millions" index the abolitionists chapter i theodore roosevelt and the abolitionists the following is an extract from theodore roosevelt's biography of thomas h. benton in houghton, mifflin, & co.'s american statesmen series, published in : "owing to a variety of causes, the abolitionists have received an immense amount of hysterical praise which they do not deserve, and have been credited with deeds done by other men whom, in reality, they hampered and opposed rather than aided. after , the professed abolitionists formed a small and comparatively unimportant portion of the forces that were working towards the restriction and ultimate destruction of slavery; and much of what they did was positively harmful to the cause for which they were fighting. those of their number who considered the constitution as a league with death and hell, and who, therefore, advocated a dissolution of the union, acted as rationally as would anti-polygamists nowadays if, to show their disapproval of mormonism, they should advocate that utah should be allowed to form a separate nation. the only hope of ultimately suppressing slavery lay in the preservation of the union, and every abolitionist who argued or signed a petition for the dissolution was doing as much to perpetuate the evil he complained of, as if he had been a slaveholder. the liberty party, in running birney, simply committed a political crime, evil in almost all its consequences. they in no sense paved the way for the republican party, or helped forward the anti-slavery cause, or hurt the existing organizations. their effect on the democracy was _nil_; and all they were able to accomplish with the whigs was to make them put forward for the ensuing election a slaveholder from louisiana, with whom they were successful. such were the remote results of their conduct; the immediate evils they produced have already been alluded to. they bore considerable resemblance--except that after all they really did have a principle to contend for--to the political prohibitionists of the present day, who go into the third party organization, and are, not even excepting the saloon-keepers themselves, the most efficient allies on whom intemperance and the liquor traffic can count. "anti-slavery men like giddings, who supported clay, were doing a thousandfold more effective work for the cause they had at heart than all the voters who supported birney; or, to speak more accurately, they were doing all they could to advance the cause, while the others were doing all they could to hold it back. lincoln in occupied more nearly the ground held by clay than that held by birney; and the men who supported the latter in were the prototypes of those who worked to oppose lincoln in , and only worked less hard because they had less chance. the ultra abolitionists discarded expediency, and claimed to act for abstract right on principle, no matter what the results might be; in consequence they accomplished very little, and that as much for harm as for good, until they ate their words, and went counter to their previous course, thereby acknowledging it to be bad, and supported in the republican party the men and principles they had so fiercely condemned. the liberty party was not in any sense the precursor of the republican party, which was based as much on expediency as on abstract right, and was, therefore, able to accomplish good instead of harm. to say that extreme abolitionists triumphed in republican success and were causes of it, is as absurd as to call prohibitionists successful if, after countless efforts totally to prohibit the liquor traffic, and after savage denunciations of those who try to regulate it, they should then turn round and form a comparatively insignificant portion of a victorious high-license party. the men who took a great and effective part in the fight against slavery were the men who remained with their respective parties." no word of praise or approval has mr. roosevelt for the men and women--for representatives of both sexes were active sharers in the work performed--who inaugurated, and for a long period carried forward, the movement that led up to the overthrow of african slavery in this country. he has no encomiums to bestow on those same men and women for the protracted and exhausting labors they performed, the dangers they encountered, the insults they endured, the sacrifices they submitted to, the discouragements they confronted in many ways and forms in prosecuting their arduous undertaking. on the contrary, he has only bitter words of condemnation. in his estimation, and according to his dogmatic utterance, they were criminals--political criminals. his words make it very manifest that, if mr. roosevelt had been a voter in , he would not have been an abolitionist. he would not have been one of that devoted little band of political philanthropists who went out, like david of old, to do battle with one of the giant abuses of the time, and who found in the voter's ballot a missile that they used with deadly effect. on the contrary, he would have enrolled himself among their adversaries and assailants, becoming a member--because it is impossible to think of theodore roosevelt as a non-partisan--of one of the leading political parties of the day. there were but two of them--the whigs and the democrats. in failing to support one or the other of these parties, and giving their votes and influence to a new one that was founded and constructed on anti-slavery lines, the abolitionists, in mr. roosevelt's opinion, "committed a political crime." now, for what did those parties stand in ? who were their presidential candidates in that year? martin van buren was the candidate of the democrats. he had been for eight years in the offices of vice-president and president, and in that time, in the opinion of the anti-slavery people of the country, had shown himself to be a facile instrument in the hands of the slaveholders. he was what the abolitionists described as a "doughface"--a northern man with southern principles. as presiding officer he gave the casting vote in the senate for the bill that excluded anti-slavery matter from the united states mails, a bill justly regarded as one of the greatest outrages ever perpetrated in a free country, and as holding a place by the side of the fugitive slave law. true, he afterwards--this was in ,--like saul of tarsus, saw a new light and announced himself as a free soiler. then the abolitionists, with what must always be regarded as an extraordinary concession to partisan policy, cast aside their prejudices and gave him their support. yet mr. roosevelt charges them with being indifferent to the demands of political expediency. general william henry harrison, candidate of the whigs, was a virginian by birth and training, and an inveterate pro-slavery man. when governor of the territory of indiana, he presided over a convention that met for the purpose of favoring, notwithstanding the prohibition in the ordinance of ' , the introduction of slavery in that territory. these were the men between whom the old parties gave the abolitionists the privilege of pick and choice. declining to support either of them, they gave their votes to james g. birney, candidate of the newly formed liberty party. he was a southern man by birth and a slave-owner by inheritance, but, becoming convinced that slavery was wrong, he freed his negroes, giving them homes of their own, and so frankly avowed his anti-slavery convictions that he was driven from his native state. his supporters did not expect to elect him, but they hoped to begin a movement that would lead up to victory. they were planting seed in what they believed to be receptive soil. after , the old parties became more and more submissive to the slave power. conjointly, they enacted those measures that became known as the compromises of , the principal ones being the fugitive slave law and the act repealing the missouri compromise. both of them pronounced these acts to be "a finality," and both of them in national convention declared there should be no further agitation of the subject. they set out to muzzle all the anti-slavery voices of the country. by this time it was perfectly manifest that there was not only nothing the slaveholders might demand which the old parties would not concede, but that there was, so far as the slavery issue was involved, absolutely no difference between them. it is a notable fact that in the eight years following , of the four presidential candidates put in nomination by the two parties, three were slaveholders, the fourth being a northern "doughface," and both of the two who were elected held slaves. for the nomination and election of one of these men, whom he describes as "a slaveholder from louisiana" (general taylor), mr. roosevelt is disposed to hold the abolitionists accountable. they forced the poor whigs into those proceedings, he intimates, probably by telling them they ought to do nothing of the kind, that being what they actually did tell them. but as the abolitionists, four years earlier, in the same way defeated the whigs when they were supporting a slaveholder from kentucky (clay), and a man who, in his time, did more for the upbuilding of slavery than any other person in america, it would appear that the score of responsibility on their part was fairly evened up. in citing the action of joshua r. giddings as an anti-third-party man, mr. roosevelt is not altogether fortunate. subsequent to the presidential campaign of , the third-party abolitionists held a convention in pittsburg, in which giddings was a leading actor. as chairman of the committee on platform, he submitted a resolution declaring that both of the old parties were "hopelessly corrupt and unworthy of confidence." the abolitionists could not see that they were under obligation to either of the old parties, believing they could do far better service for the cause they championed by standing up and being counted as candidates honestly representing their principles. they fought both of the old parties, and finally beat them. they killed the whig party out and out, and so far crippled the democrats that they have been limping ever since. their action, in the long run, as attested by the verdict of results, proved itself to be not only the course of abstract right, but of political expediency. in , the vote of the third-party abolitionists, then for the first time in the political field, was ; in it was , , and in it was nearly , . from that time, with occasional backsets, mr. roosevelt's "political criminals" went steadily forward until they mastered the situation. from the first, they were a power in the land, causing the older parties to quake, belshazzar-like, at sight of their writing on the wall. but according to mr. roosevelt, the men of the liberty-free-soil party had no share in fathering and nurturing the republican party, to which he assigns all the credit for crushing slavery. says he, "the liberty party was not in any sense the precursor of the republican party, which was based as much on expediency as on abstract right." it is very true that many republicans, especially in the earlier days, were neither abolitionists nor anti-slavery people. a good many of them, like abraham lincoln, were sentimentally adverse to slavery, but under existing conditions did not want it disturbed. many of them, having broken loose from the old parties, had no other place of shelter and cared nothing for slavery one way or the other, some being of the opinion of one of the new party leaders whom the writer hereof heard declare that "the niggers are just where they ought to be." all this, however, does not prove that the third-party people were not the real forerunners and founders of the republican party. they certainly helped to break up the old organizations, crushing them in whole or part. they supplied a contingent of trained and desperately earnest workers, their hearts being enlisted as well as their hands. and what was of still greater consequence, they furnished an issue, and one that was very much alive, around which the detached fragments of the old parties could collect and unite. their share in the composition and development of the new party can be illustrated. out in our great midland valley two rivers--the missouri and the mississippi--meet and mingle their waters. the missouri, although the larger stream, after the junction is heard of no more; but being charged with a greater supply of sedimentary matter, gives its color to the combined flood of the assimilated waters. abolitionism was merged in republicanism. it was no longer spoken of as a separate element, but from the beginning it gave color and character to the combination. the whole compound was abolitionized. it was not, indeed, the voting strength, although this was considerable, that the abolitionists brought to the republican organization, that made them the real progenitors of that party. it is possible that the other constituents entering into it, which were drawn from the anti-slavery whigs, the "anti-nebraska" democrats, the "barnburner" democrats of new york, the "know-nothings," etc., numbered more in the aggregate than the abolitionists it included; but it was not so much the number of votes the abolitionists contributed that made them the chief creators of the republican party, as it was their working and fighting ability. they had undergone a thorough training. for nearly twenty years they had been in the field in active service. for the whole of that time they had been exposed to pro-slavery mobbing and almost every kind of persecution. they had to conquer every foot of ground they occupied. they had done an immense amount of invaluable preparatory work. to deny to such people a liberal share of the credit for results accomplished, would be as reasonable as to say that men who clear the land, plough the ground, and sow the seed, because others may help to gather the harvest, have nothing to do with raising the crop. but for the pioneer work of the abolitionists there would have been no republican party. there had been anti-slavery people in this country before the abolitionists--conscientious, zealous, intelligent--but somehow they lacked the ability, in the language of the pugilists, to "put up a winning fight." they had been brushed aside or trampled under foot. not so with the abolitionists. they had learned all the tricks of the enemy. they were not afraid of opposition. they knew how to give blows as well as to take them. the result was that from the time they organized for separate political action in , they had made steady progress, although this seemed for a period to be discouragingly slow. it was only a question of time when, if there had been no republican party, they would have succeeded in abolishing slavery without its assistance. although, as before remarked, the republican party was made up of a good many elements besides the abolitionists, there was among them but little homogeneousness. they were indifferent, if not hostile, to each other, and, if left to themselves, would never have so far coalesced as to make a working party. they had no settled policy, no common ground to stand on. they would have been simply a rope of sand. but the abolitionists supplied a bond of union. they had a principle that operated like a loadstone in bringing the factions together. there was another inducement the abolitionists had to offer. they had an organization that was perfect in its way. it was weak but active. it had made its way into congress where it had such representatives as john p. hale and salmon p. chase in the senate, and several brilliant men in the lower house. it had a complete outfit of party machinery. it had an efficient force of men and women engaged in canvassing as lecturers and stump orators. it had well managed newspapers, and the ablest pens in the country--not excepting harriet beecher stowe's--were in its service. all this, it is hardly necessary to say, was attractive to people without political homes. the abolitionists offered them not only shelter but the prospect of meat and drink in the future. in that way their organization became the nucleus of the republican party, which was in no sense a new organization, but a reorganization of an old force with new material added. and here would seem to be the proper place for reference to the historical fact that the republican party, under that name, had but four years of existence behind it when the great crisis came in the election of lincoln and the beginning of the civil war--lincoln's election being treated by the south as a _casus belli_. the republican party was established under that name in and lincoln was elected in . now, the work preparatory to lincoln's election was not done in four years. the most difficult part of it--the most arduous, the most disagreeable, the most dangerous--had been done long before. part of it dated back to . indeed, the performance of the republican party in those four years was not remarkably brilliant. with the slogan of "free soil, free men, and fremont" it made an ostentatious demonstration in --an attempted _coup de main_--which failed. it would have failed quite as signally in , but for the division of the democratic party into the douglas and breckenridge factions. that division was pre-arranged by the slaveholders who disliked douglas, the regular democratic nominee, much more than they did lincoln, and who hoped and plotted for lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext for rebellion. the change of name from "free soil" or "liberty" to "republican" in had very little significance. it was a matter of partisan policy and nothing more. "liberty" and "free soil," as party cognomens, had a meaning, and were supposed to antagonize certain prejudices. "republican," at that juncture, meant nothing whatever. besides, it was sonorous; it was euphonious; it was palatable to weak political stomachs. the ready acceptance of the new name by the abolitionists goes very far to contradict mr. roosevelt's accusation against them of being regardless of the claims of political expediency. the writer has shown, as he believes, that without the preparatory work of the political abolitionists there would have been no republican party. he will now go a step further. he believes that without that preliminary service there would not only have been no republican party, but no civil war in the interest of free soil, no emancipation proclamation, no thirteenth and fourteenth amendments to the federal constitution. there might have been and probably would have been considerable discussion, ending in a protest, more or less "ringing," when slavery was permitted to overstep the line marked out by the missouri compromise. there might even have been another "settlement." but no such adjustment would have seriously impeded the northward march of the triumphant slave power. indeed, in that event it is more than probable that ere this the legal representatives of the late robert toombs, of georgia, would, if so inclined, have made good his boast of calling the roll of his slaves at the foot of bunker hill monument. so far we have dealt with mr. roosevelt's indictment of the abolitionists for abandoning the old pro-slavery political parties, and undertaking to construct a new and better one. that, in his judgment, was a political crime. but he charges them with another manifestation of criminality which was much more serious. he accuses them of hostility, to the union, which was disloyalty and treason. the evidence offered by him in support of his accusation was the anti-unionist position taken by william lloyd garrison, who branded the union as a "league with hell," and some of his associates. but garrison was not a leader, or even a member, of the third or liberty party. he denounced it almost as bitterly as mr. roosevelt. garrison was a quaker, a non-resistant, and a non-voter. he relied on moral suasion. he saw no salvation in politics. the formation of a new anti-slavery party excited his fiery indignation. he declared that it was "ludicrous in its folly, pernicious as a measure of policy, and useless as a political contrivance." far and away the most potential member and leader of the political abolitionists was salmon p. chase. instead of denouncing the constitution as "a league with death and hell," he claimed that it was an anti-slavery document and should be so construed. as for the union, by his services in successfully managing the finances of the country in its great crisis, he did as much to sustain the union as any other man of that time. to accuse him of hostility and infidelity to the union, is something that no one can do with impunity. in fact, so clear and so clean, as well as so bold and striking, is the record of chase and his associates, beginning in and continuing down until the last shackle was stricken from the last bondsman's limbs, that even the shadow of the white house cannot obscure it. nor is mr. roosevelt happy in his illustration, when, in his concluding arraignment of the abolitionists, he seeks to discredit them as an organization of impracticables by comparing them to the political prohibitionists of to-day. when the latter, if that time is ever to be, shall become strong enough to rout one or both of the existing main political parties, and, taking the control of the government in their hands, shall not only legally consign the liquor traffic to its coffin, but nail it down with a constitutional amendment, then mr. roosevelt's comparison will apply. chapter ii the abolitionists--who and what they were in selecting those who are to receive its remembrance and its honors, the world has always given its preference to such as have battled for freedom. it may have been with the sword; it may have been with the pen; or it may have been with a tongue that was inflamed with holy rage against tyranny and wrong; but whatever the instrumentality employed; in whatever field the battle has been fought; and by whatsoever race, or class, or kind of men; the champions of human liberty have been hailed as the bravest of the brave and the most worthy to receive the acclaims of their fellows. now, if that estimate be not altogether inaccurate, what place in the scale of renown must be assigned to those pioneers in the successful movement against african slavery in this country who have commonly been known as "abolitionists"--a name first given in derision by their enemies? it should, in the opinion of the writer hereof, be the very highest. he is not afraid to challenge the whole record of human achievements by great and good men (always save and except that which is credited to the saviour of mankind) for exhibitions of heroism superior to theirs. nay, when it is remembered that mainly through their efforts and sacrifices was accomplished a revolution by which four million human beings (but for the abolitionists the number to-day in bondage would be eight millions) were lifted from the condition in which american slaves existed but a few years ago, to freedom and political equality with their former masters; and, at the same time when it is considered what qualities of heart and brain were needed for such a task, he does not believe that history, from its earliest chapters, furnishes examples of gods or men, except in very rare and isolated cases, who have shown themselves to be their equals. in the matter of physical courage they were unsurpassed, unsurpassable. a good many of them were quakers and non-resistants, and a good many of them were women, but they never shrank from danger to life and limb, when employed in their humanitarian work. some of them achieved the martyr's crown. in the matter of conscience they were indomitable. life to them was worth less than principle. in the matter of money they were absolutely unselfish. those of them who were poor, as the most of them were, toiled on without the hope of financial recompense. they did their work not only without the promise or prospect of material reward of any kind, but with the certainty of pains and penalties that included the ostracism and contempt of their fellows, and even serious risks to property and life. all these sacrifices were in the cause of human liberty; but of liberty for whom? that is the crucial point. in all ages there have been plenty of men who have honorably striven for liberty for themselves. some there have been who have risen to higher planes. we have an example in lafayette. he fought to liberate a people who were foreign in language and blood; but they were of his own color and the peers of his compatriots. the abolitionists, however, espoused the cause, and it was for that that they endured so much, of creatures that were infinitely below them; of beings who had ceased to be recognized as belonging to humanity, and were classed with the cattle of the field and other species of "property." so low were they that they could neither appreciate nor return the services rendered in their behalf. for their condition, the abolitionists were in no sense responsible. they had no necessary fellowship with the unfortunates. they were under no especial obligation to them. they were not of the same family. it was even doubted whether the races had a common origin. and yet, to the end of securing release for these wretched victims of an intolerable oppression, not a few of them dedicated all they possessed--life not excepted. true it is that they had no monopoly of benevolence. many noble men and women have gone as missionaries to the poor and benighted, and have sought through numerous hardships and perils to raise up those who have been trodden in the dust. but, as a rule, their services have been rendered pursuant to a secular employment that carried financial compensation, and behind their devotion to the poor and oppressed has been the expectation of personal reward in another world, if not in this. but such motives barely, if at all, influenced the abolitionists. no element of professionalism entered into their work. they were not particularly religious. they neither very greatly reverenced nor feared the church, whose leaders they often accused of a hankering for the "flesh-pots" that induced them to lead their followers into egypt, rather than out of it. they were partly moved by a hatred of slavery and its long train of abuses that was irrepressible, and which to most persons was incomprehensible, and partly by a love for their fellows in distress that was so insistent as to make them forget themselves. their impulses seemed to be largely intuitive, if not instinctive, and if called upon for a philosophical explanation they could not have given it. in such a struggle for freedom and natural human rights as was carried on by the abolitionists against tremendous odds and through a term covering many long years, it does seem to the writer of this essay that mortal heroism reached its height. nor am i by any means alone in the opinion just expressed. as far back as , when the abolitionists were few in number and the objects of almost savage persecution in every part of our country, the earl of carlisle, who, in his day was one of the most capable leaders of british public opinion, declared that they were engaged "in fighting a battle without a parallel in the history of ancient or modern heroism." i am moved to write the story of the abolitionists, partly because it is full of romantic interest, and partly because justice demands it. those doughty file leaders in the anti-slavery fight do not to-day have an adequate acknowledgment of the obligations that the country and humanity should recognize as belonging to them, and they never have had it. much of the credit that is fairly theirs has been mis-applied. writers of history--so called, although much of it is simple eulogy--have been more and more inclined to attribute the overthrow of slavery to the efforts of a few men, and particularly one man, who, after long opposition to, or neglect of, the freedom movement, came to its help in the closing scenes of a great conflict, while the earlier, and certainly equally meritorious, workers and fighters have been quite left out of the account. the writer does not object to laborers who entered the field at the eleventh hour, sharing with those who bore the heat and burden of the day; but when there is a disposition to give to them all the earnings he does feel like protesting. the case of the abolitionists is not overstated when it is said that, but for their labors and struggles, this country, instead of being all free, would to-day be all slaveholding. the relative importance of their work in creating, by means of a persistent agitation, an opposition to human slavery that was powerful enough to compel the attention of the public and force the machine politicians, after long opposition, to admit the question into practical politics, cannot well be overestimated. they alone and single-handed fought the opening battles of a great war, which, although overshadowed and obscured by later and more dramatic events, were none the less gallantly waged and nobly won. it is customary to speak of our civil war as a four years' conflict. it was really a thirty years' war, beginning when the pioneer abolitionists entered the field and declared for a life-and-death struggle. it was then that the hardest battles were fought. i write the more willingly because comparatively few now living remember the mad excitement of the slavery controversy in ante-bellum days. the majority--the living and the working masses of to-day--will, doubtless, be gratified to have accurate pictures of scenes and events of which they have heard their seniors speak, that distinguished the most tempestuous period in our national history--the one in which the wildest passions were aroused and indulged. then it was that the fiercest and bitterest agitation prevailed. the war that followed did not increase this. it rather modified it--sobered it in view of the crisis at hand--and served as a safety-valve for its escape. for the same reason, the general public has now but slight comprehension of the trials endured by the abolitionists for principle's sake. in many ways were they persecuted. in society they were tabooed; in business shunned. by the rabble they were hooted and pelted. clowns in the circus made them the subjects of their jokes. newspaper scribblers lampooned and libelled them. politicians denounced them. by the church they were regarded as very black sheep, and sometimes excluded from the fold. and this state of things lasted for years, during which they kept up a steady agitation with the help of platform lecturers, and regularly threw away their votes--so it was charged--in a "third party" movement that seemed to be a hopeless venture. another inducement to the writer to take up the cause of the abolitionists is the fact that he has always been proud to class himself as one of them. he came into the world before abolitionism, by that name, had been heard of; before the first abolition society was organized; before william lloyd garrison founded his _liberator_, and before (not the least important circumstance) john quincy adams entered congress. he cannot remember when the slavery question was not discussed. his sympathies at an early day went out to the slave. he informed himself on the subject as well as a farmer boy might be expected to do in a household that received the most of its knowledge of current events from the columns of one weekly newspaper. he cast his first vote for the ticket of the abolitionists while they were yet a "third party." the community in which he then lived, although in the free state of ohio, was strongly pro-slavery, being not far from the southern border. the population was principally from virginia and kentucky. there were a few abolitionists, and they occasionally tried to hold public meetings, but the gatherings were always broken up by mobs. the writer very well remembers the satisfaction with which he, as a schoolboy, was accustomed to hear that there was to be another abolition "turn-out." the occasion was certain to afford considerable excitement that was dear to the heart of a boy, and it had another recommendation. the only room in the village--"town" we called it--for such affairs, except the churches, which were barred against "fanatics," was the district schoolhouse, which, by common consent, was open to all comers, and as the windows and doors, through which missiles were hurled during anti-slavery gatherings, were always more or less damaged, "we boys" usually got a holiday or two while the building was undergoing necessary repairs. as might be surmised, the lessons i learned at school were not all such as are usually acquired at such institutions. my companions were like other children, full of spirit and mischief, and not without their prejudices. they hated abolitionists because they--the abolitionists--wanted to compel all white people to marry "niggers." although not naturally unkind, they did not always spare the feelings of "the son of an old abolitionist." we had our arguments. some of them were of the knock-down kind. in more than one shindy, growing out of the discussion of the great question of the day, i suffered the penalty of a bloody nose or a blackened eye for standing up for my side. the feeling against the negroes' friends--the abolitionists--was not confined to children in years. it was present in all classes. it entered state and church alike, and dominated both of them. the congressional representative from the district in which i lived in those days was an able man and generally held in high esteem. he made a speech in our village when a candidate for re-election. in discussing the slavery question--everybody discussed it then--he spoke of the negroes as being "on the same footing with other cattle." i remember the expression very well because it shocked me, boy that i was. it did not disturb the great majority of those present, however. they cheered the sentiment and gave their votes for the speaker, who was re-elected by a large majority. about the same time i happened to be present where a general assembly of one of our largest religious denominations was in session, and listened to part of an address by a noted divine--the most distinguished man in the body--which was intended to prove that slavery was an institution existing by biblical authority. he spent two days in a talk that was mostly made up of scriptural texts and his commentaries upon them. this was in ohio, and there was not a slave-owner in the assembly, and yet a resolution commendatory of the views that had just been declared by the learned doctor, was adopted by an almost unanimous vote. in the neighborhood in which i lived was an old and much respected clergyman who was called upon to preach a sermon on a day of some national significance. he made it the occasion for a florid panegyric upon american institutions, which, he declared, assured freedom to all men. here he paused, "when i spoke of all men enjoying freedom under our flag," he resumed, "i did not, of course, include the ethiopians whom providence has brought to our shores for their own good as well as ours. they are slaves by a divine decree. as descendants of ham, they are under a curse that makes them the servants of their more fortunate white brethren." having thus put himself right on the record, he proceeded with his sermon. no one seemed to take exception to what he said. in the same neighborhood was a young preacher who had shortly before come into it from somewhere farther north. in the course of one of his regular services he offered up a prayer in which he expressed the hope that the good lord would find a way to break the bands of all who were in bondage. that smacked of abolitionism and at once there was a commotion. the minister was asked to explain. this he declined to do, saying that his petition was a matter between him and his god, and he denied the right of others to question him. that only increased the opposition, and in a short time the spunky young man was compelled to resign his charge. about that time there appeared a lecturer on slavery--which meant against slavery--who carried credentials showing that he was a clergyman in good standing in one of the leading protestant denominations. in our village was a church of that persuasion, whose pastor was not an abolitionist. as in duty bound, the visiting brother called on his local fellow-laborer, and informed him that on the following day, which happened to be sunday, he would be pleased to attend service at his church. on the morrow he was on hand and occupied a seat directly in front of the pulpit; but, notwithstanding his conspicuousness, the home minister, who should, out of courtesy, have invited him to a seat in the pulpit, if to no other part in the services, never saw him. he looked completely over his head, keeping his eyes, all through the exercises, fixed upon the back pews, which happened, on that occasion, to be chiefly unoccupied. such incidents, of themselves, were of no great importance. their significance was in the fact that they all occurred on the soil of a free state. they showed the state of feeling that then and there existed. chapter iii one of their traits the writer has spoken of the courage of the abolitionists. there is another trait by which they were distinguished that, in his opinion, should not be passed over. that was their extreme hopefulness--their untiring confidence. no matter how adverse were the conditions, they expected to win. they never counted the odds against them. they trusted in the right which they were firmly persuaded would prevail some time or another. for that time they were willing to wait, meanwhile doing what they could to hasten its coming. benjamin lundy, the little quaker mechanic, who was undeniably the peter-the-hermit of the abolitionist movement, when setting out alone and on foot, with his printing material on his back, to begin a crusade against the strongest and most arrogant institution in the country, remarked with admirable naïveté, "i do not know how soon i shall succeed in my undertaking." william lloyd garrison, when the pioneer anti-slavery society was organized by only twelve men, and they people of no worldly consequence, the meeting for lack of a better place being held in a colored schoolroom on "nigger hill" in boston, declared that in due time they would meet to urge their principles in faneuil hall--a most audacious declaration, but he was right. the writer, when a boy, was witness to an exhibition of the same spirit. a kinsman of his was a zealous abolitionist, although not particularly gifted with controversial acumen. he and his minister, as often happened, were discussing the slavery question. the minister, like many of his cloth at that time, was a staunch supporter of "the institution," which, according to his contention, firmly rested on biblical authority. "how do you expect to destroy slavery, as it exists in kentucky, by talking and voting abolition up here in ohio?" asked the clergyman. "we will crush it through congress when we get control of the general government," said my kinsman. "but congress and the general government have, under the constitution, absolutely no power over slavery in the states. it is a state institution," replied the clergyman. it is unnecessary to follow the discussion, but, one after another, the quicker-witted and better-informed preacher successfully combated all the propositions advanced by my relative in trying to give a reason for the faith that was in him, until he was completely cornered. "well," said he at last, "the good lord has not taken me into his confidence, and i don't know what his plans for upsetting slavery are, but he will be able to manage it somehow." my kinsman lived long enough to see the day when there was not a slave on american soil, and the minister lived long enough to become a roaring abolitionist. it was doubtless their confidence in ultimate triumph, a result of their absolute belief in the righteousness of their cause, that, as much as anything else, armed and armored the abolitionists against all opposition. it was one main element of their strength in the midst of their weakness. without it they could not have persisted, as they did, in their separate or "third party" political action, that cleared the way and finally led up to a victorious organization. year after year, and for many years, they voted for candidates that had no chance of election. their first presidential ticket got only seven thousand votes in the whole country. the great public, which could not see the use of acting politically for principle alone, laughed at their simplicity in "throwing away their votes." "voting in the air" was the way it was often spoken of, and those who were guilty of such incomprehensible folly were characterized as "one idea people." they, however, cared little for denunciation or ridicule, and kept on regularly nominating their tickets, and as regularly giving them votes that generally appeared in the election returns among the "scattering." they were not abashed by the insignificance of their party. "they were men who dared to be the right with two or three," according to the poet lowell. in the county in which i lived when a boy, there was one vote polled for the first abolitionist presidential ticket. the man who gave it did not try to hide his responsibility--in fact, he seemed rather proud of his aloneness--but he was mercilessly guyed on account of the smallness of his party. his rejoinder was that he thought that he and god, who was, he believed, with him, made a pretty good-sized and respectable party. chapter iv pro-slavery prejudice the intensity--perhaps density would be a better word in this connection--of the prejudice that confronted the abolitionists when they entered on their work is not describable by any expressions we have in our language. in the south it was soon settled that no man could preach anti-slaveryism and live. in the north the conditions were not much better. every man and woman--because the muster-roll of the abolition propagandists was recruited from both sexes--carried on the work at the hazard of his or her life. sneers, scowls, hootings, curses, and rough handling were absolutely certain. one incident throws light on the state of feeling at that time. when pennsylvania hall, which the abolitionists of philadelphia--largely quakers--had erected for a meeting place at a cost of forty thousand dollars was fired by a mob, the fire department of that city threw water on surrounding property, but not one drop would it contribute to save the property of the abolitionists. why was it that this devotion to slavery and this hostility to its opposers prevailed in the non-slaveholding states? they had not always existed. indeed, there was a time, not so many years before, when slavery was generally denounced; when men like washington and jefferson and henry, although themselves slave-owners, led public opinion in its condemnation. everybody was anticipating the day of universal emancipation, when suddenly--almost in the twinkling of an eye--there was a change. if it had been a weather-cock--as to a considerable extent it was, and is--public opinion could not have more quickly veered about. slavery became the popular idol in the north as well as in the south. opposition to it was not only offensive, but dangerous. it was sacrilege. so far as the south was concerned the revolution is easily accounted for. slavery became profitable. a yankee magician had touched it with a wand of gold, and from being a languishing, struggling system, it quickly developed into a money-maker. whitney, the connecticut mechanical genius, by the invention of the cotton-gin, made the production of cotton a highly lucrative industry. the price of negroes to work the cotton fields at once went up, and yet the supply was inadequate. northernly slave states could not produce cotton, but they could produce negroes. they shared in the golden harvest. such cities as baltimore, washington, richmond, wheeling, and louisville became centers of a flourishing traffic in human beings. they had great warehouses, commonly spoken of as "nigger pens," in which the "hands" that were to make the cotton were temporarily gathered, and long coffles--that is, processions of men and women, each with a hand attached to a common rope or chain--marched through their streets with faces turned southward. the slave-owners were numerically a lean minority even in the south, but their mastery over their fellow-citizens was absolute. nor was there any mystery about it. as the owners of four million slaves, on an average worth not far from five hundred dollars each, they formed the greatest industrial combination--what at this time we would call a trust--ever known to this or any other country. our mighty steel corporation would have been a baby beside it. if to-day all our great financial companies were consolidated, the unit would scarcely come up to the dimensions of that one association. it was not incorporated in law, but its union was perfect. bound together by a common interest and a common feeling, its members--in the highest sense co-partners in business and in politics, in peace and in war--were prepared to act together as one man. but why, i again ask, were the northern people so infatuated with slavery? they raised no cotton and they raised no negroes, but many of them, and especially their political leaders, carried their adulation almost to idolatry. when elijah p. lovejoy was shot down like a dog, and william lloyd garrison was dragged half naked and half lifeless through the streets of boston, and other outrages of like import were being perpetrated all over the north, it was carefully given out that those deeds were not the work of irresponsible rowdies, but of "gentlemen"--of merchants, manufacturers, and members of the professions. they claimed the credit for such achievements. there were reasons for such a state of things--some very solid, because financial. the north and the south were extensively interlaced by mutual interests. with slave labor the southern planters made cotton, and with the proceeds of their cotton they bought northern machinery and merchandise. they sent their boys and girls to northern schools. they came north themselves when their pockets were full, and freely spent their money at northern hotels, northern theatres, northern race-tracks, and other northern places of entertainment. then there were other ties than those of business. the great political parties had each a southern wing. religious denominations had their southern members. every kind of trade and calling had its southern outlet. but social connections were the strongest of all, and probably had most to do in making northern sentiment. southern gentlemen were popular in the north. they spent money lavishly. their manners were grandiose. they talked boastfully of the number of their "niggers," and told how they were accustomed to "wallop" them. then there were marriage ties between the sections. many domestic alliances strengthened the bond between slavery and the aristocracy of the north. in the circles in which these things were going on, it was the fashion to denounce the abolitionists. women were the most bitter. the slightest suspicion of sympathy with the "fanatics" was fatal to social ambition. mrs. henry chapman, the wife of a wealthy boston shipping merchant who gave orders that no slaves should be carried on his vessels, was a brilliant woman and a leader in the highest sense in that city. but when she consented to preside over a small conference of anti-slavery women, society cut her dead, her former associates refusing to recognize her on the street. the families of arthur and lewis tappan, the distinguished merchants of new york, were noted for their intelligence and culture, but when the heads of the families came to be classified as abolitionists the doors of all fashionable mansions were at once shut against them. they in other ways suffered for their opinions. the home of lewis tappan was invaded by a mob, and furniture, books, and _bric-a-brac_ were carried to the street and there burned to ashes. the masses of the northern people were, however, led to favor slavery by other arguments. one of them was that the slaves, if manumitted, would at once rush to the north and overrun the free states. i have heard that proposition warmly supported by fairly intelligent persons. another argument that weighed with a surprisingly large number of people, was that civil equality would be followed by social equality. as soon as they were free, negro men, it was said, would marry white wives. "do you want your son or your daughter to marry a nigger?" was regarded as a knockout anti-abolitionist argument. the idea, of course, was absurd. "is it to be inferred that because i don't want a negro woman for a slave, i do want her for a wife?" was one of the quaint and pithy observations attributed to mr. lincoln. i heard prof. hudson, of oberlin college, express the same idea in about the same words many years before. and yet there were plenty of northern people to whom "amalgamation"--the word used to describe the apprehended union of the races--was a veritable scarecrow. a young gentleman in a neighborhood near where i lived when a boy was in all respects eligible for matrimony. he became devoted to the daughter of an old farmer who had been a kentuckian, and asked him for her hand. "but i am told," said the old gentleman, "that you are an abolitionist." the young man admitted the justice of the charge. "then, sir," fairly roared the old man, "you can't have my daughter; go and marry a nigger." but what probably gave slavery its strongest hold upon the favor of northern people was the animosity toward the negro that prevailed among them. nowhere was he treated by them like a human being. the "black laws," as those statutes in a number of free states that regulated the treatment of the blacks were appropriately called, were inhuman in the extreme. ohio was in the main a liberal state. she was called a free state, but her negroes were not free men. under her laws they could only remain in the state by giving bonds for good behavior. any one employing negroes, not so bonded, was liable to a fine of one hundred dollars. they could not vote, of course. they could not testify in a case in which a white man was interested. they could not send their children to schools which they helped to support. the only thing they could do "like a white man" was to pay taxes. the prejudice against the poor creatures in ohio was much stronger than that they encountered on the other side of the ohio river in the slave state of kentucky. here--in kentucky--they were property, and they generally received the care and consideration that ownership ordinarily establishes. the interest of the master was a factor in their behalf. in many instances there was genuine affection between owner and slave. "how much better off they would be if they only had good masters," was a remark i very often heard in ohio, as the negroes would go slouching by with hanging heads and averted countenances. there is no doubt that at this time the physical condition of the blacks was generally much better in slavery than it was in freedom. what stronger testimony to the innate desire for liberty--what byron has described as "the eternal spirit of the chainless mind"--than the fact that slaves who were the most indulgently treated, were constantly escaping from the easy and careless life they led to the hostilities and barbarities of the free states, and they never went back except under compulsion. "o carry me back to old virginy, to old virginy's shore," was the refrain of a song that was very popular in those days, and which was much affected by what were called "negro minstrels." it was assumed to express the feelings of colored fugitives from bondage when they had time to realize what freedom meant in their cases, but i never heard the words from the lips of a man who had lived in a state of servitude. i have elsewhere referred to the fact that women were often the most bitter in their denunciations of the abolitionists. in the neighborhood in which i passed my early days was a lady who was born and raised in the north, and who probably had no decided sentiment, one way or the other, on the slavery question; but who about this time spent several months in a visit to one of the slave states. she came back thoroughly imbued with admiration for "the institution." she could not find words to describe the good times that were enjoyed by the wives and daughters of the slave-owners. they had nothing to do except to take the world easy, and that, according to her account, they did with great unanimity. the slaves, were, she declared, the happiest people in the world, all care and responsibility being taken from their shoulders by masters who were kind enough to look out for their wants. but one day she unwittingly exposed a glimpse of the reverse side of the picture. she told the story of a young slave girl who had been accused of larceny. she had picked up some trifling article that ordinarily no one would have cared anything about; but at this time it was thought well to make an example of somebody. the wrists of the poor creature were fastened together by a cord that passed through a ring in the side of the barn, which had been put there for that purpose, and she was drawn up, with her face to the building, until her toes barely touched the ground. then, in the presence of all her fellow-slaves, and with her clothing so detached as to expose her naked shoulders, she was flogged until the blood trickled down her back. "i felt almost as bad for her," said the narrator, "as if she had been one of my own kind." "thank god she was not one of your kind!" exclaimed a voice that fairly sizzled with rage. the speaker who happened to be present was a relative of the author and a red-hot abolitionist. then came a furious war of words, the two enraged women shouting maledictions in each other's faces. as a boy, i enjoyed the performance hugely until i began to see that there was danger of a collision. as the only male present, it would be my duty to interfere in case the combatants came to blows, or rather to scratches and hair-pulling. i did not like the prospect, which seemed to me to be really alarming, and was thinking of some peaceable solution, when the two women, looking into each other's inflamed faces, suddenly realized the ridiculousness of the situation and broke into hearty peals of laughter. that, of course, ended the controversy, not a little to the relief of the writer. if the influence of a great majority of the women of that day was thrown on the side of slavery, as was undoubtedly the case, the minority largely made up for the disparity of numbers by the spunk and aggressiveness of their demonstrations. a good many of the most indomitable and effective abolition lecturers were women--such as mrs. lucretia mott, the grimké sisters, abby kelly, and others whose names are here omitted, although they richly deserve to be mentioned. of all that sisterhood, the most pugnacious undoubtedly was abby kelly, a little new england woman, with, as the name would indicate, an irish crossing of the blood. i heard her once, and it seemed to me that i never listened to a tongue that was so sharp and merciless. her eyes were small and it appeared to me that they contracted, when she was speaking, until they emitted sparks of fire. although she went by her maiden name, she was a married woman, being the wife of stephen foster, a professional abolitionist agitator and lecturer. although himself noted for the bitterness of his speech, when it came to hard-hitting vituperation he could not begin to "hold a candle" to his little wife. the two traveled together and spoke from the same platforms. they were constantly getting into hot water through the hostility of mobs, which they seemed to enjoy most heartily. foster's life was more than once in serious danger, but they kept right on and never showed the slightest fear. the only meeting addressed by them that i attended, though held on the sabbath, was ended by the throwing of stones and sticks and addled eggs. but if the current of public opinion in the north suddenly turned, and for a long time ran with overwhelming force in favor of slavery, it changed about almost as suddenly and ran with equal force in the opposite direction. the county in which i lived when a boy, that furnished only one vote for the first abolitionist presidential ticket, became a republican stronghold. it was in what had been a whig district, and when the whig party went to pieces, the most of its _débris_ drifted into the republican lines. on the occasion of one of the pro-slavery mobs i elsewhere tell about, when a supply of eggs with which to garnish the abolitionists, was wanted, and the money for their purchase was called for, the town constable--the peace officer of the community--put his hand in his pocket and supplied the funds. a few years thereafter, on my return to the village after a considerable absence, i found that i had come just in time to attend a republican rally which was that day to be held in a near-by grove. when i reached the scene of operations a procession to march to the grove was being formed. there was considerable enthusiasm and noise, but by far the most excited individual was the grand marshal and master of ceremonies. seated on a high horse, he was riding up and down the line shouting out his orders with tremendous unction. he was the constable of the egg-buying episode. chapter v the political situation in several of his addresses before his election to the presidency, mr. lincoln gave utterance to the following language: "a house divided against itself cannot stand. i believe this government cannot permanently remain half slave and half free. i do not expect the house to fall, but i do expect it to cease to be divided. it will become all one thing or all the other thing." the same opinion had been enunciated several years before by john quincy adams on the floor of congress, when, with his accustomed pungency, he declared, "the union will fall before slavery or slavery will fall before the union." but before either adams or lincoln spoke on the subject--away back in --the same idea they expressed had a more elaborate and forcible presentation in the following words: "the conflict is becoming--has become--not alone of freedom for the blacks, but of freedom for the whites. it has now become absolutely necessary that slavery shall cease in order that freedom may be preserved in any portion of our land. the antagonistic principles of liberty and slavery have been roused into action, and one or the other must be victorious. there will be no cessation of the strife until slavery shall be exterminated or liberty destroyed." the author of the words last above quoted was james gillespie birney, who was the first abolitionist, or "liberty party," candidate for the presidency, and of whose career a brief sketch is elsewhere given. that the slaveholders reached the same conclusion that birney and adams and lincoln announced, viz., that the country was to be all one thing or all the other thing, is as manifest as any fact in our history. it is equally certain that they had firmly resolved to capture the entire commonwealth for their "institution," and had laid their plans to that end. they were unwilling to live in a divided house, particularly with an occupant who was stronger in population and wealth than they were. they saw the danger in such association. northern sentiment toward slavery was complacent enough, even servilely so, but it might change. the south thought it had too much at stake to take the chances when the opportunity for absolute safety and permanent rule was within its reach. it resolved to make the whole country, not only pro-slavery, but slaveholding. if, through any mischance, it failed in its calculation, the next step would be to tear down the house and from its ruins reconstruct so much of it as might be needed for its own occupancy. that it would be able in time to possess itself of the whole country, however, for and in behalf of its industrial policy, it did not for an instant doubt. it was not empty braggadocio on the part of the celebrated robert toombs, of georgia, when he uttered his famous boast.[ ] he voiced the practically unanimous opinion of his section. [ ] see page . nor was there anything seemingly very presumptuous in that anticipation. so far, the south had been invariably victorious. in what appeared to be a decisive battle in the test case of admitting missouri into the union as a slave state, it had won. so pronounced was its triumph that whatever anti-slavery sentiment survived the conflict appeared to be stunned and helpless. all fight was knocked out of it. its spirit was broken. while the south was not only compact and fully alive, but exultingly aggressive, the north was divided, fully one half of its population being about as pro-slavery as the slaveholders themselves, and the rest, with rare exceptions, being hopelessly apathetic. the northern leaders of both of the old political parties--whig and democratic--were what the abolitionists called "dough-faces," being northern men with southern principles. the church was "a dumb dog," and the press simply drifted with the tide. it was not at all strange that the slaveholders expected to go on from conquest to conquest. there were two policies they could adopt. one was to attack the enemy's citadel; or rather, the several citadels it possessed in its individual states, and force them to open their doors to the master and his human chattels. the other was to flank and cover, approaching the main point of attack by way of the territories. these, once in possession of the slaveholders, could be converted into enough slave states to give them the control of the general government, from which coigne of advantage they could proceed in their own time and way to possess themselves of such other free states as they might want. in the matter of the territories they had a great advantage. the north was up against a stone wall at the canadian border. in that direction it could not advance a step, while the south had practically an unlimited field on its side from which to carve possessions as they might be wanted, very much as you would cut a pie. in pursuance of its territorial policy--being the line of action it first resolved upon--the first movement of the south was to annex texas--a victory. the next was to make war on mexico, and (a joke of the day) conquer a "piece" from it large enough to make half a dozen states, all expected to be slaveholding--another victory. by a curious irony the filching of land for slavery's uses from a neighbor, and on which the foot of a slave had never pressed, was exultingly spoken of at the time by its supporters as "an extension of the area of freedom." the act was justified on the ground that we needed "land for the landless," which led benjamin f. wade of ohio to assert on the floor of the united states senate, with as much truth as wit, that it was not land for the landless that was wanted, but "niggers for the niggerless." then came the battle over kansas. the passage of the kansas-nebraska bill in congress, although involving a breach of good faith on the part of the south, was hailed as another victory for that section. it was a costly victory. it was followed by defeat not only disastrous but fatal. the result in kansas was really the turning-point in the great struggle. it broke the line of southern victories. it neutralized the effect of the whole territorial movement up to that point. it completely spoiled the slaveholders' well-laid plans. we will always give grant and his men all praise for victories leading up to appomatox, but, in some respects, the most important victory of the great conflict was won on the plains of kansas by john brown of ossawattomie and his abolition associates. the most sagacious southern leaders saw in that result conclusive proof that the scale was turned. they realized that they were beaten within the lines of the union, and they began to arrange for going out of it. they helped to elect a republican president by dividing the democratic party in between two candidates--douglas and breckenridge--in order that they might have a plausible pretext for secession. but the slaveholders had not abandoned the other policy to which reference has been made--that of carrying their institution, by main force, as it were, into some, if not all, of the free states. to that end they had, in sporting parlance, a card up their sleeves which they proceeded to play. that card was the decision of the united states supreme court in the dred scott case, upon which they relied to give them the legal power to take and hold their slaves in all parts of the land. up to the date of that decision, the current of judicial rulings had been that slavery, being a municipal institution, was local, while freedom was national. hence, when a master took his slave into a free state, at that instant he became a free man. the dred scott decision was intended to reverse the rule. practically it held that slave ownership, wherever the constitution prevailed, was both a legal and a natural right. it, as benton forcibly expressed it, "made slavery the organic law of the land and freedom the exception"; or, as it was jocularly expressed at the time, it left freedom nowhere. although at the time of its promulgation, it was claimed by some of the more conservative pro-slavery leaders that the dred scott dictum applied only to the territories, giving the masters the legal authority to enter them with their slaves, that position was clearly deceptive. the principle involved, as laid down by the court, was altogether too broad for that construction. in effect it put the proprietorship of human beings upon the same footing with other property rights, and claimed for it the same constitutional protection. the bolder men of the south, like toombs of georgia, did not hesitate to give that interpretation to the court's pronouncement, and to insist on it with brutal frankness. if they were wrong, the court was putty in their hands and they could easily have had a supplemental ruling that would have gone to any extent. if the dred scott decision had been promulgated by our highest court, and the slaveholders had insisted upon the license it was intended to give them for taking their slave property into free territory, at the time that garrison was being dragged by a mob through boston's streets; when birney's printing-press in cincinnati was being tumbled into the ohio river; when pennsylvania hall, the quaker abolitionists' forty-thousand-dollar construction, was ablaze in philadelphia; when lovejoy, the abolition martyr, was bleeding out his life in one of the streets of alton, illinois--when, in fact, the whole land was swayed by a frenzied hatred of the men and women who dared to question slavery's right to supremacy, the writer believes the movement would have been successful. public opinion was so inclined in states like indiana and illinois, and even in ohio, that they might have been easily toppled over to the south. indeed, at that time it is a problem how massachusetts would have voted on a proposition to "slaveryize" her soil. the surprising thing, as we look back to that period, is that slavery did not get a foothold in some of the free states, if not in all of them. but by the time the south was ready to play its trump card, it was too late. the game was lost. public opinion had become revolutionized throughout the north. the leaven of abolitionism had got in its work. the men and women, few in number and weak in purse and worldly position as they were, who had enlisted years before in the cause of emancipation, and had fought for it in the face of almost every conceivable discouragement, had at last won a great preliminary victory. slavery, through their exertions, had become impossible, both in the territories and in the free states of the north, the united states supreme court and all the forces of the slave power to the contrary notwithstanding. then came to the south a not unanticipated, and to many of her leaders a not unwelcome political waterloo, in the election of lincoln. this gave the argument for secession that was wanted. the south had then to yield--which she had no idea of doing--or to go into rebellion. she went out of the union very much as she would have gone to a frolic. she had no thought that serious fighting was to follow. she did not believe, as one of the southern leaders expressed it, that the northern people would go to war for the sake of the "niggers." chapter vi anti-slavery pioneers the early abolitionists were denounced as fanatics, or "fan-a-tics," according to the pronunciation of some of their detractors. they were treated as if partially insane. the writer when a boy attended the trial of a cause between two neighbors in a court of low grade. it was what was called a "cow case," and involved property worth, perhaps, as much as twenty dollars. one of the witnesses on the stand was asked by a lawyer, who wanted to embarrass or discredit him, if he were not an abolitionist. objection came from the other side on the ground that the inquiry was irrelevant; but the learned justice-of-the-peace who presided held that, as it related to the witness's sanity, and that would affect his credibility, the question was admissible. it is not, perhaps, so very strange that in those days, in view of the disreputableness of those whose cause they espoused, and the apparently utter hopelessness of anything ever coming out of it, the supporters of anti-slaveryism should be suspected of being "out of their heads." although don quixote, who, according to the veracious cervantes, set out with his unaided strong right arm to upset things, including wind-mills and obnoxious dynasties, has long been looked upon as the world's best specimen of a "fanatic," he would ordinarily be set down as a very solomon beside the man who would undertake single-handed to overthrow such an institution as american slavery used to be. such a man there was, however. he really entered on the job of abolishing that institution, and without a solitary assistant. strange to say, he was neither a giant nor a millionaire. according to horace greeley, "benjamin lundy deserves the high honor of ranking as the pioneer of direct and distinctive anti-slaveryism in america." he was slight in frame and below the medium height, and unassuming in manner. he had, it is said, neither eloquence nor shining ability of any sort. at nineteen years of age he went to wheeling, virginia, to learn the trade of a saddler. he learned more than that. wheeling, as he tells us, was then a great thoroughfare for the traffickers in human flesh. their coffles passed through the place frequently. "my heart," he continues, "was grieved at the great abomination. i heard the wail of the captive, i felt his pang of distress, and the iron entered into my soul." but much as lundy loathed the business of the slave-dealers and slave-drivers, he then had no idea of attempting its abolishment. he married and settled down to the prosecution of his trade, and had he been like other people generally he would have been content. but he could not shut the pictures of those street scenes in wheeling out of his mind and out of his heart. the first thing in the reformatory line he did was to organize a local anti-slavery society in the village in which he was then living in ohio; at the first meeting of this society only five persons were present. about this time lundy made some important discoveries. he learned that he could write what the newspapers would print, and give expression to words that the people would listen to. he was quick to realize the fact that the best way to reach the people of this country was through the press. he started a very small paper with a very large name. it was ambitiously nominated _the genius of universal emancipation_. he began with only six subscribers and without a press or other publishing material. moreover, he had no money. he was not then a practical printer, though later he learned the art of type-setting. at this time he had his newspaper printed twenty miles from his home, and carried the edition for that distance on his back. but insignificant as lundy's paper was, it had the high distinction of being the only exclusively anti-slavery journal in the country, and its editor and proprietor was the only professional abolition lecturer and agitator of that time. afterwards, in speaking of his journalistic undertaking, mr. lundy said: "i began this work without a dollar of funds, trusting to the sacredness of the cause." another saying of his was that he did not stop to calculate "how soon his efforts would be crowned with success." as lundy spent the greater part of his time in traveling from place to place, procuring subscriptions to his journal and lecturing on slavery, he could not issue his paper regularly at any one point. in some instances he carried the head-rules, column-rules, and subscription-book of his journal with him, and when he came to a town where he found a printing-press he would stop long enough to print and mail a number of his periodical. he traveled for the most part on foot, carrying a heavy pack. in ten years in that way he covered twenty-five thousand miles, five thousand on foot. he decided to invade the enemy's country by going where slavery was. he went to tennessee, making the journey of eight hundred miles, one half by water, and one half on foot. that was, of course, before the day of railroads. he continued to issue his paper, although often threatened with personal violence. once two bullies locked him in a room and, with revolvers in hand, tried to frighten him into a promise to discontinue his work. he did not frighten to any extent. seeking what seemed to be the most inviting field for his operations, he decided to move his establishment to baltimore, going most of the way on foot and lecturing as he went whenever he could find an audience. his residence in baltimore came near proving fatal. a slave-trader, whom he had offended, attacked and brutally beat him on the street. the consolation he got from the court that tried the ruffian, who was "honorably discharged," was that he (lundy) had got "nothing more than he deserved." soon afterwards his printing material and other property was burned by a mob. he went to mexico to select a location for a projected colony of colored people. he traveled almost altogether afoot, observing the strictest economy and supporting himself by occasional jobs of saddlery and harness mending. in his journal he tells us that he often slept in the open air, the country traversed being mostly new and unsettled. he was in constant danger from panthers, alligators, and rattlesnakes, while he was cruelly beset by gnats and mosquitoes. his clothes in the morning, he tells us, would be as wet from heavy dews as if he had fallen into the river. intellectually, lundy was not a great man, but his heart was beyond measurement. the torch that he carried in the midst of the all but universal darkness of that period emitted but a feeble ray, but he kept it burning, and it possessed the almost invaluable property of being able to transmit its flame to other torches. it kindled the brand that was wielded by william lloyd garrison, and which possessed a wonderful power of illumination. garrison was beyond all question a remarkable man. in the qualities that endow a successful leader in a desperate cause he has never been surpassed. he had an iron will that was directed by an inflexible conscience. "to him," says james freeman clarke, "right was right, and wrong was wrong, and he saw no half lights or half shadows between them." he was a natural orator. i never heard him talk, either on or off the platform, but i have heard those who had listened to him, speak of the singular gift he possessed in stating or combating a proposition. one person who had heard him, often compared him, when dealing with an adversary, to a butcher engaged in dissecting a carcass, and who knew just where to strike every time,--a homely, but expressive illustration. his addresses in england on a certain notable occasion, which is dealt with somewhat at length elsewhere, were declared by the first british orators to be models of perfect eloquence. lundy and garrison met by accident. they were boarding at the same house in boston, and became acquainted. lundy's mind was full of the subject of slavery, and garrison's proved to be receptive soil. they decided to join forces, and we have the singular spectacle of two poor mechanics--a journeyman saddler and a journeyman printer--conspiring to revolutionize the domestic institutions of half of the country. they decided to continue the baltimore newspaper. garrison's plain-spokenness, however, soon got him into trouble in that city. he was prosecuted for libelling a shipmaster for transporting slaves, was convicted and fined fifty dollars. the amount, so far as his ability to pay was involved, might as well have been a million. he went to prison, being incarcerated in a cell just vacated by a man who had been hanged for murder, and there he remained for seven weeks. at the end of that time arthur tappan, the big-hearted merchant of new york, learning the facts of the case, advanced the money needed to set garrison free. undeterred by his experience as a martyr, garrison--who had returned to boston--resolved to establish a journal of his own in that city, which was to be devoted to the cause of the slave. _the liberator_ appeared on the st of january, . in entering upon this venture, garrison had not a subscriber nor a dollar of money. being a printer, he set up the type and struck off the first issue with his own hands. in the initial number the proprietor of the _liberator_ outlined his proposed policy in these words: "i will be as harsh as truth; as uncompromising as justice. i am in earnest. i will not excuse; i will not retreat a single inch; and i will be heard." the first issue of the paper brought in a contribution of fifty dollars from a colored man and twenty-five subscribers. it was not, therefore, a failure, but its continuance involved a terrible strain. garrison and one co-worker occupied one room for work-shop, dining-room, and bedroom. they cooked their own meals and slept upon the floor. it was almost literally true, as pictured by lowell, the poet: "in a small chamber, friendless and unseen, toiled o'er his types one poor unlearned young man. the place was dark, unfurnitured and mean, yet there the freedom of a race began." the effects produced by garrison's unique production were simply wonderful. in october of its first year the vigilance association of south carolina offered a reward of fifteen hundred dollars for the apprehension and prosecution to conviction of any white person who might be detected in distributing or circulating the _liberator_. georgia went farther than that. less than a year after garrison had established his paper, the legislature of that state passed an act offering a reward of five thousand dollars to whomsoever should arrest, bring to trial, and prosecute its publisher to conviction. the _liberator_ was excluded from the united states mails in all the slave states, illegal as such a proceeding was. there was, however, opposition nearer home. the _liberator_ establishment was wrecked by a mob, and garrison, after having been stripped of nearly all his clothing, was dragged, bareheaded, by a rope round his body through the streets of boston until, to save his life, the authorities thrust him into jail. no man in this country was so cordially hated by the slaveholders as garrison. of the big men up north--the leaders of politics and society--they had no apprehension. they knew how to manage them. it was the little fellows like the editor of the _liberator_ that gave them trouble. these men had no money, but they could not be bought. they had no fear of mobs. they cared nothing for the scoldings of the church and the press. an adverse public sentiment never disturbed their equanimity or caused them to turn a hair's breadth in their course. it is true that lundy and garrison had very little to lose. they had neither property nor social position. that, however, cannot be said of another early abolitionist, who, in some respects, is entitled to more consideration than any of his co-workers. james gillespie birney was a southerner by birth. he belonged to a family of financial and social prominence. he was a gentleman of education and culture, having graduated from a leading college and being a lawyer of recognized ability. he was a slave-owner. for a time he conducted a plantation with slave labor. he lived in alabama, where he filled several important official positions, and was talked of for the governorship of the state. but having been led to think about the moral, and other aspects of slaveholding, he decided that it was wrong and he would wash his hands of it. he could not in alabama legally manumit his slaves. moreover, his neighbors had risen up against him and threatened his forcible expulsion. he removed to kentucky, where he thought a more liberal sentiment prevailed. there he freed his slaves and made liberal provision for their comfortable sustenance. but the slave power was on his track. he was warned to betake himself out of the state. the infliction of personal violence was meditated, and a party of his opposers came together for that purpose. they were engaged in discussing ways and means when a young man of commanding presence and strength, who happened to be present, announced that while he lived mr. birney would not be molested. his opposition broke up the plot. that young man became a leading clergyman and was subsequently for a time chaplain of the united states senate. birney went with his belongings to ohio, thinking that upon the soil of a free state he would be safe from molestation. he established a newspaper in cincinnati to advocate emancipation. a mob promptly destroyed his press and other property, and it was with difficulty that he escaped with his life. more sagacious, although not more zealous, than lundy and garrison and a good many of their followers, birney early saw the necessity of political action in the interest of freedom. he was the real founder of the old "liberty" party, of which he was the presidential candidate in and in . of course, there were other early laborers for emancipation that, in this connection, ought to be mentioned and remembered. they were pioneers in the truest sense. the writer would gladly make a record of their services, and pay a tribute, especially, to the memories of such as have gone to the spirit land, where the great majority are now mustered, but space at this point forbids. chapter vii salmon portland chase if i were asked to name the man to whom the colored people of this country, who were slaves, or were liable to become slaves, are under the greatest obligation for their freedom, i would unhesitatingly say salmon portland chase. if i were asked to name the man who was the strongest and most useful factor in the government during the great final contest that ended in the emancipation of the black man, i would say salmon portland chase. in expressing the opinions above given, no reproach for abraham lincoln, nor for any of the distinguished members of his cabinet, is intended or implied. inferiority to salmon p. chase was not a disgrace. physically he rose above all his official associates, which was no discredit to them, and in much the same way he towered intellectually and administratively. his was the most trying, the most difficult position, in the entire circle of public departments. it was easy to get men to fight the battles of the union if there was money to pay them. it was easy to furnish ships and arms and supplies in sufficient quantity, notwithstanding the terrible drain of the greatest of civil wars, as long as the funds held out. everything depended on the treasury. failure there meant irretrievable disaster. it would not answer to have any serious mistakes in that quarter, and in fact no fatal mistakes were there made. in all other departments there were failures and blunders, but the financial department met every emergency and every requisition. chase's financial policy it was that carried the country majestically through the war, and that afterwards paid the nation's debts. there is a circumstance that has not been mentioned, as far as the writer knows, by any of mr. chase's biographers, which seems to him to be significant and worth referring to. during the civil war, walter bagehot was editor of the _economist,_ the great english financial journal. his opinion in financial matters was regarded as the highest authority. it was accepted as infallible. he discussed the plans of mr. chase with great elaborateness and great severity. he predicted that they were all destined to failure, and proved this theoretically to his own satisfaction and the satisfaction of many others. the result showed that mr. chase was right all the time, and the great english economist was wrong. the entrance of such a man into the abolitionist movement marked an era in its history. it was the thing most needed. he gave it a leader who, of all men then living, was most competent for leadership. from that time he was its moses. the greatest service rendered to the abolition cause by salmon p. chase was in pushing it forward on political lines. there was a contest for the mastery of the government from the hour he took command. the movement was to be slow, sometimes halting and apparently falling back, in some respects insignificant, in all respects desperate, but there was to be no permanent defeat and no compromise. the espousal of abolitionism by mr. chase was a remarkable circumstance. he was not an enthusiast like garrison and lundy and many other anti-slavery pioneers, but precisely the opposite. he was cold-blooded and cool-headed, a deliberate and conservative man. his speeches were described as giving light but no heat. his sympathies were seemingly weak, but his sense of justice was immense. apparently, he opposed slavery because it was wrong rather than because it was cruel. he had a big body, a big head, and a big conscience, the combination making a strong man and a good fighter. that he did, in fact, sympathize with the slaves was shown by his professional work in their behalf, more particularly in pleading without fee or other reward the cases of escaped fugitives in the courts. so numerous were his engagements in this regard that his antagonists spoke of him sneeringly as the "attorney-general for runaway niggers." upon some of his anti-slavery cases he bestowed an immense amount of work. his argument in the case of van zant--the original of van tromp in mrs. stowe's _uncle tom's cabin_,--an old man who was prosecuted and fined until he was financially ruined for giving a "lift" in his farm wagon to a slave family on its way to canada, was said at the time to have been the most able so far made in the supreme court of the united states. that and other similar utterances by mr. chase were published for popular reading, and were widely distributed by friends of the cause. it is possible that, in performing this arduous labor, mr. chase, who was not without personal ambition, was able, with his great native sagacity, to foresee, although it must have been but dimly, the possibilities of political development and official promotion, but at the same time, for the same reason, he could the more clearly realize the wearisome, heart-breaking struggle that was before him. it was an enormous sacrifice that he made. journeymen printers and saddlers, like garrison and lundy, who had never had as much as one hundred dollars at one time in their lives, and who had no social position and no influential kinsfolks, had little to lose. but it was very different with chase. he had a profession that represented great wealth. he had distinguished and aristocratic family connections. he had a high place in society. all these he risked and largely lost. in speaking of his sacrifices at that time in a subsequent letter to a friend, he wrote: "having resolved on my political course, i devoted all the time and means i could command to the work of spreading the principles and building up the organization of the party of constitutional freedom then inaugurated. sometimes, indeed, all i could do seemed insignificant, while the labors i had to perform, and the demand upon my very limited resources by necessary contributions, taxed severely all my abilities." the writer hereof was a witness to one incident that showed something of the loss that mr. chase sustained in a business way because of his principles. while a law student in a country village he was sent down to cincinnati to secure certain testimony in the form of affidavits. during his visit he called at mr. chase's law office, introduced himself, and was very pleasantly received. he noticed that there was a notary public in the office. among other instructions he had been directed to get the affidavit of a leading business man in cincinnati, a railroad president. the document was prepared and signed, but there was no one at hand before whom it could be sworn to. the writer remarked that he knew where there was a notary in a near-by office. we proceeded to mr. chase's chambers, and were about to enter when my companion noticed the name on the door. he fell back as if he had been struck in the face. "the ---- abolitionist," he exclaimed, "i wouldn't enter his place for a hundred dollars!" we went elsewhere for our business, and on the way my companion expressed himself about mr. chase. "what a pity it is," he said, "that that young man is ruining himself. he is a bright man," he went on, "and i employed him professionally until he went daft on the subject of freeing the niggers whom the lord made for the purpose of serving the white people." like pretty much all the early abolitionists, mr. chase had a taste of mob violence. he had one singular experience. when the mob destroyed the printing establishment of james g. birney in cincinnati, chase mingled with the crowd. he discovered that personal violence to mr. birney was contemplated and that his life was in danger. he made all haste to birney's residence and gave him warning of his peril. then he took his stand in the doorway of the building and calmly awaited the coming of the rabble. those who knew chase will remember that in size he was almost a giant, and his countenance had a stern, determined look. the multitude, finding itself thus unexpectedly confronted, paused and entered into a parley that gave the hunted man an opportunity to reach a place of safety. chase had an appointment to speak in the village in which the writer lived, and the opposers of his cause arranged to give him a warm reception. something prevented his attendance, and a very mild and amiable old clergyman from an adjoining town, who took his place, received the shower-bath of uncooked eggs that had been intended for the cincinnati abolitionist. chase's great work for the anti-slavery cause was in projecting and directing it on independent political lines. up to that time most anti-slavery people opposed separate party action. garrison and his _liberator_ violently denounced such action. moral suasion was urged as the panacea. chase himself had not been a "third party" man. in , when there was an abolition ticket in the field, headed by his personal friend, james g. birney, he had not supported it. but soon afterwards, becoming firmly convinced that anti-slavery people had nothing to hope for from either of the old parties, he set about the work of building a new one. the undertaking was with no mental reservation on his part. when he put his hand to that plow there was no looking back, notwithstanding that a rougher or more stony field, and one less promising of returns for the laborer than that before him, would be difficult to imagine. in he headed a call for a convention at columbus, the state capital, to organize the liberty party in the state of ohio, and at the same time nominate a state ticket. less than a hundred sympathizers responded to the call, and the ticket put in nomination received less than one thousand votes. among the attendants at the columbus meeting was a near kinsman of the author. on his return, in describing the proceedings, he said that pretty much everything was directed by a mr. chase (salamander chase was his name, he said), a young cincinnati lawyer. that young man, he declared, would yet make a mark in the world. from that time every important move was directed by chase. he prepared the calls for important meetings. he wrote their addresses and their platforms. he made the leading speeches. he presided at the great convention at buffalo in , which formulated the "free-soil" party--successor to the liberty party--and wrote the platform which it adopted. in speaking of chase's share in the independent organization of this time, william m. evarts says: "he must be awarded the full credit of having understood, resolved upon, planned, organized, and executed this political movement." the movement thus conducted by mr. chase was slow and tremendously laborious, but it was effective. in the presidential elections of and it held the balance of power and turned the scale to further its purposes. in it shattered and destroyed one of the old pro-slavery parties, and became the second party in the country instead of the third. in eight years more it was the first. the charge has been made against mr. chase that, while a member of lincoln's cabinet, he aspired to supersede his chief in the presidency. but did he not have a right to seek the higher office, especially when the policy pursued by its incumbent did not meet his full approval? he merely shared the sentiment that was then entertained by nearly all the radical anti-slavery people of the country. it is not unlikely that chase felt somewhat envious of lincoln. after, as he stated in his letter of congratulation to mr. lincoln on his first election, he had given nineteen years of continuous and exhausting labor to the freedom movement, it would be but natural that he should feel aggrieved when he saw that the chief credit of that movement was likely to go to one who had, to his own exclusion, come up slowly and reluctantly at a later day to its support. if he were somewhat jealous, it would be hard not to sympathize with him. chapter viii john quincy adams if i were asked to name the man who, next to salmon p. chase, most effectually and meritoriously contributed to the liberation of the black man in this country, i should unhesitatingly say john quincy adams. by the great majority of those now living mr. adams is known only as having once been president of the united states and as belonging to a very distinguished family. his name is rarely mentioned. there was a time, however, when no other name was heard so often in this country, or which, when used, excited such violent and conflicting emotions. it can justly be said that for many years john quincy adams, individually and practically alone, by his services in congress, sustained what anti-slavery sentiment there was in the nation. it was but a spark, but he kept it alive and gradually extended its conflagration. when adams entered congress opposition to slavery was at its lowest ebb. it was almost extinct. the victory of the slaveholders in the missouri contest had elated them most tremendously and had correspondingly depressed and cowed their adversaries. as a general thing, the latter had given up all idea of making any further fight. northern presidents, northern congressmen, northern editors, northern churchmen, were the most ready and servile supporters slavery had. anti-slavery societies had been abandoned. anti-slavery journals had perished. disapprovers of the "institution," with the exception of a few men of the lundy stamp and the lundy obscurity, were silent. there was one magnificent exception. it was at that crisis that john quincy adams entered congress and began a fight against slavery that, covering a period of seventeen years, literally lasted to the last day of his life. he was carried helpless and dying from the floor of congress, where he had fallen when in the discharge of his duties. the position of mr. adams, who had been elected as an independent candidate, was unique. he owed his official place to no political party, and was, therefore, free from party shackles in regulating his course. he took up the fight for the black man's freedom as one who was himself absolutely free. most wonderfully did he conduct that fight. there was nothing in the eloquence of demosthenes in athens, of cicero in rome, of mirabeau in france, of pitt or gladstone in england, that surpassed the force and grandeur of the philippics of adams against american slavery. alone, for the greater part of his service in congress, he stood in the midst of his malignant assailants like a rock in a stormy sea. old man that he was, plainly showing the in-roads of physical weakness, he was in that body of distinguished and able men more than a match for any or all of his antagonists. he was always "the old man eloquent." says one of our leading historical writers: "as a parliamentary debater he had few, if any, superiors. in knowledge and dexterity there was no one in the house that could be compared with him. he was literally a walking cyclopedia. he was terrible in invective, matchless at repartee, and insensible to fear. a single-handed fight against all the slaveholders in the house was something upon which he was always ready to enter." speaking of his effectiveness in congressional encounters another congressman writes: "he is, i believe, the most extraordinary man living. i have with my own eyes seen the slaveholders literally quake and tremble through every nerve and joint, when he arraigned before them their political and moral sins. his power of speech has exceeded any conception i have heretofore had of the force of words or logic." at last his enemies in congress decided that they would endure his attacks no longer. they took counsel together and agreed upon a plan of operations looking to his expulsion from that body. as one of his biographers, also a distinguished congressman, expressed it: "it was the preconcerted and deliberate purpose of the slave-masters to make an example of the ringleader of political abolitionism. they meant to humiliate and crush him, and this they did not doubt their power to do." mr. adams submitted a petition, without giving it his personal endorsement, asking for a dissolution of the union. that furnished the pretext his enemies wanted. they accused him of treason in countenancing an assault upon the union, although they were at the time engaged in laying the foundation of a movement looking to its ultimate overthrow. the outcome of this undertaking was one of the most thrilling scenes ever witnesssd in the american congress; or, for that matter, in any other deliberative assembly. preparations for the affair were made with great elaborateness. the galleries were filled with the friends, male and female, of pro-slavery congressmen. the beauty and chivalry of the south were there. they had come to witness the abasement of the great enemy of their most cherished institution. they were to see him driven from the nation's council chamber, a crushed and dishonored man. not one friendly face looked down upon him as he sat coolly awaiting the attack, and upon the floor about him were few of his colleagues that gave him their sympathies. the two most eloquent congressmen from the south were selected to lead the prosecution. one was the celebrated henry a. wise, of virginia; the other "tom" marshall, of kentucky. the latter opened the proceedings by offering a resolution charging mr. adams with treasonable conduct and directing his expulsion. he supported it with a speech of much ingenuity. wise followed in a fiery diatribe. both speakers imprudently indulged in personal allusions of a somewhat scandalous nature, thus laying themselves open, with episodes in their careers of questionable propriety, to retaliation from a man who thoroughly knew their records. at this point we have the testimony of an eye-witness: "then uprose that bald, gray old man of seventy-five, his hands tremulous with constitutional infirmity and age, upon whose consecrated head the vials of tyrannic wrath had been outpoured. unexcited he raised his voice, high-keyed, as was usual with him, but clear, untremulous, and firm. almost in a moment his infirmities disappeared, although his shaking hand could not but be noted, trembling, not with fear, but with age." his speech was absolutely crushing. he met every point that had been urged against him and triumphantly refuted it. he handled his oratorical antagonists with merciless severity, depicting certain events in their lives with such vividness that the onlookers gazed upon them with visible and unmistakable pity. said one of these men when he afterwards understood that a certain party was about to engage in a controversial debate with mr. adams, "then may the lord have mercy on him." mr. adams was not expelled. his opponents frankly admitted their discomfiture and dropped the whole business. it cannot be denied that john quincy adams, almost by his unaided efforts, preserved and sustained the life of the anti-slavery cause at a time when it was almost moribund. he plowed the ground, cutting a deep and broad furrow as he went his way, and in the upturned soil such laborers as birney and garrison and chase planted the seed that rooted and grew until it yielded a plentiful harvest. chapter ix anti-slavery societies the divergent characteristics of the east and the west were never more clearly shown than in the progress of the anti-slavery movement. efforts were made to plant abolition societies at various points throughout the west, but they failed to take permanent root and soon disappeared. the failure was not due to any lack of interest, but rather to an excess of zeal on the part of the western supporters of the cause. society organizations on the lines of moral suasion were too slow and tame to suit them. they preferred the excitement of politics. they believed in the superior efficacy of a political party, and to its upbuilding they gave their energies and resources. in the "long run" they were amply vindicated, but for all that, the favorite eastern method for organized effort had its advantages. the east, and especially new england, always believed in societies. if anything of a public nature was to be promoted or prevented, a society always appealed to the new englander as the natural instrumentality. there is a tradition that when boston was ravaged by a loathsome disease, a number of its leading citizens came together and promptly organized an anti-smallpox society. when, therefore, it was decided that an anti-slavery movement should be inaugurated in boston, the proper thing to do, according to all the standards of the place, was to organize a society. but the thing was more easily resolved upon than done. it required the concurrence of several parties of like-mindedness. boston was a pretty large place, but anti-slavery people were scarce. the number (doubtless selected because it was apostolic) assumed to be necessary was twelve. fifteen people of somewhat similar views were at last brought together. after much discussion nine favored an organization and six opposed it. so far the operation was a failure. but at last, after much canvassing, twelve men were found who promised their co-operation--twelve and no more. although respectable people, they were not of boston's "first citizens" by any means. it is said that if they had been called upon for a hundred dollars each, not over two of them could have responded without bankruptcy. the twelve came together at night and in the basement of an african baptist church, the room being used in the daytime to accommodate a school for colored children. it was in an obscure quarter of boston known as "nigger hill." the conference was in the month of december, and the night is thus described by oliver johnson, who was one of the twelve: "a fierce northeast storm, combining rain, snow, and hail in about equal proportions, was raging, and the streets were full of slush. they were dark, too, for the city of boston in those days was very economical of light on nigger hill." both nature and man seemed to be in league against those plucky pioneers of an unpopular cause. they, however, were not dismayed nor disheartened. it was as they were stepping out into the gloomy night, that mr. garrison, who, it is scarcely necessary to say, was one of the twelve, remarked to his associates: "we have met to-night in this obscure schoolhouse; our numbers are few, and our influence limited, but mark my prediction. faneuil hall shall ere long echo to the principles we have set forth." what those principles were is shown by the declaration adopted by that handful of confederates, and which, in view of the time and circumstances of its formulation, was certainly a most remarkable document. its essential proposition was: "we, the undersigned, hold that every person of full age and sound mind has a right to immediate freedom from personal bondage of whatsoever kind, unless imposed by the sentence of the law for the commission of some crime." the declaration of independence, which was produced with no little theatrical effect amid the pomp and circumstance of a national conclave that had met in the finest hall in the country, was unquestionably a remarkable and memorable pronouncement. it was for the time and situation a radical utterance. it was the precursor of a revolution that gave political freedom to several million people. but the platform of principles that was announced by the new england anti-slavery society (the name adopted) in that little grimy schoolroom on "nigger hill" was, in at least some respects, a more remarkable document. its enunciation required an equal degree of physical and moral courage. it was the precursor of a revolution that gave both personal and political freedom to a larger number than were benefited by the other declaration. but what chiefly distinguished it, the time and the situation being considered, was its radical utterance. it gave no countenance to any measure of compromise. it offered no pabulum to the wrongdoer in the form of compensation for stolen humanity. it demanded what was right, and demanded it at once. and that fearless and unyielding platform became the basis for all the abolition societies that came after it. a goodly number of such societies were organized. "the anti-slavery society for the city of new york" was formed by a few men who met and did their work while a mob was pounding at the door, and who, having completed their task, fled for their lives. it was at first intended that a national anti-slavery society should be established with headquarters in the city of new york, but its proposed organizers discovered that there was not a public hall or church in that city in which they would be permitted to assemble. philadelphia, with its quaker contingent, offered a more inviting field, and to that city it was decided to go. but serious obstructions here interposed. representatives appeared from fourteen states, which was highly encouraging, but no prominent philadelphian could be found to act as chairman of the meeting. a committee was appointed to secure the services of such a man, but, after interviewing a number of leading citizens, it was compelled to report that it was received by all of them with "polite frigidity." strange to say, the convention was permitted to meet for three days in succession in a public assembly room without interference from a mob. the police, however, warned the participants not to hold night sessions, as they in that case would not promise protection. the good behavior of philadelphia on this occasion was noteworthy, but it was too good to last. when another anti-slavery meeting, not long after, was convened in that city, it was broken up by a mob, and the hall in which it met was burned to the ground. finally came the national anti-slavery society, which, in view of its limited financial resources, certainly did a wonderful work. its publications, in spite of careful watching of the mails and other precautions adopted by the slaveholders, reached all parts of the country, and its preachers, sent out and commissioned to proclaim the new evangel of equal manhood, were absolutely ubiquitous. those early anti-slavery lecturers were a peculiar set. since the days of the apostles there have been no more earnest propagandists. they were both male and female. that they were, as a rule, financially poor, it is unnecessary to state. they lived largely on the country traversed. sympathizers with their views, having received and entertained them--sometimes clandestinely--after a public talk or two, would carry them on to the next stations on their routes, occasionally contributing a few dollars to their purses. it made no particular difference to them whether they spoke in halls, in churches, or in the open air. before beginning their addresses their usual course was to challenge their opponents to debate, and to taunt them with lack of courage or principle if they failed to respond. of course, they were in constant danger from mobs. they were stoned, clubbed, shot at, and rotten-egged, and in a few extreme cases tarred and feathered; but they were never frightened from their work. they were by no means policy-wise. that was one of their peculiarities. their idea seemed to be that they could drive people easier than they could lead them. they used no buttered phrases. they told the plainest truths in the plainest way. they gave their audiences hard words, and often received hard knocks in return. they called the slaveholders robbers and man-stealers. they branded northern politicians with southern principles as "dough-faces." but their hardest and sharpest expletives were reserved for those northern clergymen who were either pro-slavery or non-committal. they blistered them all over with their lashings. in speaking of one of the most noted among them, lowell describes him as "a kind of maddened john the baptist to whom the hardest word came aptest." the lecturer of whom i saw the most in those early trying days was professor hudson, of oberlin college. while in that part of the field he made headquarters at my father's house, radiating out and filling appointments in different directions. he was exceedingly sharp-tongued and very fearless. nothing seemed to please him better than a "scrimmage" with his opponents. often he conquered mobs by resolutely talking them down and making them ashamed of themselves. but on one occasion, looking through the window from the outside to see what awaited him in a room where he was to speak, he saw a pot of boiling tar on the stove that heated the room and a pillow-case full of feathers conveniently near, while a half-drunken crowd was in possession of the place, and concluded to run. he, however, had been seen and was pursued. there was a foot race, but as some of the pursuers were better sprinters than hudson, and he was about to be captured, he dashed into the first house he came to and asked for protection. the proprietor was a kinsman of mine. he was an old man, but hearty and vigorous. he ordered his sons to take their guns and guard the other entrances, while he took his stand in the front door with an axe in his hand. when the mob came up and demanded the abolitionist, he gave warning that he would brain the first man that attempted to enter his house without his consent. so evidently in earnest was he that the rowdies, after a little bluster, concluded to give up the hunt and left in disgust. chapter x wanted, an anti-slavery society the national anti-slavery society--the society organized by garrison and his _confrères_, and which longest maintained its organization--made one great mistake. it disbanded. it assumed that its work was done when african slavery in this country was pronounced defunct by law. it took it for granted that the enslavement of the colored man--not necessarily the negro--was no longer possible under the stars and stripes. then and there it committed a grievous blunder. its paramount error was in assuming that a political party could for all time be depended upon as a party of freedom. it trusted to the assurances of politicians that they would protect the colored man in all his natural and acquired rights, and in that belief voluntarily gave up the ghost and cast its mantle to the winds. now, the fact is that the national anti-slavery society was never more needed than it is to-day. there is a mighty work to be done that was directly in the line of its operations. first and foremost, it will not be denied that a citizen of our republic who is deprived of the elective franchise is robbed of one of his most valuable privileges--one of his most essential rights. the ballot, under a political system like ours, is both the sword and the shield of liberty. without it no man is really a freeman. he does not stand on an equality with his fellows. nor will it be denied that the negro, although our amended constitution promises him all the privileges of citizenship, is in many parts of our country practically divested of his vote. by a species of legerdemain in the communities in which he is most numerous and most needs protection, he is to all intents and purposes disfranchised. what will follow as the final outcome we do not know, but that is the beginning of his attempted re-enslavement. it is beyond any question that his return to involuntary servitude in some condition or conditions, the disarming him of the ballot being the initial step in the proceeding, is seriously contemplated, if not deliberately planned. indeed, under the name of "peonage" the work of re-establishing a system of slaveholding that is barbarous in the extreme is already begun. men and women have been seized upon by force, and upon the most flimsy pretexts have been subjected to a bondage that in its inhumanities may easily equal even the slavery of the olden time. the number of victims is undoubtedly much larger than the general public has any idea of. nor are there lacking signs of studied preparation for the extension of the system. the present time is full of them. efforts to create a prejudice against the colored man are visible in all directions. he is described as a failure in the role of freeman. the idleness and shiftlessness of certain members of his race--undoubtedly altogether too numerous--are dwelt upon as characteristic of the entire family. scant praise is given to those members who are doing well, and whose number is encouragingly large. these are as far as possible ignored. the race problem is spoken of as full of increasing difficulties, and as imperatively demanding a change from present conditions. the people of the north are being especially indoctrinated with such ideas. they are told that they must leave their brethren of the former slaveholding states, and in which the negroes principally dwell, to deal with the issues arising between the whites and the blacks; that they--the southerners--understand the questions to be settled, and that outsiders should withhold their hands and their sympathies. it is none of their business, they are informed, while assurances are freely given that the people who, because of their experience with them, understand the negroes, will take considerate care of them. what kind of care they are taking of them in certain quarters is shown by recent incontestable revelations. and what has the political party which, in view of its manifold professions, was supposed to have the interests of the negro in its especial keeping, done about it? nothing whatever. it has looked on with the coolest indifference. the only concern it has shown in the matter has related to the question of congressional representation as dependent upon the enumeration of electors, and, in so doing, has plainly intimated that if, through the negro's political robbery, it can secure an increase of partisan power, it is perfectly willing that the cause of the injured black man should "slide." indifference in regard to the rights of peoples of color is unfortunately not the only nor even the greatest charge to be laid at the door of the republican party. it may be asserted that this party has become an active aggressor in trampling down the liberties of colored peoples. as the assignee of spain in taking over (without consulting those who were most concerned) the control of the territory of the philippine islands, it has purchased (and has paid cash for) the right to dominate from eight to ten millions of people. these people may, under the existing conditions, be described as being in a state of slavery. if a foreign people, say a people coming from the other side of the globe, should treat americans as we have treated the filipinos, should deny to us the right of self-government, should send great armies to chastise us for disobedience (or for what they might call "rebellion"), and should do this for no better reason than that our skin was darker or lighter than their own, we americans would doubtless consider ourselves to be in a state of slavery. why in any sense is slavery in luzon more defensible than slavery in south carolina or in alabama? if it be wrong to keep in slavery the black man in america (as in theory at least we are all now agreed it is wrong), what is the justice in depriving of his freedom the brown-skinned tagal? can a bill of sale from spain give to us any such privilege, if privilege it may be called? can an agreement with spain bring to naught our responsibilities under our own declaration of independence? although, owing to the remoteness of the islands, we have as yet but little trustworthy knowledge as to what has really occurred in this new territory, and possibly in any case have not been informed of the things which are most to be condemned, the reports that have reached us of barbarities perpetrated upon a people who never did us any harm or wrong ought certainly to awaken in american bosoms every throb of pity and every sentiment of manliness. we have had accounts of butcheries called "battles" in which have been slaughtered hundreds of almost defenseless creatures for no offense except that of standing up for their independence. it is said that certain districts that would not acknowledge our mastery have been turned into wildernesses, and that in these districts the number of the slain may easily have equaled the victims of massacres in armenia and bessarabia, massacres which we have always so strenuously condemned. thousands of men, women, and children have perished at our hands or in connection with operations for which we were responsible; and in addition to the taking of life there is record of the infliction of serious cruelties. as assignees of spain, we seem to have succeeded not only to her properties but to her policies in the treatment of subject races. we do not know that in the greatest excesses of the bad colonial government of spaniards they ever inflicted a torture more exquisite than that of the "water cure." how many of the perpetrators of these atrocities have been adequately punished, or how many have been punished at all? it is wonderful with what complacency we have received the accounts of these horrible affairs. nobody has been disturbed. the newspapers, beyond reporting the facts, have had nothing to say. the church has been silent--at least that can be said of the protestant church. not one brave or manly word of protest or condemnation has the writer heard, or heard of, from a protestant american pulpit. catholics, being victims and sufferers, have complained and protested. the greatest discomfort these things have produced has been occasioned by the apprehension that, through somebody's lack of patriotism, our flag may be withdrawn from the field of such glorious operations. it used to be our boast that freedom followed our flag. now slavery follows it. in view of the facts stated we can understand, not only the serenity, but the favor with which the people of this country, or the great body of them, so long looked upon the workings of african slavery, and the difficulty which the abolitionists had in arousing a sentiment of revulsion toward it. one of the curious things in this connection is the similarity--the practical sameness--of the arguments used to justify the philippine occupation and those once used to justify american slaveholding. we are now working to civilize and christianize the filipinos, and were then civilizing and christianizing the negroes with the lash and the bludgeon. of course, there are other arguments. increase of trade and wealth, as the result of our appropriation of other peoples' possessions, is freely predicted. it has always been the robber's plea. that is what it is to-day, even when employed by a professed christian nation. nor is it improved by the fact that the grounds upon which it is predicated and urged are largely fallacious. the spoliation of the philippines will never repay us for the blood--our own blood--and treasure it has cost us, apart from any moral or humanitarian consideration. there is not one aspect in this business that promises to redound to our benefit. no, i won't say that; i would hardly be justified in going that far. in one particular the philippine operation has profited a considerable part of our people. it has added materially to our army and our navy. the opportunity for enlargement in those quarters was, undoubtedly, the strongest inducement for our entering upon a colonial policy. for a great many people, and especially in official circles, we cannot have a standing army that is too large, nor too many ships of war. the more powerful those appendages of our authority the larger is the opening for the kinsmen and retainers of those in high places, who may be seeking profitable and agreeable employment, and the more liberal the contributions of contractors and jobbers to the sinews of partisan warfare. our army to-day is nearly three times what it was five years ago, although outside of the philippines we are at peace with all mankind. nor is that formidable advance at an end. the far east is now certain to be the world's great battle-ground for the near future, and since we have entered that field as the master of the philippines, like a knight of the olden time who was ready to do battle with all comers, we must be constantly increasing our preparation. we may not only have to fight the russians and the japanese and the chinese, one or all, but those foolish filipinos may again take it into their silly heads that they can govern themselves as well or better than we can do it for them. that means rebellion, and, of course, chastisement must follow. as climatic conditions in that part of the world are such that it requires the presence of three men in the army to supply the active services of one, it is obvious that so long as we adhere to our present asiatic policy, we shall never have an army and a navy large enough and strong enough to meet the requirements of our new condition. on all questions affecting human liberty, no one can fail to observe that the attitude of the two great political parties of to-day, is practically that of the two principal parties at the time the abolitionists began their operations. one of them may pass perfunctory resolutions against the philippine crime, but dares to say nothing about the treatment visited upon the negro. the other may say a few compassionate, but meaningless, words for the negro, but cannot denounce the oppression of the filipinos. both are fatally handicapped by their connections and committals. both are, in fact, pro-slavery, although the one in power, because of its responsibility for existing conditions, is the more criminal of the two. what this country now needs, in the opinion of the writer, is a revival of abolitionism, and to that end, as one of the instrumentalities that would be serviceable, he holds that the old national anti-slavery society should be restored. the most of the men and women that made that institution so useful and honorable, have passed from the scenes of their labors, but a few of them are left, and they and such as may feel like joining them, should meet and unfurl the old standard once more. there may be new associations looking to very much the same ends, but better the old guard under the old name. it would carry a prestige that no newer organization could command. it would create a measure of confidence that would be most strongly felt. the principles and policies it should urge are few and simple. first: let it declare that the colored man in this country must be permitted to enjoy all his rights under the constitution as it is, both political and personal. second: let it declare that all forms of servitude, including the denial of political self-government, under the flag, as well as under the constitution, must cease. and then let it go to work for the results thus indicated, in the spirit and with the confidence of the old-time leaders. the society should be revived and re-established, not for a single campaign only, or for the rectification of such oppressions as are now in sight, but for all time. it ought to be made a permanent institution. it should be so arranged that the sons would step into the ranks as the fathers dropped out and that new recruits would be constantly enlisted. thus reorganized the grand old institution would be an invaluable watchman on the walls of freedom's stronghold. the exhortation to which it should listen, is that of the poet bryant when he says: "oh not yet mayst thou unloose thy corslet, nor lay by thy sword, nor yet, o freedom, close thy lids in slumber, for thine enemy never sleeps." chapter xi anti-slavery orators george william curtis, in one of his essays, says that "three speeches have made the places where they were delivered illustrious in our history--three, and there is no fourth." he refers to the speech of patrick henry in williamsburg, virginia, of lincoln in gettysburg, and the first address of wendell phillips in faneuil hall. if it was the purpose of mr. curtis to offer the three notable deliverances above mentioned as the best and foremost examples of american oratory, the author cannot agree with him. in his opinion we shall have but little difficulty in picking out the three entitled to that distinction, provided we go to the discussion of the slavery question to find them. that furnished the greatest occasion, being with its ramifications and developments, by far the greatest issue with which americans have had to deal. the three speeches to which the writer refers were the more notable because they were altogether impromptu. they were what we call "off hand." they were delivered in the face of mobs or other bitterly hostile audiences--a circumstance that probably contributed not a little to their effectiveness. john quincy adams, who was unquestionably one of the greatest of american orators, made several speeches in congress that will always command our highest admiration; but the one to which a somewhat extended reference is made in another chapter, when an attempt was made by the slaveholders to expel him from that body, easily ranks among the first three exhibitions of american eloquence. i quite agree with mr. curtis in giving the faneuil hall speech of wendell phillips a pre-eminent place. a meeting had been called to denounce the murder of lovejoy, the abolitionist editor. the audience was composed in large part of pro-slavery rowdies, who were bent on capturing or breaking up the meeting. one of their leaders--a high official of the state of massachusetts, by the way--made a speech in which he justified the murderous act. "that speech must be answered here and now," exclaimed a young man in the audience. "answer it yourself," shouted those about him. "i will," was the reply, "if i can reach the platform." to the platform he was assisted, and although an attempt was made for a time to howl him down, he persisted, and before long so interested and charmed his hearers that his triumph was complete. it did not take the country long to realize that in that young man, who was wendell phillips, a new oratorical luminary had arisen. he took up the work of lecturing as a profession, treating on other subjects as well as slavery; but when slavery was the subject no charge was made for his services. said frederic hudson, the noted new york editor, in : "it is probable that there is not another man in the united states who is as much heard and read as henry ward beecher, unless the other man be wendell phillips." the mention of henry ward beecher's name is suggestive of oratory of the very highest order. it will not be denied by any competent and unprejudiced person that his great speech in england--there were five addresses, but the substance was the same--upon the american question (which directly involved the slavery issue) during our civil war was far and away the finest exhibition of masterful eloquence that is to be credited to any of our countrymen. the world has never beaten it. mr. beecher found himself in england by a fortunate accident at a most critical period in our national affairs. a crisis had there been reached. a powerful party, including a large majority of the public men of great britain, favored intervention in behalf of the south. southern agents were at work all over the kingdom, and were remarkably effective in propagating their views. it looked as if the rebel interest was on the point of winning, when mr. beecher appeared on the scene. he had not gone to england to make public speeches. he was there for health and recreation, but, realizing the situation with his quick perceptiveness, he took up the gage of battle. it was a fearful resolution on his part. the chances seemed to be all against him. it was one man against thousands. his victory, however, was complete. his five great speeches in the business centres of england and scotland were not only listened to by thousands, but they went all over the country in the public prints. they completely changed the current of public opinion. mr. beecher's first address was in manchester, which, owing to the interest of the leading business men of that city in the cotton trade and the furnishing of ships and supplies for blockade running, was a seething hot bed of rebel sentiment. when he arrived in that place on the day he was to speak, he was met at the depot by friends with troubled faces, who informed him that hostile placards--significantly printed in red colors--had been posted all over the city, and, if he persisted in trying to speak, he would have a very uncomfortable reception. he was asked how he felt about trying to go on. "i am going to be heard," was his reply. the best description of the scene that ensued is supplied in mr. beecher's own words: "the uproar would come in on this side, and then on that. they would put insulting questions and make all sorts of calls to me, and i would wait until the noise had subsided and then get in about five minutes of talk. the reporters would get that down, and then up would come another noise. occasionally i would see things that amused me, and i would laugh outright, and the crowd would stop to see what i was laughing at. then i would sail in with another sentence or two. a good many times the crowd threw up questions that i caught and threw back. i may as well at this point mention a thing that amused me hugely. there were baize doors that opened both ways into side alleys, and there was a huge burly englishman standing right in front of one of these doors and roaring like a bull of bashan. one of the policemen swung his elbow round and hit him in the belly and knocked him through the doorway, so that the last part of his bawl was out in the alleyway. it struck me so ludicrously to think how the fellow must have looked when he found himself 'hollering' outside, that i could not refrain from laughing outright. the audience immediately stopped its uproar, wondering what i was laughing at. that gave me another chance, and i caught on to it. so we kept it up for about an hour and a half before the people became so far calmed down that i could go on peaceably with my speech. my audience got to like the pluck i showed. englishmen like a man that can stand on his feet and give and take, and so for the last hour i had pretty much clear sailing. the next morning every great paper in england had the whole speech down. "and when the vote came to be taken--for in england it is customary for audiences to express their decision on the subject under discussion--you would have thought it was a tropical thunder-storm that swept through the hall as the ayes were thundered, while the nays were an insignificant and contemptible minority. it had all gone on our side, and such enthusiasm i never saw." it has been repeatedly stated, and to this day is generally believed,--is so stated in several of mr. lincoln's biographies, i believe,--that mr. beecher went to england at the president's request, and for the purpose of making a speaking tour. the best answer is that given by mr. beecher himself. "it has been asked," said he, "whether i was sent by the government. the government took no stock in me at that time. i had been pounding lincoln in the earlier years of the war, and i don't believe there was a man down there, unless it was mr. chase, who would have trusted me with anything. at any rate, i went on my own responsibility." but in referring to abolition orators, and especially orators whose experience it was to encounter mobs, the writer desires to pay a tribute to one of them whose name he does not even know. a meeting that was called to organize an anti-slavery society in new york city was broken up by a mob. all of those in attendance made their escape except one negro. he was caught and his captors thought it would be a capital joke to make him personify one of the big abolitionists. he was lifted to the platform and directed to imagine himself an anti-slavery leader and make an abolition speech. the fellow proved to be equal to the occasion. he proceeded to assert the right of his race to the privileges of human beings with force and eloquence. his hearers listened with amazement, and possibly with something like admiration, until, realizing that the joke was on them, they pulled him from the platform and kicked him from the building. chapter xii lincoln and douglas in speaking of the orators and oratory that were evolved by the slavery issue, there are two names that cannot be omitted. these are abraham lincoln and stephen a. douglas. it was the good fortune of the writer to be an eye and ear witness of the closing bout, at alton, illinois, between those two political champions in their great debate of . the contrast between the men was remarkable. lincoln was very tall and spare, standing up, when speaking, straight and stiff. douglas was short and stumpy, a regular roly-poly man. lincoln's face was calm and meek, almost immobile. he referred to it in his address as "my rather melancholy face." although plain and somewhat rugged, i never regarded lincoln's face as homely. i saw him many times and talked with him, after the occasion now referred to. it was a good face, and had many winning lines. douglas's countenance, on the other hand, was leonine and full of expression. his was a handsome face. when lighted up by the excitement of debate it could not fail to impress an audience. lincoln indulged in no gesticulation. if he had been addressing a bench of judges he would not have been more impassive in his manner. he was an animate, but not an animated, bean-pole. he poured out a steady flow of words--three to douglas's two--in a simple and semi-conversational tone. he attempted no witticisms and indulged in no oratorical claptrap. his address was pure argument. douglas's manner was one of excitement, and accompanied and emphasized by almost continuous bodily movement. his hands and his feet, and especially that pliable face of his, were all busy talking. he said sharp things, evidently for their immediate effect on his audience, and showed that he was not only master of all the arts of the practical stump orator, but was ready to employ them. but the most noticeable difference was in the voices of the men. douglas spoke first, and for the first minute or two was utterly unintelligible. his voice seemed to be all worn out by his speaking in that long and principally open-air debate. he simply bellowed. but gradually he got command of his organ, and pretty soon, in a somewhat laborious and painful way, it is true, he succeeded in making himself understood. lincoln's voice, on the contrary, was without a quaver or a sign of huskiness. he had been speaking in the open air exactly as much as douglas, but it was perfectly fresh, not a particle strained. it was a perfect voice. those who wanted to understand douglas had to press up close to the platform from which he was speaking, and there was collected a dense, but not very deep, crowd. there was no crowding in front of lincoln when he was speaking. he could be heard without it. there was a line of wagons and carriages on the outskirts of the audience, and i noticed, when lincoln was speaking, that they were filled with comfortably seated people listening to his address. they did not need to go any nearer to him. the most of the shouting was done by douglas's partisans, composing a clear majority of the crowd, but it was very manifest that lincoln commanded the attention of the greater number of those who were interested in the arguments. he did not act as if he cared for the applause of the multitude. he said nothing, apparently, simply to tickle the ears of his hearers. rather strange was it that the only points on which there did not appear to be much, if any, difference between the two men were reached when they came to the propositions they advocated. douglas was avowedly pro-slavery. he was talking in southern illinois and on the border of missouri, to which many of his hearers belonged, and his audience was mostly southern in its feelings. he was plainly trying to please that element. he not only approved of slavery where it was, but metaphorically jumped on the negro and trampled all over him. he denied that the negro was a "man" within the meaning of the declaration of independence. lincoln, however, as far as slavery in the states was involved, met douglas on his own ground, and "went him one better." he said, "i have on all occasions declared as strongly as judge douglas against the disposition to interfere with the existing institution of slavery." if a stranger who knew nothing of the speakers and their party associations had heard the two men on that occasion, he would have concluded that one was strongly in favor of slavery and the other was not opposed to it. their only disagreement was as to slavery in the territories, and that was more apparent than real. lincoln contended for free soil through the direct action of the general government. douglas advocated a roundabout way that led up to the same result. his proposition, which he called "popular sovereignty," was to leave the decision to the people of the territories, saying he did not care whether they voted slavery up or voted it down. that was a practical, although indirect declaration in favor of free soil. the outcome of the contests in kansas and california showed that at that game the free states with their superior resources were certain to win. the shrewder slaveholders recognized that fact, and their antagonism to douglas grew accordingly. they deliberately defeated him for the presidency in , when he was the regular candidate of the democratic party, by running breckenridge as an independent candidate. otherwise mr. douglas would have become president of the united states. out of a total of , , votes, mr. lincoln had only , , . the rest were divided between his three antagonists. as between lincoln and douglas, who together held the controlling hand, the slaveholders preferred lincoln, against whom they had no personal feeling, while they knew that his policy was no more dangerous to their interests than the other man's, if faithfully adhered to and carried out. besides that, by this time many of them had reached that state of mind in which they wanted a pretext for secession from the union. lincoln's election would give them that pretext while douglas's would not. on a boat that carried a portion of the audience, including the writer, from alton to st. louis, after the debate was over, was a prominent missouri democrat, afterwards a confederate leader, who expressed himself very freely. he declared that he would rather trust the institutions of the south to the hands of a conservative and honest man like "old abe," than to those of "a political jumping-jack like douglas." the most of the other southern men and slaveholders present seemed to concur in his views. it is a fact that a good many of the anti-slavery leaders living outside of illinois, and a good many of those living within it, wanted the republicans of that state to let douglas go back to the senate without a contest, believing that he would be far more useful to them there than a republican would be. it is not improbable that enough of the illinois republicans took that view of the matter, and helped to give douglas the victory in what was a very close contest. a portion of douglas's speech was a spirited defense of his "squatter sovereignty" doctrine against the denunciations of members of his own political party, in the course of which he gave president buchanan a savage overhauling. it showed him to be a master of invective. "go it, husband; go it, bear," was mr. lincoln's comment on that part of douglas's address. i went to the debate with a very strong prejudice against douglas, looking upon him as one of the most time-serving of those northern men whom the abolitionists called "dough-faces." i confess that my views of the man were considerably modified. i admired the pluck he showed in speaking when his voice was in tatters. still more did i like the resolution he displayed in defying those leaders of his own party, including the president, who wanted him to retreat from the ground he had taken, seeing that it had become practically anti-slavery. at the same time i had an almost worshipful admiration for lincoln, whom i had not before seen or heard. i expected a great deal from him. i thought his closing appeal in that great debate would contain some ringing words for freedom. he had, as i supposed, a great opportunity for telling eloquence. he stood almost on the ground that had drunk the blood of lovejoy, the anti-slavery martyr. i felt that that fact ought to inspire him. i was disappointed. mr. lincoln's speech was altogether colorless. it was an argument, able but perfectly cold. it was largely technical. there was no sentiment in it. lovejoy had died in vain so far as that address was concerned. i am free to say that i was led to doubt whether mr. lincoln was then in hearty sympathy with any movement looking to the freedom of the slave, and this impression was not afterwards wholly removed from my mind. chapter xiii anti-slavery women my father was a subscriber to the _national era_, the anti-slavery weekly that was published in washington city before the war by dr. gamaliel bailey. being the youngest member of the family, i usually went to the post-office for the paper on the day of its weekly arrival. one day i brought it home and handed it to my father, who, as the day was warm, was seated outside of the house. he was soon apparently very much absorbed in his reading. a call for dinner was sounded, but he paid no attention to it. the meal was delayed a little while and then the call was repeated, but with the same result. at last the meal proceeded without my father's presence, he coming in at the close and swinging the paper in his hand. his explanation, by way of apology, was that he had become very much interested in the opening installment of a story that was begun in the _era_, and which he declared would make a sensation. "it will make a renovation," he repeated several times. that story, it is almost needless to say, was _uncle tom's cabin_, and it is altogether needless to say that it fully accomplished my father's prediction as to its sensational effects. since the appearance of the bible in a form that brought it home to the common people, there has been no work in the english language so extensively read. the author's name became at once a cynosure the world over. when henry ward beecher, the writer's distinguished brother, delivered his first lecture in england, he was introduced to the audience by the chairman as the reverend henry ward beecher stowe. the way in which the idea of writing the book came to the author was significant of the will that produced it. a lady friend wrote mrs. stowe a letter in which she said, "if i could use a pen as you can, i would write something that would make the whole nation feel what an accursed thing slavery is." when the letter reached its destination, and mrs. stowe came to the passage above quoted, as the story is told by a friend who was present, she sprang to her feet, crushed the letter in her hand in the intensity of her feeling, and with an expression on her face of the utmost determination, exclaimed, "if i live, i will write something that will do that thing." the circumstances under which she executed her great task would ordinarily be looked upon as altogether prohibitory. she was the wife of a poor minister and school-teacher. to eke out the family income she took boarders. she had five children of her own, who were too young to be of any material assistance, and, in addition, she occasionally harbored a waif that besought her protection when fleeing from slavery. necessarily the most of her time was spent in the kitchen. there, surrounded by meats and vegetables and cooking appliances, with just enough of the common deal table cleared away to give space for her writing materials, she composed and made ready for the publisher by far the most remarkable work of fiction this country has produced. slavery is dead, but mrs. stowe's masterpiece lives, and is likely to live with growing luster as long as our free institutions survive, which it is to be hoped will be forever. one of the most remarkable early workers in the abolition cause was mrs. lucretia mott, a little quaker woman of pennsylvania. the writer saw her for the last time shortly before her death. she was then acting as presiding officer of an "equal rights"--meaning equal suffrage--meeting. sitting on one hand was susan b. anthony, and on the other mrs. elizabeth cady stanton, and next to one of them sat a stately negro. she was then an aged woman, but her eye seemed to be as bright and her movements as alert as they had ever been. framed by her becoming quaker bonnet, which she retained in her official position, the face of the handsome old lady would have been a splendid subject for an artist. mrs. mott gave much of her time and all the means she could control to the cause of the slave. she was an exceedingly spirited and eloquent speaker. on one lecturing tour she traveled twenty-four hundred miles, the most of the way in old-fashioned stage-coaches. by a number of taverns she was denied entertainment. like other pioneers in the same movement, mrs. mott was the victim of numerous mobbings. one incident shows her courage and resourcefulness. an anti-slavery meeting she was attending was broken up by rowdies, and some of the ladies present were greatly frightened. seeing this mrs. mott asked the gentleman who was escorting her, to leave her and assist some of the others who were more timid. "but who will take care of you?" he asked. "this man," she answered, lightly laying her hand on the arm of one of the roughest of the mob. the man, completely surprised, responded by respectfully conducting her through the tumult to a place of safety. but before mrs. stowe and mrs. mott had taken up the work for the bondman, two other remarkable women had become interested in his cause. their history has some features that the most accomplished novel-writer could not improve upon. they were sisters, known as the grimké sisters, sarah and angelina, the latter becoming the wife of theodore w. weld, a noted abolition lecturer. they were daughters of a judge of the supreme court of south carolina, their early home being in charleston. the family was of the highest pretension, being related to the rhetts, the barnwells, the pickenses, and other famous representatives of the palmetto aristocracy. it was wealthy, and of course had many slaves. the girls had their colored attendants, whose only service was to wait upon them and do their bidding. that circumstance finally led to trouble. at that time there was a statute in south carolina against teaching slaves to read and write. the penalties were fine and imprisonment. the grimké girls, however, had little respect for or fear of that law. the story of their offending is told by sarah. her attendant, when she was little more than a child, was a colored girl of about the same age. she says, "i took an almost malicious satisfaction in teaching my little waiting maid at night, when she was supposed to be occupied in combing and brushing my long hair. the light was put out, the key-hole screened, and flat on our stomachs before the fire, with the spelling-book under our eyes, we defied the law of south carolina." south carolina was long noted for its rebels, but it never had a more interesting one than the author of the above narrative; nor a braver one. as the sisters grew up, they more and more showed their dislike of slavery and their disposition to aid such colored people as were within their circle. such conduct could not escape observation, and the result was their banishment from their southern home. they were given the alternative of "behaving themselves" or going north to live. they were not long in deciding, and they became residents of philadelphia. here they joined the quakers, because of their coincidence of views on the slavery question. they had before been presbyterians, having been raised as such. they became industrious and noted anti-slavery lecturers. to one of them is to be credited a notable oratorical achievement. being no longer able to ignore the growing anti-slavery sentiment of its constituency, the massachusetts legislature in appointed a committee to consider the part that that state had in the subject of slavery, and especially in connection with slavery in the district of columbia. the committee asked an expression of their views from those entertaining different sentiments on the subject. the anti-slavery people invited angelina grimké to represent them. the sessions of the committee were to be held in the great hall of the legislature in the state house, where, up to that time, no woman had ever spoken. the chairman of the committee, however, consented that miss grimké should be heard, and the fact that she was a woman probably helped to bring out an immense audience. she spoke for two hours, and then, being asked to speak again, at the next meeting, she spoke for two hours more. the impression she produced may be inferred from the fact that the chairman of the committee was in tears nearly the whole time she was speaking. the effect upon all who heard her was admitted to be very great. the sincerity of these women was put to an unusual test. they had a brother who remained in south carolina, where he was a prominent citizen and a large slave-owner. like many sharing the privileges of "the institution," he led a double life. he was married to a white woman by whom he had children. he also had a family by a colored woman who was one of his slaves. in his will he bequeathed his slave family to a son by his lawful wife, with the stipulation that they should not be sold or unkindly treated. of these things the grimké sisters knew nothing until after the war which had freed their illegitimate relatives. then all the facts came to their knowledge. what should they do about it? was the question that immediately confronted them. should they--"carolina's high-souled daughters," as whittier describes them, and not without some part in the pride of the family to which they belonged--acknowledge such a disreputable relationship? not a day nor an hour did they hesitate. they sent for their unfortunate kinspeople, accepted them as blood connections, and took upon themselves the duty of promoting their interests as far as it was in their power to do so. although a quiet and retiring person, and, moreover, so much of an invalid that the greater part of her time was necessarily passed in a bed of sickness, a new england woman had much to do with publishing the doctrines of abolitionism, through the lips of the most eloquent man in the country. she was the wife of wendell phillips, the noted anti-slavery lecturer. "my wife made me an abolitionist," said phillips. how the work was done is not without its romantic interest. it was several years before he made his meteoric appearance before the public as a platform talker, and while yet a law student, that phillips met the lady in question. the interview, as described by one of the parties, certainly had its comical aspect. "i talked abolitionism to him all the time we were together," said mrs. phillips, as she afterwards related the affair. phillips listened, and that he was not surfeited nor disgusted appears from the fact that he went again and again for that sort of entertainment. when phillips asked for her hand, as the story goes, she asked him if he was fully persuaded to be a friend of the slave, leaving him to infer that their union was otherwise impossible. "my life shall attest the sincerity of my conversion," was his gallant reply. chapter xiv mobs in his _recollections_, the rev. samuel t. may, who was one of the most faithful and zealous of the anti-slavery pioneers, and belonged to that band of devoted workers who were known as abolition lecturers, tells of his experience in delivering an anti-slavery address in the sober new england city of haverhill. "it was a sabbath evening," he says. "i had spoken about fifteen minutes when the most hideous outcries--yells and screeches--from a crowd of men and boys, who had surrounded the house, startled us, and then came heavy missiles against the doors and the blinds of the windows. i persisted in speaking for a few minutes, hoping the doors and blinds were strong enough to withstand the attack. but presently a heavy stone broke through one of the blinds, scattered a pane of glass, and fell upon the head of a lady sitting near the center of the hall. she uttered a shriek and fell bleeding on the floor." there was a panic, of course, and the abolition lecturer would have been roughly handled by the mob if a young lady, a sister of the poet whittier, had not taken him by the arm, and walked with him through the astonished crowd. they did not feel like attacking a woman. there was nothing unusual, except the part performed by the young lady, in the affair described in the foregoing narrative. mobs were of constant occurrence in the period of which we are speaking. it was not in the slave states that they were most frequent. northern communities that were regarded as absolutely peaceable and perfectly moral thought nothing of an anti-abolitionist riot now and then. they occurred "away up north" and "away down east." even sleepy old nantucket, in its sedentary repose by the sea, woke up long enough to mob a couple of abolition lecturers, a man and a woman. the community in which the writer resided when a boy, was fully up to the pacific standard of most northern neighborhoods. yet it was the scene of many turmoils growing out of anti-slavery meetings. the district schoolhouse, which was the only public building in the village that was open for such gatherings, called for frequent repairs on account of damages done by mobs. broken windows and doors were often in evidence, and stains from mud-balls, decayed vegetables, and antiquated eggs, which nobody took the trouble to remove, were nearly always visible. on one occasion, at an evening meeting, the lecturer was a young professor, who was "down" from oberlin college, against which, as "an abolition hole," there was a very strong prejudice. he had not got more than well started, when rocks, bricks, and other missiles began to crash through the windows. the mob was resolved to punish that young man, and had come prepared to give him a coating of unsavory mixture. he was a preacher as well as a teacher, and his "store clothes" were likely to betray him; but some thoughtful person had brought an old drab overcoat and a rough workman's cap, and arrayed in these garments he walked through the crowd without his identity being suspected. but another party was not so fortunate. he was a respected citizen of the village, an elder in the presbyterian church, and a strong pro-slavery man. he dressed in black and his appearance was not unlike that of the lecturer. by some hard luck he happened to be passing that way when the crowd was looking for the abolitionist, and was discovered. "there he goes," was the cry that was raised, and a fire of eggs and other things was opened upon him. he reached his home in an awful plight, and it was charged that his conversation was not unmixed with profanity. on another occasion the writer was present when the friends of the lecturer undertook to convey him to a place of safety. they formed a circle about him and moved away while the mob followed, hurling eggs and clods and sticks and whatever else came handy. we kept quietly on our way until we reached a place in the road that had been freshly graveled, and where the surface was covered with stones just suited to our use. here we halted, and, with rocks in hand, formed a line of battle. it took only one volley to put the enemy to rout, and we had no further trouble. at last, after several men had been prevented from speaking in our village, the services of a female lecturer were secured. the question then was, whether the mob would be so ungallant as to disturb a woman. the matter was settled by the rowdies on that occasion being more than usually demonstrative. the lecturer showed great courage and presence of mind. she closed the meeting in due form, and then walked calmly through the noisy throng that gave her no personal molestation or insult. deliberately she proceeded to a place of safety--and then went into hysterics. finding that it was impossible to hold undisturbed public meetings, the abolitionists adopted a plan of operations that was altogether successful. they met in their several homes, taking them in order, and there the subject they were interested in was uninterruptedly discussed. intelligent opponents of their views were invited to attend, and frequently did so. so warm were the discussions that arose that the meetings sometimes lasted for entire days, and conversions were not unusual. it was in one of these neighborhood gatherings that the writer first became an active anti-slavery worker. he had memorized one of daniel o'connell's philippics against american slavery, and, being given the opportunity, declaimed it with much earnestness. after that he was invited to all the meetings, and had on hand a stock of selections for delivery, his favorite being whittier's _slave mother's lament over the loss of her daughters_: "gone, gone--sold and gone to the rice swamp dank and lone, where the slave whip ceaseless swings, where the noisome insect stings; where the fever demon strews poison with the falling dews; where the sickly sunbeams glare through the hot and misty air. gone, gone--sold and gone to the rice swamp dank and lone, from virginia's hills and waters-- woe is me my stolen daughters!" it was marvelous how little damage all the mobs effected. lovejoy of illinois was killed--a great loss--and occasionally an abolitionist lecturer got a bloody nose or a sore shin. professor hudson, of oberlin college, used to say that the injury he most feared was to his clothes. he carried with him what he called "a storm suit," which he wore at evening meetings. it showed many marks of battle. among those who suffered real physical injury was fred. douglass, the runaway slave. while in bondage he was often severely punished, but he encountered rougher treatment in the north than in the south. he was attacked by a mob while lecturing in the state of indiana; was struck to the earth and rendered senseless by blows on the head and body, and for a time his life was supposed to be in danger. although in the main he recovered, his right hand was always crippled in consequence of some of its bones having been broken. chapter xv anti-slavery martyrs if any one is desirous of estimating the extent of the sacrifice of life, of treasure, of home and family comforts, and of innumerable fair hopes that the institution of slavery, in its struggle, not merely for existence, but for supremacy, cost this country, let him visit a government cemetery in the neighborhood of one of the great battle-fields of the rebellion, and there, while looking down the long avenues lined with memorial stones that a grateful country has set up, make inquiry as to the number of those that are there bivouacked "in fame's eternal camping ground." some idea--a faint one it is true--will then be had of the multitudes that gave up all they possessed that liberty might live and rule in this fair land of ours. they were martyrs in the very highest sense to freedom's immeasurable cause. the war was the product of slavery. it was the natural outcome of the great moral conflict that had so long raged in this country. it was simply the development of an agitation that had begun on other lines. but there were martyrs to the cause of freedom before the war. everybody knows more or less of the story of john brown, of ossawatomie, whose soul kept "marching on," although his body was "a-mouldering in the grave." there was another case involving the surrender of life to that cause, which has always struck me as having stronger claims to our sympathies than that of john brown and his comrades in self-sacrifice. i have already referred to elijah p. lovejoy who was a young congregational clergyman, who went from the state of maine to st. louis, missouri, in . he became the editor of a religious journal in which he expressed, in very moderate terms, an opinion that was not favorable to slave-holding. the supporters of the institution were aroused at once. they demanded a retraction. "i have sworn eternal hostility to slavery, and by the blessing of god i will never go back," was his reply. he also declared, "we have slaves here, but i am not one of them." it was deemed advisable by mr. lovejoy and his friends to move his printing establishment to alton, opposite missouri, in the free state of illinois. there, however, a pro-slavery antagonism immediately developed. his press was seized and thrown into the mississippi river. the same fate awaited two others that were procured. but, undismayed, mr. lovejoy and his friends once more decided that their rights and liberties should not be surrendered without a further effort. another press was sent for. but in the meanwhile a violent public agitation had arisen. at the instance of certain pro-slavery leaders in the community a public meeting had been called to denounce the abolitionists. mr. lovejoy was invited to attend it and declare what he would do. "gentlemen," said he, "as long as i am an american citizen; as long as american blood runs in my veins, i shall hold myself at liberty to speak, to write, and to publish whatever i please on any subject, being amenable to the laws of my country for the same." the fourth press arrived. it was landed from a passing boat in the small hours of the morning, and was safely conveyed to a warehouse where mr. lovejoy and several of his friends assembled with a view to its protection. what followed is thus described: "an hour or two afterwards there came from the grog-shops a crowd of people who knocked at the door and demanded the press. one of the owners of the warehouse informed them it would not be given up. presenting a pistol, the leader of the mob announced that they were resolved to have the press at any cost. stones were thrown, windows broken, and shots were fired at the building. the cry of 'burn them out' was raised. ladders were procured, and some of the rioters mounted to the roof of the building and set it on fire. mr. lovejoy at this point stepped out of the building for the purpose of having a talk with his enemies, when he was fired upon. he received five balls, three in his breast. he was killed almost instantly." the animosity of his enemies was such that they followed his remains with scoffings and insults on its way to the grave. but the most cruel and brutal persecutions by the slave power were not always those that involved the sacrifice of life. in canterbury, in the state of connecticut, lived a quaker lady of the name of prudence crandall. she conducted a school for young ladies. among those she admitted was a colored girl. the fact becoming known, objection was raised by the citizens of the place. the position in which miss crandall was placed was a most trying one. having invested all her means in the school building and its equipment, she was confronted with the alternative of losing her business and her property, or dismissing the colored student who had done no wrong. she chose to stand by her principles. a public meeting was called, and a resolution to prevent the maintenance of the school, if colored students were admitted, was adopted by the citizens. nevertheless, that brave quakeress opened her doors to several colored young women. that brought the issue to a head, and then began a system of most remarkable persecutions. the school building was bombarded with clubs and stones, the proprietress found the stores of the village closed against her, and the young lady students were grossly insulted when they appeared upon the streets. even the well from which drinking water was obtained was polluted. finding that there was no law in connecticut under which the instruction of colored people could be prohibited and punished, the enemies of miss crandall went to the legislature of the state and asked for such an enactment, and, to the eternal disgrace of that body, their request was complied with. it was made a crime in connecticut to instruct colored people in the rudiments of an ordinary education. miss crandall, as she made no change in her course of action, was arrested, brought before a committing magistrate, and sent to jail. a man had shortly before been confined in the same prison for the murder of his wife, and therefrom had gone to execution. miss crandall was confined in the cell this man had occupied. other indignities were heaped upon this devoted and courageous lady. physicians refused to attend the sick of her household, and the trustees of the church she was accustomed to attend notified her that she and the members of her family were denied admission to that sanctuary. miss crandall was finally convicted of the crime with which she was charged, but the case, being carried to the highest court of the state, was dismissed on a technicality. but, although the legal prosecution of this poor woman reached an end, her enemies did not cease their opposition. the mob made an attack upon her dwelling, which was also her schoolhouse. doors and windows were broken in, and the building was so thoroughly wrecked as to be uninhabitable. having no money with which to make repairs, she was forced to abandon the structure and her educational business at the same time. the crandall family became noted for its martyrs. a brother of prudence crandall was dr. reuben crandall, of washington city. he was a man of high attainments, being a lecturer in a public scientific institution. while engaged in his office he received some packages that had been wrapped in newspapers, among which happened to be a copy or two of abolition journals. at the request of a gentleman who was present at the unpacking he gave him one of the publications. having looked it over the gentleman dropped it, where it was picked up by some one who was on the lookout for incendiary publications. no little excitement followed its discovery. the community was aroused. indeed, so great was the agitation occasioned that dr. crandall, to whom the inhibited paper had been traced, was in great physical danger from mob violence. he was arrested, and, partly to save his life, was thrust into jail, where he remained for eight months. he was tried and, although acquitted, was really made the subject of capital punishment. tuberculosis developed as the result of his incarceration, and death soon followed. of many cases of the kind that might be cited, perhaps none is more strikingly illustrative than that of charles turner torrey, a new england man. he was accused of helping a slave to escape from the city of baltimore, and being convicted on what was said to be perjured testimony, was sent to the penitentiary for a long term of years. the confinement was fatal, a galloping consumption mercifully putting a speedy end to his confinement. and then a remarkable incident occurred. torrey was a minister in good standing of the congregational denomination, and also a member of the park avenue church of boston. arrangements were made for funeral exercises in that church, but its managers, taking alarm at the threats of certain pro-slavery men, withdrew their permission and locked the sanctuary's doors. slavery punished the dead as well as the living. the case of amos dresser, a young southerner, may not improperly be mentioned here. he had gone to a northern school, and had become a convert to abolitionism. he went to nashville, tennessee, to canvass for a book called the _cottage bible_ which would not ordinarily be supposed to be dangerous to well regulated public institutions. while peaceably attending to his business he was accused of anti-slaveryism. he did not deny the charge and was arrested, his trunk being broken open and its contents searched and scattered. he was taken before a vigilance committee and by it was condemned to receive twenty lashes on his bare back, "well laid on," and then to be driven out of town. the sentence was carried out, we are told, in the presence of thousands of people of both sexes. of the many somewhat similar instances that might here be referred to the writer will make room for only one more. a seafaring man of the name of jonathan walker undertook to convey in a sloop of which he was the owner seven colored fugitives to the bahama islands, where they would be free. owing to an accident to his boat, he and his companions were captured. he was sentenced, among other things, to have his hand branded with the letters s.s., signifying "slave stealer." the incident just referred to inspired one of the finest productions of whittier's pen. singing of that "bold plowman of the wave" he proceeds: "why, that hand is highest honor, than its traces never yet upon old memorial hatchments was a prouder blazon set; and the unborn generations, as they tread our rocky strand, shall tell with pride the story of their father's branded hand." chapter xvi the underground railroad the prescribed penalties for assisting in the escape of fugitive slaves were severe. by the terms of the fugitive slave act, as it was called, any one convicted of that offense, besides a liability for one thousand dollars damages recoverable in a civil action, was subject to a five-hundred-dollars fine and imprisonment in a penitentiary for one year. as the writer has not "done time" for participation in certain transactions dating back to his earlier days, in which the legal rights of slave-owners were indifferently respected, he thinks it advisable to be somewhat reserved in his recital of personal experiences when taking the public into his confidence. the fugitive slave law--and for that fact we should give "most hearty thanks"--is about as dead as any statute can be, but as in the case of a snake that has been killed, it may be the wiser course not to trifle with its fangs. therefore, instead of telling my own story in the first person singular, i offer as a substitute the confession of one john smith, whose existence no one will presume to dispute. here is his statement: "there was an old barn on my father's farm. it was almost a ruin. one end of the roof had fallen in, pretty much all the windows were gone, and there was a general air of dilapidation about the place. a dwelling-house, to which it was an appendage, had been burned and not rebuilt, and the barn had been left to fight a battle with the elements and other foes in pretty much its own way. "not that it was wholly abandoned. there was one mow that was kept pretty well supplied with grass, and there were two or three horse stalls that were in tolerable order, although but rarely used. there were a number of excellent hiding-places about the old rookery. in the basement all sorts of rubbish, including unused vehicles and machinery, had been stored away, and so wedged and packed was it that it would have taken hours to uncover man or beast seeking concealment there. "one of the curious features of the situation was that the building was in sight of none of the roads in the neighborhood, while less than a hundred feet from it was a strip of woods in which the removal of the larger trees had stimulated a sturdy and densely matted undergrowth that was penetrable only by means of paths that had been made by the cattle. it was what was called a 'woods pasture.' with this cover for his movements any one could approach or leave the old barn with little danger of discovery. "naturally enough, such a ramshackle was in ill-repute. there were tales about it in the neighborhood. some children had gone there to play on one occasion, and had been badly frightened by a big--as big as a half-bushel, they asserted--black face that was seen to be watching them. they fled from the premises in great alarm, and for a time there was talk of an investigation by their friends. the incident, however, was soon forgotten. "that old barn was a regular station on one of the underground railroads that extended from the ohio river to canada. to but few persons was its true character known, and they were very close-mouthed about it. i was one of the few that were in the secret. being the youngest member of the family, it fell to my lot to drive the horses and cows to and from the pasture in which the old barrack was located, and while there it was an easy matter to visit that establishment and ascertain if it sheltered any fresh arrivals. "one day i had to report that two fugitives were in the barn, being a mother and child. then came the question--which in that instance was a difficult one to answer--as to who should convey them to the next station on the line, twenty miles away. a brother, between five and six years older than i was, and who was something of a dare-devil, did the most of the work of transportation, but he was in bed with typhoid fever. a hired man, who was employed partly because he was in hearty accord with the humanitarian views of the household, and who on several occasions had taken my brother's place, was absent. there was nobody but myself who was ready to undertake the job, and i was only eleven years old. there was no help for it, however. the slaves had to be moved on, and i was greatly rejoiced in the prospect of adventure that was opened up to me. the journey had to be made at night, but for that i cared nothing, as i had repeatedly gone over the route by daylight, and thought i knew the road perfectly. "midnight found me on the highway, and on the driver's seat of one of our farm wagons, to which was attached a span of horses moving in the direction of the north star. that luminary was not on this occasion visible. the sky was heavily overcast and the night was very dark. a light rain was falling. with all the confidence i had in my own ability, more than once would i have lost the way, but for the sagacity of the horses, which had gone over that route a number of times under similar circumstances. they acted as if altogether familiar with it. those horses proved themselves to be excellent abolitionists. "the inclemency of the night was in one respect a great advantage. it kept at home those who might incline to be too inquisitive. the few travelers we met passed on with a word of greeting, while i whistled unconcernedly. "over the bottom of the wagon was scattered some hay that might be used either as feed for the horses or as a bed for weary travelers. there was also an old-fashioned buffalo-robe, somewhat dilapidated, that could serve for concealment or as shelter from the elements. two or three empty baskets suggested a return from the market. there was another article that one would hardly have looked for. this was a smoke-cured ham loosely wrapped in some old sacking. it had gone over that route a number of times. its odor neutralized the smell by which the presence, immediate or recent, of negroes might be detected. "my fellow-travelers, as my passengers might be called, were interesting companions. both, in one sense, were children, the mother certainly not being over seventeen years old. she was a comely half-breed mulatto. her baby--a pretty boy of two years--was one degree nearer white. "the girl was inclined to be confidential and talkative. she said she was 'old mas'r's' daughter. her mother had been one of 'old mas'r's' people. she had grown up with the other slave children on the place, being in no way favored because of her relationship to her owner. the baby's father was 'young mas'r'--old master's son, as it appeared--and who, consequently, was a half-brother of the youthful mother. slavery sometimes created singular relationships. "as the story ran, all the people, including the narrator and her baby, when 'ole mas'r' died were 'leveled' on by the sheriff's man. she did not quite understand the meaning of it all, but it was doubtless a case of bankruptcy. "'young mas'r,' she said, 'tole' her she had to run away, taking the baby of course. 'oh, yes," she said very emphatically, 'i never would have left kentuck without thomas jefferson'--meaning her little boy. 'young mas'r,' according to her account, arranged the whole proceeding, telling her what course to take by night, where to stop and conceal herself by day, and what signal to give when she reached the 'big river.' "when the ohio had been crossed her young master met her, evidently to the great delight of the poor creature. he gave her some money, and told her that when she reached her destination he would send her some 'mo.' after putting her in charge of some kind people, evidently representatives of the underground line, they had parted, according to her description of the incident, in an affecting way. 'he kissed me and i cried,' was her simple statement. notwithstanding the boasted superiority of one race over another, human nature seems to be very much the same, whether we read it in a white face or in a black one. "the little girlish mother was very much alarmed for the safety of her boy and herself when we began our journey, wanting to get out and conceal herself whenever we heard any one on the road. after several detentions from that cause, the weary creature stretched herself upon the hay beside her sleeping infant and almost immediately fell into a heavy slumber. she could stand the strain no longer. i drew the buffalo-robe over the two sleepers, and there they rested in blissful unconsciousness until the journey was ended. "half-way between the termini of my route was a village in which lived a constable who was suspected of being in the employ of the slave-owners. it was thought advisable that i should avoid that village by taking a roundabout road. that i did, although it added an extra half to my trip. the result was that the sun was just peeping over the eastern hills, as i reached a set of bars showing an entrance into a pasture lot on one side of the highway. removing the bars, i drove into the field, and passing over a ridge that hid it from the road, i stopped in front of a log cabin that had every appearance of being an abandoned and neglected homestead. that was the station i was looking for. arousing my sleeping passengers, i saw them enter the old domicile, where i bade them good-by, and received the tearful and repeated thanks of the youthful slave mother, speaking for herself and her offspring. i never saw them again, but in due time the news came back, over what was jocularly called the 'grape-vine telegraph,' that they had safely reached their destination. "at the home of the station agent i was enthusiastically received. that a boy of eleven should accomplish what i had done was thought to be quite wonderful. i was given an excellent breakfast, and then shown to a room with a bed, where i had a good sleep. on my awakening i set out on the return journey, this time taking the most direct route, as i had then no fear of that hireling constable. "subsequently i passed through several experiences of a similar kind, some of them involving greater risks and more exciting incidents, but the recollection of none of them brings me greater satisfaction than the memory of my first conductorship on the underground. "all of which is respectfully submitted by "john smith." chapter xvii colonization i have had a good deal to say about anti-slavery societies. there was another society which was called into existence by the slavery situation. whether it was pro-slavery or anti-slavery was a question that long puzzled a good many people. it was the colonization society. a good many anti-slavery people believed in it for a time and gave it their support. "i am opposed to slavery, but i am not an abolitionist: i am a colonizationist," was a declaration that, when i was a boy, i heard many and many times, and from the lips of well-intending people. it did not take the sharp-sighted leaders of the abolition movement very long to discover that one of the uses its managers expected to make of the colonization society was as a shield for slavery. it kept a number of excellent people from joining in an aggressive movement against it, took their money, and made them believe that they were at work for the freedom of the negro. strangely as it might appear, the negroes, who were assumed to be the beneficiaries of the colonization scheme, were opposed to it. quicker than the white people generally did, they saw through its false pretense, and, besides, they could not understand why they should be taken from the land of their nativity, and sent to the country from which their progenitors had come, any more than the descendants of scotch, english, and german immigrants should be deported to the lands of their ancestors. equally strange was it that the colonization society, if really friendly to the negro, should find its most zealous supporters among slaveholders. its first president, who was a nephew of george washington, upon learning that his slaves had got the idea that they were to be set at liberty, sent over fifty of them to be sold from the auction block at new orleans. that was intended as a warning to the rest. one of its presidents was said to be the owner of a thousand slaves and had never manumitted one of them. the principal service that the colonization movement was expected to do for the slave-owners was to relieve them of the presence of free negroes. these were always regarded as a menace by slave-masters. they disseminated ideas of freedom and manhood among their unfortunate brethren. they were object-lessons to those in bondage. the slave-owners were only too glad to have them sent away. they looked to liberia as a safety-valve. it did not take long for intelligent people who were really well-wishers of the black man to perceive these facts. the severest blow that the colonization society received in america was from the pen of william lloyd garrison, who, under the title of _thoughts on african colonisation_, published a pamphlet that had wide distribution. it completely unmasked the pretended friendship of the colonizationists for the negroes, free or slave. from that time they lost all support from real anti-slavery people. there was, however, to be a battle fought, in which the colonization society figured as a party, that furnished one of the most interesting episodes of the slavery conflict. england, at the time of which we are speaking, was full of anti-slavery sentiment. slavery, at the end of a long and bitter contest, had been abolished in all her colonies. her philanthropists were rejoicing in their victory. the managers of the colonization society resolved, if possible, to capture that sentiment, and with it the pecuniary aid the british abolitionists might render. it was always a tremendous beggar. they, accordingly, selected a fluent-tongued agent and sent him to england to advocate their cause. he did not hesitate to represent that the colonization society was the especial friend of the negro, working for his deliverance from bondage, and, in addition, that it had the support of "the wealth, the respectability, and the piety of the american people." when these facts came to the knowledge of the members of the newly formed new england anti-slavery society, they were naturally excited, and resolved to meet the enemy in this new field of operations. this they decided to do by sending a representative to england, who would be able to meet the colonization agent in discussion, and otherwise proclaim and champion their particular views. for this service the man selected was william lloyd garrison, who was then but twenty-eight years old. remarkable it was that one who was not only so young, but imperfectly educated, being a poor mechanic, daily toiling as a compositor at his printer's case, should be chosen to meet the most polished people in the british empire, and hold himself ready to debate the most serious question of the time. that such a person should be willing to enter upon such an undertaking was almost as remarkable. but garrison showed no hesitation in accepting the task for which he was selected. on his arrival in england, garrison sent a challenge to the colonization agent for a public debate. this the colonizationist refused to receive. two more challenges were sent and were treated in the same way. then garrison, at a cost of thirty dollars, which he could ill afford to pay, published the challenge in the london _times_, with a statement of the manner in which it had been so far treated. of course, public interest was aroused, and when garrison appeared upon the public platform, as he at once proceeded to do, he was greeted with the attendance of multitudes of interested hearers. exeter hall in london was crowded. the most distinguished men in england sat upon the stage when he spoke, and applauded his addresses. daniel o'connell, the great irish orator, paid them a most florid compliment. they were, unquestionably, most remarkable samples of effective eloquence--plain in statement, simple in style, but exceedingly logical and forcible. they were widely published throughout england at the time of their delivery. one of the results was that the leading emancipationists of great britain signed and published a warning against the colonization scheme, denouncing it as having its roots in "a cruel prejudice," and declaring that it was calculated to "increase the spirit of caste so unhappily predominant," and that it "exposed the colored people to great practical persecution in order to force them to emigrate." as for the poor agent of the colonizationists, seeing how the battle was tending, he left england in a hurry, and was nevermore heard of in that part of the world. garrison's personal triumph was very striking, and it was splendidly earned. he was made the recipient of many compliments and testimonials. a curious incident resulted from this great popularity. he was invited to breakfast by sir thomas buxton, the noted english philanthropist, with a view to making the acquaintance of a number of distinguished persons who were to be present. when mr. garrison presented himself, his entertainer, who had not before met or seen him, looked at him in great astonishment. "are you william lloyd garrison?" he inquired. "that is who i am," replied mr. garrison, "and i am here on your invitation." "but you are a white man," said buxton, "and from your zeal and labors in behalf of the colored people, i assumed that you were one of them." garrison left england in what, metaphorically, might be described as "a blaze of glory." hundreds attended him when he went to embark on his homeward voyage, and he was followed by their cheers and benedictions. wonderfully different was the treatment he received on his arrival in his own country. not long afterwards he was dragged through boston streets by a hempen rope about his body, and was assigned to a prison cell, as affording the most available protection from the mob. nevertheless, we have had some excellent people--not slave-owners--who, out of compassion for the black man, or from prejudice against his color, and, perhaps, from a little of both, have favored a policy of colonization in this country. mr. lincoln was one of them. "if all earthly power were given me, i should not know what to do with the existing institution. my first impulse would be to free the slaves and send them to liberia." so said mr. lincoln in one of his debates with douglas. "i cannot make it better known than it already is," said mr. lincoln in a message to congress, dated december , , "that i strongly favor colonization." at lincoln's instance congress appropriated several large sums of money--then much needed in warlike operations--for colonizing experiments. one of these has a curious and somewhat pathetic history. a sharper by the name of koch, having worked himself into the confidence of the president and some other good people, got them to buy from him an island in the west indies, called ile a'vache, which he represented to be a veritable earthly paradise. strangely enough, it was wholly uninhabited, and therefore ready for the uses of a colony. several hundred people--colored, of course--were collected, put aboard a ship, and dumped upon this unknown land. it will surprise no one to learn that pretty soon these people, poisoned by malaria, stung by venomous insects and reptiles, and having scarcely anything to eat, were dying like cattle with the murrain. in the end a ship was sent to bring back the survivors. nevertheless, the kind-hearted president did not give up the idea. at his request a delegation of washington negroes called upon him. he made them quite a long speech, telling them that congress had given him money with which to found a colony of colored people, and that he had found what seemed to be a suitable location in central america. he appealed to them to supply the colonists. the negroes, not anxious for exile, diplomatically said they would think the matter over. in the end it was discovered that central america did not want the negroes, and that the negroes did not want central america. a story that is curiously illustrative of mr. lincoln's attachment to the policy of removing the colored people is told by l.e. chittenden in his _recollections of president lincoln_. mr. chittenden was a citizen of vermont and register of the treasury under lincoln, with whom he was in intimate and confidential relations: "during one of his welcome visits to my office," says mr. chittenden, "the president seemed to be buried in thought over some subject of great interest. after long reflection he abruptly exclaimed that he wanted to ask me a question. "'do you know any energetic contractor?' he inquired; 'one who would be willing to take a large contract attended with some risk?' "'i know new england contractors," i replied, 'who would not be frightened by the magnitude or risk of any contract. the element of prospective profit is the only one that would interest them. if there was a fair prospect of profit, they would not hesitate to contract to suppress the rebellion in ninety days." "'there will be profit and reputation in the contract i may propose,' said the president. 'it is to remove the whole colored race of the slave states into texas. if you have any acquaintance who would take that contract, i would like to see him.' "'i know a man who would take that contract and perform it,' i replied. 'i would be willing to put you into communication with him, so that you might form your own opinion about him.' "by the president's direction i requested john bradley, a well-known vermonter, to come to washington. he was at my office the morning after i sent the telegram to him. i declined to give him any hint of the purpose of my invitation, but took him directly to the president. when i presented him i said: 'here, mr. president, is the contractor whom i named to you yesterday.' "i left them together. two hours later mr. bradley returned to my office overflowing with admiration for the president and enthusiasm for his proposed work. 'the proposition is,' he said, 'to remove the whole colored race into texas, there to establish a republic of their own. the subject has political bearings of which i am no judge, and upon which the president has not yet made up his mind. but i have shown him that it is practicable. i will undertake to remove them all within a year.'" it is unnecessary to state that the black republic of texas was a dream that never materialized. chapter xviii lincoln and emancipation messrs. nicolay and hay, who were mr. lincoln's private secretaries during the time he was president, and afterwards the authors of his most elaborate biography, say: "the blessings of an enfranchised race must forever hail him as their liberator." says francis curtis in his _history of the republican party_, in speaking of the president's emancipation proclamation: "on the st day of january, , the final proclamation of freedom was issued, and every negro slave within the confines of the united states was at last made free." other writers of what is claimed to be history, almost without number, speak of the president's pronouncement as if it caused the bulwarks of slavery to fall down very much as the walls of jericho are said to have done, at one blast, overwhelming the whole institution and setting every bondman free. indeed, there are multitudes of fairly intelligent people who believe that slaveholding in this country ceased the very day and hour the proclamation appeared. in a recent magazine article, so intelligent a man as booker washington speaks of a kentucky slave family as being emancipated by mr. lincoln's proclamation, when, in fact, the proclamation never applied to kentucky at all. the emancipationists of missouri were working hard to free their state from slavery, and they would have been only too glad to have mr. lincoln do the work for them. they appealed to him to extend his edict to their state, but got no satisfaction. the emancipationists of maryland had much the same experience. both missouri and maryland were left out of the proclamation, as were tennessee and kentucky and delaware, and parts of virginia and louisiana and the carolinas. (see appendix.) the explanation is that the proclamation was not intended to cover all slaveholding territory. all of it that belonged to states that had not been in rebellion, or had been subdued, was excluded. the president's idea was to reach only such sections as were then in revolt. if the proclamation had been immediately operative, and had liberated every bondman in the jurisdiction to which it applied, it would have left over a million slaves in actual thraldom. indeed, earl russell, the british premier, was quite correct when, in speaking of the proclamation, he said: "it does not more than profess to emancipate slaves where the united states authorities cannot make emancipation a reality, and emancipates no one where the decree can be carried into effect." for the failure of the proclamation to cover all slaveholding territory there was a plausible reason. freedom under it was not decreed as a boon, but as a penalty. it was not, in theory at least, intended to help the slave, but to chastise the master. it was to be in punishment of treason, and, of course, could not consistently be made to apply to loyal communities, or to such as were under government control. the proclamation, it will be recollected, was issued in two parts separated by one hundred days. the first part gave the rebels warning that the second would follow if, in the meanwhile, they did not give up their rebellion. all they had to do to save slavery was to cease from their treasonable practices. had the rebels been shrewd enough, within the hundred days, to take the president at his word, he would have stood pledged to maintain their institution, and his proclamation, instead of being a charter of freedom, would have been a license for slaveholding. the proclamation did not, in fact, whatever it may have otherwise accomplished at the time it was issued, liberate a single slave. what is more, slavery as an institution was altogether too securely rooted in our system to be abolished by proclamation. the talk of such a thing greatly belittles the magnitude of the task that was performed. its removal required a long preliminary work, involving, as is made to appear in previous chapters of this work, almost incalculable toil and sacrifice, to be followed by an enormous expenditure of blood and treasure. its practical extinguishment was the work of the army, while its legal extirpation was accomplished by congress and the legislatures of the states in adopting the thirteenth amendment to the federal constitution, which forbids all slaveholding. that amendment was a production of congress and not of the executive, whose official approval was not even required to make it legally effective. the story of the proclamation, with not a few variations, has often been told; but the writer fancies that the altogether correct account has not always been given. it may be presumptuous on his part, but he will submit his version. to understand the motive underlying the proclamation we must take into account its author's feeling toward slavery. notwithstanding various unfriendly references of an academic sort to that institution, he was not at the time the proclamation appeared, and never had been, an abolitionist. not very long before the time referred to the writer heard mr. lincoln, in his debate with stephen a. douglas at alton, illinois, declare--laying unusual emphasis on his words: "i have on all occasions declared as strongly as judge douglas against the disposition to interfere with the existing institution of slavery." judge douglas was what was then called a "dough-face" by the abolitionists--being a northern man with southern principles, or "proclivities," as he called them. only a little earlier, and several years after mr. lincoln had claimed to be a republican, and a leader of the republicans, he had, in a speech at bloomington, illinois, asserted that, "the conclusion of it all is that we must restore the missouri compromise." now the adoption of the missouri compromise was the hardest blow ever inflicted on the cause of free soil in america. it did more to encourage the supporters of slavery and to discourage its opponents than anything else that ever happened. its restoration would undoubtedly have produced a similar effect. although he is not to be credited with any philanthropic motive, stephen a. douglas did an effective work for freedom when he helped to overthrow that measure. leading abolitionists have accorded him that meed of praise. but there was that proposition which mr. lincoln was so fond of repeating, that the nation could not remain half free and half slave--"a divided house"--but the remedy he had to propose was not manumission at any proximate or certain time, but the adoption of a policy that, to use his own words, would cause "the public mind to rest in the belief that it [slavery] was in the course of ultimate extinction." practically that meant very little or nothing. what the public mind then needed was not "rest," but properly directed activity. but the declarations above quoted were all before mr. lincoln had become president or had probably thought of such a thing. did the change of position lead to a change of opinion on his part? we are not left in uncertainty on this point. his official views were declared in what might be called a state paper. soon after his inauguration, his secretary of state sent minister dayton, at paris, a dispatch that he might use with foreign officials, in which, in speaking of the rebellion, he said: "the condition of slavery in the several states will remain just the same whether it succeeds or fails.... it is hardly necessary to add to this incontrovertible statement the further fact that the new president has always repudiated all designs, whenever and wherever imputed to him, of disturbing the system of slavery as it has existed under the constitution and laws." about the same time mr. lincoln stated to a party of southern congressmen, who called upon him, that he "recognized the rights of property that had grown out of it [slavery] and would respect those rights as fully as he would similar rights in any other property." no steps were taken by mr. lincoln to recall or repudiate the foregoing announcements. on the contrary, he confirmed them in his official action. he annulled the freedom proclamations of frémont and hunter. he did not interfere when some of his military officers were so busy returning fugitive slaves that they had no time to fight the masters. he approved hallock's order number three excluding fugitives from the lines. he even permitted the poor old hutchinsons to be sent away from the army very much as if they had been colored people, when trying to rouse "the boys" with their freedom songs. in many ways mr. lincoln showed that in the beginning and throughout the earlier part of his administration he hoped to re-establish the union without disturbing slavery. in effect he so declared in his introduction to his freedom proclamation. he gave the rebel slaveholders one hundred days in which to abandon their rebellion and save their institution. in view of such things it is no wonder that henry wilson, so long a leading republican senator from massachusetts, in his _rise and fall of the slave power_, in speaking of emancipation, said "it was a policy, indeed, which he [the president] did not personally favor except in connection with his favorite idea of colonization." it is needless to say that the president's attitude was a great surprise and a sore disappointment to the more radical anti-slavery people of the country, who had supported him with much enthusiasm and high hopes. they felt that they had been deceived. they said so very plainly, for the abolitionists were not the sort of people to keep quiet under provocation. horace greeley published his signed attack (see appendix) entitled, _the prayer of twenty millions_, which is, without doubt, the most scathing denunciation in the english language. henry ward beecher "pounded" mr. lincoln, as he expressed it. wendell phillips fairly thundered his denunciations. there was a general under-swell of indignation. now, mr. lincoln was not a man who was incapable of reading the signs of the times. he saw that he was drifting towards an irreparable breach with an element that had previously furnished his staunchest supporters. as a politician of great native shrewdness, as well as the head of the government, he could not afford to let the quarrel go on and widen. there was need of conciliation. something had to be done. we know what he did. he issued his emancipation proclamation. as far as freeing any slaves was concerned, he knew it amounted to very little, if anything. he said so. less than two weeks before the preliminary section of the proclamation appeared, mr. lincoln was waited on by a delegation of over one hundred chicago clergymen, who urged him to issue a proclamation of freedom for the slaves. "what good would a proclamation from me do, especially as we are now situated?" asked mr. lincoln by way of reply. "i do not want to issue a document that the whole world would see must necessarily be inoperative, like the pope's bull against the comet. would my word free the slaves, when i cannot even enforce the constitution in the rebel states?" in contemplating a proclamation applicable to the rebel states, it is hardly to be supposed that mr. lincoln did not understand the situation two weeks earlier quite as well as when the document appeared. if mr. lincoln had been told, when he entered on the presidency, that before his term of office would expire he would be hailed as "the great emancipator," he would have treated the statement as equal to one of his own best jokes. slavery was a thing he did not then want to have disturbed. he discountenanced all radical agitators of the subject, and especially in the border slave states, where he was able to hold them pretty well in check, except in missouri. there they stood up and fought him, and in the end beat him. one of the rather curious results of this condition of things was that, when the states came to action on the thirteenth constitutional amendment, the one absolutely abolishing slavery, the three border slave states of kentucky, maryland, and delaware, over which the president's influence was practically supreme, gave an adverse vote of four to one, while missouri, with whose radical emancipationists he had continuously been at loggerheads, ratified the amendment by a legislative vote of one hundred and eleven ayes to forty nays. nevertheless, notwithstanding the president, at the beginning of his official term, opposed anti-slavery agitation and anti-slavery action with all his might, he promptly faced about as soon as he discovered that the subject was one that would not "down." no one ever worked harder to find a solution of a difficult problem than he did of the slavery question. he began to formulate plans to that end, the most distinguishing feature, however, being the spirit of compromise by which they were pervaded. all of them stopped before an ultimatum was reached. besides his proclamation, which, as we have seen, applied to only a part of the slaves, he devised a measure that would have been applicable to all of them. in his special message of december, , he proposed to congress the submission of a constitutional amendment that would work universal liberation. there were conditions, however. one was that the slaves should be paid for by the government; another that the masters might retain their uncompensated services until january , ; that is, for a period of thirty-seven years, unless they were sooner emancipated by the grave, as the most of them would be. (see appendix.) the president's somewhat fantastic proposition was not claimed by him to be for the bondman's benefit. he urged it as a measure of public economy, holding that, as slavery was the admitted cause of the rebellion, the quickest and surest way to remove that cause would be by purchase of all the slaves, which, he insisted, "would shorten the war, and thus lessen the expenditure of money and blood." the public did not take to the president's plan at all, especially the abolitionists did not. they no more favored the buying of men by the government than by anybody else. they held that if the master had no right to the person of his bondman, he had no right to payment for him. and as for an arrangement that might prolong slaveholding for thirty-seven years, they saw in it not only a measure of injustice to the men, women, and children then in servitude, the most of whom would be doomed to bondage for the rest of their natural lives, but a possible plan for side-tracking a genuine freedom movement. in the proposition just considered we have not only the core of the president's policy during much of his official tenure, but an explanation of his mental operations. he was sentimentally opposed to slavery, but he was afraid of freedom. he dreaded its effect on both races. he was opposed to slavery more because it was a public nuisance than because of its injustice to the oppressed black man, whose condition, he did not believe, would be greatly, if at all, benefited by freedom. hence he wanted manumission put off as long as possible. it was "ultimate extinction" he wanted, to be attended with payment to the master for his lost property. another thing he favored--and which he seems to have thought entirely practicable--as a condition to liberation, was the black man's removal to a place or places out of contact with our white population. but in entire fairness to mr. lincoln, it should be said that, although his proclamation was inoperative for the immediate release of any slaves, it was by no means wholly ineffectual. its moral influence was considerable. it helped to hasten a movement that had, however, by that time become practically irresistible. its political results were far more marked and important. if it did not fully restore cordiality between the president and the abolition leaders, it prevented an open rupture. it served as a bridge between them. although they never took mr. lincoln fully into their confidence again, the abolitionists interpreted his proclamation as a concession and an abandonment of his previous policy, which it was much more in appearance than actually. at all events, it was splendid politics. the somewhat theatrical manner in which it was worked up and promulgated in installments, thus arousing in advance a widespread interest and curiosity, showed no little strategic ability. no more skillful move is recorded in the history of our parties and partisans than this act of mr. lincoln, by which he disarmed his anti-slavery critics without giving them any material advantage or changing the actual situation. i am not now speaking of the motive underlying the proclamation of the president, but of its effect. without it he could not have been renominated and re-elected. another observation, in order to be entirely just to mr. lincoln, after what has been stated, would at this point seem to be called for. there is no doubt that from the first he was at heart an anti-slavery man, which is saying a good deal for one born in kentucky, raised in southern indiana and southern illinois, and who was naturally of a conservative turn of mind. nevertheless, he was never an abolitionist. he was opposed to immediate--what he called "sudden"--emancipation. he recognized the "right"--his own word--of the slave-owner to his pound of flesh, either in the person of his bondman or a cash equivalent. he was strongly prejudiced against the negro. of that fact we have the evidence in his colonization ideas. he favored the banishment of our american-born black people from their native land. it was a cruel proposition. true, the president did move from his first position, which, as we have seen, was far from that occupied by the abolitionists, but from first to last he was more of a follower than leader in the procession. and here the author wishes to add, in justice to himself, that if, by reason of anything he has said in this chapter, or elsewhere in this work, in criticism of mr. lincoln's dealings with the slavery issue, he should be accused of unfriendliness toward the great martyr president, he enters a full and strong denial. he holds that, in view of all the difficulties besetting him, mr. lincoln did well, although he might have done better. much allowance, must be made to one situated as he was. he undoubtedly deserves the most of the encomiums that have been lavished upon him. at the same time, the conclusion is inevitable that his fame as a statesman will ultimately depend less upon his treatment of the slavery issue than upon any other part of his public administration. the fact will always appear that it was the policy of salmon p. chase, charles sumner, thaddeus stevens, horace greeley, henry ward beecher, and other advocates of the radical cure, with whom the president was in constant opposition, that prevailed in the end, and with a decisiveness that proves it to have been feasible and sound from the beginning. mr. lincoln's most ultra prescription--his emancipation proclamation--was ineffective. if it was intended to eradicate slavery altogether, it was too narrow; if to free the slaves of rebels only, it was too broad. so with his other propositions. his thirty-seven-year-liberation scheme, his "tinkering off" policy (as he called it) for missouri, his reconstruction proposals, and his colonization projects, all failed. indeed, if we take his official action from first to last, it is a question whether the president, owing to his extreme conservatism, was not more of an obstructionist than a promoter of the anti-slavery cause. not that any change of opinion on the point just stated will materially affect the general estimate in which mr. lincoln is held. although his popularity, due, in part at least, to the extravagance of over-zealous admirers, has without much doubt already passed its perihelion, it can never disappear or greatly diminish. his untiring and exhaustive labors for the union, the many lovable traits of his unique personality, his unquestionable honesty, his courage, his patriotism, and, above all, his tragic taking off, have unalterably determined his place in the regard of his countrymen. indeed, so strong is the admiration in which he is held, that it would be vain to attempt to disabuse many, by any amount of proof and argument, of the opinion that african slavery in this country was actually and exclusively killed by a presidential edict. so firmly fixed in the popular belief is that historical myth that it will undoubtedly live for many years, if not generations, although history in the end will right it like all other misunderstandings. mr. lincoln had his weaknesses and limitations, like other men. all must admit that his treatment of the slavery question was not without its mistakes. it has always seemed to the writer that his most ardent admirers seriously blunder in claiming superlativeness for him in that regard, and more especially in giving him credit for results that were due to the efforts of other men. his fame is secure without such misappropriation. he would not ask it if living, and it will in due time be condemned by history. chapter xix the end of abolitionism the original and distinctive abolition movement that was directed against slavery in all parts of the land without regard to state or territorial lines, and because it was assumed to be wrong in principle and practice, may be said, as far as the country at large was concerned, to have culminated at the advent of the republican party. to a considerable extent it disappeared, but its disappearance was that of one stream flowing into or uniting with another. the union of the two currents extended, but did not intensify, the anti-slavery sentiment of the country. it diluted it and really weakened it. it brought about a crisis of great peril to the cause of anti-slaveryism--in some respects the most critical through which it was called upon to pass. many of those attaching themselves to the republican party, as the new political organization was called, were not in sympathy with abolitionism. they were utterly opposed to immediate emancipation; or, for that matter, to emancipation of any kind. they wanted slavery to remain where it was, and were perfectly willing that it should be undisturbed. they disliked the blacks, and did not want to have them freed, fearing that if set at liberty they would overrun what was then free soil. the writer recollects hearing a prominent man in the new party, who about that time was making a public speech, declare with great emphasis that, "as for the niggers, they are where they ought to be." the speaker on that occasion was one of many who belonged to the _débris_ of the broken-up whig party, and who drifted into republicanism because there was no other more attractive harbor to go to. one of these men was abraham lincoln, whom i heard declare in his debate with douglas at alton, illinois: "i was with the old-line whigs from the origin to the end of their party." the whigs were never an anti-slavery party. the recruits to republicanism from that quarter were generally very tender on "the nigger question," and the most they were prepared to admit was that they were opposed to slavery's extension. these men largely dominated the new party. they generally dictated its platforms, which, compared with earlier abolition utterances, were extremely timid, and they had much to do with making party nominations. their favorite candidates were not those whose opinions on the slavery question were positive and well understood, but those whose views were unsettled if not altogether unknown. when general frémont was nominated for the presidency, not one in ten of those supporting him knew what his opinions on that subject were, and a good many of them did not care. mr. lincoln was accepted in much the same way. it is true that, from certain expressions about the danger to our national house from being "half free" and "half slave," and other generalizations of a more or less academic sort, it was known that mr. lincoln was antagonistic to slavery; but as to whether he favored that institution's immediate or speedy extinguishment, and, if so, by what measures, was altogether unknown. we now know, from what has been set forth in another chapter, that at the time of his first nomination and election, he had very few things in common with the abolitionists. he then evidently had no thought of being hailed as the "liberator of a race." he preferred, for the time at least, that the race in question should remain where it was, and as it was, unless it could be bodily transported to some other country and be put under the protection of some other flag. he did not break with the abolitionists, although he kept on the edge of a quarrel with them, and especially with what he called the "greeley faction," a good part of the time. he never liked them, but he was a shrewd man--a born politician--and was too sagacious to discard the principal round in the ladder by which he had climbed to eminence. he managed to keep in touch with the anti-slavery movement through all its steady advancement, but, as elsewhere stated, it was as a follower rather than as a leader. while a resident of the slave state of missouri, i twice voted for mr. lincoln, which was some evidence of my personal feeling toward him. both times i did it somewhat reluctantly. on the first occasion there were four candidates. breckenridge and bell were southern men--both by residence and principle--and had no claim on anti-slavery support. but with douglas the case was different. he had quarreled with the pro-slavery leaders, although of his own party. he had defied president buchanan in denouncing border-ruffianism in kansas. he had refused to give up his "popular sovereignty" dogma, although it clearly meant ultimate free soil. the slave-masters hated him far more than they did lincoln. i heard them freely discuss the matter. they were more afraid of the vindictiveness of the fiery douglas than of the opposition of good-hearted, conservative lincoln. in my opinion there was good reason for that feeling. douglas, as president, would undoubtedly have pushed the war for the union with superior energy, and slavery would have suffered rougher treatment from his hands than it did from mr. lincoln's. there was another reason why the slaveholders preferred the election of lincoln to that of douglas. lincoln's election would furnish the better pretext for the rebellion on which they were bent, and which they had already largely planned. they were resolved to defeat douglas at all hazards, and they succeeded. douglas had been very distasteful to the abolitionists. they called him a "dough-face." nevertheless, quite a number of them where i lived in missouri voted for him. missouri was the only state he carried, and there he had less than five hundred majority. he got more than that many free-soil votes. i was strongly tempted to give him mine. chiefly on account of political associations, i voted for lincoln. when it came to the second election, i again voted for mr. lincoln with reluctance. the principal reason for my hesitancy was his treatment of the anti-slavery people of the border slave states, and especially of missouri. the grounds for my objection on that score will appear in the next chapter, which deals with the missouri embroglio, as it was called. from what has just been stated, it will be seen that the cause of anti-slaveryism had, at the formation of the republican party, reached a most perilous crisis. it was in danger of being submerged and suffocated by unsympathetic, if not positively unfriendly, associations. it ran the risk, after so many years of toil and conflict, of being undone by those in whose support it was forced to confide. such would undoubtedly have been its fate if, owing to circumstances over which no political party or other organization of men had control, the current of anti-slavery sentiment had not risen to a flood that swept all before it. it is rather a curious circumstance that, at the crisis just alluded to, the nearest approach to original abolitionism that was to be found, was in a slave state. in missouri there was an organized opposition to slavery that had been maintained for several years, and which was never abandoned. the vitality displayed by this movement was undoubtedly due in large measure to the inspiration of the man who was its originator, if not its leader. that man was thomas h. benton. whether benton was ever an abolitionist or not, has been a much-disputed question, but one thing is certain, and that is that the men who sat at his feet, who were his closest disciples and imbibed the most of his spirit--such as b. gratz brown, john how, the blairs, the filleys, and other influential missourians,--were abolitionists. some of them weakened under the influence of the national administration, but not a few of them maintained their integrity. even in the first days of the civil war, when all was chaos there, an organization was maintained, although at one time its only working and visible representatives consisted of the members of a committee of four men--a fifth having withdrawn--who were b. gratz brown, afterwards a united states senator; thomas c. fletcher, afterwards governor of the state; hon. benjamin r. bonner, of st. louis, and the writer of this narrative. they issued an appeal that was distributed all over the state, asking those in sympathy with their views to hold fast to their principles, and to keep up the contest for unconditional freedom. to that appeal there was an encouraging number of favorable responses. and thus it was that when abolitionism may be said to have been lost by merger elsewhere, it remained in its independence and integrity in slaveholding missouri, where it kept up a struggle for free soil, and in four years so far made itself master of the situation that a constitutional state convention, chosen by popular vote, adopted an ordinance under which an emancipationist governor issued his proclamation, declaring that "hence and forever no person within the jurisdiction of the state shall be subject to any abridgment of liberty, except such as the law shall prescribe for the common good, or know any master but god." the writer entered on this work with no purpose of relating or discussing the story of the republican party, in whole or in any part. his subject was abolitionism, and his task would now be completed but for the movement in the state of missouri, to which reference has just been made. that manifestation, he thinks, is deserving of recognition, both on its own account and as a continuation of the original movement, and he is the more inclined to contribute to its discussion because he was then a missourian by residence, and had something to do with its successful prosecution. chapter xx missouri in his interesting, though rather melodramatic, romance, _the crisis_, winston churchill tells the imaginary story of a young lawyer who went from new england to st. louis, and settled there shortly before the outbreak of the civil war. having an abundance of leisure, and being an abolitionist, he devoted a portion of the time that was not absorbed by his profession to writing articles on slavery for the _missouri democrat_, which, notwithstanding its name, was the organ of the missouri emancipationists, and lived in part on the money he received as compensation for that work. that in part describes the author's experience. he was at that time a young lawyer in st. louis, to which place he had come from the north, and those who have read the earlier chapters of this work are aware that he was an abolitionist. having a good deal of time that was not taken up by his professional employments, he occupied a portion of it in writing anti-slavery contributions to the _democrat_, and, so far as he knows, he was the only person who to any extent did so. a collection was made of a portion of his articles, and with money contributed by friends of the cause, they were published in pamphlet form under the title of _hints toward emancipation in missouri_, and distributed throughout the state. there the parallelism of the cases ceases. the writer got no pecuniary compensation for his labor. he asked for none and expected none. the _democrat_ was then in no condition to pay for volunteer services, having a hard struggle for existence. he was able to do it a service that, possibly, saved it from at least a temporary suspension. one of its chief difficulties was in getting printing paper, the manufacturer it had been patronizing declining to furnish it except for cash, while the _democrat_ needed partial credit. at that time louis snyder, of hamilton, ohio, a large paper-maker, visited st. louis on business that called for legal assistance, and i was employed by him. when the work in hand was finished, i remarked that there was something else he might do in st. louis that would pay him. i explained the situation of the _democrat_, and assured him that, in my opinion, he would be perfectly safe in giving trust to its proprietors, who were honest men. "will you indorse their paper?" he asked. mr. snyder was a crafty as well as a thrifty german. i replied that, as i was not a wealthy man, the question did not seem to be pertinent. "will you indorse their paper for one thousand dollars?" was his next question. being by this time somewhat "spunked up," i replied that i would. "then i shall be pleased to meet your friends," said mr. snyder. the result of the interview that followed was such that the _democrat_ was materially assisted in continuing its publication. it is hardly necessary to state that i never heard anything more of the one-thousand-dollar indorsement, the sole purpose of which was, doubtless, to test my sincerity. soon afterwards i was offered the political editorship of the _democrat_, which i accepted on the one condition that there was to be "no let-up on emancipation." i held the position until missouri was a free state. in a surprisingly short time after the question of missouri's status in reference to the union was decided, the issue between pro-slaveryism and anti-slaveryism came up. political parties ranged themselves upon it. those who favored slavery's immediate or speedy abolishment became known as radicals, while those advocating its prolongation were called conservatives. those descriptives, however, were too mild for such a time, and they were quickly superseded by a more expressive local nomenclature. the radicals, because of their alleged sympathy with the negro, were branded as "charcoals," and their opponents, made up of republicans, democrats, and semi-unionists, because of the variegated complexion of the mixture, were set down as "claybanks." mulattoes are claybanks. the claybanks, or conservatives, at the outset enjoyed a decided advantage in having the state government on their side. this was not the regularly elected administration, which was driven out because of its open support of secession, but its provisional successor. in trying to take the state out of the union with a show of legality, the lawful governor and his official associates made provision for a state convention to be chosen by the people, which they expected to control, but which, having a unionist majority, played the boomerang on them by sending them adrift and taking the affairs of the state into its own hands. in this it had opposition. the most progressive men of the state insisted that, after it had settled the question of missouri's relations to the union, with reference to which it was specially chosen, it was _functus officio_. they held that there should be a new and up-to-date convention, especially as the old one, owing to the desertion of many of its treasonably inclined members, including general sterling price, of the confederate army, who was its first president, had become "a rump," and so there were old-conventionists and new-conventionists. the old-convention men, however, were in the saddle. they had the governmental machinery, and were resolved to hold on to it. in that spirit the convention proceeded to fill the vacant offices. it was in sentiment strongly pro-slavery, as was shown by the fact that a proposal looking to the very gradual extinguishment of slavery was rejected by it in an almost unanimous vote, a circumstance that led the leading pro-slavery journal of the state to boast that the convention had killed emancipation "at the first pop." very naturally such a body selected pro-slavery officials. hamilton r. gamble, whom it made governor, was a bigoted supporter of "the institution." he had not long before been mixed up in the proceedings that compelled elijah p. lovejoy to leave missouri for alton, illinois, where he was murdered by a pro-slavery mob. gamble was an able and ambitious man. the conservatives, likewise, had the backing of the federal administration--a statement that to a good many people nowadays will be surprising. there were reasons why such should be the case. judge bates, of missouri, who was attorney-general in lincoln's cabinet, had long been gamble's law partner and most intimate friend. he never was more than nominally a republican. another member of the cabinet was montgomery blair, of maryland, who had been a resident of missouri, and was a brother of general francis p. blair, jr., of st. louis. general blair had been the leader of the missouri emancipationists, but had turned against them. for his face-about there were, at least, two intelligible reasons. one was that in the quarrel between him and frémont the most of his former followers had sided with frémont. that was enough to sour him against them. the other was a very natural desire to be solid with the administration at washington, which, as elsewhere shown, was not then actively anti-slavery. it did not want the question of slavery agitated, especially in the border slave states. the blairs were a clan as well as a family. the quarrel of one was the quarrel of all, and the missouri radicals had no more effective antagonist than the old washington editor and politician, francis p. blair, sr., the family's head, who was so intimate with the president that it was understood he could at any time enter the white house by the kitchen door. the writer was once a member of a delegation of missouri "charcoals" that went to washington to see the president. an hour was set for the interview, and we were promptly at the door of the president's chamber, where we were kept waiting for a considerable time. at last the door opened, but before we could enter, out stepped a little old man who tripped away very lightly for one of his years. that little old man was francis p. blair, sr., and we knew that we had been forestalled. the president received us politely and patiently listened to what we had to say, but our mission was fruitless. the radicals of missouri sent deputation after deputation to the white house, and got nothing they wanted. the conservatives never sent a deputation, and got all they wanted. they had advocates at the president's elbows all the time. with both state and federal administrations against them, the missouri charcoals may be regarded as foolhardy in persisting in the fight they made for the deliverance of their state from slavery. they did persist, however, and with such success in propagating their views that governor gamble and the other conservative leaders decided that heroic measures to hold them in check were necessary. he undertook to cut the ground from under their feet. the old convention that had killed emancipation "at the first pop," or as much of it as was in existence, was called together by the governor, who appealed to it to take such action as would quiet agitation on the slavery question. accordingly, it proceeded to enact what was called an emancipation ordinance. the trouble with it was that it emancipated nobody. it provided for the liberation of part of the slaves at a distant future day, allowing the rest to remain as they were. the radicals simply laughed at the measure. they pronounced it a snare and a fraud, and went right on with their work for unconditional freedom, and the slave-owners continued to hold their human property the same as before. the conservatives, however, had not exhausted their resources. they sought to secure the military as well as the civil control. on the assurance that he could maintain peace and order, governor gamble was given authority by the president to recruit an army of state troops, which, although equipped and paid out of the national treasury, he was to officer and direct. the organization was entrusted to general john m. scofield, a resident of missouri, and one of the governor's friends. the political advantage to the conservatives of exercising military control at such a time is obvious enough. but at first there was an obstruction in the person of general samuel r. curtis, the federal commander of the district, who was not a man to waive his superior prerogative at a time when martial law prevailed, and who was, besides, openly in sympathy with the radicals. they got not only protection from him, but about all the patronage he had to give. pretty soon it was discovered that active efforts for the removal of curtis were in progress. charges of irregularities--afterwards shown to be without any foundation--were circulated against him. indignant because of such injustice to their friend, the radicals were further incensed when they learned that the scheme was to make scofield his successor. against general scofield, as a gentleman and soldier, they had nothing to say; but his affiliation with their opponents made him obnoxious to them, and they sent a vigorous protest against his appointment to the president. the proposed change, however, was made, and the inevitable disagreement between the new commander and the radicals quickly developed. scofield's administration was not successful. the principal cause of failure was the adoption of governor gamble's policy of trying to run the state without the help of federal troops. they were pretty much all sent away, and an elaborate plan for substituting an "enrolled militia" was put in operation. here was an opportunity of which the rebels were quick to take advantage. they had a wholesome regard for united states soldiers, particularly under curtis, who at pea ridge had given them the worst drubbing they ever received west of the mississippi, but they cared little for "gamble's militia," into which a good many of their friends were mustered, and when the pressure of curtis's strong hand was removed they at once aroused to pernicious activity. at this time it can be safely said that nowhere, outside of hell, was there such a horrible condition as prevailed in missouri. singly and in squads a good many of price's men returned from the south, and with local sympathizers forming guerrilla bands under such leaders as "bill" anderson, poindexter, jackson, and quantrell, soon had practical possession of the greater part of the state. the radicals were the principal sufferers. conservatives, except by the occasional loss of property, were rarely molested. between them and the rebels there was often an agreement for mutual protection--in fact, it was not always easy to draw the line between them,--but the charcoals, especially if they were "dutchmen," could look for no compassion. they were shot down in their fields. they were called to their doors at night and there dispatched. their houses were burned and their stock stolen. many families of comparative wealth and refinement, including women and children, because of the insecurity of their homes, slept in the woods for weeks and months. the radicals were not always fortunate enough to escape bodily torture. having captured one of the best known among them, an old man and a civilian, some of "bill" anderson's men set him up against the wall of his house as a target for pistol practice. their play consisted in seeing how near they could put their shots without hitting, and this amusement they kept up while his wife was running about in an effort to raise the amount of money that was demanded for his ransom. so successful were the rebel bands at this time that missouri was not large enough to hold them. one of them, led by quantrell, crossed the kansas line, captured the city of lawrence, and butchered two hundred of its peaceable inhabitants, while the border towns and cities of iowa and illinois were greatly alarmed for their safety. so intolerable did the situation become, that the radicals from all parts of the state met in conference and decided to send a delegation to ask mr. lincoln to change the department commander, in the hope that it would bring a change of policy. it is to be presumed that no president was ever confronted with such a motley crowd of visitors as the members of that delegation--between seventy and eighty in number--as they formed in line around three sides of the east room in the white house. their garments were a sight! some of the men were in full military dress and some in civilian clothes, but the costumes of a majority were a mixture of both kinds, just as accident had arranged it, and pretty much all showed evidences of hard usage. one of the most forward of the delegates had neither cuffs nor collar, and his shirt had manifestly not been near a laundry for a long time. he apologized to the president for his appearance, saying that he had been sleeping in the woods where toilet accommodations were very indifferent. two or three of the men bore marks of battle with the guerrillas, in patched-up faces, and one of them carried an arm that had been disabled by a gun shot in a red handkerchief sling. in speaking of these visitors, the president afterwards jocularly referred to them as "those crackerjacks from missouri." a formal address was presented, the principal point being that, as the missouri unionists had furnished many thousand recruits to the federal army, they had a right to look to the government for soldiers to assist in protecting their families and their property. and here it will do no harm to state that, notwithstanding the heavy drain made by the confederacy, missouri, during the war, furnished , men to the national army. after their formal address had been presented to the president, the members of the delegation tackled him, one after the other, as the spirit moved them, and it can truthfully be said that in some of the bouts that ensued he did not come out "first best." he admitted as much when, afterwards referring to this meeting, he spoke of the missouri radicals as "the unhandiest fellows in the world to deal with in a discussion." the conclusion of the interview was attended with an unexpected incident. the recognized leading spokesman of the missourians was the hon. charles d. drake, of st. louis, who was made chief justice of the court of claims at washington by grant, when he became president. he was a very forcible speaker. as mr. lincoln indicated by rising from his seat that the conference was at an end, mr. drake stepped forward and in well-chosen words thanked him for the lengthy and courteous hearing he had given his visitors, and in their names bade him good-by. then he started for the door, but something seemed to arrest him. turning sharply to mr. lincoln, he said: "mr. president, we are about to return to our homes. many of these men before you live where rebel sentiments prevail and where they are surrounded by deadly enemies. they return at the risk of their lives, and let me tell you that if any of their lives are sacrificed by reason of the military administration you maintain in missouri, their blood will be upon your garments and not upon ours." the president, evidently greatly surprised, made no oral reply. instead of speaking he raised his handkerchief to his eyes. seeing that he was weeping, the delegates quietly and quickly filed out, leaving mr. lincoln with his face still concealed. the president denied the delegation's request, although his formal decision was not announced for several days, and its members returned to their homes, when fortunate enough to have them, sorely disappointed. it is here well enough to state that two or three months later the president relieved scofield from his missouri command and sent him to the front in the south, much to the betterment of his military reputation, and doubtless to his own personal gratification. rosecrans was made his successor. among the earliest things he did was the bringing into the state of a considerable force of federal troops under generals pleasanton and a.j. smith. these were sent through the state. the effect was almost magical. some of the guerrilla bands went south to join price, but the most of them dissolved and disappeared. their members, doubtless, went back to their former occupations, and that was the last of them. missouri was pacified. but were the missouri radicals so far disheartened by their rebuffs from the president that they gave up the fight? not a bit of it. there was a tribunal in some respects higher than the president, and to that they resolved to go. the national republican convention to nominate a successor to mr. lincoln was approaching, and they decided to appeal to it in a way that would compel a decision between them and the president. they appointed a delegation to the convention, which they instructed for general grant. the claybanks also appointed a delegation, which they instructed for mr. lincoln, and thus the issue was made. the convention, although nominating mr. lincoln by a vote that, outside of missouri's, was unanimous, admitted the charcoals and excluded the claybanks by the remarkable vote of four hundred and forty to four. while of no special consequence, some rather humorous experiences in connection with the events just spoken of may not be lacking in interest or altogether out of place in a work like this. before leaving missouri for the national republican convention, which was held in baltimore, june , , the radical delegates, including the writer, decided to go by way of washington and call upon the president, thinking that, as there was a contest ahead with his professed missouri supporters, a better understanding with him might be of advantage. as they were pledged to vote for another man, such a proceeding on their part was certainly somewhat audacious; nevertheless, mr. lincoln received us graciously and listened patiently to what we had to say. "mr. president," said one of the delegates, "if you were to go out to missouri you would find your best friends as well as practically all the good republicans of the state on our side of the dividing line." "well," remarked the president very deliberately, "in speaking of dividing lines, the situation in missouri recalls the story of the old man who had an unruly sow and pigs. one day, when they escaped from their enclosure and disappeared, he called his boys and started out to hunt the runaways. up one side of the creek they went; but while they discovered plenty of tracks and rootings, they found no hogs. 'now let us go over to the other side of the creek,' said the old gentleman; but the result was the same--many signs but no pigs. 'confound those swine!' exclaimed the old man, 'they root and root on both sides, but it's mighty hard to find them on either.'" we, of course, were left to make the application to ourselves, and that was all the satisfaction we got. being greatly elated over our victory in the convention, and thinking it settled some, if not all, disputed points, we decided to return by way of washington and again call on the president. we wanted to come to some sort of understanding with him. as we had just voted against his nomination such a step may have been more audacious than our previous action. but, for all that, a pretty late hour on the night of the convention found us at the door of the president's room, seeking an interview that had been promised us in answer to a telegram. now, we had in our delegation a gentleman who was accustomed to imbibe somewhat freely on occasions like that. he had pushed himself to the front, and, when the door opened for us, in he rushed shouting: "mr. president! mr. president! mr. president! we have found that old sow and pigs for you!" the president, who was standing on the opposite side of the room, looked somewhat startled at first; but as he evidently recalled the illustration he had given to us, and which was being returned to him, a broad grin went over his face, although nothing further was said about the swine. but the incident was disastrous to our business. we were relying on a prominent st. louis lawyer, who was with us, to present our case in a calm and impressive way; but he, taking offense at being so unceremoniously forestalled, kept his intended speech to himself. his dignity was hurt, and he had nothing to say. in fact, he walked away and left us. the result was that our claims were rather lamely presented, except by the first speaker, and we left the official presence not a little chagrined and with no favorable assurance having been obtained. by all recognized party rules, when the nominating convention had given the missouri radicals the stamp of regularity, the president was bound to prefer them in the bestowal of patronage. he did nothing of the kind. at his death, practically all of the offices in missouri that were under his control were held by claybanks. these men became enthusiastic supporters of andrew johnson, and, at the end of his term, to a man went over to the democratic party, of which their leader, general blair, was soon made, on the ticket with horatio seymour, the vice-presidential candidate. at lincoln's death, the claybanks, as an organization, went out of business. very different was the treatment the charcoals received at the hands of general grant when he became president. he made the leader of the anti-scofield delegation to washington chief justice of the court of claims. he made two or three other leading missouri radicals foreign ministers and officially remembered many of the rest of them. he had been a missourian, and it was well known that he was in sympathy with the radicals in their fight with lincoln. although the missouri radicals did not favor mr. lincoln's candidature, with the exception of a few supporters of frémont, they gave him their loyal support at the polls, and through this a large majority in the state. they acted towards him much more cordially than he ever acted toward them. that mr. lincoln, in antagonizing the missouri free soilers, acted otherwise than from the most conscientious impulses the writer does not for a moment believe. he opposed them because he disapproved of their views and policy. he said so most distinctly on one occasion. certain german societies of st. louis, having adopted a set of resolutions, entrusted them to james taussig, a leading lawyer of that city, to present to the president in person. mr. taussig's report of the results of a two hours' interview can be found in several of mr. lincoln's biographies. one passage from the report is here given because it clearly shows mr. lincoln's attitude toward the missouri problem. "the president," says mr. taussig, "said that the union men in missouri who are in favor of gradual emancipation, represented his views better than those who are in favor of immediate emancipation. in explanation of his views on this subject the president said that in his speeches he had frequently used as an illustration the case of a man who had an excrescence on the back of his neck, the removal of which in one operation would result in the death of the patient, while tinkering it off by degrees would preserve life." "although sorely tempted," continues mr. taussig, "i did not reply with the illustration of the dog whose tail was amputated by inches, but confined myself to arguments. the president announced clearly that, so far as he was at present advised, the radicals in missouri had no right to consider themselves the representatives of his views on the subject of emancipation in that state." the foregoing interview, it is well enough to state, was long after the issuance of mr. lincoln's emancipation proclamation. in addition to carrying the state for mr. lincoln, the missouri radicals carried it for themselves. they elected a constitutional convention that promptly passed an unconditional freedom ordinance. and thus terminated what is certainly one of the most notable contests in our political history, bringing about, as it did, the triumph of a reform of unquestionable value to civilization and humanity, which was accomplished by men working without patronage or other outside help, with no pecuniary interest at stake, and no incentive beyond the principle involved. chapter xxi missouri--_continued_ here follows an extract from the published proceedings of the national republican convention of , in which mr. lincoln was renominated. "when that state [missouri] was called, mr. j.f. hume addressed the convention as follows: "'it is a matter of great regret that we differ from the majority of the convention that has been so kind to the radicals of missouri, but we came here instructed. we represent those who are behind us at home, and we recognize the right of instruction and intend to obey our instruction; but, in doing so, we declare emphatically that we are with the union party of the nation, and we intend to fight the battle through to the end with it, and assist in carrying it to victory. we will support your nominees be they whom they may. i will read the resolution adopted by the convention that sent us here.'" [here resolution of instruction was read.] "'mr. president, in the spirit of that resolution i cast the twenty-two votes of missouri for them an who stands at the head of the fighting radicals of the nation--general u.s. grant.'" the contention between the missouri radical and conservative delegations was thrashed out before the committee on delegates, at an evening session. judge samuel m. breckenridge, of st. louis, sustained the cause of the conservatives in a very ingenious argument, while the writer spoke for the radicals. the result was very satisfactory to the latter, being, with the exception of one vote for compromise, a unanimous decision in their favor. that decision was sustained by the convention in its next day's session by a vote of four hundred and forty to four. anticipating that the subject would be discussed on the floor of the convention,--which was not the case, however,--i asked a very eloquent st. louis lawyer to take my place as chairman of the radical delegation and conduct the debate on the radical side. he declined. i then went to three or four congressmen who were members of the radical delegation and made the same appeal to each one of them. all declined. i suspected at the time that apprehension that a vote for anybody else would be hissed by lincoln's friends, had something to do with their reticence. i had no such apprehension. i did not believe there was anybody in that convention who would dare to hiss the name of grant. if grant had been a candidate before the convention he would have been nominated. when, as chairman of my delegation, i pronounced his name as missouri's choice i remained on my feet for fully a minute while a dead silence prevailed. meanwhile all eyes were turned upon me. then came a clap from a single pair of hands, being the expression of a missouri delegate. others followed, both inside and outside of the delegation, increasing until there was quite a demonstration. when the clamor had subsided i made the next move according to the programme agreed upon, and the incident was closed. and here it can do no harm to state that general grant knew that he was to receive the vote of the missouri radicals if they were admitted to the convention--the newspapers having generally published the fact--and did not decline the intended compliment. grant lived in missouri for a considerable period, married there, and was on most friendly terms with the radical leaders, many of whom he generously remembered when he got to be president. for their action in voting for grant, the missouri radical delegates were sharply criticised at the time, on the alleged ground that they secured admission to the convention from lincoln's supporters by concealing the fact--or at least not revealing it--that they intended to vote for somebody else. the fact, however, is that there was not a person in the convention who did not from the first understand where they stood, and exactly what they intended to do. their conservative contestants had distributed a leaflet, intended as an appeal to the lincoln men, setting forth the instructions to both delegations. instead of the openly avowed opposition of the radicals to mr. lincoln's nomination being an impediment in their way, it strengthened them with the convention, which, notwithstanding its seeming harmony in his support, contained many delegates who would very much have preferred nominating somebody else; but who, for lack of organized opposition, were compelled to vote for him. a sufficient evidence of that fact was the presence in the convention of a large number of congressmen whose antagonism to the president was notorious. an incident that strikingly illustrated congressional sentiment toward the president at that time, is given in the _life of lincoln_, by isaac n. arnold, then a member of congress from illinois. a pennsylvanian asked thaddeus stevens, the republican congressional leader, to introduce him to "a member of congress who was friendly to mr. lincoln's renomination." thereupon stevens took him to arnold, saying: "here is a man who wants to find a lincoln member of congress, and as you are the only one i know of i bring him to you." the same feeling largely prevailed among leading republicans outside of congress. henry j. raymond, of the new york _times_, in his _life of lincoln_, says that at that time "nearly all the original abolitionists and many of the more decidedly anti-slavery members of the republican party were dissatisfied with the president." more explicit testimony is the statement, in his _political recollections_, of george w. julian, for many years a leading member of congress from indiana. he says: "the nomination of mr. lincoln was nearly unanimous, only the state of missouri opposing him, but of the more earnest and thoroughgoing republicans in both houses of congress, probably not more than one in ten really favored it. it was not only very distasteful to a large majority of congress, but to many of the more prominent men of the party throughout the country." the writer had an opportunity of witnessing a peculiar manifestation of the feeling that has just been spoken of. he attended a conference of radical anti-slavery people that was held in a parlor of one of the old pennsylvania avenue hotels in washington, a few months before the nominating convention. a number of well-known politicians were present, but probably the most prominent was horace greeley. the writer had never before seen the great editor, and was considerably amused by his unconventional independence on that occasion. he occupied an easy chair with a high back. having given his views at considerable length, he laid his head back on its support and peacefully went to sleep; but the half-hour lost in slumber did not prevent him from joining vigorously in the discussion that was going on as soon as he awoke. there seemed to be but one sentiment on that occasion. all entertained the opinion that, owing to mr. lincoln's peculiar views on reconstruction, and especially his manifest inclination to postpone actual freedom for the negro to remote periods, and other "unhappy idiosyncrasies," as one of the speakers expressed it, his re-election involved the danger of a compromise that would leave the root of slavery in the soil, and hence his nomination by the republicans should be opposed. chase was clearly the choice of those present, but no one had a plan to propose, and, while some committees were appointed, i never heard anything more of the matter. two or three of those present on that occasion were in the nominating convention and quietly voted with the majority for mr. lincoln. the writer was the only one in both gatherings that maintained his consistency. all this, it is well enough to remember, was long after the president's emancipation proclamation had appeared. there was, however, another manifestation of the antagonism spoken of which the public, for some reason, never seemed to "get on to," that at one time threatened very serious consequences, and which, if it had gone a little farther, might have materially changed the history of the country. that was a movement, after mr. lincoln's nomination, to compel him to retire from the ticket, or to confront him with a strong independent republican candidate. according to messrs. nicolay and hay, mr. lincoln's private secretaries and his biographers, the movement started in new york city and had its ramifications in many parts of the country. one meeting was held at the residence of david dudley field, and was attended by such men as george william curtis, noyes, wilkes, opdyke, horace greeley, and some twenty-five others. in the movement were such prominent people as charles sumner, of massachusetts, and benjamin f. wade, of ohio. one of the men favorable to the proposition was governor andrew of massachusetts. "he," says his biographer, peleg w. chandler, "was very busy in the movement in to displace the president." "the secrecy," he adds, "with which this branch of the republican politics of that year has been ever since enveloped is something marvelous; there were so many concerned in it. when it all comes out, if it ever does, it will make a curious page in the history of the time." the signal for the abandonment of the movement, according to mr. chandler, was given by mr. chase. almost at the beginning of the movement the _missouri democrat_, doubtless because of its supposed opposition to mr. lincoln, was approached on the subject. if the statements made to it were anywhere near correct, the conspiracy, as it might be called, had the countenance of a surprisingly great number of weighty republicans. the _democrat_ declined to become a party to the proposed insurrection. it held that after what had occurred in the baltimore convention, it could not consistently and honorably do so. there was another reason why it stood aloof. before the nomination it was, naturally enough, looking out for some one who might be urged as a suitable competitor for mr. lincoln's place. andrew johnson, of tennessee, was then quite popular with a good many people of radical views. the writer prepared an article discussing his availability as presidential timber and suggested him as a good man for the nomination. the article appeared as a leader in the _democrat_, and was followed by others in the same vein. the suggestion attracted attention and led to a good deal of newspaper discussion. herein we have, according to the writer's opinion, the leading cause of johnson's nomination for the vice-presidency. at all events, he was on the ticket with lincoln, and the _democrat_ could not very well go back on its own man. the new departure, as the proposition for another republican candidate in case mr. lincoln resolved to stick might be called, that appeared so formidable at one time, faded away without the public knowing anything of its existence. the reason was that it had no candidate. it had relied on chase, knowing the unfriendliness there was between him and the president, but chase said "no," and that was the end of it. the nomination of mr. chase for the chief justiceship has always been regarded as an act of great magnanimity on mr. lincoln's part, as well as a clear perception of merit. it was doubtless all that, but the actions of the two men at this time certainly make out a case of striking coincidence. such things rarely come by accident. from what has been stated, it will be seen that the missouri radicals were by no means alone in their opposition to the president's nomination, for which they are so sharply taken to task by some of his biographers and eulogists. they had plenty of company, the only difference being that they stood out in the open while the others acted covertly. the missouri germans, who mostly approved the candidature of frémont, and some of whom refused to vote for lincoln, have been particularly assailed. messrs. nicolay and hay, in their lincoln biography, even go so far as to attack them on the ground of their religious, or rather anti-religious, beliefs, calling them "materialist missourians," "missouri agnostics," etc., etc. now, after having lived among the missouri germans at the time of our civil troubles, the writer is impelled to say a few words in their behalf. he does not hesitate to say that, in his opinion, there was no body of men of equal numerical strength in this country to whom, at that crisis, the government and country had cause to feel under greater obligation, and justice would require its acknowledgment at this time. but for them the enemies of the union would have captured the city of st. louis with its great government arsenal, and with the arms and ammunition thus secured would have overrun both the states of missouri and kansas. a large preponderance of the american-born citizens of st. louis were rebels. the union people of that city who saved the day, were principally the "dutch," as they were called. a large army was needed at that point to protect the government's interests, when it had practically no available forces. there was no law under which it could be organized on the spot. no man could be made to serve. no pay for service was assured, or even promised. the army, however, was created by the voluntary and patriotic action of its members. nearly a dozen full regiments were organized and equipped. nine tenths of their members were germans. they did not wait for hostilities to begin. foreseeing the emergency near at hand, they organized into companies and regiments, and put themselves on a war footing before a blow had been struck or a shot had been fired. they met by night to drill in factory lofts, in recreation halls, and in whatever other places were most available, the words of command being generally delivered in german. the writer has a lively recollection of the difficulties involved in trying to learn military evolutions from instructors speaking a language he did not understand. many of the germans of missouri had seen service in the old world. they had served under sigel in the struggle of . they found themselves under sigel again. it was with the step and bearing of veterans that they marched (the writer was an eye-witness) in may of , only a few days after sumter had been fired on, to open the military ball in the west at camp jackson, near st. louis. the same people went with lyon to the state capital, from which the rebel officials were driven, never to return. they were with lyon at wilson's creek, and with him many of them laid down their lives on that bloody field. they were wherever hard fighting was to be done in that part of the country. the writer believes he is correct in saying they furnished more men to the government's service than any other numerically equal body of citizens. so large was their representation in the union's forces in that region, that the rebels were accustomed to speak of the union soldiers as "the dutch." the fact that the germans were fighting for an adopted government makes their loyalty more conspicuous. what they did was not from a love of war, but because they were abolitionists. they were opposed to slavery. they owned no slaves. they wanted the government sustained, because they believed that meant the end of slaveholding. they supported frémont largely because of his freedom proclamation. and here the writer, before closing his work, wants to say something about frémont. he believes no man in this country was made the victim of greater injustice than he was. it has always been the opinion of the writer that, if frémont had been permitted to take his own way in his western command a little longer, he would have achieved a brilliant military success. he was a weak man in some respects, being over fond of dress parade. the financial management of his department was bad, or, rather, very careless. of these shortcomings, which were considerably misrepresented and exaggerated, frémont's enemies took advantage, and succeeded in effecting his overthrow in the western department. but, notwithstanding his admitted failings, he gave evidence of military ability. he showed that he possessed both physical and moral courage, and he knew how to plan a campaign. he undoubtedly formulated the movement that resulted in the capture of forts donelson and henry in tennessee, taking the initial steps, but of which halleck got the credit. he was removed from command when in the field, and almost on the eve of battle. he had an enthusiastic army and the prospect of a decisive victory. his recall gave up nearly the whole of missouri to the enemy, and was one of the causes of complaint that the missouri unionists had against the national administration. not long afterwards, with no more than even chances, frémont defeated stonewall jackson in virginia--at cross keys--which was more than any of the other union generals then in that department could do. his prompt removal made it sure that he should not do it again. it was the misfortune of frémont that his independence caused him to clash with selfish interests, and he was sacrificed. he was selected for the trans-mississippi command by the blairs, evidently with the expectation that he would bend to their wishes. he soon showed that he was his own master, and the trouble began. the union people of his department were mostly with him, but the blairs had control of the administration in washington. as for his freedom proclamation, it was, to a certain extent, an act of insubordination, but it was right in principle and sound in policy. its adoption by the general government would have saved four years of contention and turmoil in missouri, spent in upholding a tottering institution that was doomed from the first shot of the rebellion. the president, however, for reasons elsewhere explained, did not at that time want slavery interfered with. the story of frémont's fall is best told by whittier in four lines: "thy error, frémont, simply was to act a brave man's part without the statesman's tact, and, taking counsel but of common-sense, to strike at cause as well as consequence." chapter xxii some abolition leaders the references that have been made to general frank p. blair of missouri have not been complimentary to that individual. they would indicate on the part of the writer no very exalted admiration for or estimate of the man. in that particular they are not altogether just. the stormy period of the rebellion brought out few more picturesque figures than his, or in some respects more admirable characters. there is no question that, but for the efforts of blair, the rebels would have effected the capture of st. louis at the beginning of the war, to be followed by the at least temporary control of the entire state of missouri, and possibly of kansas as well. to that end preparations had been carefully and skillfully made. the leader in the movement was none other than missouri's governor, claiborne f. jackson, who was justly looked upon as one of the most consummate and accomplished schemers of the time. he was a rebel from head to foot. he had taken office with the deliberate purpose of swinging his state into the confederate column, and without regard to the wishes of the majority of the people whom he officially represented. he was supported by a sympathetic corps of official assistants, including a majority of the legislature of his state, who gave him whatever legislation he wanted. every advantage seemed to be on his side. he would undoubtedly have succeeded but for the opposition of blair. in him he encountered an equal in cunning, and more than a match in courage and energy. when the governor and his helpers were busy raising an army pursuant to the conditions of a law that had been enacted for the purpose, and which hampered their operations, blair went ahead in raising and equipping an army on the other side without the slightest regard to law. the presence or absence of a statute did not trouble him in the least. he called on the unionists to organize and arm, and when a sufficient force, composed in greater part of loyal germans, had responded he struck the first blow. in a legal aspect the whole proceeding was irregular, but it was none the less effective. when the governor's army was quietly encamped on the outskirts of st. louis, for the capture and occupancy of which it was getting ready, it found itself unexpectedly surrounded by a superior force, and its surrender was demanded in a way that admitted of no denial. the writer was present on the occasion. from a convenient eminence he witnessed the whole proceeding. when jackson's men--the rendezvous had in honor of his excellency the governor been named camp jackson--were enjoying themselves on a pleasant summer's day, sleeping on the grass, playing cards, or escorting their lady friends and other visitors about the grounds, suddenly they realized that their position was commanded by hostile guns. pointing downward from higher ground not far off were nearly a score of frowning cannons, behind which stood men with burning fuses. i had watched the union forces as they approached. at the foot of the hill that hid them from the camp they paused for a few moments, and then up the hill went the horses that were dragging the cannons at a run. they were wheeled when the summit was reached, and the guns thrown into position. everything was ready for action. at the same time large bodies of armed men, their arms glittering in the sunlight, were seen approaching from all sides on the double quick. the rebels were completely entrapped, and their immediate capitulation was a thing of course. the credit for the manoeuvres of the day was given to captain--afterwards general--nathaniel lyon, who was in immediate command of the unionists, but everybody understood that the real leader, as well as instigator, of the movement was blair. blair had been the admitted leader of the missouri abolitionists. he was as radical as any man among them. one day he stopped me on the street for the purpose of thanking me for a paper i had contributed to the _missouri democrat_, in which i had favored what was practically immediate emancipation in missouri. he said that was the right kind of talk, and what we had to come to. i felt greatly flattered, because there was nothing in the article that disclosed its authorship, and mr. blair had taken the trouble to inquire about it. blair turned against the missouri abolitionists when a decided majority of them turned against him in his quarrel with frémont. they indorsed frémont's emancipation proclamation, which the president, at blair's instigation, it was charged at the time, revoked. blair was a man not only of strong ambition but of arbitrary temperament. he could not tolerate the idea of a newcomer pre-empting what he had considered his premises. if he could not rule he was ready to ruin. that disposition accorded with both his mental and physical make-up. bodily he was a bundle of bones and nerves without a particle of surplus flesh. his hair was red, his complexion was sandy, and his eyes, when he was excited and angry, had a baleful expression that led some one in my presence on a certain occasion to speak of them as "brush-heaps afire." he was not an eloquent man, although a ready and frequent public speaker. his voice was not musical. his strong forte was invective. he was nearly always denouncing somebody. apparently, he was never so happy as when making another miserable. sometimes his personal allusions were very broad. he was accustomed in his speeches to refer to one of missouri's united states senators as "that lop-eared vulgarian." that he was not almost all the time in personal difficulties was due to the fact that he was known to be a man of exceptional courage. he was a born fighter. physically i think he was the bravest man i ever knew. i witnessed several manifestations of his fearlessness, but one particularly impressed me. i have spoken of the camp jackson affair. although the people in the rebel encampment surrendered without a blow, the incident was attended with considerable bloodshed. a mob of rebel sympathizers, consisting largely of half-grown boys--i was in the midst of the throng at the time--with their pistols opened fire on a german union regiment and killed several of its men. the troops, in return, poured a volley into the crowd of spectators from which the shots had come, killing or wounding over forty persons, the most of them, as is usual in such cases, being inoffensive onlookers. a man standing beside me and, like myself, a spectator, had the top of one ear clipped off by a minié ball as cleanly as if it had been done with a knife. i found when, soon afterwards, i reached the business center of the city, where the rebel element then largely predominated, that the story of the tragedy had swelled the number of the victims to one thousand. intense excitement and the most furious indignation prevailed. hundreds of men, with flaming faces, were swearing the most dreadful oaths that they would shoot frank blair, whom they seemed to regard as wholly responsible, on sight. many of them were flourishing pistols in confirmation of their bloody purpose. just then the attention of the crowd was drawn to an unusual spectacle. down fourth street, which was then the leading business avenue of st. louis, and at that time densely packed with the excited people, came the union soldiers with the prisoners from camp jackson on their way to the united states arsenal grounds. at the head of the procession marched the men of the first missouri volunteer regiment, their guns "aport" and ready for immediate service, and at their head--the only mounted man in the regiment, according to my recollection--rode their colonel, who was frank blair. he was in full uniform, which made him still more conspicuous. no better target could have been offered. i watched the audacious man, expecting to hear a shot at any moment from the sidewalk, or from a window of one of the high buildings lining the street, and to see him topple from his saddle. he understood very well the danger he was braving. he knew that in that throng, where everybody was armed, there were hundreds toying with the triggers of their guns, and trying to muster sufficient courage to shoot him down. slowly, and as calmly as if on ordinary dress parade, he led the way until he passed out of sight. i thought then, and still think, it was the pluckiest thing i ever witnessed. the effect of the breaking up and capture of camp jackson was something wonderful. up to that time, the rebels of st. louis and their sympathizers had been very demonstrative. in portions of the city the rebel cockade, which was a red rosette pinned to the side of the hat, was conspicuous, and any one not displaying that decoration was in danger of having his hat smashed upon his head. after camp jackson's surrender, i never saw a rebel cockade openly worn in st. louis. at the same time there was an extensive shifting of positions. a good many men of prominence and wealth, who had been leaning over towards the south, suddenly straightened up, and not a few of them showed a strong inclination the other way. some of the evolutions they executed were amusing. one of the first to discuss with the writer the union defeat at bull run was a former united states government official. he was tremendously excited and correspondingly exultant. after describing how the southerners had vanquished the government's men, and particularly how the south carolina "black horse" had ridden them down in deadly slaughter, he cried out, "that's the way we will give it to you fellows all the time." not very long afterwards general grant, having entered tennessee, and captured fort donelson, and many prisoners, was about to visit st. louis, and the leading unionists there decided to give him a grand reception and an elaborate dinner. money had to be raised, and among those i met who were soliciting it was my ex-government-official friend. he was fully as happy as he had been before, when the fort donelson affair was alluded to. "didn't we give it to those fellows down there?" he exclaimed. out in western missouri was a young lawyer of great ambition and considerable promise. he was afterwards a member of congress. like a good many others he was at first puzzled to know what course to take. in his dilemma he concluded to consult an old politician in that section who was much famed for his sagacity, and who bore the military title of general. "if you contemplate remaining in missouri," said the older man to the junior, "you should take the southern side. missouri is a slave state and a southern state, and she will naturally go with her section." the young man availed himself of an opportunity to make a public address, in which he aligned himself in the strongest terms with those who had gone into rebellion. but scarcely had this been done when lincoln issued his first call for troops, and among those nominated to command them was the old missouri general. it was announced that he had accepted the appointment. the younger man was amazed. he went in hot haste for an explanation. "it's all true," said the general. "the fact is, when i talked with you before, i did not think the northern people would fight for the union, but i now see that i was mistaken; and when the northern people, being the stronger and richer, do decide to go to war, they are almost certain to win. you had better take the northern side." "but it is too late," said the youngster. "i have committed myself in that speech i made." "oh! as for that matter," was the reply, "it's of very little consequence if you have committed yourself. it's easy to make a speech on the other side and take the first one back. nobody looks for consistency in times like these." many missourians, as well as many citizens of other border slave states, at the beginning of the trouble advocated a policy of neutrality. they saw no necessity for taking sides. i was at a meeting out in the interior of missouri, where many citizens had come together to consult as to the policy they had better pursue. among them was an old gentleman who seemed to be looked upon by his neighbors as a regular nestor. he was called upon for his views. "gentlemen," said he, "we have got to take sides and maintain our neutrality." in that section of the country was another distinguished and unique personage who conspicuously figured in the events that are here being dealt with. i knew him intimately. i now refer to james h. lane, who was better known as "jim lane," of kansas. like blair, lane was a born leader of men, and a leader under exceptional conditions. he was generally credited with being a fighter--a dare-devil, in fact--and a desperado; but in the writer's opinion he was by no means blair's equal in personal courage. he had a great deal to do in raising troops and organizing military movements, but he did not go to the front. his fighting was chiefly in "private scraps," in one of which he killed his adversary. his paramount ability was as a talker rather than as a fighter. he was an orator, and his oratory was of a kind that was exactly suited to his surroundings. no man could more readily adapt himself to the humor of his hearers. he knew precisely how to put himself on their level. i have seen him face an audience that was distinctly unfriendly, that would scarcely give him a hearing; and in less than half an hour every man in the crowd would be shouting his approval. he could go to his hearers if he could not bring them to him. i witnessed one of his performances in that line. he was a candidate for re-election to the united states senate. there was one rival that he particularly feared. the man was the late general thomas ewing, then a resident of kansas. at that particular time he was in the army and the commandant of the st. louis district in missouri. lane came to st. louis and had a talk with the writer, freely admitting his dread of ewing and asking for the _missouri democrat's_ support. having a considerable admiration for lane as well as a liking for the man, i promised him such assistance as i could reasonably give. it happened to be at the time when general sterling price, in making his last raid into missouri, was threatening st. louis with an army of nearly twenty thousand men, and there was no adequate opposing force at hand. ewing, with barely a tenth as many troops, went to the front and heroically engaged the enemy. with no protection but the walls of a little mud fort he succeeded in repelling the attack of his powerful adversary. that timely action probably saved st. louis. at this particular time it was arranged that there should be a meeting of the republicans of st. louis--it was in the midst of an exciting presidential campaign--at which lane was to be the principal speaker. the meeting was held and lane was addressing a large audience with great acceptance when the news of ewing's achievement was received. it was then customary, when war intelligence arrived in the course of any political gathering, and sometimes of religious gatherings, to suspend all other proceedings until it had been announced and the audience had time enough to manifest its feeling on the subject. lane was in the midst of an eloquent passage when he was interrupted by the arrival of the news referred to. he stepped back, and the news-bearer, taking his place, proceeded to give a graphic description of ewing's performance, concluding with a glowing eulogy on that personage, and which was received with tremendous cheering. understanding lane's feelings towards ewing, i watched his face while these events were passing. it plainly showed his vexation. it was almost livid with suppressed emotion. but the time for him to resume his address had come. what would he do was the question i asked myself. he answered it very promptly. jauntily stepping forward with his countenance fairly wreathed in smiles, he exclaimed, "ladies and gentlemen, that is glo-o-orious news for us, but it 's ter-r-r-ible for the other fellows." lane's enemies were confident they had him beaten as a candidate for the senate. he had done certain things that rendered him unpopular with his constituents. so certain were they that they did not think it necessary to make an effort, and, in consequence, remained inactive. not so with lane. he quietly waited until a few days before the choosing of the legislature that was to decide on his case, and then he entered on a lightning canvass. arranging for relays of fast horses--it was before the days of railroads in kansas--he began a tour that would bring him practically face to face with every voter in the state. he traveled and spoke both by day and by night. sometimes he addressed as many as a dozen audiences in twenty-four hours. the excitement attending his progress was great. men came many miles to hear him, sometimes bringing their families with them. he succeeded in completely revolutionizing public opinion. it was too late for his adversaries to attempt a counter-movement, and the result was that lane was re-elected by an almost unanimous vote. there was no doubt about lane's attitude on the slavery question. he was not only a radical abolitionist, but the acknowledged leader of the free-state men of kansas. he recognized no right of property in man, as many missouri slaveholders learned to their sorrow. i was present when he congratulated a kansas regiment that had just returned from a raid into missouri, bringing many black people with it. "fellow soldiers," he shouted, "you entered missouri a white body, but you have returned surrounded by a great black cloud. it is the work of the lord." there was another man whose name, the author thinks, properly belongs under the heading of this chapter, and to whom, on account of pleasant personal recollections, he would like to refer. he was not a fighter like blair and lane, with whom his life was in striking contrast. he was essentially a man of peace. he was a quaker. although born in kentucky he was an abolitionist. i now refer to levi coffin of cincinnati, who was credited with successfully assisting over three thousand runaway slaves on their way to freedom, and, in consequence, became distinguished among both friends and foes as the "president of 'the underground railroad.'" the most remarkable thing in his case was his immunity from legal punishment. the slaveholders knew very well what he was doing, but so expert was he in hiding his tracks that they could never get their clutches upon him. i had rather an amusing experience with coffin. having when a boy heard so much about him, i was anxious to see him and make his acquaintance. on the occasion of a visit to cincinnati, with a letter of introduction from an acquaintance of coffin, i went to his office, but not without trepidation. i found the great man engaged in a conversation with some one, his back being toward me, as i took my stand just inside of his door. how he became aware of my presence i don't know--i certainly made no noise to attract him--but he certainly knew i was there. suspending the conversation in which he was engaged--he was seated in a revolving chair--he suddenly turned so as to confront me, and silently looked me over. at last he arose, and, stepping up to me, lifted my hat with one hand, and laid the other upon my head. i understood very well what his movements meant. he was looking for outward evidences of negro blood. so far as my complexion went a suspicion of african taint might very well have been entertained. i had been assisting my father in harvesting his wheat crop, and my face and hands had a heavy coating of tan, but my hair was straight and stiff. i could see that the old gentleman was puzzled. not a word, so far, had been spoken on either side. "where is thee from?" was the question that broke the silence. i answered that i was from clark county, meaning clark county, ohio. coffin, however, evidently thought i referred to clark county, kentucky, from which there had been many fugitives, and that settled the matter in his mind. "but, my boy, thee seems to have had a good home," continued the old gentleman as he looked over my clothes and general appearance. "why is thee running away?" then came the explanation and the solemn quaker indulged in a hearty laugh. he remarked that he knew my family very well by reputation, and that he had met my father in abolitionist conventions--meetings he called them. then he invited me to go to his home and break bread with him. i vainly tried to decline. the old man would accept no excuse. "thy father would not refuse my hospitality." that settled the matter, and i accompanied my entertainer to his domicile. i was glad that i did so, as it gave me the opportunity to see and greet coffin's wife, who was a charming elderly quaker lady. she had gained a reputation as a helper of the slave almost equal to that of her husband. when runaways set out on their venturesome journeys, they were generally very indifferently equipped. ordinarily they had only the working garments they wore on the plantations, and these furnished but slight relief for a condition very near to nudity. mrs. coffin set apart a working room in her house, and there sympathizers of both races joined her in garment-making, the result being that very few fugitives left cincinnati without being decently clothed. at the coffin table were several guests beside myself. one was a colored man. he had been a slave, i learned, but his freedom had been purchased, largely through the coffins' efforts. after i left the coffin mansion, i remembered my unused letter of introduction, which i had altogether forgotten. it was no longer called for. chapter xxiii rolls of honor the first honors of abolitionism unquestionably belong to the organizers of the first societies formed for its promotion. the first of these in the order of time was the new england anti-slavery society, which came into being on the first day of january, . william lloyd garrison was chief promoter and master spirit. it consisted at the outset of twelve men, and that was not the only evidence of its apostolic mission. it was to be the forerunner in an ever-memorable revolution. the names of the twelve subscribers to its declaration of views and aims will always have a place in american history. they were william lloyd garrison, oliver johnson, william j. snelling, john e. fuller, moses thatcher, stillman e. newcomb, arnold buffum, john b. hall, joshua coffin, isaac knapp, henry k. stockton, and benjamin c. bacon. as a suggestion from, if not an offshoot of, the new england organization, came the national anti-slavery society, which was organized in philadelphia in . it was intended that the meeting of its promoters should be held in new york, but so intense was the feeling against the abolitionists in that city that no suitable room could there be found, and the "conspirators," as they were called by their enemies, were compelled to seek for accommodation and protection among the philadelphia quakers. in that circumstance there was considerable significance. two great declarations of independence have issued from philadelphia. one was for political freedom; the other was for personal freedom. one was for the benefit of its authors as well as of others. the other one was wholly unselfish. which had the loftier motive? ten states were represented in the philadelphia meeting, which, considering the difficulties incident to travel at that time, was a very creditable showing. one man rode six hundred miles on horseback to attend it. the following is the list of those in attendance, who became subscribers to the declaration that was promulgated: _maine_ david thurston, nathan winslow, joseph southwick, james f. otis, isaac winslow. _new hampshire_ david campbell. _massachusetts_ daniel southmayd, effingham c. capron, amos phelps, john g. whittier, horace p. wakefield, james barbadoes, david t. kimball, jr., daniel e. jewitt, john r. campbell, nathaniel southard, arnold buffum, william lloyd garrison. _rhode island_ john prentice, george w. benson. _connecticut_ samuel j. may, alpheus kingsley, edwin a. stillman, simeon joselyn, robert b. hall. _new york_ beriah green, lewis tappan, john rankin, william green, jr., abram t. cox, william goodell, elizur wright, jr., charles w. denison, john frost. _new jersey_ jonathan parkhurst, chalkly gillinghamm, john mccullough, james white. _pennsylvania_ evan lewis, edwin a. altee, robert purviss, james mccrummill, thomas shipley, bartholomew fussell, david jones, enoch mace, john mckim, anson vickers, joseph loughead, edward p. altee, thomas whitson, john r. sleeper, john sharp, jr., james mott. _ohio_ milton sutliff, levi sutliff, john m. sterling. * * * * * the writer finds it quite impossible to carry out the idea with which this chapter was begun, which was to furnish a catalogue embracing all active anti-slavery workers who were abolitionists. space does not permit. he will therefore condense by giving a portion of the list, the selections being dictated partly by claims of superior merit, and partly by accident. as representative men and women of the east--chiefly of new england and new york--he gives the following: david lee child, of boston, for some time editor of the _national anti-slavery advocate_. he was the husband of lydia maria child, who wrote the first bound volume published in this country in condemnation of the enslavement of "those people called africans"; samuel e. sewell, another bostonian and a lawyer who volunteered his services in cases of fugitive slaves; ellis gray lowell, another boston lawyer of eminence; amos augustus phelps, a preacher and lecturer, for whose arrest the slaveholders of new orleans offered a reward of ten thousand dollars; parker pillsbury, another preacher and lecturer, who at twenty years of age was the driver of an express wagon, and with no literary education, but who, in order that he might better plead the cause of the slave, went to school and became a noted orator; theodore weld, who married angelina grimke, the south carolina abolitionist, and who as an anti-slavery advocate was excelled, if he was excelled, only by henry ward beecher and wendell phillips; henry brewster stanton, a very vigorous anti-slavery editor and the husband of elizabeth cady stanton, the champion of women's rights; theodore parker, the great boston divine; o.b. frothingham, another famous preacher; thomas wentworth higginson, the writer; samuel johnson, c.l. redmond, james monroe, a.t. foss, william wells brown, henry c. wright, g.d. hudson, sallie holley, anna e. dickinson, aaron m. powell, george brodburn, lucy stone, edwin thompson, nathaniel w. whitney, sumner lincoln, james boyle, giles b. stebbins, thomas t. stone, george m. putnam, joseph a. howland, susan b. anthony, frances e. watkins, loring moody, adin ballou, w.h. fish, daniel foster, a.j. conover, james n. buffum, charles c. burleigh, william goodell, joshua leavitt, charles m. denison, isaac hopper, abraham l. cox. to the above should be added the names of alvin stewart of new york, who issued the call for the convention that projected the liberty party, and of john kendrick, who executed the first will including a bequest in aid of the abolition cause. and here must not be omitted the name of john p. hale, of new hampshire, who was a candidate for the presidency on the liberty party ticket, and also a conspicuous member of the u.s. senate. going westward, we come to ohio, which became, early in the movement, the dominating center of abolitionist influence. salmon p. chase was there. james g. birney, after being forced out of kentucky, was there. ex-united states senator thomas morris, a candidate for the vice-presidency on the liberty party ticket, was there. leicester king and samuel lewis, abolition candidates for the governorship of the state, were there. joshua r. giddings and united states senator ben. wade were there. one great advantage the ohio abolitionists enjoyed was that they were harmonious and united. in the east that was not the case. there was a bitter feud between the garrisonians, who relied on moral suasion, and the advocates of political action. all ohio abolitionists were ready and eager to employ the ballot. there is another name, in speaking of ohio, that must not be omitted. dr. townsend was the man who made salmon p. chase a united states senator, and at a time when the abolition voting strength in ohio was a meager fraction in comparison with that of the old parties--numbering not over one in twenty. it happened to be a time when the old parties--the whigs and the democrats--had so nearly an equal representation in the state legislature that townsend, who was a state senator, and two co-operating members, held a balance of power. both parties were exceedingly anxious to control the legislature, as that body, under the state constitution then in force, had the distribution of a great deal of patronage. the consideration for the deciding vote demanded by townsend and his associates was the election of chase to the senate. they and the democrats made the deal. naturally enough, the whigs expressed great indignation until it was shown that they had offered to enter into very much the same arrangement. some years before the events just spoken of, townsend had been a medical student in cincinnati. one day he stepped into the courthouse, where a fugitive-slave case was being tried. there he listened to an argument from salmon p. chase, the negro's defender, that made an abolitionist of him. the senatorial incident naturally followed. there was another ohioan--not an individual this time, but an institution--that will always hold a high place in the annals of abolitionism. oberlin college was a power in the land. it had a corps of very able professors who were, without exception, active anti-slavery workers. they regarded themselves as public instructors as well as private teachers. there was scarcely a township in ohio that they did not visit, either personally or through their disciples. they were as ready to talk in country schoolhouses as in their own college halls. of course, they were violently opposed. mobs broke up their meetings very frequently, but that only made them more persistent. their teachings were viciously misrepresented. they were accused of favoring the intermarriage of the races, and parents were warned, if they sent their children to oberlin, to look out for colored sons-in-law and daughters-in-law. for such slanders, however, the men and women of oberlin--for both sexes were admitted to faculty and classes--seemed to care no more than they did for pro-slavery mobs. there is another name which, although it belongs exclusively neither to the east nor to the west, to the north nor to the south, should not be omitted from a record like this. doctor gamaliel bailey resided in the district of columbia, and issued the _national era_ from washington city. although a journal of small folio measurement and issued but once a week, it was for a considerable time the most influential organ of the abolitionists. its circulation was large and its management very able. of course, it took no little courage and judgment to conduct such a publication in the very center of slaveholding influence, and more than once it barely escaped destruction by mobs. if there was nothing else to his credit there was one thing accomplished by the _era's_ owner that entitles him to lasting remembrance. he was the introducer, if not the real producer, of _uncle tom's cabin._ it first appeared in the _era_ in serial numbers. it is perfectly safe to say that no other newspaper in the country, of any standing, would have touched it. without dr. bailey's encouragement the work would not have been written. this was admitted by mrs. stowe. up to this point the people whose names have been mentioned in these pages have, to a certain extent, been public characters and leaders. they were generals, and colonels, and captains, and orderly sergeants, in the army of emancipation. there were, also, privates in the ranks whose services richly deserve to be commemorated, showing, as they do, the character of the works they performed. the writer cannot resist the temptation to refer to two of them in particular, although, doubtless, there were many others of equal merit. a reason for the preference he shows in this case, that will not be misunderstood, is the fact that one of the men was his uncle and the other his father. james kedzie and john hume were plain country farmers residing in southwestern ohio, neither very rich nor very poor. they were natives of scotland, and stating that fact is almost equivalent to saying they were abolitionists. none of the scotch of the writer's personal knowledge, at the period referred to, were otherwise than strongly anti-slavery. there are said to be exceptions to all rules, and there was one in this instance. he was a kinsman of the author, and a "braw" young scotchman who came over to this country with the expectation of picking up a fortune in short order. finding the north too slow, he went south. there he met a lady who owned a valuable plantation well stocked with healthy negroes. he married the woman, and became something of a local nabob, with the reputation of great severity as a master. one day, with his own hand, he inflicted a cruel flogging on a slave who had the name of a "bad nigger." that night, when the master was playing chess with a neighbor by candlelight on the ground floor of his dwelling, all the windows being open, the negro crept up with a loaded gun and shot him dead. the sad affair was regretfully commented on by the dead man's relatives, who, i remember, referred to his untimely ending as "his judgment," and as a punishment he had brought upon "himself." my uncle and father did not conceal their unpopular views. they openly voted the abolition ticket. in eight years, beginning with their two ballots, they raised the third party vote in their immediate vicinity to eight, and they boasted of the progress they had made. they did not make public addresses, but they faithfully listened to those made by others in support of the cause. they attended all abolition meetings that were within reach. they took the _national era_. not only that, but they got up clubs for it. the first club i recollect my father's securing consisted of half a dozen subscribers, for one half of which he paid. the next year's was double in size, and so was my father's contribution. there was no fund for the promotion of the abolitionist cause, for which they were called upon, to which they did not cheerfully pay according to their means. all abolition lecturers and colporteurs were gratuitously entertained, although their presence was sometimes a cause of abuse, and even of danger. there were other travelers who sometimes applied for help. their faces were of dusky hue, and their great whitish eyes were like those of hunted beasts of the forest. they went on their way strengthened and rejoicing--always in the direction of the north star. the men are dead, but slavery is dead also, partly through their labors and sacrifices. their unpretentious, patient, earnest lives were not in vain. they contributed to the final triumph of freedom's holy cause. appendix emancipation proclamation january , .--whereas, on the d day of september, , a proclamation was issued by the president of the united states, containing, among other things, the following, to wit: that on the st day of january, , all persons held as slaves within any state or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the united states, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free, and the executive government of the united states, including the naval and military authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons or any of them in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. that the executive will on the first day of january aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the states and parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the united states; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the congress of the united states, by members chosen thereto at elections, wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such states have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such state, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the united states. now, therefore, i, abraham lincoln, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the united states, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the united states, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do on this first day of january, , and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the states and parts of states wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the united states, the following, to wit: arkansas, texas, louisiana (except the parishes of st. bernard, plaquemines, jefferson, st. john, st. charles, st. james, ascension, assumption, terre bonne, lafourche, st. mary, st. martin, and orleans, including the city of new orleans), mississippi, alabama, florida, georgia, south carolina, north carolina, and virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as west virginia, and also the counties of berkeley, accomac, northampton, elizabeth city, york, princess ann, and norfolk and portsmouth) and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. and by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, i do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated states and parts of states are, and henceforward shall be, free, and that the executive government of the united states, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons. and i hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and i recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. and i further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the united states, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. and upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the constitution upon military necessity, i invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of almighty god. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington this first day of january, , and of the independence of the united states the eighty-seventh. abraham lincoln. by the president: william h. seward, secretary of state. border slave-state message amendment to the national constitution recommended by president lincoln in his message to congress of december i, . _resolved_ by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled: that the following articles be proposed to the legislatures (or conventions) of the several states as amendments to the constitution of the united states, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures (or conventions) to be valid as parts of the said constitution, namely: article.--every state wherein slavery now exists, which shall abolish the same therein, at any time or times before the st day of january in the year of our lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the united states as follows, to wit: (then follows a provision to issue bonds of the united states government, which shall be delivered to the states in amounts sufficient to compensate the owners of slaves within their jurisdictions for the loss of their slave property.) article.--all slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war, at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for states adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. article.--congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at any place or places without the united states. "prayer of twenty millions" on the th of august, , horace greeley, under the above heading, addressed a letter to the president, which appeared over his signature in the new york _tribune_ of that date. the conclusion of mr. greeley's epistle was as follows: "on the face of this wide earth, mr. president, there is not one disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the union cause who does not feel that all attempts to put down the rebellion, and at the same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile--that the rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year if slavery were left in full vigor--that army officers who remain to this day devoted to slavery can at best be but halfway loyal to the union--and that every hour of deference to slavery is an hour of added and deepened peril to the union. i appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in europe. ask them to tell you candidly whether the seeming subserviency of your policy to the slaveholding, slavery-upholding interest is not the perplexity, the despair of statesmen of all parties, and be admonished by the general answer." index abolitionism, and republicanism, , ; end of, - . abolitionist movement, v. abolitionists, hysterical praise of, ; and dissolution of the union, , ; effect, ; struggles, ; and political expediency, ; convention at pittsburgh, ; third-party, ; vote of, ; founders of republican party, ; pro-slavery mobbing, ; voting strength, ; organization, ; lecturers, ; stump orators, ; newspapers, ; preparatory work, ; hostility to union, ; disloyalty, ; treason, ; place in history, ; quakers, ; physical courage, ; unselfishness of, ; motives, ; persecution of, ; feelings against, ; hopefulness of, ; first presidential ticket, ; prejudice against, ; abuse by "gentlemen," ; women, ; preliminary victory of, ; denunciation of early, ; leaders, - . adams, john quincy, , ; attempted expulsion of, from congress, - ; speech in his own defense in congress, . altee, edward p., . altee, edwin a., . "amalgamation," . anderson "bill," . andrew, governor, of massachusetts, peleg's _life of_, . anthony, susan b., , . anti-slavery, causes, ; matter excluded from united states mails, ; formation of party, ; pioneers, - ; lecturers, - ; orators, - ; women, - ; mobs, - ; in haverhill, ; in nantucket, ; martyrs, - ; sentiment, in england, . anti-slavery societies, organization, ; in new england, , , , , ; national, , , , . anti-unionist, . * * * * * bacon, benjamin c., . bailey, dr. gamaliel, , . ballou, adin, . barbadoes, james, . bates, judge, . beecher, henry ward, , , ; speech in england, - ; and lincoln, . bell, . benson, george w., . benton, thomas h., . birney, jas. g., , , , - , . "black laws" ; in ohio, . black republic of texas, . blair, gen. prank p., , - ; and missouri emancipationists, ; and missouri abolitionists, ; appearance of, ; fearlessness, ; quarrel with frémont, ; and capture of camp jackson, - ; threats against, . blair, montgomery, , . bonner, hon. benjamin r., . border-ruffianism, . border slave-state message, text of, - . boyle, james, . bradley, john, . breckenridge, ; factions, . breckenridge, judge samuel m., . brodburn, george, . brown, b. gratz, . brown, john, , . brown, william wells, . buchanan, james . buffum, arnold, , . buffum, james n., . bull run, . burleigh, charles c., . buxton, sir thomas, . * * * * * camp jackson (st. louis), ; "affair" at, - ; effect of capture, - . campbell, david, . campbell, john r., . capron, effingham c., . carlisle, earl of, . chapman, mrs. henry, . "charcoals," missouri, ; delegation to president, , ; fight for "free missouri," ; appeal to president for protection, - . chase, salmon p., , , , - , , ; financial policy, ; espousal of abolitionism, ; and "third party," ; election to united states senate, . child, david lee, . child, lydia maria, . chittenden, l.e., . churchill's _crisis_, . civil war, ; due to abolitionists, . clay, henry, , . "claybanks," ; exclusion from national convention, . coffin, joshua, . coffin, levi, - ; "president of 'the underground railroad,'" . colonization, - ; society, ; and england, - ; lincoln's opinion, ; experiments, - . colonizationists, pretended friendship for negroes, . compromise of , . conover, a.j., . cotton-gin, invention of, . cox, abram l., , . crandall, prudence, persecution of, - . crandall, dr. reuben, - . _crisis, the_, . cross keys, battle of, . curtis, geo. william, , . curtis, gen. samuel r., and military control of missouri, - ; charges against, . * * * * * democratic party, division of, . democrats, , ; anti-nebraska, ; of new york, . denison, charles m., , . dickinson, anna e., . dissolution of union, petition for, . "doughface," . douglas, stephen a., ; dislike of, by slaveholders' factions, ; defeated for president, - ; and abolitionists, ; hated by slave-owners, . douglass, fred., . drake, hon. charles d., . dred scott decision, - ; too late for south's purpose, . dresser, amos, whipped, . * * * * * emancipation proclamation, - ; due to abolitionists, ; story of, ; moral influence of, ; lincoln's reasons for, ; ineffective, ; text of, - . ewing, gen. thomas, ; repulsion of general price, . * * * * * field, david dudley, . fish, w.h., . fletcher, thomas c., . fort donelson, capture of, , . fort henry, capture of, . foss, a.t., . foster, daniel, . foster, stephen, . "free-soil" party, . frémont, general, ; and western command, - ; financial bad management, ; defeats stonewall jackson, ; removal, ; freedom proclamation, . frost, john, . frothingham, o.b., . fugitive slave law, , . fuller, john e., . fussell, bartholomew, . * * * * * gamble, hamilton r., ; and emancipation ordinance of, ; and military control of missouri, . garrison, william lloyd, , , , , ; dragged through streets of boston, ; imprisonment for libel, ; reception in england, - ; speech at exeter hall, . _genius of universal emancipation, the,_ . giddings, joshua r., , , . gillinghamm, chalkly, . goodell, william, , . grant, general, ; and "charcoals," ; nomination by missouri radicals, - ; capture of fort donelson, . greeley, horace, , , , . green, beriah, . green, william, jr., . grimké sisters, , - , . * * * * * hale, john p., , . hall, john b., . hall, robert b., . hallock's order number three, . harrison, wm. henry, . hay, john, . henry, patrick, williamsburg speech, . higginson, thomas wentworth, . _hints toward emancipation in missouri_, . hollie, sally, . hopper, isaac, . how, john, . howland, joseph a., . hudson, professor, , , . hudson, frederic, . hume, john, - . hutchinsons, the, . * * * * * ile a'vache, . indiana, introduction of slavery into, . * * * * * jackson, claiborne f., ; attempt to make missouri secede, - ; outwitted by nathaniel lyon, . jackson, stonewall, defeat of, . jewitt, daniel e., . johnson, andrew, , . johnson, oliver, , . johnson, samuel, . jones, david, . joselyn, simeon, . julian, geo. w., _political recollections_, . * * * * * kansas-nebraska bill, . kedzie, james, - . kelly, abby, - . kendrick, john, . kentucky, . kimball, david t., jr., . king, leicester, . kingsley, alpheus, . knapp, isaac, . "know-nothings," . * * * * * lafayette, . lane, james h., - ; canvas for u.s. senator, - ; attitude on slavery, . lawrence, city of, capture by quantrell, ; butchery of inhabitants, . leavitt, joshua, . lewis, evan, . lewis, samuel, . liberal party, , , , , . _liberator_, ; first issue, ; south carolina and georgia offers reward for its circulation, - ; excluded from u.s. mails, ; office wrecked by mob, ; opposed to separate party action, . lincoln, abraham, , , , ; election of, , ; gettysburg speech, ; and douglas, - ; debate of , ; and slavery, , ; preferred by slaveholders, ; _recollections of_, - ; and emancipation, - ; and missouri compromise, ; message to minister dayton of paris, ; proposed constitutional amendment, ; special message to congress, december, , ; emancipation policy, ; and abolitionists, ; and free-soilers, ; congressional sentiment toward, ; antagonism to, - ; _life of_, by i.n. arnold, . lincoln, sumner, . longhead, joseph, . lovejoy, elijah p., shooting of, , , - , . lowell, ellis gray, . lundy, benjamin, , - ; meeting with garrison, . lyon, nathaniel, . * * * * * mccrummil, james, . mccullough, john, . mckim, john, . mace, enoch, . manumittal, arguments against, - . marshall, "tom," . massachusetts legislature and slavery, . may, samuel j., . may, rev. s.t., _recollections_, . mexican war, . missouri, - ; compromise, , , - ; admission to union as slave state, ; slavery contest, ; and the union, - ; radicals, ; conservatives, ; "charcoals," ; "claybanks," ; military control of, - ; guerrilla bands, ; pacification of, ; radicals, opposition to lincoln, in national convention, - ; delegation to lincoln, - ; germans, attacks on, - ; loyalty of, - . _missouri democrat, the_, - ; and louis snyder, - ; opposition to lincoln, ; support of johnson, . monroe, james, . moody, loring, . morris, senator, . mott, mrs. lucretia, , - . mott, james, . * * * * * _national anti-slavery advocate_, . _national era, the_, , - . negroes, prejudice against, in north, ; in ohio, ; stronger in north than in south, ; suffrage, ; failure as freemen, - . newcomb, stillman e., . nicolay, j.c., . "nigger hill," , . "nigger-pens," . noyes, . * * * * * oberlin college, . o'connell, daniel, . ohio, pro-slavery, ; abolitionists of, . opdyke, . ordinance of ' , . otis, james f., . * * * * * parker, theodore, . parkhurst, jonathan, . pennsylvania hall, firing of, . "peonage," . phelps, amos, , . philippine islands, - ; slavery in, ; massacres in, ; abuses in, - ; spoliation of, . phillips, wendell, ; speech in faneuil hall, - . phillips, mrs., - . pillsbury, parker, . pleasanton, general, . pointdexter, . "popular sovereignty," . powell, aaron m., . _prayer of twenty millions, the_, ; text of, - . prentice, john, . presidential campaign of , . price, general sterling, , . prohibitionists, , , . purviss, robert, . putnam, george m., . * * * * * quantrell, . * * * * * rankin, john, . raymond, henry j., _life of lincoln,_ . redmond, c.l., . republican party, , , , ; elements of, ; lack of policy, ; and election of lincoln, ; existence due to abolitionists, ; and negro rights, ; and philippine islands, ; and abolitionism, - . _republican party, history of the_, curtis, . _rise and fall of the slave power_, . roosevelt, theodore, and abolitionists, - . rosecrans, general, . russell, earl . * * * * * schofield, gen. john m., and military control of missouri, - ; charges against, ; relieved from command, . secession, pretext for, . sewell, samuel e., . sharp, john, jr., . shipley, thomas, . sigel, general, . slave-owners, mastery of, . slave power, submission to, ; northward march, . slave production in northern states, . slavery, destruction of, ; overthrow of, ; in ante-bellum days, ; and biblical authority, ; a state institution, ; condemned by washington, jefferson, and henry, ; northern support, - , ; spread of, ; introduction into territories, - ; practical extirpation, . sleeper, john r., . smith, gen. a.j., . snelling, william j., . southard, nathaniel, . south carolina "black horse," . southmayd, daniel, . southwick, joseph, . stanton, elizabeth cady, , . stanton, henry brewster, . stebbins, giles b., . sterling, john m., . stevens, thaddeus, , . stewart, alvin, . stillman, edwin a., . stockton, henry k., stone, lucy, . stone, thomas t., . stowe, harriet beecher , , . sumner, charles, , . sutliff, levi, sutliff, milton, . * * * * * tappan, arthur, . tappan, lewis, , . taussig, james, . taylor, gen. z., . texas, annexation of, . thatcher, moses, . thirteenth amendment, ; vote on, - . thompson, edwin, . _thoughts on african colonization_, . thurston, david, . toombs, robert, . torrey, charles turner, - . townsend, dr., . _uncle tom's cabin_, , . underground railroad, - ; confession of john smith, - . united states in far east, ; army increase of, ; navy increase of, . van buren, martin, ; a "doughface," ; free soiler, . van zant case, . vickers, anson, . virginia, . * * * * * wade, benjamin f., , , . wakefield, horace p., . walker, jonathan, branded, . washington, booker, . watkins, frances e., . weld, theodore w., , . wheeling, va., slavery traffic in, . whigs, , - , . white, james, . whitney, eli, . whitney, nathaniel, . whitson, thomas, . whittier, john g., . wilkes, . winslow, isaac, . winslow, nathan, . wise, henry a., . wright, elizur, jr., . wright, henry c., . generously made available by the library of congress.) music transcribed by linda cantoni and the pgdp music team. the liberty minstrel. [illustration] "when the striving of surges is mad on the main, like the charge of a column of plumes on the plain, when the thunder is up from his cloud cradled sleep and the tempest is treading the paths of the deep-- there is beauty. but where is the beauty to see, like the sun-brilliant brow of a nation when free?" by geo. w. clark. new-york: leavitt & alden, cornhill, boston: saxton & miles, broadway, n.y.: myron finch, nassau st., n.y.: jackson & chaplin, dean st., albany, n.y.: jackson & chaplin, corner genessee and main st., utica, n.y. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by george w. clark, in the clerk's office of the district court of the southern district of new york. s.w. benedict & co. music stereotypers and printers, _spruce st._ n.y. preface. all creation is musical--all nature speaks the language of song. 'there's music in the sighing of a reed, there's music in the gushing of a rill; there's music in _all things_, if man had ears; the _earth_ is but an _echo_ of the spheres.' and who is not moved by music? "who ever despises music," says martin luther, "i am displeased with him." 'there is a charm--a power that sways the breast, bids every passion revel, or be still; inspires with rage, or all our cares dissolves; can soothe _destruction_, and _almost soothes despair_.' that music is capable of accomplishing vast good, and that it is a source of the most elevated and refined enjoyment when rightly cultivated and practiced, no one who understands its power or has observed its effects, will for a moment deny. 'thou, o music! canst assuage the pain and heal the wound that hath defied the skill of sager comforters; thou dost restrain each wild emotion, thou dost the rage of fiercest passions chill, or lightest up the flames of holy fire, as through the soul thy strains harmonious thrill. who does not desire to see the day when music in this country, _cultivated and practised by_ all--music of a chaste, refined and elevated style, shall go forth with its angel voice, like a spirit of love upon the wind, exerting upon all classes of society a rich and healthful moral influence. when its wonderful power shall be made to subserve every righteous cause--to aid every humane effort for the promotion of man's social, civil and religious well-being. it has been observed by travellers, that after a short residence in almost any of the cities of the eastern world, one would fancy "every second person a musician." during the night, the streets of these cities, particularly rome, the capitol of italy, are filled with all sorts of minstrelsy, and the ear is agreeably greeted with a perpetual confluence of sweet sounds. a scotch traveller, in passing through one of the most delightful villas of rome, overheard a stonemason chanting something in a strain of peculiar melancholy; and on inquiry, ascertained it to be the "_lament of tasso_." he soon learned that this celebrated piece was familiar to all the common people. torquato tasso was an italian poet of great merit, who was for many years deprived of liberty, and subjected to severe trials and misfortunes by the jealousy and cruelty of his patron, the duke of ferrara. that master-piece of music, so justly admired and so much sung by the high and low throughout all italy, had its origin in the wrongs of tasso. an ardent love of humanity--a deep consciousness of the injustice of slavery--a heart full of sympathy for the oppressed, and a due appreciation of the blessings of freedom, has given birth to the poetry comprising this volume. i have long desired to see these sentiments of love, of sympathy, of justice and humanity, so beautifully expressed in poetic measure, embalmed in sweet music; so that _all the people_--the rich, the poor, the young, and the old, who have hearts to feel, and tongues to move, may sing of the wrongs of slavery, and the blessings of liberty, until every human being shall recognise in his fellow an _equal_;--"a man and a brother." until by familiarity with these sentiments, and their influence upon their _hearts_, _the people_, whose _duty it is_, shall "undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free." i announced, sometime since, my intention of publishing such a work. many have been impatiently waiting its appearance. i should have been glad to have issued it and scattered it like leaves of the forest over the land, long ago, but circumstances which i could not control, have prevented. i purpose to enlarge the work from time to time, as circumstances may require. let associations of singers, having the love of liberty in their hearts, be immediately formed in every community. let them study thoroughly, and make themselves perfectly familiar with both the poetry and the music, and enter into the _sentiment_ of the piece they perform, that they may _impress it_ upon their hearers. above all things, let the enunciation of every word be _clear_ and _distinct_. most of the singing of the present day, is entirely too artificial, stiff and mechanical. it should be easy and natural; flowing directly from the soul of the performer, without affectation or display; and then singing will answer its true end, and not only please the _ear_, but affect and improve the _heart_. to the true friends of universal freedom, the liberty minstrel is respectfully dedicated. g.w. clark. new york, oct. . the liberty minstrel. gone, sold and gone. words by whittier. music by g.w. clark. [music] gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, where the slave-whip ceaseless swings, where the noisome insect stings, where the fever demon strews poison with the falling dews, where the sickly sunbeams glare through the hot and misty air, gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, from virginia's hills and waters, woe is me my stolen daughters! gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, there no mother's eye is near them, there no mother's ear can hear them; never when the torturing lash seams their back with many a gash, shall a mother's kindness bless them, or a mother's arms caress them. gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, from virginia's hills and waters, woe is me my stolen daughters! gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, oh, when weary, sad, and slow, from the fields at night they go, faint with toil, and rack'd with pain, to their cheerless homes again-- there no brother's voice shall greet them-- there no father's welcome meet them.--_gone, &c._ gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, from the tree whose shadow lay on their childhood's place of play-- from the cool spring where they drank-- rock, and hill, and rivulet bank-- from the solemn house of prayer, and the holy counsels there.--_gone, &c._ gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, toiling through the weary day, and at night the spoiler's prey; oh, that they had earlier died, sleeping calmly, side by side, where the tyrant's power is o'er, and the fetter galls no more!--_gone, &c._ gone, gone--sold and gone, to the rice-swamp dank and lone, by the holy love he beareth-- by the bruised reed he spareth-- oh, may he, to whom alone all their cruel wrongs are known, still their hope and refuge prove, with a more than mother's love.--_gone, &c._ what means that sad and dismal look? words by geo. russell. arranged from "near the lake," by g.w.c. [music] what means that sad and dismal look, and why those falling tears? no voice is heard, no word is spoke, yet nought but grief appears. ah! mother, hast thou ever known the pain of parting ties? was ever infant from thee torn and sold before thine eyes? say, would not grief _thy_ bosom swell? _thy_ tears like rivers flow? should some rude ruffian seize and sell the child thou lovest so? there's feeling in a _mother's_ breast, though _colored_ be her skin! and though at slavery's foul behest, she must not weep for kin. i had a lovely, smiling child, it sat upon my knee; and oft a tedious hour beguiled, with merry heart of glee. that child was from my bosom torn, and sold before my eyes; with outstretched arms, and looks forlorn, it uttered piteous cries. mother! dear mother!--take, o take thy helpless little one! ah! then i thought my heart would break; my child--my child was gone. long, long ago, my child they stole, but yet my grief remains; these tears flow freely--and my soul in bitterness complains. then ask not why "my dismal look," nor why my "falling tears," such wrongs, what human heart can brook? no hope for me appears. the slave boy's wish. by eliza lee follen. i wish i was that little bird, up in the bright blue sky; that sings and flies just where he will, and no one asks him why. i wish i was that little brook, that runs so swift along; through pretty flowers and shining stones, singing a merry song. i wish i was that butterfly, without a thought or care; sporting my pretty, brilliant wings, like a flower in the air. i wish i was that wild, wild deer, i saw the other day; who swifter than an arrow flew, through the forest far away. i wish i was that little cloud, by the gentle south wind driven; floating along, so free and bright, far, far up into heaven. i'd rather be a cunning fox, and hide me in a cave; i'd rather be a savage wolf, than what i am--a slave. my mother calls me her good boy, my father calls me brave; what wicked action have i done, that i should be a slave. i saw my little sister sold, so will they do to me; my heavenly father, let me die, for then i shall be free. the bereaved father. words by miss chandler. music by g.w.c. [music] ye've gone from me, my gentle ones! with all your shouts of mirth; a silence is within my walls, a darkness round my hearth, a darkness round my hearth. woe to the hearts that heard, unmoved, the mother's anguish'd shriek! and mock'd, with taunting scorn, the tears that bathed a father's cheek. woe to the hands that tore you hence, my innocent and good! not e'en the tigress of the wild, thus tears her fellow's brood. i list to hear your soft sweet tones, upon the morning air; i gaze amidst the twilight's gloom, as if to find you there. but you no more come bounding forth to meet me in your glee; and when the evening shadows fall, ye are not at my knee. your forms are aye before my eyes, your voices on my ear, and all things wear a thought of you, but you no more are here. you were the glory of my life, my blessing and my pride! i half forgot the name of slave, when you were by my side! woe for your lot, ye doom'd ones! woe a seal is on your fate! and shame, and toil, and wretchedness, on all your steps await! slave girl mourning her father. parodied from mrs. sigourney by g.w.c. [music] they say i was but four years old when father was sold away; yet i have never seen his face since that sad parting day. he went where brighter flowrets grow beneath the southern skies; oh who will show me on the map where that far country lies? i begged him, "father, do not go! for, since my mother died, i love no one so well as you;" and, clinging to his side, the tears came gushing down my cheeks until my eyes were dim; some were in sorrow for the dead, and _some_ in love for him. he knelt and prayed of god above, "my little daughter spare, and let us both here meet again, o keep her in thy care." he does not come!--i watch for him at evening twilight grey, till every shadow wears his shape, along the grassy way. i muse and listen all alone, when stormy winds are high, and think i hear his tender tone, and call, but no reply; and so i've done these four long years, without a friend or home, yet every dream of hope is vain,-- why don't my father come? father--dear father, are you sick, upon a stranger shore?-- the people say it must be so-- o send to me once more, and let your little daughter come, to soothe your restless bed, and hold the cordial to your lips, and press your aching head. alas!--i fear me he is dead!-- who will my trouble share? or tell me where his form is laid, and let me travel there? by mother's tomb i love to sit, where the green branches wave; good people! help a friendless child to find her father's grave. the slave and her babe. words by charlotte elizabeth. "can a woman forget her sucking child?" _air--"slave girl mourning her father."_ o, massa, let me stay, to catch my baby's sobbing breath; his little glassy eye to watch, and smooth his limbs in death, and cover him with grass and leaf, beneath the plantain tree! it is not sullenness, but grief-- o, massa, pity me! god gave me babe--a precious boon, to cheer my lonely heart, but massa called to work too soon, and i must needs depart. the morn was chill--i spoke no word, but feared my babe might die, and heard all day, or thought i heard, my little baby cry. at noon--o, how i ran! and took my baby to my breast! i lingered--and the long lash broke my sleeping infant's rest. i worked till night--till darkest night, in torture and disgrace; went home, and watched till morning light, to see my baby's face. the fulness from its cheek was gone, the sparkle from its eye; now hot, like fire, now cold, like stone, i _knew_ my babe must die. i worked upon plantation ground, though faint with woe and dread, then ran, or flew, and here i found-- see massa, almost dead. then give me but one little hour-- o! do not lash me so! one little hour--one little hour-- and gratefully i'll go. ah me! the whip has cut my boy, i heard his feeble scream; no more--farewell my only joy, my life's first gladsome dream! i lay thee on the lonely sod, the heaven is bright above; these christians boast they have a god, and say his name is love: o gentle, loving god, look down! my dying baby see; the mercy that from earth is flown, perhaps may dwell with thee! the negro's appeal. words by cowper. tune--"isle of beauty." [music] forced from home and all its pleasures, afric's coast i left forlorn; to increase a stranger's treasures, o'er the raging billows borne. christian people bought and sold me, paid my price in paltry gold: but though slave they have enrolled me _minds_ are never to be sold. is there, as ye sometimes tell me, is there one who reigns on high? has he bid you buy and sell me, speaking from his throne--the sky? ask him, if your knotted scourges, matches, blood-extorting screws, are the means that duty urges agents of his will to use. hark! he answers--wild tornadoes, strewing yonder sea with wrecks, wasting towns, plantations, meadows, are the voice with which he speaks. he, foreseeing what vexations afric's sons should undergo, fixed their tyrant's habitations, where his whirlwinds answer--no! by our blood in afric' wasted, ere our necks received the chain; by the miseries that we tasted, crossing in your barks the main: by our sufferings, since ye brought us to the man-degrading mart, all sustained by patience, taught us only by a broken heart-- deem our nation brutes no longer, till some reason ye shall find, worthier of regard and stronger than the _color_ of our kind. slaves of gold! whose sordid dealings tarnish all your boasted powers; prove that you have human feelings, ere you proudly question ours. negro boy sold for a watch.[ ] [footnote : an african prince having arrived in england, and having been asked what he had given for his watch, answered, "what i will never give again--i gave a fine boy for it."] words by cowper. arranged by g.w.c. from an old theme. [music] when avarice enslaves the mind, and selfish views alone bear sway man turns a savage to his kind, and blood and rapine mark his way. alas! for this poor simple toy, i sold the hapless negro boy. his father's hope, his mother's pride, though black, yet comely to the view i tore him helpless from their side, and gave him to a ruffian crew-- to fiends that afric's coast annoy, i sold the hapless negro boy. from country, friends, and parents torn, his tender limbs in chains confined, i saw him o'er the billows borne, and marked his agony of mind; but still to gain this simple toy, i gave the weeping negro boy. in isles that deck the western wave i doomed the hapless youth to dwell, a poor, forlorn, insulted slave! a beast that christians buy and sell! and in their cruel tasks employ the much-enduring negro boy. his wretched parents long shall mourn, shall long explore the distant main in hope to see the youth return; but all their hopes and sighs are vain: they never shall the sight enjoy, of their lamented negro boy. beneath a tyrant's harsh command, he wears away his youthful prime; far distant from his native land, a stranger in a foreign clime. no pleasing thoughts his mind employ, a poor, dejected negro boy. but he who walks upon the wind, whose voice in thunder's heard on high, who doth the raging tempest bind, and hurl the lightning through the sky, in his own time will sure destroy the oppressor of the negro boy. i am monarch of nought i survey. a parody. air "old dr. fleury." i am monarch of nought i survey, my wrongs there are none to dispute; my master conveys me away, his whims or caprices to suit. o slavery, where are the charms that "patriarchs" have seen in thy face; i dwell in the midst of alarms, and serve in a horrible place. i am out of humanity's reach, and must finish my life with a groan; never hear the sweet music of speech that tells me my body's my own. society, friendship, and love, divinely bestowed upon some, are blessings i never can prove, if slavery's my portion to come. religion! what treasures untold, reside in that heavenly word! more precious than silver or gold, or all that this earth can afford. but i am excluded the light that leads to this heavenly grace; the bible is clos'd to my sight, its beauties i never can trace. ye winds, that have made me your sport, convey to this sorrowful land, some cordial endearing report, of freedom from tyranny's hand. my friends, do they not often send, a wish or a thought after me? o, tell me i yet have a friend, a friend i am anxious to see. how fleet is a glance of the mind! compared with the speed of its flight; the tempest itself lags behind, and the swift-winged arrows of light. when i think of victoria's domain, in a moment i seem to be there, but the fear of being taken again, soon hurries me back to despair. the wood-fowl has gone to her nest, the beast has lain down in his lair; to me, there's no season of rest, though i to my quarter repair. if mercy, o lord, is in store, for those who in slavery pine; grant me when life's troubles are o'er, a place in thy kingdom divine. the afric's dream. words by miss chandler. "emigrant's lament," arranged by g.w.c. [music] why did ye wake me from my sleep? it was a dream of bliss, and ye have torn me from that land, to pine again in this; methought, beneath yon whispering tree, that i was laid to rest, the turf, with all its with'ring flowers, upon my cold heart pressed. my chains, these hateful chains, were gone--oh, would that i might die, so from my swelling pulse i could forever cast them by! and on, away, o'er land and sea, my joyful spirit passed, till, 'neath my own banana tree, i lighted down at last. my cabin door, with all its flowers, was still profusely gay, as when i lightly sported there, in childhood's careless day! but trees that were as sapling twigs, with broad and shadowing bough, around the well-known threshhold spread a freshening coolness now. the birds whose notes i used to hear, were shouting on the earth, as if to greet me back again with their wild strains of mirth; my own bright stream was at my feet, and how i laughed to lave my burning lip, and cheek, and brow, in that delicious wave! my boy, my first-born babe, had died amid his early hours, and there we laid him to his sleep among the clustering flowers; yet lo! without my cottage-door he sported in his glee, with her whose grave is far from his, beneath yon linden tree. i sprang to snatch them to my soul; when breathing out my name, to grasp my hand, and press my lip, a crowd of loved ones came! wife, parents, children, kinsmen, friends! the dear and lost ones all, with blessed words of welcome came, to greet me from my thrall. forms long unseen were by my side; and thrilling on my ear, came cadences from gentle tones, unheard for many a year; and on my cheeks fond lips were pressed, with true affection's kiss-- and so ye waked me from my sleep--but 'twas a dream of bliss! song of the coffle gang.[ ] [footnote : this song is said to be sung by slaves, as they are chained in gangs, when parting from friends for the far off south--children taken from parents, husbands from wives, and brothers from sisters.] words by the slaves. music by g.w.c. [music] see these poor souls from africa, transported to america; we are stolen, and sold to georgia, will you go along with me? we are stolen and sold to georgia, go sound the jubilee. see wives and husbands sold apart, the children's screams!--it breaks my heart; there's a better day a coming, will you go along with me? there's a better day a coming, go sound the jubilee. o gracious lord! when shall it be, that we poor souls shall all be free? lord, break them slavery powers--will you go along with me? lord, break them slavery powers, go sound the jubilee. dear lord! dear lord! when slavery'll cease, then we poor souls can have our peace; there's a better day a coming, will you go along with me? there's a better day a coming, go sound the jubilee. hark! i hear a sound of anguish. air, "calvary." [music] hark! i hear a sound of anguish in my own, my native land; brethren, doomed in chains to languish, lift to heaven the suppliant hand, and despairing, and despairing, death the end of woe demand. let us raise our supplication for the wretched suffering slave, all whose life is desolation, all whose hope is in the grave; god of mercy! from thy throne, o hear and save. those in bonds we would remember as if we with them were bound; for each crushed, each suffering member let our sympathies abound, till our labors spread the smiles of freedom round. even now the word is spoken; "slavery's cruel power must cease, from the bound the chain be broken, captives hail the kind release," while in splendor comes to reign the prince of peace. brothers be brave for the pining slave. air--"sparkling and bright." [music] solo. heavy and cold in his dungeon hold, is the yoke of the oppressor; dark o'er the soul is the fell control of the stern and dread transgressor. chorus. oh then come all to bring the thrall up from his deep despairing, and out of the jaw of the bandit's law, retake the prey he's tearing: o then come all to bring the thrall up from his deep despairing, and out of the jaw of the bandit's law, retake the prey he's tearing. brothers be brave for the pining slave, from his wife and children riven; from every vale their bitter wail goes sounding up to heaven. then for the life of that poor wife, and for those children pining; o ne'er give o'er till the chains no more around their limbs are twining. gloomy and damp is the low rice swamp, where their meagre bands are wasting; all worn and weak, in vain they seek for rest, to the cool shade hasting; for drivers fell, like fiends from hell, cease not their savage shouting; and the scourge's crack, from quivering back, sends up the red blood spouting. into the grave looks only the slave, for rest to his limbs aweary; his spirit's light comes from that night, to us so dark and dreary. that soul shall nurse its heavy curse against a day of terror, when the lightning gleam of his wrath shall stream like fire, on the hosts of error. heavy and stern are the bolts which burn in the right hand of jehovah; to smite the strong red arm of wrong, and dash his temples over; then on amain to rend the chain, ere bursts the vallied thunder; right onward speed till the slave is freed-- his manacles torn asunder. e.d.h. the quadroon maiden. words by longfellow. theme from the indian maid. [music] the slaver in the broad lagoon, lay moored with idle sail; he waited for the rising moon, and for the evening gale. the planter under his roof of thatch, smoked thoughtfully and slow; the slaver's thumb was on the latch, he seemed in haste to go. he said, "my ship at anchor rides in yonder broad lagoon; i only wait the evening tides, and the rising of the moon." before them, with her face upraised, in timid attitude, like one half curious, half amazed, a quadroon maiden stood. and on her lips there played a smile as holy, meek, and faint, as lights, in some cathedral aisle, the features of a saint. "the soil is barren, the farm is old," the thoughtful planter said, then looked upon the slaver's gold, and then upon the maid. his heart within him was at strife, with such accursed gains; for he knew whose passions gave her life, whose blood ran in her veins. but the voice of nature was too weak: he took the glittering gold! then pale as death grew the maiden's cheek, her hands as icy cold. the slaver led her from the door, he led her by the hand, to be his slave and paramour in a far and distant land. domestic bliss. by rev. james gregg. domestic bliss; thou fairest flower that erst in eden grew, dear relic of the happy bower, our first grand parents knew! we hail thee in the rugged soil of this waste wilderness, to cheer our way and cheat our toil, with gleams of happiness. in thy mild light we travel on, and smile at toil and pain; and think no more of eden gone, for eden won again. such, emily, the bliss, the joy by heaven bestowed on you; a husband kind, a lovely boy, a father fond and true. religion adds her cheering beams, and sanctifies these ties; and sheds o'er all the brighter gleams, she borrows from the skies. but ah! reflect; are _all_ thus blest? hath home such charms for _all_? can such delights as these invest foul slavery's wretched thrall? can those be happy in these ties who wear her galling chain? or taste the blessed charities that in the household reign? can those be blest, whose hope, whose life, hang on a tyrant's nod; to whom nor husband, child, nor wife are known--yea, scarcely god? whose ties may all be rudely riven, at avarice' fell behest; whose only hope of _home_ is heaven, the grave their only rest. oh! think of those, the poor, th' oppressed, in your full hour of bliss; nor e'er from prayer and effort rest, while earth bears woe like this. o pity the slave mother. words from the liberator. air, araby's daughter. [music] i pity the slave mother, careworn and weary, who sighs as she presses her babe to her breast; i lament her sad fate, all so hopeless and dreary, i lament for her woes, and her wrongs unredressed. o who can imagine her heart's deep emotion, as she thinks of her children about to be sold; you may picture the bounds of the rock-girdled ocean, but the grief of that mother can never be known. the mildew of slavery has blighted each blossom, that ever has bloomed in her pathway below; it has froze every fountain that gushed in her bosom, and chilled her heart's verdure with pitiless woe: her parents, her kindred, all crushed by oppression; her husband still doomed in its desert to stay; no arm to protect from the tyrant's aggression-- she must weep as she treads on her desolate way. o, slave-mother, hope! see--the nation is shaking! the arm of the lord is awake to thy wrong! the slave-holder's heart now with terror is quaking salvation and mercy to heaven belong! rejoice, o rejoice! for the child thou art rearing, may one day lift up its unmanacled form, while hope, to thy heart, like the rain-bow so cheering, is born, like the rain-bow, 'mid tempest and storm. how long! o! how long! how long will the friend of the slave plead in vain? how long e'er the christian will loosen the chain? if he, by our efforts, more hardened should be, o father, forgive him! we trust but in thee. that 'we're all free and equal,' how senseless the cry, while millions in bondage are groaning so nigh! o where is our freedom? equality where? to this none can answer, but echo cries, where? o'er this stain on our country we'd fain draw a veil, but history's page will proclaim the sad tale, that christians, unblushing, could shout 'we are free,' whilst they the oppressors of millions could be. they can feel for themselves, for the pole they can feel, towards afric's children their hearts are like steel; they are deaf to their call, to their wrongs they are blind; in error they slumber nor seek truth to find. though scorn and oppression on our pathway attend, despised and reviled, we the slave will befriend; our father, thy blessing! we look but to thee, nor cease from our labors till all shall be free. should mobs in their fury with missiles assail, the cause it is righteous, the truth will prevail; then heed not their clamors, though loud they proclaim that freedom shall slumber, and slavery reign. the fugitive slave to the christian. words by elizur wright, jr. music arranged from cracovienne. [music] the fetters galled my weary soul,-- a soul that seemed but thrown away; i spurned the tyrant's base control, resolved at last the man to play:-- chorus. the hounds are baying on my track; o christian! will you send me back? the hounds are baying on my track; o christian! will you send me back? i felt the stripes, the lash i saw, red, dripping with a father's gore; and, worst of all their lawless law, the insults that my mother bore! the hounds are baying on my track, o christian! will you send me back? where human law o'errules divine, beneath the sheriff's hammer fell my wife and babes,--i call them mine,-- and where they suffer, who can tell? the hounds are baying on my track, o christian! will you send me back? i seek a home where man is man, if such there be upon this earth, to draw my kindred, if i can, around its free, though humble hearth. the hounds are baying on my track, o christian! will you send me back! the strength of tyranny. the tyrant's chains are only strong while slaves submit to wear them; and, who could bind them on the strong, determined not to wear them? then clank your chains, e'en though the links were light as fashion's feather: the heart which rightly feels and thinks would cast them altogether. the lords of earth are only great while others clothe and feed them! but what were all their pride and state should labor cease to heed them? the swain is higher than a king: before the laws of nature, the monarch were a useless thing, the swain a useless creature. we toil, we spin, we delve the mine, sustaining each his neighbor; and who can hold a right divine to rob us of our labor? we rush to battle--bear our lot in every ill and danger-- and who shall make the peaceful cot to homely joy a stranger? perish all tyrants far and near, beneath the chains that bind us; and perish too that servile fear which makes the slaves they find us: one grand, one universal claim-- one peal of moral thunder-- one glorious burst in freedom's name, and rend our bonds asunder! the blind slave boy. words by mrs. dr. bailey. music arranged from sweet afton. [music] come back to me mother! why linger away from thy poor little blind boy, the long weary day! i mark every footstep, i list to each tone, and wonder my mother should leave me alone! there are voices of sorrow, and voices of glee, but there's no one to joy or to sorrow with me; for each hath of pleasure and trouble his share, and none for the poor little blind boy will care. my mother, come back to me! close to thy breast once more let thy poor little blind one be pressed; once more let me feel thy warm breath on my cheek, and hear thee in accents of tenderness speak! o mother! i've no one to love me--no heart can bear like thine own in my sorrows a part, no hand is so gentle, no voice is so kind, oh! none like a mother can cherish the blind! poor blind one! no mother thy wailing can hear, no mother can hasten to banish thy fear; for the slave-owner drives her, o'er mountain and wild, and for one paltry dollar hath sold thee, poor child! ah! who can in language of mortals reveal the anguish that none but a mother can feel, when man in his vile lust of mammon hath trod on her child, who is stricken and smitten of god! blind, helpless, forsaken, with strangers alone, she hears in her anguish his piteous moan; as he eagerly listens--but listens in vain, to catch the loved tones of his mother again! the curse of the broken in spirit shall fall on the wretch who hath mingled this wormwood and gall, and his gain like a mildew shall blight and destroy, who hath torn from his mother the little blind boy! slave's wrongs. words by miss chandler. arranged from "rose of allandale." [music] with aching brow and wearied limb, the slave his toil pursued; and oft i saw the cruel scourge deep in his blood imbrued; he tilled oppression's soil where men for liberty had bled, and the eagle wing of freedom waved in mockery, o'er his head. the earth was filled with the triumph shout of men who had burst their chains; but his, the heaviest of them all, still lay on his burning veins; in his master's hall there was luxury, and wealth, and mental light; but the very book of the christian law, was hidden from his sight. in his master's halls there was wine and mirth, and songs for the newly free; but his own low cabin was desolate of all but misery. he felt it all--and to bitterness his heart within him turned; while the panting wish for liberty, like a fire in his bosom burned. the haunting thought of his wrongs grew changed to a darker and fiercer hue, till the horrible shape it sometimes wore at last familiar grew; there was darkness all within his heart, and madness in his soul; and the demon spark, in his bosom nursed, blazed up beyond control. then came a scene! oh! such a scene! i would i might forget the ringing sound of the midnight scream, and the hearth-stone redly wet! the mother slain while she shrieked in vain for her infant's threatened life; and the flying form of the frighted child, struck down by the bloody knife. there's many a heart that yet will start from its troubled sleep, at night, as the horrid form of the vengeful slave comes in dreams before the sight. the slave was crushed, and his fetters' link drawn tighter than before; and the bloody earth again was drenched with the streams of his flowing gore. ah! know they not, that the tightest band must burst with the wildest power?-- that the more the slave is oppressed and wronged, will be fiercer his rising hour? they may thrust him back with the arm of might, they may drench the earth with his blood-- but the best and purest of their own, will blend with the sanguine flood. i could tell thee more--but my strength is gone, and my breath is wasting fast; long ere the darkness to-night has fled, will my life from the earth have passed: but this, the sum of all i have learned, ere i go i will tell to thee;-- if tyrants would hope for tranquil hearts, they must let the oppressed go free. my child is gone. music by g.w.c. [music] hark! from the winds a voice of woe, the wild atlantic in its flow, bears on its breast the murmur low, my child is gone! like savage tigers o'er their prey, they tore him from my heart away; and now i cry, by night by day-- my child is gone! how many a free-born babe is press'd with fondness to its mother's breast, and rocked upon her arms to rest, while mine is gone! no longer now, at eve i see, beneath the sheltering plantain tree, my baby cradled on my knee, for he is gone! and when i seek my cot at night, there's not a thing that meets my sight, but tells me that my soul's delight, my child, is gone! i sink to sleep, and then i seem to hear again his parting scream i start and wake--'tis but a dream-- my child _is_ gone! gone--till my toils and griefs are o'er, and i shall reach that happy shore, where negro mothers cry no more-- my child is gone! comfort in affliction. words by william leggett. music by g.w.c. [music] if yon bright stars which gem the night, be each a blissful dwelling sphere, where kindred spirits reunite whom death has torn asunder here, how sweet it were at once to die, and leave this blighted orb afar! mix soul with soul to cleave the sky, and soar away from star to star! but oh! how dark, how drear, how lone, would seem the brightest world of bliss, if, wandering through each radiant one, we failed to find the loved of this! if there no more the ties should twine, which death's cold hand alone can sever, ah! then those stars in mockery shine, more hateful as they shine forever! it cannot be--each hope and fear, that lights the eye or clouds the brow, proclaims there is a happier sphere than this bleak world that holds us now! there is a voice which sorrow hears, when heaviest weighs life's galling chain, 'tis heaven that whispers, "dry thy tears, the pure in heart shall meet again." the poor little slave. from "the charter oak." o pity the poor little slave, who labors hard through all the day-- and has no one, when day is done, to teach his youthful heart to pray. no words of love--no fond embrace-- no smiles from parents kind and dear; no tears are shed around his bed, when fevers rage, and death is near. none feel for him when heavy chains are fastened to his tender limb; no pitying eyes, no sympathies, no prayers are raised to heaven for him. yes i will pity the poor slave, and pray that he may soon be free; that he at last, when days are past, in heaven may have his liberty. the bereaved mother. words by jesse hutchinson. air, "kathleen o'moore." [music] oh deep was the anguish of the slave mother's heart, when called from her darling for ever to part; so grieved that lone mother, that heart broken mother, in sorrow and woe. the lash of the master her deep sorrows mock, while the child of her bosom is sold on the block; yet loud shrieked that mother, poor heart broken mother, in sorrow and woe. the babe in return, for its fond mother cries, while the sound of their wailings together arise; they shriek for each other, the child and the mother, in sorrow and woe. the harsh auctioneer to sympathy cold, tears the babe from its mother and sells it for gold; while the infant and mother, loud shriek for each other, in sorrow and woe. at last came the parting of mother and child, her brain reeled with madness, that mother was wild; then the lash could not smother the shrieks of that mother, of sorrow and woe. the child was borne off to a far distant clime, while the mother was left in anguish to pine; but reason departed, and she sank broken hearted, in sorrow and woe. that poor mourning mother, of reason bereft, soon ended her sorrows and sank cold in death: thus died that slave mother, poor heart broken mother, in sorrow and woe. oh! list ye kind mothers to the cries of the slave; the parents and children implore you to save; go! rescue the mothers, the sisters and brothers, from sorrow and woe. heard ye that cry. from "wind of the winter night." [music] heard ye that cry! twas the wail of a slave, as he sank in despair, to the rest of the grave; behold him where bleeding and prostrate he lies, unfriended he lived, and unpitied he died. the white man oppressed him--the white man for gold, made him toil amidst tortures that cannot be told; he robbed him, and spoiled him, of all that was dear, and made him the prey of affliction and fear. but his anguish was seen, and his wailings were heard, by the lord god of hosts; whose vengeance deferred, gathers force by delay, and with fury will burst, on his impious oppressor--the tyrant accurst! arouse ye, arouse ye! ye generous and brave, plead the rights of the poor--plead the cause of the slave; nor cease your exertions till broken shall be the fetters that bind him, and the slave shall be free. sleep on my child. by r.j.h. sleep on, my child, in peaceful rest, while lovely visions round thee play; no care or grief has touched thy breast, thy life is yet a cloudless day. far distant is my childhood's home-- no mother's smiles--no father's care! oh! how i'd love again to roam, where once my little playmates were! sleep on, thou hast not felt the chain; but though 'tis yet unmingled joy, i may not see those smiles again, nor clasp thee to my breast, my boy. and must i see thee toil and bleed! thy manly soul in fetters tied; 'twill wring thy mother's heart indeed-- oh! would to god that i had died! that soul god's own bright image bears-- but oh! no tongue thy woes can tell; thy lot is cast in blood and tears, and soon these lips must say--farewell! zaza--the female slave. words by miss ball. music by g.w.c. [music] o my country, my country! how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. where the sweet joliba kisses the shore, say, shall i wander by thee never more? where the sweet joliba kisses the shore, say, shall i wander by thee never more? o my country, my country! how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. say, o fond zurima, where dost thou stay? say, doth another list to thy sweet lay? say, doth the orange still bloom near our cot? zurima, zurima, am i forgot? o, my country, my country! how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. under the baobab oft have i slept, fanned by sweet breezes that over me swept. often in dreams do my weary limbs lay 'neath the same baobab, far, far away, o my country, my country, how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. o for the breath of our own waving palm, here, as i languish, my spirit to calm-- o for a draught from our own cooling lake, brought by sweet mother, my spirit to wake. o my country, my country, how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. prayer for the slave. tune--hamburgh. [music] oh let the pris'ner's mournful sighs as incense in thy sight appear! their humble wailings pierce the skies, if haply they may feel thee near. the captive exiles make their moans, from sin impatient to be free; call home, call home, thy banished ones! lead captive their captivity! out of the deep regard their cries, the fallen raise, the mourners cheer, oh, son of righteousness, arise, and scatter all their doubts and fear. stand by them in the fiery hour, their feebleness of mind defend; and in their weakness show thy power, and make them patient to the end. relieve the souls whose cross we bear, for whom thy suffering members mourn: answer our faith's effectual prayer; and break the yoke so meekly borne! remembering that god is just. oh righteous god! whose awful frown can crumble nations to the dust, trembling we stand before thy throne, when we reflect that thou art just. dost thou not see the dreadful wrong, which afric's injured race sustains? and wilt thou not arise ere long, to plead their cause, and break their chains? must not thine anger quickly rise against the men whom lust controls, who dare thy righteous laws despise and traffic in the blood of souls? the fugitive. words by l.m.c. air "bonny doon." [music] a noble man of sable brow came to my humble cottage door, with cautious, weary step and slow, and asked if i could feed the poor; he begged if i had ought to give, to help the panting fugitive. i told him he had fled away from his kind master, friends, and home; that he was black--a slave astray, and should return as he had come; that i would to his master give the straying villain fugitive. he fell upon his trembling knee and claimed he was a brother man, that i was bound to set him free, according to the gospel plan; and if i would god's grace receive, that i must help the fugitive. he showed the stripes his master gave, the festering wound--the sightless eye, the common badges of the slave, and said he would be free, or die; and if i nothing had to give, i should not stop the fugitive. he owned his was a sable skin, that which his maker first had given; but mine would be a darker sin, that would exclude my soul from heaven: and if i would god's grace receive, i should relieve the fugitive. i bowed and took the stranger in, and gave him meat, and drink, and rest, i hope that god forgave my sin, and made me with that brother blest; i am resolved, long as i live, to help the panting fugitive. am i not a man and brother? words by a.c.l. air--"bride's farewell." [music] am i not a man and brother? ought i not, then, to be free? sell me not one to another, take not thus my liberty. christ our saviour, christ our saviour, died for me as well as thee. am i not a man and brother? have i not a soul to save? oh, do not my spirit smother, making me a wretched slave: god of mercy, god of mercy, let me fill a freeman's grave! yes, thou art a man and brother, though thou long hast groaned a slave, bound with cruel cords and tether from the cradle to the grave! yet the saviour, yet the saviour, bled and died all souls to save. yes, thou art a man and brother, though we long have told thee nay: and are bound to aid each other, all along our pilgrim way. come and welcome, come and welcome, join with us to praise and pray! am i not a sister? by a.c.l. am i not a sister, say? shall i then be bought and sold in the mart and by the way, for the white man's lust and gold? save me then from his foul snare, leave me not to perish there! am i not a sister say, though i have a sable hue! lo! i have been dragged away, from my friends and kindred true, and have toiled in yonder field, there have long been bruised and peeled! am i not a sister, say? have i an immortal soul? will you, sisters, tell me nay? shall i live in lust's control, to be chattled like a beast, by the christian church and priest? am i not a sister, say? though i have been made a slave? will you not then for me pray, to the god whose power can save, high and low, and bond and free? toil and pray and vote for me! ye heralds of freedom. music by kingsley. [music] ye heralds of freedom, ye noble and brave, who dare to insist on the rights of the slave; go onward, go onward, your cause is of god, and he will soon sever the oppressor's strong rod. the finger of slander may now at you point, that finger will soon lose the strength of its joint; and those who now plead for the rights of the slave, will soon be acknowledged the good and the brave. though thrones and dominions, and kingdoms and powers, may now all oppose you, the victory is yours; the banner of jesus will soon be unfurled, and he will give freedom and peace to the world. go under his standard and fight by his side, o'er mountains and billows you'll then safely ride. his gracious protection will be to you given, and bright crowns of glory he'll give you in heaven. i would not live alway. by pierpont. i would not live alway; i ask not to stay, where i must bear the burden and heat of the day: where my body is cut with the lash or the cord, and a hovel and hunger are all my reward. i would not live alway, where life is a load to the flesh and the spirit:--since there's an abode for the soul disenthralled, let me breathe my last and repose in thine arms, my deliverer, death!-- i would not live alway to toil as a slave: oh no, let me rest, though i rest in my grave; for there, from their troubling, the wicked shall and, free from his master, the slave be at peace. our pilgrim fathers. words by pierpont. music from "minstrel boy," by g.w.c. [music] our pilgrim fathers--where are they? the waves that brought them o'er, still roll in the bay, and throw their spray as they break along the shore; still roll in the bay, as they rolled that day, when the mayflower moored below; when the sea around was black with storms, and white the shore with snow. the mists that wrapped the pilgrim's sleep, still brood upon the tide; and his rocks yet keep their watch by the deep, to stay its waves of pride. but the snow-white sail, that she gave to the gale when the heavens looked dark, is gone; as an angel's wing, through an opening cloud, is seen, and then withdrawn. the pilgrim exile--sainted name! the hill, whose icy brow rejoiced when he came in the morning's flame, in the morning's flame burns now. and the moon's cold light, as it lay that night, on the hill-side and the sea, still lies where he laid his houseless head; but the pilgrim--where is he? the pilgrim fathers are at rest; when summer's throned on high, and the world's warm breast is in verdure dressed, go, stand on the hill where they lie. the earliest ray of the golden day, on that hallowed spot is cast; and the evening sun as he leaves the world, looks kindly on that spot last. the pilgrim _spirit_ has not fled-- it walks in noon's broad light; and it watches the bed of the glorious dead, with the holy stars, by night. it watches the bed of the brave who have bled, and shall guard this ice-bound shore, till the waves of the bay, where the mayflower lay, shall foam and freeze no more. stanzas for the times. words by j.g. whittier. music by g.w.c. [music] is this the land our fathers loved, the freedom which they toiled to win? is this the soil whereon they moved? are these the graves they slumber in? are we the sons by whom are borne, the mantles which the dead have won? and shall we crouch above these graves, with craven soul and fettered lip? yoke in with marked and branded slaves, and tremble at the driver's whip? bend to the earth our pliant knees, and speak--but as our masters please? shall outraged nature cease to feel? shall mercy's tears no longer flow? shall ruffian threats of cord and steel-- the dungeon's gloom--th' assassin's blow, turn back the spirit roused to save the truth--our country--and the slave? of human skulls that shrine was made, round which the priests of mexico before their loathsome idol prayed-- is freedom's altar fashioned so? and must we yield to freedom's god as offering meet, the negro's blood? shall tongues be mute, when deeds are wrought which well might shame extremest hell? shall freemen lock th' indignant thought? shall mercy's bosom cease to swell? shall honor bleed?--shall truth succumb? shall pen, and press, and soul be dumb? no--by each spot of haunted ground, where freedom weeps her children's fall-- by plymouth's rock--and bunker's mound-- by griswold's stained and shattered wall-- by warren's ghost--by langdon's shade-- by all the memories of our dead! by their enlarging souls, which burst the bands and fetters round them set-- by the free pilgrim spirit nursed within our inmost bosoms, yet,-- by all above--around--below-- be ours the indignant answer--no! no--guided by our country's laws, for truth, and right, and suffering man, be ours to strive in freedom's cause, as christians may--as freemen can! still pouring on unwilling ears that truth oppression only fears. to those i love. words by miss e.m. chandler. music from an old air by g.w.c. [music] oh, turn ye not displeased away, though i should sometimes seem too much to press upon your ear, an oft repeated theme; the story of the negro's wrongs is heavy at my heart, and can i choose but wish from you a sympathizing part? i turn to you to share my joy,--to soothe me in my grief-- in wayward sadness from your smiles, i seek a sweet relief: and shall i keep this burning wish to see the slave set free, locked darkly in my secret heart, unshared and silently? if i had been a friendless thing--if i had never known, how swell the fountains of the heart beneath affection's tone, i might have, careless, seen the leaf torn rudely from its stem, but clinging as i do to you, can i but feel for them? i could not brook to list the sad sweet music of a bird, though it were sweeter melody than ever ear hath heard, if cruel hands had quenched its light, that in the plaintive song, it might the breathing memory of other days prolong. and can i give my lip to taste the life-bought luxuries, wrung from those on whom a darker night of anguish has been flung-- or silently and selfishly enjoy my better lot, while those whom god hath bade me love, are wretched and forgot? oh no!--so blame me not, sweet friends, though i should sometimes seem too much to press upon your ear an oft repeated theme; the story of the negro's wrongs hath won me from my rest,-- and i must strive to wake for him an interest in your breast! we're coming! we're coming! air, "kinloch of kinloch." [music] we're coming, we're coming, the fearless and free, like the winds of the desert, the waves of the sea! true sons of brave sires who battled of yore, when england's proud lion ran wild on our shore! we're coming, we're coming, from mountain and glen, with hearts to do battle for freedom again; oppression is trembling as trembled before, the slavery which fled from our fathers of yore. we're coming, we're coming, with banners unfurled, our motto is freedom, our country the world; our watchword is liberty--tyrants beware! for the liberty army will bring you despair! we're coming, we're coming, we'll come from afar, our standard we'll nail to humanity's car; with shoutings we'll raise it, in triumph to wave, a trophy of conquest, or shroud for the brave. then arouse ye, brave hearts, to the rescue come on! the man-stealing army we'll surely put down; they are crushing their millions, but soon they must yield, for _freemen_ have _risen_ and taken the field. then arouse ye! arouse ye! the fearless and free, like the winds of the desert, the waves of the sea; let the north, west, and east, to the sea-beaten shore, _resound_ with a _liberty triumph_ once more. rouse up, new england. words by a yankee. music by g.w.c. [music] rouse up, new england! buckle on your mail of proof sublime, your stern old hate of tyranny, your deep contempt of crime; a traitor plot is hatching now, more full of woe and shame, than ever from the iron heart of bloodiest despot came. six slave states added at a breath! one flourish of a pen, and fetters shall be riveted on millions more of men! one drop of ink to sign a name, and slavery shall find for all her surplus flesh and blood, a market to her mind! a market where good democrats their fellow men may sell! o, what a grin of fiendish glee runs round and round thro' hell! how all the damned leap up for joy and half forget their fire, to think men take such pains to claim the notice of god's ire. is't not enough that we have borne the sneer of all the world, and bent to those whose haughty lips in scorn of us are curled? is't not enough that we must hunt their living chattels back, and cheer the hungry bloodhounds on, that howl upon their track? is't not enough that we must bow to all that they decree,-- these cotton and tobacco lords, these pimps of slavery? that we must yield our conscience up to glut oppression's maw, and break our faith with god to keep the letter of man's law? but must we sit in silence by, and see the chain and whip made firmer for all time to come in slavery's bloody grip! must we not only half the guilt and all the shame endure, but help to make our tyrant's throne of flesh and blood secure? is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and glorious bunker hill? the debt we owe our father's graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn? grey plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb, and voices from our father's graves, and from the future come; they call on us to stand our ground, they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free! awake, new england! while you sleep the foes advance their lines; already on your stronghold's wall their bloody banner shines; awake! and hurl them back again in terror and despair, the time has come for earnest deeds, we've not a man to spare. rise, freemen, rise. music by g.w.c. [music] rise, freemen rise! the call goes forth, attend the high command; obedience to the word of god, throughout this guilty land: throughout this guilty land. rise, free the slave; oh, burst his chains, and cast his fetters down; let virtue be your country's pride, her diadem and crown. then shall the day at length arrive, when all shall equal be, and freedom's banner, waving high, proclaim that all are free. remember me. o thou, from whom all goodness flows! i lift my heart to thee; in all my wrongs, oppressions, woes, dear lord! remember me. afflictions sore obstruct my way, and ills i cannot flee; lord! let my strength be as my day, and still remember me. oppressed with scourges, bonds, and grief, this feeble body see; oh! give my burdened soul relief, hear, and remember me. a beacon has been lighted. parody by g.w.c. air, "blue-eyed mary." [music] a beacon has been lighted, bright as the noonday sun; on worlds of mind benighted, its rays are pouring down; full many a shrine of error, and many a deed of shame, dismayed, has shrunk in terror, before the lighted flame. chorus. victorious, on, victorious! proud beacon onward haste; till floods of light all glorious, illume the moral waste. oppression foul has foundered, the demon gasps for breath; his rapid march is downward, to everlasting death. old age and youth united, his works shall prostrate hurl, and soon himself, affrighted, shall hurry from this world. victorious, on, victorious, &c. proud liberty untiring, strikes at the monster's heart; beneath her blows expiring, he dreads her well-aimed dart. her blows--we'll pray "god speed" them, oppression to despoil; and how we fought for freedom, let future ages tell. victorious, on, victorious, &c. our countrymen in chains. words by whittier. "beatitude," by t. hastings. [music] our fellow countrymen in chains, slaves in a land of light and law! slaves crouching on the very plains where rolled the storm of freedom's war! a groan from eutaw's haunted wood-- a wail where camden's martyrs fell-- by every shrine of patriot blood, from moultrie's wall and jasper's well. by storied hill and hallow'd grot, by mossy wood and marshy glen, whence rang of old the rifle-shot, and hurrying shout of marion's men! the groan of breaking hearts is there-- the falling lash--the fetter's clank! slaves--slaves are breathing in that air, which old de kalb and sumter drank! what, ho!--our countrymen in chains! the whip on woman's shrinking flesh! our soil yet reddening with the stains, caught from her scourging, warm and fresh! what! mothers from their children riven! what! god's own image bought and sold! americans to market driven, and barter'd as the brute for gold! speak! shall their agony of prayer come thrilling to our hearts in vain? to us, whose fathers scorn'd to bear the paltry menace of a chain; to us, whose boast is loud and long of holy liberty and light-- say, shall these writhing slaves of wrong, plead vainly for their plunder'd right? shall every flap of england's flag proclaim that all around are free, from "farthest ind" to each blue crag that beetles o'er the western sea? and shall we scoff at europe's kings, when freedom's fire is dim with us, and round our country's altar clings the damning shade of slavery's curse? just god! and shall we calmly rest, the christian's scorn--the heathen's mirth-- content to live the lingering jest and by-word of a mocking earth? shall our own glorious land retain that curse which europe scorns to bear? shall our own brethren drag the chain which not even russia's menials wear? down let the shrine of moloch sink, and leave no traces where it stood; no longer let its idol drink his daily cup of human blood: but rear another altar there, to truth, and love, and mercy given, and freedom's gift, and freedom's prayer, shall call an answer down from heaven! myron holley. by w.h. burleigh. yes--fame is his:--but not the fame for which the conqueror pants and strives, whose path is tracked through blood and flame, and over countless human lives! his name no armed battalions hail with bugle shriek or thundering gun,-- no widows curse him, as they wail for slaughtered husband and for son. amid the moral strife alone, he battled fearlessly and long, and poured, with clear, untrembling tone, rebuke upon the hosts of wrong-- to break oppression's cruel rod, he dared the perils of the fight, and in the name of freedom's god struck boldly for the true and right! with faith, whose eye was never dim, the triumph, yet afar, he saw, when, bonds smote off from soul and limb, and freed alike by love and law, the slave--no more a slave--shall stand erect--and loud, from sea to sea, exultant burst o'er all the land the glorious song of jubilee! why should we mourn, thy labor done, that thou art called to thy reward; rest, freedom's war-worn champion! rest, faithful soldier of the lord! for oh, not vainly hast thou striven, through storm, and gloom, and deepest night-- not vainly hath thy life been given for god, for freedom, and for right. voice of new england against slavery. words by whittier. music by g.w.c. [music] up the hill side, down the glen, rouse the sleeping citizen; summon out the might of men! like a lion growling low, like a nightstorm rising slow, like the tread of unseen foe. it is coming--it is nigh! stand your homes and altars by; on your own free threshholds die. clang the bells in all your spires; on the gray hills of your sires fling to heaven your signal fires. whoso shrinks or falters now, whoso to the yoke would bow, brand the craven on his brow. freedom's soil hath only place for a free and fearless race-- none for traitors false and base. take your land of sun and bloom; only leave to freedom room for her plough, and forge, and loom. take your slavery-blackened vales; leave us but our own free gales, blowing on our thousand sails. onward with your fell design; dig the gulf and draw the line; fire beneath your feet the mine: deeply, when the wide abyss yawns between your land and this, shall ye feel your helplessness. by the hearth, and in the bed, shaken by a look or tread, ye shall own a guilty dread. and the curse of unpaid toil, downward through your generous soil, like a fire shall burn and spoil. our bleak hills shall bud and blow, vines our rocks shall overgrow, plenty in our valleys flow;-- and when vengeance clouds your skies, hither shall ye turn your eyes, as the damned on paradise! we but ask our rocky strand, freedom's true and brother band, freedom's strong and honest hand, valleys by the slave untrod, and the pilgrim's mountain sod, blessed of our fathers' god! the clarion of freedom. words from the emancipator. music "the chariot." [music] the clarion--the clarion of freedom now sounds, from the east to the west independence resounds; from the hills, and the streams, and the far distant skies, let the shout independence from slav'ry arise. the army--the army have taken the field, and the liberty hosts never, never will yield; by free principles strengthened, each bosom now glows, and with ardor immortal the struggle they close. the armor, the armor that girds every breast, is the hope of deliverance for millions oppressed; o'er the tears, and the sighs, and the wrongs of the slave, see the white flag of freedom triumphantly wave. the conflict--the conflict will shortly be o'er, and the demon of slavery shall rule us no more; and the laurels of victory shall surely reward the heroes immortal who've conquered for god. strike for liberty. words from the christian freeman. air, "scots wha hae." [music] sons of freedom's honored sires, light anew your beacon fires, fight till every foe retires from your hallowed soil. sons of pilgrim fathers blest, pilgrim mothers gone to rest, listen to their high behest, strike for liberty. ministers of god to men, heed ye not the nation's sin? heaven's blessing can ye win if ye falter now? men of blood now ask your vote, o'er your heads their banners float; raise, oh raise the warning note, god and duty call! men of justice, bold and brave, to the ballot-box and save freedom from her opening grave-- onward! brothers, on! christian patriots, tried and true, freedom's eyes now turn to you; foes are many--are ye few? gideon's god is yours! on to victory. by rev. mrs. martyn. children of the glorious dead, who for freedom fought and bled, with her banner o'er you spread, on to victory. not for stern ambition's prize, do our hopes and wishes rise; lo, our leader from the skies, bids us do or die. ours is not the tented field-- we no earthly weapons wield-- light and love, our sword and shield, truth our panoply. this is proud oppression's hour; storms are round us; shall we cower? while beneath a despot's power groans the suffering slave? while on every southern gale, comes the helpless captive's tale, and the voice of woman's wail, and of man's despair? while our homes and rights are dear, guarded still with watchful fear, shall we coldly turn our ear from the suppliant's prayer? never! by our country's shame-- never! by a saviour's claim, to the men of every name, whom he died to save. onward, then, ye fearless band-- heart to heart, and hand to hand; yours shall be the patriot's stand-- or the martyr's grave. the man for me. parody by j.n.t. tucker. air, "the rose that all are praising." [music] oh, he is not the man for me, who buys or sells a slave, nor he who will not set him free, but sends him to his grave; but he whose noble heart beats warm for all men's life and liberty; who loves alike each human form-- oh that's the man for me, oh that's the man for me, oh that's the man for me. he's not at all the man for me, who sells a man for gain, who bends the pliant servile knee, to slavery's god of shame! but he whose god-like form erect proclaims that all alike are free to think, and speak, and vote, and act, oh that's the man for me. he sure is not the man for me whose spirit will succumb, when men endowed with liberty lie bleeding, bound and dumb; but he whose faithful words of might ring through the land from shore to sea, for man's eternal equal right, oh that's the man for me. no, no, he's not the man for me whose voice o'er hill and plain, breaks forth for glorious liberty, but binds himself, the chain! the mightiest of the noble band who prays and toils the world to free, with head, and heart, and voice, and vote-- oh that's the man for me. pilgrim song. words by geo. lunt. air "troubadour." [music] over the mountain wave see where they come; storm-cloud and wintry wind welcome them home; yet where the sounding gale howls to the sea, there their song peals along, deep toned and free. pilgrims and wanderers, hither we come; where the free dare to be, this is our home. england hath sunny dales, dearly they bloom; scotia hath heather-hills, sweet their perfume: yet through the wilderness cheerful we stray, native land, native land-- home far away! pilgrims, &c. dim grew the forest path, onward they trod: firm beat their noble hearts, trusting in god! gray men and blooming maids, high rose their song-- hear it sweep, clear and deep ever along! pilgrims, &c. not theirs the glory-wreath, torn by the blast; heavenward their holy steps, heavenward they passed! green be their mossy graves! ours be their fame, while their song peals along, ever the same! pilgrims, &c. the bondman. from the liberator. feebly the bondman toiled, sadly he wept-- then to his wretched cot mournfully crept: how doth his free-born soul pine 'neath his chain! slavery! slavery! dark is thy reign. long ere the break of day, roused from repose, wearily toiling till after its close-- praying for freedom, he spends his last breath: liberty! liberty! give me, or death. when, when, oh lord! will right triumph o'er wrong? tyrants oppress the weak, oh lord! how long? hark! hark! a peal resounds from shore to shore-- tyranny! tyranny! thy reign is o'er. e'en now the morning gleams from the east-- despots are feeling their triumph is past-- strong hearts are answering to freedom's loud call-- liberty! liberty! full and for all. fourth of july. words by mrs. sigourney. music by g.w.c. [music] we have a goodly clime, broad vales and streams we boast; our mountain frontiers frown sublime, old ocean guards our coast. suns bless our harvests fair, with fervid smile serene, but a dark shade is gathering there, what can its blackness mean? we have a birth-right proud, for our young sons to claim-- an eagle soaring o'er the cloud, in freedom and in fame. we have a scutcheon bright, by our dead fathers bought; a fearful blot distains its white-- who hath such evil wrought? our banner o'er the sea looks forth with starry eye, emblazoned glorious, bold and free, a letter on the sky-- what hand with shameful stain, hath marred its heavenly blue? the yoke, the fasces, and the chain, say, are these emblems true? this day doth music rare swell through our nation's bound, but afric's wailing mingles there, and heaven doth hear the sound. o god of power! we turn in penitence to thee, bid our loved land the lesson learn-- to bid the slave be free. ye spirits of the free. air--"my faith looks up to thee." [music] ye spirits of the free, can ye for ever see your brother man a yoked and scourged slave, chains dragging to his grave, and raise no hand to save? say if you can. in pride and pomp to roll, shall tyrants from the soul god's image tear, and call the wreck their own,-- while from th' eternal throne, they shut the stifled groan, and bitter prayer? shall he a slave be bound, whom god hath doubly crowned creation's lord? shall men of christian name, without a blush of shame, profess their tyrant claim from god's own word? no! at the battle cry, a host prepared to die, shall arm for fight-- but not with martial steel, grasped with a murderous zeal; no arms their foes shall feel, but love and light. firm on jehovah's laws, strong in their righteous cause, they march to save. and vain the tyrant's mail, against their battle-hail, till cease the woe and wail of tortured slave! sing me a triumph song. sing me a triumph song, roll the glad notes along, great god, to thee! thine be the glory bright, source of all power and might! for thou hast said, in might, man shall be free. sing me a triumph song, let all the sound prolong, air, earth, and sea, down falls the tyrant's power, see his dread minions cower; now, from this glorious hour, man will be free. sing me a triumph song, sing in the mighty throng, sing jubilee! let the broad welkin ring, while to heaven's mighty king, honor and praise we sing, for man is free. wake, sons of the pilgrims. air--"m'gregor's gathering." [music] wake, sons of the pilgrims, and look to your right! the despots of slav'ry are up in their might: indulge not in sleep, it's like digging the graves of blood-purchased freedom--'tis yielding like slaves. then halloo, halloo, halloo to the contest, awake from your slumbers, no longer delay, but struggle for freedom, while struggle you may-- then rally, rally, rally, rally, rally, rally, while our forests shall wave or while rushes a river, oh, yield not your birth-right! maintain it for ever! wake, sons of the pilgrims! why slumber ye on? your chains are now forging, your fetters are done; oh! sleep not, like samson, on slavery's foul arm, for, delilah-like, she's now planning your harm. then halloo, halloo, halloo, to the contest! awake from your sleeping--nor slumber again, once bound in your fetters, you'll struggle in vain; while your eye-balls may move, o wake up now, or never-- wake, freemen! awake, or you're ruined forever! yes, freemen are waking! we fling to the breeze, the bright flag of freedom, the banner of peace; the slave long forgotten, forlorn, and alone, we hail as a brother--our own mother's son! then halloo, halloo, halloo, to the contest! for freedom we rally--for freedom to all-- to rescue the slave, and ourselves too from thrall. we rally, rally, rally, rally, rally, rally-- while a slave shall remain, bound, the weak by the stronger, we will never disband, but strive harder and longer. our countrymen are dying. words by c.w. dennison. tune--"from greenland's icy mountains." [music] our countrymen are dying beneath their cankering chains, full many a heart is sighing, where nought but slav'ry reigns; no note of joy and gladness, no voice with freedom's lay, fall on them in their sadness, to wipe those tears away. where proud potomac dashes along its northern strand, where rappahannock lashes virginia's sparkling sand; where eutaw, famed in story, flows swift to santee's stream, there, there in grief and gory, the pining slave is seen! and shall new england's daughters, descendants of the free, beside whose far-famed waters is heard sweet minstrelsy-- shall they, when hearts are breaking, and woman weeps in woe, shall they, all listless waiting, no hearts of pity show. no! let the shout for freedom ring out a certain peal, let sire and youthful maiden, all who have hearts to feel, awake! and with the blessing of him who came to save, a holy, peaceful triumph, shall greet the kneeling slave! we ask not martial glory. we ask not "martial glory," nor "battles bravely won;" we tell no boastful story to laud our "favorite son;" we do not seek to gather from glory's field of blood, the laurels of the warrior, steeped in the crimson flood-- but we can boast that birney holds not the tyrant's rod, nor binds in chains and fetters, the image of his god; no vassal, at his bidding, is doomed the lash to feel; no menial crouches near him, no charley's[ ] at his heel. his heart is free from murder, his hand without its stain; his head and heart united, to loose the bondman's chain: his deeds of noble daring, shall make the tyrant cower; oppression flees before him, with all its boasted power. soon shall the voice of freedom, o'er earth its echoes roll-- and earth's rejoicing millions be free, from pole to pole. then rally round your leader, ye friends of liberty; and let the shout for birney, ring out o'er land and sea. [footnote : clay's body servant.] come, join the abolitionists. air--"when i can read my title clear." [music] come, join the abolitionists, ye young men bold and strong, and with a warm and cheerful zeal, come, help the cause along: come help the cause along, come help the cause along; and with a warm and cheerful zeal, come, help the cause along. oh that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, oh that will be joyful, when slav'ry is no more, when slav'ry is no more, when slav'ry is no more: 'tis then we'll sing, and off'rings bring, when slav'ry is no more. come, join the abolitionists, ye men of riper years, and save your wives and children dear, from grief and bitter tears: from grief and bitter tears, from grief and bitter tears; and save your wives and children dear, from grief and bitter tears. oh that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, oh that will be joyful, when slav'ry is no more, when slav'ry is no more, when slav'ry is no more: 'tis then we'll sing, and off'rings bring, when slav'ry is no more. come join the abolitionists, ye dames and maidens fair; and breathe around us in our path, affection's hallowed air. o that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, o that will be joyful, when woman cheers us on, when woman cheers us on, when woman cheers us on, to conquests not yet won; 'tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, when woman cheers us on. come, join the abolitionists, ye sons and daughters all; of this our own america, come at the friendly call. o that will be joyful, joyful, o that will be joyful, when all shall proudly say, this, this is freedom's day, oppression flee away! 'tis then we'll sing and offerings bring, when freedom wins the day. we are come, all come. by g.w.c. [music] we are come, all come, with the crowded throng, to join our notes in a plaintive song; for the bond man sighs, and the scalding tear runs down his cheek while we mingle here. we are come, all come, with a hallowed vow, at the shrine of slavery never to bow, for the despot's reign o'er hill and plain, spreads grief and woe in his horrid train. we are come, all come, a determined band, to rescue the slave from the tyrant's hand; and our prayers shall ascend with our songs to him who sits in the midst of the cherubim. we are come, all come, in the strength of youth, in the light of hope and the power of truth; and we joy to see in our ranks to-day, the honored locks of the good and grey. we are come, all come, in our holy might, and freedom's foes shall be put to flight; oh god! with favoring smiles from thee, our songs shall soon chant the victory. the law of love. words by a lady. music by g.w.c. [music] blest is the man whose tender heart feels all another's pain, to whom the supplicating eye was never raised in vain, was never raised in vain. whose breast expands with generous warmth, a stranger's woe to feel, and bleeds in pity o'er the wound, he wants the power to heal, he wants the power to heal. he spreads his kind supporting arms, to every child of grief; his secret bounty largely flows, and brings unasked relief. to gentle offices of love his feet are never slow; he views, through mercy's melting eye, a brother in his foe. to him protection shall be shown, and mercy from above descend on those, who thus fulfil the perfect law of love. oh! charity! oh charity! thou heavenly grace, all tender, soft, and kind, a friend to all the human race, to all that's good inclined. the man of charity extends to all his helping hand; his kindred, neighbors, foes, and friends, his pity may command. the sick, the prisoner, deaf, and blind, and all the sons of grief, in him a benefactor find; he loves to give relief. 'tis love that makes religion sweet 'tis love that makes us rise; with willing minds, and ardent feet, to yonder happy skies. the mercy seat. words by mrs. sigourney. music by g.w.c. [music] from every stormy wind that blows, from every swelling tide of woes, there is a calm, a sure retreat-- our refuge is the mercy-seat. there is a place where jesus sheds the oil of gladness on our heads, a place than all beside more sweet-- we seek the blood-bought mercy-seat. there is a spot where spirits blend, where friend holds fellowship with friend; though sundered far, by faith we meet, around one common mercy-seat. ah! whither could we flee for aid, when hunted, scourged, oppressed, dismayed,-- or how our bloody foes defeat, had suffering slaves no mercy-seat! oh! let these hands forget their skill, these tongues be silent, cold, and still, these throbbing hearts forget to beat, if we forget the mercy-seat. friend of the friendless. god of my life! to thee i call, afflicted at thy feet i fall; when the great water-floods prevail, leave not my trembling heart to fail. friend of the friendless and the faint! where should i lodge my deep complaint? where but with thee, whose open door invites the helpless and the poor? did ever mourner plead with thee, and thou refuse that mourner's plea? does not thy word still fixed remain, that none shall seek thy face in vain? poor though i am, despised, forgot, yet god, my god forgets me not; and he is safe, he must succeed, for whom the lord vouchsafes to plead. wake ye numbers! words by lewis. air, "strike the cymbals." [music] wake ye numbers! from your slumbers hear the song of freedom pour! by its shaking, fiercely breaking, every chain upon our shore. flags are waving, all tyrants braving, proudly, freely, o'er our plains; let no minions check our pinions, while a single grief remains. proud oblations, thou queen of nations! have been poured upon they waters; afric's bleeding sons and daughters, now before us, loud implore us, looking to jehovah's throne, chains are wearing, hearts despairing, will ye hear a nation's moan? soothe their sorrow, ere the morrow change their aching hearts to stone: then the light of nature's smile freedom's realm shall bless the while; and the pleasure mercy brings flow from all her latent springs; delight shall spread, shall spread her shining wings, rejoicing, rejoicing, rejoicing. daily, nightly, burning brightly, glory's pillar fills the air; hearts are waking, chains are breaking, freedom bids her sons prepare: o'er the ocean, in proud devotion, incense rises to the skies; from our mountains, o'er our fountains, see, our eagle proudly flies! what deploring impedes his soaring? millions still in bondage sighing! long in deep oppression lying! shall their story mar our glory? must their life in sorrow flow? tears are falling! fetters galling! listen to the cry of woe! still oppressing! never blessing! shall their grief no ending know? yes! our nation yet shall feel; time shall break the chain of steel; then the slave shall nobly stand; peace shall smile with lustre bland; glory shall crown our happy land-- forever. comfort for the bondman. air--"indian philosopher." [music] come on, my partners in distress, my comrades in this wilderness, who groan beneath your chains; a while forget your griefs and fears, and look beyond this vale of tears, to yon celestial plains. beyond the bounds of time and space, look forward to that heavenly place, which mortals never trod; on faith's strong eagle pinions rise, work out your passage to the skies, and scale the mount of god. if, like our lord, we suffer here, we shall before his face appear, and at his side sit down; to patient faith the prize is sure, for all who to the end endure shall wear a glorious crown. thrice blessed, exalted, blissful hope! it lifts our fainting spirits up, it brings to life the dead; our bondage here will soon be past, then we shall rise and reign at last, triumphant with our head. come and see the works of god. lift up to god the shout of joy, let all the earth its powers employ, to sound his glorious praise; say, unto god--"how great art thou! thy foes before thy presence bow! how gracious are thy ways! "to thee all lands their homage bring, they raise the song, they shout, they sing the honors of thy name." come! see the wondrous works of god; how dreadful is his vengeful rod! how wide extends his fame! he made a highway through the sea, his people, long-enslaved, to free, and give them canaan's land; through endless years his reign extends, his piercing eye to earth he bends-- ye despots! fear his hand. o! bless our god, lift up your voice ye people! sing aloud--rejoice-- his mighty praise declare; the lord hath made our bondage cease, broke off our chains, brought sure release, and turned to praise our prayer. hark! a voice from heaven. words by oliver johnson. music--"zion." [music] hark! a voice from heaven proclaiming, comfort to the mourning slave; god has heard him long complaining, and extends his arm to save; proud oppression soon shall find a shameful grave; proud oppression, soon shall find a shameful end. see, the light of truth is breaking full and clear on every hand; and the voice of mercy speaking, now is heard through all the land: firm and fearless, see the friends of freedom stand. lo! the nation is arousing from its slumber long and deep; and the friends of god are waking, never, never more to sleep, while a bondman, in his chains remains to weep. long, too long, have we been dreaming o'er our country's sin and shame: let us now, the time redeeming, press the helpless captive's claim-- till exulting, he shall cast aside his chain. the pleasant land we love. words by n.p. willis. air, carrier dove. [music] joy to the pleasant land we love, the land our fathers trod! joy to the land for which they won "freedom to worship god." for peace on all its sunny hills, on every mountain broods, and sleeps by all its gushing rills, and all its mighty floods. the wife sits meekly by the hearth, her infant child beside; the father on his noble boy looks with a fearless pride. the grey old man, beneath the tree, tales of his childhood tells; and sweetly in the hush of morn peal out the sabbath bells. and we are free--but is there not one blot upon our name? is our proud record written fair upon the scroll of fame? our banner floateth by the shore, our flag upon the sea; but when the fettered slave is loosed, we shall be truly free! the freed slave. yet once again, once more again, my bark bounds o'er the wave; they know not, who ne'er clanked the chain, what 'tis to be a slave: to sit alone, beside the wood, and gaze upon the sky: this may, indeed, be solitude, but 'tis not slavery. fatigued with labor's noontide task, to sigh in vain for sleep; or faintly smile, our griefs to mask, when 't would be joy to weep; to court the shade of leafy bower, thirst for the freedom wave, but to obtain denied the power-- this is to be a slave! son of the sword! on honor's field 'tis thine to find a grave; yet, when from life's worst ill 'twould shield, it comes not to the slave. the lightsome to the heavy heart, the laugh changed to the sigh; to live from all we love apart-- oh! this is slavery. the liberty flag. altered from j.h. aikman. fling abroad its folds to the cooling breeze, let it float at the mast-head high; and gather around, all hearts resolved, to sustain it there or die: an emblem of peace and hope to the world, unstained let it ever be; and say to the world, where'er it waves, our flag is the flag of the free! that banner proclaims to the list'ning earth, that the reign of base tyrants is o'er, the galling chain of the cruel lord, shall enslave mankind no more: an emblem of hope to the poor and crushed, o place it where all may see; and shout with glad voice as you raise it high, our flag is the flag of the free! then on high, on high let that banner wave, and lead us the foe to meet, let it float in triumph o'er our heads, or be our winding sheet; and never, oh, never be it furled, 'till it wave o'er earth and sea; and all mankind shall swell the shout our flag is the flag of the free. march to the battlefield. parody by g.w.c. air "oft in the stilly night." [music] march to the battlefield, the foe is now before us; each heart is freedom's shield, and heaven is smiling o'er us. the woes and pains of slavery's chains, that bind three millions under; in proud disdain we'll burst their chain, and tear each link asunder. who for his country brave, would fly from her invader? who his base life to save would traitor like degrade her? our hallowed cause-- our homes and laws, 'gainst tyrant hosts sustaining, we'll win a crown of bright renown, or die, man's rights maintaining, march to the battlefield, &c. oft in the chilly night. by pierpont. oft in the chilly night, ere slumber's chain has bound me, when all her silvery light the moon is pouring round me, beneath its ray i kneel and pray that god would give some token that slavery's chains on southern plains, shall all ere long be broken: yes, in the chilly night, though slavery's chain has bound me, kneel i, and feel the might of god's right arm around me. when at the driver's call, in cold or sultry weather, we slaves, both great and small, turn out to toil together, i feel like one from whom the sun of hope has long departed; and morning's light, and weary night, still find me broken hearted: thus, when the chilly breath of night is sighing round me, kneel i, and wish that death in his cold chain had bound me. song of the free. parodied by g.w.c. tune, lutzow's wild hunt. [music] from valley and mountain, from hilltop and glen, what shouts thro' the air are rebounding! and echo is sending the sounds back again, and loud thro' the air they are sounding, and loud through the air they are sounding: and if you ask what those joyous strains? 'tis the songs of bondmen now bursting their chains. and who through our nation is waging the fight? what host from the battle is flying? our true hearted freemen maintain the right, and the monster oppression is dying, and the monster oppression is dying: and if you ask what you there behold? 'tis the army of freemen, the true and the bold. too long have slave-holders triumphantly reigned, too long in their chains have they bound us; to freedom awaking, no longer enchained, the goddess of freedom has saved us, the goddess of freedom has saved us: and if you ask what has made us free? 'tis the vote that gave us our liberty. holy freedom. by pierpont. the bondmen are free in the isles of the main! the chains from their limbs they are flinging! they stand up as men!--never tyrant again, in the pride of his heart, shall god's image profane! it is liberty's song that is ringing! hark! loud comes the cry o'er the bounding sea, "freedom! freedom! freedom, our joy is in thee!" alas! that to-day, on columbia's shore, the groans of her slaves are resounding! on plains of the south their life-blood they pour! o, freemen! blest freemen! your help they implore! it is slavery's wail that is sounding! hark! loud comes the cry on the southern gale, "freedom! freedom! freedom or death, must prevail!" o ye who are blest with fair liberty's light, with courage and hope all abounding, with weapons of love be ye bold for the right! by the preaching of truth put oppression to flight! then, your altars triumphant surrounding, loud, loud let the anthem of joy ring out! "freedom! freedom!" list all the world to the shout! ye sons of freemen. words by mrs. j.g. carter. air, "marseilles hymn." [music] ye sons of freemen wake to sadness, hark! hark, what myriads bid you rise; three millions of our race in madness break out in wails, in bitter cries, break out in wails, in bitter cries; must men whose hearts now bleed with anguish, yes, trembling slaves, in freedom's land endure the lash, nor raise a hand? must nature 'neath the whip-cord languish? have pity on the slave, take courage from god's word; pray on, pray on, all hearts resolved, these captives shall be free. the fearful storm--it threatens lowering, which god in mercy long delays; slaves yet may see their masters cowering, while whole plantations smoke and blaze! while whole plantations smoke and blaze! and we may now prevent the ruin, ere lawless force with guilty stride shall scatter vengeance far and wide-- with untold crimes their hands embruing. have pity on the slave; take courage from god's word; pray, on, pray on, all hearts resolved--these captives shall be free! with luxury and wealth surrounded, the southern masters proudly dare, with thirst of gold and power unbounded, to mete and vend god's light and air! to mete and vend god's light and air; like beasts of burden, slaves are loaded, till life's poor toilsome day is o'er; while they in vain for right implore; and shall they longer still be goaded? have pity on the slave; take courage from god's word; toil on, toil on, all hearts resolved these captives shall be free. o liberty! can man e'er bind thee? can overseers quench thy flame? can dungeons, bolts, or bars confine thee, or threats thy heaven born spirit tame? or threats thy heaven born spirit tame? too long the slave has groaned bewailing the power these heartless tyrants wield; yet free them not by sword or shield, for with men's heart's they're unavailing, have pity on the slave: take courage from god's word; vote on! vote on! all hearts resolved--these captives shall be free! are ye truly free? words by j.r. lowell. air, "martyn." [music] men! whose boast it is that ye come of fathers brave and free; if there breathe on earth a slave, are ye truly free and brave? are ye not base slaves indeed, men unworthy to be freed? if ye do not feel the chain, when it works a brother's pain? women! who shall one day bear sons to breathe god's bounteous air, if ye hear without a blush, deeds to make the roused blood rush like red lava through your veins, for your sisters now in chains; answer! are ye fit to be mothers of the brave and free? is true freedom but to break fetters for our own dear sake, and, with leathern hearts forget that we owe mankind a debt? no! true freedom is to share all the chains our brothers wear, and with hand and heart to be earnest to make others free. they are slaves who fear to speak for the fallen and the weak; they are slaves, who will not choose hatred, scoffing, and abuse, rather than, in silence, shrink from the truth they needs must think; they are slaves, who dare not be in the right with _two_ or _three_. that's my country. does the land, in native might, pant for liberty and right? long to cast from human kind chains of body and of mind-- that's my country, that's the land i can love with heart and hand, o'er her miseries weep and sigh, for her glory live and die. does the land her banner wave, most invitingly, to save; wooing to her arms of love, strangers who would freemen prove? that's the land to which i cling, of her glories i can sing, on her altar nobly swear higher still her fame to rear. does the land no conquest make, but the war for honor's sake-- count the greatest triumph won, that which most of good has done-- that's the land approved of god; that's the land whose stainless sod o'er my sleeping dust shall bloom, noblest land and noblest tomb! liberty battle-song. from "the emancipator." air--"our warrior's heart." [music] arouse, ye friends of law and right, arouse, arouse, arouse! all who in freedom's cause delight, arouse, arouse, arouse! the time, the time, is drawing near, when we must at our posts appear; then clear the decks for action, clear! arouse, arouse, arouse! awake, and couch truth's fatal dart awake! awake! awake! bid error to the shades depart, awake! awake! awake! prepare to deal the deadly blow, to lay the power of slavery low, a ballot, lads, is our veto; awake! awake! awake! arise! ye sons of honest toil, arise! arise! arise! ye free-born tillers of the soil, arise! arise! arise! come from your workshops and the field, we've sworn to conquer ere we'll yield; the ballot-box is freedom's shield, arise! arise! arise! unite, and strike for equal laws, unite! unite! unite! for equal justice! that's our cause unite! unite! unite! shall the vile slavites win the day? shall men of whips and blood bear sway? unite, and dash their chains away, unite! unite! unite! march on! and vote the hireling down, march on! march on! march on! our blighted land with blessings crown, march on! march on! march on! shall manhood ever wear the chain? shall freedom look to us in vain? up to the struggle! strike again! march on! march on! march on! hurrah! the word pass down the line, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! birney's and morris' name shall shine, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! like comets, on their country's page, without a cloud, undimmed by age, revered by patriot and by sage; hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! birney and liberty. hurrah! the ball is rolling on, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! in spite of whig or loco don, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! our country still has hopes to rise, the bravest efforts win the prize, hurrah! &c. with joy elate our friends appear, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! our vaunting foes are filled with fear, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! ten thousand slaves have run away from georgia to canada; hurrah! &c. lo! all the world for birney now, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! see! as he comes the parties bow, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! no iron mixed with miry clay, will ever do, the people say, hurrah! &c. then up, ye hearties, one and all! hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! be faithful to your country's call; hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! let none the vote of freedom shun, run to the meeting--run, run, run! hurrah, &c. be birney's name the one you choose, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! let not a soul his ballot lose, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah! no other man in this our day will ever do, the people say: hurrah! &c. the ballot-box. air--from "lincoln." [music] freedom's consecrated dower, casket of a priceless gem! nobler heritage of power, than imperial diadem! corner-stone, on which was reared, liberty's triumphal dome, when her glorious form appeared, 'midst our own green mountain home. guard it, freemen! guard it well, spotless as your maiden's fame! never let your children tell of your weakness, of your shame; that their fathers basely sold, what was bought with blood and toil, that you bartered right for gold, here, on freedom's sacred soil. let your eagle's quenchless eye, fixed, unerring, sleepless, bright, watch, when danger hovers nigh, from his lofty mountain height; while the stripes and stars shall wave o'er this treasure, pure and free-- the land's palladium, it shall save the home and shrine of liberty. christian mother. by miss c. christian mother, when thy prayer, trembles on the twilight air, and thou askest god to keep in their waking and their sleep, those, whose love is more to thee than the wealth of land or sea-- think of those who wildly mourn for the loved ones from them torn. christian daughter, sister, wife, ye who wear a guarded life, ye, whose bliss hangs not, thank god, on a tyrant's word or nod, will ye hear, with careless eye, of the wild, despairing cry, rising up from human hearts, as their latest bliss departs. blest ones, whom no hands on earth, dare to wrench from home and hearth, ye, whose hearts are sheltered well, by affection's holy spell; oh, forget not those for whom life is nought but changeless gloom! o'er whose days, so woe-begone, hope may paint no brighter dawn. the liberty party. words by e. wright, jr. tune--"'tis dawn, the lark is singing." [music] will ye despise the acorn, just thrusting out its shoot, ye giants of the forest, that strike the deepest root? will ye despise the streamlets upon the mountain side; ye broad and mighty rivers, on sweeping to the tide? wilt thou despise the crescent, that trembles, newly born, thou bright and peerless planet, whose reign shall reach the morn? time now his scythe is whetting, ye giant oaks, for you; ye floods, the sea is thirsting, to drink you like the dew. that crescent, faint and trembling, her lamp shall nightly trim, till thou, imperious planet, shall in her light grow dim; and so shall wax the party, now feeble at its birth, till liberty shall cover this tyrant trodden earth. that party, as we term it, the party of the whole-- has for its firm foundation, the substance of the soul; it groweth out of reason, the strongest soil below; the smaller is its budding, the more its room to grow! then rally to its banners, supported by the true-- the weakest are the waning, the many are the few: of what is small, but living, god makes himself the nurse; while "onward" cry the voices of all his universe. our plant is of the cedar, that knoweth not decay: its growth shall bless the mountains, till mountains pass away. god speed the infant party, the party of the whole-- and surely he will do it, while reason is its soul. be free, o man, be free. words by mary h. maxwell. music by g.w.c. [music] the storm-winds wildly blowing, the bursting billows mock, as with their foam-crests glowing, they dash the sea-girt rock; amid the wild commotion, the revel of the sea, a voice is on the ocean, be free, o man, be free. behold the sea-brine leaping high in the murky air; list to the tempest sweeping in chainless fury there. what moves the mighty torrent, and bids it flow abroad? or turns the rapid current? what, but the voice of god? then, answer, is the spirit less noble or less free? from whom does it inherit the doom of slavery? when man can bind the waters, that they no longer roll, then let him forge the fetters to clog the human soul. till then a voice is stealing from earth and sea, and sky, and to the soul revealing its immortality. the swift wind chants the numbers careering o'er the sea, and earth aroused from slumbers, re-echoes, "man, be free." arouse! arouse! arouse, arouse, arouse! ye bold new england men! no more with sullen brows, remain as ye have been: your country's freedom calls, once bought by patriots' blood; rouse, or that freedom falls beneath the tyrant's rod! three million men in chains, your friendly aid implore; slight you the piteous strains that from their bosoms pour? shall it be told in story, or troll'd in burning song, new england's boasted glory forgot the bondman's wrong? shall freeman's sons be taunted, that freedom's spirit's fled; that what the fathers vaunted, with sordid sons is dead? that they in grovelling gain have lost their ancient fire, and 'neath the despot's chain, let liberty expire? oh no, your father's bones would cry out from the ground; ay, e'en new england's stones would echo on the sound: rouse, then, new england men! rally in freedom's name! in your bosoms once again light up the sleeping flame! the last night of slavery. tune--"cherokee death-song." [music] let the floods clap their hands, let the mountains rejoice, let all the glad lands breathe a jubilant voice; the sun that now sets on the waves of the sea shall gild with his rising the land of the free. let the islands be glad! for their king in his might, who his glory hath clad with a garment of light, in the waters the beams of his chambers hath laid, and in the green waters his pathway hath made. no more shall the deep, lend its awe-stricken waves, in their caverns to steep its wild burden of slaves; the lord sitteth king--sitteth king on the flood, he heard, and hath answered the voice of their blood. dispel the blue haze, golden fountain of morn! with meridian blaze the wide ocean adorn: the sunlight has touched the glad waves of the sea, and day now illumines the land of the free. the little slave girl. words by a lady. air--morgiana in ireland. [music] when bright morning lights the hills, where free children sing most cheerily, my young breast with sorrow fills, while here i plod my way so wearily: sad my face, more sad my heart, from home, from all i had to part, a loving mother, my sister, my brother, for chains and lash in hopeless misery, children try it, could you try it; but one day to live in slavery, children try it, try it, try it; come, come, give me liberty. ere i close my eyes to sleep, thoughts of home keep coming over me; all alone i wake and weep-- yet mother hears not--no one pities me-- never smiling, sick, forlorn, oh that i had ne'er been born! i should not sorrow to die to-morrow, then mother earth would kindly shelter me; children try it, could you try it! give me freedom, yes, from misery! children try it, try it, try it! come, come, give me liberty! stolen we were. words by a colored man. [music] stolen we were from africa, transported to america; it's work all day and half the night, and rise before the morning light; sinner! man! why don't you repent? for the judgment is rolling around! for the judgment is rolling around! like the brute beast in public street, endure the cold and stand the heat; king jesus told you once before to go your way and sin no more; sinner! man! &c. if e'er i reach the northern shore, i'll ne'er go back, no, never more; i think i hear these ladies say, we'll sing for freedom night and day; sinner! man! &c. now let us all, yes, every man, vote for the slave, for now we can; break every chain and every yoke, vote not for clay nor james k. polk; sinner! man! &c. come let us go for james g. birney, who sells not flesh and blood for money; he is the man you all can see, who gave his slaves their liberty; sinner! man! &c. we hail thee as an honest man, god made thee on his noblest plan; to stand for freedom in that hour, to thrust a blow at slavery's power; sinner! man! &c. a vision.[ ] words by crary. music by g.w.c. [footnote : scene in the nether world--purporting to be a conversation between the departed ghost of a southern slaveholding clergyman, and the devil!] [music] at dead of night, when others sleep, near hell i took my station; and from that dungeon, dark and deep, o'erheard this conversation: "hail, prince of darkness, ever hail, adored by each infernal, i come among your gang to wail, and taste of death eternal." "where are you from?" the fiend demands, "what makes you look so frantic? are you from carolina's strand, just west of the atlantic? are you that man of blood and birth, devoid of human feeling? the wretch i saw, when last on earth, in human cattle dealing? "whose soul, with blood and rapine stain'd, with deeds of crime to dark it; who drove god's image, starved and chained, to sell like beasts in market? who tore the infant from the breast, that you might sell its mother? whose craving mind could never rest, till you had sold a brother? "who gave the sacrament to those whose chains and handcuffs rattle? whose backs soon after felt the blows, more heavy than thy cattle?" "i'm from the south," the ghost replies, "and i was there a teacher; saw men in chains, with laughing eyes: i was a southern preacher! "in tassled pulpits, gay and fine, i strove to please the tyrants, to prove that slavery is divine, and what the scripture warrants. and when i saw the horrid sight, of slaves by tortures dying, and told their masters all was right, i knew that i was lying. "i knew all this, and who can doubt, i felt a sad misgiving? but still, i knew, if i spoke out, that i should lose my living. they made me fat, they paid me well, to preach down abolition, i slept--i died--i woke in hell, how altered my condition! "i now am in a sea of fire, whose fury ever rages; i am a slave, and can't get free, through everlasting ages. yes! when the sun and moon shall fade, and fire the rocks dissever, i must sink down beneath the shade, and feel god's wrath for ever." our ghost stood trembling all the while-- he saw the scene transpiring; with soul aghast and visage sad, all hope was now retiring. the demon cried, on vengeance bent, "i say, in haste, retire! and you shall have a negro sent to attend and punch the fire." get off the track. words by jesse hutchinson. air, "dan tucker." [music] ho! the car emancipation rides majestic thro' our nation, bearing on its train the story, liberty! a nation's glory. roll it along, roll it along, roll it along, thro' the nation, freedom's car, emancipation! men of various predilections, frightened, run in all directions; merchants, editors, physicians, lawyers, priests, and politicians. get out of the way! every station! clear the track of 'mancipation! let the ministers and churches leave behind sectarian lurches; jump on board the car of freedom, ere it be too late to need them. sound the alarm! pulpits thunder! ere too late you see your blunder! politicians gazed, astounded, when, at first, our bell resounded: _freight trains_ are coming, tell these foxes, with our _votes_ and _ballot boxes_. jump for your lives! politicians, from your dangerous, false positions. railroads to emancipation cannot rest on _clay_ foundation. and the _tracks_ of '_the polk-itian_' are but railroads to perdition! pull up the rails! emancipation cannot rest on such foundation. all true friends of emancipation, haste to freedom's railroad station; quick into the cars get seated, all is ready and completed.-- put on the steam! all are crying, and the liberty flags are flying. on, triumphant see them bearing, through sectarian rubbish tearing; the bell and whistle and the steaming, startle thousands from their dreaming. look out for the cars while the bell rings! ere the sound your funeral knell rings. see the people run to meet us; at the depôts thousands greet us; all take seats with exultation, in the car emancipation. huzza! huzza!! emancipation soon will bless our happy nation. huzza! huzza! huzza!!! emancipation song. words from the "bangor gazette." air, "crambambule." [music] let waiting throngs now lift their voices, as freedom's glorious day draws near, while every gentle tongue rejoices, and each bold heart is filled with cheer, the slave has seen the northern star, he'll soon be free, hurrah, hurrah! hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, hurrah! though many still are writhing under the cruel whips of "chevaliers," who mothers from their children sunder, and scourge them for their helpless tears-- their safe deliv'rance is not far! the day draws nigh!--hurrah, hurrah! just ere the dawn the darkness deepest surrounds the earth as with a pall; dry up thy tears, o thou that weepest, that on thy sight the rays may fall! no doubt let now thy bosom mar: send up the shout--hurrah, hurrah! shall we distrust the god of heaven?-- he every doubt and fear will quell; by him the captive's chains are riven-- so let us loud the chorus swell! man shall be free from cruel law,-- man shall be man!--hurrah, hurrah! no more again shall it be granted to southern overseers to rule-- no more will pilgrims' sons be taunted with cringing low in slavery's school. so clear the way for freedom's car-- the free shall rule!--hurrah, hurrah! send up the shout emancipation-- from heaven let the echoes bound-- soon will it bless this franchised nation,-- come raise again the stirring sound? emancipation near and far-- swell up the shout--hurrah! hurrah! harbinger of liberty. words by a lady. music by g.w.c. [music] see yon glorious star ascending, brightly o'er the southern sea! truth and peace on earth portending, herald of a jubilee! hail it, freemen! hail it, freemen! 'tis the star of liberty. dim at first--but widely spreading, soon 'twill burst supremely bright, life and health and comfort shedding o'er the shades of moral night; hail it, bondmen! slavery cannot bear its light. few its rays--'t is but the dawning of the reign of truth and peace; joy to slaves--yet sad forewarning, to the tyrants of our race; tremble, tyrants! soon your cruel pow'r will cease. earth is brighten'd by the glory of its mild and peaceful rays; ransom'd slaves shall tell the story, see its light, and sing its praise; hail it, christians! harbinger of better days. light of truth. hark! a voice from heaven proclaiming comfort to the mourning slave; god has heard him long complaining, and extends his arm to save; proud oppression soon shall find a shameful grave. see! the light of truth is breaking, full and clear on ev'ry hand; and the voice of mercy, speaking, now is heard through all the land; firm and fearless, see the friends of freedom stand! lo! the nation is arousing from its slumbers, long and deep; and the church of god is waking, never, never more to sleep, while a bondman, in his chains remains to weep. long, too long, have we been dreaming, o'er our country's sin and shame; let us now, the time redeeming, press the helpless captive's claim, till, exulting, he shall cast aside his chain. ode to james g. birney. words by elizur wright. music by g.w.c. [music] we hail thee, birney, just and true, the calm and fearless, staunch and tried, the bravest of the valiant few, our country's hope, our country's pride! in freedom's battle take the van; we hail thee as an honest man. thy country, in her darkest hour, when heroes bend at mammon's shrine, and virtue sells herself to power, lights up in smiles at deeds like thine! then welcome to the battle's van-- we _hail_ thee as an honest man! thy own example leads the way from egypt's gloom to canaan's light; thy justice is the breaking day of slavery's long and guilty night; then welcome to the battle's van-- we hail thee as an honest man. thine is the eagle eye to see, and thine a human heart to feel; a worthy leader of the free, we'll trust thee with a nation's weal; we'll trust thee in the battle's van-- we _hail_ thee as an honest man. an _honest man_--an _honest man_-- god made thee on his noblest plan, to do the right and brave the scorn; to stand in freedom's "hope forlorn;" then welcome to the triumph's van-- we hail thee as our chosen man! a tribute to departed worth.[ ] [footnote : as sung by g.w.c. at the erection of the monument to the memory of myron holley, mount hope, rochester. it may be sung as a dirge.] [music] oh, it is not the tear at this moment shed, when the cold turf has just been laid o'er him, that can tell how beloved was the soul that's fled, or how deep in our hearts we deplore him: 'tis the tear through many a long day wept, through a life by his loss all shaded, 'tis the sad remembrance fondly kept, when all other griefs have faded. oh! thus shall we mourn, and his memory's light while it shines through our hearts will improve them; for worth shall look fairer, and truth more bright, when we think how he lived but to love them. and as buried saints the grave perfume, where fadeless they've long been lying;-- so our hearts shall borrow a sweetening bloom from the image he left there in dying. the liberty voter's song. words by e. wright, jr. air, from "niel gow's farewell." [music] the vote, the vote, the mighty vote, though once we used a humbler note, and prayed our servants to be just, we tell the now they must, they must. chorus. the tyrant's grapple, by our vote, we'll loosen from our brother's throat, with washington we here agree, the vote's the weapon of the free. we'll scatter not the precious power on parties that to slavery cower; but make it one against the wrong, till down it comes, a million strong. the tyrant's grapple, &c. we'll bake the dough-face with our vote, who stood the scorching when we wrote; and paler than the milky way, we'll bake the plastic face of clay. the tyrant's grapple, &c. our vote shall teach all statesmen law, who in the southern harness draw; so well contented to be slaves, they fain would prove their fathers knaves! the tyrant's grapple, &c. we'll not provoke our wives to use a power that we through fear abuse; his mother shall not blush to own one voter of us for a son. the tyrant's grapple, by our vote, we'll loosen from our brother's throat; with washington we here agree, whose mother taught him to be free! the liberty ball. g.w.c. air, "rosin the bow." [music] come all ye true friends of the nation, attend to humanity's call; come aid the poor slave's liberation, and roll on the liberty ball-- and roll on the liberty ball-- and roll on the liberty ball, come aid the poor slave's liberation, and roll on the liberty ball. the liberty hosts are advancing-- for freedom to _all_ they declare; the down-trodden millions are sighing-- come, break up our gloom of despair. come break up our gloom of despair, &c. ye democrats, come to the rescue, and aid on the liberty cause, and millions will rise up and bless you with heart-cheering songs of applause, with heart-cheering songs, &c. ye whigs forsake clay and _john tyler_! and boldly step into our ranks; we'll spread our pure banner still wider, and invite all the friends of the banks,-- and invite all the friends of the banks, &c. and when we have formed the blest union we'll firmly march on, one and all-- we'll sing when we meet in communion, and _roll on_ the liberty ball, and roll on the liberty ball, &c. how can you stand halting while virtue is sweetly appealing to all; then haste to the standard of duty, and roll on the liberty ball; and roll on the liberty ball, &c. the question of test is now turning, and freedom or slavery must fall, while hope in the bosom is burning, we'll roll on the liberty ball; we'll roll on the liberty ball, &c. ye freemen attend to your voting, your ballots will answer the call; and while others attend to _log-rolling_, we'll roll on the liberty ball-- we'll roll on the liberty ball, &c. the trumpet of freedom. hark! hark! to the trumpet of freedom! her rallying signal she blows: come, gather around her broad banner, and battle 'gainst liberty's foes. our forefathers plighted their honor, their lives and their property, too, to maintain in defiance of britain, their principles, righteous and true. we'll show to the world we are worthy the blessings our ancestors won, and finish the temple of freedom, that hancock and franklin begun. hurra, for the old-fashioned doctrine, that men are created all free! we ever will boldly maintain it, nor care who the tyrant may be. when poland was fighting for freedom, our voices went over the sea, to bid her god-speed in the contest-- that poland, like us, might be free. when down-trodden greece had up-risen, and baffled the mahomet crew; we rejoiced in the glorious issue, that greece had her liberty, too. repeal, do we also delight in-- three cheers for the "gem of the sea!" and soon may the bright day be dawning, when ireland, like us, shall be free. like us, who are foes to oppression; but not like america now. with shame do we blush to confess it, too many to slavery bow. we're foes unto wrong and oppression, no matter which side of the sea; and ever intend to oppose them, till all of god's image are free. some tell us because men are colored, they should not our sympathy share; we ask not the form or complexion-- the seal of our maker is there! success to the old-fashioned doctrine, that men are created all free! and down with the power of the despot, wherever his strongholds may be. we're proud of the name of a freeman, and proud of the character, too; and never will do any action, save such as a freeman may do. we'll finish the temple of freedom, and make it capacious within, that all who seek shelter may find it, whatever the hue of their skin. for thus the almighty designed it, and gave to our fathers the plan; intending that liberty's blessings, should rest upon every man. then up with the cap-stone and cornice, with columns encircle its wall, throw open its gateway, and make it a home and a refuge for all! break every yoke. tune--"o no, we never mention her." [music] break every yoke, the gospel cries, and let th' oppressed go free, let every captive taste the joys of peace and liberty. send thy good spirit from above, and melt th' oppressor's heart, send sweet deliv'rance to the slave, and bid his woes depart. lord, when shall man thy voice obey, and rend each iron chain, oh when shall love its golden sway, o'er all the earth maintain. with freedom's blessings crown his day-- o'erflow his heart with love, teach him that straight and narrow way, which leads to rest above. the yankee girl. words by whittier. music by g.w.c. [music] she sings by her wheel at that low cottage door, which the long evening shadow is stretching before; with a music as sweet as the music which seems breathed softly and faint in the ear of our dreams! how brilliant and mirthful the light of her eye, like a star glancing out from the blue of the sky! and lightly and freely her dark tresses play o'er a brow and a bosom as lovely as they! who comes in his pride to that low cottage-door-- the haughty and rich to the humble and poor? 'tis the great southern planter--the master who waves his whip of dominion o'er hundreds of slaves. "nay, ellen--for shame! let those yankee fools spin, who would pass for our slaves with a change of their skin; let them toil as they will at the loom or the wheel, too stupid for shame, and too vulgar to feel! "but thou art too lovely and precious a gem to be bound to their burdens and sullied by them-- for shame, ellen, shame!--cast thy bondage aside, and away to the south, as my blessing and pride. "oh, come where no winter thy footsteps can wrong, but where flowers are blossoming all the year long, where the shade of the palm tree is over my home, and the lemon and orange are white in their bloom! "oh, come to my home, where my servants shall all depart at thy bidding and come at thy call; they shall heed thee as mistress with trembling and awe, and each wish of thy heart shall be felt as a law." oh, could ye have seen her--that pride of our girls-- arise and cast back the dark wealth of her curls, with a scorn in her eye which the gazer could feel, and a glance like the sunshine that flashes on steel! "go back, haughty southron! thy treasures of gold are dim with the blood of the hearts thou hast sold! thy home may be lovely, but round it i hear the crack of the whip and the footsteps of fear! "and the sky of thy south may be brighter than ours, and greener thy landscapes, and fairer thy flowers; but, dearer the blast round our mountains which raves, than the sweet summer zephyr which breathes over slaves! "full low at thy bidding thy negroes may kneel, with the iron of bondage on spirit and heel; yet know that the yankee girl sooner would be in _fetters_ with _them_, than in freedom with _thee_!" freedom's gathering. words from the pennsylvania freeman. music by g.w.c. [music] a voice has gone forth, and the land is awake! our freemen shall gather from ocean to lake, our cause is as pure as the earth ever saw, and our faith we will pledge in the thrilling huzza. then huzza, then huzza, truth's glittering falchion for freedom we draw. let them blacken our names and pursue us with ill, our hearts shall be faithful to liberty still; then rally! then rally! come one and come all, with harness well girded, and echo the call. thy hill-tops, new england, shall leap at the cry, and the prairie and far distant south shall reply; it shall roll o'er the land till the farthermost glen gives back the glad summons again and again. oppression shall hear in its temple of blood, and read on its wall the handwriting of god; niagara's torrent shall thunder it forth, it shall burn in the sentinel star of the north. it shall blaze in the lightning, and speak in the thunder, till slavery's fetters are riven asunder, and freedom her rights has triumphantly won, and our country her garments of beauty put on. then huzza, then huzza, truth's glittering falchion for freedom we draw. let them blacken our names, and pursue us with ill, we bow at thy altar, sweet liberty still! as the breeze f'm the mountain sweeps over the river, so, changeless and free, shall our thoughts be, for ever. then on to the conflict for freedom and truth; come matron, come maiden, come manhood and youth, come gather! come gather! come one and come all, and soon shall the altars of slavery fall. the forests shall know it, and lift up their voice, to bid the green prairies and valleys rejoice; and the "father of waters," join mexico's sea, in the anthem of nature for millions set free. then huzza! then huzza! truth's glittering falchion for freedom we draw. be kind to each other. by charles swain. be kind to each other! the night's coming on, when friend and when brother perchance may be gone! then 'midst our dejection, how sweet to have earned the blest recollection, of kindness--returned! when day hath departed, and memory keeps her watch, broken-hearted, where all she loved sleeps! let falsehood assail not, nor envy disprove-- let trifles prevail not against those ye love! nor change with to-morrow, should fortune take wing, but the deeper the sorrow, the closer still cling! oh! be kind to each other! the night's coming on, when friend and when brother perchance may be gone. praise and prayer. words by miss chandler. [music] praise for slumbers of the night, for the wakening morning's light, for the board with plenty spread, gladness o'er the spirit shed; healthful pulse and cloudless eye, opening on the smiling sky. praise! for loving hearts that still with life's bounding pulses thrill; praise, that still our own may know-- earthly joy and earthly woe. praise for every varied good, bounteous round our pathway strew'd! prayer! for grateful hearts to raise incense meet of prayer and praise! prayer, for spirits calm and meek, wisdom life's best joys to seek; strength 'midst devious paths to tread-- that through which the saviour led. prayer! for those who, day by day, weep their bitter life away; prayer, for those who bind the chain rudely on their throbbing vein-- that repentance deep may win pardon for the fearful sin! the slave's lamentation. a parody by tucker. air, "long, long ago." [music] where are the friends that to me were so dear, long, long ago, long, long ago! where are the hopes that my heart used to cheer? long, long ago, long, long ago! friends that i loved in the grave are laid low, all hope of freedom hath fled from me now. i am degraded, for man was my foe, long, long ago, long, long ago! sadly my wife bowed her beautiful head-- long, long ago--long ago! oh, how i wept when i found she was dead! long, long ago--long ago! she was my angel, my love and my pride-- vainly to save her from torture i tried, poor broken heart! she rejoiced as she died, long, long ago--long, long ago! let me look back on the days of my youth-- long, long ago--long ago! master withheld from me knowledge and truth-- long, long ago--long ago! crushed all the hopes of my earliest day, sent me from father and mother away-- forbade me to read, nor allowed me to pray-- long, long ago--long, long ago! the stranger and his friend. montgomery and denison. tune, "duane street." [music] a poor wayfaring man of grief, hath often crossed me on my way, who sued so humbly for relief, that i could never answer nay; i had not power to ask his name, whither he went or whence he came; yet there was something in his eye, which won my love, i knew not why. once, when my scanty meal was spread, he entered--not a word he spake-- just perishing for want of bread, i gave him all; he blessed it, brake, and ate, but gave me part again: mine was an angel's portion then, for while i fed with eager haste, the crust was manna to my taste. 'twas night. the floods were out, it blew a winter hurricane aloof: i heard his voice abroad, and flew to bid him welcome to my roof; i warmed, i clothed, i cheered my guest, i laid him on my couch to rest: then made the ground my bed and seemed in eden's garden while i dreamed. i saw him bleeding in his chains, and tortured 'neath the driver's lash, his sweat fell fast along the plains, deep dyed from many a fearful gash: but i in bonds remembered him, and strove to free each fettered limb, as with my tears i washed his blood, me he baptized with mercy's flood. i saw him in the negro pew, his head hung low upon his breast, his locks were wet with drops of dew, gathered while he for entrance pressed within those aisles, whose courts are given that black and white may reach one heaven; and as i meekly sought his feet, he smiled, and made a throne my seat. in prison i saw him next condemned to meet a traitor's doom at morn; the tide of lying tongues i stemmed, and honored him midst shame and scorn. my friendship's utmost zeal to try, he asked if i for him would die; the flesh was weak, my blood ran chill, but the free spirit cried, "i will." then in a moment to my view, the stranger darted from disguise; the tokens in his hands i knew, my saviour stood before my eyes! he spoke, and my poor name he named-- "of me thou hast not been ashamed, these deeds shall thy memorial be; fear not, thou didst them unto me." we're for freedom through the land. words by j.e. robinson. music arranged from the "old granite state." [music] we are coming, we are coming! freedom's battle is begun! no hand shall furl her banner ere her victory be won! our shields are locked for liberty, and mercy goes before: tyrants tremble in your citadel! oppression shall be o'er. we will vote for birney, we will vote for birney, we're for morris and for birney, and for freedom through the land. we have hatred, dark and deep, for the fetter and the thong; we bring light for prisoned spirits, for the captive's wail a song; we are coming, we are coming! and, "no league with tyrant man," is emblazoned on our banner, while jehovah leads the van! we will vote for birney, we will vote for birney, we're for morris and for birney, and for freedom through the land! we are coming, we are coming! but we wield no battle brand: we are armed with truth and justice, with god's charter in our hand, and our voice which swells for freedom--freedom now and ever more-- shall be heard as ocean's thunder, when they burst upon the shore! we will vote for birney, we will vote for birney, we're for morris and for birney, and for freedom through the land. be patient, o, be patient! ye suffering ones of earth! denied a glorious heritage--our common right by birth; with fettered limbs and spirits, your battle shall be won! o be patient--we are coming! suffer on, suffer on! we will vote for birney, we will vote for birney, we're for morris and for birney, and for freedom through the land. we are coming, we are coming! not as comes the tempest's wrath, when the frown of desolation sits brooding o'er its path; but with mercy, such as leaves his holy signet-light upon the air in lambent beauty, when the darkened storm is gone. we will vote for birney, we will vote for birney, we're for morris and for birney, and for freedom through the land. o, be patient in your misery! be mute in your despair! while your chains are grinding deeper, there's a voice upon the air! ye shall feel its potent echoes, ye shall hear its lovely sound, we are coming! we are coming! bringing freedom to the bound! we will vote for birney, we will vote for birney, we're for morris and for birney, and for freedom through the land. note.--suggested by a song sung by george w. clark, at a recent convention in rochester, n.y. we are all children of one parent. words from the youth's cabinet. music by l. mason. [music] sister, thou art worn and weary, toiling for another's gain; life with thee is dark and dreary, filled with wretchedness and pain, thou must rise at dawn of light, and thy daily task pursue, till the darkness of the night hide thy labors from thy view. oft, alas! thou hast to bear sufferings more than tongue can tell; thy oppressor will not spare, but delights thy griefs to swell; oft thy back the scourge has felt, then to god thou'st raised the cry that the tyrant's heart he'd melt ere thou should'st in tortures die. injured sister, well we know that thy lot in life is hard; sad thy state of toil and wo, from all blessedness debarred; while each sympathizing heart pities thy forlorn distress; we would sweet relief impart, and delight thy soul to bless. and what lies within our power we most cheerfully will do, that will haste the blissful hour fraught with news of joy to you; and when comes the happy day that shall free our captive friend, when jehovah's mighty sway shall to slavery put an end: then, dear sister, we with thee will to heaven direct our voice; joyfully with voices free we'll in lofty strains rejoice; gracious god! thy name we'll bless, hallelujah evermore, thou hast heard in righteousness, and our sister's griefs are o'er. manhood. by robert burns. tune, "our warrior's hearts," page . is there, for honest poverty, that hangs his head, and a' that; the coward-slave, we pass him by, we dare be poor, for a' that; for a' that and a' that; our toils obscure, and a' that, the rank is but the guinea's stamp, the man's the gowd, for a' that. what though on homely fare we dine, wear hodden gray and a' that, gie fools their silks, and knaves their wine, a man's a man for a' that; the honest man tho' e'er so poor, is king o' men for a' that; the rank is but the guinea's stamp, the man's the gowd for a' that. then let us pray that come it may, as come it will, for a' that, that sense and worth, o'er a' the earth, may bear the gree, and a' that; for a' that, and a' that, it's coming yet, for a' that, that man to man, the world all o'er shall brothers be, for a' that. terms explained:-- _gowd_--gold. _hodden_--homespun, or mean. _gree_--honor, or victory. the poor voter's song. air, "lucy long." they knew that i was poor, and they thought that i was base; they thought that i'd endure to be covered with disgrace; they thought me of their tribe, who on filthy lucre doat, so they offered me a bribe for my vote, boys! my vote! o shame upon my betters, who would my conscience buy! but i'll not wear their fetters, not i, indeed, not i! my vote? it is not mine to do with as i will; to cast, like pearls, to swine, to these wallowers in ill. it is my country's due, and i'll give it, while i can, to the honest and the true, like a man, like a man! o shame, &c. no, no, i'll hold my vote, as a treasure and a trust, my dishonor none shall quote, when i'm mingled with the dust; and my children when i'm gone, shall be strengthened by the thought, that their father was not one to be bought, to be bought! o shame, &c. the flying slave. from the bangor gazette. air:--"_to greece we give our shining blades_." the night is dark, and keen the air, and the slave is flying to be free; his parting word is one short prayer: oh god, but give me liberty! farewell--farewell: behind i leave the whips and chains, before me spreads sweet freedom's plains. one star shines in the heavens above that guides him on his lonely way;-- star of the north--how deep his love for thee, thou star of liberty! farewell--farewell: behind he leaves the whips and chains, before him spreads sweet freedom's plains. for the election. tune:--'_scots wha hae with wallace bled_.' ye who know and do the right, ye who cherish honor bright, ye who worship love and light, choose your side to-day. succor freedom, now you can, voting for an honest man; or you may from slavery's span, pick a polk or clay. boasts your vote no higher aim, than between two blots of shame that would stain our country's fame, just to choose the least? let it sternly answer no! let it straight for freedom go; let it swell the winds that blow from the north and east. blot!--the smaller--is a curse blighting conscience, honor, purse; give us any, give the worse, 'twill be less endured. freemen, is it god who wills you to choose, of foulest ills, that which only latest kills? no; he wills it cured. do your duty, he will aid; dare to vote as you have prayed; who e'er conquered, while his blade served his open foes. right established, would you see? feel that you yourselves are free; strike for that which ought to be-- god will bless the blows. hail the day! air:--"_wreathe the bowl_." hail the day whose joyful ray speaks of emancipation! the day that broke oppression's yoke-- the birth-day of a nation! when england's might put forth for right, achieved a fame more glorious than armies tried, or navies' pride, o'er land and sea victorious! soon may we gain an equal name in honor's estimation! and righteousness exalt and bless our glorious happy nation! brave hearts shall lend strong hands to rend foul slavery's bonds asunder, and liberty her jubilee proclaim, in tones of thunder! we hail afar fair freedom's star, her day-star brightly glancing; we hear the tramp from freedom's camp, assembling and advancing! no noisy drum nor murderous gun, no deadly fiends contending; but love and right their force unite, in peaceful conflict blending. fair freedom's host, in joyful boast, unfolds her banner ample! with channing's fame, and whittier's name, and birney's bright example! come join your hands with freedom's bands, new england's sons and daughters! speak your decree-- man shall be free-- as mountains, winds and waters! and haste the day whose coming ray speaks our emancipation! whose glorious light, enthroning right, shall bless and save the nation! (from the globe.) the ballot. by j.e. dow. air, "bonnie doon," page . dread sovereign, thou! the chainless will-- thy source the nation's mighty heart-- the ballot box thy cradle still-- thou speak'st, and nineteen millions start; thy subjects, sons of noble sires; descendants of a patriot band-- thy lights a million's household fires-- thy daily walk, my native land. and shall the safeguard of the free, by valor won on gory plains, become a solemn mockery while freemen breathe and virtue reigns? shall liberty be bought and sold by guilty creatures clothed with power? is honor but a name for gold, and principle a withered flower? the parricide's accursed steel has pierced thy sacred sovereignty; and all who think, and all who feel, must act or never more be free. no party chains shall bind us here; no mighty name shall turn the blow: then, wounded sovereignty, appear, and lay the base apostates low. the wretch, with hands by murder red, may hope for mercy at the last; and he who steals a nation's bread, may have oblivion's statute passed. but he who steals a sacred right, and brings his native land to scorn, shall die a traitor in her sight, with none to pity or to mourn. the spirit of the pilgrims. tune, "be free, oh man, be free," page . the spirit of the pilgrims is spreading o'er the earth, and millions now point to the land where freedom had her birth: hark! hear ye not the earnest cry that peals o'er every wave? "god above, in thy love, o liberate the slave!" ye heard of trampled poland, and of her sons in chains, and noble thoughts flashed through your minds and fire flowed through your veins. then wherefore hear ye not the cry that breaks o'er land and sea?-- "on each plain, rend the chain, and set the captive free!" oh, think ye that our fathers, (that noble patriot band,) could now look down with kindling joy, and smile upon the land? or would a trumpet-tone go forth, and ring from shore to shore;-- "all who stand, in this land, shall be free for evermore!" great god, inspire thy children, and make thy creatures just, that every galling chain may fall, and crumble into dust: that not one soul throughout the land our fathers died to save, may again, by fellow-men, be branded as a slave! what mean ye? tune--'_ortonville_.' what mean ye that ye bruise and bind my people, saith the lord, and starve your craving brother's mind, who asks to hear my word? what mean ye that ye make them toil; through long and dreary years, and shed like rain upon your soil their blood and bitter tears? what mean ye, that ye dare to rend the tender mother's heart? brothers from sisters, friend from friend, how dare you bid them part? what mean ye when god's bounteous hand, to you so much has given, that from the slave who tills your land, ye keep both earth and heaven? when at the judgment god shall call, where is thy brother? say, what mean ye to the judge of all to answer on that day? hymn for children. air:--"_miss lucy long_." by w.s. abbott. while we are happy here, in joy and peace and love, we'll raise our hearts, with holy fear, to thee, great god, above. god of our infant hours! the music of our tongues, the worship of our nobler powers, to thee, to thee belongs. the little, trembling slave shall feel our sympathy; o god! arise with might to save, and set the captive free. no parent's holy care provides for him repose, but oft the hot and briny tear, in sorrow freely flows. the god of abraham praise; the curse he will remove; the slave shall welcome happy days, with liberty and love. pray without ceasing, pray, ye saints of god most high, that all who hail this glorious day, may have their liberty. liberty glee. tune:--"_the pirate's glee_." march on! march on! we love the liberty flag, that's waving o'er our land; as fearless as the eagle soaring o'er the cloud-capped mountain crag, slavery in terror flies before us; we fling our banner to the blast; it there shall float triumphant o'er us, we will defend it to the last. march on! march on, &c. vote on! vote on, we hail the liberty flag, that leads us on our way; we'll boldly vote, our country saving, and bravely conquer while we may. the world is up--for freedom moving, the thunders' distant roar we hear-- from land to land the free are calling, and slaves with joy and rapture hear. vote on! vote on, &c. march on! march on! tune:--"_the pirate's glee_." march on! march on, ye friends of freedom for all, for truth and right contend; be ever ready at humanity's call, till tyrant's power shall end. the proud slave-holders rule the nation, the people's groans are loud and long; arouse, ye men, in every station, and join to crush the power of wrong.--march on, etc. fight on! fight on, ye brave till victory's won, and justice shall prevail; till all shall feel the rays of liberty's sun, streaming o'er hill and dale. the tyrants know their guilt and tremble, the glowing light of truth they fear; then let them all their hosts assemble, and slavery's dreadful sentence hear. fight on! fight on, &c. roll on! roll on, ye brave, the liberty car, our country's name to save; soon shall our land be known to nations afar, as the home of the free and brave. the voice of freemen loud hath spoken, a brighter day we soon shall see; when slavery's chains shall all be broken, and all the captive millions free. roll on, roll on, &c. index. [transcriber's note: the original order of the entries in this index has been preserved.] page am i not a man and brother? am i not a sister? afric's dream a beacon has been lighted a vision are ye truly free? a tribute to departed worth brothers be brave for the pining slave blind slave boy bereaved father birney and liberty ballot-box be free! o man, be free! break every yoke be kind to each other comfort in affliction clarion of freedom come join the abolitionists comfort for the bondmen come and see the works of god christian mother domestic bliss emancipation song fugitive slave to the christian fourth of july freedom's gathering friend of the friendless gone! gone, sold and gone get off the track heard ye that cry? how long! o, how long! hark! i hear a sound of anguish hail the day! hark! a voice from heaven holy freedom harbinger of liberty hymn for children i would not live alway i am monarch of naught i survey liberty battle song light of truth liberty glee manhood my child is gone march to the battle-field myron holly march on! march on! negro boy sold for a watch o pity the slave mother our pilgrim fathers our countrymen in chains! on to victory our countrymen are dying o charity! oft in the chilly night ode to james g. birney prayer for the slave pilgrim song praise and prayer poor voter's song quadroon maiden remembering god is just rise! freeman rise! rouse up, new england! remember me sleep on, my child song of the coffle gang slave's wrongs stanzas for the times slave boy's wish slave girl mourning her father slave mother and her babe strike for liberty sing me a triumph song song of the free stolen we were the law of love the fugitive the poor little slave the bereaved mother the negro's appeal the strength of tyranny to those i love the bondman the man for me the mercy-seat the pleasant land we love the freed slave the liberty flag the liberty party the last night of slavery the little slave girl the liberty voter's song the liberty ball the trumpet of freedom the slave's lamentation the stranger and his friend that's my country the flying slave the election the ballot the spirit of the pilgrims the ballot-box voice of new england wake sons of the pilgrims what means that sad and dismal look we're coming, we're coming wake, sons of the pilgrims we are come, all come we're for freedom through the land we are all children of one parent wake, ye numbers what mean ye, that ye bruise and bind? we ask not martial glory ye heralds of freedom ye spirits of the free ye sons of freemen yankee girl zaza [transcriber's note: a table of contents has been added for the reader's convenience. errors listed in the errata section have been noted with a [transcriber's note]; other obvious printer errors have been corrected without note.] the trial of theodore parker, for the "misdemeanor" of a speech in faneuil hall against kidnapping, before the circuit court of the united states, at boston, april , . with the defence, by theodore parker, minister of the twenty-eighth congregational society in boston. boston: published for the author. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by theodore parker, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. cambridge: allen and farnham, printers. contents preface introduction defence errata other works by the same author to john parker hale and charles mayo ellis, magnanimous lawyers, for their labors in a noble profession, which having once in england its kelyng, its saunders, its jeffreys, and its scroggs, as now in america its sharkey, its grier, its curtis, and its kane, has yet also such generous advocates of humanity as equal the glories of holt and erskine, of mackintosh and romilly, for their eloquent and fearless defence of truth, right, and love, this volume is dedicated, by their client and friend, theodore parker. preface. to the people of the free states of america. fellow-citizens and friends,-- if it were a merely personal matter for which i was arraigned before the united states court, after the trial was over i should trouble the public no further with that matter; and hitherto indeed, though often attacked, nay, almost continually for the last fourteen years, i have never returned a word in defence. but now, as this case is one of such vast and far-reaching importance, involving the great human right to freedom of speech, and as the actual question before the court was never brought to trial, i cannot let the occasion pass by without making further use of it. when judge curtis delivered his charge to the grand-jury, june th, , i made ready for trial, and in three or four days my line of defence was marked out--the fortifications sketched, the place of the batteries determined; i began to collect arms, and was soon ready for his attack. when that grand-jury, summoned with no special reference to me, refused to find a bill and were discharged, i took public notice of the conduct of judge curtis, in a sermon for the fourth of july.[ ] but i knew the friends of the fugitive slave bill at boston and washington too well to think they would let the matter sleep; i knew what arts could be used to pack a jury and procure a bill. so i was not at all surprised when i heard of the efforts making by the slave power in boston to obtain an indictment by another grand-jury summoned for that purpose. it need not be supposed that i was wholly ignorant of their doings from day to day. the arrest was no astonishment to me. i knew how much the reputation of this court and of its attorney depended on the success of this prosecution. i knew what private malignity was at work. [footnote : parker's additional speeches, - .] after my arraignment i made elaborate preparation for my defence. i procured able counsel, men needing no commendation, to manage the technical details which i knew nothing about and so could not meddle with, while i took charge of other matters lying more level to my own capacity. i thought it best to take an active part in my own defence,--for the matter at issue belonged to my previous studies and general business; my personal friends and the people in general, seemed to expect me to defend myself as well as i could. a great political revolution took place between the judge's charge and my arraignment, june th, and november th, , and i thought the court would not allow the case to come to open argument. for certainly, it would not be a very pleasant thing for judge sprague and judge curtis, who have taken such pains to establish slavery in massachusetts, to sit there--each like a travestied prometheus, chained up in a silk gown because they had brought to earth fire from the quarter opposite to heaven--and listen to mr. hale, and mr. phillips and other anti-slavery lawyers, day after day: there were facts, sure to come to light, not honorable to the court and not pleasant to look at in the presence of a new england community then getting indignant at the outrages of the slave power. i never thought the case would come to the jury. i looked over the indictment, and to my unlearned eye it seemed so looped and windowed with breaches that a skilful lawyer might drive a cart and six oxen through it in various directions; and so the court might easily quash the indictment and leave all the blame of the failure on the poor attorney--whom they seemed to despise, though using him for their purposes--while they themselves should escape with a whole reputation, and ears which had not tingled under manly speech. still, it was possible that the trial would come on. of course, i knew the trial would not proceed on the day i was ordered to appear--the eighty-fifth anniversary of the boston massacre. it would be "unavoidably postponed," which came to pass accordingly. the attorney, very politely, gave me all needed information from time to time. at the "trial," april d, it was optional with the defendant's counsel to beat the government on the indictment before the court; or on the merits of the case before the jury. the latter would furnish the most piquant events, for some curious scenes were likely to take place in the examination of witnesses, as well as instruction to be offered in the speeches delivered. but on the whole, it was thought best to blow up the enemy in his own fortress and with his own magazine, rather than to cut him to pieces with our shot in the open field. so the counsel rent the indictment into many pieces--apparently to the great comfort of the judges, who thus escaped the battle, which then fell only on the head of the attorney. at the time appointed i was ready with my defence--which i now print for the country. it is a minister's performance, not a lawyer's. of course, i knew that the court would not have allowed me to proceed with such a defence--and that i should be obliged to deliver it through the press. had there been an actual jury trial, i should have had many other things to offer in reference to the government's evidence, to the testimony given before the grand-jury, and to the conduct of some of the grand-jurors themselves. so the latter part of the defence is only the skeleton of what it otherwise might have been,--the geological material of the country, the flora and fauna left out. it would have been better to publish it immediately after the decision of the case: but my _brief_ was not for the printer, and as many duties occurred at that time, it was not till now, in a little vacation from severer toils, that i have found leisure to write out my defence in full. fellow-citizens and friends, i present it to you in hopes that it may serve the great cause of human freedom in america and the world; surely, it has seldom been in more danger. theodore parker. boston, _ th august_, . introduction. on tuesday, the d of may, , charles f. suttle of virginia, presented to edward greeley loring, esquire, of boston, commissioner, a complaint under the fugitive slave bill--act of september th, --praying for the seizure and enslavement of anthony burns. the next day, wednesday, may th, commissioner loring issued the warrant: mr. burns was seized in the course of the evening of that day, on the false pretext of burglary, and carried to the suffolk county court house in which he was confined by the marshal, under the above-named warrant, and there kept imprisoned under a strong and armed guard. on the th, at about nine o'clock in the morning, the commissioner proceeded to hear and decide the case in the circuit court room, in which were stationed about sixty men serving as the marshal's guard. seth j. thomas, esquire, and edward griffin parker, esquire, members of the suffolk bar, appeared as counsel for mr. suttle to help him and commissioner loring make a man a slave. mr. burns was kept in irons and surrounded by "the guard." the slave-hunter's documents were immediately presented, and his witness was sworn and proceeded to testify. wendell phillips, theodore parker, charles m. ellis, and richard h. dana, with a few others, came into the court room. mr. parker and some others, spoke with mr. burns, who sat in the dock ironed, between two of the marshal's guard. after a little delay and conference among these four and others, mr. dana interrupted the proceedings and asked that counsel might be assigned to mr. burns, and so a defence allowed. to this mr. thomas, the senior counsel for the slave-hunters, objected. but after repeated protests on the part of mr. dana and mr. ellis, the commissioner adjourned the hearing until ten o'clock, saturday, may th. on the evening of friday, may th, there was a large and earnest meeting of men and women at faneuil hall. mr. george r. russell, of west roxbury, presided; his name is a fair exponent of the character and purposes of the meeting, which dr. samuel g. howe called to order. speeches were made and resolutions passed. mr. phillips and mr. parker, amongst others, addressed the meeting; mr. parker's speech, as reported and published in the newspapers, is reprinted in this volume, page . while this meeting was in session there was a gathering of a few persons about the court house, the outer doors of which had been unlawfully closed by order of the marshal; an attempt was made to break through them and enter the building, where the supreme court of massachusetts was sitting engaged in a capital case; and the courts of this state must always sit with open doors. in the strife one of the marshal's guard, a man hired to aid in the slave-hunt, was killed--but whether by one of the assailing party, or by the marshal's guard, it is not yet quite clear. it does not appear from the evidence laid before the public or the three grand-juries, that there was any connection between the meeting at faneuil hall and the gathering at the court house. saturday, th, at ten o'clock, the commissioner opened his court again, his prisoner in irons before him. the other events are well known. mr. burns was taken away to slavery on friday, june d, by an armed body of soldiers with a cannon. the may term of the circuit court at boston began on the th of that month, and the grand-jury for that term had already been summoned. here is the list:-- united states circuit court, } massachusetts district. } may term, . ss. may , . grand-jury. sworn. isaac tower, randolph, foreman. " elbridge g. manning, andover. " asa angier, " " ballard lovejoy, " " levi eldridge, chatham. " isaac b. young, " " josiah peterson, duxbury. " james curtis, " not sworn. william amory, boston, excused first day. member of the bar. sworn. james p. bush, " absent june th. " john clark, " " charles h. mills, " " william n. tyler, " " samuel weltch, " " reuben nichols, reading. " benjamin m. boyce, " " ephraim f. belcher, randolph. " thomas s. brimblecome, fairhaven. " obed f. hitch, " " lowell claflin, hopkinton. " william durant, leominster. " charles grant, " " jeremiah b. luther, douglas. on the th of june, judge curtis gave to this grand-jury his charge.[ ] in that he spoke of the enforcement of the fugitive slave bill; and he charged the jury especially and minutely upon the statute of the united states of , in relation to resisting officers in service of process as follows. [footnote : the charge is printed below, at page .] that not only those who are present and actually obstruct, resist, and oppose, and all who are present leagued in the common design, and so situated as to be able in case of need, to afford assistance to those actually engaged; but all who, though absent, did procure, counsel, command, or abet others to commit the offence; and all who, by indirect means, by _evincing an express liking, approbation, or assent to the design, were liable as principals_. and he added, "my instruction to you is, that language addressed to persons who immediately afterwards commit an offence, actually intended by the speaker to incite those addressed to commit it, and adapted thus to incite them, is such a counselling, or advising to the crime as the law contemplates, and the person so inciting others is liable to be indicted as a principal," and _it is of no importance that his advice or directions were departed from in respect to the time, or place, or precise mode, or means of committing it_. that jury remained in session a few weeks: pains were taken to induce them to find bills against the speakers at faneuil hall; but they found no indictment under the law of , or that of ; they were discharged. on the d of september, _venires_ were issued by order of the court for a new grand-jury; and, on the th of october, twenty-three were returned by marshal freeman, and impanelled. here is the list of new grand-jurors:-- united states circuit court, } massachusetts district. } october term, . ss. october , . grand-jury. sworn. enoch patterson, jr., boston, foreman. " david alden, " " stephen d. abbott, andover. " isaac beal, chatham. " john burrill, reading. " mathew cox, boston. " richard b. chandler, duxbury. " charles l. cummings, douglas. " charles carter, leominster. " warren davis, reading. " william w. greenough, boston. " george o. hovey, " " john m. howland, fairhaven. sworn. manson d. haws, leominster. " john holbrook, randolph. excused. nathaniel johnson, hopkinton, excused first day, october th, for the term. sworn. george londen, duxbury. " nathan moore, andover. " samuel p. ridler, boston. " christopher ryder, chatham. " john smith, andover. " appollos wales, randolph. " samuel l. ward, fairhaven. this grand-jury was not charged by the judge upon the statute of , or , but was referred to mr. hallett, the attorney, for the instructions previously given to the jury that had been discharged, namely, for his charge of june th, already referred to. mr. william w. greenough, brother-in-law of judge curtis, was one of the jury. they found the following indictment against mr. parker:-- united states of america. _circuit court of the united states of america, for the district of massachusetts._ at a circuit court of the united states of america, for the district of massachusetts, begun and holden at boston, the aforesaid district, on the sixteenth day of october, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four (the fifteenth day of said october being sunday). the jurors of the united states within the aforesaid district, on their oath, present. st. that heretofore to wit,--on the twenty-fourth day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, a certain warrant and legal process directed to the marshal of the said district of massachusetts, or either of his deputies, was duly issued under the hand and seal of edward g. loring, esquire, who was then and there a commissioner of the circuit court of the united states, for said district, which said warrant and legal process was duly delivered to watson freeman, esquire, who was then and there an officer of the united states, to wit, marshal of the united states, for the said district of massachusetts, at boston, in the district aforesaid, on the said twenty-fourth day of may in the year aforesaid, and was of the purport and effect following, that is to say:-- united states of america. massachusetts district, ss. to the marshal of our district of massachusetts, or either of his deputies, _greeting_: in the name of the president of the united states of america, you are hereby commanded forthwith to apprehend anthony burns, a negro man, alleged now to be in your district, charged with being a fugitive from labor, and with having escaped from service in the state of virginia, if he may be found in your precincts, and have him forthwith before me, edward g. loring, one of the commissioners of the circuit court of the united states for the said district, then and there to answer to the complaint of charles f. suttle, of alexandria, in the said state of virginia, merchant, alleging under oath that the said anthony burns on the twenty-fourth day of march last, did and for a long time prior thereto had, owed service and labor to him the said suttle, in the said state of virginia, under the laws thereof, and that, while held to service there by said suttle, the said burns escaped from the said state of virginia, into the state of massachusetts; and that the said burns still owes service and labor to said suttle in the said state of virginia, and praying that said burns may be restored to him said suttle in said state of virginia, and that such further proceedings may then and there be had in the premises as are by law in such cases provided. hereof fail not, and make due return of this writ, with your doings therein before me. witness my hand and seal at boston, aforesaid, this twenty-fourth day of may, in the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four. edward g. loring, _commissioner_. [l.s.] and the jurors aforesaid do further present, that the said warrant and legal process, being duly issued and delivered as aforesaid, afterwards to wit, on the twenty-fifth day of may, in the year aforesaid, at boston in said district, the said watson freeman then and there being an officer of the said united states, to wit marshal of the district aforesaid, and in pursuance of said warrant and legal process, did then and there arrest the said anthony burns named therein, and had him before the said edward g. loring, commissioner, for examination--and thereupon the hearing of the said case was adjourned by the said commissioner until saturday the twenty-seventh day of may, in the year aforesaid, at ten o'clock in the forenoon; and the said marshal, who had so made return of the said warrant, was duly ordered by the said commissioner to retain the said anthony burns in his custody, and have him before the said commissioner on the said twenty-seventh day of may in the year aforesaid, at the court house in said boston, which said last-mentioned legal process and order was duly issued under the hand of the said edward g. loring, commissioner, and was of the purport and effect following, that is to say: u.s. of america, district of massachusetts. _boston, may _, . and now the hearing of this case being adjourned to saturday, may , , a.m., the said marshal, who has made return of this warrant, is hereby ordered to retain the said anthony burns in his custody, and have him before me at the time last mentioned, at the court house in boston, for the further hearing of the complaint on which the warrant was issued. edward g. loring, _commissioner_. and the jurors aforesaid do further present, that on the twenty-sixth day of may, in the year aforesaid, in pursuance of the warrant and legal process aforesaid, and of said further legal process and order last mentioned, the said watson freeman, marshal as aforesaid, then and there, at the said court house in said boston, had in his custody the person of the said anthony burns, in the due and lawful execution of the said warrant and legal process, and of the said further legal process and order, in manner and form as he was therein commanded--and one theodore parker, of boston, in said district, clerk, then and there well knowing the premises, with force and arms did knowingly and wilfully obstruct, resist, and oppose the said watson freeman, then and there being an officer of the said united states, to wit, marshal of the said district, in serving and attempting to serve and execute the said warrant and legal process, and the said further legal process and order in manner and form as he was therein commanded, to the great damage of the said watson freeman, to the great hinderance and obstruction of justice, to the evil example of all others, in like case offending, against the peace and dignity of the said united states, and contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. d. and the jurors aforesaid, on their oath aforesaid, do further present, that on the twenty-sixth day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, at boston, in said district, one theodore parker, of boston, in said district, clerk, with force and arms, did knowingly and wilfully obstruct, resist, and oppose one watson freeman, who was then and there the marshal of the united states of america, for the district of massachusetts, and an officer of the said united states, in serving and attempting to serve and execute a certain warrant and legal process, which before that time, to wit, on the twenty-fourth day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, had been duly issued under the hand and seal of edward g. loring, esquire, a commissioner of the circuit court of the united states, for said district of massachusetts, and directed to the marshal of the district of massachusetts, or either of his deputies, which said warrant and legal process the said freeman, in the due and lawful execution of his said office, had then and there in his hands and possession for service of the same, and which he was then and there serving and attempting to serve and execute; which said warrant commanded the said freeman to apprehend one anthony burns and to have him forthwith before the said commissioner, then and there to be dealt with according to law. against the peace and dignity of the said united states, and contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. d. and the jurors aforesaid, on their oath aforesaid, do further present, that on the twenty-sixth day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, at boston, in said district, the said theodore parker, with force and arms, did knowingly and wilfully obstruct, resist, and oppose one watson freeman, who was then and there an officer of the said united states, to wit, the marshal of the united states for the said district of massachusetts, in serving and attempting to serve and execute a certain legal process which before that time, to wit, on the th day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, had been duly issued under the hand of edward g. loring, who was then and there a commissioner of the circuit court of the united states, for the said district of massachusetts, and was then and there duly empowered to issue said legal process, and which said legal process was duly committed for obedience and execution to the said freeman, marshal as aforesaid, wherein and whereby and in pursuance of the command whereof the said freeman was then and there lawfully retaining, detaining, and holding one anthony burns for the further hearing and determination of a certain complaint, upon which a warrant before that time, to wit, on the twenty-fourth day of said may, had been duly issued under the hand and seal of the said commissioner, by force of which warrant the said anthony burns had been duly arrested and apprehended by the said freeman, and in execution of the same, on the twenty-fifth day of said may had been brought by the said freeman before the said commissioner. th. and the jurors aforesaid, on their oath aforesaid, do further present, that on the twenty-sixth day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, at boston, in said district, the said theodore parker, with force and arms, did knowingly and wilfully obstruct, resist, and oppose one watson freeman, who was then and there an officer of the said united states, to wit, marshal of the united states, for the district of massachusetts, in serving and attempting to serve and execute a certain warrant and legal process, which before that time, to wit, on the twenty-fourth day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, had been duly issued under the hand and seal of edward g. loring, esquire, a commissioner of the circuit court of the united states, for the district of massachusetts, and directed to the marshal of the said district of massachusetts or either of his deputies, which the said freeman, in the due and lawful execution of his said office, had then and there in his hands and possession for service of the same, and which he was then and there serving and attempting to serve and execute; which warrant commanded the said freeman to apprehend one anthony burns, and to have him forthwith before the said commissioner and that such further proceedings might then and there be had in the premises, as are by law in such cases provided,--and also in serving and attempting to serve and execute a certain further legal process which before that time, to wit, on the twenty-fifth day of may, in the year aforesaid, had been duly issued under the hand of the said commissioner, and duly committed for obedience and execution to the said freeman, wherein and whereby, and in pursuance of the command whereof, the said freeman was then and there lawfully retaining, detaining, and holding the said anthony burns for the further hearing and determination of a certain complaint upon which the warrant aforesaid had been issued by the said commissioner. th. and the jurors aforesaid on their oath aforesaid, do further present that one theodore parker, of boston, in said district, clerk, on the th day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, at boston, in the said district of massachusetts, with force and arms, in and upon one watson freeman, then and there in the peace of the said united states being, an assault did make, he the said freeman also then and there being an officer of the said united states, to wit, marshal of the united states, for the said district of massachusetts, and then and there also being in the due and lawful discharge of his duties as such officer. and so the jurors aforesaid, on their oath aforesaid, do say and present that the said theodore parker, at boston aforesaid, on the said twenty-sixth day of said may, with force and arms assaulted the said freeman as such officer, and knowingly and wilfully obstructed, resisted, and opposed him in the discharge of his lawful duties in manner and form aforesaid, against the peace and dignity of the said united states, and contrary to the form of the statute in such cases made and provided. and the jurors aforesaid, on their oath aforesaid, do further present that the said theodore parker was first apprehended in said district of massachusetts, after committing the aforesaid offence, against the peace and dignity of the said united states, and contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. a true bill. enoch patterson, jr., _foreman_. b.f. hallett, _united states attorney for the district of massachusetts_. similar indictments were found against mr. phillips, mr. stowell, rev. t.w. higginson, john morrison, samuel t. proudman, and john c. cluer. mr. parker was arraigned on wednesday, november th, and ordered to recognize in bonds of $ , for his appearance at that court, on the th of march, . his bondsmen were messrs. samuel may, francis jackson, and john r. manley; his counsel were hon. john p. hale, and charles m. ellis, esq. the other gentlemen were arraigned afterwards at different times. after considerable uncertainty about the engagements of hon. justice curtis, tuesday, april d, was fixed for the commencement of the trials. at that time there appeared as counsel for the government, hon. benjamin f. hallett, district attorney, and elias merwin, esq., formerly a law partner of judge curtis; on the other side were hon. john p. hale, and charles m. ellis, esq., for mr. parker; wm. l. burt, esq., john a. andrew, esq., and h.f. durant, esq., counsel for messrs. phillips, higginson, stowell, bishop, morrison, proudman, and cluer. mr. hale, as senior counsel, stated to the court that the counsel for the defendants in several of the cases had conferred, and concluded--on the supposition that the court and government would assent to the plan as most for their own convenience, as well as that of the defendants' counsel--to file the like motion on the different cases; and, instead of each counsel going over the whole ground for each case, to divide the matter presented for debate, and for each to discuss some particular positions on behalf of them all. this was assented to; and motions, of which the following is a copy, were filed in the several cases:-- circuit court of the united states, massachusetts district, ss. _united states by indictment_ v. _theodore parker._ and now said theodore parker comes and moves that the indictment against him be quashed, because, " . the writ of venire for the jury that found said indictment was directed to and returned by watson freeman, the marshal, who was not an indifferent person, and it was not served and returned as the law directs. " . because said jury was not an impartial jury of the district, designated as the laws require, but the jury districts for this court embrace but a portion of the district and of the population, and said jury was in fact chosen and designated from but a fraction of the district and contrary to law. " . because the matters and things alleged in said indictment do not constitute any crime under the statute on which said indictment is framed, the said statute not embracing them, or being, so far as it might embrace them, repealed by the statute of eighteen hundred and fifty. " . because said indictment does not allege and set forth fully and sufficiently the authority and the proceedings whereon the alleged warrant and order were based, or facts sufficient to show that the alleged process and order were lawfully issued by any person duly authorized, and his authority and jurisdiction, and that the same were within such jurisdiction, and issued by the authority of the law, and originated, issued, and directed as the law prescribes; said warrant and order not being alleged to have issued from any court or tribunal of general or special jurisdiction, but by a person vested with certain specific statute authority. " . because said indictment and the several counts thereof are bad on the face of them, as follows, viz.:-- "first, it nowhere appearing that the same were found by a grand-jury, because the second and third counts do not conclude, against the form of the statute, and have no conclusion, because the third and fourth counts do not set forth the estate, degree, or mystery of the person therein charged. "because said indictment and the counts thereof are repugnant and inconsistent, the same being based on an alleged obstruction, resistance, and opposition to the service of an action, order, or warrant, which is therein averred to have been already served, executed, and returned. "because the first and fifth counts are double. "because the alleged order of may th, referred to therein, was a void and illegal, order. "because, if the alleged warrant was served as therein alleged, said watson freeman did not, and by law could not thereafter, hold the person described therein, under any process or order. "and because the same do not set forth and allege fully and specifically the acts charged to be offences against the statute, so as to inform said party charged, of the nature and cause of the accusation. " . because the warrant set forth and referred to therein was void on its face, and issued from and ran into a jurisdiction not authorized by law, and directed the arrest of a person without legal cause, and because said indictment is otherwise bad, uncertain, and insufficient." mr. wm. l. burt commenced the argument of the motions, and presented several of the points. he was followed by mr. c.m. ellis, j.a. andrew, and h.f. durant, who severally discussed some of the grounds of the motions. elias merwin, esquire, and mr. attorney hallett, replied. the court stated that they did not wish to hear hon. john p. hale, who was about to rejoin and close in support of the motion, and decided that the allegation, on the indictment, that edward g. loring was a commissioner of the circuit court of the united states for said district, was not a legal averment that he was such a commissioner as is described in the bill of , and therefore the indictments were bad. the court said they supposed it to be true that mr. loring was such a commissioner, and that his authority could be proved by producing the record of his appointment; that they did not suppose the absence of this averment could be of any practical consequence to the defendants, so far as respected the substantial merits of the cases; and it was true the objection to the indictment was "technical;" but they held it sufficient, notwithstanding the averment that the warrant was "_duly issued_," and ordered the indictment against stowell to be quashed. on every other point, save that that the court could properly construct the jury _roster_ and return the jury from a portion of the district, the judge said they would express no opinion. mr. hallett insisted on his right to enter a _nolle prosequi_ in the other cases; and the judges decided that, though all the cases had been heard upon the motion, yet as it could make no difference whether an entry were made that this indictment be quashed, or an entry of _nolle prosequi_, the attorney might enter a _nolle prosequi_ if he chose to do so _then_, before the court passed any order on the motions. mr. hallett accordingly entered a _nolle prosequi_ in all the other cases, and the whole affair was quashed.[ ] [footnote : see law reporter for june, .] defence. may it please the court: gentlemen of the jury.--it is no trifling matter which comes before you this day. you may hereafter decide on millions of money, and on the lives of your fellow men; but it is not likely that a question of this magnitude will ever twice be brought before the same jurymen. opportunities to extend a far-reaching and ghastly wickedness, or to do great service for mankind, come but seldom in any man's life. your verdict concerns all the people of the united states; its influence will reach to ages far remote, blessing or cursing whole generations not yet born. the affair is national in its width of reach,--its consequences of immense duration. in addressing you, gentlemen, my language will be more didactic than rhetorical, more like a lecture, less like a speech; for i am not a lawyer but a minister, and do not aim to carry a measure, which with you will go of its own accord, so much as to set forth a principle that will make such prosecutions as impossible hereafter, as a conviction now is to-day. gentlemen, i address you provisionally, as representatives of the people. to them, my words are ultimately addressed,--to the people of the free states of america. i must examine many things minutely, not often touched upon in courts like this. for mine is a political trial; i shall treat it accordingly. i am charged with no immoral act--with none even of selfish ambition. it is not pretended that i have done a deed, or spoken a word, in the heat of passion, or vengeance, or with calculated covetousness, to bring money, office, or honor, to myself or any friend. i am not suspected of wishing to do harm to man or woman; or with disturbing any man's natural rights. nay, i am not even charged with such an offence. the attorney and the two judges are of one heart and mind in this prosecution; mr. hallett's "indictment" is only the beast of burthen to carry to its own place mr. curtis's "charge to the grand-jury," fit passenger for fitting carriage! the same tree bore the judge's blossom in june, and the attorney's fruit in october,--both reeking out the effluvia of the same substance. but neither attorney nor judge dares accuse me of ill-will which would harm another man, or of selfishness that seeks my own private advantage. no, gentlemen of the jury, i am on trial for my love of justice; for my respect to the natural rights of man; for speaking a word in behalf of what the declaration of independence calls the "self-evident" truth,--that all men have a natural, equal, and unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. i am charged with words against what john wesley named, the "sum of all villanies," against a national crime so great, that it made freethinking mr. jefferson, with all his "french infidelity," "tremble" when he remembered "that god is just." i am on trial for my manly virtue,--a minister of the christian religion on trial for keeping the golden rule! it is alleged that i have spoken in boston against kidnapping in boston; that in my own pulpit, as a minister, i have denounced boston men for stealing my own parishioners; that as a man, in faneuil hall, the spirit of james otis, of john hancock, and three adams's about me, with a word i "obstructed" the marshal of boston and a boston judge of probate, in their confederated attempts to enslave a boston man. when the government of the united states has turned kidnapper, i am charged with the "misdemeanor" of appealing from the atheism of purchased officials to the conscience of the people; and with rousing up christians to keep the golden rule, when the rulers declared religion had nothing to do with politics and there was no law of god above the fugitive slave bill! such are the acts charged. gentlemen of the jury, you are summoned here to declare them a crime, and then to punish me for this "offence!" you are the axe which the government grasps with red hand to cleave my head asunder. it is a trial where franklin pierce, transiently president of the united states, and his official coadjutors,--mr. caleb cushing, mr. benj. r. curtis, and mr. benj. f. hallett,--are on one side, and the people of the united states on the other. as a measure, your decision may send me to jail for twelve months; may also fine me three hundred dollars. to me personally it is of very small consequence what your verdict shall be. the fine is nothing; the imprisonment for twelve months--gentlemen, i laugh at it! nay, were it death, i should smile at the official gibbet. a verdict of guilty would affix no stain to my reputation. i am sure to come out of this trial with honor--it is the court that is sure to suffer loss--at least shame. i do not mean the court will ever feel remorse, or even shame, for this conduct; i am no young man now, i know these men,--but the people are sure to burn the brand of shame deep into this tribunal. the blow of that axe, if not parried, will do me no harm. but it is not i, merely, now put to trial. nay, it is the unalienable rights of humanity, it is truths self-evident. for on the back of that compliant measure, unseen, there rides a principle. the verdict expected of you condemns liberal institutions: all religion but priestcraft--the abnegation of religion itself; all rights but that to bondage--the denial of all rights. the word which fines me, puts your own purse in the hands of your worst enemies; the many-warded key which shuts me in jail, locks your lips forever--your children's lips forever. no complaint against oppression hereafter! kidnapping will go on in silence, but at noonday, not a minister stirring. meeting-houses will be shut; all court houses have a loaded cannon at their door, chains all round them, be stuffed with foreign soldiers inside, while commissioners swear away the life, the liberty, and even the estate of the subjected "citizens." all probate judges will belong to the family of man-stealers. faneuil hall will be shut, or open only for a "union meeting," where the ruler calls together his menials to indorse some new act of injustice,--only creatures of the government, men like the marshal's guard last june, allowed to speak words paid for by the people's coward sweat and miserable blood. the blow which smites my head will also cleave you asunder from crown to groin. your verdict is to vindicate religion with freedom of speech, and condemn the stealing of men; or else to confirm kidnapping and condemn religion with freedom of speech. you are to choose whether you will have such men as wendell phillips for your advisers, or such as benjamin f. hallett and benjamin r. curtis for your masters, with the marshal's guard, for their appropriate servants. do you think i doubt how you will choose? already a power of iniquity clutches at your children's throat; stabs at their life--at their soul's life. i stand between the living tyrant and his living victim; aye, betwixt him and expected victims not yet born,--your children, not mine. i have none to writhe under the successful lash which tyrants now so subtly braid therewith, one day, to scourge the flesh of well-descended men. i am to stand the champion of human rights for generations yet unborn. it is a sad distinction! hard duties have before been laid on me,--none so obviously demanding great powers as this. whereto shall i look up for inspiring aid? only to him who gave words to the slow tongue of moses and touched with fire esaias' hesitating lips, and dawned into the soul of tent-makers and fishermen with such great wakening light, as shining through them, brought day to nations sitting in darkness, yet waiting for the consolation. may such truth and justice enable me also, to speak a testimony unto the gentiles; he who chose the weak things, to bring to nought the mighty, may not despise such humble services as mine. * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, my ministry deals chiefly with the laws of god, little with the statutes of men. my manhood has been mainly passed in studying absolute, universal truth, teaching it to men, and applying it to the various departments of life. i have little to do with courts of law. yet i am not now altogether a stranger to the circuit court room of the united states, having been in it on five several occasions before. . a polish exile,--a man of famous family, ancient and patrician before christendom had laid eyes on america, once also of great individual wealth, a man of high rank alike acquired and inherited, once holding a high place at the court of the czar,--became a fugitive from russian despotism, seeking an asylum here; he came to the circuit court room to lecture on the roman law. i came to contribute my two mites of money, and receive his wealth of learning. . the next time, i came at the summons of thomas sims. for a creature of the slave-power had spontaneously seized that poor and friendless boy and thrust him into a dungeon, hastening to make him a slave,--a beast of burthen. he had been on his mock trial seven days, and had never seen a judge, only a commissioner, nor a jury; no court but a solitary kidnapper. some of his attendants had spoken of me as a minister not heedless of the welfare and unalienable rights of a black man fallen among a family of thieves. i went to the court house. outside it was belted with chains. in despotic europe i had seen no such spectacle, save once when the dull tyrant who oppressed bavaria with his licentious flesh, in put his capital in a brief state of siege and chained the streets. the official servant of the kidnapper, club in hand, a policeman of this city, goaded to his task by mayor bigelow and marshal tukey,--men congenitally mingled in such appropriate work,--bade me "get under the chain." i pressed it down and went over. the judges of our own supreme court, _they went under_,--had gone out and in, beneath the chain! how poetry mingles with fact! the chain was a symbol, and until this day remaineth the same chain, untaken away in the reading of the fugitive slave bill; and when the law of massachusetts is read, the chain is also upon the neck of that court! within the court house was full of armed men. i found mr. sims in a private room, illegally, in defiance of massachusetts law, converted into a jail to hold men charged with no crime. ruffians mounted guard at the entrance, armed with swords, fire-arms, and bludgeons. the door was locked and doubly barred besides. inside the watch was kept by a horrid looking fellow, without a coat, a naked cutlass in his hand, and some twenty others, their mouths nauseous with tobacco and reeking also with half-digested rum paid for by the city. in such company, i gave what consolation religion could offer to the first man boston ever kidnapped,--consolations which took hold only of eternity, where the servant is free from his master, for there the wicked cease from troubling. i could offer him no comfort this side the grave. . i visited the united states court a third time. a poor young man had been seized by the same talons which subsequently griped sims in their poison, deadly clutch. but that time, wickedness went off hungry, defeated of its prey; "for the lord delivered him out of their hands," and shadrach escaped from that babylonish furnace, heated seven times hotter than its wont: no smell of fire had passed on him. but the rescue of shadrach was telegraphed as "treason." the innocent lightning flashed out the premeditated and legal lie,--"it is levying war!" what offence it was in that fourth one who walked with the hebrew children, "making their good confession," and sustained the old shadrach, meshach, and abednego, i know not. but the modern countrymen of the african shadrach, charged with some great crime, were haled into this court to be punished for their humanity! i came to look on these modern angels of the deliverance, to hear counsel of mr. dana, then so wise and humane, and to listen to the masterly eloquence which broke out from the great human heart of my friend, mr. hale, and rolled like the mississippi, in its width, its depth, its beauty, and its continuous and unconquerable strength. . the fourth time, a poor man had been kidnapped, also at night, and forced into the same illegal jail. he sat in the dock--an innocent man, to be made into a beast. the metamorphosis had begun;--he was already in chains and his human heart seemed dead in him; sixty ruffians were about him, aiding in this drama, hired out of the brothels and rum-shops for a few days, the lust of kidnapping serving to vary the continual glut of those other and less brutal appetites of unbridled flesh. while that "trial" lasted, whoredom had a sabbath day, and brawlers rested from their toil. opposite sat the boston judge of probate, and the boston district attorney,--the moses and elias of this inverted transfiguration; there sat the marshal, two "gentlemen" from virginia, claiming that a boston man was their beast of burthen, owing service and labor in richmond; two "lawyers," "members of the suffolk bar," pistols in their coats, came to support the allegation and enforce the claim. honorable men stood up to defend him. there is one of them,--to defend me [charles m. ellis.] you know very well the rest of that sad story,--the mock trial of anthony burns lasted from may th till june d. i was here in all the acts of that tragedy. my own life was threatened; friend and foe gave me public or anonymous warning. i sat between men who had newly sworn to kill me, my garments touching theirs. the malaria of their rum and tobacco was an offence in my face. i saw their weapons, and laughed as i looked those drunken rowdies in their coward eye. they touch me! . the fifth time i came here at the summons of an officer of this court,--very politely delivered, let me say it to his credit,--indicted and arrested for a "misdemeanor." i gave bail and withdrew. . the sixth time,--gentlemen,--it is the present, whereof i shall erelong have much to say. * * * * * at the first visit i found only scholarly and philanthropic gentlemen, coming out of sympathy with a polish exile, a defeated soldier of freedom, from his broken english to learn sound roman law. on each of the other visits i have been in quite different company. i have invariably met this honorable court, its kinsfolk and its most intimate friends,--some member of the family of the distinguished judge, now fitly presiding over this trial. . it was mr. george t. curtis, the only brother of the honorable justice now on the bench,--born of the same mother and father,--who had the glory of kidnapping mr. sims; it was he who seized shadrach, and gave such witness against one of the angels of the deliverance, and then came back and enlarged his testimony; it was he who declared the rescue an act of "treason;" he who hung the court house in chains, and brought down the pliant neck of the massachusetts judges beneath that symbolic line of linked fetters long drawn out. to what weak forces will such necks bow when slavery commands! . it was the honorable judge now on the distinguished bench who tried men for the rescue of shadrach. how he tried them is well known. . it was edward g. loring, another of this family so distinguished, who kidnapped mr. burns and held him in irons; he whose broom swept up together the marshal's guard; he who advised mr. burns's counsel to make no defence,--"put no obstructions in the way of his going back, as he probably will;" he who, in the darkness of midnight, sought to sell his victim, before he had examined the evidence which might prove him a free man; he who delivered him up as a slave, against evidence as against law. . another of the same family, william w. greenough, brother-in-law of hon. judge curtis, was one of the grand-jury which found the indictment against me, and "the most active of all in that work." . when i came here on the th of last november, the hon. judge curtis sat on the bench and determined the amount of my bail, and the same eye which had frowned with such baleful aspect on the rescuers of shadrach, quailed down underneath my look and sought the ground. * * * * * in thus mentioning my former visits to the court, i but relate the exploits of the hon. justice curtis, of his kinsfolk and friends, adding to their glory and their renown. their chief title to distinction rests on their devotion to the fugitive slave bill. it and their honor are "one and inseparable." once only humanity and good letters brought me here, i met only scholars and philanthropists; on five other occasions, when assaults on freedom compelled my attendance, i have been confronted and surrounded with the loyalty of the distinguished judge and his kinsfolk and friends, valiantly and disinterestedly obeying the fugitive slave bill "with alacrity;" patriotically conquering their prejudices against man-stealing--if such they ever had;--and earning for themselves an undying reputation by "saving the union" from justice, domestic tranquillity, general welfare, and the blessings of liberty. if i am to be arraigned for any act, i regard it as a special good fortune that i am charged with such deeds, with seeking to arouse the noblest emotions of human nature; and by means of the grandest ideas which human history has brought to light. i could not have chosen nobler deeds in a life now stretching over nearly half a hundred years. i count it an honor to be tried for them. nay, it adds to my happiness to look at the court which is to try me--for if i were to search all christendom through, nay, throughout all heathendom, i know of no tribunal fitter to try a man for such deeds as i have done. i am fortunate in the charges brought; thrice fortunate in the judges and the attorney,--the court which is to decide;--its history and character are already a judgment. . for my sixth visit, i was recognized to appear on the fifth of march, --the eighty-fifth anniversary of the boston massacre. i might have been bound over to any other of the great days of american history-- d of december, th of april, th of june, or the th of july. but as i am the first american ever brought to trial for a speech in faneuil hall against kidnapping; as i am the first to be tried under the act of for "obstructing an officer" with an argument, committing a "misdemeanor" by a word which appeals to the natural justice of mankind, so there could not perhaps be a fitter time chosen. for on the fifth of march, , british despotism also delivered its first shot into the american bosom. not far from this place the hand of george iii. wounded to death five innocent citizens of boston,--one of them a negro. it was the first shot britain ever fired into the body of the american people, then colonial subjects of the king-power. that day the fire was not returned,--only with ringing of bells and tumult of the public, with words and resolutions. the next day that american blood lay frozen in the street. soon after the british government passed a law exempting all who should aid an officer in his tyranny from trial for murder in the place where they should commit their crime. mr. toucey has humbly copied that precedent of despotism. it was very proper that the new tyranny growing up here, should select that anniversary to shoot down freedom of thought and speech among the subjects of the slave-power. i welcomed the omen. the fifth of march is a red-letter day in the calendar of boston. the court could hardly have chosen a better to punish a man for a thought and a word, especially a boston man, for such a word in faneuil hall--a word against man-stealing. but i knew the case would never come to trial on that day--of course it was put off. mr. sims and mr. burns were accused of no crime but birth from a mother whom some one had stolen. they had only a mock trial, without due process of law, with no judge, no jury, no judicial officer. but i, accused of a grave offence, am to enjoy a trial with due process of law. it is an actual judge before me and another judge at his side, both judicial officers known to the constitution. i know beforehand the decision of the court--its history is my judgment. justice curtis's charge of last june, would make my daily talk a "misdemeanor," my public preaching and my private prayers a "crime," nay, my very existence is constructively an "obstruction" to the marshal. on that side my condemnation is already sure. but there is another element. gentlemen of the jury, the judges and attorney cannot lay their hand on me until you twelve men with one voice say, "yes! put him in jail." in the mock trial of sims and burns it was necessary to convince only a single official of the united states court, a "ministerial" officer selected and appointed to do its inferior business, a man who needed no conviction, no evidence but the oath of a slave-hunter and the extorted "admission" of his victim, an official who was to have ten dollars for making a slave, five only for setting free a man! but you are a massachusetts jury, not of purchased officials, but of honest men. i think you have some "prejudices" to conquer in favor of justice. it has not appeared that you are to be paid twice as much for sending me to jail, as for acquitting me of the charge. i doubt that you have yet advised my counsel to make no defence, "put no obstructions in the way" of my being sent to jail as "he probably will." gentlemen, a united states commissioner has his place on condition that he performs such services as his masters "require." these united states judges have their seat in consequence of services rendered to the ruling power of america, and for others of like sort yet to be paid to the stealers of men. other rewards shine before them alluring to new service,--additional salary can pay additional alacrity. but you, gentlemen, are not office-holders nor seekers of office, not hoping to gain money, or power, or honor, by any wickedness. you are to represent the unsophisticated conscience of the people,--not the slave-power, but the power of freedom. it is to you i shall address my defence! my defence? no, gentlemen, your defence, the defence of your own rights, inherent in your national institutions as americans, ay, in your nature as men. it is a singular good fortune that to you, as judges, i am pleading your own cause. you have more interest at stake than i. for at death my name will perish, while children and children's children, i trust, will gently mingle your memories in that fair tide of human life which never ends. * * * * * so much have i said by way of introduction, treating only of the accidents pertaining to this case. i will now come to the primary qualities and substance thereof. this is a political trial. in _form_, i am charged with violating a certain statute never before applied to actions like mine; never meant to apply to such actions; not legally capable of such application. but in _fact_, my offence is very different from what the indictment attempts to set forth. the judges know this; the attorney knows it, and "never expected to procure a conviction." it is your cause, even more than mine, that i plead. so it concerns you to understand the whole matter thoroughly, that you may justly judge our common cause. to make the whole case clear, i will _land_ it out into four great parcels of matter, which your mind can command at once, and then come to the details of each, ploughing it all over before your face, furrow by furrow. i shall speak, i. of the state of affairs in america which has led to this prosecution,--the encroachments of a power hostile to democratic institutions. ii. of the mode of operation pursued by this encroaching power, in other times and in our own,--of systematic corruption of the judiciary. iii. of the great safeguard which has been found serviceable in protecting democratic institutions and the rights of man they are designed to defend,--of the trial by jury. iv. of the circumstances of this special case, united states _versus_ theodore parker. i shall speak of each in its order, and begin at the head. i. of the state of affairs in america, which has led to this prosecution--the encroachments of a power hostile to democratic institutions. in a republic where all emanates from the people, political institutions must have a basis of idea in the nation's thought, before they can acquire a basis of fact in the force of the nation. now in america there are two diverse ideas recognized as principles of action--the idea of freedom and the idea of slavery. allow me to read my analysis and description of each. the idea of freedom first got a national expression on the fourth of july, . here it is. i put it in a philosophic form. there are five points to it. first, all men are endowed by their creator with certain natural rights, amongst which is the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. second, these rights are unalienable; they can be alienated only by the possessor thereof; the father cannot alienate them for the son, nor the son for the father; nor the husband for the wife, nor the wife for the husband; nor the strong for the weak, nor the weak for the strong; nor the few for the many, nor the many for the few; and so on. third, in respect to these, all men are equal; the rich man has not more, and the poor less; the strong man has not more, and the weak man less:--all are exactly equal in these rights, however unequal in their powers. fourth, it is the function of government to secure these natural, unalienable, and equal rights to every man. fifth, government derives all its divine right from its conformity with these ideas, all its human sanction from the consent of the governed. that is the idea of freedom. i used to call it "the american idea;" that was when i was younger than i am to-day. it is derived from human nature; it rests on the immutable laws of god; it is part of the natural religion of mankind. it demands a government after natural justice, which is the point common between the conscience of god and the conscience of mankind; it is the point common also between the interests of one man and of all men. now this government, just in its substance, in its form must be democratic: that is to say, the government of all, by all, and for all. you see what consequences must follow from such an idea, and the attempt to reënact the law of god into political institutions. there will follow the freedom of the people, respect for every natural right of all men, the rights of their body and of their spirit--the rights of mind and conscience, heart and soul. there must be some restraint--as of children by their parents, as of bad men by good men; but it will be restraint for the joint good of all parties concerned; not restraint for the exclusive benefit of the restrainer. the ultimate consequence of this will be the material and spiritual welfare of all--riches, comfort, noble manhood, all desirable things. that is the idea of freedom. it appears in the declaration of independence; it reappears in the preamble to the american constitution, which aims "to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty." that is a religious idea; and when men pray for the "reign of justice" and the "kingdom of heaven" to come on earth politically, i suppose they mean that there may be a commonwealth where every man has his natural rights of mind, body, and estate. * * * * * next is the idea of slavery. here it is. i put it also in a philosophic form. there are three points which i make. first, there are no natural, unalienable, and equal rights, wherewith men are endowed by their creator; no natural, unalienable, and equal right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. second, there is a great diversity of powers, and in virtue thereof the strong man may rule and oppress, enslave and ruin the weak, for his interest and against theirs. third, there is no natural law of god to forbid the strong to oppress the weak, and enslave and ruin the weak. that is the idea of slavery. it has never got a national expression in america; it has never been laid down as a principle in any act of the american people, nor in any single state, so far as i know. all profess the opposite; but it is involved in the measures of both state and nation. this idea is founded in the selfishness of man; it is atheistic. the idea must lead to a corresponding government; that will be unjust in its substance,--for it will depend not on natural right, but on personal force; not on the constitution of the universe, but on the compact of men. it is the abnegation of god in the universe and of conscience in man. its form will be despotism,--the government of all, by a part, for the sake of a part. it may be a single-headed despotism, or a despotism of many heads; but whether a cyclops or a hydra, it is alike "the abomination which maketh desolate." its ultimate consequence is plain to foresee--poverty to a nation, misery, ruin. * * * * * these two ideas are now fairly on foot. they are hostile; they are both mutually invasive and destructive. they are in exact opposition to each other, and the nation which embodies these two is not a figure of equilibrium. as both are active forces in the minds of men, and as each idea tends to become a fact--a universal and exclusive fact,--as men with these ideas organize into parties as a means to make their idea into a fact,--it follows that there must not only be strife amongst philosophical men about these antagonistic principles and ideas, but a strife of practical men about corresponding facts and measures. so the quarrel, if not otherwise ended, will pass from words to what seems more serious; and one will overcome the other. so long as these two ideas exist in the nation as two political forces, there is no national unity of idea, of course no unity of action. for there is no centre of gravity common to freedom and slavery. they will not compose an equilibrious figure. you may cry "peace! peace!" but so long as these two antagonistic ideas remain, each seeking to organize itself and get exclusive power, there is no peace; there can be none. the question before the nation to-day is, which shall prevail--the idea and fact of freedom, or the idea and the fact of slavery; freedom, exclusive and universal, or slavery, exclusive and universal? the question is not merely, shall the african be bond or free? but, shall america be a democracy or a despotism? for nothing is so remorseless as an idea, and no logic is so strong as the historical development of a national idea by millions of men. a measure is nothing without its principle. the idea which allows slavery in south carolina will establish it also in new england. the bondage of a black man in alexandria imperils every white woman's daughter in boston. you cannot escape the consequences of a first principle more than you can "take the leap of niagara and stop when half-way down." the principle which recognizes slavery in the constitution of the united states would make all america a despotism, while the principle which made john quincy adams a free man would extirpate slavery from louisiana and texas. it is plain america cannot long hold these two contradictions in the national consciousness. equilibrium must come.[ ] [footnote : see this statement in mr. parker's additional speeches, addresses, and occasional sermons. boston, , vol. ii. p. , _et seq._] these two ideas are represented by two parties which aim at the ultimate organization of their respective doctrines, the party indicating the special tendency towards democracy or despotism. the party of freedom is not yet well organized; that of slavery is in admirable order and discipline. these two parties are continually at war attended with various success. . in the individual states of the north, since the revolution, the party of freedom has gained some great victories; it has abolished personal slavery in every northern state, and on a deep-laid foundation has built up democratic institutions with well proportioned beauty. the idea of freedom, so genial to the anglo-saxon, so welcome to all of puritanic birth and breeding, has taken deep root in the consciousness of the great mass of the people at the north. in the severe simplicity of national deduction they will carry it to logical conclusions not yet foreseen by human providence. the free states are progressively democratic. but in all the northern states, and more especially in its cities,--and here chiefly among the men of exclusive intellectual culture and the votaries of commerce and its riches,--there are exceptional men who embrace the idea of slavery and belong to its party. they know no law higher than the transient interest of their politics or their commerce, their ease or ambition. they may not theoretically hate the people, but they so love their own money, their own ease or pleasure, that practically they oppose what promotes the welfare of mankind, and seek their own personal advancement to the injury of the human race. these are northern men with southern "principles." they have their journals too well known in boston to need mention here. . in the individual states of the south, the idea and party of slavery has also gained great victories and been uniformly successful; it has extended and strengthened personal slavery, which has now a firmer hold in the minds of the controlling classes of southern men,--the rich and "educated,"--than in , or ever before. the southern states are progressively despotic. still, in all the southern states there are exceptional men, hostile to slavery,--the intelligent and religious from conviction, others from mere personal interest. these are southern men with northern principles. they are much oppressed at home--kept from political advancement or social respectability, as much as democrats would be at rome or naples,--have no journals and little influence. . in the federal government, the warfare goes on, each party seeking for mastery over the whole united states--the contest is carried on in congress, in all the local legislatures; newspapers, speeches, even sermons, resound with the din of battle. see what forces contend and with what results. the nation lives by its productive industry, whereof there are these five chief departments:--hunting and fishing, the appropriation of the spontaneous live products of the land and sea; agriculture, the use of the productive forces of the earth's surface; mining, the appropriation of the metallic products of her bosom; manufactures, the application of toil and thought to the products of hunting and fishing, mining and agriculture; commerce, the exchange of value, distribution of the products of these four departments of industry, directly productive. hunting and fishing, mining, manufactures, commerce, are mainly in the hands of northern men--the south is almost wholly agricultural. her wealth consists of land and slaves. in the fifteen slave states had not fourteen hundred millions of other property. in the south property, with its consequent influence, is in few hands--in the north it is wide spread. now the few controlling men of the south, the holders of land and slaves, have unity of pecuniary interest--the support of slavery as a local measure,--for it is the source of their material wealth, and also a consequent unity of political idea, the support of slavery as a universal principle, for it is the source likewise of their political power. accordingly the south presents against the north an even and well-disciplined front of veteran soldiers, is always hostile to freedom, and as her "best educated" men devote much time to politics, making it the profession of their whole lives, it is plain they become formidable antagonists. but the north has a great variety of conflicting interests, a great amount of intellectual activity, where education and its consequent habits of reading and thinking are so wide spread, and therefore a great variety of opinion. accordingly there is not the same unity of pecuniary interest and of political idea, which distinguishes the south. besides, in the north the ablest and best educated men do not devote their time to the thankless and stormy calling of politics; virginia cares for nothing but negroes and politics, her loins and her brains gender but this twofold product: massachusetts and new york care for much beside. so the north does not present against the south an even and well-disciplined front of veteran soldiers, but a ragged, discordant line of raw recruits, enlisting for a short time with some special or even personal local interest to serve. what makes the matter yet worse for us, gentlemen of the jury, is this: while the great mass of the people at the north, engrossed in direct productive industry, are really hostile to slavery, those absorbed in the large operations of commerce, taken as a whole class, feel little interest in the idea of freedom; nay, they are positively opposed to it. before the african slave-trade was treated like other kindred forms of piracy, as a capital crime, they had their ships in that felonious traffic; and now their vessels engage in the american slave-trade and their hand still deals in the bodies of their fellow men. in all the great commercial cities, like philadelphia, new york and boston these men prevail, and are the "eminent citizens," overslaughing the press, the pulpit, the bar, and the court, with the ideas of their lower law, and sweeping along all metropolitan and suburban fashion and respectability in their slimy flood. hence the great cities of the north, governed by the low maxims of this class, have become the asylum of northern men with southern "principles," and so the strong-hold of slavery. and hitherto these great cities have controlled the politics of the northern states, crowding the apostles of freedom out from the national board, and helping the party of slavery to triumph in all great battles. thus aided, for many years the south has always elected her candidate for the presidency by the vote of the people. but the american executive is twofold,--part presidential, part senatorial. sometimes these two executives are concordant, sometimes discordant. the senatorial executive has always carried the day against the less permanent presidential power, except in the solitary case where general jackson's unconquerable will and matchless popularity enabled him to master the senate itself, who "registered" his decrees, or "expunged" their own censure, just as the iron ruler gave orders. now by means of the control which the northern cities have over the northern states, and such commercial men over those cities, it has come to pass that not only the presidential, but also the senatorial executive, has long been hostile to the idea of freedom. gentlemen of the jury, the direct consequence is obvious,--the party of slavery has long been the conqueror in the field of federal politics. in the numerous and great conflicts between the two, freedom has prevailed against slavery only twice since the close of the revolutionary war,--in prohibiting involuntary servitude in the north-west territory in , and in the abolition of the african slave-trade in . her last triumph was forty-seven years ago,--nay, even that victory was really achieved twenty years before at the adoption of the constitution. in this warfare we have not gained a battle for freedom since ! for a time it seemed doubtful which would triumph, though slavery gained kentucky and tennessee, and louisiana was purchased as slave soil in . but in slavery became the obvious and acknowledged master in the federal territory, marched victorious over the mississippi, planted itself in missouri, and has subsequently taken possession of mississippi, alabama and arkansas, all slave states; has purchased florida; "reannexed" texas; conquered utah, new mexico and california, all slave soil; and from freedom and the north has just now reconquered kansas and nebraska. ever since the missouri compromise in slavery has been really the master, obviously so since the annexation of texas in . the slave-power appoints all the great national officers, executive, diplomatic, judicial, naval and military,--it controls the legislative departments. look at this honorable court, gentlemen, and recognize its power! the idea of slavery must be carried out to its logical consequence, so our masters now meditate two series of measures, both necessary to the development of slavery as a principle. (i.) african slavery is to be declared a federal institution, national and sectional, and so extended into all the territories of the united states. new soil is to be bought or plundered from hayti, spain, mexico, south america "and the rest of mankind," that slavery may be planted there; that is the purpose of all the official fillibustering of the government, and the extra-official fillibustering which it starts, or allows; quitman "enterprises," kinney "expeditions," black warrior and el dorado "difficulties," all point to this; the "ostend conference" is a step in that direction; slavery is to be restored to the so called "free states," reëstablished in all the north. that is the design of the fugitive slave bill in , and the kidnapping of northern men consequent thereon for the last five years; of president pierce's inaugural declarations in behalf of slavery in ; of mr. toombs's threat in , that "soon the master with his slaves will sit down at the foot of bunker hill monument;" of mr. toucey's bill in , providing that when a kidnapper violates the local laws of any state, he shall be tried by the fugitive slave bill court. then the african slave-trade is to be restored by federal enactments, or judicial decisions of the "supreme court of the united states." all these steps belong to measure number one. the supreme court is ready to execute the commands of its lord. soon you will see more "decisions" adverse to humanity. (ii.) the next movement is progressively to weaken and ultimately to destroy the democratic institutions of the north,--yes, also of the south. this design is indicated and sustained by some of the measures already mentioned as connected with the first purpose. to this point tend the words of president pierce addressed to the soldiers of on the th of january , in which he speaks of such as "disseminate political heresies," that is, the idea of freedom; "revile the government,"--expose its hostility against the unalienable rights of man; "deride our institutions,"--to wit, the patriarchal institution of slavery; "sow political dissensions,"--advise men not to vote for corrupt tools of the government; "set at defiance the laws of the land,"--meaning the fugitive slave bill which commands kidnapping. there belong the attempts of the federal courts to enlarge their jurisdiction at the expense of state rights; the cry, "union first and liberty afterwards;" the shout "no higher law," "religion nothing to do with politics." thence come the attacks made on the freedom of the pulpit, of the press, and all freedom of speech. the individual state which preserves freedom must be put down,--the individual person who protests against it must be silenced. no man must hold a federal office,--executive, diplomatic, judicial, or "ministerial,"--unless he has so far conquered his "prejudices" in favor of the natural rights of man that he is ready to enslave a brother with alacrity. all these steps belong to measure number two. this latter measure advances to its execution, realizing the idea of slavery, with subtle steps, yet creeps on rapid-moving feet. see how it has gained ground latterly. obviously the fugitive slave bill struck only at the natural rights of colored men--as valuable as those of white men, but the colored are few and the white many,--the experiment must be made on the feebler body. but this despotism cannot enslave a black girl without thereby putting in peril the liberty of every white man. at first our masters only asked of boston a little piece of chain, but just long enough to shackle the virtuous hands of ellen craft, a wife and mother, whom her georgian "owner" wished to sell as a harlot at new orleans! a meeting was summoned at faneuil hall, and boston answered, "yes, here is the chain. let the woman-hunter capture ellen craft, make her a prostitute at new orleans. she is a virtuous wife and mother,--but no matter. slavery is king and commands it. let the 'owner' have his chain." there is no escaping the consequence of a first principle. soon that little chain lengthened itself out, and coiled itself all round the court house, and how greedily your judges stooped to go under! this anaconda of the dismal swamp wound its constricting twists about the neck of all your courts, and the judges turned black in the face, and when questioned of law, they could not pronounce "habeas corpus," "trial by jury," nor utter a syllable for the bible or the massachusetts constitution, but only wheeze and gurgle and squeak and gibber out their defences of slavery! no, boston could not bewray a woman wandering towards freedom, without chaining the court house and its judges, putting the town in a state of siege,--insolent soldiers striking at the people's neck. now the attempt is making by this honorable court to put the same chain round faneuil hall, so that the old cradle of liberty shall no more rock to manhood the noble sons of freedom, but only serve as a nest that the spawn of bondage may hibernate therein. i am on trial because i hate slavery, because i love freedom for the black man, for the white man, and for all the human race. i am not arraigned because i have violated the statute on which the indictment is framed--no child could think it--but because i am an advocate of freedom, because my word, my thoughts, my feelings, my actions, nay, all my life, my very existence itself, are a protest against slavery. despotism cannot happily advance unless i am silenced. it is very clear logic which indicts me. private personal malice, deep, long cherished, rancorous, has doubtless jagged and notched and poisoned too the public sword which smites at my neck. still it is the public sword of slavery which is wielded against me. against me? against you quite as much--against your children. for as boston could not venture to kidnap a negro woman, without bringing down that avalanche of consequences connected with the principle of slavery,--without chains on her judges, falsehood in her officers, blood in her courts, and drunken soldiers in her streets, and hypocrisy in her man-hunting ministers,--no more can she put me to silence alone. the thread which is to sew my lips together, will make your mouths but a silent and ugly seam in your faces. slavery is plaintiff in this case; freedom defendant. before you as judges, i plead your own cause--for you as defendant. i will not insult you by the belief or the fear that you can do other than right, in a matter where the law is so plain, and the justice clear as noonday light. but should you decide as the wicked wish, as the court longs to instruct you, you doom your mouths to silence; you bow your manly faces to the ground, destine your memories to shame, and your children to bondage worse than negro slavery. * * * * * such, gentlemen of the jury, is the state of affairs leading to this prosecution--such the past, present, and prospective encroachments of a power hostile to democratic institutions and the unalienable rights they were designed to protect. such also are the two measures now in contemplation,--the extension of african bondage, and the destruction of american freedom. ii. look next at the mode of operation hitherto pursued by this encroaching power, in other times and nations, and in our own, systematic corruption of the judiciary. here i shall show the process by which that principle of slavery becomes a measure of political ruin to the people. in substance despotism is always the same, spanish or carolinian, but the form varies to suit the ethnologic nature and historical customs of different people. i shall mention two forms--one to illustrate, the other to warn. (i.) the open assumption of power by military violence. this method is followed in countries where love of individual liberty is not much developed in the consciousness of the people, and where democratic institutions are not fixed facts in their history; where the nation is not accustomed to local self-government, but wonted to a strong central power directed by a single will. this form prevails in russia, turkey, and among all the romanic tribes in europe, and their descendants in america. military usurpation, military rule is indigenous in france,--where two napoleons succeed thereby,--in italy, in spain, and most eminently in spanish america. but no people of the teutonic family for any length of time ever tolerated a usurping soldier at the head of affairs, or submitted to martial arbitrary rule, or military violence in the chief magistrate. it is against our habit and disposition. neither cromwell nor william of orange could do with the anglo-saxon what it would have been impossible not to do with spaniards or italians. even warlike swiss--teutonic tribes--will have a government with due process of law, not by the abrupt violence of the soldier. washington could not have established a military monarchy in america had he been so wickedly disposed. even william the conqueror must rule the saxons by saxon law. (ii.) the corruption of the acknowledged safeguards of public security. this is attempted in nations who have a well-known love of individual liberty, and institutional defences thereof, the habit of local self-government by democratic law-making and law-administering. for example, this experiment has been repeatedly made in england. the monarch seeking to destroy the liberty of the people, accomplishes his violent measure by the forms of peaceful law, by getting the judicial class of men on the side of despotism. then all the wickedness can be done in the name, with the forms, and by "due process" of law, by regular officers thereof--done solemnly with the assistance of slow and public deliberation. gentlemen of the jury, this is a matter of such importance to the people of america just now, that i must beg you to bear with me while i explain this subtle operation. i will select examples from the history of england which are easy to understand, because her blood is kindred to our own, and the institutions of the two countries are related as parent and child. and besides, her past history affords alike warning and guidance in our present peril. * * * * * (i.) the first step in this process of political iniquity is, to appoint men for judges and other officers of the court, who know no law higher than the selfish will of the hand that feeds them, mere creatures of the rest [transcriber's note: for 'rest' read 'government'; see errata]. i will select instances of this from the reign of the stuart kings and one of their successors, from a period full of melancholy warning to america. i will begin with james i. ( - ), the first king of new england. at his very accession he had high notions of his royal prerogative, and maintained that all the privileges of the house of commons were derived from his royal grant. "i am your king," said he, "i am placed to govern you, and i shall [must] answer for your errors." it was quite enough to answer for his own,--poor man. "let me make the judges," said he, "and i care not who makes the laws." accordingly for judicial officers he appointed such men as would execute his unlawful schemes for the destruction of public liberty. to such considerations was francis bacon mainly indebted for his elevation from one legal rank to another, until he reached the seat of the lord chancellor. a man whom villers declared, "of excellent parts, but withal of a base and ungrateful temper, and an arrant knave, yet a fit instrument for the purposes of the government." he did not receive his appointment for that vast, hard-working genius which makes his name the ornament of many an age, but only for his sycophantic devotion to the royal will. sir edward coke was promoted rapidly enough, whilst wholly subservient to the despotic court, but afterwards, though a miracle of legal knowledge, not equalled yet perhaps, he must not be appointed lord chancellor on account of "his occasional fits of independence." chief justice ley was one of the right stamp, but it was thought "his subserviency might prove more valuable by retaining him to preside over the court of king's bench." "for in making the highest judicial appointments the only question was, what would suit the arbitrary schemes of governing the country."[ ] hobart had resisted some illegal monopolies of the all-powerful buckingham, and he was "unfit for promotion." [footnote : campbell, , .] james thought the prerogative would be strengthened by the appointment of clergymen of the national church, perhaps the only class of men not then getting fired with love of liberty,--and made williams, bishop of lincoln, lord keeper, a "man of rash and insolent, though servile temper, and of selfish, temporizing, and trimming political conduct," who at that time had never acted as "a judge except at the waldegrave petty sessions in making an order of bastardy or allowing a rate for the parish poor," and was "as ignorant of the questions coming before him as the door-keepers of his court." but he was subservient, and had pleased the king by preaching the courtly doctrine that "subjects hold their liberties and their property at the will of the sovereign whom they are bound in every extremity passively to obey."[ ] men like fleming and other creatures of the throne, sanctioning the king's abundant claim to absolute power, were sure of judicial distinction; while it was only the force of public opinion which gave the humblest place of honor to such able and well-studied lawyers as would respect the constitutional rights of the people and the just construction of the laws, and at all hazards maintain their judicial independence. ecclesiastics who taught that the king "is above the laws by his absolute power," and "may quash any law passed by parliament," were sure of rapid preferment. thus bancroft was promoted; thus abbot was pushed aside; and for his mean, tyrannical and subservient disposition rev. william laud was continually promoted in expectation of the services which, as archbishop, he subsequently performed in the overthrow of the liberty of the people. but time would fail me to read over the long dark list of men whose personal shame secured them "official glory." [footnote : campbell, , ; howell state trials, .] in his address to the judges in the star-chamber in james gave them this charge, "if there falls out a question which concerns any prerogative or mysterie of state, _deale not with it till you consult with the king_ or his council, or both; for they are transcendent matters, and must not be slibberly carried with over rash wilfullnesse." "and this i commend unto your special care, as some of you of late have done very much, to _blunt the edge and vaine popular humor of some lawyers at the barre_, that think they are not eloquent and bold-spirited enough, except they _meddle with the king's prerogative_." "_that which concerns the mysterie of the king's power is not lawful to be disputed._"[ ] gentlemen, that was worthy of some judicial charges which you and i have heard. [footnote : speache in the starre-chamber, london, .] * * * * * charles i. ( - ,) pursued the same course of tyranny by the same steps. coventry could be implicitly relied on to do as commanded, and was made lord keeper in . when the question of ship-money was to be brought forward in , chief justice heath was thought not fit to be trusted with wielding the instrument of tyranny, and accordingly removed; "and finch, well known to be ready to go all lengths, was appointed in his place." for he had steadfastly maintained that the king was absolute, and could dispense with law and parliament,--a fit person to be a chief justice, or a lord chancellor, in a tyrant's court, ready to enact iniquity into law. his compliance with the king's desire to violate the first principle of magna charta, "endeared him to the court, and secured him further preferment as soon as any opportunity should occur." so he was soon made lord chancellor and raised to the peerage. littleton had once been on the popular side, but deserted and went over to the court--he was sure of preferment; and as he became more and more ready to destroy the liberties of the people, he was made chief justice, and finally lord chancellor in . lane was a "steady friend of the prerogative," and so was made attorney-general to the prince of wales, and thence gradually elevated to the highest station. other judicial appointments were continually made in the same spirit. thus when sir randolf crewe was chief justice of the king's bench, the government questioned him to ascertain if he were "sound," and were shocked to hear him declare that the king had no right to levy taxes without consent of parliament, or imprison his subjects without due process of law. he was "immediately dismissed from his office," ( ,) and sir nicolas hyde appointed in his place. by such means the courts were filled with tools of the king or his favorites, and the pit digged for the liberties of the people, into which at last there fell--the head of the king! * * * * * charles ii. and james ii., ( - ,) did not mend the evil, but appointed for judges "such a pack as had never before sat in westminster hall." shaftesbury and guildford had the highest judicial honors. lord chancellor finch, mentioned already, had been accused by the commons of high treason and other misdemeanors, but escaped to the continent, and returned after the restoration. he was appointed one of the judges to try the regicides. thus he "who had been accused of high treason twenty years before by a full parliament, and who by flying from their justice saved his life, was appointed to judge some of those who should have been his judges."[ ] he declared in parliament that milton, for services rendered to the cause of liberty while latin secretary to cromwell, "deserved hanging."[ ] [footnote : ludlow, quoted in campbell, .] [footnote : parl. hist. .] in these reigns such men as saunders, wright, and scroggs, were made judges, men of the vilest character, with the meanest appetites, licentious, brutal, greedy of power and money, idiotic in the moral sense, appointed solely that they might serve as tools for the oppression of the people. among these infamous men was george jeffreys, of whom lord campbell says,--"he has been so much abused that i began my critical examination of his history in the hope and belief that i should find that his misdeeds had been exaggerated, and that i might be able to rescue his memory from some portion of the obloquy under which it labors; but i am sorry to say that in my matured opinion his cruelty and his political profligacy have not been sufficiently exposed or reprobated; and that he was not redeemed from his vices by one single solid virtue."[ ] but in consequence of his having such a character, though not well-grounded in law, he was made a judge, a peer, and a lord chancellor! wright, nearly as infamous, miraculously stupid and ignorant, "a detected swindler, knighted and clothed in ermine, took his place among the twelve judges of england."[ ] he also was made chief justice successively of the common pleas and the king's bench! lord campbell, himself a judge, at the end of his history of the reign of charles and james, complains of "the irksome task of relating the actions of so many men devoid of political principle and ready to suggest or to support any measures, however arbitrary or mischievous, for the purpose of procuring their own advancement."[ ] it was the practice of the stuarts "to dismiss judges without seeking any other pretence, who showed any disposition to thwart government in political prosecutions."[ ] nor was this dismissal confined to cases where the judge would obey the law in merely political trials. in four of the judges denied that the king had power to dispense with the laws of the land and change the form of religion: the next morning they were all driven from their posts, and four others, more compliant, were appointed and the judicial "opinion was unanimous." hereupon roger coke says well,--"the king ... will make the judges in westminster hall to murder the common law, as well as the king and his brother desired to murder the parliament by itself; and to this end the king, when he would make any judges would make a bargain with them, that they should declare the king's power of dispensing with the penal laws and tests made against recusants, out of parliament."[ ] [footnote : campbell, .] [footnote : campbell chief justices, .] [footnote : campbell, .] [footnote : hallam, .] [footnote : st. tr. , note.] * * * * * here, gentlemen of the jury, i must mention three obscure judges who received their appointments under stuart kings. before long i shall speak of their law and its application, and now only introduce them to you as a measure preliminary to a more intimate acquaintance hereafter. . the first is sir william jones, by far the least ignoble of the three. he was descended from one of the barons who wrung the great charter from the hands of king john in [transcriber's note: for ' ' read ' '; see errata], and in dwelt in the same house which sheltered the more venerable head of his welsh ancestor. in he was made judge by charles i. he broke down the laws of the realm to enable the king to make forced loans on his subjects, and by his special mandate (lettre de cachet) to imprison whom he would, as long as it pleased him, and without showing any reason for the commitment or the detention! yes, he supported the king in his attempt to shut up members of parliament for words spoken in debate in the house of commons itself; to levy duties on imports, and a tax of ship-money on the land. he was summoned before parliament for his offences against public justice, and finally deprived of office, though ungratefully, by the king himself.[ ] [footnote : account of him in preface to his reports, ( ); st. tr. , , , ; parl. hist. ; rushworth, , _et al._; whitlocke, , _et al._] . thomas twysden was counsel for george coney in , a london merchant who refused to pay an illegal tax levied on him by cromwell--who followed in the tyrannical footsteps of the king he slew. twysden was thrown into the tower for defending his client--as mr. sloane, at sandusky, has just been punished by the honorable court of the united states for a similar offence,--but after a few days made a confession of his "error," defending the just laws of the land, promised to offend no more, and was set at liberty, ignominiously leaving his client to defend himself and be defeated. this twysden was made judge by charles ii. the reporters recording his decisions put down "_twysden in furore_," thinly veiling the judicial wrath in modest latin. he was specially cruel against quakers and other dissenters, treating george fox, margarett fell, and john bunyan with brutal violence.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; campbell justices, .] . sir john kelyng is another obscure judge of those times. in the civil war he was a violent cavalier, and "however fit he might be to _charge_ the roundheads under prince rupert, he was very unfit to _charge_ a jury in westminster hall." in he took part in the trial of the regicides and led in the prosecution of colonel hacker, who in had charge of the execution of charles i. in he took part in the prosecution of sir henry vane, and by his cruel subtlety in constructing law, that former governor of massachusetts,--one of the most illustrious minds of england, innocent of every crime, was convicted of high treason and put to death.[ ] for this service, in kelyng was made a judge; and then, by loyal zeal and judicial subserviency, he made up "for his want of learning and sound sense." but he was so incompetent that even the court of charles ii. hesitated to make him more than a puny judge. but he had been a "valiant cavalier," and had done good service already in making way with such as the king hated, and so after the death of sir nicolas hyde, he was made lord chief justice in his place. "in this office," says judge campbell, he "exceeded public expectation by the violent, fantastical, and ludicrous manner in which he conducted himself."[ ] but i will not now anticipate what i have to say of him in a subsequent part of this defence. [footnote : st. tr. .] [footnote : campbell justices, .] gentlemen of the jury, we shall meet these three together again before long, and i shall also speak of them "singly or in pairs." in the mean time i will mention one similar appointment in the reign of george the iii.--the last king of new england. * * * * * in sergeant glynn, in parliament, moved for an inquiry into the administration of criminal justice. edmund thurlow, a rough venal man, then recently appointed solicitor-general, proposed that a severe censure should be passed on him for the motion. thurlow wanted the trial by jury abolished in all cases of libel, so that the liberty of the people should be in the exclusive care of government attorneys and judges appointed by the crown. hear him speak on the th of december, . "in my opinion no man should be allowed with impunity to make a wanton attack upon such venerable characters as the judges of the land. we award costs and damages to the aggrieved party in the most trifling actions. by what analogy, then, can we refuse the same justice in the most important cases, to the most important personages? if we allow every pitiful patriot thus to insult us with ridiculous accusations, without making him pay forfeit for his temerity, we shall be eternally pestered with the humming and buzzing of these stingless wasps. though they cannot wound or poison, they will tease and vex. they will divert our attention from the important affairs of state to their own mean antipathies, and passions, and prejudices. did they not count upon the spirit of the times and imagine that the same latitude which is taken by the libellers is here allowable, they would not have dared to offer so gross an outrage. i hope we shall now handle them so roughly as to make this the last of such audacious attempts. they are already ridiculous and contemptible. to crown their disgrace, let us inflict some exemplary punishment. else none of us is safe. virtue and honor, you see from this instance, are no safeguard from their attacks." "the nature, the direct effect, and the remote consequences of a state libel, are so complicated and involved with various considerations of great pith and moment, that few juries can be adequate judges. so many circumstances are at once to be kept in view, so many ponderous interests are to be weighed, so many comparisons to be made, and so many judgments formed, that the mind of an ordinary man is distracted and confounded, and rendered incapable of coming to any regular conclusion. none but a judge, a man that has from his infancy been accustomed to decide intricate cases, is equal to such a difficult task. if we even suppose the jury sufficiently enlightened to unravel those knotty points, yet there remains an insuperable objection. in state libels, their passions are frequently so much engaged, that they may be justly considered as parties concerned against the crown." "in order, therefore, to preserve the balance of our constitution, _let us leave to the judges_, as the most indifferent persons, _the right of determining the malice or innocence of the intention_." "it is not that i think the intention a matter of fact; no, in the sense put upon it by the judges, it is a matter of law." "much dust has been raised about civil and criminal actions. but to what purpose? is not reparation to be made to the public for any injury which it may have sustained, as much as to an individual? is the welfare of the nation in general, of less consequence than that of a single person? where then is the propriety of making such a bustle about the malice or innocence of the intention? the injury done is the only proper measure of the punishment to be inflicted, as well as of the damage to be assessed. since you cannot plead the intention as a mitigation in the latter case, neither can you in the former."[ ] [footnote : parl. hist. , , .] what followed? on the d of july, , he was made attorney-general. his subsequent history did not disappoint the prophecy uttered above by his former conduct and his notorious character. "in truth his success was certain, with the respectable share he possessed of real talents and of valuable requirements--strongly marked features, piercing eyes, bushy eyebrows, and a sonorous voice, all worked to the best effect by an immeasurable share of self-confidence--he could not fail."[ ] he hated america with the intense malignity of a low but strong and despotic nature, and "took a most zealous part and uttered very violent language against the colonists. he scorned the very notion of concession or conciliation; he considered 'sedition' and 'treason,' (like _tobacco_ and _potatoes_,) the peculiar plants of the american soil. the natives of these regions he thought were born to be taxed."[ ] he favored the stamp act, the coercion bill,--quartering soldiers upon us, sending americans beyond seas for trial,--the boston port bill, and all the measures against the colonies. "to say that we have a right to tax america and never exercise that right, is ridiculous, and a man must abuse his understanding very much not to allow of that right;" "the right of taxing was never in the least given up to the americans."[ ] on another occasion he said, that "as attorney-general he had a right to set aside every charter in america."[ ] what followed? notwithstanding his youthful profligacy, the open profanity of his public and private speech, and his living in public and notorious contempt of matrimony,--he was made lord chancellor and elevated to the peerage in ! him also we shall meet again. [footnote : campbell, .] [footnote : campbell, .] [footnote : parl. hist. .] [footnote : st. tr. .] gentlemen of the jury, i might as well try to bale all the salt water out of the sea as to mention every glaring and notorious instance where an oppressive government has appointed some discarder of all higher law for its servant in crushing the people. come therefore to the next point. * * * * * (ii.) the next step is by means of _such judges to punish and destroy or silence men who oppose the wickedness of the party in power, and the encroachments of despotism_. let me describe the general mode of procedure, and then illustrate it by special examples. . in the privy council, or elsewhere, it is resolved to punish the obnoxious men,--and the business is intrusted to the law-officers of the crown, appointed for such functions. . they consult and agree to pervert and twist the law--statute or common--for that purpose. by this means they gratify their master, and prepare future advancement for themselves. . the precedent thus established becomes the basis for new operations in the future, and may be twisted and perverted to serve other cases as they occur. now, gentlemen, look at some examples taken from british history, in times of the same kings mentioned before. . in two puritans for refusing the _ex officio_ oath, were clapped in jail by the commissioners. they were brought on _habeas corpus_ before a court, and mr. fuller, their counsel, a learned lawyer, insisted that they were imprisoned without due process of law. for this "contempt of court" he was thrown into jail by archbishop bancroft, whence he was rescued only by death.[ ] [footnote : peirce's vindication, ( ,) .] . in there were many murmurs among the people of england at the tyranny of james. fine and imprisonment did not quell the disturbance; so a more dreadful example was thought needful. the officials of government broke into the study of rev. edmund peacham, a protestant minister, sixty or seventy years old. in an uncovered cask they found a manuscript sermon, never preached, nor designed for the pulpit or the press, never shown to any one. it contained some passages which might excite men to resist tyranny. he was arrested, and thrown into jail, all his papers seized. the government resolved to prosecute him for high treason. francis bacon, the powerful and corrupt attorney-general, managed the prosecution. before trial was ventured upon, he procured an extrajudicial opinion of the judges appointed for such services,--irregularly given, out of court, that they would declare such an act high treason. but a manuscript sermon, neither preached nor designed for the public, was hardly evidence enough of treason even for such judges--so purchased, for such an attorney--so greedy of preferment, with such a cabinet and such a king. for all those, like the pharisees of old, "feared the people." so their victim was tortured on the rack, and twelve leading questions prepared by the government officials, were put to him there. i quote secretary winwood's record--still extant in his own handwriting--"he was this day examined before torture, in torture, between torture, and after torture; notwithstanding nothing could be drawn from him, he still persisting in his obstinate and insensible denials and former answers." bacon was present at the torture, which took place in the tower, jan. , , o.s. ( th jan. , n.s.). in august he was tried for high treason--"compassing and imagining the king's death"--before a packed jury; against law, and without legal evidence. he was of course found guilty under the ruling of the court! but public opinion, even then making tyrants "tremble in their capitals," was so indignant at the outrage that the execution was not ventured on, and he was left to languish in jail, till on the th of march, , a king more merciful took the old minister where the wicked cease from troubling.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; montagu's bacon, clxvi.; campbell, .] in this case, gentlemen of the jury, you will notice three violations of the law. ( .) the opinion of the judges before the trial was extrajudicial and illegal. ( .) the application of torture was contrary to law. ( .) the statute of treason was wrested to apply to this case--and a crime was constructed by the servants of the court. it is curious to read the opinion of james himself. "the british solomon" thus wrote:-- "so the only thing the judges can doubt of is of the delinquent's intention, on his bare denial to clear him [himself], since nature teaches every man to defend his life as he may; and whether in case there was a doubt herein, the judges should not rather incline to that side [namely, the side of the government,] wherein all probability lies: but if judges will needs trust rather the bare negative of an _infamous delinquent_--then all the probabilities, or rather infallible consequences upon the other part, caring more for the safety of _such a monster_ than the preservation of a crown in all ages following, whereupon depend the lives of many millions, happy then are all _desperate and seditious knaves_, but the fortune of this crown is more than miserable. which god forefend."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] . in , laud, a tyrannical, ambitious man, and a servile creature of the king, mentioned before, was made archbishop of canterbury, continuing bishop of london at the same time. charles i. was strongly inclined to romanism, laud also leaned that way, aiming to come as near as possible to the papal and not be shut out of the english church. he made some new regulations in regard to the communion table and the lord's supper. john williams, before mentioned, dean of westminster and bishop of lincoln, who had been lord keeper under king james, wrote a book against those innovations; besides, in his episcopal court he had once spoken of the puritans as "good subjects," and of his knowing "that the king did not wish them to be harshly dealt with." in laud directed that he should be prosecuted in the star-chamber for "publishing false news and tales to the scandal of his majesty's government;" and "for revealing counsels of state contrary to his oath of a privy counsellor." he was sentenced to pay a fine of £ , ,--equal to $ , , or thrice the sum in these times; to be suspended from all offices, and kept a close prisoner in the tower during the king's pleasure--whence the revolution set him at liberty. besides he wrote private letters to mr. osbalderston, and called laud "the little great man," for this he, in , was fined £ , to the king, and £ , to the archbishop. osbalderston in his letters had spoken of the "great leviathan" and the "little urchin," and was fined £ , , to the king, and the same to the archbishop, and sentenced also to stand in the pillory with his ears nailed to it![ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; campbell, .] . in richard chambers, a merchant of london, complained to the privy council of some illegal and unjust treatment, and declared "that the merchants in no part of the world are so screwed and wrung as in england; that in turkey they have more encouragement." laud, who hated freedom of speech and liberal comments on the government as much as "eminent citizens" nowadays, is said to have told the king, "if your majesty had many such chambers, you would soon have no chamber left to rest in." the merchant was tried before the "commissioners" at the star-chamber, and fined £ , , and condemned to make a "submission for his great offence,"[ ] which the stout puritan refused to do, and was kept in prison till the court of king's bench, faithful to the law, on habeas corpus, admitted him to bail: for which they were reprimanded. laud and all the ecclesiastical members of the "commission" wished his fine £ , . [footnote : st. tr. ; franklyn, ; hallam (paris, ), _ac etiam_ ; mrs. macaulay, , , .] . in his place in parliament in , sir john eliot, one of the noblest men in england's noblest age, declared that "the council and judges had all conspired to trample underfoot the liberties of the subject." gentlemen, the fact was as notorious as the advance of the slave power now is in america. but a few days after the king (charles i.) had dismissed his refractory parliament, eliot, with hollis, long, selden, strode, and valentine, most eminent members of the commons, and zealous for liberty and law, was seized by the king's command and thrown into prison. the habeas corpus was demanded--it was all in vain, for laud and strafford were at the head of affairs, and the priests and pliant judges in westminster hall--jones was one of them--clove down the law of the land just as their subcatenated successors did in boston in . the court decreed that they should be imprisoned during the king's pleasure, and not released until making submission and giving security for good behavior. eliot was fined £ , , hollis and valentine in smaller sums. eliot--the brave man--refused submission, and died in the tower. thus was the attack made on all freedom of speech in parliament![ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; rushworth; hallam, ; parl. hist. , ; foster's eliot, ; mrs. macaulay, ch. i. ii.] . in , the very year of the first settlement of boston, on the th of june, rev. dr. alexander leighton was brought before the court of high commission, in the star-chamber, to be tried for a seditious libel. he had published "an appeal to the parliament, or a plea against prelacy," a work still well known, remonstrating against certain notorious grievances in church and state, "to the end the parliament might take them into consideration and give such redress as might be for the honor of the king, the quiet of the people, and the peace of the church," the court of commissions accounted it "a most odious and heinous offence, deserving the most serious punishment the court could inflict, for framing a book so full of such pestilent, devilish, and dangerous assertions." the two chief justices declared if the case had been brought to their courts, they would have proceeded against him for treason, and it was only "his majesty's exceeding great mercy and goodness" which selected the milder tribunal. his sentence was a fine of £ , , to be set in the pillory, whipped, have one ear cut off; one side of his nose slit, one cheek branded with s.s., sower of sedition, and then at some convenient time be whipped again, branded, and mutilated on the other side, and confined in the fleet during life! before the punishment could be inflicted he escaped out of prison, but was recaptured and the odious sentence fully executed. those who "obstructed" the officer in the execution of that "process" were fined £ a piece.[ ] gentlemen of the jury, which do you think would most have astonished the founders of massachusetts, then drawing near to boston, that trial on the th of june, , or this trial, two hundred and twenty-five years later? at the court of charles it was a great honor to mutilate the body of a puritan minister. [footnote : st. tr. ; laud's diary, th november; hallam, .] but not only did such judges thus punish the most noble men who wrote on political matters, there was no freedom of speech allowed--so logical is despotism! . william prynn, a zealous puritan and a very learned lawyer, wrote a folio against theatres called "a scourge for stage-players," dull, learned, unreadable and uncommon thick. he was brought to the star-chamber in - , and chief justice richardson--who had even then "but an indifferent reputation for honesty and veracity"--gave this sentence: "mr. prynn, i do declare you to be a schism-maker in the church, a sedition-sower in the commonwealth, a wolf in sheep's clothing; in a word 'omnium malorum nequissimus'--[the wickedest of all scoundrels]. i shall fine him £ , , which is more than he is worth, yet less than he deserveth; i will not set him at liberty, no more than a plagued man or a mad dog, who though he cannot bite, yet will he foam; he is so far from being a sociable soul that he is not a rational soul; he is fit to live in dens with such beasts of prey as wolves and tygers like himself; therefore i do condemn him to perpetual imprisonment, as those monsters that are no longer fit to live among men nor to see light." "i would have him branded in the forehead, slit in the nose, and his ears cropped too." the sentence was executed the th and th of may, .[ ] but nothing intimidated, the sturdy man committed other offences of like nature, "obstructing" other "officers," and was punished again, and banished. but on the summoning of parliament returned to england, and became powerful in that revolution which crushed the tyrants of the time. [footnote : st. tr. ; hallam, , and his authorities. see also echard, , _et seq._, , _et seq._, , , ; the remarks of hume, hist. ch. lii., remind me of the tone of the fugitive slave bill journals of boston in - .] . in , james ii. was in reality a catholic. he wished to restore romanism to england and abolish the work of the reformation, the better to establish the despotism which all of his family had sought to plant. he was determined to punish such as spoke against the papal church, though no law prohibited such speaking. judge jeffreys, a member of the cabinet and favorite of the king, was at that time chief justice--abundantly fit for the work demanded of him. the pious and venerable richard baxter was selected for the victim. let mr. macaulay tell the story. "in a commentary on the new testament, he had complained, with some bitterness, of the persecution which the dissenters suffered. that men, who, for not using the prayerbook, had been driven from their homes, stripped of their property, and locked up in dungeons, should dare to utter a murmur, was then thought a high crime against the state and church. roger lestrange, the champion of the government, and the oracle of the clergy, sounded the note of war in the observator. an information was filed. baxter begged that he might be allowed some time to prepare for his defence. it was on the day on which oates was pilloried in palace yard that the illustrious chief of the puritans, oppressed by age and infirmities, came to westminster hall to make this request. jeffreys burst into a storm of rage. 'not a minute,' he cried, 'to save his life. i can deal with saints as well as with sinners. there stands oates on one side of the pillory; and if baxter stood on the other, the two greatest rogues in the kingdom would stand together.'" "when the trial came on at guildhall, a crowd of those who loved and honored baxter, filled the court. at his side stood doctor william bates, one of the most eminent non-conformist divines. two whig barristers of great note, pollexfen and wallop, appeared for the defendant." "pollexfen had scarce begun his address to the jury, when the chief justice broke forth: 'pollexfen, i know you well. i will set a mark on you. you are the patron of the faction. this is an old rogue, a schismatical knave, a hypocritical villain. he hates the liturgy. he would have nothing but longwinded cant without book;' and then his lordship turned up his eyes, clasped his hands, and began to sing through his nose in imitation of what he supposed to be baxter's style of praying, 'lord, we are thy people, thy peculiar people, thy dear people.' pollexfen gently reminded the court that his late majesty had thought baxter deserving of a bishopric. 'and what ailed the old blockhead then,' cried jeffreys, 'that he did not take it?' his fury now rose almost to madness. he called baxter a dog, and swore that it would be no more than justice to whip such a villain through the whole city." "wallop interposed, but fared no better than his leader. 'you are in all these dirty causes, mr. wallop,' said the judge. 'gentlemen of the long robe ought to be ashamed to assist such factious knaves.' the advocate made another attempt to obtain a hearing, but to no purpose. 'if you do not know your duty,' said jeffreys, 'i will teach it you.' "wallop sat down, and baxter himself attempted to put in a word; but the chief justice drowned all expostulation in a torrent of ribaldry and invective, mingled with scraps of hudibras. 'my lord,' said the old man, 'i have been much blamed by dissenters for speaking respectfully of bishops.' "'baxter for bishops!' cried the judge; 'that's a merry conceit indeed. i know what you mean by bishops--rascals like yourself, kidderminster bishops, factious, snivelling presbyterians!' "again baxter essayed to speak, and again jeffreys bellowed, 'richard, richard, dost thou think we will let thee poison the court? richard, thou art an old knave. thou hast written books enough to load a cart, and every book as full of sedition as an egg is full of meat. by the grace of god, i'll look after thee. i see a great many of your brotherhood waiting to know what will befall their mighty don. and there,' he continued, fixing his savage eye on bates, 'there is a doctor of the party at your elbow. but, by the grace of god almighty, i will crush you all!' "baxter held his peace. but one of the junior counsel for the defence made a last effort, and undertook to show that the words of which complaint was made, would not bear the construction put on them by the information. with this view he began to read the context. in a moment he was roared down. 'you sha'n't turn the court into a conventicle!' the noise of weeping was heard from some of those who surrounded baxter. 'snivelling calves!' said the judge."[ ] [footnote : macaulay, (harper's ed.) - .] he was sentenced to pay a fine of marks, to lie in prison till he paid it, and be bound to good behavior for seven years. jeffreys, it is said, wished him also to be whipped at the tail of a cart.[ ] but the king remitted his fine. [footnote : macaulay, ; st. tr. .] throughout the reign of james ii. the courts of law became more and more contemptible in the eyes of the people. "all the three common law courts were filled by incompetent and corrupt judges."[ ] but their power to do evil never diminished. [footnote : campbell's justices, .] . james ii. wished to restore the catholic form of religion, rightly looking on protestantism as hostile to his intended tyranny; so he claimed a right to dispense with the laws relating thereto, put a jesuit into his privy council, expelled protestants from their offices, and filled the vacancy thus illegally made with papists; he appointed catholic bishops.[ ] in he published a proclamation. it was the second of the kind,--dispensing with all the laws of the realm against catholicism; and ordered it to be read on two specified sundays during the hours of service in all places of public worship. this measure seemed to be a special insult to the protestants. the declaration of indulgence was against their conscience, and in violation of the undisputed laws of the land, but chief justice wright declared from the bench his opinion that it was "legal and obligatory," and on the day appointed for reading the decree attended church "to give weight to the solemnity," and as it was not read--for the clerk "had forgot to bring a copy,"--he "indecently in the hearing of the congregation abused the priest, as disloyal, seditious, and irreligious." [footnote : see brewster's newton, .] but the clergy thought differently from the chief justice--episcopalians and dissenters agreeing on this point. seven bishops petitioned the king that they might not be obliged to violate their conscience, the articles of their religion, and the laws of the realm, by reading the declaration. they presented their petition in person to the king, who treated it and them with insolence and wrath. "the king, says kennet, was not contented to have this declaration published in the usual manner, but he was resolved to have it solemnly read in all churches as the political gospel of his reign. the bishops and clergy were, of all others the most averse to the subject-matter of the declaration, as being most sensible of the ill design and ill effects of it; and therefore the court seemed the more willing to mortify these their enemies, and make them become accessory to their own ruin; and even to eat their own dung, as father petre proudly threatened, and therefore this order of council was made and published."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] the petition was printed and published with great rapidity, the bishops were seized, thrown into the tower, and prosecuted in the court for a "false, feigned, malicious, pernicious, and seditious" libel. judge allybone thus addressed the jury. "and i think, in the first place, that _no man can_ take upon him to _write against the actual exercise of the government, unless he have leave from the government_, but he makes a libel, be what he writes true or false; for if once we come to impeach the government by way of argument, it is the argument that makes it the government, or not the government. so that i lay down that, in the first place, _the government ought not to be impeached by argument_, nor the exercise of the government shaken by argument; because i can manage a proposition, in itself doubtful, with a better pen than another man; this, say i, is a libel. "then i lay down this for my next position, that _no private man can take upon him to write concerning the government at all_; for _what has any private man to do with the government_, if his interest be not stirred or shaken? it is the business of the government to manage matters relating to the government; it _is the business of subjects to mind only their own properties and interests_. if my interest is not shaken, _what have i to do with matters of government_? they are not within my sphere. if the government does come to shake my particular interest, the law is open for me, and i may redress myself by law; and when i intrude myself into other men's business that does not concern my particular interest, i am a libeller. "these i have laid down for plain propositions; now, then, let us consider further, whether, if i will take upon me to contradict the government, any specious pretence that i shall put upon it, shall dress it up in another form and give it a better denomination? and truly i think it is the worse, because it comes in a better dress; for by that rule, every man that can put on a good vizard, may be as mischievous as he will, to the government at the bottom, so that, whether it be in the form of a supplication, or an address, or a petition, if it be what it ought not to be, let us call it by its true name, and give it its right denomination--it is a libel." "the government here has published such a declaration as this that has been read, relating to matters of government; and _shall_, or ought _anybody_ to come and _impeach that as illegal, which the government has done_? truly, in my opinion, i do not think he should, or ought; for by this rule may every act of the government be shaken, when there is not a parliament _de facto_ sitting. "when the house of lords and commons are in being, it is a proper way of applying to the king; there is all the openness in the world for those that are members of parliament, to make what addresses they please to the government, for the rectifying, altering, regulating, and making of what law they please; but if every private man shall come and interpose his advice, i think there can never be an end of advising the government. "_we are not to measure things from any truth they have in themselves, but from that aspect they have upon the government; for there may be every tittle of a libel true, and yet it may be a libel still_; so that i put no great stress upon that objection, that the matter of it is not false; and for sedition, it is that which every libel carries in itself: and as every trespass implies _vi and armis_, so every libel against the government carries in it sedition, and all the other epithets that are in the information. this is my opinion as to law in general. i will not debate the prerogatives of the king, nor the privileges of the subject; but as this fact is, i think these venerable bishops did meddle with that which did not belong to them; they took upon them, in a petitionary, to contradict the actual exercise of the government, which i think no particular persons, or singular body, may do."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. , , .] listen, gentlemen of the jury, to the words of attorney-general powis:-- "and i cannot omit here to take notice, that _there is not any one thing that the law is more jealous of_, or does more carefully provide for the prevention and punishment of, _than all accusations and arraignments of the government. no man is allowed to accuse even the most inferior magistrate of any misbehavior in his office_, unless it be in a legal course, _though the fact is true_. no man may say of a justice of the peace, to his face, that he is unjust in his office. _no man may tell a judge, either by word or petition, you have given an unjust, or an ill judgment_, and i will not obey it; _it is against the rules and laws of the kingdom, or the like_. no man may say of the great men of the nation, much less of the great officers of the kingdom, that they do act unreasonably or unjustly, or the like; least of all may any man say any such thing of the king; for these matters tend to possess the people, that the government is ill administered; and the consequence of that is, to set them upon desiring a reformation; and what that tends to, and will end in, we have all had a sad and too dear bought experience."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] hearken to the law of solicitor-general williams:-- "if any person have slandered the government in writing, you are _not to examine the truth of that fact_ in such writing, but the slander which it imports to the king or government; and _be it never so true_, yet if slanderous to the king or the government, _it is a libel and to be punished_; in that case, _the right or wrong_ is _not to be examined, or if what was done by the government be legal, or no_; but whether the party have done such an act. if the king have a power (for still i keep to that), to issue forth proclamations to his subjects, and to make orders and constitutions in matters ecclesiastical, if he do issue forth his proclamation, and make an order upon the matters within his power and prerogative; and if any one would come and bring that power in question otherwise than in parliament, that the matter of that proclamation be not legal, i say that is sedition, and you are not to examine the legality or illegality of the order or proclamation, but the slander and reflection upon the government." "if a person do a thing that is libellous, you shall not examine the fact, but the consequence of it; whether it tended to stir up sedition against the public, or to stir up strife between man and man, in the case of private persons; as if a man should say of a judge, he has taken a bribe, and i will prove it. "they tell the king it is inconsistent with their honor, prudence, and conscience, to do what he would have them to do. and if these things be not reflective upon the king and government, i know not what is. "i'll tell you what they should have done, sir. if they were commanded to do any thing against _their consciences, they should have acquiesced till the meeting of the parliament_. [at which some people in the court hissed.] "_if the king will impose upon a man what he cannot do, he must acquiesce_; but shall he come and fly in the face of his prince? shall he say it is illegal? and the prince acts against prudence, honor, or conscience, and throw dirt in the king's face? sure that is not permitted; that is libelling with a witness."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. , , .] here, however, there was a jury--the seven bishops were acquitted amid the tumultuous huzzas of the people, who crowded all the open spaces in the neighborhood of westminster hall, and rent the air with their shouts, which even the soldiers repeated.[ ] [footnote : see campbell's justices, .] two of the judges--sir john powell and sir richard holloway--stood out for law and justice, declaring such a petition to the king was not a libel. they were presently thrust from their offices. * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, the stuarts soon filled up the measure of their time as of their iniquity, and were hustled from the throne of england. but, alas, i shall presently remind you of some examples of this tyranny in new england itself. now i shall cite a few similar cases of oppression which happened in the reign of the last king of new england. i just now spoke of edmund thurlow, showing what his character was and by what means he gained his various offices, ministerial and judicial. i will next show you one instance more of the evil which comes from putting in office such men as are nothing but steps whereon despotism mounts up to its bad eminence. . on the th of june, ,--it will be eighty years on the first anniversary of judge curtis's charge to the grand-jury,--john horne, better known by his subsequent name john horne tooke, formerly a clergyman but then a scholarly man devoting himself to letters and politics--published the following notice in the _morning chronicle and london advertiser_, as well as other newspapers:-- "king's-arms tavern, cornhill, june , . at a special meeting this day of several members of the constitutional society, during an adjournment, a gentleman proposed that a subscription should be immediately entered into by such of the members present who might approve the purpose, for raising the sum of £ , to be applied to the relief of the widows, orphans, and aged parents of our beloved american fellow-subjects, who, faithful to the character of englishmen, preferring death to slavery, were for that reason only inhumanly murdered by the king's troops at or near lexington and concord, in the province of massachusetts, on the th of last april; which sum being immediately collected, it was thereupon resolved that mr. horne do pay to-morrow into the hands of mess. brownes and collinson, on account of dr. franklin, the said sum of _l._ and that dr. franklin be requested to apply the same to the above-mentioned purpose." at that time thurlow, whom i introduced to you a little while ago, was attorney-general, looking for further promotion from the tory government of lord north. mansfield was chief justice, a man of great ability, who has done so much to reform the english law, but whose hostility to america was only surpassed by the hatred which he bore to all freedom of speech and the rights of the jury. the government was eager to crush the liberty of the american colonies. but this was a difficult matter, for in england itself there was a powerful party friendly to america, who took our side in the struggle for liberty. the city of london, however, was hostile to us, wishing to destroy our merchants and manufacturers, who disturbed the monopoly of that commercial metropolis. the government thought it necessary to punish any man who ventured to oppose their tyranny and sympathize with america. accordingly it was determined that mr. horne should be brought to trial. but as public opinion, stimulated by erskine, camden and others, favored the rights of the jury, it seems to have been thought dangerous to trust the case to a grand-jury. perhaps the judge had no brother-in-law to put on it, or the attorney-general--though famous also for his profanity,--doubted that any _swearing_ of his would insure a bill; nay, perhaps he did not venture to "bet ten dollars that i will get an indictment against him." be that as it may, the attorney-general dispensed with the services of the grand-jury and filed an information _ex officio_ against mr. horne, therein styling him a "wicked, malicious, seditious, and ill-disposed person;" charging him, by that advertisement, with "wickedly, maliciously, and seditiously intending, designing, and venturing to stir up and excite discontents and sedition;" "to cause it to be believed that divers of his majesty's innocent and deserving subjects had been inhumanly murdered by ... his majesty's troops; and unlawfully and wickedly to encourage his majesty's subjects in the said province of massachusetts to resist and oppose his majesty's government." he said the advertisement was "a false, wicked, malicious, scandalous, and seditious libel;" "full of ribaldry, billingsgate, scurrility, balderdash, and impudence;" "wicked is a term too high for this advertisement;" "its impudence disarmed its wickedness." in short, mr. horne was accused of "resisting an officer," obstructing the execution of the "process" whereby the american provinces were to be made the slave colonies of a metropolitan despotism. the usual charge of doing all this by "force and arms," was of course thrown in. the publication of the advertisement was declared a "crime of such heinousness and of such a size as fairly called for the highest resentment which any court of justice has thought proper to use with respect to crimes of this denomination;" "a libel such that it is impossible by any artifice to aggravate it;" "it will be totally impossible for the imagination of any man, however shrewd, to state a libel more scandalous and base in the fact imputed, more malignant and hostile to the country in which the libeller is born, more dangerous in the example if it were suffered to pass unpunished, than this:" "it is in language addressed to the lowest and most miserable mortals, ... it is addressed to the lowest of the mob, and the bulk of the people, who it is fit should be otherwise taught, who it is fit should be otherwise governed in this country." mr. horne was brought to trial on the th of july, . he defended himself, but though a vigorous writer, he was not a good speaker, and was in a strange place, while "thurlow fought on his own dunghill," says lord campbell, "and throughout the whole day had the advantage over him." there was a special jury packed for the purpose by the hireling sheriff,--a "london jury" famous for corruption,--a tyrannical and powerful judge, ready to turn every weapon of the court against the defendant and to construct law against the liberty of speech. of course mr. horne was convicted. but how should he be punished? thurlow determined. "my lords, the punishments to be inflicted upon misdemeanors of this sort, have usually been of three different kinds; fine, corporal punishment by imprisonment, and infamy by the judgment of the pillory. with regard to the _fine_, it is impossible for justice to make this sort of punishment, however the infamy will always fall upon the offender; because it is well known, that men who have more wealth, who have better and more respectful situations and reputations to be watchful over, employ men in desperate situations both of circumstances and characters, in order to do that which serves their party purposes; and when the punishment comes to be inflicted, this court must have regard to the apparent situation and circumstances of the man employed, that is, of the man convicted, with regard to the punishment. "with regard to _imprisonment_, that is a species of punishment not to be considered alike in all cases, but ..., that it would be proper for the judgment of the court to state circumstances which will make the imprisonment fall lighter or heavier, ... that would be proper, if i had not been spared all trouble upon that account, by hearing it solemnly avowed ... by the defendant himself, that imprisonment was no kind of inconvenience to him; for that certain employments, ... would occasion his confinement in so close a way, that it was mere matter of circumstance whether it happened in one place or another; and that the longest imprisonment which this court could inflict for punishment, was not beyond the reach of accommodation which those occasions rendered necessary to him. in this respect, therefore, imprisonment is not only, ... not an adequate punishment to the offence, but the public are told, ... that it will be _no punishment_. "i stated in the third place to your lordships, _the pillory to have been the usual punishment for this species of offence_. i apprehend it to have been so, in this case, for above two hundred years before the time when prosecutions grew rank in the star-chamber ... the punishment of the pillory was inflicted, not only during the time that such prosecutions were rank in the star-chamber, but it also continued to be inflicted upon this sort of crime, and that by the best authority, after the time of the abolishing the star-chamber, after the time of the revolution, and while my lord chief justice holt sat in this court. "i would desire no better, no more pointed, nor any more applicable argument than what that great chief justice used, when it was contended before him that an abuse upon government, upon the administration of several parts of government, amounted to nothing, because there was no abuse upon any particular man. that great chief justice said, they amounted to much more; they are _an abuse upon all men_. government cannot exist, if the law cannot restrain that sort of abuse. government cannot exist, unless ... the full punishment is inflicted which the most approved times have given to offences of much less denomination than these, of much less. i am sure it cannot be shown, that in any one of the cases that were punished in that manner, the aggravations of any one of those offences were any degree adequate to those which are presented to your lordship now. if offences were so punished then, which are not so punished now, they lose that expiation which the wisdom of those ages thought proper to hold out to the public, as a restraint from such offences being committed again. "i am to judge of crimes in order to the prosecution; your lordship is to judge of them ultimately for punishment. i should have been extremely sorry, if i had been induced by any consideration whatever, to have brought a crime of the magnitude which this was (of the magnitude which this was when i first stated it) into a court of justice, if i had not had it in my contemplation also that it would meet with an adequate restraint, which i never thought would be done without affixing to it the _judgment of the pillory_; i should have been very sorry to have brought this man here, after all the aggravations that he has superinduced upon the offence itself, if i had not been persuaded that those aggravations would have induced the _judgment of the pillory_."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. - .] but mansfield thought otherwise, and punished him with a fine of £ and imprisonment for twelve months.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; campbell, .] "thus," says lord brougham, "a bold and just denunciation of the attacks made upon our american brethren, which nowadays would rank among the very mildest and tamest effusions of the periodical press, condemned him to prison for twelve months."[ ] [footnote : statesmen, series, .] thurlow was a man of low intellect, of a fierce countenance, a saucy, swaggering, insolent manner, debauched in his morals beyond the grossness of that indecent age,--ostentatiously living in public concubinage,--a notorious swearer in public and private. but he knew no law above the will of the hand that fed and could advance him, no justice which might check the insolence of power. and in less than a month after mr. horne was sent to jail, thurlow was made lord chancellor of england, and sat on the woolsack in the house of lords. his chief panegyrist can only say, "in worse times there have been worse chancellors." "but an age of comparative freedom and refinement has rarely exhibited one who so ill understood, or at least so ill discharged, the functions of a statesman and legislator." i will enrich this part of my argument with an example of the opinions of this judge, which would endear him to the present administration in america, and entitle him to a high place among southern politicians. in a bill was brought into parliament to mitigate the horrors of the african slave-trade. the lord chancellor, thurlow, opposed it and said:-- "it appears that the french have offered premiums to encourage the african [slave] trade, and that they have succeeded. the natural presumption therefore is, that _we ought to do the same_. for my part, my lords, i have no scruple to say that if the 'five days' fit of philanthropy' [the attempt to abolish the slave-trade] which has just sprung up, and which has slept for twenty years together, were allowed to sleep one summer longer, it would appear to me rather more wise than thus to take up a subject piecemeal, which it has been publicly declared ought not to be agitated at all till next session of parliament. perhaps, by such imprudence, the slaves themselves may be prompted by their own authority, to proceed at once to a 'total and immediate abolition of the trade.' one witness has come to your lordship's bar with a face of woe--his eyes full of tears, and his countenance fraught with horror, and said, '_my lords, i am ruined if you pass this bill! i have risked £ , on the trade this year! it is all i have been able to gain by my industry, and if i lose it i must go to the hospital!_' i desire of you to think of such things, my lords, in your _humane phrensy, and to show some humanity to the whites as well as to the negroes_."[ ] [footnote : campbell, ; parl. hist. .] one measure of tyranny in the hands of such judges is constructive crime, a crime which the revengeful, or the purchased judge distils out of an honest or a doubtful deed, in the alembic he has made out of the law broken up and recast by him for that purpose, twisted, drawn out, and coiled up in serpentine and labyrinthine folds. for as the sweet juices of the grape, the peach, the apple, pear, or plumb may be fermented, and then distilled into the most deadly intoxicating draught to madden man and infuriate woman, so by the sophistry of a state's attorney and a court judge, well trained for this work, out of innocent actions, and honest, manly speech, the most ghastly crimes can be extorted, and then the "leprous distilment" be poured upon the innocent victim, "and a most instant tetter barks about, most lazar-like, with vile and loathsome crust, all his smooth body!" here is an example. in some london apprentices committed a riot by pulling down some houses of ill-fame in moorfields, which had become a nuisance to the neighborhood; they shouted "down with bawdy houses." judge kelyng had them indicted for high treason. he said it was "an accroachment of royal authority." it was "levying war." he thus laid down the law. "the prisoners are indicted for levying war against the king. by levying war is not only meant when a body is gathered together as an army, but if a _company of people will go about any public reformation, this is high treason_. these people do pretend their design was against brothels; now let men to go about to pull down brothels, with a captain [an apprentice "walked about with a green apron on a pole"] and an ensign and weapons,--if this thing be endured, _who is safe_? it is high treason because it doth betray the peace of the nation, and _every subject is as much wronged as the king_; for if every man may reform what he will, no man is safe; therefore the thing is of desperate consequence, and we must make this for a public example. there is reason why we should be very cautious; we are but recently delivered from rebellion [charles i. had been executed nineteen years before, and his son had been in peaceable possession of the throne for eight years], and we know that that rebellion first began under the pretence of religion and the law; for the devil hath always this vizard upon it. we have great reason to be very wary that we fall not again into the same error. apprentices for the future shall not go on in this manner. it proved that beasly went as their captain with his sword, and flourished it over his head [this was the "weapons,"] and that messenger walked about moorfields with a green apron on the top of a pole [this was the "ensign"]. what was done by one, was done by all; in high treason all concerned are principals."[ ] [footnote : campbell's justices, - ; kelyng's reports, .] thereupon thirteen apprentices who had been concerned in a riot were found guilty of high treason, sentenced, and four hanged. all of the eleven judges--twysden was one of them--concurred in the sentence, except sir matthew hale. he declared there was no treason committed; there was "but an unruly company of apprentices."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. , note .] this same judge kelyng, singularly thick-headed and ridiculous, loved to construct crimes where the law made none. thus he declares, "in cases of high treason, if any one do any thing by which he showeth his _liking_ and _approbation_ to the traitorous design, this is in him high treason. for all are principals in high treason, who contribute towards it by action or approbation."[ ] he held it was an overt act of treason to print a "treasonable proposition," such as this, "the execution of judgment and justice is as well the people's as the magistrates' duty, and if the magistrates pervert judgment, the people are bound by the law of god to execute judgment without them and upon them."[ ] so the printer of the book, containing the "treasonable proposition," was executed. a man, by name axtell, who commanded the guards which attended at the trial and execution of charles i., was brought to trial for treason. he contended that he acted as a soldier by the command of his superior officer, whom he must obey, or die. but it was resolved that "that was no excuse, for his superior was a traitor and all that joined with him in that act were traitors, and did by that approve the treason, and when the command is traitorous, then the obedience to that command is also traitorous." so axtell must die. the same rule of course smote at the head of any private soldier who served in the ranks![ ] [footnote : kelyng's reports, .] [footnote : ibid. .] [footnote : kelyng's reports, .] these wicked constructions of treason by the court, out of small offences or honest actions, continued until mr. erskine attacked them with his justice, and with his eloquence exposed them to the indignation of mankind, and so shamed the courts into humanity and common sense.[ ] yet still the same weapon lies hid under the judicial bench as well of england as of america, whence any malignant or purchased judge, when it suits his personal whim or public ambition, may draw it forth, and smite at the fortune, the reputation, or the life of any innocent man he has a private grudge against, but dares not meet in open day. of this, gentlemen of the jury, in due time. [footnote : see his defence of hardy, st. tr. .] * * * * * the mass of men, busy with their honest work, are not aware what power is left in the hands of judges--wholly irresponsible to the people; few men know how they often violate the laws they are nominally set to administer. let me take but a single form of this judicial iniquity--the use of torture, borrowing my examples from the history of our mother country. in england the use of torture has never been conformable either to common or to statute law; but how often has it been practised by a corrupt administration and wicked judges! in lord seymour of sudley, admiral of england, was put to the torture;[ ] in guy fawkes was "horribly racked."[ ] peacham was repeatedly put to torture as you have just now heard, and that in the presence of lord bacon himself in .[ ] peacock was racked in , bacon and coke both signing the warrant for this illegal wickedness,--"he deserveth it as well as peacham did," said the lord chancellor, making his own "ungodly custom" stand for law.[ ] in the lord deputy of ireland wanted to torture two priests, and charles i. gave him license, the privy council consenting--"all of one mind that he might rack the priests if he saw fit, and hang them if he found reason!"[ ] in the judges of england solemnly decided that torture was unlawful; but it had always been so,--and yelverton, one of the judges, was a member of the commission which stretched peacham on the rack.[ ] yet, spite of this decision, torture still held its old place, and a warrant from the year still exists for inflicting this illegal atrocity on a victim of the court.[ ] yet even so late as , when thomas pictou, governor of trinidad, put a woman to tortures of the most cruel character, by the connivance of the court he entirely escaped from all judicial punishment.[ ] yes, torture was long continued in england itself, though not always by means of thumbscrews and scottish boots and spanish racks; the monstrous chains, the damp cells, the perpetual irritation which corrupt servants of a despotic court tormented their victims withal, was the old demon under another name.[ ] nay, within a few months the newspapers furnish us with examples of americans being put to the torture of the lash to force a confession of their alleged crime--and this has been done by the power which this court has long been so zealous to support--the slave power of america. [footnote : see st. tr. , note.] [footnote : jardine, crim. tr. .] [footnote : st. tr. .] [footnote : jardine, .] [footnote : ibid.] [footnote : st. tr. . see st. tr. .] [footnote : jardine, . see emlyn, preface to st. tr. in hargrave, p. iii.] [footnote : st. tr. .] [footnote : see case of huggins in st. tr. , .] it has been well said:-- "it must be owned that the guards and fences of the law have not always proved an effectual security for the subject. the reader will ... find many instances wherein they who hold the sword of justice did not employ it as they ought to in punishment of evil-doers, but to the oppression and destruction of men more righteous than themselves. indeed it is scarce possible to frame a body of laws which a tyrannical prince, influenced by wicked counsellors and corrupt judges, may not be able to break through.... the law itself is a dead letter. judges are the interpreters of it, and if they prove men of no conscience nor integrity, they will give what sense they will to it, however different from the true one; and when they are supported by superior authority, will for a while prevail, till by repeated iniquities they grow intolerable and throw the state into convulsions which may at last end in their own ruin. this shows how valuable a blessing is an upright and learned judge, and of what great concern it is to the public that none be preferred to that office but such whose ability and integrity may be safely depended on."[ ] [footnote : hargrave's st. tr. .] thus, gentlemen of the jury, is it that judges who know no law but the will of "the hand that feeds them," appointed for services rendered to the enemies of mankind and looking for yet higher rewards, have sought to establish the despotism of their masters on the ruin of the people. but the destruction of obnoxious individuals is not the whole of their enormity; so i come to the next part of the subject. (iii.) the next step is for such judges to interpret, wrest, and pervert the laws so as to prepare for prospective acts of tyranny. here, gentlemen of the jury, i shall have only too many examples to warn you with. early in his reign james i. sought to lay burthensome taxes on the people without any act of parliament; this practice was continued by his successors. . in came "the great case of impositions," not mentioned in the ordinary histories of england. the king assumed the right to tax the nation by his own prerogative. he ordered a duty of five shillings on every hundred pounds of currants imported into the kingdom to be levied in addition to the regular duty affixed by act of parliament. this was contrary to law, nay, to the constitution of england, her magna charta itself provided against unparliamentary taxation. sir john bates, a london merchant, refused to pay the unlawful duty, and was prosecuted by information in the star-chamber. "the courts of justice," says mr. hallam, "did not consist of men conscientiously impartial between the king and the subject; some corrupt with hopes of promotion, many more fearful of removal, or awe-struck by the fear of power." on the "trial" it was abundantly shown that the king had no right to levy such a duty. "the accomplished but too pliant judges, and those indefatigable hunters of precedents for violations of constitutional government, the great law-officers of the crown," decided against the laws, and chief justice fleming maintained that the king might lay what tax he pleased on imported goods! the corrupt decision settled the law for years--and gave the king absolute power over this branch of the revenue, involving a complete destruction of the liberty of the people,--for the principle would carry a thousand measures on its back.[ ] the king declared fleming a judge to his "heart's content." bacon's subserviency did not pass unrewarded. soon after james issued a decree under the great seal, imposing heavy duties on almost all merchandise "to be for ever hereafter paid to the king and his successors, on pain of his displeasure."[ ] thus the measure became a principle. [footnote : st. tr. , and hargrave, ; campbell's justices, .] [footnote : hallam, . see parl. hist. , , ; baker's chronicle, .] . james, wanting funds, demanded of his subjects forced contributions of money,--strangely called "benevolences," though there was no "good-will" on either side. it was clearly against the fundamental laws of the kingdom. sir oliver st. john refused to pay what was demanded of him, and wrote a letter to the mayor of marlborough against the illegal exaction. for this he was prosecuted in the star-chamber in by attorney-general bacon. the court, with lord chancellor ellesmere at its head, of course decided that the king had a right to levy benevolences at pleasure. st. john was fined five thousand pounds, and punished by imprisonment during the king's pleasure. this decision gave the king absolute power over all property in the realm,--every private purse was in his hands![ ] with such a court the king might well say, "wheare any controversyes arise, my lordes the judges chosene betwixte me and my people shall discide and rulle me."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; hallam, ; campbell, .] [footnote : parl. hist. .] . charles i. proceeded in the steps of his father: he levied forced loans. thomas darnel and others refused to pay, and were put in prison on a general warrant from the king which did not specify the cause of commitment. they brought their writs of _habeas corpus_, contending that their confinement was illegal. the matter came to trial in . sir randolf crewe, a man too just to be trusted to do the iniquity desired, was thrust out of office, and sir nicolas hyde appointed chief justice in his place. the actual question was, has the king a right to imprison any subject forever without process of law? it was abundantly shown that he had no such right. but the new chief justice, put in power to oppress the people, remembering the hand that fed him, thus decreed,--"mr. attorney hath told you that the _king hath done it, and we trust him in great matters_, and he is bound by law, and he bids us proceed by law; ... and we make no doubt but _the king_, if you look to him, he knowing the cause why you are imprisoned, _he will have mercy_; but that we believe that ... he cannot deliver you, but _you must be remanded_." thus the judges gave the king absolute power over the liberties of any subject.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. . see also parl. hist. ; rushworth and mrs. macaulay, .] but the matter was brought up in parliament and discussed by men of a different temper, who frightened the judge by threats of impeachment, and forced the king to agree to the petition of right designed to put an end to all such illegal cruelty. before charles i. would sign that famous bill, he asked judge hyde if it would restrain the king "from committing or restraining a subject _without showing cause_." the crafty judge answered, "_every law_, after it is made, _hath its exposition, which is to be left to the courts of justice to determine_; and although the petition be granted _there is no fear of [such a] conclusion as is intimated in the question_!" that is, the court will interpret the plain law so as to oppress the subject and please the king! as the judges had promised to annul the law, the king signed it.[ ] charles dissolved parliament and threw into jail its most noble and powerful members--one of whom, eliot, never left the prison till death set him free.[ ] the same chief justice gave an extrajudicial opinion justifying the illegal seizure of the members,--"that a parliament man committing an offence against the king in parliament not in a parliamentary course, may be punished after the parliament is ended;" "that by false slanders to bring the lords of the council and the judges, not in a parliamentary way, into the hatred of the people and the government into contempt, was punishable out of parliament, in the star-chamber, as an offence committed in parliament beyond the office, and beside the duty of a parliament man."[ ] thus the judges struck down freedom of speech in parliament. [footnote : campbell, justices, ; parl. hist. , , , , _et al._; st. tr. .] [footnote : see above, p. .] [footnote : campbell's justices, .] . in charles i. issued a writ levying ship-money, so called, on some seaport towns, without act of parliament. london and some towns remonstrated, but were forced to submit, all the courts being against them. chief justice finch, "a servile tool of the despotic court," generalized this unlawful tax, extending it to inland towns as well as seaboard, to all the kingdom. all landholders were to be assessed in proportion to their property, and the tax, if not voluntarily paid, collected by force. the tax was unpopular, and clearly against the fundamental law of the kingdom. but if the government could not get the law on its side it could control its interpreters, for "every law hath its exposition." so the judges of assize were ordered in their circuits to tell the people to _comply with the order and pay the money_! the king got all extrajudicial opinion of the twelve judges delivered irregularly, out of court, in which they unanimously declared that in time of danger the _king might levy such tax as he saw fit, and compel men to pay it_. he was the sole judge of the danger, and of the amount of the tax.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. . see the opinion of the judges with their twelve names, , and note [dagger symbol].] john hampden was taxed twenty shillings--he refused to pay, though he knew well the fate of richard chambers a few years before. the case came to trial in , in the court of exchequer before lord chancellor coventry, a base creature, mentioned before. it was "the great case of ship-money." the ablest lawyers in england showed that the tax was contrary to magna charta, to the fundamental laws of the realm, to the petition of right and to the practice of the kingdom. hampden was defeated. ten out of the twelve judges sided with the king. croke as the eleventh had made up his mind to do the same, but his noble wife implored him not to sacrifice his conscience for fear of danger, and the woman, as it so often happens, saved the man.[ ] attorney-general banks thus set forth the opinion of the government, and the consequent "decision" of the judges. he rested the right of levying ship-money on the "intrinsic, absolute authority of the king." there was no higher law in old england in ! banks said, "this power [of arbitrary and irresponsible taxation] is innate in the person of an absolute king, and in the persons of the kings of england. all-magistracy it is of nature; and obedience and subjection [to] it is of nature. this power is not anyways derived from the people, but reserved unto the king when positive laws first began. for the king of england, he is an absolute monarch; nothing can be given to an absolute prince but what is inherent in his person. he can do no wrong. he is the sole judge and we ought not to question him, whom the law trusts we ought not to distrust." "the acts of parliament contain no express words to take away so high a prerogative; and the king's prerogative, even in lesser matters, is always saved, where express words do not restrain it."[ ] [footnote : whitelocke, memor. .] [footnote : hallam, .] it required six months of judicial labor to bring forth this result, which was of "infinite disservice to the crown." thereupon mr. hallam says:-- "those who had trusted to the faith of the judges were undeceived by the honest repentance of some, and looked with indignation on so prostituted a crew. that respect for courts of justice which the happy structure of our judicial administration has in general kept inviolate, was exchanged for distrust, contempt, and a desire of vengeance. they heard the speeches of some of the judges with more displeasure than even their final decision. ship-money was held lawful by finch and several other judges, not on the authority of precedents which must in their nature have some bounds, but on principles subversive of every property or privilege in the subject. those paramount rights of monarchy, to which they appealed to-day in justification of ship-money, might to-morrow serve to supersede other laws, and maintain more exertions of despotic power. it was manifest by the whole strain of the court lawyers that no limitations on the king's authority could exist but by the king's sufferance. this alarming tenet, long bruited among the churchmen and courtiers, now resounded in the halls of justice."[ ] [footnote : hallam, .] thus by the purchased vote of a corrupt judiciary all the laws of parliament, all the customs of the anglo-saxon tribe, magna charta itself with its noble attendant charters, were at once swept away, and all the property of the kingdom put into the hands of the enemy of the people. these four decisions would make the king of england as absolute as the sultan of turkey, or the russian czar. if the opinion of the judges in the case of impositions and ship-money were accepted in law,--then all the property of the people was the king's; if the courts were correct in their judgments giving the king the power by his mere will to imprison any subject, during pleasure, and also to do the same even with members of parliament and punish them for debates in the house of commons, then all liberty was at an end, and the king's prerogative extended over all acts of parliament, all property, all persons. . one step more must be taken to make the logic of despotism perfect, and complete the chain. that work was delegated to clergymen purchased for the purpose--rev. dr. robert sibthorpe and rev. dr. roger mainwaring. the first in a sermon "of rendering all their dues," preached and printed in , says, "the prince who is the head, and makes his court and council, it is his duty to direct and make laws. 'he doth whatsoever pleaseth him;' 'where the word of the king is there is power, and who may say unto him, what doest thou?'" and again, "if princes command any thing which subjects may not perform, because it is against the laws of god, or of nature, or impossible; yet subjects are bound to undergo the punishment, without either resisting, or railing, or reviling, and are to yield a passive obedience where they cannot exhibit an active one, ... but in all others he is bound to active obedience."[ ] [footnote : cited in franklyn, ; rushworth, , , .] mainwaring went further, and in two famous sermons--preached, one on the th of july, , the other on the th of the same month--declared that "the king is not bound to observe the laws of the realm concerning the subject's rights and liberties, but that his _royal will and command_, in imposing loans, and taxes, without consent of parliament, _doth oblige the subject's conscience upon pain of eternal damnation_. that those who refused to pay this loan offended against the law of god and the king's supreme authority, and became guilty of impiety, disloyalty, and rebellion. and that the authority of parliament is not necessary for the raising of aid and subsidies; and that the slow proceedings of such great assemblies were not fitted for the supply of the state's urgent necessities, but would rather produce sundry impediments to the just designs of princes." "_that kings partake of omnipotence with god._"[ ] [footnote : franklyn, , . these two sermons were published in a volume with the title "religion and allegiance."... "published by his majesty's special command." (london, .) prof. stuart seems inspired by this title in giving a name to his remarkable publication--written with the same spirit as dr. mainwaring's--"conscience and the constitution." (andover, .) see st. tr. ; rushworth, , , , _et al._; hallam, ; parl. hist. , .] the nation was enraged. mainwaring was brought before parliament, punished with fine and imprisonment and temporary suspension from office and perpetual disability for ecclesiastical preferment. but the king who ordered the publication of the sermons, and who doubtless had induced him to preach them, immediately made him rector of stamford parish, soon appointed him dean of worcester, and finally in made him bishop of st. david's. a few years ago such clerical apostasy would seem astonishing to an american. but now, gentlemen of the jury, so rapid has been the downfall of public virtue, that men filling the pulpits once graced and dignified by noblest puritanic piety, now publicly declare there is no law of god above the fugitive slave bill. nay, a distinguished american minister boldly proclaimed his readiness to send his own mother (or "brother") into eternal bondage! thus modern history explains the old; and the cheap bait of a republican bribe can seduce american dissenters, as the wealthy lure of royal gifts once drew british churchmen into the same pit of infamy. alas, hypocrisy is of no sect or nation. gentlemen, the government of england once decreed "that every clergyman, four times in the year, should instruct his parishioners in the divine right of kings, and the damnable sin of resistance."[ ] no higher law! america has ministers who need no act of parliament to teach them to do the same; they run before they are sent. [footnote : campbell, ; rushworth, .] . after the head of one stuart was shorn off and his son had returned, no wiser nor better than his father, the old progress of despotism began anew. i pass over what would but repeat the former history, and take two new examples to warn the nation with, differing from the old only in form. in , charles ii. published a proclamation denouncing rigorous penalties against all such as _should speak disrespectfully of his acts_, or _hearing others thus speak should not immediately inform the magistrates_! nay, in , after he had sold himself to the french king, and was in receipt of an annual pension therefrom, he had this test-oath published for all to sign: "i do solemnly declare that _it is not lawful upon any pretence whatever to take up arms against the king_, ... and that _i will not_, at any time to come, _endeavor the alteration of the government_, either in church or state."[ ] [footnote : carroll's counter revolution (lond. ), , _et seq._] an oath yet more stringent was enforced in scotland with the edge of the sword, namely, to defend all the prerogatives of the crown, "_never without the king's permission to take part in any deliberations upon ecclesiastical or civil affairs; and never to seek any reform in church or state_." notwithstanding all that the charleses had done to break down the liberty of englishmen, still the great corporate towns held out, intrenched behind their charters, and from that bulwark both annoyed the despot and defended the civil rights of the citizen. they also must be destroyed. so summons of _quo warranto_ were served upon them, which frightened the smaller corporations and brought down their charters. jeffreys was serviceable in this wicked work, and on his return from his northern circuit, rich with these infamous spoils, as a reward for destroying the liberties of his countrymen, the king publicly presented him with a ring, in token of "acceptance of his most eminent services." this fact was duly blazoned in the gazette, and jeffreys was "esteemed a mighty favorite," which, "together with his lofty airs, made all the charters, like the walls of jericho, fall down before him, and he returned, laden with surrenders, the spoil of towns."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. , and the quotations from north (examen.) sprat, and roger coke, in note on p. , _et seq._ see, too, fox, james ii. p. , , and appendix, barillon's letter of dec. th, .] london still remained the strong-hold of commerce, of the protestant religion, and of liberal ideas in domestic government; for though subsequently corrupted by lust of gain, which sought a monopoly, the great commercial estates and families of england were not then on the side of despotism, as now strangely happens in america. when the king sought to ruin shaftesbury,--a corrupt man doubtless, but then on the side of liberty, the enemy of encroaching despotism,--a london grand-jury refused to find a bill, and was warmly applauded by the city. their verdict of ignoramus was a "personal liberty bill" for that time, and therefore was the king's wrath exceeding hot, for "ignoramus was mounted in cathedra," and there was a stop put to such wickedness. so london must be brought down. she refused to surrender her charter. in the king proceeded to wrest it from her by the purchased hand of the courts of law. but even they were not quite adequate to the work. so chief justice pemberton was displaced, and saunders,--a man as offensive in his personal habit of body as he was corrupt in conduct and character--was put in his office. dolbin, too just for the crime demanded of him, was turned out, and withins made to succeed him. for "so great a weight was there at stake as could not be trusted to men of doubtful principles," says north. saunders, who had plotted this whole matter, was struck with an apoplexy when sentence was to be given, but sent his opinion in writing. thus on the judgment given by only two judges, who assigned no reasons for their decision, it was declared that the charter of london was forfeit, and the liberties and franchises of the city should "be seized into the king's hands."[ ] [footnote : hallam, ; burnet, own times (london, ), ; st. tr. , note, , _et seq._; campbell, justices, ; north's examen. ; fox, .] thus fell the charter of london! gentlemen of the jury, the same sword was soon to strike at the neck of new england; the charter of massachusetts could not be safe in such a time. in james ii. wished to destroy protestantism,--not that he loved the roman form of religion, but that tyranny which it would help him get and keep. so he claimed the right by his royal prerogative to dispense with any laws of the land. of the twelve judges of england eight were found on his side, and the four unexpectedly proven faithful were at once dismissed from office and their places filled with courtiers of the king, and the court was unanimous that the king had a constitutional right to destroy the constitution. then he had not only command of the purses of his subjects and their bodies, but also of their mind and conscience, and could dictate the actual religion of the people as well as the official "religion" of the priests.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; ibid. .] one state-secret lay at the bottom of the stuarts' plans,--to appoint base men for judges, and if by accident a just man came upon the bench, to keep him in obscurity or to hustle him from his post. what names they offer us--kelyng, finch, saunders, wright, jeffreys, scroggs![ ] infamous creatures, but admirable instruments to destroy generous men withal and devise means for the annihilation of the liberties of the people. historians commonly dwell on the fields of battle, recording the victories of humanity, whereof the pike and gun were instruments; but pass idly over the more important warfare which goes on in the court house, only a few looking on, where lawyers are the champions of mankind, and the battle turns on a sentence; nay, on a word which determines the welfare of a nation for ages to come. on such little hinges of law do the great gates hang, and open or shut to let in the happiness or the ruin of millions of men! naseby and worcester are important places truly, venerable for great deeds. cromwell and blake are names not likely to perish while men can appreciate the heroism which sheds blood. but westminster hall has rung with more important thunder than cannon ever spoke, and pym and selden, st. john and hampden--nay, penn, bunyan, fox, lilburne--have done great service for mankind. gentlemen of the jury, it is a matter of great magnitude which hinges on the small question of fact and law to-day. you are to open or shut for humanity. if the people make themselves sheep there will be wolves enough to eat you up. [footnote : this last name is thought to be extinct in great britain, but i find one thomas scruggs _in massachusetts_ in _et post_, mass. records ( - ), index.] it is difficult to calculate the amount of evil wrought by such corrupt judges as i have spoken of; they poison the fountains of society. i need not speak of monsters like scroggs and jeffreys, whose names rot in perpetual infamy, but creatures less ignoble, like wright, saunders, finch, kelyng, thurlow, loughborough, and their coadjutors, must be regarded as far more dangerous than thieves, murderers, or pirates. a cruel, insolent judge selecting the worst customs, the most oppressive statutes, and decisions which outrage human nature--what an amount of evil he can inflict on groaning humanity! * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, in this long sad history of judicial tyranny in england there is one thing particularly plain: such judges hate freedom of speech, they would restrict the press, the tongue, yes, the thought of mankind. especially do they hate any man who examines the actions of the government and its servile courts, and their violation of justice and the laws. they wish to take exemplary and malignant vengeance on all such. let me freshen your knowledge of some examples. . in the government made a decree "that whatsoever they were that should rede the scriptures in the mother tongue, they should forfeit land, catel, body, lif, and godes from their heyres forever, and so be condempned for heretykes to god, enemies to the crowne, and most errant traiters to the land." the next year, in _one day thirty-nine persons were first hanged and then burned for this "crime."_[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] . in , mr. udall, a puritan minister, published a book, "demonstrations of discipline," not agreeable to the authorities. he was brought to a trial for a felony,--not merely a "misdemeanor." the jury were ordered by the judge to find him guilty of that crime if they were satisfied that he published the book,--for the court were to judge whether the deed amounted to that crime! he was found "guilty," and died in jail after nearly three years of cruel confinement.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; neal's puritans (n.y. ), . see parl. hist. , where mr. dunning says this is the first example of such a charge to a jury.] . in one williams of essex wrote a book explaining a passage in the book of daniel as foretelling the death of james i. in . he inclosed the manuscript in a box, sealed it, and secretly conveyed it to the king. for this he was tried for high treason, and of course executed. "_punitur affectus, licet non sequatur effectus_," said the court, for "_scribere est agere_," "punish the wish though the object be not reached," for "writing is doing!"[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] . in mr. keach, a baptist, published a "childs' instructer, or a new and easy primmer," in which he taught the doctrines of his sect, "that children ought not to be baptized" but only adults; "that laymen may preach the gospel." he was brought before lord chief justice hyde, who after insulting the prisoner, thus charged the grand-jury:--"he is a base and dangerous fellow; and if this be suffered, children by learning of it will become such as he is, and therefore i hope you will do your duty." of course such a jury indicted him. the "trial" took place before judge scroggs; the jury were at first divided in opinion. "but," said the judge, "you must agree!" so they found him guilty. he was fined "£ , twice set in the pillory, and bound to make public submission."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] . in george wakeman and others were tried for high treason before scroggs, whose conduct was atrocious, and several pamphlets were published commenting on the ridiculous and absurd conduct of this functionary, "lord chief justice scroggs." one richard radley in a bantering talk had bid another man "go to weal hall, to my lord scroggs, _for he has received money enough of dr. wakeman_!" radley was indicted for "speaking scandalous words of chief justice scroggs." whereupon at the opening of the court that eminent officer, who did not disdain to wreak public and judicial vengeance on heads that wrought his private and personal grief, made a speech setting forth his magisterial opinions on the liberty of the press. doubtless this court knows original authority for the opinions they follow; but for your instruction, gentlemen of the jury, i will give you the chief things in the judicial speech of scroggs, lord chief justice of the supreme court of england in .[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; see dunning in parl. hist. , _et seq._] "for these hireling scribblers who traduce it [the fairness and equality of the trial in which he had been notoriously unfair and unequal], who write to eat, and lie for bread, i intend to meet with them another way; for they are only safe while they can be secret; but so are vermin, so long as they can hide themselves.... they shall know that the law wants not the power to punish a libellous and licentious press, nor i a resolution to exact it. and this is all the answer is fit to be given (besides a whip) to these hackney writers." "however, in the mean time, the _extravagant boldness of men's pens and tongues is not to be endured, but shall be severely punished_; for if once causes come to be tried with complacency to particular opinions, and shall be innocently censured if they go otherwise, public causes shall all receive the doom as the multitude happen to be possessed; and at length any cause shall become public ... at every session the judges shall be arraigned, the jury condemned, and the verdicts overawed to comply with popular wish and indecent shouts." "there are a set of men ... that too much approve and countenance such vulgar ways, ... that embrace all sorts of informations, true or false, likely or impossible, nay though never so silly and ridiculous, they refuse none; so shall all addresses be made to them, and they be looked on as the only patrons of religion and government!" his associates chimed in with accordant howl. puny judge jones declared,-- "we have a particular case here before us, as a matter of scandal against a great judge, the _greatest judge in the kingdom_, in criminal causes [the lord chancellor nottingham was greater in _civil_ causes]; and it is a great and an high charge upon him. and certainly there was never any age, i think, more licentious than this in aspersing governors, scattering of libels and _scandalous speeches against those that are in authority_: and without all doubt _it doth become the court to show their zeal in suppressing it_." [it was 'resisting an officer.'] "that trial [of dr. wakeman] was managed with _exact justice and perfect integrity_. and therefore i do think it very fit that this person be proceeded against by an information, that he may be made _a public example_ to all such as shall presume to scandalize the government, and the governors, with any false aspersions and accusations." accordingly mr. radley, for that act, was convicted of speaking "scandalous words against the lord chief justice scroggs" and fined £ .[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] mr. hudson says of the star-chamber, "so tender the court is of upholding the honor of the sentence, as they will punish them who speak against it with great severity."[ ] [footnote : in collectanea juridica, .] . in benjamin harris, a bookseller, sold a work called "an appeal from the country to the city for the preservation of his majesty's person, liberty, property, and the protestant religion." he was brought to trial for a libel, before recorder jeffreys and chief justice scroggs who instructed the jury they were only to inquire _if harris sold the book_, and if so, find him "guilty." it was for the court to determine what was a libel. he was fined five hundred pounds and placed in the pillory; the chief justice wished that he might be also whipped.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] . the same year henry carr was brought to trial. he published a periodical--"the weekly packet of advice from rome, or the history of popery"--hostile to romanism. before the case came to court, scroggs prohibited the publication on his own authority. mr. carr was prosecuted for a libel before the same authority, and of course found guilty. the character of that court also was judgment against natural right. jane curtis and other women were in like manner punished for speaking or publishing words against the same "great judge."[ ] and it was held to be a "misdemeanor" to publish a book reflecting on the justice of the nation--the truer the book the worse the libel! it was "obstructing an officer," and of course it was a greater offence to "obstruct" him with justice and truth than with wrong and lies. the greater the justice of the act the more dangerous the "crime!" if the language did not hit any one person it was "malice against all mankind." [footnote : st. tr. , ; parl. hist. .] . in sir samuel barnardiston was brought to trial charged with a "high misdemeanor." he had written three private letters to be sent--it was alleged--by post to his friend, also a private man. the letters do not appear designed for any further publication or use; they related to matters of news, the events of the day and comments thereon, and spoke in praise of algernon sidney and lord russell who were so wickedly beheaded about the time the letters were written. it would require a microscopic eye to detect any evil lurking there. jeffreys presided at the trial, and told the jury:-- "the letters are _factious, seditious, and malicious letters, and as base as the worst of mankind could ever have invented_." "and if he be guilty of it--the greater the man is the greater the crime, and the more understanding he has, the more malicious he seems to be; for your little ordinary sort of people, that are of common mean understanding, they may be wheedled and drawn in, and surprised into such things; but men of a public figure and of some value in the world that have been taken to be men of the greatest interest and reputation in a party, it cannot be thought a hidden surprise upon them; no, it is a work of time and thought, it is a thing fixed in his very nature, and it _shows so much venom as would make one think the whole mass of his blood were corrupt_." "here is the matter he is now accused of, and here is in it malice against the king, malice against the government, malice against both church and state, malice against any man that bears any share in the government, indeed malice against all mankind that are not of the same persuasion with these bloody miscreants." "here is ... the sainting of two horrid conspirators! here is the lord russell sainted, that blessed martyr; lord russell, that good man, that excellent protestant, he is lamented! and here is mr. sidney sainted, what an extraordinary man he was! yes, surely he was a very good man--and it is a shame to think that such bloody miscreants should be sainted and lamented who had any hand in that horrid murder [the execution of charles i.] and treason ... who could confidently bless god for their being engaged in that good cause (as they call it) which was the rebellion which brought that blessed martyr to his death. it is high time for all mankind that have any christianity, or fear of heaven or hell, to bestir themselves, to rid the nation of such caterpillars, such monsters of villany as those are!" of course the packed jury found him guilty; he was fined £ , .[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] gentlemen of the jury, such judges, with such kings and cabinets, have repeatedly brought the dearest rights of mankind into imminent peril. sad indeed is the condition of a nation where thought is not free, where the lips are sewed together, and the press is chained! yet the evil which has ruined spain and made an asia minor of papal italy, once threatened england. nay, gentlemen of the jury, it required the greatest efforts of her noblest sons to vindicate for you and me the right to print, to speak, to think. milton's "speech for the liberty of unlicensed printing" is one monument of the warfare which lasted from wicliffe to thomas carlyle. but other monuments are the fines and imprisonment, the exile and the beheading of men and women! words are "sedition," "rebellion," "treason;" nay, even now at least in new england, a true word is a "misdemeanor," it is "obstructing an officer." at how great cost has our modern liberty of speech been purchased! answer john lilburne, answer william prynn, and selden, and eliot, and hampden, and the other noble men who ----"in the public breach devoted stood, and for their country's cause were prodigal of blood." answer fox and bunyan, and penn and all the host of baptists, puritans, quakers, martyrs, and confessors--it is by your stripes that we are healed! healed! are we healed? ask the court if it be not a "misdemeanor" to say so! a despotic government hates implacably the freedom of the press. in the lord chief justice of england declared the opinion of the twelve judges "indeed all subscribe that to _print or publish any news-books, or pamphlets of news whatsoever, is illegal; that it is a manifest intent to the breach of the peace_, and they may be proceeded against by law for an illegal thing." "and that is for a public notice to all people, and especially printers and booksellers, that _they ought to print no book or pamphlet of news whatsoever without authority;" "they shall be punished if they do it without authority_, though there is nothing reflecting on the government."[ ] judge scroggs was right--it was "resisting an officer," at least "obstructing" him in his wickedness. in england, says lord campbell, the name and family of scroggs are both extinct. so much the worse for you and me, gentlemen. the scroggses came over to america; they settled in massachusetts, they thrive famously in boston; only the name is changed. [footnote : st. tr. .] in sir philip yorke, attorney-general, solemnly declared that an editor is "_not to publish any thing reflecting on the character and reputation and administration of his majesty or his ministers_;" "if he breaks that law, or exceeds that liberty of the press he is to _be punished for it_." where did he get his law--in the third year of edward i., in a.d. ! but that statute of the dark ages was held good law in ; and it seems to be thought good law in ! and the attorney who affirmed the atrocious principle, soon became chief justice, a "consummate judge," a peer, lord hardwicke, and lord chancellor![ ] lord mansfield had not a much higher opinion of the liberty of the press; indeed, in all libel cases, he assumed it was exclusively the function of the judges to determine whether the words published contained malicious or seditious matter, the jury were only to find the fact of publication.[ ] thus the party in power with their loughboroughs, their thurlows, their jeffreys, their scroggs--shall i add also american names--are the exclusive judges as to what shall be published relating to the party in power--their loughboroughs, their thurlows, their jeffreys and their scroggs, or their analogous american names! it was the free press of england--elizabeth invoked it--which drove back the "invincible armada;" this which stayed the tide of papal despotism; this which dyked the tyranny of louis xiv. out from holland. aye, it was this which the stuarts, with their host of attendants, sought to break down and annihilate for ever;[ ] which thurlow and mansfield so formidably attacked, and which now in america--but the american aspect of the matter must not now be looked in the face. [footnote : st. tr. ; campbell, ; hildreth's despotism, .] [footnote : st. tr. . but see st. tr. , and parl. hist. .] [footnote : for the frequency of trials for words spoken in charles ii.'s reign of terror, see the extracts from narcissus luttrel's brief historical relation, st. tr. .] * * * * * but spite of all these impediments in the way of liberty, the voice of humanity could not be forever silenced. now and then a virtuous and high-minded judge appeared in office--like hale or holt, camden or erskine. even in the worst times there were noble men who lifted up their voices. let me select two examples from men not famous, but whose names, borne by other persons, are still familiar to this court. in sir robert phillips, member for somersetshire, in his place in parliament, thus spoke against the advance of despotism:[ ]-- [footnote : rushworth, .] "i read of a custom among the old romans, that once every year they had a solemn feast for their slaves; at which they had liberty, without exception, to speak what they would, thereby to ease their afflicted minds; which being finished, they severally returned to their former servitude. this may, with some resemblance and distinction, well set forth our present state; where now, after the revolution of some time, and grievous sufferance of many violent oppressions, we have, as those slaves had, a day of liberty of speech; but shall not, i trust, be hereafter slaves, for we are free: yet what new illegal proceedings our estates and persons have suffered under, my heart yearns to think, my tongue falters to utter. they have been well represented by divers worthy gentlemen before me; yet one grievance, and the main one, as i conceive, hath not been touched, which is our religion: religion, mr. speaker, made vendible by commission, and men, for pecuniary annual rates, dispensed withal; judgments of law against our liberty there have been three; each latter stepping forwarder than the former, upon the rights of the subject; aiming, in the end, to tread and trample underfoot our law, and that even in the form of law." "the first was the judgment of the postnati, (the scots,) ... the second was the judgment upon impositions, in the exchequer court by the barons; which hath been the source and fountain of many bitter waters of affliction unto our merchants." "the third was that fatal late judgment against the liberty of the subject imprisoned by the king, argued and pronounced but by one judge alone." "i can live, although another who has no right be put to live with me; nay, i can live although i pay excises and impositions more than i do; but to have my liberty, which is the soul of my life, taken from me by power; and to have my body pent up in a gaol, without remedy by law, and to be so adjudged: o improvident ancestors! o unwise forefathers! to be so curious in providing for the quiet possession of our lands, and the liberties of parliament; and to neglect our persons and bodies, and to let them lie in prison, and that _durante bene placito_, remediless! if this be law, why do we talk of liberties? why do we trouble ourselves with a dispute about law, franchises, property of goods, and the like? what may any man call his own, if not the liberty of his person? i am weary of treading these ways."[ ] [footnote : parl. hist. . see also , . he had been thrown into the tower by james in . cabbala ( d ed.), .] in sir philip parker, knight of the shire for suffolk, in his place in parliament, thus spoke:-- "the cries of the people have come up to me; the voice of the whole nation tingles in my ears." "'tis true, i confess, we have tormented ourselves with daily troubles and vexations, and have been very solicitous for the welfare of the commonwealth; but what have we performed, what have we perfected? mr. speaker, excuse my zeal in this case; for my mouth cannot imprison what my mind intends to let out; neither can my tongue conceal what my heart desires to promulge. behold the archbishop [laud], that great incendiary of this kingdom, lies now like a firebrand raked up in the embers; but if ever he chance to blaze again i am afraid that what heretofore he had but in a spark, he will burn down to the ground in a full flame. wherefore let us begin, for the kingdom is pregnant with expectation on this point. i confess there are many more delinquents, for the judges and other knights walk _in querpo_; but they are only thunderbolts forged in canterbury's fire."[ ] [footnote : parl. hist. .] six of the wicked judges were soon brought to trial.[ ] [footnote : rushworth, .] * * * * * this same threefold experiment of despotism which was attempted in england, was tried also in america by the same tyrannical hand. here, also, the encroaching power put creatures of its arbitrary will in judicial offices; they then by perverting the laws, punished the patriots, and next proceeded to destroy the best institutions of the land itself. here i shall take but a few examples, selected from the colonial history of our own new england. after capturing the great fortress of freedom at home, by taking away the charter of london, charles proceeded to destroy the freedom of the colonies; the charter of massachusetts was wrested from us on a _quo warranto_ in ,[ ] and the colony lay at the feet of the monarch. in privy council it had already been determined that our rights should be swept into the hands of some greedy official from the court.[ ] in james ii. sent sir edmund andros to new england as a "commissioner" to destroy the liberty of the people. he came to boston in the "kingfisher, a fifty gun ship," and brought two companies of british soldiers, the first ever stationed in this town to dragoon the people into submission to an unrighteous law. edward randolph, the most determined enemy of the colony, greedily caressing the despotic hands that fed him, was his chief coadjutor and assistant, his secretary, in that wicked work. andros was authorized to appoint his own council, and with their consent enact laws, levy taxes, to organize and command the militia. he was to enforce the hateful "acts of trade." he appointed a council to suit the purpose of his royal master, to whom no opposition was allowed. dudley, the new chief justice, told the people who appealed to magna charta, "they must not think the privileges of englishmen would follow them to the end of the world." episcopacy was introduced; no marriages were to "be allowed lawful but such as were made by the minister of the church of england." accordingly, all must come to boston to be married, for there was no episcopal minister out of its limits. it was proposed that the puritan churches should pay the episcopal salary, and the congregational worship be prohibited. he threatened to punish any man "who gave two pence" toward the support of a non-conformist minister. all fees to officers of the new government were made exorbitantly great. only one probate office was allowed in the province, that was in boston; and one of the creatures of despotic power was, prophetically, put in it. andros altered the old form of oaths, and made the process of the courts to suit himself. [footnote : see the steps of the process in hutchinson, (salem, ,) ; st. tr. , note.] [footnote : barillon to louis xiv. in fox's appendix, p. vii., _et seq._ in halifax, who had been friendly to the rights of the colonies, was dismissed from his office; sunderland, their enemy, had a pension from louis xiv. of £ , or £ , a year; p. cxxvii., cxxx. _et seq._, cxliii., cxlviii. not the last instance of a high functionary pensioned by a foreign hand!] he sought to wrest the charters from the colonies; that of rhode island fell into his hands; connecticut escaped by a "miracle:" "the charter-oak--it was the tree that saved our sacred liberty." the charter government of plymouth was suspended. massachusetts was put under arbitrary despotism. towns were forbidden to meet, except for the choice of officers; there must be no deliberation; "discussion must be suppressed." he was to levy all the taxes; he assessed a penny in the pound in all the towns. rev. john wise, one of the ministers of ipswich, advised the people to resist the tax. "democracy," said he, "is christ's government in church and state; we have a good god and a good king; we shall do well to stand to our privileges." one of the council said, "_you have no privileges left you, but not to be sold as slaves._" even that was not likely to last long. the town of ipswich refused to pay the tax, because invalid; the governor having no authority to tax the people: "they will petition the king for liberty of an assembly before they make any rates." the minister and five others were arrested; they had "obstructed an officer." the rev. mr. wise was guiltiest of all; he did it with a word, an idea. they were brought to boston, and thrown into jail, "for contempt and high misdemeanors." they claimed the _habeas corpus_; chief justice dudley refused it, on the ground that it did not extend to america! they were tried before a packed jury, and such a court as james ii. was delighted to honor. the patriots plead the laws of england and magna charta. it was all in vain. "i am glad," said the judge to his packed jury, "there be so many worthy gentlemen of the jury, so capable to do the king service; and we expect a good verdict from you, seeing the matter hath been so sufficiently proved against the _criminals_." the jury of course found them guilty. they were fined from £ to £ a piece. the whole cost to the six was over £ . "it is not for his majesty's interest that you should thrive," said one of those petty tyrants,--a tide-water of despotism.[ ] [footnote : hutch. ; hildreth, hist. ; bancroft, ; washburn, judicial hist. of mass. ; drake's boston, ch. l.] andros denied the colonial title to lands, claiming that as the charter was declared void, all the lands held under its authority escheated to the crown,--"the calf died in the cow's belly." a deed of purchase from the indians was "worth no more than the scratch of a bear's paw." "the men of massachusetts did much quote lord coke" for their titles: but rev. john higginson, minister of the first church in salem, the son of the first minister ever ordained in new england,--and ancestor of this noble-hearted man [rev. t.w. higginson] who is now also indicted for a "misdemeanor,"--found other laws for their claim, and insisted on the citizens' just and natural right to the lands they had reclaimed from the wilderness.[ ] andros said, "you are either subjects, or else you are rebels;" and in either case, their lands would be forfeit. [footnote : felt's salem, ; ib. ; felt's ipswich, , _et seq._; gage's rowley, , _et seq._; sullivan's land titles, .] andros hated freedom of speech and of thought. he was to allow no unlicensed printing. randolph was appointed censor of the press, and ordered the printer to publish nothing without his approbation, nor "any almanac whatever." there must be but one town meeting in a year, and no "deliberation" at that; no "agitation," no discussion of grievances. there must be no preaching on the acts of the government. rev. dr. increase mather, one of the ablest men in the colonies, was the special object of his hate. randolph advised the authorities to forbid any non-conformist minister to land in new england without the special consent of the governor, and that he should restrain such as he saw fit to silence. the advice was not lost on such willing ears. john gold, of topsfield, was tried for "treasonable words," and fined fifty pounds--a great deal more at topsfield in , than "three hundred dollars" is now in boston. rev. increase mather had opposed the surrender of the charter of massachusetts, and published his reasons; but with such prudence, for he was careful how he "evinced an express liking" for justice, that it was difficult to take hold of him. so the friends of government forged a letter with his name, to a person in amsterdam. randolph showed the letter to persons whom he wished to prejudice against the alleged writer. when mr. mather learned the facts, he wrote a letter to a friend, clearing himself, and charging the forgery on randolph or his brother. randolph brought his action for a libel, claiming £ damages. but it came to nothing--then. now times are changed! col. pynchon, of springfield, one of the officers in this new state of things, was empowered to bind over all persons suspected of riots, "outrageous or abusive _reflecting words and speeches against the government_." "the spirit of justice was banished from the courts that bore the name."[ ] [footnote : hutch. ; washburn, ibid.] but notwithstanding the attempt to stifle speech, a great tall minister at rowley, called andros "a wicked man!" for that offence he was seized and put in prison! he, also, like higginson, is represented in this court by one of his own name; and the same inextinguishable religious fire which burned in the bosom of robert in old england, and from samuel in new england flashed into the commissioned face of andros, now lightens at this bench from the eyes of wendell phillips, who confers new glory on his much-honored ancestor. * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, you know how this wickedness was brought to an end. if the courts would not decree justice, there was a rougher way of reaching it, and having it done. civil war, revolution by violence, came in place of the simple forms of equity, which the judges had set at nought. william of orange, a most valiant son-in-law, drove the foul tyrant of old england from that island, where the stuarts have ever since been only "pretenders;" and on the th of april, , the people of massachusetts had the tyrant of new england put solemnly in jail! we were rid of that functionary for ever, and all such "commissioners" have been held odious in new england ever since the days of andros. eighty-six years later came another th of april, also famous. well said secretary randolph, "andros has to do with a perverse people,"--they would not bow to such tyranny in . but he afterwards became a quite acceptable governor in virginia,--where, i doubt not, he has descendants in african bondage at this day. catholic james ii. sought to establish arbitrary power in america, as in england, by his prerogative--the omnipotence of the king; he failed; the high-handed despotism of the stuarts went to the ground. the next attempt at the same thing was by the legislature--the omnipotence of parliament--for a several-headed despotism took the place of the old, and ruled at home with milder sway. it tried its hand in america; there were no more requisitions from a king hostile to the colonies, but acts of parliament took their place. after the french power in north america had given way, the british government sought to tame down and break in the sturdy son, who had grown up in the woods so big and rough, as obstinate as his father. here are three measures of subjugation, all flowing from the same fountain of principle--vicarious government by a feudal superior. . all the chief colonial officers were to be appointed by the king, to hold office during his pleasure, to receive their pay from him. such was the tenure of the executive officers who had a veto on all colonial legislation, and of the judicial officers. thus the power of making and administering the laws fell from the people distributed everywhere, into the hands of the distant government centralized in the king. . a standing army of british soldiers must be kept in the colonies to overawe the people, and enforce the laws thus made and administered. . a revenue was to be raised from the colonies themselves--from which the king would pay his officers and provide for his army that enforced his laws. the eagle is to feather the arrow which shoots him in mid heaven. thus law was a threefold cord wherewith to bind the strong puritan. but his eyes were not put out--not then. blindness came at a later day--when he had laid his head in the lap of a not attractive delilah. with such judges and governors, backed by a standing army of hirelings--how soon would her liberty go down, and the anglo-american states resemble spanish america! in francis bernard was made governor of massachusetts, and thus officially put at the head of the judiciary, a man wholly devoted to the crown, expecting to be made a baronet! he did not wish an annual election of councillors, but wanted the sovereign power to enforce its decrees by violent measures. thus thomas hutchinson was made chief justice in , and afterwards lieutenant-governor,--continually hostile to the constitution of his native land. thus andrew oliver--"governor oliver," "hungry for office and power," was appointed secretary, commissioner of stamps and lieutenant-governor; and peter oliver--"judge oliver"--though not bred a lawyer, was made chief justice, the man who refused to receive his salary from the treasury of massachusetts, preferring the money of the crown which owned him. in the revolutionary times of the _five judges of massachusetts four were tories_! accordingly, when the stamp act was passed-- d march, --there were judicial officers in the colonies ready to declare it "constitutional;" executive magistrates ready to carry out any measures intrusted to them. "i will cram the stamps down their throat with the end of my sword," said an officer at new york. governor bernard wanted soldiers sent to boston to enforce submission; so did hutchinson and "governor oliver." the governor of new york thought, "if _judges be sent from england_, with an able attorney-general and solicitor-general to _make examples of some very few_, the colony will remain quiet."[ ] [footnote : bancroft, .] in john hancock was arrested at boston--for a "misdemeanor;" i suppose, "obstructing an officer," or some such offence.[ ] the government long sought to procure indictments against james otis--who was so busy in fencing out despotism--samuel adams, and several other leading friends of the colony. but i suppose the judge did not succeed in getting his brother-in-law put on the grand-jury, and so the scheme fell through. no indictment for that "misdemeanor" then. boston had the right men to do any thing for the crown, but they did not contrive to get upon the grand-jury. [footnote : bancroft, .] the king, it was george iii., in his parliament, spoke of the patriots of boston, as "those turbulent and seditious persons." in the house of commons, stanley called boston an "insolent town;" its inhabitants "must be treated as aliens;" its "charter and laws must be so changed as to give the king the appointment of the council, and to the _sheriffs the sole power of returning jurors_;" then the stamp act could be carried out, and a revenue raised without the consent of the people. the plan was admirably laid; an excellent counsel! suppose, as a pure conjecture, an hypothesis of illustration--that there were in boston a fugitive slave bill court, eager to kidnap men and so gain further advancement from the slave power, which alone distributes the federal offices; suppose the court should appoint its creatures, relatives, nay, its uterine brother--its brother in birth--as fugitive slave bill commissioners to hunt men; and then should get its matrimonial brother--its brother-in-law--on the grand-jury to indict all who resisted the fugitive slave bill! you see, gentlemen, what an admirable opportunity there would be to accomplish most manifold and atrocious wickedness. this supposed case exactly describes what was contemplated by the british authorities in the last century! only, gentlemen, it was so unlucky as not to succeed; nay, gentlemen, as to fail--then! such accidents will happen in the best of histories! it was moved in parliament to address the king "to bring to condign punishment" such men as otis and adams and hancock. chief justice hutchinson declared samuel adams "_the greatest incendiary in the king's dominions_." hutchinson was right for once. samuel adams lit a fire which will burn on boston common on the fourth day of next july, gentlemen, and on many other commons besides boston. aye, in the heart of many million men--and keep on burning long after hutchinson ceases to be remembered with hate, and adams with love. "the greatest incendiary!" so he was. hutchinson also thought there must be "an abridgment of what are called english liberties," doubtless the liberty of speaking in faneuil hall, and other meeting-houses was one "of what are called english liberties" that needed speedy abridgment. he wished the law of treason to be extended so that it might catch all the patriots of boston by the neck. he thought it treasonable to deny the authority of parliament.[ ] men suspected of "misdemeanors" were to be sent to england for trial! what a "trial" it would have been--hancock and adams in westminster hall with a jury packed by the government; thurlow acting as attorney-general, and another thurlow growling on the bench and expecting further office as pay for fresh injustice! truly there would have been an "abridgment of english liberties." gentlemen of the jury, mr. phillips and mr. higginson in this case are charged with "obstructing an officer." suppose they were sent to south carolina to be tried by a jury of slaveholders, or still worse, without change of place, to be tried by a court deadly hostile to freedom,--wresting law and perverting justice and "enlarging testimony," personally inimical to these gentlemen; suppose that the slave-hunter whose "process" was alleged to be resisted, was kinsman to the court, and the judge had a near relation put on the jury--what opportunity would there be for justice; what expectation of it? gentlemen of the jury, that is the state of things which the despots of england wanted to bring about by sending hancock and adams over seas for trial! bernard, oliver, and hutchinson were busy in getting evidence against the patriots of new england, especially against adams. affidavits were sent out to england to prove that he was a fit subject to be transported for "trial" there. and an old statute was found from the enlightened reign of henry viii. authorizing that mode of trial in case of such "misdemeanor." commissary chew wished that two thirds of the lawyers and printers were shipped off to africa "for at least seven years." edes and gill, patriotic printers in boston, and "all the authors of numberless treasonable and seditious writings," were to go with them.[ ] they were all guilty, very guilty! gentlemen of the jury, they committed "misdemeanors," they "obstructed officers," they resisted the process of despotism! but alas-- "the dog it was that died." [footnote : bancroft, , , ; sabine's loyalists, , _et al._] [footnote : bancroft, , , ; sabine's loyalists, , _et al._] edes and gill never saw africa; the patriotic lawyers and printers made no reluctant voyage to england. "the dog it was that died." bernard, hutchinson, oliver, and their coadjutors went over the seas for punishment after being tried at home by a law older than the statute of henry viii.; a law not yet repealed, gentlemen, the higher law which god wrote ineffaceably in the hearts of mankind; and indignant america pronounced sentence--tories, traitors! commissary chew learned a lesson at saratoga in . and the franklins, the mayhews, the hancocks, the adamses, they also were tried at home, and not found wanting; and the verdict! gentlemen of the jury, you know what verdict america has pronounced on these men and their kinsfolk! there is only one spot in the united states where the hutchinsons, the olivers, the bernards are honored,--that is where the adamses, the hancocks, the mayhews, and the franklins, with the principles of justice they gave their lives to, are held in contempt! where is the one spot, that speck of foreign dirt in the clean american garden? it is where the democratic herod and the whig pilate are made friends that they may crucify the son of man, the desire of all nations, the spirit of humanity--it is the court of the fugitive slave bill judges, the gabbatha of the kidnappers. look there! in it was too late to conquer america. what andros and randolph could accomplish in with their sixty soldiers, could not be done in with all the red coats britain could send out: nor in with all the hessians she could purchase. the th of april, , foretold another th of april--as that many to-morrows after to-day! in the house of lords camden and pitt thought parliament not omnipotent.[ ] samuel adams declared "acts of parliament against natural equity are void;" prayed that "boston might become a christian sparta," and looked to the law of an omnipotence somewhat higher than a king or a court. he not only had justice, but also the people on his side. what came of that last attempt of the last king of new england to establish a despotism here? the same, gentlemen, which will ultimately come of all such attempts. [footnote : parl. hist. , , .] * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, there is one great obstacle which despotism has found in anglo-saxon lands, steadily opposing its steady attempts to destroy the liberties of the people. it is easy for the controlling power, which represents the centripetal tendency of the nation, to place its corrupt and servile creatures in judicial offices, vested with power to fine, to imprison, and to kill; it is then easy for them to determine on the destruction of all such friends of justice and humanity as represent the centrifugal tendency of the nation; and with such judicial instruments it is not difficult to wrest and pervert law in order to crush the patriots, and construct a word into "treason," or "evincing express approbation" into a "misdemeanor," "resisting an officer." and if the final decision rested with such a court, it would be exceeding easy to make way with any man whom the judge's private malignity or the public vengeance of his master, wished to smite and kill. but in the anglo-saxon people there is one institution, old, venerable, and well-beloved, which has stood for two thousand years, the great fortress of freedom. thank god, gentlemen, it still stands. neither british kings nor american slave-drivers have yet brought it to the ground. of this i must now say a word. iii. of the great safeguard which has been found serviceable in protecting democratic institutions and the rights of man they are designed to defend.--of the trial by jury. this is an invaluable protection against two classes of foes to the welfare of mankind. . against such as would commit offences upon the property or persons of men, without law and contrary to the form of law,--against common criminals of all denominations. against such it is a sword--to resist and punish. . against such as would commit offences upon the property or persons of men, with the form of law and by means of its machinery,--against unjust legislators, corrupt judges, and wicked magistrates; against such it is a shield defending the public head. in all the states of anglo-saxon origin there are two great popular institutions--democratic legislation and democratic administration of law. in the process of its historical development the first has come to the representative form of democratic legislation,--popular law-making by a body of sworn delegates met in an assembly, local or federal, subject to a constitution, written or only traditional, which is the people's power of attorney, authorizing them to do certain matters and things pertinent to law-making. these are a jury of general law-makers. in its process of historical development, the second has also come to a representative form, that of democratic application of law, popular law-applying, by a body of sworn delegates, that is a court, subject to a constitution and laws, written or only traditional, which are the people's power of attorney authorizing them to do certain matters and things pertinent to law-applying. these are a jury of special law-appliers. neither of them as yet has reached its perfect and ultimate form; both are still in a state of transition. these two are the most valuable institutional safeguards against unorganized selfishness in the community,--against thieves, robbers, murderers, traitors, and the like; against the organized selfishness which gets into places of delegated power, and would misuse the form of law so as to prevent the people from attaining the purpose of law. there is also a body of men intermediate between the two,--the law-explainers, the judges. speaking theoretically they are not ultimately either law-makers or law-appliers, yet practically, in their legitimate function, they certainly have much to do with both the making and applying of laws. for it is their business, not only to preside at all trials, and determine many subordinate questions of mere form to expedite the process, but also from the whole mass of laws, oral or written, statutes and customs, to select such particular laws as they think require special attention,--this is like the work of law-makers; and also, in their charges to the grand and petty juries, to suggest the execution thereof in such cases as the times may bring,--this like the work of the law-appliers. the good judge continually modifies the laws of his country to the advantage of mankind. he leaves bad statutes, which aim at or would promote injustice, to sleep till themselves become obsolete, or parries their insidious thrusts at humanity; he selects good statutes which enact natural justice into positive law; and mixes his own fresh instincts of humanity with the traditional institutions of the age. all this his official function requires of him--for his oath to keep and administer the laws binds him to look to the purpose of law--which is the eternal justice of god,--as well as to each special statute. besides, after the jury declares a man guilty, the judge has the power to fix the quantity and sometimes the quality of his punishment. and the discretion of a great noble man will advance humanity. in this way a good judge may do a great service to mankind, and correct the mistakes, or repel the injustice of the ultimate makers and appliers of law, and supply their defects. thus in england those eminent judges, hale, somers, hobart, holt, camden, mansfield, and brougham, have done large service to mankind. each had his personal and official faults, some of them great and glaring faults of both kinds, but each in his way helped enact natural justice into positive law, and so to promote the only legitimate purpose of human legislation, securing natural rights to all men. to such judges mankind owes a quite considerable debt. but in america the judge has an additional function; he is to determine the constitutionality of a law. for while the british king and parliament claim to be legislatively omnipotent, supreme, the ultimate human source of law, the living constitution of the realm, and therefore themselves the only norm of law,--howsoever ill-founded the claim may be,--in america it is the people, not their elected servants, who are the ultimate human source of law, the supreme legislative power. accordingly the people have prepared a written constitution, a power of attorney authorizing their servants to do certain matters and things relating to the government of the nation. this constitution is the human norm of law for all the servants of the people. so in administering law the judge is to ask, is the statute constitutional? does it square with the norm of law which the people have laid down; or have the legislative servants exceeded their power of attorney, and done matters and things which they were not empowered to do? in deciding this question, the judge is to consider not merely the provisional means which the constitution designates, but also the ultimate purpose thereof, the justice and liberty which, as its preamble declares, it expressly aims at, and which are also the ideal end of all sound legislation. there is no country in the world where a great man has so noble a place and opportunity to serve mankind as in america. but a wicked judge, gentlemen, may do great harm to mankind, as i have already most abundantly shown. for we have inherited a great mass of laws,--customary or statutory; the legislature repeals, modifies, or adds to them; the judge is to expound them, and suggest their application to each special case. the jury is to apply or refuse to apply the judge's "law." in all old countries, some of these laws have come from a barbarous, perhaps even from a savage period; some are the work of tyrants who wrought cruelly for their own advantage, not justly, or for the good of mankind; some have been made in haste and heat, the legislature intending to do an unjust thing. now an unjust judge has great power to select wicked statutes, customs, or decisions; and in no country has he more power for evil than in the federal courts of the united states. for as in england, when the king-power makes a wicked law, the judge, who is himself made by that same power, may declare it just, and execute the heinous thing; so in america, when the slave power enacts a wicked statute, contrary to the purpose of the constitution and to the natural justice of god, the judge, who is the creature of that same power, may declare it constitutional and binding on all the people who made the constitution as their power of attorney. thus all the value of the constitution to check despotism is destroyed, and the fortress of freedom is betrayed into the hands of the enemies of liberty! but barbarous laws must not be applied in a civilized age; nor unjust laws enforced by righteous men. while left unrepealed, a fair and conscientious jury will never do injustice, though a particular statute or custom demand it, and a wicked judge insist upon the wrong; for they feel the moral instinct of human nature, and look not merely to the letter of a particular enactment, but also to the spirit and general purpose of law itself, which is justice between man and man. the wicked judge, looking only to the power which raised him to his place, and may lift him higher still,--not to that other hand which is over all,--or consulting his own meanness of nature, selects the wicked laws, and makes a wicked application thereof. thus in america, under plea of serving the people, he can work most hideous wrong. besides, the judges are lawyers, with the technical training of lawyers, with the disposition of character which comes from their special training and profession, and which marks the manners, the language and looks of a lawyer. they have the excellence of the lawyer, and also his defects. commonly they are learned in their profession, acute and sharp, circumspect, cautious, skilful in making nice technical distinctions, and strongly disposed to adhere to historical precedents on the side of arbitrary power, rather than to obey the instinctive promptings of the moral sense in their own consciousness. nay, it seems sometimes as if the moral sense became extinct, and the legal letter took the place of the spirit of justice which gives life to the people. so they look to the special statute, its technical expositions and applications, but not to justice, the ultimate purpose of human law; they preserve the means and miss the end, put up the bars in the nicest fashion, and let the cattle perish in their pen. like the nurse in the fable, they pour out the baby, and carefully cherish the wooden bath-tub! the letter of the statute is the idol of the judicial den, whereunto the worshipper offers sacrifices of human blood. the late chief justice parker, one of the most humane and estimable men, told the jury they _had nothing to do with the harshness of the statute_! but must execute a law, however cruel and unjust, because somebody had made it a law! how often juries refuse to obey the statute and by its means to do a manifest injustice; but how rarely does a judge turn off from the wickedness of the statute to do justice, the great purpose of human law and human life! gentlemen, i once knew a democratic judge--a man with a noble mind, and a woman's nicer sense of right--who told the jury, "such is the law, such the decisions; such would be its application to this particular case. but it is unjust;--it would do a manifest and outrageous wrong if thus applied. you as jurors are to do justice by the law, not injustice. _you will bring in a verdict according to your conscience._" they did so. gentlemen, i should not dare tell you that judge's name. it would greatly injure his reputation. god knows it--for there is a higher law. when the new york convention assembled in to revise the constitution of that state, some powerful men therein felt the evil of having the court of last appeal consist wholly of lawyers. mr. ruggles thought the judges who reëxamine the decisions and pronounce the final judgment in disputed cases, and determine the constitutionality of laws, should be men who are "brought into direct contact with the people and their business." he wished that of the eight judges of this appellate court, four should be justices of the supreme court, and four more should be elected by the people on a general ballot, thus securing a popular element in that highest court. by this popular element, representing the instinctive justice of humanity, he hoped to correct that evil tendency of professional men which leads them away "from the just conclusions of natural reason into the track of technical rules inapplicable to the circumstances of the case, and at variance with the nature and principles of our social and political institutions."[ ] "such judges," said another lawyer, "would retain more of the great general principles of moral justice, ... the impulses of natural equity, such as ... would knock off the rough corners of the common law and loosen the fetters of artificial and technical equity."[ ] [footnote : debates in new york convention, , _et al._] [footnote : jordan's speech, _ibid._, , _et al._ see also mr. stow's remarks, , and mr. stephens', , _et al._ yet all these four speakers were lawyers.] commonly in america, as in england, for judges the federal government appoints lawyers who have done some party service, or are willing to execute the designs of the great ruling power, the slaveholders, regardless alike of the interests of the people and the protestations of the conscience of mankind.[ ] you know how hardwicke and thurlow got their office in england, how they filled it, and what additional recompense followed each added wickedness. need i mention the name of americans with a similar history? gentlemen, i pass it by for the present. [footnote : hildreth's despotism in america ( ), , _et al._] still further, these judges thus appointed become familiar with fraud, violence, cruelty, selfishness,--refined or brutal,--which comes before them; they study the technicalities of the statutes, balance the scruples of advocates; they lose their fresh intuitions of justice, becoming more and more legal, less and less human, less natural and more technical; their eye is microscopic in its niceness of discrimination, microscopic also in its narrowness of range. they forget the universality of justice,--the end which laws should aim at; they direct their lynx-eyed attention to the speciality of the statutes which is only the means, of no value save as conducing to that end. their understanding is sharp as a mole's eye for the minute distinctions of the technicalities of their craft; but, as short-sighted as the mole, they cannot look at justice. so they come to acknowledge no obligation but the legal, and know no law except what is written in black letter on parchment, printed in statute-books, reported in decisions; the law written by god on the soul of man they know not, only the statute and decision bound in pale sheepskin. in the logic of legal deduction--technical inference--they forget the intuition of conscience: not what is right? but what is law? is the question, and they pay the same deference to a wicked statute as a just one. so the true mussulman values the absurdities of the koran as much as its noblest wisdom and tenderest humanity. such a man so appointed, so disciplined, will administer the law fairly enough in civil cases between party and party, where he has no special interest to give him a bias--for he cares not whether john doe or richard roe gain the parcel of ground in litigation before him. but in criminal cases he leans to severity, not mercy; he suspects the people; he reverences the government. in political trials he never forgets the hand that feeds him,--charles stuart, george guelph, or the slave power of america. these things being so, in such trials you see the exceeding value of the jury, who are not office-holders, under obligation to the hand that feeds them; not office-seekers, willing to prostitute their faculties to the service of some overmastering lust; not lawyers wonted to nice technicalities; not members of a class, with its special discipline and peculiar prejudices; but men with their moral instincts normally active, and unsophisticated humanity in their hearts. hence the great value of the jury in criminal trials. gentlemen, you are the jurors in this case, to decide between me and the government. between the government and me! no, gentlemen, between the fugitive slave bill and humanity. you know the function of the court--the manner of the judges' appointment--the services they are expected to render in cases like this, the services they have already rendered. let me speak of the function of the jury. to do that, i must say a few words of its historical development. i must make it very brief and sketchy. here i shall point out six several steps in the successive development of popular law-making and law-applying. * * * * * . in the barbarous periods of the teutonic family,[ ] it seems the "whole people" came together at certain regular seasons to transact the business of the nation. there was also a meeting of the inhabitants of each district or neighborhood at stated times,--a "regular meeting;" and sometimes a special meeting to provide for some emergency--a "called meeting." if one man had wronged another the matter was inquired into at those popular meetings. one man presided--chosen for the occasion. in the early age it appears he was a priest, afterwards a noble, or some distinguished man, selected on the spot. the whole people investigated the matter, made the law--often an _ex post facto_ law,--applied it to the special case, and on the spot administered the punishment--if corporeal, or decreed the recompense--if pecuniary. the majority carried the day. thus at first the body of people present on the occasion were the law-makers, the law-appliers, and law-executors. each law was special--designed for the particular case in hand, retrospective for vengeance more than prospective for future welfare. [footnote : by this term i mean all the nations with language akin to the german.] . then in process of time, there came to be a body of laws--fixed and understood by the people. partly, these came from the customs of the people, and represented past life already lived; but partly, also, from the decrees of the recognized authorities--theocratic, monarchic, aristocratic, democratic--representing the desire for a better life, a rule of conduct for the future. then at their meetings, to punish an offender the people did not always make a new law, they simply used what they found already made. they inquired into the fact, the deed done, the law, and applied the general law to the special fact, made their decree and executed it. thus extemporaneous making of law for the particular case, gradually passed away, and was succeeded by the extemporaneous declaration of the law previously made, and its application to the matter in hand. . by and by it was found inconvenient for a multitude to assemble and make the laws, so a body of select men took a more special charge of that function. sometimes a chief, or king, usurped this for himself; or men were chosen by the people, and took an oath for the faithful discharge of their trust. thus came popular law-making by sworn delegates, representatives of the people, who had a certain special power of attorney, authorizing them to make laws. these might be priests--as at the beginning; or nobles of priestly stock, as at the next stage; or military chiefs--as in all times of violence; or powerful private men,--summoned from the nation, of their own accord undertaking the task, or chosen by the various neighborhoods,--the whole process seems to have been irregular and uncertain, as indeed it must be amongst rude people. so at that time there were two sources of law-making. ( .) the unorganized people--the primary source, whose unconscious life flows in certain channels and establishes certain customs, rules of conduct, obeyed before they are decreed, without any formal enactment. these were laws _de facto_. ( .) the organized delegates--priestly, kingly, nobilitary, or warlike--the secondary source. these made statute laws. as this was a self-conscious and organized body, having an object distinctly set before its mind and devising means for its purposes, it easily appropriated to itself the chief part of the business of law-making. statute laws became more and more numerous and important; they were the principal--the customs were only subsidiary, laws _de jure_, enacted before they are obeyed by the people. still new customs continued to flow from the primitive source of legislation, the people, and of course took new forms to suit the conditions of national life. . still the people came together to apply the laws--customary or enacted,--to the special cases which occurred. there were fixed periods when they assembled without notice given,--"regular law-days;" and if an emergency occurred, they were summoned on "extraordinary law-days." here wrongs between party and party, and offences against the public, were set right by the "country," the "body of the county," that is, by the bulk of the population. the majority carried the day. . at length it was found inconvenient for so large a body to investigate each particular case, or to determine what cases should be presented for investigation. ( .) so this preliminary examination was delegated to a smaller body of men, sworn to discharge the trust faithfully, who made inquiry as to offences committed, and reported the criminals for trial to the full meeting, the actual "body of the country." here, then, is the first organized and sworn "jury;" "the grand inquest;"--here is popular indictment by delegates. ( .) then it was found inconvenient for a large body--the whole country--to investigate the cases presented. men were busy with their own work, and did not wish to appear and consume their time. so a smaller body of men was summoned to attend to any special case which was presented by the grand inquest. these also were sworn to do their duty. they were to try the men indicted. here is trial by sworn delegates, who represent the body of the people. they were still called the "country," as any spot of the atlantic is the "ocean." here is the "trial by jury." they must be taken from the neighborhood of the parties concerned--for at this stage the jurors were also the witnesses, and other sworn witnesses were not then known. all the jurors must concur in the vote of condemnation before the magistrate could hurt a hair of the accused's head. still after the people had delegated their law-making to one body of sworn representatives, and the twofold function of law-applying, by indictment and trial, to other sworn representatives, there was yet a great concourse of people attending the court on the "law-days;" especially when important matters came up for adjudication; then the crowd of people took sides with plaintiff or defendant; with the authorities which accused, or with the man on trial, as the case might be. sometimes, when the jury acquitted, the people tore the suspected man to pieces; sometimes when the jury condemned, they showed their indignation--nay, rescued the prisoner. for the old tradition of actual trial by the "body of the country" still prevailed. . at length the jurors are no longer the witnesses in the case. others testify before them, and on the evidence which is offered, the grand-jury indict or not, and the trial jury acquit or condemn. then the jurors are no longer taken from the immediate neighborhood of the party on trial, only from his district or county. but sworn witnesses from the neighborhood, depose to the facts. there is no longer a great concourse of people in the open air, but the trial is carried on in a small court house, yet with open doors, in the face of the people, _coram populo_--public opinion still influences the jury. as most of the jurors were unlearned men, not accustomed to intricate questions, it became necessary for the presiding judge, a man of nicer culture, to prepare rules of evidence which should prevent the matter from becoming too complicated for the rustic judgment. thence came the curious and strange "rules of evidence" which prevail in all countries where trial by jury is established, but are unknown in lands where the trial is conducted solely by experts, educated men. but as the mass of the people, as in america, become well informed, the old rules appear ridiculous, and will perish. the number of sworn judges varies in different tribes of the teutonic family, but as twelve has long been a sacred number with the anglo-saxons, that was gradually fixed for the jury. twelve consenting voices are indispensable for the indictment or the condemnation. * * * * * such is the form of the jury as we find it at this day. the other officers have also undergone a change. so, gentlemen, let me give you a brief sketch of the historical formation of the function of the judge in nations of the same ethnological origin. here i shall mention four steps. . at the meetings of the people to make, apply, and execute the law, some one must preside to keep order, put the question, and declare the vote. he was the moderator of the meeting. at first it would seem that some important man, a priest, or a noble, or some other wise, distinguished, or popular man, performed that function. the business over, he dropped into his private place again. a new one was chosen at each meeting. . if the former moderator had shown skill and aptness, he was chosen the next time; again and again; at length it was a matter of course that he should preside. he studied the matter, and became "expert in all the manners and customs of his nation." this happens in most of the new england towns, where the same man is moderator at the town-meetings for many years in succession. men love to walk in the path they have once trodden, even if not the shortest way to their end. . when the nation is organized more artificially and the laws chiefly proceed from the secondary source, the government,--elective or usurpatory--a judge is appointed by the central authority to visit the districts (counties) and assist at the administration of justice. as the law is now made by the distant delegates, the judge they send down declares and explains it to the people, for they have not made it as before directly, nor found it ready-made, an old inherited custom, but only receive it as the authorities send it down from the capitol. the law is _written_--the officer can read while they have no copy of the law, or could not read it had they the book. hence the necessity of a judge learned in the law. still the people are to apply the written law or apply it not. besides, the old customs remain, the unwritten laws of the people, which the judge does not understand so well as they. he represents the written law, the assembly the unwritten custom or tradition. the judge is appointed that he may please the central power; the people are only to satisfy such moral convictions as they have. there is often a conflict between the statute and the custom, a conflict of laws; and still more between the judge and the jury--a conflict in respect to the application of the law. . then comes the critical period of the trial by jury. for the deputed judge seeks to enlarge his jurisdiction, to enforce his law, often against the customs and the consciences of the people, the jury, who only seek to enlarge justice. he looks technically at the statute, the provisional means of law, not at justice the ultimate purpose of law. to the "country," the "body of the people," or to the jury of inquest and of trial, he assumes not to suggest the law and its application, but absolutely to _dictate_ it to them. he claims the exclusive right to decide on the law and its application; the jury is only to determine the fact--whether the accused did the deed charged or not. if the judge succeeds in this battle, then tyranny advances step by step; the jury is weakened; its original function is curtailed; certain classes of cases are taken from its jurisdiction; it becomes only the tool of the government, and finally is thrown aside. popular law-making is gone; popular law-applying is also gone; local self-government disappears and one homogeneous centralized tyranny takes the place of the manifold freedom of the people. so the trial by jury faded out of all the south-teutonic people, and even from many regions of the german and scandinavian north. but the anglo-saxon, mixing his blood with danes and normans, his fierce kinsfolk of the same family, has kept and improved this ancient institution. when king or parliament made wicked laws, or appointed corrupt and cruel men for judges, the people have held this old ancestral shield between the tyrant and his victim. often cloven through or thrust aside, the saxon briton never abandons this. the puritan swam the atlantic with this on his arm--and now all the anglo-saxon tribe reverences this defence as the romans their twelve aoncilia [transcriber's note: for 'aoncilia' read 'ancilia'; see errata], the mythic shield which "fell from heaven."[ ] [footnote : in this brief sketch i do not refer to the authorities, but see, who will, the classic passages and proof-texts in the well-known works of grimm, rogge, biener, michelsen, möser, phillips, eichhorn, maurer, and others.] * * * * * after so much historic matter, gentlemen, it is now easy to see what is-- the function of the jury at this time. here i make three points. i. they are to decide the question of fact, the matter charged, and determine whether the accused did the deed alleged to be done. that is the first step--to determine the fact. ii. they are to decide the question of law, the statute or custom supposed to apply to the deed done, and determine whether there is such a statute or custom, and whether it denounces such a deed as a crime assigning thereto a punishment. that is the second step--to determine the law. iii. they are to decide the question of the application of the law to the fact, and to determine whether that special statute shall be applied to the particular person who did the deed charged against him. that is the third step--to determine the application of the law. gentlemen, i shall speak a few words on each of these points, treating the matter in the most general way. by and by i shall apply these general doctrines to this special case. i. the jury is to decide the question of fact; to answer, did the accused do the deed alleged, at the time and place alleged, with the alleged purpose and producing the alleged result? the answer will be controlled by the evidence of sworn witnesses, who depose under a special oath to "tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." their evidence is the testimony as to the fact,--the sole testimony; the jury is the ultimate arbiter to decide on the credibility of the evidence, part by part, and its value as a whole. sometimes it is an easy matter to answer this question of fact; sometimes exceedingly difficult. if there be doubts they must weigh for the accused, who is held innocent until proven guilty. with us the theory that the jury is the exclusive judge of the question of fact is admitted on all sides. but in england it has often happened that the judge instructs the jury to "_find the facts_" so and so; that is--he undertakes to decide the question of fact. in libel cases it is very common for new england judges to undertake to determine what constitutes a libel, and to decide on the intentions of the accused; that is to decide the most important part of the complex and manifold question of fact. for it is as much a question of fact to determine what constitutes a libel, as what constitutes theft, the _animus libellandi_ as much as the _animus furandi_. sometimes juries have been found so lost to all sense of manhood, or so ignorant of their duties, as to submit to this judicial insolence and usurpation. if the jury decide the question of fact in favor of the accused, their inquiry ceases at that step, they return their verdict, "not guilty;" and the affair is ended. but if they find he did the deed as charged, then comes the next function of the jury. ii. the jury are to decide the question of law. is there a statute or custom denouncing a penalty on that special deed? is the statute constitutional? to determine this matter, there are three sources of evidence external to their own knowledge. . _the testimony of the government's attorney._ the government itself is his client, and he gives such a statement of the law as suits the special purposes of the rulers and his own private and particular interest, selects such statutes, customs, and decisions, as will serve this purpose, and declares, such is the law. nay, he makes inferences from the law, and thereby infers new customs, and constructs new statutes, invents new crimes. he treats the law as freely as he treats the facts--making the most that is possible against the party accused. you have seen already what tricks government attorneys have played, how they pervert and twist the law--making it assume shapes never designed by its original makers. he gives his opinion as to the law, as he gave an opinion as to the fact. this is not necessarily his personal and actual, but only his official and assumed opinion--what he wishes the jury to think is law in this particular case. . _the testimony of the defendant's attorney._ the accused is his client. he is to do all he can to represent the law as favorable as possible to the man on trial. he gives an opinion of the law, not his personal and actual, but his official and assumed opinion--what he wishes the jury to think is law in this particular case. . _the testimony of the judge on the bench._ but in the english courts, and the federal courts of the united states, he is commonly no more than a government attorney in disguise; i speak only of the general rule, not the exceptions to it. he has received his office as the reward for party services--was made a judge because he was one-sided as a lawyer. in all criminal cases he is expected to twist the law to the advantage of the hand that feeds him. especially is this so in all political trials--that is, prosecutions for opposition to the party which the judge represents. the judge may be impartial, or partial, just or unjust, ignorant or learned. he gives an opinion of the law,--not his personal and actual, but his official and assumed opinion--what he wishes the jury to think is law in this particular case. for the court also is a stage, and the judges, as well as the attorneys, may be players, "and one man in his time play many parts." of these three classes of witnesses, no one gives evidence under special oath to tell the law, the whole law, and nothing but the law--or if it be so understood, then all these men are sometimes most grossly and notoriously perjured; but each allows himself large latitude in declaring the law. the examples i have already cited, show that the judge often takes quite as wide a range as the attorney-general, or the prisoner's counsel. as the jury hears the manifold evidence as to the facts, and then makes up its mind thereon and decides the question of fact, often rejecting the opinion of various witnesses, as ignorant, partial, prejudiced, or plainly false and forsworn; so will the jury hear the manifold and often discrepant evidence as to the law, and then make up their mind thereon and decide the question of law, often rejecting the opinion of various witnesses thereupon ignorant, partial, prejudiced, or plainly false and forsworn. in regard to the fact, the jury is limited to the evidence adduced in court. what any special juror knows from any other source is not relevant there to procure conviction. but in regard to the law there is no such restriction; for if the jury know the law better than these three classes of witnesses for it in court, then the jury are to follow their better knowledge. at any rate, the jury are to make up their minds on this question of law, and for themselves determine what the special law is. every man is to be held innocent until proved guilty--until the special deed charged is proved against him, and until that special deed is proved a crime. the jury is not to take the government attorney's opinion of the fact, nor the prisoner's counsel's opinion of the fact, nor yet the judge's opinion thereon; but to form their own opinion, from the evidence offered to make up their own judgment as to the fact. so likewise they are not to take the government attorney's opinion of the law, or the prisoner's counsel's opinion of the law, nor yet the judge's opinion thereon; but from all the evidence offered, not [transcriber's note: for 'not' read 'or'; see errata] otherwise known to them, to make up their own judgment as to the law. after they have done so--if they decide the law in favor of the accused, the process stops there. the man goes free; for it does not appear that his deed is unlawful. but if the jury find the law against the deed, they then proceed to their third function. iii. the jury is to decide the question of the application of the law to the fact. here is the question: "ought the men who have done this deed against the form of law to be punished thereby?" the government attorney and the judge are of the opinion that the law should be thus applied to this case, but they cannot lay their finger on him until the jury, specially sworn "well and truly to try and true deliverance make," have unanimously come to that opinion, and say, "take him and apply the law to him." the deed may be clear and the statute clear, while the application thereof to the man who did the deed does not follow, and ought not to follow. for . it is not designed that the full rigor of every statute shall be applied to each deed done against the letter thereof. the statute is a great sleeping lion, not to be roused up when everybody passes that way. this you see from daily practice of the courts. it remains in the discretion of the attorney to determine what offences he will present to the grand-jury,--he passes by many, and selects such as he thinks ought to be presented. it remains in the discretion of the grand-jury to determine whom they will indict, for sometimes when the fact and law are clear enough to them, they yet find "no bill" or _ignore_ the matter. and after the man is indicted, it still remains in the discretion of the attorney to determine whether he will prosecute the accused, or pass him by. indeed i am told that the very grand-jury who found the bills which have brought you and me face to face, hesitated to indict a certain person on account of some circumstances which rendered his unlawful act less deserving of the legal punishment: the attorney told them he thought they had better find a bill, and he would enter a _nolle prosequi_ in court,--plainly admitting that while the law and the fact were both clear, that the grand-jury were to determine in their discretion whether they would apply the law to that man, whether they would indict or not; and the attorney whether he would prosecute or forbear. it remains equally in the discretion of the trial jury to determine whether the man who did the unlawful deed shall be punished--whether the spirit of that statute and the purpose of law requires the punishment which it allows. . besides, in deciding this question--the jurors are not only to consider the one particular statute brought against the prisoner, but the whole complex of customs, statutes, and decisions, making up the body of law, and see if that requires the application of this special statute to this particular deed. here are two things to be considered. ( .) the general purpose of the whole body of laws, the object aimed at; and ( .) the means for attaining the end. now the purpose of law being the main thing, and the statute only subsidiary to that purpose, the question comes--"shall we best achieve that purpose by thus applying the statute, or by not applying it?" this rests with the jury in their discretion to determine. . still more, the jury have consciences of their own, which they must be faithful to, which no official position can ever morally oblige them to violate. so they are to inquire, "is it right in the sight of god, in the light of our consciences, to apply this special statute to this particular case and thus punish this man for that unlawful deed?" then they are to ask, also, "was the deed _naturally wrong_; done from a wrong motive, for a wrong purpose?" if not, then be the statute and the whole complex of laws what they may, it can never be right for a jury to punish a man for doing a right deed, however unlawful that deed may be. no oath can ever make it right for a man to do what is wrong, or what he thinks wrong--to punish a man for a just deed! but if the twelve men think that the law ought not to be applied in this case--they find "not guilty," and he goes free; if otherwise, "guilty," and he is delivered over to the judges for sentence and its consequences, and the judge passes such sentence as the law and his discretion point out. the judge commonly, and especially in political trials, undertakes to decide the two last questions himself, determining the law and the application thereof, and that by his discretion. he wishes to leave nothing to the discretion of the jury, who thus have only the single function of deciding the question of fact, which is not a matter of discretion--that is, of moral judgment,--but only a logical deduction from evidence, as the testimony compels. he would have no moral element enter into their verdict. the judge asks the jury to give him a deed of the ground on which he will erect such a building as suits his purpose, and then calls the whole thing the work of the jury, who only granted the land! but this assumption of the judges ultimately and exclusively to decide the question of law and its application, is a tyrannous usurpation. ( .) it is contrary to the fundamental idea of the institution of trial by jury. ( .) it leads to monstrous tyranny by putting the property, liberty, and life of every man at the mercy of the government officers, who determine the law and its application, leaving for the jury only the bare question of fact, which the judge can so manage in many cases as to ruin most virtuous and deserving men. ( .) not only in ancient times did the jury decide the three questions of fact, of law, and of its special application, but in cases of great magnitude they continue to do so now, in both america and england, and sometimes in direct contradiction to the commands of the judges. * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, if you perform this threefold function, then you see the exceeding value of this mode of trial, . for the punishment of wrong deeds done against the law, done by the unorganized selfishness of thieves, housebreakers, murderers, and other workers of unrighteousness; . and also for the prevention of wrong deeds attempted in the name of law, by the organized selfishness of the makers and officers thereof. for in each special case brought to trial, the jury are judges of the law and of its application. they cannot make a law--statute or custom--nor repeal one; but in each particular case they must demand or forbid its execution. these tribunes of the saxon people have no general veto on law-making, and can efface no letter from the statute-book, but have a special and imperative veto on each case for the application of the law. justice, the point common to the interests of all men, yes, the point common to god and our conscience, is the aim and purpose of law in general; if it be not that the law is so far unnatural, immoral, and of no obligation on the conscience of any man. the special statute, custom, or decision, is a provisional means to that end; if just, a moral means and adequate in kind; if unjust, an immoral means, inadequate in kind, and fit only to defeat the attainment of that justice which is the purpose of all law. accordingly, if by an accident, a special statute is so made that its application in a particular case would do injustice and so defeat the design and purpose of law itself, then the function of the jury under their oath requires them to preserve the end of law by refusing to apply the provisional statute to an unjust use. and if by design a statute is made in order to do injustice to any man--as it has very often happened in england as well as america,--then the jury will accomplish their function by refusing to apply that statute to any particular case. so will they fulfil their official oath, and conserve the great ultimate purpose of law itself. gentlemen, you will ask me where shall the jury find the rule of right, and how know what is just, what not? in your own conscience, gentlemen; not in the conscience of the attorney for the plaintiff-government, or the accused defendant; not in the conscience of the community; still less in the technical "opinion" of the lawyers, or the ambition, the venality, the personal or purchased rage of the court. of course you will get such help as you can find from judges, attorneys, and the public itself, but then decide as you must decide--each man in the light of his own conscience, under the terrible and beautiful eyes of god. how does the juror judge of the credibility of evidence? by the "opinion" of the lawyers on either side? by the judge's "opinion," or that of the community? no one would dare determine thus. he decides personally by his own common sense, not vicariously by another's opinion. and as you decide the matter of fact by your own discretion of intellect, so will you decide the matter of right by your own discretion of conscience. gentlemen, when the jury do their official duty it becomes impossible to execute a statute, or custom, or to enforce a decision which the jury--"the country"--think unjust and not fit to be applied. but if the judge usurps these two functions of the jury, and himself decides the question of law and its application, you see what follows--consequences the most ghastly, injustice in the name of law, and with the means of law! yes, tyranny spins and weaves with the machinery of freedom, and a nessus-shirt of bondage is fixed on the tortured body of the people. the power of the judge will be especially dangerous in times of political excitement, and in political trials. * * * * * gentlemen, this matter is so important, and the danger now so imminent that you will pardon me a few words while i set forth the mode by which this wickedness goes to work, and what results it brings to pass. follow me in some details. i. as to the judges dealing with the grand-jury. here let me take the examples from the circuit court of the united states in a supposed case where a man is to be tried for violating the fugitive slave bill. you will see this is a case which may actually happen. . the judge challenges the whole body summoned as grand-jurors and catechizes them after this fashion. ( .) "have you formed an opinion that the law of the united states, known as the fugitive slave law of , is unconstitutional, so that you cannot indict a person under it for that reason, although the court holds the statute to be constitutional?" this is riddling no. . such as think the fugitive slave bill unconstitutional are at once set aside. the judge proceeds to ask such as have no doubt that it is constitutional, ( .) "do you hold any opinions on the subject of slavery in general, or of the fugitive slave law in special, which would induce you to refuse to indict a man presented to you for helping his brother to freedom?" this is riddling no. ; other "good men and true" are rejected, but some are found "faithful" to the purposes of the court; and the judge puts his next question, ( .) "will you accept for law whatever the court declares such?" this is riddling no. . still the judge finds three-and-twenty men small enough to pass through all these sieves. they are to be "the jury." all the men who deny the constitutionality of the wicked statute; all who have such reverence for the unalienable rights of man and for the natural law of god that they would not prevent a christian from aiding his brother to escape from bondage; all who have such respect for their own manhood that they will not swear to take a judge's word for law before they hear it--are shut out from the "grand inquest;" they are no part of the "country," or the "body of the county," are not "good men and true." gentlemen of the jury, consider the absurdity of swearing to take for law what another man will declare to be law, and before you hear it! suppose the judge should be drunk and declare the fugitive slave bill in perfect harmony with the sermon on the mount, those noble words "whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them,"--are jurors to believe him? what if the judge should be sober, and declare it a "misdemeanor" to call the fugitive slave bill a wicked and hateful statute, and all who thus offended should be put in jail for twelve months! are honest men to take such talk for american law? the jurors then take this oath which the clerk reads them:-- "you, as a member of this inquest for the district of massachusetts, shall diligently inquire and true presentment make of all such matters and things as shall be given you in charge; the counsel of the united states, your fellows', and your own you shall keep secret; you shall present no man for envy, hatred, or revenge; neither shall you leave any man unpresented--for love, fear, favor, affection, or hope of reward; but you shall present things truly as they come to your knowledge, according to the best of your understanding. so help you god!"[ ] [footnote : see other forms of oath in st. tr. , .] then the judge appoints the most pliant member of the jury as "foreman"--selecting, if possible to find him, some postmaster or other official of the government, or some man marked for his injustice or venality, who may have the desirable influence with his fellows. . the next thing is to moisten this material thus trebly sifted, and mould it into such vessels of tyranny as he can fill with his private or judicial wrath and then empty on the heads of his personal foes or such as thwart his ambitious despotism or the purposes of his government. so he delivers his charge to the grand-jury. by way of introduction, he tells them-- ( .) that they are not the makers of law. legislation is the function of congress and the president; even the court, the "supreme court of the united states" itself cannot make a law, or repeal one! ( .) that they are not the declarers, or judges of law. to know and set forth the law is the function of the court. it is true every man in his personal capacity, as private citizen, is supposed to know the law, and if he violates it, of his own presumption, or by the persuasion of some others who falsely tell him about the law, he must be punished; for "_ignorantia nemini excusat_," ignorance excuseth none; the private advice of the full bench of judges would be held no excuse. but in their official capacity of jurors they are supposed to know nothing of the law whatsoever. it seems taken for granted that though one of the jurors may be an old judge of the supreme court of the united states, and have sat on the bench for twenty years; nay, though he may be also an old legislator of twenty years' standing, and as legislator have made the very statute in question, and also as judge subsequently have explained and declared it, yet the moment he takes the oath as grand-juror, all this knowledge is "gone from him" as completely nebuchadnezzar's dream. the court is the assembly of magicians, astrologers, sorcerers, and chaldeans to restore it. congress might pass a law compelling ex-judges, ex-senators, and ex-representatives--who are so numerous nowadays, and continually increasing and likely to multiply yet more,--to serve as grand-jurors; soon as they take their oath, they are in law held and accounted to be utterly ignorant of law, and bound to accept as law whatsoever the court declares such. the acting judge may be young, blind, ignorant, ambitious, drunk with brandy or rage, he may have a personal interest in promoting [transcriber's note: for 'promoting' read 'perverting'; see errata] the law, and may notoriously twist it so as to gratify his peculiar or familistic spleen, still the jury to accept the court's opinion for the nation's law. any political ignoramus, if hoisted to the "bench," has judicial authority to declare the law,--it is absolute. if he errs, "he is responsible to the proper authorities--he may be removed by impeachment;" but the jury must not question the infallibility of his opinion. for though the grand-jury is "the country," the judge is not only all that, and more so; but is "the rest of mankind" besides. then the judge goes further--talks _solemnly_, yet familiar; to wheedle jurors the better, he mixes himself with them, his "we" embracing both judge and jury. i shall now quote actual language used in this very court, by the late hon. judge woodbury:-- "one of the peculiar dangers ... to which jurors, as well as judges, are exposed, is the _unpopularity, or obnoxiousness_ ... of any particular law, which has been violated, leading _us_ ... to be timid or unfaithful in enforcing it ... the subject-matter being a delicate or offensive one." "while we ... are holding the scales as well as the sword of justice, in _humble imitation of the divine judge_ on high," it is our duty to "_let law, as law_, [that is, whether it is just or unjust] _reign supreme_, reign equally over all, and as to _all things_, no less than persons; and till it is changed by the proper authorities, _not to interpose our individual caprices or fancies or speculations_ [that is, our _convictions of justice_] _to defeat its due course and triumph_." we must _not_ "_disregard laws_, when disliked, _because we can_, under the universal suffrage enjoyed here, _otherwise help_ legally _to change or annul them_ by our votes." "as jurors _you have sworn to obey them till so changed_, and ought to stand by them faithfully, to the last moment of their existence." "we are safest in our capacity of public officers ... to execute the laws as they are [right or wrong], _while others_ who may make or retain bad laws in the statute-book, _are answerable for their own wrong_. if they preserve laws on the statute-book, which are darkness rather than light and life to the people, theirs is the fault, [that is, if a blacksmith make a dagger, and tell us to stab an innocent man with it, we must obey, and the blame will rest on the blacksmith who made the dagger, not on the assassin who murdered with it!] in some cases, also, when we think the _existing laws and punishments are wrong_, and hence venture to encourage others in disobedience by neglecting to indict and punish offenders, it should make us pause and halt when it is remembered, it may turn out that _we_ ourselves _may not be exactly solons or solomons_ in these respects, nor quite so much wiser than the laws themselves, as sometimes we are hastily induced to suppose." "miserable must be the fate of that community where the ministers of the law are themselves disposed to disregard it;" "government will become a curse;" "and this whether such a _betrayal of public trust_ springs from the _delusions of false philanthropy or fanatical prejudices, no less than when it comes from unbridled licentiousness_." "we must not lay the flattering unction to our souls, that because by some _possibility there may not be guilt_, we can rightfully discharge as if there were no guilt." "it is sometimes urged against agreeing to indict, convict, or punish, that we have _conscientious scruples on the subject_;" "if sincere tenderness of conscience presses on the heart and mind against executing some of the laws, _it should lead us to decline office or resign_; not to neglect or disobey, while in office, what we have promised and sworn to perform;" [as if the juror swore to do injustice!] "or if a majority prove unaccommodating or inflexible against us, then it behooves those differing from them ... _to withdraw entirely from such a government, and emigrate_." [so the juror must not try to do justice at home, but seek it in exile.] "but in all such cases we must take special care not to indulge ourselves in considering an act as a sin which _is only disagreeable_, or the result of only some _prejudice or caprice_." "_the presumptions are that all laws_, sanctioned by such intelligent, numerous, and respectable members of society as compose our legislative bodies, _are constitutional_, and until pronounced otherwise by the proper tribunal, the judiciary, _it is perilous for jurors to disobey them_," [that is, to refuse to execute them] "and it is trifling with their solemn obligations to _disregard them in any way and on any occasion, from constitutional doubts_, unless of the clearest and strongest character."[ ] [footnote : the above extracts are from judge woodbury's charge to the grand-jury, in circuit court of united states, at boston, taken from the _evening traveller_, copying the reprint of boston daily advertiser, of october , .] he then tells them that _no feeling of humanity_ must be allowed to prevent them from executing any law which the court declares to them, "whether the statute is a harsh one, is not for us to determine."[ ] _a cruel law is to be enforced as vigorously as a humane one_; an _unjust law_ as a _just one_; a statute which aims to defeat the purpose of law itself, just as readily as one which aims to secure the dearest rights of humanity. if the statute is notoriously wicked, as in the case supposed, then the judge says: "it is to be observed that this statute [the fugitive slave bill] subjects no person to arrest who was not before liable to be seized and carried out of the state;" "congress has enacted this law. _it is imperative, and it will be enforced._ let no man mistake the mildness and forbearance with which the criminal code is habitually administered, [as in cases of engaging in the slave-trade] for weakness or timidity. _resistance [to the fugitive slave bill] must make it sternly inflexible._" "as great efforts have been made to convince the public that the recent law [the fugitive slave bill] cannot be enforced with a good conscience, but may be conscientiously resisted ... i deem it proper to advert, briefly, to _the moral aspects_ of the subject." "the states without the constitution would be to each other foreign nations." "those, therefore, who have the strongest convictions of the _immorality of the institution of slavery_, are not thereby authorized to conclude that the _provision for delivering up fugitive slaves is morally wrong_, [that is, if it be wrong to hold man in bondage, it is also not wrong,] or that our fathers ... did not act wisely, justly, and humanely in acceding to the compacts of the constitution." "even those who go to the extreme of condemning the constitution and the laws made under it, as _unjust and immoral_, cannot ... justify resistance. in their view, such laws are inconsistent with the justice and benevolence and against the will of the supreme lawgiver, and they emphatically ask, '_which shall we obey, the law of man, or the will of god?_' i answer, 'obey both!' the _incompatibility_ which the question assumes [between _right and wrong, or good and evil, or god and the devil_] _does not exist_! unjust and oppressive laws _may indeed be passed_ by human governments. but if _infinite and inscrutable wisdom permits political society_, having the power of human legislation, _to establish such laws, may not the same infinite and inscrutable wisdom permit and require an individual_, who has no such power, _to obey them_?" [so "if infinite and inscrutable wisdom permits" a blacksmith "having the power" to forge steel and temper it, to make daggers, "may not the same infinite and inscrutable wisdom permit and require the individual" carpenter or tailor, who has no such power, to use the dagger for the purpose intended!] "conscience, indeed, is to be reverenced, and obeyed; but still we must remember that it is _fallible_, especially when the rights of others are concerned, [that is, the right to kidnap men] _and may lead us to do great injustice_, [by refusing to punish a man who helps his brother enjoy his self-evident, natural, and unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness]. the annals of the world abound with enormities committed by a narrow and darkened conscience." a _statute_ "is the moral judgment, the _embodied conscience of the political community_, [the fugitive slave bill the 'embodied conscience' of new england]. to this not only is each individual bound to submit, [right or wrong,] but it is a new and _controlling element in forming his own moral judgment_;" [that is, he must _think_ the statute is just]. "obedience is a _moral duty_, [no matter how immoral the law may be]. _this is as certain as that the creator made man a social being_;" "to _obey the laws of the land_ [no matter what laws, or how wicked soever] _is, then, to obey the will of god_!" [footnote : words of chief justice parker, in _commonwealth_ vs. _griffith_, pickering's reports, , cited with approbation by chief justice shaw, in the sims case, cushing's reports, , and also cited from him and acted on by fugitive slave bill commissioner loring, in the burns case.] gentlemen of the jury, you think i have imagined and made up this language out of my own fancy. no, gentlemen, i could not do it. i have not the genius for such sophistry. i only quote the words of the hon. judge peleg sprague delivered to the grand-jury of this circuit court of united states at boston, march , .[ ] gentlemen, i showed you what thurlow could say at horne tooke's trial on the th of july, . nay, i quoted the words of powis and allybone, and scroggs and jeffreys.[ ] but, gentlemen, the judge of new england transcends the judges of old england. [footnote : see _boston daily advertiser_ of march , .] [footnote : see above, p. , , _et al._] . having made this general preparation for his work and shaped his vessel to the proper form, he proceeds to fill it with the requisite matter. ( .) he practically makes the law just as he likes, so as to suit the general purpose of the government, or the special purpose of his private vengeance or ambition. thus, a. out of the whole complex of law--statutes, decisions, customs, charges, opinions of judicial men, since the norman conquest or before it,--he selects that special weapon which will serve his present turn. and tells the jury, "that is the law which you are sworn to enforce. i have not made it--it is the _lex terræ_, the law of the land." or if in such an arsenal, so copious, he finds no weapon ready made, then b. out of that pile of ancient instruments he selects something which he forges over anew, and thus constructs a new form of law when he could not find one ready for his hand. if a straight statute will not catch the intended victims he perverts it to a hook and therewith lays hold. he thus settles the law. ( .) he next practically determines what deed constitutes the "offence" forbidden by the law he has just made. so he selects some act which it is notorious was done by the man he strikes at, and declares it is the "offence," the "crime." here too he is aided by ancient precedent; whereof if our brief republican annals do not furnish examples, he hies to the exhaustless treasury of despotism in the english common law. he opens the "reports," the "statutes of the realm," or goes back to the "year-books." antiquity is rich in examples of tyranny. "he readily finds a stick who would beat a dog." "such are the opinions," quoth he, "of the venerable chief justice jones," or "my lord chancellor finch," or "baron twysden," or "my lord chief justice kelyng." thus the judge constructs the jury--out of such men as he wishes for his purpose; constructs the law, constructs the offence, the crime: nay, he points out the particular deed so plain that he constructs the indictment. all that is left for the "grand inquest" is the mechanical work of listening to the "evidence" and signing the bill--"_billa vera_," a true bill. that they may accomplish this work he delivers them over to the district attorney; he may be also an agent of the government, appointed for his party services, looking for his reward, expecting future pay for present work, extra pay for uncommon zeal and "discretion." gentlemen of the jury, this _may_ be the case--humanity is fallible, and it sometimes may happen even in the circuit court of the united states that such a man should hold the office of district attorney. for it is not to be expected, nay, it is what we should not even ask--that this place should always be filled by such conspicuous talent, such consummate learning, and such unblemished integrity as that of the present attorney (hon. mr. hallett). no, gentlemen of the jury, as i look round these walls i am proud of my country! such a district attorney, so bearing "his great commission in his look;" his political course as free from turning and winding as the river missouri; high-minded, the very cæsar's wife of democratic virtue,--spotless and unsuspected; never seeking office, yet alike faithful to his principles and his party; and with indignant foot spurning the administration's bootless bribe,--the fact outtravels fancy. nay, gentlemen, it is something to be an american--i feel it as i look about me. for the honorable attorney is perfectly suited to this honorable court;--yea, to the administration which gives them both their dignity and their work and its pay. happy country with such an attorney, fortunate with such a court, but thrice and four times fortunate when such several stars of justice unite in such a constellation of juridic fire! but, gentlemen, it is too much to ask of human nature that it should be always so. in my supposed case, the judge delivers the persons accused to the officers, restless, bellowing, and expecting some fodder to be pitched down to them from the national mow, already licking their mouths which drool with hungry anticipation. they will swear as the court desires. then the attorney talks with the most pliant jurors, coaxes them, wheedles them, stimulates them to do what he wants done. some he threatens with the "displeasure of the government;" he swears at some. after all, if the jury refuse to find a bill,--a case, gentlemen, which has happened,--they are discharged; and a new jury is summoned; some creature of the government is put on it, nay, perhaps some kinsman of the anxious judge, at least a brother-in-law, and at last twenty-three men are found of whom twelve consent to a "true bill." then great is the joy in the judge's heart,--it is corrupt judges i am speaking of, gentlemen of the jury, not of upright and noble men, may it please your honors! there is great joy in the judge's heart, and great rejoicing _amongst his kinsfolk and intimate friends_ who whinney and neigh over it in the public journals, and leer at the indicted man in the street, lolling out their tongues greedy for his [transcriber's note: omit 'his'; see errata] vengeance! * * * * * ii. now, gentlemen, look next at the judge's dealing with the trial-jury. he proceeds as before. . he sifts the material returned to him, through those three sieves of questioning, and gets a jury with no hard individual lumps of solid personal independence. they take the oath which you have just taken, gentlemen: "you shall well and truly try the issue between the united states and the defendant at the bar, according to the law, and the evidence given you, so help you god!" the facts are then presented, and the case argued on both sides. . the judge sums up, and charges the jury. he explains their oath; to try the issue _according to the law_ does not mean (a) according to the whole complex which is called "_law_," or "_the law_," but according only to that particular statute which forbids the deed charged,--for otherwise the jury must judge of the purpose of law, which is justice, and inquire into the rightfulness of the deed and of the statute which forbids it. nor does it mean (b) by the jurors' notion of that statute, but only by the judge's opinion thereof. he tells them--if they proceed to inquire into the natural justice of the deed, or into the law which forbids it, then they transcend their office, and are guilty of "perjury," and reads them the statute for the punishment of that offence, and refers to examples--from the times of the stuarts, though he does not mention that--when jurors were fined and otherwise severely dealt with for daring to resist a judge. then out of the facts testified to by the government witnesses, he selects some one which is best supported, of which there is no doubt. he then declares that the question of "guilty or not guilty" turns on that point. if the accused did that deed--then he is guilty. so the moral question, "has the man done a wrong thing?" is taken from their consideration; the intellectual question, "has he done a deed which amounts to the crime forbidden?" is not before them; only the mechanical question, "did he do that particular act?" they are not to inquire as to the justice of the law, its constitutionality, or its legality; nor the justice or the criminality of the deed--only of its actuality, did he do this deed? nay, sometimes the judge treats them as cattle, and orders them to _find the facts for the government_. if they refuse, he threatens them with punishment. thus he constructs the trial-jury, the law, the evidence, the crime, and the fact. * * * * * now, gentlemen, when this is done and done thoroughly, the judge has kept all the forms, presentment by the grand-jury, and trial by a petty jury; but the substance is all gone; the jury is only a stalking horse, and behind it creeps the judicial servant of tyranny, armed with the blunderbuss of law,--made and loaded by himself,--and delivers his shot in the name of law, but against justice, that purpose of all law. thus can tyranny be established--while all the forms of law are kept.[ ] [footnote : see jardine, criminal trials, . parker's sermons, and note.] gentlemen of the jury, let me make this more clear by a special case wholly fictitious.--thomas nason, a "non-resistant" and a quaker, is a colored citizen of boston, the son and once the slave of hon. james nason of virginia, but now legally become a free man by self-purchase; he has the bill of sale of himself in his pocket, and so carries about him a title deed which would perhaps satisfy your honors of his right to liberty. but his mother lizzie (randolph) nason, a descendant of both mr. jefferson and mr. madison,--for virginia, i am told, can boast of many children descended from two presidents, perhaps from three, who "boast the pure blood of an illustrious race, in quiet flow from lucrece to lucrece"-- from saxon master to african slave,--is still the bondwoman of the hon. james, the father of her son thomas. from the "plantation manners" of her master, the concubine, "foolishly dissatisfied with slavery," flies to boston, and takes refuge with her quaker son, who conceals his mother, and shelters her for a time. but let me suppose that his honor judge curtis, while at washington, fired with that patriotism which is not only habitual but natural and indigenous to his honor, informs mr. nason of the hiding-place of his female slave, thus betraying a "mistress" to her master, no longer, alas, her "keeper." it is no injurious imputation--it is an imaginary honor i attribute to the learned and honorable judge. mr. nason sends the proper agent to boston to save the union of states by restoring the union of master and slave. mr. george ticknor curtis, fugitive slave bill commissioner, and brother to the hon. judge, issues his warrant for kidnapping the mother; his coadjutor and friend, mr. butman, attempts to seize her in her son's house. thomas, unarmed, resists the intruder, and with a child's pop-gun drives that valiant officer out of the house, and puts the mother in a place of safety,--beneath the flag of england, or the pope, or the czar. commissioner curtis telegraphs the news to washington,--announcing a "new case of treason--more 'levying war!'" the secretaries of state and of war write dreadful letters, breathing fire and slaughter, and president pierce, a man of most heroic courage, alike mindful of his former actual military exploits at chapultepec, of his delegated triumph at greytown, and of the immortal glory of mr. fillmore, issues his proclamation, calling on all good citizens, and especially on the politicians of his party, to "save the union" from the treason of this terrible thomas nason, who will blow up the constitution with a pop-gun! at the next session of the honorable circuit court of the united states in and for the first district, his honor the hon. benjamin robbins curtis, judge, constructs and charges the grand-jury in the manner already set forth. he instructs them that if any man, by force and arms, namely, with a pop-gun, does resist a body of united states officers, attempting to kidnap a woman, his own mother, that he thereby levies war against the united states, and accordingly commits the crime of "treason" which consists in levying war against the united states--the "_amount_ of force is not material." and it is their duty to indict all persons in that form offending. the attorney, the hon. benjamin franklin hallett, offers to "bet ten dollars that i will get" nason "indicted," and urges the matter. but no bill is found, the jury is discharged, a new jury is summoned, and mr. william w. greenough, the brother-in-law of the judge is put on it, "drawn as juror"--and then a "true bill" is found, mr. hallett actually making an indictment that cannot be quashed! on the day before thanksgiving thomas nason is arraigned; and is brought to trial for this new boston massacre on the anniversary of the old one--on the fifth of march. the judge constructs a trial-jury as before. mr. hallett, assisted by mr. thomas, mr. george t. curtis, and commissioner loring, manage the case for the government, bringing out the whole strength of the kidnapping party, and directing this macedonian phalanx of humanity and law and piety against a poor friendless negro. mr. hale, mr. ellis, and mr. dana defend him. officer butman and his coadjutors--members of the "marshal's guard"--testify that mr. nason attacked them with the felonious weapon above named, putting them in mortal bodily fear greater than that which in mexico once overthrew the (future) president of all this land! mr. herrman, the dealer in toys, testifies that he sold the murderous weapon for twenty-five cents to mr. nason who declared that he "could frighten butman with it;" that it is of german manufacture, and is called a knallbüchse! judge curtis sums up the matter. he tells the jury, ( .) that they are not to judge of the law punishing treason, but to take it from the court. ( .) not to judge what act constitutes the crime of treason, but take that also from the court, and if the court decides that offering a pop-gun at a rowdy's breast constitutes the crime of treason, they are to accept the decision as constitutional law. ( .) they are not to ask if it be just to hang a man for thus resisting a body of men who sought to kidnap his mother, for even if it be unjust and cruel it is none of their concern, for they must execute a cruel and unjust law with even more promptitude than a just and humane one, and in the language of the "defender of the constitution," "conquer their prejudices," and "do a disagreeable duty." ( .) if they think the law commands one thing and the will of god exactly the opposite, in the well-known words of judge sprague, they must "obey both" by keeping the law of man when it contradicts the law of god, for they can never be good christians so long as they scruple to hang a quaker for driving off a kidnapper; and obedience to the law is a moral duty, no matter how immoral the law may be, and "to obey the law of the land is to obey the will of god." ( .) but they have a simple question of fact to determine; namely, did the defendant resist officer butman in the manner set forth? if satisfied of that, they must find him guilty. no mistaken notions of justice must induce them to refuse their verdict--for they are not to make the law, but only help execute it; and their conscience is so "fallible, especially when the rights of others are concerned, and may lead them to do great injustice," for "the annals of the world abound with enormities committed by a narrow and darkened conscience." they must not ask if it be "religious" to do so--for to use the words of the most religious of all americans, a man of most unspotted life in public and private, "religion has nothing to do with politics," and this is a political trial. if there be any injustice in the law and its execution the blame lies with the makers thereof not with the jurors, and they may wash their hands as clean as pilate's from the blood of christ. besides, if there be injustice the president can pardon the offender, and from his well-known religious character--which rests on the unbiased testimony of his _own minister_ and the statement of several partisan newspapers published in the very heat of the election, when men, and especially politicians looking for office, never exaggerate,--he doubtless "will listen to petitions for a commutation of punishment!" but there is no injustice in it--for slavery is part of the _lex terræ_, the law of the land, protected by the constitution itself, which is the _lex suprema_--the supreme law of the land, and nearly eighty years old! besides, "slavery is not immoral," not contrary to the public policy of massachusetts; and, moreover, the "mother" whom the criminal actually rescued, was a "foreigner" and "whatever rights she had, she had no right _here_."[ ] [footnote : see hon. judge curtis's speech at the union meeting in faneuil hall, november , .] but it is not a cruel or an unchristian thing to require a negro layman to allow his mother to be kidnapped in his own house--especially if she were a born slave, and so by the very law "a chattel personal to all uses, intents, and purposes whatever," and of course wholly divested of all natural rights, even if a colored person ever had any--for an eminent american minister, of one of the most enlightened sects in christendom, has publicly offered to send his own freeborn mother into bondage for ever! moreover, if the jurors do not find a verdict of guilty, then they themselves are guilty of perjury! so the jury, without leaving their seats, find him guilty; the judge sentences; the president signs the death-warrant, and marshal freeman hangs the man--to the great joy of the commissioner's and the marshal's guard who vacate the brothels once more and attend on that occasion and triumph over the murdered quaker. but the mischief does not stop there; the boston slave-hunters are not yet satisfied with blood; the judge constructs another grand-jury as before, only getting more of his kinsfolk thereon, and taking his law from the impeached judges kelyng and chase, charges that all persons who _advise_ to an act of levying war, or evince an "_express liking_" for it, or "_approbation_" of it, are also guilty of treason; and "in treason all are principals." accordingly the jury must indict all who have evinced an "express liking" of the rescue, though they did not evince approval of the rescue by such means. it appears that rev. mr. grimes in the meeting-house the sunday before the treason was consummated, had actually prayed that god would "break the arm of the oppressor and let the oppressed go free;" that he read from a book called the old testament, "bewray not him that wandereth," "hide the outcast," and other paragraphs and sentences of like seditious nature. nay, that from the new testament he had actually read the sermon on the mount, especially the golden rule and the summing of the law and the prophets in one word, love,--and had applied this to the case of fugitive slaves; moreover, that he had read the xxvth chapter of matthew from the st to the th verse, with dreadful emphasis. nay, anti-slavery men--in lectures--and in speeches in the music hall, which was built by pious people--and in faneuil hall, which was the old cradle of liberty, had actually spoken against man-stealing,--and even against some of the family of kidnappers in boston! still further, he adds, with great solemnity, a woman--a negro woman,--the actual wife of the criminal nason--had brought intelligence--to her husband--that mr. george t. curtis,--the brother of the judge,--had issued his warrant--and mr. butman--"with a monstrous watch"--was coming to execute it--she told her husband,--and--incited him to his dreadful crime! if you find these facts you must convict the prisoners. so thirty or forty more are hanged for treason. gentlemen of the jury, these fictitious cases doubtless seem extravagant to you. i am glad they do. in peaceful times, in the majority of cases there is no disagreement between the law, the judge, and the jurors; the law is just, or at least is an attempt at justice, the judge wishes to do justice by means thereof, and the jurors aim at the same thing. in such cases there is no motive for doing wrong to any person: so the judge fairly interprets the righteous and wholesome law, the jurors willingly receive the interpretation and apply it to the special case, and substantial justice is done. this happens not only in civil suits between party and party, but also in most of the criminal cases between the public and the defendant. but in times of great political excitement, in a period of crisis and transition, when one party seeks to establish a despotism and deprive some other class of men of their natural rights, cases like those i have imagined actually happen. then there is a disagreement between the judge and the jury; nay, often between the jury and the special statute wherewith the government seeks to work its iniquity. it is on such occasions that the great value of this institution appears,--then the jury hold a shield over the head of their brother and defend him from the malignity of the government and the goliath of injustice, appointed its champion to defy the law of the living god, is smote in the forehead by the smooth stone taken from a country brook, and lies there slain by a simple rustic hand; for in such cases the jury fall back on their original rights, judge of the fact, the law, and the application of the law to the fact, and do justice in spite of the court, at least prevent injustice. * * * * * now, gentlemen of the jury, i will mention some examples of this kind, partly to show the process by which attempts have been made to establish despotism, that by the english past you may be warned for the american present and future; and partly that your function in this and all cases may become clear to you and the nation. the facts of history will show that my fancies are not extravagant. . in april, , just three hundred and one years ago this very month, in england, sir nicolas throckmorton, a gentleman of distinguished family, was brought to trial for high treason. he had held a high military office under henry viii. and edward vi., but "made himself obnoxious to the papists, by his adherence to some of the persecuted reformers." with his two brothers he attended anne askew to her martyrdom when she was burnt for heresy, where they were told to "take heed to your lives for you are marked men." he was brought to trial april th, , the first year of bloody mary. of course he was allowed no counsel; the court was insolent, and demanded his condemnation. but the jury acquitted him; whereupon the _court shut the twelve jurors in prison_! four of them made their peace with the judges, and were delivered: but eight were kept in jail till the next december, and then fined,--three of them £ apiece, and five £ apiece. this is one of the earliest cases that i find, where an english jury in a political trial refused to return such a verdict as the tyrant demanded.[ ] [footnote : see the case in st. tr. , and jardine, , also . the great juridical attacks upon english liberty were directed against the person of the subject, and appear in the trials for treason, but as in such trials the defendant had no counsel, the great legal battle for english liberty was fought over the less important cases where only property was directly concerned. hence the chief questions seem only to relate to money.] . in september, , william penn, afterwards so famous, and william mead, were brought to trial before the lord mayor of london, a creature of the king, charged with "a tumultuous assembly." for the quaker meeting-house in grace church street, had been forcibly shut by the government, and mr. penn had preached to an audience of dissenters in the street itself. the court was exceedingly insolent and overbearing, interrupting and insulting the defendants continually. the jury found a special verdict--"guilty of speaking in grace church street." the judge sent them out to return a verdict more suitable to the desire of the government. again they substantially found the same verdict. "this both mayor and recorder resented at so high a rate that they exceeded the bounds of all reason and civility." the recorder said, "you shall not be dismissed till we have a verdict that the court will accept; you shall be locked up without meat, drink, fire, and tobacco; you shall not think thus to abuse the court; we will have a verdict by the help of god, or you shall starve for it!" when penn attempted to speak, the recorder roared out, "stop that prating fellow's mouth or put him out of court." the jury were sent out a third time, and kept all night, with no food, or drink, or bed. at last they returned a verdict of "not guilty," to the great wrath of the court. _the judge fined the jurors forty marks apiece_, about $ , _and put them in jail_ until they should pay that sum. the foreman, edward bushel, refused to pay his fine and was kept in jail until he was discharged on _habeas corpus_ in november. here the attempt of a wicked government and a cruel judge was defeated by the noble conduct of the jurors, who dared be faithful to their duty.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; dixon's life of penn; st. tr. .] . in an attempt was made to procure an indictment against the earl of shaftesbury, for high treason. the bill was presented to the grand-jury at london; chief justice pemberton gave them the charge, at the king's desire--it was charles ii. they were commanded to _examine the evidence in public_ in the presence of the court, in order that they might thus be overawed and forced to find a bill, in which case the court had matters so arranged that they were sure of a conviction. the court took part in examining the witnesses, attempting to make out a case against the earl. but the jury returned the bill with ignoramus on it, and so found no indictment. the spectators rent the air with their shouts. the court was in great wrath, and soon after the king seized the charter of london, as i have already shown you, seeking to destroy that strong-hold of liberty. shaftesbury escaped--the jury was discharged. why did not the court summon another jury, and the chief justice put his brother-in-law on it? roger coke says, "but as the knights of malta could make knights of their order for eight pence a piece, yet could not make a soldier or seaman; so these kings [the stuarts] though _they could make what judges they pleased_ to do their business, _yet could not make a grand-jury_." for the grand-juries were returned by the sheriffs, and the sheriffs were chosen by the livery, the corporation of london. this fact made the king desire to seize the charter, _then he could make a grand-jury to suit himself_, out of the kinsfolk of the judge.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. , see the valuable matter in the notes, also hallam, and notes.] . next comes the remarkable case of the seven bishops, which i have spoken of already.[ ] you remember the facts, gentlemen. the king, james ii., in , wishing to overturn protestantism--the better to establish his tyranny--issued his notorious proclamation, setting aside the laws of the land and subverting the english church. he commanded all bishops and other ministers of religion to read the illegal proclamation on a day fixed. seven bishops presented to him a petition in most decorous language, remonstrating against the proclamation, and asking to be excused from reading it to their congregations. the king consulted with father petre,--a jesuit, his confessor--on the matter, and had the bishops brought to trial for a misdemeanor, for publishing "a seditious libel in writing against his majesty and his government." it was "obstructing an officer." [footnote : see above, p. .] then the question before the trial-jury was, did the seven bishops, by presenting a petition to the king--asking that they might not be forced to do an act against the laws of england and their own consciences--commit the offence of publishing a seditious libel; and, shall they be punished for that act? all the judges but two, holloway and powell, said "yes," and the jury were so charged. but the jury said, "not guilty." the consequence was this last of the stuarts was foiled in his attempt to restore papal tyranny to england and establish such a despotism as already prevailed in france and spain. here the jury stood between the tyrant and the liberties of the people. gentlemen of the jury, let me show you how that noble verdict was received. soon as the verdict was given, says bishop burnet, "there were immediately very loud acclamations throughout westminster hall, and the words 'not guilty,' 'not guilty,' went round with shouts and huzzas; thereat the king's solicitor moved very earnestly that such as had shouted in the court might be committed. but the shouts were carried on through the cities of westminster and london and flew presently to hounslow heath, where the soldiers in the camp echoed them so loud that it startled the king."[ ] "every man seemed transported with joy. bonfires were made all about the streets, and the news going over the nation, produced the like rejoicings all england over. the king's presence kept the army in some order. but he was no sooner gone out of the camp, than he was followed with an universal shouting, as if it had been a victory obtained."[ ] "when the bishops withdrew from the court, they were surrounded by countless thousands who eagerly knelt down to receive their blessing." of course the two judges who stood out for the liberties of the citizens, were removed from office! [footnote : st. tr. .] [footnote : burnet's own times, . see also campbell, justices, , _et seq._] . here is another remarkable case, that of william owen, in . these are the facts. in there was a contested election of a member of parliament for westminster. hon. alexander murray, an anti-ministerial member of the commons, was denounced to the house for his conduct during the election, and it was ordered that he should be confined a close prisoner in newgate, and that he receive his sentence on his knees. he refused to kneel, and was punished with great cruelty by the bigoted and intolerant house. mr. owen, who was a bookseller, published a pamphlet, entitled "the case of alexander murray, esq.," detailing the facts and commenting thereon. for this an information was laid against him, charging him with publishing a "wicked, false, scandalous, seditious, and malicious libel." on the trial, the attorney-general, ryder, thus delivered himself:-- "what!--shall a person appeal from that court, who are the only judges of things belonging to them, the house of commons i mean. an appeal! to whom? to a mob? must justice be appealed from? to whom? to injustice? appeal to 'the good people of england,' 'particularly the inhabitants of westminster'! the house of commons are the good people of england, being the representatives of the people. the rest are--what? nothing--unless it be a mob. but the clear meaning of this libel was an _appeal to violence_, in fact, and to stigmatize the house." "then he charges the house with sinking material evidence; which in fact is accusing the house of injustice. this is a charge the most shocking; the most severe, and the most unjust and virulent, against the good, the tender house of commons; that safeguard of our liberty, and guardian of our welfare." "this libel ... will be found the most powerful invective that the skill of man could invent. i will not say the skill, but the wit, art, and false contrivance of man, instigated by satan;" "to say that this is not a libel, is to say that there is no justice, equity, or right in the world." the solicitor-general told the jury that they were only to inquire _if mr. owen published the pamphlet_, "_the rest follows of course_;" "you are upon your oaths; you judge of the facts ... and _only them_." chief justice lee summed up the evidence "and delivered it as his opinion, that the _jury ought to find the defendant guilty;_ for he thought the _fact of publication was fully proved; and if so they could not avoid bringing in the defendant guilty_." the jury returned, "not guilty;" but ryder, the attorney-general, put this question, do you think the evidence is not sufficient to convince you that _owen did sell the book_? the foreman stuck to his general verdict, "not guilty," "not guilty;" and several of the jurymen said, "that is our verdict, my lord, and we abide by it." "upon which the court broke up, and there was a prodigious shout in the hall." then "the jury judged as to facts, law, and justice of the whole, and therefore did not answer the leading question which was so artfully put to them."[ ] of course the insolent attorney-general was soon made "lord chief justice," and _rode_ the bench after the antiquated routine. [footnote : st. tr. ; parl. hist. , ; hallam, ; campbell, justices, .] this was the third great case in which the jury had vindicated the right of speech. . here is another case very famous in its day, and of great value as helping to establish the rights of juries, and so to protect the natural right of the citizens--the trial of john miller for reprinting junius's letter to the king, in . here are the facts. mr. miller was the publisher of a newspaper called the _london evening post_, and therein, on december , , he reprinted junius's celebrated letter to the king. for this act, an information _ex officio_ was laid against him, wherein he was charged with publishing a false, wicked, seditious, and malicious libel. a suit had already been brought against woodfall, the publisher of the _public advertiser_, in which the letter originally appeared, but the prosecution had not turned out to the satisfaction of the government, nor had the great question been definitely settled. so this action was brought against mr. miller, who reprinted the original letter the day of its first appearance.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. , , ; woodfall's junius (bohn, ), preface, p. , appendix, p. ; campbell, justices, ; mahon.] solicitor-general thurlow,--whom you have met before, gentlemen,--opened the case for the crown, and said:-- "i have not of myself been able to imagine ... that there is a serious man of the profession in the kingdom who has the smallest doubt whether this ought to be deemed a libel or not;" "for i neither do, nor ever will, attempt to lay before a jury, a cause, in which i was under the necessity of stating a single principle that went to intrench, in the smallest degree, upon the avowed and acknowledged liberty of the subjects of this country, even with regard to the press. the complaint i have to lay before you is that that liberty has been so abused, so turned to licentiousness, ... that under the notion of arrogating liberty to one man, that is the writer, printer, and publisher of this paper, they do ... annihilate and destroy the liberty of all men, more or less. undoubtedly the man that has indulged the _liberty of robbing upon the highway_, has a very considerable portion of it allotted to him." the defendant "has published a paper, in which, concerning the king, concerning the house of commons, and concerning the great officers of state, concerning the public affairs of the realm, there are uttered things of such tendency and application as ought to be punished." "when we are come to that situation, when it shall be lawful for any men in this country to speak of the sovereign [george iii.] in terms attempting to fix upon him such contempt, abhorrence, and hatred, there is an end of all government whatsoever, and then liberty is indeed to shift for itself." he quotes from the paper: "'he [the king] has taken a decisive personal part against the subjects of america, and those subjects know how to distinguish the sovereign and a venal parliament, upon one side, from the real sentiments of the english nation upon the other.' for god's sake is that no libel? to _talk of the king as taking a part of an hostile sort against one branch of his subjects_, and at the same time to _connect him ... with the parliament which he calls a venal parliament_; is that no libel?" lord mansfield,--the bitterest enemy of the citizens' right of speech and of the trial by jury,--charged upon the jury, "the question for you to try ... is, whether the _defendant did print_, or publish, or both, a _paper of the tenor_, and of the meaning, so _charged by the information_." "if it is of the tenor and meaning set out in the information, the next consideration is, whether he _did print and publish it_." "if you ... find the defendant not guilty, the fact established by that verdict is, _he did not publish a paper of that meaning_;" "the fact finally established by your verdict, if you find him guilty, is, that _he printed_ and published a _paper, of the tenor_ and of the meaning set _forth in the information_;" "but you do _not give an opinion ... whether it is or not lawful to print a paper_ ... of the tenor and meaning in the information;" "if in point of fact it is innocent, it would be an innocent thing." thus practically the judge left the jury only one thing to determine, did mr. miller print junius's letter to the king? that was a fact as notorious as it now is in boston that the _daily advertiser_ supported the fugitive slave bill, and helped its execution, for the letter to the king was there in mr. miller's journal as plainly as those defences of the fugitive slave bill were in the _advertiser_. if the jury said "guilty," the court had the defendant in their claws,--and all the wrath of the most malignant tories would fall on him and rend him in pieces. but the jury fell back on their legitimate function to determine the fact, the law, and the application of the law to the fact, and returned a verdict, not guilty, which a great multitude repeated with loud acclaim! * * * * * . next, gentlemen, i will relate a few cases in which the government set all justice at defiance and clove down the right of speech, commonly packing submissive juries. in and following years, while the french revolution was in progress, the thoughtful eyes of england fell on the evils of her own country. america was already a republic, just recovering from the shock of violent separation from her mother,--young, poor, but not unprosperous, and full of future promise too obvious to escape the sagacious politicians who there saw a cause-- "----with fear of change, perplexing kings." the people of france, by a few spasmodic efforts, broke the threefold chain of priest, king, and noble, and began to lift up their head. but saxon england is sober, and so went to work more solemnly than her mercurial neighbor. and besides, the british people had already a firm, broad basis of personal freedom to stand on. much was thought, written, and spoken about reform in england, then most desperately needing it. the american revolution had english admirers whom no courts could silence. nay, at first the french revolution delighted some of the ablest and best men in britain, who therein beheld the carrying out of the great principles which aristotle and machiavelli had laid down as the law of the historical development and social evolution of mankind. they wished some improvement in england itself. but of course there was a strong opposition made to all change. parliament refused to relieve the evils which were made obvious. the upper house of nobles was composed of the elder sons of the families which had a social and pecuniary interest in oppressing the people, and the lower house "consisted mainly of the younger sons of the same families, or still worse the purchased dependents" of their families. societies were organized for reform, such as the "london corresponding society," "the friends of the people," etc., etc. the last mentioned contained many literary, scientific, and political men, and about thirty members of parliament. great complaints were made in public at the inequality of representation in parliament. stormy debates took place in parliament itself--such as we have not yet heard in america, but which wicked and abandoned men are fast bringing upon us. pitt and fox were on opposite sides. "----and such a frown each cast at the other, as when two black clouds, with heaven's artillery fraught, come rattling on over the caspian, then stand front to front, hovering a space, till winds the signal blow to join their dark encounter in mid air." at that time the house of commons was mainly filled with creatures of a few powerful men; thus commoners elected members of the commons, and peers also elected ; so british members of parliament, besides more from scotland,-- in all,--were returned by persons. this was called "representation of the people." from the party who feared to lose their power of tyranny, there went out the decree, "discussion on the subject of national grievances must be suppressed, in parliament and out of parliament." violent attempts were made to suppress discussion. in short, the same efforts were made in england which were attempted in new york and boston in and the two following years, till they were ended by a little sprinkling of dust. but in britain the public mind is harsher than ever in america, and the weapons which broke in the hand of old england were much more formidable than that which here so suddenly snapped, and with such damage to the assassinating hand. ( .) in , john lambert and two others published an advertisement in the london morning chronicle, with which they were connected as printers or proprietors, addressed "to the friends of free inquiry and the general good," inviting them in a peaceful, calm, and unbiased manner to endeavor to improve the public morals in respect to law, taxation, representation, and political administration. they were prosecuted, on _ex officio_ information, for a "false, wicked, scandalous, and seditious libel." the government made every effort to secure their conviction. but it failed.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] ( .) the same year, duffin and lloyd, two debtors in the fleet prison, one an american citizen, wrote on the door of the prison chapel "this house to let; peaceable possession will be given by the present tenants on or before the first day of january, , being the commencement of liberty in great britain. the republic of france having rooted out despotism, their glorious example and success against tyrants renders infamous bastiles no longer necessary in europe." they also were indicted for a "wicked, infamous, and seditious libel," and found guilty. lloyd was put in the pillory![ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] ( .) in , rev. william frend, of the university of cambridge, published a harmless pamphlet entitled "peace and union recommended to the associated bodies of republicans and anti-republicans." he was brought to trial, represented as a "heretic, deist, infidel, and atheist," and by sentence of the court banished from the university.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .--so late as , the chief justice punished an editor with a fine of £ , for publishing an account of a trial for high treason. see st. tr. , also st. tr. ; campbell, justices, , _et al._] ( .) the same year, john frost, esq., "a gentleman" and attorney, when slightly intoxicated after dinner, and provoked by others, said, "i am for equality. i see no reason why any man should not be upon a footing with another; it is every man's birthright." and when asked if he would have no king, he answered, "yes, no king; the constitution of this country is a bad one." this took place in a random talk at a tavern in london. he was indicted as a person of a "depraved, impious, and disquiet mind, and of a seditious disposition, and contriving, practising, and maliciously, turbulently, and seditiously intending the peace and common tranquillity of our lord the king and his laws to disturb," "to the evil example of all others in like case offending." he was sentenced to six months in newgate, and one hour in the pillory! he must find sureties for good behavior for five years, himself in £ , two others in £ each, be imprisoned until the sureties were found, and be struck from the list of attornies![ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] ( .) rev. william winterbotham, the same year, in two sermons, exposed some of the evils in the constitution and administration of england, and for that was fined £ , and sentenced to jail for four years,--a good deal more than $ and twelve months' imprisonment.[ ] [footnote : ibid. .] ( .) the same year, thomas briellat, a london pump-maker, in a private conversation said, "a reformation cannot be effected without a revolution; we have no occasion for kings; there never will be any good time until all kings are abolished from the face of the earth; it is my wish that there were no kings at all." "i wish the french would land , men to fight the government party." he was tried, found guilty, and sentenced to a fine of £ , and sent to jail for a year.[ ] [footnote : ib. .] ( .) richard phillips, afterwards sheriff of london, was sent to jail for eighteen months for selling paine's rights of man; for the same offence two other booksellers were fined and sent to newgate _for four years_! a surgeon and a physician were sent to newgate for two years for having "_seditious libels in their possession_." thirteen persons were indicted at once.[ ] [footnote : ibid. . wade, brit. hist. ( ), , _et seq._] ( .) in a charge was brought against the rev. thomas fyshe palmer, formerly a senior fellow of queen's college, cambridge, and then a unitarian minister at dundee. mr. palmer wrote an address which was adopted at a meeting of the friends of liberty and published by them, which, in moderate language, called on the people "to join us in our exertions for the preservation of our perishing liberty, and the recovery of our long lost rights." he distributed copies of this address. he was prosecuted for "leasing-making," for publishing a "seditious and inflammatory writing." the (scotch) jury found him guilty, and the judges sentenced him to _transportation for seven years_. the sentence was executed with rigorous harshness.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; belsham's history of george iii.] ( .) the same year thomas muir, esq., was brought to trial for leasing-making or public libel at edinburgh. he was a promising young lawyer, with liberal tendencies in politics, desiring the education of the great mass of the people and a reform in parliament. he was a member of various reform societies, and sometimes spoke at their meetings in a moderate tone recommending only legal efforts--by discussion and petition--to remedy the public grievances. his honor (mr. curtis) who belongs to a family so notoriously "democratic" in the beginning of this century, and so eager in its denunciations of the federalists of that period, knows that the law even of england--which they so much hated--allows all that. it appeared that mr. muir also lent a copy of thomas paine's "rights of man" to a mechanic who asked the loan as a favor. for these offences he was indicted for sedition, charged with instituting "a society for reform," and with an endeavor "to represent the government of this country as oppressive and tyrannical, and the legislative body as venal and corrupt." it was alleged in the indictment that he complained of the government of england as "costly," the monarchy as "useless, cumbersome, and expensive," that he advised persons to read paine's rights of man, and circulated copies of a periodical called "the _patriot_," which complained of the grievances of the people. on trial he was treated with great insolence and harshness, reprimanded, interrupted, and insulted by the agents of the government--the court. an association of men had offered a reward of five guineas for the discovery of any person who circulated the writings of thomas paine. five of the fifteen jurors were members of that association,--and in scotland a bare majority of the jurors convicts. mr. muir defended himself, and that ably. lord justice clark charged his packed jury:-- "there are two things which you should attend to, which require no proof. the first is that the british constitution is the _best in the world_!" "is not every man _secure in his life, liberty, and property? is not happiness in the power of every man?_ 'does not every man sit safely under his own vine and fig-tree' and none shall make him afraid?" "the other circumstance ... is the state of the country during last winter. _there was a spirit of sedition and revolt going abroad._" "i leave it for you to judge whether it was perfectly innocent or not in mr. muir ... to go about ... among _the lower classes of the people ... inducing them to believe that a reform was absolutely necessary, to preserve their safety and their liberty_, which, had it not been for him, they never would have suspected to have been in danger." "he ran a parallel between the french and english constitutions, and _talked of their respective taxes_ ... and gave a preference to the french." "he has brought many witnesses to prove his general good behavior, and his recommending peaceable measures, and petitioning to parliament." "mr. muir might have known that _no attention could be paid to such a rabble, what right had they to representation_? he could have told them the _parliament would never listen to their petition_! how could they think of it? a government in any country should be just like a corporation; and in this country it is _made up of the landed interest, which alone has a right to be represented_." gentlemen, you might think this speech was made by the "castle garden committee," or at the boston "union meeting" in , but it comes from the year . of course the jury found him guilty: the judges sentenced him to _transportation for fourteen years_! lord swinton quoted from the roman law, that the punishment for sedition was _crucifixion_, or exposure _to be torn to pieces by wild beasts_, or transportation. "we have chosen the _mildest of these punishments_." this sentence was executed with great cruelty. but mr. pitt, then in the high places of power, declared these punishments were dictated by a "sound discretion."[ ] [footnote : st. tr. ; parl. hist. , for adams' speech in commons.] for like offences several others underwent the same or similar punishment. but these enormities were perpetrated by the government in scotland--where the roman law had early been introduced and had accustomed the semi-saxons to forms of injustice foreign to the ethnologic instinct and historic customs of the parent tribe. but begun is half done. emboldened by their success in punishing the friends of humanity in scotland, the ministry proceeded to attempt the same thing in england itself. then began that british reign of terror, which lasted longer than the french, and brought the liberties of the people into such peril as they had not known since william of orange hurled the last of the stuarts from his throne. dreadful laws were passed, atrocious almost as our own fugitive slave bill. first came "the traitorous correspondence bill;" next the "habeas corpus suspension act;" and then the "seditious practices act," with the "treasonable attempts bill" by legislative exposition establishing constructive treason! all these iniquitous measures were brought forward in parliament by sir john scott--then attorney-general, one of those north britons who find the pleasantest prospect in scotland is the road to london. he also was vehemently active in defending the tyranny of the scotch judges just referred to, as indeed all judicial insolence and legal wrong.[ ] he opposed all attempts to reform the law which punished with death a theft of five shillings. in two years there were more prosecutions for seditious libel than in twenty before. but scott had his reward, and was made lord chancellor in , and elevated to the peerage as lord eldon.[ ] [footnote : parl. hist. ; parl. hist. , , , _et al._; parl. hist. .] [footnote : campbell, ; townsend's judges; life of vic. gibbs.] . then came that series of trials for high treason which disgraced the british nation and glutted the sanguinary vengeance of the court. the government suborned spies to feign themselves "radicals," join the various reform societies, worm themselves into the confidence of patriotic and philanthropic or rash men, possess themselves of their secrets, catch at their words, and then repeat in court what they were paid for fabricating in their secret haunts. a ridiculous fable was got up that there was a plot to assassinate the king! many were arrested, charged with treason--"constructive treason." on the evidence of spies of the government, hired informers--such men, gentlemen of jury, as commissioner loring and marshal freeman jointly made use of last year to kidnap mr. burns--estimable men were seized and locked up in the most loathsome dungeons of the kingdom, with intentional malignity confined amongst the vilest of notorious criminals. the judges wrested the law, constructing libels, seditions, "misdemeanors," treasons--any crime which it served their purpose to forge out of acts innocent, or only rash or indiscreet. juries were packed by bribed sheriffs, and purchased spies were brought in evidence to swear away the liberty or the life of noble men. one of the government witnesses was subsequently convicted of ten perjuries! no man was safe who dared utter a serious word against george iii. or mr. pitt. here, gentlemen, i shall mention two cases of great importance in which the jury did their duty and turned the stream of ministerial and judicial tyranny. ( .) in in a bill suspending the habeas corpus, parliament declared "that a treacherous and detestable conspiracy had been formed for subverting the existing laws and constitution, and for introducing the system of anarchy and violence which had lately prevailed in france." soon after the grand-jury for middlesex indicted twelve men for high treason; they were members of some of the societies mentioned just now. "the overt act charged against them was, that they had engaged _in a conspiracy to call a convention_, the object of which was to bring about a revolution in the country," but it was not alleged that there was any plot against the king's life, or any preparation for force.[ ] thomas hardy, a shoemaker, was first brought to trial. the trial began october , , just sixty years before mr. curtis's grand-jury found a bill against me. sir john scott, the attorney-general, in opening the prosecution, made a _speech nine hours' long_, attempting to construct treason out of belonging to a society. all who belonged to it were to be considered guilty of "compassing the death of our lord the king." chief justice eyre, in addressing the grand-jury, referred to the act of parliament as _proof of a conspiracy_.[ ] mr. erskine defended hardy in a speech which "will live forever." seldom had english liberty been in such peril; never did english lawyers more manfully defend it. the jury, a london jury, returned "not guilty."[ ] gentlemen, the report of the trial occupies more than twelve hundred pages in this volume,[ ] and it shook the nation. the british juries for a long time had slept on their post, and allowed the enemy to enter the camp and murder its inmates. but the trial of hardy woke up those heedless sentinels, and liberty was safe--in england, i mean. [footnote : campbell, .] [footnote : george iii. c. .] [footnote : st. tr. ; annual register, , p. ; parl. hist. , _et al._] [footnote : st. tr.] ( .) still the infatuated government went on, not conscious of the spirit of anglo-saxon liberty it had at last roused from long, heavy and deathlike sleep, and eleven days after brought mr. john horne tooke to trial. you remember, gentlemen, that on the first anniversary of the declaration of independence, he was tried for publishing a notice of a meeting which raised £ for the widows and orphan children of our citizens who fell at lexington on the th of april, , and for that offence was punished with fine and imprisonment.[ ] after the acquittal of hardy, the government brought mr. tooke to trial, relying on the same evidence to convict him which had so signally failed a fortnight before. the overt act relied on to convict him of "levying war" and "compassing the death of our lord the king," was membership of a reform society! mr. erskine defended him: "i _will_ assert the freedom of an englishman; i will maintain the dignity of man, i will vindicate and glory in the principles which raised this country to her preëminence among the nations of the earth; and as she shone the bright star of the morning to shed the light of liberty upon nations which now enjoy it, so may she continue in her radiant sphere to revive the ancient privileges of the world which have been lost, and still to bring them forward to tongues and people who have never known them yet, in the mysterious progression of things."[ ] [footnote : see above, p. .] [footnote : st. tr. .] gentlemen, horne tooke was acquitted--the government routed and overwhelmed with disgrace, gave up the other prosecutions, and the treason trials ended. even george iii. had wit enough left to see the blunder which his ministers--the slave power of england in --had committed, and stammered forth, "you have got us into the wrong box my lord [loughborough]; you have got us into the wrong box. constructive treason won't do my lord; constructive treason won't do." by and by, gentlemen, other men, wiser than poor feeble-minded george iii., will find out that "constructive _misdemeanors_ won't do." of these trials, mr. campbell, himself a judge, declares, "this [the conduct of the government] was more exceptionable in principle than any thing done during the reign of charles ii.; for then the fabricators of the popish plot did not think of corroborating the testimony of oates and bedloe by a public statute; and then, if the facts alleged had been true, they would have amounted to a plain case of actual treason; whereas here, admitting the truth of all the facts alleged, there was no pretence for saying that any treason contemplated by the legislature had been committed. if this scheme had succeeded, not only would there have been a sacrifice of life contrary to law, but all political 'agitation' must have been extinguished in england, as there would have been a precedent for holding that the effort to carry a measure by influencing public opinion through the means openly resorted to in our days, is a 'compassing the death of the sovereign.' the only chance of escaping such servitude would have been civil war. it is frightful to think of the perils to which the nation was exposed.... but erskine and the crisis were framed for each other.... his contemporaries, who without him might have seen the extinction of freedom among us, saw it, by his peculiar genius, placed on an imperishable basis."[ ] but erskine without a jury, gentlemen, what could he have done? he could only wail, o jerusalem, jerusalem--when she would not! [footnote : campbell, .] * * * * * now, gentlemen, let us come over to this side of the water. i shall mention some cases in which the jury have manfully done their duty, some others in which they have allowed themselves to be browbeaten and bullied by a judge, and so have done the greatest wrong. . first look at the famous case of john peter zenger.[ ] here are the facts. in , mr. zenger established a newspaper in new york--there was only one there before--called the "new york weekly journal," "containing the freshest advices foreign and domestic." in some numbers of this he complained, modestly enough, of various grievances in the administration of the province, then ruled by governor cosby. he said, "as matters now stand their [the people's] liberties and properties are precarious, and that slavery is likely to be entailed on them and their posterity, if some past things be not amended." he published the remarks of some one who said he "should be glad to hear that the assembly would exert themselves, as became them, by showing that they have the interest of their country more at heart than the gratification of any private view of any of their members, or being at all affected by the smiles or frowns of a governor, both which ought equally to be despised when the interest of the country is at stake." "we see men's deeds destroyed, judges arbitrarily displaced, new courts erected without consent of the legislature, by which, it seems to me, trials by juries are taken away when a governor pleases." "who, then, in that province can call any thing his own, or enjoy any liberty longer than those in the administration will condescend to let him do it?" [footnote : doc. hist. n.y. p. , .] in october, , chief justice de lancey gave a charge to the grand-jury, urging them to indict mr. zenger for a libel. he says, "it is a very high aggravation of a libel that it tends to scandalize the government by _reflecting on those who are intrusted with the administration of public affairs_, which ... has a direct tendency to breed in the public a dislike of their governors." "if he who hath either read a libel himself, or hath heard it read by another, _do afterwards_ maliciously _read or report any part of it in the presence of others_, or _lend or show it to another, he is guilty of an unlawful publication of it._" but the judge had not packed the grand-jury with sufficient care, and so no bill was found. thereupon the governor's council sent a message to the general assembly of new york, complaining of mr. zenger's journal as tending "to alienate the affections of the people of this province from his majesty's government," and asking them to inquire into the said papers and the authors thereof; the council required that the obnoxious numbers might "be _burned by the hands of the common hangman or whipper, near the pillory_." the assembly let them lie on the table. the court of quarter-sessions was applied to to burn the papers; but as that body refused, the sheriff "delivered them unto the hands of _his own negro_, and ordered him to put them into the fire, which he did." mr. zenger was imprisoned by a warrant from the governor, a _lettre de cachet_, and "for several days denied the use of pen, ink, and paper, and the liberty of speech with any person." an _ex officio_ information was brought against him, charging him with "malicious and seditious libel." his counsel, messrs. alexander and smith, took exceptions to the proceedings. the chief justice would neither hear nor allow the exceptions, "for" said he, "you thought to have gained a great deal of applause and popularity by opposing this court ... but you have brought it to that point, that either we must go from the bench or you from the bar, therefore we exclude you." so "for contempt of court" their names were struck from the list of attorneys. the case came on for trial. the clerk of the court sought to pack his jury, and instead of producing the "freeholders' book" to select the jury from, presented a list of forty-eight persons which he said he had taken from that book. this honorable court knows how easy it is to violate the law in summoning jurors; none knew it better a hundred and twenty years ago. of the some were not freeholders at all; others held commissions and offices at the governor's pleasure; others were of the late displaced magistrates who had a grudge against mr. zenger for exposing their official conduct; besides, there were the governor's baker, tailor, shoemaker, candle-maker, and joiner. but it does not appear that this judge had any brother-in-law on the list; corruption had not yet reached that height. but that wicked list was set aside after much ado, and a jury summoned in the legal manner. it may astonish the court but it was really done--and a jury summoned according to law. the trial went on. andrew hamilton of philadelphia defended mr. zenger with law, wit, learning, and eloquence. he admitted the fact of printing and publishing the documents, and rested the defence on the truth of their assertions. the attorney-general, mr. bradley, said, "supposing they were true, the law says that they are not the less libellous for that: nay, indeed, the law says, _their being true is an aggravation of the crime_." he "did not know what could be said in defence of a man that had so notoriously scandalized the governor and principal magistrates ... by _charging them with depriving the people of their rights and liberties, and taking away trials by juries, and in short putting an end to the law itself_. if this was not a libel, he did not know what was one. such persons as did take these liberties ... ought to suffer for stirring up sedition and discontent among the people." the chief justice declared, "it is far from being a justification of a libel that the contents thereof are true ... since the _greater appearance there is of truth, so much the more provoking is it_!" "the jury may find that mr. zenger printed and published these papers, and _leave it to the court to judge whether they are libellous_!" that would be to put the dove's neck in the mouth of the fox, and allow him to decide whether he would bite it off. mr. hamilton replied:-- "this of leaving it to the judgment of the court whether the words are libellous or not, in effect renders juries useless (to say no worse), in many cases." "if the faults, mistakes, nay even the vices of such a person be private and personal, and don't affect the peace of the public, or the liberty or property of our neighbor, it is unmanly and unmannerly to expose them, either by word or writing. but, when a ruler of the people brings his personal failings, but much more his vices, into his administration, and the people find themselves affected by them, either in their liberties or properties, that will alter the case mightily; and all the high things that are said in favor of rulers and of deputies, and upon the side of power, will not be able to stop people's mouths when they feel themselves oppressed, i mean in a free government. it is true _in times past it was a crime to speak truth_; and in that terrible court of star-chamber many worthy and brave men suffered for so doing; and yet even in that court, and in those bad times, a great and good man durst say, what i hope will not be taken amiss of me to say in this place, namely, 'the practice of informations for libels is a sword in the hands of a wicked king, and an arrant coward, to cut down and destroy the innocent; the one cannot because of his high station, and the other dares not, because of his want of courage, redress himself in another manner.' "it is a right which all persons claim and are entitled to, to complain when they are hurt; they have a right publicly to remonstrate against the abuses of power, in the strongest terms; to put their neighbors upon their guard against the craft or open violence of men in authority; and to assert with courage the sense they have of the blessings of liberty, the value they put upon it, and their resolution at all hazards to preserve it as one of the greatest blessings heaven can bestow." "it is a duty which all good men owe to their country, to guard against the unhappy influence of ill men when intrusted with power, and especially against their creatures and dependants, who as they are generally more necessitous, are surely more covetous and cruel." according to the judge the jury had only one question before them, "did zenger publish the words charged in the information?" that fact was clear; nay, he did not himself deny it. he confessed it in court. but the jury fell back on their rights and duties to decide the question of fact, of law, and of the application of the law to the fact, and returned "not guilty," "upon which there were three huzzas in the hall." had this honorable court been then in existence i suppose it would have talked of indicting the jurors for "perjury," and would doubtless have had its labor for its pains. for the common council of new york presented mr. hamilton with a costly gold box and the freedom of the city. gentlemen, this took place one hundred and twenty years ago. forty years before the revolution, andrew hamilton helped lay the "brilliant foundation of liberty," whereon another hamilton was also to raise up noble walls of freedom. gentlemen of the jury, by wisdom is a house builded, but the foolish plucketh it down with her own hands. will you allow that to be done? what if the jury in had been faithless? the axe which smote down zenger in new york, bloody and cruel, would have shorn off the heads of otis and quincy, and adams and hancock at boston; the family of scroggs alone would be held in honor in new england.[ ] [footnote : st. tr. .] gentlemen, it once happened in new york that governor nicholson was offended with one of the clergymen of the province. he met him on the road one day, and "as it was usual with him (under the protection of his commission) used the poor minister with the worst of language, threatened to cut off his ears, slit his nose, and at last to shoot him through the head." the minister, "being a reverend man, continued all this time uncovered in the heat of the sun, until he found an opportunity to fly for it, and coming to a neighbor's house fell ill of a fever and wrote for a doctor," relating the facts and concluding that the governor was crazy, for no man in his right mind would behave so ill. the doctor showed the letter; the governor brought a prosecution against the minister for publishing a "scandalous, wicked, and seditious libel." no doubt he could have found a judge even then who would twist the law so as to make the letter "sedition" and "libel;" nay, perhaps he could construct a jury so as to secure a conviction, but before it reached trial the prosecution was stopped by the order of queen anne. . in , in massachusetts, there occurred the celebrated case of commonwealth _vs._ bowen, to which i shall again refer in a subsequent part of this defence. these are the facts. in september, , jonathan jewett was convicted of murder in hampshire county, massachusetts, and sentenced to be hanged on the th of the following november. he was confined at northampton, and hung himself in his cell on the night preceding the morning appointed for his public execution. george bowen was confined in the same jail, in an apartment adjacent to jewett's, and in such a situation that they could freely converse together. bowen repeatedly and frequently advised and urged jewett to destroy himself and thus disappoint the sheriff and the expectant people. he did so, and the coroner's jury returned that he committed suicide. but nevertheless, bowen was indicted for the wilful murder of jewett. it was charged that he "feloniously, wilfully, and of his malice aforethought, did counsel, hire, persuade, and procure the said jewett the said felony and murder of himself to do and commit;" or that he himself murdered the said jewett by hanging him. at the trial attorney-general perez morton contended that bowen "was guilty of _murder as principal_;" and he cited and relied chiefly on the following authority from the reports of our old friend kelyng. "memorandum, that my brother _twisden_ showed me a report which he had of a charge given by justice _jones_ to the grand-jury, at the king's bench barre, _michaelmas term_, _car._ , in which he said, that poisoning another was murder at common law. and the statute of _ed._ , was but declaratory of the common law, and an affirmation of it. if one drinks poison by the provocation of another, and dieth of it, this is murder in the person that persuaded it. and he took this difference. if a. give poison to j.s. to give to j.d., and j.s. knowing it to be poison, give it to j.d. who taketh it in the absence of j.s., and dieth of it; in this case j.s., who gave it to j.d., is principal; and a. who gave the poison to j.s., and was absent when it was taken, is but accessory before the fact. but if a. buyeth poison for j.s., and j.s., in the absence of a., taketh it and dieth of it, in this case a., though he be absent, yet he is principal. so it is if a. giveth poison to b. to give unto c.; and b., not knowing it to be poison, but believing it to be a good medicine, giveth it to c., who dieth of it; in this case a., who is absent, is principal, or else a man should be murdered, and there should be no principal. for b., who knoweth nothing of the poison, is in no fault, though he gave it to c. so if a. puts a sword into the hands of a madman, and bids him kill b. with it, and then a. goeth away, and the madman kills b. with the sword, as a. commanded him, this is murder in a., though absent, and he is principal; for it is no crime in the madman, who did the fact by reason of his madness."[ ] [footnote : see the case in kelyng's reports (london, ), p. . the opinion of justice _jones_ was only the charge of an inferior judge given to the grand-jury in .] mr. morton also laid down this as law, "_the adviser of one who commits a felony of himself is a murderer_." he might have added, "the adviser of one who breaks into his own house is a burglar." chief justice parker--who once declared that the jury had nothing to do with the harshness of a law--charged the jury that the important question for them was, did bowen's advice induce jewett to kill himself? if so, they were to find him guilty of wilful murder! "the community has an interest _in the public execution_ of criminals [the crowd having an _interest in the spectacle_] and to take such an one out of the reach of the law [by advising him to self-destruction] is no trivial offence." "_you are not to consider the atrocity of this offence in the least degree diminished by the consideration that justice was thirsting for its sacrifice_; and that but a small portion of jewett's earthly existence could, in any event, remain to him."[ ] [footnote : mass. rep. .] there was no doubt that bowen advised jewett to commit suicide; but the jury, in defiance of the judge's charge and mr. kelyng's law, nevertheless returned "not guilty." here, gentlemen, is a remarkable instance of a judge, in private a benevolent man, perverting his official power, and constructing the crime of murder out of advice given to a man to anticipate a public execution by privately hanging himself! the law relied on was the memorandum of the charge to a grand-jury made by a judge who notoriously broke the fundamental laws of england, by declaring that the king had a constitutional right to imprison, at will and as long as he liked, any of his subjects without trial, even members of parliament for words uttered in public debate; and also the right to levy ship-money contrary to the acts of parliament. this charge was made in the tyrannical reign of charles i. in , by a tyrannical judge. there was no report, only _a memorandum_ of it, and that not printed till seventy-four years after! it had not the force of law even then: it was only the memorandum of the "opinion" of a single judge, not even the "opinion" of the full court. the memorandum is contained in kelyng's book, which lord campbell calls "a folio volume of decisions in criminal cases, which are of no value whatever, except to make us laugh at some of the silly egotisms with which they abound."[ ] on such authority in would even a massachusetts court, with a judge who was a kindly man in private, dash away the life of a fellow-creature,--with such mockery of law! but, gentlemen, the jury at that time did not slumber; they set the matter right, and did justice spite of judge kelyng and his "law." they made nothing of the judge's charge! [footnote : campbell, judges, .] * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, i will now mention some cases of gross injustice perpetrated by the federal courts of the united states. the tenth article of amendments to the constitution provides that "powers not delegated to the united states by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." the constitution itself confers no common law jurisdiction on the government. neither the people nor their representatives had ever decreed the common law of england to be a part of the law of the united states. yet, spite of the absence of positive enactment and the express words of the above amendment to the constitution, the supreme court at once assumed this jurisdiction. in , chief justice ellsworth said, "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution;"[ ] and proceeded on that supposition to exercise the powers of english judges of common law, undertaking to punish men for offences which no act of congress forbid. you see at once what monstrous tyranny would follow from that usurpation. had the english common law power of punishing for "seditious libel," for example, been allowed to the federal court, gentlemen, you know too well what would follow. but this monstrous assumption was presently brought to an ignominious end; and strange as it may appear, by one of the judges of the court itself. samuel chase of maryland, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, had been an anti-federalist and a strong state-right's man, as such insisting on a strict construction of the constitution. singular as it may appear he was made a judge in , and what is yet more surprising, in , declared "the united states as a federal government, had no common law," and thus ended this claim.[ ] but tyranny did not end; nay, he himself, a man of uncommon powers and legal attainments, became a most atrocious example of judicial despotism. [footnote : wharton, state trials, . see too virginia resolutions (richmond, ), preface, xiii. _et seq._; virginia resolutions by madison, and his report thereon; kentucky resolutions by jefferson, in eliot's debates ( ).] [footnote : wharton, ; dallas, ; see hildreth, .] . in a direct tax was levied by act of congress on all lands and houses; excise officers were to ascertain their value. the "alien and sedition laws" were also passed the same year. the execution of the law relative to the direct tax was resisted in northampton county, penn., and some prisoners rescued from an officer of the united states. the president, mr. adams, issued his proclamation. in john fries was arrested on the charge of treason. the overt act alleged was resistance to that one special law of congress. judge iredell charged the grand-jury, "you have heard the government as grossly abused as if it had been guilty of the vilest tyranny." had he read the private correspondence of the cabinet, he might have found other specimens of "abuse." he defended both the alien and sedition laws.--they were "constitutional" and "proper."[ ] [footnote : see a defence of them in gibbs's administration, , ; also .] mr. fries was indicted for treason. the judiciary act of congress of provides that "in cases punishable with death the trial shall be had in the county where the offence was committed; or when that cannot be done without great inconvenience, twelve petit jurors at least shall be summoned from thence." the offence was committed in northampton county, and he was indicted and brought to trial in philadelphia county, nor could the court be induced to comply with the statute! the government laid down the law and constructed treason with the usual ingenuity of officials working by the job. judge kelyng's loose opinion that an attack on a brothel was high treason, was cited by mr. rawle, the district attorney, as good law.[ ] what "in england is called constructive levying of war, in this country must be called direct levying of war." judge peters charged that though force was necessary to constitute the crime of treason, yet "the quantum of force is immaterial," of course it may be wielding a wheat straw, or a word, i suppose. "the doctrine of constructive treason has produced much real mischief in another country" [england]. "the _greater part of the objections to it are irrelevant here_." [footnote : wharton, ; kelyng, r. , .] fries was found guilty. his counsel moved for a new trial, on the ground that before the trial one of the jurors had declared, "fries ought to be hung;" "i myself shall be in danger unless we hang them all;" that the jurors were irregularly drawn, and the trial was not held in the county where the offence was committed. judge iredell ruled that it was "_a high contempt_ at this time _to call for a renewal of an argument whereon a solemn, decisive opinion was delivered_." judge peters declared the juror had "said no more than all friends to the laws and the government were warranted in thinking and saying." yet a new trial was granted. the new trial was held before judge chase, who had, as mr. wharton says, a "singular instinct for tumults which scents it at a distance ... and irresistibly impels a participation in it," "moving perpetually with a mob at his heels." yet "apart from his criminal jurisdiction he was reckoned a wise and impartial judge, a master of the common law, and a thorough and indefatigable administrator of public functions." "it was this despotic ardor of temperament ... which made him, when a young man, employ with resolute audacity the engine of popular revolt, and which led him when older, and when in possession of that power against which he had so steadily warred, to wield with the same vigor the sword of constituted authority."[ ] gentlemen, he was like many that this honorable court perhaps have known, who were privateering democrats in , and kidnapping whigs in . to him we are indebted for the invaluable decision that the united states courts have no common law jurisdiction. [footnote : hildreth, ; gibbs, ; gibbs, .] at this new trial he treated the defendants' counsel in such a manner that they abandoned the case, and left the prisoner without defence. the district attorney, taking his law from kelyng and similar servants of british despots, laid it down that treason "may consist in _assembling together in numbers_, and by actual force, or by terror, _opposing any particular law_;" "_force need not be used_ to manifest this spirit of rebellion." "even _if the matter made a grievance of was illegal, the demolition of it_ in this way _was_, nevertheless, _treason_," "a rising with intent by force to prevent the execution of a law ... preventing the marshal executing his warrants, and preventing the other officers ... amounted to levying war." "in short an opposition to the acts of congress in whole or in part [that is to _any one law_] ... either by collecting numbers, or by a display of force ... which should operate ... either throughout the united states, or in _any part thereof to procure a repeal or a suspension_ of the law ... this offence be considered to be _strictly_ treason." judge chase laid it down as law not to be questioned in his court, "that any ... rising of any body of the people ... to attain by force ... any object of a great public nature ... is a levying of war:" "any such ... rising to resist ... the execution of any statutes of united states ... or for any other object of a general nature or national concern, under any pretence as that the statute was unjust ... or unconstitutional is a levying war;" "_any force ... will constitute the crime_ of levying war." if that be law, then an old negro woman who, with a dishcloth, frightens officer butman away from kidnapping her granddaughter in southac street, does thereby levy war against the united states and commits the crime of treason. the jury, overborne by the assumptions of the judge, or ignorant of their duties and their rights, allowed this tyrannical court to have its way, surrendered the necks of the people, and brought in a verdict of guilty. judge chase made an insolent address to the prisoner and sentenced him to death. but mr. adams, with a remarkable degree of justice, gave him a full pardon, and drew down upon himself thereby the wrath of his cabinet.[ ] [footnote : wheaton, ; adams's works, ; gibbs, ; hildreth, ; chase's trial, .] . in mathew lyon, a native of ireland, a revolutionary soldier, a member of congress, and editor of a newspaper in vermont, was brought to trial under the sedition law, for a false, malicious, and seditious libel. he had published in his newspaper a somewhat severe attack on the federalists then in power. the article, alleged to be "seditious," was a letter written and mailed at the seat of government seven days before, and published nine days after, the passage of the sedition law itself. it was as much a political trial, gentlemen, as this--purely political. judge patterson--united states circuit judge of vermont--charged that the jury had nothing whatever to do with the constitutionality of the sedition law. "congress has said that the author and publisher of seditious libels is to be punished." "the only question you are to determine is ... did mr. lyon publish the writing?... did he do so seditiously, with the intent of making odious or contemptible the president and government, and bringing them both into disrepute?" mr. lyon was found guilty, and punished by a fine of $ , and imprisonment for four months. the "seditious libel" would now be thought a quite moderate editorial or "letter from our correspondent." his imprisonment was enforced with such rigor that his constituents threatened to tear down the jail, which he prevented.[ ] [footnote : wharton, ; jefferson's works ( ), .] . in thomas cooper, a native of england, residing at northumberland, pennsylvania, published a handbill reflecting severely on the conduct of president adams. he was prosecuted by an information _ex officio_, in the circuit court for pennsylvania, and brought to trial before judge chase, already referred to, charged with a "false, scandalous, and malicious attack" on the president. mr. chase charged the jury, "a republican government can only be destroyed in two ways: the introduction of luxury, or the licentiousness of the press. this latter is the more slow, but most sure and certain means of bringing about the destruction of the government." he made a fierce and violent harangue, arguing the case against the defendant with the spirit which has since become so notorious in the united states courts in that state. the pliant jury found mr. cooper guilty, and he was fined $ and sent to jail for six months. he subsequently became a judge in pennsylvania, as conspicuous for judicial tyranny as mr. chase himself, and was removed by address of the legislature from his seat, but afterwards went to south carolina where he became professor at her college, and a famous nullifier in .[ ] [footnote : wharton, .] . in , or , mr. callender, a native of england, then residing at richmond, in virginia--a base and mean fellow, as his whole history proved, depraved in morals and malignant in temper--published a pamphlet called "the prospect before us," full of the common abuse of mr. adams and his administration. he was indicted for a false, malicious, and seditious libel, and brought to trial before judge chase who pressed the sedition law with inquisitorial energy and executed it with intolerant rigor.[ ] as he started for richmond to hold the trial, he declared "he would teach the lawyers in virginia the difference between the liberty and the licentiousness of the press." he told the marshal "not to put any of those creatures called democrats on the jury,"--it does not appear that he had his own brother-in-law on it however;--"he likened himself to a schoolmaster who was to turn the unruly boys of the virginia courts over his knee and give them a little wholesome chastisement." [footnote : wharton, , ; chase's trial, ; jefferson, , .] some of the ablest lawyers in virginia were engaged for the defence. but they could not secure any decent regard to the common forms of law, or to the claims of justice. he would not grant the delay always usual in such cases, and indispensable to the defence. he refused to allow the defendants' counsel to examine their most important witness, and allowed them to put none but written questions approved of by him! the defendant was not allowed to prove the truth of any statements, alleged to be libellous, by establishing the truth of one part through one witness and of another through a different one. he would not allow him to argue to the jury that the law was unconstitutional. "we all know that juries have the right to decide the law as well as the fact, and the constitution is the supreme law of the land." "then," said mr. wirt, "since the jury have a right to consider the law, and since the constitution is law, it is certainly syllogistic that the jury have a right to consider the constitution;" and the judge exclaimed, "a _non sequitur_, sir!" "sit down, sir!" mr. wirt sat down. the judge declared "a right is given to the jury to determine what the law is in the case before them, and not to decide whether a statute is a law or not, or whether it is void, under an opinion that it is unconstitutional." "it appears to me the right now claimed has a direct tendency to dissolve the union." "no citizen of knowledge and information ... will believe, without very strong and indubitable proof, that congress will, intentionally, make any law in violation of the federal constitution." "if such a case should happen, the mode of redress is pointed out in the constitution." it was obvious that congress had made laws in violation of the constitution, and he insisted that the jury should enforce those laws against their own conscience. after all his violent injustice he of course declared "the decisions of courts of justice will not be influenced by political and _local_ principles and prejudices." the packed jury found the prisoner guilty. he was fined $ and sent to jail for nine months. but virginia was too high-spirited to bear this. nay, gentlemen of the jury, the whole nation then was too fond of justice and liberty to allow such wickedness to proceed in the name of law. "virginia was in a flame;" the lawyers "throughout the country were stung to the quick." they had not been so long under the slave-power then as now. at this day, gentlemen, such conduct, such insolence, yet more oppressive, rouses no general indignation in the lawyers. but then the alien and sedition laws ruined the administration, and sent mr. adams--who yet never favored them--from his seat; his successor, mr. jefferson, says, "_i discharged every person under punishment_, or prosecution, _under the sedition law, because i considered and now consider, that law to be a nullity as absolute and as palpable as if congress had ordered us to fall down and worship a golden image_."[ ] judge chase was impeached by the house of representatives, tried by the senate, and only escaped condemnation by the prejudice of the political partisans. as it was, a majority were in favor of his condemnation. but the constitution, properly, requires two thirds. judge chase escaped by this provision. but his influence was gone. [footnote : jefferson, correspondence in wharton, .] the alien and sedition laws, which sought to gag the people, and make a speech a "misdemeanor," soon went to their own place; and on the th of july, , congress passed a law to pay mr. lyon and others the full amount of the fine and costs levied upon them, with interest to the date of payment: a committee of the house had made a report on lyon's case, stating that "the law was unconstitutional, null, and void, passed under a mistaken exercise of undelegated power, and that the mistake ought to be remedied by returning the fine so obtained, with interest thereon."[ ] just now, gentlemen, judge chase and the principles of the sedition law appear to be in high favor with the federal courts: but one day the fugitive slave bill will follow the alien and sedition bill, and congress will refund all the money it has wrenched unjustly from victims of the court. there is a to-morrow after to-day, and a higher law which crushes all fugitive slave bills into their kindred dust. [footnote : sess. th, cong. doc. , ho. rep.; wharton, , . see also virginia resolutions ( ), and the remarks in the debates. then virginia was faithful to state rights, and did a service to the cause of liberty which no subsequent misconduct should make us forget.] * * * * * gentlemen, allow me to vary this narrative of british and american despotism by an example from a different nation. i will refresh you with a case more nearly resembling that before you; it is an instance of german tyranny. in , dr. gervinus, professor of history in the university of heidelberg in germany, published this little volume of about pages,[ ] "an introduction to the history of the th century." mr. gervinus is one of the most enlightened men in the world, a man of great genius for the philosophical investigation of human history, and enriched with such culture and learning as is not common even in that home of learned men. his book, designed only for scholars, and hardly intelligible to the majority of readers even in america, sets forth this great fact,--the democratic tendency of mankind shown in all history. [footnote : einleitung in die geschichte des neunzehnten jahrhunderts; leipzig, . vo. pp. .] gervinus was seized and brought to trial on the th of february, , at mannheim, charged with publishing a work against constitutional monarchy, intending thereby to depose the lawful head of the state, the grand duke charles leopold, and with changing and endangering the constitution, "disturbing the public tranquillity and order, and incurring the guilt of high treason." in short he was charged with "obstructing an officer" and attempting to "dissolve the union," with "levying war." for his trial the judge purposely selected a small room, though four times larger than what now circumscribes the dignity of this honorable court; he did not wish the people to hear gervinus's defence. but i will read you some extracts from the preface to the english translation of his book:-- "i offer nothing purely theoretical or speculative, and as few opinions and conclusions as can possibly be given in a historical narrative. the work finally reaches a period when the present and the future become its subject, and when therefore it can no longer relate any events of history which have been completed; and is confined to the simple statement of _the fact_ that opposite opinions exist, and may yet be advanced, concerning the problem of the future. these opinions are themselves weighed against one another, but their value is not determined by dogmas, or phrases, or declamations, but simply by facts. if the balance incline towards a more liberal form of government, towards democratic institutions, and therefore towards self-government, and the participation of the many rather than of the few in the affairs of the state, i am not to blame, nor is it my ordinance, but that of history and of providence. my work is only (what all historical narrative should be) a vindication of the decrees of providence; and to revolt against them appears to me neither pious in a moral point of view, nor wise in a political. that which is proved by the most remarkable facts of history, will not be altered in the smallest degree by the suppression of my work, or by my condemnation. the charge on this head is an absurdity, since no rational end can be attained by it. it aims at the suppression of a truth which, should _i_ not tell it, will be ever louder and louder proclaimed by the _facts of history_. "to believe such a thing possible is a proof how limited an idea exists of the eager inquiry going on after knowledge--and truth, the source and origin of all knowledge. there will always be so eager a demand for a history of the present time, that, even should _i_ be prevented, ten others would arise, only to proclaim the louder, and to repeat the oftener, the truth which is here suppressed. to believe that the philosophy of history can be silenced by persecution, argues an entire ignorance even of the external mechanism of philosophy. a political pamphlet, intended to serve a particular purpose at a particular period, may be suppressed. the author of such a pamphlet, bent on agitation, can easily console himself for its suppression. it has cost him little time and trouble; it is only a means to an end, one means out of many means, any of which, when this is lost, will serve the author as well. but it is not thus with philosophical works, it is not thus with the work before me. this book is deeply rooted in the vocation of my whole life, and is the end of my philosophical research; i have prepared myself for it by the labor of years, and the labor of years will be necessary for its completion. i have reached a time of life when i can neither change my vocation, nor even cease to labor in this vocation. i am also so imbued with my philosophy, that even if i could change i would not. i may be hindered in the prosecution of this work for four months, but in the fifth i shall return to it. for a judicial sentence cannot arrest (like a mere pamphlet) the philosophical scheme interwoven into a whole existence." "if it is possible that this 'introduction' can be condemned in germany, that it can be prohibited, that by these means the work should be strangled in its birth, then the philosophy of history has no longer a place in germany. the tribunal of baden will have given the first blow, in pronouncing judgment on a matter which is purely philosophical, and germany, whose freedom of philosophical research has been her pride and her boast, of which even the various administrations of the nation have never been jealous, will receive a shock such as she never before sustained." "my book is on so strictly a philosophical plan, and treats of such comprehensive historical questions, that, properly, no judgment of any value could be pronounced upon it but by the professed historian, of whom there are not two dozen in all germany. among them there has not, to this hour, been found one competent to give an opinion in a few weeks on a book which is the fruit of half a life. on the other hand, there was soon a whole set of fanatical partisans and obstreperous bunglers in a neighboring press, who in eight days had condemned this work, in some instances, by calling it an historical commonplace, and in others, a political pamphlet with '_destructive tendencies_.' at the same time, and in a manner easily accounted for, under the influence of such an expression of public opinion, and almost before any other could make itself heard, accusations were made against the book, and it was confiscated. let no one take it amiss if, in the urgency of my defence, _i_ for a moment lay aside modesty, as far as such modesty might prove injurious to my cause. my work demonstrates a law of historical development, which i do not claim as my property, or as originating in me, but which has been demonstrated more than two thousand years ago by the greatest thinker of all ages, derived from observations on the history of the grecian state. to repeat a law which has been already demonstrated, ought to appear but a trifling circumstance, and indeed might merit the term of an historical commonplace; we could even suppose that it might be mentioned in a popular as well as in a philosophical book. nevertheless this law has scarcely been twice repeated in the course of two thousand years, and then only by two imitators, who scarcely understood its whole purport, though they were the most thinking heads of the most thinking nations--machiavelli in italy, and hegel in germany. i solemnly ask of the whole philosophical world if my words can be gainsaid, and to name for me the third, by whom the aristotelian law, of which i speak, has been repeated and understood. i have ventured to consider the thought of aristotle, and to apply it to the history of modern european states, and i found it confirmed by a series of developments which have occupied two thousand years. i also found that the whole series of events confirmatory of this law (itself deduced from experience) are not yet entirely fulfilled. like the astronomer, who, from a known fraction of the path of a newly discovered planet, calculates its whole course, i ventured to divine that which is still wanting, and which may yet take centuries to complete. i turned silently to those whose profession was the study of history, to prove the justice of my calculations; i handed my book over to coming generations and coming centuries, with the silent demand, when the required series of events shall be fulfilled, then to pronounce the final sentence, whether this law, and its purport as now explained, be just or not. this is the philosophical character, and these the contents of my book--no more than was indispensably necessary to make this calculation. and now comes the charge, and pronounces that in the character of a pamphleteer, i have endeavored to excite a revolution in the grand duchy of baden, or in the german confederation." on the th of march--it should have been the _fifth_--the thing came to a close. on account of "his hostility to constitutional monarchy, and his declaration of its weakness, his denial of its good-will [towards the people], and his representing that the american democracy was a universal necessity and a desirable fact," sentence was pronounced against him, condemning him to an imprisonment of four months, and ordering his book to be destroyed. there was no jury of the people to try him! here our own court has an admirable precedent for punishing me for a word.[ ] [footnote : see preface to english translation of gervinus (london, ); and allg. lit. zeitung für , pp. , , , , , .] but even in massachusetts, within twenty years, an attempt was made to punish a man for his opinions on a matter of history which had no connection with politics, or even with american slavery. in july, , rev. george r. noyes, a unitarian minister at petersham, a retired scholar, a blameless man of fine abilities and very large attainments in theological learning, wrote an elaborate article in the christian examiner, the organ of the "liberal christians" in america, in which he maintained that jesus of nazareth is not the messiah predicted in the old testament. "it is difficult," said this accomplished theologian, "to point out any predictions which have been properly fulfilled in jesus." peter and paul found the death and resurrection of jesus in the th psalm, but they "were in an error," which should not surprise us, for "the evangelists and apostles never claimed to be _inspired reasoners and interpreters_;" "they partook of the errors and prejudices of their age in things in which christ had not instructed them." "the commonly received doctrine of the inspiration of all the writings included in the bible, is a millstone hung round its neck [the neck of christianity], sufficient to sink it." the article was written with remarkable candor and moderation, and indicated a devout and holy purpose in the author. the doctrines were by no means new. but hon. james t. austin, was then attorney-general of the state; his attention being called to it by an anonymous writer in a newspaper, he attacked mr. noyes's article, thus giving vent to his opinion thereon: "he considers its learning very ill bestowed, its researches worse than useless, and that its tendency is to strike down one of the pillars on which the fabric of christianity is supported." "its tendency is to shock the pious,--confound the unlearned,--overwhelm those who are but moderately versed in the recondite investigations of theology, and above all to open an arsenal whence all the small wits of the infidel army may supply themselves with arms. its greater evil is to disarm the power of public opinion." "it certainly disarms to a great degree the power of the law."[ ] [footnote : examiner, ; ibid. ; boston atlas, july th and th, .] gentlemen, suppose it had not been necessary to submit the matter to a jury, what would the right of freedom of conscience be worth in the hands of such a man, "dressed in a little brief authority?" it was said at the time that the author was actually presented to the grand-jury, and an attempt made to procure an indictment for blasphemy, or misdemeanor. i know not how true the rumor was. the threat of prosecution came to nought, and dr. noyes, one of the most scholarly men in america, is now professor of theology in the divinity school at cambridge, and an honor to the liberal sect which maintains him there. * * * * * gentlemen, when laws are unjustly severe, denouncing a punishment highly excessive, the juries refuse to convict. examples of this are very common in trials for capital offences, now that the conscience of moral men has become so justly hostile to the judicial shedding of blood. there is no doubt with the jurors as to the fact, none as to the law; but they say it is unjust to apply such a law to such a fact and hang a man. the jury exercising their moral discretion, spite of the judge, and spite of the special statute or custom, are yet faithful to their official obligation and manly duty, and serve justice, the ultimate end and purpose of law, whereto the statutes and customs are only provisional means. foolish judges accuse such juries of "perjury;" but it is clear enough, gentlemen, where the falseness is. "do you take notice of that juryman dressed in blue?" said one of the judges at the old bailey to judge nares. "yes." "well, then, take my word for it, there will not be a single conviction to-day for any capital offence." so it turned out. the "gentleman in blue" thought it unjust and wicked, contrary to the ultimate purpose of law, to hang men, and he was faithful to his juror's oath in refusing to convict. of course he did not doubt of the fact, or the law, only of the justice of its application. one day there will be a good many "gentlemen in blue." to prevent this moral independence of the jury from defeating the immoral aim of the government, or of the judges, or the legislature--the court questions the jurors beforehand, and drives off from the panel all who think the statute unfit for such application. gentlemen, that is a piece of wicked tyranny. it would be as unfair to exclude such men from the legislature, or from the polls, as from the jury box. in such cases the defendant is not tried by his "country," but by a jury packed for the purpose of convicting him, spite of the moral feelings of the people. sometimes the statute is so framed that the jurors must by their verdict tell an apparent falsehood, or commit a great injustice. when it was a capital offence in england to steal forty shillings, and evidence made it plain that the accused had actually stolen eight or ten times that value, you all know how often the jurors brought in a verdict of "_stealing thirty-nine shillings_."[ ] they preferred to tell what seemed to be a lie, rather than kill a man for stealing fifteen or twenty dollars. the verdict of not guilty would have been perfectly just in form as in substance, and conformable to their official oath. [footnote : see several cases of this kind in sullivan on abolition of punishment of death, (n.y. ), . rantoul's works, .] gentlemen, tyrannical rulers, and their servants, despotic and corrupt judges, have sought to frighten the juries from the exercise of all discretion--either moral or intellectual. to that end they threaten them before the verdict, and punish them when they decide contrary to the wish of the tyrant. to make the jurors agree in a unanimous verdict, they were kept without "fire or water or food or bed" until they came to a conclusion; if eleven were of one mind and the twelfth not convinced, the refractory juror was fined or put in jail.[ ] if the verdict, when unanimously given, did not satisfy the judge or his master, the jurors were often punished.[ ] i have already shown you how the juries were treated--with fine and imprisonment--who acquitted throckmorton and penn.[ ] when john lilburne was tried for his life in , he censured the authorities which prosecuted him and appealed to the "honorable jury, the keepers of the liberties of england:" they found him not guilty, and were themselves brought before the council of state for punishment. "thomas greene of snow-hill, tallow chandler, foreman of the jury, being asked what the grounds and reasons were that moved him to find ... lilburne not guilty, ... saith '_that he did discharge his conscience in what he then did, and that he will give no further answer to any questions which shall be asked him upon that matter_.'"[ ] this was in the time of cromwell; but as the people were indignant at his tyrannical conduct in that matter, and his insolent attempt to punish the jurors, they escaped without fine or imprisonment. indeed more than a hundred and twenty-five years before, thomas smith had declared "such doings to be very violent, tyrannical, and contrary to the liberty and customs of the realm of england." sir matthew hale said at a later day, "it would be a most unhappy case for the judge himself, if the prisoner's fate depended upon his directions; unhappy also for the prisoner; for if the judge's opinion must rule the verdict, the trial by jury would be useless."[ ] judge kelyng was particularly hostile to the jury, throwing aside "all regard to moderation and decency." he compelled the grand-jury of somersetshire to find an indictment against their consciences, reproaching sir hugh wyndham, the foreman, as the "head of a faction." he told the jury, "you are all my servants, and i will make the best in england stoop!" he said it was a "misdemeanor" for them to discriminate between murder and manslaughter; that was for the court to determine. but, gentlemen, it does not appear that he had his brother-in-law on that grand-jury. several persons were indicted for "attending a conventicle;" the jury acquitted them contrary to his wish, and he fined them $ apiece, and put them in jail till it was paid. on another occasion, this servile creature of charles ii. fined and imprisoned all the jurors because they convicted of _manslaughter_ a man whom he wanted to hang. but for this conduct he was accused in the house of commons, and brought to answer for it at their bar.[ ] [footnote : forsyth, , .] [footnote : thomas smith, commonwealth, (london, ,) b. iii. c. . hargrave, in st. tr. .] [footnote : see above, p. . st. tr. ; st. tr. , , ; st. tr. .] [footnote : st. tr. .] [footnote : st. tr. , note; bushell's case, ibid. , and hargrave's note, .] [footnote : campbell, justices, ; st. tr. ; kelyng, ; hallam, , note; commons journals, oct. .] in chief justice scroggs was brought up before the house of commons for discharging "a refractory grand-jury"--such an one as was discharged in boston last july: sir francis winnington said, "if the judges instead of acting by law shall be acted by their own ambition, and endeavor to get promotion rather by worshipping the rising sun than doing justice, this nation will soon be reduced to a miserable condition." "as faults committed by judges are of more dangerous consequence than others to the public, so there do not want precedents of severer chastisements for them than for others."[ ] [footnote : parl. hist. .] but spite of the continual attempt to destroy the value of the trial by jury, and take from the people their ancient, sevenfold shield, the progress of liberty is perpetual. now and then there arose lawyers and judges like sir matthew hale, holt, vaughan, somers, camden, and erskine, who reached out a helping hand. nay, politicians came up to its defence. but the great power which has sustained and developed it is the sturdy and unconquerable love of individual liberty which is one of the most marked characteristics of the anglo-saxon, whether briton or american. the common people of england sent juries, as well as regiments of ironsides, to do battle for the right. gentlemen, let us devoutly thank god for this safeguard of freedom, and take heed that it suffers no detriment in our day, but serves always the higher law of the infinite god. now, gentlemen of the jury, i come to the end. iv. of the circumstances of this special case, united states versus theodore parker. here, gentlemen, i shall speak of three things. (i.) of the fugitive slave bill. at the close of the revolution there was a contradiction in the national consciousness: the people were divided between the idea of freedom and the idea of slavery. there consequently ensued a struggle between the two elements. this has continued ever since the treaty of peace in . twice the idea of freedom has won an important victory: in slavery was prohibited in the north-west territory; in the african slave trade was abolished. gentlemen, this is all that has been done for seventy-two years; the last triumph of american freedom over american slavery was forty-seven years ago! but the victories of slavery have been manifold: in slavery came into the constitution,--it was left in the individual states as a part of their "republican form of government;" the slaves were counted fractions of men, without the personal rights of integral humanity, and so to be represented by their masters; and the rendition of fugitive slaves was provided for. in out of old territory a new slave state was made and kentucky came into the union. tennessee followed in , mississippi in , alabama in , and thus four slave states were newly made out of soil which the declaration of independence covered with ideal freedom. in the federal government took slavery under its special patronage and passed the first fugitive slave bill for the capture of such as should escape from bondage in one state, and flee to another. in louisiana was purchased and slavery left in that vast territory; thus the first expansion of our borders was an extension of bondage,--out of that soil three great states, louisiana, missouri, arkansas, have since been made, all despotic, with more than half a million of americans fettered there to-day. florida was purchased as slave soil, and in made a state with perpetual slavery written in its constitution. in texas was annexed and slavery extended over nearly four hundred thousand square miles of once free soil; in slavery was spread over california, utah, and new mexico. here were seven great victories of slavery over freedom. at first it seemed doubtful which was master in the federal councils; but in , in a great battle--the missouri compromise--slavery triumphed, and has ever since been master. in texas was annexed, and slavery became the open, acknowledged, and most insolent master. the rich, intelligent, and submissive north only registers the decrees of the poor, the ignorant, but the controlling south; accepts for officers such as the master appoints, for laws what the slave-driver commands. the slave-power became predominant in american politics, business, literature, and "religion." gentlemen of the jury, do you doubt what i say? look at this honorable court,--at its judges, its attorney, at its marshal, and its marshal's guard: they all hold their offices by petty serjeantry of menial service rendered to the slave-power. it would be an insult to any one of this august fraternity to hint that he had the faintest respect for the great principles of american liberty, or any love of justice for all men. i shall not be guilty of that "contempt of court." gentlemen, i had expected that this court would be solemnly opened with prayer. i knew whom the slave-power would select as its priest to "intercede with heaven." i expected to hear the rev. nehemiah adams, d.d., ask the god he worships and serves to take "a south-side view of american slavery" in general, and in special of this prosecution of a minister of the christian religion for attempting to keep the golden rule. should the court hereafter indulge its public proclivity to prayer, that eminent divine will doubtless be its advocate--fit mediator for a court which knows no higher law. well, gentlemen, that sevenfold triumph was not enough. slavery will never be contented so long as there is an inch of free soil in the united states! new victories must be attempted. mr. toombs has declared to this noble advocate of justice and defender of humanity, [john p. hale] who renews the virtuous glories of his illustrious namesake, sir matthew hale, that, "before long the master will sit down with his slaves at the foot of bunker hill monument." but one thing disturbed our masters at the south--the concubine runs away from her lusty lord, the mulatto slave child from her white father; i have had the "best blood of virginia," fugitive children of her "first families" in my own house, and have given many a dollar to help the sons and daughters of "southern democrats" enjoy a taste of northern democracy. the slaves would run away. the law of was not adequate to keep or catch these african christians who heeded not the southern command, "slaves, obey your masters." the decision of the supreme court in the prigg case,[ ] showed the disposition of the federal government, and took out of the hands of the individual states the defence of their own citizens. still the slaves would run away. in there were more than five hundred fugitives from southern democracy in boston--and their masters could not catch them. what a misfortune! boston retained $ , of human property of the christian and chivalric south! surely the union was "in danger." [footnote : peters, .] in came the fugitive slave bill. when first concocted, its author,--a restless politician, a man of small mind and mean character, with "plantation manners,"--thought it was "too bad to pass." he designed it not for an actual law, but an insult to the north so aggravating that she must resist the outrage, and then there would be an opportunity for some excitement and agitation at the south--and perhaps some "nullification" in south carolina and virginia; and in that general fermentation who knows what scum would be thrown up! even mr. clay "never expected the law would be enforced." "no northern _gentleman_," said he, "will ever help return a fugitive slave." it seemed impossible for the bill to pass. but at that time massachusetts had in the senate of the nation a disappointed politician, a man of great understanding, of most mighty powers of speech,-- "created hugest that swim the ocean stream,"-- and what more than all else contributed to his success in life, the most magnificent and commanding personal appearance. at that time--his ambition nothing abated by the many years which make men venerable,--he was a bankrupt in money, a bankrupt in reputation, and a bankrupt in morals--i speak only of his public morals, not his private,--a bankrupt in political character, pensioned by the money power of the north. thrice disappointed, he was at that time gaming for the presidency. when the south laid down the fugitive slave bill, on the national faro-table, mr. webster bet his all upon that card. he staked his mind--and it was one of vast compass; his eloquence, which could shake the continent; his position, the senatorial influence of massachusetts; his wide reputation, which rung with many a noble word for justice and the rights of man; he staked his conscience and his life. gentlemen, you know the rest,--the card won, the south took the _trick_, and webster lost all he could lose,--his conscience, his position, his reputation; not his wide-compassing mind, not his earth-shaking eloquence. finally he lost his--life. peace to his mighty shade. god be merciful to him that showed no mercy. the warning of his fall is worth more than the guidance of his success. let us forgive; it were wicked to forget. for fifty years no american has had such opportunity to serve his country in an hour of need. never has an american so signally betrayed the trust--not once since benedict arnold turned a less ignoble traitor! gentlemen, you know the speech of the th of march. you know it too well. he proposed to support the fugitive slave bill "with all its provisions, to the fullest extent." at that time this bill of abominations was worse than even now; for then it left the liberty of a man to the discretion not only of any judge or commissioner of any federal court, but to any clerk or marshal thereof, nay, to any collector of the customs and every one of the seventeen thousand postmasters in the united states! it provided that an affidavit made before any officer empowered, by the united states or any state, to administer oaths, should be taken as conclusive evidence to prove a man a slave! so john smith of some unknown town in texas, might make affidavit before john jones, a justice of peace in the same place, that lewis hayden, or wendell phillips, or his honor judge curtis, was his (smith's) slave, and had escaped to boston: might bring hither john brown, a postmaster from texas, or find some collector of the customs or minion of the court in massachusetts, seize his victim, and swear away his liberty; and any man might be at once consigned to eternal bondage! all that the bill provided for,--and authorized the kidnapper to employ as many persons as he might think proper to accomplish his purpose by force, at the expense of the united states! all this mr. webster volunteered to support "to the fullest extent." the bill was amended, here bettered, there worsened, and came to the final vote. gentlemen, the money power of the north joined the slave power of the south to kidnap men in america after , as it had kidnapped them in africa before . out of fifty senators only twelve said, no; while in the house voted yea. the hon. samuel a. eliot gave the vote of beacon and state streets for kidnapping men on the soil of boston. the one massachusetts vote for man-stealing must come from the town which once bore a franklin and an adams in her bosom; yes, from under the eaves of john hancock's house! that one vote was not disgrace enough; his successor [hon. william appleton] must take a needless delight in reaffirming the infamy. when the bill passed, gentlemen, you remember how mr. webster rejoiced:-- "now is the winter of our discontent made glorious summer," was his public outcry on the housetop! and boston fired a hundred guns of joy! do you know _who_ fired them? ask mr. attorney hallett; ask mr. justice curtis. they can "instruct the jury." gentlemen, you know the operation of the fugitive slave bill. it subverts the purposes of the constitution, it destroys justice, disturbs domestic tranquillity, hinders the common defence and the general welfare, and annihilates the blessings of liberty. it defies the first principles of the declaration of independence,--think of the fugitive slave bill as an appendix to that document! it violates the idea of democracy. it contradicts the very substance of the christian religion--the two great commandments of love to god, and love to man, whereon "hang all the law and the prophets." it makes natural humanity a crime; it subjects all the christian virtues to fine and imprisonment. it is a _lettre de cachet_ against philanthropy. gentlemen of the jury, you know the fugitive slave bill is unconstitutional. i need not argue the matter; it is too plain to need proof. see how it opposes justice, the ultimate purpose of human law; nay, the declared objects of the constitution itself! but yet its unconstitutionality has been most abundantly shown by our own fellow-citizens. i need not go out of massachusetts for defenders of justice and law. you remember the speeches of mr. phillips, mr. sewall, mr. rantoul, mr. sumner, mr. mann, the arguments of mr. hildreth. the judges before you by nature are able-minded men, both of them; both also learned as lawyers and otherwise well educated,--i love to honor their natural powers, and their acquired learning; would i could offer higher praise. now, i will not insult their manly understanding with the supposition that either of them ever thought the fugitive slave bill constitutional. no, gentlemen, it is not possible that in the _personal_ opinion of mr. sprague, or even mr. curtis, this bill can be held for a constitutional law. but the court has its official dress: part of it is of silk--or supposed to be,--the gown which decorates the outward figure of the man who wears its ample folds; it is made after a prescribed pattern. but part of it also is made of _opinion_ which hides the ability and learning of the honorable court. the constitutionality of the fugitive slave bill is a part of the judge's official dress: accordingly, as no federal judge sits without his "silk gown," so none appears without his "opinion" that the fugitive slave bill is constitutional. but if the court should solemnly declare that such was its _personal opinion_--gentlemen of the jury, i,--i--should not believe it--any more than if they declared the gown of silk was the natural judicial covering, the actual "true skin" of the judges. no, gentlemen, these judges are not monsters, not naturally idiotic in their conscience. this opinion is their official robe, a supplementary cuticle, an artificial epidermis, woven from without, to be thrown off one day, when it shall serve their turn, by political desquamation. let them wear it; "they have their reward." but you and i, gentlemen, let us thank god we are not officially barked about with such a leprous elephantiasis as that. you are to judge of its constitutionality for yourselves, not to take the _purchased, official opinion_ of the judge as veil for your conscience; let it hide the judges' if they like. gentlemen, i lack words to describe the fugitive slave bill; its sins outrun my power of speech. but you know the consequences which follow if it be accepted by the people, submitted to, and enforced: the state of massachusetts is nothing; her courts nothing; her juries nothing; her laws nothing; her constitution nothing--the rights of the state are whistled away by the "opinion" of a fugitive slave bill judge, the rights of the citizen--all gone; his right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness lies at the mercy of the meanest man whom this court shall ever make a commissioner to kidnap men. yes, gentlemen of the jury, you hold your liberty at the mercy of george t. curtis and seth j. thomas! you are the people, "the country" to determine whether it shall come to this. you know the motive which led the south to desire this bill,--it was partly pecuniary, the desire to get the work of men and not pay for it; partly political, the desire to establish slavery at the north. mr. toombs is not the only man who wishes the master to sit down with his slaves at the foot of bunker hill monument! you know the motive of the northern men who supported the bill;--words are idle here! gentlemen, i said that boston fired a hundred jubilant cannon when the fugitive slave bill became a law. it was only a _part of boston_ that fired them. the bill was odious here to all just and honorable men. massachusetts hated the bill, and was in no haste to "conquer her prejudices" in favor of justice, humanity, and the christian religion; she did not like the "disagreeable duty" of making a public profession of practical atheism. at first the yellow fever of the slave-hunters did not extend much beyond the pavements of boston and salem; so pains must be taken to spread the malady. the greatest efforts were made to induce the people to renounce their christianity, to accept and enforce the wicked measure. the cry was raised, "the union is in danger:" nobody believed it; they least of all who raised the cry. some clergymen in the churches of commerce were coaxed, wheedled, or bought over, and they declared kidnapping would be imputed unto men for "righteousness." the actual man-stealer in boston was likened to "faithful abraham" in the hebrew mythic tale,--"the rendition of a slave was like the sacrifice of isaac." one trinitarian minister, a son of massachusetts, laid conscience down before the juggernaut of the fugitive slave bill, another would send his own mother into slavery; both had their reward. editors were brought over to the true faith of kidnapping. alas, there were some in boston who needed no conversion; who were always on the side of inhumanity. there were "union meetings" called to save the nation; and the meanest men in the great towns came to serve as redeemers in this salvation unto kidnapping. mr. webster outdid himself in giant efforts--and though old and sick, he wrought with mighty strength. so in the great poem the fallen angel, his paradise of virtue lost,-- ----"with bold words breaking the horrid silence thus began. 'to do aught good never will be our task, but ever to do ill our sole delight, as being the contrary to his high will whom we resist.... let us not slip the occasion.... but reassembling our afflicted powers consult how we may henceforth most offend our enemy; our own loss how repair, how overcome this dire calamity; what reinforcement we may gain from hope, if not what resolution from despair.'" one class of men needed no change, no stimulation. they were ready to execute this unjust, this unconstitutional act; their lamps were trimmed and burning, their loins girt about, their feet swift to shed blood. who were they? ask philadelphia, ask new york, ask boston. look at this bench. the federal courts were as ready to betray justice in as kelyng and jeffreys and scroggs and the other pliant judges of charles ii. or james ii. to support his iniquities. i must speak of this. * * * * * (ii.) of the conduct of the federal courts. gentlemen of the jury, that you may understand the enormity of the conduct of the federal courts and the peril they bring upon their victims, i must refresh your memory with a few facts. . i shall begin with the cases in pennsylvania. in that state four officials of government have acquired great distinction by their zeal in enslaving men, mcallister, ingraham, grier, and kane; the two first are "commissioners," the latter two "judges." in one year they had the glory of kidnapping twenty-six americans and delivering them over to slavery. look at a few cases. ( .) on the th of march, , hannah dellam was brought before judge kane charged with being a fugitive slave. she was far advanced in pregnancy, hourly expecting to give birth to a child. if a convicted murderess is in that condition, the law delays the execution of its ghastly sentence till the baby is born, whom the gallows orphans soon. the poor negro woman's counsel begged for delay that the child might be born in pennsylvania and so be free,--a poor boon, but too great for a fugitive slave bill judge to grant. the judge who inherits the name of the first murderer, disgraced the family of cain; he prolonged his court late into night, that he might send the child into slavery while in the bowels of its mother! judge kane held his "court" and gave his decision in the very building where the declaration of independence was signed and published to the world. the memorable bell which summons his court, has for motto on its brazen lips, "proclaim liberty throughout the land, to all the inhabitants thereof." ( .) the same year rachel parker, a free colored girl, was seized in the house of joseph c. miller of west-nottingham, chester county, by thomas mccreary of elkton, maryland. mr. miller pursued the kidnapper and found the girl at baltimore, and brought a charge of kidnapping against mccreary. but before the matter was decided mr. miller was decoyed away and murdered! the man-hunter was set free and the girl kept as a slave, but after long confinement in jail was at last pronounced free--not by the pennsylvania "judge" but by a baltimore jury![ ] [footnote : anti-slavery report, and ; ibid. .] ( .) the same year occurred the christiana tragedy. here are the facts. in virginia a general law confers a reward of $ on any man who shall bring back to virginia a slave that has escaped into another state, and gives him also ten cents for each mile of travel in the chase after a man. accordingly, beside the officers of the fugitive slave bill courts commissioned for that purpose, there is a body of professional slave-hunters, who prowl about the borders of pennsylvania and entrap their prey. in september, , "a colored man, known in the neighborhood around christiana to be free, was seized and carried away by professional kidnappers, and never afterwards seen by his family." in march, , in the same neighborhood, under the roof of his employer, during the night, another colored man was tied, gagged, and carried away, "marking the road along which he was dragged by his own blood." he was never afterwards heard from. "these and many other acts of a similar kind had so alarmed the neighborhood, that the very name of kidnapper was sufficient to create a panic."[ ] [footnote : history of the trial of castner hanway and others for treason (philadelphia, ), .] "on the th of september, edward gorsuch, of maryland, his son, dickerson gorsuch, with a party of friends, and a united states officer named kline, who bore the warrant of commissioner ingraham, made their appearance in a neighborhood near christiana, lancaster county, pennsylvania, in pursuit of a slave. they lay in wait for their prey near the house of william parker, a colored man. when discovered and challenged, they approached the house, and gorsuch demanded his slave. it was denied that he was there. high words ensued, and two shots were fired by the assailants at the house. the alarm was then given by blowing a horn, and the neighborhood roused. a party of colored men, from thirty to fifty strong, most of them armed in some way, were before long on the ground. castner hanway and elijah lewis, both white men and friends, rode up before the engagement began and endeavored to prevent bloodshed by persuading both parties to disperse peaceably. kline, the deputy marshal, ordered them to join the _posse_, which they, of course, refused to do, but urged upon him the necessity of withdrawing his men for their own safety. this he finally did, as far as he personally was concerned, when satisfied that there was actual danger of bloody resistance. gorsuch, however, and his party persisted in their attempt, and he and two of his party fired on the colored men, who returned the fire with deadly effect. gorsuch was killed on the spot, his son severely, though not mortally, wounded, and the rest of the party put to flight. the dead and wounded were cared for by the neighbors, mostly friends and abolitionists. the slave, for the capture of whom this enterprise was undertaken, made his escape and reached a land of safety. "judge grier denounced the act from the bench as one of treason. a party of marines were ordered to the ground to keep the peace after the battle had been fought and won. united states marshal roberts, commissioner ingraham, united states district attorney ashmead, with a strong body of police, accompanied them, and kept the seat of war under a kind of martial law for several days. the country was scoured, houses ransacked, and about thirty arrests made. among those arrested were castner hanway and elijah lewis, whose only crime had been endeavoring to prevent the effusion of blood. the prisoners were brought to philadelphia, examined before a commissioner, and committed on a charge of high treason. at the next term of the district court, under a charge from judge kane, the grand-jury found indictments against all of them for this crime."[ ] [footnote : anti-slavery report, pp. , .] mr. hanway was brought to trial--for his life, charged with "treason." it appears that this was his overt act.--he was a quaker, an anti-slavery quaker, and a "non-resistant;" when he heard of the attack on the colored people, he rode on a sorrel horse to the spot, in his shirt-sleeves, with a broad felt hat on; he advised the colored men not to fire, "for god's sake don't fire;" but when deputy marshal kline ordered him to assist in the kidnapping, he refused and would have nothing to do with it. some of the colored people fired, and with such effect on the kidnappers as i have just now shown. it appeared also that mr. hanway had said the fugitive slave bill was unconstitutional, and that he would never aid in kidnapping a man--words which i suppose this honorable court will consider as a constructive "misdemeanor;" "obstructing an officer." for this "offence" his case was presented to the grand-jury of the circuit court the th of september, . judge kane charged the jury--laying down the law of treason. mr. hanway was indicted for "wickedly devising and intending the peace and tranquillity of the ... united states to disturb;" and that he "wickedly and traitorously did intend to levy war against the said united states." and also that he "with force and arms, maliciously and traitorously did prepare and compose and ... and cause and procure to be prepared and composed, divers books, pamphlets, letters, and declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers, and writings, and did ... maliciously and traitorously publish and disperse ... divers other books ... containing ... incitement, encouragement, and exhortations, to move, induce, and persuade persons held to service in any of the united states ... who had escaped ... to resist, oppose, and prevent, by violence and intimidation, the execution of the said laws, [that is the law for kidnapping their own persons]." he was brought to trial at philadelphia, november th , before honorable judges kane and grier, then and subsequently so eminent for their zeal in perverting law and doing judicial iniquity. gentlemen of the jury--it is no slander to say this. it is their great glory that in the cause of slavery they have struck at the first principles of american democracy, and set at nought the christian religion. it is only their panegyric which i pronounce. on behalf of the government there appeared six persons as prosecuting officers. one united states senator from pennsylvania (mr. cooper), the attorney-general of maryland, the district attorney of pennsylvania, the recorder of the city of philadelphia, and two members of her bar.[ ] for mr. webster, then secretary of state, was highly desirous that maryland should send her attorney-general, hon. mr. brent, to help the government of the united states prosecute a quaker miller, a non-resistant, for the crime of treason. hon. james cooper, the pennsylvania senator, also appeared on behalf of maryland, seeking to convict one of his own constituents! gentlemen, such conduct carries us back to the time of the stuarts; but despotism is always the same. it was very proper that the united states government should thus outrage the common decencies of judicial process. [footnote : history, , ; report, ; wallace.] this question amongst others was put to each juror:-- "have you formed an opinion that the law of the united states, known as the fugitive slave law of , is unconstitutional, so that you cannot for that reason convict a person indicted for a forcible resistance thereto, if the facts alleged in the indictment are proved and the court hold the statute to be constitutional?" thus all persons were excluded from the jury who believed this wicked bill a violation of the constitution; and one most important means of the prisoner's legitimate defence was purposely swept away by the court. now look at the law as laid down by the government. mr. ashmead, the government's attorney, said when the constitution was adopted "men had not then become wiser than the laws [the laws of england and colonial laws which they were born under and broke away from]; nor had they learned to measure the plain and unambiguous letter of the constitution by an artificial standard of their own creation [that is the self-evident truth that all men have a natural and unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness]; to obey or disregard it according as it came up to or fell beneath it [as the law was just or unjust]." "_you will receive the law from the court._" "you _are bound by the instructions which the court may give_ in respect to it;" "_it is in no sense true that you are judges of the law_." "_you must take the interpretation which the court puts upon it._ you have a right to apply the law to the facts, but you have no right to go further." "the crime charged against this defendant is ... that of _levying war against the united states_. the phrase _levying war_ was long before the adoption of the constitution, a phrase ... _embracing such a forcible resistance to the laws as that charged against this defendant_ [that is, speaking against the fugitive slave bill and refusing to kidnap a man is 'levying war against the united states']!" it is treason "if the intention is by force to prevent the execution of _any one ... of the general laws of the united states_, or _to resist_ the exercise of _any legitimate authority of the government_." "levying war embraces ... any combination forcibly to prevent or oppose the execution ... of a public statute, if accompanied or followed by an act of forcible opposition." of course the court is to determine the meaning of _force_; and using the same latitude of construction as in interpreting _levying war_, it would mean, a _word_, a _look_, a _thought_, a _wish_, a _fancy_ even. mr. ludlow enforced the same opinions, relying in part on the old tyrannical decisions of the british courts in the ages of despotism, and on the opinion of judge chase--who had derived his law of treason from that source, and was impeached before the american senate for his oppressive conduct while judge in the very trials whence these iniquitous doctrines were derived! but mr. ludlow says "if a _spurious doctrine have been introduced into the common law ... it would require great hardihood in a judge to reject it_." so the jury must accept "a spurious doctrine" as genuine law! "in treason, all the _participes criminis_ are principals; there are no accessaries to this crime. every act which ... would render a man an _accessary_ will ... make him a _principal_." "if any man joins and acts with an assembly of people, _his intent is always to be considered ... the same as theirs; the law ... judgeth of the intent by the fact_." this was judge kelyng's "law." "it may be ... advanced that because hanway was not armed, he was not guilty. it is perfectly well settled that _arms are not necessary_." "military weapons ... are not necessary ... to a levying war." "this is the opinion of judge chase," and "it may be alleged that judge chase was impeached, and that [therefore] his opinions are of little weight. whatever may have been the grounds of that impeachment, _it is not for us to discuss_." "if a body of men be assembled for the purpose of effecting a treasonable object [that is, 'to oppose the execution of a public statute,' no matter what or how] _all those who perform any part, however minute, or however remote from the scene of action ... are equally traitors_." mr. brent, the maryland state attorney, whom mr. webster had sent there, declared that "_any combination_ like this, of colored and white persons, _to prevent the execution of the fugitive slave law, is treason_." mr. cooper, the pennsylvania senator, adds, "castner hanway ... having been present ... at the time the overt act was committed, he is a principal ... provided he was there aiding and abetting the objects of the confederated parties." "_persons_ procuring, contriving, or _consenting_, come within the words aid and abet." so "_if he_ encourages, _assists, or consents to the act_, it is enough; _he becomes at once an aider and abettor, and obnoxious to all the pains and penalties denounced against it_." "if persons _do assemble themselves_ and act with _some_ force in opposition to _some_ law ... and _hope thereby to get it repealed, this is a levying war and high treason_." that is, an assembly of men acting against any law, with any force of argument, in order to procure its repeal, levies war and is guilty of treason! to connect mr. hanway with this constructive treason, the government relied on the evidence of mr. kline, the deputy marshal of the court, a man like mr. butman and mr. patrick riley, so well known in this court, and so conspicuous for courage and general elevation of character. witnesses testified that kline was so much addicted to falsehood that they would not believe him on oath,--but what of that? he had "conquered his prejudices." it appeared that mr. hanway went to the scene of action on a sorrel horse, in his shirt-sleeves, with a felt hat on, and did not join the deputy in attempting to kidnap when commanded. hear how mr. ludlow constructs levying war out of the disobedience of a non-resistant quaker in a felt hat and shirt-sleeves, mounted on a sorrel horse! hearken to this voice of the government:-- "suddenly he sees the assembled band of infuriated men.... does he leave the spot? no, sir! does he restrain the negroes? take the evidence for the defence in its fullest latitude, and you will perceive he raised the feeble cry, 'don't shoot! for god's sake don't shoot!' and there it ended. is that consistent with innocence?... according to their own evidence the conclusion is irresistible that he was not innocent." "but he does more than this." when summoned by the deputy to steal a man "he is thrown off his guard, and exclaims, 'i will not assist you;' 'he allowed the colored people had a right to defend themselves.' 'he did not care for that act of congress or any other act of congress.'" and so with his unsaddled sorrel nag this non-resistant miller levies war upon the united states by crying "don't fire," and commits treason by the force and arms of a broad-brimmed quaker hat. "the smallest amount of force is sufficient," "military weapons are not necessary to levy war!" mr. brent thought if mr. hanway was not hanged it would appear that a "small and miserable and traitorous faction can resist and annul the laws of the united states." "put down these factions [the free-soil party, the liberty party, the anti-slavery societies], overwhelm them with shame, disgrace, and ruin, or you are not good citizens fulfilling the bonds that bind you to us of the south." the government attorney declared that mr. hanway and others "had no right to refuse to assist because it was repugnant to their consciences. conscience! conscience ... is the pretended justification for an american citizen to refuse to execute a law of his country." "_damnable, treasonable doctrine._" "he has become a conspirator, he has connected himself with them, and all their acts are his acts, and all their intentions are his intentions." "the whole neighborhood was not only disloyal, but wanting in common humanity:" "the whole region is infected," "in _that horde of traitors_;" "a whole county, a whole township, a whole neighborhood are involved in plotting treason." "when you see these things _can you not infer ... that he went there by pre-arrangement_!" "when you see a man ... not saying one word to save his dear colored friends from the guilt of murder, i say it is passing human credulity to say that you cannot _infer_ in all that _a feeling of hostility to the law, and an intention to resist it_." "the consequences [of the verdict] are not with the jury:" the responsibility will not be with you--you are not responsible for those just consequences." "when you allege that a master has come into pennsylvania and illegally seized and possessed himself of his slave without process, you are to inquire, 'has he done that which he had authority to do in his own state?' you are to look to the _laws of his own state_; for the supreme court says,[ ] 'he _has the same right to repossess his slave here as in his own state_.'" "he who employs a man said to have come from maryland without being satisfied of his freedom, is himself guilty of the first wrong." [footnote : peters, prigg _v._ penn.] senator cooper closed for the government. law was not enough for him; he would have the sanction of "religion" also. so he read extract from a sermon. gentlemen of the jury, you have not had the benefit of rev. dr. adams's prayers in this court; it is a pity you should not be blessed with the theology of despotism; listen therefore to the "thanksgiving sermon" of rev. dr. wadsworth, which hon. mr. cooper read to the jury in independence hall. "for passing by all other causes of irritation as just now secondary and subordinate, look for a moment, at the influence which the gospel of christ would have in this great sectional controversy about slavery. "first, it would say to the northern fanatic, who _vapors about man-stealing_ as if there were no other evil under the sun but this one evil of slavery--it would say to him, emulate the spirit of your blessed master and his apostles, _who, against this very evil_ [man-stealing] in their own times, _brought no railing accusation_; but in one instance at least, _sent back a fugitive_ from the household of philemon. "in treating southern _christian slaveholders_ with christian courtesy, and _sending back their fugitives_ when apprehended among you, you neither indorse the system nor partake of its evil; you are only performing in good faith the agreement, and redeeming the pledges of your forefathers, and leaving to each man for himself to answer for his own acts at the judgment-seat of jesus. it would tear away from the man, as the foulest cloak of hypocrisy, that pretence of a religious principle in this whole matter of political abolitionism. "religious principle! oh my god! that religious principle, that for the sake of _an abstract right_ whose very exercise were disastrous to the unprepared bondmen who inherit it, would tear this blest confederacy in pieces, and deluge these smiling plains in fraternal blood, and barter the loftiest freedom that the world ever saw, for the armed despotism of a great civil warfare! that religious principle which, in disaster to man's last great experiment, would fling the whole race back into the gloom of an older barbarism--rearing out of the ruin of these free homes, the thrones of a more adamantine despotism--freedom's beacons all extinguished, and the whole race slaves. that religious principle through which, losing sight of god's great purpose of evangelizing the nations, [by american slavery,] would shatter the mightiest wheel in the mechanism of salvation, and palsy the wing of god's preaching angel in its flight through the skies. "alas--alas! ye that count as little this bond of blessed brotherhood, wrought by our fathers' mighty hands and bleeding hearts--we tell you, sorrowing and in tears, that your pretence is foul hypocrisy. ye have reversed the first precept of the gospel, for your wisdom is a dove's, and your harmlessness a serpent's. _ye have not the first principle within you either of religion or philanthropy, or common human benevolence._ your principle is the principle of judas iscariot, and with the doom of the traitor ye shall go to your own place." "no, sir--no, sir," concludes the senator thirsting for his constituent's blood, "'there is no gospel in all this treasonable fanaticism--for treason to my country is rebellion to my god.'" judge grier charged the jury;--but as _he stuck out from the phonographer's report_--of which the proof-sheets were sent to him--_the most offensive portion_, gentlemen of the jury, i shall not be able to enlighten you with all the legal words of this "consummate judge." so be content with the following elegant extracts. "with the exception of a few individuals of perverted intellect in some small districts or neighborhoods whose moral atmosphere has been tainted and poisoned by male and female vagrant lecturers and conventions, no party in politics, no sect of religion, or any respectable numbers or character can be found within our borders, who have viewed with approbation or have looked with any other than feelings of abhorrence upon this disgraceful tragedy." "it is not in this hall of independence that meetings of infuriated fanatics and unprincipled demagogues have been held to counsel a bloody resistance to the laws of the land. it is not in _this_ city that conventions are held denouncing the constitution, the laws, and the bible. it is not _here_ that the pulpit has been desecrated by seditious exhortations, teaching that theft [a man stealing his own limbs and person from his 'lawful owner'] is meritorious, murder [in self-defence killing a man-stealer] excusable, and treason [opposition to the fugitive slave bill] a virtue!" "the guilt of this foul murder [the shooting of a kidnapper by the men whom he intended for his victims, and whose premises he invaded without due process of law, and with armed force], rests not alone on the deluded individuals who were its immediate perpetrators, but the blood taints with even deeper dye the skirts of those who promulgated doctrines subversive of all morality and all government, [that is, of slavery and the fugitive slave bill]." "this murderous tragedy is but the necessary development of principles and the natural fruit from seed sown by others whom the arm of the law cannot reach," [such as the authors of the declaration of independence, and still more the author of the "sermon on the mount]." "this [the slave clause of the constitution] is the supreme law of the land, _binding ... on the conscience_ and conduct of every individual citizen of the united states." "the shout of disapprobation with which this [the fugitive slave bill] has been received by some, has been caused ... because it is an act which can be executed ... the real objection ... is to the constitution itself, which is supposed to be void in this particular, from the effect of some 'higher law.' it is true that the number of persons whose consciences affect to be governed by such a law [that is the law of natural morality and religion], is very small. but there is a much larger number who take up opinions on trust,--and have concluded this must be a very pernicious and unjust enactment, for no other reason than because the others shout their disapprobation with such violence and vituperation." "this law is constitutional." "the question of its constitutionality is to be settled by the courts, [fugitive slave bill courts,] and not by conventions either of laymen or ecclesiastics." "_we are as much bound to support this law as any other._" "the jury should regard the construction of the constitution as given them by the court as to what is the true meaning of the words _levying war_." "in treason all are principals, and a man may be guilty of aiding and abetting, though not present." he spoke of those "associations, or conventions, which occasionally or annually infest the neighboring village of west-chester, for the purpose of railing at and resisting the constitution and laws of the land [that is the fugitive slave bill and other laws which annihilate a man's unalienable right to his liberty], and denouncing those who execute them as no better than a scroggs or a jeffreys;--who stimulate and exhort poor negroes to the perpetration of offences which they know must bring them to the penitentiary or the gallows." but he thought refusing to aid the deputy marshal in kidnapping was not an act of levying war, or treason against the united states. "in so doing he is not acting the part of an honest, loyal citizen [who ought to do any wickedness which a bum-bailiff commands]; he may be _liable to be punished for a misdemeanor for his refusal to interfere_." "but he thought the government was right "in procuring an indictment for treason." for "meetings had been held in many places in the north, denouncing the law, and advising a traitorous resistance to its execution: conventions of infuriated fanatics had invited to acts of rebellion; and even the pulpit had been defiled with furious denunciations of the law, and exhortations to a rebellious resistance to it. "the government was perfectly justified in supposing that this transaction was but the first overt act of a treasonable conspiracy, extending over many of the northern states, to resist by force of arms the execution of this article of the constitution and the laws framed in pursuance of it. in making these arrests, and having this investigation, the officers of government have done no more than their strict duty. "the activity, zeal, and ability, which have been exhibited by the learned attorney of the united states, in endeavoring to bring to condign punishment the perpetrators of this gross offence, are deserving of all praise. _it has given great satisfaction to the court also, that the learned attorney-general of maryland, and the very able counsel associated with him_ [senator cooper of pennsylvania] _have taken part in this prosecution_." in about fifteen minutes the jury returned a verdict of "not guilty."[ ] [footnote : see report of trial of castner hanway, phil. .] * * * * * ( .) on the th of april, , a man named william smith was arrested by commissioner mcallister of columbia, pennsylvania, on complaint of one ridgeley of baltimore. while in the custody of the officers, smith endeavored to escape, and ridgeley drew a pistol and shot him dead. the murderer escaped. no serious efforts were made by the state authorities to bring that offender to justice. "he has the same right to repossess his slave here as in his own state;" the same right to kill him if he attempts to escape! mr. toombs is modest--but we shall soon see the slaveholder not only sit down with his slaves at the foot of bunker hill monument, but _shoot them if they attempt to run away_! nay, gentlemen, we shall see this court defending the slave-hunter's "privilege." ( .) here is another case, gentlemen of the jury, in which this same judge grier appears, and with his usual humanity. this is a brief account of the case of daniel kauffman. in he allowed a party of fugitive slaves to pass the night in his barn, and gave them food in the morning. for this he was brought before judge grier's court and fined $ , ! it was more than his entire property. gentlemen, there are persons in this room who gave money to mr. kauffman, to indemnify him for his losses; were not they also guilty of treason, at least of a "misdemeanor?" they "evinced an express liking" for freedom and humanity, not slavery and bloodshed. ( .) but here is yet one more,--which you shall have in the language of another:-- "in a case of attempted slave-catching at wilkesbarre, in pennsylvania, the deputy marshal, wyncoop and his assistants, had behaved with such atrocious and abominable cruelty, that the citizens felt that justice demanded their punishment for the outrage. they were, accordingly, arrested on a warrant issued by a most respectable magistrate, on the oath of one of the principal inhabitants of the place. a writ of habeas corpus was forthwith sued out, returnable before judge grier. when the district attorney, ashmead, moved the discharge of the relators, (which, it is needless to say, was ordered,) judge grier delivered himself to the following effect. 'if _habeas corpuses_ are to be taken out after that manner, _i will have an indictment sent to the united states grand-jury against the person who applies for the writ, or assists in getting it, the lawyer who defends it, and the sheriff who serves the writ_, to see whether the united states officers are to be arrested and harassed whenever they attempt to serve a process of the united states.'" . gentlemen of the jury, you might suppose that love of liberty had altogether vanished from the "free" states, else how could such men ride over the local law as well as natural justice? but i am happy to find one case where the wickedness of the fugitive slave bill courts was resisted by the people and the local judges--it is a solitary case, and occurred in wisconsin:-- "about the middle of march, , a man named joshua glover, was seized near racine, in wisconsin, as a fugitive slave. his arrest was marked by the circumstances of cruelty and cowardice which seem to be essential to the execution of this law above all others. he was brought, chained and bleeding, to milwaukee, where he was lodged in jail. as soon as the news spread, an indignation, as general as it was righteous, prevailed throughout the city. a public meeting was forthwith called, and held in the open air, at which several of the principal citizens assisted. stirring speeches were made, and strong resolutions passed, to the effect that the rights of the man should be asserted and defended to the utmost. counsel learned in the law volunteered, and all necessary process was issued, as well against the claimant for the assault and battery, as in behalf of the man restrained of his liberty. a vigilance committee was appointed to see that glover was not secretly hurried off, and the bells were ordered to be rung in case any such attempt should be made. but the people were not disposed to trust to the operation of the slave law, administered by united states judges or commissioners, and they stepped in and settled the question for themselves in a summary manner. a hundred men arrived, in the afternoon, from racine, the town from which the man had been kidnapped, who marched in order to the jail. they were soon reinforced by multitudes more, and a formal demand was made for the slave. this being denied, an attack was made upon the door, which was soon broken in, the man released, and carried back in triumph to racine, whence he was afterwards conveyed beyond the jurisdiction of the star-spangled banner. a mass convention of the citizens of wisconsin was afterwards held to provide for similar cases, should they occur, and a most sound and healthy tone of feeling appears to have pervaded that youthful commonwealth. "after the rescue had been effected, the united states marshal arrested several persons for the offence of resisting an officer in the discharge of his duties. among these was mr. sherman m. booth, the editor of the free democrat. when brought before a commissioner, in the custody of the marshal, a writ of habeas corpus was sued out on his behalf, and he was brought before judge a.d. smith, of the supreme court. after a full hearing, judge smith granted him his discharge, on the ground that the fugitive slave law was unconstitutional. the marshal then had the proceedings removed by a writ of certiorari before a full bench of the supreme court, when the decision of judge smith was confirmed, and mr. booth discharged from custody. immediately afterwards, judge miller, of the united states district court, issued another warrant for the arrest of mr. booth, making no mention of the fugitive slave act, but directing his arrest to answer to a charge for abetting the escape of a prisoner from the custody of the united states marshal. another writ of habeas corpus was sued out, but it was denied by the supreme court, on the ground that there was nothing on the face of the record to bring it within range of their former decision." "in the mean time the united states judge and marshal were busy in their vocation. it affirmed that the grand-jury was packed in the most unblushing manner, until an inquest was made up that would answer the purpose of the government. however this may have been, indictments were found in the district court, against mr. booth and several other persons. a petty jury selected with the same care that had been bestowed on the composition of the grand-jury, convicted mr. booth and mr. ryecraft. all the weight of the government was thrown against the defendants. special counsel were retained to assist the district attorney, the instructions of the court were precise and definite against them; all motions in their behalf resting on the irregularities and injustices of the proceedings were overruled. so were all motions subsequent to the conviction for an arrest of judgment. they were sentenced to fine and imprisonment--mr. booth to pay one thousand dollars and costs, and to be imprisoned one month, and mr. ryecraft to pay two hundred dollars, and to be imprisoned for ten days. on these sentences they were committed to jail. the public excitement in milwaukee, and throughout the state, was intense. it was with difficulty that the people could be restrained from forcibly liberating the prisoners. fortunately there was no occasion for any such extreme measures. they found protection, where it ought to be found, in the constituted authorities of their state. a writ of habeas corpus was issued in their behalf by the supreme court, then sitting at madison, the capital of the state, returnable before them there. escorted by two thousand of their fellow-citizens, thither, in charge of the high sheriff, they had a hearing at once. after full deliberation, the court unanimously ordered them to be discharged. the majority of the court made this decision on the ground of the unconstitutionality of the fugitive slave law, one judge (crawford) sustaining the law, but concurring in the order on the ground that no offence, under that act, was charged in the indictment. so the prisoners were discharged, and brought home in triumph." gentlemen, that matter will be carried up to the supreme court of the united states, and you may yet hear the opinion of the hon. associate justice curtis, for which let us wait with becoming reverence. * * * * * . here is the case of mr. sloane, which happened in the state of ohio. in october, , several colored persons were about leaving sandusky in a steamer for detroit, when they were seized and taken before mr. follet, mayor of the city, and claimed as fugitive slaves. this seizure was made by the city marshal and three persons claiming to act for the owners of the slaves. after the colored persons were brought before the mayor, their friends engaged mr. rush r. sloane to act as counsel in their defence. he demanded of the mayor and the claimants by what authority the prisoners were detained. there was no reply. he then asked, whether they were in the custody of a united states marshal or commissioner. again there was no reply. he next called for any writs, papers, or evidences by which they were detained. still there was no answer. he then said to his clients, "_i see no authority to detain your colored friends._" at that time some one near the door cried out, "hustle them out," and soon the crowd and the alleged fugitives were in the street. then one of the claimants said to mr. sloane, "i own these slaves; they are my property, and i shall hold you individually liable for their escape." _these were the first and only words he spoke to mr. sloane, and then not until the black men were in the street._ in due time mr. sloane was arrested for resisting the execution of the fugitive slave bill, though he had _only acted as legal counsel for the alleged slaves and had offered no resistance to the law, by deed, or word, or sign_. he was brought to trial at columbus. before the jurors were sworn they were all asked "whether they had any conscientious scruples against the fugitive slave law, and would hesitate to convict under it." if they said "yes," they were rejected. thus a jury was packed for the purpose, and the trial went on. thirteen unimpeached witnesses deposed to the facts stated before, while the slave claimant had no evidence but the _city marshal_ of sandusky--the tukey of that place--and _two of the three slave-catchers_--who swore that they had with them _powers of attorney for the seizure of twenty-four slaves_. gentlemen, such was the action of the court, and such the complexion of the packed jury, that mr. sloane was found "guilty." the judge, hon. mr. leavitt, refused to sign a bill of exceptions, enabling him to bring the matter before the supreme court. mr. sloane was sentenced to pay a fine of $ , , and $ _as costs of court_! such was the penalty for a lawyer telling his clients that he saw no authority to detain them,--after having three times demanded the authority, and none had been shown! * * * * * . gentlemen of the jury, i now come to cases which have happened in our own state,--in this city. some alarm was felt as soon as mr. mason's fugitive slave bill was proposed in the senate. but men said, "no northern man will support it. there is much smoke and no fire." but when on the th of march, , mr. webster adopted the bill, and promised to defend it and the amendments to it, "with all its provisions to the fullest extent;" when he declared that massachusetts would execute the infamous measure "with alacrity"--then not only alarm but indignation took possession of northern breasts. the friends of slavery at boston must do all in their power to secure the passage of the bill, the prosperity of its adoptive father, and its ultimate enforcement--the kidnapping of men in massachusetts. here are the measures resorted to for attaining this end. i. a meeting was called at the revere house, that mr. webster might defend his scheme for stealing his constituents and putting himself into the presidency. ii. a public letter was written to him approving of his attempts to restore man-stealing, and other accompaniments of slavery, to the free states. this letter declared the "deep obligations" of the signers "for what this speech has done and is doing;" "we wish to thank you," they say, "for recalling us to our duties under the constitution;" "you have pointed out to a whole people the path of duty, have convinced the understanding, and touched the conscience of the nation;" "we desire, therefore, to express to you our entire concurrence in the sentiments of your speech." this letter was dated at boston, march th, , and received signatures, it is said. iii. when the bill became an act of government, a hundred cannons, as i have before stated, were fired on boston common in token of joy at the restoration of slavery to our new england soil. iv. articles were written in the newspapers in defence of kidnapping, in justification of the fugitive slave bill. the _boston courier_ and _boston daily advertiser_ gave what influence they had in support of that crime against america. v. several ministers of boston came out and publicly, in sermons in their own pulpits, defended the fugitive slave bill, and called on their parishioners to enforce the law! gentlemen of the jury, need i tell you of the feelings of the philanthropists of boston,--of the colored citizens who were to be the victims of this new abomination! within twenty-four hours of its passage more than thirty citizens of boston, colored citizens, fled in their peril to a man whose delight it is to undo the heavy burthens and let the oppressed go free. while others were firing their joyful cannon at the prospect of kidnapping their brothers and sisters, francis jackson helped his fellow christians into the ark of deliverance which he set afloat on that flood of sin. gentlemen, he is here to-day--he is one of my bondsmen. there are the others--this venerable gentleman [samuel may], this steadfast friend [john r. manley.] vi. it was not long before the kidnappers came here for their prey. ( .) i must dwell a moment on the first attempt. gentlemen of the jury, you know the story of william and ellen craft. they were slaves in georgia; their master was said to be a "very pious man," "an excellent christian." ellen had a little baby,--it was sick and ready to die. but one day her "owner"--for this wife and mother was only a piece of property--had a dinner party at his house. ellen must leave her dying child and wait upon the table. she was not permitted to catch the last sighing of her only child with her own lips; other and ruder hands must attend to the mother's sad privilege. but the groans and moanings of the dying child came to her ear and mingled with the joy and merriment of the guests whom the mother must wait upon. at length the moanings all were still--for death took a north-side view of the little boy, and the born-slave had gone where the servant is free from his master and the weary is at rest--for _there_ the wicked cease from troubling. ellen and william resolved to flee to the north. they cherished the plan for years; he was a joiner, and hired himself of his owner for about two hundred dollars a year. they saved a little money, and stealthily, piece by piece, they bought a suit of gentleman's clothes to fit the wife; no two garments were obtained of the same dealer. ellen disguised herself as a man, william attending as her servant, and so they fled off and came to boston. no doubt these hon. judges think it was a very "immoral" thing. mr. curtis knows no morality here but "legality." nay, it was a wicked thing--for mr. everett, a most accomplished scholar, and once a unitarian minister, makes st. paul command "slaves, obey your masters!" nay, hon. judge sprague says it is a "precept" of our "divine master!" ellen and william lived here in boston, intelligent, respected, happy. the first blow of the fugitive slave bill must fall on them. in october, , one hughes, a jailer from macon, georgia, a public negro-whipper, who had once beaten ellen's uncle "almost to death," came here with one knight, his attendant, to kidnap william and ellen craft. they applied to hon. mr. hallett for a writ. perhaps they had heard (false) rumors that the hon. commissioner was "a little slippery in his character;" that he was "not overscrupulous in his conduct;" that he "would do any dirty work for political preferment." gentlemen, you know that such rumors will get abroad, and will be whispered of the best of men. of course you would never believe them in this case: but a kidnapper from georgia might; "distance lends" illusion, as well as "enchantment, to the view." but be that as it may, mr. hallett (in ) appeared to have too much manhood to kidnap a man. he was better than his reputation; i mean his reputation with knight and hughes, and would not (then) steal mr. and mrs. craft. this is small praise; it is large in comparison with the conduct of his official brethren. but for the salvation of the union another commissioner was found who had no such scruples. this honorable court--mr. woodbury was then in the chief place, and mr. sprague in his present position--issued the writ of man-stealing. two gentlemen of this city were eminently, but secretly, active in their attempt to kidnap their victim. i shall speak of them by and by. somebody took care of ellen craft. william less needed help; he armed himself with pistols and a poignard, and walked in the streets in the face of the sun. he was a tall, brave man, and was quite as cool then as this honorable court is now, while i relate their "glorious first essay" in man-stealing. public opinion at length drove the (southern) kidnappers from boston. then the crafts also left the town and the country, and found in the monarchical aristocracy of old england what the new england democracy refused to allow them--protection of their unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. gentlemen, the evangelists of slavery could not allow a southern kidnapper to come to boston and not steal his man: they were in great wrath at the defeat of hughes and knights. so they procured a meeting at faneuil hall to make ready for effectual kidnapping and restoring slavery to boston. "the great union meeting" was held at faneuil hall november th, ,--two days before the annual thanksgiving; it was "a preparatory meeting" to make ready the hearts of the people for that dear new england festival when we thank god for the harvest of the land, and the harvest of the sea, and still more for the state whose laws are righteousness, and the church that offers us "the liberty wherewith christ hath made us free," "the glorious liberty of the sons of god." here are the resolutions which were passed. "resolved, that the preservation of the constitution and the union is the paramount duty of all citizens;--that the blessings which have flowed from them in times past, which the whole country is now enjoying under them, and which we firmly believe posterity will derive from them hereafter, are incalculable; and that they vastly transcend in importance all other political objects and considerations whatever. "resolved, that it would be folly to deny that there has been and still is danger to the existence of the union, where there is prevalent so much of a spirit of disunion, constantly weakening its strength and alienating the minds of one part of the people of the united states from another; and that if this spirit be not checked and restrained, and do not give way to a spirit of conciliation and of patriotic devotion to the general good of the whole country, we cannot expect a long continuance of the political tie which has hitherto made us one people; but must rather look to see groups of rival neighboring republics, whose existence will be a state of perpetual conflict and open war. "resolved, that all the provisions of the constitution of the united states--the supreme law of the land--are equally binding upon every citizen, and upon every state in the union;--that all laws passed by congress, in pursuance of the constitution, are equally binding on all the citizens, and no man is at liberty to resist or disobey any one constitutional act of congress any more than another; and that we do not desire or intend to claim the benefit of any one of the powers or advantages of the constitution, and to refuse, or seem to refuse, to perform any part of its duties, or to submit to any part of its obligations. "resolved, that the adjustment of the measures which disturbed the action of congress for nearly ten months of its last session, ought to be carried out by the people of the united states in good faith, in all the substantial provisions; _because_, although we may differ with each other about the details of those measures, yet, in our judgment, a renewed popular agitation of any of the main questions then settled, would be fraught with new and extreme dangers to the peace and harmony of the country, which this adjustment has happily restored. "resolved, that every species and form of resistance to the execution of a regularly enacted law, except by peaceable appeal to the regular action of the judicial tribunals upon the question of its constitutionality--an appeal which ought never to be opposed or impeded--is mischievous, and subversive of the first principles of social order, and tends to anarchy and bloodshed. "resolved, that men, who directly or indirectly instigate or encourage those who are or may be the subjects of legal process, to offer violent resistance to the officers of the law, deserve the reprehension of an indignant community, and the severest punishment which its laws have provided for their offence; and that we have entire confidence that any combination or attempt to fix such a blot upon the fair fame of our state or city, will be promptly rebuked and punished, by an independent and impartial judiciary, and by firm and enlightened juries. "resolved, that we will at all times, in all places, and under all circumstances, so far as our acts or influence may extend, sustain the federal union, uphold its constitution, and enforce the duty of obedience to the laws." a singular preparation for a thanksgiving day in boston! but on that festival, gentlemen, three unitarian ministers thanked god that the fugitive slave bill would be kept in all the land! several speeches were made at the meeting, some by whigs, some by democrats, for it was a "union meeting," where herod and pilate were made friends. gentlemen, i must depart a little from the severity of this defence and indulge you with some of the remarks of my distinguished opponent, hon. attorney hallett: then he was merely a lawyer, and fugitive slave bill commissioner, appointed "to take bail, affidavits," and colored men,--he was only an expectant attorney. his speech was a forerunner of the "indictment" which has brought us together. hearken to the words of mr. hallett in his "preparatory lecture:"-- "we can now say that there is no law of the united states which cannot be executed in massachusetts. if there was any doubt before, _there can be no doubt now_; and if there be any wild enough hereafter to resort to a fancied 'higher law' to put down law [that is, the fugitive slave bill], they will find in your determined will a stronger law to sustain _all the laws of the united states_." "the threatened nullification comes from massachusetts upon a law [the fugitive slave bill] which the whole south insist is _vital to the protection of their property and industry_ [much of their "property" and "industry" being addicted to running away]. _and shall massachusetts nullify that law?_" "the question for us to-day is whether we will in good faith abide by, and carry out these _peace measures_ [for the rendition of fugitive slaves, the new establishment of slavery in utah and new mexico, and the restoration of it to all the north] or whether we shall rush into renewed agitation," etc. "resort is had to a new form of _moral treason_ which assumes by the mysterious power of a '_higher law_' to trample down all law [that is, the fugitive slave bill]. some of our fellow-citizens have avowed that the fugitive slave bill is to be treated like the _stamp act_, and never to be enforced in massachusetts. if that means any thing, it means that which our fathers meant when they resisted the stamp act and threw the tea overboard--revolution.[ ] _it_ [opposition to the fugitive slave bill] _is revolution, or it is treason. if it only resists law, and obstructs its officers, it is treason; and he who risks it, must risk hanging for it._"[ ] [footnote : the learned counsel for the fugitive slave bill confounds two events. the stamp act was passed march d, , and repealed the th of the next march. the tea was destroyed december th, .] [footnote : report in boston courier of november th, .] gentlemen, that meeting determined to execute the fugitive slave bill "with all its provisions, to the fullest extent." it is dreadful to remember the articles in the daily advertiser and the courier at that period. some of the sermons in the churches of commerce on the following thursday, thanksgiving day, were filled with the most odious doctrines of practical atheism. the "preparatory meeting" had its effect. soon the seed bore fruit after its kind. but some ministers were faithful to their brother and their lord. ( .) february th, , a colored man named "shadrach" was arrested under a warrant from that commissioner who had been so active in the attempt to kidnap mr. and mrs. craft. but a "miracle" was wrought: "where sin abounded grace did much more abound," and "the lord delivered him out of their hands." shadrach went free to canada, where he is now a useful citizen. he was rescued by a small number of colored persons at noonday. the kidnapping commissioner telegraphed to mr. webster, "it is levying war--it is treason." another asked, "what is to be done?" the answer from washington was, "mr. webster was very much mortified." on the th, president fillmore, at mr. webster's instigation, issued his proclamation calling on all well disposed citizens, and _commanding all officers_, "civil and military, to aid and assist in quelling this, and all other such combinations, _and to assist in recapturing the above-named person_" shadrach. general orders came down from the secretaries of war and the navy, commanding the _military and naval officers to yield all practicable assistance_ in the event of such another "_insurrection_." the city government of boston passed resolutions regretting that a man had been saved from the shackles of slavery; cordially approving of the president's proclamation, and promising their earnest efforts to carry out his recommendations. at that time hon. mr. tukey was marshal; hon. john p. bigelow was mayor; hon. henry j. gardner, a man equally remarkable for his temperance, truthfulness, and general integrity, was president of the common council. it was not long, gentlemen, before the city government had an opportunity to keep its word. ( .) on the night of the d of april, , thomas sims was kidnapped by two police officers of boston, pretending to arrest him for theft! gentlemen of the jury, you know the rest. he was on trial nine days. he never saw the face of a jury, a judge only once--who refused the _habeas corpus_, the great "writ of right." that judge--i wish his successors may better serve mankind--has gone to his own place; where, may god almighty have mercy on his soul! you remember, gentlemen, the chains round the court house; the judges of your own supreme court crawling under the southern chain. you do not forget the "sims brigade"--citizen soldiers called out and billeted in faneuil hall. you recollect the cradle of liberty shut to a free soil convention, but open to those hirelings of the slave master. you will never forget the pro-slavery sermons that stained so many boston pulpits on the "fast-day" which intervened during the mock trial! mr. sims had able defenders,--i speak now only of such as appeared on his behalf, others not less noble and powerful, aided by their unrecorded service--mr. sewall, mr. rantoul, men always on the side of liberty, and one more from whose subsequent conduct, gentlemen of the jury, i grieve to say it, you would not expect such magnanimity then, mr. charles g. loring. but of what avail was all this before such a commissioner? thomas sims was declared "a chattel personal to all intents, uses, and purposes whatsoever." after it became plain that he would be decreed a slave, the poor victim of boston kidnappers asked one boon of his counsel, "i cannot go back to slavery," said he, "give me a knife, and when the commissioner declares me a slave i will stab myself to the heart, and die before his eyes! i will not be a slave." the knife was withheld! at the darkest hour of the night mayor bigelow and marshal tukey, suitable companions, admirably joined by nature as by vocation, with two or three hundred police-men armed, some with bludgeons, some with drawn swords and horse pistols, took the poor boy out of his cell, chained, weeping, and bore him over the spot where, on the th of march, , the british tyrant first shed new england blood; by another spot where your fathers and mine threw to the ocean the taxed tea of the oppressor. they put him on board a vessel, the "_acorn_," and carried him off to eternal bondage. "and this is massachusetts liberty!" said he, as he stepped on board. boston sent her delegates to escort him back, and on the th of april, , she delivered him up to his tormentors in the jail at savannah, where he was scourged till human nature could bear no more, while his captors were feasted at the public cost. seventy-six years before there was another th of april, also famous! ( .) then came the examination and "trial" of the shadrach rescuers in february and the following months. some of these trials took place before his honor judge peleg sprague. therefore, you will allow me, gentlemen, to refresh your memories with a word or two respecting the antecedents of this judge--his previous history. in the abolition of slavery in the british west indies and the efforts of the friends of freedom in the northern states, excited great alarm at the south, lest the "peculiar institution" should itself be brought into peril. fear of a "general insurrection of the slaves" was talked about and perhaps felt. the mails were opened in search of "incendiary publications;" a piano-forte sent from boston to virginia, was returned because the purchaser found an old copy of the "emancipator" in the case which contained it. public meetings for the promotion of american slavery were held. there was one at boston in faneuil hall, august , , at which a remarkable speech was made by a lawyer who had graduated at harvard college in , a man no longer young, of large talents and great attainments in the law. he spoke against discussion, and in behalf of slavery and slaveholders: he could see no good, but only unmixed evil "consequent upon agitating this subject here." he said:-- "when did fear ever induce a man to relax his power over the object that excited it? no, he will hold him down with a stronger grasp, he will draw the cords tighter, he will make the chains heavier and sink his victim to a still deeper dungeon." "the language and measures of the abolitionists clearly tend to insurrection and violence." "they [the slaves] hear that their masters have no legal or moral authority over them. that every moment's exercise of such dominion is sin, and that the laws that sanction it are morally void: that they are entitled to immediate emancipation, and that their masters are to be regarded as kidnappers and robbers for refusing it." "it is deluding these unfortunate beings to their own destruction, we should not aid them. the constitution provides for the suppressing of insurrections ... we should respond to its call [if the slaves attempted to recover their liberty]; nay, we should not wait for such a requisition, but on the instant should rush forward with fraternal emotions to defend our brethren from desolation and massacre." "the south will not tolerate our interference with their slaves, [by our discussing the matter in the newspapers and elsewhere]." "the union then, if used to disturb this institution of slavery, will be then as the 'spider's web; a breath will agitate, a blast will sweep it away forever.'" "if, then, these abolitionists shall go on ... the fate of our government is sealed.... and who will attempt to fathom the immeasurable abyss of a dissolution of the union?" "tell the abolitionists this; present to them in full array the consequences of their attempts at immediate emancipation, and they meet all by a cold abstraction. they answer, '_we must do right regardless of consequences._'" "they assume that such a course [undoing the heavy burthens and letting the oppressed go free, and loving your neighbor as yourself] _is_ right. when that is the very point in controversy, and when inevitable consequences demonstrate that it must be wrong." "they [the abolitionists] insist upon immediate, instantaneous emancipation.... no man, say they, can be rightfully restrained of his liberty except for crime." "they come to the conclusion that no laws that sanction or uphold it [slavery] can have any moral obligation. the constitution is the supreme law of the land. it does sanction, it does uphold slavery; and if this doctrine be true, that sacred compact has always been [so far] morally null and void." "he [washington] that slaveholder ... came with other slaveholders to drive the british myrmidons from this city and this hall. our fathers did not refuse to hold communion with him or with them. with slaveholders they formed the confederation ... with them they made the declaration of independence." "and in the original draft of the declaration was contained a most _eloquent passage upon this very topic of negro slavery, which was stricken out in deference to the wishes of members from the south_." "slavery existed then as now." "our fathers were not less devoted friends of liberty, not less pure as philanthropists or pious as christians than any of their children of the present day." [therefore _we_ must not attempt to emancipate a slave!] here is the passage which the speaker thought it so praiseworthy in the revolutionary congress to strike out from the declaration of independence:-- "he [the king] has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel nations, is the warfare of the christian king of great britain. determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. and that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them: thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." mr. jefferson says, "it was struck out in _compliance to south carolina and georgia_, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. our northern brethren also, i believe, felt a little tender under it, for though their people have very few slaves themselves, yet they have been pretty considerable carriers of them to others." * * * * * but the orator went on protesting against righteousness:-- "i would beseech them [the abolitionists] to discard their dangerous abstractions [that men are endowed by their creator with certain natural, equal, and unalienable rights--to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness] which they [in common with the declaration of independence] adopt as universal rules of human conduct--without regard to time, condition, or circumstances; which _darken the understanding and mislead the judgment_, and urge them forward to consequences from which they will shrink back with horror. i would ask them to reflect that ... the religion they profess is not to be advanced by forgetting the precepts and the example of their divine master. upon that example i would ask them to pause. he found slavery, roman slavery, an institution of the country in which he lived. did he denounce it? did he attempt its immediate abolition? did he do any thing, or say any thing which could in its remotest tendency encourage resistance and violence? no, his precept was, 'servants (slaves) obey your masters.'"[ ] "it was because _he would not interfere with the administration of the laws, or abrogate their authority_." [footnote : the learned counsel for the slaveholders probably referred to eph. vi. ; or coloss. iii. ; or tit. ii. ; or pet. ii. .] gentlemen of the jury, this alleged precept of the "divine master" does not occur in any one of the four canonical evangelists of the new testament; nor have i found it in any of those spurious and apocryphal records of old time. it appears originally in the gospel according to the hon. peleg sprague. "slaves, obey your masters," "a comfortable scripture" truly; a beatitude for the stealers of men! gentlemen of the jury, that was the language of mr. peleg sprague at the time when the state of georgia offered $ , for the head of mr. garrison; when the governors of virginia and other slave states, sent letters to the governor of massachusetts asking for "penal statutes" to prohibit our discussion in boston; it was the very year that a mob of "gentlemen of property and standing" in boston broke up a meeting of women assembled to endeavor to abolish slavery. gentlemen of the jury, mr. sprague had his reward--he sits on the bench to try me for a "misdemeanor"--"obstructing, resisting, and opposing an officer of the united states," "while in the discharge of his duty" to steal a man in boston, that his "owner" might sell him in richmond. the "chief commandment" of the new testament is, "slaves, obey your masters;" on that commandment he would now hang all the law, and the abolitionists. it would take a long time to tell the dark, sad tale of the trial of the shadrach rescuers; how the judge constructed and charged the jury; how he constructed his "law." it was the old story of the stuart despotism, wickedness in the name of the law and with its forms. gentlemen, in that trial you saw the value of the jury. the judges of massachusetts went under the chain which the kidnappers placed about the court house in . the federal judges sought to kidnap the citizens of boston and to punish all such as opposed man-stealing. the massachusetts judges allowed the law, which they had sworn to execute, to be struck down to the ground; nay, themselves sought to strike it down. the federal judges perverted the law to make it an instrument of torture against all such as love mankind. but the jury held up the shield of justice, and the poisoned weapons of the court fell blunted to the ground. the government took nothing by that motion--nothing but defeat. there was no conviction. one of the jurors said, "you may get one hunker on any panel; it is not easy to get twelve. there was no danger of a conviction." but still it is painful to think in what peril our lives and our liberties then were. ( .) at length came the "burns case." you know it too well. on the night of wednesday, may , , in virtue of commissioner loring's warrant, anthony burns was arrested on the charge of burglary, and thrust into jail. the next morning he was brought up for condemnation. two noble men, mr. dana and my friend mr. ellis, defended mr. burns. there was to be no regular trial before commissioner loring. on the evening of friday, may th, there was a meeting at faneuil hall, and an attack on the court house where mr. burns was illegally held in duress. in the attack a mr. batchelder was killed,--a man hired to aid in this kidnapping, as he had been in the stealing of mr. sims. to judge from the evidence offered before the grand-jury of the massachusetts court, and especially from the testimony of marshal freeman, it appears he was accidentally killed by some of his own confederates in that wickedness, and before the door of the court house was broken through. but that is of no consequence: as mr. dana has said, "he went in for his pay, and has got his _corn_." on friday, june th, mr. burns was declared a slave by commissioner loring and delivered up to eternal bondage. it seems to be in consequence of my connection with this case that i am indicted; so you now approach the end of this long defence. i come to the last part of it. * * * * * (iii.) of the indictment against theodore parker. i am indicted, gentlemen, for "resisting an officer" who was engaged in kidnapping mr. burns; and it is charged that i, at boston, may th, "with force and arms did knowingly and wilfully, obstruct, resist, and oppose, ... watson freeman, then and there being an officer of the united states, to the great damage of the said watson freeman; to the great hinderance and obstruction of justice, [to wit, of the kidnapping of anthony burns,] to the evil example of all others in like case offending, against the peace and dignity of the said united states and contrary to the form of the statute made and provided." it is also charged that "one theodore parker of boston, ... with force and arms in and upon the said watson freeman, then and there, in the peace of the said united states being, an assault did make, he the said freeman also then and there being an officer of the said united states, to wit, marshal of the united states, ... and then and there also being in the due and lawful discharge of his duties as such officer" [to wit, stealing and kidnapping one anthony burns]. these and various other pleasant charges, mr. hallett, in the jocose manner of indictments, alleges against me; wherefrom i must defend myself, as best i may. * * * * * now, gentlemen, that you may completely understand the accusation brought against me, i must go back a little, and bring up several other matters of fact that have straggled away from this long column of argument which i have led into the field thus far;--and also rally some new forces not before drawn into the line of defence. i must speak of the hon. justice curtis; of his conduct in relation to slavery in general, to this particular prosecution, and to this special case, _united states_ vs. _theodore parker_. first, gentlemen, let me speak of some events which preceded mr. curtis's elevation to his present distinguished post. to make the whole case perfectly clear, i must make mention of some others intimately connected with him. there is a family in boston which may be called the curtis family. so far as it relates to the matter in hand, it may be said to consist of six persons, namely, charles p. curtis, lawyer, and thomas b. curtis, merchant, sons of the late thomas curtis; benjamin r. curtis, by birth a kinsman, and by marriage a son-in-law of charles p. curtis, late a practising lawyer, now this honorable judge of the supreme court of the united states, and his brother, george t. curtis, lawyer, and united states commissioner for the district of massachusetts; edward g. loring, a step-son of the late thomas curtis, and accordingly step-brother of charles p. and thomas b. curtis, lawyer, judge of probate for boston, united states commissioner, and, until recently, lecturer at the cambridge law school; and also william w. greenough, son-in-law of charles p. curtis, merchant. this family, though possessing many good qualities, has had a remarkably close and intimate connection with all, or most, of the recent cases of kidnapping in boston. here are some of the facts, so painful for me to relate, but so indispensable to a full understanding of this case. . in charles p. curtis and benjamin r. curtis appeared as counsel for the slave-hunters in the famous case of the girl med, originally a slave in the west indies, and brought to boston by her mistress. med claimed her freedom on the ground that slavery was not recognized by the laws of massachusetts, and could not exist here unless it were in the special case, under the federal constitution, of fugitives from the slave states of this union. the messrs. curtis contended with all their skill--_totis viribus_, as lawyers say--that slavery might, by legal comity, exist in massachusetts--that slaves were property by the law of nations; and that an ownership which is legal in the west indies continued in boston, at least so far as to leave the right to seize and carry away. mr. charles p. curtis had already appeared as counsel for a slave-hunter in , and had succeeded in restoring a slave child, only twelve or fourteen years of age, to his claimant who took him to cuba with the valuable promise that he should be free in the spanish west indies.[ ] [footnote : daily advertiser, dec. th, . mr. sewall, the early and indefatigable friend of the slave, asked the court to appoint a guardian _ad litem_ for the child, who was not , who should see that he was not enslaved. but the slaveholder's counsel objected, and the judge (shaw) refused; yet to his honor be it said in a similar case in , when mr. sewall was counsel for a slave child under the same circumstances, he delivered him to a guardian appointed by the probate court. metcalf, .] in the med case mr. benjamin r. curtis made a long and elaborate argument to show that "a citizen of a slaveholding state, who comes to massachusetts for a temporary purpose of business or pleasure and brings his slave as a personal attendant, may restrain that slave for the purpose of carrying him out of the state and returning him to the domicil of his owner." to support this proposition, he made two points:-- " . that this child by the law of louisiana is _now_ a slave." " . that the law of massachusetts will so far recognize and give effect to the law of louisiana, as to allow the master to exercise this restricted power over his slave." that is, the power to keep her here as a slave, to remove her to louisiana, and so make her a slave for ever and her children after her. to prove this last point he says by quotation, "we always _import_, together with their persons, _the existing relations of foreigners between themselves_." so as we "import" the natural relation of husband and wife, or parent and child, in the irish immigrants, and respect the same, we ought equally to import and respect the unnatural and forcible relation of master and slave in our visitors from cuba or louisiana. "it will be urged," he said, "that though we claim to exercise only a qualified and limited right over the slave, namely the right to remove him from the state, yet if this is allowed, all the rights of the master must be allowed, ... and thus slavery will be introduced into the commonwealth. to this i answer, "( .) there is no practical difficulty in giving this qualified effect to the law of louisiana, [allowing the master to bring and keep his slaves here and remove them when he will]. the constitution of the united states has settled this question. that provides for and secures to the master, the exercise of his right to the very extent claimed in this case." "( .) neither is there any theoretical difficulty." to do this, he thinks, will "promote harmony and good feeling, where it is extremely desirable to promote it, encourage frequent intercourse, and soften prejudices by increasing acquaintance, and tend to peace and union and good-will." "it will work no injury to the state [massachusetts], by violating any public law of the state. the only law in the statute-book applicable to the subject of slavery is the law against kidnapping." "it will work no direct injury to the citizens of this state for, ... it respects only strangers." "it is consistent with the public policy of massachusetts, to permit this ... right of the master." "_it may be perfectly consistent with our policy not only to recognize the validity and propriety of those institutions_ [of slavery] _in the states where they exist_, but _even to interfere actively to enable the citizens of those states to enjoy those institutions at home._" that is, it may be the duty of massachusetts, "to interfere actively" in louisiana for the establishment and support of slavery there! pennsylvania, new york, new jersey, and rhode island, he adds, have made laws allowing the slaveholder this right: "the legislatures of those states are the legitimate and highest authority in regard to their public policy; what they have declared on this subject, must be deemed to be true.... we are not at liberty to suppose that it is contrary to their public policy, that the master should exercise this right within their territory. i respectfully ask what difference there is between the policy of pennsylvania, new york, rhode island, and new jersey, and the policy of massachusetts, on the subject of slavery." "i shall now attempt," he adds, "to prove that _slavery is not immoral_." how do you think he proved that? did he cite the bible? no, he left that to lower law divines. did he manufacture bible? no, the hon. peleg sprague had sufficiently done that a year before. he took a shorter cut--he denied there was any morality but legality. "i take it to be perfectly clear," said this young man in all the moral enthusiasm of his youth, "that the standard of morality by which courts of justice are to be guided is that which the law prescribes. your honors' opinion as men or as moralists has no bearing on the question. your honors are to declare what the law deems moral or immoral." gentlemen, that needs no comment; this trial is comment enough. but according to that rule no law is immoral. it was "not immoral" in to hang and burn thirty-nine men in one day for reading the bible in english; the catholic inquisition in spain was "not immoral;" the butchery of martyrs was all right soon as lawful! there is no higher law! it was "not immoral" for the servants of king pharaoh to drown all the new-born hebrew boys; nor for herod's butchers to murder the innocents at bethlehem. nay, all the atrocities of the saint bartholomew massacres, gentlemen, they were "not immoral," for "the standard of morality" is "that which the law prescribes." so any legislature that can frame an act, any tyrant who can issue a decree, any court which can deliver an "opinion," can at once nullify the legislation of the universe and "dissolve the union" of man and god: "religion has nothing to do with politics; there it makes men mad." is that the doctrine of young massachusetts? hearken then to the old. in her house of representatives unanimously resolved that "there are certain essential rights ... which are founded on the law of god and nature, and are the common rights of mankind, and that the inhabitants of this province are unalienably entitled to these essential rights in common with all men, and _that no law of society ... can divest them of these rights_." no "standard of morality" but law! a thousand years before jesus of nazareth taught his beatitudes of humanity, the old hebrews knew better. hearken to a psalm nearly three thousand years old. among the assemblies of the great, a greater ruler takes his seat; the god of heaven, as judge, surveys those gods on earth, and all their ways. why will ye, then, frame wicked laws? or why support the unrighteous cause? when will ye once defend the poor, that sinners vex the saints no more? arise, oh lord, and let thy son possess his universal throne, and rule the nations with his rod; he is our judge, and he our god. "by the _law of this commonwealth_," added mr. curtis, "_slavery is not immoral._ by the supreme law of this commonwealth slavery is not only recognized as a valid institution, but to a certain extent is incorporated into our own law. before you [the court] rise from your seats, you may be called upon by the master of a fugitive slave, to grant a certificate ... which _will put the whole force of the commonwealth at his disposal, to remove his slave from our territory_." gentlemen of the jury, that was conquering his prejudices "with alacrity;" it was obeying the fugitive slave bill fourteen years before it was heard of. he adds still further, by quotation, "i have no doubt but the citizen of a slave state has a right to pass, upon business or pleasure, through any of the states attended by his slaves--and his right to reclaim his slave would be unquestioned. an escape from the attendance upon the person of his master, while on a journey through a free state, should be considered as an escape from the state where the master had a right of citizenship." mr. charles p. curtis thus sustained his kinsman:-- "is that to be considered immoral which the court is bound to assist in doing? _it is not for us to denounce as_ legally _immoral a practice which is permitted_ and sanctioned _by the supreme law of the land_!" "it is said the practice of slavery is corrupting in its influence on public morals. but the practice of bringing slaves here was much more common thirty years ago than now. if this practice be so corrupting, why is it tolerated in other states?"... "the law of new york allows even foreigners to go there with their slaves; and have the morals of that state suffered in consequence? in pennsylvania the law is similar, but where is the evidence of its pernicious influence?" "as to the _right to using them_, [the slaves voluntarily brought here by their masters,] _notwithstanding the supposed horror at such an admission_, the legislatures of new york and pennsylvania, rhode island and new jersey, have actually enacted statutes allowing precisely that privilege."[ ] [footnote : med. case, .] but the supreme court of massachusetts held otherwise. med was declared free. chief justice shaw covered himself with honor by his decision. and soon after, (aug. ,) the daily advertiser, the "organ" of the opinions of this family, said:-- "in some of the states there is ... legislative provision for cases of this sort, [allowing masters to bring and hold slaves therein,] and it would seem that _some such provision is necessary in this state_, unless we would prohibit citizens of the slave states from travelling in this state with their families, and unless we would permit such of them as wish to emancipate their slaves, to throw them, at their pleasure, upon the people of this state." gentlemen, mr. curtis in contended for all which mr. toombs boasts he shall get--the right of the slaveholder to sit down at the foot of bunker hill monument with his slaves! nay, mr. curtis granted more: it may be the duty of massachusetts "to interfere actively," and establish slavery in louisiana, or in kansas. it may be said, this was only a lawyer pleading for his client. it was--a lawyer asking the supreme court of massachusetts to establish slavery in this commonwealth. is it innocent in a lawyer to ask the court to do a wicked thing, to urge the court to do it? then is it equally innocent to ask the treasurer of a railroad to forge stock, or an editor to publish lies, or a counterfeiter to make and utter base coin, or an assassin to murder men. surely it is as innocent to urge men to kidnap blacks in africa as in boston. gentlemen, that declaration--that the statute supersedes natural justice, and that the only "standard of morality" by which the courts are to be guided is "that which the law prescribes"--deserves your careful consideration. "he that squares his conscience by the law is a scoundrel"--say the proverbs of many nations. what do you think of a man who knows no lawgiver but the general court of massachusetts, or the american congress: no justice but the statutes? if mr. curtis's doctrine is correct, then franklin, hancock, adams, washington, were only rebels and traitors! they refused that "standard of morality." nay, our puritan fathers were all "criminals;" the twelve apostles committed not only "misdemeanors" but sins; and jesus of nazareth was only a malefactor, a wanton disturber of the public peace of the world! the slave child med, poor, fatherless, and unprotected, comes before the supreme court of massachusetts, claiming her natural and unalienable right to liberty and the pursuit of happiness,--if not granted she is a slave for ever. in behalf of her wealthy "owner" mr. curtis resists the girl's claim; tells the court she "is now a slave;" there is "no practical difficulty" in allowing the master to keep her in that condition, no "theoretical difficulty;" "slavery is not immoral;" it may be the duty of massachusetts not only to recognize slavery at home, but also "even to interfere actively" to support slavery abroad; the law is the only "standard of morality" for the courts; that establishes slavery in massachusetts! gentlemen, what do mankind say to such sophistry? hearken to this hebrew bible: "wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed, to turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and _that they may rob the fatherless_." let the stern psalm of the puritans still further answer from the manly bosom of the bible. "judges who rule the world by laws, will ye despise the righteous cause, when the injured poor before you stands? dare ye condemn the righteous poor and let rich sinners 'scape secure, while gold and greatness bribe your hands? "have ye forgot, or never knew, that god will judge the judges too? high in the heavens his justice reigns; yet you invade the rights of god, and send your bold decrees abroad, to bind the conscience in your chains. "break out their teeth, eternal god, those teeth of lions dy'd in blood; and crush the serpents in the dust; as empty chaff, when whirlwinds rise, before the sweeping tempest flies, so let their hopes and names be lost. "thus shall the justice of the lord freedom and peace to men afford; and all that hear shall join and say, sure there's a god that rules on high, a god that hears his children cry, and all their sufferings will repay." . after mr. webster had made his speech of march , , pledging himself and his state to the support of the fugitive slave bill, then before congress, "to the fullest extent," thomas b. curtis, with the help of others, got up a letter to mr. webster, dated march , , signed, it is said, by persons, who say: "we desire to express to you our deep obligations for what this speech has done and is doing." "you have pointed out to a whole people the path of duty, have convinced the understanding and touched the conscience of the nation." "we desire, therefore, to express to you our entire concurrence in the sentiments of your speech." . a little later, mr. webster returned to boston, and was "rapturously received" at the revere house, april , , by a "great multitude," when benjamin r. curtis made a public address, and expressed his "abounding gratitude for the ability and fidelity" which mr. webster had "brought to the defence of the constitution and of the union," and commended him as "_eminently vigilant, wise, and faithful to his country, without a shadow of turning_." . presently, after the passage of the fugitive slave bill, at a dinner party, at the house of a distinguished counsellor of boston, charles p. curtis declared that he hoped the first fugitive slave who should come to boston would be seized and sent back! . charles p. curtis and his step-brother edward g. loring, and george t. curtis, defended the fugitive slave bill by writing articles in the _boston daily advertiser_. . in november, , the slave-hunters, thus invited and encouraged, came to boston, seeking to kidnap william and ellen craft: but they in vain applied to commissioner benj. f. hallett, and to judges woodbury and sprague, for a warrant to arrest their prey. finally, they betook themselves to commissioner george t. curtis, who at once agreed to grant a warrant; but, according to his own statement, in a letter to mr. webster, nov. , , as he anticipated resistance, and considered it very important that the marshal should have more support than it was in his power as a commissioner to afford, he procured a meeting of the commissioners, four in number, and with their aid succeeded in persuading the circuit court, then in session, to issue the warrant. gentlemen, as that letter of mr. george t. curtis contains some matters which are of great importance, you will thank me for refreshing your memory with such pieces of history. "an application [for a warrant to arrest mr. craft] had already been made to the judges [messrs. woodbury and sprague] privately ... they could not grant a warrant on account of the pendency of an important patent cause then on trial before a jury." "to this i replied, that ... the ordinary business of the court ought to give way for a sufficient length of time, to enable the judges to receive this application and to hear the case." "on a private intimation to the presiding judge of our desire to confer with him [the desire of the kidnapping commissioners, mr. b.f. hallett, mr. edward g. loring, mr. c.l. woodbury, and mr. g.t. curtis] the jury were dismissed at _an earlier hour than usual, ... and every person present except the marshal's deputies left the room, and the doors were closed_." "the learned judge said ... that he would attend at half past eight the next morning, to grant the warrant." "a process was placed in the hands of the marshal ... in the execution of which he might be called upon to _break open dwelling-houses, and perhaps take life_, by quelling resistance, actual or _threatened_." "i devoted at once a good deal of time to the necessary investigations of the subject." "there is a great deal of legislation needed to make the general government independent of state control," says this "expounder of the constitution," "and independent of the power of mobs, whenever and wherever its measures chance to be unpopular." "the office of united states marshal is by no means organized and fortified by legislation as it should be to encounter popular disturbance." . the warrant having been issued for the seizure of mr. craft, marshal devens applied to benjamin r. curtis for legal advice as to the degree of force he might use in serving it, and whether it ought to be regarded as a civil or a criminal process. george t. curtis was employed by his brother to search for authorities on these points. they two, together, as appears from the letter of george t. curtis to mr. webster, induced marshal devens to ask a further question, which gave benjamin r. curtis an opportunity to come out with an elaborate opinion in favor of the constitutionality of the fugitive slave bill, dated november , . this was published in the newspapers. in order to maintain the constitutionality of this act, benjamin r. curtis was driven to assume, as all its defenders must, that the commissioner, in returning the fugitive, performs none of the duties of a judge; that the hearing before him is not "a case arising under the laws of the united states;" that he acts not as a judicial, but merely as an executive and "ministerial" officer--not deciding him to be a slave, but merely giving him up, to enable that point to be tried elsewhere.[ ] but, spite of this opinion, public justice and the vigilance committee forced the (southern) slave-hunters to flee from boston, after which, mr. and mrs. craft left america to find safety in england, the evident rage and fierce threats of the disappointed boston slave-hunters making it unsafe for them to remain. [footnote : on this see hildreth's despotism, , . commissioner loring considers that the fugitive slave bill commissioners have "_judicial_ duties." remonstrance to general court, .] . after the failure of this attempt to arrest mr. craft, thomas b. curtis got up a "union meeting" at faneuil hall, november , .[ ] the call was addressed to such as "regard with disfavor all further popular agitation" of the subject of slavery. thomas b. curtis called the meeting to order: william w. greenough, from the "committee of arrangements," presented the resolutions, which you have already heard.[ ] it was said at the time that they were written, wholly or in part, by mr. benjamin r. curtis, who moved their adoption and made a long and elaborate speech thereon. [footnote : see mr. curtis's letter in daily advertiser of february , .] [footnote : see above, p. , .] gentlemen of the jury, as i just now gave you some passages from mr. hallett's speech on that occasion, allow me now to read you some extracts from mr. curtis's address. the general aim of the speech was to reconcile the people to kidnapping; the rhetorical means to this end were an attempt to show that kidnapping was expedient; that it was indispensable; that it had been long since agreed to; that the slaves were foreigners and had no right in _massachusetts_. he said:-- "we have come here not to consider particular measures of government but to assert that we have a government, not to determine whether this or that law be wise or just, but to declare that there is law, and its duties and power." "every sovereign state has and must have the right to judge _what persons from abroad_ shall be admitted." "are not these persons [fugitive slaves] foreigners as to us--and what right have they to come here at all, _against the will of the legislative power of the state_. [massachusetts had no legislation forbidding them!] and if their coming here or remaining here, is not consistent with the safety of the state and the welfare of the citizens _may we not_ prohibit their coming, or _send them back_ if they come?" "_to deny this_ is to deny the right of self-preservation to a state.... it ... _throws us back at once into a condition below the most degraded savages who have a semblance of government_." "you know that the great duty of justice could not otherwise be performed, [that is without the fugitive-from-labor clause in the constitution]; that our peace at home and our safety from foreign aggression could not otherwise be insured; and that only by this means could we obtain 'the blessings of liberty' to the people of massachusetts and their posterity." "in no other way could we become an example of, and security for, the capacity of man, safely and peacefully and wisely to govern himself under free and popular institutions." so the fugitive slave bill is an argument against human depravity, showing the capacity of man to govern himself "safely and peacefully and wisely." he adds, as early as the new england colonies found it necessary "to insert an article substantially like this one," for the rendition of fugitive servants, and in the federal government demanded that the spaniards should surrender the fugitive slaves of georgia. injustice, gentlemen, has never lacked a precedent since cain killed abel. mr. curtis continues:-- "when i look abroad over , happy homes in massachusetts and see a people, such as the blessed sun has rarely shone upon, so intelligent and educated, moral, religious, progressive, and free to do every thing but wrong--i fear to say that i should not be in the wrong to put all this at risk, because our _passionate will_ impels us to break a promise our wise and good fathers made, not to allow a _class of foreigners_ to come here, or to _send them back if they came_." so the refusal to kidnap ellen and william craft came of the "_passionate will_" of the people, and is likely to ruin the happy homes of a moral and religious people! "_with the rights of these persons_ i firmly believe _massachusetts has nothing to do_. it is enough for us that they have no right to be _here_. whatever natural rights they have--and i admit these natural rights to their fullest extent--this is not the _soil_ on which to vindicate them. this is _our_ soil, sacred to _our_ peace, on which we intend to perform _our_ promises, and work out for the benefit of ourselves and our posterity and the world, the destiny which our creator has assigned to _us_." gentlemen of the jury, it is written of that creator that he is "no respecter of persons;" and "hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth." the "our creator" of mr. curtis is also the father of william and ellen craft; and that great soul who has ploughed his moral truths deep into the history of mankind, represents the final judge of us all as saying to such as scorned his natural law of justice and humanity, "inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these ye did it not to me." massachusetts is "our soil," is it; "sacred to _our_ peace," which is to be made sure of by stealing our brother men, and giving to commissioners george t. curtis and edward g. loring ten dollars for making a slave, and only five for setting free a man! peace and the fugitive slave bill! no, gentlemen of the jury, it is vain to cry peace, peace--when there is no peace! ay, there _is_ no peace to the wicked; and though the counsel of the ungodly be carried, it is carried headlong! in that speech, gentlemen, mr. curtis made a special attack upon me:-- "there has been made within these walls," said he, "the declaration that an article of the constitution [the rendition clause] of the united states 'shall not be executed, _law or no law_.' a gentleman offered a resolve ... that 'constitution or no constitution, law or no law, we will not allow a fugitive slave to be taken from massachusetts.' the chairman of a public meeting [hon. charles francis adams, on october th] declared here that 'the law will be resisted, and if the fugitive resists, and if he slay the slave-hunter, or even the marshal, and if he therefor be brought before a jury of massachusetts men, that jury will not convict him.' and as if there should be nothing wanting to exhibit the madness which has possessed men's minds, _murder and perjury_ have been enacted into virtues, and in this city preached from the sacred desk. i must not be suspected of exaggerating in the least degree. i read therefore the following passage from a sermon preached and published in this city:-- "'let me suppose a case which may happen here and before long. a woman flies from south carolina to massachusetts to escape from bondage. mr. greatheart aids her in her escape, harbors and conceals her, and is brought to trial for it. the punishment is a fine of one thousand dollars and imprisonment for six months. i am drawn to serve as a juror and pass upon this offence. i may refuse to serve and be punished for that, leaving men with no scruples to take my place, or i may take the juror's oath to give a verdict according to the law and the testimony. the law is plain, let us suppose, and the testimony conclusive. greatheart himself confesses that he did the deed alleged, saving one ready to perish. the judge charges that if the jurors are satisfied of that fact then they must return that he is guilty. this is a nice matter. here are two questions. the one put to me in my official capacity as juror, is this: "did greatheart aid the woman?" the other, put to me in my natural character as man, is this: "will you help punish greatheart with fine and imprisonment for helping a woman obtain her unalienable rights?" if i have extinguished my manhood by my juror's oath, then i shall do my official business and find greatheart guilty, and i shall seem to be a true man; but if i value my manhood i shall answer after my natural duty to love man and not hate him, to do him justice, not injustice, to allow him the natural rights he has not alienated, and shall say, "not guilty." then men will call me forsworn and a liar, but i think human nature will justify the verdict.'" "i should like to ask," he continued, "the reverend gentleman in what capacity he expects to be punished for his _perjury_?" gentlemen of the jury, i rose and said, "do you want an answer to your question, sir?" he had charged me with preaching murder and perjury; had asked, how i expected to be punished for my own "perjury?" when i offered to answer his question he refused me the opportunity to reply! thus, gentlemen, he charged me with recommending men to commit perjury! did he think i advised men to take an oath and break it? on the other side of the page which he read there stood printed:-- "suppose a man has sworn to keep the constitution of the united states, and the constitution is found to be wrong in certain particulars; then his oath is not morally binding, for before his oath, by his very existence, he is morally bound to keep the law of god as fast as he learns it. no oath can absolve him from his natural allegiance to god. yet i see not how a man can knowingly, and with a good conscience, swear to keep what he deems it wrong to keep, and will not keep, and does not intend to keep." gentlemen, when that speech came to be printed--there was no charge of "perjury" at all, but a quite different sentence![ ] [footnote : see the speech in boston courier of november th, with the editorial comment, and in daily advertiser of th, _thanksgiving day_. see also the atlas of november th. the sermon is in parker's speeches, .] . in february, , george t. curtis issued the warrant for the seizure of shadrach, who was "hauled" in to the court house before that commissioner; but "the lord delivered him out of their hands," and he also escaped out of the united states of america. . after the escape or rescue of shadrach, george t. curtis telegraphed the news to mr. webster, at washington, declaring "it is levying war;" thus constructing high treason out of the rescue of a prisoner by unarmed men, from the hands of a sub-deputy officer of the united states. . george t. curtis also officiated as commissioner in the kidnapping of thomas sims, in april, ; and under the pretence of "extradition," sent him to be scourged in the jail of savannah, and then to suffer eternal bondage. it was rumored at the time that charles p. curtis and benjamin r. curtis, his law-partner and son-in-law, were the secret legal advisers and chamber-counsel of the southern slave-hunters in this case. i know not how true the rumor was, nor whether it was based on new observation of facts, or was merely an inference from their general conduct and character. . when mr. sims was brought before judge woodbury, on _habeas corpus_, benjamin r. curtis appeared as counsel for the marshal, and also assisted judge woodbury in strengthening his opinion against sims, by a written note transmitted by an officer of the court to the judge, while he was engaged in delivering his opinion. . gentlemen of the jury, i have shown you how, in britain, the government, seeking to oppress the people and to crush down freedom of speech, put into judicial offices such men as were ready to go all lengths in support of profitable wickedness. you do not forget the men whom the stuarts made judges: surely you remember twysden, and kelyng, and finch, and saunders, and scroggs. you will not forget edmund thurlow and john scott. well, gentlemen, in , judge woodbury died, and on the recommendation of mr. webster, mr. benjamin r. curtis was raised to the dignity he now holds. of course, gentlemen, the country will judge of the cause and motive of the selection. no lawyer in new england had laid down such southern "principles" for foundation of law; he outwent mr. sprague. none had rendered such service to the slave power. in , he had sought to restore slavery to massachusetts, and to accomplish that had denied the existence of any higher law,--the written statute was the only standard of judicial morals. in , he had most zealously defended the fugitive slave bill,--coming to the rescue of despotism when it seemed doubtful which way the money of boston would turn, and showing most exemplary diligence in his attempts to kidnap william and ellen craft. gentlemen, if such services were left unpaid, surely "the union would be in danger!" but i must go on with my sad chronicle. . as circuit judge of the united states, benjamin r. curtis, as well in the construction of juries, as in the construction of the law, exerted all his abilities against the parties indicted for the rescue of shadrach, though mr. hale says his conduct was far better than judge sprague's. he did this especially in the case of elizur wright, who appeared without counsel, and thus afforded a better opportunity to procure a conviction. but it was in vain--all escaped out of his hands. . in , george t. curtis brought an action for libel against benjamin b. mussey, bookseller, who had just published a volume of speeches by the hon. horace mann, one of which was against the business of kidnapping in boston, wherein george t. curtis found, as he alleged, matter libellous of himself. that suit remains yet undisposed of; but in it he will doubtless recover the full value of his reputation, on which kidnapping has affixed no stain. . in may, , edward g. loring issued a warrant for the seizure of mr. burns; decided the case before he heard it, having advised the counsel not to oppose his rendition, for he would probably be sent back; held him ironed in his "court," and finally delivered him over to eternal bondage. but in that case, it is said, mr. loring, who has no curtis blood in his veins, did not wish to steal a man; and proposed to throw up his commission rather than do such a deed; but he consulted his step-brother, charles p. curtis, who persuaded him it would be dishonorable to decline the office of kidnapping imposed upon him as a united states commissioner by the fugitive slave bill. benjamin r. curtis, it is said, i know not how truly--himself can answer, aided mr. loring in forming the "opinion" by which he attempted to justify the "extradition" of mr. burns; that is to say, the giving him up as a slave without any trial of his right to liberty, merely on a presumptive case established by his claimant. . after commissioner loring had seized mr. burns, mr. george t. curtis, by a communication published in the newspapers, informed the public that he still continued the business of man-hunting at the old stand, where all orders for kidnapping would be promptly attended to. for, he says, there was a statement "that i had declined, or was unwilling or afraid to act. i did not choose that any one whatever should have an excuse for believing that judge loring was willing to sit in a case that i had declined." "i thought proper to place myself as it were by his side." "but i never took a fee [for kidnapping], and i never shall take one."[ ] did he remember the fate of the hebrew judas, who "betrayed the innocent blood," and then cast down the thirty pieces? [footnote : see boston journal of may , and boston courier of june , .] hitherto the kidnapping commissioners, though both members of the same family, had pursued their game separately, each on his own account. after this it appears these two are to hunt in couples: commissioner loring and commissioner curtis "as it were by his side:"-- "swift in pursuit, but matched in mouth like bells, _each under each_." gentlemen of the jury, it is a very painful thing for me to deliver this very sad chronicle of such wicked deeds. but do not judge these men wholly by those acts. i am by no means stingy of commendation, and would rather praise than blame. the two elder messrs. curtis have many estimable and honorable qualities,--in private relations it is said--and i believe it--they are uncommonly tender and delicate and refined in the elegant courtesies of common life. i know that they have often been open-handed and generous in many a charity. in the ordinary intercourse of society, where no great moral principle is concerned, they appear as decorous and worthy men. hon. benj. r. curtis,--he will allow me to mention his good qualities before his face,--though apparently destitute of any high moral instincts, is yet a man of superior powers of understanding, and uncommon industry; as a lawyer he was above many of the petty tricks so common in his profession. strange as it may seem, i have twice seen mr. george t. curtis's name among others who contributed to purchase a slave; mr. loring's good qualities i have often mentioned, and always with delight. but this family has had its hand in all the kidnapping which has recently brought such misery to the colored people and their friends; such ineffaceable disgrace upon boston, and such peril to the natural rights of man. these men have laid down and advocated the principles of despotism; they have recommended, enforced, and practised kidnapping in boston, and under circumstances most terribly atrocious. without their efforts we should have had no man-stealing here. they cunningly, but perhaps unconsciously, represented the low selfishness of the money power at the north, and the slave power at the south, and persuaded the controlling men of boston to steal mr. sims and mr. burns. in they sought to enslave a poor little orphan girl, and restore bondage to massachusetts; in they succeeded in enthralling a man. now, gentlemen, they are seeking to sew up the mouth of new england; there is a sad consistency in their public behavior. gentlemen, they are not ashamed of this conduct; when "a citizen of boston," last january, related in the new york tribune some of the facts i have just set forth, "one of the name" published his card in that paper and thanked the "citizen" for collecting abundant evidence that the "curtis family" "have worked hard to keep the _law_ superior to fanaticism, disloyalty, and the _mob_," and declared that "they feel encouraged to continue in the same course and _their children after them_."[ ] mr. thomas b. curtis considers some of the acts i have just mentioned "among the most meritorious acts" of his life.[ ] mr. loring, in his "remonstrance," justifies kidnapping! [footnote : new york tribune, january , .] [footnote : daily advertiser, february , .] they may, indeed, speak well of the bridge which carries them safe over. three of the family are fugitive slave bill commissioners; one of them intellectually the ablest, perhaps morally the blindest, who so charged me with "perjury," is the honorable judge who is to try me for a "misdemeanor." of course he is perfectly impartial, and has no animosity which seeks revenge,--the history of courts forbids the supposition! such, gentlemen, are the antecedents of the hon. judge curtis, such his surroundings. you will presently see what effect they have had in procuring this indictment. it a sad tale that i have presented. he told it, not i; he did the deeds, and they have now found words. * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, i shall next speak of judge curtis's charge to the grand-jury, delivered in boston, june , --only five days after his kinsman had sent mr. burns into slavery. here is that part of the charge which relates to our case. "there is another criminal law of the united states to which i must call your attention, and give you in charge. it was enacted on the th of april, , and is in the following words:-- "'if any person shall knowingly or wilfully obstruct, resist, or oppose any officer of the united states, in serving, or attempting to serve, or execute any mesne process, or warrant, or any rule or order of any of the courts of the united states, or any other legal writ or process whatever, or shall assault, beat, or wound any officer, or other person duly authorized, in serving or executing any writ, rule, order, process, or warrant, aforesaid, such person shall, on conviction, be imprisoned not exceeding twelve months, and fined not exceeding three hundred dollars.' "you will observe, gentlemen, that this law makes no provision for a case where an officer, or other person duly authorized, is killed by those unlawfully resisting him. that is a case of murder, and is left to be tried and punished under the laws of the state, within whose jurisdiction the offence is committed. over that offence against the laws of the state of massachusetts we have here no jurisdiction. it is to be presumed that the duly constituted authorities of the state will, in any such case, do their duty; and if the crime of murder has been committed, will prosecute and punish all who are guilty. "our duty is limited to administering the laws of the united states; and by one of those laws which i have read to you, to obstruct, resist, or oppose, or beat, or wound any officer of the united states, or other person duly authorized, in serving or executing any legal process whatsoever, is an offence against the laws of the united states, and is one of the subjects concerning which you are bound to inquire. "it is not material that the same act is an offence both against the laws of the united states and of a particular state. under our system of government the united states and the several states are distinct sovereignties, each having its own system of criminal law, which it administers in its own tribunals; and the criminal laws of a state can in no way affect those of the united states. the offence, therefore, of obstructing legal process of the united states is to be inquired of and treated by you as a misdemeanor, under the act of congress which i have quoted, without any regard to the criminal laws of the state, or the nature of the crime under these laws. "this act of congress is carefully worded, and its meaning is plain. nevertheless, there are some terms in it, and some rules of law connected with it, which should be explained for your guidance. and first, as to the process, the execution of which is not to be obstructed. "the language of the act is very broad. it embraces every legal process whatsoever, whether issued by a court in session, or by a judge, or magistrate, or commissioner acting in the due administration of any law of the united states. you will probably experience no difficulty in understanding and applying this part of the law. "as to what constitutes an obstruction--it was many years ago decided, by justice washington, that to support an indictment under this law, it was not necessary to prove the accused used or even threatened active violence. any obstruction to the free action of the officer, or his lawful assistants, wilfully placed in his or their way, for the purpose of thus obstructing him or them, is sufficient. and it is clear that if a multitude of persons should assemble, even in a public highway, with the design to stand together, and thus prevent the officer from passing freely along the way, in the execution of his precept, and the officer should thus be hindered or obstructed, this would of itself, and without any active violence, be such an obstruction as is contemplated by this law. if to this be added use of any active violence, then the officer is not only obstructed, but he is resisted and opposed, and of course the offence is complete, for either of them is sufficient to constitute it. "if you should be satisfied that an offence against this law has been perpetrated, you will then inquire by whom; and this renders it necessary for me to instruct you concerning the kind and amount of participation which brings individuals within the compass of this law. "and first, all who are present and actually obstruct, resist, or oppose, are of course guilty. so are all who are present leagued in the common design, and so situated as to be able, in case of need, to afford assistance to those actually engaged, though they do not actually obstruct, resist, or oppose. if they are present for the purpose of affording assistance in obstructing, resisting, or opposing the officers, and are so situated as to be able in any event which may occur, actually to aid in the common design, though no overt act is done by them, they are still guilty under this law. the offence defined by this act is a misdemeanor; and it is rule of law that whatever participation, in case of felony, would render a person guilty, either as a principal in the second degree, or as an accessory before the fact, does, in a case of misdemeanor, render him guilty as a principal; in misdemeanors all are principals. and, therefore, in pursuance of the same rule, not only those who are present, but those who, though absent when the offence was committed, did procure, counsel, command, or abet others to commit the offence, are indictable as principal. "such is the law, and it would seem that no just mind could doubt its propriety. if persons having influence over others use that influence to induce the commission of crime, while they themselves remain at a safe distance, that must be deemed a very imperfect system of law which allows them to escape with impunity. such is not our law. it treats such advice as criminal, and subjects the giver of it to punishment according to the nature of the offence to which his pernicious counsel has led. if it be a case of felony, he is by the common law an accessory before the fact, and by the laws of the united states and of this state, is punishable to the same extent as the principal felon. if it be a case of misdemeanor, the adviser is himself a principal offender, and is to be indicted and punished as if he himself had done the criminal act. it may be important for you to know what, in point of law, amounts to such an advising or counselling another as will be sufficient to constitute this legal element in the offence. it is laid down by high authority, that though a mere tacit acquiescence, or words, which amount to a bare permission, will not be sufficient, yet such a procurement may be, either by direct means, as by hire, counsel, or command, or indirect, by evincing an express liking, approbation, or assent to another's criminal design. from the nature of the case, the law can prescribe only general rules on this subject. my instruction to you is, that language addressed to persons who immediately afterwards commit an offence, actually intended by the speaker to incite those addressed to commit it, and adapted thus to incite them, is such a counselling or advising to the crime as the law contemplates, and the person so inciting others is liable to be indicted as a principal. "in the case of the _commonwealth_ v. _bowen_ ( mass. r. ), which was an indictment for counselling another to commit suicide, tried in , chief justice parker instructing the jury, and speaking for the supreme court of massachusetts, said:-- "'the government is not bound to prove that jewett would not have hung himself, had bowen's counsel never reached his ear. the very act of advising to the commission of a crime is of itself unlawful. the presumption of law is that advice has the influence and effect intended by the adviser, unless it is shown to have been otherwise; as that the counsel was received with scoff, or was manifestly rejected and ridiculed at the time it was given. it was said in the argument that jewett's abandoned and depraved character furnishes ground to believe that he would have committed the act without such advice from bowen. without doubt he was a hardened and depraved wretch; but it is in man's nature to revolt at self-destruction. when a person is predetermined upon the commission of this crime, the seasonable admonitions of a discreet and respected friend would probably tend to overthrow his determination. on the other hand, the counsel of an unprincipled wretch, stating the heroism and courage the self-murderer displays, might induce, encourage, and fix the intention, and ultimately procure the perpetration of the dreadful deed; and if other men would be influenced by such advice, the presumption is that jewett was so influenced. he might have been influenced by many powerful motives to destroy himself. still the inducements might have been insufficient to procure the actual commission of the act, and one word of additional advice might have turned the scale.' "when applied--as this ruling seems to have been here applied--to a case in which the advice was nearly connected, in point of time, with the criminal act, it is, in my opinion, correct. if the advice was intended by the giver to stir or incite to a crime--if it was of such a nature as to be adapted to have this effect, and the persons incited immediately afterwards committed that crime--it is a just presumption that they were influenced by the advice or incitement to commit it. the circumstances, or direct proof, may or may not be sufficient to control this presumption; and whether they are so, can duly be determined in each case, upon all its evidence. "one other rule of law on this subject is necessary to be borne in mind--the substantive offence to which the advice or incitement applied must have been committed; and it is for that alone the adviser or procurer is legally accountable. thus if one should counsel another to rescue one prisoner, and he should rescue another, unless by mistake; or if the incitement was to rescue a prisoner, and he commit a larceny, the inciter is not responsible. but it need not appear _that the precise time, or place, or means advised_, were used. thus if one incite a. to murder b., but advise him to wait until b. shall be at a certain place at noon, and a. murders b. at a different place in the morning, the adviser is guilty. so if the incitement be to poison, and the murderer shoots, or stabs. so if the counsel be to beat another, and he is beaten to death, the adviser is a murderer; for having incited another to commit an unlawful act, he is responsible for all that ensues upon its execution. "these illustrations are drawn from cases of felonies, because they are the most common in the books and the most striking in themselves; but the principles on which they depend are equally applicable to cases of misdemeanor. in all such cases the real question is, whether the accused did procure, counsel, command, or abet the substantive offence committed. if he did, it is of no importance that his advice or directions were departed from in respect to the time, or place, or precise mode or means of committing it. "gentlemen: the events which have recently occurred in this city, have rendered it my duty to call your attention to these rules of law, and to direct you to inquire whether in point of fact the offence of obstructing process of the united states has been committed; if it has, you will present for trial all such persons as have so participated therein as to be guilty of that offence. and you will allow me to say to you that if you or i were to begin to make discriminations between one law and another, and say this we will enforce and that we will not enforce, we should not only violate our oaths, but so far as in us lies, we should destroy the liberties of our country, which rest for their basis upon the great principle that our country is governed by laws, constitutionally enacted, and not by men. "in one part of our country the extradition of fugitives from labor is odious; in another, if we may judge from some transactions, the law concerning the extradition of fugitives from justice has been deemed not binding; in another still, the tariff laws of the united states were considered oppressive, and not fit to be enforced. "who can fail to see that the government would cease to be a government if it were to yield obedience to those local opinions? while it stands, all its laws must be faithfully executed, or it becomes the mere tool of the strongest faction of the place and the hour. if forcible resistance to one law be permitted practically to repeal it, the power of the mob would inevitably become one of the constituted authorities of the state, to be used against any law or any man obnoxious to the interests and passions of the worst or most excited part of the community; and the peaceful and the weak would be at the mercy of the violent. "it is the imperative duty of all of us concerned in the administration of the laws to see to it that they are firmly, impartially, and certainly applied to every offence, whether a particular law be by us individually approved or disapproved. and it becomes all to remember, that forcible and concerted resistance to any law is civil war, which can make no progress but through bloodshed, and can have no termination but the destruction of the government of our country, or the ruin of those engaged in such resistance. it is not my province to comment on events which have recently happened. they are matters of fact which, so far as they are connected with the criminal laws of the united states, are for your consideration. i feel no doubt that, as good citizens and lovers of our country, and as conscientious men, you will well and truly observe and keep the oath you have taken, diligently to inquire and true presentment make of all crimes and offences against the laws of the united states given you in charge."[ ] [footnote : law reporter, august, .] now gentlemen look at some particulars of this charge. . "if a multitude of persons shall assemble _even in a public highway_, with the design to _stand together, and thus prevent the officer from passing freely along that way_, in the execution of his precept, and the officer should thus be _hindered and obstructed_, this would, of itself, and without any active violence, be such an obstruction as is contemplated by this law." of course, all persons thus assembled in the public highway were guilty of that offence, and liable to be punished with imprisonment for twelve months and a fine of three hundred dollars: "_all who are present_, and obstruct, resist, or oppose, _are of course guilty_." their "design" is to be inferred from "the fact" that the officer was obstructed. that is not all, this offence in technical language the judge calls a "misdemeanor," and in "misdemeanors," he says, "all are principals." so, accordingly, not only are all guilty who _actually obstruct_ but likewise all who are "leagued in the common design, and _so situated as to be able_ in case of need _to afford assistance to those actually engaged_, though they do not actually obstruct, resist, or oppose." these are obstructors by construction no. ; they must have been several thousands in number. but even that is not all; the judicial logic of deduction goes further still, and he adds, "not only those who are present, but _those who_ though _absent_ when the offence was committed, _did procure, counsel, command, or abet_ others to commit the offence are indictable as principals." these are obstructors by construction no. . . next he determines what it is which "amounts to _such advising or counselling_ another as will be sufficient to constitute this legal element in the offence." first he constructs the physical act which is the misdemeanor, namely, standing in the high road and thereby hindering a kidnapper from "passing freely along that way; or being so situated as to be able to afford assistance to others thus standing; or advising another thus to stand, or be situated:" next he constructs the _advice_, the metaphysical act, which is equally a "misdemeanor." this is the square root of construction no. . look at this absurd quantity. "_such a procurement may be_, either by direct means, as by hire, counsel, or command, or indirect, _by evincing an express liking, approbation, or assent_." thus the mere casual expression, "i wish burns would escape, or i wish somebody would let him out," is a "misdemeanor;" it is "evincing an express liking." nodding to any other man's similar wish is a misdemeanor. it is "approbation." even smiling at the nod is a crime--it is "assent." such is the threefold shadow of this constructive shade. but even that is not all. a man is held responsible for what he evinced no _express_ or implied _liking_ for: "_it need not appear that the precise time, or place, or means advised, were used_." accordingly, he that "evinces an express liking," "_is responsible for all that ensues upon its execution_." he evinces his assent to the end and is legally responsible for any means which any hearer thereof shall, at any time, or in any place, make use of to attain that end! gentlemen of the jury, this charge is a _quo warranto_ against all freedom of speech. but suppose it were good law, and suppose the grand-jury obedient to it, see how it would apply. all who evinced an express liking, approbation, or assent to the rescue of mr. burns are guilty of a misdemeanor; if they "evinced an express liking" that he should be rescued by a miracle wrought by almighty god,--and some did express "approbation" of that "means,"--they are indictable, guilty of a "misdemeanor;" "it need not appear that the precise time, or place, or means advised, were used!" if any colored woman during the wicked week--which was ten days long--prayed that god would deliver anthony, as it is said his angel delivered peter, or said "amen" to such a prayer, she was "guilty of a misdemeanor;" to be indicted as a "principal." so every man in boston who, on that bad friday, stood in the streets of boston between court square and t wharf, was "guilty of a misdemeanor," liable to a fine of three hundred dollars, and to jailing for twelve months. all who at faneuil hall stirred up the minds of the people in opposition to the fugitive slave bill; all who shouted, who clapped their hands at the words or the countenance of their favorites, or who expressed "approbation" by a whisper of "assent," are "guilty of a misdemeanor." the very women who stood for four days at the street corners, and hissed the infamous slave-hunters and their coadjutors; they, too, ought to be punished by fine of three hundred dollars and imprisonment for a year! well, there were fifteen thousand persons "assembled" "in the highway" of the city of boston that day opposed to kidnapping; half the newspapers in the country towns of massachusetts "evinced an express liking" for freedom, and opposed the kidnapping; they are all "guilty of a misdemeanor;" they are "principals." nay, the ministers all over the state, who preached that kidnapping was a sin; those who read brave words out of the old testament or the new; those who prayed that the victim might escape; they, likewise, were "guilty of a misdemeanor," liable to be fined three hundred dollars and jailed for twelve months.[ ] [footnote : parker's additional, .] but where did judge curtis find his right to levy ship-money, tonnage, and poundage on the tongues of men; where did he find his "law?" surely not in the statute. when the bill was pending in , suppose his construction of the statute had been declared to congress--who would have voted for a law so monstrous? the statute lay in the law-book for nearly seventy years, and nobody ever applied it to a case like this. gentlemen, i have shown you already how british judges in the time of the jameses and charleses perverted the law to the basest of purposes. i mentioned, amongst others, the work of twysden and kelyng and jones. this is a case like those. just now i spoke of the action of chief justice parker who said it was not for the jury to judge whether a law _were harsh or not_; i showed how he charged the jury in the case of bowen, and how the jury returned a verdict of "not guilty," thus setting his inhuman charge at nought.[ ] but judge curtis, for his law, relies upon judge parker's charge. it is not a statute made by the legislature that judge curtis relies on for his law; it is not a custom of the common law; it is not an opinion of the court solemnly pronounced after mature deliberation; it is only the charge of a single judge to a jury in a special case, and one which the jury disregarded even then! [footnote : see above, p. .] but where did judge parker, an estimable man, find his law? mr. perez morton, the attorney-general, found it in kelyng's reports. in the case of bowen only one authority is referred to for that odious principle on which the judge sought to hang him; that authority is taken from " charles i.;" from the year --the worst age of the stuart tyranny! but even that authority was not a statute law, not a custom of the people, not the opinion of a court solemnly pronounced. it was the charge of a single judge--a charge to a jury, made by an inferior judge, of an inferior court, in a barbarous age, under a despotic king! hearken to this,--from the volume of kelyng's reports.[ ] "_memorandum_, that my brother twysden shewed me a report which he had of the charge given by justice jones to the grand-jury at the king's bench barr, in michaelmas term, carl. i." gentlemen of the jury, that charge no more settled the law even in , than judge sprague's charge telling the _grand-jury to "obey both"_ the law of god and the law of man which is exactly opposite thereto, settled the law of the united states and the morality of the people. but yet that is all the law the government had to hang bowen with. the jury made nothing of it.[ ] [footnote : page . see above, p. .] [footnote : jones's "opinion" relates to a case of _murder_ by the advice of an absent person, not at all to _suicide by the advice of another_, so it could not apply to the case of bowen.] but kelyng's reports are of no value as authority. here is what lord campbell, now chief justice of the king's bench, says of them and their author. i read it to you long ago. "i ought to mention that among his other vanities he had the ambition to be an author; and he compiled a folio volume of decisions in criminal laws, _which are of no value whatever except to make us laugh at some of the silly egotisms with which they abound_."[ ] twysden, who showed him the report of the charge, is of little value, and of no authority. i mentioned his character before. [footnote : campbell's justices, .] justice jones, who made the charge, would hardly be an authority in the english courts in a nice question of construction. he allowed the king to levy ship-money, as i have shown before,[ ] and dared not perform the duties of his office and so protect the liberty of the subject when the king smote thereat. he was brought before the house of commons to answer for his conduct, in . "his memory," says echard, "suffers upon the account of his open judgment for the ship-money, the unhappy consequence of which he did not live to see."[ ] [footnote : above, p. .] [footnote : parl. hist. ; st. tr. , , ; echard, .] judge kelyng, the great authority in this case, was notorious for violating alike justice and the law. out of a riot committed by some apprentices he constructed the crime of high treason, and sentenced thirteen men to death. he fined and imprisoned jurors because they refused to return the wicked, illegal verdict he demanded. with language too obscene to utter in this century, he mocked at the great charter of english liberty. but at last the scandal was too great even for the reign of charles ii., and in the "grand committee of justice" in the house of commons, after examining witnesses and hearing him on his own behalf, reported:-- . "that the proceedings of the lord chief justice in the cases referred to us are innovations in the trial of men for their lives and liberties, and that he hath used an arbitrary and illegal power which is of dangerous consequence to the lives and liberties of the people of england." . "that in place of judicature, the lord chief justice hath undervalued, vilified, and condemned magna charta, the great preserver of our lives, freedom, and property." . "that the lord chief justice be brought to trial, in order to condign punishment, in such manner as the house shall judge most fit and requisite."[ ] [footnote : see above, p. , , , ; campbell, _ibid._ ; st. tr. , , , , , , ; pepys' diary, oct., ; commons journal, th oct., .] some of the lawyers whom he had browbeaten, generously interceded for him. he made an abject submission "with great humility and reverence," and the house desisted from prosecution. "he was abundantly tame for the rest of his days," says lord campbell, "fell into utter contempt," "and _died to the great relief of all who had any regard for the due administration of justice_." gentlemen, i am no lawyer, and may easily be mistaken in this matter, but as i studied judge curtis's charge and cast about for the sources of its doctrines and phraseology, i thought i traced them all back to kelyng's opinions in that famous case, where he made treason out of a common riot among apprentices; and to judge chase's "opinions" and "rulings" in the trial of mr. fries,--opinions and rulings which shocked the public at the time, and brought legislative judgment on his head. let any one compare the documents, i think he will find the whole of curtis in those two impeached judges, in kelyng and in chase.[ ] [footnote : wharton, ; kelyng, - , - ; st. tr. .] here then is the law,--derived from the memorandum of the charge to a grand-jury made in , by a judge so corrupt that he did not hesitate to violate magna charta itself; not published till more than seventy years after the charge was given; cited as law by a single authority, and that authority impeached for unrighteously and corruptly violating the laws he was set and sworn to defend, impeached even in that age--of charles ii.;--that is the law! once before an attempt was made to apply it in massachusetts, and inflict capital punishment on a man for advising a condemned murderer to anticipate the hangman and die by his own hand in private--and the jury refused. but to such shifts is this honorable court reduced! gentlemen of the jury, the fugitive slave bill cannot be executed in massachusetts, not in america, without reviving the worst despotism of the worst of the stuarts; not without bringing twysden and jones and kelyng on the bench; no, not without saunders and finch, and jeffreys and scroggs! gentlemen, such was judge curtis's charge. i have been told it was what might have been expected from the general character and previous conduct of the man; but i confess it did surprise me: it was foolish as it was wicked and tyrannical. but it all came to nought. for, alas! there was a grand-jury, and the salmonean thunder of the fugitive slave bill judge fell harmless--quenched, conquered, disgraced, and brutal,--to the ground. poor fugitive slave bill court! it can only gnash its teeth against freedom of speech in faneuil hall; only bark and yelp against the unalienable rights of man, and howl against the higher law of god! it cannot bite! poor, imbecile, malignant court! what a pity that the fugitive slave bill judge was not himself the grand-jury, to order the indictment! what a shame that the attorney was not a petty jury to convict! then new england, like old, might have had her "bloody assizes," and boston streets might have streamed with the heart's gore of noble men and women; and human heads might have decked the pinnacles all round the town; and judge curtis and attorney hallett might have had their place with judge jeffreys and john boilman of old. what a pity that we have a grand-jury and a traverse jury to stand between the malignant arm of the slave-hunter and the heart of you and me![ ] [footnote : parker's additional, p. .] the grand-jury found no bill and were discharged. in a fourth of july sermon "of the dangers which threaten the rights of man in america," i said:-- "perhaps the court will try again, and find a more pliant grand-jury, easier to intimidate. let me suggest to the court that the next time it should pack its jury from the marshal's 'guard.' then there will be unity of idea; of action too,--the court a figure of equilibrium." the audacious grand-jury was discharged. a new one was summoned; this time it was constructed out of the right material. before that, gentlemen, we had had the judge or his kinsmen writing for the fugitive slave bill in the newspapers; getting up public meetings in behalf of man-stealing in boston; writing letters in support of the same; procuring opinions in favor of the constitutionality of the fugitive slave bill; nay, kidnapping men and sending them into eternal bondage, and in the newspapers defending the act; but we had none of them in the jury box. on the new grand-jury appeared mr. william w. greenough, the brother-in-law of hon. judge curtis--each married a daughter of mr. charles p. curtis. mr. greenough "was very active in his endeavors to procure an indictment" against me; and a bill was found. how came the brother-in-law of the judge on the grand-jury summoned to punish men who spoke against kidnapping? gentlemen of the jury, i do not know. of course it was done honestly; nobody suspects the mayor of boston of double-dealing, of intrigue, or of any indirection! of course there was no improper influence used by the marshal, or mr. curtis, or mr. hallett, who had all so much at stake; of course mr. greenough "did not wish to be on the jury;" of course judge curtis "was very sorry he was there," and of course "all the family was sorry!" of course "he went and asked judge sprague to excuse him, and the judge wouldn't let him off!" well, gentlemen, i suppose it was a "miracle;" such a miracle as delivered the old or the new shadrach; a "singular coincidence;" a "very remarkable fact." you will agree with me, gentlemen, that it was a _very remarkable_ fact. in all the judicial tyranny i have related, we have not found a case before in which the judge had his brother on the grand-jury. even kelyng affords no precedent for that. last summer i met mr. greenough in a bookstore and saluted him as usual; he made no return to my salutation, but doubled up his face and went out of the shop! that was the impartial grand-juror, who took the oath to "present no man for envy, hatred, or malice." "after the impanelling of the new grand-jury,"--i am reading from a newspaper,[ ] "judge curtis charged them in reference to their duties at considerable length. in regard to the burns case he read the law of respecting opposition to the united states marshals and their deputies while in discharge of their duty, enforcing the laws of the united states, and referred for further information as to the law upon the point to his charge delivered at a previous term of the court, and now in the possession _of the district attorney_." thus he delegated the duty of expounding the law to a man who is not a judicial officer of the united states. [footnote : evening traveller, oct. .] gentlemen of the jury, look at the facts. i am indicted by a grand-jury summoned for that purpose after one grand-jury--which had been drawn before the kidnapping of mr. burns--had refused to find a bill; a member of the family which has been so distinguished for kidnapping ever since , the brother-in-law of the judge, is made one of that grand-jury; he is so hostile and malignant as to refuse my friendly salutation when offered as usual; and on the jury is "most active of all in his efforts to procure an indictment," so that "but for his efforts," as one of the grand-jury informed me, "no bill would have been found that time;" and "it was obvious that an outside influence affected him." out of court mr. hallett, it is said, jocosely offers to bet ten dollars that he "will get mr. parker indicted." i am to be tried before two judges deeply committed to the slave power, now fiercely invading our once free soil; they owe their appointment to their hostility against freedom. twenty years ago, in the old cradle of liberty, mr. sprague could find for washington no epithet so endearing as "that slaveholder;" he defended slavery with all his legal learning, all his personal might. yes, when other weapons failed him he extemporized a new gospel, and into the mouth of jesus of nazareth,--who said, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," and pointed out the man who had "fallen among thieves" as neighbor to the samaritan--he put this most unchristian precept, "slaves, obey your masters!" nay, only four years ago, in this very court, he charged the jury that if they thought there was a contradiction between the law of god and the statutes of men they must "obey both." gentlemen, the other judge, mr. curtis, began his career by asking the supreme court of massachusetts to restore slavery to lexington and bunker hill; he demanded that our own supreme court should grant all that wickedness which toombs and hangman foote, and atchison and stringfellow, and grier and kane have since sought to perpetuate! he denied the existence of any law of god to control the court, there is nothing but the statutes of men; and declared "slavery is not immoral;" massachusetts may interfere actively to establish it abroad as well as at home. in faneuil hall, in a meeting which he and his kinsmen had gathered and controlled, a meeting to determine upon kidnapping the citizens of boston, he charged me with perjury, asked a question, and did not dare listen to my reply! gentlemen, it is a very proper court to try me. a fugitive slave bill court--with a fugitive slave bill attorney, a fugitive slave bill grand-jury, two fugitive slave bill judges--which scoffs at the natural law of the infinite god, is a very suitable tribunal to try a minister of the christian religion for defending his own parishioners from being kidnapped, defending them with a word in faneuil hall! "no tyranny so secure,--none so intolerable,--none so dangerous,--none so remediless, as that of executive courts." "this is a truth all nations bear witness to--all history confirms." these were the words of josiah quincy, jr., in .--gentlemen, in you see how true they are! "so sensible are all tyrants of the importance of such courts--that to advance and establish their system of oppression, _they never rest until they have completely corrupted or bought the judges of the land_. i could easily show that the most deep laid and daring attacks upon the rights of a people might, in some measure, be defeated, or evaded by upright judicatories; bad laws with good judges make little progress."[ ] [footnote : quincy's quincy, .] but gentlemen,--when the fugitive slave bill is "_law_," when the judges are selected for their love of slavery and their hatred of freedom--men who invent scripture to justify bondage, or who as lawyers beseech the courts to establish slavery in massachusetts; who declare it is not immoral, that it may be the duty of massachusetts to interfere actively and establish slavery abroad, nay, that there is no morality but only legality, the statute the only standard of right and wrong--what are you to expect? what you see in philadelphia, new york; aye, in boston at this hour. i will add with mr. quincy, "is it possible this should not rouse us and drive us not to desperation but to our duty! the blind may see; the callous must feel; the spirited will act."[ ] [footnote : gazette, feb. , .] it would be just as easy for the judge to make out divers other crimes from my words, as to construct a misdemeanor therefrom. to charge me with "treason," he has only to vary a few words and phrases; to cite chase, and not judge parker, and to refer to other passages of kelyng's reports. james ii.'s judges declared it was treason in the seven bishops to offer their petition to the king. mr. webster said, it is only the "clemency of the government which indicted the syracuse rescuers for misdemeanors and not for a capital crime!" how easy for a fugitive slave bill judge to hang men for a word against his brother kidnapper--if there were no jury; if, like the new york sheriff in , he could order "his own negro" to do it! here is a remarkable case of constructive crime, worthy of this honorable court. it is the famous case of _dux_ v. _conrade et boracio_. honorable judge dogberry thus delivered his charge to the grand inquest, "masters, i charge you accuse these men,"--one policeman testified that conrade said "that don john, the prince's brother, was a _villain_." judge dogberry ruled, "this is flat perjury to call a prince's brother, _villain_." the next member of the marshal's guard deposed that boracio had said, "that he had received a thousand ducats of don john for accusing the lady hero wrongfully." chief justice dogberry decided, "flat burglary as ever was committed." sentence accordingly.[ ] [footnote : singer's shakspeare, .] * * * * * gentlemen, the indictment is so roomy and vague, that before i came into court, i did not know what special acts of mine would be brought up against me--for to follow out the judge's charge, all my life is a series of constructive misdemeanors. nay, i think my mother--the violet has bloomed over that venerable and well-beloved head for more than thirty summers now--i think my mother might be indicted for constructive treason, only for bearing me, her youngest son. certainly, it was "obstructing an officer," and in "misdemeanors all are principals." i have committed a great many misdemeanors; all my teachings evince an express liking for piety, for justice, for liberty; all my life is obstructing, opposing, and resisting the fugitive slave bill court, its commissioners, its judges, its marshals and its marshal's guard. gentlemen of the jury, you are to judge me. look at some of my actions and some of my words. in , on the th of march, a fortnight after mr. webster made his speech against humanity, there was a meeting of the citizens of boston, at faneuil hall; gentlemen, i helped procure the meeting. first, i tried to induce the leading whigs to assemble the people. no, that could not be done; "the bill would not pass, there was no danger!" then i tried the leading free soilers; "no, it was not quite time, and we are not strong enough." at last the old abolitionists came together. mr. phillips made a magnificent speech. here are some things which i also said. "there were three fugitives at my house the other night. ellen craft was one of them. you all know ellen craft is a slave; she, with her husband, fled from georgia to philadelphia, and is here before us now. she is not so dark as mr. webster himself, if any of you think freedom is to be dealt out in proportion to the whiteness of the skin. if mason's bill passes, i might have some miserable postmaster from texas or the district of columbia, some purchased agent of messrs. bruin & hill, the great slave-dealers of the capital, have him here in boston, take ellen craft before the caitiff, and on his decision hurry her off to bondage as cheerless, as hopeless, and as irremediable as the grave! "let me interest you in a scene which might happen. suppose a poor fugitive, wrongfully held as a slave--let it be ellen craft--has escaped from savannah in some northern ship. no one knows of her presence on board; she has lain with the cargo in the hold of the vessel. harder things have happened. men have journeyed hundreds of miles bent double in a box half the size of a coffin, journeying towards freedom. suppose the ship comes up to long wharf, at the foot of state street. bulk is broken to remove the cargo; the woman escapes, emaciated with hunger, feeble from long confinement in a ship's hold, sick with the tossing of the heedless sea, and still further etiolated and blanched with the mingling emotions of hope and fear. she escapes to land. but her pursuer, more remorseless than the sea, has been here beforehand; laid his case before the official he has brought with him, or purchased here, and claims his slave. she runs for her life, fear adding wings. imagine the scene--the flight, the hot pursuit through state street, merchants' row--your magistrates in hot pursuit. to make the irony of nature still more complete, let us suppose this shall take place on some of the memorable days in the history of america--on the th of april, when our fathers first laid down their lives 'in the sacred cause of god and their country;' on the th of june, the d of december, or on any of the sacramental days in the long sad history of our struggle for our own freedom! suppose the weary fugitive takes refuge in faneuil hall, and here, in the old cradle of liberty, in the midst of its associations, under the eye of samuel adams, the bloodhounds seize their prey! imagine mr. webster and mr. winthrop looking on, cheering the slave-hunter, intercepting the fugitive fleeing for her life. would not that be a pretty spectacle? "propose to support that bill to the fullest extent, with all its provisions! ridiculous talk! does mr. webster suppose that such a law could be executed in boston? that the people of massachusetts will ever return a single fugitive slave, under such an act as that? then he knows his constituents very little, and proves that he needs 'instruction.' "perpetuate slavery, we cannot do it. nothing will save it. it is girt about by a ring of fire which daily grows narrower, and sends terrible sparkles into the very centre of the shameful thing. 'joint resolutions' cannot save it; annexations cannot save it--not if we reannex all the west indies; delinquent representatives cannot save it; uninstructed senators, refusing instructions, cannot save it, no, not with all their logic, all their eloquence, which smites as an earthquake smites the sea. no, slavery cannot be saved; by no compromise, no non-intervention, no mason's bill in the senate. it cannot be saved in this age of the world until you nullify every ordinance of nature, until you repeal the will of god, and dissolve the union he has made between righteousness and the welfare of a people. then, when you displace god from the throne of the world, and instead of his eternal justice, reënact the will of the devil, then you may keep slavery; keep it for ever, keep it in peace. not till then. "the question is, not if slavery is to cease, and soon to cease, but shall it end as it ended in massachusetts, in new hampshire, in pennsylvania, in new york; or shall it end as in st. domingo? follow the counsel of mr. webster--it will end in fire and blood. god forgive us for our cowardice, if we let it come to this, that three millions or thirty millions of degraded human beings, degraded by us, must wade through slaughter to their unalienable rights."[ ] [footnote : occasional speeches, , , and .] gentlemen, that speech was a "seditious libel" by construction! on the th of may, i spoke at the new england anti-slavery convention, and said:-- "let us not be deceived about the real question at issue. it is not merely whether we shall return fugitive slaves without trial by jury. we will not return them with trial by jury! neither 'with alacrity,' nor with the 'solemnity of judicial proceedings!' it is not merely whether slavery shall be extended or not. by and by there will be a political party with a wider basis than the free soil party, who will declare that the nation itself must put an end to slavery in the nation; and if the constitution of the united states will not allow it, there is another constitution that will. then the title, defender and expounder of the constitution of the united states, will give way to this,--'defender and expounder of the constitution of the universe,' and we shall reaffirm the ordinance of nature, and reënact the will of god. you may not live to see it, mr. president, nor i live to see it; but it is written on the iron leaf that it must come; come, too, before long. then the speech of mr. webster, and the defence thereof by mr. stuart, the letter of the retainers and the letters of the retained, will be a curiosity; the conduct of the whigs and democrats an amazement, and the peculiar institution a proverb amongst all the nations of the earth. in the turmoil of party politics, and of personal controversy, let us not forget continually to move the previous question, whether freedom or slavery is to prevail in america. there is no attribute of god which is not on our side; because, in this matter, we are on the side of god."[ ] [footnote : ibid., , .] after the death of general taylor on the th of july, i lifted up my voice in a funeral sermon thus:-- "if he could speak to us from his present position, methinks he would say: countrymen and friends! you see how little it availed you to agitate the land and put a little man in a great place. it is not the hurrah of parties that will 'save the union,' it is not 'great men.' it is only justice. remember that atheism is not the first principle of a republic; remember there is a law of god, the higher law of the universe, the everlasting right: i thought so once, and now i know it. remember that you are accountable to god for all things; that you owe justice to all men, the black not less than the white; that god will demand it of you, proud, wicked nation, careful only of your gold, forgetful of god's high law! before long each of you shall also come up before the eternal. then and there it will not avail you to have compromised truth, justice, love, but to have kept them. righteousness only is the salvation of a state; that only of a man."[ ] [footnote : occasional sermons, , .] all that was before the bill passed, but how easy it would be for judge jeffreys or judge curtis, judge sprague or judge scroggs, to construct it into a "misdemeanor," "resisting an officer!" after the fugitive slave bill passed, on the d of september, , not forty-eight hours after the judge's friends had fired their jubilant cannon at the prospect of kidnapping the men who wait upon their tables, i preached a "sermon of the function and place of conscience in relation to the laws of man, a sermon for the times." i said this:-- "if a man falls into the water and is in danger of drowning, it is the natural duty of the bystanders to aid in pulling him out, even at the risk of wetting their garments. we should think a man a coward who could swim, and would not save a drowning girl for fear of spoiling his coat. he would be indictable at common law. if a troop of wolves or tigers were about to seize a man, and devour him, and you and i could help him, it would be our duty to do so, even to peril our own limbs and life for that purpose. if a man undertakes to murder or steal a man, it is the duty of the bystanders to help their brother, who is in peril, against wrong from the two-legged man, as much as against the four-legged beast. but suppose the invader who seizes the man is an officer of the united states, has a commission in his pocket, a warrant for his deed in his hand, and seizes as a slave a man who has done nothing to alienate his natural rights--does that give him any more natural right to enslave a man than he had before? can any piece of parchment make right wrong, and wrong right? "the fugitive has been a slave before: does the wrong you committed yesterday, give you a natural right to commit wrong afresh and continually? because you enslaved this man's father, have you a natural right to enslave his child? the same right you would have to murder a man because you butchered his father first. the right to murder is as much transmissible by inheritance as the right to enslave! it is plain to me that it is the natural duty of citizens to rescue every fugitive slave from the hands of the marshal who essays to return him to bondage; to do it peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must, but by all means to do it. will you stand by and see your countrymen, your fellow-citizens of boston, sent off to slavery by some commissioner? shall i see my own parishioners taken from under my eyes and carried back to bondage, by a man whose constitutional business it is to work wickedness by statute? shall i never lift an arm to protect him? when i consent to that, you may call me a hireling shepherd, an infidel, a wolf in sheep's clothing, even a defender of slave-catching if you will; and i will confess i was a poor dumb dog, barking always at the moon, but silent as the moon when the murderer comes near. "i am not a man who loves violence. i respect the sacredness of human life. but this i say, solemnly, that i will do all in my power to rescue any fugitive slave from the hands of any officer who attempts to return him to bondage. i will resist him as gently as i know how, but with such strength as i can command; i will ring the bells, and alarm the town; i will serve as head, as foot, or as hand to any body of serious and earnest men, who will go with me, with no weapons but their hands, in this work. i will do it as readily as i would lift a man out of the water, or pluck him from the teeth of a wolf, or snatch him from the hands of a murderer. what is a fine of a thousand dollars, and jailing for six months, to the liberty of a man? my money perish with me, if it stand between me and the eternal law of god. i trust there are manly men enough in this house to secure the freedom of every fugitive slave in boston, without breaking a limb or rending a garment. "one thing more i think is very plain, that the fugitive has the same natural right to defend himself against the slave-catcher, or his constitutional tool, that he has against a murderer or a wolf. the man who attacks me to reduce me to slavery, in that moment of attack alienates his right to life, and if i were the fugitive, and could escape in no other way, i would kill him with as little compunction as i would drive a mosquito from my face. it is high time this was said. what grasshoppers we are before the statute of men! what goliaths against the law of god! what capitalist heeds your statute of usury when he can get illegal interest? how many banks are content with _six per cent._ when money is scarce? did you never hear of a merchant evading the duties of the custom-house? when a man's liberty is concerned, we must keep the law, must we? betray the wanderer, and expose the outcast?"[ ] [footnote : occasional sermons, , , .] gentlemen, you know what mr. commissioner hallett said of such language, said at the union meeting in faneuil hall.[ ] he was only fugitive slave bill commissioner then; in consequence of his denial of the higher law of god he is now fugitive slave bill attorney. you know what mr. curtis said of the sermon; now, in consequence he is judge curtis--the fugitive slave bill judge. [footnote : see above, p. .] on the th of october there was another meeting at faneuil hall--the freesoilers came that time. the old flame of liberty burnt anew in charles francis adams, who presided. perhaps some of you remember the prayer of the venerable dr. lowell which lifted up our souls to the "father of all men!" i proposed the appointment of a "committee of vigilance and safety to take such measures as they shall deem just and expedient to protect the colored people of this city in the enjoyment of their lives and liberties." i was appointed one of the committee, and subsequently chairman of the executive committee of the vigilance committee; a very responsible office, gentlemen. at that meeting i told of a fugitive from boston, who that day had telegraphed to his wife here, asking if it was safe for him to come back from canada. i asked the meeting, "will you let him come back; how many will defend him to the worst?" "here a hand vote was taken," said the newspapers, "a forest of hands was held up." surely that was "evincing an express liking" for an obstruction of the kidnappers. but did it violate the law of ? all this you might easily have known before. here is something you did not know. that meeting, its resolutions, its speeches, its action, were brought up in the cabinet of the united states and discussed. _mr. webster_, then secretary of state, _wished to have mr. adams, president of the meeting, presented to the grand-jury and indicted for treason_! but the majority thought otherwise. gentlemen, when the kidnappers came to boston i did some things of which this court has not taken notice, and so i will not speak of them now, but only tell your grandchildren of, if i live long enough. others did more and better than i could do, however. in due time they will have their reward. one thing let me say now. when the two brothers curtis, with their kinsfolk and coadjutors, were seeking to kidnap the crafts, i took ellen to my own house, and kept her there so long as the (southern) kidnappers remained in the city. for the first time i armed myself, and put my house in a state of defence. for two weeks i wrote my sermons with a sword in the open drawer under my inkstand, and a pistol in the flap of the desk, loaded, ready, with a cap on the nipple. commissioner curtis said "a process was in the hands of the marshal ..." in the execution of which, he _might be called upon to break open dwelling-houses, and perhaps to take life_, by quelling resistance actual or "_threatened_." i was ready for him. i knew my rights. i went also and looked after william craft. i inspected his weapons; "his powder had a good kernel, and he kept it dry; his pistols were of excellent proof; the barrels true, and clean, the trigger went easy, the caps would not hang fire at the snap. i tested his poignard; the blade had a good temper, stiff enough and yet springy withal; the point was sharp."[ ] after the immediate danger was over and knight and hughes had avoided the city, where they had received such welcome from the friends of this court, such was the tone of the political newspapers and the commercial pulpit that william and ellen must needs flee from america. long made one by the wedlock of mutual and plighted faith, their marriage in georgia was yet "null and void" by the laws of that "christian state." i married them according to the law of massachusetts. as a symbol of the husband's peculiar responsibility under such circumstances, i gave william a sword--it lay on the table in the house of another fugitive, where the wedding took place--and told him of his manly duty therewith, if need were, to defend the life and liberty of ellen. i gave them both a bible, which i had bought for the purpose, to be a symbol of their spiritual culture and a help for their soul, as the sword was for their bodily life. "with this sword i thee wed," suited the circumstances of that bridal. [footnote : parker's additional speeches, .] mr. and mrs. craft were parishioners of mine, and besides i have been appointed "minister at large in behalf of all fugitive slaves in boston." i have helped join men and women in wedlock according to the customs of various sects and nations. there is one wedlock, a sacrament, but many forms. never before did i marry two lovers with the sword and the bible--the form of matrimony for fugitive slaves: out of that fact perhaps mr. attorney can frame an indictment that will hold water. "if it only resists law and obstructs its officers," quoth he, "it is treason, and he who risks it must risk hanging for it!" at the great union meeting, november , when mr. curtis said "i should like to ask the reverend gentleman in what capacity he expects to be punished for his _perjury_," i said, "do you want an answer to your question, sir?" no doubt that was obstructing a (prospective) "officer," then preparing for process. how easily could scroggs make a "misdemeanor," or "a seditious libel," out of that question! allybone would call it "treason," "levying war." thirty-six hours after the union meeting, on thanksgiving day, th november, , in a "sermon of the state of the nation," i said:-- "i have sometimes been amazed at the talk of men who call on us to keep the fugitive slave law, one of the most odious laws in a world of odious laws--a law not fit to be made or kept. i have been amazed that they should dare to tell us the law of god, writ on the heavens and our hearts, never demanded we should disobey the laws of men! well, suppose it were so. then it was old daniel's duty at darius' command to give up his prayer; but he prayed three times a day, with his windows up. then it was john's and peter's duty to forbear to preach of christianity; but they said, 'whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more than unto god, judge ye.' then it was the duty of amram and jochebed to take up their new-born moses and cast him into the nile, for the law of king pharaoh, commanding it, was 'constitutional,' and 'political agitation' was discountenanced as much in goshen as in boston. but daniel did not obey; john and peter did not fail to preach christianity; and amram and jochebed refused 'passive obedience' to the king's decree! i think it will take a strong man all this winter to reverse the judgment which the world has passed on these three cases. but it is 'innocent' to try. "however, there is another ancient case, mentioned in the bible, in which the laws commanded one thing and conscience just the opposite. here the record of the law:--'now both the chief priests and the pharisees had given a commandment, that if any one knew where he [jesus] were, he should show it, that they might take him.' of course, it became the official and legal business of each disciple who knew where christ was, to make it known to the authorities. no doubt james and john could leave all and follow him, with others of the people who knew not the law of moses, and were accursed; nay, the women, martha and mary, could minister unto him of their substance, could wash his feet with their tears, and wipe them with the hairs of their head. they did it gladly, of their own free will, and took pleasure therein, i make no doubt. there was no merit in that--'any man can perform an agreeable duty.' but there was found one disciple who could 'perform a disagreeable duty.' he went, perhaps 'with alacrity,' and betrayed his saviour to the marshal of the district of jerusalem, who was called a centurion. had he no affection for jesus? no doubt; but he could conquer his prejudices, while mary and john could not. "judas iscariot has rather a bad name in the christian world: he is called 'the son of perdition,' in the new testament, and his conduct is reckoned a 'transgression;' nay, it is said the devil 'entered into him,' to cause this hideous sin. but all this it seems was a mistake; certainly, if we are to believe our 'republican' lawyers and statesmen, iscariot only fulfilled his 'constitutional obligations.' it was only 'on that point,' of betraying his saviour, that the constitutional law required him to have any thing to do with jesus. he took his 'thirty pieces of silver'--about fifteen dollars; a yankee is to do it for ten, having fewer prejudices to conquer--it was his legal fee, for value received. true, the christians thought it was 'the wages of iniquity,' and even the pharisees--who commonly made the commandment of god of none effect by their traditions--dared not defile the temple with this 'price of blood;' but it was honest money. yes, it was as honest a fee as any american commissioner or deputy will ever get for a similar service. how mistaken we are! judas iscariot is not a traitor! he was a great patriot; he conquered his 'prejudices,' performed 'a disagreeable duty,' as an office of 'high morals and high principle;' he kept the 'law' and the 'constitution,' and did all he could to 'save the union;' nay, he was a saint, 'not a whit behind the very chiefest apostles.' 'the law of god never commands us to disobey the law of man.' _sancte iscariote ora pro nobis._ "talk of keeping the fugitive slave law! come, come, we know better. men in new england know better than this. we know that we ought not to keep a wicked law, and that it must not be kept when the law of god forbids! "one of the most awful spectacles i ever saw, was this: a vast multitude attempting, at an orator's suggestion [hon. mr. hallett], to howl down the 'higher law,' and when he said, will you have this to rule over you? they answered, 'never!' and treated the 'higher law' to a laugh and a howl! it was done in faneuil hall; under the eyes of the three adamses, hancock, and washington; and the howl rung round the venerable arches of that hall! i could not but ask, 'why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? the rulers of the earth set themselves, and kings take counsel against the lord and say, let us break his bands asunder, and cast off his yoke from us.' then i could not but remember that it was written, 'he that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh; the lord shall have them in derision.' 'he taketh up the isles as a very little thing, and the inhabitants of the earth are as grasshoppers before him.' howl down the law of god at a magistrate's command! do this in boston! let us remember this--but with charity." "i do not believe there is more than one of the new england men who publicly helped the law into being, but would violate its provisions; conceal a fugitive; share his loaf with a runaway; furnish him golden wings to fly with. nay, i think it would be difficult to find a magistrate in new england, willing to take the public odium of doing the official duty. i believe it is not possible to find a regular jury, who will punish a man for harboring a slave, for helping his escape, or fine a marshal or commissioner for being a little slow to catch a slave. men will talk loud in public meetings, but they have some conscience after all, at home. and though they howl down the 'higher law' in a crowd, yet conscience will make cowards of them all, when they come to lay hands on a christian man, more innocent than they, and send him into slavery for ever! one of the commissioners of boston talked loud and long, last tuesday, in favor of keeping the law. when he read his litany against the law of god, and asked if men would keep the 'higher law,' and got 'never' as the welcome, and amen for response--it seemed as if the law might be kept, at least by that commissioner, and such as gave the responses to his creed. but slave-hunting mr. hughes, who came here for two of our fellow-worshippers, in his georgia newspaper, tells a different story. here it is from the 'georgia telegraph,' of last friday. 'i called at eleven o'clock at night, at his [the commissioner's] residence, and stated to him my business, and asked him for a warrant, saying that if i could get a warrant, i could have the negroes [william and ellen craft] arrested. he said the law did not authorize a warrant to be issued: that it was my duty to go and arrest the negro without a warrant, and bring him before him!' this is more than i expected. 'is saul among the prophets?' the men who tell us that the law must be kept, god willing, or against his will--there are puritan fathers behind them also; bibles in their houses; a christ crucified, whom they think of; and a god even in their world, who slumbers not, neither is weary, and is as little a respecter of parchments as of persons! they know there is a people, as well as politicians, a posterity not yet assembled, and they would not like to have certain words writ on their tomb-stone. 'traitor to the rights of mankind,' is no pleasant epitaph. they, too, remember there is a day after to-day; aye, a forever; and 'inasmuch as ye have not done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have not done it unto me,' is a sentence they would not like to hear at the day of judgment."[ ] [footnote : parker's occasional sermons, pp. - , , , , .] gentlemen, you see by the faces of this honorable court, and you know by what these honorable functionaries and their coadjutors have done out of its limit, how much i was mistaken in the notion that no boston commissioner would ever kidnap a man! perhaps you will pardon me for the mistake. i will soon explain it by a quotation. after the rescue of shadrach, in my sunday prayer i publicly gave god the thanks of the congregation for the noble deed. perhaps that was a crime. i think judge saunders could make it appear that i was an "accessory after the fact," and then judge curtis could call the offence not a felony but a "misdemeanor," and "in misdemeanors all are principals." nay, it might be "levying war" "with force and arms." after the hon. judge sprague had made himself glorious by charging the jury "to obey both" the will of god and the laws of men, which forbid that will; and after commissioner curtis had kidnapped mr. sims, while he still had him in his unlawful jail, on fast-day, april , , i preached a sermon "of the chief sins of the people," and said,-- "he [judge sprague] supposes a case: that the people ask him, 'which shall we obey, the law of man or the will of god?' he says, 'i answer, obey both. the incompatibility which the question assumes does not exist.' "so, then, here is a great general rule, that between the 'law of man' and the 'will of god' there is no incompatibility, and we must 'obey both.' now let us see how this rule will work. "if i am rightly informed, king ahab made a law that all the hebrews should serve baal, and it was the will of god that they should serve the lord. according to this rule of the judge, they must 'obey both.' but if they served baal, they could not serve the lord. in such a case, 'what is to be done?' we are told that elijah gathered the prophets together: 'and he came unto all the people, and said, how long halt ye? if the lord be god, follow him; but if baal, then follow him.' our modern prophet says, 'obey both. the incompatibility which the question assumes does not exist.' such is the difference between judge elijah and judge peleg. "let us see how this rule will work in other cases; how you can make a compromise between two opposite doctrines. the king of egypt commanded the hebrew nurses, 'when you do the office of a midwife to the hebrew women, if it be a son ye shall kill him.' i suppose it is plain to the judge of the circuit court that this kind of murder, killing the new-born infants, is against 'the will of god;' but it is a matter of record that it was according to 'the law of man.' suppose the hebrew nurses had come to ask judge sprague for his advice. he must have said, 'obey both!' his rule is a universal one. "another decree was once made, as it is said in the old testament, that no man should ask any petition of any god for thirty days, save of the king, on penalty of being cast into the den of lions. suppose daniel--i mean the old daniel, the prophet--should have asked him, what is to be done? should he pray to darius or pray to god? 'obey both!' would be the answer. but he cannot, for he is forbid to pray to god. we know what daniel did do. "the elders and scribes of jerusalem commanded the christians not to speak or to teach at all in the name of jesus; but peter and john asked those functionaries, 'whether it be right in the sight of god to hearken unto you more than unto god, judge ye.' our judge must have said, there is no 'incompatibility;' 'obey both!' what 'a comfortable scripture' this would have been to poor john bunyan! what a great ethical doctrine to st. paul! he did not know such christianity as that. before his time a certain man had said, 'no man can serve two masters.' but there was one person who made the attempt, and he also is eminent in history. here was 'the will of god,' to do to others as you would have others do to you: 'love thy neighbor as thyself.' here is the record of 'the law of man:' 'now both the chief priests and the pharisees had given a commandment, that, if any man knew where he [jesus] were, he should show it that they might take him.' judas, it seems, determined to 'obey both,'--'the law of man' and 'the will of god.' so he sat with jesus at the last supper, dipped his hand in the same dish, and took a morsel from the hand of christ, given him in token of love. all this he did to obey 'the will of god.' then he went and informed the commissioner or marshal where jesus was. this he did to obey 'the law of man.' then he came back, and found christ,--the agony all over, the bloody sweat wiped off from his brow presently to bleed again,--the angel of strength there with him to comfort him. he was arousing his sleeping disciples for the last time, and was telling them, 'pray, lest ye enter into temptation.' judas came and gave him a kiss. to the eleven it seemed the friendly kiss, obeying 'the will of god.' to the marshal it also seemed a friendly kiss,--obeying 'the law of man.' so, in the same act, he obeys 'the law of god' and 'the will of man,' and there is no 'incompatibility!' "of old it was said, 'thou canst not serve god and mammon.' he that said it, has been thought to know something of morals,--something of religion. "till the fugitive slave law was passed, we did not know what a great saint iscariot was. i think there ought to be a chapel for him, and a day set apart in the calendar. let him have his chapel in the navy yard at washington. he has got a priest there already. and for a day in the calendar--set apart for all time the seventh of march!" "last thanksgiving day, i said it would be difficult to find a magistrate in boston to take the odium of sending a fugitive back to slavery. i believed, after all, men had some conscience, although they talked about its being a duty to deliver up a man to bondage. pardon me, my country, that i rated you too high! pardon me, town of boston, that i thought your citizens all men! pardon me, lawyers, that i thought you had been all born of mothers! pardon me, ruffians, who kill for hire! i thought you had some animal mercy left, even in your bosom! pardon me, united states' commissioners, marshals, and the like, i thought you all had some shame! pardon me, my hearers, for such mistakes. one commissioner was found to furnish the warrant [mr. george t. curtis]! pardon me, i did not know he was a commissioner; if i had, i never would have said it! "spirits of tyrants, i look down to you! shade of cain, you great first murderer, forgive me that i forgot your power, and did not remember that you were parent of so long a line! and you, my brethren, if hereafter i tell you that there is any limit of meanness or wickedness which a yankee will not jump over, distrust me, and remind me of this day, and i will take it back! "let us look at the public conduct of any commissioner who will send an innocent man from boston into slavery. i would speak of all men charitably; for i know how easy it is to err, yea, to sin. i can look charitably on thieves, prowling about in darkness; on rum-sellers, whom poverty compels to crime; on harlots, who do the deed of shame that holy woman's soul abhors and revolts at; i can pity the pirate, who scours the seas doing his fiendish crimes--he is tempted, made desperate by a gradual training in wickedness. the man, born at the south, owning slaves, who goes to africa and sells adulterated rum in exchange for men to retail at cuba,--i cannot understand the consciousness of such a man; yet i can admit that by birth and by breeding he has become so imbruted he knows no better. nay, even that he may perhaps justify his conduct to himself. i say i think his sin is not so dreadful as that of a commissioner in boston who sends a man into slavery. a man commits a murder, inflamed by jealousy, goaded by desire of great gain, excited by fear, stung by malice, or poisoned by revenge, and it is a horrid thing. but to send a man into slavery is worse than to murder him. i should rather be slain than enslaved. to do this, inflamed by no jealousy, goaded by no desire of great gain,--only ten dollars!--excited by no fear, stung by no special malice, poisoned by no revenge,--i cannot comprehend that in any man, not even in a hyena. beasts that raven for blood do not kill for killing's sake, but to feed their flesh. forgive me, o ye wolves and hyenas! that i bring you into such company. i can only understand it in a devil! "when a man bred in massachusetts, whose constitution declares that 'all men are born free and equal;' within sight of faneuil hall, with all its sacred memories; within two hours of plymouth rock; within a single hour of concord and lexington; in sight of bunker hill,--when he will do such a deed, it seems to me that there is no life of crime long enough to prepare a man for such a pitch of depravity; i should think he must have been begotten in sin, and conceived in iniquity, and been born 'with a dog's head on his shoulders;' that the concentration of the villany of whole generations of scoundrels would hardly be enough to fit a man for a deed like this!" "last thursday night,--when odious beasts of prey, that dare not face the light of heaven, prowl through the woods,--those ruffians of the law seized on their brother man. they lie to the bystanders, and seize him on a false pretence. there is their victim--they hold him fast. his faithless knife breaks in his hand; his coat is rent to pieces. he is the slave of boston. can you understand his feelings? let us pass by that. his 'trial!' shall i speak of that? he has been five days on trial for more than life, and has not seen a judge! a jury? no,--only a commissioner! o justice! o republican america! is this the liberty of massachusetts? "where shall i find a parallel with men who will do such a deed,--do it in boston? i will open the tombs, and bring up most hideous tyrants from the dead. come, brood of monsters, let me bring you up from the deep damnation of the graves wherein your hated memories continue for all time their never-ending rot. come, birds of evil omen! come, ravens, vultures, carrion-crows, and see the spectacle! come, see the meeting of congenial souls! i will disturb, disquiet, and bring up the greatest monsters of the human race! tremble not, women; tremble not, children; tremble not, men! they are all dead! they cannot harm you now! fear the living, not the dead! "come hither, herod the wicked! thou that didst seek after that young child's life, and destroyed the innocents! let me look on thy face! no; go! thou wert a heathen! go, lie with the innocents thou hast massacred. thou art too good for this company! "come, nero! thou awful roman emperor! come up! no; thou wast drunk with power! schooled in roman depravity. thou hadst, besides, the example of thy fancied gods! go, wait another day. i will seek a worser man. "come hither, st. dominic! come, torquemada!--fathers of the inquisition! merciless monsters, seek your equal here! no; pass by! you are no companions for such men as these! you were the servants of atheistic popes, of cruel kings. go to, and get you gone. another time i may have work for you,--not now; lie there and persevere to rot. you are not yet quite wicked and corrupt enough for this comparison. go, get ye gone, lest the sun turn back at sight of ye! "come up, thou heap of wickedness, george jeffreys!--thy hands deep purple with the blood of thy murdered fellow men! ah, i know thee! awful and accursed shade! two hundred years after thy death, men hate thee still, not without cause! let me look upon thee! i know thy history. pause and be still, while i tell it to these men. "brothers, george jeffreys 'began in the sedition line.' 'there was no act, however bad, that he would not resort to to get on.' 'he was of a bold aspect, and cared not for the countenance of any man.' 'he became the avowed, unblushing slave of the court, and the bitter persecutor and unappeasable enemy of the principles he had before supported.' 'he was universally insolent and overbearing.' 'as a judge, he did not consider the decencies of his post, nor did he so much as affect to be impartial, as became a judge.' his face and voice were always unamiable. 'all tenderness for the feelings of others, all self-respect were obliterated from his mind.' he had 'a delight in misery, merely as misery,' and 'that temper which tyrants require in their worst instruments.' 'he made haste to sell his forehead of brass and his tongue of venom to the court.' he had 'more impudence than ten carted street-walkers;' and was appropriately set to a work 'which could be trusted to no man who reverenced law, or who was sensible of shame.' he was a 'commissioner' in . you know of the 'bloody assizes' which he held, and how he sent to execution three hundred and twenty persons in a single circuit. 'the whole country was strewed with the heads and limbs of his victims.' yet a man wrote that 'a little more hemp might have been usefully employed.' he was the worst of the english judges. 'there was no measure, however illegal, to the execution of which he did not devotedly and recklessly abandon himself.' 'during the stuart reigns, england was cursed by a succession of ruffians in ermine, who, for the sake of court favor, wrested the principles of law, the precepts of religion, and the duties of humanity; but they were all greatly outstripped by jeffreys.' such is his history. "come, shade of a judicial butcher! two hundred years thy name has been pilloried in face of the world, and thy memory gibbeted before mankind. let us see how thou wilt compare with those who kidnap men in boston! go seek companionship with them! go claim thy kindred, if such they be! go tell them that the memory of the wicked shall rot,--that there is a god; an eternity; ay! and a judgment too! where the slave may appeal against him that made him a slave, to him that made him a man. "what! dost thou shudder? thou turn back! these not thy kindred! why dost thou turn pale, as when the crowd clutched at thy life in london street? it is true, george jeffreys, and these are not thy kin. forgive me that i should send thee on such an errand, or bid thee seek companionship with such--with boston hunters of the slave! thou wert not base enough! it was a great bribe that tempted thee! again i say, pardon me for sending thee to keep company with such men! thou only struckst at men accused of crime; not at men accused only of their birth! thou wouldst not send a man into bondage for two pounds! i will not rank thee with men who, in boston, for ten dollars, would enslave a negro now! rest still, herod! be quiet, nero! sleep, st. dominic, and sleep, o torquemada! in your fiery jail! sleep, jeffreys, underneath 'the altar of the church' which seeks with christian charity to hide your hated bones." "well, my brethren, these are only the beginning of sorrows. there will be other victims yet; this will not settle the question. what shall we do? i think i am a calm man and a cool man, and i have a word or two to say as to what we shall do. never obey the law. keep the law of god. next i say, resist not evil with evil; resist not now with violence. why do i say this? will you tell me that i am a coward? perhaps i am; at least i am not afraid to be called one. why do i say, then, do not now resist with violence? because it is not time just yet; it would not succeed. if i had the eloquence that i sometimes dream of, which goes into a crowd of men, and gathers them in its mighty arm, and sways them as the pendent boughs of yonder elm shall be shaken by the summer breeze next june, i would not give that counsel. i would call on men, and lift up my voice like a trumpet through the whole land, until i had gathered millions out of the north and the south, and they should crush slavery for ever, as the ox crushes the spider underneath his feet. but such eloquence is given to no man. it was not given to the ancient greek who 'shook the arsenal and fulmined over greece.' he that so often held the nobles and the mob of rome within his hand, had it not. he that spoke as never man spake, and who has since gathered two hundred millions to his name, had it not. no man has it. the ablest must wait for time! it is idle to resist here and now. it is not the hour. if in they had attempted to carry out the revolution by force, they would have failed. had it failed, we had not been here to-day. there would have been no little monument at lexington 'sacred to liberty and the rights of mankind' honoring the men who 'fell in the cause of god and their country.' no little monument at concord; nor that tall pile of eloquent stone at bunker hill, to proclaim that 'resistance to tyrants is obedience to god.' success is due to the discretion, heroism, calmness, and forbearance of our fathers: let us wait our time. it will come--perhaps will need no sacrifice of blood."[ ] [footnote : parker's occasional sermons, p. - , - , , .] gentlemen, i think judge finch could construct a misdemeanor out of these words; you will find in them nothing but the plain speech of a minister of the christian religion. on the th of july, , i preached "of the three chief safeguards of society," and said:-- "nowhere in the world is there a people so orderly, so much attached to law, as the people of these northern states. but one law is an exception. the people of the north hate the fugitive slave law, as they have never hated any law since the stamp act. i know there are men in the northern states who like it,--who would have invented slavery, had it not existed long before. but the mass of the northern people hate this law, because it is hostile to the purpose of all just human law, hostile to the purpose of society, hostile to the purpose of individual life; because it is hostile to the law of god,--bids the wrong, forbids the right. we disobey that, for the same reason that we keep other laws: because we reverence the law of god. why should we keep that odious law which makes us hated wherever justice is loved? because we must sometimes do a disagreeable deed to accomplish an agreeable purpose? the purpose of that law is to enable three hundred thousand slaveholders to retake on our soil the men they once stole on other soil! most of the city churches of the north seem to think that is a good thing. very well; is it worth while for fifteen million freemen to transgress the plainest of natural laws, the most obvious instincts of the human heart, and the plainest duties of christianity, for that purpose? the price to pay is the religious integrity of fifteen million men; the thing to buy is a privilege for three hundred thousand slaveholders to use the north as a hunting field whereon to kidnap men at our cost. judge you of that bargain." "i adjure you to reverence a government that is right, statutes that are right, officers that are right; but to disobey every thing that is wrong. i intreat you by your love for your country, by the memory of your fathers, by your reverence for jesus christ, yea, by the deep and holy love of god which jesus taught, and you now feel."[ ] [footnote : parker's occasional sermons, p. - .] you will say all this is but indispensable duty; but the judge who hanged a man for treason because he promised to make his son "heir to the crown"--meaning the "crown tavern" that he lived in--would doubtless find treason in my words also. on the th of april, , i delivered an address to commemorate the first anniversary of the kidnapping of thomas sims, and said:-- "but when the rulers have inverted their function, and enacted wickedness into a law which treads down the unalienable rights of man to such a degree as this, then i know no ruler but god, no law but natural justice. i tear the hateful statute of kidnappers to shivers; i trample it underneath my feet. i do it in the name of all law; in the name of justice and of man; in the name of the dear god." "you remember the decision of the circuit judge,--himself soon to be summoned by death before the judge who is no respecter of persons,--not allowing the destined victim his last hope, 'the great writ of right.' the decision left him entirely at the mercy of the other kidnappers. the court-room was crowded with 'respectable people,' 'gentlemen of property and standing:' they received the decision with 'applause and the clapping of hands.' seize a lamb out of a flock, a wolf from a pack of wolves, the lambs bleat with sympathy, the wolves howl with fellowship and fear; but when a competitor for the presidency sends back to eternal bondage a poor, friendless negro, asking only his limbs, wealthy gentlemen of boston applaud the outrage. "'o judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts, and men have lost their reason!'" "when the fugitive slave bill passed, the six new england states lay fast asleep: massachusetts slept soundly, her head pillowed on her unsold bales of cotton and of woollen goods, dreaming of 'orders from the south.' justice came to waken her, and whisper of the peril of nine thousand citizens; and she started in her sleep, and, being frighted, swore a prayer or two, then slept again. but boston woke,--sleeping, in her shop, with ears open, and her eye on the market, her hand on her purse, dreaming of goods for sale,--boston woke broadly up, and fired a hundred guns for joy. o boston, boston! if thou couldst have known, in that thine hour, the things which belong unto thy peace! but no: they were hidden from her eyes. she had prayed to her god, to money; he granted her the request, but sent leanness into her soul." "yet one charge has been made against the government, which seems to me a little harsh and unjust. it has been said the administration preferred low and contemptible men as their tools; judges who blink at law, advocates of infamy, and men cast off from society for perjury, for nameless crimes, and sins not mentionable in english speech; creatures 'not so good as the dogs that licked lazarus's sores; but, like flies, still buzzing upon any thing that is raw.' there is a semblance of justice in the charge: witness philadelphia, buffalo, boston; witness new york. it is true, for kidnappers the government did take men that looked 'like a bull-dog just come to man's estate;' men whose face declared them, 'if not the devil, at least his twin-brother.' there are kennels of the courts wherein there settles down all that the law breeds most foul, loathsome, and hideous and abhorrent to the eye of day; there this contaminating puddle gathers its noisome ooze, slowly, stealthily, continually, agglomerating its fetid mass by spontaneous cohesion, and sinking by the irresistible gravity of rottenness into that abhorred deep, the lowest, ghastliest pit in all the subterranean vaults of human sin. it is true the government has skimmed the top and dredged the bottom of these kennels of the courts, taking for its purpose the scum and sediment thereof, the squeers, the fagins, and the quilps of the law, the monsters of the court. blame not the government; it took the best it could get. it was necessity, not will, which made the selection. such is the stuff that kidnappers must be made of. if you wish to kill a man, it is not bread you buy: it is poison. some of the instruments of government were such as one does not often look upon. but, of old time, an inquisitor was always 'a horrid-looking fellow, as beseemed his trade.' it is only justice that a kidnapper should bear 'his great commission in his look.'" "i pity the kidnappers, the poor tools of men almost as base. i would not hurt a hair of their heads; but i would take the thunder of the moral world, and dash its bolted lightning on this crime of stealing men, till the name of kidnapping should be like sodom and gomorrah. it is piracy to steal a man in guinea; what is it to do this in boston? "i pity the merchants who, for their trade, were glad to steal their countrymen; i wish them only good. debate in yonder hall has shown how little of humanity there is in the trade of boston. she looks on all the horrors which intemperance has wrought, and daily deals in every street; she scrutinizes the jails,--they are filled by rum; she looks into the alms-houses, crowded full by rum; she walks her streets, and sees the perishing classes fall, mowed down by rum; she enters the parlors of wealthy men, looks into the bridal chamber, and meets death: the ghosts of the slain are there,--men slain by rum. she knows it all, yet says, 'there is an interest at stake!'--the interest of rum; let man give way! boston does this to-day. last year she stole a man; her merchants stole a man! the sacrifice of man to money, when shall it have an end? i pity those merchants who honor money more than man. their gold is cankered, and their soul is brass,--is rusted brass. they must come up before the posterity which they affect to scorn. what voice can plead for them before their own children? the eye that mocketh at the justice of its son, and scorneth to obey the mercy of its daughter, the ravens of posterity shall pick it out, and the young eagles eat it up! "but there is yet another tribunal: 'after the death the judgment!' when he maketh inquisition for the blood of the innocent, what shall the stealers of men reply? boston merchants, where is your brother, thomas sims? let cain reply to christ."[ ] [footnote : parker's additional speeches, p. , , , , , , , .] the sunday after mr. webster's death, oct. , , i spoke of that powerful man; listen to this:-- "mr. webster stamped his foot, and broke through into the great hollow of practical atheism, which undergulfs the state and church. then what a caving in was there! the firm-set base of northern cities quaked and yawned with gaping rents. 'penn's sandy foundation' shook again, and black men fled from the city of brotherly love, as doves, with plaintive cry, flee from a farmer's barn when summer lightning stabs the roof. there was a twist in faneuil hall, and the doors could not open wide enough for liberty to regain her ancient cradle; only soldiers, greedy to steal a man, themselves stole out and in. ecclesiastic quicksand ran down the hole amain. metropolitan churches toppled, and pitched, and canted, and cracked, their bowing walls all out of plumb. colleges, broken from the chain which held them in the stream of time, rushed towards the abysmal rent. harvard led the way, '_christo et ecclesiæ_' in her hand. down plunged andover, 'conscience and the constitution' clutched in its ancient, failing arm. new haven began to cave in. doctors of divinity, orthodox, heterodox, with only a doxy of doubt, 'no settled opinion,' had great alacrity in sinking, and went down quick, as live as ever, into the pit of korah, dathan, and abiram, the bottomless pit of lower law,--one with his mother, cloaked by a surplice, hid beneath his sinister arm, and an acknowledged brother grasped by his remaining limb. fossils of theology, dead as ezekiel's bones, took to their feet again, and stood up for most arrant wrong. 'there is no higher law of god,' quoth they, as they went down; 'no golden rule, only the statutes of men.' a man with mythologic ear might fancy that he heard a snickering laugh run round the world below, snorting, whinnying, and neighing, as it echoed from the infernal spot pressed by the fallen monsters of ill-fame, who, thousands of years ago, on the same errand, had plunged down the self-same way. what tidings the echo bore, dante nor milton could not tell. let us leave that to darkness, and to silence, and to death. "but spite of all this, in every city, in every town, in every college, and in each capsizing church, there were found faithful men, who feared not the monster, heeded not the stamping;--nay, some doctors of divinity were found living. in all their houses there was light, and the destroying angel shook them not. the word of the lord came in open vision to their eye; they had their lamps trimmed and burning, their loins girt; they stood road-ready. liberty and religion turned in thither, and the slave found bread and wings. 'when my father and my mother forsake me, then the lord will hold me up!' "after the th of march, mr. webster became the ally of the worst of men, the forefront of kidnapping. the orator of plymouth rock was the advocate of slavery; the hero of bunker hill put chains round boston court house; the applauder of adams and jefferson was a tool of the slaveholder, and a keeper of slavery's dogs, the associate of the kidnapper, and the mocker of men who loved the right. two years he lived with that rabble rout for company, his name the boast of every vilest thing. "'oh, how unlike the place from whence he fell!'" "do men mourn for him? see how they mourn! the streets are hung with black. the newspapers are sad colored. the shops are put in mourning. the mayor and aldermen wear crape. wherever his death is made known, the public business stops, and flags drop half-mast down. the courts adjourn. the courts of massachusetts--at boston, at dedham, at lowell, all adjourn; the courts of new hampshire, of maine, of new york; even at baltimore and washington, the courts adjourn; for the great lawyer is dead, and justice must wait another day. only the united states court, in boston, trying a man for helping shadrach out of the furnace of the kidnappers,--the court which executes the fugitive slave bill,--that does not adjourn; that keeps on; its worm dies not, and the fire of its persecution is not quenched, when death puts out the lamp of life! injustice is hungry for its prey, and must not be balked. it was very proper! symbolical court of the fugitive slave bill--it does not respect life, why should it death? and, scorning liberty, why should it heed decorum?"[ ] [footnote : parker's additional speeches, - , - .] on the th of february, , i preached "some thoughts on the new assault upon freedom in america." "who put slavery in the constitution; made it federal? who put it in the new states? who got new soil to plant it in? who carried it across the mississippi--into louisiana, florida, texas, utah, new mexico? who established it in the capital of the united states? who adopted slavery and volunteered to catch a runaway, in , and repeated the act in ,--in defiance of all law, all precedent, all right? why, it was the north. 'spain armed herself with bloodhounds,' said mr. pitt, 'to extirpate the wretched natives of america.' in , the christian democracy set worse bloodhounds afoot to pursue ellen craft; offered them five dollars for the run, if they did not take her; ten if they did! the price of blood was northern money; the bloodhounds--they were kidnappers born at the north, bred there, kennelled in her church, fed on her sacraments, blessed by her priests! in , mr. pitt had a yet harsher name for the beasts wherewith despotic spain hunted the red man in the woods--he called them '_hell hounds_.' but they only hunted 'savages, heathens, men born in barbarous lands.' what would he say of the pack which in hunted american christians, in the 'athens of america,' and stole a man on the grave of hancock and adams--all boston looking on, and its priests blessing the deed!" "see what encourages the south to make new encroachments. she has been eminently successful in her former demands, especially with the last. the authors of the fugitive slave bill did not think that enormity could be got through congress: it was too atrocious in itself, too insulting to the north. but northern men sprang forward to defend it--powerful politicians supported it to the fullest extent. the worse it was, the better they liked it. northern merchants were in favor of it--it 'would conciliate the south.' northern ministers in all the churches of commerce baptized it, defended it out of the old testament, or the new testament. the senator of boston gave it his mighty aid,--he went through the land a huckster of slavery, peddling atheism: the representative of boston gave it his vote. their constituents sustained both! all the great cities of the north executed the bill. the leading journals of boston advised the merchants to withhold all commercial intercourse from towns which opposed kidnapping. there was a 'union meeting' at faneuil hall. you remember the men on the platform: the speeches are not forgotten. the doctrine that there is a law of god above the passions of the multitude and the ambition of their leaders, was treated with scorn and hooting: a loud guffaw of vulgar ribaldry went up against the justice of the infinite god! all the great cities did the same. atheism was inaugurated as the first principle of republican government; in politics, religion makes men mad! mr. clay declared that 'no northern gentleman will ever help return a fugitive slave!' what took place at philadelphia? new york? cincinnati?--nay, at boston? the northern churches of commerce thought slavery was a blessing, kidnapping a 'grace.' the democrats and whigs vie with each other in devotion to the fugitive slave bill. the 'compromises' are the golden rule. the north conquered her prejudices. the south sees this, and makes another demand. why not? i am glad of it. she serves us right." "in , what if it had been told the men all red with battle at lexington and bunker hill,--'your sons will gird the court house with chains to kidnap a man; boston will vote for a bill which puts the liberty of any man in the hands of a commissioner, to be paid twice as much for making a slave as for declaring a freeman; and boston will call out its soldiers to hunt a man through its streets!' what if on the th of april, , when samuel adams said, 'oh! what a glorious morning is this!' as he heard the tidings of war in the little village where he passed the night,--what if it had been told him,--'on the th of april, seventy-six years from this day, will your city of boston land a poor youth at savannah, having violated her own laws, and stained her magistrates' hands, in order to put an innocent man in a slave-master's jail?' what if it had been told him that ellen craft must fly out of democratic boston, to monarchic, theocratic, aristocratic england, to find shelter for her limbs, her connubial innocence, and the virtue of her woman's heart? i think samuel would have cursed the day in which it was said a man-child was born, and america was free! what if it had been told mayhew and belknap, that in the pulpits of boston, to defend kidnapping should be counted to a man as righteousness? they could not have believed it. they did not know what baseness could suck the northern breast, and still be base."[ ] [footnote : parker's additional speeches, p. , , - , , .] you will think all this is good morality; but mr. curtis in , maintained that kidnapping in massachusetts, would "promote harmony and good-will where it is extremely desirable to promote it, encourage frequent intercourse, and soften prejudice by increasing acquaintance, and tend to peace and good-will." nay, that it may be "perfectly consistent with our policy ... _to interfere actively to enable the citizens of those states_ [the slave states] _to enjoy those institutions at home_." "slavery is not immoral;" "by the law of this commonwealth slavery is not immoral."[ ] [footnote : med case, p. , .] after commissioner loring had kidnapped anthony burns, i attended the meeting at faneuil hall, and spoke. gentlemen, i did not finish the speech i had begun, for news came that an attack was made on the court house, and the meeting was thrown into confusion. i did not speak in a corner, but in the old cradle of liberty. here is the report of the speech which was made by a phonographer, and published in the newspapers of the time--i have no other notes of it. you shall see if there be a misdemeanor in it. here is the speech:-- "fellow-subjects of virginia--[loud cries of 'no,' 'no,' and 'you must take that back!'] fellow-citizens of boston, then--['yes,' 'yes,']--i come to condole with you at this second disgrace which is heaped on the city made illustrious by _some_ of those faces that were once so familiar to our eyes. [alluding to the portraits which _once hung_ conspicuously in faneuil hall, but which had been removed to obscure and out-of-the-way locations.] fellow-citizens--a deed which virginia commands has been done in the city of john hancock and the 'brace of adamses.' it was done by a boston hand. it was a boston man who issued the warrant; it was a boston marshal who put it in execution; they are boston men who are seeking to kidnap a citizen of massachusetts, and send him into slavery for ever and ever. it is our fault that it is so. eight years ago, a merchant of boston 'kidnapped a man on the high road between faneuil hall and old quincy,' at o'clock,--at the noon of day,--and the next day, mechanics of this city exhibited the half-eagles they had received for their share of the spoils in enslaving a brother man. you called a meeting in this hall. it was as crowded as it is now. i stood side by side with my friend and former neighbor, your honorable and noble chairman to-night [george r. russell, of west roxbury], [loud cheers,] while this man who had fought for liberty in greece, and been imprisoned for that sacred cause in the dungeons of poland, [dr. samuel g. howe,] stood here and introduced to the audience that 'old man eloquent,' john quincy adams. [loud cheers.] "it was the last time he ever stood in faneuil hall. he came to defend the unalienable rights of a friendless negro slave, kidnapped in boston. there is even no picture of john quincy adams to-night. "a suffolk grand-jury would find no indictment against the boston merchant for kidnapping that man. ['shame,' 'shame.'] if boston had spoken then, we should not have been here to-night. we should have had no fugitive slave bill. when that bill passed, we fired a hundred guns. "don't you remember the union meeting held in this very hall? a man stood on this platform,--he is a judge of the supreme court now,--and he said--when a certain 'reverend gentleman' is indicted for perjury, i should like to ask him how he will answer the charge? and when that 'reverend gentleman' rose, and asked, 'do you want an answer to your question?' faneuil hall cried out,--'no,' 'no,'--'throw him over!' had faneuil hall spoken then on the side of truth and freedom, we should not now be the subjects of virginia. "yes, we are the vassals of virginia. she reaches her arm over the graves of our mothers, and kidnaps men in the city of the puritans; over the graves of samuel adams and john hancock. [cries of 'shame!'] 'shame!' so i say; but who is to blame? 'there is no north,' said mr. webster. there is none. the south goes clear up to the canada line. no, gentlemen, there is no boston to-day. there _was_ a boston once. now, there is a north suburb to the city of alexandria,--that is what boston is. [laughter.] and you and i, fellow-subjects of the state of virginia--[cries of 'no,' 'no.' 'take that back again.']--i will take it back when you show me the fact is not so.--men and brothers, (brothers, at any rate,) i am not a young man; i have heard hurrahs and cheers for liberty many times; i have not seen a great many deeds done for liberty. i ask you, are we to have deeds as well as words? ['yes,' 'yes,' and loud cheers.] "now, brethren, you are brothers at any rate, whether citizens of massachusetts or subjects of virginia--i am a minister--and, fellow-citizens of boston, there are two great laws in this country; one of them is the law of slavery; that law is declared to be a 'finality.' once the constitution was formed 'to establish justice, promote tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.' _now_, the constitution is not to secure liberty; it is to extend slavery into nebraska. and when slavery is established there, in order to show what it is, there comes a sheriff from alexandria, to kidnap a man in the city of boston, and he gets a judge of probate, in the county of suffolk, to issue a writ, and another boston man to execute that writ! [cries of 'shame,' 'shame.'] "slavery tramples on the constitution; it treads down state rights. where are the rights of massachusetts? a fugitive slave bill commissioner has got them all in his pocket. where is the trial by jury? watson freeman has it under his marshal's staff. where is the great writ of personal replevin, which our fathers wrested, several hundred years ago, from the tyrants who once lorded it over great britain? judge sprague trod it under his feet! where is the sacred right of _habeas corpus_? deputy marshal riley can crush it in his hands, and boston does not say any thing against it. where are the laws of massachusetts forbidding state edifices to be used as prisons for the incarceration of fugitives? they, too, are trampled underfoot. 'slavery is a finality.' "these men come from virginia, to kidnap a man here. once, this was boston; now, it is a northern suburb of alexandria. at first, when they carried a fugitive slave from boston, they thought it was a difficult thing to do it. they had to get a mayor to help them; they had to put chains round the court house; they had to call out the 'sims brigade'; it took nine days to do it. now, they are so confident that we are subjects of virginia, that they do not even put chains round the court house; the police have nothing to do with it. i was told to-day that one of the officers of the city said to twenty-eight police-men, 'if any man in the employment of the city meddles in this business, he will be discharged from service, without a hearing.' [great applause.] well, gentlemen, how do you think they received that declaration? they shouted, and hurrahed, and gave three cheers. [renewed applause.] my friend here would not have had the honor of presiding over you to-night, if application had been made a little sooner to the mayor. another gentleman told me that, when that man (the mayor) was asked to preside at this meeting, he said that he regretted that all his time to-night was previously engaged. if he had known it earlier, he said, he might have been able to make arrangements to preside. when the man was arrested, he told the marshal he regretted it, and that his sympathies were wholly with the slave. [loud applause.] fellow-citizens, remember that word. hold your mayor to it, and let it be seen that he has got a background and a foreground, which will authorize him to repeat that word in public, and act it out in faneuil hall. i say, so confident are the slave agents now, that they can carry off their slave in the daytime, that they do not put chains round the court house; they have got no soldiers billeted in faneuil hall, as in . they think they can carry this man off to-morrow morning in a cab. [voices--'they can't do it.' 'let's see them try.'] "i say, there are two great laws in this country. one is the slave law. that is the law of the president of the united states; it is the law of the commissioner; it is the law of every marshal, and of every meanest ruffian whom the marshal hires to execute his behests. "there is another law, which my friend, mr. phillips, has described in language such as i cannot equal, and therefore shall not try; i only state it in its plainest terms. it is the law of the people when they are sure they are right and determined to go ahead. [cheers and much confusion.] "now, gentlemen, there was a boston once, and you and i had fathers--brave fathers; and mothers who stirred up those fathers to manly deeds. well, gentlemen, once it came to pass that the british parliament enacted a 'law'--_they_ called it law--issuing stamps here. what did your fathers do on that occasion? they said, in the language of algernon sydney, quoted in your resolutions, 'that which is not just is not law, and that which is not law ought not to be obeyed.'--[cheers.] they did not obey the stamp act. they did not call it law, and the man that did call it a law, here, eighty years ago, would have had a very warm coat of tar and feathers on him. they called it an 'act,' and they took the commissioner who was here to execute it, took him solemnly, manfully,--_they didn't hurt a hair of his head_; they were non-resistants, of a very potent sort, [cheers,]--and made him take a solemn oath that he would not issue a single stamp. he was brother-in-law of the governor of the state, the servant of a royal master, 'exceedingly respectable,' of great wealth, and once very popular; but they took him, and made him swear not to execute his commission; and he kept his oath, and the stamp act went to its own place, and you know what that was. [cheers.] that was an instance of the people going behind a wicked law to enact absolute justice into their statute, and making it common law. you know what they did with the tea. "well, gentlemen, in the south there is a public opinion, it is a very wicked public opinion, which is stronger than law. when a colored seaman goes to charleston from boston, he is clapped instantly into jail, and kept there until the vessel is ready to sail, and the boston merchant or master must pay the bill, and the boston black man must feel the smart. that is a wicked example, set by the state of south carolina. when mr. hoar, one of our most honored and respected fellow-citizens, was sent to charleston to test the legality of this iniquitous law, the citizens of charleston ordered him off the premises, and he was glad to escape to save himself from further outrage. there was no violence, no guns fired. that was an instance of the strength of public opinion--of a most unjust and iniquitous public opinion." * * * * * "well, gentlemen, i say there is one law--slave law; it is everywhere. there is another law, which also is a finality; and that law, it is in your hands and your arms, and you can put it in execution, just when you see fit. "gentlemen, i am a clergyman and a man of peace; i love peace. but there is a means, and there is an end; liberty is the end, and sometimes peace is not the means towards it. [applause.] now, i want to ask you what you are going to do. [a voice--'shoot, shoot.'] there are ways of managing this matter without shooting anybody. be sure that these men who have kidnapped a man in boston, are cowards, every mother's son of them; and if we stand up there resolutely, and declare that this man shall not go out of the city of boston, _without shooting a gun_--[cries of 'that's it,' and great applause,]--then he won't go back. now, i am going to propose that when you adjourn, it be to meet at _court square, to-morrow morning at nine o'clock_. as many as are in favor of that motion will raise their hands. [a large number of hands were raised, but many voices cried out, 'let's go to-night,' 'let's pay a visit to the slave-catchers at the revere house,' etc. 'put that question.'] do you propose to go to the revere house to-night, then show your hands. [some hands were held up.] it is not a vote. we shall meet at _court square, at nine o'clock to-morrow morning_." * * * * * on the following sunday, may , in place of the usual scripture passages, i extemporized the following "lesson for the day," which on monday appeared in the newspapers:-- "since last we came together, there has been a man stolen in the city of our fathers. it is not the first; it may not be the last. he is now in the great slave-pen in the city of boston. he is there against the law of the commonwealth, which, if i am rightly informed, in such cases prohibits the use of state edifices as united states jails." "a man has been killed by violence. some say he was killed by his own coadjutors: i can easily believe it; there is evidence enough that they were greatly frightened. they were not united states soldiers, but volunteers from the streets of boston, who, for their pay, went into the court house to assist in kidnapping a brother man. they were so cowardly that they could not use the simple cutlasses they had in their hands, but smote right and left, like ignorant and frightened ruffians as they are. they may have slain their brother or not--i cannot tell." "why is boston in this confusion to-day? the fugitive slave bill commissioner has just now been sowing the wind, that we may reap the whirlwind. the old fugitive slave bill commissioner stands back; he has gone to look after his 'personal popularity.' but when commissioner curtis does not dare appear in this matter, another man comes forward, and for the first time seeks to kidnap his man also in the city of boston." "but he has sown the wind, and we are reaping the whirlwind. all this confusion is his work. he knew he was stealing a man born with the same unalienable right to 'life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' as himself. he knew the slaveholders had no more right to anthony burns than to his own daughter. he knew the consequences of stealing a man. he knew that there are men in boston who have not yet conquered their prejudices--men who respect the higher law of god. he knew there would be a meeting at faneuil hall, gatherings in the streets. he knew there would be violence." "edward greeley loring, judge of probate for the county of suffolk, in the state of massachusetts, fugitive slave bill commissioner of the united states, before these citizens of boston, on ascension sunday, assembled to worship god, i charge you with the death of that man who was killed on last friday night. he was your fellow-servant in kidnapping. he dies at your hand. you fired the shot which makes his wife a widow, his child an orphan. i charge you with the peril of twelve men, arrested for murder, and on trial for their lives. i charge you with filling the court house with one hundred and eighty-four hired ruffians of the united states, and alarming not only this city for her liberties that are in peril, but stirring up the whole commonwealth of massachusetts with indignation, which no man knows how to stop--which no man can stop. you have done it all!"[ ] [footnote : parker's additional, , , , .] june th, i preached "of the new crime against humanity," and said:-- "wednesday, the th of may, the city was all calm and still. the poor black man was at work with one of his own nation, earning an honest livelihood. a judge of probate, boston born and boston bred, a man in easy circumstances, a professor in harvard college, was sitting in his office, and with a single spurt of his pen he dashes off the liberty of a man--a citizen of massachusetts. he kidnaps a man endowed by his creator with the unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. he leaves the writ with the marshal, and goes home to his family, caresses his children, and enjoys his cigar. the frivolous smoke curls round his frivolous head, and at length he lays him down to sleep, and, i suppose, such dreams as haunt such heads. but when he wakes next morn, all the winds of indignation, wrath, and honest scorn, are let loose. before night, they are blowing all over this commonwealth--ay, before another night they have gone to the mississippi, and wherever the lightning messenger can tell the tale. so have i read in an old mediæval legend that one summer afternoon, there came up a 'shape, all hot from tartarus,' from hell below, but garmented and garbed to represent a civil-suited man, masked with humanity. he walked quiet and decorous through milan's stately streets, and scattered from his hand an invisible dust. it touched the walls; it lay on the streets; it ascended to the cross on the minster's utmost top. it went down to the beggar's den. peacefully he walked through the streets, vanished and went home. but the next morning, the pestilence was in milan, and ere a week had sped half her population were in their graves; and half the other half, crying that hell was clutching at their hearts, fled from the reeking city of the plague!" "i have studied the records of crime--it is a part of my ministry. i do not find that any college professor has ever been hanged for murder in all the anglo-saxon family of men, till harvard college had that solitary shame. is not that enough? now she is the first to have a professor that kidnaps men. 'the athens of america' furnished both! "i can understand how a man commits a crime of passion, or covetousness, or rage, nay, of revenge, or of ambition. but for a man in boston, with no passion, no covetousness, no rage, with no ambition nor revenge, to steal a poor negro, to send him into bondage,--i cannot comprehend the fact. i can understand the consciousness of a lion, not a kidnapper's heart." "but there is another court. the empsons and the dudleys have been summoned there before: jeffreys and scroggs, the kanes, and the curtises, and the lorings, must one day travel the same unwelcome road. imagine the scene after man's mythological way. 'edward, where is thy brother, anthony?' 'i know not; am i my brother's keeper, lord?' 'edward, where is thy brother, anthony?' 'oh, lord, he was friendless, and so i smote him; he was poor, and i starved him of more than life. he owned nothing but his african body. i took that away from him, and gave it to another man!' "then listen to the voice of the crucified--'did i not tell thee, when on earth, "thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy understanding and thy heart?"' 'but i thought thy kingdom was not of this world.' "'did i not tell thee that thou shouldst love thy neighbor as thyself? where is anthony, thy brother? i was a stranger, and you sought my life; naked, and you rent away my skin; in prison, and you delivered me to the tormentors--fate far worse than death. inasmuch as you did it to anthony burns, you did it unto me.'"[ ] [footnote : parker's additional, , , , , , .] * * * * * gentlemen, i suppose the honorable judge had the last three addresses in his mind while concocting his charge to the grand-jury which refused to find a bill. i infer this partly from what took place in the room of the next grand-jury which found this indictment, and partly also from another source which you will look at for a moment. i preach on sundays in the music hall, which is owned by a corporation who rent it to the th congregational society for their religious meetings. mr. charles p. curtis, father-in-law of the hon. judge curtis, and step-brother of commissioner loring, and a more distant relation but intimate friend of george t. curtis, was then president of that corporation, and one of its directors. at a meeting of the corporation, held presently after the kidnapping of mr. burns, mr. charles p. curtis and his family endeavored to procure a vote of the corporation to instruct the directors "to terminate the lease of the th congregational society as soon as it can be legally done, and not to renew it." mr. charles p. curtis managed this matter clandestinely, but not with his usual adroitness, for at the meeting he disclosed the cause of his act,--that _mr. parker had called his brother a murderer_, probably referring to the passage just read from the "lesson for the day." but he took nothing by that motion.[ ] [footnote : see the communications of messrs. chas. p. curtis and thomas b. curtis, in the boston daily advertiser of june, ; and the other articles setting forth the facts of the case.] what influence this private and familistic disposition had in framing the judge's charge, i leave it for you and the people of america to determine. you also can conjecture whether it had any effect on mr. greenough, the other son-in-law of mr. charles p. curtis, who refused to return my salutation, and who, "by a miracle," was put on the new grand-jury after the old one was discharged, and then was so "very anxious to procure an indictment" against me. i leave all that with you. you can easily appreciate the efforts made to silence not only my sunday preaching, but also the magnificent eloquence of wendell phillips; yes, to choke all generous speech, in order that kidnappers might pursue their vocation with none to molest or make them afraid. but, gentlemen, i fear you do not yet quite understand the arrogance of our southern masters, and the fear and hatred they bear towards all who dare speak a word in behalf of the rights of outraged humanity. the gag-law of congress which silenced the house of representatives till john quincy adams, that noble son of a noble sire, burst through the southern chain; the violation of the united states mails to detect "incendiary publications;" the torturing of men and women for an opinion against slavery--all these are notorious; but they and all that i have yet stated of the action of the federal courts in the fugitive slave bill cases, with the "opinions" of northern judges already mentioned, do not fill up the cup of bitterness and poison which is to be poured down our throats. let me, therefore, here give you one supplementary piece of evidence to prove how intensely the south hates the northern freedom of speech. i purposely select this case from a period when southern arrogance and northern servility were far less infamous than now. about twenty years ago mr. r.g. williams of new york published this sentence in a newspaper called the emancipator,--"god commands and all nature cries out, that man should not be held as property. the system of making men property has plunged , , of our fellow countrymen into the deepest physical and moral degradation, and they are every moment sinking deeper." for this he was indicted by a grand-jury of the state of alabama, and the governor of that state made a demand on the executive of new york insisting that mr. williams should be delivered up to take his trial in alabama--a state where he had never been! but the new york governor, after consulting with his law-advisers, did not come to the conclusion that it was consistent with the public policy of new york to "interfere actively" and promote slavery in alabama. _so he refused to deliver up mr. williams!_[ ] [footnote : med case, p. .] gentlemen of the jury, before you can convict me of the crime charged, you must ask three several sets of questions, and be satisfied of all these things which i will now set forth. i. the question of fact. did i do the deed charged, and obstruct marshal freeman while in the peace of the united states, and discharging his official duty? this is a quite complicated question. here are the several parts of it:-- . was there any illegal obstruction or opposition at all made to the marshal? this is not clear. true, an attack was made on the doors and windows of the court house, but that is not necessarily an attack on the marshal or his premises. he has a right in certain rooms of the court house, and this he has in virtue of a lease. he has also a right to use the passage-ways of the house, in common with other persons and the people in general. his rights as tenant are subject to the terms of his lease and to the law which determines the relation of tenant and landlord. marshal freeman as tenant has no more rights than freeman marshal, or john doe, or rachel roe would have under the same circumstances. of course he had a legal right to defend himself if attacked, and to close his own doors, bar and fortify the premises he rented against the illegal violence of others. but neither his lease nor the laws of the land authorized him to close the other doors, or to obstruct the passages, no more than to obstruct the square or the street. no lease, no law gave him that right. now there have been three secret examinations of witnesses relative to this assault, before three grand-juries. no evidence has been offered which shows _that any attack was made on the premises of the marshal_. the supreme court of massachusetts was in session at the moment the attack was made on the court house; the venerable chief justice was on the bench; the jury had retired to consider the capital case then pending, and were expected to return with their verdict. the people had a right in the court-room, a right in the passage-ways and doors which lead thither. that court had not ordered the room to be cleared or the doors to be shut. marshal freeman closed the outer doors of the court house, and thus debarred men of their right to enter a massachusetts court of justice solemnly deciding a capital case. you are to consider whether an attack on the outer doors of the court house, is an illegal attack on the marshal who had shut those doors without any legal authority. if you decide this point as the government wishes, then you will proceed to the next question. . did i actually obstruct him? if not, then the inquiry stops here. you answer "not guilty." but if i did, then it is worth while to consider how i obstructed him. ( .) was it by a physical act, by material force; or, ( .) by a metaphysical act, immaterial or spiritual force--a word, thought, a feeling, a wish, approbation, assent, consent, "evincing an express liking." . was marshal freeman, at the time of the obstruction, in the peace of the united states, or was he himself violating the law thereof? for if he were violating the law and thereby injuring some other man, and i obstructed him in that injury, then i am free from all legal guilt, and did a citizen's duty in obstructing his illegal conduct. now it appears that he was kidnapping and stealing anthony burns for the purpose of making him the slave of one suttle of virginia, who wished to sell him and acquire money thereby; and that mr. freeman did this at the instigation of commissioner loring who was entitled to receive ten dollars if he enslaved mr. burns, and five only for setting him free. it appears also that marshal freeman was to receive large, official money for this kidnapping, and such honor as this administration, and the hunker newspapers, and lower law divines can bestow. now you are to consider whether a man so doing was in the peace of the united states. he professes to have acted under the fugitive slave bill which authorizes him to seize, kidnap, steal, imprison, and carry off any person whatsoever, on the oath of any slaveholder who has fortified himself with a piece of paper of a certain form and tenor from any court of slaveholders in the slave states. is that bill constitutional? the constitution of the united states is the people's power of attorney by which they authorize certain servants, called legislative, judicial, and executive officers, to do certain matters and things in a certain way, but prohibit them from doing in the name of the people, any thing except those things specified, or those in any but the way pointed out. does the fugitive slave bill attempt those things and only those, in the way provided for in that power of attorney; or other things, or in a different way? to determine this compound question you will look ( .) at the ultimate purpose of the constitution, the end which the people wanted to attain; and ( .) at the provisional means, the method by which they proposed to reach it. here of course the purpose is more important than the means. the preamble to this power of attorney clearly sets forth this purpose aimed at: here it is, "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty." is the fugitive slave bill a measure tending to that end? to answer that question you are to consult your own mind and conscience. you are not to take the opinion of the court. for ( .) it would probably be their purchased _official_ opinion which the government pays for, and so is of no value whatever; or ( .) if it be their _personal_ opinion, from what mr. sprague and mr. curtis have said and done before, you know that their personal opinion in the matter would be of no value whatsoever. to me it is very plain that kidnapping a man in boston and making him a slave, is not the way to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, or secure the blessings of liberty. but you are to judge for yourselves. if you think the fugitive slave bill not a means towards that end, which this national power of attorney proposes, then you will think it is unconstitutional, that mr. freeman was not in the peace of the united states, but acting against it; and then it was the right of every citizen to obstruct his illegal wickedness and might be the duty of some. but not only does the fugitive slave bill contravene and oppose the purpose of the constitution, it also transcends the means which that power of attorney declares the people's agents shall make use of, and whereto it absolutely restricts them. the constitution prescribes that "the judicial power shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts the congress may ordain and establish." "the judges ... shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall ... receive a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office." now the commissioner who kidnaps a man and declares him a slave, exercises _judicial power_. commissioner loring himself confesses it, in his remonstrance against being removed from the office of judge of probate. you are to consider whether a commissioner appointed by the judge of the court as a ministerial officer to take "bail and affidavits," and paid twice as much for stealing a victim as for setting free a man, is either such a "supreme" or such an "inferior court" as the constitution vests the "judicial powers" in. if not, then the fugitive slave bill is unconstitutional because it does not use the means which the people's power of attorney points out. of course the inquiry stops at this point, and you return "not guilty." . it is claimed that the fugitive slave bill is sustained by this clause in the constitution, "no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."[ ] but if you try the fugitive slave bill by this rule, you must settle two questions. ( .) who is meant by persons "held to service or labor?" and ( .) by whom shall they "be delivered up on claim?" let us begin with the first. [footnote : art. iv. § , ¶ .] ( .) who are the persons "held to service or labor?" the preamble to this people's power of attorney, sets forth the matters and things which the people's agents are empowered to achieve. "they are to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty." now the fugitive-from-labor clause must be interpreted in part by the light of the purpose of the constitution. so it would appear that this power of attorney, requires the delivery of only such as are _justly_ "held to service or labor;" and only to those men to whom this "service" is _justly_ "due." surely, it would be a monstrous act to deliver up to his master a person _unjustly_ "held to service or labor," or one justly held to those to whom his service was not _justly_ due: it would be as bad to deliver up the _wrong fugitive_, as to deliver the right fugitive to the _wrong claimant_: it would be also monstrous to suppose that the people of the united states, with the declaration of independence in their memory, should empower their attorneys to deliver up a man _unjustly_ held to service or labor, and that too by the very instrument which directs them to "establish justice" and "secure the blessings of liberty." whatsoever interpretation was at the time put on the constitution, whatsoever the people thereby intended, two things are plain--namely, ( .) that the language implies only such as are _justly_ held to service, or labor, and ( .) that the people had no moral right to deliver up any except such as were _justly_ held, and had _unjustly_ escaped. if the opposite interpretation be accepted, and that clause be taken without restrictions, then see what will follow. south carolina has already made a law by which she imprisons all _colored_ citizens of the free states who are found on her soil. let us suppose she makes a new law for reducing to perpetual slavery all the white citizens of massachusetts whom she finds on her soil; that a boston vessel with boston men and women--sailing for california,--is wrecked on her inhospitable coast, and those persons are all seized and reduced to slavery; but some ten or twenty of the most resolute escape from the "service or labor" to which they are held, and return to their business in boston. but their "owners" come in pursuit; the kidnapping commissioners, curtis and loring, with the help of the rest of the family of men-stealers, arrest them under the fugitive slave bill. on the mock trial, it is shown by the kidnapper that they were legally "held to service or labor," and according to the constitution "shall be delivered up;" that this enslavement is perfectly "legal" in south carolina; and the constitution says that no "law or regulation" of massachusetts shall set them free. they must go with sims and burns. gentlemen, you see where you are going, if you allow the constitution of parchment to override the constitution of justice. ( .) by whom shall they "be delivered up?" either by the federal government, or else by the government of the state into which they have escaped. now the federal government has no constitutional power, except what the constitution gives it. gentlemen, there is not a line in that power of attorney by which the people authorize the federal government to make a man a slave in massachusetts or anywhere else. i know the government has done it, as the british government levied ship-money, and put men to the rack, but it is against the constitution of the land. gentlemen, you will settle these constitutional questions according to your conscience, not mine. but if the fugitive slave bill demands the rendition of men from whom service is not _justly_ due--due by the law of god, or if the government unconstitutionally aims to do what the constitution gave it no right to do--then the marshal was not "in the peace of the united states." your inquiry stops at this point. . but, if satisfied on all which relates to this question of his being in the peace of the united states, you are next to inquire if mr. freeman, at the time of the obstruction was "marshal of the united states," and "in the due and lawful discharge of his duties as such officer." there is no doubt that he was marshal; but there may be a doubt that he was in the "lawful discharge of his duties as such officer." omitting what i first said, (i. .) see what you must determine in order to make this clear. ( .) was commissioner loring, who issued the warrant to kidnap mr. burns, legally qualified to do that act. gentlemen, there is no record of his appointment and qualification by the form of an oath. no evidence has been adduced to this point. mr. loring says he was duly appointed and qualified. there is no written line, no other word of mouth to prove it. ( .) admitting that mr. loring had the legal authority to command mr. freeman to steal mr. burns, it appears that stealing was done feloniously. the marshal's guard seized him on the charge of burglary--a false charge. you are to consider whether mr. freeman had legally taken possession of his victim. ( .) if satisfied thus far, you are to inquire if he held him legally. it seems he was imprisoned in a public building of massachusetts, which was by him used as a jail for the purpose of keeping a man claimed as a fugitive slave, contrary to the express words of a regular and constitutional statute of massachusetts. if you find that mr. freeman was not in the lawful discharge of his duties as marshal, then the inquiry stops here, and you return a verdict of "not guilty." but if you are convinced that an obstruction was made against a marshal in the peace of the united states, and in the legal discharge of a legal, constitutional duty, then you settle the question of fact against me, and proceed to the next point. ii. _the question of law._ . is there a law of the united states punishing this deed of mine? the answer will depend partly on the kind of opposition or obstruction which i made. if you find ( .) that i obstructed him, while in the legal discharge of his legal duties, with physical force, violence, then there is a law, clear and unmistakable, forbidding and punishing that offence. but if you find ( .) that i obstructed him with only metaphysical force,--"words," "thoughts," "feelings," "wishes," "consent," "assent," "evincing an express liking," "or approbation," then it may be doubtful to you whether the law of , or any other law of the united states forbids that. . but if you find there is such a law, punishing such metaphysical resistance--and the court by the charge to the grand-jury seems plainly of that opinion, which is fortified by the authority of chief justice kelyng and judge chase, two impeached judges--then you will consider whether that law is constitutional. and here you will look at two things, ( .) the purpose of the constitution already set forth; and ( .) at the means provided for by that power of attorney. for if the agents of the people--legislative, judiciary, or executive--have exceeded their delegated authority, then their act is invalid and binding on no man. if i, in writing, authorize my special agent to sell my ink-stand for a dollar, i am bound by his act in obedience thereto. but if on that warrant he sells my writing-desk for that sum, i am not bound by his unauthorized act. now i think there will be grave doubts, whether any law, which with fine and imprisonment punishes such words, thoughts, feelings, consent, assent, "express liking," approbation, is warranted by the people's power of attorney to their agents. the opinion of the court on such a matter, gentlemen, i think is worth as much as bacon's opinion in favor of the rack; or jones's opinion that charles i. had the right to imprison members of parliament for words spoken in the commons' debate; or the opinion of the ten judges that ship-money was lawful; or of the two chief justices that the seven bishops' petition to james ii. was high treason; or thurlow's opinion that a jury is the natural enemy of the king. gentlemen, i think it is worth nothing at all. but if you think otherwise, you have still to ask:-- . is this law just? that is does it coincide with the law of god, the constitution of the universe? there your own conscience must decide. mr. curtis has told you there is no morality but legality, no standard of right and wrong but the statute, your only light comes from this printed page, "statutes of the united states," and through these sheepskin covers. gentlemen, if your conscience is also bound in sheepskin you will think as these honorable judges, and recognize only judge curtis's "standard of morality,"--no higher law. but even if you thus dispose of the question of law, there will yet remain the last part of your function. iii. _the question of the application of the law to the fact._ to determine this question you are to ask:-- . does the law itself, the act of , apply to such acts, that is, to such words, thoughts, wishes, feelings, consent, assent, approbation, express liking, and punish them with fine and imprisonment? if not, the consideration ends: but if it does, you will next ask:-- . is it according to the constitution of the united states--its purpose, its means--thus to punish such acts? if not satisfied thereof, you stop there; but if you accept judge curtis's opinion then you will next inquire:-- . is it expedient in this particular case to apply this law, under the circumstances, to this man, and punish him with fine and imprisonment? if you say "yes" you will then proceed to the last part of the whole investigation, and will ask:-- . is it just and right; that is according to the natural law of god, the constitution of the universe? here you will consider several things. ( .) what was the marshal legally, constitutionally, and justly doing at the time he was obstructed? he was stealing, kidnapping, and detaining an innocent man, anthony burns, with the intention of depriving him of what the declaration of independence calls his natural and unalienable right to liberty and the pursuit of happiness. mr. burns had done no wrong or injury to any one--but simply came to massachusetts, to possess and enjoy these natural rights. marshal freeman had seized him on the false charge of burglary, had chained him in a dungeon contrary to massachusetts law,--there were irons on his hands. it is said he was a slave: now a slave is a person whom some one has stolen from himself, and by force keeps from his natural rights. mr. burns sought to rescue himself from the thieves who held him; marshal freeman took the thieves' part. ( .) was there any effectual mode of securing to mr. burns his natural and unalienable right except the mode of forcible rescue? gentlemen of the jury, it is very clear there was none at all. the laws of massachusetts were of no avail. your own supreme court, which in , at the instigation of mr. charles p. curtis, sent a little boy not fourteen years old into cuban slavery to gratify a slave-hunting west indian, in , had voluntarily put its neck under the southern chain. your chief justice, who acquired such honorable distinction in by setting free the little girl med from the hands of the curtises, in spit in the face of massachusetts, and spurned her laws with his judicial foot. it was plain that commissioner loring did not design to allow his victim a fair trial--for he had already prejudged the case; he advised mr. phillips "to make no defence, put no 'obstruction' in the way of the man's going back, as he probably will," and, before hearing the defence sought to settle the matter by a sale of mr. burns. gentlemen, the result showed there was no chance of what the united states law reckons justice being done in the case--for commissioner loring not only decided the fate of mr. burns against law, and against evidence, but communicated his decision to the slave-hunters nearly twenty-four hours before he announced it in open court! no, gentlemen, when a man claimed as a fugitive is brought before either of these two members of this family of kidnappers--who run now in couples, hunting men and seeking whom they may devour--there is no hope for him: it is only a mock-trial, worse than the star-chamber inquisition of the stuart kings. place no "obstructions in the way of the man's going back," said the mildest of the two, "as he probably will." over that door, historic and actual, as over that other, but fabulous, gate of hell should be written:-- "through me they go to the city of sorrow; through me they go to endless agony; through me they go among the nations lost: leave every hope, all ye that enter here!" the only hope of freedom for mr. burns lay in the limbs of the people! anarchy afforded him the only chance of justice. ( .) did they who it is alleged made the attack on the marshal, or they who it is said instigated them to the attack, do it from any wicked, unjust, or selfish motive? nobody pretends it--gentlemen, we had much to lose--ease, honor--for with many persons in boston it is a disgrace to favor the unalienable rights of man, as at rome to read the bible, or at damascus to be a christian--ease, honor, money, liberty--if this court have its way,--nay, life itself; for one of the family which preserves the union by kidnapping men, counts it a capital crime to rescue a victim from their hands, and mr. hallett, when only a democratic expectant of office, declared "if it only resists law and obstructs its officers ... it is treason ... and he who risks it must risk hanging for it." no, gentlemen, i had much to lose by my words. i had nothing to gain. nothing i mean but the satisfaction of doing my duty to myself, my brother, and my god. and tried by judge sprague's precept, "obey both," that is nothing; or by judge curtis's "standard of morality" it is a crime; and according to his brother it is "treason;" and according to, i know not how many ministers of commerce, it is "infidelity"--"treasonable, damnable doctrine." no, gentlemen, no selfish motive could move me to such conduct. the voice of duty was terribly clear: "inasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me." put all these things together, gentlemen. remember there is a duty of the strong to help the weak: that all men have a common interest in the common duty to keep the eternal law of justice; remember we are all of us to appear one day before the court which is of purer eyes than to love iniquity. ask what says conscience--what says god. then decide as you must decide. the eyes of the nation are upon you. the judges of this honorable court hold their office in petty serjeantry on condition of wresting the laws and constitution to the support of the fugitive slave bill, and of preventing, as far as possible, all noble thought which opposes the establishment of despotism, now so rapidly encroaching upon our once free soil: they hold by this petty serjeantry--a menial service not mentioned in any book even of "jocular tenures." if you could find me guilty--it is not possible, only conceivable with a contradiction,--you would delight the slave power--atchison, cushing, stringfellow, and their northern and southern crew--for to them i seem identified with new england freedom of speech. "aha," they will neigh and snicker out, "judge curtis has got the north under his feet! mr. webster knew what he was about when putting him in place!" english is the only tongue in which freedom can speak her political or religious word. shall that tongue be silenced; tied in faneuil hall; torn out by a slave-hunter? the stamp act only taxed commercial and legal documents; the fugitive slave bill makes our words misdemeanors. the revenue act did but lay a tax on tea, three-pence only on a pound: the slave-hunters' act taxes our thoughts as a crime. the boston port bill but closed our harbor, we could get in at salem; but the judge's charge shuts up the mouth of all new england, not a word against man-hunting but is a "crime,"--the new testament is full of "misdemeanors." andros only took away the charter of massachusetts; judge curtis's "law" is a _quo warranto_ against humanity itself. "perfidious general gage" took away the arms of boston; judge curtis _charges_ upon our soul; he would wring all religion out of you,--no "standard of morality" above the fugitive slave bill; you must not, even to god in your prayers, evince "an express liking" for the deliverance of an innocent man whom his family seek to transform to a beast of burthen and then sacrifice to the american moloch. decide according to your own conscience, gentlemen, not after mine. * * * * * gentlemen of the jury, i must bring this defence to a close. already it is too long for your patience, though far too short for the mighty interest at stake, for it is the freedom of a nation which you are to decide upon. i have shown you the aim and purposes of the slave power--to make this vast continent one huge despotism, a house of bondage for african americans, a house of bondage also for saxon americans. i have pointed out the course of despotism in monarchic england; you have seen how there the tyrants directly made wicked laws, or when that resource failed, how they reached indirectly after their end, and appointed officers to pervert the law, to ruin the people. you remember how the king appointed base men as attorneys and judges, and how wickedly they used their position and their power, scorning alike the law of god and the welfare of man. "the judges in their itinerant circuits," says an old historian,[ ] "the more to enslave the people to obedience, being to speak of the king, would give him sacred titles as if their advancement to high places must necessarily be laid upon the foundation of the people's debasement." you have not forgotten saunders, kelyng, and jeffreys and scroggs; sibthorpe and mainwaring you will remember for ever,--denouncing "eternal damnation" on such as refused the illegal tax of charles i. or evinced an express disapprobation of his tyranny. [footnote : in kennett, .] gentlemen, you recollect how the rights of the jury were broken down,--how jurors were threatened with trial for perjury, insulted, fined, and imprisoned, because they would be faithful to the law and their conscience. you remember how the tyrannical king clutched at the people's purse and their person too, and smote at all freedom of speech, while the purchased judges were always ready, the tools of despotism. but you know what it all came to--justice could not enter upon the law through the doors of westminster hall; so she tried it at naseby and worcester and with her "invincible ironsides" took possession by means of pike and gun. charles i. laid his guilty head on the block; james ii. only escaped the same fate by timely flight. if courts will not decree justice, then civil war will, for it must be done, and a battle becomes a "crowning mercy." gentlemen, i have shown you what the slave power of america aims at,--a despotism which is worse for this age than the stuarts' tyranny for that time. you see its successive steps of encroachment. behold what it has done within ten years. it has made slavery perpetual in florida; has annexed texas, a slave state as big as the kingdom of france; has fought the mexican war, with northern money, and spread bondage over utah, new mexico, and california; it has given texas ten millions of northern dollars to help slavery withal; it has passed the fugitive slave bill and kidnapped men in the west, in the middle states, and even in our own new england; it has given ten millions of dollars for a little strip of worthless land, the mesilla valley, whereon to make a slave railroad and carry bondage from the atlantic to the pacific; it has repealed the prohibition of slavery, and spread the mildew of the south all over kansas and nebraska. ask your capitalists, who have bought missouri lands and railroads, how their stock looks just now; not only your liberty but even their money is in peril. you know the boast of mr. toombs. gentlemen, you know what the united states courts have done--with poisoned weapons they have struck deadly blows at freedom. you know sharkey and grier and kane. you recollect the conduct of kidnappers' courts at milwaukie, sandusky, cincinnati, philadelphia--in the hall of independence. but why need i wander so far? alas! you know too well what has been done in boston, our own boston, the grave of puritan piety. you remember the union meeting, ellen craft, sims, chains around the court house, the judges crawling under, soldiers in the street, drunk, smiting at the citizens; you do not forget anthony burns, the marshal's guard, the loaded cannon in place of justice, soldiers again in the streets smiting at and wounding the citizens. you recollect all this--the th of april, , boston delivering an innocent man at savannah to be a slave for ever, and that day scourged in his jail while the hirelings who enthralled him were feasted at their inn;--anniversary week last year--a boston judge of probate, the appointed guardian of orphans, kidnapping a poor and friendless man! you cannot forget these things, no, never! you know who did all this: a single family--the honorable judge curtis, with his kinsfolk and friends, himself most subtly active with all his force throughout this work. when mr. webster prostituted himself to the slave power this family went out and pimped for him in the streets; they paraded in the newspapers, at the revere house, and in public letters; they beckoned and made signs at faneuil hall. that crime of sodom brought daniel webster to his grave at marshfield, a mighty warning not to despise the law of the infinite god; but that sin of gomorrah, it put the hon. benj. r. curtis on this bench; gave him his judicial power to construct his "law," construct his "jury," to indict and try me. try me! no, gentlemen, it is you, your wives and your children, who are up for swift condemnation this day. will you wait, will you add sin to sin, till god shall rain fire and brimstone on your heads, and a dead sea shall cover the place once so green and blossoming with american liberty? decide your own fate. when the judges are false let the juries be faithful, and we have "a crowning mercy" without cannon, and the cause of justice is secure. for "when wicked men seem nearest to their hopes, the godly man is furthest from his fears." you know my "offence," gentlemen. i have confessed more than the government could prove. you are the "country:" the nation by twelve delegates is present here to-day. in the name of america, of mankind, you are to judge of the law, the fact, and the application of the law to the fact. you are to decide whether you will spread slavery and the consequences of slavery all over the north; whether boston, new england, all the north, shall kidnap other ellen crafts, other thomas sims, other anthony burns,--whether sharkey and grier, and kane and curtis, shall be tyrants over you--forbidding all freedom of speech: or whether right and justice, the christian religion, the natural service of the infinite god shall bless our wide land with the numberless beatitudes of humanity. should you command me to be fined and go to jail, i should take it very cheerfully, counting it more honor to be inside of a jail in the austere silence of my dungeon, rather than outside of it, with a faithless jury, guilty of such treason to their country and their god. but, forgive me! you cannot commit such a crime against humanity. pardon the monstrous figure of my speech,--it is only conceivable, not also possible. these judges could do it--their speeches, their actions, that charge, this indictment, proves all that--but you cannot;--not you. you are the representatives of the people, the country, not idiotic in conscience and the affections. gentlemen, i am a minister of religion. it is my function to teach what is absolutely true and absolutely right. i am the servant of no sect,--how old soever, venerable and widely spread. i claim the same religious rights with luther and calvin, with budha and mohammed; yes, with moses and jesus,--the unalienable right to serve the god of nature in my own way. i preach the religion which belongs to human nature, as i understand it, which the infinite god imperishably writes thereon,--natural piety, love of the infinitely perfect god, natural morality, the keeping of every law he has written on the body and in the soul of man, especially by loving and serving his creatures. many wrong things i doubtless do, for which i must ask the forgiveness of mankind. but do you suppose i can keep the fugitive slave bill, obey these judges, and kidnap my own parishioners? it is no part of my "christianity" to "send the mother that bore me into eternal bondage." do you think i can suffer commissioner curtis and commissioner loring to steal my friends,--out of my meeting-house? gentlemen, when god bids me do right and this court bids me do wrong, i shall not pretend to "obey both." i am willing enough to suffer all that you will ever lay on me. but i will not do such a wrong, nor allow such wickedness to be done--so help me god! how could i teach truth, justice, piety, if i stole men; if i allowed saunders, jeffreys, scroggs, or sharkey, grier, kane, or in one word, curtis, to steal them? i love my country, my kindred of humanity; i love my god, father and mother of the white man and the black; and am i to suffer the liberty of america to be trod under the hoof of slaveholders, slave-drivers; yes, of the judicial slaves of slaveholders' slave-drivers? i was neither born nor bred for that. i drew my first breath in a little town not far off, a poor little town where the farmers and mechanics first unsheathed that revolutionary sword which, after eight years of hewing, clove asunder the gordian knot that bound america to the british yoke. one raw morning in spring--it will be eighty years the th of this month--hancock and adams, the moses and aaron of that great deliverance, were both at lexington; they also had "obstructed an officer" with brave words. british soldiers, a thousand strong, came to seize them and carry them over sea for trial, and so nip the bud of freedom auspiciously opening in that early spring. the town militia came together before daylight "for training." a great, tall man, with a large head and a high, wide brow, their captain,--one who "had seen service,"--marshalled them into line, numbering but seventy, and bad "every man load his piece with powder and ball." "i will order the first man shot that runs away," said he, when some faltered; "don't fire unless fired upon, but if they want to have a war,--let it begin here." gentlemen, you know what followed: those farmers and mechanics "fired the shot heard round the world." a little monument covers the bones of such as before had pledged their fortune and their sacred honor to the freedom of america, and that day gave it also their lives. i was born in that little town, and bred up amid the memories of that day. when a boy my mother lifted me up, one sunday, in her religious, patriotic arms, and held me while i read the first monumental line i ever saw:-- "sacred to liberty and the rights of mankind." since then i have studied the memorial marbles of greece and rome in many an ancient town; nay, on egyptian obelisks have read what was written before the eternal roused up moses to lead israel out of egypt, but no chiselled stone has ever stirred me to such emotions as those rustic names of men who fell "in the sacred cause of god and their country." gentlemen, the spirit of liberty, the love of justice, was early fanned into a flame in my boyish heart. that monument covers the bones of my own kinsfolk; it was their blood which reddened the long, green grass at lexington. it is my own name which stands chiselled on that stone; the tall captain who marshalled his fellow farmers and mechanics into stern array and spoke such brave and dangerous words as opened the war of american independence,--the last to leave the field,--was my father's father. i learned to read out of his bible, and with a musket he that day captured from the foe, i learned also another religious lesson, that "rebellion to tyrants is obedience to god." i keep them both, "sacred to liberty and the rights of mankind," to use them both "in the sacred cause of god and my country." gentlemen of the jury, and you my fellow-countrymen of the north, i leave the matter with you. say "guilty!" you cannot do it. "not guilty." i know you will, for you remember there is another court, not of fugitive slave bill law, where we shall all be tried by the justice of the infinite god. hearken to the last verdict, "inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me." end. errata. page , line from top, instead of _rest_, read _government_. " " " " " " , read . " " " " " " _aoncilia_, read _ancilia_. " " " bottom, " " _not_, read _or_. " " " " " " _promoting_, read _perverting_. " " " " omit _his_, before _vengeance_. other works by the same author. a discourse of matters pertaining to religion. vol. mo. new edition will appear in december. $ . an introduction to the old testament. from the german of de wette. d edition. vols. vo. . critical and miscellaneous writings. vol. mo. new edition will soon appear. . occasional sermons and speeches. vols. mo. . ten sermons of religion. vol. mo. . sermons of theism, atheism, and the popular theology. vol. mo. . additional sermons and speeches. vols. mo. . pamphlets. two sermons on leaving the old and entering the new place of worship. ( .) discourse of daniel webster. ( .) cloth. a sermon of old age. ( .) the new crime against humanity. ( .) the laws of god and the statutes of man. ( .) the dangers which threaten the rights of man in america. ( .) the moral dangers incident to prosperity. ( .) consequences of an immoral principle. ( .) function of a minister. ( .) two sermons in proceedings of progressive friends. ( .) produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) american abolitionism, from to . a compendium of historical facts, embracing legislation in congress and agitation without. (originally published in the new york herald.) by f. g. de fontaine. new york: d. appleton & co. . price, twenty-five cents. history of american abolitionism; its four great epochs, embracing narratives of the ordinance of , compromise of , annexation of texas, mexican war, wilmot proviso, negro insurrections, abolition riots, slave rescues, compromise of , kansas bill of , john brown insurrection, , valuable statistics, &c., &c., &c. together with a history of the southern confederacy. (originally published in the new york herald.) by f. g. de fontaine. _new york_: d. appleton & co. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, by f. g. de fontaine, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, for the southern district of new york. chas. craske, stereotyper. barton & son, printers, fulton street, n. y. introduction. the following pages originally appeared in the new york herald, of february d, . by request, they have been reproduced in their present shape, with the view of preserving, in a form more compact than that of a newspaper, the valuable facts embraced. without an extensive range of research it is almost impossible to acquire the information which is thus compiled, and, at the present time, especially, it is believed that the publication of these facts will be desirable to the reading community. f. g. de f. history of american abolitionism. chapter i. the spirit of the age--two classes of abolitionists--their objects--the sources of their inspiration--influences upon church and state--proposed invasions upon the constitution--effect upon the slave states, &c., &c. one of the commanding characteristics of the present age is the spirit of agitation, collision and discord which has broken forth in every department of social and political life. while it has been an era of magnificent enterprises and unrivalled prosperity, it has likewise been an era of convulsion, which has well nigh upturned the foundations of the government. never was this truth more evident than at the present moment. a single topic occupies the public mind--union or disunion--and is one of pre-eminently absorbing interest to every citizen. upon this issue the entire nation has been involved in a moral distemper, that threatens its utter and irrevocable dissolution. union--the child of compact, the creature of social and political tolerance--stands face to face with disunion, the natural off-spring of that anti-slavery sentiment, which has ever warred against the interests of the people and the elements of true government, and struggles for the maintenance of that sacred pledge by which the united states have heretofore been bound in a common brotherhood. like the marvellous tent given by the fairy banou to prince achmed, which, when folded up, became an ornament in the delicate hands of women, but, spread out, afforded encampment to mighty armies; so is this question of abolitionism, to which the present overwhelming trouble of our land is to be traced, in its capacity to encompass all things, and its ability to attach itself even to the amenities and refinements of life. it has entered into everything, great and small, high and low, political, theological, social and moral, and in one section has become the standard by which all excellence is to be judged. under the guise of philanthropic reform, it has pursued its course with energy, boldness and unrelenting bitterness, until it has grown from "a cloud no bigger than a man's hand" into the dimensions of the tempest which is to-day lowering over the land charged with the elements of destruction. commencing with a pretended love for the black race, it has arrived at a stage of restless, uncompromising fanaticism which will be satisfied with nothing short of the consummation of its wildest hopes. it has become the grand question of the day--of politics, of ethics, of expediency, of justice, of conscience, and of law, covering the whole field of human society and divine government. in this view of the subject, and in view also of the surrounding unhappy circumstances of the country which have their origin in this agitation, we give below a history of abolition, from the period it commenced to exist as an active element in the affairs of the nation down to the present moment. abolitionists and their objects. there are two classes of persons opposed to the continued existence of slavery in the united states. the first are those who are actuated by sentiments of philanthropy and humanity, but are at the same time no less opposed to any disturbance of the peace or tranquility of the union, or to any infringement of the powers of the states composing the confederacy. among these may be classed the society of "friends," one of whose established principles is an abhorrence of war in all its forms, and the cultivation of peace and good will amongst mankind. as far back as , the ancient records of their society refer to the peaceful and exemplary efforts of the sect to prevent the holding of slaves by any of their number; and a quaint incident is related of an eccentric "friend," who, at one of their monthly meetings, "seated himself among the audience with a bladder of bullock's blood secreted under his mantle, and at length broke the quiet stillness of the worship by rising in full view of the congregation, piercing the bladder, spilling the blood upon the floor and seats, and exclaiming with all the solemnity of an inspired prophet, 'thus shall the lord spill the blood of those that traffic in the blood of their fellow men.'" the second class are the real ultra abolitionists--the "reformers" who, in the language of henry clay, are "resolved to persevere at all hazards, and without regard to any consequences, however calamitous they may be. with them the rights of property are nothing; the deficiency of the powers of the general government is nothing; the acknowledged and incontestible powers of the state are nothing; civil war, a dissolution of the union, and the overthrow of a government in which are concentrated the fondest hopes of the civilized world, are nothing. they are for the immediate abolition of slavery, the prohibition of the removal of slaves from state to state, and the refusal to admit any new state comprising within its limits the institution of domestic slavery--all these being but so many means conducive to the accomplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they avowedly and boldly aim--so many short stages, as it were, in the long and bloody road to the distant goal at which they would ultimately arrive. their purpose is abolition, 'peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must.'" utterly destitute of constitutional or other rightful power; living in totally distinct communities, as alien to the communities in which the subject on which they would operate resides, as far as concerns political power over that subject, as if they lived in asia or africa, they nevertheless promulgate to the world their purpose to immediately convert without compensation four millions of profitable and contented slaves into four millions of burdensome and discontented negroes. this idea, which originated and still generally prevails in new england, is the result of that puritanical frenzy which has always characterized that section of the country, and made it the natural breeding ground of the most absurd "isms" ever concocted. the puritans of to-day are not less fanatical than were the puritans of two centuries ago. in fact, they have progressed rather than retrograded. their god then was the angry, wrathful, jealous god of the jews--the supreme being now is the creation of their own intellects, proportioned in dimensions to the depth and fervor of their individual understandings. then the old testament was their rule of faith. now neither old nor new, except in so far as it accords with their consciences, is worth the paper upon which it is written. their creeds are begotten of themselves, and their high priests are those who best represent their peculiar "notions." the same spirit which, in the days of robespierre and marat, abolished the lord's day and worshipped reason, in the person of a harlot, yet survives to work other horrors. in this age, however, and in a community like the present, a disguise must be worn; but it is the old threadbare advocacy of human rights, which the enlightenment of the age condemns as impracticable. the decree has gone forth which strikes at god, by striking at all subordination and law, and under the specious cry of reform it is demanded that every pretended evil shall be corrected, or society become a wreck--that the sun must be stricken from the heavens if a spot is found upon his disc. the abolitionist is a practical atheist. in the language of one of their congregational ministers--rev. henry wright, of massachusetts:-- "the god of humanity is not the god of slavery. if so, shame upon such a god. i scorn him. i will never bow to his shrine; my head shall go off with my hat when i take it off to such a god as that. if the bible sanctions slavery, the bible is a self-evident falsehood. and, if god should declare it to be right, i would fasten the chain upon the heel of such a god, and let the man go free. such a god is a phantom." the religion of the people of new england is a peculiar morality, around which the minor matters of society arrange themselves like ferruginous particles around a loadstone. all the elements obey this general law. accustomed to doing as it pleases, new england "morality" has usually accomplished what it has undertaken. it has attacked the sunday mails, assaulted free masonry, triumphed over the intemperate use of ardent spirits, and finally engaged in an onslaught upon the slavery of the south. its channels have been societies, meetings, papers, lectures, sermons, resolutions, memorials, protests, legislation, private discussion, public addresses; in a word, every conceivable method whereby appeal may be brought to mind. its spirit has been agitation!--and its language, fruits and measures have partaken throughout of a character that is thoroughly warlike. "in language no element ever flung out more defiance of authority, contempt of religion, or authority to man. as to agency, no element on earth has broken up more friendships and families, societies and parties, churches and denominations, or ruptured more organizations, political, social or domestic. and as to measures! what spirit of man ever stood upon earth with bolder front and wielded fiercer weapons? stirring harangues! stern resolutions! fretful memorials! angry protests! incendiary pamphlets at the south! hostile legislation at the north! underground railroads at the west! resistance to the constitution! division of the union! military contribution! sharpe's rifles! higher law! if this is not belligerence enough, mohammed's work and the old crusades were an appeal to argument and not to arms." what was philanthrophy in our forefathers has become misanthrophy in their descendants, and compassion for the slave has given way to malignity against the master. consequences are nothing. the one idea preeminent above all others is abolition! it is worthy of notice in this connection that most abolitionists know little or nothing of slavery and slaveholders beyond what they have learned from excited, caressed and tempted fugitives, or from a superficial, accidental or prejudiced observation. from distorted facts, gross misrepresentations, and frequently malicious caricatures, they have come to regard southern slaveholders as the most unprincipled men in the universe, with no incentive but avarice, no feeling but selfishness, and no sentiment but cruelty. their information is acquired from discharged seamen, runaway slaves, agents who have been tarred and feathered, factious politicians, and scurrilous tourists; and no matter how exaggerated may be the facts, they never fail to find willing believers among this class of people. in the church, the missionary spirit with which the men of other times and nobler hearts intended to embrace all, both bond and free, has been crushed out. new methods of scriptural interpretation have been discovered, under which the bible brings to light things of which jesus christ and his disciples had no conception. assemblings for divine worship have been converted into occasions for the secret dissemination of incendiary doctrines, and thus a common suspicion has been generated of all northern agency in the diffusion of religious instruction among the slaves. of the five broad beautiful bands of christianity thrown around the north and the south--presbyterian, old school and new, episcopalian, methodist and baptist, to say nothing of the divisions of bible, tract and missionary societies--three are already ruptured--and whenever an anniversary brings together the various delegates of these organizations, the sad spectacle is presented of division, wrangling, vituperation and reproach, that gives to religion and its professors anything but that meekness of spirit with which it is wont to be invested. politically, the course of abolition has been one of constant aggression upon the south. at the time of the old confederation, the amount of territory owned by the southern states was , square miles; and the amount owned, by the northern states, , . in , virginia ceded to the united states, for the _common benefit_, all her immense territory northwest of the river ohio. in , the northern states appropriated it to their own exclusive use by passing the celebrated ordinance of that year, whereby virginia and all her sister states were excluded from the benefits of the territory. this was the first in the series of aggressions. again, in april, , the united states purchased from france, for fifteen millions of dollars, the territory of louisiana, comprising an area of , , square miles, the whole of which was slaveholding territory. in , by the passage of the missouri compromise, , square miles of this was converted into free territory. again, by the treaty with spain, of february, , the united states gained the territory from which the present state of florida was formed, with an area of , square miles, and also the spanish title of oregon, from which they acquired an area of , square miles. of this cession, florida only has been allowed to the southern states, while the balance--nearly six-sevenths of the whole--was appropriated by the north. again, by the mexican cession, was acquired , square miles, which the north attempted to appropriate under the pretence of the mexican laws, but which was prevented by the measures of the compromise of . of slave territory cut off from texas, there have been , square miles. to sum this up, the total amount of territory acquired under the constitution has been, by the northwest cession , square miles. louisiana cession , , do. florida and oregon cession , do. mexican cession , do. --------- total , , do. of all this territory the southern states have been permitted to enjoy only , square miles, while the northern states have been allowed , , square miles, or between seven and eight times more than has been allowed to the south. the following are some of the invasions that have been from time to time proposed upon the constitution in the halls of congress by these agitators: . that the clause allowing the representation of three-fifths of the slaves shall be obliterated from the constitution; or, in other words, that the south, already in a vast and increasing minority, shall be still further reduced in the scale of insignificance, and thus, on every attempted usurpation of her rights, be far below the protection of even a presidential veto. next has been demanded the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, in the forts, arsenals, navy yards and other public establishments of the united states. what object have the abolitionists had for raising all this clamor about a little patch of soil ten miles square, and a few inconsiderable places thinly scattered over the land--a mere grain of sand upon the beach--unless it be to establish the precedent of congressional interference, which would enable them to make a wholesale incursion upon the constitutional rights of the south, and to drain from the vast ocean of alleged national guilt its last drop? does any one suppose that a mere microscopic concession like this would alone appease a conscience wounded and lacerated by the "sin of slavery?" another of these aggressions is that which was proposed under the pretext of regulating commerce between the states--namely, that no slave, for any purpose and under any circumstances whatever, shall be carried by his lawful owner from one slaveholding state to another; or, in other words, that where slavery now is there it shall remain forever, until by its own increase the slave population shall outnumber the white race, and thus by a united combination of causes--the fears of the master, the diminution in value of his property and the exhausted condition of the soil--the final purposes of fanaticism may be accomplished. still another in the series of aggressions was that attempted by the wilmot proviso, by which congress was called upon to prohibit every slaveholder from removing with his slaves into the territory acquired from mexico--a territory as large as the old thirteen states originally composing the union. it appears to have been forgotten that whether slavery be admitted upon one foot of territory or not, it cannot affect the question of its sinfulness in the slightest degree, and that if every nook and corner of the national fabric were open to the institution, not a single slave would be added to the present number, or that, if excluded, their number would not be a single one the less. we might also refer to the armed and bloody opposition to the fugitive slave law, to the passage of personal liberty bills, to political schemes in congress and out, and to systematic agitation everywhere, with a view to stay the progress of the south, contract her political power, and eventually lead, at her expense, if not of the union itself, to the utter expurgation of this "tremendous national sin." in short, the abolitionists have contributed nothing to the welfare of the slave or of the south. while over one hundred and fifty millions have been expended by slaveholders in emancipation, except in those sporadic cases where the amount was capital invested in self-glorification, the abolitionists have not expended one cent. more than this: they have defeated the very objects at which they have aimed. when virginia, maryland, kentucky, or some other border state has come so near to the passage of gradual emancipation laws that the hopes of the real friends of the movement seemed about to be realized, abolitionism has stepped in, and, with frantic appeals to the passions of the negroes, through incendiary publications, dashed them to the ground, tightening the fetters of the slave, sharpening authority, and producing a reaction throughout the entire community that has crushed out every incipient thought of future manumission. such have been the obvious fruits of abolition. church, state and society! nothing has escaped it. nowhere pure, nor peaceable, nor gentle, nor easily entreated, nor full of mercy and good fruits; but everywhere forward, scowling, uncompromising, and fierce, breaking peace, order and structure at every step, crushing with its foot what would not bow to its will; defying government, despising the church, dividing the country, and striking heaven itself if it dared to obstruct its progress; purifying, pacifying, promising nothing, but marking its entire pathway by disquiet, schism and ruin. we come now to the train of historical facts upon which we rely in proof of the foregoing assertions. the first epoch. from to . chapter ii. the ordinance of --the slave population of --abolitionism at that time--the importation of slaves the work of northerners--statistics of the port of charleston, s. c., from to --anecdote of a rhode island senator, &c., &c. the first great epoch in the history of our country at which the spirit of abolitionism displayed itself was immediately preceding the formation of the present government. from the close of the revolutionary war, in , to the sitting of the constitutional convention, was a space of only four years. two years more brings us to the adoption of the constitution, in . it was in the summer of , and at the very time the convention in philadelphia was framing that instrument, that the congress in new york was framing the ordinance which was passed on the th of july, , by which slavery was forever excluded from all the territory northwest of the river ohio, which, three years before, had been generously ceded to the united states by virginia, and out of which have since been organised the states of ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, wisconsin, minnesota and iowa. according to the first census, taken in , under the constitution, when every state in the union, with one exception, was a slave state, the number of slaves was as follows:-- states. no. of slaves. massachusetts new hampshire rhode island connecticut , new york , new jersey , pennsylvania , delaware , maryland , virginia , north carolina , south carolina , georgia , territory of ohio , ------- total , in , new york had , slaves. in , however, by virtue of an act, passed in , they were declared free, and emancipated, without compensation to their owners. even in , rhode island, connecticut, new jersey and pennsylvania had slaves: new jersey containing , . since , the increase of slaves has been at the rate of thirty per cent. each decade. at this period numerous emancipation societies were formed, comprised principally of the society of friends, and petitions were presented to congress, praying for the abolition of slavery. these were received with but little comment, referred, and reported upon by a committee. the reports stated that the general government had no power to abolish slavery as it existed in the several states, and that the states themselves had exclusive jurisdiction over the subject. this sentiment was generally acquiesced in, and satisfaction and tranquility ensued, the abolition societies thereafter limiting their exertions, in respect to the black population, to offices of humanity within the scope of existing laws. in fact, if we carry ourselves by historical research back to that day, and ascertain men's opinions by authentic records still existing among us, it will be found that there was no great diversity of opinion between the north and the south upon the subject of slavery. the great ground of objection to it then was political; that it weakened the social fabric; that, taking the place of free labor, society was less strong and labor less productive; and both sections, with an exhibition of no little acerbity of temper and violence of language, ascribed the evil to the injurious and aggrandizing policy of great britain, by whom it was first entailed upon the colonies. the terms of reprobation were then more severe in the south than the north. it is a notorious fact that some of our northern forefathers were then the most aggravated slave dealers. they transported the miserable captives from africa, sold them at the south, and were well paid for their work; and, when emancipation laws forbade the prolongation of slavery at the north, there are living witnesses who saw the crowds of negroes assembled along the shores of the new england and the middle states to be shipped to latitudes where their bondage would be perpetual. their posterity toil to-day in the fields of the southern planter. it is a remarkable fact, also, that of the slaves imported into the united states during a period of eighteen years, from to , not less than nine-tenths were imported for and by account of citizens of the northern states and subjects of great britain--imported in northern and british vessels, by northern and british men, and delivered to northern born and british born consignees. the trade was thus carried on, with all its historic inhumanity, by the sires and grandsires of the very men and women, who, for thirty years, have been denouncing slavery as a sin against god, and slaveholders as the vilest class of men and tyrants who ever disgraced a civilised community; and the very wealth in which, in a large degree, these agitators now revel, has descended to them as the fruit of the slave trade in which their fathers grew fat. the following statistics of the port of charleston, s. c., from the year to , will more plainly illustrate this remark:-- imported into charleston from jan. , , to jan. , , slaves , by british subjects , " french subjects , " foreigners in charleston , " rhode islanders , " bostonians " philadelphians " hartford, citizens of " charlestonians , " baltimoreans " savannah, citizens of " norfolk, citizens of " new orleans, citizens of ------ , " british, french and northern people , " southern people , ------ , consignees of these slaves. natives of charleston natives of rhode island natives of great britain natives of france --- total it is related, that during the debate on the missouri question, a senator from south carolina introduced in the senate of the united states a document from the custom house of charleston, exhibiting the names and owners of vessels engaged in the african slave trade. in reading the document the name of de wolfe was repeatedly called. de wolfe, who was the senator elect from rhode island, was present, but had not been qualified. the carolina senator was called to order. "order!" "order!" echoed through the senate chamber. "it is contrary to order to call the name of a senator," said a distinguished gentleman. the senator contended he was not out of order, for the senator from rhode island had not been qualified, and consequently was not entitled to a seat. he appealed to the chair. the chair replied, "you are correct, sir; proceed;" and proceed he did, calling the name of de wolfe so often, that before he had finished the document, he had proved the honorable gentleman the importer of three-fourths of the "poor africans" brought to the charleston market, and the rhode island abolitionist bolted, amid the sympathies of his comrades and the sneers of the auditors. such was the aspect of affairs with reference to this question at the time of the adoption of the constitution. the spirit of affection created and fostered by the revolution--the cords binding together a common country in a common struggle and a common destiny--were too strong in the breasts of our revolutionary fathers for them to countenance the feeble efforts even of those prompted by motives of humanity for the immediate emancipation of the slaves, and by almost the entire north of that period they were regarded with general disfavor, as an unwarrantable interference with an already established institution of the country. the consequence was that they sank into disrepute, and the country was blessed with and prospered under their comparative cessation for a number of years. this hostile feeling long lay dormant, and it was not until the year , when missouri applied for admission into the union as a state, that the period of quiet was interrupted, and the little streams of abolitionism that had been quietly forming, merged into the foul and noisome current which is now devastating the land, has undermined and destroyed the union, and is exerting its blighting influence upon every department of the political and social fabric. second epoch. chapter iii. history of the missouri compromise, --benjamin lundy and the "_genius of universal emancipation_"--insurrection at charleston, s. c.--the result of agitation in congress--british influence and interference--abolition in the east and west indies--remarkable opinion of sir robert peel--letter from lord brougham on the harper's ferry insurrection. probably there has never been in the history of the united states, except at the present time, a more critical moment, arising from the violence of domestic excitement, than the agitation of the missouri question from to . on the th day of december, , the speaker of the house of representatives of the united states presented before that body a memorial of the legislature of the territory of missouri, praying that they might be admitted to form a constitution and state government upon "an equal footing with the original states." here originated the difficulty. slavery existed in the territory proposed to be erected into an independent state. the proposition was therefore to admit missouri as a slave state, which involved three very essential and important features. these were:-- . the recognition of slavery therein as a state institution by the national sovereignty. . the guarantee of protection to the ownership of her slave property by the laws of the united states, as in the original states under the constitution. . that the right of representation in the national legislature should be apportioned on her slave population, as in the original states. this was a recognition of slavery, which at once aroused the interest of the people in every section of the union. the petition was received, read and reported upon, and in february, , mr. tallmadge, of new york, proposed an amendment "prohibiting slavery except for the punishment of crimes, and that all children born in the said state after the admission thereof into the union, shall be free at the age of twenty-five years." this passed the house, but was lost in the senate. the excitement, not only in congress, but throughout the union, soon became intense, and for eighteen months the country was agitated from one extreme to the other. in many of the northern states meetings were called, resolutions were passed instructing members how to vote, prayers ascended from the churches, and the pulpit began to be the medium of the incendiary diatribes for which it has since become so famous. in both branches of congress amendments were passed and rejected without number, while the arguments on both sides brought out the strongest views of the respective champions. on one hand it was maintained that the compromise of the federal constitution regarding slavery respected only its existing limits at the time; that it was remote from the views of the framers of the constitution to have the domain of slavery extended on that basis; that the fundamental principles of the american revolution and of the government and institutions erected upon it were hostile to slavery; that the compromise of the constitution was simply a toleration of things that were, and not a basis of things that were to be; that these securities of slavery, as it existed, would be forfeited by an extension of the system; that the honor of the republic before the world, and its moral influence with mankind in favor of freedom, were identified with the advocacy of principles of universal emancipation; that the act of , which established the territorial government north and west of the river ohio, prohibiting slavery forever therefrom, was a public recognition and avowal of the principles and designs of the people of the united states in regard to new states and territories north and west; and that the proposal to establish slavery in missouri was a violation of all these great and fundamental principles. on the other hand, it was urged that slavery was incorporated in the system of society as established in louisiana, which comprehended the territory of missouri, when purchased from france in ; that the faith of the united states was pledged by treaty to all the inhabitants of that wide domain to maintain their rights and privileges on the same footing with the people of the rest of the country; and consequently, that slavery, being a part of their state of society, it would be a violation of engagements to abolish it without their consent. nor could the government, as they maintained, prescribe the abolition of slavery to any part of said territory as a condition of being erected into a state, if they were otherwise entitled to it. it might as well, as they said, be required of them to abolish any other municipal regulation, or to annihilate any other attribute of sovereignty. if the government had made an ill-advised treaty in the purchase of louisiana, they maintained it would be manifest injustice to make its citizens suffer on that account. they claimed that they were received as a slaveholding community on the same footing with the slave states, and that the existence or non-existence of slavery could not be made a question when they presented themselves at the door of the capitol of the republic for a state charter. after much bitter and acrimonious discussion, the question was finally, through the exertions of henry clay, settled by a compromise, and a bill was passed for the admission of missouri without any restriction as to slavery, but prohibiting it throughout the united states north of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes. missouri was not declared independent until august, . previous to the passage of the bill for its admission, the people had formed a state constitution, a provision of which required the legislature to pass a law "to prevent free negroes from coming to and settling in the state." when the constitution was presented to congress, this provision was strenuously opposed. the contest occupied a greater part of the session; but missouri was finally admitted on condition that no laws should be passed by which any free citizen of the united states should be prevented from enjoying those rights within the state to which he was entitled by the constitution of the united states. such was the missouri compromise, and though its settlement once more brought repose to the country and strengthened the bonds of fraternity and union between the states, its agitation in congress was like the opening of a foul ulcer--the beginning of that domineering, impertinent, ill-timed, vociferous and vituperative opposition which has ever since been the leading characteristic of the abolition movement. the "settlement" of the question in congress seemed to be merely the signal for its agitation among the non-slaveholding states. fanatics sprang up like mushrooms, and, "in the name of god," proclaimed the enormity of slavery and eternal damnation to all who indulged in the wicked luxury. among the earliest and most notable of these philanthropic reformers was one benjamin lundy, who, in the year , commenced the publication of a monthly periodical called the "_genius of universal emancipation_," which was successively published at philadelphia, baltimore, washington city, and frequently _en route_ during his travels wherever he could find a press. it is related of him that at one time he traversed the free states lecturing, collecting, obtaining subscribers, stirring up the people, writing for his paper, getting it printed where he could, stopping to read the "proof" on the road, and directing and mailing his papers at the nearest post-office. then, packing up in his trunk his column-rules, type, "heading" and "direction book," he pushed along like a thorough-going pioneer. what this solitary "friend"--for such he was--in this manner accomplished, he himself states in an appeal to the public in . he says:-- "i have within the period above mentioned (ten years) sacrificed several thousands of dollars of my own hard earnings; i have travelled upwards of five thousand miles on foot and more than twenty thousand in other ways; have visited nineteen states of this union, and held more than two hundred public meetings--have performed two voyages to the west indies, by which means the emancipation of a considerable number of slaves has been effected, and i hope the way paved for the enfranchisement of many more." insurrection at charleston, s. c. the year was marked by one of the most nefarious negro plots ever developed in the history of the country. the first revelation was made to the mayor of the city of charleston on the th of may, , by a gentleman who had on the morning of the same day returned from the country, and obtained on his arrival an inkling of what was going on from a confidential slave, to whom the secret had been imparted. investigations were immediately set on foot, and one of the slaves who was apprehended, fearing a summary execution, confessed all he knew. he said he had known of the plot for some time; that it was very extensive, embracing an indiscrimate massacre of the whites, and that the blacks were to be headed by an individual who carried about him a charm which rendered him invulnerable. the period fixed for the rising was on sunday, the th of june, at twelve o'clock at night. through the instrumentality of a colored class-leader in one of the churches, this information was corroborated, and it was ascertained that enlistment for the insurrection was being actively carried on in the colored community of the church. it appeared that three months before that time, a slave named rolla, belonging to governor bennett, had communicated intelligence of the intended rising, saying that when this event occurred they would be aided in obtaining their liberty by people from st. domingo and africa, and that if they would make the first movement at the time above named, a force would cross from james island and land at south bay, march up and seize the arsenal and guardhouse; that another body would at the same time seize the arsenal on the neck, and a third would rendezvous in the vicinity of his master's mill. they would then sweep the town with fire and sword, not permitting a single white soul to escape. startled by this terrible intelligence, the military were immediately ordered out and preparations made to suppress the first signs of an outbreak. finding the city encompassed with patrols and a strict watch kept upon every movement, the negroes feared to carry out their designs, and when the period had passed for the explosion of the plot, the authorities proceeded with vigor to arrest all against whom they possessed information. the first prisoner tried was rolla, a commander of one of the contemplated forces. on being asked whether he intended to kill the women and children, he remarked, "_when we have done with the men we know what to do with the women_." on this testimony he was found guilty, and sentenced to be executed on the d of july. another was denmark vesey, the father of the plot, and a free black man. it was proved that he had spoken of this conspiracy upwards of four years previously. his house was the rendezvous of the conspirators, where he always presided, encouraging the timid by the hopes of success, removing the scruples of the religious by the grossest perversion of scripture, and influencing the bold by all the savage fascinations of blood, beauty and booty. it was afterwards proved, though not on his trial, that he had been carrying on a correspondence with certain persons in st. domingo--the massacre and rebellion in that island having suggested to him the conspiracy in which he embarked at charleston. his design was to set the mills on fire, and as soon as the bells began to ring the alarm, to kill every man as he came out of his door, and afterwards murder the women and children, "for so god had commanded in the scriptures." at the same time, the country negroes were to rise in arms, attack the forts, take the ships, kill every man on board except the captains, rob the banks and stores, and then sail for st. domingo. english and french assistance was also expected. six thousand were ascertained to have been enlisted in the enterprise, their names being enrolled on the books of "the society," as the organization was called. when the first rising failed, the leaders, who still escaped arrest, meditated a second one, but found the blacks cowed by the execution of their associates and by the vigilance of the whites. the leaders waited, they said, "for the head man, who was a white man," but they would not reveal his name. the whole number of persons executed was thirty-five; sentenced to transportation, twenty-one; the whole number arrested, one hundred and thirty-one. among the conspirators brought to trial and conviction, the cases of glen, billy palmer and jack purcell were distinguished for the sanctimonious hypocrisy they blended with their crime. glen was a preacher, palmer exceedingly pious, and purcell no less devout. the latter made the following important confession:-- "if it had not been for the cunning of that old villain vesey i should not now be in my present situation. he employed every stratagem to induce me to join him. he was in the habit of reading to me all the passages in the newspapers that related to st. domingo, and apparently every pamphlet he could lay his hands on that had any connection with slavery. _he one day brought in a speech which he told me had been delivered in congress by a mr. king on the subject of slavery. he told me this mr. king was the black man's friend; that he (mr. king) had declared he would continue to speak, write and publish pamphlets against slavery to the latest day he lived, until the southern states consented to emancipate their slaves, for that slavery was a great disgrace to the country._" the mr. king here spoken of was rufus king, senator from new york. this confession shows that the evil which was foretold would arise from the discussion of the missouri question had been in some degree realized in the course of two or three years. religious fanaticism also had its share in the conspiracy at charleston, as well as politics. the secession of a large body of blacks from the white methodist church formed a hot-bed, in which the germ of insurrection was nursed into life. a majority of the conspirators belonged to the "african church," an appellation which the seceders assumed after leaving the white methodist church, and among those executed were several who had been class-leaders. thus was religion made a cloak for the most diabolical crimes on record. it is the same at this day. the tirades of the north are calculated to drive the negro population of the south to bloody massacres and insurrections. british influence and interference. during all this time, british abolition sentiments and designs were industriously infused into the minds of the people of the north. looking over their own homeless, unfed, ragged millions, their filthy hovels and mud floors, worse than the common abode of pigs and poultry, crowded cellars, hungry paupers, children at work under ground--a community of wretchedness such as the american slave never dreamed of--british philanthropists wrote, declaimed, and expended untold sums upon a supposed abuse three thousand miles off, with which they have no connection, civil, social or political, and of which they know comparatively nothing. they passed their fellow-subjects by who were dying of hunger upon their very door-sills, to make long prayers in the market-place for the imaginary sufferings of negroes to whose well-fed and happy condition their own wretched paupers might aspire in vain. before they indulged in this invective, it would have been wise to have inquired who were the authors of the evil. in the language of an english statesman-- "if slavery is the misfortune of america, it is the crime of great britain. we poured the foul infection into her veins, and fed and cherished the leprosy which now deforms that otherwise prosperous country." having filled their purses as traders in slaves, they have become traders in philanthropy, and manage to earn a character for helping slavery out of the very plantations of the south they helped to stock. they resemble their own _beau ideal_ of a fine gentleman--george iv.--who, it is said, drove his wife into imprudences by his brutality and neglect, and then persecuted her to death for having fallen into them; or one of those fashionable philosophers who seduce women and then upbraid them for a want of virtue. like the roman emperor, they find no unsavory smell in the gold derived from the filthiest source. the first abolition society in great britain was established in , and it is a fact worthy of note that the first public advocate in england of the doctrine of immediate and unconditional abolition was a woman--elizabeth herrick. in , the anti-slavery society commenced the circulation of the monthly anti-slavery reporter, which was edited by zacharay macaulay, esq., the father of the late thomas b. macaulay, the essayist, historian and lord. petitions began to be circulated, public meetings were held, and the methodist conferences took an active part in the movement, exhorting their brethren, "for the love of christ," to vote for no candidates not known to be pledged to the cause of abolition. rectors, curates, doctors of divinity, members of parliament and peers engaged in the work, and converts rapidly increased. riots and disturbances resulted. in , an insurrection, fomented by abolition missionaries, broke out in the island of jamaica, which was only terminated by a resort to the musket and gibbet--the usual fruit of these incendiary doctrines, wherever they have been circulated. in , a bill was passed by the british government, by which, for a compensation of one hundred millions of dollars, eight hundred thousand slaves in the british west indies received their liberation. this was followed, in , by the abolition of slavery throughout the british dominions, which emancipated twelve millions more in the east indies. the cause thus received a new impetus; societies sprang into life all over the united kingdom; a correspondence was opened in every part of the world where negroes were held in bondage; lecturers were sent abroad, especially to the united states, to disseminate their doctrines and stir up rebellion, both among the people and the slaves; earnest endeavors were made to influence the policy of the non-slaveholding states of the north, and create a hatred for the south; and, in short, the abolition movement settled down in a determined warfare against the institution of slavery wherever it existed. it has been a war in which newspapers, pamphlets, periodicals, tracts, books, novels, essays--in a word, the entire moral forces of the human mind--have been the weapons. england became the champion of anti-slavery, and the united states became the theatre of a crusade, which seemed as if intended to carry out the spirit of the remark of sir robert peel, that "_the one hundred millions of dollars paid for the abolition of slavery in the west indies was the best investment ever made for the overthrow of american institutions_." exeter hall and the stafford house became the centre of this new system, around which revolved all the lights of british abolitionism. the ground of immediate and unconditional emancipation, however, was not taken by the english abolitionists until subsequent years, but these views, when presented, found ready concurrence from clarkson, wilberforce and other well known advocates of the cause. among the english statesmen pledged upon the subject, were grey, lansdowne, holland, brougham, melbourne, palmerston, graham, stanley and buxton, and in the hands of these fervent leaders the cause speedily progressed towards its fruition. from this time forward the coalesced efforts of british and northern influence to disturb the institution of slavery in the south, to render slave labor less valuable and incite the negroes to rebellion, have been continued with more or less system, occasionally threatening the stability of the union; the whole object of great britain being, not the welfare of the slave, but the destruction of slave labor, whereby, through a system of conquest and forced labor, she would be able to supplant the united states, by producing her cotton from the fields of the eastern world. with this end in view, and coupled perhaps with the idea that the abolition of slavery would break down our republican form of government, she resorted to every species of intrigue that promised success. dissensions have been sown between the north and south; the "underground railroad" system has been established leading to her canadian possessions; agitation and assault have been perseveringly maintained; the country has been flooded with tirades of every hue and kind against the institution; the northern pulpit has been desecrated in its dedication to the work of stirring up strife; churches have been severed in twain, and southern christians denied fellowship with their northern brethren, until the grand political climax has been reached of secession and revolution. it is safe to say that from the time this plan of operation was digested in england, thirty years ago, there is scarcely a movement that has taken place on the chess-board of american abolitionism, which, under the guise of philanthropy, has not been dictated at exeter hall for the purpose of destroying the production of cotton and breaking down the free government of this country. among the more far-seeing and practical statesmen of great britain, however--men who have ever dissented from the ultra views of abolitionists--there is an evident alarm that this headlong policy that has been pursued will rebound upon the interests of the mother country. already the subject has become a source of anxious consideration, and the people of england are beginning to look around for some relief from that dependence upon american institutions which has heretofore been the reliance and support of millions of their workers. they find that the example they have set, and the policy they have urged, does not promise to be altogether so beneficial to them as they supposed. in this connection it will be interesting, as a matter of history, to preserve the master rebuke of lord brougham to the unconditional abolitionists of boston, who invited him to be present at the john brown anniversary of the past year. he says:-- "brougham, nov. , . "sir--i feel honored by the invitation to attend the boston convention, and to give my opinion upon the question "how can american slavery be abolished?" i consider the application is made to me as conceiving me to represent the anti-slavery body in this country; and i believe that i speak their sentiments as well as my own in expressing the widest difference of opinion with you upon the merits of those who prompted the harper's ferry expedition, and upon the fate of those who suffered for their conduct in it. no one will doubt my earnest desire to see slavery extinguished, but that desire can only be gratified by lawful means, a strict regard to the rights of property, or what the law declares property, and a constant repugnance to the shedding of blood. no man can be considered a martyr unless he not only suffers but is witness to the truth; and he does not bear this testimony who seeks a lawful object by illegal means. any other course taken for the abolition of slavery can only delay the consummation we so devoutly wish, besides exposing the community to the hazard of an insurrection perhaps less hurtful to the master than the slave." chapter iv. progress of abolition in america--an era of reforms--southern efforts for manumission--various plans of emancipation that have been suggested--the first abolition journal--new york "journal of commerce"--william lloyd garrison, his early life and associations--the nat. turner insurrection in , &c., &c. probably no period in the history of the country has been more characterized by the spirit of reform and innovation than that embraced between the years and . it then seemed as if all the social, moral and religious influences of the community had been gathered in a focus that was destined to annihilate the wickedness of man. missionary enterprises, though in their youth, were full of vigor. anniversaries were the occasion of an almost crazy excitement; religion assumed the shape of fanaticism; the churches were thrilled with the sudden idea that the millennium was at hand--the "evangelization of the world" never was blessed with fairer prospects--the "awakenings to grace" were on the most tremendous scale. peace societies were formed--temperance societies flourished more than ever--free masonry was attacked, socially and politically--the sabbath mail question became one of the absorbing topics of the day--theatres, lotteries, the treatment of the "poor indian" by the general government--all came under the most rigorous religious review--the colonization society, established in , enlarged its operations, and, in short, the spirit of reform became epidemic, and the period one of unprecedented moral and political inquiry. it was a period, too, when in many of the states of the south, and especially those upon the northern border, the subject was freely discussed of a gradual and healthy emancipation of the slaves, and various plans for this object were presented and entertained. the most valuable agencies were set at work--not by abolitionists, but by southerners themselves, in whose hearts there had sprung up an embryo reformatory principle simultaneously with the landing upon their shores of the first slaves of their northern brethren; which would have gone on increasing and fructifying had not the bitterest of denunciation been launched against them and driven the assaulted into an attitude of self-defence, whose defiant spirit now speaks out to the assailant in a bold justification of the institution attacked, as natural and necessary, and which it shall be their purpose to perpetuate forever. as early as a manumission society was formed in tennessee, whose object was the gradual emancipation of the slaves under a system of healthy and judicious state legislation. at a later day, virginia, maryland and kentucky were the theatres of discussion on the same subject, and in all of them the question was agitated, socially and politically, with a freedom and liberty that indicated a general desire to effect the philanthropic object. various plans having the same end in view were likewise proposed, some of them evincing a remarkable ingenuity. one of these, in , was to encourage, by all proper means, emancipation in the south; then to make arrangements with the non-slaveholding states to receive the freed negroes, and compel the latter, by law, if necessary, to reside in those states. by this means it was thought that a gradual change of "complexion" could be effected from natural causes, which would not take place unless the blacks were scattered, and that thus, from simple association and adventitious mixtures, the sable color would retire by degrees, and after a few generations a black person would be a rarity in the community. another plan proposed in was to remove the females to the northern states, where they should be bound out in respectable families; those unmarried, of ten years and upwards, to be immediately free, and all the rest of the stock then existing to become so at ten years of age; the proceeds of the males sold to be appropriated by the party making the purchase to the removal and education of these females. in furtherance of this scheme, it was argued that while negro women would still bear children, though settled among white persons, they would not do so half so rapidly, and thus their posterity would in three or four generations lose the offensive color and have a tint not more disagreeable than the millions who are called white men in southern europe and the west indies, and finally be lost in the common mass of humanity. while it is true that very few people, after fifty or sixty years, could under this rule boast of their fathers and mothers, the grand object would be attained, and the world be satisfied. another proposition, which emanated from a distinguished gentleman in one of the southern states, and filling one of the highest offices in the government of the united states, was that a grade of color should be fixed in all the slaveholding states at which a person should be declared free and entitled to all the rights of a citizen, even if born of a slave. he contended that this act would separate all such persons from the negro race, and present a very considerable check to the progress of the black population, giving them at the same time new interests and feelings. the children thus emancipated, even if the parents should not be wholly fitted for it, would come into society with advantages nearly equal to those of the poorer classes of white people, and might work their way to independence as well, without any counteracting detriment to the public good. in virginia, in , it was suggested through the columns of the richmond enquirer, that an act should be passed declaring that all involuntary servitude should cease to exist in that state from and after the year ; thus, without reducing for one or two generations the value of slave property one cent, affording ample time and opportunity to dispose of or exchange that dead property for a more useful and profitable kind. in , hon. mr. king, of new york, introduced into the senate of the united states the annexed resolution:-- "that as soon as the portion of the existing funded debt of the united states, for the payment of which the public land is pledged, shall have been paid off, thenceforth the whole of the public lands of the united states, with the net proceeds of all future sales thereof, shall constitute and form a fund which is hereby appropriated to aid the emancipation of such slaves and the removal of any free persons of color in any of the said states, as by the laws of the several states respectively may be allowed to be emancipated, or to be removed to any territory or country without the limits of the united states of america." this resolution, however, was not called up by the mover, or otherwise acted upon. still another plan was to raise money by contribution throughout the union and elsewhere, and buy all the slaves at $ each. the value of four million negroes at $ each, their average market value, would be $ , , , . it is unnecessary to say that none of these propositions were ever adopted in practice. in fact, while abolitionism has pretended to feel for the supposed sufferings of slaves, it has never felt much in its pockets to aid them. at such a period--when the rampant spirit of reform was attacking every imaginary evil of the times--it is not a matter of wonder that northern abolitionists, yielding to their fanatical prejudices and to the british intrigue that was urging them onward, commenced that acrimonious agitation of the question which has since been its leading characteristic. the negro was pronounced "a man and a brother," and that was the beginning and end of the argument. tracts, speeches, pamphlets and essays were scattered, "without money and without price." the pulpit vied with the press, and every imaginable form of argument was used to hold up slavery as the most horrible of all atrocities, and the "sum of all villanies." newspapers began to be an acknowledged element in the land, and, falling in the train of the young revolution, or rather growing out of it, wielded immense power among the masses. among those then devoted to the subject of reform were the national philanthropist, commenced in ; the investigator, published at providence, r. i., by william goodell, in ; the liberator, by william lloyd garrison, at boston, in , and the emancipator, in new york. the first abolition journal ever published in this city was the present journal of commerce, which was commenced september , , by a company of stockholders, the principal of whom was the famous arthur tappan. the following extracts from its prospectus, issued march , , will sufficiently indicate the puritanical character of its authors, and the general tone of the paper:-- "in proposing to add another daily paper to the number already published in this city, the projectors deem it proper to state that the measure has been neither hasty nor unadvisedly undertaken. men of wisdom, intelligence and character have been consulted, and with one voice have recommended its establishment. "believing, as we do, that the theatre is an institution which all experience proves to be inimical to morality, and consequently tending to the destruction of our republican form of government, it is a part of our design to exclude from the columns of the journal all theatrical advertisements. "the pernicious influence of lotteries being admitted by the majority of intelligent men, and this opinion coinciding with our own, all lottery advertisements will also be excluded. "in order to avoid a violation of the sabbath, by the setting of types, collecting of ship news, &c., on that day, the paper on monday will be issued at a later hour than usual, but as early as possible after the arrival of the mails. in this way the journal will anticipate by several hours a considerable part of the news contained in the evening papers of monday and the morning papers of tuesday, and will also give the ship news collected after the publication of the other morning papers. with these views we ask all who are friendly to the cause of morality in encouraging our undertaking." _extract from the minutes of a meeting of merchants and others at the american tract society's house, march , :_ "_resolved_, that the prospectus of a new daily commercial paper, to be called the 'new york journal of commerce,' having been laid before this meeting, we approve of the plan upon which it is conducted, and cordially recommend it to the patronage of all friends to good morals and to the stability of our republican institutions." "arthur tappan, chairman." "roe lockwood, secretary." in its issue of october , , we find the following:-- "it appears from an article in the journal of the times, a newspaper of some promise just established in bennington, vt., that a petition to congress for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia is about to be put in circulation in that state. "the idea is an excellent one, and we hope it will meet with success. that congress has a right to abolish slavery in that district seems reasonable, though we fear it will meet with some opposition, so very sensitive are the slaveholding community to every movement relating to the abolition of slavery. at the same time, it would furnish to the world a beautiful pledge of their sincerity if they would unite with the non-slaveholding states, and by a unanimous vote proclaim freedom to every soul within sight of the capital of this free government. we could then say, and the world would then admit our pretence, that the voice of the nation is against slavery, and throw back upon great britain that disgrace which is of right and justice her exclusive property." another of its editorials on november, , :-- "we are all equally interested in demolishing the fabric (of slavery) and we may as well go to work peaceably and reduce it brick by brick as to make it a matter of warfare, and throw our enterprise and industry into the opposite scale." in the course of time changes were made in the ownership of the paper, but one of its original proprietors is still its senior editor. about this period william lloyd garrison made his appearance upon the stage, and he has been probably one of the most intensely hated, as well as one of the most sternly, severely and vociferously enthusiastic men in the union. he is a native of massachusetts, and at a very early age was placed in a printing office in newburyport by his mother. shortly after he was twenty-one years of age he set up a paper which he called the free press, which was read chiefly by a class of very advanced readers at the north. after this he removed to vermont, and edited the journal of the times. this was as early as . in september, , he removed to baltimore for the purpose of editing the genius of universal emancipation, in company with benjamin lundy. while performing these duties, a newburyport merchant, named francis todd, fitted out a small vessel, and filled it in baltimore with slaves for the new orleans market. mr. garrison noticed this fact in his paper, and commented upon it in terms so severe that mr. todd directed a suit to be brought against him for libel. he was thereupon tried, convicted and thrown in jail for non-payment of the fine (one hundred dollars and costs.) after an incarceration of fifty days, he was released on the payment of his fine, by mr. arthur tappan, of this city, who, and his brother lewis, before and since that time, have been chiefly celebrated for their efforts in the cause of abolition. in , he wrote a few paragraphs that bear out the idea we have advanced--that there was then more real philanthropy in the south than at the north. he says:-- "i issued proposals for the publication of the "_liberator_" in washington city, during my recent tour, for the purpose of exciting the minds of the people on the subject of slavery. every place i visited gave fresh evidences of the fact that a greater revolution in public sentiment was to be effected in the free states, and particularly in new england, than at the south. i found contempt more bitter, opposition more active, detraction more relentless, prejudice more stubborn and apathy more frozen, than among the slaveowners themselves. i determined at every hazard to lift up the standard of emancipation in the eyes of the nation, within sight of bunker hill, and in the birthplace of liberty. i am in earnest; i will not equivocate, i will not excuse, i will not retreat a single inch. i will be heard. the apathy of the people is enough to make every statue lift from its pedestal, and to hasten the resurrection of the dead." from this time it may be said that the anti-slavery cause took its place among the moral enterprises of the day. it assumed a definite shape, and commenced that system of warfare which has since been unremittingly waged against the south. during this year-- --mr. tappan, rev. s. s. jocelyn, and others, projected the establishment of a seminary of learning at new haven for the benefit of colored students; but, opposition manifesting itself, it was abandoned. the first regularly organized convention of colored men ever assembled in the united states for a similar purpose also held a meeting this year, and aided and abetted by the tappans, jocelyns and other agitators of the period, attempted to devise ways and means for bettering their condition and that of their race. they reasoned that all distinctive differences made among men on account of their origin was wicked, unrighteous and cruel, and solemnly protested against every unjust measure and policy in the country having for its object the proscription of the colored people, whether state, national, municipal, social, civil or religious. in fact, white men and black seem to have started in the race together, consorting like brothers and sisters together in their aims and projects to accomplish the same end. about this time publications began to be scattered through the south, whose direct tendency was to stir up insurrection among the slaves. the liberator found its way mysteriously into the hands of the negroes, and individuals, under the garb of religion, were discovered in private consultation with the slaves. suddenly, in august, , the whole union was startled by the announcement of an outbreak among the slaves of southampton county, va; and now commences the history of a career of violence and bloodshed that has marked every footstep of the abolition movement. the nat turner insurrection. the leader of this outbreak was a slave named nat turner, and from him its name has been derived. impelled by the belief that he was divinely called to be the deliverer of his oppressed countrymen, he succeeded in fixing the impression upon the minds of two or three others, his fellow slaves. turner could read and write, and these acquirements gave him an influence over his associates. he was possessed, however, of little information, and, is represented to have been cowardly, cruel, and as he afterwards confessed, "a little credulous." it was a matter of notoriety that "secret agents of abolition had corrupted and betrayed him." however that may be, nat declared that "he was advised" only to read to the slaves, that "jesus came not to bring peace, but a sword!" such a tree produced fitting fruits. about midnight on the sabbath of the st of august, , turner, with his confederates, burst into his master's house, and murdered every one of the white inmates. they were armed with knives and axes, and, in order to strike terror into the whites, most shockingly mangled the bodies of their victims. neither helpless infancy nor female loveliness were spared. they then, by threats of death, compelled all the slaves to join them who would not do it voluntarily, and, exciting themselves to fury by ardent spirits, they proceeded to the next plantation. the happy family were reposing in the sound and quiet slumbers which precede the break of day, as the shouts of the raving insurgents fell upon their ears. it was the work of a moment, and they were all weltering in their gore. not a white individual was spared to carry the tidings. the blow which dashed the infant left its brains upon the hearth. the head of the youthful maiden was in one part of the room and her mangled body was in another. here again the number of insurgents was increased by those who voluntarily joined them, and by others who did it through compulsion. stimulating their passions still more by intoxication, and arming themselves with such guns as they could obtain, some on horseback and others on foot, they rushed along to the next plantation. the morning now began to dawn, and the shrieks of those who fell under the sword and the axe of the negro were heard at a distance, and thus the alarm was soon spread from plantation to plantation, carrying inconceivable terror to every heart. the whites supposed it was a plot deeply laid and widely spread, and that the day had come for indiscriminate massacre. one gentleman who heard the appalling tidings hurried to a neighboring plantation, and arrived there just in time to hear the dying shrieks of the family and triumphant shouts of the negroes. he hastened in terror to his own home, but the negroes were there before him, and his wife and daughter had already fallen victims to their fury. thus the infuriated slaves went on from plantation to plantation, gathering strength at every step, and leaving not a living white behind. they passed the day, until late in the afternoon, in this work of carnage, and numberless were the victims of their rage. the population in this country is not dense, and, rapidly as the alarm spread, it was impossible for some time to collect a sufficient number to make a defence. every family was entirely at the mercy of its own slaves. it is impossible to conceive of more distressing circumstances of apprehension. it is said that most of the insurgent slaves belonged to kind and indulgent masters, and consequently no one felt secure. late in the afternoon, a small party of whites, well armed, collected at a plantation for defence. the slaves came on in large numbers, and, emboldened by success, they at first drove back the whites. the slaves pressed on, thirsting for blood, and shouting with triumphant fury as the whites slowly retreated, apparently destined to be butchered, with their wives and children. just at this awful moment a reinforcement of troops arrived, which turned the tide of victory and dispersed the slaves. exhausted with the horrible labors of the day, the insurgents retired to the woods and marshes to pass the night. early the next morning they commenced their work again. but the first plantation they attacked--that of dr. blount--they were driven from by the slaves, who rallied around their master, and fearlessly hazarded their lives in his defence. by this time the whites were collected in sufficient force to bar their further progress. the fugitives were scattered over the country in small parties, but every point was defended, and wherever they appeared they were routed, shot, taken prisoners, and the insurrection quelled. the leader, nat turner, for a few weeks succeeded in concealing himself in a cave in southampton county, near the theatre of his bloody exploits; but was finally taken, and suffered the extreme penalty of the law. to describe the state of alarm to which this outbreak gave rise is impossible. whole states were agitated; every plantation was the object of fear and suspicion; free negroes and slaves underwent the most rigid examination; armed bodies of men were held in constant readiness for any emergency which might arise; every slave who had participated in the insurrection was either shot or hung, and for months the entire south remained in a fever of excitement. all this time the abolition journals of the north were singing their hallelujahs over the event. they circulated through the south then much more freely than at present, and the following extract was read from one of these by a gentleman to his terrified family, in the presence of the gentleman from whom the above particulars were derived:-- "the news from the south is glorious. general nat is a benefactor of his race. the southampton massacre is an auspicious era for the african. the blood of the men, women and children shed by the sword and the axe in the hand of the negro is a just return for the drops which have followed the master's lash." another extract, of similar rhetoric, from the record of that day, is from a speech by the "reverend" mr. bayley, then of sheffield, mass.:-- "it is time that the ice was broken--time that the blacks considered they have the same right to regain their liberties, and even the present property of their owners, as the hebrews had in despoiling the heathen round about them. the blacks should also know that it is their duty to destroy, if no other means offer conveniently, the monstrous incubuses and tyrants, yclept planters; and i, for one, would gladly lend a helping hand to lay them in one common grave! the country would be all the better for ridding the world of such a nest of vampyres." whether the abolitionists of the present time have modified the ideas they promulgated then, we shall see hereafter from a few among the ten thousand specimens that might be adduced. the effect of these tirades upon the south cannot be well conceived. public opinion, just then opening to a free discussion of the question, drew back and shut itself within its castle. the bonds of slavery were bound tighter, the rivets were more strongly fastened, and a reactionary movement commenced that has never yet terminated. chapter v. the new england anti-slavery society, --more newspapers and tracts--new york city anti-slavery society and the incidents of its organization--the american anti-slavery society and its creed--the extent and system of their operations--abolition riots in new york--an era of excitement--negro conspiracy in mississippi--george thompson, the english abolitionist--riot at alton, ill., and death of the rev. e. p. lovejoy. in the year , january , the new england or massachusetts anti-slavery society went into operation, but with limited means. from this society have sprung the american anti-slavery society and all its numerous auxiliaries. it was the first organized body that attacked slavery on the principle of its inherent sinfulness, and enforced the consequent duty of "immediate emancipation." all the events of a historical character which have marked the annals of the last thirty years, may be traced directly to the agitation which this society first set on foot in this country. men have been forced to throw aside their disguises and stand forth either as the open defenders of slavery or as propagators of the abolition movement. the two great antagonistic parties of the present day are the children of its vile creation. it has excited the very fury of antagonism; it has shaken the pulpit with excommunicating thunders; it has indulged in the most bitter invective, deluged the country with invented instances of southern barbarity, denounced the constitution as a "league with hell," and scattered its venom in every household of the free states, until men, women and children have become imbued with its contaminating infection. their discourses have all been tirades; their exordium, argument and peroration have turned on epithets, slanders, inuendoes; southerners have been reviled as "tyrants," "thieves," "murderers," "atrocious monsters," "violators of the laws of nature, god and man," while their homes have been designated as "the abodes of iniquity," and their land "one vast brothel." more abolition papers sprang into existence. the new york evangelist, then conducted by the rev. samuel griswold, espoused the cause. through the influence of the tappans, millions of anti-slavery tracts were circulated monthly, and sent by mail to all portions of the country, and especially to clergymen. these publications were likewise scattered through the south, their direct tendency being to stir up the slaves to further insurrection. recruits of all ages and professions came forward, and the cause numbered amongst its adherents many of the theologians and professional men of the period. the new york city anti-slavery society.-- . on the d of october, , a new york city anti-slavery society was organized, though not without some demonstrations of opposition. in fact, a large majority of the most respectable citizens were opposed to the enterprise, and they accordingly determined, if possible, to crush the dangerous project in the bud. the meeting was advertised to be held in clinton hall, but during the course of the day the public feeling was excited by the posting through the city of a large placard, of which the following is a copy:-- "notice--to all persons from the south: all persons interested in the subject of a meeting called by j. leavitt, w. green, jr., w. goodell, j. rankin and lewis tappan, at clinton hall, this evening, at o'clock, are requested to attend at the same hour and place. "new york, oct. d, . "many southerners." southerners, however, had nothing to do with the meeting. at an early hour people began to assemble in crowds in front of clinton hall, but the trustees, or some others, had closed the premises. the throng, however, still increased, and it soon became evident from the execrations mutually indulged in by the people, that the authors of the projected meeting were acting with discreet valor in staying away. william lloyd garrison, who had then just returned from england, where he had been engaged in fomenting excitement against this country, traducing its people and institutions, and who was expected to take part in the proceedings of the meeting, was an especial object of popular abhorrence and disgust, and it is said that many grave and respectable citizens would have gladly assented to his decoration in a coat of tar and feathers. notwithstanding the notification of "no meeting," clinton hall was opened and crowded to suffocation. speeches were delivered by a number of citizens, and a series of resolutions, prepared by mr. f. a. tallmadge, were adopted, deprecating any interference in the question of slavery, and expressing a determination to resist every attempt on the part of the abolitionists to effect their object. it appears, however, that the purposes for which the meeting was originally called were indirectly attained. finding it much easier to raise a popular whirlwind than to ride securely upon it, they prudently and privately changed their place of meeting to chatham street chapel. here the new york city anti-slavery society was duly organized, having for its object the "total and immediate abolition of slavery in the united states." its first officers were:-- _president_--arthur tappan. _vice-president_--wm. green, jr. _treasurer_--john rankin. _corresponding secretary_--elizur wright, jr. _recording secretary_--rev. chas. w. dennison. _managers_--joshua leavitt, isaac t. hopper, abraham cox, m.d., lewis tappan, william goodell. the proceedings of the night appear to have terminated in a broad farce, for after the breaking up of the citizens' meeting, the crowd proceeded to chatham street chapel to see what was going on there. they found the doors open and the lights burning, but the meeting had suddenly dispersed. the dignified philosophers, unable to "stand fire," had retreated "bag and baggage," through the back windows. to have the frolic out, a black man was put upon the stage, a series of humorous resolutions were passed, good-natured speeches on the burlesque order were made, and, instead of the angry frowns with which the evening was commenced, the whole affair terminated amid the broad grins of a numerous multitude. precisely one week after the above occurrence, another meeting of the citizens was held, over which the mayor of the city presided. among the orators was hon. theodore frelinghuysen, then united states senator from new jersey, afterwards a candidate for vice-president of the united states on the ticket with henry clay, and he directly charged the abolitionists with "seeking to dissolve the union;" declared that nine-tenths of the horrors of slavery were imaginary, and that "the crusade of abolition was merely the poetry of philanthropy." chancellor walworth was likewise in attendance, and denounced their efforts as unconstitutional, and the individuals instigating them as "reckless incendiaries." the american anti-slavery society.-- . on the th, th and th of december, , a national anti-slavery convention was held in the city of philadelphia, when, pursuant to previous notice, sixty delegates from ten states assembled, viz:--maine, new hampshire, vermont, massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania and ohio. beriah green, president of oneida institute, was chosen president, and lewis tappan and john g. whittier, secretaries. the resolutions were prepared in committee by william lloyd garrison. this convention organized the american anti-slavery society, of which arthur tappan was chosen president; elizur wright, jr., secretary of domestic correspondence; william l. garrison, secretary of the foreign correspondence; a. l. cox, recording secretary, and william green, jr., treasurer. the executive committee was located in new york city, the seat of the society's operations, which were now prosecuted with vigor. the emancipator became the organ of the society. tracts, pamphlets and books were published and circulated; a large number of agents were employed in different guises to promote the work throughout the country, north and south; state, county and local anti-slavery societies were organized throughout the free states; funds were collected; the new england anti-slavery society became the massachusetts state society, and the whole machinery of agitation was put in thorough working order. among the earliest principles adopted by the abolition societies was the following:-- "immediate and unconditional emancipation is eminently prudent, safe and beneficial to all parties concerned. "no compensation is due to the slaveholder for emancipating his slaves; and emancipation creates no necessity for such compensation, because it is of itself a pecuniary benefit, not only to the slave, but to the master." so perfect was this system of operations, that in the society numbered two hundred and fifty auxiliaries in thirteen states. in eighteen months afterwards it had increased to one thousand and six. in one week alone, $ , were raised in boston and $ , in the city of new york. to such an extent was the abolition furor carried at this time, that many prominent individuals had their dinner service, plates, cups, saucers, &c., embellished with figures of slaves in chains, and other emblems of the same character. similar prints, or pictorial illustrations of the natural equality before god of all men, without distinction of color, and setting forth the happy fruits of a universal acknowledgment of this truth by the exhibition of a white woman in no equivocal relations to a black man, were circulated in the south. the infection also broke out on northern pocket handkerchiefs made for southern children, candy wrappers, fans and anti-slavery seals, all being made to represent the prevailing idea. the reaction shortly took place. laws were passed forbidding the reception or circulation of these incendiary articles in the southern states. mobs broke into the post-offices and burned all abolition prints that could be found, and rewards were offered for the detection and punishment of any person found tampering with the slave population. nor was this reaction confined to the southern section of the country; it was largely developed in the north. churches soon began to be the theatres of discussions on the subject, and a conservative spirit sprang into life among all the principal religious sects. merchants began to suffer in their business; manufacturers found their wares of no avail for the southern market; and, in short, a strong spirit of opposition to the revolutionary doctrines of the abolitionists was manifested throughout the northern states. the first abolition riot in new york.-- . this excited feeling soon culminated in an outbreak. on the th of july, , the new york sacred music society attempted to assemble, as was their wont, in chatham street chapel, for the purpose of practising sacred harmony. they found the place, however, filled with an audience of whites and blacks who had gathered to listen to an abolition address, and who obstinately refused to remove. but this was not all. the anger of the negroes was aroused in consequence of the request to remove, and they attacked several of the gentlemen with loaded canes and other implements, knocking some down and severely injuring others. the alarm was raised, crowds assembled, a fight ensued in the church, the congregation were expelled, and the building was closed. as mr. lewis tappan was returning to his house, the mob, supposing him to have been instrumental in producing the disorder, followed him home and threw stones at his house. on the th, three more riots occurred. the crowd proceeded to the bowery theatre, took possession of the house, and put an end to "metamora," without waiting the tragic conclusion to which it was destined by the author. a great number then proceeded to the house of lewis tappan, in rose street, broke open the door, smashed the windows and threw the furniture into the street. a bonfire was lighted, and beds and bedding made the flames. fuel was added to the excitement by publications in the emancipator, over the signature of elizur wright, jr., in which intimations were thrown out covertly, inviting to a forcible resistance to the laws which authorize the recapture of runaway slaves. placards were posted through the streets in great numbers, and the demon of disorder appeared to have taken possession of the city. on the night of the th, the crowd again assembled and made their way to dr. cox's church, then on the corner of laight and varick streets, which they assaulted with stones, breaking the windows and doing a variety of mischief. they then proceeded to dr. cox's house, no. charlton street, but, anticipating an attack, he had packed up and sent away his furniture, and removed with his family into the country on the previous afternoon. the mob commenced the work of destruction by breaking in the two lower windows; but they had scarcely effected an entrance before they were driven from the premises by the police officers and a detachment of horse. they were thenceforward kept at bay, but as far east as thompson street, the streets were filled with an excited multitude, armed with paving stones, which they smote together, crying "all together." a fence was torn down and converted into clubs, and a barricade of carts was built across the street to impede the horsemen. after a while order was gradually restored and the tumult subsided for the night. on the th, it broke out again, when an attack was made on the store of arthur tappan, in pearl street. the rioters were driven away, however, by the police, without further damage than the smashing of a few windows. a second attack was likewise made on dr. cox's church, and also on the church of rev. mr. ludlow, in spring street. the latter was almost completely sacked, nearly the entire interior being torn up and carried into the street to erect barricades against the horse and infantry which had assembled at various rendezvous at an early hour, in compliance with the proclamation of the mayor. the excitement continued to increase. the bells were rung, and the seventh (then the twenty-seventh) regiment, under col. stevens, charged upon the rioters, driving them from their position and clearing spring street. the crowd next proceeded to the residence of rev. mr. ludlow, whose family had retired, and after breaking the windows and doors, left the ground. later in the night an immense riot occurred in the neighborhood of the five points. st. phillip's episcopal church (colored), in centre street, was nearly torn down, while several houses occupied by negroes in the vicinity were entirely demolished. several days elapsed before quiet was effectually restored. all the military of the city during this time were under arms. similar outbreaks also occurred at norwich, conn., newark, n. j., and other places, where the negroes, under the effect of abolition teachings, grown bold and impudent, were compelled to leave town. in norwich the mob entered a church during the delivery of an abolition sermon, took the parson from the pulpit, walked him into the open air to the tune of the "rogue's march," drummed him out of the town, and threatened if he ever made his appearance in the place again they would give him "a coat of tar and feathers." similar scenes were enacted in philadelphia, where a large hall was burned, and other public and private buildings in which the negroes and abolitionists were in the habit of meeting, were either injured or demolished. negro conspiracy in mississippi. on the th of june, , it was discovered that the negroes of livingston, in madison county, miss., under the lead of a band of white men, contemplated a general rising. a committee of safety was instantly organized, and two of the white ringleaders were arrested, tried, and, after a confession, forthwith hanged. by this confession, it appeared that the plan was conceived by the notorious john a. murrel, a well known mississippi pirate at that time, and that it embraced the destruction of the entire population and liberation of the slaves in the south generally. for two years the disaffection had thus been spreading, and, with few exceptions, adherents existed on every plantation in the county. arms and ammunition had been secreted for the purpose, and everything made ready for a general outbreak. the confession involved numerous white men and black, many of whom were arrested and suffered for their diabolical designs. among these was one ruel blake, of connecticut. the summary proceedings adopted, however, had the desired effect, and in a few months tranquillity was restored to the unsettled and excited district. an era of excitement. the year was one of the most exciting eras of agitation in the early history of anti-slavery. the events of the preceding few months had aroused the entire country to a realizing sense of the dangerous tendency of the abolitionists and the rapid progress of their cause. in congress the subject had again begun to be agitated, through petitions presented by various individuals and bodies in the free states, praying the interference of the government in the abolition of slavery, and in society at large a more decided sentiment was evidently being formed _pro_ and _con._ than had previously been manifested. in the south, incendiary publications were circulated to such an alarming extent, that the press and people of that section rose _en masse_ to put down the growing evil. following the insurrection to which allusion has been made above, at a public meeting held in the town of mississippi, it was unanimously resolved that any "individual who dared to circulate incendiary tracts or publications, likely to excite the slaves to rebellion, was justly worthy, in the sight of god and man, of immediate death." and at a similar meeting in williamsburgh, va., no less a personage than general john tyler, afterwards president of the united states, endorsed a resolution to the effect that the circulation of these incendiary documents was an act of treasonable character, and that when offenders were detected in the fact, condign punishment ought and would be inflicted upon them without resort to any other tribunal. in this state of alarm, the gallows and stake soon found victims, and within a period of a few months, no less than a dozen individuals, white and black, who were found among the slaves, inciting them to insurrection, received the just award of their crime. efforts were also made at this time by several southern communities to get some of the prominent abolitionists in their power, so that an example might be made of those who were too cowardly to appear in the field of this species of missionary labor themselves. among others, a reward of five thousand dollars was offered by the legislature of georgia for the apprehension of either of ten persons named in a resolution, citizens of new york and massachusetts, and "one george thompson, a subject of great britain." an offer of ten thousand dollars was likewise made for the arrest of rev. a. a. phelps, a clergyman of new york, and fifty thousand dollars was offered to any one who would deliver into their hands the famous arthur tappan or le roy sunderland, a well known methodist minister. even the clergymen added their voice to the general cry of indignation that rose from the southern heart; and when, in july, , a few days after the forcing of the post-office, and the destruction of the abolition publications there found, by a crowd in charleston, s. c., a public meeting was held for completing measures of protection, the clergy of all denominations attended in a body to lend their sanction to the proceedings. about this time one of the methodist preachers of south carolina addressed the following novel letter to rev. le roy sunderland, editor of zion's watchman of new york:-- "if you wish to educate the slaves, i will tell you how to raise the money, without editing zion's watchman. you and old arthur tappan come out to the south this winter, and they will raise one hundred thousand dollars for you. new orleans itself would be pledged for it. desiring no further acquaintance with you, i am, &c., "j. c. postell." laws of the most stringent character were passed by nearly all the southern states to prevent the further dissemination among the southern people of abolition doctrines, and an appeal was made to the legislatures of the north to do the same thing. indeed, the entire policy of that section as regards the previous license allowed to slaves and free negroes was changed so as to render it difficult, if not impossible, for any future influence of an insurrectionary character to be exerted upon them. public meetings were also held, at which resolutions were passed declaratory of the determination to put down at all hazards these repeated attempts on the part of abolitionists to deluge their families and firesides in blood. in many of the principal cities a list of all persons arriving and departing was kept, that it might be known who were and who were not to be regarded with suspicion. the effect upon the north was not less marked, and this prompt action on the part of their southern brethren found thousands of sympathizers. indignation was almost universal. the press teemed with articles upon the subject, and among the majority of the order-loving journals of the day, it was generally agreed that if the madmen who were scattering firebrands, arrows and death, could not be persuaded or rebuked to silence, no other alternative was allowed to the slaveholding states to protect themselves, except by the system of passports, examinations and punishments, which to some extent they had adopted, and in which they were justified. the people, too, were smarting under the insults that were poured out upon the nation by the english emissaries and agents who were in the country lending their assistance to the prevailing mischief. among these individuals was the famous george thompson, an agent and orator of the british anti-slavery society. such was the excitement produced by his opprobrious language towards the south, that in many places where he appeared he was greeted with demonstrations of anything but a complimentary character. at lynn, mass., he was assaulted by females with rotten eggs and stones, and driven off the ground; and at new bedford, in the language of the poet, "when to speak the man essayed, gods! what a noise the fiddles made." he was emphatically "sung down." at boston the matter was still more serious. it having been announced that garrison and thompson would speak before a female anti-slavery meeting, the following hand-bill was circulated:-- "thompson the abolitionist.--that famous foreign scoundrel, thompson, will hold forth this afternoon, at the liberator office, no. washington street. the present is a fair opportunity for the friends of the union to 'snake thompson out!' it will be a contest between the abolitionists and the friends of the union. a purse of $ has been raised by a number of patriotic citizens to reward the individual who shall first lay hands on thompson, so that he may be brought to the tar-kettle before dark. friends of the union, be vigilant." it is needless to say that thompson did not appear. garrison did, however, or rather he was found ensconced, martyr-like, under a pile of shavings in a carpenter's shop. a rope was then fastened around his neck, and he was gently lowered out of a window to the ground. a general exclamation from the assembled crowd, "don't hurt him," indicated the gentleness of the mob, and, pale and convulsed, he was thus led to the mayor's office in the city hall. afterwards he was conducted to jail, and, as he sank exhausted into his place, he made the remark, "never was man so rejoiced to get into jail before." the rabble, which by the by, was of an unexceptionable character, soon after dispersed, their object having been effected, and the next morning garrison was liberated from confinement. in utica and rochester, n. y., worcester, mass., canaan, n. h., and at various places in the new england states, the abolitionists met with similar treatment. their assemblages were either disturbed or broken up, and they often found it required a large amount of determination to resist the indignation which their fanaticism had aroused against them. meetings were also held in every portion of the north, at which influential citizens attended to denounce the policy of the abolitionists as subversive of the union and constitution, and to express their sympathy for the south. several of the post-masters of the north, participating in this reactionary sentiment, on their own responsibility, even refused to allow the incendiary documents to pass through the mails. such was the activity of the abolitionists, however, that in the month of august alone over , copies of their publications were circulated through the united states; and their presses, under the direction of the tappans and garrison & co., were employed night and day to foment the excitement. it was said that these individuals had then planned an insurrectionary movement throughout the south, which was to have been developed on a certain day; but the whirlwind they raised in every section of the country rendered this impossible, and they were compelled to change their programme of operations. though somewhat modified by the restrictions with which public opinion had surrounded the abolitionists, this state of affairs continued through the year . the subject of excluding from the mails the whole series of publications came under the consideration of government, and the proposition of the president, andrew jackson, regarding the propriety of passing a law for this purpose, being acted upon in congress, resulted in a bill rendering it unlawful for any deputy postmaster to deliver to any person any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill or pictorial representation, touching the subject of slavery, where, by the laws of the state, territory or district their circulation was prohibited. this healthy measure was defeated, however, on the final vote. the riot at alton, ill., and death of rev. e. p. lovejoy. the principal anti-slavery event of the year was a riot at alton, ill. for a long time the community of that town had been agitated by the abolitionists, and finally, on an attempt being made to resuscitate the alton observer, a newspaper previously edited by the rev. e. p. lovejoy, (brother of owen lovejoy, the present member of congress from illinois,) a journal which, in his hands, had become conspicuous for the violence of its denunciations against the south and its institutions, a terrible riot ensued. it had been announced for several days that a printing press was hourly expected to arrive, intended for the purpose above named. this gave rise to an intense excitement and to open threats, that its landing would be resisted, if necessary, by force of arms. it was landed, however, and placed in a warehouse, under the protection of a guard of twenty or thirty gentlemen who had volunteered for the purpose. almost immediately there were indications of an attack. the press was demanded by the mob, who insisted that they would not be satisfied with anything less than its destruction. the party in the building determined it should not be given up, and during the angry altercation which ensued, a shot was fired from one of the windows, which mortally wounded a man named lyman bishop. the crowd then withdrew, but with the death of bishop the excitement increased to such an extent that they shortly appeared in greater numbers, armed with guns and weapons of different kinds, more than ever intent upon carrying out their original purpose. a rush was made upon the warehouse with the cries of "fire the house," "burn them out," &c. the firing soon became fearful. the building was surrounded, and the inmates threatened with extermination and death in the most frightful form imaginable. fire was applied, and all means of escape by flight were cut off. the scene now became appalling. about the time the fire was communicated to the building, rev. e. p. lovejoy received four balls in the breast, near the door of the warehouse, and fell a corpse. several persons engaged in the attack were also severely wounded. the contest raged for more than an hour, when the party in the house intimated that they would abandon the premises and the press, if allowed to pass out unmolested. this was granted, and they made their escape, though several shots were fired in the act. a large number of persons then rushed into the building, threw the press upon the wharf, where it was broken in pieces and thrown into the river. the fire was then extinguished, and without further attempts at violence, the mob dispersed. no further indications of disorder were manifested. for a long time this outbreak served as a check upon the aggressive policy of the abolitionists, and, though not thoroughly cowed, both principals and agents found that the agitation of the subject was like the handling of a sword whose double edges cut in both directions. after this event, with the exception of the burning of a hall in , in which they held their meetings, in philadelphia, the country for a number of years became comparatively quiet, and the agitators took good care not to give occasion for further public demonstrations. third epoch. chapter vi. the era of "gags" and congressional petitions--john quincy adams; his petition for disunion--legislation from to --annexation of texas--the liberty party of , free soil party of , and republican party of --mexican war and wilmot proviso. the decade embraced between the years and may be termed the third epoch in the history of this movement. in that period, the grand experiment of the abolitionists was most effectually tried. they had felt the public pulse, developed their power and resources, had the benefit of experience, and ascertained to what extent the public mind could be prejudiced by the course of agitation which they had pursued. it was in fact an era of lessons, as well to the country as to themselves. from a mere handful, the original organization had grown to be a power within itself--a power at the ballot-box--a power for right or wrong, for good or mischief, too self-reliant and too strong to be disregarded. neither legislative enactments, nor riots, nor personal chastisement, nor public opinion, had been able to restrain its rapid advances towards the consummation of its hopes. it lost ground nowhere, and in every non-slaveholding state its friends and funds were greatly multiplied. as an indication of its extraordinary growth, the number of anti-slavery societies in the united states, in the year , may be safely estimated at two thousand, with at least two hundred thousand persons enrolled as members. these, however, were not all entitled to the suffrages of the party. they were the children and wives of fanatics who learned their lessons of abolition in the bible classes, sunday and secular schools, and from their parents and husbands. the sentiment was intruded, indeed, in all the relations of life--social, financial and domestic, and even in the affairs of love, cupid himself was made subservient to its ascendancy. the belles of the day would hardly look upon a suitor who was not as well a worshipper at the shrine of their political passion, as of their beauty, and no youngster's domestic destiny was at all certain of fruition who was not sound upon what was then regarded as the soul-saving question of abolitionism. the youths of have become the men of , and in the enormous increase of the republican party, we see the result of the early influences thus set at work. for the first time in its history, the organization began to be regarded as a political element in the land, and worthy of a courtship by those who desired its influence and support. candidates for office began to be catechised, and such men as william h. seward, levi lincoln, william l. marcy and others, found time to give lengthy replies to the authors of this new inquisition, setting forth their views. in local politics, it was the moral and political test by which men were measured, and it lay at the foundation of all the subsequent state action of the northern legislatures upon the subject of anti-slavery. in both branches of congress, also, the question of abolition for the first time occupied a large share of the deliberations, and was discussed under every possible aspect. from , when john quincy adams presented fifteen petitions in a single bunch, for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, similar documents, got up and circulated by anti-slavery societies, poured into both branches of the national legislature in a steady stream. they also called for a prohibition of what was termed an "internal slave trade" between the states, avowing at the same time that their ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only in the district, but throughout the union. it was, indeed, the only mode in which the fanatics could agitate the question in congress, and was a part of the scheme by which they expected to accomplish their purposes. under the influence of the feelings excited by these causes, the southern senators and members declared, almost to a man, that if the southern states could not remain in the union without having their domestic peace continually disturbed by the systematic attempts of the abolitionists to produce dissatisfaction and revolt among the slaves and incite their wild passions to vengeance, the great law of self-preservation would compel them to separate from the north. this persistent demand of the abolitionists, through petitions, continued from session to session, until, becoming a nuisance, an effort was made to prevent their farther reception. the effort was, for a time, successful, and resulted in what was called the "era of gags"--these gags being simply a rule of the house, "that all petitions, memorials, resolutions and propositions relating in any way or to any extent to the question of slavery shall, without either being printed or referred, be laid on the table, and no further action whatever shall be had thereon." this was respectively passed in , and , and in it was incorporated into the standing rules of the house--being thenceforward known as the "twenty-first rule." the vote upon this was--yeas, ; nays, . the excitement produced in the house on the occasion of these several votes was intense, and speeches were made upon the question by the most distinguished men of the country. in , the immediate occasion of the contest was the pertinacious effort of mr. slade, of vermont, to make the presentation of abolition petitions the ground of agitation and action against the institution of slavery in the southern states. mr. rhett, of south carolina, warned him of the consequences of such inflammatory harangues, and his refusal to desist from them was the signal for a general disorder and uproar. the next morning a resolution similar to that above quoted was adopted by a vote of yeas to nays--the full two-thirds and fifteen. "this," says thomas h. benton, "was one of the most important votes ever delivered in the house." upon its issue depended the quiet of the house on one hand, and on the other the renewal and perpetuation of the scenes of the day before--ending in breaking up all deliberation and all national legislation. thus were stifled, and in future, for a few years at least, prevented in the house the inflammatory debates on these disturbing petitions. it was the great session of their presentation, being offered by hundreds and signed by hundreds of thousands of persons--many of them women, who forgot their sex and their duties to mingle in the inflammatory work; and some of them clergymen, who forgot their mission of peace to stir up strife among those who should be brethren. after long and protracted efforts by john quincy adams, who was then champion of the abolitionists on the floor of the house, this restriction upon the right of petition was removed in december, , by a vote of to . among the acts of this statesman in , was the presentation of a resolution that the following amendments to the constitution of the united states should be proposed to the several states of the union:-- " . from and after the th july, , there shall be throughout the united states no hereditary slavery; but on and after that day, every child born in the united states, their territory or jurisdiction, shall be born free. " . with the exception of the territory of florida, there shall henceforth never be admitted into this union any state, the constitution of which shall tolerate within the same the existence of slavery. " . from and after the th july, , there shall be neither slavery nor slave trade at the seat of government of the united states." this proposition of course received no favor either north or south, and was speedily laid aside. subsequently he presented a petition praying for a dissolution of the union--the first of the kind ever offered to the government--whereupon a resolution was submitted to congress to the effect that mr. adams in so doing had offered the deepest indignity to the house and insult to the people of the united states, and that, for thus permitting, through his instrumentality, a wound to be aimed at the constitution and existence of his country he merited expulsion from the national council and the severest censure. it concluded--"this they hereby do for the maintenance of their own purity and dignity; for the rest, they turn him over to his own conscience and the indignation of all true american citizens." the resolution was discussed for several days, in which mr. adams and his anti-slavery propagandism were handled without gloves; but finally the whole subject was laid upon the table. the annexation of texas. another source of discussion, both in and out of congress, about this time, was the texas question. as far back as , the annexation of texas was agitated in the southern and western states, being urged on the ground of the strength and extension it would give to the slaveholding interest. this fact at once enlisted opposition from the entire anti-slavery sentiment of the north, in which british abolitionism took part, and every effort was made on the other side of the water to increase the sectional jealousy already known to be existing. the english press, parliament and statesmen, all treated the proposed acquisition as one in which they felt called upon to interfere. the famous "texan plot," which was matured at the "world's anti-slavery convention," held in london in , was one of the results. the part to be performed by the british government embraced a double object. the large territory claimed by texas was known to contain most of the remaining cotton lands of north america. a virtual control of these lands would, therefore, be invaluable to british commerce. the country was but thinly settled, and the number of slaves was small enough to render emancipation of easy attainment. thus, if by a timely interposition of her influence and diplomacy, great britain could establish a rival cotton producing country at our very door, and prevent the growth of slavery there, she would partially prevent a growing dependence on the slave products of the united states, and at the same time set up a barrier to the further extension of southern civilization in that direction. there was but one obstacle in the way. texas preferred annexation to the united states, and, notwithstanding british assistance, believed to have been proffered to santa anna in , when he resolved to send an invading army into the territory for the purpose of declaring emancipation, and other objects; notwithstanding the resolutions of northern legislatures and acrimonious debates in congress; notwithstanding every effort, home and foreign, to prevent annexation; through the patriotic efforts of general jackson, president tyler, mr. calhoun and other statesmen, on the th of december, , texas was admitted into the union. though thus defeated in their immediate designs, one point was gained by the friends of anti-slavery. they succeeded in obtaining a position in congress which enabled them to agitate the whole union. from that time their power began to increase, until the infection has diseased the great mass of the people of the north, who, whatever may be their opinion of the original abolition party, which still keeps up its distinctive organization, never fail, when it comes to acting, to co-operate in carrying out their measures. the beginning of the republican party--the liberty party. the year was marked by two important events, namely, the formation of a distinct political party of abolitionists, and a division in the two leading anti-slavery societies of the country. the liberty party arose from the fact that, after a protracted experiment, the candidates of the old parties could not, to any extent, however questioned or pledged, be depended upon to do the work which the abolitionists demanded of them. such an organization was advocated by mr. garrison as early as ; but it was not until the annual meeting of the new york anti-slavery society at utica, in september, , that a series of resolutions or a platform was adopted, setting forth the principles of political action, and solemnly pledging those who adopted them to vote for no candidates who were not fully pledged to anti-slavery measures. in july, , a national anti-slavery convention was held at albany, and the mode of political action against slavery, including the question of a distinct party, was fully discussed, but without coming to any definite decision by vote farther than to refer the question of independent nominations to the judgment of abolitionists in their different localities. the monroe county convention for nominations at rochester, n. y., september, , adopted a series of resolutions and an address prepared by myron holly, which have been regarded as laying the real corner-stone of the liberty party. he may, therefore, be regarded, more than any other man, as its founder. in january, , a new york state anti-slavery convention was held in genesee county. the traveling at that season of the year was bad, and delegates were in attendance from only six states. among these were myron holly and gerrit smith. by this convention, a call was issued for a national convention, and accordingly, april , , it assembled at albany--alvan stuart presiding. after a full discussion, the liberty party was organized, and james g. birney and thomas earle were nominated for president and vice-president of the united states. at the presidential election in the autumn of that year, the entire vote of the liberty party amounted to , . in , the liberty candidates, james g. birney and thomas morris, received , votes. these, however, were but a small part of the professed abolitionists of the united states, the great majority voting for the nominees of the old parties--harrison, van buren, polk and clay. the other event of the year , to which we have alluded, was the division in the massachusetts anti-slavery society in boston, and a division in the american anti-slavery society of new york, the causes in each case being more or less identified with each other. without going into the subject, it may be briefly stated that the principal cause in both instances was a difference of opinion on theological questions as applied to politics and reformatory measures, and especially theological jealousies. the most rabid among the abolitionists have been infidels, or little less, from the start, and have absorbed every species of fanaticism, in whatever shape it has appeared since. another question resulting in the division appears to have been "woman's rights," or, in other words, what position females ought to occupy in the society. as early as , these moral hermaphrodites were in the habit of delivering public lectures and scattering publications through the land; but their wagging tongues finally became such a nuisance that several clergymen published a pastoral letter in , strongly censuring all such unwomanly interference. the result was, as has been stated, great excitement and a subsequent separation of the respective opponents. shortly after this division, we find the american anti-slavery society, at one of its annual meetings, raising the flag of "no union with slaveholders," demanding a dissolution of the union, and denouncing the federal constitution as pro-slavery--"a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." to resume the history of the progress of the party. in a state convention of abolitionists was held at port byron, new york, at which an address was presented embodying the views of a number of individuals, who, while they were abolitionists at heart, were not rabid or ultra enough to be prepared to act with the liberty party. this was printed, circulated, and gained adherents, and upon its basis, in , a convention assembled at macedon, new york, when gerrit smith and elihu burrit were nominated for president and vice-president of the united states; but the latter declining, the name of charles c. foote was afterwards substituted. this party was known by the name of the liberty league. subsequently its principles became merged into the buffalo platform of . gerrit smith was then again proposed as a candidate for the presidency; but the course of leading men in the convention required the nomination of a different man. accordingly, hon. john p. hale, of new hampshire--an "independent democrat," as he termed himself--and hon. leicester king, of ohio, were nominated. this, however, was only temporary; and another convention was called, and held at buffalo, august , , composed of "the opponents to slavery extension, irrespective of parties," and including, of course, all those committed to the one idea of abolition. it was one of the most remarkable political meetings on record, for it was the beginning of the political drama which has since resulted in a dissolution of the union. vast multitudes, from all parts of the non-slaveholding states, of all political parties, came together, and seemed to be melted into one by their common zeal against the aggressions of slavery. though they looked only to the restraint of slavery within the bounds which they claimed our fathers had erected for its protection, still the opposition sprang from the strong anti-slavery sentiment already pervading the country. it was the springing up of the green blade, and the forming of the ear from the many years sowing of the abolitionists. the nomination of martin van buren and charles francis adams, of massachusetts, was made with great unanimity and enthusiasm, though by a body composed of original elements of the most extreme contrariety. messrs. hale and king, as was expected, withdrew their names. the old liberty party was absorbed in the new organization, whose platform was broad enough to satisfy any reasonable abolitionist. mass meetings were held in every village to hear the new word, and within a few months an impulse was communicated to the great mass of the northern mind which has constituted the basis of its action ever since. the number of votes cast for these candidates in was , . the platform was substantially as follows:--that the people propose no interference by congress with slavery within the limits of any state; that the federal government has no constitutional power over life, liberty or property without due legal progress; that congress has no more power to make a slave than to make a king--no more power to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy; that congress ought to prohibit slavery in all the territories; that the issue of the slave power is accepted--no more slave states and no slave territory; no more compromises; and finally, the establishment of a free government in california and new mexico. in , this same party nominated john p. hale and george w. julian. the number of votes then cast was , . the platform was much the same as that which preceded it four years before, though more progressive and revolutionary in several of its ideas, one of its clauses being "that slavery is a sin against god and a crime against man, which no human enactment nor usage can make right, and that christianity, humanity and patriotism, alike demand its abolition." another clause was to the effect that the fugitive slave law of , being repugnant to the principles of christianity and the principles of the common law, had no binding force upon the american people. the republican party of was merely an enlargement or extension of the old free-soil organization of the preceding eight years. it was modified, it is true, by many of the events of the time, but its foundation was laid upon precisely the same principles that had been enunciated during the previous twelve years. it was emphatically a northern party, extending only here and there by some straggling outposts over the slave boundary. it was so far anti-slavery as to resent the repeal of the missouri compromise, and oppose the introduction of slavery into new territory. as events progressed, the forces combatting on either side of the great question of the day became more concentrated and determined, and more inspirited by a single purpose, until the one idea of anti-slavery became distinctly developed and firmly fixed in the northern mind. the republican convention assembled at philadelphia, june , , when john c. fremont and wm. l. dayton were nominated for president and vice president of the united states, and in the following november received , , votes. the election for has only recently terminated in the elevation to the head of the federal government of abraham lincoln and hannibal hamlin, by a purely anti-slavery vote of , , . the events which preceded it are too fresh to require repetition; but, for the first time in the history of our confederacy, we look upon the spectacle of a sectional party, defiant, unyielding and uncompromising, whose principles aim a blow direct at the annihilation of one of the institutions of the south, in the full flush of victory, singing poeans of glory over its success, with a union dissolving around it, while another portion of the country is agitated to its very centre in preparations for self-protection against the usurpations which, from press and pulpit, and floor of congress, have been so boldly threatened. whether as abolition, liberty, free-soil or republican, the party has always shown the cloven hoof, and the best efforts of its more considerate friends have never been able to cover the deformity. into the masses it has instilled the most unrelenting hatred to slavery, until all other ideas, feelings and passions have, for the time, been swallowed up in this one overwhelming sentiment. it has dissolved the union, though formed and cemented in the blood of our fathers, rather than it should tolerate an institution which is older than the union. it has shed the blood of innocent white men while engaged in the discharge of their sworn duty, and made widows and orphans rather than return an escaped servant to his master and obey the constitution of the country. such is the spirit which controls this party, by whatever name it may be known. its leaders, claiming to stand by principle, hug to their bosom the most damning political heresies. pretending to obey god and reverence the bible, some of them are the most unblushing infidels, who boldly proclaim that the sacred word is not worth the paper upon which it is printed, unless it denounce slavery and applaud abolitionism, and would teach that the constitution of our country is the consummation of every iniquity. some of them aspire to be the followers of jesus, but convert their sacred desks into political rostrums, from which are fulminated the falsest denunciations that a diseased mind can conjure into existence. claiming to be teachers of religion and peace, they prove the authenticity of their holy commission by exhorting to civil war, making collections for sharpe's rifles, and playing the _role_ of spiritual demagogues among the falling ruins of the republic. * * * * * the year was marked by another attempt at insurrection. on the d of july, during a hot night, several negroes were overheard conversing in their quarters, on a plantation, near new orleans, respecting an insurrection in which they intended to join. an investigation was made the next day, and resulted in tracing out a widely-extended organization among the slaves of the neighborhood, having a general rising in view. this early discovery of the plot of course prevented its consummation, and the execution and punishment of the instigators soon quelled every design of an outbreak. in we find cassius m. clay mobbed in lexington, ky., and his paper, the true american, stopped, the presses, type, &c., being packed up and forwarded to cincinnati, for advocating the incendiary doctrines of the abolitionists, and thereby producing an excitement among the slaves, and arousing apprehensions in the community lest they should rise in rebellion against the whites. the mexican war. we have already brought our chronological history down to the year , when texas was admitted as a state. it was during the progress of annexation that the government of mexico served a formal notice on the united states that annexation would be viewed in the light of a declaration of war. this notice, however, was of little avail, and before the close of the year , congress had consummated the act. the war broke out in april, , the second year of mr. polk's administration, and on the th of may the president issued his proclamation to that effect. a large portion of the western domain of texas, as now described, was disputed territory, occupied by mexicans and under mexican rule at the time of and after annexation. general taylor was ordered to march from corpus christi, and take up his position on the rio grande, opposite matamoras, thus traversing the disputed territory from its eastern to its western border. the mexican army, on the opposite side of the river, immediately commenced hostilities, and soon after followed the battles of palo alto and resaca de la palma. how the war was continued and terminated are matters of general history. peace was at last dictated to mexico on the th of may, , and resulted in a surrender by her of a large belt of her northern territories, extending from the rio grande to the pacific, including california, though at that time its immense wealth and great importance were not fully appreciated. in congress and among the people of the north the war was not popular. it was said to be a scheme for the acquirement of more slave territory, and this fact of itself excited contention throughout the land. the wilmot proviso. on the th of august, , a bill being under consideration in the committee of the whole, making further provision for the expenses attending the intercourse between the united states and mexico, mr. david wilmot, of pennsylvania, moved the following amendment:-- "provided, that as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of territory from the republic of mexico, by the united states, by virtue of any treaty which may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." this amendment was adopted by a vote of yeas , nays . the bill was not voted on in the senate, that body adjourning _sine die_ before it reached that stage. on the th of february, the three million bill being under consideration, a similar amendment was offered in the house, and on the th was adopted by a vote of yeas and nays. the senate having passed a similar bill, which came before the house on the d of march, , mr. wilmot moved to amend the same by adding his proviso thereto; but it was rejected by a vote of yeas , nays . the senate bill, without the amendment of mr. wilmot, then became a law. this celebrated proviso has been offered, by different senators and representatives, to various bills since. its popular use, in fact, since that time, constitutes a great chapter in the political history of the country. for a long time it has rung in the ears of the public, and it will never cease until the question of slavery ceases to be a political question in the organization of new territories and new states. * * * * * in , connecticut, which had never passed a law completely abolishing slavery, and which then contained some eight or ten slaves, through her legislature enacted its total abolition forever, compelling the masters of the few slaves existing to support them for life. the escape of slaves from the south has been one of the principal practical effects of abolition ever since the idea assumed shape, in . men and women have been found, north and south, who, either from philanthropic motives or under the pecuniary inducements of abolition societies, have aided in their escape. among these, new england "schoolmarms" and schoolmasters have played an active part, and several were from time to time arrested. one delia webster suffered for such an interference with other people's affairs by an incarceration in the penitentiary at lexington, ky., in , for two years. another, rev. charles torrey, for similar offences, was sentenced to six years in the maryland penitentiary, but died before the expiration of the sentence. many other instances of a similar nature might be cited; but these are enough to indicate the extent to which fanaticism carried its followers. the year was characterized by the usual venom which the anti-slavery societies industriously endeavored to distil into the community. fred. douglas, edmund quincy, francis jackson, abby kelly, garrison, phillips, pillsbury, lucy stone, theodore parker, and a retinue of negro orators, escaped slaves and others, regularly held their meetings and indulged in their customary rhodomontades. at the new england convention, which assembled during this year, a series of one hundred conventions for the purpose of agitating the question of dissolution of the union was commenced in massachusetts, and funds were raised for the purpose. some of these meetings were broken up by indignant mobs, but they were mainly allowed to go on, and accumulated disciples. the fourth epoch. chapter vii. history of the compromise measures of --cessation of the agitation in congress--the fugitive slave law in the north--repeal of the missouri compromise--narrative of the difficulties in kansas--disunion convention in massachusetts. the next important move upon the political chessboard with reference to slavery preceded the adoption of the celebrated measures familiarly known by the above title, or as the "omnibus bill of ." the events which led to this measure may be briefly stated thus:-- ever since , a storm had been lowering in the political horizon of the country on the slavery question, threatening to dissolve the union, which necessarily burst over congress in legislating for the new territories brought into the union by the result of the mexican war. probably no subject has been presented since the adoption of the federal constitution involving questions of such deep and vital importance to the inhabitants of the different states of the confederacy as that in reference to the territory thus acquired. not only was the sentiment avowed of the existence of danger to the union, but in various quarters was heard an open and undisguised declaration of a necessity and desire for its dissolution. general taylor was elected, a new administration came into power, and being somewhat identified with the northern anti-slavery elements, as opposed to the democratic party, a tremendous agitation was at once created, and the whole question of slavery thrown again into the crucible. the thirtieth congress had adjourned without organizing the new territories, or settling any great principle as to their future government and destiny. california had gone forth without asking leave, formed a state government prohibiting slavery, and put its machinery in operation. utah was governed by a high and arbitrary spiritual despotism, and new mexico was under military rule, ordered from the seat of federal power at washington. in addition to this, it was discovered that mexico had abolished slavery, and consequently that the _lex loci_ of all the countries ceded by mexico to the united states excluded slavery. the wilmot proviso had been carried in the house, but failed in the senate, and waited only for the admission of california, which would give sixteen free states against fifteen slave states. of course the whole south rose in arms against the consequences of this disappointment. they would not admit california; they declared that slavery did exist in the territories acquired from mexico; that in any case the constitution of the united states would carry it there and protect it there; and that they would dissolve the union if the wilmot proviso became a law. in this state of affairs, henry clay, on the th of january, brought forward in the senate his famous resolutions of compromise, and laid the basis of an adjustment which might have lasted till this day but for the repeal of the missouri compromise in . subsequently, a committee of thirteen was appointed by the senate, charged with the duty of considering all the subjects, of which mr. clay was appointed chairman. on the th of may, , this committee reported a series of measures, differing but inconsiderably from the original resolutions of mr. clay. these were:-- . the admission of california as a free state, according to the expression of the will of her people. . the establishment of territorial governments, without the wilmot proviso, for new mexico and utah, embracing all the territory recently acquired by the united states from mexico, not contained in the boundaries of california. the question of slavery was left without any other restriction than the will of the people. . the establishment of the western and northern boundary of texas, and the exclusion from her jurisdiction of all new mexico, with the grant to texas of a pecuniary equivalent. . more effectual enactments for the recovery of fugitive slaves. . abstaining from abolishing slavery, but under a heavy penalty prohibiting the slave trade, in the district of columbia. separate bills were drawn embodying all the main features of this compromise, and eight months having been consumed in their discussion, the two houses were at last brought to a vote on each bill by itself. the utah territorial bill passed the senate, august , , by a vote of yeas , nays . the texas boundary bill passed the senate, august , , by a vote of yeas , nays . the bill for the admission of california passed the senate, august , , by a vote of to . the new mexico bill passed the senate, august , , by a vote of to . the fugitive slave bill passed the senate on the d of august, , by a vote of to . the bill abolishing the slave trade in the district of columbia passed the senate, september , , by a vote of to . in the house, the vote on the several bills was:-- new mexico and texas boundary, sept. , , yeas , nays . admission of california, sept. , , yeas , nays . utah bill, sept. , , yeas , nays . fugitive slave bill, sept. , , yeas , nays . slave trade in the district of columbia, sept. , , yeas , nays . out of congress the abolitionists were aroused almost to a pitch of frenzy by the passage of the compromise measures and the fugitive slave law. addresses were immediately issued by thousands, which were freely circulated in all the northern states, counseling resistance to the law under every circumstance. conventions were held of whites and negroes, in which was proclaimed death to every slaveholder who attempted to carry out the provisions of the infamous enactment. the tide of runaway slaves from the south, which had been flowing for so many years, swelled into a flood. where one slave formerly made a successful escape, scores made good their flight now. new england became the goal of the fugitives, and here they found friends without number, who furnished them with the means of extending their journey to the canadian provinces. one of the first and most successful attempts to resist the fugitive slave law was in boston, in april, , when one thomas sims, who had escaped from georgia, was taken in custody by the city authorities, on a warrant issued by the united states commissioner. a mob was the result. the military was called out, and for several days the most intense excitement ensued. the law finally triumphed, however, and amid the cry of "sims, preach liberty to your fellow slaves," he was put on a steamtug and sent where he belonged. shortly after this, a meeting was called by the vigilance committee, which was presided over by hon. horace mann, when anson burlingame, henry wilson, remond, higginson and several other negroes appeared and made denunciatory speeches against the law and in favor of the resolutions, which proclaimed the necessity of resistance to the uttermost. on september , , occurred the celebrated christiana affair. edward gorsuch, of maryland, his son and a party of friends, accompanied by a united states commissioner, appeared in the neighborhood of christiana, lancaster county, pennsylvania, in pursuit of a slave. an attack was made upon them by negroes, and both father and son were killed. the united states marines were ordered to the spot, and for several days the place was under martial law. the slave, of course, escaped. we might also refer to the rescues of shadrack, anthony burns, the slave jerry at syracuse, and similar incidents that occurred in various parts of the northern states; but the circumstances are most of them too recent and familiar to require more than a passing allusion. it is only necessary to say that this kind of agitation--resistance to the laws and disturbance of the peace--has been a part of the tactics of abolitionists down to the present moment. they have never allowed an opportunity to pass of showing their utter disregard for law and order, and of interposing every obstacle in the way of those whose sincere desire it is to promote the peace and prosperity of the country. the breeze has become a gale, and the gale has swelled into a tempest, under the influence of which the mind of a portion of the north has been lashed into insane fury. the repeal of the missouri compromise, and formation of the territorial governments of kansas and nebraska. it was reserved for the years and to be a period of agitation--revived under the auspices of such men as stephen a. douglas, franklin pierce, caleb cushing, david atchinson and other politicians intent upon the presidency--unrivalled in the annals of the country. the new danger came up in the shape of a proposition to establish a territorial government in nebraska (then embracing kansas), a territory which, with missouri, originally constituted the upper part of the province of louisiana, and was acquired from the french in by the payment of , , francs. as early as dec. , , mr. douglas gave notice to the house of his intention to introduce a bill for this purpose, which he did on the th instant following. after being favorably reported upon, it was referred to the committee of the whole, where, owing to the importance of other measures pending, it was not again acted upon during the session. on the th of march, , he introduced a similar bill, and again it met a similar fate. in the senate, in , mr. dodge, of iowa, early introduced a resolution, which was passed, instructing the committee on territories to inquire into the expediency of organizing the territory; but no further action was taken upon it until the house of representatives had passed its bill for that purpose. on december , the petition of mr. guthrie for a seat as a delegate from nebraska, was received and referred, and on the d day of february, , the committee on territories, through mr. richardson, of illinois, their chairman, reported their bill for organizing nebraska, which, after three days consideration, was passed on the th, by a vote of to . it was silent on the subject of the repeal of the missouri compromise. the senate received it the next day, and on the th instant, the committee on territories reported it without amendment. on the d of march, , it was laid upon the table. in the debate which immediately preceded this disposition, senator atchison, of missouri, openly avowed the ground of his opposition to be that the law excluding slavery from the territory of louisiana, north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, would be enforced in the new territory, "unless specially rescinded." he did not appear, however, to entertain any hope that this desirable object could be effected. he said he should, therefore, oppose the organization, unless the whole south could go into the territory with rights and privileges, respecting property, equal to other people of the union. the idea of the possibility of a repeal of the missouri compromise was thus, for the first time, thrown out and left to take root in the minds of the nation, with the chance of growing up to perfection. even the most ultra among the southerners then regarded this as a thing rather to be hoped for than realized. on the th of january, , mr. douglas, from the committee on territories, (which consisted of messrs. douglas, of illinois; houston, of texas; johnson, of arkansas; bell, of tennessee; jones, of iowa, and everett, of massachusetts,) to whom had been referred the bill of mr. dodge, reported back the same with amendments and a report which contained the first open, and as it were official, declaration of the impending _coup d'etat_. this report assumed as its basis that the compromise acts of , which, it will be recollected, leave to the people of the territories to decide for themselves whether or not there shall be slavery in their midst, were the supreme, authentic law of the land, and the missouri compromise was cited and put aside as immaterial, because it came in collision with this latest legislation and adjustment of the question. this perpetual prohibition mr. douglas proposed incidentally to repeal by the following provision in the bill:-- "and when admitted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received in the union with or without slavery, as their constitutions may prescribe at the time of their admission." later in this month the same committee submitted an amended bill by which two territories--kansas and nebraska--were to be created out of the domain in question. on the d of january, messrs. chase and sumner, of the senate, and messrs. giddings, wade, dewitt and gerrit smith, of the house, issued a stirring appeal to the people of the united states, urging and imploring instant action to avert the pending calamity. this was circulated over the whole country, and aided not a little in adding fuel to the already furious flame of excitement. the discussion of the bill in the senate was continued from time to time through january. it swallowed up all other interests, and was the absorbing topic throughout the country. the vote was finally reached at five o'clock in the morning of march , , when the bill passed the senate by a vote of thirty-seven to fourteen. fourteen of the votes in its favor were given by senators from the free states, and two of those against it by senators from the slave states--messrs. houston, of texas, and bell, of tennessee. on the th of march mr. everett presented the famous mammoth memorial, signed by , clergymen of new england, protesting against the passage of the bill. in the house of representatives the bill was brought up on the st of january, . the debate upon it was closed on the th of may, , and on the d of may, , it passed the house by the following vote:--yeas, ; nays, . the vote of the senate on the final passage of the bill was, yeas, ; nays, . on the th of december, , the hon. john h. whitfield, delegate elect from the territory of kansas, was sworn in and admitted to a seat in the house. it was alleged that his election had been carried by an importation of missourians into the territory, but no contest was made on his right, and he held his position during the remainder of the thirty-third congress. during the recess between the th of march and the st of december, , the history of kansas was marked by the most exciting events. the removal of the seat of government by the territorial legislature from the place which had been fixed by governor reeder, was deemed by the latter to have made void, ab initio, all acts enacted by them subsequent to such removal, on the ground that the power to locate the same was vested in him alone. the free state party backed up governor reeder, while the pro-slavery party endorsed the action of the legislature. governor reeder was in the meantime removed from office. the free state party met at big springs and resolved to repudiate the acts of the territorial legislature and organize a state government. a convention was accordingly called and held at topeka, on the th tuesday of october, framed what was called the topeka convention, and set on foot a state government which soon came in conflict with the regularly constituted authorities, and resulted in the indictments against the former for treason, which followed. meanwhile, finding opposition to the principles of the kansas-nebraska act unavailing in congress and under the forms of the constitution, combinations were entered into at the north to control the political destinies and form and regulate the domestic institutions of these territories through the machinery of emigrant aid societies, by which means large numbers of persons were forwarded to the debatable ground. in order to give consistency to the movement and surround it with the color of legal authority, an act of incorporation was procured from the legislature of massachusetts for an association by the name of the massachusetts emigrant aid society, the ostensible purpose of which was to enable emigrants to settle in the west. it was a powerful corporation, with a capital of five millions of dollars, invested in houses and lands, in merchandise and mills, in cannons and rifles, in powder and lead--in all the implements of art, agriculture and war, and employing a corresponding number of men under the management of directors who remained at home and pulled the wires of this immense political automaton. in a measure they succeeded. thousands of these emigrants poured into the territory, armed with sharpe's rifles and the word of god, and located themselves wherever their votes were most necessary. the result might have been anticipated. under the influence of inflammatory appeals and stung by the irritating threats of the free-state men, the most intense indignation was aroused in the states near the territory of kansas, and especially in missouri, whose domestic peace was thus the most directly endangered. counter movements consequently ensued. bands of men came over the state border and appeared at the polls, and on both sides angry accusations followed that the elections were carried by fraud and violence. in the meantime, statements entirely unfounded or grossly exaggerated concerning events within the territory, were sedulously diffused through remote states to feed the flame of sectional animosity there, and the agitators in the states in turn exerted themselves to encourage and stimulate strife within the territory. during the presidential campaign of kansas may be said to have been in a state of civil war. life was nowhere safe. armed men espousing both sides of the question roamed throughout the country, committing depredations and atrocities which find their equal only in the records of savage barbarity. men, women and children were murdered in their beds, and few could aver themselves either as free-state men or pro-slavery men without danger of being shot down in their tracks. it was during this period that the notorious john brown, with his band, made his appearance and commenced those villanies for which he has since met a just reward upon the gallows. to return to congress, however: on the th of april, , a memorial of the senators and representatives of the so-called state of kansas, accompanied by the constitution adopted at topeka, praying the admission of the same into the union, was presented in the house of representatives and referred. the committee on territories reported a bill to that effect, which was rejected on the th of june by a vote of yeas , nays . on motion of mr. barclay, of pennsylvania, the question was reconsidered, and the vote being taken on the passage of the bill, it was carried by yeas , nays , the abovenamed gentleman changing his ballot, and one other voting aye who was not present before. the bill being brought before the senate, that body substituted for it a bill of its own, which was returned to the house, where no action was taken upon it. several other attempts were subsequently made in both the senate and house, during , to pass bills to authorise the people of kansas to form a constitution and state government, but without success--neither body endorsing the act of the other. on the th of july, , a bill reported by mr. grow, from the committee on territories, "to annul certain acts of the legislative assembly of the territory of kansas," being before the house, mr. dunn, of indiana, moved an amendment to the same, which substantially re-established the compromise of . this was carried by a vote of yeas and nays. the bill reached the senate, and a report upon it was made by the committee on territories on the th of august, , recommending that it be laid upon the table, which was done, by a test vote of to . on the th of july, , the committee appointed by the house to proceed to kansas and investigate all matters connected with the contested election case between a. h. reeder and john w. whitfield, each of whom claimed to have been elected a delegate to congress, made a majority and minority report, messrs. w. a. howard, of michigan, and lewis campbell, of ohio, affirming that everything connected with the territorial legislature and the election of whitfield was wrong; and mr. mordecai oliver, of missouri, affirming that everything was right, and that mr. reeder was not duly elected according to law. these reports were acted upon on the th of july, when mr. whitfield was declared not to be entitled to a seat in the house by a vote of yeas to nays, and mr. reeder was likewise declared not to be entitled to a seat by a vote of yeas and nays. on the st of december, , however, mr. whitfield, having again been elected a delegate, was sworn in by a vote of yeas to nays. the effect of this agitation in congress upon the people was immense, and every power that could be brought to bear to influence the result one way or another was unsparingly employed. it was almost the sole hinge upon which, for a time, swung the welfare of the country. the immediate admission of kansas, with her free constitution, formed at topeka, was engrafted upon the republican platform of , and men were arraigned at the bar of public opinion and proved guilty or innocent by their standing with reference to this great question. happily, however, the election of mr. buchanan threw oil upon the troubled waters, and with his inauguration the country relapsed once more into a state of comparative quiet. the predatory bands engaged in kansas in acts of rapine, under cover of existing political disturbances, were arrested or dispersed, the troops were withdrawn, and tranquillity was once more restored to the hitherto agitated territory. on the first monday of september, , a convention was called together by virtue of an act of the territorial legislature, whose lawful existence had been recognized by various enactments of congress, to frame a constitution for kansas. a large proportion of the citizens did not think proper to register their names and vote at the election for delegates; but an opportunity to do this having been afforded, in the language of mr. buchanan, "their refusal to avail themselves of their right, could in no manner affect the legality of the convention." but little difficulty occurred except on the question of slavery, and after an excited and angry debate on this subject, by a majority of only two, it was decided to submit the question of slavery to the people. this was the famous lecompton convention. they adopted a constitution, and the form of submission was "constitution with slavery," or "constitution without slavery." a great many people were indignant because the constitution was made thus imperative, and more than one-half stayed away from the polls. the constitution was consequently adopted by the party voting for it with slavery. in that form it was submitted to the president, and the president submitted it to congress. after a protracted discussion in both houses, the admission of kansas under that instrument was defeated, and a compromise was adopted to submit the lecompton constitution back to the people, with the condition that if accepted they should immediately come into the union by a proclamation of the president, and that, if rejected, they should wait until they had ninety-three thousand inhabitants, to be ascertained by a census. they rejected the constitution by some ten thousand majority. in the meantime, under the operation of the territorial legislature and the lecompton convention acting in conjunction with each other, the anti-slavery elements rallied and elected an anti-slavery legislature. there were, however, bogus returns from two or three counties, which, if admitted, would have changed the complexion of the legislature into a pro-slavery body; but these were cast out by governor walker, and the legislature was thus left in the possession of the free-soil party. after the rejection of the lecompton constitution, the people called another convention, which assembled at wyandot, and adopted an anti-slavery constitution. this they laid before congress, and at the same time elected a legislature and a member of congress, the legislature in turn electing two senators, in anticipation of the admission of the state under the wyandot constitution. the bill for the admission of the state was taken up in congress during the present session and passed, and on wednesday, the th of january, was returned to congress with the signature of the president, thus forever setting at rest a question which has so long disturbed the country. the following are the state officers of kansas elected under the wyandot constitution, and who will assume to administer the new state government:-- _governor_--charles robinson, formerly of massachusetts. _lieutenant governor_--j. p. root, formerly of connecticut. _secretary of state_--j. w. robinson, formerly of maine. _treasurer_--william tholen, formerly of new york. _auditor_--george w. hillyer, formerly of ohio. _superintendent of public instruction_--w. r. griffith, formerly of illinois. _chief justice_--thomas ewing, jr., formerly of ohio. _associate justices_--samuel d. kingham, formerly of kentucky, and lawrence bailey, formerly of new hampshire. in the supreme court, under the dred scott decision, the right has been established of every citizen to take his property of every kind, including slaves, into the common territories, belonging equally to all the states of the confederacy, and to have it protected there under the constitution. it is hardly necessary to advert further to the progress of the anti-slavery element in congress than to merely recal the tumults excited at the beginning of every session by the election of a speaker, and the constant ebb and flow of agitation upon the one absorbing theme which has at last, through the efforts of the abolitionists and their allies, come to be the single sentiment, upon which hang suspended the destiny and hopes of a nation. * * * * * in , a state convention assembled in worcester, mass., "to consider the practicability, probability and expediency of a separation of the free and slave states." in the language of one of the orators, they felt that the time had come when they should "sever for ever the bloody bond which united them to the slaveholders, slave-breeders and slave-traders of the nation." the meeting found its sympathizers, and made converts in every portion of the north, and from that day to the present, have been spreading among a certain class the following sentiments, with which wendell phillips closed one of his speeches:-- "if the slaveholder loves the union, i hate it. the love of so sagacious a tyrant is authority enough for my hate. if the slaveholder clings to the union, it is instinct. when they set horses to run in the roman races, each horse bears about him a little network of pointed pricks, that the faster he goes, make him run yet faster. i would set the slaveholder running with four millions of slaves for the pricks. dissolution is my method for that race. dissolution, in other words, is only another method of letting natural causes have free play. i would take down the dam of the union and let loose the torrent of god's own water-courses, and, like every current, you may be sure it will clear every channel for itself." in an address delivered by wm. lloyd garrison, july , , at the framingham celebration, he declares: "our object is the abolition of slavery _throughout the land_; and whether in the prosecution of our object, this party goes up, or the other party goes down, it is nothing to us. we cannot alter our course one hair's breadth, nor accept a compromise of our principles, for the hearty adoption of our principles. i am for _meddling with slavery everywhere--attacking it by night and by day, in season and out of season_--(no, it can never be out of season)--in order to _effect its overthrow_. (loud applause.) higher yet will be my cry. upward and onward. no union with slaveholders. down with this slaveholding government. let this covenant 'with death and agreement with hell' be annulled. _let there be a free, independent, northern republic_, and _the speedy abolition of slavery_ will inevitably follow. (loud applause.) so i am laboring to dissolve this blood-stained union, as a work of paramount importance. our mission is to regenerate public opinion." this has been the point, end and object at which the practical abolitionists of the country have aimed from the start. if they have advocated a measure, its purpose has been dissolution. if they have prevented the execution of the laws, the purpose has been dissolution; if they have made war or made peace, or taken any step during their unholy career, the one end and object has been the overthrow of the government and the freedom of the slave, no matter what may be the consequence. the conventions of the abolitionists are now held every year, and they have gathered about them a galaxy of congenial followers-- "black spirits and white, red spirits and gray"-- well worthy of the cause they espouse. no stone remains unturned that obstructs the accomplishment of their designs. until of late their agents have circulated in every nook and corner of the country, and from maine to texas these serpents of society have been distilling their venom among the people. we have seen the result within the past two years in poisoned families, executed slaves, a john brown insurrection, and all the enormities which attend the movement of a band of infatuated individuals who are spurred on to deeds of desperation by those who stay at home to preach that which they leave their deluded victims to practise. as a party they have become so strong that, "having both the key of officer and office, they set all hearts to what tune they please." chapter viii. the influence of religion and women--ruptures in churches and church organizations--sentiments of clergymen--"uncle tom's cabin"--the "impending crisis"--the harper's ferry insurrection. one of the principal agencies by which this extraordinary revolution in the public sentiment of the north has been brought about is the church. the history of anti-slavery in this connection, however, is too extended to admit of anything more than a narration of general facts. it is sufficient to say that the abolitionists have had the co-operation of a portion of the principal religious sects of the free states ever since the year , since which time their conferences, sessions, assemblies and meetings have been the theatres of the most rancorous discussion, abusive debate and irremediable discord. they have ruptured the presbyterian, methodist and baptist churches, and divided into antagonistic parties the american board of foreign missions, the american home missionary society, the american tract society, and every other benevolent organization which embraces within its scope of good the common country. they have thus prevented the dissemination of the bible, the establishing of missionaries, the distribution of tracts, and interrupted all efforts that have been made for the christian elevation of the slave or the welfare of the master. instead of that feeling of attachment and devotion to the interests of religion which was formerly felt, they are now arrayed against each other, two hostile bodies, whose sole occupation is individual abuse, political harangues, and the profanation of the sacred desk. personal holiness has given way to party spirit, and while men's hearts around them are blazing with the carnalities of their own fallen nature, ministers have forgotten their vocation in preaching havoc, subverting the scriptures and setting up as the god of worship the comfortable negroes of the south. their sentiment is "if the bible tolerates slavery for an instant, away with it. and god himself!--if he sanctions this hell-born monster, even he is unworthy of respect." the black portrait of southern slavery has been indelibly painted upon their imaginations until the pure, solid, consistent religion of our forefathers no longer exists. these reverend pecksniffs can hardly bear to look upon a southern man without a feeling of revenge; they seldom look at a bible without muttering a blasphemy, and cannot speak of the south and its institutions without letting out their dream of blood and desire. witness some of their effusions. the rev. daniel foster, one of the chaplains of the massachusetts legislature in - , referring to the southern clergy, said:-- "he stood on that floor as an orthodox clergyman, but he would as soon exchange with the devil as one of those hireling priests--those traitors to humanity. the professed church of christ is false, and its hireling priesthood unworthy of confidence." the rev. mr. griswold, of stonington, said:-- "for the church which sustains slavery, wherever it be, i am ready to say i will welcome the bolt, whether it come from heaven or hell, which shall destroy it. its pretensions to christianity are the boldest effrontery and the vilest imposture." the rev. mr. howell says, when speaking of the bible arguments in behalf of slavery:-- "give up my advocacy of abolition? never! i will sooner, jonas like, throw the bible overboard, and execrate it as the newgate calendar, denounce god as a slaveholder, and his angels and apostles as turnkeys and slavedrivers." the rev. mr. blanchard, in a speech in the detroit convention:-- "damned to the lowest hell all the pastors and churches of the south, as they were a body of thieves, adulterers, pirates and murderers--that the episcopal methodist church is more corrupt and profligate than any bawdy house in the union--that the southern ministers of that body are desirous of perpetuating slavery for the purpose of debauchery, and that every clergyman among them is guilty of enormities that would shock a savage." the same rev. mr. blanchard, in a discussion in cincinnati, in , in reply to dr. rice, who held up to the abolitionists' imitation the example of the "angel of the lord who advised hagar, the slave of abraham, to return to her master," said:--"well, if the angel did so advise her, i think he was a ruffian." we might quote sentiments like the above _ad libitum_; but these are sufficient to show the drift of a portion, at least, of the clerical mind at the north. what has been the influence of these clerical fanatics? they have contributed to the formation of revolutionary societies, throughout the length and breadth of the land, and invited all men to join in the holy crusade. appealing to their congregations, they have worked with honied phrase and flattering carresses upon the tender imaginations of women until they have learned to look upon a slaveholder as a sort of moral monstrosity. sewing parties have been turned into abolition clubs, while little children in the sunday schools have been taught that a. b. stands for abolition, from books illuminated with graphic insignia of terror and oppression; with pictorial chains, handcuffs and whips, in the act of application to naked and crouching slaves. this latter remark is truer of the past than the present generation; but we see the influence around us in the millions of young men that now constitute the bulk of the republican party, who may trace their opinions upon the question of slavery to the early prejudices thus acquired. john randolph, of roanoke, once said, "that the worst government on earth was a government of priests, and the next worst was a government of women." there is little doubt that if the present movement goes on, we shall have a government of both priests and females. as the revolution of france was hurried forward by the fish-women of paris, many of the horrible atrocities of that time being perpetrated by them, so the same misguided spirit urges on the women of the present day, until they have become not only regardless of the human suffering which may result from their course, but of the inevitable tendencies of their influence towards the overthrow of the government itself. some of these women edit newspapers, write books, peddle tracts, deliver lectures, and constantly, in one shape or another, keep themselves notorious in the public prints. one of the most effective of these feminine offsprings ever brought to bear upon the public mind was "uncle tom's cabin"--a story which originally appeared in the national era, at washington, in , was afterwards published in a book, and soon created an extraordinary excitement on both sides of the atlantic. no other book ever passed through so many editions, either in america or europe. it has been translated into most of the continental languages, and placed upon the stage in a dramatic form in almost every city of the union. it served its purpose. what truth could not accomplish, fiction did, and harriet beecher stowe has had the satisfaction of throwing a firebrand into the world, which has kept up a furious blaze ever since. others have followed in her wake, but their success has been more moderate, making proselytes by hundreds, where she made them by thousands. among the publications of a more recent date is that of hinton rowan helper, on the "impending crisis," which appeared in , filled with the most ultra abolition doctrines that could be accumulated, and received the endorsement of the principal leaders of the republican party. it thereafter became the shibboleth of the organization, by which its members have sworn, and the standard by which its principles have since been measured. while it is a work intrinsically false and worthless, yet, being the production of a southern man, it had a fictitious value in the eyes of northern fanatics who were only too glad to use it against the people of the south. contemporaneous with the excitement produced by this book, and partially growing out of it, was the harper's ferry insurrection. the facts are briefly as follows:--on the th of october, , the country was startled with the announcement that a party of armed men, whites and blacks, had entered the village of harper's ferry, va., taken possession of the united states armory at that place, shot two or three whites, placed guards on the railroad bridge, and stopped the passenger trains of the baltimore and ohio railroad. the president promptly dispatched a detachment of marines to the spot. the insurrectionists were found to number about twenty white men and negroes, under the leadership of the notorious kansas free-state man, john ossawatomie brown. after some time spent in parley, made for the purpose of saving a number of prominent citizens who were held prisoners by brown within the enclosures of the united states armory, the marines made an attack, beat down the gates, and took all who were not killed prisoners. among the latter was brown himself, who had received a number of severe wounds. brown confessed that his object was to liberate and run off all the slaves in the adjoining counties of virginia and maryland. at a farm-house which brown had hired a few miles from harper's ferry, were found ammunition and arms, consisting of a large number of sharpe's rifles, revolvers, pikes and other implements of war, together with a great amount of correspondence, consisting of letters of gerrit smith and fred douglas. during the whole affair, there were killed ten of the insurrectionists, six citizens and one united states marine, and a number on both sides were wounded. brown was found guilty of treason and conspiracy against the united states on the d of november, was sentenced to be hung, which sentence was carried into effect on the d of december, . it has since been discovered that the following is a portion of the plans of abolitionists, matured in kansas by brown and others, and which he attempted in part to carry out:-- " . to _make war_ (openly or secretly, as circumstances may dictate) _upon the property of the slaveholders_ and their abettors--not for its destruction, if that can be easily avoided, but to convert it to the _use_ of the _slaves_. if it cannot be thus converted, then we advise its _destruction_. teach the slaves to _burn their master's buildings_, to _kill_ their _cattle_ and _horses_, to conceal or _destroy farming utensils_, to abandon labor in seed time and harvest, and _let crops perish_. make slavery unprofitable in this way, if it can be done in no other. " . to make slaveholders objects of _derision_ and _contempt_, by _flogging them_ whenever they shall be guilty of flogging their slaves. " . to risk no general insurrection until we of the north go to your assistance, or you are sure of success without our aid. " . to cultivate the friendship and confidence of the slaves; to consult with them as to their rights and interests, and the means of promoting them; to show your interest in their welfare, and your readiness to assist them; let them know that they have your sympathy, and it will give them courage, self-respect and ambition, and make men of them--infinitely better men to live by, as neighbors and friends, than the indolont, arrogant, selfish, heartless, domineering robbers and tyrants who now keep both yourselves and the slaves in subjection, and look with contempt upon all who live by honest labor. " . to change your political institutions as soon as possible, and, in the meantime, give never a vote to a slaveholder; pay no taxes to their government, if you can either resist or evade them; as witnesses and jurors, give no testimony and no verdicts in support of any slaveholding claims; perform no military, patrol or police service; mob slaveholding courts, jails and sheriffs; do nothing, in short, for sustaining slavery, but everything you safely can, _publicly and privately, for its overthrow_." the end. we have before given a table of the number of slaves in the united states in . it was then , . the following is a similar estimate for the year , as determined by the seventh census: new jersey delaware , maryland , virginia , north carolina , south carolina , georgia , florida , alabama , mississippi , louisiana , texas , arkansas , tennessee , kentucky , missouri , district of columbia , utah ---------- total , , adding to this sum thirty per cent, a fair estimate of the increase for the last ten years, and we have in , , , slaves in the united states, or _four millions in round numbers_. there were in the united states , persons owning slaves. of this number two owned , each; both resided in south carolina. nine only owned between and , , of whom two resided in georgia, four in louisiana, one in mississippi. fifty-six owned from to , of whom one resided in maryland, one in virginia, three in north carolina, one in tennessee, one in florida, four in georgia, six in louisiana, eight in mississippi, twenty-nine in south carolina, one hundred and eighty-seven owned from to , of whom south carolina had sixty-nine, louisiana thirty-six, georgia twenty-two, mississippi eighteen, alabama sixteen, north carolina twelve, five other states fourteen, and four states none. fourteen hundred and seventy-nine owned from to . all the slaveholding states, except florida and missouri, are represented in this class, south carolina having one-fourth of the whole; , persons owned from ten to twenty slaves each. south carolina, from this statement, owns more slaves in proportion to her population than any other state in the south. * * * * * a few general considerations, and we conclude our narrative. after tracing the course of events recorded in the foregoing pages, the questions naturally arise--what has been the result? what have the abolitionists gained? the answers may be briefly summed up as follows:-- . they have put an end to the benevolent schemes of emancipation which originated among the real philanthropists of the south, and were calculated, in a proper time and manner, beneficent to all concerned, to produce the desired result. in their wild and fanatical attempts they have counteracted the very object at which they have aimed. instead of ameliorating the condition of the slaves, they have only aroused the distrust of the master, and led to restrictions which did not before exist. the truth is, the lot of the people of the south is not more implicated in that of the slaves than is the lot of the slaves in the people of the south. in their mutual relations, they must survive or perish together. in the language of another, "the worst foes of the black race are those who have intermeddled in their behalf. by nature, the most affectionate and loyal of all races beneath the sun, they are also the most helpless: and no calamity can befal them greater than the loss of that protection they enjoy under this patriarchal system. indeed, the experiment has been tried of precipitating them upon a freedom which they know not how to enjoy; and the dismal results are before the world in statistics that may well excite astonishment. with the fairest portions of the earth in their possession, and with the advantage of a long discipline as the cultivators of the soil, their constitutional indolence has converted the most beautiful islands of the sea into howling wastes. it is not too much to say, that if the south should, at this moment, surrender every slave, the wisdom of the entire world, united in solemn council, could not solve the question of their disposal. freedom would be their doom. every southern master knows this truth and feels its power." . touch the negro, and you touch cotton--the mainspring that keeps the machinery of the world in motion. in teaching slaves to entertain wild and dangerous notions of liberty, the abolitionists have thus jeopardized the commerce of the country and the manufacturing interests of the civilized world. they have likewise destroyed confidence. northern institutions are no longer filled with the young men and women of the south, but find rivals springing up in every state south of mason and dixon's line. northern commerce can no longer depend upon the rich places of wealth it has hitherto found in southern patronage. northern men can no longer travel in the south without being regarded as objects of suspicion and confounded with the abolitionists of their section. in short, all the kind relations that have ever existed between the north and the south have been interrupted, and a barrier erected, which, socially, commercially and politically, has separated the heretofore united interests of the two sections, and which nothing but a revolution in public sentiment, a higher sense of the moral obligations due our neighbor, a religious training, which will graft upon our nature a truer conscience and inculcate a purer charity, and finally a recognition of abstract right and justice, can ever remove. . they have held out a canadian utopia, where they have taught the slaves in their ignorance to believe they could enjoy a life of ease and luxury, and having cut them off from a race of kind masters and separated them from comfortable homes, left the deluded beings incapable of self-support upon an uncongenial soil, to live in a state of bestiality and misery, and die cursing the abolitionists as the authors of their wretchedness. . they have led a portion of the people of the north, as well as of the south, to examine the question in all its aspects, and to plant themselves upon the broad principle that that form of government which recognizes the institution of slavery in the united states, is the best, the condition of the two races, white and black being considered, for the development, progress and happiness of each. in other words, to regard servitude as a blessing to the negro, and under proper and philanthropic restrictions, necessary to their preservation and the prosperity of the country. . step by step they have built up a party upon an issue which has led to a dissolution of the union. they have scattered the seeds of abolitionism until a majority of the voters of the free states have become animated by a fixed purpose not only to prevent the further growth of the slave power, but to beard the lion in his den. the power of the north has been consolidated, and for the first time in the history of the country it is wielded as a sectional weapon against the interests of the south. the government is now in the hands of men elected by northern votes, who regard slavery as a curse and a crime, and they will have the means necessary to accomplish their purpose. the utterances that have heretofore come from the rostrum or from irresponsible associations of individuals now come from the throne. "clad with the sanctities of office, with the anointing oil poured upon the monarch's head, the decree has gone forth that the institution of southern slavery shall be constrained within assigned limits. though nature and providence should send forth its branches like the banyan tree to take root in congenial soil, here is a power superior to both, that says it shall wither and die within its own charmed circle." if this be not believed, let the following selections from the speeches of the leaders of the republican party be the proof:-- hon. charles sumner, united states senator from mass.:-- "this slave oligarchy will soon cease to exist as a political combination. its final doom may be postponed, but it is certain. languishing, it may live yet longer, but it will surely die. yes, fellow-citizens, surely it will die--when disappointed in its purposes--driven back within the states, and constrained within these limits, it can no longer rule the republic as a plantation of slaves at home; can no longer menace territories with its five-headed device to compel labor without wages; can no longer fasten upon the constitution an interpretation which makes merchandise of men, and gives a disgraceful immunity to the brokers of human flesh, and the butchers of human hearts; and when it can no longer grind flesh and blood, groans and sighs, the tears of mothers and the cries of children into the cement of a barbarous political power! surely, then, in its retreat, smarting under the indignation of an aroused people, and the concurring judgment of the civilized world it must die;--it may be, as a poisoned rat dies, of rage in its hole. (enthusiastic applause.) meanwhile all good omens are ours. the work cannot stop. quickened by the triumph, now at hand,--with a republican president in power, state after state, quitting the condition of a territory, and spurning slavery, will be welcomed into our plural unit, and joining hands together, will become a belt of fire about the slave states, in which slavery must die." hon. john wentworth, editor of the _chicago democrat_, and mayor of chicago:-- "we might as well make up our minds to fight the battle now, as at any other time. it will have to be fought, and the longer the evil day is put off, the more bloody will be the contest when it comes. if we do not place slavery in the process of extinction now, by hemming it in, where it is, and not suffering it to expand, it will extinguish us, and our liberties. "if the union be preserved, and if the federal government be administered for a few years by republican presidents, a scheme may be devised, and carried out, which will result in the peaceful, honorable and equitable emancipation of all the slaves. "the states must be made all free, and if a republican government is intrusted with the duty of making them free, the work will be done without bloodshed, without revolution, without disastrous loss of property. the work will be one of time and patience, but it must be done!" hon. wm. h. seward, secretary of state (his rochester speech of oct. , ): "our country is a theatre which exhibits, in full operation, two radically different political systems--the one resting on the basis of servile or slave labor, the other on the basis of voluntary labor of freemen. * * * * * * * * "the two systems are at once perceived to be incongruous. but never have permanently existed together in one country, and they never can. * * * these antagonistic systems are continually coming in closer contact, and collision ensues. "shall i tell you what this collision means? it is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the united states must, and will, sooner or later, become entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirety a free labor nation. either the cotton and rice fields of south carolina, and the sugar plantations of louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and charleston and new orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of massachusetts and new york must again be surrendered by their farmers to the slave culture and to the production of slaves, and boston and new york become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men." at a later period, in the senate of the united states, the same senator uttered the following language:-- "a free republican government like this, notwithstanding all its constitutional checks, cannot long resist and counteract the progress of society. "free labor has at last apprehended its rights and its destiny, and is organizing itself to assume the government of the republic. it will henceforth meet you boldly and resolutely here (washington); it will meet you everywhere, in the territories and out of them, wherever you may go to extend slavery. it has driven you back in california and in kansas, it will invade you soon in delaware, maryland, virginia, missouri, and texas. it will meet you in arizona, in central america, and even in cuba. * * * * * "you may, indeed, get a start under or near the tropics, and seem safe for a time, but it will be only a short time. even there you will found states only for free labor to maintain and occupy. the interest of the whole race demands the ultimate emancipation of all men. whether that consummation shall be allowed to take effect, with needful and wise precautions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide. the white man needs this continent to labor upon. his head is clear, his arm is strong, and his necessities are fixed. * * * * * "it is for yourselves, and not for us, to decide how long and through what further mortifications and disasters the contest shall be protracted before freedom shall enjoy her already assured triumph. "you may refuse to yield it now, and for a short period, but your refusal will only animate the friends of freedom with the courage and the resolution, and produce the union among them, which alone is necessary on their part to attain the position itself, simultaneously with the impending overthrow of the existing federal administration and the constitution of a new and more independent congress." hon. joshua giddings, member of congress from ohio:-- "i look forward to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the south; when the black man, armed with british bayonets, and led on by british officers, shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination against his master; when the torch of the incendiary shall light up the towns and cities of the south, and blot out the last vestige of slavery. and though i may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their fear cometh, yet i will hail it as the dawn of a political millennium." hon. abraham lincoln, president of the united states:-- "i believe this government cannot endure permanently, half slave, and half free. i do not expect the union to be dissolved; i do not expect the house to fall, but i do expect that it will cease to be divided. it will become all one thing, or all the other. either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief, that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward, until it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new, north as well as south." "i have always hated slavery as much as any abolitionist. i have always been an old line whig. i have always hated it, and i always believed it in a course of ultimate extinction. if i were in congress, and a vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited in a new territory, in spite of the dred scott decision i would vote that it should." these are a few only of the extracts of a similar nature which may be selected from multitudes of speeches that have been delivered by the leading men of the party. the same sentiment, however, runs through them all, and abolition, in one way or another, is not less a doctrine of the republican party of than it was of the liberty party of , to which it owes its birth. "abolitionism is clearly its informing and actuating soul; and fanaticism is a blood-hound that never bolts its track when it has once lapped blood. the elevation of their candidate is far from being the consummation of their aims. it is only the beginning of that consummation; and if all history be not a lie, there will be coercion enough till the end of the beginning is reached, and the dreadful banquet of slaughter and ruin shall glut the appetite." and now the end has come. the divided house, which mr. lincoln boastfully said would not fall, has fallen. the ruins of the union are at the feet as well of those who loved and cherished it as of those who labored for its destruction. the constitution is at length a nullity, and our flag a mockery. fanaticism, too, must have its apotheosis. history of the southern confederacy. chapter ix. the six seceding states and date of their separation--organization of the southern congress--names of members--election of president and vice president, and sketch of their lives--the new constitution--the city of montgomery, &c., &c. on saturday, february , , six seceding states of the old union organized an independent government, adopted a constitution, and elected a president and vice president. these states passed their respective ordinances of dissolution as follows:-- state. date. yeas. nays. south carolina dec. , -- mississippi jan. , alabama jan. , florida jan. , georgia jan. , louisiana jan. , only two of the seceding states--south carolina and georgia--were original members of the confederacy. the others came in in the following order:-- louisiana april , mississippi dec , alabama dec , florida march , texas dec , the convention which consummated this event assembled on the th of february, at montgomery, alabama. hon. r. m. barnwell, of south carolina, being appointed temporary chairman, the divine blessing was invoked by rev. dr. basil manly. we give this first impressive prayer in the congress of the new confederacy below, and further add, as an illustration of the religious earnestness by which the delegates were one and all animated, that the ministers of montgomery were invited to open the deliberations each day with invocations to the throne of grace:-- oh, thou god of the universe, thou madest all things; thou madest man upon the earth; thou hast endowed him with reason and capacity for government. we thank thee that thou hast made us at this late period of the world; and in this fair portion of the earth, and hast established a free government and a pure form of religion amongst us. we thank thee for all the hallowed memories connected with our past history. thou hast been the god of our fathers; oh, be thou our god. let it please thee to vouchsafe thy sacred presence to this assembly. oh, our father, we appeal to thee, the searcher of hearts, for the purity and sincerity of our motives. if we are in violation of any compact still obligatory upon us with those states from which we have separated in order to set up a new government--if we are acting in rebellion to and in contravention of piety towards god and good faith to our fellow man, we cannot hope for thy presence and blessing. but oh, thou heart searching god, we trust that thou seest we are pursuing those rights which were guaranteed to us by the solemn covenants of our fathers and which were cemented by their blood. and now we humbly recognise thy hand in the providence which has brought us together. we pray thee to give the spirit of wisdom to thy servants, with all necessary grace, that they may act with deliberation and purpose, and that they will wisely adopt such measures in this trying condition of our affairs as shall redound to thy glory and the good of our country. so direct them that they may merge the lust for spoil and the desire for office into the patriotic desire for the welfare of this great people. oh god, assist them to preserve our republican form of government and the purity of the forms of religion, without interference with the strongest form of civil government. may god in tender mercy bestow upon the deputies here assembled health and strength of body, together with calmness and soundness of mind; may they aim directly at the glory of god and the welfare of the whole people, and when the hour of trial which may supervene shall come, enable them to stand firm in the exercise of truth, with great prudence and a just regard for the sovereign rights of their constituents. oh, god, grant that the union of these states, and all that may come into this union, may endure as long as the sun and moon shall last, and until the son of man shall come a second time to judge the world in righteousness. preside over this body in its organization and in the distribution of its offices. let truth and justice, and equal rights be secured to our government. and now, our father in heaven, we acknowledge thee as our god--do thou rule in us, do thou sway us, do thou control us, and let the blessings of the father, son and holy spirit rest upon this assembly now and forever. amen. a. r. lamar, esq., of georgia, was then appointed temporary secretary, and the deputies from the several seceding states represented presented their credentials in alphabetical order, and signed their names to the roll of the convention. the following is the list:-- alabama. r. w. walker, r. h. smith, j. l. m. curry, w. p. chilton, s. f. hale colon, j. mcrae, john gill shorter, david p. lewis, thomas fearn. florida. james b. owens, j. patten anderson, jackson morton, (not present.) georgia. robert toombs, howell cobb, f. s. bartow, m. j. crawford, e. a. nisbet, b. h. hill, a. r. wright, thomas r. r. cobb, a. h. kenan, a. h. stephens. louisiana. john perkins, jr. a. declonet, charles m. conrad, d. f. kenner, g. e. sparrow, henry marshall. mississippi. w. p. harris, walter brooke, n. s. wilson, a. m. clayton, w. s. barry, j. t. harrison. south carolina. r. b. rhett, r. w. barnwell, l. m. keitt, james chesnut, jr. c. g. memminger, w. porcher miles, thomas j. withers, w. w. boyce. the hall of the southern convention. the following description is from a southern paper:-- "on the extreme left, as the visitor enters the hall, may be seen a list of the names of the gallant corps constituting the palmetto regiment of south carolina, so distinguished in the history of the mexican war; next to that is an impressive representation of washington delivering his inaugural address; and still farther to the left, a picture of south carolina's ever memorable statesman, john c. calhoun; and next to that, an excellent portrait of albert j. pickett, "the historian of alabama." just to the right of the president's desk is the portrait of dixon h. lewis, a representative in congress from alabama for a number of years. immediately over the president's desk is the portrait of the immortal general george washington, painted by stuart. there are a few facts connected with the history of this portrait which are, perhaps, deserving of special mention. it was given by mrs. custis to general benjamin smith, of north carolina. at the sale of his estate it was purchased by mr. moore, who presented it to mrs. e. e. clitherall (mother of judge a. b. clitherall, of pickens), in whose possession it has been for forty years. it is one of the three original portraits of general washington now in existence. a second one, painted by trumbull, is in the white house at washington, and is the identical portrait that mrs. madison cut out of the frame when the british attacked washington in . the third is in the possession of a gentleman in boston, massachusetts. next to the portrait of washington is that of the old hero, andrew jackson; next in order is an excellent one of alabama's distinguished son, honorable w. l. yancey; and next, a picture of the great orator and statesman, henry clay; and next to that, a historical representation of the swamp encampment scene of general marion, when he invited the british officer to partake of his scanty fare; and on the extreme right of the door, entering into the hall, is another picture of general washington, beautifully and artistically wrought upon canvas by some fair hand." the deputies having handed in their credentials, on motion of mr. rhett, of south carolina, honorable howell cobb, of georgia, was chosen president of the convention, and mr. j. j. hooper, secretary. thus permanently organized, the convention proceeded with the usual routine of business. a committee was appointed to report a plan for the provisional government upon the basis of the constitution of the united states, and after remaining in secret session the greater part of the time for five days, the "congress"--the word "convention" being entirely ignored on motion of honorable a. h. stephens, of georgia--at half past ten o'clock, on the night of february , unanimously adopted a provisional constitution similar in the main to the constitution of the old union. the vital points of difference are the following:-- . _the importation of african negroes from any foreign country other than the slaveholding states of the confederated states is hereby forbidden, and congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same._ . _congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any state not a member of this confederacy._ the congress shall have power-- . _to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, for revenue necessary to pay the debts and carry on the government of the confederacy, and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the confederacy._ _a slave in one state escaping to another shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom said slave may belong by the executive authority of the state in which such slave may be found; and any case of any abduction or forcible rescue full compensation, including the value of slave, and all costs and expenses, shall be made to the party by the state in which such abduction or rescue shall take place._ . _the government hereby instituted shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the states forming it and their late confederates of the united states in relation to the public property and public debt at the time of their withdrawal from them, these states hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust everything pertaining to the common property, common liabilities, and common obligations of that union upon principles of right, justice, equity and good faith._ in several other features the new constitution differs from the original. the old one commences with the words--"we the people of the united states," &c. the new--"we the deputies of the sovereign and independent states of south carolina," &c., thus distinctly indicating their sovereign and independent character, and yet their mutual reliance. again, the new constitution reverentially invokes "the favor of almighty god." in the old, the existence of a supreme being appears to have been entirely ignored. in the original, not only was the word "slave" omitted, but even the idea was so studiously avoided as to raise grave questions concerning the intent of the several clauses in which the "institution" is a subject of legislation, while in the new, the word "slaves" is boldly inserted, and the intention of its framers so clearly defined with reference to them that there is hardly a possibility of misapprehension. again, contrary to the expectation of the majority of the northern people, who have _persistently urged that the object of the south in establishing a separate government was to re-open the african slave trade, the most stringent measures are to be adopted for its suppression_. all this was done with a unanimity which indicated the harmony of sentiment that prevailed among the people of the seceding states, and among the delegates by whom they were represented in the southern congress. the election of president and vice president. the constitution having been adopted, the sixth day's proceedings of the southern congress, on saturday, february , were characterized by unusual interest, the galleries being crowded with anxious and enthusiastic spectators. during the preliminary business several model flags were presented for consideration--one being from the ladies of south carolina; and a committee was appointed to report on a flag, a seal, a coat of arms and a motto for the southern confederacy. there were likewise appointed committees on foreign affairs, on finance, on military and naval affairs, on postal affairs, on commerce and on patents. the congress then proceeded to the election of a president and vice president of the southern confederacy, which resulted, by a unanimous vote, as follows:-- _president_--honorable jefferson davis, of mississippi. _vice president_--honorable alexander h. stephens, of georgia. this announcement was received with the grandest demonstrations of enthusiasm. one hundred guns were fired in the city of montgomery in honor of the event, and in the evening a serenade was given to the vice president elect, to which he eloquently responded. messrs. chesnut and keitt, of south carolina, and conrad, of louisiana, likewise made appropriate speeches. a resolution was adopted in congress appointing a committee of three alabama deputies to make arrangements to secure the use of suitable buildings for the use of the several executive departments of the confederacy. an ordinance was also passed, continuing in force, until repealed or altered by the southern confederacy, all laws of the united states in force or use on the first of november last. the committee on finance were likewise instructed to report promptly a tariff for raising revenue for the support of the government. under this law a tariff has been laid on all goods brought from the united states. the appointment of a committee was also authorized for the purpose of reporting a constitution for the permanent government of the confederacy. these are some of the measures thus far adopted by the new government. the legislation has been prompt, unanimous, and adapted to the exigency of the moment, and there is little doubt that when all the necessary laws have been passed, a strong, healthy, and wealthy confederation will be in the full tide of successful experiment. the southern cabinet is composed of the following gentlemen:-- secretary of state robert toombs. secretary of treasury c. s. memminger. secretary of interior vacancy. secretary of war l p. walker. secretary of navy john perkins, jr. postmaster general h. t. ebett. attorney general j. p. benjamin. hon. jefferson davis, of mississippi, president. few men have led a life more filled with stirring or eventful incidents than jefferson davis. a native of kentucky, born about , he went in early youth with his father to mississippi, then a territory, and was appointed by president monroe in to be a cadet at west point. he graduated with the first honors in as brevet second lieutenant, and at his own request was placed in active service, being assigned to the command of general (then colonel) zachary taylor, who was stationed in the west. in the frontier wars of the time young davis distinguished himself in so marked a manner that when a new regiment of dragoons was formed he at once obtained a commission as first lieutenant. during this time a romantic attachment sprang up between him and his prisoner, the famous chief black hawk, in which the latter forgot his animosity to the people of the united states in his admiration for lieutenant davis, and not until his death was the bond of amity severed between the two brave men. in he settled quietly down upon a cotton plantation, devoting himself to a thorough and systematic course of political and scientific education. he was married to a daughter of gen. taylor. in he took the stump for polk, and in , having attracted no little attention in his state by his vigor and ability, he was elected to congress. ten days after he made his maiden speech. soon the mexican war broke out, and a regiment of volunteers having been formed in mississippi, and himself chosen colonel, he resigned his post in congress, and instantly repaired with his command to join the _corps d'armee_ under general taylor. at monterey and buena vista he and his noble regiment achieved the soldiers' highest fame. twice by his coolness he saved the day at buena vista. wherever fire was hottest or danger to be encountered, there colonel davis and the mississippi rifles were to be found. he was badly wounded in the early part of the action, but sat his horse steadily till the day was won, and refused to delegate even a portion of his duties to his subordinate officers. in he was appointed to fill the vacancy in the senate of the united states occasioned by the death of general speight, and in was elected to that body almost unanimously for the term of six years. in he resigned his seat in the senate to become the state rights candidate for governor, but was defeated by governor foote. in he was called to a seat in the cabinet of president pierce, and was secretary of war during his administration. in he was elected united states senator from mississippi for the term of six years, which office he held until his resignation on the secession of mississippi from the union. personally, he is the last man who would be selected as a "fire-eater." he is a prim, smooth looking man, with a precise manner, a stiff, soldierly carriage and an austerity that is at first forbidding. he has naturally, however, a genial temper, companionable qualities and a disposition that endears him to all by whom he may be surrounded. as a speaker he is clear, forcible and argumentative; his voice is clear and firm, without tremor, and he is one in every way fitted for the distinguished post to which he has been called. hon. alexander h. stevens, of georgia, vice president. this gentleman is known throughout the union as one of the most prominent of southern politicians and eloquent orators. his father, andrew b. stephens, was a planter of moderate means, and his mother (margaret grier) was a sister to the famous compiler of grier's almanacs. she died when he was an infant, leaving him with four brothers and one sister, of whom only one brother survives. mr. stephens was born in georgia on the th of february, . when in his fourteenth year his father died, and the homestead being sold, his share of the entire estate was about five hundred dollars. with a commendable anglo-saxon love of his ancestry mr. stephens has since repurchased the original estate, which comprised about two hundred and fifty acres, and has added to it about six hundred more. assisted by friends he entered the university of georgia in , and in graduated at the head of his class. in he commenced the study of the law, and in less than twelve months was engaged in one of the most important cases in the country. his eloquence has ever had a powerful effect upon juries, enforcing, as it does, arguments of admirable simplicity and legal weight. from to he was a member of the georgia legislature. in he was elected to the state senate, and in was elected to congress. he was a member of the whig party in its palmiest days, but since its dissolution has acted with the men of the south, and such has been the upright, steadfast and patriotic policy he has pursued, that no one in the present era of faction, selfishness or suspicion has whispered an accusation of selfish motives or degrading intrigues against him. in the house he served prominently on the most important committees, and effected the passage of the kansas-nebraska bill through the house at a time when its warmest friends despaired of success. he was subsequently appointed chairman of the committee on territories, and was also chairman of the special committee to which was referred the lecompton constitution. by his patriotic course on various measures, he has, from time to time, excited the ire of many of the southern people, but he has always succeeded in coming out of the contest with flying colors, and his recent elevation is a mark of the profound respect entertained for his qualities as a man and a statesman. mr. stephens is most distinguished as an orator, though he does not look like one who can command the attention of the house at any time or upon any topic. his health from childhood has been very feeble, being afflicted with four abscesses and a continued derangement of the liver, which gives him a consumptive appearance though his lungs are sound. he has never weighed over ninety-six pounds, and to see his attenuated figure bent over his desk, the shoulders contracted and the shape of his slender limbs visible through his garments, a stranger would never select him as the "john randolph" of our time, more dreaded as an adversary and more prized as an ally in a debate than any other member of the house of representatives. when speaking he has at first a shrill, sharp voice, but as he warms up with his subject the clear tones and vigorous sentences roll out with a sonorousness that finds its way to every corner of the immense hall. he is witty, rhetorical and solid, and has a dash of keen satire that puts an edge upon every speech. he is a careful student, but so very careful that no trace of study is perceptible as he dashes along in a flow of facts, arguments and language that to common minds is almost bewildering. possessing hosts of warm friends who are proud of his regard, and enlightened christian virtue and inflexible integrity, such is alexander h. stephens, the vice president elect of the southern confederacy. the new confederacy. at this particular juncture it will also be interesting, in view of coming legislation, to note some of the statistics of the several seceding states with reference to their population, state debt, &c. they are as follows:-- population in . state debt free slave. in . south carolina , , $ , , georgia , , , , alabama , , , , mississippi , , , , louisiana , , , , florida , , , --------- --------- , , , , , , --------- total , , this is a population exceeding by , that of , at the close of the revolutionary war of the whole united states. . . total population of free states , , , , do. do. slave states , , , , do. do. territories , , ---------- ---------- total population of the united states , , , , increase in ten years , , the city of montgomery--the provisional capital of the new confederacy. the city of montgomery, the capital of alabama, has assumed such a sudden importance as the capital of the southern confederacy and the seat of the federal operations of the new government, that we give below a brief sketch of its locality and surroundings. it is situated on the left bank of the alabama river, miles by water from mobile, and miles from washington, d. c. it is the second city in the state in respect to trade and population, and is one of the most flourishing inland towns of the southern states, possessing great facilities for communications with the surrounding country. for steamboat navigation the alabama river is one of the best in the union, the largest steamers ascending to this point from mobile. the city is also the western termination of the montgomery and west point railroad. it contains several extensive iron foundries, mills, factories, large warehouses, numerous elegant stores and private residences. the cotton shipped at this place annually amounts to about one hundred thousand bales. the public records were removed from tuscaloosa to montgomery in november, . the state house was destroyed by fire in , and another one was erected on the same site in . the present population of the city is not far from , , and it is probable that, with all its natural advantages, the fact of its present selection as the southern capital, will soon place it in the first rank of southern cities. the effect of the southern congress. the united front and united action of the six states which have thus formed themselves into the pioneer guard, as it were, of the remaining nine, is an earnest that no one of them, in its sovereign capacity, will undertake a conflict with the old united states without the assent of its brethren. what they have thus far done "in congress assembled," they have done soberly and after mature consideration; and in their past action we may find assurance that no future movements will be undertaken--especially those of a nature likely to involve them in a civil war--without equal deliberation, calmness, and a just regard for the common welfare. if there should be, it will be the fault of the aggressive policy of some of the legislatures of the north. it will be observed that, notwithstanding texas had already passed the ordinance of secession, as that act had not yet been endorsed by the people, at the time of the sitting of the convention, she was not regarded as one of the new confederacy, and consequently was unrepresented. north carolina also sent three commissioners to deliberate with the delegates of the seceding states--namely, messrs. d. l. swain, j. l. bridgers and m. w. ransom. the entire movement bears upon its face all the marks of a well developed, well digested plan of government--a government now as independent as were the old thirteen states after the fourth of july, , and possessing what our ancestors of that date did not fully have--the wealth, ability and power to meet almost any contingency that may arise. meanwhile, judging from the disposition of republicans in congress and throughout the country, the ball thus set in motion will not stop. the states already united will undoubtedly remain so, and form the nucleus around which will gather others. the new union will grow in strength as it grows in age. according to our recent intelligence from england and france, these two nations will rival each other in endeavoring to first secure the favor of the new power. with them cotton will be the successful diplomat. ministers and agents will be appointed, postal facilities will be re-arranged, a new navy will spring into existence, prosperity will begin to pour into the newly opened lap, and we shall witness at our very side the success of a people who, by the pertinacity of the selfish political leaders and the political domination of the north, have been driven to measures of defence which are destined to redound to their benefit, but to our cost and national shame.--_new york herald, feb. , ._ book was produced from scanned images of public domain material from the google books project.) slaveholding weighed in the balance of truth, and its comparative guilt illustrated. by charles fitch. pastor of first free congregational church, boston. boston: published by isaac knapp, no. , cornhill. . slaveholding, & c. in order that we may understand the duties, which we owe to god and our fellow men, relative to the subject of slavery, it is necessary that we examine the institution, in all its bearings upon the temporal and eternal interests of the enslaved; and ascertain, as far as we are able to do so, the extent of the injuries which it inflicts. to aid my readers in doing this is now my object. i do not propose however, to gauge this mammoth evil, and show you its exact dimensions; i fully confess to you in the outset, that i am not able so to do. that it is greater, in some of its bearings at least, than any other evil that ever existed among men, and involves more guilt than any other crime ever committed by men, i fully believe, and shall endeavor to show; still the evil has a magnitude which my powers cannot describe; and the guilt a blackness which can never be painted, except by a pencil dipped in the midnight of the bottomless pit. i am aware, that great complaint has often been made, of those, who have endeavored to rouse the indignation of their fellow men against the wrongs inflicted on the poor slave, that they deal in unjust severity of language. that they have at any time spoken more than the truth, i do not believe--nor can i admit that they have dealt out severity and painted rebuke, in more unmeasured terms, than they have received them from their opponents. when i remember, too, the long and profound slumberings, even of christians on this subject, while their brethren were groaning under all the injuries, and cruelties, of iron-handed and steel-hearted oppression; i cannot suppress the feeling, that it was necessary, that that those who would arouse them, should break forth as in thunder tones, and gird up all their energies, to shake off the sloth in which their fellow men were bound. they had themselves but just awoke as from a dream, and found that they had long been sleeping, as on the overhanging brink of a burning crater; and when they saw the whole multitude of their fellow countrymen, still asleep in the same situation of fearful peril; who can wonder that they should cry out at the top of their voice, and resort to every possible expedient, to awaken those around them before it was too late? they heard the suppressed and terrific mutterings of the incipient earthquake below, and felt the ground beneath them already giving way, what less could they do, than to lay about them with all their strength, in the use of the first expedient, that seemed calculated to awaken and save? they had no time to devise a multitude of measures, and then choose from among them, such as would be most likely to satisfy those who were unwilling to be awaked. they must do something, and do it then. previous measures, though entered upon ostensibly for the purpose of arousing men from sleep, had only served as a lull-a-by. the oppressors of their fellow men, were but becoming more secure in their claims of property in god's image--the chains of the slave were getting more and more firmly rivetted, and the whole nation were fast binding themselves in a willing bondage to those, who found it conducive to their ease, and interest, and shameful indulgence, to be permitted to inflict all the wrongs they pleased on their fellow men, with none to utter a single note of remonstrance or rebuke. it was seen that the press was bribed, and the pulpit gagged, and the lips of the multitude padlocked, and nearly the whole population of the free states bound, by chains either of prejudice, or interest, or ignorance, to the tremendous car of slavery; and those who loved to have it so, had mounted the engine and were driving at rail-road speed, withersoever they would; and when a few awoke, and saw the nation thus hastening to the precipice of ruin, to be dashed in the abyss below--what less could they do, than to cry stop--and that too, even at a pitch of remonstrance, which should subject them to the imputation of fanaticism or madness. it is not unlikely that some of my readers, may regard the language which i shall use as unreasonably severe; and yet i do not believe, nor can i think that any man, after looking candidly at the subject, will believe that it expresses more than the truth. my design is to draw a parallel between slavery and the evils which stand connected with it, and some of the worst evils and vices and crimes, which are ever found among men, that we may see where slavery ought to be placed in the catalogue of sins. . let us look at the roman catholic church. much has been said during the last few years, of the efforts which were being made, to bring this country under subjection to the pope of rome. now it is enough to make a man shudder from head to foot, though his nerves were iron, and his sinews brass, to think of the most distant possibility that such a thing may ever take place. but what are the evils which the romish church inflicts, upon such as are brought under her control? she takes away the bible from them, and gives them no opportunity, to learn for themselves, the way to heaven. all the religious instruction, which the people can receive, must come orally, from the lips of the priest. slavery does the same thing precisely, to all who come under its control. they may not read the bible, nor possess it--and can receive no religious instruction, but what comes orally from the lips of the priest. the roman catholic church depends for its perpetuity, upon the ignorance of the common people. slavery depends for its perpetuity upon the ignorance, of the enslaved. hence the great effort to shut out all _knowledge_. the romish church robs the laboring classes of large sums of money, to support its pope, and its cardinals, its bishops, and its priests, in idleness and luxury and profligacy. slavery robs the laboring class of their earnings, to support another set of men in the same mode of life. the romish church confiscates the property, and confines, and tortures, and puts to death, such as will not submit to her rule, whenever she has the power of doing so. slavery does the same things. not only the property, the whole earnings, but the wife and children, the hands and feet and head, the whole body and soul of the enslaved, are confiscated, and appropriated to the use of men in power. slavery also has tortures for its victims. it applies the scourge, until the blood runs down their lacerated bodies in streams, and in a multitude of ways inflicts its cruelties, upon such as will not yield an entire submission to its rule. if any refuse to submit longer to their sufferings, and flee, they are followed into their hiding places, and put to death. others are whipped until death ensues; others are driven to hard labor without proper food or rest, until they sink down and die. but the romish church does not, ordinarily, strip the whole multitude of its victims, of everything that bears the name of property, and take the ownership of themselves out of their hands, and drive them by the scourge to hard labor from the beginning to the end of the year. she does not measure out to them their scanty pittance of food, nor name every rag of clothing which they are permitted to put on, nor mock at all the relations of social life--stealing the child out of the father's arms, or off the mother's breast; and the wife out of the bosom of her husband; and separating them for life, depriving them of all the protection of law, and subjecting them daily to every injury and suffering, which avarice and passion and lust can load upon them. nor are men, women and children under her influence, like cattle, raised to sell. such enormities as these are left to be practiced by slavery; and to be legalized in the statute books of a people, who have boastingly regarded themselves, as the most thoroughly christianized nation on which the sun ever shines. i say then, there are points, in which slavery far outdoes the romish church in cruelty and guilt; binds heavier burdens, and more grievous to be borne, and lays them on men's shoulders, and will not touch them with a finger. slavery also like romanism, cries out against free discussion, and the liberty of the press, and does not hesitate to silence both, so far as she has the power; and to make every possible advance toward it where the power is not possessed. hence the outrages committed on peaceful citizens, travelling in slaveholding states; and the efforts to put down discussion, in almost all the states which call themselves free. hence the destruction of birney's press in cincinnati, and the stones cast in the streets of troy, at the hero weld, who, like his master, goes about doing good. hence all the shameful outrages by which that place has been disgraced, and the still more shameful neglect of the proper authorities to protect peaceful, respectable, high-minded, and pious men, in the exercise of the most noble of all their rights, that of publicly expressing and defending their own opinions. hence all the excesses practiced in this and several adjoining states, to lay the heaven-born spirit of liberty asleep, even among her own new-england hills. hence the long, loud, and repeated threats of dissolving the union, which southern men have sent up on our ears, and which even some of our governors have echoed back, in declarations that it is felony for a man to speak what he thinks on a particular subject. who doubts, that slavery if she could, would go so far in locking up the opinions of men within their own breasts, as ever popery went in the height of her power. she had already, well nigh, taken away the power of free discussion, from those who dare to assert the rights of their fellow men, and would soon have completed the _work_. . let us look at infidelity. the evil arising from this source is, that it blinds men respecting their duty to god and their own souls, and thus leads them down to hell. it urges itself, however, on no man by force. a spark of honest desire to know the truth and walk in its light, is at all times, abundantly sufficient, to show a man the sophistry and wilful unbelief by which such doctrines are supported; and to warn him of all their snares, and to guide his feet into the path of life. a spark of honesty in the admission of the plainest principles of common sense, will show a man that there is a god, that the bible is a revelation of his will, and that he will not let the wicked go unpunished, who refuse to repent. he, therefore, who suffers himself to be borne upon the shoals and rocks, and down the cataracts, or into the whirlpools of wilful unbelief, goes there warned of his danger, and with abundant means and opportunities for escape. but slavery wrests the bible out of the hands of immortal men by force. in the midst of a christian land, with the clear light of heaven shining all around them, they are shut out from this light, and left to grope their way in darkness down to hell. that i may not be suspected of declaring more than the truth on this point, i will just give a specimen of the laws of slave states touching this point. 'a law of south carolina, passed in , authorizes the infliction of twenty lashes, on every slave, found in an assembly, convened for mental instruction, held in a confined or secret place, although in presence of a white.' that this cuts them off, and was designed to cut them off from all means of mental instruction, nobody doubts; for who in that state is permitted to give slaves mental instruction in a public place? 'another law, imposes a fine of a hundred pounds, on any person who may teach a slave to write.' 'in north carolina, to teach a slave to read or write, or to sell or give him any book, [the bible not excepted,] or pamphlet, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or imprisonment if the offender be a free negro, but if a white, then with a fine of three hundred dollars. in georgia, if a white teach a free negro or a slave to read or write, he is fined five hundred dollars, and imprisoned at the discretion of the court. if the offender be a colored man, bond or free, he may be fined, or whipped, at the discretion of the court. a father therefore, may not teach his own children, on penalty of being flogged.' 'this was enacted in .' 'in louisiana, the penalty for teaching slaves to read or write, is one year's imprisonment. in georgia also, any justice may, at his discretion, break up any religious assembly of slaves, and may order each slave present to be corrected, without trial, by receiving on the bare back, twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch, or cowskin.' 'in south carolina, slaves may not meet together, before sunrise or after sunset, for the purpose of religious instruction, unless a majority of the meeting be of whites, on penalty of twenty lashes well laid on. in virginia, all _evening_ meetings of slaves, at any meeting-house, are unequivocally forbidden.' of course they may not meet in the day time, for then they must labor. possibly they may on the sabbath, but their opportunities of doing it even then, are few and far between. you see, therefore, the strenuous efforts which are made by legislative enactments, to shut out all light from the mind of the slave, and surround him with a thick impenetrable darkness, in the midst of which he must live and die; and from which his eye never can open, till death frees him from the grasp of his oppressor. i am aware, that the privilege of giving oral religious instruction to slaves is, to some extent, granted, and that some slave masters do pretend to teach their slaves the truths of religion. but what is the amount of all this? a writer for the new york evangelist has, some months since, given us what he terms 'sketches of slavery from a year's residence in florida,' in one number of which, he speaks on this very point. he had conversed with slaveholders on the subject. one man thought it a very fine thing to give slaves religious instruction. 'i called my slaves together,' said he, 'one sabbath day, _the only time which i have been able to get this season!!!_ and read to them the account of abraham's servant going to seek a wife for isaac. i took occasion from this, to speak to them of the integrity of this servant--what an amount of property was committed to his care, how faithfully he watched over it, how careful not to purloin any of the rich jewels to himself, how anxious to return at the appointed time.' 'i think,' said this slaveholder, 'that religious instruction must be decidedly beneficial.' another master with whom i conversed, continues the writer, believed nothing about giving religious instruction to slaves. he regarded it as all a farce. 'there is no man,' said this slaveholder, 'who will read the whole bible to his slaves. if i recollect right, there is something in the bible which speaks of _breaking every yoke, and letting the oppressed go free_; and there is no master,' continued he, 'who will read _that_ to his slaves, not even your good methodists; and if we must not read the whole bible, we may as well read none at all.' such were the views of slaveholders. i have somewhere read the following. whether authentic, or not, it illustrates my point, and expresses, i am fully persuaded, very much of truth. it was the remark of a slave, after the master had been reading the bible to him and his companion. 'massa bery _good_ christian; him bery _good_ christian _indeed_. read de bible to us; but him always read de same chapter, what says, servants, obey your massas in all tings.' here, unquestionably, we have just about the truth, on the subject of giving religious instruction to slaves. multitudes never attempt it, and those who do, are sure to do it for their own interest, rather than for the good of the slave. that there are exceptions, i am willing to admit; but all that i have said, exists unquestionably, to a wide extent, and to an extent provided for by law. i am aware that the gospel is preached to some extent, and that some truly embrace it; but these are the exceptions, and not the general rule. my claim is, that slavery destroys more souls among the slaves by keeping the bible away from them, than infidelity could do in its place, if they were permitted to have the bible and read for themselves; and it seems to me that this is a position which no honest man will dispute.--slavery also destroys souls by force, when infidelity could only decoy, and therefore leave an opportunity for escape. . let us compare slavery with the making and vending of ardent spirits. do not suspect me of a wish to palliate, or extenuate the evils, or the guilt of this abominable business. i have often dwelt on these, until my soul has been pained within me, and until i am well persuaded that all, and far more than all which has ever been said or _dreamed_ on that subject, is strictly true. i am aware too, that a highly gifted mind, has, some years since, drawn a parallel between intemperance and the slave-trade, in which he has endeavored to show, that the latter is an evil of the least magnitude. but i am comparing now the business of making and vending ardent spirits, with slavery as it exists at this time in our country. it has often been said with unquestionable truth, that from three to five hundred thousand miserable men in our nation, are confirmed drunkards, and that from thirty to fifty thousand go down every year to a drunkard's grave; and inasmuch, as the drunkard cannot inherit the kingdom of god, they must go down to the depths of hell. a most fearful destruction this indeed. but instead of five hundred thousand, there are not less than two millions two hundred forty-five thousand in our country, held in the darkness of slavery. how many of these, think you, have sufficient light to guide their feet to heaven? shall we say one half? who can believe it? but if this be admitted, there are still more than twice the number shut up by slavery, in a state of darkness that leads to hell, than have ever, by any man, been estimated in the ranks of intemperance. is it not most clearly a truth, then, that slavery destroys more souls, than the making and vending of ardent spirit? when we consider, too, that slavery seizes its victims by force, and binds and rivets chains upon them which they cannot throw off, and thus leaves their souls unprovided with any of the means of grace, to die without hope; and that strong drink leaves men abundant opportunities to escape if they will; who will not say that slavery is unspeakably more to be dreaded: that it is an evil of far greater magnitude than the other? the intemperate man may at any time, break away from his bondage, give up his cups, enjoy the means of grace, embrace the truth and live. but the victim of slavery, shut out from all true knowledge of god, deprived by law of all opportunity of learning his maker's will, or of studying the way of salvation by christ; what can he do, but remain in his darkness and sin, until the darkness of eternal night closes in upon his benighted soul, and he is left for eternity to suffer the consequences of unpardoned sin. true, the guilt of him who dies the willing victim of intempesance, must be greater than that of the poor benighted slave, and his future punishment consequently more severe, but if slavery holds twice the number of victims exposed to hopeless reprobation, then it destroys twice the number of souls, and is therefore the greatest evil. . let us compare slavery with theft and robbery. let me give a case for illustration. you are a husband and a father. you commenced the world a poor man, but by hard labor and economy, you have collected together a sum of money, which, you believe, if well invested, will place you and your family in circumstances of respectability and comfort. from statements made to you, or from your own observation, by going upon the ground, you come to the conclusion that your money can be more profitably appropriated, by removing to the west. accordingly you convert every thing you possess into cash, and make all the necessary arrangements for a removal with your family. on the night previous to your intended departure, a thief enters your house, takes possession of all you have, and makes off, and you never hear of it more. or suppose you are already on your journey, and after many days of fatiguing travel, find yourself near the place of your destination; when you are met by the highwayman, who, with a pistol at your breast, robs you of your last farthing.--now i suppose this would be a case, where theft and robbery would stand out in their worst features. it would be a trying case indeed. after years of toil, to gain something for yourself and household, you are in a moment pennyless, with your destitute, needy family upon your hands. all you can do, is again to betake yourself to hard labor, to provide for those you love. but suppose after all this, you were doomed to see your children torn from you, one after another, and sold under the hammer, to go you know not where; to be subjected to the cruelty, and abuse, and outrage, of any monster into whose hands they might chance to fall; where you could never see or hear from them more; and you left with no means of redress, to sit down beside your broken hearted wife, and mingle your tears and sighs and sobs with hers, with no prospect of relief until death. but in the midst of it all, even the wife of your bosom, dear as your own heart's blood, is sundered from you, and sold forever from your embrace, and you at last go off under the hammer, to the highest bidder, and are driven by the lash, to groan, and sweat, under long, long days of unrequited toil, with no relief till you die. this is slavery. it robs a man of all his earnings during his whole life. labor as he may, sweat as he may, he can never have a farthing to call his own. just hear the laws on this subject. 'in south carolina a slave is not permitted to keep a boat, or raise and breed for his own benefit, any horses, cattle, sheep or hogs, under pain of forfeiture, and _any person may take them from him_.' i ask, what is that but robbery--except it is unspeakably worse, because it is legalized--and the poor man has no means of redress? it is made lawful for _any person_ to rob him, by the letter of the statute. 'in georgia, the master is fined thirty dollars for suffering a slave to hire himself to another, for his own benefit. in maryland, the master forfeits thirteen dollars for each month that his slave is permitted to receive wages on his own account. in virginia, every master is finable, who permits a slave to work for himself at wages. in north carolina, all horses, cattle, hogs, or sheep, that shall belong to any slave, or be of any slave's mark in this state, shall be seized and sold by the county wardens. in mississippi, the master is forbidden under the penalty of fifty dollars, to let a slave raise cotton for himself, or to keep stock of any description.' now where is the man under heaven, who would not say, that such a system of legalized oppression, was infinitely worse than theft or robbery, when practiced toward himself? and what, i ask, makes the crime any less heinous, when practiced toward a colored man, than it would be if practiced toward either of us? the poor slave feels such wrongs as deeply as we could, and groans under them as loudly, and sheds tears as profusely as we would do; but there he is, without means of redress. and in addition to all this robbery of everything in the shape of property; the poor slave is robbed of his children, and his wife, and robbed of himself--and has nothing left him, but a miserable existence, subjected to the most cruel, heart-withering tyranny, that was ever practiced by man on his fellow man, since this world has borne the curse of its god. when the thief, or the robber, takes your property, you can repossess it whenever you can find it; or if not, you can acquire more, and your wife, and children, and yourself, are still your own. theft and robbery are nothing compared with the wickedness of slavery. make them as bad as you please, and they do not deserve to be named the same week. the difference between them is too great to be described, too wide to be measured, too deep to be fathomed. the slaveholder who goes impenitent to hell, will find himself loaded down with a weight of guilt and damnation, that will sink him out of sight of the worst high-way robber that ever walked the earth. but you will say the high-way robber is often guilty of murder. well, and so is the slaveholder often guilty of murder--and this brings me to my next point. . let us now compare slavery with murder. who does not know, that oftentimes, when the poor slave can no longer endure the outrages practiced upon him, and flies, and takes to the woods, he is hunted down by dogs, and guns, and thus put to death, just for trying to escape. every body knows, that it is a thing of frequent occurrence. put to death--just for trying to escape from his sufferings and his wrongs. again, it is a maxim with them, that at particular seasons, they can afford to work a set of hands to death, for the purpose of getting their crops early to market, and thereby securing a much greater price. the writer of sketches of slavery, from a year's residence in florida, speaks of this particularly, as coming under his observation while there; and i have seen this fact referred to by other writers in public print. they do not hesitate to sacrifice the lives of their slaves to hard labor, when it will increase their profits. besides, the poor slave is often whipped until the result is death. is not my point made clear, abundantly clear, that slavery is worse than murder? would you not prefer to be met by a highwayman, and shot dead, rather than have your life worn out on a slave plantation, toiling to enrich the hard-hearted wretch who had stripped you of all your rights? would you not prefer this to being whipped, and then laid away to die under the effect? and is not the wretch who inflicts death by such means, to enrich himself, more guilty, than he who blows out the traveller's brains and seizes his money to enrich himself? surely, my point needs no more illustration. slavery _is worse_ than murder. but there is still this point to be taken into the account. if a man shoots you dead by the way side, it is your own fault if you do not go to heaven. you have the bible, and the gospel. you know that there is a saviour, and if you have not repented of your sins, and believed in him for salvation, you are without excuse. if you lose your soul, the fault is your own. though murdered--you might if you would, have been saved. but the poor slave is prevented from learning the way of salvation while he lives, and then worn out with toil, he dies and is lost forever. surely i need not say more--what honest man is not prepared to say that slavery is worse than murder? . i come now, to a point, which, in the estimation of some, perhaps, ought to be suppressed. but i am a servant of the most high god, and to him accountable; and as such, placed under solemn obligation to cry aloud and spare not, and show this guilty nation its sins. this, with the lord's help, i will do. it is high time also, that our mothers, and our wives, our sisters, and our daughters, knew the sufferings and the wrongs of the poor defenceless female slave, that they may lift up their strong cries to heaven in her behalf. i wish, therefore, to compare slavery with fornication and adultery, and the violation of female purity by force. and, my hearers, i do not ask you to believe my naked assertion on this point, i will show you proof, as it has been my endeavor to do on every point previously considered. look again at the laws. in kentucky--'any negro, mulatto, or indian, _bond or free, who shall at any time, lift his hand in opposition to any white person_, (mark the language) shall receive thirty lashes, on his or her bare back, _well laid on_, by order of the justice.' this regulation, or something very much like it, is believed to be in force in all the slaveholding states. look now at the condition in which this places the poor female. she is at the uncontrolled will of the master. he may order her, by fear of the lash, into any secret place where he pleases; the same fear of the lash, enables him to accomplish all the hellish purposes of his heart, and then, by the same means, he can seal her lips in silence, that the crime be never divulged. during all this time, if she lift a hand against him, he can procure thirty lashes for her, to be well laid on, by order of the justice, in addition to all he pleases to inflict himself. let us now just remember, that in addition to such a regulation, no person of color can be a witness against a white man in a court of justice, and you see the exact condition of the poor female slave. there is nothing, so foul in pollution, nothing so horrid in crime, but she may be driven by the lash, to be the victim of it, and she must not lift a hand in self-defence--and then she dare not divulge her wrongs, or if she does, there is no power on earth, from whom she can gain any redress; or even protection, against a repeated infliction of the same evils. if slaveholders had framed laws for the express purpose, of placing the purity and virtue of their females entirely in their own power, they could not have done it _more_ effectually, than it is now done. it would seem to be a system, framed for the very purpose, of giving them full power, to pollute by force, just as many as they pleased. at any rate, they know the power is in their hands, and there are developements enough which show that they are not slow to use it.[ ] there are a multitude of facts on this subject, and i will just relate one or two, because i know them to be authentic. a particular friend of mine, who spent several years in a slave state, gave me the following as an occurrence, which transpired in the place where he resided, and at the very time of his residence there. a man,--i will not say gentleman, and in truth i ought to say monster,--who had a wife and a family of grown up daughters, residing with him, had also in his house a young female slave. this slave became the mother of a child, and it was a matter of public notoriety, that the head of the family was the father of it. so barefaced had the thing become, that the man found it necessary to take some measures to get his shame, and the extreme mortification of his wife and daughters out of his mind.[ ] he accordingly sold her for the southern market, and though it was with some difficulty that he could persuade the purchaser to take the infant, he at length did so, and the wretched mother, the victim of the master's beastliness and abominable crime, was taken, or rather torn from the house, and borne away, literally uttering cries and shrieks of distress. now i would like to know whether there is any language under heaven, that will sufficiently set forth the guilt of such a wretch? the following fact was related by a pious physician who resides in the city of washington. it came to me in such a way that i know it to be a fact. 'there is,' said this physician, 'residing in this city, a young female slave, who is pious, and a member of the same church to which i belong. she is a mulatto, and her complexion nearly white. one day, she came to me in great trouble and distress, and wished me to tell her what she could do. she stated to me, that her master's son, was in the practice of compelling her whenever he pleased, to go with him to his bed. she had been obliged to submit to it, and she knew of no way to obtain any relief. she could not appeal to her master for protection, for he was guilty of like practices himself. she wished to know what she could do? poor girl, what could she do? she could not lift a hand in self defence. she could not flee, for she was a slave. she would be brought back and beaten, and be placed perhaps in a worse condition than before. and there she was, a pious girl, with all the feelings of her heart alive to the woes of her condition, the victim of the brutal lusts of a dissolute young man; with no means of defence or escape, and no prospect before her, but that of being again and again polluted, whenever his unbridled passions should chance to dictate. perhaps there is a mother here, who has a pious daughter, and i would like to come into her heart, and ask what would be her feelings, if that daughter were placed in such circumstances as these; or what would be the feelings of that daughter, if she were thus bound down, to a condition so much worse than death. i do solemnly believe that there is no adulterer under heaven, no fornicator, covered with a guilt so deep and damning, as the wretch that will pursue such a course of conduct as that. even the victim of seduction is but decoyed from the paths of virtue, but here is a disciple of christ, bound, and that too, by the laws of the land, and laid, a helpless victim, on the altar of prostitution. here then, is a crime punishable, under most governments, with death, and the victim has power of redress, and certainly of escape from a repetition of the outrage; but slavery places its victims where there is no redress, and no deliverance; and gives the slaveholder full power, to roll, and riot, upon the virtue and innocence of as many defenceless females as he pleases, with no power under heaven to call him to account. i say again, if they had made their laws for the express purpose, of securing to themselves this power, they could not have done the thing more effectually; and no man, who has ever seen or heard much of southern practices, is ignorant of the truth, that such things as i have been relating, are the common occurrences of every day. o, when i reflect on this subject, i could almost pray for a voice like a volcano; and for words that would scorch and burn like drops of melted lava, that i might thunder the guilt of the slaveholder in his ears, and talk to him in language which he _would_ feel. who will say, that this system of slavery, under which no female, who has a drop of african blood in her veins, has any defence for her virtue, against any white man, even for an hour, and no possibility of escaping from pollution, is not unspeakably worse than fornication and adultery, or even the violation of purity by force, where there are laws to apprehend and punish for such a crime? do not suspect me of a wish to palliate these vices. they were never painted, in colorings too foul and loathsome; nor was their guilt ever portrayed in a blackness deeper than the reality--but i say, the system of slavery is a thing fouler, blacker, guiltier still. . but let us look again, and compare slavery with treason. benedict arnold was a traitor. at a time, when his country was in great distress and difficulties, he formed the mad purpose, of delivering her over to the will of her enemies; and did what he could, to accomplish his end. every breast in the land, burned with indignation against him--and, but for his flight, he would have ended his days on a gallows. but suppose he had accomplished his end, and the unjust laws against which our fathers fought and bled, had remained in full force upon us until now? i am bold to say, that we should not have suffered wrongs, that ought to be mentioned, in comparison with the wrongs of the slave. there was a heavy and unjust taxation, but it was not stripping us of all our earnings for life. there was a refusal, to give us a just representation, in framing the laws, by which we were to be governed; but it was not stripping us from all protection of law, and reducing us in that respect, to the condition of cattle or swine. it was not stripping us of all our rights, and robbing us of our children, and subjecting our wives, our sisters and our daughters, to wanton and promiscuous violation, with no power to lift a hand in self defence, and depriving us of the power of giving them protection. the husband or father, if he be a slave, may look on, and see his wife or daughter polluted before his eyes, and all the laws of the land, are against his lifting a finger for their deliverance. he may toil ever so hard, during his whole life, and he cannot be worth a farthing. the treason of arnold, had it prospered, would never have subjected us to such evils as these. besides, had we remained until this time british colonies, other things being as they now _are_, this evil of slavery would now have been done away, and perhaps years ago. when i think of this, if i had not confidence in the overruling providence of god, i could almost weep, that it did not seem best to the god of armies, to leave us under the control of a power, that would have uprooted this destructive bohon upas, which is still throwing its broad branches of death and desolation, over such wide spreading portions of our otherwise happy land. sure i am, that arnold's treason would never have made our land groan under such woes, and send up to heaven such cries of distress, as are wrung daily from the breasts of the helpless millions whom our nation now enslaves. i say again, therefore, that the system of slavery, is unspeakably worse than treason. but i cannot pursue this parallel farther. i have glanced at what men regard as the worst of evils and crimes; but when weighing the guilt of slavery, we find that everything which we can place in the opposite scale, at once kicks the beam. it has a weight of guilt attached to it, that can be balanced by the guilt of no other _crime_. there is one more point to the thing, which i wish to name, as giving blackness and aggravation to its guilt, and then i have done. it is, that multitudes of the professed disciples of christ, come forward to justify the system of slavery, and to claim for it the sanctions of the word of god. yes, this system of slavery, red as it is with crime, black as it is with guilt, and foul as it is with impurity, is called, even by professed christians and ministers, an institution of the bible. oh, it seems to me, that if the long suffering patience of a forbearing god, was ever insulted beyond endurance, it must be, when the protection of his authority is claimed, for the perpetuity of such a system as this. there is no crime which it does not legalize--no sin which it does not protect--no depth of impurity which it does not dig, and in which it does not permit vile men to wallow. and yet there are not wanting men, christian men, and ministers who wait at the altar of god, who call this an institution of heaven, and claim for it the authority of the most high. i know that they would plead for slavery, without the abominations which i have named, and claim to look upon such crimes, and vices, with as deep an abhorrence as we. but who cannot see, that slavery is the common mother of all this brood of hellish ills; in whose frightfully prolific womb they are conceived, and by whom they are brought forth. slavery _itself_ is the thing to be reprobated? you must put the odious dam to death, or she will continue to multiply her infernal progeny, and send them abroad among us, prolific in woes. you cannot have slavery without its concomitant evils. i know men may be found, whose hearts have felt the power of the religion of christ, but whose moral sensibilities are not sufficiently awake, to lead them to obey god on this subject, to break every yoke and let the oppressed go free, who claim that _they_ treat their slaves kindly, and that under such circumstances, slavery is justifiable; and that moreover, they are not accountable for the crimes which other men commit among their slaves, or for the wrongs which they practice upon them. kindness to an enslaved man! it is a contradiction in terms. you might as well rob him of his all on earth, cut off his hands and feet, and bore out his eyes, and then take him into your house, and treat him kindly to make up for the wrong. the slave, under the best circumstances, is the victim of robbery every day. day by day, all his life, he is robbed of the fruits of his labor, that it may go to enrich another. he has hands indeed, but he may not use them for his own benefit. feet he has, but they may not bear him where _he_ would go. they must go and come at the master's bidding, and not his. he has eyes, but he may not look on the light of science, or on the clearer, purer light of god's revealed truth. even the sun shines not for him, as it only serves to light him to his unwilling and unrequited toil. of what use then, are hands, and feet, and eyes, to him? he can no more use them for his own benefit, than if he had none--and yet you think to make up to him by kindness what you have taken away; and call yourself a disciple of christ, and think that heaven will reward you for being so kind to your poor oppressed, down trodden victim, whom you compel to labor unrewarded, for your good. is that the religion of christ? is that loving your neighbor as yourself? but, the most kind hearted, and upright, and pious slaveholder in the land, so far as he approves of the system of slavery, and pleads for its perpetuity, is at best, accessory to all the evils to which the system gives rise. he is therefore a partaker in its guilt, and will hereafter find his hands stained and polluted with its vices and its crimes. he who has said in his bible, be not partaker of other men's sins, has also said, come out from among them, and be ye separate, and touch not the unclean thing, _and no man can be guiltless who refuses to do this_. but perhaps it will be asked; admitting that slavery is everything that you claim it to be, what right have you to interfere? i claim no right of interference, based on the existing laws of our country, for these, as we have seen, are so abominably wicked and oppressive, as fully to sanction all the evils and crimes which we have been considering. still, i claim, that i have a right to interfere,[ ] and to do all in my power, by every possible means, for the extinction of slavery. do any ask, on what that right is based? i answer, on the statute book of almighty god--on the pillars of heaven's eternal throne, and better authority than this, to sanction my interference, i do not ask. 'thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.' 'who is my neighbor?' let jesus christ answer. 'a certain man, no matter who, went down from jerusalem to jericho, and fell among thieves, which stripped him of his raiment, and wounding him, departed, leaving him half dead. and by chance, there came down a certain priest that way; and when he saw him, he passed by on the other side.' how exactly like the conduct of many ministers of the gospel, toward the slave. they just look on his sufferings, and pass by, making no effort to give him relief. 'and likewise a levite, when he was at the place, came and looked on him, and passed by on the other side.' just so multitudes of professing christians conduct toward the slave. they look on him, pass on, and leave him alone in his woes. 'but, a certain samaritan, as he journeyed, came where he was, and when _he_ saw him, he had compassion on him, and went to him and bound up his wounds, pouring in oil and wine, and set him on his own beast, and brought him to an inn, and took care of him. and on the morrow when he departed, he took out two pence and gave them to the host, and said unto him, take care of him, and whatsoever thou spendest more, when i come again i will repay thee.' here our saviour has shown us what it is to act the part of a neighbor. this samaritan found a fellow being in distress. he stopped not to inquire who he was, but proceeded at once to do as he would like to have others do to him in like circumstances. and now the command of christ is, 'go thou and do likewise.' wherever, therefore, we find a fellow being in distress, we find in him a neighbor, one whom we are bound to love as we love ourselves. we are to identify ourselves with him, and feel for his wrongs and his woes, as we would for our own in like circumstances, and are to do for him, so far as lies in our power, everything, which, in like circumstances, we could wish others to do for us. tell me not then, that i have no right to interfere, when i see more than two millions of my neighbors, yes, of my brethren, my own fellow countrymen, groaning and toiling, and dying, under the unparalleled wrongs of slavery. i have no right not to interfere. i am a traitor to my neighbor, and a rebel against my god, if i forbear to interfere; if i fail to use the last power which my maker has given me, in pleading for the immediate deliverance of my fellow men from their sufferings and their chains. i trample on the universal law of the infinite jehovah, if i leave undone anything in my power, which i would wish to have done for me, if all the miseries of slavery were mine. but it is not merely by looking at the general principles of god's government, that i learn my duty toward the toil-worn, agonized, suffering slave. i find positive direction for this specific case. jer. : .--'thus saith the lord--execute judgment in the morning, and deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor, lest my fury go forth like fire, and burn that none can quench it, because of the evil of your doings.' who is spoiled, if it be not the slave? is he not spoiled of everything? spoiled of all his earnings--spoiled of the child whom he loves--spoiled of the wife that is bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh--spoiled even of the ownership of himself, and spoiled of his immortal soul, by being robbed of the light that would guide his feet to heaven? and the poor suffering female slave--of what is she not spoiled? spoiled of all that protection, which the innocent and helpless, have a right to claim, even of the savage. spoiled of all the affectionate tenderness, which woman everywhere, has a right to expect; spoiled even of her virtue, and that by law, for we have seen, that the laws have placed her, where she cannot preserve it, if she would. who then, i ask again, is spoiled, if it be not the slave? and who is an oppressor, if it be not the man who holds him in bondage, and inflicts all these wrongs upon him? while, therefore, i hear the god of heaven saying, 'deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor, lest my fury go forth like fire, and burn, that none can quench it,' can i expect to escape the fury of that fire, if i shut my ears against the mandate, which thunders upon me from the presence chamber, and from the lips of him, who declares himself king of kings, and lord of lords? tell me not, that i have no right to interfere--no right to plead for the deliverance 'of the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor.' i may not fail to do it--lest the fire of god's fury kindle upon me, for my disregard of his high command. and the same, is true of all my readers. unless you have a right to disobey almighty god, you have no right to leave anything undone, which you might do, for the deliverance of the slave. but who is the slave? he is a man--made in the image of god--and bears as much of god's image, remember, as though he had the complexion, and the features, and the limbs, of the white man. where is the man with a pale face, even among slaveholders, who will stand up, before the face of heaven, and claim that he bears more of god's image than his slave? he would show the image of the devil, large as life, had he the pride, and effrontery, to do such a deed of daring impiety. the slave is made in the image of his god, and to him god gave dominion over the works of his hand, as much as to the white man. for him god lighted up the sun and moon, and made the heavens resplendent with stars, as much as for us. for him god made the breath of morning, and the calm stillness of the summer eve--for him the deep blue sky was spread a canopy, and for him puts on alternate tints of purple and of gold. for him the landscape smiles in green, and flowers spring up to beautify his path, and trees hang out their foliage, and bend beneath their burdens of delicious fruit. for him the fields wave with their ripening grain--for him the valleys yield their corn--for him the flocks and herds lay down their treasures, and the sea sends up its inexhaustible supplies. for him the limpid stream, the clear pure fountain were provided, and for him the balmy air, echoing with melody of birds. ah, and for him, remember it ye who dare withhold it from him--for him the bible was given. who dare say, that god provided these things for the master, more than for the man whom he enslaves. but what is more than all, for him the son of god came down and died. the blood gushed from his heart as freely, and in streams as pure, for the oppressed and broken hearted slave, as for us, or for the man who dares enslave god's image--for him the river of water of life, proceedeth clear as crystal from the throne of god and the lamb--for him the streets of the new jerusalem are paved with gold, and for him, the glory of god and the lamb, shall pour forth its light, in beams that shall forever hide the brightness of the noonday sun--and for him are made ready the joys of an eternal heaven. yes, this is the being whom slavery binds in chains, and robs of all the richest gifts of heaven, and sinks in ignorance and pollution down to hell. oh, if the whole arch of heaven above us, ever echoed with the loud threatenings of an indignant god--it may now be heard to echo with the fearful interrogation--'shall i not visit for these things saith the lord? shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?' and now will you look on, and seal your lips in silence, and say that you have no right to interfere for the deliverance of the slave? do you not hear the god of heaven saying, 'deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor, lest my fury go forth like fire and burn that none can quench it;' and dare you disobey? do you ask what shall be done for his deliverance? i answer, let every pulpit thunder forth this mandate of the most high god--let every minister at the altar cry aloud and spare not and lift up his voice like a trumpet--and show this people their transgressions; this guilty people their sins. let every press groan to be delivered of its obligation, to make known the almighty's will--and let such as can pray, pray _now_, that god will break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free. especially, let woman--woman, the last to linger around the cross, and the first to find the sepulchre of god's crucified son; linger long at the altar of prayer, and be found early upon her knees, wrestling at the throne of grace; and let all who fear god or love man, resolve before high heaven, that they will not rest, till every chain is broken, every yoke buried, every scourge and fetter burned. but i seem to hear some one ask--must we think only of the slave--must we not regard the master's rights? rights! what rights? right to hold his fellow man in bondage for one hour? he might as well claim a right to sit on the throne of god. he has no such right. but must he relinquish all the property he now holds in slaves? he has no such property. he has no more right to call them his property, than he has to call the angels in heaven his property. god gave man dominion over the beasts of the field--but over god's own image he never gave him dominion. the wicked, heaven-daring laws of men, confer the _power_ of enslaving man--but the _right_ they never gave, for it was never theirs to give. there is no such thing as property in man--there never can be. we do not ask the slaveholder to relinquish any right. we call upon him, on the authority of god, to break every yoke and let the oppressed go free. we do not ask them to give up their property. we tell them that god declares them to be 'like wolves ravening the prey, to shed blood and to destroy souls, to get dishonest gain; and that the prophets have daubed them with untempered mortar, seeing vanity and divining lies unto them, saying thus saith the lord, when the lord hath not spoken. that the people of the land have used oppression, and exercised robbery, and have vexed the poor and needy, and have oppressed the stranger wrongfully--and that god now threatens to pour out his indignation upon them, and to consume them with the fire of his wrath, and to recompense their way upon their own heads.' no--we do not ask the slaveholder to give up his property--we ask them 'to cease beating god's people to pieces--to cease grinding the face of the poor;' and when the slaveholder has done that, the lost slave will have his freedom. but you say it would make great changes in society, to free every slave at once, and many a man, who now lives in affluence, would instantly become poor. we doubt it not. we doubt not that many a wretch, who has rolled in profusion, by robbing his fellow men of their earnings, would be obliged to go to work with his own hands to earn his bread; and this is just what he ought to have done long ago. he is made of no better clay than the lowliest of all god's creatures whom he enslaves; and there is no more reason why he should be exempted from eating his bread in the sweat of his brow. let us arise then with one heart, and with united voice, and with ready hands, do our utmost, to deliver the oppressed from their wrongs. but it may still be asked, what do you expect to accomplish? we expect to make the slaveholder feel, that when he crushes an immortal soul down to the depths of hell, to gratify his own abominable selfishness, god will hold him accountable for that soul at the judgment day. we expect to make him see, that the short-lived gratification, which he can have derived from enslaving his fellow man, will but poorly compensate him, for the eternal damnation which he must hereafter endure, if he does not repent of his abominable sin. we expect to open to him the broad claims of the infinite god, and to make him see that in his present course of conduct, he is holding himself in open exposure to the almighty's wrath; and having thus bared his conscience to the arrows of truth, we expect to call down the holy spirit by our prayers, to fix these arrows deep in his heart; to reprove him of sin, of righteousness and of judgment, and thus to bring him to unfeigned repentance before god. we expect not to accomplish what we aim at with our unaided strength--but we believe that the lord of hosts is with us, and trusting in his strength we cannot fail. christians of every name, shall we not have your aid? lovers of your fellow men, look at the wrongs of the slave, and weep and toil for him, that he may go free. open your hearts and your hands to him, and remember that 'he that hath pity on the poor, lendeth to the lord, and that which he hath given he will pay him again.' let no one think to rid himself of obligation, on this momentous subject. every man has a tongue, and he can use it; he has influence, and he can exert it; he has moral power, and he can put it forth; and this is all the power we need. our efforts are aimed, not at the life of the slaveholder, but at his conscience--his moral feelings, and with the help of god, we do expect them to prevail. but, perhaps you will say, that slaveholders have no conscience on this subject. doubtless their conscience may be dead and buried; it may have been sleeping these fifty years in its grave; but come on, one and all, let us raise the trump of truth, and blow a resurrection blast above it, that shall call it forth from its dust, to take up its whip of scorpions, and scourge the guilty men into obedience to the commands of god. slavery cannot long live among them. 'behold, the hire of the laborers, who have reaped down their fields, which is of them kept back by fraud, crieth; and the cries of them which have reaped, are entered into the ears of the lord of sabaoth.' the lord of armies, is the fearful signification of that term; and if they cease not from their oppression, they may well expect, that the lord of armies will not long withhold his hand. up, my friends, and do your duty, to deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor, lest the fire of god's fury kindle ere long upon you. footnotes: [ ] read bourne's picture of slavery. [ ] this occurrence was not very far south, otherwise, there would have been no shame. [ ] the author disapproves of interference at the expense of human life, but believes that all possible means short of the shedding of blood, are justifiable. the anti-slavery examiner part of by the american anti-slavery society no. . the chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. no. . narrative of james williams, an american slave. no. . emancipation in the west indies. no. . correspondence, between the hon. f.h. elmore, one of the south carolina delegation in congress, and james g. birney, one of the secretaries of the american anti-slavery society. no. . letter of gerrit smith, to hon. henry clay. no. . emancipation in the west indies, in . * * * * * no. the anti-slavery examiner * * * * * the power of congress over the district of columbia. * * * * * originally published in the new-york evening post, under the signature of "wythe." * * * * * with additions by the author. fourth edition. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheets.--postage, under miles, cts. over , cts. power of congress over the district of columbia. a civilized community presupposes a government of law. if that government be a republic, its citizens are the sole _sources_, as well as the _subjects_ of its power. its constitution is their bill of directions to their own agents--a grant authorizing the exercise of certain powers, and prohibiting that of others. in the constitution of the united states, whatever else may be obscure, the clause granting power to congress over the federal district may well defy misconstruction. art. , sec. , clause : "the congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, _in all cases whatsoever_, over such district." congress may make laws for the district "in all _cases_," not of all _kinds_. the grant respects the _subjects_ of legislation, _not_ the moral nature of the laws. the law-making power every where, is subject to _moral_ restrictions, whether limited by constitutions or not. no legislature can authorize murder, nor make honesty penal, nor virtue a crime, nor exact impossibilities. in these and similar respects, the power of congress is held in check by principles existing in the nature of things, not imposed by the constitution, but presupposed and assumed by it. the power of congress over the district is restricted only by those principles that limit ordinary legislation, and, in some respects, it has even wider scope. in common with the legislatures of the states, congress cannot constitutionally pass ex post facto laws in criminal cases, nor suspend the writ of habeas corpus, nor pass a bill of attainder, nor abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, nor invade the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, nor enact laws respecting an establishment of religion. these are general limitations. congress cannot do these things _any where_. the exact import, therefore, of the clause "in all cases whatsoever," is, _on all subjects within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. some legislatures are restrained by constitutions from the exercise of powers strictly within the proper sphere of legislation. congressional power over the district has no such restraint. it traverses the whole field of legitimate legislation. all the power which any legislature has within its own jurisdiction, congress holds over the district of columbia. it has been asserted that the clause in question respects merely police regulations, and that its sole design was to enable congress to protect itself against popular tumults. but if the framers of the constitution aimed to provide for a _single_ case only, why did they provide for "_all_ cases whatsoever?" besides, this clause was opposed in many of the state conventions, because the grant of power was not restricted to police regulations _alone_. in the virginia convention, george mason, the father of the virginia constitution, said, "this clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the district. he would willingly give them exclusive power as far as respected the police and good government of the place, but he would give them no more." mr. grayson said, that control over the _police_ was all-sufficient, and that the "continental congress never had an idea of exclusive legislation in all cases." patrick henry said. "is it consistent with any principle of prudence or good policy, to grant _unlimited, unbounded authority?_" mr. madison said in reply: "i did conceive that the clause under consideration was one of those parts which would speak its own praise. when any power is given, its delegation necessarily involves authority to make laws to execute it. * * * * the powers which are found necessary to be given, are therefore delegated _generally_, and particular and minute specification is left to the legislature. * * * it is not within the limits of human capacity to delineate on paper all those particular cases and circumstances, in which legislation by the general legislature would be necessary." governor randolph said: "holland has no ten miles square, but she has the hague where the deputies of the states assemble. but the influence which it has given the province of holland, to have the seat of government within its territory, subject in some respects to its control, has been injurious to the other provinces. the wisdom of the convention is therefore manifest in granting to congress exclusive jurisdiction over the place of their session." [_deb. va. con._, p. .] in the forty-third number of the "federalist," mr. madison says: "the indispensable necessity of _complete_ authority at the seat of government, carries its own evidence with it." finally, that the grant in question is to be interpreted according to the obvious import of its _terms_, is proved by the fact, that virginia proposed an amendment to the united states' constitution at the time of its adoption, providing that this clause "should be so construed as to give power only over the _police and good government_ of said district," _which amendment was rejected_. the former part of the clause under consideration, "congress shall have power to exercise _exclusive_ legislation," gives _sole_ jurisdiction, and the latter part, "in all cases whatsoever," defines the _extent_ of it. since, then, congress is the _sole_ legislature within the district, and since its power is limited only by the checks common to all legislatures, it follows that what the law-making power is intrinsically competent to do _any_ where, congress is competent to do in the district of columbia. having disposed of preliminaries, we proceed to state and argue the _real_ question at issue. is the law-making power competent to abolish slavery when not restricted in that particular by constitutional provisions--or, is the abolition of slavery within the appropriate sphere of legislation? . in every government, absolute sovereignty exists _somewhere_. in the united states it exists primarily with the _people_, and _ultimate_ sovereignty _always_ exists with them. in each of the states, the legislature possesses a _representative_ sovereignty, delegated by the people through the constitution--the people thus committing to the legislature a portion of their sovereignty, and specifying in their constitutions the amount of the grant and its conditions. that the _people_ in any state where slavery exists, have the power to abolish it, none will deny. if the legislature have not the power, it is because _the people_ have reserved it to themselves. had they lodged with the legislature "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," they would have parted with their sovereignty over the legislation of the state, and so far forth, the legislature would have become _the people_, clothed with all their functions, and as such competent, _during the continuance of the grant_, to do whatever the people might have done before the surrender of their power: consequently, they would have the power to abolish slavery. the sovereignty of the district of columbia exists _somewhere_--where is it lodged? the citizens of the district have no legislature of their own, no representation in congress, and no political power whatever. maryland and virginia have surrendered to the united states their "full and absolute right and entire sovereignty," and the people of the united states have committed to congress by the constitution, the power to "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." thus, the sovereignty of the district of columbia, is shown to reside solely in the congress of the united states; and since the power of the people of a state to abolish slavery within their own limits, results from their entire sovereignty within that state, so the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, results from its entire sovereignty within the district. if it be objected that congress can have no more power over the district, than was held by the legislatures of maryland and virginia, we ask what clause of the constitution graduates the power of congress by the standard of those legislatures? was the united states' constitution worked into its present shape under the measuring line and square of virginia and maryland? and is its power to be bevelled down till it can run in the grooves of state legislation? there is a deal of prating about constitutional power over the district, as though congress were indebted for it to maryland and virginia. the powers of those states, whether prodigies or nullities, have nothing to do with the question. as well thrust in the powers of the grand lama to join issue upon, or twist papal bulls into constitutional tether, with which to curb congressional action. the constitution of the united states gives power to congress, and takes it away, and _it alone_. maryland and virginia adopted the constitution _before_ they ceded to the united states the territory of the district. by their acts of cession, they abdicated their own sovereignty over the district, and thus made room for that provided by the united states' constitution, which sovereignty was to commence as soon as a cession of territory by states, and its acceptance by congress, furnished a sphere for its exercise. that the abolition of slavery is within the sphere of legislation, i argue. . from the fact, that slavery, as a legal system, is the creature of legislation. the law, by _creating_ slavery, not only affirmed its _existence_ to be within the sphere and under the control of legislation, but also, the conditions and terms of its existence, and the _question_ whether or not it should exist. of course legislation would not travel _out_ of its sphere, in abolishing what is _within_ it, and what had been recognized to be within it, by its own act. cannot legislatures repeal their own laws? if law can take from a man his rights, it can give them back again. if it can say, "your body belongs to your neighbor," it can say, "it belongs to _yourself_." if it can annul a man's right to himself, held by express grant from his maker, and can create for another an _artificial_ title to him, can it not annul the artificial title, and leave the original owner to hold himself by his original title? . the abolition of slavery has always been considered within the appropriate sphere of legislation. almost every civilized nation has abolished slavery by law. the history of legislation since the revival of letters, is a record crowded with testimony to the universally admitted competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery. it is so manifestly an attribute not merely of absolute sovereignty, but even of ordinary legislation, that the competency of a legislature to exercise it, may well nigh be reckoned among the legal axioms of the civilized world. even the night of the dark ages was not dark enough to make this invisible. the abolition decree of the great council of england was passed in . the memorable irish decree, "that all the english slaves in the whole of ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty," was issued in . slavery in england was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in . passing over many instances of the abolition of slavery by law, both during the middle ages and since the reformation, we find them multiplying as we approach our own times. in slavery was abolished in prussia by special edict. in st. domingo, cayenne, guadaloupe, and martinique, in , where more than , slaves were emancipated by the french government. in java, ; in ceylon, ; in buenos ayres, ; in st. helena, ; in colombia, ; by the congress of chili in ; in cape colony, ; in malacca, ; in the southern provinces of birmah, ; in bolivia, ; in peru, guatemala, and monte video, ; in jamaica, barbados, the bermudas, the bahamas, anguilla, mauritius, st. christopers, nevis, the virgin islands, (british), antigua, montserrat, dominica, st. vincents, grenada, berbice, tobago, st. lucia, trinidad, honduras, demerara, essequibo and the cape of good hope, on the st of august, . but waving details, suffice it to say, that england, france, spain, portugal, denmark, russia, austria, prussia, and germany, have all and often given their testimony to the competency of the legislative power to abolish slavery. in our own country, the legislature of pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in , connecticut in ; rhode island, ; new-york, ; new-jersey, in ; vermont, by constitution, in ; massachusetts, in ; and new-hampshire, in . when the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery has thus been recognized every where and for ages, when it has been embodied in the highest precedents, and celebrated in the thousand jubilees of regenerated liberty, is it an achievement of modern discovery, that such a power is a nullity?--that all these acts of abolition are void, and that the millions disenthralled by them, are, either themselves or their posterity, still legally in bondage? . legislative power has abolished slavers in its parts. the law of south carolina prohibits the working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four. in other words, it takes from the slaveholder his power over nine hours of the slave's time daily; and if it can take nine hours it may take twenty-four. the laws of georgia prohibit the working of slaves on the first day of the week; and if they can do it for the first, they can for the six following. the law of north carolina prohibits the "immoderate" correction of slaves. if it has power to prohibit _immoderate_ correction, it can prohibit _moderate_ correction--_all_ correction, which would be virtual emancipation; for, take from the master the power to inflict pain, and he is master no longer. cease to ply the slave with the stimulus of fear, and he is free. the constitution of mississippi gives the general assembly power to make laws "to oblige the owners of slaves to _treat them with humanity_." the constitution of missouri has the same clause, and an additional one making it the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to secure the _humane_ treatment of the slaves. this grant to those legislatures, empowers them to decide what _is_ and what is _not_ "humane treatment." otherwise it gives no "power"--the clause is mere waste paper, and flouts in the face of a befooled legislature. a clause giving power to require "humane treatment" covers all the _particulars_ of such treatment--gives power to exact it in _all respects--requiring_ certain acts, and _prohibiting_ others--maiming, branding, chaining together, separating families, floggings for learning the alphabet, for reading the bible, for worshiping god according to conscience--the legislature has power to specify each of these acts--declare that it is not "_humane_ treatment," and prohibit it.--the legislature may also believe that driving men and women into the field, and forcing them to work without pay, is not "humane treatment," and being constitutionally bound "to _oblige_" masters to practise "humane treatment"--they have the _power_ to _prohibit such_ treatment, and are bound to do it. the law of louisiana makes slaves real estate, prohibiting the holder, if he be also a _land_ holder, to separate them from the soil.[a] if it has power to prohibit the sale _without_ the soil, it can prohibit the sale _with_ it; and if it can prohibit the _sale_ as property, it can prohibit the _holding_ as property. similar laws exist in the french, spanish, and portuguese colonies. the law of louisiana requires the master to give his slaves a certain amount of food and clothing. if it can oblige the master to give the slave _one_ thing, it can oblige him to give him another: if food and clothing, then wages, liberty, his own body. by the laws of connecticut, slaves may receive and hold property, and prosecute suits in their own name as plaintiffs: [this last was also the law of virginia in . see tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] there were also laws making marriage contracts legal, in certain contingencies, and punishing infringements of them, ["_reeve's law of baron and femme_," p. - .] [footnote a: virginia made slaves real estate by a law passed in . (_beverly's hist. of va._, p. .) i do not find the precise time when this law was repealed, probably when virginia became the chief slave breeder for the cotton-growing and sugar-planting country, and made young men and women "from fifteen to twenty-five" the main staple production of the state.] each of the laws enumerated above, does, _in principle_, abolish slavery; and all of them together abolish it _in fact_. true, not as a _whole_, and at a _stroke_, nor all in one place; but in its _parts_, by piecemeal, at divers times and places; thus showing that the abolition of slavery is within the boundary of legislation. in the "washington (d.c.) city laws," page , is "an act to prevent horses from being cruelly beaten or abused." similar laws have been passed by corporations in many of the slave states, and throughout the civilized world, such acts are punishable either as violations of common law or of legislative enactments. if a legislature can pass laws "to prevent _horses_ from being cruelly abused," it can pass laws to prevent _men_ from being cruelly abused, and if it can _prevent_ cruel abuse, it can define _what it is_. it can declare that to make men _work without pay_ is cruel abuse, and can prohibit it. . the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has been recognized by all the slaveholding states, either directly or by implication. some states recognize it in their _constitutions_, by giving the legislature power to emancipate such slaves as may "have rendered the state some distinguished service," and others by express prohibitory restrictions. the constitution of mississippi, arkansas, and other states, restrict the power of the legislature in this respect. why this express prohibition, if the law-making power _cannot_ abolish slavery? a stately farce indeed, with appropriate rites to induct into the constitution a special clause, for the express purpose of restricting a nonentity!--to take from the law-making power what it _never had_, and what _cannot_ pertain to it! the legislatures of those states have no power to abolish slavery, simply because their constitutions have expressly _taken away_ that power. the people of arkansas, mississippi, &c. well knew the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, and hence their zeal to _restrict_ it. the slaveholding states have recognised this power in their _laws_. virginia passed a law in to prevent the importation of slaves, of which the following is an extract: "and be it further enacted that every slave imported into this commonwealth contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall upon such importation become _free_." by a law of virginia, passed dec. , , a slave brought into the state and kept _there a year_, was _free_. the maryland court of appeals, dec., [case of stewart vs. oakes,] decided that a slave owned in maryland, and sent by his master into virginia to work at different periods, making one year in the whole, became _free_, being _emancipated_ by the above law. north carolina and georgia in their acts of cession, transferring to the united states the territory now constituting the states of tennessee, alabama and mississippi, made it a condition of the grant, that the provisions of the ordinance of ' should be secured to the inhabitants, _with the exception of the sixth article which prohibits slavery_; thus conceding, both the competency of law to abolish slavery, and the power of congress to do it, within its jurisdiction. (these acts show the prevalent belief at that time, in the slaveholding states, that the general government had adopted a line of policy aiming at the exclusion of slavery from the entire territory of the united states, not included within the original states, and that this policy would be pursued unless prevented by specific and formal stipulation.) slaveholding states have asserted this power _in their judicial decisions_. in numerous cases their highest courts have decided that if the legal owner of slaves takes them into those states where slavery has been abolished either by law or by the constitution, such removal emancipates them, such law or constitution abolishing their slavery. this principle is asserted in the decision of the supreme court of louisiana, lunsford vs. coquillon, martin's la. reps. . also by the supreme court of virginia, hunter vs. fulcher, leigh's reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge washington, of the u. s. sup. court, butler vs. hopper, washington's c. c. reps. ; also, by the court of appeals in kentucky, rankin vs. lydia, marshall's reps. ; see also, wilson vs. isbell, call's reps. , spotts vs. gillespie, randolph's reps. . the state vs. lasselle, blackford's reps. , marie louise vs. mariot, la. reps. . in this case, which was tried in , the slave had been taken by her master to france and brought back; judge matthews, of the supreme court of louisiana, decided that "residence for one moment" under the laws of france emancipated her. . eminent statesmen, themselves slaveholders, have conceded this power. washington, in a letter to robert morris, april , , says: "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to lafayette, may , , he says: "it (the abolition of slavery) certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected, and that too by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to john fenton mercer, sept. , , he says: "it is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by _law_." in a letter to sir john sinclair, he says: "there are in pennsylvania, _laws_ for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which nothing is more certain than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." jefferson, speaking of movements in the virginia legislature in , for the passage of a law emancipating the slaves, says: "the principles of the amendment were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day; but it was found that the public mind would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant when _it must bear and adopt it_."--jefferson's memoirs, v. i. p. . it is well known that jefferson, pendleton, mason, wythe and lee, while acting as a committee of the virginia house of delegates to revise the state laws, prepared a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves by law. these men were the great lights of virginia. mason, the author of the virginia constitution; pendleton, the president of the memorable virginia convention in , and president of the virginia court of appeals; wythe was the blackstone of the virginia bench, for a quarter of a century chancellor of the state, the professor of law in the university of william and mary, and the preceptor of jefferson, madison, and chief justice marshall. he was the author of the celebrated remonstrance to the english house of commons on the subject of the stamp act. as to jefferson, his _name_ is his biography. every slaveholding member of congress from the states of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, voted for the celebrated ordinance of , which abolished the slavery then existing in the northwest territory. patrick henry, in his well known letter to robert pleasants, of virginia, january , , says: "i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil." william pinkney, of maryland, advocated the abolition of slavery by law, in the legislature of that state, in . luther martin urged the same measure both in the federal convention, and in his report to the legislature of maryland. in , st. george tucker, of virginia, professor of law in the university of william and mary, and judge of the general court, published a dissertation on slavery, urging the abolition of slavery by _law_. john jay, while new-york was yet a slave state, and himself in law a slaveholder, said in a letter from spain, in , "an excellent law might be made out of the pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. were i in your legislature, i would present a bill for the purpose, and i would never cease moving it till it became a law, or i ceased to be a member." governor tompkins, in a message to the legislature of new-york, january , , said: "to devise the means for the gradual and ultimate _extermination_ from amongst us of slavery, is a work worthy the _representatives_ of a polished and enlightened nation." the virginia legislature asserted this power in . at the close of a month's debate, the following proceedings were had. i extract from an editorial article in the richmond whig, jan. , . "the report of the select committee, adverse to legislation on the subject of abolition, was in these words: _resolved_, as the opinion of this committee, that it is inexpedient for the present, to make any _legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery_." this report mr. preston moved to reverse, and thus to declare that it _was_ expedient, _now_ to make legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. this was meeting the question in its strongest form. it demanded action, and immediate action. on this proposition the vote was to . many of the most decided friends of abolition voted against the amendment, because they thought public opinion not sufficiently prepared for it, and that it might prejudice the cause to move too rapidly. the vote on mr. witcher's motion to postpone the whole subject indefinitely, indicates the true state of opinion in the house. that was the test question, and was so intended and proclaimed by its mover. that motion was _negatived_, to ; showing a majority of , who by that vote, declared their belief that at the proper time, and in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a system of gradual abolition. . the congress of the united states have asserted this power. the ordinance of ' , declaring that there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude," in the north western territory, abolished the slavery then existing there. the sup. court of mississippi, [harvey vs. decker, walker's mi. reps. ,] declared that the ordinance of ' emancipated the slaves then held there. in this decision the question is argued ably and at great length. the supreme court of la. made the same decision in the case of forsyth vs. nash, martin's la. reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge porter, (late united states senator from la.,) in his decision at the march term of the la. supreme court, , merry vs. chexnaider, martin's reps. . that the ordinance abolished the slavery then existing there is also shown by the fact, that persons holding slaves in the territory petitioned for the repeal of the article abolishing slavery, assigning _that_ as a reason. "the petition of the citizens of randolph and st. clair counties in the illinois country, stating that they were in possession of slaves, and praying the repeal of that act (the th article of the ordinance of ' ) and the passage of a law legalizing slavery there." [am. state papers, public lands, v. . p. .] congress passed this ordinance before the united states' constitution was adopted, when it derived all its authority from the articles of confederation, which conferred powers of legislation far more restricted than those committed to congress over the district and territories by the united states' constitution. now, we ask, how does the constitution _abridge_ the powers which congress possessed under the articles of confederation? the abolition of the slave trade by congress, in , is another illustration of the competency of legislative power to abolish slavery. the african slave trade has become such a mere _technic_, in common parlance, that the fact of its being _proper slavery_ is overlooked. the buying and selling, the transportation, and the horrors of the middle passage, were mere _incidents_ of the slavery in which the victims were held. let things be called by their own names. when congress abolished the african slave trade, it abolished slavery--supreme slavery--power frantic with license, trampling a whole hemisphere scathed with its fires, and running down with blood. true, congress did not, in the abolition of the slave trade, abolish all the slavery within its jurisdiction, but it did abolish _all_ the slavery _in one_ part of its jurisdiction. what has rifled it of power to abolish slavery in _another_ part of its jurisdiction, especially in that part where it has "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever?" . the constitution of the united states recognizes this power by the most conclusive implication. in art. , sec. , clause , it prohibits the abolition of the slave trade previous to : thus implying the power of congress to do it at once, but for the restriction; and its power to do it _unconditionally_, when that restriction ceased. again; in art. , sec. , "no person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from said service or labor." this clause was inserted, as all admit, to prevent the runaway slave from being emancipated by the _laws_ of the free states. if these laws had _no power_ to emancipate, why this constitutional guard to prevent it? the insertion of the clause, was the testimony of the eminent jurists that framed the constitution, to the existence of the _power_, and their public proclamation, that the abolition of slavery was within the appropriate sphere of legislation. the right of the owner to that which is rightfully property, is founded on a principle of _universal law_, and is recognized and protected by all civilized nations; property in slaves is, by general consent, an _exception_; hence slaveholders insisted upon the insertion of this clause in the united states' constitution, that they might secure by an _express provision_, that from which protection is withheld, by the acknowledged principles of universal law.[a] by demanding this provision, slaveholders consented that their slaves should not be recognized as property by the united states' constitution, and hence they found their claim, on the fact of their being "_persons_, and _held_ to service." [footnote a: the fact, that under the articles of confederation, slaveholders, whose slaves had escaped into free states, had no legal power to force them back,--that _now_ they have no power to recover, by process of law, their slaves who escape to canada, the south american states, or to europe--the case already cited, in which the supreme court of louisiana decided, that residence "_for one moment_," under the laws of france emancipated an american slave--the case of fulton, _vs._ lewis, har. and john's reps., , where the slave of a st. domingo slaveholder, who brought him to maryland in ' , was pronounced free by the maryland court of appeals--are illustrations of the acknowledged truth here asserted, that by the consent of the civilized world, and on the principles of universal law, slaves are not "_property_," and that whenever held as property under _law_, it is only by _positive legislative acts_, forcibly setting aside the law of nature, the common law, and the principles of universal justice and right between man and man,--principles paramount to all law, and from which alone, law derives its intrinsic authoritative sanction.] . congress has unquestionable power to adopt the common law, as the legal system, within its exclusive jurisdiction.--this has been done, with certain restrictions, in most of the states, either by legislative acts or by constitutional implication. the common law knows no slaves. its principles annihilate slavery wherever they touch it. it is a universal, unconditional, abolition act. wherever slavery is a legal system, it is so only by _statute_ law, and in violation of the common law. the declaration of lord chief justice holt, that, "by the common law, no man can have property in another," is an acknowledged axiom, and based upon the well known common law definition of property. "the subjects of dominion or property are _things_, as contra-distinguished from _persons_." let congress adopt the common law in the district of columbia, and slavery there is abolished. congress may well be at home in common law legislation, for the common law is the grand element of the united states' constitution. all its _fundamental_ provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles, and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole. the preamble of the constitution plants the standard of the common law immovably in its foreground. "we, the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution;" thus proclaiming _devotion_ to justice, as the controlling motive in the organization of the government, and its secure establishment the chief object of its aims. by this most solemn recognition, the common law, that grand legal embodyment of "justice" and fundamental right--was made the groundwork of the constitution, and intrenched behind its strongest munitions. the second clause of sec. , art. ; sec. , art. , and the last clause of sec. , art. , with articles , , , and of the amendments, are also express recognitions of the common law as the presiding genius of the constitution. by adopting the common law within its exclusive jurisdiction congress would carry out the principles of our glorious declaration, and follow the highest precedents in our national history and jurisprudence. it is a political maxim as old as civil legislation, that laws should be strictly homogeneous with the principles of the government whose will they express, embodying and carrying them out--being indeed the _principles themselves_, in preceptive form--representatives alike of the nature and power of the government--standing illustrations of its genius and spirit, while they proclaim and enforce its authority. who needs be told that slavery makes war upon the principles of the declaration, and the spirit of the constitution, and that these and the principles of the common law gravitate towards each other with irrepressible affinities, and mingle into one? the common law came hither with our pilgrim fathers; it was their birthright, their panoply, their glory, and their song of rejoicing in the house of their pilgrimage. it covered them in the day of their calamity, and their trust was under the shadow of its wings. from the first settlement of the country, the genius of our institutions and our national spirit have claimed it as a common possession, and exulted in it with a common pride. a century ago, governor pownall, one of the most eminent constitutional jurists of colonial times, said of the common law, "in all the colonies the common law is received as the foundation and main body of their law." in the declaration of rights, made by the continental congress at its first session in ' , there was the following resolution: "resolved, that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law." soon after the organization of the general government, chief justice ellsworth, in one of his decisions on the bench of the u. s. sup. court, said: "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution." chief justice marshall, in his decision in the case of livingston _vs._ jefferson, said: "when our ancestors migrated to america, they brought with them the common law of their native country, so far as it was applicable to their new situation, and i do not conceive that the revolution in any degree changed the relations of man to man, or the law which regulates them. in breaking our political connection with the parent state, we did not break our connection with each other." [_hall's law journal, new series_.] mr. duponceau, in his "dissertation on the jurisdiction of courts in the united states," says, "i consider the common law of england the _jus commune_ of the united states. i think i can lay it down as a correct principle, that the common law of england, as it was at the time of the declaration of independence, still continues to be the national law of this country, so far as it is applicable to our present state, and subject to the modifications it has received here in the course of nearly half a century." chief justice taylor of north carolina, in his decision in the case of the state _vs._ reed, in , hawkes' n.c. reps. , says, "a law of _paramount, obligation to the statute_, was violated by the offence--common law, founded upon the law of nature, and confirmed by revelation." the legislation of the united states abounds in recognitions of the principles of the common law, asserting their paramount binding power. sparing details, of which our national state papers are full, we illustrate by a single instance. it was made a condition of the admission of louisiana into the union, that the right of trial by jury should be secured to all her citizens,--the united states government thus employing its power to enlarge the jurisdiction of the common law in this its great representative. having shown that the abolition of slavery is within the competency of the law-making power, when unrestricted by constitutional provisions, and that the legislation of congress over the district is thus unrestricted, its power to abolish slavery there is established. we argue it further, from the fact that, . slavery now exists in the district by an act of congress. in the act of th july, , congress accepted portions of territory offered by the states of maryland and virginia, and enacted that the laws, as they then were, should continue in force, "until congress shall otherwise by law provide." under these laws, adopted by congress, and in effect re-enacted and made laws of the district, the slaves there are now held. is congress so impotent in its own "exclusive jurisdiction" that it cannot "otherwise by law provide?" if it can say, what _shall_ be considered property, it can say what shall _not_ be considered property. suppose a legislature should enact that marriage contracts should be mere bills of sale, making a husband the proprietor of his wife, as his _bona fide_ property; and suppose husbands should herd their wives in droves for the market as beasts of burden, or for the brothel as victims of lust, and then prate about their inviolable legal property, and deny the power of the legislature, which stamped them "property," to undo its own wrong, and secure to wives by law the rights of human beings. would such cant about "legal rights" be heeded where reason and justice held sway, and where law, based upon fundamental morality, received homage? if a frantic legislature pronounces woman a chattel, has it no power, with returning reason, to take back the blasphemy? is the impious edict irrepealable? be it, that with legal forms it has stamped wives "wares." can no legislation blot out the brand? must the handwriting of deity on human nature be expunged for ever? has law no power to stay the erasing pen, and tear off the scrawled label that covers up the image of god? ii. the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district has been, till recently, universally conceded. . it has been assumed by congress itself. the following record stands on the journals of the house of representatives for , p. : "on motion made and seconded that the house do come to the following resolution: 'resolved, that from and after the th day of july, , all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the district of columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within the said district, shall be free, the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of ----. the main question being taken that the house do agree to said motions as originally proposed, it was negatived by a majority of .'" though the motion was lost, it was on the ground of its alleged _inexpediency_ alone. in the debate which preceded the vote, the power of congress was conceded. in march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution: "resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any and what measures are necessary for _putting a stop to the same_." on the th of january, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution by a vote of to : "resolved, that the committee on the district of columbia, be instructed to inquire into the _expediency_ of providing by _law_ for the gradual abolition of slavery within the district, in such a manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby." among those who voted in the affirmative were messrs. barney of md., armstrong of va., a.h. shepperd of n.c., blair of tenn., chilton and lyon of ky., johns of del., and others from slave states. . it has been conceded by committees of congress, on the district of columbia.--in a report of the committee on the district, jan. , , by their chairman, mr. powell of va., there is the following declaration: "the congress of the united states, has by the constitution exclusive jurisdiction over the district, and has power upon this subject (_slavery_,) as upon all other subjects of legislation, to exercise _unlimited discretion_." reports of comms. d sess. th cong. v. iv. no. . in december, , the committee on the district, mr. doddridge of va., chairman, reported, "that until the adjoining states act on the subject, (_slavery_) it would be (not _unconstitutional_ but) unwise and impolitic, if not unjust, for congress to interfere." in april, , a special committee on abolition memorials reported the following resolutions by their chairman, mr. pinckney of south carolina: "resolved, that congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy." "resolved, that congress _ought not to interfere_ in any way with slavery in the district of columbia." "ought not to interfere," carefully avoiding the phraseology of the first resolution, and thus in effect conceding the constitutional power. in a widely circulated "address to the electors of the charleston district," mr. pinkney is thus denounced by his own constituents: "he has proposed a resolution which is received by the plain common sense of the whole country as a concession that congress has authority to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." . it has been conceded by the citizens of the district. a petition for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, signed by nearly eleven hundred of its citizens, was presented to congress, march , . among the signers to this petition, were chief justice cranch, judge van ness, judge morsel, prof. j.m. staughton, and a large number of the most influential inhabitants of the district. mr. dickson, of new york, asserted on the floor of congress in , that the signers to this petition owned more than half the property in the district. the accuracy of this statement has never been questioned. this power has been conceded by grand juries of the district. the grand jury of the county of alexandria, at the march term, , presented the domestic slaves trade as a grievance, and said, "we consider these grievances demanding _legislative_ redress." jan. , , mr. alexander, of virginia, presented a representation of the grand jury in the city of washington, remonstrating against "any measure for the abolition of slavery within said district, unless accompanied by measures for the removal of the emancipated from the same;" thus, not only conceding the power to emancipate slaves, but affirming an additional power, that of _excluding them when free_. journal h. r. - , p. . . this power has been conceded by state legislatures. in the legislature of pennsylvania instructed their senators in congress "to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." jan. , , the house of assembly of new york passed a resolution, that their "senators in congress be instructed to make every possible exertion to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." in february, , the senate of massachusetts "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery and the slave trade therein." the house of representatives passed the following resolution at the same session: "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district." november , , the legislature of vermont, "resolved that congress have the full power by the constitution to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia, and in the territories." in may, , the legislature of connecticut passed a resolution asserting the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. in january, , the legislature of south carolina "resolved, that we should consider the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia as a violation of the rights of the citizens of that district derived from the _implied_ conditions on which that territory was ceded to the general government." instead of denying the constitutional power, they virtually admit its existence, by striving to smother it under an _implication_. in february, , the legislature of north carolina "resolved, that, although by the constitution _all legislative power_ over the district of columbia is vested in the congress of the united states, yet we would deprecate any legislative action on the part of that body towards liberating the slaves of that district, as a breach of faith towards those states by whom the territory was originally ceded. here is a full concession of the _power_. february , , the virginia legislature passed unanimously the following resolution: "resolved, by the general assembly of virginia, that the following article be proposed to the several states of this union, and to congress, as an amendment of the constitution of the united states:" "the powers of congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage of any law for the emancipation of slaves in the district of columbia, without the consent of the individual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legislatures of virginia and maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe." fifty years after the formation of the united states' constitution the states are solemnly called upon by the virginia legislature, to amend that instrument by a clause asserting that, in the grant to congress of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the district, the "case" of slavery is not included!! what could have dictated such a resolution but the conviction that the power to abolish slavery is an irresistible inference from the constitution _as it is?_ the fact that the same legislature, passed afterward a resolution, though by no means unanimously, that congress does not possess the power, abates not a title of the testimony in the first resolution. march d, , "mr. brown presented the resolutions of the general assembly of ohio, recommending to congress the consideration of a system for the gradual emancipation of persons of color held in servitude in the united states." on the same day, "mr. noble, of indiana, communicated a resolution from the legislature of that state, respecting the gradual emancipation of slaves within the united states." journal of the united states' senate, for - , p. . the ohio and indiana resolutions, by taking for granted the _general_ power of congress over the subject of slavery, do virtually assert its _special_ power within its _exclusive_ jurisdiction. . this power has been conceded by bodies of citizens in the slave states. the petition of eleven hundred citizens of the district, has been already mentioned. "march , , mr. washington presented a memorial of inhabitants of the county of frederick, in the state of maryland, praying that provision be made for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . march , . mr. a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, "praying congress to take measures for the entire abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . january , . mr. rhea, of tennessee, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying that "provision may be made, whereby all slaves that may hereafter be born in the district of columbia, shall be free at a certain period of their lives." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . mr. saunders of north carolina, presented a memorial of the citizens of that state, praying "that measures may be taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the united states." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . "mr. barnard presented the memorial of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, held in baltimore, praying that slavery may be abolished in the district of columbia." journal u.s. senate, - , p. . . distinguished statesmen and jurists in the slaveholding states, have conceded this power. the testimony of messrs. doddridge, and powell, of virginia, chief justice cranch, and judges morsel and van ness, of the district, has already been given. in the debate in congress on the memorial of the society of friends, in , mr. madison, in speaking of the territories of the united states, explicitly declared, from his own knowledge of the views of the members of the convention that framed the constitution, as well as from the obvious import of its terms, that in the territories, "congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery." congress can have no more power over the territories than that of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," consequently, according to mr. madison, "it has certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery in the" _district_. in march, , mr. randolph of virginia, introduced a resolution for putting a stop to the domestic slave trade within the district. december , , mr. barney, of maryland, presented a memorial for abolition in the district, and moved that it be printed. mr. mcduffie, of s.c., objected to the printing, but "expressly admitted the right of congress to grant to the people of the district any measure which they might deem necessary to free themselves from the deplorable evil."--[see letter of mr. claiborne of miss. to his constituents published in the washington globe, may , .] the sentiments of mr. clay of kentucky, on the subject are well known. in a speech before the u.s. senate, in , he declared the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district "unquestionable." messrs. blair, of tennessee, and chilton, lyon, and r.m. johnson, of kentucky, a.h. shepperd, of n.c., messrs. armstrong and smyth of va., messrs. dorsey, archer, and barney, of md., and johns, of del., with numerous others from slave states have asserted the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. in the speech of mr. smyth, of virginia, on the missouri question, january , , he says on this point: "if the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, why do you begin _here_? within the ten miles square, you have _undoubted power_ to exercise exclusive legislation. _produce a bill to emancipate the slaves in the district of columbia_, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." to this may be added the testimony of the present vice president of the united states, hon. richard m. johnson, of kentucky. in a speech before the u.s. senate, february , , (national intelligencer, april , ,) he says: "in the district of columbia, containing a population of , souls, and probably as many slaves as the whole territory of missouri, the power of providing for their emancipation rests with congress alone. why then, this heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of missouri, and this cold insensibility, this eternal apathy, towards the slaves in the district of columbia?" it is quite unnecessary to add, that the most distinguished northern statesmen of both political parties, have always affirmed the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. president van buren in his letter of march , , to a committee of gentlemen in north carolina, says, "i would not, from the light now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia." this declaration of the president is consistent with his avowed sentiments touching the missouri question, on which he coincided with such men as daniel d. thompkins, de witt clinton, and others, whose names are a host.[a] it is consistent, also with his recommendation in his last message, in which speaking of the district, he strongly urges upon congress "a thorough and careful revision of its local government," speaks of the "entire independence" of the people of the district "upon congress," recommends that a "uniform system of local government" be adopted, and adds, that "although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residences of officers intrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it never has been subjected to, or received, that _special_ and _comprehensive_ legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demanded." [footnote a: mr. van buren, when a member of the senate of new-york, voted for the following preamble and resolutions, which passed unanimously:--jan. th, . "whereas the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the united states, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state: and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that _every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension_: and that the constitution of the united states _clearly gives congress the right_ to require new states, not comprised within the original boundary of the united states, to _make the prohibition of slavery_ a condition of their admission into the union: therefore, resolved, that our senators be instructed, and our members of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the union, of any territory not comprised as aforesaid, without making _the prohibition of slavery_ therein an indispensible condition of admission." ] the tenor of mr. tallmadge's speech on the right of petition, and of mr. webster's on the reception of abolition memorials, may be taken as universal exponents of the sentiments of northern statesmen as to the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. an explicit declaration, that an "_overwhelming majority_" of the _present_ congress concede the power to abolish slavery in the district has just been made by robert barnwell rhett, a member of congress from south carolina, in a letter published in the charleston mercury of dec. , . the following is an extract: "the time has arrived when we must have new guaranties under the constitution, or the union must be dissolved. _our views of the constitution are not those of the majority_. an overwhelming majority _think that by the constitution, congress may abolish slavery in the district of columbia--may abolish the slave trade between the states; that is, it may prohibit their being carried out of the state in which they are--and prohibit it in all the territories, florida among them. they think_, not without strong reasons, _that the power of congress extends to all of these subjects_." _direct testimony_ to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has always till recently been _universally conceded_, is perhaps quite superfluous. we subjoin, however, the following: the vice-president of the united states in his speech on the missouri question, quoted above, after contending that the restriction of slavery in missouri would be unconstitutional, declares, that the power of congress over slavery in the district "could not be questioned." in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., also quoted above, he declares the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district to be "undoubted." mr. sutherland, of penn., in a speech in the house of representatives, on the motion to print mr. pinckney's report, is thus reported in the washington globe, of may th, ' . "he replied to the remark that the report conceded that congress had a right to legislate upon the subject in the district of columbia, and said that such a right had never been, till recently, denied." the american quarterly review, published at philadelphia, with a large circulation and list of contributors in the slave states, holds the following language in the september no. , p. : "under this 'exclusive jurisdiction,' granted by the constitution, congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia. it would hardly be necessary to state this as a distinct proposition, had it not been occasionally questioned. the truth of the assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of argument--and we believe has never been disputed by persons who are familiar with the constitution." objections to the foregoing conclusions considered. we now proceed to notice briefly the main arguments that have been employed in congress and elsewhere against the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. one of the most plausible is, that "the conditions on which maryland and virginia ceded the district to the united states, would be violated, if congress should abolish slavery there." the reply to this is, that congress had no power to _accept_ a cession coupled with conditions restricting that "power of exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district," which was given it by the constitution. to show the futility of the objection, we insert here the acts of cession. the cession of maryland was made in november, , and is as follows: "an act to cede to congress a district of ten miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states." "be it enacted, by the general assembly of maryland, that the representatives of this state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new-york, on the first wednesday of march next, be, and they are; hereby authorized and required on the behalf of this state, to cede to the congress of the united states, any district in this state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the congress may fix upon, and accept for the seat of government of the united states." laws of md., v. ., c. . the cession of virginia was made on the d of december, , in the following words: "be it enacted by the general assembly, that a tract of country, not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the state, and in any part thereof; as congress may, by law, direct, shall be, and the same is hereby forever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil, as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the government of the constitution of the united states." but were there no provisos to these acts? the maryland act had _none_. the virginia act had this proviso: "sect. . provided, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to vest in the united states any right of property in the soil, or to affect the rights of individuals _therein_, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the united states." this specification touching the soil was merely definitive and explanatory of that clause in the act of cession, "_full and absolute right_." instead of restraining the power of congress on _slavery_ and other subjects, it even gives it freer course; for exceptions to _parts_ of a rule, give double confirmation to those parts not embraced in the exceptions. if it was the _design_ of the proviso to restrict congressional action on the subject of _slavery_, why is the _soil alone_ specified? as legal instruments are not paragons of economy in words, might not "john doe," out of his abundance, and without spoiling his style, have afforded an additional word--at least a hint--that slavery was _meant_, though nothing was said about it? but again, maryland and virginia, in their acts of cession, declare them to be made "in pursuance of" that clause of the constitution which gives to congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the ten miles square--thus, instead of _restricting_ that clause, both states _confirm_ it. now, their acts of cession either accorded with that clause of the constitution, or they conflicted with it. if they conflicted with it, _accepting_ the cessions was a violation of the constitution. the fact that congress accepted the cessions, proves that in its views their _terms_ did not conflict with its constitutional grant of power. the inquiry whether these acts of cession were consistent or inconsistent with the united status' constitution, is totally irrelevant to the question at issue. what with the constitution? that is the question. not, what with virginia, or maryland, or--equally to the point--john bull! if maryland and virginia had been the authorized interpreters of the constitution for the union, these acts of cession could hardly have been more magnified than they have been recently by the southern delegation in congress. a true understanding of the constitution can be had, forsooth, only by holding it up in the light of maryland and virginia legislation! we are told, again, that those states would not have ceded the district if they had supposed the constitution gave congress power to abolish slavery in it. this comes with an ill grace from maryland and virginia. they _knew_ the constitution. they were parties to it. they had sifted it, clause by clause, in their state conventions. they had weighed its words in the balance--they had tested them as by fire; and, finally, after long pondering, they adopted the constitution. and _afterward_, self-moved, they ceded the ten miles square, and declared the cession made "in pursuance of" that oft-cited clause, "congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." and now verily "they would not have ceded if they had _supposed_!" &c. cede it they _did_, and in "full and absolute right both of soil and persons." congress accepted the cession--state power over the district ceased, and congressional power over it commenced,--and now, the sole question to be settled is, the _amount of power over the district lodged in congress by the constitution_. the constitution--the constitution--that is the point. maryland and virginia "suppositions" must be potent suppositions to abrogate a clause of the united states' constitution! that clause either gives congress power to abolish slavery in the district, or it does _not_--and that point is to be settled, not by state "suppositions," nor state usages, nor state legislation, but _by the terms of the clause themselves_. southern members of congress, in the recent discussions, have conceded the power of a contingent abolition in the district, by suspending it upon the _consent_ of the people. such a doctrine from _declaimers_ like messrs. alford, of georgia, and walker, of mississippi, would excite no surprise; but that it should be honored with the endorsement of such men as mr. rives and mr. calhoun, is quite unaccountable. are attributes of sovereignty mere creatures of contingency? is delegated authority mere conditional permission? is a constitutional power to be exercised by those who hold it, only by popular sufferance? must it lie helpless at the pool of public sentiment, waiting the gracious troubling of its waters? is it a lifeless corpse, save only when popular "consent" deigns to puff breath into its nostrils? besides, if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of the _whole_ people must be had--not that of a majority, however large. majorities, to be authoritative, must be _legal_--and a legal majority without legislative power, or right of representation, or even the electoral franchise, would be truly an anomaly! in the district of columbia, such a thing as a majority in a legal sense is unknown to law. to talk of the power of a majority, or the will of a majority there, is mere mouthing. a majority? then it has an authoritative will, and an organ to make it known, and an executive to carry it into effect--where are they? we repeat it--if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of _every one_ is necessary--and _universal_ consent will come only with the greek kalends and a "perpetual motion." a single individual might thus perpetuate slavery in defiance of the expressed will of a whole people. the most common form of this fallacy is given by mr. wise, of virginia, in his speech, february , , in which he denied the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, unless the inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for it!! southern members of congress at the present session ( - ) ring changes almost daily upon the same fallacy. what! pray congress _to use_ a power which it _has not_? "it is required of a man according to what he _hath_," saith the scripture. i commend mr. wise to paul for his ethics. would that he had got his _logic_ of him! if congress does not possess the power, why taunt it with its weakness, by asking its exercise? petitioning, according to mr. wise, is, in matters of legislation, omnipotence itself; the very _source_ of all constitutional power; for, _asking_ congress to do what it _cannot_ do, gives it the power!--to pray the exercise of a power that is _not, creates_ it! a beautiful theory! let us work it both ways. if to petition for the exercise of a power that is _not_, creates it--to petition against the exercise of a power that _is_, annihilates it. as southern gentlemen are partial to summary processes, pray, sirs, try the virtue of your own recipe on "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" a better subject for experiment and test of the prescription could not be had. but if the petitions of the citizens of the district give congress the _right_ to abolish slavery, they impose the _duty_; if they confer constitutional _authority_, they create constitutional _obligation_. if congress _may_ abolish because of an expression of their will, it _must_ abolish at the bidding of that will. if the people of the district are a _source of power_ to congress, their _expressed will_ has the force of a constitutional provision, and has the same binding power upon the national legislature. to make congress dependent on the district for authority, is to make it a _subject_ of its authority, restraining the exercise of its own discretion, and sinking it into a mere organ of the district's will. we proceed to another objection. "_the southern states would not have ratified the constitution, if they had supposed that it gave this power_." it is a sufficient answer to this objection, that the northern states would not have ratified it, if they had supposed that it _withheld_ the power. if "suppositions" are to take the place of the constitution--coming from both sides, they neutralize each other. to argue a constitutional question by _guessing_ at the "suppositions" that might have been made by the parties to it would find small favor in a court of law. but even a desperate shift is some easement when sorely pushed. if this question is to be settled by "suppositions," suppositions shall be forthcoming, and that without stint. first, then, i affirm that the north ratified the constitution, "supposing" that slavery had begun to wax old, and would speedily vanish away, and especially that the abolition of the slave trade, which by the constitution was to be surrendered to congress after twenty years, would plunge it headlong. would the north have adopted the constitution, giving three-fifths of the "slave property" a representation, if it had "supposed" that the slaves would have increased from half a million to two millions and a half by --and that the census of would give to the slave states thirty representatives of "slave property?" if they had "supposed" that this representation would have controlled the legislation of the government, and carried against the north every question vital to its interests, would hamilton, franklin, sherman, gerry, livingston, langdon, and rufus king have been such madmen, as to sign the constitution, and the northern states such suicides as to ratify it? every self-preserving instinct would have shrieked at such an infatuate immolation. at the adoption of the united states constitution, slavery was regarded as a fast waning system. this conviction was universal. washington, jefferson, henry, grayson, tucker, madison, wythe, pendleton, lee, blair, mason, page, parker, randolph, iredell, spaight, ramsey, pinkney, martin, mchenry, chase, and nearly all the illustrious names south of the potomac, proclaimed it before the sun. a reason urged in the convention that formed the united states' constitution, why the word slave should not be used in it, was, _that when slavery should cease_ there might remain upon the national charter no record that it had ever been. (see speech of mr. burrill, of r.i., on the missouri question.) i now proceed to show by testimony, that at the date of the united states' constitution, and for several years before and after that period, slavery was rapidly on the wane; that the american revolution with the great events preceding, accompanying, and following it, had wrought an immense and almost universal change in the public sentiment of the nation on the subject, powerfully impelling it toward the entire abolition of the system--and that it was the _general belief_ that measures for its abolition throughout the union, would be commenced by the states generally before the lapse of many years. a great mass of testimony establishing this position might be presented, but narrow space, and the importance of speedy publication, counsel brevity. let the following proofs suffice. first, a few dates as points of observation. in , commissioners from seven colonies met at albany, resolved upon a union and proposed a plan of general government. in , delegates from nine colonies met at new york and sent forth a bill of rights. the first _general_ congress met in . the first congress of the _thirteen_ colonies met in . the revolutionary war commenced in ' . independence was declared in ' . the articles of confederation were adopted by the thirteen states in ' and ' . independence acknowledged in ' . the convention for forming the u.s. constitution was held in ' , the state conventions for considering it in ' and ' . the first congress under the constitution in ' . dr. rush, of pennsylvania, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, in a letter to granville sharpe, may , , says: "a spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken in several of the colonies in favor of the poor negroes. great events have been brought about by small beginnings. _anthony bènèzet stood alone a few years_ _ago in opposing negro slavery in philadelphia_, and now three-fourths of the province as well as of the city cry out against it."--[stuart's life of granville sharpe, p. .] in the preamble to the act prohibiting the importation of slaves into rhode island, june, , is the following: "whereas the inhabitants of america are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which that of personal freedom must be considered the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, _should be willing to extend personal liberty to others_, therefore," &c. october , , the continental congress passed the following: "we, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, _firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country_, as follows:" " d article. _we will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported_ after the first day of december next, after which time we will _wholly discontinue_ the slave trade, and we will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels nor _sell our commodities or manufactures_ to those who are concerned in it." the continental congress, in , setting forth the causes and the necessity for taking up arms, say: "_if it were possible_ for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race _to hold an absolute property in_, and _unbounded power over others_," &c. in , dr. hopkins, then at the head of new england divines, in "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the american colonies," says: "the conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice (slavery) has been _increasing_, and _greatly spreading of late_, and _many_ who have had slaves, have found themselves so unable to justify their own conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induced to _set them at liberty_. * * * * * slavery is _in every instance_, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive--a very great and crying sin--_there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth_." the same year the american congress issued a solemn manifesto to the world. these were its first words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that _all_ men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." _once_, these were words of power; _now_, "a rhetorical flourish." the virginia gazette of march , , in an essay on slavery says: "_there cannot be in nature, there is not in all history, an instance in which every right of man is more flagrantly violated_. enough i hope has been effected to prove that slavery is a violation of justice and religion." the celebrated patrick henry of virginia, in a letter, jan. , , to robert pleasants, afterwards president of the virginia abolition society, says: "believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. it is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. i exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." the pennsylvania chronicle of nov. , , says: "let every black that shall henceforth be born amongst us be deemed free. one step farther would be to emancipate the whole race, restoring that liberty we have so long unjustly detained from them. till some step of this kind be taken we shall justly be the derision of the whole world." in , the continental congress ordered a pamphlet to be published, entitled, "observations on the american revolution," from which the following is an extract: "the great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, _that men are by nature free_; and so long as we have any idea of divine _justice_, we must associate that of _human freedom_. it is _conceded on all hands, that the right to be free_ can never be alienated." extract from the pennsylvania act for the abolition of slavery, passed march , : * * * "we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others which has been extended to us. weaned by a long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partialities we had imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations: * * * therefore be it enacted, that no child born hereafter be a slave," &c. jefferson, in his notes on virginia, written just before the close of the revolutionary war, says: "i think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present revolution. the spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, _and the way i hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven_, for a total emancipation." in a letter to dr. price, of london, who had just published a pamphlet in favor of the abolition of slavery, mr. jefferson, then minister at paris, (august , ,) says: "from the mouth to the head of the chesapeake, _the bulk of the people will approve of your pamphlet in theory_, and it will find a respectable minority ready to _adopt it in practice_--a minority which, for weight and worth of character, _preponderates against the greater number_." speaking of virginia, he says: "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression,--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits. be not, therefore, discouraged--what you have written will do a _great deal of good_; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the laboring side. the college of william and mary, since the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together all the young men of virginia, under preparation for public life. they are there under the direction (most of them) of a mr. wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and _whose sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal_. i am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an exhortation to those young men with all that eloquence of which you are master, that _its influence on the future decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive_. thus. you see, that so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you have done, _i wish you to do more, and i wish it on an assurance of its effect_."--jefferson's posthumous works, vol. , p. . in , john jay drafted and signed a petition to the legislature of new york, on the subject of slavery, beginning with these words: "your memorialists being deeply affected by the situation of those, who, although, free by the laws of god, are held in slavery by the laws of the state," &c. this memorial bore also the signatures of the celebrated alexander hamilton; robert r. livingston, afterwards secretary of foreign affairs of the united states, and chancellor of the state of new york; james duane, mayor of the city of new york, and many others of the most eminent individuals in the state. in the preamble of an instrument, by which mr. jay emancipated a slave in , is the following passage: "whereas, the children of men are by nature equally free, and cannot, without injustice, be either reduced to or held in slavery." in his letter while minister at spain, in , he says, speaking of the abolition of slavery: "till america comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. i believe god governs the world; and i believe it to be a maxim in his, as in our court, that those who ask for equity _ought to do it_." in , the new york manumission society was formed. john jay was chosen its first president, and held the office five years. alexander hamilton was its second president, and after holding the office one year, resigned upon his removal to philadelphia as secretary of the united states' treasury. in , the pennsylvania abolition society was formed. benjamin franklin, warm from the discussions of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution, was chosen president, and benjamin rush secretary--both signers of the declaration of independence. in , the maryland abolition society was formed. among its officers were samuel chase, judge of the u.s. supreme court, and luther martin, a member of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution. in , the connecticut abolition society was formed. the first president was rev. dr. stiles, president of yale college, and the secretary, simeon baldwin, (late judge baldwin of new haven.) in , this society sent a memorial to congress, from which the following is an extract: "from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom. your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men; and, though this society has been _lately_ established, it has now become _generally extensive_ through this state, and, we fully believe, _embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens_." the same year the virginia abolition society was formed. this society, and the maryland society, had auxiliaries in different parts of those states. both societies sent up memorials to congress. the memorial of the virginia society is headed--"the memorial of the _virginia society_, for promoting the abolition of slavery," &c. the following is an extract: "your memorialists, fully believing that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an _outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel_," &c. about the same time a society was formed in new-jersey. it had an acting committee of five members in each county in the state. the following is an extract from the preamble to its constitution: "it is our boast, that we live under a government, wherein _life, liberty_, and the _pursuit of happiness_, are recognized as the universal rights of men. we _abhor that inconsistent, illiberal, and interested policy, which withholds those rights from an unfortunate and degraded class of our fellow creatures_." among other distinguished individuals who were efficient officers of these abolition societies, and delegates from their respective state societies, at the annual meetings of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, were hon. uriah tracy, united states' senator, from connecticut; hon. zephaniah swift, chief justice of the same state; hon. cesar a. rodney, attorney general of the united states; hon. james a. bayard, united states' senator, from delaware; governor bloomfield, of new-jersey; hon. wm. rawle, the late venerable head of the philadelphia bar; dr. caspar wistar, of philadelphia; messrs. foster and tillinghast, of rhode island; messrs. ridgely, buchanan, and wilkinson, of maryland; and messrs. pleasants, mclean, and anthony, of virginia. in july, , the old congress passed the celebrated ordinance abolishing slavery in the northwestern territory, and declaring that it should never thereafter exist there. this ordinance was passed while the convention that formed the united states' constitution was in session. at the first session of congress under the constitution, this ordinance was ratified by a special act. washington, fresh from the discussions of the convention, in which _more than forty days had been spent in adjusting the question of slavery, gave it his approval_. the act passed with only one dissenting voice, (that of mr. yates, of new york,) _the south equally with the north avowing the fitness and expediency of the measure on general considerations, and indicating thus early the line of national policy, to be pursued by the united states' government on the subject of slavery_. in the debates in the north carolina convention, mr. iredell, afterward a judge of the united states' supreme court, said, "_when the entire abolition of slavery takes place_, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." mr. galloway said, "i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. i apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means _to bring forward manumission_." luther martin, of maryland, a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, "we ought to authorize the general government to make such regulations as shall be thought most advantageous for _the gradual abolition of slavery_, and the _emancipation of the slaves_ which are already in the states." judge wilson, of pennsylvania, one of the framers of the constitution, said, in the pennsylvania convention of ' , [deb. pa. con. p. , :] "i consider this (the clause relative to the slave trade) as laying the foundation for _banishing slavery out of this country_. it will produce the same kind of gradual change which was produced in pennsylvania; the new states which are to be formed will be under the control of congress in this particular, and _slaves will never be introduced_ among them. it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established _throughout the union_. yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to _exterminate slavery_ within our borders." in the virginia convention of ' , mr. mason, author of the virginia constitution, said, "the augmentation of slaves weakens the states, and such a trade is _diabolical_ in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. as much as i value a union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states, (i.e., south carolina and georgia,) into the union, _unless they agree to a discontinuance of this disgraceful trade_." mr. tyler opposed with great power the clause prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade till , and said, "my earnest desire is, that it shall be handed down to posterity that i oppose this wicked clause." mr. johnson said, "the principle of emancipation _has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round_."--[deb. va. con. p. .] patrick henry, arguing the power of congress under the united states' constitution to abolish slavery in the states, said, in the same convention, "another thing will contribute to bring this event (the abolition of slavery) about. slavery is _detested_. we feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all the pity of humanity." governor randolph said: "they insist that the _abolition of slavery will result from this constitution_. i hope that there is no one here, who will advance _an objection so dishonorable_ to virginia--i hope that at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection will not be started, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, _by the operation of the general government_ may be made free!" [_deb. va. con._ p. .] in the mass. con. of ' , judge dawes said, "although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet _it has received a mortal wound_, and will die of consumption."--[_deb. mass. con._ p. .] general heath said that, "slavery was confined to the states _now existing_, it _could not be extended_. by their ordinance, congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, _and have no slavery_."--p. . in the debate, in the first congress, february th and th, , on the petitions of the society of friends, and the pennsylvania abolition society, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding _so considerable a part_ of the community attending to matters of such a momentous concern to the _future prosperity_ and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, to _espouse their cause_." mr. page, of virginia, (afterwards governor)--"was _in favor_ of the commitment: he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of the respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, _from which was expected great good would result to_ every class _of citizens_, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and _wait the decision patiently_." mr. scott of pennsylvania: "i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person _can be said to acquire a property in another. i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation, but i am sure i would go as far as i could_." mr. burke, of south carolina, said, "he _saw the disposition of the house_, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." mr. baldwin of georgia said that the clause in the u.s. constitution relating to direct taxes "was intended to prevent congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, _as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a_ general emancipation." mr. smith of south carolina, said, "that on entering into this government, they (south carolina and georgia) apprehended that the other states, * * * _would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation_." in the debate, at the same session, may th, , on the petition of the society of friends respecting the slave trade, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power _to restore to human nature its inherent privileges_. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged _should be done away_." mr. jackson, of georgia, said, "it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves. * * * * * will virginia set her negroes free? _when this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear_." mr. madison of virginia,--"the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of us. * * * * * * * i conceive the constitution in this particular was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to _give some testimony of the sense of america_, with respect to the african trade. * * * * * * it is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our prosperity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves." mr. gerry, of massachusetts, said, "he highly commended the part the society of friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested themselves in."--cong. reg. v. , p. - . a writer in the "gazette of the unites states," feb. th, , (then the government paper,) who opposes the abolition of slavery, and avows himself a _slaveholder_, says, "i have seen in the papers accounts of _large associations_, and applications to government for _the abolition of slavery_. religion, humanity, and the generosity natural to a free people, are the _noble principles which dictate those measures_. such motives command respect, and are above any eulogium words can bestow." in the convention that formed the constitution of kentucky in , the effort to prohibit slavery was nearly successful. a decided majority of that body would undoubtedly have voted for its exclusion, but for the great efforts and influence of two large slaveholders--men of commanding talents and sway--messrs. breckenridge and nicholas. the following extract from a speech made in that convention by a member of it, mr. rice a native virginian, is a specimen of the _free discussion_ that prevailed on that "delicate subject." said mr. rice: "i do a man greater injury, when i deprive him of his liberty, than when i deprive him of his property. it is vain for me to plead that i have the sanction of law; for this makes the injury the greater--it arms the community against him, and makes his case desperate. the owners of such slaves then are _licensed robbers_, and not the just proprietors of what they claim. freeing them is not depriving them of property, but _restoring it to the right owner_. the master is the enemy of the slave; he _has made open war upon him_, and is daily carrying it on in unremitted efforts. can any one imagine, then, that the slave is indebted to his master, and _bound to serve him?_ whence can the obligation arise? what is it founded upon? what is my duty to an enemy that is carrying on war against me? i do not deny, but in some circumstances, it is the duty of the slave to serve; but it is a duty he owes himself, and not his master." president edwards, the younger, said, in a sermon preached before the connecticut abolition society, sept. , : "thirty years ago, scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in congress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? and if we judge of the future by the past, _within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft_." in , the general assembly of the presbyterian church adopted its "scripture proofs," notes, and comments. among these was the following: " tim. i. . the law is made for manstealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment. exodus xxi. . and the apostle here classes them with _sinners of the first rank_. the word he uses, in its original import comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in _retaining_ them in it. _stealers of men_ are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and _keep_, sell, or buy them." in , dr. rush declared: "domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of christianity. it prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. it is rebellion against the authority of a common father. it is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common saviour. it is an usurpation of the prerogative of the great sovereign of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men." in , mr. fiske, then an officer of dartmouth college, afterward a judge in tennessee, said, in an oration published that year, speaking of slaves: "i steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to _an equal standing, in point of privileges, with the whites!_ they must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature." when the petition on the abolition of the slave trade was under discussion in the congress of ' , mr. brown, of north carolina, said, "the emancipation of the slaves _will be effected_ in time; it ought to be a gradual business, but he hoped that congress would not _precipitate_ it to the great injury of the southern states." mr. hartley, of pennsylvania, said, in the same debate, "_he was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that house_." washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, says, "there are, in pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which _nothing is more certain_ than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." in , virginia passed her celebrated manumission act. within nine years from that time nearly eleven thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated by their masters. [judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] in , maryland passed an act legalizing manumission. mr. dorsey, of maryland, in a speech in congress, december th, , speaking of manumissions under that act, said, that "_the progress of emancipation was astonishing_, the state became crowded with a free black population." the celebrated william pinkney, in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , on the emancipation of slaves, said, "sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, _no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bandage for a single hour_... are we apprehensive that these men will become more dangerous by becoming freemen? are we alarmed, lest by being admitted into the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? strange, unaccountable paradox! how much more rational would it be, to argue that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself!" hon. james campbell, in an address before the pennsylvania society of cincinnati, july , , said, "our separation from great britain has extended the empire of _humanity_. the time _is not far distant_ when our sister states, in imitation of our example, _shall turn their vassals into freemen_." the convention that formed the united states' constitution being then in session, attended on the delivery of this oration with general washington at their head. a baltimore paper of september th, , contains the following notice of major general gates: "a few days ago passed through this town the hon. general gates and lady. the general, previous to leaving virginia, summoned his numerous family of slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom." in , the university of william and mary, in virginia, conferred upon granville sharpe the degree of doctor of laws. sharpe was at that time the acknowledged head of british abolitionists. his indefatigable exertions, prosecuted for years in the case of somerset, procured that memorable decision in the court of king's bench, which settled the principle that no slave could be held in england. he was most uncompromising in his opposition to slavery, and for twenty years previous he had spoken, written, and accomplished more against it than any man living. in the "memoirs of the revolutionary war in the southern department," by gen. lee, of va., commandant of the partizan legion, is the following: "the constitution of the united states, adopted lately with so much difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil (by importation) after a few years. it is much to be lamented that having done so much in this way, _a provision had not been made for the gradual abolition of slavery_."--pp. , . mr. tucker, of virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, addressed a letter to the general assembly of that state, in , urging the abolition of slavery, from which the following is an extract. speaking of the slaves in virginia, he says: "should we not, at the time of the revolution, have broken their fetters? is it not our duty _to embrace the first moment_ of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor our consciences to reproach us?" mr. faulkner, in a speech before the virginia house of delegates, jan. , , said: "the idea of a gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves from this commonwealth, is coeval with the declaration of our independence from the british yoke. when virginia stood sustained in her legislation by the pure and philosophic intellect of pendleton, by the patriotism of mason and lee, by the searching vigor and sagacity of wythe, and by the all-embracing, all-comprehensive genius of thomas jefferson! sir, it was a committee composed of those five illustrious men, who, in , submitted to the general assembly of this state, then in session, _a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of this commonwealth_." hon. benjamin watkins leigh, late united states' senator from virginia, in his letters to the people of virginia, in , signed appomattox, p. , says: "i thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body that during the revolution, _and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen_, who entertained, with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the object. mr. wythe, to the day of his death, _was for a simple abolition, considering the objection to color as founded in prejudice_. by degrees, all projects of the kind were abandoned. mr. jefferson _retained_ his opinion, and now we have these projects revived." governor barbour, of virginia, in his speech in the u.s. senate, on the missouri question, jan. , said: "we are asked why has virginia changed her policy in reference to slavery? that the sentiments of our most distinguished men, for thirty years _entirely corresponded_ with the course which the friends of the restriction (of slavery in missouri) now advocated; and that the virginia delegation, one of whom was the late president of the united states, voted for the restriction (of slavery) in the northwestern territory, and that mr. jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery. when it is recollected that the notes of mr. jefferson were written during the progress of the revolution, it is no matter of surprise that the writer should have imbibed a large portion of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. as to the consent of the virginia delegation to the restriction in question, whether the result of a disposition to restrain the slave-trade indirectly, or the influence of that enthusiasm to which i have just alluded, * * * * it is not now important to decide. we have witnessed its effects. the liberality of virginia, or, as the result may prove, her folly, which submitted to, or, if you will, proposed _this measure_ (abolition of slavery in the n.w. territory) has eventuated in effects which speak a monitory lesson. _how is the representation from this quarter on the present question_?" mr. imlay, in his early history of kentucky, p. , says: "we have disgraced the fair face of humanity, and trampled upon the sacred privileges of man, at the very moment that we were exclaiming against the tyranny of your (the english) ministry. but in contending for the birthright of freedom, we have learned to feel _for the bondage of others_, and in the libations we offer to the goddess of liberty, we contemplate an _emancipation of the slaves of this country_, as honorable to themselves as it will be glorious to us." in the debate in congress, jan. , , on mr. sloan's motion to lay a tax on the importation of slaves, mr. clark of va. said: "he was no advocate for a system of slavery." mr. marion, of s. carolina, said: "he never had purchased, nor should he ever purchase a slave." mr. southard said: "not revenue, but an expression of the _national sentiment_ is the principal object." mr. smilie--"i rejoice that the word (slave) is not in the constitution; its not being there does honor to the worthies who would not suffer it to become a _part_ of it." mr. alston, of n. carolina--"in two years we shall have the power to prohibit the trade altogether. then this house will be unanimous. no one will object to our exercising our full constitutional powers." national intelligencer, jan. , . these witnesses need no vouchers to entitle them to credit; nor their testimony comments to make it intelligible--their _names_ are their _endorsers_, and their strong words their own interpreters. we waive all comments. our readers are of age. whosoever hath ears to _hear_, let him hear. and whosoever will not hear the fathers of the revolution, the founders of the government, its chief magistrates, judges, legislators and sages, who dared and perilled all under the burdens, and in the heat of the day that tried men's souls--then "neither will he be persuaded though they rose from the dead." some of the points established by this testimony are--the universal expectation that congress, state legislatures, seminaries of learning, churches, ministers of religion, and public sentiment widely embodied in abolition societies, would act against slavery, calling forth the moral sense of the nation, and creating a power of opinion that would abolish the system throughout the union. in a word, that free speech and a free press would be wielded against it without ceasing and without restriction. full well did the south know, not only that the national government would probably legislate against slavery wherever the constitution placed it within its reach, but she knew also that congress had already marked out the line of national policy to be pursued on the subject--had committed itself before the world to a course of action against slavery, wherever she could move upon it without encountering a conflicting jurisdiction--that the nation had established by solemn ordinance a memorable precedent for subsequent action, by abolishing slavery in the northwest territory, and by declaring that it should never thenceforward exist there; and this too, as soon as by cession of virginia and other states, the territory came under congressional control. the south knew also that the sixth article in the ordinance prohibiting slavery, was first proposed by the largest slaveholding state in the confederacy--that in the congress of ' , mr. jefferson, as chairman of the committee on the n.w. territory, reported a resolution abolishing slavery there--that the chairman of the committee that reported the ordinance of ' was also a slaveholder--that the ordinance was enacted by congress during the session of the convention that formed the united states' constitution--that the provisions of the ordinance were, both while in prospect and when under discussion, matters of universal notoriety and _approval_ with all parties, and when finally passed, received the vote of _every member of congress from each of the slaveholding states_. the south also had every reason for believing that the first congress under the constitution would _ratify_ that ordinance--as it did unanimously. a crowd of reflections, suggested by the preceding testimony, presses for utterance. the right of petition ravished and trampled by its constitutional guardians, and insult and defiance hurled in the faces of the sovereign people while calmly remonstrating _with their_ servants for violence committed on the nation's charter and their own dearest rights! added to this "the right of peaceably assembling" violently wrested--the rights of minorities, _rights_ no longer--free speech struck dumb--free _men_ outlawed and murdered--free presses cast into the streets and their fragments strewed with shoutings, or flourished in triumph before the gaze of approving crowds as proud mementos of prostrate law! the spirit and power of our fathers, where are they? their deep homage always and every where rendered to free thought, with its _inseparable signs--free speech and a free press_--their reverence for justice, liberty, _rights_ and all-pervading law, where are they? but we turn from these considerations--though the times on which we have fallen, and those toward which we are borne with headlong haste, call for their discussion as with the voices of departing life--and proceed to topics relevant to the argument before us. the seventh article of the amendments to the constitution is alleged to withhold from congress the power to abolish slavery in the district. "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." all the slaves in the district have been "deprived of liberty" by legislative acts. now, these legislative acts "depriving" them "of liberty," were either "due process of law," or they were _not_. if they _were_, then a legislative act, taking from the master that "property" which is the identical "liberty" previously taken from the slave, would be "due process of law" _also_, and of course a _constitutional_ act; but if the legislative acts "depriving" them of "liberty" were _not_ "due process of law," then the slaves were deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and these acts are _void_. in that case the _constitution emancipates them_. if the objector reply, by saying that the import of the phrase "due process of law," is _judicial_ process solely, it is granted, and that fact is our rejoinder; for no slave in the district _has_ been deprived of his liberty by "a judicial process," or, in other words, by "due process of law;" consequently, upon the objector's own admission, every slave in the district has been deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and is therefore _free by the constitution_. this is asserted only of the slaves under the "exclusive legislation" of congress. the last clause of the article under consideration is quoted for the same purpose: "nor shall private property he taken for public use without just compensation." each of the state constitutions has a clause of similar purport. the abolition of slavery in the district by congress, would not, as we shall presently show; violate this clause either directly or by implication. granting for argument's sake, that slaves are "private property," and that to emancipate them, would be to "take private property" for "public use," the objector admits the power of congress to do _this_, provided it will do something _else_, that is, _pay_ for them. thus, instead of denying the _power_, the objector not only admits, but _affirms_ it, as the ground of the inference that compensation must accompany it. so far from disproving the existence of _one_ power, he asserts the existence of _two_--one, the power to take the slaves from their masters, the other, the power to take the property of the united states to pay for them. if congress cannot constitutionally impair the right of private property, or take it without compensation, it cannot constitutionally, _legalize_ the perpetration of such acts, by _others_, nor _protect_ those who commit them. does the power to rob a man of his earnings, rob the earner of his _right_ to them? who has a better right to the _product_ than the producer?--to the _interest_, than the owner of the _principal_?--to the hands and arms, than he from whose shoulders they swing?--to the body and soul, than he whose they are? congress not only impairs but annihilates the right of private property, while it withholds from the slaves of the district their title to _themselves_. what! congress powerless to protect a man's right to _himself_, when it can make inviolable the right to a _dog_! but, waiving this, i deny that the abolition of slavery in the district would violate this clause. what does the clause prohibit? the "taking" of "private property" for "public use." suppose congress should emancipate the slaves in the district, what would it "_take_?" nothing. what would it _hold_? nothing. what would it put to "public use?" nothing. instead of _taking_ "private property," congress, by abolishing slavery, would say "_private property_ shall not be taken; and those who have been robbed of it already, shall be kept out of it no longer; and every man's right to his own body shall be protected." true, congress may not arbitrarily take property, _as_ property, from one man and give it to another--and in the abolition of slavery no such thing is done. a legislative act changes the _condition_ of the slave--makes him his own _proprietor_, instead of the property of another. it determines a question of _original right_ between two classes of persons--doing an act of justice to one, and restraining the other from acts of injustice; or, in other words, preventing one from robbing the other, by granting to the injured party the protection of just and equitable laws. congress, by an act of abolition, would change the condition of seven thousand "persons" in the district, but would "take" nothing. to construe this provision so as to enable the citizens of the district to hold as property, and in perpetuity, whatever they please, or to hold it as property in all circumstances--all necessity, public welfare, and the will and power of the government to the contrary notwithstanding--is a total perversion of its whole _intent_. the _design_ of the provision, was to throw up a barrier against governmental aggrandizement. the right to "take property" for _state uses_ is one thing;--the right so to adjust the _tenures_ by which property is held, that _each may have his own secured to him_, is another thing, and clearly within the scope of legislation. besides, if congress were to "take" the slaves in the district, it would be _adopting_, not abolishing slavery--becoming a slaveholder itself, instead of requiring others to be such no longer. the clause in question, prohibits the "taking" of individual property for public use, to be employed or disposed of _as_ property for governmental purposes. congress, by abolishing slavery in the district, would do no such thing. it would merely change the _condition_ of that which has been recognized as a qualified property by congressional acts, though previously declared "persons" by the constitution. more than this is done continually by congress and every other legislature. property the most absolute and unqualified, is annihilated by legislative acts. the embargo and non-intercourse act, levelled at a stroke a forest of shipping, and sunk millions of capital. to say nothing of the power of congress to take hundreds of millions from the people by direct taxation, who doubts its power to abolish at once the whole tariff system, change the seat of government, arrest the progress of national works, prohibit any branch of commerce with the indian tribes or with foreign nations, change the locality of forts, arsenals, magazines and dock yards; abolish the post office system, and the privilege of patents and copyrights? by such acts congress might, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, annihilate property to an incalculable amount, and that without becoming liable to claims for compensation. finally, this clause prohibits the taking for public use of "_property_." the constitution of the united states does not recognize slaves as "property" any where, and it does not recognize them in _any sense_ in the district of columbia. all allusions to them in the constitution recognize them as "persons." every reference to them points _solely_ to the element of _personality_; and thus, by the strongest implication, declares that the constitution _knows_ them only as "persons," and _will_ not recognize them in any other light. if they escape into free states, the constitution authorizes their being taken back. but how? not as the property of an "owner," but as "persons;" and the peculiarity of the expression is a marked recognition of their _personality_--a refusal to recognize them as chattels--"persons _held_ to service." are _oxen "held_ to service?" that can be affirmed only of _persons_. again, slaves give political power as "persons." the constitution, in settling the principle of representation, requires their enumeration in the census. how? as property? then why not include race horses and game cocks? slaves, like other inhabitants, are enumerated as "persons." so by the constitution, the government was pledged to non-interference with "the migration or importation of such _persons_" as the states might think proper to admit until , and authorized the laying of a tax on each "person" so admitted. further, slaves are recognized as _persons_ by the exaction of their _allegiance_ to the government. for offences against the government slaves are tried as _persons_; as persons they are entitled to counsel for their defence, to the rules of evidence, and to "due process of law," and as _persons_ they are punished. true, they are loaded with cruel disabilities in courts of law, such as greatly obstruct and often inevitably defeat the ends of justice, yet they are still recognized as _persons_. even in the legislation of congress, and in the diplomacy of the general government, notwithstanding the frequent and wide departures from the integrity of the constitution on this subject, slaves are not recognized as _property_ without qualification. congress has always refused to grant compensation for slaves killed or taken by the enemy, even when these slaves had been impressed into the united states' service. in half a score of cases since the last war, congress has rejected such applications for compensation. besides, both in congressional acts, and in our national diplomacy, slaves and property are not used as convertible terms. when mentioned in treaties and state papers it is in such a way as to distinguish them from mere property, and generally by a recognition of their _personality_. in the invariable recognition of slaves as _persons_, the united states' constitution caught the mantle of the glorious declaration, and most worthily wears it. it recognizes all human beings as "men," "persons," and thus as "equals." in the original draft of the declaration, as it came from the hand of jefferson, it is alleged that great britain had "waged a cruel war against _human_ nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, carrying them into slavery, * * determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold,"--thus disdaining to make the charter of freedom a warrant for the arrest of _men_, that they might be shorn both of liberty and humanity. the celebrated roger sherman, one of the committee of five appointed to draft the declaration of independence, and a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, in the first congress after its adoption: "the constitution _does not consider these persons, (slaves,) as a species of property_."--[lloyd's cong. reg. v. , p. .] that the united states' constitution does not make slaves "property," is shown in the fact, that no person, either as a citizen of the united states, or by having his domicile within the united states' government, can hold slaves. he can hold them only by deriving his power from _state_ laws, or from the laws of congress, if he hold slaves within the district. but no person resident within the united states' jurisdiction, and _not_ within the district, nor within a state whose laws support slavery, nor "held to service" under the laws of such a state or district, having escaped therefrom, _can be held as a slave_. men can hold _property_ under the united states' government though residing beyond the bounds of any state, district, or territory. an inhabitant of the iowa territory can hold property there under the laws of the united states, but he cannot hold _slaves_ there under the united states' laws, nor by virtue of the united states' constitution, nor upon the ground of his united states' citizenship, nor by having his domicile within the united states' jurisdiction. the constitution no where recognizes the right to "slave property," _but merely the fact that the states have jurisdiction each in its own limits, and that there are certain "persons" within their jurisdictions "held to service" by their own laws_. finally, in the clause under consideration "private property" is not to be taken "without just compensation." "just!" if justice is to be appealed to in determining the _amount_ of compensation, let her determine the _grounds_ also. if it be her province to say _how much_ compensation is "just," it is hers to say whether _any_ is "just,"--whether the slave is "just" property _at all_, rather than a "_person_". then, if justice adjudges the slave to be "private property," it adjudges him to be _his own_ property, since the right to one's self is the first right--the source of all others--the original stock by which they are accumulated--the principal, of which they are the interest. and since the slave's "private property" has been "taken," and since "compensation" is impossible--there being no _equivalent_ for one's self--the least that can be done is to restore to him his original private property. having shown that in abolishing slavery, "property" would not be "taken for public use," it may be added that, in those states where slavery has been abolished by law, no claim for compensation has been allowed. indeed the manifest absurdity of demanding it seems to have quite forestalled the _setting up_ of such a claim. the abolition of slavery in the district instead of being a legislative anomaly, would proceed upon the principles of every day legislation. it has been shown already, that the united states' constitution does not recognize slaves as "property." yet ordinary legislation is full of precedents, showing that even _absolute_ property is in many respects wholly subject to legislation. the repeal of the law of entailments--all those acts that control the alienation of property, its disposal by will, its passing to heirs by descent, with the question, who shall be heirs, and what shall be the rule of distribution among them, or whether property shall be transmitted at all by descent, rather than escheat to the estate--these, with statutes of limitation, and various other classes of legislative acts, serve to illustrate the acknowledged scope of the law-making power, even where property _is in every sense absolute_. persons whose property is thus affected by public laws, receive from the government no compensation for their losses; unless the state has been put in possession of the property taken from them. the preamble of the united states' constitution declares it to be a fundamental object of the organization of the government "to establish justice." has congress _no power_ to do that for which it was made the depository of power? cannot the united states' government fulfil the purpose for which it was brought into being? to abolish slavery, is to take from no rightful owner his property; but to "establish justice" between two parties. to emancipate the slave, is to "establish justice" between him and his master--to throw around the person, character, conscience; liberty, and domestic relations of the one, _the same law_ that secures and blesses the other. in other words, to prevent by legal restraints one class of men from seizing upon another class, and robbing them at pleasure of their earnings, their time, their liberty, their kindred, and the very use and ownership of their own persons. finally, to abolish slavery is to proclaim and _enact_ that innocence and helplessness--now _free plunder_--are entitled to _legal protection_; and that power, avarice, and lust, shall no longer revel upon their spoils under the license, and by the ministration of _law_! congress, by possessing "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," has a _general protective power for_ all the inhabitants of the district. if it has no power to protect _one_ man in the district it has none to protect another--none to protect _any_--and if it _can_ protect one man and is _bound_ to do it, it _can_ protect _every_ man--and is _bound_ to do it. all admit the power of congress to protect the masters in the district against their slaves. what part of the constitution gives the power? the clause so often quoted,--"power of legislation in all cases whatsoever," equally in the "_case_" of defending blacks against whites, as in that of defending whites against blacks. the power is also conferred by art. , sec. , clause --"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections"--a power to protect, as well blacks against whites, as whites against blacks. if the constitution gives power to protect _one_ class against the other, it gives power to protect _either_ against the other. suppose the blacks in the district should seize the whites, drive them into the fields and kitchens, force them to work without pay, flog them, imprison them, and sell them at their pleasure, where would congress find power to restrain such acts? answer; a _general_ power in the clause so often cited, and an _express_ one in that cited above--"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections." so much for a supposed case. here follows a real one. the whites in the district are _perpetrating these identical acts_ upon seven thousand blacks daily. that congress has power to restrain these acts in _one_ case, all assert, and in so doing they assert the power "in _all_ cases whatsoever." for the grant of power to suppress insurrections, is an _unconditional_ grant, not hampered by provisos as to the color, shape, size, sex, language, creed, or condition of the insurgents. congress derives its power to suppress this _actual_ insurrection, from the same source whence it derived its power to suppress the _same_ acts in the case supposed. if one case is an insurrection, the other is. the _acts_ in both are the same; the _actors_ only are different. in the one case, ignorant and degraded--goaded by the memory of the past, stung by the present, and driven to desperation by the fearful looking for of wrongs for ever to come. in the other, enlightened into the nature of _rights_, the principles of justice, and the dictates of the law of love, unprovoked by wrongs, with cool deliberation, and by system, they perpetrate these acts upon those to whom they owe unnumbered obligations for _whole lives_ of unrequited service. on which side may palliation be pleaded, and which party may most reasonably claim an abatement of the rigors of law? if congress has power to suppress such acts _at all_, it has power to suppress them _in_ all. it has been shown already that _allegiance_ is exacted of the slave. is the government of the united states unable to grant _protection_ where it exacts _allegiance_? it is an axiom of the civilized world, and a maxim even with savages, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal and correlative. are principles powerless with us which exact homage of barbarians? _protection is the_ constitutional right _of every human. being under the exclusive legislation of congress who has not forfeited it by crime_. in conclusion, i argue the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, from art. , sec. , clause , of the constitution; "congress shall have power to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the united states." has the government of the united states no power under this grant to legislate within its own exclusive jurisdiction on subjects that vitally affect its interest? suppose the slaves in the district should rise upon their masters, and the united states' government, in quelling the insurrection, should kill any number of them. could their masters claim compensation of the government? manifestly not; even though no proof existed that the particular slaves killed were insurgents. this was precisely the point at issue between those masters, whose slaves were killed by the state troops at the time of the southampton insurrection, and the virginia legislature: no evidence was brought to show that the slaves killed by the troops were insurgents; yet the virginia legislature decided that their masters were _not entitled to compensation._ they proceeded on the sound principle, that the government may in self-protection destroy the claim of its subjects even to that which has been recognized as property by its own acts. if in providing for the common defence, the united states' government, in the case supposed, would have power to destroy slaves both as _property_ and _persons_, it surely might stop _half-way_, destroy them _as property_ while it legalized their existence as _persons_, and thus provided for the common defence by giving them a personal and powerful interest in the government, and securing their strength for its defence. like other legislatures, congress has power to abate nuisances--to remove or tear down unsafe buildings--to destroy infected cargoes--to lay injunctions upon manufactories injurious to the public health--and thus to "provide for the common defence and general welfare" by destroying individual property, when such property puts in jeopardy the public weal. granting, for argument's sake, that slaves are "property" in the district of columbia--if congress has a right to annihilate property there when the public safety requires it, it may annihilate its existence _as_ property when the public safety requires it, especially if it transform into a _protection_ and _defence_ that which as _property_ perilled the public interests. in the district of columbia there are, besides the united states' capitol, the president's house, the national offices, and archives of the departments of state, treasury, war, and navy, the general post-office, and patent office. it is also the residence of the president, of all the highest officers of the government, of both houses of congress, and of all the foreign ambassadors. in this same district there are also seven thousand slaves. jefferson, in his notes on va. p. , says of slavery, that "the state permitting one half of its citizens to trample on the rights of the other, transforms them into _enemies_;" and richard henry lee, in the va. house of burgesses in , declared that to those who held them, "_slaves must be natural enemies_." is congress so impotent that it _cannot_ exercise that right pronounced both by municipal and national law, the most sacred and universal--the right of self-preservation and defence? is it shut up to the _necessity_ of keeping seven thousand "enemies" in the heart of the nation's citadel? does the iron fiat of the constitution doom it to such imbecility that it _cannot_ arrest the process that _made_ them "enemies," and still goads to deadlier hate by fiery trials, and day by day adds others to their number? is _this_ providing for the common defence and general welfare? if to rob men of rights excites their hate, freely to restore them and make amends, will win their love. by emancipating the slaves in the district, the government of the united states would disband an army of "enemies," and enlist "for the common defence and general welfare," a body guard of _friends_ seven thousand strong. in the last war, a handful of british soldiers sacked washington city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and the national offices and archives; and no marvel, for thousands of the inhabitants of the district had been "transformed into enemies." would _they_ beat back invasion? if the national government had exercised its constitutional "power to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," by turning those "enemies" into friends, then, instead of a hostile ambush lurking in every thicket inviting assault, and secret foes in every house paralyzing defence, an army of allies would have rallied in the hour of her calamity, and shouted defiance from their munitions of rocks; whilst the banner of the republic, then trampled in dust, would have floated securely over freemen exulting amidst bulwarks of strength. to show that congress can abolish slavery in the district, under the grant of power "to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," i quote an extract from a speech of mr. madison, of va., in the first congress under the constitution, may , . speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, mr. madison says: "i should venture to say it is as much for the interests of georgia and south carolina, as of any state in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves tends to _weaken_ them, and renders them less capable of self-defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of _inviting_ attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well _internal_ as external. _every thing, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government._" cong. reg. vol. , p. , . wythe. postscript my apology for adding a _postscript_, to a discussion already perhaps too protracted, is the fact that the preceding sheets were in the hands of the printer, and all but the concluding pages had gone through the press, before the passage of mr. calhoun's late resolutions in the senate of the united states. a proceeding so extraordinary,--if indeed henceforward _any_ act of congress in derogation of freedom and in deference to slavery, can be deemed extraordinary,--should not be passed in silence at such a crisis as the present; especially as the passage of one of the resolutions by a vote of to , exhibits a shift of position on the part of the south, as sudden as it is unaccountable, being nothing less than the surrender of a fortress which until then, they had defended with the pertinacity of a blind and almost infuriated fatuity. upon the discussions during the pendency of the resolutions, and upon the vote, by which they were carried, i make no comment, save only to record my exultation in the fact there exhibited, that great emergencies are _true touchstones_, and that henceforward, until this question is settled, whoever holds a seat in congress will find upon, and around him, a pressure strong enough to test him--a focal blaze that will find its way through the carefully adjusted cloak of fair pretension, and the sevenfold brass of two faced political intrigue, and _no_-faced _non-committalism_, piercing to the dividing asunder of joints and marrow. be it known to every northern man who aspires to a seat in our national councils, that hereafter congressional action on this subject will be a mighty revelator--making secret thoughts public property, and proclaiming on the house-tops what is whispered in the ear--smiting off masks, and bursting open sepulchres beautiful outwardly, and up-heaving to the sun their dead men's bones. to such we say,--_remember the missouri question, and the fate of those who then sold the free states and their own birthright!_ passing by the resolutions generally without remark--the attention of the reader is specially solicited to mr. clay's substitute for mr. calhoun's fifth resolution. "resolved, that when the district of columbia was ceded by the states of virginia and maryland to the united states, domestic slavery existed in both of these states, including the ceded territory, and that, as it still continues in both of them, it could not be abolished within the district without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory; nor, unless compensation were made to the proprietors of slaves, without a manifest infringement of an amendment to the constitution of the united states; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the states recognizing slavery, far transcending in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit which could be accomplished by the abolition." by advocating this resolution, the south shifted its mode of defence, not by taking a position entirely new, but by attempting to refortify an old one--abandoned mainly long ago, as being unable to hold out against assault however unskillfully directed. in the debate on this resolution, the southern members of congress silently drew off from the ground hitherto maintained by them, viz.--that congress has no power by the constitution to abolish slavery in the district. the passage of this resolution--with the vote of every southern senator, forms a new era in the discussion of this question. we cannot join in the lamentations of those who bewail it. we hail it, and rejoice in it. it was as we would have had it--offered by a southern senator, advocated by southern senators, and on the ground that it "was no compromise"--that it embodied the true southern principle--that "this resolution stood on as high ground as mr. calhoun's."--(mr. preston)--"that mr. clay's resolution was as strong as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. rives)--that "the resolution he (mr. calhoun) now refused to support, was as strong as his own, and that in supporting it, there was no abandonment of principle by the south."--(mr. walker, of mi.)--further, that it was advocated by the southern senators generally as an expression of their views, and as setting the question of slavery in the district on its _true_ ground--that finally, when the question was taken, every slaveholding senator, including mr. calhoun himself, voted for the resolution. by passing this resolution, and with such avowals, the south has unwittingly but explicitly, conceded the main point argued in the preceding pages, and surrendered the whole question at issue between them and the petitioners for abolition in the district. the _only_ ground taken against the right of congress to abolish slavery in the district is, that it existed in maryland and virginia when the cession was made, and "_as it still continues in both of them_, it could not be abolished without a violation of that good faith which was implied in the cession," &c. the argument is not that exclusive _sovereignty_ has no power to abolish slavery within its jurisdiction, nor that the powers of even ordinary legislation cannot do it, nor that the clause granting congress "exclusive legislation in all cases what soever over such district," gives no power to do it; but that the _unexpressed expectation_ of one of the parties that the other would not "in all cases" use the power which said party had consented might be used "_in all cases," prohibits_ the use of it. the only cardinal point in the discussion, is here not only yielded, but formally laid down by the south as the leading article in their creed on the question of congressional jurisdiction over slavery in the district. the reason given why congress should not abolish, and the sole evidence that if it did, such abolition would be a violation of "good faith," is that "_slavery still continues in those states_,"--thus admitting, that if slavery did _not_ "still continue" in those states, congress could abolish it in the district. the same admission is made also in the _premises_, which state that slavery existed in those states _at the time of the cession_, &c. admitting that if it had not existed there then, but had grown up in the district under united states' laws, congress might constitutionally abolish it. or that if the ceded parts of those states had been the _only_ parts in which slaves were held under their laws, congress might have abolished in such a contingency also. the cession in that case leaving no slaves in those states,--no "good faith" would be "implied" in it, nor any "violated" by an act of abolition. the resolution makes virtually this further admission, that if maryland and virginia should at once abolish their slavery, congress might at once abolish it in the district. the principle goes even further than this, and _requires_ congress in such case to abolish slavery in the district "by the _good faith implied_ in the cession and acceptance of the territory." since, according to the spirit and scope of the resolution, this "implied good faith" of maryland and virginia in making the cession, was, that congress would do nothing within the district which should counteract the policy, or discredit the "institutions," or call in question the usages, or even in any way ruffle the prejudices of those states, or do what _they_ might think would unfavorably bear upon their interests; _themselves_ of course being the judges. but let us dissect another limb of the resolution. what is to be understood by "that good faith which was implied?" it is of course an admission that such a condition was not _expressed_ in the acts of cession--that in their terms there is nothing restricting the power of congress on the subject of slavery in the district. this "implied faith," then, rests on no clause or word in the united states' constitution, or in the acts of cession, or in the acts of congress accepting the cession, nor on any declarations of the legislatures of maryland and virginia, nor on any _act_ of theirs, nor on any declaration of the _people_ of those states, nor on the testimony of the washingtons, jeffersons, madisons, chases, martins, and jennifers, of those states and times. the assertion rests _on itself alone!_ mr. clay _guesses_ that maryland and virginia _supposed_ that congress would by no means _use_ the power given them by the constitution, except in such ways as would be well pleasing in the eyes of those states; especially as one of them was the "ancient dominion!" and now after half a century, this _assumed expectation_ of maryland and virginia, the existence of which is mere matter of conjecture with the senators, is conjured up and duly installed upon the judgment-seat of final appeal, before whose nod constitutions are to flee away, and with whom, solemn grants of power and explicit guaranties are, when weighed in the balance, altogether lighter than vanity! but survey it in another light. why did maryland and virginia leave so much to be "_implied?_?" why did they not in some way _express_ what lay so near their hearts? had their vocabulary run so low that a single word could not be eked out for the occasion? or were those states so bashful of a sudden that they dare not speak out and tell what they wanted? or did they take it for granted that congress would always know their wishes by intuition, and always take them for law? if, as honorable senators tell us, maryland and virginia did verily travail with such abounding _faith_, why brought they forth no _works_? it is as true in legislation as in religion, that the only evidence of "faith" is works, and that "faith" _without_ works is _dead_, i.e. has no _power_. but here, forsooth, a blind implication with nothing _expressed_, an "implied" faith without works, is omnipotent! mr. clay is lawyer enough to know that maryland and virginia notions of constitutional power, _abrogate no grant_, and that to plead them in a court of law, would be of small service, except to jostle "their honors'" gravity! he need not be told that the constitution gives congress "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district;" nor that maryland and virginia constructed their acts of cession with this clause _before their eyes_, and declared those acts made "in _pursuance_" of it. those states knew that the u.s. constitution had left nothing to be "_implied_" as to the power of congress over the district; an admonition quite sufficient, one would think, to put them on their guard, and lead them to eschew vague implications, and to resort to _stipulations_. they knew, moreover, that those were times when, in matters of high import, _nothing_ was left to be "implied." the colonies were then panting from a twenty years' conflict with the mother country, about bills of rights, charters, treaties, constitutions, grants, limitations, and _acts of cession_. the severities of a long and terrible discipline had taught them to guard at all points _legislative grants_, that their exact import and limit might be self-evident--leaving no scope for a blind "faith" that _somehow_ in the lottery of chances, every ticket would turn up a prize. toil, suffering, blood, and treasure outpoured like water over a whole generation, counselled them to make all sure by the use of explicit terms, and well chosen words, and just enough of them. the constitution of the united states, with its amendments, those of the individual states, the national treaties, and the public documents of the general and state governments at that period, show the universal conviction of legislative bodies, that nothing should be left to be "implied," when great public interests were at stake. further: suppose maryland and virginia had expressed their "implied faith" in _words_, and embodied it in their acts of cession as a proviso, declaring that congress should not "exercise exclusive legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever over the district," but that the "case" of _slavery_ should be an exception: who does not know that congress, if it had accepted the cession on those terms, would have violated the constitution; and who that has studied the free mood of those times in its bearings on slavery--proofs of which are given in scores on the preceding pages--[see pp. - .] can be made to believe that the people of the united states would have re-modelled their constitution for the purpose of providing for slavery an inviolable sanctuary; that when driven in from its outposts, and everywhere retreating discomfited before the march of freedom, it might be received into everlasting habitations on the common homestead and hearth-stone of the republic? who can believe that virginia made such a condition, or cherished such a purpose, when washington, jefferson, wythe, patrick henry, st. george tucker, and all her most illustrious men, were at that moment advocating the abolition of slavery by law; when washington had said, two years before, that maryland and virginia "must have laws for the gradual abolition of slavery, and at a period _not remote_;" and when jefferson in his letter to dr. price, three years before the cession, had said, speaking of virginia, "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits;" when voluntary emancipations on the soil were then progressing at the rate of between one and two thousand annually, (see judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. ;) when the public sentiment of virginia had undergone, so mighty a revolution that the idea of the continuance of slavery as a permanent system could not be tolerated, though she then contained about half the slaves in the union. was this the time to stipulate for the _perpetuity_ of slavery under the exclusive legislation of congress? and that too when at the _same_ session _every one_ of her delegation voted for the abolition of slavery in the north west territory; a territory which she herself had ceded to the union, and surrendered along with it her jurisdiction over her citizens, inhabitants of that territory, who held slaves there--and whose slaves were emancipated by that act of congress, in which all her delegation with one accord participated? now in view of the universal belief then prevalent, that slavery in this country was doomed to short life, and especially that in maryland and virginia it would be _speedily_ abolished--must we adopt the monstrous conclusion that those states _designed_ to bind congress _never_ to terminate it?--that it was the _intent_ of the ancient dominion thus to _bind_ the united states by an "implied faith," and that when the national government _accepted_ the cession, she did solemnly thus plight her troth, and that virginia did then so _understand_ it? verily, honorable senators must suppose themselves deputed to do our _thinking_ for us as well as our legislation, or rather, that they are themselves absolved from such drudgery by virtue of their office! another absurdity of this "implied faith" dogma is, that where there was no power to exact an _express_ pledge, there was none to demand an _implied_ one, and where there was no power to give the one, there was none to give the other. we have shown already that congress could not have accepted the cession with such a condition. to have signed away a part of its constitutional grant of power would have been a _breach_ of the constitution. the congress which accepted the cession was competent to pass a resolution pledging itself not to _use all_ the power over the district committed to it by the constitution. but here its power ended. its resolution could only bind _itself_. it had no authority to bind a subsequent congress. could the members of one congress say to those of another, because we do not choose to exercise all the authority vested in us by the constitution, therefore you _shall_ not? this would, have been a prohibition to do what the constitution gives power to do. each successive congress would still have gone to the constitution for its power, brushing away in its course the cobwebs stretched across its path by the officiousness of an impertinent predecessor. again, the legislatures of virginia and maryland, had no power to bind congress, either by an express or an implied pledge, never to abolish slavery in the district. those legislatures had no power to bind _themselves_ never to abolish slavery within their own territories--the ceded parts included. where then would they get power to bind _another_ not to do what they had no power to bind _themselves_ not to do? if a legislature could not in this respect control the successive legislatures of its own state, could it control the successive congresses of the united states? but perhaps we shall be told, that the "implied faith" of maryland and virginia was _not_ that congress should _never_ abolish slavery in the district, but that it should not do it until _they_ had done it within their bounds! verily this "faith" comes little short of the faith of miracles! maryland and virginia have "good faith" that congress will not abolish until _they_ do; and then just as "good faith" that congress _will_ abolish _when_ they do! excellently accommodated! did those states suppose that congress would legislate over the national domain, for maryland and virginia alone? and who, did they suppose, would be judges in the matter?--themselves merely? or the whole union? this "good faith implied in the cession" is no longer of doubtful interpretation. the principle at the bottom of it, when fairly stated, is this:--that the government of the united states are bound in "good faith" to do in the district of columbia, without demurring, just what and when, maryland and virginia do within their own bounds. in short, that the general government is eased of all the burdens of legislation within its exclusive jurisdiction, save that of hiring a scrivener to copy off the acts of the maryland and virginia legislatures as fast as they are passed, and engross them, under the title of "laws of the united states for the district of columbia!" a slight additional expense would also be incurred in keeping up an express between the capitols of those states and washington city, bringing congress from time to time its "_instructions_" from head quarters! what a "glorious union" this doctrine of mr. clay bequeaths to the people of the united states! we have been permitted to set up at our own expense, and on our own territory, two great _sounding-boards_ called "senate chamber" and "representatives' hall," for the purpose of sending abroad "by authority" _national_ echoes of _state_ legislation! --permitted also to keep in our pay a corps of pliant _national_ musicians, with peremptory instructions to sound on any line of the staff according as virginia and maryland may give the sovereign key note! a careful analysis of mr. clay's resolution and of the discussions upon it, will convince every fair mind that this is but the legitimate carrying out of the _principle_ pervading both. they proceed virtually upon the hypothesis that the will and pleasure of virginia and maryland are paramount to those of the union. if the original design of setting apart a federal district had been for the sole accommodation of the south, there could hardly have been higher assumption or louder vaunting. the only object of _having_ such a district was in effect totally perverted in the resolution of mr. clay, and in the discussions of the entire southern delegation, upon its passage. instead of taking the ground, that the benefit of the whole union was the sole _object_ of a federal district, and that it was to be legislated over _for this end_--the resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis totally the reverse. it takes a single point of _state_ policy, and exalts it above national interests, utterly overshadowing them; abrogating national rights; making void a clause of the constitution; humbling the general government into a subject crouching for favors to a superior, and that too within its own exclusive jurisdiction. all the attributes of sovereignty vested in congress by the constitution, it impales upon the point of an alleged _implication_. and this is mr. clay's peace-offering, to the lust of power and the ravenings of state encroachment! a "compromise," forsooth! that sinks the general government on _its own territory_, into a mere colony, with virginia and maryland for its "mother country!" it is refreshing to turn from these shallow, distorted constructions and servile cringings, to the high bearing of other southern men in other times; men, who as legislators and lawyers, scorned to accommodate their interpretations of constitutions and charters to geographical lines, or to bend them to the purposes of a political canvass. in the celebrated case of cohens _vs._ the state of virginia, hon. william pinkney, late of baltimore, and hon. walter jones, of washington city, with other eminent constitutional lawyers, prepared an elaborate opinion, from which the following is an extract: "nor is there any danger to be apprehended from allowing to congressional legislation with regard to the district of columbia, its fullest effect. congress is responsible to the states, and to the people for that legislation. it is in truth the legislation of the states over a district placed under their control for their own benefit, not for that of the district, except as the prosperity of the district is involved, and _necessary to the general advantage_."--[life of pinkney, p. .] this profound legal opinion asserts, st, that congressional legislation over the district, is "the legislation of the _states_ and the _people_." (not of _two_ states, and a mere _fraction_ of the people;) d. "over a district placed under _their_ control," i.e. under the control of _all_ the states, not of _two twenty-sixths_ of them. d. that it was thus put under their control "_for_ their own _benefit_." th. it asserts that the design of this exclusive control of congress over the district was "not for the benefit of the _district_," except as that is _connected_ with, and _a means of promoting_ the _general_ advantage. if this is the case with the _district_, which is _directly_ concerned, it is pre-eminently so with maryland and virginia, which are but _indirectly_ interested. the argument of mr. madison in the congress of ' , an extract from which has been given on a preceding page, lays down the same principle; that though any matter "_may be a local affair, yet if it involves national_ expense or safety, _it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government_."--cong. reg. vol. . p. . but these are only the initiatory absurdities of this "good faith _implied_." mr. clay's resolution aptly illustrates the principle, that error not only conflicts with truth, but is generally at issue with itself: for if it would be a violation of "good faith" to maryland and virginia, for congress to abolish slavery in the district, it would be _equally_ a violation for congress to do it _with the consent_, or even at the unanimous petition of the people of the district: yet for years it has been the southern doctrine, that if the people of the district demand of congress relief in this respect, it has power, as their local legislature, to grant it, and by abolishing slavery there, carry out the will of the citizens. but now new light has broken in! the optics of mr. clay have pierced the millstone with a deeper insight, and discoveries thicken faster than they can be telegraphed! congress has no power, o no, not a modicum! to help the slaveholders of the district, however loudly they may clamor for it. the southern doctrine, that congress is to the district a mere local legislature to do its pleasure, is tumbled from the genitive into the vocative! hard fate--and that too at the hands of those who begat it! the reasonings of messrs. pinckney and wise, are now found to be wholly at fault, and the chanticleer rhetoric of messrs. glascock and garland stalks featherless and crest-fallen. for the resolution sweeps by the board all those stereotyped common-places, such as "congress a local legislature," "consent of the district," "bound to consult the wishes of the district," with other catch phrases, which for the last two sessions of congress have served to eke out scanty supplies. it declares, that as slavery existed in _maryland and virginia at the time of the cession, and as_ it still continues _in both those states_, it could not be abolished in the district without a violation of "that good faith," &c. but let us see where this principle will lead us. if "implied faith" to maryland and virginia _restrains_ congress from the abolition of slavery in the district, because those states have not abolished _their_ slavery, it _requires_ congress to do in the district what those states have done within their own limits, i.e., restrain _others_ from abolishing it. upon the same principle congress is _bound_ to _prohibit emancipation_ within the district. there is no _stopping place_ for this plighted "faith." congress must not only refrain from laying violent hands on slavery, and see to it that the slaveholders themselves do not, but it is bound to keep the system up to the maryland and virginia standard of vigor! again, if the good faith of congress to virginia and maryland requires that slavery should exist in the district, while it exists in those states, it requires that it should exist there as it exists in those states. if to abolish _every_ form of slavery in the district would violate good faith, to abolish _the_ form existing in those states, and to substitute a different one, would also violate it. the congressional "good faith" is to be kept not only with _slavery_, but with the _maryland and virginia systems_ of slavery. the faith of those states being not that congress would maintain a system, but _their_ system; otherwise instead of _sustaining_, congress would counteract their policy--principles would be brought into action there conflicting with their system, and thus the true sprit of the "implied" pledge would be violated. on this principle, so long as slaves are "chattels personal" in virginia and maryland, congress could not make them _real estate_ in the district, as they are in louisiana; nor could it permit slaves to read, nor to worship god according to conscience; nor could it grant them trial by jury, nor legalize marriage; nor require the master to give sufficient food and clothing; nor prohibit the violent sundering of families--because such provisions would conflict with the existing slave laws of virginia and maryland, and thus violate the "good faith implied," &c. so the principle of the resolution binds congress in all these particulars: st. not to abolish slavery in the district _until_ virginia and maryland abolish. d. not to abolish any _part_ of it that exists in those states. d. not to abolish any _form_ or _appendage_ of it still existing in those states. th. to _abolish_ when they do. th. to increase or abate its rigors _when, how,_ and _as_ the same are modified by those states. in a word, congressional action in the district is to float passively in the wake of legislative action on the subject in those states. but here comes a dilemma. suppose the legislation of those states should steer different courses--then there would be _two_ wakes! can congress float in both? yea, verily! nothing is too hard for it! its obsequiousness equals its "power of legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever." it can float _up_ on the virginia tide, and ebb down on the maryland. what maryland does, congress will do in the maryland part. what virginia does, congress will do in the virginia part. though it might not always be able to run at the bidding of both _at once_, especially in different directions, yet if it obeyed orders cheerfully, and "kept in its place," according to its "good faith implied," impossibilities might not be rigidly exacted. true, we have the highest sanction for the maxim that no _man_ can serve two masters--but if "corporations have no souls," analogy would absolve congress on that score, or at most give it only a _very small soul_--not large enough to be at all in the way, as an exception to the universal rule laid down in the maxim! in following out the absurdities of this "implied good faith," it will be seen at once that the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution extends to _all the subjects of legislation_ existing in maryland and virginia, which exist also within the district. every system, "institution," law, and established usage there, is placed beyond congressional control equally with slavery, and by the same "implied faith." the abolition of the lottery system in the district as an immorality, was a flagrant breach of this "good faith" to maryland and virginia, as the system "still continued in those states." so to abolish imprisonment for debt, or capital punishment, to remodel the bank system, the power of corporations, the militia law, laws of limitation, &c., in the district, _unless virginia and maryland took the lead,_ would violate the "good faith implied in the cession." that in the acts of cession no such "good faith" was "implied" by virginia and maryland as is claimed in the resolution, we argue from the fact, that in virginia ceded to the united states all her north-west territory, with the special proviso that her citizens inhabiting that territory should "have their _possessions_ and _titles_ confirmed to them, and be _protected_ in the enjoyment of their _rights_ and liberties." (see journals of congress, vol. , p. .) the cession was made in the form of a deed, and signed by thomas jefferson, samuel hardy, arthur lee, and james munroe. many of these inhabitants _held slaves._ three years after the cession, the virginia delegation in congress _proposed_ the passage of an ordinance which should abolish slavery, in that territory, and declare that it should never thereafter exist there. all the members of congress from virginia and maryland voted for this ordinance. suppose some member of congress had during the passage of the ordinance introduced the following resolution: "resolved, that when the northwest territory was ceded by virginia to the united states, domestic slavery existed in that state, including the ceded territory, and as it still continues in that state, it could not be abolished within the territory without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory." what would have been the indignant response of grayson, griffin, madison, and the lees, in the congress of ' , to such a resolution, and of carrington, chairman of the committee, who reported the ratification of the ordinance in the congress of ' , and of page and parker, who with every other member of the virginia delegation supported it? but to enumerate all the absurdities into which those interested for this resolution have plunged themselves, would be to make a quarto inventory. we decline the task; and in conclusion merely add, that mr. clay, in presenting it, and each of the thirty-six senators who voted for it, entered on the records of the senate, and proclaimed to the world, a most unworthy accusation against the millions of american citizens who have during nearly half a century petitioned the national legislature to abolish slavery in the district of columbia,--charging them either with the ignorance or the impiety of praying the nation to violate its "plighted faith." the resolution virtually indicts at the bar of public opinion, and brands with odium, all the early manumission societies, the _first_ petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district, and for a long time the only ones, petitioning from year to year through evil report and good report, still petitioning, by individual societies and in their national conventions. but as if it were not enough to table the charge against such men as benjamin rush, william rawle, john sergeant, roberts vaux, cadwallader colden, and peter a. jay,--to whom we may add rufus king, james hillhouse, william pinkney, thomas addis emmett, daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, james kent, and daniel webster, besides eleven hundred citizens of the district itself, headed by their chief justice and judges--even the sovereign states of pennsylvania, new-york, massachusetts, vermont, and connecticut, whose legislatures have either memorialized congress to abolish slavery in the district, or instructed their senators to move such a measure, must be gravely informed by messrs. clay, norvell, niles, smith, pierce, benton, black, tipton, and other honorable senators, either that their perception is so dull, they know not whereof they affirm, or that their moral sense is so blunted they can demand without compunction a violation of the nation's faith! we have spoken already of the concessions unwittingly made in this resolution to the true doctrine of congressional power over the district. for that concession, important as it is; we have small thanks to render. that such a resolution, passed with such an _intent_, and pressing at a thousand points on relations and interests vital to the free states, should be hailed, as it has been, by a portion of the northern press as a "compromise" originating in deference to northern interests, and to be received by us as a free-will offering of disinterested benevolence, demanding our gratitude to the mover,--may well cover us with shame. we deserve the humiliation and have well earned the mockery. let it come! if, after having been set up at auction in the public sales-room of the nation, and for thirty years, and by each of a score of "compromises," treacherously knocked off to the lowest bidder, and that without money and without price, the north, plundered and betrayed, _will not_, in this her accepted time, consider the things that belong to her peace before they are hidden from her eyes, then let her eat of the fruit of her own way, and be filled with her own devices! let the shorn and blinded giant grind in the prison-house of the philistines, till taught by weariness and pain the folly of entrusting to delilahs the secret and the custody of his strength. have the free states bound themselves by an oath never to profit by the lessons of experience? if lost to reason, are they dead to _instinct_ also? can nothing rouse them to cast about for self preservation? and shall a life of tame surrenders be terminated by suicidal sacrifice? a "compromise!" bitter irony! is the plucked and hoodwinked north to be wheedled by the sorcery of another missouri compromise? a compromise in which the south gained all, and the north lost all, and lost it forever. a compromise which embargoed the free laborer of the north and west, and, clutched at the staff he leaned upon, to turn it into a bludgeon and fell him with its stroke. a compromise which wrested from liberty her boundless birthright domain, stretching westward to the sunset, while it gave to slavery loose reins and a free coarse, from the mississippi to the pacific. the resolution, as it finally passed, is here inserted. "resolved, that the interference by the citizens of any of the states, with the view to the abolition of slavery in the district, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the district; and that any act or measure of congress designed to abolish slavery in the district, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the states of virginia and maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding states, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the union." the vote upon the resolution stood as follows: _yeas_.--messrs. allen, bayard, benton, black, buchanan, brown, calhoun, clay of alabama, clay of kentucky, clayton, crittenden, cuthbert, fulton, grundy, hubbard, king, lumpkin, lyon, nicholas. niles, norvell, pierce, preston, rives, roane, robinson, sevier, smith, of connecticut, strange, tallmadge, tipton, walker, white, williams, wright, young-- . _nays_.--messrs. davis, knight, mckean, morris, prentiss, ruggles, smith, of indiana, swift, webster-- . * * * * * anti-slavery examiner. no. . narrative of james williams, an american slave. one dollar per ] [ nassau st. n.y. * * * * * preface. "american slavery," said the celebrated john wesley, "is the _vilest_ beneath the sun!" of the truth of this emphatic remark, no other proof is required, than an examination of the statute books of the american slave states. tested by its own laws, in all that facilitates and protects the hateful process of converting a man into a "_chattel personal_;" in all that stamps the law-maker, and law-upholder with meanness and hypocrisy, it certainly has no present rival of its "bad eminence," and we may search in vain the history of a world's despotism for a parallel. the civil code of justinian never acknowledged, with that of our democratic despotisms, the essential equality of man. the dreamer in the gardens of epicurus recognized neither in himself, nor in the slave who ministered to his luxury, the immortality of the spiritual nature. neither solon nor lycurgus taught the inalienability of human rights. the barons of the feudal system, whose maxim was emphatically that of wordsworth's robber, "that he should take who had the power, and he should keep who can." while trampling on the necks of their vassals, and counting the life of a man as of less value than that of a wild beast, never appealed to god for the sincerity of their belief, that all men were created equal. it was reserved for american slave-holders to present to the world the hideous anomaly of a code of laws, beginning with the emphatic declaration of the inalienable rights of all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and closing with a deliberate and systematic denial of those rights, in respect to a large portion of their countrymen; engrossing on the same parchment the antagonist laws of liberty and tyranny. the very nature of this unnatural combination has rendered it necessary that american slavery, in law and in practice, should exceed every other in severity and cool atrocity. the masters of greece and rome permitted their slaves to read and write and worship the gods of paganism in peace and security, for there was nothing in the laws, literature, or religion of the age to awaken in the soul of the bondman a just sense of his rights as a man. but the american slaveholder cannot be thus lenient. in the excess of his benevolence, as a political propagandist, he has kindled a fire for the oppressed of the old world to gaze at with hope, and for crowned heads and dynasties to tremble at; but a due regard to the safety of his "peculiar institution," compels him to put out the eyes of his own people, lest they too should see it. calling on all the world to shake off the fetters of oppression, and wade through the blood of tyrants to freedom, he has been compelled to smother, in darkness and silence, the minds of his own bondmen, lest they too should hear and obey the summons, by putting the knife to his own throat.--proclaiming the truths of divine revelation, and sending the scriptures to the four quarters of the earth, he has found it necessary to maintain heathenism at home by special enactments; and to make the second offence of teaching his slaves the message of salvation punishable with _death_! what marvel then that american slavery even on the _statute book_ assumes the right to transform moral beings into brutes:[a] that it legalizes man's usurpation of divine authority; the substitution of the will of the master, for the moral government of god: that it annihilates the rights of conscience; debars from the enjoyment of religious rights and privileges by specific enactments; and enjoins disobedience to the divine lawgiver: that it discourages purity and chastity, encourages crime, legalizes concubinage; and, while it places the slave entirely in the hands of his master, provides no real protection for his life or his person. [footnote a: the _cardinal principle_ of slavery, that a slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among things, as an article of property, a chattel personal, obtains as undoubted law, in all the slave states. (judge stroud's sketch of slave laws, p. .)] but it may be said, that these laws afford no certain evidence of the actual condition of the slaves: that, in judging the system by its code, no allowance is made for the humanity of individual masters. it was a just remark of the celebrated priestley, that "_no people ever were found to be better than their laws, though many have been known to be worse._" all history and common experience confirm this. besides, admitting that the legal severity of a system may be softened in the practice of the humane, may it not also be aggravated by that of the avaricious and cruel? but what are the testimony and admissions of slaveholders themselves on this point? in an essay published in charleston, s.c., in , and entitled "a refutation of the calumnies circulated against the southern and western states," by the late edwin c. holland, esq., it is stated, that "all slaveholders have laid down non-resistance, and perfect and uniform _obedience_ to their orders as fundamental principles in the government of their slaves:" that this is "a _necessary_ result of the relation," and "_unavoidable_." robert j. turnbull, esq., of south carolina, in remarking upon the management of slaves, says, "the only principle upon which may authority over them, (the slaves,) can be maintained is _fear_, and he who denies this has little knowledge of them." to this may be added the testimony of judge ruffin, of north carolina, as quoted in wheeler's law of slavery, p. . "the slave, to remain a slave, must feel that there is _no appeal from his master_. no man can anticipate the provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of the master, prompting him to bloody vengeance on the turbulent traitor, a vengeance _generally_ practised with impunity by reason of its _privacy_." in an essay on the "improvement of negroes on plantations," by rev. thomas s. clay, a slaveholder of bryan county, georgia, and printed at the request of the georgia presbytery, in , we are told "that the present economy of the slave system is _to get all you can_ from the slave, and give him in return _as little as will barely support him in a working condition_!" here, in a few words, the whole enormity of slavery is exposed to view: "to _get all you can_ from the slave"--by means of whips and forks and irons--by every device for torturing the body, without destroying its capability of labor; and in return give him as little of his coarse fare as will keep him, like a mere beast of burden, in a "_working condition_;" this is slavery, as explained by the slaveholder himself. mr. clay further says: "_offences against the master_ are more severely punished than violations of the law of god, a fault which affects the slave's personal character a good deal. as examples we may notice, that _running away_ is more severely punished than adultery." "he (the slave) only knows his master as lawgiver and executioner, and the _sole object of punishment_ held up to his view, is to make him _a more obedient and profitable slave_." hon. w.b. seabrook, in an address before the agricultural society of st. john's, colleton, published by order of the society, at charleston, in , after stating that "as slavery exists in south carolina, the action of the citizens should rigidly conform to that state of things:" and, that "no _abstract opinions of the rights of man_ should be allowed in any instance to modify the _police system of a plantation_," proceeds as follows. "_he_ (the slave) _should be practically treated as a slave_; and thoroughly taught the true cardinal principle on which our peculiar institutions are founded, viz.; that to his owner he is bound by the law of god and man; and that no human authority can sever the link which unites them. the great aim of the slaveholder, then, should be to keep his people in strict _subordination_. in this, it may in truth be said, lies his _entire duty_." again, in speaking of the punishments of slaves, he remarks: "if to our army the disuse of the lash has been prejudicial, to the slaveholder it would operate to deprive him of the main support of his authority. for the first class of offences, i consider imprisonment in the stocks[a] at night, with or without hard labor by day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of _good_ government." "_experience_ has convinced me that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more horror, than that upon which i am commenting, (the stocks,) and none which has been attended with happier results." [footnote a: of the nature of this punishment in the stocks, something may be learned by the following extract of a letter from a gentleman in tallahassee, florida, to the editor of the ohio atlas, dated june , : "a planter, a professer of religion, in conversing upon the universality of whipping, remarked, that a planter in g____, who had whipped a great deal, at length got tired of it, and invented the following _excellent_ method of punishment, which i saw practised while i was paying him a visit. the negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above his head, and his feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part of the body. the master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so doleful that we feared he was dying. we went to him, and found him covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. he could not have lived an hour longer. mr. ---- found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment, that it almost superseded the whip."] there is yet another class of testimony quite as pertinent as the foregoing, which may at any time be gleaned from the newspapers of the slave states--the advertisements of masters for their runaway slaves, and casual paragraphs coldly relating cruelties, which would disgrace a land of heathenism. let the following suffice for a specimen: * * * * * to the editors of the constitutionalist. _aiken, s.c., dec._ , . i have just returned from an inquest i held over the dead body of a negro man, a runaway, that was shot near the south edisto, in this district, (barnwell,) on saturday morning last. he came to his death by his own recklessness. he refused to be taken alive; and said that other attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he would not be taken. when taken he was nearly naked--had a large dirk or knife and a heavy club. he was at first, (when those who were in pursuit of him found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the intention of merely crippling him. he was shot at several times, and at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. he kept in the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the neighbors were in pursuit of him. as soon as the negro was taken, the best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. one of the witnesses at the inquisition stated that the negro boy said that he was from mississippi, and belonged to so many persons he did not know who his master was; but again he said his master's name was _brown_. he said his own name was sam; and when asked by another witness who his master was, he muttered something like augusta or augustine. the boy was apparently above or years of age--about six feet high--slightly yellow in the face--very long beard or whiskers--and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared to have been run away a long time. william h. pritchard, _coroner, (ex officio,) barnwell dist., s.c._ the mississippi and other papers will please copy the above.--_georgia constitutionalist_. * * * * * $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, living on herring bay, ann arundel county, md., on saturday, th january, negro man elijah, who calls himself elijah cook, is about years of age, well made, of a very dark complexion has an impediment in his speech, and _a scar on his left cheek bone, apparently occasioned by a shot_. j. scrivener. annapolis (md.) rep., feb., . * * * * * $ reward.--ran away from my residence near mobile, two negro men, isaac and tim. isaac is from to years old, dark complexion, scar on the right side of the head, and also one on the right side of the body, occasioned by buck shot. tim is years old, dark complexion, scar on the right cheek, as also another on the back of the neck. captains and owners of steamboats, vessels, and water crafts of every description, are cautioned against taking them on board under the penalty of the law; and all other persons against harboring or in any manner favoring the escape of said negroes under like penalty. _mobile, sept_. . sarah walsh. montgomery (ala.) advertiser, sept. , . * * * * * $ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, about three years ago, a certain negro man named ben, (commonly known by the name of ben fox.) he is about five feet five or six inches high, chunky made, yellow complexion, and has but one eye. also, one other negro, by the name of rigdon, who ran away on the th of this month. he is stout made, tall, and very black, with large lips. i will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of lenoir or jones county, or _for the killing of them so that i can see them_. masters of vessels and all others are cautioned against harboring, employing, or carrying them away, under the penalty of the law. w.d. cobb. _lenoir county, n.c., nov_. , . * * * * * "a negro who had absconded from his master, and for who a reward was offered of $ , has been apprehended and committed to prison in savannah, georgia. the editor who states the fact, adds, with as much coolness as though there was no barbarity in the matter, that he did not surrender until he was considerably _maimed by the dogs_[a] that had been set on him,--desperately fighting them, one of which he cut badly with a sword." _new-york commercial advertiser, june_, , . [footnote a: in regard to the use of bloodhounds, for the recapture of runaway slaves, we insert the following from the new-york evangelist, being an extract of a letter from natchez (miss.) under date of january , : "an instance was related to me in claiborne county, in mississippi. a runaway was heard about the house in the night. the hound was put upon his track, and in the morning was found watching the dead body of the negro. the dogs are trained to this service when young. a negro is directed to go into the woods and secure himself upon a tree. when sufficient time has elapsed for doing this, the hound is put upon his track. the blacks are compelled to worry them until they make them their implacable enemies: and it is common to meet with dogs which will take no notice of whites, though entire strangers, but will suffer no blacks beside the house servants to enter the yard."] * * * * * from the foregoing evidence on the part of slaveholders themselves, we gather the following facts: . that perfect obedience is required of the slave--that he is made to feel that there is no appeal from his master. . that the authority of the master is only maintained by fear--a "_reign of terror_." . that "the economy of slavery is to _get all you can_ from the slave, and give him in return as little as will barely support him in a working condition." . that runaway slaves may be shot down with impunity by any white person. . that masters offer rewards for "_killing_" their slaves, "_so that they may see them_!" . that slaves are branded with hot irons, and very much scarred with the whip. . that _iron collars_, with projecting prongs, rendering it almost impossible for the wearer to lie down, are fastened upon the _necks of women_. . that the lash is the main support of the slaveholder's authority: but, that the _stocks_ are "a powerful auxiliary" to his government. . that runaway slaves are chased with dogs--men hunted like beasts of prey. such is american slavery in practice. the testimony thus far adduced is only that of the slaveholder and wrong-doer himself: the admission of men who have a direct interest in keeping out of sight the horrors of their system. it is besides no voluntary admission. having "framed iniquity by law," it is out of their power to hide it. for the recovery of their runaway property, they are compelled to advertise in the public journals, and that it may be identified, they are under the necessity of describing the marks of the whip on the backs of women, the iron collars about the neck--the gun-shot wounds, and the traces of the branding-iron. such testimony must, in the nature of things, be partial and incomplete. but for a full revelation of the secrets of the prison-house, we must look to the slave himself. the inquisitors of goa and madrid never disclosed the peculiar atrocities of their "hall of horrors." it was the escaping heretic, with his swollen and disjointed limbs, and bearing about him the scars of rack and fire, who exposed them to the gaze and abhorrence of christendom. the following pages contain the simple and unvarnished story of an american slave,--of one, whose situation, in the first place, as a favorite servant in an aristocratic family in virginia; and afterwards as the sole and confidential driver on a large plantation in alabama, afforded him rare and peculiar advantages for accurate observation of the practical workings of the system. his intelligence, evident candor, and grateful remembrance of those kindnesses, which in a land of slavery, made his cup of suffering less bitter; the perfect accordance of his statements, (made at different times, and to different individuals),[b] one with another, as well as those statements themselves, all afford strong confirmation of the truth and accuracy of his story. there seems to have been no effort, on his part to make his picture of slavery one of entire darkness--he details every thing of a mitigating character which fell under his observation; and even the cruel deception of his master has not rendered him unmindful of his early kindness. [footnote b: the reader is referred to john g. whittier, of philadelphia, or to the following gentlemen, who have heard the whole, or a part of his story, from his own lips: emmor kimber, of kimberton, pa., lindley coates, of lancaster co., do.; james mott, of philadelphia, lewis tappan, elizur wright jun., rev. dr. follen, and james g. birney, of new york. the latter gentleman, who was a few years ago, a citizen of alabama, assures us that the statements made to him by james williams, were such as he had every reason to believe, from his own knowledge of slavery in that state.] the editor is fully aware that he has not been able to present this affecting narrative in the simplicity and vivid freshness with which it fell from the lips of the narrator. he has, however, as closely as possible, copied his manner, and in many instances his precise language. the slave has spoken for himself. acting merely as his amanuensis, he has carefully abstained from comments of his own.[a] [footnote a: as the narrator was unable to read or write, it is quite possible that the orthography of some of the names of individuals mentioned in his story may not be entirely correct. for instance, the name of his master may have been either larrimer, or larrrimore.] the picture here presented to the people of the free states, is, in many respects, a novel one. we all know something of virginia and kentucky slavery. we have heard of the internal slave trade--the pangs of separation--the slave ship with its "cargo of despair" bound for the new-orleans market--the weary journey of the chained coffle to the cotton country. but here, in a great measure, we have lost sight of the victims of avarice and lust. we have not studied the dreadful economy of the cotton plantation, and know but little of the secrets of its unlimited despotism. but in this narrative the scenes of the plantation rise before us, with a distinctness which approaches reality. we hear the sound of the horn at daybreak, calling the sick and the weary to toil unrequited. woman, in her appealing delicacy and suffering, about to become a mother, is fainting under the lash, or sinking exhausted beside her cotton row. we hear the prayer for mercy answered with sneers and curses. we look on the instruments of torture, and the corpses of murdered men. we see the dogs, reeking hot from the chase, with their jaws foul with human blood. we see the meek and aged christian scarred with the lash, and bowed down with toil, offering the supplication of a broken heart to his father in heaven, for the forgiveness of his brutal enemy. we hear, and from our inmost hearts repeat the affecting interrogatory of the aged slave, _"how long, oh lord! how long!"_ the editor has written out the details of this painful narrative with feelings of sorrow. if there be any who feel a morbid satisfaction in dwelling upon the history of outrage and cruelty, he at least is not one of them. his taste and habits incline him rather to look to the pure and beautiful in our nature--the sunniest side of humanity--its kindly sympathies--its holy affections--its charities and its love. but, it is because he has seen that all which is thus beautiful and excellent in mind and heart, perishes in the atmosphere of slavery: it is because humanity in the slave sinks down to a level with the brute and in the master gives place to the attributes of a fiend--that he has not felt at liberty to decline the task. he cannot sympathize with that abstract and delicate philanthropy, which hesitates to bring itself in contact with the sufferer, and which shrinks from the effort of searching out the extent of his afflictions. the emblem of practical philanthropy is the samaritan stooping over the wounded jew. it must be no fastidious hand which administers the oil and the wine, and binds up the unsightly gashes. believing, as he does, that this narrative is one of truth; that it presents an unexaggerated picture of slavery as it exists on the cotton plantations of the south and west, he would particularly invite to its perusal, those individuals, and especially those professing christians at the north, who have ventured to claim for such a system, the sanction and approval of the religion of jesus christ. in view of the facts here presented, let these men seriously inquire of themselves, whether in advancing such a claim, they are not uttering a higher and more audacious blasphemy than any which ever fell from the pens of voltaire and paine. as if to cover them with confusion, and leave them utterly without excuse for thus libelling the character of a just god, these developments are making, and the veil rising, which for long years of sinful apathy has rested upon the abominations of american slavery. light is breaking into it's dungeons, disclosing the wreck of buried intellect--of hearts broken--of human affections outraged--of souls ruined. the world will see it as god has always seen it; and when he shall at length make inquisition for blood, and his vengeance kindle over the habitations of cruelty, with a destruction more terrible than that of sodom and gomorrah, his righteous dealing will be justified of man, and his name glorified among the nations, and there will be a voice of rejoicing in earth and in heaven. alleluia!--the promise is fulfilled!--for the sighing of the poor and the oppression of the needy, god hath risen! it is the earnest desire of the editor, that this narrative may be the means, under god, of awakening in the hearts of all who read it, a sympathy for the oppressed which shall manifest itself in immediate, active, self-sacrificing exertion for their deliverance; and, while it excites abhorrence of his crimes, call forth pity for the oppressor. may it have the effect to prevent the avowed and associated friends of the slave, from giving such an undue importance to their own trials and grievances, as to forget in a great measure the sorrows of the slave. let its cry of wo, coming up from the plantations of the south, suppress every feeling of selfishness in our hearts. let our regret and indignation at the denial of the right of petition, be felt only because we are thereby prevented from pleading in the halls of congress for the "suffering and the dumb." and let the fact, that we are shut out from half the territory of our country, be lamented only because it prevents us from bearing personally to the land of slavery, the messages of hope for the slave, and of rebuke and warning for the oppressor. _new-york, th st mo._, . * * * * * narrative i was born in powhatan county, virginia, on the plantation of george larrimore. sen., at a place called mount pleasant, on the th of may . may father was the slave of an orphan family whose name i have forgotten, and was under the care of a mr. brooks, guardian of the family. he was a native of africa, and was brought over when a mere child, with his mother. my mother was the slave of george larrimore, sen. she was nearly white, and is well known to have been the daughter of mr. larrimore himself. she died when myself and my twin brother meshech were five years of age--i can scarcely remember her. she had in all eight children, of whom only five are now living. one, a brother, belongs to the heirs of the late mr. brockenbrough of charlottesville; of whom he hires his time, and pays annually $ for it. he is a member of the baptist church, and used to preach occasionally. his wife is a free woman from philadelphia, and being able to read and write, taught her husband. the whites do not know that he can write, and have often wondered that he could preach so well without learning. it is the practice when a church is crowded, to turn the blacks out of their seats. my brother did not like this, and on one occasion preached a sermon from a text, showing that all are of one blood. some of the whites who heard it, said that such preaching would raise an insurrection among the negroes. two of them told him that if he would prove his doctrine by scripture, they would let him go, but if he did not, he should have nine and thirty lashes. he accordingly preached another sermon and spoke with a great deal of boldness. the two men who were in favor of having him whipped, left before the sermon was over; those who remained, acknowledged that he had proved his doctrine, and preached a good sermon, and many of them came up and shook hands with him. the two opposers, scott and brockley, forbid my brother, after this, to come upon their estates. they were both baptists, and my brother had before preached to their people. during the cholera at richmond, my brother preached a sermon, in which he compared the pestilence to the plagues, which afflicted the egyptian slaveholders, because they would not let the people go. after the sermon some of the whites threatened to whip him. mr. valentine, a merchant on shocko hill prevented them; and a young lawyer named brooks said it was wrong to threaten a man for preaching the truth. since the insurrection of nat. turner he has not been allowed to preach much. my twin brother was for some time the property of mr. john griggs, of richmond, who sold him about three years since, to an alabama cotton planter, with whom he staid one year, and then ran away and in all probability escaped into the free states or canada, as he was seen near the maryland line. my other brother lives in fredericksburg, and belongs to a mr. scott, a merchant formerly of richmond. he was sold from mr. larrimore's plantation because his wife was a slave of mr. scott. my only sister is the slave of john smith, of king william. her husband was the slave of mr. smith, when the latter lived in powhatan county, and when he removed to king william, she was taken with her husband. my old master, george larrimore, married jane roane, the sister of a gentleman named john roane, one of the most distinguished men in virginia, who in turn married a sister of my master. one of his sisters married a judge scott, and another married mr. brockenbrough of charlottesville. mr. larrimore had three children; george, jane, and elizabeth. the former was just ten days older than myself; and i was his playmate and constant associate in childhood. i used to go with him to his school, and carry his books for him as far as the door, and meet him there when the school was dismissed. we were very fond of each other, and frequently slept together. he taught me the letters of the alphabet, and i should soon have acquired a knowledge of reading, had not george's mother discovered her son in the act of teaching me. she took him aside and severely reprimanded him. when i asked him, not long after, to tell me more of what he had learned at school, he said that his mother had forbidden him to do so any more, as her father had a slave, who was instructed in reading and writing, and on that account proved very troublesome. he could, they said, imitate the hand-writing of the neighboring planters, and used to write passes and certificates of freedom for the slaves, and finally wrote one for himself, and went off to philadelphia, from whence her father received from him a saucy letter, thanking him for his education. the early years of my life went by pleasantly. the bitterness of my lot i had not yet realized. comfortably clothed and fed, kindly treated by my old master and mistress and the young ladies, and the playmate and confidant of my young master, i did not dream of the dark reality of evil before me. when he was fourteen years of age, master george went to his uncle brockenbrough's at charlottesville, as a student of the university. after his return from college, he went to paris and other parts of europe, and spent three or four years in study and travelling. in the mean time i was a waiter in the house, dining-room servant, &c. my old master visited and received visits from a great number of the principal families in virginia. each summer, with his family, he visited the sulphur springs and the mountains. while george was absent, i went with him to new-orleans, in the winter season, on account of his failing health. we spent three days in charleston, at mr. mcduffie's, with whom my master was on intimate terms. mr. mcduffie spent several days on one occasion at mt. pleasant. he took a fancy to me, and offered my master the servant whom he brought with him and $ beside, for me. my master considered it almost an insult, and said after he was gone, that mr. mcduffie needed money to say the least, as much as he did. he had a fine house in richmond, and used to spend his winters there with his family, taking me with him. he was not there much at other times, except when the convention of for amending the state constitution, was held in that city. he had a quarrel with mr. neal of richmond co., in consequence of some remarks upon the subject of slavery. it came near terminating in a duel. i recollect that during the sitting of the convention, my master asked me before several other gentlemen, if i wished to be free and go back to my own country. i looked at him with surprise, and inquired what country? "africa, to be sure," said he, laughing. i told him that was not my country--that i was born in virginia. "oh yes," said he, "but your father was born in africa." he then said that there was a place on the african coast called liberia where a great many free blacks were going; and asked me to tell him honestly, whether i would prefer to be set free on condition of going to africa, or live with him and remain a slave. i replied that i had rather be as i was. i have frequently heard him speak against slavery to his visitors. i heard him say on one occasion, when some gentlemen were arguing in favor of sending the free colored people to africa, that this was as really the black man's country as the white's, and that it would be as humane to knock the free negroes, at once, on the head, as to send them to liberia. he was a kind man to his slaves. he was proud of them, and of the reputation he enjoyed of feeding and clothing them well. they were as near as i can judge about in number. he never to my knowledge sold a slave, unless to go with a wife or husband, and at the slave's own request. but all except the very wealthiest planters in his neighborhood sold them frequently. john smoot of powhatan co. has sold a great number. bacon tait[a] used to be one of the principal purchasers. he had a jail at richmond where he kept them. there were many others who made a business of buying and selling slaves. i saw on one occasion while travelling with my master, a gang of nearly two hundred men fastened with chains. the women followed unchained and the children in wagons. it was a sorrowful sight. some were praying, some crying, and they all had a look of extreme wretchedness. it is an awful thing to a virginia slave to be sold for the alabama and mississippi country. i have known some of them to die of grief, and others to commit suicide, on account of it. [footnote a: bacon tait's advertisement of "new and commodious buildings" for the keeping of negroes, situated at the corner of th and carey streets, appears in the richmond whig of sept. .--editor.] in my seventeenth year, i was married to a girl named harriet, belonging to john gatewood, a planter living about four miles from mr. pleasant. she was about a year younger than myself--was a tailoress, and used to cut out clothes for the hands. we were married by a white clergyman named jones; and were allowed to or three weeks to ourselves, which we spent in visiting and other amusements. the field hands are seldom married by a clergyman. they simply invite their friends together, and have a wedding party. our two eldest children died in their infancy: two are now living. the youngest was only two months old when i saw him for the last time. i used to visit my wife on saturday and sunday evenings. my young master came back from europe in delicate health. he was advised by his physicians to spend the winter in new-orleans, whither he accordingly went, taking me with him. here he became acquainted with a french lady of one of the first families in the city. the next winter he also spent in new-orleans, and on his third visit, three years after his return from europe, he was married to the lady above mentioned. in may he returned to mt. pleasant, and found the elder larrimore on his sick bed, from which he never rose again. he died on the th of july. there was a great and splendid funeral, as his relatives and friends were numerous. his large property was left principally in the hands of his widow until her decease, after which it was to be divided among the three children. in february mrs. larrimore also died. the administrators upon the estate were john green, esq., and benjamin temple. my young master came back from europe in delicate health. he way advised by his physicians to spend the winter in new-orleans, whither he accordingly went, taking me with him. here he became acquainted with a french lady of one of the first families in the city. the next winter he also spent in new-orleans, and on his third visit, three years after his return from europe, he was married to the lady above mentioned. in may he returned to mt. pleasant, and found the elder larrimore on his sick bed, from which he never rose again. he died on the th of july. there was a great and splendid funeral, as his relatives and friends were numerous. his large property was left principally in the hands of his widow until her decease, after which it was to be divided among the three children. in february mrs. larrimore also died. the administrators upon the estate were john green, esq., and benjamin temple. my young mistresses, jane and elizabeth, were very kind to the servants. they seemed to feel under obligations to afford them every comfort and gratification, consistent with the dreadful relation of ownership which they sustained towards them. whipping was scarcely known on the estate; and, whenever it did take place, it was invariably against the wishes of the young ladies. but the wife of master george was of a disposition entirely the reverse. feeble, languid, and inert, sitting motionless for hours at her window, or moving her small fingers over the strings of her guitar, to some soft and languishing air, she would have seemed to a stranger incapable of rousing herself from that indolent repose, in which mind as well as body participated. but, the slightest disregard of her commands--and sometimes even the neglect to anticipate her wishes, on the part of the servants; was sufficient to awake her. the inanimate and delicate beauty then changed into a stormy virago. her black eyes flawed and sparkled with a snaky fierceness, her full lips compressed, and her brows bent and darkened. her very voice, soft and sweet when speaking to her husband, and exquisitely fine and melodious, when accompanying her guitar, was at such times, shrill, keen, and loud. she would order the servants of my young mistresses upon her errands, and if they pleaded their prior duty to obey the calls of another, would demand that they should be forthwith whipped for their insolence. if the young ladies remonstrated with her, she met them with a perfect torrent of invective and abuse. in these paroxysms of fury she always spoke in french, with a vehemence and volubility, which strongly contrasted with the calmness and firmness of the young ladies. she would boast of what she had done in new-orleans, and of the excellent discipline of her father's slaves. she said she had gone down in the night to the cell under her father's house, and whipped the slaves confined there with her own hands. i had heard the same thing from her father's servants at new-orleans, when i was there with my master. she brought with her from new-orleans a girl named frances. i have seen her take her by the ear, lead her up to the side of the room, and beat her head against it. at other times she would snatch off her slipper and strike the girl on her face and head with it. she seldom manifested her evil temper before master george. when she did, he was greatly troubled, and he used to speak to his sisters about it. her manner towards him was almost invariably that of extreme fondness. she was dark complexioned, but very beautiful; and the smile of welcome with which she used to meet him was peculiarly fascinating. i did not marvel that _he_ loved her; while at the same time, in common with all the house servants, i regarded her as a being possessed with an evil spirit,--half woman, and half fiend. soon after the settlement of the estate, i heard my master speak of going out to alabama. his wife had acres of wild land in greene county in that state: and he had been negociating for more. early in the summer of , he commenced making preparations for removing to that place a sufficient number of hands to cultivate it. he took great pains to buy up the wives and husbands of those of his own slaves who had married out of the estate, in order, as he said, that his hands might be contented in alabama, and not need chaining together while on their journey. it is always found necessary by the regular slave-traders, in travelling with their slaves to the far south, to handcuff and chain their wretched victims, who have been bought up as the interest of the trader, and the luxury or necessities of the planter may chance to require, without regard to the ties sundered or the affections made desolate, by these infernal bargains. about the st of september, after the slaves destined for alabama had taken a final farewell of their old home, and of the friends they were leaving behind, our party started on their long journey. there were in all slaves, men, women and children. the men and women travelled on foot--the small children in the wagons, containing the baggage, &c. previous to my departure, i visited my wife and children at mr. gatewood's. i took leave of them with the belief that i should return with my master, as soon as he had seen his hands established on his new plantation. i took my children in my arms and embraced them; my wife, who was a member of the methodist church, implored the blessing of god upon me, during my absence, and i turned away to follow my master. our journey was a long and tedious one, especially to those who were compelled to walk the whole distance. my master rode in a sulky, and i, as his body servant, on horseback: when we crossed over the roanoke, and were entering upon north carolina, i remember with what sorrowful countenances and language the poor slaves looked back for the last time upon the land of their nativity. it was their last farewell to old virginia. we passed through georgia, and crossing the chattahoochee, entered alabama. our way for many days was through a sandy tract of country, covered with pine woods, with here and there the plantation of an indian or a half-breed. after crossing what is called line creek, we found large plantations along the road, at intervals of four or five miles. the aspect of the whole country was wild and forbidding, save to the eye of a cotton-planter. the clearings were all new, and the houses rudely constructed of logs. the cotton fields, were skirted with an enormous growth of oak, pine, and other wood. charred stumps stood thickly in the clearings, with here and there a large tree girdled by the axe and left to decay. we reached at last the place of our destination. it was a fine tract of land with a deep rich soil. we halted on a small knoll, where the tents were pitched, and the wagons unladen. i spent the night with my master at a neighboring plantation, which was under the care of an overseer named flincher. the next morning my master received a visit from a man named huckstep, who had undertaken the management of his plantation as an overseer. he had been an overseer on cotton plantations many years in georgia and north carolina. he was apparently about forty years of age, with a sunburnt and sallow countenance. his thick shock of black hair was marked in several places with streaks of white, occasioned as he afterwards told me by blows received from slaves whom he was chastising. after remaining in the vicinity for about a week, my master took me aside one morning--told me he was going to selma in dallas county, and wished me to be in readiness on his return the next day, to start for virginia. this was to me cheering news. i spent that day and the next among my old fellow servants who had lived with me in virginia. some of them had messages to send by me to their friends and acquaintances. in the afternoon of the second day after my master's departure, i distributed, among them all the money which i had about me, viz., fifteen dollars. i noticed that the overseer huckstep laughed at this and called me a fool: and that whenever i spoke of going home with my master, his countenance indicated something between a smile and a sneer. night came; but contrary to his promise, my master did not come. i still however expected him the next day. but another night came, and he had not returned. i grew uneasy, and inquired of huckstep where be thought my master was. "on his way to old virginia," said he, with a malicious laugh. "but," said i. "master george told me that he should come back and take me with him to virginia." "well, boy," said the overseer, "i'll now tell ye what master george, as you call him, told me. you are to stay here and act as driver of the field hands. that was the order. so you may as well submit to it at once." i stood silent and horror-struck. could it be that the man whom i had served faithfully from our mutual boyhood, whose slightest wish had been my law, to serve whom i would have laid down my life, while i had confidence in his integrity--could it be that he had so cruelly and wickedly deceived me? i looked at the overseer. he stood laughing at me in my agony. "master george gave you no such orders," i exclaimed, maddened by the overseer's look and manner. the overseer looked at me with a fiendish grin. "none of your insolence," said he, with a dreadful oath. "i never saw a virginia nigger that i couldn't manage, proud as they are. your master has left you in my hands, and you must obey my orders. if you don't, why i shall have to make you '_hug the widow there_,'" pointing to a tree, to which i afterwards found the slaves were tied when they were whipped. that night was one of sleepless agony. virginia--the hills and the streams of my birth-place; the kind and hospitable home; the gentle-hearted sisters, sweetening with their sympathy the sorrows of the slave--my wife--my children--all that had thus far made up my happiness, rose in contrast with my present condition. deeply as he has wronged me, may my master himself never endure such a night of misery! at daybreak, huckstep told me to dress myself, and attend to his directions. i rose, subdued and wretched, and at his orders handed the horn to the headmen of the gang, who summoned the hands to the field. they were employed in clearing land for cultivation, cutting trees and burning. i was with them through the day, and at night returned once more to my lodgings to be laughed at by the overseer. he told me that i should do well, he did not doubt, by and by, but that a virginia driver generally had to be whipped a few times himself before he could be taught to do justice to the slaves under his charge. they were not equal to those raised in north carolina, for keeping the lazy hell-hounds, as he called the slaves, at work. and this was my condition!--a driver set over more than one hundred and sixty of my kindred and friends, wish orders to apply the whip unsparingly to every one, whether man or woman, who faltered in the task, or was careless in the execution of it, myself subject at any moment to feel the accursed lash upon my own back, if feelings of humanity should perchance overcome the selfishness of misery, and induce me to spare and pity. i lived in the same house with huckstep,--a large log house, roughly finished; where we were waited upon by an old woman, whom we used to call aunt polly. huckstep was, i soon found, inordinately fond of peach brandy; and once or twice in the course of a month he had a drunken debauch, which usually lasted from two to four days. he was then full of talk, laughed immoderately at his own nonsense and would keep me up until late at night listening to him. he was at these periods terribly severe to his hands, and would order me to use up the cracker of my whip every day upon the poor creatures, who were toiling in the field, and in order to satisfy him, i used to tear it off when returning home at night. he would then praise me for a good fellow, and invite me to drink with him. he used to tell me at such times, that if i would only drink as he did, i should be worth a thousand dollars more for it. he would sit hours with his peach brandy, cursing and swearing, laughing and telling stories full of obscenity and blasphemy. he would sometimes start up, take my whip, and rush out to the slave quarters, flourish it about and frighten the inmates and often cruelly beat them. he would order the women to pull up their clothes, in alabama style, as he called it, and then whip them for not complying. he would then come back roaring and shouting to the house, and tell me what he had done; if i did not laugh with him, he would get angry and demand what the matter was. oh! how often i have laughed, at such times, when my heart ached within me; and how often, when permitted to retire to my bed, have i found relief in tears! he had no wife, but kept a colored mistress in a house situated on a gore of land between the plantation and that of mr. goldsby. he brought her with him from north carolina, and had three children by her. sometimes in his fits of intoxication, he would come riding into the field, swinging his whip, and crying out to the hands to strip off their shirts, and be ready to take a whipping: and this too when they were all busily at work. at another time, he would gather the hands around him and fall to cursing and swearing about the neighboring overseers. they were, he said, cruel to their hands, whipped them unmercifully, and in addition starved them. as for himself, he was the kindest and best fellow within forty miles; and the hands ought to be thankful that they had such a good man for their overseer. he would frequently be very familiar with me, and call me his child; he would tell me that our people were going to get texas, a fine cotton country, and that he meant to go out there and have a plantation of his own, and i should go with him and be his overseer. the houses in the "_negro quarters_" were constructed of logs, and from twelve to fifteen feet square; they had no glass, but there were holes to let in the light and air. the furniture consisted of a table, a few stools, and dishes made of wood, and an iron pot, and some other cooking utensils. the houses were placed about three or four rods apart, with a piece of ground attached to each of them for a garden, where the occupant could raise a few vegetables. the "quarters" were about three hundred yards from the dwelling of the overseer. the hands were occupied in clearing land and burning brush, and in constructing their houses, through the winter. in march we commenced ploughing: and on the first of april began planting seed for cotton. the hoeing season commenced about the last of may. at the earliest dawn of day, and frequently before that time, the laborers were roused from their sleep by the blowing of the horn. it was blown by the headman of the gang who led the rest in the work and acted under my direction, as my assistant. previous to the blowing of the horn the hands generally rose and eat what was called the "morning's bit," consisting of ham and bread. if exhaustion and fatigue prevented their rising before the dreaded sound of the horn broke upon their slumbers, they had no time to snatch a mouthful, but were harried out at once. it was my business to give over to each of the hands his or her appropriate implement of labor, from the toolhouse where they were deposited at night. after all had been supplied, they were taken to the field, and set at work as soon as it was sufficiently light to distinguish the plants from the grass and weeds. i was employed in passing from row to row, in order to see that the work was well done, and to urge forward the laborers. at o'clock, the horn was blown from the overseer's house, calling the hands to dinner, each to his own cabin. the intermission of labor was one hour and a half to hoers and pickers, and two hours to the ploughmen. at the expiration of this interval, the horn again summoned them to thus labor. they were kept in the field until dark, when they were called home to supper. there was little leisure for any of the hands on the plantation. in the evenings, after it was too dark for work in the field, the men were frequently employed in burning brush and in other labors until late at night. the women after toiling in the field by day, were compelled to card, spin, and weave cotton for their clothing, in the evening. even on sundays there was little or no respite from toil. those who had not been able to work out all their tasks during the week were allowed by the overseer to finish it on the sabbath, and thus save themselves from a whipping on monday morning. those whose tasks were finished frequently employed most of that day in cultivating their gardens. many of the female hands were delicate young women, who in virginia had never been accustomed to field labor. they suffered greatly from the extreme heat and the severity of the toil. oh! how often have i seen them dragging their weary limbs from the cotton field at nightfall, faint and exhausted. the overseer used to laugh at their sufferings. they were, he said, virginia ladies, and altogether too delicate for alabama use: but they must be made to do their tasks notwithstanding. the recollection of these things even now is dreadful. i used to tell the poor creatures, when compelled by the overseer to urge them forward with the whip, that i would much rather take their places, and endure the stripes than inflict them. when but three months old, the children born on the estate were given up to the care of the old women who were not able to work out of doors. their mothers were kept at work in the field. it was the object of the overseer to separate me in feeling and interest as widely as possible from my suffering brethren and sisters. i had relations among the field hands, and used to call them my cousins. he forbid my doing so; and told me if i acknowledged relationship with any of the hands i should be flogged for it. he used to speak of them as devils and hell-hounds, and ridicule them in every possible way; and endeavoured to make me speak of them and regard them in the same manner. he would tell long stories about hunting and shooting "runaway niggers," and detail with great apparent satisfaction the cruel and horrid punishments which he had inflicted. one thing he said troubled him. he had once whipped a slave so severely that he died in consequence of it, and it was soon after ascertained that he was wholly innocent of the offence charged against him. that slave, he said, had haunted him ever since. soon after we commenced weeding our cotton, some of the hands who were threatened with a whipping for not finishing their tasks, ran away. the overseer and myself went out after them, taking with us five bloodhounds, which were kept on the estate for the sole purpose of catching runaways. there were no other hounds in the vicinity, and the overseers of the neighboring plantations used to borrow them to hunt their runaways. a mr. crop, who lived about ten miles distant, had two packs, and made it his sole business to catch slaves with them. we used to set the dogs upon the track of the fugitives, and they would follow them until, to save themselves from being torn in pieces, they would climb into a tree, where the dogs kept them until we came up and secured them. these hounds, when young, are taught to run after the negro boys; and being always kept confined except when let out in pursuit of runaways, they seldom fail of overtaking the fugitive, and seem to enjoy the sport of hunting men as much as other dogs do that of chasing a fox or a deer. my master gave a large sum for his five dogs,--a slut and her four puppies. while going over our cotton picking for the last time, one of our hands named little john, ran away. the next evening the dogs were started on his track. we followed them awhile, until we knew by their ceasing to bark that they had found him. we soon met the dogs returning. their jaws, heads, and feet, were bloody. the overseer looked at them and said, "he was afraid the dogs had killed the nigger." it being dark, we could not find him that night. early the next morning, we started off with our neighbors, sturtivant and flincher; and after searching about for some time, we found the body of little john lying in the midst of a thicket of cane. it was nearly naked, and dreadfully mangled and gashed by the teeth of the dogs. they had evidently dragged it some yards through the thicket: blood, tatters of clothes, and even the entrails of the unfortunate man, were clinging to the stubs of the old and broken cane. huckstep stooped over his saddle, looked at the body, and muttered an oath. sturtivant swore it was no more than the fellow deserved. we dug a hole in the cane-brake, where he lay, buried him, and returned home. the murdered young man had a mother and two sisters on the plantation, by whom he was dearly loved. when i told the old woman of what had befallen her son, she only said that it was better for poor john than to live in slavery. late in the fall of this year, a young man, who had already run away several times, was missing from his task. it was four days before we found him. the dogs drove him at last up a tree, where he was caught, and brought home. he was then fastened down to the ground by means of forked sticks of wood selected for the purpose, the longest fork being driven into the ground until the other closed down upon the neck, ancles, and wrists. the overseer then sent for two large cats belonging to the house. these he placed upon the naked shoulders of his victim, and dragged them suddenly by their tails downward. at first they did not scratch deeply. he then ordered me to strike them with a small stick after he had placed them once more upon the back of the sufferer. i did so; and the enraged animals extended their claws, and tore his back deeply and cruelly as they were dragged along it. he was then whipped and placed in the stocks, where he was kept for three days. on the third morning as i passed the stocks, i stopped to look at him. his head hung down over the chain which supported his neck. i spoke, but he did not answer. _he was dead in the stocks_! the overseer on seeing him seemed surprised, and, i thought, manifested some remorse. four of the field hands took him out of the stocks and buried him: and every thing went on as usual. it is not in my power to give a narrative of the daily occurrences on the plantation. the history of one day was that of all. the gloomy monotony of our slavery, was only broken by the overseer's periodical fits of drunkenness, at which times neither life nor limb on the estate were secure from his caprice or violence. in the spring of , the overseer brought me a letter from my wife, written for her by her young mistress, mr. gateweed's daughter. he read it to me: it stated that herself and children were well--spoke of her sad and heavy disappointment in consequence of my not returning with my master; and of her having been told by him that i should come back the next fall. hope for a moment lightened my heart; and i indulged the idea of once more returning to the bosom of my family. but i recollected that my master had already cruelly deceived me; and despair again took hold on me. among our hands was one whom we used to call big harry. he was a stout, athletic man--very intelligent, and an excellent workman; but he was of a high and proud spirit, which the weary and crushing weight of a life of slavery had not been able to subdue. on almost every plantation at the south you may find one or more individuals, whose look and air show that they have preserved their self-respect as _men_;--that with them the power of the tyrant ends with the coercion of the body--that the soul is free, and the inner man retaining the original uprightness of the image of god. you may know them by the stern sobriety of their countenances, and the contempt with which they regard the jests and pastimes of their miserable and degraded companions, who, like samson, make sport for the keepers of their prison-house. these men are always feared as well as hated by their task-masters. harry had never been whipped, and had always said that he would die rather than submit to it. he made no secret of his detestation of the overseer. while most of the slaves took off their hats, with cowering submission, in his presence, harry always refused to do so. he never spoke to him except in a brief answer to his questions. master george, who knew, and dreaded the indomitable spirit of the man, told the overseer, before he left the plantation, to beware how he attempted to punish him. but, the habits of tyranny in which huckstep had so long indulged, had accustomed him to abject submission, on the part of his subjects; and he could not endure this upright and unbroken manliness. he used frequently to curse and swear about him, and devise plans for punishing him on account of his impudence as he called it. a pretext was at last afforded him. sometime in august of this year, there was a large quantity of yellow unpicked cotton lying in the gin house. harry was employed at night in removing the cotton see, which has been thrown out by the gin. the rest of the male hands were engaged during the day in weeding the cotton for the last time, and in the nigh, in burning brush on the new lands clearing for the next year's crop. harry was told one evening to go with the others and assist in burning the brush. he accordingly went and the next night a double quantity of seed had accumulated in the gin house: and although he worked until nearly o'clock in the morning, he could not remove it all. the next morning the overseer came into the field, and demanded of me why i had not whipped harry for not removing all the cotton seed. he then called aloud to harry to come forward and be whipped. harry answered somewhat sternly that he would neither be struck by overseer nor driver; that he had worked nearly all night, and had scarcely fallen asleep when the horn blew to summon him to his toil in the field. the overseer raved and threatened, but harry paid no farther attention to him. he then turned to me and asked me for my pistols, with a pair of which he had furnished me. i told him they were not with me. he growled an oath, threw himself on his horse and left us. in the evening i found him half drunk and raving like a madman. he said he would no longer bear with that nigger's insolence; but would whip him if it cost him his life. he at length fixed upon a plan for seizing him; and told me that he would go out in the morning, ride along by the side of harry and talk pleasantly to him, and then, while harry was attending to him, i was to steal upon him and knock him down, by a blow on the head, from the loaded and heavy handle of my whip. i was compelled to promise to obey his directions. the next morning when we got to the field i told harry of the overseer's plan, and advised him by all means to be on his guard and watch my motions. his eye glistened with gratitude. "thank you james", said he, "i'll take care that you don't touch me." huckstep came into the field about o'clock. he rode along by the side of harry talking and laughing. i was walking on the other side. when i saw that harry's eye was upon me i aimed a blow at him intending however to miss him. he evaded the blow and turned fiercely round with his hoe uplifted, threatening to cut down any one who again attempted to strike him. huckstep cursed my awkwardness, and told harry to put down his hoe and came to him. he refused to do so and swore he would kill the first man who tried to lay hands on him. the cowardly tyrant shrank away from his enraged bondman, and for two weeks harry was not again molested. about the first of september, the overseer had one of his drunken fits. he made the house literally an earthly hell. he urged me to drink, quarrelled and swore at me for declining, and chased the old woman round the house, with his bottle of peach brandy. he then told me that harry had forgotten the attempt to seize him, and that is the morning we must try our old game over again. on the following morning, as i was handing to each of the hands their hoes from the tool house, i caught harry's eye. "look out," said i to him. "huckstep will be after you again to day." he uttered a deep curse against the overseer and passed on to his work. after breakfast huckstep came riding out to the cotton field. he tied his horse to a tree, and came towards us. his sallow and haggard countenance was flushed, and his step unsteady. he came up by the side of harry and began talking about the crops and the weather; i came at the same time on the other side, and in striking at him, beat off his hat. he sprang aside and stepped backwards. huckstep with a dreadful oath commanded him to stop, saying that he had determined to whip him, and neither earth nor hell should prevent him. harry defied him: and said he had always done the work allotted to him and that was enough: he would sooner die than have the accursed lash touch him. the overseer staggered to his horse, mounted him and rode furiously to the house, and soon made his appearance, returning, with his gun in his hand. "yonder comes the devil!" said one of the women whose row was near harry's. "yes," said another, "he's trying to scare harry with his gun." "let him try as he pleases," said harry, in his low, deep, determined tones, "he may shoot me, but he can't whip me." huckstep came swearing on: when within a few yards of harry he stopped, looked at him with a stare of mingled rage and drunken imbecility; and bid him throw down his hoe and come forward. the undaunted slave refused to comply, and continuing his work told the drunken demon to shoot if he pleased. huckstep advanced within a few steps of him when harry raised his hoe and told him to stand back. he stepped back a few paces, leveled his gun and fired. harry received the charge in his breast, and fell instantly across a cotton row. he threw up his hands wildly, and groaned, "oh, lord!" the hands instantly dropped their hoes. the women shrieked aloud. for my own part i stood silent with horror. the cries of the women enraged the overseer, he dropped his gun, and snatching the whip from my hand, with horrid oaths, and imprecations fell to whipping them, laying about him like a maniac. upon harry's sister he bestowed his blows without mercy, commanding her to quit her screaming and go to work. the poor girl, whose brother had thus been murdered before her eyes, could not wrestle down the awful agony of her feelings, and the brutal tormentor left her without effecting his object. he then, without going to look of his victim, told four of the hands to carry him to the house, and taking up his gun left the field. when we got to the poor fellow, he was alive, and groaning faintly. the hands took him up, but before they reached the house he was dead. huckstep came out, and looked at him, and finding him dead, ordered the hands to bury him. the burial of a slave in alabama is that of a brute. no coffin--no decent shroud--no prayer. a hole is dug, and the body (sometimes enclosed in a rude box,) is thrown in without further ceremony. from this time the overseer was regarded by the whole gang with detestation and fear--as a being to whose rage and cruelty there were no limits. yet he was constantly telling us that he was the kindest of overseers--that he was formerly somewhat severe in managing his hands, but that now he was, if any thing, too indulgent. indeed he had the reputation of being a good overseer, and an excellent manager, when sober. the slaves on some of the neighboring plantations were certainly worse clothed and fed, and more frequently and cruelly whipped than ours. whenever the saw them they complained of over working and short feeding. one of flincher's, and one of sturtivant's hands ran away, while i was in alabama: and after remaining in the woods awhile, and despairing of being able to effect their escape, resolved to put an end to their existence and their slavery together. each twisted himself a vine of the muscadine grape, and fastened one end around the limb of an oak, and made a noose in the other. jacob, flincher's man, swung himself off first, and expired after a long struggle. the other, horrified by the contortions and agony of his comrade, dropped his noose, and was retaken. when discovered, two or three days afterwards, the body of jacob was dreadfully torn and mangled, by the buzzards, those winged hyenas and goules of the southwest. among the slaves who were brought from virginia, were two young and bright mulatto women, who were always understood throughout the plantation to have been the daughters of the elder larrimore, by one of his slaves. one was named sarah and the other hannah. sarah, being in a state of pregnancy, failed of executing her daily allotted task of hoeing cotton. i was ordered to whip her, and on my remonstrating with the overseer, and representing the condition of the woman, i was told that my business was to obey orders, and that if i was told "to whip a dead nigger i must do it." i accordingly gave her fifty lashes. this was on thursday evening. on friday she also failed through weakness, and was compelled to lie down in the field. that night the overseer himself whipped her. on saturday the wretched woman dragged herself once more to the cotton field. in the burning sun, and in a situation which would have called forth pity in the bosom of any one save a cotton-growing overseer, she struggled to finish her task. she failed--nature could do no more--and sick and despairing, she sought her cabin. there the overseer met her and inflicted fifty more lashes upon her already lacerated back. the next morning was the sabbath. it brought no joy to that suffering woman. instead of the tones of the church bell summoning to the house of prayer, she heard the dreadful sound of the lash falling upon the backs of her brethren and sisters in bondage. for the voice of prayer she heard curses. for the songs of zion obscene and hateful blasphemies. no bible was there with its consolations for the sick of heart. faint and fevered, scarred and smarting from the effects of her cruel punishment, she lay upon her pallet of moss--dreading the coming of her relentless persecutor,--who, in the madness of one of his periodical fits of drunkenness, was now swearing and cursing through the quarters. some of the poor woman's friends on the evening before, had attempted to relieve her of the task which had been assigned her, but exhausted nature, and the selfishness induced by their own miserable situation, did not permit them to finish it and the overseer, on examination, found that the week's work of the woman, was still deficient. after breakfast, he ordered her to be tied up to the limb of a tree, by means of a rope fastened round her wrists, so as to leave her feet about six inches from the ground. she begged him to let her down for she was very sick. "very well!" he exclaimed with a sneer and a laugh,--"i shall bleed you then, and take out some of your virginia blood. you are too proud a miss for alabama." he struck her a few blows. swinging thus by her arms, she succeeded in placing one of her feet against the body of the tree, and thus partly supported herself, and relieved in some degree the painful weight upon her wrists. he threw down his whip--took a rail from the garden fence, ordered her feet to be tied together, and thrust the rail between them. he then ordered one of the hands to sit upon it. her back at this time was bare, but the strings of the only garment which she wore passed over her shoulders and prevented the full force of the whip from acting on her flesh. these he cut off with his pen-knife, and thus left her entirely naked. he struck her only two blows, for the second one cut open her side and abdomen with a frightful gash. unable to look on any longer in silence, i entreated him to stop, as i feared he had killed her. the overseer looked at the wound--dropped his whip, and ordered her to be untied. she was carried into the house in a state of insensibility, and died in three days after. during the whole season of picking cotton, the whip was frequently and severely plied. in his seasons of intoxication, the overseer made no distinction between the stout man and the feeble and delicate woman--the sick and the well. women in a far advanced state of pregnancy were driven out to the cotton field. at other times he seemed to have some consideration; and to manifest something like humanity. our hands did not suffer for food--they had a good supply of ham and corn-meal, while on flincher's plantation the slaves had meat but once a year, at christmas. near the commencement of the weeding season of , i was ordered to whip a young woman, a light mustee, for not performing her task. i told the overseer that she was sick. he said he did not care for that, she should be made to work. a day or two afterwards, i found him in the house half intoxicated. he demanded of me why i had not whipped the girl; and i gave the same reason as before. he flew into a dreadful rage, but his miserable situation made him an object of contempt rather than fear. he sat shaking his fist at me, and swearing for nearly half an hour. he said he would teach the virginia lady to sham sickness; and that the only reason i did not whip her was, that she was a white woman, and i did not like to cut up her delicate skin. some time after i was ordered to give two of our women, named hannah and big sarah, lashes each, for not performing their tasks. the overseer stood by until he saw hannah whipped, and until sarah had been tied up to the tree. as soon as his back was turned i struck the tree instead of the woman, who understanding my object, shrieked as if the whip at every blow was cutting into her flesh. the overseer heard the blows and the woman's cries, and supposing that all was going on according to his mind, left the field. unfortunately the husband of hannah stood looking on; and indignant that his wife should be whipped and sarah spared, determined to revenge himself by informing against me. next morning huckstep demanded of me whether i had whipped sarah the day before; i replied in the affirmative. upon this he called sarah forward and made her show her back, which bore no traces of recent whipping. he then turned upon me and told me that the blows intended for sarah should be laid on my back. that night the overseer, with the help of three of the hands, tied me up to a large tree--my arms and legs being clasped round it, and my body drawn up hard against it by two men pulling at my arms and one pushing against my back. the agony occasioned by this alone was almost intolerable. i felt a sense of painful suffocation, and could scarcely catch my breath. a moment after i felt the first blow of the overseer's whip across my shoulders. it seemed to cut into my very heart. i felt the blood gush, and run down my back. i fainted at length under the torture, and on being taken down, my shoes contained blood which ran from the gashes in my back. the skin was worn off from by breast, arms, and thighs, against the rough bark of the tree. i was sick and feverish, and in great pain for three weeks afterwards; most of which time i was obliged to lie with my face downwards, in consequence of the extreme soreness of my sides and back, huckstep himself seemed concerned about me, and would come frequently to see me, and tell me that he should not have touched me had it not been for "the cursed peach brandy." almost the first person that i was compelled to whip after i recovered, was the man who pushed at my back when i was tied up to the tree. the hands who were looking on at that time, all thought he pushed me much harder than was necessary: and they expected that i would retaliate upon him the injury i had received. after he was tied up, the overseer told me to give him a severe flogging, and left me. i struck the tree instead of the man. his wife, who was looking on, almost overwhelmed me with her gratitude. at length one morning, late in the fall of , i saw huckstep, and a gentleman ride out to the field. as they approached, i saw the latter was my master. the hands all ceased their labor, and crowded around him, inquiring about old virginia. for my own part, i could not hasten to greet him. he had too cruelly deceived me. he at length came towards me, and seemed somewhat embarrassed. "well james," said he, "how do you stand it here?" "badly enough," i replied. "i had no thought that you could be so cruel as to go away and leave me as you did." "well, well, it was too bad, but it could not be helped--you must blame huckstep for it." "but," said i, "i was not his servant; i belonged to you, and you could do as you pleased." "well," said he, "we will talk about that by and by." he then inquired of huckstep where big sarah was. "she was sick and died," was the answer. he looked round amoung the slaves again, and inquired for harry. the overseer told him that harry undertook to kill him, and that, to save his life, he was obliged to fire upon him, and that he died of the wound. after some further inquiries, he requested me to go into the house with him. he then asked me to tell him how things had been managed during his absence. i gave him a full account of the overseer's cruelty. when he heard of the manner of harry's death, he seemed much affected and shed tears. he was a favorite servant of his father's. i showed him the deep scars on my back occasioned by the whipping i had received. he was, or professed to be, highly indignant with huckstep; and said he would see to it that he did not lay hands on me again. he told me he should be glad to take me with him to virginia, but he did not know where he should find a driver who would be so kind to the hands as i was. if i would stay ten years, he would give me a thousand dollars, and a piece of land to plant on my own account. "but," said i, "my wife and children." "well," said he, "i will do my best to purchase them, and send them on to you." i now saw that my destiny was fixed: and that i was to spend my days in alabama, and i retired to my bed that evening with a heavy heart. my master staid only three or four days on the plantation. before he left, he cautioned huckstep to be careful and not strike me again, as he would on no account permit it. he told him to give the hands food enough, and not over-work them, and, having thus satisfied his conscience, left us to our fate. out of the two hundred and fourteen slaves who were brought out from virginia, at least one-third of them were members of the methodist and baptist churches in that state. of this number five or six could read. then had been torn away from the care and discipline of their respective churches, and from the means of instruction, but they retained their love for the exercises of religion; and felt a mournful pleasure in speaking of the privileges and spiritual blessings which they enjoyed in old virginia. three of them had been preachers, or exhorters, viz. solomon, usually called uncle solomon, richard and david. uncle solomon was a grave, elderly man, mild and forgiving in his temper, and greatly esteemed among the more serious portion of our hands. he used to snatch every occasion to talk to the lewd and vicious about the concerns of their souls, and to advise them to fix their minds upon the savior, as their only helper. some i have heard curse and swear in answer, and others would say that they could not keep their minds upon god and the devil (meaning huckstep) at the same time: that it was of no use to try to be religious--they had no time--that the overseer wouldn't let them meet to pray--and that even uncle solomon, when he prayed, had to keep one eye open all the time, to see if huckstep was coming. uncle solomon could both read and write, and had brought out with him from virginia a bible, a hymn-book, and some other religious books, which he carefully concealed from the overseer, huckstep was himself an open infidel as well as blasphemer. he used to tell the hands that there was no hell hereafter for white people, but that they had their punishment on earth in being obliged to take care of the negroes. as for the blacks, he was sure there was a hell for them. he used frequently to sit with his bottle by his side, and a bible in his hand; and read passages and comment on them, and pronounce them lies. any thing like religious feeling among the slaves irritated him. he said that so much praying and singing prevented the people from doing their tasks, as it kept them up nights, when they should be asleep. he used to mock, and in every possible way interrupt the poor slaves, who after the toil of the day, knelt in their lowly cabins to offer their prayers and supplications to him whose ear is open to the sorrowful sighing of the prisoner, and who hath promised in his own time to come down and deliver. in his drunken seasons he would make excursions at night through the slave-quarters, enter the cabins, and frighten the inmates, especially if engaged in prayer or singing. on one of these occasions he came back rubbing his hands and laughing. he said he had found uncle solomon in his garden, down on his knees, praying like an old owl, and had tipped him over, and frightened him half out of his wits. at another time he found uncle david sitting on his stool with his face thrust up the chimney, in order that his voice might not be heard by his brutal persecutor. he was praying, giving utterance to these words, probably in reference to his bondage:--"_how long, oh, lord, how long_?" "as long as my whip!" cried the overseer, who had stolen behind him, giving him a blow. it was the sport of a demon. not long after my master had left us, the overseer ascertained for the first time that some of the hands could read, and that they had brought books with them from virginia. he compelled them to give up the keys of their chests, and on searching found several bibles and hymn-books. uncle solomon's chest contained quite a library, which he could read at night by the light of knots of the pitchpine. these books he collected together, and in the evening called uncle solomon into the house. after jeering him for some time, he gave him one of the bibles and told him to name his text and preach him a sermon. the old man was silent. he then made him get up on the table, and ordered him to pray. uncle solomon meekly replied, that "forced prayer was not good for soul or body." the overseer then knelt down himself, and in a blasphemous manner, prayed that the lord would send his spirit into uncle solomon; or else let the old man fall from the table and break his neck, and so have an end of "nigger preaching." on getting up from his knees he went to the cupboard, poured out a glass of brandy for himself, and brought another to the table. "james," said he, addressing me, "uncle solomon stands there, for all the world, like a hickory quaker. his spirit don't move. i'll see if another spirit wont move it." he compelled the old preacher to swallow the brandy; and then told him to preach and exhort, for the spirit was in him. he set one of the bibles on fire, and after it was consumed, mixed up the ashes of it in a glass of water, and compelled the old man to drink it, telling him that as the spirit and the word were now both in him, there was no longer any excuse for not preaching. after tormenting the wearied old man in this way until nearly midnight he permitted him to go to his quarters. the next day i saw uncle solomon, and talked with him about his treatment. he said it would not always be so--that slavery was to come to an end, for the bible said so--that there would then be no more whippings and fightings, but the lion the lamb would lie down together, and all would be love. he said he prayed for huckstep--that it was not he but the devil in him who behaved so. at his request, i found means to get him a bible and a hymn-book from the overseer's room; and the old man ever afterwards kept them concealed in the hen-house. the weeding season of , was marked by repeated acts of cruelty on the part of huckstep. one of the hands, priscilla, was, owing to her delicate situation, unable to perform her daily task. he ordered her to be tied up against a tree, in the same manner that i had been. in this situation she was whipped until _she was delivered of a dead infant, at the foot of the tree_! our men took her upon a sheet, and carried her to the house, where she lay sick for several months, but finally recovered. i have heard him repeatedly laugh at the circumstance. not long after this, we were surprised, one morning about ten o'clock, by hearing the horn blown at the house. presently aunt polly came screaming into the field. "what is the matter, aunty?" i inquired. "oh lor!" said she, "old huckstep's pitched off his horse and broke his head, and is e'en about dead." "thank god!" said little simon, "the devil will have him at last." "god-a-mighty be praised!" exclaimed half a dozen others. the hands, with one accord dropped their hoes; and crowded round the old woman, asking questions. "is he dead?"--"will he die?" "did you feel of him--was he cold?" aunt polly explained as well as she could, that huckstep, in a state of partial intoxication, had attempted to leap his horse over a fence, had fallen and cut a deep gash in his head, and that he was now lying insensible. it is impossible to describe the effect produced by this news among the hands. men, women and children shouted, clapped their hands, and laughed aloud. some cursed the overseer, and others thanked the lord for taking him away. little simon got down on his knees, and called loudly upon god to finish his work, and never let the overseer again enter a cotton field. "let him die, lord," said he, "let him. he's killed enough of us: oh, good lord, let him die and not live." "peace, peace! it is a bad spirit," said uncle solomon, "god himself willeth not the death of a sinner." i followed the old woman to the house; and found huckstep at the foot of one of those trees, so common at the south, called the pride of china. his face was black, and there was a frightful contusion on the side of his head. he was carried into the house, where, on my bleeding him, he revived. he lay in great pain for several days, and it was nearly three weeks before he was able to come out to the cotton fields. on returning to the field after huckstep had revived, i found the hands sadly disappointed to hear that he was still living. some of them fell to cursing and swearing, and were enraged with me for trying to save his life. little simon said i was a fool; if he had bled him he would have done it to some purpose. he would at least, have so disable his arm that he would never again try to swing a whip. uncle solomon remonstrated with simon, and told that i had done right. the neighbouring overseers used frequently to visit huckstep, and he, in turn, visited them. i was sometimes present during their interviews, and heard them tell each other stories of horse-racing, negro-huntings, &c. some time during this season, ludlow, who was overseer of a plantation about eight miles from ours, told of a slave of his named thornton, who had twice attempted to escape with his wife and one child. the first time he was caught without much difficulty, chained to the overseer's horse, and in that way brought back. the poor man, to save his wife from a beating, laid all the blame upon himself; and said that his wife had no wish to escape, and tried to prevent him from attempting it. he was severely whipped; but soon ran away again, and was again arrested. the overseer, ludlow, said he was determined to put a stop to the runaway, and accordingly had resort to a somewhat unusual method of punishment. there is a great scarcity of good water in that section of alabama; and you will generally see a large cistern attached to the corners of the houses to catch water for washing &c. underneath this cistern is frequently a tank from eight to ten feet deep, into which, when the former is full the water is permitted to run. from this tank the water is pumped out for use. into one of these tanks the unfortunate slave was placed, and confined by one of his ancles to the bottom of it; and the water was suffered to flow in from above. he was compelled to pump out the water as fast as it came in, by means of a long rod or handle connected with the pump above ground. he was not allowed to begin until the water had risen to his middle. any pause or delay after this, from weakness and exhaustion, would have been fatal, as the water would have risen above his head. in this horrible dungeon, toiling for his life, he was kept for twenty-four hours without any sustenance. even huckstep said that this was too bad--that he had himself formerly punished runaways in that way--but should not do it again. i rejoice to be able to say that this sufferer has at last escaped with his wife and child, into a free state. he was assisted by some white men, but i do not know all the particulars of his escape. our overseer had not been long able to ride about the plantation after his accident, before his life was again endangered. he found two of the hands, little jarret and simon, fighting with each other, and attempted to chastise both of them. jarret bore it patiently, but simon turned upon him, seized a stake or pin from a cart near by, and felled him to the ground. the overseer got up--went to the house, and told aunt polly that he had nearly been killed by the 'niggers,' and requested her to tie up his head, from which the blood was streaming. as soon as this was done, he took down his gun, and went out in pursuit of simon, who had fled to his cabin, to get some things which he supposed necessary previous to attempting his escape from the plantation. he was just stepping out of the door when he met the enraged overseer with his gun in his hand. not a word was spoken by either. huckstep raised his gun and fired. the man fell without a groan across the door-sill. he rose up twice on his hands and knees, but died in a few minutes. he was dragged off and buried. the overseer told me that there was no other way to deal with such a fellow. it was alabama law, if a slave resisted to shoot him at once. he told me of a case which occurred in , on a plantation about ten miles distant, and adjoining that where crop, the negro hunter, boarded with his hounds. the overseer had bought some slaves at selma, from a drove or coffle passing through the place. they proved very refractory. he whipped three of them, and undertook to whip a fourth who was from maryland. the man raised his hoe in a threatening manner, and the overseer fired upon him. the slave fell, but instantly rose up on his hands and knees, and was beaten down again by the stock of the overseer's gun. the wounded wretch raised himself once more, drew a knife from the waistband of his pantaloons, and catching hold of the overseer's coat, raised himself high enough to inflict a fatal wound upon the latter. both fell together, and died immediately after. nothing more of special importance occurred until july, of last year, when one of our men named john, was whipped three times for not performing his task. on the last day of the month, after his third whipping, he ran away. on the following morning, i found that he was missing at his row. the overseer said we must hunt him up; and he blew the "nigger horn," as it is called, for the dogs. this horn was only used when we went out in pursuit of fugitives. it is a cow's horn, and makes a short, loud sound. we crossed flincher's and goldsby's plantations, as the dogs had got upon john's track, and went of barking in that direction, and the two overseers joined us in the chase. the dogs soon caught sight of the runaway, and compelled him to climb a tree. we came up; huckstep ordered him down, and secured him upon my horse by tying him to my back. on reaching home he was stripped entirely naked and lashed up to a tree. flincher then volunteered to whip him on one side of his legs, and goldsby on the other. i had, in the meantime, been ordered to prepare a wash of salt and pepper, and wash his wounds with it. the poor fellow groaned, and his flesh shrunk and quivered as the burning solution was applied to it. this wash, while it adds to the immediate torment of the sufferer, facilitates the cure of the wounded parts. huckstep then whipped him from his neck down to his thighs, making the cuts lengthwise of his back. he was very expert with the whip, and could strike, at any time, within an inch of his mark. he then gave the whip to me and told me to strike directly across his back. when i had finished, the miserable sufferer, from his neck to his heel, was covered with blood and bruises. goldsby and flincher now turned to huckstep, and told him, that i deserved a whipping as much as john did: that they had known me frequently disobey his orders, and that i was partial to the "virginia ladies," and didn't whip them as i did the men. they said if i was a driver of theirs they would know what to do with me. huckstep agreed with them; and after directing me to go to the house and prepare more of the wash for john's back, he called after me with an oath, to see to it that i had some for myself, for he meant to give me, at least, two hundred and fifty lashes. i returned to the house, and scarcely conscious of what i was doing, filled an iron vessel with water, put in the salt and pepper; and placed it over the embers. as i stood by the fire watching the boiling of the mixture, and reflecting upon the dreadful torture to which i was about to he subjected, the thought of _escape_ flashed upon my mind. the chance was a desperate one; but i resolved to attempt it. i ran up stairs, tied my shirt in a handkerchief, and stepped out of the back door of the house, telling aunt polly to take care of the wash at the fire until i returned. the sun was about one hour high, but luckily for me the hands as well as the three overseers, were on the other side of the house. i kept the house between them and myself, and ran as fast as i could for the woods. on reaching them i found myself obliged to proceed slowly as there was a thick undergrowth of cane and reeds. night came on. i straggled forward by a dim star-light, amidst vines and reed beds. about midnight the horizon began to be overcast; and the darkness increased until in the thick forest, i could scarcely see a yard before me. fearing that i might lose my way and wander towards the plantation, instead of from it, i resolved to wait until day. i laid down upon a little hillock, and fell asleep. when i awoke it was broad day. the clouds had vanished, and the hot sunshine fell through the trees upon my face. i started up, realizing my situation, and darted onward. my object was to reach the great road by which we had travelled when we came out from virginia. i had, however, very little hope of escape. i knew that a hot pursuit would be made after me, and what i most dreaded was, that the overseer would procure crop's bloodhounds to follow my track. if only the hounds of our plantation were sent after me, i had hopes of being able to make friends of them, as they were always good-natured and obedient to me. i travelled until, as near as i could judge, about ten o'clock, when a distant sound startled me. i stopped and listened. it was the deep bay of the bloodhound, apparently at a great distance. i hurried on until i came to a creek about fifteen yards wide, skirted by an almost impenetrable growth of reeds and cane. plunging into it, i swam across and ran down by the side of it a short distance, and, in order to baffle the dogs, swam back to the other side again. i stopped in the reed-bed and listened. the dogs seemed close at hand, and by the loud barking i felt persuaded that crop's hounds were with them. i thought of the fate of little john, who had been torn in pieces by the hounds, and of the scarcely less dreadful condition of those who had escaped the dogs only to fall into the hands of the overseer. the yell of the dogs grew louder. escape seemed impossible. i ran down to the creek with a determination to drown myself. i plunged into the water and went down to the bottom; but the dreadful strangling sensation compelled me to struggle up to the surface. again i heard the yell of the bloodhounds; and again desperately plunged down into the water. as i went down i opened my mouth, and, choked and gasping, i found myself once more struggling upward. as i rose to the top of the water and caught a glimpse of the sunshine and the trees, the love of life revived in me. i swam to the other side of the creek, and forced my way through the reeds to a large tree, and stood under one of its lowest limbs, ready in case of necessity, to spring up into it. here panting and exhausted, i stood waiting for the dogs. the woods seemed full of them. i heard a bell tinkle, and, a moment after, our old hound venus came bounding through the cane, dripping wet from the creek. as the old hound came towards me, i called to her as i used to do when out hunting with her. she stopped suddenly, looked up at me, and then came wagging her tail and fawning around me. a moment after the other dog came up hot in the chase, and with their noses to the ground. i called to them, but they did not look up, but came yelling on. i was just about to spring into the tree to avoid them when venus the old hound met them, and stopped them. they then all came fawning and playing and jumping about me. the very creatures whom a moment before i had feared would tear me limb from limb, were now leaping and licking my hands, and rolling on the leaves around me. i listened awhile in the fear of hearing the voices of men following the dogs, but there was no sound in the forest save the gurgling of the sluggish waters of the creek, and the chirp of black squirrels in the trees. i took courage and started onward once more, taking the dogs with me. the bell on the neck of the old dog, i feared might betray me, and, unable to get it off her neck, i twisted some of the long moss of the trees around it, so as to prevent its ringing. at night i halted once more with the dogs by my side. harassed with fear, and tormented with hunger, i laid down and tried to sleep. but the dogs were uneasy, and would start up and bark at the cries or the footsteps of wild animals, and i was obliged, to use my utmost exertions to keep them quiet, fearing that their barking would draw my pursuers upon me. i slept but little; and as soon as daylight, started forward again. the next day towards evening, i reached a great road which, i rejoiced to find, was the same which my master and myself had travelled on our way to greene county. i now thought it best to get rid of the dogs, and accordingly started them in pursuit of a deer. they went off, yelling on the track, and i never saw them again. i remembered that my master told me, near this place, that we were in the creek country, and that there were some indian settlements not far distant. in the course of the evening i crossed the road, and striking into a path through the woods, soon came to a number of indian cabins. i went into one of them and begged for some food. the indian women received me with a great deal of kindness, and gave me a good supper of venison, corn bread, and stewed pumpkin. i remained with them till the evening of the next day, when i started afresh on my journey. i kept on the road leading to georgia. in the latter part of the night i entered into a long low bottom, heavily timbered--sometimes called wolf valley. it was a dreary and frightful place. as i walked on, i heard on all sides the howling of the wolves, and the quick patter of their feet on the leaves and sticks, as they ran through the woods. at daylight i laid down, but had scarcely closed my eyes when i was roused up by the wolves snarling and howling around me. i started on my feet, and saw several of them running by me. i did not again close my eyes during the whole day. in the afternoon, a bear with her two cubs came to a large chestnut tree near where i lay. she crept up the tree, went out on one of the limbs, and broke off several twigs in trying to shake down the nuts. they were not ripe enough to fall, and, after several vain attempts to procure some of them, she crawled down the tree again and went off with her young. the day was long and tedious. as soon as it was dark, i once more resumed my journey. but fatigue and the want of food and sleep rendered me almost incapable of further effort. it was not long before i fell asleep, while walking, and wandered out of the road. i was awakened by a bunch of moss which hung down from the limb of a tree and met my face. i looked up and saw, as i thought, a large man standing just before me. my first idea was that some one had struck me over the face, and that i had been at last overtaken by huckstep. rubbing my eyes once more, i saw the figure before me sink down upon its hands and knees. another glance assured me that it was a bear and not a man. he passed across the road and disappeared. this adventure kept me awake for the remainder of the night. towards morning i passed by a plantation, on which was a fine growth of peach trees, full of ripe fruit. i took as many of them as i could conveniently carry in my hands and pockets, and retiring a little distance into the woods, laid down and slept till evening, when i again went forward. sleeping thus by day and travelling by night, in a direction towards the north star, i entered georgia. as i only travelled in the night time, i was unable to recognize rivers and places which i had seen before until i reached columbus, where i recollected i had been with my master. from this place i took the road leading to washington, and passed directly through that village. on leaving the village, i found myself contrary to my expectation, in an open country with no woods in view. i walked on until day broke in the east. at a considerable distance ahead, i saw a group of trees, and hurried on towards it. large and beautiful plantations were on each side of me, from which i could hear dogs bark, and the driver's horn sounding. on reaching the trees, i found that they afforded but a poor place of concealment. on either hand, through its openings, i could see the men turning out to the cotton fields. i found a place to lie down between two oak stumps, around which the new shoots had sprung up thickly, forming a comparatively close shelter. after eating some peaches, which since leaving the indian settlement had constituted my sole food, i fell asleep. i was waked by the barking of a dog. raising my head and looking through the bushes, i found that the dog was barking at a black squirrel who was chattering on a limb almost directly above me. a moment after, i heard a voice speaking to the dog, and soon saw a man with a gun in his hand, stealing through the wood. he passed close to the stumps, where i lay trembling with terror lest he should discover me. he kept his eye however upon the tree, and raising his gun, fired. the squirrel dropped dead close by my side. i saw that any further attempt at concealment would be in vain, and sprang upon my feet. the man started forward on seeing me, struck at me with his gun and beat my hat off. i leaped into the road; and he followed after, swearing he would shoot me if i didn't stop. knowing that his gun was not loaded, i paid no attention to him, but ran across the road into a cotton field where there was a great gang of slaves working. the man with the gun followed, and called to the two colored drivers who were on horseback, to ride after me and stop me. i saw a large piece of woodland at some distance ahead, and directed my course towards it. just as i reached it, i looked back, and saw my pursuer far behind me; and found, to my great joy, that the two drivers had not followed me. i got behind a tree, and soon heard the man enter the woods and pass me. after all had been still for more than an hour, i crept into a low place in the depth of the woods and laid down amidst a bed of reeds, where i again fell asleep. towards evening, on awaking, i found the sky beginning to be cloudy, and before night set in it was completely overcast. having lost my hat, i tied an old handkerchief over my head, and prepared to resume my journey. it was foggy and very dark, and involved as i was in the mazes of the forest, i did not know in what direction i was going. i wandered on until i reached a road, which i supposed to be the same one which i had left. the next day the weather was still dark and rainy, and continued so for several days. during this time i slept only by leaning against the body of a tree, as the ground was soaked with rain. on the fifth night after my adventure near washington, the clouds broke away, and the clear moonlight and the stars shone down upon me. i looked up to see the north star, which i supposed still before me. but i sought it in vain in all that quarter of the heavens. a dreadful thought came over me that i had been travelling out of my way. i turned round and saw the north star, which had been shining directly upon my back. i then knew that i had been travelling away from freedom, and towards the place of my captivity ever since i left the woods into which i had been pursued on the st, five days before. oh, the keen and bitter agony of that moment! i sat down on the decaying trunk of a fallen tree, and wept like a child. exhausted in mind and body, nature came at last to my relief, and i fell asleep upon the log. when i awoke it was still dark. i rose and nerved myself for another effort for freedom. taking the north star for my guide, i turned upon my track, and left once more the dreaded frontiers of alabama behind me. the next night, after crossing the one on which i travelled, and which seemed to lead more directly towards the north. i took this road, and the next night after, i came to a large village. passing through the main street, i saw a large hotel which i at once recollected. i was in augusta, and this was the hotel at which my master had spent several days when i was with him, on one of his southern visits. i heard the guards patrolling the town cry the hour of twelve; and fearful of being taken up, i turned out of the main street, and got upon the road leading to petersburg. on reaching the latter place, i swam over the savannah river into south carolina, and from thence passed into north carolina. hitherto i had lived mainly upon peaches, which were plenty on almost all the plantations in alabama and georgia; but the season was now too far advanced for them, and i was obliged to resort to apples. these i obtained without much difficulty until within two or three days journey of the virginia line. at this time i had had nothing to eat but two or three small and sour apples for twenty-four hours, and i waited impatiently for night, in the hope of obtaining fruit from the orchards along the road. i passed by several plantations, but found no apples. after midnight, i passed near a large house, with fruit trees around it. i searched under, and climbed up and shook several of them to no purpose. at last i found a tree on which there were a few apples. on shaking it, half a dozen fell. i got down, and went groping and feeling about for them in the grass, but could find only two, the rest were devoured by several hogs who were there on the same errand with myself. i pursued my way until day was about breaking, when i passed another house. the feeling of extreme hunger was here so intense, that it required all the resolution i was master of to keep myself from going, up to the house and breaking into it in search of food. but the thought of being again made a slave, and of suffering the horrible punishment of a runaway restrained me. i lay in the worlds all that day without food. the next evening, i soon found a large pile of excellent apples, from which i supplied myself. the next evening i reached halifax court house, and i then knew that i was near virginia. on the th of october, i came to the roanoke, and crossed it in the midst of a violent storm of rain and thunder. the current ran so furiously that i was carried down with it, and with great difficulty, and in a state of complete exhaustion, reached the opposite shore. at about o'clock, on the night of the th, i approached richmond, but not daring to go into the city at that hour, on account of the patrols, i lay in the woods near manchester, until the next evening, when i started in the twilight, in order to enter before the setting of the watch. i passed over the bridge unmolested, although in great fear, as my tattered clothes and naked head were well calculated to excite suspicion; and being well acquainted with the localities of the city, made my way to the house of a friend. i was received with the utmost kindness, and welcomed as one risen from the dead. oh, how inexpressibly sweet were the tones of human sympathy, after the dreadful trials to which i had been subjected--the wrongs and outrages which i witnessed and suffered! for between two and three months i had not spoken with a human being, and the sound even of my own voice now seemed strange to my ears. during this time, save in two or three instances i had tasted of no food except peaches and apples. i was supplied with some dried meat and coffee, but the first mouthful occasioned nausea and faintness. i was compelled to take my bed, and lay sick for several days. by the assiduous attention and kindness of my friends, i was supplied with every thing which was necessary during my sickness. i was detained in richmond nearly a month. as soon as i had sufficiently recovered to be able to proceed on my journey, i bade my kind host and his wife an affectionate farewell, and set forward once more towards a land of freedom. i longed to visit my wife and children in powhatan county, but the dread of being discovered prevented me from attempting it. i had learned from my friends in richmond that they were living and in good health, but greatly distressed on my account. my friends had provided me with a fur cap, and with as much lean ham, cake and biscuit, as i could conveniently carry. i proceeded in the same way as before, travelling by night and lying close and sleeping by day. about the last of november i reached the shenandoah river. it was very cold; ice had already formed along the margin, and in swimming the river i was chilled through; and my clothes froze about me soon after i had reached the opposite side. i passed into maryland, and on the th of december, stepped across the line which divided the free state of pennsylvania from the land of slavery. i had a few shillings in money which were given me at richmond, and after travelling nearly twenty-four hours from the time i crossed the line, i ventured to call at a tavern, and buy a dinner. on reaching carlisle, i enquired of the ostler in a stable if he knew of any one who wished to hire a house servant or coachman. he said he did not. some more colored people came in, and taking me aside told me that they knew that i was from virginia, by my pronunciation of certain words--that i was probably a runaway slave--but that i need not be alarmed, as they were friends, and would do all in their power to protect me. i was taken home by one of them, and treated with the utmost kindness; and at night he took me in a wagon, and carried me some distance on my way to harrisburg, where he said i should meet with friends. he told me that i had better go directly to philadelphia, as there would be less danger of my being discovered and retaken there than in the country, and there were a great many persons there who would exert themselves to secure me from the slaveholders. in parting he cautioned me against conversing or stopping with any man on the road, unless he wore a plain, straight collar on a round coat, and said, "thee," and "thou." by following his directions i arrived safely in philadelphia, having been kindly entertained and assisted on my journey, by several benevolent gentlemen and ladies, whose compassion for the wayworn and hunted stranger i shall never forget, and whose names will always be dear to me. on reaching philadelphia, i was visited by a large number of the abolitionists, and friends of the colored people, who, after hearing my story, thought it would not be safe for me to remain in any part of the united states. i remained in philadelphia a few days; and then a gentleman came on to new-york with me, i being considered on board the steam-boat, and in the cars, as his servant. i arrived at new-york, on the st of january. the sympathy and kindness which i have every where met with since leaving the slave states, has been the more grateful to me because it was in a great measure unexpected. the slaves are always told that if they escape into a free state, they will be seized and put in prison, until their masters send for them. i had heard huckstep and the other overseers occasionally speak of the abolitionists, but i did not know or dream that they were the friends of the slave. oh, if the miserable men and women, now toiling on the plantations of alabama, could know that thousands in the free states are praying and striving for their deliverance, how would the glad tidings be whispered from cabin to cabin, and how would the slave-mother as she watches over her infant, bless god, on her knees, for the hope that this child of her day of sorrow, might never realize in stripes, and toil, and grief unspeakable, what it is to be a slave? * * * * * this narrative can he had at the depository of the american anti-slavery society, no nassau street, new york, in a neat volume, pp. mo., embellished with an elegant and accurate steel engraved likeness of james williams, price cts. single copy, $ per hundred. * * * * * no. the anti-slavery examiner. emancipation in the west indies. a six months' tour in antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica in the year . by jas. a. thome, and j. horace kimball. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau-street. . this periodical contains sheets.--postage under miles, cents; over miles, cents. entered, according to the act of congress, in the year , by john rankin, treasurer, of the american, anti-slavery society, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, for the southern district of new york. price $ per hundred copies, - / cents single copy, _in sheets_: $ per hundred, and cents single, _if stitched_. note.--this work is published in this cheap form, to give it a wide circulation. please, _after perusal_, to send it to some friend. this work, as originally published, can be had at the depository of the american anti-slavery society, no. , nassau street, new york, on fine paper, handsomely bound, in a volume of pages, price one dollar per copy, $ per hundred. contents. * * * * * antigua.--chapter i. geography and statistics of the island,--reflections on arrival,--interview with clergymen,--with the governor,--with a member of assembly,--sabbath,--service at the moravian chapel,--sabbath school,--service at the episcopal church,--service at the wesleyan chapel,--millar's estate,--cane-holing,--colored planter,--fitch's creek estate,--free villages,--dinner at the governor's,--donovan's estate,--breakfast at mr. watkins,--dr. ferguson,--market,--lockup house,--christmas holidays,--colored population,--thibou jarvis's estate,--testimony of the manager,--anniversary of the friendly society,--a negro patriarch,--green castle estate,--testimony of the manager,--anniversary of the juvenile association,--wetherill estate,--testimony of the manager,--conversation with a boatman,--moravian station at newfield,--testimony of the missionaries,--school for adults,--interview with the speaker of the assembly,--moravian "speaking,"--conversation with emancipated slaves,--the rector of st. philip's,--frey's estate,--interview with the american consul,--sabbath at millar's,--breakfast at the villa estate,--a fair,--breakfast at mr. cranstoun's,--his testimony,--moravian station at cedar hall,--conversation with emancipated slaves,--moravian station at grace bay,--testimony of the missionaries,--grandfather jacob,--mr. scotland's estate.--a day at fitch's creek,--views of the manager,--a call from the archdeacon,--from rev. edward fraser,--wesleyan district meeting,--social interviews with the missionaries,--their views and testimony,--religious anniversaries,--temperance society,--bible society,--wesleyan missionary society.--resolution of the meeting,--laying the corner stone of a wesleyan chapel,--resolutions of the missionaries. antigua.--chapter ii. general results. religion,--statistics of denominations,--morality,--reverence for the lord's day,--marriage,--conjugal faithfulness,--concubinage decreasing,--temperance,--profane language rare,--statistics of the bible society,--missionary associations,--temperance societies,--friendly societies,--daily meal society,--distressed females' friend society,--education,--annual examination of the parochial school,--infant schools in the country,--examination at parham,--at willoughby bay,--mr. thwaite's replies to queries on education,--great ignorance before emancipation,--aptness of the negroes to learn,--civil and political condition of the emancipated. antigua.--chapter iii. facts and testimony. immediate abolition--an immense change to the condition of the slave,--adopted from political and pecuniary considerations,--went into operation peaceably,--gave additional security to persons and property,--is regarded by all as a great blessing to the island,--free, cheaper than slave labor,--more work done, and better done, since emancipation,--freemen more easily managed than slaves,--the emancipated more trustworthy than when slaves,--they appreciate and reverence law,--they stay at home and mind their own business,--are less "insolent" than when slaves,--gratitude a strong trait of their character,--emancipation has elevated them,--it has raised the price of real estate, given new life to trade, and to all kinds of business,--wrought a total change in the views of the planters,--weakened prejudice against color,--the discussions preceding emancipation restrained masters from cruelties,--concluding remarks. barbadoes. passage to barbadoes,--bridgetown,--visit to the governor,--to the archdeacon,--lear's estate,--testimony of the manager,--dinner party at lear's,--ride to scotland,--the red shanks,--sabbath at lear's; religious service,--tour to the windward,--breakfast party at the colliton estate,--testimony to the working of the apprenticeship,--the working of it in demerara,--the codrington estate,--codrington college,--the "horse,"--an estate on fire,--the ridge estate; dinner with a company of planters,--a day at colonel ashby's; his testimony to the working of the apprenticeship,--interviews with planters; their testimony,--the belle estate,--edgecombe estate; colonel barrow,--horton estate,--drax hall estate,--dinner party at the governor's,--testimony concerning the apprenticeship,--market people,--interview with special justice hamilton; his testimony,--station house, district a; trials of apprentices before special magistrate colthurst,--testimony of the superintendent of the rural police,--communication from special justice colthurst,--communication from special justice hamilton,--testimony of clergymen and missionaries,--curate of st. paul's,--a free church,--a sabbath school annual examination,--interview with episcopal clergymen; their testimony,--visit to schools,--interview with the superintendent of the wesleyan mission,--persecution of the methodists by slaveholders,--the moravian mission,--colored population,--dinner party at mr. harris's,--testimony concerning the objects of our mission,--a new englander,--history of an emancipated slave,--breakfast party at mr. thorne's,--facts and testimony concerning slavery and the apprenticeship,--history of an emancipated slave,--breakfast party at mr. prescod's,--character and history of the late editor of the new times,--breakfast party at mr. bourne's,--prejudice,--history and character of an emancipated slave,--prejudice, vincible,--concubinage,--barbadoes as it was; "reign of terror;"--testimony; cruelties,--insurrection of ,--licentiousness,--prejudice--indolence and inefficiency of the whites,--hostility to emancipation,--barbadoes as it is,--the apprenticeship system; provisions respecting the special magistrates,--provisions respecting the master,--provisions respecting the apprentice,--the design of the apprenticeship,--practical operation of the apprenticeship,--sympathy of the special magistrates with the masters,--apprenticeship, modified slavery,--vexatious to the master,--no preparation for freedom,--begets hostility between master and apprentice,--has illustrated the forbearance of the negroes,--its tendency to exasperate them,--testimony to the working of the apprenticeship in the windward islands generally. jamaica. sketch of its scenery,--interview with the attorney general,--the solicitor general; his testimony,--the american consul; his testimony,--the superintendent of the wesleyan missions,--the baptist missionaries; sabbath; service in a baptist chapel,--moravians; episcopalians; scotch presbyterians,--schools in kingston,--communication from the teacher of the wolmer free school; education; statistics,--the union school,--"prejudice vincible,"--disabilities and persecutions of colored people,--edward jordan, esq.,--colored members of assembly,--richard hill, esq.,--colored artisans and merchants in kingston,--police court of kingston,--american prejudice in the "limbos,"--"amalgamation!"--st. andrew's house of correction; tread-mill,--tour through "st. thomas in the east,"--morant bay; local magistrate; his lachrymal forebodings,--proprietor of green wall estate; his testimony,--testimony of a wesleyan missionary,--belvidere estate; testimony of the manager,--chapel built by apprentices,--house of correction,--chain-gang,--a call from special justice baines; his testimony,--bath,--special justice's office; his testimony,--"alarming rebellion,"--testimony of a wesleyan missionary,--principal of the mico charity school; his testimony,--noble instance of filial affection in a negro girl,--plantain garden river valley; alexander barclay, esq.,--golden grove estate; testimony of the manager,--the custos of the parish; his testimony,--amity hall estate; testimony of the manager,--lord belmore's prophecy,--manchioneal; special magistrate chamberlain; his testimony,--his weekly court,--pro slavery gnashings,--visit with the special magistrate to the williamsfield estate; testimony of the manager,--oppression of book-keepers,--sabbath; service at a baptist chapel,--interview with apprentices; their testimony,--tour through st. andrew's and port royal,--visit to estates in company with special justice bourne,--white emigrants to jamaica,--dublin castle estate; special justice court,--a despot in convulsions; arbitrary power dies hard,--encounter with mules in a mountain pass,--silver hill estate; cases tried; appraisement of an apprentice,--peter's rock estate,--hall's prospect estate,--female traveling merchant,--negro provision grounds,--apprentices eager to work for money,--jury of inquest,--character of overseers,--conversation with special justice hamilton,--with a proprietor of estates and local magistrate; testimony,--spanishtown,--richard hill, esq., secretary of the special magistracy,--testimony of lord sligo concerning him,--lord sligo's administration; its independence and impartiality,--statements of mr. hill,--statements of special justice ramsey,--special justice's court,--baptist missionary at spanishtown; his testimony,--actual working of the apprenticeship; no insurrection; no fear of it; no increase of crime; negroes improving; marriage increased; sabbath better kept; religious worship better attended; law obeyed,--apprenticeship vexatious to both parties,--atrocities perpetrated by masters and magistrates,--causes of the ill-working of the apprenticeship--provisions of the emancipation act defeated by planters and magistrates,--the present governor a favorite with the planters,--special justice palmer suspended by him,--persecution of special justice bourne,--character of the special magistrates,--official cruelty; correspondence between a missionary and special magistrate,--sir lionel smith's message to the house of assembly,--causes of the diminished crops since emancipation,--anticipated consequences of full emancipation in ,--examination of the grounds of such anticipations,--views of missionaries and colored people, magistrates and planters;--concluding remarks. appendix. official communication from special justice lyon,--communication from the solicitor general of jamaica,--communication from special justice colthurst,--official returns of the imports and exports of barbadoes,--valuations of apprentices in jamaica,--tabular view of the crops in jamaica for fifty-three years preceding ; comments of the jamaica watchman on the foregoing table,--comments of the spanishtown telegraph,--brougham's speech in parliament. introduction. it is hardly possible that the success of british west india emancipation should be more conclusively proved, than it has been by the absence among us of the exultation which awaited its failure. so many thousands of the citizens of the united states, without counting slaveholders, would not have suffered their prophesyings to be falsified, if they could have found whereof to manufacture fulfilment. but it is remarkable that, even since the first of august, , the evils of west india emancipation on the lips of the advocates of slavery, or, as the most of them nicely prefer to be termed, the opponents of abolition, have remained in the future tense. the bad reports of the newspapers, spiritless as they have been compared with the predictions, have been traceable, on the slightest inspection, not to emancipation, but to the illegal continuance of slavery, under the cover of its legal substitute. not the slightest reference to the rash act, whereby the thirty thousand slaves of antigua were immediately "turned loose," now mingles with the croaking which strives to defend our republican slavery against argument and common sense. the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, deemed it important that the silence which the pro-slavery press of the united states has seemed so desirous to maintain in regard to what is strangely enough termed the "great experiment of freedom," should be thoroughly broken up by a publication of facts and testimony collected on the spot. to this end, rev. james a. thome, and joseph h. kimball, esq., were deputed to the west indies to make the proper investigations. of their qualifications for the task, the subsequent pages will furnish the best evidence: it is proper, however, to remark, that mr. thome is thoroughly acquainted with our own system of slavery, being a native and still a resident of kentucky, and the son of a slaveholder, (happily no longer so,) and that mr. kimball is well known as the able editor of the herald of freedom, published at concord, new hampshire. they sailed from new york, the last of november, , and returned early in june, . they improved a short stay at the danish island of st. thomas, to give a description of slavery as it exists there, which, as it appeared for the most part in the anti-slavery papers, and as it is not directly connected with the great question at issue, has not been inserted in the present volume. hastily touching at some of the other british islands, they made antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica, successively the objects of their deliberate and laborious study--as fairly presenting the three grand phases of the "experiment"--antigua, exemplifying immediate unrestricted abolition; barbadoes, the best working of the apprenticeship, and jamaica the worst. nine weeks were spent in antigua, and the remainder of their time was divided between the other two islands. the reception of the delegates was in the highest degree favorable to the promotion of their object, and their work will show how well they have used the extraordinary facilities afforded them. the committee have, in some instances, restored testimonials which their modesty led them to suppress, showing in what estimation they themselves, as well as the object of their mission, were held by some of the most distinguished persons in the islands which they visited. so wide was the field before them, and so rich and various the fruit to be gathered, that they were tempted to go far beyond the strength supplied by the failing health they carried with them. most nobly did they postpone every personal consideration to the interests of the cause, and the reader will, we think, agree with us, that they have achieved a result which undiminished energies could not have been expected to exceed--a result sufficient, if any thing could be, to justify the sacrifice it cost them. we regret to add that the labors and exposures of mr. kimball, so far prevented his recovery from the disease[a] which obliged him to resort to a milder climate, or perhaps we should say aggravated it, that he has been compelled to leave to his colleague, aided by a friend, nearly the whole burden of preparing for the press--which, together with the great labor of condensing from the immense amount of collected materials, accounts for the delay of the publication. as neither mr. thome nor mr. kimball were here while the work was in the press, it is not improbable that trivial errors have occurred, especially in the names of individuals. [footnote a: we learn that mr. kimball closed his mortal career at pembroke, n.h. april th, in the th year of his age. very few men in the anti-slavery cause have been more distinguished, than this lamented brother, for the zeal, discretion and ability with which he has advocated the cause of the oppressed. "peace to the memory of a man of worth!"] it will be perceived that the delegates rest nothing of importance on their own unattested observation. at every point they are fortified by the statements of a multitude of responsible persons in the islands, whose names, when not forbidden, they leave taken the liberty to use in behalf of humanity. many of these statements were given in the handwriting of the parties, and are in the possession of the executive committee. most of these island authorities are as unchallengeable on the score of previous leaning towards abolitionism, as mr. mcduffie of mr. calhoun would be two years hence, if slavery were to be abolished throughout the united states tomorrow. among the points established in this work, beyond the power of dispute or cavil, are the following: . that the act of immediate emancipation in antigua, was not attended with any disorder whatever. . that the emancipated slaves have readily, faithfully, and efficiently worked for wages from the first. . that wherever there has been any disturbance in the working of the apprenticeship, it has been invariably by the fault of the masters, or of the officers charged with the execution of the "abolition act." . that the prejudice of caste is fast disappearing in the emancipated islands. . that the apprenticeship was not sought for by the planters as a _preparation for freedom_. . that no such preparation was needed. . that the planters who have fairly made the "experiment," now greatly prefer the new system to the old. . that the emancipated people are perceptibly rising in the scale of civilization, morals, and religion. from these established facts, reason cannot fail to make its inferences in favor of the two and a half millions of slaves in our republic. we present the work to our countrymen who yet hold slaves, with the utmost confidence that its perusal will not leave in their minds a doubt, either of the duty or perfect safety of _immediate emancipation_, however it may fail to persuade their hearts--which god grant it may not! by order of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. new york, april th, . * * * * * explanation of terms used in the narrative. . the words 'clergy' and 'missionary' are used to distinguish between the ministers of the english or scotch church, and those of all other denominations. . the terms 'church' and 'chapel' denote a corresponding distinction in the places of worship, though the english church have what are technically called 'chapels of ease!' . 'manager' and 'overseer' are terms designating in different islands the same station. in antigua and barbadoes, _manager_ is the word in general use, in jamaica it is _overseer_--both meaning the practical conductor or immediate superintendent of an estate. in our own country, a peculiar odium is attached to the latter term. in the west indies, the station of manager or overseer is an honorable one; proprietors of estates, and even men of rank, do not hesitate to occupy it. . the terms 'colored' and 'black' or 'negro' indicate a distinction long kept up in the west indies between the mixed blood and the pure negro. the former as a body were few previous to the abolition act; and for this reason chiefly we presume the term of distinction was originally applied to them. to have used these terms interchangeably in accordance with the usage in the united states, would have occasioned endless confusion in the narrative. . 'praedial' and 'non-praedial' are terms used in the apprenticeship colonies to mark the difference between the agricultural class and the domestic; the former are called _praedials_, the latter _non-praedials_. * * * * * population of the british (formerly slave) colonies. (_compiled from recent authentic documents._) british colonies. white. slave. f. col'd. total. anguilla , , antigua[a] , , , , bahamas , , , , barbadoes , , , , berbicel , , , bermuda[a] , , , cape of good hope[b] , , , , demerara[b] , , , , dominica , , , grenada , , , honduras[b] , , , jamaica , , , , mauritius[b] , , , , montserrat , , nevis , , , st. christophers,st. kitts , , , , st. lucia[b] , , , st. vincent , , , , tobago , , , tortola , , , trinidad[b] , , , , virgin isles , , total , , , , , [footnote a: these islands adopted immediate emancipation, aug , .] [footnote b: these are crown colonies, and have no local legislature.] antigua. chapter i. antigua is about eighteen miles long and fifteen broad; the interior is low and undulating, the coast mountainous. from the heights on the coast the whole island may be taken in at one view, and in a clear day the ocean can be seen entirely around the land, with the exception of a few miles of cliff in one quarter. the population of antigua is about , , of whom , are negroes--lately slaves-- are free people of color, and are whites. the cultivation of the island is principally in sugar, of which the average annual crop is , hogsheads. antigua is one of the oldest of the british west india colonies, and ranks high in importance and influence. owing to the proportion of proprietors resident in the island, there is an accumulation of talent, intelligence and refinement, greater, perhaps, than in any english colony, excepting jamaica. our solicitude on entering the island of antigua was intense. charged with a mission so nearly concerning the political and domestic institutions of the colony, we might well be doubtful as to the manner of our reception. we knew indeed that slavery was abolished, that antigua had rejected the apprenticeship, and adopted entire emancipation. we knew also, that the free system had surpassed the hopes of its advocates. but we were in the midst of those whose habits and sentiments had been formed under the influences of slavery, whose prejudices still clinging to it might lead them to regard our visit with indifference at least, if not with jealousy. we dared not hope for aid from men who, not three years before, were slaveholders, and who, as a body, strenuously resisted the abolition measure, finally yielding to it only because they found resistance vain. mingled with the depressing anxieties already referred to, were emotions of pleasure and exultation, when we stepped upon the shores of an unfettered isle. we trod a soil from which the last vestige of slavery had been swept away! to us, accustomed as we were to infer the existence of slavery from the presence of a particular hue, the numbers of negroes passing to and fro, engaged in their several employments, denoted a land of oppression; but the erect forms, the active movements, and the sprightly countenances, bespoke that spirit of disinthrallment which had gone abroad through antigua. on the day of our arrival we had an interview with the rev. james cox, the superintendent of the wesleyan mission in the island. he assured us that we need apprehend no difficulty in procuring information, adding, "we are all free here now; every man can speak his sentiments unawed. we have nothing to conceal in our present system; had you come here as the _advocates of slavery_ you might have met with a very different reception." at the same time we met the rev. n. gilbert, a clergyman of the english church, and proprietor of an estate. mr. g. expressed the hope that we might gather such facts during our stay in the island, as would tend effectually to remove the curse of slavery from the united states. he said that the failure of the crops, from the extraordinary drought which was still prevailing, would, he feared, be charged by persons abroad to the new system. "the enemies of freedom," said he, "will not ascribe the failure to the proper cause. it will be in vain that we solemnly declare, that for more than thirty years the island has not experienced such a drought. our enemies will persist in laying all to the charge of our free system; men will look only at the amount of sugar exported, which will be less than half the average. they will run away with this fact, and triumph over it as the disastrous consequence of abolition." on the same day we were introduced to the rev. bennet harvey, the principal of the moravian mission, to a merchant, an agent for several estates, and to an intelligent manager. each of these gentlemen gave us the most cordial welcome, and expressed a warm sympathy in the objects of our visit. on the following day we dined, by invitation, with the superintendent of the wesleyan mission, in company with several missionaries. _freedom in antigua_ was the engrossing and delightful topic. they rejoiced in the change, not merely from sympathy with the disinthralled negroes, but because it had emancipated them from a disheartening surveillance, and opened new fields of usefulness. they hailed the star of freedom "with exceeding great joy," because it heralded the speedy dawning of the sun of righteousness. we took an early opportunity to call on the governor, whom we found affable and courteous. on learning that we were from the united states, he remarked, that he entertained a high respect for our country, but its slavery was a stain upon the whole nation. he expressed his conviction that the instigators of northern mobs must be implicated in some way, pecuniary or otherwise, with slavery. the governor stated various particulars in which antigua had been greatly improved by the abolition of slavery. he said, the planters all conceded that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island, and he did not know of a single individual who wished to return to the old system. his excellency proffered us every assistance in his power, and requested his secretary--_a colored gentleman_--to furnish us with certain documents which he thought would be of service to us. when we rose to leave, the governor followed us to the door, repeating the advice that we should "see with our own eyes, and hear with our own ears." the interest which his excellency manifested in our enterprise, satisfied us that the prevalent feeling in the island was opposed to slavery, since it was a matter well understood that the governor's partialities, if he had any, were on the side of the planters rather than the people. on the same day we were introduced to a barrister, a member of the assembly and proprietor of an estate. he was in the assembly at the time the abolition act was under discussion. he said that it was violently opposed, until it was seen to be inevitable. many were the predictions made respecting the ruin which would be brought upon the colony; but these predictions had failed, and abolition was now regarded as the salvation of the island. sabbath. the morning of our first sabbath in antigua came with that hushed stillness which marks the sabbath dawn in the retired villages of new england. the arrangements of the family were conducted with a studied silence that indicated habitual respect for the lord's day. at o'clock the streets were filled with the church-going throng. the rich rolled along in their splendid vehicles with liveried outriders and postillions. the poor moved in lowlier procession, yet in neat attire, and with the serious air of christian worshippers. we attended the moravian service. in going to the chapel, which is situated on the border of the town, we passed through and across the most frequented streets. no persons were to be seen, excepting those whose course was toward some place of worship. the shops were all shut, and the voices of business and amusement were hushed. the market place, which yesterday was full of swarming life, and sent forth a confused uproar, was deserted and dumb--not a straggler was to be seen of all the multitude. on approaching the moravian chapel we observed the negroes, wending their way churchward, from the surrounding estates, along the roads leading into town. when we entered the chapel the service had begun, and the people were standing, and repeating their liturgy. the house, which was capable of holding about a thousand persons, was filled. the audience were all black and colored, mostly of the deepest ethiopian hue, and had come up thither from the estates, where once they toiled as slaves, but now as freemen, to present their thank-offerings unto him whose truth and spirit had made them free. in the simplicity and tidiness of their attire, in its uniformity and freedom from ornament, it resembled the dress of the friends. the females were clad in plain white gowns, with neat turbans of cambric or muslin on their heads. the males were dressed in spencers, vests, and pantaloons, all of white. all were serious in their demeanor, and although the services continued more than two hours, they gave a wakeful attention to the end. their responses in the litany were solemn and regular. great respect was paid to the aged and infirm. a poor blind man came groping his way, and was kindly conducted to a seat in an airy place. a lame man came wearily up to the door, when one within the house rose and led him to the seat he himself had just occupied. as we sat facing the congregation, we looked around upon the multitude to find the marks of those demoniac passions which are to strew carnage through our own country when its bondmen shall be made free. the countenances gathered there, bore the traces of benevolence, of humility, of meekness, of docility, and reverence; and we felt, while looking on them, that the doers of justice to a wronged people "shall surely dwell in safety and be quiet from fear of evil." after the service, we visited the sabbath school. the superintendent was an interesting young colored man. we attended the recitation of a testament class of children of both sexes from eight to twelve. they read, and answered numerous questions with great sprightliness. in the afternoon we attended the episcopal church, of which the rev. robert holberton is rector. we here saw a specimen of the aristocracy of the island. a considerable number present were whites,--rich proprietors with their families, managers of estates, officers of government, and merchants. the greater proportion of the auditory, however, were colored people and blacks. it might be expected that distinctions of color would be found here, if any where;--however, the actual distinction, even in this the most fashionable church in antigua, amounted only to this, that the body pews on each side of the broad aisle were occupied by the whites, the side pews by the colored people, and the broad aisle in the middle by the negroes. the gallery, on one side, was also appropriated to the colored people, and on the other to the blacks. the finery of the negroes was in sad contrast with the simplicity we had just seen at the moravian chapel. their dresses were of every color and style; their hats were of all shapes and sizes, and fillagreed with the most tawdry superfluity of ribbons. beneath these gaudy bonnets were glossy ringlets, false and real, clustering in tropical luxuriance. this fantastic display was evidently a rude attempt to follow the example set them by the white aristocracy. the choir was composed chiefly of colored boys, who were placed on the right side of the organ, and about an equal number of colored girls on the left. in front of the organ were eight or ten white children. the music of this colored, or rather "amalgamated" choir, directed by a colored chorister, and accompanied by a colored organist, was in good taste. in the evening, we accompanied a friend to the wesleyan chapel, of which the rev. james cox is pastor. the minister invited us to a seat within the altar, where we could have a full view of the congregation. the chapel was crowded. nearly twelve hundred persons were present. all sat promiscuously in respect of color. in one pew was a family of whites, next a family of colored persons, and behind that perhaps might be seen, side by side, the ebon hue of the negro, the mixed tint of the mulatto, and the unblended whiteness of the european. thus they sat in crowded contact, seemingly unconscious that they were outraging good taste, violating natural laws, and "confounding distinctions of divine appointment!" in whatever direction we turned, there was the same commixture of colors. what to one of our own countrymen whose contempt for the oppressed has defended itself with the plea of _prejudice against color_, would have been a combination absolutely shocking, was to us a scene as gratifying as it was new. on both sides, the gallery presented the same unconscious blending of colors. the choir was composed of a large number, mostly colored, of all ages. the front seats were filled by children of various ages--the rear, of adults, rising above these tiny choristers, and softening the shrillness of their notes by the deeper tones of mature age. the style of the preaching which we heard on the different occasions above described, so far as it is any index to the intelligence of the several congregations, is certainly a high commendation. the language used, would not offend the taste of any congregation, however refined. on the other hand, the fixed attention of the people showed that the truths delivered were understood and appreciated. we observed, that in the last two services the subject of the present drought was particularly noticed in prayer. the account here given is but a fair specimen of the solemnity and decorum of an antigua sabbath. visit to millar's estate. early in the week after our arrival, by the special invitation of the manager, we visited this estate. it is situated about four miles from the town of st. john's. the smooth macadamized road extending across the rolling plains and gently sloping hill sides, covered with waving cane, and interspersed with provision grounds, contributed with the fresh bracing air of the morning to make the drive pleasant and animating. at short intervals were seen the buildings of the different estates thrown together in small groups, consisting of the manager's mansion and out-houses, negro huts, boiling house, cooling houses, distillery, and windmill. the mansion is generally on an elevated spot, commanding a view of the estate and surrounding country. the cane fields presented a novel appearance--being without fences of any description. even those fields which lie bordering on the highways, are wholly unprotected by hedge, ditch, or rails. this is from necessity. wooden fences they cannot have, for lack of timber. hedges are not used, because they are found to withdraw the moisture from the canes. to prevent depredations, there are watchmen on every estate employed both day and night. there are also stock keepers employed by day in keeping the cattle within proper grazing limits. as each estate guards its own stock by day and folds them by night, the fields are in little danger. we passed great numbers of negroes on the road, loaded with every kind of commodity for the town market. _the head is the beast of burthen_ among the negroes throughout the west indies. whatever the load, whether it be trifling or valuable, strong or frail, it is consigned to the head, both for safe keeping and for transportation. while the head is thus taxed, the hands hang useless by the side, or are busied in gesticulating, as the people chat together along the way. the negroes we passed were all decently clad. they uniformly stopped as they came opposite to us, to pay the usual civilities. this the men did by touching their hats and bowing, and the women, by making a low courtesy, and adding, sometimes, "howdy, massa," or "mornin', massa." we passed several loaded wagons, drawn by three, four, or five yoke of oxen, and in every instance the driver, so far from manifesting any disposition "insolently" to crowd us off the road, or to contend for his part of it, turned his team aside, leaving us double room to go by, and sometimes stopping until we had passed. we were kindly received at millar's by mr. bourne, the manager. millar's is one of the first estates in antigua. the last year it made the largest sugar crop on the island. mr. b. took us before breakfast to view the estate. on the way, he remarked that we had visited the island at a very unfavorable time for seeing the cultivation of it, as every thing was suffering greatly from the drought. there had not been a single copious rain, such as would "make the water run," since the first of march previous. as we approached the laborers, the manager pointed out one company of ten, who were at work with their hoes by the side of the road, while a larger one of thirty were in the middle of the field. they greeted us in the most friendly manner. the manager spoke kindly to them, encouraging them to be industrious he stopped a moment to explain to us the process of cane-holing. the field is first ploughed[a] in one direction, and the ground thrown up in ridges of about a foot high. then similar ridges are formed crosswise, with the hoe, making regular squares of two-feet-sides over the field. by raising the soil, a clear space of six inches square is left at the bottom. in this space the _plant_ is placed horizontally, and slightly covered with earth. the ridges are left about it, for the purpose of conducting the rain to the roots, and also to retain the moisture. when we came up to the large company, they paused a moment, and with a hearty salutation, which ran all along the line, bade us "good mornin'," and immediately resumed their labor. the men and women were intermingled; the latter kept pace with the former, wielding their hoes with energy and effect. the manager addressed them for a few moments, telling them who we were, and the object of our visit. he told them of the great number of slaves in america, and appealed to them to know whether they would not be sober, industrious, and diligent, so as to prove to american slaveholders the benefit of freeing all their slaves. at the close of each sentence, they all responded, "yes, massa," or "god bless de massas," and at the conclusion, they answered the appeal, with much feeling, "yes, massa; please god massa, we will all do so." when we turned to leave, they wished to know what we thought of their industry. we assured them that we were much pleased, for which they returned their "thankee, massa." they were working at a _job_. the manager had given them a piece of ground "to hole," engaging to pay them sixteen dollars when they had finished it. he remarked that he had found it a good plan to give _jobs_. he obtained more work in this way than he did by giving the ordinary wages, which is about eleven cents per day. it looked very much like slavery to see the females working in the field; but the manager said they chose it generally "_for the sake of the wages_." mr. b. returned with us to the house, leaving the gangs in the field, with only an aged negro in charge of the work, as _superintendent._ such now is the name of the overseer. the very _terms_, _driver_ and _overseer_, are banished from antigua; and the _whip_ is buried beneath the soil of freedom. [footnote a: in those cases where the plough is used at all. it is not yet generally introduced throughout the west indies. where the plough is not used, the whole process of holing is done with the hoe, and is extremely laborious] when we reached the house we were introduced to mr. watkins, a _colored_ planter, whom mr. b. had invited to breakfast with us. mr. watkins was very communicative, and from him and mr. b., who was equally free, we obtained information on a great variety of points, which we reserve for the different heads to which they appropriately belong. fitch's creek estate. from millar's we proceeded to fitch's creek estate, where we had been invited to dine by the intelligent manager, mr. h. armstrong. we three met several wesleyan missionaries. mr. a. is himself a local preacher in the wesleyan connection. when a stranger visits an estate in the west indies, almost the first thing is an offer from the manager to accompany him through the sugar works. mr. a. conducted us first to a new boiling house, which he was building after a plan of his own devising. the house is of brick, on a very extensive scale. it has been built entirely by negroes--chiefly those belonging to the estate who were emancipated in . fitch's creek estate is one of the largest on the island, consisting of acres, of which are under cultivation. the number of people employed and living on the property is . this estate indicates any thing else than an apprehension of approaching ruin. it presents the appearance, far more, of a _resurrection_, from the grave. in addition to his improved sugar and boiling establishment, he has projected a plan for a new village, (as the collection of negro houses is called,) and has already selected the ground and begun to build. the houses are to be larger than those at present in use, they are to be built of stone instead of mud and sticks, and to be neatly roofed. instead of being huddled together in a bye place, as has mostly been the case, they are to be built on an elevated site, and ranged at regular intervals around three sides of a large square, in the centre of which a building for a chapel and school house is to be erected. each house is to have a garden. this and similar improvements are now in progress, with the view of adding to the comforts of the laborers, and attaching them to the estate. it has become the interest of the planter to make it for the _interest of the people_ to remain on his estate. this _mutual interest_ is the only sure basis of prosperity on the one hand and of industry on the other. the whole company heartily joined in assuring us that a knowledge of the actual working of abolition in antigua, would be altogether favorable to the cause of freedom, _and that the more thorough our knowledge of the facts in the case, the more perfect would be our confidence in the safety of_ immediate _emancipation_. mr. a. said that the spirit of enterprise, before dormant, had been roused since emancipation, and planters were now beginning to inquire as to the best modes of cultivation, and to propose measures of general improvement. one of these measures was the establishing of _free villages_, in which the laborers might dwell by paying a small rent. when the adjacent planters needed help they could here find a supply for the occasion. this plan would relieve the laborers from some of that dependence which they must feel so long as they live on the estate and in the houses of the planters. many advantages of such a system were specified. we allude to it here only as an illustration of that spirit of inquiry, which freedom has kindled in the minds of the planters. no little desire was manifested by the company to know the state of the slavery question in this country. they all, planters and missionaries, spoke in terms of abhorrence of our slavery, our snobs, our prejudice, and our christianity. one of the missionaries said it would never do for him to go to america, for he should certainly be excommunicated by his methodist brethren, and lynched by the advocates of slaver. he insisted that slaveholding professors and ministers should be cut off from the communion of the church. as we were about to take leave, the _proprietor_ of the estate rode up, accompanied by the governor, who he had brought to see the new boiling-house, and the other improvements which were in progress. the proprietor reside in st. john's, is a gentleman of large fortune, and a member of the assembly. he said he would be happy to aid us in any way--but added, that in all details of a practical kind, and in all matters of fact, the planters were the best witnesses, for they were the conductors of the present system. we were glad to obtain the endorsement of an influential proprietor to the testimony of practical planters. dinner at the governor's. on the following day having received a very courteous invitation[a] from the governor, to dine at the government house, we made our arrangements to do so. the hon. paul horsford, a member of the council, called during the day, to say, that he expected to dine with us at the government house and that he would be happy to call for us at the appointed hour, and conduct us thither. at six o'clock mr. h.'s carriage drove up to our door, and we accompanied him to the governor's, where we were introduced to col. jarvis, a member of the privy council, and proprietor of several estates in the island, col. edwards, a member of the assembly and a barrister, dr. musgrave, a member of the assembly, and mr. shiel, attorney general. a dinner of state, at a governor's house, attended by a company of high-toned politicians, professional gentlemen, and proprietors, could hardly be expected to furnish large accessions to our stock of information, relating to the object of our visit. dinner being announced, we were hardly seated at the table when his excellency politely offered to drink a glass of madeira with us. we begged leave to decline the honor. in a short time he proposed a glass of champaign--again we declined. "why, surely, gentlemen," exclaimed the governor, "you must belong to the temperance society." "yes, sir, we do." "is it possible? but you will surely take a glass of liqueur?" "your excellency must pardon us if we again decline the honor; we drink no wines." this announcement of ultra temperance principles excited no little surprise. finding that our allegiance to cold water was not to be shaken, the governor condescended at last to meet us on middle ground, and drink his wine to our water. [footnote a: we venture to publish the note in which the governor conveyed his invitation, simply because, though a trifle in itself, it will serve to show the estimation in which our mission was held. "if messrs. kimball and thome are not engaged tuesday next, the lieut. governor will be happy to see them at dinner, at six o'clock, when he will endeavor to facilitate their philanthropic inquiries, by inviting two or three proprietors to met them." "_government house, st. john's, dec. th_, ." ] the conversation on the subject of emancipation served to show that the prevailing sentiment was decidedly favorable to the free system. col. jarvis, who is the proprietor of three estates, said that he was in england at the time the bill for immediate emancipation passed the legislature. had he been in the island he should have opposed it; but _now_ he was glad it had prevailed. the evil consequences which he apprehended had not been realized, and he was now confident that they never would be. as to prejudice against the black and colored people, all thought it was rapidly decreasing--indeed, they could scarcely say there was now any such thing. to be sure, there was an aversion among the higher classes of the whites, and especially among _females_, to associating in parties with colored people; but it was not on account of their _color_, but chiefly because of their _illegitimacy_. this was to us a new _source_ of prejudice: but subsequent information fully explained its bearings. the whites of the west indies are themselves the authors of that _illegitimacy_, out of which their aversion springs. it is not to be wondered at that they should be unwilling to invite the colored people to their social parties, seeing they might not unfrequently be subjected to the embarrassment of introducing to their white wives a colored mistress or an _illegitimate_ daughter. this also explains the special prejudice which the _ladies_ of the higher classes feel toward those among whom are their guilty rivals in a husband's affections, and those whose every feature tells the story of a husband's unfaithfulness! a few days after our dinner with the governor and his friends, we took breakfast, by invitation, with mr. watkins, the _colored_ planter whom we had the pleasure of meeting at millar's, on a previous occasion. mr. w. politely sent in his chaise for us, a distance of five miles, at an early hour we reached donovan's, the estate of which he is manager. we found the sugar works in active operation: the broad wings of the windmill were wheeling their stately revolutions, and the smoke was issuing in dense volumes from the chimney of the boiling house. some of the negroes were employed in carrying cane to the mill, others in carrying away the _trash_ or _megass_, as the cane is called after the juice is expressed from it. others, chiefly the old men and women, were tearing the megass apart, and strewing it on the ground to dry. it is the only fuel used for boiling the sugar. on entering the house we found three planters whom mr. w. had invited to breakfast with us. the meeting of a number of intelligent practical planters afforded a good opportunity for comparing their views. on all the main points, touching the working of freedom, there was a strong coincidence. when breakfast was ready, mrs. w. entered the room, and after our introduction to her, took her place at the head of the table. her conversation was intelligent, her manners highly polished, and she presided at the table with admirable grace and dignity. on the following day, dr. ferguson, of st. john's, called on us. dr. ferguson is a member of the assembly, and one of the first physicians in the island. the doctor said that freedom had wrought like a magician, and had it not been for the unprecedented drought, the island would now be in a state of prosperity unequalled in any period of its history. dr. f. remarked that a general spirit of improvement was pervading the island. the moral condition of the whites was rapidly brightening; formerly concubinage was _respectable_; it had been customary for married men--those of the highest standing--to keep one or two colored mistresses. this practice was now becoming disreputable. there had been a great alteration as to the observance of the sabbath; formerly more business was done in st. john's on sunday, by the merchants, than on all the other days of the week together. the mercantile business of the town had increased astonishingly; he thought that the stores and shops had multiplied in a _ratio of ten to one_. mechanical pursuits were likewise in a flourishing condition. dr. f. said that a greater number of buildings had been erected since emancipation, than had been put up for twenty years before. great improvements had also been made in the streets and roads in town and country. market. saturday.--this is the regular market-day here. the negroes come from all parts of the island; walking sometimes ten or fifteen miles to attend the st. john's market. we pressed our way through the dense mass of all hues, which crowded the market. the ground was covered with wooden trays filled with all kinds of fruits, grain, vegetables, fowls, fish, and flesh. each one, as we passed, called attention to his or her little stock. we passed up to the head of the avenue, where men and women were employed in cutting up the light fire-wood which they had brought from the country on their heads, and in binding it into small bundles for sale. here we paused a moment and looked down upon the busy multitude below. the whole street was a moving mass. there were broad panama hats, and gaudy turbans, and uncovered heads, and heads laden with water pots, and boxes, and baskets, and trays--all moving and mingling in seemingly inextricable confusion. there could not have been less than fifteen hundred people congregated in that street--all, or nearly all, emancipated slaves. yet, amidst all the excitements and competitions of trade, their conduct toward each other was polite and kind. not a word, or look, or gesture of insolence or indecency did we observe. smiling countenances and friendly voices greeted us on every side, and we felt no fears either of having our pockets picked or our throats cut! at the other end of the market-place stood the _lock-up house_, the _cage_, and the _whipping post_, with stocks for feet and wrists. these are almost the sole relics of slavery which still linger in the town. the lock-up house is a sort of jail, built of stone--about fifteen feet square, and originally designed as a place of confinement for slaves taken up by the patrol. the cage is a smaller building, adjoining the former, the sides of which are composed of strong iron bars--fitly called a _cage!_ the prisoner was exposed to the gaze and insult of every passer by, without the possibility of concealment. the whipping post is hard by, but its occupation is gone. indeed, all these appendages of slavery have gone into entire disuse, and time is doing his work of dilapidation upon them. we fancied we could see in the marketers, as they walked in and out at the doorless entrance of the lock-up house, or leaned against the whipping post, in careless chat, that harmless defiance which would prompt one to beard the dead lion. returning from the market we observed a negro woman passing through the street, with several large hat boxes strung on her arm. she accidentally let one of them fall. the box had hardly reached the ground, when a little boy sprang from the back of a carriage rolling by, handed the woman the box, and hastened to remount the carriage. christmas. during the reign of slavery, the christmas holidays brought with them general alarm. to prevent insurrections, the militia was uniformly called out, and an array made of all that was formidable in military enginery. this custom was dispensed with at once, after emancipation. as christmas came on the sabbath, it tested the respect for that day. the morning was similar, in all respects, to the morning of the sabbath described above; the same serenity reigning everywhere--the same quiet in the household movements, and the same tranquillity prevailing through the streets. we attended morning service at the moravian chapel. notwithstanding the descriptions we had heard of the great change which emancipation had wrought in the observance of christmas, we were quite unprepared for the delightful reality around us. though thirty thousand slaves had but lately been "turned loose" upon a white population of less than three thousand! instead of meeting with scenes of disorder, what were the sights which greeted our eyes? the neat attire, the serious demeanor, and the thronged procession to the place of worship. in every direction the roads leading into town were lined with happy beings--attired for the house of god. when groups coming from different quarters met at the corners, they stopped a moment to exchange salutations and shake hands, and then proceeded on together. the moravian chapel was slightly decorated with green branches. they were the only adorning which marked the plain sanctuary of a plain people. it was crowded with black and colored people, and very many stood without, who could not get in. after the close of the service in the chapel, the minister proceeded to the adjacent school room, and preached to another crowded audience. in the evening the wesleyan chapel was crowded to overflowing. the aisles and communion place were full. on all festivals and holidays, which occur on the sabbath, the churches and chapels are more thronged than on any other lord's day. it is hardly necessary to state that there was no instance of a dance or drunken riot, nor wild shouts of mirth during the day. the christmas, instead of breaking in upon the repose of the sabbath, seemed only to enhance the usual solemnity of the day. the holidays continued until the next wednesday morning, and the same order prevailed to the close of them. on monday there were religious services in most of the churches and chapels, where sabbath-school addresses, discourses on the relative duties of husband and wife, and on kindred subjects, were delivered. an intelligent gentleman informed us that the negroes, while slaves, used to spend during the christmas holidays, the extra money which they got during the year. now they save it--_to buy small tracts of land for their own cultivation_. the governor informed us that the police returns did not report a single case of arrest during the holidays. he said he had been well acquainted with the country districts of england, he had also travelled extensively in europe, yet he had never found such a _peaceable, orderly, and law-abiding people as those of antigua_. an acquaintance of nine weeks with the colored population of st. john's, meeting them by the wayside, in their shops, in their parlors, and elsewhere, enables us to pronounce them a people of general intelligence, refinement of manners, personal accomplishments, and true politeness. as to their style of dress and mode of living, were we disposed to make any criticism, we should say that they were extravagant. in refined and elevated conversation, they would certainly bear a comparison with the white families of the island. visit to thibou jarvis's estate. after the christmas holidays were over, we resumed our visits to the country. being provided with a letter to the manager of thibou jarvis's estate, mr. james howell, we embraced the earliest opportunity to call on him. mr. h. has been in antigua for thirty-six years, and has been a practical planter during the whole of that time. he has the management of two estates, on which there are more than five hundred people. the principal items of mr. howell's testimony will be found in another place. in this connection we shall record only miscellaneous statements of a local nature. . the severity of the drought. he had been in antigua since the year , and he had never known so long a continuance of dry weather, although the island is subject to severe droughts. he stated that a field of yams, which in ordinary seasons yielded ten cart-loads to the acre, would not produce this year more than _three_. the failure in the crops was not in the least degree chargeable upon the laborers, for in the first place, the cane plants for the present crop were put in earlier and in greater quantities than usual, and _until_ the drought commenced, the fields promised a large return. . _the religious condition_ of the negroes, during slavery, was extremely low. it seemed almost impossible to teach them any higher _religion_ than _obedience to their masters_. their highest notion of god was that he was a _little above_ their owner. he mentioned, by way of illustration, that the slaves of a certain large proprietor used to have this saying, "massa only want he little finger to touch god!" that is, _their master was lower than god only by the length of his little finger_. but now the religious and moral condition of the people was fast improving. . a great change in the use of _rum_ had been effected on the estates under his management since emancipation. he formerly, in accordance with the prevalent custom, gave his people a weekly allowance of rum, and this was regarded as essential to their health and effectiveness. but he has lately discontinued this altogether, and his people had not suffered any inconvenience from it. he gave them in lieu of the rum, an allowance of molasses, with which they appeared to be entirely satisfied. when mr. h. informed the people of his intention to discontinue the spirits, he told them that he should _set them the example_ of total abstinence, by abandoning wine and malt liquor also, which he accordingly did. . there had been much less _pretended sickness_ among the negroes since freedom. they had now a strong aversion to going to the sick house[a], so much so that on many estates it had been put to some other use. [footnote a: the _estate hospital_, in which, during slavery, all sick persons were placed for medical attendance and nursing. there was one on every estate.] we were taken through the negro village, and shown the interior of several houses. one of the finest looking huts was decorated with pictures, printed cards, and booksellers' advertisements in large letters. amongst many ornaments of this kind, was an advertisement not unfamiliar to our eyes--"the girl's own book. by mrs. child." we generally found the women at home. some of them had been informed of our intention to visit them, and took pains to have every thing in the best order for our reception. the negro village on this estate contains one hundred houses, each of which is occupied by a separate family. mr. h. next conducted us to a neighboring field, where the _great gang_[b] were at work. there were about fifty persons in the gang--the majority females--under two inspectors or superintendents, men who take the place of the _quondam drivers_, though their province is totally different. they merely direct the laborers in their work, employing with the loiterers the stimulus of persuasion, or at farthest, no more than the violence of the tongue. [footnote b: the people on most estates are divided into three gangs; first, the great gang, composed of the principal effective men and women; second, the weeding gang, consisting of younger and weekly persons; and third, the grass gang, which embraces all the children able to work.] mr. h. requested them to stop their work, and told them who we were, and as we bowed, the men took off their hats and the women made a low courtesy. mr. howell then informed them that we had come from america, where there were a great many slaves: that we had visited antigua to see how freedom was working, and whether the people who were made free on the first of august were doing well--and added, that he "hoped these gentlemen might be able to carry back such a report as would induce the masters in america to set their slaves free." they unanimously replied, "yes, massa, we hope dem will gib um free." we spoke a few words: told them of the condition of the slaves in america, urged them to pray for them that they might be patient under their sufferings, and that they might soon be made free. they repeatedly promised to pray for the poor slaves in america. we then received their hearty "good bye, massa," and returned to the house, while they resumed their work. we took leave of mr. howell, grateful for his kind offices in furtherance of the objects of our mission. we had not been long in antigua before we perceived the distress of the poor from the scarcity of water. as there are but few springs in the island, the sole reliance is upon rain water. wealthy families have cisterns or tanks in their yards, to receive the rain from the roofs. there are also a few public cisterns in st. john's. these ordinarily supply the whole population. during the present season many of these cisterns have been dry, and the supply of water has been entirely inadequate to the wants of the people. there are several large open ponds in the vicinity of st. john's, which are commonly used to water "stock." there are one or more on every estate, for the same purpose. the poor people were obliged to use the water from these ponds both for drinking and cooking while we were in antigua. in taking our morning walks, we uniformly met the negroes either going to, or returning from the ponds, with their large pails balanced on their heads, happy apparently in being able to get even such foul water. attended the anniversary of the "friendly society," connected with the church in st. john's. many of the most respectable citizens, including the governor, were present. after the services in the church, the society moved in procession to the rectory school-room. we counted one hundred males and two hundred and sixty females in the procession. having been kindly invited by the rector to attend at the school-room, we followed the procession. we found the house crowded with women, many others, besides those in the procession, having convened. the men were seated without under a canvass, extended along one side of the house. the whole number present was supposed to be nine hundred. short addresses were made by the rector, the archdeacon, and the governor. the seventh annual report of the society, drawn up by the secretary, a colored man, was read. it was creditable to the author. the rector in his address affectionally warned the society, especially the female members, against extravagance in dress. the archdeacon exhorted them to domestic and conjugal faithfulness. he alluded to the prevalence of inconstancy during past years, and to the great improvement in this particular lately; and concluded by wishing them all "a happy new-year and _many_ of them, and a blessed immortality in the end." for this kind wish they returned a loud and general "thankee, massa." the governor then said, that he rose merely to remark, that this society might aid in the emancipation of millions of slaves, now in bondage in other countries. a people who are capable of forming such societies as this among themselves, deserve to be free, and ought no longer to be held in bondage. you, said he, are showing to the world what the negro race are capable of doing. the governor's remarks were received with applause. after the addresses the audience were served with refreshments, previous to which the rector read the following lines, which were sung to the tune of old hundred, the whole congregation standing. "lord at our table now appear and bless us here, as every where; let manna to our souls be given, the bread of life sent down from heaven." the simple refreshment was then handed round. it consisted merely of buns and lemonade. the governor and the rector, each drank to the health and happiness of the members. the loud response came up from all within and all around the house--"thankee--thankee--thankee--massa--thankee _good_ massa." a scene of animation ensued. the whole concourse of black, colored and white, from the humblest to the highest, from the unlettered apprentice to the archdeacon and the governor of the island, joined in a common festivity. after the repast was concluded, thanks were returned in the following verse, also sung to old hundred. "we thank thee, lord, for this our food, but bless thee more for jesus' blood; let manna to our souls be given, the bread of life sent down from heaven." the benediction was pronounced, and the assembly retired. there was an aged negro man present, who was noticed with marked attention by the archdeacon, the rector and other clergymen. he is sometimes called the african bishop. he was evidently used to familiarity with the clergy, and laid his hand on their shoulders as he spoke to them. the old patriarch was highly delighted with the scene. he said, when he was young he "never saw nothing, but sin and satan. _now i just begin to live_." on the same occasion the governor remarked to us that the first thing to be done in our country, toward the removal of slavery, was to discard the absurd notion that _color_ made any difference, intellectually or morally, among men. "all distinctions," said he, "founded in color, must be abolished everywhere. we should learn to talk of men not as _colored_ men, but as men _as fellow citizens and fellow subjects_." his excellency certainly showed on this occasion a disposition to put in practice his doctrine. he spoke affectionately to the children, and conversed freely with the adults. visit to green castle. according to a previous engagement, a member of the assembly called and took us in his carriage to green castle estate. green castle lies about three miles south-east from st. john's, and contains acres. the mansion stands on a rocky cliff; overlooking the estate, and commanding a wide view of the island. in one direction spreads a valley, interspersed with fields of sugar-cane and provisions. in another stretches a range of hills, with their sides clad in culture, and their tops covered with clouds. at the base of the rock are the sugar houses. on a neighboring upland lies the negro village, in the rear of which are the provision grounds. samuel bernard, esq., the manager, received us kindly. he said, he had been on the island forty-four years, most of the time engaged in the management of estates. he is now the manager of two estates, and the attorney for six, and has lately purchased an estate himself. mr. b. is now an aged man, grown old in the practice of slave holding. he has survived the wreck of slavery, and now stripped of a tyrant's power, he still lives among the people, who were lately his slaves, and manages an estate which was once his empire. the testimony of such a man is invaluable. hear him. . mr. b. said, that the negroes throughout the island were very peaceable when they received their freedom. . he said he had found no difficulty in getting his people to work after they had received their freedom. some estates had suffered for a short time; there was a pretty general fluctuation for a month or two, the people leaving one estate and going to another. but this, said mr. b., was chargeable to the _folly_ of the planters, who _overbid_ each other in order to secure the best hands and enough of them. the negroes had a _strong attachment to their homes_, and they would rarely abandon them unless harshly treated. . he thought that the assembly acted very wisely in rejecting the apprenticeship. he considered it absurd. it took the chains partly from off the slave, and fastened them on the master, _and enslaved them both_. it withdrew from the latter the power of compelling labor, and it supplied to the former no incentive to industry. he was opposed to the measures which many had adopted for further securing the benefits of emancipation.--he referred particularly to the system of education which now prevailed. he thought that the education of the emancipated negroes should combine industry with study even in childhood, so as not to disqualify the taught for cultivating the ground. it will be readily seen that this prejudice against education, evidently the remains of his attachment to slavery, gives additional weight to his testimony. the mansion on the rock (which from its elevated and almost inaccessible position, and from the rich shrubbery in perpetual foliage surrounding it, very fitly takes the name of green castle) is memorable as the scene of the murder of the present proprietor's grandfather. he refused to give his slaves holiday on a particular occasion. they came several times in a body and asked for the holiday, but he obstinately refused to grant it. they rushed into his bedroom, fell upon him with their hoes, and killed him. on our return to st. john's, we received a polite note from a colored lady, inviting us to attend the anniversary of the "juvenile association," at eleven o'clock. we found about forty children assembled, the greater part of them colored girls, but some were white. the ages of these juvenile philanthropists varied from four to fourteen. after singing and prayer, the object of the association was stated, which was to raise money by sewing, soliciting contributions, and otherwise, for charitable purposes. from the annual report it appeared that this was the _twenty-first anniversary_ of the society. the treasurer reported nearly £ currency (or about $ ) received and disbursed during the year. more than one hundred dollars had been given towards the erection of the new wesleyan chapel in st. john's. several resolutions were presented by little misses, expressive of gratitude to god for continued blessings, which were adopted unanimously--every child holding up its right hand in token of assent. after the resolutions and other business were despatched, the children listened to several addresses from the gentlemen present. the last speaker was a member of the assembly. he said that his presence there was quite accidental; but that he had been amply repaid for coming by witnessing the goodly work to which this juvenile society was engaged. as there was a male branch association about to be organized, he begged the privilege of enrolling his name as an honorary member, and promised to be a constant contributor to its funds. he concluded by saying, that though he had not before enjoyed the happiness of attending their anniversaries, he should never again fail to be present (with the permission of their worthy patroness) at the future meetings of this most interesting society. we give the substance of this address, as one of the signs of the times. the speaker was a wealthy merchant of st. john's. this society was organized in . the _first proposal_ came from a few _little colored girls_, who, after hearing a sermon on the blessedness of doing good, wanted to know whether they might not have a society for raising money to give to the poor. this juvenile association has, since its organization, raised the sum of _fourteen hundred dollars_! even this little association has experienced a great impulse from the free system. from a table of the annual receipts since , we found that the amount raised the two last years, is nearly equal to that received during any three years before. dr. daniell--weatherill estate. on our return from thibou jarvis's estate, we called at weatherill's; but the manager, dr. daniell, not being at home, we left our names, with an intimation of the object of our visit. dr. d. called soon after at our lodgings. as authority, he is unquestionable. before retiring from the practice of medicine, he stood at the head of his profession in the island. he is now a member of the council, is proprietor of an estate, manager of another, and attorney for six. the fact that such men as dr. d., but yesterday large slaveholders, and still holding high civil and political stations, should most cheerfully facilitate our anti-slavery investigations, manifesting a solicitude to furnish us with all the information in their power, is of itself the highest eulogy of the new system. the testimony of dr. d. will be found mainly in a subsequent part of the work. we state, in passing, a few incidentals. he was satisfied that immediate emancipation was better policy than a temporary apprenticeship. the apprenticeship was a middle state--kept the negroes in suspense--vexed and harrassed them--_fed them on a starved hope_; and therefore they would not be so likely, when they ultimately obtained freedom, to feel grateful, and conduct themselves properly. the reflection that they had been cheated out of their liberty for six years would _sour their minds_. the planters in antigua, by giving immediate freedom, had secured the attachment of their people. the doctor said he did not expect to make more than two thirds of his average crop; but he assured us that this was owing solely to the want of rain. there had been no deficiency of labor. the crops were _in_, in season, throughout the island, and the estates were never under better cultivation than at the present time. nothing was wanting but rain--rain. he said that the west india planters were very anxious to _retain_ the services of the negro population. dr. d. made some inquiries as to the extent of slavery in the united states, and what was doing for its abolition. he thought that emancipation in our country would not be the result of a slow process. the anti-slavery feeling of the civilized world had become too strong to wait for a long course of "preparations" and "ameliorations." and besides, continued he, "the arbitrary control of a master can never be a preparation for freedom;--_sound and wholesome legal restraints are the only preparative_." the doctor also spoke of the absurdity and wickedness of the caste of color which prevailed in the united states. it was the offspring of slavery, and it must disappear when slavery is abolished. conversation with a negro. we had a conversation one morning with a boatman, while he was rowing us across the harbor of st. john's. he was a young negro man. said he was a slave until emancipation. we inquired whether he heard any thing about emancipation before it took place. he said, yes--the slaves heard of it, but it was talked about so long that many of them lost all _believement_ in it, got tired waiting, and bought their freedom; but he had more patience, and got his for nothing. we inquired of him, what the negroes did on the first of august, . he said they all went to church and chapel. "dare was more _religious_ on dat day dan you could tire of." speaking of the _law_, he said it was his _friend_. if there was no law to take his part, a man, who was stronger than he, might step up and knock him down. but now no one dare do so; all were afraid of the _law_,--the law would never hurt any body who behaved well; but a master would _slash a fellow, let him do his best_. visit to newfield. drove out to newfield, a moravian station, about eight miles from st. john's. the rev. mr. morrish, the missionary at that station, has under his charge two thousand people. connected with the station is a day school for children, and a night school for adults twice in each week. we looked in upon the day school, and found one hundred and fifteen children. the teacher and assistant were colored persons. mr. m. superintends. he was just dismissing the school, by singing and prayer, and the children marched out to the music of one of their little songs. during the afternoon, mr. favey, manager of a neighboring estate, (lavicount's,) called on us. he spoke of the tranquillity of the late christmas holidays. they ended tuesday evening, and his people were all in the field at work on wednesday morning--there were no stragglers. being asked to specify the chief advantages of the new system over slavery, he stated at once the following things: st. it (free labor) is less _expensive_. d. it costs a planter far less _trouble_ to manage free laborers, than it did to manage slaves. d. it had _removed all danger of insurrection, conflagration, and conspiracies_. adult school. in the evening, mr. morrish's adult school for women was held. about thirty women assembled from different estates--some walking several miles. most of them were just beginning to read. they had just begun to learn something about figures, and it was no small effort to add and together. they were incredibly ignorant about the simplest matters. when they first came to the school, they could not tell which was their right arm or their right side, and they had scarcely mastered that secret, after repeated showing. we were astonished to observe that when mr. m. asked them to point to their cheeks, they laid their finger upon their chins. they were much pleased with the evolutions of a dumb clock, which mr. m. exhibited, but none of them could tell the time of day by it. such is a specimen of the intelligence of the antigua negroes. mr. m. told us that they were a pretty fair sample of the country negroes generally. it surely cannot be said that they were uncommonly well prepared for freedom; yet with all their ignorance, and with the merest infantile state of intellect, they prove the peaceable subjects of law. that they have a great desire to learn, is manifest from their coming such distances, after working in the field all day. the school which they attend has been established since the abolition of slavery. the next morning, we visited the day school. it was opened with singing and prayer. the children knelt and repeated the lord's prayer after mr. m. they then formed into a line and marched around the room, singing and keeping the step. a tiny little one, just beginning to walk, occasionally straggled out of the line. the next child, not a little displeased with such disorderly movements, repeatedly seized the straggler by the frock, and pulled her into the ranks; but finally despaired of reducing her to subordination. when the children had taken their seats, mr. m., at our request, asked all those who were free before august, , to rise. only one girl arose, and she was in no way distinguishable from a white child. the first exercise, was an examination of a passage of scripture. the children were then questioned on the simple rules of addition and subtraction, and their answers were prompt and accurate. dr. nugent. the hour having arrived when we were to visit a neighboring estate, mr. m. kindly accompanied us to lyon's, the estate upon which dr. nugent resides. in respect to general intelligence, scientific acquirements, and agricultural knowledge, no man in antigua stands higher than dr. nugent. he has long been speaker of the house of assembly, and is favorably known in europe as a geologist and man of science. he is manager of the estate on which he resides, and proprietor of another. the doctor informed us that the crop on his estate had almost totally failed, on account of the drought--being reduced from one hundred and fifty hogsheads, the average crop, to _fifteen_! his provision grounds had yielded almost nothing. the same soil which ordinarily produced ten cart-loads of yams to the acre--the present season barely averaged _one load to ten acres_! yams were reduced from the dimensions of a man's head, to the size of a radish. the _cattle were dying_ from want of water and grass. he had himself lost _five oxen_ within the past week. previous to emancipation, said the doctor, no man in the island dared to avow anti-slavery sentiments, if he wished to maintain a respectable standing. planters might have their hopes and aspirations; but they could not make them public without incurring general odium, and being denounced as the enemies of their country. in allusion to the motives which prompted the legislature to reject the apprenticeship and adopt immediate emancipation, dr. n. said, "when we saw that abolition was _inevitable_, we began, to inquire what would be the safest course for getting rid of slavery. _we wished to let ourselves down in the easiest manner possible_--therefore we chose immediate emancipation!" these were his words. on returning to the hospitable mansion of mr. morrish, we had an opportunity of witnessing a custom peculiar to the moravians. it is called 'speaking.' all the members of the church are required to call on the missionary once a month, and particular days are appropriated to it. they come singly or in small companies, and the minister converses with each individual. mr. m. manifested great faithfulness in this duty. he was affectionate in manner--entered into all the minutiae of individual and family affairs, and advised with them as a father with his children. we had an opportunity of conversing with some of those who came. we asked one old man what he did on the "first of august?"[a] his reply was, "massa, we went to church, and tank de lord for make a we all free." [footnote a: by this phrase the freed people always understand the st of august, , when slavery was abolished.] an aged infirm woman said to us, among other things, "since de _free_ come de massa give me no--no, nothing to eat--gets all from my cousins." we next conversed with two men, who were masons on an estate. being asked how they liked liberty, they replied, "o, it very comfortable, sir--very comfortable indeed." they said, "that on the day when freedom came, they were as happy, as though they had just been going to heaven." they said, now they had got free, they never would be slaves again. they were asked if they would not be willing to sell themselves to a man who would treat them well. they replied immediately that they would be very willing to _serve_ such a man, but they would not _sell themselves_ to the best person in the world! what fine logicians a slave's experience had made these men! without any effort they struck out a distinction, which has puzzled learned men in church and state, the difference between _serving_ a man and _being his property_. being asked how they conducted themselves on the st of august they said they had no frolicking, but they all went to church to "_tank god for make a we free_." they said, they were very desirous to have their children learn all they could while they were young. we asked them if they did not fear that their children would become lazy if they went to school all the time. one said, shrewdly, "eh! nebber mind--dey _come to_ by'm by--_belly 'blige 'em_ to work." in the evening mr. m. held a religious meeting in the chapel; the weekly meeting for exhortation. he stated to the people the object of our visit, and requested one of us to say a few words. accordingly, a short time was occupied in stating the number of slaves in america, and in explaining their condition, physical, moral, and spiritual; and the congregation were urged to pray for the deliverance of the millions of our bondmen. they manifested much sympathy, and promised repeatedly to pray that they might be "free like we." at the close of the meeting they pressed around us to say "howdy, massa;" and when we left the chapel, they showered a thousand blessings upon us. several of them, men and women, gathered about mr. m.'s door after we went in, and wished to talk with us. the men were mechanics, foremen, and watchmen; the women were nurses. during our interview, which lasted nearly an hour, these persons remained standing. when we asked them how they liked freedom, and whether it was better than slavery, they answered with a significant _umph_ and a shrug of the shoulders, as though they would say, "why you ask dat question, massa?" they said, "all the people went to chapel on the first of august, to tank god for make such poor undeserving sinners as we free; we no nebber expect to hab it. but it please de lord to gib we free, and we tank him good lord for it." we asked them if they thought the wages they got (a shilling per day, or about eleven cents,) was enough for them. they said it seemed to be very small, and it was as much as they could do to get along with it; but they could not get any more, and they had to be "satify and conten." as it grew late and the good people had far to walk, we shook hands with them, and bade them good bye, telling them we hoped to meet them again in a world where all would be free. the next morning mr. m. accompanied us to the residence of the rev. mr. jones, the rector of st. phillip's. mr. j. informed us that the planters in that part of the island were gratified with the working of the new system. he alluded to the prejudices of some against having the children educated, lest it should foster indolence. but, said mr. j., the planters have always been opposed to improvements, until they were effected, and their good results began to be manifest. they first insisted that the abolition of the slave-trade would ruin the colonies--next the _abolition of slavery_ was to be the certain destruction of the islands--and now the education of children is deprecated as fraught with disastrous consequences. frey's estate--mr. hatley. mr. morrish accompanied us to a neighboring estate called frey's, which lies on the road from newfield to english harbor. mr. hatley, the manager, showed an enthusiastic admiration of the new system. most of his testimony will be found in chapter iii. he said, that owing to the dry weather he should not make one third of his average crop. yet his people had acted their part well. he had been encouraged by their improved industry and efficiency, to bring into cultivation lands that had never before been tilled. it was delightful to witness the change which had been wrought in this planter by the abolition of slavery. although accustomed for years to command a hundred human beings with absolute authority, he could rejoice in the fact that his power was wrested from him, and when asked to specify the advantages of freedom over slavery, he named emphatically and above all others _the abolition of flogging_. formerly, he said, it was "_whip--whip--whip--incessantly_, but now we are relieved from this disagreeable task." the american consul we called on the american consul, mr. higginbotham, at his country residence, about four miles from st. john's. shortly after we reached his elevated and picturesque seat, we were joined by mr. cranstoun, a planter, who had been invited to dine with us. mr. c. is a _colored gentleman_. the consul received him in such a manner as plainly showed that they were on terms of intimacy. mr. c. is a gentleman of intelligence and respectability, and occupies a station of trust and honor in the island. on taking leave of us, he politely requested our company at breakfast on a following morning, saying, he would send his gig for us. at the urgent request of mr. bourne, of miller's, we consented to address the people of his estate, on sabbath evening. he sent in his gig for us in the afternoon, and we drove out. at the appointed hour we went to the place of meeting. the chapel was crowded with attentive listeners. whenever allusions were made to the grout blessings which god had conferred upon them in delivering them from bondage, the audience heartily responded in their rough but earnest way to the sentiments expressed. at the conclusion of the meeting, they gradually withdrew, bowing or courtesying as they passed us, and dropping upon our ear their gentle "good bye, massa." during slavery every estate had its _dungeon_ for refractory slaves. just as we were leaving miller's, me asked mr. b. what had become of these dungeons. he instantly replied, "i'll show you one," in a few moments we stood at the door of the old prison, a small stone building, strongly built, with two cells. it was a dismal looking den, surrounded by stables, pig-styes, and cattlepens. the door was off its hinges, and the entrance partly filled up with mason work. the sheep and goats went in and out at pleasure. we breakfasted one morning at the villa estate, which lies within half a mile of st. john's. the manager was less sanguine in his views of emancipation than the planters generally. we were disposed to think that, were it not for the force of public sentiment, he might declare himself against it. his feelings are easily accounted for. the estate is situated so near the town; that his people are assailed by a variety of temptations to leave their work; from which those on other estates are exempt. the manager admitted that the danger of insurrection was removed--crime was lessened--and the moral condition of society was rapidly improving. a few days after, we went by invitation to a bazaar, or fair, which was held in the court-house in st. john's. the avails were to be appropriated to the building of a new wesleyan chapel in the town. the council chamber and the assembly's call were given for the purpose. the former spacious room was crowded with people of every class and complexion. the fair was got up by the _colored_ members of the wesleyan church; nevertheless, some of the first ladies and gentlemen in town attended it, and mingled promiscuously in the throng. wealthy proprietors, lawyers legislators, military officers in their uniform, merchants, etc. swelled the crowd. we recognised a number of ladies whom we had previously met at a fashionable dinner in st. john's. colored ladies presided at the tables, and before them was spread a profusion of rich fancy articles. among a small number of books exhibited for sale were several copies of a work entitled "commemorative wreath," being a collection of poetical pieces relating to the abolition of slavery in the west indies. visit to mr. cranstoun's. on the following morning mr. c.'s gig came for us, and we drove out to his residence. we were met at the door by the american consul, who breakfasted with us. when he had taken leave, mr. c. proposed that we should go over his grounds. to reach the estate, which lies in a beautiful valley far below mr. c.'s mountainous residence, we were obliged to go on foot by a narrow path that wound along the sides of the precipitous hills. this estate is the property of mr. athill, a colored gentleman now residing in england. mr. a. is post-master general of antigua, one of the first merchants in st. john's, and was a member of the assembly until the close of , when, on account of his continued absence, he resigned his seat. a high-born white man, the attorney general, now occupies the same chair which this colored member vacated. mr. c. was formerly attorney for several estates, is now agent for a number of them, and also a magistrate. he remarked, that since emancipation the nocturnal disorders and quarrels in the negro villages, which were incessant during slavery, had nearly ceased. the people were ready and willing to work. he had frequently given his gang jobs, instead of paying them by the day. this had proved a gear stimulant to industry, and the work of the estate was performed so much quicker by this plan that it was less expensive than daily wages. when they had jobs given them, they would sometimes go to work by three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight. when the moon was not shining, he had known them to kindle fires among the trash or dry cane leaves to work by. they would then continue working all day until four o clock, stopping only for breakfast, and dispensing with the usual intermission from twelve to two. we requested him to state briefly what were in his estimation the advantages of the free system over slavery. he replied thus: st. the diminished expense of free labor. d. _the absence of coercion_. d. the greater facility in managing an estate. managers had not half the perplexity and trouble in watching, driving, &c. they could leave the affairs of the estate in the hands of the people with safety. th. _the freedom from danger_. they had now put away all fears of insurrections, robbery, and incendiarism. there are two reflections which the perusal of these items will probably suggest to most minds: st. the coincidence in the replies of different planters to the question--what are the advantages of freedom over slavery? these replies are almost identically the same in every case, though given by men who reside in different parts of the island, and have little communication with each other. d. they all speak exclusively of the advantages to the _master_, and say nothing of the benefit accruing to the emancipated. we are at some loss to decide whether this arose from indifference to the interests of the emancipated, or from a conviction that the blessings of freedom to them were self-evident and needed no specification. while we were in the boiling-house we witnessed a scene which illustrated one of the benefits of freedom to the slave; it came quite opportunely, and supplied the deficiency in the manager's enumeration of advantages. the head boiler was performing the work of 'striking off;' i.e. of removing the liquor, after it had been sufficiently boiled, from the copper to the coolers. the liquor had been taken out of the boiler by the skipper, and thence was being conducted to the coolers by a long open spout. by some means the spout became choaked, and the liquor began to run over. mr. c. ordered the man to let down the valve, but he became confused, and instead of letting go the string which lifted the valve, he pulled on it the more. the consequence was that the liquor poured over the sides of the spout in a torrent. the manager screamed at the top of his voice--"_let down the valve, let it down_!" but the poor man, more and more frightened, hoisted it still higher,--and the precious liquid--pure sugar--spread in a thick sheet over the earthen floor. the manager at last sprang forward, thrust aside the man, and stopped the mischief, but not until many gallons of sugar were lost. such an accident as this, occurring during slavery, would have cost the negro a severe flogging. as it was, however, in the present case, although mr. c. 'looked daggers,' and exclaimed by the workings of his countenance, 'a kingdom for a _cat_,'[a] yet the severest thing which he could say was, "you bungling fellow--if you can't manage better than this, i shall put some other person in your place--that's all." '_that_'s all' indeed, but it would not have been all, three years ago. the negro replied to his chidings in a humble way, saying 'i couldn't help it, sir, i couldn't help it' mr. c. finally turned to us, and said in a calmer tone, "the poor fellow got confused, and was frightened half to death." [footnote a: a species of whip, well know in the west indies.] visit to grace bay. we made a visit to the moravian settlement at grace bay, which is on the opposite side of the island. we called, in passing, at cedar hall, a moravian establishment four miles from town. mr. newby, one of the missionaries stationed at this place, is the oldest preacher of the gospel in the island. he has been in antigua for twenty-seven years. he is quite of the _old way of thinking_ on all subjects, especially the divine right of kings, and the scriptural sanction of slavery. nevertheless, he was persuaded that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island and to all parties concerned. when he first came to antigua in , he was not suffered to teach the slaves. after some time he ventured to keep an evening school _in a secret way_. now there is a day school of one hundred and twenty children connected with the station. it has been formed since emancipation. from cedar hail we proceeded to grace bay. on the way we met some negro men at work on the road, and stopped our chaise to chat with them. they told us that they lived on harvey's estate, which they pointed out to us. before emancipation that estate had four hundred slaves on it, but a great number had since left because of ill usage during slavery. they would not live on the estate, because the same manager remained, and they could not trust him. they told us they were moravians, and that on the first of august they all went to the moravian chapel at grace bay, 'to tank and praise de good savior for make a we free.' we asked them if they still liked liberty; they said, "yes, massa, we all quite _proud_ to be free." the negroes use the word _proud_ to express a strong feeling of delight. one man said, "one morning as i was walking along the road all alone, i prayed that the savior would make me free, for then i could be so happy. i don't know what made me pray so, for i wasn't looking for de free; but please massa, _in one month de free come_." they declared that they worked a great deal better since emancipation, because they were _paid for it_. to be sure, said they, we get very little wages, but it is better than none. they repeated it again and again, that men could not be made to work well by _flogging_ them, "_it was no use to try it_." we asked one of the men, whether he would not be willing to be a slave again provided he was _sure_ of having a kind master. "heigh! me massa," said he, "me neber slave no more. a good massa a very good ting, _but freedom till better_." they said that it was a great blessing to them to have their children go to school. after getting them to show us the way to grace bay, we bade them good bye. we were welcomed at grace bay by the missionary, and his wife, mr. and mrs. möhne.[b] the place where these missionaries reside is a beautiful spot. their dwelling-house and the chapel are situated on a high promontory, almost surrounded by the sea. a range of tall hills in the rear cuts off the view of the island, giving to the missionary station an air of loneliness and seclusion truly impressive. in this sequestered spot, the found mr. and mrs. m. living alone. they informed us that they rarely have white visiters, but their house is the constant resort of the negroes, who gather there after the toil of the day to 'speak' about their souls. mr. and mrs. m. are wholly engrossed in their labors of love. they find their happiness in leading their numerous flock "by the still waters and the green pastures" of salvation. occupied in this delightful work, they covet not other employments, nor other company, and desire no other earthly abode than their own little hill-embosomed, sea-girt missionary home. [footnote b: pronounced maynuh.] there are a thousand people belonging to the church at this station, each of whom, the missionaries see once every month. a day school has been lately established, and one hundred children are already in attendance. after dinner we walked out accompanied by the missionaries to enjoy the beautiful sunset. it is one of the few _harmless_ luxuries of a west india climate, to go forth after the heat of the day is spent and the sun is sinking in the sea, and enjoy the refreshing coolness of the air. the ocean stretched before us, motionless after the turmoil of the day, like a child which has rocked itself asleep, yet indicating by its mighty breathings as it heaved along the beach, that it only slumbered. as the sun went down, the full moon arose, only less luminous, and gradually the stars began to light up their beaming fires. the work of the day now being over, the weary laborers were seen coming from different directions to have a 'speak' with the missionaries. mr. m. stated a fact illustrative of the influence of the missionaries over the negroes. some time ago, the laborers on a certain estate became dissatisfied with the wages they were receiving, and refused to work unless they were increased. the manager tried in vain to reconcile his people to the grievance of which they complained, and then sent to mr. m., requesting him to visit the estate, and use his influence to persuade the negroes, most of whom belonged to his church, to work at the usual terms. mr. m. sent word to the manager that it was not his province, as minister, to interfere with the affairs of any estate; but he would talk with the people about it individually, when they came to 'speak.' accordingly he spoke to each one, as he came, in a kind manner, advising him to return to his work, and live as formerly. in a short time peace and confidence were restored, and the whole gang to a man were in the field. mr. and mrs. m. stated that notwithstanding the very low rate of wages, which was scarcely sufficient to support life, they had never seen a single individual who desired to return to the condition of a slave. even the old and infirm, who were sometimes really in a suffering state from neglect of the planters and from inability of their relatives adequately to provide for them, expressed the liveliest gratitude for the great blessing which the savior had given them. they would often say to mrs. m. "why, missus, old sinner just sinkin in de grave, but god let me old eyes see dis blessed sun." the missionaries affirmed that the negroes were an affectionate people--remarkably so. any kindness shown them by a white person, was treasured up and never forgotten. on the other hand, the slightest neglect or contempt from a white person, was keenly felt. they are very fond of saying '_howdy_' to white people; but if the salutation is not returned, or noticed kindly, they are not likely to repeat it to the same individual. to shake hands with a white person is a gratification which they highly prize. mrs. m. pleasantly remarked, that after service on sabbath, she was usually wearied out with saying _howdy_, and _shaking hands_. during the evening we had some conversation with two men who came to 'speak.' they spoke about the blessings of liberty, and their gratitude to god for making them free. they spoke also, with deep feeling, of the still greater importance of being free from _sin_. that, they said, was better. _heaven was the first best, and freedom was the next best_. they gave us some account, in the course of the evening, of an aged saint called grandfather jacob, who lived on a neighboring estate. he had been a _helper_[a] in the moravian church, until he became too infirm to discharge the duties connected with that station. being for the same reason discharged from labor on the estate, he now occupied himself in giving religious instruction to the other superannuated people on the estate. [footnote a: an office somewhat similar to that of deacon] mrs. m. said it would constitute an era in the life of the old man, if he could have an interview with two strangers from a distant land; accordingly, she sent a servant to ask him to come to the mission-house early the next morning. the old man was prompt to obey the call. he left home, as he said, 'before the gun fire'--about five o'clock--and came nearly three miles on foot. he was of a slender form, and had been tall, but age and slavery had bowed him down. he shook us by the hand very warmly, exclaiming, "god bless you, god bless you--me bery glad to see you." he immediately commenced giving us an account of his conversion. said he, putting his hand on his breast, "you see old jacob? de old _sinner_ use to go on _drinkin', swearin', dancin', fightin'!_ no god-- no savior--no soul! _when old england and de merica fall out de first time_, old jacob was a man--a wicked sinner!--drink rum, fight--love to fight! carry coffin to de grabe on me head; put dead body under ground--dance over it--den fight and knock man down--go 'way, drink rum, den take de fiddle. and so me went on, just so, till me get sick and going to die--thought when me die, dat be de end of me;--_den de savior come to me!_ jacob love de savior, and been followin' de good savior ever since." he continued his story, describing the opposition he had to contend with, and the sacrifices he made to go to church. after working on the estate till six o'clock at night, he and several others would each take a large stone on his head and start for st. john's; nine miles over the hills. they carried the stones to aid is building the moravian chapel at spring garden, st. john's. after he had finished this account, he read to us, in a highly animated style, some of the hymns which he taught to the old people, and then sung one of them. these exercises caused the old man's heart to burn within him, and again he ran over his past life, his early wickedness, and the grace that snatched him from ruin, while the mingled tides of gratitude burst forth from heart, and eyes, and tongue. when we turned his attention to the temporal freedom he had received, he instantly caught the word free, and exclaimed vehemently, "o yes, me massa--dat is anoder kind blessin from de savior! him make we all _free_. can never praise him too much for dat." we inquired whether he was now provided for by the manager. he said he was not--never received any thing from him--his _children_ supported him. we then asked him whether it was not better to be a slave if he could get food and clothing, than to be free and not have enough. he darted his quick eye at us and said 'rader be free _still_.' he had been severely flogged twice since his conversion, for leaving his post as watchman to bury the dead. the minister was sick, and he was applied to, in his capacity of _helper_, to perform funeral rites, and he left his watch to do it. he said, his heavenly master called him, and he _would_ go though he expected a flogging. he must serve his savior whatever come. "can't put we in dungeon _now_," said grandfather jacob with a triumphant look. when told that there were slaves in america, and that they were not yet emancipated, he exclaimed, "ah, de savior make we free, and he will make dem free too. he come to antigo first--he'll be in merica soon." when the time had come for him to leave, he came and pressed our hands, and fervently gave us his patriarchal blessing. our interview with grandfather jacob can never be forgotten. our hearts, we trust, will long cherish his heavenly savor--well assured that if allowed a part in the resurrection of the just, we shall behold his tall form, erect in the vigor of immortal youth, amidst the patriarchs of past generations. after breakfast we took leave of the kind-hearted missionaries, whose singular devotedness and delightful spirit won greatly upon our affections, and bent our way homeward by another route. mr. scotland's estate. we called at the estate of mr. j. scotland, jr., barrister, and member of the assembly. we expected to meet with the proprietor, but the manager informed us that pressing business at court had called him to st. john's on the preceding day. the testimony of the manager concerning the dry weather, the consequent failure in the crop, the industry of the laborers, and so forth, was similar to that which we had heard before. he remarked that he had not been able to introduce job-work among his people. it was a new thing with them, and they did not understand it. he had lately made a proposal to give the gang four dollars per acre for holding a certain field. they asked a little time to consider upon so novel a proposition. he gave them half a day, and at the end of that time asked them what their conclusion was. one, acting as spokesman for the rest, said, "we rada hab de shilling wages." that was _certain_; the job might yield them more, and it might fall short--quite a common sense transaction! at the pressing request of mr. armstrong we spent a day with him at fitch's creek. mr. a. received us with the most cordial hospitality, remarking that he was glad to have another opportunity to state some things which he regarded as obstacles to the complete success of the experiment in antigua. one was the entire want of concert among the planters. there was no disposition to meet and compare views respecting different modes of agriculture, treatment of laborers, and employment of machinery. another evil was, allowing people to live on the estates who took no part in the regular labor of cultivation. some planters had adapted the foolish policy of encouraging such persons to remain on the estates, in order that they might have help at hand in cases of emergency. mr. a. strongly condemned this policy. it withheld laborers from the estates which needed them; it was calculated to make the regular field hands discontented, and it offered a direct encouragement to the negroes to follow irregular modes of living. a third obstacle to the successful operation of free labor, was the absence of the most influential proprietors. the consequences of absenteeism were very serious. the proprietors were of all men the most deeply interested in the soil; and no attorneys, agents, or managers, whom they could employ, would feel an equal interest in it, nor make the same efforts to secure the prosperous workings of the new system. in the year , when the abolition excitement was at its height in england, and the people were thundering at the doors of parliament for emancipation, mr. a. visited that country for his health. to use his own expressive words, he "got a terrible scraping wherever he went." he said he could not travel in a stage-coach, or go into a party, or attend a religious meeting, without being attacked. no one the most remotely connected with the system could have peace there. he said it was astonishing to see what a feeling was abroad, how mightily the mind of the whole country, peer and priest and peasant, was wrought up. the national heart seemed on fire. mr. a. said, he became a religious man whilst the manager of a slave estate, and when he became a christian, he became an abolitionist. yet this man, while his conscience was accusing him--while he was longing and praying for abolition--did not dare open his mouth in public to urge it on! how many such men are there in our southern states--men who are inwardly cheering on the abolitionist in his devoted work, and yet send up no voice to encourage him, but perhaps are traducing and denouncing him! we received a call at our lodgings in st. john's from the archdeacon. he made interesting statements respecting the improvement of the negroes in dress, morals, education and religion, since emancipation. he had resided in the island some years previous to the abolition of slavery, and spoke from personal observation. among many other gentlemen who honored us with a call about the same time, was the rev. edward fraser, wesleyan missionary, and a colored gentleman. he is a native of bermuda, and ten years ago was a _slave_. he received a mercantile education, and was for several years the confidential clerk of his master. he was treated with much regard and general kindness. he said he was another joseph--every thing which his master had was in his hands. the account books and money were all committed to him. he had servants under him, and did almost as he pleased--except becoming free. yet he must say, as respected himself, kindly as he was treated, that slavery was a _grievous wrong, most unjust and sinful_. the very thought--and it often came over him--that he was a slave, brought with it a terrible sense of degradation. it came over the soul like a frost. his sense of degradation grew more intense in proportion as his mind became more cultivated. he said, _education was a disagreeable companion for a slave_. but while he said this, mr. f. spoke very respectfully and tenderly of his master. he would not willingly utter a word which would savor of unkindness towards him. such was the spirit of one whose best days had been spent under the exactions of slavery. he was a local preacher in the wesleyan connection while he was a slave, and was liberated by his master, without remuneration, at the request of the british conference, who wished to employ him as an itinerant. he is highly esteemed both for his natural talents and general literary acquisitions and moral worth. the conference have recently called him to england to act as an agent in that country, to procure funds for educational and religious purposes in these islands. meeting of wesleyan missionaries. as we were present at the annual meeting of the wesleyan missionaries for this district, we gained much information concerning the object of our mission, as there were about twenty missionaries, mostly from dominica, montserrat, nevis, st. christophers, anguilla, and tortola. not a few of them were men of superior acquirements, who had sacrificed ease and popular applause at home, to minister to the outcast and oppressed. they are the devoted friends of the black man. it was soul-cheering to hear them rejoice over the abolition of slavery. it was as though their own limbs had been of a sudden unshackled, and a high wall had fallen from around them. liberty had broken upon them like the bursting forth of the sun to the watchman on his midnight tower. during the session, the mission-house was thrown open to us, and we frequently dined with the numerous company of missionaries, who there ate at a common table. mrs. f., wife of the colored clergyman mentioned above, presided at the social board. the missionaries and their wives associated with mr. and mrs. f. as unreservedly as though they wore the most delicate european tint. the first time we took supper with them, at one side of a large table, around which were about twenty missionaries with their wives, sat mrs. f., with the furniture of a tea table before her. on the other side, with the coffee urn and its accompaniments, sat the wife of a missionary, with a skin as lily-hued as the fairest caucasian. nearly opposite to her, between two white preachers, sat a colored missionary. farther down, with the chairman of the district on his right, sat another colored gentleman, a merchant and local preacher in antigua. such was the uniform appearance of the table, excepting that the numbers were occasionally swelled by the addition of several other colored gentlemen and ladies. on another occasion, at dinner, we had an interesting conversation, in which the whole company of missionaries participated. the rev. m. banks, of st. bartholomews, remarked, that one of the grossest of all absurdities was that of _preparing men for freedom_. some, said he, pretend that immediate emancipation is unsafe, but it was evident to him that if men _are peaceable while they are slaves_, they might be trusted in any other condition, for they could not possibly be placed in one more aggravating. if _slavery_ is a safe system, _freedom_ surely will be. there can be no better evidence that a people are prepared for liberty, _than their patient endurance of slavery_. he expressed the greatest regret at the conduct of the american churches, particularly that of the methodist church. "tell them," said he, "on your return, that the missionaries in these islands are cast down and grieved when they think of their brethren in america. we feel persuaded that they are holding back the car of freedom; they are holding up the gospel." rev. mr. cheesbrough, of st. christopher's, said, "tell them that much as we desire to visit the united states, we cannot go so long as we are prohibited from speaking against slavery, or while that _abominable prejudice_ is encouraged in the churches. _we could not administer the sacrament to a church in which the distinction of colors was maintained._" "tell our brethren of the wesleyan connection," said mr. b. again, "that slavery must be abolished by _christians_, and the church ought to take her stand at once against it." we told him that a large number of methodists and other christians had engaged already in the work, and that the number was daily increasing. "that's right," he exclaimed, "agitate, _agitate_, agitate! _you must succeed_: the lord is with you." he dwelt particularly on the obligations resting upon christians in the free states. he said, "men must be at a distance from slavery to judge of its real character. persons living in the midst of it, gradually become familiarized with its horrors and woes, so that they can view calmly, exhibitions from which they would once have shrunk in dismay." we had some conversation with rev. mr. walton, of montserrat. after making a number of statements in reference to the apprenticeship there, mr. w. stated that there had been repeated instances of planters _emancipating all their apprentices_. he thought there had been a case of this kind every month for a year past. the planters were becoming tired of the apprenticeship, and from mere considerations of interest and comfort, were adopting free labor. a new impulse had been given to education in montserrat, and schools were springing up in all parts of the island. mr. w. thought there was no island in which education was so extensive. religious influences were spreading among the people of all classes. marriages were occurring every week. we had an interview with the rev. mr. h., an aged colored minister. he has a high standing among his brethren, for talents, piety, and usefulness. there are few ministers in the west indies who have accomplished more _for the cause of christ_ than has mr. h.[a] [footnote a: it is a fact well known in antigua and barbadoes, that this colored missionary has been instrumental in the conversion of several clergymen of the episcopal church in those islands, who are now currently devoted men.] he said he had at different periods been stationed in antigua, anguilla, tortola, and some other islands. he said that the negroes in the other islands in which he had preached, were as intelligent as those in antigua, and in every respect as well prepared for freedom. he was in anguilla when emancipation took place. the negroes there were kept at work on the very _day that freedom came!_ they worked as orderly as on any other day. the sabbath following, he preached to them on their new state, explaining the apprenticeship to them. he said the whole congregation were in a state of high excitement, weeping and shouting. one man sprang to his feet, and exclaimed, 'me never forget god and king william.' this same man was so full that he went out of the chapel, and burst into loud weeping. the preaching of the missionaries, during their stay in antigua, was full of allusions to the abolition of slavery in the west indies, and especially to the entire emancipation in antigua. indeed, we rarely attended a meeting in antigua, of any kind, in which the late emancipation was not in some way alluded to with feelings of gratitude and exultation. in the ordinary services of the sabbath, this subject was almost uniformly introduced, either in the prayer or sermon. whenever thanksgiving was rendered to god for favors, _freedom_ was among the number. the meeting of the district afforded an opportunity for holding a number of anniversary meetings. we notice them here, believing that they will present the most accurate view that can be given of the religious and moral condition of antigua. on the evening of the st of february, the first anniversary of the antigua temperance society was held in the wesleyan chapel. we had been invited to attend and take a part in the exercises. the chapel was crowded with a congregation of all grades and complexions. colored and white gentlemen appeared together on the platform. we intimated to a member of the committee, that we could not conscientiously speak without advocating _total abstinence_, which doctrine, we concluded from the nature of the pledge, (which only included ardent spirits,) would not be well received. we were assured that we might use the most perfect freedom in avowing our sentiments. the speakers on this occasion were two planters, a wesleyan missionary, and ourselves. all advocated the doctrine of total abstinence. the first speaker, a planter, concluded by saying, that it was commonly believed that wine and malt were rendered absolutely indispensable in the west indies, by the exhausting nature of the climate. but facts disprove the truth of this notion. "i am happy to say that i can now present this large assembly with ocular demonstration of the fallacy of the popular opinion. i need only point you to the worthy occupants of this platform. who are the healthiest among them? _the cold water drinkers--the teetotallers_! we can assure you that we have not lost a pound of flesh, by abandoning our cups. we have tried the cold water experiment faithfully, and we can testify that since we became cold water men, _we work better, we eat better, we sleep better, and we do every thing better than before_." the next speaker, a planter also, dwelt on the inconsistency of using wine and malt, and at the same time calling upon the poor to give up ardent spirits. he said this inconsistency had been cast in his teeth by his negroes. he never could prevail upon them to stop drinking rum, until he threw away his wine and porter. now he and all his people were teetotallists. there were two other planters who had taken the same course. he stated, as the result of a careful calculation which he had made, that he and the two planters referred to, had been in the habit of giving to their people not less than _one thousand gallons of rum annually_. the whole of this was now withheld, and molasses and sugar were given instead. the missionary who followed them was not a whit behind in boldness and zeal, and between them, they left us little to say in our turn on the subject of total abstinence. on the following evening the anniversary of the bible society was held in the moravian school-room. during the day we received a note from the secretary of the society, politely requesting us to be present. the spacious school-room was filled, and the broad platform crowded with church clergymen, moravian ministers, and wesleyan missionaries, colored and white. the secretary, a moravian minister, read the twenty-first annual report. it spoke emphatically of 'the joyful event of emancipation', and in allusion to an individual in england, of whom it spoke in terms of high commendation, it designated him, as one "who was distinguished for his efforts in the abolition of slavery." the adoption of the report was moved by one of the wesleyan missionaries, who spoke at some length. he commenced by speaking of "the peculiar emotions with which he always arose to address an assembly of the free people of antigua." it had been his lot for a year past to labor in a colony[a] where slavery still reigned, and he could not but thank god for the happiness of setting his foot once more on the free soil of an emancipated island. [footnote a: st. martin's] perhaps the most interesting meeting in the series, was the anniversary of the wesleyan missionary society of antigua. both parts of the day were devoted to this anniversary. the meetings were held in the wesleyan chapel, which was filled above and below, with the usual commixture of white, colored, and black. we saw, as on former occasions, several colored gentlemen seated among the ministers. after the usual introductory exercises of singing and prayer, the annual report was read by the secretary, rev. e. fraser, the colored minister already mentioned. it was terse, direct, and business like. the meeting was then addressed by a moravian missionary. he dwelt upon the decrease of the sectarian spirit, and hailed the coming of christian charity and brotherly communion. he opened his bible, and read about the middle wall of partition being broken down. "yes, brother," said mr. horne, "and every other wall." "the rest are but paper walls," responded the speaker, "and when once the middle wall is removed, these will soon be burned up by the fire of christian love." the next speaker was a wesleyan missionary of nevis. he spoke of the various instrumentalities which were now employed for the conversion of the world. "we welcome," said he, "the co-operation of america, and with all our hearts do we rejoice that she is now beginning to put away from her that vile system of oppression which has hitherto crippled her moral energy and her religious enterprise." then turning and addressing himself to us, he said, "we hail you, dear brethren, as co-workers with us. go forward in your blessed undertaking. be not dismayed with the huge dimensions of that vice which you are laboring to overthrow! be not disheartened by the violence and menaces of your enemies! go forward. proclaim to the church and to your countrymen the sinfulness of slavery, and be assured that soon the fire of truth will melt down the massy chains of oppression." he then urged upon the people of antigua _their_ peculiar obligations to extend the gospel to other lands. it was the _bible_ that made them free, and he begged them to bear in mind that there were millions of their countrymen _still in the chains of slavery_. this appeal was received with great enthusiasm. we then spoke on a resolution which had been handed us by the secretary, and which affirmed "that the increasing and acknowledged usefulness of christian missions was a subject of congratulation." we spoke of the increase of missionary operations in our own country, and of the spirit of self-denial which was widely spreading, particularly among young christians. we spoke of that accursed thing in our midst, which not only tended greatly to kill the spirit of missions in the church, but which directly withheld _many_ young men from foreign missionary fields. it had made more than two millions of heathen in our country; and so long as the cries of these _heathen at home_ entered the ears of our young men and young women, they could not, dare not, go abroad. how could they go to ceylon, to burmah, or to hindostan, with the cry of their _country's heathen_ ringing their ears! how could they tear themselves away from famished millions kneeling at their feet in chains and begging for the bread of life, and roam afar to china or the south sea islands! increasing numbers filed with a missionary spirit felt that their obligations were at home, and they were resolved that if they could not carry the gospel _forthwith_ to the slaves, they would labor for the overthrow of that system which made it a crime punishable with death to preach salvation to the poor. in conclusion, the hope was expressed that the people of antigua--so highly favored with freedom, education, and religion, would never forget that in the nation whence we came, there were _two millions and a half of heathen_, who, instead of bread, received stones and scorpions; instead of the bible, bolts and bars; instead of the gospel, chains and scourgings; instead of the hope of salvation thick darkness and despair. they were entreated to remember that in the gloomy dungeon, from which they had lately escaped there were deeper and more dismal cells, _yet filled_ with millions of their countrymen. the state of feeling produced by this reference to slavery, was such as might be anticipated in an audience, a portion of which were once slaves, and still remembered freshly the horrors of their late condition. the meeting was concluded after a sitting of more than four hours. the attendance in the evening was larger than on any former occasion. many were unable to get within the chapel. we were again favored with an opportunity of urging a variety of considerations touching the general cause, as well as those drawn from the condition of our own country, and the special objects of our mission. the rev. mr. horne spoke very pointedly on the subject of slavery. he began by saying that he had been _so long accustomed_ to speak cautiously about slavery that he was even now almost afraid of his own voice when he alluded to it. [general laughter.] but he would remember that he was in a _free island_, and that he spoke to _freemen_, and therefore he had nothing to fear. he said the peace and prosperity of these colonies is a matter of great moment in itself considered, but it was only when viewed as an example to the rest of the slaveholding world that its real magnitude and importance was perceived. the influence of abolition, and especially of entire emancipation in antigua, must be very great. the eyes of the world were fixed upon her. the great nation of america must now soon _toll the knell_ of slavery, and this event will be hastened by the happy operation of freedom here. mr. h. proceeded to say, that during the agitation of the slavery question at home, he had been suspected of not being a friend to emancipation; and it would probably be remembered by some present that his name appeared in the report of the committee of the house of commons, where it stood in _no enviable society_. but whatever might be thought of his course at that time, he felt assumed that the day was not far distant when he should be able to clear up every thing connected with it. it was not a little gratifying to us to see that the time had come in the west indies, when the suspicion of having been opposed to emancipation is a stain upon the memory from which a public man is glad to vindicate himself. resolution of the meeting. after a few other addresses were delivered, and just previous to the dismission of the assembly, rev. mr. cox, chairman of the district, arose and said, that as this was the last of the anniversary meetings, he begged to move a resolution which he had no doubt would meet with the hearty and unanimous approval of that large assembly. he then read the following resolution, which we insert here as an illustration of the universal sympathy in the objects of our mission. as the resolution is not easily divisible, we insert the whole of it, making no ado on the score of modesty. "resolved, that this meeting is deeply impressed with the importance of the services rendered this day to the cause of missions by the acceptable addresses of mr. ----, from america, and begs especially to express to him and his friend mr. ----, the assurance of their sincere sympathy in the object of their visit to antigua." mr. c. said he would make no remarks in support of the resolution he had just read for he did not deem them necessary. he would therefore propose at once that the vote be taken by rising. the chairman read the resolution accordingly, and requested those who were in favor of adopting it, to rise. not an individual in the crowded congregation kept his seat. the masters and the slaves of yesterday--all rose together--a phalanx of freemen, to testify "their sincere sympathy" in the efforts and objects of american abolitionists. after the congregation had resumed their seats, the worthy chairman addressed us briefly in behalf of the congregation, saying, that it was incumbent on him to convey to us the unanimous expression of sympathy on the part of this numerous assembly in the object of our visit to the island. we might regard it as an unfeigned assurance that we were welcomed among them, and that the cause which we were laboring to promote was dear to the hearts of the people of antigua. this was the testimonial of an assembly, many of whom, only three years before, were themselves slaveholders. it was not given at a meeting specially concerted and called for the purpose, but grew up unexpectedly and spontaneously out of the feelings of the occasion, a free-will offering, the cheerful impulsive gush of _free_ sympathies. we returned our acknowledgments in the best manner that our excited emotions permitted. laying the corner stone of a wesleyan chapel. the corner stone of a new wesleyan chapel was laid in st. john's, during the district meeting. the concourse of spectators was immense. at eleven o'clock religious exercises were held in the old chapel. at the close of the service a procession was formed, composed of wesleyan missionaries, moravian ministers, clergymen of the church, members of the council and of the assembly, planters, merchants, and other gentlemen, and the children of the sunday and infant schools, connected with the wesleyan chapel. as the procession moved to the new site, a hymn was sung, in which the whole procession united. our position in the procession, to which we were assigned by the marshal, and much to our satisfaction, was at either side of two colored gentlemen, with whom we walked, four abreast. on one side of the foundation a gallery had been raised, which was covered with an awning, and was occupied by a dense mass of white and colored ladies. on another side the gentlemen of the procession stood. the other sides were thronged with a promiscuous multitude of all colors. after singing and prayer, the hon. nicholas nugent, speaker of the house of assembly, descended from the platform by a flight of stairs into the cellar, escorted by two missionaries. the sealed phial was then placed in his hand, and mr. p., a wesleyan missionary, read from a paper the inscription written on the parchment within the phial. the closing words of the inscription alluded to the present condition of the island, thus: "the demand for a new and larger place of worship was pressing, and the progress of public liberality advancing on a scale highly creditable to this free, enlightened, and evangelized colony." the speaker then placed the phial in the cavity of the rock. when it was properly secured, and the corner stone lowered down by pullies to its place, he struck three blows upon it with a mallet, and then returned to the platform. the most eager curiosity was exhibited on every side to witness the ceremony. at the conclusion of it, several addresses were delivered. the speakers were, rev. messrs. horne and harvey, and d.b. garling, esq. mr. horne, after enumerating several things which were deserving of praise, and worthy of imitation, exclaimed, "the grand crowning glory of all--that which places antigua above all her sister colonies--was the magnanimous measure of the legislature in entirely abolishing slavery." it was estimated that there were more than two thousand persons assembled on this occasion. the _order_ which prevailed among such a concourse was highly creditable to the island. it was pleasing to see the perfect intermixture of colors and conditions; not less so to observe the kindly bearing of the high toward the low.[a] after the exercises were finished, the numerous assembly dispersed quietly. not an instance of drunkenness, quarrelling, or anger, fell under our notice during the day. [footnote a: during mr. home's address, we observed mr. a., a planter, send his umbrella to a negro man who stood at the corner-stone, exposed to the sun.] resolutions of the missionaries. toward the close of the district meeting, we received a kind note from the chairman, inviting us to attend the meeting, and receive in person, a set of resolutions which had been drawn up at our request, and signed by all the missionaries. at the hour appointed, we repaired to the chapel. the missionaries all arose as we entered, and gave us a brotherly salutation. we were invited to take our seats at the right hand of the chairman. he then, in the presence of the meeting, read to us the subjoined resolutions; we briefly expressed, in behalf of ourselves and our cause, the high sense we had of the value of the testimony, which the meeting had been pleased to give us. the venerable father horne then prayed with us, commending our cause to the blessing of the head of the church, and ourselves to the protection and guidance of our heavenly father. after which we shook hands with the brethren, severally, receiving their warmest assurances of affectionate regard, and withdrew. _"resolutions passed at the meeting of the wesleyan missionaries of the antigua district, assembled at st. john's, antigua, february th, ._ . that the emancipation of the slaves of the west indies, while it was an act of undoubted justice to that oppressed people, has operated most favorably in furthering the triumphs of the gospel, by removing one prolific source of unmerited suspicion of religious teachers, and thus opening a door to their more extensive labors and usefulness--by furnishing a greater portion of time for the service of the negro, and thus preventing the continuance of unavoidable sabbath desecrations, in labor and neglect of the means of grace--and in its operation as a stimulus to proprietors and other influential gentlemen, to encourage religious education, and the wide dissemination of the scriptures, as an incentive to industry and good order. . that while the above statements are true with reference to all the islands, even where the system of apprenticeship prevails, they are especially applicable to antigua, where the results of the great measure, of entire freedom, so humanely and judiciously granted by the legislature, cannot be contemplated without the most devout thanks givings to almighty god. . that we regard with much gratification, the great diminution among all classes in these islands, of the most unchristian prejudice of color the total absence of it in the government and ordinances of the churches of god, with which we are connected, and the prospect of its complete removal, by the abolition of slavery, by the increased diffusion of general knowledge, and of that religion which teaches to "honor _all_ men," and to love our neighbor as ourselves. . that we cannot but contemplate with much humiliation and distress, the existence, among professing christians in america, of this partial, unseemly, and unchristian system of _caste_, so distinctly prohibited in the word of god, and so utterly irreconcileable with christian charity. . that regarding slavery as a most unjustifiable infringement of the rational and inalienable rights of men, and in its moral consequences, (from our own personal observation as well as other sources,) as one of the greatest curses with which the great governor of the nations ever suffered this world to be blighted: we cannot but deeply regret the connection which so intimately exists between the various churches of christ in the united states of america, and this unchristian system. with much sorrow do we learn that the _principle_ of the lawfulness of slavery has been defended by some who are ministers of christ, that so large a proportion of that body in america, are exerting their influence in favor of the continuance of so indefensible and monstrous a system--and that these emotions of sorrow are especially occasioned with reference to our own denomination. . that while we should deprecate and condemn any recourse on the part of the slaves, to measures of rebellion, as an unjustifiable mode of obtaining their freedom, we would most solemnly, and affectionately, and imploringly, adjure our respected fathers and brethren in america, to endeavor, in every legitimate way, to wipe away this reproach from their body, and thus act in perfect accordance with the deliberate and recorded sentiments of our venerated founder on this subject, and in harmony with the feelings and proceedings of their brethren in the united kingdom, who have had the honor to take a distinguished part in awakening such a determined and resistless public feeling in that country, as issued in the abolition of slavery among , of our fellow subjects. . that we hail with the most lively satisfaction the progress in america of anti-slavery principles, the multiplication of anti-slavery societies, and the diffusion of correct views on this subject. we offer to the noble band of truly patriotic, and enlightened, and philanthropic men, who are combating in that country with such a fearful evil, the assurance of our most cordial and fraternal sympathy, and our earnest prayers for their complete success. we view with pity and sorrow the vile calumnies with which they have been assailed. we welcome with christian joyfulness, in the success which has already attended their efforts, the dawn of a cloudless day of light and glory, which shall presently shine upon that vast continent, when the song of universal freedom shall sound in its length and breadth. . that these sentiments have been increased and confirmed by the intercourse, which some of our body have enjoyed with our beloved brethren, the rev. james a. thome, and joseph horace kimball, esq., the deputation to these islands, front the anti-slavery society in america. we regard this appointment, and the nomination of such men to fulfil it, as most judicious. we trust we can appreciate the spirit of entire devotedness to this cause, which animates our respected brethren, and breathes throughout their whole deportment, and rejoice in such a manifestation of the fruits of that divine charity, which flow from the constraining love of christ, and which many waters cannot quench. . that the assurance of the affectionate sympathy of the twenty-five brethren who compose this district meeting, and our devout wishes for their success in the objects of their mission, are hereby presented, in our collective and individual capacity, to our endeared and christian friends from america. (signed) james cox, chairman of the district, and resident in antigua. jonathan cadman, st. martin's. james horne, st. kitts. matthew banks, st. bartholomew's. e. frazer, antigua. charles bates, do. john keightley, do. jesse pilcher, do. benjamin tregaskiss, do. thomas edwards, st. kitts. robert hawkins, tortola. thomas pearson, nevis. george craft, do. w.s. wamouth, st. kitts. john hodge, tortola. william satchel, dominica. john cullingford, dominica. j. cameron, nevis. b. gartside, st. kitts. john parker, do. hilton cheeseborough, do. thomas jeffery, do. william rigglesworth, tortola. daniel stepney, nevis. james walton, montserrat." * * * * * chapter ii. general results. having given a general outline of our sojourn in antigua, we proceed to a mere minute account of the results of our investigations. we arrange the testimony in two general divisions, placing that which relates to the past and present condition of the colony in one, and that which bears directly upon the question of slavery in america in another. religion. there are three denominations of christians in antigua: the established church; the moravians, and wesleyans. the moravians number fifteen thousand--almost exclusively negroes. the wesleyans embrace three thousand members, and about as many more attendants. of the three thousand members, says a wesleyan missionary, "not fifty are whites--a larger number are colored; but the greater part black." "the attendance of the negro population at the churches and chapels," (of the established order,) says the rector of st. john's, "amounts to four thousand six hundred and thirty-six." the whole number of blacks receiving religious instruction from these christian bodies, making allowance for the proportion of white and colored included in the three thousand wesleyans, is about twenty-two thousand--leaving a population of eight thousand negroes in antigua who are unsupplied with religious instruction. the established church has six parish churches, as many "chapels of ease," and nine clergymen. the moravians have five settlements and thirteen missionaries. the wesleyans have seven chapels, with as many more small preaching places on estates, and twelve ministers; half of whom are itinerant missionaries, and the other half, local preachers, employed as planters, or in mercantile, and other pursuits, and preaching only occasionally. from the limited number of chapels and missionaries, it may be inferred that only a portion of the twenty-two thousand can enjoy stated weekly instruction. the superintendent of the moravian mission stated that their chapels could not accommodate more than _one third_ of their members. each of the denominations complains of the lack of men and houses. the wesleyans are now building a large chapel in st. john's. it will accommodate two thousand persons. "besides free sittings, there will be nearly two hundred pews, every one of which is now in demand." however much disposed the churches of different denominations might have been during slavery to maintain a strict discipline, they found it exceedingly difficult to do so. it seems impossible to elevate a body of slaves, _remaining such,_ to honesty and purity. the reekings of slavery will almost inevitably taint the institutions of religion, and degrade the standard of piety. accordingly the ministers of every denomination in antigua, feel that in the abolition of slavery their greatest enemy has been vanquished, and they now evince a determination to assume higher ground than they ever aspired to during the reign of slavery. the motto of all creeds is, "_we expect great things of freemen_." a report which we obtained from the wesleyan brethren, states, "our own brethren preach almost daily." "we think the negroes are uncommonly punctual and regular in their attendance upon divine worship, particularly on the sabbath." "they always show a readiness to contribute to the support of the gospel. with the present low wages, and the entire charge of self-maintenance, they have little to spare." parham and sion hill (taken as specimens) have societies almost entirely composed of rural blacks--about thirteen hundred and fifty in number. these have contributed this year above £ sterling, or sixteen hundred and fifty dollars, in little weekly subscriptions; besides giving to special objects occasionally, and contributing for the support of schools.[a] [footnote a: the superintendent of the wesleyan mission informed us that the collection in the several wesleyan chapels last year, independent of occasional contributions to sunday schools, missionary objects, &c., amounted to £ sterling, or more than $ !] in a letter dated december d, , but four months after emancipation, and addressed to the missionary board in england, the rev. b. harvey thus speaks of the moravian missions: "with respect to our people, i believe; i may say that in all our places here, they attend the meetings of the church more numerously than ever, and that many are now in frequent attendance who _could very seldom appear amongst us during slavery_." the same statements substantially were made to us by mr. h., showing that instead of any falling off the attendance was still on the increase. in a statement drawn up at our request by the rector of st. john's, is the following: "cases of discipline are more frequent than is usual in english congregations, but at the same time it should be observed, that a _closer oversight_ is maintained by the ministers, and a _greater readiness to submit themselves_ (to discipline) is manifested by the late slaves here than by those who have always been a free people." "i am able to speak very favorably of the attendance at church--it is regular and crowded." "the negroes on some estates have been known to contribute willingly to the bible society, since . they are now beginning to pay a penny and a half currency per week for their children's instruction." morality. the condition of antigua, but a very few years previous to emancipation, is represented to have been truly revolting. it has already been stated that the sabbath was the market day up to , and this is evidence enough that the lord's day was utterly desecrated by the mass of the population. now there are few parts of our own country, equal in population, which can vie with antigua in the solemn and respectful observance of the sabbath. christians in st. john's spoke with joy and gratitude of the tranquillity of the sabbath. they had long been shocked with its open and abounding profanation--until they had well-nigh forgot the aspect of a christian sabbath. at length the full-orbed blessing beamed upon them, and they rejoiced in its brightness, and thanked god for its holy repose. all persons of all professions testify to the fact that _marriages_ are rapidly increasing. in truth, there was scarcely such a thing as marriage before the abolition of slavery. promiscuous intercourse of the sexes was almost universal. in a report of the antigua branch association of the society for advancing the christian faith in the british west indies, (for ,) the following statements are made: "the number of marriages in the six parishes of the island, in the year , the first entire year of freedom, was ; all of which, excepting about , were between persons formerly slaves. the total number of marriages between slaves solemnized in the church during the nine years ending december , , was ; in , the last entire year of slavery, it was ." thus it appears that the whole number of marriages during _ten years_ previous to emancipation (by far the most favorable ten years that could have been selected) was but _half_ as great as the number for a single year following emancipation! the governor, in one of our earliest interviews with him, said, "the great crime of this island, as indeed of all the west india colonies, has been licentiousness, but we are certainly fast improving in this particular." an aged christian, who has spent many years in the island, and is now actively engaged in superintending several day schools for the negro children, informed us that there was not _one third_ as much concubinage as formerly. this he said was owing mainly to the greater frequency of marriages, and the cessation of late night work on the estates, and in the boiling houses, by which the females were constantly exposed during slavery. now they may all be in their houses by dark. formerly the mothers were the betrayers of their daughters, encouraging them to form unhallowed connections, and even _selling_ them to licentious white and colored men, for their own gain. now they were using great strictness to preserve the chastity of their daughters. a worthy planter, who has been in the island since , stated, that it used to be a common practice for mothers to _sell their daughters_ to the highest bidder!--generally a manager or overseer. "but now;" said he, "the mothers _hold their daughters up for marriage_, and take pains to let every body know that their virtue is not to be bought and sold any longer." he also stated that those who live unmarried now are uniformly neglected and suffer great deprivations. faithfulness after marriage, exists also to a greater extent than could have been expected from the utter looseness to which they had been previously accustomed, and with their ignorance of the nature and obligations of the marriage relation. we were informed both by the missionaries and the planters, that every year and month they are becoming more constant, as husband and wife, more faithful as parents, and more dutiful as children. one planter said that out of a number who left his employ after , nearly all had companions on other estates, and left for the purpose of being with them. he was also of the opinion that the greater proportion of changes of residence among the emancipated which took place at that time, were owing to the same cause.[a] in an address before the friendly society in st. john's, the archdeacon stated that during the previous year ( ) several individuals had been expelled from that society for domestic unfaithfulness; but he was happy to say that he had not heard of a single instance of expulsion for this cause during the year then ended. much inconvenience is felt on account of the moravian and wesleyan missionaries being prohibited from performing the marriage service, even for their own people. efforts are now making to obtain the repeal of the law which makes marriages performed by sectarians (as all save the established church are called) void. [footnote a: what a resurrection to domestic life was that, when long severed families flocked from the four corners of the island to meet their kindred members! and what a glorious resurrection will that be in our own country, when the millions of emancipated beings scattered over the west and south, shall seek the embraces of parental and fraternal and conjugal love.] that form of licentiousness which appears among the higher classes in every slaveholding country, abounded in antigua during the reign of slavery. it has yielded its redundant fruits in a population of four thousand colored people; double the number of whites. the planters, with but few exceptions, were unmarried and licentious. nor was this vice confined to the unmarried. men with large families, kept one or more mistresses without any effort at concealment. we were told of an "honorable" gentleman, who had his english wife and two concubines, a colored and a black one. the governor himself stated as an apology for the prevalence of licentiousness among the slaves, that the example was set them constantly by their masters, and it was not to be wondered at if they copied after their superiors. but it is now plain that concubinage among the whites is nearly at an end. an unguarded statement of a public man revealed the conviction which exists among his class that concubinage must soon cease. he said that the present race of colored people could not be received into the society of the whites, _because of illegitimacy_; but the next generation would be fit associates for the whites, _because they would be chiefly born in wedlock_. the uniform testimony respecting _intemperance_ was, that it _never had been one of the vices of the negroes_. several planters declared that they had rarely seen a black person intoxicated. the report of the wesleyan missionaries already referred to, says, "intemperance is most uncommon among the rural negroes. many have joined the temperance society, and many act on tee-total principles." the only _colored_ person (either black or brown) whom we saw drunk during a residence of nine weeks in antigua, was a carpenter in st. john's, who as he reeled by, stared in our faces and mumbled out his sentence of condemnation against wine bibbers, "--gemmen--you sees i'se a little bit drunk, but 'pon honor i only took th--th-ree bottles of wine--that's all." it was "christmas times," and doubtless the poor man thought he would venture for once in the year to copy the example of the whites. in conclusion, on the subject of morals in antigua, we are warranted in stating, st., that during the continuance of slavery, immoralities were rife. d. that the repeated efforts of the home government and the local legislature, for several successive years previous to , to _ameliorate_ the system of slavery, seconded by the labors of clergymen and missionaries, teachers and catechists, to improve the character of the slaves, failed to arrest the current of vice and profligacy. what few reformations were effected were very partial, leaving the more enormous immoralities as shameless and defiant as ever, up to the very day of abolition; demonstrating the utter impotence of all attempts to purify the _streams_ while the _fountain_ is poison. d. that the abolition of slavery gave the death blow to open vice, overgrown and emboldened as it had become. immediate emancipation, instead of lifting the flood-gates, was the only power strong enough to shut them down! it restored the proper restraints upon vice, and supplied the incentives to virtue. those great controllers of moral action, _self-respect, attachment to law, and veneration for god_, which slavery annihilated, _freedom has resuscitated_, and now they stand round about the emancipated with flaming swords deterring from evil, and with cheering voices exhorting to good. it is explicitly affirmed that the grosser forms of immorality, which in every country attend upon slavery, have in antigua either shrunk into concealment or become extinct. benevolent institutions. we insert here a brief account of the benevolent institutions of antigua. our design in giving it, is to show the effect of freedom in bringing into play those charities of social life, which slavery uniformly stifles. antigua abounds in benevolent societies, all of which have been _materially revived_ since emancipation, and some of them have been formed since that event. the bible society. this is the oldest society in the island. it was organized in . all denominations in the island cordially unite in this cause. the principal design of this society is to promote the circulation of the scriptures among the laboring population of the island. to secure this object numerous branch associations--amounting to nearly fifty--have been organized throughout the island _among the negroes themselves._ the society has been enabled not only to circulate the scriptures among the people of antigua, but to send them extensively to the neighboring islands. the following table, drawn up at our request by the secretary of the society, will show the extent of foreign operations: years. colonies supplied. bibles. test's. anguilla demerara dominica montserrat nevis saba st. bart's st. eustatius st. kitts st. martins tortola to trinidad ____ ____ total from the last annual report we quote the following cheering account, touching the events of : "the next event of importance in or annals is the magnificent grant of the parent society, on occasion of the emancipation of the slaves, and the perpetual banishment of slavery from the shores of antigua, on the first of august, ; by which a choice portion of the holy scriptures was gratuitously circulated to about one third of the inhabitants of this colony. nine thousand seven hundred copies of the new testament, bound together with the book of psalms, were thus placed at the disposal of your committee." * * * "following hard upon this joyful event another gratifying circumstance occurred among us. the attention of the people was roused, and their gratitude excited towards the bible society, and they who had freely received, now freely gave, and thus a considerable sum of money was presented to the parent society in acknowledgment of its beneficent grant." we here add an extract from the annual report for . its sentiments contrast strongly with the congratulations of the last report upon 'the joyful event' of emancipation. "another question of considerable delicacy and importance still remains to be discussed. is it advisable, under all the circumstances of the case, to circulate the holy scriptures, without note of comment, among the slave population of these islands? your committee can feel no hesitation in affirming that such a measure is not merely expedient, but one of almost indispensable necessity. the sacred volume is in many respects peculiarly adapted to the slave. it enjoins upon him precepts so plain, that the most ignorant cannot fail to understand them: 'slaves, obey in all things your masters, not with eye service, as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing god.' it furnishes him with motives the most impressive and consoling: 'ye serve,' says the apostle, 'the lord christ.' it promises him rewards sufficient to stimulate the most indolent to exertion: 'whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the lord, whether he be bond or free.' and it holds forth to him an example so glorious, that it would ennoble even angels to imitate it: 'let this mind be in you which was also in christ jesus, who made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a _slave_!'" "it may here be proper to observe, that the precise import of the word, which in general throughout the english bible is translated _servant_, is strictly that which has been assigned it in the foregoing quotations; (!) and so understood, the sacred volume will be found to hold out to our slaves, both by precept and example the most persuasive and the most compelling motives to industry, obedience, and submission." nothing could more plainly show the corrupting influences of slavery, upon all within its reach, than this spectacle of a noble, religious institution, prostituted to the vile work of defending oppression, and, in the zeal of its advocacy, blasphemously degrading the savior into a self-made slave! the receipts of the antigua branch society have greatly increased since emancipation. from receipts for the year , in each of the british islands, it appears that the contributions from antigua and bermuda, the only two islands which adopted entire emancipation, are about _double_ those from any other two islands. missionary associations. these associations are connected with the wesleyan mission, and have been in existence since . their object is to raise funds for the parent society in england. although it has been in existence for several years, yet it was mostly confined to the whites and free people of color, during slavery. the calling together assemblies of rural negroes, and addressing them on the subject of missions, and soliciting contributions in aid of the cause, is a new feature in the missionary operations to which nothing but freedom could give birth. temperance societies. the first temperance society in antigua was formed at the beginning of . we give an extract from the first annual report: "temperance societies have been formed in each town, and on many of the estates. a large number of persons who once used spirituous liquors moderately, have entirely relinquished the use. some who were once intemperate have been reclaimed, and in some instances an adoption of the principles of the temperance society, has been followed by the pursuit and enjoyment of vital religion. domestic peace and quietness have superseded discord and strife, and a very general sense of astonishment at the gross delusion which these drinks have long produced on the human species is manifest." "the numbers on the various books of the society amount to about . one pleasing feature in their history, is the very small number of those who have violated their pledge." "on several estates, the usual allowance of spirits has been discontinued, and sugar or molasses substituted." the temperance society in antigua may be specially regarded as a result of emancipation. it is one of the guardian angels which hastened to the island as soon as the demon of slavery was cast out. friendly societies. the friendly societies are designed exclusively for the benefit of the negro population. the general object is thus stated in the constitution of one of these societies: "the object of this society is to assist in the purchase of articles of mourning for the dead; to give relief in cases of unlooked for distress; to help those who through age or infirmities are incapable of helping themselves by marketing, or working their grounds; _to encourage sobriety and industry, and to check disorderly and immoral conduct."_ these societies obtain their funds by laying a tax of one shilling per month on every member above eighteen years of age, and of six pence per month on all members under that age and above twelve, which is the minimum of membership. the aged members are required to pay no more than the sum last mentioned. the first society of this kind was established in st. john's by the present rector, in . subsequently the moravians and wesleyans formed similar societies among their own people. independent of the pecuniary assistance which these societies bestow, they encourage in a variety of ways the good order of the community. for example, no one is allowed to receive assistance who is "disabled by drunkenness, debauchery, or disorderly living;" also, "if any member of the society, male or female, is guilty of adultery or fornication, the offending member shall be suspended for so long a time as the members shall see fit, and shall lose all claim on the society for any benefit during the suspension, and shall not be readmitted until clear and satisfactory evidence is given of penitence." furthermore, "if any member of the society shall be expelled from the church to which he or she belongs, or shall commit any offence punishable by a magistrate, that member forfeits his membership in the society." again, the society directly encourages marriage, by "making a present of a young pig to every child born in wedlock, and according as their funds will admit of it, giving rewards to those married persons living faithfully, or single persons living virtuously, who take a pride in keeping their houses neat and tidy, and their gardens flourishing." these societies have been more than doubled, both in the number of members and in the annual receipts, since emancipation. of the societies connected with the established church, the rector of st. john's thus speaks: "at the beginning of there were eleven societies, embracing members. at the beginning of they numbered ; and in there were members," _almost quadrupled in two years!_ the societies connected with the moravian church, have more than doubled, both in members and funds, since emancipation. the funds now amount to $ , per year. the wesleyans have four friendly societies. the largest society, which contained six hundred and fifty members, was organized in the _month of august_, . the last year it had expended £ currency, and had then in its treasury £ currency. now, be it remembered that the friendly societies exist solely among the freed negroes, _and that the moneys are raised exclusively among them._ among whom? a people who are said to be so proverbially improvident, that to emancipate them, would be to abandon them to beggary, nakedness, and starvation;--a people who "cannot take care of themselves;" who "will not work when freed from the fear of the lash;" who "would squander the earnings of the day in debaucheries at night;" who "would never provide for to-morrow for the wants of a family, or for the infirmities of old age." yea, among _negroes_ these things are done; and that, too, where the wages are but one shilling per day--less than sufficient, one would reasonably suppose, to provide daily food. daily meal society. the main object of this society is denoted by its name. it supplies a daily meal to those who are otherwise unprovided for. a commodious house had just been completed in the suburbs of the town, capable of lodging a considerable number of beneficiaries. it is designed to shelter those who are diseased, and cannot walk to and fro for their meals. the number now fed at this house is from eighty to a hundred. the diseased, who live at the dispensary, are mostly those who are afflicted with the elephantiasis, by which they are rendered entirely helpless. medical aid is supplied free of expense. it is worthy of remark, that there is no _public poor-house_ in antigua,--a proof of the industry and prosperity of the emancipated people. distressed females' friend society. this is a society in st. john's: there is also a similar one, called the female refuge society, at english harbor. both these societies were established and are conducted by colored ladies. they are designed to promote two objects: the support of destitute aged females of color, and the rescue of poor young colored females from vice. the necessity for special efforts for the first object, arose out of the fact, that the colored people were allowed no parochial aid whatever, though they were required to pay their parochial taxes; hence, the support of their own poor devolved upon themselves. the demand for vigorous action in behalf of the young, grew out of the prevailing licentiousness of slave-holding times. the society in st. john's has been in existence since . it has a large and commodious asylum, and an annual income, by subscriptions, of £ , currency. this society, and the female refuge society established at english harbor, have been instrumental in effecting a great reform in the morals of females, and particularly in exciting reprobation against that horrid traffic--the sale of girls by their mothers for purposes of lust. we were told of a number of cases in which the society in st. john's had rescued young females from impending ruin. many members of the society itself, look to it as the guardian of their orphanage. among other cases related to us, was that of a lovely girl of fifteen, who was bartered away to a planter by her mother, a dissolute woman. the planter was to give her a quantity of cloth to the value of £ currency, and two young slaves; he was also to give the grandmother, for her interest in the girl, _one gallon of rum_! the night was appointed, and a gig in waiting to take away the victim, when a female friend was made acquainted with the plot, just in time to save the girl by removing her to her own house. the mother was infuriated, and endeavored to get her back, but the girl had occasionally attended a sabbath school, where she imbibed principles which forbade her to yield even to her mother for such an unhallowed purpose. she was taken before a magistrate, and indentured herself to a milliner for two years. the mother made an attempt to regain her, and was assisted by some whites with money to commence a suit for that purpose. the lady who defended her was accordingly prosecuted, and the whole case became notorious. the prosecutors were foiled. at the close of her apprenticeship, the young woman was married to a highly respectable colored gentleman, now resident in st. john's. the notoriety which was given to the above case had a happy effect. it brought the society and its object more fully before the public, and the contributions for its support greatly increased. those for whose benefit the asylum was opened, heard of it, and came begging to be received. this society is a signal evidence that the colored people neither lack the ability to devise, nor the hearts to cherish, nor the zeal to execute plans of enlarged benevolence and mercy. the juvenile association, too, of which we gave some account in describing its anniversary, originated with the colored people, and furnishes additional evidence of the talents and charities of that class of the community. besides the societies already enumerated, there are two associations connected with the established church, called the "society for the promotion of christian knowledge," and the "branch association of the society for advancing the christian faith in the british west indies, &c." these societies are also designed chiefly for the benefit of the negro population. education. our inquiries under this head were directed to three principal points--first, the extent to which education prevailed previous to emancipation; second, the improvements introduced since; and third, the comparative capacity of negroes for receiving instruction. being providentially in the island at the season of the year when all the schools have their annual examinations, we enjoyed the most favorable opportunities for procuring intelligence on the subject of education. from various quarters we received invitations to attend school examinations. we visited the schools at parham, willoughby bay, newfield; cedar hall, grace bay, fitch's creek, and others: besides visiting the parochial school, the rectory school, the moravian and wesleyan schools, in st. john's. all the schools, save those in st. john's, were almost exclusively composed of emancipated children from the estates. visit to the parochial school. at the invitation of the governor, we accompanied him to the annual examination of the parochial school, in st. john's, under the superintendance of the episcopal church. it has increased greatly, both in scholars and efficiency, since emancipation, and contributions are made to its support by the parents whose children receive its benefits. we found one hundred and fifty children, of both sexes, assembled in the society's rooms. there was every color present, from the deepest hue of the ethiopian, to the faintest shadowing of brown. the boys constituting the first class, to the number of fifty, were called up. they read with much fluency and distinctness, equalling white boys of the same age anywhere. after reading, various questions were put to them by the archdeacon, which they answered with promptness and accuracy. words were promiscuously selected from the chapter they had read, and every one was promptly spelled. the catechism was the next exercise, and they manifested a thorough acquaintance with its contents. our attention was particularly called to the examination in arithmetic. many of the children solved questions readily in the compound rules, and several of them in practice, giving the different parts of the pound, shilling, and penny, used in that rule, and all the whys and wherefores of the thing, with great promptness. one lad, only ten years of age, whose attendance had been very irregular on account of being employed in learning a trade, performed intricate examples in practice, with a facility worthy the counting-house desk. we put several inquiries on different parts of the process, in order to test their real knowledge, to which we always received clear answers. the girls were then examined in the same studies and exercises, except arithmetic, and displayed the same gratifying proficiency. they also presented specimens of needlework and strawbraiding, which the ladies, on whose better judgment we depend, pronounced very creditable. we noticed several girls much older than the others, who had made much less advance in their studies, and on inquiry learned, that they had been members of the school but a short time, having formerly been employed to wield the heavy hoe in the cane field. the parents are very desirous to give their children education, and make many sacrifices for that purpose. many who are field-laborers in the country, receiving their shilling a day, have sent their children to reside with some relations or friends in town, for the purpose of giving them the benefits of this school. several such children were pointed out to us. the increase of female scholars during the first year of emancipation, was in this school alone, about eighty. for our gratification, the governor requested that all the children emancipated on the _first of august_, might be called up and placed on our side of the room. nearly one hundred children, of both sexes, who two years ago were _slaves_, now stood up before us free. we noticed one little girl among the rest, about ten years old, who bore not the least tinge of color. her hair was straight and light, and her face had that mingling of vermilion and white, which americans seem to consider, not only the nonpareil standard of beauty, but the immaculate test of human rights. at her side was another with the deepest hue of the native african. there were high emotions on the countenances of those redeemed ones, when we spoke to them of emancipation. the undying principle of freedom living and burning in the soul of the most degraded slave, like lamps amid the darkness of eastern sepulchres, was kindling up brilliantly within them, young as they were, and flashing in smiles upon their ebon faces. the governor made a few remarks, in which he gave some good advice, and expressed himself highly pleased with the appearance and proficiency of the school. his excellency remarked to us in a tone of pleasantry, "you see, gentlemen, these children have _souls_." during the progress of the examination; he said to us, "you perceive that it is our policy to give these children every chance to make _men_ of themselves. we look upon them as our _future citizens_." he had no doubt that the rising generation would assume a position in society above the contempt or opposition of the whites. infant schools in the country. we had the pleasure of attending one of the infant schools in the vicinity of parham, on the east side of the island. having been invited by a planter, who kindly sent his horse and carriage for our conveyance, to call and take breakfast with him on our way, we drove out early in the morning. while we were walking about the estate, our attention was arrested by distant singing. as we cast our eyes up a road crossing the estate, we discovered a party of children! they were about twenty in number, and were marching hand in hand to the music of their infant voices. they were children from a neighboring estate, on their way to the examination at parham, and were singing the hymns which they had learned at school. all had their testaments in their hands, and seemed right merry-hearted. we were received at the gate of the chapel by the wesleyan missionary located in this distinct, a highly respectable and intelligent colored man, who was ten years since a _slave_. he gave us a cordial welcome, and conducted us to the chapel, where we found the children, to the number of _four hundred_, assembled, and the examination already commenced. there were six schools present, representing about twenty estates, and arranged under their respective teachers. the ages of the pupils were from three to ten or twelve. they were all, with the exception of two or three, the children of emancipated slaves. they came up by classes to the superintendent's desk, where they read and were examined. they read correctly; some of them too, who had been in school only a few mouths, in any portion of the new testament selected for them. by request of the superintendent, we put several inquiries to them, which they answered in a way which showed that they _thought_. they manifested an acquaintance with the bible and the use of language which was truly surprising. it was delightful to see so many tiny beings stand around you, dressed in their tidy gowns and frocks, with their bright morning faces, and read with the self-composure of manhood, any passage chosen for them. they all, large and small, bore in their hands the charter of their freedom, the book by the influence of which they received all the privileges they were enjoying. on the cover of each was stamped in large capitals--"presented by the british and foreign bible society, in commemoration of the first of august, ." at the close of the examination, the rewards, consisting of books, work-bags, &c. &c., chiefly sent by a society of females in england, were distributed. it was impossible to repress the effervescence of the little expectants. as a little one four years old came up for her reward, the superintendent said to her--"well, little becky, what do you want?" "me wants a bag," said becky, "and me wants a pin-cushion, and me wants a little book." becky's desires were large, but being a good girl, she was gratified. occasionally the girls were left to choose between a book and a work-bag, and although the bag might be gaudy and tempting, they invariably took the book. the teachers were all but one blacks, and were formerly slaves. they are very devoted and faithful, but are ill-qualified for their duties, having obtained all the learning they possess in the sabbath school. they are all pious, and exert a harpy influence on the morals of their pupils. the number of scholars has very greatly increased since emancipation, and their morals have essentially improved. instances of falsehood and theft, which at first were fearfully frequent and bold, have much lessened. they begin to have a regard for _character_. their sense of right and wrong is enlightened, and their power of resisting temptation, and adhering to right, manifestly increased. on the whole, we know not where we have looked on a more delightful scene. to stand in front of the pulpit and look around on a multitude of negro children, gathered from the sordid huts into which slavery had carried ignorance and misery--to see them coming up, with their teachers of the same proscribed hue, to hear them read the bible, answer with readiness the questions of their superintendent, and lift up together their songs of infant praise, and then to remember that two years ago these four hundred children were _slaves_, and still more to remember that in our own country, boasting its republicanism and christian institutions, there are thousands of just such children under the yoke and scourge, in utter heathenism, the victims of tyrannic _law_ or of more tyrannic public opinion--caused the heart to swell with emotions unutterable. there were as many intelligent countenances, and as much activity and sprightliness, as we ever saw among an equal number of children anywhere. the correctness of their reading, the pertinence of their replies, the general proofs of talent which they showed through all the exercises, evinced that they are none inferior to the children of their white oppressors. after singing a hymn they all kneeled down, and the school closed with a prayer and benediction. they continued singing as they retired from the house, and long after they had parted on their different ways home, their voices swelled on the breeze at a distance as the little parties from the estates chanted on their way the songs of the school room. willoughby bay examination. when we entered the school house at willoughby bay, which is capable of containing a thousand persons, a low murmur, like the notes of preparation, ran over the multitude. one school came in after we arrived, marching in regular file, with their teacher, a negro man, at their head, and their _standard bearer_ following; next, a sable girl with a box of testaments on her head. the whole number of children was three hundred and fifty. the male division was first called out, and marched several times around the room, singing and keeping a regular step. after several rounds, they came to a halt, filing off and forming into ranks four rows deep--in quarter-circle shape. the music still continuing, the girls sallied forth, went through the same evolutions, and finally formed in rows corresponding with those of the boys, so as to compose with the latter a semicircle. the schools were successively examined in spelling, reading, writing, cyphering, &c., after the manner already detailed. in most respects they showed equal proficiency with the children of parham; and in reading the testament, their accuracy was even greater. in looking over the writing, several "incendiary" copies caught our eyes. one was, "_masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal_." another, "_if i neglect the cause of my servant, what shall i do when i appear before my master_!" a few years ago, _had children been permitted to write at all_, one such copy as the above would have exploded the school, and perchance sent the teacher to jail for sedition. but now, thanks to god! the negro children of antigua are taught liberty from their bibles, from their song books, and from their _copy books_ too; they read of liberty, they sing of it, and they write of it; they chant to liberty in their school rooms, and they resume the strains on their homeward way, till every rustling lime-grove, and waving cane-field, is alive with their notes, and every hillock and dell rings with "free" echoes. the girls, in their turn, pressed around us with the liveliest eagerness to display their little pieces of needle-work. some had samplers marked with letters and devices in vari-colored silk. others showed specimens of stitching; while the little ones held up their rude attempts at hemming handkerchiefs, aprons, and so on. during the exercises we spoke to several elderly women, who were present to witness the scene. they were laborers on the estates, but having children in the school, they had put on their sunday dresses, and "come to see." we spoke to one, of the privileges which the children were enjoying, since freedom. her eyes filled, and she exclaimed, "yes, massa, we do tank de good lord for bring de free--never can be too tankful." she said she had seven children present, and it made her feel happy to know that they were learning to read. another woman said, when she heard the children reading so finely, she wanted to "take de word's out of da mouts and put em in her own." in the morning, when she first entered the school house, she felt quite sick, but all the pleasant things she saw and heard, had made her well, and she added, "i tell you, me massa, it do my old heart good to come here." another aged woman, who had grand-children in the school, said, when she saw what advantages the children enjoyed, she almost cried to think she was not a child too. besides these there were a number of adult men and women, whom curiosity or parental solicitude had brought together, and they were thronging about the windows and doors witnessing the various exercises with the deepest interest. among the rest was one old patriarch, who, anxious to bear some part however humble in the exercises of the occasion, walked to and fro among the children, with a six feet pole in his hand, to keep order. these schools, and those examined at parham, are under the general supervision of mr. charles thwaites, an indefatigable and long tried friend of the negroes. we here insert a valuable communication which we received from mr. t. in reply to several queries addressed to him. it will give further information relative to the schools. _mr. charles thwaites' replies to queries on education in antigua._ . what has been your business for some years past in antigua? a superintendent of schools, and catechist to the negroes. . how long have you been engaged in this business? twenty-four years. the first four years engaged gratuitously, ten years employed by the church missionary society, and since, by the wesleyan missionary society. . how many schools have you under your charge? sunday schools, (including all belonging to the wesleyan missionary society,) eight, with scholars; day schools, seventeen with scholars; night schools on twenty-six estates, scholars. the total number of scholars under instruction is about . . are the scholars principally the children who were emancipated in august, ? yes, except the children in st. john's, most of whom were free before. . are the teachers negroes, colored, or white? one white, four colored, and sixteen black.[a] [footnote a: this number includes only salaried teachers, and not the gratuitous.] . how many of the teachers were slaves prior to the first of august, ? thirteen. . what were their opportunities for learning? the sunday and night schools; and they have much improved themselves since they have been in their present employment. . what are their qualifications for teaching, as to education, religion, zeal, perseverance, &c.? the white and two of the colored teachers, i presume, are well calculated, in all respects, to carry on a school in the ablest manner. the others are deficient in education, but are zealous, and very persevering. . what are the wages of these teachers? the teachers' pay is, some four, and some three dollars per month. this sum is far too small, and would be greater if the funds were sufficient. . how and by whom are the expenses of superintendent, teachers, and schools defrayed? the superintendent's salary, &c., is paid by the wesleyan missionary society. the expenses of teachers and schools are defrayed by charitable societies and friends in england, particularly the negro education society, which grants l. sterling per annum towards this object, and pays the rent of the church missionary society's premises in willoughby bay for use of the schools. about l. sterling per annum is also raised from the children; each child taught writing and needle-work, pays - / d. sterling per week. . is it your opinion that the negro children are as ready to receive instruction as white children? yes, perfectly so. . do parents manifest interest in the education of their children? they do. some of the parents are, however, still very ignorant, and are not aware how much their children lose by irregular attendance at the schools. . have there been many instances of _theft_ among the scholars? not more than among any other class of children. results. besides an attendance upon the various schools, we procured specific information from teachers, missionaries, planters, and others, with regard to the past and present state of education, and the weight of testimony was to the following effect: first, that education was by no means extensive previous to emancipation. the testimony of one planter was, that not a _tenth part_ of the present adult population knew the letters of the alphabet. other planters, and some missionaries, thought the proportion might be somewhat larger; but all agreed that it was very small. the testimony of the venerable mr. newby, the oldest moravian missionary in the island, was, that such was the opposition among the planters, it was impossible to teach the slaves, excepting by night, secretly. mr. thwaites informed us that the children were not allowed to attend day school after they were six years old. all the instruction they obtained after that age, was got at night--a very unsuitable time to study, for those who worked all day under an exhausting sun. it is manifest that the instruction received under six years of age, would soon be effaced by the incessant toil of subsequent life. the account given in a former connection of the adult school under the charge of mr. morrish, at newfield, shows most clearly the past inattention to education. and yet mr. m. stated that his school was a _fair specimen of the intelligence of the negroes generally_. one more evidence in point is the acknowledged ignorance of mr. thwaites' teachers. after searching through the whole freed population for a dozen suitable teachers of children. mr. t. could not find even that number who could _read well_. many children in the schools of six years old read better than their teachers. we must not be understood to intimate that up to the period of the emancipation, the planters utterly prohibited the education of their slaves. public sentiment had undergone some change previous to that event. when the public opinion of england began to be awakened against slavery, the planters were indured, for peace sake, to _tolerate_ education to some extent; though they cannot be said to have _encouraged_ it until after emancipation. this is the substance of the statements made to us. hence it appears that when the active opposition of the planters to education ceased, it was succeeded by a general indifference, but little less discouraging. we of course speak of the planters as a body; there were some honorable exceptions. second, education has become very extensive _since_ emancipation. there are probably not less than _six thousand_ children who now enjoy daily instruction. these are of all ages under twelve. all classes feel an interest in _knowledge_. while the schools previously established are flourishing in newness of life, additional ones are springing up in every quarter. sabbath schools, adult and infant schools, day and evening schools, are all crowded. a teacher in a sabbath school in st. john's informed us, that the increase in that school immediately after emancipation was so sudden and great, that he could compare it to nothing but the rising of the mercury when the thermometer is removed _out of the shade into the sun_. we learned that the bible was the principal book taught in all the schools throughout the island. as soon as the children have learned to read, the bible is put into their hands. they not only read it, but commit to memory portions of it every day:--the first lesson in the morning is an examination on some passage of scripture. we have never seen, even among sabbath school children, a better acquaintance with the characters and events recorded in the old and new testaments, than among the negro children in antigua. those passages which inculcate _obedience to law_ are strongly enforced; and the prohibitions against stealing, lying, cheating, idleness, &c., are reiterated day and night. great attention is paid to _singing_ in all the schools. the songs which they usually sung, embraced such topics as love to god--the presence of god--obedience to parents--friendship for brothers and sisters and schoolmates--love of school--the sinfulness of sloth, of lying, and of stealing. we quote the following hymn as a specimen of the subjects which are introduced into their songs: often were we greeted with this sweet hymn, while visiting the different schools throughout the island. brotherly love. chorus. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, we're sisters and brothers, and heaven is our home. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, we're sisters and brothers, and heaven is our home. the god of heaven is pleased to see that little children all agree; and will not slight the praise they bring, when loving children join to sing: we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. for love and kindness please him more than if we gave him all our store; and children here, who dwell in love, are like his happy ones above. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. the gentle child that tries to please, that hates to quarrel, fret, and teaze, and would not say an angry word-- that child is pleasing to the lord. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. o god! forgive, whenever we forget thy will, and disagree; and grant that each of us, may find the sweet delight of being kind. we're all brothers, sisters, brothers, &c. we were convinced that the negroes were as capable of receiving instruction as any people in the world. the testimony of teachers, missionaries, clergymen, and planters, was uniform on this point. said one planter of age and long experience on the island, "the negroes are as capable of culture as any people on earth. _color makes no difference in minds_. it is slavery alone that has degraded the negro." another planter, by way of replying to our inquiry on this subject, sent for a negro child of five years, who read with great fluency in any part of the testament to which we turned her. "now," said the gentleman, "i should be ashamed to let you hear my own son, of the same age with that little girl, read after her." we put the following questions to the wesleyan missionaries: "are the negroes as _apt to learn_, as other people in similar circumstances?" their written reply was this: "we think they are; the same diversified qualities of intellect appear among them, as among other people." we put the same question to the moravian missionaries, to the clergymen, and to the teachers of each denomination, some of whom, having taught schools in england, were well qualified to judge between the european children and the negro children; and we uniformly received substantially the same answer. such, however, was the air of surprise with which our question was often received, that it required some courage to repeat it. sometimes it excited a smile, as though we could not be serious in the inquiry. and indeed we seldom got a direct and explicit answer, without previously stating by way of explanation that we had no doubts of our own, but wished to remove those extensively entertained among our countrymen. after all, we were scarcely credited in antigua. such cases as the following were common in every school: children of four and five years old reading the bible; children beginning in their a, b, c's, and learning to read in four months; children of five and six, answering a variety of questions on the historical parts of the old testament; children but a little older, displaying fine specimens of penmanship, performing sums in the compound rules, and running over the multiplication table, and the pound, shilling, and pence table, without mistake. we were grieved to find that most of the teachers employed in the instruction of the children, were exceedingly unfit for the work. they are very ignorant themselves, and have but little skill in the management of children. this however is a necessary evil. the emancipated negroes feel a great anxiety for the education of their children. they encourage them to go to school, and they labor to support them, while they have strong temptation to detain them at home to work. they also pay a small sum every week for the maintenance of the schools. in conclusion, we would observe, that one of the prominent features of _regenerated_ antigua, is its _education_. an intelligent religion, and a religious education, are the twin glories of this emancipated colony. it is comment enough upon the difference between slavery and freedom, that the same agents which are deprecated as the destroyers of the one, are cherished as the defenders of the other. before entering upon a detail of the testimony which bears more directly upon slavery in america, we deem it proper to consider the inquiry. "what is the amount of freedom in antigua, as regulated by law?" st. the people are entirely free from the whip, and from all compulsory control of the master. d. they can change employers whenever they become dissatisfied with their situation, by previously giving a month's notice. d. they have the right of trial by jury in all cases of a serious nature, while for small offences, the magistrate's court is open. they may have legal redress for any wrong or violence inflicted by their employers. th. parents have the entire control of their children. the planter cannot in any way interfere with them. the parents have the whole charge of their support. th. by an express provision of the legislature, it was made obligatory upon every planter to support all the superannuated, infirm, or diseased on the estate, _who were such at this time of emancipation_. those who have become so since , fall upon the hands of their relatives for maintenance. th. the amount of wages is not determined by law. by a general understanding among the planters, the rate is at present fixed at a shilling per day, or a little more than fifty cents per week, counting five working days. this matter is wisely left to be regulated by the character of the seasons, and the mutual agreement of the parties concerned. as the island is suffering rather from a paucity of laborers, than otherwise, labor must in good seasons command good wages. the present rate of wages is extremely low, though it is made barely tolerable by the additional perquisites which the people enjoy. they have them houses rent free, and in connection with them small premises forty feet square, suitable for gardens, and for raising poultry, and pigs, &c.; for which they always find a ready market. moreover, they are burthened with no taxes whatever; and added to this, they are supplied with medical attendance at the expense of the estates. th. the master is authorized in case of neglect of work, or turning out late in the morning, or entire absence from labor, to reduce the wages, or withhold them for a time, not exceeding a week. th. the agricultural laborers may leave the field whenever they choose, (provided they give a month's previous notice,) and engage in any other business; or they may purchase land and become cultivators themselves, though in either case they are of course liable to forfeit their houses on the estates. th. they may leave the island, if they choose, and seek their fortunes in any other part of the world, by making provision for their near relatives left behind. this privilege has been lately tested by the emigration of some of the negroes to demerara. the authorities of the island became alarmed lest they should lose too many of the laboring population, and the question was under discussion, at the time we were in antigua, whether it would not be lawful to prohibit the emigration. it was settled, however, that such a measure would be illegal, and the planters were left to the alternative of either being abandoned by their negroes, or of securing their continuance by adding to their comforts and treating them kindly. . the right of suffrage, and eligibility to office are subject to no restrictions, save the single one of property, which is the same with all colors. the property qualification, however, is so great, as effectually to exclude the whole agricultural negro population for many years. th. _the main constabulary force is composed of emancipated negroes, living on the estates_. one or two trust-worthy men on each estate are empowered with the authority of constables in relation to the people on the same estate, and much reliance is placed upon these men, to preserve order and to bring offenders to trial. th. a body of police has been established, whose duty it is to arrest all disorderly or riotous persons, to repair to the estates in case of trouble, and co-operate with the constables, in arraigning all persons charged with the violation of law. th. the punishment for slight offences, such as stealing sugar-canes from the field, is confinement in the house of correction, or being sentenced to the tread-mill, for any period from three days to three months. the punishment for burglary, and other high offences, is solitary confinement in chains, or transportation for life to botany bay. such are the main features in the statutes, regulating the freedom of the emancipated population of antigua. it will be seen that there is no enactment which materially modifies, or unduly restrains, the liberty of the subject. there are no secret reservations or postscript provisoes, which nullify the boon of freedom. not only is slavery utterly abolished, but all its appendages are scattered to the winds; and a system of impartial laws secures justice to all, of every color and condition. the measure of success which has crowned the experiment of emancipation in antigua--an experiment tried under so many adverse circumstances, and with comparatively few local advantages--is highly encouraging to slaveholders in our country. it must be evident that the balance of advantages between the situation of antigua and that of the south, _is decidedly in favor of the latter_. the south has her resident proprietors, her resources of wealth, talent, and enterprise, and her preponderance of white population; she also enjoys a regularity of seasons, but rarely disturbed by desolating droughts, a bracing climate, which imparts energy and activity to her laboring population, and comparatively numerous wants to stimulate and press the laborer up to the _working mark_; she has close by her side the example of a free country, whose superior progress in internal improvements, wealth, the arts and sciences, morals and religion, all ocular demonstration to her of her own wretched policy, and a moving appeal in favor of abolition; and above all, site has the opportunity of choosing her own mode, and of ensuring all the blessings of a _voluntary and peaceable manumission_, while the energies, the resources, the sympathies, and the prayers of the north, stand pledged to her assistance. * * * * * chapter iii. facts and testimony. we have reserved the mass of facts and testimony, bearing immediately upon slavery in america, in order that we might present them together in a condensed furor, under distinct heads. these heads, it will be perceived, consist chiefly of propositions which are warmly contested in our country. will the reader examine these principles in the light of facts? will the candid of our countrymen--whatever opinions they may hitherto hate entertained on this subject--hear the concurrent testimony of numerous planters, legislators, lawyers, physicians, and merchants, who have until three years past been wedded to slavery by birth, education, prejudice, associations, and supposed interest, but who have since been divorced from all connection with the system? in most cases we shall give the names, the stations, and business of our witnesses; in a few instances, in which we were requested to withhold the name, we shall state such circumstances as will serve to show the standing and competency of the individuals. if the reader should find in what follows, very little testimony unfavorable to emancipation, he may know the reason to be, that little was to be gleaned from any part of antigua. indeed, we may say that, with very few exceptions, the sentiments here recorded as coming from individuals, are really the sentiments of the whole community. there is no such thing known in antigua as an _opposing, disaffected party_. so complete and thorough has been the change in public opinion, that it would be now _disreputable_ to speak against emancipation. first proposition.--the transition from slavery to freedom is represented as a greet revolution, by which a prodigious change was effected in _the condition of the negroes_. in conversation with us, the planters often spoke of the greatness and suddenness of the change. said mr. barnard, of green castle estate, "the transition from slavery to freedom, was like passing suddenly out of a dark dungeon into the light of the sun." r.b. eldridge, esq., a member of the assembly, remarked, that, "there never had been in the history of the world so great and instantaneous a change in the condition of so large a body of people." the honorable nicholas nugent, speaker of the house of assembly, and proprietor, said, "there never was so sudden a transition from one state to another, by so large a body of people. when the clock began to strike the hour of twelve on the last night of july, , the negroes of antigua were _slaves_--when it ceased they were all _freemen!_ it was a stupendous change," he said, "and it was one of the sublimest spectacles ever witnessed, to see the subjects of the change engaged at the very moment it occurred, in worshipping god." these, and very many similar ones, were the spontaneous expressions of men _who had long contended against the change_ of which they spoke. it is exceedingly difficult to make slaveholders see that there is any material difference between slavery and freedom; but when they have once renounced slavery, they _will magnify this distinction_ more than any other class of men. second proposition.--emancipation in antigua was the result of political and pecuniary considerations merely. abolition was seen to be inevitable, and there were but two courses left to the colonists--to adopt the apprenticeship system, or immediate emancipation. motives of convenience led them to choose the latter. considerations of general philanthropy, of human rights, and of the sinfulness of slavery, were scarcely so much as thought of. some time previous to the abolition of slavery, a meeting of the influential men of the island was called in st. john's, to memorialize parliament against the measure of abolition. when the meeting convened, the hon. samuel o. baijer, who had been the champion of the opposition, was called upon to propose a plan of procedure. to the consternation of the pro-slavery meeting, their leader arose and spoke to the following effect:--"gentlemen, my previous sentiments on this subject are well known to you all; be not surprised to learn that they have undergone an entire change, i have not altered my views without mature deliberation. i have been making calculations with regard to the probable results of emancipation, and _i have ascertained beyond a doubt, that i can cultivate my estate at least one third cheaper by free labor than by slave labor_." after mr. b. had finished his remarks, mr. s. shands, member of assembly, and a wealthy proprietor, observed that he entertained precisely the same views with those just expressed; but he thought that the honorable gentleman had been unwise in uttering them in so public a manner; "for," said he, "should these sentiments reach the ear of parliament, as coming from us, _it might induce them to withhold the compensation_." col. edwards, member of the assembly, then arose and said, that he had long been opposed to slavery, but he had not _dared to avow his sentiments_. as might be supposed, the meeting adjourned without effecting the object for which it was convened. when the question came before the colonial assembly, similar discussions ensued, and finally the bill for immediate emancipation passed both bodies _unanimously_. it was an evidence of the spirit of selfish expediency, which prompted the whole procedure, that they clogged the emancipation bill with the proviso that a certain governmental tax on exports, called the four and a half per cent tax[a], should be repealed. thus clogged, the bill was sent home for sanction, but it was rejected by parliament, and sent back with instructions, that before it could receive his majesty's seal, it must appear wholly unencumbered with extraneous provisoes. this was a great disappointment to the legislature, and it so chagrined them that very many actually withdrew their support from the bill for emancipation, which passed finally in the assembly only by the casting vote of the speaker. [footnote a: we subjoin the following brief history of the four and a half per cent. tax, which we procured from the speaker of the assembly. in the rein of charles ii., antigua was conquered by the french, and the inhabitants were forced to swear allegiance to the french government. in a very short time the french were driven off the island and the english again took possession of it. it was then declared, by order of the king, that as the people had, by swearing allegiance to another government, forfeited the protection of the british government, and all title to their lands, they should not again receive either, except on condition of paying to the king a duty of four and a half per cent on every article exported from the island--and that they were to do in _perpetuity_. to this hard condition they were obliged to submit, and they have groaned under the onerous duty ever since. on every occasion, which offered any hope, they have sought the repeal of the tax, but have uniformly been defeated. when they saw that the abolition question was coming to a crisis, they resolved to make a last effort for the repeal of the four and a half percent duty. they therefore adopted immediate emancipation, and then, covered as they were, with the laurels of so magnanimous an act, they presented to parliament their cherished object. the defeat was a humiliating one, and it produced such a reaction in the island, as well nigh led to the rescinding of the abolition bill.] the verbal and written statements of numerous planters also confirm the declaration that emancipation was a measure solely of selfish policy. said mr. bernard, of green castle estate "emancipation was preferred to apprenticeship, because it was attended with less trouble, and left the planters independent, instead of being saddled with a legion of stipendiary magistrates." said dr. daniell, member of the council, and proprietor--"the apprenticeship was rejected by us solely from motives of policy. we did not wish to be annoyed with stipendiary magistrates." said hon. n. nugent--"we wished to let ourselves down in the easiest manner possible; _therefore_ we chose immediate freedom in preference to the apprenticeship." "emancipation was preferred to apprenticeship, because of the inevitable and endless perplexities connected with the latter system."--_david cranstoun, esq., colonial magistrate and planter_. "it is not pretended that emancipation was produced by the influence of religious considerations. it was a measure of mere convenience and interest."--_a moravian missionary_. the following testimony is extracted from a letter addressed to us by a highly respectable merchant of st. john's--a gentleman of long experience on the island, and now agent for several estates. "emancipation was an act of mere policy, adopted as _the safest and most economic_ measure." our last item of testimony under this head is from a written statement by the hon. n. nugent, speaker of the assembly, at the time of emancipation. his remarks on this subject, although long, we are sure will be read with interest. alluding to the adoption of immediate emancipation in preference to the apprenticeship, he observes:-- "the reasons and considerations which led to this step were various, of course impressing the minds of different individuals in different degrees. as slave emancipation could not be averted, and must inevitably take place very shortly, it was better to meet the crisis at once, than to have it hanging over our heads for six years, with all its harassing doubts and anxieties; better to give an air of grace to that which would be ultimately unavoidable; the slaves should rather have a motive of gratitude and kind reciprocation, than to feel, on being declared free, that their emancipation could neither be withheld nor retarded by their owners. the projected apprenticeship, while it destroyed the means of an instant coercion in a state of involuntary labor, equally withdrew or neutralized all those urgent motives which constrain to industrious exertion in the case of freemen. it abstracted from the master, in a state of things then barely remunerative, one fourth of the time and labor required in cultivation, and gave it to the servant, while it compelled the master to supply the same allowances as before. with many irksome restraints, conditions, and responsibilities imposed on the master, it had no equivalent advantages. there appeared no reason, in short, why general emancipation would not do as well in as in . finally, a strong conviction existed that from peculiarity of climate and soil, the physical wants and necessities of the peasantry would compel them to labor for their subsistence, to seek employment and wages from the proprietors of the soil; and if the _transformation_ could be safely and quietly brought about, that the _free_ system might be cheaper and more profitable than the other." the general testimony of planters, missionaries, clergymen, merchants, and others, was in confirmation of the same truth. there is little reason to believe that the views of the colonists on this subject have subsequently undergone much change. we did not hear, excepting occasionally among the missionaries and clergy, the slightest insinuation thrown out that _slavery was sinful_; that the slaves had a right to freedom, or that it would have been wrong to have continued them in bondage. the _politics_ of anti-slavery the antiguans are exceedingly well versed in, but of its _religion_, they seem to feel but little. they seem never to have examined slavery in its moral relations; never to have perceived its monstrous violations of right and its impious tramplings upon god and man. the antigua planters, it would appear, have _yet_ to repent of the sin of slaveholding. if the results of an emancipation so destitute of _principle_, so purely selfish, could produce such general satisfaction, and be followed by such happy results, it warrants us in anticipating still more decided and unmingled blessings in the train of a voluntary, conscientious, and religious abolition. third proposition.--the _event_ of emancipation passed peacefully. the first of august, , is universally regarded in antigua, as having presented a most imposing and sublime moral spectacle. it is almost impossible to be in the company of a missionary, a planter, or an emancipated negro, for ten minutes, without hearing some allusion to that occasion. even at the time of our visit to antigua, after the lapse of nearly three years, they spoke of the event with an admiration apparently unabated. for some time previous to the first of august, forebodings of disaster lowered over the island. the day was fixed! thirty thousand degraded human beings were to be brought forth from the dungeon of slavery and "turned loose on the community!" and this was to be done "in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye." gloomy apprehensions were entertained by many of the planters. some timorous families did not go to bed on the night of the st of july; fear drove sleep from their eyes, and they awaited with fluttering pulse the hour of midnight, fearing lest the same bell which sounded the jubilee of the slaves might toll the death knell of the masters.[a] [footnote a: we were informed by a merchant of st. john's, that several american vessels which had lain for weeks in the harbor, weighed anchor on the st of july, and made their escape, through actual fear, that the island would be destroyed on the following day. ere they set sail they earnestly besought our informant to escape from the island, as he valued his life.] the more intelligent, who understood the disposition of the negroes, and contemplated the natural tendencies of emancipation, through philosophical principles, and to the light of human nature and history, were free from alarm. to convey to the reader some idea of the manner in which the great crisis passed, we give the substance of several accounts which were related to us in different parts of the island, by those who witnessed them. the wesleyans kept "watch-night" in all their chapels on the night of the st july. one of the wesleyan missionaries gave us an account of the watch meeting at the chapel in st. john's. the spacious house was filled with the candidates for liberty. all was animation and eagerness. a mighty chorus of voices swelled the song of expectation and joy, and as they united in prayer, the voice of the leader was drowned in the universal acclamations of thanksgiving and praise, and blessing, and honor, and glory, to god, who had come down for their deliverance. in such exercises the evening was spent until the hour of twelve approached. the missionary then proposed that when the clock on the cathedral should begin to strike, the whole congregation should fall upon their knees and receive the boon of freedom in silence. accordingly, as the loud bell tolled its first note, the immense assembly fell prostrate on their knees. all was silence, save the quivering half-stifled breath of the struggling spirit. the slow notes of the clock fell upon the multitude; peal on peal, peal on peal, rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary heart strings. scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the lightning flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder roared along the sky--god's pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee! a moment of profoundest silence passed--then came the _burst_--they broke forth in prayer; they shouted, they sung, "glory," "alleluia;" they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and fro, tossing upward their unfettered hands; but high above the whole there was a mighty sound which ever and anon swelled up; it was the utterings in broken negro dialect of gratitude to god. after this gush of excitement had spent itself; and the congregation became calm, the religious exercises were resumed, and the remainder of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the bible, and in addresses from the missionaries explaining the nature of the freedom just received, and exhorting the freed people to be industrious, steady, obedient to the laws, and to show themselves in all things worthy of the high boon which god had conferred upon them. the first of august came on friday, and a release was proclaimed from all work until the next monday. the day was chiefly spent by the great mass of the negroes in the churches and chapels. thither they flocked "as clouds, and as doves to their windows." the clergy and missionaries throughout the island were actively engaged, seizing the opportunity in order to enlighten the people on all the duties and responsibilities of their new relation, and above all, urging them to the attainment of that higher liberty with which christ maketh his children free. in every quarter we were assured that the day was like a sabbath. work had ceased; the hum of business was still, and noise and tumult were unheard on the streets. tranquillity pervaded the towns and country. a sabbath indeed! when the wicked ceased from troubling, and the weary were at rest, and the slave was free from his master! the planters informed us that they went to the chapels where their own people were assembled, greeted them, shook hands with them, and exchanged the most hearty good wishes. the churches and chapels were thronged all over the island. at cedar hall, a moravian station, the crowd was so great that the minister was obliged to remove the meeting from the chapel to a neighboring grove. at grace hill, another moravian station, the negroes went to the missionary on the day before the first of august, and begged that they might be allowed to have a meeting in the chapel at sunrise. it is the usual practice among the moravians to hold but one sunrise meeting during the year, and that is on the morning of easter: but as the people besought very earnestly for this special favor on the easter morning of their freedom, it was granted to them. early in the morning they assembled at the chapel. for some time they sat in perfect silence. the missionary then proposed that they should kneel down and sing. the whole audience fell upon their knees, and sung a hymn commencing with the following verse: "now let us praise the lord, with body, soul and spirit, who doth such wondrous things, beyond our sense and merit." the singing was frequently interrupted with the tears and sobbings of the melted people, until finally it was wholly arrested, and a tumult of emotion overwhelmed the congregation. during the day, repeated meetings were held. at eleven o'clock, the people assembled in vast numbers. there were at least a _thousand_ persons around the chapel, who could not get in. for once the house of god suffered violence, and the violent took it by force. after all the services of the day, the people went again to the missionaries in a body, and petitioned to have a meeting in the evening. at grace bay, the people, all dressed in white, assembled in a spacious court in front of the moravian chapel. they formed a procession and walked arm in arm into the chapel. similar scenes occurred at all the chapels and at the churches also. we were told by the missionaries that the dress of the negroes on that occasion was uncommonly simple and modest. there was not the least disposition of gaiety. we were also informed by planters and missionaries in every part of the island, that there was not a single dance known of, either day or night, nor so much as a fiddle played. there were no riotous assemblies, no drunken carousals. it was not in such channels that the excitement of the emancipated flowed. they were as far from dissipation and debauchery, as they were from violence and carnage. gratitude was the absorbing emotion. from the hill-tops, and the valleys, the cry of a disenthralled people went upward like the sound of many waters, "glory to god, glory to god." the testimony of the planters corresponds fully with that of the missionaries. said r.b. eldridge, esq., after speaking of the number emancipated, "yet this vast body, ( , ,) _glided_ out of slavery into freedom with the utmost tranquillity." dr. daniell observed, that after so prodigious a revolution in the condition of the negroes, he expected that some irregularities would ensue; but he had been entirely disappointed. he also said that he anticipated some relaxation from labour during the week following emancipation. but he found his hands in the field early on monday morning, and not one missing. the same day he received word from another estate, of which he was proprietor,[a] that the negroes had to a man refused to go to the field. he immediately rode to the estate and found the people standing with their hoes in their hands doing nothing. he accosted them in a friendly manner: "what does this mean, my fellows, that you are not at work this morning?" they immediately replied, "it's not because we don't want to work, massa, but we wanted to see you first and foremost to _know what the bargain would be_." as soon as that matter was settled, the whole body of negroes turned out cheerfully, without a moment's cavil. [footnote a: it is not unusual in the west indies for proprietors to commit their own estates into the hands of managers; and be themselves, the managers of other men's estates.] mr. bourne, of millar's, informed us that the largest gang he had ever seen in the field on his property, turned out the _week after emancipation_. said hon. n. nugent, "nothing could surpass the universal propriety of the negroes' conduct on the first of august, ! never was there a more beautiful and interesting spectacle exhibited, than on that occasion." fourth proposition.--there has been _since_ emancipation, not only _no rebellion in fact_, but no fear of it in antigua. proof st. the militia were not called out during christmas holidays. _before_ emancipation, martial law invariably prevailed on the holidays, but the very first christmas after emancipation, the governor made a proclamation stating that _in consequence of the abolition of slavery_ it was no longer necessary to resort to such a precaution. there has not been a parade of soldiery on any subsequent christmas.[b] [footnote b: this has been followed by a measure on the part of the legislature, which is further proof of the same thing. it is "an act for amending and further continuing the several acts at present in force for better organizing and ordering the militia." the preamble reads thus: "whereas the abolition of slavery in this island renders it expedient to provide against an unnecessary augmentation of the militia, and the existing laws for better organizing and ordering that local force require amendment." the following military advertisement also shows the increasing confidence which is felt in the freed men: "recruits wanted.--the free men of antigua are now called on to show their gratitude and loyalty to king william, for the benefits he has conferred on them and their families, by volunteering their services as soldiers in his first west india regiment; in doing which they will acquire a still higher rank in society, by being placed on a footing of perfect equality with the other troops in his majesty's service, and receive the same bounty, pay, clothing, rations and allowances. none but young men of good character can be received, and all such will meet with every encouragement by applying at st. john's barracks, to h. downie, _capt. st w.i. regt_. _september th_, ." ] d. the uniform declaration of planters and others: "previous to emancipation, many persons apprehended violence and bloodshed as the consequence of turning the slaves all loose. but when emancipation took place, all these apprehensions vanished. the sense of personal security is universal. we know not of a single instance in which the negroes have exhibited a _revengeful spirit_." _s. bourne, esq., of millar's.--watkins, esq., of donovan's._ "it has always appeared to me self-evident, that if a man is peaceable while a _slave_, he will be so when a _free man_." _dr. ferguson._ "there is no possible danger of personal violence from the slaves; should a foreign power invade our island, i have no doubt that the negroes would, to a man, fight for the planters. i have the utmost confidence in all the people who are under my management; they are my friends, and they consider me their friend." _h. armstrong, esq., of fitch's creek._ the same gentleman informed us that during slavery, he used frequently to lie sleepless on his bed, thinking about his dangerous situation--a lone white person far away from help, and surrounded by hundreds of savage slaves; and he had spent hours thus, in devising plans of self-defence in case the house should be attacked by the negroes. "if they come," he would say to himself, "and break down the door, and fill my bedroom, what shall i do? it will be useless to fire at them; my only hope is to frighten the superstitious fellows by covering myself with a white sheet, and rushing into the midst of them, crying, 'ghost, ghost.'" now mr. a. sleeps in peace and safety, without conjuring up a ghost to keep guard at his bedside. his bodyguard is a battalion of substantial flesh and blood, made up of those who were once the objects of his nightly terror! "there has been no instance of personal violence since freedom. some persons pretended, prior to emancipation, to apprehend disastrous results; but for my part i cannot say that i ever entertained such fears. i could not see any thing which was to instigate negroes to rebellion, _after_ they had obtained their liberty. i have not heard of a single case of even _meditated_ revenge." _dr. daniell, proprietor, member of council, attorney of six estates, and manager of weatherill's._ "one of the blessings of emancipation has been, that it has banished the _fear_ of insurrections, incendiarism, &c." _mr. favey, manager of lavicount's._ "in my extensive intercourse with the people, as missionary, i have never heard of an instance of violence or revenge on the part of the negroes, even where they had been ill-treated during slavery." _rev. mr. morrish, moravian missionary._ "insurrection or revenge is in no case dreaded, not even by those planters who were most cruel in the time of slavery. my family go to sleep every night with the doors unlocked, and we fear neither violence nor robbery." _hon. n. nugent._ again, in a written communication, the same gentleman remarks:--"there is not the slightest feeling of insecurity--quite the contrary. property is more secure, _for all idea of insurrection is abolished forever_." "we have no cause now to fear insurrections; emancipation has freed us from all danger on this score." _david cranstoun, esq._ extract of a letter from a merchant of st. john's who has resided in antigua more than thirty years: "there is no sense of personal danger arising from insurrections or conspiracies among the blacks. serious apprehensions of this nature were formerly entertained; but they gradually died away _during the first year of freedom_." we quote the following from a communication addressed to us by a gentleman of long experience in antigua--now a merchant in st. john's--_james scotland, sen., esq._ "disturbances, insubordinations, and revelry, have greatly decreased since emancipation; and it is a remarkable fact, that on the day of abolition, which was observed with the solemnity and services of the sabbath, not an instance of common insolence was experienced from any freed man." "there is no feeling of insecurity. a stronger proof of this cannot be given than the dispensing, within five months after emancipation, with the christmas guards, which had been regularly and uninterruptedly kept, for nearly one hundred years--during the whole time of slavery." "the military has never been called out, but on one occasion, since the abolition, and that was when a certain planter, the most violent enemy of freedom, reported to the governor that there were strong symptoms of insurrection among his negroes. the story was generally laughed at, and the reporter of it was quite ashamed of his weakness and fears." "my former occupation, as editor of a newspaper, rendered it necessary for me to make incessant inquiries into the conduct as well as the treatment of the emancipated, and i have _never heard any instance of revenge_ for former injuries. the negroes have _quitted_ managers who were _harsh or cruel_ to them in their bondage, but they removed in a peaceable and orderly manner." "our negroes, and i presume other negroes too, are very little less sensible to the force of those motives which lead to the peace, order, and welfare of society, than any other set of people." "the general conduct of the negroes has been worthy of much praise, especially considering the sudden transition from slavery to unrestricted freedom. their demeanor is peaceable and orderly." _ralph higinbothom, u. s. consul._ as we mingled with the missionaries, both in town and country, they all bore witness to the security of their persons and families. they, equally with the planters, were surprised that we should make any inquiries about insurrections. a question on this subject generally excited a smile, a look of astonishment, or some exclamation, such as "_insurrection_! my dear sirs, we do not think of such a thing;" or, "rebellion indeed! why, what should they rebel for _now_, since they have got their liberty!" physicians informed us that they were in the habit of riding into the country at all hours of the night, and though they were constantly passing negroes, both singly and in companies, they never had experienced any rudeness, nor even so much as an insolent word. they could go by night or day, into any part of the island where their professional duties called them, without the slightest sense of danger. a residence of nine weeks in the island gave us no small opportunity of testing the reality of its boasted security. the hospitality of planters and missionaries, of which we have recorded so many instances in a previous part of this work, gave us free access to their houses in every part of the island. in many cases we were constrained to spend the night with them, and thus enjoyed, in the intimacies of the domestic circle, and in the unguarded moments of social intercourse, every opportunity of detecting any lurking fears of violence, if such there had been; but we saw no evidence of it, either in the arrangements of the houses or in the conduct of the inmates[a]. [footnote a: in addition to the evidence derived from antigua, we would mention the following fact: a planter, who is also an attorney, informed us that on the neighboring little island of barbuda, (which is leased from the english government by sir christopher coddrington,) there are five hundred negroes and only _three white men_. the negroes are entirely free, yet the whites continue to live among them without any fear of having their throats cut. the island is cultivated in sugar.--barbuda is under the government of antigua, and accordingly the act of entire emancipation extended to that island.] fifth proposition.--there has been no fear of house breaking, highway robberies, and like misdemeanors, since emancipation. statements, similar to those adduced under the last head, from planters, and other gentlemen, might be introduced here; but as this proposition is so intimately involved in the foregoing, separate proof is not necessary. the same causes which excite apprehensions of insurrection, produce fears of robberies and other acts of violence; so also the same state of society which establishes security of person, insures the safety of property. both in town and country we heard gentlemen repeatedly speak of the slight fastenings to their houses. a mere lock, or bolt, was all that secured the outside doors, and they might be burst open with ease, by a single man. in some cases, as has already been intimated, the planters habitually neglect to fasten their doors--so strong is their confidence of safety. we were not a little struck with the remark of a gentleman in st. john's. he said he had long been desirous to remove to england, his native country, and had slavery continued much longer in antigua, he certainly should have gone; but _now_ the _security of property was so much greater in antigua than it was in england_, that he thought it doubtful whether he should ever _venture_ to take his family thither. sixth proposition.--emancipation is regarded by all classes as a great blessing to the island. there is not a class, or party, or sect, who do not esteem the abolition of slavery as a _special blessing to them_. the rich, because it relieved them of "property" which was fast becoming a disgrace, as it had always been a vexation and a tax, and because it has emancipated them from the terrors of insurrection, which kept them all their life time subject to bondage. the poor whites--because it lifted from off them the yoke of civil oppression. the free colored population--because it gave the death blow to the prejudice that crushed them, and opened the prospect of social, civil, and political equality with the whites. the _slaves_--because it broke open their dungeon, led them out to liberty, and gave them, in one munificent donation, their wives, their children, their bodies, their souls--every thing! the following extracts from the journals of the legislature, show the state of feeling existing shortly after emancipation. the first is dated october , : "the speaker said, that he looked with exultation at the prospect before us. the hand of the most high was evidently working for us. could we regard the universal tranquillity, the respectful demeanor of the lower classes, as less than an interposition of providence? the agricultural and commercial prosperity of the island were absolutely on the advance; and for his part he would not hesitate to purchase estates to-morrow." the following remark was made in the course of a speech by a member of the council, november , : "colonel brown stated, that since emancipation he had never been without a sufficient number of laborers, and he was certain he could obtain as many more to-morrow as he should wish." the general confidence in the beneficial results of emancipation, has grown stronger with every succeeding year and month. it has been seen that freedom will bear trial; that it will endure, and continue to bring forth fruits of increasing value. the governor informed us that "it was _universally admitted_, that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island." in a company of proprietors and planters, who met us on a certain occasion, among whom were lawyers, magistrates, and members of the council, and of the assembly, the sentiment was distinctly avowed, that emancipation was highly beneficial to the island, and there was not a dissenting opinion. "emancipation is working most admirably, especially for the planters. it is infinitely better policy than slavery or the apprenticeship either." --_dr. ferguson_. "our planters find that freedom answers a far better purpose than slavery ever did. a gentleman, who is attorney for eight estates, assured me that there was no comparison between the benefits and advantages of the two systems."--_archdeacon parry_. "all the planters in my neighborhood (st. philip's parish) are highly pleased with the operation of the new system."--_rev. mr. jones, rector of st. philip's_. "i do not know of more than one or two planters in the whole island, who do not consider emancipation as a decided advantage to all parties." --_dr. daniell_. that emancipation should be universally regarded as a blessing, is remarkable, when we consider that combination of untoward circumstances which it has been called to encounter--a combination wholly unprecedented in the history of the island. in , the first year of the new system, the colony was visited by one of the most desolating hurricanes which has occurred for many years. in the same year, cultivation was arrested, and the crops greatly reduced, by drought. about the same time, the yellow fever prevailed with fearful mortality. the next year the drought returned, and brooded in terror from march until january, and from january until june: not only blasting the harvest of ' , but extending its blight over the crops of ' . nothing could be better calculated to try the confidence in the new system. yet we find all classes zealously exonerating emancipation, and in despite of tornado, plague, and wasting, still affirming the blessings and advantages of freedom! seventh proposition.--_free labor_ is decidedly less expensive than _slave labor_. it costs the planter actually less to pay his free laborers daily wages, than it did to maintain his slaves. it will be observed in the testimony which follows, that there is some difference of opinion as to the _precise amount_ of reduction in the expenses, which is owing to the various modes of management on different estates, and more particularly, to the fact that some estates raise all their provisions, while others raise none. but as to the fact itself, there can scarcely be said to be any dispute among the planters. there was one class of planters whose expenses seemed to be somewhat increased, viz. those who raised all their provisions before emancipation, and ceased to raise any _after_ that event. but in the opinion of the most intelligent planters, even these did not really sustain any loss, for originally it was bad policy to raise provisions, since it engrossed that labor which would have been more profitably directed to the cultivation of sugar; and hence they would ultimately be gainers by the change. s. bourne, esq. stated that the expenses on millar's estate, of which he is manager, had diminished about _one third_. mr. barnard, of green castle, thought his expenses were about the same that they were formerly. mr. favey, of lavicount's estate, enumerated, among the advantages of freedom over slavery, "the diminished expense." dr. nugent also stated, that "the expenses of cultivation were greatly diminished." mr. hatley, manager of fry's estate, said that the expenses on his estate had been greatly reduced since emancipation. he showed us the account of his expenditures for the last year of slavery, and the first full year of freedom, . the expenses during the last year of slavery were _l._ _s._ - / _d._; the expenses for were _l._ _s._ - / _d._: showing a reduction of more than one third. d. cranstoun, esq., informed us that his weekly expenses during slavery, on the estate which he managed, were, on an average, _l._; the average expenses now do not exceed _l._ extract of a letter from hon. n. nugent: "the expenses of cultivating sugar estates have in no instance, i believe, been found _greater_ than before. as far as my experience goes, they are certainly less, particularly as regards those properties which were overhanded before, when proprietors were compelled to support more dependents than they required. in some cases, the present cost is less by _one third_. i have not time to furnish you with any detailed statements, but the elements of the calculation are simple enough." it is not difficult to account for the diminution in the cost of cultivation. in the first place, for those estates that bought their provision previous to emancipation, it cost more money to purchase their stores than they now pay out in wages. this was especially true in dry seasons, when home provisions failed, and the island was mainly dependent upon foreign supplies. but the chief source of the diminution lies in the reduced number of people to be supported by the planter. during slavery, the planter was required by law to maintain _all_ the slaves belonging to the estate; the superannuated, the infirm, the pregnant, the nurses, the young children, and the infants, as well as the working slaves. now it is only the latter class, the effective laborers, (with the addition of such as were superannuated or infirm at the period of emancipation,) who are dependent upon the planter. these are generally not more than one half, frequently less than a third, of the whole number of negroes resident on the estate; consequently a very considerable burthen has been removed from the planter. the reader may form some estimate of the reduced expense to the planter, resulting from these causes combined, by considering the statement made to us by hon. n. nugent, and repeatedly by proprietors and managers, that had slavery been in existence during the present drought, many of the smaller estates _must have been inevitably ruined_; on account of the high price of imported provisions, (home provisions having fallen short) and the number of slaves to be fed. eighth proposition.--the negroes work _more cheerfully_, and _do their work better_ than they did during slavery. wages are found to be an ample substitute for the lash--they never fail to secure the amount of labor desired. this is particularly true where task work is tried, which is done occasionally in cases of a pressing nature, when considerable effort is required. we heard of no complaints on the score of idleness, but on the contrary, the negroes were highly commended for the punctuality and cheerfulness with which they performed the work assigned them. the governor stated, that "he was assured by planters, from every part of the island, that the negroes were very industriously disposed." "my people have become much more industrious since they were emancipated. i have been induced to extend the sugar cultivation over a number of acres more than have ever been cultivated before."--_mr. watkins, of donovan's_. "fearing the consequences of emancipation, i reduced my cultivation in the year ' ; but soon finding that my people would work as well as ever, i brought up the cultivation the next year to the customary extent, and this year (' ) i have added fifteen acres of new land."--_s. bourne, of millar's_. "throughout the island the estates were never in a more advanced state than they now are. the failure in the crops is not in the slightest degree chargeable to a deficiency of labor. i have frequently adopted the job system for short periods; the results have always been gratifying--the negroes accomplished twice as much as when they worked for daily wages, because they made more money. on some days they would make three shillings--three times the ordinary wages."--_dr. daniell_. "they are as a body _more_ industrious than when slaves, for the obvious reason that they are _working for themselves_."--_ralph higinbothom, u.s. consul_. "i have no hesitation in saying that on my estate cultivation is more forward than ever it has been at the same season. the failure of the crops is not in the least degree the fault of the laborers. they have done well."--_mr. favey, of lavicount's estate_. "the most general apprehension prior to emancipation was, that the negroes would not work after they were made free--that they would be indolent, buy small parcels of land, and '_squat_' on them to the neglect of sugar cultivation. time, however, has proved that there was no foundation for this apprehension. the estates were never in better order than they are at present. if you are interrogated on your return home concerning the cultivation of antigua, you can say that every thing depends upon the _weather_. if we have _sufficient rain_, you may be certain that we shall realize abundant crops. if we have no rain, the crops _must inevitably_ fail. _but we always depend upon the laborers_. on account of the stimulus to industry which wages afford, there is far less feigned sickness than there was during slavery. when slaves, the negroes were glad to find any excuse for deserting their labor, and they were incessantly feigning sickness. the sick-house was thronged with real and pretended invalids. after ' , it was wholly deserted. the negroes would not go near it; and, in truth, i have lately used it for a stable."--_hon. n. nugent_. "though the laborers on both the estates under my management have been considerably reduced since freedom, yet the grounds have never been in a finer state of cultivation, than they are at present. when my work is backward, i give it out in jobs, and it is always done in half the usual time." "emancipation has almost wholly put an end to the practice of _skulking_, or pretending to be sick. that was a thing which caused the planter a vast deal of trouble during slavery. every monday morning regularly, when i awoke, i found ten or a dozen, or perhaps twenty men and women, standing around my door, waiting for me to make my first appearance, and begging that i would let them off from work that day on account of sickness. it was seldom the case that one fourth of the applicants were really unwell; but every one would maintain that he was very sick, and as it was hard to contend with them about it, they were all sent off to the sick-house. now this is entirely done away, and my sick-house is converted into a chapel for religious worship."--_james howell, esq._ "i find my people much more disposed to work than they formerly were. the habit of feigning sickness to get rid of going to the field, is completely broken up. this practice was very common during slavery. it was often amusing to hear their complaints. one would come carrying an arm in one hand, and declaring that it had a mighty pain in it, and he could not use the hoe no way; another would make his appearance with both hands on his breast, and with a rueful look complain of a great pain in the stomach; a third came limping along, with a _dreadful rheumatiz_ in his knees; and so on for a dozen or more. it was vain to dispute with them, although it was often manifest that nothing earthly was ailing them. they would say, 'ah! me massa, you no tink how bad me feel--it's _deep in_, massa.' but all this trouble is passed. we have no sick-house now; no feigned sickness, and really much less actual illness than formerly. my people say, '_they have not time to be sick now_.' my cultivation has never been so far advanced at the same season, or in finer order than it is at the present time. i have been encouraged by the increasing industry of my people to bring several additional acres under cultivation."--_mr. hatley, fry's estate_. "i get my work done better than formerly, and with incomparably more cheerfulness. my estate was never in a finer state of cultivation than it is now, though i employ _fewer_ laborers than during slavery. i have occasionally used job, or task work, and with great success. when i give out a job, it is accomplished in about half the time that it would have required by giving the customary wages. the people will do as much in one week at job work, as they will in two, working for a shilling a day. i have known them, when they had a job to do, turn out before three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight."--_d. cranstoun, esq._ "my people work very well for the ordinary wages; i have no fault to find with them in this respect."--_manager of scotland's estate_. _extract from the superintendent's report to the commander in chief_. superintendent's office, _june th_. . "during the last month i have visited the country in almost every direction, with the express object of paying a strict attention to all branches of agricultural operations at that period progressing. the result of my observations is decidedly favorable, as regards proprietors and laborers. the manufacture of sugar has advanced as far as the long and continued want of rain will admit; the lands, generally, appear to be in a forward state of preparation for the ensuing crop, and the laborers seem to work with more steadiness and satisfaction to themselves and their employers, than they have manifested for some length of time past, and their work is much more correctly performed. complaints are, for the most part, adduced by the employers against the laborers, and principally consist, (as hitherto,) of breaches of contract; but i am happy to observe, that a diminution of dissatisfaction on this head even, has taken place, as will be seen by the accompanying general return of offences reported. your honor's most obedient, humble servant, _richard s. wickham, superintendent of police_." ninth proposition.--the negroes are _more easily managed_ as freemen than they were when slaves. on this point as well as on every other connected with the system of slavery, public opinion in antigua has undergone an entire revolution, since . it was then a common maxim that the peculiar characteristics of the negro absolutely required a government of terror and brute force. the governor said, "the negroes are as a race remarkable for _docility_; they are very easily controlled by kind influence. it is only necessary to gain their confidence, and you can sway them as you please." "before emancipation took place, i dreaded the consequence of abolishing the power of compelling labor, but i have since found by experience that forbearance and kindness are sufficient for all purposes of authority. i have seldom had any trouble in managing my people. they consider me their friend, and the expression of my wish is enough for them. those planters who have retained their _harsh manner_ do not succeed under the new system. the people will not bear it."--_mr. j. howell_. "i find it remarkably easy to manage my people. i govern them entirely by mildness. in every instance in which managers have persisted in their habits of arbitrary command, they have failed. i have lately been obliged to discharge a manager from one of the estates under my direction, on account of his overbearing disposition. if i had not dismissed him, the people would have abandoned the estate _en masse_."--_dr. daniell_. "the management of an estate under the free system is a much lighter business than it used to be. we do not have the trouble to get the people to work, or to keep them in order."--_mr. favey_. "before the abolition of slavery, i thought it would be utterly impossible to manage my people without tyrannizing over them as usual, and that it would be giving up the reins of government entirely, to abandon the whip; but i am now satisfied that i was mistaken. i have lost all desire to exercise arbitrary power. i have known of several instances in which unpleasant disturbances have been occasioned by managers giving way to their anger, and domineering over the laborers. the people became disobedient and disorderly, and remained so until the estates went into other hands, and a good management immediately restored confidence and peace."--_mr. watkins_. "among the advantages belonging to the free system, may he enumerated the greater facility in managing estates. we are freed from a world of trouble and perplexity."--_david cranstoun, esq._ "i have no hesitation in saying, that if i have a supply of cash, i can take off any crop it may please god to send. having already, since emancipation, taken off one fully sixty hogsheads above the average of the last twenty years. i can speak with confidence."--_letter from s. bourne, esq._ mr. bourne stated a fact which illustrates the ease with which the negroes are governed by gentle means. he said that it was a prevailing practice during slavery for the slaves to have a dance soon after they had finished gathering in the crop. at the completion of his crop in ' , the people made arrangements for having the customary dance. they were particularly elated because the crop which they had first taken off was the largest one that had ever been produced by the estate, and it was also the largest crop on the island for that year. with these extraordinary stimulants and excitements, operating in connection with the influence of habit, the people were strongly inclined to have a dance. mr. b. told them that dancing was a bad practice--and a very childish, barbarous amusement, and he thought it was wholly unbecoming _freemen_. he hoped therefore that they would dispense with it. the negroes could not exactly agree with their manager--and said they did not like to be disappointed in their expected sport. mr. b. finally proposed to them that he would get the moravian minister, rev. mr. harvey, to ride out and preach to them on the appointed evening. the people all agreed to this. accordingly, mr. harvey preached, and they said no more about the dance--nor have they ever attempted to get up a dance since. we had repeated opportunities of witnessing the management of the laborers on the estates, and were always struck with the absence of every thing like coercion. by the kind invitation of mr. bourne, we accompanied him once on a morning circuit around his estate. after riding some distance, we came to the 'great gang' cutting canes. mr. b. saluted the people in a friendly manner, and they all responded with a hearty 'good mornin, massa.' there were more than fifty persons, male and female, on the spot. the most of them were employed in cutting canes[a], which they did with a heavy knife called a _bill_. mr. b. beckoned to the superintendent, a black man, to come to him, and gave him some directions for the forenoon's work, and then, after saying a few encouraging words to the people, took us to another part of the estate, remarking as we rode off, "i have entire confidence that those laborers will do their work just as i want to have it done." we next came upon some men, who were hoeing in a field of corn. we found that there had been a slight altercation between two of the men. peter, who was a foreman, came to mr. b., and complained that george would not leave the cornfield and go to another kind of work as he had bid him. mr. b. called george, and asked for an explanation. george had a long story to tell, and he made an earnest defence, accompanied with impassioned gesticulation; but his dialect was of such outlandish description, that we could not understand him. mr. b. told us that the main ground of his defence was that peter's direction was _altogether unreasonable_. peter was then called upon to sustain his complaint; he spoke with equal earnestness and equal unintelligibility. mr. b. then gave his decision, with great kindness of manner, which quite pacified both parties. [footnote a: the process of cutting canes is this:--the leafy part, at top is first cut off down as low as the saccharine matter a few of the lowest joints of the part thus cut off, are then stripped of the leaves, and cut off for _plants_, for the next crop. the stalk is then cut off close to the ground--and it is that which furnishes the juice for sugar. it is from three to twelve feet long, and from one to two inches in diameter, according to the quality of the soil, the seasonableness of the weather, &c. the cutters are followed by _gatherers_, who bind up the plants and stalks, as the cutters cast them behind them, in different bundles. the carts follow in the train, and take up the bundles--carrying the stalks to the mill to be ground, and the plants in another direction.] as we rode on, mr. b. informed us that george was himself the foreman of a small weeding gang, and felt it derogatory to his dignity to be ordered by peter. we observed on all the estates which we visited, that the planters, when they wish to influence their people, are in the habit of appealing to them as _freemen_, and that now better things are expected of them. this appeal to their self-respect seldom fails of carrying the point. it is evident from the foregoing testimony, that if the negroes do not work well on any estate, it is generally speaking the _fault of the manager_. we were informed of many instances in which arbitrary men were discharged from the management of estates, and the result has been the restoration of order and industry among the people. on this point we quote the testimony of james scotland, sen., esq., an intelligent and aged merchant of st. john's: "in this colony, the evils and troubles attending emancipation have resulted almost entirely from the perseverance of the planters in their old habits of domination. the planters very frequently, indeed, _in the early stage of freedom_, used their power as employers to the annoyance and injury of their laborers. for the slightest misconduct, and sometimes without any reason whatever, the poor negroes were dragged before the magistrates, (planters or their friends,) and mulcted in their wages, fined otherwise, and committed to jail or the house of correction. and yet those harassed people remained patient, orderly and submissive. _their treatment now is much improved. the planters have happily discovered, that as long as they kept the cultivators of their lands in agitations and sufferings, their own interests were sacrificed._" tenth proposition.--the negroes are _more trust-worthy, and take a deeper interest in their employers' affairs_, since emancipation. "my laborers manifest an increasing attachment to the estate. in all their habits they are becoming more settled, and they begin to feel that they have a personal interest in the success of the property on which they live."--_mr. favey_. "as long as the negroes felt uncertain whether they would remain in one place, or be dismissed and compelled to seek a home elsewhere, they manifested very little concern for the advancement of their employers' interest; but in proportion as they become permanently established on an estate, they seem to identify themselves with its prosperity. the confidence between master and servant is mutually increasing."--_mr. james howell_. the hon. mr. nugent, dr. daniell, d. cranstoun, esq., and other planters, enumerated among the advantages of freedom, the planters being released from the perplexities growing out of want of confidence in the sympathy and honesty of the slaves. s. bourne, esq., of millar's, remarked as we were going towards his mill and boiling-house, which had been in operation about a week, "i have not been near my works for several days; yet i have no fears but that i shall find every thing going on properly." the planters have been too deeply experienced in the nature of slavery, not to know that mutual jealousy, distrust, and alienation of feeling and interest, are its legitimate offspring; and they have already seen enough of the operation of freedom, to entertain the confident expectation, that fair wages, kind treatment, and comfortable homes, will attach the laborers to the estates, and identify the interests of the employer and the employed. eleventh proposition.--the experiment in antigua proves that emancipated slaves can _appreciate law_. it is a prevailing opinion that those who have long been slaves, cannot at once be safely subjected to the control of law. it will now be seen how far this theory is supported by facts. let it be remembered that the negroes of antigua passed, "by a single _jump_, from absolute slavery to unqualified freedom."[a] in proof of _their subordination to law_, we give the testimony of planters, and quote also from the police reports sent in monthly to the governor, with copies of which we were kindly furnished by order of his excellency. [footnote a: dr. daniell.] "i have found that the negroes are readily controlled by law; more so perhaps than the laboring classes in other countries."--_david cranstoun, esq._ "the conduct of the negro population generally, has surpassed all expectation. they are as pliant to the hand of legislation, as any people; perhaps more so than some." _wesleyan missionary_. similar sentiments were expressed by the governor, the hon. n. nugent, r.b. eldridge, esq., dr. ferguson, dr. daniell, and james scotland, jr., esq., and numerous other planters, managers, &c. this testimony is corroborated by the police reports, exhibiting, as they do, comparatively few crimes, and those for the most part minor ones. we have in our possession the police reports for every month from september, , to january, . we give such specimens as will serve to show the general tenor of the reports. _police-office, st. john's, sept_. , . "from the information which i have been able to collect by my own personal exertions, and from the reports of the assistant inspectors, at the out stations, i am induced to believe that, in general, a far better feeling and good understanding at present prevails between the laborers and their employers, than hitherto. capital offences have much decreased in number, as well as all minor ones, and the principal crimes lately submitted for the investigation of the magistrates, seem to consist chiefly in trifling offences and breaches of contract. _signed, richard s. wickham, superintendent of police_." * * * * * "to his excellency, _sir c.i. murray mcgregor, governor, &c_. _st. john's, antigua, oct_. , . sir--the general state of regularity and tranquillity which prevails throughout the island, admits of my making but a concise report to your excellency, for the last month. the autumnal agricultural labors continue to progress favorably, and i have every reason to believe, that the agriculturalists, generally, are far more satisfied with the internal state of the island affairs, than could possibly have been anticipated a short period since. from conversations which i have had with several gentlemen of extensive interest and practical experience, united with my own observations, i do not hesitate in making a favorable report of the general easy and quietly progressing state of contentedness, evidently showing itself among the laboring class; and i may add, that with few exceptions, a reciprocity of kind and friendly feeling at present is maintained between the planters and their laborers. although instances do occur of breach of contract, they are not very frequent, and in many cases i have been induced to believe, that the crime has originated more from the want of a proper understanding of the time, intent, and meaning of the contract into which the laborers have entered, than from the actual existence of any dissatisfaction on their part." _signed, &c._ * * * * * _st. john's, antigua, dec. d_, . "sir--i have the honor to report that a continued uninterrupted state of peace and good order has happily prevailed throughout the island, during the last month. the calendar of offences for trial at the ensuing sessions, bears little comparison with those of former periods, and i am happy to state, that the crimes generally, are of a trifling nature, and principally petty thefts. by a comparison of the two last lists of offences submitted for investigation, it will be found that a decrease has taken place in that for november." _signed, &c_. * * * * * st. john's, january d, . "sir--i have great satisfaction in reporting to your honor the peaceable termination of the last year, and of the christmas vacation. at this period of the year, which has for ages been celebrated for scenes of gaiety and amusement among the laboring, as well as all other classes of society, and when several successive days of idleness occur, i cannot but congratulate your honor, on the quiet demeanor and general good order, which has happily been maintained throughout the island. it may not be improper here to remark, that during the holidays, i had only one prisoner committed to my charge, and that even his offence was of a minor nature." _signed, &c_. * * * * * _extract of report for february, ._ "the operation of the late contract acts, caused some trifling inconvenience at the commencement, but now that they are clearly understood, even by the young and ignorant, i am of opinion, that the most beneficial effects have resulted from these salutary acts, equally to master and servant, and that a permanent understanding is fully established. a return of crimes reported during the month of january, i beg leave to enclose, and at the same time, to congratulate your honor on the vast diminution of all minor misdemeanors, and of the continued total absence of capital offences." * * * * * _superintendent's office_, _antigua, april th_, . "sir--i am happy to remark, for the information of your honor, that the easter holidays have passed off, without the occurrence of any violation of the existing laws sufficiently serious to merit particular observation."[a] _signed, &c_. * * * * * [footnote a: this and the other reports concern, not st. john's merely, but the entire population of the island.] _extract from the report for may, ._ "it affords me great satisfaction in being able to report that the continued tranquillity prevailing throughout the island, prevents the necessity of my calling the particular attention of your honor to the existence of any serious or flagrant offence. the crop season having far advanced, i have much pleasure in remarking the continued steady and settled disposition, which on most properties appear to be reciprocally established between the proprietors and their agricultural laborers; and i do also venture to offer as my opinion, that a considerable improvement has taken place, in the behavior of domestic, as well as other laborers, not immediately employed in husbandry." we quote the following table of offences as a specimen of the monthly reports: _police office, st. john's, ._ return of offences reported at the police stations from st to st may. nature of st. e. par- john- total. more less offenses. john's. har- ham. ston's than than bour. point. last last month. month. assaults. do. and batteries. breach of contract. burglaries. commitments under vagrant act. do. for fines. do under amended porter's and jobber's act. felonies. injury to property. larcenies. misdemeanors. murders. petty thefts. trespasses. riding improperly thro' the streets. total _signed_, richard s. wickham, _superintendent of police_. * * * * * _superintendent's office_, _antigua, july th_, . "sir,--i have the honor to submit for your information, a general return of all offences reported during the last month, by which your honor will perceive, that no increase of 'breach of contract' has been recorded. while i congratulate your honor on the successful maintenance of general peace, and a reciprocal good feeling among all classes of society, i beg to assure you, that the opinion which i have been able to form in relation to the behavior of the laboring population, differs but little from my late observations. at a crisis like this, when all hopes of the ultimate success of so grand and bold an experiment, depends, almost entirely, on a cordial co-operation of the community, i sincerely hope, that no obstacles or interruptions will now present themselves, to disturb that general good understanding so happily established, since the adoption of unrestricted freedom." * * * * * _superintendent's office_, _st. john's, sept. th_, . "sir--i have the honor to enclose, for the information of your excellency, the usual monthly return of offences reported for punishment. it affords me very great satisfaction to report, that the internal peace and tranquillity of the island has remained uninterrupted during the last month; the conduct of all classes of the community has been orderly and peaceable, and strictly obedient to the laws of their country. the agricultural laborers continue a steady and uniform line of conduct, and with some few exceptions, afford a general satisfaction to their several employers. every friend to this country, and to the liberties of the world, must view with satisfaction the gradual improvement in the character and behavior of this class of the community, under the constant operation of the local enactments. the change must naturally be slow, but i feel sure that, in due time, a general amelioration in the habits and industry of the laborers will be sensibly experienced by all grades of society in this island, and will prove the benign effects and propitious results of the co-operated exertions of all, for their general benefit and future advancement. complaints have been made in the public prints of the robberies committed in this town, as well as the neglect of duty of the police force, and as these statements must eventually come under the observation of your excellency, i deem it my duty to make a few observations on this point. the town of st. john's occupies a space of one hundred and sixty acres of land, divided into fourteen main, and nine cross streets, exclusive of lanes and alleys--with a population of about three thousand four hundred persons. the numerical strength of the police force in this district, is eleven sergeants and two officers; five of these sergeants are on duty every twenty-four hours. one remains in charge of the premises, arms, and stores; the other four patrole by day and night, and have also to attend to the daily duties of the magistrates, and the eleventh is employed by me (being an old one) in general patrole duties, pointing out nuisances and irregularities. one burglary and one felony alone were reported throughout the island population of , souls in the month of july; and no burglary, and three felonies, were last month reported. the cases of robbery complained of, have been effected without any violence or noise, and have principally been by concealment in stores, which, added to the great want of a single lamp, or other light, in any one street at night, must reasonably facilitate the design of the robber, and defy the detection of the most active and vigilant body of police." _signed, &c._ * * * * * _superintendent's office,_ _antigua, january th, ._ "sir--it is with feelings of the most lively gratification that i report, for your notice the quiet and peaceable termination of christmas vacation, and the last year, which were concluded without a single serious violation of the governing laws. i cannot refrain from cordially congratulating your excellency on the regular and steady behavior, maintained by all ranks of society, at this particular period of the year. not one species of crime which can be considered of an heinous nature, has yet been discovered; and i proudly venture to declare my opinion, that in no part of his majesty's dominions, has a population of thirty thousand conducted themselves with more strict propriety, at this annual festivity, or been more peaceably obedient to the laws of their country." _signed, &c._ * * * * * in connection with the above quotation from the monthly reports, we present an extract of a letter from the superintendent of the police, addressed to us. _st. john's, th february, ._ "my dear sirs--in compliance with your request, i have not any hesitation in affording you any information on the subject of the free system adopted in this island, which my public situation has naturally provided me with. the opinion which i have formed has been, and yet remains, in favor of the emancipation; and i feel very confident that the system has and continues to work well, in almost all instances. the laborers have conducted themselves generally in a highly satisfactory manner to all the authorities, and strikingly so when we reflect that the greater portion of the population of the island were at once removed from a state of long existing slavery, to one of unrestricted freedom. unacquainted as they are with the laws newly enacted for their future government and guidance, and having been led in their ignorance to expect incalculable wonders and benefits arising from freedom, i cannot but reflect with amazement on the peace and good order which have been so fortunately maintained throughout the island population of thirty thousand subjects. some trifling difficulties sprang up on the commencement of the new system among the laborers, but even these, on strict investigation, proved to originate more from _an ignorance of their actual position_, than from any bad feeling, or improper motives, and consequently _were of short duration_. in general the laborers are peaceable orderly, and civil, not only to those who move in higher spheres of life than themselves, but also to each other. the crimes they are generally guilty of, are petty thefts, and other minor offences against the local acts; but crimes of an heinous nature are very rare among them; and i may venture to say, that petty thefts, _breaking sugar-canes to eat_, and offences of the like description, _principally_ swell the calendars of our quarterly courts of sessions. _murder_ has been a stranger to this island for many years; no execution has occurred among the island population for a very long period; the only two instances were two _irish_ soldiers. the lower class having become more acquainted with their governing laws, have also become infinitely more obedient to them, and i have observed _that particular care is taken among most of them to explain to each other the nature of the laws_, and to point out in their usual style the ill consequences attending any violation of them. ==> _a due fear of, and a prompt obedience to, the authority of the magistrates, is a prominent feature of the lower orders_, and to this i mainly attribute the successful maintenance of rural tranquillity. since emancipation, the agricultural laborer has had to contend with two of the most obstinate droughts experienced for many years in the island, which has decreased the supply of his accustomed vegetables and ground provisions, and consequently subjected him and family to very great privations; but this even, i think, has been submitted to with becoming resignation. to judge of the past and present state of society throughout the island, i presume that _the lives and properties of all classes are as secure in this, as in any other portion of his majesty's dominions_; and i sincerely hope that the future behavior of all, will more clearly manifest the correctness of my views of this highly important subject. i remain, dear sirs, yours faithfully, richard s. wickham, _superintendent of police_." * * * * * this testimony is pointed and emphatic; and it comes from one whose _official business it is to know_ the things whereof he here affirms. we have presented not merely the opinions of mr. w., relative to the subordination of the emancipated negroes in antigua, but likewise the _facts_ upon which be founded his opinion. on a point of such paramount importance we cannot be too explicit. we therefore add the testimony of planters as to the actual state of crime compared with that previous to emancipation. said j. howell, esq., of t. jarvis's estate, "i do not think that aggressions on property, and crime in general, have increased since emancipation, but rather decreased. they _appear_ to be more frequent, because they are made _more public_. during slavery, all petty thefts, insubordination, insolence, neglect of work, and so forth, were punished summarily on the estate, by order of the manager, and not even so much as the rumor of them ever reached beyond the confines of the property. now all offences, whether great or trifling, are to be taken cognizance of by the magistrate or jury, and hence they become notorious. formerly each planter knew only of those crimes which occurred on his own property; now every one knows something about the crimes committed on every other estate, as well as his own." it will be remembered that mr. h. is a man of thorough and long experience in the condition of the island, having lived in it since the year , and being most of that time engaged directly is the management of estates. "aggression on private property, such as breaking into houses, cutting canes, &c., are decidedly fewer than formerly. it is true that crime is made more _public_ now, than during slavery, when the master was his own magistrate."--_dr. daniell_. "i am of the opinion that crime in the island has diminished rather than increased since the abolition of slavery. there is an _apparent_ increase of crime, because every misdemeanor, however petty, floats to the surface."--_hon. n. nugent_. we might multiply testimony on this point; but suffice it to say that with very few exceptions, the planters, many of whom are also civil magistrates, concur in these two statements; that the amount of crime is actually less than it was during slavery; and that it _appears_ to _be greater_ because of the publicity which is necessarily given by legal processes to offences which were formerly punished and forgotten on the spot where they occurred. some of the prominent points established by the foregoing evidence are, st. that most of the crimes committed are petty misdemeanors such as turning out to work late in the morning, cutting canes to eat, &c. _high penal offences_ are exceedingly rare. d. that where offences of a serious nature do occur, or any open insubordination takes place, they are founded in ignorance or misapprehension of the law, and are seldom repeated a second time, if the law be properly explained and fully understood. d. that the above statements apply to no particular part of the island, where the negroes are peculiarly favored with intelligence and religion, but are made with reference to tire island generally. now it happens that in one quarter of the island the negro population are remarkably ignorant and degraded. we were credibly informed by various missionaries, who had labored in antigua and in a number of the other english islands, that they had not found in any colony so much debasement among the people, as prevailed in the part of antigua just alluded to. yet they testified that the negroes in that quarter were as peaceable, orderly, and obedient to law, as in any other part of the colony. we make this statement here particularly for the purpose of remarking that in the testimony of the planters, and in the police reports; there is not a single allusion to this portion of the island as forming an exception to the prevailing state of order and subordination. after the foregoing facts and evidences, we ask, what becomes of the dogma, that slaves cannot be immediately placed under the government of _equitable laws_ with safety to themselves and the community? twelfth proposition.--the emancipated negroes have shown _no disposition to roam from place to place._ a tendency to rove about, is thought by many to be a characteristic of the negro; he is not allowed even an ordinary share of local attachment, but must leave the chain and staple of slavery to hold him amidst the graves of his fathers and the society of his children. the experiment in antigua shows that such sentiments are groundless prejudices. there a large body of slaves were "_turned loose_;" they had full liberty to leave their old homes and settle on other properties--or if they preferred a continuous course of roving, they might change employers every six weeks, and pass from one estate to another until they had accomplished the circuit of the island. but, what are the facts? "the negroes are not disposed to leave the estates on which they have formerly lived, unless they are forced away by bad treatment. i have witnessed many facts which illustrate this remark. not unfrequently one of the laborers will get dissatisfied about something, and in the excitement of the moment will notify me that he intends to leave my employ at the end of a month. but in nine cases out of ten such persons, before the month has expired, beg to be allowed to remain on the estate. the strength of their _local attachment_ soon overcomes their resentment and even drives them to make the most humiliating confessions in order to be restored to the favor of their employer, and thus be permitted to remain in their old homes."--_h. armstrong, esq._ "nothing but bad treatment on the part of the planters has ever caused the negroes to leave the estates on which they were accustomed to live, and in such cases a _change of management_ has almost uniformly been sufficient to induce them to return. we have known several instances of this kind."--_s. bourne, esq., of millar's, and mr. watkins, of donavan's_. "the negroes are remarkably attached to their homes. in the year , forty-three slaves were sold from the estate under my management, and removed to another estate ten miles distant. after emancipation, the whole of these came back, and plead with me to employ them, that they might live in their former houses."--_james howell, esq._ "very few of my people have left me. the negroes are peculiar for their attachment to their homes."--_samuel barnard, esq., of green castle_. "love of home is very remarkable in the negroes. it is a passion with them. on one of the estates of which i am attorney, a part of the laborers were hired from other proprietors. they had been for a great many years living on the estate, and they became so strongly attached to it, that they all continued to work on it after emancipation, and they still remain on the same property. the negroes are loth to leave their homes, and they very seldom do so unless forced away by ill treatment."--_dr. daniell_. on a certain occasion we were in the company of four planters, and among other topics this subject was much spoken of. they all accorded perfectly in the sentiment that the negroes were peculiarly sensible to the influence of local attachments. one of the gentlemen observed that it was a very common saying with them--"_me nebber leave my bornin' ground_,"--i.e., birth-place. an aged gentleman in st. john's, who was formerly a planter, remarked, "the negroes have very strong local attachments. they love their little hut, where the calabash tree, planted at the birth of a son, waves over the bones of their parents. they will endure almost any hardship and suffer repeated wrongs before they will desert that spot." such are the sentiments of west india planters; expressed, in the majority of cases, spontaneously, and mostly in illustration of other statements. we did not hear a word that implied an opposite sentiment. it is true, much was said about the emigration to demerara, but the facts in this case only serve to confirm the testimony already quoted. in the first place, nothing but the inducement of very high wages[a] could influence any to go, and in the next place, after they got there they sighed to return, (but were not permitted,) and sent back word to their relatives and friends not to leave antigua. [footnote a: from fifty cents to a dollar per day.] facts clearly prove, that the negroes, instead of being indifferent to local attachments, are peculiarly alive to them. that nothing short of cruelty can drive them from their homes--that they will endure even that, as long as it can be borne, rather than leave; and that as soon as the instrument of cruelty is removed, they will hasten back to their "_bornin' ground._" thirteenth proposition.--"the gift of unrestricted freedom, though so suddenly bestowed, has not made the negroes more insolent than they were while slaves, but has rendered them _less so_."--_dr. daniell_. said james howell, esq.--"a short time after emancipation, the negroes showed some disposition to assume airs and affect a degree of independence; but this soon disappeared, and they are now respectful and civil. there has been a mutual improvement in this particular. the planters treat the laborers more like fellow men, and this leads the latter to be respectful in their turn." r.b. eldridge, esq., asked us if we had not observed the civility of the lower classes as we passed them on the streets, both in town and in the country. he said it was their uniform custom to bow or touch their hat when they passed a white person. they did so during slavery, and he had not discovered any change in this respect since emancipation. said mr. bourne--"the negroes are decidedly less insolent now than they were during slavery." said mr. watkins, of donovan's--"the negroes are now all _cap in hand_; as they know that it is for their interest to be respectful to their employers." said dr. nugent--"emancipation has not produced insolence among the negroes." during our stay in antigua, we saw no indications whatsoever of insolence. we spoke in a former part of this work of the uncommon civility manifested in a variety of ways on the road-sides. a trifling incident occurred one day in st. john's, which at first seemed to be no small rudeness. as one of us was standing in the verandah of our lodging house, in the dusk of the evening, a brawny negro man who was walking down the middle of the street, stopped opposite us, and squaring himself, called out. "heigh! what for you stand dare wid your arms so?" placing his arms akimbo, in imitation of ours. seeing we made no answer, he repeated the question, still standing in the same posture. we took no notice of him, seeing that his supposed insolence was at most good-humored and innocent. our hostess, a colored lady, happened to step out at the moment, and told us that the man had mistaken us for her son, with whom he was well acquainted, at the same time calling to the man, and telling him of his mistake. the negro instantly dropped his arms, took off his hat, begged pardon, and walked away apparently quite ashamed. fourteenth proposition.--emancipation in antigua has demonstrated that gratitude _is a prominent trait of the negro character_. the conduct of the negroes on the first of august, , is ample proof of this; and their uniform conduct since that event manifests an _habitual_ feeling of gratitude. said one, "the liberty we received from the king, we can never sufficiently thank god for; whenever we think of it, our hearts go out in gratitude to god." similar expressions we heard repeatedly from the negroes.--we observed that the slightest allusion to the first of august in a company of freed persons, would awaken powerful emotions, accompanied with exclamations of "tank de good lord," "bless de savior," "praise de blessed savior," and such like. it was the remark of mr. james howell, manager of thibou jarvis's--"that the negroes evinced very little gratitude to their _masters_ for freedom. their gratitude all flowed toward god and the king, whom they regarded as the sole authors of their liberty." mr. watkins observed that "the negroes' motto was god and the king. this feeling existed particularly at the time of emancipation, and shortly after it. they have since become more attached to their former masters." it is by no means strange that the negroes should feel little gratitude toward their late masters, since they knew their opposition to the benevolent intentions of the english government. we were informed by dr. daniell and many others, that for several months before emancipation took place, the negroes had an idea that the king had sent them 'their free papers,' and that _their masters were keeping them back._ besides, it was but two years before that period, that they had come into fierce and open hostility with the planters for abolishing the sunday market, and giving them no market-day instead thereof. in this thing their masters had shown themselves to be their enemies. that any good thing could come from such persons the slaves were doubtless slow to believe. however, it is an undeniable fact, that since emancipation, kind treatment on the part of the masters, has never failed to excite gratitude in the negroes. the planters understand fully how they may secure the attachment and confidence of their people. a _grateful_ and _contented_ spirit certainly characterizes the negroes of antigua. they do not lightly esteem what they have got, and murmur because they have no more. they do not complain of small wages, and strike for higher. they do not grumble about their simple food and their coarse clothes, and flaunt about, saying '_freemen ought to live better_.' they do not become dissatisfied with their lowly, cane-thatched huts, and say we ought to have as good houses as massa. they do not look with an evil eye upon the political privileges of the whites, and say we have the majority, and we'll rule. it is the common saying with them, when speaking of the inconveniences which they sometimes suffer, "well, we must be satify and conten." fifteenth proposition.--the freed negroes of antigua have proved that _they are able to take care of themselves_. it is affirmed by the opponents of emancipation in the united states, that if the slaves were liberated, they could not take care of themselves. some of the reasons assigned for entertaining this view are-- st, "the negro is naturally improvident." d, "he is constitutionally indolent." d, "being of an inferior race, he is deficient in that shrewdness and management necessary to prevent his being imposed upon, and which are indispensable to enable him to conduct any business with success." th, "all these natural defects have been aggravated by slavery. the slave never provides for himself, but looks to his master for everything he needs. so likewise he becomes increasingly averse to labor, by being driven to it daily, and flogged for neglecting it. furthermore, whatever of mind he had originally has been extinguished by slavery." thus by nature and by habit the negro is utterly unqualified to take care of himself. so much for theory; now for testimony. first, what is the evidence with regard to the _improvidence_ of the negroes? "during slavery, the negroes squandered every cent of money they got, because they were sure of food and clothing. since their freedom, they have begun to cultivate habits of carefulness and economy".--_mr. james howell_. facts-- st. the low wages of the laborers is proof of their providence. did they not observe the strictest economy, they could not live on fifty cents per week. d. that they buy small parcels of land to cultivate, is proof of economy and foresight. the planters have to resort to every means in their power to induce their laborers not to purchase land. d. the friendly societies are an evidence of the same thing. how can we account for the number of these societies, and for the large sums of money annually contributed in them? and how is it that these societies have trebled, both in members and means since emancipation, if it be true that the negroes are thus improvident, and that freedom brings starvation? th. the weekly and monthly contributions to the churches, to benevolent societies, and to the schools, demonstrate the economy of the negroes; and the _great increase_ of these contributions since august, , proves that emancipation has not made them less economical. th. the increasing attention paid to the cultivation of their private provision grounds is further proof of their foresight. for some time subsequent to emancipation, as long as the people were in an unsettled state, they partially neglected their grounds. the reason was, they did not know whether they should remain on the same estate long enough to reap their provisions, should they plant any. this state of uncertainty very naturally paralyzed all industry and enterprise; and their neglecting the cultivation of their provision grounds, _under such circumstances_, evinced foresight rather than improvidence. since they have become more permanently established on the estates, they are resuming the cultivation of their grounds with renewed vigor. said dr. daniell--"there is an increasing attention paid by the negroes to cultivating their private lands, since they have become more permanently settled." th. the fact that the parents take care of the wages which their children earn, shows their provident disposition. we were informed that the mothers usually take charge of the money paid to their children, especially their daughters, and this, in order to teach them proper subordination, and to provide against casualties, sickness, and the infirmities of age. th. the fact that the negroes are able to support their aged parents, is further proof. as it regards the second specification, viz., _constitutional indolence_, we may refer generally to the evidence on this subject under a former proposition. we will merely state here two facts. st. although the negroes are not obliged to work on saturday, yet they are in the habit of going to estates that are weak-handed, and hiring themselves out on that day. d. it is customary throughout the island to give two hours (from to ) recess from labor. we were told that in many cases this time is spent in working on their private provision grounds, or in some active employment by which a pittance may be added to their scanty earnings. what are the facts respecting the natural _inferiority_ of the negro race, and their incompetency to manage their own affairs? said mr. armstrong--"the negroes are exceedingly quick _to turn a thought_. they show a great deal of shrewdness in every thing which concerns their own interests. to a stranger it must be utterly incredible how they can manage to live on such small wages. they are very exact in keeping their accounts with the manager." "the negroes are very acute in making bargains. a difficulty once arose on an estate under my charge, between the manager and the people, in settling for a job which the laborers had done. the latter complained that the manager did not give them as much as was stipulated in the original agreement. the manager contended that he had paid the whole amount. the people brought their complaint before me, as attorney, and maintained that there was one shilling and six-pence (about nineteen cents) due each of them. i examined the accounts and found that they were right, and that the manager had really made a mistake to the very amount specified."--_dr. daniell_. "the emancipated people manifest as much cunning and address in business, as any class of persons."--_mr. j. howell_. "the capabilities of the blacks for education are conspicuous; so also as to mental acquirements and trades."--_hon. n. nugent_. it is a little remarkable that while americans fear that the negroes, if emancipated, could not take care of themselves, the west indians fear lest they _should_ take care of themselves; hence they discourage them from buying lands, from learning trades, and from all employments which might render them independent of sugar cultivation. sixteenth proposition.--emancipation has operated at once to elevate and improve the negroes. it introduced them into the midst of all relations, human and divine. it was the first formal acknowledgment that they were men--personally interested in the operations of law, and the requirements of god. it laid the corner-stone in the fabric of their moral and intellectual improvement. "the negroes have a growing self-respect and regard for character. this was a feeling which was scarcely known by them during slavery."--_mr. j. howell_. "the negroes pay a great deal more attention to their personal appearance, than they were accustomed to while slaves. the _women_ in particular have improved astonishingly in their dress and manners."--_dr. daniell_. abundant proof of this proposition may be found in the statements already made respecting the decrease of licentiousness, the increased attention paid to marriage, the abandonment by the mothers of the horrible practice of selling their daughters to vile white men, the reverence for the sabbath, the attendance upon divine worship, the exemplary subordination to law, the avoidance of riotous conduct, insolence, and intemperance. seventeenth proposition--emancipation promises a vast improvement in the condition of woman. what could more effectually force woman from her sphere, than slavery has done by dragging her to the field, subjecting her to the obscene remarks, and to the vile abominations of licentious drivers and overseers; by compelling her to wield the heavy hoe, until advancing pregnancy rendered her useless then at the earliest possible period driving her back to the field with her infant swung at her back, or torn from her and committed to a stranger. some of these evils still exist in antigua, but there has already been a great abatement of them, and the humane planters look forward to their complete removal, and to the ultimate restoration of woman to the quiet and purity of domestic life. samuel bourne, esq., stated, that there had been a great improvement in the treatment of mothers on his estate. "under the old system, mothers were required to work half the time after their children were six weeks old; but now we do not call them out for _nine months_ after their confinement, until their children are entirely weaned." "in those cases where women have husbands in the field, they do not turn out while they are nursing their children. in many instances the husbands prefer to have their wives engaged in other work, and i do not require them to go to the field."--_mr. j howell_. much is already beginning to be said of the probability that the women will withdraw from agricultural labor. a conviction of the impropriety of females engaging in such employments is gradually forming in the minds of enlightened and influential planters. a short time previous to emancipation, the hon. n. nugent, speaker of the assembly, made the following remarks before the house:--"at the close of the debate, he uttered his fervent hope, that the day would come when the principal part of the agriculture of the island would be performed by males, and that the women would be occupied in keeping their cottages in order, and in increasing their domestic comforts. the desire of improvement is strong among them; they are looking anxiously forward to the instruction and advancement of their children, and even of themselves."--_antigua herald, of march_, . in a written communication to us, dated january , , the speaker says: "emancipation will, i doubt not, improve the condition of the females. there can be no doubt that they will ultimately leave the field, (except in times of emergency,) and confine themselves to their appropriate domestic employments." eighteenth proposition.--real estate has risen in value since emancipation; mercantile and mechanical occupations have received a fresh impulse; and the general condition of the colony is decidedly more flourishing than at any former period. "the credit of the island has decidedly improved. the internal prosperity of the island is advancing in an increased ratio. more buildings have been erected since emancipation, than for twenty years before. stores and shops have multiplied astonishingly; i can safely say that their number has more than quintupled since the abolition of slavery."--_dr. ferguson_. "emancipation has very greatly increased the value of, and consequently the demand for, real estate. that which three years ago was a drug altogether unsaleable by private bargain; has now many inquirers after it, and ready purchasers at good prices. the importation of british manufactured goods has been considerably augmented, probably one fourth." "the credit of the planters who have been chiefly affected by the change, has been much improved. and _the great reduction of expense in managing the estates_, has made them men of more real wealth, and consequently raised their credit both with the english merchants and our own."--_james scotland, sen., esq._ "the effect of emancipation upon the commerce of the island _must needs_ have been beneficial, as the laborers indulge in more wheaten flour, rice, mackerel, dry fish, and salt-pork, than formerly. more lumber is used in the superior cottages now built for their habitations. more dry goods--manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, silk, leather, &c., are also used, now that the laborers can better afford to indulge their propensity for gay clothing."--_statement of a merchant and agent for estates_. "real estate has risen in value, and mercantile business has greatly improved."--_h. armstrong, esq._ a merchant of st. john's informed us, that real estate had increased in value at least fifty per cent. he mentioned the fact, that an estate which previous to emancipation could not be sold for £ current, lately brought £ current. nineteenth proposition--emancipation has been followed by the introduction of labor-saving machinery. "various expedients for saving manual labor have already been introduced, and we anticipate still greater improvements. very little was thought of this subject previous to emancipation."--_s. bourne, esq._ "planters are beginning to cast about for improvements in labor. my own mind has been greatly turned to this subject since emancipation."--_h. armstrong, esq._ "the plough is beginning to be very extensively used."--_mr. hatley_. "there has been considerable simplification in agricultural labor already, which would have been more conspicuous, had it not been for the excessive drought which has prevailed since . the plough is more used, and the expedients for manuring land are less laborious."--_extract of a letter from hon. n. nugent_. twentieth proposition.--emancipation has produced the most decided change in the views of the _planters_. "before emancipation took place, there was the bitterest opposition to it among the planters. but after freedom came, they were delighted with the change. i felt strong opposition myself, being exceedingly unwilling to give up my power of command. but i shall never forget how differently i felt when freedom took place i arose from my bed on the first of august, exclaiming with joy, 'i am free, i am free; i _was the greatest slave on the estate_, but now i am free.'"--_mr. j. howell_. "we all resisted violently the measure of abolition, when it first began to be agitated in england. we regarded it as an outrageous interference with our rights, with our property. but we are now rejoiced that slavery is abolished."--_dr. daniell_. "i have already seen such decided benefits growing out of the free labor system, that for my part i wish never to see the face of slavery again." --_mr. hatley_. "i do not know of a single planter who would be willing to return to slavery. we all feel that it was a great curse."--_d. cranstoun, esq._ the speaker of the assembly was requested to state especially the advantages of freedom both to the master and the slave; and he kindly communicated the following reply: "the benefits to the master are conspicuous--he has got rid of the cark and care, the anxiety and incessant worry of managing slaves; all the trouble and responsibility of rearing them from infancy, of their proper maintenance in health, and sickness, and decrepitude, of coercing them to labor, restraining, correcting, and punishing their faults and crimes--settling all their grievances and disputes. he is now entirely free from all apprehension of injury, revenge, or insurrection, however transient and momentary such impression may have formerly been. he has no longer the reproach of being a _slaveholder_; his property has lost all the _taint_ of slavery, and is placed on as secure a footing, in a moral and political point of view, as that in any other part of the british dominions. as regards the _other_ party, it seems almost unnecessary to point out the advantages of being a free man rather than a slave. he is no longer liable to personal trespass of any sort; he has a right of self-control, and all the immunities enjoyed by other classes of his fellow subjects--he is enabled to better his condition as he thinks proper--he can make what arrangements he likes best, as regards his kindred, and all his domestic relations--he takes to his _own_ use and behoof, all the wages and profits of his own labor; he receives money wages instead of weekly allowances, and can purchase such particular food and necessaries as he prefers--_and so on_! it would be endless to attempt to enumerate all the superior advantages of a state of freedom to one of slavery!" the writer says, at the close of his invaluable letter, "i was born in antigua, and have resided here with little interruption since . since , i have taken an active concern in plantation affairs." he was born heir to a large slave property, and retained it up to the hour of emancipation. he is now the proprietor of an estate. we have, another witness to introduce to the reader, ralph higinbothom, esq., the united states consul!--_hear him_!-- "whatever may have been the dissatisfaction as regards emancipation among the planters at its commencement, there are few, indeed, if any, who are not _now_ well satisfied that under the present system, their properties are better worked, and their laborers more contented and cheerful, than in the time of slavery." in order that the reader may see the _revolution_ that has taken place since emancipation in the views of the highest class of society in antigua, we make a few extracts. "there was the most violent opposition in the legislature, and throughout the island, to the anti-slavery proceedings in parliament. the anti-slavery party in england were detested here for their _fanatical and reckless course_. such was the state of feeling previous to emancipation, that it would have been certain disgrace for any planter to have avowed the least sympathy with anti-slavery sentiments. the humane might have their hopes and aspirations, and they might secretly long to see slavery ultimately terminated; but they did not dare to make such feelings public. _they would at once have been branded as the enemies of their country!"--hon. n. nugent_. "there cannot be said to have been any _anti-slavery party_ in the island before emancipation. there were some individuals in st. john's, and a very few planters, who favored the anti-slavery views, but they dared not open their mouths, because of the bitter hostility which prevailed."--_s. bourne, esq._ "the opinions of the clergymen and missionaries, with the exception of, i believe, a few clergymen, were favorable to emancipation; but neither in their conduct, preaching, or prayers, did they declare themselves openly, until the measure of abolition was determined on. the missionaries felt restrained by their instructions from home, and the clergymen thought that it did not comport with their order 'to take part in politics!' i never heard of a single _planter_ who was favorable, until about three months before the emancipation took place; when some few of them began to perceive that it would be advantageous to their _interests_. whoever was known or suspected of being an advocate for freedom, became the object of vengeance, and was sure to suffer, if in no other way, by a loss of part of his business. my son-in-law[a], my son[b], and myself, were perhaps the chief marks for calumny and resentment. the first was twice elected a member of the assembly, and as often put out by scrutinies conducted by the house, in the most flagrantly dishonest manner. every attempt was made to deprive the second of his business, as a lawyer. with regard to myself, i was thrown into prison, without any semblance of justice, without any form of trial, but in the most summary manner, simply upon the complaint of one of the justices, and without any opportunity being allowed me of saying one word in my defence. i remained in jail until discharged by a peremptory order from the colonial secretary, to whom i appealed."--_james scotland, sen., esq._ [footnote a: dr. ferguson, physician in st. john's.] [footnote b: james scotland, jun., esq., barrister, proprietor, and member of assembly.] another gentleman, a white man, was arrested on the charge of being in the interest of the english anti-slavery party, and in a manner equally summary and illegal, was cast into prison, and confined there for one year. from the foregoing statements we obtain the following comparative view of the past and present state of sentiment in antigua. views and conduct of the planters previous to emancipation: st. they regarded the negroes as an inferior race, fit only for slaves. d. they regarded them as their rightful property. d. they took it for granted that negroes could never be made to work without the use of the whip; hence, th. they supposed that emancipation would annihilate sugar cultivation; and, th. that it would lead to bloodshed and general rebellion. th. those therefore who favored it, were considered the "_enemies of their country_"--"traitors"--and were accordingly persecuted in various ways, not excepting imprisonment in the common jail. th. so popular was slavery among the higher classes, that its morality or justice could not be questioned by a missionary--an editor--or a _planter_ even, without endangering the safety of the individual. th. the anti-slavery people in england were considered detestable men, intermeddling with matters which they did not understand, and which at any rate did not concern them. they were accused of being influenced by selfish motives, and of designing to further their own interests by the ruin of the planters. they were denounced as _fanatics, incendiaries, knaves, religious enthusiasts_. th the abolition measures of the english government were considered a gross outrage on the rights of private property, a violation their multiplied pledges of countenance and support, and a flagrant usurpation of power over the weak. views and conduct of the planters subsequent to emancipation: st. the negroes are retarded as _men_--equals standing on the same footing as fellow-citizens. d. slavery is considered a foolish, impolitic, and wicked system. d. slaves are regarded as an _unsafe_ species of property, and to hold them disgraceful. th. the planters have become the _decided enemies_ of slavery. the worst thing they could say against the apprenticeship, was, that "it was only another name for _slavery_." th. the abolition of slavery is applauded by the planters as one of the most noble and magnanimous triumphs ever achieved by the british government. th. distinguished abolitionists are spoken of in terms of respect and admiration. the english anti-slavery delegation[a] spent a fortnight in the island, and left it the same day we arrived. wherever we went we heard of them as "the respectable gentlemen from england," "the worthy and intelligent members of the society of friends," &c. a distinguished agent of the english anti-slavery society now resides in st. john's, and keeps a bookstore, well stocked with anti-slavery books and pamphlets. the bust of george thompson stands conspicuously upon the counter of the bookstore, looking forth upon the public street. [footnote a: messrs. sturge and harvey.] th. the planters affirm that the abolition of slavery put an end to all danger from insurrection, rebellion, privy conspiracy, and sedition, on the part of the slaves. th. emancipation is deemed an incalculable blessing, because it released the planters from an endless complication of responsibilities, perplexities, temptations and anxieties, and because it _emancipated them from the bondage of the whip_. th. _slavery--emancipation--freedom_--are the universal topics of conversation in antigua. anti-slavery is the popular doctrine among all classes. he is considered an enemy to his country who opposes the principles of liberty. the planters look with astonishment on the continuance of slavery in the united states, and express their strong belief that it must soon terminate here and throughout the world. they hailed the arrival of french and american visitors on tours of inquiry as a bright omen. in publishing our arrival, one of the st. john's papers remarks, "we regard this as a pleasing indication that the american public have their eyes turned upon our experiment, with a view, we may hope, of ultimately following our excellent example." (!) all classes showed the same readiness to aid us in what the governor was pleased to call "the objects of our philanthropic mission." such are the views now entertained among the planters of antigua. what a complete change[b]--and all in less than three years, and effected by the abolition of slavery and a trial of freedom! most certainly, if the former views of the antigua planters resemble those held by pro-slavery men in this country, their present sentiments are a _fac simile_ of those entertained by the immediate abolitionists. [footnote b: the following little story will further illustrate the wonderful revolution which has taken place in the public sentiment of this colony. the facts here stated all occurred while we were in antigua, and we procured them from a variety of authentic sources. they were indeed publicly known and talked of, and produced no little excitement throughout the island. mr. corbett was a respectable and intelligent planter residing on an estate near johnson's point. several months previous to the time of which we now speak, a few colored families (emancipated negroes) bought of a white man some small parcels of land lying adjacent to mr. c.'s estate. they planted their lands in provisions, and also built them houses thereon, and moved into them. after they had become actively engaged in cultivating their provisions, mr. corbett laid claim to the lands, and ordered the negroes to leave them forthwith. they of course refused to do so. mr. c. then flew into a violent rage, and stormed and swore, and threatened to burn their houses down over their heads. the terrified negroes forsook their property and fled. mr. c. then ordered his negroes to tear down their huts and burn up the materials--which was accordingly done. he also turned in his cattle upon the provision grounds, and destroyed them. the negroes made a complaint against mr. c., and he was arrested and committed to jail in st. john's for trial on the charge of _arson_. we heard of this circumstance on the day of mr. c.'s commitment, and we were told that it would probably go very hard with him on his trial, and that he would be very fortunate if he escaped the _gallows_ or _transportation_. a few days after this we were surprised to hear that mr. c. had died in prison. upon inquiry, we learned that he died literally from _rage and mortification_. his case defied the, skill and power of the physicians. they could detect the presence of no disease whatever, even on a minute post-mortem examination. they pronounced it as their opinion that he had died from the violence of his passions--excited by being imprisoned, together with his apprehensions of the fatal issue of the trial. not long before emancipation, mr. scotland was imprisoned for _befriending_ the negroes. after emancipation, mr. corbett was imprisoned for wronging them. mr. corbett was a respectable planter, of good family and moved in the first circles in the island] twenty-first proposition.--emancipation has been followed by a manifest diminution of "_prejudice against color_," and has opened the prospect off its speedy extirpation. some thirty years ago, the president of the island, sir edward byam, issued an order forbidding the great bell in the cathedral of st. john's being tolled at the funeral of a colored person; and directing a _smaller_ bell to be hung up in the same belfry, and used on such occasions. for twenty years this distinction was strictly maintained. when a white person, however _vile_, was buried, the great bell was tolled; when a colored person, whatever his moral worth, intelligence, or station, was carried to his grave, the little bell was tinkled. it was not until the arrival of the present excellent rector, that this "prejudice bell" was silenced. the rev. mr. cox informed us that prejudice had greatly decreased since emancipation. it was very common for white and colored gentlemen to be seen walking arm in arm an the streets of st. john's. "prejudice against color is fast disappearing. the colored people have themselves contributed to prolong this feeling, _by keeping aloof from the society of the whites_."--_james howell, of t. jarvis's_. how utterly at variance is this with the commonly received opinion, that the colored people are disposed to _thrust_ themselves into the society of the whites! "_prejudice against color_ exists in this community only to a limited extent, and that chiefly among those who could never bring themselves to believe that emancipation would really take place. policy dictates to them the propriety of confining any expression of their feelings to those of the same opinions. nothing is shown of this prejudice in their intercourse with the colored class--it is '_kept behind the scenes_.'"--_ralph higginbotham, u. s. consul._ mr. h. was not the only individual standing in "high places" who insinuated that the whites that still entertained prejudice were ashamed of it. his excellency the governor intimated as much, by his repeated assurances for himself and his compeers of the first circles, that there was no such feeling in the island as prejudice against _color_. the reasons for excluding the colored people from their society, he said, were wholly different from that. it was chiefly because of their _illegitimacy_, and also because they were not sufficiently refined, and because their _occupations_ were of an inferior kind, such as mechanical trades, small shop keeping, &c. said he, "you would not wish to ask your tailor, or your shoemaker, to dine with you?" however, we were too unsophisticated to coincide in his excellency's notions of social propriety. twenty-second proposition.--the progress of the anti-slavery discussions in england did not cause the masters to treat their slaves worse, but on the contrary restrained them from outrage. "the treatment of the slaves during the discussions in england, was manifestly milder than before."--_dr. daniell._ "the effect of the proceedings in parliament was to make the planters treat their slaves better. milder laws were passed by the assembly, and the general condition of the slave was greatly ameliorated."--_h. armstrong, esq._ "the planters did not increase the rigor of their discipline because of the anti-slavery discussions; but as a general thing, were more lenient than formerly."--_s. bourne. esq._ "we pursued a much milder policy toward our slaves after the agitation began in england."--_mr. jas. hawoil_. "the planters did not treat their slaves worse on account of the discussions; but were more lenient and circumspect."--_letter of hon. n. nugent._ "there was far less cruelty exercised by the planters during the anti-slavery excitement in gland. they were always on their guard to escape the notice of the abolitionists. _they did not wish to have their names published abroad, and to be exposed as monsters of cruelty!_"--_david cranstoun, esq._ we have now completed our observations upon antigua. it has been our single object in the foregoing account to give an accurate statement of the results of immediate emancipation. we have not taken a single step beyond the limits of testimony, and we are persuaded that testimony materially conflicting with this, cannot be procured from respectable sources in antigua. we now leave it to our readers to decide, whether emancipation in antigua has been to all classes in that island a _blessing_ or a _curse_. we cannot pass from this part of our report without recording the kindness and hospitality which we everywhere experienced during our sojourn in antigua. whatever may have been our apprehensions of a cool reception from a community of ex-slaveholders, none of our forebodings were realized. it rarely falls to the lot of strangers visiting a distant land, with none of the contingencies of birth, fortune, or fame, to herald their arrival, and without the imposing circumstance of a popular mission to recommend them, to meet with a warmer reception, or to enjoy a more hearty confidence, than that with which we were honored in the interesting island of antigua. the very _object_ of our visit, humble, and even odious as it may appear in the eyes of many of our own countrymen, was our passport to the consideration and attention of the higher classes in that free colony. we hold in grateful remembrance the interest which all--not excepting those most deeply implicated in the late system of slavery--manifested in our investigations. to his excellency the governor, to officers both civil and military, to legislators and judges, to proprietors and planters, to physicians, barristers, and merchants, to clergymen, missionaries, and teachers, we are indebted for their uniform readiness in furthering our objects, and for the mass of information with which they were pleased to furnish us. to the free colored population, also, we are lasting debtors for their hearty co-operation and assistance. to the emancipated, we recognise our obligations as the friends of the slave, for their simple-hearted and reiterated assurances that they should remember the oppressed of our land in their prayers to god. in the name of the multiplying hosts of freedom's friends, and in behalf of the millions of speechless but grateful-hearted slaves, we render to our acquaintances of every class in antigua our warmest thanks for their cordial sympathy with the cause of emancipation in america. we left antigua with regret. the natural advantages of that lovely island; its climate, situation, and scenery; the intelligence and hospitality of the higher orders, and the simplicity and sobriety of the poor; the prevalence of education, morality, and religion; its solemn sabbaths and thronged sanctuaries; and above _all_, its rising institutions of liberty--flourishing so vigorously,--conspire to make antigua one of the fairest portions of the earth. formerly it was in our eyes but a speck on the world's map, and little had we checked if an earthquake had sunk, or the ocean had overwhelmed it; but now, the minute circumstances in its condition, or little incidents in its history, are to our minds invested with grave interest. none, who are alive to the cause of religious freedom in the world, can be indifferent to the movements and destiny of this little colony. henceforth, antigua is the morning star of our nation, and though it glimmers faintly through a lurid sky, yet we hail it, and catch at every ray as the token of a bright sun which may yet burst gloriously upon us. barbadoes chapter i. passage barbadoes was the next island which we visited. having failed of a passage in the steamer,[a] (on account of her leaving antigua on the sabbath,) we were reduced to the necessity of sailing in a small schooner, a vessel of only seventeen tons burthen, with no cabin but a mere _hole_, scarcely large enough to receive our baggage. the berths, for there were two, had but one mattress between them; however, a foresail folded made up the complement. [footnote a: there are several english steamers which ply between barbadoes and jamaica, touching at several of the intermediate and surrounding islands, and carrying the mails.] the being for the most part directly against us, we were seven days in reaching barbadoes. our aversion to the sepulchre-like cabin obliged us to spend, not the days only, but the nights mostly on the open deck. wrapping our cloaks about us, and drawing our fur caps over our faces, we slept securely in the soft air of a tropical clime, undisturbed save by the hoarse voice of the black captain crying "ready, bout" and the flapping of the sails, and the creaking of the cordage, in the frequent tackings of our staunch little sea-boat. on our way we passed under the lee of guadaloupe and to the windward of dominica, martinique and st. lucia. in passing guadaloupe, we were obliged to keep at a league's distance from the land, in obedience to an express regulation of that colony prohibiting small english vessels from approaching any nearer. this is a precautionary measure against the escape of slaves to the english islands. numerous small vessels, called _guarda costas_, are stationed around the coast to warn off vessels and seize upon all slaves attempting to make their escape. we were informed that the eagerness of the french negroes to taste the sweets of liberty, which they hear to exist in the surrounding english islands, is so great, that notwithstanding all the vigilance by land and sea, they are escaping in vast numbers. they steal to the shores by night, and seizing upon any sort of vessel within their reach, launch forth and make for dominica, montserrat, or antigua. they have been known to venture out in skiffs, canoes, and such like hazardous conveyances, and make a voyage of fifty or sixty miles; and it is not without reason supposed, that very many have been lost in these eager darings for freedom. such is their defiance of dangers when liberty is to be won, that old ocean, with its wild storms, and fierce monsters, and its yawning deep, and even the superadded terrors of armed vessels ever hovering around the island, are barriers altogether ineffectual to prevent escape. the western side of guadaloupe, along which we passed, is hilly and little cultivated. it is mostly occupied in pasturage. the sugar estates are on the opposite side of the island, which stretches out eastward in a low sloping country, beautifully situated for sugar cultivation. the hills were covered with trees, with here and there small patches of cultivated grounds where the negroes raise provisions. a deep rich verdure covered all that portion of the island which we saw. we were a day and night in passing the long island of guadaloupe. another day and night were spent in beating through the channel between gaudaloupe and dominica: another day in passing the latter island, and then we stood or martinique. this is the queen island of the french west indies. it is fertile and healthful, and though not so large as guadaloupe, produces a larger revenue. it has large streams of water, and many of the sugar mills are worked by them. martinique and dominica are both very mountainous. their highest peaks are constantly covered with clouds, which in their varied siftings, now wheeling around, then rising or falling, give the hills the appearance of smoking volcanoes. it was not until the eighth day of the voyage, that we landed at barbadoes. the passage from barbadoes to antigua seldom occupies more than three days, the wind being mostly in that direction. in approaching barbadoes, it presented an entirely difference appearance from that of the islands we had passed on the way. it is low and level, almost wholly destitute of trees. as we drew nearer we discovered in every direction the marks of its extraordinary cultivation. the cane fields and provision grounds in alternate patches cover the island with one continuous mantle of green. the mansions of the planters, and the clusters of negro houses, appear at shore intervals dotting the face of the island, and giving to it the appearance of a vast village interspersed with verdant gardens. we "rounded up" in the bay, off bridgetown, the principal place in barbadoes, where we underwent a searching examination by the health officer; who, after some demurring, concluded that we might pass muster. we took lodgings in bridgetown with mrs. m., a colored lady. the houses are mostly built of brick or stone, or wood plastered. they are seldom more than two stories high, with flat roofs, and huge window shutters and doors--the structures of a hurricane country. the streets are narrow and crooked, and formed of white marle, which reflects the sun with a brilliancy half blinding to the eyes. most of the buildings are occupied as stores below and dwelling houses above, with piazzas to the upper story, which jut over the narrow streets, and afford a shade for the side walks. the population of bridgetown is about , . the population of the island is about , , of whom nearly , are apprentices, the remainder are free colored and white in the proportion of , free colored and , whites. the large population exists on an island not more than twenty miles long, by fifteen broad. the whole island is under the most vigorous and systematic culture. there is scarcely a foot of productive land that is not brought into requisition. there is no such thing as a forest of any extent in the island. it is thus that, notwithstanding the insignificance of its size, barbadoes ranks among the british islands next to jamaica in value and importance. it was on account of its conspicuous standing among the english colonies, that we were induced to visit it, and there investigate the operations of the apprenticeship system. our principal object in the following tales is to give an account of the working of the apprenticeship system, and to present it in contrast with that of entire freedom, which has been described minutely in our account of antigua. the apprenticeship was designed as a sort of preparation for freedom. a statement of its results will, therefore, afford no small data for deciding upon the general principle of _gradualism_! we shall pursue a plan less labored and prolix than that which it seemed necessary to adopt in treating of antigua. as that part of the testimony which respects the abolition of slavery, and the sentiments of the planters is substantially the same with what is recorded in the foregoing pages, we shall be content with presenting it in the sketch of our travels throughout the island, and our interviews with various classes of men. the testimony respecting the nature and operations of the apprenticeship system, will be embodied in a more regular form. visit to the governor. at an early day after our arrival we called on the governor, in pursuance of the etiquette of the island, and in order to obtain the assistance of his excellency in our inquiries. the present governor is sir evan john murray mcgregor, a scotchman of irish reputation. he is the present chieftain of the mcgregor clan, which figures so illustriously in the history of scotland. sir evan has been distinguished for his victory in war, and he now bears the title of knight, for his achievements in the british service. he is governor-general of the windward islands, which include barbadoes, grenada, st. vincent's, and tobago. the government house, at which he resides, is about two miles from town. the road leading to it is a delightful one, lined with cane fields, and pasture grounds, all verdant with the luxuriance of midsummer. it passes by the cathedral, the king's house, the noble residence of the archdeacon, and many other fine mansions. the government house is situated in a pleasant eminence, and surrounded with a large garden, park, and entrance yard. at the large outer gate, which gives admittance to the avenue leading to the house, stood a _black_ sentinel in his military dress, and with a gun on his shoulder, pacing to and fro. at the door of the house we found another black soldier on guard. we were ushered into the dining hall, which seems to serve as ante-chamber when not otherwise used. it is a spacious airy room, overhung with chandeliers and lamps in profusion, and bears the marks of many scenes of mirth and wassail. the eastern windows, which extend from the ceiling to the floor, look out upon a garden filled with shrubs and flowers, among which we recognised a rare variety of the floral family in full bloom. every thing around--the extent of the buildings, the garden, the park, with deer browsing amid the tangled shrubbery--all bespoke the old english style and dignity. after waiting a few minutes, we were introduced to his excellency, who received us very kindly. he conversed freely on the subject of emancipation, and gave his opinion decidedly in favor of unconditional freedom. he has been in the west indies five years, and resided at antigua and dominica before he received his present appointment; he has visited several other islands besides. in no island that he has visited have affairs gone on so quietly and satisfactorily to all parties as in antigua. he remarked that he was ignorant of the character of the black population of the united states, but from what he knew of their character in the west indies, he could not avoid the conclusion that immediate emancipation was entirely safe. he expressed his views of the apprenticeship system with great freedom. he said it was vexatious to all parties. he remarked that he was so well satisfied that emancipation was safe and proper, and that unconditional freedom was better than apprenticeship, that had he the power, he would emancipate every apprentice to-morrow. it would be better both for the planter and the laborer. _he thought the negroes in barbadoes, and in the windward islands generally, now as well prepared for freedom as the slaves of antigua._ the governor is a dignified but plain man, of sound sense and judgement, and of remarkable liberality. he promised to give us every assistance, and said, as we arose to leave him, that he would mention the object of our visit to a number of influential gentlemen, and that we should shortly hear from him again. a few days after our visit to the governor's, we called on the rev. edward elliott, the archdeacon at barbadoes, to whom we had been previously introduced at the house of a friend in bridgetown. he is a liberal-minded man. in , he delivered a series of lectures in the cathedral on the subject of slavery. the planters became alarmed--declared that such discourses would lead to insurrection, and demanded that they should lie abandoned. he received anonymous letters threatening him with violence unless he discontinued them. nothing daunted, however, he went through the course, and afterwards published the lectures in a volume. the archdeacon informed us that the number of churches and clergymen had increased since emancipation; religious meetings were more fully attended, and the instructions given had manifestly a greater influence. increased attention was paid to _education_ also. before emancipation the planters opposed education, and as far as possible, prevented the teachers from coming to the estates. now they encouraged it in many instances, and where they do not directly encourage, they make no opposition. he said that the number of marriages had very much increased since the abolition of slavery. he had resided in barbados for twelve years, during which time he had repeatedly visited many of the neighboring islands. he thought the negroes of barbadoes _were as well prepared for freedom in , as those of antigua_, and that there would have been no bad results had entire emancipation been granted at that time. he did not think there was the least danger of insurrection. on this subject he spoke the sentiments of the inhabitants generally. he did not suppose there were five planters on the island, who entertained any fears on this score _now_. on one other point the archdeacon expressed himself substantially thus: the planters undoubtedly treated their slaves better during the anti-slavery discussions in england. the condition of the slaves was very much mitigated by the efforts which were made for their entire freedom. the planters softened down, the system of slavery as much as possible. _they were exceedingly anxious to put a stop to discussion and investigation._ having obtained a letter of introduction from an american merchant here to a planter residing about four miles from town, we drove out to his estate. his mansion is pleasantly situated on a small eminence, in one of the coolest and most inviting retreats which is to be seen in this clime, and we were received by its master with all the cordiality and frankness for which barbados is famed. he introduced us to his family, consisting of three daughters and two sons, and invited us to stop to dinner. one of his daughters, now here on a visit, is married to an american, a native of new york, but now a merchant in one of the southern states, and our connection as fellow countrymen with one dear to them, was an additional claim to their kindness and hospitality. he conducted us through all the works and out-buildings, the mill, boiling-house, caring-house, hospital, store-houses, &c. the people were at work in the mill and boiling-house, and as we passed, bowed and bade us "good mornin', massa," with the utmost respect and cheerfulness. a white overseer was regulating the work, but wanted the insignia of slaveholding authority, which he had borne for many years, the _whip_. as we came out, we saw in a neighboring field a gang of seventy apprentices, of both sexes, engaged in cutting up the cane, while others were throwing it into carts to be carried to the mill. they were all as quietly and industriously at work as any body of our own farmers or mechanics. as we were looking at them, mr. c., the planter, remarked, "those people give me more work than when slaves. this estate was never under so good cultivation as at the present time." he took us to the building used as the mechanics' shop. several of the apprentices were at work in it, some setting up the casks for sugar, others repairing utensils. mr. c. says all the work of the estate is done by the apprentices. his carts are made, his mill kept in order, his coopering and blacksmithing are all done by them. "all these buildings," said he, "even to the dwelling-house, were built after the great storm of , by the slaves." as we were passing through the hospital, or sick-house, as it is called by the blacks, mr. c. told us he had very little use for it now. there is no skulking to it as there was under the old system. just as we were entering the door of the house, on our return, there was an outcry among a small party of the apprentices who were working near by. mr. c. went to them and inquired the cause. it appeared that the overseer had struck one of the lads with a stick. mr. c. reproved him severely for the act, and assured him if he did such a thing again he would take him before a magistrate. during the day we gathered the following information:-- mr. c. had been a planter for thirty-six years. he has had charge of the estate on which he now resides ten years. he is the attorney for two other large estates a few miles from this, and has under his superintendence, in all, more than a thousand apprenticed laborers. this estate consists of six hundred and sixty-six acres of land, most of which is under cultivation either in cane or provisions, and has on it three hundred apprentices and ninety-two free children. the average amount of sugar raised on it is two hundred hogsheads of a ton each, but this year it will amount to at least two hundred and fifty hogsheads--the largest crop ever taken off since he has been connected with it. he has planted thirty acres additional this year. the island has never been under so good cultivation, and is becoming better every year. during our walk round the works, and during the day, he spoke several times in general terms of the great blessings of emancipation. emancipation is as great a blessing to the master as to the slave. "why," exclaimed mr. c., "it was emancipation to me. i assure you the first of august brought a great, _great_ relief to me. i felt myself, for the first time, a freeman on that day. you cannot imagine the responsibilities and anxieties which were swept away with the extinction of slavery." there were many unpleasant and annoying circumstances attending slavery, which had a most pernicious effect on the master. there was continual jealousy and suspicion between him and those under him. they looked on each other as sworn enemies, and there was kept up a continual system of plotting and counterplotting. then there was the flogging, which was a matter of course through the island. to strike a slave was as common as to strike a horse--then the punishments were inflicted so unjustly, in innumerable instances, that the poor victims knew no more why they were punished than the dead in their graves. the master would be a little ill--he had taken a cold, perhaps, and felt irritable--something were wrong--his passion was up, and away went some poor fellow to the whipping post. the slightest offence at such a moment, though it might have passed unnoticed at another time, would meet with the severest punishment. he said he himself had more than once ordered his slaves to be flogged in a passion, and after he became cool he would have given guineas not to have done it. many a night had he been kept awake in thinking of some poor fellow whom he had shut up in the dungeon, and had rejoiced when daylight came. he feared lest the slave might die before morning; either cut his throat or dash his head against the wall in his desperation. he has known such cases to occur. the apprenticeship will not have so beneficial an effect as he hoped it would, on account of an indisposition on the part of many of the planters to abide by its regulations. the planters generally are doing very little to prepare the apprentices for freedom; but some are doing very much to unprepare them. they are driving the people from them by their conduct. mr. c. said he often wished for emancipation. there were several other planters among his acquaintance who had the same feelings, but did not dare express them. most of the planters, however, were violently opposed. many of them declared that emancipation could not and should not take place. so obstinate were they, that they would have sworn on the st of july, , that emancipation could not happen. _these very men now see and acknowledge the benefits which have resulted from the new system_. the first of august passed off very quietly. the people labored on that day as usual, and had a stranger gone over the island, he would not have suspected any change had taken place. mr. c. did not expect his people would go to work that day. he told them what the conditions of the new system were, and that after the first of august, they would be required to turn out to work at six o'clock instead of five o'clock as before. at the appointed hour every man was at his post in the field. not one individual was missing. the apprentices do more work in the nine hours required by law, than in twelve hours during slavery. his apprentices are perfectly willing to work for him during their own time. he pays them at the rate of twenty-five cents a day. the people are less quarrelsome than when they were slaves. about eight o'clock in the evening, mr. c. invited us to step out into the piazza. pointing to the houses of the laborers, which were crowded thickly together, and almost concealed by the cocoa-nut and calabash trees around them, he said, "there are probably more than four hundred people in that village. all my own laborers, with their free children, are retired for the night, and with them are many from the neighboring estates." we listened, but all was still, save here and there a low whistle from some of the watchmen. he said that night was a specimen of every night now. but it had not always been so. during slavery these villages were oftentimes a scene of bickering, revelry, and contention. one might hear the inmates reveling and shouting till midnight. sometimes it would be kept up till morning. such scenes have much decreased, and instead of the obscene and heathen songs which they used to sing, they are learning hymns from the lips of their children. the apprentices are more trusty. they are more faithful in work which is given them to do. they take more interest in the prosperity of the estate generally, in seeing that things are kept in order, and that the property is not destroyed. they are more open-hearted. formerly they used to shrink before the eyes of the master, and appear afraid to meet him. they would go out of their way to avoid him, and never were willing to talk with him. they never liked to have him visit their houses; they looked on him as a spy, and always expected a reprimand, or perhaps a flogging. now they look up cheerfully when they meet him, and a visit to their homes is esteemed a favor. mr. c. has more confidence in his people than he ever had before. there is less theft than during slavery. this is caused by greater respect for character, and the protection afforded to property by law. for a slave to steal from his master was never considered wrong, but rather a meritorious act. he who could rob the most without being detected was the best fellow. the blacks in several of the islands have a proverb, that for a thief to steal from a thief makes god laugh. the blacks have a great respect for, and even fear of law. mr. c. believes no people on earth are more influenced by it. they regard the same punishment, inflicted by a magistrate, much more than when inflicted by their master. law is a kind of deity to them, and they regard it with great reverence and awe. there is no insecurity now. before emancipation there was a continual fear of insurrection. mr. c. said he had lain down in bed many a night fearing that his throat would be cut before morning. he has started up often from a dream in which he thought his room was filled with armed slaves. but when the abolition bill passed, his fears all passed away. he felt assured there would be no trouble then. the motive to insurrection was taken away. as for the cutting of throats, or insult and violence in any way, he never suspects it. he never thinks of fastening his door at night now. as we were retiring to bed he looked round the room in which we had been sitting, where every thing spoke of serenity and confidence--doors and windows open, and books and plate scattered about on the tables and sideboards. "you see things now," he said, "just as we leave them every night, but you would have seen quite a different scene had you come here a few years ago." _mr. c. thinks the slaves of barbadoes might have been entirely and immediately emancipated as well as those of antigua._ the results, he doubts not, would have been the same. he has no fear of disturbance or insubordination in . he has no doubt that the people will work. that there may be a little unsettled, excited, _experimenting_ feeling for a short time, he thinks probable--but feels confident that things generally will move on peaceably and prosperously. he looks with much more anxiety to the emancipation of the non-praedials in . there is no disposition among the apprentices to revenge their wrongs. mr. c. feels the utmost security both of person and property. the slaves were very much excited by the discussions in england. they were well acquainted, with them, and looked and longed for the result. they watched every arrival of the packet with great anxiety. the people on his estate often knew its arrival before he did. one of his daughters remarked, that she could see their hopes flashing from their eyes. they manifested, however, no disposition to rebel, waiting in anxious but quiet hope for their release. yet mr. c. had no doubt, that if parliament had thrown out the emancipation bill, and all measures had ceased for their relief, there would have been a general insurrection.--while there was hope they remained peaceable, but had hope been destroyed it would have been buried in blood. there was some dissatisfaction among the blacks with the apprenticeship. they thought they ought to be entirely free, and that their masters were deceiving them. they could not at first understand the conditions of the new system--there was some murmuring among them, but they thought it better, however, to wait six years for the boon, than to run the risk of losing it altogether by revolt. the expenses of the apprenticeship are about the same as during slavery. but under the free system, mr. c. has no doubt they will be much less. he has made a calculation of the expenses of cultivating the estate on which he resides for one year during slavery, and what they will probably be for one year under the free system. he finds the latter are less by about $ , . real estate has increased in value more than thirty per rent. there is greater confidence in the security of property. instances were related to us of estates that could not be sold at any price before emancipation, that within the last two years have been disposed of at great prices. the complaints to the magistrates, on the part of the planters, were very numerous at first, but have greatly diminished. they are of the most trivial and even ludicrous character. one of the magistrates says the greater part of the cases that come before him are from old women who cannot get their coffee early enough in the morning! and for offences of equal importance. prejudice has much diminished since emancipation. the discussions in england prior to that period had done much to soften it down, but the abolition of slavery has given it its death blow. such is a rapid sketch of the various topics touched upon during our interview with mr. c. and his family. before we left the hospitable mansion of lear's, we had the pleasure of meeting a company of gentlemen at dinner. with the exception of one, who was provost-marshal, they were merchants of bridgetown. these gentlemen expressed their full concurrence in the statements of mr. c., and gave additional testimony equally valuable. mr. w., the provost-marshal, stated that he had the supervision of the public jail, and enjoyed the best opportunity of knowing the state of crime, and he was confident that there was a less amount of crime since emancipation than before. he also spoke of the increasing attention which the negroes paid to neatness of dress and personal appearance. the company broke up about nine o'clock, but not until we had seen ample evidence of the friendly feelings of all the gentlemen toward our object. there was not a single dissenting voice to any of the statements made, or any of the sentiments expressed. this fact shows that the prevailing feeling is in favor of freedom, and that too on the score of policy and self-interest. dinner parties are in one sense a very safe pulse in all matters of general interest. they rarely beat faster than the heart of the community. no subject is likely to be introduced amid the festivities of a fashionable circle, until it is fully endorsed by public sentiment. through the urgency of mr. c., we were induced to remain all night. early the next morning, he proposed a ride before breakfast to scotland. scotland is the name given to an abrupt, hilly section, in the north of the island. it is about five miles from mr. c.'s, and nine from bridgetown. in approaching, the prospect bursts suddenly upon the eye, extorting an involuntary exclamation of surprise. after riding for miles, through a country which gradually swells into slight elevations, or sweeps away in rolling plains, covered with cane, yams, potatoes, eddoes, corn, and grass, alternately, and laid out with the regularity of a garden; after admiring the cultivation, beauty, and skill exhibited on every hand, until almost wearied with viewing the creations of art; the eye at once falls upon a scene in which is crowded all the wildness and abruptness of nature in one of her most freakish moods--a scene which seems to defy the hand of cultivation and the graces of art. we ascended a hill on the border of this section, which afforded us a complete view. to describe it in one sentence, it is an immense basin, from two to three miles in diameter at the top, the edges of which are composed of ragged hills, and the sides and bottom of which are diversified with myriads of little hillocks and corresponding indentations. here and there is a small sugar estate in the bottom, and cultivation extends some distance up the sides, though this is at considerable risk, for not infrequently, large tracts of soil, covered with cane or provisions, slide down, over-spreading the crops below, and destroying those which they carry with them. mr. c. pointed to the opposite side of the basin to a small group of stunted trees, which he said were the last remains of the barbadoes forests. in the midst of them there is a boiling spring of considerable notoriety. in another direction, amid the rugged precipices, mr. c. pointed out the residences of a number of poor white families, whom he described as the most degraded, vicious, and abandoned people in the island--"very far below the negroes." they live promiscuously, are drunken, licentious, and poverty-stricken,--a body of most squalid and miserable human beings. from the height on which we stood, we could see the ocean nearly around the island, and on our right and left, overlooking the basin below us, rose the two highest points of land of which barbadoes can boast. the white marl about their naked tops gives them a bleak and desolate appearance, which contrasts gloomily with the verdure of the surrounding cultivation. after we had fully gratified ourselves with viewing the miniature representation of old scotia, we descended again into the road, and returned to lear's. we passed numbers of men and women going towards town with loads of various kinds of provisions on their heads. some were black, and others were white--of the same class whose huts had just been shown us amid the hills and ravines of scotland. we observed that the latter were barefoot, and carried their loads on their heads precisely like the former. as we passed these busy pedestrians, the blacks almost uniformly courtesied or spoke; but the whites did not appear to notice us. mr. c inquired whether we were not struck with this difference in the conduct of the two people, remarking that he had always observed it. it is very seldom, said he, that i meet a negro who does not speak to me politely; but this class of whites either pass along without looking up, or cast a half-vacant, rude stare into one's face, without opening their mouths. yet this people, he added, veriest raggamuffins that they are, despise the negroes, and consider it quite degrading to put themselves on term of equity with them. they will beg of blacks more provident and industrious than themselves, or they will steal their poultry and rob their provision grounds at night; but they would disdain to associate with them. doubtless these _sans culottes_ swell in their dangling rags with the haughty consciousness that they possess _white skins_. what proud reflections they must have, as they pursue their barefoot way, thinking on their high lineage, and running back through the long list of their illustrious ancestry whose notable badge was a _white skin_! no wonder they cannot stop to bow to the passing stranger. these sprouts of the caucasian race are known among the barbadians by the rather ungracious name of _red shanks_. they are considered the pest of the island, and are far more troublesome to the police, in proportion to their members, than the apprentices. they are estimated at about eight thousand. the origin of this population we learned was the following: it has long been a law in barbadoes, that each proprietor should provide a white man for every sixty slaves in his possession, and give him an acre of land, a house, and arms requisite for defence of the island in case of insurrection. this caused an importation of poor whites from ireland and england, and their number has been gradually increasing until the present time. during our stay of nearly two days with mr. c., there was nothing to which he so often alluded as to the security from danger which was now enjoyed by the planters. as he sat in his parlor, surrounded by his affectionate family, the sense of personal and domestic security appeared to be a luxury to him. he repeatedly expressed himself substantially thus: "during the existence of slavery, how often have i retired to bed _fearing_ _that i should have my throat cut before morning_, but _now_ the danger is all over." we took leave of lear's, after a protracted visit, not without a pressing invitation from mr. c. to call again. second visit to lear's. the following week, on saturday afternoon, we received a note from mr. c., inviting us to spend the sabbath at lear's, where we might attend service at a neighboring chapel, and see a congregation composed chiefly of apprentices. on our arrival, we received a welcome from the residents, which reassured us of their sympathy in our object. we joined the family circle around the centre table, and spent the evening in free conversation on the subject of slavery. during the evening mr. c. stated, that he had lately met with a planter who, for some years previous to emancipation, and indeed up to the very event, maintained that it was utterly impossible for such a thing ever to take place. the mother country, he said, could not be so mad as to take a step which must inevitably ruin the colonies. _now_, said mr. c., this planter would be one of the last in the island to vote for a restoration of slavery; nay, he even wishes to have the apprenticeship terminated at once, and entire freedom given to the people. such changes as this were very common. mr. c. remarked that during slavery, if the negro ventured to express an opinion about any point of management, he was met at once with a reprimand. if one should say, "i think such a course would he best," or, "such a field of cane is fit for cutting," the reply would be, "_think_! you have no right to think any thing about it. _do as i bid you_." mr. c. confessed frankly, that he had often used such language himself. yet at the same time that he affected such contempt for the opinions of the slaves, he used to go around secretly among the negro houses at night to overhear their conversation, and ascertain their views. sometimes he received very valuable suggestions from them, which he was glad to avail himself of, though he was careful not to acknowledge their origin. soon after supper, miss e., one of mr. c.'s daughters, retired for the purpose of teaching a class of colored children which came to her on wednesday and saturday nights. a sister of miss e. has a class on the same days at noon. during the evening we requested the favor of seeing miss e.'s school. we were conducted by a flight of stairs into the basement story, where we found her sitting in a small recess, and surrounded by a dozen negro girls; from the ages of eight to fifteen. she was instructing them from the testament, which most of them could read fluently. she afterwards heard them recite some passages which they had committed to memory, and interspersed the recitations with appropriate remarks of advice and exhortation. it is to be remarked that miss e. commenced instructing after the abolition; before that event the idea of such an employment would have been rejected as degrading. at ten o'clock on sabbath morning, we drove to the chapel of the parish, which is a mile and a half from lear's. it contains seats for five hundred persons. the body of the house is appropriated to the apprentices. there were upwards of four hundred persons, mostly apprentices, present, and a more quiet and attentive congregation we have seldom seen. the people were neatly dressed. a great number of the men wore black or blue cloth. the females were generally dressed in white. the choir was composed entirely of blacks, and sung with characteristic excellence. there was so much intelligence in the countenances of the people, that we could scarcely believe we were looking on a congregation of lately emancipated slaves. we returned to lear's. mr. c. noticed the change which has taken place in the observance of the sabbath since emancipation. formerly the smoke would be often seen at this time of day pouring from the chimneys of the boiling-houses; but such a sight has not been seen since slavery disappeared. sunday used to be the day for the negroes to work on their grounds; now it is a rare thing for them to do so. sunday markets also prevailed throughout the island, until the abolition of slavery. mr. c. continued to speak of slavery. "i sometimes wonder," said he, "at myself, when i think how long i was connected with slavery; but self-interest and custom blinded me to its enormities." taking a short walk towards sunset, we found ourselves on the margin of a beautiful pond, in which myriads of small gold fishes were disporting--now circling about in rapid evolutions, and anon leaping above the surface, and displaying their brilliant sides in the rays of the setting sun. when we had watched for some moments their happy gambols, mr. c. turned around and broke a twig from a bush that stood behind us; "_there is a bush_," said he, "_which has committed many a murder_." on requesting him to explain, he said, that the root of it was a most deadly poison, and that the slave women used to make a decoction of it and give to their infants to destroy them; many a child had been murdered in this way. mothers would kill their children, rather than see them _grow up to be slaves_. "ah," he continued, in a solemn tone, pausing a moment and looking at us in a most earnest manner, "i could write a book about the evils of slavery. i could write a book about these things." what a volume of blackness and blood![a] [footnote a: we are here reminded of a fact stated by mr. c. on another occasion. he said, that he once attended at the death of a planter who had been noted for his severity to his slaves. it was the most horrid scene he ever witnessed. for hours before his death he was in the extremest agony, and the only words which he uttered were, "africa. o africa!" these words he repeated every few minutes, till he died. and such a ghastly countenance, such distortions of the muscles, such a hellish glare of the eye, and such convulsions of the body--it made him shudder to think of them.] when we arose on monday morning, the daylight has scarcely broken. on looking out of the window, we saw the mill slowly moving in the wind, and the field gang were going out to their daily work. surely, we thought, this does not look much like the laziness and insubordination of freed negroes. after dressing, we walked down to the mill, to have some conversation with the people. they all bade us a cordial "good mornin'." the _tender_ of the mill was an old man, whose despised locks were gray and thin, and on whose brow the hands of time and sorrow had written many effaceless lines. he appeared hale and cheerful, and answered our questions in distinct intelligible language. we asked him how they were all getting along under the new system. "very well, massa," said he, "very well, thank god. all peaceable and good." "do you like the apprenticeship better then slavery?" "great deal better, massa; we is doing well now." "you like the apprenticeship as well as freedom, don't you?" "o _no_ me massa, freedom _till better_." "what will you do when you are entirely free?" "we must work; all have to work when de free come, white and black." "you are old, and will not enjoy freedom long; why do you wish for freedom, then?" "me want to _die_ free, massa--good ting to die free, and me want to see _children_ free too." we continued at lear's during monday, to be in readiness for a tour to the windward of the island, which mr. c. had projected for us, and on which we were to set out early the next morning. in the course of the day we had opportunities of seeing the apprentices in almost every situation--in the field, at the mill, in the boiling-house, moving to and from work, and at rest. in every aspect in which we viewed them, they appeared cheerful, amiable, and easy of control. it was admirable to see with what ease and regularity every thing moved. an estate of nearly seven hundred acres, with extensive agriculture, and a large manufactory and distillery, employing three hundred apprentices, and supporting twenty-five horses, one hundred and thirty head of horned cattle, and hogs, sheep; and poultry in proportion, is manifestly a most complicated machinery. no wonder it should have been difficult to manage during slavery, when the main spring was absent, and every wheel out of gear. we saw the apprentices assemble after twelve o'clock, to receive their allowances of yams. these provisions are distributed to them twice every week--on monday and thursday. they were strewed along the yard in heaps of fifteen pounds each. the apprentices came with baskets to get their allowances. it resembled a market scene, much chattering and talking, but no anger. each man, woman, and child, as they got their baskets filled, placed them of their heads, and marched off to their several huts. on tuesday morning, at an early hour, mr. c. took us in his phaeton on our projected excursion. it was a beautiful morning. there was a full breeze from the east, which had already started the ponderous wings of the wind-mills, in every direction. the sun was shaded by light clouds, which rendered the air quite cool. crossing the rich valley in which the bell estate and other noble properties are situated, we ascended the cliffs of st. john's--a ridge extending through the parish of that name and as we rode along its top, eastward, we had a delightful view of sea and land. below us on either hand lay vast estates glowing in the, verdure of summer, and on three sides in the distance stretched the ocean. rich swells of land, cultivated and blooming like a vast garden, extended to the north as far as the eye could reach, and on every other side down to the water's edge. one who has been accustomed to the wildness of american scenery, and to the imperfect cultivation, intercepted with woodland, which yet characterizes the even the oldest portions of the united states, might revel for a time amid the sunny meadows. the waving cane fields, the verdant provision grounds, the acres of rich black soil without a blade of grass, and divided into beds two feet square for the cane plants with the precision almost of the cells of a honey comb; and withal he might be charmed with the luxurious mansions--more luxurious than superb--surrounded with the white cedar, the cocoa-nut tree, and the tall, rich mountain cabbage--the most beautiful of all tropical trees; but perchance it would not require a very long excursion to weary him with the artificiality of the scenery, and cause him to sigh for the "woods and wilds," the "banks and braes," of his own majestic country. after an hour and a half's drive, we reached colliton estate, where we were engaged to breakfast. we met a hearty welcome from the manager, samuel hinkston, esq. we were soon joined by several gentlemen whom mr. h. had invited to take breakfast with us; these were the rev. mr. gittens, rector of st. philip's parish, (in which colliton estate is situated,) and member of the colonial council; mr. thomas, an extensive attorney of barbadoes; and dr. bell, a planter of demerara--then on a visit to the island. we conversed with each of the gentlemen separately, and obtained their individual views respecting emancipation. mr. hinkston has been a planter for thirty-six years, and is highly esteemed throughout the island. the estate which he manages, ranks among the first in the island. it comprises six hundred acres of superior land, has a population of two hundred apprentices, and yields an average crop of one hundred and eighty hogsheads. together with his long experience and standing as a planter, mr. h. has been for many years local magistrate for the parish in which he resides. from these circumstances combined, we are induced to give his opinions on a variety of points. . he remarked that the planters were getting along _infinitely_ better under the new system than they ever did under the old. instead of regretting that the change had taken place, he is looking forward with pleasure to a better change in , and he only regrets that it is not to come sooner. . mr. h. said it was generally conceded that the island was never under better cultivation than at the present time. the crops for this year will exceed the average by several thousand hogsheads. the canes were planted in good season, and well attended to afterwards. . real estate has risen very much since emancipation. mr. h. stated that he had lately purchased a small sugar estate, for which he was obliged to give several hundred pounds more than it would have cost him before . . there is not the least sense of insecurity now. before emancipation there was much fear of insurrection, but that fear passed away with slavery. . the prospect for is good. that people have no fear of ruin after emancipation, is proved by the building of sugar works on estates which never had any before, and which were obliged to cart their canes to neighbouring estates to have them ground and manufactured. there are also numerous improvements making on the larger estates. mr. h. is preparing to make a new mill and boiling-house on colliton, and other planters are doing the same. arrangements are making too in various directions to build new negro villages on a more commodious plan. . mr. h. says he finds his apprentices perfectly ready to work for wages during their own time. whenever he needs their labor on saturday, he has only to ask them, and they are ready to go to the mill, or field at once. there has not been an instance on colliton estate in which the apprentices have refused to work, either during the hours required by law, or during their own time. when he does not need their services on saturday, they either hire themselves to other estates or work on their own grounds. . mr. h. was ready to say, both as a planter and a magistrate, that vice and crime generally had decreased, and were still on the decrease. petty thefts are the principal offences. he has not had occasion to send a single apprentice to the court of sessions for the last six months. . he has no difficulty in managing his people--far less than he did when they were slaves. it is very seldom that he finds it necessary to call in the aid of the special magistrate. conciliatory treatment is generally sufficient to maintain order and industry among the apprentices. . he affirms that the negroes have no disposition to be revengeful. he has never seen any thing like revenge. . his people are as far removed from insolence as from vindictiveness. they have been uniformly civil. . his apprentices have more interest in the affairs of the estate, and he puts more confidence in them than he ever did before. . he declares that the working of the apprenticeship, as also that of entire freedom, depends entirely on the _planters_. if they act with common humanity and reason, there is no fear but that the apprentices will be peaceable. mr. thomas is attorney for fifteen estates, on which there are upwards of two thousand five hundred apprentices. we were informed that he had been distinguished as a _severe disciplinarian_ under the old reign, or in plain terms, had been a _cruel man and a hard driver_; but he was one of those who, since emancipation, have turned about and conformed their mode of treatment to the new system. in reply to our inquiry how the present system was working, he said, "infinitely better (such was his language) than slavery. i succeed better on all the estates under my charge than i did formerly. i have far less difficulty with the people. i have no reason to complain of their conduct. however, i think they will do still better after ." we made some inquiries of dr. bell concerning the results of abolition in demerara. he gave a decidedly flattering account of the working of the apprenticeship system. no fears are entertained that demerara will be ruined after . on the contrary it will be greatly benefited by emancipation. it is now suffering from a want of laborers, and after there will be an increased emigration to that colony from the older and less productive colonies. the planters of demerara are making arrangements for cultivating sugar on a larger scale than ever before. estates are selling at very high prices. every thing indicates the fullest confidence on the part of the planters that the prosperity of the colony will not only be permanent, but progressive. after breakfast we proceeded to the society's estate. we were glad to see this estate, as its history is peculiar. in it was bequeathed by general coddington to a society in england, called "the society for the promotion of christian knowledge." the proceeds of the estate were to be applied to the support of an institution in barbadoes, for educating missionaries of the established order. some of the provisions of the will were that the estate should always have three hundred slaves upon it; that it should support a school for the education of the negro children who were to be taught a portion of every day until they were twelve years old, when they were to go into the field; and that there should be a chapel built upon it. the negroes belonging to the estate have for upwards of a hundred years been under this kind of instruction. they have all been taught to read, though in many instances they have forgotten all they learned, having no opportunity to improve after they left school. they enjoy some other comforts peculiar to the society's estate. they have neat cottages built apart--each on a half-acre lot, which belongs to the apprentice and for the cultivation of which he is a allowed one day out of the five working days. another peculiarity is, that the men and women work in separate gangs. at this estate we procured horses to ride to the college. we rode by the chapel and school-house belonging to the society's estate which are situated on the row of a high hill. from the same hill we caught a view of coddrington college, which is situated on a low bottom extending from the foot of the rocky cliff on which we stood to the sea shore, a space of quarter of a mile. it is a long, narrow, ill-constructed edifice. we called on the principal, rev. mr. jones, who received us very cordially, and conducted us over the buildings and the grounds connected with them. the college is large enough to accommodate a hundred students. it is fitted out with lodging rooms, various professors' departments, dining hall, chapel, library, and all the appurtenances of a university. the number of student at the close of the last term was _fifteen_. the professors, two in number, are supported by a fund, consisting of £ , sterling, which has in part accumulated from the revenue of the estate. the principal spoke favorably of the operation of the apprenticeship in barbadoes, and gave the negroes a decided superiority over the lower class of whites. he had seen only one colored beggar since he came to the island, but he was infested with multitudes of white ones. it is intended to improve the college buildings as soon as the toil of apprentices on the society's estate furnishes the requisite means. this robbing of god's image to promote education is horrible enough, taking the wages of slavery to spread the kingdom of christ! on re-ascending the hill, we called at the society's school. there are usually in attendance about one hundred children, since the abolition of slavery. near the school-house is the chapel of the estate, a neat building, capable of holding three or four hundred people. adjacent to the chapel is the burial ground for the negroes belonging to the society's estate. we noticed several neat tombs, which appeared to have been erected only a short time previous. they were built of brick, and covered over with lime, so as to resemble white marble slabs. on being told that these were erected by the negroes themselves over the bodies of their friends, we could not fail to note so beautiful an evidence of their civilization and humanity. we returned to the society's estate, where we exchanged our saddles for the phaeton, and proceeded on our eastward tour. mr. c. took us out of the way a few miles to show us one of the few curiosities of which barbadoes can boast. it is called the "horse." the shore for some distance is a high and precipitous ledge of rocks, which overhangs the sea in broken cliffs. in one place a huge mass has been riven from the main body of rock and fallen into the sea. other huge fragments have been broken off in the same manner. in the midst of these, a number of steps have been cut in the rock for the purpose of descending to the sea. at the bottom of these steps, there is a broad platform of solid rock, where one may stand securely, and hear the waves breaking around him like heavy thunders. through the fissures we could see the foam and spray mingling with the blue of the ocean, and flashing in the sunshine. to the right, between the largest rock and the main land, there is a chamber of about ten feet wide, and twenty feet long. the fragment, which forms one of its sides, leans towards the main rock, and touches it at top, forming a roof, with here and there a fissure, through which the light enters. at the bottom of the room there is a clear bed of water, which communicates with the sea by a small aperture under the rock. it is as placid as a summer pond, and is fitted with steps for a bathing place. bathe, truly! with the sea ever dashing against the side, and roaring and reverberating with deafening echo. on a granite slab, fixed in the side of the rock at the bottom of the first descent is an inscription. time has very much effaced the letters, but by the aid of mr. c.'s memory, we succeeded in deciphering them. they will serve as the hundred and first exemplification of the bonapartean maxim--"there is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous." "in this remote, and hoarse resounding place, which billows clash, and craggy cliffs embrace, these babbling springs amid such horrors rise, but armed with virtue, horrors we despise. bathe undismayed, nor dread the impending rock, 'tis virtue shields us from each adverse shock. genio loci sacrum posuit j.r. martis mense " from the "crane," which is the name given to that section of the country in which the "horse" is situated, we bent our way in a southerly direction to the ridge estate, which was about eight miles distant, where we had engaged to dine. on the way we passed an estate which had just been on fire. the apprentices, fearing lest their houses should be burnt, had carried away all the moveables from them, and deposited them in separate heaps, on a newly ploughed field. the very doors and window shutters had been torn off and carried into the field, several acres of which were strewed over with piles of such furniture. mr. c. was scarcely less struck with this scene than we were, and he assured us that he had never known such providence manifested on a similar occasion during slavery. at the ridge estate we met mr. clarke, manager at staple grove estate, mr. applewhitte of carton, and a brother of mr. c. the manager, mr. cecil, received us with the customary cordiality. mr. clarke is the manager of an estate on which there are two hundred apprentices. his testimony was, that the estate was better cultivated since abolition than before, and that it is far easier to control the laborers, and secure uniformity of labor under the present system. he qualified this remark, by saying, that if harsh or violent measures were used, there would be more difficulty now than during slavery; but kind treatment and a conciliatory spirit never failed to secure peace and industry. at the time of abolition, mr. c. owned ten slaves, whom he entirely emancipated. some of these still remain with him as domestics; others are hired on an adjoining estate. one of those who left him to work on another estate, said to him, "massa, whenever you want anybody to help you, send to me, and i'll come. it makes no odds when it is--i'll be ready at any time--day or night." mr. c. declared himself thoroughly convinced of the propriety of immediate emancipation; though he was once a violent opposer of abolition. he said, that if he had the power, be would emancipate every apprentice on his estate to-morrow. as we were in the sugar-house examining the quality of the sugar, mr. c. turned to one of us, and putting his hand on a hogshead, said, "you do not raise this article in your state, (kentucky,) i believe." on being answered in the negative, he continued, "well, we will excuse you, then, somewhat in your state--you can't treat your slaves so cruelly there. _this, this_ is the dreadful thing! wherever sugar is cultivated by slaves, there is extreme suffering." mr. applewhitte said emphatically, that there was no danger in entire emancipation. he was the proprietor of more than a hundred apprentices and he would like to see them all free at once. during a long sitting at the dinner table, emancipation was the topic, and we were gratified with the perfect unanimity of sentiment among these planters. after the cloth was removed, and we were about leaving the table, mr. clarke begged leave to propose a toast. accordingly, the glasses of the planters were once more filled, and mr. c., bowing to us, gave our health, and "success to our laudable undertaking,"--"_most_ laudable undertaking," added mr. applewhitte, and the glasses were emptied. had the glasses contained water instead of wine, our gratification would have been complete. it was a thing altogether beyond our most sanguine expectations, that a company of planters, all of whom were but three years previous the actual oppressors of the slave, should be found wishing success to the cause of emancipation. at half past eight o'clock, we resumed our seats in mr. c.'s phaeton, and by the nearest route across the country, returned to lear's. mr. c. entertained us by the way with eulogies upon the industry and faithfulness of his apprentices. it was, he said, one of the greatest pleasures he experienced, to visit the different estates under his charge, and witness the respect and affection which the apprentices entertained towards him. their joyful welcome, their kind attentions during his stay with them, and their hearty 'good-bye, massa,' when he left, delighted him. visit to colonel ashby's. we were kindly invited to spend a day at the mansion of colonel ashby, an aged and experienced planter, who is the proprietor of the estate on which he resides. colonel a.'s estate is situated in the parish of christ church, and is almost on the extreme point of a promontory, which forms the southernmost part of the island. an early and pleasant drive of nine miles from bridgetown, along the southeastern coast of the island, brought us to his residence. colonel a. is a native of barbadoes, has been a practical planter since , and for a long time a colonial magistrate, and commander of the parish troops. his present estate contains three hundred and fifty acres, and has upon it two hundred and thirty apprentices, with a large number of free children. his average crop is eighty large hogsheads. colonel a. remarked to us, that he had witnessed many cruelties and enormities under "the reign of terror." he said, that the abolition of slavery had been an incalculable blessing, but added, that he had not always entertained the same views respecting emancipation. before it took place, he was a violent opposer of any measure tending to abolition. he regarded the english abolitionists, and the anti-slavery members in parliament, with unmingled hatred. he had often cursed wilberforce most bitterly, and thought that no doom either in this life, or in the life to come, was too bad for him. "but," he exclaimed, "how mistaken i was about that man--i am convinced of it now--o he was a good man--_a noble philanthropist_!--_if there is a chair in heaven, wilberforce is in it_!" colonel a. is somewhat sceptical, which will account for his hypothetical manner of speaking about heaven. he said that he found no trouble in managing his apprentices. as local or colonial magistrate, in which capacity he still continued to act he had no cases of serious crime to adjudicate, and very few cases of petty misdemeanor. colonel a. stated emphatically, that the negroes were not disposed to leave their employment, unless the master was intolerably passionate and hard with them; as for himself, he did not fear losing a single laborer after . he dwelt much on the trustiness and strong attachment of the negroes, where they are well treated. there were no people in the world that he would trust his property or life with sooner than negroes, provided he had the previous management of them long enough to secure their confidence. he stated the following fact in confirmation of this sentiment. during the memorable insurrection of , by which the neighboring parishes were dreadfully ravaged, he was suddenly called from home on military duty. after he had proceeded some distance, he recollected that he had left five thousand dollars in an open desk at home. he immediately told the fact to his slave who was with him, and sent him back to take care of it. he knew nothing more of his money until the rebellion was quelled, and peace restored. on returning home, the slave led him to a cocoa-nut tree near by the house, and dug up the money, which he had buried under its roots. he found the whole sum secure. the negro, he said, might have taken the money, and he would never have suspected him, but would have concluded that it had been, in common with other larger sums, seized upon by the insurgents. colonel a. said that it was impossible for him to mistrust the negroes as a body. he spoke in terms of praise also of the _conjugal attachment_ of the negroes. his son, a merchant, stated a fact on this subject. the wife of a negro man whom he knew, became afflicted with that loathsome disease, the leprosy. the man continued to live with her, notwithstanding the disease was universally considered contagious and was peculiarly dreaded by the negroes. the man on being asked why he lived with his wife under such circumstances, said, that he had lived with her when she was well, and he could not bear to forsake her when she was in distress. colonel a. made numerous inquiries respecting slavery in america. he said there certainly be insurrections in the slaveholding states, unless slavery was abolished. nothing but abolition could put an end to insurrections. mr. thomas, a neighboring planter, dined with us. he had not carried a complaint to the special magistrate against his apprentices for six months. he remarked particularly that emancipation had been a great blessing to the master; it brought freedom to him as well as to the slave. a few days subsequent to our visit to colonel a.'s, the reverend mr. packer, of the established church, called at our lodgings, and introduced a planter from the parish of st. thomas. the planter is proprietor of an estate, and has eighty apprentices. his apprentices conduct themselves very satisfactorily, and he had not carried a half dozen complaints to the special magistrate since . he said that cases of crime were very rare, as he had opportunity of knowing, being local magistrate. there were almost no penal offences brought before him. many of the apprentices of st. thomas parish were buying their freedom, and there were several cases of appraisement[a] every week. the monday previous, six cases came before him, in four of which the apprentices paid the money on the spot. [footnote a: when an apprentice signifies his wish to purchase his freedom, he applies to the magistrate for an appraisement. the appraisement is made by one special and two local magistrates.] before this gentleman left, the rev. mr. c. called in with mr. pigeot, another planter, with whom we had a long conversation. mr. p. has been a manager for many years. we had heard of him previously as the only planter in the island who had made an experiment in task work prior to abolition. he tried it for twenty months before that period on an estate of four hundred acres and two hundred people. his plan was simply to give each slave an ordinary day's work for a task; and after that was performed, the remainder of the time, if any, belonged to the slave. _no wages were allowed_. the gang were expected to accomplish just as much as they did before, and to do it as well, however long a time it might require; and if they could finish in half a day, the other half was their own, and they might employ it as they saw fit. mr. p. said, he was very soon convinced of the good policy of the system; though he had one of the most unruly gangs of negroes to manage in the whole island. the results of the experiment he stated to be these: . the usual day's work was done generally before the middle of the afternoon. sometimes it was completed in five hours. . the work was done as well as it was ever done under the old system. indeed, the estate continued to improve in cultivation, and presented a far better appearance at the close of the twenty months than when he took the charge of it. . the trouble of management was greatly diminished. mr. p. was almost entirely released from the care of overseeing the work: he could trust it to the slaves. . the whip was entirely laid aside. the idea of having a part of the day which they could call their own and employ for their own interests, was stimulus enough for the slaves without resorting to the whip. . the time gained was not spent (as many feared and prophecied it would be) either in mischief or indolence. it was diligently improved in cultivating their provision grounds, or working for wages on neighboring estates. frequently a man and his wife would commence early and work together until they got the work of both so far advanced that the man could finish it alone before night; and then the woman would gather on a load of yams and start for the market. . the condition of the people improved astonishingly. they became one of the most industrious and orderly gangs in the parish. under the former system they were considered inadequate to do the work of the estate, and the manager was obliged to hire additional hands every year, to take off the crop; but mr. p. never hired any, though he made as large crops as were made formerly. . after the abolition of slavery, his people chose to continue on the same system of task work. mr. p. stated that the planters were universally opposed to his experiment. they laughed at the idea of making negroes work without using the whip; and they all prophesied that it would prove an utter failure. after some months' successful trial, he asked some of his neighbor planters what they thought of it then, and he appealed to than to say whether he did not get his work done as thoroughly and seasonably as they did theirs. they were compelled to admit it; but still they were opposed to his system, even more than ever. they called it an _innovation_--it was setting a bad example; and they honestly declared that they did not wish the slaves to _have any time of their own_. mr. p. said, he was first induced to try the system of task work from a consideration that the negroes were men as well as himself, and deserved to he dealt with as liberally as their relation would allow. he soon found that what was intended as a favor to the slaves was really a benefit to the master. mr. p. was persuaded that entire freedom would be better for all parties than apprenticeship. he had heard some fears expressed concerning the fate of the island after ; but he considered them very absurd. although this planter looked forward with sanguine hopes to , yet he would freely say that he did not think the apprenticeship would be any preparation for entire freedom. the single object with the great majority of the planters seemed to be to _get as much out_ of the apprentices as they possibly could during the term. no attention had been paid to preparing the apprentices for freedom. we were introduced to a planter who was notorious during the reign of slavery for the _strictness of his discipline_, to use the barbadian phrase, or, in plain english, for his rigorous treatment and his cruelty. he is the proprietor of three sugar estates and one cotton plantation in barbadoes, on all of which there are seven hundred apprentices. he was a luxurious looking personage, bottle-cheeked and huge i' the midst, and had grown fat on slaveholding indulgences. he mingled with every sentence he uttered some profane expression, or solemn appeal to his "honor," and seemed to be greatly delighted with hearing himself talk. he displayed all those prejudices which might naturally be looked for in a mind educated and trained as his had been. as to the conduct of the apprentices, he said they were peaceable and industrious, and mostly well disposed. but after all, the negroes were a perverse race of people. it was a singular fact, he said, that the severer the master, the better the apprentices. when the master was mild and indulgent, they were sure to be lazy, insolent, and unfaithful. _he knew this by experience; this was the case with_ his _apprentices_. his house-servants especially were very bad. but there was one complaint he had against them all, domestics and praedials--they always hold him to the letter of the law, and are ready to arraign him before the special magistrate for every infraction of it on his part, however trifling. how ungrateful, truly! after being provided for with parental care from earliest infancy, and supplied yearly with two suits of clothes, and as many yams is they could eat and only having to work thirteen or fifteen hours per day in return; and now when they are no longer slaves, and new privileges are conferred to exact them to the full extent of the law which secures them--what ingratitude! how soon are the kindnesses of the past, and the hand that bestowed them, forgotten! had these people possessed the sentiments of human beings, they would have been willing to take the boon of freedom and lay it at their master's feet, dedicating the remainder of their days to his discretionary service! but with all his violent prejudices, this planter stated some facts which are highly favorable to the apprentices. . he frankly acknowledged that his estates were never under better cultivation than at the present time: and he could say the same of the estates throughout the island. the largest crops that have ever been made, will he realized this year. . the apprentices are generally willing to work on the estates on saturday whenever their labor is needed. . the females are very much disposed to abandon field labor. he has great difficulty sometimes in inducing them to take their hoes and go out to the field along with the men; it was the case particularly _with the mothers!_ this he regarded as a sore evil! . the free children he represented as being in a wretched condition. their parents have the entire management of them, an they are utterly opposed to having them employed on the estates. he condemned severely the course taken in a particular instance by the late governor, sir lionel smith. he took it upon himself to go around the island and advise the parents never to bind their children in any kind of apprenticeship to the planters. he told them that sooner than involve their free children in any way, they ought to "work their own fingers to the stubs." the consequence of this imprudent measure, said our informant, is that the planters have no control over the children born on their estates; and in many instances their parents have sent them away lest their _residence_ on the property should, by some chance, give the planter a claim upon their services. under the good old system the young children were placed together under the charge of some superannuated women, who were fit for nothing else, and the mothers went into the field to work; now the nursery is broken up, and the mothers spend half of their time "_in taking care of their brats_." . as to the management of the working people, there need not he any more difficulty now then during slavery. if the magistrates, instead of encouraging the apprentices to complain and be insolent, would join their influence to support the authority of the planters, things might go on nearly as smoothly as before. in company with rev. mr. packer, late rector of st. thomas, we rode out to the belle estate, which is considered one of the finest in the island. mr. marshall, the manager, received us cordially. he was selected, with two others, by sir lionel smith, to draw up a scale of labor for general use in the island. there are five hundred acres in the estate, and two hundred and thirty-five apprenticed laborers. the manager stated that every thing was working well on his property. he corroborated the statements made by other planters with retard to the conduct of the apprentices. on one point he said the planters had found themselves greatly disappointed. it was feared that after emancipation the negroes would be very much verse to cultivating cane, as it was supposed that nothing but the whip could induce them to perform that species of labor. but the truth is, they now not only cultivate the estate lands better than they did when under the lash, but also cultivate a third of their half-acre allotments in cane on their own accounts. they would plant the whole in cane if they were not discouraged by the planter, whose principal objection to their doing so is that it would lead to the entire neglect of _provision cultivation_. the apprentices on belle estate will make little short of one thousand dollars the present season by their sugar. mr. m. stated that he was extensively acquainted with the cultivation of the island, and he knew that it was in a better condition than it had been for many years. there were twenty-four estates under the same attorneyship with the belle, and they were all in the same prosperous condition. a short time before we left barbadoes we received an invitation from col. barrow, to breakfast with him at his residence on edgecome estate--about eight miles from town. mr. cummins, a colored gentleman, a merchant of bridgetown, and agent of col. b., accompanied us. the proprietor of edgecome is a native of barbadoes, of polished manners and very liberal views. he has travelled extensively, has held many important offices, and is generally considered the _cleverest_ man in the island. he is now a member of the council, and acting attorney for about twenty estates. he remarked that he had always desired emancipation, and had prepared himself for it; but that it had proved a greater blessing than he had expected. his apprentices did as much work as before, and it was done without the application of the whip. he had not had any cases of insubordination, and it was very seldom that he had any complaints to make to the special magistrate. "the apprentices." said he, "understand the meaning of law, and they regard its authority." he thought there was no such thing in the island as a _sense of insecurity_, either as respected person or property. real estate had risen in value. col. b. alluded to the expensiveness of slavery, remarking that after all that was expended in purchasing the slaves, it cost the proprietor as much to maintain them, as it would to hire free men. he spoke of the habit of exercising arbitrary power, which being in continual play up to the time of abolition, had become so strong that managers even yet gave way to it, and frequently punished their apprentices, in spite of all penalties. the fines inflicted throughout the island in , upon planters, overseers, and others, for punishing apprentices, amounted to one thousand two hundred dollars. col. b. said that he found the legal penalty so inadequate, that in his own practice he was obliged to resort to other means to deter his book-keepers and overseers from violence; hence he discharged every man under his control who was known to strike an apprentice. he does not think that the apprenticeship will be a means of preparing the negroes for freedom, nor does he believe that they _need_ any preparation. he should have apprehended no danger, had emancipation taken place in . at nine o'clock we sat down to breakfast. our places were assigned at opposite sides of the table, between col. b. and mr. c. to an american eye, we presented a singular spectacle. a wealthy planter, a member of the legislative council, sitting at the breakfast table with a colored man, whose mother was a negress of the most unmitigated hue, and who himself showed a head of hair as curly as his mother's! but this colored guest was treated with all that courtesy and attention to which his intelligence, worth and accomplished manners so justly entitle him. about noon, we left edgecome, and drove two miles farther, to horton--an estate owned by foster clarke, esq., an attorney for twenty-two estates, who is now temporarily residing in england. the intelligent manager of horton received us and our colored companion, with characteristic hospitality. like every one else, he told us that the apprenticeship was far better than slavery, though he was looking forward to the still better system, entire freedom. after we had taken a lunch, mr. cummins invited our host to take a seat, with us in his carriage, and we drove across the country to drax hall. drax hall is the largest estate in the island--consisting of eight hundred acres. the manager of this estate confirmed the testimony of the barbadian planters in every important particular. from drax hall we returned to bridgetown, accompanied by our friend cummins. chapter ii. testimony of special magistrates, police officers, clergymen, and missionaries. next in weight to the testimony of the planters is that of the special magistrates. being officially connected with the administration of the apprenticeship system, and tire adjudicators in all difficulties between master and servant, their views of the system and of the conduct of the different parties are entitled to special consideration. our interviews with this class of men were frequent during our stay in the island. we found them uniformly ready to communicate information, and free to express their sentiments. in barbadoes there are seven special magistrates, presiding over as many districts, marked a, b, c, &c., which include the whole of the apprentice population, praedial and non-praedial. these districts embrace an average of twelve thousand apprentices--some more and some less. all the complaints and difficulties which arise among that number of apprentices and their masters, overseers and book-keepers, are brought before the single magistrate presiding in the district in which they occur. from the statement of this fact it will appear in the outset either that the special magistrates have an incalculable amount of business to transact, or that the conduct of the apprentices is wonderfully peaceable. but more of this again. about a week following our first interview with his excellency, sir evan mccregor, we received an invitation to dine at government house with a company of gentlemen. on our arrival at six o'clock, we were conducted into a large antechamber above the dining hall, where we were soon joined by the solicitor-general, hon. r.b. clarke. dr. clarke, a physician, maj. colthurst, capt. hamilton, and mr. galloway, special magistrates. the appearance of the governor about an hour afterwards, was the signal for an adjournment to dinner. slavery and emancipation were the engrossing topics during the evening. as our conversation was for the most part general, we were enabled to gather at the same time the opinions of all the persons present. there was, for aught we heard or could see to the contrary, an entire unanimity of sentiment. in the course of the evening we gathered the following facts and testimony: . all the company testified to the benefits of abolition. it was affirmed that the island was never in so prosperous a condition as at present. . the estates generally are better cultivated than they were during slavery. said one of the magistrates: "if, gentlemen, you would see for yourselves the evidences of our successful cultivation, you need but to travel in any part of the country, and view the superabundant crops which are now being taken off; and if you would satisfy yourselves that emancipation has not been ruinous to barbadoes, only cast your eyes over the land in any direction, and see the flourishing condition both of houses and fields: every thing is starting into new life." it as also stated that more work was done during the nine hours required by law, than was done during slavery in twelve or fifteen hours, with all the driving and goading which were then practised. . offences have not increased, but rather lessened. the solicitor-general remarked, that the comparative state of crime could not be ascertained by a mere reference to statistical records, since previous to emancipation all offences were summarily punished by the planter. each estate was a little despotism, and the manager took cognizance of all the misdemeanors committed among his slaves --inflicting such punishment as he thought proper. the public knew nothing about the offences of the slaves, unless something very atrocious was committed. but since emancipation has taken place, all offences, however trivial, come to the light and are recorded. he could only give a judgment founded on observation. it was his opinion, that there were fewer petty offences, such as thefts, larcenies, &c., than during slavery. as for serious crime, it was hardly known in the island. the whites enjoy far greater safety of person and property than they did formerly. maj. colthurst, who is an irishman, remarked, that he had long been a magistrate or justice of the peace in ireland, and he was certain that at the present ratio of crime in barbadoes, there would not be as much perpetrated in six years to come, as there is in ireland among an equal population in six months. for his part, he had never found in any part of the world so peaceable and inoffensive a community. . it was the unanimous testimony that there was no disposition among the apprentices to revenge injuries committed against them. _they are not a revengeful people_, but on the contrary are remarkable for forgetting wrongs, particularly when the are succeeded by kindness. . the apprentices were described as being generally civil and respectful toward their employers. they were said to manifest more independence of feeling and action than they did when slaves; but were seldom known to be insolent unless grossly insulted or very harshly used. . ample testimony was given to the law-abiding character of the negroes. when the apprenticeship system was first introduced, they did not fully comprehend its provisions, and as they had anticipated entire freedom, they were disappointed and dissatisfied. but in a little while they became reconciled to the operations of the new system, and have since manifested a due subordination to the laws and authorities. . there is great desire manifested among them to purchase their freedom. not a week passes without a number of appraisements. those who have purchased their freedom have generally conducted well, and in many instances are laboring on the same estates on which they were slaves. . there is no difficulty in inducing the apprentices to work on saturday. they are usually willing to work if proper wages are given them. if they are not needed on the estates, they either work on their own grounds, or on some neighboring estate. . the special magistrates were all of the opinion that it would have been entirely safe to have emancipated the slaves of barbadoes in . they did not believe that any preparation was needed; but that entire emancipation would have been decidedly better than the apprenticeship. . the magistrates also stated that the number of complaints brought before them was comparatively small, and it was gradually diminishing. the offences were of a very trivial nature, mostly cases of slight insubordination, such as impertinent replies and disobedience of orders. . they stated that they had more trouble with petty overseers and managers and small proprietors than with the entire black population. . the special magistrates further testified that wherever the planters have exercised common kindness and humanity, the apprentices have generally conducted peaceably. whenever there are many complaints from one estate, it is presumable that the manager is a bad man. . real estate is much higher throughout the island than it has been for many years. a magistrate said that he had heard of an estate which had been in market for ten years before abolition and could not find a purchaser. in , the year following abolition, it was sold for one third more than was asked for it two years before. . it was stated that there was not a proprietor in the island, whose opinion was of any worth, who would wish to have slavery restored. those who were mostly bitterly opposed to abolition, have become reconciled, and are satisfied that the change has been beneficial. the solicitor-general was candid enough to own that he himself was openly opposed to emancipation. he had declared publicly and repeatedly while the measure was pending in parliament, that abolition would ruin the colonies. but the results had proved so different that he was ashamed of his former forebodings. he had no desire ever to see slavery re-established. . the first of august, , was described as a day of remarkable quiet and tranquillity. the solicitor-general remarked, that there were many fears for the results of that first day of abolition. he said he arose early that morning, and before eight o'clock rode through the most populous part of the island, over an extent of twelve miles. the negroes were all engaged in their work as on other days. a stranger riding through the island, and ignorant of the event which had taken place that morning, would have observed no indications of so extraordinary a change. he returned home satisfied that all would work well. . the change in was spoken of as being associated with the most sanguine expectations. it was thought that there was more danger to be apprehended from the change in . it was stated that there were about fifteen thousand non-praedials, who would then be emancipated in barbadoes. this will most likely prove the occasion of much excitement and uneasiness, though it is not supposed that any thing serious will arise. the hope was expressed that the legislature would effect the emancipation of the whole population at that time. one of the magistrates informed us that he knew quite a number of planters in his district who were willing to liberate their apprentices immediately, but they were waiting for a general movement. it was thought that this state of feeling was somewhat extensive. . the magistrates represented the negroes as naturally confiding and docile, yielding readily to the authority of those who are placed over them. maj. colthurst presides over a district of , apprentices; capt. hamilton over a district of , , and mr. galloway over the same number. there are but three days in the week devoted to hearing and settling complaints. it is very evident that in so short a time it would be utterly impossible for one man to control and keep in order such a number, unless the subjects were of themselves disposed to be peaceable and submissive. the magistrates informed us that, notwithstanding the extent of their districts, they often did not have more than from a dozen to fifteen complaints in a week. we were highly gratified with the liberal spirit and the intelligence of the special magistrates. major colthurst is a gentleman of far more than ordinary pretensions to refinement and general information. he was in early life a justice of the peace in ireland, he was afterwards a juror in his majesty's service, and withal, has been an extensive traveller. fifteen years ago he travelled in the united states, and passed through several of the slaveholding states, where he was shocked with the abominations of slavery. he was persuaded that slavery was worse in our country, than it has been for many years in the west indies. captain hamilton was formerly an officer in the british navy. he seems quite devoted to his business, and attached to the interests of the apprentices. mr. galloway is a _colored_ gentleman, highly respected for his talents. mr. g. informed us that _prejudice_ against color was rapidly diminishing--and that the present governor was doing all in his power to discountenance it. the company spoke repeatedly of the _noble act of abolition, by which great britain had immortalized her name more than by all the achievements of her armies and navies._ the warmest wishes were expressed for the abolition of slavery in the united states. all said they should rejoice when the descendants of great britain should adopt the noble example of their mother country. they hailed the present anti-slavery movements. said the solicitor-general, "we were once strangely opposed to the english anti-slavery party, but now we sympathize with you. since slavery is abolished to our own colonies, and we see the good which results from the measure, we go for abolition throughout the world. go on, gentlemen, we are with you; _we are all sailing in the same vessel._" being kindly invited by captain hamilton, during our interview with him at the government house, to call on him and attend his court, we availed ourselves of his invitation a few days afterwards. we left bridgetown after breakfast, and as it chanced to be saturday, we had a fine opportunity of seeing the people coming into market. they were strung all along the road for six miles, so closely, that there was scarcely a minute at any time in which we did not pass them. as far as the eye could reach there were files of men and women, moving peaceably forward. from the cross paths leading through the estates, the busy marketers were pouring into the highway. to their heads as usual was committed the safe conveyance of the various commodities. it was amusing to observe the almost infinite diversity of products which loaded them. there were sweet potatoes, yams, eddoes, guinea and indian corn, various fruits and berries, vegetables, nuts, cakes, bottled beer and empty bottles, bundles of sugar cane, bundles of fire wood, &c. &c. here was one woman (the majority were females, as usual with the marketers in these islands) with a small black pig doubled up under her arm. another girl had a brood of young chickens, with nest, coop, and all, on her head. further along the road we were specially attracted by a woman who was trudging with an immense turkey elevated on her head. he quite filled the tray; head and tail projecting beyond its bounds. he advanced, as was very proper, head foremost, and it was irresistibly laughable to see him ever and anon stretch out his neck and peep under the tray, as though he would discover by what manner of locomotive it was that he got along so fast while his own legs were tied together. of the hundreds whom we past, there were very few who were not well dressed, healthy, and apparently in good spirits. we saw nothing indecorous, heard no vile language, and witnessed no violence. about four miles from town, we observed on the side of the road a small grove of shade trees. numbers of the marketers were seated there, or lying in the cool shade with their trays beside them. it seemed to be a sort of rendezvous place, where those going to, and those returning from town, occasionally halt for a time for the purpose of resting, and to tell and hear news concerning the state of the market. and why should not these travelling merchants have an exchange as well as the stationary ones of bridgetown? on reaching the station-house, which is about six miles from town, we learned that saturday was not one of the court days. we accordingly drove to captain hamilton's residence. _he stated that during the week he had only six cases of complaint among the thirteen thousand apprentices embraced in his district._ saturday is the day set apart for the apprentices to visit him at his house for advice on any points connected with their duties. he had several calls while we were with him. one was from the mother of an apprentice girl who had been committed for injuring the master's son. she came to inform captain h. that the girl had been whipped twice contrary to law, before her commitment. captain h. stated that the girl had said nothing about this at the time of her trial; if she had, she would in all probability have been _set free_, instead of being _committed to prison_. he remarked that he had no question but there were numerous cases of flogging on the estates which never came to light. the sufferers were afraid to inform against their masters, lest they should be treated still worse. the opportunity which he gave them of coming, to him one day in the week for private advice, was the means of exposing many outrages which would otherwise he unheard of: he observed that there were not a few whom he had liberated on account of the cruelty of their masters. captain h. stated that the apprentices were much disposed to purchase their freedom. to obtain money to pay for themselves they practice the most severe economy and self-denial in the very few indulgences which the law grants them. they sometimes resort to deception to depreciate their value with the appraisers. he mentioned an instance of a man who lead for many years been an overseer on a large estate. wishing to purchase himself, and knowing that his master valued him very highly, he permitted his beard to grow; gave his face a wrinkled and haggard appearance, and bound a handkerchief about his head. his clothes were suffered to become ragged and dirty, and he began to feign great weakness in his limbs, and to complain of a "misery all down his back." he soon appeared marked with all the signs of old age and decrepitude. in this plight, and leaning on a stick, he hobbled up to the station-house one day, and requested to be appraised. he was appraised at £ , which he immediately paid. a short time afterwards, he engaged himself to a proprietor to manage a small estate for £ per year in cash and his own maintenance, all at once grew vigorous again; and is prospering finely. many of the masters in turn practice deception to prevent the apprentices from buying themselves, or to make them pay the very highest sum for their freedom. they extol their virtues--they are every thing that is excellent and valuable--their services on the estate are indispensable no one can fill their places. by such misrepresentations they often get an exorbitant price for the remainder of the term--more, sometimes, than they could have obtained for them for life while they were slaves. from captain h.'s we returned to the station-house, the keeper of which conducted us over the buildings, and showed us the cells of the prison. the house contains the office and private room of the magistrate, and the guard-room, below, and chambers for the police men above. there are sixteen solitary cells, and two large rooms for those condemned to hard labour--one for females and the other for males. there were at that time seven in the solitary cells, and twenty-four employed in labor on the roads. this is more than usual. the average number is twenty in all. when it is considered that most of the commitments are for trivial offences, and that the district contains thirteen thousand apprentices, certainly we have grounds to conclude that the state of morals in barbadoes is decidedly superior to that in our own country. the whole police force for this district is composed of seventeen horsemen, four footmen, a sergeant, and the keeper. it was formerly greater but has been reduced within the past year. the keeper informed us that he found the apprentices, placed under his care, very easily controlled. they sometimes attempt to escape; but there has been no instance of revolt or insubordination. the island, he said, was peaceable, and were it not for the petty complaints of the overseers, nearly the whole police force might be disbanded. as for insurrection, he laughed at the idea of it. it was feared before abolition, but now no one thought of it. all but two or three of the policemen at this station are black and colored men. station-house at district a. being disappointed in our expectations of witnessing some trials at the station-house in captain hamilton's district (b,) we visited the court in district a, where major colthurst presides. major c. was in the midst of a trial when we entered, and we did not learn fully the nature of the case then pending. we were immediately invited within the bar, whence we had a fair view of all that passed. there were several complaints made and tried, during our stay. we give a brief account of them, as they will serve as specimens of the cases usually brought before the special magistrates. i. the first was a complaint made by a colored lady, apparently not more than twenty, against a colored girl--her domestic apprentice. the charge was insolence, and disobedience of orders. the complainant said that the girl was exceedingly insolent--no one could imagine how insolent she had been--it was beyond endurance. she seemed wholly unable to find words enough to express the superlative insolence of her servant. the justice requested her to particularize. upon this, she brought out several specific charges such as, first, that the girl brought a candle to her one evening, and wiped her greasy fingers on her (the girl's) gown: second, that one morning she refused to bring some warm water, as commanded, to pour on a piece of flannel, until she had finished some other work that she was doing at the time; third, that the same morning she delayed coming into her chamber as usual to dress her, and when she did come, she sung, and on being told to shut her mouth, she replied that her mouth was her own, and that she would sing when she pleased; and fourth, that she had said in her mistress's hearing that she would be glad when she was freed. these several charges being sworn to, the girl was sentenced to four days' solitary confinement, but at the request of her mistress, she was discharged on promise of amendment. ii. the second complaint was against an apprentice-man by his master, for absence from work. he had leave to go to the funeral of his mother, and he did not return until after the time allowed him by his master. the man was sentence to imprisonment. iii. the third complaint was against a woman for singing and making a disturbance in the field. sentenced to six days' solitary confinement. iv. an apprentice was brought up for not doing his work well. he was a mason, and was employed in erecting an arch on one of the public roads. this case excited considerable interest. the apprentice was represented by his master to be a praedial--the master testified on oath that he was registered as a praedial; but in the course of the examination it was proved that he had always been a mason; that he had labored at that trade from his boyhood, and that he knew 'nothing about the hoe,' having never worked an hour in the field. this was sufficient to prove that he was a non-praedial, and of course entitled to liberty two years sooner than he would have been as a praedial. as this matter came up incidentally, it enraged the master exceedingly. he fiercely reiterated his charge against the apprentice, who, on his part, averred that he did his work as well as he could. the master manifested the greatest excitement and fury during the trial. at one time, because the apprentice disputed one of his assertions, he raised his clenched fist over him, and threatened, with an oath, to knock him down. the magistrate was obliged to threaten him severely before he would keep quiet. the defendant was ordered to prison to be tried the next day, time being given to make further inquiries about his being a praedial. v. the next case was a complaint against an apprentice, for leaving his place in the boiling house without asking permission. it appeared that he had been unwell during the evening, _and at half past ten o'clock at night_, being attacked more severely, he left for a few moments, expecting to return. he, however, was soon taken so ill that the could not go back, but was obliged to lie down on the ground, where he remained until twelve o'clock, when he recovered sufficiently to creep home. his sickness was proved by a fellow apprentice, and indeed his appearance at the bar clearly evinced it. he was punished by several days imprisonment. with no little astonishment in view of such a decision, we inquired of maj. c. whether the planters had the power to require their people to work as late as half past ten at night. he replied, "certainly, _the crops must be secured at any rate, and if they are suffering, the people must be pressed the harder_."[a] [footnote a: we learned subsequently from various authentic sources, that the master has _not_ the power to compel his apprentices to labor more than nine hours per day on any condition, except in case of a fire, or some similar emergency. if the call for labor in crop-time was to be set down as an emergency similar to a "fire," and if in official decisions he took equal latitude, alas for the poor apprentices!] vi. the last case was a complaint against a man for not keeping up good fires under the boilers. he stoutly denied the charge; said he built as good fires as he could. he kept stuffing in the trash, and if it would not burn he could not help it. he was sentenced to imprisonment. maj. c. said that these complaints were a fair specimen of the cases that came up daily, save that there were many more frivolous and ridiculous. by the trials which we witnessed we were painfully impressed with two things: st. that the magistrate, with all his regard for the rights and welfare of the apprentices, showed a great and inexcusable partiality for the masters. the patience and consideration with which he heard the complaints of the latter, the levity with which he regarded the defence of the former, the summary manner in which he despatched the cases, and the character of some of his decisions, manifested no small degree of favoritism. d that the whole proceedings of the special magistrates' courts are eminently calculated to perpetuate bad feeling between the masters and apprentices. the court-room is a constant scene of angry dispute between these parties. the master exhausts his store of abuse and violence upon the apprentice, and the apprentice, emboldened by the place, and provoked by the abuse, retorts in language which he would never think of using on the estate, and thus, whatever may be the decision of the magistrate, the parties return home with feelings more embittered than ever. there were twenty-six persons imprisoned at the station-house, twenty-four were at hard labor, and two were in solitary confinement. the keeper of the prison said, he had no difficulty in managing the prisoners. the keeper is a colored man, and so also is the sergeant and most of the policemen. we visited one other station-house, in a distant part of the island, situated in the district over which captain cuppage presides. we witnessed several trials there which were similar in frivolity and meanness to those detailed above. we were shocked with the mockery of justice, and the indifference to the interests of the negro apparent in the course of the magistrate. it seemed that little more was necessary than for the manager or overseer to make his complaint and swear to it, and the apprentice was forthwith condemned to punishment. we never saw a set of men in whose countenances fierce passions of every name were so strongly marked as in the overseers and managers who were assembled at the station-houses. trained up to use the whip and to tyrannize over the slaves, their grim and evil expression accorded with their hateful occupation. through the kindness of a friend in bridgetown we were favored with an interview with mr. jones, the superintendent of the rural police--the whole body of police excepting those stationed in the town. mr. j. has been connected with the police since its first establishment in . he assured us that there was nothing in the local peculiarities of the island, nor in the character of its population, which forbade immediate emancipation in august, . he had no doubt it would be perfectly safe and decidedly profitable to the colony. . the good or bad working of the apprenticeship depends mainly on the conduct of the masters. he was well acquainted with the character and disposition of the negroes throughout the island, and he was ready to say, that if disturbances should arise either before or after , it would be because the people were goaded on to desperation by the planters, and not because they sought disturbance themselves. . mr. j. declared unhesitatingly that crime had not increased since abolition, but rather the contrary. . he represented the special magistrates as the friends of the planters. they loved the _dinners_ which they got at the planters' houses. the apprentices had no sumptuous dinners to give them. the magistrates felt under very little obligation of any kind to assert the cause of the apprentice and secure him justice, while they were under very strong temptations to favor the master. . real estate had increased in value nearly fifty per cent since abolition. there is such entire security of property, and the crops since have been so flattering, that capitalists from abroad are desirous of investing their funds in estates or merchandise. all are making high calculations for the future. . mr. j. testified that marriages had greatly increased since abolition. he had seen a dozen couples standing at one time on the church floor. there had, he believed, been more marriages within the last three years among the negro population, than have occurred before since the settlement of the island. we conclude this chapter by subjoining two highly interesting documents from special magistrates. they were kindly furnished us by the authors in pursuance of an order from his excellency the governor, authorizing the special magistrates to give us any official statements which we might desire. being made acquainted with these instructions from the governor, we addressed written queries to major colthurst and captain hamilton. we insert their replies at length. communication from major colthurst, special magistrate. the following fourteen questions on the working of the apprenticeship system in this colony were submitted to me on the th of march, , requesting answers thereto. . what is the number of apprenticed laborers in your district, and what is their character compared with other districts? the number of apprenticed laborers, of all ages, in my district, in nine thousand four hundred and eighty, spread over two hundred and ninety-seven estates of various descriptions--some very large, and others again very small--much the greater number consisting of small lots in the near neighborhood of bridgetown. perhaps my district, in consequence of this minute subdivision of property, and its contact with the town, is the most troublesome district in the island; and the character of the apprentices differs consequently from that in the more rural districts, where not above half the complaints are made. i attribute this to their almost daily intercourse with bridgetown. . what is the state of agriculture in the island? when the _planters themselves_ admit that general cultivation was _never_ in a better state, and the plantations extremely clean, _it is more than presumptive_ proof that agriculture generally is in a most prosperous condition. the vast crop of canes grown this year proves this fact. other crops are also luxuriant. . is there any difficulty occasioned by the apprentices refusing to work? no difficulty whatever has been experienced by the refusal of the apprentices to work. this is done manfully and cheerfully, when they are treated with humanity and consideration by the masters or managers. i have never known an instance to the contrary. . are the apprentices willing to work in their own time? the apprentices are most willing to work in their own time. . what is the number and character of the complaints brought before you--are they increasing or otherwise? the number of complaints brought before me, during the last quarter, are much fewer than during the corresponding quarter of the last year. their character is also greatly improved. nine complaints out of ten made lately to me are for small impertinences or saucy answers, which, considering the former and present position of the parties, is naturally to be expected. the number of such complaints is much diminished. . what is the state of crime among the apprentices? what is usually denominated crime in the old countries, is by no means frequent among the blacks or colored persons. it is amazing how few material breaches of the law occur in so extraordinary a community. some few cases of crime do occasionally arise;--but when it is considered that the population of this island is nearly as dense as that of any part of china, and wholly uneducated, either by precept or example, this absence of frequent crime excites our wonder, and is highly creditable to the negroes. i sincerely believe there is no such person, of that class called at home an accomplished villain, to be found in the whole island.--having discharged the duties of a general justice of the peace in ireland, for above twenty-four years, where crimes of a very aggravated nature were perpetrated almost daily. i cannot help contrasting the situation of that country with this colony, where i do not hesitate to say perfect tranquillity exists. . have the apprentices much respect for law? it is perhaps, difficult to answer this question satisfactorily, as it has been so short a time since they enjoyed the blessing of equal laws. to appreciate just laws, time, and the experience of the benefit arising from them must be felt. that the apprentices do not, to any material extent, _outrage_ the law, is certain; and hence it may be inferred that they respect it. . do you find a spirit of revenge among the negroes? from my general knowledge of the negro character in other countries, as well as the study of it here, i do not consider them by any means a revengeful people. petty dislikes are frequent, but any thing like a deep spirit of revenge for former injuries does not exist, nor is it for one moment to be dreaded. . is there any sense of insecurity arising from emancipation? not the most remote feeling of insecurity exists arising from emancipation; far the contrary. all sensible and reasonable men think the prospects before them most cheering, and would not go back to the old system on any account whatever. there are some, however, who croak and forebode evil; but they are few in number, and of no intelligence,--such as are to be found in every community. . what is the prospect for ?--for ? this question is answered i hope satisfactorily above. on the termination of the two periods no evil is to be reasonably anticipated, with the exception of a few days' idleness. . are the planters generally satisfied with the apprenticeship, or would they return back to the old system? the whole body of respectable planters are fully satisfied with the apprenticeship, and would not go back to the old system on any account whatever. a few young managers, whose opinions are utterly worthless, would perhaps have no objection to be put again into their puny authority. . do you think it would have been dangerous for the slaves in this island to have been entirely emancipated in ? i do not think it would have been productive of danger, had the slaves of this island been fully emancipated in ; which is proved by what has taken place in another colony. . has emancipation been a decided blessing to this island, or has it been otherwise? emancipation has been, under god, the greatest blessing ever conferred upon this island. all good and respectable men fully admit it. this is manifest throughout the whole progress of this mighty change. whatever may be said of the vast benefit conferred upon the slaves, in right judgment the slave owner was the greatest gainer after all. . are the apprentices disposed to purchase their freedom? how have those conducted themselves who have purchased it? the apprentices are inclined to purchase their discharge, particularly when misunderstandings occur with their masters. when they obtain their discharge they generally labor in the trades and occupations they were previously accustomed to, and conduct themselves well. the discharged apprentices seldom take to drinking. indeed the negro and colored population are the most temperate persons i ever knew of their class. the experience of nearly forty years in various public situations, confirms me in this very important fact. the answers i have had the honor to give to the questions submitted to me, have been given most conscientiously, and to the best of my judgment are a faithful picture of the working of the apprenticeship in this island, as far as relates to the inquiries made.--_john b. colthurst, special justice of the peace, district a. rural division_. communication from capt. hamilton. barbadoes, april th, . gentlemen, presuming that you have kept a copy of the questions[a] you sent me, i shall therefore only send the answers. [footnote a: the same interrogatories were propounded to capt. hamilton which have been already inserted in major colthurst's communication.] . there are at present five thousand nine hundred and thirty male, and six thousand six hundred and eighty-nine female apprentices in my district, (b,) which comprises a part of the parishes of christ church and st. george. their conduct, compared with the neighboring districts, is good. . the state of agriculture is very flourishing. experienced planters acknowledge that it is generally far superior to what it was during slavery. . where the managers are kind and temperate, they have not any trouble with the laborers. . the apprentices are generally willing to work for wages in their own time. . the average number of complaints tried by me, last year, ending december, was one thousand nine hundred and thirty-two. the average number of apprentices in the district during that time was twelve thousand seven hundred. offences, generally speaking, are not of any magnitude. they do not increase, but fluctuate according to the season of the year. . the state of crime is not so bad by any means as we might have expected among the negroes--just released from such a degrading bondage. considering the state of ignorance in which they have been kept, and the immoral examples set them by the lower class of whites, it is matter of astonishment that they should behave so well. . the apprentices would have a great respect for law, were it not for the erroneous proceedings of the managers, overseers, &c., in taking them before the magistrates for every petty offence, and often abusing the magistrate in the presence of the apprentices, when his decision does not please them. the consequence is, that the apprentices too often get indifferent to law, and have been known to say that they cared not about going to prison, and that they would do just as they did before as soon as they were released. . the apprentices in this colony are generally considered a peaceable race. all acts of revenge committed by them originate in jealousy, as, for instance, between husband and wife. . not the slightest sense of insecurity. as a proof of this, property has, since the commencement of the apprenticeship, increased in value considerably--at least one third. . the change which will take place in , in my opinion, will occasion a great deal of discontent among those called praedials--which will not subside for some months. they ought to have been all emancipated at the same period. i cannot foresee any bad effects that will ensue from the change in , except those mentioned hereafter. . the most prejudiced planters would not return to the old system if they possibly could. they admit that they get more work from the laborers than they formerly did, and they are relieved from a great responsibility. . it is my opinion that if entire emancipation had taken place in , no more difficulty would have followed beyond what we may naturally expect in . it will then take two or three months before the emancipated people finally settle themselves. i do not consider the apprentice more fit or better prepared for entire freedom now than he was in . . i consider, most undoubtedly, that emancipation has been a decided blessing to the colony. . they are much disposed to purchase the remainder of the apprenticeship term. their conduct after they become free is good. i hope the foregoing answers and information may be of service to you in your laudable pursuits, for which i wish you every success. i am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't, _jos. hamilton, special justice_. testimony of clergymen and missionaries. there are three religious denominations at the present time in barbadoes--episcopalians, wesleyans, and moravians. the former have about twenty clergymen, including the bishop and archdeacon. the bishop was absent during our visit, and we did not see him; but as far as we could learn, while in some of his political measures, as a member of the council, he has benefited the colored population, his general influence has been unfavorable to their moral and spiritual welfare. he has discountenanced and defeated several attempts made by his rectors and curates to abolish the odious distinctions of color in their churches. we were led to form an unfavorable opinion of the bishop's course, from observing among the intelligent and well-disposed classes of colored people, the current use of the phrase, "bishop's man," and "no bishop's man," applied to different rectors and curates. those that they were averse to, either as pro-slavery or pro-prejudice characters, they usually branded as "bishop's men," while those whom they esteemed their friends, they designated as "no bishop's men." the archdeacon has already been introduced to the reader. we enjoyed several interviews with him, and were constrained to admire him for his integrity, independence and piety. he spoke in terms of strong condemnation of slavery, and of the apprenticeship system. he was a determined advocate of entire and immediate emancipation, both from principle and policy. he also discountenanced prejudice, both in the church and in the social circle. the first time we had the pleasure of meeting him was at the house of a colored gentleman in bridgetown where we were breakfasting. he called in incidentally, while we were sitting at table, and exhibited all the familiarity of a frequent visitant. one of the most worthy and devoted men whom we met in barbadoes was the rev. mr. cummins, curate of st. paul's church, in bridgetown. the first sabbath after our arrival at the island we attended his church. it is emphatically a free church. distinctions of color are nowhere recognized. there is the most complete intermingling of colors throughout the house. in one pew were seen a family of whites, in the next a family of colored people, and in the next perhaps a family of blacks. in the same pews white and colored persons sat side by side. the floor and gallery presented the same promiscuous blending of hues and shades. we sat in a pew with white and colored people. in the pew before and in that behind us the sitting was equally indiscriminate. the audience was kneeling in their morning devotions when we entered, and we were struck with the different colors bowing side by side as we passed down the aisles. there is probably no clergyman in the island who has secured so perfectly the affections of his people as mr. c. he is of course "no bishop's man." he is constantly employed in promoting the spiritual and moral good of his people, of whatever complexion. the annual examination of the sabbath school connected with st. paul's occurred while we were in the island, and we were favored with the privilege of attending it. there were about three hundred pupils present, of all ages, from fifty down to three years. there were all colors--white, tawny, and ebon black. the white children were classed with the colored and black, in utter violation of those principles of classification in vogue throughout the sabbath schools of our own country. the examination was chiefly conducted by mr. cummins. at the close of the examination about fifty of the girls, and among them the daughter of mr. cummins, were arranged in front of the altar, with the female teachers in the rear of them, and all united in singing a hymn written for the occasion. part of the teachers were colored and part white, as were also the scholars, and they stood side by side, mingled promiscuously together. this is altogether the best sabbath school in the island. after the exercises were closed, we were introduced, by a colored gentleman who accompanied us to the examination, to mr. cummins, the rev. mr. packer, and the rev. mr. rowe, master of the public school in bridgetown. by request of mr. c., we accompanied him to his house, where we enjoyed an interview with him and the other gentlemen, just mentioned. mr. c. informed us that his sabbath school was commenced in ; but was quite small and inefficient until after . it now numbers more than four hundred scholars. mr. c. spoke of prejudice. it had wonderfully decreased within the last three years. he said he could scarcely credit the testimony of his own senses, when he looked around on the change which had taken place. many now associate with colored persons, and sit with them in the church, who once would have scorned to be found near them. mr. c. and the other clergymen stated, that there had been an increase of places of worship and of clergymen since abolition. all the churches are now crowded, and there is a growing demand for more. the negroes manifest an increasing desire for religious instruction. in respect to morals, they represent the people as being greatly improved. they spoke of the general respect which was now paid to the institution of marriage among the negroes, mr. c. said, he was convinced that the blacks had as much natural talent and capacity for learning as the whites. he does not know any difference. mr. pocker, who was formerly rector of st. thomas' parish, and has been a public teacher of children of all colors, expressed the same opinion. mr. rowe said, that before he took charge of the white school, he was the teacher of one of the free schools for blacks, and he testified that the latter has just as much capacity for acquiring any kind of knowledge, as much inquisitiveness, and ingenuity, as the former. accompanied by an intelligent gentleman of bridgetown, we visited two flourishing schools for colored children, connected with the episcopal church, and under the care of the bishop. in the male school, there were one hundred and ninety-five scholars, under the superintendence of one master, who is himself a black man, and was educated and trained up in the same school. he is assisted by several of his scholars, as monitors and teachers. it was, altogether, the best specimen of a well-regulated school which we saw in the west indies. the present instructor has had charge of the school two years. it has increased considerably since abolition. before the first of august, , the whole number of names on the catalogue was a little above one hundred, and the average attendance was seventy-five. the number immediately increased, and new the average attendance is above two hundred. of this number at least sixty are the children of apprentices. we visited also the infant school, established but two weeks previous. mr. s. the teacher, who has been for many years an instructor, says he finds them as apt to learn as any children he ever taught. he said he was surprised to see how soon the instructions of the school-room were carried to the homes of the children, and caught up by their parents. the very first night after the school closed, in passing through the streets, he heard the children repeating what they had been taught, and the parents learning the songs from their children's lips mr. s. has a hundred children already in his school, and additions were making daily. he found among the negro parents much interest in the school. wesleyan missionaries. we called on the rev. mr. fidler, the superintendent of the wesleyan missions in barbadoes. mr. f. resides in bridgetown, and preaches mostly in the chapel in town. he has been in the west indies twelve years, and in barbadoes about two years. mr. f. informed us that there were three wesleyan missionaries in the island, besides four or five local preachers, one of whom is a black man. there are about one thousand members belonging to their body, the greater part of whom live in town. two hundred and thirty-five were added during the year , being by far the largest number added in any one year since they began their operations in the island. a brief review of the history of the wesleyan methodists in barbadoes, will serve to show the great change which has been taking place in public sentiment respecting the labors of missionaries. in the year , not long after the establishment of the wesleyan church in the island, the chapel in bridgetown was destroyed by a mob. not one stone was left upon another. they carried the fragments for miles away from the site, and scattered them about in every direction, so that the chapel might never be rebuilt. some of the instigators and chief actors in this outrage, were "gentlemen of property and standing," residents of bridgetown. the first morning after the outrage began, the mob sought for the rev. mr. shrewsbury, the missionary, threatening his life, and he was obliged to flee precipitately from the island, with his wife. he was hunted like a wild beast, and it is thought that he would have been torn in pieces if he had been found. not an effort or a movement was made to quell the mob, during their assault upon the chapel. the first men of the island connived at the violence--secretly rejoicing in what they supposed would be the extermination of methodism from the country. the governor, sir henry ward, utterly refused to interfere, and would not suffer the militia to repair to the spot, though a mere handful of soldiers could have instantaneously routed the whole assemblage. the occasion of this riot was partly the efforts made by the wesleyans to instruct the negroes, and still more the circumstance of a letter being written by mr. shrewsbury, and published in an english paper, which contained some severe strictures on the morals of the barbadians. a planter informed us that the riot grew out of a suspicion that mr. s. was "leagued with the wilberforce party in england." since the re-establishment of wesleyanism in this island, it has continued to struggle against the opposition of the bishop, and most of the clergy, and against the inveterate prejudices of nearly the whole of the white community. the missionaries have been discouraged, and in many instances absolutely prohibited from preaching on the estates. these circumstances have greatly retarded the progress of religious instruction through their means. but this state of things had been very much altered since the abolition of slavery. there are several estates now open to the missionaries. mr. f. mentioned several places in the country, where he was then purchasing land, and erecting chapels. he also stated, that one man, who aided in pulling down the chapel in , had offered ground for a new chapel, and proffered the free use of a building near by, for religious meetings and a school, till it could be erected. the wesleyan chapel in bridgetown is a spacious building, well filled with worshippers every sabbath. we attended service there frequently, and observed the same indiscriminate sitting of the various colors, which is described in the account of st. paul's church. the wesleyan missionaries have stimulated the clergy to greater diligence and faithfulness, and have especially induced them to turn their attention to the negro population more than they did formerly. there are several local preachers connected with the wesleyan mission in barbadoes, who have been actively laboring to promote religion among the apprentices. two of these are converted soldiers in his majesty's service--acting sergeants of the troops stationed in the island. while we were in barbadoes, these pious men applied for a discharge from the army, intending to devote themselves exclusively to the work of teaching and preaching. another of the local preachers is a negro man, of considerable talent and exalted piety, highly esteemed among his missionary brethren for his labors of love. the moravian mission. of the moravians, we learned but little. circumstances unavoidably prevented us from visiting any of the stations, and also from calling on any of the missionaries. we were informed that there were three stations in the island, one in bridgetown, and two in the country, and we learned in general terms, that the few missionaries there were laboring with their characteristic devotedness, assiduity, and self-denial, for the spiritual welfare of the negro population. chapter iii. colored population. the colored, or as they were termed previous to abolition, by way of distinction, the free colored population, amount in barbadoes to nearly thirty thousand. they are composed chiefly of the mixed race, whose paternal connection, though illegitimate, secured to them freedom at their birth, and subsequently the advantages of an education more or less extensive. there are some blacks among them, however, who were free born, or obtained their freedom at an early period, and have since, by great assiduity, attained an honorable standing. during our stay in barbadoes, we had many invitations to the houses of colored gentlemen, of which we were glad to avail ourselves whenever it was possible. at an early period after our arrival, we were invited to dine with thomas harris, esq. he politely sent his chaise for us, as he resided about a mile from our residence. at his table, we met two other colored gentlemen, mr. thorne of bridgetown, and mr. prescod, a young gentleman of much intelligence and ability. there was also at the table a niece of mr. harris, a modest and highly interesting young lady. all the luxuries and delicacies of a tropical clime loaded the board--an epicurean variety of meats, flesh, fowl, and fish--of vegetables, pastries, fruits, and nuts, and that invariable accompaniment of a west india dinner, wine. the dinner was enlivened by an interesting and well sustained conversation respecting the abolition of slavery, the present state of the colony, and its prospects for the future. lively discussions were maintained on points where there chanced to be a difference of opinion, and we admired the liberality of the views which were thus elicited. we are certainly prepared to say, and that too without feeling that we draw any invidious distinctions, that in style of conversation, in ingenuity and ability of argument, this company would compare with any company of white gentlemen that we met in the island. in that circle of colored gentlemen, were the keen sallies of wit, the admirable repartee, the satire now severe, now playful, upon the measures of the colonial government, the able exposure of aristocratic intolerance, of plantership chicanery, of plottings and counterplottings in high places--the strictures on the intrigues of the special magistrates and managers, and withal, the just and indignant reprobation of the uniform oppressions which have disabled and crushed the colored people. the views of these gentlemen with regard to the present state of the island, we found to differ in some respects from those of the planters and special magistrates. they seemed to regard both those classes of men with suspicion. the planters they represented as being still, at least the mass of them, under the influence of the strong habits of tyrannizing and cruelty which they formed during slavery. the prohibitions and penalties of the law are not sufficient to prevent occasional and even frequent outbreakings of violence, so that the negroes even yet suffer much of the rigor of slavery. in regard to the special magistrates, they allege that they are greatly controlled by the planters. they associate with the planters, dine with the planters, lounge on the planters' sofas, and marry the planters daughters. such intimacies as these, the gentlemen very plausibly argued, could not exist without strongly biasing the magistrate towards the planters, and rendering it almost impossible for them to administer equal justice to the poor apprentice, who, unfortunately, had no sumptuous dinners to give them, no luxurious sofas to offer them, nor dowered daughters to present in marriage. the gentlemen testified to the industry and subordination of the apprentices. they had improved the general cultivation of the island, and they were reaping for their masters greater crops than they did while slaves. the whole company united in saying that many blessings had already resulted from the abolition of slavery--imperfect as that abolition was. real estate had advanced in value at least one third. the fear of insurrection had been removed; invasions of property, such as occurred during slavery, the firing of cane-fields, the demolition of houses, &c., were no longer apprehended. marriage was spreading among the apprentices, and the general morals of the whole community, high and low, white, colored, and black, were rapidly improving. at ten o'clock we took leave of mr. harris and his interesting friends. we retired with feelings of pride and gratification that we had been privileged to join a company which, though wearing the badge of a proscribed race, displayed in happy combination, the treasures of genuine intelligence, and the graces of accomplished manners. we were happy to meet in that social circle a son of new england, and a graduate of one of her universities. mr. h. went to the west indies a few months after the abolition of slavery. he took with him all the prejudices common to our country, as well as a determined hostility to abolition principles and measures. a brief observation of the astonishing results of abolition in those islands, effectually disarmed him of the latter, and made him the decided and zealous advocate of immediate emancipation. he established himself in business in barbados, where he has been living the greater part of the time since he left his native country. his _prejudices_ did not long survive his abandonment of anti-abolition sentiments. we rejoiced to find him on the occasion above referred to, moving in the circle of colored society, with all the freedom of a familiar guest, and prepared most cordially to unite with us in the wish that all our prejudiced countrymen could witness similar exhibitions. the gentleman at whose table we had the pleasure to dine, was _born a slave_, and remained such until he was seventeen years of age. after obtaining his freedom, he engaged as a clerk in a mercantile establishment, and soon attracted attention by his business talents. about the same period he warmly espoused the cause of the free colored people, who were doubly crushed under a load of civil and political impositions, and a still heavier one of prejudice. he soon made himself conspicuous by his manly defence of the rights of his brethren against the encroachments of the public authorities, and incurred the marked displeasure of several influential characters. after a protracted struggle for the civil immunities of the colored people, during which he repeatedly came into collision with public men, and was often arraigned before the public tribunals; finding his labors ineffectual, he left the island and went to england. he spent some time there and in france, moving on a footing of honorable equality among the distinguished abolitionists of those countries. there, amid the free influences and the generous sympathies which welcomed and surrounded him,--his whole character ripened in those manly graces and accomplishments which now so eminently distinguish him. since his return to barbadoes, mr. h. has not taken so public a part in political controversies as he did formerly, but is by no means indifferent to passing events. there is not, we venture to say, within the colony, a keener or more sagacious observer of its institutions, its public men and their measures. when witnessing the exhibitions of his manly spirit, and listening to his eloquent and glowing narratives of his struggles against the political oppressions which ground to the dust himself and his brethren, we could scarcely credit the fact that he was himself born and reared to manhood--a slave. breakfast at mr. thorne's. by invitation we took breakfast with mr. joseph thorne, whom we met at mr. harris's. mr. t. resides in bridgetown. in the parlor, we met two colored gentlemen--the rev. mr. hamilton, a local wesleyan preacher, and mr. cummins, a merchant of bridgetown, mentioned in a previous chapter. we were struck with the scientific appearance of mr. thorne's parlor. on one side was a large library of religious, historical and literary works, the selection of which displayed no small taste and judgment. on the opposite side of the room was a fine cabinet of minerals and shells. in one corner stood a number of curious relics of the aboriginal caribs, such as bows and arrows, etc., together with interesting fossil remains. on the tops of the book-cases and mineral stand, were birds of rare species, procured from the south american continent. the centre table was ornamented with shells, specimens of petrifactions, and elegantly bound books. the remainder of the furniture of the room was costly and elegant. before breakfast two of mr. thorne's children, little boys of six and four, stepped in to salute the company. they were of a bright yellow, with slightly curled hair. when they had shaken hands with each of the company, they withdrew from the parlor and were seen no more. their manners and demeanor indicated the teachings of an admirable mother, and we were not a little curious to see the lady of whose taste and delicate sense of propriety we had witnessed so attractive a specimen in her children. at the breakfast table we were introduced to mrs. thorne, and we soon discovered from her dignified air, from the chaste and elevated style of her conversation, from her intelligence, modesty and refinement, that we were in the presence of a highly accomplished lady. the conversation was chiefly on subjects connected with our mission. all spoke with great gratitude of the downfall of slavery. it was not the slaves alone that were interested in that event. political oppression, prejudice, and licentiousness had combined greatly to degrade the colored community, but these evils were now gradually lessening, and would soon wholly disappear after the final extinction of slavery--the parent of them all. several facts were stated to show the great rise in the value of real estate since . in one instance a gentleman bought a sugar estate for nineteen thousand pounds sterling, and the very next year, after taking off a crop from which he realized a profit of three thousand pounds sterling, he sold the estate for thirty thousand pounds sterling. it has frequently happened within two years that persons wishing to purchase estates would inquire the price of particular properties, and would hesitate to give what was demanded. probably soon after they would return to close the bargain, and find that the price was increased by several hundreds of pounds; they would go away again, reluctant to purchase, and return a third time, when they would find the price again raised, and would finally be glad to buy at almost any price. it was very difficult to purchase sugar estates now, whereas previous to the abolition of slavery, they were, like the slaves, a drug in the market. mr. joseph thorne is a gentleman of forty-five, of a dark mulatto complexion, with the negro features and hair. _he was born a slave_, and remained so until about twenty years of age. this fact we learned from the manager of the belle estate, on which mr. t. was born and raised a slave. it was an interesting coincidence, that on the occasion of our visit to the belle estate we were indebted to mr. thorne, the former _property_ of that estate, for his horse and chaise, which he politely proffered to us. mr. t. employs much of his time in laboring among the colored people in town, and among the apprentices on the estates, in the capacity of _lay-preacher_. in this way he renders himself very useful. being very competent, both by piety and talents, for the work, and possessing more perhaps than any missionary, the confidence of the planters, he is admitted to many estates, to lecture the apprentices on religious and moral duties. mr. t. is a member of the episcopal church. breakfast at mr. prescod's we next had the pleasure of breakfasting with mr. prescod. our esteemed friend, mr. harris, was of the company. mr. p. is a young man, but lately married. his wife and himself were both liberally educated in england. he was the late editor of the new times, a weekly paper established since the abolition of slavery and devoted chiefly to the interests of the colored community. it was the first periodical and the only one which advocated the rights of the colored people, and this it did with the utmost fearlessness and independence. it boldly exposed oppression, whether emanating from the government house or originating in the colonial assembly. the measures of all parties, and the conduct of every public man, were subject to its scrutiny, and when occasion required, to its stern rebuke. mr. p. exhibits a thorough acquaintance with the politics of the country, and with the position of the various parties. he is familiar with the spirit and operations of the white gentry--far more so, it would seem; than many of his brethren who have been repeatedly deceived by their professions of increasing liberality, and their show of extending civil immunities, which after all proved to be practical nullities, and as such were denounced by mr. p. at the outset. a few years ago the colored people mildly petitioned the legislature for a removal of their disabilities. their remonstrance was too reasonable to be wholly disregarded. something must he done which would at least bear the semblance of favoring the object of the petitioners. accordingly the obnoxious clauses were repealed, and the colored people were admitted to the polls. but the qualification was made three times greater than that required of white citizens. this virtually nullified the extension of privilege, and actually confirmed the disabilities of which it was a pretended abrogation. the colored people, in their credulity, hailed the apparent enfranchisement, and had a public rejoicing in the occasion. but the delusion could not escape the discrimination of mr. p. he detected it at once, and exposed it, and incurred the displeasure of the credulous people of color by refusing to participate in their premature rejoicings. he soon succeeded however in convincing his brethren that the new provision was a mockery of their wrongs, and that the assembly had only added insult to past injuries. mr. p. now urged the colored people to be patient, as the great changes which were working in the colony must bring to them all the rights of which they had been so cruelly deprived. on the subject of prejudice he spoke just as a man of keen sensibilities and manly spirit might be expected to speak, who had himself been its victim. he was accustomed to being flouted, scorned and condemned by those whom he could not but regard as his interiors both in native talents and education. he had submitted to be forever debarred from offices which were filled by men far less worthy except in the single qualification of a _white skin_, which however was paramount to all other virtues and acquirements! he had seen himself and his accomplished wife excluded from the society of whites, though keenly conscious of their capacity to move and shine in the most elevated social circles. after all this, it may readily be conceived how mr. p. would speak of prejudice. but while he spoke bitterly of the past, he was inspired with buoyancy of hope as he cast his eye to the future. he was confident that prejudice would disappear. it had already diminished very much, and it would ere long be wholly exterminated. mr. p. gave a sprightly picture of the industry of the negroes. it was common, he said, to hear them called lazy, but this was not true. that they often appeared to be indolent, especially those about the town, was true; but it was either because they had no work to do, or were asked to work without reasonable wages. he had often been amused at their conduct, when solicited to do small jobs--such as carrying baggage, loading of unloading a vessel, or the like. if offered a very small compensation, as was generally the case at first, they would stretch themselves on the ground, and with a sleepy look, and lazy tone, would say, "o, i can't do it, sir." sometimes the applicants would turn away at once, thinking that they were unwilling to work, and cursing "the lazy devils;" but occasionally they would try the efficacy of offering a larger compensation, when instantly the negroes would spring to their feet, and the lounging inert mass would appear all activity. we are very willing to hold up mr. p as a specimen of what colored people generally may become with proper cultivation, or to use the language of one of their own number,[a] "with free minds and space to rise." [footnote a: thomas c. brown, who renounced colonization, returned from a disastrous and almost fatal expedition to liberia, and afterwards went to the west indies, in quest of a free country.] we have purposely refrained from speaking of mrs. p., lest any thing we should be willing to say respecting her, might seem to be adulation. however, having alluded to her, we will say that it has seldom fallen to our lot to meet with her superior. breakfast at mr. london bourne's. after what has been said in this chapter to try the patience and irritate the nerves of the prejudiced, if there should be such among our readers, they will doubtless deem it quite intolerable to be introduced, not as hitherto to a family in whose faces the lineaments and the complexion of the white man are discernible, relieving the ebon hue, but to a household of genuine unadulterated negroes. we cordially accepted an invitation to breakfast with mr. london bourne. if the reader's horror of amalgamation does not allow him to join us at the table, perhaps he will consent to retire to the parlor, whence, without fear of contamination, he may safely view us through the folding doors, and note down our several positions around the board. at the head of the table presides, with much dignity, mrs. bourne; at the end opposite, sits mr. bourne--both of the glossiest jet; the thick matted hair of mr. b. slightly frosted with age. he has an affable, open countenance, in which the radiance of an amiable spirit, and the lustre of a sprightly intellect, happily commingle, and illuminate the sable covering. on either hand of mr. b. _we_ sit, occupying the posts of honor. on the right and left of mrs. b., and at the opposite corners from us, sit two other guests, one a colored merchant, and the other a young son-in-law of mr. b., whose face is the very double extract of blackness; for which his intelligence, the splendor of his dress, and the elegance of his manners, can make to be sure but slight atonement! the middle seats are filled on the one side by an unmarried daughter of mr. b., and on the other side by a promising son of eleven, who is to start on the morrow for edinburgh, where he is to remain until he has received the honors of scotland's far famed university. we shall doubtless be thought by some of our readers to glory in our shame. be it so. we _did_ glory in joining the company which we have just described. on the present occasion we had a fair opportunity of testing the merits of an unmixed negro party, and of determining how far the various excellences of the gentlemen and ladies previously noticed were attributable to the admixture of english blood. we are compelled in candor to say; that the company of blacks did not fall a whit below those of the colored race in any respect. we conversed on the same general topics, which, of course, were introduced where-ever we went. the gentlemen showed an intimate acquaintance with the state of the colony, with the merits of the apprenticeship system, and with the movements of the colonial government. as for mrs. b., she presided at the table with great ease, dignity, self-possession, and grace. her occasional remarks, made with genuine modesty, indicated good sense and discrimination. among other topics of conversation, prejudice was not forgotten. the company were inquisitive as to the extent of it in the united states. we informed them that it appeared to be strongest in those states which held no slaves, that it prevailed among professing christians, and that it was most manifestly seen in the house of god. we also intimated, in as delicate a manner as possible, that in almost any part of the united states such a table-scene as we then presented would be reprobated and denounced, if indeed it escaped the summary vengeance of the mob. we were highly gratified with their views of the proper way for the colored people to act in respect to prejudice. they said they were persuaded that their policy was to wait patiently for the operation of those influences which were now at work for the removal of prejudice. "_social intercourse_," they said, "was not a thing to be gained by _pushing_." "they could not go to it, but it would come to them." it was for them however, to maintain an upright, dignified course, to be uniformly courteous, to seek the cultivation of their minds, and strive zealously for substantial worth, and by such means, and such alone, they could aid in overcoming prejudice. mr. bourne was a slave until he was twenty-three years old. he was purchased by his father, a free negro, who gave five hundred dollars for him. his mother and four brothers were bought at the same time for the sum of two thousand five hundred dollars. he spoke very kindly of his former master. by industry, honesty, and close attention to business, mr. b. has now become a wealthy merchant. he owns three stores in bridgetown, lives in very genteel style in his own house, and is worth from twenty to thirty thousand dollars. he is highly respected by the merchants of bridgetown for his integrity and business talents. by what means mr. b. has acquired so much general information, we are at a loss to conjecture. although we did not ourselves need the evidence of his possessing extraordinary talents, industry, and perseverance, yet we are happy to present our readers with such tangible proofs--proofs which are read in every language, and which pass current in every nation. the foregoing sketches are sufficient to give a general idea of the colored people of barbadoes. perchance we may have taken too great liberties with those whose hospitalities we enjoyed; should this ever fall under their notice, we doubt not they will fully appreciate the motives which have actuated us in making them public. we are only sorry, for their sakes, and especially for that of our cause, that the delineations are so imperfect. that the above specimens are an exact likeness of the mass of colored people we do not pretend; but we do affirm, that they are as true an index to the whole community, as the merchants, physicians, and mechanics of any of our villages are to the entire population. we must say, also, that families of equal merit are by no means rare among the same people. we might mention many names which deservedly rank as high as those we have specified. one of the wealthiest merchants in bridgetown is a colored gentleman. he has his mercantile agents in england, english clerks in his employ, a branch establishment in the city, and superintends the concerns of an extensive and complicated business with distinguished ability and success. a large portion, of not a majority of the merchants of bridgetown are colored. some of the most popular instructors are colored men and ladies, and one of these ranks high as a teacher of the ancient and modern languages. the most efficient and enterprising mechanics of the city, are colored and black men. there is scarcely any line of business which is not either shared or engrossed by colored persons, if we except that of _barber_. _the only barber in bridgetown is a white man._ that so many of the colored people should have obtained wealth and education is matter of astonishment, when we consider the numerous discouragements with which they have ever been doomed to struggle. the paths of political distinction have been barred against them by an arbitrary denial of the right of suffrage, and consequent ineligibility to office. thus a large and powerful class of incitements to mental effort, which have been operating continually upon the whites, have never once stirred the sensibilities nor waked the ambition of the colored community. parents, however wealthy, had no inducement to educate their sons for the learned professions, since no force of talent nor extent of acquirement could hope to break down the granite walls and iron bars which prejudice had erected round the pulpit, the bar, and the bench. from the same cause there was very little encouragement to acquire property, to seek education, to labor for the graces of cultivated manners, or even to aspire to ordinary respectability, since not even the poor favor of social intercourse with the whites, of participating in the civilities and courtesies of every day life, was granted them. the crushing power of a prevailing licentiousness, has also been added to the other discouragements of the colored people. why should parents labor to amass wealth enough, and much of course it required, to send their daughters to europe to receive their educations, if they were to return only to become the victims of an all-whelming concubinism! it is a fact, that in many cases young ladies, who have been sent to england to receive education, have, after accomplishing themselves in all the graces of womanhood, returned to the island to become the concubines of white men. hitherto this vice has swept over the colored community, gathering its repeated conscriptions of beauty and innocence from the highest as well as the lowest families. colored ladies have been taught to believe that it was more honorable, and quite as virtuous, to be the kept mistresses of _white gentlemen_, than the lawfully wedded wives of _colored men_. we repeat the remark, that the actual progress which the colored people of barbadoes have made, while laboring under so many depressing influences, should excite our astonishment, and, we add, our admiration too. our acquaintance with this people was at a very interesting period--just when they were beginning to be relieved from these discouragements, and to feel the regenerating spirit of a new era. it was to us like walking through a garden in the early spring. we could see the young buds of hope, the first bursts of ambition, the early up-shoots of confident aspiration, and occasionally the opening bloom of assurance. the star of hope had risen upon the colored people, and they were beginning to realize that _their_ day had come. the long winter of their woes was melting into "glorious summer." civil immunities and political privileges were just before them, the learned professions were opening to them, social equality and honorable domestic connections would soon be theirs. parents were making fresh efforts to establish schools for the children, and to send the choicest of their sons and daughters to england. they rejoiced in the privileges they were securing, and they anticipated with virtuous pride the free access of their children to all the fields of enterprise, all the paths of honest emulation, and all the eminences of distinction. we remark in conclusion, that the forbearance of the colored people of barbadoes under their complicated wrongs is worthy of all admiration. allied, as many of them are, to the first families of the island, and gifted as they are with every susceptibility to feel disgrace, it is a marvel that they have not indignantly cast off the yoke and demanded their political rights. their wrongs have been unprovoked on their part, and unnatural on the part of those who have inflicted them--in many cases the guilty authors of their being. the patience and endurance of the sufferers under such circumstances are unexampled, except by the conduct of the slaves, who, though still more wronged, were, if possible, still more patient. we regret to add, that until lately, the colored people of barbadoes hate been far in the background in the cause of abolition, and even now, the majority of them are either indifferent, or actually hostile to emancipation. they have no fellow feeling with the slave. in fact; they have had prejudices against the negroes no less bitter than those which the whites have exercised toward them. there are many honorable exceptions to this, as has already been shown; but such, we are assured, is the general fact.[a] [footnote a: we are here reminded, by the force of contrast, of the noble spirit manifested by the free colored people of our own country. as early as , a numerous body of them in philadelphia, with the venerable james forten at their head, pledged themselves to the cause of the slave in the following sublime sentiment, which deserves to be engraver to their glory on the granite of our "everlasting hills"--"resolved, that we never will separate ourselves voluntarily from the slave population in this country; they are our brethren by the ties of consanguinity, of suffering, and of wrong; and we feel that there is more virtue in suffering privations with them, than enjoying _fancied_ advantages for a season." we believe that this resolution embodies the feelings and determinations of the free colored people generally in the free states.] chapter iv. barbadoes as it was, and is. according to the declaration of one of the special magistrates, "barbadoes has long been distinguished for its devotion to slavery." there is probably no portion of the globe where slave-holding, slave driving, and slave labor, have been reduced to a more perfect system. the records of slavery in barbadoes are stained with bloody atrocities. the planters uniformly spoke of slavery as a system of cruelties; but they expressed themselves in general terms. from colored gentlemen we learned some particulars, a few of which we give. to most of the following facts the narrators were themselves eye witnesses, and all of them happened in their day and were fresh in their memories. the slaves were not unfrequently worked in the streets of bridgetown with chains on their wrists and ankles. flogging on the estates and in the town, were no less public than frequent, and there was an utter shamelessness often in the manner of its infliction. even women were stripped naked on the sides of the streets, and their backs lacerated with the whip. it was a common practice, when a slave offended a white man, for the master to send for a public whipper, and order him to take the slave before the door of the person offended, and flog him till the latter was satisfied. white females would order their male slaves to be stripped naked in their presence and flogged, while they would look on to see that their orders were faithfully executed. mr. prescod mentioned an instance which he himself witnessed near bridgetown. he had seen an aged female slave, stripped and whipped by her own son, a child of twelve, at the command of the mistress. as the boy was small, the mother was obliged to get down upon her hands and knees, so that the child could inflict the blows on her naked person with a rod. this was done on the public highway, before the mistress's door. mr. t. well remembered when it was lawful for any man to shoot down his slave, under no greater penalty than twenty-five pounds currency; and he knew of cases in which this had been done. just after the insurrection in , white men made a regular sport of shooting negroes. mr. t. mentioned one case. a young man had sworn that he would kill ten negroes before a certain time. when he had shot nine he went to take breakfast with a neighbor, and carried his gun along. the first slave he met on the estate, he accused of being concerned in the rebellion. the negro protested that he was innocent, and begged for mercy. the man told him to be gone, and as he turned to go away, he shot him dead. having fulfilled his bloody pledge, the young knight ate his breakfast with a relish. mr. h. said that a planter once, in a time of perfect peace, went to his door and called one of his slaves. the negro made some reply which the master construed into insolence, and in a great rage he swore if he did not come to him immediately he would shoot him. the man replied he hoped massa wan't in earnest. 'i'll show you whether i am in earnest,' said the master, and with that he levelled his rifle, took deliberate aim, and shot the negro on the spot. he died immediately. though great efforts were made by a few colored men to bring the murderer to punishment, they were all ineffectual. the evidence against him was clear enough, but the influence in his favor was so strong that he finally escaped. dungeons were built on all the estates, and they were often abominably filthy, and infested with loathsome and venomous vermin. for slight offences the slaves were thrust into these prisons for several successive nights--being dragged out every morning to work during the day. various modes of torture were employed upon those who were consigned to the dungeon. there were stocks for their feet, and there were staples in the floor for the ankles and wrists, placed in such a position as to keep the victim stretched out and lying on his face. mr. h. described one mode which was called the _cabin_. a narrow board, only wide enough for a man to lie upon, was fixed in an inclined position, and elevated considerably above the ground. the offending slave was made to lay upon this board, and a strong rope or chain, was tied about his neck and fastened to the ceiling. it was so arranged, that if he should fall from the plank, he would inevitably hang by his neck. lying in this position all night, he was more likely than not to fall asleep, and then there were ninety-nine chances to one that he would roll off his narrow bed and be killed before he could awake, or have time to extricate himself. peradventure this is the explanation of the anxiety mr. ---- of ----, used to feel, when he had confined one of his slaves in the dungeon. he stated that he would frequently wake up in the night, was restless, and couldn't sleep, from fear that the prisoner would _kill himself_ before morning. it was common for the planters of barbadoes, like those of antigua, to declare that the greatest blessing of abolition to them, was that it relieved them from the disagreeable work of flogging the negroes. we had the unsolicited testimony of a planter, that slave mothers frequently poisoned, and otherwise murdered, their young infants, to rid them of a life of slavery. what a horrible comment this upon the cruelties of slavery! scarce has the mother given birth to her child, when she becomes its murderer. the slave-mother's joy begins, not like that of other mothers, when "a man is born into the world," but when her infant is hurried out of existence, and its first faint cry is hushed in the silence of death! why this perversion of nature? ah, that mother knows the agonies, the torments, the wasting woes, of a life of slavery, and by the bowels of a mother's love, and the yearnings of a mother's pity, she resolves that her babe shall never know the same. o, estimate who can, how many groans have gone up from the cane field, from the boiling-house, from around the wind mill, from the bye paths, from the shade of every tree, from the recesses of every dungeon! colonel barrow, of edgecome estate, declared, that the habit of flogging was so strong among the overseers and book-keepers, that even now they frequently indulge it in the face of penalties and at the risk of forfeiting their place. the descriptions which the special magistrates give of the lower class of overseers and the managers of the petty estates, furnish data enough for judging of the manner in which they would be likely to act when clothed with arbitrary power. they are "a low order of men," "without education," "trained up to use the whip," "knowing nothing else save the art of flogging," "ready at any time to perjure themselves in any matter where a negro is concerned," &c. now, may we not ask what but cruelty, the most monstrous, could be expected under a system where _such men_ were constituted law makers, judges, and executioners? from the foregoing facts, and the still stronger circumstantial evidence, we leave the reader to judge for himself as to the amount of cruelty attendant upon "the reign of terror," in barbadoes. we must, however, mention one qualification, without which a wrong impression may be made. it has already been remarked that barbadoes has, more than any other island, reduced slave labor and sugar cultivation to a regular system. this the planters have been compelled to do from the denseness of their population, the smallness of their territory, the fact that the land was all occupied, and still more, because the island, from long continued cultivation, was partly worn out. a prominent feature in their system was, theoretically at least, good bodily treatment of the slaves, good feeding, attention to mothers, to pregnant women, and to children, in order that the estates might always be kept _well stocked with good-conditioned negroes_. they were considered the best managers, who increased the population of the estates most rapidly, and often premiums were given by the attorneys to such managers. another feature in the barbadoes system was to raise sufficient provisions in the island to maintain the slaves, or, in planter's phrase, to _feed the stock_, without being dependent upon foreign countries. this made the supplies of the slaves more certain and more abundant. from several circumstances in the condition of barbadoes, it is manifest, that there were fewer motives to cruelty there than existed in other islands. first, the slave population was abundant, then the whole of the island was under cultivation, and again the lands were old and becoming exhausted. now, if either one of these things had not been true, if the number of slaves had been inadequate to the cultivation, or if vast tracts of land, as in jamaica, trinidad, and demerara, had been uncultivated, or were being brought into cultivation; or, again, if the lands under cultivation had been fresh and fertile, so as to bear _pushing_, then it is plain that there would have been inducements to hard driving, which, as the case was, did not exist. such is a partial view of barbadoes as it _was_, touching the matter of cruelty. we say partial, for we have omitted to mention the selling of slaves from one estate to another, whereby families were separated, almost as effectually as though an ocean intervened. we have omitted to notice the transportation of slaves to trinidad, berbice, and demerara, which was made an open traffic until prohibited in , and was afterwards continued with but little abatement by evasions of the law. from the painful contemplation of all this outrage and wrong, the mind is relieved by turning to the present state of the colony. it cannot be denied that much oppression grows out of the apprenticeship system, both from its essential nature, and from the want of virtuous principle and independence in the men who administer it. yet it is certainly true that there has been a very great diminution in the amount of actual cruelty. the total abolition of flogging on the estates, the prohibition to use the dungeons, and depriving the masters, managers, overseers and drivers, of the right to punish in any case, or in any way whatever, leave no room for doubt on this subject. it is true, that the laws are often violated, but this can only take place in cases of excessive passion, and it is not likely to be a very frequent occurrence. the penalty of the law is so heavy,[a] and the chances of detection[b] are so great, that in all ordinary circumstances they will be a sufficient security against the violence of the master. on the other hand, the special magistrates themselves seldom use the whip, but resort to other modes of punishment less cruel and degrading. besides, it is manifest that if they did use the whip and were ever so cruelly disposed, it would be physically impossible for them to inflict as much suffering as the drivers could during slavery; on account of the vast numbers over whom they preside. we learned from the apprentices themselves, by conversing with them, that their condition, in respect to treatment, is incomparably better than it was during slavery. we were satisfied from our observations and inquiries, that the planters, at least the more extensive and enlightened ones, conduct their estates on different principles from those formerly followed. before the abolition of slavery, they regarded the _whip_ as absolutely necessary to the cultivation of sugar, and hence they uniformly used it, and loudly deprecated its abolition as being _their_ certain ruin. but since the whip has been abolished, and the planters have found that the negroes continue, nevertheless, industrious and subordinate, they have changed their measures, partly from necessity, and partly from policy, have adopted a conciliatory course. [footnote a: a fine of sixteen dollars for the first assault, and the liberation of the apprentice after a second.] [footnote b: through the complaint of the apprentice to the special magistrate] barbadoes was not without its insurrections during slavery. although not very frequent, they left upon the minds of the white colonists this conviction, (repeatedly expressed to us by planters and others,) that _slavery and rebellions are inseparable_. the last widely extended insurrection occurred in , in the eastern part of the island. some of the particulars were given us by a planter who resided to that region, and suffered by it great loss of property. the plot was so cautiously laid, and kept so secret, that no one suspected it. the planter observed that if any one had told him that such a thing was brewing _ten minutes_ before it burst forth, he would not have credited the statement. it began with firing the cane-fields. a signal was given by a man setting fire to a pile of trash on an elevated spot, when instantly the fires broke out in every direction, and in less than a half hour, more than one hundred estates were in flames. the planters and their families, in the utmost alarm, either fled into other parts of the island, or seized their arms and hurriedly mustered in self-defence. meanwhile the negroes, who had banded themselves in numerous companies, took advantage of the general consternation, proceeded to the deserted mansions of the planters, broke down the doors, battered in the windows, destroyed all the furniture, and carried away the provision stores to their own houses. these ravages continued for three days, during which, the slaves flocked together in increasing numbers; in one place there were several thousands assembled. above five hundred of the insurgents were shot down by the militia, before they could be arrested. the destruction of property during the rebellion was loosely estimated at many hundred thousand pounds. the canes on many estates were almost wholly burned; so that extensive properties, which ordinarily yielded from two to three hundred hogsheads, did not make more than fifteen or twenty. our informant mentioned two circumstances which he considered remarkable. one was, that the insurgents never touched the property of the estates to which they severally belonged; but went to the neighboring or more distant estates. the other was, that during the whole insurrection the negroes did not make a single attempt to destroy life. on the other hand, the sacrifice of negroes during the rebellion, and subsequent to it, was appalling. it was a long time before the white man's thirst for blood could be satiated. no general insurrection occurred after this one. however, as late as , the proprietor of mount wilton--the noblest estate in the island--was murdered by his slaves in a most horrid manner. a number of men entered his bed-chamber at night. he awoke ere they reached him, and grasped his sword, which always hung by his bed, but it was wrested from his hand, and he was mangled and killed. his death was caused by his _cruelties_, and especially by his _extreme licentiousness_. all the females on this estate were made successively the victims of his lust. this, together with his cruelties, so incensed the men, that they determined to murder the wretch. several of them were publicly executed. next to the actual occurrence of rebellions, _the fear of them_ deserves to be enumerated among the evils which slavery entailed upon barbadoes. the dread of hurricanes to the people of barbadoes is tolerable in comparison with the irrepressible apprehensions of bloody rebellions. a planter told us that he seldom went to bed without thinking he might be murdered before morning. but now the whites are satisfied that slavery was the sole instigator of rebellions, and since its removal they have no fear on this score. _licentiousness_ was another of the fruits of slavery. it will be difficult to give to the reader a proper conception of the prevalence of this vice in barbadoes, and of the consequent demoralization. a numerous colored population were both the offspring and the victims of it. on a very moderate calculation, nineteen-twentieths of the present adult colored race are illegitimate. concubinage was practised among the highest classes. young merchants and others who were unmarried, on first going to the island, regularly engaged colored females to live with them as housekeepers and mistresses, and it was not unusual for a man to have more than one. the children of these connections usually sat with the mothers at the father's table, though when the gentlemen had company, neither mothers nor children made their appearance. to such conduct no disgrace was attached, nor was any shame felt by either party. we were assured that there are in bridgetown, colored ladies of "respectability," who, though never married, have large families of children whose different surnames indicate their difference of parentage, but who probably do not know their fathers by any other token. these remarks apply to the towns. the morals of the estates were still more deplorable. the managers and overseers, commonly unmarried, left no female virtue unattempted. rewards sometimes, but oftener the whip, or the dungeon, gave them the mastery in point of fact, which the laws allowed in theory. to the slaves marriage was scarcely known. they followed the example of the master, and were ready to minister to his lust. the mass of mulatto population grew paler as it multiplied, and catching the refinement along with the tint of civilization, waged a war upon marriage which had well nigh expelled it from the island. such was barbadoes under the auspices of slavery. although these evils still exist, yet, since the abolition of slavery, there is one symptom of returning purity, the _sense of shame_. concubinage is becoming disreputable. the colored females are growing in self-respect, and are beginning to seek regular connections with colored men. they begin to feel (to use the language of one of them) that the _light is come_, and that they can no longer have the apology of ignorance to plead for their sin. it is the prevailing impression among whites, colored, and blacks, that open licentiousness cannot long survive slavery. _prejudice_ was another of the concomitants of slavery. barbadoes was proverbial for it. as far as was practicable, the colored people were excluded from all business connections; though merchants were compelled to make clerks of them for want of better, that is, _whiter_, ones. colored merchants of wealth were shut out of the merchants' exchange, though possessed of untarnished integrity, while white men were admitted as subscribers without regard to character. it was not a little remarkable that the rooms occupied as the merchants' exchange were rented from a colored gentleman, or more properly, a _negro_;[a] who, though himself a merchant of extensive business at home and abroad, and occupying the floor below with a store, was not suffered to set his foot within them. this merchant, it will be remembered, is educating a son for a learned profession at the university of edinburgh. colored gentlemen were not allowed to become members of literary associations, nor subscribers to the town libraries. social intercourse was utterly interdicted. to visit the houses of such men as we have already mentioned in a previous chapter, and especially to sit down at their tables, would have been a loss of caste; although the gentry were at the same time living with colored concubines. but most of all did this wicked prejudice delight to display itself in the churches. originally, we believe, the despised color was confined to the galleries, afterwards it was admitted to the seats under the galleries, and ultimately it was allowed to extend to the body pews below the cross aisle. if perchance one of the proscribed class should ignorantly stray beyond these precincts, and take a seat above the cross aisle, he was instantly, if not forcibly, removed. every opportunity was maliciously seized to taunt the colored people with their complexion. a gentleman of the highest worth stated that several years ago he applied to the proper officer for a license to be married. the license was accordingly made out and handed to him. it was expressed in the following insulting style: "t---- h----, f.m., is licensed to marry h---- l----, f.c.w." the initials f.m. stood for _free mulatto_, and f.c.w. for _free colored woman_! the gentleman took his knife and cut out the initials; and was then threatened with a prosecution for forging his license. [footnote a: mr. london bourne, the merchant mentioned in the previous chapter.] it must be admitted that this cruel feeling still exists in barbadoes. prejudice is the last viper of the slavery-gendered brood that dies. but it is evidently growing weaker. this the reader will infer from several facts already stated. the colored people themselves are indulging sanguine hopes that prejudice will shortly die away. they could discover a bending on the part of the whites, and an apparent readiness to concede much of the ground hitherto withheld. they informed us that they had received intimations that they might be admitted as subscribers to the merchants' exchange if they would apply; but they were in no hurry to make the advances themselves. they felt assured that not only business equality, but social equality, would soon be theirs, and were waiting patiently for the course of events to bring them. they have too much self-respect to sue for the consideration of their white neighbors, or to accept it as a condescension and favor, when by a little patience they might obtain it on more honorable terms. it will doubtless be found in barbadoes, as it has been in other countries--and perchance to the mortification of some lordlings--that freedom is a mighty leveller of human distinctions. the pyramid of pride and prejudice which slavery had upreared there, must soon crumble in the dust. _indolence and inefficiency among the whites_, was another prominent feature in slaveholding barbadoes. enterprise, public and personal, has long been a stranger to the island. internal improvements, such as the laying and repairing of roads, the erection of bridges, building wharves, piers, &c., were either wholly neglected, or conducted in such a listless manner as to be a burlesque on the name of business. it was a standing task, requiring the combined energy of the island, to repair the damages of one hurricane before another came. the following circumstance was told us, by one of the shrewdest observers of men and things with whom we met in barbadoes. on the southeastern coast of the island there is a low point running far out into the sea, endangering all vessels navigated by persons not well acquainted with the island. many vessels have been wrecked upon it in the attempt to make bridgetown from the windward. from time immemorial, it has been in contemplation to erect a light-house on that point. every time a vessel has been wrecked, the whole island has been agog for a light-house. public meetings were called, and eloquent speeches made, and resolutions passed, to proceed to the work forthwith. bills were introduced into the assembly, long speeches made, and appropriations voted commensurate with the stupendous undertaking. there the matter ended, and the excitement died away, only to be revived by another wreck, when a similar scene would ensue. the light-house is not built to this day. in personal activity, the barbadians are as sadly deficient as in public spirit. london is said to have scores of wealthy merchants who have never been beyond its limits, nor once snuffed the country air. bridgetown, we should think, is in this respect as deserving of the name _little london_ as barbadoes is of the title "little england," which it proudly assumes. we were credibly informed that there were merchants in bridgetown who had never been off the island in their lives, nor more than five or six miles into the country. the sum total of their locomotion might be said to be, turning softly to one side of their chairs, and then softly to the other. having no personal cares to harass them, and no political questions to agitate them--having no extended speculations to push, and no public enterprises to prosecute, (save occasionally when a wreck on the southern point throws them into a ferment,) the lives of the higher classes seem a perfect blank, as it regards every thing manly. their thoughts are chiefly occupied with sensual pleasure, anticipated or enjoyed. the centre of existence to them is the _dinner-table_. "they eat and drink and sleep, and then-- eat and drink and sleep again." that the abolition of slavery has laid the foundation for a reform in this respect, there can be no doubt. the indolence and inefficiency of the white community has grown out of slavery. it is the legitimate offspring of oppression everywhere--one of the burning curses which it never fails to visit upon its supporters. it may be seriously doubted, however, whether in barbadoes this evil will terminate with its cause. there is there such a superabundance of the laboring population, that for a long time to come, labor must be very cheap, and the habitually indolent will doubtless prefer employing others to work for them, than to work themselves. if, therefore, we should not see an active spirit of enterprise at once kindling among the barbadians, _if the light-house should not be build for a quarter of a century to come_, it need not excite our astonishment. we heard not a little concerning the expected distress of those white families whose property consisted chiefly of slaves. there were many such families, who have hitherto lived respectably and independently by hiring out their slaves. after , these will be deprived of all their property, and will have no means of support whatever. as they will consider it degrading to work, and still more so to beg, they will be thrown into extremely embarrassing circumstances. it is thought that many of this class will leave the country, and seek a home where they will not be ashamed to work for their subsistence. we were forcibly reminded of the oft alleged objection to emancipation in the united states, that it would impoverish many excellent families in the south, and drive delicate females to the distaff and the wash-tub, whose hands have never been used to any thing--_rougher than the cowhide_. much sympathy has been awakened in the north by such appeals, and vast numbers have been led by them to conclude that it is better for millions of slaves to famish in eternal bondage, than that a few white families, here and there scattered over the south, should be reduced to the humiliation of _working_. _hostility to emancipation_ prevailed in barbadoes. that island has always been peculiarly attached to slavery. from the beginning of the anti-slavery agitations in england, the barbadians distinguished themselves by their inveterate opposition. as the grand result approximated they increased their resistance. they appealed, remonstrated, begged, threatened, deprecated, and imprecated. they continually protested that abolition would ruin the colony--that the negroes could never be brought to work--especially to raise sugar--without the whip. they both besought and demanded of the english that they should cease their interference with their private affairs and personal property. again and again they informed them that they were wholly disqualified, by their distance from the colonies, and their ignorance of the subject, to do any thing respecting it, and they were entreated to leave the whole matter with the colonies, who alone could judge as to the best time and manner of moving, or whether it was proper to move at all. we were assured that there was not a single planter in barbadoes who was known to be in favor of abolition, before it took place; if, however, there had been one such, he would not have dared to avow his sentiments. the anti-slavery party in england were detested; no epithets were too vile for them--no curses too bitter. it was a barbadian lady who once exclaimed in a public company in england, "o, i wish we had wilberforce in the west indies, i would be one of the very first to tear his heart out!" if such a felon wish could escape the lips of a female, and that too amid the awing influence of english society, what may we conclude were the feelings of planters and drivers on the island! the opposition was maintained even after the abolition of slavery; and there was no colony, save jamaica, with which the english government had so much trouble in arranging the provisions and conditions under which abolition was to take place. from statements already made, the reader will see how great a change has come over the feelings of the planters. he has followed us through this and the preceding chapters, he has seen tranquillity taking the place of insurrections, a sense of security succeeding to gloomy forbodings, and public order supplanting mob law; he has seen subordination to authority, peacefulness, industry, and increasing morality, characterizing the negro population; he has seen property rising in value, crime lessening, expenses of labor diminishing, the whole island blooming with unexampled cultivation, and waving with crops unprecedented in the memory of its inhabitants; above all, he has seen licentiousness decreasing, prejudice fading away, marriage extending, education spreading, and religion preparing to multiply her churches and missionaries over the land. _these_ are the blessing of abolition--_begun_ only, and but partially realized as yet, but promising a rich maturity in time to come, after the work of freedom shall have been completed. chapter v. the apprenticeship system. the nature of the apprenticeship system may be learned form the following abstract of its provisions, relative to the three parties chiefly concerned in its operation--the special magistrate, the master, and the apprentice. provisions respecting the special magistrates. . they must be disconnected with planters and plantership, that they may be independent of all colonial parties and interests whatever. . the special magistrates adjudicate only in cases where the master and apprentice are parties. offences committed by apprentices against any person not connected with the estates on which they live, come under the cognizance of the local magistrates or of higher courts. . the special justices sit three days in the week at their offices, where all complaints are carried, both by the master and apprentice. the magistrates do not go the estate, either to try or to punish offenders. besides, the three days the magistrates are required to be at home every saturday, (that being the day on which the apprentices are disengaged,) to give friendly advice and instruction on points of law and personal rights to all apprentices who may call. provisions respecting the master. . the master is allowed the gratuitous labor of the apprentice for forty-five hours each week. the several islands were permitted by the english government to make such a division of this time as local circumstances might seem to require. in some islands, as for instance in st. christopher's and tortola, it is spread over six days of the week in proportions of seven and a half hours per day, thus leaving the apprentice mere shreds of time in which he can accomplish nothing for himself. in barbadoes, the forty-five hours is confined within five days, in portions of nine hours per day. . the allowances of food continue the same as during slavery, excepting that now the master may give, instead of the allowance, a third of an acre to each apprentice, but then he must also grant an additional day every week for the cultivation of this land. . the master has no power whatever to punish. a planter observed, "if i command my butler to stand for half an hour on the parlor floor, and it can be proved that i designed it as a punishment, i may be fined for it." the penalty for the first offence (punishing an apprentice) is a fine of five pounds currency, or sixteen dollars, and imprisonment if the punishment was cruel. for a second offence the apprentice is set free. masters frequently do punish their apprentices _in despite of all penalties_. a case in point occurred not long since, in bridgetown. a lady owned a handsome young mulatto woman, who had a beautiful head of hair of which she was very proud. the servant did something displeasing to her mistress, and the latter in a rage shaved off her hair close to her head. the girl complained to the special magistrate, and procured an immediate release from her mistress's service. . it is the duty of the master to make complaint to the special magistrate. when the master chooses to take the punishment into his own hand, the apprentice has a right to complain. . the master is obliged to sell the remainder of the apprentice's term, whenever the apprentice signifies a wish to buy it. if the parties cannot agree about the price, the special magistrate, in connection with two local magistrates, appraises the latter, and the master is bound to take the amount of the appraisement, whatever that is. instances of apprentices purchasing themselves are quite frequent, not withstanding the term of service is now so short, extending only to august, . the value of an apprentice varies from thirty to one hundred dollars. provisions respecting the apprentice. . he has the whole of saturday, and the remnants of the other five days, after giving nine hours to the master. . the labor does not begin so early, nor continue so late as during slavery. instead of half past four or five o'clock the apprentices are called out at six o'clock in the morning. they then work till seven, have an hour for breakfast, again work from eight to twelve, have a respite of two hours, and then work till six o'clock. . if an apprentice hires his time from his master as is not unfrequently the case, especially among the non-praedials, he pays a dollar a week, which is two thirds, or at least one half of his earnings. . if the apprentice has a complaint to make against his master, he must either make it during his own time, or if he prefers to go to the magistrate during work hours, he must ask his master for a pass. if his master refuse to give him one, he can then go without it. . there is an _unjustifiable inequality_ in the apprentice laws, which was pointed out by one of the special magistrates. the master is punishable only for cruelty or corporeal inflictions, whereas the apprentice is punishable for a variety of offences, such as idleness, stealing, insubordination, insolence, &c. the master may be as insolent and abusive as he chooses to be, and the slave can have no redress. . hard labor, solitary confinement, and the treadmill, are the principal modes of punishment. shaving the head is sometimes resorted to. a very sever punishment frequently adopted, is requiring the apprentice to make up for the time during which he is confined. if he is committed for ten working days, he must give the master ten successive saturdays. this last regulation is particularly oppressive and palpably unjust. it matters not how slight the offence may have been, it is discretionary with the special magistrate to mulct the apprentice of his saturdays. this provision really would appear to have been made expressly for the purpose of depriving the apprentices of their own time. it is a direct inducement to the master to complain. if the apprentice has been absent from his work but an hour, the magistrate may sentence him to give a whole day in return; consequently the master is encouraged to mark the slightest omission, and to complain of it whether it was unavoidable or not. the design of the apprenticeship.--it is a serious question with a portion of the colonists, whether or not the apprenticeship was originally designed as a preparation for freedom. this however was the professed object with its advocates, and it was on the strength of this plausible pretension, doubtless, that the measure was carried through. we believe it is pretty well understood, both in england and the colonies; that it was mainly intended _as an additional compensation to the planters_. the latter complained that the twenty millions of pounds was but a pittance of the value of their slaves, and to drown their cries about robbery and oppression this system of modified slavery was granted to them, that they might, for a term of years, enjoy the toil of the negro without compensation. as a mockery to the hopes of the slaves this system was called an apprenticeship, and it was held out to them as a needful preparatory stage for them to pass through, ere they could rightly appreciate the blessings of entire freedom. it was not wonderful that they should be slow to apprehend the necessity of serving a six years' apprenticeship, at a business which they had been all their lives employed in. it is not too much to say that it was a grand cheat--a national imposture at the expense of the poor victims of oppression, whom, with benevolent pretences, it offered up a sacrifice to cupidity and power. practical operation of the apprenticeship.--it cannot be denied that this system is in some respects far better than slavery. many restraints are imposed upon the master, and many important privileges are secured to the apprentice. being released from the arbitrary power of the master, is regarded by the latter as a vast stride towards entire liberty. we once asked an apprentice; if he thought apprenticeship was better than slavery. "o yes," said he, "great deal better, sir; when we was slaves, our masters git mad wid us, and give us _plenty of licks_; but now, thank god, they can't touch us." but the actual enjoyment of these advantages by the apprentices depends upon so many contingencies, such as the disposition of the master, and the faithfulness of the special magistrate, that it is left after all exceedingly precarious. a very few observations respecting the special magistrates, will serve to show how liable the apprentice is to suffer wrong without the possibility of obtaining redress. it is evident that this will be the case unless the special magistrates are _entirely independent_. this was foreseen by the english government, and they pretended to provide for it by paying the magistrates' salaries at home. but how inadequate was their provision! the salaries scarcely answer for pocket money in the west indies. thus situated, the magistrates are continually exposed to those temptations, which the planters can so artfully present in the shape of sumptuous dinners. they doubtless find it very convenient, when their stinted purses run low, and mutton and wines run high, to do as the new england school master does, "_board round_;" and consequently the dependence of the magistrate upon the planter is of all things the most deprecated by the apprentice.[a] [footnote a: the feelings of apprentices on this point are well illustrated by the following anecdote, which was related to us while in the west indies. the governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined with one of the wealthiest proprietors. the next day one of the negroes of the estate said to another, "de new gubner been _poison'd_." "what dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment, "de gubner been _poison'd_." "dah, now!--how him poisoned!" "_him eat massa turtle soup last night_," said the shrewd negro. the other took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the poison was one from which _he_ was likely to suffer more than his excellency.] congeniality of feeling, habits, views, style and rank--identity of country and color--these powerful influences bias the magistrate toward the master, at the same time that the absence of them all, estrange and even repel him from the apprentice. there is still an additional consideration which operates against the unfortunate apprentice. the men selected for magistrates, are mostly officers of the army and navy. to those who are acquainted with the arbitrary habits of military and naval officers, and with the iron despotism which they exercise among the soldiers and sailors,[b] the bare mention of this fact is sufficient to convince them of the unenviable situation of the apprentice. it is at best but a gloomy transfer from the mercies of a slave driver, to the justice of a military magistrate. [footnote b: we had a specimen of the stuff special magistrates are made of in sailing from barbadoes to jamaica. the vessel was originally an english man-of-war brig, which had been converted into a steamer, and was employed by the english government, in conveying the island mails from barbadoes to jamaica--to and fro. she was still under the strict discipline of a man-of-war. the senior officer on board was a lieutenant. this man was one of the veriest savages on earth. his passions were in a perpetual storm, at some times higher than at others, occasionally they blew a hurricane. he quarrelled with his officers, and his orders to his men were always uttered in oaths. scarcely a day passed that he did not have some one of his sailors flogged. one night, the cabin boy left the water-can sitting on the cabin floor, instead of putting it on the sideboard, where it usually stood. for this offence the commander ordered him up on deck after midnight, and made the quarter-master flog him. the instrument used in this case, (the regular flogging stick having been _used up_ by previous service,) was the commander's cane--_a heavy knotted club_. the boy held out one hand and received the blows. he howled most piteously, and it was some seconds before he recovered sufficiently from the pain to extend the other. "_lay on_," stormed the commander. down went the cane a second time. we thought it must have broken every bone in the boy's hand. this was repeated several times, the boy extending each hand alternately, and recoiling at every blow. "now lay on to his back," sternly vociferated the commander--"give it to him--_hard_--_lay on harder_." the old seaman, who had some mercy in his heart, seemed very loth to lay out his strength on the boy with such a club. the commander became furious--cursed and swore--and again yelled, "_give it to him harder, more_--more--more--there, stop." "you infernal villain"--speaking to the quarter-master and using the most horrid oaths--"you infernal villain, if you do not _lay on harder_ the next time i command you, i'll have you put in irons." the boy limped away, writhing in every joint, and crying piteously, when the commander called at him, "silence there, you imp--or i'll give you a second edition." one of the first things the commander did after we left barbadoes, was to have a man flogged, and the last order we heard him give as we left the steamer at kingston, was to put two of the men _in irons_.] it is not a little remarkable that the apprenticeship should be regarded by the planters themselves, as well as by other persons generally throughout the colony, as merely a modified form of slavery. it is common to hear it called 'slavery under a different form,' 'another name for slavery,'--'modified slavery,' 'but little better than slavery.' nor is the practical operation of the system upon the _master_ much less exceptionable. it takes out of his hand the power of coercing labor, and provides no other stimulus. thus it subjects him to the necessity either of resorting to empty threats, which must result only in incessant disputes, or of condescending to persuade and entreat, against which his habits at once rebel, or of complaining to a third party--an alternative more revolting if possible, than the former, since it involves the acknowledgment of a higher power than his own. it sets up over his actions a foreign judge, at whose bar he is alike amenable (in theory) with his apprentice, before whose tribunal he may be dragged at any moment by his apprentice, and from whose lips he may receive the humiliating sentence of punishment in the presence of his apprentice. it introduces between him and his laborers, mutual repellancies and estrangement; it encourages the former to exercise an authority which he would not venture to assume under a system of perfect freedom; it emboldens the latter to display an insolence which he would not have dreamed of in a state of slavery, and thus begetting in the one, the imperiousness of the slaveholder _without his power_, and in the other, the independence of the freeman _without his immunities_, it perpetuates a scene of angry collision, jealousy and hatred. it does not even serve for the master the unworthy purpose for which it was mainly devised, viz., that of an additional compensation. the apprenticeship is estimated to be more expensive than a system of free labor would be. it is but little less expensive than slavery, and freedom it is confidently expected will be considerably less. so it would seem that this system burthens the master with much of the perplexity, the ignominy and the expensiveness of slavery, while it denies him its power. such is the apprenticeship system. a splendid imposition!--which cheats the planter of his gains, cheats the british nation of its money, and robs the world of what else might have been a glorious example of immediate and entire emancipation. the apprenticeship is no preparation for freedom.--indeed, as far as it can be, it is an actual _disqualification_. the testimony on this subject is ample. we rarely met a planter, who was disposed to maintain that the apprenticeship was preparing the negroes for freedom. they generally admitted that the people were no better prepared for freedom now, than they were in ; and some of them did not hesitate to say that the sole use to which they and their brother planters turned the system, was to get _as much work out of the apprentices while it lasted, as possible_. clergymen and missionaries, declared that the apprenticeship was no preparation for freedom. if it were a preparation at all, it would most probably be so in a religious and educational point of view. we should expect to find the masters, if laboring at all to prepare their apprentices for freedom, doing so chiefly by encouraging missionaries and teachers to come to their estates, and by aiding in the erection of chapels and school-houses. but the missionaries declare that they meet with little more direct encouragement now, than they did during slavery. the special magistrates also testify that the apprenticeship is no preparation for freedom. on this subject they are very explicit. the colored people bear the same testimony. not a few, too, affirm, that the tendency of the apprenticeship is to unfit the negroes for freedom, and avow it as their firm persuasion, that the people will be less prepared for liberty at the end of the apprenticeship, than they were at its commencement. and it is not without reason that they thus speak. they say, first, that the bickerings and disputes to which the system gives rise between the master and the apprentice, and the arraigning of each other before the special magistrate, are directly calculated to alienate the parties. the effect of these contentions, kept up for six years, will be to implant _deep mutual hostility_; and the parties will be a hundred fold more irreconcilable than they were on the abolition of slavery. again, they argue that the apprenticeship system is calculated to make the negroes regard _law as their foe_, and thus it unfits them for freedom. they reason thus--the apprentice looks to the magistrate as his judge, his avenger, his protector; he knows nothing of either law or justice except as he sees them exemplified in the decisions of the magistrate. when, therefore, the magistrate sentences him to punishment, when he knows he was the injured party, he will become disgusted with the very name of justice, and esteem law his greatest enemy. the neglect of the planters to use the apprenticeship as a preparation for freedom, warrants us in the conclusion, that they do not think any preparation necessary. but we are not confined to doubtful inferences on this point. they testify positively--and not only planters, but all other classes of men likewise--that the slaves of barbadoes were fit for entire freedom in , and that they might have been emancipated then with perfect safety. whatever may have been the sentiment of the barbadians relative to the necessity of preparation before the experiment was made, it is clear that now they have no confidence either in the necessity or the practicability of preparatory schemes. but we cannot close our remarks upon the apprenticeship system without noticing one good end which it has undesignedly accomplished, i.e., _the illustration of the good disposition of the colored people_. we firmly believe that if the friends of emancipation had wished to disprove all that has ever been said about the ferocity and revengefulness of the negroes, and at the same time to demonstrate that they possess, in a pre-eminent degree, those other qualities which render them the fit subjects of liberty and law, they could not have done it more triumphantly than it has been done by the apprenticeship. _how_ this has been done may be shown by pointing out several respects in which the apprenticeship has been calculated to try the negro character most severely, and to develop all that was fiery and rebellious in it. . the apprenticeship removed that strong arm of slavery and substituted no adequate force. the arbitrary power of the master, which awed the slave into submission, was annihilated. the whip which was held over the slave, and compelled a kind of subordination--brutal, indeed, but effectual--was abolished. here in the outset the reins were given to the long-oppressed, but now aspiring mass. no adequate force was substituted, because it was the intent of the new system to govern by milder means. this was well, but what were the milder means which were to take the place of brute force? . was the stimulus of wages substituted? no! that was expressly denied. was the liberty of locomotion granted? no. was the privilege of gaining a personal interest in the soil extended to them? no. were the immunities and rights of citizenship secured to them? no. was the poor favor allowed them of selecting their own business, or of choosing their employer? not even this? thus far, then, we see nothing of the milder measures of the apprenticeship. it has indeed opened the prison doors and knocked off the prisoners' chains--but it still keeps them grinding there, as before, and refuses to let them come forth, except occasionally, and then only to be thrust back again. is it not thus directly calculated to encourage indolence and insubordination? . in the next place, this system introduces a third party, to whom the apprentice is encouraged to look for justice, redress, and counsel. thus he is led to regard his master as his enemy, and all confidence in him is for ever destroyed. but this is not the end of the difficulty. the apprentice carries up complaints against his master. if they gain a favorable hearing he triumphs over him--if they are disregarded, he concludes that the magistrate also is his enemy, and he goes away with a rankling grudge against his master. thus he is gradually led to assert his own cause, and he learns to contend with his master, to reply insolently, to dispute, quarrel, and--it is well that we cannot add, to _fight_. at least one thing is the result--a permanent state of alienation, contempt of authority, and hatred. _all these are the fruits of the apprenticeship system_. they are caused by transferring the power of the master, while the _relation_ continues the same. nor is this contempt for the master, this alienation and hatred, all the mischief. the unjust decisions of the magistrate, of which the apprentices have such abundant reasons to complain, excite their abhorrence of him, and thus their confidence in the protection of law is weakened or destroyed. here, then, is contempt for the master, abhorrence of the magistrate, and mistrust of the law--the apprentice regarding all three as leagued together to rob him of his rights. what a combination of circumstances to drive the apprentices to desperation and madness! what a marvel that the outraged negroes have been restrained from bloody rebellions! another insurrectionary feature peculiar to the apprenticeship is its making the apprentices _free a portion of the time_. one fourth of the time is given them every week--just enough to afford them a taste of the sweets of liberty, and render them dissatisfied with their condition. then the manner in which this time is divided is calculated to irritate. after being a slave nine hours, the apprentice is made a freeman for the remainder of the day; early the next morning the halter is again put on, and he treads the wheel another day. thus the week wears away until saturday; which is an entire day of freedom. the negro goes out and works for his master, or any one else, as he pleases, and at night he receives his quarter of a dollar. this is something like freedom, and he begins to have the feelings of a freeman--a lighter heart and more active limbs. he puts his money carefully away at night, and lays himself down to rest his toil-worn body. he awakes on sabbath morning, and _is still free_. he puts on his best clothes, goes to church, worships a free god, contemplates a free heaven, sees his free children about him, and his wedded wife; and ere the night again returns, the consciousness that he is a slave is quite lost in the thoughts of liberty which fill his breast, and the associations of freedom which cluster around him. he sleeps again. _monday morning he is startled from his dreams by the old "shell-blow" of slavery_, and he arises to endure another week of toil, alternated by the same tantalizing mockeries of freedom. is not this applying the _hot iron to the nerve_? . but, lastly, the apprenticeship system, as if it would apply the match to this magazine of combustibles, holds out the reward of liberty to every apprentice who shall by any means provoke his master to punish him a second time. [note.--in a former part of this work--the report of antigua--we mentioned having received information respecting a number of the apprenticeship islands, viz., dominica, st. christopher's, nevis, montserrat, anguilla, and tortola, from the wesleyan missionaries whom we providentially met with at the annual district meeting in antigua. we designed to give the statements of these men at some length in this connection, but we find that it would swell our report to too great a size. it only remains to say, therefore, in a word, that the same things are generally true of those colonies which have been detailed in the account of barbadoes. there is the same peaceableness, subordination, industry, and patient suffering on the part of the apprentices, the same inefficiency of the apprenticeship as a preparation for freedom, and the same conviction in the community that the people will, if at all affected by it, be _less_ fit for emancipation in than they were in . a short call at st. christopher's confirmed these views in our minds, so far as that island is concerned. while in barbadoes, we had repeated interviews with gentlemen who were well acquainted with the adjacent islands, st. lucia, st. vincent's, grenada, &c.; one of whom was a proprietor of a sugar estate in st. vincent's; and they assured us that there was the same tranquillity reigning in those islands which we saw in barbadoes. sir evan mcgregor, who is the governor-general of the windward colonies, and of course thoroughly informed respecting their internal state, gave us the same assurances. from mr. h., an american gentleman, a merchant of barbadoes, and formerly of trinidad, we gathered similar information touching that large and (compared with barbadoes or antigua) semi-barbarous island. we learned enough from these authentic sources to satisfy ourselves that the various degrees of intelligence in the several islands makes very little difference in the actual results of abolition; but that in all the colonies, conciliatory and equitable management has never failed to secure industry and tranquillity.] jamaica. chapter i. kingston. having drawn out in detail the results of abolition, and the working of the apprenticeship system in barbadoes, we shall spare the reader a protracted account of jamaica; but the importance of that colony, and the fact that greater dissatisfaction on account of the abolition of slavery has prevailed there than in all the other colonies together, demand a careful statement of facts. on landing in jamaica, we pushed onward in our appropriate inquiries, scarcely stopping to cast a glance at the towering mountains, with their cloud-wreathed tops, and the valleys where sunshine and shade sleep side by side--at the frowning precipices, made more awful by the impenetrable forest-foliage which shrouds the abysses below, leaving the impression of an ocean depth--at the broad lawns and magnificent savannahs glowing in verdure and sunlight--at the princely estates and palace mansions--at the luxuriant cultivation, and the sublime solitude of primeval forests, where trees of every name, the mahogany, the boxwood, the rosewood, the cedar, the palm, the fern, the bamboo, the cocoa, the breadfruit, the mango, the almond, all grow in wild confusion, interwoven with a dense tangled undergrowth.[a] [footnote a: it is less necessary for us to dwell long on jamaica, than it would otherwise be, since the english gentlemen, messrs. sturge and harvey, spent most of their time in that island, and will, doubtless, publish their investigations, which will, ere long, be accessible to our readers. we had the pleasure of meeting these intelligent philanthropic and pious men in the west indies, and from the great length of time, and the superior facilities which they enjoyed over us, of gathering a mass of facts in jamaica, we feel assured that their report will be highly interesting and useful, as well among us as on the other side of the water.] we were one month in jamaica. for about a week we remained in kingston,[b] and called on some of the principal gentlemen, both white and colored. we visited the attorney-general, the solicitor-general, some of the editors, the baptist and wesleyan missionaries, and several merchants. we likewise visited the public schools, the house of correction, penitentiary, hospital, and other public institutions. we shall speak briefly of several individuals whom we saw in kingston, and give some of their statements. [footnote b: the chief town of the island, with about forty thousand inhabitants.] the hon. dowel o'reily; the attorney-general; is an irishman, and of one of the influential families. in his own country he was a prominent politician, and a bold advocate of catholic emancipation. he is decidedly one of the ablest men in the island, distinguished for that simplicity of manners, and flow of natural benevolence, which are the characteristics of the irishman. he received his present appointment from the english government about six years ago, and is, by virtue of his office, a member of the council. he declared that the apprenticeship was in no manner preparing the negroes for freedom, but was operating in a contrary way, especially in jamaica, where it had been made the instrument of greater cruelties in some cases, than slavery itself. mr. o'reily is entirely free from prejudice; with all his family rank and official standing, he identifies himself with the colored people as far as his extensive professional engagements will allow. having early learned this, we were surprised to find him so highly respected by the whites. in our subsequent excursions to the country, the letters of introduction with which he kindly furnished us, to planters and others, were uniformly received with avowals of the profoundest respect for him. it should be observed, that mr. o'reily's attachment to the cause of freedom in the colonies, is not a mere partizan feeling assumed in order to be in keeping with the government under which he holds his office. the fact of his being a roman catholic must, of itself, acquit him of the suspicion of any strong partiality for the english government. on the other hand, his decided hostility to the apprenticeship--the favorite offspring of british legislation--demonstrates equally his sincerity and independence. we were introduced to the solicitor-general, william henry anderson, esq., of kingston. mr. a. is a scotchman, and has resided to jamaica for more than six years. we found him the fearless advocate of negro emancipation. he exposed the corruptions and abominations of the apprenticeship without reserve. mr. a. furnished us with a written statement of his views, respecting the state of the island, the condition of the apprentices, &c., from which we here make a few extracts. " . a very material change for the better has taken place in the sentiments of the community since slavery was abolished. religion and education were formerly opposed as subversive of the security of property; now they are in the most direct manner encouraged as its best support. the value of all kinds of property has risen considerably, and a general sense of security appears to be rapidly pervading the public mind. i have not heard one man assert that it would be an advantage to return to slavery, even were it practicable; and i believe that the public is beginning to see that slave labor is not the cheapest." " . the prejudices against color are _rapidly vanishing_. i do not think there is a respectable man, i mean one who would be regarded as respectable on account of his good sense and weight of character, who would impugn another's conduct for associating with persons of color. so far as my observation goes, those who would formerly have acted on these prejudices, will be ashamed to own that they had entertained them. the distinction of superior acquirements still belongs to the whites, as a body; but that, and character, will shortly be the only distinguishing mark recognized among us." " . the apprentices are improving, _not, however, in consequence of the apprenticeship, but in spite of it, and in consequence of the great act of abolition_!" " . i think the negroes might have been emancipated as safely in , as in ; and had the emancipation then taken place, they would be found much further in advance in , than they can be after the expiration of the present period of apprenticeship, _through which all, both apprentices and masters, are_ laboring heavily." " . that the negroes will work if moderately compensated, no candid man can doubt. their _endurance_ for the sake of a very little gain is quite amazing, and they are most desirous to procure for themselves and families as large a share as possible of the comforts and decencies of life. they appear peculiarly to reverence and desire intellectual attainments. they employ, occasionally, children who have been taught in the schools to teach them in their leisure time to read." " . i think the partial modifications of slavery have been attended by so much improvement in all that constitutes the welfare and respectability of society, that i cannot doubt the increase of the benefit were a total abolition accomplished of every restriction that has arisen out of the former state of things." during our stay in kingston, we called on the american consul, to whom we had a letter from the consul at antigua. we found him an elderly gentleman, and a true hearted virginian, both in his generosity and his prejudices in favor of slavery. the consul, colonel harrison, is a near relation of general w.h. harrison, of ohio. things, he said, were going ruinously in jamaica. the english government were mad for abolishing slavery. the negroes of jamaica were the most degraded and ignorant of all negroes he had ever seen. he had travelled in all our southern states, and the american negroes, even those of south carolina and georgia, were as much superior to the negroes of jamaica, as henry clay was superior to him. he said they were the most ungrateful, faithless set he ever saw; no confidence could be placed in them, and kindness was always requited by insult. he proceeded to relate a fact from which it appeared that the ground on which his grave charges against the negro character rested, was the ill-conduct of one negro woman whom he had hired some time ago to assist his family. the town negroes, he said, were too lazy to work; they loitered and lounged about on the sidewalks all day, jabbering with one another, and keeping up an incessant noise; and they would not suffer a white man to order them in the least. they were rearing their children in perfect idleness and for his part he could not tell what would become of the rising population of blacks. their parents were too proud to let them work, and they sent them to school all the time. every afternoon, he said, the streets are thronged with the half-naked little black devils, just broke from the schools, and all singing some noisy tune learned in the infant schools; the _burthen of_ their songs seems to be, "_o that will be joyful_." these words, said he, are ringing in your ears wherever you go. how aggravating truly such words must be, bursting cheerily from the lips of the little free songsters! "o that will be joyful, _joyful_, joyful"--and so they ring the changes day after day, ceaseless and untiring. a new song this, well befitting the times and the prospects, but provoking enough to oppressors. the consul denounced he special magistrates; they were an insolent set of fellows, they would fine a white man as quick as they would flog a _nigger_.[a] if a master called his apprentice "you scoundrel," or, "you huzzy," the magistrate would either fine him for it or reprove him sharply in the presence of the apprentice. this, in the eyes of the veteran virginian, was intolerable. outrageous, not to allow a _gentleman_ to call his servant what names he chooses! we were very much edified by the colonel's _exposé_ of jamaica manners. we must say, however, that his opinions had much less weight with us after we learned (as we did from the best authority) that he had never been a half dozen miles into the country during a ten year's residence in kingston. [footnote a: we fear there is too little truth in this representation.] we called on the rev. jonathan edmonson, the superintendent of the wesleyan missions in jamaica. mr. e. has been for many years laboring as a missionary in the west indies, first in barbadoes, then in st. vincent's, grenada, trinidad, and demerara, and lastly in jamaica. he stated that the planters were doing comparatively nothing to prepare the negroes for freedom. "_their whole object was to get as much sugar out of them as they possibly could_." we received a call from the rev. mr. wooldridge, one of the independent missionaries. he thinks the conduct of the planters is tending to make the apprentices their bitter enemies. he mentioned one effect of the apprenticeship which had not been pointed out to us before. the system of appraisement, he said, was a _premium upon all the bad qualities of the negroes and a tax upon all the good ones_. when a person is to be appraised, his virtues and his vices are always inquired into, and they materially influence the estimate of his value. for example, the usual rate of appraisement is a dollar per week for the remainder of the term; but if the apprentice is particularly sober, honest, and industrious, more particularly if he be a _pious man_, he is valued at the rate of two or three dollars per week. it was consequently for the interest of the master, when an apprentice applied for an appraisement, to portray his virtues, while on the other hand there was an inducement for the apprentice to conceal or actually to renounce his good qualities, and foster the worst vices. some instances of this kind had fallen under his personal observation. we called on the rev. mr. gardiner, and on the rev. mr. tinson, two baptist missionaries in kingston. on sabbath we attended service at the church of which mr. g. is the pastor. it is a very large building, capable of seating two thousand persons. the great mass of the congregation were apprentices. at the time we were present, the chapel was well filled, and the broad surface of black faces was scarcely at all diversified with lighter colors. it was gratifying to witness the neatness of dress, the sobriety of demeanor, the devotional aspect of countenance, the quiet and wakeful attention to the preacher which prevailed. they were mostly rural negroes from the estates adjacent to kingston. the baptists are the most numerous body of christians in the island. the number of their missionaries now in jamaica is sixteen, the number of chapels is thirty-one, and the number of members thirty-two thousand nine hundred and sixty. the increase of members during the year was three thousand three hundred and forty-four. at present the missionary field is mostly engrossed by the baptists and wesleyans. the moravians are the next most numerous body. besides these, there are the clergy of the english church, with a bishop, and a few scotch clergymen. the baptist missionaries, as a body, have been most distinguished for their opposition to slavery. their boldness in the midst of suffering and persecutions, their denunciations of oppression, though they did for a time arouse the wrath of oppressors, and cause their chapels to be torn down and themselves to be hunted, imprisoned, and banished, did more probably than any other cause, to hasten the abolition of slavery. _schools in kingston_.--we visited the wolmer free school--the largest and oldest school in the island. the whole number of scholars is five hundred. it is under the charge of mr. reid, a venerable scotchman, of scholarship and piety. all colors are mingled in it promiscuously. we saw the infant school department examined by mr. r. there were nearly one hundred and fifty children, of every hue, from the jettiest black to the fairest white; they were thoroughly intermingled, and the ready answers ran along the ranks from black to white, from white to brown, from brown to pale, with undistinguished vivacity and accuracy. we were afterwards conducted into the higher department, where lads and misses from nine to fifteen, were instructed in the various branches of academic education. a class of lads, mostly colored, were examined in arithmetic. they wrought several sums in pounds, shillings and pence currency, with wonderful celerity. among other things which we witnessed in that school, we shall not soon forget having seen a curly headed negro lad of twelve, examining a class of white young ladies in scientific history. some written statements and statistical tables were furnished us by mr. reid, which we subjoin.. _kingston, may th, _ dear sir,--i delayed answering your queries in hopes of being able to give you an accurate list of the number of schools in kingston, and pupils under tuition, but have not been able completely to accomplish my intention. i shall now answer your queries in the order you propose them. st quest. how long have you been teaching in jamaica? ans. thirty-eight years in kingston. d q. how long have you been master of wolmer's free school? a. twenty-three years. d q. what is the number of colored children now in the school? a. four hundred and thirty. th q. was there any opposition to their admission at first? a. considerable opposition the first year, but none afterwards. th q. do they learn as readily us the white children? a. as they are more regular in their attendance, they learn better. th q. are they as easily governed? a. much easier. th q. what proportion of the school are the children of apprentices? a. fifty. th q. do their parents manifest a desire to have them educated? a. in general they do. th q. at what age do the children leave your school? a. generally between twelve and fourteen. th q what employments do they chiefly engage in upon leaving you? a. the boys go to various mechanic trades, to counting-houses, attorney's offices, clerks to planting attorneys, and others become planters. the, girls seamstresses, mantuamakers, and a considerable proportion tailoresses, in kingston and throughout jamaica, as situations offer. i am, dear sirs, yours respectfully, e. reid. the following table will show the average numbers of the respective classes, white and colored, who have attended wolmer's free school in each year, from to the present time. white | colored | total. children.|children.| average number in " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " with regard to the _comparative intellect_ of white and colored children, mr. reid gives the following valuable statement: "for the last thirty-eight years i have been employed in this city in the tuition of children of all classes and colors, and have no hesitation in saying that the children of color are equal both in conduct and ability to the white. they have always carried off more than their proportion of prizes, and at one examination, out of seventy prizes awarded, sixty-four were obtained by children of color." mr. r. afterwards sent to us the table of the number of schools in kingston, alluded to in the foregoing communication. we insert it here, as it affords a view of the increase of schools and scholars since the abolition of slavery. . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, ---- ---- total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, ---- ---- total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, mico, baptist, jamaica union, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, by itinerant teachers and children. ---- ---- total, . schools. scholars. wolmer's, national, mico, baptist jamaica union, gentlemen's private, ladies' do. sunday, by itinerant teachers and children, ---- ---- total, we also visited the union school, which has been established for some years in kingston. all the children connected with it, about one hundred and fifty, are, with two exceptions, black or colored. the school is conducted generally on the lancasterian plan. we examined several of the boys in arithmetic. we put a variety of questions to them, to be worked out on the slate, and the reasons of the process to be explained as they went along; all which they executed with great expertness. there was a jet black boy, whom we selected for a special trial. we commenced with the simple rules, and went through them one by one, together with the compound rules and reduction, to practice, propounding questions and examples in each of them, which were entirely new to him, and to all of them he gave prompt and correct replies. he was only thirteen years old, and we can aver we never saw a boy of that age in any of our common schools, that exhibited a fuller and clearer knowledge of the science of numbers. in general, our opinion of this school was similar to that already expressed concerning the others. it is supported by the pupils, aided by six hundred dollars granted by the assembly. in connection with this subject, there is one fact of much interest. however strong and exclusive was the prejudice of color a few years since in the schools of jamaica, we could not, during our stay in that island, learn of more than two or three places of education, and those private ones, from which colored children were excluded, and among the numerous schools in kingston, there is not one of this kind. we called on several colored gentlemen of kingston, from whom we received much valuable information. the colored population are opposed to the apprenticeship, and all the influence which they have, both in the colony and with the home government, (which is not small,) is exerted against it. they are a festering thorn in the sides of the planters, among whom they maintain a fearless espionage, exposing by pen and tongue their iniquitous proceedings. it is to be regretted that their influence in this respect is so sadly weakened by their _holding apprentices themselves_. we had repeated invitations to breakfast and dine with colored gentlemen, which we accepted as often as our engagements would permit. on such occasions we generally met a company of gentlemen and ladies of superior social and intellectual accomplishments. we must say, that it is a great self-denial to refrain from a description of some of the animated, and we must add splendid, parties of colored people which we attended. the conversation on these occasions mostly turned on the political and civil disabilities under which the colored population formerly labored, and the various straggles by which they ultimately obtained their rights. the following are a few items of their history. the colored people of jamaica, though very numerous, and to some extent wealthy and intelligent, were long kept by the white colonists in a state of abject political bondage. not only were offices withheld from them, and the right of suffrage denied, but they were not even allowed the privilege of an oath in court, in defense of their property or their persons. they might be violently assaulted, their limbs broken, their wives and daughters might be outraged before their eyes by villains having white skins; yet they had no legal redress unless another white man chanced to see the deed. it was not until that this oppressive enactment was repealed, and the protection of an oath extended to the colored people; nor was it then effected without a long struggle on their part. another law, equally worthy of a slaveholding legislature, prohibited any white man, however wealthy, bequeathing, or in any manner giving his colored son or daughter more than £ currency, or six thousand dollars. the design of this law was to keep the colored people poor and dependent upon the whites. further to secure the same object, every effort, both legislative and private, was made to debar them from schools, and sink them in the lowest ignorance. their young men of talent were glad to get situations as clerks in the stores of white merchants. their young ladies of beauty and accomplishments were fortune-made if they got a place in the white man's harem. these were the highest stations to which the flower of their youth aspired. the rest sank beneath the discouragements, and grovelled in vice and debasement. if a colored person had any business with a white gentleman, and should call at his house, "he must take off his hat, and wait at the door, and be _as polite as a dog_." these insults and oppressions the colored people in jamaica bore, until they could bear them no longer. by secret correspondence they formed a union throughout the island, for the purpose of resistance. this, however, was not effected for a long time, and while in process, the correspondence was detected, and the most vigorous means were used by the whites to crush the growing conspiracy--for such it was virtually. persuasions and intimations were used privately, and when these failed, public persecutions were resorted to, under the form of judicial procedures. among the milder means was the dismission of clerks, agents, &c., from the employ of a white men. as soon as a merchant discovered that his clerk was implicated in the correspondence, he first threatened to discharge him unless he would promise to desert his brethren: if he could not extort this promise, he immediately put his threat in execution. edward jordon, esq., the talented editor of the watchman, then first clerk in the store of a mr. briden, was prominently concerned in the correspondence, and was summarily dismissed. white men drove their colored sons from their houses, and subjected them to every indignity and suffering, in order to deter them from prosecuting an enterprise which was seen by the terrified oppressors to be fraught with danger to themselves. then followed more violent measures. persons suspected of being the projectors of the disaffection, were dragged before incensed judges, and after mock trials, were sentenced to imprisonment in the city jail. messrs. jordon and osborne, (after they had established the watchman paper,) were both imprisoned; the former twice, for five months each time. at the close of the second term of imprisonment, mr. jordon was _tried for his life_, on the charge of having published _seditious matter_ in the watchman. the paragraph which was denominated '_seditious matter_' was this-- "now that the member for westmoreland (mr. beaumont) has come over to our side, we will, by a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, bring down the system by the run, knock off the fetters, and let the oppressed go free." on the day of mr. j.'s trial, the court-room was thronged with colored men, who had armed themselves, and were determined, if the sentence of death were pronounced upon mr. jordon, to rescue him at whatever hazard. it is supposed that their purpose was conjectured by the judges--at any rate, they saw fit to acquit mr. j. and give him his enlargement. the watchman continued as fearless and _seditious_ as ever, until the assembly were ultimately provoked to threaten some extreme measure which should effectually silence the agitators. _then_ mr. jordon issued a spirited circular, in which he stated the extent of the coalition among the colored people, and in a tone of defiance demanded the instant repeal of every restrictive law, the removal of every disability, and the extension of complete political equality; declaring, that if the demand were not complied with, the whole colored population would rise in arms, would proclaim freedom to their own slaves, instigate the slaves generally to rebellion, and then shout war and wage it, until _the streets of kingston should run blood_. this bold piece of generalship succeeded. the terrified legislators huddled together in their assembly-room, and swept away, at one blow, all restrictions, and gave the colored people entire enfranchisement. these occurrences took place in ; since which time the colored class have been politically free, and have been marching forward with rapid step in every species of improvement, and are now on a higher footing than in any other colony. all offices are open to them; they are aldermen of the city, justices of the peace, inspectors of public institutions, trustees of schools, etc. there are, at least, then colored special magistrates, natives of the island. there are four colored members of the assembly, including messrs. jordon and osborne. mr. jordon now sits in the same assembly, side by side, with the man who, a few years ago, ejected him disdainfully from his clerkship. he is a member of the assembly for the city of kingston, where not long since he was imprisoned, and tried for his life. he is also alderman of the city, and one of its local magistrates. he is now inspector of the same prison in which he was formerly immured as a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition. the secretary of the special magistrate department, richard hill, esq., is a colored gentleman, and is one of the first men in the island,[a] for integrity, independence, superior abilities, and extensive acquirements. it has seldom been our happiness to meet with a man more illustrious for true nobility of soul, or in whose countenance there were deeper traces of intellectual and moral greatness. we are confident that no man can _see_ him without being impressed with his rare combination of excellences. [footnote a: we learn from the jamaica papers, since our return to this country, that mr. hill has been elected a member of the assembly.] having said thus much respecting the political advancement of the colored people, it is proper to remark, that they have by no means evinced a determination to claim more than their share of office and influence. on the contrary, they stop very far short of what they are entitled to. having an extent of suffrage but little less than the whites, they might fill one third of the seats in the assembly, whereas they now return but four members out of forty-five. the same may be said of other offices, particularly those in the city of kingston, and the larger towns, where they are equal to, or more numerous, than the whites. it is a fact, that a portion of the colored people continue at this time to return white members to the assembly, and to vote for white aldermen and other city officers. the influential men among them, have always urged them to take up white men, unless they could find _competent_ men of their own color. as they remarked to us, if they were obliged to send an _ass_ to the assembly, it was far better for _them_ to send a _white_ ass than a _black_ one. in company with a friend, we visited the principal streets and places of business in kingston, for the purpose of seeing for ourselves the general employments of the people of color; and those who engage in the lowest offices, such as porters, watermen, draymen, and servants of all grades, from him who flaunts in livery, to him who polishes shoes, are of course from this class. so with the fruiterers, fishmongers, and the almost innumerable tribe of petty hucksters which swarm throughout the city, and is collected in a dense mass in its suburbs. the market, which is the largest and best in the west indies, is almost entirely supplied and attended by colored persons, mostly females. the great body of artisans is composed mostly of colored persons. there are two large furniture and cabinet manufactories in kingston, one owned by two colored men, and the other by a white man. the operatives, of which one contains eighty, and the other nearly as many, are all black and colored. a large number of them are what the british law terms _apprentices_, and are still bound in unremunerated servitude, though some of them for thrice seven years have been adepts in their trades, and not a few are earning their masters twenty or thirty dollars each month, clear of all expenses. some of these _apprentices_ are hoary-headed and wrinkle-browned men, with their children, and grand-children, apprentices also, around them, and who, after having used the plane and the chisel for half a century, with faithfulness for _others_, are now spending the few hours and the failing strength of old again in _preparing_ to use the plane and the chisel for _themselves_. the work on which they were engaged evinced no lack of mechanical skill and ingenuity, but on the contrary we were shown some of the most elegant specimens of mechanical skill, which we ever saw. the rich woods of the west indies were put into almost every form and combination which taste could designate or luxury desire. the owners of these establishments informed us that their business had much _increased within the last two years_, and was still extending. neither of them had any fears for the results of complete emancipation, but both were laying their plans for the future as broadly and confidently as ever. in our walk we accidentally met a colored man, whom we had heard mentioned on several occasions as a superior architect. from the conversation we had with him, then and subsequently, he appeared to possess a fine mechanical genius, and to have made acquirements which would be honorable in any man, but which were truly admirable in one who had been shut up all his life by the disabilities which in jamaica have, until recently, attached to color. he superintended the erection of the wesleyan chapel in kingston, the largest building of the kind in the island, and esteemed by many as the most elegant. the plan was his own, and the work was executed under his own eye. this man is using his means and influence to encourage the study of his favorite art, and of the arts and sciences generally, among those of his own hue. one of the largest bookstores in the island is owned by two colored men. (messrs. jordon and osborne, already referred to.) connected with it is an extensive printing-office, from which a newspaper is issued twice a week. another paper, under the control of colored men, is published at spanishtown. these are the two principal liberal presses in jamaica, and are conducted with spirit and ability. their influence in the political and civil affairs of the island is very great. they are the organs of the colored people, bond and free, and through them any violation of law or humanity is exposed to the public, and redress demanded, and generally obtained. in literary merit and correctness of moral sentiment, they are not excelled by any press there, while some of their white contemporaries fall far below them in both. besides the workmen employed in these two offices, there is a large number of colored printers in the other printing offices, of which there are several. we called at two large establishment for making jellies, comfits, pickles, and all the varieties of tropic _preserves_. in each of them thirty or more persons are constantly employed, and a capital of some thousands of dollars invested. several large rooms were occupied by boxes, jars, and canisters, with the apparatus necessary to the process, through which the fruit passes. we saw every species of fruits and vegetables which the island produces, some fresh from the trees and vines, and others ready to be transported to the four quarters of the globe, in almost every state which the invalid or epicure could desire. these articles, with the different preparations of arrow-root and cassada, form a lucrative branch of trade, which is mostly in the hands of the colored people. we were introduced to a large number of colored merchants, dealers in dry goods, crockery and glass ware, ironmongers, booksellers, druggists, grocers, and general importers and were conducted by them through their stores; many of which were on an extensive scale, and managed, apparently, with much order and regularity. one of the largest commercial houses in kingston has a colored man as a partner, the other two being white. of a large auction and commission firm, the most active and leading partner is a colored man. besides these, there is hardly a respectable house among the white merchants, in which some important office, oftentimes the head clerkship, is not filled by a person of color. they are as much respected in business transactions, and their mercantile talents, their acquaintance with the generalities and details of commerce, and sagacity and judgment in making bargains, are as highly esteemed by the white merchants, as though they wore an european hue. the commercial room is open to them, where they resort unrestrainedly to ascertain the news; and a visitor may not unfrequently see sitting together at a table of newspapers, or conversing together in the parlance of trade, persons as dissimilar in complexion as white and black can make them. in the streets the same intercourse is seen. the general trade of the island is gradually and quietly passing into the hands of the colored people. before emancipation, they seldom reached a higher grade in mercantile life than a clerkship, or, if they commenced business for themselves, they were shackled and confined in their operations by the overgrown and monopolizing establishments which slavery had built up. though the civil and political rights of one class of them were acknowledged three years previous, yet they found they could not, even if they desired it, disconnect themselves from the slaves. they could not transact business--form credits and agencies, and receive the confidence of the commercial public--like free men. strange or not, their fate was inseparably linked with that of the bondman, their interests were considered as involved with his. however honest they might be, it was not safe to trust them; and any attempt to rise above a clerkship, to become the employer instead of the employed, was regarded as a kind of insurrection, and strongly disapproved and opposed. since emancipation, they have been unshackling them selves from white domination in matters of trade; extending their connections, and becoming every day more and more independent. they have formed credits with commercial houses abroad, and now import directly for themselves, at wholesale prices, what they were formerly obliged to receive from white importers, or rather speculators, at such prices as they, in their tender mercies, saw fit to impose. trade is now equalizing itself among all classes. a spirit of competition is awakened, banks have been established, steam navigation introduced, railroads projected, old highways repaired, and new ones opened. the descendants of the slaves are rapidly supplying the places which were formerly filled by whites from abroad. we had the pleasure of being present one day at the sitting of the police court of kingston. mr. jordon, the editor of the watchman, in his turn as a member of the common council, was presiding justice, with an alderman of the city, a black man, as his associate. at a table below them sat the superintendent of police, a white man, and two white attorneys, with their huge law books and green bags before them. the bar was surrounded by a motley assemblage of black, colored, and white faces, intermingled without any regard to hue in the order of superiority and precedence. there were about a dozen cases adjudged while we were present. the court was conducted with order and dignity, and the justices were treated with great respect and deference both by white and black. after the adjournment of the court, we had some conversation with the presiding justice. he informed us that whites were not unfrequently brought before him for trial, and, in spite of his color, sometimes even our own countrymen. he mentioned several instances of the latter, in some of which american prejudice assumed very amusing and ludicrous forms. in one case, he was obliged to threaten the party, a captain from one of our southern ports, with imprisonment for contempt, before he could induce him to behave himself with proper decorum. the captain, unaccustomed to obey injunctions from men of such a complexion, curled his lip in scorn, and showed a spirit of defiance, but on the approach of two police officers, whom the court had ordered to arrest him, he submitted himself. we were gratified with the spirit of good humor and pleasantry with which mr. j. described the astonishment and gaping curiosity which americans manifest on seeing colored men in offices of authority, particularly on the judicial bench, and their evident embarrassment and uneasiness whenever obliged to transact business with them as magistrates. he seemed to regard it as a subject well worthy of ridicule; and we remarked, in our intercourse with the colored people, that they were generally more disposed to make themselves merry with american sensitiveness on this point, than to bring serious complaints against it, though they feel deeply the wrongs which they have suffered from it, and speak of them occasionally with solemnity and earnestness. still the feeling is so absurd and ludicrous in itself, and is exhibited in so many grotesque positions, even when oppressive, that the sufferer cannot help laughing at it. mr. jordon has held his present office since . he has had an extensive opportunity, both as a justice of the police court, and as a member of the jail committee, and in other official stations, to become well acquainted with the state of crime in the island at different periods. he informed us that the number of complaints brought before him had much diminished since , and he had no hesitation in saying, that crime had decreased throughout the island generally more than one third. during one of our excursions into the country, we witnessed another instance of the amicability with which the different colors associated in the civil affairs of the island. it was a meeting of one of the parish vestries, a kind of local legislature, which possesses considerable power over its own territory. there were fifteen members present, and nearly as many different shades of complexion. there was the planter of aristocratic blood, and at his side was a deep mulatto, born in the same parish a slave. there was the quadroon, and the unmitigated hue and unmodified features of the negro. they sat together around a circular table, and conversed as freely as though they had been all of one color. there was no restraint, no uneasiness, as though the parties felt themselves out of place, no assumption nor disrespect, but all the proceedings manifested the most perfect harmony, confidence, and good feeling. at the same time there was a meeting of the parish committee on roads, at which there was the same intermixture of colors, the same freedom and kindness of demeanor, and the same unanimity of action. thus it is with all the political and civil bodies in the island, from the house of assembly, to committees on jails and houses of correction. into all of them, the colored people are gradually making their way, and participating in public debates and public measures, and dividing with the whites legislative and judicial power, and in many cases they exhibit a superiority, and in all cases a respectability, of talents and attainments, and a courtesy and general propriety of conduct, which gain for them the respect of the intelligent and candid among their white associates. we visited the house of correction for the parish of st. andrews. the superintendent received us with the iron-hearted courtesy of a newgate turnkey. our company was evidently unwelcome, but as the friend who accompanied us was a man in authority, he was constrained to admit us. the first sound that greeted us was a piercing outcry from the treadmill. on going to it, we saw a youth of about eighteen hanging in the air by a strap bound to his wrist, and dangling against the wheel in such a manner that every revolution of it scraped the body from the breast to the ankles. he had fallen off from weakness and fatigue, and was struggling and crying in the greatest distress, while the strap, which extended to a pole above and stretched his arm high above his head, held him fast. the superintendent, in a harsh voice, ordered him to be lifted up, and his feet again placed on the wheel. but before he had taken five steps, he again fell off, and was suspended as before. at the same instant, a woman also fell off, and without a sigh or the motion of a muscle, for she was too much exhausted for either, but with a shocking wildness of the eye, hung by her half-dislocated arms against the wheel. as the allotted time (fifteen minutes) had expired, the persons on the wheel were released, and permitted to rest. the boy could hardly stand on the ground. he had a large ulcer on one of his feet, which was much swollen and inflamed, and his legs and body were greatly bruised and peeled by the revolving of the wheel. the gentleman who was with us reproved the superintendent severely for his conduct, and told him to remove the boy from the treadmill gang, and see that proper care was taken of him. the poor woman who fell off, seemed completely exhausted; she tottered to the wall near by, and took up a little babe which we had not observed before. it appeared to be not more than two or three months old, and the little thing stretched out its arms and welcomed its mother. on inquiry, we ascertained that this woman's offence was absence from the field an hour after the required time (six o'clock) in the morning. besides the infant with her, she had two or three other children. whether the care of them was any excuse for her, we leave american mothers to judge. there were two other women on the treadmill--one was sentenced there for stealing cane from her master's field, and the other, we believe, for running away. the superintendent next took us to the solitary cells. they were dirty, and badly ventilated, and unfit to keep beasts in. on opening the doors, such a stench rushed forth, that we could not remain. there was a poor woman in one of them, who appeared, as the light of day and the fresh air burst in upon her, like a despairing maniac. we went through the other buildings, all of which were old and dirty, nay, worse, _filthy_ in the extreme. the whole establishment was a disgrace to the island. the prisoners were poorly clad, and had the appearance of harsh usage. our suspicions of ill treatment were strengthened by noticing a large whip in the treadmill, and sundry iron collars and handcuffs hanging about in the several rooms through which we passed. the number of inmates in this house at our visit, was forty-eight--eighteen of whom were females. twenty of these were in the treadmill and in solitary confinement--the remainder were working on the public road at a little distance--many of them _in irons_--iron collars about their necks, and chains passing between, connecting them together two and two. chapter ii. tour to the country. wishing to accomplish the most that our limited time would allow; we separated at kingston;--the one taking a northwesterly route among the mountainous coffee districts of port royal and st. andrews, and the other going into the parish of st. thomas in the east. st. thomas in the east is said to present the apprenticeship in its most favorable aspects. there is probably no other parish in the island which includes so many fine estates, or has so many liberal-minded planters.[a] a day's easy drive from kingston, brought us to morant bay, where we spent two days, and called on several influential gentlemen, besides visiting the neighboring estate of belvidere. one gentleman whom we met was thomas thomson, esq., the senior local magistrate of the parish, next in civil influence to the custos. his standing may be inferred from the circumstance, (not trifling in jamaica,) that the governor, during his tour of the island, spent a night at his house. we breakfasted with mr. thomson, and at that time, and subsequently, he showed the utmost readiness in furnishing us with information. he is a scotchman, has been in the island for thirty-eight years, and has served as a local magistrate for thirty-four. until very lately, he has been a proprietor of estates; he informed us that he had sold out, but did not mention the reasons. we strongly suspected, from the drift of his conversation, that he sold about the time of abolition, through alarm for the consequences. we early discovered that he was one of the old school tyrants, hostile to the change which _had_ taken place, and dreadfully alarmed in view of that which was yet to come. although full of the prejudices of an old slaveholder, yet we found him a man of strong native sense and considerable intelligence. he declared it most unreservedly as his opinion, that the negroes would not work after --they were _naturally so indolent_, that they would prefer gaining a livelihood in some easier way than by digging cane holes. he had all the results of the emancipation of as clearly before his mind, as though he saw them in prophetic vision; he knew the whole process. one portion of the negroes, too lazy to provide food by their own labor, will rob the provision grounds of the few who will remain at work. the latter will endure the wrong as long as they well can, and then they will procure arms and fire upon the marauders; this will give rise to incessant petty conflicts between the lazy and the industrious, and a great destruction of life will ensue. others will die in vast numbers from starvation; among these will be the superannuated and the young, who cannot support themselves, and whom the planters will not be able to support. others numerous will perish from disease, chiefly for want of medical attendance, which it will be wholly out of their power to provide. such is the dismal picture drawn by a late slaveholder, of the consequences of removing the negroes from the tender mercies of oppressors. happily for all parties, mr. thomson is not very likely to establish his claim to the character of a prophet. we were not at all surprised to hear him wind up his prophecies against freedom with a _denunciation of slavery_. he declared that slavery was a wretched system. man was _naturally a tyrant_. mr. t. said he had one good thing to say of the negroes, viz., that they were an _exceedingly temperate people_. it was a very unusual thing to see one of them drunk. slavery, he said, was a system of _horrid cruelties_. he had lately read, in the history of jamaica, of a planter, in , having a slave's _leg_ cut off, to keep him from running away. he said that dreadful cruelties were perpetrated until the close of slavery, and they were inseparable from slavery. he also spoke of the fears which haunted the slaveholders. he never would live on an estate; and whenever he chanced to stay over night in the country, he always took care to secure his door by bolting and barricading it. at mr. thomson's we met andrew wright, esq., the proprietor of a sugar estate called green wall, situated some six miles from the bay. he is an intelligent gentleman, of an amiable disposition--has on his estate one hundred and sixty apprentices. he described his people as being in a very peaceable state, and as industrious as he could wish. he said he had no trouble with them, and it was his opinion, that where there is trouble, it must be _owing to bad management_. he anticipated no difficulty after , and was confident that his people would not leave him. he believed that the negroes would not to any great extent abandon the cultivation of sugar after . mr. t. stated two facts respecting this enlightened planter, which amply account for the good conduct of his apprentices. one was, that he was an exceedingly kind and amiable man. _he had never been known to have a falling out with any man in his life_. another fact was, that mr. wright was the only resident sugar proprietor in all that region of country. he superintends his own estate, while the other large estates are generally left in the hands of unprincipled, mercenary men. [footnote a: we have the following testimony of sir lionel smith to the superiority of st. thomas in the east. it is taken from the royal gazette, (kingston.) may , . "his excellency has said, that in all his tour he was not more highly gratified with any parish than he was with st. thomas in the east."] we called on the wesleyan missionary at morant bay, rev. mr. crookes, who has been in jamaica fifteen years. mr. c. said, that in many respects there had been a great improvement since the abolition of slavery, but, said he, "i abominate the apprenticeship system. at best, it is only _improved slavery_." the obstacles to religious efforts have been considerably diminished, but the masters were not to be thanked for this; it was owing chiefly to the protection of british law. the apprenticeship, mr. c. thought, could not be any material preparation for freedom. he was persuaded that it would have been far better policy to have granted entire emancipation at once. in company with mr. howell, an independent, and teacher of a school of eighty negro children in morant bay, we drove out to belvidere estate, which is situated about four miles from the bay, in a rich district called the blue mountain valley. the belvidere is one of the finest estates in the valley. it contains two thousand acres, only four hundred of which are cultivated in sugar; the most of it is woodland. this estate belongs to count freeman, an absentee proprietor. we took breakfast with the overseer, or manager, mr. briant. mr. b. stated that there was not so much work done now as there was during slavery. thinks there is _as much done for the length of time that the apprentices are at work_; but a day and a half every week is lost; neither _are they called out as early in the morning, nor do they work as late at night_. the apprentices work at night very cheerfully for money: but they will not work on saturday for the common wages--quarter of a dollar. on inquiry of mr. b. we ascertained that the reason the apprentices did not work on saturdays was, that they could _make twice or three times as much_ by cultivating their provision grounds, and carrying their produce to market. at _night_ they cannot cultivate their grounds, then they work for their masters "very cheerfully." the manager stated, that there had been no disturbance with the people of belvidere since the change. they work well, and conduct themselves peaceably; and he had no fear but that the great body of the negroes would remain on the estate after , and labor as usual. this he thought would be the case on every estate where there _is mild management_. some, indeed, might leave even such estates to _try their fortunes_ elsewhere, but they would soon discover that they could get no better treatment abroad, and they would then return to their old homes. while we were at belvidere, mr. howell took us to see a new chapel which the apprentices of that estate have erected since , by their own labor, and at their own expense. the house is thirty feet by forty; composed of the same materials of which the negro huts are built. we were told that the building of this chapel was first suggested by the apprentices, and as soon as permission was obtained, they commenced the preparations for its erection. we record this as a delightful _sign of the times_. on our return to morant bay, we visited the house of correction, situated near the village. this is the only "institution," as a kingston paper gravely terms it, of the kind in the parish. it is a small, ill-constructed establishment, horribly filthy, more like a receptacle for wild beasts than human beings. there is a treadmill connected with it, made to _accommodate_ fifteen persons at a time. alternate companies ascend the wheel every fifteen minutes. it was unoccupied when we went in; most of the prisoners being at work on the public roads. two or three, who happened to be near by, were called in by the keeper, and ordered to mount the wheel, to show us how it worked. it made our blood run cold as we thought of the dreadful suffering that inevitably ensues, when the foot loses the step, and the body hangs against the revolving cylinder. leaving the house of correction, we proceeded to the village. in a small open square in the centre of it, we saw a number of the unhappy inmates of the house of correction at work under the direction, we are sorry to say, of our friend thomas thomson, esq. they were chained two and two by heavy chains fastened to iron bands around their necks. on another occasion, we saw the same gang at work in the yard attached to the independent chapel. we received a visit, at our lodgings, from the special justice of this district, major baines. he was accompanied by mr. thomson, who came to introduce him as his friend. we were not left to this recommendation alone, suspicious as it was, to infer the character of this magistrate, for we were advertised previously that he was a "planter's man"--unjust and cruel to the apprentices. major b. appeared to have been looking through his friend thomson's prophetic telescope. there was certainly a wonderful coincidence of vision--the same abandonment of labor, the same preying upon provision grounds; the same violence, bloodshed and great loss of life among the negroes themselves! however, the special magistrate appeared to see a little further than the local magistrate, even to the _end_ of the carnage, and to the re-establishment of industry, peace and prosperity. the evil, he was confident, would soon cure itself. one remark of the special magistrate was worthy a prophet. when asked if he thought there would be any serious disaffection produced among the praedials by the emancipation of the non-praedials in , he said, he thought there would not be, and assigned as the reason, that the praedials knew all about the arrangement, and did not _expect to be free_. that is, the field apprentices knew that the domestics were to be liberated two years sooner than they, and, without inquiring into the grounds, or justice of the arrangement, _they would promptly acquiesce in it_! what a fine compliment to the patience and forbearance of the mass of the negroes. the majority see the minority emancipated two years before them, and that, too, upon the ground of an odious distinction which makes the domestic more worthy than they who "bear the heat and burthen of the day," in the open field; and yet they submit patiently, because they are told that it is the pleasure of government that it should be so! the _non-praedials_, too, have their noble traits, as well as the less favored agriculturalists. the special magistrate said that he was then engaged in classifying the apprentices of the different estates in his district. the object of this classification was, to ascertain all those who were non-praedials, that they might be recorded as the subjects of emancipation in . to his astonishment he found numbers of this class who expressed a wish to remain apprentices until . on one estate, six out of eight took this course, on another, twelve out of fourteen, and in some instances, _all_ the non-praedials determined to suffer it out with the rest of their brethren, refusing to accept freedom until with the whole body they could rise up and shout the jubilee of universal disinthrallment. here is a nobility worthy to compare with the patience of the praedials. in connection with the conduct of the non-praedials, he mentioned the following instance of white brutality and negro magnanimity. a planter, whose negroes he was classifying, brought forward a woman whom he claimed as a praedial. the woman declared that she was a non-praedial, and on investigation it was clearly proved that she had always been a domestic; and consequently entitled to freedom in . after the planter's claim was set aside, the woman said, "_now_ i will stay with massa, and be his 'prentice for de udder two year." shortly before we left the bay, our landlady, a colored woman, introduced one of her neighbors, whose conversation afforded us a rare treat. she was a colored lady of good appearance and lady like manners. supposing from her color that she had been prompted by strong sympathy in our objects to seek an interview with us, we immediately introduced the subject of slavery, stating that as we had a vast number of slaves in our country, we had visited jamaica to see how the freed people behaved, with the hope that our countrymen might be encouraged to adopt emancipation. "alack a day!" the tawny madam shook her head, and, with that peculiar creole whine, so expressive of contempt, said, "can't say any thing for you, sir--they not doing no good now, sir--the negroes an't!"--and on she went abusing the apprentices, and denouncing abolition. no american white lady could speak more disparagingly of the niggers, than did this recreant descendant of the negro race. they did no work, they stole, were insolent, insubordinate, and what not. she concluded in the following elegiac strain, which did not fail to touch our sympathies. "i can't tell what will become of us after . our negroes will be taken away from us--we shall find no work to do ourselves--we shall all have to beg, and who shall we beg from? _all will be beggars, and we must starve_!" poor miss l. is one of that unfortunate class who have hitherto gained a meagre support from the stolen hire of a few slaves, and who, after entire emancipation, will be stripped of every thing. this is the class upon whom emancipation will fall most heavily; it will at once cast many out of a situation of ease, into the humiliating dilemma of _laboring or begging_--to the _latter_ of which alternatives, miss l. seems inclined. let miss l. be comforted! it is better to beg than to _steal_. we proceeded from morant bay to bath, a distance of fourteen miles, where we put up at a neat cottage lodging-house, kept by miss p., a colored lady. bath is a picturesque little village, embowered in perpetual green, and lying at the foot of a mountain on one side, and on the other by the margin of a rambling little river. it seems to have accumulated around it and within it, all the verdure and foliage of a tropical clime. having a letter of introduction, we called on the special magistrate for that district--george willis, esq. as we entered his office, an apprentice was led up in irons by a policeman, and at the same time another man rode up with a letter from the master of the apprentice, directing the magistrate to release him instantly. the facts of this case, as mr. w. himself explained them to us, will illustrate the careless manner in which the magistrates administer the law. the master had sent his apprentice to a neighboring estate, where there had been some disturbance, to get his clothes, which had been left there. the overseer of the estate finding an intruder on his property, had him handcuffed forthwith, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that his master had sent him. having handcuffed him, he ordered him to be taken before the special magistrate, mr. w., who had him confined in the station-house all night. mr. w., in pursuance of the direction received from the master, ordered the man to be released, but at the same time repeatedly declared to him that the _overseer was not to blame for arresting him_. after this case was disposed of, mr. w, turned to us. he said he had a district of thirty miles in extent, including five thousand apprentices; these he visited thrice every month. he stated that there had been a gradual decrease of crime since he came to the district, which was early in . for example, in march, , there were but twenty-four persons punished, and in march, , there were as many punished in a single week. he explained this by saying that the apprentices had become _better acquainted with the requirements of the law_. the chief offence at present was _absconding from labor_. this magistrate gave us an account of an alarming rebellion which had lately occurred in his district, which we will venture to notice, since it is the only serious disturbance on the part of the negroes, which has taken place in the island, from the beginning of the apprenticeship. about two weeks before, the apprentices on thornton estate, amounting to about ninety, had refused to work, and fled in a body to the woods, where they still remained. their complaint, according to our informant, was, that their master had turned the cattle upon their provision grounds, and all their provisions were destroyed, so that they could not live. they, therefore, determined that they would not continue at work, seeing they would be obliged to starve. mr. w. stated that he had visited the provision grounds, in company with two _disinterested planters_, and he could affirm that the apprentices had _no just cause of complaint_. it was true their fences had been broken down, and their provisions had been somewhat injured, but the fence could be very easily repaired, and there was an _abundance of yams left_ to furnish food for the whole gang for some time to come--those that were destroyed being chiefly young roots which would not have come to maturity for several months. these statements were the substance of a formal report which he had just prepared for the eye of sir lionel smith, and which he was kind enough to read to us. this was a fine report, truly, to come from a special justice. to say nothing of the short time in which the fence might be repaired, those were surely very dainty-mouthed cattle that would consume those roots only which were so small that several months would be requisite for their maturity. the report concluded with a recommendation to his excellency to take seminary vengeance upon a few of the gang as soon as they could be arrested, since they had set such an example to the surrounding apprentices. he could not see how order and subordination could be preserved in his district unless such a punishment was inflicted as would be a warning to all evil doers. he further suggested the propriety of sending the maroons[a] after them, to hunt them out of their hiding places and bring them to justice. [footnote a: the maroons are free negroes, inhabiting the mountains of the interior, who were formerly hired by the authorities, or by planters, to hunt up runaway slaves, and return them to their masters. unfortunately our own country is not without _its_ maroons.] we chanced to obtain a different version of this affair, which, as it was confirmed by different persons in bath, both white and colored, who had no connection with each other, we cannot help thinking it the true one. the apprentices on thornton, are what is termed a jobbing gang, that is, they are hired out by their master to any planter who may want their services. jobbing is universally regarded by the negroes as the worst kind of service, for many reasons--principally because it often takes them many miles from their homes, and they are still required to supply themselves with food from their own provision grounds. they are allowed to return home every friday evening or saturday, and stay till monday morning. the owner of the gang in question lately died--to whom it is said they were greatly attached--and they passed into the hands of a mr. jocken, the present overseer. jocken is a notoriously cruel man. it was scarcely a twelvemonth ago, that he was fined one hundred pounds currency, and sentenced to imprisonment for three months in the kingston jail, _for tying one of his apprentices to a dead ox_, because the animal died while in the care of the apprentice. he also confined a woman in the same pen with a dead sheep, because she suffered the sheep to die. repeated acts of cruelty have caused jocken to be regarded as a monster in the community. from a knowledge of his character, the apprentices of thornton had a strong prejudice against him. one of the earliest acts after he went among them, was to break down their fences, and turn his cattle into their provision grounds. he then ordered them to go to a distant estate to work. this they refused to do, and when he attempted to compel them to go, they left the estate in a body, and went to the woods. this is what is called a _state of open rebellion_, and for this they were to be hunted like beasts, and to suffer such a terrible punishment as would deter all other apprentices from taking a similar step. this jocken is the same wretch who wantonly handcuffed the apprentice, who went on to his estate by the direction of his master. mr. willis showed us a letter which he had received that morning from a planter in his district, who had just been trying an experiment in job work, (i.e., paying his people so much for a certain amount of work.) he had made a proposition to one of the head men on the estate, that he would give him a doubloon an acre if he would get ten acres of cane land holed. the man employed a large number of apprentices, and accomplished the job on three successive saturdays. they worked at the rate of nearly one hundred holes per day for each man, whereas the usual day's work is only seventy-five holes. mr. w. bore testimony that the great body of the negroes in his district were very peaceable. there were but a few _incorrigible fellows_, that did all the mischief. when any disturbance took place on an estate, he could generally tell who the individual offenders were. he did not think there would be any serious difficulty after . however, the result he thought would _greatly depend on the conduct of the managers!_ we met in bath with the proprietor of a coffee estate situated a few miles in the country. he gave a very favorable account of the people on his estate; stating that they were as peaceable and industrious as he could desire, that he had their confidence, and fully expected to retain it after entire emancipation. he anticipated no trouble whatever, and he felt assured, too, that if _the planters would conduct in a proper manner_, emancipation would be a blessing to the whole colony. we called on the wesleyan missionary, whom we found the decided friend and advocate of freedom. he scrupled not to declare his sentiments respecting the special magistrate, whom he declared to be a cruel and dishonest man. he seemed to take delight in flogging the apprentices. he had got a whipping machine made and erected in front of the episcopal church in the village of bath. it was a frame of a triangular shape, the base of which rested firmly on the ground, and having a perpendicular beam from the base to the apex or angle. to this beam the apprentice's body was lashed, with his face towards the machine, and his arms extended at right angles, and tied by the wrists. the missionary had witnessed the floggings at this machine repeatedly, as it stood but a few steps from his house. before we reached bath, the machine had been removed from its conspicuous place and _concealed in the bushes, that the governor might not see it when he visited the village_. as this missionary had been for several years laboring in the island, and had enjoyed the best opportunities to become extensively acquainted with the negroes, we solicited from him a written answer to a number of inquiries. we make some extracts from his communication. . have the facilities for missionary effort greatly increased since the abolition of slavery? the opportunities of the apprentices to attend the means of grace are greater than during absolute slavery. they have now one day and a half every week to work for their support, leaving the sabbath free to worship god. . do you anticipate that these facilities will increase still more after entire freedom? yes. the people will then have _six days of their own to labor for their bread_, and will be at liberty to go to the house of god every sabbath. under the present system, the magistrate often takes away the saturday, as a punishment, and then they must either work on the sabbath or starve. . are the negroes likely to revenge by violence the wrongs which they have suffered, after they obtain their freedom? _i never heard the idea suggested, nor should i have thought of it had you not made the inquiry._ we called on mr. rogers, the teacher of a mico charity infant school in bath. mr. r., his wife and daughter, are all engaged in this work. they have a day school, and evening school three evenings in the week, and sabbath school twice each sabbath. the evening schools are for the benefit of the adult apprentices, who manifest the greatest eagerness to learn to read. after working all day, they will come several miles to school, and stay cheerfully till nine o'clock. mr. r. furnished us with a written communication, from which we extract the following. _quest._ are the apprentices desirous of being instructed? _ans._ most assuredly they are; in proof of which i would observe that since our establishment in bath, the people not only attend the schools regularly, but if they obtain a leaf of a book with letters upon it, that is their _constant companion_. we have found mothers with their sucking babes in their arms, standing night after night in their classes learning the alphabet. _q._ are the negroes grateful for attentions and favors? _a._ they are; i have met some who have been so much affected by acts of kindness, that they have burst into tears, exclaiming, 'massa so kind--my heart full.' their affection to their teachers is very remarkable. on my return lately from kingston, after a temporary absence, the negroes flocked to our residence and surrounded the chaise, saying, 'we glad to see massa again; we glad to see school massa.' on my way through an estate some time ago, some of the children observed me, and in a transport of joy cried, 'thank god, massa come again! bless god de savior, massa come again!' mr. r., said he, casually met with an apprentice whose master had lately died. the man was in the habit of visiting his master's grave every saturday. he said to mr. r., "me go to massa grave, and de water come into me yeye; but me can't help it, massa, _de water will come into me yeye_." the wesleyan missionary told us, that two apprentices, an aged man and his daughter, a young woman, had been brought up by their master before the special magistrate who sentenced them to several days confinement in the house of correction at morant bay and to dance the treadmill. when the sentence was passed the daughter entreated that she might be allowed to _do her father's part_, as well as her own, on the treadmill, for he was too old to dance the wheel--it would kill him. from bath we went into the plantain garden river valley, one of the richest and most beautiful savannahs in the island. it is an extensive plain, from one to three miles wide, and about six miles long. the plantain garden river, a small stream, winds through the midst of the valley lengthwise, emptying into the sea. passing through the valley, we went a few miles south of it to call on alexander barclay, esq., to whom we had a letter of introduction. mr. barclay is a prominent member of the assembly, and an attorney for eight estates. he made himself somewhat distinguished a few years ago by writing an octavo volume of five hundred pages in defence of the colonies, i.e., in defence of colonial slavery. it was a reply to stephen's masterly work against west india slavery, and was considered by the jamaicans a triumphant vindication of their "peculiar institutions." we went several miles out of our route expressly to have an interview with so zealous and celebrated a champion of slavery. we were received with marked courtesy by mr. b., who constrained us to spend a day and night with him at his seat at fairfield. one of the first objects that met our eye in mr. b.'s dining hall was a splendid piece of silver plate, which was presented to him by the planters of st. thomas in the east, in consideration of his able defence of colonial slavery. we were favorably impressed with mr. b.'s intelligence, and somewhat so with his present sentiments respecting slavery. we gathered from him that he had resisted with all his might the anti-slavery measures of the english government, and exerted every power to prevent the introduction of the apprenticeship system. after he saw that slavery would inevitably be abolished, he drew up at length a plan of emancipation according to which the condition of the slave was to be commuted into that of the old english _villein_--he was to be made an appendage to _the soil_ instead of the "chattel personal" of the master, the whip was to be partially abolished, a modicum of wages was to be allowed the slave, and so on. there was to be no fixed period when this system would terminate, but it was to fade gradually and imperceptibly into entire freedom. he presented a copy of his scheme to the then governor, the earl of mulgrave, requesting that it might be forwarded to the home government. mr. b. said that the anti-slavery party in england had acted from the blind impulses of religious fanaticism, and had precipitated to its issue a work which required many years of silent preparation in order to its safe accomplishment. he intimated that the management of abolition ought to have been left with the colonists; they had been the long experienced managers of slavery, and they were the only men qualified to superintend its burial, and give it a decent interment. he did not think that the apprenticeship afforded any clue to the dark mystery of . apprenticeship was so inconsiderably different from slavery, that it furnished no more satisfactory data for judging of the results of entire freedom than slavery itself. neither would he consent to be comforted by the actual results of emancipation in antigua. taking leave of mr. barclay, we returned to the plantain garden river valley, and called at the golden grove, one of the most splendid estates in that magnificent district. this is an estate of two thousand acres; it has five hundred apprentices and one hundred free children. the average annual crop is six hundred hogsheads of sugar. thomas mccornock, esq., the attorney of this estate, is the custos, or chief magistrate of the parish, and colonel of the parish militia. there is no man in all the parish of greater consequence, either in fact or in seeming self-estimation, than thomas mccornock, esq. he is a scotchman, as is also mr. barclay. the custos received us with as much freedom as the dignity of his numerous offices would admit of. the overseer, (manager,) mr. duncan, is an intelligent, active, business man, and on any other estate than golden grove, would doubtless be a personage of considerable distinction. he conducted us through the numerous buildings, from the boiling-house to the pig-stye. the principal complaint of the overseer, was that he could not make the people work to any good purpose. they were not at all refractory or disobedient; there was no difficulty in getting them on to the field; but when they were there, they moved without any life or energy. they took no interest in their work, and he was obliged to be watching and scolding them all the time, or else they would do nothing. we had not gone many steps after this observation, before we met with a practical illustration of it. a number of the apprentices had been ordered that morning to cart away some dirt to a particular place. when we approached them, mr. d. found that one of the "wains" was standing idle. he inquired of the driver why he was keeping the team idle. the reply was, that there was nothing there for it to do; there were enough other wains to carry away all the dirt. "then," inquired the overseer with an ill-concealed irritation, "why did not go to some other work?" the overseer then turned to us and said, "you see, sir, what lazy dogs the apprentices are--this is the way they do every day, if they are not closely watched." it was not long after this little incident, before the overseer remarked that the apprentices worked very well during their own time, _when they were paid for it_. when we went into the hospital, mr. d. directed out attention to one fact, which to him was very provoking. a great portion of the patients that come in during the week, unable to work, are in the habit of getting well on friday evening, so that they can go out on saturday and sunday; but on monday morning they are sure to be sick again, then they return to the hospital and remain very poorly till friday evening, when they get well all at once, and ask permission to go out. the overseer saw into the trick; but he could find no medicine that could cure the negroes of that intermittent sickness. the antigua planters discovered the remedy for it, and doubtless mr. d. will make the grand discovery in . on returning to the "great house," we found the custos sitting in state, ready to communicate any official information which might be called for. he expressed similar sentiments in the main, with those of mr. barclay. he feared for the consequences of complete emancipation; the negroes would to a great extent abandon the sugar cultivation and retire to the woods, there to live in idleness, planting merely yams enough to keep them alive, and in the process of time, retrograding into african barbarism. the attorney did not see how it was possible to prevent this. when asked whether he expected that such would be the case with the negroes on golden grove, he replied that he did not think it would, except with a very few persons. his people had been _so well treated_, and had _so many comforts_, that they would not be at all likely to abandon the estate! [mark that!] whose are the people that will desert after ? not thomas mccornock's, esq.! _they are too well situated. whose_ then will desert? _mr. jocken's_, or in other words, those who are ill-treated, who are cruelly driven, whose fences are broken down, and whose provision grounds are exposed to the cattle. they, and they alone, will retire to the woods who can't get food any where else! the custos thought the apprentices were behaving very ill. on being asked if he had any trouble with his, he said, o, no! his apprentices did quite well, and so did the apprentices generally, in the plantain garden river valley. but in _far off parishes_, he _heard_ that they were very refractory and troublesome. the custos testified that the negroes were very easily managed. he said he had often thought that he would rather have the charge of six hundred negroes, than of two hundred english sailors. he spoke also of the temperate habits of the negroes. he had been in the island twenty-two years, and he had never seen a negro woman drunk, on the estate. it was very seldom that the men got drunk. there were not more than ten men on golden grove, out of a population of five hundred, who were in the habit of occasionally getting intoxicated. he also remarked that the negroes were a remarkable people for their attention to the old and infirm among them; they seldom suffered them to want, if it was in their power to supply them. among other remarks of the custos, was this sweeping declaration--"_no man in his senses can pretend to defend slavery._" after spending a day at golden grove, we proceeded to the adjacent estate of amity hall. on entering the residence of the manager, mr. kirkland, we were most gratefully surprised to find him engaged in family prayers. it was the first time and the last that we heard the voice of prayer in a jamaican planter's house. we were no less gratefully surprised to see a white lady, to whom we were introduced as mrs. kirkland, and several modest and lovely little children. it was the first and the last _family circle_ that we were permitted to see among the planters of that licentious colony. the motley group of colored children--of every age from tender infancy--which we found on other estates, revealed the state of domestic manners among the planters. mr. k. regarded the abolition of slavery as a great blessing to the colony; it was true that the apprenticeship was a wretchedly bad system, but notwithstanding, things moved smoothly on his estate. he informed us that the negroes on amity hall had formerly borne the character of being the _worst gang in the parish_; and when he first came to the estate, he found that half the truth had not been told of them; but they had become remarkably peaceable and subordinate. it was his policy to give them every comfort that he possibly could. mr. k. made the same declaration, which has been so often repeated in the course of this narrative, i.e., that if any of the estates were abandoned, it would be owing to the harsh treatment of the people. he knew many overseers and book-keepers who were cruel driving men, and he should not be surprised if _they_ lost a part, or all, of their laborers. he made one remark which we had not heard before. there were some estates, he said, which would probably be abandoned, for the same reason that they ought never to have been cultivated, because they require _almost double labor_;--such are the mountainous estates and barren, worn-out properties, which nothing but a system of forced labor could possibly retain in cultivation. but the idea that the negroes generally would leave their comfortable homes, and various privileges on the estates, and retire to the wild woods, he ridiculed as preposterous in the extreme. mr. k. declared repeatedly that he could not look forward to , but with the most sanguine hopes; he confidently believed that the introduction of complete freedom would be the _regeneration of the island_. he alluded to the memorable declaration of lord belmore, (made memorable by the excitement which it caused among the colonists,) in his valedictory address to the assembly, on the eve of his departure for england.[a] "gentlemen," said he, "the resources of this noble island will never be fully developed until slavery is abolished!" for this manly avowal the assembly ignobly refused him the usual marks of respect and honor at his departure. mr. k. expected to see jamaica become a new world under the enterprise and energies of freedom. there were a few disaffected planters, who would probably remain so, and leave the islands after emancipation. it would be a blessing to the country if such men left it, for as long as they were disaffected, they were the enemies of its prosperity. [footnote a: lord belmore left the government of jamaica, a short time before the abolition act passed in parliament.] mr. k. conducted us through the negro quarters, which are situated on the hill side, nearly a mile from his residence. we went into several of the houses; which were of a better style somewhat than the huts in antigua and barbadoes--larger, better finished and furnished. some few of them had verandahs or porches on one or more sides, after the west india fashion, closed in with _jalousies_. in each of the houses to which we were admitted, there was one apartment fitted up in a very neat manner, with waxed floor, a good bedstead, and snow white coverings, a few good chairs, a mahogany sideboard, ornamented with dishes, decanters, etc. from amity hall, we drove to manchioneal, a small village ten miles north of the plantain garden river valley. we had a letter to the special magistrate for that district, r. chamberlain, esq., a colored gentleman, and the first magistrate we found in the parish of st. thomas in the east, who was faithful to the interests of the apprentices. he was a boarder at the public house, where we were directed for lodgings, and as we spent a few days in the village, we had opportunities of obtaining much information from him, as well as of attending some of his courts. mr. c. had been only five months in the district of manchioneal, having been removed thither from a distant district. being a friend of the apprentices, he is hated and persecuted by the planters. he gave us a gloomy picture of the oppressions and cruelties of the planters. their complaints brought before him are often of the most trivial kind; yet because he does not condemn the apprentices to receive a punishment which the most serious offences alone could justify him in inflicting, they revile and denounce him as unfit for his station. he represents the planters as not having the most distant idea that it is the province of the special magistrate to secure justice to the apprentice; but they regard it as his sole duty to _help them_ in getting from the laborers as much work as whips, and chains, and tread-wheels can extort. his predecessor, in the manchioneal district, answered perfectly to the planters' _beau ideal_. he ordered a _cat_ to be kept on every estate in his district, to be ready for use as he went around on his weekly visits. every week he inspected the cats, and when they became too much worn to do good execution, he _condemned_ them, and ordered new ones to be made. mr. c. said the most frequent complaints made by the planters are for _insolence_. he gave a few specimens of what were regarded by the planters as serious offences. an overseer will say to his apprentice, "work along there faster, you lazy villain, or i'll strike you;" the apprentice will reply, "you _can't_ strike me now," and for this he is taken before the magistrate on the complaint of _insolence_. an overseer, in passing the gang on the field, will hear them singing; he will order them, in a peremptory tone to stop instantly, and if they continue singing, they are complained of for _insubordination_. an apprentice has been confined to the hospital with disease,--when he gets able to walk, tired of the filthy sick house, he hobbles to his hut, where he may have the attentions of his wife until he gets well. that is called _absconding from labor_! where the magistrate does not happen to be an independent man, the complaint is sustained, and the poor invalid is sentenced to the treadmill for absenting himself from work. it is easy to conjecture the dreadful consequence. the apprentice, debilitated by sickness, dragged off twenty-five miles on foot to morant bay, mounted on the wheel, is unable to keep the step with the stronger ones, slips off and hangs by the wrists, and his flesh is mangled and torn by the wheel. the apprentices frequently called at our lodgings to complain to mr. c. of the hard treatment of their masters. among the numerous distressing cases which we witnessed, we shall never forget that of a poor little negro boy, of about twelve, who presented himself one afternoon before mr. c., with a complaint against his master for violently beating him. a gash was cut in his head, and the blood had flowed freely. he fled from his master, and came to mr. c. for refuge. he belonged to a. ross, esq., of mulatto run estate. we remembered that we had a letter of introduction to that planter, and we had designed visiting him, but after witnessing this scene, we resolved not to go near a monster who could inflict such a wound, with his own hand, upon a child. we were highly gratified with the kind and sympathizing manner in which mr. c. spoke with the unfortunate beings who, in the extremity of their wrongs, ventured to his door. at the request of the magistrate we accompanied him, on one occasion, to the station-house, where he held a weekly court. we had there a good opportunity to observe the hostile feelings of the planters towards this faithful officer--"faithful among the faithless," (though we are glad that we cannot quite add, "_only he_.") a number of managers, overseers, and book-keepers, assembled; some with complaints, and some to have their apprentices classified. they all set upon the magistrate like bloodhounds upon a lone stag. they strove together with one accord, to subdue his independent spirit by taunts, jeers, insults, intimidations and bullyings. he was obliged to threaten one of the overseers with arrest, on account of his abusive conduct. we were actually amazed at the intrepidity of the magistrate. we were convinced from what we saw that day, that only the most fearless and conscientious men could be _faithful magistrates_ in jamaica. mr. c. assured us that he met with similar indignities every time he held his courts, and on most of the estates that he visited. it was in his power to punish them severely, but he chose to use all possible forbearance, so as not to give the planters any grounds of complaint. on a subsequent day we accompanied mr. c. in one of his estate visits. as it was late in the afternoon, he called at but one estate, the name of which was williamsfield. mr. gordon, the overseer of williamsfield, is among the fairest specimens of planters. he has naturally a generous disposition, which, like that of mr. kirkland, has out-lived the witherings of slavery. he informed us that his people worked as well under the apprenticeship system, as ever they did during slavery; and he had every encouragement that they would do still better after they were completely free. he was satisfied that he should be able to conduct his estate at much less expense after ; he thought that fifty men would do as much then as a hundred do now. we may add here a similar remark of mr. kirkland--that forty freemen would accomplish as much as eighty slaves. mr. gordon hires his people on saturdays, and he expressed his astonishment at the increased vigor with which they worked when they were to receive wages. he pointedly condemned the driving system which was resorted to by many of the planters. they foolishly endeavored to keep up the coercion of slavery, _and they had the special magistrates incessantly flogging the apprentices_. the planters also not unfrequently take away the provision grounds from their apprentices, and in every way oppress and harass them. in the course of the conversation mr. g. accidentally struck upon a fresh vein of facts, respecting the slavery of book-keepers,[a] _under the old system_. the book-keepers, said mr. g., were the complete slaves of the overseers, who acted like despots on the estates. they were mostly young men from england, and not unfrequently had considerable refinement; but ignorant of the treatment which book-keepers had to submit to, and allured by the prospect of becoming wealthy by plantership, they came to jamaica and entered as candidates. they soon discovered the cruel bondage in which they were involved. the overseers domineered over them, and stormed at them as violently as though they were the most abject slaves. they were allowed no privileges such as their former habits impelled them to seek. if they played a flute in the hearing of the overseer, they were commanded to be silent instantly. if they dared to put a gold ring on their finger, even that trifling pretension to gentility was detected and disallowed by the jealous overseer. (these things were specified by mr. g. himself.) they were seldom permitted to associate with the overseers as equals. the only thing which reconciled the book-keepers to this abject state, was the reflection that they might one day _possibly_ become overseers themselves, and then they could exercise the same authority over others. in addition to this degradation, the book-keepers suffered great hardships. every morning (during slavery) they were obliged to be in the field before day; they had to be there as soon as the slaves, in order to call the roll, and mark absentees, if any. often mr. g. and the other gentleman had gone to the field, when it was so dark that they could not see to call the roll, and the negroes have all lain down on their hoes, and slept till the light broke. sometimes there would be a thick dew on the ground, and the air was so cold and damp, that they would be completely chilled. when they were shivering on the ground, the negroes would often lend them their blankets, saying, "poor _busha pickaninny_ sent out here from england to die." mr. gordon said that his constitution had been permanently injured by such exposure. many young men, he said, had doubtless been killed by it. during crop time, the book-keepers had to be up every night till twelve o'clock, and every other night _all night_, superintending the work in the boiling-house, and at the mill. they did not have rest even on the sabbath; they must have the mill put about (set to the wind so as to grind) by sunset every sabbath. often the mills were in the wind before four o'clock, on sabbath afternoon. they knew of slaves being flogged for not being on the spot by sunset, though it was known that they had been to meeting. mr. g. said that he had a young friend who came from england with him, and acted as book-keeper. his labors and exposures were so intolerable, that he had often said to mr. g., confidentially, _that if the slaves should rise in rebellion, he would most cheerfully join them_! said mr. g., _there was great rejoicing_ among the book-keepers in august ! _the abolition of slavery was_ emancipation to the book-keepers. [footnote a: the book-keepers are subordinate overseers and drivers; they are generally young white men, who after serving a course of years in a sort of apprenticeship, are promoted to managers of estates.] no complaints were brought before mr. chamberlain. mr. gordon pleasantly remarked when we arrived, that he had some cases which he should have presented if the magistrate had come a little earlier, but he presumed he should forget them before his next visit. when we left williamsfield, mr. c. informed us that during five months there had been but two cases of complaint on that estate--and but _a single instance of punishment._ such are the results where there is a good manager and a good special magistrate. on sabbath we attended service in the baptist chapel, of which rev. mr. kingdon is pastor. the chapel, which is a part of mr. k.'s dwelling-house, is situated on the summit of a high mountain which overlooks the sea. as seen from the valley below, it appears to topple on the very brink of a frightful precipice. it is reached by a winding tedious road, too rugged to admit of a chaise, and in some places so steep as to try the activity of a horse. as we approached nearer, we observed the people climbing up in throngs by various footpaths, and halting in the thick woods which skirted the chapel, the men to put on their shoes, which they had carried in their hands up the mountain, and the women to draw on their white stockings and shoes. on entering the place of worship, we found it well filled with the apprentices, who came from many miles around in every direction. the services had commenced when we arrived. we heard an excellent sermon from the devoted and pious missionary, mr. kingdon, whose praise is among all the good throughout the island, and who is eminently known as the negro's friend. after the sermon, we were invited to make a few remarks; and the minister briefly stated to the congregation whence we had come, and what was the object of our visit. we cannot soon forget the scene which followed. we begun by expressing, in simple terms, the interest which we felt in the temporal and spiritual concerns of the people present, and scarcely had we uttered a sentence when the whole congregation were filled with emotion. soon they burst into tears--some sobbed, others cried aloud; insomuch that for a time we were unable to proceed. we were, indeed, not a little astonished at so unusual a scene; it was a thing which we were by no means expecting to see. being at a loss to account for it, we inquired of mr. k. afterwards, who told us that it was occasioned by our expressions of sympathy and regard. they were so unaccustomed to hear such language from the lips of white people, that it fell upon them like rain upon the parched earth. the idea that one who was a stranger and a foreigner should feel an interest in their welfare, was to them, in such circumstances, peculiarly affecting, and stirred the deep fountains of their hearts. after the services, the missionary, anxious to further our objects, proposed that we should hold an interview with a number of the apprentices; and he accordingly invited fifteen of them into his study, and introduced them to us by name, stating also the estates to which they severally belonged. we had thus an opportunity of seeing the _representatives of twelve different estates_, men of trust on their respective estates, mostly constables and head boilers. for nearly two hours we conversed with these men, making inquiries on all points connected with slavery, the apprenticeship, and the expected emancipation. from no interview, during our stay in the colonies, did we derive so much information respecting the real workings of the apprenticeship; from none did we gain such an insight into the character and disposition of the negroes. the company was composed of intelligent and pious men;--so manly and dignified were they in appearance, and so elevated in their sentiments, that we could with difficulty realize that they were _slaves_. they were wholly unreserved in their communications, though they deeply implicated their masters, the special magistrates, and others in authority. it is not improbable that they would have shrunk from some of the disclosures which they made, had they known that they would be published. nevertheless we feel assured that in making them public, we shall not betray the informants, concealing as we do their names and the estates to which they belong. with regard to the wrongs and hardships of the apprenticeship much as said; we can only give a small part. their masters were often very harsh with them, more so than when they were slaves. they could not flog them, but they would scold them, and swear at them, and call them hard names, which hurt their feelings almost as much as it would if they were to flog them. they would not allow them as many privileges as they did formerly. sometimes they would take their provision grounds away, and sometimes they would go on their grounds and carry away provisions for their own use without paying for them, or as much as asking their leave. they had to bear this, for it was useless to complain--they could get no justice; there was no law in manchioneal. the special magistrate would only hear the master, and would not allow the apprentices to say any thing for themselves[a]. the magistrate would do just as the busha (master) said. if he say flog him, he flog him; if he say, send him to morant bay, (to the treadmill,) de magistrate send him. if we happen to laugh before de busha, he complain to de magistrate, and we get licked. if we go to a friend's house, when we hungry, to get something to eat, and happen to get lost in de woods between, we are called runaways, and are punished severely. our half friday is taken away from us; we must give that time to busha for a little salt-fish, which was always allowed us during slavery. if we lay in bed after six o'clock, they take away our saturday too. if we lose a little time from work, they make us pay a great deal more time. they stated, and so did several of the missionaries, that the loss of the half friday was very serious to them; as it often rendered it impossible for them to get to meeting on sunday. the whole work of cultivating their grounds, preparing their produce for sale, carrying it to the distant market, (morant bay, and sometimes further,) and returning, all this was, by the loss of the friday afternoon, crowded into saturday, and it was often impossible for them to get back from market before sabbath morning; then they had to dress and go six or ten miles further to chapel, or stay away altogether, which, from weariness and worldly cares, they would be strongly tempted to do. this they represented as being a grievous thing to them. said one of the men; in a peculiarly solemn and earnest manner, while the tears stood in his eyes, "i declare to you, massa, if de lord spare we to be free, we be much more 'ligiours--_we be wise to many more tings_; we be better christians; because den we have all de sunday for go to meeting. but now de holy time taken up in work for we food." these words were deeply impressed upon us by the intense earnestness with which they were spoken. they revealed "the heart's own bitterness." there was also a lighting up of joy and hope in the countenance of that child of god, as he looked forward to the time when he might become _wise to many more tings_. [footnote a: we would observe, that they did not refer to mr. chamberlain, but to another magistrate, whose name they mentioned.] they gave a heart-sickening account of the cruelties of the treadmill. they spoke of the apprentices having their wrists tied to the handboard, and said it was very common for them to fall and hang against the wheel. some who had been sent to the treadmill, had actually died from the injuries they there received. they were often obliged to see their wives dragged off to morant bay, and tied to the treadmill, even when they were in a state of pregnancy. they suffered a great deal of misery from _that; but they could not help it_. sometimes it was a wonder to themselves how they could endure all the provocations and sufferings of the apprenticeship; _it was only "by de mercy of god_!" they were asked why they did not complain to the special magistrates. they replied, that it did no good, for the magistrates would not take any notice of their complaints, besides, it made the masters treat them still worse. said one, "we go to de magistrate to complain, and den when we come back de busha do all him can to vex us. he _wingle_ (tease) us, and _wingle_ us; de book-keeper curse us and treaten us; de constable he scold us, and call hard names, and dey all strive to make we mad, so we say someting wrong, and den dey take we to de magistrate for insolence." such was the final consequence of complaining to the magistrate. we asked them why they did not complain, when they had a good magistrate who would do them justice. their answer revealed a new fact. they were afraid to complain to a magistrate, who they knew was their friend, _because their masters told them that the magistrate would soon be changed, and another would come who would flog them; and that for every time they dared to complain to the good magistrate, they would be flogged when the bad one came_. they said their masters had explained it all to them long ago. we inquired of them particularly what course they intended to take when they should become free. we requested them to speak, not only with reference to themselves, but of the apprentices generally, as far as they knew their views. they said the apprentices expected to work on the estates, if they were allowed to do so. they had no intention of leaving work. nothing would cause them to leave their estates but bad treatment; if their masters were harsh, they would go to another estate, where they would get better treatment. they would be _obliged_ to work when they were free; even more than now, for _then_ they would have no other dependence. one tried to prove to us by reasoning, that the people would work when they were free. said he, "in slavery time we work _even_ wid de whip, now we work 'till better--_what tink we will do when we free? won't_ we work den, _when we get paid_?" he appealed to us so earnestly, that we could not help acknowledging we were fully convinced. however, in order to establish the point still more clearly, he stated some facts, such as the following: during slavery, it took six men to tend the coppers in boiling sugar, and it was thought that fewer could not possibly do the work; but now, since the boilers are paid for their extra time, the work is monopolized by _three_ men. they _would not have any help_; they did all the work "_dat dey might get all de pay_." we sounded them thoroughly on their views of law and freedom. we inquired whether they expected to be allowed to do as they pleased when they were free. on this subject they spoke very rationally. said one, "we could never live widout de law; (we use, his very expressions) we must have some law when we free. in other countries, where dey are free, _don't_ dey have law? wouldn't dey shoot one another if they did not have law?" thus they reasoned about freedom. their chief complaint against the apprenticeship was, that it did not allow them _justice_. "_there was no law now_." they had been told by the governor, that there was the same law for all the island; but they knew better, for there was more justice done them in some districts than in others. some of their expressions indicated very strongly the characteristic kindness of the negro. they would say, we work now as well as we can _for the sake of peace; any thing for peace_. don't want to be complained of to the magistrate; don't like to be called hard names--do any thing to keep peace. such expressions were repeatedly made. we asked them what they thought of the domestics being emancipated in , while they had to remain apprentices two years longer? they said, "it bad enough--but we know de law make it so, and _for peace sake_, we will be satisfy. _but we murmur in we minds_." we asked what they expected to do with the old and infirm, after freedom? they said, "we will support dem--as how dey brought us up when we was pickaninny, and now we come trong, must care for dem." in such a spirit did these apprentices discourse for two hours. they won greatly upon our sympathy and respect. the touching story of their wrongs, the artless unbosoming of their hopes, their forgiving spirit toward their masters, their distinct views of their own rights, their amiable bearing under provocation, their just notions of law, and of a state of freedom--these things were well calculated to excite our admiration for them, and their companions in suffering. having prayed with the company, and commended them to the grace of god, and the salvation of jesus christ, we shook hands with them individually, and separated from them, never more to see them, until we meet at the bar of god. while one of us was prosecuting the foregoing inquiries in st. thomas in the east, the other was performing a horse-back tour among the mountains of st. andrews and port royal. we had been invited by stephen bourne, esq., special magistrate for one of the rural districts in those parishes, to spend a week in his family, and accompany him in his official visits to the plantations embraced in his commission--an invitation we were very glad to accept, as it laid open to us at the same time three important sources of information,--the magistrate, the planter, and the apprentice. the sun was just rising as we left kingston, and entered the high road. the air, which the day before had been painfully hot and stived, was cool and fresh, and from flowers and spice-trees, on which the dew still lay, went forth a thousand fragrant exhalations. our course for about six miles, lay over the broad, low plain, which spreads around kingston, westward to the highlands of st. andrews, and southward beyond spanishtown. all along the road, and in various directions in the distance, were seen the residences--uncouthly termed 'pens'--of merchants and gentlemen of wealth, whose business frequently calls them to town. unlike barbadoes, the fields here were protected by walls and hedges, with broad gateways and avenues leading to the house. we soon began to meet here and there, at intervals, person going to the market with fruits and provisions. the number continually increased, and at the end of an hour, they could be seen trudging over the fields, and along the by-paths and roads, on every hand. some had a couple of stunted donkeys yoked to a ricketty cart,--others had mules with pack-saddles--but the many loaded their own heads, instead of the donkeys and mules. most of them were well dressed, and all civil and respectful in their conduct. invigorated by the mountain air, and animated by the novelty and grandeur of the mountain scenery, through which we had passed, we arrived at 'grecian regale' in season for an early west indian breakfast, ( o'clock.) mr. bourne's district is entirely composed of coffee plantations, and embraces three thousand apprentices. the people on coffee plantations are not worked so hard as those employed on sugar estates; but they are more liable to suffer from insufficient food and clothing. after breakfast we accompanied mr. bourne on a visit to the plantations, but there were no complaints either from the master or apprentice, except on one. here mr. b. was hailed by a hoary-headed man, sitting at the side of his house. he said that he was lame and sick, and could not work, and complained that his master did not give him any food. all he had to eat was given him by a relative. as the master was not at home, mr. b. could not attend to the complaint at that time, but promised to write the master about it in the course of the day. he informed us that the aged and disabled were very much neglected under the apprenticeship. when the working days are over, the profit days are over, and how few in any country are willing to support an animal which is past labor? if these complaints are numerous under the new system, when magistrates are all abroad to remedy them, what must it have been during slavery, when master and magistrate were the same! on one of the plantations we called at the house of an emigrant, of which some hundreds have been imported from different parts of europe, since emancipation. he had been in the island eighteen months, and was much dissatisfied with his situation. the experiment of importing whites to jamaica as laborers, has proved disastrous--an unfortunate speculation to all parties, and all parties wish them back again. we had some conversation with several apprentices, who called on mr. bourne for advice and aid. they all thought the apprenticeship very hard, but still, on the whole, liked it better than slavery. they "were killed too bad,"--that was their expression--during slavery--were worked hard and terribly flogged. they were up ever so early and late--went out in the mountains to work, when so cold busha would have to cover himself up on the ground. had little time to eat, or go to meeting. 'twas all slash, slash! now they couldn't be flogged, unless the magistrate said so. still the busha was very hard to them, and many of the apprentices run away to the woods, they are so badly used. the next plantation which we visited was dublin castle. it lies in a deep valley, quite enclosed by mountains. the present attorney has been in the island nine years, and is attorney for several other properties. in england he was a religious man, and intimately acquainted with the eccentric irving. for a while after he came out he preached to the slaves, but having taken a black concubine, and treating those under his charge oppressively, he soon obtained a bad character among the blacks, and his meetings were deserted. he is now a most passionate and wicked man, having cast off even the show of religion. mr. b. visited dublin castle a few weeks since, and spent two days in hearing complaints brought against the manager and book-keeper by the apprentices. he fined the manager, for different acts of oppression, one hundred and eight dollars. the attorney was present during the whole time. near the close of the second day he requested permission to say a few words, which was granted. he raised his hands and eyes in the most agonized manner, as though passion was writhing within, and burst forth--"o, my god! my god! has it indeed come to this! am i to be arraigned in this way? is my conduct to be questioned by these people? is my authority to be destroyed by the interference of stranger? o, my god!" and he fell back into the arms of his book-keeper, and was carried out of the room in convulsions. the next morning we started on another excursion, for the purpose of attending the appraisement of an apprentice belonging to silver hill, a plantation about ten miles distant from grecian regale. we rode but a short distance in the town road, when we struck off into a narrow defile by a mule-path, and pushed into the very heart of the mountains. we felt somewhat timid at the commencement of our excursion among these minor andes, but we gained confidence as we proceeded, and finding our horse sure-footed and quite familiar with mountain paths, we soon learned to gallop, without fear, along the highest cliffs, and through the most dangerous passes. we were once put in some jeopardy by a drove of mules, laden with coffee. we fortunately saw them, as they came round the point of a hill, at some distance, in season to secure ourselves in a little recess where the path widened. on they came, cheered by the loud cries of their drivers, and passed rapidly forward, one after another, with the headlong stupidity which animals, claiming more wisdom than quadrupeds, not unfrequently manifest. when they came up to us, however, they showed that they were not unaccustomed to such encounters, and, although the space between us and the brow of the precipice, was not three feet wide, they all contrived to sway their bodies and heavy sacks in such a manner as to pass us safely, except one. he, more stupid or more unlucky than the rest, struck us a full broad-side as he went by jolting us hard against the hill, and well-nigh jolting himself down the craggy descent into the abyss below. one leg hung a moment over the precipice, but the poor beast suddenly threw his whole weight forward, and by a desperate leap, obtained sure foothold in the path, and again trudged along with his coffee-bags. on our way we called at two plantations, but found no complaints. at one of them we had some conversation with the overseer. he has on it one hundred and thirty apprentices, and produces annually thirty thousand pounds of coffee. he informed us that he was getting along well. his people are industrious and obedient, as much so, to say the least, as under the old system. the crop this year is not so great as usual, on account of the severe drought. his plantation was never better cultivated. besides the one hundred and thirty apprentices, there are forty free children, who are supported by their parents. none of them will work for hire, or in any way put themselves under his control, as the parents fear there is some plot laid for making them apprentices, and through that process reducing them to slavery. he thinks this feeling will continue till the apprenticeship is entirely broken up, and the people begin to feel assured of complete freedom, when it will disappear. we reached silver hill about noon. this plantation contains one hundred and ten apprentices, and is under the management of a colored man, who has had charge of it seven years. he informed us that it was under as good cultivation now as it was before emancipation. his people are easily controlled. very much depends on the conduct of the overseer. if he is disposed to be just and kind, the apprentices are sure to behave well; if he is harsh and severe, and attempts to _drive_ them, they will take no pains to please him, but on the contrary, will be sulky and obstinate. there were three overseers from other estates present. one of them had been an overseer for forty years, and he possessed the looks and feelings which we suppose a man who has been thus long in a school of despotism, must possess. he had a giant form, which seemed to be breaking down with luxury and sensualism. his ordinary voice was hoarse and gusty, and his smile diabolical. emancipation had swept away his power while it left the love of it ravaging his heart. he could not speak of the new system with composure. his contempt and hatred of the negro was unadulterated. he spoke of the apprentices with great bitterness. they were excessively lazy and impudent, and were becoming more and more so every day. they did not do half the work now that they did before emancipation. it was the character of the negro never to work unless compelled. his people would not labor for him an hour in their own time, although he had offered to pay them for it. they have not the least gratitude. they will leave him in the midst of his crop, and help others, because they can get a little more. they spend all their half fridays and their saturdays on other plantations where they receive forty cents a day. twenty-five cents is enough for them, and is as much as he will give. mr. b. requested the overseer to bring forward his complaints. he had only two. one was against a boy of ten for stealing a gill of goat's milk. the charge was disproved. the other was against a boy of twelve for neglecting the cattle, and permitting them to trespass on the lands of a neighbor. he was sentenced to receive a good switching--that is, to be beaten with a small stick by the constable of the plantation. several apprentices then appeared and made a few trivial complaints against 'busha.' they were quickly adjusted. these were all the complaints that had accumulated in five weeks. the principal business which called mr. bourne to the plantation, as we have already remarked, was the appraisement of an apprentice. the appraisers were himself and a local magistrate. the apprentice was a native born african, and was stolen from his country when a boy. he had always resided on this plantation, and had always been a faithful laborer. he was now the constable, or driver, as the office was called in slavery times, of the second gang. the overseer testified to his honesty and industry, and said he regretted much to have him leave. he was, as appeared by the plantation books, fifty-four years old, but was evidently above sixty. after examining several witnesses as to the old man's ability and general health, and making calculations by the rule of three, with the cold accuracy of a yankee horse-bargain, it was decided that his services were worth to the plantation forty-eight dollars a years, and for the remaining time of the apprenticeship, consequently, at that rate, one hundred and fifty-six dollars. one third of this was deducted as an allowance for the probabilities of death, and sickness, leaving one hundred and four dollars as the price of his redemption. the old man objected strongly and earnestly to the price; he said, it was too much; he had not money enough to pay it; and begged them, with tears in his eyes, not to make him pay so much "for his old bones;" but they would not remit a cent. they could not. they were the stern ministers of the british emancipation law, the praises of which have been shouted through the earth! of the three overseers who were present, not one could be called a respectable man. their countenances were the mirrors of all lustful and desperate passions. they were continually drinking rum and water, and one of them was half drunk. our next visit was to an elevated plantation called peter's rock. the path to it was, in one place, so steep, that we had to dismount and permit our horses to work their way up as they could, while we followed on foot. we then wound along among provision grounds and coffee fields, through forests where hardly a track was to be seen, and over hedges, which the horses were obliged to leap, till we issued on the great path which leads from the plantation to kingston. peter's rock has one hundred apprentices, and is under the management, as mr. bourne informed us, of a very humane man. during the two years and a half of the apprenticeship, there had been _only six complaints_. as we approached the plantation we saw the apprentices at the side of the road, eating their breakfast. they had been at work some distance from their houses, and could not spend time to go home. they saluted us with great civility, most of them rising and uncovering their heads. in answer to our questions, they said they were getting along very well. they said their master was kind to them, and they appeared in fine spirits. the overseer met us as we rode up to the door, and received us very courteously. he had no complaints. he informed us that the plantation was as well cultivated as it had been for many years, and the people were perfectly obedient and industrious. from peter's rock we rode to "hall's prospect," a plantation on which there are sixty apprentices under the charge of a black overseer, who, two years ago, was a slave. it was five weeks since mr. b. had been there, and yet he had only one complaint, and that against a woman for being late at work on monday morning. the reason she gave for this was, that she went to an estate some miles distant to spend the sabbath with her husband. mr. bourne, by the aid of funds left in his hands by mr. sturge, is about to establish a school on this plantation. mr. b., at a previous visit, had informed the people of what he intended to do, and asked their co-operation. as soon as they saw him to-day, several of them immediately inquired about the school, when it would begin, &c. they showed the greatest eagerness and thankfulness. mr. b. told them he should send a teacher as soon as a house was prepared. he had been talking with their master (the attorney of the plantation) about fixing one, who had offered them the old "lock-up house," if they would put it in order. there was a murmur among them at this annunciation. at length one of the men said, they did not want the school to be held in the "lock-up house." it was not a good place for their "pickaninnies" to go to. they had much rather have some other building, and would be glad to have it close to their houses. mr. b. told them if they would put up a small house near their own, he would furnish it with desks and benches. to this they all assented with great joy. on our way home we saw, as we did on various other occasions, many of the apprentices with hoes, baskets, &c., going to their provision grounds. we had some conversation with them as we rode along. they said they had been in the fields picking coffee since half past five o'clock. they were now going, as they always did after "horn-blow" in the afternoon, (four o'clock,) to their grounds, where they should stay till dark. some of their grounds were four, others six miles from home. they all liked the apprenticeship better than slavery. they were not flogged so much now, and had more time to themselves. but they should like freedom much better, and should be glad when it came. we met a brown young woman driving an ass laden with a great variety of articles. she said she had been to kingston (fifteen miles off) with a load of provisions, and had purchased some things to sell to the apprentices. we asked her what she did with her money. "give it to my husband," said she. "do you keep none for yourself?" she smiled and replied: "what for him for me." after we had passed, mr. b. informed us that she had been an apprentice, but purchased her freedom a few months previous, and was now engaged as a kind of country merchant. she purchases provisions of the negroes, and carries them to kingston, where she exchanges them for pins, needles, thread, dry goods, and such articles as the apprentices need, which she again exchanges for provisions and money. mr. bourne informed us that real estate is much higher than before emancipation. he mentioned one "pen" which was purchased for eighteen hundred dollars a few years since. the owner had received nine hundred dollars as 'compensation' for freedom. it has lately been leased for seven years by the owner, for nine hundred dollars per year. a gentleman who owns a plantation in mr. b.'s district, sold parcels of land to the negroes before emancipation at five shillings per acre. he now obtains twenty-seven shillings per acre. the house in which mr. b. resides was rented in for one hundred and fifty dollars. mr. b. engaged it on his arrival for three years, at two hundred and forty dollars per year. his landlord informed him a few days since, that on the expiration of his present lease, he should raise the rent to three hundred and thirty dollars. mr. b. is acquainted with a gentleman of wealth, who has been endeavoring for the last twelve months to purchase an estate in this island. he has offered high prices, but has as yet been unable to obtain one. landholders have so much confidence in the value and security of real estate, that they do not wish to part with it. after our visit to silver hill, our attention was particularly turned to the condition of the negro grounds. most of them were very clean and flourishing. large plats of the onion, of cocoa, plantain, banana, yam, potatoe, and other tropic vegetables, were scattered all around within five or six miles of a plantation. we were much pleased with the appearance of them during a ride on a friday. in the forenoon, they had all been vacant; not a person was to be seen in them; but after one o'clock, they began gradually to be occupied, till, at the end of an hour, where-ever we went, we saw men, women, and children laboring industriously in their little gardens. in some places, the hills to their very summits were spotted with cultivation. till monday morning the apprentices were free, and they certainly manifested a strong disposition to spend that time in taking care of themselves. the testimony of the numerous apprentices with whom we conversed, was to the same effect as our observation. they all testified that they were paying as much attention to their grounds as they ever did, but that their provisions had been cut short by the drought. they had their land all prepared for a new crop, and were only waiting for rain to put in the seed. mr. bourne corroborated their statement, and remarked, that he never found the least difficulty in procuring laborers. could he have the possession of the largest plantation in the island to-day, he had no doubt that, within a week, he could procure free laborers enough to cultivate every acre. on one occasion, while among the mountains, we were impressed on a jury to sit in inquest on the body of a negro woman found dead on the high road. she was, as appeared in evidence, on her return from the house of correction, at half-way-tree, where she had been sentenced for fourteen days, and been put on the treadmill. she had complained to some of her acquaintances of harsh treatment there, and said they had killed her, and that if she ever lived to reach home, she should tell all her massa's negroes never to cross the threshold of half-way-tree, as it would kill them. the evidence, however, was not clear that she died in consequence of such treatment, and the jury, accordingly, decided that she came to her death by some cause unknown to them. nine of the jury were overseers, and if they, collected together indiscriminately on this occasion, were a specimen of those who have charge of the apprentices in this island, they must be most degraded and brutal men. they appeared more under the influence of low passions, more degraded by sensuality, and but little more intelligent, than the negroes themselves. instead of possessing irresponsible power over their fellows, they ought themselves to be under the power of the most strict and energetic laws. our visits to the plantations, and inquiries on this point, confirmed this opinion. they are the 'feculum' of european society--ignorant, passionate, licentious. we do them no injustice when we say this, nor when we further add, that the apprentices suffer in a hundred ways which the law cannot reach, gross insults and oppression from their excessive rapaciousness and lust. what must it have been during slavery? we had some conversation with cheny hamilton, esq., one of the special magistrates for port royal. he is a colored man, and has held his office about eighteen months. there are three thousand apprentices in his district, which embraces sugar and coffee estates. the complaints are few and of a very trivial nature. they mostly originate with the planters. most of the cases brought before him are for petty theft and absence from work. in his district, cultivation was never better. the negroes are willing to work during their own time. his father-in-law is clearing up some mountain land for a coffee plantation, by the labor of apprentices from neighboring estates. the seasons since emancipation have been bad. the blacks cultivate their own grounds on their half fridays and saturdays, unless they can obtain employment from others. nothing is doing by the planters for the education of the apprentices. their only object is to get as much work out of them as possible. the blacks, so far as he has had opportunity to observe, are in every respect as quiet and industrious as they were before freedom. he said if we would compare the character of the complaints brought by the overseers and apprentices against each other, we should see for ourselves which party was the most peaceable and law-abiding. to these views we may here add those of another gentleman, with whom we had considerable conversation about the same time. he is a proprietor and local magistrate, and was represented to us as a kind and humane man. mr. bourne stated to us that he had not had six cases of complaint on his plantation for the last twelve months. we give his most important statements in the following brief items: . he has had charge of estates in jamaica since . at one time he had twelve hundred negroes under his control. he now owns a coffee plantation, on which there are one hundred and ten apprentices, and is also attorney for several others, the owners of which reside out of the island. . his plantation is well cultivated and clean, and his people are as industrious and civil as they ever were. he employs them during their own time, and always finds them willing to work for him, unless their own grounds require their attendance. cultivation generally, through the island, is as good as it ever was. many of the planters, at the commencement of the apprenticeship, reduced the quantity of land cultivated; he did not do so, but on the contrary is extending his plantation. . the crops this year are not so good as usual. this is no fault of the apprentices, but is owing to the bad season. . the conduct of the apprentices depends very much on the conduct of those who have charge of them. if you find a plantation on which the overseer is kind, and does common justice to the laborer, you will find things going on well--if otherwise, the reverse. those estates and plantations on which the proprietor himself resides, are most peaceable and prosperous. . real estate is more valuable than before emancipation. property is more secure, and capitalists are more ready to invest their funds. . the result of is as yet doubtful. for his part, he has no fears. he doubts not he can cultivate his plantation as easily after that period as before. he is confident he can do it cheaper. he thinks it not only likely, but certain, that many of the plantations on which the people have been ill used, while slaves and apprentices, will be abandoned by the present laborers, and that they will never be worked until overseers are put over them who, instead of doing all they can to harass them, will soothe and conciliate them. the apprenticeship has done much harm instead of good in the way of preparing the blacks to work after . a few days after our return from the mountains, we rode to spanishtown, which is about twelve miles west of kingston. spanishtown is the seat of government, containing the various buildings for the residence of the governor, the meeting of the legislature, the session of the courts, and rooms for the several officers of the crown. they are all strong and massive structures, but display little architectural magnificence or beauty. we spent nearly a day with richard hill, esq., the secretary of the special magistrates' department, of whom we have already spoken. he is a colored gentleman, and in every respect the noblest man, white or black, whom we met in the west indies. he is highly intelligent, and of fine moral feelings. his manners are free and unassuming, and his language in conversation fluent and well chosen. he is intimately acquainted with english and french authors, and has studied thoroughly the history and character of the people with whom the tie of color has connected him. he travelled two years in hayti, and his letters, written in a flowing and luxuriant style, as a son of the tropics should write, giving an account of his observations and inquiries in that interesting island, were published extensively in england; and have been copied into the anti-slavery journals in this country. his journal will be given to the public as soon as his official duties will permit him to prepare it. he is at the head of the special magistrates, (of which there are sixty in the island,) and all the correspondence between them and the governor is carried on through him. the station he holds is a very important one, and the business connected with it is of a character and an extent that, were he not a man of superior abilities, he could not sustain. he is highly respected by the government in the island, and at home, and possesses the esteem of his fellow-citizens of all colors. he associates with persons of the highest rank, dining and attending parties at the government-house with all the aristocracy of jamaica. we had the pleasure of spending an evening with him at the solicitor-general's. though an african sun has burnt a deep tinge on him, he is truly one of nature's noblemen. his demeanor is such, so dignified, yet bland and amiable, that no one can help respecting him. he spoke in the warmest terms of lord sligo,[a] the predecessor of sir lionel smith, who was driven from the island by the machinations of the planters and the enemies of the blacks. lord sligo was remarkable for his statistical accuracy. reports were made to him by the special magistrates every week. no act of injustice or oppression could escape his indefatigable inquiries. he was accessible, and lent an open ear to the lowest person in the island. the planters left no means untried to remove him, and unhappily succeeded. [footnote a: when lord sligo visited the united states in the summer of , he spoke with great respect of mr. hill to elizur wright, esq., corresponding secretary of the american anti-slavery society. mr. wright has furnished us with the following statement:--"just before his lordship left this city for england, he bore testimony to us substantially as follows:--'when i went to jamaica, mr. hill was a special magistrate. in a certain case he refused to comply with my directions, differing from me in his interpretation of the law. i informed him that his continued non-compliance must result in his removal from office. he replied that his mind was made up as to the law, and he would not violate his reason to save his bread. being satisfied of the correctness of my own interpretation, i was obliged, of course, to remove him; but i was so forcibly struck with his manly independence, that i applied to the government for power to employ him as my secretary, which was granted. and having had him as an _intimate of my family_ for several months, i can most cordially bear my testimony to his trustworthiness, ability, and gentlemanly deportment.' lord sligo also added, that mr. hill was treated in his family in all respects as if he had not been colored, and that with no gentleman in the west indies was he, in social life, on terms of more intimate friendship."] the following items contain the principal information received from mr. hill: . the apprenticeship is a most vicious system, full of blunders and absurdities, and directly calculated to set master and slave at war. . the complaints against the apprentices are decreasing every month, _except, perhaps, complaints against mothers for absence from work, which he thinks are increasing_. the apprenticeship _law_ makes no provision for the free children, and on most of the plantations and estates no allowance is given them, but they are thrown entirely for support on their parents, who are obliged to work the most and best part of their time for their masters unrewarded. the nurseries are broken up, and frequently the mothers are obliged to work in the fields with their infants at their backs, or else to leave them at some distance under the shade of a hedge or tree. every year is making their condition worse and worse. the number of children is increasing, and yet the mothers are required, after their youngest child has attained the age of a few weeks, to be at work the same number of hours as the men. very little time is given them to take care of their household. when they are tardy they are brought before the magistrate. a woman was brought before mr. hill a few days before we were there, charged with not being in the field till one hour after the rest of the gang. she had twins, and appeared before him with a child hanging on each arm. what an eloquent defence! he dismissed the complaint. he mentioned another case, of a woman whose master resided in spanishtown, but who was hired out by him to some person in the country. her child became sick, but her employer refused any assistance. with it in her arms, she entreated aid of her master. the monster drove her and her dying little one into the street at night, and she sought shelter with mr. hill, where her child expired before morning. for such horrid cruelty as this, the apprenticeship law provides no remedy. the woman had no claim for the support of her child, on the man who was receiving the wages of her daily toil. that child was not worth a farthing to him, because it was no longer his _chattel_; and while the law gives him power to rob the mother, it has no compulsion to make him support the child. . the complaints are generally of the most trivial and frivolous nature. they are mostly against mothers for neglect of duty, and vague charges of insolence. there is no provision in the law to prevent the master from using abusive language to the apprentice; any insult short of a blow, he is free to commit; but the slightest word of incivility, a look, smile, or grin, is punished in the apprentice, even though it were provoked. . there is still much flogging by the overseers. last week a girl came to mr. h. terribly scarred and "slashed," and complained that her master had beaten her. it appeared that this was the _seventh offence_, for neither of which she could obtain a hearing from the special magistrate in her district. while mr. h. was relating to me this fact, a girl came in with a little babe in her arms. he called my attention to a large bruise near her eye. he said her master knocked her down a few days since, and made that wound by kicking her. frequently when complaints of insolence are made, on investigation, it is found that the offence was the result of a quarrel commenced by the master, during which he either cuffed or kicked the offender. the special magistrates also frequently resort to flogging. many of them, as has been mentioned already, have been connected with the army or navy, where corporal punishment is practised and flogging is not only in consonance with their feelings and habits, but is a punishment more briefly inflicted and more grateful to the planters, as it does not deprive them of the apprentice's time. . mr. h. says that the apprentices who have purchased their freedom behave well. he has not known one of them to be brought before the police. . many of the special magistrates require much looking after. their salaries are not sufficient to support them independently. some of them leave their homes on monday morning, and make the whole circuit of their district before returning, living and lodging meanwhile, _free of expense_, with the planters. if they are not inclined to listen to the complaints of the apprentices, they soon find that the apprentices are not inclined to make complaints to them, and that they consequently have much more leisure time, and get through their district much easier. of the sixty magistrates in jamaica, but few can be said to discharge their duties faithfully. the governor is often required to interfere. a few weeks since he discharged two magistrates for putting iron collars on two women, in direct violation of the law, and then sending him false reports. . the negro grounds are often at a great distance, five or six miles, and some of them fifteen miles, from the plantation. of course much time, which would otherwise be spent in cultivating them, is necessarily consumed in going to them and returning. yet for all that, and though in many cases the planters have withdrawn the watchmen who used to protect them, and have left them entirely exposed to thieves and cattle, they are generally well cultivated--on the whole, better than during slavery. when there is inattention to them, it is caused either by some planters hiring them during their own time, or because their master permits his cattle to trespass on them, and the people feel an insecurity. when you find a kind planter, in whom the apprentices have confidence, there you will find beautiful gardens. in not a few instances, where the overseer is particularly harsh and cruel, the negroes have thrown up their old grounds, and taken new ones on other plantations, where the overseer is better liked, or gone into the depths of the mountain forests, where no human foot has been before them, and there cleared up small plats. this was also done to some extent during slavery. many of the people, against whom the planters are declaiming as lazy and worthless, have rich grounds of which those planters little dream. . there is no feeling of insecurity, either of life or property. one may travel through the whole island without the least fear of violence. if there is any danger, it is from the _emigrants_, who have been guilty of several outrages. so far from the planters fearing violence from the apprentices, when an assault or theft is committed, they refer it, almost as a matter of course, to some one else. a few weeks ago one of the island mails was robbed. as soon as it became known, it was at once said, "some of those villanous emigrants did it," and so indeed it proved. people in the country, in the midst of the mountains, where the whites are few and isolated, sleep with their doors and windows open, without a thought of being molested. in the towns there are no watchmen, and but a small police, and yet the streets are quiet and property safe. . the apprentices understand the great provisions of the new system, such as the number of hours they must work for their master, and that their masters have no right to flog them, &c., but its details are inexplicable mysteries. the masters have done much injury by deceiving them on points of which they were ignorant. . the apprentices almost to a man are ready to work for wages during their own time. when the overseer is severe towards them, they prefer working on other plantations, even for less wages, as is very natural. . almost all the evils of the apprenticeship arise from the obstinacy and oppressive conduct of the overseers. they are constantly taking advantage of the defects of the system, which are many, and while they demand to the last grain's weight "the pound of flesh," they are utterly unwilling to yield the requirements which the law makes of them. where you find an overseer endeavoring in every way to overreach the apprentices, taking away the privileges which they enjoyed during slavery, and exacting from them the utmost minute and mite of labor, there you will find abundant complaints both against the master and the apprentice. and the reverse. the cruel overseers are complaining of idleness, insubordination, and ruin, while the kind master is moving on peaceably and prosperously. . the domestic apprentices have either one day, or fifty cents cash, each week, as an allowance for food and clothing. this is quite insufficient. many of the females seem obliged to resort to theft or to prostitution to obtain a support. two girls were brought before mr. hill while we were with him, charged with neglect of duty and night-walking. one of them said her allowance was too small, and she must get food in some other way or starve. . the apprentices on many plantations have been deprived of several privileges which they enjoyed under the old system. nurseries have been abolished, water-carriers have been taken away, keeping stock is restricted, if not entirely forbidden, watchmen are no longer provided to guard the negro grounds, &c.--petty aggressions in our eyes, perhaps, but severe to them. another instance is still more hard. by the custom of slavery, women who had reared up seven children were permitted to "sit down," as it was termed; that is, were not obliged to go into the field to work. now no such distinction is made, but all are driven into the field. . one reason why the crops were smaller in and than in former years, was, that the planters in the preceding seasons, either fearful that the negroes would not take off the crops after emancipation, and acting on their baseless predictions instead of facts, or determined to make the results of emancipation appear as disastrous as possible, neglected to put in the usual amount of cane, and to clean the coffee fields. as they refused to sow, of course they could not reap. . the complaints against the apprentices generally are becoming fewer every week, but the complaints against the masters are increasing both in number and severity. one reason of this is, that the apprentices, on the one hand, are becoming better acquainted with the new system, and therefore better able to avoid a violation of its provisions, and are also learning that they cannot violate these provisions with impunity; and, on the other hand, they are gaining courage to complain against their masters, to whom they have hitherto been subjected by a fear created by the whips and dungeons, and nameless tortures of slavery. another reason is, that the masters, as the term of the apprenticeship shortens, and the end of their authority approaches nearer, are pressing their poor victims harder and harder, determined to extort from them all they can, before complete emancipation rescues them for ever from their grasp. while we were in conversation with mr. hill, mr. ramsay, one of the special magistrates for this parish, called in. he is a native of jamaica, and has been educated under all the influences of west india society, but has held fast his integrity, and is considered the firm friend of the apprentices. he confirmed every fact and opinion which mr. hill had given. he was even stronger than mr. h. in his expressions of disapprobation of the apprenticeship. the day which we spent with mr. hill was one of those on which he holds a special justice's court. there were only three cases of complaint brought before him. the first was brought by a woman, attended by her husband, against her servant girl, for "impertinence and insubordination." she took the oath and commenced her testimony with an abundance of vague charges. "she is the most insolent girl i ever saw. she'll do nothing that she is told to do--she never thinks of minding what is said to her--she is sulky and saucy," etc. mr. h. told her she must be specific--he could not convict the girl on such general charges--some particular acts must be proved. she became specific. her charges were as follows: . on the previous thursday the defendant was plaiting a shirt. the complainant went up to her and asked her why she did not plait it as she ought, and not hold it in her hand as she did. defendant replied, that it was easier, and she preferred that way to the other. the complainant remonstrated, but, despite all she could say, the obstinate girl persisted, and did it as she chose. the complainant granted that the work was done well, only it was not done in the way she desired. . the same day she ordered the defendant to wipe up some tracks in the hall. she did so. while she was doing it, the mistress told her the room was very dusty, and reproved her for it. the girl replied, "is it morning?" (it is customary to clean the rooms early in the morning, and the girl made this reply late in the afternoon, when sufficient time had elapsed for the room to become dusty again.) . the girl did not wash a cloth clean which the complainant gave her, and the complainant was obliged to wash it herself. . several times when the complainant and her daughter have been conversing together, this girl had burst into laughter--whether at them or their conversation, complainant did not know. . when the complainant has reproved the defendant for not doing her work well, she has replied, "can't you let me alone to my work, and not worry my life out." a black man, a constable on the same property, was brought up to confirm the charges. he knew nothing about the case, only that he often heard the parties quarrelling, and sometimes had told the girl not to say any thing, as she knew what her mistress was. it appeared in the course of the evidence, that the complainant and her husband had both been in the habit of speaking disrespectfully of the special magistrate, stationed in their district, and that many of the contentions arose out of that, as the girl sometimes defended him. while the accused was making her defence, which she did in a modest way, her mistress was highly enraged, and interrupted her several times, by calling her a liar and a jade. the magistrate was two or three times obliged to reprove her, and command her to be silent, and, so passionate did she become, that her husband, ashamed of her, put his hand on her shoulder, and entreated her to be calm. mr. hill dismissed the complaint by giving some good advice to both parties, much to the annoyance of the mistress. the second complaint was brought by a man against a servant girl, for disobedience of orders, and insolence. it appears that she was ordered, at ten o'clock at night, to do some work. she was just leaving the house to call on some friends, as she said, and refused. on being told by her mistress that she only wanted to go out for bad purposes, she replied, that "it was no matter--the allowance they gave her was not sufficient to support her, and if they would not give her more, she must get a living any way she could, so she did not steal." she was sentenced to the house of correction for one week. the third case was a complaint against a boy for taking every alternate friday and saturday, instead of every saturday, for allowance. he was ordered to take every saturday, or to receive in lieu of it half a dollar. mr. hill said these were a fair specimen of the character of the complaints that came before him. we were much pleased with the manner in which he presided in his court, the ease, dignity, and impartiality which he exhibited, and the respect which was shown him by all parties. in company with mr. hill, we called on rev. mr. phillips, the baptist missionary, stationed at spanishtown. mr. p. has been in the island thirteen years. he regards the apprenticeship as a great amelioration of the old system of slavery, but as coming far short of the full privileges and rights of freedom, and of what it was expected to be. it is beneficial to the missionaries, as it gives them access to the plantations, while before, in many instances, they were entirely excluded from them, and in all cases were much shackled in their operations. mr. p. has enlarged his chapel within the last fifteen months, so that it admits several hundreds more than formerly. but it is now too small. the apprentices are much more anxious to receive religious instruction, and much more open to conviction, than when slaves. he finds a great difference now on different plantations. where severity is used, as it still is on many estates, and the new system is moulded as nearly as possible on the old, the minds of the apprentices are apparently closed against all impressions,--but where they are treated with kindness, they are warm in their affections, and solicitous to be taught. in connection with his church, mr. p. has charge of a large school. the number present, when we visited it, was about two hundred. there was, to say the least, as much manifestation of intellect and sprightliness as we ever saw in white pupils of the same age. most of the children were slaves previous to , and their parents are still apprentices. several were pointed out to us who were not yet free, and attend only by permission, sometimes purchased, of their master. the greater part live from three to five miles distant. mr. p. says he finds no lack of interest among the apprentices about education. he can find scholars for as many schools as he can establish, if he keeps himself unconnected with the planters. the apprentices are opposed to all schools established by, or in any way allied to, their masters. mr. p. says the planters are doing nothing to prepare the apprentices for freedom in . they do not regard the apprenticeship as intermediate time for preparation, but as part of the _compensation_. every day is counted, not as worth so much for education and moral instruction, but as worth so much for digging cane-holes, and clearing coffee fields. mr. p.'s church escaped destruction during the persecution of the baptists. the wives and connections of many of the colored soldiers had taken refuge in it, and had given out word that they would defend it even against their own husbands and brothers, who in turn informed their officers that if ordered to destroy it, they should refuse at all peril. chapter iii. results of abolition. the actual working of the apprenticeship in jamaica, was the specific object of our investigations in that island. that it had not operated so happily as in barbadoes, and in most of the other colonies, was admitted by all parties. as to the _degree_ of its failure, we were satisfied it was not so great as had been represented. there has been nothing of an _insurrectionary_ character since the abolition of slavery. the affair on thornton's estate, of which an account is given in the preceding chapter, is the most serious disturbance which has occurred during the apprenticeship. the _fear_ of insurrection is as effectually dead in jamaica, as in barbadoes--so long as the apprenticeship lasts. there has been no _increase of crime_. the character of the negro population has been gradually improving in morals and intelligence. marriage has increased, the sabbath is more generally observed, and religious worship is better attended. again, the apprentices of jamaica have not manifested any peculiar _defiance of law_. the most illiberal magistrates testified that the people respected the law, when they understood it. as it respects the _industry_ of the apprentices, there are different opinions among the _planters_ themselves. some admitted that they were as industrious as before, and did as much work _in proportion to the time they were employed_. others complained that they _lacked the power_ to compel industry, and that hence there was a falling off of work. the prominent evils complained of in jamaica are, absconding from work, and insolence to masters. from the statements in the preceding chapter, it may be inferred that many things are called by these names, and severely punished, which are really innocent or unavoidable; however, it would not be wonderful if there were numerous instances of both. insolence is the legitimate fruit of the apprenticeship, which holds out to the apprentice, that he possesses the rights of a man, and still authorizes the master to treat him as though he were little better than a dog. the result must often be that the apprentice will repay insult with insolence. this will continue to exist until either the former system of _absolute force_ is restored, or a system of free compensated labor, with its powerful checks and balances on both parties, is substituted. the prevalence and causes of the other offence--absconding from labor--will be noticed hereafter. the atrocities which are practised by the masters and magistrates, are appalling enough. it is probable that the actual condition of the negroes in jamaica, is but little if any better than it was during slavery. the amount of punishment inflicted by the special magistrates, cannot fall much short of that usually perpetrated by the drivers. in addition to this, the apprentices are robbed of the _time_ allowed them by law, at the will of the magistrate, who often deprives them of it on the slightest complaint of the overseer. the situation of the _free children_[a] is often very deplorable. the master feels none of that interest in them which he formerly felt in the children that were his property, and consequently, makes no provision for them. they are thrown entirely upon their parents, who are _unable_ to take proper care of them, from the almost constant demands which the master makes upon their time. the condition of pregnant women, and nursing mothers, is _decidedly worse_ than it was during slavery. the privileges which the planter felt it for his interest to grant these formerly, for _the sake of their children_, are now withheld. the former are exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and the hardships of toil--the latter are cruelly dragged away from their infants, that the master may not lose the smallest portion of time,--and _both_ are liable at any moment to be incarcerated in the dungeon, or strung up on the treadwheel. in consequence of the cruelties which are practised, the apprentices are in a _disaffected state_ throughout the island. [footnote a: all children under _six years_ of age at the time of abolition, were made entirely free.] in assigning the causes of the ill-working of the apprenticeship in jamaica, we would say in the commencement, that nearly all of them are embodied in the intrinsic defects of the system itself. these defects have been exposed in a former chapter, and we need not repeat them here. the reason why the system has not produced as much mischief in all the colonies as it has in jamaica, is that the local circumstances in the other islands were not so adapted to develop its legitimate results. it is not without the most careful investigation of facts, that we have allowed ourselves to entertain the views which we are now about to express, respecting the conduct of the planters and special justices--for it is to _them_ that we must ascribe the evils which exist in jamaica. we cheerfully accede to them all of palliation which may be found in the provocations incident to the wretched system of apprenticeship. the causes of the difficulties rest chiefly with the _planters_. they were _originally_ implicated, and by their wily schemes they soon involved the special magistrates. the jamaica planters, as a body, always violently opposed the abolition of slavery. unlike the planters in most of the colonies, they cherished their hostility _after the act of abolition_. it would seem that they had agreed with one accord, never to become reconciled to the measures of the english government, and had sworn eternal hostility to every scheme of emancipation. whether this resulted most from love for slavery or hatred of english interference, it is difficult to determine. if we were to believe the planters themselves, who are of the opposition, we should conclude that they were far from being in favor of slavery--that they were "as much opposed to slavery, as any one can be[a]." notwithstanding this avowal, the tenacity with which the planters cling to the remnant of their power, shows an affection for it, of the strength of which they are not probably themselves aware. [footnote a: it seems to be the order of the day, with the opposition party in jamaica, to disclaim all friendship with slavery. we noticed several instances of this in the island papers, which have been most hostile to abolition. we quote the following sample from the royal gazette, (kingston) for may , . the editor, in an article respecting cuba, says: "in writing this, one chief object is to arouse the attention of our own fellow-subjects, in this colony, to the situation--the dangerous situation--in which they stand, and to implore them to lend all their energies to avert the ruin that is likely to visit them, should america get the domination of cuba. the negroes of this and of all the british w.i. colonies have been '_emancipated_.' cuba on the other hand is still a _slave country_. (let not our readers imagine for one moment that we advocate the _continuance of slavery_,") &c. ] when public men have endeavored to be faithful and upright, they have uniformly been abused, and even persecuted, by the planters. the following facts will show that the latter have not scrupled to resort to the most dishonest and unmanly intrigues to effect the removal or to circumvent the influence of such men. neglect, ridicule, vulgar abuse, slander, threats, intimidation, misrepresentation, and legal prosecutions, have been the mildest weapons employed against those who in the discharge of their sworn duties dared to befriend the oppressed. the shameful treatment of the late governor, lord sligo, illustrates this. his lordship was appointed to the government about the period of abolition. being himself a proprietor of estates in the island, and formerly chairman of the west india body, he was received at first with the greatest cordiality; but it was soon perceived that he was disposed to secure justice to the apprentices. from the accounts we received, we have been led to entertain an exalted opinion of his integrity and friendship for the poor. it was his custom (unprecedented in the west indies,) to give a patient hearing to the poorest negro who might carry his grievances to the government-house. after hearing the complaint, he would despatch an order to the special magistrate of the district in which the complainant lived, directing him to inquire into the case. by this means he kept the magistrates employed, and secured redress to the apprentices to many cases where they would otherwise have bean neglected. the governor soon rendered himself exceedingly obnoxious to the planters, and they began to manoeuvre for his removal, which, in a short time, was effected by a most flagitious procedure. the home government, disposed to humor their unruly colony, sent them a governor in whom they are not likely to find any fault. the present governor, sir lionel smith, is the antipode of his predecessor in every worthy respect. when the apprentices come to him with their complaints, he sends them back unheard, with curses on their heads. a distinguished gentleman in the colony remarked of him that he _was a heartless military chieftain, who ruled without regard to mercy_. of course the planters are full of his praise. his late tour of the island was a _triumphal procession_, amid the sycophantic greetings of oppressors. several special magistrates have been suspended because of the faithful discharge of their duties. among these was dr. palmer, an independent and courageous man. repeated complaints were urged against him by the planters, until finally sir lionel smith appointed a commission to inquire into the grounds of the difficulty. "this commission consisted of two local magistrates, both of them planters or managers of estates, and two stipendiary magistrates, the bias of one of whom, at least, was believed to be against dr. palmer. at the conclusion of their inquiry they summed up their report by saying that dr. palmer had administered the abolition law in the spirit of the english abolition act, and in his administration of the law he had adapted it more to the comprehension of freemen than to the understandings of apprenticed laborers. not only did sir lionel smith suspend dr. palmer on this report, but the colonial office at home have dismissed him from his situation." the following facts respecting the persecution of special justice bourne, illustrate the same thing. "a book-keeper of the name of maclean, on the estate of the rev. m. hamilton, an irish clergyman, committed a brutal assault upon an old african. the attorney on the property refused to hear the complaint of the negro, who went to stephen bourne, a special magistrate. when maclean was brought before him, he did not deny the fact; but said as the old man was not a christian, his oath could not be taken! the magistrate not being able to ascertain the amount of injury inflicted upon the negro (whose head was dreadfully cut,) but feeling that it was a case which required a greater penalty than three pounds sterling, the amount of punishment to which he was limited by the local acts, detained maclean, and afterwards committed him to jail, and wrote the next day to the chief justice upon the subject. he was discharged as soon as a doctor's certificate was procured of the state of the wounded man, and bail was given for his appearance at the assizes. maclean's trial came on at the assizes, and he was found guilty by a jamaica jury; he was severely reprimanded for his inhuman conduct and fined thirty pounds. the poor apprentice however got no remuneration for the severe injury inflicted upon him, and the special justice was prosecuted for false imprisonment, dragged from court to court, represented as an oppressor and a tyrant, subjected to four hundred pounds expenses in defending himself, and actually had judgment given against him for one hundred and fifty pounds damages. thus have the planters succeeded in pulling down every magistrate who ventures to do more than fine them three pounds sterling for any act of cruelty of which they may be guilty. on the other hand, there were two magistrates who were lately dismissed, through, i believe, the representation of lord sligo, for flagrant violations of the law in inflicting punishment; and in order to evince their sympathy for those men, the planters gave them a farewell dinner, and had actually set on foot a subscription, as a tribute of gratitude for their "impartial" conduct in administering the laws, as special justices. thus were two men, notoriously guilty of violations of law and humanity, publicly encouraged and protected, while stephen bourne, who according to the testimony of the present and late attorney-general had acted not only justly but _legally_, was suffering every species of persecution and indignity for so doing." probably nothing could demonstrate the meanness of the artifices to which the planters resort to get rid of troublesome magistrates better than the following fact. when the present governor, in making his tour of the island, came into st. thomas in the east, some of the planters of manchioneal district hired a negro constable on one of the estates to go to the governor and complain to him that mr. chamberlain encouraged the apprentices to be disorderly and idle. the negro went accordingly, but like another balaam, he prophesied _against his employers_. he stated to the governor that the apprentices on the estate where he lived were lazy and wouldn't do right, _but he declared that it was not mr. c.'s fault, for that he was not allowed to come on the estate!_ having given such an unfavorable description of the mass of planters, it is but just to add that there are a few honorable exceptions. there are some attorneys and overseers, who if they dared to face the allied powers of oppression, would act a noble part. but they are trammelled by an overpowering public sentiment, and are induced to fall in very much with the prevailing practices. one of this class, an attorney of considerable influence, declined giving us his views in writing, stating that his situation and the state of public sentiment must be his apology. an overseer who was disposed to manifest the most liberal bearing towards his apprentices, and who had directions from the absentee proprietor to that effect, was yet effectually prevented by his attorney, who having several other estates under his charge, was fearful of losing them, if he did not maintain the same severe discipline on all. the special magistrates are also deeply implicated in causing the difficulties existing under the apprenticeship. they are incessantly exposed to multiplied and powerful temptations. the persecution which they are sure to incur by a faithful discharge of their duties, has already been noticed. it would require men of unusual sternness of principle to face so fierce an array. instead of being _independent_ of the planters, their situation is in every respect totally the reverse. instead of having a central office or station-house to hold their courts at, as is the case in barbadoes, they are required to visit each estate in their districts. they have a circuit from forty to sixty miles to compass every fortnight, or in some cases three times every month. on these tours they are absolutely dependent upon the hospitality of the planters. none but men of the "sterner stuff" could escape, (to use the negro's phrase) _being poisoned by massa's turtle soup._ the _character_ of the men who are acting as magistrates is thus described by a colonial magistrate of high standing and experience. "the special magistracy department is filled with the most worthless men, both domestic and imported. it was a necessary qualification of the former to possess no property; hence the most worthless vagabonds on the island were appointed. the latter were worn out officers and dissipated rakes, whom the english government sent off here in order to get rid of them." as a specimen of the latter kind, this gentleman mentioned one (special justice light) who died lately from excessive dissipation. he was constantly drunk, and the only way in which to get him to do any business was to take him on to an estate in the evening so that he might sleep off his intoxication, and then the business was brought before him early the next morning, before he had time to get to his cups. it is well known that many of the special magistrates are totally unprincipled men, monsters of cruelty, lust, and despotism. as a result of natural character in many cases, and of dependence upon planters in many more, the great mass of the special justices are a disgrace to their office, and to the government which commissioned them. out of sixty, the number of special justices in jamaica, there are not more than fifteen, or twenty at farthest, who are not the merest tools of the attorneys and overseers. their servility was graphically hit off by the apprentice. "if busha say flog em, he flog em; if busha say send them to the treadmill, he send em." if an apprentice laughs or sings, and the busha represents it to the magistrate as insolence, he _feels it his duty_ to make an example of the offender! the following fact will illustrate the injustice of the magistrates. it was stated in writing by a missionary. we conceal all names, in compliance with the request of the writer. "an apprentice belonging to ---- in the ---- was sent to the treadmill by special justice g. he was ordered to go out and count the sheep, as he was able to count higher than some of the field people, although a house servant from his youth--i may say childhood. instead of bringing in the tally cut upon a piece of board, as usual, he wrote the number eighty upon a piece of paper. when the overseer saw it, he would scarcely believe that any of his people could write, and ordered a piece of coal to be brought and made him write it over again; the next day he turned him into the field, but unable to perform the task (to hoe and weed one hundred coffee roots daily) with those who had been accustomed to field work all their lives, he was tried for neglect of duty, and sentenced to fourteen days on the treadmill!" we quote the following heart-rending account from the telegraph, (spanishtown,) april , . it is from a baptist missionary. "i see something is doing in england to shorten the apprenticeship system. i pray god it may soon follow its predecessor--slavery, for it is indeed slavery under a less disgusting name. business lately (december ) called me to rodney hall; and while i was there, a poor old negro was brought in for punishment. i heard the fearful vociferation, 'twenty stripes.' 'very well; here ----, put this man down.' i felt as i cannot describe; yet i thought, as the supervisor was disposed to be civil, my presence might tend to make the punishment less severe than it usually is--but i was disappointed. i inquired into the crime for which such an old man could be so severely punished, and heard various accounts. i wrote to the magistrate who sentenced him to receive it; and after many days i got the following reply." "_logan castle, jan. , ._ sir--in answer to your note of the th instant, i beg leave to state, that ---- ----, an apprentice belonging to ---- ----, was brought before me by mr. ----, his late overseer, charged upon oath with continual neglect of duty and disobedience of orders as cattle-man, and also for stealing milk--was convicted, and sentenced to receive twenty stripes. so far from the punishment of the offender being severe, he was not ordered one half the number of stripes provided for such cases by the abolition act--if he received more than that number, or if those were inflicted with undue severity, i shall feel happy in making every inquiry amongst the authorities at rodney hall institution. i remain, sir, yours, truly, t.w. jones, s.m." 'rev. j. clarke, &c., &c.' from mr. clarke's reply, we make the following extract: "_jericho, january , ._ sir--i beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th instant. respecting the punishment of ---- ----, i still adhere to the opinion i before expressed, that, for an old man of about sixty years of age, the punishment was severe. to see a venerable old man tied as if to be broken on the wheel, and cut to the bone by the lash of an athletic driver--writhing and yelling under the most exquisite torture, were certainly circumstances sufficiently strong to touch the heart of any one possessed of the smallest degree of common humanity. the usual preparations being made, the old man quietly stripped off his upper garments, and lay down upon the board--he was then tied by his legs, middle, above the elbows, and at each wrist. mr. ---- then called out to the driver, 'i hope you will do your duty--he is not sent here for nothing.' at the first lash the skin started up; and at the third, the blood began to flow; ere the driver had given ten, the cat was covered with gore; and he stopped to change it for a dry one, which appeared to me somewhat longer than the first. when the poor tortured creature had received sixteen, his violent struggles enabled him to get one of his hands loose, which he put instantly to his back--the driver stopped to retie him, and then proceeded to give the remaining four. the struggles of the poor old man from the first lash bespoke the most extreme torture; and his cries were to me most distressing. 'oh! oh! mercy! mercy! mercy! oh! massa! massa! dat enough--enough! oh, enough! o, massa, have pity! o, massa! massa! dat enough--enough! oh, never do de like again--only pity me--forgive me dis once! oh! pity! mercy! mercy! oh! oh!' were the cries he perpetually uttered. i shall remember them while i live; and would not for ten thousand worlds have been the cause of producing them. it was some minutes after he was loosed ere he could rise to his feet, and as he attempted to rise, he continued calling out, 'my back! oh! my back! my back is broken.' a long time he remained half-doubled, the blood flowing round his body; 'i serve my master,' said the aged sufferer, 'at all times; get no saturday, no sunday; yet this is de way dem use me.' with such planters, and such magistrates to play into their hands, is it to be wondered at that the apprentices do badly? enough has been said, we think, to satisfy any candid person as to the _causes of the evils in jamaica_. if any thing further were needed, we might speak of the peculiar facilities which these men have for perpetrating acts of cruelty and injustice. the major part of the island is exceedingly mountainous, and a large portion of the sugar estates, and most of the coffee plantations, are among the mountains. these estates are scattered over a wide extent of country, and separated by dense forests and mountains, which conceal each plantation from the public view almost as effectually as though it were the only property on the island. the only mode of access to many of the estates in the mountainous districts, is by mule paths winding about, amid fastnesses, precipices, and frightful solitudes. in those lone retirements, on the mountain top, or in the deep glen by the side of the rocky rivers, the traveller occasionally meets with an estate. strangers but rarely intrude upon those little domains. they are left to the solitary sway of the overseers dwelling amid their "gangs," and undisturbed, save by the weekly visitations of the special magistrates. while the traveller is struck with the facilities for the perpetration of those enormities which must have existed there during slavery; he is painfully impressed also with the numerous opportunities which are still afforded for oppressing the apprentices, particularly where the special magistrates are not honest men.[a] [footnote a: from the nature of the case, it must be impossible to know how much actual flogging is perpetrated by the overseers. we might safely conjecture that there must be a vast deal of it that never comes to the light. such is the decided belief of many of the first men in the island. the planters, say they, flog their apprentices, and then, to prevent their complaining to the magistrate, threaten them with severe punishment, or bribe them to silence by giving them a few shillings. the attorney-general mentioned an instance of the latter policy. a planter got angry with one of his head men, who was a constable, and knocked him down. the man started off to complain to the special magistrate. the master called him back, and told him he need not go to the magistrate--that he was constable, and had a right to fine him himself. "well, massa," said the negro, "i fine you five shillings on de spot." the master was glad to get off with that--the magistrate would probably have fined him £ currency.] in view of the local situation of jamaica--the violent character of its planters--and the inevitable dependency of the magistrates, it is very manifest _that immediate emancipation was imperatively demanded there_. in no other colony did the negroes require to be more _entirely released from the tyranny of the overseers, or more thoroughly shielded by the power of equal law_. this is a principle which must hold good always--that where slavery has been most rigorous and absolute, there emancipation, needs to be most unqualified; and where the sway of the master has been _most despotic, cruel, and_ long continued, there the protection of law should be most speedily _extended and most impartially applied_."[b] [footnote b: since the above was written we have seen a copy of a message sent by sir lionel smith, to the house of assembly of jamaica, on the d november, , in which a statement of the deprivations of the apprentices, is officially laid before the house. we make the following extract from it, which contains, to use his excellency's language, "the principal causes, as has been found by the records of the special magistrates, of complaints among the apprentices; and of consequent collisions between the planters and magistrates." "prudent and humane planters have already adopted what is recommended, and their properties present the good working of this system in peace and industry, without their resorting to the authority of the special magistrates; but there are other properties where neither the law of the apprenticeship nor the usages of slavery have been found sufficient to guard the rights of the apprentices. first, the magistrates' reports show that on some estates the apprentices have been deprived of cooks and water-carriers while at work in the field--thus, the time allowed for breakfast, instead of being a period of rest, is one of continual labor, as they have to seek for fuel and to cook. the depriving them of water-carriers is still more injurious, as the workmen are not allowed to quit their rows to obtain it. both these privations are detrimental to the planter's work. second, a law seems wanting to supply the estates' hospitals with sufficient attendants on the sick apprentices, as well as for the supply of proper food, as they cannot depend on their own grounds, whilst unable to leave the hospitals. the first clause of the abolition law has not been found strong enough to secure these necessary attentions to the sick. third, in regard to jobbers, more exposed to hardships than any other class. a law is greatly required allowing them the distance they may have to walk to their work, at the rate of three miles an hour, and for compelling the parties hiring them to supply them with salt food and meal; their grounds are oftentimes so many miles distant, it is impossible for them to supply themselves. hence constant complaints and irregularities. fourth, that mothers of six children and upwards, pregnant women, and the aged of both sexes, would be greatly benefited by a law enforcing the kind treatment which they received in slavery, but which is now considered optional, or is altogether avoided on many properties. fifth, nothing would tend more to effect general contentment and repress the evils of comparative treatment, than the issue of fish as a right by law. it was an indulgence in slavery seldom denied, but on many properties is now withheld, or given for extra labor instead of wages. sixth, his excellency during the last sessions had the honor to address a message to the house for a stronger definition of working time. the clause of the act in aid expressed that it was the intention of the legislature to regulate 'uniformity' of labor, but in practice there is still a great diversity of system. the legal adviser of the crown considers the clause active and binding; the special magistrate cannot, therefore, adjudicate on disputes of labor under the eight hour system, and the consequences have been continual complaints and bickerings between the magistrates and managers, and discontent among the apprentices by comparison of the advantages which one system presents over the other. seventh, if your honorable house would adopt some equitable fixed principle for the value of apprentices desirous of purchasing their discharge, either by ascertained rates of weekly labor, or by fixed sums according to their trade or occupation, which should not be exceeded, and allowing the deduction of one third from the extreme value for the contingencies of maintenance, clothing, medical aid, risk of life, and health, it would greatly tend to set at rest one cause of constant disappointment. in proportion as the term of apprenticeship draws to a close, the demands for the sale of services have greatly increased. it is in the hope that the honorable house will be disposed to enforce a more general system of equal treatment, that his excellency now circumstantially represents what have been the most common causes of complaint among the apprentices, and why the island is subject to the reproach that the negroes, in some respects, are now in a worse condition than they were in slavery." ] we heard frequent complaints in jamaica respecting the falling off of the crops since abolition. in order that the reader may know the extent of the failure in the aggregate island crops, we have inserted in the appendix a table showing the "exports for fifty-three years, ending st december, , condensed from the journals of the house." by the disaffected planters, the diminished crops were hailed as "an evident token of perdition." they had foretold that abolition would be the ruin of cultivation, they had maintained that sugar, coffee, rum, &c., could not be produced extensively without the _whip of slavery_, and now they exultingly point to the short crops and say, "see the results of abolition!" we say exultingly, for a portion of the planters do really seem to rejoice in any indication of ruin. having staked their reputation as prophets against their credit as colonists and their interests as men, they seem happy in the establishment of the former, even though it be by the sacrifice of the latter. said an intelligent gentleman in st. thomas in the east, "the planters have _set their hearts upon_ ruin, and they will be sorely disappointed if it should not come." hearing so much said concerning the diminution of the crops, we spared no pains to ascertain the _true causes_. we satisfied ourselves that the causes were mainly two. first. the prevailing impression that the negroes would not _work well_ after the abolition of slavery, led many planters to throw a part of their land out of cultivation, in . this is a fact which was published by lord sligo, in an official account which he gave shortly before leaving jamaica, of the working of the apprenticeship. the overseer of belvidere estate declared that he knew of many cases in which part of the land usually planted in canes was thrown up, owing to the general expectation that _much less work_ would be done after abolition. he also mentioned one attorney _who ordered all the estates under his charge to be thrown out of cultivation_ in , so confident was he that the negroes would not work. the name of this attorney was white. mr. gordon, of williamsfield, stated, that the quantity of land planted in cane, in , was considerably less than the usual amount: on some estates it was less by twenty, and on others by forty acres. now if such were the fact in the parish of st. thomas in the east, where greater confidence was felt probably than in any other parish, we have a clue by which we may conjecture (if indeed we were left to conjecture) to what extent the cultivation was diminished in the island generally. this of itself would satisfactorily account for the falling off in the crops--which at most is not above one third. nor would this explain the decrease in ' _only_, for it is well known among sugar planters that a neglect of planting, either total or partial, for one year, will affect the crops for two or three successive years. the other cause of short crops has been the _diminished amount of time for labor_. one fourth of the time now belongs to the laborers, and they often prefer to employ it in cultivating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. thus the estate cultivation is necessarily impeded. this cause operates very extensively, particularly on two classes of estates: those which lie convenient to market places, where the apprentices have strong inducements to cultivate their grounds, and those (more numerous still) which _have harsh overseers_, to whom the apprentices are averse to hire their time--in which cases they will choose to work for neighboring planters, who are better men. we should not omit to add here, that owing to a singular fact, the falling off of the crops _appears_ greater than it really has been. we learned from the most credible sources that _the size of the hogsheads_ had been considerably enlarged since abolition. formerly they contained, on an average, eighteen hundred weight, now they vary from a ton to twenty-two hundred! as the crops are estimated by the number of hogsheads, this will make a material difference. there were two reasons for enlarging in the hogsheads,--one was, to lessen the amount of certain port charges in exportation, which were made _by the hogshead_; the other, and perhaps the principal, was to create some foundation in appearance for the complaint that the crops had failed because of abolition. while we feel fully warranted in stating these as the chief causes of the diminished crops, we are at the same time disposed to admit that the apprenticeship is in itself exceedingly ill calculated either to encourage or to compel industry. we must confess that we have no special zeal to vindicate this system from its full share of blame; but we are rather inclined to award to it every jot and tittle of the dishonored instrumentality which it has had in working mischief to the colony. however, in all candor, we must say, that we can scarcely check the risings of exultation when we perceive that this party-fangled measure--this offspring of old slavery in her dying throes, _which was expressly designed as a compensation to the proprietor_, has actually diminished his annual returns by one third! so may it ever be with legislation which is based on _iniquity and robbery!_ but the subject which excites the deepest interest in jamaica _is the probable consequences of entire emancipation in _. the most common opinion among the prognosticators of evil is, that the emancipated negroes will abandon the cultivation of all the staple products, retire to the woods, and live in a state of semi-barbarism; and as a consequence, the splendid sugar and coffee estates must be "thrown up," and the beautiful and fertile island of jamaica become a waste howling wilderness. the _reasons_ for this opinion consist in part of naked assumptions, and in part of inferences from _supposed_ facts. the assumed reasons are such as these. the negroes will not cultivate the cane _without the whip_. how is this known? simply because _they never have_, to any great extent, in jamaica. such, it has been shown, was the opinion formerly in barbadoes, but it has been forever exploded there by experiment. again, the negroes are _naturally improvident_, and will never have enough foresight to work steadily. what is the evidence of _natural_ improvidence in the negroes? barely this--their carelessness in a state of slavery. but that furnishes no ground at all for judging of _natural_ character, or of the developments of character under a _totally different system_. if it testifies any thing, it is only this, that the natural disposition of the negroes is not always _proof_ against the degenerating influences of slavery.[a] again, the actual wants of the negroes are very few and easily supplied, and they will undoubtedly prefer going into the woods where they can live almost without labor, to toiling in the hot cane fields or climbing the coffee mountains. but they who urge this, lose sight of the fact that the negroes are considerably civilized, and that, like other civilized people, they will seek for more than supply for the necessities of the rudest state of nature. their wants are already many, even in the degraded condition of slaves; is it probable that they will be satisfied with _fewer of the comforts and luxuries of civilized life_, when they are elevated to the sphere, and feel the self-respect and dignity of freemen? but let us notice some of the reasons which profess to be _founded on fact_. they may all be resolved into two, _the laziness of negroes, and their tendency to barbarism_. [footnote a: probably in more instances than the one recorded in the foregoing chapter, the improvidence of the negroes is inferred from their otherwise unaccountable preference in walking six or ten miles to chapel, rather than to work for a maccaroni a day.] i. they _now_ refuse to work on saturdays, even with wages. on this assertion we have several remarks to make. .) it is true only to a partial extent. the apprentices on many estates--whether a majority or not it is impossible to say--do work for their masters on saturdays, when their services are called for. .) they often refuse to work on the estates, because they can earn three or four times as much by cultivating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. the ordinary day's wages on an estate is a quarter of a dollar, and where the apprentices are conveniently situated to market, they can make from seventy-five cents to a dollar a day with their provisions. .) the overseers are often such overbearing and detestable men, that the apprentices doubtless feel it a great relief to be freed from their command on saturday, after submitting to it compulsorily for five days of the week. . another fact from which the laziness of the negroes is inferred, is their _neglecting their provision grounds_. it is said that they have fallen off greatly to their attention to their grounds, since the abolition of slavery. this fact does not comport very well with the complaint, that the apprentices cultivate their provision grounds to the neglect of the estates. but both assertions may be true under opposite circumstances. on those estates which are situated near the market, provisions will be cultivated; on those which are remote from the market, provisions will of course be partially neglected, and it will be more profitable to the apprentices to work on the estates at a quarter of a dollar per day, raising only enough provisions for their own use. but we ascertained another circumstance which throws light on this point. the negroes expect, after emancipation, to _lose their provision grounds_; many expect certainly to be turned off by their masters, and many who have harsh masters, intend to leave, and seek homes on other estates, and _all_ feel a great uncertainty about their situation after ; and consequently they can have but little encouragement to vigorous and extended cultivation of their grounds. besides this, there are very many cases in which the apprentices of one estate cultivate provision grounds on another estate, where the manager is a man in whom they have more confidence than they have in their own "busha." they, of course, in such cases, abandon their former grounds, and consequently are charged with neglecting them through laziness. . another alleged fact is, that _actually less work_ is done now than was done during slavery. the argument founded on this fact is this: there is less work done under the apprenticeship than was done during slavery: therefore _no work at all_ will be done after entire freedom! but the apprenticeship allows _one fourth less time_ for labor than slavery did, and presents no inducement, either compulsory or persuasive, to continued industry. will it be replied that emancipation will take away _all_ the time from labor, and offer no encouragement _but to idleness_? how is it now? do the apprentices work better or worse during their own time when they are paid? better, unquestionably. what does this prove? that freedom will supply both the time and the inducement to the most vigorous industry. the _other reason_ for believing that the negroes will abandon estate-labor after entire emancipation, is their _strong tendency to barbarism!_ and what are the facts in proof of this? we know but one. we heard it said repeatedly that the apprentices were not willing to have their free children educated--that they had pertinaciously declined every offer of the _bushas_ to educate their children, and _this_, it was alleged, evinced a determination on the part of the negroes to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism among their posterity. we heard from no less than four persons of distinction in st. thomas in the east, the following curious fact. it was stated each time for the double purpose of proving that the apprentices did not wish to have their children _learn to work_, and that they were opposed to their _receiving education_. a company of the first-gentlemen of that parish, consisting of the rector of the parish, the custos, the special magistrate, an attorney, and member of the assembly, etc., had mustered in imposing array, and proceeded to one of the large estates in the plantain garden river valley, and there having called the apprentices together, made the following proposals to them respecting their free children, the rector acting as spokesman. the attorney would provide a teacher for the estate, and would give the children four hours' instruction daily, if the parents would _bind them to work_ four hours every day; the attorney further offered to pay for all medical attendance the children should require. the apprentices, after due deliberation among themselves, unanimously declined this proposition. it was repeatedly urged upon them, and the advantages it promised were held up to them; but they persisted in declining it wholly. this was a great marvel to the planters; and they could not account for it in any other way than by supposing that the apprentices were opposed both to labor and education, and were determined that their free children should grow up in ignorance and indolence! now the true reason why the apprentices rejected this proposal was, _because it came from the planters_, in whom they have no confidence. they suspected that some evil scheme was hid under the fair pretence of benevolence; the design of the planters, as they firmly believed, was to get their _free children bound to them_, so that they might continue to keep them in a species of apprenticeship. this was stated to us, as the real ground of the rejection, by several missionaries, who gave the best evidence that it was so; viz. that at the same time that the apprentices declined the offer, they would send their free children _six or eight miles to a school taught by a missionary_. we inquired particularly of some of the apprentices, to whom this offer was made, why they did not accept it. they said that they could not trust their masters; the whole design of it was to get them to give up their children, and if they should give them up _but for a single month_, it would be the same as acknowledging that they (the parents) were not able to take care of them themselves. the busha would then send word to the governor that the people had given up their children, not being able to support them, and the governor would have the children bound to the busha, "and _then_," said they, "_we might whistle for our children_!" in this manner the apprentices, the _parents_, reasoned. they professed the greatest anxiety to have their children educated, but they said they could have no confidence in the honest intentions of their busha. the views given above, touching the results of entire emancipation in , are not unanimously entertained even among the planters, and they are far from prevailing to any great extent among other classes of the community. the missionaries, as a body, a portion of the special magistrates, and most of the intelligent free colored people, anticipate glorious consequences; they hail the approach of , as a deliverance from the oppressions of the apprenticeship, and its train of disaffections, complaints and incessant disputes. they say they have nothing to fear--nor has the island any thing to fear, but every thing to hope, from entire emancipation. we subjoin a specimen of the reasoning of the minority of the planters. they represent the idea that the negroes will abandon the estates, and retire to the woods, as wild and absurd in the extreme. they say the negroes have a great regard for the comforts which they enjoy on the estates; they are strongly attached to their houses and little furniture, and their provision grounds. these are as much to them as the 'great house' and the estate are to their master. besides, they have very _strong local attachments_, and these would bind them to the properties. these planters also argue, from _the great willingness_ of the apprentices now to work for money, during their own time, that they will not be likely to relinquish labor when they are to get wages for the whole time. there was no doubt much truth in the remark of a planter in st. thomas in the east, that if _any_ estates were abandoned by the negroes after , it would be those which had harsh managers, and those which are so mountainous and inaccessible, or barren, that they _ought_ to be abandoned. it was the declaration of a _planter_, that entire emancipation would _regenerate_ the island of jamaica. * * * * * we now submit to the candid examination of the american, especially the christian public, the results of our inquiries in antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica. the deficiency of the narrative in ability and interest, we are sure is neither the fault of the subject nor of the materials. could we have thrown into vivid forms a few only of the numberless incidents of rare beauty which thronged our path--could we have imparted to pages that freshness and glow, which invested the institutions of freedom, just bursting into bloom over the late wastes of slavery--could we, in fine, have carried our readers amid the scenes which we witnessed, and the sounds which we heard, and the things which we handled, we should not doubt the power and permanence of the impression produced. it is due to the cause, and to the society under whose commission we acted, frankly to state, that we were not selected on account of any peculiar qualifications for the work. as both of us were invalids, and compelled to fly from the rigors of an american winter, it was believed that we might combine the improvement of health, with the prosecution of important investigations, while abler men could thus be retained in the field at home; but we found that the unexpected abundance of materials requires the strongest health and powers of endurance. we regret to add, that the continued ill health of both of us, since our return, so serious in the case of one, as to deprive him almost wholly of participation in the preparation of the work, has necessarily, delayed its appearance, and rendered its execution more imperfect. we lay no claim to literary merit. to present as simple narrative of facts, has been our sole aim. we have not given the results of our personal observations merely, or chiefly, nor have we made a record of private impressions or idle speculations. _well authenticated facts_, accompanied with the testimony, verbal and documentary, of public men, planters, and other responsible individuals, make up the body of the volume, as almost every page will show. that no statements, if erroneous, might escape detection and exposure, we have, in nearly every case, given the _names_ of our authorities. by so doing we may have subjected ourselves to the censure of those respected gentlemen, with whose names we have taken such liberty. we are assured, however, that their interest in the cause of freedom will quite reconcile them to what otherwise might be an unpleasant personal publicity. commending our narrative to the blessing of the god of truth, and the redeemer of the oppressed, we send it forth to do its part, however humble, toward the removal of slavery from our beloved but guilty country. appendix. we have in our possession a number of official documents from gentlemen, officers of the government, and variously connected with its administration, in the different islands which we visited: some of these--such as could not be conveniently incorporated into the body of the work--we insert in the form of an appendix. to insert them _all_, would unduly increase the size of the present volume. those not embodied in this appendix, will be published in the periodicals of the american anti-slavery society. * * * * * official communication from e.b. lyon, esq., special magistrate. _jamaica, hillingdon, near falmouth, trelawney, may , _. to j.h. kimball., esq., and j.a. thome, esq. dear sirs,--of the operation of the apprenticeship system in this district, from the slight opportunity i have had of observing the conduct of managers and apprentices, i could only speak conjecturally, and my opinions, wanting the authority of experience, would be of little service to you; i shall therefore confine the remarks i have to make, to the operation of the system in the district from which i have lately removed. i commenced my duties in august, , and from the paucity of special magistrates at that eventful era, i had the superintendence of a most extensive district, comprising nearly one half of the populous parish of st. thomas in the east, and the whole of the parish of st. david, embracing an apprentice population of nearly eighteen thousand,--in charge of which i continued until december, when i was relieved of st. david, and in march, , my surveillance was confined to that portion of st. thomas in the east, consisting of the coffee plantations in the blue mountains, and the sugar estates of blue mountain valley, over which i continued to preside until last march, a district containing a population of four thousand two hundred and twenty-seven apprentices, of which two thousand eighty-seven were males, and two thousand one hundred and forty, females. the apprentices of the blue mountain valley were, at the period of my assumption of the duties of a special magistrate, the most disorderly in the island. they were greatly excited, and almost desperate from disappointment, in finding their trammels under the new law, nearly as burdensome as under the old, and their condition, in many respects, much more intolerable. they were also extremely irritated at what they deemed an attempt upon the part of their masters to rob them of one of the greatest advantages they had been led to believe the new law secured to them--this was the half of friday. special justice everard, who went through the district during the first two weeks of august, , and who was the first special justice to read and explain the new law to them, had told them that the law gave to them the extra four and a half hours on the friday, and some of the proprietors and managers, who were desirous of preparing their people for the coming change, had likewise explained it so; but, most unfortunately, the governor issued a proclamation, justifying the masters in withholding the four and a half hours on that day, and substituting any other half day, or by working them eight hours per day, they might deprive them altogether of the advantage to be derived from the extra time, which, by the abolition of sunday marketing, was almost indispensable to people whose grounds, in some instances, were many miles from their habitations, and who were above thirty miles from kingston market, where prices were fifty per cent. more than the country markets in their favor for the articles they had to dispose of, and correspondingly lower for those they had to purchase. to be in time for which market, it was necessary to walk all friday night, so that without the use of the previous half day, they could not procure their provisions, or prepare themselves for it. the deprivation of the half of friday was therefore a serious hardship to them, and this, coupled to the previous assurance of their masters, and special justice everard, that they were entitled to it, made them to suspect a fraud was about being practised on them, which, if they did not resist, would lead to the destruction of the remaining few privileges they possessed. the resistance was very general, but without violence; whole gangs leaving the fields on the afternoon of friday; refusing to take any other afternoon, and sometimes leaving the estates for two or three days together. they fortunately had confidence in me--and i succeeded in restoring order, and all would have been well,--but the managers, no longer alarmed by the fear of rebellion or violence, began a system of retaliation and revenge, by withdrawing cooks, water-carriers, and nurses, from the field, by refusing medicine and admittance to the hospital to the apprentice children, and by compelling old and infirm people, who had been allowed to withdraw from labor, and mothers of six children, who were exempt by the slave law from hard labor, to come out and work in the field. all this had a natural tendency to create irritation, and did do so; though, to the great credit of the people, in many instances, they submitted with the most extraordinary patience, to evils which were the more onerous, because inflicted under the affected sanction of a law, whose advent, as the herald of liberty, they had expected would have been attended with a train of blessings. i effected a change in this miserable state of things; and mutual contract for labor, in crop and out of it, were made on twenty-five estates in my district, before, i believe, any arrangement had been made in other parts of the island, between the managers and the apprentices; so that from being in a more unsettled state than others, we were soon happily in a more prosperous one, and so continued. no peasantry in the most favored country on the globe, can have been more irreproachable in morals and conduct than the majority of apprentices in that district, since the beginning of . i have, month after month, in my despatches to the governor, had to record instances of excess of labor, compared with the quantity performed during slavery in some kinds of work; and while i have with pleasure reported the improving condition, habits, manners, and the industry which characterized the labors of the peasantry, i have not been an indifferent or uninterested witness of the improvement in the condition of many estates, the result of the judicious application of labor, and of the confidence in the future and sanguine expectations of the proprietors, evinced in the enlargements of the works, and expensive and permanent repair of the buildings on various estates, and in the high prices given for properties and land since the apprenticeship system, which would scarcely have commanded a purchaser, at any price, during the existence of slavery. i have invariably found the apprentice willing to work for an equitable hire, and on all the sugar estates, and several of the plantations, in the district i speak of, they worked a considerable portion of their own time during crop, about the works, for money, or an equivalent in herrings, sugar, etc., to so great a degree, that less than the time allotted to them during slavery, was left for appropriation to the cultivation of their grounds, and for marketing, as the majority, very much to their credit, scrupulously avoided working on the sabbath day. in no community in the world is crime less prevalent. at the quarter sessions, in january last, for the precinct of st. thomas in the east, and st. david, which contains an apprentice population of about thirty thousand, there was only one apprentice tried. and the offences that have, in general, for the last eighteen months, been brought before me on estates, have been of the most trivial description, such as an individual occasionally turning out late, or some one of an irritable temper answering impatiently, or for some trifling act of disobedience; in fact, the majority of apprentices on estates have been untainted with offence, and have steadily and quietly performed their duty, and respected the law. the apprentices of st. thomas in the east, i do not hesitate to say, are much superior in manners and morals to those who inhabit the towns. during the first six or eight months, while the planters were in doubt how far the endurance of their laborers might be taxed, the utmost deference and respect was paid by them to the special magistrates; their suggestions or recommendations were adopted without cavil, and opinions taken without reference to the letter of the law; but when the obedience of the apprentice, and his strict deference to the law and its administrators, had inspired them with a consciousness of perfect security, i observed with much regret, a great alteration in the deportment of many of the managers towards myself and the people; trivial and insignificant complaints were astonishingly increased, and assaults on apprentices became more frequent, so that in the degree that the conduct of one party was more in accordance with the obligations imposed on him by the apprenticeship, was that of the other in opposition to it; again with the hold and infirm harassed; again were mothers of six living children attempted to be forced to perform field labor; and again were mothers with sucking children complained of, and some attempts made to deprive them of the usual nurses. such treatment was not calculated to promote cordiality between master and apprentice, and the effect will, i fear, have a very unfavorable influence upon the working of many estates, at the termination of the system; in fact, when that period arrives, if the feeling of estrangement be no worse, i am convinced it will be no better than it is at the present moment, as i have witnessed no pains taking on the part of the attorneys generally to attach the apprentices to the properties, or to prepare them in a beneficial manner for the coming change. it was a very common practice in the district, when an apprentice was about to purchase his discharge, to attempt to intimidate him by threats of immediate ejectment from the property, and if in the face of this threatened separation from family and connections, he persevered and procured his release, then the sincerity of the previous intimations was evinced by a peremptory order, to instantly quit the property, under the penalty of having the trespass act enforced against him; and if my interference prevented any outrageous violation of law, so many obstructions and annoyances were placed in the way of his communication with his family, or enjoyment of his domestic rights, that he would be compelled for their peace, and his own personal convenience, to submit to privations, which, as a slave, he would not have been subject to. the consequence is, that those released from the obligations of the apprenticeship by purchase, instead of being located, and laboring for hire upon the estate to which they were attached, and forming a nucleus around which others would have gathered and settled themselves, they have been principally driven to find other homes, and in the majority of instances have purchased land, and become settlers on their own account. if complete emancipation had taken place in , there would have been no more excitement, and no more trouble to allay it, than that which was the consequence of the introduction of the present system of coerced and uncompensated labor. the relations of society would have been fixed upon a permanent basis, and the two orders would not have been placed in that situation of jealousy and suspicion which their present anomalous condition has been the baneful means of creating. i am convinced there never was any serious alarm about the consequences of immediate emancipation among those who were acquainted with the peasantry of jamaica. the fears of the morbidly humane were purposely excited to increase the amount of compensation, or to lengthen the duration of the apprenticeship; and the daily ridiculous and untruthful statements that are made by the vitiated portion of the jamaica press, of the indolence of the apprentices, their disinclination to work in their own time, and the great increase of crime, are purposely and insidiously put forward to prevent the fact of the industry, and decorum, and deference to the law, of the people, and the prosperous condition of the estates, appearing in too prominent a light, lest the friends of humanity, and the advocates for the equal rights of men, should be encouraged to agitate for the destruction of a system which, in its general operation, has retained many of the worst features of slavery, perpetuated many gross infringements of the social and domestic rights of the working classes; and which, instead of working out the benevolent intention of the imperial legislature, by aiding and encouraging the expansion of intellect, and supplying motives for the permanent good conduct of the apprentices, in its termination, has, i fear, retarded the rapidity with which civilization would have advanced, and sown the seeds of a feeling more bitter than that which slavery, with all its abominations, had engendered. i am, dear sirs, your very faithful servant, edmund b. lyon, _special justice._ extract from a communication which we received from wm. henry anderson, esq., of kingston, the solicitor-general for jamaica. the staples of the island must be cultivated after as now, because if not, the negroes could not obtain the comforts or luxuries, of which they are undoubtedly very desirous, from cultivation of their grounds. the fruits and roots necessary for the public markets are already supplied in profusion at tolerably moderate prices: if the supply were greatly increased, the prices could not be remunerative. there is no way in which they can so readily as by labor for wages, _obtain money_, and therefore i hold that there must ever be an adequate supply of labor in the market. the negroes are in my opinion very acute in their perceptions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, and appreciate fully the benefits of equitable legislation, and would unreservedly submit to it where they felt confidence in the purity of its administration. there is not the slightest likelihood of rebellion on the part of the negroes after , unless some unrighteous attempts be made to keep up the helotism of the class by enactments of partial laws. _they_ could have no interest in rebellion, they could gain nothing by it; and might lose every thing; nor do i think they dream of such a thing. they are ardently attached to the british government, and would be so to the colonial government, were it to indicate by its enactments any purposes of kindness or protection towards them. hitherto the scope of its legislation has been, in reference to them, almost exclusively coercive; certainly there have been no enactments of a tendency to conciliate their good will or attachment. the negroes are much desirous of education and religious instruction: no one who has attended to the matter can gainsay that. formerly marriage was unknown amongst them; they were in fact only regarded by their masters, and i fear by themselves too, as so many brutes for labor, and for increase. now they seek the benefits of the social institution of marriage and its train of hallowed relationships: concubinage is becoming quite disreputable; many are seeking to repair their conduct by marriage to their former partners, and no one in any rank of life would be hardy enough to express disapprobation of those who have done or may do so. wm. henry anderson. _kingston, jamaica, th april, _. * * * * * the following communication is the monthly report for march, , of major j.b. colthurst, special justice for district a., rural division, barbadoes. the general conduct of the apprentices since my last report has been excellent, considering that greater demands have been made upon their labor at this moment to save perhaps the finest crop of canes ever grown in the island. upon the large estates generally the best feeling exists, because they are in three cases out of four conducted by either the proprietors themselves, or attorneys and managers of sense and consideration. here all things go on well; the people are well provided and comfortable, and therefore the best possible understanding prevails. the apprentices in my district _perform their work most willingly_, whenever the immediate manager is a man of sense and humanity. if this is not the case, the effect is soon seen, and complaints begin to be made. misunderstandings are usually confined to the smaller estates, particularly in the neighborhood of bridgetown, where the lots are very small, and the apprentice population of a less rural description, and more or less also corrupted by daily intercourse with the town. the working hours most generally in use in my district are as follows: on most estates, the apprentices work from six to nine, breakfast; from ten to one, dinner--rest; from three to six, work. it is almost the constant practice of the apprentices, particularly the praedials or rural portion, to work in their own time for money wages, at the rate of a quarter dollar a day. they sometimes work also during those periods in their little gardens round their negro houses, and which they most generally enjoy without charge, or in the land they obtain in lieu of allowance, they seem always well pleased to be fully employed at _free_ labor, and work, when so employed, exceedingly well. i know a small estate, worked exclusively on this system. it is in excellent order, and the proprietor tells me his profits are greater than they would be under the apprenticeship. he is a sensible and correct man, and i therefore rely upon his information. during the hurry always attendant on the saving of the crop, the apprentices are generally hired in their own time upon their respective estates at the above rate, and which they seldom refuse. no hesitation generally occurs in this or any other matter, whenever the employer discharges his duty by them in a steady and considerate manner. the attendance at church throughout my district is most respectable; but the accommodation, either in this respect or as regards schools, is by no means adequate to the wants of the people. the apprentices conduct themselves during divine service in the most correct manner, and it is most gratifying to perceive, that only very little exertion, indeed, would be required to render them excellent members of society. this fact is fully proved by the orderly situation of a few estates in my district, that have had the opportunity of receiving some moral and religious instruction. there are sixty-four estates in my district over twenty-five acres. upon four of those plantations where the apprentices have been thus taught, there are a greater number of _married_ couples (which may be considered a fair test) than upon the remaining sixty. i scarcely ever have a complaint from these four estates, and they are generally reported to be in a most orderly state. in the memory of the oldest inhabitant, the island has never produced a finer crop of canes than that now in the course of manufacture. all other crops are luxuriant, and the plantations in a high state of agricultural cleanliness. the season has been very favorable. under the head of general inquiry, i beg leave to offer a few remarks. i have now great pleasure in having it in my power to state, that a manifest change for the better has taken place _gradually_ in my district within the last few months. asperities seem to be giving way to calm discussion, and the laws are better understood and obeyed. it is said in other colonies as well as here, that there has been, and still continues to be, a great want of natural affection among the negro parents for their children, and that great mortality among the free children has occurred in consequence. this opinion, i understand, has been lately expressed in confident terms by the legislature of st. vincent's, which has been fully and satisfactorily contradicted by the reports of the special justices to the lieutenant-governor. the same assertion has been made by individuals to myself. as regards barbadoes, i have spared no pains to discover whether such statements were facts, and i now am happy to say, that not a _single instance_ of unnatural conduct on the part of the negro parents to their children has come to my knowledge--far, perhaps too far, the contrary is the case; _over indulgence_ and _petting_ them seems in my judgment to be the only matter the parents can be, with any justice, accused of. they exhibit their fondness in a thousand ways. contrasting the actual conduct of the negro parents with the assertions of the planters, it is impossible not to infer that _some bitterness is felt by the latter on the score of their lost authority_. when this is the case, reaction is the natural consequence, and thus misunderstandings and complaints ensue. the like assertions are made with respect to the disinclination of the parents to send their children to school. this certainly does exist to a certain extent, particularly to schools where the under classes of whites are taught, who often treat the negro children in a most imperious and hostile manner. as some proof that no decided objection exists in the negro to educate his children, a vast number of the apprentices of my district send them to school, and take pride in paying a bit a week each for them--a quarter dollar entrance and a quarter dollar for each vacation. those schools are almost always conducted by a black man and his _married_ wife. however, they are well attended, but are very few in number. to show that the apprentices fully estimate the blessings of education, many females _hire their apprentice_ children at a quarter dollar a week from their masters, for the express purpose of sending them to school. this proves the possibility of a _voluntary_ system of education succeeding, provided it was preceded by full and satisfactory explanation to the parties concerned. i have also little doubt that labor to the extent i speak of, may be successfully introduced when the apprentices become assured that nothing but the ultimate welfare of themselves and children is intended; but so suspicious are they from habit, and, as i said before, so profoundly ignorant of what may in truth and sincerity be meant only for their benefit, that it will require great caution and delicacy on the occasion. those suspicions have not been matured in the negroes mind without cause--the whole history of slavery proves it. such suspicions are even _now_ only relinquished under doubts and apprehensions; therefore, all new and material points, to be carried successfully with them, should be proposed to them upon the most liberal and open grounds. j.b. colthurst, _special justice peace, district a, rural division_. * * * * * _general return of the imports and exports of the island of barbadoes, during a series of years--furnished by the custom-house officer at bridgetown_. £. s, d. , , , , , imports of lumber. feet. shingles. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , imports of provisions. | flour. | corn meal. | y'rs.| bbls. | / bbls.| bush.| bbls.| -----+--------+---------+-------+------+ | , | | | | | , | | | | | , | | | | | , | | | | -----+--------+---------+-------+------+ | bread and biscuits. |oats & corn.| y'rs.| hds.| bbls.| / bbls.|kegs.|bags.| bags.| qrs.| -----+-----+------+---------+-----+-----+------+-----+ | | | | " | " | | | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | " | " | | | | | | " | " | | | | -----+-----+------+---------+-----+-----+------+-----+ imports of cattle, etc. cattle. horses. mules. return of exports--sugar. hhds. trcs. bbls. , , , , , * * * * * valuations of apprentices in jamaica. "from the st of august, , to st of may, , apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation, and paid £ , . from st may, , to st november, in the same year, apprentices purchased themselves, and paid £ , --making, in all, £ , --a prodigious sum to be furnished by the negroes in two years. from the above statement it appears that the desire to be free is daily becoming more general and more intense, and that the price of liberty remains the same, although the term of apprenticeship is decreasing. the amount paid by the apprentices is a proof of the extent of the exertions and sacrifices they are willing to make for freedom, which can scarcely be appreciated by those who are unacquainted with the disadvantages of their previous condition. the negroes frequently raise the money by loans to purchase their freedom, and they are scrupulous in repaying money lent them for that purpose." the above is extracted from the "west indies in ," an english work by messrs. sturge and harvey, page , appendix. * * * * * we insert the following tabular view of the crops in jamaica for a series of years preceding .--as the table and "remarks" appended were first published in the st. jago gazette, a decided "pro-slavery" paper, we insert, in connection with them, the remarks of the jamaica watchman, published at kingston, and an article on the present condition of slavery, from the telegraph, published at spanishtown, the seat of the colonial government. a general return of exports _from the island of jamaica, for years, ending st december, --copied from the journals of the house._ ___________________________________________________________________ . | | | | | d | | |mo-| | e | sugar | rum |las| ginger | t | | |ses| | r |____________________|_______________________|___|____________| o | s | | | s | s | | | | | | p | d | | | n | d | | | | | | x | a | s | s | o | a | | s | | | | e | e | e | l | e | e | | l | | | | | h | c | e | h | h | s | e | s | s | | r | s | r | r | c | s | k | r | k | k | s | a | g | e | r | n | g | s | r | s | s | g | e | o | i | a | u | o | a | a | a | a | a | y | h | t | b | p | h | c | b | c | c | b | ___________________________________________________________________ | , | , | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | , | , | | , | | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | , | | , | , | , | , | , | | , | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | , | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | , | | | | , | | | , | , | , | , | | | | | , | | . | | | d | | | e | pimento | coffee | t | | | r |_____________|__________| o | | | | p | | | | x | | | | remarks e | | | s | | s | | d | r | k | s | n | a | s | g | u | e | a | a | o | y | c | b | p | ________________________________________________________________ | | | , | | | | , | | | | , | | | | , | | | | | | | | , , | | | | , , | | | | , , | | | | , , | august--destruction of | | | | santo domingo. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | bourbon cane introduced. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | largest sugar crop. | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | march th, abolition of | | , | , , | african slave trade. | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | storm in october, | | , | , , | largest coffee crop. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | storm in october, | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | | , | , , | extreme drought. | , | , | , , | mr. canning's resolutions | | , | , , | relative to slavery. | | , | , , | | | , | , , | severe drought in , the previous year. | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | | , | , | , , | emancipation act passed. | | , | , , | seasons favorable. | , | , | , , | do. | | , | , , | do. the following are the remarks of the editor of the jamaica watchman, on the foregoing, in his paper of april , :-- a general return of exports from the island for fifty-three years, ending the st december last, and purporting to be extracted from the journals of the assembly, has been published, and as usual, the decrease in the crops of the respective years has been attributed to the resolutions passed by the british house of commons in , and the abolition of slavery in . it is remarkable that in preparing this table, a manifest disposition is evinced to account for the falling off of the crops in certain years anterior, and subsequent to the passing of mr. canning's memorable resolution, whilst opposite to the years and , is written "seasons favorable." in , the sugar crop fell off , hhds. compared with the previous year, and we are told in reference to this circumstance, that there was a storm in october, . this remark is evidently made to account for the decrease, and perhaps the storm at the close of the previous year was the cause of it. but it is astonishing, and the circumstance is worthy of notice, that whilst the sugar crop fell off nearly , hhds. the coffee crop increased nearly six millions of pounds. we should have supposed that the coffee trees would have suffered more from the effects of a storm, than the canes. however, the effect was as we have stated it, whatever might have been the cause. in , the largest coffee crop was made. again, in , there was a decrease in the sugar crop compared with the year immediately preceding it of nearly , hhds. and here we have the storm of october, , assigned as a reason. the coffee crop in this instance also fell off nearly ten millions of pounds. in , the sugar crop was reduced , hhds., and the coffee crop increased three millions of pounds. the reason now assigned is an "extreme drought." the celebrated resolutions relative to slavery now appear to begin to exercise their baneful influence on the _seasons_ and the _soil_ of our island. in the year in which they were passed, , , hogsheads of sugar were made, and twenty millions of pounds of coffee gathered. came, and the crop, instead of being reduced, was increased from nearly , hogsheads to upwards of , hogsheads. the coffee crop was also greater by seven millions of pounds. in , they fall off to , hogsheads and twenty-one millions. in , the sugar crop rather exceeded that of , but the coffee crop was seven millions less. in , from causes not known to us, for none were assigned, there was a difference of , hhds. of sugar, and an increase of five millions of pounds of coffee. , , and , were pretty nearly alike in sugar and coffee crops, and about equal to . the crops of fell off from to , hogsheads of sugar, and from to millions of pounds of coffee. no reason is assigned for this reduction. it was during the continuance of the driving system, and therefore no blame can attach to the managers. in , the crop rose to , hogsheads of sugar, and nearly twenty millions of pounds of coffee. but comes, and, with it, fresh troubles for the planters. in that ill-fated year, there was a decrease of , hogsheads sugar, and of ten millions of pounds of coffee. its sugar crop was the smallest made, with the exception of that of , since , and its coffee crop since that of . but if this determination be alarming, what must be that of the succeeding years. can we be blamed, if, in a strain truly lachrymal, we allude to the deductions which have annually been made from the miserable return which gave to the unfortunate proprietors of estates? what boots it to tell us that we have fingered thousands of pounds sterling, in the shape of compensation: and what consolation is it to know, that a hogshead of sugar will now bring thirty pounds, which, a short time ago, was only worth twelve. let any _unprejudiced_ individual look at the return now before us, and say whether our prospects are not deplorably dull and obscure. if we take the four years immediately preceding the passing of mr. canning's resolutions, say , , , and ; we will find the average to be , hogsheads, and if from this we even deduct one fourth for the time now lost, there will be an average crop of , hhds., being , hogsheads mere than the average of , , , and ; and no one will deny that this falling off of one tenth, (supposing that the hogsheads made during the last four years are _not larger_ than those of to ) is _nearly_, if not _quite equal_ to the increase of price, from twelve to thirty pounds, or one hundred and fifty per cent. it is true some persons may be disposed to take the four years subsequent to the passing of mr. canning's resolutions, say , , , and , and compare them with the four years ending st december last. should this be done, it will be found that the average crop of the previous four years is , hhds., and if from it is deducted one fourth, there will remain , hhds., whilst the average of the other four years is , hhds. such a mode of comparison must, however, be obviously incorrect; because, in the first place, mr. canning's resolutions had reduced the crops of those years considerably below the average of the years immediately preceding them, and next, because it would show the advantage to be on the side of freedom in the ratio of seventy-two to sixty-nine, which cannot be correct. besides, in , there was a severe drought, whereas in and the seasons are reported as being favorable. again, it is necessary, in instituting such an inquiry, to go back more than fourteen years; nor is it a valid objection to this to say, that even during that period a number of estates have been thrown out of cultivation, in consequence of being worn out and unprofitable. "deplorable," however, as is the "falling off in the yearly amounts of our staple productions, which have decreased," gentle reader, according to the despatch, "in an accelerated ratio within the last few years, till in the year , when they do not average one half the returns of former years preceding that of , the year that mr. canning's resolutions for the ultimate abolition of slavery in the british colonies passed the house of commons," still it is a matter of sincere gratification to know, that the sugar planters are better off now than they have been for the last fourteen or fifteen years. with the compensation money a great many of them have been enabled to pay off their english debts, and the remainder very considerably to reduce them, whilst the reduction in the quantity of sugar produced, has occasioned such a rise in the price of that article as will place the former in easy circumstances, and enable the latter entirely to free themselves from the trammels of english mortgagees, and the tender mercies of english mortgagees before the st august, , arrives. and ought these parties not to be thankful? unquestionably they ought. ingratitude, we are told, is as the sin of witchcraft, and although the table of exports exhibits our fair island as hastening to a state of ruin, and the despatch tells us that "by the united influence of mock philanthropy, religious cant, and humbug," a reformed parliament was _forced_ "to precipitate the _slavery spoliation_ act under the specious pretext of promoting the industry and improving the condition of the manumitted slaves," still we maintain, and the reasonable will agree with us, that we are much better off now than we have been for a long time, and that jamaica's brightest and happiest days have not yet dawned. let the croakers remember the remarkable words of the tory lord, belmore, the planter's friend, and be silent--"the resources of this fine island will never be fully developed until slavery ceases." the happiness and prosperity of the inhabitants of jamaica are not contingent, nor need they be, upon the number of hogsheads of sugar annually exported from her shores. * * * * * to the foregoing we add the remarks of the editor of the "spanishtown telegraph," on the present state of the colony, made in his paper of may , :-- "when it was understood that the island of jamaica and the other british west indian colonies were to undergo the blessed transition from slavery to freedom, it was the hourly cry of the pro-slavery party and press, that the ruin of jamaica would, as a natural consequence, follow liberty! commerce, said they, will cease; hordes of barbarians will come upon us and drive us from our own properties; agriculture will be completely paralyzed; and jamaica, in the space of a few short months, will be seen buried in ashes--irretrievably ruined. such were the awful predictions of an unjust, illiberal faction!! such the first fruits that were to follow the incomparable blessings of liberty! the staple productions of the island, it was vainly surmised, could never be cultivated without the name of slavery; rebellions, massacres, starvation, rapine and bloodshed, danced through the columns of the liberty-hating papers, in mazes of metaphorical confusion. in short, the name of freedom was, according to their assertions, directly calculated to overthrow our beautiful island, and involve it in one mass of ruin, unequalled in the annals of history!! but what has been the result? all their fearful forebodings and horrible predictions have been entirely disproved, and instead of liberty proving a curse, she has, on the contrary, unfolded her banners, and, ere long, is likely to reign triumphant in our land. _banks, steam companies, railroads, charity schools, etc._, seem all to have remained dormant until the time arrived when jamaica was to be _enveloped in smoke_! no man thought of hazarding his capital in an extensive _banking establishment_ until _jamaica's ruin_, by the introduction of _freedom, had been accomplished_!! no person was found possessed of sufficient energy to speak of navigation companies in jamaica's brightest days of slavery; but now that ruin stares every one in the face--now that we have no longer the power to treat out peasantry as we please, they have taken it into their heads to establish so excellent an undertaking. railroads were not dreamt of until _darling_ slavery had (_in a great measure_) departed, and now, when we thought of throwing up our estates, and flying from the _dangers of emancipation_, the best projects are being set on foot, and what is _worst_, are likely to _succeed_! this is the way that our jamaica folks, no doubt, reason with themselves. but the reasons for the delay which have taken place in the establishment of all these valuable undertakings, are too evident to require elucidation. we behold the _despatch_ and _chronicle_, asserting the ruin of our island; the overthrow of all order and society; and with the knowledge of all this, they speak of the profits likely to result from steam navigation, banking establishments, and railroads! what in the name of conscience, can be the use of steam-vessels when jamaica's ruin is so fast approaching? what are the planters and merchants to ship in steamers when the apprentices will not work, and there is nothing doing? how is the bank expected to advance money to the planters, when their total destruction has been accomplished by the abolition of slavery? what, in the name of reason, can be the use of railroads, when commerce and agriculture have been nipped in the bud, by that _baneful weed, freedom_? let the unjust panderers of discord, the haters of liberty, answer. let them consider what has all this time retarded the development of jamaica's resources, and they will find that it was _slavery_; yes, it was its very name which prevented the idea of undertakings such as are being brought about. had it not been for the introduction of freedom in our land; had the cruel monster, slavery, not partially disappeared, when would we have seen banks, steamers, or railroads? no man thought of hazarding his capital in the days of slavery, but now that a new era has burst upon us, a complete change has taken possession of the hearts of all just men, and they think of improving the blessing of freedom by the introduction of other things which must ever prove beneficial to the country. the vast improvements that are every day being effected in this island, and throughout the other colonies, stamp the assertions of the pro-slavery party as the vilest falsehoods. they glory in the introduction of banks, steam-vessels, and railroads; with the knowledge (as they would have us believe) that the island is fast verging into destruction. they speak of the utility and success of railroads, when, according to their showing, there is no produce to be sent to market, when agriculture has been paralyzed, and jamaica swept to destruction." * * * * * the following copious extracts from a speech of lord brougham, on the workings of the apprenticeship, and on the immediate emancipation substituted therefor in antigua and the bermudas, are specially commended to the notice of the reader. the speech was delivered in the house of lords, feb. , . we take it from the published report of the speech in the london times, of feb. :-- i now must approach that subject which has some time excited almost universal anxiety. allow me, however, first to remind your lordships--because that goes to the root of the evil--allow me first to remind you of the anxiety that existed previous to the emancipation act which was passed in january, , coming into operation in august, . my lords, there was much to apprehend from the character of the masters of the slaves. i know the nature of man. * * * * i know that he who has abused power clings to it with a yet more convulsive grasp. i know his revenge against those who have been rescued from his tyrannous fangs; i know that he never forgives those whom he has injured, whether white or black. i have never yet met with an unforgiving enemy, except in the person of one of whose injustice i had a right to complain. on the part of the slaves, my lords, i was not without anxiety; for i know the corrupt nature of the degrading system under which they groaned. * * * * it was, therefore, i confess, my lords, with some anxiety that i looked forward to the st of august, ; and i yielded, though reluctantly, to the plan of an intermediate state before what was called the full enjoyment of freedom--the transition condition of indentured apprenticeship. the first of august arrived--that day so confidently and joyously anticipated by the poor slaves, and so sorely dreaded by their hard taskmasters--and if ever there was a picture interesting to look upon--if ever there was a passage in the history of a people redounding to their eternal honor--if ever there was a complete refutation of all the scandalous calumnies which had been heaped upon them for ages, as if in justification of the wrongs which we had done them--(hear, hear)--that picture and that passage are to be found in the uniform and unvarying history of that people throughout the whole of the west india islands. instead of the fires of rebellion, lit by a feeling of lawless revenge and resistance to oppression, the whole of those islands were, like an arabian scene, illuminated by the light of contentment, joy, peace, and good-will towards all men. no civilized people, after gaining an unexpected victory, could have shown more delicacy and forbearance than was exhibited by the slaves at the great moral consummation which they had attained. there was not a look or a gesture which could gall the eyes of their masters. not a sound escaped from negro lips which could wound the ears of the most feverish planter in the islands. all was joy, mutual congratulation, and hope. this peaceful joy, this delicacy towards the feelings of others, was all that was to be seen, heard, or felt, on that occasion, throughout the west india islands. it was held that the day of emancipation would be one of riot and debauchery, and that even the lives of the planters would be endangered. so far from this proving the case, the whole of the negro population kept it as a most sacred festival, and in this light i am convinced it will ever be viewed. in one island, where the bounty of nature seems to provoke the appetite to indulgence, and to scatter with a profuse hand all the means of excitement, i state the fact when i say not one drunken negro was found during the whole of the day. no less than , slaves were liberated in that one day, and their peaceful festivity was disturbed only on one estate, in one parish, by an irregularity which three or four persons sufficed to put down. well, my lords, baffled in their expectations that the first of august would prove a day of disturbance--baffled also in the expectation that no voluntary labor would be done--we were then told by the "practical men," to look forward to a later period. we have done so, and what have we seen? why, that from the time voluntary labor began, there was no want of men to work for hire, and that there was no difficulty in getting those who as apprentices had to give the planters certain hours of work, to extend, upon emergency, their period of labor, by hiring out their services for wages to strangers. i have the authority of my noble friend behind me, (the marquis of sligo,) who very particularly, inquired into the matter, when i state that on nine estates out of ten there was no difficulty in obtaining as much work as the owners had occasion for, on the payment of wages. how does all this contrast with the predictions of the "practical men?" "oh," said they, in , "it is idle talking; the cart-whip must be used--without that stimulant no negro will work--the nature of the negro is idle and indolent, and without the thought of the cartwhip is before his eyes he falls asleep--put the cartwhip aside and no labor will be done." has this proved the case? no, my lords, it has not; and while every abundance of voluntary labor has been found, in no one instance has the stimulus of the cartwhip been found wanting. the apprentices work well without the whip, and wages have been found quite as good a stimulus as the scourge even to negro industry. "oh, but" it is said, "this may do in cotton planting and cotton picking, and indigo making; but the cane will cease to grow, the operation of hoeing will be known no more, boiling will cease to be practised, and sugar-making will terminate entirely." many, i know, were appalled by these reasonings, and the hopes of many were dissipated by these confident predictions of these so-deemed experienced men. but how stands the case now? my lords, let these experienced men, come forth with their experience. i will plant mine against it, and you will find he will talk no more of his experience when i tell him--tell him, too, without fear of contradiction--that during the year which followed the first of august, , twice as much sugar per hour, and of a better quality as compared with the preceding years, was stored throughout the sugar districts; and that one man, a large planter, has expressly avowed, that with twenty freemen he could do more work than with a hundred slaves or fifty indentured apprentices. (hear, hear.) but antigua!--what has happened there? there has not been even the system of indentured apprentices. in antigua and the bermudas, as would have been the case at montserrat if the upper house had not thrown out the bill which was prepared by the planters themselves, there had been no preparatory step. in antigua and the bermudas, since the first of august, , not a slave or indentured apprentice was to be found. well, had idleness reigned there--had indolence supplanted work--had there been any deficiency of crop? no. on the contrary, there had been an increase, and not a diminution of crop. (hear.) but, then, it was said that quiet could not be expected after slavery in its most complete and abject form had so long reigned paramount, and that any sudden emancipation must endanger the peace of the islands. the experience of the first of august at once scattered to the winds that most fallacious prophecy. then it was said, only wait till christmas, for that is a period when, by all who have any practical knowledge of the negro character, a rebellion on their part is most to be apprehended. we did wait for this dreaded christmas; and what was the result? i will go for it to antigua, for it is the strongest case, there being there no indentured apprentices--no preparatory state--no transition--the chains being at once knocked off, and the negroes made at once free. for the first time within the last thirty years, at the christmas of the year , martial law was not proclaimed in the island of antigua. you talk of facts--here is one. you talk of experience--here it is. and with these facts and this experience before us, i call on those _soi-disant_ men of experience--those men who scoffed at us--who laughed to scorn at what they called our visionary, theoretical schemes--schemes that never could be carried into effect without rebellion and the loss of the colonies--i say, my lords, i call on these experienced men to come forward, and, if they can, deny one single iota of the statement i am now making. let those who thought that with the use of those phrases, "a planter of jamaica" "the west india interest," "residence in jamaica and its experience," they could make our balance kick the beam--let them, i say, hear what i tell, for it is but the fact--that when the chains were knocked off there was not a single breach of the peace committed either on the day itself, or on the christmas festival which followed. well, my lords, beaten from these two positions, where did the experienced men retreat to under what flimsy pretext did they next undertake to disparage the poor negro race? had i not seen it in print, and been otherwise informed of the fact, i could not have believed it possible that from any reasonable man any such absurdity could issue. they actually held out this last fear, which, like the others, was fated to be dissipated by the fact. "wait only," said they, "till the anniversary of the first of august, and then you will see what the negro character is, and how little these indentured apprentices are fit to be entrusted with freedom." was there ever such an absurdity uttered, as if my lords, the man who could meet with firm tranquillity and peaceful thankfulness the event itself, was likely to be raised to rebellion and rioting by the recollection of it a year afterwards. my lords, in considering this matter, i ask you, then, to be guided by your own experience, and nothing else; profit by it, my lords, and turn it to your own account; for it, according to that book which all of us must revere, teaches even the most foolish of a foolish race. i do not ask you to adopt as your own the experience of others; you have as much as you can desire of your own, and by no other test do i wish or desire to be judged. but i think my task may be said to be done. i think i have proved my case, for i have shown that the negro can work without the stimulant of the whip; i have shown that he can labor for hire without any other motive than that of industry to inspire him. i have demonstrated that all over the west indies, even when fatigued with working the allotted hours for the profit of his master, he can work again for wages for him who chooses to hire him and has wherewithal to pay him; i have also most distinctly shown that the experience of antigua and the bermudas is demonstrative to show that without any state of preparation, without any indenture of apprenticeship at all, he is fit to be intrusted with his freedom, and will work voluntarily as a free laborer for hire. but i have also demonstrated from the same experience, and by reference to the same state of facts, that a more quiet, inoffensive, peaceable, innocent people, is not to be found on the face of this earth than the negro--not in their own unhappy country, but after they have been removed from it and enslaved in your christian land, made the victim of the barbarizing demon of civilized powers, and has all this character, if it were possible to corrupt it, and his feelings, if it were possible to pervert them, attempted to be corrupted and perverted by christian and civilized men, and that in this state, with all incentives to misdemeanor poured around him, and all the temptation to misconduct which the arts and artifices and examples of civilized man can give hovering over him--that after this transition is made from slavery to apprenticeship, and from slavery to absolute freedom, a negro's spirit has been found to rival the unbroken tranquillity of the caribbean seas. (cheers.) this was not the state of things we expected, my lords; and in proof that it was not so, i have but to refer you to the statute book itself. on what ground did you enact the intermediate state of indenture apprenticeship, and on what arguments did you justify it? you felt and acknowledged that the negro had a right to be free, and that you had no right to detain him in bondage. every one admitted this, but in the prevailing ignorance of their character it was apprehended that they could not be made free at once, and that time was requisite to train the negro to receive the boon it was intended bestowing upon him. this was the delusion which prevailed, and which was stated in the preamble of the statute--the same delusion which had made the men on one side state and the other to believe that it was necessary to pay the slave-owners for the loss it was supposed they would sustain. but it was found to be a baseless fear, and the only result of the phantom so conjured up was a payment of twenty millions to the conjurors. (hear, and a laugh.) now, i maintain that had we known what we now know of the character of the negroes, neither would this compensation have been given to the slave-owners, nor we have been guilty of proposing to keep the negro in slavery five years, after we were decided that he had a right to his freedom. the noble and learned lord here proceeded to contend that up to the present time the slave-owners, so far from being sufferers, had been gainers by the abolition of slavery and the enactment of the system of apprenticeship, and that consequently up to the present moment nothing had occurred to entitle them to a claim upon the compensation allotted by parliament. the slave-owners might be said to have pocketed the seven millions without having the least claim to them, and therefore, in considering the proposition he was about to make, parliament should bear in mind that the slave proprietors were, if anything, the debtors to the nation. the money had, in fact, been paid to them by mistake, and, were the transaction one between man and man, an action for its recovery might lie. but the slave-owners alleged that if the apprenticeship were now done away there would be a loss, and that to meet that loss they had a right to the money. for argument's sake he would suppose this to be true, and that there would be loss; but would it not be fair that the money should be lodged in the hands of a third party, with authority to pay back at the expiration of the two years whatever rateable sum the master could prove himself to have lost? his firm belief was, that no loss could arise; but, desirous to meet the planter at every point, he should have no objection to make terms with him. let him, then, pay the money into court, as it were, and at the end of two years he should be fully indemnified for any loss he might prove. he called upon their lordships to look to antigua and the bermudas for proof that the free negro worked well, and that no loss was occasioned to the planters or their property by the granting of emancipation. but it was said that there was a difference between the cases of antigua and other colonies, such as jamaica, and it was urged that while the negroes of the former, from the smallness and barrenness of the place, would be forced into work, that in the latter they would run away, and take refuge in the woods. now, he asked, why should the negro run away from his work, on being made free, more than during the continuance of his apprenticeship? why, again, should it be supposed that on the st of august, , the emancipated negroes should have less inclination to betake themselves to the woods than in ? if there was a risk of the slaves running to the woods in , that risk would be increased and not diminished during the intermediate period up to , by the treatment they were receiving from their masters, and the deferring of their hopes. my lords, (continued the noble lord,) i have now to say a few words upon the treatment which the slaves have received during the past three years of their apprenticeship, and which, it is alleged, during the next two years is to make them fitted for absolute emancipation. my lords, i am prepared to show that in most respects the treatment the slaves have received since is no better, and in many others more unjust and worse, than it ever was in the time of absolute slavery. it is true that the use of the cartwhip as a stimulus to labor has been abolished. this, i admit, is a great and most satisfactory improvement; but, in every other particular, the state of the slave, i am prepared to show, is not improved, and, in many respects, it is materially worse. first, with regard to the article of food, i will compare the jamaica prison allowance with that allotted to the apprenticed negroes in other colonies. in the jamaica prison the allowance of rice is pints a week to each person. i have no return of the allowance to the indentured apprentice in jamaica, but i believe it is little over this; but in barbadoes and the leeward islands, it is much under. in barbadoes, instead of receiving the jamaica prison allowance of pints a week, the apprenticed negro received but pints: while in the leeward islands he had but pints. in the crown colonies, before , the slave received pints of rice, now the apprentice gets but ; so that in the material article, food, no improvement in the condition of the negro was observable. then, with regard to time, it is obviously of the utmost importance that the apprentice should have at least two holidays and a half a week--the sabbath for religious worship and instruction, the saturday to attend the markets, and half of friday to work in his own garden. the act of emancipation specified hours a week as the period the apprentice was to work for his master, but the master so contrived matters as in most instances to make the hours the law allotted him run into the apprentice's half of friday, and even in some cases into the saturday. the planter invariably counted the time from the moment that the slave commenced his work; and as it often occurs that his residence was on the border of the estate, he may have to walk five or six miles to get to the place he has to work. this was a point which he was sure their lordships would agree with him in thinking required alteration. the next topic to which i shall advert relates to the administration of justice; and this large and important subject i cannot pass over without a word to remind your lordships how little safe it is, how little deserving the name of just, or any thing like just, that where you have two classes you should separate them into conflicting parties, until they became so exasperated in their resentment as scarcely to regard each other as brethren of the same species; and that you should place all the administration of justice in the hands of one dominant class, whose principles, whose passions whose interests, are all likely to be preferred by the judges when they presume to sit where you have placed them on the judgment seat. the chief and puisne judges are raised to their situations from amongst the class which includes the white men and planters. but, worse than that, the jurors are taken from the same privileged body: jurors, who are to assess civil damages in actions for injuries done to the negroes--jurors, who are to try bills of indictment against the whites for the maltreatment of the blacks--jurors who are to convict or acquit on those bills--jurors who are to try the slaves themselves--nay, magistrates, jailors, turnkeys, the whole apparatus of justice, both administrative and executive, exclusively in the hands of one race! what is the consequence? why, it is proverbial that no bills are found for the blacks. (hear, hear.) six bills of indictment were preferred, some for murder and some for bad manslaughter, and at one assizes every one of these six indictments was thrown out. assizes after assizes the same thing happened, until at length wagers were held that no such bill would be found, and no one was found to accept them. well was it for them that they declined, for every one of the bills preferred was ignored. now, observe that in proceedings, as your lordships know; before grand jurors, not a tittle of evidence is heard for the prisoners; every witness is in favor of the indictment, or finding of the bill; but in all these instances the bills were flung out on the examination of evidence solely against the prisoner. even in the worst cases of murder, as certainly and plainly committed as the sun shines at noon day, monstrous to all, the bills were thrown out when half the witnesses for the prosecution remained to be examined. (hear, hear.) some individuals swore against the prisoners, and though others tendered their evidence, the jury refused to hear them. (hear, hear.) besides, the punishments inflicted are monstrous; thirty-nine lashes are inflicted for the vague, indefinite--because incapable to be defined--offence of insolence. thirty-nine lashes for the grave and the more definite, i admit, offence of an attempt to carry a small knife. three months imprisonment, or fifty lashes for the equally grave offence of cutting off the shoot of a cane plant! there seems to have prevailed at all times amongst the governors of our colonies a feeling, of which, i grieve to say, the governors at home have ever and anon largely partaken, that there is something in the nature of a slave--something in the habits of the african negro--something in the disposition of the unfortunate hapless victims of our own crimes and cruelties, which makes what is mercy and justice to other men cruelty to society and injustice to the law in the case of the negro, and which condemns offences slightly visited, if visited at all, with punishment, when committed by other men, to the sentence that for his obdurate nature none can be too severe. (hear, hear.) as if we had any one to blame but ourselves--as if we had any right to visit on him that character if it were obdurate, those habits if they were insubordinate, that dishonest disposition if it did corrupt his character, all of which i deny, and which experience proves to be contrary to the fact and truth; but even if these statements were all truth instead of being foully slanderous and absolutely false, we, of all men, have ourselves to blame, ourselves to tax, and ourselves to punish, at least for the self abasement, for we have been the very causes of corrupting the negro character. (cheers.) if some capricious despot, in his career of ordinary tyranny, were to tax his imagination to produce something more monstrous and unnatural than himself, and were to place a dove amongst vultures, or engraft a thorn on the olive tree, much as we should marvel at the caprice, we should be still more astounded at the expectation, which exceeds even a tyrant's proverbial unreasonableness, that he should gather grapes from the thorn, or that the dove should be habituated to a thirst for blood. yet that is the caprice, that is the unreasonable, the foul, the gross, the monstrous, the outrageous, incredible injustice of which we are hourly guilty towards the whole unhappy race of negroes. (cheers.) my lords, we fill up the incasare of injustice by severely executing laws badly conceived in a still more atrocious and cruel spirit. the whole punishments smell of blood. (hear, hear.) if the treadmill stop in consequence of the languid limbs and exhausted frames of the victims, within a minute the lash resounds through the building--if the stones which they are set to break be not broken by limbs scarred, and marred, and whaled, they are summoned by the crack of the whip to their toilsome task! i myself have heard within the last three hours, from a person, who was an eye-witness of the appalling and disgusting fact, that a leper was introduced amongst the negroes; and in passing let me remark, that in private houses or hospitals no more care has been taken to separate those who are stricken with infectious diseases from the sound portion, any more than to furnish food to those in prison who are compelled, from the unheard-of, the paltry, the miserable disposition to treat with cruelty the victims of a prison, to go out and gather their own food,--a thing which i believe even the tyrant of siberia does not commit. yet in that prison, where blood flows profusely, and the limbs of those human beings are subjected to perpetual torture, the frightful, the nauseous, the disgusting--except that all other feelings are lost in pity towards the victim and indignation against the oppressor--sight was presented of a leper, scarred from the eruptions of disease on his legs and previous mistreatment, whaled again and again, and his blood again made to flow from the jailer's lash. i have told your lordships how bills have been thrown out for murdering the negroes. but a man had a bill presented for this offence: a petition was preferred, and by a white man. yes, a white man who had dared, under feelings of excited indignation, to complain to the regularly constituted authorities, instead of receiving for his gallant conduct the thanks of the community, had a bill found which was presented against him as a nuisance. i have, within the last two hours, amid the new mass of papers laid before your lordships within the last forty-eight hours, culled a sample which, i believe, represents the whole odious mass. eleven females have been flogged, starved, lashed, attached to the treadmill, and compelled to work until nature could no longer endure their sufferings. at the moment when the wretched victims were about to fall off--when they could no longer bring down the mechanism and continue the movement, they were suspended by their arms, and at each revolution of the wheel received new wounds on their members, until, in the language of that law so grossly outraged in their persons, they "languished and died." ask you if a cringe of this murderous nature went unvisited, and if no inquiry was made respecting its circumstances? the forms of justice were observed; the handmaid was present, but the sacred mistress was far away. a coroner's inquest was called; for the laws decreed that no such injuries should take place without having an inquiry instituted. eleven inquisitions were held, eleven inquiries were made, eleven verdicts were returned. for murder? manslaughter? misconduct? no; but that "they died by the visitation of god." a lie--a perjury--a blasphemy! the visitation of god! yes, for of the visitations of the divine being by which the inscrutable purposes of his will are mysteriously worked out, one of the most mysterious is the power which, from time to time, is allowed by him to be exercised by the wicked for the torment of the innocent. (cheers.) but of those visitations prescribed by divine providence there is one yet more inscrutable, for which it is still more difficult to affix a reason, and that is, when heaven rolls down on this earth the judgment, not of scorpions, or the plague of pestilence, or famine, or war--but incomparably the worse plague, the worser judgment, of the injustice of judges who become betrayers of the law--perjured, wicked men who abuse the law which they are sworn to administer, in order to gratify their own foul passions, to take the part of the wrong-doer against his victim, and to forswear themselves on god's gospel, in order that justice may not be done. * * * * my lords, i entirely concur in what was formerly said by mr. burke, and afterwards repeated by mr. canning, that while the making of laws was confined to the owners of slaves, nothing they did was ever found real or effectual. and when, perchance, any thing was accomplished, it had not, as mr. burke said, "an executive principle." but, when they find you determined to do your duty, it is proved, by the example which they have given in passing the apprenticeship amendment act, that they will even outstrip you to prevent your interference with them. * * * * place the negroes on the same footing with other men, and give them the uncontrolled power over their time and labor, and it will become the interest of the planter, as well as the rest of the community, to treat the negro well, for their comfort and happiness depend on his industry and good behavior. it is a consequence perfectly clear, notwithstanding former distinctions, notwithstanding the difference of color and the variety of race in that population, the negro and the west indian will in a very few generations--when the clank of his chain is no longer heard, when the oppression of the master can vex no more, when equal rights are enjoyed by all, and all have a common interest in the general prosperity--be impressed with a sense of their having an equal share in the promotion of the public welfare; nay, that social improvement, the progress of knowledge, civility, and even refinement itself, will proceed as rapidly and diffuse itself as universally in the islands of the western ocean as in any part of her majesty's dominions. * * * * i see no danger in the immediate emancipation of the negro; i see no possible injury in terminating the apprenticeship, (which we now have found should never have been adopted,) and in causing it to cease for slaves previous to august, , at that date, as those subsequent to that date must in that case be exempt. * * * * i regard the freedom of the negro as accomplished and sure. why? because it is his right--because he has shown himself fit for it--because a pretext or a shadow of a pretext can no longer be devised for withholding that right from its possessor. i know that all men now take a part in the question, and that they will no longer bear to be imposed upon now they are well informed. my reliance is firm and unflinching upon the great change which i have witnessed--the education of the people unfettered by party or by sect--from the beginning of its progress, i may say from the hour of its birth. yes; it was not for a humble man like me to assist at royal births with the illustrious prince who condescended to grace the pageant of this opening session, or the great captain and statesman in whose presence i now am proud to speak. but with that illustrious prince, and with the father of the queen i assisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. with them and with the lord of the house of russel i watched over its cradle--i marked its growth--i rejoiced in its strength--i witnessed its maturity--i have been spared to see it ascend the very height of supreme power--directing the councils of the state--accelerating every great improvement--uniting itself with every good work--propping honorable and useful institutions--extirpating abuses in all our institutions--passing the bounds of our dominion, and in the new world, as in the old, proclaiming that freedom is the birthright of man--that distinction of color gives no title to oppression--that the chains now loosened must be struck off, and even the marks they have left effaced by the same eternal law of our nature which makes nations the masters of their own destiny, and which in europe has caused every tyrant's throne to quake. but they need to feel no alarm at the progress of right who defend a limited monarchy and support their popular institutions--who place their chiefest pride not in ruling over slaves, be they white or be they black--not in protecting the oppressor, but in wearing a constitutional crown, in holding the sword of justice with the hand of mercy, in being the first citizen of a country whose air is too pure for slavery to breathe, and on whose shores, if the captive's foot but touch, his fetters of themselves fall off. (cheers.) to the resistless progress of this great principle i look with a confidence which nothing can shake; it makes all improvement certain--it makes all change safe which it produces; for none can be brought about, unless all has been accomplished in a cautious and salutary spirit. so now the fulness of time is come; for our duty being at length discharged to the african captive, i have demonstrated to you that every thing is ordered--every previous step taken--all safe, by experience shown to be safe, for the long-desired consummation. the time has come--the trial has been made--the hour is striking: you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faltering, or delay. the slave has shown, by four years' blameless behavior and devotion, unsurpassed by any english peasant, to the pursuit of peaceful industry, that he is as fit for his freedom as any lord whom i now address. i demand his rights--i demand his liberty without stint, in the names of justice and of law--in the name of reason--in the name of god, who has given you no right to work injustice. i demand that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave. (hear, hear.) i make my appeal to the commons, who represent the free people of england; and i require at their hands the performance of that condition for which they paid so enormous a price--that condition which all their constituents are in breathless anxiety to see fulfilled! i appeal to his house--the hereditary judges of the first tribunal in the world--to you i appeal for justice. patrons of all the arts that humanize mankind, under your protection i place humanity herself! to the merciful sovereign of a free people i call aloud for mercy to the hundreds of thousands in whose behalf half a million of her christian sisters have cried aloud, that their cry may not have risen in vain. but first i turn my eye to the throne of all justice, and devoutly humbling myself before him who is of purer eyes than to behold any longer such vast iniquities--i implore that the curse over our heads of unjust oppression be averted from us--that your hearts may be turned to mercy--and that over all the earth his will may at length be done! * * * * * index. absconding from labor, accident in a boiling house, aged negro, allowance to apprentices, "amalgamation," american consul, (_see consul_.) american prejudice, amity hall estate, anderson, wm. ii. esq., anguilla, annual meeting of missionaries, antigua, dimensions of, " sugar crop of, applewhitte, mr. appraisement of apprentices, apprentice, provisions respecting the, apprenticeship compared with slavery, apprenticeship system, " design of, " good effect of, " no preparation for freedom, apprenticeship, operation of, apprenticeship, opinion of, in antigua;--in barbadoes;--in jamaica, apprentices liberated, apprentices' work compared with slaves archdeacon of antigua, " of barbadoes, aristocracy of antigua, armstrong, mr. h., ashby, colonel, athill, mr., attachment to home, attorney general of jamaica, attendance on church august, first of baijer, hon. samuel o., baines, major, banks, rev. mr., baptist chapel baptists in jamaica, barbadoes, barbuda, barber in bridgetown, barclay, alexander, esq., barnard, samuel, esq., barrow, colonel, bath, bazaar, bell, dr., belle estate, bell not tolled for colored person, "_belly, 'blige_ 'em to work," belmore, lord, belvidere estate, benevolent institutions of antigua, bible society, bishop of barbadoes, blessings of abolition, (see _morals_, &c.) blind man, boiling house, bookkeepers, slaver of, "bornin' ground," bourne, mr. london, bourne, mr. s., (of antigua,) bourne, stephen, esq., (of jamaica,) breakfast at mr. bourne's, " at mr. prescod's, " at mr. thorne's, briant, mr., bridgetown, brown, colonel, brown, thomas c., c., mr., of barbadoes, "cage," cane cultivated by apprentices on their own ground, cane-cutting, cane-holing, cecil, mr., cedar hall, chamberlain, r., esq., change of opinion in regard to slavery, chapel erected by apprentices, character of colored people, cheesborough, rev. mr., children, care of, (see _free_.) christmas, church, established, civility of negroes, clarke, dr., clarke, hon. r.b., clarke, mr., classification of apprentices, codrington estate, coddrington, sir christopher. coffee estates. college, coddrington. colliton estate. colored architect. " editors. " lady. " legislators. " magistrates. " merchants. " policemen. " population. " proprietor. " teachers. colthurst, major. complaints to special magistrates. concubinage. condition of the negroes, changed. conduct of the emancipated on the first of august. confidence increased. conjugal attachment. consul, american at antigua. " " at jamaica. constabulary force, colored. contributions for religious purposes. conversation with a negro boatman. conversation with negroes on harvey's estate. conversation with apprentices. corbett, mr. trial of. corner stone laid. courts in barbadoes. courts in jamaica. cox, rev. james. cranstoun, mr. crimes, diminution of. crimes in jamaica. crookes, rev. mr. crops in barbadoes. crops in jamaica. cruelty of slavery. " to apprentices. cultivation in barbadoes, (see _crops_.) cultivation in jamaica. cummins, mr. cummins, rev. mr. cuppage, captain. custom house returns, barbadoes. daily meal society. dangers of slavery. daniell, dr. death-bed of a planter. deception. defect of law. demerara, apprenticeship in. desire for instruction. dinner at mr. harris's. " at the governor's. disabilities of colored people. discussion, effect of. distinction between _serving_ and being _property_. distressed females' friend society. disturbances, reason of. docility of the negroes. domestic apprentices. donovan's estate. drax hall. dress in antigua. "driver and overseer." drought in antigua. dublin castle estate. duncan, mr. dungeons in antigua. " in barbadoes. economy of the negroes. edgecomb estate. edmonson, rev. jonathan. education of apprentices. " in antigua. " in barbadoes. (see _schools_.) education, queries on, replied to. " results, in regard to. edwards, colonel. eldridge, r. b. esq.. elliot, rev. edward. emancipation, immediate. (see _preparation, &c._) emancipation, motives of, in antigua. emigrants from europe. employments of the colored. english delegation. enrolment of colored militia. escape of slaves from french islands. expectations in regard to and . expense of free compared with slave labor. expense of apprenticeship compared with slavery. explanation of terms. exports of jamaica for years. fair of st. john's. favey, mr. feeding in barbadoes. feeling, intense, of the negroes. females in the field. fences wanting in antigua. ferguson, dr. fines upon the planters. fire in the canes. fitch's creek estate. flogging. " machine. forten, james. four and a half per cent tax. fraser, rev. edward. " mrs., ---- free children. freedom in antigua. free labor less expensive. freeman, count. frey's estate. friendly societies. fright of american vessels. galloway, mr. gangs, division of. gardiner, rev. mr. gilbert, rev. n. girl sold by her mother. gitters, rev. mr. golden grove estate. gordon, mr. governor of antigua. " of barbadoes. grace bay. grenada. "grandfather jacob." gratitude of the negroes. "grecian regale." green castle estate. green wall estate. guadaloupe. guarda costas. "gubner poisoned." h., mr., an american. hamilton, capt. hamilton, cheny, esq. hamilton, rev. mr. harrison, colonel. harris, thomas, esq. harvey, rev. b. hatley, mr. heroism of colored women. higginbothom, ralph, esq. hill, richard, esq. hinkston, samuel, esq. holberton, rev. robert. holidays in antigua. horne, rev. mr. "horse." horton estate. horsford, hon. paul. hostility to emancipation. (see also, _change, &c._) house of correction. howell, mr., (of jamaica). howell, james esq. hurricane. imports and exports of barbadoes. improvement since emancipation. (see _morals_.) indolence of apprentices. " of whites. industry of emancipated slaves. industry of apprentices. infanticide. insolence. insubordination. (see _subordination_.) insurrection in barbadoes in . insurrection not feared in antigua; nor in barbadoes; nor in jamaica. intelligence of blacks, as compared with whites. intemperance in antigua. (see _temperance_.) intermixture. (see also _amalgamation_.) internal improvement. jamaica. jarvis, colonel. jobs. jocken, mr. jones, mr. jones, rev. mr. jones, t. watkins, s. m. jordon, edward, esq. jury on the body of a negro woman. "juvenile association." kingdon, rev. mr. kingston. kirkland, mr. law, respect for. lear's estate. legislature of antigua. letter to a special magistrate. license to marry. licentiousness. lighthouse. lock-up house at st. john's. lyon, e.b., esq. lyon's estate. machinery, labor-saving. managers, testimony of. manchioneal. market in st. john's. market people. maroons. marriage. marshall, mr. martinique. master's power over the apprentice. mccornock, thomas, esq. mcgregor, sir evan, j. m. megass. merchants, testimony of. messages of sir lionel smith. mico charity infant school. miller's estate. missionaries, wesleyan. missionary associations. " society, wesleyan. mob, pro-slavery, in barbadoes. möhne, mr. and mrs. montserrat. morals, improvement of. morant bay. moravian chapel. " missionary. moravians. morrish, rev. mr. mule-traveling. murder of a planter. musgrave, dr. negro grounds. negro quarters. nevis. newby, mr. newfield, visit to. noble trait in the apprentices. nugent, hon. nicholas. obstacles to free labor in antigua. old school tyrant. opinions in antigua in regard to emancipation. opinions of the united states. opposition to slavery in jamaica. o'reily, hon. dowel. osburne, mr. overseers. packer, rev. mr. parry, archdeacon. partiality of the special magistrates. peaceableness of negro villages. peaceableness of the change from slavery to freedom. peaceableness of the negro character. persecution of a special justice. peter's rock. phillips, rev. mr. physician, testimony of. pigeot, mr. plantain garden river valley. planter, a severe one. planters, cruelty of. " in barbadoes. plough. police court. " of antigua. " officers, testimony of. " reports. policy of colored people in regard to prejudice. port royal. prejudice against color. "prejudice bell." preparation for freedom. prescod, mr. promiscuous seating in church (see _"amalgamation," &c._) proprietor, testimony of. pro-slavery pretences. providence of the emancipated, the. provost marshal, testimony of. punishment, cruel. punishment in antigua. ramsay, mr. real estate. rebellion, so called. rector of st. john's. "red shanks." reid, mr. e. religion in antigua; in barbadoes; in jamaica. religious condition of slaves in antigua. religious instruction desired. report of a special magistrate. resolution in regard to messrs. thome and kimball. resolutions of wesleyan missionaries. respect for the aged. results in antigua. revengefulness. ridge estate. right of suffrage. rogers, mr. ross, a., esq. rowe, rev. mr. rum, use of in antigua. sabbath in antigua; in barbadoes; in jamaica. sabbath school in bridgetown. safety of immediate emancipation. (see _insurrections_.) school, adult; at lear's; parochial; wolmer free. schools in antigua; in bridgetown; infant; in kingston; in spanishtown. scotland in barbadoes. scotland, james, esq. scotland, j., jr. esq. security restored. self-emancipation. self-respect. shands, mr. s. shiel, mr. shrewsbury, rev. mr. sickness, pretended. silver hill. sligo, lord. smith, sir lionel. social intercourse. societies, benevolent. society among colored people. " for promotion of christian knowledge. soldiers, black. solicitor general of barbadoes. " of jamaica. song sung in the schools. spanishtown. "speaking," a moravian custom. special magistrates. (see also _partiality_.) special magistrates, testimony of. st. andrews. station house, a. st. christopher's. st. lucia. stock keepers. st. thomas in the east. sturge & harvey, messrs. st. vincent's. subordination. sugar crop. " cultivation hard for the slave. sugar mill. sunday markets. superintendent of police. suspension of faithful magistrates. task-work. teacher, black. teachers. "telegraph," remarks of the. temperance in antigua. " of negroes. " society. testimony of managers. testimony of clergymen and missionaries. testimony of governors. " of magistrates. " of physicians. theft, decrease of. thibou jarvis's estate. thomas, mr. thompson, george, bust of. thompson, thomas, esq. thorne, mr. thwaites, mr. charles. tinson, rev. mr. toast to immediate emancipation. tortala. traffic in slaves. transition from slavery to freedom. treatment of slaves ameliorated by discussion. treadmill. trinidad. trustworthiness. unwilling witness. vagrancy. value of an apprentice. (see _appraisement_.) villa estate. wages. walton, rev. mr. watchman, jamaica. " remarks of the. watkins, mr. ward, sir henry. weatherill's estate. wesleyan chapel, antigua. " " new, ". " missionary society. wesleyans in antigua. " in barbadoes. " in jamaica. whip banished. whipping post. white lady. wilberforce, opinion of. wickham, richard s. willis, george, esq. willoughby bay examination. wolmer free school. women abandon the field. " condition of. woolridge, rev. mr. wright, andrew, esq. * * * * * the anti-slavery examiner--extra. * * * * * emancipation in the west indies, in . * * * * * important to the united states. false prophets were never stiller about their time-detected impostures than are the pro-slavery presses of the united states about the results of west india emancipation. now and then, for the sake of appearances, they obscurely copy into their immense sheets an inch or two of complaints, from some snarling west india paper, that the emancipated are lazy and won't work. but they make no parade. they are more taciturn than grave-stones. in the following closely printed columns, those who wish to know will find out precisely how the "_great experiment_" has worked. they will find, . the _safety_ of abolition demonstrated--its safety in the worst possible case. . that the colonies are prospering in their _agriculture_. . that the planters conferred freedom because they were _obliged to_ by public opinion abroad. . that freedom, even thus unwillingly conferred, was accepted as a precious boon by the slaves--they were grateful to god, and ready to work for their masters for fair pay. . that the mass of the planters have endeavoured, from the first, to get work out of the free laborers for as small wages as possible. . that many of the attorneys and managers have refused fair wages and practiced extortion, _to depreciate the price of property_, that they might profit thereby. . that all the indisposition to labor which has yet been exhibited is fully accounted for by these causes. . that in spite of all, the abolition is working well for the _honest_ of all parties. * * * * * west india emancipation, in . the immediate abolitionists hold that the change from slavery to freedom cannot be too sudden. they say that the first step in raising the slave from his degradation should be that of making him a proper subject of law, by putting him in possession of himself. this position they rest on the ground both of justice and expediency, which indeed they believe to be inseparable. with exceptions too trifling to affect the question, they believe the laborer who feels no stimulus but that of wages and no restraint but that of law, is the most _profitable_, not only to himself and society at large, but to any employer other than a brutal tyrant. the benefit of this role they claim for every man and woman living within this republic, till on fair trial the proper tribunal shall have judged them unworthy of it. they deny both the justice and expediency of permitting any degree of ignorance or debasement to work the forfeiture of self-ownership, and pronounce slavery continued for such a cause the worst of all, inasmuch as it is the _robbery of the poor because he is poor_. what light was thrown upon this doctrine by the process of abolition in the british west indies from the st of august to the st of june , may be seen in the work of messrs. thome and kimball entitled, "emancipation in the west indies." that light continues to shine. bermuda and antigua, in which the slaves passed instantaneously out of absolute slavery into full freedom, are living witnesses of the blessing of heaven upon immediate emancipation. in antigua, one of the old sugar colonies, where slavery had had its full sway there has been especially a fair test of immediatism, and the increasing prosperity of the island does the utmost honor to the principle. after the fullest inquiry on the point, messrs. thome and kimball say of this island:-- "there is not a class, or party, or sect, who do not esteem the abolition of slavery as a _special blessing to them_. the rich, because it relieved them of "property" which was fast becoming a disgrace, as it had always been a vexation and a tax, and because it has emancipated them from the terrors of insurrection, which kept them all their life-time subject to bondage. the poor whites--because it lifted from off them the yoke of civil oppression. the free colored population--because it gave the death blow to the prejudice that crushed them, and opened the prospect of social, civil, and political equality with the whites. the _slaves_--because it broke open their dungeons, led them out to liberty, and gave them, in one munificent donation, their wives, their children, their bodies, their souls--everything." in the emphatic language of the governor, "it was _universally admitted_ that emancipation had been a great blessing to the island." in november , lord brougham thus summed up the results of the antigua experiment in a speech in the house of lords:-- "it might be known to their lordships that in one most important colony the experiment of instant and entire emancipation had been tried. infinitely to the honor of the island of antigua was it, that it did not wait for the period fixed by the legislature, but had at once converted the state of slavery into one of perfect liberty. on the st of august, , the day fixed by act of parliament for the commencement of a ten years' apprenticeship, the legislature of that colony, to the immortal honor of their wisdom, their justice, and their humanity, had abolished the system of apprenticeship, and had absolutely and entirely struck the fetters off from , slaves. their lordships would naturally ask whether the experiment had succeeded; and whether this sudden emancipation had been wisely and politically done. he should move for some returns which he would venture to say would prove that the experiment had entirely succeeded. he would give their lordships some proofs: first, property in that island had risen in value; secondly, with a very few exceptions, and those of not greater importance than occurred in england during harvest, there was no deficiency in the number of laborers to be obtained when laborers were wanted; thirdly, offences of all sorts, from capital offences downwards, had decreased; and this appeared from returns sent by the inspector of slaves to the governor of that colony, and by him transmitted to the proper authority here; and, fourthly, the exports of sugar had increased: during the three years ending , the average yearly export was , cwts., and for the three subsequent years this average had increased to , cwts., being an increase of , cwts, or one clear seventh, produced by free labor. nor were the last three years productive seasons; for in there was a very severe and destructive hurricane, and in the year there was such a drought that water was obliged to be imported from barbados." of such sort, with regard to both the colonies that adopted the principle of immediate emancipation, have been the facts--and all the facts--up to the latest intelligence. the rest of the colonies adopted the plan proposed by the british government, which contrary to the wishes of the great body of british abolitionists, made the slaves but partially free under the name of apprentices. in this mongrel condition they were to remain, the house servants four, and the field laborers six years. this apprenticeship was the darling child of that expediency, which, holding the transaction from wrong to right to be dangerous and difficult, illustrates its wisdom by lingering on the dividing line. therefore any mischance that might have occurred in any part of this tardy process would have been justly attributable to _gradualism_ and not to _immediatism_. the force of this remark will be better seen by referring to the nature and working of the apprenticeship as described in the book of messrs. thome and kimball. we have only room to say that the masters universally regarded the system as a part of the compensation or bonus to the slaveholder and not as a preparatory school for the slave. by law they were granted a property in the uncompensated _labor_ of the slaves for six years; but the same law, by taking away the sole means of enforcing this labor, in fact threw the masters and slaves into a six years' quarrel in which they stood on something like equal terms. it was surely not to be wondered if the parties should come out of this contest too hostile ever to maintain to each other the relation of employer and employed. this six years of vexatious swinging like a pendulum over the line between bondage and liberty was well calculated to spoil all the gratitude and glory of getting across. it was early discovered that the masters generally were disposed to abuse their power and get from their apprentices all that could by any means be extorted. the friends of humanity in great britain were aroused, mr. sturge, a distinguished philanthropist of birmingham, accompanied by messrs. scohle, harvey, and lloyd, proceeded to the west indies on a mission of inquiry, and prosecuted their investigation contemporaneously with messrs. thome and kimball. their report produced a general conviction in england, that the planters had forfeited all claim to retain their authority over the apprentices, and the government was accordingly petitioned immediately to abolish the system. this it was loth to do. it caused inquiries to be instituted in the colonies, especially in jamaica, with the evident hope of overthrowing the charges of mr. sturge. the result more than confirmed those charges. the government still plead for delay, and brought in a bill for the _improvement_ of the apprenticeship. in the progress of these proceedings, urged on as they were by the heaven-high enthusiasm of the british nation, many of the planters clearly perceived that their chance of power during the remaining two years of the apprenticeship had become worth less to them than the good will which they might get by voluntarily giving it up. whether it was this motive operating in good faith, or a hope to escape philanthropic interference for the future by yielding to its full claim, and thus gain a clear field to oppress under the new system of wages, one thing is certain the chartered colonies, suddenly, and to the surprise of many, put the finishing stroke to the system and made their apprentices free from the st of august, . the crown colonies have mostly imitated their example. the following table exhibits the extent and population of these colonies. possessions. date of extent. population acquisit. sq. m. white slaves f. col. anguilla[b], . . . , antigua[a], , , , bahamas[b], , , , , barbados[b], , , , bermudas[a], , , dominica[b], , , grenada[b], , , jamaica[b], , , , , montserrat[b], , nevis[b], , , st. christophers[b], , , , st. lucia[b], , , st. vincent[b], , , , tobago[b], , , trinidad[b], , , , , tortola, or virgin isles[b], . . . , total, b.w.i . . . , , , , cape of good hope, . . . . . . , , , berbice[b] . . . . . . , , guiana demarara[b] . . . , , , essequibo[b], . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . honduras, , , , mauritius, . . . . . . , , , total. . . . . . . , , , [footnote a: emancipated entirely on the st. of august, .] [footnote b: emancipated entirely on the st. of august, , by vote of the local legislatures in the chartered colonies; and by governor and council, in the crown colonies.] the _unanimity_ with which the apprenticeship was given up is a most remarkable and instructive fact. in the council and assembly of montserrat, there was an unanimous decision in favor of emancipation as early as february . in the legislature of tortola, which passed the bill in april , the opposing party was small. in that of barbados the bill was passed on the th of may with but _one_ dissenting voice. in that of jamaica, the bill seems to have been passed on the th of june, and the _jamaica times_ remarks:--"no dissentient voice was heard within the walls of the assembly, all joined in the wish so often expressed, that the remaining term of the apprenticeship should be cancelled, that the excitement produced by a law which has done inconceivable harm in jamaica, in alienating the affections of her people, and creating discord and disaffection, should at once cease. thank god! it is now nearly at an end, and we trust that jamaica will enjoy that repose, so eagerly and anxiously sought after, by all who wish the island well." these facts come down upon the question of the safety of an _immediate_ emancipation with an _a fortiori_, a _much more then_. for it is admitted on all hands that the apprenticeship had "alienated the affections of the people;" they were in a state less favorable to a quiet sequel, than they were before the first of august, , yet the danger was not thought of. the _safety_ was an argument _in favor_ of emancipation, not _against_ it. the raw head and bloody bones had vanished. the following is a fair exhibition of the feeling of the most influential planters, in regard to the _safety_ of the step. from the barbadian, may , . at a meeting of the board of legislative council, in the new court house, april th, . the lord bishop rose and spoke as follows: "_mr. president, and gentlemen of the council_, 'i was informed yesterday that, during my absence from this island, the members recorded their opinion as to the expediency of absolutely abolishing the apprenticeship in august, . i am most anxious to record my entire concurrence in this resolution, but i wish it to be understood that i do not consider the measure as called for by any hardships, under which the laborers in this island are suffering--nor from the want of any essential comfort--nor from the deprivation of any thing, which a laborer can fairly claim from his master; still i do express my concurrence in the resolution of the board, and i do so on these grounds: that i am satisfied the measure can be safely carried in this island, and if safely, then i feel justly; for i consider the very important interests which are involved in the measure. i must confess, too, that i am unwilling the barbados should be behind any other island, especially in a measure which may be carried both safely and justly, and where its example may be of such beneficial consequence. i am just returned from visiting the northern islands of the diocese. i have gone over every part of tortola, and though it is far more fertile than the off islands, yet even these are sufficiently productive for the laborer to raise the lesser and necessary provision of life,--and yet with these islands in their very face, the legislature of tortola has passed the act of abolition. some of the proprietors were opposed to it, but they have now given up their opposition; and i heard, whilst in antigua, not only that the act had passed, but that on the day of its passing, or the following day, some of the leading proprietors rode through the island, and were met by the people with expressions of the utmost gratitude, regarding the act as a boon granted to them by their masters. at nevis the act has passed. at st. christopher's the council are in favor of its passing, and with nevis emancipated in its vicinity, there is little doubt but the act must pass. at montserrat also it has passed. at antigua, which i visited last year, i found that every thing was proceeding quietly and regularly. i found too, the planters in high spirits, and some estates, which had been given up, restored; and the small patches and tenements of the free people, commencing last year, now in a very satisfactory state of cultivation. it is possible, indeed, that these last mentioned, unless the population is proportionably increased, may affect the cultivation of the larger estates, but there they are, and flourishing, as i have described, whilst i was in the island. a contiguous, though abandoned estate was purchased by sir henry martin for about , _l._ currency, being , _l._ more than he had offered a few years previously. to compare barbados with any other island, either as to population, wealth, or state of agriculture, is unnecessary. i have seen nothing like the commercial activity which i saw in the streets yesterday, except at st. thomas; and i feel, therefore, on all these grounds, that the act may be passed safely and justly. at the same time i am not unmindful or insensible to the state of public opinion in the mother country, nor to the many new and harassing annoyances to which the proprietors may be exposed during a protracted continuance of the apprenticeship. i request that my full concurrence in the resolution of the council, may be accorded on the minutes of this day's proceedings.'" such is the testimony of a witness in no wise warped by prejudice in favor of the anti-slavery party. the debates which took place in the legislatures of both barbados and jamaica, are full of similar testimony, uttered by men every way qualified to bear witness, and under influences which relieve their testimony from every taint of suspicion. in the legislature of jamaica, on the question of a committee to bring in a bill, mr. good remarked, "he could say that the negroes from their general good conduct were deserving of the boon. then why not give in with a good heart? why exhibit any bad feelings about the matter? there were many honorable gentlemen who had benefitted by the pressure from without, who owed their rank in society and their seats in that house to the industry of the negroes. why should they now show a bad heart in the matter?--nine tenths of the proprietors of this island had determined upon giving up the apprenticeship. hundreds of thousands were to be benefited--were to take their stations as men of society, and he hoped the boon would not be retarded by a handful of men who owed their all to slavery." mr. dallas said,--"_the abolition of the remaining term of apprenticeship must take place; let them then join hand and heart in doing it well, and with such grace as we now could. let it have the appearance of a boon from ourselves, and not in downright submission to the coercive measures adopted by the british parliament_." after a committee had been appointed to prepare and bring in a bill for the abolition of the apprenticeship, a member rose and proposed that the th of june should be its termination. we give his speech as reported in the jamaica papers, to show how fanatical even a slaveholder may become. "on the members resuming their seats, mr. hart proposed that it be an instruction to the committee appointed to bring in the bill or abolishing the remainder of the apprenticeship, to insert a clause in it, that the operation of that bill should commence on the th of june, that being the day appointed for the coronation of the queen. _he felt proud in telling the house that he was the representative of the black population. he was sent there by the blacks and his other friends_. the white christians had their representatives, the people of color had their representatives, and _he hoped shortly to see the day when the blacks would send in their own representatives_. he wanted the thing done at once, sir, said the honorable member waxing warm. it was nonsense to delay it. it could be done in three lines as he said before, dele and put in . that was all that they had to do. if it were possible, let the thing be done in two words. he went there to do his duty to his constituents, and he was determined to do so. his black friends looked up to him to protect them--and he would press his motion that all the apprentices in the island should be _crowned_ on the th of june. (thundering roars of laughter.) he was as independent as any honorable member, and would deliver his sentiment, without caring who were and who were not pleased. he was possessed of property in apprentices--_he had an estate with nearly two hundred negroes, that he was determined to crown on the th of june_. (increased roars of laughter in the house, and at the bar.) he would not be laughed down. his properties were not encumbered. he would not owe anything on them after they were paid for, and that he could do. (loud laughter.) he was determined to have his opinion. as he had said before, the th day of june being fixed for the coronation of all the negroes in the island, that is the day they ought to be released from the apprenticeship. (thundering and deafening roars of laughter). (here the honorable member was told that the queen was to be crowned on that day.) ah, well, he had made a mistake, but he would tell the house the truth, _he had made up his mind to give his apprentices freedom on that day, but he did not wish to do it without his neighbors doing the same, lest they should say he was setting a bad example_. he would press his motion to a division. it had been seconded by his honorable friend on his right.--(aside, "good, didn't you promise to second it?") the honorable member then read his motion, and handed it up to the clerk." the "mistake" of this liberal descendant of israel, which excited so much merriment was, after all, not a very unfortunate one, _if_ the "crown" of manhood is more important than that of monarchy. the members objected to so near an approach to _immediatism_, not, however, be it remarked, on account of the unfitness of the apprentices, (slaves) but their own convenience. among those who replied to mr. hart, was mr. osborn, of unmingled african blood, born a slave, and who, we are informed, was a successful competitor for the seat he now occupies against the very man who formerly claimed him as property. mr. osborn and his partner mr. jordon were editors of the jamaica watchman, and had contended manfully for liberty when it was a dangerous word. mr. osborn said:--"he was astonished at the galloping liberality which seemed to have seized some honorable members, now there was nothing to contend for. their liberality seemed to have outrun all prudence. where were they and their liberality when it was almost death to breach the question of slavery? what had become of their philanthropy? but no, it was not convenient then. the stream was too strong for them to resist. now, however, when the question was finally settled, when nothing remained for them to do, it was the time that some honorable gentlemen began to clamor their liberality, and began a race who should be the first, or who should have the honor of first terminating the apprenticeship. he hoped the motion would be withdrawn, and the discussion put an end to." what had become of the visions of blood and slaughter? could there be more impressive testimony to the safety of emancipation in all, even the worst cases? we might add to this testimony that of the universal newspaper press of the british west india colonies. we have room, however, to select only from a few of the well known opponents of freedom. "we seriously call upon our representatives to consider well all the bearings of the question, and if they cannot resist effectually these encroachments of the imperial government, adopt the remaining alternative of saving themselves from an infliction, by giving up at once and entirely, the bone of contention between us. thus only shall we disarm, if anything in reason or in nature can, our enemies of their slanderous weapons of offence, and secure in as far as possible, a speedy and safe return of peace and prosperity to the "distracted" colony.--without this sacrifice on our parts, we see no shelter from our sufferings--no amelioration of present wrongs--no hope for the future; but on the contrary, a systematic and remorseless train laid for the ultimate ruin of every proprietor in the country. with this sacrifice which can only be to any extent to a few and which the wisdom of our legislature may possibly find out some means or other of compensation, we have the hope that the sunshine of jamaica's prosperity shall not receive any farther diminution; but shall rather dawn again with renewed vigor; when all shall be alike free under the protection of the same law, and the same law-givers; and all shall be alike amenable to the powers that punish without favor and without affection."--_jamaica standard_. "there is great reason to expect that many jamaica proprietors will anticipate the period established by the slavery abolition act for the termination of the apprenticeship. they will, as an act of grace, and with a view to their future arrangements with their negroes, terminate the apprenticeship either of all at once, or by giving immediate freedom to the most deserving; try the effect of this gift, and of the example afforded to the apprentices when they see those who have been discharged from the apprenticeship working on the estates for wages. if such a course is adopted, it will afford an additional motive for inducing the legislature to consider whether the good feeling of the laboring population, and their future connection with their former employers, may not be promoted by permitting them to owe to the grace of their own legislature the termination of the apprenticeship as soon as the requisite legislation for the new state of things has been adopted."--_jamaica despatch_. of such sort as this is the testimony from all the colonies, most abundantly published in the emancipator and other abolition papers, to the point of the _safety_ of entire emancipation. at the time when the step was taken, it was universally concluded that so far from being dangerous it promised the greatest safety. it would not only put an end to the danger apprehended from the foreign interference of the abolitionists, but it would _conciliate the negroes_! and we are not able to find any one who professes to be disappointed with the result thus far. the only evil now complained of, is the new freemen do not in some instances choose _to work_ on the _terms_ offered by the planters. they have shed no man's blood. they have committed no depredation. they peaceably obey the laws. all this, up to the latest date, is universally admitted. neither does any one _now_ presume to prophesy anything different for the future. industry. on the one topic of the industry of the emancipated people, the west indian papers give the most conflicting accounts. some represent them as laboring with alacrity, diligence and effect wherever anything like an adequate compensation is offered. it is asserted by some, and not denied by any authorities that we have seen, that the emancipated are industriously at work on those estates where the masters voluntarily relinquished the apprenticeship before the first of august and met their freed people in good faith. but most of the papers, especially in jamaica, complain grievously that the freed people will work on no reasonable terms. we give a fair specimen from one of the jamaica papers, on which our political editors choose most to rely for their information:-- "in referring to the state of the country this week, we have still the same tale to tell of little work, and that little indifferently done, but exorbitantly charged for; and wherever resisted, a general "strike" is the consequence. now this, whatever more favourable complexion the interested and sinister motives of others may attempt to throw around it, is the real state of matters upon nine-tenths of the properties situated in st. james's, westmoreland, and hanover. in trelawny they _appear_ to be doing a little better; but that only arises, we are confident from the longer purses, and patience of endurance under exorbitant wages, exhibited by the generality of the managers of that parish. let them wait till they find they can no longer continue making sugar at its present expensive rate, and they will then find whether trelawny is substantially in a better condition than either of the other parties."--_standard, quoted in the morning journal of nov. _. this is the "tale" indeed, of a great part of the west india papers, sung to the same hum drum tune ever since the first of august; and so faithfully echoed by our own pro slavery press that many of our estimable fellow citizens have given it up that the great "experiment" has turned out unfavorably, and that the colored population of the west indies are rapidly _sinking_ from the condition of _slaves_ to that of idle freemen. were we all in a position perfectly disinterested and above the peculiar influence of slavery, we might perhaps consider these complaints as asking for, rather than against, the character of the emancipated and the cause of freedom, inasmuch as they prove the former slaves to have both the discretion and the spirit which should characterise freemen. but to the peculiar optics which abound in these united states it may be necessary to show the entire picture. to prove in the first place the general falsehood of the complaints themselves it is only necessary to advert to recent official documents. for our present purpose it will be sufficient to refer to jamaica. the legislature was convened on the th of october and addressed by the governor sir lionel smith in a speech of which the following extract pertains to our subject:-- _"gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of assembly,_ the most important event in the annals of colonial history has taken place since last i had the pleasure of meeting the legislature of this island; and i am happy in being able to declare that the conduct of the laboring population, who were then the objects of your liberal and enlightened policy, _entitles them to the highest praise, and amply proves how_ well they have deserved _the boon of freedom._ it was not to be expected that the total extinction of the apprenticeship law would be followed by an instantaneous return to active labor, but feeling as i do the deepest interest in the successful result of the great measurement now in progress, i sincerely congratulate you and the country at large, on the improvement which is daily taking place on the resumption of industrious habits, and i trust there is every prospect of agricultural prosperity." such is the testimony of a governor who is no stranger in the west indies and who was put in the place of lord sligo as more acceptable to the planters. but what said the house of assembly in reply?--a house made up chiefly of attornies who had more interest than any other men in the continuance of the old system and who, as will presently be shown, were not unwilling to have the "experiment" fail? they speak as follows:-- _"may it please your excellency,_ we, her majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the assembly of jamaica, thank your excellency for your speech at the opening of the session. the house join your excellency in bearing testimony to the peaceable manner in which the laboring population have conducted themselves in a state of freedom. it certainly was not to be expected that so great a change in the condition of the people would be followed by an immediate return to active labor. the house, however, are willing to believe that some degree of improvement is taking place, and they sincerely join in the hope expressed by your excellency, that the agricultural interests of the island may ultimately prosper, by a resumption of industrious habits on the part of the peasantry in their new condition." this settles the question. those who will not be convinced by such documents as these that the mass of the emancipated in jamaica are ready _to do their part_ in the system of free labor, would not be convinced if one rose from the deed to prove it. we are now prepared to investigate the causes of the complaints, and inquire why in numerous cases the negros have refused to work. let us first go back to the debates jamaica legislature on the passage of the emancipation bill in june, and see whether we can discover the _temper_ in which it was passed, and the prospect of good faith in its execution. we can hardly doubt that some members, and some especially from whose speeches on that occasion we have already quoted, designed really to confer the "boon of freedom." but others spoke very differently. to understand their language we must commence with the governor's speech at the opening of the session:-- _"gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the assembly,_ i have called you together, at an unusual season, to take it to your consideration the state of the island under the laws of apprenticeship, for the labouring population. i need not refer you to the agitation on this subject throughout the british empire, or to the discussions upon it in parliament, _where the honourable efforts of the ministry_ were barely found sufficient to preserve the original duration of the laws, as an obligation of the national faith. i shall lay before you some despatches on this subject." * * * * * _"gentlemen,_ _general agitation and parliamentary interference have not, i am afraid, yet terminated._ _a corresponding excitement has been long going on among the apprentices themselves,_ but still they have rested in sober and quiet hopes, relying on your generosity, that you will extend to them that boon which has been granted to their class in other colonies." * * * * * _"gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker and gentlemen of the assembly,_ in this posture of affairs, it is my duty to declare my sentiments, and distinctly to _recommend to you the early and equal abolition of the apprenticeship for all classes._ i do so in confidence that the apprentices will be found worthy of freedom, and that it will operate as a double blessing, by securing also the future interests of the planters. i am commanded, however, to inform you that her majesty's ministers will not entertain any question of further compensation. but should your views be opposed to the policy i recommend, i would entreat you to consider well _how impracticable it will become to carry on coercive labor_--always difficult, it would in future be in peril of constant comparisons with other colonies made free, and with those estates in this island made free by individual proprietors. as governor, under these circumstances, and i never shrink from any of my responsibilities, _i pronounce it physically impossible to maintain the apprenticeship with any hope of successful agriculture._ * * * * * "_gentlemen of the council, mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the assembly._ jamaica, is in your hands--she requires repose, by the removal of a law which has _equally tormented the laborer, and disappointed the planter_--a law by which man still constrains man in unnatural servitude. this is her first exigency. for her future welfare she appeals to your wisdom to legislate in the spirit of the times, with liberality and benevolence towards all classes." * * * * * when such a man as sir lionel smith pronounced it no longer practicable to carry on coercive labor, he must have been a bold as well as a rash planter who would venture to hold on to the old system under lord glenelg's improvement act. accordingly we find some of the staunchest advocates of slavery, men who had been fattening on the oppression of the apprentices up to that moment the first, and the most precipitate, is their proposals of abolition. mr. hyslop, mr. gay and others were for acting at once on the governor's speech without referring it to a committee. the former said: "he believed that a proposition would be made to abandon the apprenticeship from the st of august, _but he would say let it be abandoned from sunday next_. he would therefore move that the speech be made the order of the day for tomorrow." mr. guy said:-- "the governor's speech contained nothing more than what every gentlemen expected, _and what every gentlemen, he believed, was prepared to do. in short he_ would state that _a bill had already been prepared by him, which he intended to introduce tomorrow, for the abolition of the apprenticeship on the st of august next_." both these gentlemen are well known by the readers of jamaica papers as obstinate defenders slavery. the latter was so passionately devoted to the abuses of the apprenticeship that lord sligo was obliged to dismiss him from the post of adjutant general of militia. in the ardor of his attachment to the "peculiar institution" of getting work without pay, he is reported to have declared on a public occasion, that the british ministry were a "parcel of reptiles" and that the "english nation was fast going to the dogs." in another part of the debate:-- "mr. guy hoped the house would not _go into a discussion of the nature of the apprenticeship_, or the terms upon which it was forced us by the government. all that he knew about the matter was, that it was a part and parcel of the compensation. government had so declared it. in short it was made law. he could not help believing that the hon. member for trelawny, was arguing against the dictates of his own honest heart--that he came there cut and dry with a speech prepared to _defend the government_." mr. barclay, to whom, some years ago, the planters gave a _splendid service of plate_ for his ingenious defence of slavery against the terrible pen of james stephen, said "it appeared to be the general feeling of the house that the apprenticeship should be done away with. be that as it may, he was free to say that in that part of the island he was from, and certainly it was a large and wealthy district, the apprenticeship system _had worked well_, and all parties _appeared_ satisfied with it. he denied that there existed any necessity to disturb the working of the system, it would have _gradually_ slided into _absolute freedom if they were permitted to regulate their own affairs_, but the government, or rather, _the people of england, had forced on the predicament in which they were placed_. the ministry could not help themselves--they were driven to violate the national compact, not in express words, it is true, but in fact. it was, however, the _force of public opinion that operated_ in producing the change. they were placed in a situation from which they could hardly extricate themselves.-- _they had no alternative, he was afraid, but to go along with the stream_." mr. hamilton brown, who at the commencement of the apprenticeship came into a special magistrate's court and publicly told him that unless he and his colleagues "_did their duty by having recourse to a frequent and vigorous application of the lash, there would he rebellion in the parish (of st. ann's!) in less than a month, and all the responsibility of such a calamity would rest on their shoulders_"! discoursed in the following manner. "it was always understood, for the apprenticeship _had become marketable_. properties had been bought and sold with them, their time had been bought by others, and by themselves." "he had no hesitation in saying, that the statements which had been made in england against the planters _were as false as hell_--they had been concocted here, and sent home by a parcel of spies in the island. they were represented as a cruel set of men, as having outraged the feelings of humanity towards the negroes, or in matters in which they were concerned. this was false. he did not mean to deny that there were a _few instances_ of cruelty to the apprentices, but then those were _isolated cases_, and was it not hard that a hue and cry should be raised against the whole body of planters, and all made to suffer on account of those _few_. he would say that there was a greater disposition to be cruel to the negroes evinced _by young men arriving in this island from england, than by the planters. there was, indeed, a great deal of difficulty in restraining them from doing so, but the longer they lived in the country, the more kind and humane they became_. the negroes _were better off here than many of the people of great britain_, and they would have been contented, had it not been for the injudicious _interference of some of the special justices_. who had ever heard of negroes being starved to death? had they not read accounts in the english papers of men destroying their wives, their children, _and afterwards themselves_, because they could not obtain food. they had been grossly defrauded of their property; and after doing that, it was now sought to destroy their constitutional rights. he would repeat, they had been grossly defrauded of their property." [here is the true slaveholder, logic, chivalry and all.] mr. frater said, among other things, "he knew that it might be said the bill (lord glenelg's) did not go to the extent of freeing the negroes--_that we are about to do ourselves_, but he would ask whether we were not _driven into the difficulty_ by which we are now surrounded! had we not been brought into this _alarming position_, into this _exigency_, by the conduct of the british government. _why do we not tell the english nation frankly and candidly, that they agreed to give the planter six years' services of their apprentices, as a part of the compensation, and if they desired to do away with it, that we must be paid for it_, otherwise we will not answer for any change, for any evils which are likely to ensue. why did the government force such an obnoxious bill upon us? they had in substance done this, they refused to annul the apprenticeship themselves, it is true, but said, we will place them in a situation that will compel them to do it themselves. he must say that the government had acted _cowardly and unjustly_, they had in substance deprived them of the further two years' services of their apprentices, agreeably to the compact entered into, upon a pretext that we had not kept faith with them, and now tell us they will give us no compensation. he hoped the allusion to it in the address would be retained." we beg the patient attention of the reader to still more of these extracts. the present state of things in jamaica renders them very important. it is indispensable to a correct judgment of the results of the experiment to understand in what temper it was entered upon by the parties. nothing can show this more clearly or authoritatively than the quotations we are making. we find another little torrent of eloquence from the same mr. hamilton brown above quoted. he and several other gentlemen rose to reply to the statements of richard hill, a friend of freedom, and secretary of the special magistracy. mr. brown--"mr. chairman, i am on my legs, sir. i say that we have to thank the special justices, and the _private instructions_ which they have acted upon, _for all the evils that have occurred in the country_. had they taken _the law_ for their guide, had they acted upon that, sir, and not upon their private instructions, _every thing would have gone on splendidly_, and we should have done well. but they had _destroyed the negroes with their instructions_, they had _given them bad advice_, and _encouraged them in disobedience to their masters_. i say it, sir, in the face of this committee--i would say it on my death-bed tomorrow, that if the stipendiary magistrates had _done their duty_ all would have gone on well, _and i told his excellency that he might then have slept on a bed of roses_." here was one of the abolishers of the apprenticeship who held that more flogging would have made it work more "splendidly." mr. hugh fraser leslie, who the february before had, in his place in the assembly, denominated the anti-slavery delegates assembled in london, as "a set of crawling wretches;" "the scum and refuse of society." "the washings and scrapings of the manufacturing districts," &c. &c. now delivered himself of the following:-- "_he would ask any man in the house, nay, in the country, whether the house had any discretion left to them in the steps they were about to take_? could it be denied, that they were driven to the present alternative? could they any longer say they were an independent legislature? it would be preposterous--absolutely absurd to entertain any such idea. the apprenticeship had been _forced upon the country_ as a part and parcel of the planters' compensation--it had been working well, and would insensibly _have slided into a state of absolute freedom, had the masters been left alone to themselves. it is now utterly impracticable to continue it_. a most obnoxious measure had been passed by the british parliament, and sent out to this country to be promulgated by the governor as the law of the land. the functions of the legislature were put in abeyance, and a british act _crammed down their throats_. it could not be denied that they were now under a military government. _he was only sorry that the thing had not been more honestly done_; in his opinion, it would have been better for all classes, for then the government would have taken all the responsibilities which might attend the sudden change they had driven the house to make, and find the means of conducting the affairs of the country into a peaceable and successful state. _let any person look to the excitement which at present prevailed throughout the country, couple that with the speech which had been delivered by the governor, and say if it was any longer practicable to carry one the system of apprenticeship_. with respect to the doctrine which had been broached, that the apprenticeship was not a part and parcel of the compact between the government and the planters; that they (the planters) did not possess an absolute but an incidental right to the services of their apprentices, _he confessed he was at a loss to understand it_, he was incapable of drawing so nice a distinction. he repeated, the government and nation had made the apprenticeship a part of the consideration of the abolition of slavery, and having placed us in a situation to render its continuance impracticable they were bound in honor and common honesty _to compensate us_ for the two years." once more, and we have done. mr. berry said, "he did not think that because the governor said they were not entitled to compensation, that therefore they should give up the claim which they unquestionably had upon the british nation for further compensation. he would contend also, that the apprenticeship was one part of the consideration for the abolition of slavery. he had heard it remarked that the apprenticeship must cease, but it ought to be added that they were compelled--they were driven to put an end to it by the government, though they were convinced that neither party was at this moment prepared for immediate abandonment. the governor, in his opening speech, had told the house that from the agitation at home, and the corresponding agitation which at the present moment prevailed here, it was physically impossible to carry one the apprenticeship with advantage to masters and labourers. he would take leave to remark, that the apprenticeship _was working very well_--in some of the parishes had worked extremely well. where this was not the case, it was attributable _to the improper conduct of the special justices_. he did not mean to reflect upon them all; there were some honorable exceptions, but he would say that a great deal of the ill-feeling which had arisen in the country between the masters and their apprentices, was to be traced to the _injudicious advice_ and conduct of the special justices." such were the sentiments of by far the majority of those who spoke in the assembly. such, doubtless, were the sentiments of more than nine-tenths of the persons invested with the management of estates in jamaica. what, then if we had heard that nine-tenths of the emancipated had refused to be employed? could that have been counted a failure of the experiment? was there any reason to believe that the planters would not resort to every species of oppression compatible with a system of wages? before proceeding to the question of wages, however, we invite the reader to scan the temper and disposition of the parties of the other part, viz., the laboring population. let us observe more carefully how _they_ behaved at the important period of transition two of the sturdiest advocates of slavery, the _jamaica standard_ and the _cornwall courier_, speak as follows:-- the _standard_ says--"on tuesday evening, (july ), the wesleyan, and we believe, baptist chapels, (st. james') were opened for service--the former being tastefully decorated with branches of the palm, sage, and other trees, with a variety of appropriate devices, having a portrait of her majesty in the center, and a crown above. when we visited the chapel, about o'clock, it was completely full, but not crowded, the generality of the audience well dressed; and all evidently of the better class of the colored and negro population. shortly after, we understand, a very excellent and modern sermon, in all political points, was delivered by the rev. mr. kerr, the highly respected pastor. the congregation was dismissed shortly after o'clock; at which hour the church bell commenced its solemn peal, and a few noisy spirits welcomed in the morning of freedom with loud cheers, and planted a huge branch, which they termed the "tree of liberty," in the center of the two roads crossing the market square." again the _standard_ observes, "the long, and somewhat anxiously expected jubilee of emancipation has arrived, and now nearly passed over, with a remarkable degree of quiet and circumspection. of st. james's of course, we speak more particularly,--st. james's, hitherto the most reviled, and most unwarrantably calumniated parish, of all the parishes in this unfortunate and distracted colony!" the _cornwall courier_ says, "the first of august, the most important day ever witnessed in jamaica, has passed quietly as far as actual disturbance is concerned." the _jamaica morning journal_, of whose recent course the planters should be the last to complain, gives more particular information of the transition in all parts of the island. we give copious extracts, for to dwell upon such a scene must soften the heart. it is good sometimes to behold the joy of mere brute freedom--the boundings of the noble horse freed from his stable and his halter--the glad homeward flight of the bird from its cage--but here was besides the rational joy of a heaven-born nature. here were , souls set free; and on wings of gratitude flying upwards to the throne of god. there were the gatherings in the public squares, there were the fireworks, the transparencies, the trees of liberty and the shouts of the jubilee, but the churches and the schools were the chief scenes, and hymns and prayer the chief language of this great ovation. there was no giving up to drunken revelry, but a solemn recognition of god, even by those who had not been wont to worship him. his temples were never so crowded. his ministers never so much honored. we give the picture in all its parts, faithfully, and as completely as our information will enable us to do. august . "in this city, the day has passed off in the way in which such a day ought to pass off. with glad hearts and joyful lips, the people have crowded the temples of the living god, and poured out their praises and thanksgivings for the great benefits they had received at the hands of a beneficent providence. that they will continue to deport themselves as dutiful subjects, and good men and women, we have no doubt. from the country we wait with anxious hopes to hear that everything has gone off with the same peace, and quiet, and order, and regularity which have prevailed here, and especially that the people have returned to their labor, and are giving general satisfaction." from the same. among the various ways of interesting the minds of our newly enfranchised peasantry on the st of august, was that of planting a palm tree emblematical of liberty, and commemorative of its commencement in this island. both in kingston and in liguanca, we understand, this ceremony was performed by the schools and congregations of the "london missionary society." the following hymn, composed by mr. wooldridge, for the purpose, and committed to memory by many of the children, who were treated with cakes and lemonade. appropriate sermons were preached, both morning and evening, by the rev. messrs. woodbridge and ingraham, and in the evening a temperance society was formed for the district of liguanca, when several signed the pledge. the thorny bush we'll clear away the emblem of old slavery-- let every fibre of it die, and all its vices cease to be. let indolence, deceit, and theft, be of their nourishment bereft, let cruel wrong now disappear, and decent order crown each year. proceedings at trelawney.--a correspondent in trelawney writes. the first of august was observed by the people so decently and devoutly, and with such manifestations of subdued, yet grateful feeling, that they appeared more like a select class of christians celebrating some holy day of their church, than a race but recently converted from idolatry, and who were just emerging from the pollutions and degradation of slavery. treat to the children.--the most interesting and truly exciting scene of all in trelawny, was the spectacle of some hundreds of happy children dining. this feast for them, and for all who had hearts that could sympathise with the happiness of others, was provided by the rev. mr. knibb. similar scenes were enacted in the rural districts. the rev. mr. blyth had, i believe, a meeting of his scholars, and a treat provided for them. the rev. mr. anderson had a large assemblage of his scholars at the school-house, who were regaled with meat, bread, and beverage, and also a large meeting of the adult members of his church, to every one of whom, who could, or was attempting to learn to read, he gave a book.--[he gave a book.] at st. elizabeth.--at the hour of , a.m., there was about persons assembled at crosmond, when the clergyman, the rev. mr. hylton, proposed an adjournment from the chapel to the shade of some wide-spreading trees in the common pasture, whither the happy multitude immediately adjourned. the morning service of the church having ended, the rev. gentleman preached a most impressive sermon from the th chapter of zech. th verse--"not by might, nor by power, but by my spirit, saith the lord of hosts"--in his application, he took a brief review of the history of the island--the conquest by the spanish--the extermination by the indians--and the consequent introduction of the negroes from africa. he then adverted to the several insurrections that had taken place during the period since the conquest by the british, to the last general rebellion in , in which both himself and many present were deeply interested. having shown that all these insurrections had been suppressed, and had come to nought, he proceeded to point out how through divine providence mr. wilberforce was raised up to advocate the cause of the oppressed african, and since that period, step by step, various privileges had been quietly conceded to the colored race, until the final consummation by the legislature, in abolishing the last vestiges of slavery on the st of august, . the rev. gentleman's honorable mention of mr. wilberforce appeared to be deeply felt and acknowledged by all around. after the service was concluded, the assembled multitude gave three hearty cheers for queen victoria, and three for lord mulgrave, the first _free governor_ that ever came to jamaica. a more decent, orderly, and well-behaved assemblage could not be seen in any part of the world. the people have indeed proved themselves worthy of the "_great boon_" conferred upon them. at port maria.--the first of august passed off happily and peaceably. the people felt deeply the great blessing that had been conferred on them, and behaved uncommonly well. all the places of worship were crowded; indeed, thrice the number would not have contained those who attended, and many of whom could not be accommodated. from the cornwall chronicle of aug. . nothing could give a fairer and fuller confidence in the character of the negroes than their conduct on so joyous and trying an occasion, as what they have exhibited during the brief period of their political regeneration. it may be considered as an earnest of their future peaceable demeanor; the disbelief of the sceptic will thus be put to the blush, and the apprehensions of the timid allayed. the first of august has passed, and with it the conduct of the people has been such as to convince the most jealous, as well as the most sanguine of the evil prognosticators, that they are a good and trust-worthy people. there is no doubt but that this day will be held for ever as a sacred anniversary--a new pentecost--upon which they will render thanks for the quiet "possession of their canaan"--free from all political oppressions, and that they can suffer only from the acts of their own indiscretion. if ever they were placed in a favorable situation which they could improve, it could not have been equal to the present.--the exercise of moderation, however, is now most required, and will be greatly appreciated to themselves at a future time. cumberland pen., st. catherine.--the conduct of the people in this district generally, is such as to entitle them to the highest commendation. well knowing the inconvenience to which their masters' customers would be otherwise reduced from a want of food for their horses and cattle, they voluntarily went out to work on the second day, and in some instances on the following, and supplied the usual demand of the market, presenting their labor thus voluntarily given as a free-will offering to their employers. comment on such conduct world be superfluous. the late apprentices of jamaica have hitherto acquired honors, above all greek, above all roman fame. so far as they are concerned, the highest expectations of their friends have been more than realized. let the higher classes universally but exhibit the same dispositions and conduct, and the peace and prosperity of jamaica are for ever secured. morning journal of august . saint thomas in the east. up to the moment when the post left morant bay, the utmost tranquillity prevailed. in fact, from the quiet of the day and the circumstance of droves of well-dressed persons going to and from the church and chapels, i was occasionally deluded, says a correspondent, into the belief of the day being sunday. the parish church was crowded, and the rector delivered a very able and appropriate address. the methodist and independent chapels were also filled. at both places suitable sermons were preached. at the latter, the resident minister provided an ample second breakfast, which was faithfully discussed under the shade of a large tent purposely erected for the occasion. the rev. mr. atkins, wesleyan minister, has proceeded from this place to lay the foundation stone of a chapel this afternoon, ( st august) at port morant, in which important service he will be assisted by thomas thomson, esq., church warden, and alexander barclay, esq., member for the parish. it is expected that many thousand spectators will be present at the interesting ceremony. from all i have been able to learn the changes among the labourers on the estates in this quarter, will be very limited, these people being apparently satisfied with the arrangement for their continued domicile on the respective properties. another correspondent writes--"we are very quiet here. the day has arrived and nearly passed off, and thank god the predictions of the alarmists are not fulfilled. the chapels were quite full with a great many persons in the yards. the independents are just sitting down to a feast. the rector delivered a sermon or rather a string of advices and opinions to the labouring population, the most intolerant i have heard for a long time. this parish will, i am quite certain, enjoy in peace and quietness this happy jubilee." manchester. we learn from this parish that the churches and chapels were crowded many hours before the usual time for beginning service. several thousand persons remained outside the respective places, which were much too small to afford the accommodation. every thing was quiet and orderly when the post left. says the jamaica gazette of aug. th, a paper of the old school--"in spite of all the endeavours of a _clique_ of self-interested agitators, clerical humbug and radical rabble, to excite the bad passions of the sable populace against those who have been the true friends of colonial freedom, and the conservators of the public peace and prosperity of the country, the bonfire, bull-roast, and malignant effigy exhibited to rouse the rancor of the savage, failed to produce the effect anticipated by the projectors of the _saturnalia_, and the negro multitude fully satisfied with the boon so generously conceded by the island legislature, were in no humor to wreak their wrath on individual benefactors, whom the envy of party spirit had marked out as the victims of truth and independence. we are happy to give our meed of praise to the decent and orderly conduct of the sable multitude, and to record that it far excelled the loco foco group of bullies and boasters in decency of propriety of demeanor. a kind of spree or scuffle took place between donkey-driver quallo and another. we don't know if they came to close fisti-cuffs, but it was, we are assured, the most serious affray on the course." the following is the testimony borne in regard to barbados. _from the barbados liberal, aug. th._ first of august. "it gives us great pleasure to state that, so far as our information from the country extends, this day was observed in a manner highly creditable to our brethren. we never ourselves anticipated any riotings or disorder on the part of the emancipated. a little exhilaration begetting a shout or two, would not have surprised us; but even this, we are happy to say, made no part of their manifestation of joy. the day was spent in quiet piety! in heartfelt, soul overflowing gratitude to their heavenly father, whose divine agency had raised up friends in their necessity, and brought their great tribulation to an end, they crowded at an early hour to the several churches and chapels, in which their numbers could scarcely find turning room, and then quietly and devoutly poured forth their souls in prayer and praise and thanksgiving! no revellings, no riotings, no drunkenness, desecrated this day. we have heard from five parishes, and in none of the five have we heard of a single convivial meeting. from church and chapel they went to their homes, and eat their first free dinner with their families, putting to shame the intolerant prejudices which had prepared powder and balls, and held the riot act in readiness to correct their insubordinate notions of liberty!" from the new haven, ct., herald. _"barbados, aug. , _ yesterday's sun rose upon eight hundred thousand freemen, on whom and their ancestors the badge of slavery had rested for two hundred years. it was a solemn, delightful, most memorable day. i look upon it as a matter of exceeding thankfulness, that i have been permitted to be a witness to it, and to be able to speak from experience and from observation, of the happiness to which that day has given birth. the day had previously been set apart by proclamation of the governor, "as a day of devout thanksgiving and praise to almighty god for the happy termination of slavery." the thanksgiving and praise were most truly sincere, heartfelt and general. it was an emancipation not merely of the slave but of the proprietor. it was felt as such; openly acknowledged and rejoiced in as such. never have i witnessed more apparently unfeigned expressions of satisfaction than were made on that day by the former owners of slaves, at the load of which they had been relieved. i do not wish to be understood as asserting that previous to the working of emancipation, the slave proprietors wished the abolition of slavery. far from it. but having, though unwillingly, been made witnesses of the operations of freedom; and having themselves tasted of the previously unknown satisfaction of employing voluntary and contented, because _free_ laborers; their minds became enlightened, softened, changed: and from being the determined opposers, they became themselves the _authors_ of complete emancipation. i know not in what terms to describe to you the emotions excited by passing through the streets of this populous town on that memorable morning. there was a stillness and solemnity that might be felt. it was caused by no display of force, for none was to be seen. here and there a policeman going his usual rounds, but not a soldier, nor the slightest warlike preparation of any kind to strike the eye, or overawe the spirit of disorder. the spirit that seemed to fill the entire population was eminently the spirit of peace, good will, thankfulness and joy too deep, too solemn, to allow of any loud or noisy demonstration of it. of course, all stores, shops and offices of every kind were closed. so also were all places of amusement. no sound of revelry, no evidences of nightly excess were to be heard or seen. i do not say too much when i assert that the reign of order, peace, and sobriety, was complete. to give eclat to an event of such importance, the governor had ordered one company of militia to attend with him at the cathedral. it is an immense building, and was crowded in every part of its spacious area, galleries and aisles, with a most attentive assemblage of people, of all colors and conditions. several clergymen officiated, and one of them at the opening of the services read most appropriately the th chapter of isaiah. imagine for a moment the effect in such an audience, on such an occasion, where were many hundreds of emancipated slaves, of words like these:--"is not this the fast that i have chosen, to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?" the sermon by the bishop was, as might have been expected on such an occasion, interesting and impressive. he spoke with great effect of the unexpected progress of freedom, from island to island, from colony to colony, until, with a solitary exception, upon that day the stain of slavery was obliterated forever from every british possession. the progress of education, the gradual reformation of morals, and the increasing thirst for religious instruction, were all dwelt upon with great force, and the glory of all ascribed, as was most fit, to the great giver of every good and perfect gift. it was an occasion rich with happy emotions, and long to be remembered as a bright and beautiful spot in the pathway of our earthly pilgrimage. the close of the day was not less auspicious than its commencement. in company with mrs. h., i drove through several of the principal streets, and thence through the most public thoroughfare into the country; and no where could aught be seen to mar the decent and truly impressive solemnity of the day. there were no dances, no merry-making of any sort; not a solitary drunkard, not a gun fired, nor even was a shout heard to welcome in the newborn liberty. the only groups we saw were going to or returning from the different chapels and churches: except in a few instances, where families might be seen reading or singing hymns at their own dwellings. and now, sir, having arrived at the long looked for consummation of all the labors and prayers of the friends of the slave for so many years, as i cast my eye around this _land of liberty_, how many thoughts crowd my mind? i ask myself--is it indeed finished? and are there none to lament the downfall of time-honored, hoary-headed slavery? where are the mourners? where are the prognosticators of ruin, desolation, and woe? where are the riots and disorders, the bloodshed and the burnings? the prophets and their prophecies are alike empty, vain, and unfounded, and are alike buried in oblivion. and why, in the name of humanity, was not this glorious consummation brought about ages ago?--is it because the slaves of are better fitted for freedom than those of fifty or a hundred years since? no one believes it. the only preparation for freedom required in this island, or any where else, in order to put a peaceful end to slavery, is the preparation of heart in the slaveholder to grant deliverance to the captive. yours truly, wm. r. hayes p.s. august th.--all is quiet, and the utmost good order every where prevails." to complete the picture we will give two extracts of letters from eminent jamaica attornies to their employers in england, with regard to the turning out to work. it is remarked by the english papers that the attornies generally in writing to their employers adopt the same strain. they are all doing well on _their_ estates, but hear that the rest of the island is in a woful condition.--these are the men who are the greatest, if not the only, losers by emancipation; hence their testimony is doubly valuable. from the british emancipator, nov. . letters from attornies. _extract of a letter from an eminent estate attorney, in st. mary's, jamaica, dated august_ , . "there was nothing whatever done in this parish, or throughout the island, for the first two weeks of the month. in this quarter some estates did a little last week, and have been making more progress since, but the far greater number have not yet done any work; the minds of the people are very unsettled, and full of all sorts of foolish notions, which will continue more or less till we hear of the home government having accepted and approved of our abolition bill, and their views with regard to us. on several of the estates which have wrought, the people have struck once or twice. we have in this parish ministers of every denomination, and they are all acting very properly; but they do not seem to have as much influence as expected; we must _be as considerate and liberal as possible to secure their confidence_ ourselves. we are in st. mary's paying the highest rate of wages in the island; s. d. currency per day nett, with allowances, are generally offered; i am giving here, from sheer necessity, s. d. currency per day, without charging any rent in the mean time. in the present state of things when so few estates are doing anything at all, i have much satisfaction in saying that the people here, on ----, a good proportion of them were at work last week, and i have now the mill about making sugar, with every probability, i think of going on satisfactorily; and looking dispassionately at the great change which has so suddenly taken place, our present difficulties are not much to be wondered at. sunday night, th sept.--the foregoing was written, but too late, for the last packet; but as another sails to-morrow, i write you a few lines more. there is, up to this moment, but little material alteration in the state of affairs generally, certainly none for the worse. i have made here twenty hogsheads of sugar since the st ult. we are altogether in an uncertain state, but there are more mills about, and more work doing _in this district than in any other in the island_, which might and ought to be a feather in the cap of maitter, our late stipe. i have no time to say more now, excepting that, although i am in great hopes that things will soon generally improve, and am of opinion that our present difficulties are not to be wondered at, yet our situation is still so critical, that i dare not venture to hazard an opinion as to the success of the great experiment, i repeat, however, again, that we have not seen anything to disappoint or surprise us, bad as many things are." _extract of a letter from an attorney in st. mary's, jamaica, th august_, "the services of the stipes are much wanting here; i am paying s. a week for first class, s. d. for second, and s. d. for third, for five days work; they say they will not work on fridays. however, i have got people at ---- to work today; they are behaving better than most others. i hope things will now improve; and it is my opinion that good estates will do, and others will fall to the ground. old mr. tytte is dead, and his son alexander made stipe for the district. the governor's speech respecting women has done a great deal of harm. none of the women want to work. if lord glenelg had made such a mistake, he would have heard enough of it. i wish the government would take it on themselves to settle the rate of wages, otherwise two-thirds of the estates will be thrown up before next year; of course i can stand this as well as any. the ---- people have behaved well: they did every thing i told them; they are working on piece-work, which is the best plan." precisely similar is the testimony of private correspondents and of the public press so far as we have been able to learn, in all the other colonies where emancipation has taken place. there is certainly nothing in all this that indicates a disposition on the part of the emancipated to throw off the employment of their former masters, but much the reverse. we may safely challenge contradiction to the assertion, that at the expiration of the jubilee there were not a set of free laborers on earth from whom the west india planters could have got more work for the same money. it may be proper in these days, when the maxims of slavery have so fearfully overshadowed the rights of man, to say that a man has a _right_ to forbear laboring when he can live honestly without it--or, at all events, he has a right to choose whether he will employ himself or be employed by another. hence it _may_ turn out that the refusal to labor, so far as there has been any, only serves to prove the more clearly the fitness of the laborers of freedom. wages it must have been obvious to every man of reflection that in a change so vast, involving so many laborers, and in circumstances so various, there would arise almost infinite disputes about the rate of wages. the colonies differ widely as to the real value of labor. some have a rich, unexhausted, and, perhaps, inexhaustible soil, and a scanty supply of laborers. others are more populous and less fertile. the former would of course offer higher wages than the latter, for so sudden was the step there could be no common understanding on the point. again, as we have seen, the planters came into the measure with different views. some anticipated the general change, and either from motives of humanity or policy, or more probably of both, adopted a course calculated to gain the gratitude and good will of the laborer.--these would offer wages which the less liberal would call ruinous. many, and it would seem the great body of them in jamaica, yielded unwillingly to superior power. they saw the sceptre of despotic authority was to be wrested from their grasp. they threw it down, as one may easily believe, resolved to seize the best substitute they could. they would infallibly fall upon the plan of getting the greatest possible amount of work for the least possible amount of pay. when we consider that even in the oldest, most civilized, and most christianized free-labor communities, employers are wont to combine to keep down the rate of wages, while on the other hand the laborers throw up work to raise it, we shall not be surprised that there should be things of this sort in jamaica, liberty being in the gristle. the only help for such an evil is, that there is always a rate of wages which is advantageous to both parties, and things being left to themselves, it will at last be found. to the planters and freed-men in settling the question what wages they should offer and receive, two standards or guides presented themselves,-- . the rate of wages which had been given in antigua since . . the compensation that had been demanded by the jamaica planters themselves, and adjudged by the magistrates, in case of apprentices buying their own time. hundreds of planters had declared upon oath what the time of the apprentice was worth to them. possibly as sellers, in the elasticity of their consciences, they may have set a higher price than they would be willing to give as buyers. in strict honesty, however, it is difficult to see why labor should not be worth to them as much in the one case as the other. the rate of wages fixed upon in antigua may be seen by a reference to the journal of thome and kimball to be very inadequate to the wants of the laborer. free labor is there screwed down to the lowest possible point. the wonder is that the laborers should have submitted to such a scale for a moment. but they had no precedent to guide them, no advisers free from the yoke of the proprietary, no valuations given by their own masters, and there was every facility for successful combination on the part of the masters. they must work for such wages as the masters pleased to offer, or starve. say messrs. thome and kimball--"_by a general understanding among the planters_, the rate is at present fixed at a _shilling_ per day, or a little more than fifty cents per week, counting five working days." this antigua scale, and not the one they themselves had sold labor by during the apprenticeship, became at once the favorite with a great part of the jamaica and barbados planters. if they in any cases offered higher wages, they made it up by charging higher rent for the houses and grounds, which the negroes had built and brought under culture on their properties. it was before the first of august that this procedure was resolved upon by the planters, as we gather from numerous communications in the papers recommending a variety of modes of getting labor for less than its natural market value. we select a single one of these as a specimen, by the application to which of a little arithmetic, it will be perceived that the employer would _bring the laborer in debt_ to him at the end of the year, though not a moment should be lost by sickness or other casualty. the humanity of the document is perfectly of a piece with that of the system which would civilize mankind by making merchandize of them. to the editor of the morning journal. sir,--let meetings be held, not only in every parish, but in every district of a parish, and let all land-owners, &c., agree not to rent land under £ [a] per acre, and not to sell it for less than double that sum. should a few be found regardless of the _general weal_, let the proprietary, &c. join and purchase such lands, and if otherwise, it is presumed the dissentients to the measure would be so small as not to affect in any material degree the _general_ interest, inasmuch as those who dissented, from the consequent scarcity of land arising from the measure, would demand a high rental for their land. the _maximum_ system appears to be preferable to the _minimum_. i have therefore made choice of it as a stimulus to the laborers to work _at least_ four days or thirty-six hours in the week to pay for their rent, &c. &c., _or pay s. d. for every day's absence_; or, if sick, pay up the labor by working on the friday, &c., _and saturday, if needful_. weekly settlements with both parties, or _immediate summary ejectment_, if deemed necessary. [footnote a: the sums are in the currency of the islands when not otherwise specified, that is s d to the dollar.] £ s. d. rent of acres of land as a ground for each able adult, at £ per acre do. of house and garden, from £ to £ per annum, say _medical attendance, medicine, &c. &c., worth £ per annum_ clothing and christmas allowance per annum ---------- ---------- four days' or hours' labor in each week, at s. d. per day, or days, at s. d. if task-work were adopted, or the day's labor prolonged to - / or hours' labor, days' or - / days' labor _would suffice_, consequently, the laborer would have or days in each week to work for extra wages. in addition to the above, say pasturage for a horse, at s. d. per week per annum pasturage for an ass, at s. d. per week per annum _run of pasturage and fruit, for a sow, barrow, or sholt_; if rung in the nose, _d. per week_; if not rung, _s._ _d. per week; per annum, at d. per week_ the above charges for pasturage might be paid for either _by additional labor_ or in money, and to a good head-man they might be granted as a gratuity, and perhaps an additional acre of land allowed him to cultivate. it would be desirable that the negroes should, when quite free, work hours per day in the short days, and hours in the longer ones. i believe the shortest day's labor in england in the winter months in hours' actual labor, and hours' in the summer, for which hours they are paid extra wages. _st. mary's, th june, _. s.r. the date should not escape notice. by this plan, for a few petty indulgences, _all of which were professedly granted in the time of slavery itself_, the master could get the entire labor of the negro, and _seven or eight pounds per annum besides_! some may be disposed to regard this as a mere joke, but we can assure them it was a serious proposal, and not more monstrous than many things that the planters are now attempting to put in practice. the idea of actually paying money wages was horrifying and intolerable to many of the planters; they seem to have exercised their utmost ingenuity to provide against so dreadful a result. one who signed himself an "old planter" in the _despatch_, before the abolition of the apprenticeship, in view of the emancipation of the non-praedials which was to take place on the first of august, gravely wrote as follows:-- "it is my intention, therefore, when the period arrives for any arrangement with them, to offer them in return for such services, _the same time as the praedials now have_, with of course the same allowances generally, putting out of the question, however, any relaxation from labor during the day, usually allowed field laborers, and understood as shell-blow--house people being considered at all times capable of enjoying that indulgence at their pleasure, besides the impossibility of their master submitting to such an inconvenience.--this appears to me to be the only mode of arrangement that would be feasible, unless we resort to money wages, and i should regret to find that such a precedent was established in this instance, for it would only be a forerunner to similar demands at the coming period, when the praedials became free." there were more reasons than one why "money wages" were feared by the jamaica planters. a great many estates are managed by attorneys for absentee proprietors. these gentlemen pocket certain commissions, for which reason they keep in cultivation estates which cannot possibly yield a profit under a system of paid labor. they deem it for their interest to retain their occupation even at the expense of their employers. not a few conceive it for their interest to depreciate the value of property that they may purchase low, hence they deem it good policy to refuse wages, let the crops perish, and get up a panic. the documents we shall furnish will be clear on these points. the great diversity of practice in the planters in regard to wages, as well as the reasonable disposition of the laborers, is shown by the following paragraphs culled from the _morning journal_ of august :-- "st. davids.--a gentleman in the management of a property in this parish, writes in the following strain to his employer--"i have an accession of strength this morning. the people are civil and industrious. i have received letters assuring me that the example of the cocoa walt estate people, has been the means of inducing those on other estates to enter into the terms proposed"--that is s. per week, with houses, grounds, medicines, &c, &c." "st. thomas in the east.--the apprentices on golden grove estate, turned out to work on monday, but we have not learnt on what terms. at mount vernon, the property of kenneth mcpherson esq., they turned out on tuesday morning to work for five days in the week, at d. per day with houses, grounds, &c." "trelawny--a correspondent writes, every thing is quiet, and the people would go to work if any bargains were made, but i believe throughout the parish the people were directed to go to work on monday morning, without any previous arrangement, or being even told how much they would be paid, or asked what they expected. on one estate s. d. with houses and grounds was offered and refused. some of the masters are determined, it is said, to hold out, and will not consent to give more than s. d. or s. d. per day." "st. johns.--the people in this parish are at work on most of the estates without any agreement. they refuse the offer of s. - d. per day, but continue to labor, relying on the honor and liberality of the planters for fair and reasonable pay. if they do not get these in two weeks, our correspondent writes, there will be a dead stop. the laborers fix the quantity of work to be done in a day, agreeable to the scale of labor approved of by the governor during the apprenticeship. for any thing beyond that, they demand extra pay, as was usual under that system." "st. thomas in the vale--no work, we understand, is being done in this parish as yet. a correspondent states that some of the overseers and attorneys wish the people to turn out to work without entering into any arrangements, which they refuse to do. the attorney for rose hall, knollis, new works, and wallace estates has offered s. d. per day, out of which £ per annum is to be deducted for houses and grounds. the offer has been refused. the overseer of byndloss estate required his people to work without agreeing as to the rate of wages they were to receive, but they refused to do any thing without a proper agreement." "st. mary's--on some estates in this parish we are informed, and particularly those under the charge of richard lewis, esq. such as ballard's valley, timperon's estates, ellis' estates, &c. and of charles stewart, esq. trinity, royal, roslin bremer hall, &c., and also of james geddes, esq., the laborers are getting from s. d. to s. d. per day. the same rates are paid upon many outer properties. on many estates the people have refused to labor, and urge objections against the managers, as a reason for so acting. they remain and will engage to labor, provided the obnoxious parties are removed." how could the people be blamed for refusing d. per day, while on "many properties" they were getting from s. d. to s. d.? such being also the valuation which the masters had uniformly placed upon their time during the apprenticeship? when the planters found that the free laborers could neither be prevailed upon to labor for half-price nor be driven to excesses by such paltry persecution, they turned their wrath, as had been long their custom, upon the baptist missionaries. upon mr. knibb especially they laid the blame of giving mischievous advice to the peasantry. and for the obvious purpose of exciting the thousands of people warmly devoted to him, to acts of violence, they attempted to burn him in effigy and actually circulated the report that he had been murdered. thousands of his people flocked into spanish town, threatening to destroy the town if the report proved true. but on learning its falsity were easily persuaded to retire, and did so without being guilty of any excess whatever. unmeasured and unceasing have been the attacks of the jamaica press upon the missionaries. upon their shoulders has been laid "the ruin of that fine island."--they have corrupted the peasantry and put it in their heads to ask more wages than the estate can possibly give. to determine the value of the testimony of the missionaries in this case it is important to know the nature of their influence upon the laborers touching the question of wages. we are happily furnished with the required information from their own lips and pens in the jamaica papers. _from the falmouth post._ rev. w. knibb's advice to the negroes. meeting at the "suffield school-room." on friday evening last we attended the suffield school-room, in this town, which, at an early hour was crowded with apprentices and head people, from upwards of twenty properties, who had met for the purpose of receiving advice from the rev. wm. knibb, and special justice lyon, respecting the course of conduct it will be necessary for them to adopt, on taking their stand in society as freemen. several gentlemen connected with the commercial and agricultural interests of the parish were present on the occasion. the rev. w. knibb commenced by saying, that he attended a meeting of a similar nature at wilberforce chapel, on the preceding evening. he had thought it better to request the attendance this evening of the head people, who being the more intelligent would be able to explain to others, the advice which they would now receive themselves. "i am glad," said the rev. gentleman, "to see so many persons present, among whom i notice a few gentlemen who are not connected with my church: i am glad of the attendance of these gentlemen, for what i do, i do openly, and any one is at liberty to express his opinion at this meeting if he desires to do so. you will shortly, my friends, be released from your present state of bondage; in the course of a very few weeks you will receive the boon of freedom, and i would therefore impress deeply on your minds the necessity of your continuing the cultivation of the soil on the receipt of fair and equitable wages. i am not aware myself of any complete scale of wages having been drawn up, but i have been on or different properties, i have conversed with several proprietors, and i am glad to say that with some of them there appears to be a disposition to meet the charge fairly and honorably. those who are more conversant with figures than i am, will be enabled to show what the owner can afford to give for the cultivation of his property. in the mean time i would say to you, do not make any hasty bargain: take time and consider the subject, for it is one of vital interest and importance to all! if you demand too high a rate of wages, the proprietors will be ruined; if you consent to take too low a sum, you will not be able to provide for the wants of yourselves and families. in making your arrangement, if there be an attempt to grind you down, resist the attempt by all legal means; for you must consider that you are not acting for yourselves alone, but for posterity. i desire to see every vestige of slavery completely rooted out. you must work for money; you must pay money to your employers for all you receive at their hands: a fair scale of wages must be established, and you must be entirely independent of any one. if you continue to receive those allowances which have been given during slavery and apprenticeship, it will go abroad that you are not able to take care of yourselves; that your employers are obliged to provide you with these allowances to keep you from starvation; in such a case you will be nothing more than slaves.--to be free, you must be independent; you must receive money for your work; come to market with money; purchase from whom you please, and be accountable to no one but that being above, who i hope will watch over and protect you!--i sincerely trust that proper arrangements will be made before the st of august.--i have spoken to nearly four thousand persons connected with my church, and i have not yet learnt that there is any disposition among them to leave their present employers, provided they receive equitable wages. your employer will expect from you good crops of sugar and rum; and while you labour to give him these, he must pay you such wages as will enable you to provide yourselves with wholesome food, good clothing, comfortable houses, and every other necessity of life. your wages must be such as to enable you to do this; to contribute to the support of your church; the relief of the distressed; the education of your children, and to put by something for sickness and old age. i hail the coming of the st august with feelings of joy and gratitude. oh, it will be a blessed day; a day which gives liberty to all; and my friends, i hope that the liberty which it will bring to you will by duly appreciated. i trust i may live to see the black man in the full enjoyment of every privilege with his white brethren, and that you may all so conduct yourselves as to give the lie direct to those who have affirmed that the only idea you have of liberty is that it will enable you to indulge in idle habits and licentious pursuits. when liberty casts her benignant smiles on this beautiful island, i trust that the employer and the laborer will endeavour to live on terms of friendship and good will with one another.--when the labourer receives a proper remuneration for his services--when the employer contemplates the luxuriance of his well-cultivated fields, may they both return thanks to a merciful god, for permitting the sun of liberty to shine with bright effulgence! i need scarcely assure you, my friends, that i will be at all times ready to protect your rights. i care not about the abuse with which i may probably be assailed; i am ready to meet all the obloquy and scorn of those who have been accustomed to place the most unfavourable constructions on my actions. i am willing to meet the proprietors in a spirit of candour and conciliation. i desire to see you fairly compensated for your labor; i desire also to you performing your work with cheerful industry: but i would warn you _not to be too hasty in entering into contracts_. think seriously before you act, and remember, as i have already old you, that you have now to act not only for yourselves, but for posterity." we give numerous documents from these gentlemen, as among the best if not the greatest part of our fellow citizens; we trust their testimony will be deemed the best that could be offered. letter of eight baptist missionaries. _to the right hon. lord_ glenelg, &c. my lord--we feel assured that no apology is necessary, in requesting your attention to the subject of this letter. the official connection which you hold with the colony, together with the peculiar circumstances in which its newly-emancipated population are placed, render it an imperative duty we owe to ourselves to lay before you our sentiments. having labored in the island for many years, and having been in daily intercourse with the objects of our solicitude, we do feel devoutly thankful to almighty god, that he has spared us to see the disenthralment of our beloved flocks; while it gives us increased pleasure to assure your lordship that they received the boon with holy joy, and that the hour which made them men beheld them in thousands humbly prostrate at the footstool of mercy, imploring the blessing of heaven upon themselves and their country, while, during the night and joyful day, not a single case of intoxication was seen. to us, as their pastors, they naturally looked for advice, both as to the labor they should perform and the wages they should receive. the importance of this subject was deeply felt by us, and we were prepared to meet it with a full sense of the responsibility it involved, and happily succeeded in inducing them to accept of a sum lower than that which the representatives of the landowners had formerly asserted was fair and just. we regret to state, that a deep combination was formed by many of these _middlemen_ to grind the peasantry to the dust, and to induce, if possible, the acceptance of remuneration which, by affording no inducement to the peasant cheerfully to labor, would have entailed pauperism on him and his family, and ruin on the absentee proprietor. it was to this circumstance, and not in the least to any unwillingness in the free negro to work, or to demand more for his labor than it was fairly worth, that for one or two weeks, in some places, the cultivation of the soil was not resumed. upon the planting attorneys, so long accustomed to tyranny and oppression, and armed with a power over the land which must prove inimical to the full development of the resources of this valuable colony, the blame entirely rests. we suppose that your lordship is fully aware, that the laws under which the laborer is now placed are tyrannical and unjust in the extreme; laws, we hesitate not to affirm, which are a disgrace to those who framed them, and which, if acted upon by a local magistracy, will entail upon the oft-cheated, over-patient negro some of the worst features of that degrading state of vassalage from which he has just escaped. we particularly refer to "an act to enlarge the powers of justices in determining complaints between masters and servants, and between masters, and apprentices, artificers, and others," which passed the assembly the rd day of july, , while by police acts, especially one regulating the town of falmouth, our people will be daily harassed and annoyed. we think it right to inform your lordship, that the greater part of those who hold the commission of magistrates are the very persons who, by their connection with the soil, are the most unfit, because the most interested, honestly to discharge their important duties; while their ignorance of the law is, in too many cases, equalled only by their love of tyranny and misrule. time must work a mighty change in the views of numbers who hold this office, ere they believe there is any dereliction of duty in daily defrauding the humble african. we cannot but entreat your lordship to use those means which are in your power to obtain for the laborer, who imploringly looks to the queen for protection, justice at the hands of those by whom the law is administered. we must, indeed, be blind to all passing events, did we not see that, without the watchful care of the home government, the country district courts, held sometimes in the very habitations of those who will have to make the complaints, will be dens of injustice and cruelty, and that our hearts will again be lacerated by the oppressions under which our beloved people will groan. we beg to apprise your lordship, that we have every reason to believe that an early attempt will be made to deprive the peasantry of their provision grounds--that they will not be permitted, even to rent them; so that, by producing starvation and rendering the population entirely dependent upon foreign-supplies for the daily necessaries of life, a lower rate of wages may be enforced. cruel as this may appear to your lordship, and unlikely as it may seem, long experience has taught us that there is no possible baseness of which a slave-owner will not be guilty, and no means of accomplishing his purposes, however fraught with ruin to those around him, which he will not employ. should the peasantry be thus treated, we shall feel it our duty humbly to implore that the lands belonging to the crown may be made available for their use. your lordship will remember that these ill-treated people became not the subjects of her majesty by choice, though they are now devotedly attached to her government. their fathers were stolen and brought hither. on their native shores they had lands and possessions capable of supplying all their wants. if, then, after having toiled without remuneration, they are prevented even renting a portion of land which has hitherto been esteemed as their own, we shall ask, and shall feel assured that the boon will not be withheld, that her most gracious majesty will throw open the lands belonging to the crown, where we may retire from the tyranny of man, and with our people find a peaceful and quiet home. though still surrounded by obloquy and reproach, though the most abusive epithets and language disgracefully vulgar has been employed to assail us, especially by a newspaper known to be under the patronage of a bishop, and in which all official accounts of his diocese are given to the world, yet we assure your lordship that, in endeavouring to promote the general interests and welfare of this colony, we shall still pursue that line of conduct which is the result of our judgment, and in accordance with the dictates of our conscience. in no part of the island are arrangements made so fully or so fairly, as in those districts where our congregations reside, and in no part are the laborers more faithfully performing their duty. we deeply feel our responsibility at the present crisis, and pledging ourselves to your lordship and the british government by the sacred office we hold, we assure you that ceaseless efforts shall still be exerted, as they have ever been, to promote the peace and happiness of those around us. in the name and on the behalf of our churches, for the sacred cause of freedom throughout the world, we unitedly implore your lordship to throw the shield of britain's protection over those who are just made her loyal subjects. all they want, and all they ask, is, that, as they are raised to the dignity, so they may receive all the rights of man, and that the nation who purchased them from bondage may fully secure to them that civil and religious liberty, to which both their unparalleled sufferings and their unexampled patience so richly entitle them. we cannot conclude this letter, without expressing the high sense we entertain of the noble and disinterested conduct pursued by his excellency sir lionel smith, the governor of this colony. but for his firmness, jamaica would have presented all the horrors of a civil war. feeling assured that your lordship will give that attention to this letter which the subject demands, and with earnest prayer that this colony, now blest with liberty, may exhibit increasing prosperity, we are, my lord, your most obedient servants, signed by thomas burchell william knibb thomas abbott walter dendy john clark b.b. dexter samuel oughton j. hutchins baptist missionaries, north side union. [on the foregoing letter the _london sun_ has the following observations.] "every arrival from the west indies but strengthens our conviction, that there never will be happiness, security, or peace for the emancipated negroes, so long as the administration of the laws, and the management of the plantations, are continued in the hands of those white officials whose occupation, previous to the passing of the emancipation act, consisted in torturing and tormenting them with impunity. they cannot endure to witness the elevation to the rank of free, intelligent, and well-behaved fellow-citizens, of a class of beings whom they were accustomed to treat a myriad of times worse than they did the "beasts that perish." having pronounced them incapable of civilization, and strangers to all the better feelings of our nature, they deem it a sort of duty to themselves to employ every artifice to neutralize or retard every measure calculated to ameliorate the moral and social condition of the negro race. several of the colonial agents have powerful inducements to the provocation of some insurrectionary outbreak, on the part of the colored population. in the first place, such an _emute_ would fulfil their predictions with regard to the passing the emancipation act, and so establish their reputation as seers; and in the next, it would lead to the sale of many of the plantations at one-sixth their real value, and so transform them from agents to principles, as they would not fail to be the purchasers. that such is their policy cannot, we think, be doubted for a moment by those who will take the trouble to peruse a letter addressed by eight baptist missionaries, long resident in jamaica, to lord glenelg, which will be found in another part of _the sun_. these missionaries, we are assured, are men of irreproachable lives, of indefatigable christian zeal, and of conversation becoming persons whose sacred office it is to preach the gospel of peace. that their representation will produce a powerful effect upon the minds of the people of this country, we feel as confident as we do that our gracious queen will concede any boon in her royal gift, necessary to the welfare of her colored subjects." the following are a series of letters to mr. sturge, published in the british emancipator for nov. , . the one from a special justice clearly developes the principal causes of the backwardness of the laborers. the testimony of this letter to some important facts will be fully confirmed by that of the governor of jamaica. the evidence of extortion submitted by the missionaries is so explicit, that we beg the attention of the reader to all the details. remember the experiment involves the claims of millions to that without which life is little better than a curse. every thing hangs on the inquiry whether the emancipated or their former masters are chargeable with whatever there is of _ruin_ in the "fine island" of jamaica. says mr. sturge, in laying these letters before the public, "it should be clearly understood that the fee simple of all negro houses in jamaica is not worth £ each on an average, and that their provision grounds have been brought into cultivation by the negroes themselves in their _own_ time." extract of a letter from a missionary:-- savannah-la-mar, sept. , . my dear sir,--you are probably aware that the following question has been submitted by the governor to the attorney-general for his opinion: (copy.) (no. .) king' house, aug. , . sir,--i am desired by the governor to request you will give your opinion for general publication. st. whether in instances of notices to quit their houses and grounds, having been served upon the late apprentices, they are liable to be made to pay rent for the occupation of such house, during the three months allowed by law? (opinion.) they are. (signed,) d o'reill. we shall soon see the evil effects of this opinion, it being generally previously understood that the late apprenticed population would not be liable for rent until the three months had expired, after receiving notice to quit. as a specimen of this being made an instrument of great oppression in the hands of managers of estates, i would state that two notices were yesterday brought to brother hutchins for his inspection; one was served upon david clarke, a labourer, on king's valley estate, in this parish. on the back of the notice to quit was written as under;-- "the rent of your house and grounds is twenty-one pounds six shillings and eight pence, per annum, commencing st of august, , if legal." (signed) j. h. jones. mr. sturge appends the following west india accounts, which be says are in his possession by which it is evident that the planters are bringing their laborers in debt to them, by a spirit of shameless extortion. charles duncan to john dixon, dr. . sept. . to rent of house and ground, from st of august to date, s. d. per week. - / cr. by balance, five days, s. d. per day ------------- - / charles brown, to john dixon, dr. . sept. . to rent of house and ground, s. d. per week, from st aug, to date. charge for running a sow and pigs, from st aug. to date, s. d. per week - / ------------- - / john alfred bullock to john dixon, dr. . sept. . to rent of house and garden, from st of aug. to date, s. d. per week, - / rent of provision ground, s. per week, pasturage, two weeks, for an ass, s. d, per month, two hogs, s. d. per week, - / ------------- - / cr. by two days' labour, s. d. per day ------------- - / letter to mr. sturge, from a special justice. _jamaica, oct. th, ._ freedom has brought with it the blessings we anticipated; and as we progress in civilization we shall all be happier. i have ever been sanguine as to its beneficial results, and i am not in the least disappointed. i cannot find language sufficiently strong to express the commendation due to the negroes for their steady and good conduct since the st of august. amidst the most trying circumstance, they have exhibited the greatest forbearance, and placed their whole reliance on the laws for protection. i am satisfied that no other nation of free men could conduct themselves so temperately and well, under similar circumstances; and in my opinion, they have proved themselves infinitely superior to many of those who so lately exercised almost unlimited control over them. i declare to you, to see such a mass of persons, whose morals have been little regarded by those who held them in slavery, and without education, rise all at once, and express and conduct themselves so admirably, is wonderful. when seeking redress before the magistrates for wrongs committed by there former owners they have maintained more coolness and temper than their more fortunate brethren, when maters are decided against them. there is a hard struggle on the part of the pro-slavery faction to compel the negro to work for little or nothing, in order that the attorneys and overseers may keep their places as before; and i am informed, by a gentleman whose veracity is not to be doubted, and who is himself an attorney, that he can still keep his overseer and merchant as in former days, draw his own commissions, and send home to his employer a very handsome surplus. under such circumstances, well may the friends of freedom cry shame at the opposition which has for so long a time been thrown in the way of liberty, by these west indians of practical knowledge. the facts are, that the absent proprietors have been led by the advice they have received from their attorneys; and these have had so many ways of making more than an honest commission, and have so speedily made their fortunes, that as long as they could continue slavery, they have exerted every influence. the overseer was paid, housed, fed, and waited upon, all at the expense of master and slave, beside; keeping a fine stud of horses, and as many brood mares at pasture on the property as would enable him to dispose of seven or eight prime mules annually; and so long as he drove and tormented the poor negro, and made good crops for the attorney's commissions, and supplied his horses with corn, these _little perquisites_ were never discovered. now the proprietor will hardly pay for more labor than is absolutely necessary to grow and manufacture the produce of his estate; and these gentlemen must henceforth look to their own resources, for the payment of servants to attend and take care of their own interests and comforts. an overseer's situation on an estate making hogsheads, was calculated in slavery to be equal to l. a year. indeed no man in any town could have lived in such luxury for that sum. if the proprietor would only come out, and live prudently, he would save all this by residing on his property, which he could easily manage by employing, for extra wages, his former steady head people. _they_, from long residence, know the best manner of working the land; and, as to the manufacture of sugar, they are the persons who have _all their lives_ been working at it. the most important part of an overseer and book-keeper's business was to make use of their _eyes_. the negro had to make use of his legs, arms and strength; and, in nine cases out of ten, his brains kept the white people in their situations, by preventing matters from going wrong. i perfectly coincide with you, as to the propriety of the negro speedily becoming possessed of the elective franchise. in antigua there is very little more land than is in cultivation for the estates, but here it is widely different; and they are beginning to settle themselves by purchasing small lots very fast. at sligoville there are nearly fifty new freeholders. the negroes are taught to do this by the perpetual worry of their employers, threatening to oust them on every trifling occasion, and withholding part of their wages on the plea of non-performance of work.--the root of all evil is the assembly and the juries. nothing requires greater alteration; and i shall never rest, until i see the black man stand the same chance at the bar of his country as the white man.--the negroes will not work under their former hard task-masters. they determinedly resist all solicitations to labor with those who treated them ill. they say that the pain is gone, but the mark remains, and i respect them for this proud feeling. * * * * * i have come under his displeasure for taking the opinion of middleton and mcdougal, as to the legality of charging the negro hire for his house and grounds, for the three months during which the notices to quit are running.--had we not taken these opinions, what a fearful state things might we have been brought to in this country! i am quite satisfied that no rent could be recovered until the expiration of the three months, from which time it would commence to run, and the plaintiff would in law be considered in possession of his lands again, which, in slavery, he was compelled to give to his slave for his support and maintenance. he must re-enter before he could demand rent, for it is impossible for him to prove a contract, or imply one. the negro did not willingly come from africa, and occupy his land; he was torn from his native land, and compelled by his owner, under laws that took his life, not to quit the land; how therefore can he be considered to have made a contract, or consented to one? from the rev. j. kingdon _manchioneal, oct. , ._ in passing through hector's river great house yard, in my way to my preaching spot, i have the most sensible demonstration of the reality of the political change happily brought about; for that hot-house, in which i have seen one of my own members in irons for having a bad sore leg, and in which i have been grossly insulted for daring to go to see my poor people--that house is _shut up_! delightful, i assure you, are my feelings, whenever i go by that place, attached to which, too, was the old-time prison, a perfect charnel-house. from the rev. s. oughton. _lucea, october , ._ unused to acts of justice and humanity, the planters, in a moment of mad excitement passed an act to abolish the accursed system of slavery. the debates on that occasion proved with what an ill grace they performed that scanty act of justice, and all experience since that period proves how bitterly they repent it. it is true, we are not now, as before, distressed by hearing recitals of barbarous corporeal punishments, and we are no longer pained by seeing human beings chained to each other by the neck; but, although cruelty has, to a certain extent, ceased, oppression has become ten thousand times more rampant than ever. every act which ingenuity or malice can invent, is employed to harass the poor negroes. prior to august st, the planter studiously avoided every thing like an arrangement with the laborer, and when, on the following monday, they turned out to work, the paltry pittance of - / d. ( - / d. sterl.) was all that in the majority of cases was offered for the services of an able-bodied negro, although s. d. per day (currency), had before been invariably exacted from them, when they were desirous of purchasing the remaining term of their apprenticeship. of course, the people refused to receive so paltry a remuneration for their labour, and this has laid the foundation for a course of systematic oppression scarcely conceivable. notices to quit were served indiscriminately on every one, old and young, sick and healthy. medical attendance was refused, and even a dose of physic from the estates' hospitals. cattle were turned into the provision-grounds of the negroes, thus destroying their only means of support; and assaults of the most wanton and brutal description were committed on many of the peasantry. on one estate the proprietor and his brother assaulted a young man in the most unprovoked manner. one presented a pistol to his breast, and threatened to shoot him; while the other levelled a gun at his head for the same purpose. they were bound over to take their trial at the quarter sessions; but what hope is there in such a tribunal as that, composed principally of men engaged in the same reckless course, and banded together by mutual interests? on another estate (_content_), the attorney ordered the cattle of a poor man (a member of my chapel) to be taken up and impounded. it was done, and the man was obliged to pay l. to redeem them; when, as soon as he carried them back, they were again taken and impounded. the man has been to my house with his case of oppression, on my return from kingston. he states that he exhausted his last farthing to redeem the cattle the first time, and was also obliged to borrow of his friends; they have now been impounded five weeks, and unless he can raise the money to redeem them (upwards of l.), they will be sold to pay the expenses. thus is an honest and worthy man, in a few weeks, stripped of every thing which, by years of industry and care, he had accumulated for the comfort of his old age, or the benefit of his family. yesterday a negro came and informed me that the owner of a property had told him last year, that he must cultivate more ground, so as to be able to continue possession as a tenant; and now that he has done so, another person, saying that he had purchased the property, came a few days ago, and told him that in three weeks he would drive him from the place. he then ordered a man whom he had with him to climb a bread-fruit tree, and pull the fruit, which he forcibly carried away to give to his hogs. but i must forbear: were i to state half the cases of oppression which have occurred in hanover since august st; i should require a volume instead of a sheet. i think, however, i have said enough to prove the bitter and rancorous spirit which at present animates the planters. enclosed i send a specimen of another artifice adopted to harass and distress the negroes. they have adopted the notion (sanctioned by the opinion of the old planters' jackall, batty, and the attorney general), that the people are liable to pay rent for houses and grounds during the three months' possession to which the abolition act entitled them, and notices have been served on the people, demanding the most extravagant amounts for the miserable sheds which the people inhabited. you will perceive that in once case l. s. d. has been demanded. this conscientious demand was made by john houghton james, executor and attorney for sir simon clark. another is from a mr. bowen, of _orchard_ estate; and the third from mr. brockett, of _hopewell_ and _content_ estates, the property of mr. miles, m.p. for bristol. let it be borne in mind that these shameful and exorbitant demands are not made, as in england, on the head of the family only, but on _every member who is able to do the least work_, and even little children have papers demanding s. d. per week for ground, although unable to do the least thing: one of these i also enclose. jamaica, ss. notice is hereby given, that the sum of eight shillings and four pence, weekly, will be exacted from you and each of you respectively, for the houses and grounds at orchard estate, in the parish of hanover, from august of the present year, until the expiration of the three months' notice, from its period of service to quit; or to the period of surrendering to me the peaceable possession of the aforesaid house and provision grounds. j. r. bowen. dated this th day of sep. . to james darling and sarah darling, of the parish of hanover. here then, my dear sir, you may perceive something of the atrocious proceedings in the island of jamaica. pray insert these documents in the _emancipator_. let the anti-slavery friends know the state of things, and urge them to redoubled diligence. the house of assembly will meet on the th instant, and then, i fear, dreadful measures will be taken. a letter from mr. harker, of the jamaica royal gazette, about a fortnight since, addressed to mr. abbott, shows what absolute and cruel statutes they would wish either to act upon, or to make the models of new laws. every act must be watched with the most jealous scrutiny. experience shows that the planters possess an ingenuity truly diabolical, in twisting and distorting the laws to suit their own selfish purpose. our hope is in british christians; and we confidently hope every one of them will feel the importance of increased diligence, lest the great, and long prayed-for boon of freedom, should become a curse, instead of a blessing. the papers will inform you of the odium i have drawn on myself in defending the people's rights. that contained in the great mass, only provokes a smile. i know that every friend in england will interpret it inversely. i did feel mr. ----'s letter in the falmouth post, but he knows his error, and is sorry for it. i could have answered it, but did not choose to cause a division amongst the few friends of the negro, when they had quite enough to do to withstand the attacks of their enemies. from the rev. j. m. philippo. _spanish town, oct. , ._ the following is one of the seven of the same tenor now in my possession, which will, in addition to those i forwarded by last mail, inform you of the cause of the late disinclination of the people in some districts to labour--which, with so much effrontery, has been proclaimed through the public journals here:-- charles michael kelly and wife, to j.s. benbow, dr. : july th to sept. th. . to the rent of house and ground on castle kelly plantation, for eight weeks, at s. d. per week. l. . richard kelly and wife. same. . elenor mercer. same. . john ried and wife. same. . mary ann christie. same. . venus owen (or such like name). same. from the rev. j. hutchins. _savanna-la-mar, sept. , ._ i now, according to promise in my last, send you a few out of the many cases i am almost hourly troubled with. some of our would-be great men are, i am sorry to say, harassing the poor free labourers shamefully; and should it prove, as i think in some cases it must, of serious injury to the absentee proprietors, i shall publish the cases of grievance brought me, together with the names of the estates, owners, attorneys, overseers, &c., and leave all parties to form their own opinion on the subject. amelia martin, to retrieve estate, dr. : august . to house and ground, rent at s. per week, from st august to date _l._ [a]alliac davis, ground rent at d. per week [a]william davis; ditto ditto ------------- _l._ ------------- thos. tats, esq. is attorney, and mr. comry overseer, [footnote a: boys from to , her sons.] * * * * * louisa patter, to retrieve estate, dr. : aug. . to house and ground from st aug. to date _l._ she states she has been sickly so long, that she has no ground in cultivation, and cannot help herself, and has only what yams her friends give her. * * * * * susan james, to albany estate, dr. : aug. . to house and ground rent at s. per week, from st august, to date l. thos. hewett, ground rent elizabeth james, ditto mary dunn, ditto letitia, ditto[a] ------------- l. ------------- [footnote a: these are a mother and four children in one house, and with but one ground, they tell me.] * * * * * richard warren, to albany estate, dr. : aug. . to house and ground rent to date l. wife child[b] ------------- l. ------------- [footnote b: the child is quite young, and in daily attendance at one of my schools.] * * * * * on this property, under the same managers as retrieve, the people state that they are going on shamefully. "the last sabbath but one, when we were at service, stephen campbell, the book-keeper, and edward pulsey, old-time constable, come round and mark all for we house, and charge for ebery one of we family. we don't know what kind of fee dis we hab at all; for we attorney, mr. tate, neber come on we property, leave all to mr. comeoy. we peak to him for make bargain, him say him can't make law, and him no make bargain till him heare what law come out in packet. him say dem who make bargain are fools; beside him no call up a parcel of niggers to hold service wid me; should only get laughed at. so we know not what for do. you are for we minister, and for we only friend; and if you did not advise we to go on work till things settle down, we no lift another hoe. we would left the property." unless an arrangement is soon entered into, i shall advise them to do so. james greenheld, to new galloway estate, dr. to one week's rent of house, garden, and ground, and to ditto for his wife, margaret greenfield, at s. per week. £ j.g. states, "i come for massa. when we make bargain with mr. mcneal, it was a maccaroni ( s. d.) a day, and for we house and ground. me is able and willing for work, so let my wife stop home; so him charge me de same sum for my wife, as for me own house and ground. and den last week me sick and get no money, and they charge me over again, (as above) one week me sick. me no able for say what to call dat massa, me sure." i leave with you to make your own comments, and to do what you please with the above. although my chapel is £ in debt, and my schools, one of and one of scholars, are heavy, very heavy on me, i cannot do other than advise my people to save every mite, buy an acre of land, and by that means be independent, and job about wherever they may be wanted. from the rev. t. burchell. _montego bay, october_ , . the reason why i have not written to you so long, is the intensely anxious time we have had. i feel, however, that it is high time now to address you; for, if our friends in england relax their efforts, my conviction is, that freedom will be more in name than in reality, in this slave-holding island. there is nothing to be feared, if the noble band of friends who have so long and so successfully struggled, will but continue their assistance a short time longer. the planters have made a desperate struggle, and so, i have no doubt, will the house of assembly, against the emancipated negroes. my firm conviction has been, and still is, that the planters have endeavored, by the offer of the most paltry wages, to reduce the condition of the laborer, and make him as badly off as he was when an apprentice or a slave, that he may curse the day that made him free. though unable to conduct the usual services on sunday the th august, at the close i addressed the congregation, urging upon them the necessity of commencing their work on the following day, whether arrangements were made between themselves and their masters or not; as by so doing they would put it out of the power of their opponents to say anything evil of them. they assembled, and on monday the th thousands turned out to work, and continued to labor, unless prevented by the manager, until arrangements were made. you will remember, that prior to the st of august, a white man who hired out a gang of apprentices to an estate was paid at the rate of s. d. sterling per diem for each able laborer. the apprentice received the same when he worked for the estate on his own days, friday and saturday; and whenever they were valued for the purpose of purchasing the remaining time of their apprenticeship, the planter upon oath stated that their services were worth at least s. . per diem to the estate, and the apprentice had to redeem himself at that rate. after the st of august, the planters discovered, that, whilst the properties would well afford to continue the lavish and extravagant expenditure in managing the estates, "it would be certain ruin to the properties, if the labourer was paid more than / d. per diem. for the st class of labourers, d. the nd class, and / d. for the rd class:" and why? i know not why, unless it was because the long oppressed negro was to put the money into his own pocket, and not his white oppressors. this seems to have made all the difference. the above wages were accordingly offered, and rejected with scorn; the people feeling the greatest indignation at the atrocious attempt of their old oppressors to grind them down now they are free, and keep them in a state of degradation. the greatest confusion and disorder ensued; the labourers indignant at the conduct of their masters, and the planters enraged against the people, for presuming to think and act for themselves. as a matter of course, the fury of the planters was directed against half a dozen baptist missionaries, and as many more friends and stipendiary magistrates; and i can assure you that the jamaica press equalled its most vituperative days, and came forth worthy of itself. the despatch, or the old jamaica courant, so well known in for advocating the burning of chapels, and the hanging of missionaries; was quite in the shade. the pious polypheme, the bishop's paper, with the jamaica standard of infamy and falsehood, published in this town, took the lead, and a pretty standard it is. let foreigners judge of jamaica by the jamaica standard of august last, and they must suppose it is an island of savages, or a little hell. the press teemed with abuse of the most savage nature against us, and published the most barefaced lies. that, however, you who know the generality of the jamaica press, will say is nothing new or strange; well, it is not, nor do we regard any statements they make; for no one believes what they publish, and it is a source of gratification to us that we have never forfeited our character or principles in the estimation of the reflecting, the philanthropist, or the christian public, by meriting their approbation. in the mulct of this seemingly general conspiracy to defraud the laborer of his wages by exorbitant rents, &c. sir lionel smith, the governor, proceeds from district to district, giving advice to both of the contending parties, and striving to promote a mutual understanding. his testimony to the designs of the planters given to their faces, and not denied, is very important; we give therefore one of his meetings, as the find it reported in the jamaica papers. here is a rather familiar conversation among some of the chief men of that island--where can we expect to find more authoritative testimony? sir lionel smith's visit to dunsinane. his excellency, sir lionel smith, visited dunsinane on thursday last, agreeably to arrangements previously entered into, for the purpose of addressing the late apprenticed population in that neighborhood, on the propriety of resuming the cultivation of the soil. about two miles from dunsinane, his excellency was met by a cavalcade composed of the late apprentices, who were preceded by messrs. bourne, hamilton, and kent, late special justices. on the arrival of his excellency at dunsinane, he was met by the hon. joseph gordon, custos, the lord bishop attended by his secretary, and the rev. alexander campbell; the hon. hector mitchel, mayor of kingston, and a large number of highly respectable planters, proprietors, and attorneys. his excellency, on being seated in the dwelling, said, that from information which he had received from other parishes, and facts gathered from personal observation, he believed that the same bone of contention existed there as elsewhere--a source of discontent brought about by the planters serving the people with notices to quit their houses and grounds. he did not question their right to do so, or the legality of such a proceeding, but he questioned the prudence of the step. the great change from slavery to unrestricted freedom surely deserved some consideration. things cannot so soon be quiet and calm. depend upon it, nothing will be done by force. much may be by conciliation and prudence. do away with every emblem of slavery; throw off the kilmarnock cap, and adopt in its stead, like rational men, britannia's cap of liberty. he (sir lionel) doubted not the right of the planters to rent their houses and grounds; in order to be more certain on that head, he had procured the opinion of the attorney general; but the exercise of the right by the planter, and getting the people to work, were very different matters. much difficulty must be felt in getting rid of slavery. even in the little island of antigua, it had taken six months to get matters into a quiet state; but here, in a large country like jamaica, could it be expected to be done in a day, and was it because it was not done, that the planters were to be opposed to him? you are all in arms against me (said his excellency,) but all i ask of you is to exercise patience, and all will be right. i have done, and am doing all in my power for the good of my country. if you have served the people with notices to quit, with a view to compel them to work, or thinking to force them to work for a certain rate of wages, you have done wrong. coercive measures will never succeed. in vere, which i lately visited, the planters have agreed to give the people s. d. per day, and to let them have their houses and grounds for three months free of charge. his excellency, on seeing some symptoms of disapprobation manifested, said, well, if you cannot afford to pay so much, pay what you can afford; but above all, use conciliatory measures, and i have not a doubt on my mind but that the people will go to their work. seeing so many planters present, he should be happy if they would come to an arrangement among themselves, before he addressed the people outside. mr. wellwood hyslop remarked, that vere and other rich sugar parishes might be able to pay high rates of wages, because the land yielded profitable crops, but in this district it was impossible to follow the example of those parishes. he thought that two bits a day might do very well, but that was as much as could be afforded. his excellency said that in manchester, where he believed he had more enemies than in any other parish, he had advised them to work by the piece, and it had been found to answer well. mr. hinton east said that he would submit a measure which he thought would be approved of. he proposed that the people should be paid s. for four days' labor; that if they cleaned more than trees per day, either themselves or by bringing out their wives and children, they should be paid extra wages in the same proportion. mr. andrew simpson said that he could not afford to pay the rates named by his excellency. it was entirely out of the question; that a good deal depended upon the state the fields are in--that his people, for instance, could, with much ease, if they chose, clean trees by half-past three o'clock. mr. mason, of st. george's, said he was willing to pay his people s. d. per day, if they would but work; but the fact was that they refused to do so, on account of the stories that had been told them by special justice fishbourne; willingly too would i have given them their houses and grounds for three months, free of charge, had they shown a desire to labor; but what was the lamentable fact? the people would not work, because mr. fishbourne had influenced them not to do so, and he (mr. mason) had been a loser of one thousand pounds in consequence. he had been compelled in self-defence to issue summonses against two of his people. he had purchased his property--it was his all--he had sacrificed twenty of the best years of his life as a planter, he had a wife and family to support, and what was the prospect before him and them? he admitted having served notices on his people to quit their houses--in truth he did not now care whether they were or were not located on the property--he was willing to pay fair, nay, high wages, but the demand was exorbitant. he had a servant, a trustworthy white man, who laboured from day-dawn to sunset for s. d. per day, and he was quite satisfied. all the mischief in his district had been owing to the poisonous stories poured into the ears of the people by special justice fishbourne. if he were removed, the parish might probably assume a healthy state; if allowed to remain, no improvement could possibly take place. his excellency said that the assembly had passed a law preventing the special magistrates from going on the estates; they could not, however, prevent the people from going to them, and taking their advice if they wished it. he had understood that the people had gone to the special magistrates, informing them that the planters demanded s. d. per week rent for the houses and grounds, and that they had been advised, if such were the case, that they ought to be paid higher wages. he understood that to be a fact. mr. andrew simpson said that the people would, he had no doubt, have worked, but for the pernicious advice of mr. fishbourne. he had heard that the people had been told that the governor did not wish them to work, and that he would be vexed with them if they did. sir lionel replied that he was aware that white men were going about the country disguised as policemen, pretending to have his (sir lionel's) authority, telling the people not to work. he knew well their intention and design, he understood the trick. you are anxious (said his excellency) to produce a panic, to reduce the value of property, to create dismay, in order that you may speculate, by reducing the present value of property; but you will be disappointed, notwithstanding a press sends forth daily abuse against me, and black-guard and contemptible remarks against my acts. i assure you i am up to your tricks. mr. andrew simpson would be glad if his excellency would speak individually. there was a paper called the west indian, and another the colonial freeman. he wished to know whether his excellency meant either of those papers. [some slight interruption here took place, several gentlemen speaking at the same time.] his excellency said he had not come to discuss politics, but to endeavour to get the people to work, and it would be well for them to turn their attention to that subject. mr. simpson said he had a gang who had jobbed by the acre, and had done well, but it was unfortunate in other respects to observe the disinclination shown by the laborers to work. he wished them to know that they must work, and trusted that his excellency would endeavour to force them to labor. sir lionel--i can't compel them to do as you would wish, nor have i the power of forcing them to labor. the people will not suffer themselves to be driven by means of the cart-whip. it is the policy of every man to make the best bargain he can. i can say nothing to the people about houses and grounds, and price of wages. i can only ask them to work. mr. wiles said that the planters were anxious to come to amicable arrangements with the people, but they were unreasonable in their demands. the planters could not consent to be injured--they must profit by their properties. mr. mason said, that the only bone of contention was the subject of rent. his people were outside waiting to be satisfied on that head. he hesitated not to say, that the proprietors were entitled to rent in every instance where the laborer was unwilling to labor, and unless that subject was at once settled, it would involve both parties in endless disagreement. he was not one of those persons alluded to by his excellency, who circulated misrepresentations for private benefit, nor was he aware that any one in the parish in which he lived had done so. all that he desired was the good of the country, with which his interests were identified. sir lionel--i could not possibly be personal towards any gentleman present, for i have not the honour of knowing most of you. my observations were not confined to any particular parish, but to the island of jamaica, in which the occurrences named have taken place. dr. rapky, of st. george's--if your excellency will only do away with a curtain magistrate, things will go on smoothly in the parish of st. george. this gentleman has told the people that they are entitled to the lands occupied by them, in consequence of which the parish is now in an unsettled state. sir lionel--who is the magistrate! dr. rapky--mr. fishbourne. sir lionel--i am afraid i cannot please you. the question of possession of lands and houses has for the present been settled by the opinion of the attorney-general, but it is still an undetermined question at law. there are many persons in the island who are of opinion that the legislature had not so intended; he (sir lionel) was at a loss to know what they meant; seeing, however, some members of the assembly present, perhaps they would be disposed to give some information. mr. s.j. dallas said, that it was the intention of the legislature that rent should be paid. he thought it fair that s. d. per day should be offered the people to work five days in the week, they returning one day's labor for the houses and grounds. mr. special justice hamilton said that complaints had been made to him, that in many instances where the husband and wife lived in the same house, rent had been demanded of both. the laborers had, in consequence, been thrown into a state of consternation and alarm, which accounted for the unsettled state of several properties--a serious bone of contention had in consequence been produced. he held a notice in his hand demanding of a laborer the enormous sum of s. per week for house and ground. he had seen other notices in which s, d. and s. had been demanded for the same. he did not consider that the parties issuing those notices had acted with prudence. mr. hyslop explained--he admitted the charge, but said that the sum was never intended to be exacted. sir lionel said he was aware of what was going on; he had heard of it. "it was a policy which ought no longer to be pursued." we have given the foregoing documents, full and ungarbled, that our readers might fairly judge for themselves. we have not picked here a sentence and there a sentence, but let the governor, the assembly, the missionaries, and the press tell their whole story. let them be read, compared, and weighed. we might indefinitely prolong our extracts from the west india papers to show, not only in regard to the important island of jamaica, but barbados and several other colonies, that the former masters are alone guilty of the non-working of the emancipated, so far as they refuse to work. but we think we have already produced proof enough to establish the following points:-- . that there was a strong predisposition on the part of the jamaica planters to defraud their labourers of their wages. they hoped that by yielding, before they were driven quite to the last extremity, by the tide of public sentiment in england, they should escape from all philanthropic interference and surveillance, and be able to bring the faces of their unyoked peasantry to the grindstone of inadequate wages. . that the emancipated were not only peaceful in their new freedom, but ready to grant an amnesty of all post abuses, and enter cheerfully into the employ of their former masters for reasonable wages. that in cases where disagreement has arisen as to the rate of daily or weekly wages, the labourers have been ready to engage in task work, to be paid by the piece, and have laboured so efficiently and profitably--proving a strong disposition for industry and the acquisition of property. . that in the face of this good disposition of the laborers, the planters have, in many cases, refused to give adequate wages. . that in still more numerous cases, including many in which the wages have been apparently liberal, enormous extortion has been practiced upon the laborer, in the form of rent demanded for his hovel and provision patch--£ per annum being demanded for a shanty not worth half that money, and rent being frequently demanded from _every member_ of a family more than should have been taken from the whole. . that the negroes are able to look out for their own interest, and have very distinct ideas of their own about the value of money and the worth of their labour, as well as the best methods of bringing their employers to reasonable terms. on this point we might have made a still stronger case by quoting from the despatch and standard, which assert numerous instances in which the labourers have refused to work for wages recommended to them by the governor, special magistrates, or missionaries, though they offered to work for s. d., s., or a dollar a day. they are shown to be rare bargain-makers and not easily trapped. . that the attorneys and managers have deliberately endeavoured to raise a panic, whereby property might be depreciated to their own advantage; showing clearly thereby, that they consider jamaica property, even with the laborers, irreclaimably free, a desirable investment. . that in spite of all their efforts, the great body of the laborers continue industrious, doing more work in the same time than in slavery. _the testimony to his very important point, of the governor and house of assembly, is perfectly conclusive_, as we have already said. a house that represents the very men who, in , burnt the missionary chapels, and defied the british parliament with the threat, that in case it proceeded to legislate abolition, jamaica would attach herself to the united states, now hopes for the agricultural prosperity of the island! indeed no one in jamaica expresses a doubt on this subject, who does not obviously do so _for the sake of buying land to better advantage_! were the colony a shade _worse_ off than before emancipation, either in fact or in the opinion of its landholders, or of any considerable portion of persons acquainted with it, the inevitable consequence would be a depreciation of _real estate_. but what is the fact? said rev. john clark, a jamaica baptist missionary, who has visited this country since the first of august, in a letter published in the journal of commerce:-- "the island of jamaica is not in the deplorable state set forth by your correspondent.--land is rising in value so rapidly, that what was bought five years ago at dollars per acre, is now selling for dollars; and this in the interior of the island, in a parish not reckoned the most healthy, and sixteen miles distant from the nearest town. crops are better than in the days of slavery--extra labour is easily obtained where kindness and justice are exercised towards the people. the hopes of proprietors are great, and larger sums are being offered for estates than were offered previous to august, , when estates, and negroes upon them, were disposed of together." again, as in jamaica commerce rests wholly upon agriculture, _its_ institutions can only flourish in a flourishing condition of the latter.--what then are we to infer from an imposing prospectus which appears in the island papers, commencing thus:-- "kingston, october , jamaica marine, fire, and life assurance company. capital £ , , in shares of £ each. it has been long a matter of astonishment that, in a community so essentially mercantile as jamaica, no company should have been formed for the purpose of effecting insurance on life and property; although it cannot be doubted for an instant, that not only would such an establishment be highly useful to all classes of the community, but that it must yield a handsome return to such persons as may be inclined to invest their money in it," &c. farther down in the prospectus we are told--"it may here be stated, that the scheme for the formation of this company has been mentioned to some of the principal merchants and _gentlemen of the country_, and has met with decidedly favourable notice: and it is expected that the shares, a large number of which have been already taken, will be rapidly disposed of." the same paper, the morning journal, from which we make this extract, informs us: nov. d-- "the shares subscribed for yesterday, in the marine fire and life insurance company, we understand, amount to the almost unprecedented number of one thousand six hundred, with a number of applicants whose names have not been added to the list." the morning journal of october th in remarking upon this project says:-- "jamaica is now happily a free country; she contains within herself the means of becoming prosperous. let her sons develope those resources which lord belmore with so much truth declared never would be developed _until slavery had ceased_. she has her banks.--give her, in addition, her loan society, her marine, fire, and life assurance company, and some others that will shortly be proposed, and capital will flow in from other countries--property will acquire a value in the market, that will increase with the increase of wealth, and she will yet be a flourishing island, and her inhabitants a happy and contented people." now men desperately in debt _might_ invite in foreign capital for temporary relief, but, since the _compensation_, this is understood not to be the case with the jamaica planters; and if they are rushing into speculation, it must be because they have strong _hope_ of the safety and prosperity of their country--in other words, because they confide in the system of free labor. this one prospectus, coupled with its prompt success, is sufficient to prove the falsehood of all the stories so industriously retailed among us from the standard and the despatch. but speculators and large capitalists are not the only men who confide in the success of the "great experiment." the following editorial notice in the morning journal of a recent date speaks volumes:-- savings bank. "we were asked not many days ago how the savings bank in this city was getting on. we answered well, very well indeed. by a notification published in our paper of saturday, it will be seen that £ has been placed in the hands of the receiver-general. by the establishment of these banks, a great deal of the money now locked up, and which yields no return whatever to the possessors, and is liable to be stolen, will be brought into circulation. this circumstance of itself ought to operate as a powerful inducement to those parishes in which no banks are yet established to be up and doing. we have got some _five_ or _six_ of them fairly underweigh, as jack would say, and hope the remainder will speedily trip their anchors and follow." we believe banks were not known in the west indies before the st of august . says the spanishtown telegraph of may st, , "_banks, steam-companies, rail-roads, charity schools_, etc., seem all to have remained dormant until the time arrived when jamaica was to be _enveloped in smoke_! no man thought of hazarding his capital in an extensive banking establishment until jamaica's ruin, by the introduction of freedom, had been accomplished!" and it was not till after the st of august, , that jamaica had either savings banks or savings. these institutions for the industrious classes came only with their manhood. but why came they at all, if emancipated industry is, or is likely to be, unsuccessful?--in barbados we notice the same forwardness in founding monied institutions. a bank is there proposed, with a capital of £ , . more than this, the all absorbing subject in all the west india papers at the present moment is that of the _currency_. why such anxiety to provide the means of paying for labor which is to become valueless? why such keenness for a good circulating medium if they are to have nothing to sell? the complaints about the old fashioned coinage we venture to assort have since the first of august occupied five times as much space in the colonial papers, we might probably say in each and every one of them, as those of the non-working of the freemen. the inference is irresistible. _the white colonists take it for granted that industry is to thrive_. it may be proper to remark that the late refusal of the jamaica legislature to fulfil its appropriate functions has no connection with the working of freedom, any further than it may have been a struggle to get rid in some measure of the surveillance of the mother country in order to coerce the labourer so far as possible by vagrant laws, &c. the immediate pretext was the passing of a law by the imperial parliament for the regulation of prisons, which the house of assembly declared a violation of that principle of their charter which forbids the mother-country to lay a tax on them without their consent, in as much as it authorized a crown officer to impose a fine, in a certain case, of £ . a large majority considered this an infringement of their prerogatives, and among them were some members who have nobly stood up for the slave in times of danger. the remarks of mr. osborn especially, on this subject, (he is the full blooded, slave-born, african man to whom we have already referred) are worthy of consideration in several points of view. although he had always been a staunch advocate of the home government on the floor of the assembly are now contended for the rights of the jamaica legislature with arguments which to us republicans are certainly quite forcible. in a speech of some length, which appears very creditable to him throughout, he said-- "government could not be acting fair towards them to assume that the mass of the people of this island would remain in the state of political indifference to which poverty and slavery had reduced them. they were now free, every man to rise as rapidly as he could; and the day was not very distant when it would be demonstrated by the change of representatives that would be seen in that house. it did appear to him, that under the pretext of extending the privileges of freemen to the mass of the people of this country, the government was about to deprive them of those privileges, by curtailing the power of the representative assembly of those very people. he could not bring himself to admit, with any regard for truth, that the late apprentices could now be oppressed; they were quite alive to their own interests, and were now capable of taking care of themselves. so long as labor was marketable, so long they could resist oppression, while on the other hand, the proprietor, for his own interest's sake, would be compelled to deal fairly with them." though it is evidently all important that the same public opinion which has wrested the whip from the master should continue to watch his proceedings as an employer of freemen, there is much truth in the speech of this black representative and alderman of kingston. the brutalized and reckless attorneys and managers, _may_ possibly succeed in driving the negroes from the estates by exorbitant rent and low wages. they _may_ succeed in their effort to buy in property at half its value. but when they have effected that, they will be totally dependent for the profits of their ill-gotten gains upon the _free laboring people_. they may produce what they call idleness now, and a great deal of vexation and suffering. but land is plenty, and the laborers, if thrust from the estates, will take it up, and become still more independent. reasonable wages they will be able to command, and for such they are willing to labor. the few thousand whites of jamaica will never be able to establish slavery, or any thing like it, over its , blacks. already they are fain to swallow their prejudice against color. mr. jordon, member for kingston and "free nigger," was listened to with respect. nay more, his argument was copied into the "protest" which the legislature proudly flung back in the face of parliament, along with the abolition of the apprenticeship, in return for lord glenelg's bill. let all in the united states read and ponder it who assert that "the two races cannot live together on term of equality." legislative independence of jamaica has ever been the pride of her english conquerors. they have received with joy the colored fellow colonists into an equal participation of their valued liberty, and they were prepared to rejoice at the extension of the constitution to the emancipated blacks. but the british government, by a great fault, if not a crime, has, at the moment when all should have been free, torn from the lately ascendant class, the privileges which were their birthright, another class, now the equals of the former, the rights they had long and fortunately struggled for, and from the emancipated blacks the rights which they fondly expected to enjoy with their personal freedom. the boon of earlier freedom will not compensate this most numerous part of our population for the injustice and wrong done to the whole jamaica people. the documents already adduced are confined almost exclusively to jamaica. we will refer briefly to one of the other colonies. the next in importance is barbados here has been played nearly the same game in regard to wages, and with the same results. we are now furnished with advices from the island down to the th of december . at the latter date the panic making papers had tapered down their complainings to a very faint whisper, and withal expressing more hope than fears. as the fruit of what they had already done we are told by one of them, _the barbadian_, that the unfavourable news carried home by the packets after the emancipation had served to raise the price of sugar in england, which object being accomplished, it is hoped that they will intermit the manufacture of such news. the first and most important document, and indeed of itself sufficient to save the trouble of giving more, is the comparison of crime during two and a half months of freedom, and the corresponding two and a half months of slavery or apprenticeship last year, submitted to the legislature at the opening of its session in the latter part of october. here it is. we hope it will be held up before every slave holder. from the barbadian of dec. . barbados.--comparative table, exhibiting the number of complaints preferred against the apprentice population of this colony, in the months of august, september and to the th of october, ; together with the complaints charged against free labourers of the same colony, during the months of august, september and to the th of october, . the former compiled from the monthly journals of the special justice of the peace and the latter from the returns of the local magistracy transmitted to his excellency the governor apprenticeship. total of complaints vs. apprentices from the st to st august . ditto from the st to th september ditto from the st to th october grand total total number of apprentices punished from the st to st august ditto from st to st september ditto from the st to th october grand total total compromised, admonished and dismissed from st to st august ditto from the st to th september ditto from st to th october total deficiency in compromised cases in comparatively with those of grand total freedom. total of complaints vs. labourers from the st to the st august ditto from the st to the th september ditto from the st to the th october total comparative surplus of complaints in grand total total of laborers punished from the st to the st august, , ditto from the st to th september ditto from the st to th october total comparative surplus of punishment in grand total total compromised, admonished and dismissed from the st to the st august ditto from the st to th september ditto from the st to th october grand total note. it may be proper to remark that the accompanying general abstract for august, september, and to the th october, , does not include complaints preferred and heard before the local magistrates during those months for such offences--viz. for misdemeanors, petty debts, assaults and petty thefts--as were not cognizable by the special justices; so that estimating these offences--the number of which does not appear in the abstract for --at a similar number as that enumerated in the abstract for , the actual relative difference of punishments between the two and a half months in and these in , would thus appear: surplus of apprentices punished in , as above offences in august, september, and to the th, october, heard before the general justices of the peace, and estimated as follows: petty thefts assaults misdemeanors petty debts -- actual surplus of punishment in , from the journal of commerce. _letter from w.r. hays, esq. barbados, w.i. to rev. h.g. ludlow, of new haven_. barbados, dec. , . i gave you in my last, some account of the manner in which the first day of emancipation came and went in this island. we very soon afterwards received similar accounts from all the neighboring islands. in all of them the day was celebrated as an occasion "of devout thanksgiving and praise to god, for the happy termination of slavery." in all of them, the change took place in a manner highly creditable to the emancipated, and intensely gratifying to the friends of liberty. the quiet, good order, and solemnity of the day, were every where remarkable. indeed, is it not a fact worth remembering, that whereas in former years, a single day's relaxation from labor was met by the slaves with shouting and revelry, and merry-making, yet now, when the last link of slavery was broken forever, sobriety and decorum were especially the order of the day. the perfect order and subordination to the laws, which marked the first day of august, are yet unbroken. we have now nearly five months' experience of entire emancipation; and i venture to say, that a period of more profound peace never existed in the west indies. there have been disputes about wages, as in new england and in other free countries; but no concert, no combination even, here; and the only attempt at a combination was among the planters, to keep down wages--and that but for a short time only. i will not enter particularly into the questions, whether or not the people will continue to work for wages, whether they will remain quiet,--or on the other hand, whether the island will be suffered to become desolate, and the freed slaves relapse into barbarism, &c. these things have been speculated about, and gloomy predictions have had their day; the time has now come for the proof. people do not buy land and houses, and rent property for long terms of years, in countries where life is insecure, or where labor cannot be had, and the tendency of things is to ruin and decay. in short, men, in their senses, do not embark on board a sinking ship. confidence is the very soul of prosperity; of the existence of this confidence in this island, the immense operations in real estate, since the first of august, are abundant proof. there are multitudes of instances in which estates have sold for $ , _more_ than was asked for them six months ago; and yet at the time they were considered very high. a proprietor who was persuaded a few weeks since to part with his estate for a very large sum of money, went and bought _it back again_ at an _advance_ of $ . a great many long leases of property have been entered into. an estate called "edgecombe," mentioned by thome and kimball, has been rented for years at $ per annum. another called the "hope" has been rented for years at £ sterling, equal to $ per annum. another, after being rented at a high price, was relet, by the lessee, who became entirely absolved from the contract, and took $ , for his bargain. if required, i could give you a host of similar cases, with the names of the parties. but it seems unnecessary. the mere impulse given to the value of property in this island by emancipation, is a thing as notorious _here_, as the _fact_ of emancipation. but, are not crimes more frequent than before? i have now before me a barbados newspaper, printed two weeks since, in which the fact is stated, that in _all_ the county prisons, among a population of , , only _two_ prisoners were confined for any cause whatever! "but," says a believer in the necessity of colonization, "how will you _get rid_ of the negroes?" i answer by adverting to the spectacle which is now witnessed in _all_ the islands of the former proprietors of slaves, now _employers_ of _free_ laborers, using every endeavor to _prevent_ emigration. trinidad, demerara, and berbice, _want_ laborers. the former has passed a law to pay the passage money of any laborer who comes to the island, leaving him free to choose him employment. demerara and berbize have sent emigration agents to this and other islands, to induce the laborers to join those colonies, offering high wages, good treatment, &c. on the other hand, barbados, grenada, st. vincent, and all the old and populous islands, individually and collectively, by legislative resolves, legal enactments, &c. &c.--loudly protest that they have _not a man to spare_! what is still better, the old island proprietors are on every hand building new houses for the peasantry, and with great forethought adding to their comfort; knowing that they will thereby secure their contentment on their native soil. as a pleasing instance of the good understanding which now exists between proprietors and laborers, i will mention, that great numbers of the former were in town on the th, buying up pork, hams, rice, &c. as presents for their people on the ensuing christmas; a day which has this year passed by amid scenes of quiet sabbath devotions, a striking contrast to the tumult and drunkenness of former times. i cannot close this subject, without beating my testimony to the correctness of the statements made by our countrymen, thome and kimball. they were highly esteemed here by all classes, and had free access to every source of valuable information. if they have not done justice to the subject of their book, it is because the manifold blessings of a deliverance from slavery are beyond the powers of language to represent. when i attempt, as i have done in this letter, to enumerate a few of the, i know not where to begin, or where to end. one must _see_, in order to know and feel how unspeakable a boon these islands have received,--a boon, which is by no means confined to the emancipated slaves; but, like the dew and rains of heaven, it fell upon all the inhabitants of the land, bond and free, rich and poor, together. it is a common thing here, when you hear one speak of the benefits of emancipation--the remark--that it ought to have taken place long ago. some say fifty years ago, some twenty, and some, that at any rate it ought to have taken place all at once, without any apprenticeship. the noon-day sun is not clearer than the fact, that no preparation was required on the part of the slaves. it was the dictate of an accusing conscience, that foretold of bloodshed, and burning, and devastation. can it be supposed to be an accidental circumstance, that peace and good-will have _uniformly_, in _all_ the colonies, followed the steps of emancipation. is it not rather the broad seal of attestation to that heaven born principle, "it is safe to do right." dear brother, if you or any other friend to down trodden humanity, have any lingering fear that the blaze of light which is now going forth from the islands will ever be quenched, even for a moment, dismiss that fear. the light, instead of growing dim, will continue to brighten. your prayers for the safe and happy introduction of freedom, upon a soil long trodden by the foot of slavery, may be turned into praises--for the event has come to pass. when shall we be able to rejoice in such a consummation in our beloved america? how i long to see a deputation of slaveholders making the tour of these islands. it would only be necessary for them to use their eyes and ears. argument would be quite out of place. even an appeal to principle--to compassion--to the fear of god--would not be needed. self-interest alone would decide them in favor of immediate emancipation. ever yours, w.r. hayes. demerara. speech of the governor, on opening the session of the court of policy, sept. , . from the guiana royal gazette. "i should fail in my duty to the public, and perhaps no respond to the expectations of yourselves, gentlemen of the colonial section of this honorable court, did i not say a few words on the state of the colony, at this our first meeting after the memorable first of august. we are now approaching the close of the second month since that date--a sufficient time to enable us to judge of the good disposition of the new race of freemen, but not perhaps of the prosperity of the colony. it is a proud thing for the colonist--proprietors and employers--that nothing has occurred to indicate a want of good feeling in the great body of the laborers. it is creditable to them, satisfactory to their employers, and confounding to those who anticipated a contrary state of affairs. that partial changes of location should have taken place, cannot surprise any reasonable mind--that men who have all their lives been subject to compulsory labor should, on having this labor left to their discretion, be disposed at first to relax, and, in some instances, totally abstain from it, was equally to be expected. but we have no reason to despond, nor to imagine that, because such has occurred in some districts, it will continue. it is sufficient that the ignorant have been undeceived in their exaggerated notions of their rights as freemen: it was the first step towards resumption of labor in every part of the colony. the patient forbearance of the employers has produced great changes. if some estates have been disappointed in the amount of labor performed, others again, and i have reason to believe a great number, are doing well. it is well known that the peasantry have not taken to a wandering life: they are not lost to the cultivated parts of the colony: for the reports hitherto received from the superintendents of rivers and creeks make no mention of an augmented population in the distant parts of their respective districts. i hear of few commitments, except in this town, where, of course, many of the idle have flocked from the country. on the east coast, there has been only one case brought before the high sheriff's court since the st of august. in the last circuit, not one! with these facts before us, we may, i trust, anticipate the continued prosperity of the colony; and though it be possible there may be a diminution in the exports of the staple commodities in this and the succeeding quarter, yet we must take into consideration that the season had been unfavorable, in some districts, previous to the st august, therefore a larger proportion of the crops remained uncut; and we may ask, whether a continuance of compulsory labor would have produced a more favorable result? our united efforts will, i trust, not be wanting to base individual prosperity on the welfare of all." the governor of demerara is henry light, esq., a gentlemen who seems strongly inclined to court the old slavery party and determined to shew his want of affinity to the abolitionists. in another speech delivered on a similar occasion, he says: "many of the new freemen may still be said to be in their infancy of freedom, and like children are wayward. on _many of the estates_ they have repaid the kindness and forbearance of their masters; on others they have continued to take advantage of (what? the kindness and forbearance of their masters? no.) their new condition, are idle or irregular in their work. the good sense of the mass gives me reason to hope that idleness will be the exception, not the rule." the barbadian of nov. , remarks, that of six districts in demerara whose condition had been reported, _five_ were working favorably. in the sixth the laborers were standing out for higher wages. trinidad. in the _jamaica morning journal_ of oct. d and th, we find the following paragraphs in relation to this colony: "trinidad.--the reports from the various districts as to the conduct of our laboring population, are as various and opposite, the standard says, to each other as it is possible for them to be. there are many of the estates on which the laborers had at first gone on steadily to work which now have scarcely a hand upon them, whilst upon others they muster a greater force than they could before command. we hear also that the people have already in many instances exhibited that propensity common to the habits of common life, which we call squatting, and to which we have always looked forward as one of the evils likely to accompany their emancipation, and calling for the earliest and most serious attention of our legislature. we must confess, however, that it is a subject not easy to deal with safely and effectually." trinidad,--the standard says: "the state of the cultivation at present is said to be as far advanced as could have been anticipated under the new circumstances in which the island stands. the weather throughout the month has been more than usually favorable to weeding, whilst there has also been sufficient rain to bring out the plants; and many planters having, before the st of augus, pushed on their weeding by free labor and (paid) extra tasks, the derangement in their customary labor which has been experienced since that period, does not leave them much below an average progress." "of the laborers, although they are far from being settled, we believe we may say, that they are not working badly; indeed, compared with those of the sister colonies, they are both more industrious and more disposed to be on good terms with their late masters. some few estates continue short of their usual compliment of hands; but many of the laborers who had left the proprietors, have returned to them, whilst many others have changed their locality either to join their relations, or to return to their haunts of former days. so far as we can learn, nothing like insubordination or combination exists. we are also happy to say, that on some estates, the laborers have turned their attention to their provision grounds. there is one point, however, which few seem to comprehend, which is, that although free, they cannot work one day and be idle the next, _ad libitum_." later accounts mention that some thousands more of laborers were wanted to take off the crop, and that a committee of immigration had been appointed to obtain them. [see amos townsend's letter on the last page.] so it seems the free laborers are so good they want more of them. the same is notoriously true of demerara, and berbice. instead of a colonization spirit to get rid of the free blacks, the quarrel among the colonies is, which shall get the most. it is no wonder that the poor negroes in trinidad should betake themselves to squatting. the island is thinly peopled and the administration or justice is horribly corrupt, under the governorship and judgeship of sir george hill, the well known defaulter as vice treasurer of ireland, on whose appointment mr. o'connell remarked that "delinquents might excuse themselves by referring to the case of their judge." grenada. "grenada--the gazette expresses its gratification at being able to record, that the accounts which have been received from several parts of the country, are of a satisfactory nature. on many of the properties the peasantry have, during the week, evinced a disposition to resume their several accustomed avocations, at the rates, and on the terms proposed by the directors of the respective estates, to which they were formerly belonging; and very little desire to change their residence has been manifested. one of our correspondents writes, that 'already, by a conciliatory method, and holding out the stimulus of extra pay, in proportion to the quantity of work performed beyond that allowed to them, he had, 'succeeded in obtaining, for three days, double the former average of work, rendered by the labors during the days of slavery; and this, too, by four o'clock, at which hour it seems, they are now wishful of ceasing to work, and to enable them to do so, they work continuously from the time they return from their breakfast.'" "it is one decided opinion, the paper named says, that in a very short time the cultivation of the cane still be generally resumed, and all things continue to progress to the mutual satisfaction of both employer and laborer. we shall feel indebted to our friends for such information, as it may be in their power to afford us on this important subject, as it will tend to their advantage equally with that of their laborers, from the same being made public. we would wish also that permission be given as to mention the names of the properties on which matters have assumed a favorable aspect." _jamaica morning journal of oct. _. grenada.--according to the _free press_, it would appear that 'the proprietors and managers of several estates in duquesne valley, and elsewhere, their patience being worn out, and seeing the cultivation of their estates going to ruin, determined to put the law into operation, by compelling, after allowing twenty-three or twenty-four days of idleness, the people either to work or to leave the estates. they resisted; the aid of the magistrates and of the constabulary force was called in, but without effect, and actual violence was, we learn, used towards those who came to enforce the law. advices were immediately sent down to the executive, despatched by a gentleman of the troop, who reached town about half past five o'clock on saturday morning last. we believe a privy council was summoned, and during the day, capt. clarke of the st west-india regiment, and government secretary, lieut. mould of the royal engineers, and lieut. costabodie of the th, together with twenty men of the th, and of the st west india, embarked, to be conveyed by water to the scene of insubordination.' "'we have not learnt the reception this force met with, from the laborers, but the results of the visit paid them were, that yesterday, there were at work, on four estates, none: on eleven others, in all, and on another all except three, who are in the hands of the magistrates. on one of the above properties, the great gang was, on friday last, represented in the cane-piece by one old woman!'" "'the presence of the soldiers has had, it will be seen, some effect, yet still the prospects are far from encouraging; a system of stock plundering, &c. is prevalent to a fearful degree, some gentlemen and the industrious laborers having had their fowls, &c. entirely carried off by the worthless criminals; it is consolatory, however, to be able to quote the following written, to us by a gentleman: "although there are a good many people on the different estates, still obstinate and resisting either to work or to leave the properties, yet i hope that if the military are posted at samaritan for some time longer, they will come round, several of the very obstinate having done so already." two negroes were sent down to goal on monday last, to have their trial for assaulting the magistrates.'" "'such are the facts, as far as we have been able to ascertain them, which have attended a rebellious demonstration among a portion of the laboring population, calculated to excite well-founded apprehension in the whole community. had earlier preventive measures been adopted, this open manifestation of a spirit of resistance to, and defiance of the law, might have been avoided. on this point, we have, in contempt of the time-serving reflections it has drawn upon us, freely and fearlessly expressed our opinion, and we shall now only remark, that matters having come to the pass we have stated, the executive has adopted the only effective means to bring affairs again to a healthy state; fortunate is it for the colony, that this has been done, and we trust that the effects will be most beneficial.'" tobago. the following testifies well for the ability of the emancipated to take care of themselves. "'tobago.--the gazette of this island informs us that up to the period of its going to press, the accounts from the country, as to the disinclination of the laborers to turn out to work are much the same as we have given of last week. early this morning parties of them were seen passing through town in various directions, accompanied by their children, and carrying along with them their ground provisions, stock, &c. indicating a change of location. whilst on many estates where peremptory demands have been made that work be resumed, or the laborers should leave the estate, downright refusal to do either the one or the other has been the reply; and that reply has been accompanied by threat and menace of personal violence against any attempts to turn them out of their houses and grounds. in the transition of the laborers from a state of bondage to freedom, much that in their manners and deportment would have brought them summarily under the coercion of the stipendiary magistrate, formerly, may now be practised with impunity; and the fear is lest that nice discrimination betwixt restraints just terminated and rights newly acquired, will not be clouded for some time, even in the minds of the authorities, before whom laborers are likely to be brought for their transgression. thus, although it may appear like an alarming confederacy, the system of sending delegates, or head men, around the estates, which the laborers have adopted, as advisers, or agents, to promote general unanimity; it must be borne in mind that this is perfectly justifiable; and it is only where actual violence has been threatened by those delegates against those who choose to work at under wages, that the authorities can merely assure them of their protection from violence.'--_morning jour., oct. ._" the _barbadian_ of november , says, "an agricultural report has been lately made of the windward district of the island, which is favorable as to the general working of the negroes." the same paper of november , says, "it is satisfactory to learn that _many_ laborers in tobago are engaging more readily in agricultural operations." st. vincent. "saint vincent.--our intelligence this week, observes the gazette of th august, from the country districts, is considerably more favorable than for the previous fortnight. in most of the leeward quarter, the people have, more or less, returned to work, with the exception of very few estates, which we decline naming, as we trust that on these also they will resume their labor in a few days. the same may be said generally of the properties in st. george's parish; and in the more extensive district of charlotte, there is every prospect that the same example will be followed next week particularly in the caraib country, where a few laborers on some properties have been at work during the present week, and the explanation and advice given them by mr. special justice ross has been attended with the best effect, and we doubt not will so continue. in the biabou quarter the laborers have resumed work in greater numbers than in other parts of the parish, and the exceptions in this, as in ether districts, we hope will continue but a short time." the barbadian of november , speaks of a "megass house" set on fire in this island which the peasantry refused to extinguish, and adds that but half work is performed by the laborer in that parish. "those of the adjoining parish," its says, "are said to be working satisfactorily." in a subsequent paper we notice a report from the chief of police to the lieutenant governor, which speaks favorably of the general working of the negroes, as far as he had been able to ascertain by inquiry into a district comprising one-third of the laborers. the new york commercial advertiser of february , has a communication from amos townsend, esq., cashier of the new haven bank; dated new haven, february , , from which we make the following extract. he says he obtained his information from one of the most extensive shipping houses in that city connected with the west india trade. "a mr. jackson, a planter from st. vincents, has been in this city within a few day, and says that the emancipation of the slaves on that island works extremely well; and that his plantation produces more and yields a larger profit than it has ever done before. the emancipated slaves now do in eight hours what was before considered a two-days' task, and he pays the laborers a dollar a day. mr. jackson further states that he, and mr. nelson, of trinidad, with another gentleman from the same islands, have been to washington, and conferred with mr. calhoun and mr. clay, _to endeavour to concert some plan to get colored laborers from this country to emigrate to these islands, as there is a great want of hands._ they offer one dollar a day for able bodied hands. the gentlemen at washington were pleased with the idea of thus disposing of the free blacks at the south, and would encourage their efforts to induce that class of the colored people to emigrate. mr. calhoun remarked that it was the most feasible plan of colonizing the free blacks that had ever been suggested. this is the amount of my information, and comes in so direct a channel as leaves no room to doubt its correctness. what our southern champions will now say to this direct testimony from their brother planters of the west indies, of the practicability and safety of immediate emancipation, remains to be seen. truly yours." amos townsend, jun. st. lucia. saint lucia.--the palladium states that affairs are becoming worse every day with the planters. their properties are left without labourers to work them; their buildings broken into, stores and produce stolen, ground provisions destroyed, stock robbed, and they themselves insulted and laughed at. on saturday night, the commissary of police arrived in town from the third and fourth districts, with some twenty or thirty prisoners, who had been convicted before the chief justice of having assaulted the police in the execution of their duty, and sent to gaol. "it has been deemed necessary to call for military aid with a view of humbling the high and extravagant ideas entertained by the ex-apprentices upon the independence of their present condition; thirty-six men of the first west india regiment, and twelve of the seventy-fourth have been accordingly despatched; the detachment embarked yesterday on board mr. muter's schooner, the louisa, to land at soufriere, and march into the interior." in both the above cases where the military was called out, the provocation was given by the white. and in both cases it was afterwards granted to be needless. indeed, in the quelling of one of these factitious rebellions, the prisoners taken were two white men, and one of them a manager. * * * * * the chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. new york published by the american anti-slavery society. no. nassau street. _please read and circulate._ the new testament against slavery. * * * * * "the son of man is come to seek and to save that which was lost." is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? in thomas jefferson, supported by a noble band of patriots and surrounded by the american people, opened his lips in the authoritative declaration: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, _that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness._" and from the inmost heart of the multitudes around, and in a strong and clear voice, broke forth the unanimous and decisive answer: amen--such truths we do indeed hold to be self-evident. and animated and sustained by a declaration, so inspiring and sublime, they rushed to arms, and as the result of agonizing efforts and dreadful sufferings, achieved under god the independence of their country. the great truth, whence they derived light and strength to assert and defend their rights, they made the foundation of their republic. and in the midst of _this republic_, must we prove, that he, who was the truth, did not contradict "the truths" which he himself, as their creator, had made self-evident to mankind? is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, according to those laws which make it what it is, is american slavery? in the statute-book of south carolina thus it is written:[a] "slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_ in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatever." the very root of american slavery consists in the assumption, that _law has reduced men to chattels_. but this assumption is, and must be, a gross falsehood. men and cattle are separated from each other by the creator, immutably, eternally, and by an impassable gulf. to confound or identify men and cattle must be to _lie_ most wantonly, impudently, and maliciously. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of palpable, monstrous falsehood? [footnote a: stroud's slave laws, p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? how can a system, built upon a stout and impudent denial of self-evident truth--a system of treating men like cattle--operate? thomas jefferson shall answer. hear him.[b] "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, can not but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy, who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances." such is the practical operation of a system, which puts men and cattle into the same family and treats them alike. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of a school where the worst vices in their most hateful forms are systematically and efficiently taught and practiced? [footnote b: notes on virginia.] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, in , did the general assembly of the presbyterian church affirm respecting its nature and operation?[c] "slavery creates a paradox in the moral system--it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings, in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. it exhibits them as dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true god; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. such are some of the consequences of slavery; consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, _often take place_ in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place, still the slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest." must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of such things? [footnote c: minutes of the general assembly for , p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? it is already widely felt and openly acknowledged at the south, that they can not support slavery without sustaining the opposition of universal christendom. and thomas jefferson declared, that "he trembled for his country when he reflected, that god is just; that his justice can not sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events; that it may become practicable by supernatural influences! the almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest."[a] and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of what universal christendom is impelled to abhor, denounce, and oppose;--is not in favor of what every attribute of almighty god is armed against? [footnote a: notes on virginia] "ye have despised the poor." it is no man of straw, with whom in making out such proof we are called to contend. would to god we had no other antagonist! would to god that our labor of love could be regarded as a work of supererogation! but we may well be ashamed and grieved; to find it necessary to "stop the mouths" of grave and learned ecclesiastics, who from the heights of zion have undertaken to defend the institution of slavery. we speak not now of those, who amidst the monuments of oppression are engaged in the sacred vocation; who as ministers of the gospel can "prophesy smooth things" to such as pollute the altar of jehovah with human sacrifices; nay, who themselves bind the victim and kindle the sacrifice. that _they_ should put their savior to the torture, to wring from his lips something in favor of slavery, is not to be wondered at. they consent to the murder of the children; can they respect the rights of the father? but what shall we say of theological professors at the north--professors of sacred literature at our oldest divinity schools--who stand up to defend, both by argument and authority, southern slavery! and from the bible! who, balaam-like, try a thousand expedients to force from the mouth of jehovah a sentence which they know the heart of jehovah abhors! surely we have here something more mischievous and formidable than a man of straw. more than two years ago, and just before the meeting of the general assembly of the presbyterian church, appeared an article in the biblical repertory,[a] understood to be from the pen of the professor of sacred literature at princeton, in which an effort is made to show, that slavery, whatever may be said of _any abuses_ of it, is _not a violation of the precepts of the gospel_. this article, we are informed, was industriously and extensively distributed among the members of the general assembly--a body of men, who by a frightful majority seemed already too much disposed to wink at the horrors of slavery. the effect of the princeton apology on the southern mind, we have high authority for saying, has been most decisive and injurious. it has contributed greatly to turn the public eye off from the sin--from the inherent and necessary _evils of slavery_ to incidental evils, which the _abuse_ of it might be expected to occasion. and how few can be brought to admit, that whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows where or how, any such thing is chargeable upon them! thus our princeton prophet has done what he could to lay the southern conscience asleep upon ingenious perversions of the sacred volume! [footnote a: for april, . the general assembly of the presbyterian church met in the following may, at pittsburgh, where, in pamphlet form, this article was distributed. the following appeared upon the title page: pittsburgh: . _for gratuitous distribution_. ] about a year after this, an effort in the same direction was jointly made by dr. fisk and prof. stuart. in a letter to a methodist clergyman, mr. merritt, published in zion's herald, dr. fisk gives utterance to such things as the following:--"but that you and the public may see and _feel_, that you have the ablest and those who are among the honestest men of this age, arrayed against you, be pleased to notice the following letter from prof. stuart." i wrote to him, knowing as i did his integrity of purpose, his unflinching regard for truth, as well as his deserved reputation as a scholar and biblical critic, proposing the following questions:-- . does the new testament directly or indirectly teach, that slavery existed in the primitive church? . in tim. vi. , and they that have believing masters, &c., what is the relation expressed or implied between "they" (servants) and "_believing masters_?" and what are your reasons for the construction of the passage? . what was the character of ancient and eastern slavery?--especially what (legal) power did this relation give the master over the slave? professor stuart's reply. andover, th april, . rev. and dear sir,--yours is before me. a sickness of three months' standing (typhus fever,) in which i have just escaped death, and which still confines me to my house, renders it impossible for me to answer your letter at large. . the precepts of the new testament respecting the demeanor of slaves and of their masters, beyond all question, recognize the existence of slavery. the masters are in part "believing masters," so that a precept to them, how they are to behave as _masters_, recognizes that the relation may still exist, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_, ("without violating the christian faith or the church.") otherwise, paul had nothing to do but to cut the band asunder at once. he could not lawfully and properly temporize with a _malum in se_, ("that which is in itself sin.") if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life. the relation did exist, may exist. the _abuse_ of it is the essential and fundamental wrong. not that the theory of slavery is in itself right. no; "love thy neighbor as thyself," "do unto others that which ye would that others should do unto you," decide against this. but the relation once constituted and continued, is not such a _malum in se_ as calls for immediate and violent disruption at all hazards. so paul did not counsel. . tim. vi. , expresses the sentiment, that slaves, who are christians and have christian masters, are not, on that account, and because _as christians they are brethren_, to forego the reverence due to them as masters. that is, the relation of master and slave is not, as a matter of course, abrogated between all christians. nay, servants should in such a case, a _fortiori_, do their duty cheerfully. this sentiment lies on the very face of the case. what the master's duty in such a case may be in respect to _liberation_, is another question, and one which the apostle does not here treat of. . every one knows, who is acquainted with greek or latin antiquities, that slavery among heathen nations has ever been more unqualified and at looser ends than among christian nations. slaves were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_. their treatment depended, as it does now, on the temper of their masters. the power of the master over the slave was, for a long time, that of _life and death_. horrible cruelties at length mitigated it. in the apostle's day, it was at least as great as among us. after all the spouting and vehemence on this subject, which have been exhibited, the _good old book_ remains the same. paul's conduct and advice are still safe guides. paul knew well that christianity would ultimately destroy slavery, as it certainly will. he knew too, that it would destroy monarchy and aristocracy from the earth; for it is fundamentally a doctrine of _true liberty and equality_. yet paul did not expect slavery or anarchy to be ousted in a day; and gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor _ad interim_. with sincere and paternal regard, your friend and brother, m. stuart. * * * * * --this, sir, is doctrine that will stand, because it is _bible doctrine_. the abolitionists, then, are on a wrong course. they have traveled out of the record; and if they would succeed, they must take a different position, and approach the subject in a different manner. respectfully yours, w. fisk "so they wrap [snarl] it up." what are we taught here? that in the ecclesiastical organizations which grew up under the hands of the apostles, slavery was admitted as a relation, that did not violate the christian faith; that the relation may now in like manner exist; that "the abuse of it is the essential and fundamental wrong;" and, of course, that american christians may hold their own brethren in slavery without incurring guilt or inflicting injury. thus according to prof. stuart, jesus christ has not a word to say against "the peculiar institutions" of the south. if our brethren there do not "abuse" the privilege of exacting unpaid labor, they may multiply their slaves to their hearts' content, without exposing themselves to the frown of the savior or laying their christian character open to the least suspicion. could any trafficker in human flesh ask for greater latitude? and to such doctrines, dr. fisk eagerly aid earnestly subscribes. he goes further. he urges it on the attention of his brethren, as containing important truth, which they ought to embrace. according to him, it is "_bible doctrine_," showing, that "the abolitionists are on a wrong course," and must, "if they would succeed, take a different position." we now refer to such distinguished names, to show, that in attempting to prove that jeans christ is not in favor of american slavery, we contend with something else than a man of straw. the ungrateful task, which a particular examination of prof. stuart's letter lays upon us, we hope fairly to dispose of in due season.--enough has now been said, to make it clear and certain, that american slavery has its apologists and advocates in the northern pulpit; advocates and apologists, who fall behind few if any of their brethren in the reputation they have acquired, the stations they occupy, and the general influence they are supposed to exert. is it so? did slavery exist in judea, and among the jews, in its worst form, during the savior's incarnation? if the jews held slaves, they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the mosaic dispensation. whoever has any doubts of this may well resolve his doubts in the light of the argument entitled "the bible against slavery." if, after a careful and thorough examination of that article, he can believe that slaveholding prevailed during the ministry of jesus christ among the jews and in accordance with the authority of moses, he would do the reading public an important service to record the grounds of his belief--especially in a fair and full refutation of that argument. till that is done, we hold ourselves excused from attempting to prove what we now repeat, that if the jews during our savior's incarnation held slaves, they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the mosaic dispensation. could christ and the apostles every where among their countrymen come in contact with slaveholding, being as it was a gross violation of that law which their office and their profession required them to honor and enforce, without exposing and condemning it. in its worst forms, we are told, slavery prevailed over the whole world, not excepting judea. as, according to such ecclesiastics as stuart, hodge, and fisk, slavery in itself is not bad at all, the term "_worst_" could be applied only to "_abuses_" of this innocent relation. slavery accordingly existed among the jews, disfigured and disgraced by the "worst abuses" to which it is liable. these abuses in the ancient world, prof. stuart describes as "horrible cruelties." and in our own country, such abuses have grown so rank, as to lead a distinguished eye-witness--no less a philosopher and statesman than thomas jefferson--to say, that they had armed against us every attribute of the almighty. with these things the savior every where came in contact, among the people to whose improvement and salvation he devoted his living powers, and yet not a word, not a syllable, in exposure and condemnation of such "horrible cruelties," escaped his lips! he saw--among the "covenant people" of jehovah he saw, the babe plucked from the bosom of its mother; the wife torn from the embrace of her husband; the daughter driven to the market by the scourge of her own father;--he saw the word of god sealed up from those who, of all men, were especially entitled to its enlightening, quickening influence;--nay, he saw men beaten for kneeling before the throne of heavenly mercy;--such things he saw without a word of admonition or reproof! no sympathy with them who suffered wrong--no indignation at them who inflicted wrong, moved his heart! from the alledged silence of the savior, when in contact with slavery among the jews, our divines infer, that it is quite consistent with christianity. and they affirm, that he saw it in its worst forms; that is, he witnessed what prof. stuart ventures to call "horrible cruelties." but what right have these interpreters of the sacred volume to regard any form of slavery which the savior found, as "worst," or even bad? according to their inference--which they would thrust gag-wise into the mouths of abolitionists--his silence should seal up their lips. they ought to hold their tongues. they have no right to call any form of slavery bad--an abuse; much less, horribly cruel! their inference is broad enough to protect the most brutal driver amidst his deadliest inflictions! "think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets; i am not come to destroy, but to fulfill." and did the head of the new dispensation, then, fall so far behind the prophets of the old in a hearty and effective regard for suffering humanity? the forms of oppression which they witnessed, excited their compassion and aroused their indignation. in terms the most pointed and powerful, they exposed, denounced, threatened. they could not endure the creatures, who "used their neighbors' service without wages, and gave him not for his work;"[a] who imposed "heavy burdens"[b] upon their fellows, and loaded them with "the bands of wickedness;" who, "hiding themselves from their own flesh," disowned their own mothers' children. professions of piety, joined with the oppression of the poor, they held up to universal scorn and execration, as the dregs of hypocrisy. they warned the creature of such professions, that he could escape the wrath of jehovah only by heartfelt repentance. and yet, according to the ecclesiastics with whom we have to do, the lord of these prophets passed by in silence just such enormities as he commanded them to expose and denounce! every where, he came in contact with slavery in its worst forms--"horrible cruelties" forced themselves upon his notice; but not a word of rebuke or warning did he utter. he saw "a boy given for a harlot, and a girl sold for wine, that they might drink,"[c] without the slightest feeling of displeasure, or any mark of disapprobation! to such disgusting and horrible conclusions, do the arguings which, from the haunts of sacred literature, are inflictcd on our churches, lead us! according to them, jesus christ, instead of shining as the light of the world, extinguished the torches which his own prophets had kindled, and plunged mankind into the palpable darkness of a starless midnight! o savior, in pity to thy suffering people, let thy temple be no longer used as a "den of thieves!" [footnote a: jeremiah xxii. .] [footnote b: isaiah lviii. , .] [footnote c: joel iii. .] "thou thoughtest that i was altogether such an one as thyself." in passing by the worst forms of slavery, with which he every where came in contact among the jews, the savior must have been inconsistent with himself. he was commissioned to preach glad tidings to the poor; to heal the broken-hearted; to preach deliverance to the captives; to set at liberty them that are bruised; to preach the year of jubilee. in accordance with this commission, he bound himself, from the earliest date of his incarnation, to the poor, by the strongest ties; himself "had not where to lay his head;" he exposed himself to misrepresentation and abuse for his affectionate intercourse with the outcasts of society; he stood up as the advocate of the widow, denouncing and dooming the heartless ecclesiastics, who had made her bereavement a source of gain; and in describing the scenes of the final judgment, he selected the very personification of poverty, disease, and oppression, as the test by which our regard for him should be determined. to the poor and wretched; to the degraded and despised, his arms were ever open. they had his tenderest sympathies. they had his warmest love. his heart's blood he poured out upon the ground for the human family, reduced to the deepest degradation, and exposed to the heaviest inflictions, as the slaves of the grand usurper. and yet, according to our ecclesiastics, that class of sufferers who had been reduced immeasurably below every other shape and form of degradation and distress; who had been most rudely thrust out of the family of adam, and forced to herd with swine; who, without the slightest offense, had been made the foot-stool of the worst criminals; whose "tears were their meat night and day," while, under nameless insults and killing injuries, they were continually crying, o lord, o lord:--this class of sufferers, and this alone, our biblical expositors, occupying the high places of sacred literature, would make us believe the compassionate savior coldly overlooked. not an emotion of pity; not a look of sympathy; not a word of consolation, did his gracious heart prompt him to bestow upon them! he denounces damnation upon the devourer of the widow's house. but the monster, whose trade it is to make widows and devour them and their babes, he can calmly endure! o savior, when wilt thou stop the mouths of such blasphemers! it is the spirit that quickeneth. it seems, that though, according to our princeton professor, "the subject" of slavery "is hardly alluded to by christ in any of his personal instructions[a]," he had a way of "treating it." what was that? why, "he taught the true nature, dignity, equality, and destiny of men," and "inculcated the principles of justice and love."[b] and according to professor stuart, the maxims which our savior furnished, "decide against" "the theory of slavery." all, then, that these ecclesiastical apologists for slavery can make of the savior's alledged silence is, that he did not, in his personal instructions, "_apply his own principles to this particular form of wickedness_." for wicked that must be, which the maxims of the savior decide against, and which our princeton professor assures us the principles of the gospel, duly acted on, would speedily extinguish[c]. how remarkable it is, that a teacher should "hardly allude to a subject in any of his personal instructions," and yet inculcate principles which have a direct and vital bearing upon it!--should so conduct, as to justify the inference, that "slaveholding is not a crime[d]," and at the same time lend his authority for its "speedy extinction!" [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, (already alluded to,)p. .] [footnote b: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] [footnote c: the same, p. .] [footnote d: the same, p. .] higher authority than sustains _self-evident truths_ there can not be. as forms of reason, they are rays from the face of jehovah. not only are their presence and power self-manifested, but they also shed a strong and clear light around them. in this light, other truths are visible. luminaries themselves, it is their office to enlighten. to their authority, in every department of thought, the sane mind bows promptly, gratefully, fully. and by their authority, he explains, proves, and disposes of whatever engages his attention and engrosses his powers as a reasonable and reasoning creature. for what, when thus employed and when most successful, is the utmost he can accomplish? why, to make the conclusions which he would establish and commend, _clear in the light of reason_;--in other words, to evince that _they are reasonable_. he expects, that those with whom he has to do, will acknowledge the authority of principle--will see whatever is exhibited in the light of reason. if they require him to go further, and, in order to convince them, to do something more that show that the doctrines he maintains, and the methods he proposes, are accordant with reason--are illustrated and supported by "self-evident truths"--they are plainly "beside themselves." they have lost the use of reason. they are not to be argued with. they belong to the mad-house. "come now, let us reason together, saith the lord." are we to honor the bible, which prof. stuart quaintly calls "the good old book," by turning away from "self-evident truths" to receive its instructions? can these truths be contradicted or denied there? do we search for something there to obscure their clearness, or break their force, or reduce their authority? do we long to find something there, in the form of premises or conclusions, of arguing or of inference, in broad statements or blind hints, creed-wise or fact-wise, which may set us free from the light and power of first principles? and what if we were to discover what we were thus in search of?--something directly or indirectly, expressly or impliedly prejudicial to the principles, which reason, placing us under the authority of, makes self-evident? in what estimation, in that case, should we be constrained to hold the bible? could we longer honor it, as the book of god? _the book of god opposed to the authority of_ reason! why, before what tribunal do we dispose of the claims of the sacred volume to divine authority? the tribunal of reason. _this every one acknowledges the moment he begins to reason on the subject_. and what must reason do with a book, which reduced the authority of its own principles--broke the force of self-evident truths? is he not, by way of eminence, the apostle of infidelity, who, as a minister of the gospel or a professor of sacred literature, exerts himself, with whatever arts of ingenuity or show of piety, to exalt the bible at the expense of reason? let such arts succeed and such piety prevail, and jesus christ is "crucified afresh and put to an open shame." what saith the princeton professor? why, in spite of "general principles," and "clear as we may think the arguments against despotism, there have been thousands of enlightened _and good men_, who _honestly_ believe it to be of all forms of government the best and most acceptable to god."[a] now, these "good men" must have been thus warmly in favor of despotism, in consequence of, or in opposition to, their being "enlightened." in other words, the light, which in such abundance they enjoyed, conducted them to the position in favor of despotism, where the princeton professor so heartily shook hands with them, or they must have forced their way there in despite of its hallowed influence. either in accordance with, or in resistance to the light, they became what he found them--the advocates of despotism. if in resistance to the light--and he says they were "enlightened men"--what, so far as the subject with which alone he and we are now concerned, becomes of their "honesty" and "goodness?" good and honest resisters of the light, which was freely poured around them! of such, what says professor stuart's "good old book?" their authority, where "general principles" command the least respect, must be small indeed. but if in accordance with the light, they have become the advocates of despotism, then is despotism "the best form of government and most acceptable to god." it is sustained by the authority of reason, by the word of jehovah, by the will of heaven! if this be the doctrine which prevails at certain theological seminaries, it must be easy to account for the spirit which they breathe, and the general influence which they exert. why did not the princeton professor place this "general principle" as a shield, heaven-wrought and reason-approved, over that cherished form of despotism which prevails among the churches of the south, and leave the "peculiar institutions" he is so forward to defend, under its protection? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] what is the "general principle" to which, whatever may become of despotism with its "honest" admirers and "enlightened" supporters, human governments should be universally and carefully adjusted? clearly this--_that as capable of, man is entitled to, self-government_. and this is a specific form of a still more general principle, which may well be pronounced self-evident--_that every thing should be treated according to its nature_. the mind that can doubt of this, must be incapable of rational conviction. man, then,--it is the dictate of reason, it is the voice of jehovah--must be treated _as a man_. what is he? what are his distinctive attributes? the creator impressed his own image on him. in this were found the grand peculiarities of his character. here shone his glory. here reason manifests its laws. here the will puts forth its volitions. here is the crown of immortality. why such endowments? thus furnished--the image of jehovah--is he not capable of self-government? and is he not to be so treated? _within the sphere where the laws of reason place him_, may he not act according to his choice--carry out his own volitions?--may he not enjoy life, exult in freedom and pursue as he will the path of blessedness? if not, why was he so created and endowed? why the mysterious, awful attribute of will? to be a source, profound as the depths of hell, of exquisite misery, of keen anguish, of insufferable torment! was man formed "according to the image of jehovah," to be crossed, thwarted, counteracted; to be forced in upon himself; to be the sport of endless contradictions; to be driven back and forth forever between mutually repellant forces; and all, all "_at the discretion of another!"_[a] how can men be treated according to his nature, as endowed with reason or will, if excluded from the powers and privileges of self government?--if "despotism" be let loose upon him, to "deprive him of personal liberty, oblige him to serve at the discretion of another," and with the power of "transferring" such "authority" over him and such claim upon him, to "another master?" if "thousands of enlightened and good men" can so easily be found, who are forward to support "despotism" as "of all governments the best and most acceptable to god," we need not wonder at the testimony of universal history, that "the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now." groans and travail-pangs must continue to be the order of the day throughout "the whole creation," till the rod of despotism be broken, and man be treated as man--as capable of, and entitled to, self-government. [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. ] but what is the despotism whose horrid features our smooth professor tries to hide beneath an array of cunningly-selected words and nicely-adjusted sentences? it is the despotism of american slavery--which crushes the very life of humanity out of its victims, and transforms them to cattle! at its touch, they sink from men to things! "slaves," with prof. stuart, "were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_." yes, truly. and slaves in republican america are _property_; and as that easily, clearly, and definitely settles "all questions about their _relation_," why should the princeton professor have put himself to the trouble of weaving a definition equally ingenious and inadequate--at once subtle and deceitful? ah, why? was he willing thus to conceal the wrongs of his mother's children even from himself? if among the figments of his brain, he could fashion slaves, and make them something else than property, he knew full well that a very different pattern was in use among the southern patriarchs. why did he not, in plain words, and sober earnest, and good faith, describe the thing as it was, instead of employing honied words and courtly phrases, to set forth with all becoming vagueness and ambiguity what might possibly be supposed to exist in the regions of fancy. "for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil." but are we, in maintaining the principle of self-government, to overlook the unripe, or neglected, or broken powers of any of our fellow-men with whom we may be connected?--or the strong passions, vicious propensities, or criminal pursuit of others? certainly not. but in providing for their welfare, we are to exert influences and impose restraints suited to their character. in wielding those prerogatives which the social of our nature authorizes us to employ for their benefit, we are to regard them as they are in truth, not things, not cattle, not articles of merchandize, but men, our fellow-men--reflecting, from however battered and broken a surface, reflecting with us the image of a common father. and the great principle of self-government is to be the basis, to which the whole structure of discipline under which they may be placed, should be adapted. from the nursery and village school on to the work-house and state-prison, this principle is over and in all things to be before the eyes, present in the thoughts, warm on the heart. otherwise, god is insulted, while his image is despised and abused. yes, indeed, we remember that in carrying out the principle of self-government, multiplied embarrassments and obstructions grow out of wickedness on the one hand and passion on the other. such difficulties and obstacles we are far enough from overlooking. but where are they to be found? are imbecility and wickedness, bad hearts and bad heads, confined to the bottom of society? alas, the weakest of the weak, and the desperately wicked, often occupy the high places of the earth, reducing every thing within their reach to subserviency to the foulest purposes. nay, the very power they have usurped, has often been the chief instrument of turning their heads, inflaming their passions, corrupting their hearts. all the world knows, that the possession of arbitrary power has a strong tendency to make men shamelessly wicked and insufferably mischievous. and this, whether the vassals over whom they domineer, be few or many. if you can not trust man with himself, will you put his fellows under his control?--and flee from the inconveniences incident to self-government, to the horrors of despotism? "thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal." is the slaveholder, the most absolute and shameless of all despots, to be intrusted with the discipline of the injured men whom he himself has reduced to cattle?--with the discipline by which they are to be prepared to wield the powers and enjoy the privileges of freemen? alas, of such discipline as he can furnish, in the relation of owner to property, they have had enough. from this sprang the vary ignorance and vice, which in the view of many lie in the way of their immediate enfranchisement. he it is, who has darkened their eyes and crippled their powers. and are they to look to him for illumination and renewed vigor!--and expect "grapes from thorns and figs from thistles!" heaven forbid! when, according to arrangements which had usurped the sacred name of law, he consented to receive and use them as property, he forfeited all claims to the esteem and confidence, not only of the helpless sufferers themselves, but also of every philanthropist. in becoming a slaveholder, he became the enemy of mankind. the very act was a declaration of war upon human man nature. what less can be made of the process of turning men to cattle? it is rank absurdity--it is the height of madness, to propose to employ _him_ to train, for the places of freemen, those whom he has wantonly robbed of every right--whom he has stolen from themselves. sooner place burke, who used to murder for the sake of selling bodies to the dissector, at the head of a hospital. why, what have our slaveholders been about these two hundred years? have they not been constantly and earnestly engaged in the work of education? --training up their human cattle? and how? thomas jefferson shall answer. "the whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other." is this the way to fit the unprepared for the duties and privileges of american citizens? will the evils of the dreadful process be diminished by adding to it length? what, in , was the unanimous testimony of the general assembly of the presbyterian church? why, after describing a variety of influences growing out of slavery, most fatal to mental and moral improvement, the general assembly assure us, that such "consequences are not imaginary, but connect themselves with the very existence of slavery. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, often take place in fact, and in their very worst degree and form[a]; and where all of them do not take place," "still the slave is deprived of his natural right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries, which inhumanity and avarice may suggest." is this the condition in which our ecclesiastics would keep the slave, at least a little longer, to fit him to be restored to himself? [footnote a: the words here marked as emphasis were so distinguished by ourselves.] "and they stopped their ears." the methods of discipline under which, as slaveholders, the southrons now place their human cattle, they with one consent and in great wrath, forbid us to examine. the statesman and the priest unite in the assurance, that these methods are none of our business. nay, they give us distinctly to understand, that if we come among them to take observations, and make inquiries, and discuss questions, they will dispose of us as outlaws. nothing will avail to protect us from speedy and deadly violence! what inference does all this warrant? surely, not that the methods which they employ are happy and worthy of universal application. if so, why do they not take the praise, and give us the benefit, of their wisdom, enterprise, and success? who, that has nothing to hide, practices concealment?--"he that doeth truth cometh to the light, that his deeds may be manifest, that they are wrought in god." is this the way of slaveholders? darkness they court--they will have darkness. doubtless "because their deeds are evil." can we confide in methods for the benefit of our enslaved brethren, which it is death for us to examine? whet good ever came, what good can we expect, from deeds of darkness? did the influence of the masters contribute any thing in the west indies; to prepare the apprentices for enfranchisement? nay, verily. all the world knows better. they did what in them lay, to turn back the tide of blessings, which through emancipation was pouring in upon the famishing around them. are not the best minds and hearts in england now thoroughly convinced, that slavery, under no modification, can be a school for freedom? we say such things to the many who alledge, that slaves can not at once be entrusted with the powers and privileges of self-government. however this may be, they can not be better qualified under _the influence of slavery_. _that must be broken up_ from which their ignorance, and viciousness, and wretchedness proceeded. that which can only do what it has always done, pollute and degrade, must not be employed to purify and elevate. _the lower their character and condition, the louder, clearer, sterner, the just demand for immediate emancipation_. the plague-smitten sufferer can derive no benefit from breathing a little longer an infected atmosphere. in thus referring to elemental principles--in thus availing ourselves of the light of self-evident truths--we bow to the authority and tread in the foot-prints of the great teacher. he chid those around him for refusing to make the same use of their reason in promoting their spiritual, as they made in promoting their temporal welfare. he gives them distinctly to understand, that they need not go out of themselves to form a just estimation of their position, duties, and prospects, as standing in the presence of the messiah. "why, even of yourselves," he demands of them, "judge ye not what is _right_?"[a] how could they, unless they had a clear light, and an infallible standard _within them_, whereby, amidst the relations they sustained and the interests they had to provide for, they might discriminate between truth and falsehood, right and wrong, what they ought to attempt and what they ought to eschew? from this pointed, significant appeal of the savior, it is clear and certain, that in human consciousness may be found self-evident truths, self-manifested principles; that every man, studying his own consciousness, is bound to recognize their presence and authority, and in sober earnest and good faith to apply them to the highest practical concerns of "life and godliness." it is in obedience to the bible, that we apply self-evident truths, and walk in the light of general principles. when our fathers proclaimed these truths, and at the hazard of their property, reputation, and life, stood up in their defense, they did homage to the sacred scriptures--they honored the bible. in that volume, not a syllable can be found to justify that form of infidelity, which in the abused name of piety, reproaches us for practicing the lessons which "nature teacheth."[b] these lessons, the bible requires us reverently to listen to, earnestly to appropriate, and most diligently and faithfully to act upon in every direction and on all occasions. [footnote a: luke xii. .] [footnote b: cor. xi. .] why, our savior goes so far in doing honor to reason, as to encourage men universally to dispose of the characteristic peculiarities and distinctive features of the gospel in the light of its principles. "if any man will do his will, he shall know of the doctrine, whether it be of god, or whether i speak of myself."[c] natural religion--the principles which nature reveals, and the lessons which nature teaches--he thus makes a test of the truth and authority of revealed religion. so far was he, as a teacher, from shrinking from the clearest and most piercing rays of reason--from calling off the attention of those around him from the import, bearings, and practical application of general principle. and those who would have us escape from the pressure of self-evident truths, by betaking ourselves to the doctrines and precepts of christianity, whatever airs of piety they may put on, do foul dishonor to the savior of mankind. [footnote c: john vii. .] and what shall we say of the golden rule, which, according to the savior, comprehends all the precepts of the bible? "whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets." according to this maxim, in human consciousness, universally, may be found, . the standard whereby, in all the relations and circumstances of life, we may determine what heaven demands and expects of us. . the just application of this standard, is practicable for, and obligatory upon, every child of adam. . the qualification requisite to a just application of this rule to all the cases in which we can be concerned, is simply this--_to regard all the members of the human family as our brethren, our equals_. in other words, the savior here teaches us, that in the principles and laws of reason, we have an infallible guide in all the relations and circumstances of life; that nothing can hinder our following this guide, but the bias of _selfishness_; and that the moment, in deciding any moral question, we place _ourselves in the room of our brother_, before the bar of reason, we shall see what decision ought to be pronounced. does this, in the savior, look like fleeing self-evident truths!--like decrying the authority of general principles!--like exalting himself at the expense of reason!--like opening a refuge in the gospel for those whose practice is at variance with the dictates of humanity! what then is the just application of the golden rule--that fundamental maxim of the gospel, giving character to, and shedding light upon, all its precepts and arrangements--to the subject of slavery?--_that we must "do to" slaves as we would be done by_, as slaves, _the_ relation _itself being justified and continued_? surely not. a little reflection will enable us to see, that the golden rule reaches farther in its demands, and strikes deeper in its influences and operations. the _natural equality_ of mankind lies at the very basis of this great precept. it obviously requires _every man to acknowledge another self in every other man_. with my powers and resources, and in my appropriate circumstances, i am to recognize in any child of adam who may address me, another self in his appropriate circumstances and with his powers and resources. this is the natural equality of mankind; and this the golden rule requires us to admit, defend, and maintain. "why do ye not understand my speech; even because ye can not hear my word." they strangely misunderstand and grossly misrepresent this doctrine, who charge upon it the absurdities and mischiefs which _any "levelling system"_ can not but produce. in all its bearings, tendencies, and effects, it is directly contrary and powerfully hostile to any such system. equality of rights, the doctrine asserts; and this necessarily opens the way for _variety of condition_. in other words, every child of adam has, from the creator, the inalienable right of wielding, within reasonable limits, his own powers, and employing his own resources, according to his own choice; while he respects his social relations, to promote as he will his own welfare. but mark--his own powers and resources, and not another's, are thus inalienably put under his control. the creator makes every man free, in whatever he may do, to exert himself, and not _another_. here no man may lawfully cripple or embarrass another. the feeble may not hinder the strong, nor may the strong crush the feeble. every man may make the most of himself; in his own proper sphere. now, as in the constitutional endowments, and natural opportunities, and lawful acquisitions of mankind, infinite variety prevails, so in exerting each himself, in his own sphere, according to his own choice, the variety of human condition can be little less than infinite. thus equality of rights opens the way for variety of condition. but with all this variety of make, means, and condition, considered individually, the children of adam are bound together by strong ties which can never be dissolved. they are mutually united by the social of their nature. hence mutual dependence and mutual claims. while each is inalienably entitled to assert and enjoy his own personality as a man, each sustains to all and all to each, various relations. while each owns and honors the individual, all are to own and honor the social of their nature. now, the golden rule distinctly recognizes, lays its requisitions upon, and extends its obligations to, the whole nature of man, in his individual capacities and social relations. what higher honor could it do to man, as _an individual_, than to constitute him the judge, by whose decision, when fairly rendered, all the claims of his fellows should be authoritatively and definitely disposed of? "whatsoever ye would" have done to you, so do ye to others. every member of the family of adam, placing himself in the position here pointed out, is competent and authorized to pass judgment on all the cases in social life in which he may be concerned. could higher responsibilities or greater confidence be reposed in men individually? and then, how are their _claims upon each other_ herein magnified! what inherent worth and solid dignity are ascribed to the social of their nature! in every man with whom i may have to do, i am to recognize the presence of _another self_, whose case i am to make _my own_. and thus i am to dispose of whatever claims he may urge upon me. thus, in accordance with the golden rule, mankind are naturally brought, in the voluntary use of their powers and resources, to promote each other's welfare. as his contribution to this great object, it is the inalienable birth-right of every child of adam, to consecrate whatever he may possess. with exalted powers and large resources, he has a natural claim to a correspondent field of effort. if his "abilities" are small, his task must be easy and his burden light. thus the golden rule requires mankind mutually to serve each other. in this service, each is to exert _himself_--employ _his own_ powers, lay out his own resources, improve his own opportunities. a division of labor is the natural result. one is remarkable for his intellectual endowments and acquisitions; another, for his wealth; and a third, for power and skill in using his muscles. such attributes, endlessly varied and diversified, proceed from the basis of a _common character_, by virtue of which all men and each--one as truly as another--are entitled, as a birth-right, to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." each and all, one as well as another, may choose his own modes of contributing his share to the general welfare, in which his own is involved and identified. under one great law of mutual dependence and mutual responsibility, all are placed--the strong as well as the weak, the rich as much as the poor, the learned no less than the unlearned. all bring their wares, the products of their enterprise, skill and industry, to the same market, where mutual exchanges are freely effected. the fruits of muscular exertion procure the fruits of mental effort. john serves thomas with his hands, and thomas serves john with his money. peter wields the axe for james, and james wields the pen for peter. moses, joshua, and caleb, employ their wisdom, courage, and experience, in the service of the community, and the community serve moses, joshua, and caleb, in furnishing them with food and raiment, and making them partakers of the general prosperity. and all this by mutual understanding and voluntary arrangement. and all this according to the golden rule. what then becomes of _slavery_--a system of arrangements, in which one man treats his fellow, not as another self, but as a thing--a chattel--an article of merchandize, which is not to be consulted in any disposition which may be made of it;--a system which is built on the annihilation of the attributes of our common nature--in which man doth to others, what he would sooner die than have done to himself? the golden rule and slavery are mutually subversive of each other. if one stands, the other must fall. the one strikes at the very root of the other. the golden rule aims at the abolition of the relation itself, in which slavery consists. it lays its demands upon every thing within the scope of _human action_. to "whatever men do," it extends its authority. and the relation itself, in which slavery consists, is the work of human hands. it is what men have done to each other--contrary to nature and most injurious to the general welfare. this relation, therefore, the golden rule condemns. wherever its authority prevails, this relation must be annihilated. mutual service and slavery--like light and darkness, life and death--are directly opposed to, and subversive of, each other. the one the golden rule can not endure; the other it requires, honors, and blesses. "love worketh no ill to his neighbor." like unto the golden rule is the second great commandment--"_thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself_." "a certain lawyer," who seems to have been fond of applying the doctrine of limitation of human obligations, once demanded of the savior, within what limits the meshing of the word "neighbor" ought to be confined. "and who is my neighbor?" the parable of the good samaritan set that matter in the clearest light, and made it manifest and certain, that _every man_ whom we could reach with our sympathy and assistance, was our neighbor, entitled to the same regard which we cherished for ourselves. consistently with such obligations, can _slavery_, as a relation, be maintained? is it then a _labor of love_--such love as we cherish for ourselves--to strip a child of adam of all the prerogatives and privileges which are his inalienable birth-right?--to obscure his reason, crush his will, and trample on his immortality?--to strike home to the inmost of his being, and break the heart of his heart?--to thrust him out of the human family, and dispose of him as a chattel--as a thing in the hands of an owner, a beast under the lash of a driver? all this, apart from every thing incidental and extraordinary, belongs to the relation, in which slavery, as such, consists. all this--well fed or ill fed, underwrought or overwrought, clothed or naked, caressed or kicked, whether idle songs break from his thoughtless tongue or "tears be his meat night and day," fondly cherished or cruelly murdered;--_all this_ enters vitally into the relation itself, _by which every slave_, as a slave, _is set apart from the rest of the human family_. is it an exercise of love, to place our "neighbor" under the crushing weight, the killing power, of such a relation?--to apply the murderous steel to the very vitals of his humanity? "ye therefore applaud and delight in the deeds of your fathers; for they killed them, and ye build their sepulchres."[a] the slaveholder may eagerly and loudly deny, that any such thing is chargeable upon him. he may confidently and earnestly alledge, that he is not responsible for the state of society in which he is placed. slavery was established before he began to breathe. it was his inheritance. his slaves are his property by birth or testament. but why will he thus deceive himself? why will he permit the cunning and rapacious spiders, which in the very sanctuary of ethics and religion are laboriously weaving webs from their own bowels, to catch him with their wretched sophistries?--and devour him, body, soul, and substance? let him know, as he must one day with shame and terror own, that whoever holds slaves is himself responsible for _the relation_, into which, whether reluctantly or willingly, he thus enters. _the relation can not be forced upon him_. what though elizabeth countenanced john hawkins in stealing the natives of africa?--what though james, and charles, and george, opened a market for them in the english colonies?--what though modern dracos have "framed mischief by law," in legalizing man-stealing and slaveholding?--what though your ancestors, in preparing to go "to their own place," constituted you the owner of the "neighbors" whom they had used as cattle?--what of all this, and as much more like this, as can be drawn from the history of that dreadful process by which men "are deemed, sold, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_?" can all this force you to put the cap upon the climax--to clinch the nail by doing that, without which nothing in the work of slave-making would be attempted? _the slaveholder is the soul of the whole system_. without him, the chattel principle is a lifeless abstraction. without him, charters, and markets, and laws, and testaments, are empty names. and does _he_ think to escape responsibility? why, kidnappers, and soul-drivers, and law-makers, are nothing but his _agents_. he is the guilty _principal_. let him look to it. [footnote a: you join with them in their bloody work. they murder, and you bury the victims.] but what can he do? do? keep his hands off his "neighbor's" throat. let him refuse to finish and ratify the process by which the chattel principle is carried into effect. let him refuse, in the face of derision, and reproach, and opposition. though poverty should fasten its bony hand upon him, and persecution shoot forth its forked tongue; whatever may betide him--scorn, flight, flames--let him promptly and steadfastly refuse. better the spite and hate of men than the wrath of heaven! "if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee; for it is profitable for thee, that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell." prof. stuart admits, that the golden rule and the second great commandment "decide against the theory of slavery as being in itself right." what, then, is their relation to the particular precepts, institutions, and usages, which are authorized and enjoined in the new testament? of all these, they are the summary expression--the comprehensive description. no precept in the bible enforcing our mutual obligations, can be more or less than _the application of these injunctions to specific relations or particular occasions and conditions_. neither in the old testament nor the new, do prophets teach or laws enjoin, any thing which the golden rule and the second great command do not contain. whatever they forbid, no other precept can require; and whatever they require, no other precept can forbid. what, then, does he attempt, who turns over the sacred pages to find something in the way of permission or command, which may set him free from the obligations of the golden rule? what must his objects, methods, spirit be, to force him to enter upon such inquiries?--to compel him to search the bible for such a purpose? can he have good intentions, or be well employed? is his frame of mind adapted to the study of the bible?--to make its meaning plain and welcome? what must he think of god, to search his word in quest of gross inconsistencies and grave contradictions! inconsistent legislation in jehovah! contradictory commands! permissions at war with prohibitions! general requirements at variance with particular arrangements! what must be the moral character of any institution which the golden rule decides against?--which the second great command condemns? _it can not but be wicked_, whether newly established or long maintained. however it may be shaped, turned, colored--under every modification and at all times--_wickedness must be its proper character_. _it must be_, in itself, _apart from its circumstances_, in its essence, _apart from its incidents_, sinful. "think not to say within yourselves, we have abraham for our father." in disposing of those precepts and exhortations which have a specific bearing upon the subject of slavery, it is greatly important, nay, absolutely essential, that we look forth upon the objects around us, from the right post of observation. our stand we must take at some central point, amidst the general maxims and fundamental precepts, the known circumstances and characteristic arrangements, of primitive christianity. otherwise, wrong views and false conclusions will be the result of our studies. we can not, therefore, be too earnest in trying to catch the general features and prevalent spirit of the new testament institutions and arrangements. for to what conclusions must we come, if we unwittingly pursue our inquires under the bias of the prejudice, that the general maxims of social life which now prevail in this country, were current, on the authority of the savior, among the primitive christians! that, for instance, wealth, station, talents, are the standard by which our claims upon, and our regard for, others, should be modified?--that those who are pinched by poverty, worn by disease, tasked in menial labors, or marked by features offensive to the taste of the artificial and capricious, are to be excluded from those refreshing and elevating influences which intelligence and refinement may be expected to exert; that thus they are to constitute a class by themselves, and to be made to know and keep their place at the very bottom of society? or, what if we should think and speak of the primitive christians, as if they had the same pecuniary resources as heaven has lavished upon the american churches?--as if they were as remarkable for affluence, elegance, and splendor? or, as if they had as high a position and as extensive an influence in politics and literature?--having directly or indirectly, the control over the high places of learning and of power? if we should pursue our studies and arrange our arguments--if we should explain words and interpret language--under such a bias, what must inevitably be the results? what would be the worth of our conclusions? what confidence could be reposed in any instruction we might undertake to furnish? and is not this the way in which the advocates and apologists of slavery dispose of the bearing which primitive christianity has upon it? they first ascribe, unwittingly perhaps, to the primitive churches, the character, relations, and condition, of american christianity, and amidst the deep darkness and strange confusion thus produced, set about interpreting the language and explaining the usages of the new testament! "so that ye are without excuse." among the lessons of instruction which our savior imparted, having a general bearing on the subject of slavery, that in which he sets up the _true standard of greatness_, deserves particular attention. in repressing the ambition of his disciples, he held up before them the methods by which alone healthful aspirations for eminence could be gratified, and thus set the elements of true greatness in the clearest light. "ye know, that they which are accounted to rule over the gentiles, exercise lordship over them; and their great ones exercise authority upon them. but so shall it not be among you; but whosoever will be great among you, shall be your minister; _and whosoever of you will be chiefest, shall be servant of all_." in other words, through the selfishness and pride of mankind, the maxim widely prevails in the world, that it is the privilege, prerogative, and mark of greatness, to exact service; that our superiority to others, while it authorizes us to relax the exertion of our own powers, gives us a fair title to the use of theirs; that "might," while it exempts us from serving, "gives the right" to be served. the instructions of the savior open the way to greatness for us in the opposite direction. superiority to others, in whatever it may consist, gives us a claim to a wider field of exertion, and demands of us a larger amount of service. we can be great only as we _are useful_. and "might gives right" to bless our fellow men, by improving every opportunity and employing every faculty, affectionately, earnestly, and unweariedly, in their service. thus the greater the man, the more active, faithful, and useful the servant. the savior has himself taught us how this doctrine must be applied. he bids us improve every opportunity and employ every power, even, through the most menial services, in blessing the human family. and to make this lesson shine upon our understandings and move our hearts, he embodied it in a most instructive and attractive example. on a memorable occasion, and just before his crucifixion, he discharged for his disciples the most menial of all offices--taking, _in washing their feet_, the place of the lowest servant. he took great pains to make them understand, that only by imitating this example could they honor their relations to him as their master; that thus only would they find themselves blessed. by what possibility could slavery exist under the influence of such a lesson, set home by such an example? _was it while washing the disciples' feet, that our savior authorized one man to make a chattel of another_? to refuse to provide for ourselves by useful labor, the apostle paul teaches us to regard as a grave offence. after reminding the thessalonian christians, that in addition to all his official exertions he had with his own muscles earned his own bread, he calls their attention to an arrangement which was supported by apostolical authority, "that if any would not work, neither should he eat." in the most earnest and solemn manner, and as a minister of the lord jesus christ, he commanded and exhorted those who neglected useful labor, "_with quietness to work and eat their own bread_." what must be the bearing of all this upon slavery? could slavery be maintained where every man eat the bread which himself had earned?--where idleness was esteemed so great a crime, as to be reckoned worthy of starvation as a punishment? how could unrequited labor be exacted, or used, or needed? must not every one in such a community contribute his share to the general welfare?--and mutual service and mutual support be the natural result? the same apostle, in writing to another church, describes the true source whence the means of liberality ought to be derived. "let him that stole steal no more; but rather let him labor, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth." let this lesson, as from the lips of jehovah, be proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of south carolina. let it be universally welcomed and reduced to practice. let thieves give up what they had stolen to the lawful proprietors, cease stealing, and begin at once to "labor, working with their hands," for necessary and charitable purposes. could slavery, in such a case, continue to exist? surely not! instead of exacting unpaid services from others, every man would be busy, exerting himself not only to provide for his own wants, but also to accumulate funds, "that he might have to give to" the needy. slavery must disappear, root and branch, at once and forever. in describing the source whence his ministers should expect their support, the savior furnished a general principle, which has an obvious and powerful bearing on the subject of slavery. he would have them remember, while exerting themselves for the benefit of their fellow men, that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." he has thus united wages with work. whoever renders the one is entitled to the other. and this manifestly according to a mutual understanding and a voluntary arrangement. for the doctrine that i may force you to work for me for whatever consideration i may please to fix upon, fairly opens the way for the doctrine, that you, in turn, may force me to render you whatever wages you may choose to exact for any services you may see fit to render. thus slavery, even as involuntary servitude, is cut up by the root. even the princeton professor seems to regard it as a violation of the principle which unites work with wages. the apostle james applies this principle to the claims of manual laborers--of those who hold the plough and thrust in the sickle. he calls the rich lordlings who exacted sweat and withheld wages, to "weeping and howling," assuring them that the complaints of the injured laborer had entered into the ear of the lord of hosts, and that, as a result of their oppression, their riches were corrupted, and their garments moth-eaten; their gold and silver were cankered; that the rest of them should be a witness against them, and should eat their flesh as it were fire; that, in one word, they had heaped treasure together for the last days, when "miseries were coming upon them," the prospect of which might well drench them in tears and fill them with terror. if these admonition and warnings were heeded there, would not "the south" break forth into "weeping and wailing, and gnashing of teeth?" what else are its rich men about, but withholding by a system of fraud, his wages from the laborer, who is wearing himself out under the impulse of fear, in cultivating their fields and producing their luxuries? encouragement and support do they derive from james, in maintaining the "peculiar institution" whence they derived their wealth, which they call patriarchal, and boast of as the "corner-stone" of the republic? in the new testament, we have, moreover, the general injunction, "_honor all men_." under this broad precept, every form of humanity may justly claim protection and respect. the invasion of any human right must do dishonor to humanity, and be a transgression of this command. how then, in the light of such obligations, must slavery be regarded? are those men honored, who are rudely excluded from a place in the human family, and shut up to the deep degradation and nameless horrors of chattelship? _can they be held as slaves, and at the same time be honored as men_? how far, in obeying this command, we are to go, we may infer from the admonitions and instructions which james applies to the arrangements and usages of religious assemblies. into these he can not allow "respect of persons" to enter. "my brethren," he exclaims, "have not the faith of our lord jesus christ, the lord of glory, with respect of persons. for if there come unto your assembly a man with a gold ring, in goodly apparel; and there come in also a poor man in vile raiment; and ye have respect to him that weareth the gay clothing, and say unto him, sit thou here in a good place; and say to the poor, stand thou there, or sit here under my footstool; are ye not then partial in yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts? _if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced of the law as transgressors_." on this general principle, then, religious assemblies ought to be regulated--that every man is to be estimated, not according to his _circumstances_--not according to any thing incidental to his _condition_; but according to his _moral worth_--according to the essential features and vital elements of his _character_. gold rings and gay clothing, as they qualify no man for, can entitle no man to, a "good place" in the church. nor can the "vile raiment of the poor man," fairly exclude him from any sphere, however exalted, which his heart and head may fit him to fill. to deny this, in theory or practice, is to degrade a man below a thing; for what are gold rings, or gay clothing, or vile raiment, but things, "which perish with the using?" and this must be "to commit sin, and be convinced of the law as transgressors." in slavery, we have "respect of persons," strongly marked, and reduced to system. here men are despised not merely for "the vile raiment," which may cover their scarred bodies. this is bad enough. but the deepest contempt for humanity here grows out of birth or complexion. vile raiment may be, often is, the result of indolence, or improvidence, or extravagance. it may be, often is, an index of character. but how can i be responsible for the incidents of my birth?--how for my complexion? to despise or honor me for these, is to be guilty of "respect of persons" in its grossest form, and with its worst effects. it is to reward or punish me for what i had nothing to do with; for which, therefore, i can not, without the greatest injustice, be held responsible. it is to poison the very fountains of justice, by confounding all moral distinctions. it is with a worse temper, and in the way of inflicting infinitely greater injuries, to copy the kingly folly of xerxes, in chaining and scourging the hellespont. what, then, so far as the authority of the new testament is concerned, becomes of slavery, which can not be maintained under any form nor for a single moment, without "respect of persons" the most aggravated and unendurable? and what would become of that most pitiful, silly, and wicked arrangement in so many of our churches, in which worshipers of a dark complexion are to be shut up to the negro pew?[a] [footnote a: in carlyle's review of the memoirs of mirabeau, we have the following anecdote, illustrative of the character of a "grandmother" of the count. "fancy the dame mirabeau sailing stately towards the church font; another dame striking in to take precedence of her; the dame mirabeau despatching this latter with a box on the ear, and these words, '_here, as in the army_, the baggage _goes last_!'" let those who justify the negro-pew-arrangement, throw a stone at this proud woman--if they dare.] nor are we permitted to confine this principle to _religious_ assemblies. it is to pervade social life every where. even where plenty, intelligence, and refinement, diffuse their brightest rays, the poor are to be welcomed with especial favor. "then said he to him that bade him, when thou makest a dinner or a supper, call not thy friends, nor thy brethren, neither thy kinsmen, nor thy rich neighbors, lest they also bid thee again, and a recompense be made thee. but when thou makest a feast, call the poor and the maimed, the lame and the blind, and thou shalt be blessed; for they can not recompense thee, but thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just." in the high places of social life then--in the parlor, the drawing-room, the saloon--special reference should be had, in every arrangement, to the comfort and improvement of those who are least able to provide for the cheapest rites of hospitality. for these, ample accommodations must be made, whatever may become of our kinsmen and rich neighbors. and for this good reason, that while such occasions signify little to the latter, to the former they are pregnant with good--raising their drooping spirits, cheering their desponding hearts, inspiring them with life, and hope, and joy. the rich and the poor thus meeting joyfully together, can not but mutually contribute to each other's benefit; the rich will be led to moderation, sobriety, and circumspection, and the poor to industry, providence, and contentment. the recompense must be rich and sure. a most beautiful and instructive commentary on the text in which these things are taught, the savior furnished in his own conduct. he freely mingled with those who were reduced to the very bottom of society. at the tables of the outcasts of society, he did not hesitate to be a cheerful guest, surrounded by publicans and sinners. and when flouted and reproached by smooth and lofty ecclesiastics, as an ultraist and leveler, he explained and justified himself by observing, that he had only done what his office demanded. it was his to seek the lost, to heal the sick, to pity the wretched;--in a word, to bestow just such benefits as the various necessities of mankind made appropriate and welcome. in his great heart, there was room enough for those who had been excluded from the sympathy of little souls. in its spirit and design, the gospel overlooked none--least of all, the outcasts of a selfish world. can slavery, however modified, be consistent with such a gospel?--a gospel which requires us, even amidst the highest forms of social life, to exert ourselves to raise the depressed by giving our warmest sympathies to those who have the smallest share in the favor of the world? those who are in "bonds" are set before us as deserving an especial remembrance. their claims upon us are described as a modification of the golden rule--as one of the many forms to which its obligations are reducible. to them we are to extend the same affectionate regard as we would covet for ourselves, if the chains upon their limbs were fastened upon ours. to the benefits of this precept, the enslaved have a natural claim of the greatest strength. the wrongs they suffer, spring from a persecution which can hardly be surpassed in malignancy. their birth and complexion are the occasion of the insults and injuries which they can neither endure nor escape. it is for the _work of god_, and not them own deserts, that they are loaded with chains. _this is persecution._ can i regard the slave as another self--can i put myself in his place--and be indifferent to his wrongs? especially, can i, thus affected, take sides with the oppressor? could i, in such a state of mind as the gospel requires me to cherish, reduce him to slavery or keep him in bonds? is not the precept under hand naturally subversive of every system and every form of slavery? the _general descriptions_ of the church which are found here and there in the new testament, are highly instructive in their bearing on the subject of slavery. in one connection, the following words meet the eye: "there is neither jew nor greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one in christ jesus."[a] here we have-- . a clear and strong description of the doctrine of _human equality_. "ye are all one;"--so much alike, so truly placed on common ground, all wielding each his own powers with such freedom, _that one is the same as another_. [footnote a: gal. iii. .] . this doctrine, self-evident in the light of reason, is affirmed on divine authority. "in christ jesus, _ye are all one_." the natural equality of the human family is a part of the gospel. for-- . all the human family are included in this description. whether men or women, whether bond or free, whether jews or gentiles, all are alike entitled to the benefit of this doctrine. wherever christianity prevails, the _artificial_ distinctions which grow out of birth, condition, sex, are done away. _natural_ distinctions are not destroyed. _they_ are recognized, hallowed, confirmed. the gospel does not abolish the sexes, forbid a division of labor, or extinguish patriotism. it takes woman from beneath the feet, and places her by the side of man; delivers the manual laborer from "the yoke," and gives him wages for his work; and brings the jew and gentile to embrace each other with fraternal love and confidence. thus it raises all to a common level, gives to each the free use of his own powers and resources, binds all together in one dear and loving brotherhood. such, according to the description of the apostle, was the influence, and such the effect of primitive christianity. "behold the picture!" is it like american slavery, which, in all its tendencies and effects, is destructive of all oneness among brethren? "where the spirit of the lord is," exclaims the same apostle, with his eye upon the condition and relations of the church, "_where the spirit of the lord is_, there is liberty." where, then, may we reverently recognize the presence, and bow before the manifested power, of this spirit? _there_, where the laborer may not choose how he shall be employed!--in what way his wants shall he supplied!--with whom he shall associate!--who shall have the fruit of his exertions! _there_, where he is not free to enjoy his wife and children! _there_, where his body and his soul, his very "destiny,"[a] are placed altogether beyond his control! _there_, where every power is crippled, every energy blasted, every hope crushed! _there_, where in all the relations and concerns of life, he is legally treated as if he had nothing to do with the laws of reason, the light of immortality, or the exercise of will! is the spirit of the lord _there_, where liberty is decried and denounced, mocked at and spit upon, betrayed and crucified! in the midst of a church which justified slavery, which derived its support from slavery, which carried on its enterprises by means of slavery, would the apostle have found the fruits of the spirit of the lord! let that spirit exert his influences, and assert his authority, and wield his power, and slavery must vanish at once and forever. [footnote a: "the legislature [of south carolina] from time to time, has passed many restricted and penal acts, with a view to bring under direct control and subjection the destiny _of the black population_." see the remonstrance of james s. pope and others, against home missionary efforts for the benefit of the enslaved--a most instructive paper.] in more than one connection, the apostle james describes christianity as "_the law of liberty_." it is in other words the law under which liberty can not but live and flourish--the law in which liberty is clearly defined, strongly asserted, and well protected. as the law of liberty, how can it be consistent with the law of slavery? the presence and the power of this law are felt wherever the light of reason shines. they are felt in the uneasiness and conscious degradation of the slave, and in the shame and remorse which the master betrays in his reluctant and desperate efforts to defend himself. this law it is which has armed human nature against the oppressor. wherever it is obeyed, "every yoke is broken." in these references to the new testament we have a _general description_ of the primitive church, and the _principles_ on which it was founded and fashioned. these principles bear the same relation to christian _history_ as to christian _character_, since the former is occupied with the development of the latter. what then is christian character but christian principle _realized_, acted out, bodied forth, and animated? christian principle is the soul, of which christian character is the expression--the manifestation. it comprehends in itself, as a living seed, such christian character, under every form, modification, and complexion. the former is, therefore, the test and interpreter of the latter. in the light of christian principle, and in that light only, we can judge of and explain christian character. christian history is occupied with the forms, modifications, and various aspects of christian character. the facts which are there recorded serve to show, how christian principle has fared in this world--how it has appeared, what it has done, how it has been treated. in these facts we have the various institutions, usages, designs, doings, and sufferings of the church of christ. and all these have of necessity, the closest relation to christian principle. they are the production of its power. through them, it is revealed and manifested. in its light, they are to be studied, explained, and understood. without it they must be as unintelligible and insignificant as the letters of a book, scattered on the wind. in the principles of christianity, then, we have a comprehensive and faithful account of its objects, institutions, and usages--of how it must behave, and act, and suffer, in a world of sin and misery. for between the principles which god reveals, on the one hand, and the precepts he enjoins, the institutions he establishes, and the usages he approves, on the other, there must be consistency and harmony. otherwise we impute to god what we must abhor in man--practice at war with principle. does the savior, then, lay down the _principle_ that our standing in the church must depend upon the habits, formed within us, of readily and heartily subserving the welfare of others; and permit us _in practice_ to invade the rights and trample on the happiness of our fellows, by reducing them to slavery. does he, _in principle_ and by example, require us to go all lengths in rendering mutual service, comprehending offices the most menial, as well as the most honorable; and permit us _in practice_ to exact service of our brethren, as if they were nothing better than "articles of merchandize?" does he require us _in principle_ "to work with quietness and eat our own bread;" and permit us _in practice_ to wrest from our brethren the fruits of their unrequited toil? does he in principle require us, abstaining from every form of theft, to employ our powers in useful labor, not only to provide for ourselves but also to relieve the indigence of others; and permit us _in practice_, abstaining from every form of labor, to enrich and aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of man-stealing? does he require us _in principle_ to regard "the laborer as worthy of his hire;" and permit us _in practice_ to defraud him of his wages? does he require us _in principle_ "to honor all men;" and permit us _in practice_ to treat multitudes like cattle? does he _in principle_ prohibit "respect of persons;" and permit us _in practice_ to place the feet of the rich upon the necks of the poor? does he _in principle_ require us to sympathize with the bondman as another self; and permit us _in practice_ to leave him unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor? _in principle_, "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" _in practice_, is _slavery_ the fruit of the spirit? _in principle_, christianity is the law of liberty; _in practice_, is it the law of slavery? bring practice in these various respects into harmony with principle, and what becomes of slavery? and if, where the divine government is concerned, practice is the expression of principle, and principle the standard and interpreter of practice, such harmony cannot but be maintained and must be asserted. in studying, therefore, fragments of history and sketches of biography--in disposing of references to institutions, usages, and facts in the new testament, this necessary harmony between principle and practice in the government, should be continually present to the thoughts of the interpreter. principles assert what practice must be. whatever principle condemns, god condemns. it belongs to those weeds of the dunghill which, planted by "an enemy," his hand will assuredly "root up." it is most certain, then, that if slavery prevailed in the first ages of christianity, it could nowhere have prevailed under its influence and with its sanction. the _condition_ in which, in its efforts to bless mankind, the primitive church was placed, must have greatly assisted the early christians in understanding and applying the principles of the gospel.--their _master_ was born in great obscurity, lived in the deepest poverty, and died the most ignominious death. the place of his residence, his familiarity with the outcasts of society, his welcoming assistance and support from female hands, his casting his beloved mother, when he hung upon the cross, upon the charity of a disciple--such things evince the depth of his poverty, and show to what derision and contempt he must have been exposed. could such an one, "despised and rejected of men--a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief," play the oppressor, or smile on those who made merchandize of the poor! and what was the history of the _apostles_, but an illustration of the doctrine, that "it is enough for the disciple, that he be as his master?" were they lordly ecclesiastics, abounding with wealth, shining with splendor, bloated with luxury! were they ambitious of distinction, fleecing, and trampling, and devouring "the flocks," that they themselves might "have the pre-eminence!" were they slaveholding bishops! or did they derive their support from the wages of iniquity and the price of blood! can such inferences be drawn from the account of their condition, which the most gifted and enterprising of their number has put upon record? "even unto this present hour, we both hunger, and thirst, and are naked, and _are buffetted_, and have _no certain dwelling place, and labor working with our own hands_. being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat; we are made as _the filth of the world_, and are the offscouring of all things unto this day[a]." are these the men who practiced or countenanced slavery? _with such a temper, they would not; in such circumstances, they could not_. exposed to "tribulation, distress, and persecution;" subject to famine and nakedness, to peril and the sword; "killed all the day long; accounted as sheep for the slaughter[b]," they would have made but a sorry figure at the great-house or slave-market! [footnote a: cor. iv. - .] [footnote b: rom. viii. , .] nor was the condition of the brethren, generally, better than that of the apostles. the position of the apostles doubtless entitled them to the strongest opposition, the heaviest reproaches, the fiercest persecution. but derision and contempt must have been the lot of christians generally. surely we cannot think so ill of primitive christianity as to suppose that believers, generally, refused to share in the trials and sufferings of their leaders; as to suppose that while the leaders submitted to manual labor, to buffeting, to be reckoned the filth of the world, to be accounted as sheep for the slaughter, his brethren lived in affluence, ease, and honor! despising manual labor! and living upon the sweat of unrequited toil! but on this point we are not left to mere inference and conjecture. the apostle paul in the plainest language explains the ordination of heaven. "but _god hath_ chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and god hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised hath god chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are."[a] here we may well notice, [footnote a: cor. i. , .] . that it was not by _accident_, that the primitive churches were made up of such elements, but the result of the divine choice--an arrangement of his wise and gracious providence. the inference is natural, that this ordination was co-extensive with the triumphs of christianity. it was nothing new or strange, that jehovah had concealed his glory "from the wise and prudent, and had revealed it unto babes," or that "the common people heard him gladly," while "not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, had been called." . the description of character which the apostle records, could be adapted only to what are reckoned the _very dregs of humanity_. the foolish and the weak, the base and the contemptible, in the estimation of worldly pride and wisdom--these were they whose broken hearts were reached, and moulded, and refreshed by the gospel; these were they whom the apostle took to his bosom as his own brethren. that _slaves_ abounded at corinth, may easily be admitted. _they_ have a place in the enumeration of elements of which, according to the apostle, the church there was composed. the most remarkable class found there, consisted of "things which are not"--mere nobodies, not admitted to the privileges of men, but degraded to a level with "goods and chattels;" of whom _no account_ was made in such arrangements of society as subserved the improvement, and dignity, and happiness of mankind. how accurately this description applies to those who are crushed under the chattel principle! the reference which the apostle makes to the "deep poverty of the churches of macedonia,"[b] and this to stir up the sluggish liberality of his corinthian brethren, naturally leaves the impression, that the latter were by no means inferior to the former in the gifts of providence. but, pressed with want and pinched by poverty as were the believers in "macedonia and achaia, it pleased them to make a certain contribution for the poor saints which were at jerusalem."[c] thus it appears, that christians every where were familiar with contempt and indigence, so much so, that the apostle would dissuade such as had no families from assuming the responsibilities of the conjugal relation[d]! [footnote b: cor. viii. .] [footnote c: rom. xv. .] [footnote d: cor. vi , ] now, how did these good people treat each other? did the few among them, who were esteemed wise, mighty, or noble, exert their influence and employ their power in oppressing the weak, in disposing of the "things that are not," as marketable commodities!--kneeling with them in prayer in the evening, and putting them up at auction the next morning! did the church sell any of the members to swell the "certain contribution far the poor saints at jerusalem!" far otherwise--as far as possible! in those christian communities where the influence of the apostles was most powerful, and where the arrangements drew forth their highest commendations, believers treated each other as brethren, in the strongest sense of that sweet word. so warm was their mutual love, so strong the public spirit, so open-handed and abundant the general liberality, that they are set forth as "_having all things common._" [e] slaves and their holders here? neither the one nor the other could in that relation to each other have breathed such an atmosphere. the appeal of the kneeling bondman, "am i not a man and a brother," must here have met with a prompt and powerful response. [footnote e: acts iv. ] the _tests_ by which our savior tries the character of his professed disciples, shed a strong light upon the genius of the gospel. in one connection[f], an inquirer demands of the savior, "what good thing shall i do that i may have eternal life?" after being reminded of the obligations which his social nature imposed upon him, he ventured, while claiming to be free from guilt in his relations to mankind, to demand, "what lack i yet?" the radical deficiency under which his character labored, the savior was not long or obscure in pointing out. if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven; and come and follow me. on this passage it is natural to suggest-- [footnote f: luke xvii - ] . that we have here a _test of universal application._ the rectitude and benevolence of our savior's character forbid us to suppose that he would subject this inquirer, especially as he was highly amiable, to a trial, where eternal life was at stake, _peculiarly_ severe. indeed, the test seems to have been only a fair exposition of the second great command, and of course it must be applicable to all who are placed under the obligations of that precept. those who can not stand this test, as their character is radically imperfect and unsound, must, with the inquirer to whom our lord applied it, be pronounced unfit for the kingdom of heaven. . the least that our savior can in that passage be understood to demand is, that we disinterestedly and heartily devote ourselves to the welfare of mankind, "the poor" especially. we are to put ourselves on a level with _them_, as we must do "in selling that we have" for their benefit--in other words, in employing our powers and resources to elevate their character, condition, and prospects. this our savior did; and if we refuse to enter into sympathy and cooperation with him, how can we be his _followers_? apply this test to the slaveholder. instead of "selling that he hath" for the benefit of the poor, he buys the poor, and exacts their sweat with stripes, to enable him to "clothe himself in purple and fine linen, and fare sumptuously every day;" or, he sells the poor to support the gospel and convert the heathen! what, in describing the scenes of the final judgment, does our savior teach us? _by what standard_ must our character be estimated, and the retributions of eternity be awarded? a standard, which both the righteous and the wicked will be surprised to see erected. from the "offscouring of all things," the meanest specimen of humanity will be selected--a "stranger" in the hands of the oppressor, naked, hungry, sickly; and this stranger, placed in the midst of the assembled universe, by the side of the sovereign judge, will be openly acknowledged as his representative. "glory, honor, and immortality," will be the reward of those who had recognized and cheered their lord through his outraged poor. and tribulation, anguish, and despair, will seize on "every soul of man," who had neglected or despised them. but whom, within the limits of our country, are we to regard especially as the representatives of our final judge? every feature of the savior's picture finds its appropriate original in our enslaved countrymen. . they are the least of his brethren. . they are subject to thirst and hunger, unable to command a cup of water or a crumb of bread. . they are exposed to wasting sickness, without the ability to procure a nurse or employ a physician. . they are emphatically "in prison," restrained by chains, goaded with whips, tasked, and under keepers. not a wretch groans in any cell of the prisons of our country, who is exposed to a confinement so rigorous and heart-breaking as the law allows theirs to be continually and permanently. . and then they are emphatically, and peculiarly, and exclusively, strangers--_strangers_ in the land which gave them birth. whom else do we constrain to remain aliens in the midst of our free institutions? the welch, the swiss, the irish? the jews even? alas, it is the _negro_ only, who may not strike his roots into our soil. every where we have conspired to treat him as a stranger--every where he is forced to feel himself a stranger. in the stage and steamboat, in the parlor and at our tables, in the scenes of business and in the scenes of amusement--even in the church of god and at the communion table, he is regarded as a stranger. the intelligent and religious are generally disgusted and horror-struck at the thought of his becoming identified with the citizens of our republic--so much so, that thousands of them have entered into a conspiracy to send him off "out of sight," to find a home on a foreign shore!--and justify themselves by openly alledging, that a "single drop" of his blood, in the veins of any human creature, must make him hateful to his fellow citizens!--that nothing but banishment from "our coasts," can redeem him from the scorn and contempt to which his "stranger" blood has reduced him among his own mother's children! who, then, in this land "of milk and honey," is "hungry and athirst," but the man from whom the law takes away the last crumb of bread and the smallest drop of water? who "naked," but the man whom the law strips of the last rag of clothing? who "sick," but the man whom the law deprives of the power of procuring medicine or sending for a physician? who "in prison," but the man who, all his life is under the control of merciless masters and cruel keepers? who a "stranger," but the man who is scornfully denied the cheapest courtesies of life--who is treated as an alien in his native country? there is one point in this awful description which deserves particular attention. those who are doomed to the left hand of the judge, are not charged with inflicting _positive injuries_ on their helpless, needy, and oppressed brother. theirs was what is often called _negative_ character. what they _had done_ is not described in the indictment. their _neglect_ of duty, what they _had_ not _done_, was the ground of their "everlasting punishment." the representative of their judge, they had seen a hungered and they gave him no meat, thirsty and they have him no drink, a stranger and they took him not in, naked and they clothed him not, sick and in prison and they visited him not. in as much as they did not yield to the claims of suffering humanity--did not exert themselves to bless the meanest of the human family, they were driven away in their wickedness. but what if the indictment had run thus: i was a hungered and ye snatched away the crust which might have saved me from starvation; i was thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the "cup of cold water," which might have moistened my parched lips; i was a stranger and ye drove me from the hovel which might have sheltered me from the piercing wind; i was sick and ye scourged me to my task; in prison and you sold me for my jail-fees--to what depths of hell must not those who were convicted under such charges be consigned! and what is the history of american slavery but one long indictment, describing under ever-varying forms and hues just such injuries! nor should it be forgotten, that those who incurred the displeasure of their judge, took far other views than he, of their own past history. the charges which he brought against them, they heard with great surprise. they were sure that they had never thus turned away from his necessities. indeed, when had they seen him thus subject to poverty, insult, and oppression! never. and as to that poor friendless creature whom they left unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor, and whom their judge now presented as his own representative, they never once supposed, that _he_ had any claims on their compassion and assistance. had they known, that he was destined to so prominent a place at the final judgment, they would have treated him as a human being, in despite of any social, pecuniary, or political considerations. but neither their _negative virtue_ nor their _voluntary ignorance_ could shield them from the penal fire which their selfishness had kindled. now amidst the general maxims, the leading principles, the "great commandments" of the gospel; amidst its comprehensive descriptions and authorized tests of christian character, we should take our position in disposing of any particular allusions to such forms and usages of the primitive churches as are supposed by divine authority. the latter must be interpreted and understood in the light of the former. but how do the apologists and defenders of slavery proceed? placing themselves amidst the arrangements and usages which grew out of the _corruptions_ of christianity, they make these the standard by which the gospel is to be explained and understood! some recorder or justice, without the light of inquiry or the aid of a jury, consigns the negro whom the kidnapper has dragged into his presence to the horrors of slavery. as the poor wretch shrieks and faints, humanity shudders and demands why such atrocities are endured? some "priest" or "levite," "passing by on the other side," quite self-possessed and all complacent reads in reply from his bread phylactery, _paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! yes, echoes the negro-hating mob, made up of "gentlemen of property and standing" together with equally gentle-men reeking from the gutter; _yes--paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! and humanity, brow-beaten, stunned with noise and tumult, is pushed aside by the crowd! a fair specimen this of the manner in which modern usages are made to interpret the sacred scriptures? of the particular passages in the new testament on which the apologists for slavery especially rely, the epistle to philemon first demands our attention. . this letter was written by the apostle paul while a "prisoner of jesus christ" at rome. . philemon was a benevolent and trustworthy member of the church at colosse, at whose house the disciples of christ held their assemblies, and who owed his conversion, under god, directly or indirectly to the ministry of paul. . onesimus was the servant of philemon; under a relation which it is difficult with accuracy and certainty to define. his condition, though servile, could not have been like that of an american slave; as, in that case, however he might have "wronged" philemon, he could not also have "_owed him ought_."[a] the american slave is, according to law, as much the property of his master as any other chattel; and can no more "owe" his master than can a sheep or a horse. the basis of all pecuniary obligations lies in some "value received." how can "an article of merchandise" stand on this basis and sustain commercial relations to its owner? there is no _person_ to offer or promise. _personality is swallowed up in american slavery_! [footnote a: phil. .] . how onesimus found his way to rome it is not easy to determine. he and philemon appear to have parted from each other on ill terms. the general character of onesimus, certainly, in his relation to philemon, had been far from attractive, and he seems to have left him without repairing the wrongs he had done him or paying the debts which he owed him. at rome, by the blessing of god upon the exertions of the apostle, he was brought to reflection and repentance. . in reviewing his history in the light of christian truth, he became painfully aware of the injuries, he had inflicted on philemon. he longed for an opportunity for frank confession and full restitution. having, however, parted with philemon on ill terms, he knew not how to appear in his presence. under such embarrassments, he naturally sought sympathy and advice of paul. _his_ influence upon philemon, onesimus knew must be powerful, especially as an apostle. . a letter in behalf of onesimus was therefore written by the apostle to philemon. after such salutations, benedictions, and thanks giving as the good character and useful life of philemon naturally drew from the heart of paul, he proceeds to the object of the letter. he admits that onesimus had behaved ill in the service of philemon; not in running away, for how they had parted with each other is not explained, but in being unprofitable and in refusing to pay the debts[b] which he had contracted. but his character had undergone a radical change. thenceforward fidelity and usefulness would be his aim and mark his course. and as to any pecuniary obligations which he had violated, the apostle authorized philemon to put them on _his_ account.[c] thus a way was fairly opened to the heart of philemon. and now what does the apostles ask? [footnote b: verse , .] [footnote c: verse .] . he asks that philemon would receive onesimus. how? "not as a _servant_, but _above_ a servant."[a] how much above? philemon was to receive him as "a son" of the apostle--"as a brother beloved"--nay, if he counted paul a partner, an equal, he was to receive onesimus as he would receive _the apostle himself[b]. so much_ above a servant was he to receive him! [footnote a: verse .] [footnote b: verse , , .] . but was not this request to be so interpreted and complied with as to put onesimus in the hands of philemon as "an article of merchandise," carnally, while it raised him to the dignity of a "brother beloved," spiritually? in other words, might not philemon consistently with the request of paul, have reduced onesimus to a chattel, as a man, while he admitted him fraternally to his bosom, as a christian? such gibberish in an apostolic epistle! never. as if, however, to guard against such folly, the natural product of mist and moonshine, the apostle would have onesimus raised above a servant to the dignity of a brother beloved, "both in the flesh and in the lord;"[c] as a man and christian, in all the relations, circumstances, and responsibilities of life. [footnote c: verse .] it is easy now with definiteness and certainty to determine in what sense the apostle in such connections uses the word "_brother_." it describes a relation inconsistent with and opposite to the _servile_. it is "not" the relation of a "servant." it elevates its subject "above" the servile condition. it raises him to full equality with the master, to the same equality, on which paul and philemon stood side by side as brothers; and this, not in some vague, undefined, spiritual sense, affecting the soul and leaving the body in bonds, but in every way, "both in the flesh and in the lord." this matter deserves particular and earnest attention. it sheds a strong light on other lessons of apostolic instruction. . it is greatly to our purpose, moreover, to observe that the apostle clearly defines the _moral character_ of his request. it was fit, proper, right, suited to the nature and relations of things--a thing which _ought_ to be done.[d] on this account, he might have urged it upon philemon in the form of an _injunction_, on apostolic authority and with great boldness.[e] _the very nature_ of the request made it obligatory on philemon. he was sacredly bound, out of regard to the fitness of things, to admit onesimus to full equality with himself--to treat him as a brother both in the lord and as having flesh--as a fellow man. thus were the inalienable rights and birth-right privileges of onesimus, as a member of the human family, defined and protected by apostolic authority. [footnote d: verse . to [greek: anaekon]. see robinson's new testament lexicon; "_it is fit, proper, becoming, it ought_." in what sense king james' translators used the word "convenient" any one may see who will read rom. i. and eph. v. , .] [footnote e: verse .] . the apostle preferred a request instead of imposing a command, on the ground of charity.[a] he would give philemon an opportunity of discharging his obligations under the impulse of love. to this impulse, he was confident philemon would promptly and fully yield. how could he do otherwise? the thing itself was right. the request respecting it came from a benefactor, to whom, under god, he was under the highest obligations.[b] that benefactor, now an old man and in the hands of persecutors, manifested a deep and tender interest in the matter, and had the strongest persuasion that philemon was more ready to grant than himself to entreat. the result, as he was soon to visit colosse, and had commissioned philemon to prepare a lodging for him, must come under the eye of the apostle. the request was so manifestly reasonable and obligatory, that the apostle, after all, described a compliance with it, by the strong word "_obedience_."[c] [footnote a: verse [greek: dia taen agapaen].] [footnote b: verse .] [footnote c: verse .] now how must all this have been understood by the church at colosse?--a church, doubtless, made up of such materials as the church at corinth, that is, of members chiefly from the humblest walks of life. many of them had probably felt the degradation and tasted the bitterness of the servile condition. would they have been likely to interpret the apostle's letter under the bias of feelings friendly to slavery!--and put the slaveholder's construction on its contents! would their past experience or present sufferings--for doubtless some of them were still "under the yoke"--have suggested to their thoughts such glosses as some of our theological professors venture to put upon the words of the apostle! far otherwise. the spirit of the lord was there, and the epistle was read in the light of "_liberty_." it contained the principles of holy freedom, faithfully and affectionately applied. this must have made it precious in the eyes of such men "of low degree" as were most of the believers, and welcome to a place in the sacred canon. there let it remain as a luminous and powerful defense of the cause of emancipation! but what with prof. stuart? "if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life."[a] [footnote a: see his letter to dr. fisk, supra p. .] "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." by what process? did the apostle, a prisoner at rome, seize upon the fugitive, and drag him before some heartless and perfidious "judge," for authority to send him back to colosse? did he hurry his victim away from the presence of the fat and supple magistrate, to be driven under chains and the lash to the field of unrequited toil, whence he had escaped? had the apostle been like some teachers in the american churches, he might, as a professor of sacred literature in one of our seminaries, or a preacher of the gospel to the rich in some of our cities, have consented thus to subserve the "peculiar" interests of a dear slaveholding brother. but the venerable champion of truth and freedom was himself under bonds in the imperial city, waiting for the crown of martyrdom. he wrote a letter to the church at colosse, which was accustomed to meet at the house of philemon, and another letter to that magnanimous disciple, and sent them by the hand of onesimus. so much for _the way_ in which onesimus was sent back to his master. a slave escapes from a patriarch in georgia, and seeks a refuge in the parish of the connecticut doctor, who once gave public notice that he saw no reason for caring for the servitude of his fellow men.[b] under his influence, caesar becomes a christian convert. burning with love for the son whom he hath begotten in the gospel, our doctor resolves to send him back to his master. accordingly, he writes a letter, gives it to caesar, and bids him return, staff in hand, to the "corner-stone of our republican institutions." now, what would any caesar do, who had ever felt a link of slavery's chain? as he left his _spiritual father_, should we be surprized to hear him say to himself, what, return of my own accord to the man who, with the hand of a robber, plucked me from my mother's bosom!--for whom i have been so often drenched in the sweat of unrequited toil!--whose violence so often cut my flesh and scarred my limbs!--who shut out every ray of light from my mind!--who laid claim to those honors to which my creator and redeemer only are entitled! and for what am i to return? to be cursed, and smitten, and sold! to be tempted, and torn, and destroyed! i can not thus throw myself away--thus rush upon my own destruction. [footnote b: "why should i care?"] who ever heard of the voluntary return of a fugitive from american oppression? do you think that the doctor and his friends could persuade one to carry a letter to the patriarch from whom he had escaped? and must we believe this of onesimus! "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." on what occasion?--"if," writes the apostle, "he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee ought, put that on my account." alive to the claims of duty, onesimus would "restore" whatever he "had taken away." he would honestly pay his debts. this resolution, the apostle warmly approved. he was ready, at whatever expense, to help his young disciple in carrying it into full effect. of this he assured philemon, in language the most explicit and emphatic. here we find one reason for the conduct of paul in sending onesimus to philemon. if a fugitive slave of the rev. mr. smylie, of mississippi, should return to him with a letter from a doctor of divinity in new york, containing such an assurance, how would the reverend slaveholder dispose of it? what, he exclaims, have we here? "if cato has not been upright in his pecuniary intercourse with you--if he owes you any thing--put that on my account." what ignorance of southern institutions! what mockery, to talk of pecuniary intercourse between a slave and his master! _the slave himself, with all he is and has, is an article of merchandise_. what can _he_ owe his master?--a rustic may lay a wager with his mule, and give the creature the peck of oats which he had permitted it to win. but who in sober earnest would call this a pecuniary transaction? "to be his servant for life!" from what part of the epistle could the expositor have evolved a thought so soothing to tyrants--so revolting to every man who loves his own nature? from this? "for perhaps he therefore departed for a season, that thou shouldest receive him for ever." receive him how? _as a servant_, exclaims our commentator. but what wrote the apostle? "not _now as a servant, but above a servant_, a brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord." who authorized the professor to bereave the word '_not_' of its negative influence? according to paul, philemon was to receive onesimus '_not_ as a servant;'--according to stuart, he was to receive him "_as a servant!_" if the professor will apply the same rules of exposition to the writings of the abolitionists, all difference between him and them must in his view presently vanish away. the harmonizing process would be equally simple and effectual. he has only to understand them as affirming what they deny, and as denying what they affirm. suppose that prof. stuart had a son residing at the south. his slave, having stolen money of his master, effected his escape. he fled to andover, to find a refuge among the "sons of the prophets." there he finds his way to prof. stuart's house, and offers to render any service which the professor, dangerously ill "of a typhus fever," might require. he is soon found to be a most active, skillful, faithful nurse. he spares no pains, night and day, to make himself useful to the venerable sufferer. he anticipates every want. in the most delicate and tender manner, he tries to sooth every pain. he fastens himself strongly on the heart of the reverend object of his care. touched with the heavenly spirit, the meek demeanor, the submissive frame, which the sick bed exhibits, archy becomes a christian. a new bond now ties him and his convalescent teacher together. as soon as he is able to write, the professor sends by archy the following letter to the south, to isaac stuart, esq.:-- "my dear son,--with a hand enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous illness, from which i am slowly recovering, i address you, on a subject which lies very near my heart. i have a request to urge, which my acquaintance with you, and your strong obligations to me, will, i can not doubt, make you eager fully to grant. i say a request, though the thing i ask is, in its very nature and on the principles of the gospel, obligatory upon you. i might, therefore, boldly demand, what i earnestly entreat. but i know how generous, magnanimous, and christ-like you are, and how readily you will "do even more than i say"--i, your own father, an old man, almost exhausted with multiplied exertions for the benefit of my family and my country, and now just rising, emaciated and broken, from the brink of the grave. i write in behalf of archy, whom i regard with the affection of a father, and whom, indeed, 'i have begotten in my sickness.' gladly would i have retained him, to be an _isaac_ to me; for how often did not his soothing voice, and skillful hand, and unwearied attention to my wants, remind me of you! but i chose to give you an opportunity of manifesting, voluntarily, the goodness of your heart; as, if i had retained him with me, you might seem to have been forced to grant what you will gratefully bestow. his temporary absence from you may have opened the way for his permanent continuance with you. not now as a slave. heaven forbid! but superior to a slave. superior, did i say? take him to your bosom, as a beloved brother; for i own him as a son, and regard him as such, in all the relations of life, both as a man and a christian.--'receive him as myself.' and that nothing may hinder you from complying with my request at once, i hereby promise, without adverting to your many and great obligations to me, to pay you every cent which he took from your drawer. any preparation which my comfort with you may require, you will make without much delay, when you learn, that i intend, as soon as i shall be able 'to perform the journey,' to make you a visit." and what if dr. baxter, in giving an account of this letter should publicly declare that prof. stuart of andover regarded slaveholding as lawful; for that "he had sent archy back to his son isaac, with an apology for his running away" to be held in perpetual slavery? with what propriety might not the professor exclaim: false, every syllable false. i sent him back, not to be held as a slave, _but recognized as a dear brother, in all respects, under every relation, civil and ecclesiastical_. i bade my son receive _archy as myself_. if this was not equivalent to a requisition to set him fully and most honorably free, and that, too, on the ground of natural obligation and christian principle, then i know not how to frame such a requisition. i am well aware that my supposition is by no means strong enough fully to illustrate the case to which it is applied. prof. stuart lacks apostolical authority. isaac stuart is not a leading member of a church consisting, as the early churches chiefly consisted, of what the world regard as the dregs of society--"the offscouring of all things." nor was slavery at colosse, it seems, supported by such barbarous usages, such horrid laws as disgrace the south. but it is time to turn to another passage which, in its bearing on the subject in hand, is, in our view, as well as in the view of dr. fisk and prof. stuart, in the highest degree authoritative and instructive. "let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of god and his doctrines be not blasphemed. and they that have believing masters, let them not despise them because they are brethren; but rather do them service, because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit."[a] [footnote a: tim. vi. , .] . the apostle addresses himself here to two classes of servants, with instructions to each respectively appropriate. both the one class and the other, in prof. stuart's eye, were _slaves_. this he assumes, and thus begs the very question in dispute. the term servant is _generic_, as used by the sacred writers. it comprehends all the various offices which men discharge for the benefit of each other, however honorable, or however menial; from that of an apostle[b] opening the path to heaven, to that of washing "one another's feet."[c] a general term it is, comprehending every office which belongs to human relations and christian character.[d] [footnote b: cor. iv. .] [footnote c: john xiii. .] [footnote d: mat. xx. - .] a leading signification gives us the _manual laborer_, to whom, in the division of labor, muscular exertion was allotted. as in his exertions the bodily powers are especially employed--such powers as belong to man in common with mere animals--his sphere has generally been considered low and humble. and as intellectual power is superior to bodily, the manual laborer has always been exposed in very numerous ways and in various degrees to oppression. cunning, intrigue, the oily tongue, have, through extended and powerful conspiracies, brought the resources of society under the control of the few, who stood aloof from his homely toil. hence his dependence upon them. hence the multiplied injuries which have fallen so heavily upon him. hence the reduction of his wages from one degree to another, till at length, in the case of millions, fraud and violence strip him of his all, blot his name from the record of _mankind_, and, putting a yoke upon his neck, drive him away to toil among the cattle. _here you find the slave._ to reduce the servant to his condition, requires abuses altogether monstrous--injuries reaching the very vitals of man--stabs upon the very heart of humanity. now, what right has prof. stuart to make the word "_servants_," comprehending, even as manual laborers, so many and such various meanings, signify "_slaves_," especially where different classes are concerned? such a right he could never have derived from humanity, or philosophy, or hermeneutics. is it his by sympathy with the oppressor? yes, different classes. this is implied in the term "_as many_,"[a] which sets apart the class now to be addressed. from these he proceeds to others, who are introduced by a particle,[b] whose natural meaning indicates the presence of another and a different subject. [footnote a: [greek: osoi.] see passow's schneider.] [footnote b: [greek: de.] see passow.] . the first class are described as "_under the yoke_"--a yoke from which they were, according to the apostle, to make their escape if possible.[c] if not, they must in every way regard the master with respect--bowing to his authority, working his will, subserving his interests so far as might be consistent with christian character.[d] and this, to prevent blasphemy--to prevent the pagan master from heaping profane reproaches upon the name of god and the doctrines of the gospel. they should beware of rousing his passions, which, as his helpless victims, they might be unable to allay or withstand. [footnote c: see cor. vii. --[greek: all ei kai d u n a s a i eleutheros genesthai.]] [footnote d: cor. vii. --[greek: mae ginesthe douloi anthropon.]] but all the servants whom the apostle addressed were not "_under the yoke_"[e]--an instrument appropriate to cattle and to slaves. these he distinguishes from another class, who instead of a "yoke"--the badge of a slave--had "_believing masters_." _to have a "believing master," then, was equivalent to freedom from "the yoke."_ these servants were exhorted not _to despise_ their masters. what need of such an exhortation, if their masters had been slaveholders, holding them as property, wielding them as mere instruments, disposing of them as "articles of merchandise?" but this was not consistent with believing. faith, "breaking every yoke," united master and servants in the bonds of brotherhood. brethren they were, joined in a relation which, excluding the yoke,[f] placed them side by side on the ground of equality, where, each in his appropriate sphere, they might exert themselves freely and usefully, to the mutual benefit of each other. here, servants might need to be cautioned against getting above their appropriate business, putting on airs, despising their masters, and thus declining or neglecting their service.[g] instead of this, they should be, as emancipated slaves often have been,[h] models of enterprise, fidelity, activity, and usefulness--especially as their masters were "worthy of their confidence and love," their helpers in this well-doing.[i] [footnote e: see lev. xxvi. ; isa. lviii. , .] [footnote f: supra p. .] [footnote g: see matt. vi. .] [footnote h: those, for instance, set free by that "believing master" james g. birney.] [footnote i: the following exposition is from the pen of elizur wright, jr.:--"this word [greek: antilambanesthai,] in our humble opinion, has been so unfairly used by the commentators, that we feel constrained to take its part. our excellent translators, in rendering the clause 'partakers of the benefit,' evidently lost sight of the component preposition, which expresses the _opposition of reciprocity_, rather than the _connection of participation_. they have given it exactly the sense of [greek: metalambanein,] ( tim. ii. .) had the apostle intended such a sense, he would have used the latter verb, or one of the more common words, [greek: metochoi, koinonountes], &c. (see heb. iii. , and tim. v. , where the latter word is used in the clause, 'neither be partaker of other men's sins.' had the verb in our text been used, it might have been rendered, 'neither be the _part-taker_ of other men's sins.') the primary sense of [greek: antilambano] is _to take in return--to take instead of, &c_. hence, in the middle with the genitive, it signifies _assist_, or _do one's part towards_ the person or thing expressed by that genitive. in this sense only is the word used in the new testament.--(see luke i. , and acts xx. .) if this be true, the word [greek: euergesai] can not signify the benefit conferred by the gospel, as our common version would make it, but the _well-doing_ of the servants, who should continue to serve their believing masters, while they were no longer under the _yoke_ of compulsion. this word is used elsewhere in the new testament but once, (acts iv. .) in relation to the '_good deed_' done to the impotent man. the plain import of the clause, unmystified by the commentators, is, that believing masters would not fail to _do their part towards_, or encourage by suitable returns, the _free_ service of those who had once been under the _yoke_."] such, then, is the relation between those who, in the view of prof. stuart, were christian masters and christian slaves[a]--the relation of "brethren," which, excluding "the yoke," and of course conferring freedom, placed them side by side on the common ground of mutual service, both retaining, for convenience's sake, the one while giving and the other while receiving employment, the correlative name, _as is usual in such cases_, under which they had been known. such was the instruction which timothy was required, as a christian minister, to give. was it friendly to slaveholding? [footnote a: letter to dr. fisk, supra, p. .] and on what ground, according to the princeton professor, did these masters and these servants stand in their relation to each other? on that _of a "perfect religious equality_."[a] in all the relations, duties, and privileges--in all the objects, interests, and prospects, which belong to the province of christianity, servants were as free as their master. the powers of the one, were allowed as wide a range and as free an exercise, with as warm encouragements, as active aids, and as high results, as the other. here, the relation of a servant to his master imposed no restrictions, involved no embarrassments, occasioned no injury. all this, clearly and certainly, is implied in "_perfect religious equality_," which the princeton professor accords to servants in relation to their master. might the _master_, then, in order more fully to attain the great ends for which he was created and redeemed, freely exert himself to increase his acquaintance with his own powers, and relations, and resources--with his prospects, opportunities, and advantages? so might his _servants_. was _he_ at liberty to "study to approve himself to god," to submit to his will and bow to his authority, as the sole standard of affection and exertion? so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty to sanctify the sabbath, and frequent the "solemn assembly?" so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty so to honor the filial, conjugal, and paternal relations, as to find in them that spring of activity and that source of enjoyment, which they are capable of yielding? so were _they_. in every department of interest and exertion, they might use their capacities, and wield their powers, and improve their opportunities, and employ their resources, as freely as he, in glorifying god, in blessing mankind, and in laying up imperishable treasures for themselves! give perfect religious equality to the american slave, and the most eager abolitionist must be satisfied. such equality would, like the breath of the almighty, dissolve the last link of the chain of servitude. dare those who, for the benefit of slavery, have given so wide and active a circulation do the pittsburgh pamphlet, make the experiment? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] in the epistle to the colossians, the following passage deserves earnest attention:--"servants, obey in all things your masters according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but in singleness of heart, fearing god: and whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to the lord, and not unto men; knowing, that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance; for ye serve the lord christ. but he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done: and there is no respect of persons.--masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye have a master in heaven."[a] [footnote a: col. iii. to iv. .] here it is natural to remark-- . that in maintaining the relation, which mutually united them, both masters and servants were to act in conformity with the principles of the divine government. whatever _they_ did, servants were to do in hearty obedience to the lord, by whose authority they were to be controlled and by whose hand they were to be rewarded. to the same lord, and according to the same law, was the _master_ to hold himself responsible. _both the one and the other were of course equally at liberty and alike required to study and apply the standard, by which they were to be governed and judged._ . the basis of the government under which they thus were placed, was _righteousness_--strict, stern, impartial. nothing here of bias or antipathy. birth, wealth, station,--the dust of the balance not so light! both master and servants were hastening to a tribunal, where nothing of "respect of persons" could be feared or hoped for. there the wrong-doer, whoever he might be, and whether from the top or bottom of society, must be dealt with according to his deservings. . under this government, servants were to be universally and heartily obedient; and both in the presence and absence of the master, faithfully to discharge their obligations. the master on his part, in his relations to the servants, was to make justice and equality the _standard of his conduct_. under the authority of such instructions, slavery falls discountenanced, condemned, abhorred. it is flagrantly at war with the government of god, consists in "respect of persons" the most shameless and outrageous, treads justice and equality under foot, and in its natural tendency and practical effects is nothing else than a system of wrong-doing. what have _they_ to do with the just and the equal who in their "respect of persons" proceed to such a pitch as to treat one brother as a thing because he is a servant, and place him, without the least regard to his welfare here, or his prospects hereafter, absolutely at the disposal of another brother, under the name of master, in the relation of owner to property? justice and equality on the one hand, and the chattel principle on the other, are naturally subversive of each other--proof clear and decisive that the correlates, masters and servants, cannot here be rendered slaves and owners, without the grossest absurdity and the greatest violence. "the relation of slavery," according to prof. stuart, is recognized in "the precepts of the new testament," as one which "may still exist without violating the christian faith or the church."[a] slavery and the chattel principle! so our professor thinks; otherwise his reference has nothing to do with the subject--with the slavery which the abolitionist, whom he derides, stands opposed to. how gross and hurtful is the mistake into which he allows himself to fall. the relation recognized in the precepts of the new testament had its basis and support in "justice and equality;" the very opposite of the chattel principle; a relation which may exist as long as justice and equality remain, and thus escape the destruction to which, in the view of prof. stuart, slavery is doomed. the description of paul obliterates every feature of american slavery, raising the servant to equality with his master, and placing his rights under the protection of justice; yet the eye of prof. stuart can see nothing in his master and servant but a slave and his owner. with this relation he is so thoroughly possessed, that, like an evil angel, it haunts him even when he enters the temple of justice! [footnote a: letter to dr. fisk, supra p. .] "it is remarkable," with the princeton professor, "that there is not even an exhortation" in the writings of the apostles "to masters to liberate their slaves, much less is it urged as an imperative and immediate duty."[b] it would be remarkable, indeed, if they were chargeable with a defect so great and glaring. and so they have nothing to say upon the subject? _that_ not even the princeton professor has the assurance to affirm. he admits that kindness, mercy, and justice, were enjoined with a _distinct reference to the government of god_.[c] "without respect of persons," they were to be god-like in doing justice. they were to act the part of kind and merciful "brethren." and whither would this lead them? could they stop short of restoring to every man his natural, inalienable rights?--of doing what they could to redress the wrongs, soothe the sorrows, improve the character, and raise the condition of the degraded and oppressed? especially, if oppressed and degraded by any agency of theirs. could it be kind, merciful, or just to keep the chains of slavery on their helpless, unoffending brother? would this be to honor the golden rule, or obey the second great command of "their master in heaven?" could the apostles have subserved the cause of freedom more directly, intelligibly, and effectually, than _to enjoin the principles, and sentiments, and habits, in which freedom consists--constituting its living root and fruitful germ_? [footnote b: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] [footnote c: pittsburgh pamphlet, p. .] the princeton professor himself, in the very paper which the south has so warmly welcomed and so loudly applauded as a scriptural defense of "the peculiar institution," maintains, that the "general principles of the gospel _have_ destroyed slavery _throughout out the greater part of christendom"_[a]--"that christianity has abolished both political and domestic bondage wherever it has had free scope--_that it_ enjoins _a fair compensation for labor; insists on the mental and intellectual improvement of_ all _classes of men; condemns_ all _infractions of marital or parental rights; requires in short not only that_ free scope _should be allowed to human improvement, but that _all suitable means_ _should be employed for the attainment of that end._"[b] it is indeed "remarkable," that while neither christ nor his apostles ever gave "an exhortation to masters to liberate their slaves," they enjoined such "general principles as have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of christendom;" that while christianity forbears "to urge" emancipation "as an imperative and immediate duty," it throws a barrier, heaven high, around every domestic circle; protects all the rights of the husband and the fathers; gives every laborer a fair compensation; and makes the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes, with free scope and all suitable means, the object of its tender solicitude and high authority. this is not only "remarkable," but inexplicable. yes and no--hot and cold, in one and the same breath! and yet these things stand prominent in what is reckoned an acute, ingenious, effective defense of slavery! [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. . .] [footnote b: the same, p. .] in his letter to the corinthian church, the apostle paul furnishes another lesson of instruction, expressive of his views and feelings on the subject of slavery. "let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called. art thou called being a servant? care not for it: but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman: likewise also he that is called, being free, is christ's servant. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men."[a] [footnote a: cor. vii. - .] in explaining and applying this passage, it is proper to suggest, . that it _could_ not have been the object of the apostle to bind the corinthian converts to the stations and employments in which the gospel found them. for he exhorts some of them to escape, if possible, from their present condition. in the servile state, "under the yoke," they ought not to remain unless impelled by stern necessity. "if thou canst be free, use it rather." if they ought to prefer freedom to bondage and to exert themselves to escape from the latter for the sake of the former, could their master consistently with the claims and spirit of the gospel have hindered or discouraged them in so doing? their "brother" could _he_ be, who kept "the yoke" upon their neck, which the apostle would have them shake off if possible? and had such masters been members of the corinthian church, what inferences must they have drawn from this exhortation to their servants? that the apostle regarded slavery as a christian institution?--or could look complacently on any efforts to introduce or maintain it in the church? could they have expected less from him than a stern rebuke, if they refused to exert themselves in the cause of freedom? . but while they were to use their freedom, if they could obtain it, they should not, even on such a subject, give themselves up to ceaseless anxiety. "the lord was no respecter of persons." they need not fear, that the "low estate," to which they had been wickedly reduced, would prevent them from enjoying the gifts of his hand or the light of his countenance. _he_ would respect their rights, sooth their sorrows, and pour upon their hearts, and cherish there, the spirit of liberty. "for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman." in _him_, therefore, should they cheerfully confide. . the apostle, however, forbids them so to acquiesce in the servile relation, as to act inconsistently with their christian obligations. to their savior they belonged. by his blood they had been purchased. it should be their great object, therefore, to render _him_ a hearty and effective service. they should permit no man, whoever he might be, to thrust in himself between them and their redeemer. "_ye are bought with a price_; be not ye the servants of men." with his eye upon the passage just quoted and explained, the princeton professor asserts that "paul represents this relation"--the relation of slavery--"as of comparatively little account."[a] and this he applies--otherwise it is nothing to his purpose--to _american_ slavery. does he then regard it as a small matter, a mere trifle, to be thrown under the slave-laws of this republic, grimly and fiercely excluding their victim from almost every means of improvement, and field of usefulness, and source of comfort; and making him, body and substance, with his wife and babes, "the servant of men?" could such a relation be acquiesced in consistently with the instructions of the apostle? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] to the princeton professor the commend a practical trial of the bearing of the passage in hand upon american slavery. his regard for the unity and prosperity of the ecclesiastical organizations, which in various forms and under different names unite the southern with the northern churches, will make the experiment grateful to his feelings. let him, then, as soon as his convenience will permit, proceed to georgia. no religious teacher[b] from any free state, can be likely to receive so general and so warm a welcome there. to allay the heat, which the doctrines and movements of the abolitionists have occasioned in the southern mind, let him with as much despatch as possible collect, as he goes from place to place, masters and their slaves. now let all men, whom it may concern, see and own that slavery is a christian institution! with his bible in his hand and his eye upon the passage in question, he addresses himself to the task of instructing the slaves around him. let not your hearts, my brethren, be overcharged with sorrow, or eaten up with anxiety. your servile condition cannot deprive you of the fatherly regards of him "who is no respecter of persons." freedom you ought, indeed, to prefer. if you can escape from "the yoke," throw it off. in the mean time rejoice that "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" that the gospel places slaves "on a perfect religious equality" with their master; so that every christian is "the lord's freeman." and, for your encouragement, remember that "christianity has abolished both political and domestic servitude whenever it has had free scope. it enjoins a fair compensation for labor; it insists on the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes of men; it condemns all infractions of marital or parental rights; in short it requires not only that free scope be allowed to human improvement, but that all suitable means should be employed for the attainment of that end."[c] let your lives, then, be honorable to your relations to your savior. he bought you with his own blood; and is entitled to your warmest love and most effective service. "be not ye the servants of men." let no human arrangements prevent you, as citizens of the kingdom of heaven, from making the most of your powers and opportunities. would such an effort, generally and heartily made, allay excitement at the south, and quench the flames of discord, every day rising higher and waxing hotter, in almost every part of the republic, and cement "the union?" [footnote b: rev. mr. savage, of utica, new york, had, not very long ago, a free conversation with a gentleman of high standing in the literary and religious world from a slaveholding state, where the "peculiar institution" is cherished with great warmth and maintained with iron rigor. by him, mr. savage was assured, that the princeton professor had, through the pittsburgh pamphlet, contributed most powerfully and effectually to bring the "whole south" under the persuasion, _that slaveholding is in itself right_--a system _to which the bible gives countenance and support_. in an extract from an article in the southern christian sentinel, a new presbyterian paper established in charleston, south carolina, and inserted in the christian journal for march , , we find the following paragraphs from the pen of rev. c.w. howard, and according to mr. chester, ably and freely endorsed by the editor. "there is scarcely any diversity of sentiment at the north upon this subject. the great mass of the people believing slavery to be sinful, are clearly of the opinion that as a system, it should be abolished throughout this land and throughout the world. they differ as to the time and mode of abolition. the abolitionists consistently argue, that whatever is sinful, should be instantly abandoned. the others, _by a strange sort of reasoning for christian men_, contend that though slavery is sinful, _yet it may be allowed to exist until it shall be expedient to abolish it_; or if, in many cases, this reasoning might be translated into plain english, the sense would be, both in church and state, _slavery, though sinful, may be allowed to exist until our interest will suffer us to say that it must be abolished_. this is not slander; it is simply a plain way of stating a plain truth. it does seem the evident duty of every man to become an abolitionist, who believes slavery to be sinful, for the bible allows no tampering with sin." "to these remarks, there are some noble exceptions to be found in both parties in the church. _the south owes a debt of gratitude to the biblical repertory, for the fearless argument in behalf of the position, that slavery is not forbidden by the bible_. the writer of that article is said, without contradiction, to be _prof. hodge of princeton--his name ought to be known and revered among you, my brethren, for in a land of anti-slavery men, he is the only one who has dared to vindicate your character from the serious charge of living in the habitual transgression of god's holy law_."] [footnote c: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] "it is," affirms the princeton professor, "on all hands acknowledged, that, at the time of the advent of jesus christ, slavery in its worst forms prevailed over the whole world. _the savior found it around him_ in judea."[a] to say that he found it _in judea_, is to speak ambiguously. many things were to be found "_in_ judea," which neither belonged to, nor were characteristic of _the jews_. it is not denied that _the gentiles_, who resided among them, might have had slaves; _but of the jews this is denied_. how could the professor take that as granted, the proof of which entered vitally into the argument and was essential to the soundness of the conclusions to which he would conduct us? how could he take advantage of an ambiguous expression to conduct his confiding readers on to a position which, if his own eyes were open, he must have known they could not hold in the light of open day? [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] we do not charge the savior with any want of wisdom, goodness, or courage,[b] for refusing to "break down the wall of partition between jews and gentiles" "before the time appointed." while this barrier stood, he could not, consistently with the plan of redemption, impart instruction freely to the gentiles. to some extent, and on extraordinary occasions, he might have done so. but his business then was with "the lost sheep of the house of israel."[c] the propriety of this arrangement is not the matter of dispute between the princeton professor and ourselves. [footnote b: the same, p. .] [footnote c: matt. xv. .] in disposing of the question whether the jews held slaves during our savior's incarnation among them, the following points deserve earnest attention:-- . slaveholding is inconsistent with the mosaic economy. for the proof of this, we would refer our readers, among other arguments more or less appropriate and powerful, to the tract already alluded to.[a] in all the external relations and visible arrangements of life, the jews, during our savior's ministry among them, seem to have been scrupulously observant of the institutions and usages of the "old dispensation." they stood far aloof from whatever was characteristic of samaritans and gentiles. from idolatry and slaveholding--those twin-vices which had always so greatly prevailed among the heathen--they seem at length, as the result of a most painful discipline, to have been effectually divorced. [footnote a: "the bible against slavery."] . while, therefore, john the baptist, with marked fidelity and great power, acted among the jews the part of a _reprover_, he found no occasion to repeat and apply the language of his predecessors,[b] in exposing and rebuking idolatry and slaveholding. could he, the greatest of the prophets, have been less effectually aroused by the presence of "the yoke," than was isaiah?--or less intrepid and decisive in exposing and denouncing the sin of oppression under its most hateful and injurious forms? [footnote b: psalm lxxxii; isa. lviii. - ; jer. xxii. - .] . the savior was not backward in applying his own principles plainly and pointedly to such forms of oppression as appeared among the jews. these principles, whenever they have been freely acted on, the princeton professor admits, have abolished domestic bondage. had this prevailed within the sphere of our savior's ministry, he could not, consistently with his general character, have failed to expose and condemn it. the oppression of the people by lordly ecclesiastics, of parents by their selfish children, of widows by their ghostly counsellors, drew from his lips scorching rebukes and terrible denunciations.[c] how, then, must he have felt and spoke in the presence of such tyranny, if _such tyranny had been within his official sphere_, as should _have made widows_, by driving their husbands to some flesh-market, and their children not orphans, _but cattle_? [footnote c: matt. xxiii; mark vii. - .] . domestic slavery was manifestly inconsistent with the _industry_, which, _in the form of manual labor_, so generally prevailed among the jews. in one connection, in the acts of the apostles, we are informed, that, coming from athens to corinth, paul "found a certain jew named aquila, born in pontus, lately come from italy, with his wife priscilla; (because that claudius had commanded all jews to depart from rome;) and came unto them. and because he was of the same craft, he abode with them and wrought: (for by their occupation they were tent-makers.")[a] this passage has opened the way for different commentators to refer us to the public sentiment and general practice of the jews respecting useful industry and manual labor. according to _lightfoot_, "it was their custom to bring up their children to some trade, yea, though they gave them learning or estates." according to rabbi judah, "he that teaches not his son a trade, is as if he taught him to be a thief."[b] it was, _kuinoel_ affirms, customary even for jewish teachers to unite labor (opificium) with the study of the law. this he confirms by the highest rabbinical authority.[c] _heinrichs_ quotes a rabbi as teaching, that no man should by any means neglect to train his son to honest industry.[d] accordingly, the apostle paul, though brought up at the "feet of gamaliel," the distinguished disciple of a most illustrious teacher, practiced the art of tent-making. his own hands ministered to his necessities; and his example in so doing, he commends to his gentile brethren for their imitation.[e] that zebedee, the father of john the evangelist, had wealth, various hints in the new testament render probable.[f] yet how do we find him and his sons, while prosecuting their appropriate business? in the midst of the hired servants, "in the ship mending their nets."[g] [footnote a: acts xviii. - .] [footnote b: henry on acts xviii, - .] [footnote c: kuinoel on acts.] [footnote d: heinrichs on acts.] [footnote e: acts xx. , ; thess. iv. ] [footnote f: see kuinoel's prolegom. to the gospel of john.] [footnote g: mark i. , .] slavery among a people who, from the highest to the lowest, were used to manual labor! what occasion for slavery there? and how could it be maintained? no place can be found for slavery among a people generally inured to useful industry. with such, especially if men of learning, wealth, and station "labor, working with their hands," such labor must be honorable. on this subject, let jewish maxims and jewish habits be adopted at the south, and the "peculiar institution" would vanish like a ghost at daybreak. . another hint, here deserving particular attention, is furnished in the allusions of the new testament to the lowest casts and most servile employments among the jews. with profligates, _publicans_ were joined as depraved and contemptible. the outcasts of society were described, not as fit to herd with slaves, but as deserving a place among samaritans and publicans. they were "_hired servants_," whom zebedee employed. in the parable of the prodigal son we have a wealthy jewish family. here servants seem to have abounded. the prodigal, bitterly bewailing his wretchedness and folly, described their condition as greatly superior to his own. how happy the change which should place him by their side! his remorse, and shame, and penitence made him willing to embrace the lot of the lowest of them all. but these--what was their condition? they were hired servants. "make me as one of thy hired servants." such he refers to as the lowest menials known in jewish life. lay such hints as have now been suggested together; let it be remembered, that slavery was inconsistent with the mosaic economy; that john the baptist in preparing the way for the messiah makes no reference "to the yoke" which, had it been before him, he would, like isaiah, have condemned; that the savior, while he took the part of the poor and sympathized with the oppressed; was evidently spared the pain of witnessing within the sphere of his ministry, the presence of the chattel principle; that it was the habit of the jews, whoever they might be, high or low, rich or poor, learned or rude, "to labor, working with their hands;" and that where reference was had to the most menial employments, in families, they were described as carried on by hired servants; and the question of slavery "in judea," so far as the seed of abraham were concerned, is very easily disposed of. with every phase and form of society among them slavery was inconsistent. the position which, in the article so often referred to in this paper, the princeton professor takes, is sufficiently remarkable. northern abolitionists he saw in an earnest struggle with southern slaveholders. the present welfare and future happiness of myriads of the human family were at stake in this contest. in the heat of the battle, he throws himself between the belligerent powers. he gives the abolitionists to understand, that they are quite mistaken in the character of the object they have set themselves so openly and sternly against. slaveholding is not, as they suppose, contrary to the law of god. it was witnessed by the savior "in its worst form,"[a] without extorting from his lips a syllable of rebuke. "the sacred writers did not condemn it."[b] and why should they? by a definition[c] sufficiently ambiguous and slippery, he undertakes to set forth a form of slavery which he looks upon as consistent with the law of righteousness. from this definition he infers that the abolitionists are greatly to blame for maintaining that american slavery is inherently and essentially sinful, and for insisting that it ought at once to be abolished. for this labor of love the slaveholding south is warmly grateful and applauds its reverend ally, as if a very daniel had come as their advocate to judgment.[d] [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. .] [footnote b: the same p. .] [footnote c: the same p. .] [footnote d: supra p. .] a few questions, briefly put, may not here be inappropriate. . was the form of slavery which our professor pronounces innocent _the form_ witnessed by our savior "in judea?" that, _he_ will by no means admit. the slavery there was, he affirms, of the "worst" kind. _how then does he account for the alledged silence of the savior?--a silence covering the essence and the form--the institution and its "worst" abuses?_ . is the slaveholding, which, according to the princeton professor, christianity justifies, the same as that which the abolitionists so earnestly wish to see abolished? let us see. _christianity in supporting _the american system for slavery, according to prof. supporting slavery,_ hodge,_ "enjoins a fair compensation makes compensation impossible for labor." by reducing the laborer to a chattel. "it insists on the moral it sternly forbids its victim and intellectual improvement to learn to read even the of all classes of men." name of his creator and redeemer. "it condemns all infractions it outlaws the conjugal and of marital or parental rights." parental relations. "it requires that free scope it forbids any effort, on the should be allowed to human part of myriads of the human improvement." family, to improve their character, condition, and prospects. "it requires that all suitable it inflicts heavy penalties means should be employed to improve for teaching letters to the mankind." to the poorest of the poor. "wherever it has had free scope, it wherever it has free scope, has abolished domestic bondage." it perpetuates domestic bondage. _now it is slavery according to the american system_ that the abolitionists are set against. _of the existence of any_ such form of slavery as is consistent with prof. hodge's account of the requisitions of christianity, they know nothing. it has never met their notice, and of course, has never roused their feelings, or called forth their exertions. what, then, have _they_ to do with the censures and reproaches which the princeton professor deals around? let those who have leisure and good nature protect the _man of straw_ he is so hot against. the abolitionists have other business. it is not the figment of some sickly brain; but that system of oppression which in theory is corrupting, and in practice destroying both church and state;--it is this that they feel pledged to do battle upon, till by the just judgment of almighty god it is thrown, dead and damned, into the bottomless abyss. . _how can the south feel itself protected by any shield which may be thrown over such slavery, as may be consistent with what the princeton professor describes as the requisitions of christianity?_ is _this?_ the _slavery_ which their laws describe, and their hands maintain? "fair compensation for labor"--"marital and parental rights"--"free scope" and "all suitable means" for the "improvement, moral and intellectual, of all classes of men;"--are these, according to the statutes of the south, among the objects of slaveholding legislation? every body knows that any such requisition and american slavery are flatly opposed to and directly subversive of each other. what service, then, has the princeton professor, with all his ingenuity and all his zeal, rendered the "peculiar institution?" their gratitude must be of a stamp and complexion quite peculiar, if they can thank him for throwing their "domestic system" under the weight of such christian requisitions as must at once crush its snaky head "and grind it to powder." and what, moreover, is the bearing of the christian requisitions which prof. hodge quotes, upon _the definition of slavery_ which he has elaborated? "all the ideas which necessarily enter into the definition of slavery are, deprivation of personal liberty, obligation of service at the discretion of another, and the transferable character of the authority and claim of service of the master[a]." [footnote a: pittsburgh pamphlet p. ] _according to prof. hodge's according to prof. hodge's account of the requisitions of account of slavery, christianity,_ the spring of effort in the labor the laborer must serve at the is a fair compensation. discretion of another. free scope must be given for his moral he is deprived of personal and intellectual improvement. liberty--the necessary condition, and living soul of improvement, without which he has no control of either intellect or morals. his rights as a husband and a father the authority and claims of are to be protected. the master may throw an ocean between him and his family, and separate them from each other's presence at any moment and forever. christianity, then, requires such slavery as prof. hodge so cunningly defines, to be abolished. it was well provided, for the peace of the respective parties, that he placed _his definition_ so far from _the requisitions of christianity_. had he brought them into each other's presence, their natural and invincible antipathy to each other would have broken out into open and exterminating warfare. but why should we delay longer upon an argument which is based on gross and monstrous sophistry? it can mislead only such as _wish_ to be misled. the lovers of sunlight are in little danger of rushing into the professor's dungeon. those who, having something to conceal, covet darkness, can find it there, to their hearts' content. the hour can not be far away, when upright and reflective minds at the south will be astonished at the blindness which could welcome such protection as the princeton argument offers to the slaveholder. but _prof. stuart_ must not be forgotten. in his celebrated letter to dr. fisk, he affirms that "_paul did not expect slavery to be ousted in a day_[a]." _did not_ expect! what then? are the _requisitions_ of christianity adapted to any expectations which in any quarter and on any ground might have risen to human consciousness? and are we to interpret the _precepts_ of the gospel by the expectations of paul? the savior commanded all men every where to repent, and this, though "paul did not expect" that human wickedness, in its ten thousand forms would in any community "be ousted in a day." expectations are one thing; requisitions quite another. [footnote a: supra, p. .] in the mean time, while expectation waited, paul, the professor adds, "gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor." _that_ he did. of what character were these precepts? must they not have been in harmony with the golden rule? but this, according to prof. stuart, "decides against the righteousness of slavery" even as a "theory." accordingly, christians were required, _without_ _respect of persons_, to do each other justice--to maintain equality as common ground for all to stand upon--to cherish and express in all their intercourse that tender love and disinterested charity which one _brother_ naturally feels for another. these were the "ad interim precepts,"[a] which can not fail, if obeyed, to cut up slavery, "root and branch," at once and forever. [footnote a: letter to dr. fisk, p. .] prof. stuart comforts us with the assurance that "_christianity will ultimately certainly destroy slavery_." of this _we_ have not the feeblest doubt. but how could _he_ admit a persuasion and utter a prediction so much at war with the doctrine he maintains, that "_slavery may exist without_ violating the christian faith or the church?"[b] what, christianity bent on the destruction of an ancient and cherished institution which hurts neither her character nor condition![c] why not correct its abuses and purify its spirit; and shedding upon it her own beauty, preserve it, as a living trophy of her reformatory power? whence the discovery that, in her onward progress, she would trample down and destroy what was no way hurtful to her? this is to be _aggressive_ with a witness. far be it from the judge of all the earth to whelm the innocent and guilty in the same destruction! in aid of professor stuart, in the rude and scarcely covert attack which he makes upon himself, we maintain that christianity will certainly destroy slavery on account of its inherent wickedness--its malignant temper--its deadly effects--its constitutional, insolent, and unmitigable opposition to the authority of god and the welfare of man. [footnote b: the same, p. .] [footnote c: prof. stuart applies here the words, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_.] "christianity will _ultimately_ destroy slavery." "ultimately!" what meaneth that portentous word? to what limit of remotest time, concealed in the darkness of futurity, may it look? tell us, o watchman, on the hill of andover. almost nineteen centuries have rolled over this world of wrong and outrage--and yet we tremble in the presence of a form of slavery whose breath is poison, whose fang is death! if any one of the incidents of slavery should fall, but for a single day, upon the head of the prophet who dipped his pen, in such cold blood, to write that word "ultimately," how, under the sufferings of the first tedious hour, would he break out in the lamentable cry, "how _long_, o lord, how long!" in the agony of beholding a wife or daughter upon the table of the auctioneer, while every bid fell upon his heart like the groan of despair, small comfort would he find in the dull assurance of some heartless prophet, quite at "ease in zion," that "ultimately _christianity would destroy slavery_." as the hammer falls and the beloved of his soul, all helpless and most wretched, is borne away to the haunts of _legalized_ debauchery, his heart turns to stone, while the cry dies upon his lips, "_how_ long, _o lord_, how long?" "_ultimately!_" in _what circumstances_ does prof. stuart assure himself that christianity will destroy slavery? are we, as american citizens, under the sceptre of a nero? when, as integral parts of this republic--as living members of this community, did we forfeit the prerogatives of _freemen_? have we not the right to speak and act as wielding the powers which the principle of self-government has put in our possession? and without asking leave of priest or statesman, of the north or the south, may we not make the most of the freedom which we enjoy under the guaranty of the ordinances of heaven and the constitution of our country? can we expect to see christianity on higher vantage-ground than in this country she stands upon? in the midst of a republic based on the principle of the equality of mankind, where every christian, as vitally connected with the state, freely wields the highest political rights and enjoys the richest political privileges; where the unanimous demand of one-half of the members of the churches would be promptly met in the abolition of slavery, what "_ultimately_" must christianity here wait for before she crushes the chattel principle beneath her heel? her triumph over slavery is retarded by nothing but the corruption and defection so widely spread through the "sacramental host" beneath her banners! let her voice be heard and her energies exerted, and the _ultimately_ of the "dark spirit of slavery" would at once give place to the _immediately_ of the avenger of the poor. * * * * * no . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * correspondence, between the hon. f.h. elmore, one of the south carolina delegation in congress, and james g. birney, one of the secretaries of the american anti-slavery society. * * * * * new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this periodical contains sheets.--postage under miles, - / cts.; over miles, - / cts. _please read and circulate_. remarks in explanation. * * * * * anti-slavery office, _new york, may , _. in january, a tract entitled "why work for the slave?" was issued from this office by the agent for the _cent-a-week societies_. a copy of it was transmitted to the hon. john c. calhoun;--to _him_, because he has seemed, from the first, more solicitous than the generality of southern politicians, to possess himself of accurate information about the anti-slavery movement. a note written by me accompanied the tract, informing mr. calhoun, why it was sent to him. not long afterward, the following letter was received from the hon. f.h. elmore, of the house of representatives in congress. from this and another of his letters just now received, it seems, that the slaveholding representatives in congress, after conferring together, appointed a committee, of their own number, to obtain authentic information of the intentions and progress of the anti-slavery associations,--and that mr. elmore was selected, as the _south carolina_ member of the committee. several other communications have passed between mr. elmore and me. they relate, chiefly, however, to the transmission and reception of anti-slavery publications, which he requested to be sent to him,--and to other matters not having any connection with the merits of the main subject. it is, therefore, thought unnecessary to publish them. it may be sufficient to remark of all the communications received from mr. elmore--that they are characterized by exemplary courtesy and good temper, and that they bear the impress of an educated, refined, and liberal mind. it is intended to circulate this correspondence throughout the _whole country_. if the information it communicates be important for southern representatives in congress, it is not less so for their constituents. the anti-slavery movement has become so important in a national point of view, that no statesman can innocently remain ignorant of its progress and tendencies. the facts stated in my answer may be relied on, in proportion to the degree of accuracy to which they lay claim;--the arguments will, of course, be estimated according to their worth. james g. birney. correspondence. * * * * * washington city, feb. , to jas. g. birney, esq., _cor. sec. a.a.s. soc._ sir:--a letter from you to the hon. john c. calhoun, dated th january last, has been given to me, by him, in which you say, (in reference to the abolitionists or anti-slavery societies,) "we have nothing to conceal--and should you desire any information as to our procedure, it will be cheerfully communicated on [my] being apprised of your wishes." the frankness of this unsolicited offer indicates a fairness and honesty of purpose, which has caused the present communication, and which demands the same full and frank disclosure of the views with which the subjoined inquiries are proposed. your letter was handed to me, in consequence of a duty assigned me by my delegation, and which requires me to procure all the authentic information i can, as to the nature and intentions of yours and similar associations, in order that we may, if we deem it advisable, lay the information before our people, so that they may be prepared to decide understandingly, as to the course it becomes them to pursue on this all important question. if you "have nothing to conceal," and it is not imposing too much on, what may have been, an unguarded proffer, i will esteem your compliance as a courtesy to an opponent, and be pleased to have an opportunity to make a suitable return. and if, on the other hand, you have the least difficulty or objection, i trust you will not hesitate to withhold the information sought for, as i would not have it, unless as freely given, as it will, if deemed expedient, be freely used. i am, sir, your ob'd't serv't, f.h. elmore, of s.c. questions for j.g. birney, esq., cor. sec. a.a.s. society. . how many societies, affiliated with that of which you are the corresponding secretary, are there in the united states? and how many members belong to them _in the aggregate_? . are there any other societies similar to yours, and not affiliated with it, in the united states? and how many, and what is the aggregate their members? . have you affiliation, intercourse or connection with any similar societies out of the united states, and in what countries? . do your or similar societies exist in the colleges and other literary institutions of the non-slaveholding states, and to what extent? . what do you estimate the numbers of those who co-operate in this matter at? what proportion do they bear in the population of the northern states, and what in the middle non-slaveholding states? are they increasing, and at what rate? . what is the object your associations aim at? does it extend to the abolition of slavery only in the district of columbia, or in the whole slave country? . by what means, and under what power, do you propose to carry your views into effect? . what has been for three years past, the annual income of your societies? and how is it raised? . in what way, and to what purposes, do you apply these funds? . how many priming presses and periodical publications have you? . to what classes of persons do you address your publications, and are they addressed to the judgment, the imagination, or the feelings? . do you propagate your doctrines by any other means than oral and written discussions,--for instance, by prints and pictures in manufactures--say pocket handkerchiefs, &c. pray, state the various modes? . are your hopes and expectations increased or lessened by the events of the last year, and, especially, by the action of this congress? and will your exertions be relaxed or increased? . have you any permanent fund, and how much? anti-slavery office, _new york, march , _ hon. f.h. elmore, member of congress from s. carolina: sir,--i take pleasure in furnishing the information you have so politely asked for, in your letter of the th ult., in relation to the american anti-slavery society;--and trust, that this correspondence, by presenting in a sober light, the objects and measures of the society, may contribute to dispel, not only from your own mind, but--if it be diffused throughout the south--from the minds of our fellow-citizens there generally, a great deal of undeserved prejudice and groundless alarm. i cannot hesitate to believe, that such as enter on the examination of its claims to public favour, without bias, will find that it aims intelligently, not only at the promotion of the interests of the slave, but of the master,--not only at the re-animation of the republican principles of our constitution, but at the establishment of the union on an enduring basis. i shall proceed to state the several questions submitted in your letter, and answer them, in the order in which they are proposed. you ask,-- " . _how many societies, affiliated with that of which you are corresponding secretary, are there in the united states? and how many members belong to them_ in the aggregate?" answer.--our anniversary is held on the tuesday immediately preceding the second thursday in may. returns of societies are made only a short time before. in may, , there were auxiliaries reported. in may, , . in may, , . returns for the anniversary in may next have not come in yet. it may, however, be safely said, that the increase, since last may, is not less than .[a] of late, the multiplication of societies has not kept pace with the progress of our principles. where these are well received, our agents are not so careful to organize societies as in former times, when our numbers were few; _societies, now_, being not deemed so necessary for the advancement of our cause. the auxiliaries average not less than members each; making an aggregate of , . others estimate the auxiliaries at , and the average of members at . i give you, what i believe to be the lowest numbers. [footnote a: the number reported for may was three hundred and forty, making, in the aggregate, .--_report for may_, .] " . _are there any other societies similar to yours, and not affiliated with it in the united states? and how many, and what is the aggregate of their members_?" answer.--several societies have been formed in the methodist connection within the last two years,--although most of the methodists who are abolitionists, are members of societies auxiliary to the american. these societies have been originated by ministers, and others of weight and influence, who think that their brethren can be more easily persuaded, as a religious body, to aid in the anti-slavery movement by this twofold action. none of the large religious denominations bid fairer soon to be on the side of emancipation than the methodist. of the number of the methodist societies that are not auxiliary, i am not informed.--the illinois society comes under the same class. the rev. elijah p. lovejoy, the corresponding secretary, was slain by a mob, a few days after its organization. it has not held a meeting since; and i have no data for stating the number of its members. it is supposed not to be large.--neither is the delaware society, organized, a few weeks ago, at wilmington, auxiliary to the american. i have no information as to its numbers.--the manumission society in this city, formed in , with john jay its first, and alexander hamilton its second president, might, from its name, be supposed to be affiliated with the american. originally, its object, so far as regarded the slaves, and those illegally held in bondage _in this state_, was, in a great measure, similar. slavery being extinguished in new-york in , as a state system, the efforts of the manumission society are limited now to the rescue, from kidnappers and others, of such persons as are really free by the laws, but who have been reduced to slavery. of the old abolition societies, organized in the time, and under the influence of franklin and rush and jay, and the most active of their coadjutors, but few remain. their declension may be ascribed to this defect,--they did not inflexibly ask for _immediate_ emancipation.--the pennsylvania abolition society, formed in , with dr. franklin, president, and dr. rush, secretary, is still in existence--but unconnected with the american society. some of the most active and benevolent members of both the associations last named, are members of the american society. besides the societies already mentioned, there may be in the country a few others of anti-slavery name; but they are of small note and efficiency, and are unconnected with this. " . _have you affiliation, intercourse, or connection with any similar societies out of the united states, and in what countries_?" answer.--a few societies have spontaneously sprung up in canada. two have declared themselves auxiliary to the american. we have an agent--a native of the united states--in upper canada; not with a view to the organization of societies, but to the moral and intellectual elevation of the ten thousand colored people there; most of whom have escaped from slavery in this republic, to enjoy freedom under the protection of a monarchy. in great britain there are numerous anti-slavery societies, whose particular object, of late, has been, to bring about the abolition of the apprentice-system, as established by the emancipation act in her slaveholding colonies. in england, there is a society whose professed object is, to abolish slavery _throughout the world_. of the existence of the british societies, you are, doubtless, fully aware; as also of the fact, that, in britain, the great mass of the people are opposed to slavery as it existed, a little while ago, in their own colonies, and as it exists now in the united states.--in france, the "french society for the abolition of slavery" was founded in . i shall have the pleasure of transmitting to you two pamphlets, containing an account of some of its proceedings; from which you will learn, that, the duc de broglie is its presiding officer, and many of the most distinguished and influential of the public men of that country are members.--in hayti, also, "the haytian abolition society" was formed in may, . these are all the foreign societies of which i have knowledge. they are connected with the american by no formal affiliation. the only intercourse between them and it, is, that which springs up spontaneously among those of every land who sympathize with humanity in her conflicts with slavery. " . _do your or similar societies exist in the colleges and other literary institutions of the non-slaveholding states, and to what extent_?" answer.--strenuous efforts have been made, and they are still being made, by those who have the direction of most of the literary and theological institutions in the free states, to bar out our principles and doctrines, and prevent the formation of societies among the students. to this course they have been prompted by various, and possibly, in their view, good motives. one of them, i think it not uncharitable to say, is, to conciliate the wealthy of the south, that they may send their sons to the north, to swell the college catalogues. neither do i think it uncharitable to say, that in this we have a manifestation of that aristocratic pride, which, feeling itself honored by having entrusted to its charge the sons of distant, opulent, and distinguished planters, fails not to dull everything like sympathy for those whose unpaid toil supplies the means so lavishly expended in educating southern youth at northern colleges. these efforts at suppression or restraint, on the part of faculties and boards of trustees, have heretofore succeeded to a considerable extent. anti-slavery societies, notwithstanding, have been formed in a few of our most distinguished colleges and theological seminaries. public opinion is beginning to call for a relaxation of restraints and impositions; they are yielding to its demands; and _now_, for the most part, sympathy for the slave may be manifested by our generous college youth, in the institution of anti-slavery societies, without any downright prohibition by their more politic teachers. college societies will probably increase more rapidly hereafter; as, in addition to the removal or relaxation of former restraints, just referred to, the murder of mr. lovejoy, the assaults on the freedom of speech and of the press, the prostration of the right of petition in congress, &c, &c, all believed to have been perpetrated to secure slavery from the scrutiny that the intelligent world is demanding, have greatly augmented the number of college abolitionists. they are, for the most part, the diligent, the intellectual, the religious of the students. united in societies, their influence is generally extensively felt in the surrounding region; _dispersed_, it seems scarcely less effective. an instance of the latter deserves particular notice. the trustees and faculty of one of our theological and literary institutions united for the suppression of anti-slavery action among the students. the latter refused to cease pleading for the slave, as he could not plead for himself. they left the institution; were providentially dispersed over various parts of the country, and made useful, in a remarkable manner, in advancing the cause of humanity and liberty. one of these dismissed students, the son of a slaveholder, brought up in the midst of slavery, and well acquainted with its peculiarities, succeeded in persuading a pious father to emancipate his fourteen slaves. after lecturing a long time with signal success--having contracted a disease of the throat, which prevented him from further prosecuting his labors in this way--he visited the west indies, eighteen months ago, in company with another gentleman of the most ample qualifications, to note the operation of the british emancipation act. together, they collected a mass of facts--now in a course of publication--that will astonish, as it ought to delight, the whole south; for it shows, conclusively, that immediate emancipation is the best, the safest, the most profitable, as it is the most just and honorable, of all emancipations.[a] [footnote a: see appendix, a.] another of these dismissed students is one of the secretaries of this society. he has, for a long time, discharged its arduous and responsible duties with singular ability. to his qualifications as secretary, he adds those of an able and successful lecturer. he was heard, several times, before the joint committee of the legislature of massachusetts, a year ago, prior to the report of that committee, and to the adoption, by the senate and house of representatives, of their memorable resolutions in favor of the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and of the right of petition. " . _what do you estimate the number of those who co-operate in the matter at? what proportion do they bear in the population of the northern states, and what in the middle non-slaveholding states? are they increasing, and at what rate_?" answer.--those who stand _ready to join_ our societies on the first suitable occasion, may be set down as equal in number to those who are now _actually members_. those who are ready _fully to co-operate with us_ in supporting the freedom of speech and the press, the right of petition, &c, may be estimated at _double_, if not _treble_, the joint numbers of those who _already are members_, and those who are _ready to become members_. the recording secretary of the massachusetts society stated, a few weeks ago, that the abolitionists in the various minor societies in that state were one in thirty of the whole population. the proportion of abolitionists to the whole population is greater in massachusetts than in any other of the free states, except vermont,--where the spirit of liberty has almost entirely escaped the corruptions which slavery has infused into it in most of her sister states, by means of commercial and other intercourse with them. in maine, not much of systematic effort has, as yet, been put forth to enlighten her population as to our principles and proceedings. i attended the anniversary of the state society on the st of january, at augusta, the seat of government. the ministers of the large religious denominations were beginning, as i was told, to unite with us--and politicians, to descry the ultimate prevalence of our principles. the impression i received was, that much could, and that much would, speedily be done. in new hampshire, more labor has been expended, and a greater effect produced. public functionaries, who have been pleased to speak in contemptuous terms of the progress of abolitionism, both in maine and new hampshire, will, it is thought, soon be made to see, through a medium not at all deceptive, the grossness of their error. in rhode island, our principles are fast pervading the great body of the people. this, it is thought, is the only one of the free states, in which the subject of abolition has been fully introduced, which has not been disgraced by a mob, triumphant, for the time being, over the right of the people to discuss any, and every, matter in which they feel interested. a short time previous to the last election of members of congress, questions, embodying our views as to certain political measures were propounded to the several candidates. respectful answers and, in the main, conformable with our views, were returned. i shall transmit you a newspaper containing both the questions and the answers.[a] [footnote a: since the above was written, at the last election in this state for governor and lieutenant governor, the abolitionists _interrogated_ the gentlemen who stood candidates for these offices. two of them answered respectfully, and conformably to the views of the abolitionists. their opponents neglected to answer at all. the first were elected.--see appendix, b.] in connecticut, there has not been, as yet, a great expenditure of abolition effort. although the moral tone of this state, so far as slavery is concerned, has been a good deal weakened by the influence of her multiform connexions with the south, yet the energies that have been put forth to reanimate her ancient and lofty feelings, so far from proving fruitless, have been followed by the most encouraging results. evidence of this is found in the faithful administration of the laws by judges and juries. in may last, a slave, who had been brought from georgia to hartford, successfully asserted her freedom under the laws of connecticut. the cause was elaborately argued before the supreme court. the most eminent counsel were employed on both sides. and it is but a few days, since two anti-abolition rioters (the only ones on trial) were convicted before the superior court in new haven, and sentenced to pay a fine of twenty dollars each, and to be imprisoned six months, the longest term authorized by the law. a convention, for the organization of a state society, was held in the city of hartford on the last day of february. it was continued three days. the _call_ for it (which i send you) was signed by nearly eighteen hundred of the citizens of that state. seventeen hundred, as i was informed, are legal voters. the proceedings of the convention were of the most harmonious and animating character.[b] [footnote b: see appendix, c.] in new york, our cause is evidently advancing. the state is rapidly coming up to the high ground of principle, so far as universal liberty is concerned, on which the abolitionists would place her. several large anti-slavery conventions have lately been held in the western counties. their reports are of the most encouraging character. nor is the change more remarkable in the state than in this city. less than five years ago, a few of the citizens advertised a meeting, to be held in clinton hall, to form a city anti-slavery society. a mob prevented their assembling at the place appointed. they repaired, privately, to one of the churches. to this they were pursued by the mob, and routed from it, though not before they had completed, in a hasty manner, the form of organization. in the summer of , some of the leading political and commercial journals of the city were enabled to stir up the mob against the persons and property of the abolitionists, and several of the most prominent were compelled to leave the city for safety; their houses were attacked, broken into, and, in one instance, the furniture publicly burnt in the street. _now_, things are much changed. many of the merchants and mechanics are favorable to our cause; gentlemen of the bar, especially the younger and more growing ones, are directing their attention to it; twenty-one of our city ministers are professed abolitionists; the churches are beginning to be more accessible to us; our meetings are held in them openly, attract large numbers, are unmolested; and the abolitionists sometimes hear themselves commended in other assemblies, not only for their honest _intentions_, but for their _respectability_ and _intelligence_. new jersey has, as yet, no state society, and the number of avowed abolitionists is small. in some of the most populous and influential parts of the state, great solicitude exists on the subject; and the call for lecturers is beginning to be earnest, if not importunate. pennsylvania has advanced to our principles just in proportion to the labor that has been bestowed, by means of lectures and publications in enlightening her population as to our objects, and the evils and dangers impending over the whole country, from southern slavery. the act of her late convention, in depriving a large number of their own constituents (the colored people) of the elective franchise, heretofore possessed by them without any allegation of its abuse on their part, would seem to prove an unpropitious state of public sentiment. we would neither deny, nor elude, the force of such evidence. but when this measure of the convention is brought out and unfolded in its true light--shown to be a party measure to bring succor from the south--a mere following in the wake of north carolina and tennessee, who led the way, in their _new_ constitutions, to this violation of the rights of their colored citizens, that they might the more firmly compact the wrongs of the enslaved--a pernicious, a profitless violation of great principles--a vulgar defiance of the advancing spirit of humanity and justice--a relapse into the by-gone darkness of a barbarous age--we apprehend from it no serious detriment to our cause. ohio has been well advanced. in a short time, she will be found among the most prominent of the states on the right side in the contest now going on between the spirit of liberty embodied in the free institutions of the north, and the spirit of slavery pervading the south. her constitution publishes the most honorable reprobation of slavery of any other in the union. in providing for its own revision or amendment, it declares, that _no alteration of it shall ever take place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the state_. her supreme court is intelligent and firm. it has lately decided, virtually, against the constitutionality of an act of the legislature, made, in effect, to favor southern slavery by the persecution of the colored people within her bounds. she has, already, abolitionists enough to turn the scale in her elections, and an abundance of excellent material for augmenting the number. in indiana but little has been done, except by the diffusion of our publications. but even with these appliances, several auxiliary societies have been organized.[a] [footnote a: the first legislative movement against the annexation of texas to the union, was made, it is believed, in indiana. so early as december, , a joint resolution passed its second reading in one or both branches of the legislature. how it was ultimately disposed of, is not known.] in michigan, the leaven of abolitionists pervades the whole population. the cause is well sustained by a high order of talent; and we trust soon to see the influence of it in all her public acts. in illinois, the murder of mr. lovejoy has multiplied and confirmed abolitionists, and led to the formation of many societies, which, in all probability, would not have been formed so soon, had not that event taken place. i am not possessed of sufficient data for stating, with precision, what proportion the abolitionists bear in the population of the northern and middle non-slaveholding states respectively. within the last ten months, i have travelled extensively in both these geographical divisions. i have had whatever advantage this, assisted by a strong interest in the general cause, and abundant conversations with the best informed abolitionists, could give, for making a fair estimate of their numbers. in the northern states i should say, _they are one in ten_--in new york, new jersey, and pennsylvania, _one in twenty_--of the whole adult population. that the abolitionists have multiplied, and that they are still multiplying rapidly, no one acquainted with the smallness of their numbers at their first organization a few years ago, and who has kept his eyes about him since, need ask. that they have not, thus far, been more successful, is owing to the vastness of the undertaking, and the difficulties with which they have had to contend, from comparatively limited means, for presenting their measures and objects, with the proper developments and explanations, to the great mass of the popular mind. the progress of their principles, under the same amount of intelligence in presenting them, and where no peculiar causes of prejudice exist in the minds of the hearers, is generally proportioned to the degree of religious and intellectual worth prevailing in the different sections of the country where the subject is introduced. i know no instance, in which any one notoriously profane or intemperate, or licentious, or of openly irreligious _practice_, has professed, cordially to have received our principles. " . _what is the object your associations aim at? does it extend to abolition of slavery only in the district of columbia, or in the whole slave country_?" answer.--this question is fully answered in the second article of the constitution of the american anti-slavery society, which is in these words:-- "the object of this society is the entire abolition of slavery in the united states. while it admits that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to _legislate_ in regard to its abolition in said state, it shall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of god, and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. the society will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence congress to put an end to the domestic slave-trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control, especially in the district of columbia; and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may hereafter be admitted to the union." other objects, accompanied by a pledge of peace, are stated in the third article of the constitution,-- "this society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice,--that thus they may, according to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites of civil and religious privileges; but this society will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force." " . _by what means and by what power do you propose to carry your views into effect_?" answer.--our "means" are the truth,--the "power" under whose guidance we propose to carry our views into effect, is, the almighty. confiding in these means, when directed by the spirit and wisdom of him, who has so made them as to act on the hearts of men, and so constituted the hearts of then as to be affected by them, we expect, . to bring the church of this country to repentance for the sin of oppression. not only the southern portion of it that has been the oppressor--but the northern, that has stood by, consenting, for half a century, to the wrong. . to bring our countrymen to see, that for a nation to persist in injustice is, but to rush on its own ruin; that to do justice is the highest expediency--to love mercy its noblest ornament. in other countries, slavery has sometimes yielded to fortuitous circumstances, or been extinguished by physical force. _we_ strive to win for truth the victory over error, and on the broken fragments of slavery to rear for her a temple, that shall reach to the heavens, and toward which all nations shall worship. it has been said, that the slaveholders of the south will not yield, nor hearken to the influence of the truth on this subject. we believe it not--nor give we entertainment to the slander that such an unworthy defence of them implies. we believe them _men_,--that they have understandings that arguments will convince--consciences to which the appeals of justice and mercy will not be made in vain. if our principles be true--our arguments right--if slaveholders be men--and god have not delivered over our guilty country to the retributions of the oppressor, not only of the stranger but of the native--our success is certain. " . _what has been for three years past, the annual income of your societies? and how has it been raised?_" answer.--the annual income of the societies at large, it would be impossible to ascertain. the total receipts of this society, for the year ending th of may, --leaving out odd numbers--was $ , ; for the year ending th of may, , $ , ; and for the year ending th of may, , $ , . from the last date, up to this--not quite ten months--there has been paid into the treasury the sum of $ , .[a] these sums are independent of what is raised by state and auxiliary societies, for expenditure within their own particular bounds, and for their own particular exigencies. also, of the sums paid in subscriptions for the support of newspapers, and for the printing (by auxiliaries,) of periodicals, pamphlets, and essays, either for sale at low prices, or for gratuitous distribution. the moneys contributed in these various modes would make an aggregate greater, perhaps, than is paid into the treasury of any one of the benevolent societies of the country. most of the wealthy contributors of former years suffered so severely in the money-pressure of this, that they have been unable to contribute much to our funds. this has made it necessary to call for aid on the great body of abolitionists--persons, generally, in moderate circumstances. they have well responded to the call, considering the hardness of the times. to show you the extremes that meet at our treasury,--general sewall, of maine, a revolutionary officer, eighty-five years old--william philbrick, a little boy near boston, not four years old--and a colored woman, who makes her subsistence by selling apples in the streets in this city, lately sent in their respective sums to assist in promoting the emancipation of the "poor slave." [footnote a: the report for may states the sum received during the previous year at $ , .] all contributions of whatever kind are _voluntary_. " . _in what way, and to what purposes do you apply these funds!_" answer.--they are used in sustaining the society's office in this city--in paying lecturers and agents of various kinds--in upholding the press--in printing books, pamphlets, tracts, &c, containing expositions of our principles--accounts of our progress--refutations of objections--and disquisitions on points, scriptural, constitutional, political, legal, economical, as they chance to arise and become important. in this office three secretaries are employed in different departments of duty; one editor; one publishing agent, with an assistant, and two or three young men and boys, for folding, directing, and despatching papers, executing errands, &c. the business of the society has increased so much of late, as to make it necessary, in order to ensure the proper despatch of it, to employ additional clerks for the particular exigency. last year, the society had in its service about sixty "permanent agents." this year, the number is considerably diminished. the deficiency has been more than made up by creating a large number of "local" agents--so called, from the fact, that being generally professional men, lawyers or physicians in good practice, or ministers with congregations, they are confined, for the most part, to their respective neighborhoods. some of the best minds in our country are thus engaged. their labors have not only been eminently successful, but have been rendered at but small charge to the society; they receiving only their travelling expenses, whilst employed in lecturing and forming societies. in the case of a minister, there is the additional expense of supplying his pulpit while absent on the business of his agency, however, in many instances, these agents, being in easy circumstances, make no charge, even for their expenses. in making appointments, the executive committee have no regard to party discrimination. this will be fully understood, when it is stated, that on a late occasion, two of our local agents were the candidates of their respective political parties for the office of secretary of state for the state of vermont. it ought to be stated here, that two of the most effective advocates of the anti-slavery cause are females--the misses grimké--natives of south carolina--brought up in the midst of the usages of slavery--most intelligently acquainted with the merits of the system, and qualified, in an eminent degree, to communicate their views to others in public addresses. they are not only the advocates of the slave at their own charge, but they actually contribute to the funds of the societies. so successfully have they recommended the cause of emancipation to the crowds that attended their lectures during the last year, that they were permitted on three several occasions publicly to address the joint committee (on slavery) of the massachusetts legislature, now in session, on the interesting matters that occupy their attention. " . _how many printing presses and periodical publications have you?_" answer.--we own no press. our publications are all printed by contract. the emancipator and human rights are the organs of the executive committee. the first (which you have seen,) is a large sheet, is published weekly, and employs almost exclusively the time of the gentleman who edits it. human rights is a monthly sheet of smaller size, and is edited by one of the secretaries. the increasing interest that is fast manifesting itself in the cause of emancipation and its kindred subjects will, in all probability, before long, call for the more frequent publication of one or both of these papers.--the anti-slavery magazine, a quarterly, was commenced in october, , and continued through two years. it has been intermitted, only to make the necessary arrangements for issuing it on a more extended scale.--it is proposed to give it size enough to admit the amplest discussions that we or our opponents may desire, and to give _them_ a full share of its room--in fine, to make it, in form and merit, what the importance of the subject calls for. i send you a copy of the prospectus for the new series.--the anti-slavery record, published for three years as a monthly, has been discontinued _as such_, and it will be issued hereafter, only as occasion may require:--the slave's friend, a small monthly tract, of neat appearance, intended principally for children and young persons, has been issued for several years. it is replete with facts relating to slavery, and with accounts of the hair-breadth escapes of slaves from their masters and pursuers that rarely fail to impart the most thrilling interest to its little readers.--besides these, there is the anti-slavery examiner, in which are published, as the times call for them, our larger essays partaking of a controversial character, such as smith's reply to the rev. mr. smylie--grimké's letter and "wythe." by turning to page of our fourth report (included in your order for books, &c,) you will find, that in the year ending th may, the issues from the press were--bound volumes, , --tracts and pamphlets, , --circulars, &c, , --prints, , --anti-slavery magazine, --slave's friend, , --human rights, , --emancipator, , . these are the issues of the american anti-slavery society, from their office in this city. other publications of similar character are issued by state societies or individuals--the liberator, in boston; herald of freedom, in concord, n.h.; zion's watchman and the colored american in this city. the latter is conducted in the editorial, and other departments, by colored citizens. you can judge of its character, by a few numbers that i send to you. then, there is the friend of man, in utica, in this state. the national enquirer, in philadelphia;[a] the christian witness, in pittsburgh; the philanthropist, in cincinnati.--all these are sustained by the friends, and devoted almost exclusively to the cause, of emancipation. many of the religious journals that do not make emancipation their main object have adopted the sentiments of abolitionists, and aid in promoting them. the alton observer, edited by the late mr. lovejoy, was one of these. [footnote a: the national enquirer, edited by benjamin lundy, has been converted into the pennsylvania freeman, edited by john g. whittier. mr. lundy proposes to issue the genius of universal emancipation, in illinois.] from the data i have, i set down the newspapers, as classed above, at upwards of one hundred. here it may also be stated, that the presses which print the abolition journals above named, throw off besides, a great variety of other anti-slavery matter, in the form of books, pamphlets, single sheets, &c, &c, and that, at many of the principal commercial points throughout the free states, depositories are established, at which our publications of every sort are kept for sale. a large and fast increasing number of the political journals of the country have become, within the last two years, if not the avowed supporters of our cause, well inclined to it. formerly, it was a common thing for most of the leading _party_-papers, especially in the large cities, to speak of the abolitionists in terms signally disrespectful and offensive. except in rare instances, and these, it is thought, only where they are largely subsidized by southern patronage, it is not so now. the desertions that are taking place from their ranks will, in a short time, render their position undesirable for any, who aspire to gain, or influence, or reputation in the north. " . _to what class of persons do you address your publications--and are they addressed to the judgment, the imagination, or the feelings_?" answer.--they are intended for the great mass of intelligent mind, both in the free and in the slave states. they partake, of course, of the intellectual peculiarities of the different authors. jay's "inquiry" and mrs. child's "appeal" abound in facts--are dispassionate, ingenious, argumentative. the "bible against slavery," by the most careful and laborious research, has struck from slavery the prop, which careless annotators, (writing, unconscious of the influence, the prevailing system of slavery throughout the christian world exercised on their own minds,) have admitted was furnished for it in the scriptures. "wythe" by a pains-taking and lucid adjustment of facts in the history of the government, both before and after the adoption of the constitution, and with a rigor of logic, that cannot, it is thought, be successfully encountered, has put to flight forever with unbiased minds, every doubt as to the "power of congress over the district of columbia." there are among the abolitionists, poets, and by the acknowledgment of their opponents, poets of no mean name too--who, as the use of poets is, do address themselves often--as john g. whittier does _always_ --powerfully to the imagination and feelings of their readers. our publications cannot be classed according to any particular style or quality of composition. they may characterized generally, as well suited to affect the public mind--to rouse into healthful activity the conscience of this nation, stupified, torpid, almost dead, in relation to human rights, the high theme of which they treat! it has often been alleged, that our writings appeal to the worst passions of the slaves, and that they are placed in their hands with a view to stir them to revolt. neither charge has any foundation in truth to rest upon. the first finds no support in the tenor of the writings themselves; the last ought forever to be abandoned, in the absence of any single well authenticated instance of their having been conveyed by abolitionists to slaves, or of their having been even found in their possession. to instigate the slaves to revolt, as the means of obtaining their liberty, would prove a lack of wisdom and honesty that none would impute to abolitionists, except such as are unacquainted with their character. revolt would be followed by the sure destruction, not only of all the slaves who might be concerned in it, but of multitudes of the innocent. moreover, the abolitionists, as a class, are religious--they favor peace, and stand pledged in their constitution, before the country and heaven, to abide in peace, so far as a forcible vindication of the right of the slaves to their freedom is concerned. further still, no small number of them deny the right of defence, either to individuals or nations, even when forcibly and wrongfully attacked. this disagreement among ourselves on this single point--of which our adversaries are by no means ignorant, as they often throw it reproachfully in our teeth--would forever prevent concert in any scheme that looked to instigating servile revolt. if there be, in all our ranks, one, who--personal danger out of the question--would excite the slaves to insurrection and massacre, or who would not be swift to repeat the earliest attempt to concoct such an iniquity--i say, on my obligations as a man, he is unknown to me. yet it ought not to be matter of surprise to abolitionists, that the south should consider them "fanatics," "incendiaries," "cut-throats," and call them so too. the south has had their character reported to them by the north, by those who are their neighbors, who, it was supposed, knew, and would speak the truth, and the truth only, concerning them. it would, i apprehend, be unavailing for abolitionists now to enter on any formal vindication of their character from charges that can be so easily repeated after every refutation. false and fraudulent as they knew them to be, they must be content to live under them till the consummation of the work of freedom shall prove to the master that they have been _his_ friends, as well as the friends of the slave. the mischief of these charges has fallen on the south--the malice is to be placed to the credit of the north. " . _do you propagate your doctrines by any other means than oral and written discussions--for instance, by prints and pictures in manufactures--say of pocket-handkerchiefs, calicoes, &c? pray, state the various modes?_" answer.--two or three years ago, an abolitionist of this city procured to be manufactured, at his own charge, a small lot of children's pocket-handkerchiefs, impressed with anti-slavery pictures and mottoes. i have no recollection of having seen any of them but once. none such, i believe, are now to be found, or i would send you a sample. if any manufactures of the kinds mentioned, or others similar to theta, are in existence, they have been produced independently of the agency of this society. it is thought that none such exist, unless the following should be supposed to fall within the terms of the inquiry. female abolitionists often unite in sewing societies. they meet together, usually once a week or fortnight, and labor through the afternoon, with their own hands, to furnish means for advancing the cause of the slave. one of the company reads passages from the bible, or some religious book, whilst the others are engaged at their work. the articles they prepare, especially if they be of the "fancy" kind, are often ornamented with handsomely executed emblems, underwritten with appropriate mottoes. the picture of a slave kneeling (such as you will see impressed on one of the sheets of this letter) and supplicating in the words, "am i not a man and a brother," is an example. the mottoes or sentences are, however, most generally selected from the scriptures; either appealing to human sympathy in behalf of human suffering, or breathing forth god's tender compassion for the oppressed, or proclaiming, in thunder tones, his avenging justice on the oppressor. a few quotations will show their general character:-- "blessed is he that considereth the poor." "defend the poor and fatherless; do justice to the afflicted and needy. deliver the poor and the needy; rid him out of the hand of the wicked." "open thy mouth for the dumb, plead the cause of the poor and needy." "blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy." "first, be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift." "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." "all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." again:-- "for he shall deliver the needy when he crieth; the poor also, and him that hath no helper." "the lord looseth the prisoners; the lord raiseth them that are bowed down; the lord preserveth the strangers." "he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, to set at liberty them that are bruised."' "for the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now will i arise, saith the lord; i will set him in safety from him that puffeth at him." again:-- "the lord executeth righteousness and judgment for all that are oppressed." "rob not the poor because he is poor, neither oppress the afflicted in the gate; for the lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them." "and i will come near to you to judgment, and i will be a swift witness against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow and the fatherless, and that turn aside the stranger from his right, and fear not me, saith the lord of hosts." "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." fairs, for the sale of articles fabricated by the hands of female abolitionists, and recommended by such pictures and sentences as those quoted above, are held in many of our cities and large towns. crowds frequent them to purchase; hundreds of dollars are thus realized, to be appropriated to the anti-slavery cause; and, from the cheap rate at which the articles are sold, vast numbers of them are scattered far and wide over the country. besides these, if we except various drawings or pictures on _paper_, (samples of which were put up in the packages you ordered a few days ago,) such as the slave-market in the district of columbia, with members of congress attending it--views of slavery in the south--a lynch court in the slave-states--the scourging of mr. dresser by a vigilance committee in the public square of nashville--the plundering of the post-office in charleston, s.c., and the conflagration of part of its contents, &c, &c, i am apprised of no other means of propagating our doctrines than by oral and written discussions. " . _are your hopes and expectations of success increased or lessened by the events of the last year, and especially by the action of this congress? and will your exertions be relaxed or increased?_" answer.--the events of the last year, including the action of the present congress, are of the same character with the events of the eighteen months which immediately preceded it. in the question before us, they may be regarded as one series. i would say, answering your interrogatory generally, that none of them, however unpropitious to the cause of the abolitionists they may appear, to those who look at the subject from an opposite point to the one _they_ occupy, seem, thus far, in any degree to have lessened their hopes and expectations. the events alluded to have not come altogether unexpected. they are regarded as the legitimate manifestations of slavery--necessary, perhaps, in the present dull and unapprehensive state of the public mind as to human rights, to be brought out and spread before the people, before they will sufficiently revolt against slavery itself. . they are seen in the church, and in the practice of its individual members. the southern portion of the american church may now be regarded as having admitted the dogma, that _slavery is a divine institution_. she has been forced by the anti-slavery discussion into this position--either to cease from slaveholding, or formally to adopt the only alternative, that slaveholding is right. she has chosen the alternative--reluctantly, to be sure, but substantially, and, within the last year, almost unequivocally. in defending what was dear to her, she has been forced to cast away her garments, and thus to reveal a deformity, of which she herself, before, was scarcely aware, and the existence of which others did not credit. so much for the action of the southern church as a body.--on the part of her members, the revelation of a time-serving spirit, that not only yielded to the ferocity of the multitude, but fell in with it, may be reckoned among the events of the last three years. instances of this may be found in the attendance of the "clergy of all denominations," at a tumultuous meeting of the citizens of charleston, s.c., held in august, , for the purpose of reducing to _system_ their unlawful surveillance and control of the post-office and mail; and in the alacrity with which they obeyed the popular call to dissolve the sunday-schools for the instruction of the colored people. also in the fact, that, throughout the whole south, church members are not only found on the vigilance committees, (tribunals organized in opposition to the laws of the states where they exist,) but uniting with the merciless and the profligate in passing sentence consigning to infamous and excruciating, if not extreme punishment, persons, by their own acknowledgment, innocent of any unlawful act. out of sixty persons that composed the vigilance committee which condemned mr. dresser to be scourged in the public square of nashville, twenty-seven were members of churches, and one of them a professed teachers of christianity. a member of the committee stated afterward, in a newspaper of which he was the editor, that mr. d. _had not laid himself liable to any punishment known to the laws_. another instance is to be found in the conduct of the rev. wm. s. plumer, of virginia. having been absent from richmond, when the ministers of the gospel assembled together formally to testify their abhorrence of the abolitionists, he addressed the chairman of the committee of correspondence a note, in which he uses this language:--"if abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that they should have the first warming at the fire."--"let them understand, that they will be caught, if they come among us, and they will take good heed to keep out of our way." mr. p. has no doubtful standing in the presbyterian church with which he is connected. he has been regarded as one of its brightest ornaments.[a] to drive the slaveholding church and its members from the equivocal, the neutral position, from which they had so long successfully defended slavery--to compel them to elevate their practice to an even height with their avowed principles, or to degrade their principles to the level of their known practice, was a preliminary, necessary in the view of abolitionists, either for bringing that part of the church into the common action against slavery, or as a ground for treating it as confederate with oppressors. so far, then, as the action of the church, or of its individual members, is to be reckoned among the events of the last two or three years, the abolitionists find in it nothing to lessen their hopes or expectations. [footnote a: in the division of the general assembly of the presbyterian church, that has just taken place, mr. plumer has been elected moderator of the "old school" portion.] . the abolitionists believed, from the beginning, that the slaves of the south were (as slaves are everywhere) unhappy, _because of their condition_. their adversaries denied it, averring that, as a class, they were "contented and happy." the abolitionists thought that the argument against slavery could be made good, so far as this point was concerned, by either _admitting_ or _denying_ the assertion. _admitting_ it, they insisted, that, nothing could demonstrate the turpitude of any system more surely than the fact, that man--made in the image of god--but a little lower than the angels--crowned with glory and honor, and set over the works of god's hands--his mind sweeping in an instant from planet to planet, from the sun of one system to the sun of another, even to the great centre sun of them all--contemplating the machinery of the universe "wheeling unshaken" in the awful and mysterious grandeur of its movements "through the void immense"--with a spirit delighting in upward aspiration--bounding from earth to heaven--that seats itself fast by the throne of god, to drink in the instructions of infinite wisdom, or flies to execute the commands of infinite goodness;--that such a being could be made "contented and happy" with "enough to eat, and drink, and wear," and shelter from the weather--with the base provision that satisfies the brutes, is (say the abolitionists) enough to render superfluous all other arguments for the _instant_ abandonment of a system whose appropriate work is such infinite wrong. _denying_ that "the slaves are contented and happy," the abolitionists have argued, that, from the structure of his moral nature--the laws of his mind--man cannot be happy in the fact, that he is _enslaved_. true, he may be happy in slavery, but it is not slavery that makes him so--it is virtue and faith, elevating him above the afflictions of his lot. the slave has a will, leading him to seek those things which the author of his nature has made conducive to its happiness. in these things, the will of the master comes in collision with his will. the slave desires to receive the rewards of his own labor; the power of the master wrests them from him. the slave desires to possess his wife, to whom god has joined him, in affection, to have the superintendence, and enjoy the services, of the children whom god has confided to him as a parent to train them, by the habits of the filial relation, for the yet higher relation that they may sustain to him as their heavenly father. but here he is met by the opposing will of the master, pressing _his_ claims with irresistible power. the ties that heaven has sanctioned and blessed--of husband and wife, of parent and child--are all sundered in a moment by the master, at the prompting of avarice or luxury or lust; and there is none that can stay his ruthless hand, or say unto him, "what doest thou?" the slave thirsts for the pleasures of refined and elevated intellect--the master denies to him the humblest literary acquisition. the slave pants to know something of that still higher nature that he feels burning within him--of his present state, his future destiny, of the being who made him, to whose judgment-seat he is going. the master's interests cry, "no!" "such knowledge is too wonderful for you; it is high, you cannot attain unto it." to predicate _happiness_ of a class of beings, placed in circumstances where their will is everlastingly defeated by an irresistible power--the abolitionists say, is to prove them destitute of the sympathies of _our_ nature--not _human_. it is to declare with the atheist, that man is independent of the goodness of his creator for his enjoyments--that human happiness calls not for any of the appliances of his bounty--that god's throne is a nullity, himself a superfluity. but, independently of any abstract reasoning drawn from the nature of moral and intelligent beings, facts have been elicited in the discussion of the point before us, proving slavery everywhere (especially southern slavery, maintained by enlightened protestants of the nineteenth century) replete with torments and horrors--the direst form of oppression that upheaves itself before the sun. these facts have been so successfully impressed on a large portion of the intelligent mind of the country, that the slaves of the south are beginning to be considered as those whom god emphatically regards as the "poor," the "needy," the "afflicted," the "oppressed," the "bowed down;" and for whose consolation he has said, "now will i arise--i will set him in safety from him that puffeth at him." this state of the public mind has been brought about within the last two or three years; and it is an event which, so far from lessening, greatly animates, the hopes and expectations of abolitionists. . the abolitionists believed from the first, that the tendency of slavery is to produce, on the part of the whites, looseness of morals, disdain of the wholesome restraints of law, and a ferocity of temper, found, only in solitary instances, in those countries where slavery is unknown. they were not ignorant of the fact, that this was disputed; nor that the "chivalry of the south" had become a cant phrase, including, all that is high-minded and honorable among men; nor, that it had been formally asserted in our national legislature, that slavery, as it exists in the south, "produces the highest toned, the purest, best organization of society that has ever existed on the face of the earth." nor were the abolitionists unaware, that these pretensions, proving anything else but their own solidity, had been echoed and re-echoed so long by the unthinking and the interested of the north, that the character of the south had been injuriously affected by them--till she began boldly to attribute her _peculiar_ superiority to her _peculiar_ institution, and thus to strengthen it. all this the abolitionists saw and knew. but few others saw and understood it as they did. the revelations of the last three years are fast dissipating the old notion, and bringing multitudes in the north to see the subject as the abolitionists see it. when "southern chivalry" and the _purity_ of southern society are spoken of now, it is at once replied, that a large number of the slaves show, by their _color_, their indisputable claim to white paternity; and that, notwithstanding their near consanguineous relation to the whites, they are still held and treated, in all respects, _as slaves_. nor is it forgotten now, when the claims of the south to "hospitality" are pressed, to object, because they are grounded on the unpaid wages of the laborer--on the robbery of the poor. when "southern generosity" is mentioned, the old adage, "be just before you are generous," furnishes the reply. it is no proof of generosity (say the objectors) to take the bread of the laborer, to lavish it in banquetings on the rich. when "southern chivalry" is the theme of its admirers, the hard-handed, but intelligent, working man of the north asks, if the espionage of southern hotels, and of ships and steamboats on their arrival at southern ports; if the prowl, by day and by night, for the solitary stranger suspected of sympathizing with the enslaved, that he may be delivered over to the mercies of a vigilance committee, furnishes the proof of its existence; if the unlawful importation of slaves from africa[a] furnishes the proof; if the abuse, the scourging, the hanging on suspicion, without law, of friendless strangers, furnish the proof; if the summary execution of slaves and of colored freemen, almost by the score, without legal trial, furnishes the proof; if the cruelties and tortures to which _citizens_ have been exposed, and the burning to death of slaves by slow fires,[b] furnish the proof. all these things, says he, furnish any thing but proof of _true_ hospitality, or generosity, or gallantry, or purity, or chivalry. [footnote a: mr. mercer, of virginia, some years ago, asserted in congress, that "cargoes" of african slaves were smuggled into the southern states to a deplorable extent. mr. middleton, of south carolina, declared it to be his belief, that thirteen thousand africans were annually smuggled into the southern states. mr. wright, of maryland, estimated the number at fifteen thousand. miss martineau was told in , by a wealthy slaveholder of louisiana, (who probably spoke of that state alone,) that the annual importation of native africans was from thirteen thousand to fifteen thousand. the president of the united states, in his last annual message, speaking of the navy, says, "the large force under commodore dallas [on the west india station] has been most actively and efficiently employed in protecting our commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves, &c."] [footnote b: within the last few years, four slaves, and one citizen of color, have been put to death in this manner, in alabama, mississippi, missouri, and arkansas.] certain it is, that the time when southern slavery derived countenance at the north, from its supposed connection with "chivalry," is rapidly passing away. "southern chivalry" will soon be regarded as one of the by-gone fooleries of a less intelligent and less virtuous age. it will soon be cast out--giving place to the more reasonable idea, that the denial of wages to the laborer, the selling of men and women, the whipping of husbands and wives in each others presence, to compel them to unrequited toil, the deliberate attempt to extinguish mind, and, consequently, to destroy the soul--is among the highest offences against god and man--unspeakably mean and ungentlemanly. the impression made on the minds of the people as to this matter, is one of the events of the last two or three years that does not contribute to lessen the hopes or expectations of abolitionists. . the ascendency that slavery has acquired, and exercises, in the administration of the government, and the apprehension now prevailing among the sober and intelligent, irrespective of party, that it will soon overmaster the constitution itself, may be ranked among the events of the last two or three years that affect the course of abolitionists. the abolitionists regard the constitution with unabated affection. they hold in no common veneration the memory of those who made it. they would be the last to brand franklin and king and morris and wilson and sherman and hamilton with the ineffaceable infamy of attempting to ingraft on the constitution, and therefore to _perpetuate_, a system of oppression in absolute antagonism to its high and professed objects, one which their own practice condemned,--and this, too, when they had scarcely wiped away the dust and sweat of the revolution from their brows! whilst abolitionists feel and speak thus of our constitutional fathers, they do not justify the dereliction of principle into which they were betrayed, when they imparted to the work of their hands _any_ power to contribute to the continuance of such a system. they can only palliate it, by supposing, that they thought, slavery was already a waning institution, destined soon to pass away. in their time, ( ) slaves were comparatively of little value--there being then no great slave-labor staple (as cotton is now) to make them profitable to their holders.[a] had the circumstances of the country remained as they then were, slave-labor, always and every where the most expensive--would have disappeared before the competition of free labour. they had seen, too, the principle of universal liberty, on which the revolution was justified, recognised and embodied in most of the state constitutions; they had seen slavery utterly forbidden in that of vermont --instantaneously abolished in that of massachusetts--and laws enacted in the new-england states and in pennsylvania, for its gradual abolition. well might they have anticipated, that justice and humanity, now starting forth with fresh vigor, would, in their march, sweep away the whole system; more especially, as freedom of speech and of the press--the legitimate abolisher not only of the acknowledged vice of slavery, but of every other that time should reveal in our institutions or practices--had been fully secured to the people. again; power was conferred on congress to put a stop to the african slave-trade, without which it was thought, at that time, to be impossible to maintain slavery, as a system, on this continent,--so great was the havoc it committed on human life. authority was also granted to congress to prevent the transfer of slaves, as articles of commerce, from one state to another; and the introduction of slavery into the territories. all this was crowned by the power of refusing admission into the union, to any new state, whose form of government was repugnant to the principles of liberty set forth in that of the united states. the faithful execution, by congress, of these powers, it was reasonably enough supposed, would, at least, prevent the growth of slavery, if it did not entirely remove it. congress did, at the set time, execute _one_ of them--deemed, then, the most effectual of the whole; but, as it has turned out, the least so. [footnote a: the cultivation of cotton was almost unknown in the united states before . it was not till two years afterward that it began to be raised or exported. (see report of the secretary of the treasury, feb. , .)--see appendix, d.] the effect of the interdiction of the african slave-trade was, not to diminish the trade itself, or greatly to mitigate its horrors; it only changed its name from african to american--transferred the seat of commerce from africa to america--its profits from african princes to american farmers. indeed, it is almost certain, if the african slave-trade had been left unrestrained, that slavery would not have covered so large a portion of our country as it does now. the cheap rate at which slaves might have been imported by the planters of the south, would have prevented the rearing of them for sale, by the farmers of maryland, virginia, and the other slave-selling states. if these states could be restrained from the _commerce_ in slaves, slavery could not be supported by them for any length of time, or to any considerable extent. they could not maintain it, as an economical system, under the competition of free labor. it is owing to the _non-user_ by congress, or rather to their unfaithful application of their power to the other points, on which it was expected to act for the limitation or extermination of slavery, that the hopes of our fathers have not been realized; and that slavery has, at length, become so audacious, as openly to challenge the principles of --to trample on the most precious rights secured to the citizen--to menace the integrity of the union and the very existence of the government itself. slavery has advanced to its present position by steps that were, at first, gradual, and, for a long time, almost unnoticed; afterward, it made its way by intimidating or corrupting those who ought to have been forward to resist its pretensions. up to the time of the "missouri compromise," by which the nation was wheedled out of its honor, slavery was looked on as an evil that was finally to yield to the expanding and ripening influences of our constitutional principles and regulations. why it has not yielded, we may easily see, by even a slight glance at some of the incidents in our history. it has already been said, that we have been brought into our present condition by the unfaithfulness of congress, in not _exerting_ the power vested in it, to stop the domestic slave-trade, and in the _abuse_ of the power of admitting "_new_ states" into the union. kentucky made application in , with a slave-holding constitution in her hand.--with what a mere _technicality_ congress suffered itself to be drugged into torpor:--_she was part of one of the "original states"--and therefore entitled to all their privileges._ one precedent established, it was easy to make another. tennessee was admitted in , without scruple, on the same ground. the next triumph of slavery was in , in the purchase of louisiana, acknowledged afterward, even by mr. jefferson who made it, to be unauthorized by the constitution--and in the establishment of slavery throughout its vast limits, actually and substantially under the auspices of that instrument which declares its only objects to be--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."[a] [footnote a: it may be replied, the colored people were held as _property_ by the laws of louisiana previously to the cession, and that congress had no right to divest the newly acquired citizens of their property. this statement is evasive. it does not include, nor touch the question, which is this:--had congress, or the treaty-making power, a right to recognise, and, by recognising, to establish, in a territory that had no claim of privilege, on the ground of being part of one of the "original states," a condition of things that it could not establish _directly_, because there was no grant in the constitution of power, direct or incidental, to do so--and because, _to do so_, was in downright oppugnancy to the principles of the constitution itself? the question may be easily answered by stating the following case:--suppose a law had existed in louisiana, previous to the cession, by which the children--male and female--of all such parents as were not owners of real estate of the yearly value of $ , had been--no matter how long--held in slavery by their more wealthy land-holding neighbors:--would congress, under the constitution, have a right (by recognising) to establish, for ever, such a relation as one white person, under such a law, might hold to another? surely not. and yet no substantial difference between the two cases can be pointed out.] in this case, the violation of the constitution was suffered to pass with but little opposition, except from massachusetts, because we were content to receive in exchange, multiplied commercial benefits and enlarged territorial limits. the next stride that slavery made over the constitution was in the admission of the state of louisiana into the union. _she_ could claim no favor as part of an "original state." at this point, it might have been supposed, the friends of freedom and of the constitution according to its original intent, would have made a stand. but no: with the exception of massachusetts, they hesitated and were persuaded to acquiesce, because the country was just about entering into a war with england, and the crisis was unpropitious for discussing questions that would create divisions between different sections of the union. we must wait till the country was at peace. thus it was that louisiana was admitted without a controversy. next followed, in and , mississippi and alabama--admitted after the example of kentucky and tennessee, without any contest. meantime, florida had given some uneasiness to the slaveholders of the neighboring states; and for their accommodation chiefly, a negociation was set on foot by the government to purchase it. missouri was next in order in . she could plead no privilege, on the score of being part of one of the original states; the country too, was relieved from the pressure of her late conflict with england; it was prosperous and quiet; every thing seemed propitious to a calm and dispassionate consideration of the claims of slaveholders to add props to their system, by admitting indefinitely, new slave states to the union. up to this time, the "evil" of slavery had been almost universally acknowledged and deplored by the south, and its termination (apparently) sincerely hoped for.[a] by this management its friends succeeded in blinding the confiding people of the north. they thought for the most part, that the slaveholders were acting in good faith. it is not intended by this remark, to make the impression, that the south had all along pressed the admission of new slave states, simply with a view to the increase of its own relative power. by no means: slavery had insinuated itself into favor because of its being mixed up with (other) supposed benefits--and because its ultimate influence on the government was neither suspected nor dreaded. but, on the missouri question, there was a fair trial of strength between the friends of slavery and the friends of the constitution. the former triumphed, and by the prime agency of one whose raiment, the remainder of his days, ought to be sackcloth and ashes,--because of the disgrace he has continued on the name of his country, and the consequent injury that he has inflicted on the cause of freedom throughout the world. although all the different administrations, from the first organization of the government, had, in the indirect manner already mentioned, favored slavery,--there had not been on any previous occasion, a direct struggle between its pretensions and the principles of liberty ingrafted on the constitution. the friends of the latter were induced to believe, whenever they should be arrayed against each other, that _theirs_ would be the triumph. tremendous error! mistake almost fatal! the battle was fought. slavery emerged from it unhurt--her hands made gory--her bloody plume still floating in the air--exultingly brandishing her dripping sword over her prostrate and vanquished enemy. she had won all for which she fought. her victory was complete--the sanction of the nation was given to slavery![b] [footnote a: mr. clay, in conducting the missouri compromise, found it necessary to argue, that the admission of missouri, as a slaveholding state, would aid in bringing about the termination of slavery. his argument is thus stated by mr. sergeant, who replied to him:--"in this long view of remote and distant consequences, the gentleman from kentucky (mr. clay) thinks he sees how slavery, when thus spread, is at last to find its end. it is to be brought about by the combined operation of the laws which regulate the price of labor, and the laws which govern population. when the country shall be filled with inhabitants, and the price of labor shall have reached a minimum, (a comparative minimum i suppose is meant,) free labor will be found cheaper than slave labor. slaves will then be without employment, and, of course, without the means of comfortable subsistence, which will reduce their numbers, and finally extirpate them. this is the argument as i understand it," says mr. sergeant; and, certainly, one more chimerical or more inhuman could not have been urged.] [footnote b: see appendix, e.] immediately after this achievement, the slaveholding interest was still more strongly fortified by the acquisition of florida, and the establishment of slavery there, as it had already been in the territory of louisiana. the missouri triumph, however, seems to have extinguished every thing like a systematic or spirited opposition, on the part of the free states, to the pretensions of the slaveholding south. arkansas was admitted but the other day, with nothing that deserves to be called an effort to prevent it--although her constitution attempts to _perpetuate_ slavery, by forbidding the master to emancipate his bondmen without the consent of the legislature, and the legislature without the consent of the master. emboldened, but not satisfied, with their success in every political contest with the people of the free states, the slaveholders are beginning now to throw off their disguise--to brand their former notions about the "_evil_, political and moral" of slavery, as "folly and delusion,"[a]--and as if to "make assurance double sure," and defend themselves forever, by territorial power, against the progress of free principles and the renovation of the constitution, they now demand openly--scorning to conceal that their object is, to _advance and establish their political power in the country_,--that texas, a foreign state, five or six times as large as all new england, with a constitution dyed as deep in slavery, as that of arkansas, shall be added to the union. [footnote a: mr. calhoun is reported, in the national intelligencer, as having used these words in a speech delivered in the senate, the th day of january:-- "many in the south once believed that it [slavery] was a moral and political evil; that folly and delusion are gone. we see it now in its true light, and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." mr. hammond, formerly a representative in congress from south carolina, delivered a speech (feb. , ) on the question of receiving petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. in answering those who objected to a slaveholding country, that it was "assimilated to an aristocracy," he says--"in this they are right. i accept the terms. _it is a government of the best._ combining all the advantages, and possessing but few of the disadvantages, of the aristocracy of the old world--without fostering, to an unwarrantable extent, the pride, the exclusiveness, the selfishness, the thirst for sway, the contempt for the rights of others, which distinguish the nobility of europe--it gives us their education, their polish, their munificence, their high honor, their undaunted spirit. slavery does indeed create an aristocracy--an aristocracy of talents, of virtue, of generosity, of courage. in a slave country, every freeman is an aristocrat. be he rich or poor, if he does not possess a single slave, he has been born to all the natural advantages of the society in which he is placed; and all its honors lie open before him, inviting his genius and industry. sir, i do firmly believe, that domestic slavery, regulated as ours is, produces the highest toned, the purest, best organization of society, that has ever existed on the face of the earth." that this _retraxit_ of former _follies and delusions_ is not confined to the mere politician, we have the following proofs:-- the charleston (s.c.) union presbytery--"resolved. that in the opinion of this presbytery, the holding of slaves, so far from being a sin in the sight of god, is nowhere condemned in his holy word; that it is in accordance with the example, or consistent with the precepts, of patriarchs, prophets, and apostles; and that it is compatible with the most fraternal regard to the good of the servants whom god has committed to our charge."--within the last few months, as we learn from a late no. of the charleston courier, the late synod of the presbyterian church, in augusta, (ga.) passed resolutions declaring "that slavery is a civil institution, with which the general assembly [the highest ecclesiastical tribunal] has nothing to do." again:--the charleston baptist association, in a memorial to the legislature of south carolina, say--"the undersigned would further represent, that the said association does not consider that the holy scriptures have made the fact of slavery a question of morals at all." and further,--"the right of masters to dispose of the time of their slaves, has been distinctly recognised by the creator of all things." again:--the edgefield (s.c.) association--"resolved, that the practical question of slavery, in a country where the system has obtained as a part of its stated policy, is settled in the scriptures by jesus christ and his apostles." "resolved, that these uniformly recognised the relation of master and slave, and enjoined on both their respective duties, under a system of servitude more degrading and absolute than that which obtains in our country." again we find, in a late no. of the charleston courier, the following:-- "the southern church.--the georgia conference of the methodist episcopal church, at a recent meeting in athens, passed resolutions, declaring that slavery, as it exists in the united states, is not a moral evil, and is a civil and domestic institution, with which christian ministers have nothing to do, further than to meliorate the condition of the slave, by endeavoring to impart to him and his master the benign influence of the religion of christ, and aiding both on their way to heaven."] the abolitionists feel a deep regard for the integrity and union of the government, _on the principles of the constitution_. therefore it is, that they look with earnest concern on the attempt now making by the south, to do, what, in the view of multitudes of our citizens, would amount to good cause for the separation of the free from the slave states. their concern is not mingled with any feelings of despair. the alarm they sounded on the "annexation" question has penetrated the free states; it will, in all probability, be favorably responded to by every one of them; thus giving encouragement to our faith, that the admission of texas will be successfully resisted,--that this additional stain will not be impressed on our national escutcheon, nor this additional peril brought upon the south.[a] [footnote a: see appendix, f.] this, the present condition of the country, induced by a long train of usurpations on the part of the south, and by unworthy concessions to it by the north, may justly be regarded as one of the events of the last few years affecting in some way, the measures of the abolitionists. it has certainly done so. and whilst it is not to be denied, that many abolitionists feel painful apprehensions for the result, it has only roused them up to make more strenuous efforts for the preservation of the country. it may be replied--if the abolitionists are such firm friends of the union, why do they persist in what must end in its rupture and dissolution? the abolitionists, let it be repeated _are_ friends of _the_ union that was intended by the constitution; but not of a union from which is eviscerated, to be trodden under foot, the right to speak,--to print--to petition,--the rights of conscience; not of a union whose ligaments are whips, where the interest of the oppressor is the _great_ interest, the right to oppress the _paramount_ right. it is against the distortion of the glorious union our fathers left us into one bound with despotic bands that the abolitionists are contending. in the political aspect of the question, they have nothing to ask, except what the constitution authorizes--no change to desire, but that the constitution may be restored to its pristine republican purity. but they have well considered the "dissolution of the union." there is no just ground for apprehending that such a measure will ever be resorted to by the _south_. it is by no means intended by this, to affirm, that the south, like a spoiled child, for the first time denied some favourite object, may not fall into sudden frenzy and do herself some great harm. but knowing as i do, the intelligence and forecast of the leading men of the south--and believing that they will, if ever such a crisis should come, be judiciously influenced by the _existing_ state of the case, and by the _consequences_ that would inevitably flow from an act of dissolution--they would not, i am sure, deem it desirable or politic. they would be brought, in their calmer moments, to coincide with one who has facetiously, but not the less truly remarked, that it would be as indiscreet in the slave south to separate from the free north, as for the poor, to separate from the parish that supported them. in support of this opinion, i would say: first--a dissolution of the union by the south would, in no manner, secure to her the object she has in view.--the _leaders_ at the south, both in the church and in the state, must, by this time, be too well informed as to the nature of the anti-slavery movement, and the character of those engaged in it, to entertain fears that, violence of any kind will be resorted to, directly or indirectly.[a] the whole complaint of the south is neither more nor less than this--the north talks about slavery. now, of all the means or appliances that could be devised, to give greater life and publicity to the discussion of slavery, none could be half so effectual as the dissolution of the union _because of the discussion_. it would astonish the civilized world--they would inquire into the cause of such a remarkable event in its history;--the result would be not only enlarged _discussion_ of the whole subject, but it would bring such a measure of contempt on the guilty movers of the deed, that even with all the advantages of "their education, their polish, their munificence, their high honor, their undaunted spirit," so eloquently set forth by the hon. mr. hammond, they would find it hard to withstand its influence. it is difficult for men in a _good_ cause, to maintain their steadfastness in opposition to an extensively corrupt public sentiment; in a _bad_ one, against public sentiment purified and enlightened, next to impossible, if not quite so. [footnote a: "it is not," says mr. calhoun, "that we expect the abolitionists will resort to arms--will commence a crusade to deliver our slaves by force."--"let me tell our friends of the south, who differ from us, that the war which the abolitionists wage against us is of a very different character, and _far more effective_. it is waged, not against our lives, but our character." more correctly, mr. c. might have said against a _system_, with which the slaveholders have chosen to involve their characters, and which they have determined to defend, at the hazard of losing them.] another result would follow the dissolution:--_now_, the abolitionists find it difficult, by reason of the odium which the principal slaveholders and their friends have succeeded in attaching to their _name_, to introduce a knowledge of their principles and measures into the great mass of southern mind. there are multitudes at the south who would co-operate with us, if they could be informed of our aim.[a] now, we cannot reach them--then, it would be otherwise. the united power of the large slaveholders would not be able longer to keep them in ignorance. if the union were dissolved, they _would_ know the cause, and discuss it, and condemn it. [footnote a: there is abundant evidence of this. our limits confine us to the following, from the first no. of the southern literary journal, (charleston, s.c.):--"there are _many good men even among us_, who have begun to grow _timid_. they think, that what the virtuous and high-minded men of the north look upon as a crime and a plague-spot, cannot be perfectly innocent or quite harmless in a slaveholding community." this, also, from the north carolina watchman:-- "it (the abolition party) is the growing party at the north. we are inclined to believe that there is even more of it at the south than prudence will permit to be openly avowed." "it is well known, mr. speaker, that there is a large, respectable and intelligent party in kentucky, who will exert every nerve and spare no efforts to dislodge the subsisting rights to our slave population, or alter in some manner, and to some extent, at least, the tenure by which that species of property is held."--_speech of the hon. james t. morehead in the kentucky legislature, last winter_.] a second reason why the south will not dissolve the union is, that she would be exposed to the visitation of _real_ incendiaries, exciting her slaves to revolt. now, it would cover any one with infamy, who would stir them up to vindicate their rights by the massacre of their masters. dissolve the union, and the candidates for "glory" would find in the plains of carolina and louisiana as inviting a theatre for their enterprise, as their prototypes, the houstons, the van rennsselaers, and the sutherlands did, in the prairies of texas or the forests of canada. a third reason why the south will not dissolve is, that the slaves would leave their masters and take refuge in the free states. the south would not be able to establish a _cordon_ along her wide frontier sufficiently strong to prevent it. then, the slaves could not be reclaimed, as they now are, under the constitution. some may say, the free states would not permit them to come in and dwell among them.--believe it not. the fact of separation on the ground supposed, would abolitionize the whole north. beside this, in an economical point of view, the _demand for labor_ in the western states would make their presence welcome. at all events, a passage through the northern states to canada would not be denied them. a fourth reason why the south will not dissolve is, that a large number of her most steady and effective population would emigrate to the free states. in the slave-_selling_ states especially, there has always been a class who have consented to remain there with their families, only in the hope that slavery would, in some way or other, be terminated. i do not say they are abolitionists, for many of them are slaveholders. it may be, too, that such would expect compensation for their slaves, should they be emancipated, and also that they should be sent out of the country. the particular mode of emancipation, however crude it may be, that has occupied their minds, has nothing to do with the point before us. _they look for emancipation--in this hope they have remained, and now remain, where they are_. take away this hope, by making slavery the _distinctive bond of union_ of a new government, and you drive them to the north. these persons are not among the rich, the voluptuous, the effeminate; nor are they the despised, the indigent, the thriftless--they are men of moderate property, of intelligence, of conscience--in every way the "bone and sinew" of the south. a fifth reason why the south will not dissolve, is her _weakness_. it is a remarkable fact, that in modern times, and in the christian world, all slaveholding countries have been united with countries that are free. thus, the west indian and mexican and south american slaveholding colonies were united to england, france, spain, portugal, and other states of europe. if england (before her emancipation act) and the others had at any time withdrawn the protection of their _power_ from their colonies, slavery would have been extinguished almost simultaneously with the knowledge of the fact. in the west indies there could have been no doubt of this, from the disparity in numbers between the whites and the slaves, from the multiplied attempts made from time to time by the latter to vindicate their rights by insurrection, and from the fact, that all their insurrections had to be suppressed by the _force_ of the mother country. as soon as mexico and the south american colonies dissolved their connexion with spain, slavery was abolished in every one of them. this may, i know, be attributed to the necessity imposed on these states, by the wars in which they engaged to establish their independence. however this may be--the _fact_ still remains. the free states of this union are to the slave, so far as the maintenance of slavery is concerned, substantially, in the relation of the european states to their slaveholding colonies. slavery, in all probability, could not be maintained by the south disjoined from the north, a single year. so far from there existing any reason for making the south an exception, in this particular, to other slave countries, there are circumstances in her condition that seem to make her dependence more complete. two of them are, the superior intelligence of her slaves on the subject of human rights, and the geographical connexion of the slave region in the united states. in the west indies, in mexico and south america the great body of the slaves were far below the slaves of this country in their intellectual and moral condition--and, in the former, their power to act in concert was weakened by the insular fragments into which they were divided. again, the depopulation of the south of large numbers of its white inhabitants, from the cause mentioned under the fourth head, would, it is apprehended, bring the two classes to something like a numerical equality. now, consider the present state of the moral sentiment of the christianized and commercial world in relation to slavery; add to it the impulse that this sentiment, acknowledged by the south already to be wholly opposed to her, would naturally acquire by an act of separation on her part, with a single view to the perpetuation of slavery; bring this sentiment in all its accumulation and intensity to act upon a nation where one half are enslavers, the other the enslaved--and what must be the effect? from the nature of mind; from the laws of moral influence, (which are as sure in their operation, if not so well understood, as the laws of physical influence,) the party "whose conscience with injustice is oppressed," must become dispirited, weakened in courage, and in the end unnerved and contemptible. on the other hand, the sympathy that would be felt for the oppressed--the comfort they would receive--the encouragement that would be given them to assert their rights, would make it an impossibility, to keep them in slavish peace and submission. this state of things would be greatly aggravated by the peculiarly morbid sensitiveness of the south to every thing that is supposed to touch her _character_. her highest distinction would then become her most troublesome one. how, for instance, could her chivalrous sons bear to be taunted, wherever they went, on business or for pleasure, out of their own limits, with the cry "the knights of the lash!" "go home and pay your laborers!" "cease from the scourging of husbands and wives in each others presence--from attending the shambles, to sell or buy as slaves those whom god has made of the same blood with yourselves--your brethren--your sisters! cease, high minded sons of the 'ancient dominion,' from estimating your revenue by the number of children you rear, to sell in the flesh market!" "go home and pay your laborers!" "go home and pay your laborers!" this would be a trial to which "southern chivalry" could not patiently submit. their "high honor," their "undaunted spirit" would impel them to the field--only to prove that the "last resort" requires something more substantial than mere "honor" and "spirit" to maintain it. suppose there should be a disagreement--as in all likelihood there soon would, leading to war between the north and the south? the north would scarcely have occasion to march a squadron to the field. she would have an army that could be raised up by the million, at the fireside of her enemy. it has been said, that during the late war with england, it was proposed to her cabinet, by some enterprising officers, to land five thousand men on the coast of south carolina and proclaim liberty to the slates. the success of the scheme was well thought of. but then the example! england herself held nearly a million of slaves at no greater distance from the scene of action than the west indies. _now_, a restraint of this kind on such a scheme does not exist. it seems plain beyond the power of argument to make it plainer, that a slaveholding nation--one under the circumstances in which the south separated from the north would be placed--must be at the mercy of every free people having neither power to vindicate a right nor avenge a wrong.[a] [footnote a: governor hayne, of south carolina, spoke in high terms, a few years ago, of the ability that the south would possess, in a military point of view, because her great wealth would enable her, at all times, to command the services of mercenary troops. without stopping to dispute with him, as to her comparative wealth, i would remark, that he seemed entirely to have overlooked this truth--that whenever a government is under the necessity of calling in foreign troops, to keep in subjection one half of the people, the power of the government has already passed into the hands of the _protectors_. they can and will, of course, act with whichever party will best subserve their purpose.] a sixth reason why the south will not dissolve the union, is found in the difficulty of bringing about an _actual_ separation. preparatory to such a movement, it would seem indispensable, that _union_ among the seceding states themselves should be secured. a general convention would be necessary to adjust its terms. this would, of course, be preceded by _particular_ conventions in the several states. to this procedure the same objection applies, that has been made, for the last two or three years, to holding an anti-abolition convention in the south:--it would give to the _question_ such notoriety, that the object of holding the convention could not be concealed from the slaves. the more sagacious in the south have been opposed to a convention; nor have they been influenced solely by the consideration just mentioned--which, in my view, is but of little moment--but by the apprehension, that the diversity of sentiment which exists among the slave states, themselves, in relation to the _system_, would be disclosed to the country; and that the slaveholding interest would be found deficient in that harmony which, from its perfectness heretofore, has made the slaveholders so successful in their action on the north. the slaveholding region may be divided into the _farming_ and the _planting_--or the slave-_selling_ and the slave-_buying_ districts. maryland, virginia, kentucky, missouri and east tennessee constitute the first. west tennessee is somewhat equivocal. all the states south of tennessee belong to the slave-_buying_ district. the first, with but few exceptions, have from the earliest times, felt slavery a reproach to their good name--an encumbrance on their advancement--at some period, to be cast off. this sentiment, had it been at all encouraged by the action of the general government, in accordance with the views of the convention that formed the constitution, would, in all probability, by this time, have brought slavery in maryland and virginia to an end. notwithstanding the easy admission of slave states into the union, and the _yielding_ of the free states whenever they were brought in collision with the south, have had a strong tendency to persuade the _farming_ slave states to continue their system, yet the sentiment in favor of emancipation in some form, still exists among them. proof, encouraging proof of this, is found in the present attitude of kentucky. her legislature has just passed a law, proposing to the people, to hold a convention to alter the constitution. in the discussion of the bill, slavery as connected with some form of emancipation, seems to have constituted the most important element. the public journals too, that are _opposed_ to touching the subject at all, declare that the main object for recommending a convention was, to act on slavery in some way. now, it would be in vain for the _planting_ south to expect, that kentucky or any other of the _farming_ slave states would unite with her, in making slavery the _perpetual bond_ of a new political organization. if they feel the inconveniences of slavery _in their present condition_, they could not be expected to enter on another, where these inconveniences would be inconceivably multiplied and aggravated, and, by the very terms of their new contract, _perpetuated_. this letter is already so protracted, that i cannot stop here to develop more at large this part of the subject. to one acquainted with the state of public sentiment, in what i have called, the _farming_ district, it needs no further development. there is not one of these states embraced in it, that would not, when brought to the test, prefer the privileges of the union to the privilege of perpetual slaveholding. and if there should turn out to be a single _desertion_ in this matter, the whole project of secession must come to nought. but laying aside all the obstacles to union among the seceding states, how is it possible to take the first step to _actual_ separation! the separation, at the worst, can only be _political_. there will be no chasm--no rent made in the earth between the two sections. the natural and ideal boundaries will remain unaltered. mason and dixon's line will not become a wall of adamant that can neither be undermined nor surmounted. the ohio river will not be converted into flame, or into another styx, denying a passage to every living thing. besides this stability of natural things, the multiform interests of the two sections would, in the main, continue as they are. the complicate ties of commerce could not be suddenly unloosed. the breadstuffs, the beef, the pork, the turkies, the chickens, the woollen and cotton fabrics, the hats, the shoes, the socks, the "_horn flints and bark nutmegs_,"[a] the machinery, the sugar-kettles, the cotton-gins, the axes, the hoes, the drawing-chains of the north, would be as much needed by the south, the day after the separation as the day before. the newspapers of the north--its magazines, its quarterlies, its monthlies, would be more sought after by the readers of the south than they now are; and the southern journals would become doubly interesting to us. there would be the same lust for our northern summers and your southern winters, with all their health-giving influences; and last, though not least, the same desire of marrying and of being given in marriage that now exists between the north and south. really it is difficult to say _where_ this long threatened separation is to _begin_; and if the place of beginning could be found, it would seem like a poor exchange for the south, to give up all these pleasant and profitable relations and connections for the privilege of enslaving an equal number of their fellow-creatures. [footnote a: senator preston's railroad speech, delivered at colombia, s.c., in .] thus much for the menace, that the "union will be dissolved" unless the discussion of the slavery question be stopped. but you may reply, "do you think the south is not in earnest in her threat of dissolving the union?" i rejoin, by no means;--yet she pursues a perfectly reasonable course (leaving out of view the justice or morality of it)--just such a course as i should expect she would pursue, emboldened as she must be by her multiplied triumphs over the north by the use of the same weapon. "we'll dissolve the union!" was the cry, "unless missouri be admitted!!" the north were frightened, and missouri was admitted with slavery engraved on her forehead. "we'll dissolve the union!" unless the indians be driven out of the south!! the north forgot her treaties, parted with humanity, and it is done--the defenceless indians are forced to "consent" to be driven out, or they are left, undefended, to the mercies of southern land-jobbers and gold-hunters. "we'll dissolve the union! if the tariff" [established at her own suggestion] "be not repealed or modified so that our slave-labor may compete with your free-labor." the tariff is accordingly modified to suit the south. "we'll dissolve the union!" unless the freedom of speech and the press be put down in the north!!--with the promptness of commission-merchants, the alternative is adopted. public assemblies met for deliberation are assailed and broken up at the north; her citizens are stoned and beaten and dragged through the streets of her cities; her presses are attacked by mobs, instigated and led on by men of influence and character; whilst those concerned in conducting them are compelled to fly from their homes, pursued as if they were noxious wild beasts; or, if they remain to defend, they are sacrificed to appease the southern divinity. "we'll dissolve the union" if slavery be abolished in the district of columbia! the north, frightened from her propriety, declares that slavery ought not to be abolished there now.--"we'll dissolve the union!" if you read petitions from your constituents for its abolition, or for stopping the slave-trade at the capital, or between the states. fifty northern representatives respond to the cry, "down, then, with the right of petition!!" all these assaults have succeeded because the north has been frightened by the war-cry, "we'll dissolve the union!" after achieving so much by a process so simple, why should not the south persist in it when striving for further conquests? no other course ought to be expected from her, till this has failed. and it is not at all improbable, that she will persist, till she almost persuades herself that she is serious in her menace to dissolve the union. she may in her eagerness, even approach so near the verge of dissolution, that the earth may give way under her feet and she be dashed in ruins in the gulf below. nothing will more surely arrest her fury, than the firm array of the north, setting up anew the almost forgotten principles of our fathers, and saying to the "dark spirit of slavery,"--"thus far shalt thou go, and no farther." this is the best--the only--means of saving the south from the fruits of her own folly--folly that has been so long, and so strangely encouraged by the north, that it has grown into intolerable arrogance--down right presumption. there are many other "events" of the last two or three years which have, doubtless, had their influence on the course of the abolitionists--and which might properly be dwelt upon at considerable length, were it not that this communication is already greatly protracted beyond its intended limits. i shall, therefore, in mentioning the remaining topics, do little more than enumerate them. the legislature of vermont has taken a decided stand in favor of anti-slavery principles and action. in the autumn of , the following resolutions were passed by an almost unanimous vote in both houses:-- "resolved, by the general assembly of the state of vermont, that neither congress nor the state governments have any constitutional right to abridge the free expressions of opinions, or the transmission of them through the medium of the public mails." "resolved, that congress do possess the power to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." "resolved, that his excellency, the governor, be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the executive of each of the states, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress." at the session held in november last, the following joint resolutions, preceded by a decisive memorial against the admission of texas, were passed by both branches--with the exception of the _fifth_ which was passed only by the house of representatives:-- . resolved, by the senate and house of representatives, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to use their influence in that body to prevent the annexation of texas to the union. . resolved, that, representing, as we do, the people of vermont, we do hereby, in their name, solemnly protest against such annexation in any form. . resolved, that, as the representatives of the people of vermont, we do solemnly protest against the admission, into this union, of any state whose constitution tolerates domestic slavery. . resolved, that congress have full power, by the constitution, to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the district of columbia and in the territories of the united states. [ . resolved, that congress has the constitutional power to prohibit the slave-trade between the several states of this union, and to make such laws as shall effectually prohibit such trade.] . resolved, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to present the foregoing report and resolutions to their respective houses in congress, and use their influence to carry the same speedily into effect. . resolved, that the governor of this state be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing report and resolutions to the president of the united states, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress. the influence of anti-slavery principles in massachusetts has become decisive, if we are to judge from the change of sentiment in the legislative body. the governor of that commonwealth saw fit to introduce into his inaugural speech, delivered in january, , a severe censure of the abolitionists, and to intimate that they were guilty of an offence punishable at common law. this part of the speech was referred to a joint committee of five, of which a member of the senate was chairman. to the same committee were also referred communications which had been received by the governor from several of the legislatures of the slaveholding states, requesting the legislature of massachusetts to enact laws, making it penal for citizens of that state to form societies for the abolition of slavery, or to speak or publish sentiments such as had been uttered in anti-slavery meetings and published in anti-slavery tracts and papers. the managers of the massachusetts anti-slavery society, in a note addressed to the chairman of the committee, requested permission, as a party whose rights were drawn in question, to appear before it. this was granted. the gentlemen selected by them to appear on their behalf were of unimpeachable character, and distinguished for professional merit and general literary and scientific intelligence. such was _then_ the unpopularity of abolitionism, that notwithstanding the personal influence of these gentlemen, they were ill--not to say rudely--treated, especially by the chairman of the committee; so much so, that respect for themselves, and the cause they were deputed to defend, persuaded them to desist before they had completed their remarks. a report, including resolutions unfavorable to the abolitionists was made, of which the following is a copy:-- the joint special committee, to whom was referred so much of the governor's message as related to the abolition of slavery, together with certain documents upon the same subject, communicated to the executive by the several legislatures of virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, and alabama, transmitted by his excellency to the legislature, and hereunto annexed, have considered the same, and ask leave, respectfully, to submit the following:-- resolved, that this legislature distinctly disavow any right whatever in itself, or in the citizens of this commonwealth, to interfere in the institution of domestic slavery in the southern states: it having existed therein before the establishment of the constitution; it having been recognised by that instrument; and it being strictly within their own keeping. resolved, that this legislature, regarding the agitation of the question of domestic slavery as having already interrupted the friendly relations which ought to exist between the several states of this union, and as tending permanently to injure, if not altogether to subvert, the principles of the union itself; and believing that the good effected by those who excite its discussion in the non-slaveholding states is, under the circumstances of the case, altogether visionary, while the immediate and future evil is great and certain; does hereby express its entire disapprobation of the doctrine upon this subject avowed, and the general measures pursued by such as agitate the question; and does earnestly recommend to them carefully to abstain from all such discussion, and all such measures, as may tend to disturb and irritate the public mind. the report was laid on the table, whence it was not taken up during the session--its friends being afraid of a lean majority on its passage; for the _alarm_ had already been taken by many of the members who otherwise would have favored it. from this time till the election in the succeeding autumn, the subject was much agitated in massachusetts. the abolitionists again petitioned the legislature at its session begun in january, ; especially, that it should remonstrate against the resolution of mr. hawes, adopted by the house of representatives in congress, by which all memorials, &c, in relation to slavery were laid, and to be laid, on the table, without further action on them. the abolitionists were again heard, in behalf of their petitions, before the proper committee.[a] the result was, the passage of the following resolutions with only dissenting voices to , in the house of representatives, and in the senate with not more than one or two dissentients on any one of them:-- [footnote a: the gentleman who had been chairman of the committee the preceding year, was supposed, in consequence of the change in public opinion in relation to abolitionists, to have injured his political standing too much, even to be nominated as a candidate for re-election.] "whereas, the house of representatives of the united states, in the month of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven, did adopt a resolution, whereby it was ordered that all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions, or papers, relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, without being either printed or referred, should be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever should be had thereon; and whereas such a disposition of petitions, then or thereafter to be received, is a virtual denial of the right itself; and whereas, by the resolution aforesaid, which is adopted as a standing rule in the present house of representatives, the petitions of a large number of the people of this commonwealth, praying for the removal of a great social, moral, and political evil, have been slighted and contemned: therefore,-- resolved, that the resolution above named is an assumption of power and authority at variance with the spirit and intent of the constitution of the united states, and injurious to the cause of freedom and free institutions; that it does violence to the inherent, absolute, and inalienable rights of man; and that it tends, essentially, to impair those fundamental principles of natural justice and natural law which are antecedent to any written constitutions of government, independent of them all, and essential to the security of freedom in a state. resolved, that our senators and representatives in congress, in maintaining and advocating the right of petition, have entitled themselves to the cordial approbation of the people of this commonwealth. resolved, that congress, having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district, and that its exercise should only be restrained by a regard to the public good." that you may yourself, judge what influence the abolition question exercised in the elections in massachusetts _last_ autumn, i send you three numbers of the liberator containing copies of letters addressed to many of the candidates, and their respective answers. the legislature have passed, _unanimously_, at its present session, resolutions (preceded by a report of great ability) protesting "_earnestly and solemnly against the annexation of texas to this union_;" and declaring that, "_no act done, or compact made, for such purpose, by the government of the united states, will be binding on the states or the people_." two years ago, governor marcy, of this state, showed himself willing, at the dictation of the south, to aid in passing laws for restraining and punishing the abolitionists, whenever the extremity of the case might call for it. two weeks ago, at the request of the young men's anti-slavery society of albany, the assembly-chamber, by a vote of the house (only two dissentient) was granted to alvan stewart, esq., a distinguished lawyer, to lecture on the subject of abolition. kentucky is assuming an attitude of great interest to the friends of liberty and the constitution. the blessings of "them that are ready to perish" throughout the land, the applause of the good throughout the world will be hers, if she should show moral energy enough to break every yoke that she has hitherto imposed on the "poor," and by which her own prosperity and true power have been hindered. in view of the late action in the senate and house of representatives in congress--adverse as they may seem, to those who think more highly of the branches of the legislature than of the source of their power--the abolitionists see nothing that is cause for discouragement. they find the people sound; they know that they still cherish, as their fathers did, the right of petition--the freedom of the press--the freedom of speech--the rights of conscience; that they love the liberty of the north more than they love the slavery of the south. what care they for _resolutions_ in the house, or resolutions in the senate, when the house and the senate are but their ministers, their servants, and they know that they can discharge them at their pleasure? it may be, that congress has yet to learn, that the people have but slight regard for their restraining resolutions. they ought to have known this from the history of such resolutions for the last two years. thirty-seven thousand petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia had their petitions laid on the table by the resolution of the house of representatives in may, . at the succeeding session, they had increased to one hundred and ten thousand.--the resolution of jan. , , laid all _their_ petitions in the same way on the table. at the _called_, and at the present session, these , had multiplied to five hundred thousand[a]. soon, senators and representatives will be sent from the free states who will need no petitions--they will know the prayer of their constituents _before they leave their homes_. [footnote a: see appendix, g.] in concluding this, my answer to your th interrogatory, i will say that i know of no event, that has transpired, either in or out of congress, for the last two or three years, that has had any other influence on the efforts of abolitionists than to increase and stimulate them. indeed, every thing that has taken place within that period, ought to excite to their utmost efforts all who are not despairing dastards. the demon of oppression in this land is tenfold more fierce and rampant and relentless than he was supposed to be before roused from the quiet of his lair. to every thing that is precious the abolitionists have seen him lay claim. the religion of the bible must be adulterated--the claims of humanity must be smothered--the demands of justice must be nullified--a part of our race must be shut out from the common sympathy of a common nature. nor is this all: they see their _own_ rights and those of the people; the right to speak--to write--to print--to publish--to assemble together--to petition their own servants--all brought in peril. they feel that the final conflict between popular liberty and aristocratic slavery has come; that one or the other must fall; and they have made up their minds, with the blessing of god on their efforts, that their adversary shall die. " . _have you any permanent fund, and how much?_" answer.--we have none. the contributions are anticipated. we are always in debt, and always getting out of debt. i have now, sir, completed my answers to the questions proposed in your letter of the th ult. it gives me pleasure to have had such an auspicious opportunity of doing so. i cannot but hope for good to both the parties concerned, where candor and civility have characterized their representatives. part of the answer to your th question may seem to wander from the strict terms of the question proposed. let it be set down to a desire, on my part, to give you all the information i can, at all germain to the inquiry. the "proffer," made in my note to mr. calhoun, was not "unguarded;"--nor was it _singular_. the information i have furnished has been always accessible to our adversaries--even though the application for it might not have been clothed in the polite and gentlemanly terms which have so strongly recommended yours to the most respectful consideration of your very obedient servant, james g. birney. * * * * * [in the explanatory remarks placed at the beginning of this correspondence, reasons were given, that were deemed sufficient, for not publishing more of the letters that passed between mr. elmore and myself than the two above. since they were in type, i have received from mr. elmore a communication, in reply to one from me, informing him that i proposed limiting the publication to the two letters just mentioned. it is dated may . the following extract shows that he entertains a different opinion from mine, and thinks that justice to him requires that _another_ of his letters should be included in the correspondence:-- "the order you propose in the publication is proper enough; the omission of business and immaterial letters being perfectly proper, as they can interest nobody. i had supposed my last letter would have formed an exception to the rule, which excluded immaterial papers. it explained, more fully than my first, my reasons for this correspondence, defined the limits to _which i had prescribed myself_, and was a proper accompaniment to _a publication_ of what _i_ had not written for publication. allow me, sir, to say, that it will be but bare justice to me that it should be printed with the other papers. i only suggest this for your own consideration, for--adhering to my former opinions and decision--i ask nothing and complain of nothing." it is still thought that the publication of the letter alluded to is unnecessary to the purpose of enlightening the public, as to the state, prospects, &c, of the anti-slavery cause. it contains no denial of the facts, nor impeachment of the statements, nor answer to the arguments, presented in my communication. but as mr. elmore is personally interested in this matter, and as it is intended to maintain the consistent liberality which has characterized the executive committee in all their intercourse with their opponents, the suggestion made by mr. elmore is cheerfully complied with. the following is a copy of the letter alluded to.--j.g.b.] "washington, may , . to james g. birney, esq., cor. sec. a.a.s.s. sir,--i have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the st instant, in which you again refer to the publication of the correspondence between us, in relation to the measures and designs of the abolitionists. i would have certainly answered yours of the d ult., on the same subject, more fully before this, had it not escaped my recollection, in consequence [of] having been more engaged than usual in the business before the house. i hope the delay has been productive of no inconvenience. if i correctly understand your letters above referred to, the control of these papers, and the decision as to their publication, have passed into the 'executive committee of the american anti-slavery society;' and, from their tenor, i infer that their determination is so far made, that nothing i could object would prevent it, if i desired to do so. i was certainly not apprised, when i entered into this correspondence, that its disposition was to depend on any other will than yours and mine,--but that matters nothing now,--you had the power, and i am not disposed to question the right or propriety of its exercise. i heard of you as a man of intelligence, sincerity, and truth,--who, although laboring in a bad cause, did it with ability, and from a mistaken conviction of its justice. as one of the representatives of a slave-holding constituency, and one of a committee raised by the representatives of the slave-holding states, to ascertain the intentions and progress of your associations, i availed myself of the opportunity offered by your character and situation, to propose to you inquiries _as to facts_, which would make those _developments so important to be known by our people_. my inquiries were framed to draw out _full and authentic details_ of the organization, numbers, resources, and designs of the abolitionists, of the means they resorted to for the accomplishment of their ends, and the progress made, and making, in their dangerous work, that all such information might be laid before the _four millions and a half of white inhabitants in the slave states, whose lives and property are menaced and endangered_ by this ill-considered, misnamed, and disorganizing philanthropy. they should be informed of the full length and breadth and depth of this storm which is gathering over their heads, before it breaks in its desolating fury. christians and civilized, they are _now_ industrious, prosperous, and happy; but should your schemes of abolition prevail, it will bring upon them overwhelming ruin, and misery unutterable. the two races cannot exist together upon terms of equality--the extirpation of one and the ruin of the other _would be inevitable_. this humanity, conceived in wrong and born in civil strife, would be baptized in a people's blood. it was, that our people might know, in time to guard against the mad onset, the full extent of this gigantic conspiracy and crusade against their institutions; and of necessity upon their lives with which they must sustain them; and their fortunes and prosperity, which _exist only while these institutions exist_, that i was induced to enter into a correspondence with you, who by your official station and intelligence were known to be well informed on these points, and from your well established character for candor and fairness, would make no statements of facts which were not known or believed by you to be true. to a great extent, my end has been accomplished by your replies to my inquiries. how far, or whether at all, your answers have run, beyond _the facts inquired for_, into theories, arguments, and dissertations, as erroneous as mischievous, is not a matter of present consideration. we differed no wider than i expected, but that difference has been exhibited courteously, and has nothing to do with the question of publication. your object, or rather the object of your committee, is to publish; and i, having no reason to desire it, as you have put me in possession of the facts i wished, and no reason not to desire it, as there is nothing to conceal, will leave yourself and the committee to take your own course, neither assenting nor dissenting, in what you may finally decide to do. very respectfully, your obedient servant, f.h. elmore." [this letter of mr. elmore contains but little more than a reiteration of alarming cries on the part of the slaveholder;--cries that are as old as the earliest attempts of philanthropy to break the fetters of the enslaved, and that have been repeated up to the present day, with a boldness that seems to increase, as instances of emancipation multiply to prove them groundless. those who utter them seem, in their panic, not only to overlook the most obvious laws of the human mind, and the lights of experience, but to be almost unconscious of the great events connected with slavery, that are now passing around them in the world, and conspiring to bring about its early abrogation among all civilized and commercial nations. however _christian, and civilized, industrious, prosperous and happy_, the slaveholders of the south may be, this cannot be said of the slaves. a large religious denomination of the state in which mr. elmore resides, has deliberately pronounced them to be "heathen." _their_ "industry" is seen at the end of the lash--of "prosperity" they have none, for they cannot possess any thing that is an element of prosperity--their "happiness" they prove, by running away from their masters, whenever they think they can effect their escape. this is the condition of a large _majority_ of the people in south carolina, mississippi and louisiana. the "two races" exist in peace in mexico,--in all the former south american dependencies of spain, in antigua, in the bermudas, in canada, in massachusetts, in vermont, in fine, in every country where they enjoy _legal equality_. it is the _denial_ of this that produces discontent. men will never be satisfied without it. let the slaveholders consult the irreversible laws of the human mind--make a full concession of right to those from whom they have withheld it, and they will be blessed with a peace, political, social, moral, beyond their present conceptions; without such concessions they never can possess it. a system that cannot withstand the assaults of truth--that replies to arguments with threats--that cannot be "talked about"--that flourishes in secrecy and darkness, and dies when brought forth into the light and examined, must in this time of inexorable scrutiny and relentless agitation, be a dangerous one. if _justice_ be done, all necessity for the extirpation of any part of the people will at once be removed. baptisms _of blood_ are seen only when humanity has failed in her offices, and the suffering discern hope only in the brute efforts of despair. mr. elmore is doubtless well versed in general history. to his vigorous declamation, i reply by asking, if he can produce from the history of our race a single instance, where emancipation, full and immediate, has been followed, as a legitimate consequence, by insurrection or bloodshed. i may go further, and ask him for a well authenticated instance, where an emancipated slave, singly has imbrued his hands in his master's blood. the first record of such an act in modern times, is yet to be made. mr. elmore says "the white inhabitants in the slave states should be informed of the full length and breadth and depth of this storm which is gathering over their heads, before it breaks in its desolating fury." in this sentiment there is not a reasonable man in the country, be he abolitionist or not, who will not coincide with him. we rejoice at the evidence we here have, in a gentleman of the influence and intelligence of mr. elmore, of the returning sanity of the south. how wildly and mischievously has she been heretofore misled! whilst the governors of virginia, alabama, tennessee and arkansas, have been repelling offers, made in respectful terms, of the fullest and most authentic accounts of our movements; and whilst governor butler of south carolina, has not only followed the example of his gubernatorial brethren just named, but is found corresponding with an obscure culprit in massachusetts--bribing him with a few dollars, the sum he demanded for his fraudulent promise to aid in thwarting the abolitionists[a]; whilst too, mr. calhoun has been willing to pass laws to shut out from his constituents and the south generally information that concerned them more nearly than all others--we now have it from the highest source, from one selected by a state delegation as its _representative_ in a general committee of the whole slaveholding delegations, that the south ought to be "_informed of the full length and breadth and depth_" of the measures, intentions, &c, of the abolitionists. at this there is not an abolitionist who will not rejoice. we ask for nothing but access to the popular mind of the south. we feel full confidence in the eternal rectitude of our principles, and of their reception at the south, when once they are understood. let the conflict come, let the truth of liberty fairly enter the lists with the error of slavery, and we have not a doubt of a glorious triumph. [footnote a: appendix h.] may we not, after this, expect the aid of mr. elmore and others of equal distinction in the south, in giving to their fellow-citizens the information that we have always believed, and that they now acknowledge, to be so, important to them? _may , _. james g. birney.] appendix. * * * * * appendix a. extract from an article addressed to the editor of the christian register and observer, signed w.e.c.--attributed to the rev. dr. channing. "speaking of slavery, i wish to recommend to your readers a book just from the press, entitled 'emancipation in the west indies,' and written by j. a. thome and j.h. kimball, who had visited those islands to inquire into the great experiment now going on there. i regard it as the most important work which has appeared among us for years. no man, without reading it, should undertake to pass judgment on emancipation. it is something more than a report of the observation and opinions of the writers. it consists, chiefly, of the opinions, conversations, letters, and other documents of the very inhabitants of the islands whose judgments are most trust-worthy; of the governors, special magistrates, police officers, managers, attorneys, physicians, &c; and, in most cases, the names of these individuals are given, so that we have the strongest evidence of the correctness of the work. the results of this great experiment surpass what the most sanguine could have hoped. it is hardly possible that the trial could have been made under more unfavorable circumstances. the planters on all the islands were opposed to the act of emancipation, and, in most, exceedingly and fiercely hostile to it, and utterly indisposed to give it the best chance of success. the disproportion of the colored race to the whites was fearfully great, being that of seven or eight to one; whilst, in our slaveholding states, the whites outnumber the colored people. the slaves of the west indies were less civilized than ours, and less fit to be trusted with their own support. another great evil was, that the proprietors, to a considerable extent, were absentees; residing in england, and leaving the care of their estates and slaves to managers and owners; the last people for such a trust, and utterly unfit to carry the wretched victims of their tyranny through the solemn transition from slavery to freedom. to complete the unhappy circumstances under which the experiment began, the act of emancipation was passed by a distant government, having no intimate knowledge of the subject; and the consequence was, that a system of 'apprenticeship,' as it was called, was adopted, so absurd, and betraying such ignorance of the principles of human nature, that, did we not know otherwise, we might suspect its author of intending to produce a failure. it was to witness the results of an experiment promising so little good, that our authors visited three islands, particularly worthy of examination--antigua, barbadoes, and jamaica. our authors went first to antigua, an island which had been wise enough to foresee the mischiefs of the proposed apprenticeship, and had substituted for it immediate and unqualified emancipation. the report given of this island is most cheering. it is, indeed, one of the brightest records in history. the account, beginning page , of the transition from slavery to freedom, can hardly be read by a man of ordinary sensibility without a thrill of tender and holy joy. why is it not published in all our newspapers as among the most interesting events of our age? from the accounts of antigua, it appears that immediate emancipation has produced only good. its fruits are, greater security, the removal of the fears which accompany slavery, better and cheaper cultivation of the soil, increased value of real estate, improved morals, more frequent marriages, and fewer crimes. _the people proclaim, with one voice, that emancipation is a blessing, and that nothing would tempt than to revert to slavery._ our authors proceeded next to barbadoes, where the apprenticeship system is in operation; and if any proof were needed of the docility and good dispositions of the negroes, it would be found in their acquiescence to so wonderful a degree in this unhappy arrangement. the planters on this island have been more disposed, than could have been anticipated, to make the best of this system, and here, accordingly, the same fruits of the act of emancipation are found as in antigua, though less abundant; and a very general and strong conviction prevails of the happiness of the change. in jamaica, apprenticeship manifests its worst tendencies. the planters of this island were, from first to last, furious in their hostility to the act of emancipation; and the effort seems to have been, to make the apprenticeship bear as heavily as possible on the colored people; so that, instead of preparing them for complete emancipation, it has rather unfitted them for this boon. still, under all these disadvantages, there is strong reason for expecting, that emancipation, when it shall come, will prove a great good. at any rate, it is hardly possible for the slaves to fall into a more deplorable condition, than that in which this interposition of parliament found them. the degree of success which has attended this experiment in the west indies, under such unfavorable auspices, makes us sure, that emancipation in this country, accorded by the good will of the masters, would be attended with the happiest effects. one thing is plain, that it would be perfectly _safe_. never were the west indies so peaceful and secure as since emancipation. so far from general massacre and insurrection, not an instance is recorded or intimated of violence of any kind being offered to a white man. our authors were continually met by assurances of security on the part of the planters, so that, in this respect at least, emancipation has been unspeakable gain. the only obstacle to emancipation is, therefore, removed; for nothing but well grounded fears of violence and crime can authorize a man to encroach one moment on another's freedom. the subject of this book is of great interest at the present moment. slavery, in the abstract, has been thoroughly discussed among us. we all agree that it is a great wrong. not a voice is here lifted up in defence of the system, when viewed in a general light. we only differ when we come to apply our principles to a particular case. the only question is, whether the southern states can abolish slavery consistently with the public safety, order, and peace? many, very many well disposed people, both at the north and south, are possessed with vague fears of massacre and universal misrule, as the consequences of emancipation. such ought to inquire into the ground of their alarm. they are bound to listen to the voice of _facts_, and such are given in this book. none of us have a right to make up our minds without inquiry, or to rest in opinions adopted indolently and without thought. it is a great crime to doom millions of our race to brutal degradation, on the ground of unreasonable fears. the power of public opinion is here irresistible, and to this power every man contributes something; so that every man, by his spirit and language, helps to loosen or rivet the chains of the slave." * * * * * the following sentiments are expressed by governor everett, of massachusetts, in a letter to edmund quincy, esq., dated "boston, april , . dear sir,--i have your favor of the st, accompanied with the volume containing the account of the tour of messrs. thome and kimball in the west indies, for which you will be pleased to accept my thanks. i have perused this highly interesting narrative with the greatest satisfaction. from the moment of the passage of the law, making provision for the immediate or prospective abolition of slavery in the british colonial possessions, i have looked with the deepest solicitude for tidings of its operation. the success of the measure, as it seemed to me, would afford a better hope than had before existed, that a like blessing might be enjoyed by those portions of the united states where slavery prevails. the only ground on which i had been accustomed to hear the continuance of slavery defended at the south, was that of necessity, and the impossibility of abolishing it without producing consequences of the most disastrous character to both parties. the passage of a law providing for the emancipation of nearly a million of slaves in the british colonies, seemed to afford full opportunity of bringing this momentous question to the decisive test of experience. _if the result proved satisfactory, i have never doubted that it would seal the fate of slavery throughout the civilised world_. as far as the observations of messrs. thome and kimball extended, the result is of the most gratifying character. it appears to place beyond a doubt, that the experiment of immediate emancipation, adopted by the colonial legislature of antigua, has fully succeeded in that island; and the plan of apprenticeship in other portions of the west indies, as well as could have been expected from the obvious inherent vices of that measure. _it has given me new views of the practicability of emancipation_. it has been effected in antigua, as appears from unquestionable authorities contained in the work of messrs. thome and kimball, not merely _without danger_ to the master, but without any sacrifice of his _interest_. i cannot but think that the information collected in the volume will have a powerful effect on public opinion, not only in the northern states, but in the slaveholding states." governor ellsworth, of connecticut, writes thus to a.f. williams, esq., of this city:-- "new haven, _may_ , . my dear sir,--just before i left home, i received from you the journal of thome and kimball, for which token of friendship i intended to have made you my acknowledgments before this; but i wished first to read the book. as far as time would permit, i have gone over most of its pages; and let me assure you, it is justly calculated to produce great effects, provided you can once get it into the hands of the planters. convince _them_ that their interests, as well as their security, will be advanced by employing free blacks, and emancipation will be accomplished without difficulty or delay. i have looked with great interest at the startling measure of emancipation in antigua; but if this book is correct, the question is settled as to that island beyond a doubt, since there is such accumulated testimony from all classes, that the business and real estate of the island have advanced, by reason of the emancipation, one fourth, at least, in value; while personal security, without military force, is felt by the former masters, and contentment, industry, and gratitude, are seen in those who were slaves. the great moral example of england, in abolishing slavery in the west indies, will produce a revolution on this subject throughout the world, and put down slavery in every christian country. with sentiments of high esteem, &c, w. w. ellsworth." * * * * * appendix b. a short time previous to the late election in rhode island for governor and lieutenant-governor, a letter was addressed to each of the candidates for those offices by mr. johnson, corresponding secretary of the rhode island anti-slavery society, embodying the views of the abolitionists on the several subjects it embraced, in a series of queries. their purport will appear from the answer of mr. sprague, (who was elected governor,) given below. the answer of mr. childs (elected lieutenant-governor) is fully as direct as that of governor sprague. "warwick, _march , _. dear sir,--your favor of the th inst. requesting of me, in conformity to a resolution of the executive committee of the rhode island anti-slavery society, an expression of my opinions on certain topics, was duly received. i have no motive whatever for withholding my opinions on any subject which is interesting to any portion of my fellow-citizens. i will, therefore, cheerfully proceed to reply to the interrogatories proposed, and in the order in which they are submitted. . among the powers vested by the constitution in congress, is the power to exercise exclusive legislation, 'in all cases whatsoever,' over the district of columbia? 'all cases' must, of course, include the _case_ of slavery and the slave-trade. i am, therefore, clearly of opinion, that the constitution does confer upon congress the power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in that district; and, as they are great moral and political evils, the principles of justice and humanity demand the exercise of that power. . the traffic in slaves, whether foreign or domestic, is equally obnoxious to every principle of justice and humanity; and, as congress has exercised its powers to suppress the slave-trade between this country and foreign nations, it ought, as a matter of consistency and justice, to exercise the same powers to suppress the slave-trade between the states of this union. the slave-trade within the states is, undoubtedly, beyond the control of congress; as the 'sovereignty of each state, to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery, which is tolerated within its limits,' is, i believe, universally conceded. the constitution unquestionably recognises the sovereign power of each state to legislate on the subject within its limits; but it imposes on us no obligation to add to the evils of the system by countenancing the traffic between the states. that which our laws have solemnly pronounced to be piracy in our foreign intercourse, no sophistry can make honorable or justifiable in a domestic form. for a proof of the feelings which this traffic naturally inspires, we need but refer to the universal execration in which the slave-dealer is held in those portions of the country where the institution of slavery is guarded with the most jealous vigilance. . congress has no power to abridge the right of petition. the right of the people of the non-slaveholding states to petition congress for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade in the district of columbia, and the traffic of human beings among the states, is as undoubted as any right guarantied by the constitution; and i regard the resolution which was adopted by the house of representatives on the st of december last as a virtual denial of that right, inasmuch as it disposed of all such petitions, as might be presented thereafter, in advance of presentation and reception. if it was right thus to dispose of petitions on _one_ subject, it would be equally right to dispose of them in the same manner on _all_ subjects, and thus cut of all communication, by petition between the people and their representatives. nothing can be more clearly a violation of the spirit of the constitution, as it rendered utterly nugatory a right which was considered of such vast importance as to be specially guarantied in that sacred instrument. a similar resolution passed the house of representatives at the first session of the last congress, and as i then entertained the same views which i have now expressed, i recorded my vote against it. . i fully concur in the sentiment, that 'every principle of justice and humanity requires, that every human being, when personal freedom is at stake, should have the benefit of a jury trial;' and i have no hesitation in saying, that the laws of this state ought to secure that benefit, so far as they can, to persons claimed as fugitives from 'service or labor,' without interfering with the laws of the united states. the course pursued in relation to this subject by the legislature of massachusetts meets my approbation. . i am opposed to all attempts to abridge or restrain the freedom of speech and the press, or to forbid any portion of the people peaceably to assemble to discuss any subject--moral, political, or religious. . i am opposed to the annexation of texas to the united states. . it is undoubtedly inconsistent with the principles of a free state, professing to be governed in its legislation by the principles of freedom, to sanction slavery, in any form, within its jurisdiction. if we have laws in this state which bear this construction, they ought to be repealed. we should extend to our southern brethren, whenever they may have occasion to come among us, all the privileges and immunities enjoyed by our own citizens, and all the rights and privileges guarantied to them by the constitution of the united states; but they cannot expect of us to depart from the fundamental principles of civil liberty for the purpose of obviating any temporal inconvenience which they may experience. these are my views upon the topics proposed for my consideration. they are the views which i have always entertained, (at least ever since i have been awakened to their vast importance,) and which i have always supported, so far as i could, by my vote in congress; and if, in any respect, my answers have not been sufficiently explicit, it will afford me pleasure to reply to any other questions which you may think proper to propose. i am, sir, very respectfully, your friend and fellow citizen, william sprague." oliver johnson, esq., cor. sec. r.i.a.s. society. appendix c. the abolitionists in connecticut petitioned the legislature of that state at its late session on several subjects deemed by them proper for legislative action. in answer to these petitions-- . the law known as the "black act" or the "canterbury law"--under which miss crandall was indicted and tried--was repealed, except a single provision, which is not considered objectionable. . the right to _trial by jury_ was secured to persons who are claimed as slaves. . resolutions were passed asserting the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and recommending that it be done as soon as it can be, "consistently with the _best good_ of the _whole country_."(!) . resolutions were passed protesting against the annexation of texas to the union. . resolutions were passed asserting the right of petition as inalienable--condemning mr. patton's resolution of dec. , as an invasion of the rights of the people, and calling on the connecticut delegation in congress to use their efforts to have the same rescinded. * * * * * appendix d. in the year there were but , , pounds of cotton produced in the united states, and but , exported. cotton never could have become an article of much commercial importance under the old method of preparing it for market. by hand-picking, or by a process strictly _manual_, a cultivator could not prepare for market, during the year, more than from to pounds; being only about one-tenth of what he could cultivate to maturity in the field. in ' mr. whitney invented the cotton-gin now in use, by which the labor of at least _one thousand_ hands under the old system, is performed by _one_, in preparing the crop for market. seven years after the invention ( ) , , pounds were raised, and , , exported. in , , , were raised-- , , exported. such was the effect of mr. whitney's invention. it gave, at once, extraordinary value to the _land_ in that part of the country where alone cotton could be raised; and to _slaves_, because it was the general, the almost universal, impression that the cultivation of the south could be carried on only by slaves. there being no _free_ state in the south, competition between free and slave labor never could exist on a scale sufficiently extensive to prove the superiority of the former in the production of cotton, and in the preparation of it for market. thus, it has happened that mr. whitney has been the innocent occasion of giving to slavery in this country its present importance--of magnifying it into the great interest to which all others must yield. how he was rewarded by the south--especially by the planters of georgia--the reader may see by consulting silliman's journal for january, , and the encyclopedia americana, article, whitney. * * * * * appendix e. it is impossible, of course, to pronounce with precision, how great would have been the effect in favor of emancipation, if the effort to resist the admission of missouri as a slaveholding state had been successful. we can only conjecture what it would have been, by the effect its admission has had in fostering slavery up to its present huge growth and pretensions. if the american people had shown, through their national legislature, a _sincere_ opposition to slavery by the rejection of missouri, it is probable at least--late as it was--that the early expiration of the 'system' would, by this time, have been discerned by all men. when the constitution was formed, the state of public sentiment even in the south--with the exception of south carolina and georgia, was favorable to emancipation. under the influence of this public sentiment was the constitution formed. no person at all versed in constitutional or legal interpretation--with his judgment unaffected by interest or any of the prejudices to which the existing controversy has given birth--could, it is thought, construe the constitution, _in its letter_, as intending to perpetuate slavery. to come to such a conclusion with a full knowledge of what was the mind of this nation in regard to slavery, when that instrument was made, demonstrates a moral or intellectual flaw that makes all reasoning useless. although it is a fact beyond controversy in our history, that the power conferred by the constitution on congress to "regulate commerce with foreign nations" was known to include the power of abolishing the african slave-trade--and that it was expected that congress, at the end of the period for which the exercise of that power on this particular subject was restrained, would use it (as it did) _with a view to the influence that the cutting off of that traffic would have on the "system" in this country_--yet, such has been the influence of the action of congress on all matters with which slavery has been mingled--more especially on the missouri question, in which slavery was the sole interest--that an impression has been produced on the popular mind, that the constitution of the united states _guaranties_, and consequently _perpetuates_, slavery to the south. most artfully, incessantly, and powerfully, has this lamentable error been harped on by the slaveholders, and by their advocates in the free states. the impression of _constitutional favor_ to the slaveholders would, of itself, naturally create for them an undue and disproportionate influence in the control of the government; but when to this is added the arrogance that the possession of irresponsible power almost invariably engenders in its possessors--their overreaching assumptions--the contempt that the slaveholders entertain for the great body of the _people_ of the north, it has almost delivered over the government, bound neck and heels, into the hands of slaveholding politicians--to be bound still more rigorously, or unloosed, as may seem well in their discretion. who can doubt that, as a nation, we should have been more honorable and influential abroad--more prosperous and united at home--if kentucky, at the very outset of this matter, had been refused admission to the union until she had expunged from her constitution the covenant with oppression? she would not have remained out of the union a single year on that account. if the worship of liberty had not been exchanged for that of power--if her principles had been successfully maintained in this first assault, their triumph in every other would have been easy. we should not have had a state less in the confederacy, and slavery would have been seen, at this time, shrunk up to the most contemptible dimensions, if it had not vanished entirely away. but we have furnished another instance to be added to the long and melancholy list already existing, to prove that,-- "facilis descensus averni, sed revocare gradum hoc opus hic labor est," if _poetry_ is not _fiction_. success in the missouri struggle--late as it was--would have placed the cause of freedom in our country out of the reach of danger from its inexorable foe. the principles of liberty would have struck deeper root in the free states, and have derived fresh vigor from such a triumph. if these principles had been honored by the government from that period to the present, (as they would have been, had the free states, even then, assumed their just preponderance in its administration,) we should now have, in missouri herself, a healthful and vigorous ally in the cause of freedom; and, in arkansas, a free people--_twice_ her present numbers--pressing on the confines of slavery, and summoning the keepers of the southern charnel-house to open its doors, that its inmates might walk forth, in a glorious resurrection to liberty and life. although young, as a people, we should be, among the nations, venerable for our virtue; and we should exercise an influence on the civilized and commercial world that we most despair of possessing, as long as we remain vulnerable to every shaft that malice, or satire, or philanthropy may find it convenient to hurl against us.[a] [footnote a: a comic piece--the production of one of the most popular of the french writers in his way--had possession of the paris stage last winter. when one of the personages separates husband and wife, he cries out, "bravo! this is the declaration of independence of the united states!" [bravo! c'est la declaration d'independence des etats unis.] one of our distinguished college-professors, lately on a tour in europe, had his attention called, while passing along the street of a german city, to the pictorial representation of a white man scourging a supplicating colored female, with this allusion underwritten:--"a specimen of equality--from republican america." truly might our countryman have exclaimed in the language, if not with the generous emotions of the trojan hero, when he beheld the noble deeds of his countrymen pencilled in a strange land-- --"quis jam locus-- quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris?" ] instead of being thus seated on a "heaven-kissing hill," and seen of all in its pure radiance; instead of enjoying its delightful airs, and imparting to them the healthful savor of justice, truth, mercy, magnanimity, see what a picture we present;--our cannibal burnings of human beings--our lynch courts--our lawless scourgings and capital executions, not only of slaves, but of freemen--our demoniac mobs raging through the streets of our cities and large towns at midday as well as at midnight, shedding innocent blood, devastating property, and applying the incendiaries' torch to edifices erected and dedicated to free discussion--the known friends of order, of law, of liberty, of the constitution--citizens, distinguished for their worth at home, and reflecting honor on their country abroad, shut out from more than half our territory, or visiting it at the hazard of their lives, or of the most degrading and painful personal inflictions--freedom of speech and of the press overthrown and hooted at--the right of petition struck down in congress, where, above all places, it ought to have been maintained to the last--the people mocked at, and attempted to be gagged by their own servants--the time the office-honored veteran, who fearlessly contended for the _right_, publicly menaced for words spoken in his place as a representative of the people, with an indictment by a slaveholding grand jury--in fine, the great principles of government asserted by our fathers in the declaration of independence, and embodied in our constitution, with which they won for us the sympathy, the admiration of the world--all forgotten, dishonoured, despised, trodden under foot! and this for slavery!! horrible catalogue!--yet by no means a complete one--for so young a nation, boasting itself, too, to be the freest on earth! it is the ripe fruit of that _chef d'oeuvre_ of political skill and patriotic achievement--the missouri compromise. another such compromise--or any compromise now with slavery--and the nation is undone. appendix f. the following is believed to be a correct exhibit of the legislative resolutions against the annexation of texas--of the times at which they were passed, and of the _votes_ by which they were passed:-- . vermont. " . _resolved, by the senate and house of representatives_, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to use their influence in that body to prevent the annexation of texas to the union. . _resolved_, that representing, as we do, the people of vermont, we do hereby, in their name, solemnly protest against such annexation in any form." [passed unanimously, nov. , .] . rhode island. (_in general assembly, october session, a. d. _.) "whereas the compact of the union between these states was entered into by the people thereof in their respective states, 'in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity;' and, therefore, a representative government was instituted by them, with certain limited powers, clearly specified and defined in the constitution--all other powers, not therein expressly relinquished, being 'reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.' and whereas this limited government possesses no power to extend its jurisdiction over any foreign nation, and no foreign nation, country, or people, can be admitted into this union but by the sovereign will and act of the free people of all and each of these united states, nor without the formation of a new compact of union--and another frame of government radically different, in objects, principles, and powers, from that which was framed for our own self-government, and deemed to be adequate to all the exigencies of our own free republic:-- therefore, resolved, that we have witnessed, with deep concern, the indications of a disposition to bring into this union, as a constituent member thereof, the foreign province or territory of texas. resolved, that, although we are fully aware of the consequences which must follow the accomplishment of such a project, could it be accomplished--aware that it would lead speedily to the conquest and annexation of mexico itself, and its fourteen remaining provinces or intendencies--which, together with the revolted province of texas, would furnish foreign territories and foreign people for at least twenty members of the new union; that the government of a nation so extended and so constructed would soon become radically [changed] in character, if not in form--would unavoidably become a military government; and, under the plea of necessity, would free itself from the restraints of the constitution and from its accountability to the people. that the ties of kindred, common origin and common interests, which have so long bound this people together, and would still continue to bind them: these ties, which ought to be held sacred by all true americans, would be angrily dissolved, and sectional political combinations would be formed with the newly admitted foreign states, unnatural and adverse to the peace and prosperity of the country. the civil government, with all the arbitrary powers it might assume, would be unable to control the storm. the usurper would find himself in his proper element; and, after acting the patriot and the hero for a due season, as the only means of rescuing the country from the ruin which he had chiefly contributed to bring upon it, would reluctantly and modestly allow himself to be declared 'protector of the commonwealth.' we are now fully aware of the deep degradation into which the republic would sink itself in the eyes of the whole world, should it annex to its own vast territories other and foreign territories of immense though unknown extent, for the purpose of encouraging the propagation of slavery, and giving aid to the raising of slaves within its own bosom, the very bosom of freedom, to be esported and sold in those unhallowed regions. although we are fully aware of these fearful evils, and numberless others which would come in their train, yet we do not here dwell upon them; because we are here firmly convinced that the free people of most, and we trust of all these states, will never suffer the admission of the foreign territory of texas into this union as a constituent member thereof--will never suffer the integrity of this republic to be violated, either by the introduction and addition to it of foreign nations or territories, one or many, or by dismemberment of it by the transfer of any one or more of its members to a foreign nation. the people will be aware, that should one foreign state or country be introduced, another and another may be, without end, whether situated in south america, in the west india islands, or in any other part of the world; and that a single foreign state, thus admitted, might have in its power, by holding the balance between contending parties, to wrest their own government from the hands and control of the people, by whom it was established for their own benefit and self-government. we are firmly convinced, that the free people of these states will look upon any attempt to introduce the foreign territory of texas, or any other foreign territory or nation into this union, as a constituent member or members thereof, as manifesting a willingness to prostrate the constitution and dissolve the union. resolved, that his excellency, the governor, be requested to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our senators and representatives in congress, and to each of the executives of the several states, with a request that the same may be laid before the respective legislatures of said states." [the preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted, nov. , .] . ohio. "_resolved, by the general assembly of the state of ohio_, that in the name, and on behalf of the people of the state of ohio, we do hereby solemnly protest against the annexation of texas to the union of these united states. _and be it further resolved_, that the governor be requested to transmit to each of our senators and representatives in congress, and to the governors of each of the states, a copy of the foregoing resolution, with a statement of the votes by which it was passed in each branch of the legislature." [passed by out of , the whole number in the house of representatives--unanomously in the senate. feb. , .] . massachusetts. "resolves against the annexation of texas to the united states. whereas a proposition to admit into the united states as a constituent member thereof, the foreign nation of texas, has been recommended by the legislative resolutions of several states, and brought before congress for its approval and sanction; and whereas such a measure would involve great wrong to mexico, and otherwise be of evil precedent, injurious to the interests and dishonorable to the character of this country; and whereas its avowed objects are doubly fraught with peril to the prosperity and permanence of this union, as tending to disturb and destroy the conditions of those compromises and concessions, entered into at the formation of the constitution, by which the relative weights of different sections and interests were adjusted, and to strengthen and extend the evils of a system which is unjust in itself, in striking contrast with the theory of our institutions, and condemned by the moral sentiment of mankind; and whereas the people of these united states have not granted to any or all of the departments of their government, but have retained in themselves, the only power adequate to the admission of a foreign nation into this confederacy; therefore, _resolved_, that we, the senate and house of representatives, in general court assembled, do in the name of the people of massachusetts, earnestly and solemnly protest against the incorporation of texas into this union, and declare, that no act done or compact made, for such purpose by the government of the united states, will be binding on the states or the people. _resolved_, that his excellency the governor be requested to forward a copy of these resolutions and the accompanying report to the executive of the united states, and the executive of each state and also to each of our senators and representatives in congress, with a request that they present the resolves to both houses of congress." [passed march , , unanimously, in both houses.] * * * * * . michigan. whereas, propositions have been made for the annexation of texas to the united states, with a view to its ultimate incorporation into the union: "and whereas, the extension of this general government over so large a country on the south-west, between which and that of the original states, there is little affinity, and less identity of interest, would tend, in the opinion of this legislature, greatly to disturb the safe and harmonious operations of the government of the united states, and put in imminent danger the continuance of this happy union: therefore, _be it resolved, by the senate and house of representatives of the state of michigan_, that in behalf, and in the name of the state of michigan, this legislature doth hereby dissent from, and solemnly protest against the annexation, for any purpose, to this union, of texas, or of any other territory or district of country, heretofore constituting a part of the dominions of spain in america, lying west or south-west of louisiana. and be it further resolved, by the authority aforesaid, that the governor of this state be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolve, under the great seal of this state, to the president of the united states; also, that he transmit one copy thereof, authenticated in manner aforesaid, to the president of the senate of the united states, with the respectful request of this legislature, that the same may be laid before the senate; also, that he transmit one copy thereof to the speaker of the house of representatives of the united states, authenticated in like manner, with the respectful request of this legislature, that the same may be laid before the house of representatives; and also, that he transmit to each of our senators and representatives in congress, one copy thereof, together with the report adopted by this legislature, and which accompanies said preamble and resolves." [passed nearly if not quite unanimously, april , ]. * * * * * . connecticut. "_resolved_, that we, the senate and house of representatives in general assembly convened, do, in the name of the people of this state, solemnly _protest_ against the annexation of texas to this union." [passed, it is believed, unanimously in both houses.] * * * * * (those which follow were passed by but one branch of the respective legislatures in which they were introduced.) . pennsylvania. _resolutions relative to the admission of texas into the union._ "_whereas_ the annexation of texas to the united states has been advocated and strongly urged by many of our fellow-citizens, particularly in the southern part of our country, and the president of texas has received authority to open a correspondence with, and appoint, a commissioner to our government to accomplish the object;--_and whereas_ such a measure would bring to us a dangerous extension of territory, with a population generally not desirable, and would probably involve us in war;--_and whereas_ the subject is now pressed upon and agitated in congress; therefore, _resolved_, &c, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our representatives requested, to use their influence and vote against the annexation of texas to the territory of the united states. _resolved_, that the governor transmit to each of our senators and representatives a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions." [passed the senate march , , by to . postponed indefinitely in the house of representatives, april , by to .] * * * * * . maine. "_resolved_, that the legislature of the state of maine, on behalf of the people of said state, do earnestly and solemnly protest against the annexation of the republic of texas to these united states; and that our senators and representatives in congress be, and they hereby are, requested to exert their utmost influence to prevent the adoption of a measure at once so clearly unconstitutional, and so directly calculated to disturb our foreign relations, to destroy our domestic peace, and to dismember our blessed union." [passed in the house of representatives, march , , by to . senate (same day) refused to concur by to .] * * * * * . new-york. "_resolved_, (if the senate concur,) that the admission of the republic of texas into this union would be entirely repugnant to the will of the people of this state, and would endanger the union of these united states. _resolved_, (if the senate concur,) that this legislature do, in the name of the people of the state of new york, solemnly protest against the admission of the republic of texas into this union. _resolved_, (if the senate concur.) that his excellency the governor be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our senators and representatives in congress, and also to the governors of each of the united states, with a request that the same be laid before their respective legislatures." [these resolutions passed the house of representatives in april, by a large majority--the newspapers say, to . they were indefinitely postponed in the senate, by a vote of to .] * * * * * appendix g. the number of petitioners for abolition in the district of columbia, and on other subjects allied to it, have been ascertained (in the house of representatives) to be as follows:-- men. women. total. for abolition in the district, , , , against the annexation of texas, , , , rescinding the gag resolution, , , , against admitting any new slave state, , , , for abolition of the slave-trade between the states, , , , for abolition of slavery in the territories, , , , at the extra session for rescinding the gag resolution of jan. , , , , ---------------------------- total, , , , the number in the senate, where some difficulty was interposed that prevented its being taken, is estimated to have been about two-thirds as great as that in the house. * * * * * appendix h. [on the st of december, one of the secretaries of the american anti-slavery society addressed a note to each of the governors of the slave states, in which he informed them, in courteous and respectful terms, that he had directed the publishing agent of this society, thereafter regularly to transmit to them, free of charge, the periodical publications issued from the office of the society. to this offer the following replies were received:--] governor campbell's letter. james g. birney, esq., _new york_ "richmond, _dec. , _. sir,--i received, by yesterday's mail, your letter of the st instant, in which you state that you had directed the publishing agent of the american anti-slavery society, hereafter, regularly to transmit, free of charge, by mail, to all the governors of the slave states, the periodical publications issued from that office. regarding your society as highly mischievous, i decline receiving any communications from it, and must request that no publications from your office be transmitted to me. i am, &c, david campbell." * * * * * governor bagby's letter. "tuscaloosa, _jan. , _ sir,--i received, by due course of mail, your favor of the st of december, informing me that you had directed the publishing agent of the american anti-slavery society to forward to the governors of the slaveholding states the periodicals issued from that office. taking it for granted, that the only object which the society or yourself could have in view, in adopting this course, is, the dissemination of the opinions and principles of the society--having made up my own opinion, unalterably, in relation to the whole question of slavery, as it exists in a portion of the united states, and feeling confident that, in the correctness of this opinion, i am sustained by the entire free white population of alabama, as well as the great body of the people of this union, i must, with the greatest respect for yourself, personally but not for the opinions or principles advocated by the society--positively decline receiving said publications, or any others of a similar character, either personally or officially. indeed, it is presuming a little too much, to expect that the chief magistrate of a free people, elected by themselves, would hold correspondence or give currency to the publications of an organized society, openly engaged in a scheme fraught with more mischievous consequences to their interest and repose, than any that the wit or folly of mankind has heretofore devised. i am, very respectfully, your ob't servant, a.p. bagby" james g. birney, _esq., new york_. * * * * * governor cannon's letter. [this letter required so many alterations to bring it up to the ordinary standard of epistolary, grammatical, and orthographical accuracy, that it is thought best to give it in _word_ and _letter_, precisely as it was received at the office.] "executive dept.-- nashville. _dec. th, _. sir i have rec'd yours of the st inst notifying me, that you had directed, your periodical publications, on the subject of slavery to be sent to me free of charge &c--and you are correct, if sincere, in your views, in supposing that we widely differ, on this subject, we do indeed widely differ, on it, if the publications said to have emanated from you, are honest and sincere, which, i admit, is possible. my opinions are fix'd and settled, and i seldom look into or examine, the, different vague notions of others who write and theorise on that subject. hence i trust you will not expect me to examine, what you have printed on this subject, or cause to have printed. if you or any other man are influenced by feelings of humanity, and are laboring to relieve the sufferings, of the human race, you may find objects enough immediately around you, where you are, in any nonslaveholding state, to engage your, attention, and all your exertions, in that good cause. but if your aim is to make a flourish on the subject, before the world, and to gain yourself some notoriety, or distinction, without, doing good to any, and evil to many, of the human race, you are, pursuing the course calculated to effect. such an object, in which no honest man need envy. your honours, thus gaind, i know there are many such in our country, but would fain hope, you are not one of them. if you have lived, as you state forty years in a slave holding state, you know that, that class of its population, are not the most, miserable, degraded, or unhappy, either in their feelings or habits, you know they are generally governd, and provided for by men of information and understanding sufficient to guard them against the most, odious vices, and hibets of the country, from which, you know the slaves are in a far greater degree, exempt than, are other portions of the population. that the slaves are the most happy, moral and contented generally, and free from suffering of any kind, having, each full confidence, in his masters, skill means and disposition to provide well for him, knowing also at the same time that _it is his interest to do it_. hence in this state of society more than any other, superior intelligence has the ascendency, in governing and provideing, for the wants of those inferior, also in giveing direction to their labour, and industry, as should be the case, superior intelligence should govern, when united with virtue, and interest, that great predominating principle in all human affairs. it is my rule of life, when i see any man labouring to produce effects, at a distance from him, while neglecting the objects immediately around him, (in doing good) to suspect his sincerity, to suspect him for some selfish, or sinister motive, all is not gold that glitters, and every man is not what he, endeavours to appear to be, is too well known. it is the duty of masters to take care of there slaves and provide for them, and this duty i believe is as generally and as fully complyd with as any other duty enjoind on the human family, for next to their children their own offspring, their slaves stand next foremost in their care and attention, there are indeed very few instances of a contrary character. you can find around you, i doubt not a large number of persons intemix'd, in your society, who are entirely destitute of that care, and attention, towards them that is enjoyed by our slaves, and who are destitute of that deep feeling of interest, in guarding their morals and habits, and directing them through life in all things, which is here enjoyd by our slaves, to those let your efforts be directed immediately around you and do not trouble with your vague speculations those who are contented and happy, at a distance from you. very respectfully yours, n. cannon." mr. jas. g. birney, _cor. sec._ &c. * * * * * [the letter of the secretary to the governor of south carolina was not _answered_, but was so inverted and folded as to present the _subscribed_ name of the secretary, as the _superscription_ of the same letter to be returned. the addition of _new york_ to the address brought it back to this office. whilst governor butler was thus refusing the information that was proffered to him in the most respectful terms from this office, he was engaged in another affair, having connection with the anti-slavery movement, as indiscreet, as it was unbecoming the dignity of the office he holds. the following account of it is from one of the boston papers:--] "_hoaxing a governor_.--the national aegis says, that hollis parker, who was sentenced to the state prison at the late term of the criminal court for worcester county, for endeavoring to extort money from governor everett, had opened an extensive correspondence, previous to his arrest, with similar intent, with other distinguished men of the country. besides several individuals in new york, governor butler, of south carolina, was honored with his notice. a letter from that gentleman, directed to parker, was lately received at the post office in a town near worcester, enclosing a check for fifty dollars. so far as the character of parker's letter can be inferred from the reply of governor butler, it would appear, that parker informed the governor, that the design was entertained by some of our citizens, of transmitting to south carolina a quantity of 'incendiary publications,' and that with the aid of a little money, he (parker) would be able to unravel the plot, and furnish full information concerning it to his excellency. the bait took, and the money was forwarded, with earnest appeals to parker to be vigilant and active in thoroughly investigating the supposed conspiracy against the peace and happiness of the south. the aegis has the following very just remarks touching this case:--'governor butler belongs to a state loud in its professions of regard for state rights and state sovereignty. we, also, are sincere advocates of that good old republican doctrine. it strikes us, that it would have comported better with the spirit of that doctrine, the dignity, of his own station and character, the respect and courtesy due to a sovereign and independent state, if governor butler had made the proper representation, if the subject was deserving of such notice, to the acknowledged head and constituted authorities of that state, instead of holding official correspondence with a citizen of a foreign jurisdiction, and employing a secret agent and informer, whose very offer of such service was proof of the base and irresponsible character of him who made it.'" * * * * * governor conway's letter. executive department, little rock, arkansas, _march_ , . sir--a newspaper, headed '_the emancipator_,' in which you are announced the 'publishing agent,' has, for some weeks past, arrived at the post office in this city, to my address. not having subscribed, or authorized any individual to give my name as a subscriber, for that or any such paper, it is entirely _gratuitous_ on the part of its publishers to send me a copy; and not having a favorable opinion of the _intentions_ of the _authors and founders_ of the '_american anti-slavery society_;' i have to request a discontinuance of '_the emancipator_.' your ob't servant, "j.s. conway." r. g. williams, esq., new york. * * * * * [note.--the following extract of a letter, from the late chief justice jay to the late venerable elias boudinot, dated nov. , , might well have formed part of appendix e. its existence, however, was not known till it was too late to insert it in its most appropriate place. it shows the view taken of some of the _constitutional_ questions by a distinguished jurist,--one of the purest patriots too, by whom our early history was illustrated.] "little can be added to what has been said and written on the subject of slavery. i concur in the opinion, that it ought not to be _introduced, nor permitted_ in any of the _new_ states; and that it ought to be gradually diminished, and finally, abolished, in all of them. to me, the _constitutional authority_ of the congress to prohibit the _migration_ and _importation_ of slaves into any of the states, does not appear questionable. the first article of the constitution specifics the legislative powers committed to congress. the ninth section of that article has these words:--'the _migration_ or _importation_ of such persons as any of the _now existing_ states shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year --but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding _ten dollars_ for each person.' i understand the sense and meaning of this clause to be, that the power of the congress, although _competent to prohibit such migration and importation_, was not to be exercised with respect to the then existing states, and _them only_, until the year ; but that congress were at liberty to make such prohibition as to any _new state_ which might in the _meantime_ be established. and further, that from and after _that_ period, they were authorized to make such prohibition as to _all the states, whether new or old_. slaves were the persons intended. the word slaves was avoided, on account of the existing toleration of slavery, and its discordancy with the principles of the revolution; and from a consciousness of its being repugnant to those propositions to the declaration of independence:--'we hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created equal--that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights--and that, among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'" * * * * * no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * letter of gerrit smith, to hon. henry clay. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. ----- . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheets.--postage, under miles, cts. over , cts. _please read and circulate_. letter. * * * * * peterboro, march , . hon. henry clay: dear sir, in the annual meeting of the american colonization society, held in the capitol in the city of washington, december, , you commented on a speech made by myself, the previous autumn. your objections to that speech formed the principal subject matter of your remarks. does not this fact somewhat mitigate the great presumption of which i feel myself guilty, in undertaking, all unhonored and humble as i am, to review the production of one of the most distinguished statesmen of the age? until the appearance of your celebrated speech on the subject of slavery, i had supposed that you cherished a sacred regard for the right of petition. i now find, that you value it no more highly than they do, who make open war upon it. indeed, you admit, that, in relation to this right, "there is no substantial difference between" them and yourself. instead of rebuking, you compliment them; and, in saying that "the majority of the senate" would not "violate the right of petition in any case, in which, according to its judgment, the object of the petition could be safely or properly granted," you show to what destructive conditions you subject this absolute right. your doctrine is, that in those cases, where the object of the petition is such, as the supplicated party can approve, previously to any discussion of its merits--there, and there only, exists the right of petition. for aught i see, you are no more to be regarded as the friend of this right, than is the conspicuous gentleman[a] who framed the report on that subject, which was presented to the senate of my state the last month. that gentleman admits the sacredness of "the right to petition on any subject;" and yet, in the same breath, he insists on the equal sacredness of the right to refuse to attend to a petition. he manifestly failed to bear in mind, that a right to petition implies the correlative right to be heard. how different are the statesmen, who insist "on the right to refuse to attend to a petition," from him, who says, "whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry himself, but shall not be heard." and who are poor, if it be not those for whom the abolitionists cry? they must even cry by proxy. for, in the language of john quincy adams, the champion of the right of petition, "the slave is not permitted to cry for mercy--to plead for pardon--to utter the shriek of perishing nature for relief." it may be well to remark, that the error, which i have pointed out in the report in question, lies in the premises of the principal argument of that paper; and that the correction of this error is necessarily attended with the destruction of the premises, and with the overthrow of the argument, which is built upon them. [footnote a: colonel young.] i surely need not stop to vindicate the right of petition. it is a natural right--one that human laws can guarantee, but can neither create nor destroy. it is an interesting fact, that the amendment to the federal constitution, which guarantees the right of petition, was opposed in the congress of as superfluous. it was argued, that this is "a self-evident, inalienable right, which the people possess," and that "it would never be called in question." what a change in fifty years! you deny the power of congress to abolish the inter-state traffic in human beings; and, inasmuch as you say, that the right "to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states," does not include the right to prohibit and destroy commerce; and, inasmuch as it is understood, that it was in virtue of the right to regulate commerce, that congress enacted laws to restrain our participation in the "african slave trade," you perhaps also deny, that congress had the power to enact such laws. the history of the times in which the federal constitution was framed and adopted, justifies the belief, that the clause of that instrument under consideration conveys the power, which congress exercised. for instance, governor randolph, when speaking in the virginia convention of , of the clause which declares, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year ," said, "this is an exception from the power of regulating commerce, and the restriction is to continue only till . then congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future importations." were i, however, to admit that the right "to regulate commerce," does not include the right to prohibit and destroy commerce, it nevertheless would not follow, that congress might not prohibit or destroy certain branches of commerce. it might need to do so, in order to preserve our general commerce with a state or nation. so large a proportion of the cloths of turkey might be fraught with the contagion of the plague, as to make it necessary for our government to forbid the importation of all cloths from that country, and thus totally destroy one branch of our commerce with it, to the end that the other branches might be preserved. no inconsiderable evidence that congress has the right to prohibit or destroy a branch of commerce, is to be found in the fact, that it has done so. from march, , to may, , it enacted several laws, which went to prohibit or destroy, and, in the end, did prohibit or destroy the trade of this country with africa in human beings. and, if congress has the power to pass embargo laws, has it not the power to prohibit or destroy commerce altogether? it is, however, wholly immaterial, whether congress could prohibit our participation in the "african slave trade," in virtue of the clause which empowers it "to regulate commerce." that the constitution does, in some one or more of its passages, convey the power, is manifest from the testimony of the constitution itself. the first clause of the ninth section says: "the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to they year ." now the implication in this clause of the existence of the power in question, is as conclusive, as would be the express and positive grant of it. you will observe, too, that the power of congress over "migration or importation," which this clause implies, is a power not merely to "regulate," as you define the word, but to "prohibit." it is clear, then, that congress had the power to interdict our trade in human beings with africa. but, in view of what has been said on that point--in view of the language of the federal constitution--of the proceedings of the convention, which framed it--and of the cotemporary public sentiment--is it any less clear, that congress has the power to interdict the inter-state traffic in human beings? there are some, who assert that the words "migration" and "importation," instead of referring, as i maintain they do--the former to the removal of slaves from state to state, and the latter to their introduction from africa--are used in the constitution as synonyms, and refer exclusively to the "african slave trade." but there is surely no ground for the imputation of such utter tautology, if we recollect that the constitution was written by scholars, and that remarkable pains were taken to clear it of all superfluous words--a committee having been appointed for that special purpose. but, it may be asked, why, in reference to the taking of slaves from one state to another, use the word "migration," which denotes voluntary removal? one answer is--that it can be used with as much propriety in that case, as in the removal of slaves from africa--the removal in the one case being no less involuntary than in the other. another answer is--that the framers of the constitution selected the word "migration," because of its congruity with that of "persons," under which their virtuous shame sought to conceal from posterity the existence of seven hundred thousand slaves amongst a people, who had but recently entered upon their national career, with the solemn declaration, that "all men are created equal." john jay, whose great celebrity is partly owing to his very able expositions of the constitution, says: "to me, the constitutional authority of the congress to prohibit the migration _and_ importation of slaves into any of the states, does not appear questionable." if the disjunctive between "migration" and "importation" in the constitution, argues their reference to the same thing, mr. jay's copulative argues more strongly, that, in his judgment, they refer to different things. the law of congress constituting the "territory of orleans," was enacted in . it fully recognizes the power of that body to prohibit the trade in slaves between a territory and the states. but, if congress had this power, why had it not as clear a power to prohibit, at that time, the trade in slaves between any two of the states? it might have prohibited it, but for the constitutional suspension of the exercise of the power. the term of that suspension closed, however, in ; and, since that year, congress has had as full power to abolish the whole slave trade between the states, as it had in to abolish the like trade between the territory of orleans and the states. but, notwithstanding the conclusive evidence, that the constitution empowers congress to abolish the inter-state slave trade, it is incomprehensible to many, that such states as virginia and maryland should have consented to deprive themselves of the benefit of selling their slaves into other states. it is incomprehensible, only because they look upon such states in the light of their present character and present interests. it will no longer be so, if they will bear in mind, that slave labor was then, as it is now, unprofitable for ordinary agriculture, and that whitney's cotton-gin, which gave great value to such labor, was not yet invented, and that the purchase of louisiana, which has had so great an effect to extend and perpetuate the dominion of slavery, was not yet made. it will no longer be incomprehensible to them, if they will recollect, that, at the period in question, american slavery was regarded as a rapidly decaying, if not already expiring institution. it will no longer be so, if they will recollect, how small was the price of slaves then, compared with their present value; and that, during the ten years, which followed the passage of the act of virginia in , legalizing manumissions, her citizens emancipated slaves to the number of nearly one-twentieth of the whole amount of her slaves in that year. to learn whether your native virginia clung in the year to the inter-state traffic in human flesh, we must take our post of observation, not amongst her degenerate sons, who, in , sold men, women, and children, to the amount of twenty-four millions of dollars--not amongst her president dews, who write books in favor of breeding human stock for exportation--but amongst her washingtons, and jeffersons, and henrys, and masons, who, at the period when the constitution was framed, freely expressed their abhorrence of slavery. but, however confident you may be, that congress has not the lawful power to abolish the branch of commerce in question; nevertheless, would the abolition of it be so clearly and grossly unconstitutional, as to justify the contempt with which the numerous petitions for the measure are treated, and the impeachment of their fidelity to the constitution, and of their patriotism and purity, which the petitioners are made to endure? i was about to take it for granted, that, although you deny the power of congress to abolish the inter-state traffic in human beings, you do not justify the traffic--when i recollected the intimation in your speech, that there is no such traffic. for, when you speak of "the slave trade between the states," and add--"or, as it is described in abolition petitions, the traffic in human beings between the states"--do you not intimate there is no such traffic? whence this language? do you not believe slaves are human beings? and do you not believe that they suffer under the disruption of the dearest earthly ties, as human beings suffer? i will not detain you to hear what we of the north think of this internal slave trade. but i will call your attention to what is thought of it in your own kentucky and in your native virginia. says the "address of the presbyterian synod of kentucky to the churches in :"--"brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are torn asunder, and permitted to see each other no more. those acts are daily occurring in the midst of us. the shrieks and the agony often witnessed on such occasions, proclaim with a trumpet tongue the iniquity and cruelty of the system. there is not a neighborhood where these heart-rending scenes are not displayed. there is not a village or road that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that their hearts hold dear." says thomas jefferson randolph, in the virginia legislature in , when speaking of this trade: "it is a practice, and an increasing practice, in parts of virginia, to rear slaves for market. how can an honourable mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for the market like oxen for the shambles. is it better--is it not worse than the (foreign) slave trade--that trade which enlisted the labor of the good and wise of every creed and every clime to abolish? the (foreign) trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect, and manner, from the merchant who has brought him from the interior. the ties of father, mother, husband, and child, have already been rent in twain; before he receives him, his soul has become callous. but here, sir, individuals whom the master has known from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood--who have been accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears from the mother's arms, and sells into a strange country--among strange people, subject to cruel taskmasters." you are in favor of increasing the number of slave states. the terms of the celebrated "missouri compromise" warrant, in your judgment, the increase. but, notwithstanding you admit, that this unholy compromise, in which tranquillity was purchased at the expense of humanity and righteousness, does not "in terms embrace the case," and "is not absolutely binding and obligatory;" you, nevertheless, make no attempt whatever to do away any one of the conclusive objections, which are urged against such increase. you do not attempt to show how the multiplication of slave states can consist with the constitutional duty of the "united states to guarantee to every state in the union a republican form of government," any more than if it were perfectly clear, that a government is republican under which one half of the people are lawfully engaged in buying and selling the other half; or than if the doctrine that "all men are created equal" were not the fundamental and distinctive doctrine of a republican government. you no more vindicate the proposition to enlarge the realm of slavery, than if the proposition were as obviously in harmony with, as it is opposed to the anti-slavery tenor and policy of the constitution--the rights of man--and the laws of god. you are perhaps of the number of those, who, believing, that a state can change its constitution as it pleases, deem it futile in congress to require, that states, on entering the union, shall have anti-slavery constitutions. the framers of the federal constitution doubtless foresaw the possibility of treachery, on the part of the new states, in the matter of slavery: and the restriction in that instrument to the old states--"the states now existing"--of the right to participate in the internal and "african slave trade" may be ascribed to the motive of diminishing, if not indeed of entirely preventing, temptation to such treachery. the ordinance concerning the north-west territory, passed by the congress of , and ratified by the congress of , shows, so far as those bodies can be regarded as correct interpreters of the constitution which was framed in , and adopted in , that slavery was not to have a constitutional existence in the new states. the ordinance continues the privilege of recapturing fugitive slaves in the north-west territory to the "existing states." slaves in that territory, to be the subjects of lawful recapture, must in the language of the ordinance, owe "labour or service in one of the _original_ states." i close what i have to say on this topic, with the remark, that were it admitted, that the reasons for the increase of the number of slave states are sound and satisfactory, it nevertheless would not follow, that the moral and constitutional wrong of preventing that increase is so palpable, as to justify the scorn and insult, which are heaped by congress upon this hundred thousand petitioners for this measure. it has hitherto been supposed, that you distinctly and fully admitted the constitutional power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. but, on this point, as on that of the right of petition, you have for reasons known to yourself, suddenly and greatly changed your tone. whilst your speech argues, at no small length, that congress has not the right to abolish slavery in the district, all that it says in favor of the constitutional power to abolish it, is that "the language (of the constitution) may _possibly_ be sufficiently comprehensive to include a power of abolition." "faint praise dams;" and your very reluctant and qualified concession of the constitutional power under consideration, is to be construed, rather as a denial than a concession. until i acquire the skill of making white whiter, and black blacker, i shall have nothing to say in proof of the constitutional power of congress over slavery in the district of columbia, beyond referring to the terms, in which the constitution so plainly conveys this power. that instrument authorises congress "to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." if these words do not confer the power, it is manifest that no words could confer it. i will add that, never, until the last few years, had doubts been expressed, that these words do fully confer that power. you will, perhaps, say, that virginia and maryland made their cessions of the territory, which constitutes the district of columbia, with reservations on the subject of slavery. we answer, that none were expressed;[a] and that if there had been, congress would not, and in view of the language of the constitution, could not, have accepted the cessions. you may then say, that they would not have ceded the territory, had it occurred to them, that congress would have cleared it of slavery; and that, this being the fact, congress could not thus clear it, without being guilty of bad faith, and of an ungenerous and unjustifiable surprise on those states. there are several reasons for believing, that those states, not only did not, at the period in question, cherish a dread of the abolition of slavery; but that the public sentiment within them was decidedly in favor of its speedy abolition. at that period, their most distinguished statesmen were trumpet-tongued against slavery. at that period, there was both a virginia and a maryland society "for promoting the abolition of slavery;" and, it was then, that, with the entire consent of virginia and maryland, effectual measures were adopted to preclude slavery from that large territory, which has since given ohio and several other states to the union. on this subject, as on that of the inter-state slave trade, we misinterpret virginia and maryland, by not considering, how unlike was their temper in relation to slavery, amidst the decays and dying throes of that institution half a century ago, to what it is now, when slavery is not only revivified, but has become the predominant interest and giant power of the nation. we forget, that our whole country was, at that time, smitten with love for the holy cause of impartial and universal liberty. to judge correctly of the view, which our revolutionary fathers took of oppression, we must go back and stand by their side, in their struggles against it,--we must survey them through the medium of the anti-slavery sentiment of their own times, and not impute to them the pro-slavery spirit so rampant in ours. [footnote a: there is a proviso in the act of virginia. it was on this, that three years ago, in the senate of the united states, benjamin watkins leigh built his argument against the constitutional power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. i well remember that you then denied the soundness of his argument. this superfluous proviso virtually forbids congress to pass laws, which shall "affect the rights of individuals" in the ceded territory. amongst the inviolable "rights" was that of holding slaves, as mr. leigh contended. i regret, that, in replying to him, you did not make use of the fact, that all the members of congress from virginia voted in favor of the ordinance, which abolished slavery in the north-west territory; and this too, notwithstanding, that, in the act of , by which she ceded the north-west territory to the confederacy, she provided, that the "citizens of virginia" in the said territory, many of whom held slaves, should "be protected in the enjoyment of their rights." this fact furnishes striking evidence that at, or about, the time of the cession by virginia of her portion of the district of columbia, her statesmen believed, that the right to hold slaves in those portions of our country under the exclusive jurisdiction of congress, was not beyond the reach of the controlling power of congress.] i will, however, suppose it true, that virginia and maryland would not have made the cessions in question, had they foreseen, that congress would abolish slavery in the district of columbia:--and yet, i affirm, that it would be the duty of congress to abolish it. had there been state prisons in the territory, at the time congress acquired jurisdiction over it, and had congress immediately opened their doors, and turned loose hundreds of depraved and bloody criminals, there would indeed have been abundant occasion for complaint. but, had the exercise of its power in the premises extended no farther than to the liberation of such convicts, as, on a re-examination of their cases, were found to be clearly guiltless of the crimes charged upon them; the sternest justice could not have objected to such an occasion for the rejoicing of mercy. and are not the thousands in the district, for whose liberation congress is besought, unjustly deprived of their liberty? not only are they guiltless, but they are even unaccused of such crimes, as in the judgment of any, justly work a forfeiture of liberty. and what do virginia and maryland ask? is it, that congress shall resubject to their control those thousands of deeply wronged men? no--for this congress cannot do. they ask, that congress shall fulfil the tyrant wishes of these states. they ask, that the whole people of the united states--those who hate, as well as those who love slavery, shall, by their representatives, assume the guilty and awful responsibility of perpetuating the enslavement of their innocent fellow men:--of chaining the bodies and crushing the wills, and blotting out the minds of such, as have neither transgressed, nor even been accused of having transgressed, a single human law. and the crime, which virginia and maryland, and they, who sympathise with them, would have the nation perpetrate, is, not simply that of prolonging the captivity of those, who were slaves before the cession--for but a handful of them are now remaining in the district. most of the present number became slaves under the authority of this guilty nation. their wrongs originated with congress: and congress is asked, not only to perpetuate their oppression, but to fasten the yoke of slavery on generations yet unborn. there are those, who advocate the recession of the district of columbia. if the nation were to consent to this, without having previously exercised her power to "break every yoke" of slavery in the district, the blood of those so cruelly left there in "the house of bondage," would remain indelible and damning upon her skirts:--and this too, whether virginia and maryland did or did not intend to vest congress with any power over slavery. it is enough, that the nation has the power "to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to be slain," to make her fearfully guilty before god, if she "forbear" to exercise it. suppose, i were to obtain a lease of my neighbor's barn for the single and express purpose of securing my crops; and that i should find, chained up in one of its dark corners, an innocent fellow man, whom that neighbor was subjecting to the process of a lingering death; ought i to pause and recall president wayland's, "limitations of human responsibility," and finally let the poor sufferer remain in his chains; or ought i not rather, promptly to respond to the laws of my nature and my nature's god, and let him go free? but, to make this case analogous to that we have been considering--to that, which imposes its claims on congress--we must strike out entirely the condition of the lease, and with it all possible doubts of my right to release the victim of my neighbor's murderous hate. i am entirely willing to yield, for the sake of argument, that virginia and maryland, when ceding the territory which constitutes the district of columbia, did not anticipate, and did not choose the abolition of slavery in it. to make the admission stronger, i will allow, that these states were, at the time of the cession, as warmly opposed to the abolition of slavery in the district as they are said to be now: and to make it stronger still, i will allow, that the abolition of slavery in the district would prove deeply injurious, not only to virginia and maryland but to the nation at large. and, after all these admissions, i must still insist, that congress is under perfectly plain moral obligation to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. they, who are deterred from favoring the abolition of slavery in the district by the apprehension, that virginia and maryland, if not, indeed, the nation at large, might suffer injurious consequences from the measure, overlook the fact, that there is a third party in the case. it is common to regard the nation as constituting one of the parties--virginia and maryland another, and the only other. but in point of fact, there is a third party. of what does it consist? of horses, oxen, and other brutes? then we need not be greatly concerned about it--since its rights in that case, would be obviously subordinate to those of the other parties. again, if such be the composition of this third party, we are not to be greatly troubled, that president wayland and thousands of others entirely overlook its rights and interests; though they ought to be somewhat mindful even of brutes. but, this third party is composed, not of brutes--but of men--of the seven thousand men in the district, who have fallen under the iron hoofs of slavery--and who, because they are men, have rights equal to, and as sacred as the rights of any other men--rights, moreover, which cannot be innocently encroached on, even to the breadth of one hair, whether under the plea of "state necessity"--of the perils of emancipation--or under any other plea, which conscience-smitten and cowardly tyranny can suggest. if these lines shall ever be so favored, as to fall under the eye of the venerable and beloved john quincy adams, i beg, that, when he shall have read them, he will solemnly inquire of his heart, whether, if he should ever be left to vote against the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, and thus stab deeply the cause of civil liberty, of humanity, and of god; the guilty act would not result from overlooking the rights and interests, and even the existence itself, of a third party in the case--and from considering the claims of the nation and those of virginia and maryland, as the only claims on which he was called to pass, because they were the claims of the only parties, of which he was aware. you admit that "the first duty of congress in relation to the district, of columbia, is to render it available, comfortable, and convenient as a seat of the government of the whole union." i thank you for an admission, which can be used, with great effect, against the many, who maintain, that congress is as much bound to consult the interests and wishes of the inhabitants of the district, and be governed by them, as a state legislature is to study and serve the interests and wishes of its constituents. the inhabitants of the district have taken up their residence in it, aware, that the paramount object of congressional legislation is not their, but the nation's advantage. they judge, that their disfranchisement and the other disadvantages attending their residence are more than balanced by their favorable position for participating in governmental patronage and other benefits. they know, that they have no better right to complain, that the legislation of congress is not dictated by a primary regard to their interests, than has the colonization society, of which you are president, to complain, that the capitol, in which it holds its annual meetings, is not constructed and fitted up in the best possible manner for such occasions. they know, that to sacrifice the design and main object of that building to its occasional and incidental uses, would be an absurdity no greater than would congress be guilty of in shaping its legislation to the views of the thirty thousand white inhabitants of the district of columbia, at the expense of neglecting the will and interests of the nation. you feel, that there is no hazard in your admission, that the paramount object in relation to the district of columbia, is its suitableness for a seat of government, since you accompany that admission with the denial, that the presence of slavery interferes with such suitableness. but is it not a matter of deep regret, that the place, in which our national laws are made--that the place from which the sentiment and fashion of the whole country derive so much of their tone and direction--should cherish a system, which you have often admitted, is at war with the first principles of our religion and civil polity;[a] and the influences of which are no less pervading and controlling than corrupting? is it not a matter of deep regret, that they, whom other governments send to our own, and to whom, on account of their superior intellect and influence, it is our desire, as it is our duty, to commend our free institutions, should be obliged to learn their lessons of practical republicanism amidst the monuments and abominations of slavery? is it no objection to the district of columbia, as the seat of our government, that slavery, which concerns the political and moral interests of the nation, more than any other subject coming within the range of legislation, is not allowed to be discussed there--either within or without the halls of congress? it is one of the doctrines of slavery, that slavery shall not be discussed. some of its advocates are frank enough to avow, as the reason for this prohibition, that slavery cannot bear to be discussed. in your speech before the american colonization society in , to which i have referred, you distinctly take the ground, that slavery is a subject not open to general discussion. very far am i from believing, that you would employ, or intentionally countenance violence, to prevent such discussion. nevertheless, it is to this doctrine of non-discussion, which you and others put forth, that the north is indebted for her pro-slavery mobs, and the south for her pro-slavery lynchings. the declarations of such men as henry clay and john c. calhoun, that slavery is a question not to be discussed, are a license to mobs to burn up halls and break up abolition meetings, and destroy abolition presses, and murder abolition editors. had such men held the opposite doctrine, and admitted, yea, and insisted, as it was their duty to do, that every question in morals and politics is a legitimate subject of free discussion--the district of columbia would be far less objectionable, as the seat of our government. in that case the lamented dr. crandall would not have been seized in the city of washington on the suspicion of being an abolitionist, and thrown into prison, and subjected to distresses of mind and body, which resulted in his premature death. had there been no slavery in the district, this outrage would not have been committed; and the murders, chargeable on the bloodiest of all bloody institutions, would have been one less than they now are. talk of the slaveholding district of columbia being a suitable locality for the seat of our government! why, sir, a distinguished member of congress was threatened there with an indictment for the _crime_ of presenting, or rather of proposing to present, a petition to the body with which he was connected! indeed the occasion of the speech, on which i am now commenting, was the _impudent_ protest of inhabitants of that district against the right of the american people to petition their own congress, in relation to matters of vital importance to the seat of their own government! i take occasion here to admit, that i have seen but references to this protest--not the protest itself. i presume, that it is not dissimilar, in its spirit, to the petition presented about the same time by mr. moore in the other house of congress--his speech on which, he complains was ungenerously anticipated by yours on the petition presented by yourself. as the petition presented by mr. moore is short, i will copy it, that i may say to you with the more effect--how unfit is the spirit of a slaveholding people, as illustrated in this petition, to be the spirit of the people at the seat of a free government! [footnote a: "it (slavery) is a sin and a curse both to the master and the slave:"--_henry clay_.] "_to the senate and house of representatives of the united states_: the petition of the undersigned, citizens of the district of columbia represents--that they have witnessed with deep regret the attempts which are making _to disturb the integrity_ of the union by a band of fanatics, embracing men, women, and children, who cease not day and night to crowd the tables of your halls with seditious memorials--and solicit your honorable bodies that you will, in your wisdom, henceforth give neither support nor countenance to such unhallowed attempts, but that you will, in the most emphatic manner, set the seal of your disapprobation upon all such foul and unnatural efforts, by refusing not only to read and refer, but also to receive any papers which either directly or indirectly, or by implication, aim at any interference with the rights of your petitioners, or of those of any citizen of any of the states or territories of the united states, or of this district of which we are inhabitants." a legislature should be imbued with a free, independent, fearless spirit. but it cannot be, where discussion is overawed and interdicted, or its boundaries at all contracted. wherever slavery reigns, the freedom of discussion is not tolerated: and whenever slavery exists, there slavery reigns;--reigns too with that exclusive spirit of turkish despotism, that, "bears no brother near the throne." you agree with president wayland, that it is as improper for congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, as to create it in some place in the free states, over which it has jurisdiction. as improper, in the judgment of an eminent statesman, and of a no less eminent divine, to destroy what they both admit to be a system of unrighteousness, as to establish it! as improper to restrain as to practice, a violation of god's law! what will other countries and coming ages think of the politics of our statesmen and the ethics of our divines? but, besides its immorality, congress has no constitutional right to create slavery. you have not yet presumed to deny positively, that congress has the right to abolish slavery in the district of columbia; and, notwithstanding the intimation in your speech, you will not presume to affirm, that congress has the constitutional right to enact laws reducing to, or holding in slavery, the inhabitants of west point, or any other locality in the free states, over which it has exclusive jurisdiction. i would here remark, that the law of congress, which revived the operation of the laws of virginia and maryland in the district of columbia, being, so far as it respects the slave laws of those states, a violation of the federal constitution, should be held of no avail towards legalizing slavery in the district--and the subjects of that slavery, should, consequently, be declared by our courts unconditionally free. you will admit that slavery is a system of surpassing injustice:--but an avowed object of the constitution is to "establish justice." you will admit that it utterly annihilates the liberty of its victims:--but another of the avowed objects of the constitution is to "secure the blessings of liberty." you will admit, that slavery does, and necessarily must, regard its victims as _chattels_. the constitution, on the contrary, speaks of them as nothing short of _persons_. roger sherman, a signer of the declaration of independence, a framer of the federal constitution, and a member of the first congress under it, denied that this instrument considers slaves "as a species of property." mr. madison, in the th no. of the federalist admits, that the constitution "regards them as inhabitants." many cases might be cited, in which congress has, in consonance with the constitution, refused to recognize slaves as property. it was the expectation, as well as the desire of the framers of the constitution, that slavery should soon cease to exist is our country; and, but for the laws, which both congress and the slave states, have, in flagrant violation of the letter and spirit and obvious policy of the constitution, enacted in behalf of slavery, that vice would, ere this, have disappeared from our land. look, for instance, at the laws enacted in the fact of the clause: "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states"--laws too, which the states that enacted them, will not consent to repeal, until they consent to abandon slavery. it is by these laws, that they shut out the colored people of the north, the presence of a single individual of whom so alarms them with the prospect of a servile insurrection, that they immediately imprison him. such was the view of the federal constitution taken by james wilson one of its framers, that, without, as i presume, claiming for congress any direct power over slavery in the slave states, he declared that it possessed "power to exterminate slavery from within our borders." it was probably under a like view, that benjamin franklin, another of its framers, and benjamin rush, a signer of the declaration of independence, and other men of glorious and blessed memory, petitioned the first congress under the constitution to "countenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men," (the slaves of our country). and in what light that same congress viewed the constitution may be inferred from the fact, that, by a special act, it ratified the celebrated ordinance, by the terms of which slavery was forbidden for ever in the north west territory. it is worthy of note, that the avowed object of the ordinance harmonizes with that of the constitution: and that the ordinance was passed the same year that the constitution was drafted, is a fact, on which we can strongly rely to justify a reference to the spirit of the one instrument for illustrating the spirit of the other. what the spirit of the ordinance is, and in what light they who passed it, regarded "republics, their laws and constitutions," may be inferred from the following declaration in the ordinance of its grand object: "for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis wherever these republics, their laws and constitutions are erected; to fix and establish those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory, &c.; it is hereby ordained and declared that the following articles, &c." one of these articles is that, which has been referred to, and which declares that "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory." you will perhaps make light of my reference to james wilson and benjamin franklin, for i recollect you say, that, "when the constitution was about going into operation, its powers were not well understood by the community at large, and remained to be accurately interpreted and defined." nevertheless, i think it wise to repose more confidence in the views, which the framers of the constitution took of the spirit and principles of that instrument, than in the definitions and interpretations of the pro-slavery generation, which has succeeded them. it should be regarded as no inconsiderable evidence of the anti-slavery genius and policy of the constitution, that congress promptly interdicted slavery in the first portion of territory, and that, too, a territory of vast extent, over which it acquired jurisdiction. and is it not a perfectly reasonable supposition, that the seat of our government would not have been polluted by the presence of slavery, had congress acted on that subject by itself, instead of losing sight of it in the wholesale legislation, by which the laws of virginia and maryland were revived in the district? if the federal constitution be not anti-slavery in its general scope and character; if it be not impregnated with the principles of universal liberty; why was it necessary, in order to restrain congress, for a limited period, from acting against the slave trade, which is but a branch or incident of slavery, to have a clause to that end in the constitution? the fact that the framers of the constitution refused to blot its pages with the word "slave" or "slavery;" and that, by periphrase and the substitution of "persons" for "slaves," they sought to conceal from posterity and the world the mortifying fact, that slavery existed under a government based on the principle, that governments derive "their just powers from the consent of the governed," contains volumes of proof, that they looked upon american slavery as a decaying institution; and that they would naturally shape the constitution to the abridgment and the extinction, rather than the extension and perpetuity of the giant vice of the country. it is not to be denied, that the constitution tolerates a limited measure of slavery: but it tolerates this measure only as the exception to its rule of impartial and universal liberty. were it otherwise, the principles of that instrument could be pleaded to justify the holding of men as property, in cases, other than those specifically provided for in it. were it otherwise, these principles might be appealed to, as well to sanction the enslavement of men, as the capture of wild beasts. were it otherwise, the american people might be constitutionally realizing the prophet's declaration: "they all lie in wait for blood: they hunt every man his brother with a net." but mere principles, whether in or out of the constitution, do not avail to justify and uphold slavery. says lord mansfield in the famous somerset case: "the state of slavery is of such a nature, that it is incapable of being now introduced by courts of justice upon mere reasoning or inferences from any principles, natural or political; it must take its rise from _positive law_; the origin of it can in no country or age be traced back to any other source. a case so odious as the condition of slaves, must be taken strictly." grotius says, that "slavery places man in an unnatural relation to man--a relation which nothing but positive law can sustain." all are aware, that, by the common law, man cannot have property in man; and that wherever that law is not counteracted on this point by positive law, "slaves cannot breathe," and their "shackles fall." i scarcely need add, that the federal constitution does, in the main, accord with the common law. in the words of a very able writer: "the common law is the grand element of the united states constitution. all its fundamental provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles, and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole." to argue the anti-slavery character of the federal constitution, it is not necessary to take the high ground of some, that whatever in the constitution favors slavery is void, because opposed to the principles and general tenor of that instrument. much less is it necessary to take the still higher ground, that every law in favor of slavery, in whatever code or connection it may be found, is utterly invalid because of its plain contravention of the law of nature. to maintain my position, that the constitution is anti-slavery in its general character, and that constitutional slavery is, at the most, but an exception to that general character, it was not necessary to take either of these grounds; though, had i been disposed to take even the higher of them, i should not have lacked the countenance of the most weighty authorities. "the law of nature," says blackstone, "being coeval with mankind, and dictated by god himself, is of course superior in obligation to any other. it is binding over all the globe, in all countries, and at all times: no human laws are of any validity if contrary to this." the same writer says, that "the law of nature requires, that man should pursue his own true and substantial happiness." but that slavery allows this pursuit to its victims, no one will pretend. "there is a law," says henry brougham, "above all the enactments of human codes. it is the law written by the finger of god on the heart of man; and by that law, unchangeable and eternal, while men despise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty phantasy, that man can hold property in man." i add no more to what i have said on the subject of slavery in the district of columbia, than to ask, as i have done in relation to the inter-state slave trade and the annexation of slave states, whether petitions for its abolition argue so great a contempt of the constitution, and so entire a recklessness of propriety, as to merit the treatment which they receive at the hands of congress. admitting that congress has not the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the district--admitting that it has not the constitutional power to destroy what itself has established--admitting, too, that if it has the power, it ought not to exercise it;--nevertheless, is the case so perfectly clear, that the petitioners for the measure deserve all the abuse and odium which their representatives in congress heap upon them? in a word, do not the three classes of petitions to which you refer, merit, at the hands of those representatives, the candid and patient consideration which, until i read your acknowledgment, that, in relation to these petitions, "there is no substantial difference between" yourself and those, who are in favor of thrusting them aside undebated, unconsidered, and even unread, i always supposed you were willing to have bestowed on them? i pass to the examination of your charges against the abolitionists. _they contemn the "rights of property."_ this charge you prefer against the abolitionists, not because they believe that a legislature has the right to abolish slavery, nor because they deny that slaves are legally property; for this obvious truth they do not deny. but you prefer it, because they believe that man cannot rightfully be a subject of property. abolitionists believe, to use words, which i have already quoted, that it is "a wild and guilty phantasy, that man can hold property in man." they believe, that to claim property in the exalted being, whom god has made in his own image, and but "a little lower than the angels," is scarcely less absurd than to claim it in the creator himself. you take the position, that human laws can rightfully reduce a race of men to property; and that the outrage, to use your own language, is "sanctioned and sanctified" by "two hundred years" continuance of it. abolitionists, on the contrary, trace back man's inalienable self-ownership to enactments of the divine legislator, and to the bright morning of time, when he came forth from the hand of his maker, "crowned with glory and honor," invested with self-control, and with dominion over the brute and inanimate creation. you soothe the conscience of the slaveholder, by reminding him, that the relation, which he has assumed towards his down-trodden fellow-man, is lawful. the abolitionist protests, that the wickedness of the relation is none the less, because it is legalized. in charging abolitionists with condemning "the rights of property," you mistake the innocent for the guilty party. were you to be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of a kidnapper, and be reduced to a slave, and were i to remonstrate, though in vain, with your oppressor, who would you think was the despiser of "the rights of property"--myself, or the oppressor? as you would judge in that case, so judges every slave in his similar case. the man-stealer's complaint, that his "rights of property" in his stolen fellow men are not adequately respected by the abolitionist, recalls to my mind a very similar, and but little more ludicrous case of conscientious regard for the "rights of property." a traveler was plundered of the whole of his large sum of money. he pleaded successfully with the robber for a little of it to enable him to reach his home. but, putting his hand rather deeper into the bag of stolen coins than comported with the views of the robber, he was arrested with the cry, "why, man, have you no conscience?" you will perhaps inquire, whether abolitionists regard all the slaves of the south as stolen--as well those born at the south, as those, who were confessedly stolen from africa? i answer, that we do--that every helpless new-born infant, on which the chivalry of the south pounces, is, in our judgment, the owner of itself--that we consider, that the crime of man-stealing which is so terribly denounced in the bible, does not consist, as is alleged, in stealing a slave from a third person, but in stealing him from himself--in depriving him of self control, and subjecting him, as property, to the absolute control of another. joseph's declaration, that he "was stolen," favors this definition of man-stealing. jewish commentators authorise it. money, as it does not own itself, cannot be stolen from itself but when we reflect, that man is the owner of himself, it does not surprise us, that wresting away his inalienable rights--his very manhood--should have been called man-stealing. whilst on this subject of "the rights of property," i am reminded of your "third impediment to abolition." this "impediment" consists in the fact of the great value of the southern slaves--which, according to your estimation, is not less than "twelve hundred millions of dollars." i will adopt your estimate, and thus spare myself from going into the abhorrent calculation of the worth in dollars and cents of immortal man--of the worth of "the image of god." i thank you for your virtual admission, that this wealth is grasped with a tenacity proportioned to its vast amount. many of the wisest and best men of the north have been led into the belief that the slaveholders of the south are too humane and generous to hold their slaves fur the sake of gain. even dr. channing was a subject of this delusion; and it is well remembered, that his too favorable opinions of his fellow men, made it difficult to disabuse him of it. northern christians have been ready to believe, that the south would give up her slaves, because of her conscious lack of title to them. but in what age of the world have impenitent men failed to cling as closely to that, which they had obtained by fraud, as to their honest acquisitions? indeed, it is demonstrable on philosophical principles, that the more stupendous the fraud, the more tenacious is the hold upon that, which is gotten by it. i trust, that your admission to which i have just referred, will have no small effect to prevent the northern apologist for slavery from repeating the remark that the south would gladly liberate her slaves, if she saw any prospect of bettering the condition of the objects of her tender and solicitous benevolence. i trust, too, that this admission will go far to prove the emptiness of your declaration, that the abolitionists "have thrown back for half a century the prospect of any species of emancipation of the african race, gradual or immediate, in any of the states," and the emptiness of your declaration, that, "prior to the agitation of this subject of abolition, there was a progressive melioration in the condition of slaves throughout all the slave states," and that "in some of them, schools of instruction were opened," &c.; and i further trust, that this admission will render harmless your intimation, that this "melioration" and these "schools" were intended to prepare the slaves for freedom. after what you have said of the great value of the slaves, and of the obstacle it presents to emancipation, you will meet with little success in your endeavors to convince the world, that the south was preparing to give up the "twelve hundred millions of dollars," and that the naughty abolitionists have postponed her gratification "for half a century." if your views of the immense value of the slaves, and of the consequent opposition to their freedom, be correct, then the hatred of the south towards the abolitionists must be, not because their movements tend to lengthen, but because they tend to shorten the period of her possession of the "twelve hundred millions of dollars." may i ask you, whether, whilst the south clings to these "twelve hundred millions of dollars," it is not somewhat hypocritical in her to be complaining, that the abolitionists are fastening the "twelve hundred millions of dollars" to her? and may i ask you, whether there is not a little inconsistency between your own lamentations over this work of the abolitionists, and your intimation that the south will never consent to give up her slaves, until the impossibility, of paying her "twelve hundred millions of dollars" for them, shall have been accomplished? puerile and insulting as is your proposition to the abolitionists to raise "twelve hundred millions of dollars" for the purchase of the slaves, it is nevertheless instructive; inasmuch as it shows, that, in your judgment, the south is as little willing to give up her slaves, as the abolitionists are able to pay "twelve hundred millions of dollars" for them; and how unable the abolitionists are to pay a sum of money far greater than the whole amount of money in the world, i need not explain. but if the south must have "twelve hundred millions of dollars" to induce her to liberate her present number of slaves, how can you expect success fur your scheme of ridding her of several times the present number, "in the progress of some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred years?" do you reply, that, although she must have "four hundred dollars" a-piece for them, if she sell them to the abolitionists, she is, nevertheless, willing to let the colonization society have them without charge? there is abundant proof, that she is not. during the twenty-two years of the existence of that society, not so many slaves have been emancipated and given to it for expatriation, as are born in a single week. as a proof that the sympathies of the south are all with the slaveholding and _real_ character of this two-faced institution, and not at all with the abolition purposes and tendencies, which it professes at the north, none of its presidents, (and slave-holders only are deemed worthy to preside over it,) has ever contributed from his stock of slaves to swell those bands of emigrants, who, leaving our shores in the character of "nuisances," are instantly transformed, to use your own language, into "missionaries, carrying with them credentials in the holy cause of christianity, civilization, and free institutions." but you were not in earnest, when you held up the idea in your recent speech, that the rapidly multiplying millions of our colored countrymen would be expatriated. what you said on that point was but to indulge in declamation, and to round off a paragraph. it is in that part of your speech where you say that "no practical scheme for their removal or separation from us has yet been devised or proposed," that you exhibit your real sentiments on this subject, and impliedly admit the deceitfulness of the pretensions of the american colonization society. before closing my remarks on the topic of "the rights of property," i will admit the truth of your charge, that _abolitionists deny, that the slaveholder is entitled to "compensation" for his slaves_. abolitionists do not know, why he, who steals men is, any more than he, who steals horses, entitled to "compensation" for releasing his plunder. they do not know, why he, who has exacted thirty years' unrequited toil from the sinews of his poor oppressed brother, should be paid for letting that poor oppressed brother labor for himself the remaining ten or twenty years of his life. but, it is said, that the south bought her slaves of the north, and that we of the north ought therefore to compensate the south for liberating them. if there are individuals at the north, who have sold slaves, i am free to admit, that they should promptly surrender their ill-gotten gains; and no less promptly should the inheritors of such gains surrender them. but, however this may be, and whatever debt may be due on this score, from the north to the south, certain it is, that on no principle of sound ethics, can the south hold to the persons of the innocent slaves, as security for the payment of the debt. your state and mine, and i would it were so with all others, no longer allow the imprisonment of the debtor as a means of coercing payment from him. how much less, then, should they allow the creditor to promote the security of his debt by imprisoning a third person--and one who is wholly innocent of contracting the debt? but who is imprisoned, if it be not he, who is shut up in "the house of bondage?" and who is more entirely innocent than he, of the guilty transactions between his seller and buyer? another of your charges against abolitionists is, _that, although "utterly destitute of constitutional or other rightful power--living in totally distinct communities--as alien to the communities in which the subject on which they would operate resides, so far as concerns political power over that subject, as if they lived in africa or asia; they nevertheless promulgate to the world their purpose to be, to manumit forthwith, and without compensation, and without moral preparation, three millions of negro slaves, under jurisdictions altogether separated from those under which they live."_ i will group with this charge several others of the same class. _ ._ _abolitionists neglect the fact, that "the slavery which exists amongst us (southern people) is our affair--not theirs--and that they have no more just concern with it, than they have with slavery as it exists throughout the world."_ _ ._ _they are regardless of the "deficiency of the powers of the general government, and of the acknowledged and incontestable powers of the states."_ _ ._ "superficial men (meaning no doubt abolitionists) confound the totally different cases together of the powers of the british parliament and those of the congress of the united states in the matter of slavery."_ are these charges any thing more than the imagery of your own fancy, or selections from the numberless slanders of a time-serving and corrupt press? if they are founded on facts, it is in your power to state the facts. for my own part, i am utterly ignorant of any, even the least, justification for them. i am utterly ignorant that the abolitionists hold any peculiar views in relation to the powers of the general or state governments. i do not believe, that one in a hundred of them supposes, that slavery in the states is a legitimate subject of federal legislation. i believe, that a majority of the intelligent men amongst them accord much more to the claims of "state sovereignty," and approach far more nearly to the character of "strict constructionists," than does the distinguished statesman, who charges them with such latitudinarian notions. there may be persons in our country, who believe that congress has the absolute power over all american slavery, which the british parliament had over all british slavery; and that congress can abolish slavery in the slave states, because great britain abolished it in her west india islands; but, i do not know them; and were i to look for them, i certainly should not confine my search to abolitionists--for abolitionists, as it is very natural they should be, are far better instructed in the subject of slavery and its connections with civil government, than are the community in general. it is passing strange, that you, or any other man, who is not playing a desperate game, should, in the face of the constitution of the american anti-slavery society, which "admits, that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the constitution of the united states, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to the abolition of slavery in said state;" make such charges, as you have done. in an address "to the public," dated september , , and subscribed by the president, treasurer, the three secretaries, and the other five members of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, we find the following language. . "we hold that congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the southern states than in the french west india islands. of course we desire no national legislation on the subject. . we hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the legislatures of the several states in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such abolition is unconstitutional." but what slavery is it that the abolitionists call on congress to abolish? is it that in the slave states? no--it is that in the district of columbia and in the territories--none other. and is it not a fair implication of their petitions, that this is the only slavery, which, in the judgment of the petitioners, congress has power to abolish? nevertheless, it is in the face of this implication, that you make your array of charges. is it true, however, that the north has nothing more to do with slavery in the states, than with slavery in a foreign country? does it not concern the north, that, whilst it takes many thousands of her voters to be entitled to a representative in congress, there are districts at the south, where, by means of slavery, a few hundred voters enjoy this benefit. again, since the north regards herself as responsible in common with the south, for the continuance of slavery in the district of columbia and in the territories, and for the continuance of the interstate traffic in human beings; and since she believes slavery in the slave states to be the occasion of these crimes, and that they will all of necessity immediately cease when slavery ceases--is it not right, that she should feel that she has a "just concern with slavery?" again, is it nothing to the people of the north, that they may be called on, in obedience to a requirement of the federal constitution, to shoulder their muskets to quell "domestic violence?" but, who does not know, that this requirement owes its existence solely to the apprehension of servile insurrections?--or, in other words, to the existence of slavery in the slave states? again, when our guiltless brothers escape from the southern prison-house, and come among us, we are under constitutional obligation to deliver them up to their stony-hearted pursuers. and is not slavery in the slave states, which is the occasion of our obligation to commit this outrage on humanity and on the law of god, a matter of "just concern to us?" to what too, but slavery, in the slave states, is to be ascribed the long standing insult of our government towards that of hayti? to what but that, our national disadvantages and losses from the want of diplomatic relations between the two governments? to what so much, as to slavery in the slave states, are owing the corruption in our national councils, and the worst of our legislation? but scarcely any thing should go farther to inspire the north with a sense of her "just concern" in the subject of slavery in the slave states, than the fact, that slavery is the parent of the cruel and murderous prejudice, which crushes and kills her colored people; and, that it is but too probable, that the child will live as long as its parent. and has the north no "just concern" with the slavery of the slave states, when there is so much reason to fear that our whole blood-guilty nation is threatened with god's destroying wrath on account of it? there is another respect in which we of the north have a "just concern" with the slavery of the slave states. we see nearly three millions of our fellow men in those states robbed of body, mind, will, and soul--denied marriage and the reading of the bible, and marketed as beasts. we see them in a word crushed in the iron folds of slavery. our nature--the laws written upon its very foundations--the bible, with its injunctions "to remember them that are in bonds as bound with them," and to "open thy mouth for the dumb in the cause of all such as are appointed to destruction"--all require us to feel and to express what we feel for these wretched millions. i said, that we see this misery. there are many amongst us--they are anti-abolitionists--who do not see it; and to them god says; "but he that hideth his eyes shall have many a curse." i add, that we of the north must feel concerned about slavery in the slave states, because of our obligation to pity the deluded, hard-hearted, and bloody oppressors in those states: and to manifest our love for them by rebuking their unsurpassed sin. and, notwithstanding pro-slavery statesmen at the north, who wink at the iniquity of slave holding, and pro-slavery clergymen at the north, who cry, "peace, peace" to the slaveholder, and sew "pillows to armholes," tell us, that by our honest and open rebuke of the slaveholder, we shall incur his enduring hatred; we, nevertheless, believe that "open rebuke is better than secret love," and that, in the end, we shall enjoy more southern favor than they, whose secret love is too prudent and spurious to deal faithfully with the objects of its regard. "he that rebuketh a man, afterward shall find more favor than he that flattereth with the tongue." the command, "thou shall in any wise rebuke thy neighbor and not suffer sin upon him," is one, which the abolitionist feels, that he is bound to obey, as well in the case of the slaveholder, as in that of any other sinner. and the question: "who is my neighbor," is so answered by the savior, as to show, that not he of our vicinity, nor even he of our country, is alone our "neighbor." the abolitionists of the north hold, that they have certainly as much "just concern" with slavery in the slave states, as the temperance men of the north have with "intemperance" at the south. and i would here remark, that the weapons with which the abolitionists of the north attack slavery in the slave states are the same, and no other than the same, with those, which the north employs against the vice of intemperance at the south. i add too, that were you to say, that northern temperance men disregard "the deficiency of the powers of the general government," and also "the acknowledged and incontestable powers of the states;" your charge would be as suitable as when it is applied to northern abolitionists. you ascribe to us "the purpose to manumit the three millions of negro slaves." here again you greatly misrepresent us, by holding us up as employing coercive, instead of persuasive, means for the accomplishment of our object. our "purpose" is to persuade others to "manumit." the slaveholders themselves are to "manumit." it is evident, that others cannot "manumit" for them. if the north were endeavoring to persuade the south to give up the growing of cotton, you would not say, it is the purpose of the north to give it up. but, as well might you, as to say, that it is the "purpose" of the abolitionists to "manumit." it is very much by such misrepresentations, that the prejudices against abolitionists are fed and sustained. how soon they would die of atrophy, if they, who influence the public mind and mould public opinion, would tell but the simple truth about abolitionists. you say, that the abolitionists would have the slaves manumitted "without compensation and without moral preparation." i have already said enough on the point of "compensation." it is true, that they would have them manumitted immediately:--for they believe slavery is sin, and that therefore the slaveholder has no right to protract the bondage of his slaves for a single year, or for a single day or hour;--not even, were he to do so to afford them "a moral preparation" for freedom, or to accomplish any other of the kindest and best purposes. they believe, that the relation of slaveholder, as it essentially and indispensably involves the reduction of men to chattelship, cannot, under any plea whatever, be continued with innocence, for a single moment. if it can be--if the plain laws of god, in respect to marriage and religious instruction and many other blessings, of which chattelized man is plundered, can be innocently violated--why credit any longer the assertion of the bible, that "sin is the transgression of the law?"--why not get a new definition of sin? another reason with abolitionists in favor of immediate manumission, is, that the slaves do not, as a body, acquire, whilst in slavery, any "moral preparation" for freedom. to learn to swim we must be allowed the use of water. to learn the exercises of a freeman, we must enjoy he element of liberty. i will not say, that slaves cannot be taught, to some extent, the duties of freemen. some knowledge of the art of swimming may be acquired before entering the water. i have not forgotten what you affirm about the "progressive melioration in the condition of slaves," and the opening of "schools of instruction" for them "prior to the agitation of the subject of abolition;" nor, have i forgotten, that i could not read it without feeling, that the creations of your fancy, rather than the facts of history, supplied this information. instances, rare instances, of such "melioration" and of such "schools of instruction," i doubt not there have been: but, i am confident, that the southern slaves have been sunk in depths of ignorance proportioned to the profits of their labor. i have not the least belief, that the proportion of readers amongst them is one half so great, as it was before the invention of whitney's cotton gin. permit me to call your attention to a few of the numberless evidences, that slavery is a poor school for "moral preparation" for freedom. st. slavery turns its victims into thieves. "who should be astonished," says thomas s. clay, a very distinguished slaveholder of georgia, "if the negro takes from the field or corn-house the supplies necessary for his craving appetite and then justifies his act, and denies that it is stealing?" what debasement in the slave does the same gentleman's remedy for theft indicate? "if," says he, "the negro is informed, that if he does not steal, he shall receive rice as an allowance; and if he does steal, he shall not, a motive is held out which will counteract the temptation to pilfer." nd. slavery reeks with licentiousness. another son of the south says, that the slaveholder's kitchen is a brothel, and a southern village a sodom. the elaborate defence of slavery by chancellor harper of south carolina justifies the heaviest accusations, that have been brought against it on the score of licentiousness. how could you blame us for deeply abhorring slavery, even were we to view it in no other light than that in which the dews and harpers and its other advocates present it? rd. slavery puts the master in the place of god, and the master's law in the place of god's law! "the negro," says thomas s. clay, "is seldom taught to feel, that he is punished for breaking god's law! he only knows his master as law-giver and executioner, and the sole object held up to his view is to make him a more obedient and profitable slave. he oftener hears that he shall be punished if he steals, than if he breaks the sabbath or swears; and thus he sees the very threatenings of god brought to bear on his master's interests. it is very manifest to him, that his own good is very far from forming the primary reason for his chastisement: his master's interests are to be secured at all events;--god's claims are secondary, or enforced merely for the purpose of advancing those of his owner. his own benefit is the residuum after this double distillation of moral motive--a mere accident." th. the laws of nearly all the slave-states forbid the teaching of the slaves to read. the abundant declarations, that those laws are without exception, a consequence of the present agitation of the question of slavery are glaringly false. many of these laws were enacted long before this agitation; and some of them long before you and i were born. say the three hundred and fifty-three gentlemen of the district of abbeville and edgefield in south carolina, who, the last year, broke up a system of oral religious instruction, which the methodist conference of that state had established amongst their slaves: "intelligence and slavery have no affinity for each other." and when those same gentlemen declare, that "verbal and lecturing instruction will increase a desire with the black population to learn"--that "the progress and diffusion of knowledge will be a consequence"--and that "a progressive system of improvement will be introduced, that will ultimately revolutionize our civil institutions," they admit, that the prohibition of "intelligence" to the slaves is the settled and necessary policy of slavery, and not, as you would have us believe, a temporary expedient occasioned by the present "agitation of this subject of abolition." th. slavery--the system, which forbids marriage and the reading of the bible--does of necessity turn its subjects into heathens. a report of the synod of south carolina and georgia, made five years ago, says: "who could credit it, that in these years of revival and benevolent effort--that, in this christian republic, there are over two millions of human beings in the condition of heathen, and in some respects in a worse condition? they may be justly considered the heathen of this christian country, and will bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world." i will finish what i have to say on this point of "moral preparation" for freedom, with the remark, that the history of slavery in no country warrants your implication, that slaves acquire such "moral preparation." the british parliament substituted an apprenticeship for slavery with the express design, that it should afford a "moral preparation" for freedom. and yet, if you will read the reports of late visitors to the british west indies, you will find, that the planters admit, that they made no use of the advantages of the apprenticeship to prepare their servants for liberty. their own gain--not the slaves'--was their ruling motive, during the term of the apprenticeship, as well as preceding it. another of your charges is, _that the abolitionists "have increased the rigors of legislation against slaves in most if not all the slave states_." and suppose, that our principles and measures have occasioned this evil--are they therefore wrong?--and are we, therefore, involved in sin? the principles and measures of moses and aaron were the occasion of a similar evil. does it follow, that those principles and measures were wrong, and that moses and aaron were responsible for the sin of pharaoh's increased oppressiveness? the truth, which jesus christ preached on the earth, is emphatically peace: but its power on the depravity of the human heart made it the occasion of division and violence. that depravity was the guilty cause of the division and violence. the truth was but the innocent occasion of them. to make it responsible for the effects of that depravity would be as unreasonable, as it is to make the holy principles of the anti-slavery cause responsible for the wickedness which they occasion: and to make the great preacher himself responsible for the division and violence, would be but to carry out the absurdity, of which the public are guilty, in holding abolitionists responsible for the mobs, which are got up against them. these mobs, by the way, are called "abolition mobs." a similar misnomer would pronounce the mob, that should tear down your house and shoot your wife, "henry clay's mob." harriet martineau, in stating the fact, that the mobs of , in the city of new york, were set down to the wrong account, says, that the abolitionists were told, that "they had no business to scare the city with the sight of their burning property and demolished churches!" no doubt the light of truth, which the abolitionists are pouring into the dark den of slavery, greatly excites the monster's wrath: and it may be, that he vents a measure of it on the helpless and innocent victims within his grasp. be it so;--it is nevertheless, not the ithuriel spear of truth, that is to be held guilty of the harm:--it is the monster's own depravity, which cannot "endure touch of celestial temper, but returns of force to its own likeness."[a] [footnote a: this is a reference to a passage in milton's paradise lost, in which satan in disguise is touched by the spear of the archangel ithuriel and is thereby forced to return to his own form.] i am, however, far from believing, that the treatment of the slaves is rendered any more rigorous and cruel by the agitation of the subject of slavery. i am very far from believing, that it is any harsher now than it was before the organization of the american anti-slavery society. fugitive slaves tell us, it is not: and, inasmuch as the slaveholders are, and, by both words and actions, abundantly show, that they feel that they are, arraigned by the abolitionists before the bar of the civilized world, to answer to the charges of perpetrating cruelties on their slaves, it would, unless indeed, they are of the number of those "whose glory is in their shame," be most unphilosophical to conclude, that they are multiplying proofs of the truth of those charges, more rapidly than at any former stage of their barbarities. that slaveholders are not insensible to public opinion and to the value of a good character was strikingly exhibited by mr. calhoun, in his place in the senate of the united states, when he followed his frank disclaimer of all suspicion, that the abolitionists are meditating a war against the slaveholder's person, with remarks evincive of his sensitiveness under the war, which they are waging against the slaveholder's character. a fact occurs to me, which goes to show, that the slaveholders feel themselves to be put upon their good behavior by the abolitionists. although slaves are murdered every day at the south, yet never, until very recently, if at all, has the case occurred, in which a white man has been executed at the south for the murder of a slave. a few months ago, the southern newspapers brought us copies of the document, containing the refusal of governor butler of south carolina to pardon a man, who had been convicted of the murder of a slave. this document dwells on the protection due to the slave; and, if i fully recollect its character, an abolitionist himself could hardly have prepared a more appropriate paper for the occasion. whence such a document--whence, in the editorial captions to this document, the exultation over its triumphant refutations of the slanders of the abolitionists against the south--but, that governor butler feels--but, that the writes of those captions feel--that the abolitionists have put the south upon her good behavior. another of your charges is, _that the abolitionists oppose "the project of colonisation."_ having, under another head, made some remarks on this "project," i will only add, that we must oppose the american colonization society, because it denies the sinfulness of slavery, and the duty of immediate, unqualified emancipation. its avowed doctrine is, that, unless emancipation he accompanied by expatriation, perpetual slavery is to be preferred to it. not to oppose that society, would be the guiltiest treachery to our holy religion, which requires immediate and unconditional repentance of sin. not to oppose it, would be to uphold slavery. not to oppose it, would be to abandon the anti-slavery society. do you ask, why, if this be the character of the american colonization society, many, who are now abolitionists, continued in it so long? i answer for myself, that, until near the period of my withdrawal from it, i had very inadequate conceptions of the wickedness, both of that society, and of slavery. for having felt the unequalled sin of slavery no more deeply--for feeling it now no more deeply, i confess myself to be altogether without excuse. the great criminality of my long continuance in the colonization society is perhaps somewhat palliated by the fact, that the strongest proofs of the wicked character and tendencies of the society were not exhibited, until it spread out its wing over slavery to shelter the monster from the earnest and effective blows of the american anti-slavery society. another of your charges is, that the abolitionists, in declaring "that their object is not to stimulate the action of the general government, _but to operate upon the states themselves, in which the institution of domestic slavery exists," are evidently insincere, since the "abolition societies and movements are all confined to the free slates_." i readily admit, that our object is the abolition of slavery, as well in the slave states, as in other portions of the nation, where it exists. but, does it follow, because only an insignificant share of our "abolition societies and movements" is in those states, that we therefore depend for the abolition of slavery in them on the general government, rather than on moral influence? i need not repeat, that the charge of our looking to the general government for such abolition is refuted by the language of the constitution of the anti-slavery society. you may, however, ask--"why, if you do not look to the general government for it, is not the great proportion of your means of moral influence in the slave states, where is the great body of the slaves?" i answer that, in the first place, the south does not permit us to have them there; and that, in the words of one of your fellow senators, and in the very similar words of another--both uttered on the floor of the senate--"if the abolitionists come to the south, the south will hang them." pardon the remark, that it seems very disingenuous in you to draw conclusions unfavorable to the sincerity of the abolitionists from premises so notoriously false, as are those which imply, that it is entirely at their own option, whether the abolitionists shall have their "societies and movements" in the free or slave states. i continue to answer your question, by saying, in the second place, that, had the abolitionists full liberty to multiply their "societies and movements" in the slave states, they would probably think it best to have the great proportion of them yet awhile in the free states. to rectify public opinion on the subject of slavery is a leading object with abolitionists. this object is already realized to the extent of a thorough anti-slavery sentiment in great britain, as poor andrew stevenson, for whom you apologise, can testify. indeed, the great power and pressure of that sentiment are the only apology left to this disgraced and miserable man for uttering a bald falsehood in vindication of virginia morals. he above all other men, must feel the truth of the distinguished thomas fowel buxton's declaration, that "england is turned into one great anti-slavery society." now, sir, it is such a change, as abolitionists have been the instruments of producing in great britain, that we hope to see produced in the free states. we hope to see public sentiment in these states so altered, that such of their laws, as uphold and countenance slavery, will be repealed--so altered, that the present brutal treatment of the colored population in them will give place to a treatment dictated by justice, humanity, and brotherly and christian love;--so altered, that there will be thousands, where now there are not hundreds, to class the products of slave labor with other stolen goods, and to refuse to eat and to wear that, which is wet with the tears, and red with the blood of "the poor innocents," whose bondage is continued, because men are more concerned to buy what is cheap, than what is honestly acquired;--so altered, that our missionary and other religious societies will remember, that god says: "i hate robbery for burnt-offering," and will forbear to send their agents after that plunder, which, as it is obtained at the sacrifice of the body and soul of the plundered, is infinitely more unfit, than the products of ordinary theft, to come into the lord's treasury. and, when the warm desires of our hearts, on these points, shall be realized, the fifty thousand southerners, who annually visit the north, for purposes of business and pleasure, will not all return to their homes, self-complacent and exulting, as now, when they carry with them the suffrages of the north in favor of slavery: but numbers of them will return to pursue the thoughts inspired by their travels amongst the enemies of oppression--and, in the sequel, they will let their "oppressed go free." it were almost as easy for the sun to call up vegetation by the side of an iceberg, as for the abolitionists to move the south extensively, whilst their influence is counteracted by a pro-slavery spirit at the north. how vain would be the attempt to reform the drunkards of your town of lexington, whilst the sober in it continue to drink intoxicating liquors! the first step in the reformation is to induce the sober to change their habits, and create that total abstinence-atmosphere, in the breathing of which, the drunkard lives,--and, for the want of which, he dies. the first step, in the merciful work of delivering the slaveholder from his sin, is similar. it is to bring him under the influence of a corrected public opinion--of an anti-slavery sentiment:--and they, who are to be depended on to contribute to this public opinion--to make up this anti-slavery sentiment--are those, who are not bound up in the iron habits, and blinded by the mighty interests of the slaveholder. to depend on slaveholders to give the lead to public opinion in the anti-slavery enterprise, would be no less absurd, than to begin the temperance reformation with drunkards, and to look to them to produce the influences, which are indispensable to their own redemption. you say of the abolitionists, _that "they are in favor of amalgamation."_ the anti-slavery society is, as its name imports, a society to oppose slavery--not to "make matches." whether abolitionists are inclined to amalgamation more than anti-abolitionists are, i will not here take upon myself to decide. so far, as you and i may be regarded as representatives of these two parties, and so far as our marriages argue our tastes in this matter, the abolitionists and anti-abolitionists may be set down, as equally disposed to couple white with white and black with black--for our wives, as you are aware, are both white. i will here mention, as it may further argue the similarity in the matrimonial tastes of abolitionists and anti-abolitionists, the fact so grateful to us in the days, when we were "workers together" in promoting the "scheme of colonization," that our wives are natives of the same town. i have a somewhat extensive acquaintance at the north; and i can truly say, that i do not know a white abolitionist, who is the reputed father of a colored child. at the south there are several hundred thousand persons, whose yellow skins testify, that the white man's blood courses through their veins. whether the honorable portion of their parentage is to be ascribed exclusively to the few abolitionists scattered over the south--and who, under such supposition, must, indeed, be prodigies of industry and prolificness--or whether anti-abolitionists there have, notwithstanding all their pious horror of "amalgamation," been contributing to it, you can better judge than myself. that slavery is a great amalgamator, no one acquainted with the blended colors of the south will, for a moment, deny. but, that an increasing amalgamation would attend the liberation of the slaves, is quite improbable, when we reflect, that the extensive occasions of the present mixture are the extreme debasement of the blacks and their entire subjection to the will of the whites; and that even should the debasement continue under a state of freedom, the subjection would not. it is true, that the colored population of our country might in a state of freedom, attain to an equality with the whites; and that a multiplication of instances of matrimonial union between the two races might be a consequence of this equality: but, beside, that this would be a lawful and sinless union, instead of the adulterous and wicked one, which is the fruit of slavery, would not the improved condition of our down-trodden brethren be a blessing infinitely overbalancing all the violations of our taste, which it might occasion? i say violations of _our_ taste;--for we must bear in mind that, offensive as the intermixture of different races may be to us, the country or age, which practices it, has no sympathy whatever with our feeling on this point. how strongly and painfully it argues the immorality and irreligion of the american people, that they should look so complacently on the "amalgamation," which tramples the seventh commandment under foot, and yet be so offended at that, which has the sanction of lawful wedlock! when the vice president of this nation was in nomination for his present office, it was objected to him, that he had a family of colored children. the defence, set up by his partisans, was, that, although he had such a family, he nevertheless was not married to their mother! the defence was successful; and the charge lost all its odiousness; and the vice president's popularity was retrieved, when, it turned out, that he was only the adulterous, and not the married father of his children! i am aware, that many take the ground, that we must keep the slaves in slavery to prevent the matrimonial "amalgamation," which, they apprehend, would be a fruit of freedom. but, however great a good, abolitionists might deem the separation of the white and black races, and however deeply they might be impressed with the power of slavery to promote this separation, they nevertheless, dare not "do evil, that good may come:"--they dare not seek to promote this separation, at the fearful expense of upholding, or in anywise, countenancing a humanity-crushing and god-defying system of oppression. another charge against the abolitionists is implied in the inquiry you make, _whether since they do not "furnish in their own families or persons examples of intermarriage, they intend to contaminate the industrious and laborious classes of society of the north by a revolting admixture of the black element."_ this inquiry shows how difficult it is for southern minds, accustomed as they have ever been to identify labor with slavery, to conceive the true character and position of such "classes" at the north; and also how ignorant they are of the composition of our anti-slavery societies. to correct your misapprehensions on these points, i will briefly say, in the first place, that the laborers of the north are freemen and not slaves;--that they marry whom they please, and are neither paired nor unpaired to suit the interests of the breeder, or seller, or buyer, of human stock:--and, in the second place, that the abolitionists, instead of being a body of persons distinct from "the industrious and laborious classes," do, more than nineteen twentieths of them, belong to those "classes." you have fallen into great error in supposing, that _abolitionists_ generally belong to the wealthy and aristocratic classes. this, to a great extent, is true of _anti-abolitionists_. have you never heard the boast, that there have been anti-abolition mobs, which consisted of "gentlemen of property and standing?" you charge upon abolitionists "_the purpose to create a pinching competition between black labor and white labor;" and add, that "on the supposition of abolition the black class, migrating into the free states, would enter into competition with the white class, diminishing the wages of their labor_." in making this charge, as well as in making that which immediately precedes it, you have fallen into the error, that abolitionists do not belong to "the industrious and laborious classes." in point of fact, the abolitionists belong so generally to these classes, that if your charge be true, they must have the strange "purpose" of "pinching" themselves. whether "the black class" would, or would not migrate, i am much more pleased to have you say what you do on this point, though it be at the expense of your consistency, than to have you say, as you do in another part of your speech, that abolition "would end in the extermination or subjugation of the one race or the other." it appears to me highly improbable, that emancipation would be followed by the migration of the emancipated. emancipation, which has already added fifty per cent. to the value of estates in the british west indies, would immediately add as much to the value of the soil of the south. much more of it would be brought into use; and, notwithstanding the undoubted truth, that the freedman performs twice as much labor as when a slave, the south would require, instead of any diminution, a very great increase of the number of her laborers. the laboring population of the british west india islands, is one-third as large as that of the southern states; and yet, since these islands have got rid of slavery, and have entered on their career of enterprize and industry, they find this population, great as it is, insufficient to meet the increased demand for labor. as you are aware, they are already inviting laborers of this and other countries to supply the deficiency. but what is the amount of cultivable land in those islands, compared with that in all the southern states? it is not so extensive as the like land in your single state. but you may suppose, that, in the event of the emancipation of her slaves, the south would prefer white laborers. i know not why she should. such are, for the most part, unaccustomed to her kinds of labor, and they would exact, because they would need, far greater wages than those, who had never been indulged beyond the gratification of their simplest wants. there is another point of view, in which it is still more improbable, that the black laborers of the south would be displaced by immigrations of white laborers. the proverbial attachment of the slave to his "bornin-ground," (the place of his nativity,) would greatly contribute to his contentment with low wages, at the hands of his old master. as an evidence of the strong attachment of our southern colored brethren to their birth-places, i remark, that, whilst the free colored population of the free states increased from to but nineteen per cent., the like population in the slave states increased, in the same period, thirty five per cent;--and this, too, notwithstanding the operation of those oppressive and cruel laws, whose enactment was dictated by the settled policy of expelling the free blacks from the south. that, in the event of the abolition of southern slavery, the emancipated slaves would migrate to the north, rather than elsewhere, is very improbable. whilst our climate would be unfriendly to them, and whilst they would be strangers to our modes of agriculture, the sugar and cotton fields of texas, the west indies, and other portions of the earth, would invite them to congenial employments beneath congenial skies. that, in case southern slavery is abolished, the colored population of the north would be drawn off to unite with their race at the south, is, for reasons too obvious to mention, far more probable than the reverse. it will be difficult for you to persuade the north, that she would suffer in a pecuniary point of view by the extirpation of slavery. the consumption of the laborers at the south would keep pace with the improvement and elevation of their condition, and would very soon impart a powerful impulse to many branches of northern industry. another of your charges is in the following words: "the subject of slavery within the district of florida," and that "of the right of congress to prohibit the removal of slaves from one state to another," are, with abolitionists, "but so many masked batteries, concealing the real and ultimate point of attack. that point of attack is the institution of domestic slavery, as it exists in those states." if you mean by this charge, that abolitionists think that the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia and in florida, and the suppression of the interstate traffic in human beings are, in themselves, of but little moment, you mistake. if you mean, that they think them of less importance than the abolition of slavery in the slave states, you are right; and if you further mean, that they prize those objects more highly, and pursue them more zealously, because they think, that success in them will set in motion very powerful, if not indeed resistless influences against slavery in the slave states, you are right in this also. i am aware, that the latter concession brings abolitionists under the condemnation of that celebrated book, written by a _modern_ limiter of "human responsibility"--not by the _ancient_ one, who exclaimed, "am i my brother's keeper?" in that book, to which, by the way, the infamous atherton resolutions are indebted for their keynote, and grand pervading idea, we find the doctrine, that even if it were the duty of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, the north nevertheless should not seek for such abolition, unless the object of it be "ultimate within itself." if it be "for the sake of something ulterior" also--if for the sake of inducing the slaveholders of the slave states to emancipate their slaves--then we should not seek for it. let us try this doctrine in another application--in one, where its distinguished author will not feel so much delicacy, and so much fear of giving offence. his reason why we should not go for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, unless our object in it be "ultimate within itself," and unaccompanied by the object of producing an influence against slavery in the slave states, is, that the federal constitution has left the matter of slavery in the slave states to those states themselves. but will president wayland say, that it has done so to any greater extent, than it has left the matter of gambling-houses and brothels in those states to those states themselves? he will not, if he consider the subject:--though, i doubt not, that when he wrote his bad book, he was under the prevailing error, that the federal constitution tied up the hands and limited the power of the american people in respect to slavery, more than to any other vice. but to the other application. we will suppose, that great britain has put down the gambling-houses and brothels in her wide dominions--that mexico has done likewise; and that the george thompsons, and charles stuarts, and other men of god, have come from england to beseech the people of the northern states to do likewise within their respective jurisdictions;--and we will further suppose, that those foreign missionaries, knowing the obstinate and infatuated attachment of the people of the southern states to their gambling-houses and brothels, should attempt, and successfully, too, to blend with the motive of the people of the northern states to get rid of their own gambling houses and brothels, the motive of influencing the people of the southern states to get rid of theirs--what, we ask, would this eminent divine advise in such a case? would he have the people of the northern states go on in their good work, and rejoice in the prospect, not only that these polluting and ruinous establishments would soon cease to exist within all their limits, but that the influence of their overthrow would be fatal to the like establishments in the southern states? to be consistent with himself--with the doctrine in question--he must reply in the negative. to be consistent with himself, he must advise the people of the northern states to let their own gambling-houses and brothels stand, until they can make the object of their abolishment "ultimate within itself;"--until they can expel from their hearts the cherished hope, that the purification of their own states of these haunts of wickedness would exert an influence to induce the people of their sister states to enter upon a similar work of purity and righteousness. but i trust, that president wayland would not desire to be consistent with himself on this point. i trust that he would have the magnanimity to throw away this perhaps most pernicious doctrine of a pernicious book, which every reader of it must see was written to flatter and please the slaveholder and arrest the progress of the anti-slavery cause. how great the sin of seizing on this very time, when special efforts are being made to enlist the world's sympathies in behalf of the millions of our robbed, outraged, crushed countrymen--how great the sin, of seizing on such a time to attempt to neutralize those efforts, by ascribing to the oppressors of these millions a characteristic "nobleness"--"enthusiastic attachment to personal right"--"disinterestedness which has always marked the southern character"--and a superiority to all others "in making any sacrifice for the public good!" it is this sin--this heinous sin--of which president wayland has to repent. if he pities the slave, it is because he knows, that the qualities, which he ascribes to the slaveholder, do not, in fact, belong to him. on the other hand, if he believes the slaveholder to be, what he represents him to be, he does not--in the very nature of things, he cannot--pity the slave. he must rather rejoice, that the slave has fallen into the hands of one, who, though he has the name, cannot have the heart, and cannot continue in the relation of a slaveholder. if john hook, for having mingled his discordant and selfish cries with the acclamations of victory and then general joy, deserved patrick henry's memorable rebuke, what does he not deserve, who finds it in his heart to arrest the swelling tide of pity for the oppressed by praises of the oppressor, and to drown the public lament over the slave's subjection to absolute power, in the congratulation, that the slaveholder who exercises that power, is a being of characteristic "nobleness," "disinterestedness," and "sacrifice" of self-interest? president wayland may perhaps say, that the moral influence, which he is unwilling to have exerted over the slaveholder, is not that, which is simply persuasive, but that, which is constraining--not that, which is simply inducing, but that, which is compelling. i cheerfully admit, that it is infinitely better to induce men to do right from their own approbation of the right, than it is to shame them, or in any other wise constrain them, to do so; but i can never admit, that i am not at liberty to effect the release of my colored brother from the fangs of his murderous oppressor, when i can do so by bringing public opinion to bear upon that oppressor, and to fill him with uneasiness and shame. i have not, overlooked the distinction taken by the reverend gentleman; though, i confess that, to a mind no less obtuse than my own, it is very little better than "a distinction without a difference." whilst he denies, that i can, as an american citizen, rightfully labor for the abolition of slavery in the slave states, or even in the district of columbia; he would perhaps, admit that, as a man, i might do so. but am i not interested, as an american citizen, to have every part of my country cleared of vice, and of whatever perils its free institutions? am i not interested, as such, to promote the overthrow of gambling and rum drinking establishments in south carolina?--but why any more than to promote the overthrow of slavery? in fine, am i not interested, as an american citizen, to have my country, and my whole country, "right in the sight of god?" if not, i had better not be an american citizen. i say no more on the subject of the sophistries of president wayland's book on, "the limitations of human responsibility;" nor would i have said what i have, were it not that it is in reply to the like sophistries couched in that objection of yours, which i have now been considering. another of your charges against the abolitionists is, _that they seek to "stimulate the rage of the people of the free states against the people of the slave states. advertisements of fugitive slaves and of slaves to be sold are carefully collected and blazoned forth to infuse a spirit of detestation and hatred against one entire and the largest section of the union."_ the slaveholders of the south represent slavery as a heaven-born institution--themselves as patriarchs and patterns of benevolence--and their slaves, as their tenderly treated and happy dependents. the abolitionists, on the contrary, think that slavery is from hell--that slaveholders are the worst of robbers--and that their slaves are the wretched victims of unsurpassed cruelties. now, how do abolitionists propose to settle the points at issue?--by fanciful pictures of the abominations of slavery to countervail the like pictures of its blessedness?--by mere assertions against slavery, to balance mere assertions in its favor? no--but by the perfectly reasonable and fair means of examining slavery in the light of its own code--of judging of the character of the slaveholder in the light of his own conduct--and of arguing the condition of the slave from unequivocal evidences of the light in which the slave himself views it. to this end we publish extracts from the southern slave code, which go to show that slavery subjects its victims to the absolute control of their erring fellow men--that it withholds from them marriage and the bible--that it classes them with brutes and things--and annihilates the distinctions between mind and matter. to this end we republish in part, or entirely, pamphlets and books, in which southern men exhibit, with their own pens, some of the horrid features of slavery. to this end we also republish such advertisements as you refer to--advertisements in which immortal beings, made in the image of god, and redeemed by a savior's blood, and breathed upon by the holy spirit, are offered to be sold, at public auction, or sheriff's sale, in connection with cows, and horses, and ploughs: and, sometimes we call special attention to the common fact, that the husband and wife, the parent and infant child, are advertised to be sold together or separately, as shall best suit purchasers. it is to this end also, that we often republish specimens of the other class of advertisements to which you refer. some of the advertisements of this class identify the fugitive slave by the scars, which the whip, or the manacles and fetters, or the rifle had made on his person. some of them offer a reward for his head!--and it is to this same end, that we often refer to the ten thousands, who have fled from southern slavery, and the fifty fold that number, who have unsuccessfully attempted to fly from it. how unutterable must be the horrors of the southern prison house, and how strong and undying the inherent love of liberty to induce these wretched fellow beings to brave the perils which cluster so thickly and frightfully around their attempted escape? that love is indeed _undying_. the three hundred and fifty-three south carolina gentlemen, to whom i have referred, admit, that even "the old negro man, whose head is white with age, raises his thoughts to look through the vista which will terminate his bondage." i put it to your candor--can you object to the reasonableness and fairness of these modes, which abolitionists have adopted for establishing the truth on the points at issue between themselves and slaveholders? but, you may say that our republication of your own representations of slavery proceeds from unkind motives, and serves to stir up the "hatred," and "rage of the people of the free states against the people of the slave states." if such be an effect of the republication, although not at all responsible for it, we deeply regret it; and, as to our motives, we can only meet the affirmation of their unkindness with a simple denial. were we, however, to admit the unkindness of our motives, and that we do not always adhere to the apostolic motto, of "speaking the truth in love"--would the admission change the features of slavery, or make it any the less a system of pollution and blood? is the accused any the less a murderer, because of the improper motives with which his accuser brings forward the conclusive proof of his blood-guiltiness? we often see, in the speeches and writings of the south, that slaveholders claim as absolute and as rightful a property in their slaves, as in their cattle. whence then their sensitiveness under our republication of the advertisements, is which they offer to sell their human stock? if the south will republish the advertisements of our property, we will only not be displeased, but will thank her; and any rebukes she may see fit to pour upon us, for offering particular kinds of property, will be very patiently borne, in view of the benefit we shall reap from her copies of our advertisements. a further charge in your speech is, _that the abolitionists pursue their object "reckless of all consequences, however calamitous they may be;" that they have no horror of a "civil war," or "a dissolution of the union;" that theirs is "a bloody road," and "their purpose is abolition, universal abolition, peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must."_ it is true that, the abolitionists pursue their object, undisturbed by apprehensions of consequences; but it is not true, that they pursue it "reckless of consequences." we believe that they, who unflinchingly press the claims of god's truth, deserve to be considered as far less "reckless of consequences," than they, who, suffering themselves to be thrown into a panic by apprehensions of some mischievous results, local or general, immediate or remote, are guilty of compromising the truth, and substituting corrupt expediency for it. we believe that the consequences of obeying the truth and following god are good--only good--and that too, not only in eternity, but in time also. we believe, that had the confidently anticipated deluge of blood followed the abolition of slavery in the british west indies, the calamity would have been the consequence, not of abolition, but of resistance to it. the insanity, which has been known to follow the exhibition of the claims of christianity, is to be charged on the refusal to fall in with those claims, and not on our holy religion. but, notwithstanding, we deem it our duty and privilege to confine ourselves to the word of the lord, and to make that word suffice to prevent all fears of consequences; we, nevertheless, employ additional means to dispel the alarms of those, who insist on walking "by sight;" and, in thus accommodating ourselves to their want of faith, we are justified by the example of him, who, though he said, "blessed are they that have not seen and yet have believed," nevertheless permitted an unbelieving disciple, both to see and to touch the prints of the nails and the spear. when dealing with such unbelievers, we do not confine ourselves to the "thus saith the lord"--to the divine command, to "let the oppressed go free and break every yoke"--to the fact, that god is an abolitionist: but we also show how contrary to all sound philosophy is the fear, that the slave, on whom have been heaped all imaginable outrages, will, when those outrages are exchanged for justice and mercy, turn and rend his penitent master. when dealing with such unbelievers, we advert to the fact, that the insurrections at the south have been the work of slaves--not one of them of persons discharged from slavery: we show how happy were the fruits of emancipation in st. domingo: and that the "horrors of st. domingo," by the parading of which so many have been deterred from espousing our righteous cause, were the result of the attempt to re-establish slavery. when dealing with them, we ask attention to the present peaceful, prosperous, and happy condition of the british west india islands, which so triumphantly falsifies the predictions, that bankruptcy, violence, bloodshed, and utter ruin would follow the liberation of their slaves. we point these fearful and unbelieving ones to the fact of the very favorable influence of the abolition of slavery on the price of real estate in those islands; to that of the present rapid multiplication of schools and churches in them; to the fact, that since the abolition of slavery, on the first day of august , not a white man in all those islands has been struck down by the arm of a colored man; and then we ask them whether in view of such facts, they are not prepared to believe, that god connects safety with obedience, and that it is best to "trust in the lord with all thine heart, and lean not to thine own understanding." on the subject of "a dissolution of the union," i have only to say, that, on the one hand, there is nothing in my judgment, which, under god, would tend so much to preserve our republic, as the carrying out into all our social, political and religious institutions of its great foundation principle, that "all men are created equal;" and that, on the other hand, the flagrant violation of that principle in the system of slavery, is doing more than all thing, else to hasten the destruction of the republic. i am aware, that one of the doctrines of the south is, that "slavery is the corner-stone of the republican edifice." but, if it be true, that our political institutions harmonize with, and are sustained by slavery, then the sooner we exchange them for others the better. i am aware, that it is said, both at the north and at the south, that it is essential to the preservation of the union. but, greatly as i love the union, and much as i would sacrifice for its righteous continuance, i cannot hesitate to say, that if slavery be an indispensable cement, the sooner it is dissolved the better. i am not displeased, that you call ours "a bloody road"--for this language does not necessarily implicate our motives; but i am greatly surprised that you charge upon us the wicked and murderous "purpose" of a forcible abolition. in reply to this imputation, i need only refer you to the constitution of the american anti-slavery society--to the declaration of the convention which framed it--and to our characters, for pledges, that we design no force, and are not likely to stain our souls with the crime of murder. that constitution says: "this society will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force." the declaration says "our principles forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage. our measures shall be such only, as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption--the destruction of error by the potency of truth--the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love--and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance." as to our characters they are before the world. you would probably look in vain through our ranks for a horse-racer, a gambler, a profane person, a rum-drinker, or a duellist. more than nine-tenths of us deny the rightfulness of offensive, and a large majority, even that of defensive national wars. a still larger majority believe, that deadly weapons should not be used in cases of individual strife. and, if you should ask, "where in the free states are the increasing numbers of men and women, who believe, that the religion of the unresisting 'lamb of god' forbids recourse to such weapons, in all circumstances, either by nations or individuals?"--the answer is, "to a man, to a woman, in the ranks of the abolitionists." you and others will judge for yourselves, how probable it is, that the persons, whom i have described, will prove worthy of being held up as murderers. the last of your charges against the abolitionists, which i shall examine, is the following: _having begun "their operations by professing to employ only persuasive means," they "have ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuasion," and "they now propose to substitute the powers of the ballot box;" and "the inevitable tendency of their proceedings is if these should be found insufficient, to invoke finally the more potent powers of the bayonet."_ if the slaveholders would but let us draw on them for the six or eight thousand dollars, which we expend monthly to sustain our presses and lecturers, they would then know, from an experience too painful to be forgotten, how truthless is your declaration, that we "have ceased to employ the instruments of reason and persuasion." you and your friends, at first, employed "persuasive means" against "the sub-treasury system." afterwards, you rallied voters against it. now, if this fail, will you resort to "the more potent powers of the bayonet?" you promptly and indignantly answer, "no." but, why will you not? is it because the prominent opposers of that system have more moral worth--more religious horror of blood--than arthur tappan, william jay, and their prominent abolition friends? were such to be your answer, the public would judge, whether the men of peace and purity, who compose the mass of abolitionists, would be more likely than the clays and wises and the great body of the followers of these congressional leaders to betake themselves from a disappointment at "the ballot-box" to "the more potent powers of the bayonet?" you say, that we "_now_ propose to substitute the powers of the ballot-box," as if it were only of late, that we had proposed to do so. what then means the following language in our constitution: "the society will also endeavor in a constitutional way to influence congress to put an end to the domestic slave-trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country, which come under its control--especially in the district of columbia--and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state, that may be hereafter admitted to the union?" what then means the following language in the "declaration" of the convention, which framed our constitution: "we also maintain, that there are at the present time the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free states to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the constitution of the united states?" if it be for the first time, that we "_now_ propose" "political action," what means it, that anti-slavery presses have, from year to year, called on abolitionists to remember the slave at the polls? you are deceived on this point; and the rapid growth of our cause has been the occasion of your deception. you suppose, because it is only within the last few months, that you have heard of abolitionists in this country carrying their cause to "the ballot box," that it is only within the last few months that they have done so. but, in point of fact, some of them have done so for several years. it was not, however, until the last year or two, when the number of abolitionists had become considerable, and their hope of producing an impression on the elections proportionately strong, that many of them were seen bringing their abolition principles to the "ballot-box." nor was it until the elections of the last autumn, that abolition action at "the ballot-box" had become so extensive, as to apprise the nation, that it is a principle with abolitionists to "remember" in one place as well as in another--at the polls as well as in the closet--"them that are in bonds." the fact that, at the last state election, there were three or four hundred abolition votes given in the county in which i reside, is no more real because of its wide spread interest, than the comparatively unheard of fact, that about one hundred such votes were given the year before. by the way, when i hear complaints of abolition action at the "ballot-box," i can hardly refrain from believing, that they are made ironically. when i hear complaints, that the abolitionists of this state rallied, as such, at the last state election, i cannot easily avoid suspecting, that the purpose of such complaints is the malicious one of reviving in our breasts the truly stinging and shame-filling recollection, that some five-sixths of the voters in our ranks, either openly apostatized from our principles, or took it into their heads, that the better way to vote for the slave and the anti-slavery cause was to vote for their respective political parties. you would be less afraid of the abolitionists, if i should tell you that more than ten thousand of them in this state voted at the last state election, for candidates for law makers, who were openly in favor of the law of this state, which creates slavery, and of other laws, which countenance and uphold it. and you would owe me for one of your heartiest laughs, were i to tell you, that there are abolitionists--professed abolitionists--yes, actual members of the anti-slavery society--who, carrying out this delusion of helping the slave by helping their "party," say, that they would vote even for a slaveholder, if their party should nominate him. let me remark, however, that i am happy to be able to inform you, that this delusion--at least in my own state--is fast passing away; and that thousands of the abolitionists who, in voting last autumn for gov. marey or gov. seward, took the first step in the way, that leads to voting for the slaveholder himself, are now not only refusing to take another step in that inconsistent and wicked way, but are repenting deeply of that, which they have already taken in it. much as you dislike, not to say _dread_, abolition action at "the ballot-box," i presume, that i need not spend any time in explaining to you the inconsistency of which an abolitionist is guilty, who votes for an upholder of slavery. a wholesome citizen would not vote fur a candidate for a law maker, who is in favor of laws, which authorize gaming-houses or _groggeries_. but, in the eye of one, who his attempted to take the "guage and dimensions" of the hell of slavery, the laws, which authorize slaveholding, far transcend in wickedness, those, which authorize gaming-houses or _groggeries_. you would not vote for a candidate for a law-maker, who is in favor of "the sub-treasury system." but compared with the evil of slavery, what is that of the most pernicious currency scheme ever devised? it is to be "counted as the small dust of the balance." if you would withhold your vote in the case supposed--how gross in your eyes must be the inconsistency of the abolitionist, who casts his vote on the side of the system of fathomless iniquity! i have already remarked on "the third" of the "impediments" or "obstacles" to emancipation, which you bring to view. _"the first impediment," you say, "is the utter and absolute want of all power on the part of the general government to effect the purpose."_ but because there is this want on the part of the general government, it does not follow, that it also exists on the part of the states: nor does it follow, that it also exists on the part of the slaveholders themselves. it is a poor plea of your neighbor for continuing to hold his fellow man in slavery, that neither the federal government nor the state of kentucky has power to emancipate them. such a plea is about as valid, as that of the girl for not having performed the task, which her mistress had assigned to her. "i was tied to the table." "who tied you there?" "i tied myself there." _"the next obstacle," you say, "in the way of abolition arises out of the fact of the presence in the slave states of three millions of slaves."_ this is, indeed a formidable "obstacle:" and i admit, that it is as much more difficult for the impenitent slaveholder to surmount it, than it would be if there were but one million of slaves, as it is for the impenitent thief to restore the money he has stolen, than it would be, if the sum were one third as great. but, be not discouraged, dear sir, with this view of the case. notwithstanding the magnitude of the obstacle, the warmest desires of your heart for the abolition of slavery, may yet be realized. be thankful, that repentance can avail in every case of iniquity; that it can loosen the grasp of the man-thief, as well as that of the money-thief: of the oppressors of thousands as well as of hundreds:--of "three millions," as well as of one million. but, were i to allow, that the obstacle in question, is as great, as you regard it--nevertheless will it not increase with the lapse of years, and become less superable the longer the work of abolition is postponed? i suppose, however, that it is not to be disguised, that, notwithstanding the occasional attempts in the course of your speech to create a different impression, you are in favor of perpetual slavery; and that all you say about "ultra abolitionists" in distinction from "abolitionists," and about "gradual emancipation," in distinction from "immediate emancipation," is said, but to please those, who sincerely make, and are gulled by, such distinctions. i do not forget, that you say, that the abolition of slavery in pennsylvania was proper. but, most obviously, you say it, to win favor with the anti-slavery portion of the north, and to sustain the world's opinion of your devotion to the cause of universal liberty;--for, having made this small concession to that holy cause--small indeed, since pennsylvania never at any one time, had five thousand slaves--you, straightway, renew your claims to the confidence of slaveholders, by assuring them, that you are opposed to "any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or immediate," in states where the slave population is extensive;--and, for proof of the sincerity of your declaration, you refer them to the fact of your recent open and effective opposition to the overthrow of slavery in your own state. the south is opposed to gradual, as well as to immediate emancipation: and, were she, indeed, to enter upon a scheme of gradual emancipation, she would speedily abandon it. the objections to swelling the number of her free colored population, whilst she continued to hold their brethren of the same race in bondage, would be found too real and alarming to justify her perseverance in the scheme. how strange, that men at the north, who think soundly on other subjects, should deduce the feasibility of gradual emancipation in the slave states--in some of which the slaves outnumber the free--from the fact of the like emancipation of the comparative handful of slaves in new york and pennsylvania! you say, "_it is frequently asked, what will become of the african race among us? are they forever to remain in bondage? that question was asked more than half a century ago. it has been answered by fifty years of prosperity_." the wicked man, "spreading himself like the green bay tree," would answer this question, as you have. they, who "walk after their own lusts, saying, where is the promise of his coming--for since the fathers fell asleep all things continue as they were from the beginning of the creation?" would answer it, as you have. they, whose "heart is fully set in them to do evil, because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily," would answer it, as you have. but, however you or they may answer it, and although god may delay his "coming" and the execution of his "sentence," it, nevertheless, remains true, that "it shall be well with them that fear god, but it shall not be well with the wicked." "fifty years of prosperity!" on whose testimony do we learn, that the last "fifty years" have been "years of prosperity" to the south?--on the testimony of oppressors or on that of the oppressed?--on that of her two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders--for this is the sum total of the tyrants, who rule the south and rule this nation--or on that of her two millions and three quarters of bleeding and crushed slaves? it may well be, that those of the south, who "have lived in pleasure on the earth and been wanton and have nourished their hearts as in a day of slaughter," should speak of "prosperity:" but, before we admit, that the "prosperity," of which they speak, is that of the south, instead of themselves merely, we must turn our weeping eyes to the "laborers, who have reaped down" their oppressors' "fields without wages," and the "cries" of whom "are entered into the ears of the lord of sabaoth;" and we must also take into the account the tears, and sweat, and groans, and blood, of the millions of similar laborers, whom, during the last "fifty years," death has mercifully released from southern bondage. talks the slaveholder of the "prosperity" of the south? it is but his own "prosperity"--and a "prosperity," such as the wolf may boast, when gorging on the flock. you say, _that the people of the north would not think it "neighborly and friendly" if "the people of the slave states were to form societies, subsidize presses, make large pecuniary contributions, &c. to burn the beautiful capitals, destroy the productive manufactories, and sink the gallant ships of the northern states_." indeed, they would not! but, if you were to go to such pains, and expense for the purpose of relieving our poor, doubling our wealth, and promoting the spiritual interests of both rich and poor--then we should bless you for practising a benevolence towards us, so like that, which abolitionists practise towards you; and then our children, and children's children, would bless your memories, even as your children and children's children will, if southern slavery be peacefully abolished, bless our memories, and lament that their ancestors had been guilty of construing our love into hatred, and our purpose of naught but good into a purpose of unmingled evil. near the close of your speech is the remark: "_i prefer the liberty of my own country to that of any other people_." another distinguished american statesman uttered the applauded sentiment: "my country--my whole country--and nothing but my country;"--and a scarcely less distinguished countryman of ours commanded the public praise, by saying: "my country right--but my country, right or wrong." such are the expressions of _patriotism_ of that idolized compound of selfish and base affections! were i writing for the favor, instead of the welfare of my fellow-men, i should praise rather than denounce patriotism. were i writing in accordance with the maxims of a corrupt world, instead of the truth of jesus christ, i should defend and extol, rather than rebuke the doctrine, that we may prefer the interests of one section of the human family to those of another. if patriotism, in the ordinary acceptation of the word, be right, then the bible is wrong--for that blessed book requires us to love all men, even as we love ourselves. how contrary to its spirit and precepts, that, "lands intersected by a narrow frith, abhor each other, mountains interposed make enemies of nations, who had else, like kindred drops, been mingled into one." there are many, who consider that the doctrine of loving all our fellow men as ourselves, belongs, to use your words, "to a sublime but impracticable philosophy." let them, however, but devoutly ask him, who enjoins it, to warm and expand their selfish and contracted hearts with its influences; and they will know, by sweet experience, that under the grace of god, the doctrine is no less "practicable" than "sublime." not a few seem to suppose, that he, who has come to regard the whole world as his country, and all mankind as his countrymen, will have less love of home and country than the patriot has, who makes his own nation, and no other, the cherished object of his affections. but did the saviour, when on earth, love any individual the less, because the love of his great heart was poured out, in equal tides, over the whole human family? and would he not, even in the eyes of the patriot himself, be stamped with imperfection, were it, to appear, that one nation shares less than another in his "loving-kindness" and that "his tender mercies are (not) over all his works?" blessed be his holy name, that he was cast down the "middle wall of partition" between the jew and gentile!--that there is no respect of persons with him!--that "greek" and "jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian, scythian, bond" and "free," are equal before him! having said, "_i prefer the liberty of my own country to that of any other people_," you add--"_and the liberty of my own race to that of any other race."_ how perfectly natural, that the one sentiment should follow the other! how perfectly natural, that he who can limit his love by state or national lines, should be also capable of confining it to certain varieties of the human complexion! how perfectly natural, that, he who is guilty of the insane and wicked prejudice against his fellow men, because they happen to be born a dozen, or a hundred, or a thousand miles from the place of his nativity, should foster the no less insane and wicked prejudice against the "skin not colored like his own!" how different is man from god! "he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust." but were man invested with supreme control, he would not distribute blessings impartially even amongst the "good" and the "just." you close your speech with advice and an appeal to abolitionists. are you sure that an appeal, to exert the most winning influence upon our hearts, would not have come from some other source better than from one who, not content with endeavoring to show the pernicious tendency of our principles and measures, freely imputes to us bloody and murderous motives? are you sure, that you, who ascribe to us designs more diabolical than those of burning "beautiful capitals," and destroying "productive manufactories," and sinking "gallant ships," are our most suitable adviser? we have, however, waved all exception on this score to your appeal and advice, and exposed our minds and hearts to the whole power and influence of your speech. and now we ask, that you, in turn, will hear us. presuming that you are too generous to refuse the reciprocation, we proceed to call on you to stay your efforts at quenching the world's sympathy for the slave--at arresting the progress of liberal, humane, and christian sentiments--at upholding slavery against that almighty arm, which now, "after so long a time," is revealed for its destruction. we urge you to worthier and more hopeful employments. exert your great powers for the repeal of the matchlessly wicked laws enacted to crush the saviour's poor. set a happy and an influential example to your fellow slaveholders, by a righteous treatment of those, whom you unrighteously hold in bondage. set them this example, by humbling yourself before god and your assembled slaves, in unfeigned penitence for the deep and measureless wrongs you have done the guiltless victims of your oppression--by paying those _men_, (speak of them, think of them, no longer, as _brutes_ and _things_)--by paying these, who are my brother men and your brother men, the "hire" you have so long withheld from them, and "which crieth" to heaven, because it "is of you kept back"--by breaking the galling yoke from their necks, and letting them "go free." do you shrink from our advice--and say, that obedience to its just requirements would impoverish you? infinitely better, that you be honestly poor than dishonestly rich. infinitely better to "do justly," and be a lazarus; than to become a croesus, by clinging to and accumulating ill-gotten gains. do you add to the fear of poverty, that of losing your honors--those which are anticipated, as well as those, which already deck your brow? allow us to assure you, that it will be impossible for you to redeem "henry clay, the statesman," and "henry clay, the orator," or even "henry clay, the president of the united states," from the contempt of a slavery-loathing posterity, otherwise than by coupling with those designations the inexpressibly more honorable distinction of "henry clay, the emancipator." i remain, your friend, gerrit smith. proofreaders the anti-slavery harp: a collection of songs for anti-slavery meetings compiled by william w. brown, a fugitive slave. . preface. the demand of the public for a cheap anti-slavery song-book, containing songs of a more recent composition, has induced me to collect together, and present to the public, the songs contained in this book. in making this collection, however, i am indebted to the authors of the "liberty minstrel," and "the anti-slavery melodies," but the larger portion of these songs has never before been published; some have never been in print. to all true friends of the slave, the anti-slavery harp is respectfully dedicated, w. w. brown. boston, june, . songs. have we not all one father? am i not a man and brother? air--bride's farewell. am i not a man and brother? ought i not, then, to be free? sell me not one to another, take not thus my liberty. christ our saviour, christ our saviour, died for me as well as thee. am i not a man and brother? have i not a soul to save? oh, do not my spirit smother, making me a wretched slave; god of mercy, god of mercy, let me fill a freeman's grave! yes, thou art a man and brother, though thou long hast groaned a slave, bound with cruel cords and tether from the cradle to the grave! yet the saviour, yet the saviour, bled and died all souls to save. yes, thou art a man and brother, though we long have told thee nay; and are bound to aid each other, all along our pilgrim way. come and welcome, come and welcome, join with us to praise and pray! o, pity the slave mother. air--araby's daughter. i pity the slave mother, careworn and weary, who sighs as she presses her babe to her breast; i lament her sad fate, all so hopeless and dreary, i lament for her woes, and her wrongs unredressed. o who can imagine her heart's deep emotion, as she thinks of her children about to be sold; you may picture the bounds of the rock-girdled ocean, but the grief of that mother can never be known. the mildew of slavery has blighted each blossom, that ever has bloomed in her path-way below; it has froze every fountain that gushed in her bosom, and chilled her heart's verdure with pitiless woe; her parents, her kindred, all crushed by oppression; her husband still doomed in its desert to stay; no arm to protect from the tyrant's aggression-- she must weep as she treads on her desolate way. o, slave mother, hope! see--the nation is shaking! the arm of the lord is awake to thy wrong! the slave-holder's heart now with terror is quaking, salvation and mercy to heaven belong! rejoice, o rejoice! for the child thou art rearing, may one day lift up its unmanacled form, while hope, to thy heart, like the rain-bow so cheering, is born, like the rain-bow, 'mid tempest and storm. the blind slave boy. air--sweet afton. come back to me, mother! why linger away from thy poor little blind boy, the long weary day! i mark every footstep, i list to each tone, and wonder my mother should leave me alone! there are voices of sorrow, and voices of glee, but there's no one to joy or to sorrow with me; for each hath of pleasure and trouble his share, and none for the poor little blind boy will care. my mother, come back to me! close to thy breast once more let thy poor little blind one be pressed; once more let me feel thy warm breath on my cheek, and hear thee in accents of tenderness speak! o mother! i've no one to love me--no heart can bear like thine own in my sorrows a part; no hand is so gentle, no voice is so kind, o! none like a mother can cherish the blind! poor blind one! no mother thy wailing can hear, no mother can hasten to banish thy fear; for the slave-owner drives her, o'er mountain and wild, and for one paltry dollar hath sold thee, poor child! ah! who can in language of mortals reveal the anguish that none but a mother can feel, when man in his vile lust of mammon hath trod on her child, who is stricken and smitten of god! blind, helpless, forsaken, with strangers alone, she hears in her anguish his piteous moan, as he eagerly listens--but listens in vain, to catch the loved tones of his mother again! the curse of the broken in spirit shall fall on the wretch who hath mingled this wormwood and gall, and his gain like a mildew shall blight and destroy, who hath torn from his mother the little blind boy! ye sons of freemen. air--marseilles hymn. ye sons of freemen wake to sadness, hark! hark, what myriads bid you rise; three millions of our race in madness break out in wails, in bitter cries, break out in wails, in bitter cries, must men whose hearts now bleed with anguish, yes, trembling slaves in freedom's land, endure the lash, nor raise a hand? must nature 'neath the whip-cord languish? have pity on the slave, take courage from god's word; pray on, pray on, all hearts resolved--these captives shall be free. the fearful storm--it threatens lowering, which god in mercy long delays; slaves yet may see their masters cowering, while whole plantations smoke and blaze! while whole plantations smoke and blaze; and we may now prevent the ruin, ere lawless force with guilty stride shall scatter vengeance far and wide-- with untold crimes their hands imbruing. have pity on the slave; take courage from god's word; pray on, pray on, all hearts resolved--these captives shall be free. with luxury and wealth surrounded, the southern masters proudly dare, with thirst of gold and power unbounded, to mete and vend god's light and air! to mete and vend god's light and air; like beasts of burden, slaves are loaded, till life's poor toilsome day is o'er; while they in vain for right implore; and shall they longer still be goaded? have pity on the slave; take courage from god's word; toil on, toil on, all hearts resolved--these captives shall be free. o liberty! can man e'er bind thee? can overseers quench thy flame? can dungeons, bolts, or bars confine thee, or threats thy heaven-born spirit tame? or threats thy heaven-born spirit tame? too long the slave has groaned, bewailing the power these heartless tyrants wield; yet free them not by sword or shield, for with men's hearts they're unavailing; have pity on the slave; take courage from god's word; toil on! toil on! all hearts resolved--these captives shall be free! freedom's star. air--silver moon. as i strayed from my cot at the close of the day, i turned my fond gaze to the sky; i beheld all the stars as so sweetly they lay, and but one fixed my heart or my eye. shine on, northern star, thou'rt beautiful and bright to the slave on his journey afar; for he speeds from his foes in the darkness of night, guided on by thy light, freedom's star. on thee he depends when he threads the dark woods ere the bloodhounds have hunted him back; thou leadest him on over mountains and floods, with thy beams shining full on his track. shine on, &c. unwelcome to him is the bright orb of day, as it glides o'er the earth and the sea; he seeks then to hide like a wild beast of prey, but with hope, rests his heart upon thee. shine on, &c. may never a cloud overshadow thy face, while the slave flies before his pursuer; gleam steadily on to the end of his race, till his body and soul are secure. shine on, &c. the liberty ball. air--rosin the bow. come all ye true friends of the nation, attend to humanity's call; come aid the poor slave's liberation, and roll on the liberty ball-- and roll on the liberty ball-- come aid the poor slave's liberation, and roll on the liberty ball. the liberty hosts are advancing-- for freedom to _all_ they declare; the down-trodden millions are sighing-- come, break up our gloom of despair. come break up our gloom of despair, &c. ye democrats, come to the rescue, and aid on the liberty cause, and millions will rise up and bless you, with heart-cheering songs of applause, with heart-cheering songs, &c. ye whigs, forsake slavery's minions, and boldly step into our ranks; we care not for party opinions, but invite all the friends of the banks,-- and invite all the friends of the banks, &c, and when we have formed the blest union we'll firmly march on, one and all-- we'll sing when we meet in communion, and _roll on_ the liberty ball, and roll on the liberty ball, dec. emancipation hymn of the west indian negroes. for the first of august celebration. praise we the lord! let songs resound to earth's remotest shore! songs of thanksgiving, songs of praise-- for we are slaves no more. praise we the lord! his power hath rent the chains that held us long! his voice is mighty, as of old, and still his arm is strong. praise we the lord! his wrath arose, his arm our fetters broke; the tyrant dropped the lash, and we to liberty awoke! praise we the lord! let holy songs rise from these happy isles!-- o! let us not unworthy prove, on whom his bounty smiles. and cease we not the fight of faith till all mankind be free; till mercy o'er the earth shall flow, as waters o'er the sea. then shall indeed messiah's reign through all the world extend; then swords to ploughshares shall be turned, and heaven with earth shall blend. over the mountain. over the mountain, and over the moor, hungry and weary i wander forlorn; my father is dead, and my mother is poor, and she grieves for the days that will never return; give me some food for my mother in charity; give me some food and then i will be gone. pity, kind gentlemen, friends of humanity, cold blows the wind and the night's coming on. call me not indolent beggar and bold enough, fain would i learn both to knit and to sew; i've two little brothers at home, when they're old enough, they will work hard for the gifts you bestow; pity, kind gentlemen, friends of humanity. cold blows the wind, and the night's coming on; give me some food for my mother in charity, give me some food, and then i will begone. jubilee song. air--away the bowl. our grateful hearts with joy o'erflow, hurra, hurra, hurra, we hail the despot's overthrow, hurra, hurra, hurra, no more he'll raise the gory lash, and sink it deep in human flesh, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra hurra, hurra, hurra. we raise the song in freedom's name, hurra, hurra, hurra, her glorious triumph we proclaim, hurra, hurra, hurra, beneath her feet lie slavery's chains, their power to curse no more remains, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra. with joy we'll make the air resound, hurra, hurra, hurra, that all may hear the gladsome sound, hurra, hurra, hurra, we glory at oppression's fall, the slave has burst his deadly thrall, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra. in mirthful glee we'll dance and sing, hurra, hurra, hurra, with shouts we'll make the welkin ring, hurra, hurra, hurra, shout! shout aloud! the bondsman's free! this, this is freedom's jubilee! hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra, hurra. spirit of freemen, wake. air--america. spirit of freemen, wake; no truce with slavery make, thy deadly foe; in fair disguises dressed, too long hast thou caress'd the serpent in thy breast, now lay him low. must e'en the press be dumb? must truth itself succumb? and thoughts be mute? shall law be set aside, the right of prayer denied, nature and god decried, and man called brute? what lover of her fame feels not his country's shame, in this dark hour? where are the patriots now, of honest heart and brow, who scorn the neck to bow to slavery's power? sons of the free! we call on you, in field and hall, to rise as one; your heaven-born rights maintain, nor let oppression's chain on human limbs remain;-- speak! and 't is done. the slave's lamentation. air--long, long ago. where are the friends that to me were so dear, long, long ago--long ago! where are the hopes that my heart used to cheer? long, long ago--long ago! i am degraded, for man was my foe, friends that i loved in the grave are laid low, all hope of freedom hath fled from me now, long, long ago--long, long ago! sadly my wife bowed her beautiful head-- long, long ago--long ago! o, how i wept when i found she was dead! long, long ago--long ago! she was my angel, my love and pride-- vainly to save her from torture i tried, poor broken heart! she rejoiced as she died, long, long ago--long, long ago! let me look back on the days of my youth-- long, long ago--long ago! master withheld from me knowledge and truth-- long, long ago--long ago! crushed all the hopes of my earliest day, sent me from father and mother away-- forbade me to read, nor allowed me to pray-- long, long ago--long, long ago! flight of the bondman. dedicated to william w. brown _and sung by the hutchinsons_ by elias smith. air--silver moon. from the crack of the rifle and baying of hound, takes the poor panting bondman his flight; his couch through the day is the cold damp ground, but northward he runs through the night. chorus. o, god speed the flight of the desolate slave, let his heart never yield to despair; there is room 'mong our hills for the true and the brave, let his lungs breathe our free northern air! o, sweet to the storm-driven sailor the light, streaming far o'er the dark swelling wave; but sweeter by far 'mong the lights of the night, is the star of the north to the slave. o, god speed, &c. cold and bleak are our mountains and chilling our winds, but warm as the soft southern gales be the hands and the hearts which the hunted one finds, 'mong our hills and our own winter vales. o, god speed, &c. then list to the 'plaint of the heart-broken thrall, ye blood-hounds, go back to your lair; may a free northern soil soon give freedom to _all_, who shall breathe in its pure mountain air. o, god speed, &c. the sweets of liberty. air--is there a heart, &c. is there a man that never sighed to set the prisoner free? is there a man that never prized the sweets of liberty? then let him, let him breathe unseen, or in a dungeon live; nor never, never know the sweets that liberty can give. is there a heart so cold in man, can galling fetters crave? is there a wretch so truly low, can stoop to be a slave? o, let him, then, in chains be bound, in chains and bondage live; nor never, never know the sweets that liberty can give. is there a breast so chilled in life, can nurse the coward's sigh? is there a creature so debased, would not for freedom die? o, let him then be doomed to crawl where only reptiles live; nor never, never know the sweets that liberty can give. ye spirits of the free. air--my faith looks up to thee. ye spirits of the free, can ye forever see your brother man a yoked and scourged slave, chains dragging to his grave, and raise no hand to save? say if you can. in pride and pomp to roll, shall tyrants from the soul god's image tear, and call the wreck their own,-- while, from the eternal throne, they shut the stifled groan and bitter prayer? shall he a slave be bound, whom god hath doubly crowned creation's lord? shall men of christian name, without a blush of shame, profess their tyrant claim from god's own word? no! at the battle cry, a host prepared to die, shall arm for fight-- but not with martial steel, grasped with a murderous zeal; no arms their foes shall feel, but love and light. firm on jehovah's laws, strong in their righteous cause, they march to save. and vain the tyrant's mail, against their battle-hail, till cease the woe and wail of tortured slave! colonization song. to the free colored people. air--spider and the fly. will you, will you be colonized? will you, will you be colonized? 'tis a land that with honey and milk doth abound, where the lash is not heard, and the scourge is not found. chorus, will you, &c. if you stay in this land where the white man has rule, you will starve by his hand, in both body and soul. chorus. for a nuisance you are, in this land of your birth, held down by his hand, and crushed to the earth. chorus. my religion is pure, and came from above, but i cannot consent the black negro to love. chorus. it is true there is judgment that hangs o'er the land, but 't will all turn aside, when you follow the plan. chorus. you're ignorant i know, in this land of your birth, and religion though pure, cannot move the curse. chorus. but only consent, though extorted by force, what a blessing you'll prove, on the african coast. chorus. i am an abolitionist. air--auld lang syne. i am an abolitionist! i glory in the name: though now by slavery's minions hiss'd and covered o'er with shame, it is a spell of light and power-- the watchword of the free:-- who spurns it in the trial-hour, a craven soul is he! i am an abolitionist! then urge me not to pause; for joyfully do i enlist in freedom's sacred cause: a nobler strife the world ne'er saw, th' enslaved to disenthral; i am a soldier for the war, whatever may befall! i am an abolitionist! oppression's deadly foe; in god's great strength will i resist, and lay the monster low; in god's great name do i demand, to all be freedom given, that peace and joy may fill the land, and songs go up to heaven! i am an abolitionist! no threats shall awe my soul, no perils cause me to desist, no bribes my acts control; a freeman will i live and die, in sunshine and in shade, and raise my voice for liberty, of nought on earth afraid. the bereaved mother. air--kathleen o'more. o, deep was the anguish of the slave mother's heart, when called from her darling for ever to part; so grieved that lone mother, that heart broken mother, in sorrow and woe. the lash of the master her deep sorrows mock, while the child of her bosom is sold on the block; yet loud shrieked that mother, poor heart broken mother, in sorrow and woe. the babe in return, for its fond mother cries, while the sound of their wailings, together arise; they shriek for each other, the child and the mother, in sorrow and woe. the harsh auctioneer, to sympathy cold, tears the babe from its mother and sells it for gold; while the infant and mother, loud shriek for each other, in sorrow and woe. at last came the parting of mother and child, her brain reeled with madness, that mother was wild; then the lash could not smother the shrieks of that mother of sorrow and woe. the child was borne off to a far distant clime, while the mother was left in anguish to pine; but reason departed, and she sank broken hearted, in sorrow and woe. that poor mourning mother, of reason bereft, soon ended her sorrows and sank cold in death; thus died that slave mother, poor heart broken mother, in sorrow and woe. o, list ye kind mothers to the cries of the slave; the parents and children implore you to save; go! rescue the mothers, the sisters and brothers, from sorrow and woe. the chase. air--sweet afton. quick, fly to the covert, thou hunted of men! for the bloodhounds are baying o'er mountain and glen; the riders are mounted, the loose rein is given, and curses of wrath are ascending to heaven. o, speed to thy footsteps! for ruin and death, like the hurricane's rage, gather thick round thy path; and the deep muttered curses grow loud and more loud, as horse after horse swells the thundering crowd. speed, speed, to thy footsteps! thy track has been found; now, _sport_ for the _rider_, and _blood_ for the _hound!_ through brake and through forest the man-prey is driven; o, help for the hopeless, thou merciful heaven! on! on to the mountain! they're baffled again, and hope for the woe-stricken still may remain; the fast-flagging steeds are all white with their foam, the bloodhounds have turned from the chase to their home. joy! joy to the wronged one! the haven he gains, escaped from his thraldom, and freed from his chains! the heaven-stamped image--the god-given soul-- no more shall the spoiler at pleasure control. o, shame to columbia, that on her bright plains, man pines in his fetters, and curses his chains! shame! shame! that her star-spangled banner should wave where the lash is made red in the blood of the slave. sons of old pilgrim fathers! and are ye thus dumb? shall tyranny triumph, and freedom succumb? while mothers are torn from their children apart, and agony sunders the cords of the heart? shall the sons of those sires that once spurned the chain, turn bloodhounds to hunt and make captive again? o, shame to your honor, and shame to your pride, and shame on your memory ever abide! will not your old sires start up from the ground, at the crack of the whip, and bay of the hound, and shaking their skeleton hands in your face, curse the germs that produced such a miscreant race? o, rouse ye for freedom, before on your path heaven pours without mixture the vials of wrath! loose every hard burden--break off every chain-- restore to the bondman his freedom again. fling out the anti-slavery flag. air--auld lang syne fling out the anti-slavery flag on every swelling breeze; and let its folds wave o'er the land, and o'er the raging seas, till all beneath the standard sheet, with new allegiance bow; and pledge themselves to onward bear the emblem of their vow. fling out the anti-slavery flag, and let it onward wave till it shall float o'er every clime, and liberate the slave; till, like a meteor flashing far, it bursts with glorious light, and with its heaven-born rays dispels the gloom of sorrow's night. fling out the anti-slavery flag, and let it not be furled, till like a planet of the skies, it sweeps around the world. and when each poor degraded slave, is gathered near and far; o, fix it on the azure arch, as hope's eternal star. fling out the anti-slavery flag, forever let it be the emblem to a holy cause, the banner of the free. and never from its guardian height, let it by man be driven, but let it float forever there, beneath the smiles of heaven. the yankee girl. she sings by her wheel at that low cottage door, which the long evening shadow is stretching before; with a music as sweet as the music which seems breathed softly and faintly in the ear of our dreams! how brilliant and mirthful the light of her eye, like a star glancing out from the blue of the sky! and lightly and freely her dark tresses play o'er a brow and a bosom as lovely as they! who comes in his pride to that low cottage door-- the haughty and rich to the humble and poor? 'tis the great southern planter--the master who waves his whip of dominion o'er hundreds of slaves. "nay, ellen, for shame! let those yankee fools spin, who would pass for our slaves with a change of their skin; let them toil as they will at the loom or the wheel too stupid for shame and too vulgar to feel! "but thou art too lovely and precious a gem to be bound to their burdens and sullied by them-- for shame, ellen, shame!--cast thy bondage aside, and away to the south, as my blessing and pride. "o, come where no winter thy footsteps can wrong, but where flowers are blossoming all the year long, where the shade of the palm-tree is over my home, and the lemon and orange are white in their bloom! "o, come to my home, where my servants shall all depart at thy bidding and come at thy call; they shall heed thee as mistress with trembling and awe, and each wish of thy heart shall be felt as a law." o, could ye have seen her--that pride of our girls-- arise and cast back the dark wealth of her curls, with a scorn in her eye which the gazer could feel, and a glance like the sunshine that flashes on steel: "go back, haughty southron! thy treasures of gold are dim with the blood of the hearts thou hast sold! thy home may be lovely, but round it i hear the crack of the whip and the footsteps of fear! "and the sky of thy south may be brighter than ours, and greener thy landscapes, and fairer thy flowers; but, dearer the blast round our mountains which raves, than the sweet sunny zephyr which breathes over slaves! "full low at thy bidding thy negroes may kneel, with the iron of bondage on spirit and heel; yet know that the yankee girl sooner would be in _fetters_ with _them_, than in freedom with _thee!_" from tait's edinburgh magazine. jefferson's daughter. "it is asserted, on the authority of an american newspaper, that the daughter of thomas jefferson, late president of the united states, was sold at new orleans for $ , ."--morning chronicle. can the blood that, at lexington, poured o'er the plain, when the sons warred with tyrants their rights to uphold, can the tide of niagara wipe out the stain? no! jefferson's child has been bartered for gold! do you boast of your freedom? peace, babblers--be still; prate not of the goddess who scarce deigns to hear; have ye power to unbind? are ye wanting in will? must the groans of your bondman still torture the ear? the daughter of jefferson sold for a slave! the child of a freeman for dollars and francs! the roar of applause, when your orators rave, is lost in the sound of her chain, as it clanks. peace, then, ye blasphemers of liberty's name! though red was the blood by your forefathers spilt, still redder your cheeks should be mantled with shame, till the spirit of freedom shall cancel the guilt. but the brand of the slave is the tint of his skin, though his heart may beat loyal and true underneath; while the soul of the tyrant is rotten within, and his white the mere cloak to the blackness of death. are ye deaf to the plaints that each moment arise? is it thus ye forget the mild precepts of penn,-- unheeding the clamor that "maddens the skies," as ye trample the rights of your dark fellow-men? when the incense that glows before liberty's shrine, is unmixed with the blood of the galled and oppressed, o, then, and then only, the boast may be thine, that the stripes and stars wave o'er a land of the blest. the slave-auction--a fact. why stands she near the auction stand, that girl so young and fair; what brings her to this dismal place, why stands she weeping there? why does she raise that bitter cry? why hangs her head with shame, as now the auctioneer's rough voice, so rudely calls her name? but see! she grasps a manly hand, and in a voice so low, as scarcely to be heard, she says, 'my brother, must i go?' a moment's pause: then midst a wail of agonizing woe, his answer falls upon the ear, 'yes, sister, you must go!' 'no longer can my arm defend, no longer can i save my sister from the horrid fate that waits her as a slave!' ah! now i know why she is there, she came there to be sold! that lovely form, that noble mind, must be exchanged for gold! o god! my every heart-string cries, dost thou these scenes behold in this our boasted christian land, and must the truth be told? blush, christian, blush! for e'en the dark untutored heathen see thy inconsistency, and lo! they scorn thy god, and thee! get off the track. air--dan tucker. ho! the car emancipation rides majestic thro' our nation, bearing on its train the story, liberty! a nation's glory. roll it along, thro' the nation, freedom's car, emancipation! first of all the train, and greater, speeds the dauntless liberator, onward cheered amid hosannas, and the waving of free banners. roll it along! spread your banners, while the people shout hosannas. men of various predilections, frightened, run in all directions; merchants, editors, physicians, lawyers, priests, and politicians. get out of the way! every station! clear the track of 'mancipation! let the ministers and churches leave behind sectarian lurches; jump on board the car of freedom, ere it be too late to need them. sound the alarm! pulpits thunder! ere too late you see your blunder! politicians gazed, astounded, when, at first, our bell resounded; _freight trains_ are coming, tell these foxes, with our _votes_ and _ballot boxes_. jump for your lives! politicians, from your dangerous, false positions. all true friends of emancipation, haste to freedom's railroad station; quick into the cars get seated, all is ready and completed. put on the steam! all are crying, and the liberty flags are flying. now again the bell is tolling, soon you'll see the car-wheels rolling; hinder not their destination, chartered for emancipation. wood up the fire! keep it flashing, while the train goes onward dashing. hear the mighty car-wheels humming! now look out! _the engine's coming!_ church and statesmen! hear the thunder! clear the track or you'll fall under. get off the track! all are singing, while the _liberty bell_ is ringing. on, triumphant see them bearing, through sectarian rubbish tearing; the bell and whistle and the steaming, startle thousands from their dreaming. look out for the cars while the bell rings! ere the sound your funeral knell rings. see the people run to meet us; at the depots thousands greet us; all take seats with exultation, in the car emancipation. huzza! huzza!! emancipation soon will bless our happy nation, huzza! huzza! huzza!!! be free, o man, be free. the storm-winds wildly blowing, the bursting billows mock, as with their foam-crests glowing, they dash the sea-girt rock; amid the wild commotion, the revel of the sea, a voice is on the ocean, be free, o man, be free. behold the sea-brine leaping high in the murky air; list to the tempest sweeping in chainless fury there. what moves the mighty torrent, and bids it flow abroad? or turns the rapid current? what, but the voice of god? then, answer, is the spirit less noble or less free? from whom does it inherit the doom of slavery? when man can bind the waters, that they no longer roll, then let him forge the fetters to clog the human soul. till then a voice is stealing from earth and sea and sky, and to the soul revealing its immortality. the swift wind chants the numbers careering o'er the sea, and earth, aroused from slumbers, re-echoes, "man, be free." the fugitive slave to the christian. the fetters galled my weary soul-- a soul that seemed but thrown away; i spurned the tyrant's base control, resolved at last the man to play:-- the hounds are baying on my track; o christian! will you send me back? i felt the stripes, the lash i saw, red, dripping with a father's gore; and worst of all their lawless law, the insults that my mother bore! the hounds are baying on my track, o christian! will you send me back? where human law o'errules divine, beneath the sheriff's hammer fell my wife and babes,--i call them mine,-- and where they suffer, who can tell? the hounds are baying on my track, o christian! will you send me back? i seek a home where man is man, if such there be upon this earth, to draw my kindred, if i can, around its free, though humble hearth. the hounds are baying on my track, o christian! will you send me back? rescue the slave! air--the troubadour. this song was composed while george latimer, the fugitive slave, was confined in leverett street jail, boston, expecting to be carried back to virginia by james b. gray, his claimant. sadly the fugitive weeps in his cell, listen awhile to the story we tell; listen ye gentle ones, listen ye brave, lady fair! lady fair! weep for the slave. praying for liberty, dearer than life, torn from his little one, torn from his wife, flying from slavery, hear him and save, christian men! christian men! help the poor slave. think of his agony, feel for his pain, should his hard master e'er hold him again; spirit of liberty, rise from your grave, make him free, make him free, rescue the slave. freely the slave master goes where he will; freemen, stand ready, his wishes to fulfil, helping the tyrant, or honest or knave, thinking not, caring not, for the poor slave. talk not of liberty, liberty is dead; see the slave master's whip over our head; stooping beneath it, we ask what he craves, boston boys! boston boys! catch me my slaves. freemen, arouse ye, before it's too late; slavery is knocking, at every gate, make good the promise, your early days gave, boston boys! boston boys! rescue the slave. the slave-holder's address to the north star. star of the north! thou art not bigger than is the diamond in my ring; yet, every black, star-gazing nigger looks at thee, as at some great thing! yes, gazes at thee, till the lazy and thankless rascal is half crazy. some abolitionist has told them, that, if they take their flight toward thee, they'll get where "massa" cannot hold them, and therefore to the north they flee. fools to be led off, where they can't earn their living, by thy lying lantern. we will to new england write, and tell them not to let thee shine (excepting of a cloudy night) anywhere south of dixon's line; if beyond that thou shine an inch, we'll have thee up before judge lynch. and when, thou abolition star, who preachest freedom in all weathers, thou hast got on thy coat of tar, and over that, a cloak of feathers, thou art "fixed" none will deny, if there's a fixed star in the sky. song of the coffle gang. this song is said to be sung by slaves, as they are chained in gangs, when parting from friends for the far off south--children taken from parents, husbands from wives, and brothers from sisters. see these poor souls from africa, transported to america: we are stolen, and sold to georgia, will you go along with me? we are stolen and sold to georgia, go sound the jubilee. see wives and husbands sold apart, the children's screams!--it breaks my heart; there's a better day a coming, will you go along with me? there's a better day a coming, go sound the jubilee. o, gracious lord? when shall it be, that we poor souls shall all be free? lord, break them slavery powers--will you go along with me? lord, break them slavery powers, go sound the jubilee. dear lord! dear lord! when slavery'll cease, then we poor souls can have our peace; there's a better day a coming, will you go along with me? there's a better day a coming, go sound the jubilee. zaza--the female slave. o, my country, my country! how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. where the sweet joliba, kisses the shore, say, shall i wander by thee never more? where the sweet joliba kisses the shore, say, shall i wander by thee never more. say, o fond zurima, where dost thou stay? say, doth another list to thy sweet lay? say, doth the orange still bloom near our cot? zurima, zurima, am i forgot? o, my country, my country, how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. under the baobab oft have i slept, fanned by sweet breezes that over me swept. often in dreams do my weary limbs lay 'neath the same baobab, far, far away. o, my country, my country, how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. o, for the breath of our own waving palm, here, as i languish, my spirit to calm-- o, for a draught from our own cooling lake, brought by sweet mother, my spirit to wake. o, my country, my country, how long i for thee, far over the mountain, far over the sea. ye heralds of freedom. ye heralds of freedom, ye noble and brave, who dare to insist on the rights of the slave, go onward, go onward, your cause is of god, and he will soon sever the oppressor's strong rod. the finger of slander may now at you point, that finger will soon lose the strength of its joint; and those who now plead for the rights of the slave, will soon be acknowledged the good and the brave. though thrones and dominions, and kingdoms and powers, may now all oppose you, the victory is yours; the banner of jesus will soon be unfurled, and he will give freedom and peace to the world. go under his standard and fight by his side, o'er mountains and billows you'll then safely ride; his gracious protection will be to you given, and bright crowns of glory he'll give you in heaven. we're coming! we're coming. air--kinloch of kinloch. we're coming, we're coming, the fearless and free, like the winds of the desert, the waves of the sea! true sons of brave sires who battled of yore, when england's proud lion ran wild on our shore! we're coming, we're coming, from mountain and glen, with hearts to do battle for freedom again; oppression is trembling as trembled before the slavery which fled from our fathers of yore. we're coming, we're coming, with banners unfurled, our motto is freedom, our country the world; our watchword is liberty--tyrants beware! for the liberty army will bring you despair! we're coming, we're coming, we'll come from afar, our standard we'll nail to humanity's car; with shoutings we'll raise it, in triumph to wave, a trophy of conquest, or shroud for the brave. then arouse ye, brave hearts, to the rescue come on! the man-stealing army we'll surely put down; they are crushing their millions, but soon they must yield, for _freemen_ have _risen_ and taken the field. then arouse ye! arouse ye! the fearless and free, like the winds of the desert, the waves of the sea; let the north, west, and east, to the sea-beaten shore, _resound_ with a _liberty triumph_ once more. on to victory. air--scots wha hae. children of the glorious dead, who for freedom fought and bled, with her banner o'er you spread, on to victory. not for stern ambition's prize, do our hopes and wishes rise; lo, our leader from the skies, bids us do or die. ours is not the tented field-- we no earthly weapons wield-- light and love, our sword and shield, truth our panoply. this is proud oppression's hour; storms are round us; shall we cower? while beneath a despot's power groans the suffering slave? while on every southern gale, comes the helpless captive's tale, and the voice of woman's wail, and of man's despair? while our homes and rights are dear, guarded still with watchful fear, shall we coldly turn our ear from the suppliant's prayer? never! by our country's shame-- never! by a saviour's claim, to the men of every name, whom he died to save. onward, then, ye fearless band-- heart to heart, and hand to hand; yours shall be the patriot's stand, or the martyr's grave. the man for me. air--the rose that all are praising. o, he is not the man for me, who buys or sells a slave, nor he who will not set him free, but sends him to his grave; but he whose noble heart beats warm for all men's life and liberty; who loves alike each human form, o, that's the man for me. he's not at all the man for me, who sells a man for gain, who bends the pliant servile knee, to slavery's god of shame! but he whose god-like form erect proclaims that all alike are free to think, and speak, and vote, and act, o, that's the man for me. he sure is not the man for me whose spirit will succumb, when men endowed with liberty lie bleeding, bound and dumb; but he whose faithful words of might ring through the land from shore to sea, for man's eternal equal right, o, that's the man for me. no, no, he's not the man for me whose voice o'er hill and plain, breaks forth for glorious liberty, but binds himself, the chain! the mightiest of the noble band who prays and toils the world to free, with head, and heart, and voice, and vote, o, that's the man for me. the bondman. air--troubadour. feebly the bondman toiled, sadly he wept-- then to his wretched cot mournfully crept; how doth his free-born soul pine 'neath his chain! slavery! slavery! dark is thy reign. long ere the break of day, roused from repose, wearily toiling till after its close-- praying for freedom, he spends his last breath: liberty! liberty! give me or death. when, when, o lord! will right triumph o'er wrong? tyrants oppress the weak, o lord! how long? hark! hark! a peal resounds from shore to shore-- tyranny! tyranny! thy reign is o'er. e'en now the morning gleams from the east-- despots are feeling their triumph is past-- strong hearts are answering to freedom's loud call-- liberty! liberty! full and for all. right on. air--lenox. ho! children of the brave, ho! freemen of the land, that hurl'd into the grave oppression's bloody band; come on, come on, and joined be we to make the fettered bondman free. let coward vassals sneak from freedom's battle still, poltroons that dare not speak but as their priests may will; come on, come on, and joined be we to make the fettered bondman free. on parchment, scroll and creed, with human life blood red, untrembling at the deed, plant firm your manly tread; the priest may howl, the jurist rave, but we will free the fettered slave. the tyrant's scorn is vain, in vain the slanderer's breath, we'll rush to break the chain, e'en on the jaws of death; hurrah! hurrah! right on go we, the fettered slave shall yet be free. right on, in freedom's name, and in the strength of god, wipe out the damning stain, and break the oppressor's rod; hurrah! hurrah! right on go we, the fettered slave shall yet be free. fugitive's triumph. go, go, thou that enslav'st me, now, now thy power is o'er; long, long have i obeyed thee, i'm not a slave any more; no, no--oh, no! i'm a _free man_ ever more! thou, thou brought'st me ever, deep, deep sorrow and pain; but i have left thee forever, nor will i serve thee again; no, no--oh, no! no, i'll not serve thee again. tyrant! thou hast bereft me home, friends, pleasures so sweet; now, forever i've left thee, thou and i never shall meet; no, no--oh, no! thou and i never shall meet. joys, joys, bright as the morning, now, now, on me will pour, hope, hope, on me is dawning, _i'm not a slave any more!_ no, no--oh, no, i'm a free man evermore! a song for freedom. air--dandy jim. come all ye bondmen far and near, let's put a song in massa's ear, it is a song for our poor race, who're whipped and trampled with disgrace. chorus. my old massa tells me o this is a land of freedom o; let's look about and see if't is so, just as massa tells me o. he tells us of that glorious one, i think his name was washington, how he did fight for liberty, to save a threepence tax on tea. chorus. my old massa, &c. and then he tells us that there was a constitution, with this clause, that all men equal were created, how often have we heard it stated. chorus. my old massa, &c. but now we look about and see, that we poor blacks are not so free; we 're whipped and thrashed about like fools, and have no chance at common schools. chorus. still, my old massa, &c. they take our wives, insult and mock, and sell our children on the block, then choke us if we say a word, and say that "niggers" shan't be heard. chorus. still, my old massa, &c. our preachers, too, with whip and cord, command obedience in the lord; they say they learn it from the book, but for ourselves we dare not look. chorus. still, my old massa tells me o, this is a _christian_ country o, &c. there is a country far away, friend hopper says 't is canada, and if we reach victoria's shore, he says that we are slaves no more. chorus. now hasten all bondmen, let us go and leave this christian country o; haste to the land of the british queen, where whips for negroes are not seen. now if we go, we must take the night-- we're sure to die if we come in sight-- the blood-hounds will be on our track, and wo to us if they fetch us back. chorus. now haste all bondmen, let us go, and leave this _christian_ country o; god help us to victoria's shore, where we are free and slaves no more. freedom's banner. air--freedom's banner. my country, shall thy honored name, be as a by-word through the world? rouse! for as if to blast thy fame, this keen reproach is at thee hurled; the banner that above thee waves, is floating over three millions slaves. that flag, my country, i had thought, from noble sires was given to thee, by the best blood of patriots bought, to wave alone above the free! yet now, while to the breeze it waves, it floats above three millions slaves, the mighty dead that flag unrolled, they bathed it in the heaven's own blue; they sprinkled stars upon each fold, and gave it as a trust to you; and now that glorious banner waves in shame above three millions slaves. o, by the virtues of our sires, and by the soil on which they trod, and by the trust their name inspires, and by the hope we have in god, arouse, my country, and agree to set thy captive children free. arouse! and let each hill and glen with prayer to the high heavens ring out, till all our land with freeborn men, may join in one triumphant shout, that freedom's banner does not wave its folds above a single slave. your brother is a slave. o weep, ye friends of freedom, weep! shout liberty no more; your harps to mournful measures sweep, till slavery's reign is o'er. o, furl your star-lit thing of light-- that banner should not wave where, vainly pleading for his right, your brother toils--_a slave!_ o pray, ye friends of freedom, pray for those who toil in chains, who lift their fettered hands to day on carolina's plain! god is the hope of the oppressed; his arm is strong to save; pray, then, that freedom's cause be blest, your brother is _a slave!_ o toil, ye friends of freedom, toil! your mission to fulfil,-- that freedom's consecrated soil slaves may no longer till; ay, toil and pray from deep disgrace your native land to save; weep o'er the miseries of your race, _your brother is a slave!_ come join the abolitionists. air--when i can read my title clear. come join the abolitionists, ye young men bold and strong. and with a warm and cheerful zeal, come help the cause along; o that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, o that will be joyful, when slavery is no more, when slavery is no more. 'tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, when slavery is no more. come join the abolitionists, ye men of riper years, and save your wives and children dear, from grief and bitter tears; o that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, o that will be joyful, when slavery is no more, when slavery is no more, 'tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, when slavery is no more. come join the abolitionists, ye dames and maidens fair, and breathe around us in our path affection's hallowed air; o that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, o that will be joyful, when woman cheers us on, when woman cheers us on, to conquests not yet won. 'tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, when woman cheers us on. come join the abolitionists, ye sons and daughters all of this our own america-- come at the friendly call; o that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, o that will be joyful, when all shall proudly say, this, this is freedom's day--oppression flee away! 't is then we'll sing, and offerings bring, when freedom wins the day. there's a good time coming. there's a good time coming boys, a good time coming; there's a good time coming boys, wait a little longer. we may not live to see the day, but earth shall glisten in the ray of the good time coming; cannon balls may aid the truth, but thought's a weapon stronger; we'll win our battle by its aid, wait a little longer. o, there's a good time, &c. there's a good time coming boys, a good time coming; the pen shall supersede the sword, and right, not might shall be the lord, in the good time coming. worth, not birth shall rule mankind, and be acknowledged stronger, the proper impulse has been given, wait a little longer. o, there's a good time, &c. there's a good time coming boys, a good time coming; hateful rivalries of creed, shall not make their martyrs bleed, in the good time coming. religion shall be shorn of pride, and flourish all the stronger; and charity shall trim her lamp, wait a little longer. o, there's a good time, &c. there's a good time coming boys, a good time coming; war in all men's eyes shall be, a monster of iniquity, in the good time coming. nations shall not quarrel then, to prove which is the stronger; nor slaughter men for glory's sake, wait a little longer. o, there's a good time, &c. the bigot fire. written on the occasion of george latimer's imprisonment in levorott street jail, boston. o, kindle not that bigot fire, 't will bring disunion, fear and pain; 't will rouse at last the souther's ire, and burst our starry land in twain. theirs is the high, the noble worth, the very soul of chivalry; rend not our blood-bought land apart, for such a thing as slavery. this is the language of the north, i shame to say it but't is true; and anti-slavery calls it forth, from some proud priests and laymen too. what! bend forsooth to southern rule? what! cringe and crawl to souther's clay, and be the base, the supple tool, of hell-begotten slavery? no! never, while the free air plays o'er our rough hills and sunny fountains, shall proud new england's sons be _free_, and clank their fetters round her mountains. go if ye will and grind in dust, dark afric's poor, degraded child; wring from his sinews gold accursed, and boast your gospel warm and mild. while on our mountain tops the pine in freedom her green branches wave, her sons shall never stoop to bind the galling shackle of the slave. ye dare demand with haughty tone, for us to pander to your shame, to give our brother up alone, to feel the lash and wear the chain. our brother never shall go back, when once he presses our free shore; though souther's power with hell to back, comes thundering at our northern door. no! rather be our starry land, into a thousand fragments riven; upon our own free hills we'll stand, and pour upon the breeze of heaven, a curse so loud, so stern, so deep, shall start ye in your guilty sleep. oft in the chilly night. oft in the chilly night, ere slumber's chain has bound me, when all her silvery light the moon is pouring round me, beneath its ray i kneel and pray that god would give some token that slavery's chains on southern plains, shall all ere long be broken; yes, in the chilly night, though slavery's chain has bound me, kneel i, and feel the might of god's right arm around me. when at the driver's call, in cold or sultry weather, we slaves, both great and small, turn out to toil together, i feel like one from whom the sun of hope has long departed; and morning's light, and weary night, still find me broken hearted; thus, when the chilly breath of night is sighing round me, kneel i, and wish that death in his cold chain had bound me. are ye truly free? air--martyn. men! whose boast it is that ye come of fathers brave and free; if there breathe on earth a slave, are ye truly free and brave? are ye not base slaves indeed, men unworthy to be freed, if ye do not feel the chain, when it works a brother's pain? women! who shall one day bear sons to breathe god's bounteous air, if ye hear without a blush, deeds to make the roused blood rush like red lava through your veins, for your sisters now in chains; answer! are ye fit to be mothers of the brave and free? is true freedom but to break fetters for our own dear sake, and, with leathern hearts forget that we owe mankind a debt? no! true freedom is to share all the chains our brothers wear, and with hand and heart to be earnest to make others free. they are slaves who fear to speak for the fallen and the weak; they are slaves, who will not choose hatred, scoffing, and abuse, rather than, in silence, shrink from the truth they needs must think; they are slaves, who dare not be in the right with _two_ or _three_. emancipation song. air--crambambule. let waiting throngs now lift their voices, as freedom's glorious day draws near, while every gentle tongue rejoices, and each bold heart is filled with cheer; the slave has seen the northern star, he'll soon be free, hurrah, hurrah! though many still are writhing under the cruel whips of "chevaliers," who mothers from their children sunder, and scourge them for their helpless tears-- their safe deliverance is not far! the day draws nigh!--hurrah, hurrah! just ere the dawn the darkness deepest surrounds the earth as with a pall; dry up thy tears, o thou that weepest, that on thy sight the rays may fall! no doubt let now thy bosom mar; send up the shout--hurrah, hurrah! shall we distrust the god of heaven?-- he every doubt and fear will quell; by him the captive's chains are riven-- so let us loud the chorus swell! man shall be free from cruel law,-- man shall be man!--hurrah, hurrah! no more again shall it be granted to southern overseers to rule-- no more will pilgrims' sons be taunted with cringing low in slavery's school. so clear the way for freedom's car-- the free shall rule!--hurrah, hurrah! send up the shout emancipation-- from heaven let the echoes bound-- soon will it bless this franchised nation, come raise again the stirring sound! emancipation near and far-- swell up the shout--hurrah! hurrah! what mean ye? air--ortonville. what mean ye that ye bruise and bind my people, saith the lord, and starve your craving brother's mind, who asks to hear my word? what mean ye that ye make them toil, through long and dreary years, and shed like rain upon your soil their blood and bitter tears? what mean ye, that ye dare to rend the tender mother's heart? brothers from sisters, friend from friend, how dare you bid them part? what mean ye, when god's bounteous hand to you so much has given, that from the slave who tills your land ye keep both earth and heaven? when at the judgment god shall call, where is thy brother? say, what mean ye to the judge of all to answer on that day? light of truth. hark! a voice from heaven proclaiming comfort to the mourning slave: god has heard him long complaining, and extends his arm to save; proud oppression soon shall find a shameful grave. see! the light of truth is breaking full and clear on every hand; and the voice of mercy, speaking, now is heard through all the land; firm and fearless, see the friends of freedom stand! lo! the nation is arousing from its slumbers, long and deep; and the church of god is waking, never, never more to sleep, while a bondman in his chains remains to weep. long, too long, have we been dreaming o'er our country's sin and shame: let us now, the time redeeming, press the helpless captive's claim, till, exulting, he shall cast aside his chain. the flying slave. air--to greece we give our shining blades. the night is dark, and keen the air, and the slave is flying to be free; his parting word is one short prayer; o god, but give me liberty! farewell--farewell; behind i leave the whips and chains, before me spreads sweet freedom's plains. one star shines in the heavens above, that guides him on his lonely way;-- star of the north--how deep his love for thee, thou star of liberty! farewell--farewell; behind he leaves the whips and chains, before him spreads sweet freedom's plains. index. am i not a man and brother? a.c.l. o, pity the slave mother. words from liberator the blind slave boy. mrs. bailey ye sons of freemen. mrs. j.g. carter freedom's star. harris liberty ball. clarke emancipation hymn. over the mountain. j. hutchinson jr. jubilee song. spirit of freemen, wake. slave's lamentation. parody tucker flight of the bondman. smith sweets of liberty. ye spirits of the free. colonization song. a slaveholder i am an abolitionist. garrison the bereaved mother. j. hutchinson the chase. douglass' north star fling out the anti slavery flag. the yankee girl. whittier jefferson's daughter. the auction. get off the track. j. hutchinson jr. be free, o man, be free. m.h. maxwell fugitive slave to the christian. e. wright jr. rescue the slave. latimer journal slave-holder to the north star. pierpont the coffle gang. a slave zaza, the female slave. miss ball we're coming. on to victory. the man for me. parody tucker the bondman. words from liberator right on. a christian fugitive's triumph. freedom's banner. r.c. wateson good time coming. j. hutchinson jr. a song for freedom. your brother is a slave. d.h. jaques come join the abolitionists. the bigot fire. john ramsdale oft in the chilly night. pierpont are ye truly free? j.r. lowell emancipation song. bangor gazette what mean ye? light of truth. oliver johnson flying slave. bangor gazette ye heralds of freedom. the works of john greenleaf whittier, volume vii. (of vii) the conflict with slavery, politics and reform, the inner life and criticism by john greenleaf whittier contents: the conflict with slavery justice and expediency the abolitionists; their sentiments and objects letter to samuel e. sewall john quincy adams the bible and slavery what is slavery democrat and slavery the two processions a chapter of history thomas carlyle on the slave question formation of the american anti-slavery society the lesson and our duty charles sumner and the state department the presidential election of the censure of sumner the anti-slavery convention of kansas william lloyd garrison anti-slavery anniversary response to the celebration of my eightieth birthday reform and politics. utopian schemes and political theorists peculiar institutions of massachusetts lord ashley and the thieves woman suffrage italian unity indian civilization reading for the blind the indian question the republican party our dumb relations international arbitration suffrage for women the inner life. the agency of evil hamlet among the graves swedenborg the better land dora greenwell the society of friends john woolman's journal the old way haverford college criticism. evangeline mirth and medicine fame and glory fanaticism the poetry of the north the conflict with slavery justice and expediency or, slavery considered with a view to its rightful and effectual remedy, abolition. ( .) "there is a law above all the enactments of human codes, the same throughout the world, the same in all time,--such as it was before the daring genius of columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the sources of wealth and power and knowledge, to another all unutterable woes; such as it is at this day: it is the law written by the finger of god upon the heart of man; and by that law, unchangeable and eternal while men despise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty fantasy that man can hold property in man." --lord brougham. it may be inquired of me why i seek to agitate the subject of slavery in new england, where we all acknowledge it to be an evil. because such an acknowledgment is not enough on our part. it is doing no more than the slave-master and the slave-trader. "we have found," says james monroe, in his speech on the subject before the virginia convention, "that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of the union; and has been prejudicial to all the states in which it has existed." all the states in their several constitutions and declarations of rights have made a similar statement. and what has been the consequence of this general belief in the evil of human servitude? has it sapped the foundations of the infamous system? no. has it decreased the number of its victims? quite the contrary. unaccompanied by philanthropic action, it has been in a moral point of view worthless, a thing without vitality, sightless, soulless, dead. but it may be said that the miserable victims of the system have our sympathies. sympathy the sympathy of the priest and the levite, looking on, and acknowledging, but holding itself aloof from mortal suffering. can such hollow sympathy reach the broken of heart, and does the blessing of those who are ready to perish answer it? does it hold back the lash from the slave, or sweeten his bitter bread? one's heart and soul are becoming weary of this sympathy, this heartless mockery of feeling; sick of the common cant of hypocrisy, wreathing the artificial flowers of sentiment over unutterable pollution and unimaginable wrong. it is white-washing the sepulchre to make us forget its horrible deposit. it is scattering flowers around the charnel-house and over the yet festering grave to turn away our thoughts "from the dead men's bones and all uncleanness," the pollution and loathsomeness below. no! let the truth on this subject, undisguised, naked, terrible as it is, stand out before us. let us no longer seek to cover it; let us no longer strive to forget it; let us no more dare to palliate it. it is better to meet it here with repentance than at the bar of god. the cry of the oppressed, of the millions who have perished among us as the brute perisheth, shut out from the glad tidings of salvation, has gone there before us, to him who as a father pitieth all his children. their blood is upon us as a nation; woe unto us, if we repent not, as a nation, in dust and ashes. woe unto us if we say in our hearts, "the lord shall not see, neither shall the god of jacob regard it. he that planted the ear, shall he not hear? he who formed the eye, shall he not see?" but it may be urged that new england has no participation in slavery, and is not responsible for its wickedness. why are we thus willing to believe a lie? new england not responsible! bound by the united states constitution to protect the slave-holder in his sins, and yet not responsible! joining hands with crime, covenanting with oppression, leaguing with pollution, and yet not responsible! palliating the evil, hiding the evil, voting for the evil, do we not participate in it? (messrs. harvey of new hampshire, mallary of vermont, and ripley of maine, voted in the congress of against the consideration of a resolution for inquiring into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia.) members of one confederacy, children of one family, the curse and the shame, the sin against our brother, and the sin against our god, all the iniquity of slavery which is revealed to man, and all which crieth in the ear, or is manifested to the eye of jehovah, will assuredly be visited upon all our people. why, then, should we stretch out our hands towards our southern brethren, and like the pharisee thank god we are not like them? for so long as we practically recognize the infernal principle that "man can hold property in man," god will not hold us guiltless. so long as we take counsel of the world's policy instead of the justice of heaven, so long as we follow a mistaken political expediency in opposition to the express commands of god, so long will the wrongs of the slaves rise like a cloud of witnesses against us at the inevitable bar. slavery is protected by the constitutional compact, by the standing army, by the militia of the free states. (j. q. adams is the only member of congress who has ventured to speak plainly of this protection. see also his very able report from the minority of the committee on manufactures. in his speech during the last session, upon the bill of the committee of ways and means, after discussing the constitutional protection of slavery, he says: "but that same interest is further protected by the laws of the united states. it was protected by the existence of a standing army. if the states of this union were all free republican states, and none of them possessed any of the machinery of which he had spoken, and if another portion of the union were not exposed to another danger, from their vicinity to the tribes of indian savages, he believed it would be difficult to prove to the house any such thing as the necessity of a standing army. what in fact was the occupation of the army? it had been protecting this very same interest. it had been doing so ever since the army existed. of what use to the district of plymouth (which he there represented) was the standing army of the united states? of not one dollar's use, and never had been.") let us not forget that should the slaves, goaded by wrongs unendurable, rise in desperation, and pour the torrent of their brutal revenge over the beautiful carolinas, or the consecrated soil of virginia, new england would be called upon to arrest the progress of rebellion,--to tread out with the armed heel of her soldiery that spirit of freedom, which knows no distinction of cast or color; which has been kindled in the heart of the black as well as in that of the white. and what is this system which we are thus protecting and upholding? a system which holds two millions of god's creatures in bondage, which leaves one million females without any protection save their own feeble strength, and which makes even the exercise of that strength in resistance to outrage punishable with death! which considers rational, immortal beings as articles of traffic, vendible commodities, merchantable property,--which recognizes no social obligations, no natural relations,--which tears without scruple the infant from the mother, the wife from the husband, the parent from the child. in the strong but just language of another: "it is the full measure of pure, unmixed, unsophisticated wickedness; and scorning all competition or comparison, it stands without a rival in the secure, undisputed possession of its detestable preeminence." so fearful an evil should have its remedies. the following are among the many which have been from time to time proposed:-- . placing the slaves in the condition of the serfs of poland and russia, fixed to the soil, and without the right on the part of the master to sell or remove them. this was intended as a preliminary to complete emancipation at some remote period, but it is impossible to perceive either its justice or expediency. . gradual abolition, an indefinite term, but which is understood to imply the draining away drop by drop, of the great ocean of wrong; plucking off at long intervals some, straggling branches of the moral upas; holding out to unborn generations the shadow of a hope which the present may never feel gradually ceasing to do evil; gradually refraining from robbery, lust, and murder: in brief, obeying a short-sighted and criminal policy rather than the commands of god. . abstinence on the part of the people of the free states from the use of the known products of slave labor, in order to render that labor profitless. beyond a doubt the example of conscientious individuals may have a salutary effect upon the minds of some of the slave-holders; i but so long as our confederacy exists, a commercial intercourse with slave states and a consumption of their products cannot be avoided. (the following is a recorded statement of the venerated sir william jones: "let sugar be as cheap as it may, it is better to eat none, better to eat aloes and colloquintida, than violate a primary law impressed on every heart not imbruted with avarice; than rob one human creature of those eternal rights of which no law on earth can justly deprive him.") . colonization. the exclusive object of the american colonization society, according to the second article of its constitution, is to colonize the free people of color residing among us, in africa or such other place as congress may direct. steadily adhering to this object it has nothing to do with slavery; and i allude to it as a remedy only because some of its friends have in view an eventual abolition or an amelioration of the evil. let facts speak. the colonization society was organized in . it has two hundred and eighteen auxiliary societies. the legislatures of fourteen states have recommended it. contributions have poured into its treasury from every quarter of the united states. addresses in its favor have been heard from all our pulpits. it has been in operation sixteen years. during this period nearly one million human beings have died in slavery: and the number of slaves has increased more than half a million, or in round numbers, , the colonization society has been busily engaged all this while in conveying the slaves to africa; in other words, abolishing slavery. in this very charitable occupation it has carried away of manumitted slaves balance against the society . . . . , ! but enough of its abolition tendency. what has it done for amelioration? witness the newly enacted laws of some of the slave states, laws bloody as the code of draco, violating the laws of cod and the unalienable rights of his children?--(it will be seen that the society approves of these laws.)--but why talk of amelioration? amelioration of what? of sin, of crime unutterable, of a system of wrong and outrage horrible in the eye of god why seek to mark the line of a selfish policy, a carnal expediency between the criminality of hell and that repentance and its fruits enjoined of heaven? for the principles and views of the society we must look to its own statements and admissions; to its annual reports; to those of its auxiliaries; to the speeches and writings of its advocates; and to its organ, the african repository. . it excuses slavery and apologizes for slaveholders. proof. "slavery is an evil entailed upon the present generation of slave-holders, which they must suffer, whether they will or not!" "the existence of slavery among us, though not at all to be objected to our southern brethren as a fault," etc? "it (the society) condemns no man because he is a slave-holder." "recognizing the constitutional and legitimate existence of slavery, it seeks not to interfere, either directly or indirectly, with the rights it creates. acknowledging the necessity by which its present continuance and the rigorous provisions for its maintenance are justified," etc. "they (the abolitionists) confound the misfortunes of one generation with the crimes of another, and would sacrifice both individual and public good to an unsubstantial theory of the rights of man." . it pledges itself not to oppose the system of slavery. proof. "our society and the friends of colonization wish to be distinctly understood upon this point. from the beginning they have disavowed, and they do yet disavow, that their object is the emancipation of slaves."--(speech of james s. green, esq., first annual report of the new jersey colonization society.) "this institution proposes to do good by a single specific course of measures. its direct and specific purpose is not the abolition of slavery, or the relief of pauperism, or the extension of commerce and civilization, or the enlargement of science, or the conversion of the heathen. the single object which its constitution prescribes, and to which all its efforts are necessarily directed, is african colonization from america. it proposes only to afford facilities for the voluntary emigration of free people of color from this country to the country of their fathers." "it is no abolition society; it addresses as yet arguments to no master, and disavows with horror the idea of offering temptations to any slave. it denies the design of attempting emancipation, either partial or general." "the colonization society, as such, have renounced wholly the name and the characteristics of abolitionists. on this point they have been unjustly and injuriously slandered. into their accounts the subject of emancipation does not enter at all." "from its origin, and throughout the whole period of its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all intention of interfering, in the smallest degree, with the rights of property, or the object of emancipation, gradual or immediate." . . . "the society presents to the american public no project of emancipation."--( mr. clay's speech, idem, vol. vi. pp. , .) "the emancipation of slaves or the amelioration of their condition, with the moral, intellectual, and political improvement of people of color within the united states, are subjects foreign to the powers of this society." "the society, as a society, recognizes no principles in reference to the slave system. it says nothing, and proposes to do nothing, respecting it." . . . "so far as we can ascertain, the supporters of the colonization policy generally believe that slavery is in this country a constitptional and legitimate system, which they have no inclination, interest, nor ability to disturb." . it regards god's rational creatures as property. proof. "we hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, sacred." "it is equally plain and undeniable that the society, in the prosecution of this work, has never interfered or evinced even a disposition to interfere in any way with the rights of proprietors of slaves." "to the slave-holder, who has charged upon them the wicked design of interfering with the rights of property under the specious pretext of removing a vicious and dangerous free population, they address themselves in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. we know your rights, say they, and we respect them." . it boasts that its measures are calculated to perpetuate the detested system of slavery, to remove the fears of the slave-holder, and increase the value of his stock of human beings. proof. "they (the southern slave-holders) will contribute more effectually to the continuance and strength of this system (slavery) by removing those now free than by any or all other methods which can possibly be devised." "so far from being connected with the abolition of slavery, the measure proposed would be one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession his own property."--(speech of john randolph at the first meeting of the colonization society.) "the tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is to secure slave- holders, and the whole southern country, against certain evil consequences growing out of the present threefold mixture of our population." "there was but one way (to avert danger), but that might be made effectual, fortunately. it was to provide and keep open a drain for the excess beyond the occasions of profitable employment. mr. archer had been stating the case in the supposition, that after the present class of free blacks had been exhausted, by the operation of the plan he was recommending, others would be supplied for its action, in the proportion of the excess of colored population it would be necessary to throw off, by the process of voluntary manumission or sale. this effect must result inevitably from the depreciating value of the slaves, ensuing their disproportionate multiplication. the depreciation would be relieved and retarded at the same time by the process. the two operations would aid reciprocally, and sustain each other, and both be in the highest degree beneficial. it was on the ground of interest, therefore, the most indisputable pecuniary interest, that he addressed himself to the people and legislatures of the slave-holding states." "the slave-holder, who is in danger of having his slaves contaminated by their free friends of color, will not only be relieved from this danger, but the value of his slave will be enhanced." . it denies the power of christian love to overcome an unholy prejudice against a portion of our fellow-creatures. proof. "the managers consider it clear that causes exist and are operating to prevent their (the blacks) improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power. christianity will not do for them here what it will do for them in africa. this is not the fault of the colored man, nor christianity; but an ordination of providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature!"--(last annual report of the american colonization society.) "the habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society--prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion itself, can subdue--mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable. the african in this country belongs by birth to the very lowest station in society, and from that station he can never rise, be his talents, his enterprise, his virtues what they may. . . . they constitute a class by themselves, a class out of which no individual can be elevated, and below which none can be depressed." "is it not wise, then, for the free people of color and their friends to admit, what cannot reasonably be doubted, that the people of color must, in this country, remain for ages, probably forever, a separate and inferior caste, weighed down by causes, powerful, universal, inevitable; which neither legislation nor christianity can remove?" . it opposes strenuously the education of the blacks in this country as useless as well as dangerous. proof. "if the free colored people were generally taught to read it might be an inducement to them to remain in this country (that is, in their native country). we would offer then no such inducement."-- (southern religious telegraph, february , .) "the public safety of our brethren at the south requires them (the slaves) to be kept ignorant and uninstructed." "it is the business of the free (their safety requires it) to keep the slaves in ignorance. but a few days ago a proposition was made in the legislature of georgia to allow them so much instruction as to enable them to read the bible; which was promptly rejected by a large majority."--(proceedings of new york state colonization society at its second anniversary.) e. b. caldwell, the first secretary of the american colonization society, in his speech at its formation, recommended them to be kept "in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation, for (says he) the nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy." my limits will not admit of a more extended examination. to the documents from whence the above extracts have been made i would call the attention of every real friend of humanity. i seek to do the colonization society no injustice, but i wish the public generally to understand its character. the tendency of the society to abolish the slave-trade by means of its african colony has been strenuously urged by its friends. but the fallacy of this is now admitted by all: witness the following from the reports of the society itself:-- "some appalling facts in regard to the slave-trade have come to the knowledge of the board of managers during the last year. with undiminished atrocity and activity is this odious traffic now carried on all along the african coast. slave factories are established in the immediate vicinity of the colony; and at the gallinas (between liberia and sierra leone) not less than nine hundred slaves were shipped during the last summer, in the space of three weeks." april , , the house of commons of england ordered the printing of a document entitled "slave-trade, sierra leone," containing official evidence of the fact that the pirates engaged in the african slave-trade are supplied from the stores of sierra leone and liberia with such articles as the infernal traffic demands! an able english writer on the subject of colonization thus notices this astounding fact:-- "and here it may be well to observe, that as long as negro slavery lasts, all colonies on the african coast, of whatever description, must tend to support it, because, in all commerce, the supply is more or less proportioned to the demand. the demand exists in negro slavery; the supply arises from the african slave-trade. and what greater convenience could the african slave-traders desire than shops well stored along the coast with the very articles which their trade demands. that the african slave-traders do get thus supplied at sierra leone and liberia is matter of official evidence; and we know, from the nature of human things, that they will get so supplied, in defiance of all law or precaution, as long as the demand calls for the supply, and there are free shops stored with all they want at hand. the shopkeeper, however honest, would find it impossible always to distinguish between the african slave-trader or his agents and other dealers. and how many shopkeepers are there anywhere that would be over scrupulous in questioning a customer with a full purse?" but we are told that the colonization society is to civilize and evangelize africa. "each emigrant," says henry clay, the ablest advocate which the society has yet found, "is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the holy cause of civilization, religion, and free institutions." beautiful and heart-cheering idea! but stay who are these emigrants, these missionaries? the free people of color. "they, and they only," says the african repository, the society's organ, "are qualified for colonizing africa." what are their qualifications? let the society answer in its own words:-- free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves."-- (african repository, vol. ii. p. .) "a horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion-- subsisting by plunder." "an anomalous race of beings the most debased upon earth."--(african repository, vol. vii. p. .) "of all classes of our population the most vicious is that of the free colored."--(tenth annual report of the colonization society.) i might go on to quote still further from the "credentials" which the free people of color are to carry with them to liberia. but i forbear. i come now to the only practicable, the only just scheme of emancipation: immediate abolition of slavery; an immediate acknowledgment of the great truth, that man cannot hold property in man; an immediate surrender of baneful prejudice to christian love; an immediate practical obedience to the command of jesus christ: "whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." a correct understanding of what is meant by immediate abolition must convince every candid mind that it is neither visionary nor dangerous; that it involves no disastrous consequences of bloodshed and desolation; but, on the, contrary, that it is a safe, practicable, efficient remedy for the evils of the slave system. the term immediate is used in contrast with that of gradual. earnestly as i wish it, i do not expect, no one expects, that the tremendous system of oppression can be instantaneously overthrown. the terrible and unrebukable indignation of a free people has not yet been sufficiently concentrated against it. the friends of abolition have not forgotten the peculiar organization of our confederacy, the delicate division of power between the states and the general government. they see the many obstacles in their pathway; but they know that public opinion can overcome them all. they ask no aid of physical coercion. they seek to obtain their object not with the weapons of violence and blood, but with those of reason and truth, prayer to god, and entreaty to man. they seek to impress indelibly upon every human heart the true doctrines of the rights of man; to establish now and forever this great and fundamental truth of human liberty, that man cannot hold property in his brother; for they believe that the general admission of this truth will utterly destroy the system of slavery, based as that system is upon a denial or disregard of it. to make use of the clear exposition of an eminent advocate of immediate abolition, our plan of emancipation is simply this: "to promulgate the true doctrine of human rights in high places and low places, and all places where there are human beings; to whisper it in chimney corners, and to proclaim it from the house-tops, yea, from the mountain-tops; to pour it out like water from the pulpit and the press; to raise it up with all the food of the inner man, from infancy to gray hairs; to give 'line upon line, and precept upon precept,' till it forms one of the foundation principles and parts indestructible of the public soul. let those who contemn this plan renounce, if they have not done it already, the gospel plan of converting the world; let them renounce every plan of moral reformation, and every plan whatsoever, which does not terminate in the gratification of their own animal natures." the friends of emancipation would urge in the first instance an immediate abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, and in the territories of florida and arkansas. the number of slaves in these portions of the country, coming under the direct jurisdiction of the general government, is as follows:-- district of columbia ..... , territory of arkansas .... , territory of florida .... , total , here, then, are twenty-six thousand human beings, fashioned in the image of god, the fitted temples of his holy spirit, held by the government in the abhorrent chains of slavery. the power to emancipate them is clear. it is indisputable. it does not depend upon the twenty-five slave votes in congress. it lies with the free states. their duty is before them: in the fear of god, and not of man let them perform it. let them at once strike off the grievous fetters. let them declare that man shall no longer hold his fellow-man in bondage, a beast of burden, an article of traffic, within the governmental domain. god and truth and eternal justice demand this. the very reputation of our fathers, the honor of our land, every principle of liberty, humanity, expediency, demand it. a sacred regard to free principles originated our independence, not the paltry amount of practical evil complained of. and although our fathers left their great work unfinished, it is our duty to follow out their principles. short of liberty and equality we cannot stop without doing injustice to their memories. if our fathers intended that slavery should be perpetual, that our practice should forever give the lie to our professions, why is the great constitutional compact so guardedly silent on the subject of human servitude? if state necessity demanded this perpetual violation of the laws of god and the rights of man, this continual solecism in a government of freedom, why is it not met as a necessity, incurable and inevitable, and formally and distinctly recognized as a settled part of our social system? state necessity, that imperial tyrant, seeks no disguise. in the language of sheridan, "what he does, he dares avow, and avowing, scorns any other justification than the great motives which placed the iron sceptre in his grasp." can it be possible that our fathers felt this state necessity strong upon them? no; for they left open the door for emancipation, they left us the light of their pure principles of liberty, they framed the great charter of american rights, without employing a term in its structure to which in aftertimes of universal freedom the enemies of our country could point with accusation or reproach. what, then, is our duty? to give effect to the spirit of our constitution; to plant ourselves upon the great declaration and declare in the face of all the world that political, religious, and legal hypocrisy shall no longer cover as with loathsome leprosy the features of american freedom; to loose at once the bands of wickedness; to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free. we have indeed been authoritatively told in congress and elsewhere that our brethren of the south and west will brook no further agitation of the subject of slavery. what then! shall we heed the unrighteous prohibition? no; by our duty as christians, as politicians, by our duty to ourselves, to our neighbor, and to god, we are called upon to agitate this subject; to give slavery no resting-place under the hallowed aegis of a government of freedom; to tear it root and branch, with all its fruits of abomination, at least from the soil of the national domain. the slave-holder may mock us; the representatives of property, merchandise, vendible commodities, may threaten us; still our duty is imperative; the spirit of the constitution should be maintained within the exclusive jurisdiction of the government. if we cannot "provide for the general welfare," if we cannot "guarantee to each of the states a republican form of government," let us at least no longer legislate for a free nation within view of the falling whip, and within hearing of the execrations of the task-master and the prayer of his slave! i deny the right of the slave-holder to impose silence on his brother of the north in reference to slavery. what! compelled to maintain the system, to keep up the standing army which protects it, and yet be denied the poor privilege of remonstrance! ready, at the summons of the master to put down the insurrections of his slaves, the outbreaking of that revenge which is now, and has been, in all nations, and all times, the inevitable consequence of oppression and wrong, and yet like automata to act but not speak! are we to be denied even the right of a slave, the right to murmur? i am not unaware that my remarks may be regarded by many as dangerous and exceptionable; that i may be regarded as a fanatic for quoting the language of eternal truth, and denounced as an incendiary for maintaining, in the spirit as well as the letter, the doctrines of american independence. but if such are the consequences of a simple performance of duty, i shall not regard them. if my feeble appeal but reaches the hearts of any who are now slumbering in iniquity; if it shall have power given it to shake down one stone from that foul temple where the blood of human victims is offered to the moloch of slavery; if under providence it can break one fetter from off the image of god, and enable one suffering african "to feel the weight of human misery less, and glide ungroaning to the tomb," i shall not have written in vain; my conscience will be satisfied. far be it from me to cast new bitterness into the gall and wormwood waters of sectional prejudice. no; i desire peace, the peace of universal love, of catholic sympathy, the peace of a common interest, a common feeling, a common humanity. but so long as slavery is tolerated, no such peace can exist. liberty and slavery cannot dwell in harmony together. there will be a perpetual "war in the members" of the political mezentius between the living and the dead. god and man have placed between them an everlasting barrier, an eternal separation. no matter under what name or law or compact their union is attempted, the ordination of providence has forbidden it, and it cannot stand. peace! there can be no peace between justice and oppression, between robbery and righteousness, truth and falsehood, freedom and slavery. the slave-holding states are not free. the name of liberty is there, but the spirit is wanting. they do not partake of its invaluable blessings. wherever slavery exists to any considerable extent, with the exception of some recently settled portions of the country, and which have not yet felt in a great degree the baneful and deteriorating influences of slave labor, we hear at this moment the cry of suffering. we are told of grass-grown streets, of crumbling mansions, of beggared planters and barren plantations, of fear from without, of terror within. the once fertile fields are wasted and tenantless, for the curse of slavery, the improvidence of that labor whose hire has been kept back by fraud, has been there, poisoning the very earth beyond the reviving influence of the early and the latter rain. a moral mildew mingles with and blasts the economy of nature. it is as if the finger of the everlasting god had written upon the soil of the slave-holder the language of his displeasure. let, then, the slave-holding states consult their present interest by beginning without delay the work of emancipation. if they fear not, and mock at the fiery indignation of him, to whom vengeance belongeth, let temporal interest persuade them. they know, they must know, that the present state of things cannot long continue. mind is the same everywhere, no matter what may be the complexion of the frame which it animates: there is a love of liberty which the scourge cannot eradicate, a hatred of oppression which centuries of degradation cannot extinguish. the slave will become conscious sooner or later of his brute strength, his physical superiority, and will exert it. his torch will be at the threshold and his knife at the throat of the planter. horrible and indiscriminate will be his vengeance. where, then, will be the pride, the beauty, and the chivalry of the south? the smoke of her torment will rise upward like a thick cloud visible over the whole earth. "belie the negro's powers: in headlong will, christian, thy brother thou shalt find him still. belie his virtues: since his wrongs began, his follies and his crimes have stamped him man." let the cause of insurrection be removed, then, as speedily as possible. cease to oppress. "let him that stole steal no more." let the laborer have his hire. bind him no longer by the cords of slavery, but with those of kindness and brotherly love. watch over him for his good. pray for him; instruct him; pour light into the darkness of his mind. let this be done, and the horrible fears which now haunt the slumbers of the slave-holder will depart. conscience will take down its racks and gibbets, and his soul will be at peace. his lands will no longer disappoint his hopes. free labor will renovate them. historical facts; the nature of the human mind; the demonstrated truths of political economy; the analysis of cause and effect, all concur in establishing: . that immediate abolition is a safe and just and peaceful remedy for the evils of the slave system. . that free labor, its necessary consequence, is more productive, and more advantageous to the planter than slave labor. in proof of the first proposition it is only necessary to state the undeniable fact that immediate emancipation, whether by an individual or a community, has in no instance been attended with violence and disorder on the part of the emancipated; but that on the contrary it has promoted cheerfulness, industry, and laudable ambition in the place of sullen discontent, indolence, and despair. the case of st. domingo is in point. blood was indeed shed on that island like water, but it was not in consequence of emancipation. it was shed in the civil war which preceded it, and in the iniquitous attempt to restore the slave system in . it flowed on the sanguine altar of slavery, not on the pure and peaceful one of emancipation. no; there, as in all the world and in all time, the violence of oppression engendered violence on the part of the oppressed, and vengeance followed only upon the iron footsteps of wrong. when, where, did justice to the injured waken their hate and vengeance? when, where, did love and kindness and sympathy irritate and madden the persecuted, the broken-hearted, the foully wronged? in september, , the commissioner of the french national convention issued his proclamation giving immediate freedom to all the slaves of st. domingo. did the slaves baptize their freedom in blood? did they fight like unchained desperadoes because they had been made free? did they murder their emancipators? no; they acted, as human beings must act, under similar circumstances, by a law as irresistible as those of the universe: kindness disarmed them, justice conciliated them, freedom ennobled them. no tumult followed this wide and instantaneous emancipation. it cost not one drop of blood; it abated not one tittle of the wealth or the industry of the island. colonel malenfant, a slave proprietor residing at the time on the island, states that after the public act of abolition, the negroes remained perfectly quiet; they had obtained all they asked for, liberty, and they continued to work upon all the plantations.--(malenfant in memoirs for a history of st. domingo by general lecroix, .) "there were estates," he says, "which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors where there were any, even inferior, agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of provisions; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided the blacks continued to labor as quietly as before." colonel malenfant says that when many of his neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison, the negroes of their plantations came to him to beg him to direct them in their work. "if you will take care not to talk to them of the restoration of slavery, but talk to them of freedom, you may with this word chain them down to their labor. how did toussaint succeed? how did i succeed before his time in the plain of the cul-de-sac on the plantation of gouraud, during more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the slaves? let those who knew me at that time, let the blacks themselves be asked. they will all reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work; and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. i inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which i had the management. if all the negroes had come from africa within six months, if they had the love of independence that the indians have, i should own that force must be employed; but ninety-nine out of a hundred of the blacks are aware that without labor they cannot procure the things that are necessary for them; that there is no other method of satisfying their wants and their tastes. they know that they must work, they wish to do so, and they will do so." this is strong testimony. in , three years after the act of emancipation, we are told that the colony was flourishing under toussaint, that the whites lived happily and peaceably on their estates, and the blacks continued to work for them. up to the same happy state of things continued. the colony went on as by enchantment; cultivation made day by day a perceptible progress, under the recuperative energies of free labor. in general vincent, a proprietor of estates in the island, was sent by toussaint to paris for the purpose of laying before the directory the new constitution which had been adopted at st. domingo. he reached france just after the peace of amiens, when napoleon was fitting out his ill-starred armament for the insane purpose of restoring slavery in the island. general vincent remonstrated solemnly and earnestly against an expedition so preposterous, so cruel and unnecessary; undertaken at a moment when all was peace and quietness in the colony, when the proprietors were in peaceful possession of their estates, when cultivation was making a rapid progress, and the blacks were industrious and happy beyond example. he begged that this beautiful state of things might not be reversed. the remonstrance was not regarded, and the expedition proceeded. its issue is well known. threatened once more with the horrors of slavery, the peaceful and quiet laborer became transformed into a demon of ferocity. the plough-share and the pruning- hook gave way to the pike and the dagger. the white invaders were driven back by the sword and the pestilence; and then, and not till then, was the property of the planters seized upon by the excited and infuriated blacks. in dessalines was proclaimed emperor of hayti. the black troops were in a great measure disbanded, and they immediately returned to the cultivation of the plantations. from that period up to the present there has been no want of industry among the inhabitants. mr. harvey, who during the reign of christophe resided at cape francois, in describing the character and condition of the inhabitants, says "it was an interesting sight to behold this class of the haytiens, now in possession of their freedom, coming in groups to the market nearest which they resided, bringing the produce of their industry there for sale; and afterwards returning, carrying back the necessary articles of living which the disposal of their commodities had enabled them to purchase; all evidently cheerful and happy. nor could it fail to occur to the mind that their present condition furnished the most satisfactory answer to that objection to the general emancipation of slaves founded on their alleged unfitness to value and improve the benefits of liberty. . . . as they would not suffer, so they do not require, the attendance of one acting in the capacity of a driver with the instrument of punishment in his hand. as far as i had an opportunity of ascertaining from what fell under my own observation, and from what i gathered from other european residents, i am persuaded of one general fact, which on account of its importance i shall state in the most explicit terms, namely, that the haytiens employed in cultivating the plantations, as well as the rest of the population, perform as much work in a given time as they were accustomed to do during their subjection to the french. and if we may judge of their future improvement by the change which has been already effected, it may be reasonably anticipated that hayti will erelong contain a population not inferior in their industry to that of any civilized nation in the world. . . . every man had some calling to occupy his attention; instances of idleness or intemperance were of rare occurrence; the most perfect subordination prevailed, and all appeared contented and happy. a foreigner would have found it difficult to persuade himself, on his first entering the place, that the people he now beheld so submissive, industrious, and contented, were the same people who a few years before had escaped from the shackles of slavery." the present condition of hayti may be judged of from the following well- authenticated facts its population is more than , , its resources ample, its prosperity and happiness general, its crimes few, its labor crowned with abundance, with no paupers save the decrepit and aged, its people hospitable, respectful, orderly, and contented. the manumitted slaves, who to the number of two thousand were settled in nova scotia by the british government at the close of the revolutionary war, "led a harmless life, and gained the character of an honest, industrious people from their white neighbors." of the free laborers of trinidad we have the same report. at the cape of good hope, three thousand negroes received their freedom, and with scarce a single exception betook themselves to laborious employments. but we have yet stronger evidence. the total abolishment of slavery in the southern republics has proved beyond dispute the safety and utility of immediate abolition. the departed bolivar indeed deserves his glorious title of liberator, for he began his career of freedom by striking off the fetters of his own slaves, seven hundred in number. in an official letter from the mexican envoy of the british government, dated mexico, march, , and addressed 'to the right hon. george canning, the superiority of free over slave labor is clearly demonstrated by the following facts:-- . it is now carried on exclusively by the labor of free blacks. . it was formerly wholly sustained by the forced labor of slaves, purchased at vera cruz at $ to $ each. . abolition in this section was effected not by governmental interference, not even from motives of humanity, but from an irresistible conviction on the part of the planters that their pecuniary interest demanded it. . the result has proved the entire correctness of this conviction; and the planters would now be as unwilling as the blacks themselves to return to the old system. let our southern brethren imitate this example. it is in vain, in the face of facts like these, to talk of the necessity of maintaining the abominable system, operating as it does like a double curse upon planters and slaves. heaven and earth deny its necessity. it is as necessary as other robberies, and no more. yes, putting aside altogether the righteous law of the living god--the same yesterday, to-day, and forever--and shutting out the clearest political truths ever taught by man, still, in human policy selfish expediency would demand of the planter the immediate emancipation of his slaves. because slave labor is the labor of mere machines; a mechanical impulse of body and limb, with which the mind of the laborer has no sympathy, and from which it constantly and loathingly revolts. because slave labor deprives the master altogether of the incalculable benefit of the negro's will. that does not cooperate with the forced toil of the body. this is but the necessary consequence of all labor which does not benefit the laborer. it is a just remark of that profound political economist, adam smith, that "a slave can have no other interest than to eat and waste as much, and work as little, as he can." to my mind, in the wasteful and blighting influences of slave labor there is a solemn and warning moral. they seem the evidence of the displeasure of him who created man after his own image, at the unnatural attempt to govern the bones and sinews, the bodies and souls, of one portion of his children by the caprice, the avarice, the lusts of another; at that utter violation of the design of his merciful providence, whereby the entire dependence of millions of his rational creatures is made to centre upon the will, the existence, the ability, of their fellow-mortals, instead of resting under the shadow of his own infinite power and exceeding love. i shall offer a few more facts and observations on this point. . a distinguished scientific gentleman, mr. coulomb, the superintendent of several military works in the french west indies, gives it as his opinion, that the slaves do not perform more than one third of the labor which they would do, provided they were urged by their own interests and inclinations instead of brute force. . a plantation in barbadoes in was cultivated by two hundred and eighty-eight slaves ninety men, eighty-two women, fifty-six boys, and sixty girls. in three years and three months there were on this plantation fifty-seven deaths, and only fifteen births. a change was then made in the government of the slaves. the use of the whip was denied; all severe and arbitrary punishments were abolished; the laborers received wages, and their offences were all tried by a sort of negro court established among themselves: in short, they were practically free. under this system, in four years and three months there were forty-four births, and but forty-one deaths; and the annual net produce of the plantation was more than three times what it had been before.--(english quarterly magazine and review, april, .) . the following evidence was adduced by pitt in the british parliament, april, . the assembly of grenada had themselves stated, "that though the negroes were allowed only the afternoon of one day in a week, they would do as much work in that afternoon, when employed for their own benefit, as in the whole day when employed in their master's service." "now after this confession," said mr. pitt, "the house might burn all its calculations relative to the negro population. a negro, if he worked for himself, could no doubt do double work. by an improvement, then, in the mode of labor, the work in the islands could be doubled." . "in coffee districts it is usual for the master to hire his people after they have done the regular task for the day, at a rate varying from d. to . d. for every extra bushel which they pluck from the trees; and many, almost all, are found eager to earn their wages." . in a report made by the commandant of castries for the government of st. lucia, in , it is stated, in proof of the intimacy between the slaves and the free blacks, that "many small plantations of the latter, and occupied by only one man and his wife, are better cultivated and have more land in cultivation than those of the proprietors of many slaves, and that the labor on them is performed by runaway slaves;" thus clearly proving that even runaway slaves, under the all-depressing fears of discovery and oppression, labor well, because the fruits of their labor are immediately their own. let us look at this subject from another point of view. the large sum of money necessary for stocking a plantation with slaves has an inevitable tendency to place the agriculture of a slave-holding community exclusively in the hands of the wealthy, a tendency at war with practical republicanism and conflicting with the best maxims of political economy. two hundred slaves at $ per head would cost in the outset $ , . compare this enormous outlay for the labor of a single plantation with the beautiful system of free labor as exhibited in new england, where every young laborer, with health and ordinary prudence, may acquire by his labor on the farms of others, in a few years, a farm of his own, and the stock necessary for its proper cultivation; where on a hard and unthankful soil independence and competence may be attained by all. free labor is perfectly in accordance with the spirit of our institutions; slave labor is a relic of a barbarous, despotic age. the one, like the firmament of heaven, is the equal diffusion of similar lights, manifest, harmonious, regular; the other is the fiery predominance of some disastrous star, hiding all lesser luminaries around it in one consuming glare. emancipation would reform this evil. the planter would no longer be under the necessity of a heavy expenditure for slaves. he would only pay a very moderate price for his labor; a price, indeed, far less than the cost of the maintenance of a promiscuous gang of slaves, which the present system requires. in an old plantation of three hundred slaves, not more than one hundred effective laborers will be found. children, the old and superannuated, the sick and decrepit, the idle and incorrigibly vicious, will be found to constitute two thirds of the whole number. the remaining third perform only about one third as much work as the same number of free laborers. now disburden the master of this heavy load of maintenance; let him employ free able, industrious laborers only, those who feel conscious of a personal interest in the fruits of their labor, and who does not see that such a system would be vastly more safe and economical than the present? the slave states are learning this truth by fatal experience. most of them are silently writhing under the great curse. virginia has uttered her complaints aloud. as yet, however, nothing has been done even there, save a small annual appropriation for the purpose of colonizing the free colored inhabitants of the state. is this a remedy? but it may be said that virginia will ultimately liberate her slaves on condition of their colonization in africa, peacefully if possible, forcibly if necessary. well, admitting that virginia may be able and willing at some remote period to rid herself of the evil by commuting the punishment of her unoffending colored people from slavery to exile, will her fearful remedy apply to some of the other slaveholding states? it is a fact, strongly insisted upon by our southern brethren as a reason for the perpetuation of slavery, that their climate and peculiar agriculture will not admit of hard labor on the part of the whites; that amidst the fatal malaria of the rice plantations the white man is almost annually visited by the country fever; that few of the white overseers of these plantations reach the middle period of ordinary life; that the owners are compelled to fly from their estates as the hot season approaches, without being able to return until the first frosts have fallen. but we are told that the slaves remain there, at their work, mid-leg in putrid water, breathing the noisome atmosphere, loaded with contagion, and underneath the scorching fervor of a terrible sun; that they indeed suffer; but, that their habits, constitutions, and their long practice enable them to labor, surrounded by such destructive influences, with comparative safety. the conclusive answer, therefore, to those who in reality cherish the visionary hope of colonizing all the colored people of the united states in africa or elsewhere, is this single, all-important fact: the labor of the blacks will not and cannot be dispensed with by the planter of the south. to what remedy, then, can the friends of humanity betake themselves but to that of emancipation? and nothing but a strong, unequivocal expression of public sentiment is needed to carry into effect this remedy, so far as the general government is concerned. and when the voice of all the non-slave-holding states shall be heard on this question, a voice of expostulation, rebuke, entreaty--when the full light of truth shall break through the night of prejudice, and reveal all the foul abominations of slavery, will delaware still cling to the curse which is wasting her moral strength, and still rivet the fetters upon her three or four thousand slaves? let delaware begin the work, and maryland and virginia must follow; the example will be contagious; and the great object of universal emancipation will be attained. freemen, christians, lovers of truth and justice why stand ye idle? ours is a government of opinion, and slavery is interwoven with it. change the current of opinion, and slavery will be swept away. let the awful sovereignty of the people, a power which is limited only by the sovereignty of heaven, arise and pronounce judgment against the crying iniquity. let each individual remember that upon himself rests a portion of that sovereignty; a part of the tremendous responsibility of its exercise. the burning, withering concentration of public opinion upon the slave system is alone needed for its total annihilation. god has given us the power to overthrow it; a power peaceful, yet mighty, benevolent, yet effectual, "awful without severity," a moral strength equal to the emergency. "how does it happen," inquires an able writer, "that whenever duty is named we begin to hear of the weakness of human nature? that same nature which outruns the whirlwind in the chase of gain, which rages like a maniac at the trumpet call of glory, which laughs danger and death to scorn when its least passion is awakened, becomes weak as childhood when reminded of the claims of duty." but let no one hope to find an excuse in hypocrisy. the humblest individual of the community in one way or another possesses influence; and upon him as well as upon the proudest rests the responsibility of its rightful exercise and proper direction. the overthrow of a great national evil like that of slavery can only be effected by the united energies of the great body of the people. shoulder must be put to shoulder and hand linked with hand, the whole mass must be put in motion and its entire strength applied, until the fabric of oppression is shaken to its dark foundations and not one stone is left upon another. let the christian remember that the god of his worship hateth oppression; that the mystery of faith can only be held by a pure conscience; and that in vain is the tithe of mint, and anise, and cummin, if the weihtier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and truth, are forgotten. let him remember that all along the clouded region of slavery the truths of the everlasting gospel are not spoken, that the ear of iniquity is lulled, that those who minister between the "porch and the altar" dare not speak out the language of eternal justice: "is not this the fast which i have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" (isa. viii. .) "he that stealeth a man and selleth him; or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." (exod. xxi. . ) yet a little while and the voice of impartial prayer for humanity will be heard no more in the abiding place of slavery. the truths of the gospel, its voice of warning and exhortation, will be denounced as incendiary? the night of that infidelity, which denies god in the abuse and degradation of man, will settle over the land, to be broken only by the upheaving earthquake of eternal retribution. to the members of the religious society of friends, i would earnestly appeal. they have already done much to put away the evil of slavery in this country and great britain. the blessings of many who were ready to perish have rested upon them. but their faithful testimony must be still steadily upborne, for the great work is but begun. let them not relax their exertions, nor be contented with a lifeless testimony, a formal protestation against the evil. active, prayerful, unwearied exertion is needed for its overthrow. but above all, let them not aid in excusing and palliating it. slavery has no redeeming qualities, no feature of benevolence, nothing pure, nothing peaceful, nothing just. let them carefully keep themselves aloof from all societies and all schemes which have a tendency to excuse or overlook its crying iniquity. true to a doctrine founded on love and mercy, "peace on earth and good will to men," they should regard the suffering slave as their brother, and endeavor to "put their souls in his soul's stead." they may earnestly desire the civilization of africa, but they cannot aid in building up the colony of liberia so long as that colony leans for support upon the arm of military power; so long as it proselytes to christianity under the muzzles of its cannon; and preaches the doctrines of christ while practising those of mahomet. when the sierra leone company was formed in england, not a member of the society of friends could be prevailed upon to engage in it, because the colony was to be supplied with cannon and other military stores. yet the foreign agent of the liberia colony society, to which the same insurmountable objection exists, is a member of the society of friends, and i understand has been recently employed in providing gunpowder, etc., for the use of the colony. there must be an awakening on this subject; other woolmans and other benezets must arise and speak the truth with the meek love of james and the fervent sincerity of paul. to the women of america, whose sympathies know no distinction of cline, or sect, or color, the suffering slave is making a strong appeal. oh, let it not be unheeded! for of those to whom much is given much will be required at the last dread tribunal; and never in the strongest terms of human eulogy was woman's influence overrated. sisters, daughters, wives, and mothers, your influence is felt everywhere, at the fireside, and in the halls of legislation, surrounding, like the all-encircling atmosphere, brother and father, husband and son! and by your love of them, by every holy sympathy of your bosoms, by every mournful appeal which comes up to you from hearts whose sanctuary of affections has been made waste and desolate, you are called upon to exert it in the cause of redemption from wrong and outrage. let the patriot, the friend of liberty and the union of the states, no longer shut his eyes to the great danger, the master-evil before which all others dwindle into insignificance. our union is tottering to its foundation, and slavery is the cause. remove the evil. dry up at their source the bitter waters. in vain you enact and abrogate your tariffs; in vain is individual sacrifice, or sectional concession. the accursed thing is with us, the stone of stumbling and the rock of offence remains. drag, then, the achan into light; and let national repentance atone for national sin. the conflicting interests of free and slave labor furnish the only ground for fear in relation to the permanency of the union. the line of separation between them is day by day growing broader and deeper; geographically and politically united, we are already, in a moral point of view, a divided people. but a few months ago we were on the very verge of civil war, a war of brothers, a war between the north and the south, between the slave-holder and the free laborer. the danger has been delayed for a time; this bolt has fallen without mortal injury to the union, but the cloud from whence it came still hangs above us, reddening with the elements of destruction. recent events have furnished ample proof that the slave-holding interest is prepared to resist any legislation on the part of the general government which is supposed to have a tendency, directly or indirectly, to encourage and invigorate free labor; and that it is determined to charge upon its opposite interest the infliction of all those evils which necessarily attend its own operation, "the primeval curse of omnipotence upon slavery." we have already felt in too many instances the extreme difficulty of cherishing in one common course of national legislation the opposite interests of republican equality and feudal aristocracy and servitude. the truth is, we have undertaken a moral impossibility. these interests are from their nature irreconcilable. the one is based upon the pure principles of rational liberty; the other, under the name of freedom, revives the ancient european system of barons and villains, nobles and serfs. indeed, the state of society which existed among our anglo-saxon ancestors was far more tolerable than that of many portions of our republican confederacy. for the anglo-saxon slaves had it in their power to purchase their freedom; and the laws of the realm recognized their liberation and placed them under legal protection. (the diffusion of christianity in great britain was moreover followed by a general manumission; for it would seem that the priests and missionaries of religion in that early and benighted age were more faithful in the performance of their duties than those of the present. "the holy fathers, monks, and friars," says sir t. smith, "had in their confessions, and specially in their extreme and deadly sickness, convinced the laity how dangerous a thing it was for one christian to hold another in bondage; so that temporal men, by reason of the terror in their consciences, were glad to manumit all their villains."--hilt. commonwealth, blackstone, p. .) to counteract the dangers resulting from a state of society so utterly at variance with the great declaration of american freedom should be the earnest endeavor of every patriotic statesman. nothing unconstitutional, nothing violent, should be attempted; but the true doctrine of the rights of man should be steadily kept in view; and the opposition to slavery should be inflexible and constantly maintained. the almost daily violations of the constitution in consequence of the laws of some of the slave states, subjecting free colored citizens of new england and elsewhere, who may happen to be on board of our coasting vessels, to imprisonment immediately on their arrival in a southern port should be provided against. nor should the imprisonment of the free colored citizens of the northern and middle states, on suspicion of being runaways, subjecting them, even after being pronounced free, to the costs of their confinement and trial, be longer tolerated; for if we continue to yield to innovations like these upon the constitution of our fathers, we shall erelong have the name only of a free government left us. dissemble as we may, it is impossible for us to believe, after fully considering the nature of slavery, that it can much longer maintain a peaceable existence among us. a day of revolution must come, and it is our duty to prepare for it. its threatened evil may be changed into a national blessing. the establishment of schools for the instruction of the slave children, a general diffusion of the lights of christianity, and the introduction of a sacred respect for the social obligations of marriage and for the relations between parents and children, among our black population, would render emancipation not only perfectly safe, but also of the highest advantage to the country. two millions of freemen would be added to our population, upon whom in the hour of danger we could safely depend; "the domestic foe" would be changed into a firm friend, faithful, generous, and ready to encounter all dangers in our defence. it is well known that during the last war with great britain, wherever the enemy touched upon our southern coast, the slaves in multitudes hastened to join them. on the other hand, the free blacks were highly serviceable in repelling them. so warm was the zeal of the latter, so manifest their courage in the defence of louisiana, that the present chief magistrate of the united states publicly bestowed upon them one of the highest eulogiums ever offered by a commander to his soldiers. let no one seek an apology for silence on the subject of slavery because the laws of the land tolerate and sanction it. but a short time ago the slave-trade was protected by laws and treaties, and sanctioned by the example of men eminent for the reputation of piety and integrity. yet public opinion broke over these barriers; it lifted the curtain and revealed the horrors of that most abominable traffic; and unrighteous law and ancient custom and avarice and luxury gave way before its irresistible authority. it should never be forgotten that human law cannot change the nature of human action in the pure eye of infinite justice; and that the ordinances of man cannot annul those of god. the slave system, as existing in this country, can be considered in no other light than as the cause of which the foul traffic in human flesh is the legitimate consequence. it is the parent, the fosterer, the sole supporter of the slave-trade. it creates the demand for slaves, and the foreign supply will always be equal to the demand of consumption. it keeps the market open. it offers inducements to the slave-trader which no severity of law against his traffic can overcome. by our laws his trade is piracy; while slavery, to which alone it owes its existence, is protected and cherished, and those engaged in it are rewarded by an increase of political power proportioned to the increase of their stock of human beings! to steal the natives of africa is a crime worthy of an ignominious death; but to steal and enslave annually nearly one hundred thousand of the descendants of these stolen natives, born in this country, is considered altogether excusable and proper! for my own part, i know no difference between robbery in africa and robbery at home. i could with as quiet a conscience engage in the one as the other. "there is not one general principle," justly remarks lord nugent, "on which the slave-trade is to be stigmatized which does not impeach slavery itself." kindred in iniquity, both must fall speedily, fall together, and be consigned to the same dishonorable grave. the spirit which is thrilling through every nerve of england is awakening america from her sleep of death. who, among our statesmen, would not shrink from the baneful reputation of having supported by his legislative influence the slave-trade, the traffic in human flesh? let them then beware; for the time is near at hand when the present defenders of slavery will sink under the same fatal reputation, and leave to posterity a memory which will blacken through all future time, a legacy of infamy. "let us not betake us to the common arts and stratagems of nations, but fear god, and put away the evil which provokes him; and trust not in man, but in the living god; and it shall go well for england!" this counsel, given by the purehearted william penn, in a former age, is about to be followed in the present. an intense and powerful feeling is working in the mighty heart of england; it is speaking through the lips of brougham and buxton and o'connell, and demanding justice in the name of humanity and according to the righteous law of god. the immediate emancipation of eight hundred thousand slaves is demanded with an authority which cannot much longer be disputed or trifled with. that demand will be obeyed; justice will be done; the heavy burdens will be unloosed; the oppressed set free. it shall go well for england. and when the stain on our own escutcheon shall be seen no more; when the declaration of our independence and the practice of our people shall agree; when truth shall be exalted among us; when love shall take the place of wrong; when all the baneful pride and prejudice of caste and color shall fall forever; when under one common sun of political liberty the slave-holding portions of our republic shall no longer sit, like the egyptians of old, themselves mantled in thick darkness, while all around them is glowing with the blessed light of freedom and equality, then, and not till then, shall it go well for america! the abolitionists. their sentiments and objects. two letters to the 'jeffersonian and times', richmond, va. i. a friend has banded me a late number of your paper, containing a brief notice of a pamphlet, which i have recently published on the subject of slavery. from an occasional perusal of your paper, i have formed a favorable opinion of your talent and independence. compelled to dissent from some of your political sentiments, i still give you full credit for the lofty tone of sincerity and manliness with which these sentiments are avowed and defended. i perceive that since the adjustment of the tariff question a new subject of discontent and agitation seems to engross your attention. the "accursed tariff" has no sooner ceased to be the stone of stumbling and the rock of offence, than the "abolition doctrines of the northern enthusiasts," as you are pleased to term the doctrines of your own jefferson, furnish, in your opinion, a sufficient reason for poising the "ancient dominion" on its sovereignty, and rousing every slaveowner to military preparations, until the entire south, from the potomac to the gulf, shall bristle with bayonets, "like quills upon the fretful porcupine." in proof of a conspiracy against your "vested rights," you have commenced publishing copious extracts from the pamphlets and periodicals of the abolitionists of new england and new york. an extract from my own pamphlet you have headed "the fanatics," and in introducing it to your readers you inform them that "it exhibits, in strong colors, the morbid spirit of that false and fanatical philanthropy, which is at work in the northern states, and, to some extent, in the south." gentlemen, so far as i am personally concerned in the matter, i feel no disposition to take exceptions to any epithets which you may see fit to apply to me or my writings. a humble son of new england--a tiller of her rugged soil, and a companion of her unostentatious yeomanry--it matters little, in any personal consideration of the subject, whether the voice of praise or opprobrium reaches me from beyond the narrow limits of my immediate neighborhood. but when i find my opinions quoted as the sentiment of new england, and then denounced as dangerous, "false and fanatical;" and especially when i see them made the occasion of earnest appeals to the prejudices and sectional jealousies of the south, it becomes me to endeavor to establish their truths, and defend them from illegitimate influences and unjust suspicions. in the first place, then, let me say, that if it be criminal to publicly express a belief that it is in the power of the slave states to emancipate their slaves, with profit and safety to themselves, and that such is their immediate duty, a majority of the people of new england are wholly guiltless. of course, all are nominally opposed to slavery; but upon the little band of abolitionists should the anathemas of the slave- holder be directed, for they are the agitators of whom you complain, men who are acting under a solemn conviction of duty, and who are bending every energy of their minds to the accomplishment of their object. and that object is the overthrow of slavery in the united states, by such means only as are sanctioned by law, humanity, and religion. i shall endeavor, gentlemen, as briefly as may be, to give you some of our reasons for opposing slavery and seeking its abolition; and, secondly, to explain our mode of operation; to disclose our plan of emancipation, fully and entirely. we wish to do nothing darkly; frank republicans, we acknowledge no double-dealing. at this busy season of the year, i cannot but regret that i have not leisure for such a deliberate examination of the subject as even my poor ability might warrant. my remarks, penned in the intervals of labor, must necessarily be brief, and wanting in coherence. we seek the abolishment of slavery . because it is contrary to the law of god. in your paper of the d of th mo., the same in which you denounce the "false and fanatical philanthropy" of abolitionists, you avow yourselves members of the bible society, and bestow warm and deserved encomiums on the "truly pious undertaking of sending the truth among all nations." you, therefore, gentlemen, whatever others may do, will not accuse me of "fanaticism," if i endeavor to sustain my first great reason for opposing slavery by a reference to the volume of inspiration: "therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them." "wherefore now let the fear of the lord be upon you, take heed and do it; for there is no iniquity with the lord, nor respect of persons." "is not this the fast that i have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness; to undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?" "if a man be found stealing any of his brethren, and maketh merchandise of him, or selling him, that thief shall die." "of a truth, i perceive that god is no respecter of persons." "and he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hands, he shall surely be put to death." . because it is an open violation of all human equality, of the laws of nature and of nations. the fundamental principle of all equal and just law is contained in the following extract from blackstone's commentaries, introduction, sec. . "the rights which god and nature have established, and which are therefore called natural rights, such as life and liberty, need not the aid of human laws to be more effectually vested in every man than they are; neither do they receive any additional strength when declared by municipal laws to be inviolable: on the contrary, no human legislation has power to abridge or destroy there, unless the owner shall himself commit some act that amounts to a forfeiture." has the negro committed such offence? above all, has his infant child forfeited its unalienable right? surely it can be no act of the innocent child. yet you must prove the forfeiture, or no human legislation can deprive that child of its freedom. its black skin constitutes the forfeiture! what! throw the responsibility upon god! charge the common father of the white and the black, he, who is no respecter of persons, with plundering his unoffending children of all which makes the boon of existence desirable; their personal liberty! "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."-- (declaration of independence, from the pen of thomas jefferson.) in this general and unqualified declaration, on the th of july, , all the people of the united states, without distinction of color, were proclaimed free, by the delegates of the people of those states assembled in their highest sovereign capacity. for more than half a century we have openly violated that solemn declaration. . because it renders nugatory the otherwise beneficial example of our free institutions, and exposes us to the scorn and reproach of the liberal and enlightened of other nations. "chains clank and groans echo around the walls of their spotless congress."--(francis jeffrey.) "man to be possessed by man! man to be made property of! the image of the deity to be put under the yoke! let these usurpers show us their title-deeds!"--(simon boliver.) "when i am indulging in my views of american prospects and american liberty, it is mortifying to be told that in that very country a large portion of the people are slaves! it is a dark spot on the face of the nation. such a state of things cannot always exist."--(lafayette.) "i deem it right to raise my humble voice to convince the citizens of america that the slaveholding states are held in abomination by all those whose opinion ought to be valuable. man is the property of man in about one half of the american states: let them not therefore dare to prate of their institutions or of their national freedom, while they hold their fellow-men in bondage! of all men living, the american citizen who is the owner of slaves is the most despicable. he is a political hypocrite of the very worst description. the friends of humanity and liberty in europe should join in one universal cry of shame on the american slave- holders! 'base wretches!' should we shout in chorus; 'base wretches! how dare you profane the temple of national freedom, the sacred fane of republican rites, with the presence and the sufferings of human beings in chains and slavery!'"--(daniel o'connell.) . because it subjects one portion of our american brethren to the unrestrained violence and unholy passions of another. here, gentlemen, i might summon to my support a cloud of witnesses, a host of incontrovertible, damning facts, the legitimate results of a system whose tendency is to harden and deprave the heart. but i will not descend to particulars. i am willing to believe that the majority of the masters of your section of the country are disposed to treat their unfortunate slaves with kindness. but where the dreadful privilege of slave-holding is extended to all, in every neighborhood, there must be individuals whose cupidity is unrestrained by any principle of humanity, whose lusts are fiercely indulged, whose fearful power over the bodies, nay, may i not say the souls, of their victims is daily and hourly abused. will the evidence of your own jefferson, on this point, be admissible? "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise, of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. our children see this, and learn to imitate it. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot fail to be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy who can retain his morals and manners undepraved by such circumstances."--(notes on virginia, p. .) "il n'existe a la verite aucune loi qui protege l'esclave le mauvais traitement du maitre," says achille murat, himself a floridian slave- holder, in his late work on the united states. gentlemen, is not this true? does there exist even in virginia any law limiting the punishment of a slave? are there any bounds prescribed, beyond which the brutal, the revengeful, the intoxicated slave-master, acting in the double capacity of judge and executioner, cannot pass? you will, perhaps, tell me that the general law against murder applies alike to master and slave. true; but will you point out instances of masters suffering the penalty of that law for the murder of their slaves? if you examine your judicial reports you will find the wilful murder of a slave decided to be only a trespass!--(virginia reports, vol. v. p. , harris versus nichols.) it indeed argues well for virginian pride of character, that latterly, the law, which expressly sanctioned the murder of a slave, who in the language of georgia and north carolina, "died of moderate correction," has been repealed. but, although the letter of the law is changed, its practice remains the same. in proof of this, i would refer to brockenborough and holmes' virginia cases, p. . in georgia and north carolina the murder of a slave is tolerated and justified by law, provided that in the opinion of the court he died "of moderate correction!" in south carolina the following clause of a law enacted in is still in force:-- "if any slave shall suffer in his life, limbs, or members, when no white person shall be present, or being present shall neglect or refuse to give evidence concerning the same, in every such case the owner or other person who shall have the care and government of the slave shall be deemed and taken to be guilty of such offence; unless such owner or other person can make the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall by his own oath clear and exculpate himself, which oath every court where such offence shall be tried is hereby empowered to administer and to acquit the offender accordingly, if clear proof of the offence be not made by two witnesses at least, any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding." is not this offering a reward for perjury? and what shall we think of that misnamed court of justice, where it is optional with the witnesses, in a case of life and death, to give or withhold their testimony. . because it induces dangerous sectional jealousies, creates of necessity a struggle between the opposing interests of free and slave labor, and threatens the integrity of the union. that sectional jealousies do exist, the tone of your paper, gentlemen, is of itself an evidence, if indeed any were needed. the moral sentiment of the free states is against slavery. the freeman has declared his unwillingness that his labor should be reduced to a level with that of slaves. harsh epithets and harsh threats have been freely exchanged, until the beautiful potomac, wherever it winds its way to the ocean, has become the dividing line, not of territory only, but of feeling, interest, national pride, a moral division. what shook the pillars of the union when the missouri question was agitated? what but a few months ago arrayed in arms a state against the union, and the union against a state? from maine to florida, gentlemen, the answer must be the same, slavery. . because of its pernicious influence upon national wealth and prosperity. political economy has been the peculiar study of virginia. but there are some important truths connected with this science which she has hitherto overlooked or wantonly disregarded. population increasing with the means of subsistence is a fair test of national wealth. by reference to the several censuses of the united states, it will be seen that the white population increases nearly twice as fast in states where there are few or no slaves as in the slave states. again, in the latter states the slave population has increased twice as fast as the white. let us take, for example, the period of twenty years, from to , and compare the increase of the two classes in three of the southern states. per cent. of whites. per cent. of blacks. maryland virginia north carolina the causes of this disproportionate increase, so inimical to the true interests of the country, are very manifest. a large proportion of the free inhabitants of the united states are dependent upon their labor for subsistence. the forced, unnatural system of slavery in some of the states renders the demand for free laborers less urgent; they are not so readily and abundantly supplied with the means of subsistence as those of their own class in the free states, and as the necessaries of life diminish population also diminishes. there is yet another cause for the decline of the white population. in the free states labor is reputable. the statesman, whose eloquence has electrified a nation, does not disdain in the intervals of the public service to handle the axe and the hoe. and the woman whose beauty, talents, and accomplishments have won the admiration of all deems it no degradation to "look well to her household." but the slave stamps with indelible ignominy the character of occupation. it is a disgrace for a highborn virginian or chivalrous carolinian to labor, side by side, with the low, despised, miserable black man. wretched must be the condition of the poorer classes of whites in a slave-holding community! compelled to perform the despised offices of the slave, they can hardly rise above his level. they become the pariahs of society. no wonder, then, that the tide of emigration flows from the slave-cursed shores of the atlantic to the free valleys of the west. in new england the labor of a farmer or mechanic is worth from $ to $ per annum. that of a female from $ to $ . our entire population, with the exception of those engaged in mercantile affairs, the professional classes, and a very few moneyed idlers, are working men and women. if that of the south were equally employed (and slavery apart, there is no reason why they should not be), how large an addition would be annually made to the wealth of the country? the truth is, a very considerable portion of the national wealth produced by northern labor is taxed to defray the expenses of twenty-five representatives of southern property in congress, and to maintain an army mainly for the protection of the slave-master against the dangerous tendencies of that property. in the early and better days of the roman republic, the ancient warriors and statesmen cultivated their fields with their own hands; but so soon as their agriculture was left to the slaves, it visibly declined, the once fertile fields became pastures, and the inhabitants of that garden of the world were dependent upon foreign nations for the necessaries of life. the beautiful villages, once peopled by free contented laborers, became tenantless, and, over the waste of solitude, we see, here and there, at weary distances, the palaces of the master, contrasting painfully with the wretched cottages and subterranean cells of the slave. in speaking of the extraordinary fertility of the soil in the early times of the republic, pliny inquires, "what was the cause of these abundant harvests? it was this, that men of rank employed themselves in the culture of the fields; whereas now it is left to wretches loaded with fetters, who carry in their countenances the shameful evidence of their slavery." and what was true in the days of the roman is now written legibly upon the soil of your own virginia. a traveller in your state, in contemplating the decline of its agriculture, has justly remarked that, "if the miserable condition of the negro had left his mind for reflection, he would laugh in his chains to see how slavery has stricken the land with ugliness." is the rapid increase of a population of slaves in itself no evil? in all the slave states the increase of the slaves is vastly more rapid than that of the whites or free blacks. when we recollect that they are under no natural or moral restraint, careless of providing food or clothing for themselves or their children; when, too, we consider that they are raised as an article of profitable traffic, like the cattle of new england and the hogs of kentucky; that it is a matter of interest, of dollars and cents, to the master that they should multiply as fast as possible, there is surely nothing at all surprising in the increase of their numbers. would to heaven there were also nothing alarming! . because, by the terms of the national compact, the free and the slave states are alike involved in the guilt of maintaining slavery, and the citizens of the former are liable, at any moment, to be called upon to aid the latter in suppressing, at the point of the bayonet, the insurrection of the slaves. slavery is, at the best, an unnatural state. and nature, when her eternal principles are violated, is perpetually struggling to restore them to their first estate. all history, ancient and modern, is full of warning on this point. need i refer to the many revolts of the roman and grecian slaves, the bloody insurrection of etruria, the horrible servile wars of sicily and capua? or, to come down to later times, to france in the fourteenth century, germany in the sixteenth, to malta in the last? need i call to mind the untold horrors of st. domingo, when that island, under the curse of its servile war, glowed redly in the view of earth and heaven,--an open hell? have our own peculiar warnings gone by unheeded,--the frequent slave insurrections of the south? one horrible tragedy, gentlemen, must still be fresh in your recollection,--southampton, with its fired dwellings and ghastly dead! southampton, with its dreadful associations, of the death struggle with the insurgents, the groans of the tortured negroes, the lamentations of the surviving whites over woman in her innocence and beauty, and childhood, and hoary age! "the hour of emancipation," said thomas jefferson, "is advancing in the march of time. it will come. if not brought on by the generous energy of our own minds, it will come by the bloody process of st. domingo!" to the just and prophetic language of your own great statesman i have but a few words to add. they shall be those of truth and soberness. we regard the slave system in your section of the country as a great evil, moral and political,--an evil which, if left to itself for even a few years longer, will give the entire south into the hands of the blacks. the terms of the national compact compel us to consider more than two millions of our fellow-beings as your property; not, indeed, morally, really, de facto, but still legally your property! we acknowledge that you have a power derived from the united states constitution to hold this "property," but we deny that you have any moral right to take advantage of that power. for truth will not allow us to admit that any human law or compact can make void or put aside the ordinance of the living god and the eternal laws of nature. we therefore hold it to be the duty of the people of the slave-holding states to begin the work of emancipation now; that any delay must be dangerous to themselves in time and eternity, and full of injustice to their slaves and to their brethren of the free states. because the slave has never forfeited his right to freedom, and the continuance of his servitude is a continuance of robbery; and because, in the event of a servile war, the people of the free states would be called upon to take a part in its unutterable horrors. new england would obey that call, for she will abide unto death by the constitution of the land. yet what must be the feelings of her citizens, while engaged in hunting down like wild beasts their fellow-men--brutal and black it may be, but still oppressed, suffering human beings, struggling madly and desperately for their liberty, if they feel and know that the necessity of so doing has resulted from a blind fatality on the part of the oppressor, a reckless disregard of the warnings of earth and heaven, an obstinate perseverance in a system founded and sustained by robbery and wrong? all wars are horrible, wicked, inexcusable, and truly and solemnly has jefferson himself said that, in a contest of this kind, between the slave and the master, "the almighty has no attribute which could take side with us." understand us, gentlemen. we only ask to have the fearful necessity taken away from us of sustaining the wretched policy of slavery by moral influence or physical force. we ask alone to be allowed to wash our hands of the blood of millions of your fellow-beings, the cry of whom is rising up as a swift witness unto god against us. . because all the facts connected with the subject warrant us in a most confident belief that a speedy and general emancipation might be made with entire safety, and that the consequences of such an emancipation would be highly beneficial to the planters of the south. awful as may be their estimate in time and eternity, i will not, gentlemen, dwell upon the priceless benefits of a conscience at rest, a soul redeemed from the all-polluting influences of slavery, and against which the cry of the laborer whose hire has been kept back by fraud does not ascend. nor will i rest the defence of my position upon the fact that it can never be unsafe to obey the commands of god. these are the old and common arguments of "fanatics" and "enthusiasts," melting away like frost-work in the glorious sunshine of expediency and utility. in the light of these modern luminaries, then, let us reason together. a long and careful examination of the subject will i think fully justify me in advancing this general proposition. wherever, whether in europe, the east and west indies, south america, or in our own country, a fair experiment has been made of the comparative expense of free and slave labor, the result has uniformly been favorable to the former. (see brougham's colonial policy. hodgdon's letter to jean baptiste say. waleh's brazil. official letter of hon. mr. ward, from mexico. dr. dickson's mitigation of slavery. franklin on the peopling of countries. ramsay's essay. botham's sugar cultivation in batavia. marsden's history of sumatra. coxe's travels. dr. anderson's observations on slavery. storch's political economy. adam smith. j. jeremies' essays. humboldt's travels, etc., etc.) here, gentlemen, the issue is tendered. standing on your own ground of expediency, i am ready to defend my position. i pass from the utility to the safety of emancipation. and here, gentlemen, i shall probably be met at the outset with your supposed consequences, bloodshed, rapine, promiscuous massacre! the facts, gentlemen! in god's name, bring out your facts! if slavery is to cast over the prosperity of our country the thick shadow of an everlasting curse, because emancipation is dreaded as a remedy worse than the disease itself, let us know the real grounds of your fear. do you find them in the emancipation of the south american republics? in hayti? in the partial experiments of some of the west india islands? does history, ancient or modern, justify your fears? can you find any excuse for them in the nature of the human mind, everywhere maddened by injury and conciliated by kindness? no, gentlemen; the dangers of slavery are manifest and real, all history lies open for your warning. but the dangers of emancipation, of "doing justly and loving mercy," exist only in your imaginations. you cannot produce one fact in corroboration of your fears. you cannot point to the stain of a single drop of any master's blood shed by the slave he has emancipated. i have now given some of our reasons for opposing slavery. in my next letter i shall explain our method of opposition, and i trust i shall be able to show that there is nothing "fanatical," nothing "unconstitutional," and nothing unchristian in that method. in the mean time, gentlemen, i am your friend and well-wisher. haverhill, mass., d th mo., . ii. the abolitionists of the north have been grossly misrepresented. in attacking the system of slavery, they have never recommended any measure or measures conflicting with the constitution of the united states. they have never sought to excite or encourage a spirit of rebellion among the slaves: on the contrary, they would hold any such attempt, by whomsoever made, in utter and stern abhorrence. all the leading abolitionists of my acquaintance are, from principle, opposed to war of all kinds, believing that the benefits of no war whatever can compensate for the sacrifice of one human life by violence. consequently, they would be the first to deprecate any physical interference with your slave system on the part of the general government. they are, without exception, opposed to any political interposition of the government, in regard to slavery as it exists in the states. for, although they feel and see that the canker of the moral disease is affecting all parts of the confederacy, they believe that the remedy lies with yourselves alone. any such interference they would consider unlawful and unconstitutional; and the exercise of unconstitutional power, although sanctioned by the majority of a republican government, they believe to be a tyranny as monstrous and as odious as the despotism of a turkish sultan. having made this disclaimer on the part of myself and my friends, let me inquire from whence this charge of advocating the interference of the general government with the sovereign jurisdiction of the states has arisen? will you, gentlemen, will the able editors of the united states telegraph and the columbian telescope, explain? for myself, i have sought in vain among the writings of our "northern enthusiasts," and among the speeches of the northern statesmen and politicians, for some grounds for the accusation. the doctrine, such as it is, does not belong to us. i think it may be traced home to the south, to virginia, to her convention of , to the speech of ex-president monroe, on the white basis question. "as to emancipation," said that distinguished son of your state, "if ever that should take place, it cannot be done by the state; it must be done by the union." again, "if emancipation can ever be effected, it can only be done with the aid of the general government." gentlemen, you are welcome to your doctrine. it has no advocates among the abolitionists of new england. we aim to overthrow slavery by the moral influence of an enlightened public sentiment; by a clear and fearless exposition of the guilt of holding property in man; by analyzing the true nature of slavery, and boldly rebuking sin; by a general dissemination of the truths of political economy, in regard to free and slave labor; by appeals from the pulpit to the consciences of men; by the powerful influence of the public press; by the formation of societies whose object shall be to oppose the principle of slavery by such means as are consistent with our obligations to law, religion, and humanity; by elevating, by means of education and sympathy, the character of the free people of color among us. our testimony against slavery is the same which has uniformly, and with so much success, been applied to prevailing iniquity in all ages of the world, the truths of divine revelation. believing that there can be nothing in the providence of god to which his holy and eternal law is not strictly applicable, we maintain that no circumstances can justify the slave-holder in a continuance of his system. that the fact that this system did not originate with the present generation is no apology for retaining it, inasmuch as crime cannot be entailed; and no one is under a necessity of sinning because others have done so before him; that the domestic slave-trade is as repugnant to the laws of god, and should be as odious in the eyes of a christian community, as the foreign; that the black child born in a slave plantation is not "an entailed article of property;" and that the white man who makes of that child a slave is a thief and a robber, stealing the child as the sea pirate stole his father! we do not talk of gradual abolition, because, as christians, we find no authority for advocating a gradual relinquishment of sin. we say to slaveholders, "repent now, to-day, immediately;" just as we say to the intemperate, "break off from your vice at once; touch not, taste not, handle not, from henceforth forever." besides, the plan of gradual abolition has been tried in this country and the west indies, and found wanting. it has been in operation in our slave states ever since the declaration of independence, and its results are before the nation. let us see. the abolitionists in there were in the slave states south of the potomac and the ohio , free blacks. their increase for the ten years following was at the rate of sixty per cent., their number in being , . in there were , , an increase of seventy-five per cent. this comparatively large increase was, in a great measure, owing to the free discussions going on in england and in this country on the subject of the slave-trade and the rights of man. the benevolent impulse extended to the slave-masters, and manumissions were frequent. but the salutary impression died away; the hand of oppression closed again upon its victims; and the increase for the period of twenty years, to , was only seventy-seven per cent., about one half of what it was in the ten years from to . and this is the practical result of the much-lauded plan of gradual abolition. in , in the states above mentioned, there were only , slaves, but in there were , , ! and this, too, is gradual abolition. "what, then!" perhaps you will ask, "do you expect to overthrow our whole slave system at once? to turn loose to-day two millions of negroes?" no, gentlemen; we expect no such thing. enough for us if in the spirit of fraternal duty we point to your notice the commands of god; if we urge you by every cherished remembrance of common sacrifices upon a common altar, by every consideration of humanity, justice, and expediency, to begin now, without a moment's delay, to break away from your miserable system,--to begin the work of moral reformation, as god commands you to begin, not as selfishness, or worldly policy, or short-sighted political expediency, may chance to dictate. such is our doctrine of immediate emancipation. a doctrine founded on god's eternal truth, plain, simple, and perfect,--the doctrine of immediate, unprocrastinated repentance applied to the sin of slavery. of this doctrine, and of our plan for crrrying it into effect, i have given an exposition, with the most earnest regard to the truth. does either embrace anything false, fanatical, or unconstitutional? do they afford a reasonable protext for your fierce denunciations of your northern brethren? do they furnish occasion for your newspaper chivalry, your stereotyped demonstrations of southern magnanimity and yankee meanness?--things, let me say, unworthy of virginians, degrading to yourselves, insulting to us. gentlemen, it is too late for virginia, with all her lofty intellect and nobility of feeling, to defend and advocate the principle of slavery. the death-like silence which for nearly two centuries brooded over her execrable system has been broken; light is pouring in upon the minds of her citizens; truth is abroad, "searching out and overturning the lies of the age." a moral reformation has been already awakened, and it cannot now be drugged to sleep by the sophistries of detected sin. a thousand intelligences are at work in her land; a thousand of her noblest hearts are glowing with the redeeming spirit of that true philanthropy, which is moving all the world. no, gentlemen; light is spreading from the hills of western virginia to the extremest east. you cannot arrest its progress. it is searching the consciences; it is exercising the reason; it is appealing to the noblest characteristics of intelligent virginians. it is no foreign influence. from every abandoned plantation where the profitless fern and thistle have sprung up under the heel of slavery; from every falling mansion of the master, through whose windows the fox may look out securely, and over whose hearth-stone the thin grass is creeping, a warning voice is sinking deeply into all hearts not imbruted by avarice, indolence, and the lust of power. abolitionist as i am, the intellectual character of virginia has no warmer admirer than myself. her great names, her moral trophies, the glories of her early day, the still proud and living testimonials of her mental power, i freely acknowledge and strongly appreciate. and, believe me, it is with no other feelings than those of regret and heartfelt sorrow that i speak plainly of her great error, her giant crime, a crime which is visibly calling down upon her the curse of an offended deity. but i cannot forget that upon some of the most influential and highly favored of her sons rests the responsibility at the present time of sustaining this fearful iniquity. blind to the signs of the times, careless of the wishes of thousands of their white fellow-citizens and of the manifold wrongs of the black man, they have dared to excuse, defend, nay, eulogize, the black abominations of slavery. against the tottering ark of the idol these strong men have placed their shoulders. that ark must fall; that idol must be cast down; what, then, will be the fate of their supporters? when the convention of had gathered in its splendid galaxy of talents the great names of virginia, the friends of civil liberty turned their eyes towards it in the earnest hope and confidence that it would adopt some measures in regard to slavery worthy of the high character of its members and of the age in which they lived. i need not say how deep and bitter was our disappointment. western virginia indeed spoke on that occasion, through some of her delegates, the words of truth and humanity. but their counsels and warnings were unavailing; the majority turned away to listen to the bewildering eloquence of leigh and upshur and randolph, as they desecrated their great intellects to the defence of that system of oppression under which the whole land is groaning. the memorial of the citizens of augusta county, bearing the signatures of many slave- holders, placed the evils of slavery in a strong light before the convention. its facts and arguments could only be arbitrarily thrust aside and wantonly disregarded; they could not be disproved. "in a political point of view," says the memorial, "we esteem slavery an evil greater than the aggregate of all the other evils which beset us, and we are perfectly willing to bear our proportion of the burden of removing it. we ask, further, what is the evil of any such alarm as our proposition may excite in minds unnecessarily jealous compared with that of the fatal catastrophe which ultimately awaits our country, and the general depravation of manners which slavery has already produced and is producing?" i cannot forbear giving one more extract from this paper. the memorialists state their belief "that the labor of slaves is vastly less productive than that of freemen; that it therefore requires a larger space to furnish subsistence for a given number of the former than of the latter; that the employment of the former necessarily excludes that of the latter; that hence our population, white and black, averages seventeen, when it ought, and would under other circumstances, average, as in new england, at least sixty to a square mile; that the possession and management of slaves form a source of endless vexation and misery in the house, and of waste and ruin on the farm; that the youth of the country are growing up with a contempt of steady industry as a low and servile thing, which contempt induces idleness and all its attendant effeminacy, vice, and worthlessness; that the waste of the products of the land, nay, of the land itself, is bringing poverty on all its inhabitants; that this poverty and the sparseness of population either prevent the institution of schools throughout the country, or keep them in a most languid and inefficient condition; and that the same causes most obviously paralyze all our schemes and efforts for the useful improvement of the country." gentlemen, you have only to look around you to know that this picture has been drawn with the pencil of truth. what has made desolate and sterile one of the loveliest regions of the whole earth? what mean the signs of wasteful neglect, of long improvidence around you: the half-finished mansion already falling into decay, the broken-down enclosures, the weed- grown garden the slave hut open to the elements, the hillsides galled and naked, the fields below them run over with brier and fern? is all this in the ordinary course of nature? has man husbanded well the good gifts of god, and are they nevertheless passing from him, by a process of deterioration over which he has no control? no, gentlemen. for more than two centuries the cold and rocky soil of new england has yielded its annual tribute, and it still lies green and luxuriant beneath the sun of our brief summer. the nerved and ever-exercised arm of free labor has changed a landscape wild and savage as the night scenery of salvator rosa into one of pastoral beauty,--the abode of independence and happiness. under a similar system of economy and industry, how would virginia, rich with nature's prodigal blessings, have worn at this time over all her territory the smiles of plenty, the charms of rewarded industry! what a change would have been manifest in your whole character! freemen in the place of slaves, industry, reputable economy, a virtue, dissipation despised, emigration unnecessary! (a late virginia member of congress described the virginia slave- holder as follows: "he is an eastern virginian whose good fortune it has been to have been born wealthy, and to have become a profound politician at twenty-one without study or labor. this individual, from birth and habit, is above all labor and exertion. he never moves a finger for any useful purpose; he lives on the labor of his slaves, and even this labor he is too proud and indolent to direct in person. while he is at his ease, a mercenary with a whip in his hand drives his slaves in the field. their dinner, consisting of a few scraps and lean bones, is eaten in the burning sun. they have no time to go to a shade and be refreshed such easement is reserved for the horses"!--speech of hon. p. p. doddridge in house of delegates, .) all this, you will say, comes too late; the curse is upon you, the evil in the vitals of your state, the desolation widening day by day. no, it is not too late. there are elements in the virginian character capable of meeting the danger, extreme as it is, and turning it aside. could you but forget for a time partisan contest and unprofitable political speculations, you might successfully meet the dangerous exigencies of your state with those efficient remedies which the spirit of the age suggests; you might, and that too without pecuniary loss, relinquish your claims to human beings as slaves, and employ them as free laborers, under such restraint and supervision as their present degraded condition may render necessary. in the language of one of your own citizens, "it is useless for you to attempt to linger on the skirts of the age which is departed. the action of existing causes and principles is steady and progressive. it cannot be retarded, unless you would blow out all the moral lights around you; and if you refuse to keep up with it, you will be towed in the wake, whether you will or not."--(speech in virginia legislature, .) the late noble example of the eloquent statesman of roanoke, the manumission of his slaves, speaks volumes to his political friends. in the last hour of existence, when his soul was struggling from his broken tenement, his latest effort was the confirmation of this generous act of a former period. light rest the turf upon him beneath his own patrimonial oaks! the prayers of many hearts made happy by his benevolence shall linger over his grave and bless it. gentlemen, in concluding these letters, let me once more assure you that i entertain towards you and your political friends none other than kindly feelings. if i have spoken at all with apparent harshness, it has been of principles rather than of men. but i deprecate no censure. conscious of the honest and patriotic motives which have prompted their avowal, i cheerfully leave my sentiments to their fate. despised and contemned as they may be, i believe they cannot be gainsaid. sustained by the truth as it exists in nature and revelation, sanctioned by the prevailing spirit of the age, they are yet destined to work out the political and moral regeneration of our country. the opposition which they meet with does not dishearten me. in the lofty confidence of john milton, i believe that "though all the winds of doctrine be let loose upon the earth, so truth be among them, we need not fear. let her and falsehood grapple; whoever knew her to be put to the worst in a free and open encounter?" haverhill, mass., th of th mo., . letter to samuel e. sewall. haverhill, th of st mo., . samuel e. sewall, esq., secretary new england a. s. society dear friend,--i regret that circumstances beyond my control will not allow of my attendance at the annual meeting of the new england anti- slavery society. i need not say to the members of that society that i am with them, heart and soul, in the cause of abolition; the abolition not of physical slavery alone, abhorrent and monstrous as it is, but of that intellectual slavery, the bondage of corrupt and mistaken opinion, which has fettered as with iron the moral energies and intellectual strength of new england. for what is slavery, after all, but fear,--fear, forcing mind and body into unnatural action? and it matters little whether it be the terror of the slave-whip on the body, or of the scourge of popular opinion upon the inner man. we all know how often the representatives of the southern division of the country have amused themselves in congress by applying the opprobrious name of "slave" to the free northern laborer. and how familiar have the significant epithets of "white slave" and "dough-face" become! i fear these epithets have not been wholly misapplied. have we not been told here, gravely and authoritatively, by some of our learned judges, divines, and politicians, that we, the free people of new england, have no right to discuss the subject of slavery? freemen, and no right to suggest the duty or the policy of a practical adherence to the doctrines of that immortal declaration upon which our liberties are founded! christians, enjoying perfect liberty of conscience, yet possessing no right to breathe one whisper against a system of adultery and blood, which is filling the whole land with abomination and blasphemy! and this craven sentiment is echoed by the very men whose industry is taxed to defray the expenses of twenty-five representatives of property, vested in beings fashioned in the awful image of their maker; by men whose hard earnings aid in supporting a standing army mainly for the protection of slaveholding indolence; by men who are liable at any moment to be called from the field and workshop to put down by force the ever upward tendencies of oppressed humanity, to aid the negro-breeder and the negro- trader in the prosecution of a traffic most horrible in the eye of god, to wall round with their bayonets two millions of colored americans, children of a common father and heirs of a common eternity, while the broken chain is riveted anew and the thrown-off fetter replaced. i am for the abolition of this kind of slavery. it must be accomplished before we can hope to abolish the negro slavery of the country. the people of the free states, with a perfect understanding of their own rights and a sacred respect for the rights of others, must put their strong shoulders to the work of moral reform, and our statesmen, orators, and politicians will follow, floating as they must with the tendency of the current, the mere indices of popular sentiment. they cannot be expected to lead in this matter. they are but instruments in the hands of the people for good or evil:-- "a breath can make them, as a breath has made." be it our task to give tone and direction to these instruments; to turn the tide of popular feeling into the pure channels of justice; to break up the sinful silence of the nation; to bring the vaunted christianity of our age and country to the test of truth; to try the strength and purity of our republicanism. if the christianity we profess has not power to pull down the strongholds of prejudice, and overcome hate, and melt the heart of oppression, it is not of god. if our republicanism is based on other foundation than justice and humanity, let it fall forever. no better evidence is needed of the suicidal policy of this nation than the death-like silence on the subject of slavery which pervades its public documents. who that peruses the annual messages of the national executive would, from their perusal alone, conjecture that such an evil as slavery had existence among us? have the people reflected upon the cause of this silence? the evil has grown to be too monstrous to be questioned. its very magnitude has sealed the lips of the rulers. uneasily, and troubled with its dream of guilt, the nation sleeps on. the volcano is beneath. god is above us. at every step of our peaceful and legal agitation of this subject we are met with one grave objection. we are told that the system which we are conscientiously opposing is recognized and protected by the constitution. for all the benefits of our fathers' patriotism--and they are neither few nor trifling--let us be grateful to god and to their memories. but it should not be forgotten that the same constitutional compact which now sanctions slavery guaranteed protection for twenty years to the foreign slave-trade. it threw the shield of its "sanctity" around the now universally branded pirate. it legalized the most abhorrent system of robbery which ever cursed the family of man. during those years of sinful compromise the crime of man-robbery less atrocious than at present? because the constitution permitted, in that single crime, the violation of all the commandments of god, was that violation less terrible to earth or offensive to heaven? no one now defends that "constitutional" slavetrade. loaded with the curse of god and man, it stands amidst minor iniquities, like satan in pandemonium, preeminent and monstrous in crime. and if the slave-trade has become thus odious, what must be the fate, erelong, of its parent, slavery? if the mere consequence be thus blackening under the execration of all the world, who shall measure the dreadful amount of infamy which must finally settle on the cause itself? the titled ecclesiastic and the ambitious statesman should have their warning on this point. they should know that public opinion is steadily turning to the light of truth. the fountains are breaking up around us, and the great deep will soon be in motion. a stern, uncompromising, and solemn spirit of inquiry is abroad. it cannot be arrested, and its result may be easily foreseen. it will not long be popular to talk of the legality of soul-murder, the constitutionality of man-robbery. one word in relation to our duty to our southern brethren. if we detest their system of slavery in our hearts, let us not play the hypocrite with our lips. let us not pay so poor a compliment to their understandings as to suppose that we can deceive them into a compliance with our views of justice by ambiguous sophistry, and overcome their sinful practices and established prejudices by miserable stratagem. let us not first do violence to our consciences by admitting their moral right to property in man, and then go to work like so many vagabond pedlers to cheat them out of it. they have a right to complain of such treatment. it is mean, and wicked, and dishonorable. let us rather treat our southern friends as intelligent and high-minded men, who, whatever may be their faults, despise unmanly artifice, and loathe cant, and abhor hypocrisy. connected with them, not by political ties alone, but by common sacrifices and mutual benefits, let us seek to expostulate with them earnestly and openly, to gain at least their confidence in our sincerity, to appeal to their consciences, reason, and interests; and, using no other weapons than those of moral truth, contend fearlessly with the evil system they are cherishing. and if, in an immediate compliance with the strict demands of justice, they should need our aid and sympathy, let us open to them our hearts and our purses. but in the name of sincerity, and for the love of peace and the harmony of the union, let there be no more mining and countermining, no more blending of apology with denunciation, no more janus-like systems of reform, with one face for the south and another for the north. if we steadily adhere to the principles upon which we have heretofore acted, if we present our naked hearts to the view of all, if we meet the threats and violence of our misguided enemies with the bare bosom and weaponless hand of innocence, may we not trust that the arm of our heavenly father will be under us, to strengthen and support us? and although we may not be able to save our country from the awful judgment she is provoking, though the pillars of the union fall and all the elements of her greatness perish, still let it be our part to rally around the standard of truth and justice, to wash our hands of evil, to keep our own souls unspotted, and, bearing our testimony and lifting our warning voices to the last, leave the event in the hands of a righteous god. john quincy adams. in isaac knapp printed letters from john quincy adams to his constituents of the twelfth congressional district in massachusetts, to which is added his speech in congress, delivered february , , and the following stood as an introduction to the pamphlet. the following letters have been published, within a few weeks, in the quincy (mass.) 'patriot'. notwithstanding the great importance of the subjects which they discuss, the intense interest which they are calculated to awaken throughout this commonwealth and the whole country, and the exalted reputation of their author as a profound statesman and powerful writer, they are as yet hardly known beyond the limits of the constituency to whom they are particularly addressed. the reason of this is sufficiently obvious. john quincy adams belongs to neither of the prominent political parties, fights no partisan battles, and cannot be prevailed upon to sacrifice truth and principle upon the altar of party expediency and interest. hence neither party is interested in defending his course, or in giving him an opportunity to defend himself. but however systematic may be the efforts of mere partisan presses to suppress and hold back from the public eye the powerful and triumphant vindication of the right of petition, the graphic delineation of the slavery spirit in congress, and the humbling disclosure of northern cowardice and treachery, contained in these letters, they are destined to exert a powerful influence upon the public mind. they will constitute one of the most striking pages in the history of our times. they will be read with avidity in the north and in the south, and throughout europe. apart from the interest excited by the subjects under discussion, and viewed only as literary productions, they may be ranked among the highest intellectual efforts of their author. their sarcasm is junius-like,-- cold, keen, unsparing. in boldness, directness, and eloquent appeal, they will bear comparison with o'connell's celebrated 'letters to the reformers of great britain'. they are the offspring of an intellect unshorn of its primal strength, and combining the ardor of youth with the experience of age. the disclosure made in these letters of the slavery influence exerted in congress over the representatives of the free states, of the manner in which the rights of freemen have been bartered for southern votes, or basely yielded to the threats of men educated in despotism, and stamped by the free indulgence of unrestrained tyranny with the "odious peculiarities" of slavery, is painful and humiliating in the extreme. it will be seen that, in the great struggle for and against the right of petition, an account of which is given in the following pages, their author stood, in a great measure, alone and unsupported by his northern colleagues. on his "gray, discrowned head" the entire fury of slave- holding arrogance and wrath was expended. he stood alone, beating back, with his aged and single arm, the tide which would have borne down and overwhelmed a less sturdy and determined spirit. we need not solicit for these letters, and the speech which accompanies them, a thorough perusal. they deserve, and we trust will receive, a circulation throughout the entire country. they will meet a cordial welcome from every lover of human liberty, from every friend of justice and the rights of man, irrespective of color or condition. the principles which they defend, the sentiments which they express, are those of massachusetts, as recently asserted, almost unanimously, by her legislature. in both branches of that body, during the discussion of the subject of slavery and the right of petition, the course of the ex- president was warmly and eloquently commended. massachusetts will sustain her tried and faithful representative; and the time is not far distant when the best and worthiest citizens of the entire north will proffer him their thanks for his noble defence of their rights as freemen, and of the rights of the slave as a man. the bible and slavery. from a review of a pro-slavery pamphlet by "evangelicus" in the boston emancipator in . the second part of the essay is occupied in proving that the slavery in the roman world, at the time of our saviour, was similar in all essential features to american slavery at the present day; and the third and concluding part is devoted to an examination of the apostolical directions to slaves and masters, as applicable to the same classes in the united states. he thinks the command to give to servants that which is just and equal means simply that the masters should treat their slaves with equity, and that while the servant is to be profitable to the master, the latter is bound in "a fair and equitable manner to provide for the slave's subsistence and happiness." although he professes to believe that a faithful adherence to scriptural injunctions on this point would eventually terminate in the emancipation of the slaves, he thinks it not necessary to inquire whether the new testament does or does not "tolerate slavery as a permanent institution"! from the foregoing synopsis it will be seen at once that whatever may have been the motives of the writer, the effect of his publication, so far as it is at all felt, will be to strengthen the oppressor in his guilt, and hold him back from the performance of his immediate duty in respect to his slaves, and to shield his conscience from the reproofs of that class who, according to "evangelicus," have "no personal acquaintance with the actual domestic state or the social and political connections of their southern fellow-citizens." we look upon it only as another vain attempt to strike a balance between christian duty and criminal policy, to reconcile christ and belial, the holy philanthropy of him who went about doing good with the most abhorrent manifestation of human selfishness, lust, and hatred which ever provoked the divine displeasure. there is a grave-stone coldness about it. the author manifests as little feeling as if he were solving a question in algebra. no sigh of sympathy breathes through its frozen pages for the dumb, chained millions, no evidence of a feeling akin to that of him who at the grave of lazarus "wept, and forgot his power to save;" no outburst of that indignant reproof with which the divine master rebuked the devourers of widows' houses and the oppressors of the poor is called forth by the writer's stoical contemplation of the tyranny of his "christian brethren" at the south. "it is not necessary," says evangelicus, "to inquire whether the new testament does not tolerate slavery as a permanent institution." and this is said when the entire slave-holding church has sheltered its abominations under the pretended sanction of the gospel; when slavery, including within itself a violation of every command uttered amidst the thunders of sinai, a system which has filled the whole south with the oppression of egypt and the pollutions of sodom, is declared to be an institution of the most high. with all due deference to the author, we tell him, and we tell the church, north and south, that this question must be met. once more we repeat the solemn inquiry which has been already made in our columns, "is the bible to enslave the world?" has it been but a vain dream of ours that the mission of the author of the gospel was to undo the heavy burdens, to open the prison doors, and to break the yoke of the captive? let andover and princeton answer. if the gospel does sanction the vilest wrong which man can inflict upon his fellow-man, if it does rivet the chains which humanity, left to itself, would otherwise cast off, then, in humanity's name, let it perish forever from the face of the earth. let the bible societies dissolve; let not another sheet issue from their presses. scatter not its leaves abroad over the dark places of the earth; they are not for the healing of the nations. leave rather to the persian his zendavesta, to the mussulman his koran. we repeat it, this question must be met. already we have heard infidelity exulting over the astute discoveries of bespectacled theological professors, that the great head of the christian church tolerated the horrible atrocities of roman slavery, and that his most favored apostle combined slave-catching with his missionary labors. and why should it not exult? fouler blasphemy than this was never uttered. a more monstrous libel upon the divine author of christianity was never propagated by paine or voltaire, kneeland or owen; and we are constrained to regard the professor of theology or the doctor of divinity who tasks his sophistry and learning in an attempt to show that the divine mind looks with complacency upon chattel slavery as the most dangerous enemy with which christianity has to contend. the friends of pure and undefiled religion must awake to this danger. the northern church must shake itself clean from its present connection with blasphemers and slave-holders, or perish with them. what is slavery addressed to the liberty party convention at new bedford in september, . i have just received your kind invitation to attend the meeting of the liberty party in new bedford on the d of next month. believe me, it is with no ordinary feelings of regret that i find myself under the necessity of foregoing the pleasure of meeting with you on that occasion. but i need not say to you, and through you to the convention, that you have my hearty sympathy. i am with the liberty party because it is the only party in the country which is striving openly and honestly to reduce to practice the great truths which lie at the foundation of our republic: all men created equal, endowed with rights inalienable; the security of these rights the only just object of government; the right of the people to alter or modify government until this great object is attained. precious and glorious truths! sacred in the sight of their divine author, grateful and beneficent to suffering humanity, essential elements of that ultimate and universal government of which god is laying the strong and wide foundations, turning and overturning, until he whose right it is shall rule. the voice which calls upon us to sustain them is the voice of god. in the eloquent language of the lamented myron holley, the man who first lifted up the standard of the liberty party: "he calls upon us to sustain these truths in the recorded voice of the holy of ancient times. he calls us to sustain them in the sound as of many waters and mighty thunderings rising from the fields of europe, converted into one vast aceldama by the exertions of despots to suppress them; in the persuasive history of the best thoughts and boldest deeds of all our brave, self- sacrificing ancestors; in the tender, heart-reaching whispers of our children, preparing to suffer or enjoy the future, as we leave it for them; in the broken and disordered but moving accents of half our race yet groping in darkness and galled by the chains of bondage. he calls upon us to sustain them by the solemn and considerate use of all the powers with which he has invested us." in a time of almost universal political scepticism, in the midst of a pervading and growing unbelief in the great principles enunciated in the revolutionary declaration, the liberty party has dared to avow its belief in these truths, and to carry them into action as far as it has the power. it is a protest against the political infidelity of the day, a recurrence to first principles, a summons once more to that deserted altar upon which our fathers laid their offerings. it may be asked why it is that a party resting upon such broad principles is directing its exclusive exertions against slavery. "are there not other great interests?" ask all manner of whig and democrat editors and politicians. "consider, for instance," say the democrats, "the mighty question which is agitating us, whether a 'northern man with southern principles' or a southern man with the principles of a nero or caligula shall be president." "or look at us," say the whigs, "deprived of our inalienable right to office by this tyler-calhoun administration. and bethink you, gentlemen, how could your liberty party do better than to vote with us for a man who, if he does hold some threescore of slaves, and maintain that 'two hundred years of legislation has sanctioned and sanctified negro slavery,' is, at the same time, the champion of greek liberty, and polish liberty, and south american liberty, and, in short, of all sorts of liberties, save liberty at home." yes, friends, we have considered all this, and more, namely, that one sixth part of our entire population are slaves, and that you, with your subtreasuries and national banks, propose no relief for them. nay, farther, it is because both of you, when in power, have used your authority to rivet closer the chains of unhappy millions, that we have been compelled to abandon you, and form a liberty party having for its first object the breaking of these chains. what is slavery? for upon the answer to this question must the liberty party depend for its justification. the slave laws of the south tell us that it is the conversion of men into articles of property; the transformation of sentient immortal beings into "chattels personal." the principle of a reciprocity of benefits, which to some extent characterizes all other relations, does not exist in that of master and slave. the master holds the plough which turns the soil of his plantation, the horse which draws it, and the slave who guides it by one and the same tenure. the profit of the master is the great end of the slave's existence. for this end he is fed, clothed, and prescribed for in sickness. he learns nothing, acquires nothing, for himself. he cannot use his own body for his own benefit. his very personality is destroyed. he is a mere instrument, a means in the hands of another for the accomplishment of an end in which his own interests are not regarded, a machine moved not by his own will, but by another's. in him the awful distinction between a person and a thing is annihilated: he is thrust down from the place which god and nature assigned him, from the equal companionship of rational intelligence's,--a man herded with beasts, an immortal nature classed with the wares of the merchant! the relations of parent and child, master and apprentice, government and subject, are based upon the principle of benevolence, reciprocal benefits, and the wants of human society; relations which sacredly respect the rights and legacies which god has given to all his rational creatures. but slavery exists only by annihilating or monopolizing these rights and legacies. in every other modification of society, man's personal ownership remains secure. he may be oppressed, deprived of privileges, loaded with burdens, hemmed about with legal disabilities, his liberties restrained. but, through all, the right to his own body and soul remains inviolate. he retains his inherent, original possession of himself. even crime cannot forfeit it, for that law which destroys his personality makes void its own claims upon him as a moral agent; and the power to punish ceases with the accountability of the criminal. he may suffer and die under the penalties of the law, but he suffers as a man, he perishes as a man, and not as a thing. to the last moments of his existence the rights of a moral agent are his; they go with him to the grave; they constitute the ground of his accountability at the bar of infinite justice,--rights fixed, eternal, inseparable; attributes of all rational intelligence in time and eternity; the same in essence, and differing in degree only, with those of the highest moral being, of god himself. slavery alone lays its grasp upon the right of personal ownership, that foundation right, the removal of which uncreates the man; a right which god himself could not take away without absolving the being thus deprived of all moral accountability; and so far as that being is concerned, making sin and holiness, crime and virtue, words without significance, and the promises and sanctions of revelation, dreams. hence, the crowning horror of slavery, that which lifts it above all other iniquities, is not that it usurps the prerogatives of deity, but that it attempts that which even he who has said, "all souls are mine," cannot do, without breaking up the foundations of his moral government. slavery is, in fact, a struggle with the almighty for dominion over his rational creatures. it is leagued with the powers of darkness, in wresting man from his maker. it is blasphemy lifting brazen brow and violent hand to heaven, attempting a reversal of god's laws. man claiming the right to uncreate his brother; to undo that last and most glorious work, which god himself pronounced good, amidst the rejoicing hosts of heaven! man arrogating to himself the right to change, for his own selfish purposes, the beautiful order of created existences; to pluck the crown of an immortal nature, scarce lower than that of angels, from the brow of his brother; to erase the god-like image and superscription stamped upon him by the hand of his creator, and to write on the despoiled and desecrated tablet, "a chattel personal!" this, then, is slavery. nature, with her thousand voices, cries out against it. against it, divine revelation launches its thunders. the voice of god condemns it in the deep places of the human heart. the woes and wrongs unutterable which attend this dreadful violation of natural justice, the stripes, the tortures, the sunderings of kindred, the desolation of human affections, the unchastity and lust, the toil uncompensated, the abrogated marriage, the legalized heathenism, the burial of the mind, are but the mere incidentals of the first grand outrage, that seizure of the entire man, nerve, sinew, and spirit, which robs him of his body, and god of his soul. these are but the natural results and outward demonstrations of slavery, the crystallizations from the chattel principle. it is against this system, in its active operation upon three millions of our countrymen, that the liberty party is, for the present, directing all its efforts. with such an object well may we be "men of one idea." nor do we neglect "other great interests," for all are colored and controlled by slavery, and the removal of this disastrous influence would most effectually benefit them. political action is the result and immediate object of moral suasion on this subject. action, action, is the spirit's means of progress, its sole test of rectitude, its only source of happiness. and should not decided action follow our deep convictions of the wrong of slavery? shall we denounce the slave-holders of the states, while we retain our slavery in the district of columbia? shall we pray that the god of the oppressed will turn the hearts of "the rulers" in south carolina, while we, the rulers of the district, refuse to open the prisons and break up the slave-markets on its ten miles square? god keep us from such hypocrisy! everybody now professes to be opposed to slavery. the leaders of the two great political parties are grievously concerned lest the purity of the antislavery enterprise will suffer in its connection with politics. in the midst of grossest pro-slavery action, they are full of anti-slavery sentiment. they love the cause, but, on the whole, think it too good for this world. they would keep it sublimated, aloft, out of vulgar reach or use altogether, intangible as magellan's clouds. everybody will join us in denouncing slavery, in the abstract; not a faithless priest nor politician will oppose us; abandon action, and forsooth we can have an abolition millennium; the wolf shall lie down with the lamb, while slavery in practice clanks, in derision, its three millions of unbroken chains. our opponents have no fear of the harmless spectre of an abstract idea. they dread it only when it puts on the flesh and sinews of a practical reality, and lifts its right arm in the strength which god giveth to do as well as theorize. as honest men, then, we must needs act; let us do so as becomes men engaged in a great and solemn cause. not by processions and idle parades and spasmodic enthusiasms, by shallow tricks and shows and artifices, can a cause like ours be carried onward. leave these to parties contending for office, as the "spoils of victory." we need no disguises, nor false pretences, nor subterfuges; enough for us to present before our fellow- countrymen the holy truths of freedom, in their unadorned and native beauty. dark as the present may seem, let us remember with hearty confidence that truth and right are destined to triumph. let us blot out the word "discouragement" from the anti-slavery vocabulary. let the enemies of freedom be discouraged; let the advocates of oppression despair; but let those who grapple with wrong and falsehood, in the name of god and in the power of his truth, take courage. slavery must die. the lord hath spoken it. the vials of his hot displeasure, like those which chastised the nations in the apocalyptic vision, are smoking even now, above its "habitations of cruelty." it can no longer be borne with by heaven. universal humanity cries out against it. let us work, then, to hasten its downfall, doing whatsoever our hands find to do, "with all our might." october, . democracy and slavery. ( .) the great leader of american democracy, thomas jefferson, was an ultra-abolitionist in theory, while from youth to age a slave-holder in practice. with a zeal which never abated, with a warmth which the frost of years could not chill, he urged the great truths, that each man should be the guardian of his own weal; that one man should never have absolute control over another. he maintained the entire equality of the race, the inherent right of self-ownership, the equal claim of all to a fair participation in the enactment of the laws by which they are governed. he saw clearly that slavery, as it existed in the south and on his own plantation, was inconsistent with this doctrine. his early efforts for emancipation in virginia failed of success; but he next turned his attention to the vast northwestern territory, and laid the foundation of that ordinance of , which, like the flaming sword of the angel at the gates of paradise, has effectually guarded that territory against the entrance of slavery. nor did he stop here. he was the friend and admirer of the ultra-abolitionists of revolutionary france; he warmly urged his british friend, dr. price, to send his anti-slavery pamphlets into virginia; he omitted no opportunity to protest against slavery as anti-democratic, unjust, and dangerous to the common welfare; and in his letter to the territorial governor of illinois, written in old age, he bequeathed, in earnest and affecting language, the cause of negro emancipation to the rising generation. "this enterprise," said he, "is for the young, for those who can carry it forward to its consummation. it shall have all my prayers, and these are the only weapons of an old man." such was thomas jefferson, the great founder of american democracy, the advocate of the equality of human rights, irrespective of any conditions of birth, or climate, or color. his political doctrines, it is strange to say, found their earliest recipients and most zealous admirers in the slave states of the union. the privileged class of slaveholders, whose rank and station "supersede the necessity of an order of nobility," became earnest advocates of equality among themselves--the democracy of aristocracy. with the misery and degradation of servitude always before them, in the condition of their own slaves, an intense love of personal independence, and a haughty impatience of any control over their actions, prepared them to adopt the democratic idea, so far as it might be applied to their own order. of that enlarged and generous democracy, the love, not of individual freedom alone, but of the rights and liberties of all men, the unselfish desire to give to others the privileges which all men value for themselves, we are constrained to believe the great body of thomas jefferson's slave-holding admirers had no adequate conception. they were just such democrats as the patricians of rome and the aristocracy of venice; lords over their own plantations, a sort of "holy alliance" of planters, admitting and defending each other's divine right of mastership. still, in virginia, maryland, and in other sections of the slave states, truer exponents and exemplifiers of the idea of democracy, as it existed in the mind of jefferson, were not wanting. in the debate on the memorials presented to the first congress of the united states, praying for the abolition of slavery, the voice of the virginia delegation in that body was unanimous in deprecation of slavery as an evil, social, moral, and political. in the virginia constitutional convention--of there were men who had the wisdom to perceive and the firmness to declare that slavery was not only incompatible with the honor and prosperity of the state, but wholly indefensible on any grounds which could be consistently taken by a republican people. in the debate on the same subject in the legislature in , universal and impartial democracy found utterance from eloquent lips. we might say as much of kentucky, the child of virginia. but it remains true that these were exceptions to the general rule. with the language of universal liberty on their lips, and moved by the most zealous spirit of democratic propagandism, the greater number of the slave-holders of the union seem never to have understood the true meaning, or to have measured the length and breadth of that doctrine which they were the first to adopt, and of which they have claimed all along to be the peculiar and chosen advocates. the northern states were slow to adopt the democratic creed. the oligarchy of new england, and the rich proprietors and landholders of the middle states, turned with alarm and horror from the levelling doctrines urged upon them by the "liberty and equality" propagandists of the south. the doctrines of virginia were quite as unpalatable to massachusetts at the beginning of the present century as those of massachusetts now are to the old dominion. democracy interfered with old usages and time-honored institutions, and threatened to plough up the very foundations of the social fabric. it was zealously opposed by the representatives of new england in congress and in the home legislatures; and in many pulpits hands were lifted to god in humble entreaty that the curse and bane of democracy, an offshoot of the rabid jacobinism of revolutionary france, might not be permitted to take root and overshadow the goodly heritage of puritanism. the alarmists of the south, in their most fervid pictures of the evils to be apprehended from the prevalence of anti-slavery doctrines in their midst, have drawn nothing more fearful than the visions of such "prophets of war and harbingers of ill" as fisher ames in the forum and parish in the desk, when contemplating the inroads of jeffersonian democracy upon the politics, religion, and property of the north. but great numbers of the free laborers of the northern states, the mechanics and small farmers, took a very different view of the matter. the doctrines of jefferson were received as their political gospel. it was in vain that federalism denounced with indignation the impertinent inconsistency of slave-holding interference in behalf of liberty in the free states. come the doctrine from whom it might, the people felt it to be true. state after state revolted from the ranks of federalism, and enrolled itself on the side of democracy. the old order of things was broken up; equality before the law was established, religious tests and restrictions of the right of suffrage were abrogated. take massachusetts, for example. there the resistance to democratic principles was the most strenuous and longest continued. yet, at this time, there is no state in the union more thorough in its practical adoption of them. no property qualifications or religious tests prevail; all distinctions of sect, birth, or color, are repudiated, and suffrage is universal. the democracy, which in the south has only been held in a state of gaseous abstraction, hardened into concrete reality in the cold air of the north. the ideal became practical, for it had found lodgment among men who were accustomed to act out their convictions and test all their theories by actual experience. while thus making a practical application of the new doctrine, the people of the free states could not but perceive the incongruity of democracy and slavery. selleck osborn, who narrowly escaped the honor of a democratic martyr in connecticut, denounced slave-holding, in common with other forms of oppression. barlow, fresh from communion with gregoire, brissot, and robespierre, devoted to negro slavery some of the most vigorous and truthful lines of his great poem. eaton, returning from his romantic achievements in tunis for the deliverance of white slaves, improved the occasion to read a lecture to his countrymen on the inconsistency and guilt of holding blacks in servitude. in the missouri struggle of - , the people of the free states, with a few ignoble exceptions, took issue with the south against the extension of slavery. some ten years later, the present antislavery agitation commenced. it originated, beyond a question, in the democratic element. with the words of jefferson on their lips, young, earnest, and enthusiastic men called the attention of the community to the moral wrong and political reproach of slavery. in the name and spirit of democracy, the moral and political powers of the people were invoked to limit, discountenance, and put an end to a system so manifestly subversive of its foundation principles. it was a revival of the language of jefferson and page and randolph, an echo of the voice of him who penned the declaration of independence and originated the ordinance of . meanwhile the south had wellnigh forgotten the actual significance of the teachings of its early political prophets, and their renewal in the shape of abolitionism was, as might have been expected, strange and unwelcome. pleasant enough it had been to hold up occasionally these democratic abstractions for the purpose of challenging the world's admiration and cheaply acquiring the character of lovers of liberty and equality. frederick of prussia, apostrophizing the shades of cato and brutus, "vous de la liberte heros que je revere," while in the full exercise of his despotic power, was quite as consistent as these democratic slaveowners, whose admiration of liberty increased in exact ratio with its distance from their own plantations. they had not calculated upon seeing their doctrine clothed with life and power, a practical reality, pressing for application to their slaves as well as to themselves. they had not taken into account the beautiful ordination of providence, that no man can vindicate his own rights, without directly or impliedly including in that vindication the rights of all other men. the haughty and oppressive barons who wrung from their reluctant monarch the great charter at runnymede, acting only for themselves and their class, little dreamed of the universal application which has since been made of their guaranty of rights and liberties. as little did the nobles of the parliament of paris, when strengthening themselves by limiting the kingly prerogative, dream of the emancipation of their own serfs, by a revolution to which they were blindly giving the first impulse. god's truth is universal; it cannot be monopolized by selfishness. the two processions. ( .) "look upon this picture, and on this." hamlet. considering that we have a slave population of nearly three millions, and that in one half of the states of the republic it is more hazardous to act upon the presumption that "all men are created free and equal" than it would be in austria or russia, the lavish expression of sympathy and extravagant jubilation with which, as a people, we are accustomed to greet movements in favor of freedom abroad are not a little remarkable. we almost went into ecstasies over the first french revolution; we filled our papers with the speeches of orator hunt and the english radicals; we fraternized with the united irishmen; we hailed as brothers in the cause of freedom the very mexicans whom we have since wasted with fire and sword; our orators, north and south, grew eloquent and classic over the greek and polish revolutions. in short, long ere this, if the walls of kingcraft and despotism had been, like those of jericho, destined to be overthrown by sound, our fourth of july cannon-shootings and bell- ringings, together with our fierce, grandiloquent speech-makings in and out of congress, on the occasions referred to, would have left no stone upon another. it is true that an exception must be made in the case of hayti. we fired no guns, drank no toasts, made no speeches in favor of the establishment of that new republic in our neighborhood. the very mention of the possibility that haytien delegates might ask admittance to the congress of the free republics of the new world at panama "frightened from their propriety" the eager propagandists of republicanism in the senate, and gave a death-blow to their philanthropic projects. but as hayti is a republic of blacks who, having revolted from their masters as well as from the mother country, have placed themselves entirely without the pale of anglo-saxon sympathy by their impertinent interference with the monopoly of white liberty, this exception by no means disproves the general fact, that in the matter of powder-burning, bell-jangling, speech-making, toast-drinking admiration of freedom afar off and in the abstract we have no rivals. the caricature of our "general sympathizers" in martin chuzzlewit is by no means a fancy sketch. the news of the revolution of the three days in paris, and the triumph of the french people over charles x. and his ministers, as a matter of course acted with great effect upon our national susceptibility. we all threw up our hats in excessive joy at the spectacle of a king dashed down headlong from his throne and chased out of his kingdom by his long- suffering and oppressed subjects. we took half the credit of the performance to ourselves, inasmuch as lafayette was a principal actor in it. our editors, from passamaquoddy to the sabine, indited paragraphs for a thousand and one newspapers, congratulating the parisian patriots, and prophesying all manner of evil to holy alliances, kings, and aristocracies. the national intelligencer for september , , contains a full account of the public rejoicings of the good people of washington on the occasion. bells were rung in all the steeples, guns were fired, and a grand procession was formed, including the president of the united states, the heads of departments, and other public functionaries. decorated with tricolored ribbons, and with tricolored flags mingling with the stripes and stars over their heads, and gazed down upon by bright eyes from window and balcony, the "general sympathizers" moved slowly and majestically through the broad avenue towards the capitol to celebrate the revival of french liberty in a manner becoming the chosen rulers of a free people. what a spectacle was this for the representatives of european kingcraft at our seat of government! how the titled agents of metternich and nicholas must have trembled, in view of this imposing demonstration, for the safety of their "peculiar institutions!" unluckily, however, the moral effect of this grand spectacle was marred somewhat by the appearance of another procession, moving in a contrary direction. it was a gang of slaves! handcuffed in pairs, with the sullen sadness of despair in their faces, they marched wearily onward to the music of the driver's whip and the clanking iron on their limbs. think of it! shouts of triumph, rejoicing bells, gay banners, and glittering cavalcades, in honor of liberty, in immediate contrast with men and women chained and driven like cattle to market! the editor of the american spectator, a paper published at washington at that time, speaking of this black procession of slavery, describes it as "driven along by what had the appearance of a man on horseback." the miserable wretches who composed it were doubtless consigned to a slave-jail to await their purchase and transportation to the south or southwest; and perhaps formed a part of that drove of human beings which the same editor states that he saw on the saturday following, "males and females chained in couples, starting from robey's tavern, on foot, for alexandria, to embark on board a slave-ship." at a virginia camp-meeting, many years ago, one of the brethren, attempting an exhortation, stammered, faltered, and finally came to a dead stand. "sit down, brother," said old father kyle, the one-eyed abolition preacher; "it's no use to try; you can't preach with twenty negroes sticking in your throat!" it strikes us that our country is very much in the condition of the poor confused preacher at the camp-meeting. slavery sticks in its throat, and spoils its finest performances, political and ecclesiastical; confuses the tongues of its evangelical alliances; makes a farce of its fourth of july celebrations; and, as in the case of the grand washington procession of , sadly mars the effect of its rejoicings in view of the progress of liberty abroad. there is a stammer in all our exhortations; our moral and political homilies are sure to run into confusions and contradictions; and the response which comes to us from the nations is not unlike that of father kyle to the planter's attempt at sermonizing: "it's no use, brother jonathan; you can't preach liberty with three millions of slaves in your throat!" a chapter of history. ( .) the theory which a grave and learned northern senator has recently announced in congress, that slavery, like the cotton-plant, is confined by natural laws to certain parallels of latitude, beyond which it can by no possibility exist, however it may have satisfied its author and its auditors, has unfortunately no verification in the facts of the case. slavery is singularly cosmopolitan in its habits. the offspring of pride, and lust, and avarice, it is indigenous to the world. rooted in the human heart, it defies the rigors of winter in the steppes of tartary and the fierce sun of the tropics. it has the universal acclimation of sin. the first account we have of negro slaves in new england is from the pen of john josselyn. nineteen years after the landing at plymouth, this interesting traveller was for some time the guest of samuel maverick, who then dwelt, like a feudal baron, in his fortalice on noddle's island, surrounded by retainers and servants, bidding defiance to his indian neighbors behind his strong walls, with "four great guns" mounted thereon, and "giving entertainment to all new-comers gratis." "on the d of october, , about nine o'clock in the morning, mr. maverick's negro woman," says josselyn, "came to my chamber, and in her own country language and tune sang very loud and shrill. going out to her, she used a great deal of respect towards me, and would willingly have expressed her grief in english had she been able to speak the language; but i apprehended it by her countenance and deportment. whereupon i repaired to my host to learn of him the cause, and resolved to entreat him in her behalf; for i had understood that she was a queen in her own country, and observed a very dutiful and humble garb used towards her by another negro, who was her maid. mr. maverick was desirous to have a breed of negroes; and therefore, seeing she would not yield by persuasions to company with a negro young man he had in his house, he commanded him, willed she, nilled she, to go to her bed, which was no sooner done than she thrust him out again. this she took in high disdain beyond her slavery; and this was the cause of her grief." that the peculiar domestic arrangements and unfastidious economy of this slave-breeding settler were not countenanced by the puritans of that early time we have sufficient evidence. it is but fair to suppose, from the silence of all other writers of the time with respect to negroes and slaves, that this case was a marked exception to the general habits and usage of the colonists. at an early period a traffic was commenced between the new england colonies and that of barbadoes; and it is not improbable that slaves were brought to boston from that island. the laws, however, discouraged their introduction and purchase, giving freedom to all held to service at the close of seven years. in , two years after josselyn's adventure on noddle's island, the code of laws known by the name of the body of liberties was adopted by the colony. it was drawn up by nathaniel ward, the learned and ingenious author of the 'simple cobbler of agawarn', the earliest poetical satire of new england. one of its provisions was as follows:-- "there shall be never any bond slaverie, villainage, or captivitie amongst us, unless it be lawfull captives taken in just warres and such strangers as willingly sell themselves or are sold to us. and these shall have all the liberties and christian usages which the law of god established in israel doth morally require." in , captain smith, a boston church-member, in connection with one keeser, brought home two negroes whom he obtained by the surprise and burning of a negro village in africa and the massacre of many of its inhabitants. sir richard saltonstall, one of the assistants, presented a petition to the general court, stating the outrage thereby committed as threefold in its nature, namely murder, man-stealing, and sabbath- breaking; inasmuch as the offence of "chasing the negers, as aforesayde, upon the sabbath day (being a servile work, and such as cannot be considered under any other head) is expressly capital by the law of god;" for which reason he prays that the offenders may be brought to justice, "soe that the sin they have committed may be upon their own heads and not upon ourselves." upon this petition the general court passed the following order, eminently worthy of men professing to rule in the fear and according to the law of god,--a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well:-- "the general court, conceiving themselves bound by the first opportunity to bear witness against the heinous and crying sin of man-stealing, as also to prescribe such timely redress for what has passed, and such a law for the future as may sufficiently deter all others belonging to us to have to do in such vile and odious courses, justly abhorred of all good and just men, do order that the negro interpreter, and others unlawfully taken, be by the first opportunity, at the charge of the country for the present, sent to his native country, guinea, and a letter with him of the indignation of the court thereabout, and justice thereof, desiring our honored governor would please put this order in execution." there is, so far as we know, no historical record of the actual return of these stolen men to their home. a letter is extant, however, addressed in behalf of the general court to a mr. williams on the piscataqua, by whom one of the negroes had been purchased, requesting him to send the man forthwith to boston, that he may be sent home, "which this court do resolve to send back without delay." three years after, in , the following law was placed upon the statute-book of the massachusetts colony:-- "if any man stealeth a man, or mankind, he shall surely be put to death." it will thus be seen that these early attempts to introduce slavery into new england were opposed by severe laws and by that strong popular sentiment in favor of human liberty which characterized the christian radicals who laid the foundations of the colonies. it was not the rigor of her northern winter, nor the unkindly soil of massachusetts, which discouraged the introduction of slavery in the first half-century of her existence as a colony. it was the puritan's recognition of the brotherhood of man in sin, suffering, and redemption, his estimate of the awful responsibilities and eternal destinies of humanity, his hatred of wrong and tyranny, and his stern sense of justice, which led him to impose upon the african slave-trader the terrible penalty of the mosaic code. but that brave old generation passed away. the civil contentions in the mother country drove across the seas multitudes of restless adventurers and speculators. the indian wars unsettled and demoralized the people. habits of luxury and the greed of gain took the place of the severe self- denial and rigid virtues of the fathers. hence we are not surprised to find that josselyn, in his second visit to new england, some twenty-five years after his first, speaks of the great increase of servants and negroes. in governor bradstreet, in answer to the inquiries of his majesty's privy council, states that two years before a vessel from madagasca "brought into the colony betwixt forty and fifty negroes, mostly women and children, who were sold at a loss to the owner of the vessel." "now and then," he continues, "two or three negroes are brought from barbadoes and other of his majesty's plantations and sold for twenty pounds apiece; so that there may be within the government about one hundred or one hundred and twenty, and it may be as many scots, brought hither and sold for servants in the time of the war with scotland, and about half as many irish." the owning of a black or white slave, or servant, at this period was regarded as an evidence of dignity and respectability; and hence magistrates and clergymen winked at the violation of the law by the mercenary traders, and supplied themselves without scruple. indian slaves were common, and are named in old wills, deeds, and inventories, with horses, cows, and household furniture. as early as the year we find william hilton, of newbury, sells to george carr, "for one quarter part of a vessel, james, my indian, with all the interest i have in him, to be his servant forever." some were taken in the narragansett war and other indian wars; others were brought from south carolina and the spanish main. it is an instructive fact, as illustrating the retributive dealings of providence, that the direst affliction of the massachusetts colony--the witchcraft terror of --originated with the indian tituba, a slave in the family of the minister of danvers. in the year the inhabitants of newbury were greatly excited by the arrest of a jerseyman who had been engaged in enticing indians and negroes to leave their masters. he was charged before the court with saying that "the english should be cut off and the negroes set free." james, a negro slave, and joseph, an indian, were arrested with him. their design was reported to be, to seize a vessel in the port and escape to canada and join the french, and return and lay waste and plunder their masters. they were to come back with five hundred indians and three hundred canadians; and the place of crossing the merrimac river, and of the first encampment on the other side, were even said to be fixed upon. when we consider that there could not have been more than a score of slaves in the settlement, the excitement into which the inhabitants were thrown by this absurd rumor of conspiracy seems not very unlike that of a convocation of small planters in a backwoods settlement in south carolina on finding an anti-slavery newspaper in their weekly mail bag. in colonel saltonstall, of haverhill, had several negroes, and among them a high-spirited girl, who, for some alleged misdemeanor, was severely chastised. the slave resolved upon revenge for her injury, and soon found the means of obtaining it. the colonel had on hand, for service in the indian war then raging, a considerable store of gunpowder. this she placed under the room in which her master and mistress slept, laid a long train, and dropped a coal on it. she had barely time to escape to the farm-house before the explosion took place, shattering the stately mansion into fragments. saltonstall and his wife were carried on their bed a considerable distance, happily escaping serious injury. some soldiers stationed in the house were scattered in all directions; but no lives were lost. the colonel, on recovering from the effects of his sudden overturn, hastened to the farm-house and found his servants all up save the author of the mischief, who was snug in bed and apparently in a quiet sleep. in an attempt was made in the general court of massachusetts to prevent the increase of slaves. judge sewall soon after published a pamphlet against slavery, but it seems with little effect. boston merchants and ship-owners became, to a considerable extent, involved in the slave-trade. distilleries, established in that place and in rhode island, furnished rum for the african market. the slaves were usually taken to the west indies, although occasionally part of a cargo found its way to new england, where the wholesome old laws against man-stealing had become a dead letter on the statute-book. in a bill was brought before the legislature of massachusetts to prevent "the unwarrantable and unnatural custom of enslaving mankind." the council of governor bernard sent it back to the house greatly changed and curtailed, and it was lost by the disagreement of the two branches. governor bernard threw his influence on the side of slavery. in a bill prohibiting the traffic in slaves passed both houses; but governor hutchinson withheld his assent and dismissed the legislature. the colored men sent a deputation of their own to the governor to solicit his consent to the bill; but he told them his instructions forbade him. a similar committee waiting upon general gage received the same answer. in the year a servant of richard lechmere, of cambridge, stimulated by the general discussion of the slavery question and by the advice of some of the zealous advocates of emancipation, brought an action against his master for detaining him in bondage. the suit was decided in his favor two years before the similar decision in the case of somerset in england. the funds necessary for carrying on this suit were raised among the blacks themselves. other suits followed in various parts of the province; and the result was, in every instance, the freedom of the plaintiff. in caesar hendrick sued his master, one greenleaf, of newburyport, for damages, laid at fifty pounds, for holding him as a slave. the jury awarded him his freedom and eighteen pounds. according to dr. belknap, whose answers to the queries on the subject, propounded by judge tucker, of virginia, have furnished us with many of the facts above stated, the principal grounds upon which the counsel of the masters depended were, that the negroes were purchased in open market, and included in the bills of sale like other property; that slavery was sanctioned by usage; and, finally, that the laws of the province recognized its existence by making masters liable for the maintenance of their slaves, or servants. on the part of the blacks, the law and usage of the mother country, confirmed by the great charter, that no man can be deprived of his liberty but by the judgment of his peers, were effectually pleaded. the early laws of the province prohibited slavery, and no subsequent legislation had sanctioned it; for, although the laws did recognize its existence, they did so only to mitigate and modify an admitted evil. the present state constitution was established in . the first article of the bill of rights prohibited slavery by affirming the foundation truth of our republic, that "all men are born free and equal." the supreme court decided in that no man could hold another as property without a direct violation of that article. in three free black citizens of boston were kidnapped and sold into slavery in one of the french islands. an intense excitement followed. governor hancock took efficient measures for reclaiming the unfortunate men. the clergy of boston petitioned the legislature for a total prohibition of the foreign slave-trade. the society of friends, and the blacks generally, presented similar petitions; and the same year an act was passed prohibiting the slave-trade and granting relief to persons kidnapped or decoyed out of the commonwealth. the fear of a burden to the state from the influx of negroes from abroad led the legislature, in connection with this law, to prevent those who were not citizens of the state or of other states from gaining a residence. the first case of the arrest of a fugitive slave in massachusetts under the law of took place in boston soon after the passage of the law. it is the case to which president quincy alludes in his late letter against the fugitive slave law. the populace at the trial aided the slave to escape, and nothing further was done about it. the arrest of george latimer as a slave, in boston, and his illegal confinement in jail, in , led to the passage of the law of for the "protection of personal liberty," prohibiting state officers from arresting or detaining persons claimed as slaves, and the use of the jails of the commonwealth for their confinement. this law was strictly in accordance with the decision of the supreme judiciary, in the case of prigg vs. the state of pennsylvania, that the reclaiming of fugitives was a matter exclusively belonging to the general government; yet that the state officials might, if they saw fit, carry into effect the law of congress on the subject, "unless prohibited by state legislation." it will be seen by the facts we have adduced that slavery in massachusetts never had a legal existence. the ermine of the judiciary of the puritan state has never been sullied by the admission of its detestable claims. it crept into the commonwealth like other evils and vices, but never succeeded in clothing itself with the sanction and authority of law. it stood only upon its own execrable foundation of robbery and wrong. with a history like this to look back upon, is it strange that the people of massachusetts at the present day are unwilling to see their time- honored defences of personal freedom, the good old safeguards of saxon liberty, overridden and swept away after the summary fashion of "the fugitive slave bill;" that they should loathe and scorn the task which that bill imposes upon them of aiding professional slave-hunters in seizing, fettering, and consigning to bondage men and women accused only of that which commends them to esteem and sympathy, love of liberty and hatred of slavery; that they cannot at once adjust themselves to "constitutional duties" which in south carolina and georgia are reserved for trained bloodhounds? surely, in view of what massachusetts has been, and her strong bias in favor of human freedom, derived from her great- hearted founders, it is to be hoped that the executive and cabinet at washington will grant her some little respite, some space for turning, some opportunity for conquering her prejudices, before letting loose the dogs of war upon her. let them give her time, and treat with forbearance her hesitation, qualms of conscience, and wounded pride. her people, indeed, are awkward in the work of slave-catching, and, it would seem, rendered but indifferent service in a late hunt in boston. whether they would do better under the surveillance of the army and navy of the united states is a question which we leave with the president and his secretary of state. general putnam once undertook to drill a company of quakers, and instruct them, by force of arms, in the art and mystery of fighting; but not a single pair of drab-colored breeches moved at his "forward march;" not a broad beaver wheeled at his word of command; no hand unclosed to receive a proffered musket. patriotic appeal, hard swearing, and prick of bayonet had no effect upon these impracticable raw recruits; and the stout general gave them up in despair. we are inclined to believe that any attempt on the part of the commander-in-chief of our army and navy to convert the good people of massachusetts into expert slave-catchers, under the discipline of west point and norfolk, would prove as idle an experiment as that of general putnam upon the quakers. thomas carlyle on the slave-question. ( .) a late number of fraser's magazine contains an article bearing the unmistakable impress of the anglo-german peculiarities of thomas carlyle, entitled, 'an occasional discourse on the negro question', which would be interesting as a literary curiosity were it not in spirit and tendency so unspeakably wicked as to excite in every rightminded reader a feeling of amazement and disgust. with a hard, brutal audacity, a blasphemous irreverence, and a sneering mockery which would do honor to the devil of faust, it takes issue with the moral sense of mankind and the precepts of christianity. having ascertained that the exports of sugar and spices from the west indies have diminished since emancipation,--and that the negroes, having worked, as they believed, quite long enough without wages, now refuse to work for the planters without higher pay than the latter, with the thriftless and evil habits of slavery still clinging to them, can afford to give,--the author considers himself justified in denouncing negro emancipation as one of the "shams" which he was specially sent into this world to belabor. had he confned himself to simple abuse and caricature of the self-denying and christian abolitionists of england--"the broad-brimmed philanthropists of exeter hall"--there would have been small occasion for noticing his splenetic and discreditable production. doubtless there is a cant of philanthropy --the alloy of human frailty and folly--in the most righteous reforms, which is a fair subject for the indignant sarcasm of a professed hater of shows and falsities. whatever is hollow and hypocritical in politics, morals, or religion, comes very properly within the scope of his mockery, and we bid him godspeed in plying his satirical lash upon it. impostures and frauds of all kinds deserve nothing better than detection and exposure. let him blow them up to his heart's content, as daniel did the image of bell and the dragon. but our author, in this matter of negro slavery, has undertaken to apply his explosive pitch and rosin, not to the affectation of humanity, but to humanity itself. he mocks at pity, scoffs at all who seek to lessen the amount of pain and suffering, sneers at and denies the most sacred rights, and mercilessly consigns an entire class of the children of his heavenly father to the doom of compulsory servitude. he vituperates the poor black man with a coarse brutality which would do credit to a mississippi slave-driver, or a renegade yankee dealer in human cattle on the banks of the potomac. his rhetoric has a flavor of the slave-pen and auction-block, vulgar, unmanly, indecent, a scandalous outrage upon good taste and refined feeling, which at once degrades the author and insults his readers. he assumes (for he is one of those sublimated philosophers who reject the baconian system of induction and depend upon intuition without recourse to facts and figures) that the emancipated class in the west india islands are universally idle, improvident, and unfit for freedom; that god created them to be the servants and slaves of their "born lords," the white men, and designed them to grow sugar, coffee, and spices for their masters, instead of raising pumpkins and yams for themselves; and that, if they will not do this, "the beneficent whip" should be again employed to compel them. he adopts, in speaking of the black class, the lowest slang of vulgar prejudice. "black quashee," sneers the gentlemanly philosopher,--"black quashee, if he will not help in bringing out the spices, will get himself made a slave again (which state will be a little less ugly than his present one), and with beneficent whip, since other methods avail not, will be compelled to work." it is difficult to treat sentiments so atrocious and couched in such offensive language with anything like respect. common sense and unperverted conscience revolt instinctively against them. the doctrine they inculcate is that which underlies all tyranny and wrong of man towards man. it is that under which "the creation groaneth and travaileth unto this day." it is as old as sin; the perpetual argument of strength against weakness, of power against right; that of the greek philosopher, that the barbarians, being of an inferior race, were born to be slaves to the greeks; and of the infidel hobbes, that every man, being by nature at war with every other man, has a perpetual right to reduce him to servitude if he has the power. it is the cardinal doctrine of what john quincy adams has very properly styled the satanic school of philosophy,--the ethics of an old norse sea robber or an arab plunderer of caravans. it is as widely removed from the sweet humanities and unselfish benevolence of christianity as the faith and practice of the east india thug or the new zealand cannibal. our author does not, however, take us altogether by surprise. he has before given no uncertain intimations of the point towards which his philosophy was tending. in his brilliant essay upon 'francia of paraguay', for instance, we find him entering with manifest satisfaction and admiration into the details of his hero's tyranny. in his 'letters and speeches of oliver cromwell'--in half a dozen pages of savage and almost diabolical sarcasm directed against the growing humanity of the age, the "rose-pink sentimentalisms," and squeamishness which shudders at the sight of blood and infliction of pain--he prepares the way for a justification of the massacre of drogheda. more recently he has intimated that the extermination of the celtic race is the best way of settling the irish question; and that the enslavement and forcible transportation of her poor, to labor under armed taskmasters in the colonies, is the only rightful and proper remedy for the political and social evils of england. in the 'discourse on negro slavery' we see this devilish philosophy in full bloom. the gods, he tells us, are with the strong. might has a divine right to rule,--blessed are the crafty of brain and strong of hand! weakness is crime. "vae victis!" as brennus said when he threw his sword into the scale,--woe to the conquered! the negro is weaker in intellect than his "born lord," the white man, and has no right to choose his own vocation. let the latter do it for him, and, if need be, return to the "beneficent whip." "on the side of the oppressor there is power;" let him use it without mercy, and hold flesh and blood to the grindstone with unrelenting rigor. humanity is squeamishness; pity for the suffering mere "rose-pink sentimentalism," maudlin and unmanly. the gods (the old norse gods doubtless) laugh to scorn alike the complaints of the miserable and the weak compassions and "philanthropisms" of those who would relieve them. this is the substance of thomas carlyle's advice; this is the matured fruit of his philosophic husbandry,--the grand result for which he has been all his life sounding unfathomable abysses or beating about in the thin air of transcendentalism. such is the substitute which he offers us for the sermon on the mount. he tells us that the blacks have no right to use the islands of the west indies for growing pumpkins and garden stuffs for their own use and behoof, because, but for the wisdom and skill of the whites, these islands would have been productive only of "jungle, savagery, and swamp malaria." the negro alone could never have improved the islands or civilized himself; and therefore their and his "born lord," the white man, has a right to the benefits of his own betterments of land and "two- legged cattle!" "black quashee" has no right to dispose of himself and his labor because he owes his partial civilization to others! and pray how has it been with the white race, for whom our philosopher claims the divine prerogative of enslaving? some twenty and odd centuries ago, a pair of half-naked savages, daubed with paint, might have been seen roaming among the hills and woods of the northern part of the british island, subsisting on acorns and the flesh of wild animals, with an occasional relish of the smoked hams and pickled fingers of some unfortunate stranger caught on the wrong side of the tweed. this interesting couple reared, as they best could, a family of children, who, in turn, became the heads of families; and some time about the beginning of the present century one of their descendants in the borough of ecclefechan rejoiced over the birth of a man child now somewhat famous as "thomas carlyle, a maker of books." does it become such a one to rave against the west india negro's incapacity for self-civilization? unaided by the arts, sciences, and refinements of the romans, he might have been, at this very day, squatted on his naked haunches in the woods of ecclefechan, painting his weather-hardened epidermis in the sun like his piet ancestors. where, in fact, can we look for unaided self-improvement and spontaneous internal development, to any considerable extent, on the part of any nation or people? from people to people the original god- given impulse towards civilization and perfection has been transmitted, as from egypt to greece, and thence to the roman world. but the blacks, we are told, are indolent and insensible to the duty of raising sugar and coffee and spice for the whites, being mainly careful to provide for their own household and till their own gardens for domestic comforts and necessaries. the exports have fallen off somewhat. and what does this prove? only that the negro is now a consumer of products, of which, under the rule of the whip, he was a producer merely. as to indolence, under the proper stimulus of fair wages we have reason to believe that the charge is not sustained. if unthrifty habits and lack of prudence on the part of the owners of estates, combined with the repeal of duties on foreign sugars by the british government, have placed it out of their power to pay just and reasonable wages for labor, who can blame the blacks if they prefer to cultivate their own garden plots rather than raise sugar and spice for their late masters upon terms little better than those of their old condition, the "beneficent whip" always excepted? the despatches of the colonial governors agree in admitting that the blacks have had great cause for complaint and dissatisfaction, owing to the delay or non-payment of their wages. sir c. e. gray, writing from jamaica, says, that "in a good many instances the payment of the wages they have earned has been either very irregularly made, or not at all, probably on account of the inability of the employers." he says, moreover:-- "the negroes appear to me to be generally as free from rebellious tendencies or turbulent feelings and malicious thoughts as any race of laborers i ever saw or heard of. my impression is, indeed, that under a system of perfectly fair dealing and of real justice they will come to be an admirable peasantry and yeomanry; able-bodied, industrious, and hard- working, frank, and well-disposed." it must, indeed, be admitted that, judging by their diminished exports and the growing complaints of the owners of estates, the condition of the islands, in a financial point of view, is by no means favorable. an immediate cause of this, however, must be found in the unfortunate sugar act of . the more remote, but for the most part powerful, cause of the present depression is to be traced to the vicious and unnatural system of slavery, which has been gradually but surely preparing the way for ruin, bankruptcy, and demoralization. never yet, by a community or an individual, have the righteous laws of god been violated with impunity. sooner or later comes the penalty which the infinite justice has affixed to sin. partial and temporary evils and inconveniences have undoubtedly resulted from the emancipation of the laborers; and many years must elapse before the relations of the two heretofore antagonistic classes can be perfectly adjusted and their interests brought into entire harmony. but that freedom is not to be held mainly accountable for the depression of the british colonies is obvious from the fact that dutch surinam, where the old system of slavery remains in its original rigor, is in an equally depressed condition. the 'paramaribo neuws en advertentie blad', quoted in the jamaica gazette, says, under date of january , : "around us we hear nothing but complaints. people seek and find matter in everything to picture to themselves the lot of the place in which they live as bitterer than that of any other country. of a large number of flourishing plantations, few remain that can now be called such. so deteriorated has property become within the last few years, that many of these estates have not been able to defray their weekly expenses. the colony stands on the brink of a yawning abyss, into which it must inevitably plunge unless some new and better system is speedily adopted. it is impossible that our agriculture can any longer proceed on its old footing; our laboring force is dying away, and the social position they held must undergo a revolution." the paper from which we have quoted, the official journal of the colony, thinks the condition of the emancipated british colonies decidedly preferable to that of surinam, where the old slave system has continued in force, and insists that the dutch government must follow the example of great britain. the actual condition of the british colonies since emancipation is perfectly well known in surinam: three of them, essequibo, demerara, and berbice, being its immediate neighbors, whatever evils and inconveniences have resuited from emancipation must be well understood by the dutch slave-holders; yet we find them looking towards emancipation as the only prospect of remedy for the greater evils of their own system. this fact is of itself a sufficient answer to the assumption of carlyle and others, that what they call "the ruin of the colonies" has been produced by the emancipation acts of and . we have no fears whatever of the effect of this literary monstrosity, which we have been considering upon the british colonies. quashee, black and ignorant as he may be, will not "get himself made a slave again." the mission of the "beneficent whip" is there pretty well over; and it may now find its place in museums and cabinets of ghastly curiosities, with the racks, pillories, thumbscrews, and branding-irons of old days. what we have feared, however, is, that the advocates and defenders of slave-holding in this country might find in this discourse matter of encouragement, and that our anti-christian prejudices against the colored man might be strengthened and confirmed by its malignant vituperation and sarcasm. on this point we have sympathized with the forebodings of an eloquent writer in the london enquirer:-- "we cannot imagine a more deadly moral poison for the american people than his (carlyle's) last composition. every cruel practice of social exclusion will derive from it new sharpness and venom. the slave-holder, of course, will exult to find himself, not apologized for, but enthusiastically cheered, upheld, and glorified, by a writer of european celebrity. but it is not merely the slave who will feel mr. carlyle's hand in the torture of his flesh, the riveting of his fetters, and the denial of light to his mind. the free black will feel him, too, in the more contemptuous and abhorrent scowl of his brother man, who will easily derive from this unfortunate essay the belief that his inhuman feelings are of divine ordination. it is a true work of the devil, the fostering of a tyrannical prejudice. far and wide over space, and long into the future, the winged words of evil counsel will go. in the market-place, in the house, in the theatre, and in the church,--by land and by sea, in all the haunts of men,--their influence will be felt in a perennial growth of hate and scorn, and suffering and resentment. amongst the sufferers will be many to whom education has given every refined susceptibility that makes contempt and exclusion bitter. men and women, faithful and diligent, loving and worthy to be loved, and bearing, it may be, no more than an almost imperceptible trace of african descent, will continue yet longer to be banished from the social meal of the white man, and to be spurned from his presence in the house of god, because a writer of genius has lent the weight of his authority and his fame, if not of his power, to the perpetuation of a prejudice which christianity was undermining." a more recent production, 'latter day pamphlets', in which man's capability of self-government is more than doubted, democracy somewhat contemptuously sneered at, and the "model republic" itself stigmatized as a "nation of bores," may have a salutary effect in restraining our admiration and in lessening our respect for the defender and eulogist of slavery. the sweeping impartiality with which in this latter production he applies the principle of our "peculiar institution" to the laboring poor man, irrespective of color, recognizing as his only inalienable right "the right of being set to labor" for his "born lords," will, we imagine, go far to neutralize the mischief of his discourse upon negro slavery. it is a sad thing to find so much intellectual power as carlyle really possesses so little under the control of the moral sentiments. in some of his earlier writings--as, for instance, his beautiful tribute to the corn law rhymer--we thought we saw evidence of a warm and generous sympathy with the poor and the wronged, a desire to ameliorate human suffering, which would have done credit to the "philanthropisms of exeter hall" and the "abolition of pain society." latterly, however, like moliere's quack, he has "changed all that;" his heart has got upon the wrong side; or rather, he seems to us very much in the condition of the coal-burner in the german tale, who had swapped his heart of flesh for a cobblestone. formation of the american antislavery society. a letter to william lloyd garrison, president of the society. amesbury, th th mo., . my dear friend,--i have received thy kind letter, with the accompanying circular, inviting me to attend the commemoration of the thirtieth anniversary of the formation of the american anti-slavery society, at philadelphia. it is with the deepest regret that i am compelled, by the feeble state of my health, to give up all hope of meeting thee and my other old and dear friends on an occasion of so much interest. how much it costs me to acquiesce in the hard necessity thy own feelings will tell thee better than any words of mine. i look back over thirty years, and call to mind all the circumstances of my journey to philadelphia, in company with thyself and the excellent dr. thurston of maine, even then, as we thought, an old man, but still living, and true as ever to the good cause. i recall the early gray morning when, with samuel j. may, our colleague on the committee to prepare a declaration of sentiments for the convention, i climbed to the small "upper chamber" of a colored friend to hear thee read the first draft of a paper which will live as long as our national history. i see the members of the convention, solemnized by the responsibility, rise one by one, and solemnly affix their names to that stern pledge of fidelity to freedom. of the signers, many have passed away from earth, a few have faltered and turned back, but i believe the majority still live to rejoice over the great triumph of truth and justice, and to devote what remains of time and strength to the cause to which they consecrated their youth and manhood thirty years ago. for while we may well thank god and congratulate one another on the prospect of the speedy emancipation of the slaves of the united states, we must not for a moment forget that, from this hour, new and mighty responsibilities devolve upon us to aid, direct, and educate these millions, left free, indeed, but bewildered, ignorant, naked, and foodless in the wild chaos of civil war. we have to undo the accumulated wrongs of two centuries; to remake the manhood which slavery has well- nigh unmade; to see to it that the long-oppressed colored man has a fair field for development and improvement; and to tread under our feet the last vestige of that hateful prejudice which has been the strongest external support of southern slavery. we must lift ourselves at once to the true christian altitude where all distinctions of black and white are overlooked in the heartfelt recognition of the brotherhood of man. i must not close this letter without confessing that i cannot be sufficiently thankful to the divine providence which, in a great measure through thy instrumentality, turned me away so early from what roger williams calls "the world's great trinity, pleasure, profit, and honor," to take side with the poor and oppressed. i am not insensible to literary reputation. i love, perhaps too well, the praise and good-will of my fellow-men; but i set a higher value on my name as appended to the anti-slavery declaration of than on the title-page of any book. looking over a life marked by many errors and shortcomings, i rejoice that i have been able to maintain the pledge of that signature, and that, in the long intervening years, "my voice, though not the loudest, has been heard wherever freedom raised her cry of pain." let me, through thee, extend a warm greeting to the friends, whether of our own or the new generation, who may assemble on the occasion of commemoration. there is work yet to be done which will task the best efforts of us all. for thyself, i need not say that the love and esteem of early boyhood have lost nothing by the test of time; and i am, very cordially, thy friend, john g. whittier the lesson and our duty. from the amesbury villager. ( .) in the assassination of abraham lincoln and the unspeakably brutal assault upon secretary seward slavery has made another revelation of itself. perhaps it was needed. in the magnanimity of assured victory we were perhaps disposed to overlook, not so much the guilty leaders and misguided masses of the great rebellion as the unutterable horror and sin of slavery which prompted it. how slowly we of the north have learned the true character of this mighty mischief! how our politicians bowed their strong shoulders under its burthens! how our churches reverenced it! how our clergy contrasted the heresy-tolerating north with the purely orthodox and scriptural type of slave-holding christianity! how all classes hunted down, not merely the fugitive slave, but the few who ventured to give him food and shelter and a godspeed in his flight from bondage! how utterly ignored was the negro's claim of common humanity! how readily was the decision of the slave-holding chief justice acquiesced in, that "the black man had no rights which the white man is bound to respect"! we saw a senator of the united states, world-known and honored for his learning, talents, and stainless integrity, beaten down and all but murdered at his official desk by a south carolina slave-holder, for the crime of speaking against the extension of slavery; and we heard the dastardly deed applauded throughout the south, while its brutal perpetrator was rewarded with orations and gifts and smiles of beauty as a chivalrous gentleman. we saw slavery enter kansas, with bowieknife in hand and curses on its lips; we saw the life of the union struck at by secession and rebellion; we heard of the bones of sons and brothers, fallen in defence of freedom and law, dug up and wrought into ornaments for the wrists and bosoms of slave-holding women; we looked into the open hell of andersonville, upon the deliberate, systematic starvation of helpless prisoners; we heard of libby prison underlaid with gunpowder, for the purpose of destroying thousands of union prisoners in case of the occupation of richmond by our army; we saw hundreds of prisoners massacred in cold blood at fort pillow, and the midnight sack of lawrence and the murder of its principal citizens. the flames of our merchant vessels, seized by pirates, lighted every sea; we heard of officers of the rebel army and navy stealing into our cities, firing hotels filled with sleeping occupants, and laying obstructions on the track of rail cars, for the purpose of killing and mangling their passengers. yet in spite of these revelations of the utterly barbarous character of slavery and its direful effect upon all connected with it, we were on the very point of trusting to its most criminal defenders the task of reestablishing the state governments of the south, leaving the real union men, white as well as black, at the mercy of those who have made hatred a religion and murder a sacrament. the nation needed one more terrible lesson. it has it in the murder of its beloved chief magistrate and the attempted assassination of its honored prime minister, the two men of all others prepared to go farthest to smooth the way of defeated rebellion back to allegiance. even now the lesson of these terrible events seems but half learned. in the public utterances i hear much of punishing and hanging leading traitors, fierce demands for vengeance, and threats of the summary chastisement of domestic sympathizers with treason, but comparatively little is said of the accursed cause, the prolific mother of abominations, slavery. the government is exhorted to remember that it does not bear the sword in vain, the old testament is ransacked for texts of oriental hatred and examples of the revenges of a semi-barbarous nation; but, as respects the four millions of unmistakably loyal people of the south, the patient, the long-suffering, kind-hearted victims of oppressions, only here and there a voice pleads for their endowment with the same rights of citizenship which are to be accorded to the rank and file of disbanded rebels. the golden rule of the sermon on the mount is not applied to them. much is said of executing justice upon rebels; little of justice to loyal black men. hanging a few ringleaders of treason, it seems to be supposed, is all that is needed to restore and reestablish the revolted states. the negro is to be left powerless in the hands of the "white trash," who hate him with a bitter hatred, exceeding that of the large slave-holders. in short, four years of terrible chastisement, of god's unmistakable judgments, have not taught us, as a people, their lesson, which could scarcely be plainer if it had been written in letters of fire on the sky. why is it that we are so slow to learn, so unwilling to confess that slavery is the accursed thing which whets the knife of murder, and transforms men, with the exterior of gentlemen and christians, into fiends? how pitiful is our exultation over the capture of the wretched booth and his associates! the great criminal, of whom he and they were but paltry instruments, still stalks abroad in the pine woods of jersey, where the state has thrown around him her legislative sanction and protection. he is in pennsylvania, thrusting the black man from public conveyances. wherever god's children are despised, insulted, and abused on account of their color, there is the real assassin of the president still at large. i do not wonder at the indignation which has been awakened by the late outrage, for i have painfully shared it. but let us see to it that it is rightly directed. the hanging of a score of southern traitors will not restore abraham lincoln nor atone for the mighty loss. in wreaking revenge upon these miserable men, we must see to it that we do not degrade ourselves and do dishonor to the sacred memory of the dead. we do well to be angry; and, if need be, let our wrath wax seven times hotter, until that which "was a murderer from the beginning" is consumed from the face of the earth. as the people stand by the grave of lincoln, let them lift their right hands to heaven and take a solemn vow upon their souls to give no sleep to their eyes nor slumber to their eyelids until slavery is hunted from its last shelter, and every man, black and white, stands equal before the law. in dealing with the guilty leaders and instigators of the rebellion we should beware how we take counsel of passion. hatred has no place beside the calm and awful dignity of justice. human life is still a very sacred thing; christian forbearance and patience are still virtues. for my own part, i should be satisfied to see the chiefs of the great treason go out from among us homeless, exiled, with the mark of cain on their foreheads, carrying with them, wherever they go, the avenging nemesis of conscience. we cannot take lessons, at this late day, in their school of barbarism; we cannot starve and torture them as they have starved and tortured our soldiers. let them live. perhaps that is, after all, the most terrible penalty. for wherever they hide themselves the story of their acts will pursue them; they can have no rest nor peace save in that deep repentance which, through the mercy of god, is possible for all. i have no disposition to stand between these men and justice. if arrested, they can have no claim to exemption from the liabilities of criminals. but it is not simply a question of deserts that is to be considered; we are to take into account our own reputation as a christian people, the wishes of our best friends abroad, and the humane instincts of the age, which forbid all unnecessary severity. happily we are not called upon to take counsel of our fears. rabbinical writers tell us that evil spirits who are once baffled in a contest with human beings lose from thenceforth all power of further mischief. the defeated rebels are in the precise condition of these jewish demons. deprived of slavery, they are like wasps that have lost their stings. as respects the misguided masses of the south, the shattered and crippled remnants of the armies of treason, the desolate wives, mothers, and children mourning for dear ones who have fallen in a vain and hopeless struggle, it seems to me our duty is very plain. we must forgive their past treason, and welcome and encourage their returning loyalty. none but cowards will insult and taunt the defeated and defenceless. we must feed and clothe the destitute, instruct the ignorant, and, bearing patiently with the bitterness and prejudice which will doubtless for a time thwart our efforts and misinterpret our motives, aid them in rebuilding their states on the foundation of freedom. our sole enemy was slavery, and slavery is dead. we have now no quarrel with the people of the south, who have really more reason than we have to rejoice over the downfall of a system which impeded their material progress, perverted their religion, shut them out from the sympathies of the world, and ridged their land with the graves of its victims. we are victors, the cause of all this evil and suffering is removed forever, and we can well afford to be magnanimous. how better can we evince our gratitude to god for his great mercy than in doing good to those who hated us, and in having compassion on those who have despitefully used us? the hour is hastening for us all when our sole ground of dependence will be the mercy and forgiveness of god. let us endeavor so to feel and act in our relations to the people of the south that we can repeat in sincerity the prayer of our lord: "forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us," reverently acknowledging that he has indeed "led captivity captive and received gifts for men; yea, for the rebellious also, that the lord god might dwell among them." charles sumner and the state-department. ( .) the wise reticence of the president elect in the matter of his cabinet has left free course to speculation and conjecture as to its composition. that he fully comprehends the importance of the subject, and that he will carefully weigh the claims of the possible candidates on the score of patriotic services, ability, and fitness for specific duties, no one who has studied his character, and witnessed his discretion, clear insight, and wise adaptation of means to ends, under the mighty responsibilities of his past career, can reasonably doubt. it is not probable that the distinguished statesman now at the head of the state department will, under the circumstances, look for a continuance in office. history will do justice to his eminent services in the senate and in the cabinet during the first years of the rebellion, but the fact that he has to some extent shared the unpopularity of the present chief magistrate seems to preclude the idea of his retention in the new cabinet. in looking over the list of our public men in search of a successor, general grant is not likely to be embarrassed by the number of individuals fitted by nature, culture, and experience for such an important post. the newspaper press, in its wide license of conjecture and suggestion, has, as far as i have seen, mentioned but three or four names in this connection. allusions have been made to senator fessenden of maine, ex-minister motley, general dix, ex-secretary stanton, and charles sumner of massachusetts. without disparaging in any degree his assumed competitors, the last-named gentleman is unquestionably preeminently fitted for the place. he has had a lifelong education for it. the entire cast of his mind, the bent of his studies, the habit and experience of his public life, his profound knowledge of international law and the diplomatic history of his own and other countries, his well-earned reputation as a statesman and constitutional lawyer, not only at home, but wherever our country has relations of amity and commerce, the honorable distinction which he enjoys of having held a foremost place in the great conflict between freedom and slavery, union and rebellion, all mark him as the man for the occasion. there seems, indeed, a certain propriety in assigning to the man who struck the heaviest blows at secession and slavery in the national senate the first place under him who, in the field, made them henceforth impossible. the great captain and the great senator united in war should not be dissevered in peace. i am not unaware that there are some, even in the republican party, who have failed to recognize in senator sumner the really wise and practical statesmanship which a careful review of his public labors cannot but make manifest. it is only necessary to point such to the open record of his senatorial career. few men have had the honor of introducing and defending with exhaustive ability and thoroughness so many measures of acknowledged practical importance to his immediate constituents, the country at large, and the wider interests of humanity and civilization. in what exigency has he been found wanting? what legislative act of public utility for the last eighteen years has lacked his encouragement? at the head of the committee on foreign affairs, his clearness of vision, firmness, moderation, and ready comprehension of the duties of his time and place must be admitted by all parties. it was shrewdly said by burke that "men are wise with little reflection and good with little self- denial, in business of all times except their own." but charles sumner, the scholar, loving the "still air of delightful studies," has shown himself as capable of thoroughly comprehending and digesting the events transpiring before his eyes as of pronouncing judgment upon those recorded in history. far in advance of most of his contemporaries, he saw and enunciated the true doctrine of reconstruction, the early adoption of which would have been of incalculable service to the country. one of the ablest statesmen and jurists of the democratic party has had the rare magnanimity to acknowledge that in this matter the republican senator was right, and himself and his party wrong. the republicans of massachusetts will make no fractious or importunate demand upon the new president. they are content to leave to his unbiased and impartial judgment the selection of his cabinet. but if, looking to the best interests of the country, he shall see fit to give their distinguished fellow-citizen the first place in it, they will feel no solicitude as to the manner in which the duties of the office will be discharged. they will feel that "the tools are with him who can use them." nothing more directly affects the reputation of a country than the character of its diplomatic correspondence and its foreign representatives. we have suffered in times past from sad mismanagement abroad, and intelligent americans have too often been compelled to hang their heads with shame to see the flag of their country floating over the consular offices of worthless, incompetent agents. there can be no question that so far as they are entrusted to senator sumner's hands, the interest, honor, and dignity of the nation will be safe. in a few weeks charles summer will be returned for his fourth term in the united states senate by the well-nigh unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature of massachusetts. not a syllable of opposition to his reelection is heard from any quarter. there is not a republican in the legislature who could have been elected unless he had been virtually pledged to his support. no stronger evidence of the popular estimate of his ability and integrity than this could be offered. as a matter of course, the marked individuality of his intense convictions, earnestness, persistence, and confident reliance upon the justice of his conclusions, naturally growing out of the consciousness of having brought to his honest search after truth all the lights of his learning and experience, may, at times, have brought him into unpleasant relations with some of his colleagues; but no one, friend or foe, has questioned his ability and patriotism, or doubted his fidelity to principle. he has lent himself to no schemes of greed. while so many others have taken advantage of the facilities of their official stations to fill, directly or indirectly, their own pockets or those of their relatives and retainers, it is to the honor of massachusetts that her representatives in the senate have not only "shaken their hands from the holding of bribes," but have so borne themselves that no shadow of suspicion has ever rested on them. in this connection it may be proper to state that, in the event of a change in the war department, the claims of general wilson, to whose services in the committee on military affairs the country is deeply indebted, may be brought under consideration. in that case massachusetts would not, if it were in her power, discriminate between her senators. both have deserved well of her and of the country. in expressing thus briefly my opinion, i do not forget that after all the choice and responsibility rest with general grant alone. there i am content to leave them. i am very far from urging any sectional claim. let the country but have peace after its long discord, let its good faith and financial credit be sustained, and all classes of its citizens everywhere protected in person and estate, and it matters very little to me whether massachusetts is represented at the executive council board, or not. personally, charles sumner would gain nothing by a transfer from the senate chamber to the state department. he does not need a place in the american cabinet any more than john bright does in the british. the highest ambition might well be satisfied with his present position, from which, looking back upon an honorable record, he might be justified in using milton's language of lofty confidence in the reply to salmasius: "i am not one who has disgraced beauty of sentiment by deformity of conduct, or the maxims of a freeman by the actions of a slave, but, by the grace of god, i have kept my life unsullied." the presidential election of . the following letter was written on receiving a request from a committee of colored voters for advice as to their action at the presidential election of . amesbury, th mo. d, . dear friends,--i have just received your letter of the th ult. asking my opinion of your present duty as colored voters in the choice between general grant and horace greeley for the presidency. you state that you have been confused by the contradictory advice given you by such friends of your people as charles sumner on one hand, and william l. garrison and wendell phillips on the other; and you ask me, as one whom you are pleased to think "free from all bias," to add my counsel to theirs. i thank you for the very kind expression of your confidence and your generous reference to my endeavors to serve the cause of freedom; but i must own that i would fain have been spared the necessity of adding to the already too long list of political epistles. i have felt it my duty in times past to take an active part--often very distasteful to me--in political matters, having for my first object the deliverance of my country from the crime and curse of slavery. that great question being now settled forever, i have been more than willing to leave to younger and stronger hands the toils and the honors of partisan service. pained and saddened by the bitter and unchristian personalities of the canvass now in progress, i have hitherto held myself aloof from it as far as possible, unwilling to sanction in the slightest degree the criminations and recriminations of personal friends whom i have every reason to love and respect, and in whose integrity i have unshaken confidence. in the present condition of affairs i have not been able to see that any special action as an abolitionist was required at my hands. both of the great parties, heretofore widely separated, have put themselves on substantially the same platform. the republican party, originally pledged only to the non-extension of slavery, and whose most illustrious representative, president lincoln, avowed his willingness to save the union without abolishing slavery, has been, under providence, mainly instrumental in the total overthrow of the detestable system; while the democratic party, composed largely of slave-holders, and, even at the north, scarcely willing to save the union at the expense of the slave interest upon which its success depended, shattered and crippled by the civil war and its results, has at last yielded to the inexorable logic of events, abandoned a position no longer tenable, and taken its "new departure" with an abolitionist as its candidate. as a friend of the long-oppressed colored man, and for the sake of the peace and prosperity of the country, i rejoice at this action of the democratic party. the underlying motives of this radical change are doubtless somewhat mixed and contradictory, honest conviction on the part of some, and party expediency and desire of office on the part of others; but the change itself is real and irrevocable; the penalty of receding would be swift and irretrievable ruin. in any point of view the new order of things is desirable; and nothing more fully illustrates "the ways that are dark and the tricks that are vain" of party politics than the attempt of professed friends of the union and equal rights for all to counteract it by giving aid and comfort to a revival of the worst characteristics of the old party in the shape of a straight-out democratic convention. as respects the candidates now before us, i can see no good reason why colored voters as such should oppose general grant, who, though not an abolitionist and not even a member of the republican party previous to his nomination, has faithfully carried out the laws of congress in their behalf. nor, on the other hand, can i see any just grounds for distrust of such a man as horace greeley, who has so nobly distinguished himself as the advocate of human rights irrespective of race or color, and who by the instrumentality of his press has been for thirty years the educator of the people in the principles of justice, temperance, and freedom. both of these men have, in different ways, deserved too well of the country to be unnecessarily subjected to the brutalities of a presidential canvass; and, so far as they are personally concerned, it would doubtless have been better if the one had declined a second term of uncongenial duties, and the other continued to indite words of wisdom in the shades of chappaqua. but they have chosen otherwise; and i am willing, for one, to leave my colored fellow-citizens to the unbiased exercise of their own judgment and instincts in deciding between them. the democratic party labors under the disadvantage of antecedents not calculated to promote a rapid growth of confidence; and it is no matter of surprise that the vote of the emancipated class is likely to be largely against it. but if, as will doubtless be the case, that vote shall be to some extent divided between the two candidates, it will have the effect of inducing politicians of the rival parties to treat with respect and consideration this new element of political power, from self- interest if from no higher motive. the fact that at this time both parties are welcoming colored orators to their platforms, and that, in the south, old slave-masters and their former slaves fraternize at caucus and barbecue, and vote for each other at the polls, is full of significance. if, in new england, the very men who thrust frederick douglass from car and stage-coach, and mobbed and hunted him like a wild beast, now crowd to shake his hand and cheer him, let us not despair of seeing even the ku-klux tarried into decency, and sitting "clothed in their right minds" as listeners to their former victims. the colored man is to-day the master of his own destiny. no power on earth can deprive him of his rights as an american citizen. and it is in the light of american citizenship that i choose to regard my colored friends, as men having a common stake in the welfare of the country; mingled with, and not separate from, their white fellow-citizens; not herded together as a distinct class to be wielded by others, without self-dependence and incapable of self-determination. thanks to such men as sumner and wilson and their compeers, nearly all that legislation can do for them has already been done. we can now only help them to help themselves. industry, economy, temperance, self-culture, education for their children,--these things, indispensable to their elevation and progress, are in a great measure in their own hands. you will, therefore, my friends and fellow-citizens, pardon me if i decline to undertake to decide for you the question of your political duty as respects the candidates for the presidency,--a question which you have probably already settled in your own minds. if it had been apparent to me that your rights and liberties were really in danger from the success of either candidate, your letter would not have been needed to call forth my opinion. in the long struggle of well-nigh forty years, i can honestly say that no consideration of private interest, nor my natural love of peace and retirement and the good-will of others, have kept me silent when a word could be fitly spoken for human rights. i have not so long acted with the class to which you belong without acquiring respect for your intelligence and capacity for judging wisely for yourselves. i shall abide your decision with confidence, and cheerfully acquiesce in it. if, on the whole, you prefer to vote for the reelection of general grant, let me hope you will do so without joining with eleventh-hour friends in denouncing and reviling such an old and tried friend as charles sumner, who has done and suffered so much in your behalf. if, on the other hand, some of you decide to vote for horace greeley, you need not in so doing forget your great obligations to such friends as william lloyd garrison, wendell phillips, and lydia maria child. agree or disagree with them, take their advice or reject it, but stand by them still, and teach the parties with which you are connected to respect your feelings towards your benefactors. the censure of sumner. a letter to the boston daily advertiser in reference to the petition for the rescinding of the resolutions censuring senator sumner for his motion to erase from the united states flags the record of the battles of the civil war. i beg leave to occupy a small space in the columns of the advertiser for the purpose of noticing a charge which has been brought against the petitioners for rescinding the resolutions of the late extra session virtually censuring the hon. charles sumner. it is intimated that the action of these petitioners evinces a lack of appreciation of the services of the soldiers of the union, and that not to censure charles sumner is to censure the volunteers of massachusetts. as a matter of fact, the petitioners express no opinion as to the policy or expediency of the senator's proposition. some may believe it not only right in itself, but expedient and well-timed; others that it was inexpedient or premature. none doubt that, sooner or later, the thing which it contemplates must be done, if we are to continue a united people. what they feel and insist upon is that the proposition is one which implies no disparagement of the soldiers of massachusetts and the union; that it neither receives nor merits the "unqualified condemnation of the people" of the state; and that it furnishes no ground whatever for legislative interference or censure. a single glance at the names of the petitioners is a sufficient answer to the insinuation that they are unmindful of that self-sacrifice and devotion, the marble and granite memorials of which, dotting the state from the merrimac to the connecticut, testify the gratitude of the loyal heart of massachusetts. i have seen no soldier yet who considered himself wronged or "insulted" by the proposition. in point of fact the soldiers have never asked for such censure of the brave and loyal statesman who was the bosom friend and confidant of secretary stanton (the great war-minister, second, if at all, only to carnot) and of john a. andrew, dear to the heart of every massachusetts soldier, and whose tender care and sympathy reached them wherever they struggled or died for country and freedom. the proposal of senator sumner, instead of being an "insult," was, in fact, the highest compliment which could be paid to brave men; for it implied that they cherished no vindictive hatred of fallen foes; that they were too proudly secure of the love and gratitude of their countrymen to need above their heads the flaunting blazon of their achievements; that they were as magnanimous in peace and victory as they were heroic and patient through the dark and doubtful arbitrament of war. as such they understand it. i should be sorry to think there existed a single son of massachusetts weak enough to believe that his reputation and honor as a soldier needed this censure of charles sumner. i have before me letters from men, ranking from orderly sergeant to general, who have looked at death full in the face on every battlefield where the flag of massachusetts floated, and they all thank me for my efforts to rescind this uncalled-for censure, and pledge me their hearty support. they cordially indorse the noble letter of vice-president wilson offering his signature to the petition for rescinding the obnoxious resolutions; and if these resolutions are not annulled, it will not be the fault of massachusetts volunteers, but rather of the mistaken zeal of men more familiar with the drill of the caucus than with that of the camp. i am no blind partisan of charles sumner. i have often differed from him in opinion. i regretted deeply the position which he thought it his duty to take during the late presidential campaign. he felt the atmosphere about him thick and foul with corruption and bribery and greed; he saw the treasury ringed about like saturn with unscrupulous combinations and corporations; and it is to be regretted more than wondered at if he struck out wildly in his indignation, and that his blows fell sometimes upon the wrong object. but i did not intend to act the part of his apologist. the twenty years of his senatorial life are crowded with memorials of his loyalty to truth and free dom and humanity, which will be enduring as our history. he is no party to this movement, in which my name has been more prominent than i could have wished, and no word of his prompted or suggested it. from its inception to the present time he has remained silent in his chamber of pain, waiting to bequeath, like the testator of the dramatist, "a fame by scandal untouched to memory and time's old daughter truth." he can well afford to wait, and the issue of the present question before our legislature is of far less consequence to him than to us. to use the words of one who stood by him in the dark days of the fugitive slave law, the chief justice of the united states,--"time and the wiser thought will vindicate the illustrious statesman to whom massachusetts, the country, and humanity owe so much, but the state can ill afford the damage to its own reputation which such a censure of such a man will inflict." amesbury, d month, , . the anti-slavery convention of . ( .) in the gray twilight of a chill day of late november, forty years ago, a dear friend of mine, residing in boston, made his appearance at the old farm-house in east haverhill. he had been deputed by the abolitionists of the city, william l. garrison, samuel e. sewall, and others, to inform me of my appointment as a delegate to the convention about to be held in philadelphia for the formation of an american anti-slavery society, and to urge upon me the necessity of my attendance. few words of persuasion, however, were needed. i was unused to travelling; my life had been spent on a secluded farm; and the journey, mostly by stage-coach, at that time was really a formidable one. moreover, the few abolitionists were everywhere spoken against, their persons threatened, and in some instances a price set on their heads by southern legislators. pennsylvania was on the borders of slavery, and it needed small effort of imagination to picture to one's self the breaking up of the convention and maltreatment of its members. this latter consideration i do not think weighed much with me, although i was better prepared for serious danger than for anything like personal indignity. i had read governor trumbull's description of the tarring and feathering of his hero macfingal, when, after the application of the melted tar, the feather-bed was ripped open and shaken over him, until "not maia's son, with wings for ears, such plumes about his visage wears, nor milton's six-winged angel gathers such superfluity of feathers," and i confess i was quite unwilling to undergo a martyrdom which my best friends could scarcely refrain from laughing at. but a summons like that of garrison's bugle-blast could scarcely be unheeded by one who, from birth and education, held fast the traditions of that earlier abolitionism which, under the lead of benezet and woolman, had effaced from the society of friends every vestige of slave-holding. i had thrown myself, with a young man's fervid enthusiasm, into a movement which commended itself to my reason and conscience, to my love of country, and my sense of duty to god and my fellow-men. my first venture in authorship was the publication, at my own expense, in the spring of , of a pamphlet entitled justice and expediency, on the moral and political evils of slavery, and the duty of emancipation. under such circumstances i could not hesitate, but prepared at once for my journey. it was necessary that i should start on the morrow, and the intervening time, with a small allowance for sleep, was spent in providing for the care of the farm and homestead during my absence. so the next morning i took the stage for boston, stopping at the ancient hostelry known as the eastern stage tavern; and on the day following, in company with william lloyd garrison, i left for new york. at that city we were joined by other delegates, among them david thurston, a congregational minister from maine. on our way to philadelphia, we took, as a matter of necessary economy, a second-class conveyance, and found ourselves, in consequence, among rough and hilarious companions, whose language was more noteworthy for strength than refinement. our worthy friend the clergyman bore it awhile in painful silence, but at last felt it his duty to utter words of remonstrance and admonition. the leader of the young roisterers listened with a ludicrous mock gravity, thanked him for his exhortation, and, expressing fears that the extraordinary effort had exhausted his strength, invited him to take a drink with him. father thurston buried his grieved face in his cloak-collar, and wisely left the young reprobates to their own devices. on reaching philadelphia, we at once betook, ourselves to the humble dwelling on fifth street occupied by evan lewis, a plain, earnest man and lifelong abolitionist, who had been largely interested in preparing the way for the convention. in one respect the time of our assembling seemed unfavorable. the society of friends, upon whose cooperation we had counted, had but recently been rent asunder by one of those unhappy controversies which so often mark the decline of practical righteousness. the martyr-age of the society had passed, wealth and luxury had taken the place of the old simplicity, there was a growing conformity to the maxims of the world in trade and fashion, and with it a corresponding unwillingness to hazard respectability by the advocacy of unpopular reforms. unprofitable speculation and disputation on one hand, and a vain attempt on the other to enforce uniformity of opinion, had measurably lost sight of the fact that the end of the gospel is love, and that charity is its crowning virtue. after a long and painful struggle the disruption had taken place; the shattered fragments, under the name of orthodox and hicksite, so like and yet so separate in feeling, confronted each other as hostile sects, and "never either found another to free the hollow heart from paining; they stood aloof, the scars remaining, like cliffs that have been torn asunder a dreary sea now flows between; but neither rain, nor frost, nor thunder, can wholly do away, i ween, the marks of that which once has been." we found about forty members assembled in the parlors of our friend lewis, and, after some general conversation, lewis tappan was asked to preside over an informal meeting, preparatory to the opening of the convention. a handsome, intellectual-looking man, in the prime of life, responded to the invitation, and in a clear, well-modulated voice, the firm tones of which inspired hope and confidence, stated the objects of our preliminary council, and the purpose which had called us together, in earnest and well-chosen words. in making arrangements for the convention, it was thought expedient to secure, if possible, the services of some citizen of philadelphia, of distinction and high social standing, to preside over its deliberations. looking round among ourselves in vain for some titled civilian or doctor of divinity, we were fain to confess that to outward seeming we were but "a feeble folk," sorely needing the shield of a popular name. a committee, of which i was a member, was appointed to go in search of a president of this description. we visited two prominent gentlemen, known as friendly to emancipation and of high social standing. they received us with the dignified courtesy of the old school, declined our proposition in civil terms, and bowed us out with a cool politeness equalled only by that of the senior winkle towards the unlucky deputation of pickwick and his unprepossessing companions. as we left their doors we could not refrain from smiling in each other's faces at the thought of the small inducement our proffer of the presidency held out to men of their class. evidently our company was not one for respectability to march through coventry with. on the following morning we repaired to the adelphi building, on fifth street, below walnut, which had been secured for our use. sixty-two delegates were found to be in attendance. beriah green, of the oneida (new york) institute, was chosen president, a fresh-faced, sandy-haired, rather common-looking man, but who had the reputation of an able and eloquent speaker. he had already made himself known to us as a resolute and self-sacrificing abolitionist. lewis tappan and myself took our places at his side as secretaries, on the elevation at the west end of the hall. looking over the assembly, i noticed that it was mainly composed of comparatively young men, some in middle age, and a few beyond that period. they were nearly all plainly dressed, with a view to comfort rather than elegance. many of the faces turned towards me wore a look of expectancy and suppressed enthusiasm; all had the earnestness which might be expected of men engaged in an enterprise beset with difficulty and perhaps with peril. the fine, intellectual head of garrison, prematurely bald, was conspicuous; the sunny-faced young man at his side, in whom all the beatitudes seemed to find expression, was samuel j. may, mingling in his veins the best blood of the sewalls and quincys,--a man so exceptionally pure and large-hearted, so genial, tender, and loving, that he could be faithful to truth and duty without making an enemy. "the de'il wad look into his face, and swear he couldna wrang him." that tall, gaunt, swarthy man, erect, eagle-faced, upon whose somewhat martial figure the quaker coat seemed a little out of place, was lindley coates, known in all eastern pennsylvania as a stern enemy of slavery; that slight, eager man, intensely alive in every feature and gesture, was thomas shipley, who for thirty years had been the protector of the free colored people of philadelphia, and whose name was whispered reverently in the slave cabins of maryland as the friend of the black man, one of a class peculiar to old quakerism, who in doing what they felt to be duty, and walking as the light within guided them, knew no fear and shrank from no sacrifice. braver men the world has not known. beside him, differing in creed, but united with him in works of love and charity, sat thomas whitson, of the hicksite school of friends, fresh from his farm in lancaster county, dressed in plainest homespun, his tall form surmounted by a shock of unkempt hair, the odd obliquity of his vision contrasting strongly with he clearness and directness of his spiritual insight. elizur wright, the young professor of a western college, who had lost his place by his bold advocacy of freedom, with a look of sharp concentration in keeping with an intellect keen as a damascus blade, closely watched the proceedings through his spectacles, opening his mouth only to speak directly to the purpose. the portly form of dr. bartholomew russell, the beloved physician, from that beautiful land of plenty and peace which bayard taylor has described in his story of kennett, was not to be overlooked. abolitionist in heart and soul, his house was known as the shelter of runaway slaves, and no sportsman ever entered into the chase with such zest as he did into the arduous and sometimes dangerous work of aiding their escape and baffling their pursuers. the youngest man present was, i believe, james miller mckim, a presbyterian minister from columbia, afterwards one of our most efficient workers. james mott, e. l. capron, arnold buffum, and nathan winslow, men well known in the anti- slavery agitation, were conspicuous members. vermont sent down from her mountains orson s. murray, a man terribly in earnest, with a zeal that bordered on fanaticism, and who was none the more genial for the mob- violence to which he had been subjected. in front of me, awakening pleasant associations of the old homestead in merrimac valley, sat my first school-teacher, joshua coffin, the learned and worthy antiquarian and historian of newbury. a few spectators, mostly of the hicksite division of friends, were present, in broad brims and plain bonnets, among them esther moore and lucretia mott. committees were chosen to draft a constitution for a national anti- slavery society, nominate a list of officers, and prepare a declaration of principles to be signed by the members. dr. a. l. cox of new york, while these committees were absent, read something from my pen eulogistic of william lloyd garrison; and lewis tappan and amos a. phelps, a congregational clergyman of boston, afterwards one of the most devoted laborers in the cause, followed in generous commendation of the zeal, courage, and devotion of the young pioneer. the president, after calling james mccrummell, one of the two or three colored members of the convention, to the chair, made some eloquent remarks upon those editors who had ventured to advocate emancipation. at the close of his speech a young man rose to speak, whose appearance at once arrested my attention. i think i have never seen a finer face and figure, and his manner, words, and bearing were in keeping. "who is he?" i asked of one of the pennsylvania delegates. "robert purvis, of this city, a colored man," was the answer. he began by uttering his heart-felt thanks to the delegates who had convened for the deliverance of his people. he spoke of garrison in terms of warmest eulogy, as one who had stirred the heart of the nation, broken the tomblike slumber of the church, and compelled it to listen to the story of the slave's wrongs. he closed by declaring that the friends of colored americans would not be forgotten. "their memories," he said, "will be cherished when pyramids and monuments shall have crumbled in dust. the flood of time which is sweeping away the refuge of lies is bearing on the advocates of our cause to a glorious immortality." the committee on the constitution made their report, which after discussion was adopted. it disclaimed any right or intention of interfering, otherwise than by persuasion and christian expostulation, with slavery as it existed in the states, but affirming the duty of congress to abolish it in the district of columbia and territories, and to put an end to the domestic slave-trade. a list of officers of the new society was then chosen: arthur tappan of new york, president, and elizur wright, jr., william lloyd garrison, and a. l. cox, secretaries. among the vice-presidents was dr. lord of dartmouth college, then professedly in favor of emancipation, but who afterwards turned a moral somersault, a self-inversion which left him ever after on his head instead of his feet. he became a querulous advocate of slavery as a divine institution, and denounced woe upon the abolitionists for interfering with the will and purpose of the creator. as the cause of freedom gained ground, the poor man's heart failed him, and his hope for church and state grew fainter and fainter. a sad prophet of the evangel of slavery, he testified in the unwilling ears of an unbelieving generation, and died at last despairing of a world which seemed determined that canaan should no longer be cursed, nor onesimus sent back to philemon. the committee on the declaration of principles, of which i was a member, held a long session, discussing the proper scope and tenor of the document. but little progress being made, it was finally decided to entrust the matter to a sub-committee, consisting of william l. garrison, s. j. may, and myself; and after a brief consultation and comparison of each other's views, the drafting of the important paper was assigned to the former gentleman. we agreed to meet him at his lodgings in the house of a colored friend early the next morning. it was still dark when we climbed up to his room, and the lamp was still burning by the light of which he was writing the last sentence of the declaration. we read it carefully, made a few verbal changes, and submitted it to the large committee, who unanimously agreed to report it to the convention. the paper was read to the convention by dr. atlee, chairman of the committee, and listened to with the profoundest interest. commencing with a reference to the time, fifty-seven years before, when, in the same city of philadelphia, our fathers announced to the world their declaration of independence,--based on the self-evident truths of human equality and rights,--and appealed to arms for its defence, it spoke of the new enterprise as one "without which that of our fathers is incomplete," and as transcending theirs in magnitude, solemnity, and probable results as much "as moral truth does physical force." it spoke of the difference of the two in the means and ends proposed, and of the trifling grievances of our fathers compared with the wrongs and sufferings of the slaves, which it forcibly characterized as unequalled by any others on the face of the earth. it claimed that the nation was bound to repent at once, to let the oppressed go free, and to admit them to all the rights and privileges of others; because, it asserted, no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother; because liberty is inalienable; because there is no difference, in principle, between slave- holding and man-stealing, which the law brands as piracy; and because no length of bondage can invalidate man's claim to himself, or render slave laws anything but "an audacious usurpation." it maintained that no compensation should be given to planters emancipating slaves, because that would be a surrender of fundamental principles; "slavery is a crime, and is, therefore, not an article to be sold;" because slave-holders are not just proprietors of what they claim; because emancipation would destroy only nominal, not real property; and because compensation, if given at all, should be given to the slaves. it declared any "scheme of expatriation" to be "delusive, cruel, and dangerous." it fully recognized the right of each state to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery within its limits, and conceded that congress, under the present national compact, had no right to interfere; though still contending that it had the power, and should exercise it, "to suppress the domestic slave-trade between the several states," and "to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and in those portions of our territory which the constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction." after clearly and emphatically avowing the principles underlying the enterprise, and guarding with scrupulous care the rights of persons and states under the constitution, in prosecuting it, the declaration closed with these eloquent words:-- we also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free states to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the constitution of the united states. they are now living under a pledge of their tremendous physical force to fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in the southern states; they are liable to be called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves; they authorize the slave-owner to vote on three fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to perpetuate his oppression; they support a standing army at the south for its protection; and they seize the slave who has escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal driver. this relation to slavery is criminal and full of danger. it must be broken up. "these are our views and principles,--these our designs and measures. with entire confidence in the overruling justice of god, we plant ourselves upon the declaration of independence and the truths of divine revelation as upon the everlasting rock. "we shall organize anti-slavery societies, if possible, in every city, town, and village in our land. "we shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty and rebuke. "we shall circulate unsparingly and extensively anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. "we shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb. "we shall aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery. "we shall encourage the labor of freemen over that of the slaves, by giving a preference to their productions; and "we shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance. "our trust for victory is solely in god. we may be personally defeated, but our principles never. truth, justice, reason, humanity, must and will gloriously triumph. already a host is coming up to the help of the lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encouragement. "submitting this declaration to the candid examination of the people of this country, and of the friends of liberty all over the world, we hereby affix our signatures to it; pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help of almighty god, we will do all that in us lies, consistently with this declaration of our principles, to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth, to deliver our land from its deadliest curse, to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon, and to secure to the colored population of the united states all the rights and privileges which belong to them as men and as americans, come what may to our persons, our interests, or our reputations, whether we live to witness the triumph of justice, liberty, and humanity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent, and holy cause." the reading of the paper was followed by a discussion which lasted several hours. a member of the society of friends moved its immediate adoption. "we have," he said, "all given it our assent: every heart here responds to it. it is a doctrine of friends that these strong and deep impressions should be heeded." the convention, nevertheless, deemed it important to go over the declaration carefully, paragraph by paragraph. during the discussion, one of the spectators asked leave to say a few words. a beautiful and graceful woman, in the prime of life, with a face beneath her plain cap as finely intellectual as that of madame roland, offered some wise and valuable suggestions, in a clear, sweet voice, the charm of which i have never forgotten. it was lucretia mott of philadelphia. the president courteously thanked her, and encouraged her to take a part in the discussion. on the morning of the last day of our session, the declaration, with its few verbal amendments, carefully engrossed on parchment, was brought before the convention. samuel j. may rose to read it for the last time. his sweet, persuasive voice faltered with the intensity of his emotions as he repeated the solemn pledges of the concluding paragraphs. after a season of silence, david thurston of maine rose as his name was called by one of the secretaries, and affixed his name to the document. one after another passed up to the platform, signed, and retired in silence. all felt the deep responsibility of the occasion the shadow and forecast of a life-long struggle rested upon every countenance. our work as a convention was now done. president green arose to make the concluding address. the circumstances under which it was uttered may have lent it an impressiveness not its own; but as i now recall it, it seems to me the most powerful and eloquent speech to which i have ever listened. he passed in review the work that had been done, the constitution of the new society, the declaration of sentiments, and the union and earnestness which had marked the proceedings. his closing words will never be forgotten by those who heard them:-- "brethren, it has been good to be here. in this hallowed atmosphere i have been revived and refreshed. this brief interview has more than repaid me for all that i have ever suffered. i have here met congenial minds; i have rejoiced in sympathies delightful to the soul. heart has beat responsive to heart, and the holy work of seeking to benefit the outraged and despised has proved the most blessed employment. "but now we must retire from these balmy influences and breathe another atmosphere. the chill hoar-frost will be upon us. the storm and tempest will rise, and the waves of persecution will dash against our souls. let us be prepared for the worst. let us fasten ourselves to the throne of god as with hooks of steel. if we cling not to him, our names to that document will be but as dust. "let us court no applause, indulge in no spirit of vain boasting. let us be assured that our only hope in grappling with the bony monster is in an arm that is stronger than ours. let us fix our gaze on god, and walk in the light of his countenance. if our cause be just--and we know it is-- his omnipotence is pledged to its triumph. let this cause be entwined around the very fibres of our hearts. let our hearts grow to it, so that nothing but death can sunder the bond." he ceased, and then, amidst a silence broken only by the deep-drawn breath of emotion in the assembly, lifted up his voice in a prayer to almighty god, full of fervor and feeling, imploring his blessing and sanctification upon the convention and its labors. and with the solemnity of this supplication in our hearts we clasped hands in farewell, and went forth each man to his place of duty, not knowing the things that should befall us as individuals, but with a confidence, never shaken by abuse and persecution, in the certain triumph of our cause. kansas read at the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the state of kansas. bear camp house, west ossipee, n. h., eighth month, th, . to j. s. emery, r. morrow, and c. w. smith, committee: i have received your invitation to the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of the first settlement of kansas. it would give me great pleasure to visit your state on an occasion of such peculiar interest, and to make the acquaintance of its brave and self-denying pioneers, but i have not health and strength for the journey. it is very fitting that this anniversary should be duly recognized. no one of your sister states has such a record as yours,--so full of peril and adventure, fortitude, self-sacrifice, and heroic devotion to freedom. its baptism of martyr blood not only saved the state to liberty, but made the abolition of slavery everywhere possible. barber and stillwell and colpetzer and their associates did not die in vain. all through your long, hard struggle i watched the course of events in kansas with absorbing interest. i rejoiced, while i marvelled at the steady courage which no danger could shake, at the firm endurance which outwearied the brutalities of your slaveholding invaders, and at that fidelity to right and duty which the seduction of immediate self-interest could not swerve, nor the military force of a proslavery government overawe. all my sympathies were with you in that stern trial of your loyalty to god and humanity. and when, in the end, you had conquered peace, and the last of the baffled border ruffians had left your territory, i felt that the doom of the accursed institution was sealed, and that its abolition was but a question of time. a state with such a record will, i am sure, be true to its noble traditions, and will do all in its power to aid the victims of prejudice and oppression who may be compelled to seek shelter within its borders. i will not for a moment distrust the fidelity of kansas to her foundation principle. god bless and prosper her! thanking you for the kind terms of your invitation, i am, gentlemen, very truly your friend. william lloyd garrison. an introduction to oliver johnson's "william lloyd garrison and his times." ( .) i no not know that any word of mine can give additional interest to this memorial of william lloyd garrison from the pen of one of his earliest and most devoted friends, whose privilege it has been to share his confidence and his labors for nearly half a century; but i cannot well forego the opportunity afforded me to add briefly my testimony to the tribute to the memory of the great reformer, whose friendship i have shared, and with whom i have been associated in a common cause from youth to age. my acquaintance with him commenced in boyhood. my father was a subscriber to his first paper, the free press, and the humanitarian tone of his editorials awakened a deep interest in our little household, which was increased by a visit which he made us. when he afterwards edited the journal of the times, at bennington, vt., i ventured to write him a letter of encouragement and sympathy, urging him to continue his labors against slavery, and assuring him that he could "do great things," an unconscious prophecy which has been fulfilled beyond the dream of my boyish enthusiasm. the friendship thus commenced has remained unbroken through half a century, confirming my early confidence in his zeal and devotion, and in the great intellectual and moral strength which he brought to the cause with which his name is identified. during the long and hard struggle in which the abolitionists were engaged, and amidst the new and difficult questions and side-issues which presented themselves, it could scarcely be otherwise than that differences of opinion and action should arise among them. the leader and his disciples could not always see alike. my friend, the author of this book, i think, generally found himself in full accord with him, while i often decidedly dissented. i felt it my duty to use my right of citizenship at the ballot-box in the cause of liberty, while garrison, with equal sincerity, judged and counselled otherwise. each acted under a sense of individual duty and responsibility, and our personal relations were undisturbed. if, at times, the great anti-slavery leader failed to do justice to the motives of those who, while in hearty sympathy with his hatred of slavery, did not agree with some of his opinions and methods, it was but the pardonable and not unnatural result of his intensity of purpose, and his self-identification with the cause he advocated; and, while compelled to dissent, in some particulars, from his judgment of men and measures, the great mass of the antislavcry people recognized his moral leadership. the controversies of old and new organization, nonresistance and political action, may now be looked upon by the parties to them, who still survive, with the philosophic calmness which follows the subsidence of prejudice and passion. we were but fallible men, and doubtless often erred in feeling, speech, and action. ours was but the common experience of reformers in all ages. "never in custom's oiled grooves the world to a higher level moves, but grates and grinds with friction hard on granite bowlder and flinty shard. ever the virtues blush to find the vices wearing their badge behind, and graces and charities feel the fire wherein the sins of the age expire." it is too late now to dwell on these differences. i choose rather, with a feeling of gratitude to god, to recall the great happiness of laboring with the noble company of whom garrison was the central figure. i love to think of him as he seemed to me, when in the fresh dawn of manhood he sat with me in the old haverhill farmhouse, revolving even then schemes of benevolence; or, with cheery smile, welcoming me to his frugal meal of bread and milk in the dingy boston printing-room; or, as i found him in the gray december morning in the small attic of a colored man, in philadelphia, finishing his night-long task of drafting his immortal declaration of sentiments of the american anti-slavery society; or, as i saw him in the jail of leverett street, after his almost miraculous escape from the mob, playfully inviting me to share the safe lodgings which the state had provided for him; and in all the varied scenes and situations where we acted together our parts in the great endeavor and success of freedom. the verdict of posterity in his case may be safely anticipated. with the true reformers and benefactors of his race he occupies a place inferior to none other. the private lives of many who fought well the battles of humanity have not been without spot or blemish. but his private character, like his public, knew no dishonor. no shadow of suspicion rests upon the white statue of a life, the fitting garland of which should be the alpine flower that symbolizes noble purity. anti-slavery anniversary. read at the semi-centennial celebration of the american anti-slavery society at philadelphia, on the d december, . oak knoll, danvers, mass., th mo., , . i need not say how gladly i would be with you at the semi-centennial of the american anti-slavery society. i am, i regret to say, quite unable to gratify this wish, and can only represent myself by a letter. looking back over the long years of half a century, i can scarcely realize the conditions under which the convention of assembled. slavery was predominant. like apollyon in pilgrim's progress, it "straddled over the whole breadth of the way." church and state, press and pulpit, business interests, literature, and fashion were prostrate at its feet. our convention, with few exceptions, was composed of men without influence or position, poor and little known, strong only in their convictions and faith in the justice of their cause. to onlookers our endeavor to undo the evil work of two centuries and convert a nation to the "great renunciation" involved in emancipation must have seemed absurd in the last degree. our voices in such an atmosphere found no echo. we could look for no response but laughs of derision or the missiles of a mob. but we felt that we had the strength of truth on our side; we were right, and all the world about us was wrong. we had faith, hope, and enthusiasm, and did our work, nothing doubting, amidst a generation who first despised and then feared and hated us. for myself i have never ceased to be grateful to the divine providence for the privilege of taking a part in that work. and now for more than twenty years we have had a free country. no slave treads its soil. the anticipated dangerous consequences of complete emancipation have not been felt. the emancipated class, as a whole, have done wisely, and well under circumstances of peculiar difficulty. the masters have learned that cotton can be raised better by free than by slave labor, and nobody now wishes a return to slave-holding. sectional prejudices are subsiding, the bitterness of the civil war is slowly passing away. we are beginning to feel that we are one people, with no really clashing interests, and none more truly rejoice in the growing prosperity of the south than the old abolitionists, who hated slavery as a curse to the master as well as to the slave. in view of this commemorative semi-centennial occasion, many thoughts crowd upon me; memory recalls vanished faces and voices long hushed. of those who acted with me in the convention fifty years ago nearly all have passed into another state of being. we who remain must soon follow; we have seen the fulfilment of our desire; we have outlived scorn and persecution; the lengthening shadows invite us to rest. if, in looking back, we feel that we sometimes erred through impatient zeal in our contest with a great wrong, we have the satisfaction of knowing that we were influenced by no merely selfish considerations. the low light of our setting sun shines over a free, united people, and our last prayer shall be for their peace, prosperity, and happiness. response to the celebration of my eightieth birthday by the colored citizens of washington d. c. to r. h. terrell and george w. williams, esquires. gentlemen,--among the great number of tokens of interest and good-will which reached me on my birthday, none have touched me more deeply than the proceedings of the great meeting of the colored citizens of the nation's capital, of which you are the representatives. the resolutions of that meeting came to me as the voice of millions of my fellow- countrymen. that voice was dumb in slavery when, more than half a century ago, i put forth my plea for the freedom of the slave. it could not answer me from the rice swamp and cotton field, but now, god be praised, it speaks from your great meeting in washington and from all the colleges and schools where the youth of your race are taught. i scarcely expected then that the people for whom i pleaded would ever know of my efforts in their behalf. i cannot be too thankful to the divine providence that i have lived to hear their grateful response. i stand amazed at the rapid strides which your people have made since emancipation, at your industry, your acquisition of property and land, your zeal for education, your self-respecting but unresentful attitude toward those who formerly claimed to be your masters, your pathetic but manly appeal for just treatment and recognition. i see in all this the promise that the time is not far distant when, in common with the white race, you will have the free, undisputed rights of american citizenship in all parts of the union, and your rightful share in the honors as well as the protection of the government. your letter would have been answered sooner if it had been possible. i have been literally overwhelmed with letters and telegrams, which, owing to illness, i have been in a great measure unable to answer or even read. i tender to you, gentlemen, and to the people you represent my heartfelt thanks, and the assurance that while life lasts you will find me, as i have been heretofore, under more difficult circumstances, your faithful friend. oak knoll, danvers, mass., first mo., , . reform and politics. utopian schemes and political theorists. there is a large class of men, not in europe alone, but in this country also, whose constitutional conservatism inclines them to regard any organic change in the government of a state or the social condition of its people with suspicion and distrust. they admit, perhaps, the evils of the old state of things; but they hold them to be inevitable, the alloy necessarily mingled with all which pertains to fallible humanity. themselves generally enjoying whatever of good belongs to the political or social system in which their lot is cast, they are disposed to look with philosophic indifference upon the evil which only afflicts their neighbors. they wonder why people are not contented with their allotments; they see no reason for change; they ask for quiet and peace in their day; being quite well satisfied with that social condition which an old poet has quaintly described:-- "the citizens like pounded pikes; the lesser feed the great; the rich for food seek stomachs, and the poor for stomachs meat." this class of our fellow-citizens have an especial dislike of theorists, reformers, uneasy spirits, speculators upon the possibilities of the world's future, constitution builders, and believers in progress. they are satisfied; the world at least goes well enough with them; they sit as comfortable in it as lafontaine's rat in the cheese; and why should those who would turn it upside down come hither also? why not let well enough alone? why tinker creeds, constitutions, and laws, and disturb the good old-fashioned order of things in church and state? the idea of making the world better and happier is to them an absurdity. he who entertains it is a dreamer and a visionary, destitute of common sense and practical wisdom. his project, whatever it may be, is at once pronounced to be impracticable folly, or, as they are pleased to term it, _utopian._ the romance of sir thomas more, which has long afforded to the conservatives of church and state a term of contempt applicable to all reformatory schemes and innovations, is one of a series of fabulous writings, in which the authors, living in evil times and unable to actualize their plans for the well-being of society, have resorted to fiction as a safe means of conveying forbidden truths to the popular mind. plato's "timaeus," the first of the series, was written after the death of socrates and the enslavement of the author's country. in this are described the institutions of the island of atlantis,--the writer's ideal of a perfect commonwealth. xenophon, in his "cyropaedia," has also depicted an imaginary political society by overlaying with fiction historical traditions. at a later period we have the "new atlantis" of lord bacon, and that dream of the "city of the sun" with which campanella solaced himself in his long imprisonment. the "utopia" of more is perhaps the best of its class. it is the work of a profound thinker, the suggestive speculations and theories of one who could "forerun his age and race, and let his feet millenniums hence be set in midst of knowledge dreamed not yet." much of what he wrote as fiction is now fact, a part of the frame-work of european governments, and the political truths of his imaginary state are now practically recognized in our own democratic system. as might be expected, in view of the times in which the author wrote, and the exceedingly limited amount of materials which he found ready to his hands for the construction of his social and political edifice, there is a want of proportion and symmetry in the structure. many of his theories are no doubt impracticable and unsound. but, as a whole, the work is an admirable one, striding in advance of the author's age, and prefiguring a government of religious toleration and political freedom. the following extract from it was doubtless regarded in his day as something worse than folly or the dream of a visionary enthusiast:-- "he judged it wrong to lay down anything rashly, and seemed to doubt whether these different forms of religion might not all come from god, who might inspire men in a different manner, and be pleased with the variety. he therefore thought it to be indecent and foolish for any man to threaten and terrify another, to make him believe what did not strike him as true." passing by the "telemachus" of fenelon, we come to the political romance of harrington, written in the time of cromwell. "oceana" is the name by which the author represents england; and the republican plan of government which he describes with much minuteness is such as he would have recommended for adoption in case a free commonwealth had been established. it deals somewhat severely with cromwell's usurpation; yet the author did not hesitate to dedicate it to that remarkable man, who, after carefully reading it, gave it back to his daughter, lady claypole, with the remark, full of characteristic bluntness, that "the gentleman need not think to cheat him of his power and authority; for what he had won with the sword he would never suffer himself to be scribbled out of." notwithstanding the liberality and freedom of his speculations upon government and religion in his utopia, it must be confessed that sir thomas more, in after life, fell into the very practices of intolerance and bigotry which he condemned. when in the possession of the great seal under that scandal of kingship, henry viii., he gave his countenance to the persecution of heretics. bishop burnet says of him, that he caused a gentleman of the temple to be whipped and put to the rack in his presence, in order to compel him to discover those who favored heretical opinions. in his utopia he assailed the profession of the law with merciless satire; yet the satirist himself finally sat upon the chancellor's woolsack; and, as has been well remarked by horace smith, "if, from this elevated seat, he ever cast his eyes back upon his past life, he must have smiled at the fond conceit which could imagine a permanent utopia, when he himself, certainly more learned, honest, and conscientious than the mass of men has ever been, could in the course of one short life fall into such glaring and frightful rebellion against his own doctrines." harrington, on the other hand, as became the friend of milton and marvel, held fast, through good and evil report, his republican faith. he published his work after the restoration, and defended it boldly and ably from the numerous attacks made upon it. regarded as too dangerous an enthusiast to be left at liberty, he was imprisoned at the instance of lord chancellor hyde, first in the tower, and afterwards on the island of st. nicholas, where disease and imprudent remedies brought on a partial derangement, from which he never recovered. bernardin st. pierre, whose pathetic tale of "paul and virginia" has found admirers in every language of the civilized world, in a fragment, entitled "arcadia," attempted to depict an ideal republic, without priest, noble, or slave, where all are so religious that each man is the pontiff of his family, where each man is prepared to defend his country, and where all are in such a state of equality that there are no such persons as servants. the plan of it was suggested by his friend rousseau during their pleasant walking excursions about the environs of paris, in which the two enthusiastic philosophers, baffled by the evil passions and intractable materials of human nature as manifested in existing society, comforted themselves by appealing from the actual to the possible, from the real to the imaginary. under the chestnut-trees of the bois de boulogne, through long summer days, the two friends, sick of the noisy world about them, yet yearning to become its benefactors,--gladly escaping from it, yet busy with schemes for its regeneration and happiness,--at once misanthropes and philanthropists,--amused and solaced themselves by imagining a perfect and simple state of society, in which the lessons of emulation and selfish ambition were never to be taught; where, on the contrary, the young were to obey their parents, and to prefer father, mother, brother, sister, wife, and friend to themselves. they drew beautiful pictures of a country blessed with peace, indus try, and love, covered with no disgusting monuments of violence and pride and luxury, without columns, triumphal arches, hospitals, prisons, or gibbets; but presenting to view bridges over torrents, wells on the arid plain, groves of fruit-trees, and houses of shelter for the traveller in desert places, attesting everywhere the sentiment of humanity. religion was to speak to all hearts in the eternal language of nature. death was no longer to be feared; perspectives of holy consolation were to open through the cypress shadows of the tomb; to live or to die was to be equally an object of desire. the plan of the "arcadia" of st. pierre is simply this: a learned young egyptian, educated at thebes by the priests of osiris, desirous of benefiting humanity, undertakes a voyage to gaul for the purpose of carrying thither the arts and religion of egypt. he is shipwrecked on his return in the gulf of messina, and lands upon the coast, where he is entertained by an arcadian, to whom he relates his adventures, and from whom he receives in turn an account of the simple happiness and peace of arcadia, the virtues and felicity of whose inhabitants are beautifully exemplified in the lives and conversation of the shepherd and his daughter. this pleasant little prose poem closes somewhat abruptly. although inferior in artistic skill to "paul and virginia" or the "indian cottage", there is not a little to admire in the simple beauty of its pastoral descriptions. the closing paragraph reminds one of bunyan's upper chamber, where the weary pilgrim's windows opened to the sunrising and the singing of birds:-- "tyrteus conducted his guests to an adjoining chamber. it had a window shut by a curtain of rushes, through the crevices of which the islands of the alpheus might be seen in the light of the moon. there were in this chamber two excellent beds, with coverlets of warm and light wool. "now, as soon as amasis was left alone with cephas, he spoke with joy of the delight and tranquillity of the valley, of the goodness of the shepherd, and the grace of his young daughter, to whom he had seen none worthy to be compared, and of the pleasure which he promised himself the next day, at the festival on mount lyceum, of beholding a whole people as happy as this sequestered family. converse so delightful might have charmed away the night without the aid of sleep, had they not been invited to repose by the mild light of the moon shining through the window, the murmuring wind in the leaves of the poplars, and the distant noise of the achelous, which falls roaring from the summit of mount lyceum." the young patrician wits of athens doubtless laughed over plato's ideal republic. campanella's "city of the sun" was looked upon, no doubt, as the distempered vision of a crazy state prisoner. bacon's college, in his "new atlantis," moved the risibles of fat-witted oxford. more's "utopia," as we know, gave to our language a new word, expressive of the vagaries and dreams of fanatics and lunatics. the merciless wits, clerical and profane, of the court of charles ii. regarded harrington's romance as a perfect godsend to their vocation of ridicule. the gay dames and carpet knights of versailles made themselves merry with the prose pastoral of st. pierre; and the poor old enthusiast went down to his grave without finding an auditory for his lectures upon natural society. the world had its laugh over these romances. when unable to refute their theories, it could sneer at the authors, and answer them to the satisfaction of the generation in which they lived, at least by a general charge of lunacy. some of their notions were no doubt as absurd as those of the astronomer in "rasselas", who tells imlac that he has for five years possessed the regulation of the weather, and has got the secret of making to the different nations an equal and impartial dividend of rain and sunshine. but truth, even when ushered into the world through the medium of a dull romance and in connection with a vast progeny of errors, however ridiculed and despised at first, never fails in the end of finding a lodging-place in the popular mind. the speculations of the political theorists whom we have noticed have not all proved to be of "such stuff as dreams are made of, and their little life rounded with sleep." they have entered into and become parts of the social and political fabrics of europe and america. the prophecies of imagination have been fulfilled; the dreams of romance have become familiar realities. what is the moral suggested by this record? is it not that we should look with charity and tolerance upon the schemes and speculations of the political and social theorists of our day; that, if unprepared to venture upon new experiments and radical changes, we should at least consider that what was folly to our ancestors is our wisdom, and that another generation may successfully put in practice the very theories which now seem to us absurd and impossible? many of the evils of society have been measurably removed or ameliorated; yet now, as in the days of the apostle, "the creation groaneth and travaileth in pain;" and although quackery and empiricism abound, is it not possible that a proper application of some of the remedies proposed might ameliorate the general suffering? rejecting, as we must, whatever is inconsistent with or hostile to the doctrines of christianity, on which alone rests our hope for humanity, it becomes us to look kindly upon all attempts to apply those doctrines to the details of human life, to the social, political, and industrial relations of the race. if it is not permitted us to believe all things, we can at least hope them. despair is infidelity and death. temporally and spiritually, the declaration of inspiration holds good, "we are saved by hope." peculiar institutions of massachusetts. ( .) bernardin st. pierre, in his wishes of a solitary, asks for his country neither wealth, nor military glory, nor magnificent palaces and monuments, nor splendor of court nobility, nor clerical pomp. "rather," he says, "o france, may no beggar tread thy plains, no sick or suffering man ask in vain for relief; in all thy hamlets may every young woman find a lover and every lover a true wife; may the young be trained arightly and guarded from evil; may the old close their days in the tranquil hope of those who love god and their fellow-men." we are reminded of the amiable wish of the french essayist--a wish even yet very far from realization, we fear, in the empire of napoleon iii.-- by the perusal of two documents recently submitted to the legislature of the state of massachusetts. they indicate, in our view, the real glory of a state, and foreshadow the coming of that time when milton's definition of a true commonwealth shall be no longer a prophecy, but the description of an existing fact,--"a huge christian personage, a mighty growth and stature of an honest man, moved by the purpose of a love of god and of mankind." some years ago, the legislature of massachusetts, at the suggestion of several benevolent gentlemen whose attention had been turned to the subject, appointed a commission to inquire into the condition of the idiots of the commonwealth, to ascertain their numbers, and whether anything could be done in their behalf. the commissioners were dr. samuel g. howe, so well and honorably known for his long and arduous labors in behalf of the blind, judge byington, and dr. gilman kimball. the burden of the labor fell upon the chairman, who entered upon it with the enthusiasm, perseverance, and practical adaptation of means to ends which have made him so efficient in his varied schemes of benevolence. on the th of the second month, , a full report of the results of this labor was made to the governor, accompanied by statistical tables and minute details. one hundred towns had been visited by the chairman or his reliable agent, in which five hundred and seventy-five persons in a state of idiocy were discovered. these were examined carefully in respect to their physical as well as mental condition, no inquiry being omitted which was calculated to throw light upon the remote or immediate causes of this mournful imperfection in the creation of god. the proximate causes dr. howe mentions are to be found in the state of the bodily organization, deranged and disproportioned by some violation of natural law on the part of the parents or remoter ancestors of the sufferers. out of cases of idiocy, he had obtained information respecting the condition of the progenitors of ; and in all but four of these eases he found that one or the other, or both, of their immediate progenitors had in some way departed widely from the condition of health; they were scrofulous, or predisposed to affections of the brain, and insanity, or had intermarried with blood-relations, or had been intemperate, or guilty of sensual excesses. of the cases, were those of idiocy from birth, and of idiocy afterwards. of the born idiots, were under twenty-five years of age, and all but seemed capable of improvement. of those above twenty-five years of age, appeared incapable of improvement in their mental condition, being helpless as children at seven years of age; out of the seemed as helpless as children at two years of age; were in the condition of mere infants; and were supported at the public charge in almshouses. a large proportion of them were found to be given over to filthy and loathsome habits, gluttony, and lust, and constantly sinking lower towards the condition of absolute brutishness. those in private houses were found, if possible, in a still more deplorable state. their parents were generally poor, feeble in mind and body, and often of very intemperate habits. many of them seemed scarcely able to take care of themselves, and totally unfit for the training of ordinary children. it was the blind leading the blind, imbecility teaching imbecility. some instances of the experiments of parental ignorance upon idiotic offspring, which fell under the observation of dr. howe, are related in his report idiotic children were found with their heads covered over with cold poultices of oak-bark, which the foolish parents supposed would tan the brain and harden it as the tanner does his ox-hides, and so make it capable of retaining impressions and remembering lessons. in other cases, finding that the child could not be made to comprehend anything, the sagacious heads of the household, on the supposition that its brain was too hard, tortured it with hot poultices of bread and milk to soften it. others plastered over their children's heads with tar. some administered strong doses of mercury, to "solder up the openings" in the head and make it tight and strong. others encouraged the savage gluttony of their children, stimulating their unnatural and bestial appetites, on the ground that "the poor creatures had nothing else to enjoy but their food, and they should have enough of that!" in consequence of this report, the legislature, in the spring of , made an annual appropriation of twenty-five hundred dollars, for three years, for the purpose of training and teaching ten idiot children, to be selected by the governor and council. the trustees of the asylum for the blind, under the charge of dr. howe, made arrangements for receiving these pupils. the school was opened in the autumn of ; and its first annual report, addressed to the governor and printed by order of the senate, is now before us. of the ten pupils, it appears that not one had the usual command of muscular motion,--the languid body obeyed not the service of the imbecile will. some could walk and use their limbs and hands in simple motions; others could make only make slight use of their muscles; and two were without any power of locomotion. one of these last, a boy six years of age, who had been stupefied on the day of his birth by the application of hot rum to his head, could scarcely see or notice objects, and was almost destitute of the sense of touch. he could neither stand nor sit upright, nor even creep, but would lie on the floor in whatever position he was placed. he could not feed himself nor chew solid food, and had no more sense of decency than an infant. his intellect was a blank; he had no knowledge, no desires, no affections. a more hopeless object for experiment could scarcely have been selected. a year of patient endeavor has nevertheless wrought a wonderful change in the condition of this miserable being. cold bathing, rubbing of the limbs, exercise of the muscles, exposure to the air, and other appliances have enabled him to stand upright, to sit at table and feed himself, and chew his food, and to walk about with slight assistance. his habits are no longer those of a brute; he observes decency; his eye is brighter; his cheeks glow with health; his countenance, is more expressive of thought. he has learned many words and constructs simple sentences; his affections begin to develop; and there is every prospect that he will be so far renovated as to be able to provide for himself in manhood. in the case of another boy, aged twelve years, the improvement has been equally remarkable. the gentleman who first called attention to him, in a recent note to dr. howe, published in the report, thus speaks of his present condition: "when i remember his former wild and almost frantic demeanor when approached by any one, and the apparent impossibility of communicating with him, and now see him standing in his class, playing with his fellows, and willingly and familiarly approaching me, examining what i gave him,--and when i see him already selecting articles named by his teacher, and even correctly pronouncing words printed on cards,-- improvement does not convey the idea presented to my mind; it is creation; it is making him anew." all the pupils have more or less advanced. their health and habits have improved; and there is no reason to doubt that the experiment, at the close of its three years, will be found to have been quite as successful as its most sanguine projectors could have anticipated. dr. howe has been ably seconded by an accomplished teacher, james b. richards, who has devoted his whole time to the pupils. of the nature and magnitude of their task, an idea may be formed only by considering the utter listlessness of idiocy, the incapability of the poor pupil to fix his attention upon anything, and his general want of susceptibility to impressions. all his senses are dulled and perverted. touch, hearing, sight, smell, are all more or less defective. his gluttony is unaccompanied with the gratification of taste,--the most savory viands and the offal which he shares with the pigs equally satisfy him. his mental state is still worse than his physical. thought is painful and irksome to him. his teacher can only engage his attention by strenuous efforts, loud, earnest tones, gesticulations and signs, and a constant presentation of some visible object of bright color and striking form. the eye wanders, and the spark of consciousness and intelligence which has been fanned into momentary brightness darkens at the slightest relaxation of the teacher's exertions. the names of objects presented to him must sometimes be repeated hundreds of times before he can learn them. yet the patience and enthusiasm of the teacher are rewarded by a progress, slow and unequal, but still marked and manifest. step by step, often compelled to turn back and go over the inch of ground he had gained, the idiot is still creeping forward; and by almost imperceptible degrees his sick, cramped, and prisoned spirit casts off the burden of its body of death, breath as from the almighty--is breathed into him, and he becomes a living soul. after the senses of the idiot are trained to take note of their appropriate objects, the various perceptive faculties are next to be exercised. the greatest possible number of facts are to be gathered up through the medium of these faculties into the storehouse of memory, from whence eventually the higher faculties of mind may draw the material of general ideas. it has been found difficult, if not impossible, to teach the idiot to read by the letters first, as in the ordinary method; but while the varied powers of the three letters, h, a, t, could not be understood by him, he could be made to comprehend the complex sign of the word hat, made by uniting the three. the moral nature of the idiot needs training and development as well as his physical and mental. all that can be said of him is, that he has the latent capacity for moral development and culture. uninstructed and left to himself, he has no ideas of regulated appetites and propensities, of decency and delicacy of affection and social relations. the germs of these ideas, which constitute the glory and beauty of humanity, undoubtedly exist in him; but there can be no growth without patient and persevering culture. where this is afforded, to use the language of the report, "the idiot may learn what love is, though he may not know the word which expresses it; he may feel kindly affections while unable to understand the simplest virtuous principle; and he may begin to live acceptably to god before he has learned the name by which men call him." in the facts and statistics presented in the report, light is shed upon some of the dark pages of god's providence, and it is seen that the suffering and shame of idiocy are the result of sin, of a violation of the merciful laws of god and of the harmonies of his benign order. the penalties which are ordained for the violators of natural laws are inexorable and certain. for the transgressor of the laws of life there is, as in the case of esau, "no place for repentance, though he seek it earnestly and with tears." the curse cleaves to him and his children. in this view, how important becomes the subject of the hereditary transmission of moral and physical disease and debility! and how necessary it is that there should be a clearer understanding of, and a willing obedience, at any cost, to the eternal law which makes the parent the blessing or the curse of the child, giving strength and beauty, and the capacity to know and do the will of god, or bequeathing loathsomeness, deformity, and animal appetite, incapable of the restraints of the moral faculties! even if the labors of dr. howe and his benevolent associates do not materially lessen the amount of present actual evil and suffering in this respect, they will not be put forth in vain if they have the effect of calling public attention to the great laws of our being, the violation of which has made this goodly earth a vast lazarhouse of pain and sorrow. the late annual message of the governor of massachusetts invites our attention to a kindred institution of charity. the chief magistrate congratulates the legislature, in language creditable to his mind and heart, on the opening of the reform school for juvenile criminals, established by an act of a previous legislature. the act provides that, when any boy under sixteen years of age shall be convicted of crime punishable by imprisonment other than such an offence as is punished by imprisonment for life, he may be, at the discretion of the court or justice, sent to the state reform school, or sentenced to such imprisonment as the law now provides for his offence. the school is placed under the care of trustees, who may either refuse to receive a boy thus sent there, or, after he has been received, for reasons set forth in the act, may order him to be committed to prison under the previous penal law of the state. they are also authorized to apprentice the boys, at their discretion, to inhabitants of the commonwealth. and whenever any boy shall be discharged, either as reformed or as having reached the age of twenty-one years, his discharge is a full release from his sentence. it is made the duty of the trustees to cause the boys to be instructed in piety and morality, and in branches of useful knowledge, in some regular course of labor, mechanical, agricultural, or horticultural, and such other trades and arts as may be best adapted to secure the amendment, reformation, and future benefit of the boys. the class of offenders for whom this act provides are generally the offspring of parents depraved by crime or suffering from poverty and want,--the victims often of circumstances of evil which almost constitute a necessity,--issuing from homes polluted and miserable, from the sight and hearing of loathsome impurities and hideous discords, to avenge upon society the ignorance, and destitution, and neglect with which it is too often justly chargeable. in three hundred of these youthful violators of law were sentenced to jails and other places of punishment in massachusetts, where they incurred the fearful liability of being still more thoroughly corrupted by contact with older criminals, familiar with atrocity, and rolling their loathsome vices "as a sweet morsel under the tongue." in view of this state of things the reform school has been established, twenty-two thousand dollars having been contributed to the state for that purpose by an unknown benefactor of his race. the school is located in westboro', on a fine farm of two hundred acres. the buildings are in the form of a square, with a court in the centre, three stories in front, with wings. they are constructed with a degree of architectural taste, and their site is happily chosen,--a gentle eminence, overlooking one of the loveliest of the small lakes which form a pleasing feature in new england scenery. from this place the atmosphere and associations of the prison are excluded. the discipline is strict, as a matter of course; but it is that of a well-regulated home or school-room,--order, neatness, and harmony within doors; and without, the beautiful 'sights and sounds and healthful influences of nature. one would almost suppose that the poetical dream of coleridge, in his tragedy of remorse, had found its realization in the westboro' school, and that, weary of the hopelessness and cruelty of the old penal system, our legislators had embodied in their statutes the idea of the poet:-- "with other ministrations thou, o nature, healest thy wandering and distempered child thou pourest on him thy soft influences, thy sunny hues, fair forms, and breathing sweets, thy melodies of woods, and winds, and waters, till he relent, and can no more endure to be a jarring and a dissonant thing amidst this general dance and minstrelsy." thus it is that the christian idea of reformation, rather than revenge, is slowly but surely incorporating itself in our statute books. we have only to look back but a single century to be able to appreciate the immense gain for humanity in the treatment of criminals which has been secured in that space of time. then the use of torture was common throughout europe. inability to comprehend and believe certain religious dogmas was a crime to be expiated by death, or confiscation of estate, or lingering imprisonment. petty offences against property furnished subjects for the hangman. the stocks and the whipping-post stood by the side of the meeting-house. tongues were bored with redhot irons and ears shorn off. the jails were loathsome dungeons, swarming with vermin, unventilated, unwarmed. a century and a half ago the populace of massachusetts were convulsed with grim merriment at the writhings of a miserable woman scourged at the cart-tail or strangling in the ducking- stool; crowds hastened to enjoy the spectacle of an old man enduring the unutterable torment of the 'peine forte et dare,'--pressed slowly to death under planks,--for refusing to plead to an indictment for witchcraft. what a change from all this to the opening of the state reform school, to the humane regulations of prisons and penitentiaries, to keen-eyed benevolence watching over the administration of justice, which, in securing society from lawless aggression, is not suffered to overlook the true interest and reformation of the criminal, nor to forget that the magistrate, in the words of the apostle, is to be indeed "the minister of god to man for good!" lord ashley and the thieves. "they that be whole need not a physician, but they that are sick," was the significant answer of our lord to the self-righteous pharisees who took offence at his companions,--the poor, the degraded, the weak, and the sinful. "go ye and learn what that meaneth, i will have mercy, and not sacrifice; for i am not come to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance." the great lesson of duty inculcated by this answer of the divine teacher has been too long overlooked by individuals and communities professedly governed by his maxims. the phylacteries of our modern pharisees are as broad as those of the old jewish saints. the respectable christian detests his vicious and ill-conditioned neighbors as heartily as the israelite did the publicans and sinners of his day. he folds his robe of self-righteousness closely about him, and denounces as little better than sinful weakness all commiseration for the guilty; and all attempts to restore and reclaim the erring violators of human law otherwise than by pains and penalties as wicked collusion with crime, dangerous to the stability and safety of society, and offensive in the sight of god. and yet nothing is more certain than that, just in proportion as the example of our lord has been followed in respect to the outcast and criminal, the effect has been to reform and elevate,--to snatch as brands from the burning souls not yet wholly given over to the service of evil. the wonderful influence for good exerted over the most degraded and reckless criminals of london by the excellent and self-denying elizabeth fry, the happy results of the establishment of houses of refuge, and reformation, and magdalen asylums, all illustrate the wisdom of him who went about doing good, in pointing out the morally diseased as the appropriate subjects of the benevolent labors of his disciples. no one is to be despaired of. we have no warrant to pass by any of our fellow-creatures as beyond the reach of god's grace and mercy; for, beneath the most repulsive and hateful outward manifestation, there is always a consciousness of the beauty of goodness and purity, and of the loathsomeness of sin,--one chamber of the heart as yet not wholly profaned, whence at times arises the prayer of a burdened and miserable spirit for deliverance. deep down under the squalid exterior, unparticipative in the hideous merriment and recklessness of the criminal, there is another self,--a chained and suffering inner man,-- crying out, in the intervals of intoxication and brutal excesses, like jonah from the bosom of hell. to this lingering consciousness the sympathy and kindness of benevolent and humane spirits seldom appeal in vain; for, whatever may be outward appearances, it remains true that the way of the transgressor is hard, and that sin and suffering are inseparable. crime is seldom loved or persevered in for its own sake; but, when once the evil path is entered upon, a return is in reality extremely difficult to the unhappy wanderer, and often seems as well nigh impossible. the laws of social life rise up like insurmountable barriers between him and escape. as he turns towards the society whose rights he has outraged, its frown settles upon him; the penalties of the laws he has violated await him; and he falls back despairing, and suffers the fetters of the evil habit to whose power he has yielded himself to be fastened closer and heavier upon him. o for some good angel, in the form of a brother-man and touched with a feeling of his sins and infirmities, to reassure his better nature and to point out a way of escape from its body of death! we have been led into these remarks by an account, given in the london weekly chronicle, of a most remarkable interview between the professional thieves of london and lord ashley,--a gentleman whose best patent of nobility is to be found in his generous and untiring devotion to the interests of his fellow-men. it appears that a philanthropic gentleman in london had been applied to by two young thieves, who had relinquished their evil practices and were obtaining a precarious but honest livelihood by picking up bones and rags in the streets, their loss of character closing against them all other employments. he had just been reading an address of lord ashley's in favor of colonial emigration, and he was led to ask one of the young men how he would like to emigrate. "i should jump at the chance!" was the reply. not long after the gentleman was sent for to visit one of those obscure and ruinous courts of the great metropolis where crime and poverty lie down together,-- localities which dickens has pictured with such painful distinctness. here, to his surprise, he met a number of thieves and outlaws, who declared themselves extremely anxious to know whether any hope could be held out to them of obtaining an honest living, however humble, in the colonies, as their only reason for continuing in their criminal course was the impossibility of extricating themselves. he gave them such advice and encouragement as he was able, and invited them to assemble again, with such of their companions as they could persuade to do so, at the room of the irish free school, for the purpose of meeting lord ashley. on the th of the seventh month last the meeting took place. at the hour appointed, lord ashley and five or six other benevolent gentlemen, interested in emigration as a means of relief and reformation to the criminal poor, entered the room, which was already well-nigh filled. two hundred and seven professed thieves were present. "several of the most experienced thieves were stationed at the door to prevent the admission of any but thieves. some four or five individuals, who were not at first known, were subjected to examination, and only allowed to remain on stating that they were, and being recognized as, members of the dishonest fraternity; and before the proceedings of the evening commenced the question was very carefully put, and repeated several times, whether any one was in the room of whom others entertained doubts as to who he was. the object of this care was, as so many of them were in danger of 'getting into trouble,' or, in other words, of being taken up for their crimes, to ascertain if any who might betray them were present; and another intention of this scrutiny was, to give those assembled, who naturally would feel considerable fear, a fuller confidence in opening their minds." what a novel conference between the extremes of modern society! all that is beautiful in refinement and education, moral symmetry and christian grace, contrasting with the squalor, the ignorance, the lifelong depravity of men living "without god in the world,"--the pariahs of civilization,--the moral lepers, at the sight of whom decency covers its face, and cries out, "unclean!" after a prayer had been offered, lord ashley spoke at considerable length, making a profound impression on his strange auditory as they listened to his plans of emigration, which offered them an opportunity to escape from their miserable condition and enter upon a respectable course of life. the hard heart melted and the cold and cruel eye moistened. with one accord the wretched felons responded to the language of christian love and good-will, and declared their readiness to follow the advice of their true friend. they looked up to him as to an angel of mercy, and felt the malignant spirits which had so long tormented them disarmed of all power of evil in the presence of simple goodness. he stood in that felon audience like spenser's una amidst the satyrs; unassailable and secure in the "unresistible might of meekness," and panoplied in that "noble grace which dashed brute violence with sudden adoration and mute awe." twenty years ago, when elizabeth fry ventured to visit those "spirits in prison,"--the female tenants of newgate,--her temerity was regarded with astonishment, and her hope of effecting a reformation in the miserable objects of her sympathy was held to be wholly visionary. her personal safety and the blessed fruits of her labors, nevertheless, confirmed the language of her divine master to his disciples when he sent them forth as lambs among wolves: "behold, i give unto you power over all the power of the enemy." the still more unpromising experiment of lord ashley, thus far, has been equally successful; and we hail it as the introduction of a new and more humane method of dealing with the victims of sin and ignorance, and the temptations growing out of the inequalities and vices of civilization. woman suffrage. letter to the newport convention. amesbury, mass., th, th month, . i have received thy letter inviting me to attend the convention in behalf of woman's suffrage, at newport, r. i., on the th inst. i do not see how it is possible for me to accept the invitation; and, were i to do so, the state of my health would prevent me from taking such a part in the meeting as would relieve me from the responsibility of seeming to sanction anything in its action which might conflict with my own views of duty or policy. yet i should do myself great injustice if i did not embrace this occasion to express my general sympathy with the movement. i have seen no good reason why mothers, wives, and daughters should not have the same right of person, property, and citizenship which fathers, husbands, and brothers have. the sacred memory of mother and sister; the wisdom and dignity of women of my own religious communion who have been accustomed to something like equality in rights as well as duties; my experience as a co-worker with noble and self-sacrificing women, as graceful and helpful in their household duties as firm and courageous in their public advocacy of unpopular truth; the steady friendships which have inspired and strengthened me, and the reverence and respect which i feel for human nature, irrespective of sex, compel me to look with something more than acquiescence on the efforts you are making. i frankly confess that i am not able to forsee all the consequences of the great social and political change proposed, but of this i am, at least, sure, it is always safe to do right, and the truest expediency is simple justice. i can understand, without sharing, the misgivings of those who fear that, when the vote drops from woman's hand into the ballot-box, the beauty and sentiment, the bloom and sweetness, of womankind will go with it. but in this matter it seems to me that we can trust nature. stronger than statutes or conventions, she will be conservative of all that the true man loves and honors in woman. here and there may be found an equivocal, unsexed chevalier d'eon, but the eternal order and fitness of things will remain. i have no fear that man will be less manly or woman less womanly when they meet on terms of equality before the law. on the other hand, i do not see that the exercise of the ballot by woman will prove a remedy for all the evils of which she justly complains. it is her right as truly as mine, and when she asks for it, it is something less than manhood to withhold it. but, unsupported by a more practical education, higher aims, and a deeper sense of the responsibilities of life and duty, it is not likely to prove a blessing in her hands any more than in man's. with great respect and hearty sympathy, i am very truly thy friend. italian unity amesbury, mass., st mo., th, . read at the great meeting in new york, january, , in celebration of the freedom of rome and complete unity of italy. it would give me more than ordinary satisfaction to attend the meeting on the th instant for the celebration of italian unity, the emancipation of rome, and its occupation as the permanent capital of the nation. for many years i have watched with deep interest and sympathy the popular movement on the italian peninsula, and especially every effort for the deliverance of rome from a despotism counting its age by centuries. i looked at these struggles of the people with little reference to their ecclesiastical or sectarian bearings. had i been a catholic instead of a protestant, i should have hailed every symptom of roman deliverance from papal rule, occupying, as i have, the standpoint of a republican radical, desirous that all men, of all creeds, should enjoy the civil liberty which i prized so highly for myself. i lost all confidence in the french republic of , when it forfeited its own right to exist by crushing out the newly formed roman republic under mazzini and garibaldi. from that hour it was doomed, and the expiation of its monstrous crime is still going on. my sympathies are with jules favre and leon gambetta in their efforts to establish and sustain a republic in france, but i confess that the investment of paris by king william seems to me the logical sequence of the bombardment of rome by oudinot. and is it not a significant fact that the terrible chassepot, which made its first bloody experiment upon the halfarmed italian patriots without the walls of rome, has failed in the hands of french republicans against the inferior needle-gun of prussia? it was said of a fierce actor in the old french revolution that he demoralized the guillotine. the massacre at mentana demoralized the chassepot. it is a matter of congratulation that the redemption of rome has been effected so easily and bloodlessly. the despotism of a thousand years fell at a touch in noiseless rottenness. the people of rome, fifty to one, cast their ballots of condemnation like so many shovelfuls of earth upon its grave. outside of rome there seems to be a very general acquiescence in its downfall. no peter the hermit preaches a crusade in its behalf. no one of the great catholic powers of europe lifts a finger for it. whatever may be the feelings of isabella of spain and the fugitive son of king bomba, they are in no condition to come to its rescue. it is reserved for american ecclesiastics, loud-mouthed in professions of democracy, to make solemn protest against what they call an "outrage," which gives the people of rome the right of choosing their own government, and denies the divine right of kings in the person of pio nono. the withdrawal of the temporal power of the pope will prove a blessing to the catholic church, as well as to the world. many of its most learned and devout priests and laymen have long seen the necessity of such a change, which takes from it a reproach and scandal that could no longer be excused or tolerated. a century hence it will have as few apologists as the inquisition or the massacre of st. bartholomew. in this hour of congratulation let us not forget those whose suffering and self-sacrifice, in the inscrutable wisdom of providence, prepared the way for the triumph which we celebrate. as we call the long, illustrious roll of italian patriotism--the young, the brave, and beautiful; the gray-haired, saintly confessors; the scholars, poets, artists, who, shut out from human sympathy, gave their lives for god and country in the slow, dumb agony of prison martyrdom--let us hope that they also rejoice with us, and, inaudible to earthly ears, unite in our thanksgiving: "alleluia! for the lord god omnipotent reigneth! he hath avenged the blood of his servants!" in the belief that the unity of italy and the overthrow of papal rule will strengthen the cause of liberty throughout the civilized' world, i am very truly thy friend. indian civilization. the present condition and future prospects of the remnants of the aboriginal inhabitants of this continent can scarcely be a matter of indifference to any class of the people of the united states. apart from all considerations of justice and duty, a purely selfish regard to our own well-being would compel attention to the subject. the irreversible laws of god's moral government, and the well-attested maxims of political and social economy, leave us in no doubt that the suffering, neglect, and wrong of one part of the community must affect all others. a common responsibility rests upon each and all to relieve suffering, enlighten ignorance, and redress wrong, and the penalty of neglect in this respect no nation has ever escaped. it is only within a comparatively recent period that the term indian civilization could be appropriately used in this country. very little real progress bad been made in this direction, up to the time when commissioner lang in visited the tribes now most advanced. so little had been done, that public opinion had acquiesced in the assumption that the indians were not susceptible of civilization and progress. the few experiments had not been calculated to assure a superficial observer. the unsupported efforts of elliot in new england were counteracted by the imprisonment, and in some instances the massacre of his "praying indians," by white men under the exasperation of war with hostile tribes. the salutary influence of the moravians and friends in pennsylvania was greatly weakened by the dreadful massacre of the unarmed and blameless converts of gnadenhutten. but since the first visit of commissioner lang, thirty-three years ago, the progress of education, civilization, and conversion to christianity, has been of a most encouraging nature, and if indian civilization was ever a doubtful problem, it has been practically solved. the nomadic habits and warlike propensities of the native tribes are indeed formidable but not insuperable difficulties in the way of their elevation. the wildest of them may compare not unfavorably with those northern barbarian hordes that swooped down upon christian europe, and who were so soon the docile pupils and proselytes of the peoples they had conquered. the arapahoes and camanches of our day are no further removed from the sweetness and light of christian culture than were the scandinavian sea kings of the middle centuries, whose gods were patrons of rapine and cruelty, their heaven a vast, cloud-built ale-house, where ghostly warriors drank from the skulls of their victims, and whose hell was a frozen horror of desolation and darkness, to be avoided only by diligence in robbery and courage in murder. the descendants of these human butchers are now among the best exponents of the humanizing influence of the gospel of christ. the report of the superintendent of the remnants of the once fierce and warlike six nations, now peaceable and prosperous in canada, shows that the indian is not inferior to the norse ancestors of the danes and norwegians of our day in capability of improvement. it is scarcely necessary to say, what is universally conceded, that the wars waged by the indians against the whites have, in nearly every instance, been provoked by violations of solemn treaties and systematic disregard of their rights of person, property, and life. the letter of bishop whipple, of minnesota, to the new york tribune of second month, , calls attention to the emphatic language of generals sherman, harney, terry, and augur, written after a full and searching investigation of the subject: "that the indian goes to war is not astonishing: he is often compelled to do so: wrongs are borne by him in silence, which never fail to drive civilized men to deeds of violence. the best possible way to avoid war is to do no injustice." it is not difficult to understand the feelings of the unfortunate pioneer settlers on the extreme borders of civilization, upon whom the blind vengeance of the wronged and hunted indians falls oftener than upon the real wrong-doers. they point to terrible and revolting cruelties as proof that nothing short of the absolute extermination of the race can prevent their repetition. but a moment's consideration compels us to admit that atrocious cruelty is not peculiar to the red man. "all wars are cruel," said general sherman, and for eighteen centuries christendom has been a great battle-field. what indian raid has been more dreadful than the sack of magdeburg, the massacre of glencoe, the nameless atrocities of the duke of alva in the netherlands, the murders of st. bartholomew's day, the unspeakable agonies of the south of france under the demoniac rule of revolution! all history, black with crime and red with blood, is but an awful commentary upon "man's inhumanity to man," and it teaches us that there is nothing exceptional in the indian's ferocity and vindictiveness, and that the alleged reasons for his extermination would, at one time or another, have applied with equal force to the whole family of man. a late lecture of my friend, stanley pumphrey, comprises more of valuable information and pertinent suggestions on the indian question than i have found in any equal space; and i am glad of the opportunity to add to it my hearty endorsement, and to express the conviction that its general circulation could not fail to awaken a deeper and more kindly interest in the condition of the red man, and greatly aid in leading the public mind to a fuller appreciation of the responsibility which rests upon us as a people to rectify, as far as possible, past abuses, and in our future relations to the native owners of the soil to "deal justly and love mercy." reading for the blind. ( .) to mary c. moore, teacher in the perkins asylum. dear friend,--it gives me great pleasure to know that the pupils in thy class at the institution for the blind have the opportunity afforded them to read through the sense of touch some of my writings, and thus hold what i hope will prove a pleasant communion with me. very glad i shall be if the pen-pictures of nature, and homely country firesides, which i have tried to make, are understood and appreciated by those who cannot discern them by natural vision. i shall count it a great privilege to see for them, or rather to let them see through my eyes. it is the mind after all that really sees, shapes, and colors all things. what visions of beauty and sublimity passed before the inward and spiritual sight of blind milton and beethoven! i have an esteemed friend, morrison hendy, of kentucky, who is deaf and blind; yet under these circumstances he has cultivated his mind to a high degree, and has written poems of great beauty, and vivid descriptions of scenes which have been witnessed only by the "light within." i thank thee for thy letter, and beg of thee to assure the students that i am deeply interested in their welfare and progress, and that my prayer is that their inward and spiritual eyes may become so clear that they can well dispense with the outward and material ones. the indian question. read at the meeting in boston, may, , for the consideration of the condition of the indians in the united states. amesbury, th mo., . i regret that i cannot be present at the meeting called in reference to the pressing question of the day, the present condition and future prospects of the indian race in the united states. the old policy, however well intended, of the government is no longer available. the westward setting tide of immigration is everywhere sweeping over the lines of the reservations. there would seem to be no power in the government to prevent the practical abrogation of its solemn treaties and the crowding out of the indians from their guaranteed hunting grounds. outbreaks of indian ferocity and revenge, incited by wrong and robbery on the part of the whites, will increasingly be made the pretext of indiscriminate massacres. the entire question will soon resolve itself into the single alternative of education and civilization or extermination. the school experiments at hampton, carlisle, and forest grove in oregon have proved, if such proof were ever needed, that the roving indian can be enlightened and civilized, taught to work and take interest and delight in the product of his industry, and settle down on his farm or in his workshop, as an american citizen, protected by and subject to the laws of the republic. what is needed is that not only these schools should be more liberally supported, but that new ones should be opened without delay. the matter does not admit of procrastination. the work of education and civilization must be done. the money needed must be contributed with no sparing hand. the laudable example set by the friends and the american missionary association should be followed by other sects and philanthropic societies. christianity, patriotism, and enlightened self interest have a common stake in the matter. great and difficult as the work may be the country is strong enough, rich enough, wise enough, and, i believe, humane and christian enough to do it. the republican party. read at a meeting of the essex club, in boston, november, . amesbury, th mo., , . i am sorry that i cannot accept thy invitation to attend the meeting of the essex club on the th inst. i should be glad to meet my old republican friends and congratulate them on the results of the election in massachusetts, and especially in our good old county of essex. some of our friends and neighbors, who have been with us heretofore, last year saw fit to vote with the opposite party. i would be the last to deny their perfect right to do so, or to impeach their motives, but i think they were mistaken in expecting that party to reform the abuses and evils which they complained of. president cleveland has proved himself better than his party, and has done and said some good things which i give him full credit for, but the instincts of his party are against him, and must eventually prove too strong for him, and, instead of his carrying the party, it will be likely to carry him. it has already compelled him to put his hands in his pockets for electioneering purposes, and travel all the way from washington to buffalo to give his vote for a spoilsman and anti-civil service machine politician. i would not like to call it a case of "offensive partisanship," but it looks a good deal like it. as a republican from the outset, i am proud of the noble record of the party, but i should rejoice to see its beneficent work taken up by the democratic party and so faithfully carried on as to make our organization no longer necessary. but, as far as we can see, the republican party has still its mission and its future. when labor shall everywhere have its just reward, and the gains of it are made secure to the earners; when education shall be universal, and, north and south, all men shall have the free and full enjoyment of civil rights and privileges, irrespective of color or former condition; when every vice which debases the community shall be discouraged and prohibited, and every virtue which elevates it fostered and strengthened; when merit and fitness shall be the conditions of office; and when sectional distrust and prejudice shall give place to well-merited confidence in the loyalty and patriotism of all, then will the work of the republican party, as a party, be ended, and all political rivalries be merged in the one great party of the people, with no other aim than the common welfare, and no other watchwords than peace, liberty, and union. then may the language which milton addressed to his countrymen two centuries ago be applied to the united states, "go on, hand in hand, o peoples, never to be disunited; be the praise and heroic song of all posterity. join your invincible might to do worthy and godlike deeds; and then he who seeks to break your union, a cleaving curse be his inheritance." our dumb relations. ( .) it was said of st. francis of assisi, that he had attained, through the fervor of his love, the secret of that deep amity with god and his creation which, in the language of inspiration, makes man to be in league with the stones of the field, and the beasts of the field to be at peace with him. the world has never been without tender souls, with whom the golden rule has a broader application than its letter might seem to warrant. the ancient eastern seers recognized the rights of the brute creation, and regarded the unnecessary taking of the life of the humblest and meanest as a sin; and in almost all the old religions of the world there are legends of saints, in the depth of whose peace with god and nature all life was sacredly regarded as the priceless gift of heaven, and who were thus enabled to dwell safely amidst lions and serpents. it is creditable to human nature and its unperverted instincts that stories and anecdotes of reciprocal kindness and affection between men and animals are always listened to with interest and approval. how pleasant to think of the arab and his horse, whose friendship has been celebrated in song and romance. of vogelwied, the minnesinger, and his bequest to the birds. of the english quaker, visited, wherever he went, by flocks of birds, who with cries of joy alighted on his broad-brimmed hat and his drab coat-sleeves. of old samuel johnson, when half-blind and infirm, groping abroad of an evening for oysters for his cat. of walter scott and john brown, of edinburgh, and their dogs. of our own thoreau, instinctively recognized by bird and beast as a friend. emerson says of him: "his intimacy with animals suggested what thomas fuller records of butler, the apologist, that either he had told the bees things, or the bees had told him. snakes coiled round his legs; the fishes swam into his hand; he pulled the woodchuck out of his hole by his tail, and took foxes under his protection from the hunters." in the greatest of the ancient hindu poems--the sacred book of the mahabharata--there is a passage of exceptional beauty and tenderness, which records the reception of king yudishthira at the gate of paradise. a pilgrim to the heavenly city, the king had travelled over vast spaces, and, one by one, the loved ones, the companions of his journey, had all fallen and left him alone, save his faithful dog, which still followed. he was met by indra, and invited to enter the holy city. but the king thinks of his friends who have fallen on the way, and declines to go in without them. the god tells him they are all within waiting for him. joyful, he is about to seek them, when he looks upon the poor dog, who, weary and wasted, crouches at his feet, and asks that he, too, may enter the gate. indra refuses, and thereupon the king declares that to abandon his faithful dumb friend would be as great a sin as to kill a brahmin. "away with that felicity whose price is to abandon the faithful! never, come weal or woe, will i leave my faithful dog. the poor creature, in fear and distress, has trusted in my power to save him; not, therefore, for life itself, will i break my plighted word." in full sight of heaven he chooses to go to hell with his dog, and straightway descends, as he supposes, thither. but his virtue and faithfulness change his destination to heaven, and he finds himself surrounded by his old friends, and in the presence of the gods, who thus honor and reward his humanity and unselfish love. international arbitration. read at the reception in boston of the english delegation representing more than two hundred members of the british parliament who favor international arbitration. amesbury, th mo., , . it is a very serious disappointment to me not to be able to be present at the welcome of the american peace society to the delegation of more than two hundred members of the british parliament who favor international arbitration. few events have more profoundly impressed me than the presentation of this peaceful overture to the president of the united states. it seems to me that every true patriot who seeks the best interests of his country and every believer in the gospel of christ must respond to the admirable address of sir lyon playfair and that of his colleagues who represented the workingmen of england. we do not need to be told that war is always cruel, barbarous, and brutal; whether used by professed christians with ball and bayonet, or by heathen with club and boomerang. we cannot be blind to its waste of life and treasure and the demoralization which follows in its train; nor cease to wonder at the spectacle of christian nations exhausting all their resources in preparing to slaughter each other, with only here and there a voice, like count tolstoi's in the russian wilderness, crying in heedless ears that the gospel of christ is peace, not war, and love, not hatred. the overture which comes to us from english advocates of arbitration is a cheering assurance that the tide of sentiment is turning in favor of peace among english speaking peoples. i cannot doubt that whatever stump orators and newspapers may say for party purposes, the heart of america will respond to the generous proposal of our kinsfolk across the water. no two nations could be more favorably conditioned than england and the united states for making the "holy experiment of arbitration." in our associations and kinship, our aims and interests, our common claims in the great names and achievements of a common ancestry, we are essentially one people. whatever other nations may do, we at least should be friends. god grant that the noble and generous attempt shall not be in vain! may it hasten the time when the only rivalry between us shall be the peaceful rivalry of progress and the gracious interchange of good. "when closer strand shall lean to strand, till meet beneath saluting flags, the eagle of our mountain crags, the lion of our mother land!" suffrage for women. read at the woman's convention at washington. oak knoll, danvers, mass., third mo., , . i thank thee for thy kind letter. it would be a great satisfaction to be able to be present at the fortieth anniversary of the woman's suffrage association. but, as that is not possible, i can only reiterate my hearty sympathy with the object of the association, and bid it take heart and assurance in view of all that has been accomplished. there is no easy royal road to a reform of this kind, but if the progress has been slow there has been no step backward. the barriers which at first seemed impregnable in the shape of custom and prejudice have been undermined and their fall is certain. a prophecy of your triumph at no distant day is in the air; your opponents feel it and believe it. they know that yours is a gaining and theirs a losing cause. the work still before you demands on your part great patience, steady perseverance, a firm, dignified, and self-respecting protest against the injustice of which you have so much reason to complain, and of serene confidence which is not discouraged by temporary checks, nor embittered by hostile criticism, nor provoked to use any weapons of retort, which, like the boomerang, fall back on the heads of those who use them. you can afford in your consciousness of right to be as calm and courteous as the archangel michael, who, we are told in scripture in his controversy with satan himself, did not bring a railing accusation against him. a wise adaptation of means to ends is no yielding of principle, but care should be taken to avoid all such methods as have disgraced political and religious parties of the masculine sex. continue to make it manifest that all which is pure and lovely and of good repute in womanhood is entirely compatible with the exercise of the rights of citizenship, and the performance of the duties which we all owe to our homes and our country. confident that you will do this, and with no doubt or misgiving as to your success, i bid you godspeed. i find i have written to the association rather than to thyself, but as one of the principal originators and most faithful supporters, it was very natural that i should identify thee with it. the inner life the agency of evil. from the supernaturalism of new england, in the democratic review for . in this life of ours, so full of mystery, so hung about with wonders, so written over with dark riddles, where even the lights held by prophets and inspired ones only serve to disclose the solemn portals of a future state of being, leaving all beyond in shadow, perhaps the darkest and most difficult problem which presents itself is that of the origin of evil,--the source whence flow the black and bitter waters of sin and suffering and discord,--the wrong which all men see in others and feel in themselves,--the unmistakable facts of human depravity and misery. a superficial philosophy may attempt to refer all these dark phenomena of man's existence to his own passions, circumstances, and will; but the thoughtful observer cannot rest satisfied with secondary causes. the grossest materialism, at times, reveals something of that latent dread of an invisible and spiritual influence which is inseparable from our nature. like eliphaz the temanite, it is conscious of a spirit passing before its face, the form whereof is not discerned. it is indeed true that our modern divines and theologians, as if to atone for the too easy credulity of their order formerly, have unceremoniously consigned the old beliefs of satanic agency, demoniacal possession, and witchcraft, to milton's receptacle of exploded follies and detected impostures, "over the backside of the world far off, into a limbo broad and large, and called the paradise of fools,"-- that indeed, out of their peculiar province, and apart from the routine of their vocation, they have become the most thorough sceptics and unbelievers among us. yet it must be owned that, if they have not the marvellous themselves, they are the cause of it in others. in certain states of mind, the very sight of a clergyman in his sombre professional garb is sufficient to awaken all the wonderful within us. imagination goes wandering back to the subtle priesthood of mysterious egypt. we think of jannes and jambres; of the persian magi; dim oak groves, with druid altars, and priests, and victims, rise before us. for what is the priest even of our new england but a living testimony to the truth of the supernatural and the reality of the unseen,--a man of mystery, walking in the shadow of the ideal world,--by profession an expounder of spiritual wonders? laugh he may at the old tales of astrology and witchcraft and demoniacal possession; but does he not believe and bear testimony to his faith in the reality of that dark essence which scripture more than hints at, which has modified more or less all the religious systems and speculations of the heathen world,--the ahriman of the parsee, the typhon of the egyptian, the pluto of the roman mythology, the devil of jew, christian, and mussulman, the machinito of the indian,--evil in the universe of goodness, darkness in the light of divine intelligence,--in itself the great and crowning mystery from which by no unnatural process of imagination may be deduced everything which our forefathers believed of the spiritual world and supernatural agency? that fearful being with his tributaries and agents,--"the devil and his angels,"--how awfully he rises before us in the brief outline limning of the sacred writers! how he glooms, "in shape and gesture proudly eminent," on the immortal canvas of milton and dante! what a note of horror does his name throw into the sweet sabbath psalmody of our churches. what strange, dark fancies are connected with the very language of common-law indictments, when grand juries find under oath that the offence complained of has been committed "at the instigation of the devil"! how hardly effaced are the impressions of childhood! even at this day, at the mention of the evil angel, an image rises before me like that with which i used especially to horrify myself in an old copy of pilgrim's progress. horned, hoofed, scaly, and fire-breathing, his caudal extremity twisted tight with rage, i remember him, illustrating the tremendous encounter of christian in the valley where "apollyon straddled over the whole breadth of the way." there was another print of the enemy which made no slight impression upon me. it was the frontispiece of an old, smoked, snuff-stained pamphlet, the property of an elderly lady, (who had a fine collection of similar wonders, wherewith she was kind enough to edify her young visitors,) containing a solemn account of the fate of a wicked dancing-party in new jersey, whose irreverent declaration, that they would have a fiddler if they had to send to the lower regions after him, called up the fiend himself, who forthwith commenced playing, while the company danced to the music incessantly, without the power to suspend their exercise, until their feet and legs were worn off to the knees! the rude wood-cut represented the demon fiddler and his agonized companions literally stumping it up and down in "cotillons, jigs, strathspeys, and reels." he would have answered very well to the description of the infernal piper in tam o'shanter. to this popular notion of the impersonation of the principle of evil we are doubtless indebted for the whole dark legacy of witchcraft and possession. failing in our efforts to solve the problem of the origin of evil, we fall back upon the idea of a malignant being,--the antagonism of good. of this mysterious and dreadful personification we find ourselves constrained to speak with a degree of that awe and reverence which are always associated with undefined power and the ability to harm. "the devil," says an old writer, "is a dignity, though his glory be somewhat faded and wan, and is to be spoken of accordingly." the evil principle of zoroaster was from eternity self-created and existent, and some of the early christian sects held the same opinion. the gospel, however, affords no countenance to this notion of a divided sovereignty of the universe. the divine teacher, it is true, in discoursing of evil, made use of the language prevalent in his time, and which was adapted to the gross conceptions of his jewish bearers; but he nowhere presents the embodiment of sin as an antagonism to the absolute power and perfect goodness of god, of whom, and through whom, and to whom are all things. pure himself, he can create nothing impure. evil, therefore, has no eternity in the past. the fact of its present actual existence is indeed strongly stated; and it is not given us to understand the secret of that divine alchemy whereby pain, and sin, and discord become the means to beneficent ends worthy of the revealed attributes of the infinite parent. unsolved by human reason or philosophy, the dark mystery remains to baffle the generations of men; and only to the eye of humble and childlike faith can it ever be reconciled to the purity, justice, and mercy of him who is "light, and in whom is no darkness at all." "do you not believe in the devil?" some one once asked the non-conformist robinson. "i believe in god," was the reply; "don't you?" henry of nettesheim says "that it is unanimously maintained that devils do wander up and down in the earth; but what they are, or how they are, ecclesiasticals have not clearly expounded." origen, in his platonic speculations on this subject, supposed them to be spirits who, by repentance, might be restored, that in the end all knees might be bowed to the father of spirits, and he become all in all. justin martyr was of the opinion that many of them still hoped for their salvation; and the cabalists held that this hope of theirs was well founded. one is irresistibly reminded here of the closing verse of the _address to the deil_, by burns:-- "but fare ye weel, auld nickie ben! gin ye wad take a thought and mend, ye aiblins might--i dinna ken-- still has a stake i'm was to think upon yon den fen for your sake." the old schoolmen and fathers seem to agree that the devil and his ministers have bodies in some sort material, subject to passions and liable to injury and pain. origen has a curious notion that any evil spirit who, in a contest with a human being, is defeated, loses from thenceforth all his power of mischief, and may be compared to a wasp who has lost his sting. "the devil," said samson occum, the famous indian preacher, in a discourse on temperance, "is a gentleman, and never drinks." nevertheless it is a remarkable fact, and worthy of the serious consideration of all who "tarry long at the wine," that, in that state of the drunkard's malady known as delirium tremens, the adversary, in some shape or other, is generally visible to the sufferers, or at least, as winslow says of the powahs, "he appeareth more familiarly to them than to others." i recollect a statement made to me by a gentleman who has had bitter experience of the evils of intemperance, and who is at this time devoting his fine talents to the cause of philanthropy and mercy, as the editor of one of our best temperance journals, which left a most vivid impression on my mind. he had just returned from a sea-voyage; and, for the sake of enjoying a debauch, unmolested by his friends, took up his abode in a rum-selling tavern in a somewhat lonely location on the seaboard. here he drank for many days without stint, keeping himself the whole time in a state of semi-intoxication. one night he stood leaning against a tree, looking listlessly and vacantly out upon the ocean; the waves breaking on the beach, and the white sails of passing vessels vaguely impressing him like the pictures of a dream. he was startled by a voice whispering hoarsely in his ear, _"you have murdered a man; the officers of justice are after you; you must fly for your life!"_ every syllable was pronounced slowly and separately; and there was something in the hoarse, gasping sound of the whisper which was indescribably dreadful. he looked around him, and seeing nothing but the clear moonlight on the grass, became partially sensible that he was the victim of illusion, and a sudden fear of insanity thrilled him with a momentary horror. rallying himself, he returned to the tavern, drank another glass of brandy, and retired to his chamber. he had scarcely lain his head on the pillow when he heard that hoarse, low, but terribly distinct whisper, repeating the same words. he describes his sensations at this time as inconceivably fearful. reason was struggling with insanity; but amidst the confusion and mad disorder one terrible thought evolved itself. had he not, in a moment of mad frenzy of which his memory made no record, actually murdered some one? and was not this a warning from heaven? leaving his bed and opening his door, he heard the words again repeated, with the addition, in a tone of intense earnestness, "follow me!" he walked forward in the direction of the sound, through a long entry, to the head of the staircase, where he paused for a moment, when again he heard the whisper, half-way down the stairs, "follow me!" trembling with terror, he passed down two flights of stairs, and found himself treading on the cold brick floor of a large room in the basement, or cellar, where he had never been before. the voice still beckoned him onward; and, groping after it, his hand touched an upright post, against which he leaned for a moment. he heard it again, apparently only two or three yards in front of him "you have murdered a man; the officers are close behind you; follow me!" putting one foot forward while his hand still grasped the post, it fell upon empty air, and he with difficulty recovered himself. stooping down and feeling with his hands, he found himself on the very edge of a large uncovered cistern, or tank, filled nearly to the top with water. the sudden shock of this discovery broke the horrible enchantment. the whisperer was silent. he believed, at the time, that he had been the subject, and well-nigh the victim, of a diabolical delusion; and he states that, even now, with the recollection of that strange whisper is always associated a thought of the universal tempter. our worthy ancestors were, in their own view of the matter, the advance guard and forlorn hope of christendom in its contest with the bad angel. the new world, into which they had so valiantly pushed the outposts of the church militant, was to them, not god's world, but the devil's. they stood there on their little patch of sanctified territory like the gamekeeper of der freischutz in the charmed circle; within were prayer and fasting, unmelodious psalmody and solemn hewing of heretics, "before the lord in gilgal;" without were "dogs and sorcerers, red children of perdition, powah wizards," and "the foul fiend." in their grand old wilderness, broken by fair, broad rivers and dotted with loveliest lakes, hanging with festoons of leaf, and vine, and flower, the steep sides of mountains whose naked tops rose over the surrounding verdure like altars of a giant world,--with its early summer greenness and the many-colored wonder of its autumn, all glowing as if the rainbows of a summer shower had fallen upon it, under the clear, rich light of a sun to which the misty day of their cold island was as moonlight,--they saw no beauty, they recognized no holy revelation. it was to them terrible as the forest which dante traversed on his way to the world of pain. every advance step they made was upon the enemy's territory. and one has only to read the writings of the two mathers to perceive that that enemy was to them no metaphysical abstraction, no scholastic definition, no figment of a poetical fancy, but a living, active reality, alternating between the sublimest possibilities of evil and the lowest details of mean mischief; now a "tricksy spirit," disturbing the good-wife's platters or soiling her newwashed linen, and anon riding the storm-cloud and pointing its thunder-bolts; for, as the elder mather pertinently inquires, "how else is it that our meeting-houses are burned by the lightning?" what was it, for instance, but his subtlety which, speaking through the lips of madame hutchinson, confuted the "judges of israel" and put to their wits' end the godly ministers of the puritan zion? was not his evil finger manifested in the contumacious heresy of roger williams? who else gave the jesuit missionaries--locusts from the pit as they were--such a hold on the affections of those very savages who would not have scrupled to hang the scalp of pious father wilson himself from their girdles? to the vigilant eye of puritanism was he not alike discernible in the light wantonness of the may-pole revellers, beating time with the cloven foot to the vain music of obscene dances, and in the silent, hat-canopied gatherings of the quakers, "the most melancholy of the sects," as dr. moore calls them? perilous and glorious was it, under these circumstances, for such men as mather and stoughton to gird up their stout loins and do battle with the unmeasured, all-surrounding terror. let no man lightly estimate their spiritual knight-errantry. the heroes of old romance, who went about smiting dragons, lopping giants' heads, and otherwise pleasantly diverting themselves, scarcely deserve mention in comparison with our new england champions, who, trusting not to carnal sword and lance, in a contest with principalities and powers, "spirits that live throughout, vital in every part, not as frail man,"-- encountered their enemies with weapons forged by the stern spiritual armorer of geneva. the life of cotton mather is as full of romance as the legends of ariosto or the tales of beltenebros and florisando in amadis de gaul. all about him was enchanted ground; devils glared on him in his "closet wrestlings;" portents blazed in the heavens above him; while he, commissioned and set apart as the watcher, and warder, and spiritual champion of "the chosen people," stood ever ready for battle, with open eye and quick ear for the detection of the subtle approaches of the enemy. no wonder is it that the spirits of evil combined against him; that they beset him as they did of old st. anthony; that they shut up the bowels of the general court against his long-cherished hope of the presidency of old harvard; that they even had the audacity to lay hands on his anti-diabolical manuscripts, or that "ye divil that was in ye girl flewe at and tore" his grand sermon against witches. how edifying is his account of the young bewitched maiden whom he kept in his house for the purpose of making experiments which should satisfy all "obstinate sadducees"! how satisfactory to orthodoxy and confounding to heresy is the nice discrimination of "ye divil in ye girl," who was choked in attempting to read the catechism, yet found no trouble with a pestilent quaker pamphlet; who was quiet and good-humored when the worthy doctor was idle, but went into paroxysms of rage when he sat down to indite his diatribes against witches and familiar spirits! (the quakers appear to have, at a comparatively early period, emancipated themselves in a great degree from the grosser superstitions of their times. william penn, indeed, had a law in his colony against witchcraft; but the first trial of a person suspected of this offence seems to have opened his eyes to its absurdity. george fox, judging from one or two passages in his journal, appears to have held the common opinions of the day on the subject; yet when confined in doomsdale dungeon, on being told that the place was haunted and that the spirits of those who had died there still walked at night in his room, he replied, "that if all the spirits and devils in hell were there, he was over them in the power of god, and feared no such thing." the enemies of the quakers, in order to account for the power and influence of their first preachers, accused them of magic and sorcery. "the priest of wakefield," says george fox (one trusts he does not allude to our old friend the vicar), "raised many wicked slanders upon me, as that i carried bottles with me and made people drink, and that made them follow me; that i rode upon a great black horse, and was seen in one county upon my black horse in one hour, and in the same hour in another county fourscore miles off." in his account of the mob which beset him at walney island, he says: "when i came to myself i saw james lancaster's wife throwing stones at my face, and her husband lying over me to keep off the blows and stones; for the people had persuaded her that i had bewitched her husband." cotton mather attributes the plague of witchcraft in new england in about an equal degree to the quakers and indians. the first of the sect who visited boston, ann austin and mary fisher,--the latter a young girl,--were seized upon by deputy-governor bellingham, in the absence of governor endicott, and shamefully stripped naked for the purpose of ascertaining whether they were witches with the devil's mark on them. in elizabeth horton and joan broksop, two venerable preachers of the sect, were arrested in boston, charged by governor endicott with being witches, and carried two days' journey into the woods, and left to the tender mercies of indians and wolves.) all this is pleasant enough now; we can laugh at the doctor and his demons; but little matter of laughter was it to the victims on salem hill; to the prisoners in the jails; to poor giles corey, tortured with planks upon his breast, which forced the tongue from his mouth and his life from his old, palsied body; to bereaved and quaking families; to a whole community, priest-ridden and spectresmitten, gasping in the sick dream of a spiritual nightmare and given over to believe a lie. we may laugh, for the grotesque is blended with the horrible; but we must also pity and shudder. the clear-sighted men who confronted that delusion in its own age, disenchanting, with strong good sense and sharp ridicule, their spell-bound generation,--the german wierus, the italian d'apone, the english scot, and the new england calef,--deserve high honors as the benefactors of their race. it is true they were branded through life as infidels and "damnable sadducees;" but the truth which they uttered lived after them, and wrought out its appointed work, for it had a divine commission and godspeed. "the oracles are dumb; no voice nor hideous hum runs through the arched roof in words deceiving; apollo from his shrine can now no more divine, with hollow shriek the steep of delphus leaving." dimmer and dimmer, as the generations pass away, this tremendous terror, this all-pervading espionage of evil, this active incarnation of motiveless malignity, presents itself to the imagination. the once imposing and solemn rite of exorcism has become obsolete in the church. men are no longer, in any quarter of the world, racked or pressed under planks to extort a confession of diabolical alliance. the heretic now laughs to scorn the solemn farce of the church which, in the name of the all-merciful, formally delivers him over to satan. and for the sake of abused and long-cheated humanity let us rejoice that it is so, when we consider how for long, weary centuries the millions of professed christendom stooped, awestricken, under the yoke of spiritual and temporal despotism, grinding on from generation to generation in a despair which had passed complaining, because superstition, in alliance with tyranny, had filled their upward pathway to freedom with shapes of terror,--the spectres of god's wrath to the uttermost, the fiend, and that torment the smoke of which rises forever. through fear of a satan of the future,--a sort of ban-dog of priestcraft, held in its leash and ready to be let loose upon the disputers of its authority,--our toiling brothers of past ages have permitted their human taskmasters to convert god's beautiful world, so adorned and fitted for the peace and happiness of all, into a great prison-house of suffering, filled with the actual terrors which the imagination of the old poets gave to the realm of rhadamanthus. and hence, while i would not weaken in the slightest degree the influence of that doctrine of future retribution,--the accountability of the spirit for the deeds done in the body,--the truth of which reason, revelation, and conscience unite in attesting as the necessary result of the preservation in another state of existence of the soul's individuality and identity, i must, nevertheless, rejoice that the many are no longer willing to permit the few, for their especial benefit, to convert our common father's heritage into a present hell, where, in return for undeserved suffering and toil uncompensated, they can have gracious and comfortable assurance of release from a future one. better is the fear of the lord than the fear of the devil; holier and more acceptable the obedience of love and reverence than the submission of slavish terror. the heart which has felt the "beauty of holiness," which has been in some measure attuned to the divine harmony which now, as of old in the angel-hymn of the advent, breathes of "glory to god, peace on earth, and good-will to men," in the serene atmosphere of that "perfect love which casteth out fear," smiles at the terrors which throng the sick dreams of the sensual, which draw aside the nightcurtains of guilt, and startle with whispers of revenge the oppressor of the poor. there is a beautiful moral in one of fouque's miniature romances,--_die kohlerfamilie_. the fierce spectre, which rose giant-like, in its bloodred mantle, before the selfish and mercenary merchant, ever increasing in size and, terror with the growth of evil and impure thought in the mind of the latter, subdued by prayer, and penitence, and patient watchfulness over the heart's purity, became a loving and gentle visitation of soft light and meekest melody; "a beautiful radiance, at times hovering and flowing on before the traveller, illuminating the bushes and foliage of the mountain-forest; a lustre strange and lovely, such as the soul may conceive, but no words express. he felt its power in the depths of his being,--felt it like the mystic breathing of the spirit of god." the excellent baxter and other pious men of his day deprecated in all sincerity and earnestness the growing disbelief in witchcraft and diabolical agency, fearing that mankind, losing faith in a visible satan and in the supernatural powers of certain paralytic old women, would diverge into universal skepticism. it is one of the saddest of sights to see these good men standing sentry at the horn gate of dreams; attempting against the most discouraging odds to defend their poor fallacies from profane and irreverent investigation; painfully pleading doubtful scripture and still more doubtful tradition in behalf of detected and convicted superstitions tossed on the sharp horns of ridicule, stretched on the rack of philosophy, or perishing under the exhausted receiver of science. a clearer knowledge of the aspirations, capacities, and necessities of the human soul, and of the revelations which the infinite spirit makes to it, not only through the senses by the phenomena of outward nature, but by that inward and direct communion which, under different names, has been recognized by the devout and thoughtful of every religious sect and school of philosophy, would have saved them much anxious labor and a good deal of reproach withal in their hopeless championship of error. the witches of baxter and "the black man" of mather have vanished; belief in them is no longer possible on the part of sane men. but this mysterious universe, through which, half veiled in its own shadow, our dim little planet is wheeling, with its star worlds and thought-wearying spaces, remains. nature's mighty miracle is still over and around us; and hence awe, wonder, and reverence remain to be the inheritance of humanity; still are there beautiful repentances and holy deathbeds; and still over the soul's darkness and confusion rises, starlike, the great idea of duty. by higher and better influences than the poor spectres of superstition, man must henceforth be taught to reverence the invisible, and, in the consciousness of his own weakness, and sin, and sorrow, to lean with childlike trust on the wisdom and mercy of an overruling providence,--walking by faith through the shadow and mystery, and cheered by the remembrance that, whatever may be his apparent allotment,-- "god's greatness flows around our incompleteness; round our restlessness his rest." it is a sad spectacle to find the glad tidings of the christian faith and its "reasonable service" of devotion transformed by fanaticism and credulity into superstitious terror and wild extravagance; but, if possible, there is one still sadder. it is that of men in our own time regarding with satisfaction such evidences of human weakness, and professing to find in them new proofs of their miserable theory of a godless universe, and new occasion for sneering at sincere devotion as cant, and humble reverence as fanaticism. alas! in comparison with such, the religious enthusiast, who in the midst of his delusion still feels that he is indeed a living soul and an heir of immortality, to whom god speaks from the immensities of his universe, is a sane man. better is it, in a life like ours, to be even a howling dervis or a dancing shaker, confronting imaginary demons with thalaba's talisman of faith, than to lose the consciousness of our own spiritual nature, and look upon ourselves as mere brute masses of animal organization,--barnacles on a dead universe; looking into the dull grave with no hope beyond it; earth gazing into earth, and saying to corruption, "thou art my father," and to the worm, "thou art my sister." hamlet among the graves. ( .) an amiable enthusiast, immortal in his beautiful little romance of paul and virginia, has given us in his miscellanies a chapter on the pleasures of tombs,--a title singular enough, yet not inappropriate; for the meek- spirited and sentimental author has given, in his own flowing and eloquent language, its vindication. "there is," says he, "a voluptuous melancholy arising from the contemplation of tombs; the result, like every other attractive sensation, of the harmony of two opposite principles,--from the sentiment of our fleeting life and that of our immortality, which unite in view of the last habitation of mankind. a tomb is a monument erected on the confines of two worlds. it first presents to us the end of the vain disquietudes of life and the image of everlasting repose; it afterwards awakens in us the confused sentiment of a blessed immortality, the probabilities of which grow stronger and stronger in proportion as the person whose memory is recalled was a virtuous character. "it is from this intellectual instinct, therefore, in favor of virtue, that the tombs of great men inspire us with a veneration so affecting. from the same sentiment, too, it is that those which contain objects that have been lovely excite so much pleasing regret; for the attractions of love arise entirely out of the appearances of virtue. hence it is that we are moved at the sight of the small hillock which covers the ashes of an infant, from the recollection of its innocence; hence it is that we are melted into tenderness on contemplating the tomb in which is laid to repose a young female, the delight and the hope of her family by reason of her virtues. in order to give interest to such monuments, there is no need of bronzes, marbles, and gildings. the more simple they are, the more energy they communicate to the sentiment of melancholy. they produce a more powerful effect when poor rather than rich, antique rather than modern, with details of misfortune rather than titles of honor, with the attributes of virtue rather than with those of power. it is in the country principally that their impression makes itself felt in a very lively manner. a simple, unornamented grave there causes more tears to flow than the gaudy splendor of a cathedral interment. there it is that grief assumes sublimity; it ascends with the aged yews in the churchyard; it extends with the surrounding hills and plains; it allies itself with all the effects of nature,--with the dawning of the morning, with the murmuring of wind, with the setting of the sun, and with the darkness of the night." not long since i took occasion to visit the cemetery near this city. it is a beautiful location for a "city of the dead,"--a tract of some forty or fifty acres on the eastern bank of the concord, gently undulating, and covered with a heavy growth of forest-trees, among which the white oak is conspicuous. the ground beneath has been cleared of undergrowth, and is marked here and there with monuments and railings enclosing "family lots." it is a quiet, peaceful spot; the city, with its crowded mills, its busy streets and teeming life, is hidden from view; not even a solitary farm-house attracts the eye. all is still and solemn, as befits the place where man and nature lie down together; where leaves of the great lifetree, shaken down by death, mingle and moulder with the frosted foliage of the autumnal forest. yet the contrast of busy life is not wanting. the lowell and boston railroad crosses the river within view of the cemetery; and, standing there in the silence and shadow, one can see the long trains rushing along their iron pathway, thronged with living, breathing humanity,--the young, the beautiful, the gay,--busy, wealth-seeking manhood of middle years, the child at its mother's knee, the old man with whitened hairs, hurrying on, on,--car after car,--like the generations of man sweeping over the track of time to their last 'still resting-place. it is not the aged and the sad of heart who make this a place of favorite resort. the young, the buoyant, the light-hearted, come and linger among these flower-sown graves, watching the sunshine falling in broken light upon these cold, white marbles, and listening to the song of birds in these leafy recesses. beautiful and sweet to the young heart is the gentle shadow of melancholy which here falls upon it, soothing, yet sad, --a sentiment midway between joy and sorrow. how true is it, that, in the language of wordsworth,-- "in youth we love the darkling lawn, brushed by the owlet's wing; then evening is preferred to dawn, and autumn to the spring. sad fancies do we then affect, in luxury of disrespect to our own prodigal excess of too familiar happiness." the chinese, from the remotest antiquity, have adorned and decorated their grave-grounds with shrubs and sweet flowers, as places of popular resort. the turks have their graveyards planted with trees, through which the sun looks in upon the turban stones of the faithful, and beneath which the relatives of the dead sit in cheerful converse through the long days of summer, in all the luxurious quiet and happy indifference of the indolent east. most of the visitors whom i met at the lowell cemetery wore cheerful faces; some sauntered laughingly along, apparently unaffected by the associations of the place; too full, perhaps, of life, and energy, and high hope to apply to themselves the stern and solemn lesson which is taught even by these flower-garlanded mounds. but, for myself, i confess that i am always awed by the presence of the dead. i cannot jest above the gravestone. my spirit is silenced and rebuked before the tremendous mystery of which the grave reminds me, and involuntarily pays: "the deep reverence taught of old, the homage of man's heart to death." even nature's cheerful air, and sun, and birdvoices only serve to remind me that there are those beneath who have looked on the same green leaves and sunshine, felt the same soft breeze upon their cheeks, and listened to the same wild music of the woods for the last time. then, too, comes the saddening reflection, to which so many have given expression, that these trees will put forth their leaves, the slant sunshine still fall upon green meadows and banks of flowers, and the song of the birds and the ripple of waters still be heard after our eyes and ears have closed forever. it is hard for us to realize this. we are so accustomed to look upon these things as a part of our life environment that it seems strange that they should survive us. tennyson, in his exquisite metaphysical poem of the two voices, has given utterance to this sentiment:-- "alas! though i should die, i know that all about the thorn will blow in tufts of rosy-tinted snow. "not less the bee will range her cells, the furzy prickle fire the dells, the foxglove cluster dappled bells." "the pleasures of the tombs!" undoubtedly, in the language of the idumean, seer, there are many who "rejoice exceedingly and are glad when they can find the grave;" who long for it "as the servant earnestly desireth the shadow." rest, rest to the sick heart and the weary brain, to the long afflicted and the hopeless,--rest on the calm bosom of our common mother. welcome to the tired ear, stunned and confused with life's jarring discords, the everlasting silence; grateful to the weary eyes which "have seen evil, and not good," the everlasting shadow. yet over all hangs the curtain of a deep mystery,--a curtain lifted only on one side by the hands of those who are passing under its solemn shadow. no voice speaks to us from beyond it, telling of the unknown state; no hand from within puts aside the dark drapery to reveal the mysteries towards which we are all moving. "man giveth up the ghost; and where is he?" thanks to our heavenly father, he has not left us altogether without an answer to this momentous question. over the blackness of darkness a light is shining. the valley of the shadow of death is no longer "a land of darkness and where the light is as darkness." the presence of a serene and holy life pervades it. above its pale tombs and crowded burial-places, above the wail of despairing humanity, the voice of him who awakened life and beauty beneath the grave-clothes of the tomb at bethany is heard proclaiming, "i am the resurrection and the life." we know not, it is true, the conditions of our future life; we know not what it is to pass fromm this state of being to another; but before us in that dark passage has gone the man of nazareth, and the light of his footsteps lingers in the path. where he, our brother in his humanity, our redeemer in his divine nature, has gone, let us not fear to follow. he who ordereth all aright will uphold with his own great arm the frail spirit when its incarnation is ended; and it may be, that, in language which i have elsewhere used, --when time's veil shall fall asunder, the soul may know no fearful change nor sudden wonder, nor sink the weight of mystery under, but with the upward rise and with the vastness grow. and all we shrink from now may seem no new revealing; familiar as our childhood's stream, or pleasant memory of a dream, the loved and cherished past upon the new life stealing. serene and mild the untried light may have its dawning; as meet in summer's northern night the evening gray and dawning white, the sunset hues of time blend with the soul's new morning. swedenborg ( .) there are times when, looking only on the surface of things, one is almost ready to regard lowell as a sort of sacred city of mammon,--the benares of gain: its huge mills, temples; its crowded dwellings, lodging- places of disciples and "proselytes within the gate;" its warehouses, stalls for the sale of relics. a very mean idol-worship, too, unrelieved by awe and reverence,--a selfish, earthward-looking devotion to the "least-erected spirit that fell from paradise." i grow weary of seeing man and mechanism reduced to a common level, moved by the same impulse, answering to the same bell-call. a nightmare of materialism broods over all. i long at times to hear a voice crying through the streets like that of one of the old prophets proclaiming the great first truth,--that the lord alone is god. yet is there not another side to the picture? high over sounding workshops spires glisten in the sun,--silent fingers pointing heavenward. the workshops themselves are instinct with other and subtler processes than cotton-spinning or carpet-weaving. each human being who watches beside jack or power loom feels more or less intensely that it is a solemn thing to live. here are sin and sorrow, yearnings for lost peace, outgushing gratitude of forgiven spirits, hopes and fears, which stretch beyond the horizon of time into eternity. death is here. the graveyard utters its warning. over all bends the eternal heaven in its silence and mystery. nature, even here, is mightier than art, and god is above all. underneath the din of labor and the sounds of traffic, a voice, felt rather than beard, reaches the heart, prompting the same fearful questions which stirred the soul of the world's oldest poet,--"if a man die, shall he live again?" "man giveth up the ghost, and where is he?" out of the depths of burdened and weary hearts comes up the agonizing inquiry, "what shall i do to be saved?" "who shall deliver me from the body of this death?" as a matter of course, in a city like this, composed of all classes of our many-sided population, a great variety of religious sects have their representatives in lowell. the young city is dotted over with "steeple houses," most of them of the yankee order of architecture. the episcopalians have a house of worship on merrimac street,--a pile of dark stone, with low gothic doors and arched windows. a plat of grass lies between it and the dusty street; and near it stands the dwelling-house intended for the minister, built of the same material as the church and surrounded by trees and shrubbery. the attention of the stranger is also attracted by another consecrated building on the hill slope of belvidere,--one of irving's a "shingle palaces," painted in imitation of stone,--a great wooden sham, "whelked and horned" with pine spires and turrets, a sort of whittled representation of the many-beaded beast of the apocalypse. in addition to the established sects which have reared their visible altars in the city of spindles, there are many who have not yet marked the boundaries or set up the pillars and stretched out the curtains of their sectarian tabernacles; who, in halls and "upper chambers" and in the solitude of their own homes, keep alive the spirit of devotion, and, wrapping closely around them the mantles of their order, maintain the integrity of its peculiarities in the midst of an unbelieving generation. not long since, in company with a friend who is a regular attendant, i visited the little meeting of the disciples of emanuel swedenborg. passing over chapel hill and leaving the city behind us, we reached the stream which winds through the beautiful woodlands at the powder mills and mingles its waters with the concord. the hall in which the followers of the gothland seer meet is small and plain, with unpainted seats, like those of "the people called quakers," and looks out upon the still woods and that "willowy stream which turns a mill." an organ of small size, yet, as it seemed to me, vastly out of proportion with the room, filled the place usually occupied by the pulpit, which was here only a plain desk, placed modestly by the side of it. the congregation have no regular preacher, but the exercises of reading the scriptures, prayers, and selections from the book of worship were conducted by one of the lay members. a manuscript sermon, by a clergyman of the order in boston, was read, and apparently listened to with much interest. it was well written and deeply imbued with the doctrines of the church. i was impressed by the gravity and serious earnestness of the little audience. there were here no circumstances calculated to excite enthusiasm, nothing of the pomp of religious rites and ceremonies; only a settled conviction of the truth of the doctrines of their faith could have thus brought them together. i could scarcely make the fact a reality, as i sat among them, that here, in the midst of our bare and hard utilities, in the very centre and heart of our mechanical civilization, were devoted and undoubting believers in the mysterious and wonderful revelations of the swedish prophet,--revelations which look through all external and outward manifestations to inward realities; which regard all objects in the world of sense only as the types and symbols of the world of spirit; literally unmasking the universe and laying bare the profoundest mysteries of life. the character and writings of emanuel swedenborg constitute one of the puzzles and marvels of metaphysics and psychology. a man remarkable for his practical activities, an ardent scholar of the exact sciences, versed in all the arcana of physics, a skilful and inventive mechanician, he has evolved from the hard and gross materialism of his studies a system of transcendent spiritualism. from his aggregation of cold and apparently lifeless practical facts beautiful and wonderful abstractions start forth like blossoms on the rod of the levite. a politician and a courtier, a man of the world, a mathematician engaged in the soberest details of the science, he has given to the world, in the simplest and most natural language, a series of speculations upon the great mystery of being: detailed, matter-of-fact narratives of revelations from the spiritual world, which at once appall us by their boldness, and excite our wonder at their extraordinary method, logical accuracy, and perfect consistency. these remarkable speculations--the workings of a mind in which a powerful imagination allied itself with superior reasoning faculties, the marvellous current of whose thought ran only in the diked and guarded channels of mathematical demonstration--he uniformly speaks of as "facts." his perceptions of abstractions were so intense that they seem to have reached that point where thought became sensible to sight as well as feeling. what he thought, that he saw. he relates his visions of the spiritual world as he would the incidents of a walk round his own city of stockholm. one can almost see him in his "brown coat and velvet breeches," lifting his "cocked hat" to an angel, or keeping an unsavory spirit at arm's length with that "gold-headed cane" which his london host describes as his inseparable companion in walking. his graphic descriptions have always an air of naturalness and probability; yet there is a minuteness of detail at times almost bordering on the ludicrous. in his memorable relations he manifests nothing of the imagination of milton, overlooking the closed gates of paradise, or following the "pained fiend" in his flight through chaos; nothing of dante's terrible imagery appalls us; we are led on from heaven to heaven very much as defoe leads us after his shipwrecked crusoe. we can scarcely credit the fact that we are not traversing our lower planet; and the angels seem vastly like our common acquaintances. we seem to recognize the "john smiths," and "mr. browns," and "the old familiar faces" of our mundane habitation. the evil principle in swedenborg's picture is, not the colossal and massive horror of the inferno, nor that stern wrestler with fate who darkens the canvas of paradise lost, but an aggregation of poor, confused spirits, seeking rest and finding none save in the unsavory atmosphere of the "falses." these small fry of devils remind us only of certain unfortunate fellows whom we have known, who seem incapable of living in good and wholesome society, and who are manifestly given over to believe a lie. thus it is that the very "heavens" and "hells" of the swedish mystic seem to be "of the earth, earthy." he brings the spiritual world into close analogy with the material one. in this hurried paper i have neither space nor leisure to attempt an analysis of the great doctrines which underlie the "revelations" of swedenborg. his remarkably suggestive books are becoming familiar to the reading and reflecting portion of the community. they are not unworthy of study; but, in the language of another, i would say, "emulate swedenborg in his exemplary life, his learning, his virtues, his independent thought, his desire for wisdom, his love of the good and true; aim to be his equal, his superior, in these things; but call no man your master." the better land. ( .) "the shapings of our heavens are the modifications of our constitution," said charles lamb, in his reply to southey's attack upon him in the quarterly review. he who is infinite in love as well as wisdom has revealed to us the fact of a future life, and the fearfully important relation in which the present stands to it. the actual nature and conditions of that life he has hidden from us,--no chart of the ocean of eternity is given us,--no celestial guidebook or geography defines, localizes, and prepares us for the wonders of the spiritual world. hence imagination has a wide field for its speculations, which, so long as they do not positively contradict the revelation of the scriptures, cannot be disproved. we naturally enough transfer to our idea of heaven whatever we love and reverence on earth. thither the catholic carries in his fancy the imposing rites and time-honored solemnities of his worship. there the methodist sees his love-feasts and camp-meetings in the groves and by the still waters and green pastures of the blessed abodes. the quaker, in the stillness of his self-communing, remembers that there was "silence in heaven." the churchman, listening to the solemn chant of weal music or the deep tones of the organ, thinks of the song of the elders and the golden harps of the new jerusalem. the heaven of the northern nations of europe was a gross and sensual reflection of the earthly life of a barbarous and brutal people. the indians of north america had a vague notion of a sunset land, a beautiful paradise far in the west, mountains and forests filled with deer and buffalo, lakes and streams swarming with fishes,--the happy hunting-ground of souls. in a late letter from a devoted missionary among the western indians (paul blohm, a converted jew) we have noticed a beautiful illustration of this belief. near the omaha mission-house, on a high luff, was a solitary indian grave. "one evening," says the missionary, "having come home with some cattle which i had been seeking, i heard some one wailing; and, looking in the direction from whence i proceeded, i found it to be from the grave near our house. in a moment after a mourner rose up from a kneeling or lying posture, and, turning to the setting sun, stretched forth his arms in prayer and supplication with an intensity and earnestness as though he would detain the splendid luminary from running his course. with his body leaning forward and his arms stretched towards the sun, he presented a most striking figure of sorrow and petition. it was solemnly awful. he seemed to me to be one of the ancients come forth to teach me how to pray." a venerable and worthy new england clergyman, on his death-bed, just before the close of his life, declared that he was only conscious of an awfully solemn and intense curiosity to know the great secret of death and eternity. the excellent dr. nelson, of missouri, was one who, while on earth, seemed to live another and higher life in the contemplation of infinite purity and happiness. a friend once related an incident concerning him which made a deep impression upon my mind. they had been travelling through a summer's forenoon in the prairie, and had lain down to rest beneath a solitary tree. the doctor lay for a long time, silently looking upwards through the openings of the boughs into the still heavens, when he repeated the following lines, in a low tone, as if communing with himself in view of the wonders he described:-- "o the joys that are there mortal eye bath not seen! o the songs they sing there, with hosannas between! o the thrice-blessed song of the lamb and of moses! o brightness on brightness! the pearl gate uncloses! o white wings of angels! o fields white with roses! o white tents of peace, where the rapt soul reposes o the waters so still, and the pastures so green!" the brief hints afforded us by the sacred writings concerning the better land are inspiring and beautiful. eye hath not seen, nor the ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive of the good in store for the righteous. heaven is described as a quiet habitation,--a rest remaining for the people of god. tears shall be wiped away from all eyes; there shall be no more death, neither sorrow nor crying, neither shall there be any more pain. to how many death-beds have these words spoken peace! how many failing hearts have gathered strength from them to pass through the dark valley of shadows! yet we should not forget that "the kingdom of heaven is within;" that it is the state and affections of the soul, the answer of a good conscience, the sense of harmony with god, a condition of time as well as of eternity. what is really momentous and all-important with us is the present, by which the future is shaped and colored. a mere change of locality cannot alter the actual and intrinsic qualities of the soul. guilt and remorse would make the golden streets of paradise intolerable as the burning marl of the infernal abodes; while purity and innocence would transform hell itself into heaven. dora green well. first published as an introduction to an american edition of that author's _the patience of hope_. there are men who, irrespective of the names by which they are called in the babel confusion of sects, are endeared to the common heart of christendom. our doors open of their own accord to receive them. for in them we feel that in some faint degree, and with many limitations, the divine is again manifested: something of the infinite love shines out of them; their very garments have healing and fragrance borrowed from the bloom of paradise. so of books. there are volumes which perhaps contain many things, in the matter of doctrine and illustration, to which our reason does not assent, but which nevertheless seem permeated with a certain sweetness and savor of life. they have the divine seal and imprimatur; they are fragrant with heart's-ease and asphodel; tonic with the leaves which are for the healing of the nations. the meditations of the devout monk of kempen are the common heritage of catholic and protestant; our hearts burn within us as we walk with augustine under numidian fig-trees in the gardens of verecundus; feuelon from his bishop's palace and john woolman from his tailor's shop speak to us in the same language. the unknown author of that book which luther loved next to his bible, the theologia germanica, is just as truly at home in this present age, and in the ultra protestantism of new england, as in the heart of catholic europe, and in the fourteenth century. for such books know no limitations of time or place; they have the perpetual freshness and fitness of truth; they speak out of profound experience heart answers to heart as we read them; the spirit that is in man, and the inspiration that giveth understanding, bear witness to them. the bent and stress of their testimony are the same, whether written in this or a past century, by catholic or quaker: self-renunciation,-- reconcilement to the divine will through simple faith in the divine goodness, and the love of it which must needs follow its recognition, the life of christ made our own by self-denial and sacrifice, and the fellowship of his suffering for the good of others, the indwelling spirit, leading into all truth, the divine word nigh us, even in our hearts. they have little to do with creeds, or schemes of doctrine, or the partial and inadequate plans of salvation invented by human speculation and ascribed to him who, it is sufficient to know, is able to save unto the uttermost all who trust in him. they insist upon simple faith and holiness of life, rather than rituals or modes of worship; they leave the merely formal, ceremonial, and temporal part of religion to take care of itself, and earnestly seek for the substantial, the necessary, and the permanent. with these legacies of devout souls, it seems to me, the little volume herewith presented is not wholly unworthy of a place. it assumes the life and power of the gospel as a matter of actual experience; it bears unmistakable evidence of a realization, on the part of its author, of the truth, that christianity is not simply historical and traditional, but present and permanent, with its roots in the infinite past and its branches in the infinite future, the eternal spring and growth of divine love; not the dying echo of words uttered centuries ago, never to be repeated, but god's good tidings spoken afresh in every soul,--the perennial fountain and unstinted outflow of wisdom and goodness, forever old and forever new. it is a lofty plea for patience, trust, hope, and holy confidence, under the shadow, as well as in the light, of christian experience, whether the cloud seems to rest on the tabernacle, or moves guidingly forward. it is perhaps too exclusively addressed to those who minister in the inner sanctuary, to be entirely intelligible to the vaster number who wait in the outer courts; it overlooks, perhaps, too much the solidarity and oneness of humanity;' but all who read it will feel its earnestness, and confess to the singular beauty of its style, the strong, steady march of its argument, and the wide and varied learning which illustrates it. ("the good are not so good as i once thought, nor the bad so evil, and in all there is more for grace to make advantage of, and more to testify for god and holiness, than i once believed."--baxter.) to use the language of one of its reviewers in the scottish press:-- "beauty there is in the book; exquisite glimpses into the loveliness of nature here and there shine out from its lines,--a charm wanting which meditative writing always seems to have a defect; beautiful gleams, too, there are of the choicest things of art, and frequent allusions by the way to legend or picture of the religious past; so that, while you read, you wander by a clear brook of thought, coining far from the beautiful hills, and winding away from beneath the sunshine of gladness and beauty into the dense, mysterious forest of human existence, that loves to sing, amid the shadow of human darkness and anguish, its music of heavenborn consolation; bringing, too, its pure waters of cleansing and healing, yet evermore making its praise of holy affection and gladness; while it is still haunted by the spirits of prophet, saint, and poet, repeating snatches of their strains, and is led on, as by a spirit from above, to join the great river of god's truth. . . . "this is a book for christian men, for the quiet hour of holy solitude, when the heart longs and waits for access to the presence of the master. the weary heart that thirsts amidst its conflicts and its toils for refreshing water will drink eagerly of these sweet and refreshing words. to thoughtful men and women, especially such as have learnt any of the patience of hope in the experiences of sorrow and trial, we commend this little volume most heartily and earnestly." _the patience of hope_ fell into my hands soon after its publication in edinburgh, some two years ago. i was at once impressed by its extraordinary richness of language and imagery,--its deep and solemn tone of meditation in rare combination with an eminently practical tendency,-- philosophy warm and glowing with love. it will, perhaps, be less the fault of the writer than of her readers, if they are not always able to eliminate from her highly poetical and imaginative language the subtle metaphysical verity or phase of religious experience which she seeks to express, or that they are compelled to pass over, without appropriation, many things which are nevertheless profoundly suggestive as vague possibilities of the highest life. all may not be able to find in some of her scriptural citations the exact weight and significance so apparent to her own mind. she startles us, at times, by her novel applications of familiar texts, by meanings reflected upon them from her own spiritual intuitions, making the barren baca of the letter a well. if the rendering be questionable, the beauty and quaint felicity of illustration and comparison are unmistakable; and we call to mind augustine's saying, that two or more widely varying interpretations of scripture may be alike true in themselves considered. "when one saith, moses meant as i do,' and another saith, 'nay, but as i do,' i ask, more reverently, 'why not rather as both, if both be true?" some minds, for instance, will hesitate to assent to the use of certain scriptural passages as evidence that he who is the light of men, the way and the truth, in the mystery of his economy, designedly "delays, withdraws, and even hides himself from those who love and follow him." they will prefer to impute spiritual dearth and darkness to human weakness, to the selfishness which seeks a sign for itself, to evil imaginations indulged, to the taint and burden of some secret sin, or to some disease and exaggeration of the conscience, growing out of bodily infirmity, rather than to any purpose on the part of our heavenly father to perplex and mislead his children. the sun does not shine the less because one side of our planet is in darkness. to borrow the words of augustine "thou, lord, forsakest nothing thou hast made. thou alone art near to those even who remove far from thee. let them turn and seek thee, for not as they have forsaken their creator hast thou forsaken thy creation." it is only by holding fast the thought of infinite goodness, and interpreting doubtful scripture and inward spiritual experience by the light of that central idea, that we can altogether escape the dreadful conclusion of pascal, that revelation has been given us in dubious cipher, contradictory and mystical, in order that some, through miraculous aid, may understand it to their salvation, and others be mystified by it to their eternal loss. i might mention other points of probable divergence between reader and writer, and indicate more particularly my own doubtful parse and hesitancy over some of these pages. but it is impossible for me to make one to whom i am so deeply indebted an offender for a word or a scriptural rendering. on the grave and awful themes which she discusses, i have little to say in the way of controversy. i would listen, rather than criticise. the utterances of pious souls, in all ages, are to me often like fountains in a thirsty land, strengthening and refreshing, yet not without an after-taste of human frailty and inadequateness, a slight bitterness of disappointment and unsatisfied quest. who has not felt at times that the letter killeth, that prophecies fail, and tongues cease to edify, and been ready to say, with the author of the imitation of christ: "speak, lord, for thy servant heareth. let not moses nor the prophets speak to me, but speak thou rather, who art the inspirer and enlightener of all. i am weary with reading and hearing many things; let all teachers hold their peace; let all creatures keep silence: speak thou alone to me." the writer of the patience of hope had, previous to its publication, announced herself to a fit, if small, audience of earnest and thoughtful christians, in a little volume entitled, a present heaven. she has recently published a collection of poems, of which so competent a judge as dr. brown, the author of _horae subsecivae_ and _rab and his friends_, thus speaks, in the _north british review_:-- "such of our readers--a fast increasing number--as have read and enjoyed _the patience of hope_, listening to the gifted nature which, through such deep and subtile thought, and through affection and godliness still deeper and more quick, has charmed and soothed them, will not be surprised to learn that she is not only poetical, but, what is more, a poet, and one as true as george herbert and henry vaughan, or our own cowper; for, with all our admiration of the searching, fearless speculation, the wonderful power of speaking clearly upon dark and all but unspeakable subjects, the rich outcome of 'thoughts that wander through eternity,' which increases every time we take up that wonderful little book, we confess we were surprised at the kind and the amount of true poetic _vis_ in these poems, from the same fine and strong hand. there is a personality and immediateness, a sort of sacredness and privacy, as if they were overheard rather than read, which gives to these remarkable productions a charm and a flavor all their own. with no effort, no consciousness of any end but that of uttering the inmost thoughts and desires of the heart, they flow out as clear, as living, as gladdening as the wayside well, coming from out the darkness of the central depths, filtered into purity by time and travel. the waters are copious, sometimes to overflowing; but they are always limpid and unforced, singing their own quiet tune, not saddening, though sometimes sad, and their darkness not that of obscurity, but of depth, like that of the deep sea. "this is not a book to criticise or speak about, and we give no extracts from the longer, and in this case, we think, the better poems. in reading this cardiphonia set to music, we have been often reminded, not only of herbert and vaughan, but of keble,--a likeness of the spirit, not of the letter; for if there is any one poet who has given a bent to her mind, it is wordsworth,--the greatest of all our century's poets, both in himself and in his power of making poets." in the belief that whoever peruses the following pages will be sufficiently interested in their author to be induced to turn back and read over again, with renewed pleasure, extracts from her metrical writings, i copy from the volume so warmly commended a few brief pieces and extracts from the longer poems. here are three sonnets, each a sermon in itself:-- ascending. they who from mountain-peaks have gazed upon the wide, illimitable heavens have said, that, still receding as they climbed, outspread, the blue vault deepens over them, and, one by one drawn further back, each starry sun shoots down a feebler splendor overhead so, saviour, as our mounting spirits, led along faith's living way to thee, have won a nearer access, up the difficult track still pressing, on that rarer atmosphere, when low beneath us flits the cloudy rack, we see thee drawn within a widening sphere of glory, from us further, further back,-- yet is it then because we are more near. life tapestry. top long have i, methought, with tearful eye pored o'er this tangled work of mine, and mused above each stitch awry and thread confused; now will i think on what in years gone by i heard of them that weave rare tapestry at royal looms, and hew they constant use to work on the rough side, and still peruse the pictured pattern set above them high; so will i set my copy high above, and gaze and gaze till on my spirit grows its gracious impress; till some line of love, transferred upon my canvas, faintly glows; nor look too much on warp or woof, provide he whom i work for sees their fairer side! hope. when i do think on thee, sweet hope, and how thou followest on our steps, a coaxing child oft chidden hence, yet quickly reconciled, still turning on us a glad, beaming brow, and red, ripe lips for kisses: even now thou mindest me of him, the ruler mild, who led god's chosen people through the wild, and bore with wayward murmurers, meek as thou that bringest waters from the rock, with bread of angels strewing earth for us! like him thy force abates not, nor thine eye grows dim; but still with milk and honey-droppings fed, thou leadest to the promised country fair, though thou, like moses, may'st not enter there there is something very weird and striking in the following lines:-- gone. alone, at midnight as he knelt, his spirit was aware of somewhat falling in between the silence and the prayer; a bell's dull clangor that hath sped so far, it faints and dies so soon as it hath reached the ear whereto its errand lies; and as he rose up from his knees, his spirit was aware of somewhat, forceful and unseen, that sought to hold him there; as of a form that stood behind, and on his shoulders prest both hands to stay his rising up, and somewhat in his breast, in accents clearer far than words, spake, "pray yet longer, pray, for one that ever prayed for thee this night hath passed away; "a soul, that climbing hour by hour the silver-shining stair that leads to god's great treasure-house, grew covetous; and there "was stored no blessing and no boon, for thee she did not claim, (so lowly, yet importunate!) and ever with thy name "she link'd--that none in earth or heaven might hinder it or stay-- one other name, so strong, that thine hath never missed its way. "this very night within my arms this gracious soul i bore within the gate, where many a prayer of hers had gone before; "and where she resteth, evermore one constant song they raise of 'holy, holy,' so that now i know not if she prays; "but for the voice of praise in heaven, a voice of prayer hath gone from earth; thy name upriseth now no more; pray on, pray on!" the following may serve as a specimen of the writer's lighter, half- playful strain of moralizing:-- seeking. "and where, and among what pleasant places, have ye been, that ye come again with your laps so full of flowers, and your faces like buds blown fresh after rain?" "we have been," said the children, speaking in their gladness, as the birds chime, all together,--"we have been seeking for the fairies of olden time; for we thought, they are only hidden,-- they would never surely go from this green earth all unbidden, and the children that love them so. though they come not around us leaping, as they did when they and the world were young, we shall find them sleeping within some broad leaf curled; for the lily its white doors closes but only over the bee, and we looked through the summer roses, leaf by leaf, so carefully. but we thought, rolled up we shall find them among mosses old and dry; from gossamer threads that bind them, they will start like the butterfly, all winged: so we went forth seeking, yet still they have kept unseen; though we think our feet have been keeping the track where they have been, for we saw where their dance went flying o'er the pastures,--snowy white." their seats and their tables lying, o'erthrown in their sudden flight. and they, too, have had their losses, for we found the goblets white and red in the old spiked mosses, that they drank from over-night; and in the pale horn of the woodbine was some wine left, clear and bright; "but we found," said the children, speaking more quickly, "so many things, that we soon forgot we were seeking,-- forgot all the fairy rings, forgot all the stories olden that we hear round the fire at night, of their gifts and their favors golden,-- the sunshine was so bright; and the flowers,--we found so many that it almost made us grieve to think there were some, sweet as any, that we were forced to leave; as we left, by the brook-side lying, the balls of drifted foam, and brought (after all our trying) these guelder-roses home." "then, oh!" i heard one speaking beside me soft and low, "i have been, like the blessed children, seeking, still seeking, to and fro; yet not, like them, for the fairies,-- they might pass unmourned away for me, that had looked on angels,-- on angels that would not stay; no! not though in haste before them i spread all my heart's best cheer, and made love my banner o'er them, if it might but keep them here; they stayed but a while to rest them; long, long before its close, from my feast, though i mourned and prest them the radiant guests arose; and their flitting wings struck sadness and silence; never more hath my soul won back the gladness, that was its own before. no; i mourned not for the fairies when i had seen hopes decay, that were sweet unto my spirit so long; i said, 'if they, that through shade and sunny weather have twined about my heart, should fade, we must go together, for we can never part!' but my care was not availing; i found their sweetness gone; i saw their bright tints paling;-- they died; yet i lived on. "yet seeking, ever seeking, like the children, i have won a guerdon all undreamt of when first my quest begun, and my thoughts come back like wanderers, out-wearied, to my breast; what they sought for long they found not, yet was the unsought best. for i sought not out for crosses, i did not seek for pain; yet i find the heart's sore losses were the spirit's surest gain." in _a meditation_, the writer ventures, not without awe and reverence, upon that dim, unsounded ocean of mystery, the life beyond:-- "but is there prayer within your quiet homes, and is there care for those ye leave behind? i would address my spirit to this theme in humbleness no tongue nor pen hath uttered or made known this mystery, and thus i do but guess at clearer types through lowlier patterns shown; yet when did love on earth forsake its own? ye may not quit your sweetness; in the vine more firmly rooted than of old, your wine hath freer flow! ye have not changed, but grown to fuller stature; though the shock was keen that severed you from us, how oft below hath sorest parting smitten but to show true hearts their hidden wealth that quickly grow the closer for that anguish,--friend to friend revealed more clear,--and what is death to rend the ties of life and love, when he must fade in light of very life, when he must bend to love, that, loving, loveth to the end? "i do not deem ye look upon us now, for be it that your eyes are sealed or clear, a burden on them lies too deep and blissful for their gaze to brook our troubled strife; enough that once ye dwelt where now we dwell, enough that once ye felt as now we feel, to bid you recognize our claim of kindred cherished though unseen; and love that is to you for eye and ear hath ways unknown to us to bring you near,-- to keep you near for all that comes between; as pious souls that move in sleep to prayer, as distant friends, that see not, and yet share (i speak of what i know) each other's care, so may your spirits blend with ours! above ye know not haply of our state, yet love acquaints you with our need, and through a way more sure than that of knowledge--so ye pray! "and even thus we meet, and even thus we commune! spirits freed and spirits fettered mingle, nor have need to seek a common atmosphere, the air is meet for either in this olden, sweet, primeval breathing of man's spirit,--prayer!" i give, in conclusion, a portion of one of her most characteristic poems, _the reconciler_:-- "our dreams are reconciled, since thou didst come to turn them all to truth; the world, the heart, are dreamers in their youth of visions beautiful, and strange and wild; and thou, our life's interpreter, dost still at once make clear these visions and fulfil; each dim sweet orphic rhyme, each mythic tale sublime of strength to save, of sweetness to subdue, each morning dream the few, wisdom's first lovers told, if read in thee comes true. . . . . . . . . . . . . . "thou, o friend from heaven, that madest this our heart thine own, dost pierce the broken language of its moan-- thou dost not scorn our needs, but satisfy! each yearning deep and wide, each claim, is justified; our young illusions fail not, though they die within the brightness of thy rising, kissed to happy death, like early clouds that lie about the gates of dawn,--a golden mist paling to blissful white, through rose and amethyst. "the world that puts thee by, that opens not to greet thee with thy train, that sendeth after thee the sullen cry, 'we will not have thee over us to reign,' itself both testify through searchings vain of thee and of its need, and for the good it will not, of some base similitude takes up a taunting witness, till its mood, grown fierce o'er failing hopes, doth rend and tear its own illusions grown too thin and bare to wrap it longer; for within the gate where all must pass, a veiled and hooded fate, a dark chimera, coiled and tangled lies, and he who answers not its questions dies,-- still changing form and speech, but with the same vexed riddles, gordian-twisted, bringing shame upon the nations that with eager cry hail each new solver of the mystery; yet he, of these the best, bold guesser, hath but prest most nigh to thee, our noisy plaudits wrong; true champion, that hast wrought our help of old, and brought meat from this eater, sweetness from this strong. "o bearer of the key that shuts and opens with a sound so sweet its turning in the wards is melody, all things we move among are incomplete and vain until we fashion them in thee! we labor in the fire, thick smoke is round about us; through the din of words that darken counsel clamors dire ring from thought's beaten anvil, where within two giants toil, that even from their birth with travail-pangs have torn their mother earth, and wearied out her children with their keen upbraidings of the other, till between thou tamest, saying, 'wherefore do ye wrong each other?--ye are brethren.' then these twain will own their kindred, and in thee retain their claims in peace, because thy land is wide as it is goodly! here they pasture free, this lion and this leopard, side by side, a little child doth lead them with a song; now, ephraim's envy ceaseth, and no more doth judah anger ephraim chiding sore, for one did ask a brother, one a king, so dost thou gather them in one, and bring-- thou, king forevermore, forever priest, thou, brother of our own from bonds released a law of liberty, a service making free, a commonweal where each has all in thee. "and not alone these wide, deep-planted yearnings, seeking with a cry their meat from god, in thee are satisfied; but all our instincts waking suddenly within the soul, like infants from their sleep that stretch their arms into the dark and weep, thy voice can still. the stricken heart bereft of all its brood of singing hopes, and left 'mid leafless boughs, a cold, forsaken nest with snow-flakes in it, folded in thy breast doth lose its deadly chill; and grief that creeps unto thy side for shelter, finding there the wound's deep cleft, forgets its moan, and weeps calm, quiet tears, and on thy forehead care hath looked until its thorns, no longer bare, put forth pale roses. pain on thee doth press its quivering cheek, and all the weariness, the want that keep their silence, till from thee they hear the gracious summons, none beside hath spoken to the world-worn, 'come to me,' tell forth their heavy secrets. "thou dost hide these in thy bosom, and not these alone, but all our heart's fond treasure that had grown a burden else: o saviour, tears were weighed to thee in plenteous measure! none hath shown that thou didst smile! yet hast thou surely made all joy of ours thine own. "thou madest us for thine; we seek amiss, we wander to and fro; yet are we ever on the track divine; the soul confesseth thee, but sense is slow to lean on aught but that which it may see; so hath it crowded up these courts below with dark and broken images of thee; lead thou us forth upon thy mount, and show thy goodly patterns, whence these things of old by thee were fashioned; one though manifold. glass thou thy perfect likeness in the soul, show us thy countenance, and we are whole!" no one, i am quite certain, will regret that i have made these liberal quotations. apart from their literary merit, they have a special interest for the readers of the patience of hope, as more fully illustrating the writer's personal experience and aspirations. it has been suggested by a friend that it is barely possible that an objection may be urged against the following treatise, as against all books of a like character, that its tendency is to isolate the individual from his race, and to nourish an exclusive and purely selfish personal solicitude; that its piety is self-absorbent, and that it does not take sufficiently into account active duties and charities, and the love of the neighbor so strikingly illustrated by the divine master in his life and teachings. this objection, if valid, would be a fatal one. for, of a truth, there can be no meaner type of human selfishness than that afforded by him who, unmindful of the world of sin and suffering about him, occupies himself in the pitiful business of saving his own soul, in the very spirit of the miser, watching over his private hoard while his neighbors starve for lack of bread. but surely the benevolent unrest, the far-reaching sympathies and keen sensitiveness to the suffering of others, which so nobly distinguish our present age, can have nothing to fear from a plea for personal holiness, patience, hope, and resignation to the divine will. "the more piety, the more compassion," says isaac taylor; and this is true, if we understand by piety, not self-concentred asceticism, but the pure religion and undefiled which visits the widow and the fatherless, and yet keeps itself unspotted from the world,--which deals justly, loves mercy, and yet walks humbly before god. self- scrutiny in the light of truth can do no harm to any one, least of all to the reformer and philanthropist. the spiritual warrior, like the young candidate for knighthood, may be none the worse for his preparatory ordeal of watching all night by his armor. tauler in mediaeval times and woolman in the last century are among the most earnest teachers of the inward life and spiritual nature of christianity, yet both were distinguished for practical benevolence. they did not separate the two great commandments. tauler strove with equal intensity of zeal to promote the temporal and the spiritual welfare of men. in the dark and evil time in which he lived, amidst the untold horrors of the "black plague," he illustrated by deeds of charity and mercy his doctrine of disinterested benevolence. woolman's whole life was a nobler imitation of christ than that fervid rhapsody of monastic piety which bears the name. how faithful, yet, withal, how full of kindness, were his rebukes of those who refused labor its just reward, and ground the faces of the poor? how deep and entire was his sympathy with overtasked and ill-paid laborers; with wet and illprovided sailors; with poor wretches blaspheming in the mines, because oppression had made them mad; with the dyers plying their unhealthful trade to minister to luxury and pride; with the tenant wearing out his life in the service of a hard landlord; and with the slave sighing over his unrequited toil! what a significance there was in his vision of the "dull, gloomy mass" which appeared before him, darkening half the heavens, and which he was told was "human beings in as great misery as they could be and live; and he was mixed with them, and henceforth he might not consider himself a distinct and separate being"! his saintliness was wholly unconscious; he seems never to have thought himself any nearer to the tender heart of god than the most miserable sinner to whom his compassion extended. as he did not live, so neither did he die to himself. his prayer upon his death-bed was for others rather than himself; its beautiful humility and simple trust were marred by no sensual imagery of crowns and harps and golden streets, and personal beatific exaltations; but tender and touching concern for suffering humanity, relieved only by the thought of the paternity of god, and of his love and omnipotence, alone found utterance in ever-memorable words. in view of the troubled state of the country and the intense preoccupation of the public mind, i have had some hesitation in offering this volume to its publishers. but, on further reflection, it has seemed to me that it might supply a want felt by many among us; that, in the chaos of civil strife and the shadow of mourning which rests over the land, the contemplation of "things unseen which are eternal" might not be unwelcome; that, when the foundations of human confidence are shaken, and the trust in man proves vain, there might be glad listeners to a voice calling from the outward and the temporal to the inward and the spiritual; from the troubles and perplexities of time, to the eternal quietness which god giveth. i cannot but believe that, in the heat and glare through which we are passing, this book will not invite in vain to the calm, sweet shadows of holy meditation, grateful as the green wings of the bird to thalaba in the desert; and thus afford something of consolation to the bereaved, and of strength to the weary. for surely never was the patience of hope more needed; never was the inner sanctuary of prayer more desirable; never was a steadfast faith in the divine goodness more indispensable, nor lessons of self-sacrifice and renunciation, and that cheerful acceptance of known duty which shifts not its proper responsibility upon others, nor asks for "peace in its day" at the expense of purity and justice, more timely than now, when the solemn words of ancient prophecy are as applicable to our own country as to that of the degenerate jew,--"thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backsliding reprove thee; know, therefore, it is an evil thing, and bitter, that thou bast forsaken the lord, and that my fear is not in thee,"--when "his way is in the deep, in clouds, and in thick darkness," and the hand heavy upon us which shall "turn and overturn until he whose right it is shall reign,"--until, not without rending agony, the evil plant which our heavenly father hath not planted, whose roots have wound themselves about altar and hearth-stone, and whose branches, like the tree al-accoub in moslem fable, bear the accursed fruit of oppression, rebellion, and all imaginable crime, shall be torn up and destroyed forever. amesbury, st th mo., . the society of friends. the following letters were addressed to the editor of the friends' review in philadelphia, in reference to certain changes of principle and practice in the society then beginning to be observable, but which have since more than justified the writer's fears and solicitude. i. amesbury, d mo., . to the editor of the review. esteemed friend,--if i have been hitherto a silent, i have not been an indifferent, spectator of the movements now going on in our religious society. perhaps from lack of faith, i have been quite too solicitous concerning them, and too much afraid that in grasping after new things we may let go of old things too precious to be lost. hence i have been pleased to see from time to time in thy paper very timely and fitting articles upon a _hired ministry_ and _silent worship_. the present age is one of sensation and excitement, of extreme measures and opinions, of impatience of all slow results. the world about us moves with accelerated impulse, and we move with it: the rest we have enjoyed, whether true or false, is broken; the title-deeds of our opinions, the reason of our practices, are demanded. our very right to exist as a distinct society is questioned. our old literature--the precious journals and biographies of early and later friends--is comparatively neglected for sensational and dogmatic publications. we bear complaints of a want of educated ministers; the utility of silent meetings is denied, and praying and preaching regarded as matters of will and option. there is a growing desire for experimenting upon the dogmas and expedients and practices of other sects. i speak only of admitted facts, and not for the purpose of censure or complaint. no one has less right than myself to indulge in heresy-hunting or impatience of minor differences of opinion. if my dear friends can bear with me, i shall not find it a hard task to bear with them. but for myself i prefer the old ways. with the broadest possible tolerance for all honest seekers after truth! i love the society of friends. my life has been nearly spent in laboring with those of other sects in behalf of the suffering and enslaved; and i have never felt like quarrelling with orthodox or unitarians, who were willing to pull with me, side by side, at the rope of reform. a very large proportion of my dearest personal friends are outside of our communion; and i have learned with john woolman to find "no narrowness respecting sects and opinions." but after a kindly and candid survey of them all, i turn to my own society, thankful to the divine providence which placed me where i am; and with an unshaken faith in the one distinctive doctrine of quakerism-- the light within--the immanence of the divine spirit in christianity. i cheerfully recognize and bear testimony to the good works and lives of those who widely differ in faith and practice; but i have seen no truer types of christianity, no better men and women, than i have known and still know among those who not blindly, but intelligently, hold the doctrines and maintain the testimonies of our early friends. i am not blind to the shortcomings of friends. i know how much we have lost by narrowness and coldness and inactivity, the overestimate of external observances, the neglect of our own proper work while acting as conscience-keepers for others. we have not, as a society, been active enough in those simple duties which we owe to our suffering fellow- creatures, in that abundant labor of love and self-denial which is never out of place. perhaps our divisions and dissensions might have been spared us if we had been less "at ease in zion." it is in the decline of practical righteousness that men are most likely to contend with each other for dogma and ritual, for shadow and letter, instead of substance and spirit. hence i rejoice in every sign of increased activity in doing good among us, in the precious opportunities afforded of working with the divine providence for the freedmen and indians; since the more we do, in the true spirit of the gospel, for others, the more we shall really do for ourselves. there is no danger of lack of work for those who, with an eye single to the guidance of truth, look for a place in god's vineyard; the great work which the founders of our society began is not yet done; the mission of friends is not accomplished, and will not be until this world of ours, now full of sin and suffering, shall take up, in jubilant thanksgiving, the song of the advent: "glory to god in the highest! peace on earth and good-will to men!" it is charged that our society lacks freedom and adaptation to the age in which we live, that there is a repression of individuality and manliness among us. i am not prepared to deny it in certain respects. but, if we look at the matter closely, we shall see that the cause is not in the central truth of quakerism, but in a failure to rightly comprehend it; in an attempt to fetter with forms and hedge about with dogmas that great law of christian liberty, which i believe affords ample scope for the highest spiritual aspirations and the broadest philanthropy. if we did but realize it, we are "set in a large place." "we may do all we will save wickedness." "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty." quakerism, in the light of its great original truth, is "exceeding broad." as interpreted by penn and barclay it is the most liberal and catholic of faiths. if we are not free, generous, tolerant, if we are not up to or above the level of the age in good works, in culture and love of beauty, order and fitness, if we are not the ready recipients of the truths of science and philosophy,--in a word, if we are not full- grown men and christians, the fault is not in quakerism, but in ourselves. we shall gain nothing by aping the customs and trying to adjust ourselves to the creeds of other sects. by so doing we make at the best a very awkward combination, and just as far as it is successful, it is at the expense of much that is vital in our old faith. if, for instance, i could bring myself to believe a hired ministry and a written creed essential to my moral and spiritual well-being, i think i should prefer to sit down at once under such teachers as bushnell and beecher, the like of whom in biblical knowledge, ecclesiastical learning, and intellectual power, we are not likely to manufacture by half a century of theological manipulation in a quaker "school of the prophets." if i must go into the market and buy my preaching, i should naturally seek the best article on sale, without regard to the label attached to it. i am not insensible of the need of spiritual renovation in our society. i feel and confess my own deficiencies as an individual member. and i bear a willing testimony to the zeal and devotion of some dear friends, who, lamenting the low condition and worldliness too apparent among us, seek to awaken a stronger religious life by the partial adoption of the practices, forms, and creeds of more demonstrative sects. the great apparent activity of these sects seems to them to contrast very strongly with our quietness and reticence; and they do not always pause to inquire whether the result of this activity is a truer type of practical christianity than is found in our select gatherings. i think i understand these brethren; to some extent i have sympathized with them. but it seems clear to me, that a remedy for the alleged evil lies not in going back to the "beggarly elements" from which our worthy ancestors called the people of their generation; not in will-worship; not in setting the letter above the spirit; not in substituting type and symbol, and oriental figure and hyperbole for the simple truths they were intended to represent; not in schools of theology; not in much speaking and noise and vehemence, nor in vain attempts to make the "plain language" of quakerism utter the shibboleth of man-made creeds: but in heeding more closely the inward guide and teacher; in faith in christ not merely in his historical manifestation of the divine love to humanity, but in his living presence in the hearts open to receive him; in love for him manifested in denial of self, in charity and love to our neighbor; and in a deeper realization of the truth of the apostle's declaration: "pure religion and undefiled before god and the father is this, to visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction, and to keep himself unspotted from the world." in conclusion, let me say that i have given this expression of my opinions with some degree of hesitation, being very sensible that i have neither the right nor the qualification to speak for a society whose doctrines and testimonies commend themselves to my heart and head, whose history is rich with the precious legacy of holy lives, and of whose usefulness as a moral and spiritual force in the world i am fully assured. ii. having received several letters from dear friends in various sections suggested by a recent communication in thy paper, and not having time or health to answer them in detail, will thou permit me in this way to acknowledge them, and to say to the writers that i am deeply sensible of the christian love and personal good-will to myself, which, whether in commendation or dissent, they manifest? i think i may say in truth that my letter was written in no sectarian or party spirit, but simply to express a solicitude, which, whether groundless or not, was nevertheless real. i am, from principle, disinclined to doctrinal disputations and so-called religious controversies, which only tend to separate and disunite. we have had too many divisions already. i intended no censure of dear brethren whose zeal and devotion command my sympathy, notwithstanding i may not be able to see with them in all respects. the domain of individual conscience is to me very sacred; and it seems the part of christian charity to make a large allowance for varying experiences; mental characteristics, and temperaments, as well as for that youthful enthusiasm which, if sometimes misdirected, has often been instrumental in infusing a fresher life into the body of religious profession. it is too much to expect that we can maintain an entire uniformity in the expression of truths in which we substantially agree; and we should be careful that a rightful concern for "the form of sound words" does not become what william penn calls "verbal orthodoxy." we must consider that the same accepted truth looks somewhat differently from different points of vision. knowing our own weaknesses and limitations, we must bear in mind that human creeds, speculations, expositions, and interpretations of the divine plan are but the faint and feeble glimpses of finite creatures into the infinite mysteries of god. "they are but broken lights of thee, and thou, o lord, art more than they." differing, as we do, more or less as to means and methods, if we indeed have the "mind of christ," we shall rejoice in whatever of good is really accomplished, although by somewhat different instrumentalities than those which we feel ourselves free to make use of, remembering that our lord rebuked the narrowness and partisanship of his disciples by assuring them that they that were not against him were for him. it would, nevertheless, give me great satisfaction to know, as thy kindly expressed editorial comments seem to intimate, that i have somewhat overestimated the tendencies of things in our society. i have no pride of opinion which would prevent me from confessing with thankfulness my error of judgment. in any event, it can, i think, do no harm to repeat my deep conviction that we may all labor, in the ability given us, for our own moral and spiritual well-being, and that of our fellow-creatures, without laying aside the principles and practice of our religious society. i believe so much of liberty is our right as well as our privilege, and that we need not really overstep our bounds for the performance of any duty which may be required of us. when truly called to contemplate broader fields of labor, we shall find the walls about us, like the horizon seen from higher levels, expanding indeed, but nowhere broken. i believe that the world needs the society of friends as a testimony and a standard. i know that this is the opinion of some of the best and most thoughtful members of other christian sects. i know that any serious departure from the original foundation of our society would give pain to many who, outside of our communion, deeply realize the importance of our testimonies. they fail to read clearly the signs of the times who do not see that the hour is coming when, under the searching eye of philosophy and the terrible analysis of science, the letter and the outward evidence will not altogether avail us; when the surest dependence must be upon the light of christ within, disclosing the law and the prophets in our own souls, and confirming the truth of outward scripture by inward experience; when smooth stones from the brook of present revelation shall' prove mightier than the weapons of saul; when the doctrine of the holy spirit, as proclaimed by george fox and lived by john woolman, shall be recognized as the only efficient solvent of doubts raised by an age of restless inquiry. in this belief my letter was written. i am sorry it did not fall to the lot of a more fitting hand; and can only hope that no consideration of lack of qualification on the part of its writer may lessen the value of whatever testimony to truth shall be found in it. amesbury, d mo., . p. s. i may mention that i have been somewhat encouraged by a perusal of the proceedings of the late first-day school conference in philadelphia, where, with some things which i am compelled to pause over, and regret, i find much with which i cordially unite, and which seems to indicate a providential opening for good. i confess to a lively and tender sympathy with my younger brethren and sisters who, in the name of him who "went about doing good," go forth into the highways and byways to gather up the lost, feed the hungry, instruct the ignorant, and point the sinsick and suffering to the hopes and consolations of christian faith, even if, at times, their zeal goes beyond "reasonable service," and although the importance of a particular instrumentality may be exaggerated, and love lose sight of its needful companion humility, and he that putteth on his armor boast like him who layeth it off. any movement, however irregular, which indicates life, is better than the quiet of death. in the overruling providence of god, the troubling may prepare the way for healing. some of us may have erred on one hand and some on the other, and this shaking of the balance may adjust it. john woolman's journal. originally published as an introduction to a reissue of the work. to those who judge by the outward appearance, nothing is more difficult of explanation than the strength of moral influence often exerted by obscure and uneventful lives. some great reform which lifts the world to a higher level, some mighty change for which the ages have waited in anxious expectancy, takes place before our eyes, and, in seeking to trace it back to its origin, we are often surprised to find the initial link in the chain of causes to be some comparatively obscure individual, the divine commission and significance of whose life were scarcely understood by his contemporaries, and perhaps not even by himself. the little one has become a thousand; the handful of corn shakes like lebanon. "the kingdom of god cometh not by observation;" and the only solution of the mystery is in the reflection that through the humble instrumentality divine power was manifested, and that the everlasting arm was beneath the human one. the abolition of human slavery now in process of consummation throughout the world furnishes one of the most striking illustrations of this truth. a far-reaching moral, social, and political revolution, undoing the evil work of centuries, unquestionably owes much of its original impulse to the life and labors of a poor, unlearned workingman of new jersey, whose very existence was scarcely known beyond the narrow circle of his religious society. it is only within a comparatively recent period that the journal and ethical essays of this remarkable man have attracted the attention to which they are manifestly entitled. in one of my last interviews with william ellery channing, he expressed his very great surprise that they were so little known. he had himself just read the book for the first time, and i shall never forget how his countenance lighted up as he pronounced it beyond comparison the sweetest and purest autobiography in the language. he wished to see it placed within the reach of all classes of readers; it was not a light to be hidden under the bushel of a sect. charles lamb, probably from his friends, the clarksons, or from bernard barton, became acquainted with it, and on more than one occasion, in his letters and essays of elia, refers to it with warm commendation. edward irving pronounced it a godsend. some idea of the lively interest which the fine literary circle gathered around the hearth of lamb felt in the beautiful simplicity of woolman's pages may be had from the diary of henry crabb robinson, one of their number, himself a man of wide and varied culture, the intimate friend of goethe, wordsworth, and coleridge. in his notes for first month, , he says, after a reference to a sermon of his friend irving, which he feared would deter rather than promote belief: "how different this from john woolman's journal i have been reading at the same time! a perfect gem! his is a _schone seele_, a beautiful soul. an illiterate tailor, he writes in a style of the most exquisite purity and grace. his moral qualities are transferred to his writings. had he not been so very humble, he would have written a still better book; for, fearing to indulge in vanity, he conceals the events in which he was a great actor. his religion was love. his whole existence and all his passions were love. if one could venture to impute to his creed, and not to his personal character, the delightful frame of mind he exhibited, one could not hesitate to be a convert. his christianity is most inviting, it is fascinating! one of the leading british reviews a few years ago, referring to this journal, pronounced its author the man who, in all the centuries since the advent of christ, lived nearest to the divine pattern. the author of the patience of hope, whose authority in devotional literature is unquestioned, says of him: 'john woolman's gift was love, a charity of which it does not enter into the natural heart of man to conceive, and of which the more ordinary experiences, even of renewed nature, give but a faint shadow. every now and then, in the world's history, we meet with such men, the kings and priests of humanity, on whose heads this precious ointment has been so poured forth that it has run down to the skirts of their clothing, and extended over the whole of the visible creation; men who have entered, like francis of assisi, into the secret of that deep amity with god and with his creatures which makes man to be in league with the stones of the field, and the beasts of the field to be at peace with him. in this pure, universal charity there is nothing fitful or intermittent, nothing that comes and goes in showers and gleams and sunbursts. its springs are deep and constant, its rising is like that of a mighty river, its very overflow calm and steady, leaving life and fertility behind it.'" after all, anything like personal eulogy seems out of place in speaking of one who in the humblest self-abasement sought no place in the world's estimation, content to be only a passive instrument in the hands of his master; and who, as has been remarked, through modesty concealed the events in which he was an actor. a desire to supply in some sort this deficiency in his journal is my especial excuse for this introductory paper. it is instructive to study the history of the moral progress of individuals or communities; to mark the gradual development of truth; to watch the slow germination of its seed sown in simple obedience to the command of the great husbandman, while yet its green promise, as well as its golden fruition, was hidden from the eyes of the sower; to go back to the well-springs and fountain-heads, tracing the small streamlet from its hidden source, and noting the tributaries which swell its waters, as it moves onward, until it becomes a broad river, fertilizing and gladdening our present humanity. to this end it is my purpose, as briefly as possible, to narrate the circumstances attending the relinquishment of slave-holding by the society of friends, and to hint at the effect of that act of justice and humanity upon the abolition of slavery throughout the world. at an early period after the organization of the society, members of it emigrated to the maryland, carolina, virginia, and new england colonies. the act of banishment enforced against dissenters under charles ii. consigned others of the sect to the west indies, where their frugality, temperance, and thrift transmuted their intended punishment into a blessing. andrew marvell, the inflexible republican statesman, in some of the sweetest and tenderest lines in the english tongue, has happily described their condition:-- what shall we do but sing his praise who led us through the watery maze, unto an isle so long unknown, and yet far kinder than our own? he lands us on a grassy stage, safe from the storms and prelates' rage; he gives us this eternal spring, which here enamels everything, and sends the fowls to us in care, on daily visits through the air. he hangs in shades the orange bright, like golden lamps, in a green night, and doth in the pomegranate close jewels more rich than ormus shows. . . . . . . . . . and in these rocks for us did frame a temple where to sound his name. oh! let our voice his praise exalt, till it arrive at heaven's vault, which then, perhaps rebounding, may echo beyond the mexic bay.' "so sang they in the english boat, a holy and a cheerful note; and all the way, to guide their chime, with falling oars they kept the time." unhappily, they very early became owners of slaves, in imitation of the colonists around them. no positive condemnation of the evil system had then been heard in the british islands. neither english prelates nor expounders at dissenting conventicles had aught to say against it. few colonists doubted its entire compatibility with christian profession and conduct. saint and sinner, ascetic and worldling, united in its practice. even the extreme dutch saints of bohemia manor community, the pietists of john de labadie, sitting at meat with hats on, and pausing ever and anon with suspended mouthfuls to bear a brother's or sister's exhortation, and sandwiching prayers between the courses, were waited upon by negro slaves. everywhere men were contending with each other upon matters of faith, while, so far as their slaves were concerned, denying the ethics of christianity itself. such was the state of things when, in , george fox visited barbadoes. he was one of those men to whom it is given to discern through the mists of custom and prejudice something of the lineaments of absolute truth, and who, like the hebrew lawgiver, bear with them, from a higher and purer atmosphere, the shining evidence of communion with the divine wisdom. he saw slavery in its mildest form among his friends, but his intuitive sense of right condemned it. he solemnly admonished those who held slaves to bear in mind that they were brethren, and to train them up in the fear of god. "i desired, also," he says, "that they would cause their overseers to deal gently and mildly with their negroes, and not use cruelty towards them as the manner of some hath been and is; and that, after certain years of servitude, they should make them free." in , the companion of george fox, william edmundson, revisited barbadoes, and once more bore testimony against the unjust treatment of slaves. he was accused of endeavoring to excite an insurrection among the blacks, and was brought before the governor on the charge. it was probably during this journey that he addressed a remonstrance to friends in maryland and virginia on the subject of holding slaves. it is one of the first emphatic and decided testimonies on record against negro slavery as incompatible with christianity, if we except the papal bulls of urban and leo the tenth. thirteen years after, in , a meeting of german quakers, who had emigrated from kriesbeim, and settled at germantown, pennsylvania, addressed a memorial against "the buying and keeping of negroes" to the yearly meeting for the pennsylvania and new jersey colonies. that meeting took the subject into consideration, but declined giving judgment in the case. in , the yearly meeting advised against "bringing in any more negroes." in , in its epistle to london friends, it expresses a wish that friends would be "less concerned in buying or selling slaves." the chester quarterly meeting, which had taken a higher and clearer view of the matter, continued to press the yearly meeting to adopt some decided measure against any traffic in human beings. the society gave these memorials a cold reception. the love of gain and power was too strong, on the part of the wealthy and influential planters and merchants who had become slaveholders, to allow the scruples of the chester meeting to take the shape of discipline. the utmost that could be obtained of the yearly meeting was an expression of opinion adverse to the importation of negroes, and a desire that "friends generally do, as much as may be, avoid buying such negroes as shall hereafter be brought in, rather than offend any friends who are against it; yet this is only caution, and not censure." in the mean time the new england yearly meeting was agitated by the same question. slaves were imported into boston and newport, and friends became purchasers, and in some instances were deeply implicated in the foreign traffic. in , the monthly meetings of dartmouth and nantucket suggested that it was "not agreeable to truth to purchase slaves and keep them during their term of life." nothing was done in the yearly meeting, however, until , when the practice of importing negroes was censured. that the practice was continued notwithstanding, for many years afterwards, is certain. in , a rule was adopted prohibiting friends within the limits of new england yearly meeting from engaging in or countenancing the foreign slave-trade. in the year an event, simple and inconsiderable in itself, was made the instrumentality of exerting a mighty influence upon slavery in the society of friends. a small storekeeper at mount holly, in new jersey, a member of the society, sold a negro woman, and requested the young man in his employ to make a bill of sale of her. (mount holly is a village lying in the western part of the long, narrow township of northampton, on rancocas creek, a tributary of the delaware. in john woolman's day it was almost entirely a settlement of friends. a very few of the old houses with their quaint stoops or porches are left. that occupied by john woolman was a small, plain, two-story structure, with two windows in each story in front, a four-barred fence inclosing the grounds, with the trees he planted and loved to cultivate. the house was not painted, but whitewashed. the name of the place is derived from the highest hill in the county, rising two hundred feet above the sea, and commanding a view of a rich and level country, of cleared farms and woodlands. here, no doubt, john woolman often walked under the shadow of its holly-trees, communing with nature and musing on the great themes of life and duty. when the excellent joseph sturge was in this country, some thirty years ago, on his errand of humanity, he visited mount holly, and the house of woolman, then standing. he describes it as a very "humble abode." but one person was then living in the town who had ever seen its venerated owner. this aged man stated that he was at woolman's little farm in the season of harvest when it was customary among farmers to kill a calf or sheep for the laborers. john woolman, unwilling that the animal should be slowly bled to death, as the custom had been, and to spare it unnecessary suffering, had a smooth block of wood prepared to receive the neck of the creature, when a single blow terminated its existence. nothing was more remarkable in the character of woolman than his concern for the well-being and comfort of the brute creation. "what is religion?" asks the old hindoo writer of the vishnu sarman. "tenderness toward all creatures." or, as woolman expresses it, "where the love of god is verily perfected, a tenderness towards all creatures made subject to our will is experienced, and a care felt that we do not lessen that sweetness of life in the animal creation which the creator intends for them under our government.") on taking up his pen, the young clerk felt a sudden and strong scruple in his mind. the thought of writing an instrument of slavery for one of his fellow-creatures oppressed him. god's voice against the desecration of his image spoke in the soul. he yielded to the will of his employer, but, while writing the instrument, he was constrained to declare, both to the buyer and the seller, that he believed slave-keeping inconsistent with the christian religion. this young man was john woolman. the circumstance above named was the starting-point of a life-long testimony against slavery. in the year he visited maryland, virginia, and north carolina. he was afflicted by the prevalence of slavery. it appeared to him, in his own words, "as a dark gloominess overhanging the land." on his return, he wrote an essay on the subject, which was published in . three years after, he made a second visit to the southern meetings of friends. travelling as a minister of the gospel, he was compelled to sit down at the tables of slaveholding planters, who were accustomed to entertain their friends free of cost, and who could not comprehend the scruples of their guest against receiving as a gift food and lodging which he regarded as the gain of oppression. he was a poor man, but he loved truth more than money. he therefore either placed the pay for his entertainment in the hands of some member of the family, for the benefit of the slaves, or gave it directly to them, as he had opportunity. wherever he went, he found his fellow-professors entangled in the mischief of slavery. elders and ministers, as well as the younger and less high in profession, had their house servants and field hands. he found grave drab-coated apologists for the slave-trade, who quoted the same scriptures, in support of oppression and avarice, which have since been cited by presbyterian doctors of divinity, methodist bishops; and baptist preachers for the same purpose. he found the meetings generally in a low and evil state. the gold of original quakerism had become dim, and the fine gold changed. the spirit of the world prevailed among them, and had wrought an inward desolation. instead of meekness, gentleness, and heavenly wisdom, he found "a spirit of fierceness and love of dominion." (the tradition is that he travelled mostly on foot during his journeys among slaveholders. brissot, in his new travels in america, published in , says: "john woolman, one of the most distinguished of men in the cause of humanity, travelled much as a minister of his sect, but always on foot, and without money, in imitation of the apostles, and in order to be in a situation to be more useful to poor people and the blacks. he hated slavery so much that he could not taste food provided by the labor of slaves." that this writer was on one point misinformed is manifest from the following passage from the journal: "when i expected soon to leave a friend's house where i had entertainment, if i believed that i should not keep clear from the gain of oppression without leaving money, i spoke to one of the heads of the family privately, and desired them to accept of pieces of silver, and give them to such of their negroes as they believed would make the best use of them; and at other times i gave them to the negroes myself, as the way looked clearest to me. before i came out, i had provided a large number of small pieces for this purpose, and thus offering them to some who appeared to be wealthy people was a trial both to me and them. but the fear of the lord so covered me at times that my way was made easier than i expected; and few, if any, manifested any resentment at the offer, and most of them, after some conversation, accepted of them.") in love, but at the same time with great faithfulness, he endeavored to convince the masters of their error, and to awaken a degree of sympathy for the enslaved. at this period, or perhaps somewhat earlier, a remarkable personage took up his residence in pennsylvania. he was by birthright a member of the society of friends, but having been disowned in england for some extravagances of conduct and language, he spent several years in the west indies, where he became deeply interested in the condition of the slaves. his violent denunciations of the practice of slaveholding excited the anger of the planters, and he was compelled to leave the island. he came to philadelphia, but, contrary to his expectations, he found the same evil existing there. he shook off the dust of the city, and took up his abode in the country, a few miles distant. his dwelling was a natural cave, with some slight addition of his own making. his drink was the spring-water flowing by his door; his food, vegetables alone. he persistently refused to wear any garment or eat any food purchased at the expense of animal life, or which was in any degree the product of slave labor. issuing from his cave, on his mission of preaching "deliverance to the captive," he was in the habit of visiting the various meetings for worship and bearing his testimony against slaveholders, greatly to their disgust and indignation. on one occasion he entered the market street meeting, and a leading friend requested some one to take him out. a burly blacksmith volunteered to do it, leading him to the gate and thrusting him out with such force that he fell into the gutter of the street. there he lay until the meeting closed, telling the bystanders that he did not feel free to rise himself. "let those who cast me here raise me up. it is their business, not mine." his personal appearance was in remarkable keeping with his eccentric life. a figure only four and a half feet high, hunchbacked, with projecting chest, legs small and uneven, arms longer than his legs; a huge head, showing only beneath the enormous white hat large, solemn eyes and a prominent nose; the rest of his face covered with a snowy semicircle of beard falling low on his breast,--a figure to recall the old legends of troll, brownie, and kobold. such was the irrepressible prophet who troubled the israel of slave-holding quakerism, clinging like a rough chestnut-bur to the skirts of its respectability, and settling like a pertinacious gad-fly on the sore places of its conscience. on one occasion, while the annual meeting was in session at burlington, n. j., in the midst of the solemn silence of the great assembly, the unwelcome figure of benjamin lay, wrapped in his long white overcoat, was seen passing up the aisle. stopping midway, he exclaimed, "you slaveholders! why don't you throw off your quaker coats as i do mine, and show yourselves as you are?" casting off as he spoke his outer garment, he disclosed to the astonished assembly a military coat underneath and a sword dangling at his heels. holding in one hand a large book, he drew his sword with the other. "in the sight of god," he cried, "you are as guilty as if you stabbed your slaves to the heart, as i do this book!" suiting the action to the word, and piercing a small bladder filled with the juice of poke-weed (playtolacca decandra), which he had concealed between the covers, and sprinkling as with fresh blood those who sat near him. john woolman makes no mention of this circumstance in his journal, although he was probably present, and it must have made a deep impression on his sensitive spirit. the violence and harshness of lay's testimony, however, had nothing in common with the tender and sorrowful remonstrances and appeals of the former, except the sympathy which they both felt for the slave himself. (lay was well acquainted with dr. franklin, who sometimes visited him. among other schemes of reform he entertained the idea of converting all mankind to christianity. this was to be done by three witnesses,--himself, michael lovell, and abel noble, assisted by dr. franklin. but on their first meeting at the doctor's house, the three "chosen vessels" got into a violent controversy on points of doctrine, and separated in ill-humor. the philosopher, who had been an amused listener, advised the three sages to give up the project of converting the world until they had learned to tolerate each other.) still later, a descendant of the persecuted french protestants, anthony benezet, a man of uncommon tenderness of feeling, began to write and speak against slavery. how far, if at all, he was moved thereto by the example of woolman is not known, but it is certain that the latter found in him a steady friend and coadjutor in his efforts to awaken the slumbering moral sense of his religious brethren. the marquis de chastellux, author of _de la felicite publique_, describes him as a small, eager-faced man, full of zeal and activity, constantly engaged in works of benevolence, which were by no means confined to the blacks. like woolman and lay, he advocated abstinence from intoxicating spirits. the poor french neutrals who were brought to philadelphia from nova scotia, and landed penniless and despairing among strangers in tongue and religion, found in him a warm and untiring friend, through whose aid and sympathy their condition was rendered more comfortable than that of their fellow-exiles in other colonies. the annual assemblage of the yearly meeting in at philadelphia must ever be regarded as one of the most important religious convocations in the history of the christian church. the labors of woolman and his few but earnest associates had not been in vain. a deep and tender interest had been awakened; and this meeting was looked forward to with varied feelings of solicitude by all parties. all felt that the time had come for some definite action; conservative and reformer stood face to face in the valley of decision. john woolman, of course, was present,--a man humble and poor in outward appearance, his simple dress of undyed homespun cloth contrasting strongly with the plain but rich apparel of the representatives of the commerce of the city and of the large slave- stocked plantations of the country. bowed down by the weight of his concern for the poor slaves and for the well-being and purity of the society, he sat silent during the whole meeting, while other matters were under discussion. "my mind," he says, "was frequently clothed with inward prayer; and i could say with david that 'tears were my meat and drink, day and night.' the case of slave-keeping lay heavy upon me; nor did i find any engagement, to speak directly to any other matter before the meeting." when the important subject came up for consideration, many faithful friends spoke with weight and earnestness. no one openly justified slavery as a system, although some expressed a concern lest the meeting should go into measures calculated to cause uneasiness to many members of the society. it was also urged that friends should wait patiently until the lord in his own time should open a way for the deliverance of the slave. this was replied to by john woolman. "my mind," he said, "is led to consider the purity of the divine being, and the justice of his judgments; and herein my soul is covered with awfulness. i cannot forbear to hint of some cases where people have not been treated with the purity of justice, and the event has been most lamentable. many slaves on this continent are oppressed, and their cries have entered into the ears of the most high. such are the purity and certainty of his judgments that he cannot be partial in our favor. in infinite love and goodness he hath opened our understandings from one time to another, concerning our duty towards this people; and it is not a time for delay. should we now be sensible of what he requires of us, and through a respect to the private interest of some persons, or through a regard to some friendships which do not stand upon an immutable foundation, neglect to do our duty in firmness and constancy, still waiting for some extraordinary means to bring about their deliverance, god may by terrible things in righteousness answer us in this matter." this solemn and weighty appeal was responded to by many in the assembly, in a spirit of sympathy and unity. some of the slave-holding members expressed their willingness that a strict rule of discipline should be adopted against dealing in slaves for the future. to this it was answered that the root of the evil would never be reached effectually until a searching inquiry was made into the circumstances and motives of such as held slaves. at length the truth in a great measure triumphed over all opposition; and, without any public dissent, the meeting agreed that the injunction of our lord and saviour to do to others as we would that others should do to us should induce friends who held slaves "to set them at liberty, making a christian provision for them," and four friends--john woolman, john scarborough, daniel stanton, and john sykes-- were approved of as suitable persons to visit and treat with such as kept slaves, within the limits of the meeting. this painful and difficult duty was faithfully performed. in that meekness and humility of spirit which has nothing in common with the "fear of man, which bringeth a snare," the self-denying followers of their divine lord and master "went about doing good." in the city of philadelphia, and among the wealthy planters of the country, they found occasion often to exercise a great degree of patience, and to keep a watchful guard over their feelings. in his journal for this important period of his life john woolman says but little of his own services. how arduous and delicate they were may be readily understood. the number of slaves held by members of the society was very large. isaac jackson, in his report of his labors among slave-holders in a single quarterly meeting, states that he visited the owners of more than eleven hundred slaves. from the same report may be gleaned some hints of the difficulties which presented themselves. one elderly man says he has well brought up his eleven slaves, and "now they must work to maintain him." another owns it is all wrong, but "cannot release his slaves; his tender wife under great concern of mind" on account of his refusal. a third has fifty slaves; knows it to be wrong, but can't see his way clear out of it. "perhaps," the report says, "interest dims his vision." a fourth is full of "excuses and reasonings." "old jos. richison has forty, and is determined to keep them." another man has fifty, and "means to keep them." robert ward "wants to release his slaves, but his wife and daughters hold back." another "owns it is wrong, but says he will not part with his negroes,--no, not while he lives." the far greater number, however, confess the wrong of slavery, and agree to take measures for freeing their slaves. (an incident occurred during this visit of isaac jackson which impressed him deeply. on the last evening, just as he was about to turn homeward, he was told that a member of the society whom he had not seen owned a very old slave who was happy and well cared for. it was a case which it was thought might well be left to take care of itself. isaac jackson, sitting in silence, did not feel his mind quite satisfied; and as the evening wore away, feeling more and more exercised, he expressed his uneasiness, when a young son of his host eagerly offered to go with him and show him the road to the place. the proposal was gladly accepted. on introducing the object of their visit, the friend expressed much surprise that any uneasiness should be felt in the case, but at length consented to sign the form of emancipation, saying, at the same time, it would make no difference in their relations, as the old man was perfectly happy. at isaac jackson's request the slave was called in and seated before them. his form was nearly double, his thin hands were propped on his knees, his white head was thrust forward, and his keen, restless, inquiring eyes gleamed alternately on the stranger and on his master. at length he was informed of what had been done; that he was no longer a slave, and that his master acknowledged his past services entitled him to a maintenance so long as he lived. the old man listened in almost breathless wonder, his head slowly sinking on his breast. after a short pause, he clasped his hands; then spreading them high over his hoary head, slowly and reverently exclaimed, "oh, goody gody, oh!"--bringing his hands again down on his knees. then raising them as before, he twice repeated the solemn exclamation, and with streaming eyes and a voice almost too much choked for utterance, he continued, "i thought i should die a slave, and now i shall die a free man!" it is a striking evidence of the divine compensations which are sometimes graciously vouchsafed to those who have been faithful to duty, that on his death-bed this affecting scene was vividly revived in the mind of isaac jackson. at that supreme moment, when all other pictures of time were fading out, that old face, full of solemn joy and devout thanksgiving, rose before him, and comforted him as with the blessing of god.) an extract or two from the journal at this period will serve to show both the nature of the service in which he was engaged and the frame of mind in which he accomplished it:-- "in the beginning of the th month i joined in company with my friends, john sykes and daniel stanton, in visiting such as had slaves. some, whose hearts were rightly exercised about them, appeared to be glad of our visit, but in some places our way was more difficult. i often saw the necessity of keeping down to that root from whence our concern proceeded, and have cause in reverent thankfulness humbly to bow down before the lord who was near to me, and preserved my mind in calmness under some sharp conflicts, and begat a spirit of sympathy and tenderness in me towards some who were grievously entangled by the spirit of this world." " st month, .--having found my mind drawn to visit some of the more active members of society at philadelphia who had slaves, i met my friend john churchman there by agreement, and we continued about a week in the city. we visited some that were sick, and some widows and their families; and the other part of the time was mostly employed in visiting such as had slaves. it was a time of deep exercise; but looking often to the lord for assistance, he in unspeakable kindness favored us with the influence of that spirit which crucifies to the greatness and splendor of this world, and enabled us to go through some heavy labors, in which we found peace." these labors were attended with the blessing of the god of the poor and oppressed. dealing in slaves was almost entirely abandoned, and many who held slaves set them at liberty. but many members still continuing the practice, a more emphatic testimony against it was issued by the yearly meeting in ; and two years after the subordinate meetings were directed to deny the right of membership to such as persisted in holding their fellow-men as property. a concern was now felt for the temporal and religious welfare of the emancipated slaves, and in the yearly meeting came to the conclusion that some reparation was due from the masters to their former slaves for services rendered while in the condition of slavery. the following is an extract from an epistle on this subject: "we are united in judgment that the state of the oppressed people who have been held by any of us, or our predecessors, in captivity and slavery, calls for a deep inquiry and close examination how far we are clear of withholding from them what under such an exercise may open to view as their just right; and therefore we earnestly and affectionately entreat our brethren in religious profession to bring this matter home, and that all who have let the oppressed go free may attend to the further openings of duty. "a tender christian sympathy appears to be awakened in the minds of many who are not in religious profession with us, who have seriously considered the oppressions and disadvantages under which those people have long labored; and whether a pious care extended to their offspring is not justly due from us to them is a consideration worthy our serious and deep attention." committees to aid and advise the colored people were accordingly appointed in the various monthly meetings. many former owners of slaves faithfully paid the latter for their services, submitting to the award and judgment of arbitrators as to what justice required at their hands. so deeply had the sense of the wrong of slavery sunk into the hearts of friends! john woolman, in his journal for , states, that having some years before, as one of the executors of a will, disposed of the services of a negro boy belonging to the estate until he should reach the age of thirty years, he became uneasy in respect to the transaction, and, although he had himself derived no pecuniary benefit from it, and had simply acted as the agent of the heirs of the estate to which the boy belonged, he executed a bond, binding himself to pay the master of the young man for four years and a half of his unexpired term of service. the appalling magnitude of the evil against which he felt himself especially called to contend was painfully manifest to john woolman. at the outset, all about him, in every department of life and human activity, in the state and the church, he saw evidences of its strength, and of the depth and extent to which its roots had wound their way among the foundations of society. yet he seems never to have doubted for a moment the power of simple truth to eradicate it, nor to have hesitated as to his own duty in regard to it. there was no groping like samson in the gloom; no feeling in blind wrath and impatience for the pillars of the temple of dagon. "the candle of the lord shone about him," and his path lay clear and unmistakable before him. he believed in the goodness of god that leadeth to repentance; and that love could reach the witness for itself in the hearts of all men, through all entanglements of custom and every barrier of pride and selfishness. no one could have a more humble estimate of himself; but as he went forth on his errand of mercy he felt the infinite power behind him, and the consciousness that he had known a preparation from that power "to stand as a trumpet through which the lord speaks." the event justified his confidence; wherever he went hard hearts were softened, avarice and love of power and pride of opinion gave way before his testimony of love. the new england yearly meeting then, as now, was held in newport, on rhode island. in the year john woolman, in the course of a religious visit to new england, attended that meeting. he saw the horrible traffic in human beings,--the slave-ships lying at the wharves of the town, the sellers and buyers of men and women and children thronging the market-place. the same abhorrent scenes which a few years after stirred the spirit of the excellent hopkins to denounce the slave- trade and slavery as hateful in the sight of god to his congregation at newport were enacted in the full view and hearing of the annual convocation of friends, many of whom were themselves partakers in the shame and wickedness. "understanding," he says, "that a large number of slaves had been imported from africa into the town, and were then on sale by a member of our society, my appetite failed; i grew outwardly weak, and had a feeling of the condition of habakkuk: 'when i heard, my belly trembled, my lips quivered; i trembled in myself, that i might rest in the day of trouble.' i had many cogitations, and was sorely distressed." he prepared a memorial to the legislature, then in session, for the signatures of friends, urging that body to take measures to put an end to the importation of slaves. his labors in the yearly meeting appear to have been owned and blessed by the divine head of the church. the london epistle for , condemning the unrighteous traffic in men, was read, and the substance of it embodied in the discipline of the meeting; and the following query was adopted, to be answered by the subordinate meetings:-- "are friends clear of importing negroes, or buying them when imported; and do they use those well, where they are possessed by inheritance or otherwise, endeavoring to train them up in principles of religion?" at the close of the yearly meeting, john woolman requested those members of the society who held slaves to meet with him in the chamber of the house for worship, where he expressed his concern for the well-being of the slaves, and his sense of the iniquity of the practice of dealing in or holding them as property. his tender exhortations were not lost upon his auditors; his remarks were kindly received, and the gentle and loving spirit in which they were offered reached many hearts. in , at the suggestion of the rhode island quarterly meeting, the yearly meeting expressed its sense of the wrongfulness of holding slaves, and appointed a large committee to visit those members who were implicated in the practice. the next year this committee reported that they had completed their service, "and that their visits mostly seemed to be kindly accepted. some friends manifested a disposition to set such at liberty as were suitable; some others, not having so clear a sight of such an unreasonable servitude as could be desired, were unwilling to comply with the advice given them at present, yet seemed willing to take it into consideration; a few others manifested a disposition to keep them in continued bondage." it was stated in the epistle to london yearly meeting of the year , that a few friends had freed their slaves from bondage, but that others "have been so reluctant thereto that they have been disowned for not complying with the advice of this meeting." in the following minute was made: "it is our sense and judgment that truth not only requires the young of capacity and ability, but likewise the aged and impotent, and also all in a state of infancy and nonage, among friends, to be discharged and set free from a state of slavery, that we do no more claim property in the human race, as we do in the brutes that perish." in no slaves were known to be held in the new england yearly meeting. the next year it was recommended to the subordinate meetings to appoint committees to effect a proper and just settlement between the manumitted slaves and their former masters, for their past services. in it was concluded by the yearly meeting that any former slave-holder who refused to comply with the award of these committees should, after due care and labor with him, be disowned from the society. this was effectual; settlements without disownment were made to the satisfaction of all parties, and every case was disposed of previous to the year . in the new york yearly meeting, slave-trading was prohibited about the middle of the last century. in , in consequence of an epistle from the philadelphia yearly meeting, a committee was appointed to visit those who held slaves, and to advise with them in relation to emancipation. in it was made a disciplinary offence to buy, sell, or hold slaves upon any condition. in but one slave was to be found in the limits of the meeting. in the same year, by answers from the several subordinate meetings, it was ascertained that an equitable settlement for past services had been effected between the emancipated negroes and their masters in all save three cases. in the virginia yearly meeting slavery had its strongest hold. its members, living in the midst of slave-holding communities, were necessarily exposed to influences adverse to emancipation. i have already alluded to the epistle addressed to them by william edmondson, and to the labors of john woolman while travelling among them. in the virginia yearly meeting condemned the foreign slave-trade. in it enjoined upon its members the duty of kindness towards their servants, of educating them, and carefully providing for their food and clothing. four years after, its members were strictly prohibited from purchasing any more slaves. in it earnestly recommended the immediate manumission of all slaves held in bondage, after the females had reached eighteen and the males twenty-one years of age. at the same time it was advised that committees should be appointed for the purpose of instructing the emancipated persons in the principles of morality and religion, and for advising and aiding them in their temporal concerns. i quote a single paragraph from the advice sent down to the subordinate meetings, as a beautiful manifestation of the fruits of true repentance:-- "it is the solid sense of this meeting, that we of the present generation are under strong obligations to express our love and concern for the offspring of those people who by their labors have greatly contributed towards the cultivation of these colonies under the afflictive disadvantage of enduring a hard bondage, and the benefit of whose toil many among us are enjoying." in , the different quarterly meetings having reported that many still held slaves, notwithstanding the advice and entreaties of their friends, the yearly meeting directed that where endeavors to convince those offenders of their error proved ineffectual, the monthly meetings should proceed to disown them. we have no means of ascertaining the precise number of those actually disowned for slave-holding in the virginia yearly meeting, but it is well known to have been very small. in almost all cases the care and assiduous labors of those who had the welfare of the society and of humanity at heart were successful in inducing offenders to manumit their slaves, and confess their error in resisting the wishes of their friends and bringing reproach upon the cause of truth. so ended slavery in the society of friends. for three quarters of a century the advice put forth in the meetings of the society at stated intervals, that friends should be "careful to maintain their testimony against slavery," has been adhered to so far as owning, or even hiring, a slave is concerned. apart from its first-fruits of emancipation, there is a perennial value in the example exhibited of the power of truth, urged patiently and in earnest love, to overcome the difficulties in the way of the eradication of an evil system, strengthened by long habit, entangled with all the complex relations of society, and closely allied with the love of power, the pride of family, and the lust of gain. the influence of the life and labors of john woolman has by no means been confined to the religious society of which he was a member. it may be traced wherever a step in the direction of emancipation has been taken in this country or in europe. during the war of the revolution many of the noblemen and officers connected with the french army became, as their journals abundantly testify, deeply interested in the society of friends, and took back to france with them something of its growing anti-slavery sentiment. especially was this the case with jean pierre brissot, the thinker and statesman of the girondists, whose intimacy with warner mifflin, a friend and disciple of woolman, so profoundly affected his whole after life. he became the leader of the "friends of the blacks," and carried with him to the scaffold a profound hatred, of slavery. to his efforts may be traced the proclamation of emancipation in hayti by the commissioners of the french convention, and indirectly the subsequent uprising of the blacks and their successful establishment of a free government. the same influence reached thomas clarkson and stimulated his early efforts for the abolition of the slave-trade; and in after life the volume of the new jersey quaker was the cherished companion of himself and his amiable helpmate. it was in a degree, at least, the influence of stephen grellet and william allen, men deeply imbued with the spirit of woolman, and upon whom it might almost be said his mantle had fallen, that drew the attention of alexander i. of russia to the importance of taking measures for the abolition of serfdom, an object the accomplishment of which the wars during his reign prevented, but which, left as a legacy of duty, has been peaceably effected by his namesake, alexander ii. in the history of emancipation in our own country evidences of the same original impulse of humanity are not wanting. in memorials against slavery from the society of friends were laid before the first congress of the united states. not content with clearing their own skirts of the evil, the friends of that day took an active part in the formation of the abolition societies of new england, new york, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia. jacob lindley, elisha tyson, warner mifflin, james pemberton, and other leading friends were known throughout the country as unflinching champions of freedom. one of the earliest of the class known as modern abolitionists was benjamin lundy, a pupil in the school of woolman, through whom william lloyd garrison became interested in the great work to which his life has been so faithfully and nobly devoted. looking back to the humble workshop at mount holly from the stand-point of the proclamation of president lincoln, how has the seed sown in weakness been raised up in power! the larger portion of woolman's writings is devoted to the subjects of slavery, uncompensated labor, and the excessive toil and suffering of the many to support the luxury of the few. the argument running through them is searching, and in its conclusions uncompromising, but a tender love for the wrong-doer as well as the sufferer underlies all. they aim to convince the judgment and reach the heart without awakening prejudice and passion. to the slave-holders of his time they must have seemed like the voice of conscience speaking to them in the cool of the day. one feels, in reading them, the tenderness and humility of a nature redeemed from all pride of opinion and self-righteousness, sinking itself out of sight, and intent only upon rendering smaller the sum of human sorrow and sin by drawing men nearer to god, and to each other. the style is that of a man unlettered, but with natural refinement and delicate sense of fitness, the purity of whose heart enters into his language. there is no attempt at fine writing, not a word or phrase for effect; it is the simple unadorned diction of one to whom the temptations of the pen seem to have been wholly unknown. he wrote, as he believed, from an inward spiritual prompting; and with all his unaffected humility he evidently felt that his work was done in the clear radiance of "the light which never was on land or sea." it was not for him to outrun his guide, or, as sir thomas browne expresses it, to "order the finger of the almighty to his will and pleasure, but to sit still under the soft showers of providence." very wise are these essays, but their wisdom is not altogether that of this world. they lead one away from all the jealousies, strifes, and competitions of luxury, fashion, and gain, out of the close air of parties and sects, into a region of calmness,-- "the haunt of every gentle wind whose breath can teach the wild to love tranquillity,"-- a quiet habitation where all things are ordered in what he calls "the pure reason;" a rest from all self-seeking, and where no man's interest or activity conflicts with that of another. beauty they certainly have, but it is not that which the rules of art recognize; a certain indefinable purity pervades them, making one sensible, as he reads, of a sweetness as of violets. "the secret of woolman's purity of style," said dr. channing, "is that his eye was single, and that conscience dictated his words." of course we are not to look to the writings of such a man for tricks of rhetoric, the free play of imagination, or the unscrupulousness of epigram and antithesis. he wrote as he lived, conscious of "the great task-master's eye." with the wise heathen marcus aurelius antoninus he had learned to "wipe out imaginations, to check desire, and let the spirit that is the gift of god to every man, as his guardian and guide, bear rule." i have thought it inexpedient to swell the bulk of this volume with the entire writings appended to the old edition of the journal, inasmuch as they mainly refer to a system which happily on this continent is no longer a question at issue. i content myself with throwing together a few passages from them which touch subjects of present interest. "selfish men may possess the earth: it is the meek alone who inherit it from the heavenly father free from all defilements and perplexities of unrighteousness." "whoever rightly advocates the cause of some thereby promotes the good of the whole." "if one suffer by the unfaithfulness of another, the mind, the most noble part of him that occasions the discord, is thereby alienated from its true happiness." "there is harmony in the several parts of the divine work in the hearts of men. he who leads them to cease from those gainful employments which are carried on in the wisdom which is from beneath delivers also from the desire of worldly greatness, and reconciles to a life so plain that a little suffices." "after days and nights of drought, when the sky hath grown dark, and clouds like lakes of water have hung over our heads, i have at times beheld with awfulness the vehement lightning accompanying the blessings of the rain, a messenger from him to remind us of our duty in a right use of his benefits." "the marks of famine in a land appear as humbling admonitions from god, instructing us by gentle chastisements, that we may remember that the outward supply of life is a gift from our heavenly father, and that we should not venture to use or apply that gift in a way contrary to pure reason." "oppression in the extreme appears terrible; but oppression in more refined appearances remains to be oppression. to labor for a perfect redemption from the spirit of it is the great business of the whole family of jesus christ in this world." "in the obedience of faith we die to self-love, and, our life being 'hid with christ in god,' our hearts are enlarged towards mankind universally; but many in striving to get treasures have departed from this true light of life and stumbled on the dark mountains. that purity of life which proceeds from faithfulness in following the pure spirit of truth, that state in which our minds are devoted to serve god and all our wants are bounded by his wisdom, has often been opened to me as a place of retirement for the children of the light, in which we may be separated from that which disordereth and confuseth the affairs of society, and may have a testimony for our innocence in the hearts of those who behold us." "there is a principle which is pure, placed in the human mind, which in different places and ages bath had different names; it is, however, pure, and proceeds from god. it is deep and inward, confined to no forms of religion nor excluded from any, when the heart stands in perfect sincerity. in whomsoever this takes root and grows, they become brethren." "the necessity of an inward stillness hath appeared clear to my mind. in true silence strength is renewed, and the mind is weaned from all things, save as they may be enjoyed in the divine will; and a lowliness in outward living, opposite to worldly honor, becomes truly acceptable to us. in the desire after outward gain the mind is prevented from a perfect attention to the voice of christ; yet being weaned from all things, except as they may be enjoyed in the divine will, the pure light shines into the soul. where the fruits of the spirit which is of this world are brought forth by many who profess to be led by the spirit of truth, and cloudiness is felt to be gathering over the visible church, the sincere in heart, who abide in true stillness, and are exercised therein before the lord for his name's sake, have knowledge of christ in the fellowship of his sufferings; and inward thankfulness is felt at times, that through divine love our own wisdom is cast out, and that forward, active part in us is subjected, which would rise and do something without the pure leadings of the spirit of christ. "while aught remains in us contrary to a perfect resignation of our wills, it is like a seal to the book wherein is written 'that good and acceptable and perfect will of god' concerning us. but when our minds entirely yield to christ, that silence is known which followeth the opening of the last of the seals. in this silence we learn to abide in the divine will, and there feel that we have no cause to promote except that alone in which the light of life directs us." occasionally, in considerations on the keeping of? negroes, the intense interest of his subject gives his language something of passionate elevation, as in the following extract:-- "when trade is carried on productive of much misery, and they who suffer by it are many thousand miles off, the danger is the greater of not laying their sufferings to heart. in procuring slaves on the coast of africa, many children are stolen privately; wars are encouraged among the negroes, but all is at a great distance. many groans arise from dying men which we hear not. many cries are uttered by widows and fatherless children which reach not our ears. many cheeks are wet with tears, and faces sad with unutterable grief, which we see not. cruel tyranny is encouraged. the hands of robbers are strengthened. "were we, for the term of one year only, to be eye-witnesses of what passeth in getting these slaves; were the blood that is there shed to be sprinkled on our garments; were the poor captives, bound with thongs, and heavily laden with elephants' teeth, to pass before our eyes on their way to the sea; were their bitter lamentations, day after day, to ring in our ears, and their mournful cries in the night to hinder us from sleeping,-- were we to behold and hear these things, what pious heart would not be deeply affected with sorrow!" "it is good for those who live in fulness to cultivate tenderness of heart, and to improve every opportunity of being acquainted with the hardships and fatigues of those who labor for their living, and thus to think seriously with themselves: am i influenced by true charity in fixing all my demands? have i no desire to support myself in expensive customs, because my acquaintances live in such customs? "if a wealthy man, on serious reflection, finds a witness in his own conscience that he indulges himself in some expensive habits, which might be omitted, consistently with the true design of living, and which, were he to change places with those who occupy his estate, he would desire to be discontinued by them,--whoever is thus awakened will necessarily find the injunction binding, 'do ye even so to them.' divine love imposeth no rigorous or unreasonable commands, but graciously points out the spirit of brotherhood and the way to happiness, in attaining which it is necessary that we relinquish all that is selfish. "our gracious creator cares and provides for all his creatures; his tender mercies are over all his works, and so far as true love influences our minds, so far we become interested in his workmanship, and feel a desire to make use of every opportunity to lessen the distresses of the afflicted, and to increase the happiness of the creation. here we have a prospect of one common interest from which our own is inseparable, so that to turn all we possess into the channel of universal love becomes the business of our lives." his liberality and freedom from "all narrowness as to sects and opinions" are manifest in the following passages:-- "men who sincerely apply their minds to true virtue, and find an inward support from above, by which all vicious inclinations are made subject; who love god sincerely, and prefer the real good of mankind universally to their own private interest,--though these, through the strength of education and tradition, may remain under some great speculative errors, it would be uncharitable to say that therefore god rejects them. the knowledge and goodness of him who creates, supports, and gives understanding to all men are superior to the various states and circumstances of his creatures, which to us appear the most difficult. idolatry indeed is wickedness; but it is the thing, not the name, which is so. real idolatry is to pay that adoration to a creature which is known to be due only to the true god. "he who professeth to believe in one almighty creator, and in his son jesus christ, and is yet more intent on the honors, profits, and friendships of the world than he is, in singleness of heart, to stand faithful to the christian religion, is in the channel of idolatry; while the gentile, who, notwithstanding some mistaken opinions, is established in the true principle of virtue, and humbly adores an almighty power, may be of the number that fear god and work righteousness." nowhere has what is called the "labor question," which is now agitating the world, been discussed more wisely and with a broader humanity than in these essays. his sympathies were with the poor man, yet the rich too are his brethren, and he warns them in love and pity of the consequences of luxury and oppression:-- "every degree of luxury, every demand for money inconsistent with the divine order, hath connection with unnecessary labors." "to treasure up wealth for another generation, by means of the immoderate labor of those who in some measure depend upon us, is doing evil at present, without knowing that wealth thus gathered may not be applied to evil purposes when we are gone. to labor hard, or cause others to do so, that we may live conformably to customs which our redeemer discountenanced by his example, and which are contrary to divine order, is to manure a soil for propagating an evil seed in the earth." "when house is joined to house, and field laid to field, until there is no place, and the poor are thereby straitened, though this is done by bargain and purchase, yet so far as it stands distinguished from universal love, so far that woe predicted by the prophet will accompany their proceedings. as he who first founded the earth was then the true proprietor of it, so he still remains, and though he hath given it to the children of men, so that multitudes of people have had their sustenance from it while they continued here, yet he bath never alienated it, but his right is as good as at first; nor can any apply the increase of their possessions contrary to universal love, nor dispose of lands in a way which they know tends to exalt some by oppressing others, without being justly chargeable with usurpation." it will not lessen the value of the foregoing extracts in the minds of the true-disciples of our divine lord, that they are manifestly not written to subserve the interests of a narrow sectarianism. they might have been penned by fenelon in his time, or robertson in ours, dealing as they do with christian practice,--the life of christ manifesting itself in purity and goodness,--rather than with the dogmas of theology. the underlying thought of all is simple obedience to the divine word in the soul. "not every one that saith unto me lord, lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will of my father in heaven." in the preface to an english edition, published some years ago, it is intimated that objections had been raised to the journal on the ground that it had so little to say of doctrines and so much of duties. one may easily understand that this objection might have been forcibly felt by the slave-holding religious professors of woolman's day, and that it may still be entertained by a class of persons who, like the cabalists, attach a certain mystical significance to words, names, and titles, and who in consequence question the piety which hesitates to flatter the divine ear by "vain repetitions" and formal enumeration of sacred attributes, dignities, and offices. every instinct of his tenderly sensitive nature shrank from the wordy irreverence of noisy profession. his very silence is significant: the husks of emptiness rustle in every wind; the full corn in the ear holds up its golden fruit noiselessly to the lord of the harvest. john woolman's faith, like the apostle's, is manifested by his labors, standing not in words but in the demonstration of the spirit,--a faith that works by love to the purifying of the heart. the entire outcome of this faith was love manifested in reverent waiting upon god, and in that untiring benevolence, that quiet but deep enthusiasm of humanity, which made his daily service to his fellow- creatures a hymn of praise to the common father. however the intellect may criticise such a life, whatever defects it may present to the trained eyes of theological adepts, the heart has no questions to ask, but at once owns and reveres it. shall we regret that he who had so entered into fellowship of suffering with the divine one, walking with him under the cross, and dying daily to self, gave to the faith and hope that were in him this testimony of a life, rather than any form of words, however sound? a true life is at once interpreter and proof of the gospel, and does more to establish its truth in the hearts of men than all the "evidences" and "bodies of divinity" which have perplexed the world with more doubts than they solved. shall we venture to account it a defect in his christian character, that, under an abiding sense of the goodness and long-suffering of god, he wrought his work in gentleness and compassion, with the delicate tenderness which comes of a deep sympathy with the trials and weaknesses of our nature, never allowing himself to indulge in heat or violence, persuading rather than threatening? did he overestimate that immeasurable love, the manifestation of which in his own heart so reached the hearts of others, revealing everywhere unsuspected fountains of feeling and secret longings after purity, as the rod of the diviner detects sweet, cool water-springs under the parched surfaces of a thirsty land? and, looking at the purity, wisdom, and sweetness of his life, who shall say that his faith in the teaching of the holy spirit--the interior guide and light--was a mistaken one? surely it was no illusion by which his feet were so guided that all who saw him felt that, like enoch, he walked with god. "without the actual inspiration of the spirit of grace, the inward teacher and soul of our souls," says fenelon, "we could neither do, will, nor believe good. we must silence every creature, we must silence ourselves also, to hear in a profound stillness of the soul this inexpressible voice of christ. the outward word of the gospel itself without this living efficacious word within would be but an empty sound." "thou lord," says augustine in his meditations, "communicatest thyself to all: thou teachest the heart without words; thou speakest to it without articulate sounds." "however, i am sure that there is a common spirit that plays within us, and that is the spirit of god. whoever feels not the warm gale and gentle ventilation of this spirit, i dare not say he lives; for truly without this to me there is no heat under the tropic, nor any light though i dwelt in the body of the sun."--sir thomas browne's religio medici. never was this divine principle more fully tested than by john wool man; and the result is seen in a life of such rare excellence that the world is still better and richer for its sake, and the fragrance of it comes down to us through a century, still sweet and precious. it will be noted throughout the journal and essays that in his lifelong testimony against wrong he never lost sight of the oneness of humanity, its common responsibility, its fellowship of suffering and communion of sin. few have ever had so profound a conviction of the truth of the apostle's declaration that no man liveth and no man dieth to himself. sin was not to him an isolated fact, the responsibility of which began and ended with the individual transgressor; he saw it as a part of a vast network and entanglement, and traced the lines of influence converging upon it in the underworld of causation. hence the wrong and discord which pained him called out pity, rather than indignation. the first inquiry which they awakened was addressed to his own conscience. how far am i in thought, word, custom, responsible for this? have none of my fellow-creatures an equitable right to any part which is called mine? have the gifts and possessions received by me from others been conveyed in a way free from all unrighteousness? "through abiding in the law of christ," he says, "we feel a tenderness towards our fellow-creatures, and a concern so to walk that our conduct may not be the means of strengthening them in error." he constantly recurs to the importance of a right example in those who profess to be led by the spirit of christ, and who attempt to labor in his name for the benefit of their fellow-men. if such neglect or refuse themselves to act rightly, they can but "entangle the minds of others and draw a veil over the face of righteousness." his eyes were anointed to see the common point of departure from the divine harmony, and that all the varied growths of evil had their underlying root in human selfishness. he saw that every sin of the individual was shared in greater or less degree by all whose lives were opposed to the divine order, and that pride, luxury, and avarice in one class gave motive and temptation to the grosser forms of evil in another. how gentle, and yet how searching, are his rebukes of self-complacent respectability, holding it responsible, in spite of all its decent seemings, for much of the depravity which it condemned with pharisaical harshness! in his considerations on the true harmony of mankind be dwells with great earnestness upon the importance of possessing "the mind of christ," which removes from the heart the desire of superiority and worldly honors, incites attention to the divine counsellor, and awakens an ardent engagement to promote the happiness of all. "this state," he says, "in which every motion from the selfish spirit yieldeth to pure love, i may acknowledge with gratitude to the father of mercies, is often opened before me as a pearl to seek after." at times when i have felt true love open my heart towards my fellow- creatures, and have been engaged in weighty conversation in the cause of righteousness, the instructions i have received under these exercises in regard to the true use of the outward gifts of god have made deep and lasting impressions on my mind. i have beheld how the desire to provide wealth and to uphold a delicate life has greviously entangled many, and has been like a snare to their offspring; and though some have been affected with a sense of their difficulties, and have appeared desirous at times to be helped out of them, yet for want of abiding under the humbling power of truth they have continued in these entanglements; expensive living in parents and children hath called for a large supply, and in answering this call the 'faces of the poor' have been ground away, and made thin through hard dealing. "there is balm; there is a physician! and oh what longings do i feel that we may embrace the means appointed for our healing; may know that removed which now ministers cause for the cries of many to ascend to heaven against their oppressors; and that thus we may see the true harmony restored!--a restoration of that which was lost at babel, and which will be, as the prophet expresses it, 'the returning of a pure language!'" it is easy to conceive how unwelcome this clear spiritual insight must have been to the superficial professors of his time busy in tithing mint, anise, and cummin. there must have been something awful in the presence of one endowed with the gift of looking through all the forms, shows, and pretensions of society, and detecting with certainty the germs of evil hidden beneath them; a man gentle and full of compassion, clothed in "the irresistible might of meekness," and yet so wise in spiritual discernment, "bearing a touchstone in his hand and testing all things in the land by his unerring spell. "quick births of transmutation smote the fair to foul, the foul to fair; purple nor ermine did he spare, nor scorn the dusty coat." in bringing to a close this paper, the preparation of which has been to me a labor of love, i am not unmindful of the wide difference between the appreciation of a pure and true life and the living of it, and am willing to own that in delineating a character of such moral and spiritual symmetry i have felt something like rebuke from my own words. i have been awed and solemnized by the presence of a serene and beautiful spirit redeemed of the lord from all selfishness, and i have been made thankful for the ability to recognize and the disposition to love him. i leave the book with its readers. they may possibly make large deductions from my estimate of the author; they may not see the importance of all his self-denying testimonies; they may question some of his scruples, and smile over passages of childlike simplicity; but i believe they will all agree in thanking me for introducing them to the journal of john woolman. amesbury, th st mo., . haverford college. letter to president thomas chase, ll. d. amesbury, mass., th mo., . the semi-centennial of haverford college is an event that no member of the society of friends can regard without deep interest. it would give me great pleasure to be with you on the th inst., but the years rest heavily upon me, and i have scarcely health or strength for such a journey. it was my privilege to visit haverford in , in "the day of small beginnings." the promise of usefulness which it then gave has been more than fulfilled. it has grown to be a great and well-established institution, and its influence in thorough education and moral training has been widely felt. if the high educational standard presented in the scholastic treatise of barclay and the moral philosophy of dymond has been lowered or disowned by many who, still retaining the name of quakerism, have lost faith in the vital principle wherein precious testimonials of practical righteousness have their root, and have gone back to a dead literalness, and to those materialistic ceremonials for leaving which our old confessors suffered bonds and death, haverford, at least, has been in a good degree faithful to the trust committed to it. under circumstances of more than ordinary difficulty, it has endeavored to maintain the great testimony. the spirit of its culture has not been a narrow one, nor could it be, if true to the broad and catholic principles of the eminent worthies who founded the state of pennsylvania, penn, lloyd, pastorius, logan, and story; men who were masters of the scientific knowledge and culture of their age, hospitable to all truth, and open to all light, and who in some instances anticipated the result of modern research and critical inquiry. it was thomas story, a minister of the society of friends, and member of penn's council of state, who, while on a religious visit to england, wrote to james logan that he had read on the stratified rocks of scarborough, as from the finger of god, proofs of the immeasurable age of our planet, and that the "days" of the letter of scripture could only mean vast spaces of time. may haverford emulate the example of these brave but reverent men, who, in investigating nature, never lost sight of the divine ideal, and who, to use the words of fenelon, "silenced themselves to hear in the stillness of their souls the inexpressible voice of christ." holding fast the mighty truth of the divine immanence, the inward light and word, a quaker college can have no occasion to renew the disastrous quarrel of religion with science. against the sublime faith which shall yet dominate the world, skepticism has no power. no possible investigation of natural facts; no searching criticism of letter and tradition can disturb it, for it has its witness in all human hearts. that haverford may fully realize and improve its great opportunities as an approved seat of learning and the exponent of a christian philosophy which can never be superseded, which needs no change to fit it for universal acceptance, and which, overpassing the narrow limits of sect, is giving new life and hope to christendom, and finding its witnesses in the hindu revivals of the brahmo somaj and the fervent utterances of chunda sen and mozoomdar, is the earnest desire of thy friend. criticism: evangeline a review of mr. longfellow's poem. eureka! here, then, we have it at last,--an american poem, with the lack of which british reviewers have so long reproached us. selecting the subject of all others best calculated for his purpose,--the expulsion of the french settlers of acadie from their quiet and pleasant homes around the basin of minas, one of the most sadly romantic passages in the history of the colonies of the north,--the author has succeeded in presenting a series of exquisite pictures of the striking and peculiar features of life and nature in the new world. the range of these delineations extends from nova scotia on the northeast to the spurs of the rocky mountains on the west and the gulf of mexico on the south. nothing can be added to his pictures of quiet farm-life in acadie, the indian summer of our northern latitudes, the scenery of the ohio and mississippi rivers, the bayous and cypress forests of the south, the mocking-bird, the prairie, the ozark hills, the catholic missions, and the wild arabs of the west, roaming with the buffalo along the banks of the nebraska. the hexameter measure he has chosen has the advantage of a prosaic freedom of expression, exceedingly well adapted to a descriptive and narrative poem; yet we are constrained to think that the story of evangeline would have been quite as acceptable to the public taste had it been told in the poetic prose of the author's hyperion. in reading it and admiring its strange melody we were not without fears that the success of professor longfellow in this novel experiment might prove the occasion of calling out a host of awkward imitators, leading us over weary wastes of hexameters, enlivened neither by dew, rain, nor fields of offering. apart from its americanism, the poem has merits of a higher and universal character. it is not merely a work of art; the pulse of humanity throbs warmly through it. the portraits of basil the blacksmith, the old notary, benedict bellefontaine, and good father felician, fairly glow with life. the beautiful evangeline, loving and faithful unto death, is a heroine worthy of any poet of the present century. the editor of the boston chronotype, in the course of an appreciative review of this poem, urges with some force a single objection, which we are induced to notice, as it is one not unlikely to present itself to the minds of other readers:-- "we think mr. longfellow ought to have expressed a much deeper indignation at the base, knavish, and heartless conduct of the english and colonial persecutors than he has done. he should have put far bolder and deeper tints in the picture of suffering. one great, if not the greatest, end of poetry is rhadamanthine justice. the poet should mete out their deserts to all his heroes; honor to whom honor, and infamy to whom infamy, is due. "it is true that the wrong in this case is in a great degree fathered upon our own massachusetts; and it maybe said that it is afoul bird that pollutes its own nest. we deny the applicability of the rather musty proverb. all the worse. of not a more contemptible vice is what is called american literature guilty than this of unmitigated self- laudation. if we persevere in it, the stock will become altogether too small for the business. it seems that no period of our history has been exempt from materials for patriotic humiliation and national self- reproach; and surely the present epoch is laying in a large store of that sort. had our poets always told us the truth of ourselves, perhaps it would now be otherwise. national self-flattery and concealment of faults must of course have their natural results." we must confess that we read the first part of evangeline with something of the feeling so forcibly expressed by professor wright. the natural and honest indignation with which, many years ago, we read for the first time that dark page of our colonial history--the expulsion of the french neutrals--was reawakened by the simple pathos of the poem; and we longed to find an adequate expression of it in the burning language of the poet. we marvelled that he who could so touch the heart by his description of the sad suffering of the acadian peasants should have permitted the authors of that suffering to escape without censure. the outburst of the stout basil, in the church of grand pre, was, we are fain to acknowledge, a great relief to us. but, before reaching the close of the volume, we were quite reconciled to the author's forbearance. the design of the poem is manifestly incompatible with stern "rhadamanthine justice" and indignant denunciation of wrong. it is a simple story of quiet pastoral happiness, of great sorrow and painful bereavement, and of the endurance of a love which, hoping and seeking always, wanders evermore up and down the wilderness of the world, baffled at every turn, yet still retaining faith in god and in the object of its lifelong quest. it was no part of the writer's object to investigate the merits of the question at issue between the poor acadians and their puritan neighbors. looking at the materials before him with the eye of an artist simply, he has arranged them to suit his idea of the beautiful and pathetic, leaving to some future historian the duty of sitting in judgment upon the actors in the atrocious outrage which furnished them. with this we are content. the poem now has unity and sweetness which might have been destroyed by attempting to avenge the wrongs it so vividly depicts. it is a psalm of love and forgiveness: the gentleness and peace of christian meekness and forbearance breathe through it. not a word of censure is directly applied to the marauding workers of the mighty sorrow which it describes just as it would a calamity from the elements,--a visitation of god. the reader, however, cannot fail to award justice to the wrong-doers. the unresisting acquiescence of the acadians only deepens his detestation of the cupidity and religious bigotry of their spoilers. even in the language of the good father felician, beseeching his flock to submit to the strong hand which had been laid upon them, we see and feel the magnitude of the crime to be forgiven:-- "lo, where the crucified christ from his cross is gazing upon you! see in those sorrowful eyes what meekness and holy compassion! hark! how those lips still repeat the prayer, o father, forgive them! let us repeat that prayer in the hour when the wicked assail us; let us repeat it now, and say, o father, forgive them!" how does this simple prayer of the acadians contrast with the "deep damnation of their taking off!" the true history of the puritans of new england is yet to be written. somewhere midway between the caricatures of the church party and the self-laudations of their own writers the point may doubtless be found from whence an impartial estimate of their character may be formed. they had noble qualities: the firmness and energy which they displayed in the colonization of new england must always command admiration. we would not rob them, were it in our power to do so, of one jot or tittle of their rightful honor. but, with all the lights which we at present possess, we cannot allow their claim of saintship without some degree of qualification. how they seemed to their dutch neighbors at new netherlands, and their french ones at nova scotia, and to the poor indians, hunted from their fisheries and game-grounds, we can very well conjecture. it may be safely taken for granted that their gospel claim to the inheritance of the earth was not a little questionable to the catholic fleeing for his life from their jurisdiction, to the banished baptist shaking off the dust of his feet against them, and to the martyred quaker denouncing woe and judgment upon them from the steps of the gallows. most of them were, beyond a doubt, pious and sincere; but we are constrained to believe that among them were those who wore the livery of heaven from purely selfish motives, in a community where church-membership was an indispensable requisite, the only open sesame before which the doors of honor and distinction swung wide to needy or ambitious aspirants. mere adventurers, men of desperate fortunes, bankrupts in character and purse, contrived to make gain of godliness under the church and state government of new england, put on the austere exterior of sanctity, quoted scripture, anathematized heretics, whipped quakers, exterminated indians, burned and spoiled the villages of their catholic neighbors, and hewed down their graven images and "houses of rimmon." it is curious to observe how a fierce religious zeal against heathen and idolaters went hand in hand with the old anglo-saxon love of land and plunder. every crusade undertaken against the papists of the french colonies had its puritan peter the hermit to summon the saints to the wars of the lord. at the siege of louisburg, ten years before the onslaught upon the acadian settlers, one minister marched with the colonial troops, axe in hand, to hew down the images in the french churches; while another officiated in the double capacity of drummer and chaplain,--a "drum ecclesiastic," as hudibras has it. at the late celebration of the landing of the pilgrims in new york, the orator of the day labored at great length to show that the charge of intolerance, as urged against the colonists of new england, is unfounded in fact. the banishment of the catholics was very sagaciously passed over in silence, inasmuch as the catholic bishop of new york was one of the invited guests, and (hear it, shade of cotton mather!) one of the regular toasts was a compliment to the pope. the expulsion of roger williams was excused and partially justified; while the whipping, ear- cropping, tongue-boring, and hanging of the quakers was defended, as the only effectual method of dealing with such devil-driven heretics, as mather calls them. the orator, in the new-born zeal of his amateur puritanism, stigmatizes the persecuted class as "fanatics and ranters, foaming forth their mad opinions;" compares them to the mormons and the crazy followers of mathias; and cites an instance of a poor enthusiast, named eccles, who, far gone in the "tailor's melancholy," took it into his head that he must enter into a steeple-house pulpit and stitch breeches "in singing time,"--a circumstance, by the way, which took place in old england,--as a justification of the atrocious laws of the massachusetts colony. we have not the slightest disposition to deny the fanaticism and folly of some few professed quakers in that day; and had the puritans treated them as the pope did one of their number whom he found crazily holding forth in the church of st. peter, and consigned them to the care of physicians as religious monomaniacs, no sane man could have blamed them. every sect, in its origin, and especially in its time of persecution, has had its fanatics. the early christians, if we may credit the admissions of their own writers or attach the slightest credence to the statements of pagan authors, were by no means exempt from reproach and scandal in this respect. were the puritans themselves the men to cast stones at the quakers and baptists? had they not, in the view at least of the established church, turned all england upside down with their fanaticisms and extravagances of doctrine and conduct? how look they as depicted in the sermons of dr. south, in the sarcastic pages of hudibras, and the coarse caricatures of the clerical wits of the times of the second charles? with their own backs scored and their ears cropped for the crime of denying the divine authority of church and state in england, were they the men to whip baptists and hang quakers for doing the same thing in massachusetts? of all that is noble and true in the puritan character we are sincere admirers. the generous and self-denying apostleship of eliot is, of itself, a beautiful page in their history. the physical daring and hardihood with which, amidst the times of savage warfare, they laid the foundations of mighty states, and subdued the rugged soil, and made the wilderness blossom; their steadfast adherence to their religious principles, even when the restoration had made apostasy easy and profitable; and the vigilance and firmness with which, under all circumstances, they held fast their chartered liberties and extorted new rights and privileges from the reluctant home government,--justly entitle them to the grateful remembrance of a generation now reaping the fruits of their toils and sacrifices. but, in expressing our gratitude to the founders of new england, we should not forget what is due to truth and justice; nor, for the sake of vindicating them from the charge of that religious intolerance which, at the time, they shared with nearly all christendom, undertake to defend, in the light of the nineteenth century, opinions and practices hostile to the benignant spirit of the gospel and subversive of the inherent rights of man. mirth and medicine a review of poems by oliver wendell holmes. if any of our readers (and at times we fear it is the case with all) need amusement and the wholesome alterative of a hearty laugh, we commend them, not to dr. holmes the physician, but to dr. holmes the scholar, the wit, and the humorist; not to the scientific medical professor's barbarous latin, but to his poetical prescriptions, given in choice old saxon. we have tried them, and are ready to give the doctor certificates of their efficacy. looking at the matter from the point of theory only, we should say that a physician could not be otherwise than melancholy. a merry doctor! why, one might as well talk of a laughing death's-head,--the cachinnation of a monk's _memento mori_. this life of ours is sorrowful enough at its best estate; the brightest phase of it is "sicklied o'er with the pale cast" of the future or the past. but it is the special vocation of the doctor to look only upon the shadow; to turn away from the house of feasting and go down to that of mourning; to breathe day after day the atmosphere of wretchedness; to grow familiar with suffering; to look upon humanity disrobed of its pride and glory, robbed of all its fictitious ornaments, --weak, helpless, naked,--and undergoing the last fearful metempsychosis from its erect and godlike image, the living temple of an enshrined divinity, to the loathsome clod and the inanimate dust. of what ghastly secrets of moral and physical disease is he the depositary! there is woe before him and behind him; he is hand and glove with misery by prescription,--the ex officio gauger of the ills that flesh is heir to. he has no home, unless it be at the bedside of the querulous, the splenetic, the sick, and the dying. he sits down to carve his turkey, and is summoned off to a post-mortem examination of another sort. all the diseases which milton's imagination embodied in the lazar-house dog his footsteps and pluck at his doorbell. hurrying from one place to another at their beck, he knows nothing of the quiet comfort of the "sleek-headed men who sleep o' nights." his wife, if he has one, has an undoubted right to advertise him as a deserter of "bed and board." his ideas of beauty, the imaginations of his brain, and the affections of his heart are regulated and modified by the irrepressible associations of his luckless profession. woman as well as man is to him of the earth, earthy. he sees incipient disease where the uninitiated see only delicacy. a smile reminds him of his dental operations; a blushing cheek of his hectic patients; pensive melancholy is dyspepsia; sentimentalism, nervousness. tell him of lovelorn hearts, of the "worm i' the bud," of the mental impalement upon cupid's arrow, like that of a giaour upon the spear of a janizary, and he can only think of lack of exercise, of tightlacing, and slippers in winter. sheridan seems to have understood all this, if we may judge from the lament of his doctor, in st. patrick's day, over his deceased helpmate. "poor dear dolly," says he. "i shall never see her like again; such an arm for a bandage! veins that seemed to invite the lancet! then her skin,--smooth and white as a gallipot; her mouth as round and not larger than that of a penny vial; and her teeth,--none of your sturdy fixtures,--ache as they would, it was only a small pull, and out they came. i believe i have drawn half a score of her dear pearls. (weeps.) but what avails her beauty? she has gone, and left no little babe to hang like a label on papa's neck!" so much for speculation and theory. in practice it is not so bad after all. the grave-digger in hamlet has his jokes and grim jests. we have known many a jovial sexton; and we have heard clergymen laugh heartily at small provocation close on the heel of a cool calculation that the great majority of their fellow-creatures were certain of going straight to perdition. why, then, should not even the doctor have his fun? nay, is it not his duty to be merry, by main force if necessary? solomon, who, from his great knowledge of herbs, must have been no mean practitioner for his day, tells us that "a merry heart doeth good like a medicine;" and universal experience has confirmed the truth of his maxim. hence it is, doubtless, that we have so many anecdotes of facetious doctors, distributing their pills and jokes together, shaking at the same time the contents of their vials and the sides of their patients. it is merely professional, a trick of the practice, unquestionably, in most cases; but sometimes it is a "natural gift," like that of the "bonesetters," and "scrofula strokers," and "cancer curers," who carry on a sort of guerilla war with human maladies. such we know to be the case with dr. holmes. he was born for the "laughter cure," as certainly as priessnitz was for the "water cure," and has been quite as successful in his way, while his prescriptions are infinitely more agreeable. the volume now before us gives, in addition to the poems and lyrics contained in the two previous editions, some hundred or more pages of the later productions of the author, in the sprightly vein, and marked by the brilliant fancy and felicitous diction for which the former were noteworthy. his longest and most elaborate poem, _urania_, is perhaps the best specimen of his powers. its general tone is playful and humorous; but there are passages of great tenderness and pathos. witness the following, from a description of the city churchgoers. the whole compass of our literature has few passages to equal its melody and beauty. "down the chill street, which winds in gloomiest shade, what marks betray yon solitary maid? the cheek's red rose, that speaks of balmier air, the celtic blackness of her braided hair; the gilded missal in her kerchief tied; poor nora, exile from killarney's side! sister in toil, though born of colder skies, that left their azure in her downcast eyes, see pallid margaret, labor's patient child, scarce weaned from home, a nursling of the wild, where white katahdin o'er the horizon shines, and broad penobscot dashes through the pines; still, as she hastes, her careful fingers hold the unfailing hymn-book in its cambric fold: six days at drudgery's heavy wheel she stands, the seventh sweet morning folds her weary hands. yes, child of suffering, thou mayst well be sure he who ordained the sabbath loved the poor." this is but one of many passages, showing that the author is capable of moving the heart as well as of tickling the fancy. there is no straining for effect; simple, natural thoughts are expressed in simple and perfectly transparent language. _terpsichore_, read at an annual dinner of the phi beta kappa society at cambridge, sparkles throughout with keen wit, quaint conceits, and satire so good-natured that the subjects of it can enjoy it as heartily as their neighbors. witness this thrust at our german-english writers:-- "essays so dark, champollion might despair to guess what mummy of a thought was there, where our poor english, striped with foreign phrase, looks like a zebra in a parson's chaise." or this at our transcendental friends:-- "deluded infants! will they never know some doubts must darken o'er the world below though all the platos of the nursery trail their clouds of glory at the go-cart's tail?" the lines _on lending a punch-bowl_ are highly characteristic. nobody but holmes could have conjured up so many rare fancies in connection with such a matter. hear him:-- "this ancient silver bowl of mine, it tells of good old times, of joyous days, and jolly nights, and merry christmas chimes; they were a free and jovial race, but honest, brave, and true, that dipped their ladle in the punch when this old bowl was new. "a spanish galleon brought the bar; so runs the ancient tale; 't was hammered by an antwerp smith, whose arm was like a flail; and now and then between the strokes, for fear his strength should fail, he wiped his brow, and quaffed a cup of good old flemish ale. "'t was purchased by an english squire to please his loving dame, who saw the cherubs, and conceived a longing for the same; and oft as on the ancient stock another twig was found, 't was filled with candle spiced and hot and handed smoking round. "but, changing hands, it reached at length a puritan divine, who used to follow timothy, and take a little wine, but hated punch and prelacy; and so it was, perhaps, he went to leyden, where he found conventicles and schnaps. "and then, of course, you know what's next,--it left the dutchman's shore with those that in the mayflower came,--a hundred souls and more,-- along with all the furniture, to fill their new abodes,-- to judge by what is still on hand, at least a hundred loads. "'t was on a dreary winter's eve, the night was closing dim, when brave miles standish took the bowl, and filled it to the brim; the little captain stood and stirred the posset with his sword, and all his sturdy men-at-arms were ranged about the board. "he poured the fiery hollands in,--the man that never feared,-- he took a long and solemn draught, and wiped his yellow beard; and one by one the musketeers--the men that fought and prayed-- all drank as 't were their mother's milk, and not a man afraid. "that night, affrighted from his nest, the screaming eagle flew, he heard the pequot's ringing whoop, the soldier's wild halloo; and there the sachem learned the rule he taught to kith and kin, 'run from the white man when you find he smells of hollands gin!'" in his _nux postcoenatica_ he gives us his reflections on being invited to a dinner-party, where he was expected to "set the table in a roar" by reading funny verses. he submits it to the judgment and common sense of the importunate bearer of the invitation, that this dinner-going, ballad- making, mirth-provoking habit is not likely to benefit his reputation as a medical professor. "besides, my prospects. don't you know that people won't employ a man that wrongs his manliness by laughing like a boy, and suspect the azure blossom that unfolds upon a shoot, as if wisdom's oldpotato could not flourish at its root? "it's a very fine reflection, when you're etching out a smile on a copperplate of faces that would stretch into a mile. that, what with sneers from enemies and cheapening shrugs from friends, it will cost you all the earnings that a month of labor lends." there are, as might be expected, some commonplace pieces in the volume,-- a few failures in the line of humor. the _spectre pig_, the _dorchester giant_, the _height of the ridiculous_, and one or two others might be omitted in the next edition without detriment. they would do well enough for an amateur humorist, but are scarcely worthy of one who stands at the head of the profession. it was said of james smith, of the rejected addresses, that "if he had not been a witty man, he would have been a great man." hood's humor and drollery kept in the background the pathos and beauty of his sober productions; and dr. holmes, we suspect, might have ranked higher among a large class of readers than he now does had he never written his _ballad of the oysterman_, his _comet_, and his _september gale_. such lyrics as _la grisette_, the _puritan's vision_, and that unique compound of humor and pathos, _the last leaf_; show that he possesses the power of touching the deeper chords of the heart and of calling forth tears as well as smiles. who does not feel the power of this simple picture of the old man in the last-mentioned poem? "but now he walks the streets, and he looks at all he meets sad and wan, and he shakes his feeble head, that it seems as if he said, 'they are gone.' "the mossy marbles rest on the lips that he has prest in their bloom, and the names he loved to hear have been carved for many a year on the tomb." dr. holmes has been likened to thomas hood; but there is little in common between them save the power of combining fancy and sentiment with grotesque drollery and humor. hood, under all his whims and oddities, conceals the vehement intensity of a reformer. the iron of the world's wrongs had entered into his soul; there is an undertone of sorrow in his lyrics; his sarcasm, directed against oppression and bigotry, at times betrays the earnestness of one whose own withers have been wrung. holmes writes simply for the amusement of himself and his readers; he deals only with the vanity, the foibles, and the minor faults of mankind, good naturedly and almost sympathizingly suggesting excuses for the folly which he tosses about on the horns of his ridicule. in this respect he differs widely from his fellow-townsman, russell lowell, whose keen wit and scathing sarcasm, in the famous biglow papers, and the notes of parson wilbur, strike at the great evils of society and deal with the rank offences of church and state. hosea biglow, in his way, is as earnest a preacher as habakkuk mucklewrath or obadiah bind-their-kings- in-chains-and-their-nobles-in-fetters-of-iron. his verse smacks of the old puritan flavor. holmes has a gentler mission. his careless, genial humor reminds us of james smith in his _rejected addresses_ and of horace in _london_. long may he live to make broader the face of our care- ridden generation, and to realize for himself the truth of the wise man's declaration that a "merry heart is a continual feast." fame and glory. notice of an address before the literary society of amherst college, by charles sumner. the learned and eloquent author of the pamphlet lying before us with the above title belongs to a class, happily on the increase in our country, who venture to do homage to unpopular truths in defiance of the social and political tyranny of opinion which has made so many of our statesmen, orators, and divines the mere playthings and shuttlecocks of popular impulses for evil far oftener than for good. his first production, the _true grandeur of nations_, written for the anniversary of american independence, was not more remarkable for its evidences of a highly cultivated taste and wide historical research than for its inculcation of a high morality,--the demand for practical christianity in nations as well as individuals. it burned no incense under the nostrils of an already inflated and vain people. it gratified them by no rhetorical falsehoods about "the land of the free and the home of the brave." it did not apostrophize military heroes, nor strut "red wat shod" over the plains of battle, nor call up, like another ezekiel, from the valley of vision the dry bones thereof. it uttered none of the precious scoundrel cant, so much in vogue after the annexation of texas was determined upon, about the destiny of the united states to enter in and possess the lands of all whose destiny it is to live next us, and to plant everywhere the "peculiar institutions" of a peculiarly christian and chosen people, the landstealing propensity of whose progressive republicanism is declared to be in accordance with the will and by the grace of god, and who, like the scotch freebooter,-- "pattering an ave mary when he rode on a border forray,"-- while trampling on the rights of a sister republic, and re-creating slavery where that republic had abolished it, talk piously of "the designs of providence" and the anglo-saxon instrumentalities thereof in "extending the area of freedom." on the contrary, the author portrayed the evils of war and proved its incompatibility with christianity,-- contrasting with its ghastly triumphs the mild victories of peace and love. our true mission, he taught, was not to act over in the new world the barbarous game which has desolated the old; but to offer to the nations of the earth, warring and discordant, oppressed and oppressing, the beautiful example of a free and happy people studying the things which make for peace,--democracy and christianity walking hand in hand, blessing and being blessed. his next public effort, an address before the literary society of his alma mater, was in the same vein. he improved the occasion of the recent death of four distinguished members of that fraternity to delineate his beautiful ideal of the jurist, the scholar, the artist, and the philanthropist, aided by the models furnished by the lives of such men as pickering, story, allston, and channing. here, also, he makes greatness to consist of goodness: war and slavery and all their offspring of evil are surveyed in the light of the morality of the new testament. he looks hopefully forward to the coming of that day when the sword shall devour no longer, when labor shall grind no longer in the prison-house, and the peace and freedom of a realized and acted-out christianity shall overspread the earth, and the golden age predicted by the seers and poets alike of paganism and christianity shall become a reality. the address now before us, with the same general object in view, is more direct and practical. we can scarcely conceive of a discourse better adapted to prepare the young american, just issuing from his collegiate retirement, for the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. it treats the desire of fame and honor as one native to the human heart, felt to a certain extent by all as a part of our common being,--a motive, although by no means the most exalted, of human conduct; and the lesson it would inculcate is, that no true and permanent fame can be founded except in labors which promote the happiness of mankind. to use the language of dr. south, "god is the fountain of honor; the conduit by which he conveys it to the sons of men are virtuous and generous practices." the author presents the beautiful examples of st. pierre, milton, howard, and clarkson,--men whose fame rests on the firm foundation of goodness,--for the study and imitation of the young candidate for that true glory which belongs to those who live, not for themselves, but for their race. "neither present fame, nor war, nor power, nor wealth, nor knowledge alone shall secure an entrance to the true and noble valhalla. there shall be gathered only those who have toiled each in his vocation for the welfare of others." "justice and benevolence are higher than knowledge and power it is by his goodness that god is most truly known; so also is the great man. when moses said to the lord, show me thy glory, the lord said, i will make all my goodness pass before thee." we copy the closing paragraph of the address, the inspiring sentiment of which will find a response in all generous and hopeful hearts:-- "let us reverse the very poles of the worship of past ages. men have thus far bowed down before stocks, stones, insects, crocodiles, golden calves,--graven images, often of cunning workmanship, wrought with phidian skill, of ivory, of ebony, of marble, but all false gods. let them worship in future the true god, our father, as he is in heaven and in the beneficent labors of his children on earth. then farewell to the siren song of a worldly ambition! farewell to the vain desire of mere literary success or oratorical display! farewell to the distempered longings for office! farewell to the dismal, blood-red phantom of martial renown! fame and glory may then continue, as in times past, the reflection of public opinion; but of an opinion sure and steadfast, without change or fickleness, enlightened by those two sons of christian truth,--love to god and love to man. from the serene illumination of these duties all the forms of selfishness shall retreat like evil spirits at the dawn of day. then shall the happiness of the poor and lowly and the education of the ignorant have uncounted friends. the cause of those who are in prison shall find fresh voices; the majesty of peace other vindicators; the sufferings of the slave new and gushing floods of sympathy. then, at last, shall the brotherhood of man stand confessed; ever filling the souls of all with a more generous life; ever prompting to deeds of beneficence; conquering the heathen prejudices of country, color, and race; guiding the judgment of the historian; animating the verse of the poet and the eloquence of the orator; ennobling human thought and conduct; and inspiring those good works by which alone we may attain to the heights of true glory. good works! such even now is the heavenly ladder on which angels are ascending and descending, while weary humanity, on pillows of storfe, slumbers heavily at its feet." we know how easy it is to sneer at such anticipations of a better future as baseless and visionary. the shrewd but narrow-eyed man of the world laughs at the suggestion that there car: be any stronger motive than selfishness, any higher morality than that of the broker's board. the man who relies for salvation from the consequences of an evil and selfish life upon the verbal orthodoxy of a creed presents the depravity and weakness of human nature as insuperable obstacles in the way of the general amelioration of the condition of a world lying in wickedness. he counts it heretical and dangerous to act upon the supposition that the same human nature which, in his own case and that of his associates, can confront all perils, overcome all obstacles, and outstrip the whirlwind in the pursuit of gain,--which makes the strong elements its servants, taming and subjugating the very lightnings of heaven to work out its own purposes of self-aggrandizement,--must necessarily, and by an ordination of providence, become weak as water, when engaged in works of love and goodwill, looking for the coming of a better day for humanity, with faith in the promises of the gospel, and relying upon him, who, in calling man to the great task-field of duty, has not mocked him with the mournful necessity of laboring in vain. we have been pained more than words can express to see young, generous hearts, yearning with strong desires to consecrate themselves to the cause of their fellow-men, checked and chilled by the ridicule of worldly-wise conservatism, and the solemn rebukes of practical infidelity in the guise of a piety which professes to love the unseen father, while disregarding the claims of his visible children. visionary! were not the good st. pierre, and fenelon, and howard, and clarkson visionaries also? what was john woolman, to the wise and prudent of his day, but an amiable enthusiast? what, to those of our own, is such an angel of mercy as dorothea dix? who will not, in view of the labors of such philanthropists, adopt the language of jonathan edwards: "if these things be enthusiasms and the fruits of a distempered brain, let my brain be evermore possessed with this happy distemper"? it must, however, be confessed that there is a cant of philanthropy too general and abstract for any practical purpose,--a morbid sentimentalism,--which contents itself with whining over real or imaginary present evil, and predicting a better state somewhere in the future, but really doing nothing to remove the one or hasten the coming of the other. to its view the present condition of things is all wrong; no green hillock or twig rises over the waste deluge; the heaven above is utterly dark and starless: yet, somehow, out of this darkness which may be felt, the light is to burst forth miraculously; wrong, sin, pain, and sorrow are to be banished from the renovated world, and earth become a vast epicurean garden or mahometan heaven. "the land, unploughed, shall yield her crop; pure honey from the oak shall drop; the fountain shall run milk; the thistle shall the lily bear; and every bramble roses wear, and every worm make silk." (ben jenson's golden age restored.) there are, in short, perfectionist reformers as well as religionists, who wait to see the salvation which it is the task of humanity itself to work out, and who look down from a region of ineffable self-complacence on their dusty and toiling brethren who are resolutely doing whatsoever their hands find to do for the removal of the evils around them. the emblem of practical christianity is the samaritan stooping over the wounded jew. no fastidious hand can lift from the dust fallen humanity and bind up its unsightly gashes. sentimental lamentation over evil and suffering may be indulged in until it becomes a sort of melancholy luxury, like the "weeping for thammuz" by the apostate daughters of jerusalem. our faith in a better day for the race is strong; but we feel quite sure it will come in spite of such abstract reformers, and not by reason of them. the evils which possess humanity are of a kind which go not out by their delicate appliances. the author of the address under consideration is not of this class. he has boldly, and at no small cost, grappled with the great social and political wrong of our country,--chattel slavery. looking, as we have seen, hopefully to the future, he is nevertheless one of those who can respond to the words of a true poet and true man:-- "he is a coward who would borrow a charm against the present sorrow from the vague future's promise of delight as life's alarums nearer roll, the ancestral buckler calls, self-clanging, from the walls in the high temple of the soul!" (james russell lowell.) fanaticism. there are occasionally deeds committed almost too horrible and revolting for publication. the tongue falters in giving them utterance; the pen trembles that records them. such is the ghastly horror of a late tragedy in edgecomb, in the state of maine. a respectable and thriving citizen and his wife had been for some years very unprofitably engaged in brooding over the mysteries of the apocalypse, and in speculations upon the personal coming of christ and the temporal reign of the saints on earth,--a sort of mahometan paradise, which has as little warrant in scripture as in reason. their minds of necessity became unsettled; they meditated self-destruction; and, as it appears by a paper left behind in the handwriting of both, came to an agreement that the husband should first kill his wife and their four children, and then put an end to his own existence. this was literally executed,--the miserable man striking off the heads of his wife and children with his axe, and then cutting his own throat. alas for man when he turns from the light of reason and from the simple and clearly defined duties of the present life, and undertakes to pry into the mysteries of the future, bewildering himself with uncertain and vague prophecies, oriental imagery, and obscure hebrew texts! simple, cheerful faith in god as our great and good father, and love of his children as our brethren, acted out in all relations and duties, is certainly best for this world, and we believe also the best preparation for that to come. once possessed by the falsity that god's design is that man should be wretched and gloomy here in order to obtain rest and happiness hereafter; that the mental agonies and bodily tortures of his creatures are pleasant to him; that, after bestowing upon us reason for our guidance, he makes it of no avail by interposing contradictory revelations and arbitrary commands,--there is nothing to prevent one of a melancholic and excitable temperament from excesses so horrible as almost to justify the old belief in demoniac obsession. charles brockden brown, a writer whose merits have not yet been sufficiently acknowledged, has given a powerful and philosophical analysis of this morbid state of mind--this diseased conscientiousness, obeying the mad suggestions of a disordered brain as the injunctions of divinity--in his remarkable story of wieland. the hero of this strange and solemn romance, inheriting a melancholy and superstitious mental constitution, becomes in middle age the victim of a deep, and tranquil because deep, fanaticism. a demon in human form, perceiving his state of mind, wantonly experiments upon it, deepening and intensifying it by a fearful series of illusions of sight and sound. tricks of jugglery and ventriloquism seem to his feverish fancies miracles and omens--the eye and the voice of the almighty piercing the atmosphere of supernatural mystery in which he has long dwelt. he believes that he is called upon to sacrifice the beloved wife of his bosom as a testimony of the entire subjugation of his carnal reason and earthly affections to the divine will. in the entire range of english literature there is no more thrilling passage than that which describes the execution of this baleful suggestion. the coloring of the picture is an intermingling of the lights of heaven and hell,--soft shades of tenderest pity and warm tints of unextinguishable love contrasting with the terrible outlines of an insane and cruel purpose, traced with the blood of murder. the masters of the old greek tragedy have scarcely exceeded the sublime horror of this scene from the american novelist. the murderer confronted with his gentle and loving victim in her chamber; her anxious solicitude for his health and quiet; her affectionate caress of welcome; his own relentings and natural shrinking from his dreadful purpose; and the terrible strength which he supposes is lent him of heaven, by which he puts down the promptings and yearnings of his human heart, and is enabled to execute the mandate of an inexorable being,--are described with an intensity which almost stops the heart of the reader. when the deed is done a frightful conflict of passions takes place, which can only be told in the words of the author:-- "i lifted the corpse in my arms and laid it on the bed. i gazed upon it with delight. such was my elation that i even broke out into laughter. i clapped my hands, and exclaimed, 'it is done! my sacred duty is fulfilled! to that i have sacrificed, o god, thy last and best gift, my wife!' "for a while i thus soared above frailty. i imagined i had set myself forever beyond the reach of selfishness. but my imaginations were false. this rapture quickly subsided. i looked again at my wife. my joyous ebullitions vanished. i asked myself who it was whom i saw. methought it could not be my catharine; it could not be the woman who had lodged for years in my heart; who had slept nightly in my bosom; who had borne in her womb and fostered at her breast the beings who called me father; whom i had watched over with delight and cherished with a fondness ever new and perpetually growing. it could not be the same! "the breath of heaven that sustained me was withdrawn, and i sunk into mere man. i leaped from the floor; i dashed my head against the wall; i uttered screams of horror; i panted after torment and pain. eternal fire and the bickerings of hell, compared with what i felt, were music and a bed of roses. "i thank my god that this was transient; that he designed once more to raise me aloft. i thought upon what i had done as a sacrifice to duty, and was calm. my wife was dead; but i reflected that, although this source of human consolation was closed, others were still open. if the transports of the husband were no more, the feelings of the father had still scope for exercise. when remembrance of their mother should excite too keen a pang, i would look upon my children and be comforted. "while i revolved these things new warmth flowed in upon my heart. i was wrong. these feelings were the growth of selfishness. of this i was not aware; and, to dispel the mist that obscured my perceptions, a new light and a new mandate were necessary. "from these thoughts i was recalled by a ray which was shot into the room. a voice spoke like that i had before heard: 'thou hast done well; but all is not done--the sacrifice is incomplete--thy children must be offered--they must perish with their mother!'" the misguided man obeys the voice; his children are destroyed in their bloom and innocent beauty. he is arrested, tried for murder, and acquitted as insane. the light breaks in upon him at last; he discovers the imposture which has controlled him; and, made desperate by the full consciousness of his folly and crime, ends the terrible drama by suicide. wieland is not a pleasant book. in one respect it resembles the modern tale of wuthering heights: it has great strength and power, but no beauty. unlike that, however, it has an important and salutary moral. it is a warning to all who tamper with the mind and rashly experiment upon its religious element. as such, its perusal by the sectarian zealots of all classes would perhaps be quite as profitable as much of their present studies. the poetry of the north. the democratic review not long since contained a singularly wild and spirited poem, entitled the norseman's ride, in which the writer appears to have very happily blended the boldness and sublimity of the heathen saga with the grace and artistic skill of the literature of civilization. the poetry of the northmen, like their lives, was bold, defiant, and full of a rude, untamed energy. it was inspired by exhibitions of power rather than of beauty. its heroes were beastly revellers or cruel and ferocious plunderers; its heroines unsexed hoidens, playing the ugliest tricks with their lovers, and repaying slights with bloody revenge,--very dangerous and unsatisfactory companions for any other than the fire- eating vikings and redhanded, unwashed berserkers. significant of a religion which reverenced the strong rather than the good, and which regarded as meritorious the unrestrained indulgence of the passions, it delighted to sing the praises of some coarse debauch or pitiless slaughter. the voice of its scalds was often but the scream of the carrion-bird, or the howl of the wolf, scenting human blood:-- "unlike to human sounds it came; unmixed, unmelodized with breath; but grinding through some scrannel frame, creaked from the bony lungs of death." its gods were brutal giant forces, patrons of war, robbery, and drunken revelry; its heaven a vast cloud-built ale-house, where ghostly warriors drank from the skulls of their victims; its hell a frozen horror of desolation and darkness,--all that the gloomy northern imagination could superadd to the repulsive and frightful features of arctic scenery: volcanoes spouting fire through craters rimmed with perpetual frost, boiling caldrons flinging their fierce jets high into the air, and huge jokuls, or ice-mountains, loosened and upheaved by volcanic agencies, crawling slowly seaward, like misshapen monsters endowed with life,--a region of misery unutterable, to be avoided only by diligence in robbery and courage in murder. what a work had christianity to perform upon such a people as the icelanders, for instance, of the tenth century!--to substitute in rude, savage minds the idea of its benign and gentle founder for that of the thor and woden of norse mythology; the forgiveness, charity, and humility of the gospel for the revenge, hatred, and pride inculcated by the eddas. and is it not one of the strongest proofs of the divine life and power of that gospel, that, under its influence, the hard and cruel norse heart has been so softened and humanized that at this moment one of the best illustrations of the peaceful and gentle virtues which it inculcates is afforded by the descendants of the sea-kings and robbers of the middle centuries? no one can read the accounts which such travellers as sir george mackenzie and dr. henderson have given us of the peaceful disposition, social equality, hospitality, industry, intellectual cultivation, morality, and habitual piety of the icelanders, without a grateful sense of the adaptation of christianity to the wants of our race, and of its ability to purify, elevate, and transform the worst elements of human character. in iceland christianity has performed its work of civilization, unobstructed by that commercial cupidity which has caused nations more favored in respect to soil and climate to lapse into an idolatry scarcely less debasing and cruel than that which preceded the introduction of the gospel. trial by combat was abolished in , and the penalty of the imaginary crime of witchcraft was blotted from the statutes of the island nearly half a century before it ceased to disgrace those of great britain. so entire has been the change wrought in the sanguinary and cruel norse character that at the present day no icelander can be found who, for any reward, will undertake the office of executioner. the scalds, who went forth to battle, cleaving the skulls of their enemies with the same skilful hands which struck the harp at the feast, have given place to christian bards and teachers, who, like thorlakson, whom dr. henderson found toiling cheerfully with his beloved parishioners in the hay-harvest of the brief arctic summer, combine with the vigorous diction and robust thought of their predecessors the warm and genial humanity of a religion of love and the graces and amenities of a high civilization. but we have wandered somewhat aside from our purpose, which was simply to introduce the following poem, which, in the boldness of its tone and vigor of language, reminds us of the sword chant, the wooing song, and other rhymed sagas of motherwell. the norseman's ride. by bayard taylor. the frosty fires of northern starlight gleamed on the glittering snow, and through the forest's frozen branches the shrieking winds did blow; a floor of blue and icy marble kept ocean's pulses still, when, in the depths of dreary midnight, opened the burial hill. then, while the low and creeping shudder thrilled upward through the ground, the norseman came, as armed for battle, in silence from his mound,-- he who was mourned in solemn sorrow by many a swordsman bold, and harps that wailed along the ocean, struck by the scalds of old. sudden a swift and silver shadow came up from out the gloom,-- a charger that, with hoof impatient, stamped noiseless by the tomb. "ha! surtur,!* let me hear thy tramping, my fiery northern steed, that, sounding through the stormy forest, bade the bold viking heed!" he mounted; like a northlight streaking the sky with flaming bars, they, on the winds so wildly shrieking, shot up before the stars. "is this thy mane, my fearless surtur, that streams against my breast? (*the name of the scandinavian god of fire.) is this thy neck, that curve of moonlight which helva's hand caressed? "no misty breathing strains thy nostril; thine eye shines blue and cold; yet mounting up our airy pathway i see thy hoofs of gold. not lighter o'er the springing rainbow walhalla's gods repair than we in sweeping journey over the bending bridge of air. "far, far around star-gleams are sparkling amid the twilight space; and earth, that lay so cold and darkling, has veiled her dusky face. are those the normes that beckon onward as if to odin's board, where by the hands of warriors nightly the sparkling mead is poured? "'t is skuld:* i her star-eye speaks the glory that wraps the mighty soul, when on its hinge of music opens the gateway of the pole; when odin's warder leads the hero to banquets never o'er, and freya's** glances fill the bosom with sweetness evermore. "on! on! the northern lights are streaming in brightness like the morn, and pealing far amid the vastness i hear the gyallarhorn *** the heart of starry space is throbbing with songs of minstrels old; and now on high walhalla's portal gleam surtur's hoofs of gold." * the norne of the future. ** freya, the northern goddess of love. *** the horn blown by the watchers on the rainbow, the bridge over which the gods pass in northern mythology. this ebook was produced by david widger the conflict with slavery politics and reform the inner life criticism by john greenleaf whittier contents: the conflict with slavery justice and expediency the abolitionists; their sentiments and objects letter to samuel e. sewall john quincy adams the bible and slavery what is slavery democrat and slavery the two processions a chapter of history thomas carlyle on the slave question formation of the american anti-slavery society the lesson and our duty charles sumner and the state department the presidential election of the censure of sumner the anti-slavery convention of kansas william lloyd garrison anti-slavery anniversary response to the celebration of my eightieth birthday reform and politics. utopian schemes and political theorists peculiar institutions of massachusetts lord ashley and the thieves woman suffrage italian unity indian civilization reading for the blind the indian question the republican party our dumb relations international arbitration suffrage for women the inner life. the agency of evil hamlet among the graves swedenborg the better land dora greenwell the society of friends john woolman's journal the old way haverford college criticism. evangeline mirth and medicine fame and glory fanaticism the poetry of the north the conflict with slavery justice and expediency or, slavery considered with a view to its rightful and effectual remedy, abolition. [ .] "there is a law above all the enactments of human codes, the same throughout the world, the same in all time,--such as it was before the daring genius of columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the sources of wealth and power and knowledge, to another all unutterable woes; such as it is at this day: it is the law written by the finger of god upon the heart of man; and by that law, unchangeable and eternal while men despise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty fantasy that man can hold property in man." --lord brougham. it may be inquired of me why i seek to agitate the subject of slavery in new england, where we all acknowledge it to be an evil. because such an acknowledgment is not enough on our part. it is doing no more than the slave-master and the slave-trader. "we have found," says james monroe, in his speech on the subject before the virginia convention, "that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of the union; and has been prejudicial to all the states in which it has existed." all the states in their several constitutions and declarations of rights have made a similar statement. and what has been the consequence of this general belief in the evil of human servitude? has it sapped the foundations of the infamous system? no. has it decreased the number of its victims? quite the contrary. unaccompanied by philanthropic action, it has been in a moral point of view worthless, a thing without vitality, sightless, soulless, dead. but it may be said that the miserable victims of the system have our sympathies. sympathy the sympathy of the priest and the levite, looking on, and acknowledging, but holding itself aloof from mortal suffering. can such hollow sympathy reach the broken of heart, and does the blessing of those who are ready to perish answer it? does it hold back the lash from the slave, or sweeten his bitter bread? one's heart and soul are becoming weary of this sympathy, this heartless mockery of feeling; sick of the common cant of hypocrisy, wreathing the artificial flowers of sentiment over unutterable pollution and unimaginable wrong. it is white-washing the sepulchre to make us forget its horrible deposit. it is scattering flowers around the charnel-house and over the yet festering grave to turn away our thoughts "from the dead men's bones and all uncleanness," the pollution and loathsomeness below. no! let the truth on this subject, undisguised, naked, terrible as it is, stand out before us. let us no longer seek to cover it; let us no longer strive to forget it; let us no more dare to palliate it. it is better to meet it here with repentance than at the bar of god. the cry of the oppressed, of the millions who have perished among us as the brute perisheth, shut out from the glad tidings of salvation, has gone there before us, to him who as a father pitieth all his children. their blood is upon us as a nation; woe unto us, if we repent not, as a nation, in dust and ashes. woe unto us if we say in our hearts, "the lord shall not see, neither shall the god of jacob regard it. he that planted the ear, shall he not hear? he who formed the eye, shall he not see?" but it may be urged that new england has no participation in slavery, and is not responsible for its wickedness. why are we thus willing to believe a lie? new england not responsible! bound by the united states constitution to protect the slave-holder in his sins, and yet not responsible! joining hands with crime, covenanting with oppression, leaguing with pollution, and yet not responsible! palliating the evil, hiding the evil, voting for the evil, do we not participate in it? [messrs. harvey of new hampshire, mallary of vermont, and ripley of maine, voted in the congress of against the consideration of a resolution for inquiring into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia.] members of one confederacy, children of one family, the curse and the shame, the sin against our brother, and the sin against our god, all the iniquity of slavery which is revealed to man, and all which crieth in the ear, or is manifested to the eye of jehovah, will assuredly be visited upon all our people. why, then, should we stretch out our hands towards our southern brethren, and like the pharisee thank god we are not like them? for so long as we practically recognize the infernal principle that "man can hold property in man," god will not hold us guiltless. so long as we take counsel of the world's policy instead of the justice of heaven, so long as we follow a mistaken political expediency in opposition to the express commands of god, so long will the wrongs of the slaves rise like a cloud of witnesses against us at the inevitable bar. slavery is protected by the constitutional compact, by the standing army, by the militia of the free states. [j. q. adams is the only member of congress who has ventured to speak plainly of this protection. see also his very able report from the minority of the committee on manufactures. in his speech during the last session, upon the bill of the committee of ways and means, after discussing the constitutional protection of slavery, he says: "but that same interest is further protected by the laws of the united states. it was protected by the existence of a standing army. if the states of this union were all free republican states, and none of them possessed any of the machinery of which he had spoken, and if another portion of the union were not exposed to another danger, from their vicinity to the tribes of indian savages, he believed it would be difficult to prove to the house any such thing as the necessity of a standing army. what in fact was the occupation of the army? it had been protecting this very same interest. it had been doing so ever since the army existed. of what use to the district of plymouth (which he there represented) was the standing army of the united states? of not one dollar's use, and never had been."] let us not forget that should the slaves, goaded by wrongs unendurable, rise in desperation, and pour the torrent of their brutal revenge over the beautiful carolinas, or the consecrated soil of virginia, new england would be called upon to arrest the progress of rebellion,--to tread out with the armed heel of her soldiery that spirit of freedom, which knows no distinction of cast or color; which has been kindled in the heart of the black as well as in that of the white. and what is this system which we are thus protecting and upholding? a system which holds two millions of god's creatures in bondage, which leaves one million females without any protection save their own feeble strength, and which makes even the exercise of that strength in resistance to outrage punishable with death! which considers rational, immortal beings as articles of traffic, vendible commodities, merchantable property,--which recognizes no social obligations, no natural relations,--which tears without scruple the infant from the mother, the wife from the husband, the parent from the child. in the strong but just language of another: "it is the full measure of pure, unmixed, unsophisticated wickedness; and scorning all competition or comparison, it stands without a rival in the secure, undisputed possession of its detestable preeminence." so fearful an evil should have its remedies. the following are among the many which have been from time to time proposed:-- . placing the slaves in the condition of the serfs of poland and russia, fixed to the soil, and without the right on the part of the master to sell or remove them. this was intended as a preliminary to complete emancipation at some remote period, but it is impossible to perceive either its justice or expediency. . gradual abolition, an indefinite term, but which is understood to imply the draining away drop by drop, of the great ocean of wrong; plucking off at long intervals some, straggling branches of the moral upas; holding out to unborn generations the shadow of a hope which the present may never feel gradually ceasing to do evil; gradually refraining from robbery, lust, and murder: in brief, obeying a short-sighted and criminal policy rather than the commands of god. . abstinence on the part of the people of the free states from the use of the known products of slave labor, in order to render that labor profitless. beyond a doubt the example of conscientious individuals may have a salutary effect upon the minds of some of the slave-holders; i but so long as our confederacy exists, a commercial intercourse with slave states and a consumption of their products cannot be avoided. [the following is a recorded statement of the venerated sir william jones: "let sugar be as cheap as it may, it is better to eat none, better to eat aloes and colloquintida, than violate a primary law impressed on every heart not imbruted with avarice; than rob one human creature of those eternal rights of which no law on earth can justly deprive him."] . colonization. the exclusive object of the american colonization society, according to the second article of its constitution, is to colonize the free people of color residing among us, in africa or such other place as congress may direct. steadily adhering to this object it has nothing to do with slavery; and i allude to it as a remedy only because some of its friends have in view an eventual abolition or an amelioration of the evil. let facts speak. the colonization society was organized in . it has two hundred and eighteen auxiliary societies. the legislatures of fourteen states have recommended it. contributions have poured into its treasury from every quarter of the united states. addresses in its favor have been heard from all our pulpits. it has been in operation sixteen years. during this period nearly one million human beings have died in slavery: and the number of slaves has increased more than half a million, or in round numbers, , the colonization society has been busily engaged all this while in conveying the slaves to africa; in other words, abolishing slavery. in this very charitable occupation it has carried away of manumitted slaves balance against the society . . . . , ! but enough of its abolition tendency. what has it done for amelioration? witness the newly enacted laws of some of the slave states, laws bloody as the code of draco, violating the laws of cod and the unalienable rights of his children?--[it will be seen that the society approves of these laws.]--but why talk of amelioration? amelioration of what? of sin, of crime unutterable, of a system of wrong and outrage horrible in the eye of god why seek to mark the line of a selfish policy, a carnal expediency between the criminality of hell and that repentance and its fruits enjoined of heaven? for the principles and views of the society we must look to its own statements and admissions; to its annual reports; to those of its auxiliaries; to the speeches and writings of its advocates; and to its organ, the african repository. . it excuses slavery and apologizes for slaveholders. proof. "slavery is an evil entailed upon the present generation of slave-holders, which they must suffer, whether they will or not!" "the existence of slavery among us, though not at all to be objected to our southern brethren as a fault," etc? "it (the society) condemns no man because he is a slave-holder." "recognizing the constitutional and legitimate existence of slavery, it seeks not to interfere, either directly or indirectly, with the rights it creates. acknowledging the necessity by which its present continuance and the rigorous provisions for its maintenance are justified," etc. "they (the abolitionists) confound the misfortunes of one generation with the crimes of another, and would sacrifice both individual and public good to an unsubstantial theory of the rights of man." . it pledges itself not to oppose the system of slavery. proof. "our society and the friends of colonization wish to be distinctly understood upon this point. from the beginning they have disavowed, and they do yet disavow, that their object is the emancipation of slaves."--[speech of james s. green, esq., first annual report of the new jersey colonization society.] "this institution proposes to do good by a single specific course of measures. its direct and specific purpose is not the abolition of slavery, or the relief of pauperism, or the extension of commerce and civilization, or the enlargement of science, or the conversion of the heathen. the single object which its constitution prescribes, and to which all its efforts are necessarily directed, is african colonization from america. it proposes only to afford facilities for the voluntary emigration of free people of color from this country to the country of their fathers." "it is no abolition society; it addresses as yet arguments to no master, and disavows with horror the idea of offering temptations to any slave. it denies the design of attempting emancipation, either partial or general." "the colonization society, as such, have renounced wholly the name and the characteristics of abolitionists. on this point they have been unjustly and injuriously slandered. into their accounts the subject of emancipation does not enter at all." "from its origin, and throughout the whole period of its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all intention of interfering, in the smallest degree, with the rights of property, or the object of emancipation, gradual or immediate." . . . "the society presents to the american public no project of emancipation."--[ mr. clay's speech, idem, vol. vi. pp. , .] "the emancipation of slaves or the amelioration of their condition, with the moral, intellectual, and political improvement of people of color within the united states, are subjects foreign to the powers of this society." "the society, as a society, recognizes no principles in reference to the slave system. it says nothing, and proposes to do nothing, respecting it." . . . "so far as we can ascertain, the supporters of the colonization policy generally believe that slavery is in this country a constitptional and legitimate system, which they have no inclination, interest, nor ability to disturb." . it regards god's rational creatures as property. proof. "we hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, sacred." "it is equally plain and undeniable that the society, in the prosecution of this work, has never interfered or evinced even a disposition to interfere in any way with the rights of proprietors of slaves." "to the slave-holder, who has charged upon them the wicked design of interfering with the rights of property under the specious pretext of removing a vicious and dangerous free population, they address themselves in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. we know your rights, say they, and we respect them." . it boasts that its measures are calculated to perpetuate the detested system of slavery, to remove the fears of the slave-holder, and increase the value of his stock of human beings. proof. "they (the southern slave-holders) will contribute more effectually to the continuance and strength of this system (slavery) by removing those now free than by any or all other methods which can possibly be devised." "so far from being connected with the abolition of slavery, the measure proposed would be one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession his own property."--[speech of john randolph at the first meeting of the colonization society.] "the tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is to secure slave- holders, and the whole southern country, against certain evil consequences growing out of the present threefold mixture of our population." "there was but one way (to avert danger), but that might be made effectual, fortunately. it was to provide and keep open a drain for the excess beyond the occasions of profitable employment. mr. archer had been stating the case in the supposition, that after the present class of free blacks had been exhausted, by the operation of the plan he was recommending, others would be supplied for its action, in the proportion of the excess of colored population it would be necessary to throw off, by the process of voluntary manumission or sale. this effect must result inevitably from the depreciating value of the slaves, ensuing their disproportionate multiplication. the depreciation would be relieved and retarded at the same time by the process. the two operations would aid reciprocally, and sustain each other, and both be in the highest degree beneficial. it was on the ground of interest, therefore, the most indisputable pecuniary interest, that he addressed himself to the people and legislatures of the slave-holding states." "the slave-holder, who is in danger of having his slaves contaminated by their free friends of color, will not only be relieved from this danger, but the value of his slave will be enhanced." . it denies the power of christian love to overcome an unholy prejudice against a portion of our fellow-creatures. proof. "the managers consider it clear that causes exist and are operating to prevent their (the blacks) improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power. christianity will not do for them here what it will do for them in africa. this is not the fault of the colored man, nor christianity; but an ordination of providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature!"--[last annual report of the american colonization society.] "the habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society--prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion itself, can subdue--mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable. the african in this country belongs by birth to the very lowest station in society, and from that station he can never rise, be his talents, his enterprise, his virtues what they may. . . . they constitute a class by themselves, a class out of which no individual can be elevated, and below which none can be depressed." "is it not wise, then, for the free people of color and their friends to admit, what cannot reasonably be doubted, that the people of color must, in this country, remain for ages, probably forever, a separate and inferior caste, weighed down by causes, powerful, universal, inevitable; which neither legislation nor christianity can remove?" . it opposes strenuously the education of the blacks in this country as useless as well as dangerous. proof. "if the free colored people were generally taught to read it might be an inducement to them to remain in this country (that is, in their native country). we would offer then no such inducement."-- [southern religious telegraph, february , .] "the public safety of our brethren at the south requires them (the slaves) to be kept ignorant and uninstructed." "it is the business of the free (their safety requires it) to keep the slaves in ignorance. but a few days ago a proposition was made in the legislature of georgia to allow them so much instruction as to enable them to read the bible; which was promptly rejected by a large majority."--[proceedings of new york state colonization society at its second anniversary.] e. b. caldwell, the first secretary of the american colonization society, in his speech at its formation, recommended them to be kept "in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation, for (says he) the nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy." my limits will not admit of a more extended examination. to the documents from whence the above extracts have been made i would call the attention of every real friend of humanity. i seek to do the colonization society no injustice, but i wish the public generally to understand its character. the tendency of the society to abolish the slave-trade by means of its african colony has been strenuously urged by its friends. but the fallacy of this is now admitted by all: witness the following from the reports of the society itself:-- "some appalling facts in regard to the slave-trade have come to the knowledge of the board of managers during the last year. with undiminished atrocity and activity is this odious traffic now carried on all along the african coast. slave factories are established in the immediate vicinity of the colony; and at the gallinas (between liberia and sierra leone) not less than nine hundred slaves were shipped during the last summer, in the space of three weeks." april , , the house of commons of england ordered the printing of a document entitled "slave-trade, sierra leone," containing official evidence of the fact that the pirates engaged in the african slave-trade are supplied from the stores of sierra leone and liberia with such articles as the infernal traffic demands! an able english writer on the subject of colonization thus notices this astounding fact:-- "and here it may be well to observe, that as long as negro slavery lasts, all colonies on the african coast, of whatever description, must tend to support it, because, in all commerce, the supply is more or less proportioned to the demand. the demand exists in negro slavery; the supply arises from the african slave-trade. and what greater convenience could the african slave-traders desire than shops well stored along the coast with the very articles which their trade demands. that the african slave-traders do get thus supplied at sierra leone and liberia is matter of official evidence; and we know, from the nature of human things, that they will get so supplied, in defiance of all law or precaution, as long as the demand calls for the supply, and there are free shops stored with all they want at hand. the shopkeeper, however honest, would find it impossible always to distinguish between the african slave-trader or his agents and other dealers. and how many shopkeepers are there anywhere that would be over scrupulous in questioning a customer with a full purse?" but we are told that the colonization society is to civilize and evangelize africa. "each emigrant," says henry clay, the ablest advocate which the society has yet found, "is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the holy cause of civilization, religion, and free institutions." beautiful and heart-cheering idea! but stay who are these emigrants, these missionaries? the free people of color. "they, and they only," says the african repository, the society's organ, "are qualified for colonizing africa." what are their qualifications? let the society answer in its own words:-- free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves."-- [african repository, vol. ii. p. .] "a horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion-- subsisting by plunder." "an anomalous race of beings the most debased upon earth."--[african repository, vol. vii. p. .] "of all classes of our population the most vicious is that of the free colored."--[tenth annual report of the colonization society.] i might go on to quote still further from the "credentials" which the free people of color are to carry with them to liberia. but i forbear. i come now to the only practicable, the only just scheme of emancipation: immediate abolition of slavery; an immediate acknowledgment of the great truth, that man cannot hold property in man; an immediate surrender of baneful prejudice to christian love; an immediate practical obedience to the command of jesus christ: "whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." a correct understanding of what is meant by immediate abolition must convince every candid mind that it is neither visionary nor dangerous; that it involves no disastrous consequences of bloodshed and desolation; but, on the, contrary, that it is a safe, practicable, efficient remedy for the evils of the slave system. the term immediate is used in contrast with that of gradual. earnestly as i wish it, i do not expect, no one expects, that the tremendous system of oppression can be instantaneously overthrown. the terrible and unrebukable indignation of a free people has not yet been sufficiently concentrated against it. the friends of abolition have not forgotten the peculiar organization of our confederacy, the delicate division of power between the states and the general government. they see the many obstacles in their pathway; but they know that public opinion can overcome them all. they ask no aid of physical coercion. they seek to obtain their object not with the weapons of violence and blood, but with those of reason and truth, prayer to god, and entreaty to man. they seek to impress indelibly upon every human heart the true doctrines of the rights of man; to establish now and forever this great and fundamental truth of human liberty, that man cannot hold property in his brother; for they believe that the general admission of this truth will utterly destroy the system of slavery, based as that system is upon a denial or disregard of it. to make use of the clear exposition of an eminent advocate of immediate abolition, our plan of emancipation is simply this: "to promulgate the true doctrine of human rights in high places and low places, and all places where there are human beings; to whisper it in chimney corners, and to proclaim it from the house-tops, yea, from the mountain-tops; to pour it out like water from the pulpit and the press; to raise it up with all the food of the inner man, from infancy to gray hairs; to give 'line upon line, and precept upon precept,' till it forms one of the foundation principles and parts indestructible of the public soul. let those who contemn this plan renounce, if they have not done it already, the gospel plan of converting the world; let them renounce every plan of moral reformation, and every plan whatsoever, which does not terminate in the gratification of their own animal natures." the friends of emancipation would urge in the first instance an immediate abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, and in the territories of florida and arkansas. the number of slaves in these portions of the country, coming under the direct jurisdiction of the general government, is as follows:-- district of columbia ..... , territory of arkansas .... , territory of florida .... , total , here, then, are twenty-six thousand human beings, fashioned in the image of god, the fitted temples of his holy spirit, held by the government in the abhorrent chains of slavery. the power to emancipate them is clear. it is indisputable. it does not depend upon the twenty-five slave votes in congress. it lies with the free states. their duty is before them: in the fear of god, and not of man let them perform it. let them at once strike off the grievous fetters. let them declare that man shall no longer hold his fellow-man in bondage, a beast of burden, an article of traffic, within the governmental domain. god and truth and eternal justice demand this. the very reputation of our fathers, the honor of our land, every principle of liberty, humanity, expediency, demand it. a sacred regard to free principles originated our independence, not the paltry amount of practical evil complained of. and although our fathers left their great work unfinished, it is our duty to follow out their principles. short of liberty and equality we cannot stop without doing injustice to their memories. if our fathers intended that slavery should be perpetual, that our practice should forever give the lie to our professions, why is the great constitutional compact so guardedly silent on the subject of human servitude? if state necessity demanded this perpetual violation of the laws of god and the rights of man, this continual solecism in a government of freedom, why is it not met as a necessity, incurable and inevitable, and formally and distinctly recognized as a settled part of our social system? state necessity, that imperial tyrant, seeks no disguise. in the language of sheridan, "what he does, he dares avow, and avowing, scorns any other justification than the great motives which placed the iron sceptre in his grasp." can it be possible that our fathers felt this state necessity strong upon them? no; for they left open the door for emancipation, they left us the light of their pure principles of liberty, they framed the great charter of american rights, without employing a term in its structure to which in aftertimes of universal freedom the enemies of our country could point with accusation or reproach. what, then, is our duty? to give effect to the spirit of our constitution; to plant ourselves upon the great declaration and declare in the face of all the world that political, religious, and legal hypocrisy shall no longer cover as with loathsome leprosy the features of american freedom; to loose at once the bands of wickedness; to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free. we have indeed been authoritatively told in congress and elsewhere that our brethren of the south and west will brook no further agitation of the subject of slavery. what then! shall we heed the unrighteous prohibition? no; by our duty as christians, as politicians, by our duty to ourselves, to our neighbor, and to god, we are called upon to agitate this subject; to give slavery no resting-place under the hallowed aegis of a government of freedom; to tear it root and branch, with all its fruits of abomination, at least from the soil of the national domain. the slave-holder may mock us; the representatives of property, merchandise, vendible commodities, may threaten us; still our duty is imperative; the spirit of the constitution should be maintained within the exclusive jurisdiction of the government. if we cannot "provide for the general welfare," if we cannot "guarantee to each of the states a republican form of government," let us at least no longer legislate for a free nation within view of the falling whip, and within hearing of the execrations of the task-master and the prayer of his slave! i deny the right of the slave-holder to impose silence on his brother of the north in reference to slavery. what! compelled to maintain the system, to keep up the standing army which protects it, and yet be denied the poor privilege of remonstrance! ready, at the summons of the master to put down the insurrections of his slaves, the outbreaking of that revenge which is now, and has been, in all nations, and all times, the inevitable consequence of oppression and wrong, and yet like automata to act but not speak! are we to be denied even the right of a slave, the right to murmur? i am not unaware that my remarks may be regarded by many as dangerous and exceptionable; that i may be regarded as a fanatic for quoting the language of eternal truth, and denounced as an incendiary for maintaining, in the spirit as well as the letter, the doctrines of american independence. but if such are the consequences of a simple performance of duty, i shall not regard them. if my feeble appeal but reaches the hearts of any who are now slumbering in iniquity; if it shall have power given it to shake down one stone from that foul temple where the blood of human victims is offered to the moloch of slavery; if under providence it can break one fetter from off the image of god, and enable one suffering african "to feel the weight of human misery less, and glide ungroaning to the tomb," i shall not have written in vain; my conscience will be satisfied. far be it from me to cast new bitterness into the gall and wormwood waters of sectional prejudice. no; i desire peace, the peace of universal love, of catholic sympathy, the peace of a common interest, a common feeling, a common humanity. but so long as slavery is tolerated, no such peace can exist. liberty and slavery cannot dwell in harmony together. there will be a perpetual "war in the members" of the political mezentius between the living and the dead. god and man have placed between them an everlasting barrier, an eternal separation. no matter under what name or law or compact their union is attempted, the ordination of providence has forbidden it, and it cannot stand. peace! there can be no peace between justice and oppression, between robbery and righteousness, truth and falsehood, freedom and slavery. the slave-holding states are not free. the name of liberty is there, but the spirit is wanting. they do not partake of its invaluable blessings. wherever slavery exists to any considerable extent, with the exception of some recently settled portions of the country, and which have not yet felt in a great degree the baneful and deteriorating influences of slave labor, we hear at this moment the cry of suffering. we are told of grass-grown streets, of crumbling mansions, of beggared planters and barren plantations, of fear from without, of terror within. the once fertile fields are wasted and tenantless, for the curse of slavery, the improvidence of that labor whose hire has been kept back by fraud, has been there, poisoning the very earth beyond the reviving influence of the early and the latter rain. a moral mildew mingles with and blasts the economy of nature. it is as if the finger of the everlasting god had written upon the soil of the slave-holder the language of his displeasure. let, then, the slave-holding states consult their present interest by beginning without delay the work of emancipation. if they fear not, and mock at the fiery indignation of him, to whom vengeance belongeth, let temporal interest persuade them. they know, they must know, that the present state of things cannot long continue. mind is the same everywhere, no matter what may be the complexion of the frame which it animates: there is a love of liberty which the scourge cannot eradicate, a hatred of oppression which centuries of degradation cannot extinguish. the slave will become conscious sooner or later of his brute strength, his physical superiority, and will exert it. his torch will be at the threshold and his knife at the throat of the planter. horrible and indiscriminate will be his vengeance. where, then, will be the pride, the beauty, and the chivalry of the south? the smoke of her torment will rise upward like a thick cloud visible over the whole earth. "belie the negro's powers: in headlong will, christian, thy brother thou shalt find him still. belie his virtues: since his wrongs began, his follies and his crimes have stamped him man." let the cause of insurrection be removed, then, as speedily as possible. cease to oppress. "let him that stole steal no more." let the laborer have his hire. bind him no longer by the cords of slavery, but with those of kindness and brotherly love. watch over him for his good. pray for him; instruct him; pour light into the darkness of his mind. let this be done, and the horrible fears which now haunt the slumbers of the slave-holder will depart. conscience will take down its racks and gibbets, and his soul will be at peace. his lands will no longer disappoint his hopes. free labor will renovate them. historical facts; the nature of the human mind; the demonstrated truths of political economy; the analysis of cause and effect, all concur in establishing: . that immediate abolition is a safe and just and peaceful remedy for the evils of the slave system. . that free labor, its necessary consequence, is more productive, and more advantageous to the planter than slave labor. in proof of the first proposition it is only necessary to state the undeniable fact that immediate emancipation, whether by an individual or a community, has in no instance been attended with violence and disorder on the part of the emancipated; but that on the contrary it has promoted cheerfulness, industry, and laudable ambition in the place of sullen discontent, indolence, and despair. the case of st. domingo is in point. blood was indeed shed on that island like water, but it was not in consequence of emancipation. it was shed in the civil war which preceded it, and in the iniquitous attempt to restore the slave system in . it flowed on the sanguine altar of slavery, not on the pure and peaceful one of emancipation. no; there, as in all the world and in all time, the violence of oppression engendered violence on the part of the oppressed, and vengeance followed only upon the iron footsteps of wrong. when, where, did justice to the injured waken their hate and vengeance? when, where, did love and kindness and sympathy irritate and madden the persecuted, the broken-hearted, the foully wronged? in september, , the commissioner of the french national convention issued his proclamation giving immediate freedom to all the slaves of st. domingo. did the slaves baptize their freedom in blood? did they fight like unchained desperadoes because they had been made free? did they murder their emancipators? no; they acted, as human beings must act, under similar circumstances, by a law as irresistible as those of the universe: kindness disarmed them, justice conciliated them, freedom ennobled them. no tumult followed this wide and instantaneous emancipation. it cost not one drop of blood; it abated not one tittle of the wealth or the industry of the island. colonel malenfant, a slave proprietor residing at the time on the island, states that after the public act of abolition, the negroes remained perfectly quiet; they had obtained all they asked for, liberty, and they continued to work upon all the plantations.--[malenfant in memoirs for a history of st. domingo by general lecroix, .] "there were estates," he says, "which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors where there were any, even inferior, agents to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of provisions; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided the blacks continued to labor as quietly as before." colonel malenfant says that when many of his neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison, the negroes of their plantations came to him to beg him to direct them in their work. "if you will take care not to talk to them of the restoration of slavery, but talk to them of freedom, you may with this word chain them down to their labor. how did toussaint succeed? how did i succeed before his time in the plain of the cul-de-sac on the plantation of gouraud, during more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the slaves? let those who knew me at that time, let the blacks themselves be asked. they will all reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work; and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. i inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which i had the management. if all the negroes had come from africa within six months, if they had the love of independence that the indians have, i should own that force must be employed; but ninety-nine out of a hundred of the blacks are aware that without labor they cannot procure the things that are necessary for them; that there is no other method of satisfying their wants and their tastes. they know that they must work, they wish to do so, and they will do so." this is strong testimony. in , three years after the act of emancipation, we are told that the colony was flourishing under toussaint, that the whites lived happily and peaceably on their estates, and the blacks continued to work for them. up to the same happy state of things continued. the colony went on as by enchantment; cultivation made day by day a perceptible progress, under the recuperative energies of free labor. in general vincent, a proprietor of estates in the island, was sent by toussaint to paris for the purpose of laying before the directory the new constitution which had been adopted at st. domingo. he reached france just after the peace of amiens, when napoleon was fitting out his ill-starred armament for the insane purpose of restoring slavery in the island. general vincent remonstrated solemnly and earnestly against an expedition so preposterous, so cruel and unnecessary; undertaken at a moment when all was peace and quietness in the colony, when the proprietors were in peaceful possession of their estates, when cultivation was making a rapid progress, and the blacks were industrious and happy beyond example. he begged that this beautiful state of things might not be reversed. the remonstrance was not regarded, and the expedition proceeded. its issue is well known. threatened once more with the horrors of slavery, the peaceful and quiet laborer became transformed into a demon of ferocity. the plough-share and the pruning- hook gave way to the pike and the dagger. the white invaders were driven back by the sword and the pestilence; and then, and not till then, was the property of the planters seized upon by the excited and infuriated blacks. in dessalines was proclaimed emperor of hayti. the black troops were in a great measure disbanded, and they immediately returned to the cultivation of the plantations. from that period up to the present there has been no want of industry among the inhabitants. mr. harvey, who during the reign of christophe resided at cape francois, in describing the character and condition of the inhabitants, says "it was an interesting sight to behold this class of the haytiens, now in possession of their freedom, coming in groups to the market nearest which they resided, bringing the produce of their industry there for sale; and afterwards returning, carrying back the necessary articles of living which the disposal of their commodities had enabled them to purchase; all evidently cheerful and happy. nor could it fail to occur to the mind that their present condition furnished the most satisfactory answer to that objection to the general emancipation of slaves founded on their alleged unfitness to value and improve the benefits of liberty. . . . as they would not suffer, so they do not require, the attendance of one acting in the capacity of a driver with the instrument of punishment in his hand. as far as i had an opportunity of ascertaining from what fell under my own observation, and from what i gathered from other european residents, i am persuaded of one general fact, which on account of its importance i shall state in the most explicit terms, namely, that the haytiens employed in cultivating the plantations, as well as the rest of the population, perform as much work in a given time as they were accustomed to do during their subjection to the french. and if we may judge of their future improvement by the change which has been already effected, it may be reasonably anticipated that hayti will erelong contain a population not inferior in their industry to that of any civilized nation in the world. . . . every man had some calling to occupy his attention; instances of idleness or intemperance were of rare occurrence; the most perfect subordination prevailed, and all appeared contented and happy. a foreigner would have found it difficult to persuade himself, on his first entering the place, that the people he now beheld so submissive, industrious, and contented, were the same people who a few years before had escaped from the shackles of slavery." the present condition of hayti may be judged of from the following well- authenticated facts its population is more than , , its resources ample, its prosperity and happiness general, its crimes few, its labor crowned with abundance, with no paupers save the decrepit and aged, its people hospitable, respectful, orderly, and contented. the manumitted slaves, who to the number of two thousand were settled in nova scotia by the british government at the close of the revolutionary war, "led a harmless life, and gained the character of an honest, industrious people from their white neighbors." of the free laborers of trinidad we have the same report. at the cape of good hope, three thousand negroes received their freedom, and with scarce a single exception betook themselves to laborious employments. but we have yet stronger evidence. the total abolishment of slavery in the southern republics has proved beyond dispute the safety and utility of immediate abolition. the departed bolivar indeed deserves his glorious title of liberator, for he began his career of freedom by striking off the fetters of his own slaves, seven hundred in number. in an official letter from the mexican envoy of the british government, dated mexico, march, , and addressed 'to the right hon. george canning, the superiority of free over slave labor is clearly demonstrated by the following facts:-- . it is now carried on exclusively by the labor of free blacks. . it was formerly wholly sustained by the forced labor of slaves, purchased at vera cruz at $ to $ each. . abolition in this section was effected not by governmental interference, not even from motives of humanity, but from an irresistible conviction on the part of the planters that their pecuniary interest demanded it. . the result has proved the entire correctness of this conviction; and the planters would now be as unwilling as the blacks themselves to return to the old system. let our southern brethren imitate this example. it is in vain, in the face of facts like these, to talk of the necessity of maintaining the abominable system, operating as it does like a double curse upon planters and slaves. heaven and earth deny its necessity. it is as necessary as other robberies, and no more. yes, putting aside altogether the righteous law of the living god--the same yesterday, to-day, and forever--and shutting out the clearest political truths ever taught by man, still, in human policy selfish expediency would demand of the planter the immediate emancipation of his slaves. because slave labor is the labor of mere machines; a mechanical impulse of body and limb, with which the mind of the laborer has no sympathy, and from which it constantly and loathingly revolts. because slave labor deprives the master altogether of the incalculable benefit of the negro's will. that does not cooperate with the forced toil of the body. this is but the necessary consequence of all labor which does not benefit the laborer. it is a just remark of that profound political economist, adam smith, that "a slave can have no other interest than to eat and waste as much, and work as little, as he can." to my mind, in the wasteful and blighting influences of slave labor there is a solemn and warning moral. they seem the evidence of the displeasure of him who created man after his own image, at the unnatural attempt to govern the bones and sinews, the bodies and souls, of one portion of his children by the caprice, the avarice, the lusts of another; at that utter violation of the design of his merciful providence, whereby the entire dependence of millions of his rational creatures is made to centre upon the will, the existence, the ability, of their fellow-mortals, instead of resting under the shadow of his own infinite power and exceeding love. i shall offer a few more facts and observations on this point. . a distinguished scientific gentleman, mr. coulomb, the superintendent of several military works in the french west indies, gives it as his opinion, that the slaves do not perform more than one third of the labor which they would do, provided they were urged by their own interests and inclinations instead of brute force. . a plantation in barbadoes in was cultivated by two hundred and eighty-eight slaves ninety men, eighty-two women, fifty-six boys, and sixty girls. in three years and three months there were on this plantation fifty-seven deaths, and only fifteen births. a change was then made in the government of the slaves. the use of the whip was denied; all severe and arbitrary punishments were abolished; the laborers received wages, and their offences were all tried by a sort of negro court established among themselves: in short, they were practically free. under this system, in four years and three months there were forty-four births, and but forty-one deaths; and the annual net produce of the plantation was more than three times what it had been before.--[english quarterly magazine and review, april, .] . the following evidence was adduced by pitt in the british parliament, april, . the assembly of grenada had themselves stated, "that though the negroes were allowed only the afternoon of one day in a week, they would do as much work in that afternoon, when employed for their own benefit, as in the whole day when employed in their master's service." "now after this confession," said mr. pitt, "the house might burn all its calculations relative to the negro population. a negro, if he worked for himself, could no doubt do double work. by an improvement, then, in the mode of labor, the work in the islands could be doubled." . "in coffee districts it is usual for the master to hire his people after they have done the regular task for the day, at a rate varying from d. to . d. for every extra bushel which they pluck from the trees; and many, almost all, are found eager to earn their wages." . in a report made by the commandant of castries for the government of st. lucia, in , it is stated, in proof of the intimacy between the slaves and the free blacks, that "many small plantations of the latter, and occupied by only one man and his wife, are better cultivated and have more land in cultivation than those of the proprietors of many slaves, and that the labor on them is performed by runaway slaves;" thus clearly proving that even runaway slaves, under the all-depressing fears of discovery and oppression, labor well, because the fruits of their labor are immediately their own. let us look at this subject from another point of view. the large sum of money necessary for stocking a plantation with slaves has an inevitable tendency to place the agriculture of a slave-holding community exclusively in the hands of the wealthy, a tendency at war with practical republicanism and conflicting with the best maxims of political economy. two hundred slaves at $ per head would cost in the outset $ , . compare this enormous outlay for the labor of a single plantation with the beautiful system of free labor as exhibited in new england, where every young laborer, with health and ordinary prudence, may acquire by his labor on the farms of others, in a few years, a farm of his own, and the stock necessary for its proper cultivation; where on a hard and unthankful soil independence and competence may be attained by all. free labor is perfectly in accordance with the spirit of our institutions; slave labor is a relic of a barbarous, despotic age. the one, like the firmament of heaven, is the equal diffusion of similar lights, manifest, harmonious, regular; the other is the fiery predominance of some disastrous star, hiding all lesser luminaries around it in one consuming glare. emancipation would reform this evil. the planter would no longer be under the necessity of a heavy expenditure for slaves. he would only pay a very moderate price for his labor; a price, indeed, far less than the cost of the maintenance of a promiscuous gang of slaves, which the present system requires. in an old plantation of three hundred slaves, not more than one hundred effective laborers will be found. children, the old and superannuated, the sick and decrepit, the idle and incorrigibly vicious, will be found to constitute two thirds of the whole number. the remaining third perform only about one third as much work as the same number of free laborers. now disburden the master of this heavy load of maintenance; let him employ free able, industrious laborers only, those who feel conscious of a personal interest in the fruits of their labor, and who does not see that such a system would be vastly more safe and economical than the present? the slave states are learning this truth by fatal experience. most of them are silently writhing under the great curse. virginia has uttered her complaints aloud. as yet, however, nothing has been done even there, save a small annual appropriation for the purpose of colonizing the free colored inhabitants of the state. is this a remedy? but it may be said that virginia will ultimately liberate her slaves on condition of their colonization in africa, peacefully if possible, forcibly if necessary. well, admitting that virginia may be able and willing at some remote period to rid herself of the evil by commuting the punishment of her unoffending colored people from slavery to exile, will her fearful remedy apply to some of the other slaveholding states? it is a fact, strongly insisted upon by our southern brethren as a reason for the perpetuation of slavery, that their climate and peculiar agriculture will not admit of hard labor on the part of the whites; that amidst the fatal malaria of the rice plantations the white man is almost annually visited by the country fever; that few of the white overseers of these plantations reach the middle period of ordinary life; that the owners are compelled to fly from their estates as the hot season approaches, without being able to return until the first frosts have fallen. but we are told that the slaves remain there, at their work, mid-leg in putrid water, breathing the noisome atmosphere, loaded with contagion, and underneath the scorching fervor of a terrible sun; that they indeed suffer; but, that their habits, constitutions, and their long practice enable them to labor, surrounded by such destructive influences, with comparative safety. the conclusive answer, therefore, to those who in reality cherish the visionary hope of colonizing all the colored people of the united states in africa or elsewhere, is this single, all-important fact: the labor of the blacks will not and cannot be dispensed with by the planter of the south. to what remedy, then, can the friends of humanity betake themselves but to that of emancipation? and nothing but a strong, unequivocal expression of public sentiment is needed to carry into effect this remedy, so far as the general government is concerned. and when the voice of all the non-slave-holding states shall be heard on this question, a voice of expostulation, rebuke, entreaty--when the full light of truth shall break through the night of prejudice, and reveal all the foul abominations of slavery, will delaware still cling to the curse which is wasting her moral strength, and still rivet the fetters upon her three or four thousand slaves? let delaware begin the work, and maryland and virginia must follow; the example will be contagious; and the great object of universal emancipation will be attained. freemen, christians, lovers of truth and justice why stand ye idle? ours is a government of opinion, and slavery is interwoven with it. change the current of opinion, and slavery will be swept away. let the awful sovereignty of the people, a power which is limited only by the sovereignty of heaven, arise and pronounce judgment against the crying iniquity. let each individual remember that upon himself rests a portion of that sovereignty; a part of the tremendous responsibility of its exercise. the burning, withering concentration of public opinion upon the slave system is alone needed for its total annihilation. god has given us the power to overthrow it; a power peaceful, yet mighty, benevolent, yet effectual, "awful without severity," a moral strength equal to the emergency. "how does it happen," inquires an able writer, "that whenever duty is named we begin to hear of the weakness of human nature? that same nature which outruns the whirlwind in the chase of gain, which rages like a maniac at the trumpet call of glory, which laughs danger and death to scorn when its least passion is awakened, becomes weak as childhood when reminded of the claims of duty." but let no one hope to find an excuse in hypocrisy. the humblest individual of the community in one way or another possesses influence; and upon him as well as upon the proudest rests the responsibility of its rightful exercise and proper direction. the overthrow of a great national evil like that of slavery can only be effected by the united energies of the great body of the people. shoulder must be put to shoulder and hand linked with hand, the whole mass must be put in motion and its entire strength applied, until the fabric of oppression is shaken to its dark foundations and not one stone is left upon another. let the christian remember that the god of his worship hateth oppression; that the mystery of faith can only be held by a pure conscience; and that in vain is the tithe of mint, and anise, and cummin, if the weihtier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and truth, are forgotten. let him remember that all along the clouded region of slavery the truths of the everlasting gospel are not spoken, that the ear of iniquity is lulled, that those who minister between the "porch and the altar" dare not speak out the language of eternal justice: "is not this the fast which i have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" (isa. viii. .) "he that stealeth a man and selleth him; or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." (exod. xxi. . ) yet a little while and the voice of impartial prayer for humanity will be heard no more in the abiding place of slavery. the truths of the gospel, its voice of warning and exhortation, will be denounced as incendiary? the night of that infidelity, which denies god in the abuse and degradation of man, will settle over the land, to be broken only by the upheaving earthquake of eternal retribution. to the members of the religious society of friends, i would earnestly appeal. they have already done much to put away the evil of slavery in this country and great britain. the blessings of many who were ready to perish have rested upon them. but their faithful testimony must be still steadily upborne, for the great work is but begun. let them not relax their exertions, nor be contented with a lifeless testimony, a formal protestation against the evil. active, prayerful, unwearied exertion is needed for its overthrow. but above all, let them not aid in excusing and palliating it. slavery has no redeeming qualities, no feature of benevolence, nothing pure, nothing peaceful, nothing just. let them carefully keep themselves aloof from all societies and all schemes which have a tendency to excuse or overlook its crying iniquity. true to a doctrine founded on love and mercy, "peace on earth and good will to men," they should regard the suffering slave as their brother, and endeavor to "put their souls in his soul's stead." they may earnestly desire the civilization of africa, but they cannot aid in building up the colony of liberia so long as that colony leans for support upon the arm of military power; so long as it proselytes to christianity under the muzzles of its cannon; and preaches the doctrines of christ while practising those of mahomet. when the sierra leone company was formed in england, not a member of the society of friends could be prevailed upon to engage in it, because the colony was to be supplied with cannon and other military stores. yet the foreign agent of the liberia colony society, to which the same insurmountable objection exists, is a member of the society of friends, and i understand has been recently employed in providing gunpowder, etc., for the use of the colony. there must be an awakening on this subject; other woolmans and other benezets must arise and speak the truth with the meek love of james and the fervent sincerity of paul. to the women of america, whose sympathies know no distinction of cline, or sect, or color, the suffering slave is making a strong appeal. oh, let it not be unheeded! for of those to whom much is given much will be required at the last dread tribunal; and never in the strongest terms of human eulogy was woman's influence overrated. sisters, daughters, wives, and mothers, your influence is felt everywhere, at the fireside, and in the halls of legislation, surrounding, like the all-encircling atmosphere, brother and father, husband and son! and by your love of them, by every holy sympathy of your bosoms, by every mournful appeal which comes up to you from hearts whose sanctuary of affections has been made waste and desolate, you are called upon to exert it in the cause of redemption from wrong and outrage. let the patriot, the friend of liberty and the union of the states, no longer shut his eyes to the great danger, the master-evil before which all others dwindle into insignificance. our union is tottering to its foundation, and slavery is the cause. remove the evil. dry up at their source the bitter waters. in vain you enact and abrogate your tariffs; in vain is individual sacrifice, or sectional concession. the accursed thing is with us, the stone of stumbling and the rock of offence remains. drag, then, the achan into light; and let national repentance atone for national sin. the conflicting interests of free and slave labor furnish the only ground for fear in relation to the permanency of the union. the line of separation between them is day by day growing broader and deeper; geographically and politically united, we are already, in a moral point of view, a divided people. but a few months ago we were on the very verge of civil war, a war of brothers, a war between the north and the south, between the slave-holder and the free laborer. the danger has been delayed for a time; this bolt has fallen without mortal injury to the union, but the cloud from whence it came still hangs above us, reddening with the elements of destruction. recent events have furnished ample proof that the slave-holding interest is prepared to resist any legislation on the part of the general government which is supposed to have a tendency, directly or indirectly, to encourage and invigorate free labor; and that it is determined to charge upon its opposite interest the infliction of all those evils which necessarily attend its own operation, "the primeval curse of omnipotence upon slavery." we have already felt in too many instances the extreme difficulty of cherishing in one common course of national legislation the opposite interests of republican equality and feudal aristocracy and servitude. the truth is, we have undertaken a moral impossibility. these interests are from their nature irreconcilable. the one is based upon the pure principles of rational liberty; the other, under the name of freedom, revives the ancient european system of barons and villains, nobles and serfs. indeed, the state of society which existed among our anglo-saxon ancestors was far more tolerable than that of many portions of our republican confederacy. for the anglo-saxon slaves had it in their power to purchase their freedom; and the laws of the realm recognized their liberation and placed them under legal protection. [the diffusion of christianity in great britain was moreover followed by a general manumission; for it would seem that the priests and missionaries of religion in that early and benighted age were more faithful in the performance of their duties than those of the present. "the holy fathers, monks, and friars," says sir t. smith, "had in their confessions, and specially in their extreme and deadly sickness, convinced the laity how dangerous a thing it was for one christian to hold another in bondage; so that temporal men, by reason of the terror in their consciences, were glad to manumit all their villains."--hilt. commonwealth, blackstone, p. .] to counteract the dangers resulting from a state of society so utterly at variance with the great declaration of american freedom should be the earnest endeavor of every patriotic statesman. nothing unconstitutional, nothing violent, should be attempted; but the true doctrine of the rights of man should be steadily kept in view; and the opposition to slavery should be inflexible and constantly maintained. the almost daily violations of the constitution in consequence of the laws of some of the slave states, subjecting free colored citizens of new england and elsewhere, who may happen to be on board of our coasting vessels, to imprisonment immediately on their arrival in a southern port should be provided against. nor should the imprisonment of the free colored citizens of the northern and middle states, on suspicion of being runaways, subjecting them, even after being pronounced free, to the costs of their confinement and trial, be longer tolerated; for if we continue to yield to innovations like these upon the constitution of our fathers, we shall erelong have the name only of a free government left us. dissemble as we may, it is impossible for us to believe, after fully considering the nature of slavery, that it can much longer maintain a peaceable existence among us. a day of revolution must come, and it is our duty to prepare for it. its threatened evil may be changed into a national blessing. the establishment of schools for the instruction of the slave children, a general diffusion of the lights of christianity, and the introduction of a sacred respect for the social obligations of marriage and for the relations between parents and children, among our black population, would render emancipation not only perfectly safe, but also of the highest advantage to the country. two millions of freemen would be added to our population, upon whom in the hour of danger we could safely depend; "the domestic foe" would be changed into a firm friend, faithful, generous, and ready to encounter all dangers in our defence. it is well known that during the last war with great britain, wherever the enemy touched upon our southern coast, the slaves in multitudes hastened to join them. on the other hand, the free blacks were highly serviceable in repelling them. so warm was the zeal of the latter, so manifest their courage in the defence of louisiana, that the present chief magistrate of the united states publicly bestowed upon them one of the highest eulogiums ever offered by a commander to his soldiers. let no one seek an apology for silence on the subject of slavery because the laws of the land tolerate and sanction it. but a short time ago the slave-trade was protected by laws and treaties, and sanctioned by the example of men eminent for the reputation of piety and integrity. yet public opinion broke over these barriers; it lifted the curtain and revealed the horrors of that most abominable traffic; and unrighteous law and ancient custom and avarice and luxury gave way before its irresistible authority. it should never be forgotten that human law cannot change the nature of human action in the pure eye of infinite justice; and that the ordinances of man cannot annul those of god. the slave system, as existing in this country, can be considered in no other light than as the cause of which the foul traffic in human flesh is the legitimate consequence. it is the parent, the fosterer, the sole supporter of the slave-trade. it creates the demand for slaves, and the foreign supply will always be equal to the demand of consumption. it keeps the market open. it offers inducements to the slave-trader which no severity of law against his traffic can overcome. by our laws his trade is piracy; while slavery, to which alone it owes its existence, is protected and cherished, and those engaged in it are rewarded by an increase of political power proportioned to the increase of their stock of human beings! to steal the natives of africa is a crime worthy of an ignominious death; but to steal and enslave annually nearly one hundred thousand of the descendants of these stolen natives, born in this country, is considered altogether excusable and proper! for my own part, i know no difference between robbery in africa and robbery at home. i could with as quiet a conscience engage in the one as the other. "there is not one general principle," justly remarks lord nugent, "on which the slave-trade is to be stigmatized which does not impeach slavery itself." kindred in iniquity, both must fall speedily, fall together, and be consigned to the same dishonorable grave. the spirit which is thrilling through every nerve of england is awakening america from her sleep of death. who, among our statesmen, would not shrink from the baneful reputation of having supported by his legislative influence the slave-trade, the traffic in human flesh? let them then beware; for the time is near at hand when the present defenders of slavery will sink under the same fatal reputation, and leave to posterity a memory which will blacken through all future time, a legacy of infamy. "let us not betake us to the common arts and stratagems of nations, but fear god, and put away the evil which provokes him; and trust not in man, but in the living god; and it shall go well for england!" this counsel, given by the purehearted william penn, in a former age, is about to be followed in the present. an intense and powerful feeling is working in the mighty heart of england; it is speaking through the lips of brougham and buxton and o'connell, and demanding justice in the name of humanity and according to the righteous law of god. the immediate emancipation of eight hundred thousand slaves is demanded with an authority which cannot much longer be disputed or trifled with. that demand will be obeyed; justice will be done; the heavy burdens will be unloosed; the oppressed set free. it shall go well for england. and when the stain on our own escutcheon shall be seen no more; when the declaration of our independence and the practice of our people shall agree; when truth shall be exalted among us; when love shall take the place of wrong; when all the baneful pride and prejudice of caste and color shall fall forever; when under one common sun of political liberty the slave-holding portions of our republic shall no longer sit, like the egyptians of old, themselves mantled in thick darkness, while all around them is glowing with the blessed light of freedom and equality, then, and not till then, shall it go well for america! the abolitionists. their sentiments and objects. two letters to the 'jeffersonian and times', richmond, va. i. a friend has banded me a late number of your paper, containing a brief notice of a pamphlet, which i have recently published on the subject of slavery. from an occasional perusal of your paper, i have formed a favorable opinion of your talent and independence. compelled to dissent from some of your political sentiments, i still give you full credit for the lofty tone of sincerity and manliness with which these sentiments are avowed and defended. i perceive that since the adjustment of the tariff question a new subject of discontent and agitation seems to engross your attention. the "accursed tariff" has no sooner ceased to be the stone of stumbling and the rock of offence, than the "abolition doctrines of the northern enthusiasts," as you are pleased to term the doctrines of your own jefferson, furnish, in your opinion, a sufficient reason for poising the "ancient dominion" on its sovereignty, and rousing every slaveowner to military preparations, until the entire south, from the potomac to the gulf, shall bristle with bayonets, "like quills upon the fretful porcupine." in proof of a conspiracy against your "vested rights," you have commenced publishing copious extracts from the pamphlets and periodicals of the abolitionists of new england and new york. an extract from my own pamphlet you have headed "the fanatics," and in introducing it to your readers you inform them that "it exhibits, in strong colors, the morbid spirit of that false and fanatical philanthropy, which is at work in the northern states, and, to some extent, in the south." gentlemen, so far as i am personally concerned in the matter, i feel no disposition to take exceptions to any epithets which you may see fit to apply to me or my writings. a humble son of new england--a tiller of her rugged soil, and a companion of her unostentatious yeomanry--it matters little, in any personal consideration of the subject, whether the voice of praise or opprobrium reaches me from beyond the narrow limits of my immediate neighborhood. but when i find my opinions quoted as the sentiment of new england, and then denounced as dangerous, "false and fanatical;" and especially when i see them made the occasion of earnest appeals to the prejudices and sectional jealousies of the south, it becomes me to endeavor to establish their truths, and defend them from illegitimate influences and unjust suspicions. in the first place, then, let me say, that if it be criminal to publicly express a belief that it is in the power of the slave states to emancipate their slaves, with profit and safety to themselves, and that such is their immediate duty, a majority of the people of new england are wholly guiltless. of course, all are nominally opposed to slavery; but upon the little band of abolitionists should the anathemas of the slave- holder be directed, for they are the agitators of whom you complain, men who are acting under a solemn conviction of duty, and who are bending every energy of their minds to the accomplishment of their object. and that object is the overthrow of slavery in the united states, by such means only as are sanctioned by law, humanity, and religion. i shall endeavor, gentlemen, as briefly as may be, to give you some of our reasons for opposing slavery and seeking its abolition; and, secondly, to explain our mode of operation; to disclose our plan of emancipation, fully and entirely. we wish to do nothing darkly; frank republicans, we acknowledge no double-dealing. at this busy season of the year, i cannot but regret that i have not leisure for such a deliberate examination of the subject as even my poor ability might warrant. my remarks, penned in the intervals of labor, must necessarily be brief, and wanting in coherence. we seek the abolishment of slavery . because it is contrary to the law of god. in your paper of the d of th mo., the same in which you denounce the "false and fanatical philanthropy" of abolitionists, you avow yourselves members of the bible society, and bestow warm and deserved encomiums on the "truly pious undertaking of sending the truth among all nations." you, therefore, gentlemen, whatever others may do, will not accuse me of "fanaticism," if i endeavor to sustain my first great reason for opposing slavery by a reference to the volume of inspiration: "therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them." "wherefore now let the fear of the lord be upon you, take heed and do it; for there is no iniquity with the lord, nor respect of persons." "is not this the fast that i have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness; to undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?" "if a man be found stealing any of his brethren, and maketh merchandise of him, or selling him, that thief shall die." "of a truth, i perceive that god is no respecter of persons." "and he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hands, he shall surely be put to death." . because it is an open violation of all human equality, of the laws of nature and of nations. the fundamental principle of all equal and just law is contained in the following extract from blackstone's commentaries, introduction, sec. . "the rights which god and nature have established, and which are therefore called natural rights, such as life and liberty, need not the aid of human laws to be more effectually vested in every man than they are; neither do they receive any additional strength when declared by municipal laws to be inviolable: on the contrary, no human legislation has power to abridge or destroy there, unless the owner shall himself commit some act that amounts to a forfeiture." has the negro committed such offence? above all, has his infant child forfeited its unalienable right? surely it can be no act of the innocent child. yet you must prove the forfeiture, or no human legislation can deprive that child of its freedom. its black skin constitutes the forfeiture! what! throw the responsibility upon god! charge the common father of the white and the black, he, who is no respecter of persons, with plundering his unoffending children of all which makes the boon of existence desirable; their personal liberty! "we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."-- [declaration of independence, from the pen of thomas jefferson.] in this general and unqualified declaration, on the th of july, , all the people of the united states, without distinction of color, were proclaimed free, by the delegates of the people of those states assembled in their highest sovereign capacity. for more than half a century we have openly violated that solemn declaration. . because it renders nugatory the otherwise beneficial example of our free institutions, and exposes us to the scorn and reproach of the liberal and enlightened of other nations. "chains clank and groans echo around the walls of their spotless congress."--[francis jeffrey.] "man to be possessed by man! man to be made property of! the image of the deity to be put under the yoke! let these usurpers show us their title-deeds!"--[simon boliver.] "when i am indulging in my views of american prospects and american liberty, it is mortifying to be told that in that very country a large portion of the people are slaves! it is a dark spot on the face of the nation. such a state of things cannot always exist."--[lafayette.] "i deem it right to raise my humble voice to convince the citizens of america that the slaveholding states are held in abomination by all those whose opinion ought to be valuable. man is the property of man in about one half of the american states: let them not therefore dare to prate of their institutions or of their national freedom, while they hold their fellow-men in bondage! of all men living, the american citizen who is the owner of slaves is the most despicable. he is a political hypocrite of the very worst description. the friends of humanity and liberty in europe should join in one universal cry of shame on the american slave- holders! 'base wretches!' should we shout in chorus; 'base wretches! how dare you profane the temple of national freedom, the sacred fane of republican rites, with the presence and the sufferings of human beings in chains and slavery!'"--[daniel o'connell.] . because it subjects one portion of our american brethren to the unrestrained violence and unholy passions of another. here, gentlemen, i might summon to my support a cloud of witnesses, a host of incontrovertible, damning facts, the legitimate results of a system whose tendency is to harden and deprave the heart. but i will not descend to particulars. i am willing to believe that the majority of the masters of your section of the country are disposed to treat their unfortunate slaves with kindness. but where the dreadful privilege of slave-holding is extended to all, in every neighborhood, there must be individuals whose cupidity is unrestrained by any principle of humanity, whose lusts are fiercely indulged, whose fearful power over the bodies, nay, may i not say the souls, of their victims is daily and hourly abused. will the evidence of your own jefferson, on this point, be admissible? "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise, of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. our children see this, and learn to imitate it. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot fail to be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy who can retain his morals and manners undepraved by such circumstances."--[notes on virginia, p. .] "il n'existe a la verite aucune loi qui protege l'esclave le mauvais traitement du maitre," says achille murat, himself a floridian slave- holder, in his late work on the united states. gentlemen, is not this true? does there exist even in virginia any law limiting the punishment of a slave? are there any bounds prescribed, beyond which the brutal, the revengeful, the intoxicated slave-master, acting in the double capacity of judge and executioner, cannot pass? you will, perhaps, tell me that the general law against murder applies alike to master and slave. true; but will you point out instances of masters suffering the penalty of that law for the murder of their slaves? if you examine your judicial reports you will find the wilful murder of a slave decided to be only a trespass!--[virginia reports, vol. v. p. , harris versus nichols.] it indeed argues well for virginian pride of character, that latterly, the law, which expressly sanctioned the murder of a slave, who in the language of georgia and north carolina, "died of moderate correction," has been repealed. but, although the letter of the law is changed, its practice remains the same. in proof of this, i would refer to brockenborough and holmes' virginia cases, p. . in georgia and north carolina the murder of a slave is tolerated and justified by law, provided that in the opinion of the court he died "of moderate correction!" in south carolina the following clause of a law enacted in is still in force:-- "if any slave shall suffer in his life, limbs, or members, when no white person shall be present, or being present shall neglect or refuse to give evidence concerning the same, in every such case the owner or other person who shall have the care and government of the slave shall be deemed and taken to be guilty of such offence; unless such owner or other person can make the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall by his own oath clear and exculpate himself, which oath every court where such offence shall be tried is hereby empowered to administer and to acquit the offender accordingly, if clear proof of the offence be not made by two witnesses at least, any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding." is not this offering a reward for perjury? and what shall we think of that misnamed court of justice, where it is optional with the witnesses, in a case of life and death, to give or withhold their testimony. . because it induces dangerous sectional jealousies, creates of necessity a struggle between the opposing interests of free and slave labor, and threatens the integrity of the union. that sectional jealousies do exist, the tone of your paper, gentlemen, is of itself an evidence, if indeed any were needed. the moral sentiment of the free states is against slavery. the freeman has declared his unwillingness that his labor should be reduced to a level with that of slaves. harsh epithets and harsh threats have been freely exchanged, until the beautiful potomac, wherever it winds its way to the ocean, has become the dividing line, not of territory only, but of feeling, interest, national pride, a moral division. what shook the pillars of the union when the missouri question was agitated? what but a few months ago arrayed in arms a state against the union, and the union against a state? from maine to florida, gentlemen, the answer must be the same, slavery. . because of its pernicious influence upon national wealth and prosperity. political economy has been the peculiar study of virginia. but there are some important truths connected with this science which she has hitherto overlooked or wantonly disregarded. population increasing with the means of subsistence is a fair test of national wealth. by reference to the several censuses of the united states, it will be seen that the white population increases nearly twice as fast in states where there are few or no slaves as in the slave states. again, in the latter states the slave population has increased twice as fast as the white. let us take, for example, the period of twenty years, from to , and compare the increase of the two classes in three of the southern states. per cent. of whites. per cent. of blacks. maryland virginia north carolina the causes of this disproportionate increase, so inimical to the true interests of the country, are very manifest. a large proportion of the free inhabitants of the united states are dependent upon their labor for subsistence. the forced, unnatural system of slavery in some of the states renders the demand for free laborers less urgent; they are not so readily and abundantly supplied with the means of subsistence as those of their own class in the free states, and as the necessaries of life diminish population also diminishes. there is yet another cause for the decline of the white population. in the free states labor is reputable. the statesman, whose eloquence has electrified a nation, does not disdain in the intervals of the public service to handle the axe and the hoe. and the woman whose beauty, talents, and accomplishments have won the admiration of all deems it no degradation to "look well to her household." but the slave stamps with indelible ignominy the character of occupation. it is a disgrace for a highborn virginian or chivalrous carolinian to labor, side by side, with the low, despised, miserable black man. wretched must be the condition of the poorer classes of whites in a slave-holding community! compelled to perform the despised offices of the slave, they can hardly rise above his level. they become the pariahs of society. no wonder, then, that the tide of emigration flows from the slave-cursed shores of the atlantic to the free valleys of the west. in new england the labor of a farmer or mechanic is worth from $ to $ per annum. that of a female from $ to $ . our entire population, with the exception of those engaged in mercantile affairs, the professional classes, and a very few moneyed idlers, are working men and women. if that of the south were equally employed (and slavery apart, there is no reason why they should not be), how large an addition would be annually made to the wealth of the country? the truth is, a very considerable portion of the national wealth produced by northern labor is taxed to defray the expenses of twenty-five representatives of southern property in congress, and to maintain an army mainly for the protection of the slave-master against the dangerous tendencies of that property. in the early and better days of the roman republic, the ancient warriors and statesmen cultivated their fields with their own hands; but so soon as their agriculture was left to the slaves, it visibly declined, the once fertile fields became pastures, and the inhabitants of that garden of the world were dependent upon foreign nations for the necessaries of life. the beautiful villages, once peopled by free contented laborers, became tenantless, and, over the waste of solitude, we see, here and there, at weary distances, the palaces of the master, contrasting painfully with the wretched cottages and subterranean cells of the slave. in speaking of the extraordinary fertility of the soil in the early times of the republic, pliny inquires, "what was the cause of these abundant harvests? it was this, that men of rank employed themselves in the culture of the fields; whereas now it is left to wretches loaded with fetters, who carry in their countenances the shameful evidence of their slavery." and what was true in the days of the roman is now written legibly upon the soil of your own virginia. a traveller in your state, in contemplating the decline of its agriculture, has justly remarked that, "if the miserable condition of the negro had left his mind for reflection, he would laugh in his chains to see how slavery has stricken the land with ugliness." is the rapid increase of a population of slaves in itself no evil? in all the slave states the increase of the slaves is vastly more rapid than that of the whites or free blacks. when we recollect that they are under no natural or moral restraint, careless of providing food or clothing for themselves or their children; when, too, we consider that they are raised as an article of profitable traffic, like the cattle of new england and the hogs of kentucky; that it is a matter of interest, of dollars and cents, to the master that they should multiply as fast as possible, there is surely nothing at all surprising in the increase of their numbers. would to heaven there were also nothing alarming! . because, by the terms of the national compact, the free and the slave states are alike involved in the guilt of maintaining slavery, and the citizens of the former are liable, at any moment, to be called upon to aid the latter in suppressing, at the point of the bayonet, the insurrection of the slaves. slavery is, at the best, an unnatural state. and nature, when her eternal principles are violated, is perpetually struggling to restore them to their first estate. all history, ancient and modern, is full of warning on this point. need i refer to the many revolts of the roman and grecian slaves, the bloody insurrection of etruria, the horrible servile wars of sicily and capua? or, to come down to later times, to france in the fourteenth century, germany in the sixteenth, to malta in the last? need i call to mind the untold horrors of st. domingo, when that island, under the curse of its servile war, glowed redly in the view of earth and heaven,--an open hell? have our own peculiar warnings gone by unheeded,--the frequent slave insurrections of the south? one horrible tragedy, gentlemen, must still be fresh in your recollection,--southampton, with its fired dwellings and ghastly dead! southampton, with its dreadful associations, of the death struggle with the insurgents, the groans of the tortured negroes, the lamentations of the surviving whites over woman in her innocence and beauty, and childhood, and hoary age! "the hour of emancipation," said thomas jefferson, "is advancing in the march of time. it will come. if not brought on by the generous energy of our own minds, it will come by the bloody process of st. domingo!" to the just and prophetic language of your own great statesman i have but a few words to add. they shall be those of truth and soberness. we regard the slave system in your section of the country as a great evil, moral and political,--an evil which, if left to itself for even a few years longer, will give the entire south into the hands of the blacks. the terms of the national compact compel us to consider more than two millions of our fellow-beings as your property; not, indeed, morally, really, de facto, but still legally your property! we acknowledge that you have a power derived from the united states constitution to hold this "property," but we deny that you have any moral right to take advantage of that power. for truth will not allow us to admit that any human law or compact can make void or put aside the ordinance of the living god and the eternal laws of nature. we therefore hold it to be the duty of the people of the slave-holding states to begin the work of emancipation now; that any delay must be dangerous to themselves in time and eternity, and full of injustice to their slaves and to their brethren of the free states. because the slave has never forfeited his right to freedom, and the continuance of his servitude is a continuance of robbery; and because, in the event of a servile war, the people of the free states would be called upon to take a part in its unutterable horrors. new england would obey that call, for she will abide unto death by the constitution of the land. yet what must be the feelings of her citizens, while engaged in hunting down like wild beasts their fellow-men--brutal and black it may be, but still oppressed, suffering human beings, struggling madly and desperately for their liberty, if they feel and know that the necessity of so doing has resulted from a blind fatality on the part of the oppressor, a reckless disregard of the warnings of earth and heaven, an obstinate perseverance in a system founded and sustained by robbery and wrong? all wars are horrible, wicked, inexcusable, and truly and solemnly has jefferson himself said that, in a contest of this kind, between the slave and the master, "the almighty has no attribute which could take side with us." understand us, gentlemen. we only ask to have the fearful necessity taken away from us of sustaining the wretched policy of slavery by moral influence or physical force. we ask alone to be allowed to wash our hands of the blood of millions of your fellow-beings, the cry of whom is rising up as a swift witness unto god against us. . because all the facts connected with the subject warrant us in a most confident belief that a speedy and general emancipation might be made with entire safety, and that the consequences of such an emancipation would be highly beneficial to the planters of the south. awful as may be their estimate in time and eternity, i will not, gentlemen, dwell upon the priceless benefits of a conscience at rest, a soul redeemed from the all-polluting influences of slavery, and against which the cry of the laborer whose hire has been kept back by fraud does not ascend. nor will i rest the defence of my position upon the fact that it can never be unsafe to obey the commands of god. these are the old and common arguments of "fanatics" and "enthusiasts," melting away like frost-work in the glorious sunshine of expediency and utility. in the light of these modern luminaries, then, let us reason together. a long and careful examination of the subject will i think fully justify me in advancing this general proposition. wherever, whether in europe, the east and west indies, south america, or in our own country, a fair experiment has been made of the comparative expense of free and slave labor, the result has uniformly been favorable to the former. [see brougham's colonial policy. hodgdon's letter to jean baptiste say. waleh's brazil. official letter of hon. mr. ward, from mexico. dr. dickson's mitigation of slavery. franklin on the peopling of countries. ramsay's essay. botham's sugar cultivation in batavia. marsden's history of sumatra. coxe's travels. dr. anderson's observations on slavery. storch's political economy. adam smith. j. jeremies' essays. humboldt's travels, etc., etc.] here, gentlemen, the issue is tendered. standing on your own ground of expediency, i am ready to defend my position. i pass from the utility to the safety of emancipation. and here, gentlemen, i shall probably be met at the outset with your supposed consequences, bloodshed, rapine, promiscuous massacre! the facts, gentlemen! in god's name, bring out your facts! if slavery is to cast over the prosperity of our country the thick shadow of an everlasting curse, because emancipation is dreaded as a remedy worse than the disease itself, let us know the real grounds of your fear. do you find them in the emancipation of the south american republics? in hayti? in the partial experiments of some of the west india islands? does history, ancient or modern, justify your fears? can you find any excuse for them in the nature of the human mind, everywhere maddened by injury and conciliated by kindness? no, gentlemen; the dangers of slavery are manifest and real, all history lies open for your warning. but the dangers of emancipation, of "doing justly and loving mercy," exist only in your imaginations. you cannot produce one fact in corroboration of your fears. you cannot point to the stain of a single drop of any master's blood shed by the slave he has emancipated. i have now given some of our reasons for opposing slavery. in my next letter i shall explain our method of opposition, and i trust i shall be able to show that there is nothing "fanatical," nothing "unconstitutional," and nothing unchristian in that method. in the mean time, gentlemen, i am your friend and well-wisher. haverhill, mass., d th mo., . ii. the abolitionists of the north have been grossly misrepresented. in attacking the system of slavery, they have never recommended any measure or measures conflicting with the constitution of the united states. they have never sought to excite or encourage a spirit of rebellion among the slaves: on the contrary, they would hold any such attempt, by whomsoever made, in utter and stern abhorrence. all the leading abolitionists of my acquaintance are, from principle, opposed to war of all kinds, believing that the benefits of no war whatever can compensate for the sacrifice of one human life by violence. consequently, they would be the first to deprecate any physical interference with your slave system on the part of the general government. they are, without exception, opposed to any political interposition of the government, in regard to slavery as it exists in the states. for, although they feel and see that the canker of the moral disease is affecting all parts of the confederacy, they believe that the remedy lies with yourselves alone. any such interference they would consider unlawful and unconstitutional; and the exercise of unconstitutional power, although sanctioned by the majority of a republican government, they believe to be a tyranny as monstrous and as odious as the despotism of a turkish sultan. having made this disclaimer on the part of myself and my friends, let me inquire from whence this charge of advocating the interference of the general government with the sovereign jurisdiction of the states has arisen? will you, gentlemen, will the able editors of the united states telegraph and the columbian telescope, explain? for myself, i have sought in vain among the writings of our "northern enthusiasts," and among the speeches of the northern statesmen and politicians, for some grounds for the accusation. the doctrine, such as it is, does not belong to us. i think it may be traced home to the south, to virginia, to her convention of , to the speech of ex-president monroe, on the white basis question. "as to emancipation," said that distinguished son of your state, "if ever that should take place, it cannot be done by the state; it must be done by the union." again, "if emancipation can ever be effected, it can only be done with the aid of the general government." gentlemen, you are welcome to your doctrine. it has no advocates among the abolitionists of new england. we aim to overthrow slavery by the moral influence of an enlightened public sentiment; by a clear and fearless exposition of the guilt of holding property in man; by analyzing the true nature of slavery, and boldly rebuking sin; by a general dissemination of the truths of political economy, in regard to free and slave labor; by appeals from the pulpit to the consciences of men; by the powerful influence of the public press; by the formation of societies whose object shall be to oppose the principle of slavery by such means as are consistent with our obligations to law, religion, and humanity; by elevating, by means of education and sympathy, the character of the free people of color among us. our testimony against slavery is the same which has uniformly, and with so much success, been applied to prevailing iniquity in all ages of the world, the truths of divine revelation. believing that there can be nothing in the providence of god to which his holy and eternal law is not strictly applicable, we maintain that no circumstances can justify the slave-holder in a continuance of his system. that the fact that this system did not originate with the present generation is no apology for retaining it, inasmuch as crime cannot be entailed; and no one is under a necessity of sinning because others have done so before him; that the domestic slave-trade is as repugnant to the laws of god, and should be as odious in the eyes of a christian community, as the foreign; that the black child born in a slave plantation is not "an entailed article of property;" and that the white man who makes of that child a slave is a thief and a robber, stealing the child as the sea pirate stole his father! we do not talk of gradual abolition, because, as christians, we find no authority for advocating a gradual relinquishment of sin. we say to slaveholders, "repent now, to-day, immediately;" just as we say to the intemperate, "break off from your vice at once; touch not, taste not, handle not, from henceforth forever." besides, the plan of gradual abolition has been tried in this country and the west indies, and found wanting. it has been in operation in our slave states ever since the declaration of independence, and its results are before the nation. let us see. the abolitionists in there were in the slave states south of the potomac and the ohio , free blacks. their increase for the ten years following was at the rate of sixty per cent., their number in being , . in there were , , an increase of seventy-five per cent. this comparatively large increase was, in a great measure, owing to the free discussions going on in england and in this country on the subject of the slave-trade and the rights of man. the benevolent impulse extended to the slave-masters, and manumissions were frequent. but the salutary impression died away; the hand of oppression closed again upon its victims; and the increase for the period of twenty years, to , was only seventy-seven per cent., about one half of what it was in the ten years from to . and this is the practical result of the much-lauded plan of gradual abolition. in , in the states above mentioned, there were only , slaves, but in there were , , ! and this, too, is gradual abolition. "what, then!" perhaps you will ask, "do you expect to overthrow our whole slave system at once? to turn loose to-day two millions of negroes?" no, gentlemen; we expect no such thing. enough for us if in the spirit of fraternal duty we point to your notice the commands of god; if we urge you by every cherished remembrance of common sacrifices upon a common altar, by every consideration of humanity, justice, and expediency, to begin now, without a moment's delay, to break away from your miserable system,--to begin the work of moral reformation, as god commands you to begin, not as selfishness, or worldly policy, or short-sighted political expediency, may chance to dictate. such is our doctrine of immediate emancipation. a doctrine founded on god's eternal truth, plain, simple, and perfect,--the doctrine of immediate, unprocrastinated repentance applied to the sin of slavery. of this doctrine, and of our plan for crrrying it into effect, i have given an exposition, with the most earnest regard to the truth. does either embrace anything false, fanatical, or unconstitutional? do they afford a reasonable protext for your fierce denunciations of your northern brethren? do they furnish occasion for your newspaper chivalry, your stereotyped demonstrations of southern magnanimity and yankee meanness?--things, let me say, unworthy of virginians, degrading to yourselves, insulting to us. gentlemen, it is too late for virginia, with all her lofty intellect and nobility of feeling, to defend and advocate the principle of slavery. the death-like silence which for nearly two centuries brooded over her execrable system has been broken; light is pouring in upon the minds of her citizens; truth is abroad, "searching out and overturning the lies of the age." a moral reformation has been already awakened, and it cannot now be drugged to sleep by the sophistries of detected sin. a thousand intelligences are at work in her land; a thousand of her noblest hearts are glowing with the redeeming spirit of that true philanthropy, which is moving all the world. no, gentlemen; light is spreading from the hills of western virginia to the extremest east. you cannot arrest its progress. it is searching the consciences; it is exercising the reason; it is appealing to the noblest characteristics of intelligent virginians. it is no foreign influence. from every abandoned plantation where the profitless fern and thistle have sprung up under the heel of slavery; from every falling mansion of the master, through whose windows the fox may look out securely, and over whose hearth-stone the thin grass is creeping, a warning voice is sinking deeply into all hearts not imbruted by avarice, indolence, and the lust of power. abolitionist as i am, the intellectual character of virginia has no warmer admirer than myself. her great names, her moral trophies, the glories of her early day, the still proud and living testimonials of her mental power, i freely acknowledge and strongly appreciate. and, believe me, it is with no other feelings than those of regret and heartfelt sorrow that i speak plainly of her great error, her giant crime, a crime which is visibly calling down upon her the curse of an offended deity. but i cannot forget that upon some of the most influential and highly favored of her sons rests the responsibility at the present time of sustaining this fearful iniquity. blind to the signs of the times, careless of the wishes of thousands of their white fellow-citizens and of the manifold wrongs of the black man, they have dared to excuse, defend, nay, eulogize, the black abominations of slavery. against the tottering ark of the idol these strong men have placed their shoulders. that ark must fall; that idol must be cast down; what, then, will be the fate of their supporters? when the convention of had gathered in its splendid galaxy of talents the great names of virginia, the friends of civil liberty turned their eyes towards it in the earnest hope and confidence that it would adopt some measures in regard to slavery worthy of the high character of its members and of the age in which they lived. i need not say how deep and bitter was our disappointment. western virginia indeed spoke on that occasion, through some of her delegates, the words of truth and humanity. but their counsels and warnings were unavailing; the majority turned away to listen to the bewildering eloquence of leigh and upshur and randolph, as they desecrated their great intellects to the defence of that system of oppression under which the whole land is groaning. the memorial of the citizens of augusta county, bearing the signatures of many slave- holders, placed the evils of slavery in a strong light before the convention. its facts and arguments could only be arbitrarily thrust aside and wantonly disregarded; they could not be disproved. "in a political point of view," says the memorial, "we esteem slavery an evil greater than the aggregate of all the other evils which beset us, and we are perfectly willing to bear our proportion of the burden of removing it. we ask, further, what is the evil of any such alarm as our proposition may excite in minds unnecessarily jealous compared with that of the fatal catastrophe which ultimately awaits our country, and the general depravation of manners which slavery has already produced and is producing?" i cannot forbear giving one more extract from this paper. the memorialists state their belief "that the labor of slaves is vastly less productive than that of freemen; that it therefore requires a larger space to furnish subsistence for a given number of the former than of the latter; that the employment of the former necessarily excludes that of the latter; that hence our population, white and black, averages seventeen, when it ought, and would under other circumstances, average, as in new england, at least sixty to a square mile; that the possession and management of slaves form a source of endless vexation and misery in the house, and of waste and ruin on the farm; that the youth of the country are growing up with a contempt of steady industry as a low and servile thing, which contempt induces idleness and all its attendant effeminacy, vice, and worthlessness; that the waste of the products of the land, nay, of the land itself, is bringing poverty on all its inhabitants; that this poverty and the sparseness of population either prevent the institution of schools throughout the country, or keep them in a most languid and inefficient condition; and that the same causes most obviously paralyze all our schemes and efforts for the useful improvement of the country." gentlemen, you have only to look around you to know that this picture has been drawn with the pencil of truth. what has made desolate and sterile one of the loveliest regions of the whole earth? what mean the signs of wasteful neglect, of long improvidence around you: the half-finished mansion already falling into decay, the broken-down enclosures, the weed- grown garden the slave hut open to the elements, the hillsides galled and naked, the fields below them run over with brier and fern? is all this in the ordinary course of nature? has man husbanded well the good gifts of god, and are they nevertheless passing from him, by a process of deterioration over which he has no control? no, gentlemen. for more than two centuries the cold and rocky soil of new england has yielded its annual tribute, and it still lies green and luxuriant beneath the sun of our brief summer. the nerved and ever-exercised arm of free labor has changed a landscape wild and savage as the night scenery of salvator rosa into one of pastoral beauty,--the abode of independence and happiness. under a similar system of economy and industry, how would virginia, rich with nature's prodigal blessings, have worn at this time over all her territory the smiles of plenty, the charms of rewarded industry! what a change would have been manifest in your whole character! freemen in the place of slaves, industry, reputable economy, a virtue, dissipation despised, emigration unnecessary! [a late virginia member of congress described the virginia slave- holder as follows: "he is an eastern virginian whose good fortune it has been to have been born wealthy, and to have become a profound politician at twenty-one without study or labor. this individual, from birth and habit, is above all labor and exertion. he never moves a finger for any useful purpose; he lives on the labor of his slaves, and even this labor he is too proud and indolent to direct in person. while he is at his ease, a mercenary with a whip in his hand drives his slaves in the field. their dinner, consisting of a few scraps and lean bones, is eaten in the burning sun. they have no time to go to a shade and be refreshed such easement is reserved for the horses"!--speech of hon. p. p. doddridge in house of delegates, .] all this, you will say, comes too late; the curse is upon you, the evil in the vitals of your state, the desolation widening day by day. no, it is not too late. there are elements in the virginian character capable of meeting the danger, extreme as it is, and turning it aside. could you but forget for a time partisan contest and unprofitable political speculations, you might successfully meet the dangerous exigencies of your state with those efficient remedies which the spirit of the age suggests; you might, and that too without pecuniary loss, relinquish your claims to human beings as slaves, and employ them as free laborers, under such restraint and supervision as their present degraded condition may render necessary. in the language of one of your own citizens, "it is useless for you to attempt to linger on the skirts of the age which is departed. the action of existing causes and principles is steady and progressive. it cannot be retarded, unless you would blow out all the moral lights around you; and if you refuse to keep up with it, you will be towed in the wake, whether you will or not."--[speech in virginia legislature, .] the late noble example of the eloquent statesman of roanoke, the manumission of his slaves, speaks volumes to his political friends. in the last hour of existence, when his soul was struggling from his broken tenement, his latest effort was the confirmation of this generous act of a former period. light rest the turf upon him beneath his own patrimonial oaks! the prayers of many hearts made happy by his benevolence shall linger over his grave and bless it. gentlemen, in concluding these letters, let me once more assure you that i entertain towards you and your political friends none other than kindly feelings. if i have spoken at all with apparent harshness, it has been of principles rather than of men. but i deprecate no censure. conscious of the honest and patriotic motives which have prompted their avowal, i cheerfully leave my sentiments to their fate. despised and contemned as they may be, i believe they cannot be gainsaid. sustained by the truth as it exists in nature and revelation, sanctioned by the prevailing spirit of the age, they are yet destined to work out the political and moral regeneration of our country. the opposition which they meet with does not dishearten me. in the lofty confidence of john milton, i believe that "though all the winds of doctrine be let loose upon the earth, so truth be among them, we need not fear. let her and falsehood grapple; whoever knew her to be put to the worst in a free and open encounter?" haverhill, mass., th of th mo., . letter to samuel e. sewall. haverhill, th of st mo., . samuel e. sewall, esq., secretary new england a. s. society dear friend,--i regret that circumstances beyond my control will not allow of my attendance at the annual meeting of the new england anti- slavery society. i need not say to the members of that society that i am with them, heart and soul, in the cause of abolition; the abolition not of physical slavery alone, abhorrent and monstrous as it is, but of that intellectual slavery, the bondage of corrupt and mistaken opinion, which has fettered as with iron the moral energies and intellectual strength of new england. for what is slavery, after all, but fear,--fear, forcing mind and body into unnatural action? and it matters little whether it be the terror of the slave-whip on the body, or of the scourge of popular opinion upon the inner man. we all know how often the representatives of the southern division of the country have amused themselves in congress by applying the opprobrious name of "slave" to the free northern laborer. and how familiar have the significant epithets of "white slave" and "dough-face" become! i fear these epithets have not been wholly misapplied. have we not been told here, gravely and authoritatively, by some of our learned judges, divines, and politicians, that we, the free people of new england, have no right to discuss the subject of slavery? freemen, and no right to suggest the duty or the policy of a practical adherence to the doctrines of that immortal declaration upon which our liberties are founded! christians, enjoying perfect liberty of conscience, yet possessing no right to breathe one whisper against a system of adultery and blood, which is filling the whole land with abomination and blasphemy! and this craven sentiment is echoed by the very men whose industry is taxed to defray the expenses of twenty-five representatives of property, vested in beings fashioned in the awful image of their maker; by men whose hard earnings aid in supporting a standing army mainly for the protection of slaveholding indolence; by men who are liable at any moment to be called from the field and workshop to put down by force the ever upward tendencies of oppressed humanity, to aid the negro-breeder and the negro- trader in the prosecution of a traffic most horrible in the eye of god, to wall round with their bayonets two millions of colored americans, children of a common father and heirs of a common eternity, while the broken chain is riveted anew and the thrown-off fetter replaced. i am for the abolition of this kind of slavery. it must be accomplished before we can hope to abolish the negro slavery of the country. the people of the free states, with a perfect understanding of their own rights and a sacred respect for the rights of others, must put their strong shoulders to the work of moral reform, and our statesmen, orators, and politicians will follow, floating as they must with the tendency of the current, the mere indices of popular sentiment. they cannot be expected to lead in this matter. they are but instruments in the hands of the people for good or evil:-- "a breath can make them, as a breath has made." be it our task to give tone and direction to these instruments; to turn the tide of popular feeling into the pure channels of justice; to break up the sinful silence of the nation; to bring the vaunted christianity of our age and country to the test of truth; to try the strength and purity of our republicanism. if the christianity we profess has not power to pull down the strongholds of prejudice, and overcome hate, and melt the heart of oppression, it is not of god. if our republicanism is based on other foundation than justice and humanity, let it fall forever. no better evidence is needed of the suicidal policy of this nation than the death-like silence on the subject of slavery which pervades its public documents. who that peruses the annual messages of the national executive would, from their perusal alone, conjecture that such an evil as slavery had existence among us? have the people reflected upon the cause of this silence? the evil has grown to be too monstrous to be questioned. its very magnitude has sealed the lips of the rulers. uneasily, and troubled with its dream of guilt, the nation sleeps on. the volcano is beneath. god is above us. at every step of our peaceful and legal agitation of this subject we are met with one grave objection. we are told that the system which we are conscientiously opposing is recognized and protected by the constitution. for all the benefits of our fathers' patriotism--and they are neither few nor trifling--let us be grateful to god and to their memories. but it should not be forgotten that the same constitutional compact which now sanctions slavery guaranteed protection for twenty years to the foreign slave-trade. it threw the shield of its "sanctity" around the now universally branded pirate. it legalized the most abhorrent system of robbery which ever cursed the family of man. during those years of sinful compromise the crime of man-robbery less atrocious than at present? because the constitution permitted, in that single crime, the violation of all the commandments of god, was that violation less terrible to earth or offensive to heaven? no one now defends that "constitutional" slavetrade. loaded with the curse of god and man, it stands amidst minor iniquities, like satan in pandemonium, preeminent and monstrous in crime. and if the slave-trade has become thus odious, what must be the fate, erelong, of its parent, slavery? if the mere consequence be thus blackening under the execration of all the world, who shall measure the dreadful amount of infamy which must finally settle on the cause itself? the titled ecclesiastic and the ambitious statesman should have their warning on this point. they should know that public opinion is steadily turning to the light of truth. the fountains are breaking up around us, and the great deep will soon be in motion. a stern, uncompromising, and solemn spirit of inquiry is abroad. it cannot be arrested, and its result may be easily foreseen. it will not long be popular to talk of the legality of soul-murder, the constitutionality of man-robbery. one word in relation to our duty to our southern brethren. if we detest their system of slavery in our hearts, let us not play the hypocrite with our lips. let us not pay so poor a compliment to their understandings as to suppose that we can deceive them into a compliance with our views of justice by ambiguous sophistry, and overcome their sinful practices and established prejudices by miserable stratagem. let us not first do violence to our consciences by admitting their moral right to property in man, and then go to work like so many vagabond pedlers to cheat them out of it. they have a right to complain of such treatment. it is mean, and wicked, and dishonorable. let us rather treat our southern friends as intelligent and high-minded men, who, whatever may be their faults, despise unmanly artifice, and loathe cant, and abhor hypocrisy. connected with them, not by political ties alone, but by common sacrifices and mutual benefits, let us seek to expostulate with them earnestly and openly, to gain at least their confidence in our sincerity, to appeal to their consciences, reason, and interests; and, using no other weapons than those of moral truth, contend fearlessly with the evil system they are cherishing. and if, in an immediate compliance with the strict demands of justice, they should need our aid and sympathy, let us open to them our hearts and our purses. but in the name of sincerity, and for the love of peace and the harmony of the union, let there be no more mining and countermining, no more blending of apology with denunciation, no more janus-like systems of reform, with one face for the south and another for the north. if we steadily adhere to the principles upon which we have heretofore acted, if we present our naked hearts to the view of all, if we meet the threats and violence of our misguided enemies with the bare bosom and weaponless hand of innocence, may we not trust that the arm of our heavenly father will be under us, to strengthen and support us? and although we may not be able to save our country from the awful judgment she is provoking, though the pillars of the union fall and all the elements of her greatness perish, still let it be our part to rally around the standard of truth and justice, to wash our hands of evil, to keep our own souls unspotted, and, bearing our testimony and lifting our warning voices to the last, leave the event in the hands of a righteous god. john quincy adams. in isaac knapp printed letters from john quincy adams to his constituents of the twelfth congressional district in massachusetts, to which is added his speech in congress, delivered february , , and the following stood as an introduction to the pamphlet. the following letters have been published, within a few weeks, in the quincy (mass.) 'patriot'. notwithstanding the great importance of the subjects which they discuss, the intense interest which they are calculated to awaken throughout this commonwealth and the whole country, and the exalted reputation of their author as a profound statesman and powerful writer, they are as yet hardly known beyond the limits of the constituency to whom they are particularly addressed. the reason of this is sufficiently obvious. john quincy adams belongs to neither of the prominent political parties, fights no partisan battles, and cannot be prevailed upon to sacrifice truth and principle upon the altar of party expediency and interest. hence neither party is interested in defending his course, or in giving him an opportunity to defend himself. but however systematic may be the efforts of mere partisan presses to suppress and hold back from the public eye the powerful and triumphant vindication of the right of petition, the graphic delineation of the slavery spirit in congress, and the humbling disclosure of northern cowardice and treachery, contained in these letters, they are destined to exert a powerful influence upon the public mind. they will constitute one of the most striking pages in the history of our times. they will be read with avidity in the north and in the south, and throughout europe. apart from the interest excited by the subjects under discussion, and viewed only as literary productions, they may be ranked among the highest intellectual efforts of their author. their sarcasm is junius-like,-- cold, keen, unsparing. in boldness, directness, and eloquent appeal, they will bear comparison with o'connell's celebrated 'letters to the reformers of great britain'. they are the offspring of an intellect unshorn of its primal strength, and combining the ardor of youth with the experience of age. the disclosure made in these letters of the slavery influence exerted in congress over the representatives of the free states, of the manner in which the rights of freemen have been bartered for southern votes, or basely yielded to the threats of men educated in despotism, and stamped by the free indulgence of unrestrained tyranny with the "odious peculiarities" of slavery, is painful and humiliating in the extreme. it will be seen that, in the great struggle for and against the right of petition, an account of which is given in the following pages, their author stood, in a great measure, alone and unsupported by his northern colleagues. on his "gray, discrowned head" the entire fury of slave- holding arrogance and wrath was expended. he stood alone, beating back, with his aged and single arm, the tide which would have borne down and overwhelmed a less sturdy and determined spirit. we need not solicit for these letters, and the speech which accompanies them, a thorough perusal. they deserve, and we trust will receive, a circulation throughout the entire country. they will meet a cordial welcome from every lover of human liberty, from every friend of justice and the rights of man, irrespective of color or condition. the principles which they defend, the sentiments which they express, are those of massachusetts, as recently asserted, almost unanimously, by her legislature. in both branches of that body, during the discussion of the subject of slavery and the right of petition, the course of the ex- president was warmly and eloquently commended. massachusetts will sustain her tried and faithful representative; and the time is not far distant when the best and worthiest citizens of the entire north will proffer him their thanks for his noble defence of their rights as freemen, and of the rights of the slave as a man. the bible and slavery. from a review of a pro-slavery pamphlet by "evangelicus" in the boston emancipator in . the second part of the essay is occupied in proving that the slavery in the roman world, at the time of our saviour, was similar in all essential features to american slavery at the present day; and the third and concluding part is devoted to an examination of the apostolical directions to slaves and masters, as applicable to the same classes in the united states. he thinks the command to give to servants that which is just and equal means simply that the masters should treat their slaves with equity, and that while the servant is to be profitable to the master, the latter is bound in "a fair and equitable manner to provide for the slave's subsistence and happiness." although he professes to believe that a faithful adherence to scriptural injunctions on this point would eventually terminate in the emancipation of the slaves, he thinks it not necessary to inquire whether the new testament does or does not "tolerate slavery as a permanent institution"! from the foregoing synopsis it will be seen at once that whatever may have been the motives of the writer, the effect of his publication, so far as it is at all felt, will be to strengthen the oppressor in his guilt, and hold him back from the performance of his immediate duty in respect to his slaves, and to shield his conscience from the reproofs of that class who, according to "evangelicus," have "no personal acquaintance with the actual domestic state or the social and political connections of their southern fellow-citizens." we look upon it only as another vain attempt to strike a balance between christian duty and criminal policy, to reconcile christ and belial, the holy philanthropy of him who went about doing good with the most abhorrent manifestation of human selfishness, lust, and hatred which ever provoked the divine displeasure. there is a grave-stone coldness about it. the author manifests as little feeling as if he were solving a question in algebra. no sigh of sympathy breathes through its frozen pages for the dumb, chained millions, no evidence of a feeling akin to that of him who at the grave of lazarus "wept, and forgot his power to save;" no outburst of that indignant reproof with which the divine master rebuked the devourers of widows' houses and the oppressors of the poor is called forth by the writer's stoical contemplation of the tyranny of his "christian brethren" at the south. "it is not necessary," says evangelicus, "to inquire whether the new testament does not tolerate slavery as a permanent institution." and this is said when the entire slave-holding church has sheltered its abominations under the pretended sanction of the gospel; when slavery, including within itself a violation of every command uttered amidst the thunders of sinai, a system which has filled the whole south with the oppression of egypt and the pollutions of sodom, is declared to be an institution of the most high. with all due deference to the author, we tell him, and we tell the church, north and south, that this question must be met. once more we repeat the solemn inquiry which has been already made in our columns, "is the bible to enslave the world?" has it been but a vain dream of ours that the mission of the author of the gospel was to undo the heavy burdens, to open the prison doors, and to break the yoke of the captive? let andover and princeton answer. if the gospel does sanction the vilest wrong which man can inflict upon his fellow-man, if it does rivet the chains which humanity, left to itself, would otherwise cast off, then, in humanity's name, let it perish forever from the face of the earth. let the bible societies dissolve; let not another sheet issue from their presses. scatter not its leaves abroad over the dark places of the earth; they are not for the healing of the nations. leave rather to the persian his zendavesta, to the mussulman his koran. we repeat it, this question must be met. already we have heard infidelity exulting over the astute discoveries of bespectacled theological professors, that the great head of the christian church tolerated the horrible atrocities of roman slavery, and that his most favored apostle combined slave-catching with his missionary labors. and why should it not exult? fouler blasphemy than this was never uttered. a more monstrous libel upon the divine author of christianity was never propagated by paine or voltaire, kneeland or owen; and we are constrained to regard the professor of theology or the doctor of divinity who tasks his sophistry and learning in an attempt to show that the divine mind looks with complacency upon chattel slavery as the most dangerous enemy with which christianity has to contend. the friends of pure and undefiled religion must awake to this danger. the northern church must shake itself clean from its present connection with blasphemers and slave-holders, or perish with them. what is slavery addressed to the liberty party convention at new bedford in september, . i have just received your kind invitation to attend the meeting of the liberty party in new bedford on the d of next month. believe me, it is with no ordinary feelings of regret that i find myself under the necessity of foregoing the pleasure of meeting with you on that occasion. but i need not say to you, and through you to the convention, that you have my hearty sympathy. i am with the liberty party because it is the only party in the country which is striving openly and honestly to reduce to practice the great truths which lie at the foundation of our republic: all men created equal, endowed with rights inalienable; the security of these rights the only just object of government; the right of the people to alter or modify government until this great object is attained. precious and glorious truths! sacred in the sight of their divine author, grateful and beneficent to suffering humanity, essential elements of that ultimate and universal government of which god is laying the strong and wide foundations, turning and overturning, until he whose right it is shall rule. the voice which calls upon us to sustain them is the voice of god. in the eloquent language of the lamented myron holley, the man who first lifted up the standard of the liberty party: "he calls upon us to sustain these truths in the recorded voice of the holy of ancient times. he calls us to sustain them in the sound as of many waters and mighty thunderings rising from the fields of europe, converted into one vast aceldama by the exertions of despots to suppress them; in the persuasive history of the best thoughts and boldest deeds of all our brave, self- sacrificing ancestors; in the tender, heart-reaching whispers of our children, preparing to suffer or enjoy the future, as we leave it for them; in the broken and disordered but moving accents of half our race yet groping in darkness and galled by the chains of bondage. he calls upon us to sustain them by the solemn and considerate use of all the powers with which he has invested us." in a time of almost universal political scepticism, in the midst of a pervading and growing unbelief in the great principles enunciated in the revolutionary declaration, the liberty party has dared to avow its belief in these truths, and to carry them into action as far as it has the power. it is a protest against the political infidelity of the day, a recurrence to first principles, a summons once more to that deserted altar upon which our fathers laid their offerings. it may be asked why it is that a party resting upon such broad principles is directing its exclusive exertions against slavery. "are there not other great interests?" ask all manner of whig and democrat editors and politicians. "consider, for instance," say the democrats, "the mighty question which is agitating us, whether a 'northern man with southern principles' or a southern man with the principles of a nero or caligula shall be president." "or look at us," say the whigs, "deprived of our inalienable right to office by this tyler-calhoun administration. and bethink you, gentlemen, how could your liberty party do better than to vote with us for a man who, if he does hold some threescore of slaves, and maintain that 'two hundred years of legislation has sanctioned and sanctified negro slavery,' is, at the same time, the champion of greek liberty, and polish liberty, and south american liberty, and, in short, of all sorts of liberties, save liberty at home." yes, friends, we have considered all this, and more, namely, that one sixth part of our entire population are slaves, and that you, with your subtreasuries and national banks, propose no relief for them. nay, farther, it is because both of you, when in power, have used your authority to rivet closer the chains of unhappy millions, that we have been compelled to abandon you, and form a liberty party having for its first object the breaking of these chains. what is slavery? for upon the answer to this question must the liberty party depend for its justification. the slave laws of the south tell us that it is the conversion of men into articles of property; the transformation of sentient immortal beings into "chattels personal." the principle of a reciprocity of benefits, which to some extent characterizes all other relations, does not exist in that of master and slave. the master holds the plough which turns the soil of his plantation, the horse which draws it, and the slave who guides it by one and the same tenure. the profit of the master is the great end of the slave's existence. for this end he is fed, clothed, and prescribed for in sickness. he learns nothing, acquires nothing, for himself. he cannot use his own body for his own benefit. his very personality is destroyed. he is a mere instrument, a means in the hands of another for the accomplishment of an end in which his own interests are not regarded, a machine moved not by his own will, but by another's. in him the awful distinction between a person and a thing is annihilated: he is thrust down from the place which god and nature assigned him, from the equal companionship of rational intelligence's,--a man herded with beasts, an immortal nature classed with the wares of the merchant! the relations of parent and child, master and apprentice, government and subject, are based upon the principle of benevolence, reciprocal benefits, and the wants of human society; relations which sacredly respect the rights and legacies which god has given to all his rational creatures. but slavery exists only by annihilating or monopolizing these rights and legacies. in every other modification of society, man's personal ownership remains secure. he may be oppressed, deprived of privileges, loaded with burdens, hemmed about with legal disabilities, his liberties restrained. but, through all, the right to his own body and soul remains inviolate. he retains his inherent, original possession of himself. even crime cannot forfeit it, for that law which destroys his personality makes void its own claims upon him as a moral agent; and the power to punish ceases with the accountability of the criminal. he may suffer and die under the penalties of the law, but he suffers as a man, he perishes as a man, and not as a thing. to the last moments of his existence the rights of a moral agent are his; they go with him to the grave; they constitute the ground of his accountability at the bar of infinite justice,--rights fixed, eternal, inseparable; attributes of all rational intelligence in time and eternity; the same in essence, and differing in degree only, with those of the highest moral being, of god himself. slavery alone lays its grasp upon the right of personal ownership, that foundation right, the removal of which uncreates the man; a right which god himself could not take away without absolving the being thus deprived of all moral accountability; and so far as that being is concerned, making sin and holiness, crime and virtue, words without significance, and the promises and sanctions of revelation, dreams. hence, the crowning horror of slavery, that which lifts it above all other iniquities, is not that it usurps the prerogatives of deity, but that it attempts that which even he who has said, "all souls are mine," cannot do, without breaking up the foundations of his moral government. slavery is, in fact, a struggle with the almighty for dominion over his rational creatures. it is leagued with the powers of darkness, in wresting man from his maker. it is blasphemy lifting brazen brow and violent hand to heaven, attempting a reversal of god's laws. man claiming the right to uncreate his brother; to undo that last and most glorious work, which god himself pronounced good, amidst the rejoicing hosts of heaven! man arrogating to himself the right to change, for his own selfish purposes, the beautiful order of created existences; to pluck the crown of an immortal nature, scarce lower than that of angels, from the brow of his brother; to erase the god-like image and superscription stamped upon him by the hand of his creator, and to write on the despoiled and desecrated tablet, "a chattel personal!" this, then, is slavery. nature, with her thousand voices, cries out against it. against it, divine revelation launches its thunders. the voice of god condemns it in the deep places of the human heart. the woes and wrongs unutterable which attend this dreadful violation of natural justice, the stripes, the tortures, the sunderings of kindred, the desolation of human affections, the unchastity and lust, the toil uncompensated, the abrogated marriage, the legalized heathenism, the burial of the mind, are but the mere incidentals of the first grand outrage, that seizure of the entire man, nerve, sinew, and spirit, which robs him of his body, and god of his soul. these are but the natural results and outward demonstrations of slavery, the crystallizations from the chattel principle. it is against this system, in its active operation upon three millions of our countrymen, that the liberty party is, for the present, directing all its efforts. with such an object well may we be "men of one idea." nor do we neglect "other great interests," for all are colored and controlled by slavery, and the removal of this disastrous influence would most effectually benefit them. political action is the result and immediate object of moral suasion on this subject. action, action, is the spirit's means of progress, its sole test of rectitude, its only source of happiness. and should not decided action follow our deep convictions of the wrong of slavery? shall we denounce the slave-holders of the states, while we retain our slavery in the district of columbia? shall we pray that the god of the oppressed will turn the hearts of "the rulers" in south carolina, while we, the rulers of the district, refuse to open the prisons and break up the slave-markets on its ten miles square? god keep us from such hypocrisy! everybody now professes to be opposed to slavery. the leaders of the two great political parties are grievously concerned lest the purity of the antislavery enterprise will suffer in its connection with politics. in the midst of grossest pro-slavery action, they are full of anti-slavery sentiment. they love the cause, but, on the whole, think it too good for this world. they would keep it sublimated, aloft, out of vulgar reach or use altogether, intangible as magellan's clouds. everybody will join us in denouncing slavery, in the abstract; not a faithless priest nor politician will oppose us; abandon action, and forsooth we can have an abolition millennium; the wolf shall lie down with the lamb, while slavery in practice clanks, in derision, its three millions of unbroken chains. our opponents have no fear of the harmless spectre of an abstract idea. they dread it only when it puts on the flesh and sinews of a practical reality, and lifts its right arm in the strength which god giveth to do as well as theorize. as honest men, then, we must needs act; let us do so as becomes men engaged in a great and solemn cause. not by processions and idle parades and spasmodic enthusiasms, by shallow tricks and shows and artifices, can a cause like ours be carried onward. leave these to parties contending for office, as the "spoils of victory." we need no disguises, nor false pretences, nor subterfuges; enough for us to present before our fellow- countrymen the holy truths of freedom, in their unadorned and native beauty. dark as the present may seem, let us remember with hearty confidence that truth and right are destined to triumph. let us blot out the word "discouragement" from the anti-slavery vocabulary. let the enemies of freedom be discouraged; let the advocates of oppression despair; but let those who grapple with wrong and falsehood, in the name of god and in the power of his truth, take courage. slavery must die. the lord hath spoken it. the vials of his hot displeasure, like those which chastised the nations in the apocalyptic vision, are smoking even now, above its "habitations of cruelty." it can no longer be borne with by heaven. universal humanity cries out against it. let us work, then, to hasten its downfall, doing whatsoever our hands find to do, "with all our might." october, . democracy and slavery. [ .] the great leader of american democracy, thomas jefferson, was an ultra- abolitionist in theory, while from youth to age a slave-holder in practice. with a zeal which never abated, with a warmth which the frost of years could not chill, he urged the great truths, that each man should be the guardian of his own weal; that one man should never have absolute control over another. he maintained the entire equality of the race, the inherent right of self-ownership, the equal claim of all to a fair participation in the enactment of the laws by which they are governed. he saw clearly that slavery, as it existed in the south and on his own plantation, was inconsistent with this doctrine. his early efforts for emancipation in virginia failed of success; but he next turned his attention to the vast northwestern territory, and laid the foundation of that ordinance of , which, like the flaming sword of the angel at the gates of paradise, has effectually guarded that territory against the entrance of slavery. nor did he stop here. he was the friend and admirer of the ultra-abolitionists of revolutionary france; he warmly urged his british friend, dr. price, to send his anti-slavery pamphlets into virginia; he omitted no opportunity to protest against slavery as anti-democratic, unjust, and dangerous to the common welfare; and in his letter to the territorial governor of illinois, written in old age, he bequeathed, in earnest and affecting language, the cause of negro emancipation to the rising generation. "this enterprise," said he, "is for the young, for those who can carry it forward to its consummation. it shall have all my prayers, and these are the only weapons of an old man." such was thomas jefferson, the great founder of american democracy, the advocate of the equality of human rights, irrespective of any conditions of birth, or climate, or color. his political doctrines, it is strange to say, found their earliest recipients and most zealous admirers in the slave states of the union. the privileged class of slaveholders, whose rank and station "supersede the necessity of an order of nobility," became earnest advocates of equality among themselves--the democracy of aristocracy. with the misery and degradation of servitude always before them, in the condition of their own slaves, an intense love of personal independence, and a haughty impatience of any control over their actions, prepared them to adopt the democratic idea, so far as it might be applied to their own order. of that enlarged and generous democracy, the love, not of individual freedom alone, but of the rights and liberties of all men, the unselfish desire to give to others the privileges which all men value for themselves, we are constrained to believe the great body of thomas jefferson's slave-holding admirers had no adequate conception. they were just such democrats as the patricians of rome and the aristocracy of venice; lords over their own plantations, a sort of "holy alliance" of planters, admitting and defending each other's divine right of mastership. still, in virginia, maryland, and in other sections of the slave states, truer exponents and exemplifiers of the idea of democracy, as it existed in the mind of jefferson, were not wanting. in the debate on the memorials presented to the first congress of the united states, praying for the abolition of slavery, the voice of the virginia delegation in that body was unanimous in deprecation of slavery as an evil, social, moral, and political. in the virginia constitutional convention--of there were men who had the wisdom to perceive and the firmness to declare that slavery was not only incompatible with the honor and prosperity of the state, but wholly indefensible on any grounds which could be consistently taken by a republican people. in the debate on the same subject in the legislature in , universal and impartial democracy found utterance from eloquent lips. we might say as much of kentucky, the child of virginia. but it remains true that these were exceptions to the general rule. with the language of universal liberty on their lips, and moved by the most zealous spirit of democratic propagandism, the greater number of the slave-holders of the union seem never to have understood the true meaning, or to have measured the length and breadth of that doctrine which they were the first to adopt, and of which they have claimed all along to be the peculiar and chosen advocates. the northern states were slow to adopt the democratic creed. the oligarchy of new england, and the rich proprietors and landholders of the middle states, turned with alarm and horror from the levelling doctrines urged upon them by the "liberty and equality" propagandists of the south. the doctrines of virginia were quite as unpalatable to massachusetts at the beginning of the present century as those of massachusetts now are to the old dominion. democracy interfered with old usages and time-honored institutions, and threatened to plough up the very foundations of the social fabric. it was zealously opposed by the representatives of new england in congress and in the home legislatures; and in many pulpits hands were lifted to god in humble entreaty that the curse and bane of democracy, an offshoot of the rabid jacobinism of revolutionary france, might not be permitted to take root and overshadow the goodly heritage of puritanism. the alarmists of the south, in their most fervid pictures of the evils to be apprehended from the prevalence of anti-slavery doctrines in their midst, have drawn nothing more fearful than the visions of such "prophets of war and harbingers of ill" as fisher ames in the forum and parish in the desk, when contemplating the inroads of jeffersonian democracy upon the politics, religion, and property of the north. but great numbers of the free laborers of the northern states, the mechanics and small farmers, took a very different view of the matter. the doctrines of jefferson were received as their political gospel. it was in vain that federalism denounced with indignation the impertinent inconsistency of slave-holding interference in behalf of liberty in the free states. come the doctrine from whom it might, the people felt it to be true. state after state revolted from the ranks of federalism, and enrolled itself on the side of democracy. the old order of things was broken up; equality before the law was established, religious tests and restrictions of the right of suffrage were abrogated. take massachusetts, for example. there the resistance to democratic principles was the most strenuous and longest continued. yet, at this time, there is no state in the union more thorough in its practical adoption of them. no property qualifications or religious tests prevail; all distinctions of sect, birth, or color, are repudiated, and suffrage is universal. the democracy, which in the south has only been held in a state of gaseous abstraction, hardened into concrete reality in the cold air of the north. the ideal became practical, for it had found lodgment among men who were accustomed to act out their convictions and test all their theories by actual experience. while thus making a practical application of the new doctrine, the people of the free states could not but perceive the incongruity of democracy and slavery. selleck osborn, who narrowly escaped the honor of a democratic martyr in connecticut, denounced slave-holding, in common with other forms of oppression. barlow, fresh from communion with gregoire, brissot, and robespierre, devoted to negro slavery some of the most vigorous and truthful lines of his great poem. eaton, returning from his romantic achievements in tunis for the deliverance of white slaves, improved the occasion to read a lecture to his countrymen on the inconsistency and guilt of holding blacks in servitude. in the missouri struggle of - , the people of the free states, with a few ignoble exceptions, took issue with the south against the extension of slavery. some ten years later, the present antislavery agitation commenced. it originated, beyond a question, in the democratic element. with the words of jefferson on their lips, young, earnest, and enthusiastic men called the attention of the community to the moral wrong and political reproach of slavery. in the name and spirit of democracy, the moral and political powers of the people were invoked to limit, discountenance, and put an end to a system so manifestly subversive of its foundation principles. it was a revival of the language of jefferson and page and randolph, an echo of the voice of him who penned the declaration of independence and originated the ordinance of . meanwhile the south had wellnigh forgotten the actual significance of the teachings of its early political prophets, and their renewal in the shape of abolitionism was, as might have been expected, strange and unwelcome. pleasant enough it had been to hold up occasionally these democratic abstractions for the purpose of challenging the world's admiration and cheaply acquiring the character of lovers of liberty and equality. frederick of prussia, apostrophizing the shades of cato and brutus, "vous de la liberte heros que je revere," while in the full exercise of his despotic power, was quite as consistent as these democratic slaveowners, whose admiration of liberty increased in exact ratio with its distance from their own plantations. they had not calculated upon seeing their doctrine clothed with life and power, a practical reality, pressing for application to their slaves as well as to themselves. they had not taken into account the beautiful ordination of providence, that no man can vindicate his own rights, without directly or impliedly including in that vindication the rights of all other men. the haughty and oppressive barons who wrung from their reluctant monarch the great charter at runnymede, acting only for themselves and their class, little dreamed of the universal application which has since been made of their guaranty of rights and liberties. as little did the nobles of the parliament of paris, when strengthening themselves by limiting the kingly prerogative, dream of the emancipation of their own serfs, by a revolution to which they were blindly giving the first impulse. god's truth is universal; it cannot be monopolized by selfishness. the two processions. [ .] "look upon this picture, and on this." hamlet. considering that we have a slave population of nearly three millions, and that in one half of the states of the republic it is more hazardous to act upon the presumption that "all men are created free and equal" than it would be in austria or russia, the lavish expression of sympathy and extravagant jubilation with which, as a people, we are accustomed to greet movements in favor of freedom abroad are not a little remarkable. we almost went into ecstasies over the first french revolution; we filled our papers with the speeches of orator hunt and the english radicals; we fraternized with the united irishmen; we hailed as brothers in the cause of freedom the very mexicans whom we have since wasted with fire and sword; our orators, north and south, grew eloquent and classic over the greek and polish revolutions. in short, long ere this, if the walls of kingcraft and despotism had been, like those of jericho, destined to be overthrown by sound, our fourth of july cannon-shootings and bell- ringings, together with our fierce, grandiloquent speech-makings in and out of congress, on the occasions referred to, would have left no stone upon another. it is true that an exception must be made in the case of hayti. we fired no guns, drank no toasts, made no speeches in favor of the establishment of that new republic in our neighborhood. the very mention of the possibility that haytien delegates might ask admittance to the congress of the free republics of the new world at panama "frightened from their propriety" the eager propagandists of republicanism in the senate, and gave a death-blow to their philanthropic projects. but as hayti is a republic of blacks who, having revolted from their masters as well as from the mother country, have placed themselves entirely without the pale of anglo-saxon sympathy by their impertinent interference with the monopoly of white liberty, this exception by no means disproves the general fact, that in the matter of powder-burning, bell-jangling, speech-making, toast-drinking admiration of freedom afar off and in the abstract we have no rivals. the caricature of our "general sympathizers" in martin chuzzlewit is by no means a fancy sketch. the news of the revolution of the three days in paris, and the triumph of the french people over charles x. and his ministers, as a matter of course acted with great effect upon our national susceptibility. we all threw up our hats in excessive joy at the spectacle of a king dashed down headlong from his throne and chased out of his kingdom by his long- suffering and oppressed subjects. we took half the credit of the performance to ourselves, inasmuch as lafayette was a principal actor in it. our editors, from passamaquoddy to the sabine, indited paragraphs for a thousand and one newspapers, congratulating the parisian patriots, and prophesying all manner of evil to holy alliances, kings, and aristocracies. the national intelligencer for september , , contains a full account of the public rejoicings of the good people of washington on the occasion. bells were rung in all the steeples, guns were fired, and a grand procession was formed, including the president of the united states, the heads of departments, and other public functionaries. decorated with tricolored ribbons, and with tricolored flags mingling with the stripes and stars over their heads, and gazed down upon by bright eyes from window and balcony, the "general sympathizers" moved slowly and majestically through the broad avenue towards the capitol to celebrate the revival of french liberty in a manner becoming the chosen rulers of a free people. what a spectacle was this for the representatives of european kingcraft at our seat of government! how the titled agents of metternich and nicholas must have trembled, in view of this imposing demonstration, for the safety of their "peculiar institutions!" unluckily, however, the moral effect of this grand spectacle was marred somewhat by the appearance of another procession, moving in a contrary direction. it was a gang of slaves! handcuffed in pairs, with the sullen sadness of despair in their faces, they marched wearily onward to the music of the driver's whip and the clanking iron on their limbs. think of it! shouts of triumph, rejoicing bells, gay banners, and glittering cavalcades, in honor of liberty, in immediate contrast with men and women chained and driven like cattle to market! the editor of the american spectator, a paper published at washington at that time, speaking of this black procession of slavery, describes it as "driven along by what had the appearance of a man on horseback." the miserable wretches who composed it were doubtless consigned to a slave-jail to await their purchase and transportation to the south or southwest; and perhaps formed a part of that drove of human beings which the same editor states that he saw on the saturday following, "males and females chained in couples, starting from robey's tavern, on foot, for alexandria, to embark on board a slave-ship." at a virginia camp-meeting, many years ago, one of the brethren, attempting an exhortation, stammered, faltered, and finally came to a dead stand. "sit down, brother," said old father kyle, the one-eyed abolition preacher; "it's no use to try; you can't preach with twenty negroes sticking in your throat!" it strikes us that our country is very much in the condition of the poor confused preacher at the camp-meeting. slavery sticks in its throat, and spoils its finest performances, political and ecclesiastical; confuses the tongues of its evangelical alliances; makes a farce of its fourth of july celebrations; and, as in the case of the grand washington procession of , sadly mars the effect of its rejoicings in view of the progress of liberty abroad. there is a stammer in all our exhortations; our moral and political homilies are sure to run into confusions and contradictions; and the response which comes to us from the nations is not unlike that of father kyle to the planter's attempt at sermonizing: "it's no use, brother jonathan; you can't preach liberty with three millions of slaves in your throat!" a chapter of history. [ .] the theory which a grave and learned northern senator has recently announced in congress, that slavery, like the cotton-plant, is confined by natural laws to certain parallels of latitude, beyond which it can by no possibility exist, however it may have satisfied its author and its auditors, has unfortunately no verification in the facts of the case. slavery is singularly cosmopolitan in its habits. the offspring of pride, and lust, and avarice, it is indigenous to the world. rooted in the human heart, it defies the rigors of winter in the steppes of tartary and the fierce sun of the tropics. it has the universal acclimation of sin. the first account we have of negro slaves in new england is from the pen of john josselyn. nineteen years after the landing at plymouth, this interesting traveller was for some time the guest of samuel maverick, who then dwelt, like a feudal baron, in his fortalice on noddle's island, surrounded by retainers and servants, bidding defiance to his indian neighbors behind his strong walls, with "four great guns" mounted thereon, and "giving entertainment to all new-comers gratis." "on the d of october, , about nine o'clock in the morning, mr. maverick's negro woman," says josselyn, "came to my chamber, and in her own country language and tune sang very loud and shrill. going out to her, she used a great deal of respect towards me, and would willingly have expressed her grief in english had she been able to speak the language; but i apprehended it by her countenance and deportment. whereupon i repaired to my host to learn of him the cause, and resolved to entreat him in her behalf; for i had understood that she was a queen in her own country, and observed a very dutiful and humble garb used towards her by another negro, who was her maid. mr. maverick was desirous to have a breed of negroes; and therefore, seeing she would not yield by persuasions to company with a negro young man he had in his house, he commanded him, willed she, nilled she, to go to her bed, which was no sooner done than she thrust him out again. this she took in high disdain beyond her slavery; and this was the cause of her grief." that the peculiar domestic arrangements and unfastidious economy of this slave-breeding settler were not countenanced by the puritans of that early time we have sufficient evidence. it is but fair to suppose, from the silence of all other writers of the time with respect to negroes and slaves, that this case was a marked exception to the general habits and usage of the colonists. at an early period a traffic was commenced between the new england colonies and that of barbadoes; and it is not improbable that slaves were brought to boston from that island. the laws, however, discouraged their introduction and purchase, giving freedom to all held to service at the close of seven years. in , two years after josselyn's adventure on noddle's island, the code of laws known by the name of the body of liberties was adopted by the colony. it was drawn up by nathaniel ward, the learned and ingenious author of the 'simple cobbler of agawarn', the earliest poetical satire of new england. one of its provisions was as follows:-- "there shall be never any bond slaverie, villainage, or captivitie amongst us, unless it be lawfull captives taken in just warres and such strangers as willingly sell themselves or are sold to us. and these shall have all the liberties and christian usages which the law of god established in israel doth morally require." in , captain smith, a boston church-member, in connection with one keeser, brought home two negroes whom he obtained by the surprise and burning of a negro village in africa and the massacre of many of its inhabitants. sir richard saltonstall, one of the assistants, presented a petition to the general court, stating the outrage thereby committed as threefold in its nature, namely murder, man-stealing, and sabbath- breaking; inasmuch as the offence of "chasing the negers, as aforesayde, upon the sabbath day (being a servile work, and such as cannot be considered under any other head) is expressly capital by the law of god;" for which reason he prays that the offenders may be brought to justice, "soe that the sin they have committed may be upon their own heads and not upon ourselves." upon this petition the general court passed the following order, eminently worthy of men professing to rule in the fear and according to the law of god,--a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well:-- "the general court, conceiving themselves bound by the first opportunity to bear witness against the heinous and crying sin of man-stealing, as also to prescribe such timely redress for what has passed, and such a law for the future as may sufficiently deter all others belonging to us to have to do in such vile and odious courses, justly abhorred of all good and just men, do order that the negro interpreter, and others unlawfully taken, be by the first opportunity, at the charge of the country for the present, sent to his native country, guinea, and a letter with him of the indignation of the court thereabout, and justice thereof, desiring our honored governor would please put this order in execution." there is, so far as we know, no historical record of the actual return of these stolen men to their home. a letter is extant, however, addressed in behalf of the general court to a mr. williams on the piscataqua, by whom one of the negroes had been purchased, requesting him to send the man forthwith to boston, that he may be sent home, "which this court do resolve to send back without delay." three years after, in , the following law was placed upon the statute-book of the massachusetts colony:-- "if any man stealeth a man, or mankind, he shall surely be put to death." it will thus be seen that these early attempts to introduce slavery into new england were opposed by severe laws and by that strong popular sentiment in favor of human liberty which characterized the christian radicals who laid the foundations of the colonies. it was not the rigor of her northern winter, nor the unkindly soil of massachusetts, which discouraged the introduction of slavery in the first half-century of her existence as a colony. it was the puritan's recognition of the brotherhood of man in sin, suffering, and redemption, his estimate of the awful responsibilities and eternal destinies of humanity, his hatred of wrong and tyranny, and his stern sense of justice, which led him to impose upon the african slave-trader the terrible penalty of the mosaic code. but that brave old generation passed away. the civil contentions in the mother country drove across the seas multitudes of restless adventurers and speculators. the indian wars unsettled and demoralized the people. habits of luxury and the greed of gain took the place of the severe self- denial and rigid virtues of the fathers. hence we are not surprised to find that josselyn, in his second visit to new england, some twenty-five years after his first, speaks of the great increase of servants and negroes. in governor bradstreet, in answer to the inquiries of his majesty's privy council, states that two years before a vessel from madagasca "brought into the colony betwixt forty and fifty negroes, mostly women and children, who were sold at a loss to the owner of the vessel." "now and then," he continues, "two or three negroes are brought from barbadoes and other of his majesty's plantations and sold for twenty pounds apiece; so that there may be within the government about one hundred or one hundred and twenty, and it may be as many scots, brought hither and sold for servants in the time of the war with scotland, and about half as many irish." the owning of a black or white slave, or servant, at this period was regarded as an evidence of dignity and respectability; and hence magistrates and clergymen winked at the violation of the law by the mercenary traders, and supplied themselves without scruple. indian slaves were common, and are named in old wills, deeds, and inventories, with horses, cows, and household furniture. as early as the year we find william hilton, of newbury, sells to george carr, "for one quarter part of a vessel, james, my indian, with all the interest i have in him, to be his servant forever." some were taken in the narragansett war and other indian wars; others were brought from south carolina and the spanish main. it is an instructive fact, as illustrating the retributive dealings of providence, that the direst affliction of the massachusetts colony--the witchcraft terror of --originated with the indian tituba, a slave in the family of the minister of danvers. in the year the inhabitants of newbury were greatly excited by the arrest of a jerseyman who had been engaged in enticing indians and negroes to leave their masters. he was charged before the court with saying that "the english should be cut off and the negroes set free." james, a negro slave, and joseph, an indian, were arrested with him. their design was reported to be, to seize a vessel in the port and escape to canada and join the french, and return and lay waste and plunder their masters. they were to come back with five hundred indians and three hundred canadians; and the place of crossing the merrimac river, and of the first encampment on the other side, were even said to be fixed upon. when we consider that there could not have been more than a score of slaves in the settlement, the excitement into which the inhabitants were thrown by this absurd rumor of conspiracy seems not very unlike that of a convocation of small planters in a backwoods settlement in south carolina on finding an anti-slavery newspaper in their weekly mail bag. in colonel saltonstall, of haverhill, had several negroes, and among them a high-spirited girl, who, for some alleged misdemeanor, was severely chastised. the slave resolved upon revenge for her injury, and soon found the means of obtaining it. the colonel had on hand, for service in the indian war then raging, a considerable store of gunpowder. this she placed under the room in which her master and mistress slept, laid a long train, and dropped a coal on it. she had barely time to escape to the farm-house before the explosion took place, shattering the stately mansion into fragments. saltonstall and his wife were carried on their bed a considerable distance, happily escaping serious injury. some soldiers stationed in the house were scattered in all directions; but no lives were lost. the colonel, on recovering from the effects of his sudden overturn, hastened to the farm-house and found his servants all up save the author of the mischief, who was snug in bed and apparently in a quiet sleep. in an attempt was made in the general court of massachusetts to prevent the increase of slaves. judge sewall soon after published a pamphlet against slavery, but it seems with little effect. boston merchants and ship-owners became, to a considerable extent, involved in the slave-trade. distilleries, established in that place and in rhode island, furnished rum for the african market. the slaves were usually taken to the west indies, although occasionally part of a cargo found its way to new england, where the wholesome old laws against man-stealing had become a dead letter on the statute-book. in a bill was brought before the legislature of massachusetts to prevent "the unwarrantable and unnatural custom of enslaving mankind." the council of governor bernard sent it back to the house greatly changed and curtailed, and it was lost by the disagreement of the two branches. governor bernard threw his influence on the side of slavery. in a bill prohibiting the traffic in slaves passed both houses; but governor hutchinson withheld his assent and dismissed the legislature. the colored men sent a deputation of their own to the governor to solicit his consent to the bill; but he told them his instructions forbade him. a similar committee waiting upon general gage received the same answer. in the year a servant of richard lechmere, of cambridge, stimulated by the general discussion of the slavery question and by the advice of some of the zealous advocates of emancipation, brought an action against his master for detaining him in bondage. the suit was decided in his favor two years before the similar decision in the case of somerset in england. the funds necessary for carrying on this suit were raised among the blacks themselves. other suits followed in various parts of the province; and the result was, in every instance, the freedom of the plaintiff. in caesar hendrick sued his master, one greenleaf, of newburyport, for damages, laid at fifty pounds, for holding him as a slave. the jury awarded him his freedom and eighteen pounds. according to dr. belknap, whose answers to the queries on the subject, propounded by judge tucker, of virginia, have furnished us with many of the facts above stated, the principal grounds upon which the counsel of the masters depended were, that the negroes were purchased in open market, and included in the bills of sale like other property; that slavery was sanctioned by usage; and, finally, that the laws of the province recognized its existence by making masters liable for the maintenance of their slaves, or servants. on the part of the blacks, the law and usage of the mother country, confirmed by the great charter, that no man can be deprived of his liberty but by the judgment of his peers, were effectually pleaded. the early laws of the province prohibited slavery, and no subsequent legislation had sanctioned it; for, although the laws did recognize its existence, they did so only to mitigate and modify an admitted evil. the present state constitution was established in . the first article of the bill of rights prohibited slavery by affirming the foundation truth of our republic, that "all men are born free and equal." the supreme court decided in that no man could hold another as property without a direct violation of that article. in three free black citizens of boston were kidnapped and sold into slavery in one of the french islands. an intense excitement followed. governor hancock took efficient measures for reclaiming the unfortunate men. the clergy of boston petitioned the legislature for a total prohibition of the foreign slave-trade. the society of friends, and the blacks generally, presented similar petitions; and the same year an act was passed prohibiting the slave-trade and granting relief to persons kidnapped or decoyed out of the commonwealth. the fear of a burden to the state from the influx of negroes from abroad led the legislature, in connection with this law, to prevent those who were not citizens of the state or of other states from gaining a residence. the first case of the arrest of a fugitive slave in massachusetts under the law of took place in boston soon after the passage of the law. it is the case to which president quincy alludes in his late letter against the fugitive slave law. the populace at the trial aided the slave to escape, and nothing further was done about it. the arrest of george latimer as a slave, in boston, and his illegal confinement in jail, in , led to the passage of the law of for the "protection of personal liberty," prohibiting state officers from arresting or detaining persons claimed as slaves, and the use of the jails of the commonwealth for their confinement. this law was strictly in accordance with the decision of the supreme judiciary, in the case of prigg vs. the state of pennsylvania, that the reclaiming of fugitives was a matter exclusively belonging to the general government; yet that the state officials might, if they saw fit, carry into effect the law of congress on the subject, "unless prohibited by state legislation." it will be seen by the facts we have adduced that slavery in massachusetts never had a legal existence. the ermine of the judiciary of the puritan state has never been sullied by the admission of its detestable claims. it crept into the commonwealth like other evils and vices, but never succeeded in clothing itself with the sanction and authority of law. it stood only upon its own execrable foundation of robbery and wrong. with a history like this to look back upon, is it strange that the people of massachusetts at the present day are unwilling to see their time- honored defences of personal freedom, the good old safeguards of saxon liberty, overridden and swept away after the summary fashion of "the fugitive slave bill;" that they should loathe and scorn the task which that bill imposes upon them of aiding professional slave-hunters in seizing, fettering, and consigning to bondage men and women accused only of that which commends them to esteem and sympathy, love of liberty and hatred of slavery; that they cannot at once adjust themselves to "constitutional duties" which in south carolina and georgia are reserved for trained bloodhounds? surely, in view of what massachusetts has been, and her strong bias in favor of human freedom, derived from her great- hearted founders, it is to be hoped that the executive and cabinet at washington will grant her some little respite, some space for turning, some opportunity for conquering her prejudices, before letting loose the dogs of war upon her. let them give her time, and treat with forbearance her hesitation, qualms of conscience, and wounded pride. her people, indeed, are awkward in the work of slave-catching, and, it would seem, rendered but indifferent service in a late hunt in boston. whether they would do better under the surveillance of the army and navy of the united states is a question which we leave with the president and his secretary of state. general putnam once undertook to drill a company of quakers, and instruct them, by force of arms, in the art and mystery of fighting; but not a single pair of drab-colored breeches moved at his "forward march;" not a broad beaver wheeled at his word of command; no hand unclosed to receive a proffered musket. patriotic appeal, hard swearing, and prick of bayonet had no effect upon these impracticable raw recruits; and the stout general gave them up in despair. we are inclined to believe that any attempt on the part of the commander-in-chief of our army and navy to convert the good people of massachusetts into expert slave-catchers, under the discipline of west point and norfolk, would prove as idle an experiment as that of general putnam upon the quakers. thomas carlyle on the slave-question. [ .] a late number of fraser's magazine contains an article bearing the unmistakable impress of the anglo-german peculiarities of thomas carlyle, entitled, 'an occasional discourse on the negro question', which would be interesting as a literary curiosity were it not in spirit and tendency so unspeakably wicked as to excite in every rightminded reader a feeling of amazement and disgust. with a hard, brutal audacity, a blasphemous irreverence, and a sneering mockery which would do honor to the devil of faust, it takes issue with the moral sense of mankind and the precepts of christianity. having ascertained that the exports of sugar and spices from the west indies have diminished since emancipation,--and that the negroes, having worked, as they believed, quite long enough without wages, now refuse to work for the planters without higher pay than the latter, with the thriftless and evil habits of slavery still clinging to them, can afford to give,--the author considers himself justified in denouncing negro emancipation as one of the "shams" which he was specially sent into this world to belabor. had he confned himself to simple abuse and caricature of the self-denying and christian abolitionists of england--"the broad-brimmed philanthropists of exeter hall"--there would have been small occasion for noticing his splenetic and discreditable production. doubtless there is a cant of philanthropy --the alloy of human frailty and folly--in the most righteous reforms, which is a fair subject for the indignant sarcasm of a professed hater of shows and falsities. whatever is hollow and hypocritical in politics, morals, or religion, comes very properly within the scope of his mockery, and we bid him godspeed in plying his satirical lash upon it. impostures and frauds of all kinds deserve nothing better than detection and exposure. let him blow them up to his heart's content, as daniel did the image of bell and the dragon. but our author, in this matter of negro slavery, has undertaken to apply his explosive pitch and rosin, not to the affectation of humanity, but to humanity itself. he mocks at pity, scoffs at all who seek to lessen the amount of pain and suffering, sneers at and denies the most sacred rights, and mercilessly consigns an entire class of the children of his heavenly father to the doom of compulsory servitude. he vituperates the poor black man with a coarse brutality which would do credit to a mississippi slave-driver, or a renegade yankee dealer in human cattle on the banks of the potomac. his rhetoric has a flavor of the slave-pen and auction-block, vulgar, unmanly, indecent, a scandalous outrage upon good taste and refined feeling, which at once degrades the author and insults his readers. he assumes (for he is one of those sublimated philosophers who reject the baconian system of induction and depend upon intuition without recourse to facts and figures) that the emancipated class in the west india islands are universally idle, improvident, and unfit for freedom; that god created them to be the servants and slaves of their "born lords," the white men, and designed them to grow sugar, coffee, and spices for their masters, instead of raising pumpkins and yams for themselves; and that, if they will not do this, "the beneficent whip" should be again employed to compel them. he adopts, in speaking of the black class, the lowest slang of vulgar prejudice. "black quashee," sneers the gentlemanly philosopher,--"black quashee, if he will not help in bringing out the spices, will get himself made a slave again (which state will be a little less ugly than his present one), and with beneficent whip, since other methods avail not, will be compelled to work." it is difficult to treat sentiments so atrocious and couched in such offensive language with anything like respect. common sense and unperverted conscience revolt instinctively against them. the doctrine they inculcate is that which underlies all tyranny and wrong of man towards man. it is that under which "the creation groaneth and travaileth unto this day." it is as old as sin; the perpetual argument of strength against weakness, of power against right; that of the greek philosopher, that the barbarians, being of an inferior race, were born to be slaves to the greeks; and of the infidel hobbes, that every man, being by nature at war with every other man, has a perpetual right to reduce him to servitude if he has the power. it is the cardinal doctrine of what john quincy adams has very properly styled the satanic school of philosophy,--the ethics of an old norse sea robber or an arab plunderer of caravans. it is as widely removed from the sweet humanities and unselfish benevolence of christianity as the faith and practice of the east india thug or the new zealand cannibal. our author does not, however, take us altogether by surprise. he has before given no uncertain intimations of the point towards which his philosophy was tending. in his brilliant essay upon 'francia of paraguay', for instance, we find him entering with manifest satisfaction and admiration into the details of his hero's tyranny. in his 'letters and speeches of oliver cromwell'--in half a dozen pages of savage and almost diabolical sarcasm directed against the growing humanity of the age, the "rose-pink sentimentalisms," and squeamishness which shudders at the sight of blood and infliction of pain--he prepares the way for a justification of the massacre of drogheda. more recently he has intimated that the extermination of the celtic race is the best way of settling the irish question; and that the enslavement and forcible transportation of her poor, to labor under armed taskmasters in the colonies, is the only rightful and proper remedy for the political and social evils of england. in the 'discourse on negro slavery' we see this devilish philosophy in full bloom. the gods, he tells us, are with the strong. might has a divine right to rule,--blessed are the crafty of brain and strong of hand! weakness is crime. "vae victis!" as brennus said when he threw his sword into the scale,--woe to the conquered! the negro is weaker in intellect than his "born lord," the white man, and has no right to choose his own vocation. let the latter do it for him, and, if need be, return to the "beneficent whip." "on the side of the oppressor there is power;" let him use it without mercy, and hold flesh and blood to the grindstone with unrelenting rigor. humanity is squeamishness; pity for the suffering mere "rose-pink sentimentalism," maudlin and unmanly. the gods (the old norse gods doubtless) laugh to scorn alike the complaints of the miserable and the weak compassions and "philanthropisms" of those who would relieve them. this is the substance of thomas carlyle's advice; this is the matured fruit of his philosophic husbandry,--the grand result for which he has been all his life sounding unfathomable abysses or beating about in the thin air of transcendentalism. such is the substitute which he offers us for the sermon on the mount. he tells us that the blacks have no right to use the islands of the west indies for growing pumpkins and garden stuffs for their own use and behoof, because, but for the wisdom and skill of the whites, these islands would have been productive only of "jungle, savagery, and swamp malaria." the negro alone could never have improved the islands or civilized himself; and therefore their and his "born lord," the white man, has a right to the benefits of his own betterments of land and "two- legged cattle!" "black quashee" has no right to dispose of himself and his labor because he owes his partial civilization to others! and pray how has it been with the white race, for whom our philosopher claims the divine prerogative of enslaving? some twenty and odd centuries ago, a pair of half-naked savages, daubed with paint, might have been seen roaming among the hills and woods of the northern part of the british island, subsisting on acorns and the flesh of wild animals, with an occasional relish of the smoked hams and pickled fingers of some unfortunate stranger caught on the wrong side of the tweed. this interesting couple reared, as they best could, a family of children, who, in turn, became the heads of families; and some time about the beginning of the present century one of their descendants in the borough of ecclefechan rejoiced over the birth of a man child now somewhat famous as "thomas carlyle, a maker of books." does it become such a one to rave against the west india negro's incapacity for self-civilization? unaided by the arts, sciences, and refinements of the romans, he might have been, at this very day, squatted on his naked haunches in the woods of ecclefechan, painting his weather-hardened epidermis in the sun like his piet ancestors. where, in fact, can we look for unaided self-improvement and spontaneous internal development, to any considerable extent, on the part of any nation or people? from people to people the original god- given impulse towards civilization and perfection has been transmitted, as from egypt to greece, and thence to the roman world. but the blacks, we are told, are indolent and insensible to the duty of raising sugar and coffee and spice for the whites, being mainly careful to provide for their own household and till their own gardens for domestic comforts and necessaries. the exports have fallen off somewhat. and what does this prove? only that the negro is now a consumer of products, of which, under the rule of the whip, he was a producer merely. as to indolence, under the proper stimulus of fair wages we have reason to believe that the charge is not sustained. if unthrifty habits and lack of prudence on the part of the owners of estates, combined with the repeal of duties on foreign sugars by the british government, have placed it out of their power to pay just and reasonable wages for labor, who can blame the blacks if they prefer to cultivate their own garden plots rather than raise sugar and spice for their late masters upon terms little better than those of their old condition, the "beneficent whip" always excepted? the despatches of the colonial governors agree in admitting that the blacks have had great cause for complaint and dissatisfaction, owing to the delay or non-payment of their wages. sir c. e. gray, writing from jamaica, says, that "in a good many instances the payment of the wages they have earned has been either very irregularly made, or not at all, probably on account of the inability of the employers." he says, moreover:-- "the negroes appear to me to be generally as free from rebellious tendencies or turbulent feelings and malicious thoughts as any race of laborers i ever saw or heard of. my impression is, indeed, that under a system of perfectly fair dealing and of real justice they will come to be an admirable peasantry and yeomanry; able-bodied, industrious, and hard- working, frank, and well-disposed." it must, indeed, be admitted that, judging by their diminished exports and the growing complaints of the owners of estates, the condition of the islands, in a financial point of view, is by no means favorable. an immediate cause of this, however, must be found in the unfortunate sugar act of . the more remote, but for the most part powerful, cause of the present depression is to be traced to the vicious and unnatural system of slavery, which has been gradually but surely preparing the way for ruin, bankruptcy, and demoralization. never yet, by a community or an individual, have the righteous laws of god been violated with impunity. sooner or later comes the penalty which the infinite justice has affixed to sin. partial and temporary evils and inconveniences have undoubtedly resulted from the emancipation of the laborers; and many years must elapse before the relations of the two heretofore antagonistic classes can be perfectly adjusted and their interests brought into entire harmony. but that freedom is not to be held mainly accountable for the depression of the british colonies is obvious from the fact that dutch surinam, where the old system of slavery remains in its original rigor, is in an equally depressed condition. the 'paramaribo neuws en advertentie blad', quoted in the jamaica gazette, says, under date of january , : "around us we hear nothing but complaints. people seek and find matter in everything to picture to themselves the lot of the place in which they live as bitterer than that of any other country. of a large number of flourishing plantations, few remain that can now be called such. so deteriorated has property become within the last few years, that many of these estates have not been able to defray their weekly expenses. the colony stands on the brink of a yawning abyss, into which it must inevitably plunge unless some new and better system is speedily adopted. it is impossible that our agriculture can any longer proceed on its old footing; our laboring force is dying away, and the social position they held must undergo a revolution." the paper from which we have quoted, the official journal of the colony, thinks the condition of the emancipated british colonies decidedly preferable to that of surinam, where the old slave system has continued in force, and insists that the dutch government must follow the example of great britain. the actual condition of the british colonies since emancipation is perfectly well known in surinam: three of them, essequibo, demerara, and berbice, being its immediate neighbors, whatever evils and inconveniences have resuited from emancipation must be well understood by the dutch slave-holders; yet we find them looking towards emancipation as the only prospect of remedy for the greater evils of their own system. this fact is of itself a sufficient answer to the assumption of carlyle and others, that what they call "the ruin of the colonies" has been produced by the emancipation acts of and . we have no fears whatever of the efect of this literary monstrosity, which we have been considering upon the british colonies. quashee, black and ignorant as he may be, will not "get himself made a slave again." the mission of the "beneficent whip" is there pretty well over; and it may now find its place in museums and cabinets of ghastly curiosities, with the racks, pillories, thumbscrews, and branding-irons of old days. what we have feared, however, is, that the advocates and defenders of slave-holding in this country might find in this discourse matter of encouragement, and that our anti-christian prejudices against the colored man might be strengthened and confirmed by its malignant vituperation and sarcasm. on this point we have sympathized with the forebodings of an eloquent writer in the london enquirer:-- "we cannot imagine a more deadly moral poison for the american people than his [carlyle's] last composition. every cruel practice of social exclusion will derive from it new sharpness and venom. the slave-holder, of course, will exult to find himself, not apologized for, but enthusiastically cheered, upheld, and glorified, by a writer of european celebrity. but it is not merely the slave who will feel mr. carlyle's hand in the torture of his flesh, the riveting of his fetters, and the denial of light to his mind. the free black will feel him, too, in the more contemptuous and abhorrent scowl of his brother man, who will easily derive from this unfortunate essay the belief that his inhuman feelings are of divine ordination. it is a true work of the devil, the fostering of a tyrannical prejudice. far and wide over space, and long into the future, the winged words of evil counsel will go. in the market-place, in the house, in the theatre, and in the church,--by land and by sea, in all the haunts of men,--their influence will be felt in a perennial growth of hate and scorn, and suffering and resentment. amongst the sufferers will be many to whom education has given every refined susceptibility that makes contempt and exclusion bitter. men and women, faithful and diligent, loving and worthy to be loved, and bearing, it may be, no more than an almost imperceptible trace of african descent, will continue yet longer to be banished from the social meal of the white man, and to be spurned from his presence in the house of god, because a writer of genius has lent the weight of his authority and his fame, if not of his power, to the perpetuation of a prejudice which christianity was undermining." a more recent production, 'latter day pamphlets', in which man's capability of self-government is more than doubted, democracy somewhat contemptuously sneered at, and the "model republic" itself stigmatized as a "nation of bores," may have a salutary effect in restraining our admiration and in lessening our respect for the defender and eulogist of slavery. the sweeping impartiality with which in this latter production he applies the principle of our "peculiar institution" to the laboring poor man, irrespective of color, recognizing as his only inalienable right "the right of being set to labor" for his "born lords," will, we imagine, go far to neutralize the mischief of his discourse upon negro slavery. it is a sad thing to find so much intellectual power as carlyle really possesses so little under the control of the moral sentiments. in some of his earlier writings--as, for instance, his beautiful tribute to the corn law rhymer--we thought we saw evidence of a warm and generous sympathy with the poor and the wronged, a desire to ameliorate human suffering, which would have done credit to the "philanthropisms of exeter hall" and the "abolition of pain society." latterly, however, like moliere's quack, he has "changed all that;" his heart has got upon the wrong side; or rather, he seems to us very much in the condition of the coal-burner in the german tale, who had swapped his heart of flesh for a cobblestone. formation of the american antislavery society. a letter to william lloyd garrison, president of the society. amesbury, th th mo., . my dear friend,--i have received thy kind letter, with the accompanying circular, inviting me to attend the commemoration of the thirtieth anniversary of the formation of the american anti-slavery society, at philadelphia. it is with the deepest regret that i am compelled, by the feeble state of my health, to give up all hope of meeting thee and my other old and dear friends on an occasion of so much interest. how much it costs me to acquiesce in the hard necessity thy own feelings will tell thee better than any words of mine. i look back over thirty years, and call to mind all the circumstances of my journey to philadelphia, in company with thyself and the excellent dr. thurston of maine, even then, as we thought, an old man, but still living, and true as ever to the good cause. i recall the early gray morning when, with samuel j. may, our colleague on the committee to prepare a declaration of sentiments for the convention, i climbed to the small "upper chamber" of a colored friend to hear thee read the first draft of a paper which will live as long as our national history. i see the members of the convention, solemnized by the responsibility, rise one by one, and solemnly affix their names to that stern pledge of fidelity to freedom. of the signers, many have passed away from earth, a few have faltered and turned back, but i believe the majority still live to rejoice over the great triumph of truth and justice, and to devote what remains of time and strength to the cause to which they consecrated their youth and manhood thirty years ago. for while we may well thank god and congratulate one another on the prospect of the speedy emancipation of the slaves of the united states, we must not for a moment forget that, from this hour, new and mighty responsibilities devolve upon us to aid, direct, and educate these millions, left free, indeed, but bewildered, ignorant, naked, and foodless in the wild chaos of civil war. we have to undo the accumulated wrongs of two centuries; to remake the manhood which slavery has well- nigh unmade; to see to it that the long-oppressed colored man has a fair field for development and improvement; and to tread under our feet the last vestige of that hateful prejudice which has been the strongest external support of southern slavery. we must lift ourselves at once to the true christian altitude where all distinctions of black and white are overlooked in the heartfelt recognition of the brotherhood of man. i must not close this letter without confessing that i cannot be sufficiently thankful to the divine providence which, in a great measure through thy instrumentality, turned me away so early from what roger williams calls "the world's great trinity, pleasure, profit, and honor," to take side with the poor and oppressed. i am not insensible to literary reputation. i love, perhaps too well, the praise and good-will of my fellow-men; but i set a higher value on my name as appended to the anti-slavery declaration of than on the title-page of any book. looking over a life marked by many errors and shortcomings, i rejoice that i have been able to maintain the pledge of that signature, and that, in the long intervening years, "my voice, though not the loudest, has been heard wherever freedom raised her cry of pain." let me, through thee, extend a warm greeting to the friends, whether of our own or the new generation, who may assemble on the occasion of commemoration. there is work yet to be done which will task the best efforts of us all. for thyself, i need not say that the love and esteem of early boyhood have lost nothing by the test of time; and i am, very cordially, thy friend, john g. whittier the lesson and our duty. from the amesbury villager. [ .] in the assassination of abraham lincoln and the unspeakably brutal assault upon secretary seward slavery has made another revelation of itself. perhaps it was needed. in the magnanimity of assured victory we were perhaps disposed to overlook, not so much the guilty leaders and misguided masses of the great rebellion as the unutterable horror and sin of slavery which prompted it. how slowly we of the north have learned the true character of this mighty mischief! how our politicians bowed their strong shoulders under its burthens! how our churches reverenced it! how our clergy contrasted the heresy-tolerating north with the purely orthodox and scriptural type of slave-holding christianity! how all classes hunted down, not merely the fugitive slave, but the few who ventured to give him food and shelter and a godspeed in his flight from bondage! how utterly ignored was the negro's claim of common humanity! how readily was the decision of the slave-holding chief justice acquiesced in, that "the black man had no rights which the white man is bound to respect"! we saw a senator of the united states, world-known and honored for his learning, talents, and stainless integrity, beaten down and all but murdered at his official desk by a south carolina slave-holder, for the crime of speaking against the extension of slavery; and we heard the dastardly deed applauded throughout the south, while its brutal perpetrator was rewarded with orations and gifts and smiles of beauty as a chivalrous gentleman. we saw slavery enter kansas, with bowieknife in hand and curses on its lips; we saw the life of the union struck at by secession and rebellion; we heard of the bones of sons and brothers, fallen in defence of freedom and law, dug up and wrought into ornaments for the wrists and bosoms of slave-holding women; we looked into the open hell of andersonville, upon the deliberate, systematic starvation of helpless prisoners; we heard of libby prison underlaid with gunpowder, for the purpose of destroying thousands of union prisoners in case of the occupation of richmond by our army; we saw hundreds of prisoners massacred in cold blood at fort pillow, and the midnight sack of lawrence and the murder of its principal citizens. the flames of our merchant vessels, seized by pirates, lighted every sea; we heard of officers of the rebel army and navy stealing into our cities, firing hotels filled with sleeping occupants, and laying obstructions on the track of rail cars, for the purpose of killing and mangling their passengers. yet in spite of these revelations of the utterly barbarous character of slavery and its direful effect upon all connected with it, we were on the very point of trusting to its most criminal defenders the task of reestablishing the state governments of the south, leaving the real union men, white as well as black, at the mercy of those who have made hatred a religion and murder a sacrament. the nation needed one more terrible lesson. it has it in the murder of its beloved chief magistrate and the attempted assassination of its honored prime minister, the two men of all others prepared to go farthest to smooth the way of defeated rebellion back to allegiance. even now the lesson of these terrible events seems but half learned. in the public utterances i hear much of punishing and hanging leading traitors, fierce demands for vengeance, and threats of the summary chastisement of domestic sympathizers with treason, but comparatively little is said of the accursed cause, the prolific mother of abominations, slavery. the government is exhorted to remember that it does not bear the sword in vain, the old testament is ransacked for texts of oriental hatred and examples of the revenges of a semi-barbarous nation; but, as respects the four millions of unmistakably loyal people of the south, the patient, the long-suffering, kind-hearted victims of oppressions, only here and there a voice pleads for their endowment with the same rights of citizenship which are to be accorded to the rank and file of disbanded rebels. the golden rule of the sermon on the mount is not applied to them. much is said of executing justice upon rebels; little of justice to loyal black men. hanging a few ringleaders of treason, it seems to be supposed, is all that is needed to restore and reestablish the revolted states. the negro is to be left powerless in the hands of the "white trash," who hate him with a bitter hatred, exceeding that of the large slave-holders. in short, four years of terrible chastisement, of god's unmistakable judgments, have not taught us, as a people, their lesson, which could scarcely be plainer if it had been written in letters of fire on the sky. why is it that we are so slow to learn, so unwilling to confess that slavery is the accursed thing which whets the knife of murder, and transforms men, with the exterior of gentlemen and christians, into fiends? how pitiful is our exultation over the capture of the wretched booth and his associates! the great criminal, of whom he and they were but paltry instruments, still stalks abroad in the pine woods of jersey, where the state has thrown around him her legislative sanction and protection. he is in pennsylvania, thrusting the black man from public conveyances. wherever god's children are despised, insulted, and abused on account of their color, there is the real assassin of the president still at large. i do not wonder at the indignation which has been awakened by the late outrage, for i have painfully shared it. but let us see to it that it is rightly directed. the hanging of a score of southern traitors will not restore abraham lincoln nor atone for the mighty loss. in wreaking revenge upon these miserable men, we must see to it that we do not degrade ourselves and do dishonor to the sacred memory of the dead. we do well to be angry; and, if need be, let our wrath wax seven times hotter, until that which "was a murderer from the beginning" is consumed from the face of the earth. as the people stand by the grave of lincoln, let them lift their right hands to heaven and take a solemn vow upon their souls to give no sleep to their eyes nor slumber to their eyelids until slavery is hunted from its last shelter, and every man, black and white, stands equal before the law. in dealing with the guilty leaders and instigators of the rebellion we should beware how we take counsel of passion. hatred has no place beside the calm and awful dignity of justice. human life is still a very sacred thing; christian forbearance and patience are still virtues. for my own part, i should be satisfied to see the chiefs of the great treason go out from among us homeless, exiled, with the mark of cain on their foreheads, carrying with them, wherever they go, the avenging nemesis of conscience. we cannot take lessons, at this late day, in their school of barbarism; we cannot starve and torture them as they have starved and tortured our soldiers. let them live. perhaps that is, after all, the most terrible penalty. for wherever they hide themselves the story of their acts will pursue them; they can have no rest nor peace save in that deep repentance which, through the mercy of god, is possible for all. i have no disposition to stand between these men and justice. if arrested, they can have no claim to exemption from the liabilities of criminals. but it is not simply a question of deserts that is to be considered; we are to take into account our own reputation as a christian people, the wishes of our best friends abroad, and the humane instincts of the age, which forbid all unnecessary severity. happily we are not called upon to take counsel of our fears. rabbinical writers tell us that evil spirits who are once baffled in a contest with human beings lose from thenceforth all power of further mischief. the defeated rebels are in the precise condition of these jewish demons. deprived of slavery, they are like wasps that have lost their stings. as respects the misguided masses of the south, the shattered and crippled remnants of the armies of treason, the desolate wives, mothers, and children mourning for dear ones who have fallen in a vain and hopeless struggle, it seems to me our duty is very plain. we must forgive their past treason, and welcome and encourage their returning loyalty. none but cowards will insult and taunt the defeated and defenceless. we must feed and clothe the destitute, instruct the ignorant, and, bearing patiently with the bitterness and prejudice which will doubtless for a time thwart our efforts and misinterpret our motives, aid them in rebuilding their states on the foundation of freedom. our sole enemy was slavery, and slavery is dead. we have now no quarrel with the people of the south, who have really more reason than we have to rejoice over the downfall of a system which impeded their material progress, perverted their religion, shut them out from the sympathies of the world, and ridged their land with the graves of its victims. we are victors, the cause of all this evil and suffering is removed forever, and we can well afford to be magnanimous. how better can we evince our gratitude to god for his great mercy than in doing good to those who hated us, and in having compassion on those who have despitefully used us? the hour is hastening for us all when our sole ground of dependence will be the mercy and forgiveness of god. let us endeavor so to feel and act in our relations to the people of the south that we can repeat in sincerity the prayer of our lord: "forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us," reverently acknowledging that he has indeed "led captivity captive and received gifts for men; yea, for the rebellious also, that the lord god might dwell among them." charles sumner and the state-department. [ .] the wise reticence of the president elect in the matter of his cabinet has left free course to speculation and conjecture as to its composition. that he fully comprehends the importance of the subject, and that he will carefully weigh the claims of the possible candidates on the score of patriotic services, ability, and fitness for specific duties, no one who has studied his character, and witnessed his discretion, clear insight, and wise adaptation of means to ends, under the mighty responsibilities of his past career, can reasonably doubt. it is not probable that the distinguished statesman now at the head of the state department will, under the circumstances, look for a continuance in office. history will do justice to his eminent services in the senate and in the cabinet during the first years of the rebellion, but the fact that he has to some extent shared the unpopularity of the present chief magistrate seems to preclude the idea of his retention in the new cabinet. in looking over the list of our public men in search of a successor, general grant is not likely to be embarrassed by the number of individuals fitted by nature, culture, and experience for such an important post. the newspaper press, in its wide license of conjecture and suggestion, has, as far as i have seen, mentioned but three or four names in this connection. allusions have been made to senator fessenden of maine, ex-minister motley, general dix, ex-secretary stanton, and charles sumner of massachusetts. without disparaging in any degree his assumed competitors, the last-named gentleman is unquestionably preeminently fitted for the place. he has had a lifelong education for it. the entire cast of his mind, the bent of his studies, the habit and experience of his public life, his profound knowledge of international law and the diplomatic history of his own and other countries, his well-earned reputation as a statesman and constitutional lawyer, not only at home, but wherever our country has relations of amity and commerce, the honorable distinction which he enjoys of having held a foremost place in the great conflict between freedom and slavery, union and rebellion, all mark him as the man for the occasion. there seems, indeed, a certain propriety in assigning to the man who struck the heaviest blows at secession and slavery in the national senate the first place under him who, in the field, made them henceforth impossible. the great captain and the great senator united in war should not be dissevered in peace. i am not unaware that there are some, even in the republican party, who have failed to recognize in senator sumner the really wise and practical statesmanship which a careful review of his public labors cannot but make manifest. it is only necessary to point such to the open record of his senatorial career. few men have had the honor of introducing and defending with exhaustive ability and thoroughness so many measures of acknowledged practical importance to his imrnedicte constituents, the country at large, and the wider interests of humanity and civilization. in what exigency has he been found wanting? what legislative act of public utility for the last eighteen years has lacked his encouragement? at the head of the committee on foreign affairs, his clearness of vision, firmness, moderation, and ready comprehension of the duties of his time and place must be admitted by all parties. it was shrewdly said by burke that "men are wise with little reflection and good with little self- denial, in business of all times except their own." but charles sumner, the scholar, loving the "still air of delightful studies," has shown himself as capable of thoroughly comprehending and digesting the events transpiring before his eyes as of pronouncing judgment upon those recorded in history. far in advance of most of his contemporaries, he saw and enunciated the true doctrine of reconstruction, the early adoption of which would have been of incalculable service to the country. one of the ablest statesmen and jurists of the democratic party has had the rare magnanimity to acknowledge that in this matter the republican senator was right, and himself and his party wrong. the republicans of massachusetts will make no fractious or importunate demand upon the new president. they are content to leave to his unbiased and impartial judgment the selection of his cabinet. but if, looking to the best interests of the country, he shall see fit to give their distinguished fellow-citizen the first place in it, they will feel no solicitude as to the manner in which the duties of the office will be discharged. they will feel that "the tools are with him who can use them." nothing more directly affects the reputation of a country than the character of its diplomatic correspondence and its foreign representatives. we have suffered in times past from sad mismanagement abroad, and intelligent americans have too often been compelled to hang their heads with shame to see the flag of their country floating over the consular offices of worthless, incompetent agents. there can be no question that so far as they are entrusted to senator sumner's hands, the interest, honor, and dignity of the nation will be safe. in a few weeks charles summer will be returned for his fourth term in the united states senate by the well-nigh unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature of massachusetts. not a syllable of opposition to his reelection is heard from any quarter. there is not a republican in the legislature who could have been elected unless he had been virtually pledged to his support. no stronger evidence of the popular estimate of his ability and integrity than this could be offered. as a matter of course, the marked individuality of his intense convictions, earnestness, persistence, and confident reliance upon the justice of his conclusions, naturally growing out of the consciousness of having brought to his honest search after truth all the lights of his learning and experience, may, at times, have brought him into unpleasant relations with some of his colleagues; but no one, friend or foe, has questioned his ability and patriotism, or doubted his fidelity to principle. he has lent himself to no schemes of greed. while so many others have taken advantage of the facilities of their official stations to fill, directly or indirectly, their own pockets or those of their relatives and retainers, it is to the honor of massachusetts that her representatives in the senate have not only "shaken their hands from the holding of bribes," but have so borne themselves that no shadow of suspicion has ever rested on them. in this connection it may be proper to state that, in the event of a change in the war department, the claims of general wilson, to whose services in the committee on military affairs the country is deeply indebted, may be brought under consideration. in that case massachusetts would not, if it were in her power, discriminate between her senators. both have deserved well of her and of the country. in expressing thus briefly my opinion, i do not forget that after all the choice and responsibility rest with general grant alone. there i am content to leave them. i am very far from urging any sectional claim. let the country but have peace after its long discord, let its good faith and financial credit be sustained, and all classes of its citizens everywhere protected in person and estate, and it matters very little to me whether massachusetts is represented at the executive council board, or not. personally, charles sumner would gain nothing by a transfer from the senate chamber to the state department. he does not need a place in the american cabinet any more than john bright does in the british. the highest ambition might well be satisfied with his present position, from which, looking back upon an honorable record, he might be justified in using milton's language of lofty confidence in the reply to salmasius: "i am not one who has disgraced beauty of sentiment by deformity of conduct, or the maxims of a freeman by the actions of a slave, but, by the grace of god, i have kept my life unsullied." the presidential election of . the following letter was written on receiving a request from a committee of colored voters for advice as to their action at the presidential election of . amesbury, th mo. d, . dear friends,--i have just received your letter of the th ult. asking my opinion of your present duty as colored voters in the choice between general grant and horace greeley for the presidency. you state that you have been confused by the contradictory advice given you by such friends of your people as charles sumner on one hand, and william l. garrison and wendell phillips on the other; and you ask me, as one whom you are pleased to think "free from all bias," to add my counsel to theirs. i thank you for the very kind expression of your confidence and your generous reference to my endeavors to serve the cause of freedom; but i must own that i would fain have been spared the necessity of adding to the already too long list of political epistles. i have felt it my duty in times past to take an active part--often very distasteful to me--in political matters, having for my first object the deliverance of my country from the crime and curse of slavery. that great question being now settled forever, i have been more than willing to leave to younger and stronger hands the toils and the honors of partisan service. pained and saddened by the bitter and unchristian personalities of the canvass now in progress, i have hitherto held myself aloof from it as far as possible, unwilling to sanction in the slightest degree the criminations and recriminations of personal friends whom i have every reason to love and respect, and in whose integrity i have unshaken confidence. in the present condition of affairs i have not been able to see that any special action as an abolitionist was required at my hands. both of the great parties, heretofore widely separated, have put themselves on substantially the same platform. the republican party, originally pledged only to the non-extension of slavery, and whose most illustrious representative, president lincoln, avowed his willingness to save the union without abolishing slavery, has been, under providence, mainly instrumental in the total overthrow of the detestable system; while the democratic party, composed largely of slave-holders, and, even at the north, scarcely willing to save the union at the expense of the slave interest upon which its success depended, shattered and crippled by the civil war and its results, has at last yielded to the inexorable logic of events, abandoned a position no longer tenable, and taken its "new departure" with an abolitionist as its candidate. as a friend of the long-oppressed colored man, and for the sake of the peace and prosperity of the country, i rejoice at this action of the democratic party. the underlying motives of this radical change are doubtless somewhat mixed and contradictory, honest conviction on the part of some, and party expediency and desire of office on the part of others; but the change itself is real and irrevocable; the penalty of receding would be swift and irretrievable ruin. in any point of view the new order of things is desirable; and nothing more fully illustrates "the ways that are dark and the tricks that are vain" of party politics than the attempt of professed friends of the union and equal rights for all to counteract it by giving aid and comfort to a revival of the worst characteristics of the old party in the shape of a straight-out democratic convention. as respects the candidates now before us, i can see no good reason why colored voters as such should oppose general grant, who, though not an abolitionist and not even a member of the republican party previous to his nomination, has faithfully carried out the laws of congress in their behalf. nor, on the other hand, can i see any just grounds for distrust of such a man as horace greeley, who has so nobly distinguished himself as the advocate of human rights irrespective of race or color, and who by the instrumentality of his press has been for thirty years the educator of the people in the principles of justice, temperance, and freedom. both of these men have, in different ways, deserved too well of the country to be unnecessarily subjected to the brutalities of a presidential canvass; and, so far as they are personally concerned, it would doubtless have been better if the one had declined a second term of uncongenial duties, and the other continued to indite words of wisdom in the shades of chappaqua. but they have chosen otherwise; and i am willing, for one, to leave my colored fellow-citizens to the unbiased exercise of their own judgment and instincts in deciding between them. the democratic party labors under the disadvantage of antecedents not calculated to promote a rapid growth of confidence; and it is no matter of surprise that the vote of the emancipated class is likely to be largely against it. but if, as will doubtless be the case, that vote shall be to some extent divided between the two candidates, it will have the effect of inducing politicians of the rival parties to treat with respect and consideration this new element of political power, from self- interest if from no higher motive. the fact that at this time both parties are welcoming colored orators to their platforms, and that, in the south, old slave-masters and their former slaves fraternize at caucus and barbecue, and vote for each other at the polls, is full of significance. if, in new england, the very men who thrust frederick douglass from car and stage-coach, and mobbed and hunted him like a wild beast, now crowd to shake his hand and cheer him, let us not despair of seeing even the ku-klux tarried into decency, and sitting "clothed in their right minds" as listeners to their former victims. the colored man is to-day the master of his own destiny. no power on earth can deprive him of his rights as an american citizen. and it is in the light of american citizenship that i choose to regard my colored friends, as men having a common stake in the welfare of the country; mingled with, and not separate from, their white fellow-citizens; not herded together as a distinct class to be wielded by others, without self-dependence and incapable of self-determination. thanks to such men as sumner and wilson and their compeers, nearly all that legislation can do for them has already been done. we can now only help them to help themselves. industry, economy, temperance, self-culture, education for their children,--these things, indispensable to their elevation and progress, are in a great measure in their own hands. you will, therefore, my friends and fellow-citizens, pardon me if i decline to undertake to decide for you the question of your political duty as respects the candidates for the presidency,--a question which you have probably already settled in your own minds. if it had been apparent to me that your rights and liberties were really in danger from the success of either candidate, your letter would not have been needed to call forth my opinion. in the long struggle of well-nigh forty years, i can honestly say that no consideration of private interest, nor my natural love of peace and retirement and the good-will of others, have kept me silent when a word could be fitly spoken for human rights. i have not so long acted with the class to which you belong without acquiring respect for your intelligence and capacity for judging wisely for yourselves. i shall abide your decision with confidence, and cheerfully acquiesce in it. if, on the whole, you prefer to vote for the reelection of general grant, let me hope you will do so without joining with eleventh-hour friends in denouncing and reviling such an old and tried friend as charles sumner, who has done and suffered so much in your behalf. if, on the other hand, some of you decide to vote for horace greeley, you need not in so doing forget your great obligations to such friends as william lloyd garrison, wendell phillips, and lydia maria child. agree or disagree with them, take their advice or reject it, but stand by them still, and teach the parties with which you are connected to respect your feelings towards your benefactors. the censure of sumner. a letter to the boston daily advertiser in reference to the petition for the rescinding of the resolutions censuring senator sumner for his motion to erase from the united states flags the record of the battles of the civil war. i beg leave to occupy a small space in the columns of the advertiser for the purpose of noticing a charge which has been brought against the petitioners for rescinding the resolutions of the late extra session virtually censuring the hon. charles sumner. it is intimated that the action of these petitioners evinces a lack of appreciation of the services of the soldiers of the union, and that not to censure charles sumner is to censure the volunteers of massachusetts. as a matter of fact, the petitioners express no opinion as to the policy or expediency of the senator's proposition. some may believe it not only right in itself, but expedient and well-timed; others that it was inexpedient or premature. none doubt that, sooner or later, the thing which it contemplates must be done, if we are to continue a united people. what they feel and insist upon is that the proposition is one which implies no disparagement of the soldiers of massachusetts and the union; that it neither receives nor merits the "unqualified condemnation of the people" of the state; and that it furnishes no ground whatever for legislative interference or censure. a single glance at the names of the petitioners is a sufficient answer to the insinuation that they are unmindful of that self-sacrifice and devotion, the marble and granite memorials of which, dotting the state from the merrimac to the connecticut, testify the gratitude of the loyal heart of massachusetts. i have seen no soldier yet who considered himself wronged or "insulted" by the proposition. in point of fact the soldiers have never asked for such censure of the brave and loyal statesman who was the bosom friend and confidant of secretary stanton (the great war-minister, second, if at all, only to carnot) and of john a. andrew, dear to the heart of every massachusetts soldier, and whose tender care and sympathy reached them wherever they struggled or died for country and freedom. the proposal of senator sumner, instead of being an "insult," was, in fact, the highest compliment which could be paid to brave men; for it implied that they cherished no vindictive hatred of fallen foes; that they were too proudly secure of the love and gratitude of their countrymen to need above their heads the flaunting blazon of their achievements; that they were as magnanimous in peace and victory as they were heroic and patient through the dark and doubtful arbitrament of war. as such they understand it. i should be sorry to think there existed a single son of massachusetts weak enough to believe that his reputation and honor as a soldier needed this censure of charles sumner. i have before me letters from men, ranking from orderly sergeant to general, who have looked at death full in the face on every battlefield where the flag of massachusetts floated, and they all thank me for my efforts to rescind this uncalled-for censure, and pledge me their hearty support. they cordially indorse the noble letter of vice-president wilson offering his signature to the petition for rescinding the obnoxious resolutions; and if these resolutions are not annulled, it will not be the fault of massachusetts volunteers, but rather of the mistaken zeal of men more familiar with the drill of the caucus than with that of the camp. i am no blind partisan of charles sumner. i have often differed from him in opinion. i regretted deeply the position which he thought it his duty to take during the late presidential campaign. he felt the atmosphere about him thick and foul with corruption and bribery and greed; he saw the treasury ringed about like saturn with unscrupulous combinations and corporations; and it is to be regretted more than wondered at if he struck out wildly in his indignation, and that his blows fell sometimes upon the wrong object. but i did not intend to act the part of his apologist. the twenty years of his senatorial life are crowded with memorials of his loyalty to truth and free dom and humanity, which will be enduring as our history. he is no party to this movement, in which my name has been more prominent than i could have wished, and no word of his prompted or suggested it. from its inception to the present time he has remained silent in his chamber of pain, waiting to bequeath, like the testator of the dramatist, "a fame by scandal untouched to memory and time's old daughter truth." he can well afford to wait, and the issue of the present question before our legislature is of far less consequence to him than to us. to use the words of one who stood by him in the dark days of the fugitive slave law, the chief justice of the united states,--"time and the wiser thought will vindicate the illustrious statesman to whom massachusetts, the country, and humanity owe so much, but the state can ill afford the damage to its own reputation which such a censure of such a man will inflict." amesbury, d month, , . the anti-slavery convention of . [ .] in the gray twilight of a chill day of late november, forty years ago, a dear friend of mine, residing in boston, made his appearance at the old farm-house in east haverhill. he had been deputed by the abolitionists of the city, william l. garrison, samuel e. sewall, and others, to inform me of my appointment as a delegate to the convention about to be held in philadelphia for the formation of an american anti-slavery society, and to urge upon me the necessity of my attendance. few words of persuasion, however, were needed. i was unused to travelling; my life had been spent on a secluded farm; and the journey, mostly by stage-coach, at that time was really a formidable one. moreover, the few abolitionists were everywhere spoken against, their persons threatened, and in some instances a price set on their heads by southern legislators. pennsylvania was on the borders of slavery, and it needed small effort of imagination to picture to one's self the breaking up of the convention and maltreatment of its members. this latter consideration i do not think weighed much with me, although i was better prepared for serious danger than for anything like personal indignity. i had read governor trumbull's description of the tarring and feathering of his hero macfingal, when, after the application of the melted tar, the feather-bed was ripped open and shaken over him, until "not maia's son, with wings for ears, such plumes about his visage wears, nor milton's six-winged angel gathers such superfluity of feathers," and i confess i was quite unwilling to undergo a martyrdom which my best friends could scarcely refrain from laughing at. but a summons like that of garrison's bugle-blast could scarcely be unheeded by one who, from birth and education, held fast the traditions of that earlier abolitionism which, under the lead of benezet and woolman, had effaced from the society of friends every vestige of slave-holding. i had thrown myself, with a young man's fervid enthusiasm, into a movement which commended itself to my reason and conscience, to my love of country, and my sense of duty to god and my fellow-men. my first venture in authorship was the publication, at my own expense, in the spring of , of a pamphlet entitled justice and expediency, on the moral and political evils of slavery, and the duty of emancipation. under such circumstances i could not hesitate, but prepared at once for my journey. it was necessary that i should start on the morrow, and the intervening time, with a small allowance for sleep, was spent in providing for the care of the farm and homestead during my absence. so the next morning i took the stage for boston, stopping at the ancient hostelry known as the eastern stage tavern; and on the day following, in company with william lloyd garrison, i left for new york. at that city we were joined by other delegates, among them david thurston, a congregational minister from maine. on our way to philadelphia, we took, as a matter of necessary economy, a second-class conveyance, and found ourselves, in consequence, among rough and hilarious companions, whose language was more noteworthy for strength than refinement. our worthy friend the clergyman bore it awhile in painful silence, but at last felt it his duty to utter words of remonstrance and admonition. the leader of the young roisterers listened with a ludicrous mock gravity, thanked him for his exhortation, and, expressing fears that the extraordinary effort had exhausted his strength, invited him to take a drink with him. father thurston buried his grieved face in his cloak-collar, and wisely left the young reprobates to their own devices. on reaching philadelphia, we at once betook, ourselves to the humble dwelling on fifth street occupied by evan lewis, a plain, earnest man and lifelong abolitionist, who had been largely interested in preparing the way for the convention. in one respect the time of our assembling seemed unfavorable. the society of friends, upon whose cooperation we had counted, had but recently been rent asunder by one of those unhappy controversies which so often mark the decline of practical righteousness. the martyr-age of the society had passed, wealth and luxury had taken the place of the old simplicity, there was a growing conformity to the maxims of the world in trade and fashion, and with it a corresponding unwillingness to hazard respectability by the advocacy of unpopular reforms. unprofitable speculation and disputation on one hand, and a vain attempt on the other to enforce uniformity of opinion, had measurably lost sight of the fact that the end of the gospel is love, and that charity is its crowning virtue. after a long and painful struggle the disruption had taken place; the shattered fragments, under the name of orthodox and hicksite, so like and yet so separate in feeling, confronted each other as hostile sects, and "never either found another to free the hollow heart from paining; they stood aloof, the scars remaining, like cliffs that have been torn asunder a dreary sea now flows between; but neither rain, nor frost, nor thunder, can wholly do away, i ween, the marks of that which once has been." we found about forty members assembled in the parlors of our friend lewis, and, after some general conversation, lewis tappan was asked to preside over an informal meeting, preparatory to the opening of the convention. a handsome, intellectual-looking man, in the prime of life, responded to the invitation, and in a clear, well-modulated voice, the firm tones of which inspired hope and confidence, stated the objects of our preliminary council, and the purpose which had called us together, in earnest and well-chosen words. in making arrangements for the convention, it was thought expedient to secure, if possible, the services of some citizen of philadelphia, of distinction and high social standing, to preside over its deliberations. looking round among ourselves in vain for some titled civilian or doctor of divinity, we were fain to confess that to outward seeming we were but "a feeble folk," sorely needing the shield of a popular name. a committee, of which i was a member, was appointed to go in search of a president of this description. we visited two prominent gentlemen, known as friendly to emancipation and of high social standing. they received us with the dignified courtesy of the old school, declined our proposition in civil terms, and bowed us out with a cool politeness equalled only by that of the senior winkle towards the unlucky deputation of pickwick and his unprepossessing companions. as we left their doors we could not refrain from smiling in each other's faces at the thought of the small inducement our proffer of the presidency held out to men of their class. evidently our company was not one for respectability to march through coventry with. on the following morning we repaired to the adelphi building, on fifth street, below walnut, which had been secured for our use. sixty-two delegates were found to be in attendance. beriah green, of the oneida (new york) institute, was chosen president, a fresh-faced, sandy-haired, rather common-looking man, but who had the reputation of an able and eloquent speaker. he had already made himself known to us as a resolute and self-sacrificing abolitionist. lewis tappan and myself took our places at his side as secretaries, on the elevation at the west end of the hall. looking over the assembly, i noticed that it was mainly composed of comparatively young men, some in middle age, and a few beyond that period. they were nearly all plainly dressed, with a view to comfort rather than elegance. many of the faces turned towards me wore a look of expectancy and suppressed enthusiasm; all had the earnestness which might be expected of men engaged in an enterprise beset with difficulty and perhaps with peril. the fine, intellectual head of garrison, prematurely bald, was conspicuous; the sunny-faced young man at his side, in whom all the beatitudes seemed to find expression, was samuel j. may, mingling in his veins the best blood of the sewalls and quincys,--a man so exceptionally pure and large-hearted, so genial, tender, and loving, that he could be faithful to truth and duty without making an enemy. "the de'il wad look into his face, and swear he couldna wrang him." that tall, gaunt, swarthy man, erect, eagle-faced, upon whose somewhat martial figure the quaker coat seemed a little out of place, was lindley coates, known in all eastern pennsylvania as a stern enemy of slavery; that slight, eager man, intensely alive in every feature and gesture, was thomas shipley, who for thirty years had been the protector of the free colored people of philadelphia, and whose name was whispered reverently in the slave cabins of maryland as the friend of the black man, one of a class peculiar to old quakerism, who in doing what they felt to be duty, and walking as the light within guided them, knew no fear and shrank from no sacrifice. braver men the world has not known. beside him, differing in creed, but united with him in works of love and charity, sat thomas whitson, of the hicksite school of friends, fresh from his farm in lancaster county, dressed in plainest homespun, his tall form surmounted by a shock of unkempt hair, the odd obliquity of his vision contrasting strongly with he clearness and directness of his spiritual insight. elizur wright, the young professor of a western college, who had lost his place by his bold advocacy of freedom, with a look of sharp concentration in keeping with an intellect keen as a damascus blade, closely watched the proceedings through his spectacles, opening his mouth only to speak directly to the purpose. the portly form of dr. bartholomew fussell, the beloved physician, from that beautiful land of plenty and peace which bayard taylor has described in his story of kennett, was not to be overlooked. abolitionist in heart and soul, his house was known as the shelter of runaway slaves, and no sportsman ever entered into the chase with such zest as he did into the arduous and sometimes dangerous work of aiding their escape and baffling their pursuers. the youngest man present was, i believe, james miller mckim, a presbyterian minister from columbia, afterwards one of our most efficient workers. james mott, e. l. capron, arnold buffum, and nathan winslow, men well known in the anti- slavery agitation, were conspicuous members. vermont sent down from her mountains orson s. murray, a man terribly in earnest, with a zeal that bordered on fanaticism, and who was none the more genial for the mob- violence to which he had been subjected. in front of me, awakening pleasant associations of the old homestead in merrimac valley, sat my first school-teacher, joshua coffin, the learned and worthy antiquarian and historian of newbury. a few spectators, mostly of the hicksite division of friends, were present, in broad brims and plain bonnets, among them esther moore and lucretia mott. committees were chosen to draft a constitution for a national anti- slavery society, nominate a list of officers, and prepare a declaration of principles to be signed by the members. dr. a. l. cox of new york, while these committees were absent, read something from my pen eulogistic of william lloyd garrison; and lewis tappan and amos a. phelps, a congregational clergyman of boston, afterwards one of the most devoted laborers in the cause, followed in generous commendation of the zeal, courage, and devotion of the young pioneer. the president, after calling james mccrummell, one of the two or three colored members of the convention, to the chair, made some eloquent remarks upon those editors who had ventured to advocate emancipation. at the close of his speech a young man rose to speak, whose appearance at once arrested my attention. i think i have never seen a finer face and figure, and his manner, words, and bearing were in keeping. "who is he?" i asked of one of the pennsylvania delegates. "robert purvis, of this city, a colored man," was the answer. he began by uttering his heart-felt thanks to the delegates who had convened for the deliverance of his people. he spoke of garrison in terms of warmest eulogy, as one who had stirred the heart of the nation, broken the tomblike slumber of the church, and compelled it to listen to the story of the slave's wrongs. he closed by declaring that the friends of colored americans would not be forgotten. "their memories," he said, "will be cherished when pyramids and monuments shall have crumbled in dust. the flood of time which is sweeping away the refuge of lies is bearing on the advocates of our cause to a glorious immortality." the committee on the constitution made their report, which after discussion was adopted. it disclaimed any right or intention of interfering, otherwise than by persuasion and christian expostulation, with slavery as it existed in the states, but affirming the duty of congress to abolish it in the district of columbia and territories, and to put an end to the domestic slave-trade. a list of officers of the new society was then chosen: arthur tappan of new york, president, and elizur wright, jr., william lloyd garrison, and a. l. cox, secretaries. among the vice-presidents was dr. lord of dartmouth college, then professedly in favor of emancipation, but who afterwards turned a moral somersault, a self-inversion which left him ever after on his head instead of his feet. he became a querulous advocate of slavery as a divine institution, and denounced woe upon the abolitionists for interfering with the will and purpose of the creator. as the cause of freedom gained ground, the poor man's heart failed him, and his hope for church and state grew fainter and fainter. a sad prophet of the evangel of slavery, he testified in the unwilling ears of an unbelieving generation, and died at last despairing of a world which seemed determined that canaan should no longer be cursed, nor onesimus sent back to philemon. the committee on the declaration of principles, of which i was a member, held a long session, discussing the proper scope and tenor of the document. but little progress being made, it was finally decided to entrust the matter to a sub-committee, consisting of william l. garrison, s. j. may, and myself; and after a brief consultation and comparison of each other's views, the drafting of the important paper was assigned to the former gentleman. we agreed to meet him at his lodgings in the house of a colored friend early the next morning. it was still dark when we climbed up to his room, and the lamp was still burning by the light of which he was writing the last sentence of the declaration. we read it carefully, made a few verbal changes, and submitted it to the large committee, who unanimously agreed to report it to the convention. the paper was read to the convention by dr. atlee, chairman of the committee, and listened to with the profoundest interest. commencing with a reference to the time, fifty-seven years before, when, in the same city of philadelphia, our fathers announced to the world their declaration of independence,--based on the self-evident truths of human equality and rights,--and appealed to arms for its defence, it spoke of the new enterprise as one "without which that of our fathers is incomplete," and as transcending theirs in magnitude, solemnity, and probable results as much "as moral truth does physical force." it spoke of the difference of the two in the means and ends proposed, and of the trifling grievances of our fathers compared with the wrongs and sufferings of the slaves, which it forcibly characterized as unequalled by any others on the face of the earth. it claimed that the nation was bound to repent at once, to let the oppressed go free, and to admit them to all the rights and privileges of others; because, it asserted, no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother; because liberty is inalienable; because there is no difference, in principle, between slave- holding and man-stealing, which the law brands as piracy; and because no length of bondage can invalidate man's claim to himself, or render slave laws anything but "an audacious usurpation." it maintained that no compensation should be given to planters emancipating slaves, because that would be a surrender of fundamental principles; "slavery is a crime, and is, therefore, not an article to be sold;" because slave-holders are not just proprietors of what they claim; because emancipation would destroy only nominal, not real property; and because compensation, if given at all, should be given to the slaves. it declared any "scheme of expatriation" to be "delusive, cruel, and dangerous." it fully recognized the right of each state to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery within its limits, and conceded that congress, under the present national compact, had no right to interfere; though still contending that it had the power, and should exercise it, "to suppress the domestic slave-trade between the several states," and "to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, and in those portions of our territory which the constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction." after clearly and emphatically avowing the principles underlying the enterprise, and guarding with scrupulous care the rights of persons and states under the constitution, in prosecuting it, the declaration closed with these eloquent words:-- we also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free states to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the constitution of the united states. they are now living under a pledge of their tremendous physical force to fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in the southern states; they are liable to be called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves; they authorize the slave-owner to vote on three fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to perpetuate his oppression; they support a standing army at the south for its protection; and they seize the slave who has escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal driver. this relation to slavery is criminal and full of danger. it must be broken up. "these are our views and principles,--these our designs and measures. with entire confidence in the overruling justice of god, we plant ourselves upon the declaration of independence and the truths of divine revelation as upon the everlasting rock. "we shall organize anti-slavery societies, if possible, in every city, town, and village in our land. "we shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty and rebuke. "we shall circulate unsparingly and extensively anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. "we shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb. "we shall aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery. "we shall encourage the labor of freemen over that of the slaves, by giving a preference to their productions; and "we shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance. "our trust for victory is solely in god. we may be personally defeated, but our principles never. truth, justice, reason, humanity, must and will gloriously triumph. already a host is coming up to the help of the lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encouragement. "submitting this declaration to the candid examination of the people of this country, and of the friends of liberty all over the world, we hereby affix our signatures to it; pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help of almighty god, we will do all that in us lies, consistently with this declaration of our principles, to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth, to deliver our land from its deadliest curse, to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon, and to secure to the colored population of the united states all the rights and privileges which belong to them as men and as americans, come what may to our persons, our interests, or our reputations, whether we live to witness the triumph of justice, liberty, and humanity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent, and holy cause." the reading of the paper was followed by a discussion which lasted several hours. a member of the society of friends moved its immediate adoption. "we have," he said, "all given it our assent: every heart here responds to it. it is a doctrine of friends that these strong and deep impressions should be heeded." the convention, nevertheless, deemed it important to go over the declaration carefully, paragraph by paragraph. during the discussion, one of the spectators asked leave to say a few words. a beautiful and graceful woman, in the prime of life, with a face beneath her plain cap as finely intellectual as that of madame roland, offered some wise and valuable suggestions, in a clear, sweet voice, the charm of which i have never forgotten. it was lucretia mott of philadelphia. the president courteously thanked her, and encouraged her to take a part in the discussion. on the morning of the last day of our session, the declaration, with its few verbal amendments, carefully engrossed on parchment, was brought before the convention. samuel j. may rose to read it for the last time. his sweet, persuasive voice faltered with the intensity of his emotions as he repeated the solemn pledges of the concluding paragraphs. after a season of silence, david thurston of maine rose as his name was called by one of the secretaries, and affixed his name to the document. one after another passed up to the platform, signed, and retired in silence. all felt the deep responsibility of the occasion the shadow and forecast of a life-long struggle rested upon every countenance. our work as a convention was now done. president green arose to make the concluding address. the circumstances under which it was uttered may have lent it an impressiveness not its own; but as i now recall it, it seems to me the most powerful and eloquent speech to which i have ever listened. he passed in review the work that had been done, the constitution of the new society, the declaration of sentiments, and the union and earnestness which had marked the proceedings. his closing words will never be forgotten by those who heard them:-- "brethren, it has been good to be here. in this hallowed atmosphere i have been revived and refreshed. this brief interview has more than repaid me for all that i have ever suffered. i have here met congenial minds; i have rejoiced in sympathies delightful to the soul. heart has beat responsive to heart, and the holy work of seeking to benefit the outraged and despised has proved the most blessed employment. "but now we must retire from these balmy influences and breathe another atmosphere. the chill hoar-frost will be upon us. the storm and tempest will rise, and the waves of persecution will dash against our souls. let us be prepared for the worst. let us fasten ourselves to the throne of god as with hooks of steel. if we cling not to him, our names to that document will be but as dust. "let us court no applause, indulge in no spirit of vain boasting. let us be assured that our only hope in grappling with the bony monster is in an arm that is stronger than ours. let us fix our gaze on god, and walk in the light of his countenance. if our cause be just--and we know it is-- his omnipotence is pledged to its triumph. let this cause be entwined around the very fibres of our hearts. let our hearts grow to it, so that nothing but death can sunder the bond." he ceased, and then, amidst a silence broken only by the deep-drawn breath of emotion in the assembly, lifted up his voice in a prayer to almighty god, full of fervor and feeling, imploring his blessing and sanctification upon the convention and its labors. and with the solemnity of this supplication in our hearts we clasped hands in farewell, and went forth each man to his place of duty, not knowing the things that should befall us as individuals, but with a confidence, never shaken by abuse and persecution, in the certain triumph of our cause. kansas read at the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the state of kansas. bear camp house, west ossipee, n. h., eighth month, th, . to j. s. emery, r. morrow, and c. w. smith, committee: i have received your invitation to the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of the first settlement of kansas. it would give me great pleasure to visit your state on an occasion of such peculiar interest, and to make the acquaintance of its brave and self-denying pioneers, but i have not health and strength for the journey. it is very fitting that this anniversary should be duly recognized. no one of your sister states has such a record as yours,--so full of peril and adventure, fortitude, self-sacrifice, and heroic devotion to freedom. its baptism of martyr blood not only saved the state to liberty, but made the abolition of slavery everywhere possible. barber and stillwell and colpetzer and their associates did not die in vain. all through your long, hard struggle i watched the course of events in kansas with absorbing interest. i rejoiced, while i marvelled at the steady courage which no danger could shake, at the firm endurance which outwearied the brutalities of your slaveholding invaders, and at that fidelity to right and duty which the seduction of immediate self-interest could not swerve, nor the military force of a proslavery government overawe. all my sympathies were with you in that stern trial of your loyalty to god and humanity. and when, in the end, you had conquered peace, and the last of the baffled border ruffians had left your territory, i felt that the doom of the accursed institution was sealed, and that its abolition was but a question of time. a state with such a record will, i am sure, be true to its noble traditions, and will do all in its power to aid the victims of prejudice and oppression who may be compelled to seek shelter within its borders. i will not for a moment distrust the fidelity of kansas to her foundation principle. god bless and prosper her! thanking you for the kind terms of your invitation, i am, gentlemen, very truly your friend. william lloyd garrison. an introduction to oliver johnson's "william lloyd garrison and his times." [ .] i no not know that any word of mine can give additional interest to this memorial of william lloyd garrison from the pen of one of his earliest and most devoted friends, whose privilege it has been to share his confidence and his labors for nearly half a century; but i cannot well forego the opportunity afforded me to add briefly my testimony to the tribute to the memory of the great reformer, whose friendship i have shared, and with whom i have been associated in a common cause from youth to age. my acquaintance with him commenced in boyhood. my father was a subscriber to his first paper, the free press, and the humanitarian tone of his editorials awakened a deep interest in our little household, which was increased by a visit which he made us. when he afterwards edited the journal of the times, at bennington, vt., i ventured to write him a letter of encouragement and sympathy, urging him to continue his labors against slavery, and assuring him that he could "do great things," an unconscious prophecy which has been fulfilled beyond the dream of my boyish enthusiasm. the friendship thus commenced has remained unbroken through half a century, confirming my early confidence in his zeal and devotion, and in the great intellectual and moral strength which he brought to the cause with which his name is identified. during the long and hard struggle in which the abolitionists were engaged, and amidst the new and difficult questions and side-issues which presented themselves, it could scarcely be otherwise than that differences of opinion and action should arise among them. the leader and his disciples could not always see alike. my friend, the author of this book, i think, generally found himself in full accord with him, while i often decidedly dissented. i felt it my duty to use my right of citizenship at the ballot-box in the cause of liberty, while garrison, with equal sincerity, judged and counselled otherwise. each acted under a sense of individual duty and responsibility, and our personal relations were undisturbed. if, at times, the great anti-slavery leader failed to do justice to the motives of those who, while in hearty sympathy with his hatred of slavery, did not agree with some of his opinions and methods, it was but the pardonable and not unnatural result of his intensity of purpose, and his self-identification with the cause he advocated; and, while compelled to dissent, in some particulars, from his judgment of men and measures, the great mass of the antislavcry people recognized his moral leadership. the controversies of old and new organization, nonresistance and political action, may now be looked upon by the parties to them, who still survive, with the philosophic calmness which follows the subsidence of prejudice and passion. we were but fallible men, and doubtless often erred in feeling, speech, and action. ours was but the common experience of reformers in all ages. "never in custom's oiled grooves the world to a higher level moves, but grates and grinds with friction hard on granite bowlder and flinty shard. ever the virtues blush to find the vices wearing their badge behind, and graces and charities feel the fire wherein the sins of the age expire." it is too late now to dwell on these differences. i choose rather, with a feeling of gratitude to god, to recall the great happiness of laboring with the noble company of whom garrison was the central figure. i love to think of him as he seemed to me, when in the fresh dawn of manhood he sat with me in the old haverhill farmhouse, revolving even then schemes of benevolence; or, with cheery smile, welcoming me to his frugal meal of bread and milk in the dingy boston printing-room; or, as i found him in the gray december morning in the small attic of a colored man, in philadelphia, finishing his night-long task of drafting his immortal declaration of sentiments of the american anti-slavery society; or, as i saw him in the jail of leverett street, after his almost miraculous escape from the mob, playfully inviting me to share the safe lodgings which the state had provided for him; and in all the varied scenes and situations where we acted together our parts in the great endeavor and success of freedom. the verdict of posterity in his case may be safely anticipated. with the true reformers and benefactors of his race he occupies a place inferior to none other. the private lives of many who fought well the battles of humanity have not been without spot or blemish. but his private character, like his public, knew no dishonor. no shadow of suspicion rests upon the white statue of a life, the fitting garland of which should be the alpine flower that symbolizes noble purity. anti-slavery anniversary. read at the semi-centennial celebration of the american anti-slavery society at philadelphia, on the d december, . oak knoll, danvers, mass., th mo., , . i need not say how gladly i would be with you at the semi-centennial of the american anti-slavery society. i am, i regret to say, quite unable to gratify this wish, and can only represent myself by a letter. looking back over the long years of half a century, i can scarcely realize the conditions under which the convention of assembled. slavery was predominant. like apollyon in pilgrim's progress, it "straddled over the whole breadth of the way." church and state, press and pulpit, business interests, literature, and fashion were prostrate at its feet. our convention, with few exceptions, was composed of men without influence or position, poor and little known, strong only in their convictions and faith in the justice of their cause. to onlookers our endeavor to undo the evil work of two centuries and convert a nation to the "great renunciation" involved in emancipation must have seemed absurd in the last degree. our voices in such an atmosphere found no echo. we could look for no response but laughs of derision or the missiles of a mob. but we felt that we had the strength of truth on our side; we were right, and all the world about us was wrong. we had faith, hope, and enthusiasm, and did our work, nothing doubting, amidst a generation who first despised and then feared and hated us. for myself i have never ceased to be grateful to the divine providence for the privilege of taking a part in that work. and now for more than twenty years we have had a free country. no slave treads its soil. the anticipated dangerous consequences of complete emancipation have not been felt. the emancipated class, as a whole, have done wisely, and well under circumstances of peculiar difficulty. the masters have learned that cotton can be raised better by free than by slave labor, and nobody now wishes a return to slave-holding. sectional prejudices are subsiding, the bitterness of the civil war is slowly passing away. we are beginning to feel that we are one people, with no really clashing interests, and none more truly rejoice in the growing prosperity of the south than the old abolitionists, who hated slavery as a curse to the master as well as to the slave. in view of this commemorative semi-centennial occasion, many thoughts crowd upon me; memory recalls vanished faces and voices long hushed. of those who acted with me in the convention fifty years ago nearly all have passed into another state of being. we who remain must soon follow; we have seen the fulfilment of our desire; we have outlived scorn and persecution; the lengthening shadows invite us to rest. if, in looking back, we feel that we sometimes erred through impatient zeal in our contest with a great wrong, we have the satisfaction of knowing that we were influenced by no merely selfish considerations. the low light of our setting sun shines over a free, united people, and our last prayer shall be for their peace, prosperity, and happiness. response to the celebration of my eightieth birthday by the colored citizens of washington d. c. to r. h. terrell and george w. williams, esquires. gentlemen,--among the great number of tokens of interest and good-will which reached me on my birthday, none have touched me more deeply than the proceedings of the great meeting of the colored citizens of the nation's capital, of which you are the representatives. the resolutions of that meeting came to me as the voice of millions of my fellow- countrymen. that voice was dumb in slavery when, more than half a century ago, i put forth my plea for the freedom of the slave. it could not answer me from the rice swamp and cotton field, but now, god be praised, it speaks from your great meeting in washington and from all the colleges and schools where the youth of your race are taught. i scarcely expected then that the people for whom i pleaded would ever know of my efforts in their behalf. i cannot be too thankful to the divine providence that i have lived to hear their grateful response. i stand amazed at the rapid strides which your people have made since emancipation, at your industry, your acquisition of property and land, your zeal for education, your self-respecting but unresentful attitude toward those who formerly claimed to be your masters, your pathetic but manly appeal for just treatment and recognition. i see in all this the promise that the time is not far distant when, in common with the white race, you will have the free, undisputed rights of american citizenship in all parts of the union, and your rightful share in the honors as well as the protection of the government. your letter would have been answered sooner if it had been possible. i have been literally overwbelmed with letters and telegrams, which, owing to illness, i have been in a great measure unable to answer or even read. i tender to you, gentlemen, and to the people you represent my heartfelt thanks, and the assurance that while life lasts you will find me, as i have been heretofore, under more difficult circumstances, your faithful friend. oak knoll, danvers, mass., first mo., , . +-------------------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's note: | | | |the adjective 'christian' is sometimes spelled 'christian' | |and its use is inconsistent throughout the book. the original| |punctuation, language and spelling have been retained, except| |where noted at the end of the text. | +-------------------------------------------------------------+ an essay on slavery and abolitionism, with reference to the duty of american females. by catharine e. beecher. philadelphia: henry perkins, chestnut street. perkins & marvin, boston. . entered according to the act of congress, in the year , by _henry perkins_, in the clerk's office of the district court of the eastern district of pennsylvania. l. ashmead and co. printers. preface. the following are the circumstances which occasioned the succeeding pages. a gentleman and a friend, requested the writer to assign reasons why he should not join the abolition society. while preparing a reply to this request, miss grimkÉ's address was presented, and the information communicated, of her intention to visit the north, for the purpose of using her influence among northern ladies to induce them to unite with abolition societies. the writer then began a private letter to miss grimké as a personal friend. but by the wishes and advice of others, these two efforts were finally combined in the following essay, to be presented to the public. the honoured and beloved name which that lady bears, so associated as it is at the south, north, and west, with all that is elegant in a scholar, refined in a gentleman, and elevated in a christian,--the respectable sect with which she is connected,--the interesting effusions of her pen,--and her own intellectual and moral worth, must secure respect for her opinions and much personal influence. this seems to be a sufficient apology for presenting to the public some considerations in connexion with her name; considerations which may exhibit in another aspect the cause she advocates, and which it may be appropriate to consider. as such, they are respectfully commended to the public, and especially to that portion of it for which they are particularly designed. essay on slavery and abolitionism. addressed to miss a. d. grimkÉ. my dear friend, your public address to christian females at the south has reached me, and i have been urged to aid in circulating it at the north. i have also been informed, that you contemplate a tour, during the ensuing year, for the purpose of exerting your influence to form abolition societies among ladies of the non-slave-holding states. our acquaintance and friendship give me a claim to your private ear; but there are reasons why it seems more desirable to address you, who now stand before the public as an advocate of abolition measures, in a more public manner. the object i have in view, is to present some reasons why it seems unwise and inexpedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding states to unite themselves in abolition societies; and thus, at the same time, to exhibit the inexpediency of the course you propose to adopt. i would first remark, that your public address leads me to infer, that you are not sufficiently informed in regard to the feelings and opinions of christian females at the north. your remarks seem to assume, that the _principles_ held by abolitionists on the subject of slavery, are peculiar to them, and are not generally adopted by those at the north who oppose their _measures_. in this you are not correctly informed. in the sense in which abolitionists explain the terms they employ, there is little, if any, difference between them and most northern persons. especially is this true of northern persons of religious principles. i know not where to look for northern christians, who would deny that every slave-holder is bound to treat his slaves exactly as he would claim that his own children ought to be treated in similar circumstances; that the holding of our fellow men as property, or the withholding any of the rights of freedom, for mere purposes of gain, is a sin, and ought to be immediately abandoned; and that where the laws are such, that a slave-holder cannot _legally_ emancipate his slaves, without throwing them into worse bondage, he is bound to use all his influence to alter those laws, and, in the meantime, to treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, _as if_ they were free. i do not suppose there is one person in a thousand, at the north, who would dissent from these principles. they would only differ in the use of terms, and call this the doctrine of _gradual emancipation_, while abolitionists would call it the doctrine of _immediate emancipation_. as this is the state of public opinion at the north, there is no necessity for using any influence with northern ladies, in order that they may adopt your _principles_ on the subject of slavery; for they hold them in common with yourself, and it would seem unwise, and might prove irritating, to approach them as if they held opposite sentiments. in regard to the duty of making efforts to bring the people of the southern states to adopt these principles, and act on them, it is entirely another matter. on this point you would find a large majority opposed to your views. most persons in the non-slave-holding states have considered the matter of southern slavery, as one in which they were no more called to interfere, than in the abolition of the press-gang system in england, or the tythe system of ireland. public opinion may have been wrong on this point, and yet have been right on all those great principles of rectitude and justice relating to slavery, which abolitionists claim as their _distinctive_ peculiarities. the distinctive peculiarity of the abolition society is this: it is a voluntary association in one section of the country, designed to awaken public sentiment against a moral evil existing in another section of the country, and the principal point of effort seems to be, to enlarge the numbers of this association as a means of influencing public sentiment. the principal object of your proposed tour, i suppose, is to present facts, arguments, and persuasions to influence northern ladies to enrol themselves as members of this association. i will therefore proceed to present some of the reasons which may be brought against such a measure as the one you would urge. in the first place, the main principle of action in that society rests wholly on a false deduction from past experience. experience has shown, that when certain moral evils exist in a community, efforts to awaken public sentiment against such practices, and combinations for the exercise of personal influence and example, have in various cases tended to rectify these evils. thus in respect to intemperance;--the collecting of facts, the labours of public lecturers and the distribution of publications, have had much effect in diminishing the evil. so in reference to the slave-trade and slavery in england. the english nation possessed the power of regulating their own trade, and of giving liberty to every slave in their dominions; and yet they were entirely unmindful of their duty on this subject. clarkson, wilberforce, and their coadjutors, commenced a system of operations to arouse and influence public sentiment, and they succeeded in securing the suppression of the slave trade, and the gradual abolition of slavery in the english colonies. in both these cases, the effort was to enlighten and direct public sentiment in a community, of which the actors were a portion, in order to lead them to rectify an evil existing among themselves, which was entirely under their control. from the success of such efforts, the abolitionists of this country have drawn inferences, which appear to be not only illogical, but false. because individuals in _their own_ community have aroused their fellow citizens to correct their own evils, therefore they infer that attempts to convince their fellow-citizens of the faults of _another_ community will lead that community to forsake their evil practices. an example will more clearly illustrate the case. suppose two rival cities, which have always been in competition, and always jealous of each other's reputation and prosperity. certain individuals in one of these cities become convinced, that the sin of intemperance is destroying their prosperity and domestic happiness. they proceed to collect facts, they arrange statistics, they call public meetings, they form voluntary associations, they use arguments, entreaties and personal example, and by these means they arrest the evil. suppose another set of men, in this same community, become convinced that certain practices in trade and business in the rival city, are dishonest, and have an oppressive bearing on certain classes in that city, and are injurious to the interests of general commerce. suppose also, that these are practices, which, by those who allow them, are considered as honourable and right. those who are convinced of their immorality, wish to alter the opinions and the practices of the citizens of their rival city, and to do this, they commence the collection of facts, that exhibit the tendencies of these practices and the evils they have engendered. but instead of going among the community in which the evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and persuade them, they proceed to form voluntary associations among their neighbours at home, and spend their time, money and efforts to convince their fellow citizens that the inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a great sin. they also publish papers and tracts and send out agents, not to the guilty city, but to all the neighbouring towns and villages, to convince them of the sins of the city in their vicinity. and they claim that they shall succeed in making that city break off its sins, by these measures, because other men succeeded in banishing intemperance by labouring among their own friends and fellow citizens. is not this example exactly parallel with the exertions of the abolitionists? are not the northern and southern sections of our country distinct communities, with different feelings and interests? are they not rival, and jealous in feeling? have the northern states the power to rectify evils at the south, as they have to remove their own moral deformities; or have they any such power over the southern states as the british people had over their own trade and their dependent colonies in the west indies? have not abolitionists been sending out papers, tracts, and agents to convince the people of the north of the sins of the south? have they not refrained from going to the south with their facts, arguments, and appeals, because they feared personal evils to themselves? and do not abolitionists found their hopes of success in their project, on the success which crowned the efforts of british philanthropists in the case of slavery, and on the success that has attended efforts to banish intemperance? and do not these two cases differ entirely from the abolition movement in this main point, that one is an effort to convince men of _their own_ sins, and the other is an effort to convince men of the sins of _other persons_? the second reason i would urge against joining the abolition society is, that its character and measures are not either peaceful or christian in tendency, but they rather are those which tend to generate party spirit, denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions. but before bringing evidence to sustain this position, i wish to make a distinction between the _men_ who constitute an association, and the _measures_ which are advocated and adopted. i believe, that as a body, abolitionists are men of pure morals, of great honesty of purpose, of real benevolence and piety, and of great activity in efforts to promote what they consider the best interests of their fellow men. i believe, that, in making efforts to abolish slavery, they have taken measures, which they supposed were best calculated to bring this evil to an end, with the greatest speed, and with the least danger and suffering to the south. i do not believe they ever designed to promote disunion, or insurrection, or to stir up strife, or that they suppose that their measures can be justly characterized by the peculiarities i have specified. i believe they have been urged forward by a strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of religious duty, and that they have made great sacrifices of feeling, character, time, and money to promote what they believed to be the cause of humanity and the service of god. i regard individuals among them, as having taken a bold and courageous stand, in maintaining the liberty of free discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press; though this however is somewhat abated by the needless provocations by which they caused those difficulties and hazards they so courageously sustained. in speaking thus of abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that there are not bad men found in this party as well as in every other; nor that among those who are good men, there are not those who may have allowed party spirit to take the place of christian principle; men who have exhibited a mournful destitution of christian charity; who have indulged in an overbearing, denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity as to measures. yet with these reservations, i believe that the above is no more than a fair and just exhibition of that class of men who are embraced in the party of abolitionists. and all this can be admitted, and yet the objection i am to urge against joining their ranks may stand in its full force. to make the position clearer, an illustration may be allowed. suppose a body of good men become convinced that the inspired direction, "them that sin, rebuke before all, that others may fear," imposes upon them the duty of openly rebuking every body whom they discover in the practice of any sin. suppose these men are daily in the habit of going into the streets, and calling all by-standers around them, pointing out certain men, some as liars, some as dishonest, some as licentious, and then bringing proofs of their guilt and rebuking them before all; at the same time exhorting all around to point at them the finger of scorn. they persevere in this course till the whole community is thrown into an uproar; and assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. they then call on all good citizens to protect their persons from abuse, and to maintain the liberty of speech and of free opinion. now the men may be as pure in morals, as conscientious and upright in intention, as any abolitionist, and yet every one would say, that their measures were unwise and unchristian. in like manner, although abolitionists may be lauded for many virtues, still much evidence can be presented, that the character and measures of the abolition society are not either peaceful or christian in tendency, but that they are in their nature calculated to generate party spirit, denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions. the first thing i would present to establish this, is the character of the leaders of this association. every combined effort is necessarily directed by leaders; and the spirit of the leaders will inevitably be communicated to their coadjutors, and appear in the measures of the whole body. in attempting to characterize these leaders, i would first present another leader of a similar enterprise, the beloved and venerated wilberforce. it is thus that his prominent traits are delineated by an intimate friend. "his extreme benevolence contributed largely to his success. i have heard him say, that it was one of his constant rules, and on the question of slavery especially, never to provoke an adversary--to allow him credit fully for sincerity and purity of motive--to abstain from all irritating expressions--to avoid even such political attacks as would indispose his opponents for his great cause. in fact, the benignity, the gentleness, the kind-heartedness of the man, disarmed the bitterest foes. not only on this question did he restrain himself, but generally. once he had been called during a whole debate 'the religious member,' in a kind of scorn. he remarked afterwards, that he was much inclined to have retorted, by calling his opponent the _irreligious_ member, but that he refrained, as it would have been a returning of evil for evil. next to his general consistency, and love of the scriptures, the _humility_ of his character always appeared remarkable. the modest, shrinking, simple christian statesman and friend always appeared in him. and the nearer you approached him, the more his habit of mind obviously appeared to be modest and lowly. his _charity in judging of others_, is a farther trait of his christian character. of his benevolence i need not speak, but his _kind construction of doubtful actions_, his _charitable language_ toward those with whom he most widely differed, his thorough forgetfulness of little affronts, were fruits of that general benevolence which continually appeared." this was the leader, both in and out of parliament, of that body of men who combined to bring to an end slavery and the slave trade, in the dominions of great britain. with him, as principal leaders, were associated clarkson, sharpe, macaulay, and others of a similar spirit. these men were all of them characterized by that mild, benevolent, peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing spirit, which has been described as so conspicuous in wilberforce. and when their measures are examined, it will be found that they were eminently mild, peaceful, and forbearing. though no effort that is to encounter the selfish interests of men, can escape without odium and opposition, from those who are thwarted, and from all whom they can influence, these men carefully took those measures that were calculated to bring about their end with the least opposition and evil possible. they avoided prejudices, strove to conciliate opposers, shunned every thing that would give needless offence and exasperation, began slowly and cautiously, with points which could be the most easily carried, and advanced toward others only as public sentiment became more and more enlightened. they did not beard the lion in full face, by coming out as the first thing with the maxim, that all slavery ought and must be abandoned immediately. they began with "inquiries as to the _impolicy_ of the _slave trade_," and it was years before they came to the point of the abolition of slavery. and they carried their measures through, without producing warring parties among _good men_, who held common principles with themselves. as a general fact, the pious men of great britain acted harmoniously in this great effort. let us now look at the leaders of the abolition movement in america. the man who first took the lead was william l. garrison, who, though he professes a belief in the christian religion, is an avowed opponent of most of its institutions. the character and spirit of this man have for years been exhibited in "the liberator," of which he is the editor. that there is to be found in that paper, or in any thing else, any evidence of his possessing the peculiar traits of wilberforce, not even his warmest admirers will maintain. how many of the opposite traits can be found, those can best judge who have read his paper. gradually others joined themselves in the effort commenced by garrison; but for a long time they consisted chiefly of men who would fall into one of these three classes; either good men who were so excited by a knowledge of the enormous evils of slavery, that _any thing_ was considered better than entire inactivity, or else men accustomed to a contracted field of observation, and more qualified to judge of immediate results than of general tendencies, or else men of ardent and impulsive temperament, whose feelings are likely to take the lead, rather than their judgment. there are no men who act more efficiently as the leaders of an enterprise than the editors of the periodicals that advocate and defend it. the editors of the emancipator, the friend of man, the new york evangelist, and the other abolition periodicals, may therefore be considered as among the chief leaders of the enterprise, and their papers are the mirror from which their spirit and character are reflected. i wish the friends of these editors would cull from their papers all the indications they can find of the peculiarities that distinguished wilberforce and his associates; all the evidence of "a modest and lowly spirit,"--all the exhibitions of "charity in judging of the motives of those who oppose their measures,"--all the "indications of benignity, gentleness, and kind-heartedness,"--all the "kind constructions of doubtful actions,"--all the "charitable language used toward those who differ in opinion or measures,"--all the "thorough forgetfulness of little affronts,"--all the cases where "opponents are allowed full credit for purity and sincerity of motive,"--all cases where they have been careful "never to provoke an adversary,"--all cases where they have "refrained from all irritating expressions,"--all cases where they have avoided every thing that would "indispose their opponents for their great cause," and then compare the result with what may be found of an opposite character, and i think it would not be unsafe to infer that an association whose measures, on an exciting subject, were guided by such men, would be more likely to be aggressive than peaceful. the position i would establish will appear more clearly, by examining in detail some of the prominent measures which have been adopted by this association. one of the first measures of abolitionists was an attack on a benevolent society, originated and sustained by some of the most pious and devoted men of the age. it was imagined by abolitionists, that the influence and measures of the colonization society tended to retard the abolition of slavery, and to perpetuate injurious prejudices against the coloured race. the peaceful and christian method of meeting this difficulty would have been, to collect all the evidence of this supposed hurtful tendency, and privately, and in a respectful and conciliating way, to have presented it to the attention of the wise and benevolent men, who were most interested in sustaining this institution. if this measure did not avail to convince them, then it would have been safe and justifiable to present to the public a temperate statement of facts, and of the deductions based on them, drawn up in a respectful and candid manner, with every charitable allowance which truth could warrant. instead of this, when the attempt was first made to turn public opinion against the colonization society, i met one of the most influential supporters of that institution, just after he had had an interview with a leading abolitionist. this gentleman was most remarkable for his urbanity, meekness, and benevolence, and his remark to me in reference to this interview, shows what was its nature. "i love truth and sound argument," said he, "but when a man comes at me with a sledge hammer, i cannot help dodging." this is a specimen of their private manner of dealing. in public, the enterprise was attacked as a plan for promoting the selfish interests and prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the coloured population; and in many cases, it was assumed that the conductors of this association were aware of this, and accessory to it. and the style in which the thing was done was at once offensive, inflammatory, and exasperating. denunciation, sneers, and public rebuke, were bestowed indiscriminately upon the conductors of the enterprise, and of course they fell upon many sincere, upright, and conscientious men, whose feelings were harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the indecorum, and the unchristian treatment, they received. and when a temporary impression was made on the public mind, and its opponents supposed they had succeeded in crushing this society, the most public and triumphant exultation was not repressed. compare this method of carrying a point, with that adopted by wilberforce and his compeers, and i think you will allow that there was a way that was peaceful and christian, and that this was not the way which was chosen. the next measure of abolitionism was an attempt to remove the prejudices of the whites against the blacks, on account of natural peculiarities. now, prejudice is an _unreasonable_ and _groundless_ dislike of persons or things. of course, as it is unreasonable, it is the most difficult of all things to conquer, and the worst and most irritating method that could be attempted would be, to attack a man as guilty of sin, as unreasonable, as ungenerous, or as proud, for allowing a certain prejudice. this is the sure way to produce anger, self-justification, and an increase of the strength of prejudice, against that which has caused him this rebuke and irritation. the best way to make a person like a thing which is disagreeable, is to try in some way to make it agreeable; and if a certain class of persons is the subject of unreasonable prejudice, the peaceful and christian way of removing it would be to endeavour to render the unfortunate persons who compose this class, so useful, so humble and unassuming, so kind in their feelings, and so full of love and good works, that prejudice would be supplanted by complacency in their goodness, and pity and sympathy for their disabilities. if the friends of the blacks had quietly set themselves to work to increase their intelligence, their usefulness, their respectability, their meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, and then had appealed to the pity, generosity, and christian feelings of their fellow citizens, a very different result would have appeared. instead of this, reproaches, rebukes, and sneers, were employed to convince the whites that their prejudices were sinful, and without any just cause. they were accused of pride, of selfish indifference, of unchristian neglect. this tended to irritate the whites, and to increase their prejudice against the blacks, who thus were made the causes of rebuke and exasperation. then, on the other hand, the blacks extensively received the liberator, and learned to imbibe the spirit of its conductor. they were taught to feel that they were injured and abused, the objects of a guilty and unreasonable prejudice--that they occupied a lower place in society than was right--that they ought to be treated as if they were whites; and in repeated instances, attempts were made by their friends to mingle them with whites, so as to break down the existing distinctions of society. now, the question is not, whether these things, that were urged by abolitionists, were true. the thing maintained is, that the method taken by them to remove this prejudice was neither peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on the contrary, was calculated to increase the evil, and to generate anger, pride, and recrimination, on one side, and envy, discontent, and revengeful feelings, on the other. these are some of the general measures which have been exhibited in the abolition movement. the same peculiarities may be as distinctly seen in specific cases, where the peaceful and quiet way of accomplishing the good was neglected, and the one most calculated to excite wrath and strife was chosen. take, for example, the effort to establish a college for coloured persons. the quiet, peaceful, and christian way of doing such a thing, would have been, for those who were interested in the plan, to furnish the money necessary, and then to have selected a retired place, where there would be the least prejudice and opposition to be met, and there, in an unostentatious way, commenced the education of the youth to be thus sustained. instead of this, at a time when the public mind was excited on the subject, it was noised abroad that a college for blacks was to be founded. then a city was selected for its location, where was another college, so large as to demand constant effort and vigilance to preserve quiet subordination; where contests with "sailors and town boys" were barely kept at bay; a college embracing a large proportion of southern students, who were highly excited on the subject of slavery and emancipation; a college where half the shoe-blacks and waiters were coloured men. beside the very walls of this college, it was proposed to found a college for coloured young men. could it be otherwise than that opposition, and that for the best of reasons, would arise against such an attempt, both from the faculty of the college and the citizens of the place? could it be reasonably expected that they would not oppose a measure so calculated to increase their own difficulties and liabilities, and at the same time so certain to place the proposed institution in the most unfavourable of all circumstances? but when the measure was opposed, instead of yielding meekly and peaceably to such reasonable objections, and soothing the feelings and apprehensions that had been excited, by putting the best construction on the matter, and seeking another place, it was claimed as an evidence of opposition to the interests of the blacks, and as a mark of the force of sinful prejudice. the worst, rather than the best, motives were ascribed to some of the most respectable, and venerated, and pious men, who opposed the measure; and a great deal was said and done that was calculated to throw the community into an angry ferment. take another example. if a prudent and benevolent female had selected almost any village in new england, and commenced a school for coloured females, in a quiet, appropriate, and unostentatious way, the world would never have heard of the case, except to applaud her benevolence, and the kindness of the villagers, who aided her in the effort. but instead of this, there appeared public advertisements, (which i saw at the time,) stating that a seminary for the education of young ladies of colour was to be opened in canterbury, in the state of connecticut, where would be taught music on the piano forte, drawing, &c., together with a course of english education. now, there are not a dozen coloured families in new england, in such pecuniary circumstances, that if they were whites it would not be thought ridiculous to attempt to give their daughters such a course of education, and canterbury was a place where but few of the wealthiest families ever thought of furnishing such accomplishments for their children. several other particulars might be added that were exceedingly irritating, but this may serve as a specimen of the method in which the whole affair was conducted. it was an entire disregard of the prejudices and the proprieties of society, and calculated to stimulate pride, anger, ill-will, contention, and all the bitter feelings that spring from such collisions. then, instead of adopting measures to soothe and conciliate, rebukes, sneers and denunciations, were employed, and canterbury and connecticut were held up to public scorn and rebuke for doing what most other communities would probably have done, if similarly tempted and provoked. take another case. it was deemed expedient by abolitionists to establish an abolition paper, first in kentucky, a slave state. it was driven from that state, either by violence or by threats. it retreated to ohio, one of the free states. in selecting a place for its location, it might have been established in a small place, where the people were of similar views, or were not exposed to dangerous popular excitements. but cincinnati was selected; and when the most intelligent, the most reasonable, and the most patriotic of the citizens remonstrated,--when they represented that there were peculiar and unusual liabilities to popular excitement on this subject,--that the organization and power of the police made it extremely dangerous to excite a mob, and almost impossible to control it,--that all the good aimed at could be accomplished by locating the press in another place, where there were not such dangerous liabilities,--when they kindly and respectfully urged these considerations, they were disregarded. i myself was present when a sincere friend urged upon the one who controlled that paper, the obligations of good men, not merely to avoid breaking wholesome laws themselves, but the duty of regarding the liabilities of others to temptation; and that where christians could foresee that by placing certain temptations in the way of their fellow-men, all the probabilities were, that they would yield, and yet persisted in doing it, the tempters became partakers in the guilt of those who yielded to the temptation. but these remonstrances were ineffectual. the paper must not only be printed and circulated, but it must be stationed where were the greatest probabilities that measures of illegal violence would ensue. and when the evil was perpetrated, and a mob destroyed the press, then those who had urged on these measures of temptation, turned upon those who had advised and remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the violence, because, in a season of excitement, the measures adopted to restrain and control the mob, were not such as were deemed suitable and right. now, in all the above cases, i would by no means justify the wrong or the injudicious measures that may have been pursued, under this course of provocation. the greatness of temptation does by no means release men from obligation; but christians are bound to remember that it is a certain consequence of throwing men into strong excitement, that they will act unwisely and wrong, and that the tempter as well as the tempted are held responsible, both by god and man. in all these cases, it cannot but appear that the good aimed at might have been accomplished in a quiet, peaceable, and christian way, and that this was not the way which was chosen. the whole system of abolition measures seems to leave entirely out of view, the obligation of christians to save their fellow men from all needless temptations. if the thing to be done is only lawful and right, it does not appear to have been a matter of effort to do it in such a way as would not provoke and irritate; but often, if the chief aim had been to do the good in the most injurious and offensive way, no more certain and appropriate methods could have been devised. so much has this been the character of abolition movements, that many have supposed it to be a deliberate and systematized plan of the leaders to do nothing but what was strictly a _right_ guaranteed by law, and yet, in such a manner, as to provoke men to anger, so that unjust and illegal acts might ensue, knowing, that as a consequence, the opposers of abolition would be thrown into the wrong, and sympathy be aroused for abolitionists as injured and persecuted men. it is a fact, that abolitionists have taken the course most calculated to awaken illegal acts of violence, and that when they have ensued, they have seemed to rejoice in them, as calculated to advance and strengthen their cause. the violence of mobs, the denunciations and unreasonable requirements of the south, the denial of the right of petition, the restrictions attempted to be laid upon freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, are generally spoken of with exultation by abolitionists, as what are among the chief means of promoting their cause. it is not so much by exciting feelings of pity and humanity, and christian love, towards the oppressed, as it is by awakening indignation at the treatment of abolitionists themselves, that their cause has prospered. how many men have declared or implied, that in joining the ranks of abolition, they were influenced, not by their arguments, or by the wisdom of their course, but because the violence of opposers had identified that cause with the question of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and civil liberty. but when i say that many have supposed that it was the deliberate intention of the abolitionists to foment illegal acts and violence, i would by no means justify a supposition, which is contrary to the dictates of justice and charity. the leaders of the abolition society disclaim all such wishes or intentions; they only act apparently on the assumption that they are exercising just rights, which they are not bound to give up, because other men will act unreasonably and wickedly. another measure of abolitionists, calculated to awaken evil feelings, has been the treatment of those who objected to their proceedings. a large majority of the philanthropic and pious, who hold common views with the abolitionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery, and the duty of using all appropriate means to bring it to an end, have opposed their measures, because they have believed them not calculated to promote, but rather to retard the end proposed to be accomplished by them. the peaceful and christian method of encountering such opposition, would have been to allow the opponents full credit for purity and integrity of motive, to have avoided all harsh and censorious language, and to have employed facts, arguments and persuasions, in a kind and respectful way with the hope of modifying their views and allaying their fears. instead of this, the wise and good who opposed abolition measures, have been treated as though they were the friends and defenders of slavery, or as those who, from a guilty, timid, time-serving policy, refused to take the course which duty demanded. they have been addressed either as if it were necessary to convince them that slavery is wrong and ought to be abandoned, or else, as if they needed to be exhorted to give up their timidity and selfish interest, and to perform a manifest duty, which they were knowingly neglecting. now there is nothing more irritating, when a man is conscientious and acting according to his own views of right, than to be dealt with in this manner. the more men are treated as if they were honest and sincere--the more they are treated with respect, fairness, and benevolence, the more likely they are to be moved by evidence and arguments. on the contrary, harshness, uncharitableness, and rebuke, for opinions and conduct that are in agreement with a man's own views of duty and rectitude, tend to awaken evil feelings, and indispose the mind properly to regard evidence. abolitionists have not only taken this course, but in many cases, have seemed to act on the principle, that the abolition of slavery, in the particular mode in which they were aiming to accomplish it, was of such paramount importance, that every thing must be overthrown that stood in the way. no matter what respect a man had gained for talents, virtue, and piety, if he stood in the way of abolitionism, he must be attacked as to character and motives. no matter how important an institution might be, if its influence was against the measures of abolitionism, it must be attacked openly, or sapped privately, till its influence was destroyed. by such measures, the most direct means have been taken to awaken anger at injury, and resentment at injustice, and to provoke retaliation on those who inflict the wrong. all the partialities of personal friendship; all the feelings of respect accorded to good and useful men; all the interests that cluster around public institutions, entrenched in the hearts of the multitudes who sustain them, were outraged by such a course. another measure of abolitionists, which has greatly tended to promote wrath and strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use of terms. to make this apparent, it must be premised, that words have no inherent meaning, but always signify that which they are commonly _understood_ to mean. the question never should be asked, what _ought_ a word to mean? but simply, what is the meaning generally attached to this word by those who use it? vocabularies and standard writers are the proper umpires to decide this question. now if men take words and give them a new and peculiar use, and are consequently misunderstood, they are guilty of a species of deception, and are accountable for all the evils that may ensue as a consequence. for example; if physicians should come out and declare, that it was their opinion that they ought to poison all their patients, and they had determined to do it, and then all the community should be thrown into terror and excitement, it would be no justification for them to say, that all they intended by that language was, that they should administer as medicines, articles which are usually called poisons. now abolitionists are before the community, and declare that all slavery is sin, which ought to be immediately forsaken; and that it is their object and intention to promote the _immediate emancipation_ of all the slaves in this nation. now what is it that makes a man cease to be a slave and become free? it is not kind treatment from a master; it is not paying wages to the slave; it is not the intention to bestow freedom at a future time; it is not treating a slave as if he were free; it is not feeling toward a slave as if he were free. no instance can be found of any dictionary, or any standard writer, nor any case in common discourse, where any of these significations are attached to the word as constituting its peculiar and appropriate meaning. it always signifies _that legal_ act, which, by the laws of the land, changes a slave to a freeman. what then is the _proper_ meaning of the language used by abolitionists, when they say that all slavery is a sin which ought to be immediately abandoned, and that it is their object to secure the immediate emancipation of all slaves? the true and only proper meaning of such language is, that it is the duty of every slave-holder in this nation, to go immediately and make out the legal instruments, that, by the laws of the land, change all his slaves to freemen. if their maxim is true, no exception can be made for those who live in states where the act of emancipation, by a master, makes a slave the property of the state, to be sold for the benefit of the state; and no exception can be made for those, who, by the will of testators, and by the law of the land, have no power to perform the legal act, which alone can emancipate their slaves. to meet this difficulty, abolitionists affirm, that, in such cases, men are physically unable to emancipate their slaves, and of course are not bound to do it; and to save their great maxim, maintain that, in such cases, the slaves are not slaves, and the slave-holders are not slave-holders, although all their legal relations remain unchanged. the meaning which the abolitionist attaches to his language is this, that every man is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, like freemen; and to use all his influence to bring the system of slavery to an end as soon as possible. and they allow that when men do this they are free from guilt, in the matter of slavery, and undeserving of censure. but men at the north, and men at the south, understand the language used in its true and proper sense; and abolitionists have been using these terms in a new and peculiar sense, which is inevitably and universally misunderstood, and this is an occasion of much of the strife and alarm which has prevailed both at the south and at the north. there are none but these defenders of slavery who maintain that it is a relation justifiable by the laws of the gospel, who differ from abolitionists in regard to the real thing which is meant. the great mistake of abolitionists is in using terms which inculcate the immediate annihilation of the relation, when they only intend to urge the christian duty of treating slaves according to the gospel rules of justice and benevolence, and using all lawful and appropriate means for bringing a most pernicious system to a speedy end. if abolitionists will only cease to teach that _all_ slave-holding is a sin which ought to be _immediately abolished_; if they will cease to urge their plan as one of _immediate emancipation_, and teach simply and exactly that which they do mean, much strife and misunderstanding will cease. but so long as they persevere in using these terms in a new and peculiar sense, which will always be misunderstood, they are guilty of a species of deception and accountable for the evils that follow. one other instance of a similar misuse of terms may be mentioned. the word "man-stealer" has one peculiar signification, and it is no more synonymous with "slave-holder" than it is with "sheep-stealer." but abolitionists show that a slave-holder, in fact, does very many of the evils that are perpetrated by a man-stealer, and that the crime is quite as evil in its nature, and very similar in character, and, therefore, he calls a slave-holder a man-stealer. on this principle there is no abusive language that may not be employed to render any man odious--for every man commits sin of some kind, and every sin is like some other sin, in many respects, and in certain aggravated cases, may be bad, or even worse, than another sin with a much more odious name. it is easy to show that a man who neglects all religious duty is very much like an atheist, and if he has had great advantages, and the atheist very few, he may be much more guilty than an atheist. and so, half the respectable men in our religious communities, may be called atheists, with as much propriety as a slave-holder can be called a man-stealer. abolitionists have proceeded on this principle, in their various publications, until the terms of odium that have been showered upon slave-holders, would form a large page in the vocabulary of billingsgate. this method of dealing with those whom we wish to convince and persuade, is as contrary to the dictates of common sense, as it is to the rules of good breeding and the laws of the gospel. the preceding particulars are selected, as the evidence to be presented, that the character and measures of the abolition society are neither peaceful nor christian in their tendency; but that in their nature they are calculated to generate party-spirit, denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions. if such be the tendency of this institution, it follows, that it is wrong for a christian, or any lover of peace, to be connected with it. the assertion that christianity itself has led to strife and contention, is not a safe method of evading this argument. christianity is a system of _persuasion_, tending, by kind and gentle influences, to make men _willing_ to leave off their sins--and it comes, not to convince those who are not sinners, but to sinners themselves. abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of _coercion_ by public opinion; and in its present operation, its influence is not to convince the erring, but to convince those who are not guilty, of the sins of those who are. another prominent peculiarity of the abolitionists, (which is an objection to joining this association,) is their advocacy of a principle, which is wrong and very pernicious in its tendency. i refer to their views in regard to what is called "the doctrine of expediency." their difficulty on this subject seems to have arisen from want of a clear distinction between the duty of those who are guilty of sin, and the duty of those who are aiming to turn men from their sins. the principle is assumed, that because certain men ought to abandon every sin immediately, therefore, certain other men are bound _immediately_ to try and make them do it. now the question of expediency does not relate to what men are bound to do, who are in the practice of sin themselves--for the immediate relinquishment of sin is the duty of all; but it relates to the duty of those who are to make efforts to induce others to break off their wickedness. here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given course, depend entirely on the _probabilities of success_. if a father has a son of a very peculiar temperament, and he knows by observation, that the use of the rod will make him more irritable and more liable to a certain fault, and that kind arguments, and tender measures will more probably accomplish the desired object, it is a rule of expediency to try the most probable course. if a companion sees a friend committing a sin, and has, from past experience, learned that remonstrances excite anger and obstinacy, while a look of silent sorrow and disapprobation tends far more to prevent the evil, expediency and duty demand silence rather than remonstrance. there are cases also, where differences in age, and station, and character, forbid all interference to modify the conduct and character of others. a nursery maid may see that a father misgoverns his children, and ill-treats his wife. but her station makes it inexpedient for her to turn reprover. it is a case where reproof would do no good, but only evil. so in communities, the propriety and rectitude of measures can be decided, not by the rules of duty that should govern those who are to renounce sin, but by the probabilities of good or evil consequence. the abolitionists seem to lose sight of this distinction. they form voluntary associations in free states, to convince their fellow citizens of the sins of other men in other communities. they are blamed and opposed, because their measures are deemed inexpedient, and calculated to increase, rather than diminish the evils to be cured. in return, they show that slavery is a sin which ought to be abandoned immediately, and seem to suppose that it follows as a correct inference, that they themselves ought to engage in a system of agitation against it, and that it is needless for them to inquire whether preaching the truth in the manner they propose, will increase or diminish the evil. they assume that whenever sin is committed, not only ought the sinner immediately to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are bound to take measures to make him cease, and to take measures, without any reference to the probabilities of success. that this is a correct representation of the views of abolitionists generally, is evident from their periodicals and conversation. all their remarks about preaching the truth and leaving consequences to god--all their depreciation of the doctrine of expediency, are rendered relevant only by this supposition. the impression made by their writings is, that god has made rules of duty; that all men are in all cases to remonstrate against the violation of those rules; and that god will take the responsibility of bringing good out of this course; so that we ourselves are relieved from any necessity of inquiring as to probable results. if this be not the theory of duty adopted by this association, then they stand on common ground with those who oppose their measures, viz: that the propriety and duty of a given course is to be decided by _probabilities as to its results_; and these probabilities are to be determined by the _known laws of mind_, and the _records of past experience_. for only one of two positions can be held. either that it is the duty of all men to remonstrate at all times against all violations of duty, and leave the consequences with god; or else that men are to use their judgment, and take the part of remonstrance only at such a time and place, and in such a manner, as promise the best results. that the abolitionists have not held the second of these positions, must be obvious to all who have read their documents. it would therefore be unwise and wrong to join an association which sustains a principle false in itself, and one which, if acted out, would tend to wrath and strife and every evil word and work. another reason, and the most important of all, against promoting the plans of the abolitionists, is involved in the main question--_what are the probabilities as to the results of their movements?_ the only way to judge of the future results of certain measures is, by the known laws of mind, and the recorded experience of the past. now what is the evil to be cured? slavery in this nation. that this evil is at no distant period to come to an end, is the unanimous opinion of all who either notice the tendencies of the age, or believe in the prophecies of the bible. all who act on christian principles in regard to slavery, believe that in a given period (variously estimated) it will end. the only question then, in regard to the benefits to be gained, or the evils to be dreaded in the present agitation of the subject, relates to the _time_ and the _manner_ of its extinction. the abolitionists claim that their method will bring it to an end in the shortest time, and in the safest and best way. their opponents believe, that it will tend to bring it to an end, if at all, at the most distant period, and in the most dangerous way. as neither party are gifted with prescience, and as the deity has made no revelations as to the future results of any given measures, all the means of judging that remain to us, as before stated, are the laws of mind, and the records of the past. the position then i would aim to establish is, that the method taken by the abolitionists is the one that, according to the laws of mind and past experience, is least likely to bring about the results they aim to accomplish. the general statement is this. the object to be accomplished is: first. to convince a certain community, that they are in the practice of a great sin, and secondly. to make them willing to relinquish it. the method taken to accomplish this is, by voluntary associations in a foreign community, seeking to excite public sentiment against the perpetrators of the evil; exhibiting the enormity of the crime in full measure, without palliation, excuse or sympathy, by means of periodicals and agents circulating, not in the community committing the sin, but in that which does not practise it. now that this method may, in conjunction with other causes, have an influence to bring slavery to an end, is not denied. but it is believed, and from the following considerations, that it is the least calculated to do the _good_, and that it involves the greatest evils. it is a known law of mind first seen in the nursery and school, afterwards developed in society, that a person is least likely to judge correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to duty, when excited by passion. it is a law of experience, that when wrong is done, if repentance and reformation are sought, then love and kindness, mingled with remonstrance, coming from one who has a _right_ to speak, are more successful than rebuke and scorn from others who are not beloved, and who are regarded as impertinent intruders. in the nursery, if the child does wrong, the finger of scorn, the taunting rebuke, or even the fair and deserved reproof of equals, will make the young culprit only frown with rage, and perhaps repeat and increase the injury. but the voice of maternal love, or even the gentle remonstrances of an elder sister, may bring tears of sorrow and contrition. so in society. let a man's enemies, or those who have no interest in his welfare, join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no signs of penitence will be seen. but let the clergyman whom he respects and loves, or his bosom friend approach him, with kindness, forbearance and true sincerity, and all that is possible to human agency will be effected. it is the maxim then of experience, that when men are to be turned from evils, and brought to repent and reform, those only should interfere who are most loved and respected, and who have the best right to approach the offender. while on the other hand, rebuke from those who are deemed obtrusive and inimical, or even indifferent, will do more harm than good. it is another maxim of experience, that such dealings with the erring should be in private, not in public. the moment a man is publicly rebuked, shame, anger, and pride of opinion, all combine to make him defend his practice, and refuse either to own himself wrong, or to cease from his evil ways. the abolitionists have violated all these laws of mind and of experience, in dealing with their southern brethren. their course has been most calculated to awaken anger, fear, pride, hatred, and all the passions most likely to blind the mind to truth, and make it averse to duty. they have not approached them with the spirit of love, courtesy, and forbearance. they are not the persons who would be regarded by the south, as having any _right_ to interfere; and therefore, whether they have such right or not, the probabilities of good are removed. for it is not only demanded for the benefit of the offender, that there should really be a right, but it is necessary that he should feel that there is such a right. in dealing with their brethren, too, they have not tried silent, retired, private measures. it has been public denunciation of crime and shame in newspapers, addressed as it were to by-standers, in order to arouse the guilty. in reply to this, it has been urged, that men could not go to the south--that they would be murdered there--that the only way was, to convince the north, and excite public odium against the sins of the south, and thus gradually conviction, repentance, and reformation would ensue. here is another case where men are to judge of their duty, by estimating probabilities of future results; and it may first be observed, that it involves the principle of expediency, in just that form to which abolitionists object. it is allowed that the immediate abolition of slavery is to be produced by means of "light and love," and yet it is maintained as right to withdraw personally from the field of operation, because of _consequences_; because of the probable danger of approaching. "if we go to the south, and present truth, argument, and entreaty, _we shall be slain_, and therefore we are not under obligation to go." if this justifies abolitionists in their neglect of their offending brethren, because they fear evil results to themselves, it also justifies those who refuse to act with abolitionists in their measures, because they fear other evil results. but what proof is there, that if the abolitionists had taken another method, the one more in accordance with the laws of mind and the dictates of experience, that there would have been at the south all this violence? before the abolition movement commenced, both northern and southern men, expressed their views freely at the south. the dangers, evils, and mischiefs of slavery were exhibited and discussed even in the legislative halls of more than one of the southern states, and many minds were anxiously devising measures, to bring this evil to an end. now let us look at some of the records of past experience. clarkson was the first person who devoted himself to the cause of abolition in england. his object was to convince the people of england that they were guilty of a great impolicy, and great sin, in permitting the slave-trade. he was to meet the force of public sentiment, and power, and selfishness, and wealth, which sustained this traffic, in that nation. what were his measures? he did not go to sweden, or russia, or france, to awaken public sentiment against the sins of the english.--he began by first publishing an inquiry in england whether it was right to seize men, and make them slaves. he went unostentatiously to some of the best and most pious men there, and endeavoured to interest them in the inquiry. then he published an article on the impolicy of the slave-trade, showing its disadvantages. then he collected information of the evils and enormities involved in the traffic, and went quietly around among those most likely to be moved by motives of humanity and christianity. in this manner he toiled for more than fourteen years, slowly implanting the leaven among the good men, until he gained a noble band of patriots and christians, with wilberforce at their head. the following extract from a memoir of clarkson discloses the manner and spirit in which he commenced his enterprise, and toiled through to its accomplishment. "in dr. peckhard, vice-chancellor of the university, deeply impressed with the iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a subject for a latin dissertation to the senior bachelors of arts: '_anne liceat invitos in servitutem dare?_' 'is it right to make slaves of others against their will?' however benevolent the feelings of the vice-chancellor, and however strong and clear the opinions he held on the inhuman traffic, it is probable that he little thought that this discussion would secure for the object so dear to his own heart, efforts and advocacy equally enlightened and efficient, that should be continued, until his country had declared, not that the slave-trade only, but that slavery itself should cease. "mr. clarkson, having in the preceding year gained the first prize for the latin dissertation, was naturally anxious to maintain his honourable position; and no efforts were spared, during the few intervening weeks, in collecting information and evidence. important facts were gained from anthony benezet's historical account of guinea, which mr. clarkson hastened to london to purchase. furnished with these and other valuable information, he commenced his difficult task. how it was accomplished, he thus informs us. "'no person,' he states,[ ] 'can tell the severe trial which the writing of it proved to me. i had expected pleasure from the invention of the arguments, from the arrangement of them, from the putting of them together, and from the thought, in the interim, that i was engaged in an innocent contest for literary honour. but all my pleasure was damped by the facts which were now continually before me. it was but one gloomy subject from morning to night. in the day-time i was uneasy; in the night i had little rest. i sometimes never closed my eyelids for grief. it became now not so much a trial for academical reputation, as for the production of a work which might be useful to injured africa. and keeping this idea in my mind ever after the perusal of benezet, i always slept with a candle in my room, that i might rise out of bed, and put down such thoughts as might occur to me in the night, if i judged them valuable, conceiving that no arguments of any moment should be lost in so great a cause. having at length finished this painful task, i sent my essay to the vice-chancellor, and soon afterwards found myself honoured, as before, with the first prize. [ ] history of the abolition of the slave trade. "'as it is usual to read these essays publicly in the senate-house soon after the prize is adjudged, i was called to cambridge for this purpose. i went, and performed my office. on returning, however, to london, the subject of it almost wholly engrossed my thoughts. i became at times very seriously affected while upon the road. i stopped my horse occasionally, and dismounted, and walked. i frequently tried to persuade myself in these intervals that the contents of my essay could not be true. the more, however, i reflected upon them, or rather upon the authorities on which they were founded, the more i gave them credit. coming in sight of wade's mill, in hertfordshire, i sat down disconsolate on the turf by the road-side, and held my horse. here a thought came into my mind, that if the contents of the essay were true, it was time some person should see these calamities to their end. agitated in this manner, i reached home. this was in the summer of . "'in the course of the autumn of the same year i experienced similar impressions. i walked frequently into the woods, that i might think on the subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind there. but there the question still recurred, 'are these things true?' still the answer followed as instantaneously,--'they are.' still the result accompanied it; 'then, surely, some person should interfere.' i then began to envy those who had seats in parliament, and who had great riches, and widely extended connexions, which would enable them to take up this cause. finding scarcely any one at that time who thought of it, i was turned frequently to myself. but here many difficulties arose. it struck me, among others, that a young man of only twenty-four years of age could not have that solid judgment, or knowledge of men, manners, and things, which were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such magnitude and importance: and with whom was i to unite? i believed also, that it looked so much like one of the feigned labours of hercules, that my understanding would be suspected if i proposed it. on ruminating, however, on the subject, i found one thing at least practicable, and that this was also in my power. i could translate my latin dissertation. i could enlarge it usefully. i could see how the public received it, or how far they were likely to favour any serious measures, which should have a tendency to produce the abolition of the slave-trade. upon this, then, i determined; and in the middle of the month of november, , i began my work.' "such is the characteristic and ingenuous account given by clarkson of his introduction to that work to which the energies of his life were devoted, and in reference to which, and to the account whence the foregoing extract has been made, one of the most benevolent and gifted writers of our country[ ] has justly observed,-- [ ] coleridge. "'this interesting tale is related, not by a descendant, but a cotemporary; not by a distant spectator, but by a participator of the contest; and of all the many participators, by the man confessedly the most efficient; the man whose unparalleled labours in this work of love and peril, leave on the mind of a reflecting reader the sublime doubt, which of the two will have been the greater final gain to the moral world,--the removal of the evil, or the proof, thereby given, what mighty effects single good men may realize by self-devotion and perseverance.' "when mr. clarkson went to london to publish his book, he was introduced to many friends of the cause of abolition, who aided in giving it extensive circulation. whilst thus employed, he received an invitation, which he accepted, to visit the rev. james ramsay, vicar of teston, in kent, who had resided nineteen years in the island of st. christopher. "shortly afterwards, dining one day at sir charles middleton's, (afterwards lord barham,) the conversation turned upon the subject, and mr. clarkson declared that he was ready to devote himself to the cause. this avowal met with great encouragement from the company, and sir c. middleton, then comptroller to the navy, offered every possible assistance. the friends of mr. clarkson increased, and this encouraged him to proceed. dr. porteus, then bishop of chester, and lord scarsdale, were secured in the house of lords. mr. bennet langton, and dr. baker, who were acquainted with many members of both houses of parliament; the honoured granville sharpe, james and richard phillips, could be depended upon, as well as the entire body of the society of friends, to many of whom he had been introduced by mr. joseph hancock, his fellow-townsman. seeking information in every direction, mr. clarkson boarded a number of vessels engaged in the african trade, and obtained specimens of the natural productions of the country. the beauty of the cloth made from african cotton, &c. enhanced his estimate of the skill and ingenuity of the people, and gave a fresh stimulus to his exertions on their behalf. he next visited a slave-ship; the rooms below, the gratings above, and the barricade across the deck, with the explanation of their uses, though the sight of them filled him with sadness and horror, gave new energy to all his movements. in his indefatigable endeavours to collect evidence and facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the kingdom, pursuing his great object with invincible ardour, although sometimes at the peril of his life. the following circumstance, among others, evinces the eminent degree in which he possessed that untiring perseverance, on which the success of a great enterprise often depends. "clarkson and his friends had reason to fear that slaves brought from the interior of africa by certain rivers, had been kidnapped; and it was deemed of great importance to ascertain the fact. a friend one day mentioned to mr. clarkson, that he had, above twelve months before, seen a sailor who had been up these rivers. the name of the sailor was unknown, and all the friend could say was, that he was going to, or belonged to, some man-of-war in ordinary. the evidence of this individual was important, and, aided by his friend sir charles middleton, who gave him permission to board all the ships of war in ordinary, mr. clarkson commenced his search:--beginning at deptford, he visited successfully woolwich, chatham, sheerness, and portsmouth; examining in his progress the different persons on board upwards of two hundred and sixty vessels, without discovering the object of his search. the feelings under which the search was continued, and the success with which it was crowned, he has himself thus described:-- "'matters now began to look rather disheartening,--i mean as far as my grand object was concerned. there was but one other port left, and this was between two and three hundred miles distant. i determined, however, to go to plymouth. i had already been more successful in this tour, with respect to obtaining general evidence, than in any other of the same length; and the probability was, that as i should continue to move among the same kind of people, my success would be in a similar proportion, according to the number visited. these were great encouragements to me to proceed. at length i arrived at the place of my last hope. on my first day's expedition i boarded forty vessels, but found no one in these who had been on the coast of africa in the slave-trade. one or two had been there in king's ships; but they never had been on shore. things were now drawing near to a close; and notwithstanding my success, as to general evidence, in this journey, my heart began to beat. i was restless and uneasy during the night. the next morning i felt agitated again between the alternate pressure of hope and fear; and in this state i entered my boat. the fifty-seventh vessel i boarded was the melampus frigate.--one person belonging to it, on examining him in the captain's cabin, said he had been two voyages to africa; and i had not long discoursed with him, before i found, to my inexpressible joy, that he was the man. i found, too, that he unravelled the question in dispute precisely as our inferences had determined it. he had been two expeditions up the river calabar, in the canoes of the natives. in the first of these they came within a certain distance of a village: they then concealed themselves under the bushes, which hung over the water from the banks. in this position they remained during the day-light; but at night they went up to it armed, and seized all the inhabitants who had not time to make their escape. they obtained forty-five persons in this manner. in the second, they were out eight or nine days, when they made a similar attempt, and with nearly similar success. they seized men, women, and children, as they could find them in the huts. they then bound their arms, and drove them before them to the canoes. the name of the person thus discovered on board of the melampus was isaac parker. on inquiring into his character, from the master of the division, i found it highly respectable. i found also afterward that he had sailed with captain cook, with great credit to himself, round the world. it was also remarkable, that my brother, on seeing him in london, when he went to deliver his evidence, recognized him as having served on board the monarch, man-of-war, and as one of the most exemplary men in that ship.' "mr. clarkson became, early in his career, acquainted with mr. wilberforce. at their first interview, the latter frankly stated, 'that the subject had often employed his thoughts, and was near his heart,' and learning his visitor's intention to devote himself to this benevolent object, congratulated him on his decision; desired to be made acquainted with his progress, expressing his willingness, in return, to afford every assistance in his power. in his intercourse with members of parliament, mr. clarkson was now frequently associated with mr. wilberforce, who daily became more interested in the fate of africa. the intercourse of the two philanthropists was mutually cordial and encouraging; mr. clarkson imparting his discoveries in the custom-houses of london, liverpool, and other places; and mr. wilberforce communicating the information he had gained from those with whom he associated. "in , mr. clarkson published his important work on the impolicy of the slave-trade. "in , this indefatigable man went to france, by the advice of the committee which he had been instrumental in forming two years before; mr. wilberforce, always solicitous for the good of the oppressed africans, being of opinion that advantage might be taken of the commotions in that country, to induce the leading persons there to take the slave-trade into their consideration, and incorporate it among the abuses to be removed. several of mr. clarkson's friends advised him to travel by another name, as accounts had arrived in england of the excesses which had taken place in paris; but to this he could not consent. on his arrival in that city he was speedily introduced to those who were favourable to the great object of his life; and at the house of m. necker dined with the six deputies of colour from st. domingo,--who had been sent to france at this juncture, to demand that the free people of colour in their country might be placed upon an equality with the whites. their communications to the english philanthropist were important and interesting; they hailed him as their friend, and were abundant in their commendations of his conduct. "copies of the essay on the impolicy of the slave-trade, translated into french, with engravings of the plan and section of a slave ship, were distributed with apparent good effect. the virtuous abbé gregoire, and several members of the national assembly, called upon mr. clarkson. the archbishop of aix was so struck with horror, when the plan of the slave ship was shown to him, that he could scarcely speak; and mirabeau ordered a model of it in wood to be placed in his dining-room. "the circulation of intelligence, although contributing to make many friends, called forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies. merchants, and others interested in the continuance of the slave-trade, wrote letters to the archbishop of aix, beseeching him not to ruin france; which they said he would inevitably do, if, as the president, he were to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. offers of money were made to mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his intended motion. books were circulated in opposition to mr. clarkson's; resort was had to the public papers, and he was denounced as a spy. the clamour raised by these efforts pervaded all paris, and reached the ears of the king. m. necker had a long conversation with his royal master upon it, who requested to see the essay, and the specimens of african manufactures, and bestowed considerable time upon them, being surprised at the state of the arts there. m. necker did not exhibit the section of the slave ship, thinking that as the king was indisposed, he might be too much affected by it. louis returned the specimens, commissioning m. necker to convey his thanks to mr. clarkson, and express his gratification at what he had seen. "no decided benefit appears at this time to have followed the visit: but though much depressed by his ill success in france, mr. clarkson continued his labours, till excess of exertion, joined to repeated and bitter disappointments, impaired his health, and, after a hard struggle, subdued a constitution, naturally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of men in general, but shattered by anxiety and fatigue, and the sad probability, often forced upon his understanding, that all might at last have been in vain. under these feelings, he retired in to the beautiful banks of ulleswater; there to seek that rest which, without peril to his life, could no longer be delayed. "for seven years he had maintained a correspondence with four hundred persons; he annually wrote a book upon the subject of the abolition, and travelled more than thirty-five thousand miles in search of evidence, making a great part of these journeys in the night. 'all this time,' mr. clarkson writes, 'my mind had been on the stretch; it had been bent too to this one subject; for i had not even leisure to attend to my own concerns. the various instances of barbarity, which had come successively to my knowledge within this period, had vexed, harassed, and afflicted it. the wound which these had produced was rendered still deeper by the reiterated refusal of persons to give their testimony, after i had travelled hundreds of miles in quest of them. but the severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution begun and pursued by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of such witnesses as had been examined against them; and whom, on account of their dependent situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. as i had been the means of bringing them forward on these occasions, they naturally came to me, as the author of their miseries and their ruin.[ ] these different circumstances, by acting together, had at length brought me into the situation just mentioned; and i was, therefore, obliged, though very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field where i had placed the great honour and glory of my life.'" [ ] the father of the late samuel whitbread, esq., generously undertook, in order to make mr. clarkson's mind easy upon the subject, "to make good all injuries which any individuals might suffer from such persecution;" and he honourably and nobly fulfilled his engagement. it was while thus recruiting the energies exhausted in the conflict, that clarkson, and the compatriot band with which he had been associated in the long and arduous struggle, were crowned with victory, and received the grateful reward of their honourable toil in the final abolition of the slave-trade by the british nation, in , the last but most glorious act of the grenville administration. the preceding shows something of the career of clarkson while labouring to convince the people of great britain of the iniquity of _their own_ trade, a trade which they had the power to abolish. during all this time, clarkson, wilberforce, and their associates avoided touching the matter of _slavery_. they knew that one thing must be gained at a time, and they as a matter of expediency, avoided discussing the duty of the british nation in regard to the system of slavery in their colonies which was entirely under their own control. during all the time that was employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, slavery was existing in the control of the british people, and yet clarkson and wilberforce decided that it was right to let that matter entirely alone. the following shows clarkson's proceedings after the british nation had abolished the slave-trade. "by the publication of his thoughts on the abolition of slavery, mr. clarkson showed that neither he nor those connected with him, considered their work as accomplished, when the laws of his country clasped with its felons those engaged in the nefarious traffic of slaves. but the efforts of mr. clarkson were not confined to his pen. in , he proceeded to aix la chapelle, at the time when the sovereigns of europe met in congress. he was received with marked attention by the emperor of russia, who listened to his statements (respecting the _slave-trade_,) and promised to use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure the entire suppression of the trade in human beings, as speedily as possible. describing his interview with this amiable monarch, in which the subject of peace societies, as well as the abolition of the slave-trade was discussed, mr. clarkson, in a letter to a friend, thus writes: "'it was about nine at night, when i was shown into the emperor's apartment. i found him alone. he met me at the door, and shaking me by the hand, said, 'i had the pleasure of making your acquaintance at paris.' he then led me some little way into the room, and leaving me there, went forward and brought me a chair with his own hand, and desired me to sit down. this being done, he went for another chair, and bringing it very near to mine, placed himself close to me, so that we sat opposite to each other. "'i began the conversation by informing the emperor that as i supposed the congress of aix la chapelle might possibly be the last congress of sovereigns for settling the affairs of europe, its connexions and dependencies, i had availed myself of the kind permission he gave me at paris, of applying to him in behalf of the oppressed africans, being unwilling to lose the last opportunity of rendering him serviceable to the cause. "'the emperor replied, that he had read both my letter and my address to the sovereigns, and that what i asked him and the other sovereigns to do, was only reasonable. "'here i repeated the two great propositions in the address--the necessity of bringing the portuguese time for continuing the trade (which did not expire till , and then only with a condition,) down to the spanish time, which expired in ; and secondly, when the two times should legally have expired, (that is, both of them in ,) then to make any farther continuance _piracy_. i entreated him not to be deceived by any other propositions; for that mr. wilberforce, myself, and others, who had devoted our time to this subject, were sure that no other measure would be effectual. "'he then said very feelingly in these words, 'by the providence of god, i and my kingdom have been saved from a merciless tyranny, (alluding to the invasion of napoleon,) and i should but ill repay the blessing, if i were not to do every thing in my power to protect the poor africans against their oppression also.' "'the emperor then asked if he could do any thing else for our cause. i told him he could; and that i should be greatly obliged to him if he would present one of the addresses to the emperor of austria, and another to the king of prussia, _with his own hand_. i had brought two of them in my pocket for the purpose. he asked me why i had not presented them before. i replied that i had not the honour of knowing either of those sovereigns as i knew him; nor any of their ministers; and that i was not only fearful lest these addresses would not be presented to them, but even if they were, that coming into their hands without any recommendation, they would be laid aside and not read; on the other hand, if he (the emperor,) would condescend to present them, i was sure they would be read, and that coming from him, they would come with a weight of influence, which would secure an attention to their contents. upon this, the emperor promised, in the most kind and affable manner, that he would perform the task i had assigned to him. "'we then rose from our seats to inspect some articles of manufacture, which i had brought with me as a present to him, and which had been laid upon the table. we examined the articles in leather first, one by one, with which he was uncommonly gratified. he said they exhibited not only genius but taste. he inquired if they tanned their own leather, and how: i replied to his question. he said he had never seen neater work, either in petersburg or in london. he then looked at a dagger and its scabbard or sheath. i said the sheath was intended as a further, but more beautiful specimen of the work of the poor africans in leather; and the blade of their dagger as a specimen of their work in iron. their works in cotton next came under our notice. there was one piece which attracted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very beautiful. it called from him this observation, 'manchester,' said he, 'i think is your great place for manufactures of this sort--do you think they could make a better piece of cotton there?' i told him i had never seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind any where. having gone over all the articles, the emperor desired me to inform him whether he was to understand that these articles were made by the africans in their own country, that is, in their native villages, or _after they had arrived in america_, where they would have an opportunity of seeing european manufactures, and experienced workmen in the arts? i replied that such articles might be found in every african village, both on the coast and in the interior, and that they were samples of their own ingenuity, without any connexion with europeans. 'then,' said the emperor, 'you astonish me--you have given me a new idea of the state of these poor people. i was not aware that they were so advanced in society. the works you have shown me are not the works of brutes--but of men, endued with rational and intellectual powers, and capable of being brought to as high a degree of proficiency as any other men. _africa ought to have a fair chance of raising her character in the scale of the civilized world._' i replied that it was this cruel traffic alone, which had prevented africa from rising to a level with other nations; and that it was only astonishing to me that the natives there had, under its impeding influence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself in the specimens of workmanship he had just seen.'" animated by a growing conviction of the righteousness of the cause in which he was engaged, and encouraged by the success with which past endeavours had been crowned, mr. clarkson continued his efficient co-operation with the friends of abolition, advocating its claims on all suitable occasions. it would be superfluous to recount the steps by which, even before the venerated wilberforce was called to his rest, this glorious event was realized, and clarkson beheld the great object of his own life, and those with whom he had acted, triumphantly achieved. the gratitude cherished towards the supreme ruler for the boon thus secured to the oppressed--the satisfaction which a review of past exertions afforded, were heightened by the joyous sympathy of a large portion of his countrymen.[ ] [ ] this account of clarkson, and the preceding one of wilberforce, are taken from the christian keepsake of and . the history of the abolition of the slave-trade, by clarkson himself, presents a more detailed account of his own labours and of the labours of others, and whoever will read it, will observe the following particulars in which this effort differed from the abolition movement in america. in the first place, it was conducted by some of the wisest and most talented statesmen, as well as the most pious men, in the british nation. pitt, fox, and some of the highest of the nobility and bishops in england, were the firmest friends of the enterprise from the first. it was conducted by men who had the intellect, knowledge, discretion, and wisdom demanded for so great an enterprise. secondly. it was conducted slowly, peaceably, and by eminently judicious influences. thirdly. it included, to the full extent, the doctrine of expediency denounced by abolitionists. one of the first decisions of the "committee for the abolition of the slave-trade," which conducted all abolition movements, was that _slavery_ should not be attacked, but only the _slave-trade_; and clarkson expressly says, that it was owing to this, more than to any other measure, that success was gained. fourthly. good men were not divided, and thrown into contending parties.--the opponents to the measure, were only those who were personally interested in the perpetuation of slavery or the slave-trade. fifthly. this effort was one to convince men of their _own_ obligations, and not an effort to arouse public sentiment against the sinful practices of another community over which they had no control. i would now ask, why could not some southern gentleman, such for example as mr. birney, whose manners, education, character, and habits give him abundant facilities, have acted the part of clarkson, and quietly have gone to work at the south, collecting facts, exhibiting the impolicy and the evils, to good men at the south, by the fire-side of the planter, the known home of hospitality and chivalry. why could he not have commenced with the most vulnerable point, the _domestic slave-trade_, leaving emancipation for a future and more favourable period? what right has any one to say that there was no southern wilberforce that would have arisen, no southern grant, macaulay or sharpe, who, like the english philanthropists, would have stood the fierce beating of angry billows, and by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, eloquence, and christian love, convinced the skeptical, enlightened the ignorant, excited the benevolent, and finally have carried the day at the south, by the same means and measures, as secured the event in england? all experience is in favour of the method which the abolitionists have rejected, because it involves _danger to themselves_. the cause they have selected is one that stands alone.--no case parallel on earth can be brought to sustain it, with probabilities of good results. no instance can be found, where exciting the public sentiment of one community against evil practices in another, was ever made the means of eradicating those evils. all the laws of mind, all the records of experience, go against the measures that abolitionists have taken, and in favour of the one they have rejected. and when we look still farther ahead, at results which time is to develope, how stand the probabilities, when we, in judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind and the records of experience? what are the plans, hopes, and expectations of abolitionists, in reference to their measures? they are now labouring to make the north a great abolition society,--to convince every northern man that slavery at the south is a great sin, and that it ought immediately to cease. suppose they accomplish this to the extent they hope,--so far as we have seen, the more the north is convinced, the more firmly the south rejects the light, and turns from the truth. while abolition societies did not exist, men could talk and write, at the south, against the evils of slavery, and northern men had free access and liberty of speech, both at the south and at the north. but now all is changed. every avenue of approach to the south is shut. no paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that topic, is admitted in their bounds. their own citizens, that once laboured and remonstrated, are silenced; their own clergy, under the influence of the exasperated feelings of their people, and their own sympathy and sense of wrong, either entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders of a system they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. this is the record of experience as to the tendencies of abolitionism, as thus far developed. the south are now in just that state of high exasperation, at the sense of wanton injury and impertinent interference, which makes the influence of truth and reason most useless and powerless. but suppose the abolitionists succeed, not only in making northern men abolitionists, but also in sending a portion of light into the south, such as to form a body of abolitionists there also. what is the thing that is to be done to end slavery at the south? it is to _alter the laws_, and to do this, a small minority must begin a long, bitter, terrible conflict with a powerful and exasperated majority. now if, as the abolitionists hope, there will arise at the south such a minority, it will doubtless consist of men of religious and benevolent feelings,--men of that humane, and generous, and upright spirit, that most keenly feel the injuries inflicted on their fellow men. suppose such a band of men begin their efforts, sustained by the northern abolitionists, already so odious. how will the exasperated majority act, according to the known laws of mind and of experience? instead of lessening the evils of slavery, they will increase them. the more they are goaded by a sense of aggressive wrong without, or by fears of dangers within, the more they will restrain their slaves, and diminish their liberty, and increase their disabilities. they will make laws so unjust and oppressive, not only to slaves, but to their abolitionist advocates, that by degrees such men will withdraw from their bounds. laws will be made expressly to harass them, and to render them so uncomfortable that they must withdraw. then gradually the righteous will flee from the devoted city. then the numerical proportion of whites will decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrained wickedness of the system will increase, till a period will come when the physical power will be so much with the blacks, their sense of suffering so increased, that the volcano will burst,--insurrection and servile wars will begin. oh, the countless horrors of such a day! and will the south stand alone in that burning hour? when she sends forth the wailing of her agonies, shall not the north and the west hear, and lift up together the voice of wo? will not fathers hear the cries of children, and brothers the cries of sisters? will the terrors of insurrection sweep over the south, and no northern and western blood be shed? will the slaves be cut down, in such a strife, when they raise the same pæan song of liberty and human rights, that was the watchword of our redemption from far less dreadful tyranny, and which is now thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs on their thrones--will this be heard, and none of the sons of liberty be found to appear on their side? this is no picture of fancied dangers, which are not near. the day has come, when already the feelings are so excited on both sides, that i have heard intelligent men, good men, benevolent and pious men, in moments of excitement, declare themselves ready to take up the sword--some for the defence of the master, some for the protection and right of the slave. it is my full conviction, that if insurrection does burst forth, and there be the least prospect of success to the cause of the slave, there will be men from the north and west, standing breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in opposing ranks. such apprehensions many would regard as needless, and exclaim against such melancholy predictions. but in a case where the whole point of duty and expediency turns upon the probabilities as to results, those probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of inquiry. true, no one has a right to say with confidence what will or what will not be; and it has often amazed and disturbed my mind to perceive how men, with so small a field of vision,--with so little data for judging,--with so few years, and so little experience, can pronounce concerning the results of measures bearing upon the complicated relations and duties of millions, and in a case where the wisest and best are dismayed and baffled. it sometimes has seemed to me that the prescience of deity alone should dare to take such positions as are both carelessly assumed, and pertinaciously defended, by the advocates of abolitionism. but if we are to judge of the wisdom or folly of any measures on this subject, it must be with reference to future results. one course of measures, it is claimed, tends to perpetuate slavery, or to end it by scenes of terror and bloodshed. another course tends to bring it to an end sooner, and by safe and peaceful influences. and the whole discussion of duty rests on these probabilities. but where do the laws of mind and experience oppose the terrific tendencies of abolitionism that have been portrayed? are not the minds of men thrown into a ferment, and excited by those passions which blind the reason, and warp the moral sense? is not the south in a state of high exasperation against abolitionists? does she not regard them as enemies, as reckless madmen, as impertinent intermeddlers? will the increase of their numbers tend to allay this exasperation? will the appearance of a similar body in their own boundaries have any tendency to soothe? will it not still more alarm and exasperate? if a movement of a minority of such men attempt to alter the laws, are not the probabilities strong that still more unjust and oppressive measures will be adopted?--measures that will tend to increase the hardships of the slave, and to drive out of the community all humane, conscientious and pious men? as the evils and dangers increase, will not the alarm constantly diminish the proportion of whites, and make it more and more needful to increase such disabilities and restraints as will chafe and inflame the blacks? when this point is reached, will the blacks, knowing, as they will know, the sympathies of their abolition friends, refrain from exerting their physical power? _the southampton insurrection occurred with far less chance of sympathy and success._ if that most horrible of all scourges, a servile war, breaks forth, will the slaughter of fathers, sons, infants, and of aged,--will the cries of wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred, suffering barbarities worse than death, bring no fathers, brothers, and friends to their aid, from the north and west? and if the sympathies and indignation of freemen can already look such an event in the face, and feel that it would be the slave, rather than the master, whom they would defend, what will be the probability, after a few years' chafing shall have driven away the most christian and humane from scenes of cruelty and inhumanity, which they could neither alleviate nor redress? i should like to see any data of past experience, that will show that these results are not more probable than that the south will, by the system of means now urged upon her, finally be convinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the system of slavery to an end. i claim not that the predictions i present will be fulfilled. i only say, that if abolitionists go on as they propose, such results are _more_ probable than those they hope to attain. i have not here alluded to the probabilities of the severing of the union by the present mode of agitating the question. this may be one of the results, and, if so, what are the probabilities for a southern republic, that has torn itself off for the purpose of excluding foreign interference, and for the purpose of perpetuating slavery? can any abolitionist suppose that, in such a state of things, the great cause of emancipation is as likely to progress favourably, as it was when we were one nation, and mingling on those fraternal terms that existed before the abolition movement began? the preceding are some of the reasons which, on the general view, i would present as opposed to the proposal of forming abolition societies; and they apply equally to either sex. there are some others which seem to oppose peculiar objections to the action of females in the way you would urge. to appreciate more fully these objections, it will be necessary to recur to some general views in relation to the place woman is appointed to fill by the dispensations of heaven. it has of late become quite fashionable in all benevolent efforts, to shower upon our sex an abundance of compliments, not only for what they have done, but also for what they can do; and so injudicious and so frequent, are these oblations, that while i feel an increasing respect for my countrywomen, that their good sense has not been decoyed by these appeals to their vanity and ambition, i cannot but apprehend that there is some need of inquiry as to the just bounds of female influence, and the times, places, and manner in which it can be appropriately exerted. it is the grand feature of the divine economy, that there should be different stations of superiority and subordination, and it is impossible to annihilate this beneficent and immutable law. on its first entrance into life, the child is a dependent on parental love, and of necessity takes a place of subordination and obedience. as he advances in life these new relations of superiority and subordination multiply. the teacher must be the superior in station, the pupil a subordinate. the master of a family the superior, the domestic a subordinate--the ruler a superior, the subject a subordinate. nor do these relations at all depend upon superiority either in intellectual or moral worth. however weak the parents, or intelligent the child, there is no reference to this, in the immutable law. however incompetent the teacher, or superior the pupil, no alteration of station can be allowed. however unworthy the master or worthy the servant, while their mutual relations continue, no change in station as to subordination can be allowed. in fulfilling the duties of these relations, true dignity consists in conforming to all those relations that demand subordination, with propriety and cheerfulness. when does a man, however high his character or station, appear more interesting or dignified than when yielding reverence and deferential attentions to an aged parent, however weak and infirm? and the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all equally sustain their own claims to self-respect, and to the esteem of others, by equally sustaining the appropriate relations and duties of subordination. in this arrangement of the duties of life, heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. it is therefore as much for the dignity as it is for the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. and it is as much a duty as it is for the child to fulfil similar relations to parents, or subjects to rulers. but while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or all-pervading. but it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar. it is christianity that has given to woman her true place in society. and it is the peculiar trait of christianity alone that can sustain her therein. "peace on earth and good will to men" is the character of all the rights and privileges, the influence, and the power of woman. a man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. but all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles. woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. but this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. there let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling and action, that her motives will be reverenced;--so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;--so "gentle and easy to be entreated," as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly. a man is never ashamed to own such influences, but feels dignified and ennobled in acknowledging them. but the moment woman begins to feel the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for power, her ægis of defence is gone. all the sacred protection of religion, all the generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of romantic gallantry, depend upon woman's retaining her place as dependent and defenceless, and making no claims, and maintaining no right but what are the gifts of honour, rectitude and love. a woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others--whatever binds her in a party conflict--whatever obliges her in any way to exert coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. if these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any abolition movement; because it enlists them in an effort to coerce the south by the public sentiment of the north; because it brings them forward as partisans in a conflict that has been begun and carried forward by measures that are any thing rather than peaceful in their tendencies; because it draws them forth from their appropriate retirement, to expose themselves to the ungoverned violence of mobs, and to sneers and ridicule in public places; because it leads them into the arena of political collision, not as peaceful mediators to hush the opposing elements, but as combatants to cheer up and carry forward the measures of strife. if it is asked, "may not woman appropriately come forward as a suppliant for a portion of her sex who are bound in cruel bondage?" it is replied, that, the rectitude and propriety of any such measure, depend entirely on its probable results. if petitions from females will operate to exasperate; if they will be deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise, by those to whom they are addressed; if they will increase, rather than diminish the evil which it is wished to remove; if they will be the opening wedge, that will tend eventually to bring females as petitioners and partisans into every political measure that may tend to injure and oppress their sex, in various parts of the nation, and under the various public measures that may hereafter be enforced, then it is neither appropriate nor wise, nor right, for a woman to petition for the relief of oppressed females. the case of queen esther is one often appealed to as a precedent. when a woman is placed in similar circumstances, where death to herself and all her nation is one alternative, and there is nothing worse to fear, but something to hope as the other alternative, then she may safely follow such an example. but when a woman is asked to join an abolition society, or to put her name to a petition to congress, for the purpose of contributing her measure of influence to keep up agitation in congress, to promote the excitement of the north against the iniquities of the south, to coerce the south by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium to do what she has determined not to do, the case of queen esther is not at all to be regarded as a suitable example for imitation. in this country, petitions to congress, in reference to the official duties of legislators, seem, in all cases, to fall entirely without the sphere of female duty. men are the proper persons to make appeals to the rulers whom they appoint, and if their female friends, by arguments and persuasions, can induce them to petition, all the good that can be done by such measures will be secured. but if females cannot influence their nearest friends, to urge forward a public measure in this way, they surely are out of their place, in attempting to do it themselves. there are some other considerations, which should make the american females peculiarly sensitive in reference to any measure, which should even _seem_ to draw them from their appropriate relations in society. it is allowed by all reflecting minds, that the safety and happiness of this nation depends upon having the _children_ educated, and not only intellectually, but morally and religiously. there are now nearly two millions of children and adults in this country who cannot read, and who have no schools of any kind. to give only a small supply of teachers to these destitute children, who are generally where the population is sparse, will demand _thirty thousand teachers_; and _six thousand_ more will be needed every year, barely to meet the increase of juvenile population. but if we allow that we need not reach this point, in order to save ourselves from that destruction which awaits a people, when governed by an ignorant and unprincipled democracy; if we can weather the storms of democratic liberty with only one-third of our ignorant children properly educated, still we need _ten thousand_ teachers at this moment, and an addition of _two thousand every year_. where is this army of teachers to be found? is it at all probable that the other sex will afford even a moderate portion of this supply? the field for enterprise and excitement in the political arena, in the arts, the sciences, the liberal professions, in agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, is opening with such temptations, as never yet bore upon the mind of any nation. will men turn aside from these high and exciting objects to become the patient labourers in the school-room, and for only the small pittance that rewards such toil? no, they will not do it. men will be educators in the college, in the high school, in some of the most honourable and lucrative common schools, but the _children_, the _little children_ of this nation must, to a wide extent, be taught by females, or remain untaught. the drudgery of education, as it is now too generally regarded, in this country, will be given to the female hand. and as the value of education rises in the public mind, and the importance of a teacher's office is more highly estimated, women will more and more be furnished with those intellectual advantages which they need to fit them for such duties. the result will be, that america will be distinguished above all other nations, for well-educated females, and for the influence they will exert on the general interests of society. but if females, as they approach the other sex, in intellectual elevation, begin to claim, or to exercise in any manner, the peculiar prerogatives of that sex, education will prove a doubtful and dangerous blessing. but this will never be the result. for the more intelligent a woman becomes, the more she can appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that appointed her subordinate station, and the more her taste will conform to the graceful and dignified retirement and submission it involves. an ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid woman, cannot feel nor understand the rationality, the propriety, or the beauty of this relation; and she it is, that will be most likely to carry her measures by tormenting, when she cannot please, or by petulant complaints or obtrusive interference, in matters which are out of her sphere, and which she cannot comprehend. and experience testifies to this result. by the concession of all travellers, american females are distinguished above all others for their general intelligence, and yet they are complimented for their retiring modesty, virtue, and domestic faithfulness, while the other sex is as much distinguished for their respectful kindness and attentive gallantry. there is no other country where females have so much public respect and kindness accorded to them as in america, by the concession of all travellers. and it will ever be so, while intellectual culture in the female mind, is combined with the spirit of that religion which so strongly enforces the appropriate duties of a woman's sphere. but it may be asked, is there nothing to be done to bring this national sin of slavery to an end? must the internal slave-trade, a trade now ranked as piracy among all civilized nations, still prosper in our bounds? must the very seat of our government stand as one of the chief slave-markets of the land; and must not christian females open their lips, nor lift a finger, to bring such a shame and sin to an end? to this it may be replied, that christian females may, and can say and do much to bring these evils to an end; and the present is a time and an occasion when it seems most desirable that they should know, and appreciate, and _exercise_ the power which they do possess for so desirable an end. and in pointing out the methods of exerting female influence for this object, i am inspired with great confidence, from the conviction that what will be suggested, is that which none will oppose, but all will allow to be not only practicable, but safe, suitable, and christian. to appreciate these suggestions, however, it is needful previously to consider some particulars that exhibit the spirit of the age and the tendencies of our peculiar form of government. the prominent principle, now in development, as indicating the spirit of the age, is the perfect right of all men to entire freedom of opinion. by this i do not mean that men are coming to think that "it is no matter what a man believes, if he is only honest and sincere," or that they are growing any more lenient towards their fellow-men, for the evil consequences they bring on themselves or on others for believing wrong. but they are coming to adopt the maxim, that no man shall be forced by pains and penalties to adopt the opinions of other minds, but that every man shall be free to form his own opinions, and to propagate them by all lawful means. at the same time another right is claimed, which is of necessity involved in the preceding,--the right to oppose, by all lawful means, the opinions and the practices of others, when they are deemed pernicious either to individuals or to the community. _facts_, _arguments_ and _persuasions_ are, by all, conceded to be lawful means to employ in propagating our own views, and in opposing the opinions and practices of others. these fundamental principles of liberty have in all past ages been restrained by coercive influences, either of civil or of ecclesiastical power. but in this nation, all such coercive influences, both of church and state, have ceased. every man may think what he pleases about government, or religion, or any thing else; he may propagate his opinions, he may controvert opposite opinions, and no magistrate or ecclesiastic can in any legal way restrain or punish. but the form of our government is such, that every measure that bears upon the public or private interest of every citizen, is decided by _public sentiment_. all laws and regulations in civil, or religious, or social concerns, are decided by the _majority of votes_. and the present is a time when every doctrine, every principle, and every practice which influences the happiness of man, either in this, or in a future life, is under discussion. the whole nation is thrown into parties about almost every possible question, and every man is stimulated in his efforts to promote his own plans by the conviction that success depends entirely upon bringing his fellow citizens to think as he does. hence every man is fierce in maintaining his own right of free discussion, his own right to propagate his opinions, and his own right to oppose, by all lawful means, the opinions that conflict with his own. but the difficulty is, that a right which all men claim for themselves, with the most sensitive and pertinacious inflexibility, they have not yet learned to accord to their fellow men, in cases where their own interests are involved. every man is saying, "let me have full liberty to propagate my opinions, and to oppose all that i deem wrong and injurious, but let no man take this liberty with my opinions and practices. every man may believe what he pleases, and propagate what he pleases, provided he takes care not to attack any thing which belongs to me." and how do men exert themselves to restrain this corresponding right of their fellow men? not by going to the magistrate to inform, or to the spiritual despot to obtain ecclesiastical penalties, but he resorts to methods, which, if successful, are in effect the most severe pains and penalties that can restrain freedom of opinion. what is dearer to a man than _his character_, involving as it does, the esteem, respect and affection of friends, neighbours and society, with all the confidence, honour, trust and emolument that flow from general esteem? how sensitive is every man to any thing that depreciates his intellectual character! what torture, to be ridiculed or pitied for such deficiencies! how cruel the suffering, when his moral delinquencies are held up to public scorn and reprehension! confiscation, stripes, chains, and even death itself, are often less dreaded. it is this method of punishment to which men resort, to deter their fellow-men from exercising those rights of liberty which they so tenaciously claim for themselves. examine now the methods adopted by almost all who are engaged in the various conflicts of opinion in this nation, and you will find that there are certain measures which combatants almost invariably employ. they either attack the intellectual character of opponents, or they labour to make them appear narrow-minded, illiberal and bigoted, or they impeach their honesty and veracity, or they stigmatize their motives as mean, selfish, ambitious, or in some other respect unworthy and degrading. instead of truth, and evidence, and argument, personal depreciation, sneers, insinuations, or open abuse, are the weapons employed. this method of resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and penalties, arises in part from the natural selfishness of man, and in part from want of clear distinctions as to the rights and duties involved in freedom of opinion and freedom of speech. the great fundamental principle that makes this matter clear, is this, that a broad and invariable distinction should ever be preserved between the _opinions_ and _practices_ that are discussed, and the _advocates_ of these opinions and practices. it is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests on every human being, to exert all his influence in opposing every thing that he believes is dangerous and wrong, and in sustaining all that he believes is safe and right. and in doing this, no compromise is to be made, in order to shield country, party, friends, or even self, from any just censure. every man is bound by duty to god and to his country, to lay his finger on every false principle, or injurious practice, and boldly say, "this is wrong--this is dangerous--this i will oppose with all my influence, whoever it may be that advocates or practises it." and every man is bound to use his efforts to turn public sentiment against all that he believes to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to this life, or to the future world. and every man deserves to be respected and applauded, just in proportion as he fearlessly and impartially, and in a _proper spirit_, _time_ and _manner_, fulfils this duty. the doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is "no matter what a man believes, if he is only honest and sincere," is as pernicious, as it is contrary to religion and to common sense. it is as absurd, and as impracticable, as it would be to urge on the mariner the maxim, "no matter which way you believe to be north, if you only steer aright." a man's character, feelings, and conduct, all depend upon his opinions. if a man can reason himself into the belief that it is right to take the property of others and to deceive by false statements, he will probably prove a thief and a liar. it is of the greatest concern, therefore, to every man, that his fellow-men should _believe right_, and one of his most sacred duties is to use all his influence to promote correct opinions. but the performance of this duty, does by no means involve the necessity of attacking the character or motives of the _advocates_ of false opinions, or of holding them up, individually, to public odium. erroneous opinions are sometimes the consequence of unavoidable ignorance, or of mental imbecility, or of a weak and erring judgment, or of false testimony from others, which cannot be rectified. in such cases, the advocates of false opinions are to be pitied rather than blamed; and while the opinions and their tendencies may be publicly exposed, the men may be objects of affection and kindness. in other cases, erroneous opinions spring from criminal indifference, from prejudice, from indolence, from pride, from evil passions, or from selfish interest. in all such cases, men deserve blame for their pernicious opinions, and the evils which flow from them. but, it maybe asked, how are men to decide, when their fellow-men are guilty for holding wrong opinions; when they deserve blame, and when they are to be regarded only with pity and commiseration by those who believe them to be in the wrong? here, surely, is a place where some correct principle is greatly needed. is every man to sit in judgment upon his fellow-man, and decide what are his intellectual capacities, and what the measure of his judgment? is every man to take the office of the searcher of hearts, to try the feelings and motives of his fellow-man? is that most difficult of all analysis, the estimating of the feelings, purposes, and motives, which every man, who examines his own secret thoughts, finds to be so complex, so recondite, so intricate; is this to be the basis, not only of individual opinion, but of public reward and censure? is every man to constitute himself a judge of the amount of time and interest given to the proper investigation of truth by his fellow-man? surely, this cannot be a correct principle. though there may be single cases in which we can know that our fellow-men are weak in intellect, or erring in judgment, or perverse in feeling, or misled by passion, or biased by selfish interest, as a general fact we are not competent to decide these matters, in regard to those who differ from us in opinion. for this reason it is manifestly wrong and irrelevant, when discussing questions of duty or expediency, to bring before the public the character or the motives of the individual advocates of opinions. but, it may be urged, how can the evil tendencies of opinions or of practices be investigated, without involving a consideration of the character and conduct of those who advocate them? to this it may be replied, that the tendencies of opinions and practices can never be ascertained by discussing individual character. it is _classes_ of persons, or large _communities_, embracing persons of all varieties of character and circumstances, that are the only proper subjects of investigation for this object. for example, a community of catholics, and a community of protestants, may be compared, for the purpose of learning the moral tendencies of their different opinions. scotland and new england, where the principles opposite to catholicism have most prevailed, may properly be compared with spain and italy, where the catholic system has been most fairly tried. but to select certain individuals who are defenders of these two different systems, as examples to illustrate their tendencies, would be as improper as it would be to select a kernel of grain to prove the good or bad character of a whole crop. to illustrate by a more particular example. the doctrines of the atheist school are now under discussion, and robert owen and fanny wright have been their prominent advocates. in agreement with the above principles, it is a right, and the duty of every man who has any influence and opportunity, to show the absurdity of their doctrines, the weakness of their arguments, and the fatal tendencies of their opinions. it is right to show that the _practical_ adoption of their principles indicates a want of common sense, just as sowing the ocean with grain and expecting a crop would indicate the same deficiency. if the advocates of these doctrines carry out their principles into practice, in any such way as to offend the taste, or infringe on the rights of others, it is proper to express disgust and disapprobation. if the female advocate chooses to come upon a stage, and expose her person, dress, and elocution to public criticism, it is right to express disgust at whatever is offensive and indecorous, as it is to criticize the book of an author, or the dancing of an actress, or any thing else that is presented to public observation. and it is right to make all these things appear as odious and reprehensible to others as they do to ourselves. but what is the private character of robert owen or fanny wright? whether they are ignorant or weak in intellect; whether they have properly examined the sources of truth; how much they have been biased by pride, passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions; whether they are honest and sincere in their belief; whether they are selfish or benevolent in their aims, are not matters which in any way pertain to the discussion. they are questions about which none are qualified to judge, except those in close and intimate communion with them. we may inquire with propriety as to the character of a _community_ of atheists, or of a community where such sentiments extensively prevail, as compared with a community of opposite sentiments. but the private character, feelings, and motives of the individual advocates of these doctrines, are not proper subjects of investigation in any public discussion. if, then, it be true, that attacks on the character and motives of the advocates of opinions are entirely irrelevant and not at all necessary for the discovery of truth; if injury inflicted on character is the most severe penalty that can be employed to restrain freedom of opinions and freedom of speech, what are we to say of the state of things in this nation? where is there a party which does not in effect say to every man, "if you dare to oppose the principles or practices we sustain, you shall be punished with personal odium?" which does not say to every member of the party, "uphold your party, right or wrong; oppose all that is adverse to your party, right or wrong, or else suffer the penalty of having your motives, character, and conduct, impeached?" look first at the political arena. where is the advocate of any measure that does not suffer sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all that tends to depreciate character in public estimation? where is the partisan that is not attacked, as either weak in intellect, or dishonest in principle, or selfish in motives? and where is the man who is linked with any political party, that dares to stand up fearlessly and defend what is good in opposers, and reprove what is wrong in his own party? look into the religious world. there, even those who take their party name from their professed liberality, are saying, "whoever shall adopt principles that exclude us from the christian church, and our clergy from the pulpit, shall be held up either as intellectually degraded, or as narrow-minded and bigoted, or as ambitious, partisan and persecuting in spirit. no man shall believe a creed that excludes us from the pale of christianity, under penalty of all the odium we can inflict." so in the catholic controversy. catholics and their friends practically declare war against all free discussion on this point. the decree has gone forth, that "no man shall appear for the purpose of proving that catholicism is contrary to scripture, or immoral and anti-republican in tendency, under penalty of being denounced as a dupe, or a hypocrite, or a persecutor, or a narrow-minded and prejudiced bigot." on the contrary, those who attack what is called liberal christianity, or who aim to oppose the progress of catholicism, how often do they exhibit a severe and uncharitable spirit towards the individuals whose opinions they controvert. instead of loving the men, and rendering to them all the offices of christian kindness, and according to them all due credit for whatever is desirable in character and conduct, how often do opposers seem to feel, that it will not answer to allow that there is any thing good, either in the system or in those who have adopted it. "every thing about my party is right, and every thing in the opposing party is wrong," seems to be the universal maxim of the times. and it is the remark of some of the most intelligent foreign travellers among us, and of our own citizens who go abroad, that there is no country to be found, where freedom of opinion, and freedom of speech is more really influenced and controlled by the fear of pains and penalties, than in this land of boasted freedom. in other nations, the control is exercised by government, in respect to a very few matters; in this country it is party-spirit that rules with an iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips over every interest and every employment of man. from this mighty source spring constant detraction, gossiping, tale-bearing, falsehood, anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every evil word and work. every man sets himself up as the judge of the intellectual character, the honesty, the sincerity, the feelings, opportunities, motives, and intentions, of his fellow-man. and so they fall upon each other, not with swords and spears, but with the tongue, "that unruly member, that setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell." can any person who seeks to maintain the peaceful, loving, and gentle spirit of christianity, go out into the world at this day, without being bewildered at the endless conflicts, and grieved and dismayed at the bitter and unhallowed passions they engender? can an honest, upright and christian man, go into these conflicts, and with unflinching firmness stand up for all that is good, and oppose all that is evil, in whatever party it may be found, without a measure of moral courage such as few can command? and if he carries himself through with an unyielding integrity, and maintains his consistency, is he not exposed to storms of bitter revilings, and to peltings from both parties between which he may stand? what is the end of these things to be? must we give up free discussion, and again chain up the human mind under the despotism of past ages? no, this will never be. god designs that every intelligent mind shall be governed, not by coercion, but by reason, and conscience, and truth. man must reason, and experiment, and compare past and present results, and hear and know all that can be said on _both_ sides of every question which influences either private or public happiness, either for this life or for the life to come. but while this process is going on, must we be distracted and tortured by the baleful passions and wicked works that unrestrained party-spirit and ungoverned factions will bring upon us, under such a government as ours? must we rush on to disunion, and civil wars, and servile wars, till all their train of horrors pass over us like devouring fire? there is an influence that can avert these dangers--a spirit that can allay the storm--that can say to the troubled winds and waters, "peace, be still." it is that spirit which is gentle and easy to be entreated, which thinketh no evil, which rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth, which is not easily provoked, which hopeth all things, which beareth all things. let this spirit be infused into the mass of the nation, and then truth may be sought, defended, and propagated, and error detected, and its evils exposed; and yet we may escape the evils that now rage through this nation, and threaten us with such fiery plagues. and is there not a peculiar propriety in such an emergency, in looking for the especial agency and assistance of females, who are shut out from the many temptations that assail the other sex,--who are the appointed ministers of all the gentler charities of life,--who are mingled throughout the whole mass of the community,--who dwell in those retirements where only peace and love ought ever to enter,--whose comfort, influence, and dearest blessings, all depend on preserving peace and good will among men? in the present aspect of affairs among us, when everything seems to be tending to disunion and distraction, it surely has become the duty of every female instantly to relinquish the attitude of a partisan, in every matter of clashing interests, and to assume the office of a mediator, and an advocate of peace. and to do this, it is not necessary that a woman should in any manner relinquish her opinion as to the evils or the benefits, the right or the wrong, of any principle or practice. but, while quietly holding her own opinions, and calmly avowing them, when conscience and integrity make the duty imperative, every female can employ her influence, not for the purpose of exciting or regulating public sentiment, but rather for the purpose of promoting a spirit of candour, forbearance, charity, and peace. and there are certain prominent maxims which every woman can adopt as peculiarly belonging to her, as the advocate of charity and peace, and which it should be her especial office to illustrate, enforce, and sustain, by every method in her power. the first is, that every person ought to be sustained, not only in the right of propagating his own opinions and practices, but in opposing all those principles and practices which he deems erroneous. for there is no opinion which a man can propagate, that does not oppose some adverse interest; and if a man must cease to advocate his own views of truth and rectitude, because he opposes the interest or prejudices of some other man or party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and of action, is gone. all that can be demanded is, that a man shall not resort to falsehood, false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in maintaining his own rights. if he states things which are false, it is right to show the falsehood,--if he reasons falsely, it is right to point out his sophistry,--if he impeaches the character or motives of opponents, it is right to express disapprobation and disgust; but if he uses only facts, arguments, and persuasions, he is to be honoured and sustained for all the efforts he makes to uphold what he deems to be right, and to put down what he believes to be wrong. another maxim, which is partially involved in the first, is, that every man ought to allow his own principles and practices to be freely discussed, with patience and magnanimity, and not to complain of persecution, or to attack the character or motives of those who claim that he is in the wrong. if he is belied, if his character is impeached, if his motives are assailed, if his intellectual capabilities are made the objects of sneers or commiseration, he has a right to complain, and to seek sympathy as an injured man; but no man is a consistent friend and defender of liberty of speech, who cannot bear to have his own principles and practices subjected to the same ordeal as he demands should be imposed on others. another maxim of peace and charity is, that every man's own testimony is to be taken in regard to his motives, feelings, and intentions. though we may fear that a fellow-man is mistaken in his views of his own feelings, or that he does not speak the truth, it is as contrary to the rules of good breeding as it is to the laws of christianity, to assume or even insinuate that this is the case. if a man's word cannot be taken in regard to his own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can find no redress for the wrong that may be done to him. it is unjust and unreasonable in the extreme to take any other course than the one here urged. another most important maxim of candour and charity is, that when we are to assign motives for the conduct of our fellow-men, especially of those who oppose our interests, we are obligated to put the best, rather than the worst construction, on all they say and do. instead of assigning the worst as the probable motive, it is always a duty to _hope_ that it is the best, until evidence is so unequivocal that there is no place for such a hope. another maxim of peace and charity respects the subject of _retaliation_. whatever may be said respecting the literal construction of some of the rules of the gospel, no one can deny that they do, whether figurative or not, forbid retaliation and revenge; that they do assume that men are not to be judges and executioners of their own wrongs; but that injuries are to be borne with meekness, and that retributive justice must be left to god, and to the laws. if a man strikes, we are not to return the blow, but appeal to the laws. if a man uses abusive or invidious language, we are not to return railing for railing. if a man impeaches our motives and attacks our character, we are not to return the evil. if a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to retaliate with ridicule and sneers. if a man reports our weaknesses and failings, we are not to revenge ourselves by reporting his. no man has a right to report evil of others, except when the justification of the innocent, or a regard for public or individual safety, demands it. this is the strict law of the gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting in the face all those unchristian and indecent violations that now are so common, in almost every conflict of intellect or of interest. another most important maxim of peace and charity imposes the obligation to guard our fellow-men from all unnecessary temptation. we are taught daily to pray, "lead us not into temptation;" and thus are admonished not only to avoid all unnecessary temptation ourselves, but to save our fellow-men from the danger. can we ask our heavenly parent to protect us from temptation, while we recklessly spread baits and snares for our fellow-men? no, we are bound in every measure to have a tender regard for the weaknesses and liabilities of all around, and ever to be ready to yield even our just rights, when we can lawfully do it, rather than to tempt others to sin. the generous and high-minded apostle declares, "if meat make my brother to offend, i will eat no flesh while the world standeth;" and it is the spirit of this maxim that every christian ought to cultivate. there are no occasions when this maxim is more needed, than when we wish to modify the opinions, or alter the practices of our fellow-men. if, in such cases, we find that the probabilities are, that any interference of ours will increase the power of temptation, and lead to greater evils than those we wish to remedy, we are bound to forbear. if we find that one mode of attempting a measure will increase the power of temptation, and another will not involve this danger, we are bound to take the safest course. in all cases we are obligated to be as careful to protect our fellow-men from temptation, as we are to watch and pray against it in regard to ourselves. another maxim of peace and charity requires a most scrupulous regard to the reputation, character, and feelings of our fellow-men, and especially of those who are opposed in any way to our wishes and interests. every man and every woman feels that it is wrong for others to propagate their faults and weakness through the community. every one feels wounded and injured to find that others are making his defects and infirmities the subject of sneers and ridicule. and what, then, is the rule of duty? "as ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." with this rule before his eyes and in his mind, can a man retail his neighbour's faults, or sneer at his deficiencies, or ridicule his infirmities, with a clear conscience? there are cases when the safety of individuals, or public justice, demands that a man's defects of character, or crimes, be made public; but no man is justified in communicating to others any evil respecting any of his fellow-men, when he cannot appeal to god as his witness that he does it from benevolent interest in the welfare of his fellow-men--from a desire to save individuals or the public from some evil--and not from a malevolent or gossiping propensity. oh, that this law of love and charity could find an illustration and an advocate in every female of this nation! oh, that every current slander, and every injurious report, might stand abashed, whenever it meets the notice of a woman! these are the maxims of peace and charity, which it is in the power of the females of our country to advocate, both by example and by entreaties. these are the principles which alone can protect and preserve the right of free discussion, the freedom of speech, and liberty of the press. and with our form of government, and our liabilities to faction and party-spirit, the country will be safe and happy only in proportion to the prevalence of these maxims among the mass of the community. there probably will never arrive a period in the history of this nation, when the influence of these principles will be more needed, than the present. the question of slavery involves more pecuniary interests, touches more private relations, involves more prejudices, is entwined with more sectional, party, and political interests, than any other which can ever again arise. it is a matter which, if discussed and controlled without the influence of these principles of charity and peace, will shake this nation like an earthquake, and pour over us the volcanic waves of every terrific passion. the trembling earth, the low murmuring thunders, already admonish us of our danger; and if females can exert any saving influence in this emergency, it is time for them to awake. and there are topics that they may urge upon the attention of their friends, at least as matters worthy of serious consideration and inquiry. is a woman surrounded by those who favour the abolition measures? can she not with propriety urge such inquiries as these? is not slavery to be brought to an end by free discussion, and is it not a war upon the right of free discussion to impeach the motives and depreciate the character of the opposers of abolition measures? when the opposers of abolition movements claim that they honestly and sincerely believe that these measures tend to perpetuate slavery, or to bring it to an end by servile wars, and civil disunion, and the most terrific miseries--when they object to the use of their pulpits, to the embodying of literary students, to the agitation of the community, by abolition agents--when they object to the circulation of such papers and tracts as abolitionists prepare, because they believe them most pernicious in their influence and tendencies, is it not as much persecution to use invidious insinuations, depreciating accusation and impeachment of motive, in order to intimidate, as it is for the opposers of abolitionism to use physical force? is not the only method by which the south can be brought to relinquish slavery, a conviction that not only her _duty_, but her highest _interest_, requires her to do it? and is not _calm, rational christian_ discussion the only proper method of securing this end? can a community that are thrown into such a state of high exasperation as now exists at the south, ever engage in such discussions, till the storm of excitement and passion is allayed? ought not every friend of liberty and of free discussion, to take every possible means to soothe exasperated feelings, and to avoid all those offensive peculiarities that in their nature tend to inflame and offend? is a woman among those who oppose abolition movements? she can urge such inquiries as these: ought not abolitionists to be treated as if they were actuated by the motives of benevolence which they profess? ought not every patriot and every christian to throw all his influence against the impeachment of motives, the personal detraction, and the violent measures that are turned upon this body of men, who, however they may err in judgment or in spirit, are among the most exemplary and benevolent in the land? if abolitionists are censurable for taking measures that exasperate rather than convince and persuade, are not their opponents, who take exactly the same measures to exasperate abolitionists and their friends, as much to blame? if abolitionism prospers by the abuse of its advocates, are not the authors of this abuse accountable for the increase of the very evils they deprecate? it is the opinion of intelligent and well informed men, that a very large proportion of the best members of the abolition party were placed there, not by the arguments of abolitionists, but by the abuse of their opposers. and i know some of the noblest minds that stand there, chiefly from the influence of those generous impulses that defend the injured and sustain the persecuted, while many others have joined these ranks from the impression that abolitionism and the right of free discussion have become identical interests. although i cannot perceive why the right of free discussion, the right of petition, and other rights that have become involved in this matter, cannot be sustained without joining an association that has sustained such injurious action and such erroneous principles, yet other minds, and those which are worthy of esteem, have been led to an opposite conclusion. the south, in the moments of angry excitement, have made unreasonable demands upon the non-slave-holding states, and have employed overbearing and provoking language. this has provoked re-action again at the north, and men, who heretofore were unexcited, are beginning to feel indignant, and to say, "let the union be sundered." thus anger begets anger, and unreasonable measures provoke equally unreasonable returns. but when men, in moments of excitement rush on to such results, little do they think of the momentous consequences that may follow. suppose the south in her anger unites with texas, and forms a southern slave-holding republic, under all the exasperating influences that such an avulsion will excite? what will be the prospects of the slave then, compared with what they are while we dwell together, united by all the ties of brotherhood, and having free access to those whom we wish to convince and persuade? but who can estimate the mischiefs that we must encounter while this dismemberment, this tearing asunder of the joints and members of the body politic, is going on? what will be the commotion and dismay, when all our sources of wealth, prosperity, and comfort, are turned to occasions for angry and selfish strife? what agitation will ensue in individual states, when it is to be decided by majorities which state shall go to the north and which to the south, and when the discontented minority must either give up or fight! who shall divide our public lands between contending factions? what shall be done with our navy and all the various items of the nation's property? what shall be done when the post-office stops its steady movement to divide its efforts among contending parties? what shall be done when public credit staggers, when commerce furls her slackened sail, when property all over the nation changes its owners and relations? what shall be done with our canals and railways, now the bands of love to bind us, then the causes of contention and jealousy? what umpire will appear to settle all these questions of interest and strife, between communities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and mutual injury? it is said that the american people, though heedless and sometimes reckless at the approach of danger, are endowed with a strong and latent principle of common sense, which, when they fairly approach the precipice, always brings them to a stand, and makes them as wise to devise a remedy as they were rash in hastening to the danger. are we not approaching the very verge of the precipice? can we not already hear the roar of the waters below? is not now the time, if ever, when our stern principles and sound common sense must wake to the rescue? cannot the south be a little more patient under the injurious action that she feels she has suffered, and cease demanding those concessions from the north, that never will be made? for the north, though slower to manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right of freedom of speech, as the south can be to her rights of property. cannot the north bear with some unreasonable action from the south, when it is remembered that, as the provocation came from the north, it is wise and christian that the aggressive party should not so strictly hold their tempted brethren to the rules of right and reason? cannot the south bear in mind that at the north the colour of the skin does not take away the feeling of brotherhood, and though it is a badge of degradation in station and intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with pity and sympathy than with contempt? cannot the south remember their generous feelings for the greeks and poles, and imagine that some such feelings may be awakened for the african race, among a people who do not believe either in the policy or the right of slavery? cannot the north remember how jealous every man feels of his domestic relations and rights, and how sorely their southern brethren are tried in these respects? how would the husbands and fathers at the north endure it, if southern associations should be formed to bring forth to the world the sins of northern men, as husbands and fathers? what if the south should send to the north to collect all the sins and neglects of northern husbands and fathers, to retail them at the south in tracts and periodicals? what if the english nation should join in the outcry, and english females should send forth an agent, not indeed to visit the offending north, but to circulate at the south, denouncing all who did not join in this crusade, as the defenders of bad husbands and bad fathers? how would northern men conduct under such provocations? there is indeed a difference in the two cases, but it is not in the nature and amount of irritating influence, for the southerner feels the interference of strangers to regulate his domestic duty to his servants, as much as the northern man would feel the same interference in regard to his wife and children. do not northern men owe a debt of forbearance and sympathy toward their southern brethren, who have been so sorely tried? it is by urging these considerations, and by exhibiting and advocating the principles of charity and peace, that females may exert a wise and appropriate influence, and one which will most certainly tend to bring to an end, not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils and wrongs. no one can object to such an influence, but all parties will bid god speed to every woman who modestly, wisely and benevolently attempts it. i do not suppose that any abolitionists are to be deterred by any thing i can offer, from prosecuting the course of measures they have adopted. they doubtless will continue to agitate the subject, and to form voluntary associations all over the land, in order to excite public sentiment at the north against the moral evils existing at the south. yet i cannot but hope that some considerations may have influence to modify in a degree the spirit and measures of some who are included in that party. abolitionists are men who come before the public in the character of _reprovers_. that the gospel requires christians sometimes to assume this office, cannot be denied; but it does as unequivocally point out those qualifications which alone can entitle a man to do it. and no man acts wisely or consistently, unless he can satisfy himself that he possesses the qualifications for this duty, before he assumes it. the first of these qualifications is more than common exemption from the faults that are reproved. the inspired interrogatory, "thou therefore which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this principle; and the maxim of common sense, that "reprovers must have clean hands," is no less unequivocal. abolitionists are reprovers for the violation of duties in the domestic relations. of course they are men who are especially bound to be exemplary in the discharge of all their domestic duties. if a man cannot govern his temper and his tongue; if he inflicts that moral castigation on those who cross his will, which is more severe than physical stripes; if he is overbearing or exacting with those under his control; if he cannot secure respect for a kind and faithful discharge of all his social and relative duties, it is as unwise and improper for him to join an abolition society, as it would be for a drunkard to preach temperance, or a slave-holder abolitionism. another indispensable requisite for the office of reprover is a character distinguished for humility and meekness. there is nothing more difficult than to approach men for the purpose of convincing them of their own deficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts it in a self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, always does more evil than good. however exemplary a man may be in the sight of men, there is abundant cause for the exercise of humility. for a man is to judge of himself, not by a comparison with other men, but as he stands before god, when compared with a perfect law, and in reference to all his peculiar opportunities and restraints. who is there that in this comparison, cannot find cause for the deepest humiliation? who can go from the presence of infinite purity after such an investigation, to "take his brother by the throat?" who rather, should not go to a brother, who may have sinned, with the deepest sympathy and love, as one who, amid greater temptations and with fewer advantages, may be the least offender of the two? a man who goes with this spirit, has the best hope of doing good to those who may offend. and yet even this spirit will not always save a man from angry retort, vexatious insinuation, jealous suspicion, and the misconstruction of his motives. a reprover, therefore, if he would avoid a quarrel and do the good he aims to secure, must be possessed of that meekness which can receive evil for good, with patient benevolence. and a man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover, until he can bring his feelings under this control. the last, and not the least important requisite for a reprover, is _discretion_. this is no where so much needed as in cases where the domestic relations are concerned, for here is the place above all others, where men are most sensitive and unreasonable. there are none who have more opportunities for learning this, than those who act as teachers, especially if they feel the responsibility of a christian and a friend, in regard to the moral interests of pupils. a teacher who shares with parents the responsibilities of educating their children, whose efforts may all be rendered useless by parental influences at home; who feels an affectionate interest in both parent and child, is surely the one who might seem to have a right to seek, and a chance of success in seeking, some modifications of domestic influences. and yet teachers will probably testify, that it is a most discouraging task, and often as likely to result in jealous alienation and the loss of influence over both parent and child, as in any good. it is one of the greatest compliments that can be paid to the good sense and the good feeling of a parent to dare to attempt any such measure. this may show how much discretion, and tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who aim to rectify evils in the domestic relations of mankind. the peculiar qualifications, then, which make it suitable for a man to be an abolitionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the domestic duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, tact, and discretion, and these should especially be the distinctive traits of those who take the place of _leaders_ in devising measures. and in performing these difficult and self-denying duties, there are no men who need more carefully to study the character and imitate the example of the redeemer of mankind. he, indeed, was the searcher of hearts, and those reproofs which were based on the perfect knowledge of "all that is in man," we may not imitate. but we may imitate him, where he with so much gentleness, patience, and pitying love, encountered the weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the worldliness of men. when the young man came with such self-complacency to ask what more he could do, how kindly he was received, how gently convinced of his great deficiency! when fire would have been called from heaven by his angry followers, how forbearing the rebuke! when denied and forsaken with oaths and curses by one of his nearest friends, what was it but a look of pitying love that sent the disciple out so bitterly to weep? when, in his last extremity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, how gently he drew over them the mantle of love! oh blessed saviour, impart more of thy own spirit to those who profess to follow thee! the end. +------------------------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's notes. | | | | | |the following changes were made to the original text (correction | |in brackets): | | | |page : to this request, miss grimke's(grimké) address was | | | |page : associated clarkson, sharpe, macauley(macaulay), and | | | |page : (than) it is with "sheep-stealer." but abolitionists | | | |page : secondly,(.) to make them willing to relinquish | | | |page : sustained this trafic(traffic), in that nation. what | | | |page : visiter's(visitor's) intention to devote himself to this| | | |page : footnote : suffer from such persecution;(") and he | |honourably and nobly | | | |page : mr. clarkson continued his efficient | |co-opetion(co-operation) | | | |page : so benevolent in feeling and action;(,) that her | | | |page : when she cannot please, or by petulent(petulant) | |complaints | | | |page : every man is saying, "let(let) me have | | | |page : and prejudiced bigot.(") | | | |page : tempation(temptation), and lead to greater evils than | +------------------------------------------------------------------+ proofreaders the anti-slavery examiner part of by the american anti-slavery society no. . chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. on the condition of the free people of color in the united states. no. . can abolitionists vote or take office under the united states constitution? address to the friends of constitutional liberty, on the violation by the united states house of representatives of the right of petition at the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. no. . anti-slavery examiner. chattel principle the abhorrence of jesus christ and the apostles; or, no refuge for american slavery in the new testament. by beriah green. new york published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street this no. contains - / sheet--postage under miles, cts. over , cts. please read and circulate. the new testament against slavery. "the son of man is come to seek and to save that which was lost." is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? in thomas jefferson, supported by a noble band of patriots and surrounded by the american people, opened his lips in the authoritative declaration: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." and from the inmost heart of the multitudes around, and in a strong and clear voice, broke forth the unanimous and decisive answer: amen--such truths we do indeed hold to be self-evident. and animated and sustained by a declaration, so inspiring and sublime, they rushed to arms, and as the result of agonizing efforts and dreadful sufferings, achieved under god the independence of their country. the great truth, whence they derived light and strength to assert and defend their rights, they made the foundation of their republic. and in the midst of this republic, must we prove, that he, who was the truth, did not contradict "the truths" which he himself; as their creator, had made self-evident to mankind? is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, according to those laws which make it what it is, is american slavery? in the statute-book of south carolina thus it is written:[ ] "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, construction and purposes whatever." the very root of american slavery consists in the assumption, that law has reduced men to chattels. but this assumption is, and must be, a gross falsehood. men and cattle are separated from each other by the creator, immutably, eternally, and by an impassable gulf. to confound or identify men and cattle must be to lie most wantonly, impudently, and maliciously. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of palpable, monstrous falsehood? [footnote : stroud's slave laws, p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? how can a system, built upon a stout and impudent denial of self-evident truth--a system of treating men like cattle--operate? thomas jefferson shall answer. hear him. "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. the parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. the man must be a prodigy, who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances."[ ] such is the practical operation of a system, which puts men and cattle into the same family and treats them alike. and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of a school where the worst vices in their most hateful forms are systematically and efficiently taught and practiced? is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? what, in , did the general assembly of the presbyterian church affirm respecting its nature and operation? "slavery creates a paradox in the moral system--it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings, in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. it exhibits them as dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true god; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. such are some of the consequences of slavery; consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, _often take place_ in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place, still the slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardship and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest."[ ] must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of such things? [footnote : notes on virginia, boston ed. , pp. , .] [footnote : minutes of the general assembly for , p. .] is jesus christ in favor of american slavery? it is already widely felt and openly acknowledged at the south, that they cannot support slavery without sustaining the opposition of universal christendom. and thomas jefferson declared, "i tremble for my country when i reflect that god is just; that his justice can not sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events; that it may become practicable by supernatural influences! the almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest."[ ] and must we prove, that jesus christ is not in favor of what universal christendom is impelled to abhor, denounce, and oppose; is not in favor of what every attribute of almighty god is armed against? [footnote : notes on virginia, boston ed. , pp. , .] "ye have despised the poor." it is no man of straw, with whom, in making out such proof, we are called to contend. would to god we had no other antagonist! would to god that our labor of love could be regarded as a work of supererogation! but we may well be ashamed and grieved to find it necessary to "stop the mouths" of grave and learned ecclesiastics, who from the heights of zion have undertaken to defend the institution of slavery. we speak not now of those, who amidst the monuments of oppression are engaged in the sacred vocation; who, as ministers of the gospel, can "prophesy smooth things" to such as pollute the altar of jehovah with human sacrifices; nay, who themselves bind the victim and kindle the sacrifice. that they should put their savior to the torture, to wring from his lips something in favor of slavery, is not to be wondered at. they consent to the murder of the children; can they respect the rights of the father? but what shall we say of distinguished theologians of the north--professors of sacred literature at our oldest divinity schools--who stand up to defend, both by argument and authority, southern slavery! and from the bible! who, balaam-like, try a thousand expedients to force from the mouth of jehovah a sentence which they know the heart of jehovah abhors! surely we have here something more mischievous and formidable than a man of straw. more than two years ago, and just before the meeting of the general assembly of the presbyterian church, appeared an article in the biblical repertory,[ ] understood to be from the pen of the professor of sacred literature at princeton, in which an effort is made to show, that slavery, whatever may be said of any abuses of it, is not a violation of the precepts of the gospel. this article, we are informed, was industriously and extensively distributed among the members of the general assembly--a body of men, who by a frightful majority seemed already too much disposed to wink at the horrors of slavery. the effect of the princeton apology on the southern mind, we have high authority for saying, has been most decisive and injurious. it has contributed greatly to turn the public eye off from the sin--from the inherent and necessary evils of slavery to incidental evils, which the abuse of it might be expected to occasion. and how few can be brought to admit, that whatever abuses may prevail nobody knows where or how, any such thing is chargeable upon them! thus our princeton prophet has done what he could to lay the southern conscience asleep upon ingenious perversions of the sacred volume! [footnote : for april, . the general assembly of the presbyterian church met in the following may, at pittsburgh, where, in pamphlet form, this article was distributed. the following appeared upon the title page: pittsburgh: . _for gratuitous distribution_. ] about a year after this, an effort in the same direction was jointly made by dr. fisk and professor stuart. in a letter to a methodist clergyman, mr. merrit, published in zion's herald, dr. fisk gives utterance to such things as the following:-- "but that you and the public may see and feel, that you have the ablest and those who are among the honestest men of this age, arrayed against you, be pleased to notice the following letter from prof. stuart. i wrote to him, knowing as i did his integrity of purpose, his unflinching regard for truth, as well as his deserved reputation as a scholar and biblical critic, proposing the following questions:--" . does the new testament directly or indirectly teach, that slavery existed in the primitive church? . in tim. vi. , and they that have believing masters, &c., what is the relation expressed or implied between "they" (servants) and "believing masters?" and what are your reasons for the construction of the passage? . what was the character of ancient and eastern slavery?-- especially what (legal) power did this relation give the master over the slave? professor stuart's reply. andover, th apr., rev. and dear sir,--yours is before me. a sickness of three month's standing (typhus fever) in which i have just escaped death, and which still confines me to my house, renders it impossible for me to answer your letter at large. . the precepts of the new testament respecting the demeanor of slaves and of their masters, beyond all question, recognize the existence of slavery. the masters are in part "believing masters," so that a precept to them, how they are to behave as masters, recognizes that the relation may still exist, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_, ("without violating the christian faith or the church.") otherwise, paul had nothing to do but to cut the band asunder at once. he could not lawfully and properly temporize with a _malum in se_, ("that which is in itself sin.") if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life. the relation did exist, may exist. the _abuse_ of it is the essential and fundamental wrong. not that the theory of slavery is in itself right. no; "love thy neighbor as thyself," "do unto others that which ye would that others should do unto you," decide against this. but the relation once constituted and continued, is not such a _malum in se_ as calls for immediate and violent disruption at all hazards. so paul did not counsel. . tim. vi. , expresses the sentiment, that slaves, who are christians and have christian masters, are not, on that account, and because _as christians they are brethren_, to forego the reverence due to them as masters. that is, the relation of master and slave is not, as a matter of course, abrogated between all christians. nay, servants should in such a case, _a fortiori_, do their duty cheerfully. this sentiment lies on the very face of the case. what the master's duty in such a case may be in respect to _liberation_, is another question, and one which the apostle does not here treat of. . every one knows, who is acquainted with greek or latin antiquities, that slavery among heathen nations has ever been more unqualified and at looser ends than among christian nations. slaves were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_. their treatment depended, as it does now, on the temper of their masters. the power of the master over the slave was, for a long time, that of _life and death_. horrible cruelties at length mitigated it. in the apostle's day, it was at least as great as among us. after all the spouting and vehemence on this subject, which have been exhibited, the _good old book_ remains the same. paul's conduct and advice are still safe guides. paul knew well that christianity would ultimately destroy slavery, as it certainly will. he knew, too, that it would destroy monarchy and aristocracy from the earth: for it is fundamentally a doctrine of _true liberty and equality_. yet paul did not expect slavery or anarchy to be ousted in a day; and gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor _ad interim_. with sincere and paternal regard, your friend and brother, m. stuart. --this, sir, is doctrine that will stand, because it is _bible doctrine_. the abolitionists, then, are on a wrong course. they have traveled out of the record; and if they would succeed, they must take a different position, and approach the subject in a different manner. respectfully yours, w. fisk "so they wrap [snarl] it up." what are we taught here? that in the ecclesiastical organizations which grew up under the hands of the apostles, slavery was admitted as a relation that did not violate the christian faith; that the relation may now in like manner exist; that "the abuse of it is the essential and fundamental wrong;" and of course, that american christians may hold their own brethren in slavery without incurring guilt or inflicting injury. thus, according to prof. stuart, jesus christ has not a word to say against "the peculiar institutions" of the south. if our brethren there do not "abuse" the privilege of enacting unpaid labor, they may multiply their slaves to their hearts' content, without exposing themselves to the frown of the savior or laying their christian character open to the least suspicion. could any trafficker in human flesh ask for greater latitude! and to such doctrines, dr. fisk eagerly and earnestly subscribes. he goes further. he urges it on the attention of his brethren, as containing important truth, which they ought to embrace. according to him, it is "_bible doctrine_," showing, that "the abolitionists are on a wrong course," and must, "if they would succeed, take a different position." we now refer to such distinguished names, to show, that in attempting to prove that jesus christ is not in favor of american slavery, we contend with something else than a man of straw. the ungrateful task, which a particular examination of professor stuart's letter lays upon us, we hope fairly to dispose of in due season. enough has now been said to make it clear and certain, that american slavery has its apologists and advocates in the northern pulpit; advocates and apologists, who fall behind few if any of their brethren in the reputation they have acquired, the stations they occupy, and the general influence they are supposed to exert. is it so? did slavery exist in judea, and among the jews, in its worst form, during the savior's incarnation? if the jews held slaves, they must have done in open and flagrant violation of the letter and the spirit of the mosaic dispensation. whoever has any doubts of this may well resolve his doubts in the light of the argument entitled "the bible against slavery." if, after a careful and thorough examination of that article, he can believe that slaveholding prevailed during the ministry of jesus christ among the jews and in accordance with the authority of moses, he would do the reading public an important service to record the grounds of his belief--especially in a fair and full refutation of that argument. till that is done, we hold ourselves excused from attempting to prove what we now repeat, that if the jews during our savior's incarnation held slaves, they must have done so in open and flagrant violation of the letter and spirit of the mosaic dispensation. could christ and the apostles every where among their countrymen come in contact with slaveholding, being as it was a gross violation of that law which their office and their profession required them to honor and enforce, without exposing and condemning it? in its worst forms, we are told, slavery prevailed over the whole world, not excepting judea. as, according to such ecclesiastics as stuart, hodge and fisk, slavery in itself is not bad at all, the term "_worst_" could be applied only to "_abuses_" of this innocent relation. slavery accordingly existed among the jews, disfigured and disgraced by the "worst abuses" to which it is liable. these abuses in the ancient world, professor stuart describes as "horrible cruelties." and in our own country, such abuses have grown so rank, as to lead a distinguished eye-witness--no less a philosopher and statesman than thomas jefferson--to say, that they had armed against us every attribute of the almighty. with these things the savior every where came in contact, among the people to whose improvement and salvation he devoted his living powers, and yet not a word, not a syllable, in exposure and condemnation of such "horrible cruelties" escaped his lips! he saw--among the "covenant people" of jehovah he saw, the babe plucked from the bosom of its mother; the wife torn from the embrace of her husband; the daughter driven to the market by the scourge of her own father;--he saw the word of god sealed up from those who, of all men, were especially entitled to its enlightening, quickening influence;--nay, he saw men beaten for kneeling before the throne of heavenly mercy;--such things he saw without a word of admonition or reproof! no sympathy with them who suffered wrong--no indignation at them who inflicted wrong, moved his heart! from the alleged silence of the savior, when in contact with slavery among the jews, our divines infer, that it is quite consistent with christianity. and they affirm, that he saw it in its worst forms; that is, he witnessed what professor stuart ventures to call "horrible cruelties." but what right have these interpreters of the sacred volume to regard any form of slavery which the savior found, as "worst," or even bad? according to their inference--which they would thrust gag-wise into the mouths of abolitionists--his silence should seal up their lips. they ought to hold their tongues. they have no right to call any form of slavery bad--an abuse; much less, horribly cruel! their inference is broad enough to protect the most brutal driver amidst his deadliest inflictions! "think not that i am come to destroy the law or the prophets; i am not come to destroy, but to fulfil." and did the head of the new dispensation, then, fall so far behind the prophets of the old in a hearty and effective regard for suffering humanity? the forms of oppression which they witnessed, excited their compassion and aroused their indignation. in terms the most pointed and powerful, they exposed, denounced, threatened. they could not endure the creatures, "who used their neighbors' service without wages, and gave him not for his work;"[ ] who imposed "heavy burdens"[ ] upon their fellows, and loaded them with "the bands of wickedness;" who, "hiding themselves from their own flesh," disowned their own mothers' children. professions of piety joined with the oppression of the poor, they held up to universal scorn and execration, as the dregs of hypocrisy. they warned the creature of such professions, that he could escape the wrath of jehovah only by heart-felt repentance. and yet, according to the ecclesiastics with whom we have to do, the lord of these prophets passed by in silence just such enormities as he commanded them to expose and denounce! every where, he came in contact with slavery in its worst forms--"horrible cruelties" forced themselves upon his notice; but not a word of rebuke or warning did he utter. he saw "a boy given for a harlot, and a girl sold for wine, that they might drink,"[ ] without the slightest feeling of displeasure, or any mark of disapprobation! to such disgusting and horrible conclusions, do the arguings which, from the haunts of sacred literature, are inflicted on our churches, lead us! according to them, jesus christ, instead of shining as the light of the world, extinguished the torches which his own prophets had kindled, and plunged mankind into the palpable darkness of a starless midnight! o savior, in pity to thy suffering people, let thy temple be no longer used as a "den of thieves!" [footnote : jeremiah, xxii. .] [footnote : isaiah, lviii. , .] [footnote : joel, iii. .] "thou thoughtest that i was altogether such an one as thyself." in passing by the worst forms of slavery, with which he every where came in contact among the jews, the savior must have been inconsistent with himself. he was commissioned to preach glad tidings to the poor; to heal the broken-hearted; to preach deliverance to the captives; to set at liberty them that are bruised; to preach the year of jubilee. in accordance with this commission, he bound himself, from the earliest date of his incarnation, to the poor, by the strongest ties; himself "had not where to lay his head;" he exposed himself to misrepresentation and abuse for his affectionate intercourse with the outcasts of society; he stood up as the advocate of the widow, denouncing and dooming the heartless ecclesiastics, who had made her bereavement a source of gain; and in describing the scenes of the final judgment, he selected the very personification of poverty, disease and oppression, as the test by which our regard for him should be determined. to the poor and wretched; to the degraded and despised, his arms were ever open. they had his tenderest sympathies. they had his warmest love. his heart's blood he poured out upon the ground for the human family, reduced to the deepest degradation, and exposed to the heaviest inflictions, as the slaves of the grand usurper. and yet, according to our ecclesiastics, that class of sufferers who had been reduced immeasurably below every other shape and form of degradation and distress; who had been most rudely thrust out of the family of adam, and forced to herd with swine; who, without the slightest offence, had been made the footstool of the worst criminals; whose "tears were their meat night and day," while, under nameless insults and killing injuries they were continually crying, o lord, o lord:--this class of sufferers, and this alone, our biblical expositors, occupying the high places of sacred literature, would make us believe the compassionate savior coldly overlooked. not an emotion of pity; not a look of sympathy; not a word of consolation, did his gracious heart prompt him to bestow upon them! he denounces damnation upon the devourer of the widow's house. but the monster, whose trade it is to make widows and devour them and their babes, he can calmly endure! o savior, when wilt thou stop the mouths of such blasphemers! "it is the spirit that quickeneth." it seems that though, according to our princeton professor, "the subject" of slavery "is hardly alluded to by christ in any of his personal instructions,"[ ] he had a way of "treating it." what was that? why, "he taught the true nature, dignity, equality, and destiny of men," and "inculcated the principles of justice and love."[ ] and according to professor stuart, the maxims which our savior furnished, "decide against" "the theory of slavery." all, then, that these ecclesiastical apologists for slavery can make of the savior's alleged silence is, that he did not, in his personal instructions, "_apply his own principles to this particular form of wickedness_." for wicked that must be, which the maxims of the savior decide against, and which our princeton professor assures us the principles of the gospel, duly acted on, would speedily extinguish.[ ] how remarkable it is, that a teacher should "hardly allude to a subject in any of his personal instructions," and yet inculcate principles which have a direct and vital bearing upon it!--should so conduct, as to justify the inference, that "slaveholding is not a crime,"[ ] and at the same time lend its authority for its "speedy extinction!" [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, (already alluded to,) p. .] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] higher authority than sustains _self-evident truths_ there cannot be. as forms of reason, they are rays from the face of jehovah. not only are their presence and power self-manifested, but they also shed a strong and clear light around them. in their light, other truths are visible. luminaries themselves, it is their office to enlighten. to their authority, in every department of thought, the same mind bows promptly, gratefully, fully. and by their authority, he explains, proves, and disposes of whatever engages his attention and engrosses his powers as a reasonable and reasoning creature. for what, when thus employed and when most successful, is the utmost he can accomplish? why, to make the conclusions which he would establish and commend, _clear in the light of reason_;--in other words, to evince that _they are reasonable_. he expects that those with whom he has to do will acknowledge the authority of principle--will see whatever is exhibited in the light of reason. if they require him to go further, and, in order to convince them, to do something more than show that the doctrines he maintains, and the methods he proposes, are accordant with reason--are illustrated and supported with "self-evident truths"--they are plainly "beside themselves." they have lost the use of reason. they are not to be argued with. they belong to the mad-house. "come now, let us reason together, saith the lord." are we to honor the bible, which professor stuart quaintly calls "the good old book," by turning away from "self-evident truths" to receive its instructions? can these truths be contradicted or denied there? do we search for something there to obscure their clearness, or break their force, or reduce their authority? do we long to find something there, in the form of premises or conclusions, of arguing or of inference, in broad statement or blind hints, creed-wise or fact-wise, which may set us free from the light and power of first principles? and what if we were to discover what we were thus in search of?--something directly or indirectly, expressly or impliedly prejudicial to the principles, which reason, placing us under the authority of, makes self-evident? in what estimation, in that case, should we be constrained to hold the bible? could we longer honor it as the book of god? _the book of god opposed to the authority of_ reason! why, before what tribunal do we dispose of the claims of the sacred volume to divine authority? the tribunal of reason. _this every one acknowledges the moment he begins to reason on the subject_. and what must reason do with a book, which reduces the authority of its own principles--breaks the force of self-evident truths? is he not, by way of eminence, the apostle of infidelity, who, as a minister of the gospel or a professor of sacred literature, exerts himself, with whatever arts of ingenuity or show of piety, to exalt the bible at the expense of reason? let such arts succeed and such piety prevail, and jesus christ is "crucified afresh and put to an open shame." what saith the princeton professor? why, in spite of "general principles," and "clear as we may think the arguments against despotism, there have been thousands of enlightened _and good men_, who _honestly_ believe it to be of all forms of government the best and most acceptable to god."[ ] now these "good men" must have been thus warmly in favor of despotism, in consequence of, or in opposition to, their being "enlightened." in other words, the light, which in such abundance they enjoyed, conducted them to the position in favor of despotism, where the princeton professor so heartily shook hands with them, or they must have forced their way there in despite of its hallowed influence. either in accordance with, or in resistance to the light, they became what he found them--the advocates of despotism. if in resistance to the light--and he says they were "enlightened men"--what, so far as the subject with which alone he and we are now concerned, becomes of their "honesty" and "goodness?" good and honest resisters of the light, which was freely poured around them! of such, what says professor stuart's "good old book?" their authority, where "general principles" command the least respect, must be small indeed. but if in accordance with the light, they have become the advocates of despotism, then is despotism "the best form of government and most acceptable to god." it is sustained by the authority of reason, by the word of jehovah, by the will of heaven! if this be the doctrine which prevails at certain theological seminaries, it must be easy to account for the spirit which they breathe, and the general influence which they exert. why did not the princeton professor place this "general principle" as a shield, heaven-wrought and reason approved, over that cherished form of despotism which prevails among the churches of the south, and leave the "peculiar institutions" he is so forward to defend, under its protection? [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] what is the "general principle" to which, whatever may become of despotism, with its "honest" admirers and "enlightened" supporters, human governments should be universally and carefully adjusted? clearly this--_that as capable of, man is entitled to, self government_. and this is a specific form of a still more general principle, which may well be pronounced self-evident--_that every thing should be treated according to its nature_. the mind that can doubt this, must be incapable of rational conviction. man, then,--it is the dictate of reason, it is the voice of jehovah--must be treated as _a man_. what is he? what are his distinctive attributes? the creator impressed his own image on him. in this were found the grand peculiarities of his character. here shone his glory. here reason manifests its laws. here the will puts forth its volitions. here is the crown of immortality. why such endowments? thus furnished--the image of jehovah--is he not capable of self-government? and is he not to be so treated? _within the sphere where the laws of reason place him_, may he not act according to his choice--carry out his own volitions?--may he not enjoy life, exult in freedom, and pursue as he will the path of blessedness? if not, why was he so created and endowed? why the mysterious, awful attribute of will? to be a source, profound as the depths of hell, of exquisite misery, of keen anguish, of insufferable torment! was man, formed "according to the image of jehovah," to be crossed, thwarted, counteracted; to be forced in upon himself; to be the sport of endless contradictions; to be driven back and forth forever between mutually repellant forces; and all, all "at the discretion of another!"[ ] how can man be treated according to his nature, as endowed with reason or will, if excluded from the powers and privileges of self-government?--if "despotism" be let loose upon him, to "deprive him of personal liberty, oblige him to serve at the discretion of another" and with the power of "transferring" such "authority" over him and such claim upon him, to "another master?" if "thousands of enlightened and good men" can so easily be found, who are forward to support "despotism" as "of all governments the best and most acceptable to god," we need not wonder at the testimony of universal history, that "the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now." groans and travail pangs must continue to be the order of the day throughout "the whole creation," till the rod of despotism be broken, and man be treated as man--as capable of, and entitled to, self-government. [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] but what is the despotism whose horrid features our smooth professor tries to hide beneath an array of cunningly selected words and nicely-adjusted sentences? it is the despotism of american slavery--which crushes the very life of humanity out of its victims, and transforms them to cattle! at its touch, they sink from men to things! "slaves," saith professor stuart, "were _property_ in greece and rome. that decides all questions about their _relation_." yes, truly. and slaves in republican america are _property_; and as that easily, clearly, and definitely settles "all questions about their _relation_," why should the princeton professor have put himself to the trouble of weaving a definition equally ingenious and inadequate--at once subtle and deceitful. ah, why? was he willing thus to conceal the wrongs of his mother's children even from himself? if among the figments of his brain, he could fashion slaves, and make them something else than property, he knew full well that a very different pattern was in use among the southern patriarchs. why did he not, in plain words and sober earnest, and good faith, describe the thing as it was, instead of employing honied words and courtly phrases, to set forth with all becoming vagueness and ambiguity, what might possibly be supposed to exist in the regions of fancy. "for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil." but are we, in maintaining the principle of self-government, to overlook the unripe, or neglected, or broken powers of any of our fellow-men with whom we may be connected?--or the strong passions, vicious propensities, or criminal pursuits of others? certainly not. but in providing for their welfare, we are to exert influences and impose restraints suited to their character. in wielding those prerogatives which the social of our nature authorizes us to employ for their benefit, we are to regard them as they are in truth, not things, not cattle, not articles of merchandize, but men, our fellow-men--reflecting, from however battered and broken a surface, reflecting with us the image of a common father. and the great principle of self-government is to be the basis, to which the whole structure of discipline under which they may be placed, should be adapted. from the nursery and village school on to the work-house and state-prison, this principle is ever and in all things to be before the eyes, present in the thoughts, warm on the heart. otherwise, god is insulted, while his image is despised and abused. yes, indeed; we remember, that in carrying out the principle of self-government, multiplied embarrassments and obstructions grow out of wickedness on the one hand and passion on the other. such difficulties and obstacles we are far enough from overlooking. but where are they to be found? are imbecility and wickedness, bad hearts and bad heads, confined to the bottom of society? alas, the weakest of the weak, and the desperately wicked, often occupy the high places of the earth, reducing every thing within their reach to subserviency to the foulest purposes. nay, the very power they have usurped, has often been the chief instrument of turning their heads, inflaming their passions, corrupting their hearts. all the world knows, that the possession of arbitrary power has a strong tendency to make men shamelessly wicked and insufferably mischievous. and this, whether the vassals over whom they domineer, be few or many. if you cannot trust man with himself, will you put his fellows under his control?--and flee from the inconveniences incident to self-government, to the horrors of despotism? "thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal." is the slaveholder, the most absolute and shameless of all despots, to be entrusted with the discipline of the injured men who he himself has reduced to cattle?--with the discipline with which they are to be prepared to wield the powers and enjoy the privileges of freemen? alas, of such discipline as _he_ can furnish, in the relation of owner to property, they have had enough. from this sprang the very ignorance and vice, which in the view of many, lie in the way of their immediate enfranchisement. he it is, who has darkened their eyes and crippled their powers. and are they to look to him for illumination and renewed vigor!--and expect "grapes from thorns and figs from thistles!" heaven forbid! when, according to arrangements which had usurped the sacred name of law, he consented to receive and use them as property, he forfeited all claims to the esteem and confidence, not only of the helpless sufferers themselves, but also of every philanthropist. in becoming a slaveholder, he became the enemy of mankind. the very act was a declaration of war upon human nature. what less can be made of the process of turning men to cattle? it is rank absurdity--it is the height of madness, to propose to employ _him_ to train, for the places of freemen, those whom he has wantonly robbed of every right--whom he has stolen from themselves. sooner place burke, who used to murder for the sake of selling bodies to the dissector, at the head of a hospital. why, what have our slaveholders been about these two hundred years? have they not been constantly and earnestly engaged in the work of education?--training up their human cattle? and how? thomas jefferson shall answer. "the whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other." is this the way to fit the unprepared for the duties and privileges of american citizens? will the evils of the dreadful process be diminished by adding to its length? what, in , was the unanimous testimony of the general assembly of the presbyterian church? why, after describing a variety of influences growing out of slavery, most fatal to mental and moral improvement, the general assembly assure us, that such "consequences are not imaginary, but connect themselves with the very existence[ ] of slavery. the evils to which the slave is _always_ exposed, _often_ take place in fact, and in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place," "still the slave is deprived of his natural right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest." is this the condition in which our ecclesiastics would keep the slave, at least a little longer, to fit him to be restored to himself? [footnote : the words here marked as emphatic, were so distinguished by ourselves.] "and they stopped their ears." the methods of discipline under which, as slaveholders; the southrons now place their human cattle, they with one consent and in great wrath, forbid us to examine. the statesman and the priest unite in the assurance, that these methods are none of our business. nay, they give us distinctly to understand, that if we come among them to take observations, and make inquiries, and discuss questions, they will dispose of us as outlaws. nothing will avail to protect us from speedy and deadly violence! what inference does all this warrant? surely, not that the methods which they employ are happy and worthy of universal application. if so, why do they not take the praise, and give us the benefit of their wisdom, enterprise, and success? who, that has nothing to hide, practices concealment? "he that doeth truth cometh to the light, that his deeds may be manifest, that they are wrought in god." is this the way of slaveholders? darkness they court--they will have darkness. doubtless "because their deeds are evil." can we confide in methods for the benefit of our enslaved brethren, which it is death for us to examine? what good ever came, what good can we expect, from deeds of darkness? did the influence of the masters contribute any thing in the west indies to prepare the apprentices for enfranchisement? nay, verily. all the world knows better. they did what in them lay, to turn back the tide of blessings, which, through emancipation, was pouring in upon the famishing around them. are not the best minds and hearts in england now thoroughly convinced, that slavery, under no modification, can be a school for freedom? we say such things to the many who allege, that slaves cannot at once be entrusted with the powers and privileges of self-government. however this may be, they cannot be better qualified under the _influence of slavery_. _that must be broken up_ from which their ignorance, and viciousness, and wretchedness proceeded. that which can only do what it has always done, pollute and degrade, must not be employed to purify and elevate. _the lower their character and condition, the louder, clearer, sterner, the just demand for immediate emancipation_. the plague-smitten sufferer can derive no benefit from breathing a little longer an infected atmosphere. in thus referring to elemental principles--in thus availing ourselves of the light of self-evident truths--we bow to the authority and tread in the foot-prints of the great teacher. he chid those around him for refusing to make the same use of their reason in promoting their spiritual, as they made in promoting their temporal welfare. he gives them distinctly to understand, that they need not go out of themselves to form a just estimation of their position, duties, and prospects, as standing in the presence of the messiah. "why, even of yourselves," he demands of them, "judge ye not what is _right_?"[ ] how could they, unless they had a clear light, and an infallible standard within them, whereby, amidst the relations they sustained and the interests they had to provide for, they might discriminate between truth and falsehood, right and wrong, what they ought to attempt and what they ought to eschew? from this pointed, significant appeal of the savior, it is clear and certain, that in human consciousness may be found self-evident truths, self-manifested principles; that every man, studying his own consciousness, is bound to recognize their presence and authority, and in sober earnest and good faith to apply them to the highest practical concerns of "life and godliness." it is in obedience to the bible, that we apply self-evident truths, and walk in the light of general principles. when our fathers proclaimed these truths, and at the hazard of their property, reputation, and life, stood up in their defence, they did homage to the sacred scriptures--they honored the bible. in that volume, not a syllable can be found to justify that form of infidelity, which in the abused name of piety, reproaches us for practising the lessons which nature teacheth. these lessons, the bible requires us[ ] reverently to listen to, earnestly to appropriate, and most diligently and faithfully to act upon in every direction, and on all occasions. [footnote : luke, xii. .] [footnote : cor. xi. .] why, our savior goes so far in doing honor to reason, as to encourage men universally to dispose of the characteristic peculiarities and distinctive features of the gospel in the light of its principles. "if any man will do his will, he shall know of the doctrine, whether it be of god, or whether i speak of myself."[ ] natural religion--the principles which nature reveals, and the lessons which nature teaches--he thus makes a test of the truth and authority of revealed religion. so far was he, as a teacher, from shrinking from the clearest and most piercing rays of reason--from calling off the attention of those around him from the import, bearings, and practical application of general principles. and those who would have us escape from the pressure of self-evident truths, by betaking ourselves to the doctrines and precepts of christianity, whatever airs of piety they may put on, do foul dishonor to the savior of mankind. [footnote : john, vii. .] and what shall we say of the golden rule, which, according to the savior, comprehends all the precepts of the bible? "whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets." according to this maxim, in human consciousness, universally, may be found, . the standard whereby, in all the relations and circumstances of life, we may determine what heaven demands and expects of us. . the just application of this standard, is practicable for, and obligatory upon, every child of adam. . the qualification requisite to a just application of this rule to all the cases in which we can be concerned, is simply this--_to regard all the members of the human family as our brethren, our equals_. in other words, the savior here teaches us, that in the principles and laws of reason, we have an infallible guide in all the relations and circumstances of life; that nothing can hinder our following this guide, but the bias of _selfishness_; and that the moment, in deciding any moral question, we place _ourselves in the room of our brother_, before the bar of reason, we shall see what decision ought to be pronounced. does this, in the savior, look like fleeing self-evident truths!--like decrying the authority of general principles!--like exalting himself at the expense of reason!--like opening a refuge in the gospel for those whose practice is at variance with the dictates of humanity! what then is the just application of the golden rule--that fundamental maxim of the gospel, giving character to, and shedding light upon, all its precepts and arrangements--to the subject of slavery?--_that we must "do to" slaves as we would be done by_, as slaves, _the_ relation _itself being justified and continued_? surely not. a little reflection will enable us to see, that the golden rule reaches farther in its demands, and strikes deeper in its influences and operations. the _natural equality_ of mankind lies at the very basis of this great precept. it obviously requires _every man to acknowledge another self in every other man_. with my powers and resources, and in my appropriate circumstances, i am to recognize in any child of adam who may address me, another self in his appropriate circumstances and with his powers and resources. this is the natural equality of mankind; and this the golden rule requires us to admit, defend, and maintain. "why do ye not understand my speech; even because ye cannot hear my word." they strangely misunderstand and grossly misrepresent this doctrine, who charge upon it the absurdities and mischiefs which _any "levelling system"_ cannot but produce. in all its bearings, tendencies, and effects, it is directly contrary and powerfully hostile to any such system. equality of rights, the doctrine asserts; and this necessarily opens the way for _variety of condition_. in other words, every child of adam has, from the creator, the inalienable right of wielding, within reasonable limits, his own powers, and employing his own resources, according to his own choice;--the right, while he respects his social relations, to promote as he will his own welfare. but mark--his own powers and resources, and not another's, are thus inalienably put under his control. the creator makes every man free, in whatever he may do, to exert himself, and not another. here no man may lawfully cripple or embarrass another. the feeble may not hinder the strong, nor may the strong crush the feeble. every man may make the most of himself, in his own proper sphere. now, as in the constitutional endowments; and natural opportunities, and lawful acquisitions of mankind, infinite variety prevails, so in exerting each himself, in his own sphere, according to his own choice, the variety of human condition can be little less than infinite. thus equality of rights opens the way for variety of condition. but with all this variety of make, means, and condition, considered individually, the children of adam are bound together by strong ties which can never be dissolved. they are mutually united by the social of their nature. hence mutual dependence and mutual claims. while each is inalienably entitled to assert and enjoy his own personality as a man, each sustains to all and all to each, various relations. while each owns and honors the individual, all are to own and honor the social of their nature. now, the golden rule distinctly recognizes, lays its requisitions upon, and extends its obligations to, the whole nature of man, in his individual capacities and social relations. what higher honor could it do to man, as _an individual_, than to constitute him the judge, by whose decision, when fairly rendered, all the claims of his fellows should be authoritatively and definitely disposed of? "whatsoever ye would" have done to you, so do ye to others. every member of the family of adam, placing himself in the position here pointed out, is competent and authorized to pass judgment on all the cases in social life in which he may be concerned. could higher responsibilities or greater confidence be reposed in men individually? and then, how are their _claims upon each other_ herein magnified! what inherent worth and solid dignity are ascribed to the social of their nature! in every man with whom i may have to do, i am to recognize the presence of _another self_, whose case i am to make _my own_. and thus i am to dispose of whatever claims he may urge upon me. thus, in accordance with the golden rule, mankind are naturally brought, in the voluntary use of their powers and resources, to promote each other's welfare. as his contribution to this great object, it is the inalienable birthright of every child of adam, to consecrate whatever he may possess. with exalted powers and large resources, he has a natural claim to a correspondent field of effort. if his "abilities" are small, his task must be easy and his burden light. thus the golden rule requires mankind mutually to serve each other. in this service, each is to exert _himself_--employ _his own_ powers, lay out his own resources, improve his own opportunities. a division of labor is the natural result. one is remarkable for his intellectual endowments and acquisitions; another, for his wealth; and a third, for power and skill in using his muscles. such attributes, endlessly varied and diversified, proceed from the basis of a _common character_, by virtue of which all men and each--one as truly as another--are entitled, as a birthright, to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." each and all, one as well as another, may choose his own modes of contributing his share to the general welfare, in which his own is involved and identified. under one great law of mutual dependence and mutual responsibility, all are placed--the strong as well as the weak, the rich as much as the poor, the learned no less than the unlearned. all bring their wares, the products of their enterprise, skill and industry, to the same market, where mutual exchanges are freely effected. the fruits of muscular exertion procure the fruits of mental effort. john serves thomas with his hands, and thomas serves john with his money. peter wields the axe for james, and james wields the pen for peter. moses, joshua, and caleb, employ their wisdom, courage, and experience, in the service of the community, and the community serve moses, joshua, and caleb, in furnishing them with food and raiment, and making them partakers of the general prosperity. and all this by mutual understanding and voluntary arrangement. and all this according to the golden rule. what then becomes of _slavery_--a system of arrangements in which one man treats his fellow, not as another self, but as a thing--a chattel--an article of merchandize, which is not to be consulted in any disposition which may be made of it;--a system which is built on the annihilation of the attributes of our common nature--in which man doth to others what he would sooner die than have done to himself? the golden rule and slavery are mutually subversive of each other. if one stands, the other must fall. the one strikes at the very root of the other. the golden rule aims at the abolition of the relation itself, in which slavery consists. it lays its demands upon every thing within the scope of _human action_. to "whatever men do." it extends its authority. and the relation itself, in which slavery consists, is the work of human hands. it is what men have done to each other--contrary to nature and most injurious to the general welfare. this relation, therefore, the golden rule condemns. wherever its authority prevails, this relation must be annihilated. mutual service and slavery--like light and darkness, life and death--are directly opposed to, and subversive of, each other. the one the golden rule cannot endure; the other it requires, honors, and blesses. "love worketh no ill to his neighbor." like unto the golden rule is the second great commandment--"_thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself_." "a certain lawyer," who seems to have been fond of applying the doctrine of limitation of human obligations, once demanded of the savior, within what limits the meaning of the word "neighbor" ought to be confined. "and who is my neighbor?" the parable of the good samaritan set that matter in the clearest light, and made it manifest and certain, that every man whom we could reach with our sympathy and assistance, was our neighbor, entitled to the same regard which we cherished for ourselves. consistently with such obligations, can _slavery, as a_ relation, be maintained? is it then a _labor of love_--such love as we cherish for ourselves--to strip a child of adam of all the prerogatives and privileges which are his inalienable birthright? to obscure his reason, crush his will, and trample on his immortality?--to strike home to the inmost of his being, and break the heart of his heart?--to thrust him out of the human family, and dispose of him as a chattel--as a thing in the hands of an owner, a beast under the lash of a driver? all this, apart from every thing incidental and extraordinary, belongs to the relation, in which slavery, as such, consists. all this--well fed or ill fed, underwrought or overwrought, clothed or naked, caressed or kicked, whether idle songs break from his thoughtless tongue or "tears be his meat night and day," fondly cherished or cruelly murdered;--_all this_ enters vitally into the relation itself, _by which every slave_, as a slave, _is set apart from the rest of the human family_. is it an exercise of love, to place our "neighbor" under the crushing weight, the killing power, of such a relation?--to apply the murderous steel to the very vitals of his humanity? "ye therefore applaud and delight in the deeds of your fathers; for they killed them, and ye build their sepulchres."[ ] the slaveholder may eagerly and loudly deny, that any such thing is chargeable upon him. he may confidently and earnestly allege, that he is not responsible for the state of society in which he is placed. slavery was established before he began to breathe. it was his inheritance. his slaves are his property by birth or testament. but why will he thus deceive himself? why will he permit the cunning and rapacious spiders, which in the very sanctuary of ethics and religion are laboriously weaving webs from their own bowels, to catch him with their wretched sophistries?--and devour him, body, soul, and substance? let him know, as he must one day with shame and terror own, that whoever holds slaves is himself responsible for _the relation_, into which, whether reluctantly or willingly, he thus enters. _the relation cannot be forced upon him_. what though elizabeth countenanced john hawkins in stealing the natives of africa?--what though james, and charles, and george, opened a market for them in the english colonies?--what though modern dracos have "framed mischief by law," in legalizing man-stealing and slaveholding?--what though your ancestors, in preparing to go "to their own place," constituted you the owner of the "neighbors" whom they had used as cattle?--what of all this, and as much more like this, as can be drawn from the history of that dreadful process by which men are "deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_?" can all this force you to put the cap upon the climax--to clinch the nail by doing that, without which nothing in the work of slave-making would be attempted? _the slaveholder is the soul of the whole system_. without him, the chattel principle is a lifeless abstraction. without him, charters, and markets, and laws, and testaments, are empty names. and does _he_ think to escape responsibility? why, kidnappers, and soul-drivers, and law-makers, are nothing but his _agents_. he is the guilty _principal_. let him look to it. [footnote : you join with them in their bloody work. they murder, and you bury the victims.] but what can he do? do? keep his hands off his "neighbor's" throat. let him refuse to finish and ratify the process by which the chattel principle is carried into effect. let him refuse, in the face of derision, and reproach, and opposition. though poverty should fasten its bony hand upon him, and persecution shoot forth its forked tongue; whatever may betide him--scorn, flight, flames--let him promptly and steadfastly refuse. better the spite and hate of men than the wrath of heaven! "if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee; for it is profitable for thee, that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell." professor stewart admits, that the golden rule and the second great commandment "decide against the theory of slavery, as being in itself right." what, then, is their relation to the particular precepts, institutions, and usages, which are authorized and enjoined in the new testament? of all these, they are the summary expression--the comprehensive description. no precept in the bible, enforcing our mutual obligations, can be more or less than _the application of these injunctions to specific relations or particular occasions and conditions_. neither in the old testament nor the new, do prophets teach or laws enjoin, any thing which the golden rule and the second great command do not contain. whatever they forbid, no other precept can require; and whatever they require, no other precept can forbid. what, then, does he attempt, who turns over the sacred pages to find something in the way of permission or command, which may set him free from the obligations of the golden rule? what must his objects, methods, spirit be, to force him to enter upon such inquiries?--to compel him to search the bible for such a purpose? can he have good intentions, or be well employed? is his frame of mind adapted to the study of the bible?--to make its meaning plain and welcome? what must he think of god, to search his word in quest of gross inconsistencies, and grave contradictions! inconsistent legislation in jehovah! contradictory commands! permissions at war with prohibitions! general requirements at variance with particular arrangements! what must be the moral character of any institution which the golden rule decides against?--which the second great command condemns? _it cannot but be wicked_, whether newly established or long maintained. however it may be shaped, turned, colored--under every modification and at all times--_wickedness must be its proper character. it must be_, in itself, _apart from its circumstances_, in its essence, _apart from its incidents_, sinful. "think not to say within yourselves, we have abraham for our father." in disposing of those precepts and exhortations which have a specific bearing upon the subject of slavery, it is greatly important, nay, absolutely essential, that we look forth upon the objects around us from the right post of observation. our stand we must take at some central point, amidst the general maxims and fundamental precepts, the known circumstances and characteristic arrangements, of primitive christianity. otherwise, wrong views and false conclusions will be the result of our studies. we cannot, therefore, be too earnest in trying to catch the general features and prevalent spirit of the new testament institutions and arrangements. for to what conclusions must we come, if we unwittingly pursue our inquiries under the bias of the prejudice, that the general maxims of social life which now prevail in this country, were current, on the authority of the savior, among the primitive christians! that, for instance, wealth, station, talents, are the standard by which our claims upon, and our regard for, others, should be modified?--that those who are pinched by poverty, worn by disease, tasked in menial labors, or marked by features offensive to the taste of the artificial and capricious, are to be excluded from those refreshing and elevating influences which intelligence and refinement may be expected to exert; that thus they are to constitute a class by themselves, and to be made to know and keep their place at the very bottom of society? or, what if we should think and speak of the primitive christians, as if they had the same pecuniary resources as heaven has lavished upon the american churches?--as if they were as remarkable for affluence, elegance, and splendor? or, as if they had as high a position and as extensive an influence in politics and literature?--having directly or indirectly, the control over the high places of learning and of power? if we should pursue our studies and arrange our arguments--if we should explain words and interpret language--under such a bias, what must inevitably be the results? what would be the worth of our conclusions? what confidence could be reposed in any instruction we might undertake to furnish? and is not this the way in which the advocates and apologists of slavery dispose of the bearing which primitive christianity has upon it? they first ascribe, unwittingly, perhaps, to the primitive churches; the character, relations, and condition of american christianity, and amidst the deep darkness and strange confusion thus produced, set about interpreting the language and explaining the usages of the new testament! "so that ye are without excuse." among the lessons of instruction which our savior imparted, having a general bearing on the subject of slavery, that in which he sets up the _true standard of greatness_, deserves particular attention. in repressing the ambition of his disciples, he held up before them the methods by which alone healthful aspirations for eminence could be gratified, and thus set the elements of true greatness in the clearest light. "ye know, that they which are accounted to rule over the gentiles, exercise lordship over them; and their great ones exercise authority upon them. but so shall it not be among you; but whosoever will be great among you, shall be your minister; _and whosoever of you will be the chiefest, shall be servant of all_." in other words, through the selfishness and pride of mankind, the maxim widely prevails in the world, that it is the privilege, prerogative, and mark of greatness, to exact service; that our superiority to others, while it authorizes us to relax the exertion of our own powers, gives us a fair title to the use of theirs; that "might," while it exempts us from serving, "gives the right" to be served. the instructions of the savior open the way to greatness for us in the opposite direction. superiority to others, in whatever it may consist, gives us a claim to a wider field of exertion, and demands of us a larger amount of service. we can be great only as we _are useful_. and "might gives right" to bless our fellow men, by improving every opportunity and employing every faculty, affectionately, earnestly, and unweariedly, in their service. thus the greater the man, the more active, faithful, and useful the servant. the savior has himself taught us how this doctrine must be applied. he bids us improve every opportunity and employ every power, even through the most menial services, in blessing the human family. and to make this lesson shine upon our understandings and move our hearts, he embodied in it a most instructive and attractive example. on a memorable occasion, and just before his crucifixion, he discharged for his disciples the most menial of all offices--taking, _in washing their feet_, the place of the lowest servant. he took great pains to make them understand, that only by imitating this example could they honor their relations to him as their master; that thus only would they find themselves blessed. by what possibility could slavery exist under the influence of such a lesson, set home by such an example? _was it while washing the disciples' feet, that our savior authorized one man to make a chattel of another_? to refuse to provide for ourselves by useful labor, the apostle paul teaches us to regard as a grave offence. after reminding the thessalonian christians, that in addition to all his official exertions he had with his own muscles earned his own bread, he calls their attention to an arrangement which was supported by apostolical authority, "that if any would not work, neither should he eat." in the most earnest and solemn manner, and as a minister of the lord jesus christ, he commanded and exhorted those who neglected useful labor, "_with quietness to work and eat their own bread_." what must be the bearing of all this upon slavery? could slavery be maintained where every man eat the bread which himself had earned?--where idleness was esteemed so great a crime, as to be reckoned worthy of starvation as a punishment? how could unrequited labor be exacted, or used, or needed? must not every one in such a community contribute his share to the general welfare?--and mutual service and mutual support be the natural result? the same apostle, in writing to another church, describes the true source whence the means of liberality ought to be derived. "let him that stole steal no more; but rather let him labor, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth." let this lesson, as from the lips of jehovah, be proclaimed throughout the length and breadth of south carolina. let it be universally welcomed and reduced to practice. let thieves give up what they had stolen to the lawful proprietors, cease stealing, and begin at once to "labor, working with their hands," for necessary and charitable purposes. could slavery, in such a case, continue to exist? surely not! instead of exacting unpaid services from others, every man would be busy, exerting himself not only to provide for his own wants, but also to accumulate funds, "that he might have to give to" the needy. slavery must disappear, root and branch, at once and forever. in describing the source whence his ministers should expect their support, the savior furnished a general principle, which has an obvious and powerful bearing on the subject of slavery. he would have them remember, while exerting themselves for the benefit of their fellow men, that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." he has thus united wages with work. whoever renders the one is entitled to the other. and this manifestly according to a mutual understanding and a voluntary arrangement. for the doctrine that i may force you to work for me for whatever consideration i may please to fix upon, fairly opens the way for the doctrine, that you, in turn, may force me to render you whatever wages you may choose to exact for any services you may see fit to render. thus slavery, even as involuntary servitude, is cut up by the root. even the princeton professor seems to regard it as a violation of the principle which unites work with wages. the apostle james applies this principle to the claims of manual laborers--of those who hold the plough and thrust in the sickle. he calls the rich lordlings who exacted sweat and withheld wages, to "weeping and howling," assuring them that the complaints of the injured laborer had entered into the ear of the lord of hosts, and that, as a result of their oppression, their riches were corrupted, and their garments moth-eaten; their gold and silver were cankered; that the rust of them should be a witness against them, and should eat their flesh as it were fire; that, in one word, they had heaped treasures together for the last days, when "miseries were coming upon them," the prospect of which might well drench them in tears and fill them with terror. if these admonitions and warnings were heeded there, would not "the south" break forth into "weeping and wailing, and gnashing of teeth?" what else are its rich men about, but withholding by a system of fraud, his wages from the laborer, who is wearing himself out under the impulse of fear, in cultivating their fields and producing their luxuries! encouragement and support do they derive from james, in maintaining the "peculiar institution" which they call patriarchal, and boast of as the "corner-stone" of the republic? in the new testament, we have, moreover, the general injunction, "_honor all men_." under this broad precept, every form of humanity may justly claim protection and respect. the invasion of any human right must do dishonor to humanity, and be a transgression of this command. how then, in the light of such obligations, must slavery be regarded? are those men honored, who are rudely excluded from a place in the human family, and shut up to the deep degradation and nameless horrors of chattelship? _can they be held as slaves, and at the same time be honored as men_? how far, in obeying this command, we are to go, we may infer from the admonitions and instructions which james applies to the arrangements and usages of religious assemblies. into these he can not allow "respect of persons" to enter. "my brethren," he exclaims, "have not the faith of our lord jesus christ, the lord of glory, with respect of persons. for if there come unto your assembly a man with a gold ring, in goodly apparel; and there come in also a poor man in vile raiment; and ye have respect to him that weareth the gay clothing, and say unto him, sit thou here in a good place; and say to the poor, stand thou there, or sit here under my footstool; are ye not then partial in yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts?" _if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced of the law as transgressors_. on this general principle, then, religious assemblies ought to be regulated--that every man is to be estimated, not according to his _circumstances_--not according to anything incidental to his _condition_; but according to his _moral worth_--according to the essential features and vital elements of his _character_. gold rings and gay clothing, as they qualify no man for, can entitle no man to, a "good place" in the church. nor can the "vile raiment of the poor man," fairly exclude him from any sphere, however exalted, which his heart and head may fit him to fill. to deny this, in theory or practice, is to degrade a man below a thing; for what are gold rings, or gay clothing, or vile raiment, but things, "which perish with the using?" and this must be "to commit sin, and be convinced of the law as transgressor." in slavery, we have "respect of persons," strongly marked, and reduced to system. here men are despised not merely for "the vile raiment," which may cover their scarred bodies. this is bad enough. but the deepest contempt of humanity here grows out of birth or complexion. vile raiment may be, often is, the result of indolence, or improvidence, or extravagance. it may be, often is, an index of character. but how can i be responsible for the incidents of my birth?--how for my complexion? to despise or honor me for these, is to be guilty of "respect of persons" in its grossest form, and with its worst effects. it is to reward or punish me for what i had nothing to do with; for which, therefore, i cannot, without the greatest injustice, be held responsible. it is to poison the very fountains of justice, by confounding all moral distinctions. what, then, so far as the authority of the new testament is concerned, becomes of slavery, which cannot be maintained under any form nor for a single moment, without "respect of persons" the most aggravated and unendurable? and what would become of that most pitiful, silly, and wicked arrangement in so many of our churches, in which worshippers of a dark complexion are to be sent up to the negro pew?[ ] [footnote : in carlyle's review of the memoirs of mirabeau, we have the following anecdote illustrative of the character of a "grandmother" of the count. "fancy the dame mirabeau sailing stately towards the church font; another dame striking in to take precedence of her; the dame mirabeau despatching this latter with a box on the ear, and these words, '_here, as in the army_, the baggage _goes last_!'" let those who justify the negro-pew arrangement, throw a stone at this proud woman--if they dare.] nor are we permitted to confine this principle to religious assemblies. it is to pervade social life everywhere. even where plenty, intelligence and refinement, diffuse their brightest rays, the poor are to be welcomed with especial favor. "then said he to him that bade him, when thou makest a dinner or a supper, call not thy friends, nor thy brethren, neither thy kinsmen, nor thy rich neighbors, lest they also bid thee again, and a recompense be made thee. but when thou makest a feast, call the poor and the maimed, the lame and the blind, and thou shalt be blessed; for they cannot recompense thee, but thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just." in the high places of social life then--in the parlor, the drawing-room, the saloon--special reference should be had, in every arrangement, to the comfort and improvement of those who are least able to provide for the cheapest rites of hospitality. for these, ample accommodations must be made, whatever may become of our kinsmen and rich neighbors. and for this good reason, that while such occasions signify little to the latter, to the former they are pregnant with good--raising their drooping spirits, cheering their desponding hearts, inspiring them with life, and hope, and joy. the rich and the poor thus meeting joyfully together, cannot but mutually contribute to each other's benefit; the rich will be led to moderation, sobriety, and circumspection, and the poor to industry, providence, and contentment. the recompense must be great and sure. a most beautiful and instructive commentary on the text in which these things are taught, the savior furnished in his own conduct. he freely mingled with those who were reduced to the very bottom of society. at the tables of the outcasts of society he did not hesitate to be a cheerful guest, surrounded by publicans and sinners. and when flouted and reproached by smooth and lofty ecclesiastics, as an ultraist and leveler, he explained and justified himself by observing, that he had only done what his office demanded. it was his to seek the lost, to heal the sick, to pity the wretched;--in a word, to bestow just such benefits as the various necessities of mankind made appropriate and welcome. in his great heart, there was room enough for those who had been excluded from the sympathy of little souls. in its spirit and design, the gospel overlooked none--least of all, the outcasts of a selfish world. can slavery, however modified, be consistent with such a gospel?--a gospel which requires us, even amidst the highest forms of social life, to exert ourselves to raise the depressed by giving our warmest sympathies to those who have the smallest share in the favor of the world? those who are in "bonds" are set before us as deserving an especial remembrance. their claims upon us are described as a modification of the golden rule--as one of the many forms to which its obligations are reducible. to them we are to extend the same affectionate regard as we would covet for ourselves, if the chains upon their limbs were fastened upon ours. to the benefits of this precept, the enslaved have a natural claim of the greatest strength. the wrongs they suffer spring from a persecution which can hardly be surpassed in malignancy. their birth and complexion are the occasion of the insults and injuries which they can neither endure nor escape. it is for _the work of god_, and not their own deserts, that they are loaded with chains. _this is persecution_. can i regard the slave as another self--can i put myself in his place--and be indifferent to his wrongs? especially, can i, thus affected, take sides with the oppressor? could i, in such a state of mind as the gospel requires me to cherish, reduce him to slavery or keep him in bonds? is not the precept under hand naturally subversive of every system and every form of slavery? the general descriptions of the church, which are found here and there in the new testament, are highly instructive in their bearing on the subject of slavery. in one connection, the following words meet the eye: "there is neither jew nor greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one in christ jesus."[ ] here we have-- . a clear and strong description of the doctrine of _human equality_. "ye are all one;"--so much alike, so truly placed on common ground, all wielding each his own powers with such freedom, _that one is the same as another_. . this doctrine, self-evident in the light of reason, is affirmed on divine authority. "in christ jesus, _ye are all one_." the natural equality of the human family is a part of the gospel. for-- . all the human family are included in this description. whether men or women, whether bond or free, whether jews or gentiles, all are alike entitled to the benefit of this doctrine. whether christianity prevails, the _artificial_ distinctions which grow out of birth, condition, sex, are done away. _natural_ distinctions are not destroyed. _they_ are recognized, hallowed, confirmed. the gospel does not abolish the sexes, forbid a division of labor, or extinguish patriotism. it takes woman from beneath the feet, and places her by the side of man; delivers the manual laborer from "the yoke," and gives him wages for his work; and brings the jew and the gentile to embrace each other with fraternal love and confidence. thus it raises all to a common level, gives to each the free use of his own powers and resources, binds all together in one dear and loving brotherhood. such, according to the description of the apostle, was the influence, and such the effect of primitive christianity. "behold the picture!" is it like american slavery, which, in all its tendencies and effects, is destructive of all oneness among brethren? [footnote : gal. iii. .] "where the spirit of the lord is," exclaims the same apostle, with his eye upon the condition and relations of the church, "_where the spirit of the lord is_, there is liberty." where, then, may we reverently recognize the presence, and bow before the manifested power, of this spirit? _there_, where the laborer may not choose how he shall be employed!--in what way his wants shall be supplied!--with whom he shall associate!--who shall have the fruit of his exertions! _there_, where he is not free to enjoy his wife and children! _there_, where his body and his soul, his very "destiny,"[ ] are placed altogether beyond his control! _there_, where every power is crippled, every energy blasted, every hope crushed! _there_, where in all the relations and concerns of life, he is legally treated as if he had nothing to do with the laws of reason, the light of immortality, or the exercise of will! is the spirit of the lord _there_, where liberty is decried and denounced, mocked at and spit upon, betrayed and crucified! in the midst of a church which justified slavery, which derived its support from slavery, which carried on its enterprises by means of slavery, would the apostle have found the fruits of the spirit of the lord! let that spirit exert his influences, and assert his authority, and wield his power, and slavery must vanish at once and for ever. [footnote : "the legislature (of south carolina) from time to time, has passed many restricted and penal acts, with a view to bring under direct control and subjection the destiny of the black population." see the remonstrance of james s. pope and others against home missionary efforts for the benefit of the enslaved--a most instructive paper.] in more than one connection, the apostle james describes christianity as "_the law of liberty_." it is, in other words, the law under which liberty cannot but live and flourish--the law in which liberty is clearly defined, strongly asserted, and well protected. as the law of liberty, how can it be consistent with the law of slavery? the presence and the power of this law are felt wherever the light of reason shines. they are felt in the uneasiness and conscious degradation of the slave, and in the shame and remorse which the master betrays in his reluctant and desperate efforts to defend himself. this law it is which has armed human nature against the oppressor. wherever it is obeyed, "every yoke is broken." in these references to the new testament we have a _general description_ of the primitive church, and the _principles_ on which it was founded and fashioned. these principles bear the same relation to christian _history_ as to christian _character_, since the former is occupied with the development of the latter. what then is christian character but christian principle _realized_, acted out, bodied forth, and animated? christian principle is the soul, of which christian character is the expression--the manifestation. it comprehends in itself, as a living seed, such christian character, under every form, modification, and complexion. the former is, therefore, the test and interpreter of the latter. in the light of christian principle, and in that light only we can judge of and explain christian character. christian history is occupied with the forms, modifications, and various aspects of christian character. the facts which are there recorded serve to show, how christian principle has fared in this world--how it has appeared, what it has done, how it has been treated. in these facts we have the various institutions, usages, designs, doings, and sufferings of the church of christ. and all these have of necessity, the closest relation to christian principle. they are the production of its power. through them, it is revealed and manifested. in its light, they are to be studied, explained, and understood. without it they must be as unintelligible and insignificant as the letters of a book scattered on the wind. in the principles of christianity, then, we have a comprehensive and faithful account of its objects, institutions, and usages--of how it must behave, and act, and suffer, in a world of sin and misery. for between the principles which god reveals, on the one hand, and the precepts he enjoins, the institutions he establishes, and the usages he approves, on the other, there must be consistency and harmony. otherwise we impute to god what we must abhor in man--practice at war with principle. does the savior, then, lay down the _principle_ that our standing in the church must depend upon the habits formed within us, of readily and heartily subserving the welfare of others; and permit us _in practice_ to invade the rights and trample on the happiness of our fellows, by reducing them to slavery. does he, _in principle_ and by example, require us to go all lengths in rendering mutual service, or comprehending offices that most menial, as well as the most honorable; and permit us _in practice_ to exact service of our brethren, as if they were nothing better than "articles of merchandize!" does he require us _in principle_ "to work with quietness and eat our own bread;" and permit us _in practice_ to wrest from our brethren the fruits of their unrequited toil? does he _in principle_ require us, abstaining from every form of theft, to employ our powers in useful labor, not only to provide for ourselves but also to relieve the indigence of others; and permit us _in practice_, abstaining from every form of labor, to enrich and aggrandize ourselves with the fruits of man-stealing? does he require us _in principle_ to regard "the laborer as worthy of his hire"; and permit us _in practice_ to defraud him of his wages? does he require us _in principle_ to honor all men; and permit us _in practice_ to treat multitudes like cattle? does he _in principle_ prohibit "respect of persons;" and permit us _in practice_ to place the feet of the rich upon the necks of the poor? does he _in principle_ require us to sympathize with the bondman as another self; and permit us _in practice_ to leave him unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor? _in principle_, "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" _in practice_, is _slavery_ the fruit of the spirit? _in principle_, christianity is the law of liberty; _in practice_, it is the law of slavery? bring practice in these various respects into harmony with principle, and what becomes of slavery? and if, where the divine government is concerned, practice is the expression of principle, and principle the standard and interpreter of practice, such harmony cannot but be maintained and must be asserted. in studying, therefore, fragments of history and sketches of biography--in disposing of references to institutions, usages, and facts in the new testament, this necessary harmony between principle and practice in the government _of god_, should be continually present to the thoughts of the interpreter. principles assert what practice must be. whatever principle condemns, god condemns. it belongs to those weeds of the dung-hill which, planted by "an enemy," his hand will assuredly "root up." it is most certain then, that if slavery prevailed in the first ages of christianity, it could nowhere have prevailed under its influence and with its sanction. * * * * * the condition in which in its efforts to bless mankind, the primitive church was placed, must have greatly assisted the early christians in understanding and applying the principles of the gospel. their _master_ was born in great obscurity, lived in the deepest poverty, and died the most ignominious death. the place of his residence, his familiarity with the outcasts of society, his welcoming assistance and support from female hands, his casting his beloved mother, when he hung upon the cross, upon the charity of a disciple--such things evince the depth of his poverty, and show to what derision and contempt he must have been exposed. could such an one, "despised and rejected of men--a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief," play the oppressor, or smile on those who made merchandize of the poor! and what was the history of the _apostles_, but an illustration of the doctrine, that "it is enough for the disciple, that he be as his master?" were they lordly ecclesiastics, abounding with wealth, shining with splendor, bloated with luxury! were they ambitious of distinction, fleecing, and trampling, and devouring "the flocks," that they themselves might "have the pre-eminence!" were they slaveholding bishops! or did they derive their support from the wages of iniquity and the price of blood! can such inferences be drawn from the account of their condition, which the most gifted and enterprising of their number has put upon record? "even unto this present hour, we both hunger, and thirst, and are naked, and _are buffetted_, and have _no certain dwelling place, and labor working with our own hands_. being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat; we are made as _the filth of the world_, and are the offscouring of all things unto this day."[ ] are these the men who practised or countenanced slavery? _with such a temper, they_ would not; _in such circumstances, they_ could not. exposed to "tribulation, distress, and persecution;" subject to famine and nakedness, to peril and the sword; "killed all the day long; accounted as sheep for the slaughter,"[ ] they would have made but a sorry figure at the _great-house_ or slave-market. [footnote : cor. iv. - .] [footnote : rom. viii. , .] nor was the condition of the brethren, generally, better than that of the apostles. the position of the apostles doubtless entitled them to the strongest opposition, the heaviest reproaches, the fiercest persecution. but derision and contempt must have been the lot of christians generally. surely we cannot think so ill of primitive christianity as to suppose that believers, generally, refused to share in the trials and sufferings of their leaders; as to suppose that while the leaders submitted to manual labor, to buffeting, to be reckoned the filth of the world, to be accounted as sheep for the slaughter, his brethren lived in affluence, ease, and honor! despising manual labor and living upon the sweat of unrequited toil! but on this point we are not left to mere inference and conjecture. the apostle paul in the plainest language explains the ordination of heaven. "but _god hath_ chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and god hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised hath god chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are."[ ] here we may well notice, . that it was not by _accident_, that the primitive churches were made up of such elements, but the result of the divine choice--an arrangement of his wise and gracious providence. the inference is natural, that this ordination was co-extensive with the triumphs of christianity. it was nothing new or strange, that jehovah had concealed his glory "from the wise and prudent, and had revealed it unto babes," or that "the common people heard him gladly," while "not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, had been called." . the description of character, which the apostle records, could be adapted only to what are reckoned the _very dregs of humanity_. the foolish and the weak, the base and the contemptible, in the estimation of worldly pride and wisdom--these were they whose broken hearts were reached, and moulded, and refreshed by the gospel; these were they whom the apostle took to his bosom as his own brethren. [footnote : cor. i. , .] that _slaves_ abounded at corinth, may easily be admitted. _they_ have a place in the enumeration of elements of which, according to the apostle, the church there was composed. the most remarkable class found there, consisted of "things which are not"--mere nobodies, not admitted to the privileges of men, but degraded to a level with "goods and chattels;" of whom _no account_ was made in such arrangements of society as subserved the improvement, and dignity, and happiness of mankind. how accurately the description applies to those who are crushed under the chattel principle! the reference which the apostle makes to the "deep poverty of the churches of macedonia,"[ ] and this to stir up the sluggish liberality of his corinthian brethren, naturally leaves the impression, that the latter were by no means inferior to the former in the gifts of providence. but, pressed with want and pinched by poverty as were the believers in "macedonia and achaia, it pleased them to make a certain contribution for the poor saints which were at jerusalem."[ ] thus it appears, that christians everywhere were familiar with contempt and indigence, so much so, that the apostle would dissuade such as had no families from assuming the responsibilities of the conjugal relation![ ] [footnote : cor. viii. .] [footnote : rom. xviii. - .] [footnote : cor. vii. , .] now, how did these good people treat each other? did the few among them, who were esteemed wise, mighty, or noble, exert their influence and employ their power in oppressing the weak, in disposing of the "things that are not," as marketable commodities!--kneeling with them in prayer in the evening, and putting them up at auction the next morning! did the church sell any of the members to swell the "certain contribution for the poor saints at jerusalem!" far other wise--as far as possible! in those christian communities where the influence of the apostles was most powerful, and where the arrangements drew forth their highest commendations, believers treated each other as _brethren_, in the strongest sense of that sweet word. so warm was their mutual love, so strong the public spirit, so open-handed and abundant the general liberality, that they are set forth as "_having all things common_."[ ] slaves and their holders here? neither the one nor the other could, in that relation to each other, have breathed such an atmosphere. the appeal of the kneeling bondman, "am i not a man and a brother," must here have met with a prompt and powerful response. [footnote : acts, iv. .] the _tests_ by which our savior tries the character of his professed disciples, shed a strong light upon the genius of the gospel. in one connection,[ ] an inquirer demands of the savior, "what good thing shall i do that i may have eternal life?" after being reminded of the obligations which his social nature imposed upon him, he ventured, while claiming to be free from guilt in his relations to mankind, to demand, "what lack i yet?" the radical deficiency under which his character labored, the savior was not long or obscure in pointing out. "if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and thou shall have treasure in heaven; and come and follow me." on this passage it is natural to suggest-- . that we have here a _test of universal application_. the rectitude and benevolence of our savior's character forbid us to suppose, that he would subject this inquirer, especially as he was highly amiable, to a trial, where eternal life was at stake, _peculiarly_ severe. indeed, the test seems to have been only a fair exposition of the second great command, and of course it must be applicable to all who are placed under the obligations of that precept. those who cannot stand this test, as their character is radically imperfect and unsound, must, with the inquirer to whom our lord applied it, be pronounced unfit for the kingdom of heaven. . the least that our savior can in that passage be understood to demand is, that we disinterestedly and heartily devote ourselves to the welfare of mankind, "the poor" especially. we are to put ourselves on a level with _them_, as we must do "in selling that we have" for their benefit--in other words, in employing our powers and resources to elevate their character, condition, and prospects. this our savior did; and if we refuse to enter into sympathy and co-operation with him, how can we be his _followers_? apply this test to the slaveholder. instead of "selling that he hath" for the benefit of the poor, he buys the poor, and exacts their sweat with stripes, to enable him to "clothe himself in purple and fine linen, and fare sumptuously every day;" or, he sells the poor to support the gospel and convert the heathen! [footnote : luke, xviii. - .] what, in describing the scenes of the final judgment, does our savior teach us? _by what standard_ must our character be estimated, and the retributions of eternity be awarded? a standard, which both the righteous and the wicked will be surprised to see erected. from the "offscouring of all things," the meanest specimen of humanity will be selected--a "stranger" in the hands of the oppressor, naked, hungry, sickly; and this stranger, placed in the midst of the assembled universe, by the side of the sovereign judge, will be openly acknowledged as his representative. "glory, honor, and immortality," will be the reward of those who had recognized and cheered their lord through his outraged poor. and tribulation, anguish, and despair, will seize on "every soul of man" who had neglected or despised them. but whom, within the limits of our country, are we to regard especially as the representatives of our final judge? every feature of the savior's picture finds its appropriate original in our enslaved countrymen. . they are the least of his brethren. . they are subject to thirst and hunger, unable to command a cup of water or a crumb of bread. . they are exposed to wasting sickness, without the ability to procure a nurse or employ a physician. . they are emphatically "in prison," restrained by chains, goaded with whips, tasked, and under keepers. not a wretch groans in any cell of the prisons of our country, who is exposed to a confinement so vigorous and heartbreaking as the law allows theirs to be continually and permanently. . and then they are emphatically, and peculiarly, and exclusively, strangers--_strangers_ in the land which gave them birth. whom else do we constrain to remain aliens in the midst of our free institutions? the welch, the swiss, the irish? the jews even? alas, it is the _negro_ only, who may not strike his roots into our soil. every where we have conspired to treat him as a stranger--every where he is forced to feel himself a stranger. in the stage and steamboat, in the parlor and at our tables, in the scenes of business and in the scenes of amusement--even in the church of god and at the communion table, he is regarded as a stranger. the intelligent and religious are generally disgusted and horror-struck at the thought of his becoming identified with the citizens of our republic--so much so, that thousands of them have entered into a conspiracy to send him off "out of sight," to find a home on a foreign shore!--and justify themselves by openly alleging, that a "single drop" of his blood, in the veins of any human creature, must make him hateful to his fellow citizens!--that nothing but banishment from "our coasts," can redeem him from the scorn and contempt to which his "stranger" blood has reduced him among his own mother's children! who, then, in this land "of milk and honey," is "hungry and athirst," but the man from whom the law takes away the last crumb of bread and the smallest drop of water? who "naked," but the man whom the law strips of the last rag of clothing? who "sick," but the man whom the law deprives of the power of procuring medicine or sending for a physician? who "in prison," but the man who, all his life, is under the control of merciless masters and cruel keepers! who a "stranger," but the man who is scornfully denied the cheapest courtesies of life--who is treated as an alien in his native country? there is one point in this awful description which deserves particular attention. those who are doomed to the left hand of the judge, are not charged with inflicting _positive_ injuries on their helpless, needy, and oppressed brother. theirs was what is often called _negative_ character. what they _had done_ is not described in the indictment. their _neglect_ of duty, what they _had_ not _done_, was the ground of their "everlasting punishment." the representative of their judge, they had seen a hungered and they gave him no meat, thirsty and they gave him no drink, a stranger and they took him not in, naked and they clothed him not, sick and in prison and they visited him not. in as much as they did not yield to the claims of suffering humanity--did not exert themselves to bless the meanest of the human family, they were driven away in their wickedness. but what if the indictment had run thus: i was a hungered and ye snatched away the crust which might have saved me from starvation; i was thirsty and ye dashed to the ground the "cup of cold water," which might have moistened my parched lips; i was a stranger and ye drove me from the hovel which might have sheltered me from the piercing wind; i was sick and ye scourged me to my task; in prison and you sold me for my jail-fees--to what depths of hell must not those who were convicted under such charges be consigned! and what is the history of american slavery but one long indictment, describing under ever-varying forms and hues just such injuries! nor should it be forgotten, that those who incurred the displeasure of their judge, took far other views than he, of their own past history. the charges which he brought against them, they heard with great surprise. they were sure that they had never thus turned away from his necessities. indeed, when had they seen him thus subject to poverty, insult, and oppression? never. and as to that poor friendless creature, whom they left unpitied and unhelped in the hands of the oppressor, and whom their judge now presented as his own representative, they never once supposed, that _he_ had any claims on their compassion and assistance. had they known, that he was destined to so prominent a place at the final judgment, they would have treated him as a human being, in despite of any social, pecuniary, or political considerations. but neither their _negative virtue_ nor their _voluntary ignorance_ could shield them from the penal fire which their selfishness had kindled. now amidst the general maxims, the leading principles, the "great commandments" of the gospel; amidst its comprehensive descriptions and authorized tests of christian character, we should take our position in disposing of any particular allusions to such forms and usages of the primitive churches as are supported by divine authority. the latter must be interpreted and understood in the light of the former. but how do the apologists and defenders of slavery proceed? placing themselves amidst the arrangements and usages which grew out of the _corruptions_ of christianity, they make these the standard by which the gospel is to be explained and understood! some recorder or justice. without the light of inquiry or the aid of a jury, consigns the negro whom the kidnapper has dragged into his presence to the horrors of slavery. as the poor wretch shrieks and faints, humanity shudders and demands why such atrocities are endured. some "priest" or "levite," "passing by on the other side," quite self-possessed and all complacent, reads in reply from his broad phylactery, _paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! yes, echoes the negro-hating mob, made up of "gentlemen of property and standing" together with equally gentle-men reeking from the gutter; _yes--paul sent back onesimus to philemon_! and humanity, brow-beaten, stunned with noise and tumult, is pushed aside by the crowd! a fair specimen this of the manner in which modern usages are made to interpret the sacred scriptures? of the particular passages in the new testament on which the apologists for slavery especially rely, the epistle to philemon first demands our attention. . this letter was written by the apostle paul while a "prisoner of jesus christ" at rome. . philemon was a benevolent and trustworthy member of the church at colosse, at whose house the disciples of christ held their assemblies, and who owed his conversion, under god, directly or indirectly to the ministry of paul. . onesimus was the servant of philemon; under a relation which it is difficult with accuracy and certainty to define. his condition, though servile, could not have been like that of an american slave; as, in that case, however he might have "wronged" philemon, he could not also have "owed him ought."[ ] the american slave is, according to law, as much the property of his master as any other chattel; and can no more "owe" his master than can a sheep or a horse. the basis of all pecuniary obligations lies in some "value received." how can "an article of merchandise" stand on this basis and sustain commercial relations to its owner? there is no _person_ to offer or promise. _personality is swallowed up in american slavery_! . how onesimus found his way to rome it is not easy to determine. he and philemon appear to have parted from each other on ill terms. the general character of onesimus, certainly, in his relation to philemon, had been far from attractive, and he seems to have left him without repairing the wrongs he had done him or paying the debts which he owed him. at rome, by the blessing of god upon the exertions of the apostle, he was brought to reflection and repentance. . in reviewing his history in the light of christian truth, he became painfully aware of the injuries he had inflicted on philemon. he longed for an opportunity for frank confession and full restitution. having, however, parted with philemon on ill terms, he knew not how to appear in his presence. under such embarrassments, he naturally sought sympathy and advice of paul. _his_ influence upon philemon, onesimus knew must be powerful, especially as an apostle. . a letter in behalf of onesimus was therefore written by the apostle to philemon. after such salutations, benedictions, and thanksgiving as the good character and useful life of philemon naturally drew from the heart of paul, he proceeds to the object of the letter. he admits that onesimus had behaved ill in the service of philemon; not in running away, for how they had parted with each other is not explained; but in being unprofitable and in refusing to pay the debts[ ] which he had contracted. but his character had undergone a radical change. thenceforward fidelity and usefulness would be his aim and mark his course. and as to any pecuniary obligations which he had violated, the apostle authorized philemon to put them on his account.[ ] thus a way was fairly opened to the heart of philemon. and now what does the apostles ask? . he asks that philemon would receive onesimus, how? "not as a _servant_, but above a _servant_."[ ] how much above? philemon was to receive him as "a son" of the apostle--"as a brother beloved"--nay, if he counted paul a partner, an equal, he was to receive onesimus as he would receive _the apostle himself_.[ ] _so much_ above a servant was he to receive him! . but was not this request to be so interpreted and complied with as to put onesimus in the hands of philemon as "an article of merchandise," carnally, while it raised him to the dignity of a "brother beloved," spiritually? in other words, might not philemon consistently with the request of paul have reduced onesimus to a chattel, as a man, while he admitted him fraternally to his bosom, as a christian? such gibberish in an apostolic epistle! never. as if, however to guard against such folly, the natural product of mist and moonshine, the apostle would have onesimus raised above a servant to the dignity of a brother beloved, "both in the flesh and in the lord;"[ ] as a man and christian, in all the relations, circumstances, and responsibilities of life. [footnote : philemon, .] [footnote : verse , .] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse , , .] [footnote : verse .] it is easy now with definiteness and certainty to determine in what sense the apostle in such connections uses the word "_brother_". it describes a relation inconsistent with and opposite to the _servile_. it is "not" the relation of a "servant." it elevates its subject "above" the servile condition. it raises him to full equality with the master, to the same equality, on which paul and philemon stood side by side as brothers; and this, not in some vague, undefined, spiritual sense, affecting the soul and leaving the body in bonds, but in every way, "both in the flesh and in the lord." this matter deserves particular and earnest attention. it sheds a strong light on other lessons of apostolic instruction. . it is greatly to our purpose, moreover, to observe that the apostle clearly defines the _moral character_ of his request. it was fit, proper, right, suited to the nature and relation of things--a thing which _ought_ to be done.[ ] on this account, he might have urged it upon philemon in the form of an _injunction_, on apostolic authority and with great boldness.[ ] _the very nature_ of the request made it obligatory on philemon. he was sacredly bound, out of regard to the fitness of things, to admit onesimus to full equality with himself--to treat him as a brother both in the lord and as having flesh--as a fellow man. thus were the inalienable rights and birthright privileges of onesimus, as a member of the human family, defined and protected by apostolic authority. . the apostle preferred a request instead of imposing a command, on the ground of charity.[ ] he would give philemon an opportunity of discharging his obligations under the impulse of love. to this impulse, he was confident philemon would promptly and fully yield. how could he do otherwise? the thing itself was right. the request respecting it came from a benefactor, to whom, under god, he was under the highest obligations.[ ] that benefactor, now an old man, and in the hands of persecutors, manifested a deep and tender interest in the matter and had the strongest persuasion that philemon was more ready to grant than himself to entreat. the result, as he was soon to visit collosse, and had commissioned philemon to prepare a lodging for him, must come under the eye of the apostle. the request was so manifestly reasonable and obligatory, that the apostle, after all, described a compliance with it, by the strong word "_obedience_."[ ] [footnote : verse . to [greek: anaekon]. see robinson's new testament lexicon; "_it is fit, proper, becoming, it ought_." in what sense king james' translators used the word "convenient" any one may see who will read rom. i. and eph. v. , .] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse --[greek: dia taen agapaen]] [footnote : verse .] [footnote : verse .] now, how must all this have been understood by the church at colosse? --a church, doubtless, made up of such materials as the church at corinth, that is, of members chiefly from the humblest walks of life. many of them had probably felt the degradation and tasted the bitterness of the servile condition. would they have been likely to interpret the apostle's letter under the bias of feelings friendly to slavery!--and put the slaveholder's construction on its contents! would their past experience or present sufferings--for doubtless some of them were still "under the yoke"--have suggested to their thoughts such glosses as some of our theological professors venture to put upon the words of the apostle! far otherwise. the spirit of the lord was there, and the epistle was read in the light of "_liberty_." it contained the principles of holy freedom, faithfully and affectionately applied. this must have made it precious in the eyes of such men "of low degree" as were most of the believers, and welcome to a place in the sacred canon. there let it remain as a luminous and powerful defence of the cause of emancipation! but what saith professor stuart? "if any one doubts, let him take the case of paul's sending onesimus back to philemon, with an apology for his running away, and sending him back to be his servant for life."[ ] [footnote : see his letter to dr. fisk, supra pp. , ] "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." by what process? did the apostle, a prisoner at rome, seize upon the fugitive, and drag him before some heartless and perfidious "judge," for authority to send him back to colosse? did he hurry his victim away from the presence of the fat and supple magistrate, to be driven under chains and the lash to the field of unrequited toil, whence he had escaped? had the apostle been like some teachers in the american churches, he might, as a professor of sacred literature in one of our seminaries, or a preacher of the gospel to the rich in some of our cities, have consented thus to subserve the "peculiar" interests of a dear slaveholding brother. but the venerable champion of truth and freedom was himself under bonds in the imperial city, waiting for the crown of martyrdom. he wrote a letter to the church a colosse, which was accustomed to meet at the house of philemon, and another letter to that magnanimous disciple, and sent them by the hand of onesimus. so much for _the way_ in which onesimus was sent back to his master. a slave escapes from a patriarch in georgia, and seeks a refuge in the parish of the connecticut doctor of divinity, who once gave public notice that he saw no reason for caring for the servitude of his fellow men.[ ] under his influence, caesar becomes a christian convert. burning with love for the son whom he hath begotten in the gospel, our doctor resolves to send him back to his master. accordingly, he writes a letter, gives it to caesar, and bids him return, staff in hand, to the "corner-stone of our republican institutions." now, what would my caesar do, who had ever felt a link of slavery's chain? as he left his _spiritual father_, should we be surprised to hear him say to himself, what, return of my own accord to the man who, with the hand of a robber, plucked me from my mother's bosom!--for whom i have been so often drenched in the sweat of unrequited toil!--whose violence so often cut my flesh and scarred my limbs!--who shut out every ray of light from my mind!--who laid claim to those honors to which my creator and redeemer only are entitled! and for what am i to return? to be cursed, and smitten, and sold! to be tempted, and torn, and destroyed! i cannot thus throw myself away--thus rush upon my own destruction. [footnote : "why should i care?"] who ever heard of the voluntary return of a fugitive from american oppression? do you think that the doctor and his friends could persuade one to carry a letter to the patriarch from whom he had escaped? and must we believe this of onesimus? "paul sent back onesimus to philemon." on what occasion?--"if," writes the apostle, "he hath wronged thee, or oweth the aught, put that on my account." alive to the claims of duty, onesimus would "restore" whatever he "had taken away." he would honestly pay his debts. this resolution the apostle warmly approved. he was ready, at whatever expense, to help his young disciple in carrying it into full effect. of this he assured philemon, in language the most explicit and emphatic. here we find one reason for the conduct of paul in sending onesimus to philemon. if a fugitive slave of the rev. dr. smylie, of mississippi, should return to him with a letter from a doctor of divinity in new york, containing such an assurance, how would the reverend slaveholder dispose of it? what, he exclaims, have we here? "if cato has not been upright in his pecuniary intercourse with you--if he owes you any thing--put that on my account." what ignorance of southern institutions! what mockery, to talk of pecuniary intercourse between a slave and his master! _the slave himself, with all he is and has, is an article of merchandise_. what can _he_ owe his master? a rustic may lay a wager with his mule, and give the creature the peck of oats which he has permitted it to win. but who, in sober earnest, would call this a pecuniary transaction? "to be his servant for life!" from what part of the epistle could the expositor have evolved a thought so soothing to tyrants--so revolting to every man who loves his own nature? from this? "for perhaps he therefore departed for a season, that thou shouldst receive him for ever." receive him how? _as a servant_, exclaims our commentator. but what wrote the apostle? "not _now as a servant, but above a servant_, a brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord." who authorized the professor to bereave the word "_not_" of its negative influence? according to paul, philemon was to receive onesimus "_not_ as a servant;"--according to stuart, he was to receive him "_as a servant_!" if the professor will apply the same rules of exposition to the writings of the abolitionists, all difference between him and them must in his view presently vanish away. the harmonizing process would be equally simple and effectual. he has only to understand them as affirming what they deny, and as denying what they affirm. suppose that professor stuart had a son residing, at the south. his slave, having stolen money of his master, effected his escape. he fled to andover, to find a refuge among the "sons of the prophets." there he finds his way to professor stuart's house, and offers to render any service which the professor, dangerously ill "of a typhus fever," might require. he is soon found to be a most active, skilful, faithful nurse. he spares no pains, night and day, to make himself useful to the venerable sufferer. he anticipates every want. in the most delicate and tender manner, he tries to sooth every pain. he fastens himself strongly on the heart of the reverend object of his care. touched with the heavenly spirit, the meek demeanor, the submissive frame, which the sick bed exhibits, archy becomes a christian. a new bond now ties him and his convalescent teacher together. as soon as he is able to write, the professor sends archy with the following letter to the south, to isaac stuart, esq.:-- "my dear son,--with a hand enfeebled by a distressing and dangerous illness, from which i am slowly recovering, i address you on a subject which lies very near my heart. i have a request to urge, which our mutual relation to each other, and your strong obligations to me, will, i cannot doubt, make you eager fully to grant. i say a request, though the thing i ask is, in its very nature and on the principles of the gospel, obligatory upon you. i might, therefore, boldly demand, what i earnestly entreat. but i know how generous, magnanimous, and christ-like you are, and how readily you will 'do even more than i say'--i, your own father, an old man, almost exhausted with multiplied exertions for the benefit of my family and my country and now just rising, emaciated and broken, from the brink of the grave. i write in behalf of archy, whom i regard with the affection of a father, and whom, indeed, 'i have forgotten in my sickness.' gladly would i have retained him, to be _an isaac_ to me; for how often did not his soothing voice, and skilful hand, and unwearied attention to my wants remind me of you! but i chose to give you an opportunity of manifesting, voluntarily, the goodness of your heart; as, if i had retained him with me, you might seem to have been forced to grant what you will gratefully bestow. his temporary absence from you may have opened the way for his permanent continuance with you. not now as a slave. heaven forbid! but superior to a slave. superior, did i say? take him to your bosom, as a beloved brother; for i own him as a son, and regard him as such, in all the relations of life, both as a man and a christian. 'receive him as myself.' and that nothing may hinder you from complying with my request at once, i hereby promise, without adverting to your many and great obligations to me, to pay you every cent which he took from your drawer. any preparation which my comfort with you may require, you will make without much delay, when you learn, that i intend, as soon as i shall be able 'to perform the journey,' to make you a visit." and what if dr. baxter, in giving an account of this letter should publicly declare that professor stuart, of andover regarded slaveholding as lawful; for that "he had sent archy back to his son isaac, with an apology for his running away" to be held in perpetual slavery? with what propriety might not the professor exclaim: false, every syllable false. i sent him back, not to be held as a slave, _but recognized as a dear brother, in all respects, under every relation, civil and ecclesiastical_. i bade my son receive _archy as myself_. if this was not equivalent to a requisition to set him fully and most honorably free, and that, too, on the ground of natural obligation and christian principle, then i know not how to frame such a requisition. i am well aware that my supposition is by no means strong enough fully to illustrate the case to which it is applied. professor stuart lacks apostolical authority. isaac stuart is not a leading member of a church consisting, as the early churches chiefly consisted, of what the world regard as the dregs of society--"the offscouring of all things." nor was slavery at colosse, it seems, supported by such barbarous usages, such horrid laws as disgrace the south. but it is time to turn to another passage which, in its bearing on the subject in hand, is, in our view, as well as in the view of dr. fisk. and prof. stuart, in the highest degree authoritative and instructive. "let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of god and his doctrines be not blasphemed. and they that have believing masters, let them not despise them because they are brethren; but rather do them service, because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit." [ ] [footnote : tim. vi. . . the following exposition of this passage is from the pen of elizur wright, jr.:-- "this word [greek: antilambanesthai] in our humble opinion, has been so unfairly used by the commentators, that we feel constrained to take its part. our excellent translators, in rendering the clause 'partakers of the benefit,' evidently lost sight of the component preposition, which expresses the _opposition of reciprocity_, rather than the _connection of participation_. they have given it exactly the sense of [greek: metalambanein], ( tim. ii. .) had the apostle intended such a sense, he would have used the latter verb, or one of the more common words, [greek: metochoi, koinonomtes, &c.] (see heb. iii. , and tim. v. , where the latter word is used in the clause, 'neither be partaker of other men's sins.' had the verb in our text been used, it might have been rendered, 'neither be the _part-taker_ of other men's sins.') the primary sense of [greek: antilambans] is _to take in return_--_to take instead of, &c._ hence, in the middle with the genitive, it signifies _assist_, or _do one's part towards_ the person or thing expressed by that genitive. in this sense only is the word used in the new testament,--(see luke i. , and acts, xx. .) if this be true, the word [greek: emsgesai] cannot signify the benefit conferred by the gospel, as our common version would make it, but the _well doing_ of the servants, who should continue to serve their believing masters, while they were no longer under the _yoke_ of compulsion. this word is used elsewhere in the new testament but once (acts. iv. .) in relation to the '_good deed_' done to the impotent man. the plain import of the clause, unmystified by the commentators, is, that believing masters would not fail to do their part towards, or encourage by suitable returns, the free service of those who had once been under the yoke."] . the apostle addresses himself here to two classes of servants, with instructions to each respectively appropriate. both the one class and the other, in professor stuart's eye, were slaves. this he assumes, and thus begs the very question in dispute. the term servant is generic, as used by the sacred writers. it comprehends all the various offices which men discharge for the benefit of each other, however honorable, or however menial; from that of an apostle[ ] opening the path to heaven, to that of washing "one another's feet."[ ] a general term it is, comprehending every office which belongs to human relations and christian character.[ ] [footnote : cor. iv. .] [footnote : john, xiii, .] [footnote : mat, xx, - .] a leading signification gives us the manual laborer, to whom, in the division of labor, muscular exertion was allotted. as in his exertions the bodily powers are especially employed--such powers as belong to man in common with mere animals--his sphere has generally been considered low and humble. and as intellectual power is superior to bodily, the manual laborer has always been exposed in very numerous ways and in various degrees to oppression. cunning, intrigue, the oily tongue, have, through extended and powerful conspiracies, brought the resources of society under the control of the few, who stood aloof from his homely toil. hence his dependence upon them. hence the multiplied injuries which have fallen so heavily upon him. hence the reduction of his wages from one degree to another, till at length, in the case of millions, fraud and violence strip him of his all, blot his name from the record of _mankind_, and, putting a yoke upon his neck, drive him away to toil among the cattle. _here you find the slave_. to reduce the servant to his condition, requires abuses altogether monstrous--injuries reaching the very vitals of man--stabs upon the very heart of humanity. now, what right has professor stuart to make the word "_servants_," comprehending, even as manual laborers, so many and such various meanings, signify "_slaves_," especially where different classes are concerned? such a right he could never have derived from humanity, or philosophy, or hermeneutics. it is his by sympathy with the oppressor? yes, different classes. this is implied in the term "as many,"[ ] which sets apart the class now to be addressed. from these he proceeds to others, who are introduced by a particle,[ ] whose natural meaning indicates the presence of another and a different subject. [footnote : [greek: ochli] see passow's schneider.] [footnote : [greek: dd.] see passow.] . the first class are described as "_under the yoke_"--a yoke from which they were, according to the apostle, to make their escape if possible.[ ] if not, they must in every way regard the master with respect--bowing to his authority, working his will, subserving his interests so far as might be consistent with christian character.[ ] and this, to prevent blasphemy--to prevent the pagan master from heaping profane reproaches upon the name of god and the doctrines of the gospel. they should beware of rousing his passions, which, as his helpless victims, they might be unable to allay or withstand. [footnote : see cor. vii, --[greek: all' ei kai dunasai eleuphoros genesthai].] [footnote : see cor. vii, --[greek: mae ginesthe doulos anthroton].] but all the servants whom the apostle addressed were not "_under the yoke_"[ ]--an instrument appropriate to cattle and to slaves. these he distinguishes from another class, who instead of a "yoke"--the badge of a slave--had "_believing masters_." _to have a "believing master," then, was equivalent to freedom from "the yoke_." these servants were exhorted not _to despise_ their masters. what need of such an exhortation, if their masters had been slaveholders, holding them as property, wielding them as mere instruments, disposing of them as "articles of merchandise." but this was not consistent with believing. faith, "breaking every yoke," united master and servants in the bonds of brotherhood. brethren they were, joined in a relation which, excluding the yoke,[ ] placed them side by side on the ground of equality, where, each in his appropriate sphere, they might exert themselves freely and usefully, to the mutual benefit of each other. here, servants might need to be cautioned against getting above their appropriate business, putting on airs, despising their masters, and thus declining or neglecting their service. [ ] instead of this, they should be, as emancipated slaves often have been, [ ] models of enterprise, fidelity, activity, and usefulness--especially as their masters were "worthy of their confidence and love," their helpers in this well-doing. [footnote : see lev. xxvi. ; isa lviii. , .] [footnote : supra p. .] [footnote : see mat. vi. .] [footnote : those, for instance, set free by that "believing master" james g. birney.] such, then, is the relation between those who, in the view of professor stuart, were christian masters and christian slaves [ ]--the relation of "brethren," which, excluding "the yoke," and of course conferring freedom, placed them side by side on the common ground of mutual service, both retaining, for convenience sake, the one while giving and the other while receiving employment, the correlative name, _as is usual in such cases_, under which they had been known. such was the instruction which timothy was required, as a christian minister, to give. was it friendly to slaveholding? [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, supra, p. .] and on what ground, according to the princeton professor, did these masters and these servants stand in their relation to each other? on that _of a "perfect religious equality."_[ ] in all the relations, duties, and privileges--in all the objects, interests, and prospects, which belong to the province of christianity, servants were as free as their master. the powers of the one, were allowed as wide a range and as free an exercise, with as warm encouragements, as active aids, and as high results, as the other. here, the relation of a servant to his master imposed no restrictions, involved no embarrassments, occasioned no injury. all this, clearly and certainly, is implied in "_perfect religious equality_," which the princeton professor accords to servants in relation to their master. might the _master_, then, in order more fully to attain the great ends for which he was created and redeemed, freely exert himself to increase his acquaintance with his own powers, and relations, and resources--with his prospects, opportunities, and advantages? so might his _servants_. was _he_ at liberty to "study to approve himself to god," to submit to his will and bow to his authority, as the sole standard of affection and exertion? so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty to sanctify the sabbath, and frequent the "solemn assembly?" so were _they_. was _he_ at liberty so to honor the filial, conjugal, and paternal relations, as to find in them that spring of activity and that source of enjoyment, which they are capable of yielding? so were _they_. in every department of interest and exertion, they might use their capacities, and wield their powers, and improve their opportunities, and employ their resources, as freely as he, in glorifying god, in blessing mankind, and in laying up imperishable treasures for themselves! give perfect religious equality to the american slave, and the most eager abolitionist must be satisfied. such equality would, like the breath of the almighty, dissolve the last link of the chain of servitude. dare those who, for the benefit of slavery, have given so wide and active a circulation to the pittsburg pamphlet, make the experiment? [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] in the epistle to the colossians, the following passage deserves earnest attention:--"servants, obey in all things your masters according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but in singleness of heart, fearing god: and whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to the lord, and not unto men; knowing, that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance; for ye serve the lord christ. but he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong which he hath done: and there is no respect of persons.--masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye have a master in heaven."[ ] [footnote : col. iii. to iv. .] here it is natural to remark-- . that in maintaining the relation, which mutually united them, both masters and servants were to act in conformity with the principles of the divine government. whatever _they_ did, servants were to do in hearty obedience to the lord, by whose authority they were to be controlled and by whose hand they were to be rewarded. to the same lord, and according to the same law, was the _master_ to hold himself responsible. _both the one and the other were of course equally at liberty and alike required to study and apply the standard, by which they were to be governed and judged_. . the basis of the government under which they thus were placed, was _righteousness_--strict, stern, impartial. nothing here of bias or antipathy. birth, wealth, station,--the dust of the balance not so light! both master and servants were hastening to a tribunal, where nothing of "respect of persons" could be feared or hoped for. there the wrong-doer, whoever he might be, and whether from the top or bottom of society, must be dealt with according to his deservings. . under this government, servants were to be universally and heartily obedient; and both in the presence and absence of the master, faithfully to discharge their obligations. the master on his part, in his relations to the servants, was to make justice and equality the _standard of his conduct_. under the authority of such instructions, slavery falls discountenanced, condemned, abhorred. it is flagrantly at war with the government of god, consists in "respect of persons" the most shameless and outrageous, treads justice and equality under foot, and in its natural tendency and practical effects is nothing else than a system of wrong-doing. what have _they_ to do with the just and the equal who in their "respect of persons" proceed to such a pitch as to treat one brother as a thing because he is a servant, and place him, without the least regard to his welfare here, or his prospects hereafter, absolutely at the disposal of another brother, under the name of master, in the relation of owner to property? justice and equality on the one hand, and the chattel principle on the other, are naturally subversive of each other--proof clear and decisive that the correlates, masters and servants, cannot here be rendered slaves and owners, without the grossest absurdity and the greatest violence. "servants, be obedient to them that are _your_ masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but as the servants of christ, doing the will of god from the heart; with good will doing service, as to the lord, and not to men: knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the lord, whether _he be_ bond or free. and, ye masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening: knowing that your master also is in heaven; neither is there respect of persons with him."[ ] [footnote : ephesians, vi. - .] without repeating here what has already been offered in exposition of kindred passages, it may be sufficient to say:-- . that the relation of the servants here addressed, to their master, was adapted to make him the object of their heart-felt attachment. otherwise they could not have been required to render him an affectionate service. . this relation demanded a perfect reciprocity of benefits. it had its soul in _good-will_, mutually cherished and properly expressed. hence "the same things," the same in principle, the same in substance, the same in their mutual bearing upon the welfare of the master and the servants, was to be rendered back and forth by the one and the other. it was clearly the relation of mutual service. do we here find the chattel principle? . of course, the servants might not be slack, time-serving, unfaithful. of course, the master must "forbear threatening." slavery without threatening! impossible. wherever maintained, it is of necessity a _system of threatening_, injecting into the bosom of the slave such terrors, as never cease for a moment to haunt and torment him. take from the chattel principle the support, which it derives from "threatening," and you annihilate it at once and forever. . this relation was to be maintained in accordance with the principles of the divine government, where "respect of persons" could not be admitted. it was, therefore, totally inconsistent with, and submissive of, the chattel principle, which in american slavery is developed in a system of "respect of persons," equally gross and hurtful. no abolitionist, however eager and determined in his opposition to slavery, could ask for more than these precepts, once obeyed, would be sure to confer. "the relation of slavery," according to professor stuart, is recognized in "the precepts of the new testament," as one which "may still exist without violating the christian faith or the church."[ ] slavery and the chattel principle! so our professor thinks; otherwise his reference has nothing to do with the subject--with the slavery which the abolitionist, whom he derides, stands opposed to. how gross and hurtful is the mistake into which he allows himself to fall. the relation recognized in the precepts of the new testament had its basis and support in "justice and equality;" the very opposite of the chattel principle; a relation which may exist as long as justice and equality remain, and thus escape the destruction to which, in the view of professor stuart, slavery is doomed. the description of paul obliterates every feature of american slavery, raising the servant to equality with his master, and placing his rights under the protection of justice; yet the eye of professor stuart can see nothing in his master and servant but a slave and his owner. with this relation he is so thoroughly possessed, that, like an evil angel, it haunts him even when he enters the temple of justice! [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, supra p. .] "it is remarkable," saith the princeton professor, "that there is not even an exhortation" in the writings of the apostles "to masters to liberate their slaves, much less is it urged as an imperative and immediate duty."[ ] it would be remarkable, indeed, if they were chargeable with a defect so great and glaring. and so they have nothing to say upon the subject? _that_ not even the princeton professor has the assurance to affirm. he admits that kindness, mercy, and justice, were enjoined with a _distinct reference to the government of god_.[ ] "without respect of persons," they were to be god-like in doing justice. they were to act the part of kind and merciful "brethren." and whither would this lead them? could they stop short of restoring to every man his natural, inalienable rights?--of doing what they could to redress the wrongs, sooth the sorrows, improve the character, and raise the condition of the degraded and oppressed? especially, if oppressed and degraded by any agency of theirs. could it be kind, merciful, or just to keep the chains of slavery on their helpless, unoffending brother? would this be to honor the golden rule, or obey the second great command of "their master in heaven?" could the apostles have subserved the cause of freedom more directly, intelligibly, and effectually, than _to enjoin the principles, and sentiments, and habits, in which freedom consists--constituting its living root and fruitful germ_! [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] the princeton professor himself, in the very paper which the south has so warmly welcomed and so loudly applauded as a scriptural defence of "the peculiar institution," maintains, that the "general principles of the gospel _have_ destroyed slavery _throughout the greater part of christendom_"[ ]--"that christianity has abolished both political and domestic bondage wherever it has had free scope--_that it_ enjoins _a fair compensation for labor; insists on the mental and intellectual improvement of_ all _classes of men; condemns_ all _infractions of marital or parental rights; requires, in short, not only that_ free scope _should be allowed to human improvement, but that_ all suitable means _should be employed for the attainment of that end_."[ ] it is indeed "remarkable," that while neither christ nor his apostles ever gave "an exhortation to masters to liberate their slaves," they enjoined such "general principles as have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of christendom;" that while christianity forbears "to urge" emancipation "as an imperative and immediate duty," it throws a barrier, heaven high, around every domestic circle; protects all the rights of the husband and the father; gives every laborer a fair compensation; and makes the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes, with free scope and all suitable means, the object of its tender solicitude and high authority. this is not only "remarkable," but inexplicable. yes and no--hot and cold, in one and the same breath! and yet these things stand prominent in what is reckoned an acute, ingenious, effective defence of slavery! [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. , .] [footnote : the same, p. .] in his letter to the corinthian church, the apostle paul furnishes another lesson of instruction, expressive of his views and feelings on the subject of slavery. "let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called. art thou called being a servant? care not for it; but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman: likewise also he that is called, being free, is christ's servant. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men." [ ] [footnote : cor. vii. - .] in explaining and applying this passage, it is proper to suggest: . that it _could_ not have been the object of the apostle to bind the corinthian converts to the stations and employments in which the gospel found them. for he exhorts some of them to escape, if possible, from their present condition. in the servile state, "under the yoke," they ought not to remain unless impelled by stern necessity. "if thou canst be free, use it rather." if they ought to prefer freedom to bondage and to exert themselves to escape from the latter for the sake of the former, could their master consistently with the claims and spirit of the gospel have hindered or discouraged them in so doing? their "brother" could _he_ be, who kept "the yoke" upon their neck, which the apostle would have them shake off if possible? and had such masters been members of the corinthian church, what inferences must they have drawn from this exhortation to their servants? that the apostle regarded slavery as a christian institution?--or could look complacently on any efforts to introduce or maintain it in the church? could they have expected less from him than a stern rebuke, if they refused to exert themselves in the cause of freedom? . but while they were to use their freedom, if they could obtain it, they should not, even on such a subject, give themselves up to ceaseless anxiety. "the lord was no respecter of persons." they need not fear, that the "low estate," to which they had been wickedly reduced, would prevent them from enjoying the gifts of his hand or the light of his countenance. _he_ would respect their rights, sooth their sorrows, and pour upon their hearts, and cherish there, the spirit of liberty. "for he that is called in the lord, being a servant, is the lord's freeman." in _him_, therefore, should they cheerfully confide. . the apostle, however, forbids them so to acquiesce in the servile relation, as to act inconsistently with their christian obligations. to their savior they belonged. by his blood they had been purchased. it should be their great object, therefore, to render _him_ a hearty and effective service. they should permit no man, whoever he might be, to thrust in himself between them and their redeemer. "_ye are bought with a price_; be not ye the servants of men." with his eye upon the passage just quoted and explained, the princeton professor asserts that "paul represents this relation"--the relation of slavery--"as of comparatively little account."[ ] and this he applies--otherwise it is nothing to his purpose--to _american_ slavery. does he then regard it as a small matter, a mere trifle, to be thrown under the slave-laws of this republic, grimly and fiercely excluding their victim from almost every means of improvement, and field of usefulness, and source of comfort; and making him, body and substance, with his wife and babes, "the servant of men?" could such a relation be acquiesced in consistently with the instructions of the apostle? [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] to the princeton professor we commend a practical trial of the bearing of the passage in hand upon american slavery. his regard for the unity and prosperity of the ecclesiastical organizations, which in various forms and under different names, unite the southern with the northern churches, will make the experiment grateful to his feelings. let him, then, as soon as his convenience will permit, proceed to georgia. no religious teacher [ ] from any free state, can be likely to receive so general and so warm a welcome there. to allay the heat, which the doctrines and movements of the abolitionists have occasioned in the southern mind, let him with as much despatch as possible, collect, as he goes from place to place, masters and their slaves. now let all men, whom it may concern, see and own that slavery is a christian institution! with his bible in his hand and his eye upon the passage in question, he addresses himself to the task of instructing the slaves around him. let not your hearts, my brethren, be overcharged with sorrow, or eaten up with anxiety. your servile condition cannot deprive you of the fatherly regards of him "who is no respecter of persons." freedom you ought, indeed, to prefer. if you can escape from "the yoke," throw it off. in the mean time rejoice that "where the spirit of the lord is, there is liberty;" that the gospel places slaves "on a perfect religious equality" with their master; so that every christian is "the lord's freeman." and, for your encouragement, remember that "christianity has abolished both political and domestic servitude wherever it has had free scope. it enjoins a fair compensation for labor; it insists on the moral and intellectual improvement of all classes of men; it condemns all infractions of marital or parental rights; in short it requires not only that free scope be allowed to human improvement, but that all suitable means should be employed for the attainment of that end." [ ] let your lives, then, be honorable to your relations to your savior. he bought you with his own blood; and is entitled to your warmest love and most effective service. "be not ye the servants of men." let no human arrangements prevent you, as citizens of the kingdom of heaven, from making the most of your powers and opportunities. would such an effort, generally and heartily made, allay excitement at the south, and quench the flames of discord, every day rising higher and waxing hotter, in almost every part of the republic, and cement "the union?" [footnote : rev. mr. savage, of utica, new york, had, not very long ago, a free conversation with a gentleman of high standing in the literary and religious world from a slaveholding state, where the "peculiar institution" is cherished with great warmth and maintained with iron rigor. by him, mr. savage was assured, that the princeton professor had, through the pittsburg pamphlet, contributed most powerfully and effectually to bring the "whole south" under the persuasion, _that slaveholding is in itself right_--a system _to which the bible gives countenance and support_. in an extract from an article in the southern christian sentinel, a new presbyterian paper established in charleston, south carolina, and inserted in the christian journal for march , , we find the following paragraphs from the pen of rev. c.w. howard, and, according to mr. chester, ably and freely endorsed by the editor. "there is scarcely any diversity of sentiment at the north upon this subject. the great mass of the people, believing slavery to be sinful, are clearly of the opinion that, as a system, it should be abolished throughout this land and throughout the world. they differ as to the time and mode of abolition. the abolitionists consistently argue, that whatever is sinful should be instantly abandoned. the others, _by a strange sort of reasoning for christian men_, contend that though slavery is sinful, _yet it may be allowed to exist until it shall he expedient to abolish it_; or, if, in many cases, this reasoning might be translated into plain english, the sense would be, both in church and state, _slavery, though sinful, may be allowed to exist until our interest will suffer us to say that it must be abolished_. this is not slander; it is simply a plain way of stating a plain truth. it does seem the evident duty of every man to become an abolitionist, who believes slavery to be sinful, for the bible allows no tampering with sin. "to these remarks, there are some noble exceptions, to be found in both parties in the church. _the south owes a debt of gratitude to the biblical repertory, for the fearless argument in behalf of the position, that slavery is not forbidden by the bible_. the writer of that article is said, without contradiction, to be _professor hodge, of princeton_--his name ought to be known and revered among you, _my brethren, for in a land of anti-slavery men, he is the_ only one _who has dared to vindicate your character from the serious charge of living in the habitual transgression of god's holy law_."] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] "it is," affirms the princeton professor, "on all hands acknowledged, that, at the time of the advent of jesus christ, slavery in its worst forms prevailed over the whole world. _the savior found it around him_ in judea."[ ] to say that he found it _in judea_, is to speak ambiguously. many things were to be found "_in_ judea," which neither belonged to, nor were characteristic of _the jews_. it is not denied that _the gentiles_, who resided among them, might have had slaves; _but of the jews this is denied_. how could the professor take that as granted, the proof of which entered vitally into the argument and was essential to the soundness of the conclusions to which he would conduct us? how could he take advantage of an ambiguous expression to conduct his confiding readers on to a position which, if his own eyes were open, he must have known they could not hold in the light of open day! [footnote : the same, p. ] we do not charge the savior with any want of wisdom, goodness, or courage,[ ] for refusing to "break down the wall of partition between jews and gentiles" "before the time appointed." while this barrier stood, he could not, consistently with the plan of redemption, impart instruction freely to the gentiles. to some extent, and on extraordinary occasions, he might have done so. but his business then was with "the lost sheep of the house of israel." [ ] the propriety of this arrangement is not the matter of dispute between the princeton professor and ourselves. [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : matt. xv. .] in disposing of the question whether the jews held slaves during our savior's incarnation among them, the following points deserve earnest attention:-- . slaveholding is inconsistent with the mosaic economy. for the proof of this, we would refer our readers, among other arguments more or less appropriate and powerful, to the tract already alluded to.[ ] in all the external relations and visible arrangements of life, the jews, during our savior's ministry among them, seem to have been scrupulously observant of the institutions and usages of the "old dispensation." they stood far aloof from whatever was characteristic of samaritans and gentiles. from idolatry and slaveholding--those twin-vices which had always so greatly prevailed among the heathen--they seem at length, as the result of a most painful discipline, to have been effectually divorced. [footnote : "the bible against slavery."] . while, therefore, john the baptist; with marked fidelity and great power, acted among the jews the part of a _reprover_, he found no occasion to repeat and apply the language of his predecessors,[ ] in exposing and rebuking idolatry and slaveholding. could he, the greatest of the prophets, have been less effectually aroused by the presence of "the yoke," than was isaiah?--or less intrepid and decisive in exposing and denouncing the sin of oppression under its most hateful and injurious forms? [footnote : psalm lxxxii; isa. lviii. - jer. xxii. - .] . the savior was not backward in applying his own principles plainly and pointedly to such forms of oppression as appeared among the jews. these principles, whenever they have been freely acted on, the princeton professor admits, have abolished domestic bondage. had this prevailed within the sphere of our savior's ministry, he could not, consistently with his general character, have failed to expose and condemn it. the oppression of the people by lordly ecclesiastics, of parents by their selfish children, of widows by their ghostly counsellors, drew from his lips scorching rebukes and terrible denunciations.[ ] how, then, must he have felt and spoke in the presence of such tyranny, if _such tyranny had been within his official sphere_, as should _have made widows_, by driving their husbands to some flesh-market, and their children not orphans, _but cattle_? [footnote : matt. xxiii; mark, vii. - .] . domestic slavery was manifestly inconsistent with the _industry_, which, _in the form of manual labor_, so generally prevailed among the jews. in one connection, in the acts of the apostles, we are informed, that, coming from athens to corinth, paul "found a certain jew, named aquila, born in pontus, lately come from italy, with his wife priscilla; (because that claudius had commanded all jews to depart from rome;) and came unto them. and because he was of the same craft, he abode with them and wrought: (for by their occupation they were tent-makers.")[ ] this passage has opened the way for different commentators to refer us to the public sentiment and general practice of the jews respecting useful industry and manual labor. according to _lightfoot_, "it was their custom to bring up their children to some trade, yea, though they gave them learning or estates." according to rabbi judah, "he that teaches not his son a trade, is as if he taught him to be a thief."[ ] it was, _kuinoel_ affirms, customary even for jewish teachers to unite labor (opificium) with the study of the law. this he confirms by the highest rabbinical authority.[ ] _heinrichs_ quotes a rabbi as teaching, that no man should by any means neglect to train his son to honest industry.[ ] accordingly, the apostle paul, though brought up at the "feet of gamaliel," the distinguished disciple of a most illustrious teacher, practised the art of tent-making. his own hands ministered to his necessities; and his example is so doing, he commends to his gentile brethren for their imitation.[ ] that zebedee, the father of john the evangelist, had wealth, various hints in the new testament render probable.[ ] yet how do we find him and his sons, while prosecuting their appropriate business? in the midst of the hired servants, "in the ship mending their nets."[ ] [footnote : acts, xviii. - .] [footnote : henry on acts, xviii. - .] [footnote : kuinoel on acts.] [footnote : heinrichs on acts.] [footnote : acts, xx. , ; thess. iv. .] [footnote : see kuinoel's prolegom. to the gospel of john.] [footnote : mark, i. , .] slavery among a people who, from the highest to the lowest, were used to manual labor! what occasion for slavery there? and how could it be maintained? no place can be found for slavery among a people generally inured to useful industry. with such, especially if men of learning, wealth, and station, "labor, working with their hands," such labor must be honorable. on this subject, let jewish maxims and jewish habits be adopted at the south, and the "peculiar institution" would vanish like a ghost at daybreak. . another hint, here deserving particular attention, is furnished in the allusions of the new testament to the lowest casts and most servile employments among the jews. with profligates, _publicans_ were joined as depraved and contemptible. the outcasts of society were described, not as fit to herd with slaves, but as deserving a place among samaritans and publicans. they were "_hired servants_," whom zebedee employed. in the parable of the prodigal son we have a wealthy jewish family. here servants seem to have abounded. the prodigal, bitterly bewailing his wretchedness and folly, described their condition as greatly superior to his own. how happy the change which should place him by their side? his remorse, and shame, and penitence made him willing to embrace the lot of the lowest of them all. but these--what was their condition? they were hired servants. "make me as one of thy hired servants." such he refers to as the lowest menials known in jewish life. lay such hints as have now been suggested together; let it be remembered, that slavery was inconsistent with the mosaic economy; that john the baptist in preparing the way for the messiah makes no reference "to the yoke" which, had it been before him, he would, like isaiah, have condemned; that the savior, while he took the part of the poor and sympathized with the oppressed, was evidently spared the pain of witnessing within the sphere of his ministry, the presence, of the chattel principle, that it was the habit of the jews, whoever they might be, high or low, rich or poor, learned or rude, "to labor, working with their hands;" and that where reference was had to the most menial employments, in families, they were described as carried on by hired servants; and the question of slavery "in judea," so far as the seed of abraham were concerned, is very easily disposed of. with every phase and form of society among them slavery was inconsistent. the position which, in the article so often referred to in this paper, the princeton professor takes, is sufficiently remarkable. northern abolitionists he saw in an earnest struggle with southern slaveholders. the present welfare and future happiness of myriads of the human family were at stake in this contest. in the heat of the battle, he throws himself between the belligerent powers. he gives the abolitionists to understand, that they are quite mistaken in the character of the objections they have set themselves so openly and sternly against. slaveholding is not, as they suppose, contrary to the law of god. it was witnessed by the savior "in its worst forms"[ ] without extorting from his laps a syllable of rebuke. "the sacred writers did not condemn it." [ ] and why should they? by a definition[ ] sufficiently ambiguous and slippery, he undertakes to set forth a form of slavery which he looks upon as consistent with the law of righteousness. from this definition he infers that the abolitionists are greatly to blame for maintaining that american slavery is inherently and essentially sinful, and for insisting that it ought at once to be abolished. for this labor of love the slaveholding south is warmly grateful and applauds its reverend ally, as if a very daniel had come as their advocate to judgment.[ ] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] [footnote : the same, p. .] [footnote : supra, p. .] a few questions, briefly put, may not here be inappropriate. . was the form of slavery which our professor pronounces innocent _the form_ witnessed by our savior "in judea?" that, _he_ will by no means admit. the slavery there was, he affirms, of the "worst" kind. _how then does he account for the alleged silence of the savior?--a silence covering the essence and the form--the institution and its "worst" abuses_? . is the slaveholding, which, according to the princeton professor, christianity justifies, the same as that which the abolitionists so earnestly wish to see abolished? let us see. _christianity in supporting slavery, _the american system for according to professor hodge_, supporting slavery_, "enjoins a fair compensation for makes compensation labor" impossible by reducing the laborer to a chattel. "it insists on the moral and it sternly forbids its intellectual improvement of all victim to learn to read classes of men" even the name of his creator and redeemer. "it condemns all infractions of it outlaws the conjugal marital or parental rights." and parental relations. "it requires that free scope it forbids any effort, on should be allowed to human the part of myriads of the improvement." human family, to improve their character, condition, and prospects. "it requires that all suitable it inflicts heavy means should be employed to improve penalties for teaching mankind" letters to the poorest of the poor. "wherever it has had free scope, wherever it has free it has abolished domestic bondage." scope, it perpetuates domestic bondage. _now it is slavery according to the american system_ that the abolitionists are set against. _of the existence of any_ such form of slavery as is consistent with professor hodge's account of the requisitions of christianity, they know nothing. it has never met their notice, and of course, has never roused their feelings or called forth their exertions. what, then, have _they_ to do with the censures and reproaches which the princeton professor deals around? let those who have leisure and good nature protect the man of _straw_ he is so hot against. the abolitionists have other business. it is not the figment of some sickly brain; but that system of oppression which in theory is corrupting, and in practice destroying both church and state;--it is this that they feel pledged to do battle upon, till by the just judgment of almighty god it is thrown, dead and damned, into the bottomless abyss. . _how can the south feel itself protected by any shield which may be thrown over_ such slavery, _as may be consistent with what the princeton professor describes as the requisitions of christianity_? is _this_ the _slavery_ which their laws describe, and their hands maintain? "fair compensation for labor"--"marital and parental rights"--"free scope" and "all suitable means" for the "improvement, moral and intellectual, of all classes of men;"--are these, according to the statutes of the south, among the objects of slaveholding legislation? every body knows that any such requisitions and american slavery are flatly opposed to and directly subversive of each other. what service, then, has the princeton professor, with all his ingenuity and all his zeal, rendered the "peculiar institution?" their gratitude must be of a stamp and complexion quite peculiar, if they can thank him for throwing their "domestic system" under the weight of such christian requisitions as must at once crush its snaky head "and grind it to powder." and what, moreover, is the bearing of the christian requisitions, which professor hodge quotes, upon the definition of slavery which he has elaborated? "all the ideas which necessarily enter into the definition of slavery are, deprivation of personal liberty, obligation of service at the discretion of another, and the transferable character of the authority and claim of service of the master."[ ] [footnote : pittsburg pamphlet p. .] _according to professor hodge's _according to professor hodge's account of the definition of slavery_, requisitions of christianity_, the spring of effort in the the laborer must serve at the laborer is a fair compensation. discretion of another. free scope must be given for he is deprived of personal his moral and intellectual liberty--the necessary condition, improvement. and living soul of improvement, without which he has no control of either intellect or morals. his rights as a husband and the authority and claims of the a father are to be protected. master may throw an ocean between him and his family, and separate them from each other's presence at any moment and forever. christianity, then, requires such slavery as professor hodge so cunningly defines, to be abolished. it was well provided for the peace of the respective parties, that he placed _his definition_ so far from _the requisitions of christianity_. had he brought them into each other's presence, their natural and invincible antipathy to each other would have broken out into open and exterminating warfare. but why should we delay longer upon an argument which is based on gross and monstrous sophistry? it can mislead only such as _wish_ to be misled. the lovers of sunlight are in little danger of rushing into the professor's dungeon. those who, having something to conceal, covet darkness, can find it there, to their heart's content. the hour cannot be far away, when upright and reflective minds at the south will be astonished at the blindness which could welcome such protection as the princeton argument offers to the slaveholder. but _professor stuart_ must not be forgotten. in his celebrated letter to dr. fisk, he affirms that "_paul did not expect slavery to be ousted in a day_."[ ] _did not_ expect! what then! are the _requisitions_ of christianity adapted to any expectations which in any quarter and on any ground might have risen to human consciousness? and are we to interpret the _precepts_ of the gospel by the expectations of paul? the savior commanded all men every where to repent, and this, though "paul did not expect" that human wickedness, in its ten thousand forms would in any community "be ousted in a day." expectations are one thing; requisitions quite another. [footnote : supra, p. .] in the mean time, while expectation waited, paul, the professor adds, "gave precepts to christians respecting their demeanor." _that_ he did. of what character were these precepts? must they not have been in harmony with the golden rule? but this, according to professor stuart, "decides against the righteousness of slavery" even as a "theory." accordingly, christians were required, _without respect of persons_, to do each other justice--to maintain equality as common ground for all to stand upon--to cherish and express in all their intercourse that tender love and disinterested charity which one _brother_ naturally feels for another. these were the "ad interim precepts."[ ] which cannot fail, if obeyed, to cut up slavery, "root and branch," at once and forever. [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, p. .] professor stuart comforts us with the assurance that "_christianity will ultimately certainly destroy slavery_." of this _we_ have not the feeblest doubt. but how could _he_ admit a persuasion and utter a prediction so much at war with the doctrine he maintains, that "_slavery may exist without_ violating the christian faith or the church?"[ ] what, christianity bent on the destruction of an ancient and cherished institution which hurts neither her character nor condition?[ ] why not correct its abuses and purify its spirit; and shedding upon it her own beauty, preserve it, as a living trophy of her reformatory power? whence the discovery that, in her onward progress, she would trample down and destroy what was no way hurtful to her? this is to be _aggressive_ with a witness. far be it from the judge of all the earth to whelm the innocent and guilty in the same destruction! in aid of professor stuart, in the rude and scarcely covert attack which he makes upon himself, we maintain that christianity will certainly destroy slavery on account of its inherent wickedness--its malignant temper--its deadly effects--its constitutional, insolent, and unmitigable opposition to the authority of god and the welfare of man. [footnote : letter to dr. fisk, p. .] [footnote : professor stuart applies here the words, _salva fide et salva ecclesia_.] "christianity will _ultimately_ destroy slavery." "ultimately!" what meaneth that portentous word? to what limit of remotest time, concealed in the darkness of futurity, may it look? tell us, o watchman, on the hill of andover. almost nineteen centuries have rolled over this world of wrong and outrage--and yet we tremble in the presence of a form of slavery whose breath is poison, whose fang is death! if any one of the incidents of slavery should fall, but for a single day, upon the head of the prophet, who dipped his pen in such cold blood, to write that word "ultimately," how, under the sufferings of the first tedious hour, would he break out in the lamentable cry, "how _long_, o lord, how long!" in the agony of beholding a wife or daughter upon the table of the auctioneer, while every bid fell upon his heart like the groan of despair, small comfort would he find in the dull assurance of some heartless prophet, quite at "ease in zion," that "ultimately _christianity would destroy slavery_." as the hammer falls, and the beloved of his soul, all helpless and most wretched, is borne away to the haunts of _legalized_ debauchery, his hearts turns to stone, while the cry dies upon his lips, "_how_ long, _o lord_, how long!" "_ultimately_!" in _what circumstances_ does professor stuart assure himself that christianity will destroy slavery? are we, as american citizens, under the sceptre of a nero? when, as integral parts of this republic--as living members of this community, did we forfeit the prerogatives of _freemen_? have we not the right to speak and act as wielding the powers which the privileges of self-government has put in our possession? and without asking leave of priest or statesman of the north or the south, may we not make the most of the freedom which we enjoy under the guaranty of the ordinances of heaven and the constitution of our country! can we expect to see christianity on higher vantage-ground than in this country she stands upon? in the midst of a republic based on the principle of the equality of mankind, where every christian, as vitally connected with the state, freely wields the highest political rights and enjoys the richest political privileges; where the unanimous demand of one-half of the members of the churches would be promptly met in the abolition of slavery, what "_ultimately_" must christianity here wait for before she crushes the chattel principle beneath her heel? her triumph over slavery is retarded by nothing but the corruption and defection so widely spread through the "sacramental host" beneath her banners! let her voice be heard and her energies exerted, and the _ultimately_ of the "dark spirit of slavery" would at once give place to the _immediately_ of the avenger of the poor. no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * disunion. address of the american anti-slavery society and f. jackson's letter on the pro-slavery character of the constitution new york: american anti-slavery society. nassau street. . boston: printed by david h. ela, no. , cornhill. address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society to friends of freedom and emancipation in the u. states. at the tenth anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, held in the city of new-york, may th, ,--after grave deliberation, and a long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to god, require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that the motto inscribed on the banner of freedom should be, no union with slaveholders; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights, or the promotion of the interests of liberty; and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to compromise the principles of justice and humanity. a decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the american society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. this is due not only to the society, but also to the country and the world. it is declared by the american people to be a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." it is further maintained by them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." these doctrines the patriots of sealed with their blood. they would not brook even the menace of oppression. they held that there should be no delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments of power on their liberties. appealing to the great ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free. for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their deeds, and glory in their triumphs. it is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind. we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound heart. a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation. to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists. but, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it. we charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human blood. we charge upon the american constitution, that it contains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey to another. we charge upon the existing national government, that it is an insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of american slavery. these charges we proceed briefly to establish: i. it is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt,--that the american union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding states; in other words, by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by depriving the north of equal rights and privileges, and by incorporating the slave system into the government. in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"--null and void before god, from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and the supporters of which are equally guilty. it was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that, without such a compromise there could have been no union; that, without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic. to this we reply: the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical. it is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. it is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration. it is at war with the government of god, and subversive of the foundations of morality. it is to make lies our refuge, and under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the overflowing scourge. "therefore, thus saith the lord god, judgment will i lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the bail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place." moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not spare." this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since god said, "let there by light." it assumes that to be practicable, which is impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with injustice, and safety with blood guiltiness. a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. a partnership between right and wrong, is wholly wrong. a compromise of the principles of justice, is the deification of crime. better that the american union had never been formed, than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! if they were guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! if it was sinful at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its corruption? the fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union, rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country, to the prostration of northern rights. in the just use of words, the american union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world. how then can it be innocently sustained? it is not certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother country would have reconquered the colonies. the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of england. ii. the american constitution is the exponent of the national compact. we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that, in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. it is not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. it is not a form of words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may determine. _it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant_--nothing more, nothing less, _as a matter of bargain and compromise_. even if it can be construed to mean something else, without violence to its language, such construction is not to be tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. no just or honest use of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to serve under it_. to the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be found in the constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of slavery; and that these were adopted _in good faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected_. on this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. if it be objected, that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties, _whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_; and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because they are immoral_, and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one can innocently swear to support the constitution. again, if it be objected, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity: and therefore, it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is _not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of the country_. moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the united states. the words, "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the white population. "to promote the general welfare," referred to their own welfare exclusively. "to establish justice," was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of slavery. this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument, and by their own practice under it. we would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. it is absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. as truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from the american soil! the truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty _to themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose. they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy; and though _in words_ they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they continually denied it. they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. why, then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses. _why cling to the falsehood, that they were not respecters of persons in the formation of the government_? alas! that they had no more fear of god, no more regard for man, in their hearts! "the iniquity of the house of israel and judah [the north and south] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the lord hath forsaken the earth, and the lord seeth not." we proceed to a critical examination of the american constitution, in its relations to slavery. in article , section , it is declared--"the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." in this section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to mean that there should be no interference with the african slave trade, on the part of the general government, until the year . for twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, the citizens of the united states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships, populating the atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its termination, congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy, yet all christendom knows that the american flag, instead of being the terror of the african slavers, has given them the most ample protection. the manner in which the th section was agreed to, by the national convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the hon. luther martin,[ ] who was a prominent member of that body: "the eastern states, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!) _were very willing to indulge the southern states_ at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the southern states would, in the return, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted." behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity, on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth! it is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not adopted "without considerable opposition." alluding to it, mr. martin observes-- [footnote : speech before the legislature of maryland in .] "it was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature has entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only of putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that god whose protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally the lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor _african slave_ and his _american master_![ ] [footnote : how terribly and justly has this guilty nation been scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the slave trade! secret proceedings, p. .] "it was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in any state, in the same proportion is the state weakened and exposed to foreign invasion and domestic insurrection: and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much, want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. "it was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the general government power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest. "these reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system."[ ] [footnote : secret proceedings, p. .] happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the constitution! but for the sake of securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may come, and to make the end sanctify the means. they were willing to enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. they did this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of god. "the eastern states were very willing to _indulge_ the southern states" in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_ by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!--had there been no other provision of the constitution justly liable to objection, this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their creator, and to each other. it was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one who partook of it. if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be _constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the constitution, at the pleasure of congress, whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of southern opposition to emancipation. it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was, that the traffic _should cease_ in ; but the only thing secured by it was, the _right_ of congress (not any obligation) to prohibit it at that period. if, therefore, congress had not chosen to exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely, under the constitution_. the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it. true, there is no probability that the african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due the framers of the constitution on this ground; for, while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition_. again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"--namely, that the parties to the constitution regarded only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set forth_. while, therefore, the constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. for it avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law of god and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory. whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_ obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. the object of the constitution is not to define _what is the law of god_, but what is the will of the people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them. article , sect. , provides--"representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_." here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the african slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at the present time, enables the south to have twenty-five additional representatives in congress on the score of _property_, while the north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, aid then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding states. referring to this atrocious bargain, alexander hamilton remarked in the new york convention-- "the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own: whether this is _reasoning_ or _declamation_, (!!) i will not presume to say. it is the _unfortunate_ situation of the southern states to have a great part of their population, as well as _property_, in blacks. the regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of accommodation_ which governed the convention; and without this _indulgence_, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them it is entirely just that they should be _gratified_--the southern states possess certain staples,--tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be _capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout the united states." if such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of alexander hamilton, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing american independence, and in framing the american constitution? listen, now, to the opinions of john quincy adams, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:-- "'in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.'--'is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes.'--'it was _one_ of the curses from that pandora's box, adjusted at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the south, and to aggravate the burdens of the north.'--'if there be a parallel to it in human history, it can only be that of the roman emperors, who, from the days when julius caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic, among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was that of tribune of the people. a roman emperor tribune of the people, is an exact parallel to that feature in the constitution of the united states which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'the constitution of the united states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states. the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of privileged orders of men. but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves, in the hall of this house, in the chair of the senate, and in the presidential mansion?'--'this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six states of the union, constitutes a privileged order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility ever known. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. to call it an aristocracy, is to do injustice to that form of government. aristocracy is the government of _the best_. its standard qualification for accession to power _is merit_, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals of time. if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny, what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves? it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. it was introduced into the constitution of the united states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons. little did the members of the convention from the free states foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession.'--'the house of representatives of the united states consists of members--all, by the _letter_ of the constitution, representatives only of _persons_, as of them really are; but the other , equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the _property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. each of these members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw,'--'here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. by the influence of slavery, in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the members of the federal senate, are owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest as the members elected by them to the house.'--'by this process it is that all political power in the states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of _wrong_.--its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.--the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states.--the biennial register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the union. if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders.'" it is confessed by mr. adams, alluding to the national convention that framed the constitution, that "the delegation from the free states, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the southern slaveholder, did listen to a _compromise between right and wrong_--_between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign, and indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the north american union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence." hence, to swear to support the constitution of the united states, _as it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage war against human liberty. it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators, _incorrigible men-stealers_, merciless tyrants, blood thirsty assassins, who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they threaten to murder any northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their _rights_! they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance. to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation, is nothing short of insanity. article iv., section , declares,--"no person held to service or labor in one state, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves. it alone makes slavery a national institution, a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. this agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the north. under the mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." the warning which the prophet isaiah gave to oppressing moab was of a similar kind: "take counsel, execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. let mine outcasts dwell with thee, moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." the prophet obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation:--"for thy violence against thy brother jacob, shame shall come over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that did remain_, in the day of distress." how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of edom by the same prophet! "the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee, thou whose habitation is high; that sayeth in thy heart, who shall bring me down to the ground? though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will i bring thee down, saith the lord." the emblem of american pride and power is the _eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_. her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and her defiance of the almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness of edom. what shall be her punishment? truly, it may be affirmed of the american people, (who live not under the levitical but christian code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"they all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said, --"this is a people robbed and spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, restore." by this stipulation, the northern states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them. at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find, throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in safety, _in consequence of this provision of the constitution_? how is it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population? it is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. this indicates either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. james madison as one of the framers of the constitution, is of some authority on this point. alluding to that instrument, in the virginia convention, he said:-- "another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. at present, if any slave elopes to those states where slaves are free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the states are _uncharitable_(!) to one another in this respect; but in this constitution, 'no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor away be due. this clause was expressly inserted to enable the owners of slaves to reclaim them. _this is a better security than any that now exists_. no power is given to the general government to interfere with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states." in the same convention, alluding to the same clause, gov. randolph said:-- "every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. and, when authority is given to owners of slaves to _vindicate their property_, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?" it is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. but this is criticism against fact. slaves are recognized not merely as property, but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal. this is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a paradox--the american constitution is a paradox--the american union is a paradox--the american government is a paradox; and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. after the independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of god exhorted the people, saying, "execute true judgment, and show mercy and compassion every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. but they refused to hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone." "shall i not visit for these things? saith the lord. shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?" whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor, must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the supreme court of the united states, in the case of prigg versus the state of pennsylvania. by that decision, any southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the south, without hindrance or molestation on the part of the state, and without any legal process duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if, when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival south, they cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is sealed! hence the free colored population of the north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on southern plantations, and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey. as soon as that appalling decision of the supreme court was enunciated, in the name of the constitution, the people of the north should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty. in the th sect. of art. iv., the united states guarantee to protect every state in the union "_against domestic violence_." by the th section of article ., congress is empowered "to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, _suppress insurrections_, and repel invasions." these provisions, however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population, were adopted with special reference to the slave population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and the south left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would unquestionably be successful. says mr. madison, respecting these clauses:-- "on application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be, the militia of the other states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections. does this bar the states from calling forth their own militia? no; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence." the answer to patrick henry's objection, as urged against the constitution in the virginia convention, that there was no power left to the states to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly vested in congress, george nicholas asked:-- "have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first part gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no! but _it gives an additional security_; for, beside the power in the state government to use their own militia, it will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them with the strength of the union, when called for." this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all the people. in consequence of it, that system has multiplied its victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave states have been admitted into the union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of american commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved, lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture, have been over awed and crushed,--or, whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government; as, for example, in the case of nat turner's insurrection in virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service. cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of florida. a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the florida indians, because they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars. but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address. we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the north and the south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with god and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be immediately annulled. in behalf of the society which we represent, we call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey god rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to unite with us under the stainless banner of liberty, having for its motto--"equal rights for all--no union with slaveholders!" it is pleaded that the constitution provides for its own amendment; and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object. true, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that instrument is binding as it stands. is it not to violate every moral instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be amended in these particulars? let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to promote a good object, as to interpret the constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation, acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. if, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still asserted, that the constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted liberty replies:--"what though the assertion be true? of what avail is a mere piece of parchment? in itself, though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of heaven--it is powerless; it has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though beautiful in death. i am famishing for lack of bread! how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? i am manacled, wounded, bleeding dying! what consolation is it to know, that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my friends?" if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us! would such tameness and submission have freighted the may-flower for plymouth rock? would it have resisted the stamp act, the tea tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the british government sought to rive the liberties of america? the wheel of the revolution would have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed--"_why, what is done cannot be undone_. that is the first thought." no, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it never entered their minds at all. they sprang to the conclusion at once--"_what is done_ shall _be undone_. that is our first and only thought." "is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and famous bunker hill? the debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn?" "gray plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb; and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!" it is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne. it matters not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical. we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the dust. as citizens of the state, we appeal to the state in vain for protection and redress. as citizens of the united states, we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national government consents to our destruction. we are denied the right of locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen states of the union. if we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to travel south of mason and dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. if we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave states, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! these are appalling and undeniable facts. three millions of the american people are crushed under the american union! they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on our limbs, their cause is ours! the union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it! the constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! our motto is, "no union with slaveholders," either religious or political. they are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of god! we separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--o no! but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey god and vindicate the gospel of his son--hasten the downfall of slavery in america, and throughout the world! we are not acting under a blind impulse. we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. it will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives. we shall be ridiculed as fools, accused as visionaries, branded as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished as traitors. but we shall bide our time. whether safety or peril, whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position is sublime and glorious, that our faith in god is rational and steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely, that we are in the right, we shall not falter nor be dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to the number of "three hundred men." freemen! are you ready for the conflict? come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government, and declare your independence? up, then, with the banner of revolution! not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons! no--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_ blood be shed--for we aim, as did christ our leader, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth! secede, then, from the government. submit to its exactions, but pay it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. fill no offices under it. send no senators or representatives to the national or state legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you cannot ask another to perform as your agent. circulate a declaration of disunion from slaveholders, throughout the country. hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast! do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? what did the crucified nazarene do without the elective franchise? what did the apostles do? what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do? what did luther and his intrepid associates do? what can women and children do? what has father mathew done for teetotalism? what has daniel o'connell done for irish repeal? "stand, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of god! the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the united states, let time determine. it would be a waste of time to argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. in ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. what is now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--first, to create discussion and agitation throughout the north; and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance. secondly, to convulse the slumbering south like an earthquake, and convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety. thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and to carry the battle to the gate. fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it. we reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the american union, we have the god of justice with us. we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us. we are confident that all free hearts will be with us. we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us. in behalf of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, wm. lloyd garrison, _president_. wendell phillips, } _secretaries_. maria weston chapman, } _boston, may_ , . * * * * * letter from francis jackson. boston, th july, _to his excellency george n. briggs_: sir--many years since, i received from the executive of the commonwealth a commission as justice of the peace. i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found it a convenience to myself, and others. it might continue to be so, could i consent longer to hold it. but paramount considerations forbid, and i herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully asking you to accept my resignation. while i deem it a duty to myself to take this step, i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me. in entering upon the duties of the office in question, i complied with the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the constitution of the united states_." i regret that i ever took that oath. had i then as maturely considered its full import, and the obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who take it, as i have done since, i certainly never would have taken it, seeing, as i now do, that the constitution of the united states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold and perpetuate _slavery_. it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding states choose to retain it. it regards the slave code as lawful in the states which enact it. still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never before done for african slavery. it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution, spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and thus gave to slavery a national existence." consequently, the oath to support the constitution of the united states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of god. i am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. i only say, that _i_ would not now deliberately take it; and that, having inconsiderately taken it, i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul. i take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the commission, which was the occasion of my taking it. i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular, if not censurable; and i must, therefore, be allowed to make a more specific statement of those _provisions of the constitution_ which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery. the very first article of the constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the national legislature. it regards slaves under the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen. but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that by the laws of all the states where they live, they are regarded not as _persons_; but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of this provision of the constitution is, to take legislative power out of the hands of _men_, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels. fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the smallest number that shall send one member into the house of representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave state thus: to a congressional district in south carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred apiece, it gives one representative in congress; to a district in massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred, one representative is assigned. but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in carolina form no part of "the constituency;" that is found only in the five hundred free persons. five hundred freemen of carolina could send one representative to congress, while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of massachusetts, to do the same thing: that is, one slaveholder in carolina is clothed by the constitution with the same political power and influence in the representatives hall at washington, as sixty massachusetts men like you and me, who "eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows." according to the census of , and the ratio of representation based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the house of representatives. and as it has been estimated, (as an approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the united states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those twenty-five representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of _property_ which, five years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. all this vast amount of property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. in congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. and this it has ever done. in all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a bank or sub-treasury, free trade or a tariff, this immense power has moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection. while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the house of representatives, "in the senate of the union," says john quincy adams, "the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. by the influence of slavery in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the fifty-two members of the federal senate, twenty-six are owners of slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the house." the dominant power which the constitution gives to the slave interest, as thus seen and exercised in the _legislative halls_ of our nation, is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the national government. in the _electoral colleges_, the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the halls of congress. even the preliminary nominating conventions, before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, must ask of the genius of slavery, to what votary she will show herself propitious. this very year, we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of the state. the candidate of one party declares. "i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and adds, "it is not true, and i rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition. i should deeply lament it, if it were true."[ ] [footnote : henry clay's speech in the united states senate in , and confirmed at raleigh, n.c. .] the other party nominates a man who says, "i have no hesitation in declaring that i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of texas to the territory and government of the united states." thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder. the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of _justice_. of the nine justices of the supreme court of the united states, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of john quincy adams, when he says--"the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong." thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the constitution, that i have sworn to support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it may be regarded by the constitution as "persons," is in fact and practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger; counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole power, and controlling the destiny of the nation. if we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both. slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the presidential chair. the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues from the lips of slavery. the army is in the hands of slavery, and at her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of florida, or march from the missouri to the borders of mexico, to look after her interests in texas. the navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of africa, to suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery. freemen of the north, who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery, cannot travel through the slave states, but at the peril of their lives. the representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to pray that she would let her poor victims go. i renounce my allegiance to a constitution that enthrones such a power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own protection, support and perpetuation. passing by that clause of the constitution, which restricted congress for twenty years, from passing any law against the african slave trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of africa, i come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees protection against "_domestic violence_," and which pledges to the south the military force of the country, to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_ and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the constitution, i say distinctly, i never will support. that part of the constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves, i never have supported and never will. i will join in no slave-hunt. my door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. when i shut it against him, may god shut the door of his mercy against me! under this clause of the constitution, and designed to carry it into effect, slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a character, as have left the free citizen of the north without protection for his own liberty. the question, whether a man seized in a free state as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of congress does not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a judge of a united states' court, or even of the humblest state magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim. by virtue of this law, freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where i am not personally known, neither the constitution nor laws of the united states would shield me from the same destiny. these, sir, are the specific parts of the constitution of the united states, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it. i cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of god, or solemnly call him to witness my promise that i will break it. it is true that the constitution provides for its own amendment, and that by this process, all the guarantees of slavery may be expunged. but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done. it cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made. it is also true that the framers of the constitution did studiously keep the words "slave" and "slavery" from its face. but to do our constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word "slavery" a place in the constitution, they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the _thing_. they were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they sacrificed justice in doing so. there is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it was intended so to operate by the framers of the constitution. the highest judicial authorities--chief justice shaw, of the supreme court of massachusetts, in the latimer case, and mr. justice story, in the supreme court of the united states, in the case of _prigg_ vs. _the state of pennsylvania_,--tell us, i know not on what evidence, that without this "compromise," this security for southern slaveholders, "the union could not have been formed." and there is still higher evidence, not only that the framers of the constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that slavery was wrong. mr. madison[ ] informs us that the clause in question, as it came out of the hands of dr. johnson, the chairman of the "committee on style," read thus: "no person legally held to service, or labor, in one state, escaping into another, shall," &c., and that the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws thereof" inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." a conclusive proof that, although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of "service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in "equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was _not_ "legal in a moral view," that it was a violation of the moral law of god; and yet knowing and confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence. [footnote : madison papers, p. ] this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_ all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims. with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that in this part of their work they intended to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. they made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political expediency." i am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong, that they were doing. in the strong language of john quincy adams,[ ] in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "little did the members of the convention, from the free states, imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession." [footnote : see his report on the massachusetts resolutions.] i verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the constitution, its national unity, its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions; yet the _moral_ injury that has been done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of god; by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all. a melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all timeserving and temporising statesmen! a striking illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency! yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the authors of the constitution have reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? was it reasonable in them to expect that after they had introduced a vicious element into the very constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a state to license immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that is not "legal in a moral view." bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl. let slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the state, and you will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control. to me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our national government, that literally there is no health in it. the only remedy that i can see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the patient_. the constitution of the united states, both in theory and practice, is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil, that i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer. henceforth it is dead to me, and i to it. i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. the burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, i shall endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law, and distinctly declaring, that while i retain my own liberty, i will be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his. very respectfully, your friend, francis jackson. * * * * * from mr. webster's speech at niblo's gardens. "we have slavery, already, amongst us. the constitution found it among us; it recognized it and gave it solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the constitution. all the stipulations, contained in the constitution, _in favor of the slaveholding states_ which are already in the union, ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fullness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter."!!! * * * * * extracts from john q. adams's address at north bridgewater, nov. , . the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_.--protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. the reluctance with which the freemen of the north submitted to the dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed. the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. a stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the constitution of the united states, would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country. there is not a word in the constitution _apparently_ bearing upon the condition of slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land. the delegates from south carolina and georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the constitution; and the freemen of the north, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the south were saturated with the blood of african bondage, and from midnight of the st of december, , not a slave from africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil. but the internal traffic was still lawful, and the _breeding_ states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the slave-trader from africa, while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the american slave-trade exclusively to themselves. perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the north; but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole union, and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with africa had been allowed. but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been, never--no, never would they have consented to it. the representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons, was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of all the rest of the community. this species of property was odious in its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man, and of the vital principles of christianity; it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the states in which it was concentrated. in some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community, required of the favoured class. the roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings gathered by hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants. but in the constitution of the united states, the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous. no extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of the slave. the property in horses was the gift of god to man, at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. you are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate states. but if it be so, as to the mere question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people. this is now your condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle, which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part not lot in the choice of their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed. the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of president and vice president of the united states, and every department of the government of the union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two.--but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government at home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. from the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world. but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves. the cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the union at the establishment of the constitution, has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave. and the suppression of the african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of george washington, patrick henry, richard henry lee, and thomas jefferson, into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of immortal man. of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the constitution of the united states was formed, what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued, the congress of the confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or a murmur. but in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the south--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the chief-magistracy of the union held, during forty-four of them, by the owners of slaves. the executive departments, the army and navy, the supreme judicial court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the same spectacle:--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands. * * * * * from that day ( ), slavery, slaveholding, slave-breeding and slave-trading, have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government, and of the slaveholding states, at home and abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free states, it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slaveholding power. of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery, by the first article amendatory of the constitution. no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * on the condition of the free people of color in the united states. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheet.--postage, under miles, - / cts. over , cts. please read and circulate. on the condition of the free people of color. * * * * * it appears from the census of , that there were then , free colored persons in the united states. at the present time the number cannot be less than , . fifteen states of the federal union have each a smaller population than this aggregate. hence if the whole mass of human beings inhabiting connecticut, or new jersey, or any other of these fifteen states, were subjected to the ignorance, and degradation, and persecution and terror we are about to describe, as the lot of this much injured people, the amount of suffering would still be numerically less than that inflicted by a professedly christian and republican community upon the free negroes. candor, however, compels us to admit that, deplorable as is their condition, it is still not so wretched as colonizationists and slaveholders, for obvious reasons, are fond of representing it. it is not true that free negroes are "more vicious and miserable than slaves _can_ be,"[ ] nor that "it would be as humane to throw slaves from the decks of the middle passage, as to set them free in this country,"[ ] nor that "a sudden and universal emancipation without colonization, would be a greater curse to the slaves themselves, than the bondage in which they are held." [footnote : rev. mr. bacon, of new haven, rep. am. col. soc. p. .] [footnote : african repository, vol. iv. p. .] it is a little singular, that in utter despite of these rash assertions slaveholders and colonizationists unite in assuring us, that the slaves are rendered _discontented_ by _witnessing_ the freedom of their colored brethren; and hence we are urged to assist in banishing to africa these sable and dangerous mementoes of liberty. we all know that the wife and children of the free negro are not ordinarily sold in the market--that he himself does not toil under the lash, and that in certain parts of our country he is permitted to acquire some intelligence, and to enjoy some comforts, utterly and universally denied to the slave. still it is most unquestionable, that these people grievously suffer from a cruel and wicked prejudice--cruel in its consequences; wicked in its voluntary adoption, and its malignant character. colonizationists have taken great pains to inculcate the opinion that prejudice against color is implanted in our nature by the author of our being; and whence they infer the futility of every effort to elevate the colored man in this country, and consequently the duty and benevolence of sending him to africa, beyond the reach of our cruelty.[ ] the theory is as false in fact as it is derogatory to the character of that god whom we are told is love. with what astonishment and disgust should we behold an earthly parent exciting feuds and animosities among his own children; yet we are assured, and that too by professing christians, that our heavenly father has implanted a principle of hatred, repulsion and alienation between certain portions of his family on earth, and then commanded them, as if in mockery, to "love one another." [footnote : "prejudices, which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion itself can subdue, mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation _inevitable and incurable_."--_address of the connecticut col. society_. "the managers consider it clear that causes exist, and are now operating, to prevent their improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of _any human power_: christianity cannot do for them here, what it will do for them in africa. this is not the _fault_ of the colored man, _nor of the white man_, but an ordination of providence, _and no more to be changed than the laws of nature_."-- rep. am. col. soc. p. . "the people of color must, in this country, remain for ages, probably for ever, a separate and distinct caste, weighed down by causes powerful, universal, invincible, which neither legislation nor christianity can remove."--african repository vol. viii. p. . "do they (the abolitionists) not perceive that in thus confounding all the distinctions which god himself has made, they arraign the wisdom and goodness of providence itself? it has been his divine pleasure, to make the black man black, and the white man white, and to distinguish them by other _repulsive_ constitutional differences."--speech in senate of the united states, february , , by henry clay, president of the am. col. soc.] in vain do we seek in nature, for the origin of this prejudice. young children never betray it, and on the continent of europe it is unknown. we are not speaking of matters of taste, or of opinions of personal beauty, but of a prejudice against complexion, leading to insult, degradation and oppression. in no country in europe is any man excluded from refined society, or deprived of literary, religious, or political privileges on account of the tincture of his skin. if this prejudice is the fiat of the almighty, most wonderful is it, that of all the kindreds of the earth, none have been found submissive to the heavenly impulse, excepting the white inhabitants of north america; and of these, it is no less strange than true, that this divine principle of repulsion is most energetic in such persons as, in other respects, are the least observant of their maker's will. this prejudice is sometimes erroneously regarded as the _cause_ of slavery; and some zealous advocates of emancipation have flattered themselves that, could the prejudice be destroyed, negro slavery would fall with it. such persons have very inadequate ideas of the malignity of slavery. they forget that the slaves in greece and rome were of the same hue as their masters; and that at the south, the value of a slave, especially of a female, rises, as the complexion recedes from the african standard. were we to inquire into the geography of this prejudice, we should find that the localities in which it attains its rankest luxuriance, are not the rice swamps of georgia, nor the sugar fields of louisiana, but the hills and valleys of new england, and the prairies of ohio! it is a fact of acknowledged notoriety, that however severe may be the laws against colored people at the south, the prejudice against their _persons_ is far weaker than among ourselves. it is not necessary for our present purpose, to enter into a particular investigation of the condition of the free negroes in the slave states. we all know that they suffer every form of oppression which the laws can inflict upon persons not actually slaves. that unjust and cruel enactments should proceed from a people who keep two millions of their fellow men in abject bondage, and who believe such enactments essential to the maintenance of their despotism, certainly affords no cause for surprise. we turn to the free states, where slavery has not directly steeled our hearts against human suffering, and where no supposed danger of insurrection affords a pretext for keeping the free blacks in ignorance and degradation; and we ask, what is the character of the prejudice against color _here_? let the rev. mr. bacon, of connecticut, answer the question. this gentleman, in a vindication of the colonization society, assures us, "the _soodra_ is not farther separated from the _brahim_ in regard to all his privileges, civil, intellectual, and moral, than the negro from the white man by the prejudices which result from the difference made between them by the god of nature."--(_rep. am. col. soc._ p. .) we may here notice the very opposite effect produced on abolitionists and colonizationists, by the consideration that this difference _is_ made by the god of nature; leading the one to discard the prejudice, and the other to banish its victims. with these preliminary remarks we will now proceed to take a view of the condition of the free people of color in the non-slaveholding states; and will consider in order, the various disabilities and oppressions to which they are subjected, either by law or the customs of society. . general exclusion from the elective franchise. were this exclusion founded on the want of property, or any other qualification deemed essential to the judicious exercise of the franchise, it would afford no just cause of complaint; but it is founded solely on the color of the skin, and is therefore irrational and unjust. that taxation and representation should be inseparable, was one of the axioms of the fathers of our revolution; and one of the reasons they assigned for their revolt from the crown of britain. but _now_, it is deemed a mark of fanaticism to complain of the disfranchisement of a whole race, while they remain subject to the burden of taxation. it is worthy of remark, that of the thirteen original states, only _two_ were so recreant to the principles of the revolution, as to make a _white skin_ a qualification for suffrage. but the prejudice has grown with our growth, and strengthened with our strength; and it is believed that in _every_ state constitution subsequently formed or revised,[excepting vermont and maine, and the revised constitution of massachusetts,] the crime of a dark complexion has been punished, by debarring its possessor from all approach to the ballot-box.[ ] the necessary effect of this proscription in aggravating the oppression and degradation of the colored inhabitants must be obvious to all who call to mind the solicitude manifested by demagogues, and office-seekers, and law makers, to propitiate the good will of all who have votes to bestow. [footnote : from this remark the revised constitution of new york is _nominally_ an exception; colored citizens, possessing a _freehold_ worth two hundred and fifty dollars, being allowed to vote; while suffrage is extended to _white_ citizens without any property qualification.] . denial of the right of locomotion. it is in vain that the constitution of the united states expressly guarantees to "the citizens of each state, all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states:"--it is in vain that the supreme court of the united states has solemnly decided that this clause confers on every citizen of one state the right to "pass through, or reside in any other state for the purposes of trade, agriculture, professional pursuits, or _otherwise_." it is in vain that "the members of the several state legislatures" are required to "be bound by oath or affirmation to support" the constitution conferring this very guarantee. constitutions, and judicial decisions, and religious obligations are alike outraged by our state enactments against people of color. there is scarcely a slave state in which a citizen of new york, with a dark skin, may visit a dying child without subjecting himself to legal penalties. but in the slave states we look for cruelty; we expect the rights of humanity and the laws of the land to be sacrificed on the altar of slavery. in the free states we had reason to hope for a greater deference to decency and morality. yet even in these states we behold the effects of a miasma wafted from the south. the connecticut black act, prohibiting, under heavy penalties, the instruction of any colored person from another state, is well known. it is one of the encouraging signs of the times, that public opinion has recently compelled the repeal of this detestable law. but among all the free states, ohio stands pre-eminent for the wickedness of her statutes against this class of our population. these statutes are not merely infamous outrages on every principle of justice and humanity, but are gross and palpable violations of the state constitution, and manifest an absence of moral sentiment in the ohio legislature as deplorable as it is alarming. we speak the language, not of passion, but of sober conviction; and for the truth of this language we appeal, first, to the statutes themselves, and then to the consciences of our readers. we shall have occasion to notice these laws under the several divisions of our subject to which they belong; at present we ask attention to the one intended to prevent the colored citizens of other states from removing into ohio. by the constitution of new york, the colored inhabitants are expressly recognized as "citizens." let us suppose then a new york freeholder and voter of this class, confiding in the guarantee given by the federal constitution removes into ohio. no matter how much property he takes with him; no matter what attestations he produces to the purity of his character, he is required by the act of , to find, within twenty days, two freehold sureties in the sum of five hundred dollars for his _good behavior_; and likewise for his _maintenance_, should he at any future period from any cause whatever be unable to maintain himself, and in default of procuring such sureties he is to be removed by the overseers of the poor. the legislature well knew that it would generally be utterly impossible for a stranger, and especially a _black_ stranger, to find such sureties. it was the _design_ of the act, by imposing impracticable conditions, to prevent colored emigrants from remaining within the state; and in order more certainly to effect this object, it imposes a pecuniary penalty on every inhabitant who shall venture to "harbor," that is, receive under his roof, or who shall even "employ" an emigrant who has not given the required sureties; and it moreover renders such inhabitant so harboring or employing him, legally liable for his future maintenance!! we are frequently told that the efforts of the abolitionists have in fact aggravated the condition of the colored people, bond and free. the _date_ of this law, as well as the date of most of the laws composing the several slave codes, show what credit is to be given to the assertion. if a barbarous enactment is _recent_, its odium is thrown upon the friends of the blacks--if _ancient_, we are assured it is _obsolete_. the ohio law was enacted only four years after the state was admitted into the union. in there were only three hundred and thirty-seven free blacks in the territory, and in the number in the state was nine thousand five hundred. of course a very large proportion of the present colored population of the state must have entered it in ignorance of this iniquitous law, or in defiance of it. that the law has not been universally enforced, proves only that the people of ohio are less profligate than their legislators--that it has remained in the statute book for thirty-two years, proves the depraved state of public opinion and the horrible persecution to which the colored people are legally exposed. but let it not be supposed that this vile law is in fact obsolete, and its very existence forgotten. in , a very general effort was made to enforce this law, and about _one thousand free blacks_ were in consequence of it driven out of the state; and sought a refuge in the more free and christian country of canada. previous to their departure, they sent a deputation to the governor of the upper province, to know if they would be admitted, and received from sir james colebrook this reply,--"tell the _republicans_ on your side of the line, that we royalists do not know men by their color. should you come to us, you will be entitled to all the privileges of the rest of his majesty's subjects." this was the origin of the wilberforce colony in upper canada. we have now before us an ohio paper, containing a proclamation by john s. wiles, overseer of the poor in the town of fairfield, dated th march, . in this instrument notice is given to all "black or mulatto persons" residing in fairfield, to comply with the requisitions of the act of within twenty days, or the law would be enforced against them. the proclamation also addresses the white inhabitants of fairfield in the following terms,--"whites, look out! if any person or persons _employing_ any black or mulatto person, contrary to the d section of the above law, you may look out for the breakers." the extreme vulgarity and malignity of this notice indicates the spirit which gave birth to this detestable law, and continues it in being. now what says the constitution of ohio? "all are born free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent, inalienable rights; among which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty, _acquiring, possessing, and protecting property_, and pursuing and attaining happiness and safety." yet men who had called their maker to witness, that they would obey this very constitution, require impracticable conditions, and then impose a pecuniary penalty and grievous liabilities on every man who shall give to an innocent fellow countryman a night's lodging, or even a meal of victuals in exchange for his honest labor! . denial of the right of petition. we explicitly disclaim all intention to imply that the several disabilities and cruelties we are specifying are of universal application. the laws of some states in relation to people of color are more wicked than others; and the spirit of persecution is not in every place equally active and malignant. in none of the free states have these people so many grievances to complain of as in ohio, and for the honor of our country we rejoice to add, that in no other state in the union, has their right to petition for a redress of their grievances been denied. on the th january, , a petition for relief from certain legal disabilities, from colored inhabitants of ohio, was presented to the _popular_ branch of the legislature, and its rejection was moved by george h. flood.[ ] this rejection was not a denial of the prayer, but an _expulsion of the petition itself_, as an intruder into the house. "the question presented for our decision," said one of the members, "is simply this--shall human beings, who are bound by every enactment upon our statute book, be _permitted_ to _request_ the legislature to modify or soften the laws under which they live?" to the grand sultan, crowded with petitions as he traverses the streets of constantinople, such a question would seem most strange; but american democrats can exert a tyranny over _men who have no votes_, utterly unknown to turkish despotism. mr. flood's motion was lost by a majority of only _four_ votes; but this triumph of humanity and republicanism was as transient as it was meagre. the _next_ day, the house, by a large majority, resolved: "that the blacks and mulattoes who may be residents within this state, have no constitutional right to present their petitions to the general assembly for any purpose whatsoever, and that any reception of such petitions on the part of the general assembly is a mere act of privilege or policy, and not imposed by any expressed or implied power of the constitution." [footnote : it is sometimes interesting to preserve the names of individuals who have perpetrated bold and unusual enormities.] the phraseology of this resolution is as clumsy as its assertions are base and sophistical. the meaning intended to be expressed is simply, that the constitution of ohio, neither in terms nor by implication, confers on such residents as are negroes or mulattoes, any right to offer a petition to the legislature for any object whatever; nor imposes on that body any obligation to notice such a petition; and whatever attention it may please to bestow upon it, ought to be regarded as an act not of duty, but merely of favor or expediency. hence it is obvious, that the _principle_ on which the resolution is founded is, that the reciprocal right and duty of offering and hearing petitions _rest solely on constitutional enactment_, and not on moral obligation. the reception of negro petitions is declared to be a mere act of _privilege or policy_. now it is difficult to imagine a principle more utterly subversive of all the duties of rulers, the rights of citizens, and the charities of private life. the victim of oppression or fraud has no _right_ to appeal to the constituted authorities for redress; nor are those authorities under any obligation to consider the appeal--the needy and unfortunate have no right to implore the assistance of their more fortunate neighbors: and all are at liberty to turn a deaf ear to the cry of distress. the eternal and immutable principles of justice and humanity, proclaimed by jehovah, and impressed by him on the conscience of man, have no binding force on the legislature of ohio, unless expressly adopted and enforced by the state constitution! but as the legislature has thought proper thus to set at defiance the moral sense of mankind, and to take refuge behind the enactments of the constitution, let us try the strength of their entrenchments. the words of the constitution, which it is pretended sanction the resolution we are considering are the following, viz.--"the _people_ have a right to assemble together in a peaceable manner to consult for their common good, to _instruct their representatives_, and to apply to the legislature for a redress of grievances." it is obvious that this clause confers no rights, but is merely declaratory of existing rights. still, as the right of the people to apply for a redress of grievances is coupled with the right of _instructing their representatives_, and as negroes are not electors and consequently are without representatives, it is inferred that they are not part of _the people_. that ohio legislators are not christians would be a more rational conclusion. one of the members avowed his opinion that "none but voters had a right to petition." if then, according to the principle of the resolution, the constitution of ohio denies the right of petition to all but electors, let us consider the practical results of such a denial. in the first place, every female in the state is placed under the same disability with "blacks and mulattoes." no wife has a right to ask for a divorce--no daughter may plead for a father's life. next, no man under twenty-one years--no citizen of any age, who from want of sufficient residence, or other qualification, is not entitled to vote--no individual among the tens of thousands of aliens in the state--however oppressed and wronged by official tyranny or corruption, has a right to seek redress from the representatives of the people, and should he presume to do so, may be told, that, like "blacks and mulattoes," he "has no constitutional right to present his petition to the general assembly for any purpose whatever." again--the state of ohio is deeply indebted to the citizens of other states, and also to the subjects of great britain for money borrowed to construct her canals. should any of these creditors lose their certificates of debt, and ask for their renewal; or should their interest be withheld, or paid in depreciated currency, and were they to ask for justice at the hands of the legislature, they might be told, that any attention paid to their request must be regarded as a "mere act of privilege or policy, and not imposed by any expressed or implied power of the constitution," for, not being voters, they stood on the same ground as "blacks and mulattoes." such is the folly and wickedness in which prejudice against color has involved the legislators of a republican and professedly christian state in the nineteenth century. . exclusion from the army and militia. the federal government is probably the only one in the world that forbids a portion of its subjects to participate in the national defence, not from any doubts of their courage, loyalty, or physical strength, but merely on account of the tincture of their skin! to such an absurd extent is this prejudice against color carried, that some of our militia companies have occasionally refused to march to the sound of a drum when beaten by a black man. to declare a certain class of the community unworthy to bear arms in defence of their native country, is necessarily to consign that class to general contempt. . exclusion from all participation in the administration of justice. no colored man can be a judge, juror, or constable. were the talents and acquirements of a mansfield or a marshall veiled in a sable skin, they would be excluded from the bench of the humblest court in the american republic. in the slave states generally, no black man can enter a court of justice as a witness against a white one. of course a white man may, with perfect impunity, defraud or abuse a negro to any extent, provided he is careful to avoid the presence of any of his own caste, at the execution of his contract, or the indulgence of his malice. we are not aware that an outrage so flagrant is sanctioned by the laws of any _free_ state, with one exception. that exception the reader will readily believe can be none other than ohio. a statute of this state enacts, "that no black or mulatto _person_ or _persons_ shall hereafter be permitted to be sworn, or give evidence in any court of record or elsewhere, in this state, in any cause depending, or matter of controversy, when either party to the same is a white person; or in any prosecution of the state against any white person." we have seen that on the subject of petition the legislature regards itself as independent of all obligation except such as is imposed by the constitution. how mindful they are of the requirements even of that instrument, when obedience to them would check the indulgence of their malignity to the blacks, appears from the th section of the th article, viz.--"all courts shall be open, and every _person_, for any injury done him in his lands, goods, person or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of law, and right and justice administered without denial or delay." ohio legislators may deny that negroes and mulattoes are citizens, or people; but they are estopped by the very words of the statute just quoted, from denying that they are "_persons_." now, by the constitution every _person_, black as well as white, is to have justice administered to him without denial or delay. but by the law, while any unknown _white_ vagrant may be a witness in any case whatever, no black suitor is permitted to offer a witness of his own color, however well established may be his character for intelligence and veracity, to prove his rights or his wrongs; and hence in a multitude of cases, justice is denied in despite of the constitution; and why denied? solely from a foolish and wicked prejudice against color. . impediments to education. no people have ever professed so deep a conviction of the importance of popular education as ourselves, and no people have ever resorted to such cruel expedients to perpetuate abject ignorance. more than one third of the whole population of the slave states are prohibited from learning even to read, and in some of them free men, if with dark complexions, are subject to stripes for teaching their own children. if we turn to the free states, we find that in all of them, without exception, the prejudices and customs of society oppose almost insuperable obstacles to the acquisition of a liberal education by colored youth. our academies and colleges are barred against them. we know there are instances of young men with dark skins having been received, under peculiar circumstances, into northern colleges; but we neither know nor believe, that there have been a dozen such instances within the last thirty years. colored children are very generally excluded from our common schools, in consequence of the prejudices of teachers and parents. in some of our cities there are schools _exclusively_ for their use, but in the country the colored population is usually too sparse to justify such schools; and white and black children are rarely seen studying under the same roof; although such cases do sometimes occur, and then they are confined to elementary schools. some colored young men, who could bear the expense, have obtained in european seminaries the education denied them in their native land. it may not be useless to cite an instance of the malignity with which the education of the blacks is opposed. the efforts made in connecticut to prevent the establishment of schools of a higher order than usual for colored pupils, are too well known to need a recital here; and her black act, prohibiting the instruction of colored children from other states, although now expunged from her statute book through the influence of abolitionists, will long be remembered to the opprobrium of her citizens. we ask attention to the following illustration of public opinion in another new england state. in an academy was built by subscription in canaan, new hampshire, and a charter granted by the legislature; and at a meeting of the proprietors it was determined to receive all applicants having "suitable moral and intellectual recommendations, without other distinctions;" in other words, without reference to _complexion_. when this determination was made known, a town meeting was forthwith convened, and the following resolutions adopted, viz. "resolved, that we view with _abhorrence_ the attempt of the abolitionists to establish in this town a school for the instruction of the sable sons and daughters of africa, in common with our sons and daughters. "resolved, that we will not associate with, nor in any way countenance, any man or woman who shall hereafter persist in attempting to establish a school in this town for the _exclusive_ education of blacks, _or_ for their education in conjunction with the whites." the frankness of this last resolve is commendable. the inhabitants of canaan, assembled in legal town meeting, determined, it seems, that the blacks among them should in future have no education whatever--they should not be instructed in company with the whites, neither should they have schools exclusively for themselves. the proprietors of the academy supposing, in the simplicity of their hearts, that in a free country they might use their property in any manner not forbidden by law, proceeded to open their school, and in the ensuing spring had twenty-eight white, and fourteen colored scholars. the crisis had now arrived when the cause of prejudice demanded the sacrifice of constitutional liberty and of private property. another town meeting was convoked, at which, without a shadow of authority, and in utter contempt of law and decency, it was ordered, that the academy should be forcibly removed, and a committee was appointed to execute the abominable mandate. due preparations were made for the occasion, and on the th of august, three hundred men, with about oxen, assembled at the place, and taking the edifice from off its foundation, dragged it to a distance, and left it a ruin. no one of the actors in this high-handed outrage was ever brought before a court of justice to answer for this criminal and riotous destruction of the property of others. the transaction we have narrated, expresses in emphatic terms the deep and settled hostility felt in the free states to the education of the blacks. the prejudices of the community render that hostility generally effective without the aid of legal enactments. indeed, some remaining regard to decency and the opinion of the world, has restrained the legislatures of the free states, with _one exception_, from consigning these unhappy people to ignorance by "decreeing unrighteous decrees," and "framing mischief by a law." our readers, no doubt, feel that the exception must of course be ohio. we have seen with what deference ohio legislators profess to regard their _constitutional_ obligations; and we are now to contemplate another instance of their shameless violation of them. the constitution which these men have sworn to obey declares, "no law shall be passed to prevent the poor of the several townships and counties in this state from an _equal_ participation in the schools, academies, colleges, and universities in this state, which are endowed in whole, or _in part_, from the revenue arising from _donations_ made by the united states, for the support of _colleges and schools_--and the door of said schools, academies, and universities shall be open for the reception of scholars, students, and teachers of every _grade_, without any distinction or preference whatever." can language be more explicit or unequivocal? but have any donations been made by the united states for the support of colleges and schools in ohio? yes--by an act of congress, the sixteenth section of land in _each_ originally surveyed township in the state, was set apart as a donation for the express purpose of endowing and supporting common schools. and now, how have the scrupulous legislators of ohio, who refuse to acknowledge any other than constitutional obligations to give ear to the cry of distress--how have they obeyed this injunction of the constitution respecting the freedom of their schools? they enacted a law in , declaring that, "when any appropriation shall be made by the directors of any school district, from the treasury thereof, for the payment of a teacher, the school in such district shall be open"--to whom? "_to scholars, students, and teachers of every grade, without distinction or preference whatever_," as commanded by the constitution? oh no! "shall be open to all the white children residing therein!!" such is the impotency of written constitutions, where a sense of moral obligation is wanting to enforce them. we have now taken a review of the ohio laws against free people of color. some of them are of old, and others of recent date. the opinion entertained of all these laws, new and old, by the _present_ legislators of ohio, may be learned by a resolution adopted in january last, ( ) by both houses of the legislature. "resolved, that in the opinion of this general assembly it is unwise, impolitic, and inexpedient to repeal _any_ law now in force imposing disabilities upon black or mulatto persons, thus placing them upon an equality with the whites, so far as this legislature can do, and indirectly inviting the black population of other states to emigrate to this, to the manifest injury of the public interest." the best comment on the _spirit_ which dictated this resolve is an enactment by the _same_ legislature, abrogating the supreme law which requires us to "do unto others as we would they should do unto us," and prohibiting every citizen of ohio from _harboring or concealing_ a fugitive slave, under the penalty of fine or imprisonment. general obedience to this vile statute is alone wanting to fill to the brim the cup of ohio's iniquity and degradation. she hath done what she could to oppress and crush the free negroes within her borders. she is now seeking to rechain the slave who has escaped from his fetters. . impediments to religious instruction. it is unnecessary to dwell here on the laws of the slave states prohibiting the free people of color from learning to read the bible, and in many instances, from assembling at discretion to worship their creator. these laws, we are assured, are indispensable to the perpetuity of that "peculiar institution," which many masters in israel are now teaching, enjoys the sanction of him who "will have all men to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth," and who has left to his disciples the injunction, "search the scriptures." we turn to the free states, in which no institution requires, that the light of the glorious gospel of christ should be prevented from shining on any portion of the population, and inquire how far prejudice here supplies the place of southern statutes. the impediments to education already mentioned, necessarily render the acquisition of religious knowledge difficult, and in many instances impracticable. in the northern cities, the blacks have frequently churches of their own, but in the country they are too few, and too poor to build churches and maintain ministers. of course they must remain destitute of public worship and religious instruction, unless they can enjoy these blessings in company with the whites. now there is hardly a church in the united states, not exclusively appropriated to the blacks, in which one of their number owns a pew, or has a voice in the choice of a minister. there are usually, indeed, a few seats in a remote part of the church, set apart for their use, and in which no white person is ever seen. it is surely not surprising, under all the circumstances of the case, that these seats are rarely crowded. colored ministers are occasionally ordained in the different denominations, but they are kept at a distance by their white brethren in the ministry, and are very rarely permitted to enter their pulpits; and still more rarely, to sit at their tables, although acknowledged to be ambassadors of christ. the distinction of _caste_ is not forgotten, even in the celebration of the lord's supper, and seldom are colored disciples permitted to eat and drink of the memorials of the redeemer's passion till after every white communicant has been served. . impediments to honest industry. in this country ignorance and poverty are almost inseparable companions; and it is surely not strange that those should be poor whom we compel to be ignorant. the liberal professions are virtually sealed against the blacks, if we except the church, and even in that admission is rendered difficult by the obstacles placed in their way in acquiring the requisite literary qualifications;[ ] and when once admitted, their administrations are confined to their own color. many of our most wealthy and influential citizens have commenced life as ignorant and as pennyless as any negro who loiters in our streets. had their complexion been dark, notwithstanding their talents, industry, enterprize and probity, they would have continued ignorant and pennyless, because the paths to learning and to wealth, would then have been closed against them. there is a conspiracy, embracing all the departments of society, to keep the black man ignorant and poor. as a general rule, admitting few if any exceptions, the schools of literature and of science reject him--the counting house refuses to receive him as a bookkeeper, much more as a partner--no store admits him as a clerk--no shop as an apprentice. here and there a black man may be found keeping a few trifles on a shelf for sale; and a few acquire, as if by stealth, the knowledge of some handicraft; but almost universally these people, both in town and country, are prevented by the customs of society from maintaining themselves and their families by any other than menial occupations. [footnote : of the truth of this remark, the trustees of the episcopal theological seminary at new-york, lately (june, ) afforded a striking illustration. a young man, regularly acknowledged by the bishop as a candidate for orders, and in consequence of such acknowledgment entitled, by an _express statute_ of the seminary, to admission to its privileges, presented himself as a pupil. but god had given him a dark complexion, and _therefore_ the trustees, regardless of the statute, barred the doors against him, by a formal and deliberate vote. as a compromise between conscience and prejudice, the professors offered to give him _private_ instruction--to do in secret what they were ashamed to do openly--to confer as a favor, what he was entitled to demand as a right. the offer was rejected. it is worthy of remark, that of the trustees who took an _active_ part against the _colored_ candidate, one is the president _of the new york colonization society_; another a manager, and a third, one of its public champions; and that the bishop of the diocese, who wished to exclude his candidate from the theological school of which he is both a trustee and a professor, lately headed a recommendation in the newspapers for the purchase of a packet ship for liberia, as likely to "render far more efficient than heretofore, the enterprize of colonization."] in , a black man of irreproachable character, and who by his industry and frugality had accumulated several thousand dollars, made application in the city of new york for a carman's license, and was refused solely and avowedly on account of his complexion! we have already seen the effort of the ohio legislature, to consign the negroes to starvation, by deterring others from employing them. ignorance, idleness, and vice, are at once the punishments we inflict upon these unfortunate people for their complexion; and the crimes with which we are constantly reproaching them. . liability to be seized, and treated as slaves. an able-bodied colored man sells in the southern market for from eight hundred to a thousand dollars; of course he is worth stealing. colonizationists and slaveholders, and many northern divines, solemnly affirm, that the situation of a slave is far preferable to that of a free negro; hence it would seem an act of humanity to convert the latter into the former. kidnapping being both a lucrative and a benevolent business, it is not strange it should be extensively practised. in many of the states this business is regulated by law, and there are various ways in which the transmutation is legally effected. thus, in south carolina, if a free negro "entertains" a runaway slave, it may be his own wife or child, he himself is turned into a slave. in , a _free woman and her three children_ underwent this benevolent process, for _entertaining_ two fugitive children of six and nine years old. in virginia all emancipated slaves remaining twelve months in the state, are kindly restored to their former condition. in maryland a free negro who marries a white woman, thereby acquires all the privileges of a slave--and generally, throughout the slave region, including the district of columbia, every negro not known to be free, is mercifully considered as a slave, and if his master cannot be ascertained, he is thrown into a dungeon, and there kept, till by a public sale a master can be provided for him. but often the law grants to colored men, _known to be free_, all the advantages of slavery. thus, in georgia, every _free_ colored man coming into the state, and unable to pay a fine of one hundred dollars, becomes a slave for life; in florida, insolvent debtors, if _black_, are sold for the benefit of their creditors; and in the district of columbia a free colored man, thrown into jail on suspicion of being a slave and proving his freedom, is required by law to be sold as a slave, if too poor to pay his jail fees. let it not be supposed that these laws are all obsolete and inoperative. they catch many a northern negro, who, in pursuit of his own business, or on being decoyed by others ventures to enter the slave region; and who, of course, helps to augment the wealth of our southern brethren. on the th of march, , a report by a committee was made to the house of representatives of the massachusetts legislature, in which are given the _names_ of seventeen free colored men who had been enslaved at the south. it also states an instance in which twenty-five colored citizens, belonging to massachusetts, were confined at one time in a southern jail, and another instance in which free colored persons from different free states were confined, all preparatory to their sale as slaves according to law. the facts disclosed in this report induced the massachusetts legislature to pass a resolution protesting against the kidnapping laws of the slave states, "as invading the sacred rights of citizens of this commonwealth, as contrary to the constitution of the united states, and in utter derogation of that great principle of the common law which presumes every person to be innocent until proved to be guilty;" and ordered the protest to be forwarded to the governors of the several states. but it is not at the south alone that freemen may be converted into slaves "according to law." the act of congress respecting the recovery of fugitive slaves, affords most extraordinary facilities for this process, through official corruption and individual perjury. by this act, the claimant is permitted to _select_ a justice of the peace, before whom he may bring or send his alleged slave, and even to prove his property by _affidavit_. indeed, in almost every state in the union, a slaveholder may recover at law a human being as his beast of burden with far less ceremony than he could his pig from the possession of his neighbor. in only three states is a man, claimed as a slave, entitled to a trial by jury. at the last session of the new york legislature a bill allowing a jury trial in such cases was passed by the lower house, but rejected by a _democratic_ vote in the senate, democracy in that state, being avowedly only _skin_ deep, all its principles of liberty, equality, and human rights depending on complexion. considering the wonderful ease and expedition with which fugitives may be recovered by law, it would be very strange if mistakes did not sometimes occur. _how_ often they occur cannot, of course, be known, and it is only when a claim is _defeated_, that we are made sensible of the exceedingly precarious tenure by which a poor friendless negro at the north holds his personal liberty. a few years since, a girl of the name of mary gilmore was arrested in philadelphia, as a fugitive slave from maryland. testimony was not wanting in support of the claim; yet it was most conclusively proved that she was the daughter of poor _irish_ parents--having not a drop of negro blood in her veins--that the father had absconded, and that the mother had died a drunkard in the philadelphia hospital, and that the infant had been kindly received and _brought up in a colored family_. hence the attempt to make a slave of her. in the spring of , a colored man was arrested in philadelphia, on a charge of having absconded from his owner _twenty-three_ years before. this man had a wife and family depending upon him, and a home where he enjoyed their society; and yet, unless he could find witnesses who could prove his freedom for more than this number of years, he was to be torn from his wife, his children, his home, and doomed for the remainder of his days to toil under the lash. _four_ witnesses for the claimant swore to his identity, although they had not seen him before for twenty-three years! by a most extraordinary coincidence, a new england captain, with whom this negro had sailed _twenty-nine_ years before, in a sloop from nantucket, happened at this very time to be confined for debt in the same prison with the alleged slave, and the captain's testimony, together with that of some other witnesses, who had known the man previous to his pretended elopement, so fully established his freedom, that the court discharged him. another mode of legal kidnapping still remains to be described. by the federal constitution, fugitives from _justice_ are to be delivered up, and under this constitutional provision, a free negro may be converted into a slave without troubling even a justice of the peace to hear the evidence of the captor's claim. a fugitive slave is, of course, a felon--he not only steals himself, but also the rags on his back which belong to his master. it is understood he has taken refuge in new york, and his master naturally wishes to recover him with as little noise, trouble, and delay as possible. the way is simple and easy. let the grand jury indict a.b. for stealing wearing apparel, and let the indictment, with an affidavit of the criminal's flight, be forwarded by the governor of the state, to his excellency of new york, with a requisition for the delivery of a.b., to the agent appointed to receive him. a warrant is, of course, issued to "any constable of the state of new york," to arrest a.b. for what purpose?--to bring him before a magistrate where his identity may be established?--no, but to deliver him up to the foreign agent. hence, the constable may pick up the first likely negro he finds in the street, and ship him to the south; and should it be found, on his arrival on the plantation, that the wrong man has come, it will also probably be found that the mistake is of no consequence to the planter. a few years since, the governor of new york signed a warrant for the apprehension of virginia negroes, as fugitives from justice.[ ] under this warrant, a man who had lived in the neighborhood for three years, and had a wife and children, and who claimed to be free, was seized, on a sunday evening, in the public highway, in west chester county, n.y., and without being permitted to take leave of his family, was instantly hand-cuffed, thrown into a carriage, and hurried to new york, and the next morning was on his voyage to virginia. [footnote : there is no evidence that he knew they were negroes; or that he acted otherwise than in perfect good faith. the alleged crime was stealing a boat. the _real_ crime, it is said, was stealing themselves and escaping in a boat. the most horrible abuses of these warrants can only be prevented by requiring proof of identity before delivery.] free colored men are converted into slaves not only by law, but also contrary to law. it is, of course, difficult to estimate the extent to which illegal kidnapping is carried, since a large number of cases must escape detection. in a work published by judge stroud, of philadelphia, in , he states, that it had been _ascertained_ that more than _thirty_ free colored persons, mostly children, had been kidnapped in that city within the last two years.[ ] [footnote : stroud's sketch of the slave laws, p. .] . subjection to insult and outrage. the feeling of the community towards these people, and the contempt with which they are treated, are indicated by the following notice, lately published by the proprietors of a menagerie, in new york. "the proprietors wish it to be understood, that people of color are not permitted to enter, _except when in attendance upon children and families_." for two shillings, any white scavenger would be freely admitted, and so would negroes, provided they came in a capacity that marked their dependence--their presence is offensive, _only_ when they come as independent spectators, gratifying a laudable curiosity. even death, the great leveller, is not permitted to obliterate, among christians, the distinction of caste, or to rescue the lifeless form of the colored man from the insults of his white brethren. in the porch of a presbyterian church, in philadelphia, in , was suspended a card, containing the form of a deed, to be given to purchasers of lots in a certain burial ground, and to enhance the value of the property, and to entice buyers, the following clause was inserted, "no person of _color_, nor any one who has been the subject of _execution_, shall be interred in said lot." our colored fellow-citizens, like others, are occasionally called to pass from one place to another; and in doing so are compelled to submit to innumerable hardships and indignities. they are frequently denied seats in our stage coaches; and although admitted upon the _decks_ of our steam boats, are almost universally excluded from the cabins. even women have been forced, in cold weather, to pass the night upon deck, and in one instance the wife of a colored clergyman lost her life in consequence of such an exposure. the contempt poured upon these people by our laws, our churches, our seminaries, our professions, naturally invokes upon their heads the fierce wrath of vulgar malignity. in order to exhibit the actual condition of this portion of our population, we will here insert some _samples_ of the outrages to which they are subjected, taken from the ordinary public journals. in an account of the new york riots of , the _commercial advertiser_ says--"about twenty poor african (native american) families, have had their all destroyed, and have neither bed, clothing, nor food remaining. their houses are completely eviscerated, their furniture a wreck, and the ruined and disconsolate tenants of the devoted houses are reduced to the necessity of applying to the corporation for bread." the example set in new york was zealously followed in philadelphia. "some arrangement, it appears, existed between the mob and the white inhabitants, as the dwelling houses of the latter, contiguous to the residences of the blacks, were illuminated and left undisturbed, while the huts of the negroes were singled out with unerring certainty. the furniture found in these houses was generally broken up and destroyed--beds ripped open and their contents scattered in the streets.... the number of houses assailed was not less than twenty. in one house there was a _corpse, which was thrown from the coffin, and in another a dead infant was taken out of the bed, and cast on the floor, the mother being at the same time barbarously treated_."--_philadelphia gazette_. "no case is reported of an attack having been _invited_ or _provoked_ by the residents of the dwellings assailed or destroyed. the extent of the depredations committed on the _three_ evenings of riot and outrage can only be judged of by the number of houses damaged or destroyed. so far as ascertained, this amounts to forty-five. one of the houses assaulted was occupied by an unfortunate cripple--who, unable to fly from the fury of the mob, was so beaten by some of the ruffians, that he has since died in consequence of the bruises and wounds inflicted ... for the last two days the jersey steam boats have been loaded with numbers of the colored population, who, fearful their lives were not safe in this, determined to seek refuge in another state. on the jersey side, tents were erected, and the negroes have taken up a temporary residence, until a prospect shall be offered for their perpetual location in some place of security and liberty."--_national gazette_. the facts we have now exhibited, abundantly prove the extreme cruelty and sinfulness of that prejudice against color which we are impiously told is an ordination of providence. colonizationists, assuming the prejudice to be natural and invincible, propose to remove its victims beyond its influence. abolitionists, on the contrary, remembering with the psalmist, that "it is he that hath made us, and not we ourselves," believe that the benevolent father of us all requires us to treat with justice and kindness every portion of the human family, notwithstanding any particular organization he has been pleased to impress upon them. instead, therefore, of gratifying and fostering this prejudice, by continually banishing from our country those against whom it is directed, abolitionists are anxious to destroy the prejudice itself; feeling, to use the language of another, that--"it is time to recognize in the humblest portions of society, partakers of our nature with all its high prerogatives and awful destinies--time to remember that our distinctions are _exterior_ and evanescent, our resemblance real and permanent--that all is transient but what is moral and spiritual--that the only graces we can carry with us into another world, are graces of divine implantation, and that amid the rude incrustations of poverty and ignorance there lurks an imperishable jewel--a soul, susceptible of the highest spiritual beauty, destined, perhaps, to adorn the celestial abodes, and to shine for ever in the mediatorial diadem of the son of god--_take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones_." no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * can abolitionists vote or take office under the united states constitution? "the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery is the vital and animating spirit of the national government." new york: american anti-slavery society, nassau street . introduction. the american anti-slavery society, at its annual meeting in may, , adopted the following resolution: _resolved_, that secession from the present united states government is the duty of every abolitionist; since no one can take office, or throw a vote for another to hold office, under the united states constitution, without violating his anti-slavery principles, and rendering himself an abettor of the slaveholder in his sin. the passage of this resolution has caused two charges to be brought against the society: _first_, that it is a _no-government_ body, and that the whole doctrine of non-resistance is endorsed by this vote:--and _secondly_, that the society transcended its proper sphere and constitutional powers by taking such a step. the logic which infers that because a man thinks the federal government bad, he must necessarily think _all_ government so, has at least, the merit and the charm of novelty. there is a spice of arrogance just perceptible, in the conclusion that the constitution of these united states is so perfect, that one who dislikes it could never be satisfied with any form of government whatever! were o'connell and his fellow catholics non-resistants, because for two hundred years they submitted to exclusion from the house of lords and the house of commons, rather than qualify themselves for a seat by an oath abjuring the pope? were the _non-juring_ bishops of england non-resistants, when they went down to the grave without taking their seats in the house of lords, rather than take an oath denying the stuarts and to support the house of hanover? both might have purchased power at the price of one annual falsehood. there are some in this country who do not seem to think that price at all unreasonable. it were a rare compliment indeed to the non-resistants, if every exhibition of rigid principle on the part of an individual is to make the world suspect him of leaning towards their faith. the society is not opposed to government, but only to _this_ government based upon and acting for slavery. with regard to the second charge, of exceeding its proper limits and trespassing on the rights of the minority, it is enough to say, that the object of the american anti-slavery society is the "entire abolition of slavery in the united states." of course it is its duty to find out all the sources of pro-slavery influence in the land. it is its right, it is its duty to try every institution in the land, no matter how venerable, or sacred, by the touchstone of anti-slavery principle; and if it finds any one false, to proclaim that fact to the world, with more or less of energy, according to its importance in society. it has tried the constitution, and pronounced it unsound. no member's conscience need be injured--the qualification for membership remains the same, "the belief that slave-holding is a heinous crime"--no new test has been set up--but the majority of the society, for the time being, faithful to its duty of trying every institution by the light of the present day--of uttering its opinion on every passing event that touches the slave's welfare, has seen it to be duty to sound forth its warning, no union with slaveholders. no one who did not vote for the resolution is responsible for it. no one is asked to quit our platform. we, the majority, only ask him to extend to our opinions the same toleration that we extend to him, and agreeing to differ on this point, work together where we can. we proscribe no man for difference of opinion. it is said, that having refused in , to say that a man _ought to vote_, on the ground that such a resolution would be tyrannical and intolerant, the society is manifestly inconsistent now in taking upon itself to say that no abolitionist _can_ consistently vote. but the inconsistency is only apparent and not real. there may he a thousand reasons why a particular individual ought not to do an act, though the act be innocent in itself. it would be tyranny therefore in a society which can properly take notice of but one subject, slavery, to promulgate the doctrine that all its members ought to do any particular act, as for instance, to vote, to give money, to lecture, to petition, or the like. the particular circumstances and opinions of each one must regulate his actions. all we have a right to ask is, that he do for the slave's cause as much as he does for any other of equal importance. but when an act is wrong, it is no intolerance to say to the whole world that it ought _not to be done_. after the abolitionist has granted that slavery is wrong, we have the right to judge him by his own principles, and arraign him for inconsistency that, so believing, he helps the slaveholder by his oath. the following pages have been hastily thrown together in explanation of the vote above recited. they make no pretension to a full argument of the topic. i hope that in a short time i shall get leisure sufficient to present to our opponents, unless some one does it for me, a full statement of the reasons which have led us to this step. i am aware that we non-voters are rather singular. but history, from the earliest christians downwards, is full of instances of men who refused all connection with government, and all the influence which office could bestow, rather than deny their principles, or aid in doing wrong. yet i never heard them called either idiots or over-scrupulous. sir thomas more need never have mounted the scaffold, had he only consented to take the oath of supremacy. he had only to tell a lie with solemnity, as we are asked to do, and he might not only have saved his life, but, as the trimmers of his day would have told him, doubled his influence. pitt resigned his place as prime minister of england, rather than break faith with the catholics of ireland. should i not resign a petty ballot rather than break faith with the slave? but i was specially glad to find a distinct recognition of the principle upon which we have acted, applied to a different point, in the life of that patriarch of the anti-slavery enterprise, granville sharpe. it is in a late number of the edinburgh review. while an underclerk in the war office, he sympathized with our fathers in their struggle for independence. "orders reached his office to ship munitions of war to the revolted colonies. if his hand had entered the account of such a cargo, it would have contracted in his eyes the stain of innocent blood. to avoid this pollution, he resigned his place and his means of subsistence at a period of life when be could no longer hope to find any other lucrative employment." as the thoughtful clerk of the war office takes his hat down from the peg where it has used to hang for twenty years, methinks i hear one of our opponents cry out, "friend sharpe, you are absurdly scrupulous." "you may innocently aid government in doing wrong," adds another. while liberty party yelps at his heels, "my dear sir, you are quite losing your influence!" and indeed it is melancholy to reflect how, from that moment the mighty underclerk of the war office(!) dwindled into the mere granville sharpe of history! the man of whom mansfield and hargrave were content to learn law, and wilberforce, philanthropy. one friend proposes to vote for men who shall be pledged not to take office unless the oath to the constitution is dispensed with, and who shall then go on to perform in their offices only such duties as we, their constituents, approve. he cites, in support of his view, the election of o'connell to the house of commons, in , i believe, just one year before the "oath of supremacy," which was the objectionable one to the catholics, was dispensed with. now, if we stood in the same circumstances as the catholics did in , the example would be in point. when the public mind is thoroughly revolutionized, and ready for the change, when the billow has reached its height and begins to crest into foam, then such a measure may bring matters to a crisis. but let us first go through, in patience, as o'connell did, our twenty years of agitation. waiving all other objections, this plan seems to me mere playing at politics, and an entire waste of effort. it loses our high position as moral reformers; it subjects us to all that malignant opposition and suspicion of motives which attend the array of parties; and while thus closing up our access to the national conscience, it wastes in fruitless caucussing and party tactics, the time and the effort which should have been directed to efficient agitation. the history of our union is lesson enough, for every candid mind, of the fatal effects of every, the least, compromise with evil. the experience of the fifty years passed under it, shows us the slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the government;--prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free states, and making the courts of the country their tools. to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. the trial of fifty years only proves that it is impossible for free and slave states to unite on any terms, without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery. why prolong the experiment? let every honest man join in the outcry of the american anti-slavery society, no union with slaveholders. wendell phillips. _boston, jan_. , . the no-voting theory. "god never made a citizen, and no one will escape as a man, from the sins which he commits as a citizen." can an abolitionist consistently take office, or vote, under the constitution of the united states? st. what is an abolitionist? one who thinks slaveholding a sin in all circumstances, and desires its abolition. of course such an one cannot consistently aid another in holding his slave;--in other words, i cannot innocently aid a man in doing that which i think wrong. no amount of fancied good will justify me in joining another in doing wrong, unless i adopt the principle "of doing evil that good may come." d. what do taking office and voting under the constitution imply? the president swears "to execute the office of president," and "to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states." the judges "to discharge the duties incumbent upon them agreeably to the constitution and laws of the united states." all executive, legislative, and judicial officers, both of the several states and of the general government, before entering on the performance of their official duties, are bound to take an oath or affirmation, "_to support the constitution of the united states_." this is what every office-holder expressly _promises in so many words_. it is a contract between him and the _whole nation_. the voter, who, by voting, sends his fellow citizen into office as his representative, knowing beforehand that the taking of this oath is the first duty his agent will have to perform, does by his vote, request and authorize him to take it. he therefore, by voting, impliedly engages to support the constitution. what one does by his agent he does himself. of course no honest man will authorize and request another to do an act which he thinks it wrong to do himself! every voter, therefore, is bound to see, _before voting_, whether he could himself honestly swear to _support_ the constitution. now what does this oath of office-holders relate to and imply? "it applies," says chief justice marshall, "in an especial manner, to their conduct in their official character." judge story, in his commentaries on the constitution, speaks of it as "a solemn obligation to the due execution of the trusts reposed in them, and to support the constitution." it is universally considered throughout the country, by common men and by the courts, as a promise to do what the constitution bids, and to avoid what it forbids. it was in the spirit of this oath, under which he spake, that daniel webster said in new york, "the constitution gave it (slavery) solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound by the constitution. all the stipulations contained in the constitution in favor of the slaveholding states ought to be fulfilled; and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter." it is more than an oath of allegiance; more than a mere promise that we will not resist the laws. for it is an engagement to "support them"; as an _officer_ of government, to carry them into effect. without such a promise on the part of its functionaries, how could government exist? it is more than the expression of that obligation which rests on all peaceable citizens to _submit_ to laws, even though they will not actively _support_ them. for it is the promise which the judge makes, that he will actually _do_ the business of the courts; which the sheriff assumes, that he will actually _execute_ the laws. let it be remarked, that it is an oath to support _the_ constitution--that is, _the whole of it_; there are no exceptions. and let it be remembered, that by it each _one_ makes a contract with the _whole_ nation, that he will do certain acts. d. what is the constitution which each voter thus engages to support? it contains the following clauses: art. , sect. . representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three fifths of all other persons_. art. , sect. . congress shall have power ... to suppress insurrections. art. , sec. . no person, held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. art. , sect. . the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against domestic violence_. the first of these clauses, relating to representation, gives to , inhabitants of carolina equal weight in the government with , inhabitants of massachusetts, provided they are rich enough to hold , slaves:--and accordingly confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them, thus tempting them to continue to uphold the system. its result has been, in the language of john quincy adams, "to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government;" and again, to enable "a knot of slaveholders to give the law and prescribe the policy of the country." so that "since slavery, slaveholding, slavebreeding, and slavetrading have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government." the second and the last articles relating to insurrection and domestic violence, perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery: the third is a promise, on the part of the whole north, to return fugitive slaves to their masters; a deed which god's law expressly condemns, and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt. these are the clauses which the abolitionist, by voting or taking office, engages to uphold. while he considers slaveholding to be sin, he still rewards the master with additional political power for every additional slave that he can purchase. thinking slaveholding to be sin, he pledges to the master the aid of the whole army and navy of the nation to reduce his slave again to chains, should he at any time succeed a moment in throwing them off. thinking slaveholding to be sin, he goes on, year after year, appointing by his vote judges and marshals to aid in hunting up the fugitives, and seeing that they are delivered back to those who claim them! how beautifully consistent are his _principles_ and his _promises_! objections. objection i. allowing that the clause relating to representation and that relating to insurrections are immoral, it is contended that the article which orders the return of fugitive slaves was not meant to apply to slaves, but has been misconstrued and misapplied! answer. the meaning of the other two clauses, settled as it has been by the unbroken practice and cheerful acquiescence of the government and people, no one has attempted to deny. this also has the same length of practice, and the same acquiescence, to show that it relates to slaves. no one denies that the government and courts have so construed it, and that the great body of the people have freely concurred in and supported this construction. and further, "the madison papers" (containing the debates of those who framed the constitution, at the time it was made) settle beyond all doubt what meaning the framers intended to convey. look at the following extracts from those papers: _tuesday, august th_, . mr. butler and mr. pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." mr. wilson. this would oblige the executive of the state to do it, at the public expense. mr. sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. mr. butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular provision might be made, apart from this article. article , as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con._--madison papers, pp. - . _wednesday, august_ , . mr. butler moved to insert after article , "if any person bound to service or labor in any of the united states, shall escape into another state, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the state to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con._--p. . and again, after the wording of the above article had been slightly changed, and the clause newly numbered, as in the present constitution, we find another statement most clearly showing to what subject the whole was intended to refer: _saturday, september_ , . article , section , (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term legal equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was _legal_ in a moral view.--p. . is it not hence evident that slavery was the subject referred to by the whole article? the debates of the convention held in the several states to ratify the constitution, at the same time show clearly what meaning it was thought the framers had conveyed:--in virginia mr. madison said, another clause secures to us that property which we now possess. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. for the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect. but in this constitution, "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. this is a better security than any that now exists. patrick henry, in reply observed, the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in maryland or new york. governor randolph said, but another clause of the constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. the words of the clause are, "no person held to service or labor in one state," &c. every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor. if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, &c. general pinckney in south carolina convention observed, "we have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of america they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before." in north carolina, mr. iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. in some of the northern states, they have emancipated all their slaves. if any of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again. this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the southern states, and to prevent it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. though the word _slave_ be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. the northern delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned. but even if two clauses are immoral that is enough for our purpose, and shews that no honest man should engage to uphold them. who has the right to construe and expound the laws? of course the courts of the nation. the constitution provides (article , section ,) that the supreme court shall be the final and only interpreter of its meaning. what says the supreme court? that this clause does relate to slaves, and order their return. all the other courts concur in this opinion. but, say some, the courts are corrupt on this question. let us appeal to the people. nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand answer, that the courts have construed it rightly, and almost as many cheerfully support it. if the unanimous, concurrent, unbroken practice of every department of the government, judicial, legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the people for fifty years, do not prove which is the true construction, then how and where can such a question ever be settled? if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has authority to settle their meaning for them? if the constitution is not what history, unbroken practice, and the courts prove that our fathers intended to make it, and what too, their descendants, this nation say they did make it, and agree to uphold,--who shall decide what the constitution is? this is the sense then in which the nation understand that the promise is made to them. the nation _understand_ that the judge pledges himself to return fugitive slaves. the judge knows this when he takes the oath. and paley expresses the opinion of all writers on morals, as well as the conviction of all honest men, when he says, "that a promise is binding in that sense in which the promiser thought at the time that the other party understood it." objection ii. a promise to do an immoral act is not binding: therefore an oath to support the constitution of the united states, does not bind one to support any provisions of that instrument which are repugnant to his ideas of right. and an abolitionist, thinking it wrong to return slaves, may as an office-holder, innocently and properly take an oath to support a constitution which commands such return. answer. observe that this objection allows the constitution to be pro-slavery, and admits that there are clauses in it which no abolitionist ought to carry out or support. and observe, further, that we all agree, that a bad promise is better broken than kept--that every abolitionist, who has before now taken the oath to the constitution, is bound to break it, and disobey the pro-slavery clauses of that instrument. so far there is no difference between us. but the point in dispute now is, whether a man, having found out that certain requirements of the constitution are wrong, can, after that, innocently swear to support and obey them, _all the while meaning not to do so_. now i contend that such loose construction of our promises is contrary alike to honor, to fair dealing, and to truthfulness--that it tends to destroy utterly that confidence between man and man which binds society together, and leads, in matters of government, to absolute tyranny. the constitution is a series of contracts made by each individual with every other of the fourteen millions. a man's oath is evidence of his assent to this contract. if i offer a man the copy of an agreement, and he, after reading, swears to perform it, have i not a right to infer from his oath that he assents to the _rightfulness_ of the articles of that paper? what more solemn form of expressing his assent could he select? a man's oath expresses his conviction of the rightfulness of the actions he promises to do, as well as his determination to do them. if this be not so, i can have no trust in any man's word. he may take my money, promise to do what i wish in return, and yet, keeping my money, tell me, on the morrow, that he shall not keep his promise, and never meant to, because the act, his conscience tells him, is wrong. who would trust property to such men, or such maxims in the common affairs of life? shall we not be as honest in the senate house as on 'change? the north makes a contract with the south by which she receives certain benefits, and agrees to render certain services. the benefits she carefully keeps--but the services she refuses to render, because immoral contracts are not binding! is this fair dealing? it is the rule alike of law and common sense, that if we are not able, from _any cause_, to furnish the article we have agreed to, we ought to return the pay we have received. if power is put into our hands on certain conditions, and we find ourselves unable to comply with those conditions, we ought to surrender the power back to those who gave it. immoral laws are doubtless void, and should not be obeyed. but the question is here, whether one knowing a law to be immoral, may innocently promise to obey it in order to get into office? the people have settled the conditions on which one may take office. the first is, that he assent to their constitution. is it honest to accept power with the intention at the time of not keeping the conditions?--the rightfulness of those conditions is not here the question. objection iii. i swear to support the constitution, _as i understand it_. certain parts of it, in my opinion, contradict others and are therefore void. answer. will any one take the title deed of his house and carry it to the man he bought of, and let him keep the covenants of that paper as he says "he understands them?" do we not all recognize the justice of having some third, disinterested party to judge between two disputants about the meaning of contracts? who ever heard of a contract of which each party was at liberty to keep as much as he thought proper? as in all other contracts, so in that of the constitution, there is a power provided to affix the proper construction to the instrument, and that construction both parties are bound to abide by, or repudiate the _whole_ contract. that power is the supreme court of the united states. do we seek the common sense, practical view of this question? go to the exchange and ask any broker how many dollars he will trust any man with, who avows his right to make promises with the design, at the time, of breaking some parts, and not feeling called upon to state which those parts will be? do you seek the moral view of the point, which philosophers have taken? paley says, "a promise is binding in that sense in which the promiser thought at the time of making that the other party understood it." is there any doubt what meaning the great body of the american people attach to the constitution and the official oath? they are that party to whom the promise is made. but, say some, our lives are notice to the whole people what meaning we attach to the oath, and we will protest when we swear, that we do not include in our oath the pro-slavery clauses. you may as well utter the protest now, as when you are swearing--or at home, equally as well as within the state house. for no such protest can be of any avail. the chief justice stands up to administer to me the oath of some office, no matter which. "sir," say i, "i must take that oath with a qualification, excluding certain clauses." his reply will be, "sir, i have no discretion in this matter. i am here merely to administer a prescribed form of oath. if you assent to it, you are qualified for your station. if you do not, you cannot enter. i have no authority given me to listen to exceptions. i am a servant--the people are my masters--here is what they require that you support, not this or that part of the constitution, but '_the constitution_,' that is, the _whole_." baffled here, i turn to the people. i publish my opinions in newspapers. i proclaim them at conventions, i spread them through the country on the wings of a thousand presses. does this avail me? yes, says liberty party, if after this, men choose to vote for you, it is evident they mean you shall take the oath as you have given notice that you understand it. well, the voters in boston, with this understanding, elect me to congress, and i proceed to washington. but here arises a difficulty,--my constituents at home have assented--but when i get to congress, i find i am not the representative of boston only, but of the whole country. the interests of carolina are committed to my hands as well as those of massachusetts; i find that the contract i made by my oath was not with boston, but with the whole nation. it is the _nation_ that gives me the power to declare war and make peace--to lay taxes on cotton, and control the commerce of new orleans. the nation prescribed the conditions in , when the constitution was settled, and though boston may be willing to accept me on other terms, carolina is not willing. boston has accepted my protest, and says, "take office." carolina says, "the oath you swear is sworn to me, as well as to the rest--i demand the whole bond." in other words, when i have made my protest, what evidence is there that _the nation_, the other party to the contract, assents to it? there can be none until that nation amends its constitution. massachusetts when she accepted that constitution, bound herself to send only such men as could swear to return slaves. if by an underhand compromise with some of her citizens, she sends persons of other sentiments, she is perjured, and any one who goes on such an errand is a partner in the perjury. massachusetts has no right to assent to my protest--she has no right to send representatives, except on certain conditions. she cannot vary those conditions, without leave from those whose interests are to be affected by the change, that is, the whole nation. those conditions are written down in the constitution. do she and south carolina differ, as to the meaning? the court will decide for them. but, says the objector, do you mean to say that i swear to support the constitution, not as i understand it, but as some judge understands it? yes, i do--otherwise there is no such thing as law. this right of private judgment, for which he contends, exists in religion--but not in government. law is a rule _prescribed_. the party prescribing must have the right to construe his own rule, otherwise there would be as many laws as there are individual consciences. statutes would be but recommendations if every man was at liberty to understand and obey them as he thought proper. but i need not argue this. the absurdity of a government that has no right to govern--and of laws which have no fixed meaning--but which each man construes to mean what he pleases and obeys accordingly--must be evident to every one. what more power did the most despotic of the english stuarts ask, than the right, after having sworn to laws, to break such as their consciences disapproved? it is the essence of tyranny. what is the constitution of the united states? in good old fashioned times we thought we knew, when we had read it and listened to the court's exposition. but we have improved upon that. the liberty party man says, it is for him "what he understands it." john c. calhoun, of course, has the same right, and instead of "liberty regulated by law," we have liberty regulated by fourteen millions of understandings! the liberty party man takes office on conditions, which, he says, are not binding upon him. he gives us notice that he shall use the power as he thinks right, without any regard to these conditions of his oath. well, if this is law, it is good for all. john c. calhoun can of course take office with the same broad liberty, and swear to support the constitution "as _he_ understands it." he has told us often what that "understanding" is--"to sustain slavery." of course having made this public, if, after that, carolina sends him, according to liberty party logic, it is evidence that massachusetts assents to his "understanding," and accepts his oath with that meaning! why i thought i had fathomed the pro-slavery depths of the constitution when i read over all its wicked clauses--but that is skimming only the surface, if the constitution allows every man, to whom it commits power to use it, as he chooses to "understand" the conditions, and not as the nation understands them. if with this right, abolitionists may take office and help liberty, we must remember that by the same rule, slaveholders may take office and lawfully use all their power to help slavery. if this be so, how absurd to keep crying out of this and the other thing it is "unconstitutional." away with such logic! if we have a constitution, let us remember jefferson's advice, and not make it "waste paper by construction." the man who tampers thus with the sacred obligation of an oath,--swears, and jesuit like, keeps "reserved meanings" in his own breast,--does more harm to society by loosening the foundations of morals, than he would do good, did his one falsehood free every slave from the potomac to the del norte. objection iv. "the oath does not mean that i will positively do what i swear to do, but only that i will do it, _or submit_ to the penalty the law awards. if my actions in office don't suit the nation, let them impeach me." answer. that is, john tyler may, without consulting congress, plunge us into war with mexico--incur fifty millions of public debt--lose a hundred thousand lives--and the _sufficient recompense_ to this nation will be to impeach john tyler, esq., and send him home to his slaves! these are the wise safeguards of constitutional liberty! he has faithfully kept it "as he understands it." what is a russian slave? one who holds life, property, and all, at the mercy of the czar's idea of right. does not this description of the power every officer has here, under our constitution, reduce americans to the same condition? but, is it true that the bearing of the penalty is an excuse for breach of our official oaths? the judge who, in questions of divorce, has trifled with the sanctity of the marriage tie--who, in matters of property has decided unjustly, and taken bribes--in capital cases has so dealt judgment as to send innocent men to the gallows--may cry out, "if you don't like me, impeach me." but will impeachment restore the dead to life, or the husband to his defamed wife? would the community consider his submission to impeachment as equivalent to the keeping of his oath of office, and thenceforward view him as an honest, truth-speaking, unperjured man? it is idle to suppose so. yet the interests committed to some of our officeholders' keeping, are more important often than even those which a judge controls. and we must remember that men's ideas of right always differ. to admit such a principle into the construction of oaths, if it enable one man to do much good, will enable scoundrels who creep into office to do much harm, "according to _their_ consciences." but yet the rule, if it be admitted, must be universal. liberty becomes, then, matter of accident. objection v. i shall resign whenever a case occurs that requires me to aid in returning a fugitive slave. answer. "the office-holder has promised active obedience to the constitution in every exigency which it has contemplated and sought to provide for. if he promised, not meaning to perform in certain cases, is he not doubly dishonest? dishonest to his own conscience in promising to do wrong, and to his fellow-citizens in purposing from the first to break his oath, as he knew they understood it? if he had sworn, not regarding anything as immoral which he bound himself to do, and afterwards found in the oath something against his conscience of which he was not at first aware, or if by change of views he had come to deem sinful what before he thought right, then doubtless, by promptly resigning, he might escape guilt. but is not the case different, when among the acts promised are some known at the time to be morally wrong? 'it is a sin to swear unto sin,' says the poet, although it be, as he truly adds, 'a greater sin to keep the sinful oath.'" the captain has no right to put to sea, and resign when the storm comes. besides what supports a wicked government more than good men taking office under it, even though they secretly determine not to carry out all its provisions? the slave balancing in his lonely hovel the chance of escape, knows nothing of your secret reservations, your future intentions. he sees only the swarming millions at the north ostensibly sworn to restore him to his master, if he escape a little way. perchance it is your false oath, which you don't mean to keep, that makes him turn from the attempt in despair. he knows you only--the world knows only by your _actions_, not your _intentions_, and those side with his master. the prayer which he lifts to heaven, in his despair, numbers you rightly among his oppressors. objection vi. i shall only take such an office as brings me into no connection with slavery. answer. government is a whole; unless each in his circle aids his next neighbor, the machine will stand still. the senator does not himself return the fugitive slave, but he appoints the marshal, whose duty it is to do so. the state representative does not himself appoint the judge who signs the warrant for the slave's recapture, but he chooses the united states senator who does appoint that judge. the elector does not himself order out the militia to resist "domestic violence," but he elects the president, whose duty requires, that a case occurring, he should do so. to suppose that each of these may do that part of his duty that suits him, and leave the rest undone, is _practical anarchy_. it is bringing ourselves precisely to that state which the hebrew describes. "in those days there was no king in israel, but each man did what was right in his own eyes." this is all consistent in us, who hold that man is to do right, even if anarchy follows. how absurd to set up such a scheme, and miscall it a _government_,--where nobody governs, but everybody does as he pleases. objection vii. as men and all their works are imperfect, we may innocently "support a government which, along with many blessings, assists in the perpetration of some wrong." answer. as nobody disputes that we may rightly assist the worst government in doing good, provided we can do so without at the same time aiding it in the wrong it perpetrates, this must mean, of course, that it is right to aid and obey a government _in doing wrong_, if we think that, on the whole, the government effects more good than harm. otherwise the whole argument is irrelevant, for this is the point in dispute; since every office of any consequence under the united states constitution has some immediate connection with slavery. let us see to what lengths this principle will carry one. herod's servants, then, were right in slaying every child in bethlehem, from two years old and under, provided they thought herod's government, on the whole, more a blessing than a curse to judea! the soldiers of charles ii. were justified in shooting the covenanters on the muirs of scotland, if they thought his rule was better, on the whole, for england, than anarchy! according to this theory, the moment the magic wand of government touches our vices, they start up into virtues! but has government any peculiar character or privilege in this respect? oh, no--government is only an association of individuals, and the same rules of morality which govern my conduct in relation to a thousand men, ought to regulate my conduct to any one. therefore, i may innocently aid a man in doing wrong, if i think that, on the whole, he has more virtues than vices. if he gives bread to the hungry six days in the week, i may rightly help him, on the seventh, in forging bank notes, or murdering his father! the principle goes this length, and every length, or it cannot be proved to exist at all. it ends at last, practically, in the old maxim, that the subject and the soldier have no right to keep any conscience, but have only to obey the rulers they serve: for there are few, if any, governments this side of satan's, which could not, in some sense, be said to do more good than harm. now i candidly confess, that i had rather be covered all over with inconsistencies, in the struggle to keep my hands clean, than settle quietly down on such a principle as this. it is supposing that we may-- "to do a great right, do a little wrong;" a rule, which the master poet of human nature has rebuked. it is doing evil that good may come--a doctrine, of which an apostle has pronounced the condemnation. and let it be remembered that in dealing with the question of slavery, we are not dealing with extreme cases. slavery is no minute evil which lynx-eyed suspicion has ferreted out. every sixth man is a slave. the ermine of justice is stained. the national banner clings to the flag-staff heavy with blood. "the preservation of slavery," says our oldest and ablest statesman, "is the vital and animating _spirit_ of the national government." surely if it be true that a man may justifiably stand connected with a government in which he sees some slight evils--still it is also true, even then, that governments _may_ sin so atrociously, so enormously, may make evil so much the _purpose_ of their being, as to render it the duty of honest men to wash their hands of them. i may give money to a friend whose life has some things in it which i do not fully approve--but when his nights are passed in the brothel, and his days in drunkenness, when he uses his talents to seduce others, and his gold to pave their road to ruin, surely the case is changed. i may perhaps sacrifice health by staying awhile in a room rather overheated, but i shall certainly see it to be my duty to rush out, when the whole house is in full blaze. objection viii. god intended that society and governments should exist. we therefore are bound to support them. he has conferred upon us the rights of citizenship in this country, and we cannot escape from the responsibility of exercising them. god made us _citizens_. answer. this reminds me of an old story i have heard. when the legislature were asked to set off a portion of the town of dorchester and call it south boston, the old minister of the town is said to have objected, saying, "god made it dorchester, and dorchester it ought to be." god made us social beings, it is true, but _society_ is not necessarily the constitution of the united states! because god meant some form of government should exist, does not at all prove that we are justified in supporting a wicked one. man confers the rights and regulates the duties of citizenship. god never made a _citizen_, and no one will escape, as a man, from the sins he commits as a citizen. this is the first time that it has ever been held an excuse for sin that we "went with the multitude to do evil!" certainly we can be under no _such_ responsibility to become and remain _citizens_, as will excuse us from the sinful acts which as such citizens we are called to commit. does god make obligatory on his creature the support of institutions which require him to do acts in themselves wrong? to suppose so, were to confound all the rules of god's moral kingdom. president wayland has lately been illustrating, and giving his testimony to the principle, that a combination of men cannot change the moral character of an act, which is in itself sinful--that the law of morals is binding the same on communities, corporations, &c. as on individuals. after describing slavery, and saying that to hold a man in such a state is wrong--he goes on: "i will offer but one more supposition. suppose that any number, for instance one half of the families in our neighborhood, should by law enact that the weaker half should be slaves, that we would exercise over them the authority of masters, prohibit by law their instruction, and concert among ourselves means for holding them permanently in their present situation. in what manner would this alter the moral aspect of the case?" a law in this case is merely a determination of one party, in which all unite, to hold the other party in bondage; and a compact by which the whole party bind themselves to assist every individual of themselves to subdue all resistance from the other party, and guaranteeing to each other that exercise of this power over the weaker party which they now possess. now i cannot see that this in any respect changes the nature of the parties. they remain, as before, human beings, possessing the same intellectual and moral nature, holding the same relations to each other and to god, and still under the same unchangeable law, thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. by the act of holding a man in bondage, this law is violated. wrong is done, moral evil is committed. in the former case it was done by the individual; now it is done by the individual and the society. before, the individual was responsible only for his own wrong; now he is responsible both for his own, and also, as a member of the society, for all the wrong which the society binds itself to uphold and render perpetual. the scriptures frequently allude to the fact, that wrong done by law, that is by society, is amenable to the same retribution as wrong done by the individual. thus, psalm : - . 'shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with them which frame mischief by a law, and gather themselves together against the soul of the righteous, and condemn the innocent blood? but the lord is my defence; and my god is the rock of my refuge. and he shall bring upon them their own iniquity, and shall cut them off in their own wickedness; yea, the lord our god shall cut them off' so also isaiah : - . 'wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed.' &c. besides, persecution for the sake of religious opinion is always perpetrated by law; but this in no manner affects its moral character. there is, however, one point of difference, which arises from the fact that this wrong has been established by law. it becomes a social wrong. the individual, or those who preceded him, may have surrendered their individual right over it to the society. in this case it may happen that the individual cannot act as he might act, if the law had not been made. in this case the evil can only be eradicated by changing the opinions of the society, and inducing them to abolish the law. it will however be apparent that this, as i said before, does not change the relation of the parties either to each other or to god. the wrong exists as before. the individual act is wrong. the law which protects it is wrong. the whole society, in putting the law into execution, is wrong. before only the individual, now, the whole society, becomes the wrong doer, and for that wrong, both the individuals and the society are held responsible in the sight of god." if such "individual act is wrong," the man who knowingly does it is surely a sinner. does god, through society, require men to sin? objection ix. if not being non-resistants, we concede to mankind the right to frame governments, which must, from the very nature of man, be more or less evil, the right or duty to support them, when framed, necessarily follows. answer. i do not think it follows at all. mankind, that is, any number of them, have a right to set up such forms of worship as they see fit, but when they have done so, does it necessarily follow that i am in duty bound to support any one of them, whether i approve it or not? government is precisely like any other voluntary association of individuals--a temperance or anti-slavery society, a bank or railroad corporation. i join it, or not, as duty dictates. if a temperance society exists in the village where i am, that love for my race which bids me seek its highest good, commands me to join it. so if a government is formed in the land where i live, the same feeling bids me to support it, if i innocently can. this is the whole length of my duty to government. from the necessity of the case, and that constitution of things which god has ordained, it follows that in any specified district, the majority must rule--hence results the duty of the minority to submit. but we must carefully preserve the distinction between _submission_ and _obedience_ --between _submission_ and _support_. if the majority set up an immoral government, i obey those laws which seem to me good, because they are good--and i submit to all the penalties which my disobedience of the rest brings on me. this is alike the dictate of common sense, and the command of christianity. and it must be the true doctrine, since any other obliges me to obey the majority if they command me to commit murder, a rule which even the tory blackstone has denied. of course for me to do anything i deem wrong, is the same, in quality, as to commit murder. objection x. but it is said, your theory results in good men leaving government to the dishonest and wicked. answer. well, if to sustain government we must sacrifice honesty, government could not be in a more appropriate place, than in the hands of dishonest men. but it by no means follows, that if i go out of government, i leave nothing but dishonest men behind. an act may be sin to me, which another may sincerely think right--and if so, let him do it, till he changes his mind. i leave government in the hands of those whom i do not think as clear-sighted as myself, but not necessarily in the hands of the dishonest. whether it be so in this country now, is not, at present, the question, but whether it would be so necessarily, in all cases. the real question is, what is the duty of those who presume to think that god has given them clearer views of duty than the bulk of those among whom they live? don't think us conceited in supposing ourselves a little more enlightened than our neighbors. it is no great thing after all to be a little better than a lynching--mobocratic--slaveholding--debt repudiating community. what then is the duty of such men? doubtless to do all they can to extend to others the light they enjoy. will they best do so by compromising their principles? by letting their political life give the lie to their life of reform? who will have the most influence, he whose life is consistent, or he who says one thing to-day, and swears another thing to-morrow--who looks one way and rows another? my object is to let men _understand me_, and i submit that the body of the roman people understood better, and felt more earnestly, the struggle between the people and the princes, when the little band of democrats _left the city_ and encamped on _mons sacer, outside_, than while they remained mixed up and voting with their masters, shoulder to shoulder. _dissolution_ is our _mons sacer_--god grant that it may become equally famous in the world's history as the spot where the right triumphed. it is foolish to suppose that the position of such men, divested of the glare of official distinction, has no weight with the people. if it were so, i am still bound to remember that i was not sent into the world _to have influence_, but to do my duty according to my own conscience. but it is not so. people do know an honest man when they see him. (i allow that this is so rare an event now-a-days, as almost to justify one in supposing they might have forgotten how he looked.) they will give a man credit, when his life is one manly testimony to the truthfulness of his lips. even liberty party, blind as she is, has light enough to see that "consistency is the jewel, the everything of such a cause as ours." the position of a non-voter, in a land where the ballot is so much idolized, kindles in every beholder's bosom something of the warm sympathy which waits on the persecuted, carries with it all the weight of a disinterested testimony to truth, and pricks each voter's conscience with an uneasy doubt, whether after all voting _is_ right. there is constantly a mordecai in the gate. i admit that we should strive to have a _political_ influence--for with politics is bound up much of the welfare of the people. but this objection supposes that the ballot box is the _only_ means of political influence. now it is a good thing that every man should have the right to vote. but it is by no means necessary that every man should actually vote, in order to influence his times. we by no means necessarily desert our social duty when we refuse to take office, or to confer it. lafayette did better service to the cause of french liberty when he retired to lagrange and refused to acknowledge napoleon, than he could have done had he stood, for years, at the tyrant's right hand. from the silence of that chamber there went forth a voice--from the darkness of that retreat there burst forth a light; feeble indeed at first, like the struggling beams of the morning, but destined like them to brighten into perfect day. this objection, that we non-voters shall lose all our influence, confounds the broad distinction between _influence_ and _power_. _influence_ every honest man must and will have, in exact proportion to his honesty and ability. god always annexes influence to worth. the world, however unwilling, can never get free from the influence of such a man. this influence the possession of office cannot give, nor the want of it take away. for the exercise of such influence as this, man is responsible. _power_ we buy of our fellow men at a certain price. before making the bargain it is our duty to see that we do not pay "too dear for our whistle." he who buys it at the price of truth and honor, buys only weakness--and sins beside. of those who go to the utmost verge of honesty in order to reach the seats of worldly power, and barter a pure conscience for a weighty name, it may be well said with old fuller, "they need to have steady heads who can dive into these gulfs of policy, and come out with a safe conscience." objection xi. this withdrawing from government is pharisaical--"shall we, 'weak, sinful men,'" one says, "perhaps even more sinful than the slaveholder, cry out, no union with slaveholders?" such a course is wanting in brotherly kindness. answer. because we refuse to aid a wrong-doer in his sin, we by no means proclaim, or assume, that we think our _whole character_ better than his. it is neither pharisaical to have opinions, nor presumptuous to guide our lives by them. if i have joined with others in doing wrong, is it either presumptuous or unkind, when my eyes are opened, to refuse to go any further with them in their career of guilt? does love to the thief require me to help him in stealing? yet this is all we refuse to do. we will extend to the slaveholder all the courtesy he will allow. if he is hungry, we will feed him; if he is in want, both hands shall be stretched out for his aid. we will give him full credit for all the good that he does, and our deep sympathy in all the temptations under whose strength he falls. but to help him in his sin, to remain partners with him in the slave-trade, is more than he has a right to ask. he would be a strange preacher who should set out to reform his circle by joining in all their sins! it is a principle similar to that which the tipsy duke of norfolk acted on, when seeing a drunken friend in the gutter, he cried out, "my dear fellow, i can't help you out, but i'll do better, i'll lie down by your side." objection xii. but consider, the abstaining from all share in government will leave bad men to have everything their own way--admit texas--extend slavery, &c. &c. answer. that is no matter of mine. god, the great conservative power of the universe, when he established the right, saw to it that it should always be the safest and best. he never laid upon a poor finite worm the staggering load of following out into infinity the complex results of his actions. we may rest on the bosom of infinite wisdom, confident that it is enough for us to do justice, he will see to it that happiness results. objection xiii. but the same conscientious objection against promising your support to government, ought to lead you to avoid actually giving your support to it by paying taxes or sueing in the courts. answer. this is what logicians call a _reductio ad absurdum_: an attempt to prove our principle unsound by showing that, fairly carried out, it leads to an absurdity. but granting all it asks, it does not saddle us with any absurdity at all. it is perfectly possible to live without petitioning, sueing, or holding stocks. thousands in this country have lived, died, and been buried, without doing either. and does it load us with any absurdity to prove that we shall be obliged to do from principle, what the majority of our fellow-citizens do from choice? we lawyers may think it is an absurdity to say a man can't sue, for, like the apostle at ephesus, it touches our "craft," but that don't go far to prove it. then, as to taxes, doubtless many cases might be imagined, when every one would allow it to be our duty to resist the slightest taxation, did christianity allow it, with "war to the hilt." if such cases may ever arise, why may not this be one? until i become an irishman, no one will ever convince me that i ought to vote, by proving that i ought not to pay taxes! suppose all these difficulties do really encompass us, it will not be the first time that the doing of one moral duty has revealed a dozen others which we never thought of. the child has climbed the hill over his native village, which he thought the end of the world, and lo! there are mountains beyond! he won't remedy the matter by creeping back to his cradle and disbelieving in mountains! but then, is there any such inconsistency in non-voters sueing and paying taxes? look at it. a. and b. have agreed on certain laws, and appointed c. to execute them. a. owes me, who am no party to the contract, a just debt, which his laws oblige him to pay. do i acknowledge the rightfulness of his relation to b. and c. by asking c. to use the power given him, in my behalf? it appears to me that i do not. i may surely ask a. to pay me my debt--why not then ask the keeper, whom he has appointed over himself, to make him do so? i am a prisoner among pirates. the mate is abusing me in some way contrary to their laws. do i recognize the rightfulness of the captain's authority, by asking him to use the power the mate has consented to give him, to protect me? it seems to me that i do not necessarily endorse the means by which a man has acquired money or power, when i ask him to use either in my behalf. an alien does not recognize the rightfulness of a government by living under it. it has always been held that an english subject may swear allegiance to an usurper and yet not be guilty of treason to the true king. because he may innocently acknowledge the king _de facto_ (the king _in deed_,) without assuming him to be king _de jure_ (king by _right_.) the distinction itself is as old as the time of edward the first. the principle is equally applicable to suits. it has been universally acted on and allowed. the catholic, who shrank from acknowledging the heretical government of england, always, i believe, sued in her courts. who could convince a common man, that by sueing in constantinople or timbuctoo, he does an act which makes him responsible for the character of those governments? then, as for taxes. it is only our voluntary acts for which we are responsible. and when did government ever trust tax-paying to the voluntary good will of its subjects? when it does so, i, for one, will refuse to pay. when did any sane man conclude that our saviour's voluntary payment of a tax acknowledged the rightfulness of rome's authority over judea? "the states," says chief justice marshall, "have only not to elect senators, and this government expires without a struggle." every november, then, we _create_ the government anew. now, what "instinct" will tell a common-sense man, that the act of a _sovereign_,--voting--which creates a wicked government, is, _essentially_ the same as the submission of a _subject_,--tax-paying,--an act done without our consent. it should be remembered, that we vote as _sovereigns_,--we pay taxes as _subjects_. who supposes that the humble tax-payer of austria, who does not, perhaps, know in what name the charter of his bondage runs, is responsible for the doings of metternich? and what sane man likens his position to that of the voting sovereign of the united states? my innocent acts may, through others' malice, result in evil. in that case, it will be for my best judgment to determine whether to continue or cease them. they are not thereby rendered essentially sinful. for instance, i walk out on sabbath morning. the priest over the way will exclaim, "sabbath-breaker," and the infidel will delude his followers, by telling them i have no regard for christianity. still, it will be for me to settle which, in present circumstances, is best,--to remain in, and not be misconstrued, or to go out and bear a testimony against the superstitious keeping of the day. different circumstances will dictate different action on such a point. i may often be the _occasion_ of evil when i am not responsible for it. many innocent acts _occasion_ evil, and in such case all i am bound to ask myself before doing such _innocent act_, is, "shall i occasion, on the whole, more harm or good." there are many cases where doing a duty even, we shall occasion evil and sin in others. to save a slaveholder from drowning, when we know he has made a will freeing his slaves, would put off, perhaps forever, their emancipation, but of course that is not my fault. this making a man responsible for all the evil his acts, _incidentally_, without his will, occasion, reminds me of that principle of turkish law which dr. clarke mentions, in his travels, and which they call "homicide by an intermediate cause." the case he relates is this: a young man in love poisoned himself, because the girl's father refused his consent to the marriage. the cadi sentenced the father to pay a fine of $ , saying "if you had not had a daughter, this young man had not loved; if he had not loved, he had never been disappointed; if not disappointed, he would never have taken poison." it was the same cadi possibly, who sentenced the island of samos to pay for the wrecking of a vessel, on the principle that "if the island had not been in the way, the vessel would never have been wrecked!" then of taxes on imports. buying and selling, and carrying from country to country, is good and innocent. but government, if i trade here, will take occasion to squeeze money out of me. very well. i shall deliberate whether i will cease trading, and deprive them of the opportunity, or go on and use my wealth to reform them. 'tis a question of expediency, not of right, which my judgment, not my conscience, must settle. an act of mine, innocent in itself, and done from right motives, no after act of another's can make a sin. to import, is rightful. after-taxation, against my consent, cannot make it wrong. neither am i obliged to smuggle, in order to avoid it. i include in these remarks, all taxes, whether on property, or imports, or railroads. a chemist, hundreds of years ago, finds out how to temper steel. the art is useful for making knives, lancets, and machinery. but he knows that the bad will abuse it by making swords and daggers. is he responsible? certainly not. similar to this is trading in america,--knowing government will thus have an opportunity to increase its revenue. but suppose the chemist to see two men fighting, one has the other down,--to the first our chemist presents a finely tempered dagger. such is voting under the united states constitution--appointing an officer to help the oppressor. the difference between voting and tax-paying is simply this: i may do an act right in itself, though i know some evil will result. paul was bound to preach the gospel to the jews, though he knew some of them would thereby be led to add to their sins by cursing and mobbing him. so i may locate property in philadelphia, trade there, and ride on its railroads, though i know government will, without my consent, thereby enrich itself. other things being equal, of course i shall not allow it the opportunity. but the advantages and good results of my doing so, _may be_ such as would make it my duty there to live and trade, even subject to such an evil. but on the other hand, i may not do an act wrong in itself to secure any amount of fancied good. now, appointing a man by my vote to a pro-slavery office, (and such is every one under the united states constitution,) is wrong in itself, and no other good deeds which such officer may do, will justify an abolitionist in so appointing him. let it not be said, that this reasoning will apply to voting--that voting is the right of every human being, (which i grant only for the sake of argument,) and innocent in itself. voting _under our_ constitution is appointing a man to swear to protect, and actually to protect slavery. now, appointing agents generally is the right of every man, and innocent in itself, but appointing an agent to commit a murder is sin. i trade, and government taxes me; do i authorize it? no. i vote, and the marshal whom my agent appoints, returns a slave to south carolina. do i authorize it? _yes_. i knew it would be his _sworn duty_, when i voted; and i assented to it, by voting under the constitution which makes it his duty. if i trade, it is said, i may foresee that government will be helped by the taxes i pay, therefore i ought not to trade. but i do not trade _for the purpose_ of paying taxes! and if i am to be charged with all the foreseen results of my actions, then garrison is responsible for the boston mob! the reason why i am responsible for the pro-slavery act of a united states officer, for whom i have voted, is this: i must be supposed to have _intended_ that which my agent is _bound_ by his contract with me (that is, his oath of office) to do. allow me to request our opposers to keep distinctly in view the precise point in debate. this is not whether massachusetts can rightfully trade and make treaties with south carolina, although she knows that such a course will result in strengthening a wrongdoer. such are most of the cases which they consider parallel to ours, and for permitting which they charge us with inconsistency. but the question really is, whether massachusetts can join hands and strength with south carolina, for the express and avowed purpose of sustaining slavery. this she does in the constitution. for he who swears to support an instrument of twelve clauses, swears to support one as well as another,--and though one only be immoral,--still he swears to do an immoral act. now, my conviction is, "which fire will not burn out of me," that to return fugitive slaves is sin--to promise so to do, and not do it, is, if possible, baser still; and that any conjunction of circumstances which makes either necessary, is of the devil, and not of god. objection xiv. duty requires of a non-voter to quit the country, and go where his taxes will not help to build up slavery. answer. god gave me my birth here. because bad men about me "play such tricks before high heaven, as make the angels weep," does it oblige me to quit? i have as good right here as they. if they choose to leave, let them--i shall remain. 'twould be a pretty thing, indeed, if, as often as i found myself next door to a bad man, who would bring up his children to steal my apples and break my windows, i were obliged to take the temptation away by cutting down all my apple trees and moving my house further west, into the wilderness. this would be, in good john wesley's phrase, "giving up all the good times to the devil," with a witness. objection xv. "society has the right to prescribe the terms, upon the expressed or implied agreement to comply with which a person may reside within its limits." answer. this principle i utterly deny. all that society has a right to demand is peaceful submission to its exactions:--_consent_ they have neither the power nor the right to exact or to imply. twenty men live on a lone island. nineteen set up a government and say, every man who lives there shall worship idols. the twentieth submits to all their laws, but refuses to commit idolatry. have they the _right_ to say, "do so, or quit;" or, to say, "if you stay, we will consider you as impliedly worshipping idols?" doubtless they have the _power_, but the majority have no _rights_, except those which justice sanctions. will the objector show me the justice of his principle? i was born here. i ask no man's permission to remain. all that any man or body of men have a right to infer from my staying here, is that, in doing this _innocent act_, i think, that on the whole, i am effecting more good than harm. lawyers say, i cannot find this right laid down in the books. that will not trouble me. some old play has a character in it who never ties his neckcloth without a warrant from mr. justice overdo. i claim no relationship to that very scrupulous individual. objection xvi. these clauses, to which you refer, are inconsistent with the preamble of the constitution, which describes it as made "to establish justice" and "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity:" and as, when two clauses of the same instrument are inconsistent, one must yield and be held void--we hold these three clauses void. answer. a _specific_ clause is not to be held void on account of general terms, such as those of the preamble. it is rather to be taken as an exception, allowed and admitted at the time, to those general terms. again. you say they are inconsistent. but the courts and the people do not think so. now they, being the majority, settle the law. the question then is, whether the law being settled,--and according to your belief settled immorally,--you will _volunteer_ your services to execute it and carry it into effect? this you do by becoming an officeholder. it seems to me this question can receive but one answer from honest men. last of all, the objector cries out, the constitution may be _amended_, and i shall vote to have it changed. answer. but at present it is necessary to swear to support it _as it is_. what the constitution may become, a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and repudiate it _as it is_. how long may one promise to do evil, in hope some time or other to get the power to do good? we will not brand the constitution of the united states as pro-slavery, after--it had ceased to be so! this objection reminds me of miss martineau's story of the little boy, who hurt himself, and sat crying on the sidewalk. "don't cry!" said a friend, "it won't hurt you tomorrow."--"well then," said the child, "i won't cry tomorrow." we come then, it seems to me, back to our original conclusion: that the man who swears to support the constitution, swears to support the whole of it, pro-slavery clauses and all,--that he swears to support it _as it is_, not as it hereafter may become,--that he swears to support it in the sense given to it by the courts and the nation, not as he chooses to understand it,--and that the courts and the nation expect such an one in office to do his share toward the suppression of slave, as well as other, insurrections, and to aid the return of fugitive slaves. after an _abolitionist_ has taken such an oath, or by his vote sent another to take it for him, i do not see how he can look his own principles in the face. thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou lie? we who call upon the slaveholder to do right, no matter what the consequences or the cost, are certainly bound to look well to our own example. at least we can hardly expect to win the master to do justice by _setting him an example of perjury_. it is almost an insult in an abolitionist, while not willing to sacrifice even a petty ballot for his principles, to demand of the slaveholder that he give up wealth, home, old prejudices and social position at their call. extracts from j.q. adams. the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_. protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into this country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction, fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.--is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?--the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. its operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.--the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two. but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation, nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government and home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the south--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. the anti-slavery examiner. address to the friends of constitutional liberty, on the violation by the united states house of representatives of the right of petition at the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . this no. contains sheet.--postage, under miles, - / ct. over , - / cts. please read and circulate. address. to the friends of constitutional liberty:-- there was a time, fellow citizens, when the above address would have included the people of the united states. but, alas! the freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and the right of petition, are now hated and dreaded by our southern citizens, as hostile to the perpetuity of human bondage; while, by their political influence in the federal government, they have induced numbers at the north to unite with them in their sacrilegious crusade against these inestimable privileges. on the th january last, the house of representatives, on motion of mr. johnson, from maryland, made it a standing rule of the house that "no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia, or any state or territory of the united states, in which it now exists, shall be received by the house, or entertained in any way whatever." thus has the right of petition been immolated in the very temple of liberty, and offered up, a propitiatory sacrifice to the demon of slavery. never before has an outrage so unblushingly profligate been perpetrated upon the federal constitution. yet, while we mourn the degeneracy which this transaction evinces, we behold, in its attending circumstances, joyful omens of the triumph which awaits our struggle with the hateful power that now perverts the general government into an engine of cruelty and loathsome oppression. before we congratulate you on these omens, let us recall to your recollection the steps by which the enemies of human rights have advanced to their present rash and insolent defiance of moral and constitutional obligation. in , a newspaper was established in boston, for the purpose of disseminating facts and arguments in favor of the duty and policy of immediate emancipation. the legislature of georgia, with all the recklessness of despotism, passed a law, offering a reward of $ , for the abduction of the editor, and his delivery in georgia. as there was no law, by which a citizen of massachusetts could be tried in georgia, for expressing his opinions in the capital of his own state, this reward was intended as the price of blood. do you start at the suggestion? remember the several sums of $ , , of $ , , and of $ , , offered in southern papers for kidnapping certain abolitionists. remember the horrible inflictions by southern lynch clubs. remember the declaration, in the united states senate, by the brazen-fronted preston, that, should an abolitionist be caught in carolina, he would be hanged. but, as the slaveholders could not destroy the lives of the abolitionists, they determined to murder their characters. hence, the president of the united states was induced, in his message of , to congress, to charge them with plotting the massacre of the southern planters; and even to stultify himself, by affirming that, for this purpose, they were engaged in sending, by _mail_, inflammatory appeals to the _slaves_--sending papers to men who could not read them, and by a conveyance through which they could not receive them! he well knew that the papers alluded to were appeals on the immorality of converting men, women, and children, into beasts of burden, and were sent to the masters, for _their_ consideration. the masters in charleston, dreading the moral influence of these appeals on the conscience of the slaveholding community, forced the post office, and made a bonfire of the papers. the post master general, with the sanction of the president, also hastened to their relief, and, in violation of oaths, and laws, and the constitution, established ten thousand censors of the press, each one of whom was authorized to abstract from the mail every paper which _he_ might think too favorable to the rights of man. for more than twenty years, petitions have been presented to congress, for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. the right to present them, and the power of congress to grant their prayer, were, until recently, unquestioned. but the rapid multiplication of these petitions alarmed the slaveholders, and, knowing that they tended to keep alive at the north, an interest in the slave, they deemed it good policy to discourage and, if possible, suppress all such applications. hence mr. pinckney's famous resolution, in , declaring, "that all petitions, or papers, relating _in any way, or to any extent_ whatever to the _subject of slavery_, shall, without being printed or referred, be laid on the table; and no further action, whatever shall be had thereon!" the peculiar atrocity of this resolution was, that it not merely trampled upon the rights of the petitioners, but took from each member of the house his undoubted privilege, as a legislator of the district, to introduce any proposition he might think proper, for the protection of the slaves. in every slave state there are laws affording, at least, some nominal protection to these unhappy beings; but, according to this resolution, slaves might be flayed alive in the streets of washington, and no representative of the people could offer even a resolution for inquiry. and this vile outrage upon constitutional liberty was avowedly perpetrated "to repress agitation, to allay excitement, and re-establish harmony and tranquillity among the various sections of the union!!" but this strange opiate did not produce the stupefying effects anticipated from it. in , the petitioners were only , --the next session they numbered , . mr. hawes, of ky., now essayed to restore tranquillity, by gagging the uneasy multitude; but, alas! at the next congress, more than , petitioners carried new terror to the hearts of the slaveholders. the next anodyne was prescribed by mr. patton, of va., but its effect was to rouse from their stupor some of the northern legislatures, and to induce them to denounce his remedy as "a usurpation of power, a violation of the constitution, subversive of the fundamental principles of the government, and at war with the prerogatives of the people."[ ] it was now supposed that the people most be drugged by a _northern_ man, and _atherton_ was found a fit instrument for this vile purpose; but the dose proved only the more nauseous and exciting from the foul hands by which it was administered. [footnote : resolutions of massachusetts and connecticut, april and may, .] in these various outrages, although all action on the petitions was prohibited, the papers themselves were received and laid on the table, and _therefore_ it was contended, that the right of petition had been preserved inviolate. but the slaveholders, maddened by the failure of all their devices, and fearing the influence which the mere sight of thousands and tens of thousands of petitions in behalf of liberty, would exert, and, taking advantage of the approaching presidential election to operate upon the selfishness of some northern members, have succeeded in crushing the right of petition itself. that you may be the more sensible, fellow citizens, of the exceeding profligacy of the late rule and of its palpable violation of both the spirit and the letter of the constitution, which those who voted for it had sworn to support, suffer us to recall to your recollection a few historical facts. the framers of the federal constitution supposed the right of petition too firmly established in the habits and affections of the people, to need a constitutional guarantee. their omission to notice it, roused the jealousy of some of the state conventions, called to pass upon the constitution. the _virginia_ convention proposed, as an amendment, "that every _freeman_ has a right to petition, or apply to the legislature, for a redress of grievances." and this amendment, with others, was ordered to be forwarded to the different states, for their consideration. the conventions of north carolina, new york, and rhode island, were held subsequently, and, of course, had before them the virginia amendment. the north carolina convention adopted a declaration of rights, embracing the very words of the proposed amendment; and this declaration was ordered to be submitted to congress, before that state would enter the union. the conventions of new york and of rhode island incorporated in their _certificates of ratification_, the assertion that "every _person_ has a right to petition or apply to the legislature for a redress of grievances"--using the virginia phraseology, merely substituting the word _person_ for _freeman_, thus claiming the right of petition even for slaves; while virginia and north carolina confined it to freemen. the first congress, assembled under the constitution, gave effect to the wishes thus emphatically expressed, by proposing, as an amendment, that "congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or _abridging_ the freedom of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and _to petition government_ for a redress of grievances." this amendment was duly ratified by the states, and when members of congress swear to support the constitution of the united states, they are as much bound by their oath to refrain from abridging the right of petition, as they are to fulfil any other constitutional obligation. and will the slaveholders and their abettors, dare to maintain that they have not foresworn themselves, because they have abridged the right of the people to petition for a redress of grievances, by a rule of the house, and not by a _law_? if so, they may by a rule require every member, on taking his seat, to subscribe the creed of a particular church, and then call their maker to witness that they are guiltless of making a _law_ "respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." the right to petition is one thing, and the disposition of a petition after it is received, is another. but the new rule makes no disposition of the petitions; it prohibits their reception; they may not be brought into the legislative chamber. hundreds of thousands of the people are debarred all access to their representatives, for the purpose of offering them a prayer. it is said that the manifold abominations perpetrated in the district are no grievances to the petitioners, and _therefore_ they have no right to ask for their removal. but the right guaranteed by the constitution, is a right to ask for the redress of _grievances_, whether personal, social, or moral. and who, except a slaveholder, will dare to contend that it is no grievance that our agents, our representatives, our servants, in our name and by our authority, enact laws erecting and licensing markets in the capital of the republic, for the sale of human beings, and converting free men into slaves, for no other crime, than that of being too poor to pay united states' officers the jail fees accruing from an iniquitous imprisonment? again, it is pretended that the objects prayed for, are palpably unconstitutional, and that _therefore_ the petitions ought not to be received. and by what authority are the people deprived of their right to petition for any object which a majority of either house of congress, for the time being, may please to regard as unconstitutional? if this usurpation be submitted to, it will not be confined to abolition petitions. it is well known that most of the slaveholders _now_ insist, that all protecting duties are unconstitutional, and that on account of the tariff the union was nearly rent by the very men who are now horrified by the danger to which it is exposed by these _petitions_! should our northern manufacturers again presume to ask congress to protect them from foreign competition, the southern members will find a precedent, sanctioned by northern votes, for a rule that "no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying for the imposition of duties for the encouragement of manufactures, shall be received by the house, or entertained in any way whatever." it does indeed, require southern arrogance, to maintain that, although congress is invested by the constitution with "exclusive jurisdiction, in all cases whatsoever," over the district of columbia, yet that it would be so palpably unconstitutional to abolish the slave-trade, and to emancipate the slaves in the district, that petitions for these objects ought not to be received. yet this is asserted in that very house, on whose minutes is recorded a resolution, in , appointing a committee, with power to send for persons and papers, "to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on, in and through the district of columbia, and report whether any, and what means are necessary for putting a stop to the same:" and another, in , instructing the committee on the district of columbia to inquire into the expediency of providing by law, "for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district." in the very first congress assembled under the federal constitution, petitions were presented, asking its interposition for the mitigation of the evils, and final abolition of the african slave-trade, and also praying it, as far as it possessed the power, to take measures for the abolition of slavery. these petitions excited the wrath and indignation of many of the slave-holding members, yet no one thought of refusing to receive them. they were referred to a select committee, at the instance of mr. madison, himself, who "entered into a critical review of the circumstances respecting the adoption of the constitution, and the ideas upon the limitation of the powers of congress to interfere in the regulation of the commerce of slaves, and showed that they undoubtedly were not precluded from interposing in their importation; and generally to regulate the mode in which every species of business shall be transacted. he adverted to the western country, and the cession of georgia, in which congress have certainly the power to _regulate the subject of slavery_; which shows that gentlemen are mistaken in supposing, that congress cannot constitutionally interfere in the business, in any degree, whatever. he was in favor of committing the petition, and justified the measure by repeated precedents in the proceedings of the house."--_u.s. gazette, th feb._, . here we find one of the earliest and ablest expounders of the constitution, maintaining the power of congress to "regulate the subject of slavery" in the national territories, and urging the reference of abolition petitions to a special committee. the committee made a report; for which, after a long debate, was substituted a declaration, by the house, that congress could not abolish the slave trade prior to the year , but had a right so to regulate it as to provide for the humane treatment of the slaves on the passage; and that congress could not interfere in the emancipation or treatment of slaves in the _states_. this declaration gave entire satisfaction, and no farther abolition petitions were presented, till after the district of columbia had been placed under the "exclusive jurisdiction" of the general government. you all remember, fellow citizens, the wide-spread excitement which a few years since prevailed on the subject of sunday mails. instead of attempting to quiet the agitation, by outraging the rights of the petitioners, congress referred the petitions to a committee, and made no attempt to stifle discussion. why, then, we ask, with such authorities and precedents before them, do the slaveholders in congress, regardless of their oaths, strive to gag the friends of freedom, under _pretence_ of allaying agitation? because conscience does make cowards of them all--because they know the accursed system they are upholding will not bear the light--because they fear, if these petitions are discussed, the abominations of the american slave trade, the secrets of the prison-houses in washington and alexandria, and the horrors of the human shambles licensed by the authority of congress, will be exposed to the score and indignation of the civilized world. unquestionably the late rule surpasses, in its profligate contempt of constitutional obligation, any act in the annals of the federal government. as such it might well strike every patriot with dismay, were it not that attending circumstances teach us that it is the expiring effort of desperation. when we reflect on the past subserviency of our northern representatives to the mandates of the slaveholders, we may well raise, on the present occasion, the shout of triumph, and hail the vote on the recent rule as the pledge of a glorious victory. suffer us to recall to your recollection the majorities by which the successive attempts to crush the right of petition and the freedom of debate have been carried. pinckney's gag was passed may, , by a majority of hawes's jan. , patton's dec. , atherton's dec. , johnson's jan. , surely, when we find the majority against us reduced from to , we need no new incentive to perseverance. another circumstance which marks the progress of constitutional liberty, is the gradual diminution in the number of our northern _serviles_. the votes from the free states in favor of the several gags were as follows:-- for pinckney's for hawes's for patton's for atherton's for johnson's there is also another cheering fact connected with the passage of the rule which deserves to be noticed. heretofore the slaveholders have uniformly, by enforcing the previous question, imposed their several gags by a silent vote. on the present occasion they were twice baffled in their efforts to stifle debate, and were, for days together, compelled to listen to speeches on a subject which they have so often declared should not be discussed. a base strife for southern votes has hitherto, to no small extent, enlisted both the political parties at the north in the service of the slaveholders. the late unwonted independence of northern politicians, and the deference paid by them to the wishes of their own constituents, in preference to those of their southern colleagues, indicates the advance of public opinion. no less than northern members of the administration party voted for the atherton gag, while only dared to record their names in favor of johnson's; and of the representation of six states, _every vote_ was given _against_ the rule, without distinction of party. the tone in which opposite political journals denounce the late outrage may warn the slaveholders that they will not much longer hold the north in bonds. the leading administration paper in the city of new york regards the rule with "utter abhorrence;" while the official paper of the opposition, edited by the state printer, trusts that the names of the recreant northerners who voted for it may be "handed down to eternal infamy and execration." the advocates of abolition are no longer consigned to unmitigated contempt and obloquy. passing by the various living illustrations of our remark, we appeal for our proofs to the dead. the late william leggett, the editor of a democratic journal in the city of new york, was denounced, in , by the "democratic republican general committee," for his abolition doctrines. far from faltering in his course, on account of the censure of his own party, he exclaimed, with a presentiment almost amounting to prophecy, "the stream of public opinion now sets against us, but it is about to turn, and the regurgitation will be tremendous. proud in that day may well be the man who can float in triumph on the first refluent wave, swept onward by the deluge which he himself, in advance of his fellows, had largely shared in occasioning. such be my fate; and, living or dying, it will in some measure be mine. i have written my name in ineffaceable letters on the abolition record." and he did live to behold the first swelling of the refluent wave. the denounced abolitionist was honored by a democratic president with a diplomatic mission; and since his death, the resolution condemning him has been expunged from the minutes of the democratic committee. of the many victims of the recent awful calamity in our waters, what name has been most frequently uttered by the pulpit and the press in the accents of lamentation and panegyric? on whose tomb have freedom, philanthropy, and letters been invoked to strew their funeral wreaths? all who have heard of the loss of the lexington are familiar with the name of charles follen. and who was he? one of the men officially denounced by president jackson as a gang of miscreants, plotting insurrection and murder--and, recently, a member of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. let us then, fellow citizens, in view of all these things, thank god and take courage. we are now contending, not merely for the emancipation of our unhappy fellow men, kept in bondage under the authority of our own representatives--not merely for the overthrow of the human shambles erected by congress on the national domain--but also for the preservation of those great constitutional rights which were acquired by our fathers, and are now assailed by the slaveholders and their northern auxiliaries. that you may remember these auxiliaries and avoid giving them new opportunities of betraying your rights, we annex a list of their dishonored names. the following twenty-eight members from the free states voted in the affirmative on the recent gag rule. maine. virgil d. parris albert smith new hampshire. charles g. atherton edmund burke ira a. eastman tristram shaw new york. nehemiah h. earle john fine nathaniel jones governeur kemble james de la montayne john h. prentiss theron r. strong pennsylvania. john davis joseph fornance james gerry george m'cullough david petriken william s. ramsey ohio. d.p. leadbetter william medill isaac parrish george sweeney jonathan taylor john b. weller indiana. john davis george h. proffit illinois. john reynolds. let us turn to our more immediate representatives, and we trust more faithful servants. our state legislatures will not refuse to hear our prayers. let us petition them immediately to rebuke the treason by which the constitution has been surrendered into the hands of the slaveholders--let us implore them to demand from congress, in the name of the free states, that they shall neither destroy nor abridge the right of petition--a right without which our government would be converted into a despotism. we call on you, fellow citizens of every religious faith and party name, to unite with us in guarding the citadel of our country's freedom. if there are any who will not co-operate with us in laboring for the emancipation of the slave, surely there are none who will stand aloof from us while contending for the liberty of themselves, their children, and their children's children. to the rescue, then, fellow citizens! and, trusting in him without whom all human effort is weakness, let us not doubt that our faithful endeavors to preserve the rights he has given us will, through his blessing, be crowned with success. arthur tappan, james g. birney, joshua leavitt, lewis tappan, samuel e. cornish, simeon s. jocelyn, la roy sunderland, theodore s. wright, duncan dunbar, james s. gibbons, henry b. stanton _executive committee of the american anti-slavery society_. _new york, february_ , . university, dianne bean, doug levy, and alev akman the anti-slavery crusade, a chronicle of the gathering storm by jesse macy new haven: yale university press toronto: glasgow, brook & co. london: humphrey milford oxford university press contents i. introduction ii. the geography of the crusade iii. early crusaders iv. the turning-point v. the vindication of liberty vi. the slavery issue in politics vii. the passing of the whig party viii. the underground railroad ix. books as anti-slavery weapons x. "bleeding kansas" xi. charles sumner xii. kansas and buchanan xiii. the supreme court in politics xiv. john brown bibliographical note the anti-slavery crusade chapter i. introduction the emancipation proclamation of president lincoln marks the beginning of the end of a long chapter in human history. among the earliest forms of private property was the ownership of slaves. slavery as an institution had persisted throughout the ages, always under protest, always provoking opposition, insurrection, social and civil war, and ever bearing within itself the seeds of its own destruction. among the historic powers of the world the united states was the last to uphold slavery, and when, a few years after lincoln's proclamation, brazil emancipated her slaves, property in man as a legally recognized institution came to an end in all civilized countries. emancipation in the united states marked the conclusion of a century of continuous debate, in which the entire history of western civilization was traversed. the literature of american slavery is, indeed, a summary of the literature of the world on the subject. the bible was made a standard text-book both for and against slavery. hebrew and christian experiences were exploited in the interest of the contending parties in this crucial controversy. churches of the same name and order were divided among themselves and became half pro-slavery and half anti-slavery. greek experience and greek literature were likewise drawn into the controversy. the greeks themselves had set the example of arguing both for and against slavery. their practice and their prevailing teaching, however, gave support to this institution. they clearly enunciated the doctrine that there is a natural division among human beings; that some are born to command and others to obey; that it is natural to some men to be masters and to others to be slaves; that each of these classes should fulfill the destiny which nature assigns. the greeks also recognized a difference between races and held that some were by nature fitted to serve as slaves, and others to command as masters. the defenders of american slavery therefore found among the writings of the greeks their chief arguments already stated in classic form. though the romans added little to the theory of the fundamental problem involved, their history proved rich in practical experience. there were times, in parts of the roman empire, when personal slavery either did not exist or was limited and insignificant in extent. but the institution grew with roman wars and conquests. in rural districts, slave labor displaced free labor, and in the cities servants multiplied with the concentration of wealth. the size and character of the slave population eventually became a perpetual menace to the state. insurrections proved formidable, and every slave came to be looked upon as an enemy to the public. it is generally conceded that the extension of slavery was a primary cause of the decline and fall of rome. in the american controversy, therefore, the lesson to be drawn from roman experience was utilized to support the cause of free labor. after the middle ages, in which slavery under the modified form of feudalism ran its course, there was a reversion to the ancient classical controversy. the issue became clearly defined in the hands of the english and french philosophers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. in place of the time-honored doctrine that the masses of mankind are by nature subject to the few who are born to rule, the contradictory dogma that all men are by nature free and equal was clearly enunciated. according to this later view, it is of the very nature of spirit, or personality, to be free. all men are endowed with personal qualities of will and choice and a conscious sense of right and wrong. to subject these native faculties to an alien force is to make war upon human nature. slavery and despotism are, therefore, in their nature but a species of warfare. they involve the forcing of men to act in violation of their true selves. the older doctrine makes government a matter of force. the strong command the weak, or the rich exercise lordship over the poor. the new doctrine makes of government an achievement of adult citizens who agree among themselves as to what is fit and proper for the good of the state and who freely observe the rules adopted and apply force only to the abnormal, the delinquent, and the defective. between the upholders of these contradictory views of human nature there always has been and there always must be perpetual warfare. their difference is such as to admit of no compromise; no middle ground is possible. the conflict is indeed irresistible. the chief interest in the american crusade against slavery arises from its relation to this general world conflict between liberty and despotism. the athenians could be democrats and at the same time could uphold and defend the institution of slavery. they were committed to the doctrine that the masses of the people were slaves by nature. by definition, they made slaves creatures void of will and personality, and they conveniently ignored them in matters of state. but americans living in states founded in the era of the declaration of independence could not be good democrats and at the same time uphold and defend the institution of slavery, for the declaration gives the lie to all such assumptions of human inequality by accepting the cardinal axiom that all men are created equal and are endowed with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. the doctrine of equality had been developed in europe without special reference to questions of distinct race or color. but the terms, which are universal and as broad as humanity in their denotation, came to be applied to black men as well as to white men. massachusetts embodied in her state constitution in the words, "all men are born free and equal," and the courts ruled that these words in the state constitution had the effect of liberating the slaves and of giving to them the same rights as other citizens. this is a perfectly logical application of the doctrine of the revolution. the african slave-trade, however, developed earlier than the doctrine of the declaration of independence. negro slavery had long been an established institution in all the american colonies. opposition to the slave-trade and to slavery was an integral part of the evolution of the doctrine of equal rights. as the colonists contended for their own freedom, they became anti-slavery in sentiment. a standard complaint against british rule was the continued imposition of the slave-trade upon the colonists against their oft-repeated protest. in the original draft of the declaration of independence, there appeared the following charges against the king of great britain: "he has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the christian king of great britain. determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce." though this clause was omitted from the document as finally adopted, the evidence is abundant that the language expressed the prevailing sentiment of the country. to the believer in liberty and equality, slavery and the slave-trade are instances of war against human nature. no one attempted to justify slavery or to reconcile it with the principles of free government. slavery was accepted as an inheritance for which others were to blame. colonists at first blamed great britain; later apologists for slavery blamed new england for her share in the continuance of the slave-trade. the fact should be clearly comprehended that the sentiments which led to the american revolution, and later to the french revolution in europe, were as broad in their application as the human race itself--that there were no limitations nor exceptions. these new principles involved a complete revolution in the previously recognized principles of government. the french sought to make a master-stroke at immediate achievement and they incurred counterrevolutions and delays. the americans moved in a more moderate and tentative manner towards the great achievement, but with them also a counter-revolution finally appeared in the rise of an influential class who, by openly defending slavery, repudiated the principles upon which the government was founded. at first the impression was general, in the south as well as in the north, that slavery was a temporary institution. the cause of emancipation was already advocated by the society of friends and some other sects. a majority of the states adopted measures for the gradual abolition of slavery, but in other cases there proved to be industrial barriers to emancipation. slaves were found to be profitably employed in clearing away the forests; they were not profitably employed in general agriculture. a marked exception was found in small districts in the carolinas and georgia where indigo and rice were produced; and though cotton later became a profitable crop for slave labor, it was the producers of rice and indigo who furnished the original barrier to the immediate extension of the policy of emancipation. representatives from their states secured the introduction of a clause into the constitution which delayed for twenty years the execution of the will of the country against the african slave-trade. it is said that a slave imported from africa paid for himself in a single year in the production of rice. there were thus a few planters in georgia and the carolinas who had an obvious interest in the prolongation of the institution of slavery and who had influence enough, to secure constitutional recognition for both slavery and the slave-trade. the principles involved were not seriously debated. in theory all were abolitionists; in practice slavery extended to all the states. in some, actual abolition was comparatively easy; in others, it was difficult. by the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, actual abolition had extended to the line separating pennsylvania from maryland. of the original thirteen states seven became free and six remained slave. the absence of ardent or prolonged debate upon this issue in the early history of the united states is easily accounted for. no principle of importance was drawn into the controversy; few presumed to defend slavery as a just or righteous institution. as to conduct, each individual, each neighborhood enjoyed the freedom of a large, roomy country. even within state lines there was liberty enough. no keen sense of responsibility for a uniform state policy existed. it was therefore not difficult for those who were growing wealthy by the use of imported negroes to maintain their privileges in the state. if the sense of active responsibility was wanting within the separate states, much more was this true of the citizens of different states. slavery was regarded as strictly a domestic institution. families bought and owned slaves as a matter of individual preference. none of the original colonies or states adopted slavery by law. the citizens of the various colonies became slaveholders simply because there was no law against it. * the abolition of slavery was at first an individual matter or a church or a state policy. when the constitution was formulated, the separate states had been accustomed to regard themselves as possessed of sovereign powers; hence there was no occasion for the citizens of one state to have a sense of responsibility on account of the domestic institutions of other states. the consciousness of national responsibility was of slow growth, and the conditions did not then exist which favored a general crusade against slavery or a prolonged acrimonious debate on the subject, such as arose forty years later. * in the case of georgia there was a prohibitory law, which was disregarded. in many of the states, however, there were organized abolition societies, whose object was to promote the cause of emancipation already in progress and to protect the rights of free negroes. the friends, or quakers, were especially active in the promotion of a propaganda for universal emancipation. a petition which was presented to the first congress in february, , with the signature of benjamin franklin as president of the pennsylvania abolition society, contained this concluding paragraph: "from a persuasion that equal liberty was originally, and is still, the birthright of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institutions, your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bonds of slavery, and to promote the general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. under these impressions they earnestly entreat your attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men, who, alone, in this land of freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency of character from the american people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race; and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellowmen." * * william goodell, "slavery and anti-slavery," p. . the memorialists were treated with profound respect. cordial support and encouragement came from representatives from virginia and other slave states. opposition was expressed by members from south carolina and georgia. these for the most part relied upon their constitutional guaranties. but for these guaranties, said smith, of south carolina, his state would not have entered the union. in the extreme utterances in opposition to the petition there is a suggestion of the revolution which was to occur forty years later. active abolitionists who gave time and money to the promotion of the cause were always few in numbers. previous to abolition societies resembled associations for the prevention of cruelty to animals--in fact, in one instance at least this was made one of the professed objects. these societies labored to induce men to act in harmony with generally acknowledged obligations, and they had no occasion for violence or persecution. abolitionists were distinguished for their benevolence and their unselfish devotion to the interests of the needy and the unfortunate. it was only when the ruling classes resorted to mob violence and began to defend slavery as a divinely ordained institution that there was a radical change in the spirit of the controversy. the irrepressible conflict between liberty and despotism which has persisted in all ages became manifest when slave-masters substituted the greek doctrine of inequality and slavery for the previously accepted christian doctrine of equality and universal brotherhood. chapter ii. the geography of the crusade it was a mere accident that the line drawn by mason and dixon between pennsylvania and maryland became known in later years as the dividing line between slavery and freedom. the six states south of that line ultimately neglected or refused to abolish slavery, while the seven northern states became free. vermont became a state in and kentucky in . the third state to be added to the original thirteen was tennessee in . at that time, counting the states as they were finally classified, eight were destined to be slave and eight free. ohio entered the union as a state in , thus giving to the free states a majority of one. the balance, however, was restored in by the admission of louisiana as a slave state. the admission of indiana in on the one side and of mississippi in on the other still maintained the balance: ten free states stood against ten slave states. during the next two years illinois and alabama were admitted, making twenty-two states in all, still evenly divided. the ordinance for the government of the territory north of the ohio river, passed in and reenacted by congress after the adoption of the constitution, proved to be an act of great significance in its relation to the limitation of slavery. by this ordinance slavery was forever prohibited in the northwest territory. in the territory south of the ohio river slavery became permanently established. the river, therefore, became an extension of the original mason and dixon's line with the new meaning attached: it became a division between free and slave territory. it was apparently at first a mere matter of chance that a balance was struck between the two losses of states. while virginia remained a slave state, it was natural that slavery should extend into kentucky, which had been a part of virginia. likewise tennessee, being a part of north carolina, became slave territory. when these two territories became slave states, the equal division began. there was yet an abundance of territory both north and south to be taken into the union and, without any special plan or agitation, states were admitted in pairs, one free and the other slave. in the meantime there was distinctly developed the idea of the possible or probable permanence of slavery in the south and of a rivalry or even a future conflict between the two sections. when in missouri applied for admission to the union with a state constitution permitting slavery, there was a prolonged debate over the whole question, not only in congress but throughout the entire country. north and south were distinctly pitted against each other with rival systems of labor. the following year congress passed a law providing for the admission of missouri, but, to restore the balance, maine was separated from massachusetts and was admitted to the union as a state. it was further enacted that slavery should be forever prohibited from all territory of the united states north of the parallel degrees ', that is, north of the southern boundary of missouri. it is this part of the act which is known as the missouri compromise. it was accepted as a permanent limitation of the institution of slavery. by this act mason and dixon's line was extended through the louisiana purchase. as the western boundary was then defined, slavery could still be extended into arkansas and into a part of what is now oklahoma, while a great empire to the northwest was reserved for the formation of free states. arkansas became a slave state in and michigan was admitted as a free state in the following year. with the admission of arkansas and michigan, thirteen slave states were balanced by a like number of free states. the south still had florida, which would in time become a slave state. against this single territory there was an immense region to the northwest, equal in area to all the slave states combined, which, according to the ordinance of and the missouri compromise, had been consecrated to freedom. foreseeing this condition, a few southern planters began a movement for the extension of territory to the south and west immediately after the adoption of the missouri compromise. when arkansas was admitted in , there was a prospect of the immediate annexation of texas as a slave state. this did not take place until nine years later, but the propaganda, the object of which was the extension of slave territory, could not be maintained by those who contended that slavery was a curse to the country. virginia, therefore, and other border slave states, as they became committed to the policy of expansion, ceased to tolerate official public utterances against slavery. three more or less clearly defined sections appear in the later development of the crusade. these are the new england states, the middle states, and the states south of north carolina and tennessee. in new england, few negroes were ever held as slaves, and the institution disappeared during the first years of the republic. the inhabitants had little experience arising from actual contact with slavery. when slavery disappeared from new england and before there had been developed in the country at large a national feeling of responsibility for its continued existence, interest in the subject declined. for twenty years previous to the founding of garrison's liberator in , organized abolition movements had been almost unknown in new england. in various ways the people were isolated, separated from contact with slavery. their knowledge of this subject of discussion was academic, theoretical, acquired at second-hand. in new york and new jersey slaves were much more numerous than in new england. there were still slaves in considerable numbers until about . the people had a knowledge of the institution from experience and observation, and there was no break in the continuity of their organized abolition societies. chief among the objects of these societies was the effort to prevent kidnapping and to guard the rights of free negroes. for both of these purposes there was a continuous call for activity. pennsylvania also had freedmen of her own whose rights called for guardianship, as well as many freedmen from farther south who had come into the state. the movement of protest and protection did not stop at mason and dixon's line, but extended far into the south. in both north carolina and tennessee an active protest against slavery was at all times maintained. in this great middle section of the country, between new england and south carolina, there was no cessation in the conflict between free and slave labor. some of these states became free while others remained slave; but between the people of the two sections there was continuous communication. slaveholders came into free states to liberate their slaves. non-slaveholders came to get rid of the competition of slave labor, and free negroes came to avoid reenslavement. slaves fled thither on their way to liberty. it was not a matter of choice; it was an unavoidable condition which compelled the people of the border states to give continuous attention to the institution of slavery. the modern anti-slavery movement had its origin in this great middle section, and from the same source it derived its chief support. the great body of active abolitionists were from the slave states or else derived their inspiration from personal contact with slavery. as compared with new england abolitionists, the middlestate folk were less extreme in their views. they had a keener appreciation of the difficulties involved in emancipation. they were more tolerant towards the idea of letting the country at large share the burdens involved in the liberation of the slaves. border-state abolitionists naturally favored the policy of gradual emancipation which had been followed in new york, new jersey, and pennsylvania. abolitionists who continued to reside in the slave states were forced to recognize the fact that emancipation involved serious questions of race adjustment. from the border states came the colonization society, a characteristic institution, as well as compromise of every variety. the southernmost section, including south carolina, georgia, and the gulf states, was even more sharply defined in the attitude it assumed toward the anti-slavery movement. at no time did the cause of emancipation become formidable in this section. in all these states there was, of course, a large class of non-slaveholding whites, who were opposed to slavery and who realized that they were victims of an injurious system; but they had no effective organ for expression. the ruling minority gained an early and an easy victory and to the end held a firm hand. to the inhabitants of this section it appeared to be a self-evident truth that the white race was born to rule and the black race was born to serve. where negroes outnumbered the whites fourfold, the mere suggestion of emancipation raised a race question which seemed appalling in its proportions. either in the union or out of the union, the rulers were determined to perpetuate slavery. slavery as an economic institution became dependent upon a few semitropical plantation crops. when the constitution was framed, rice and indigo, produced in south carolina and georgia, were the two most important. indigo declined in relative importance, and the production of sugar was developed, especially after the annexation of the louisiana purchase. but by far the most important crop for its effects upon slavery and upon the entire country was cotton. this single product finally absorbed the labor of half the slaves of the entire country. mr. rhodes is not at all unreasonable in his surmise that, had it not been for the unforeseen development of the cotton industry, the expectation of the founders of the republic that slavery would soon disappear would actually have been realized. it was more difficult to carry out a policy of emancipation when slaves were quoted in the market at a thousand dollars than when the price was a few hundred dollars. all slave-owners felt richer; emancipation appeared to involve a greater sacrifice. thus the cotton industry went far towards accounting for the changed attitude of the entire country on the subject of slavery. the north as well as the south became financially interested. it was not generally perceived before it actually happened that the border states would take the place of africa in furnishing the required supply of laborers for southern plantations. the interstate slave-trade gave to the system a solidarity of interest which was new. all slave-owners became partakers of a common responsibility for the system as a whole. it was the newly developed trade quite as much as the system of slavery itself which furnished the ground for the later anti-slavery appeal. the consciousness of a common guilt for the sin of slavery grew with the increase of actual interstate relations. the abolition of the african slave-trade was an act of the general government. congress passed the prohibitory statute in , to go into effect january, . at no time, however, was the prohibition entirely effective, and a limited illegal trade continued until slavery was eventually abolished. this inefficiency of restraint furnished another point of attack for the abolitionists. through efforts to suppress the african slave-trade, the entire country became conscious of a common responsibility. before the revolutionary war, great britain had been censured for forcing cheap slaves from africa upon her unwilling colonies. after the revolution, new england was blamed for the activity of her citizens in this nefarious trade both before and after it was made illegal. all of this tended to increase the sense of responsibility in every section of the country. congress had made the foreign slave-trade illegal; and citizens in all sections gradually became aware of the possibility that congress might likewise restrict or forbid interstate commerce in slaves. the west indies and mexico were also closely associated with the united states in the matter of slavery. when jamestown was founded, negro slavery was already an old institution in the islands of the caribbean sea, and thence came the first slaves to virginia. the abolition of slavery in the island of hayti, or san domingo, was accomplished during the french revolution and the napoleonic wars. as incidental to the process of emancipation, the caucasian inhabitants were massacred or banished, and a republican government was established, composed exclusively of negroes and mulattoes. from the date of the missouri compromise to that of the mexican war, this island was united under a single republic, though it was afterwards divided into the two republics of hayti and san domingo. the "horrors of san domingo" were never absent from the minds of those in the united states who lived in communities composed chiefly of slaves. what had happened on the island was accepted by southern planters as proof that the two races could live together in peace only under the relation of master and slave, and that emancipation boded the extermination of one race or the other. abolitionists, however, interpreted the facts differently: they emphasized the tyranny of the white rulers as a primary cause of the massacres; they endowed some of the negro leaders with the highest qualities of statesmanship and self-sacrificing generosity; and wendell phillips, in an impassioned address which he delivered in , placed on the honor roll above the chief worthies of history--including cromwell and washington--toussaint l'ouverture, the liberator of hayti, whom france had betrayed and murdered. abolitionists found support for their position in the contention that other communities had abolished slavery without such accompanying horrors as occurred in hayti and without serious race conflict. slavery had run its course in spanish america, and emancipation accompanied or followed the formation of independent republics. in all slaves in the british empire were liberated, including those in the important island of jamaica. so it happened that, just at the time when southern leaders were making up their minds to defend their peculiar institution at all hazards, they were beset on every side by the spirit of emancipation. abolitionists, on the other hand, were fully convinced that the attainment of some form of emancipation in the united states was certain, and that, either peaceably or through violence, the slaves would ultimately be liberated. chapter iii. early crusaders at the time when the new cotton industry was enhancing the value of slave labor, there arose from the ranks of the people those who freely consecrated their all to the freeing of the slave. among these, benjamin lundy, a new jersey quaker, holds a significant place. though the society of friends fills a large place in the anti-slavery movement, its contribution to the growth of the conception of equality is even more significant. this impetus to the idea arises from a fundamental quaker doctrine, announced at the middle of the seventeenth century, to the erect that god reveals himself to mankind, not through any priesthood or specially chosen agents; not through any ordinance, form, or ceremony; not through any church or institution; not through any book or written record of any sort; but directly, through his spirit, to each person. this direct enlightening agency they deemed coextensive with humanity; no race and no individual is left without the ever-present illuminating spirit. if men of old spoke as they were moved by the holy spirit, what they spoke or wrote can furnish no reliable guidance to the men of a later generation, except as their minds also are enlightened by the same spirit in the same way. "the letter killeth; it is the spirit that giveth life." this doctrine in its purity and simplicity places all men and all races on an equality; all are alike ignorant and imperfect; all are alike in their need of the more perfect revelation yet to be made. master and slave are equal before god; there can be no such relation, therefore, except by doing violence to a personality, to a spiritual being. in harmony with this fundamental principle, the society of friends early rid itself of all connection with slavery. the friends' meeting became a refuge for those who were moved by the spirit to testify against slavery. born in in a state which was then undergoing the process of emancipating its slaves, benjamin lundy moved at the age of nineteen to wheeling, west virginia, which had already become the center of an active domestic slave-trade. the pious young quaker, now apprenticed to a saddler, was brought into personal contact with this traffic in human flesh. he felt keenly the national disgrace of the iniquity. so deep did the iron enter into his soul that never again did he find peace of mind except in efforts to relieve the oppressed. like hundreds and thousands of others, lundy was led on to active opposition to the trade by an actual knowledge of the inhumanity of the business as prosecuted before his eyes and by his sympathy for human suffering. his apprenticeship ended, lundy was soon established in a prosperous business in an ohio village not far from wheeling. though he now lived in a free state, the call of the oppressed was ever in his ears and he could not rest. he drew together a few of his neighbors, and together they organized the union humane society, whose object was the relief of those held in bondage. in a few months the society numbered several hundred members, and lundy issued an address to the philanthropists of the whole country, urging them to unite in like manner with uniform constitutions, and suggesting that societies so formed adopt a policy of correspondence and cooperation. at about the same time, lundy began to publish anti-slavery articles in the mount pleasant philanthropist and other papers. in he went on a business errand to st. louis, missouri, where he found himself in the midst of an agitation over the question of the extension of slavery in the states. with great zest he threw himself into the discussion, making use of the newspapers in missouri and illinois. having lost his property, he returned poverty-stricken to ohio, where he founded in january, , the genius of universal emancipation. a few months later he transferred his paper to the more congenial atmosphere of jonesborough, tennessee, but in he went to baltimore, maryland. in the meantime, lundy had become much occupied in traveling, lecturing, and organizing societies for the promotion of the cause of abolition. he states that during the ten years previous to he had traveled upwards of twenty-five thousand miles, five thousand of which were on foot. he now became interested in plans for colonizing negroes in other countries as an aid to emancipation, though he himself had no confidence in the colonization society and its scheme of deportation to africa. after leading a few negroes to hayti in , he visited canada, texas, and mexico with a similar plan in view. during a trip through the middle states and new england in , lundy met william lloyd garrison, and the following year he walked all the way from baltimore to bennington, vermont, for the express purpose of securing the assistance of the youthful reformer as coeditor of his paper. garrison had previously favored colonization, but within the few weeks which elapsed before he joined lundy, he repudiated all forms of colonization and advocated immediate and unconditional emancipation. he at once told lundy of his change of views. "well," said lundy, "thee may put thy initials to thy articles, and i will put my witness to mine, and each will bear his own burden." the two editors were, however, in complete accord in their opposition to the slave-trade. lundy had suffered a dangerous assault at the hands of a baltimore slave-trader before he was joined by garrison. during the year , garrison was convicted of libel and thrown into prison on account of his scathing denunciation of francis todd of massachusetts, the owner of a vessel engaged in the slave-trade. these events brought to a crisis the publication of the genius of universal emancipation. the editors now parted company. again lundy moved the office of the paper, this time to washington, d.c., but it soon became a peripatetic monthly, printed wherever the editor chanced to be. in lundy began the issue of an anti-slavery paper in philadelphia, called the national inquirer, and with this was merged the genius of universal emancipation. he was preparing to resume the issue of his original paper under the old title, in la salle county, illinois, when he was overtaken by death on august , . here was a man without education, without wealth, of a slight frame, not at all robust, who had undertaken, singlehanded and without the shadow of a doubt of his ultimate success, to abolish american slavery. he began the organization of societies which were to displace the anti-slavery societies of the previous century. he established the first paper devoted exclusively to the cause of emancipation. he foresaw that the question of emancipation must be carried into politics and that it must become an object of concern to the general government as well as to the separate states. in the early part of his career he found the most congenial association and the larger measure of effective support south of mason and dixon's line, and in this section were the greater number of the abolition societies which he organized. during the later years of his life, as it was becoming increasingly difficult in the south to maintain a public anti-slavery propaganda, he transferred his chief activities to the north. lundy serves as a connecting link between the earlier and the later anti-slavery movements. eleven years of his early life belong to the century of the revolution. garrison recorded his indebtedness to lundy in the words: "if i have in any way, however humble, done anything towards calling attention to slavery, or bringing out the glorious prospect of a complete jubilee in our country at no distant day, i feel that i owe everything in this matter, instrumentally under god, to benjamin lundy." different in type, yet even more significant on account of its peculiar relations to the cause of abolition, was the life of james gillespie birney, who was born in a wealthy slaveholding family at dansville, kentucky, in the year . the birneys were anti-slavery planters of the type of washington and jefferson. the father had labored to make kentucky a free state at the time of its admission to the union. his son was educated first at princeton, where he graduated in , and then in the office of a distinguished lawyer in philadelphia. he began the practice of law at his home at the age of twenty-two. his home training and his residence in states which were then in the process of gradual emancipation served to confirm him in the traditional conviction of his family. while benjamin lundy, at the age of twenty-seven, was engaged in organizing anti-slavery societies north of the ohio river, birney at the age of twenty-four was influential as a member of the kentucky legislature in the prevention of the passing of a joint resolution calling upon ohio and indiana to make laws providing for the return of fugitive slaves. he was also conspicuous in his efforts to secure provisions for gradual emancipation. two years later he became a planter near huntsville, alabama. though not a member of the constitutional convention preparatory to the admission of this territory into the union, birney used his influence to secure provisions in the constitution favorable to gradual emancipation. as a member of the first legislature, in , he was the author of a law providing a fair trial by jury for slaves indicted for crimes above petty larceny, and in he became a regular contributor to the american colonization society, believing it to be an aid to emancipation. the following year he was able to induce the legislature, although he was not then a member of it, to pass an act forbidding the importation of slaves into alabama either for sale or for hire. this was regarded as a step preliminary to emancipation. the cause of education in alabama had in birney a trusted leader. during the year he spent several months in the north atlantic states for the selection of a president and four professors for the state university and three teachers for the huntsville female seminary. these were all employed upon his sole recommendation. on his return he had an important interview with henry clay, of whose political party he had for several years been the acknowledged leader in alabama. he urged clay to place himself at the head of the movement in kentucky for gradual emancipation. upon clay's refusal their political cooperation terminated. birney never again supported clay for office and regarded him as in a large measure responsible for the pro-slavery reaction in kentucky. birney, who had now become discouraged regarding the prospect of emancipation, during the winter of and decided to remove his family to jacksonville, illinois. he was deterred from carrying out his plan, however, by his unexpected appointment as agent of the colonization society in the southwest--a mission which he undertook from a sense of duty. in his travels throughout the region assigned to him, birney became aware of the aggressive designs of the planters of the gulf states to secure new slave territories in the southwest. in view of these facts the methods of the colonization society appeared utterly futile. birney surrendered his commission and, in , returned to kentucky with the intention of doing himself what henry clay had refused to do three years earlier, still hoping that kentucky, virginia, and tennessee might be induced to abolish slavery and thus place the slave power in a hopeless minority. his disappointment was extreme at the pro-slavery reaction which had taken place in kentucky. the condition called for more drastic measures, and birney decided to forsake entirely the colonization society and cast in his lot with the abolitionists. he freed his slaves in , and in the following year he delivered the principal address at the annual meeting of the american anti-slavery society held in new york. his gift of leadership was at once recognized. as vice-president of the society he began to travel on its behalf, to address public assemblies, and especially to confer with members of state legislatures and to address the legislative bodies. he now devoted his entire time to the service of the society, and as early as september, , issued the prospectus of a paper devoted to the cause of emancipation. this called forth such a display of force against the movement that he could neither find a printer nor obtain the use of a building in dansville, kentucky, for the publication. as a result he transferred his activities to cincinnati, where he began publication of the philanthropist in . with the connivance of the authorities and encouragement from leading citizens of cincinnati, the office of the philanthropist was three times looted by the mob, and the proprietor's life was greatly endangered. the paper, however, rapidly grew in favor and influence and thoroughly vindicated the right of free discussion of the slavery question. another editor was installed when birney, who became secretary of the anti-slavery society in , transferred his residence to new york city. twenty-three years before lincoln's famous utterance in which he proclaimed the doctrine that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and before seward's declaration of an irrepressible conflict between slavery and freedom, birney had said: "there will be no cessation of conflict until slavery shall be exterminated or liberty destroyed. liberty and slavery cannot live in juxtaposition." he spoke out of the fullness of his own experience. a thoroughly trained lawyer and statesman, well acquainted with the trend of public sentiment in both north and south, he was fully persuaded that the new pro-slavery crusade against liberty boded civil war. he knew that the white men in north and south would not, without a struggle, consent to be permanently deprived of their liberties at the behest of a few southern planters. being himself of the slaveholding class, he was peculiarly fitted to appreciate their position. to him the new issue meant war, unless the belligerent leaders should be shown that war was hopeless. by his moderation in speech, his candor in statement, his lack of rancor, his carefully considered, thoroughly fair arguments, he had the rare faculty of convincing opponents of the correctness of his own view. there could be little sympathy between birney and william lloyd garrison, whose style of denunciation appeared to the former as an incitement to war and an excuse for mob violence. as soon as birney became the accepted leader in the national society, there was friction between his followers and those of garrison. to denounce the constitution and repudiate political action were, from birney's standpoint, a surrender of the only hope of forestalling a dire calamity. he had always fought slavery by the use of legal and constitutional methods, and he continued so to fight. in this policy he had the support of a large majority of abolitionists in new england and elsewhere. only a few personal friends accepted garrison's injunction to forswear politics and repudiate the constitution. the followers of birney, failing to secure recognition for their views in either of the political parties, organized the liberty party and, while birney was in europe in , nominated him as their candidate for the presidency. the vote which he received was a little over seven thousand, but four years later he was again the candidate of the party and received over sixty thousand votes. he suffered an injury during the following year which condemned him to hopeless invalidism and brought his public career to an end. though lundy and birney were contemporaries and were engaged in the same great cause, they were wholly independent in their work. lundy addressed himself almost entirely to the non-slaveholding class, while all of birney's early efforts were "those of a slaveholder seeking to induce his own class to support the policy of emancipation." though a northern man, lundy found his chief support in the south until he was driven out by persecution. birney also resided in the south until he was forced to leave for the same reason. the two men were in general accord in their main lines of policy: both believed firmly in the use of political means to effect their objects; both were at first colonizationists, though lundy favored colonization in adjacent territory rather than by deportation to africa. women were not a whit behind men in their devotion to the cause of freedom. conspicuous among them were sarah and angelina grimke, born in charleston, south carolina, of a slaveholding family noted for learning, refinement, and culture. sarah was born in the same year as james g. birney, ; angelina was thirteen years younger. angelina was the typical crusader: her sympathies from the first were with the slave. as a child she collected and concealed oil and other simple remedies so that she might steal out by night and alleviate the sufferings of slaves who had been cruelly whipped or abused. at the age of fourteen she refused to be confirmed in the episcopal church because the ceremony involved giving sanction to words which seemed to her untrue. two years later her mother offered her a present of a slave girl for a servant and companion. this gift she refused to accept, for in her view the servant had a right to be free, and, as for her own needs, angelina felt quite capable of waiting upon herself. of her own free will she joined the presbyterian church and labored earnestly with the officers of the church to induce them to espouse the cause of the slave. when she failed to secure cooperation, she decided that the church was not christian and she therefore withdrew her membership. her sister sarah had gone north in and had become a member of the society of friends in philadelphia. in charleston, south carolina, there was a friends' meeting-house where two old quakers still met at the appointed time and sat for an hour in solemn silence. angelina donned the quaker garb, joined this meeting, and for an entire year was the third of the silent worshipers. this quiet testimony, however, did not wholly satisfy her energetic nature, and when, in , she heard of the imprisonment of garrison in baltimore, she was convinced that effective labors against slavery could not be carried on in the south. with great sorrow she determined to sever her connection with home and family and join her sister in philadelphia. there the exile from the south poured out her soul in an appeal to the christian women of the south. the manuscript was handed to the officers of the anti-slavery society in the city and, as they read, tears filled their eyes. the appeal was immediately printed in large quantities for distribution in southern states. copies of the appeal which had been sent to charleston were seized by a mob and publicly burned. when it became known soon afterwards that the author of the offensive document was intending to return to charleston to spend the winter with her family, there was intense excitement, and the mayor of the city informed the mother that her daughter would not be permitted to land in charleston nor to communicate with any one there, and that, if she did elude the police and come ashore, she would be imprisoned and guarded until the departure of the next boat. on account of the distress which she would cause to her friends, miss grimke reluctantly gave up the exercise of her constitutional right to visit her native city and in a very literal sense she became a permanent exile. the two sisters let their light shine among philadelphia quakers. in the religious meetings negro women were consigned to a special seat. the grimkes, having first protested against this discrimination, took their own places on the seat with the colored women. in charleston, angelina had scrupulously adhered to the quaker garb because it was viewed as a protest against slavery. in philadelphia, however, no such meaning was attached to the costume, and she adopted clothing suited to the climate regardless of conventions. a series of parlor talks to women which had been organized by the sisters grew in interest until the parlors became inadequate, and the speakers were at last addressing large audiences of women in the public meeting-places of philadelphia. at this time when angelina was making effective use of her unrivaled power as a public speaker, she received in an invitation from the anti-slavery society of new york to address the women of that city. she informed her sister that she believed this to be a call from god and that it was her duty to accept. sarah decided to be her companion and assistant in the work in the new field, which was similar to that in philadelphia. its fame soon extended to boston, whence came an urgent invitation to visit that city. it was in massachusetts that men began to steal into the women's meetings and listen from the back seats. in lynn all barriers were broken down, and a modest, refined, and naturally diffident young woman found herself addressing immense audiences of men and women. in the old theater in boston for six nights in succession, audiences filling all the space listened entranced to the messenger of emancipation. there is uniform testimony that, in an age distinguished for oratory, no more effective speaker appeared than angelina grimke. it was she above all others who first vindicated the right of women to speak to men from the public platform on political topics. but it must be remembered that scores of other women were laboring to the same end and were fully prepared to utilize the new opportunity. the great world movement from slavery towards freedom, from despotism to democracy, is characterized by a tendency towards the equality of the sexes. women have been slaves where men were free. in barbarous ages women have been ignored or have been treated as mere adjuncts to the ruling sex. but wherever there has been a distinct contribution to the cause of liberty there has been a distinct recognition of woman's share in the work. the society of friends was organized on the principle that men and women are alike moral beings, hence are equal in the sight of god. as a matter of experience, women were quite as often moved to break the silence of a religious meeting as were the men. for two hundred years women had been accustomed to talk to both men and women in friends' meetings and, when the moral war against slavery brought religion and politics into close relation, they were ready speakers upon both topics. when the grimke sisters came into the church with a fresh baptism of the spirit, they overcame all obstacles and, with a passion for righteousness, moral and spiritual and political, they carried the war against slavery into politics. in , at the organization of the american anti-slavery society in philadelphia, a number of women were present. lucretia mott, a distinguished "minister" in the society of friends, took part in the proceedings. she was careful to state that she spoke as a mere visitor, having no place in the organization, but she ventured to suggest various modifications in the report of garrison's committee on a declaration of principles which rendered it more acceptable to the meeting. it had not then been seriously considered whether women could become members of the anti-slavery society, which was at that time composed exclusively of men, with the women maintaining their separate organizations as auxiliaries. the women of the west were already better organized than the men and were doing a work which men could not do. they were, for the most part, unconscious of any conflict between the peculiar duties of men and those of women in their relations to common objects. the "library associations" of indiana, which were in fact effective anti-slavery societies, were to a large extent composed of women. to the library were added numerous other disguises, such as "reading circles," "sewing societies," "women's clubs." in many communities the appearance of men in any of these enterprises would create suspicion or even raise a mob. but the women worked on quietly, effectively, and unnoticed. the matron of a family would be provided with the best riding-horse which the neighborhood could furnish. mounted upon her steed, she would sally forth in the morning, meet her carefully selected friends in a town twenty miles away, gain information as to what had been accomplished, give information as to the work in other parts of the district, distribute new literature, confer as to the best means of extending their labors, and return in the afternoon. the father of such a family was quite content with the humbler task of cooperation by supplying the sinews of war. there was complete equality between husband and wife because their aims were identical and each rendered the service most convenient and most needed. women did what men could not do. in the territory of the enemy the men were reached through the gradual and tentative efforts of women whom the uninitiated supposed to be spending idle hours at a sewing circle. interest was maintained by the use of information of the same general character as that which later took the country by storm in uncle tom's cabin. in course of time all disguise was thrown aside. a public speaker of national reputation would appear, a meeting would be announced, and a rousing abolition speech would be delivered; the mere men of the neighborhood would have little conception how the surprising change had been accomplished. on rare occasions the public presentation of the anti-slavery view would be undertaken prematurely, as in at pendleton, indiana, when frederick douglass attempted to address a public meeting and was almost slain by missiles from the mob. pendleton, however, was not given over to the enemy. the victim of the assault was restored to health in the family of a leading citizen. the outrage was judiciously utilized to convince the fair-minded that one of the evils of slavery was the development of minds void of candor and justice. on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the pendleton disturbance there was another great meeting in the town. frederick douglass was the hero of the occasion. the woman who was the head of the family that restored him to health was on the platform. some of the men who threw the brickbats were there to make public confession and to apologize for the brutal deed. in the minds of a few persons of rare intellectual and logical endowment, democracy has always implied the equality of the sexes. from the time of the french revolution there have been advocates of this doctrine. as early as , frances wright, a young woman in scotland having knowledge of the western republic founded upon the professed principles of liberty and equality, came to america for the express purpose of pleading the cause of equal rights for women. to the general public her doctrine seemed revolutionary, threatening the very foundations of religion and morality. in the midst of opposition and persecution she proclaimed views respecting the rights and duties of women which today are generally accepted as axiomatic. the women who attended the meetings for the organization of the american anti-slavery society were not suffragists, nor had they espoused any special theories respecting the position of women. they did not wish to be members of the men's organizations but were quite content with their own separate one, which served its purpose very well under prevailing local conditions. james g. birney, the candidate of the liberty party for the presidency in , had good reasons for opposition to the inclusion of men and women in the same organization. he knew that by acting separately they were winning their way. the introduction of a novel theory involving a different issue seemed to him likely to be a source of weakness. the cause of women was, however, gaining ground and winning converts. lucretia mott and elizabeth cady stanton were delegates to the world's anti-slavery convention at london. they listened to the debate which ended in the refusal to recognize them as members of the convention because they were women. the tone of the discussion convinced them that women were looked upon by men with disdain and contempt. because the laws of the land and the customs of society consigned women to an inferior position, and because there would be no place for effective public work on the part of women until these laws were changed, both these women became advocates of women's rights and conspicuous leaders in the initiation of the propaganda. the reverend samuel j. may, of syracuse, new york, preached a sermon in in which he stated his belief that women need not expect to have their wrongs fully redressed until they themselves had a hand in the making and in the administration of the laws. this is an early suggestion that equal suffrage would become the ultimate goal of the efforts for righting women's wrongs. at the same time there were accessions to the cause from a different source. in oberlin college was founded in northern ohio. into some of the first classes there women were admitted on equal terms with men. in the trustees offered the presidency to professor asa mahan, of lane seminary. he was himself an abolitionist from a slave state, and he refused to be president of oberlin college unless negroes were admitted on equal terms with other students. oberlin thus became the first institution in the country which extended the privileges of the higher education to both sexes of all races. it was a distinctly religious institution devoted to radical reforms of many kinds. not only was the use of all intoxicating beverages discarded by faculty and students but the use of tobacco as well was discouraged. within fifteen years after the founding of oberlin, there were women graduates who had something to say on numerous questions of public interest. especially was this true of the subject of temperance. intemperance was a vice peculiar to men. women and children were the chief sufferers, while men were the chief sinners. it was important, therefore, that men should be reached. in lucy stone, an oberlin graduate, began to address public audiences on the subject. at the same time susan b. anthony appeared as a temperance lecturer. the manner of their reception and the nature of their subject induced them to unite heartily in the pending crusade for the equal rights of women. the three causes thus became united in one. along with the crusade against slavery, intemperance, and women's wrongs, arose a fourth, which was fundamentally connected with the slavery question: quakers and southern and western abolitionists were ardently devoted to the interests of peace. they would abolish slavery by peaceable means because they believed the alternative was a terrible war. to escape an impending war they were nerved to do and dare and to incur great risks. new england abolitionists who labored in harmony with those of the west and south were actuated by similar motives. sumner first gained public notice by a distinguished oration against war. garrison went farther: he was a professional non-resistant, a root and branch opponent of both war and slavery. john brown was a fanatical antagonist of war until he reached the conclusion that according to the divine will there should be a short war of liberation in place of the continuance of slavery, which was itself in his opinion the most cruel form of war. slavery as a legally recognized institution disappeared with the civil war. the war against intemperance has made continuous progress and this problem is apparently approaching a solution. the war against war as a recognized institution has become the one all-absorbing problem of civilization. the war against the wrongs of women is being supplanted by efforts to harmonize the mutual privileges and duties of men and women on the basis of complete equality. as samuel may predicted more than seventy years ago, in the future women are certain to take a hand both in the making and in the administration of law. chapter iv. the turning-point the year is notable for three events in the history of the anti-slavery controversy: on the first day of january in that year william lloyd garrison began in boston the publication of the liberator; in august there occurred in southampton, virginia, an insurrection of slaves led by a negro, nat turner, in which sixty-one white persons were massacred; and in december the virginia legislature began its long debate on the question of slavery. on the part of the abolitionists there was at no time any sudden break in the principles which they advocated. lundy did nothing but revive and continue the work of the quakers and other non-slaveholding classes of the revolutionary period. birney was and continued to be a typical slaveholding abolitionist of the earlier period. garrison began his work as a disciple of lundy, whom he followed in the condemnation of the african colonization scheme, though he went farther and rejected every form of colonization. garrison likewise repudiated every plan for gradual emancipation and proclaimed the duty of immediate and unconditional liberation of the slaves. the first number of the liberator contained an address to the public, which sounded the keynote of garrison's career. "i shall contend for the immediate enfranchisement of our slave population--i will be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice on this subject--i do not wish to think, or speak, or write with moderation--i am in earnest--i will not equivocate--i will not retreat a single inch, and i will be heard!" the new england anti-slavery society, of which garrison was the chief organizer, was in essential harmony with the societies which lundy had organized in other sections. its first address to the public in distinctly recognized the separate states as the sole authority in the matter of emancipation within their own boundaries. through moral suasion, eschewing all violence and sedition, its authors proposed to secure their object. in the spirit of civil and religious liberty and by appealing to the declaration of independence, the liberty party of and , by the freesoil party of , and later by the republican party, and that nearly all of the abolitionists continued to be faithful adherents to those principles, are sufficient proof of the essential unity of the great anti-slavery movement. the apparent lack of harmony and the real confusion in the history of the subject arose from the peculiar character of one remarkable man. the few owners of slaves who had assumed the role of public defenders of the institution were in the habit of using violent and abusive language against anti-slavery agitators. this appeared in the first debate on the subject during washington's administration. every form of rhetorical abuse also accompanied the outbreak of mob violence against the reformers at the time of garrison's advent into the controversy. he was especially fitted to reply in kind. "i am accused," said he, "of using hard language. i admit the charge. i have not been able to find a soft word to describe villainy, or to identify the perpetrator of it." this was a new departure which was instantly recognized by southern leaders. but from the beginning to the bitter end, garrison stands alone as preeminently the representative of this form of attack. it was significant, also, that the liberator was published in boston, the literary center of the country. there is no evidence that there was any direct connection between the publication of the liberator and the servile insurrection which occurred during the following august. * it was, however, but natural that the south should associate the two events. a few utterances of the paper were fitted, if not intended, to incite insurrection. one passage reads: "whenever there is a contest between the oppressed and the oppressor--the weapons being equal between the parties--god knows that my heart must be with the oppressed, and always against the oppressor. therefore, whenever commenced, i cannot but wish success to all slave insurrections." again: "rather than see men wearing their chains in a cowardly and servile spirit, i would, as an advocate of peace, much rather see them breaking the heads of the tyrant with their chains." * garrison himself denied any direct connection with the nat turner insurrection. see "william lloyd garrison, the story of his life told by his children," vol. i, p. . george thompson, an english co-laborer with garrison, is quoted as saying in a public address in that "southern slaves ought, or at least had a right, to cut the throats of their masters." * such utterances are rare, and they express a passing mood not in the least characteristic of the general spirit of the abolition movement; yet the fact that such statements did emanate from such a source made it comparatively easy for extremists of the opposition to cast odium upon all abolitionists. the only type of abolition known in south carolina was that of the extreme garrisonian agitators, and it furnished at least a shadow of excuse for mob violence in the north and for complete suppression of discussion in the south. to encourage slaves to cut the throats of their masters was far from being a rhetorical figure of speech in communities where slaves were in the majority. santo domingo was at the time a prosperous republic founded by former slaves who had exterminated the caucasian residents of the island. negroes from santo domingo had fomented insurrection in south carolina. the nat turner incident was more than a suggestion of the dire possibilities of the situation. turner was a trusted slave, a preacher among the blacks. he succeeded in concealing his plot for weeks. when the massacre began, slaves not in the secret were induced to join. a majority of the slain were women and children. abolitionists who had lived in slave states never indulged in flippant remarks fitted to incite insurrection. this was reserved for the few agitators far removed from the scene of action. * schouler, "history of the united states under the constitution," vol. v, p. . southern planters who had determined at all hazards to perpetuate the institution of slavery were peculiarly sensitive on account of what was taking place in spanish america and in the british west indies. mexico abolished slavery in , and united with colombia in encouraging cuba to throw off the spanish yoke, abolish slavery, and join the sisterhood of new world republics. this led to an effective protest on the part of the united states. both spain and mexico were advised that the united states could not with safety to its own interests permit the emancipation of slaves in the island of cuba. but with the british emancipation act of , cuba became the only neighboring territory in which slavery was legal. these acts of emancipation added zeal to the determination of the southern planters to secure territory for the indefinite extension of slavery to the southwest. when lundy and birney discovered these plans, their desire to husband and extend the direct political influence of abolitionists was greatly stimulated. to this end they maintained a moderate and conservative attitude. they took care that no abuse or misrepresentation should betray them into any expression which would diminish their influence with fair-minded, reasonable men. they were convinced that a clear and complete revelation of the facts would lead a majority of the people to adopt their views. the debate in the virginia legislature in the session which met three months after the southampton massacre furnishes a demonstration that the traditional anti-slavery sentiment still persisted among the rulers of the old dominion. it arose out of a petition from the quakers of the state asking for an investigation preparatory to a gradual emancipation of the slaves. the debate, which lasted for several weeks, was able and thorough. no stronger utterances in condemnation of slavery were ever voiced than appear in this debate. different speakers made the statement that no one presumed to defend slavery on principle--that apologists for slavery existed but no defenders. opposition to the petition was in the main apologetic in tone. a darker picture of the blighting effects of slavery on the industries of the country was never drawn than appears in these speeches. slavery was declared to be driving free laborers from the state, to have already destroyed every industry except agriculture, and to have exhausted the soil so that profitable agriculture was becoming extinct, while pine brush was encroaching upon former fruitful fields. "even the wolf," said one, "driven back long since by the approach of man, now returns, after the lapse of a hundred years, to howl over the desolations of slavery." contrasts between free labor in northern industry and that of the south were vividly portrayed. in a speech of great power, one member referred to kentucky and ohio as states "providentially designated to exhibit in their future histories the differences which necessarily result from a country free from, and a country afflicted with the curse of slavery." the debate was by no means confined to industrial or material considerations. mcdowell, who was afterwards elected governor of the state, thus portrays the personal relations of master and slave "you may place the slave where you please--you may put him under any process, which, without destroying his value as a slave, will debase and crush him as a rational being--you may do all this, and the idea that he was born to be free will survive it all. it is allied to his hope of immortality--it is the ethereal part of his nature which oppression cannot reach--it is a torch lit up in his soul by the hand of the deity, and never meant to be extinguished by the hand of man." various speakers assumed that the continuance of slavery involved a bloody conflict; that either peaceably or through violence, slavery as contrary to the spirit of the age must come to an end; that the agitation against it could not be suppressed. faulkner drew a lurid picture of the danger from servile insurrection, in which he referred to the utterances of two former speakers, one of whom had said that, unless something effective was done to ward off the danger, "the throats of all the white people of virginia will be cut." the other replied, "no, the whites cannot be conquered--the throats of the blacks will be cut." faulkner's rejoinder was that the difference was a trifling one, "for the fact is conceded that one race or the other must be exterminated." the public press joined in the debate. leading editorials appeared in the richmond enquirer urging that effective measures be instituted to put an end to slavery. the debate aroused much interest throughout the south. substantially all the current abolition arguments appeared in the speeches of the slave-owning members of the virginia legislature. and what was done about it? nothing at all. the petition was not granted; no action looking towards emancipation was taken. this was indeed a turning-point. men do not continue to denounce in public their own conduct unless their action results in some effort toward corrective measures. professor thomas dew, of the chair of history and metaphysics in william and mary college and later president of the college, published an essay reviewing the debate in the legislature and arguing that any plan for emancipation in virginia was either undesirable or impossible. this essay was among the first of the direct pro-slavery arguments. statements in support of the view soon followed. in the governor of south carolina in a message to the legislature said, "domestic slavery is the corner-stone of our republican edifice." senator calhoun, speaking in the senate two years later, declared slavery to be a positive good. w. g. simms, southern poet and novelist, writing in , felicitates himself as being among the first who about fifteen years earlier advocated slavery as a great good and a blessing. harriet martineau, an english author who traveled extensively in the south in , found few slaveholders who justified the institution as being in itself just. but after the debates in the virginia legislature, there were few owners of slaves who publicly advocated abolition. the spirit of mob violence had set in, and, contrary to the utterances of virginia statesmen, free speech on the subject of slavery was suppressed in the slave states. this did not mean that southern statesmen had lost the power to perceive the evil effects of slavery or that they were convinced that their former views were erroneous. it meant simply that they had failed to agree upon a policy of gradual emancipation, and the only recourse left seemed to be to follow the example of james g. birney and leave the south or to submit in silence to the new order. chapter v. the vindication of liberty with the changed attitude of the south towards emancipation there was associated an active hostility to dearly bought human liberty. freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of worship, the right of assembly, trial by jury, the right of petition, free use of the mails, and numerous other fundamental human rights were assailed. birney and other abolitionists who had immediate knowledge of slavery early perceived that the real question at issue was quite as much the continued liberty of the white man as it was the liberation of the black man and that the enslavement of one race involved also the ultimate essential enslavement of the other. in two slave states and six free states still extended to free negroes the right to vote. during the pro-slavery crusade these privileges disappeared; and not only so, but free negroes were banished from certain states, or were not permitted to enter them, or were allowed to remain only by choosing a white man for a guardian. it was made a crime to teach negroes, whether slaves or free men, to read and write. under various pretexts free negroes were reduced to slavery. freedom of worship was denied to negroes, and they were not allowed to assemble for any purpose except under the strict surveillance of white men. negro testimony in a court of law was invalid where the rights of a white man were involved. the right of a negro to his freedom was decided by an arbitrary court without a jury, while the disputed right of a white man to the ownership of a horse was conditioned by the safeguard of trial by jury. the maintenance of such policies carries with it of necessity the suppression of free discussion. when southern leaders adopted the policy of defending slavery as a righteous institution, abolitionists in the south either emigrated to the north or were silenced. in either case they were deprived of a fundamental right. the spirit of persecution followed them into the free states. birney could not publish his paper in kentucky, nor even at cincinnati, save at the risk of his life. elijah lovejoy was not allowed to publish his paper in missouri, and, when he persisted in publishing it in illinois, he was brutally murdered. even in boston it required men of courage and determination to meet and organize an anti-slavery society in , though only a few years earlier benjamin lundy had traveled freely through the south itself delivering anti-slavery lectures and organizing scores of such societies. the new york anti-slavery society was secretly organized in in spite of the opposition of a determined mob. mob violence was everywhere rife. meetings were broken up, negro quarters attacked, property destroyed, murders committed. fair-minded men became abolitionists on account of the crusade against the rights of white men quite as much as from their interest in the rights of negroes. salmon p. chase of ohio was led to espouse the cause by observing the attacks upon the freedom of the press in cincinnati. gerrit smith witnessed the breaking up of an anti-slavery meeting in utica, new york, and thereafter consecrated his time, his talents, and his great wealth to the cause of liberty. wendell phillips saw garrison in the hands of a boston mob, and that experience determined him to make common cause with the martyr. and the murder of lovejoy in made many active abolitionists. it is difficult to imagine a more inoffensive practice than giving to negro girls the rudiments of an education. yet a school for this purpose, taught by miss prudence crandall in canterbury, connecticut, was broken up by persistent persecution, a special act of the legislature being passed for the purpose, forbidding the teaching of negroes from outside the state without the consent of the town authorities. under this act miss crandall was arrested, convicted, and imprisoned. having eliminated free discussion from the south, the southern states sought to accomplish the same object in the north. in pursuance of a resolution of the legislature, the governor of georgia offered a reward of five thousand dollars to any one who should arrest, bring to trial, and prosecute to conviction under the laws of georgia the editor of the liberator. r. g. williams, publishing agent for the american anti-slavery society, was indicted by a grand jury of tuscaloosa county, alabama, and governor gayle of alabama made a requisition on governor marcy of new york for his extradition. williams had never been in alabama. his offense consisted in publishing in the new york emancipator a few rather mild utterances against slavery. governor mcduffie of south carolina in an official message declared that slavery was the very corner-stone of the republic, adding that the laboring population of any country, "bleached or unbleached," was a dangerous element in the body politic, and predicting that within twenty-five years the laboring people of the north would be virtually reduced to slavery. referring to abolitionists, he said: "the laws of every community should punish this species of interference with death without benefit of clergy." pursuant to the governor's recommendation, the legislature adopted a resolution calling upon non-slaveholding states to pass laws to suppress promptly and effectively all abolition societies. in nearly all the slave states similar resolutions were adopted, and concerted action against anti-slavery effort was undertaken. during the winter of and , the governors of the free states received these resolutions from the south and, instead of resenting them as an uncalled-for interference with the rights of free commonwealths, they treated them with respect. edward everett, governor of massachusetts, in his message presenting the southern documents to the legislature, said: "whatever by direct and necessary operation is calculated to excite an insurrection among the slaves has been held, by highly respectable legal authority, an offense against this commonwealth which may be prosecuted as a misdemeanor at common law." governor marcy of new york, in a like document, declared that "without the power to pass such laws the states would not possess all the necessary means for preserving their external relations of peace among themselves." even before the southern requests reached rhode island, the legislature had under consideration a bill to suppress abolition societies. when a committee of the massachusetts legislature had been duly organized to consider the documents received from the slave states, the abolitionists requested the privilege of a hearing before the committee. receiving no reply, they proceeded to formulate a statement of their case; but before they could publish it, they were invited to appear before the joint committee of the two houses. the public had been aroused by the issue and there was a large audience. the case for the abolitionists was stated by their ablest speakers, among whom was william lloyd garrison. they labored to convince the committee that their utterances were not incendiary, and that any legislative censure directed against them would be an encouragement to mob violence and the persecution which was already their lot. after the defensive arguments had been fully presented, william goodell took the floor and proceeded to charge upon the southern states which had made these demands a conspiracy against the liberties of the north. in the midst of great excitement and many interruptions by the chairman of the committee, he quoted the language of governor mcduffie's message, and characterized the documents lying on the table before him as "fetters for northern freemen." then, turning to the committee, he began, "mr. chairman, are you prepared to attempt to put them on?"--but the sentence was only half finished when the stentorian voice of the chairman interrupted him: "sit down, sir!" and he sat down. the committee then arose and left the room. but the audience did not rise; they waited till other abolitionists found their tongues and gave expression to a fixed determination to uphold the liberties purchased for them by the blood of their fathers. the massachusetts legislature did not comply with the request of governor mcduffie of south carolina to take the first step towards the enslavement of all laborers, white as well as black. and rhode island refused to enact into law the pending bill for the suppression of anti-slavery societies. they declined to violate the plain requirements of their constitution that the interests of slavery might be promoted. not many years later they were ready to strain or break the constitution for the sake of liberty. in the general crusade against liberty churches proved more pliable than states. the authority of nearly all the leading denominations was directed against the abolitionists. the general conference of the methodist episcopal church passed in a resolution censuring two of their members who had lectured in favor of modern abolitionism. the ohio conference of the same denomination had passed resolutions urging resistance to the anti-slavery movement. in june, , the new york conference decided that no one should be chosen as deacon or elder who did not give pledge that he would refrain from agitating the church on the subject. the same spirit appeared in theological seminaries. the trustees of lane seminary, near cincinnati, ohio, voted that students should not organize or be members of anti-slavery societies or hold meetings or lecture or speak on the subject. whereupon the students left in a body, and many of the professors withdrew and united with others in the founding of an anti-slavery college at oberlin. a persistent attack was also directed against the use of the united states mails for the distribution of anti-slavery literature. mob violence which involved the post-office began as early as , when printed copies of miss grimke's appeal to the christian women of the south were seized and burned in charleston. in large quantities of anti-slavery literature were removed from the charleston office and in the presence of the assembled citizens committed to the flames. postmasters on their own motion examined the mails and refused to deliver any matter that they deemed incendiary. amos kendall, postmaster-general, was requested to issue an order authorizing such conduct. he replied that he had no legal authority to issue such an order. yet he would not recommend the delivery of such papers. "we owe," said he, "an obligation to the laws, but a higher one to the communities in which we live, and if the former be perverted to destroy the latter, it is patriotism to disregard them. entertaining these views, i cannot sanction, and will not condemn, the step you have taken." this is an early instance of the appeal to the "higher law" in the pro-slavery controversy. the higher law was invoked against the freedom of the press. the new york postmaster sought to dissuade the anti-slavery society from the attempt to send its publications through the mails into southern states. in reply to a request for authorization to refuse to accept such publications, the postmaster-general replied: "i am deterred from giving an order to exclude the whole series of abolition publications from the southern mails only by a want of legal power, and if i were situated as you are, i would do as you have done." mr. kendall's letters to the postmasters of charleston and new york were written in july and august, . in december of the same year, presumably with full knowledge that a member of his cabinet was encouraging violations of law in the interest of slavery, president jackson undertook to supply the need of legal authorization. in his annual message he made a savage attack upon the abolitionists and recommended to congress the "passing of such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the southern states, through the mail, of incendiary publications." this part of the president's message was referred to a select committee, of which john c. calhoun was chairman. the chairman's report was against the adoption of the president's recommendation because a subject of such vital interest to the states ought not to be left to congress. the admission of the right of congress to decide what is incendiary, asserted the report, carries with it the power to decide what is not incendiary and hence congress might authorize and enforce the circulation of abolition literature through the mails in all the states. the states should themselves severally decide what in their judgment is incendiary, and then it would become the duty of the general government to give effect to such state laws. the bill recommended was in harmony with this view. it was made illegal for any deputy postmaster "to deliver to any person whatsoever, any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other printed paper, or pictorial representation touching the subject of slavery, where by the laws of the said state, territory, or district their circulation is prohibited." the bill was defeated in the senate by a small margin. altogether there was an enlightening debate on the whole subject. the exposure of the abuse of tampering with the mail created a general reaction, which enabled the abolitionists to win a spectacular victory. instead of a law forbidding the circulation of anti-slavery publications, congress enacted a law requiring postal officials under heavy penalties to deliver without discrimination all matter committed to their charge. this act was signed by president jackson, and calhoun himself was induced to admit that the purposes of the abolitionists were not violent and revolutionary. henceforth abolitionists enjoyed their full privileges in the use of the united states mail. an even more dramatic victory was thrust upon the abolitionists by the inordinate violence of their opponents in their attack upon the right of petition. john quincy adams, who became their distinguished champion, was not himself an abolitionist. when, as a member of the lower house of congress in , he presented petitions from certain citizens of pennsylvania, presumably quakers, requesting congress to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the district of columbia, he refused to countenance their prayer, and expressed the wish that the memorial might be referred without debate. at the very time when a new england ex-president was thus advising abolitionists to desist from sending petitions to congress, the virginia legislature was engaged in the memorable debate upon a similar petition from virginia quakers, in which most radical abolition sentiment was expressed by actual slaveowners. adams continued to present anti-slavery memorials and at the same time to express his opposition to the demands of the petitioners. when in there arose a decided opposition to the reception of such documents, adams, still in apparent sympathy with the pro-slavery south on the main issue, gave wise counsel on the method of dealing with petitions. they should be received, said he, and referred to a committee; because the right of petition is sacred. this, he maintained, was the best way to avoid disturbing debate on the subject of slavery. he quoted his own previous experience; he had made known his opposition to the purposes of the petitioners; their memorials were duly referred to a committee and there they slept the sleep of death. at that time only one voice had been raised in the house in support of the abolition petitioners, that of john dickson of new york, who had delivered a speech of two hours in length advocating their cause; but not a voice was raised in reply. mr. adams mentioned this incident with approval. the way to forestall disturbing debate in congress, he said, was scrupulously to concede all constitutional rights and then simply to refrain from speaking on the subject. this sound advice was not followed. for several months a considerable part of the time of the house was occupied with the question of handling abolition petitions. and finally, in may, , the following resolution passed the house: "resolved, that all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions, or papers relating in any way or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid on the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." this is commonly known as the "gag resolution." during four successive years it was reenacted in one form or another and was not repealed by direct vote until . when the name of mr. adams was called in the vote upon the passage of the above resolution, instead of answering in the ordinary way, he said: "i hold the resolution to be a direct violation of the constitution of the united states, of the rules of this house, and of the rights of my constituents." this was the beginning of the duel between the "old man eloquent" and a determined majority in the house of representatives. adams developed undreamed-of resources as a debater and parliamentarian. he made it his special business to break down the barrier against the right of petition. abolitionists cooperated with zeal in the effort. their champion was abundantly supplied with petitions. the gag resolution was designed to prevent all debate on the subject of slavery. its effect in the hands of the shrewd parliamentarian was to foment debate. on one occasion, with great apparent innocence, after presenting the usual abolition petitions, adams called the attention of the speaker to one which purported to be signed by twenty-two slaves and asked whether such a petition should be presented to the house, since he was himself in doubt as to the rules applicable in such a case. this led to a furious outbreak in the house which lasted for three days. adams was threatened with censure at the bar of the house, with expulsion, with the grand jury, with the penitentiary; and it is believed that only his great age and national repute shielded him from personal violence. after numerous passionate speeches had been delivered, adams injected a few important corrections into the debate. he reminded the house that he had not presented a petition purporting to emanate from slaves; on the contrary, he had expressly declined to present it until the speaker had decided whether a petition from slaves was covered by the rule. moreover, the petition was not against slavery but in favor of slavery. he was then charged with the crime of trifling with the sensibilities of the house; and finally the champion of the right of petition took the floor in his own defense. his language cut to the quick. his calumniators were made to feel the force of his biting sarcasm. they were convicted of injustice, and all their resolutions of censure were withdrawn. the victory was complete. after the year john quincy adams had the effective support of joshua r. giddings from the western reserve, ohio--who also fought a pitched battle of his own which illustrates another phase of the crusade against liberty. the ship creole had sailed from baltimore to new orleans in with a cargo of slaves. the negroes mutinied on the high seas, slew one man, gained possession of the vessel, sailed to nassau, and were there set free by the british government. prolonged diplomatic negotiations followed in which our government held that, as slaves were property in the united states, they continued to be such on the high seas. in the midst of the controversy, giddings introduced a resolution into the house, declaring that slavery, being an abridgment of liberty, could exist only under local rules, and that on the high seas there can be no slavery. for this act giddings was arraigned and censured by the house. he at once resigned, but was reelected with instructions to continue the fight for freedom of debate in the house. in the campaign against the rights of freemen mob violence was first employed, but in the south the weapon of repressive legislation was soon substituted, and this was powerfully supplemented by social and religious ostracism. except in a few districts in the border states, these measures were successful. public profession of abolitionism was suppressed. the violence of the mob was of much longer duration in the north and reached its height in the years and . but northern mobs only quickened the zeal of the abolitionists and made converts to their cause. the attempt to substitute repressive state legislation had the same effect, and the use of church authority for making an end of the agitation for human liberty was only temporarily influential. as early as the presbyterian church was divided over questions of doctrine into old school and new school presbyterians. this served to forestall the impending division on the slavery question. the old school in the south became pro-slavery and the new school in the north became anti-slavery. at the same time the methodist church of the entire country was beset by a division on the main question. in southern methodist episcopalian conferences resolved upon separation and committed themselves to the defense of slavery. the division in the methodist church was completed in . a corresponding division took place in the baptist church in . the controversy was dividing the country into a free north and an enslaved south, and southern white men as well as negroes were threatened with subjection to the demands of the dominant institution. chapter vi. the slavery issue in politics some who opposed mob violence became active abolitionists; others were led to defend the rights of abolitionists because to do otherwise would encourage anarchy and general disorder. the same was true of those who defended the right of petition and the free use of the mails and the entire list of the fundamental rights of freemen which were threatened by the crusade against abolitionists. birney's contention that unless the slave is freed no one can be free was thus vindicated: the issue involved vastly more than the mere emancipation of slaves. the attack made in defense of slavery upon the rights of freemen was early recognized as involving civil war unless peaceable emancipation could be attained. so soon as john quincy adams faced the new spirit in congress, he was convinced that it meant probable war. as early as may, , he warned the south, saying: "from the instant that your slaveholding states become the theater of war, civil, servile, or foreign, from that moment the war powers of the constitution extend to interference with the institution of slavery." this sentiment he reiterated and amplified on various occasions. the south was duly warned that an attempt to disrupt the union would involve a war of which emancipation would be one of the consequences. with the exception of garrison and a few of his personal followers, abolitionists were unionists: they stood for the perpetual union of the states. this is not the place to give an extended account of the mexican war. * there are, however, certain incidents connected with the annexation of texas and the resulting war which profoundly affected the crusade against slavery. both lundy and birney in their missions to promote emancipation through the process of colonization believed that they had unearthed a plan on the part of southern leaders to acquire territory from mexico for the purpose of extending slavery. this discovery coincided with the suppression of abolition propaganda in the south. hitherto john quincy adams had favored the western expansion of our territory. he had labored diligently to make the rio grande the western boundary of the louisiana purchase at the time of the treaty with spain in . but though in he had supported a measure to purchase texas from mexico, under the new conditions he threw himself heartily against the annexation of texas, and in he defeated in the house of representatives a resolution favoring annexation. to this end adams occupied the morning hour of the house each day from the th of june to the th of july, within two days of the time fixed for adjournment. this was only a beginning of his fight against the extension of slavery. there was no relenting in his opposition to pro-slavery demands until he was stricken down with paralysis in the streets of boston, in november, . he never again addressed a public assembly. but he continued to occupy his seat in congress until february , . * see "texas and the mexican war" (in "the chronicles of america"). the debate inaugurated in congress by adams and others over the extension of slave territory rapidly spread to the country at large, and interest in the question became general. abolitionists were thereby greatly stimulated to put into practice their professed duty of seeking to accomplish their ends by political action. their first effort was to secure recognition in the regular parties. the democrats answered in their platform of by a plank specifically denouncing the abolitionists, and the whigs proved either noncommittal or unfriendly. the result was that abolitionists organized a party of their own in and nominated james g. birney for the presidency. both of the older parties during this campaign evaded the issue of the annexation of texas. in the whigs again refrained from giving in their platform any official utterance on the texas issue, though they were understood to be opposed to annexation. the democrats adroitly asserted in their platform their approval of the re-annexation of texas and reoccupation of oregon. there was a shadowy prior claim to both these regions, and by combining them in this way the party avoided any odious partiality towards the acquisition of slave territory. but the voters in both parties had become interested in the specific question whether the country was to enter upon a war of conquest whose primary object should be the extension of slavery. in the north it became generally understood that a vote for henry clay, the whig candidate, was an expression of opposition to annexation. this issue, however, was not made clear in the south. in the absence of telegraph and daily paper it was quite possible to maintain contradictory positions in different sections of the country. but since the democrats everywhere openly favored annexation, the election of their candidate, james k. polk, was generally accepted as a popular approval of the annexation of texas. indeed, action immediately followed the election and, before the president-elect had been inaugurated, the joint resolution for the annexation of texas passed both houses of congress. the popular vote was almost equally divided between whigs and democrats. had the vote for birney, who was again the candidate of the liberty party, been cast for clay electors, clay would have been chosen president. the birney vote was over sixty-two thousand. the liberty party, therefore, held the balance of power and determined the result of the election. the liberty party has often been censured for defeating the whigs at this election of . but many incidents, too early forgotten by historians, go far to justify the course of the leaders. birney and clay were at one time members of the same party. they were personal friends, and as slave holders they shared the view that slavery was a menace to the country and ought to be abolished. it was just fourteen years before this election that birney made a visit to clay to induce him to accept the leadership of an organized movement to abolish slavery in kentucky. three years later, when birney returned to kentucky to do himself what henry clay had refused to do, he became convinced that the reaction which had taken place in favor of slavery was largely due to clay's influence. this was a common impression among active abolitionists. it is not strange, therefore, that they refused to support him as a candidate for the presidency, and it is not at all certain that his election in would have prevented the war with mexico. northern whigs accused the democrats of fomenting a war with mexico with the intention of gaining territory for the purpose of extending slavery. democrats denied that the annexation of texas would lead to war, and many of them proclaimed their opposition to the farther extension of slavery. in harmony with this sentiment, when president polk asked for a grant of two million dollars to aid in making a treaty with mexico, they attached to the bill granting the amount a proviso to the effect that slavery should forever be prohibited in any territory which might be obtained from mexico by the contemplated treaty. the proviso was written by an ohio democrat and was introduced in the house by david a. wilmot, a pennsylvania democrat, after whom it is known. it passed the house by a fair majority with the support of both whigs and democrats. at the time of the original introduction in august, , the senate did not vote upon the measure. davis of massachusetts moved its adoption but inadvertently prolonged his speech in its favor until the hour for adjournment. hence there was no vote on the subject. subsequently the proviso in a new form again passed the house but failed of adoption in the senate. during the war the wilmot proviso was the subject of frequent debate in congress and of continuous debate throughout the country until the treaty with mexico was signed in . a vast territory had been acquired as a result of the war, and no decision had been reached as to whether it should remain free or be opened to settlement by slave-owners. another presidential election was at hand. for fully ten years there had been ever-increasing excitement over the question of the limitation or the extension of slavery. this had clearly become the topic of supreme interest throughout the country, and yet the two leading parties avoided the issue. their own membership was divided. northern democrats, many of them, were decidedly opposed to slavery extension. southern whigs with equal intensity favored the extension of slavery into the new territory. the platforms of the two parties were silent on the subject. the whigs nominated taylor, a southern general who had never voted their party ticket, but they made no formal declaration of principles. the democrats repeated with colorless additions their platforms of anti and sought to win the election with a northern man, lewis cass of michigan, as candidate. there was, therefore, a clear field for a party having fully defined views to express on a topic of commanding interest. the cleavage in the democratic party already begun by the debate over the wilmot proviso was farther promoted by a factional division of new york democrats. martin van buren became the leader of the liberal faction, the "barnburners," who nominated him for president at a convention at utica. the spirit of independence now seized disaffected whigs and democrats everywhere in the north and northwest. men of anti-slavery proclivities held nonpartizan meetings and conventions. the movement finally culminated in the famous buffalo convention which gave birth to the freesoil party. the delegates of all political persuasions united on the one principle of opposition to slavery. they adopted a ringing platform closing with the words: "resolved, that we inscribe on our banner 'free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men,' and under it will fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions." they accepted van buren as their candidate. the vote at the ensuing election was more than fourfold that given to birney in . the van buren supporters held the balance of power between whigs and democrats in twelve states. taylor was elected by the vote of new york, which except for the division in the party would have gone to cass. there was no longer any doubt of the fact that a political force had arisen which could no longer be ignored by the ruling parties. one of the parties must either support the new issue or give place to a party which would do so. a political party for the defense of liberty was the fulfillment of the aspirations of all earnest anti-slavery men and of all abolitionists not of the radical garrisonian persuasion. the national anti-slavery societies were for the most part limited in their operations to the atlantic seaboard. the west organized local and state associations with little reference to the national association. when the disruption occurred between garrison and his opponents in , the western abolitionists continued their former methods of local organization. they recognized no divisions in their ranks and continued to work in harmony with all who in any way opposed the institution of slavery. the political party was their first really effective national organization. through party committees, caucuses, and conventions, they became a part of the forces that controlled the nation. the older local clubs and associations were either displaced by the party or became mere adjuncts to the party. the lines for political action were now clearly defined. in the states emancipation should be accomplished by state action. with a few individual exceptions the leaders conceded that congress had no power to abolish slavery in the states. upon the general government they urged the duty of abolishing both slavery and the slave-trade in the district of columbia and in all areas under direct federal control. they further urged upon the government the strict enforcement of the laws prohibiting the foreign slave-trade and the enactment of laws forbidding the interstate slave-trade. the constitutionality of these main lines of action has been generally conceded. abolitionists were pioneers in the formulation of political platforms. the declaration of principles drawn up by garrison in and adopted by the american anti-slavery society was of the nature of a political platform. the duty of voting in furtherance of the policy of emancipation was inculcated. no platform was adopted for the first political campaign, that of ; but four years later there was an elaborate party platform of twenty-one resolutions. many things had happened in the eleven years intervening since the declaration of principles of the american anti-slavery society. in the earlier platform the freedom of the slave appears as the primary object. that of the liberty party assumes the broad principle of human brotherhood as the foundation for a democracy or a republic. it denies that the party is organized merely to free the slave. slaveholding as the grossest form of despotism must indeed be attacked first, but the aim of the party is to carry the principle of equal rights into all social relations. it is not a sectional party nor a party organized for a single purpose. "it is not a new party, nor a third party, but it is the party of , reviving the principles of that memorable era, and striving to carry them into practical application." the spirit of ' rings, indeed, throughout the document, which declares that it was understood at the time of the declaration and the constitution that the existence of slavery was in derogation of the principles of american liberty. the implied faith of the nation and the states was pledged to remove this stain upon the national character. some states had nobly fulfilled that pledge; others shamelessly had neglected to do so. these principles are reasserted in succeeding platforms. the later opponents of slavery in their principles and policies thus allied themselves with the founders of the republic. they claimed the right to continue to repeat the words of washington and jefferson and those of the members of the virginia legislature of . no new doctrines were required. it was enough simply to reaffirm the fundamental principles of democracy. the names attached to the party are significant. it was at first popularly styled the abolition party, then officially in turn the liberty party, the freesoil party, and finally the republican party. republican was the name first applied to the democratic party--the party of jefferson. the term democrat was gradually substituted under the leadership of jackson before . some of the men who participated in the organization of the later republican party had themselves been republicans in the party of jefferson. they not only accepted the name which jefferson gave to his party, but they adopted the principles which jefferson proclaimed on the subject of slavery, free soil, and human rights in general. this was the final stage in the identification of the later anti-slavery crusade with the earlier contest for liberty. chapter vii. the passing of the whig party the middle of the last century was marked by many incidents which have left a permanent impress upon politics in general and upon the slavery question in particular. europe was again in the throes of popular uprisings. new constitutions were adopted in france, switzerland, prussia, and austria. reactions in favor of autocracy in austria and germany sent multitudes of lovers of liberty to america. kossuth, the hungarian revolutionist, electrified american audiences by his appeals on behalf of the downtrodden in europe. already the world was growing smaller. america did not stop at the pacific but crossed the ocean to establish permanent political and commercial relations with japan and china. the industries of the country were being reorganized to meet new conditions created by recent inventions. the electric telegraph was just coming into use, giving rise to a new era in communication. the discovery of gold in california in was followed by competing projects to construct railroads to the pacific with chicago and st. louis as the rival eastern terminals. the telegraph, the railway, and the resulting industrial development proved great nationalizing influences. they served also to give increased emphasis to the contrast between the industries of the free and those of the slave states. the census of became an effective anti-slavery argument. the telegraph also gave new life to the public press. the presidential campaign of was the last one in which it was possible to carry on contradictory arguments in support of the same candidate. if slavery could not endure the test of untrammeled discussion when there were no means of rapid intercommunication such as the telegraph supplied, how could it contend against the revelations of the daily press with the new type of reporter and interviewer which was now developed? it is a remarkable coincidence that in the midst of the passing of the old and the coming in of the new order there should be a change in the political leadership of the country. webster, clay, calhoun, john quincy adams, not to mention others, all died near the middle of the century, and their political power passed to younger men. adams gave his blessing to a young friend and co-laborer, william h. seward of new york, intimating that he expected him to do much to curb the threatening power of the slaveholding oligarchy; while andrew jackson, who died earlier, had already conferred a like distinction upon young stephen a. douglas. there was no lack of aspirants for the fallen mantles. john c. calhoun continued almost to the day of his death to modify his interpretation of the constitution in the interest of his section. as a young man he avowed protectionist principles. becoming convinced that slave labor was not suited to manufacture, he urged south carolina to declare the protective tariff laws null and void within her limits. when his section seemed endangered by the distribution of anti-slavery literature through the mail, he extemporized a theory that each state had a right to pass statutes to protect itself in such an emergency, in which case it became the duty of the general government and of all other states to respect such laws. when it finally appeared that the territory acquired from mexico was likely to remain free, the same statesman made further discoveries. he found that congress had no right to exclude slavery from any territory belonging to the united states; that the owners of slaves had equal rights with the owners of other property; that neither congress nor a territorial authority had any power to exclude slaves from a territory. this doctrine was accepted by extremists in the south and was finally embodied in the dred scott decision of . abolitionists had meantime evolved a precisely contradictory theory. they asserted that the constitution gave no warrant for property in man, except as held under state laws; that with this exception freedom was guaranteed to all; that congress had no more right to make a slave than it had to make a king; and that it was the duty of congress to maintain freedom in all the territories. extremists expressed the view that all past acts whereby slavery had been extended were unconstitutional and therefore void. between these extreme conflicting views was every imaginable grade of opinion. the prevailing view of opponents of slavery, however, was in harmony with their past conduct and maintained that congress had complete control over slavery in the territories. when the mexican territory was acquired, stephen a. douglas, as the experienced chairman of the committee on territories in the senate, was already developing a theory respecting slavery in the territories which was destined to play a leading part in the later crusade against slavery. douglas was the most thoroughgoing of expansionists and would acknowledge no northern boundary on this side of the north pole, no southern boundary nearer than panama. he regarded the united states, with its great principle of local autonomy, as fitted to become eventually the united states of the whole world, while he held it to be an immediate duty to make it the united states of north america. as the son-in-law of a southern planter in north carolina, and as the father of sons who inherited slave property, douglas, although born in vermont, knew the south as did no other northern statesman. he knew also the institution of slavery at first hand. as a pronounced expansionist and as the congressional leader in all matters pertaining to the territories, he acquired detailed information as to the qualities of these new possessions, and he spoke, therefore, with a good degree of authority when he said, "if there was one inch of territory in the whole of our acquisitions from mexico where slavery could exist, it was in the valleys of the sacramento and the san joaquin." but this region was at once preempted for freedom upon the discovery of gold. douglas did not admit that even the whole of texas would remain dedicated to slavery. some of the states to be formed from it would be free, by the same laws of climate and resources which determined that the entire west would remain free. before the mexican war the senator had become convinced that the extension of slavery had reached its limit; that the missouri compromise was a dead letter except as a psychological palliative; that nature had already ordained that slave labor should be forever excluded from all western territory both north and south of that line. his reply to calhoun's contention that a balance must be maintained between slave and free states was that he had plans for forming seventeen new states out of the vast western domains, every one of which would be free. and besides, said he, "we all look forward with confidence to the time when delaware, maryland, virginia, kentucky, and missouri, and probably north carolina and tennessee will adopt a gradual system of emancipation." douglas was one of the first to favor the admission of california as a free state. according to the missouri compromise law and the laws of mexico, all western territory was free, and he was opposed to interference with existing conditions. the missouri compromise was still held sacred. finally, however, it was with douglas's assistance that the compromise measures of were passed, one of which provided for territorial governments for utah and new mexico with the proviso that, when admitted as states, slavery should be permitted or prohibited as the citizens of those states should determine at the time. congress refrained from any declaration as to slavery in the territories. it was this policy of "non-intervention" which four years later furnished plausible excuse for the repeal of the missouri compromise. it was not strange that there was general ignorance in all parts of the country as to the resources of the newly acquired territory. the rush to the goldfields precipitated action in respect to california. before general taylor, the newly elected president, was inaugurated, there was imminent need of an efficient government. an early act of the administration was to send an agent to assist in the formation of a state government, and a convention was immediately called to frame a constitution. by unanimous vote of the convention, slavery was excluded. the constitution was approved by popular vote and was presented to congress for final acceptance in december, . in the meantime a great commotion had arisen among the people. southern state legislatures passed resolutions demanding that the rights of their peculiar institution should be recognized in the new territory. northern legislatures responded with resolutions favoring the admission of california as a state and the application of the wilmot proviso to the remaining territory. northern democrats had very generally denied that the affair with mexico had as a chief purpose the extension of slavery. democrats therefore united with whigs in maintaining the principle of free soil. in the south there was a corresponding fusion of the two parties in support of the sectional issue. general concern prevailed as to the attitude of the administration. taylor's election had been effected by both a southern and a northern split in the democratic party. northern democrats had voted for the free-soil candidate because of the alleged pro-slavery tendencies of their own party. southern democrats voted for taylor because of their distrust of lewis cass, their own candidate. some of these met in convention and formally nominated taylor, and taylor accepted their nomination with thanks. northern anti-slavery whigs had a difficult task to keep their members in line. there is evidence that taylor held the traditional southern view that the anti-slavery north was disposed to encroach upon the rights of the south. meeting fewer northern whig supporters, he became convinced that the more active spirit of encroachment was in the pro-slavery south. california needed a state government, and the president took the most direct method to supply that need. as the inhabitants were unanimous in their desire to exclude slavery, their wish should be respected. new mexico was in a similar situation. as slavery was already excluded from the territory under mexican law, and as there was no wish on the part of the inhabitants to introduce slavery, the president recognized existing facts and made no change. when southern leaders projected a scheme to enlarge the boundaries of texas so as to extend slavery over a large part of new mexico, president taylor set a guard of united states troops to maintain the integrity of the territory. when a deputation of southern whigs endeavored to dissuade him from his purpose, threatening a dissolution of the union and intimating that army officers would refuse to act against citizens of texas, the soldier president replied that in such an event he would take command in person and would hang any one caught in acts of treason. when henry clay introduced an elaborate project for a compromise between the north and the south, the president insisted that each question should be settled on its own merits and directed the forces of the administration against any sort of compromise. the debate over clay's omnibus bill was long and acrimonious. on july , , the president seemed triumphant. but upon that day, notwithstanding his apparent robust health, he was stricken down with an acute disease and died five days later. with his passing, the opposing whig faction came into power. the so-called compromise measures were at length one by one passed by congress and approved by president fillmore. california was admitted as a free state; but as a palliative to the south, congress passed bills for the organization of territorial governments for new mexico and utah without positive declarations regarding the powers of the territorial legislatures over slavery. all questions relating to title to slaves were to be left to the courts. meantime it was left in doubt whether mexican law excluding slavery was still in force. southern malcontents maintained that this act was a mere hoax, using words which suggested concession when no concession was intended. northern anti-slavery men criticized the act as the entering wedge for another great surrender to the enemy. because of the uncertainty regarding the meaning of the law and the false hopes likely to be created, they maintained that it was fitted to foment discord and prolong the period of distrust between the two sections. at all events such was its actual effect. a third act in this unhappy series gave to texas ten millions of dollars for the alleged surrender of claims to a part of new mexico. this had little bearing on the general subject of compromise; yet anti-slavery men criticized it on the ground that the issue raised was insincere; that the appropriation was in fact a bribe to secure votes necessary to pass the other measures; that the bill was passed through congress by shameless bribery, and that even the boundaries conceded to texas involved the surrender of free territory. the abolition of the slave-trade in the district of columbia was supported by both sections of the country. the removal of the slave pens within sight of the capitol to a neighboring city deprived the abolitionists of one of their weapons for effective agitation, but it did not otherwise affect the position of slavery. of the five acts included in the compromise measures, the one which provided for the return of fugitive slaves was most effective in the promotion of hostility between the two sections. during the six months of debate on the omnibus bill, numerous bills were presented to take the place of the law of . webster brought forward a bill which provided for the use of a jury to establish the validity of a claim to an escaped slave. but that which was finally adopted by a worn-out congress is characterized as one of the most barbarous pieces of legislation ever enacted by a civilized country. a single incident may indicate the nature of the act. james hamlet, for three years a resident of new york city, a husband and a father and a member of the methodist church, was seized eight days after the law went into effect by order of the agent of mary brown of baltimore, cut off from all communication with his friends, hurried before a commissioner, and on ex parte testimony was delivered into the hands of the agent, by whom he was handcuffed and secretly conveyed to baltimore. mr. rhodes accounts for the enactment in the following words: "if we look below the surface we shall find a strong impelling motive of the southern clamor for this harsh enactment other than the natural desire to recover lost property. early in the session it took air that a part of the game of the disunionists was to press a stringent fugitive slave law, for which no northern man could vote; and when it was defeated, the north would be charged with refusal to carry out a stipulation of the constitution.... the admission of california was a bitter pill for the southern ultras, but they were forced to take it. the fugitive slave law was a taunt and a reproach to that part of the north where the anti-slavery sentiment ruled supremely, and was deemed a partial compensation." clay expressed surprise that states from which few slaves escaped demanded a more stringent law than kentucky, from which many escaped. whatever may have been the motives leading to the enactment, its immediate effect was the elimination of one of the great national parties, thus paving the way for the formation of parties along sectional lines. two years after the passage of the compromise acts the democratic national convention assembled to nominate a candidate for the presidency. the platform adopted by the party promised a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures and added "the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included; which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency." when this was read, the convention broke out in uproarious applause. then there was a demand that it should be read again. again there was loud applause. why was there this demand that a law which every one knew had proved a complete failure should be made a permanent part of the constitution? and why the ungovernable hilarity over the demand that its "efficiency" should never be impaired? surely the motive was something other than a desire to recover lost property. upon the whig party had been fastened the odium for the enactment of the law, and the act unrepealed meant the death of the party. the democrats saw good reason for laughter. chapter viii. the underground railroad wherever there are slaves there are fugitives if there is an available place of refuge. the wilds of florida were such a refuge during the early part of last century. when the northern states became free, fugitive slaves began to escape thither, and canada, when it could be reached, was, of course, the goal of perfect security and liberty for all. a professed object of the early anti-slavery societies was to prevent the enslavement of free negroes and in other ways to protect their rights. during the process of emancipation in northern states large numbers of colored persons were spirited off to the south and sold into slavery. at various places along the border there were those who made it their duty to guard the rights of negroes and to prevent kidnapping. these guardians of the border furnished a nucleus for the development of what was later known as the underground railroad. in president washington wrote a letter to a friend in new hampshire with reference to obtaining the return of a negro servant. he was careful to state that the servant should remain unmolested rather than "excite a mob or riot or even uneasy sensations in the minds of well disposed citizens." the result was that the servant remained free. president washington here assumed that "well disposed citizens" would oppose her return to slavery. three years earlier the president had himself signed a bill to facilitate by legal process the return of fugitives escaping into other states. he was certainly aware that such an act was on the statute books when he wrote his request to his friend in new hampshire, yet he expected that, if an attempt were made to remove the refugee by force, riot and resistance by a mob would be the result. not until after the foreign slave-trade had been prohibited and the domestic trade had been developed, and not until there was a pro-slavery reaction in the south which banished from the slave states all anti-slavery propaganda, did the systematic assistance rendered to fugitive slaves assume any large proportions or arouse bitter resentment. it began in the late twenties and early thirties of the nineteenth century, extended with the spread of anti-slavery organization, and was greatly encouraged and stimulated by the enactment of the law of . the underground railroad was never coextensive with the abolition movement. there were always abolitionists who disapproved the practice of assisting fugitives, and others who took no part in it. of those who were active participants, the larger proportion confined their activities to assisting those who had escaped and would take no part in seeking to induce slaves to leave their masters. efforts of that kind were limited to a few individuals only. incidents drawn from the reminiscences of levi coffin, the reputed president of the underground railroad, may serve to illustrate the origin and growth of the system. he was seven years old when he first saw near his home in north carolina a coffle of slaves being driven to the southern market by a man on horseback with a long whip. "the driver was some distance behind with the wagon. my father addressed the slaves pleasantly and then asked, 'well, boys, why do they chain you?' one of the men whose countenance betrayed unusual intelligence and whose expression denoted the deepest sadness replied: 'they have taken us from our wives and children and they chain us lest we should make our escape and go back to them."' when coffin was fifteen, he rendered assistance to a man in bondage. having an opportunity to talk with the members of a gang in the hands of a trader bound for the southern market, he learned that one of the company, named stephen, was a freeman who had been kidnapped and sold. letters were written to northern friends of stephen who confirmed his assertion. money was raised in the quaker meeting and men were sent to recover the negro. stephen was found in georgia and after six months was liberated. during the year other incidents occurred in the quaker community at new garden, near greensboro, north carolina, which illustrate different phases of the subject. jack barnes was the slave of a bachelor who became so greatly attached to his servant that he bequeathed to him not only his freedom but also a large share of his property. relatives instituted measures to break the will, and jack in alarm took refuge among the quakers at new garden. the suit went against the negro, and the newspapers contained advertisements offering a hundred dollars for information which should result in his recovery. to prevent his return to bondage, it was decided that jack should join a family of coffins who were moving to indiana. at the same time a negro by the name of sam had for several months been abiding in the quaker neighborhood. he belonged to a mr. osborne, a prototype of simon legree, who was so notoriously cruel that other slave-owners assisted in protecting his victims. after the coffins, with jack, had been on the road for a few days, osborne learned that a negro was with them and, feeling sure that it was his sam, he started in hot haste after them. this becoming known to the friends, young levi coffin was sent after osborne to forestall disaster. the descriptions given of jack and sam were practically identical and it was surmised that when osborne should overtake the party and discover his mistake, he would seize jack for the sake of the offered reward. coffin soon came up with osborne and decided to ride with him for a time to learn his plans. in the course of their conversation, it was finally agreed that coffin should assist in the recovery of sam. osborne was also generous and insisted that if it proved to be the other "nigger" who was with the company, coffin should have half the reward. how the young quaker outwitted the tyrant, gained his point, sent jack on his way to liberty, and at the same time retained the confidence of osborne so that upon their return home he was definitely engaged to assist osborne in finding sam, is a fascinating story. the abolitionist won from the slaveholder the doubtful compliment that "there was not a man in that neighborhood worth a d--n to help him hunt his negro except young levi coffin." sam was perfectly safe so long as levi coffin was guide for the hunting-party, but matters were becoming desperate. for the fugitive something had to be done. another family was planning to move to indiana, and in their wagon sam was to be concealed and thus conveyed to a free state. the business had now become serious. the laws of the state affixed the death penalty for stealing a slave. at night when young coffin and his father, with sam, were on their way to complete arrangements for the departure, horsemen appeared in the road near by. they had only time to throw themselves flat on the ground behind a log. from the conversation overheard, they were assured that they had narrowly escaped the night-riders on the lookout for stray negroes. the next year, , coffin himself joined a party going to indiana by the southern route through tennessee and kentucky. in the latter state they were at one time overtaken by men who professed to be looking for a pet dog, but whose real purpose was to recover runaway slaves. they insisted upon examining the contents of the wagons, for in this way only a short time previous a fugitive had been captured. these incidents show the origin of the system. the first case of assistance rendered a negro was not in itself illegal, but was intended merely to prevent the crime of kidnapping. the second was illegal in form, but the aid was given to one who, having been set free by will, was being reenslaved, it was believed, by an unjust decision of a court. the third was a case of outrageous abuse on the part of the owner. the negro sam had himself gone to a trader begging that he would buy him and preferring to take his chances on a mississippi plantation rather than return to his master. the trader offered the customary price and was met with the reply that he could have the rascal if he would wait until after the enraged owner had taken his revenge, otherwise the price would be twice the amount offered. a large proportion of the fugitives belonged to this maltreated class. others were goaded to escape by the prospect of deportation to the gulf states. the fugitives generally followed the beaten line of travel to the north and west. in levi coffin became a merchant in newport, indiana, a town near the ohio line not far from richmond. in the town and in its neighborhood lived a large number of free negroes who were the descendants of former slaves whom north carolina quakers had set free and had colonized in the new country. coffin found that these blacks were accustomed to assist fugitives on their way to canada. when he also learnt that some had been captured and returned to bondage merely through lack of skill on the part of the negroes, he assumed active operations as a conductor on the underground railroad. coffin used the underground railroad as a means of making converts to the cause. one who berated him for negro-stealing was adroitly induced to meet a newly arrived passenger and listen to his pathetic story. at the psychological moment the objector was skillfully led to hand the fugitive a dollar to assist him in reaching a place of safety. coffin then explained to this benevolent non-abolitionist the nature of his act, assuring him that he was liable to heavy damages therefor. the reply was in this case more forcible than elegant: "damn it! you've got me!" this conversion he publicly proclaimed for the sake of its influence upon others. many were the instances in which those of supposed pro-slavery convictions were brought face to face with an actual case of the threatened reenslavement of a human being escaping from bondage and were, to their own surprise, overcome by the natural, humane sentiment which asserted itself. for example, a cincinnati merchant, who at the time was supposed to be assisting one of his southern customers to recover an escaped fugitive, was confronted at his own home by the poor half-starved victim. yielding to the impulse of compassion, he gave the slave food and personal assistance and directed the destitute creature to a place of refuge. the division in the quaker meeting in indiana with which levi coffin was intimately associated may serve to exemplify a corresponding attitude in other churches on the question of slavery. the quakers availed themselves of the first great anti-slavery movement to rid themselves completely of the burden. their society itself became an anti-slavery organization. yet even so the friends had differences of opinion as to fit methods of action. not only did many of them disapprove of rendering aid to fugitives but they also objected to the use of the meetinghouses for anti-slavery lectures. the formation of the liberty party served to accentuate the division. the great body of the friends were anti-slavery whigs. a crisis in the affairs of the society of friends in the state of indiana was reached in when the radicals seceded and organized an independent "anti-slavery friends society." immediately there appeared in numerous localities duplicate friends' meeting-houses. in and around one of these, distinguished as "liberty hall," were gathered those whose supreme religious interest was directed against the sin of slavery. never was there a church division which involved less bad blood or sense of injury or injustice. members of the same family attended separate churches without the least difference in their cordial relations. no important principle was involved; there were apparently good reasons for both lines of policy, and each party understood and respected the other's position. after the adoption of the fugitive slave law of and the passing of the whig party, these differences disappeared, the separate organization was disbanded, and all friends' meetinghouses became "liberty halls." the disposition to aid the fugitive was by no means confined to the north nor to quakers in the south. richard dillingham, a young quaker who had yielded to the solicitations of escaped fugitives in cincinnati and had undertaken a mission to nashville, tennessee, to rescue their relatives from a "hard master," was arrested with three stolen slaves on his hands. he made confession in open court and frankly explained his motives. the nashville daily gazette of april , , has words of commendation for the prisoner and his family and states that "he was not without the sympathy of those who attended the trial." though dillingham committed a crime to which the death penalty was attached in some of the states, the jury affixed the minimum penalty of three years' imprisonment for the offense. as nashville was far removed from quaker influence or any sort of anti-slavery propaganda, dillingham was himself astonished and was profoundly grateful for the leniency shown him by court, jury, and prosecutors. this incident occurred in the year before the adoption of the fugitive slave law of . it is well known that in all times and places which were free from partizan bitterness there was a general natural sympathy for those who imperiled their life and liberty to free the slave. throughout the south men of both races were ready to give aid to slaves seeking to escape from dangers or burdens which they regarded as intolerable. while such a man as frederick douglass, when still a slave, was an agent of the underground railroad, southern anti-slavery people themselves were to a large extent the original projectors of the movement. even members of the families of slaveholders have been known to assist fugitives in their escape to the north. the fugitives traveled in various ways which were determined partly by geographical conditions and partly by the character of the inhabitants of a region. on the atlantic coast, from florida to delaware, slaves were concealed in ships and were thus conveyed to free states. thence some made their way towards canada by steamboat or railroad, though most made the journey on foot or, less frequently, in private conveyances. stalwart slaves sometimes walked from the gulf states to the free states, traveling chiefly by night and guided by the north star. having reached a free state, they found friends among those of their own race, or were taken in hand by officers of the underground railroad and were thus helped across the canadian border. from the seacoast the valley of the connecticut river furnished a convenient route for completing the journey northward, though the way of the fugitives was often deflected to the lake champlain region. in later years, when new england became generally sympathetic, numerous lines of escape traversed that entire section. other courses extended northward from the vicinity of philadelphia, delaware, and maryland. here, through the center of american quakerdom, all conditions favored the escape of fugitives, for slavery and freedom were at close quarters. the activities of the quakers, who were at first engaged merely in preventing the reenslavement of those who had a legal right to freedom, naturally expanded until aid was given without reservation to any fugitive. from philadelphia as a distributing point the route went by way of new york and the hudson river or up the river valleys of eastern pennsylvania through western new york. in addition to the routes to freedom which the seacoast and river valleys afforded, the appalachian chain of mountains formed an attractive highway of escape from slavery, though these mountain paths lead us to another branch of our subject not immediately connected with the underground railroad--the escape from bondage by the initiative of the slaves themselves or by the aid of their own people. mountains have always been a refuge and a defense for the outlaw, and the few dwellers in this almost unknown wilderness were not infrequently either indifferent or friendly to the fugitives. the escaped slaves might, if they chose, adopt for an indefinite time the free life of the hills; but in most cases they naturally drifted northward for greater security until they found themselves in a free state. through the mountainous regions of virginia many thus escaped, and they were induced to remain there by the example and advice of residents of their own color. the negroes themselves excelled all others in furnishing places of refuge to fugitives from slavery and in concealing their status. for this reason john brown and his associates were influenced to select this region for their great venture in . but there were other than geographical conditions which helped to determine the direction of the lines of the underground railroad. west of the alleghanies are the broad plains of the mississippi valley, and in this great region human elements rather than physical characteristics proved influential. northern ohio was occupied by settlers from the east, many of whom were anti-slavery. southern ohio was populated largely by quakers and other people from the slave states who abhorred slavery. on the east and south the state bordered on slave territory, and every part of the region was traversed by lines of travel for the slave. in eastern and northern indiana a favorable attitude prevailed. southwestern indiana, however, and southern illinois were occupied by those less friendly to the slave, so that in these sections there is little evidence of systematic aid to fugitives. but with st. louis, missouri, as a starting-point, northern illinois became honeycombed with refuges for patrons of the underground railroad. the negro also found friends in all the settled portions of iowa, and at the outbreak of the civil war a lively traffic was being developed, extending from lawrence, kansas, to keokuk, iowa. there is respectable authority for a variety of opinions as to the requirements of the rendition clause in the constitution and of the act of congress of to facilitate the return of fugitives from service or labor; but there is no respectable authority in support of the view that neither the spirit nor the letter of the law was violated by the supporters of the underground railroad. this was a source of real weakness to anti-slavery leaders in politics. it was always true that only a small minority of their numbers were actual violators of the law, yet such was their relation to the organized anti-slavery movement that responsibility attached to all. the platform of the liberty party for declared that the provisions of the constitution for reclaiming fugitive slaves were dangerous to liberty and ought to be abrogated. it further declared that the members of the party would treat these provisions as void, because they involved an order to commit an immoral act. the platform thus explicitly committed the party to the support of the policy of rendering aid to fugitive slaves. four years later the platform of the free-soil party contained no reference whatever to fugitive slaves, but that of denounced the fugitive slave act of as repugnant to the constitution and the spirit of christianity and denied its binding force on the american people. the republican platform of made no reference to the subject. the underground railroad filled an insignificant place in the general plan for emancipation, even in the minds of the directors. it was a lesser task preparatory to the great work. as to the numbers of slaves who gained their freedom by means of it, there is a wide range of opinion. statements in congress by southern members that a hundred thousand had escaped must be regarded as gross exaggerations. in any event the loss was confined chiefly to the border states. besides, it has been stated with some show of reason that the danger of servile insurrection was diminished by the escape of potential leaders. from the standpoint of the great body of anti-slavery men who expected to settle the slavery question by peaceable means, it was a calamity of the first magnitude that, just at the time when conditions were most favorable for transferring the active crusade from the general government to the separate states, public attention should be directed to the one point at which the conflict was most acute and irrepressible. previous to there had been no general acrimonious debate in congress on the rendition of fugitive slaves. about half of those who had previously escaped from bondage had not taken the trouble to go as far as canada, but were living at peace in the northern states. few people at the north knew or cared anything about the details of a law that had been on the statute books since . members of congress were duly warned of the dangers involved in any attempt to enforce a more stringent law than the previous act which had proved a dead letter. to those who understood the conditions, the new law also was doomed to failure. so said senator butler of south carolina. an attempt to enforce it would be met by violence. this prediction came true. the twenty thousand potential victims residing in northern states were thrown into panic. some rushed off to canada; others organized means for protection. a father and son from baltimore came to a town in pennsylvania to recover a fugitive. an alarm was sounded; men, mostly colored, rushed to the protection of the one whose liberty was threatened. two quakers appeared on the scene and warned the slavehunters to desist and upon their refusal one slave-hunter was instantly killed and the other wounded. the fugitive was conveyed to a place of safety, and to the murderers no punishment was meted out, though the general government made strenuous efforts to discover and punish them. in new york, though gerrit smith and a local clergyman with a few assistants rescued a fugitive from the officers of the law and sent him to canada, openly proclaiming and justifying the act, no attempt was made to punish the offenders. after a dozen years of intense and ever-increasing excitement, when other causes of friction between north and south had apparently been removed and good citizens in the two sections were rejoicing at the prospect of an era of peace and harmony, public attention was concentrated upon the one problem of conduct which would not admit of peaceable legal adjustment. abolitionists had always been stigmatized as lawbreakers whose aim was the destruction of slavery in utter disregard of the rights of the states. this charge was absolutely false; their settled program involved full recognition of state and municipal control over slavery. yet after public attention had become fixed upon conduct on the part of the abolitionists which was illegal, it was difficult to escape the implication that their whole course was illegal. this was the tragic significance of the fugitive slave act of . chapter ix. books as anti-slavery weapons whittier offered up "thanks for the fugitive slave law; for it gave occasion for 'uncle tom's cabin.'" mrs. harriet beecher stowe had been mistress of a station on the underground railroad at cincinnati, the storm-center of the west, and out of her experience she has transmitted to the world a knowledge of the elemental and tragic human experiences of the slaves which would otherwise have been restricted to a select few. the mistress of a similar station in eastern indiana, though she held novel reading a deadly sin, said: "'uncle tom's cabin' is not a novel, it is a record of facts. i myself have listened to the same stories." the reading public in all lands soon became sympathetic participants in the labors of those who, in defiance of law, were lending a hand to the aspirants for liberty. at the time of the publication of the story in book form in march, , america was being profoundly stirred by the stories of fugitives who had escaped from european despotism. mrs. stowe refers to these incidents in her question: "when despairing hungarian fugitives make their way, against all the search-warrants and authorities of their lawful governments to america, press and political cabinet ring with applause and welcome. when despairing african fugitives do the same thing--it is--what is it?" little did she think that when the eloquence of the hungarian refugee had been forgotten, the story of eliza and uncle tom would ring throughout the world. the book did far more than vindicate the conduct of those who rendered assistance to the fugitive from slavery; it let in daylight upon the essential nature of slavery. humane and just masters are shown to be forced into participation in acts which result in intolerable cruelty. full justice is done to the noble and admirable character of southern slave-owners. the author had been a guest in the home of the "shelbys," in kentucky. she had taken great pains to understand the southern point of view on the subject of slavery; she had entered into the real trials and difficulties involved in any plan of emancipation. st. clair, speaking to miss ophelia, his new england cousin, says: "if we emancipate, are you willing to educate? how many families of your town would take in a negro man or woman, teach them, bear with them, and seek to make them christians? how many merchants would take adolph, if i wanted to make him a clerk; or mechanics, if i wanted to teach him a trade? if i wanted to put jane and rosa to a school, how many schools are there in the northern states that would take them in? how many families that would board them? and yet they are as white as many a woman north or south. you see, cousin, i want justice done us. we are in a bad position. we are the more obvious oppressors of the negro; but the unchristian prejudice of the north is an oppressor almost equally severe." throughout the book the idea is elaborated in many ways. miss ophelia is introduced for the purpose of contrasting northern ignorance and new england prejudice with the patience and forbearance of the better class of slave-owners of the south. the genuine affection of an unspoiled child for negro friends is made especially emphatic. miss ophelia objected to eva's expressions of devotion to uncle tom. her father insists that his daughter shall not be robbed of the free utterance of her high regard, observing that "the child is the only true democrat." there is only one simon legree in the book, and he is of new england extraction. the story is as distinctly intended to inform northern ignorance and to remove northern prejudice as it is to justify the conduct of abolitionists. what was the effect of the publication? in european countries far removed from local partizan prejudice, it was immediately received as a great revelation of the spirit of liberty. it was translated into twenty-three different languages. so devoted were the italians to the reading of the story that there was earnest effort to suppress its circulation. as a drama it proved a great success, not only in america and england but in france and other countries as well. more than a million copies of the story were sold in the british empire. lord palmerston avers that he had not read a novel for thirty years, yet he read uncle tom's cabin three times and commended the book for the statesmanship displayed in it. what is in the story to call forth such commendation from the cold-blooded english statesman? the book revealed, in a way fitted to carry conviction to every unprejudiced reader, the impossibility of uniting slavery with freedom under the same government. either all must be free or the mass subject to the few--or there is actual war. this principle is finely brought out in the predicament of the quaker confronted by a fugitive with wife and child who had seen a sister sold and conveyed to a life of shame on a southern plantation. "am i going to stand by and see them take my wife and sell her?" exclaimed the negro. "no, god help me! i'll fight to the last breath before they shall take my wife and son. can you blame me?" to which the quaker replied: "mortal man cannot blame thee, george. flesh and blood could not do otherwise. 'woe unto the world because of offences but woe unto them through whom the offence cometh.'" "would not even you, sir, do the same, in my place?" "i pray that i be not tried." and in the ensuing events the quaker played an important part. laws enacted for the protection of slave property are shown to be destructive of the fundamental rights of freemen; they are inhuman. the ohio senator, who in his lofty preserve at the capital of his country could discourse eloquently of his readiness to keep faith with the south in the matter of the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law, becomes, when at home with his family, a flagrant violator of the law. elemental human nature is pitted against the apparent interests of a few individual slaveowners. the story of uncle tom placed all supporters of the new law on the defensive. it was read by all classes north and south. "uncle tom's cabin as it is" was called forth from the south as a reply to mrs. stowe's book, and there ensued a general discussion of the subject which was on the whole enlightening. yet the immediate political effect of the publication was less than might have been expected from a book so widely read and discussed. its appearance early in the decade did not prevent the apparent pro-slavery reaction already described. but mr. rhodes calls attention to the different impression which the book made upon adults and boys. hardened sinners in partizan politics could read the book, laugh and weep over the passing incidents, and then go on as if nothing had happened. not so with the thirteen-year-old boy. he never could be the same again. the republican party of was especially successful in gaining the first vote of the youthful citizen and undoubtedly owed much of its influence to "uncle tom's cabin." two lines of attack were rapidly rendering impossible the continuance of slavery in the united states. mrs. stowe gave effective expression to the moral, religious, and humanitarian sentiment against slavery. in the year in which her work was published, frederick law olmsted began his extended journeys throughout the south. he represents the impartial scientific observer. his books were published during the years , , and . they constitute in their own way an indictment against slavery quite as forcible as that of "uncle tom's cabin," but an indictment that rests chiefly upon the blighting influence of the institution of slavery upon agriculture, manufactures, and the general industrial and social order. the crisis came too soon for these publications to have any marked effect upon the issue. their appeal was to the deliberate and thoughtful reader, and political control had already drifted into the hands of those who were not deliberate and composed. in , however, there appeared a book which did exert a marked influence upon immediate political issues. there is no evidence that hinton rowan helper, the author of "the impending crisis," had any knowledge of the writings of olmsted; but he was familiar with northern anti-slavery literature. "i have considered my subject more particularly," he states in his preface, "with reference to its economic aspects as regards the whites--not with reference, except in a very slight degree, to its humanitarian or religious aspects. to the latter side of the question, northern writers have already done full and timely justice.... yankee wives have written the most popular anti-slavery literature of the day. against this i have nothing to say; it is all well enough for women to give the fictions of slavery; men should give the facts." he denies that it had been his purpose to cast unmerited opprobium upon slaveholders; yet a sense of personal injury breathes throughout the pages. if he had no intention of casting unmerited opprobrium upon slaveholders, it is difficult to imagine what language he could have used if he had undertaken to pass the limit of deserved reprobation. in this regard the book is quite in line with the style of southern utterance against abolitionists. helper belonged to a slaveholding family, for a hundred years resident in the carolinas. the dedication is significant. it is to three personal friends from three slave states who at the time were residing in california, in oregon, and in washington territory, "and to the non-slaveholding whites of the south generally, whether at home or abroad." out of the south had come the inspiration for the religious and humanitarian attack upon slavery. from the same source came the call for relief of the poverty-stricken white victims of the institution. helper's book revived the controversy which had been forcibly terminated a quarter of a century before. he resumes the argument of the members of the virginia legislature of . he reprints extended selections from that memorable debate and then, by extended references to later official reports, points out how slavery is impoverishing the south. the south is shown to have continuously declined, while the north has made immense gains. in a few years the relation of the south to the north would resemble that of poland to russia or of ireland to england. the author sees no call for any arguments against slavery as an economic system; he would simply bring the earlier characterization of the situation down to date. helper differs radically from all earlier speakers and writers in that he outlines a program for definite action. he estimates that for the entire south there are seven white non-slaveholders for every three slaveholders. he would organize these non-slaveholding whites into an independent political party and would hold a general convention of non-slaveholders from every slave state to adopt measures to restrain "the diabolical excesses of the oligarchy" and to annihilate slavery. slaveholders should be entirely excluded from any share in government. they should be treated as criminals ostracized from respectable society. he is careful to state, however, that by slaveholder he does not mean such men as benton of missouri and many others throughout the slave states who retain the sentiments on the slavery question of the "immortal fathers of the republic." he has in mind only the new order of owners, who have determined by criminal methods to inflict the crime of slavery upon an overwhelming majority of their white fellow-citizens. the publication of "the impending crisis" created a profound sensation among southern leaders. so long as the attack upon the peculiar institution emanated from the north, the defenders had the full benefit of local prejudice and resentment against outside intrusion. helper was himself a thorough-going believer in state rights. slavery was to be abolished, as he thought, by the action of the separate states. here he was in accord with northern abolitionists. if such literature as helper's volume should find its way into the south, it would be no longer possible to palm off upon the unthinking public the patent falsehood that abolitionists of the north were attempting to impose by force a change in southern institutions. all that southern abolitionists ever asked was the privilege of remaining at home in their own south in the full exercise of their constitutional rights. southern leaders were undoubtedly aware of the concurrent publications of travelers and newspaper reporters, of which olmsted's books were conspicuous examples. olmsted and helper were both sources of proof that slavery was bringing the south to financial ruin. the facts were getting hold of the minds of the southern people. the debate which had been adjourned was on the eve of being resumed. complete suppression of the new scientific industrial argument against slavery seemed to slave-owners to furnish their only defense. the appalachian ranges of mountains drove a wedge of liberty and freedom from pennsylvania almost to the gulf. in the upland regions slavery could not flourish. there was always enmity between the planters of the coast and the dwellers on the upland. the slaveholding oligarchy had always ruled, but the day of the uplanders was at hand. this is the explanation of the veritable panic which helper's publication created. a debate which should follow the line of this old division between the peoples of the atlantic slave states would, under existing conditions, be fatal to the institution of slavery. west virginia did become a free state at the first opportunity. counties in western north carolina claim to have furnished a larger proportion of their men to the union army than any other counties in the country. had the plan for peaceable emancipation projected by abolitionists been permitted to take its course, the uplands of south carolina would have been pitted against the lowlands, and senator tillman would have appeared as a rampant abolitionist. there might have been violence, but it would have been confined to limited areas in the separate states. had the crisis been postponed, there surely would have been a revival of abolitionism within the southern states. slavery in missouri was already approaching a crisis. southern leaders had long foreseen that the state would abolish slavery if a free state should be established on the western boundary. this was actually taking place. kansas was filling up with free-state settlers and, by the act of its own citizens, a few years later did abolish slavery. republicans naturally made use of helper's book for party purposes. a cheap abridged edition was brought out. several republican leaders were induced to sign their names to a paper commending the publication. among these was john sherman of ohio, who in the organization of the newly elected house of representatives in was the leading candidate of the republicans for the speakership. during the contest the fact that his name was on this paper was made public, and southern leaders were furious. extracts were read to prove that the book was incendiary. millson of virginia said that "one who consciously, deliberately, and of purpose lends his name and influence to the propagation of such writings is not only not fit to be speaker, but he is not-fit to live." it is one of the ironies of the situation that the passage selected to prove the incendiary character of the book is almost a literal quotation from the debate in the virginia legislature of . chapter x. "bleeding kansas" both the leading political parties were, in the campaign of , fully committed to the acceptance of the so-called compromise of as a final settlement of the slavery question; both were committed to the support of the fugitive slave act. the free-soil party, with john p. hale as its candidate, did make a vigorous attack upon the fugitive slave act, and opposed all compromises respecting slavery, but free-soilers had been to a large extent reabsorbed into the democratic party, their vote of being only about half that of . though the whig vote was large and only about two hundred thousand less than that of the democrats, yet it was so distributed that the whigs carried only four states, massachusetts, vermont, kentucky, and tennessee. the other states gave a democratic plurality. had there been time for readjustment, the whig party might have recovered lost ground, but no time was permitted. there was in progress in missouri a political conflict which was already commanding national attention. thomas h. benton, for thirty years a senator from missouri, and a national figure, was the storm-center. his enemies accused him of being a free-soiler, an abolitionist in disguise. he was professedly a stanch and uncompromising unionist, a personal and political opponent of john c. calhoun. according to his own statement he had been opposed to the extension of slavery since , although he had advocated the admission of missouri with a pro-slavery constitution in . he was, from the first, senior senator from the state, and by a peculiar combination of influences incurred his first defeat for reelection in . benton's defeat in the missouri legislature was largely the result of national pro-slavery influences. in a former chapter, reference was made to the ohio river as furnishing a "providential argument against slavery." the mississippi river as the eastern boundary of missouri furnished a like argument, but on the north not even a prairie brook separated free labor in iowa from slave labor in missouri. the inhabitants of western missouri, realizing that the tenure of their peculiar institution was becoming weaker in the east and north, early became convinced that the organization of a free state along their western boundary would be followed by the abolition of slavery in their own state. this condition attracted the attention of the national guardians of pro-slavery interests. calhoun, davis, breckinridge, toombs, and others were in constant communication with local leaders. a certain judge w. c. price, a religious fanatic, and a pro-slavery devotee, was induced to visit every part of the state in , calling the attention of all slaveholders to the perils of the situation and preparing the way for the repeal of the missouri compromise. senator benton, who was approached on the subject, replied in such a way that all radical defenders of slavery, both national leaders and local politicians, were moved to unite for his political defeat. david r. atchison, junior senator from missouri, had been made the leader of the pro-slavery forces. the defeat of benton in the missouri legislature did not end the strife. he at once became a candidate for atchison's place in the election which was to occur in , and he was in the meantime elected to the house of representatives in . the most telling consideration in benton's favor was the general demand, in which he himself joined, for the immediate organization of the western territory in order to facilitate the building of a system of railways reaching the pacific, with st. louis as the point of departure. for a time, in , and , benton was apparently triumphant, and atchison was himself willing to consent to the organization of the new territory with slavery excluded. the national leaders, however, were not of the same mind. the real issue was the continuance of slavery in the state; the one thing which must not be permitted was the transfer of anti-slavery agitation to the separate states. henry clay's proposal of to provide for gradual emancipation in kentucky was bitterly resented. it had long been an axiom with the slavocracy that the institution would perish unless it had the opportunity to expand. out of this conviction arose calhoun's famous theory that slaveowners had under the constitution an equal right with the owners of all other forms of property in all the territories. the theory itself assumed that the act prohibiting slavery in the territory north of the southern boundary of missouri was unconstitutional and void. but this theory had not yet received judicial sanction, and the time was at hand when the question of freedom or slavery in the western territory was to be determined. between march and december, , the discovery was made that the act of organizing the territories of new mexico and utah had superseded the compromise of ; that a principle had been recognized applicable to all the territories; that all were open to settlement on equal terms to slaveholders and non-slaveholders; that the subject of slavery should be removed from congress to the people of the territories; and that they should decide, either when a territorial legislature was organized or at the time of the adoption of a constitution preparatory to statehood, whether or not slavery should be authorized. these ideas found expression in various newspapers during the month of december, . though the authorship of the new theory is still a matter of dispute, it is well known that stephen a. douglas became its chief sponsor and champion. the real motives and intentions of douglas himself and of many of his supporters will always remain obscure and uncertain. but no uncertainty attaches to the motives of senator atchison and the leaders of the calhoun section of the democratic party. for ten years at least they had been laboring to get rid of the missouri compromise. their motive was to defend slavery and especially to forestall a successful movement for emancipation in the state of missouri. from early in january, , until late in may, douglas's nebraska bill held the attention of congress and of the entire country. at first the measure simply assumed that the missouri compromise had been superseded by the act of . later the bill was amended in such a way as to repeal distinctly that time-honored act. at first the plan was to organize nebraska as a single territory extending from texas to canada. later it was proposed to organize separate territories, one west of missouri under the name of kansas, the other west of iowa under the name of nebraska. opposition came from free-soilers, from northern whigs and a few whigs from the south, and from a large proportion of northern democrats. the repeal of the missouri compromise came like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky to the people of the north. for a time douglas was the most unpopular of political leaders and was apparently repudiated by his party. the first name designating the opponents of the douglas bill was "anti-nebraska men," for which the name republican was gradually substituted and in became the accepted title of the party. the provision for two territorial governments instead of one carried with it the idea of a continued balance between slave and free states; kansas, being on a geographical parallel with the slave states, would probably permit slavery, while nebraska would be occupied by free-state immigrants. though this was a commonly accepted view, eli thayer of worcester, massachusetts, and a few others took a different view. they proposed to make an end of the discussion of the extension of slavery by sending free men who were opposed to slavery to occupy the territory open for settlement. to attain this object they organized an emigrant aid company incorporated under the laws of the state. even before the bill was passed, the corporation was in full working order. thayer himself traveled extensively throughout the northern states stimulating interest in western emigration, with the conviction that the disturbing question could be peacefully settled in this way. california had thus been saved to freedom; why not all other territories? the new company had as adviser and co-laborer dr. charles robinson, who had crossed the kansas territory on his way to california and had acquired valuable experience in the art of state-building under peculiar conditions. the first party sent out by the emigrant aid company arrived in kansas early in august, , and selected the site for the town of lawrence. during the later months of the year, four other parties were sent out, in all numbering nearly seven hundred. through extensive advertisement by the company, through the general interest in the subject and the natural flow of emigration to the west, kansas was receiving large accessions of free-state settlers. meanwhile the men of missouri, some of whom had striven for a decade to secure the privilege of extending slavery into the new territory, were not idle. instantly upon the removal of legal barriers, they occupied adjacent lands, founded towns, staked out claims, formed plans for preempting the entire region and for forestalling or driving out all intruders. they had at first the advantage of position, for they did not find it difficult to maintain two homes, one in kansas for purposes of voting and fighting and another in missouri for actual residence. andrew h. reeder, a pennsylvania democrat of strong pro-slavery prejudices, was appointed first governor of the territory. when he arrived in kansas in october, , there were already several thousand settlers on the ground and others were continually arriving. he appointed the th of november for the election of a delegate to congress. on that day several hundred missourians came into the territory and voted. there was no violence and no contest; the free-state men had no separate candidate. notwithstanding the violence of language used by opposing factions, notwithstanding the organization of secret societies pledged to drive out all northern intruders, there was no serious disturbance until march , , the day appointed for the election of members of the territorial legislature. on that day the missourians came full five thousand strong, armed with guns, bowie-knives, and revolvers. they met with no resistance from the residents, who were unarmed. they took charge of the precincts and chose pro-slavery delegates with one exception. governor reeder protested and recommended to the precincts the filing of protests. only seven responded, however, and in these cases new elections were held and contesting delegates elected. the governor issued certificates to these and to all those who in other precincts had been chosen by the horde from missouri. when the legislature met in july, the seven contests were decided in favor of the pro-slavery party, the single freestate member resigned, and the assembly was unanimous. governor reeder fully expected that president pierce would nullify the election, and to this end he made a journey to washington in april. on the way he delivered a public address at easton, pennsylvania, describing in lurid colors the outrage which had been perpetrated upon the people of kansas by the "border ruffians" from missouri, and asserting that the accounts in the northern press had not been exaggerated. while governor reeder in contact with the actual events in kansas was becoming an active free-soiler, president pierce in association with jefferson davis and others of his party was developing active sympathies with the people of western missouri. to the president this invasion of territory west of the slave state by northern men aided by northern corporations seemed a violation of the kansas-nebraska act, and he sought to induce reeder to resign. this, however, the governor positively refused to do unless the president would formally approve his conduct in kansas--an endorsement which required more fortitude than president pierce possessed. on his return to kansas, determined to do what he could to protect the kansas people from injustice, he called the legislature to meet at pawnee, a point far removed from the missouri border. immediately upon their organization at that place the members of the legislature adjourned to meet at shawnee, near the border of missouri. the governor, who decided that this action was illegal, then refused to recognize the assembly at the new place. a deadlock thus ensued which was broken on the th of august by the removal of governor reeder and the appointment of wilson shannon of ohio in his place. in the meantime the territorial legislature had adjourned, having "enacted" an elaborate proslavery code made up from the slave code of missouri with a number of special adaptations. for example, it was made a penitentiary offense to deny by speaking or writing, or by printing, or by introducing any printed matter, the right of persons to hold slaves in the territory; no man was eligible to jury service who was conscientiously opposed to holding slaves; and lawyers were bound by oath to support the territorial statutes. the free-state men, with the approval of reeder, refused to recognize the legislature and inaugurated a movement in the fall of to adopt a constitution and to organize a provisional territorial government preparatory to admission as a state, following in this respect the procedure in california and michigan. a convention met in topeka in october, , and completed on the th of november the draft of a constitution which prohibited slavery. on the th of december the constitution was approved by a practically unanimous vote, only free-state men taking part in the election. a month later a legislature was elected and at the same time charles robinson was elected governor of the new commonwealth. in the previous october, reeder had been chosen free-soil delegate to congress. the topeka freestate legislature met on the th of march, , and after petitioning congress to admit kansas under the topeka constitution, adjourned until the th of july pending the action of congress. thus at the end of two years two distinct governments had come into existence within the territory of kansas. it speaks volumes for the self-control and moderation of the two parties that no hostile encounter had occurred between the contestants. when the armed missourians came in march, , the unarmed settlers offered no resistance. afterward, however, they supplied themselves with sharp's rifles and organized a militia. with the advent of governor shannon in september, , the proslavery position was much strengthened. in november, in a quarrel over a land claim, a free-state settler by the name of dow was killed. the murderer escaped, but a friend of the victim was accused of uttering threats against a friend of the murderer. for this offense a posse led by sheriff jones, a missourian, seized him, and would have carried him away if fourteen freestate men had not "persuaded" the sheriff to surrender his prisoner. this interference was accepted by the missourians as a signal for battle. the rescuers must be arrested and punished. a large force of infuriated missourians and pro-slavery settlers assembled for a raid upon the town of lawrence. in the meantime the lawrence militia planned and executed a systematic defense of the town. when the two armies came within speaking distance, a parley ensued in which the governor took a leading part in settling the affair without a hostile shot. this is known in kansas history as the "wakarusa war." the progress of affairs in kansas was followed with intense interest in all parts of the country. north and south vied with each other in the encouragement of emigration to kansas. colonel buford of alabama sold a large number of slaves and devoted the proceeds to meeting the expense of conducting a troop of three hundred men to kansas in the winter of . they went armed with "the sword of the spirit," and all provided with bibles supplied by the leading churches. arrived in the territory, they were duly furnished with more worldly weapons and were drilled for action. about the same time a parallel incident is said to have occurred in new haven, connecticut. a deacon in one of the churches had enlisted a company of seventy bound for kansas. a meeting was held in the church to raise money to defray expenses. the leader of the company declared that they also needed rifles for self-defense. forthwith professor silliman, of the university, subscribed one sharp's rifle, and others followed with like pledges. finally henry ward beecher, who was the speaker of the occasion, rose and promised that, if twenty-five rifles were pledged on the spot, plymouth church in brooklyn would be responsible for the remaining twenty-five that were needed. he had already said in a previous address that for the slaveholders of kansas, sharp's rifles were a greater moral agency than the bible. this led to the designation of the weapons as "beecher's bibles." such was the spirit which prevailed in the two sections of the country. president pierce had now become intensely hostile towards the free-state inhabitants of kansas. having recognized the legislature elected on march , , as the legitimate government, he sent a special message to congress on january , , in which he characterized as revolutionary the movement of the free-state men to organize a separate government in kansas. from the president's point of view, the emissaries of the new england emigrant aid association were unlawful invaders. in this position he not only had the support of the south, but was powerfully seconded by stephen a. douglas and other northern democrats. the attitude of the administration at washington was a source of great encouragement to sheriff jones and his associates, who were anxious to wreak their vengeance on the city of lawrence for the outcome of the wakarusa war. jones came to lawrence apparently for the express purpose of picking a quarrel, for he revived the old dispute about the rescuing party of the previous fall. as a consequence one enraged opponent slapped him in the face, and at last an unknown assassin entered the sheriff's tent by night and inflicted a revolver wound in his back. though the citizens of lawrence were greatly chagrined at this event and offered a reward for the discovery of the assailant, the attack upon the sheriff was made the signal for drastic procedure against the town of lawrence. a grand jury found indictments for treason against reeder, robinson, and other leading citizens of the town. the united states marshal gave notice that he expected resistance in making arrests and called upon all law-abiding citizens of the territory to aid in executing the law. it was a welcome summons to the pro-slavery forces. not only local militia companies responded but also buford's company and various companies from missouri, in all more than seven hundred men, with two cannon. it had always been the set purpose of the free-state men not to resist federal authority by force, unless as a last resort, and they had no intention of opposing the marshal in making arrests. he performed his duty without hindrance and then placed the armed troops under the command of sheriff jones, who proceeded first to destroy the printing-press of the town of lawrence. then, against the protest of the marshal and colonel buford, the vindictive sheriff trained his guns upon the new hotel which was the pride of the city; the ruin of the building was made complete by fire, while a drunken mob pillaged the town. on may , , the day following the attack upon lawrence, charles sumner was struck down in the united states senate on account of a speech made in defense of the rights of kansas settlers. the two events, which were reported at the same time in the daily press, furnished the key-note to the presidential campaign of that year, for nominating conventions followed in a few days and "bleeding kansas" was the all-absorbing issue. in spite of the destruction of property in lawrence and the arrest of the leaders of the free-state party, kansas had not been plunged into a state of civil war. the free-state party had fired no hostile shot. governor robinson and his associates still relied upon public opinion and they accepted the wanton attack upon lawrence as the best assurance that they would yet win their cause by legal means. a change, however, soon took place which is associated with the entrance of john brown into the history of kansas. brown and his sons were living at osawatomie, some thirty miles south of lawrence. they were present at the wakarusa war in december, , and were on their way to the defense of lawrence on may , , when they were informed that the town had been destroyed. three days after this event brown and his sons with two or three others made a midnight raid upon their pro-slavery neighbors living in the pottawatomie valley and slew five men. the authors of this deed were not certainly known until the publication of a confession of one of the party in , twenty years after the chief actor had won the reputation of a martyr to the cause of liberty. the browns, however, were suspected at the time; warrants were out for their arrest; and their homes were destroyed. for more than three months after this incident, kansas was in a state of war; in fact, two distinct varieties of warfare were carried on. publicly organized companies on both sides engaged in acts of attack and defense, while at the same time irresponsible secret bands were busy in violent reprisals, in plunder and assassination. in both of these forms of warfare, the free-state men proved themselves fully equal to their opponents, and governor shannon was entirely unable to cope with the situation. it is estimated that two hundred men were slain and two million dollars' worth of property was destroyed. the state of affairs in kansas served to win many northern democrats to the support of the republicans. the administration at washington was held responsible for the violence and bloodshed. the democratic leaders in the political campaign, determined now upon a complete change in the government of the territory, appointed j. w. geary as governor and placed general smith in charge of the troops. the new incumbents, both from pennsylvania, entered upon their labors early in september, and before the october state elections geary was able to report that peace reigned throughout the territory. a prompt reaction in favor of the democrats followed. buchanan, their presidential candidate, rejoiced in the fact that order had been restored by two citizens of his own state. it was now very generally conceded that kansas would become a free state, and intimate associates of buchanan assured the public that he was himself of that opinion and that if elected he would insure to the free-state party evenhanded justice. thousands of voters were thus won to buchanan's support. there was a general distrust of the republican candidate as a man lacking political experience, and a strong conservative reaction against the idea of electing a president by the votes of only one section of the country. at the election in november, buchanan received a majority of sixty of the electoral votes over fremont, but in the popular vote he fell short of a majority by nearly , . fillmore, candidate of the whig and the american parties, received , votes. there was still profound distrust of the administration of the territory of kansas, and the free-state settlers refused to vote at the election set for the choosing of a new territorial legislature in october. the result was another pro-slavery assembly. governor geary, however, determined to secure and enforce just treatment of both parties. he was at once brought into violent conflict with the legislature in an experience which was almost an exact counterpart of that of governor reeder; and washington did not support his efforts to secure fair dealings. a pro-slavery deputation visited president pierce in february, , and returned with the assurance that governor geary would be removed. without waiting for the president to act, geary resigned in disgust on the th of march. of the three governors whom president pierce appointed, two became active supporters of the free-state party and a third, governor shannon, fled from the territory in mortal terror lest he should be slain by members of the party which he had tried to serve. chapter xi. charles sumner the real successor to john quincy adams as the protagonist of the anti-slavery cause in congress proved to be not seward but charles sumner of massachusetts. this newcomer entered the senate without previous legislative experience but with an unusual equipment for the role he was to play. a graduate of harvard college at the age of nineteen, he had entered upon the study of law in the newly organized law school in which joseph story held one of the two professorships. he was admitted to the bar in , but three years later he left his slender law practice for a long period of european travel. this three years' sojourn brought him into intimate touch with the leading spirits in arts, letters, and public life in england and on the continent, and thus ripened his talents to their full maturity. he returned to his law practice poor in pocket but rich in the possession of lifelong friendships and happy memories. sumner's political career did not begin until , when as a whig he not only opposed any further extension of slavery but strove to commit his party to the policy of emancipation in all the states. failing in this attempt, sumner became an active free-soiler in . he was twice a candidate for congress on the free-soil ticket but failed of election. in he was elected to the united states senate by a coalition between his party and the democrats. this is the only public office he ever held, but he was continuously reelected until his death in . john quincy adams had addressed audiences trained in the old school, which did not defend slavery on moral grounds. charles sumner faced audiences of the new school, which upheld the institution as a righteous moral order. this explains the chief difference in the attitude of the two leaders. sumner, like adams, began as an opponent of pro-slavery aggression, but he went farther: he attacked the institution itself as a great moral evil. as a constitutional lawyer sumner is not the equal of his predecessor, daniel webster. he is less original, less convincing in the enunciation of broad general principles. he appears rather as a special pleader marshaling all available forces against the one institution which assailed the union. in this particular work, he surpassed all others, for, with his unbounded industry, he permitted no precedent, no legal advantage, no incident of history, no fact in current politics fitted to strengthen his cause, to escape his untiring search. he showed a marvelous skill in the selection, arrangement, and presentation of his materials, and for his models he took the highest forms of classic forensic utterance. sumner exhibited the ordinary aloofness and lack of familiarity with actual conditions in the south which was characteristic of the new england abolitionist. he perceived no race problem, no peculiar difficulty in the readjustments of master and slave which were involved in emancipation, and he ignored all obstacles to the accomplishment of his ends. webster's arraignment of south carolina was directed against an alleged erroneous dogma and only incidentally affected personal morality. the reaction, therefore, was void of bitter resentment. sumner's charges were directed against alleged moral turpitude, and the classic form and scrupulous regard for parliamentary rules which he observed only added to the feeling of personal resentment on the part of his opponents. some of the defenders of slavery were themselves devoted students of the classics, but they found that the orations of demosthenes furnished nothing suited to their purpose. the result was a humiliating exhibition of weakness, personal abuse, and vindictiveness on their part. there was a conspiracy of silence on the slavery question in . each of the national parties was definitely committed to the support of the compromise and especially to the faithful observance of the fugitive slave law. free-soilers had distinctly declined in numbers and influence during the four preceding years. only a handful of members in each house of congress remained unaffiliated with the parties whose platforms had ordained silence on the one issue of chief public concern. it was by a mere accident in massachusetts politics that charles sumner was sent to the senate as a man free on all public questions. while the parties were making their nominations for the presidency, sumner sought diligently for an opportunity in the senate to give utterance to the sentiments of his party on the repeal of the fugitive slave act. but not until late in august did he overcome the resistance of the combined opposition and gain the floor. the watchmen were caught off guard when sumner introduced an amendment to an appropriation bill which enabled him to deliver a carefully prepared address, several hours in length, calling for the repeal of the law. the first part of this speech is devoted to the general topic of the relation of the national government to slavery and was made in answer to the demand of calhoun and his followers for the direct national recognition of slavery. for such a demand sumner found no warrant. by the decision of lord mansfield, said he, "the state of slavery" was declared to be "of such a nature, that it is incapable of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but only by positive law.... it is so odious, that nothing can be suffered to support it but positive law." adopting the same principle, the supreme court of the state of mississippi, a tribunal of slaveholders, asserted that "slavery is condemned by reason and the laws of nature. it exists, and can only exist, through municipal regulations." so also declared the supreme court of kentucky and numerous other tribunals. this aspect of the subject furnished sumner occasion for a masterly array of all the utterances in favor of liberty to be found in the constitution, in the declaration of independence, in the constitutional conventions, in the principles of common law. all these led up to and supported the one grand conclusion that, when washington took the oath as president of the united states, "slavery existed nowhere on the national territory" and therefore "is in no respect a national institution." apply the principles of the constitution in their purity, then, and "in all national territories slavery will be impossible. on the high seas, under the national flag, slavery will be impossible. in the district of columbia, slavery will instantly cease. inspired by these principles, congress can give no sanction to slavery by the admission of new slave states. nowhere under the constitution can the nation by legislation or otherwise, support slavery, hunt slaves, or hold property in man.... as slavery is banished from the national jurisdiction, it will cease to vex our national politics. it may linger in the states as a local institution; but it will no longer engender national animosities when it no longer demands national support." the second part of sumner's address dealt directly with the fugitive slave act of . it is much less convincing and suggests more of the characteristics of the special pleader with a difficult case. sumner here undertook to prove that congress exceeded its powers when it presumed to lay down rules for the rendition of fugitive slaves, and this task exceeded even his power as a constitutional lawyer. the circumstances under which sumner attacked slavery were such as to have alarmed a less self-centered man, for the two years following the introduction of the nebraska bill were marked by the most acrimonious debate in the history of congress, and by physical encounters, challenges, and threats of violence. but though congressmen carried concealed weapons, sumner went his way unarmed and apparently in complete unconcern as to any personal danger, though it is known that he was fully aware that in the faithful performance of what he deemed to be his duty he was incurring the risk of assassination. the pro-slavery party manifested on all occasions a disposition to make the most of the weak point in sumner's constitutional argument against the fugitive slave law. he was accused of taking an oath to support the constitution though at the same time intending to violate one of its provisions. in a discussion, in june, , over a petition praying for the repeal of the fugitive slave act, senator butler of south carolina put the question directly to senator sumner whether he would himself unite with others in returning a fugitive to his master. sumner's quick reply was, "is thy servant a dog that he should do this thing?" enraged southerners followed this remark with a most bitter onslaught upon sumner which lasted for two days. when sumner again got the floor, he said in reference to senator butler's remark: "in fitful phrase, which seemed to come from unconscious excitement, so common with the senator, he shot forth various cries about 'dogs,' and, among other things, asked if there was any 'dog' in the constitution? the senator did not seem to bear in mind, through the heady currents of that moment that, by the false interpretation he fastens upon the constitution, he has helped to nurture there a whole kennel of carolina bloodhounds, trained, with savage jaw and insatiable in scent, for the hunt of flying bondmen. no, sir, i do not believe that there is any 'kennel of bloodhounds,' or even any 'dog' in the constitution." thereafter offensive personal references between the senators from massachusetts and south carolina became habitual. these personalities were a source of regret to many of sumner's best friends, but they fill a small place, after all, in his great work. nor were they the chief source of rancor on the part of his enemies, for southern orators were accustomed to personalities in debate. sumner was feared and hated principally because his presence in congress endangered the institution of slavery. sumner's speech on the crime against kansas was perhaps the most remarkable effort of his career. it had been known for many weeks that sumner was preparing to speak upon the burning question, and his friends had already expressed anxiety for his personal safety. for the larger part of two days, may and , , he held the reluctant attention of the senate. for the delivery of this speech he chose a time which was most opportune. the crime against kansas had, in a sense, culminated in march of the previous year, but the settlers had refused to submit to the government set up by hostile invaders. they had armed themselves for the defense of their rights, had elected a governor and a legislature by voluntary association, had called a convention, and had adopted a constitution preparatory to admission to the union. that constitution was now before the senate for approval. president pierce, stephen a. douglas, and all the southern leaders had decided to treat as treasonable acts the efforts of kansas settlers to secure an orderly government. their plans for the arrest of the leaders were well advanced and the arrests were actually made on the day after sumner had concluded his speech. a paragraph in the address is prophetic of what occurred within a week. douglas had introduced a bill recognizing the legislature chosen by the missourians as the legal government and providing for the formation of a constitution under its initiative at some future date. after describing this proposed action as a continuation of the crime against kansas, sumner declared: "sir, you cannot expect that the people of kansas will submit to the usurpation which this bill sets up and bids them bow before, as the austrian tyrant set up the ducal hat in the swiss market-place. if you madly persevere, kansas will not be without her william tell, who will refuse at all hazards to recognize the tyrannical edict; and this will be the beginning of civil war." to keep historical sequence clear at this point, all thought of john brown should be eliminated, for he was then unknown to the public. it must be remembered that governor robinson and the free-state settlers were, as sumner probably knew, prepared to resist the general government as soon as there should be a clear case of outrage for which the administration at washington could be held directly responsible. such a case occurred when the united states marshal placed federal troops in the hands of sheriff jones to assist in looting the town of lawrence. governor robinson no longer had any scruples in advising forcible resistance to all who used force to impose upon kansas a government which the people had rejected. in the course of his address sumner compared senators butler and douglas to don quixote and sancho panza, saying: "the senator from south carolina has read many books of chivalry, and believes himself a chivalrous knight, with sentiments of honor and courage. of course he has chosen a mistress to whom he has made his vows, and who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to him; though polluted in the sight of the world, is chaste in his sight. i mean the harlot slavery. let her be impeached in character, or any proposition be made to shut her out from the extension of her wantonness, and no extravagance of manner or hardihood of assertion is then too great for the senator." when sumner concluded, the gathering storm broke forth. cass of michigan, after saying that he had listened to the address with equal surprise and regret, characterized it as "the most unamerican and unpatriotic that ever grated on the ears of the members of that high body." douglas and mason were personal and abusive. douglas, recalling sumner's answer to senator butler's question whether he would assist in returning a slave, renewed the charge made two years earlier that sumner had violated his oath of office. this attack called forth from sumner another attempt to defend the one weak point in his speech of , for he was always irritated by reference to this subject, and at the same time he enjoyed a fine facility in the use of language which irritated others. one utterance in douglas's reply to sumner is of special significance in view of what occurred two days later: "is it his object to provoke some of us to kick him as we would a dog in the street, that he may get sympathy upon the just chastisement?" two days later sumner was sitting alone at his desk in the senate chamber after adjournment when preston brooks, a nephew of senator butler and a member of the lower house, entered and accosted him with the statement that he had read sumner's speech twice and that it was a libel on south carolina and upon a kinsman of his. thereupon brooks followed his words by striking sumner on the head with a cane. though the senator was dazed and blinded by the unexpected attack, his assailant rained blow after blow until he had broken the cane and sumner lay prostrate and bleeding at his feet. brooks's remarks in the house of representatives almost a month after the event leave no doubt of his determination to commit murder had he failed to overcome his antagonist with a cane. he had also taken the precaution to have two of his friends ready to prevent any interference before the punishment was completed. toombs of georgia witnessed a part of the assault and expressed approval of the act, and everywhere throughout the south, in the public press, in legislative halls, in public meetings, brooks was hailed as a hero. the resolution for his expulsion introduced in the house received the support of only one vote from south of mason and dixon's line. a large majority favored the resolution, but not the required two-thirds majority. brooks, however, thought best to resign but was triumphantly returned to his seat with only six votes against him. nothing was left undone to express southern gratitude, and he received gifts of canes innumerable as symbols of his valor. yet before his death, which occurred in the following january, he confessed to his friend orr that he was sick of being regarded as the representative of bullies and disgusted at receiving testimonials of their esteem. with similar unanimity the north condemned and resented the assault that had been made upon sumner. from party considerations, if for no other reasons, democrats regretted the event. republicans saw in the brutal attack and in the manner of its reception in the south another evidence of the irrepressible conflict between slavery and freedom. they were ready to take up the issue so forcibly presented by their fallen leader. a part of the regular order of exercises at public meetings of republicans was to express sympathy with their wounded champion and with the kansas people of the pillaged town of lawrence, and to adopt ways and means to bring to an end the administration which they held responsible for these outrages. sumner, though silenced, was eloquent in a new and more effective way. a half million copies of "the crime against kansas" were printed and circulated. on the issue thus presented, northern democrats became convinced that their defeat at the pending election was certain, and their leaders instituted the change in their program which has been described in a previous chapter. they had made an end of the war in kansas and drew from their candidate for the presidency the assurance that just treatment should at last be meted out to harassed kansas. though sumner's injuries were at first regarded as slight, they eventually proved to be extremely serious. after two attempts to resume his place in the senate, he found that he was unable to remain; yet when his term expired, he was almost unanimously reelected. much of his time for three and a half years he spent in europe. in december, , he seemed sufficiently recovered to resume senatorial duties, but it was not until the following june that he again addressed the senate. on that occasion he delivered his last great philippic against slavery. the subject under discussion was still the admission of kansas as a free state, and, as he remarked in his opening sentences, he resumed the discussion precisely where he had left off more than four years before. sumner had assumed the task of uttering a final word against slavery as barbarism and a barrier to civilization. he spoke under the impelling power of a conviction in his god-given mission to utilize a great occasion to the full and for a noble end. for this work his whole life had been a preparation. accustomed from early youth to spend ten hours a day with books on law, history, and classic literature, he knew as no other man then knew what aid the past could offer to the struggle for freedom. the bludgeon of the would-be assassin had not impaired his memory, and four years of enforced leisure enabled him to fulfill his highest ideals of perfect oratorical form. personalities he eliminated from this final address, and blemishes he pruned away. in his earlier speeches he had been limited by the demands of the particular question under discussion, but in "the barbarism of slavery" he was free to deal with the general subject, and he utilized incidents in american slavery to demonstrate the general upward trend of history. the orator was sustained by the full consciousness that his utterances were in harmony with the grand sweep of historic truth as well as with the spirit of the present age. sumner was not a party man and was at no time in complete harmony with his coworkers. it was always a question whether his speeches had a favorable effect upon the immediate action of congress; there can, however, be no doubt of the fact that the larger public was edified and influenced. copies of "the crime against kansas" and "the barbarism of slavery" were printed and circulated by the million and were eagerly read from beginning to end. they gave final form to the thoughts and utterances of many political leaders both in america and in europe. more than any other man it was charles sumner who, with a wealth of historical learning and great skill in forensic art, put the irrepressible conflict between slavery and freedom in its proper setting in human history. chapter xii. kansas and buchanan in view of the presidential election of northern democrats entertained no doubts that kansas, now occupied by a majority of free-state men, would be received as a free state without further ado. the case was different with the democrats of western missouri, already for ten years in close touch with those southern leaders who were determined either to secure new safeguards for slavery or to form an independent confederacy. their program was to continue their efforts to make kansas a slave state or at least to maintain the disturbance there until the conditions appeared favorable for secession. in february, , the pro-slavery territorial legislature provided for the election of delegates to a constitutional convention, but governor geary vetoed the act because no provision was made for submitting the proposed constitution to the vote of the people. the bill was passed over his veto, and arrangements were made for registration which free-state men regarded as imperfect, inadequate, or fraudulent. president buchanan undoubtedly intended to do full justice to the people of kansas. to this end he chose robert j. walker, a mississippi democrat, as governor of kansas. walker was a statesman of high rank, who had been associated with buchanan in the cabinet of james k. polk. three times he refused to accept the office and finally undertook the mission only from a sense of duty. being aware of the fate of governor geary, walker insisted on an explicit understanding with buchanan that his policies should not be repudiated by the federal administration. late in may he went to kansas with high hopes and expectations. but the free-state party had persisted in the repudiation of a government which had been first set up by an invading army and, as they alleged, had since then been perpetuated by fraud. they had absolutely refused to take part in any election called by that government and had continued to keep alive their own legislative assembly. despite walker's efforts to persuade them to take part in the election of delegates to the constitutional convention, they resolutely held aloof. yet, as they became convinced that he was acting in good faith, they did participate in the october elections to the territorial legislature, electing nine out of the thirteen councilors and twenty-four out of the thirty-nine representatives. gross frauds had been perpetrated in two districts, and the governor made good his promise by rejecting the fraudulent votes. in one case a poll list had been made up by copying an old cincinnati register. in the meantime, thanks to the abstention of the free-state people, the pro-slavery party had secured absolute control of the constitutional convention. yet there was the most absolute assurance by the governor in the name of the president of the united states that no constitution would be sent to congress for approval which had not received the sanction of a majority of the voters of the territory. this was walker's reiterated promise, and president buchanan had on this point been equally explicit. when, therefore, the pro-slavery constitutional convention met at lecompton in october, kansas had a free-state legislature duly elected. to make kansas still a slave state it was necessary to get rid of that legislature and of the governor through whose agency it had been chosen, and at the same time to frame a constitution which would secure the approval of the buchanan administration. incredible as it may seem, all this was actually accomplished. john calhoun, who had been chosen president of the lecompton convention, spent some time in washington before the adjourned meeting of the convention. he secured the aid of master-hands at manipulation. walker had already been discredited at the white house on account of his rejection of fraudulent returns at the october election of members to the legislature. the convention was unwilling to take further chances on a matter of that sort, and it consequently made it a part of the constitution that the president of the convention should have entire charge of the election to be held for its approval. the free-state legislature was disposed of by placing in the constitution a provision that all existing laws should remain in force until the election of a legislature provided for under the constitution. the master-stroke of the convention, however, was the provision for submitting the constitution to the vote of the people. voters were not permitted to accept or reject the instrument; all votes were to be for the constitution either "with slavery" or "with no slavery." but the document itself recognized slavery as already existing and declared the right of slave property like other property "before and higher than any constitutional sanction." other provisions made emancipation difficult by providing in any case for complete monetary remuneration and for the consent of the owners. there were numerous other provisions offensive to free-state men. it had been rightly surmised that they would take no part in such an election and that "the constitution with slavery" would be approved. the vote on the constitution was set for the st of december. for the constitution with slavery votes were recorded and for the constitution without slavery. while these events were taking place, walker went to washington to enter his protest but resigned after finding only a hostile reception by the president and his cabinet. stanton, who was acting governor in the absence of walker, then called together the free-state legislature, which set january , , as the date for approving or rejecting the lecompton constitution. at this election the votes cast were for the constitution with slavery, for the constitution without slavery, and , against the constitution. but president buchanan had become thoroughly committed to the support of the lecompton constitution. disregarding the advice of the new governor, he sent the lecompton constitution to congress with the recommendation that kansas be admitted to the union as a slave state. here was a crisis big with the fate of the democratic party, if not of the union. stephen a. douglas had already given notice that he would oppose the lecompton constitution. in favor of its rejection he made a notable speech which called forth the bitterest enmity from the south and arrayed all the forces of the administration against him. supporters of douglas were removed from office, and anti-douglas men were put in their places. in his fight against the fraudulent constitution douglas himself, however, still had the support of a majority of northern democrats, especially in the western states, and that of all the republicans in congress. a bill to admit kansas passed the senate, but in the house a proviso was attached requiring that the constitution should first be submitted to the people of kansas for acceptance or rejection. this amendment was finally accepted by the senate with the modification that, if the people voted for the constitution, the state should have a large donation of public land, but that if they rejected it, they should not be admitted as a state until they had a population large enough to entitle them to a representative in the lower house. the vote of the people was cast on august , , and the constitution was finally rejected by a majority of nearly twelve thousand. thus resulted the last effort to impose slavery on the people of kansas. although the war between slavery and freedom was fought out in miniature in kansas, the immediate issue was the preservation of slavery in missouri. this, however, involved directly the prospect of emancipation in other border states and ultimate complete emancipation in all the states. the issue is well stated in a fourth of july address which charles robinson delivered at lawrence, kansas, in , after the invasion of missourians to influence the march election of that year, but before the beginning of bloody conflict: "what reason is given for the cowardly invasion of our rights by our neighbors? they say that if kansas is allowed to be free the institution of slavery in their own state will be in danger.... if the people of missouri make it necessary, by their unlawful course, for us to establish freedom in that state in order to enjoy the liberty of governing ourselves in kansas, then let that be the issue. if kansas and the whole north must be enslaved, or missouri become free, then let her be made free. aye! and if to be free ourselves, slavery must be abolished in the whole country, then let us accept that due. if black slavery in a part of the states is incompatible with white freedom in any state, then let black slavery be abolished from all. as men espousing the principles of the declaration of the fathers, we can do nothing else than accept these issues." the men who saved kansas to freedom were not abolitionists in the restricted sense. governor walker found in that a considerable majority of the free-state men were democrats and that some were from the south. nearly all actual settlers, from whatever source they came, were free-state men who felt that a slave was a burden in such a country as kansas. for example, during the first winter of the occupation of kansas, an owner of nineteen slaves was himself forced to work like a trooper to keep them from freezing; and, indeed, one of them did freeze to death and another was seriously injured. in spite of all the advertising of opportunity and all the pressure brought to bear upon southerners to settle in kansas, at no time did the number of slaves in the territory reach three hundred. the climate and the soil made for freedom, and the governors were not the only persons who were converted to free-state principles by residence in the territory. chapter xiii. the supreme court in politics the decision and arguments of the supreme court upon the dred scott case were published on march , , two days after the inauguration of president buchanan. the decision had been agreed upon many months before, and the appeal of the negro, dred scott, had been decided by rulings which in no way involved the validity of the missouri compromise. nevertheless, a majority of the judges determined to give to the newly developed theory of john c. calhoun the appearance of the sanctity of law. according to chief justice taney's dictum, those who made the constitution gave to those clauses defining the power of congress over the territories an erroneous meaning. on numerous occasions congress had by statute excluded slavery from the public domain. this, in the judgment of the chief justice, they had no right to do, and such legislation was unconstitutional and void. specifically the missouri compromise had never had any binding force as law. property in slaves was as sacred as property in any other form, and slave-owners had equal claim with other property owners to protection in all the territories of the united states. neither congress nor a territorial legislature could infringe such equal rights. according to popular understanding, the supreme court declared "that the negro has no rights which the white man is bound to respect." but chief justice taney did not use these words merely as an expression of his own or of the court's opinion. he used them in a way much more contemptible and inexcusable to the minds of men of strong anti-slavery convictions. he put them into the mouths of the fathers of the republic, who wrote the declaration of independence, framed the constitution, organized state governments, and gave to negroes full rights of citizenship, including the right to vote. but how explain this strange inconsistency? the chief justice was equal to the occasion. he insisted that in recent years there had come about a better understanding of the phraseology of the declaration of independence. the words, "all men are created equal," he admitted, "would seem to embrace the whole human family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this day they would be so understood." but the writers of that instrument had not, he said, intended to include men of the african race, who were at that time regarded as not forming any part of the people. therefore--strange logic!--these men of the revolutionary era who treated negroes actually as citizens having full equal rights did not understand the meaning of their own words, which could be comprehended only after three-quarters of a century when, forsooth, equal rights had been denied to all persons of african descent. the ruling of the court in the dred scott case came at a time when northern people had a better idea of the spirit and teachings of the founders of the republic regarding the slavery question than any generation before or since has had. the campaign that had just closed had been characterized by a high order of discussion, and it was also emphatically a reading campaign. the new republican party planted itself squarely on the principles enunciated by thomas jefferson, the reputed founder of the old republican party. they went back to the policy of the fathers, whose words on the subject of slavery they eagerly read. from this source also came the chief material for their public addresses. to the common man who was thus indoctrinated, the chief justice, in describing the sentiments of the fathers respecting slavery, appeared to be doing what horace greeley was wont to describe as "saying a thing and being conscious while saying it that the thing is not true." the dred scott decision laid the republicans open to the charge of seeking by unlawful means to deprive slaveowners of their rights, and it was to the partizan interest of the democrats to stand by the court and thus discredit their opponents. this action tended to carry the entire democratic party to the support of calhoun's extreme position on the slavery question. republicans had proclaimed that liberty was national and slavery municipal; that slavery had no warrant for existence except by state enactment; that under the constitution congress had no more right to make a slave than it had to make a king; that congress had no power to establish or permit slavery in the territories; that it was, on the contrary, the duty of congress to exclude slavery. on these points the supreme court and the republican party held directly contradictory opinions. the democratic platform of endorsed the doctrine of popular sovereignty as embodied in the kansas-nebraska legislation, which implied that congress should neither prohibit nor introduce slavery into the territories, but should leave the inhabitants free to decide that question for themselves, the public domains being open to slaveowners on equal terms with others. but once they had an organized territorial government and a duly elected territorial legislature, the residents of a territory were empowered to choose either slave labor or exclusively free labor. this at least was the view expounded by stephen a. douglas, though the theory was apparently rendered untenable by the ruling of the court which extended protection to slave-owners in all the territories remaining under the control of the general government. it followed that if congress had no power to interfere with that right, much less had a local territorial government, which is itself a creature of congress. a state government alone might control the status of slave property. a territory when adopting a constitution preparatory to becoming a state would find it then in order to decide whether the proposed state should be free or slave. this was the view held by jefferson davis and the extreme pro-slavery leaders. aided by the authority of the supreme court, they were prepared to insist upon a new plank in future democratic platforms which should guarantee to all slave-owners equal rights in all territories until they ceased to be territories. over this issue the party again divided in . republicans naturally imagined that there had been collusion between democratic politicians and members of the supreme court. mr. seward made an explicit statement to that effect, and affirmed that president buchanan was admitted into the secret, alleging as proof a few words in his inaugural address referring to the decision soon to be delivered. nothing of the sort, however, was ever proven. the historian von holst presents the view that there had been a most elaborate and comprehensive program on the part of the slavocracy to control the judiciary of the federal government. the actual facts, however, admit of a simpler and more satisfactory explanation. judges are affected by their environment, as are other men. the transition from the view that slavery was an evil to the view that it is right and just did not come in ways open to general observation, and probably few individuals were conscious of having altered their views. leading churches throughout the south began to preach the doctrine that slavery is a divinely ordained institution, and by the time of the decision in the dred scott case a whole generation had grown up under such teaching. a large proportion of southern leaders had become thoroughly convinced of the righteousness of their peculiar system. not otherwise could they have been so successful in persuading others to accept their views. even before the dred scott decision had crystallized opinion, franklin pierce, although a new hampshire democrat of anti-slavery traditions, came, as a result of his intimate personal and political association with southern leaders, to accept their guidance and strove to give effect to their policies. president buchanan was a man of similar antecedents, and, contrary to the expectation of his northern supporters, did precisely as pierce had done. it is a matter of record that the arguments of the chief justice had captivated his mind before he began to show his changed attitude towards kansas. in august, , the president wrote that, at the time of the passage of the kansas-nebraska act, slavery already existed and that it still existed in kansas under the constitution of the united states. "this point," said he, "has at last been settled by the highest tribunal known in our laws. how it could ever have been seriously doubted is a mystery." granted that slavery is recognized as a permanent institution in itself--just and of divine ordinance and especially united to one section of the country--how could any one question the equal rights of the people of that section to occupy with their slaves lands acquired by common sacrifice? such was undoubtedly the view of both pierce and buchanan. it seemed to them "wicked" that northern abolitionists should seek to infringe this sacred right. by a similar process a majority of the supreme court justices had become converts to calhoun's newly announced theory of . it undoubtedly seemed strange to them, as it did later to president buchanan, that any one should ever have held a different view. if the court with the force of its prestige should give legal sanction to the new doctrine, it would allay popular agitation, ensure the preservation of the union, and secure to each section its legitimate rights. such apparently was the expectation of the majority of the court in rendering the decision. but the decision was not unanimous. each judge presented an individual opinion. five supported the chief justice on the main points as to the status of the african race and the validity of the missouri compromise. judge nelson registered a protest against the entrance of the court into the political arena. curtis and mclean wrote elaborate dissenting opinions. not only did the decision have no tendency to allay party debate, but it added greatly to the acrimony of the discussion. republicans accepted the dissenting opinions of curtis and mclean as a complete refutation of the arguments of the chief justice; and the court itself, through division among its members, became a partizan institution. the arguments of the justices thus present a complete summary of the views of the proslavery and anti-slavery parties, and the opposing opinions stand as permanent evidence of the impossibility of reconciling slavery and freedom in the same government. it was through the masterful leadership of stephen a. douglas that the lecompton constitution was defeated. in an election was to be held in illinois to determine whether or not douglas should be reelected to the united states senate. the buchanan administration was using its utmost influence to insure douglas's defeat. many eastern republicans believed that in this emergency illinois republicans should support douglas, or at least that they should do nothing to diminish his chances for reelection; but illinois republicans decided otherwise and nominated abraham lincoln as their candidate for the senatorship. then followed the memorable lincoln-douglas debates. this is not the place for any extended account of the famous duel between the rival leaders, but a few facts must be stated. lincoln had slowly come to the perception that a large portion of the people abhorred slavery, and that the weak point in the armor of douglas was to be found in the fact that he did not recognize this growing moral sense. douglas had never been a defender of slavery on ethical grounds, nor had he expressed any distinct aversion to the system. in support of his policy of popular sovereignty his favorite dictum had been, "i do not care whether slavery is voted up or voted down." this apparent moral obtuseness furnished to lincoln his great opportunity, for his opponent was apparently without a conscience in respect to the great question of the day. lincoln, on the contrary, had reached the conclusion not only that slavery was wrong, but that the relation between slavery and freedom was such that they could not be harmonized within the same government. in the debates he again put forth his famous utterance, "a house divided against itself cannot stand," with the explanation that in course of time either this country would become all slave territory or slavery would be restricted and placed in a position which would involve its final extinction. in other words, lincoln's position was similar to that of the conservative abolitionists. as we know, birney had given expression to a similar conviction of the impossibility of maintaining both liberty and slavery in this country, but lincoln spoke at a time when the whole country had been aroused upon the great question; when it was still uncertain whether slavery would not be forced upon the people of kansas; when the highest court in the land had rendered a decision which was apparently intended to legalize slavery in all territories; and when the alarming question had been raised whether the next step would not be legalization in all the states. lincoln was a long-headed politician, as well as a man of sincere moral judgments. he was defining issues for the campaign of and was putting douglas on record so that it would be impossible for him, as the candidate of his party, to become president. douglas had many an uncomfortable hour as lincoln exposed his vain efforts to reconcile his popular sovereignty doctrine with the dred scott decision. as lincoln expected, douglas won the senatorship, but he lost the greater prize. the crusade against slavery was nearing its final stage. under the leadership of such men as sumner, seward, and lincoln, a political party was being formed whose policies were based upon the assumption that slavery is both a moral and a political evil. even at this stage the party had assumed such proportions that it was likely to carry the ensuing presidential election. davis and yancey, the chief defenders of slavery, were at the same time reaching a definite conclusion as to what should follow the election of a republican president. and that conclusion involved nothing less than the fate of the union. chapter xiv. john brown the crusade against slavery was based upon the assumption that slavery, like war, is an abnormal state of society. as the tyrant produces the assassin, so on a larger scale slavery calls forth servile insurrection, or, as in the united states, an implacable struggle between free white persons and the defenders of slavery. the propaganda of southern and western abolitionists had as a primary object the prevention of both servile insurrection and civil war. it was as clear to southern abolitionists in the thirties as it was to seward and lincoln in the fifties that, unless the newly aroused slave power should be effectively checked, a terrible civil war would ensue. to forestall this dreaded calamity, they freely devoted their lives and fortunes. peaceable emancipation by state action, according to the original program, was prevented by the rise of a sectional animosity which beclouded the issue. as the leadership drifted into the hands of extremists, the conservative masses were confused, misled, or deceived. the south undoubtedly became the victim of the erroneous teachings of alarmists who believed that the anti-slavery north intended, by unlawful and unconstitutional federal action, to abolish slavery in all the states; while the north had equally exaggerated notions as to the aggressive intentions of the south. the opposing forces finally met on the plains of kansas, and extreme northern opposition became personified in john brown of osawatomie. he was born in connecticut in may, , of new england ancestry, the sixth generation from the mayflower. a calvinist, a mystic, a bible-reading puritan, he was trained to anti-slavery sentiments in the family of owen brown, his father. he passed his early childhood in the western reserve of ohio, and subsequently moved from ohio to new york, to pennsylvania, to ohio again, to connecticut, to massachusetts, and finally to new york once more. he was at various times tanner, farmer, sheep-raiser, horse-breeder, wool-merchant, and a follower of other callings as well. from a business standpoint he may be regarded as a failure, for he had been more than once a bankrupt and involved in much litigation. he was twice married and was the father of twenty children, eight of whom died in infancy. until the kansas excitement nothing had occurred in the history of the brown family to attract public attention. john brown was not conspicuous in anti-slavery efforts or in any line of public reform. as a mere lad during the war of he accompanied his father, who was furnishing supplies to the army, and thus he saw much of soldiers and their officers. the result was that he acquired a feeling of disgust for everything military, and he consistently refused to perform the required military drill until he had passed the age for service. not quite in harmony with these facts is the statement that he was a great admirer of oliver cromwell, and rhodes says of him that he admired nat turner, the leader of the servile insurrection in virginia, as much as he did george washington. there seems to be no reason to doubt the testimony of the members of his family that john brown always cherished a lively interest in the african race and a deep sympathy with them. as a youth he had chosen for a companion a slave boy of his own age, to whom he became greatly attached. this slave, badly clad and poorly fed, beaten with iron shovel or anything that came first to hand, young brown grew to regard as his equal if not his superior. and it was the contrast between their respective conditions that first led brown to "swear eternal war with slavery." in later years john brown, junior, tells us that, on seeing a negro for the first time, he felt so great a sympathy for him that he wanted to take the negro home with him. this sympathy, he assures us, was a result of his father's teaching. upon the testimony of two of john brown's sons rests the oft-repeated story that he declared eternal war against slavery and also induced the members of his family to unite with him in formal consecration to his mission. the time given for this incident is previous to the year ; the idea that he was a divinely chosen agent for the deliverance of the slaves was of later development. as early as brown had shown some active interest in the education of negro children, first in pennsylvania and later in ohio. in the brown family became associated with an enterprise of gerrit smith in northern new york, where a hundred thousand acres of land were offered to negro families for settlement. during the excitement over the fugitive slave act of brown organized among the colored people of springfield, massachusetts, "the united states league of gileadites." as an organization this undertaking proved a failure, but brown's formal written instructions to the "gileadites" are interesting on account of their relation to what subsequently happened. in this document, by referring to the multitudes who had suffered in their behalf, he encouraged the negroes to stand for their liberties. he instructed them to be armed and ready to rush to the rescue of any of their number who might be attacked: "should one of your number be arrested, you must collect together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber your adversaries who are taking an active part against you. let no able-bodied man appear on the ground unequipped, or with his weapons exposed to view: let that be understood beforehand. your plans must be known only to yourself, and with the understanding that all traitors must die, wherever caught and proven to be guilty. whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and depart early from mount gilead" (judges, vii. ; deut. xx. ). give all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition of holding their peace. do not delay one moment after you are ready: you will lose all your resolution if you do. let the first blow be the signal for all to engage: and when engaged do not do your work by halves, but make clean work with your enemies,--and be sure you meddle not with any others. by going about your business quietly, you will get the job disposed of before the number that an uproar would bring together can collect; and you will have the advantage of those who come out against you, for they will be wholly unprepared with either equipments or matured plans; all with them will be confusion and terror. your enemies will be slow to attack you after you have done up the work nicely; and if they should, they will have to encounter your white friends as well as you; for you may safely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by that means get to an honorable parley." he gives here a distinct suggestion of the plans and methods which he later developed and extended. when kansas was opened for settlement, john brown was fifty-four years old. early in the spring of , five of his sons took up claims near osawatomie. they went, as did others, as peaceable settlers without arms. after the election of march , , at which armed missourians overawed the kansas settlers and thus secured a unanimous pro-slavery legislature, the freestate men, under the leadership of robinson, began to import sharp's rifles and other weapons for defense. brown's sons thereupon wrote to their father, describing their helpless condition and urging him to come to their relief. in october, , john brown himself arrived with an adequate supply of rifles and some broadswords and revolvers. the process of organization and drill thereupon began, and when the wakarusa war occurred early in december, , john brown was on hand with a small company from osawatomie to assist in the defense of lawrence. the statement that he disapproved of the agreement with governor shannon which prevented bloodshed is not in accord with a letter which john brown wrote to his wife immediately after the event. the governor granted practically all that the freestate men desired and recognized their trainbands as a part of the police force of the territory. brown by this stipulation became captain john brown, commander of a company of the territorial militia. soon after the battle of wakarusa, captain brown passed the command of the company of militia to his son john, while he became the leader of a small band composed chiefly of members of his own family. writing to his wife on april , , he said: "we hear that preparations are making in the united states court for numerous arrests of free-state men. for one i have not desired (all things considered) to have the slave power cease from its acts of aggression. 'their foot shall slide in due time.'" this letter of brown's indicates that the writer was pleased at the prospect of approaching trouble. when, six weeks later, notice came of the attack upon lawrence, john brown, junior, went with the company of osawatomie rifles to the relief of the town, while the elder brown with a little company of six moved in the same direction. in a letter to his wife, dated june , , more than a month after the massacre in pottawatomie valley, brown said: "on our way to lawrence we learned that it had been already destroyed, and we encamped with john's company overnight.... on the second day and evening after we left john's men, we encountered quite a number of pro-slavery men and took quite a number of prisoners. our prisoners we let go, but kept some four or five horses. we were immediately after this accused of murdering five men at pottawatomie and great efforts have been made by the missourians and their ruffian allies to capture us. john's company soon afterwards disbanded, and also the osawatomie men. since then, we have, like david of old, had our dwelling with the serpents of the rocks and the wild beasts of the wilderness." there will probably never be agreement as to brown's motives in slaying his five neighbors on may , . opinions likewise differ as to the effect which this incident had on the history of kansas. abolitionists of every class had said much about war and about servile insurrection, but the conservative people of the west and south had mentioned the subject only by way of warning and that they might point out ways of prevention. garrison and his followers had used language which gave rise to the impression that they favored violent revolution and were not averse to fomenting servile insurrection. they had no faith in the efforts of northern emigrants to save kansas from the clutches of the slaveholding south, and they denounced in severe terms the robinson leadership there, believing it sure to result in failure. to this class of abolitionists john brown distinctly belonged. he believed that so high was the tension on the slavery question throughout the country that revolution, if inaugurated at any point, would sweep the land and liberate the slaves. brown was also possessed of the belief that he was himself the divinely chosen agent to let loose the forces of freedom; and that this was the chief motive which prompted the deed at pottawatomie is as probable as any other. viewed in this light, the pottawatomie massacre was measurably successful. opposing forces became more clearly defined and were pitted against each other in hostile array. there were reprisals and counter-reprisals. kansas was plunged into a state of civil war, but it is quite probable that this condition would have followed the looting of lawrence even if john brown had been absent from the territory. coincident with the warfare by organized companies, small irregular bands infested the country. kansas became a paradise for adventurers, soldiers of fortune, horse thieves, cattle thieves, and marauders of various sorts. spoiling the enemy in the interest of a righteous cause easily degenerated into common robbery and murder. it was chiefly in this sort of conflict that two hundred persons were slain and that two million dollars' worth of property was destroyed. during this period of civil war the members of the brown family were not much in evidence. john brown, junior, captain of the osawatomie rifles, was a political prisoner at topeka. swift destruction of their property was visited upon all those members who were suspected of having a share in the pottawatomie murders, and their houses were burned and their other property was seized. warrants were out for the arrest of the elder brown and his sons. captain pate who, in command of a small troop, was in pursuit of brown and his company, was surprised at black jack in the early morning and induced to surrender. brown thus gained control of a number of horses and other supplies and began to arrange terms for the exchange of his son and captain pate as prisoners of war. the negotiations were interrupted, however, by the arrival of colonel sumner with united states troops, who restored the horses and other booty and disbanded all the troops. with the colonel was a deputy marshal with warrants for the arrest of the browns. when ordered to proceed with his duty, however, the marshal was so overawed that, even though a federal officer was present, he merely remarked, "i do not recognize any one for whom i have warrants." after the capture of captain pate at black jack early in june, little is known about brown and his troops for two months. apart from an encounter of opposing forces near osawatomie in which he and his band were engaged, brown took no share in the open fighting between the organized companies of opposing forces, and his part in the irregular guerrilla warfare of the period is uncertain. towards the close of the war one of his sons was shot by a preacher who alleged that he had been robbed by the browns. after peace had been restored to kansas by the vigorous action of governor geary, brown left the scene and never again took an active part in the local affairs of the territory. john brown's influence upon the course of affairs in kansas, like william lloyd garrison's upon the general anti-slavery movement of the country, has been greatly misunderstood and exaggerated. brown's object and intention were fundamentally contradictory to those of the freestate settlers. they strove to build a free commonwealth by legal and constitutional methods. he strove to inaugurate a revolution which would extend to all pro-slavery states and result in universal emancipation. john brown was in kansas only one year, and he never made himself at one with those who should have been his fellow-workers but went his solitary way. only in three instances did he pretend to cooperate with the regular freestate forces. he could not work with them because his conception of the means to be adopted to attain the end was different from theirs. probably before he left the territory in , he had realized that his work in kansas was a failure and that the law-and-order forces were too strong for the execution of his plans. certain it is that within a few weeks after his departure he had transferred the field of his operations to the mountains of virginia. kansas became free through the persistent determination of the rank and file of northern settlers under the wise leadership of governor robinson. it is difficult to determine whether the cause of kansas was aided or hindered by the advent of john brown and the adventurers with whom his name became associated. during the fall of and until the late summer of brown was in the east raising funds for the redemption of kansas and for the reimbursement of those who had incurred or were likely to incur losses in defense of the cause. for the equipment of a troop of soldiers under his own command he formulated plans for raising $ , by private subscription, and in this he was to a considerable extent successful. it can never be known how much was given in this way to brown for the equipment of his army of liberation. it is estimated that george l. stearns alone gave in all fully $ , . because eastern abolitionists had lost confidence in robinson's leadership, they lent a willing ear to the plea that captain brown with a well-equipped and trained company of soldiers was the last hope for checking the enemy. not only would kansas become a slave state without such help, it was said, but the institution of slavery would spread into all the territories and become invincible. the money was given to brown to redeem kansas, but he had developed an alternative plan. early in the year , he met in new york colonel hugh forbes, a soldier of fortune who had seen service with garibaldi in italy. they discussed general plans for an aggressive attack upon the south for the liberation of the slaves, and with these plans the needs of kansas had little or no connection. "kansas was to be a prologue to the real drama," writes his latest biographer; "the properties of the one were to serve in the other." in april six months' salary was advanced out of the kansas fund to forbes, who was employed at a hundred dollars a month to aid in the execution of their plans. another significant expenditure of the kansas fund was in pursuance of a contract with a mr. blair, a connecticut manufacturer, to furnish at a dollar each one thousand pikes. though the contract was dated march , , it was not completed until the fall of , when the weapons were delivered to brown in pennsylvania for use at harper's ferry. instead of rushing to the relief of kansas, as contributors had expected, the leader exercised remarkable deliberation. when august arrived, it found him only as far as tabor, iowa, where a considerable quantity of arms had been previously assembled. here he was joined by colonel forbes, and together they organized a school of military tactics with forbes as instructor. but as forbes could find no one but brown and his son to drill, he soon returned to the east, still trusted by brown as a co-worker. it would seem that forbes himself wished to play the chief part in the liberation of america. while he was at tabor, brown was urged by lane and other former associates of his in kansas to come to their relief with all his forces. there had, indeed, been a full year of peace since geary's arrival, but early in october there was to occur the election of a territorial legislature in which the free-state forces had agreed to participate, and lane feared an invasion from missouri. but although the appeal was not effective, the election proved a complete triumph for the north. late in october, after the signal victory of the law-and-order party at the election, brown was again urged with even greater insistence to muster all his forces and come to kansas, and there were hints in lane's letter that an aggressive campaign was afoot to rid the territory of the enemy. instead of going in force, however, brown stole into the territory alone. on his arrival, two days after the date set for a decisive council of the revolutionary faction, he did not make himself known to governor robinson or to any of his party but persuaded several of his former associates to join his "school" in iowa. from tabor he subsequently transferred the school to springdale, a quiet quaker community in cedar county, iowa, seven miles from any railway station. here the company went into winter quarters and spent the time in rigid drill in preparation for the campaign of liberation which they expected to undertake the following season. while he was at tabor, brown began to intimate to his eastern friends that he had other and different plans for the promotion of the general cause. in january, , he went east with the definite intention of obtaining additional support for the greater scheme. on february , , at the home of gerrit smith in new york, there was held a council at which brown definitely outlined his purpose to begin operations at some point in the mountains of virginia. smith and sanborn at first tried to dissuade him, but finally consented to cooperate. the secret was carefully guarded: some half-dozen eastern friends were apprised of it, including stearns, their most liberal contributor, and two or three friends at springdale. as early as december, , forbes began to write mysterious letters to sanborn, stearns, and others of the circle, in which he complained of ill-usage at the hands of brown. it appears that forbes erroneously assumed that the boston friends were aware of brown's contract with him and of his plans for the attack upon virginia; but, since they were entirely ignorant on both points, the correspondence was conducted at cross-purposes for several months. finally, early in may, , it transpired that forbes had all the time been fully informed of brown's intentions to begin the effort for emancipation in virginia. not only so, but he had given detailed information on the subject to senators sumner, seward, hale, wilson, and possibly others. senator wilson was told that the arms purchased by the new england aid society for use in kansas were to be used by brown for an attack on virginia. wilson, in entire ignorance of brown's plans, demanded that the aid society be effectively protected against any such charge of betrayal of trust. the officers of the society were, in fact, aware that the arms which had been purchased with society funds the year before and shipped to tabor, iowa, had been placed in brown's hands and that, without their consent, those arms had been shipped to ohio and just at that time were on the point of being transported to virginia. this knowledge placed the officers of the new england aid society in a most awkward position. stearns, the treasurer, had advanced large sums to meet pressing needs during the starvation times in kansas in . now the arms in brown's possession were, by vote of the officers, given to the treasurer in part payment of the society's debt, and he of course left them just where they were. * on the basis of this arrangement senator wilson and the public were assured that none of the property given for the benefit of kansas had been or would be diverted to other purposes by the kansas committee. it was decided, however, that on account of the forbes revelations the attack upon harper's ferry must be delayed for one year and that brown must go to kansas to take part in the pending elections. * "when the denouement finally came, however, the public and press did not take a very favorable view of the transaction; it was too difficult to distinguish between george l. stearns, the benefactor of the kansas committee, and george l. stearns, the chairman of that committee." villard, "john brown," p. . though brown arrived in kansas late in june, he took no active part in the pending measures for the final triumph of the free-state cause. it is something of a mystery how he was occupied between the st of july and the middle of december. under the pseudonym of "shubal morgan" he was commander of a small band in which were a number of his followers in training for the eastern mission. the occupation of this band is not matter of history until december , , when they made a raid into the state of missouri, slew one white man, took eleven slaves, a large number of horses, some oxen, wagons, much food, arms, and various other supplies. this action was in direct violation of a solemn agreement between the border settlers of state and territory. the people in kansas were in terror lest retaliatory raids should follow, as would undoubtedly have happened had not the people of missouri taken active measures to prevent such reprisals. rewards were offered for brown's arrest, and free-state residents served notice that he must leave the territory. in the dead of winter he started north with some slaves and many horses, accompanied by kagi and gill, two of his faithful followers. in northern kansas, where they were delayed by a swollen stream, a band of horsemen appeared to dispute their passage. brown's party quickly mustered assistance and, giving chase to the enemy, took three prisoners with four horses as spoils of war. in kansas parlance the affair is called "the battle of the spurs." the leaders in the chase were seasoned soldiers on their way to harper's ferry with the intention of spending their lives collecting slaves and conducting them to places of safety. for this sort of warfare they were winning their spurs. it was their intention to teach all defenders of slavery to use their utmost endeavor to keep out of their reach. as brown and his company passed through tabor, the citizens took occasion at a public meeting to resolve "that we have no sympathy with those who go to slave states to entice away slaves, and take property or life when necessary to attain that end." a few days later the party was at grinnell, iowa. according to the detailed account which j. b. grinnell gives in his autobiography, brown appeared on saturday afternoon, stacked his arms in grinnell's parlor and disposed of his people and horses partly in grinnell's house and barn and partly at the hotel. in the evening brown and kagi addressed a large meeting in a public hall. brown gave a lurid account of experiences in kansas, justified his raid into missouri by saying the slaves were to be sold for shipment to the south, and gave notice that his surplus horses would be offered for sale on monday. "what title can you give?" was the question that came from the audience. "the best--the affidavit that they were taken by black men from land they had cleared and tilled; taken in part payment for labor which is kept back." brown again addressed a large meeting on sunday evening at which each of the three clergymen present invoked the divine blessing upon brown and his labors. the present writer was told by an eye-witness that one of the ministers prayed for forgiveness for any wrongful acts which their guest may have committed. convinced of the rectitude of his actions, however, brown objected and said that he thanked no one for asking forgiveness for anything he had done. returning from church on sunday evening, grinnell found a message awaiting him from mr. werkman, united states marshal at iowa city, who was a friend of grinnell. the message in part read: "you can see that it will give your town a bad name to have a fight there; then all who aid are liable, and there will be an arrest or blood. get the old devil away to save trouble, for he will be taken, dead or alive." grinnell showed the message to brown, who remarked: "yes, i have heard of him ever since i came into the state.... tell him we are ready to be taken, but will wait one day more for his military squad." true to his word he waited till the following afternoon and then moved directly towards iowa city, the home of the marshal, passing beyond the city fourteen miles to his quaker friends at springdale. here he remained about two weeks until he had completed arrangements for shipping his fugitives by rail to chicago. in the meantime, where was marshal werkman of iowa city? was he of the same mind as the deputy marshal who had accompanied colonel sumner? two of brown's men had visited the city to make arrangements for the shipment. the situation was obvious enough to those who would see. the entire incident is an illuminating commentary on the attitude of both government and people towards the fugitive slave law. in march the fugitives were safely landed in canada and the rest of the horses were sold in cleveland, ohio. the time was approaching for the move on virginia. brown now expended much time and attention upon a constitution for the provisional government which he was to set up. in january and february, , brown had labored over this document for several weeks at the home of frederick douglass at rochester, new york. a copy was in evidence at the conference with sanborn and gerrit smith in february, and the document was approved at a conference held in chatham, canada, on may , , just at the time when forbes's revelations caused the postponement of the enterprise. it is an elaborate constitution containing forty-eight articles. the preamble indicates the general purport: whereas, slavery throughout its entire existence in the united states is none other than a most barbarous, unprovoked, and unjustifiable war of one portion of its citizens upon another portion the only conditions of which are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude or absolute extermination; in utter disregard and violation of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our declaration of independence: therefore, we the citizens of the united states, and the oppressed people, who, by a decision of the supreme court are declared to have no rights which the white man is bound to respect; together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being ordain and establish for ourselves, the following provisional constitution and ordinances, the better to protect our persons, property, lives and liberties and to govern our actions. article forty-six reads: the foregoing articles shall not be construed so as in any way to encourage the overthrow of any state government or of the general government of the united states; and look to no dissolution of the union, but simply to amendment and repeal. and our flag shall be the same that our fathers fought under in the revolution. in article forty, "profane swearing, filthy conversation, and indecent behavior" are forbidden. the document indicates an obvious intention to effect a revolution by a restrained and regulated use of force. mobilization of forces began in june, . cook, one of the original party, had spent the year in the region of harper's ferry. in july the kennedy farm, five miles from harper's ferry, was leased. the northern immigrants posed as farmers, stock-raisers, and dealers in cattle, seeking a milder climate. to assist in the disguise, brown's daughter and daughter-in-law, mere girls, joined the community. even so it was difficult to allay troublesome curiosity on the part of neighbors at the gathering of so many men with no apparent occupation. suspicion might easily have been aroused by the assembling of numerous boxes of arms from the west and the thousand pikes from connecticut. late in august, floyd, secretary of war, received an anonymous letter emanating from springdale, iowa, giving information which, if acted upon, would have led to an investigation and stopped the enterprise. the th of october was the day appointed for taking possession of harper's ferry, but fear of exposure led to a change of plan and the move was begun on the th of october. six of the party who would have been present at the later date were absent. the march from kennedy farm began about eight o'clock sunday evening. before midnight the bridges, the town, and the arsenal were in the hands of the invaders without a gun having been fired. before noon on monday some forty citizens of the neighborhood had been assembled as prisoners and held, it was explained, as hostages for the safety of members of the party who might be taken. during the early forenoon kagi strongly urged that they should escape into the mountains; but brown, who was influenced, as he said, by sympathy for his prisoners and their distressed families, refused to move and at last found himself surrounded by opposing forces. brown's men, having been assigned to different duties, were separated. six of them escaped; others were killed or wounded or taken prisoners. brown himself with six of his men and a few of his prisoners made a final stand in the engine-house. this was early in the afternoon. all avenues of escape were now closed. brown made two efforts to communicate with his assailants by means of a flag of truce, sending first thompson, one of his men, with one of his prisoners, and then stevens and watson brown with another of the prisoners. thompson was received but was held as a prisoner; stevens and watson brown were shot down, the first dangerously wounded and the other mortally wounded. later in the afternoon brown received a flag of truce with a demand that he surrender. he stated the conditions under which he would restore the prisoners whom he held, but he refused the unconditional surrender which was demanded. about midnight colonel robert e. lee arrived from washington with a company of marines. he took full command, set a guard of his own men around the engine-house and made preparation to effect a forcible entrance at sunrise on tuesday morning in case a peaceable surrender was refused. lee first offered to two of the local companies the honor of storming the castle. these, however, declined to undertake the perilous task, and the honor fell to lieutenant green of the marines, who thereupon selected two squads of twelve men each to attempt an entrance through the door. to lee's aide, lieutenant stuart, who had known brown in kansas, was committed the task of making the formal demand for surrender. brown and stuart, who recognized each other instantly upon their meeting at the door, held a long parley, which resulted, as had been expected, in brown's refusal to yield. stuart then gave the signal which had been agreed upon to lieutenant green, who ordered the first squad to advance. failing to break down the door with sledge-hammers, they seized a heavy ladder and at the second stroke made an opening near the ground large enough to admit a man. green instantly entered, rushed to the back part of the room, and climbed upon an engine to command a better view. colonel lewis washington, the most distinguished of the prisoners, pointed to brown, saying, "this is osawatomie." green leaped forward and by thrust or stroke bent his light sword double against brown's body. other blows were administered and his victim fell senseless, and it was believed that the leader had been slain in action according to his wish. the first of the twelve men to attempt to follow their leader was instantly killed by gunshot. others rushed in and slew two of brown's men by the use of the bayonet. to save the prisoners from harm, lee had given careful instruction to fire no shot, to use only bayonets. the other insurgents were made prisoners. "the whole fight," green reported, "had not lasted over three minutes." of all the prisoners taken and held as hostages, not one was killed or wounded. they were made as safe as the conditions permitted. the eleven prisoners who were with brown in the engine-house were profoundly impressed with the courage, the bearing, and the self-restraint of the leader and his men. colonel washington describes brown as holding a carbine in one hand, with one dead son by his side, while feeling the pulse of another son, who had received a mortal wound, all the time watching every movement for the defense and forbidding his men to fire upon any one who was unarmed. the testimony is uniform that brown exercised special care to prevent his men from shooting unarmed citizens, and this conduct was undoubtedly influential in securing generous treatment for him and his men after the surrender. for six weeks afterwards, until his execution on the d of december, john brown remained a conspicuous figure. he won universal admiration for courage, coolness, and deliberation, and for his skill in parrying all attempts to incriminate others. probably less than a hundred people knew beforehand anything about the enterprise, and less than a dozen of these rendered aid and encouragement. it was emphatically a personal exploit. on the part of both leader and followers, no occasion was omitted to drive home the lesson that men were willing to imperil their lives for the oppressed with no hope or desire for personal gain. brown especially served notice upon the south that the day of final reckoning was at hand. it is natural that the consequences of an event so spectacular as the capture of harper's ferry should be greatly exaggerated. brown's contribution to kansas history has been distorted beyond all recognition. the harper's ferry affair, however, because it came on the eve of the final election before the war, undoubtedly had considerable influence. it sharpened the issue. it played into the hands of extremists in both sections. on one side, brown was at once made a martyr and a hero; on the other, his acts were accepted as a demonstration of northern malignity and hatred, whose fitting expression was seen in the incitement of slaves to massacre their masters. the distinctive contribution of john brown to american history does not consist in the things which he did but rather in that which he has been made to represent. he has been accepted as the personification of the irrepressible conflict. of all the men of his generation john brown is best fitted to exemplify the most difficult lesson which history teaches: that slavery and despotism are themselves forms of war, that the shedding of blood is likely to continue so long as the rich, the strong, the educated, or the efficient, strive to force their will upon the poor, the weak, and the ignorant. lincoln uttered a final word on the subject when he said that no man is good enough to rule over another man; if he were good enough he would not be willing to do it. bibliographical note among the many political histories which furnish a background for the study of the anti-slavery crusade, the following have special value: j. f. rhodes, "history of the united states from the compromise of ," vols. ( - ). the first two volumes cover the decade to . this is the best-balanced account of the period, written in an admirable judicial temper. h. e. von holst, constitutional anal political history of the united states," vols. ( - ). a vast mine of information on the slavery controversy. the work is vitiated by an almost virulent antipathy toward the south. james schouler, "history of the united states," vols. ( - ). a sober, reliable narrative of events. henry wilson, "history of the rise and fall of the slave power in america," vols. ( - ). the fullest account of the subject, written by a contemporary. the material was thrown together by an overworked statesman and lacks proportion. three volumes in the "american nation series" aim to combine the treatment of special topics of commanding interest with general political history. a. b. hart's "slavery and abolition" ( ) gives an account of the origin of the controversy and carries the history down to . g. p. garrison's "westward extension" ( ) deals especially with the mexican war and its results. t. c. smith's "parties and slavery" ( ) follows the gradual disruption of parties under the pressure of the slavery controversy. from the mass of contemporary controversial literature a few titles of more permanent interest may be selected. william goodell's "slavery and anti-slavery" ( ) presents the anti-slavery arguments. a. t. bledsoe's "an essay on liberty and slavery" ( ) and "the pro-slavery argument" ( ), a series of essays by various writers, undertake the defense of slavery. only a few of the biographies which throw light on the crusade can be mentioned. "william lloyd garrison," vols. ( - ) is the story of the editor of the liberator told exhaustively by his children. less voluminous but equally important are the following: w. birney, "james g. birney and his times" ( ); g. w. julian, "joshua r. giddings" ( ); catherine h. birney, "sarah and angelina grimke" ( ); john t. morse, "john quincy adams." those who have not patience to read e. l. pierce's ponderous "memoir and letters of charles sumner," vols. ( - ), would do well to read g. h. haynes's "charles sumner" ( ). the history of the conflict in kansas is closely associated with the lives of two rival candidates for the honor of leadership in the cause of freedom. james redpath in his "public life of captain john brown" ( ), frank b. sanborn in his "life and letters of john brown" ( ), and numerous other writers give to brown the credit of leadership. the opposition view is held by f. w. blackmar in his "life of charles robinson" ( ), and by robinson himself in his kansas conflict ( d ed., ). the best non-partizan biography of brown is o. g. villard's "john brown, a biography fifty years after" ( ). the underground railroad has been adequately treated in w. h. siebert's "the underground railroad from slavery to freedom" ( ), but levi coffin's "reminiscences" ( ) gives an earlier autobiographical account of the origin and management of an important line, while mrs. stowe's "uncle tom's cabin" throws the glamour of romance over the system. for additional bibliographical information the reader is referred to the articles on "slavery, fugitive slave laws, kansas, william lloyd garrison, john brown, james gillespie birney," and "frederick douglass" in "the encyclopaedia britannica" ( th edition). transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. the abolition crusade and its consequences four periods of american history by hilary a. herbert, ll.d. new york charles scribner's sons copyright, , by charles scribner's sons published april, to my grandchildren this little book is affectionately dedicated in the hope that its perusal will foster in them, as citizens of this great republic, a due regard for the constitution of their country as the supreme law of the land prefatory note by james ford rhodes "livy extolled pompey in such a panegyric that augustus called him pompeian, and yet this was no obstacle to their friendship." that we find in tacitus. we may therefore picture to ourselves augustus reading livy's "history of the civil wars" (in which the historian's republican sympathies were freely expressed), and learning therefrom that there were two sides to the strife which rent rome. as we are more than forty-six years distant from our own civil war, is it not incumbent on northerners to endeavor to see the southern side? we may be certain that the historian a hundred years hence, when he contemplates the lining-up of five and one-half million people against twenty-two millions, their equal in religion, morals, regard for law, and devotion to the common constitution, will, as matter of course, aver that the question over which they fought for four years had two sides; that all the right was not on one side and all the wrong on the other. the north should welcome, therefore, accounts of the conflict written by candid southern men. mr. herbert, reared and educated in the south, believing in the moral and economical right of slavery, served as a confederate soldier during the war, but after appomattox, when thirty-one years old, he told his father he had arrived at the conviction that slavery was wrong. twelve years later, when home-rule was completely restored to the south ( ), he went into public life as a member of congress, sitting in the house for sixteen years. at the end of his last term, in , he was appointed secretary of the navy by president cleveland, whom he faithfully served during his second administration. such an experience is an excellent training for the treatment of any aspect of the civil war. mr. herbert's devotion to the constitution, the union, and the flag now equals that of any soldier of the north who fought against him. we should expect therefore that his work would be pervaded by practical knowledge and candor. after a careful reading of the manuscript i have no hesitation in saying that the expectation is realized. naturally unable to agree entirely with his presentation of the subject, i believe that his work exhibits a side that entitles it to a large hearing. i hope that it will be placed before the younger generation, who, unaffected by any memory of the heat of the conflict, may truly say: tros tyriusve, mihi nullo discrimine agetur. james ford rhodes. boston, _november_, . preface in mr. l. e. chittenden, who had been united states treasurer under president lincoln, published an interesting account of $ , , united states bonds secretly sent to england, as he said, in , and he told all about what thereupon took place across the water. it was a reminiscence. general charles francis adams in his recent instructive volume, "studies military and diplomatic," takes up this narrative and, in a chapter entitled "an historical residuum," conclusively shows from contemporaneous evidence that the bonds were sent, not in , but in , but that, as for the rest of the story, the residuum of truth in it was about like the speck of moisture that is left when a soap bubble is pricked by a needle. general adams did not mean that mr. chittenden knew he was drawing on his imagination. he was only demonstrating that one who intends to write history cannot rely on his memory. the author, in the following pages, is undertaking to write a connected story of events that happened, most of them, in his lifetime, and as to many of the most important of which he has vivid recollections; but, save in one respect, he has not relied upon his own memory for any important fact. the picture he has drawn of the relations between the slave-holder and non-slave-holder in the south is, much of it, given as he recollects it. his opportunities for observation were somewhat extensive, and here he is willing to be considered in part as a witness. elsewhere he has relied almost entirely upon contemporaneous written evidence, memory, however, often indicating to him sources of information. nowhere are there so many valuable lessons for the student of american history as in the story of the great sectional movement of , and of its results, which have profoundly affected american conditions through generation after generation. an effort is here made to tell that story succinctly, tracing it, step after step, from cause to effect. the subject divides itself naturally into four historic periods: . the anti-slavery crusade, to . . secession and four years of war, to . . reconstruction under the lincoln-johnson plan, with the overthrow by congress of that plan and the rule of the negro and carpet-bagger, from to . . restoration of self-government in the south, and the results that have followed. the greater part of the book is devoted to the first period-- to , the period of causation. the sequences running through the three remaining periods are more briefly sketched. italics, throughout the book, it may be mentioned here, are the author's. now that the country is happily reunited in a union which all agree is indissoluble, the south wants the true history of the times here treated of spread before its children; so does the north. the mistakes that were committed on both sides during that lamentable and prolonged sectional quarrel (and they were many) should be known of all, in order that like mistakes may not be committed in the future. the writer has, with diffidence, attempted to lay the facts before his readers, and so to condense the story that it may be within the reach of the ordinary student. how far he has succeeded will be for his readers to say. the verdict he ventures to hope for is that he has made an honest effort to be fair. the author takes this occasion to thank that accomplished young teacher of history, mr. paul micou, for valuable suggestions, and his friend, mr. thomas h. clark, who with his varied attainments has aided him in many ways. hilary a. herbert. washington, d. c., _march_, . contents chapter page introduction i. secession and its doctrine ii. emancipation prior to iii. the new abolitionists iv. feeling in the south-- v. anti-abolition at the north vi. a crisis and a compromise vii. efforts for peace viii. incompatibility of slavery and freedom ix. four years of war x. reconstruction, lincoln-johnson plan and congressional xi. the south under self-government index the abolition crusade and its consequences introduction the constitution of the united states attempts to define and limit the power of our federal government. lord brougham somewhere said that such an instrument was not worth the parchment it was written on; people would pay no regard to self-imposed limitations on their own will. when our fathers by that written constitution established a government that was partly national and partly federal, and that had no precedent, they knew it was an experiment. to-day that government has been in existence one hundred and twenty-three years, and we proudly claim that the experiment of has been the success of the ages. happy should we be if we could boast that, during all this period, the constitution had never been violated in any respect! the first palpable infringement of its provisions occurred in the enactment of the alien and sedition laws of . the people at the polls indignantly condemned these enactments, and for years thereafter the government proceeded peacefully; the people were prosperous, and the union and the constitution grew in favor. later, there grew up a rancorous sectional controversy about slavery that lasted many years; that quarrel was followed by a bloody sectional war; after that war came the reconstruction of the southern states. during each of these three trying eras it did sometimes seem as if that old piece of "parchment," derided by lord brougham, had been utterly forgotten. nevertheless, and despite all these trying experiences, we have in the meantime advanced to the very front rank of nations, and our people have long since turned, not only to the union, but, we are happy to think, to the constitution as well, with more devotion than ever. it may be further said that, notwithstanding all the bitter animosities that for long divided our country into two hostile sections, that wonderful old constitution, handed down to us by our fathers, was always, and in all seasons, in the hearts of our people, and that never for a moment was it out of mind. even in our sectional war confederates and federals were both fighting for it--one side to maintain it over themselves as an independent nation; the other to maintain it over the whole of the old union. in the very madness of reconstruction the fundamental idea of the constitution, the equality of the states, ultimately prevailed--this idea it was that imperatively demanded the final restoration of the seceded states, with the right of self-government unimpaired. the future is now bright before us. the complex civilization of the present is, we do not forget, continually presenting new and complex problems of government, and we are mindful, too, that, for the people who must deal with these problems, a higher culture is required, but to all this our national and state governments seem to be fully alive. we are everywhere erecting memorials to our patriotic dead, we have our "flag day" and many ceremonies to stimulate patriotism, and, throughout our whole country, young americans are being taught more and more of american history and american traditions. the essence of these teachings presumably is that time has hallowed our constitution, and that experience has fully shown the wisdom of its provisions. in this land of ours, where there are so much property and so many voters who want it, and where the honor and emoluments of high place are so tempting to the demagogue, there can be no such security for either life, liberty, or property as those safeguards which our fathers devised in the constitution of the united states. our teachers of history must therefore expose fearlessly every violation in the past of our constitution, and point out the penalties that followed; and, above all, they cannot afford to condone, or to pass by in silence, the conduct of those who have heretofore advocated, or acted on, any law which to them was _higher than the american constitution_. one of the most serious troubles in the past, many think our greatest, was our terrible war among ourselves. perhaps, after the lapse of nearly fifty years, we can all now agree that if our people and our states had always, between and , faithfully observed the federal constitution we should have not had that war. however that may be, the crusade of the abolitionists, which began in , was the beginning of an agitation in the north against the existence of slavery in the south, which continued, in one form or another, until the outbreak of that war. the negro is now located, geographically, much as he was then. if another attempt shall be made to project his personal status into national politics, the voters of the country ought to know and consider the mistakes that occurred, north and south, during the unhappy era of that sectional warfare. this little book is a study of that period of our history. it concludes with a glance at the war between the north and south, and the reconstruction that followed. the story of cromwell and the great revolution it was impossible for any englishman to tell correctly for nearly or quite two centuries. the changes that had been wrought were too profound, too far-reaching; and english writers were too human. the changes--economic, political, and social--wrought in our country by the great controversy over slavery and state-rights, and by the war that ended it, have been quite as profound, and the revolution in men's ideas and ways of looking at their past history has been quite as complete as those which followed the downfall of the government founded by cromwell. but we are now in the twentieth century; history is becoming a science, and we ought to succeed better in writing our past than the englishmen did. the culture of this day is very exacting in its demands, and if one is writing about our own past the need of fairness is all the more imperative. and why not? the masses of the people, who clashed on the battlefields of a war in which one side fought for the supremacy of the union and the other for the sovereignty of the states, had honest convictions; they differed in their convictions; they had made honest mistakes about each other; now they would like their histories to tell just where those mistakes were; they do not wish these mistakes to be repeated hereafter. nor is there any reason why the whole history of that great controversy should not now be written with absolute fairness; the two sections of our country have come together in a most wonderful way. there has been reunion after reunion of the blue and the gray. the survivors of a new jersey regiment, forty-four years after the bloody battle of salem church, put up on its site a monument to their dead, on one side of which was a tablet to the memory of the "brave alabama boys," who were their opponents in that fight. one of those "alabama boys" wrote the story of that battle for the archives of his own state, and the state of new jersey has published it in her archives, as a fair account of the battle. the author has attempted to approach his subject in a spirit like this, and while he hopes to be absolutely fair, he is perfectly aware that he sees things from a southern view-point. for this, however, no apology is needed. truth is many-sided and must be seen from every direction. nearly all the school-books dealing with the period here treated of, and now considered as authority, have been written from a northern stand-point; and many of the extended histories that are most widely read seem to the writer to be more or less partisan, although the authors were apparently quite unconscious of it. attempts made here to point out some of the errors in these books are, as is conceived, in the interests of history. of course it is important that readers should know the stand-point of an author who writes at this day of events as recent as those here treated of. dr. albert bushnell hart, professor of history in harvard university, in the preface to his "slavery and abolition" (harper brothers, ), says of himself: "it is hard for a son and grandson of abolitionists to approach so explosive a question with impartiality." following this example, the writer must tell that he was born in the south, of slave-holding parents, three years after the abolition crusade began in . growing up in the south under the stress of that crusade, he maintained all through the war, in which he was a loyal confederate soldier, the belief in which he had been educated--that slavery was right, morally and economically. one day, not long after appomattox, he told his father he had reached the conclusion that slavery was wrong. the reply was, to the writer's surprise, that his mother in early life had been an avowed emancipationist; that she (who had lived until the writer was sixteen years old) had never felt at liberty to discuss slavery after the rise of the new abolitionists and the nat turner insurrection; and then followed the further information that when, in , the family removed from south carolina to alabama, greenville, ala., was chosen for a home because it was thought that the danger from slave insurrections would be less there than in one of the richer "black counties." what a creature of circumstances man is! the writer's belief about a great moral question, his home, his school-mates, and the companions of his youth, were all determined by a movement begun in boston, massachusetts, before he was born in the far south! with a vivid personal recollection of the closing years of the great anti-slavery crusade always in his mind, the writer has studied closely many of the histories dealing with that movement, and he has found quite a consensus of opinion among northern writers--a view that has even been sometimes accepted in the south--that it was not so much the fear of insurrections, created by abolition agitation, that shut off discussion in the south about the rightfulness of slavery as it was the invention of the cotton-gin, that made cotton growing and slavery profitable. the cotton-gin was invented in , and was in common use years before the writer's mother was born. a native of, she grew to maturity entirely in, the south, and in was an avowed emancipationist. the subject was then being freely discussed. the author has ventured to relate in the pages that follow this introduction two or three incidents that were more or less personal, in the hope that their significance may be his sufficient excuse. and now, having spoken of himself as a southerner, the author thinks it but fair, when invoking for the following pages fair consideration, to add that, since , he has never ceased to rejoice that slavery is no more, and that secession is now only an academic question; and, further, that he has, since appomattox, served the government of the united states for twenty years as loyally as he ever served the confederacy. he therefore respectfully submits that his experiences ought to render him quite as well qualified for an impartial consideration of the anti-slavery crusade and its consequences as are those who have never, either themselves or through the eyes of their ancestors, seen more than one side of those questions. certain he is, in his own mind, that this union has now no better friend than is he who submits this little study, conscious of its many shortcomings, claiming for it nothing except that it is the result of an honest effort to be fair in every statement of facts and in the conclusions reached. not much effort has been made in the direction of original research. facts deemed sufficient to illustrate salient points, which alone can be treated of in a short story, have been found in published documents, and other facts have been purposely taken, most of them, from northern writers; and the authorities have been duly cited. these facts have been compressed into a small compass, so that the book may be available to such students as have not time for a more extended examination. of the results of the crusade of the abolitionists, and the consequent sectional war, george ticknor curtis, one of new england's distinguished biographers, says in his "life of buchanan," vol. ii, p. : "it is cause for exultation that slavery no longer exists in the broad domain of this republic--that our theory of government and practice are now in complete accord. but it is no cause for national pride that we did not accomplish this result without the cost of a million of precious lives and untold millions of money." chapter i secession and its doctrine john fiske has said in his school history: "under the government of england before the revolution the thirteen commonwealths were independent of one another, and were held together juxtaposed, rather than united, only through their allegiance to the british crown. had that allegiance been maintained there is no telling how long they might have gone on thus disunited." they won their independence under a very imperfect union, a government improvised for the occasion. the "articles of confederation," the first formal constitution of the united states of america, were not ratified by maryland, the last to ratify, until in , shortly before yorktown. in the thirteen states, each claiming to be still sovereign, came together in convention at philadelphia and formed the present constitution, looking to "a more perfect union." the constitution that created this new government has been rightly said to be "the most wonderful work ever struck off, at a given time, by the brain and purpose of man."[ ] and so it was, but it left unsettled the great question whether a state, if it believed that its rights were denied to it by the general government, could peaceably withdraw from the union. [ ] gladstone, "kin beyond the sea." the federal government was given by the constitution only limited powers, powers that it could not transcend. nowhere on the face of that constitution was any right expressly conferred on the general government to decide exclusively and finally upon the extent of the powers granted to it. if any such right had been clearly given, it is certain that many of the states would not have entered into the union. as it was, the constitution was only adopted by eleven of the states after months of discussion. then the new government was inaugurated, with two of the states, rhode island and north carolina, still out of the union. they remained outside, one of them for eighteen months and the other for a year. the states were reluctant to adopt the constitution, because they were jealous of, and did not mean to give up, the right of self-government. the framers of the constitution knew that the question of the right of a state to secede was thus left unsettled. they knew, too, that this might give trouble in the future. their hope was that, as the advantages of the union became, in process of time, more and more apparent, the union would grow in favor and come to be regarded in the minds and hearts of the people as indissoluble. from the beginning of the government there were many, including statesmen of great influence, who continued to be jealous of the right of self-government, and insisted that no powers should be exercised by the federal government except such as were very clearly granted in the constitution. these soon became a party and called themselves republicans. some thirty years later they called themselves democrats. those, on the other hand, who believed in construing the grants of power in the constitution liberally or broadly, called themselves federalists. washington was a federalist, but such was his influence that the dispute between the republicans and the federalists about the meaning of the constitution did not, during his administration, assume a serious aspect; but when a new president, john adams, also a federalist, came in with a congress in harmony with him, the republicans made bitter war upon them. france, then at war with england, was even waging what has been denominated a "quasi war" upon us, to compel the united states, under the old treaty of the revolution, to take her part against england; and england was also threatening us. plots to force the government into the war as an ally of france were in the air. adams and his followers believed in a strong and spirited government. to strike a fatal blow at the plotters against the public peace, and to crush the republicans at the same time, congress now passed the famous alien and sedition laws. one of the alien laws, june , , gave the president, for two years from its passage, power to order out of the country, _at his own will, and without "trial by jury" or other "process of law," any alien he deemed dangerous_ to the peace and safety of the united states. the sedition law, july , , made criminal any unlawful conspiracy to oppose any measure of the government of the united states "which was directed by proper authority," as well as also any "false and scandalous accusations against the government, the president, or the congress." the opportunity of the republicans had come. they determined to call upon the country to condemn the alien and sedition laws, and at the presidential election in the federalists received their death-blow. the party as an organization survived that election only a few years, and in localities the very name, federalist, later became a reproach. the republicans began their campaign against the alien and sedition laws by a series of resolutions, which, drawn by jefferson, were passed by the kentucky legislature in november, . other quite similar resolutions, drawn by madison, passed the virginia assembly the next year; and these together became the celebrated kentucky and virginia resolutions of - .[ ] the alien and sedition laws were denounced in these resolutions for the exercise of powers not delegated to the general government. adverting to the sedition law, it was declared that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press had been given. on the contrary, it had been expressly provided by the constitution that "congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, _or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press_." [ ] warfield, in his "kentucky resolutions of ," relates that john breckenridge introduced the kentucky and john taylor, of caroline, moved the virginia resolutions. in taylor made it known that madison was the author of the virginia resolves, but not till did jefferson admit his authorship of the kentucky resolutions. jefferson was vice-president when they were drawn, and it would have been thought unseemly for him to appear openly in a canvass against the president, but by correspondence with his friends he "gradually drew out a program of action" (warfield, p. ). the kentucky resolutions were sent by the governor to the legislatures of the other states, ten of which, being controlled by the federalists, are known to have declared against them (warfield, p. ). but of course the resolutions were canvassed by the public before the presidential election of . the first of the kentucky resolutions was as follows: "_resolved_, that the several states composing the united states of america, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government, _but that by compact_, under the style and title of a constitution for the united states, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for specific purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, _reserving, each state to itself_, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and _that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no effect_: that to this _compact each state acceded as a state_, and is an integral party, its co-states forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by _this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself_, since that would have made its direction, and not the constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, _as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has a right to judge for itself as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress._" undoubtedly it is from the famous resolutions of - that the secessionists of a later date drew their arguments. the authors of these celebrated resolutions were, both of them, devoted friends of the union they had helped to construct. why should they announce a theory of the constitution that was so full of dangerous possibilities? the answer is, they were announcing the theory upon which the states, or at least many of the states, had ten years before ratified the constitution. a crisis in the life of the new government had now come. congress had usurped powers not given; it had exercised powers that had been prohibited, and the government was enforcing the obnoxious statutes with a high hand. dissatisfaction was intense. jefferson and madison were undoubtedly republican partisans, jefferson especially; but it is equally certain that they were both friends of the union, and as such they concluded, with the lights before them, that the wise course would be to submit to the people, in ample time for full consideration, before the then coming presidential election, a full, clear, and comprehensive exposition of the constitution precisely as they, and as the people, then understood it. this they did in the resolutions of and , and the very same voters who had created the constitution of , now, with their sons to aid them, endorsed these resolutions in the election of , which had been laid before them by the legislatures of two republican states as a correct construction of that instrument. the republicans under jefferson came into power with an immense majority. the people were satisfied with the constitution as it had been construed in the election of , and the country under control of the republicans was happy and prosperous for three decades. then the party in power began to split into national republicans and democratic republicans. the national republicans favored a liberal construction of the constitution and became whigs; the democratic republicans dropped the name republican and became democrats. the foregoing sketch has been given with no intent to write a political history, but only to show with what emphasis the american people condemned all violations of the constitution up to the time when, in , our story of the abolitionists is to begin. the sketch has also served to explain the theory of state-rights, as it was held in early days, and later, by the southern people. whether the union of the states under the constitution as expounded by the kentucky and virginia resolutions would survive every trial that was to come, remained to be seen. the question was destined to perplex mr. jefferson himself, more than once. indeed, even while washington was president there had been disunion sentiment in congress. in the celebrated virginian, john taylor, of caroline, shortly after he had expressed an intention of publicly resigning from the united states senate, was approached in the privacy of a committee room by rufus king, senator from new york, and oliver ellsworth, a senator from massachusetts, both federalists, with a proposition for a dissolution of the union by mutual consent, the line of division to be somewhere from the potomac to the hudson. this was on the ground "that it was utterly impossible for the union to continue. that the southern and the eastern people thought quite differently," etc. taylor contended for the union, and nothing came of the conference, the story of which remained a secret for over a hundred years.[ ] [ ] taylor was so deeply impressed by the conference, which was protracted, that two days later, may , , he made an extended note of it which he sent to mr. madison. at the foot of his note taylor says, among other things: "he (t.) is thoroughly convinced that the design to break up the union is contemplated. the assurance, the manner, the earnestness, and the countenances with which the idea was uttered, all disclosed the most serious intention. it is also probable that k. (king) and e. (ellsworth) having heard that t. (taylor) was against the (adoption of) the constitution have hence imbibed a mistaken opinion that he was secretly an enemy of the union, and conceived that he was a fit instrument (as he was about retiring) to infuse notions into the anti-federal temper of virginia, consonant to their views."--"disunion sentiment in the congress in " (with fac-simile of taylor memorandum), by gaillard hunt, editor of writings of james madison. lowdermilk co., washington, d. c., . "in the winter of - , immediately after, and as a consequence of, the acquisition of louisiana, certain leaders of the federal party conceived the project of the dissolution of the union and the establishment of a northern confederacy, the justifying causes to those who entertained it, that the acquisition of louisiana to the union transcended the constitutional powers of the government of the united states; that it created, in fact, a new confederacy to which the states, united by the former compact, were not bound to adhere; that it was oppressive of the interests and destructive of the influence of the northern section of the confederacy, whose right and duty it was therefore to secede from the new body politic, and to constitute one of their own."[ ] [ ] c. f. robertson, "the louisiana purchase," etc. "papers of the american association," vol. i, pp. , . this project did not assume serious proportions. john fiske in his school history says: "john quincy adams, a supporter of the embargo act of , privately informed president jefferson (in february, ) that further attempts to enforce it in the new england states would be likely to drive them to secession. accordingly, the embargo was repealed, and the non-intercourse act substituted for it." the spirit of nationality was yet in its infancy, threats of secession were common, and they came then mostly from new england. these threats were in no wise connected with slavery; agitators had not then made slavery a national issue; the idea of separation was prompted by the fear that power in the councils of the union would pass into the hands of other sections. massachusetts was heard from again in , when the state of louisiana, the first to be carved from the louisiana purchase, asked to come into the union. in discussing the bill for her admission, josiah quincy said: "why, sir, i have already heard of six states, and some say there will be at no great distance of time more. i have also heard that the mouth of the ohio will be far to the east of the contemplated empire.... it is impossible that such a power could be granted. it was not for these men that our fathers fought. it was not for them this constitution was adopted. you have no authority to throw the rights and liberties and property of this people into hotchpot with the wild men on the missouri, or with the mixed, though more respectable, race of anglo-hispano-gallo-americans who bask in the sands in the mouth of the mississippi.... _i am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion that, if this bill passes, the bonds of the union are virtually dissolved; that the states which compose it are free from their moral obligations; and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation--amicably, if they can; violently, if they must._" june , , the massachusetts legislature endorsed the position taken in this speech.[ ] [ ] "american state documents and federal relations," p. . later, in , a convention of representative new england statesmen met at hartford, to consider of secession unless the non-intercourse act, which also bore hard on new england, should be repealed; but the war then pending was soon to close, and the danger from that quarter was over. but secession was not exclusively a new england doctrine. "when the constitution was adopted by the votes of states in popular conventions, it is safe to say there was not a man in the country, from washington and hamilton, on the one side, to george clinton and george mason, on the other, who regarded the new system as anything but an experiment, entered into by the states, and from which each and every state had the right to withdraw, a right which was very likely to be exercised."[ ] [ ] henry cabot lodge's "webster," p. . as late as the threat of secession was to come again from massachusetts. the great state of texas was applying for admission to the union. but texas was a slave state; abolitionists had now for thirteen years been arousing in the old bay state a spirit of hostility against the existence of slavery in her sister states of the south, and in the massachusetts legislature resolved that "the commonwealth of massachusetts, faithful to the _compact_ between the people of the united states, according to the plain meaning and intent in which it was understood by them, is sincerely anxious for its preservation; but that it is determined, as it _doubts not other states are, to submit to undelegated powers in no body of men on earth_," and that "the project of the annexation of texas, unless arrested at the threshold, may tend to drive _these states into a dissolution of the union_." this was _just seventeen years before the commonwealth of massachusetts began to arm her sons to put down secession in the south_! the southern reader must not, however, conclude from this startling about-face on the question of secession, that the people of massachusetts, and of the north, did not, _in _, honestly believe that under the constitution the union was indissoluble, or that the north went to war simply for the purpose of perpetuating its power over the south. such a conclusion would be grossly unjust. the spirit of nationality, veneration of the union, was a growth, and, after it had fairly begun, a rapid growth. it grew, as our country grew in prestige and power. the splendid triumphs of our ships at sea, in the war of , and our victory at new orleans over british regulars, added to it; the masterful decisions of our great chief justice john marshall, pointing out how beneficently our federal constitution was adapted to the preservation not only of local self-government but of the liberties of the citizen as well; peace with, and the respect of, foreign nations; free trade between the people of all sections, and abounding prosperity--all these things created a deep impression, and americans began to hark back to the words of washington in his farewell address: "the unity of our government, which now constitutes you one people, is also dear to you. it is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize." but far and away above every other single element contributing to the development of union sentiment was the wonderful speech of daniel webster, january , , in his debate in the united states senate with hayne, of south carolina. hayne was eloquently defending states' rights, and his argument was unanswerable if his premise was admitted, that, as had been theretofore conceded, the constitution was _a compact between the states_. webster saw this and he took new ground; the constitution was, he contended, not a compact, but the formation of a government. his arguments were like fruitful seed sown upon a soil prepared for their reception. no speech delivered in this country ever created so profound an impression. it was the foundation of a new school of political thought. it concluded with this eloquent peroration: "when my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may i not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious union; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gracious ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as 'what is all this worth?' nor those other words of delusion and folly, 'liberty first and union afterwards,' but everywhere, spread all over with living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every american heart--'liberty _and_ union, now and forever, one and inseparable.'" for many years every school-house in the land resounded with these words. by they had been imprinted on the minds and had sunk into the hearts of a whole generation. their effect was incalculable. it is perfectly true that the secession resolution of the massachusetts legislature of was passed fourteen years after webster's speech, but the garrisonians had then been agitating the slavery question within her borders for fourteen years, and the old state was now beside herself with excitement. there was another great factor in the rapid manufacture of union sentiment at the north that had practically no existence at the south. it was immigration. the new-comers from over the sea knew nothing, and cared less, about the history of the constitution or the dialectics of secession. they had sought a land of liberty that to them was one nation, with one flag flying over it, and in their eyes secession was rebellion. immigrants to america, practically all settling in northern states, were during the thirty years, - , , , ; and these must, with their natural increase, have numbered at least six millions in . in other words, far more than one-fourth of the people of the north in were not, themselves or their fathers, in the country in the early days when the doctrine of states' rights had been in the ascendant; and, as a rule, to these new people that old doctrine was folly. in the south the situation was reversed. slavery had kept immigrants away. the whites were nearly all of the old revolutionary stock, and had inherited the old ideas. still, love of and pride in the union had grown in them too. nor were the southerners all followers of jefferson. from the earliest days much of the wealth and intelligence of the country, north and south, had opposed the democracy, first as federalists and later as whigs. in the south the whigs have been described as "a fine upstanding old party, a party of blue broadcloth, silver buttons, and a coach and four." it was not until anti-slavery sentiment had begun to array the north, as a section, against the south, that southern whigs began to look for protection to the doctrine of states' rights. woodrow wilson says, in "division and reunion," p. , of daniel webster's great speech in : "the north was now beginning to insist upon a national government; the south was continuing to insist upon the original understanding of the constitution; that was all." and in those attitudes the two sections stood in - , one upon the modern theory of an indestructible union; the other upon the old idea that states had the right to secede from the union. in there occurred in ireland the "rebellion of the young irishmen." among the leaders of that rebellion were thomas f. meagher and john mitchel. both were banished to great britain's penal colony. both made their way, a few years later, to america. both were devotees of liberty, both men of brilliant intellect and high culture. meagher settled in the north, mitchel in the south. this was about . each from his new stand-point studied the history and the constitution of his adopted country. meagher, when the war between the north and south came on, became a general in the union army. mitchel entered the civil service of the confederacy and his son died a confederate soldier. the union or confederate partisan who has been taught that his side was "eternally right, and the other side eternally wrong," should consider the story of these two "young irishmen." how fortunate it is that the ugly question of secession has been settled, and will never again divide americans, or those who come to america! chapter ii emancipation prior to in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, dutch, french, portuguese, spanish, english, and american vessels brought many thousands of negroes from africa, and sold them as slaves in the british west indies and in the british-american colonies. william goodell, a distinguished abolitionist writer, tells us[ ] that "in the importation of slaves for the southern colonies the merchants of new england competed with those of new york and the south" (which never had much shipping). "they appear indeed to have outstripped them, and to have _almost monopolized_ at one time the profits of this detestable trade. boston, salem, and newburyport in massachusetts, and newport and bristol in rhode island, amassed, in the persons of a few of their citizens, vast sums of this rapidly acquired and ill-gotten wealth."[ ] [ ] "slavery and anti-slavery," d ed., . the slaves coming to america went chiefly to the southern colonies, because there only was slave labor profitable. the laws and conditions under which these negroes were sold in the american colonies were precisely the same as in the west indies, except that the whites in the islands, so far as is known, never objected, whereas the records show that earnest protests came from virginia[ ] and also from georgia[ ] and north carolina.[ ] the king of england was interested in the profits of the iniquitous trade and all protests were in vain. [ ] _am. archives_, th series, vol. i, p. . [ ] _ib._, p. . [ ] _ib._, p. . of the rightfulness, however, of slavery itself there was but little question in the minds of christian peoples until the closing years of the eighteenth century. then the cruelties practised by ship-masters in the middle passage attracted attention, and then came gradually a revolution in public opinion. this revolution, in which the churches took a prominent part, originated in england, but it soon swept over america also, both north and south. england abolished the slave trade in . the united states followed in ; the netherlands in ; france in ; spain in ; portugal in . the great wilberforce, buxton, and others, who had brought about the abolition of the slave trade in england, continued their exertions in favor of the slave until finally, in , parliament abolished slavery in the british west indies, appropriating twenty millions sterling ($ , , ) as compensation to owners--this because investments in slave property had been made under the sanction of existing law. "great britain, loaded with an unprecedented debt and with a grinding taxation, contracted a new debt of a hundred millions of dollars to give freedom, not to englishmen, but to the degraded african. this was not an act of policy, but the work of statesmen. parliament but registered the edict of the people. the english nation, with one heart and one voice, under a strong christian impulse and without distinction of rank, sex, party, or religious names, decreed freedom to the slave. i know not that history records a national act so disinterested, so sublime." so wrote dr. channing, the great new england pulpit orator, in his celebrated letter on texas annexation, to henry clay, in . while the rightfulness of slavery was being discussed in england, the american conscience had also been aroused, and emancipation was making progress on this side of the water. emancipation was an easy task in the northern states, where slaves were few, their labor never having been profitable, and by the last of these states had provided for the ultimate abolition of slavery within its borders. but the problem was more difficult in the southern states, where the climate was adapted to slave labor. there slaves were numerous, and slavery was interwoven, economically and socially, with the very fabric of existence. naturally, it occurred to thoughtful men that there ought to be some such solution as that which was subsequently adopted in england, and which, as we have seen, was so highly extolled by dr. channing--emancipation of the slaves with compensation to the owners by the general government. the difficulty in our country was that the federal constitution conferred upon the federal government no power over slavery in the states--no power to emancipate slaves or compensate owners; and that for the individual states where the negroes were numerous the problem seemed too big. free negroes and whites in great numbers, it was thought, could not live together. to get rid of the negroes, if they should be freed, was for the states a very serious, if not an unsurmountable task. on the seventeenth of january, , the following resolutions, proposed as a solution of the problem, were passed by the legislature of ohio:[ ] [ ] "state documents on federal relations," ames, pp. - . _resolved_, that the consideration of a system providing for the gradual emancipation of the people of color, held in servitude in the united states, be recommended to the legislatures of the several states of the american union, and to the congress of the united states. _resolved_, that, in the opinion of the general assembly, a system of foreign colonization, with correspondent measures, might be adopted that would in due time effect the entire emancipation of the slaves of our country without any violation of the national compact, or infringement of the rights of individuals; by the passage of a law by the general government (with the consent of the slave-holding states) which would provide that all children of persons now held in slavery, born after the passage of the law, should be free at the age of twenty-one years (being supported during their minority by the persons claiming the service of their parents), provided they then consent to be transported to the intended place of colonization. also: _resolved_, that it is expedient that such a system should be predicated upon the principle that the evil of slavery is a national one, and that the people and the states of the union ought mutually to participate in the duties and burthens of removing it. _resolved_, that his excellency the governor be requested to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to his excellency the governor of each of the united states, requesting him to lay the same before the legislature thereof; and that his excellency will also forward a like copy to each of our senators and representatives in congress, requesting their co-operation in all national measures having a tendency to effect the grave object embraced therein. by june of eight other northern states had endorsed the proposition, pennsylvania, vermont, new jersey, illinois, connecticut, massachusetts. six of the slave-holding states emphatically disapproved of the suggestion, _viz._, georgia, south carolina, missouri, mississippi, louisiana, and alabama.[ ] [ ] ames, p. . reasons which in great part influenced all the southern states thus rejecting the proposition may be gathered from the following words of governor wilson, of south carolina, in submitting the resolutions: "a firm determination to resist, at the threshold, every _invasion of our domestic tranquillity_, and to _preserve our sovereignty and independence as a state_, is earnestly recommended."[ ] [ ] _ib._, p. . the resolutions required of the southern states a complete surrender in this regard of their reserved rights; they feared what governor wilson called "the overwhelming powers of the general government," and were unwilling to make the admission required, that the slavery in the south was a question for the nation. another reason was that, although there was a quite common desire in the southern states to get rid of slavery, the majority sentiment doubtless was not yet ready for the step. basing this plan on the "consent of the slave-holding states," as the ohio legislature did, was an acknowledgment that the north had no power over the matter; while the proposition to share in the expense of transporting the negroes, after they were manumitted, seems to be a recognition of the joint responsibility of both sections for the existence of slavery in the south. however that may be, the generous concurrence of nine of the thirteen northern states indicates how kindly the temper of the north toward the south was before the rise of the "new abolitionism" in . had emancipation been, under the federal constitution, a national and not a local question, it is possible that slavery might have been abolished in america, as it was in the mother country, peacefully and with compensation to owners. the ohio idea of freeing and at the same time colonizing the slaves, was no doubt suggested by the scheme of the african colonization society. this colonization society grew out of a resolution passed by the general assembly of virginia, december , . its purpose was to rid the country of such free negroes and subsequently manumitted slaves as should be willing to go to liberia, where a home was secured for them, and a government set up that was to be eventually controlled by the negro from america. the plan was endorsed by georgia in , maryland in , tennessee in , and vermont in .[ ] [ ] ames, . the colonization society was composed of southern and northern philanthropists and statesmen of the most exalted character. among its presidents were, at times, president monroe and ex-president madison. chief justice marshall was one of its presidents. colonization, while relieving america, was also to give the negro an opportunity for self-government and self-development in his native country, aided at the outset by experienced white men, and abraham lincoln, when he was eulogizing the dead henry clay, one of the eloquent advocates of the scheme, seemed to be in love with the idea of restoring the poor african to that land from which he had been rudely snatched by the rapacious white man. the society, with much aid from philanthropists and some from the federal government, was making progress when, from to , the abolitionists halted it.[ ] they got the ears of the negro and persuaded him not to go to liberia. its friends thought the enterprise would stimulate emancipation by furnishing a home for such negroes as their owners were willing to manumit; but the new friends of the negro told him it was a trick of the slave-holder, and intended to perpetuate slavery--it was banishment. and dr. hart now, in his "abolition and slavery," calls it a move for the "expatriation of the negro." [ ] see garrison's "garrison." all together only a few thousand negroes went to liberia. the enterprise lagged, and finally failed, partly because of opposition, but chiefly because the negroes were slothful and incapable of self-government. the word came back that they were not prospering. for a time, while white men were helping them in their government, the outlook for liberia had more or less promise in it. when the whites, to give the negroes their opportunity for self-development withdrew their case was hopeless.[ ] [ ] see article in _independent_, , miss mahony. in , while emancipation was still being freely canvassed north and south, benjamin lundy, an abolition editor in charge of _the genius of emancipation_, then being published at baltimore, in a slave state, went to boston to "stir up" the northern people "to the work of abolishing slavery in the south." dr. channing, who has been previously quoted, wrote a letter to daniel webster on the th of may, , in which, after reciting the purpose of lundy, and saying that he was "aware how cautiously exertions are to be made for it in this part of the country," it being a local question, he said: "it seems to me that, before moving in this matter, we ought to say to them (our southern brethren) distinctly, 'we consider slavery _as your calamity, not your crime_, and _we will share with you the burden_ of putting an end to it. we will consent that the public lands shall be appropriated to this object; or that the general government shall be _clothed with the power to apply a portion of revenue to it_.' "i throw out these suggestions merely to illustrate my views. we must first let the southern states see that we are their _friends_ in this affair; that we sympathize with them and, from principles _of patriotism and philanthropy, are willing to share the toil and expense_ of abolishing slavery, or, i fear, our interference will avail nothing."[ ] mr. webster never gave out this letter until february , .[ ] [ ] "webster's works," vol. v, pp. - , . [ ] _ib._, ed. , vol. v, pp. - . in less than three years after that letter was written, lundy's friend, william lloyd garrison, started in boston a crusade against slavery in the south, on the ground that instead of being the "_calamity_," as dr. channing deemed it to be, it was the "_crime_" of the south. had no such exasperating sectional cry as this ever been raised, the story told in this little book would have been very different from that which is to follow. even spain, the laggard of nations, since that day has abolished slavery in her colonies. brazil long ago fell into line, and it is impossible for one not blinded by the sectional strife of the past, now to conceive that the southern states of this union, whose people in were among the foremost of the world in all the elements of christian civilization, would not long, long ago, if left to themselves, have found some means by which to rid themselves of an institution condemned by the public sentiment of the world and even then deplored by the southerners themselves. the crime, if crime it was, of slavery in the south in was one for which the two sections of the union were equally to blame. abraham lincoln said in his debate with douglas at peoria, illinois, october , : "when southern people tell us they are no more responsible for slavery than we are, i acknowledge the fact. when it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way, i can understand and appreciate the saying. i surely do not blame them for not doing what i would not know how to do myself."[ ] [ ] "the negro problem," pickett, . prior to the rise of the abolitionists in , emancipationists in the south had been free to grapple with conditions as they found them. what they and what the people of the north had accomplished we may gather from the united states census reports. the tables following are taken from "larned's history of ready reference," vol. v. the classifications are his. we have numbered three of his tables, for the sake of reference, and have added columns and , calculated from larned's figures, to show "excess of free blacks" and "increase of free blacks, south." let the reader assume as a fact, which will perhaps not be questioned, that "free blacks" in the census means freedmen and their increase, and these tables tell their own story, a story to which must be added the statement that slaves in the south had been freed only by voluntary sacrifices of owners. it will be noted that in the total "blacks" in the north was , , and, although emancipation in these states had begun some years before, the excess of "free blacks" in the south was over , . also that at every succeeding census, down to and including that of , the "excess of free blacks" increased with considerable regularity until , when that excess is , . +----------------------+----------+-------+---------+-------+-------+--------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | total |excess |increase| | | whites | free | slaves |blacks,|of free|in free | | | | blacks| | north |blacks,|blacks, | | | | | | | south | south | | | | | | | | | +----------------------+----------+-------+---------+-------+-------+--------+ | | | | | | | | | : north, states | , , | , | , | , | .... | .... | | south, states | , , | , | , | .... | , | .... | | | | | | | | | | : north, states| , , | , | , | , | .... | , | | south, states| , , | , | , | .... | , | , | | and d.c. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | : north, states| , , | , | , | , | .... | , | | south, states| , , | , | , , | .... | , | , | | and d. c. | | | | | | | | : north, states| , , | , | , | , | .... | , | | south, states| , , | , | , , | .... | , | , | | and d. c. | | | | | | | | : north, states| , , | , | , | , | .... | , | | south, states| , , | , | , , | .... | , | , | | d. c. and ter.| | | | | | | | : north, etc. | , , | , | , | , | .... | , | | south, etc. | , , | , | , , | .... | , | , | | | | | | | | | | : north, etc. | , , | , | | , | .... | , | | south, etc. | , , | , | , , | .... | , | , | | | | | | | | | | : north, etc. | , , | , | | , | .... | , | | south, etc. | , , | , | , , | .... | , | , | | | | | | | | | +----------------------+----------+-------+---------+-------+-------+--------+ there was always in the south, prior to , an active and freely expressed emancipation sentiment. but there was not enough of it to influence legislation. in all but three or four of these states, emancipation was made difficult by laws which, among other conditions, required that slaves after being freed should leave the state. emancipation in the north had not been completed in . professor ingram, president of the royal irish academy, says in his "history of slavery," london, , p. : "the northern states--beginning with vermont in and ending with new jersey in --either abolished slavery or adopted measures to effect its gradual abolition within their boundaries. but the principal operation of (at least) the latter change was to transfer northern slaves to southern markets." there had been in an angry discussion in congress about the admission of missouri--with or without slavery--which was finally settled by the missouri compromise. this dispute over the admission of missouri is often said to have been the beginning of the sectional quarrel that finally ended in secession; but the controversy over missouri and that begun by the "new abolitionists" in were entirely distinct. they were conducted on different plans. in the missouri controversy the only questions were as to the expediency and constitutionality of denying to a new state the right to enter the union, with or without slavery, as she might choose. the entire dispute was settled to the satisfaction of both sections by an agreement that states thereafter, south of ° ', might enter the union with or without slavery; _and nobody denied, during all that discussion about missouri, or at any time previous to_ , _that every citizen was bound to maintain the constitution and all laws passed in pursuance of it, including the fugitive slave law_. "the north submitted at that time ( ) to the obligations imposed upon it by the fugitive slave-catching clause of the constitution and the fugitive slave law of ."[ ] so say the biographers of william lloyd garrison for the purpose of establishing, as they afterwards do, their claim that garrison conducted a successful revolt against that provision of the constitution. what strengthens the statement that the north in submitted without protest to the "fugitive slave-catching clause of the constitution," is that the compromise act of contained a provision extending the fugitive slave law over the territory made free by the act, while it should continue to be territory, and until there should be formed from it states, to which the existing law would automatically apply. every subsequent _nullification of the fugitive slave laws_ of the united states, whether by governors or state legislatures, was therefore a palpable _violation of a provision that was of the essence of the missouri compromise_. [ ] garrison's "garrison," vol. i, p. . the south was content with the missouri compromise, and from that date, , until the rise of the "new abolitionists," slavery was in all that region an open question. judge temple says in his "covenanter, cavalier, and puritan," p. : "in , of the emancipation societies in the united states, were in the south." the questions for southern emancipationists were: how could the slaves be freed, and in what time? how about compensation to owners? where could the freed slaves be sent, and how? and, if deportation should prove impossible, what system could be devised whereby the two races could dwell together peacefully? these were indeed serious problems, and required time and grave consideration. "who can doubt," says mr. curtis, to quote once more his "life of buchanan," "that all such questions could have been satisfactorily answered, if the christianity of the south had been left to its own time and mode of answering them, and without any external force but the force of kindly, respectful consideration and forebearing christian fellowship?"[ ] [ ] george ticknor curtis's "life of buchanan," vol. ii, p. . but this was not to be. chapter iii the new abolitionists on the first day of january, , there came out in boston a new paper, _the liberator_, william lloyd garrison, editor. that was the beginning, historians now generally agree, of "new abolitionism." the editor of the new paper was the founder of the new sect. benjamin lundy was a predecessor of garrison, on much the same lines as those pursued by the latter. lundy had previously formed many abolition societies. _the philanthropist_ of march, , estimated the number of anti-slavery societies as "upwards of , and most of them in the slave states, and of lundy's formation, among the quakers."[ ] but garrison became the leader and lundy the disciple. [ ] garrison's "garrison," vol. i. garrison was a man of pleasing personal appearance, abstemious in habits, and of remarkable energy and will power. he was a vigorous and forceful writer. denunciation was his chief weapon, and he had "a genius for infuriating his antagonists." the following is a fair specimen of his style. speaking of himself and his fellow-workers as the "soldiers of god," he said: "their feet are shod with the preparation of the _gospel of peace_.... hence, when smitten on one cheek they turn the other also, being defamed they entreat, being reviled they bless," etc. and on that same page,[ ] and in the same prospectus, showing how he "blesses" those who, as he understands, are outside of the "kingdom of god," he says: "all without are dogs and sorcerers, and ... and murderers, and idolaters, and whatsoever loveth a lie." [ ] _ib._, vol. ii, p. . mr. garrison had no perspective, no sense of relation or proportion. in his eye the most humane slave-holder was a wicked monster. he had a genius for organization, and a year after the first issue of _the liberator_ he and his little body of brother fanatics had grown into the new england anti-slavery society. the new sect called themselves for a time the "new abolitionists," because their doctrines were new. the principles upon which this organization was to be based were not all formulated at once. the key-note was sounded in garrison's "address to the public" in the first number of _the liberator_: i shall strenuously contend for the immediate enfranchisement of our slave population. i shall be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice on this subject. _i do not wish to think or speak or write with moderation._ in an earlier issue, after denouncing slavery as a "damning crime," the editor said: "therefore my efforts shall be directed to _the exposure of those who practise it_." the substance of garrison's teachings was that slavery, anywhere in the united states, was the concern of all, and that it was to be put down by making not only slavery but also the slave-holder odious. and, further, it was the slave, not the slave-owner, who was entitled to compensation. thus the distinctive features of the new crusade were to be warfare upon the personal character of every slave-holder and the confiscation of his property. it was, too, the beginning of that sectional war by people of the north against the existence of slavery in the south, which, as we have seen, was deprecated by dr. channing in his letter three years before to mr. webster. the new sect began by assailing slavery in states other than their own, and very soon they were openly denouncing the constitution of their country because under it slavery in those sections was none of their business; and of course they repudiated the missouri compromise absolutely, the essence of that compromise being that slavery was the business of the states in which it existed. it was a part of their scheme to send circulars depicting the evils of slavery broadcast through the south; and they were sent especially to the free negroes of that section. "in ," says dr. hart in his "slavery and abolition," "at charleston (south carolina), denmark vesey, a free negro, made an elaborate plot to rise, massacre the white population, seize the shipping in the harbor, and, if hard pressed, to sail away to the west indies. one of the negroes gave evidence, vesey was seized, duly tried, and with thirty-four others was hanged."[ ] [ ] hart's "slavery and abolition," p. . this plot, so nearly successful, was fresh in the minds of southerners when the abolitionists began their programme, and naturally, the south at once took the alarm--an alarm that was increased by the massacre, in the nat turner insurrection, of sixty-one men, women, and children, which took place in virginia seven months after the first issue of _the liberator_. one of turner's lieutenants is stated to have been a free negro. this insurrection the south attributed to _the liberator_. professor hart says a free negro named walker had previously sent out to the south, from boston, a pamphlet, "the tone of which was unmistakable," and that "this pamphlet is known to have reached virginia, and may possibly have influenced the nat turner insurrection."[ ] [ ] _ib._, pp. - . if this surmise be correct, knowledge that walker, a free negro, had been responsible for the turner insurrection, would have lessened neither the guilt of the abolitionists nor the fears of the southerners. but in abolition agitation and the fears of insurrection had not as yet entirely stifled the discussion of slavery in the south. a debate on slavery took place that year in the virginia assembly, the immediate cause of which was no doubt the turner insurrection. the members of that body had not been elected on any issue of that character. the discussion thus precipitated shows, therefore, the state of public opinion in virginia on slavery. of this debate a distinguished northern writer says:[ ] [ ] "life of james buchanan," george ticknor curtis, vol. ii, pp. - . "in the year there was, nowhere in the world, a more enlightened sense of the wrong and evil of slavery than there was among the public men and people of virginia." in the assembly of that year mr. randolph brought forward a bill _to accomplish gradual emancipation_. mr. curtis continues: "no member of the house defended slavery.... there could be nothing said anywhere, there had been nothing said out of virginia, stronger and truer in deprecating the evils of slavery, than was said in that discussion, by virginia gentlemen, debating in their own legislature, a matter that concerned themselves and their people." the bill was not pressed to a vote, but the house, by a vote of to , declared "that they were profoundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condition of the colored population of the commonwealth and were induced by policy, as well as humanity, to attempt the immediate removal of the free negroes; but that further action for the _removal of the slaves should await a more definite development of public opinion_." mr. randolph, who was from the large slave-holding county of albemarle, was re-elected to the next assembly. but when the early summer of had come the fear of insurrection had created such wide-spread terror throughout the whole south that every emancipation society in that region had long since closed its doors; and now the abolitionists were sending south their circulars in numbers. many were sent to charleston, south carolina,[ ] where fifteen years before[ ] the free negro, denmark vesey, had laid the plot to massacre the whites, that had been discovered just in time to prevent its consummation. [ ] referred to in "life of andrew jackson," w. g. sumner, p. . [ ] hart, _supra._ the president, andrew jackson, in his next message to congress, december, , called their "attention to the painful excitement produced in the south by attempts to circulate through the mails _inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints and in various sorts of publications calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and produce all the horrors of a servile war_." the good people of boston were now thoroughly aroused. they had from the first frowned on the abolition movement. garrison was complaining that in all the city his society could not "hire a hall or a meeting-house." the abolition idea had been for a time thought chimerical and therefore negligible. later, civic, business, social, and religious organizations had all of them in their several spheres been earnest and active in their opposition; now it seemed to be time for concerted action. in garrison's "garrison" (vol. i, p. ), we read that "the _social_, _political_, _religious and intellectual élite_ of boston filled faneuil hall on the afternoon of friday, august , , to frame an indictment against their fellow-citizens." this "indictment" the _boston transcript_ reported as follows: _resolved_, that the people of the united states by the constitution under which, by the divine blessing, they hold their most valuable political privileges, have solemnly agreed with each other to leave to their respective states the jurisdiction pertaining to the relation of master and slave within their boundaries, and that no man or body of men, except the people of the governments of those states, can of right do any act to dissolve or impair the obligations of that contract. _resolved_, that we hold in reprobation all attempts, in whatever guise they may appear, to coerce any of the united states to abolish slavery by _appeals to the terror of the master or the passions of the slave_. _resolved_, that we disapprove of all associations instituted in the non-slave-holding states with the intent to act, within the slave-holding states, on the subject of slavery in those states without their consent. for the purpose of securing freedom of individual thought they are needless--and they afford to those persons in the southern states, whose object is to effect a dissolution of the union (if any such there may be now or hereafter), a pretext for the furtherance of their schemes. _resolved_, that all measures adopted, _the natural and direct tendency of which is to excite the slaves of the south to revolt, or of spreading among them a spirit of insubordination_, are repugnant to the duties of the man and the citizen, and that where such measures become manifest by overt acts, which are recognizable by constitutional laws, we will aid by all means in our power in the support of those laws. _resolved_, that while we recommend to others the duty of sacrificing their opinions, passions and sympathies upon the altar of the laws, we are bound to show that a regard to the supremacy of those laws is the rule of our conduct--and consequently to deprecate all tumultuous assemblies, all riotous or violent proceedings, all outrages on person and property, and all illegal notions of the right or duty of executing summary and vindictive justice in any mode unsanctioned by law. the allusion in the last resolution is to a then recent lynching of negroes in mississippi charged with insurrection. in speaking to these resolutions, harrison gray otis, a great conservative leader, denounced the abolition agitators, accusing them of "wishing to 'scatter among our southern brethren _firebrands_, _arrows_, and _death_,' and of attempting to force abolition by appeals to the terror of the masters and the passions of the slaves," and decrying their "measures, the natural and direct tendency of which is to excite the slaves of the south to revolt," etc. another of the speakers, ex-senator peleg sprague, said (p. , garrison's "garrison") that "if their sentiments prevailed it would be all over with the union, which would give place to two hostile confederacies, with forts and standing armies." these resolutions and speeches, viewed in the light of what followed, read now like prophecy. it is a familiar rule of law that a contemporaneous exposition of a statute is to be given extraordinary weight by the courts, the reason being that the judge then sitting knows the surrounding circumstances. that boston meeting pronounced the deliberate judgment of the most intelligent men of boston on the situation, as they knew it to be that day; it was in their midst that _the liberator_ was being published; there the new sect had its head-quarters, and there it was doing its work. quite as strong as the evidence furnished by that great faneuil hall meeting is the testimony of the churches. the churches and religious bodies in america had heartily favored the general anti-slavery movement that was sweeping over all america between and , while it was proceeding in an orderly manner and with due regard to law. in the methodist general conference voted that no slave-holder could continue as a local elder. the presbyterian general assembly in unanimously resolved that "slavery was a gross violation of the most precious and moral rights of human nature," etc. these bodies represented both the north and the south, and this paragraph shows what was, and continued to be, the general attitude of american churches until after the abolitionists had begun their assault on both slavery in the south and the constitution of the united states, which protected it. then, in view of the awful social and political cataclysm that seemed to be threatened, there occurred a stupendous change. we learn from hart that garrison "soon found that neither minister _nor church anywhere in the lower south continued_ (as before) to protest against slavery; _that the cloth in the north was arrayed against him_; and that many northern divines vigorously opposed him." also that moses stuart, professor of hebrew in andover theological seminary; president lord, of dartmouth college, and hopkins, the episcopal bishop of vermont, now became defenders of slavery. "the positive opposition of churches soon followed." and then we have cited, condemnations of abolitionism by the methodist conference of , by the new york methodist conference of , by the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, by the american home missionary society, the american bible society, the protestant episcopal church, and the baptists. see for these statements, hart, pp. - . the import of all this is unmistakable; and this "about-face" of religious organizations on the question of the morality of slavery has no parallel in all the history of christian churches. its significance cannot be overstated. it took place north and south. it meant opposition to a movement that was outside the church _and with which religion could have no concern, except in so far as it was a vital assault upon the state, and the peace of the state_. to make their opposition effective the christians of that day did this remarkable thing. _they reversed their religious views on slavery, which the abolitionists were now assailing, and which they themselves had previously opposed._ they re-examined their bibles and found arguments that favored slavery. these arguments they used in an attempt to stem an agitation that, as they saw it, was arraying section against section and threatening the perpetuity of the union. united testimony from all these christian bodies is more conclusive contemporaneous evidence against the agitators and their methods than even the proceedings of all conservative boston at faneuil hall in august, . this new attitude of the church toward slavery meant perhaps also something further--it meant that slavery, as it actually existed, was not then as horrible to northerners, who could go across the line and see it, which many of them did, as it is now to those whose ideas of it come chiefly from "uncle tom's cabin." in view of this phenomenal movement of northern christians it is not strange that southern churches adhered, throughout the deadly struggle that was now on, to the position into which they had been driven--that slavery was sanctioned by the bible--nor is it matter of wonder that, as professor hart makes prominent on p. , "not a single southern man of large reputation and influence failed to stand by slavery." historians of to-day usually narrate without comment that nearly all the american churches and divines at first opposed the abolitionists. it illustrates the courage with which the abolitionists stood, as dr. hart delights to point out, "for a despised cause." they assuredly did stand by their guns. later, another change came about in the attitude of the churches. in the abolitionists were to achieve their first victory in the great religious world. the methodist church was then disrupted, "squarely on the question whether a bishop could own slaves, and all the southern members withdrew and organized the methodist episcopal church, south." professor hart, p. , says of this: "clearly, the impassioned agitation of the abolitionists had made it impossible for a great number of northern anti-slavery men _to remain on terms of friendship with their southern brethren_." that great faneuil hall meeting of august , , was followed some weeks later by a lamentable anti-garrison mob, which did not stand alone. in the years , , and a great wave of anti-abolition excitement swept over the north. in new york, philadelphia, cincinnati, alton (illinois), and many other places, there were anti-abolition riots, sometimes resulting in arson and bloodshed. the heart of the great, peace-loving, patriotic, and theretofore happy and contented north, was at that time stirred with the profoundest indignation against the abolitionists. northern opinion then was that the abolitionists, by their unpatriotic course and their nefarious methods, were driving the south to desperation and endangering the union. if the north at that time saw the situation as it really was, the historian of the present day should say so. if, on the other hand, the people of both the north and south were then laboring under delusions, as to the facts that were occurring among them, those of this generation, who are wiser than their ancestors, should give us the sources of their information. to know the lessons of history we must have the facts.[ ] [ ] the late professor william graham sumner, of yale, in his "life of andrew jackson," , treats of the excitement at charleston, south carolina, in , during jackson's administration, over abolition circulars, etc. dr. albert bushnell hart, professor of history at harvard, in his "abolition and slavery," , treats of the same subject. the following extracts from these books will show how these authors picture that exciting period, and our italics will emphasize the _sang-froid_ with which they touch off what so profoundly affected public sentiment, both north and south, _when the events were occurring_. professor sumner has this to say: "the abolition society adopted the policy of sending documents, papers, and pictures against slavery to the southern states. "_if the intention was_, as charged, to excite the slaves to revolt, _the device, as it seems to us now_, must have fallen short of its object, for the chance that anything could get into the hands of the black man must _have been poor indeed_. "these publications, however, caused _a panic_ and _a wild indignation_ in the south."--sumner's "jackson," p. . why should the southerners of that day go _wild_ over conduct for which the professor of this era has no word of condemnation? dr. hart follows professor sumner's treatment. these are his words: "the free negroes of the south, the abolitionists could not reach except by _mailing publications to them_, a process which _fearfully exasperated_ the south _without reaching the persons addressed_."--hart's "abolition and slavery," p. . why should southerners be "fearful" when they were intercepting all the dangerous circulars, etc., they could find? and why should they be exasperated at all? dr. hart's chair at harvard is within gunshot of faneuil hall, yet the great meeting there of august , , is not mentioned in either his or professor sumner's book, nor is there to be found in either of them _any explanation of the reasons underlying the general and emphatic condemnation throughout the north at that period of the abolitionists and their methods_. in , at framingham, massachusetts, the abolitionists celebrated the fourth of july thus: their leader, william lloyd garrison, held up and burned to ashes, before the applauding multitude, one after another, copies of st. the fugitive slave law. d. the decision of commissioner loring in the case of burns, a fugitive slave. d. the charge to the grand jury of judge benjamin r. curtis in reference to the effort of a mob to secure a fugitive slave. th. "then, holding up the united states constitution, he branded it as the source and parent of all other atrocities, 'a covenant with death and an agreement with hell,' and consumed it to ashes on the spot, exclaiming, 'so perish all compromises with tyranny! and let all the people say, amen!' a tremendous shout of 'amen!' went up to heaven in ratification of the deed, mingled with a few hisses and wrathful exclamations from some, who evidently were in a _rowdyish_ state of mind, but who were at once cowed by the popular feeling."[ ] [ ] garrison's "garrison," vol. iii, p. . the abolitionist movement was radical; it was revolutionary. when an accredited teacher of history, in one of the greatest of our universities, writes a volume on "abolition and slavery," why should he restrict himself in comment, as dr. hart thus does in his preface? the book is "intended to show that there was more than one side to the controversy, and that both the milder form of opposition called anti-slavery and _the extreme form called abolition_, were _confronted by practical difficulties_ which to many public men seemed insurmountable." why should not the historian, in addition to pointing out the "difficulties" encountered by these extremists, _show how and why the people of that day condemned their conduct_? condonation of the abolitionists, and a proper regard for the constitution of the united states, cannot be taught to the youth of america at one and the same time. the writer has been unable to find any of the incendiary pamphlets that had proved so inflammatory. he has, however, before him a little anonymous publication entitled "slavery illustrated in its effects upon woman," isaac knapp, boston, . it was for circulation in the north, being "affectionately inscribed to all the members of female anti-slavery societies," and it is only cited here as an illustration of the almost inconceivable venom with which the crusade was carried on to _embitter the north against the south_. it is a vicious attack upon the morality of southern men and women, and upon southern churches. none of its charges does it claim to authenticate, and it gives no names or dates. one incident, related as typical, is of two white women, all the time in full communion with their church, under pretence of a boarding-house, keeping a brothel, negro women being the inmates. in the chapter entitled "impurity of the christian churches" is this sentence: "at present the southern churches are only one vast consociation of hypocrites and sinners." the booklet was published anonymously, but at that time any prurient story about slavery in the south would circulate, no matter whether vouched for or not. chapter iv feeling in the south-- not stronger than the proceedings of a great non-partisan public meeting, or than the action of religious bodies, but going more into detail as to public opinion in the south and the effect upon it of abolition agitation, is the evidence of a quiet observer, professor e. a. andrews, who, in july, , had been sent out as the agent of "the boston union for the relief and improvement of the colored race." his reports from both northern and southern states, consisting of letters from various points, constitute a book, "slavery and the domestic slave trade," boston, . july , , from baltimore, professor andrews reports that a resident clergyman, who appears to have his entire confidence, says, among other things, "that a disposition to emancipate their slaves is very prevalent among the slave-holders of this state, could they see any way to do so consistently with the true interest of the slave, but that it is their universal belief that no means of doing this is now presented except that of colonizing them in africa." from the same city, july , , he writes, p. : "in this city there appears to be no strong attachment to slavery and no wish to perpetuate it." again, on p. : "there is but one sentiment amongst those with whom i have conversed in this city, respecting the possibility of the white and colored races living peaceably together in freedom, nor during my residence at the south and my subsequent intercourse with the southern people, _did i ever meet with one who believed it possible for the two races to continue together after emancipation_.... when the slaves of the south are liberated they form an integral part of the population of the country, and must influence its destiny for ages--perhaps forever." from fredericksburg, virginia, professor andrews writes: since i entered the slave-holding country i have seen but one man who did not deprecate wholly and absolutely the direct interference of northern abolitionists with the institutions of the south. "i was an abolitionist," has been the language of numbers of those with whom i have conversed; "i was an abolitionist, _and was laboring earnestly to bring about a prospective system of emancipation. i even saw, as i believed, the certain and complete success of the friends of the colored race at no distant period, when these northern abolitionists interfered, and by their extravagant and impracticable schemes frustrated all our hopes.... our people have become exasperated, the friends of the slaves alarmed_, etc....[ ] equally united are they in the opinion that the servitude of the slaves is far more rigorous now than it would have been had there been no interference with them. _in proportion to the danger of revolt and insurrection, have been_ the severity of the enactments for controlling them and the diligence with which the laws have been executed." [ ] "slavery and the domestic slave trade," andrews, pp. - . from a private letter, written at greenville, alabama, august , , by a distinguished lawyer, john w. womack, to his brother, we quote: the anti-slavery societies in the northern and middle states are doing all they can to destroy our domestic harmony by sending among us pamphlets, tracts, and newspapers--for the purpose of exciting dissatisfaction and insurrection among our slaves.... meetings have been held in mobile, in montgomery, in greensboro, and in tuscaloosa, and in different parts of all the southern states. at these meetings resolutions have been adopted, disclaiming (_sic_) and denying the right of the northern people to interfere in any manner in our internal domestic concerns.... it is my solemn opinion that this question (to wit, slavery) will ultimately bring about a dissolution of the union of the states. it should be remembered that in the massacre in santo domingo of all the whites by the blacks was fresh in mind. it had occurred in --after manumission--and had produced, especially in the minds of statesmen and of all observers of the many signs of antagonism between the two races, a profound and lasting impression. the fear that the races, both free, could not live together was in the mind of thomas jefferson, of henry clay, and of every other southern emancipationist. and deportation, its expense, and the want of a home to which to send the negro--here was a stumbling-block in the way of southern emancipation. indeed, the incompatibility of the races was an appalling thought in the minds of southerners for the whole thirty years of anti-slavery agitation. it was even with abraham lincoln, and weighed upon his mind when, at last, in , military necessity placed upon his shoulders the responsibility of emancipating the southern slaves. serious as was the responsibility, the question was not new to him. when mr. lincoln said, in his celebrated springfield speech in , "i believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free," and added that he did not expect the government to fail, he certainly expected that emancipation in the south was coming; and, of course, he thought over what the consequences might be. in that same debate with douglas, in his speech at charleston, illinois, mr. lincoln said: "there is a physical difference between the white and black races, which, i believe, will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality." in his memorial address on henry clay, in , he had said: "if, as the friends of colonization hope, the present and coming generations of our countrymen shall by some means succeed in freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery, and at the same time in restoring a captive people to their long lost father-land, ... it will, indeed, be a glorious consummation. and if to such a contribution the efforts of mr. clay shall have contributed ... none of his labors will have been more valuable to his country and his kind." in his famous emancipation proclamation he promised "that the effort to colonize persons of african descent upon this continent or elsewhere, with the consent of the government existing there, will be continued." it must have been with a heavy heart that the great president announced the failure of all his efforts to find a home outside of america for the freedmen, _when he informed congress in his december message, , that all in vain he had asked permission to send the negroes, when freed, to the british, the danish, and the french west indies; and that the spanish-american countries in central america had also refused his request_. he could find no places except hayti and liberia. he even made the futile experiment of sending a ship-load to a little island off hayti.[ ] hume, in "the abolitionists," tells us that mr. lincoln for a time _considered setting texas apart as a home for the negroes_--so much was he disturbed by this trouble. [ ] within perhaps a year mr. lincoln was compelled to bring these negroes home; they were starving. chapter v anti-abolition at the north southerners, save perhaps a few who were wise enough to foresee what the consequences might be, were deeply gratified when they read ( - ) of the violent opposition in the north to the desperate schemes of the abolitionists. surely these mobs fairly represented public opinion, and that public opinion certainly was a strong guaranty to the south of future peace and security. but the abolitionists themselves were not dismayed. they may have misread, indeed it is certain they did misunderstand, the signs of the times. garrison in his _liberator_ took the ground--as do his children in their life of him, written fifty years later--that the great faneuil hall meeting of august , , which they themselves declare represented "the intelligence, the wealth, the culture, and the religion of boston," was but an indication of the "pro-slavery" sentiment then existing. in reality it was just what it purported to be--an authoritative condemnation, not of the anti-slavery opinions, but of the avowed purposes and methods of the new sect. the mobbing of garrison and the sacking of his printing office in boston on september th, however, and the lawless violence to abolitionists that followed the denunciations of that despised sect by speakers, and by the public press, in new york, in philadelphia, in cincinnati, and elsewhere in the north, proved disastrous in the extreme. while that great wave of anti-abolition feeling was sweeping over that whole region from east to west, there were many good people who deluded themselves with the idea that this new sect with its visionary and impracticable ideas was being consigned to oblivion, but in what followed we have a lesson that unfortunately some of our people have not yet fully learned. mob law in any portion of our free country, where there is law with officers to enforce it, is a mistake, a mistake that is likely to be followed sooner or later by most disastrous results. the mobs that marked the beginning of our revolution in were legitimate; they meant revolt, revolt against constituted authorities. but where a mob does not mean the overthrow of government, where it only means to substitute its own blind will for the arm of the law, not good but evil--it may be long deferred, but evil eventually--is sure to follow. when mobs assailed abolitionists because they threatened the peace and tranquillity of the country, evil followed swiftly. violent and harsh treatment of these mischievous agitators almost everywhere in the north, and the heroism with which they endured ignominy and insult, brought about a revulsion of public sentiment. to understand the philosophy of this, read two extracts from the writings of that great, and universally admired, pulpit orator, dr. william e. channing of boston, the first written sometime prior to that august meeting: the adoption of the common system of agitation by the abolitionists has not been justified by success. from the beginning it has created alarm in the considerate, and strengthened the sympathies of the free states with the slave-holder. it has made converts of a few individuals, but alienated multitudes. _its influence at the south has been almost wholly evil. it has stirred up bitter passions, and a fierce fanaticism, which have shut every ear and every heart against its arguments and persuasions._ these efforts are more to be deplored, because the hope of freedom to the slave lies chiefly in the dispositions of his master. the abolitionist proposed indeed to convert the slave-holder; and for this end he _approached them with vituperation, and exhausted upon them the vocabulary of reproach_. and he has reaped as he sowed.... perhaps (though i am anxious to repel the thought) something has been lost to the cause of freedom and humanity.[ ] [ ] "channing's works," vol. ii, ed. , pp. - . these were dr. channing's opinions of the abolitionists prior to august, , and he seems to have kept silent for a time after the mobbing that followed that great faneuil hall meeting; but a year later, when many other things had happened along the same line, he spoke out in an open letter to james g. birney, an abolitionist editor who had been driven from cincinnati, and whose press, on which _the philanthropist_ was printed, had been broken up. in that letter, p. , _supra_, speaking of course not for himself alone, dr. channing says: i think it best ... to extend my remarks to the spirit of violence and persecution which has broken out against the abolitionists throughout the whole country. of their merits and demerits as abolitionists i have formerly spoken.... i have expressed my fervent attachment to the great end to which they are pledged and at the same time _my disapprobation, to a certain extent, of their spirit and measures_.... deliberate, systematic efforts have been made, _not here and there, but far and wide_, to wrest from its adherents that _liberty of speech and the press_, which our fathers asserted in blood, and which our national and state governments are pledged to protect as our most sacred right. its most conspicuous advocates have been hunted and stoned, its meetings scattered, its presses broken up, and nothing but the patience, constancy and intrepidity of its members has saved it from extinction.... they are _sufferers for the liberty of thought, speech and press; and in maintaining this liberty, amidst insult and violence, they deserve a place among its honorable defenders_. still admitting that "their writings have been blemished by a spirit of intolerance, sweeping censure, and rash, injurious judgment," this great man now threw all the weight of his influence on the side of the abolitionists, because they were _the champions of free speech_. their moral worth and steady adherence to their ideas of non-resistance he pointed to admiringly, and it must always be remembered to their credit that the private lives of garrison and his leading co-workers were irreproachable. indeed, the unselfish devotion of these agitators and their high moral character were in themselves a serious misfortune. they soon attracted a lot of zealots, male and female, who became as reckless as they were. and these out-and-out fanatics were not themselves office-seekers. what they feared, they said, was that a "lot of soulless scamps would jump on to their shoulders to ride into office";[ ] and there really was the great danger, as appeared later. [ ] garrison's "garrison," vol. iii, p. . in the results that followed the mobbing of abolitionists in the north, from to , is to be found another lesson for those voters of this day who can profit by the teachings of history. the violent assaults on the abolitionists by the friends of the constitution and the union constituted an epoch in the lives of these people. it gave them a footing and a hearing and many converts. we have already noted some wonderful and instructive changes in the tide of events set in motion by the radical teachings of the new abolitionists. the churches, as has been shown, to save the country, north and south, changed their attitude on slavery itself. dr. channing, who had opposed the methods of the abolitionists, became, as many others did with him, when mobs had assailed these people, their defender and eulogist, because they were martyrs for the sake of free speech; and now we are to see in john quincy adams another change, equally notable, a change that was to make mr. adams thenceforward the most momentous figure, at least during its earlier stages, in the tragic drama that is the subject of our story. elected to the house of representatives after the expiration of his term as president, mr. adams was not in sympathy with the methods of the abolitionists. indeed, prior to december , , he had shown as little interest in slavery as he did when on that day in presenting to the house fifteen petitions against slavery he "deprecated a discussion which would lead to ill-will, to heart-burning, to mutual hatred ... without accomplishing anything else."[ ] [ ] hart's "slavery and abolition," p. . the petitions presented by mr. adams were referred to a committee. the southerners had not then become so exasperated as to insist on congress refusing to receive abolition petitions. but multiplying these petitions was a ready means of provoking the slave-holders, and soon petitions poured in from many quarters, couched, most of them, in language, not disrespectful to congress but provoking to slave-holders. unfortunately, the lower house of congress on may , , which was while mobs in the north were still trying to put down the abolitionists, passed a resolution that all such petitions, etc., should thereafter be laid upon the table, _without further action_. adams voted against it as "a direct violation of the constitution of the united states." the constitution forbids any law "abridging the freedom of speech ... or the right ... to petition the government for a redress of grievances." the resolution to lay all anti-slavery petitions on the table without further action was passed, "with the hope that it might put a stop to the agitation that seemed to endanger the existence of the union." but it had the opposite effect. it soon became known as the "gag resolution," and was, for years, the centre of the most aggravating discussions that had, up to that time, ever occurred in congress. mr. adams in these debates became, without, it seems, ever having been in full sympathy with the agitators, thenceforward their champion in congress, and so continued until the day of his death in . the abolitionists were happy. they were succeeding in their programme--making the southern slave-holder odious by exasperating him into offending northern sentiment. chapter vi a crisis and a compromise in there were abolition societies, with a membership of over , . agitation had created all over the north a spirit of hostility to slavery as it existed in the south, and especially to the admission of new slave states into the union. in the struggle over the application of texas for admission into the union had already, for three years, been mooted. objections to the admission of the new state were many, such as: american adventurers had wrongfully wrested control of the new state from mexico; boundary lines were unsettled; war with mexico would follow, etc.; but chiefly, texas was a slave state, which was, in the south, a strong reason for annexation. there were, however, many sound and unanswerable arguments for the admission of the new state, just such as had influenced jefferson in purchasing the louisiana territory: texas was contiguous, her territory and resources immense. on the issue thus joined the first great gun had been fired by dr. channing, who, though still more moderate than some, might now be classed as an abolitionist. august , , he wrote a long open letter to henry clay against annexation, and in that letter he said: to me it seems not only the right but the duty of the free states, in case of the annexation of texas, to say to the slave-holding states, "we regard this act as the dissolution of the union; the essential conditions of the national compact are violated."[ ] [ ] "channing's works," vol. ii, ed. , p. . this was very like the pronunciamento already made by garrison--"no union with slavery." the underlying reasons that controlled southern statesmen in this contest over texas, and the motives that animated them in the fierce battles they fought later for new slave states, are thus stated by mr. george ticknor curtis, of new england.[ ] [ ] "life of buchanan," vol. ii, p. . it should in justice be remembered that the effort _at that period to enlarge the area of slavery was an effort on the part of the south, dictated by a desire to remain in the union, and not to accept the issue of an inherent incompatibility of a political union between slave-holding and non-slave-holding states_. in the first effort for the annexation of texas, by treaty, was defeated in the senate. if the southerners had been as ready to accept the doctrine of an inherent incompatibility between slave and free states as were dr. channing and those other abolitionists who were now declaring for "no union with slave-holders," they would at once have seceded and joined texas; but the south still loved the union, and strove, down to , persistently, and often passionately, for power that would enable it to remain safely in its folds. texas was finally admitted in , after annexation had been passed on by the people in the presidential election of . in that election clay was defeated by the abolitionists. because clay was not unreservedly against annexation the abolitionists drew from the whigs in new york state enough votes, casting them for birney, to defeat clay and elect polk; and now abolitionism was a factor in national politics. the two great national parties were the democrats and the whigs, the voters somewhat equally divided between them. for years both parties had regarded the abolitionists precisely as did the non-partisan meeting at faneuil hall, in august, --as a band of agitators, organized for the purpose of interfering with slavery where it was none of their business; and both parties had meted out to this new and, as they deemed it, pestilent sect, unstinted condemnation. but at last the voters of this despised cult had turned a presidential election and were making inroads in both parties. half a dozen northern states, in which in "no protest had been made against the fugitive slave law of ," had already passed "personal liberty laws" intended to obstruct and nullify that law. and now it was "slave-catchers" and not abolitionists who were being mobbed in the north. boston had reversed its attitude toward the abolitionists. on may , , the new england anti-slavery society was holding its annual convention in that very faneuil hall where, in , abolitionism had been so roundly condemned; and now wendell phillips, pointing to one of two fugitive slaves, who then sat triumphantly on the platform, said, "amid great applause, ... 'we say that they may make their little laws in washington, but that _faneuil hall repeals them_, in the name of the humanity of massachusetts.'"[ ] [ ] garrison's "garrison," vol. iii, p. . poets headed by whittier and longfellow, authors like emerson and lowell, and orators like theodore parker and wendell phillips, had joined the agitators, and all united in assaulting the fugitive slave law. the following, from james russell lowell's "biglow papers," no. , june, , is a specimen of the literature that was stirring up hostility against slavery and the "slave-catcher" in the breasts of many thousands, who were joining in an anti-slavery crusade while disdaining companionship with the abolitionists: "ain't it cute to see a yankee take such everlastin' pains all to get the devil's thankee helpin' on 'em weld their chains?" w'y it's jest es clear es figgers, clear es one and one makes two, chaps that makes black slaves of niggers want to make w'ite slaves o' you. in the meantime the people of the south, much excited, were resorting to repression, passing laws to prevent slaves from being taught to read, and laws, in some states, inhibiting assemblages of slaves above given numbers, unless some white person were present--all as safeguards against insurrection. thus, in , an indictment was found in tuscaloosa county, alabama, against one williams, who had never been in alabama, for circulating there an alleged incendiary document, and governor gayle made requisition on governor marcy, of new york, for the extradition of williams. governor marcy denied the request. the case was the same as that more recently decided by the supreme court of the united states, when it held that editors of new york and indiana papers could not be brought to the district of columbia for trial. the south, all the while clamoring to have the agitators put down, had by still other means than these contributed to the ever-increasing excitement in the north. southerners had mobbed abolitionists, and whipped and driven out of the country persons found in possession of _the liberator_ or suspected of circulating other incendiary literature. and violence in the south against the abolitionists had precisely the same effect on the northern mind as the violence against them in the north had from to , but there was this difference: the refugee from the distant south, whether he were an escaped slave or a fleeing abolitionist, could color and exaggerate the wrongs he had suffered and so parade himself as a martyr. while this was true, it was also quite often true that the outrage committed in the south against the suspect was real enough--a mob had whipped and expelled him without any trial. _and this is another of the lessons as to the evil effects of mob law that crop out all through the history of the anti-slavery crusade. no good can come from violating the law._ in another presidential election turned on the anti-slavery vote, this time again in new york state. anti-slavery democrats bolted the democratic ticket, thus electing general taylor, the whig candidate. in the canvass preceding this election originated, we are told, the catch-phrase applied to cass, the democratic candidate--"a northern man with southern principles." the phrase soon became quite common, south and north--"a southern man with northern principles," and _vice versa_. the invention and use of it in shows the progress that had been made in arraying one section of the union against the other. later, a telling piece of doggerel in southern canvasses, and it must also have been used north, was he wired in and wired out, leaving the people all in doubt, whether the snake that made the track was going north, or coming back. over the admission of california in there was another battle. california, miles long, with about , people (less than the usual number), and with a constitution improvised under military government, applied for admission as a state. southerners insisted on extending the line of the missouri compromise to the pacific, thereby making of the new territory two states. the south had been much embittered by the opposition to the admission of texas. texas was, nearly all of it, below the missouri compromise line, and the south thought it was equitably entitled to come in under that agreement. its case, too, differed from that of missouri, which already belonged to the united states when it applied for admission as a state. texas, with all its vast wealth, was asking to come in without price. another continuing and increasing cause of distraction had been the use made by abolitionists of the right of petition. as already shown, petitions to congress against slavery had been received without question till , when northern conservatives and southern members, hoping to abate this source of agitation, had combined to pass a resolution to lay them on the table, which meant that they were to be no further noticed. the abolitionists were so delighted over the indefensible position into which they had driven the conservatives--the "gag law"--that they continued, up to the crisis of , with unflagging zeal to hurry in monster petitions, one after another. the debates provoked by the presentation of these petitions, and the more and more heated discussions in congress of _slavery in the states_, which was properly _a local and not a national question_, now attracted still wider public attention. the abolitionists had almost succeeded in arraying the entire sections against each other, in making of the south and north two hostile nations. professor john w. burgess, dean of the faculty of political science in columbia university, says: "it would not be extravagant to say that the whole course of the internal history of the united states from to was more largely determined by the struggle in congress, over the _abolition petitions_ and the use of the mails for the abolition literature, than anything else."[ ] [ ] "the middle period," john w. burgess, p. . the south had its full share in the hot debates that took place over these matters in congress. its congressmen were quite as aggressive as those from the north, and they were accused of being imperious in manner, when demanding that a stop should be put to abolition petitions, and abolition literature going south in the mails. there was another cause of complaint from the south, and this was grave. by the "two underground railroads" that had been established, slaves, estimated at , annually, abducted or voluntarily escaping, were secretly escorted into or through the free states to canada. to show how all this was then regarded by those who sympathized with the abolitionists, and how it is still looked upon by some modern historians, the following is given from hart's "abolition and slavery": "the underground railroad was manned chiefly by orderly citizens, members of churches, and philanthropical citizens. _to law-abiding folk_ what could be more delightful than the sensation of aiding an oppressed slave, _exasperating_ a cruel master, and at the same time incurring the penalties of _defying an unrighteous law_?" southerners at that time thought that conductors on that line were practising, and readers of the above paragraph will probably think that dr. hart in his attractive rhetoric is now extolling in his history, "higher law doctrines." it is undoubtedly true that, in , a large majority of the northern people strongly disapproved of the abolitionists and their methods. modern historians carefully point out the difference between the great body of northern anti-slavery people and the abolitionists. nevertheless, here were majorities in eleven northern states voting for, and sustaining, the legislators who passed and kept upon the statute books laws which were intended to enable southern slaves to escape from their masters. the enactment and the support of these laws was an attack upon the constitutional rights of slave-holders; and southern people looked upon all the voters who sustained these laws, and all the anti-slavery lecturers, speakers, pulpit orators, and writers of the north, as engaged with the abolitionists in one common crusade against slavery. from the southern stand-point a difference between them could only be made by a hudibras: he was in logic a great critic profoundly skilled in analytic, he could distinguish and divide a hair 'twixt south and south west side. as to how much of the formidable anti-slavery sentiment of that day had been created by the abolitionists, we have this opinion of a distinguished english traveller and observer. mr. l. w. a. johnston was in washington, in , studying america. he says: "extreme men like garrison seldom have justice done to them. it is true they may be impracticable, both as to their measures and their men, but that unmixed evil is the result of their exertions, all history of opinion in every country, i think, contradicts. such ultra men are as necessary as the more moderate and reasonable advocates of any growing opinion; and, as _an impartial person_, who never happened to fall in with one of the party in the course of my tour, i must express my belief that the present wide diffusion of anti-slavery sentiment in the united states is, in no small degree, owing to their exertions."[ ] [ ] "notes on north america," london, , vol. ii, p. . and professor smith, of williams college, speaking of the anti-slavery feeling in the north in , says: "this sentiment of the free states regarding slavery was to a large degree the result of an agitation for its abolition which had been active for a score of years ( - ) without any positive results."[ ] [ ] "parties and slavery," smith, pp. , . but no matter what had produced it, the anti-slavery sentiment that pervaded the north in boded ill to slavery and to the constitution, and the south was bitterly complaining. congress met in december, , and was to sit until october, . lovers of the union, north and south, watched its proceedings with the deepest anxiety. the south was much excited. the continual torrent of abuse to which it was subjected, the refusal to allow slavery in states to be created from territory in the south-west that was below the parallel of the missouri compromise, and the complete nullification of the fugitive slave law, seemed to many to be no longer tolerable, and from sundry sources in that section came threats of secession. in - the south was demanding a division of california, an efficient fugitive slave law, and that the territories of new mexico and arizona should be organized with no restrictions as to slavery. other minor demands were unimportant. henry clay, daniel webster, stephen a. douglas, lewis cass, and other conservative leaders came forward and, after long and heated debates in congress, the compromise of was agreed on. to satisfy the north, california, as a whole, came in as a free state, and the slave trade was abolished in the district of columbia. to satisfy the south, a new and stringent fugitive slave law was agreed on, and the territories of new mexico and arizona were organized with no restrictions as to slavery. in bringing about this compromise, daniel webster was, next to clay, the most conspicuous figure. he was the favorite son of new england and the greatest statesman in all the north. on the th of march, , mr. webster made one of the greatest speeches of his life on the compromise measures. rising above the sectional prejudices of the hour, he spoke for the constitution and the union. the manner in which he and his reputation were treated by popular historians in the north, for half a century afterward, on account of this speech, is the most pathetic and, at the same time, the most instructive story in the whole history of the anti-slavery crusade. mr. webster was under the ban of northern public opinion for all this half a century, not because of inconsistency between that speech and his former avowals, an averment often made and never proven, but because he was consistent. he stood squarely upon his record, and the venom of the assaults that were afterward made upon him was just in proportion to the love and veneration which had been his before he offended. his offence was that he would not move with the anti-slavery movement.[ ] he did not stand with his section in a sectional dispute. [ ] mcmaster says: "the great statesman was behind the times."--"webster," p. . henry clay, old and feeble, had come back into the senate to render his last service to his country. he was the author of the compromise. daniel webster was everywhere known as the champion of the union. henry clay was known as the "old man eloquent," and he now spoke with all his old-time fire; but webster's great speech probably had more influence on the result. before taking up mr. webster's speech his previous attitude toward slavery must be noted. the purpose of the friends of the union was, of course, to effect a compromise that would, if possible, put an end to sectional strife. compromise means concession, and a compromise of political differences, made by statesmen, may involve some concession of view previously held by those who advocate as well as by those who accept it. webster thought his section of the union should now make concessions. fanaticism, however, concedes nothing; it never compromises, although statesmanship does. one of the most notable utterances of edmund burke was: "_all government, indeed every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter._" great statesmen, on great occasions, speak not only to their countrymen and for the time being, but they speak to all mankind and for all time. so spoke burke in that famous sentence when advocating, in the british parliament in , "conciliation with america"; and so did daniel webster speak, in the senate of the united states, on the th of march, , for "the constitution and the union." if george iii and lord north had heeded burke, and if the british government and people, from that day forth, had followed the wise counsels given in that speech by their greatest statesman, all the english-speaking peoples of the world, now numbering over , , , might have been to-day under one government, that government commanding the peace of the world. and if all the people of the united states in and from that time on, had heeded the words of daniel webster, we should have been spared the bloodiest war in the book of time; every state of the union would have been left free to solve its own domestic problems, and it is not too much to say that these problems would have been solved in full accord with the advancing civilization of the age. the sole charge of inconsistency against webster that has in it a shadow of truth relates to the proposition he made in his speech as to the "wilmot proviso." that celebrated proviso was named for david wilmot, of pennsylvania, its author. it provided against slavery in all the territory acquired from mexico. the south had opposed the wilmot proviso because the territory in question, much of it, was south of the missouri compromise line extended. mr. webster had often voted for the wilmot proviso, as all knew. in his speech for the compromise, by which the south was urged to and did give up its contentions as to the admission of california, and its contentions as to the slave trade in the district of columbia, webster argued that _the north might forego_ the proviso as to new mexico and arizona for the reason that the proviso was, as to these territories, _immaterial_. those territories, he argued, would never come in as slave states, because the god of nature had so determined. climate and soil would forbid. time vindicated this argument. in charles francis adams said, in congress, that new mexico, open to slave-holders and their slaves for more than ten years, then had only twelve slaves domiciled on the surface of over , square miles of her extent.[ ] [ ] "vindication of webster," william c. wilkinson, p. . daniel webster's services to the cause of the union, the preservation of which had been the passion of his life, had been absolutely unparalleled. it is perhaps true that without him abraham lincoln and the armies of the union in - would have been impossible. the sole and, as he then stated and as time proved, immaterial concession this champion of the union now ( ) made for the sake of preserving the union was his proposition as to new mexico and arizona. henry clay spoke before webster. these words were the key-note of clay's great speech: "in my opinion the body politic cannot be preserved unless this agitation, this distraction, this exasperation, which is going on between the two sections of the country, shall cease." the country waited with anxiety to hear from webster. hundreds of suggestions and appeals went to him. both sides were hopeful.[ ] anti-slavery people knew his aversion to slavery. he had never countenanced anti-slavery agitation, but he had voted for the wilmot proviso. they knew, too, that he had long been ambitious to be president, and, carried away by their enthusiasm, they hoped that webster would swim along with the tide that was sweeping over the majority section of the union. in view of mr. webster's past record, however, it would be difficult to believe that abolitionists were really disappointed in him had we not many such proofs as the following stanza from whittier's ode, published after the speech: oh! dumb be passing, stormy rage when he who might have lighted up and led his age falls back in night! [ ] mcmaster's "webster." the conservatives also were hopeful. they knew that, though webster had always been, as an individual, opposed to slavery, he had at all times stood by the constitution, as well as the union. at no time had he ever qualified or retracted these words in his speech at niblo's garden in : "slavery, as it exists in the states, is beyond the reach of congress. it is a concern of the states themselves. they have never submitted it to congress, and congress has no rightful power over it. i shall concur therefore in _no act_, _no measure_, _no menace_, no indication of purpose which _shall interfere or threaten to interfere with the exclusive authority_ of the several states over the subject of slavery, as it exists within their respective limits. all this appears to me to be matter of plain imperative duty." nullifying the fugitive slave law was a plain "interference" with the rights of the slave states. mr. webster's intent, when he spoke on the compromise measures, is best explained by his own words, on june , while these measures were still pending: "sir, my object is peace. my object is reconciliation. my purpose is not to make up a case _for the north_ or a case _for the south_. my object is not to continue useless and irritating controversies. i am against agitators, north and south, and all narrow local contests. i am an american, and i know no locality but america." in his speech made on the th of march he dwelt at length on existing conditions, on the attitude of the north toward the fugitive slave law, and argued fully the questions involved in the "personal liberty" laws passed by northern states. referring to the complaints of the south about these, he said: "in that respect _the south, in my judgment, is right and the north is wrong_. every member of every northern legislature is bound by oath, like every other officer in the country, to support the constitution of the united states; and the article of the constitution which says to these states that they shall deliver up fugitives from service _is as binding in honor and conscience as any other article_. _no man fulfils his duty in any legislature who sets himself to find excuses, evasions, escapes, from this constitutional obligation._" and further on he said: "then, sir, there are the abolition societies, of which i am unwilling to speak, but in regard to which i have very clear notions and opinions. i do not think them useful. _i think their operations for the last twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable.... i cannot but see what mischief their interference with the south has produced._" in these statements is the substance of webster's offending. webster's speech was followed, on the th of march, by the speech of senator seward, of new york, in the same debate. quoting the fugitive slave provision of the federal constitution, mr. seward said: "this is from the constitution of the united states in , and the parties were the republican states of the union. the law of nations _disavows such compacts; the law of nature, written on the hearts and consciences of freemen, repudiates them_."[ ] the people of the north, instead of following webster, chose to follow seward, the apostle of a _law higher than the constitution_; and when, ten years later, it appeared to them that the whole north had given in its adhesion to the "higher law" doctrine, the people of eleven southern states seceded, and put over themselves in very substance the constitution that seward had flouted and webster had pleaded for in vain. [ ] _congressional globe_, st congress, st session, appendix, p. . anti-slavery enthusiasts in the north generally, and abolitionists especially, in their comments on webster's speech scouted the idea that the preservation of the union depended upon the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law or the cessation of anti-slavery agitation. "what," said theodore parker, "cast off the north! they set up for themselves! tush! tush! fear boys with bugs!... i think mr. webster knew there was no danger of a dissolution of the union."[ ] [ ] "vindication of webster," william c. wilkinson, p. . the immediate effect of the speech was wonderful; congratulations poured in upon mr. webster from conservative classes in every quarter, and he must have felt gratified to know that he had contributed greatly to the enactment of measures that, for a time, had some effect in allaying sectional strife. but the revilings of the abolitionists prevailed, and it turned out that daniel webster, great as he was, had undertaken a task that was too much even for him. his enemies struck out boldly at once: and years afterward, when the anti-slavery movement that webster's appeals could not arrest had culminated in secession, and when the union had been saved by arms, the triumphant hosts of the anti-slavery crusade all but succeeded in writing daniel webster down permanently in the history of his country as an apostate from principle for the sake of an office he did not get. here is their verdict, which mr. lodge, a biographer of webster, passes on into history: "the _popular verdict_ has been given against the th of march speech, _and that verdict has passed into history_. nothing can be said or done which will alter the fact that the people of this country, _who maintained and saved the union, have passed judgment on mr. webster_, and condemned what he said on the th of march as _wrong in principle and mistaken in policy_." here are specimens of the assaults that were made on webster after his speech. they are selected from among many given by one of his biographers.[ ] [ ] mcmaster's "webster," p. _et seq._ "'webster,' said horace mann, 'is a fallen star! lucifer descended from heaven.'... 'webster,' said sumner, 'has placed himself in the dark list of apostates.' when whittier named him ichabod, and mourned for him in verse as one dead, he did but express the feeling of half new england: 'let not the land once proud of him mourn for him now, nor brand with deeper shame his dim dishonored brow. * * * * * then pay the reverence of old days to his dead fame! walk backward with averted gaze and hide his shame.'" after much more to the same effect, professor mcmaster proceeds: "the attack by the press, the _expressions of horror_ that rose from new england, webster felt keenly, but the absolute isolation in which he was left by his new england colleagues cut him to the quick."[ ] [ ] professor mcmaster in the chapter preceding that containing these extracts, has collected much evidence to show that webster aspired to be president, and the biographer entitles the chapter, "longing for the presidency," apparently the author's clod on the grave of a buried reputation. on mr. webster's speech, its purpose and effect, we have this opinion from mr. lodge: "the speech, if exactly defined, is in reality a powerful effort, not for a compromise, or for the fugitive slave law, or for any other one thing, _but to arrest the whole anti-slavery movement_, and in that way _put an end to the danger which threatened the union and restore harmony to the jarring sections_." and then he adds: "_it was a mad project. mr. webster might as well have attempted to stay the incoming tide at marshfield with a rampart of sand, as to check the anti-slavery movement with a speech._" to undertake at this time to arrest the whole anti-slavery movement by holding up the constitution was indeed useless. seward, who had spoken for the "higher law," was riding on the tide of anti-slavery sentiment that was submerging "the sage of marshfield," who had stood for the constitution. seward's reputation, in the years following, went steadily up, while webster's was going down. webster died, in dejection, in . seward, at rochester, in , later on in the same crusade, made another famous declaration--there was an "irrepressible conflict between slavery and freedom." the conflict was "irrepressible," as seward well knew; and this was simply and solely because the anti-slavery crusade could not be suppressed. clay and webster, now both dead and gone, had tried it in vain. every one knew that if, in , or at any other time, the anti-slavery hosts had halted, and asked for, or consented to, peace, they could have had it at once. mr. lodge, in the following paragraph, seems to have almost made up his mind to defend webster. he says: "what most shocked the north were his utterances in regard to the fugitive slave law. there can be no doubt that, _under the constitution_, the south had a _perfect right_ to claim the extradition of fugitive slaves. the legal _argument to support that right was excellent_." this would seem to justify the speech in that regard. "but," mr. lodge adds, "the northern people could not feel that it was _necessary_ for _daniel webster_ to make it." they wanted him to be sectional or to hold his tongue. then mr. lodge goes on to say: "the fugitive slave law was in _absolute conflict with the awakened conscience and moral sentiment of the north_." the conscience of _the north_ at that time, mr. lodge means, was a _higher law_ than the _constitution_; and webster's "excellent argument," therefore, fell on deaf ears. no american historian stands higher as an authority than mr. rhodes. he says on page , vol. i, of his "history of the united states," published in : "_until the closing years of our century a dispassionate judgment could not be made of webster_; but we see now that in the war of secession his principles were mightier than those of garrison. it was not 'no union with slave-holders,' but _liberty and union_ that won." this tribute to services webster had rendered to the union in his great speech in , in which he advocated "liberty and union, now and forever," exactly as he was advocating it in , is just. how pathetic that the historian was impelled also to record the fact, in the same sentence, that for nearly half a century partisan prejudice had rendered it impossible to form a dispassionate judgment of him who had pleaded in vain for the union without war! after an able analysis of his " th of march speech," and a discussion of his record, in which he paralleled webster and edmund burke, mr. rhodes declares: "his dislike of slavery was strong, but his love of the union was stronger, and the more powerful motive outweighed the other, for he believed that _the crusade against slavery had arrived at a point where its further prosecution was hurtful to the union_. as has been said of burke, 'he changed his front but he never changed his ground.'"[ ] [ ] _ib._, p. . daniel webster's name and its place in history may be likened to a giant oak, a monarch of the forest, that, while towering high above all others, was stripped of its branches; for a time it stood, a rugged trunk, robbed of its glory by a cyclone; but its roots were deep down in the rich earth; the storm is passing away; the tree has put out buds again; now its branches are stretching out once more into the clear reaches of the upper air. mr. rhodes seems to be the first historian of note to do justice to daniel webster and the great speech which, mcmaster takes pains to inform us, historians have written down as his " th of march speech," in spite of the fact that mr. webster himself entitled it "the constitution and the union." other historians besides mr. rhodes have come to the rescue of webster's speech for "the constitution and the union." mr. john fiske says of it in a volume (posthumous) published in : "so far as mr. webster's moral attitude was concerned, although he was not prepared for the bitter hostility that his speech provoked in many quarters, he must nevertheless have known it was quite as likely to injure him at the north as to gain support for him in the south, and his resolute adoption of a policy that he regarded as national rather than sectional was really an instance of high moral courage."[ ] [ ] "daniel webster and the sentiment of union," john fiske, "essays historical and literary," pp. - . mr. william c. wilkinson has recently written an able "vindication of daniel webster," and, after a conclusive argument on that branch of his subject, he says: "webster's consistency stands like a rock on the shore after the fretful waves are tired with beating upon it in vain."[ ] [ ] "daniel webster: a vindication," p. . mr. e. p. wheeler, concluding a masterly sketch of daniel webster, setting forth his services as statesman and expounder of the constitution, and not deigning to notice the partisan charges against him, concludes with these words: "great men elevate and ennoble their countrymen. in the glory of webster we find the glory of our whole country." the story of daniel webster and his great speech in has been told at some length because it is instructive. the historians who had set themselves to the task of upholding the idea that it was the aggressiveness of the south, during the controversy over slavery, and not that of the north, that brought on secession and war, could not make good their contention while daniel webster and his speech for "the constitution and the union" stood in their way. they, therefore, wrote the great statesman "down and out," as they conceived. but webster and that speech still stand as beacon lights in the history of that crusade. the attack came from the north. the south, standing for its constitutional rights in the union, was the conservative party. southern leaders, it is true, were, during the controversy over slavery, often aggressive, but they were on the defensive-aggressive, just as lee was when he made his campaign into pennsylvania for the purpose of stopping the invasion of his own land; and the south lost in her political campaign just for the same reason that lee lost in his gettysburg campaign: numbers and resources were against her. "the stars in their courses fought against sisera." mr. webster in his great speech for "the constitution and the union," as became a great statesman pleading for conciliation, measured the terms in which he condemned "personal liberty" laws and abolitionism. but afterward, irritated by the attacks made upon him, he naturally spoke out more emphatically. mcmaster quotes several expressions from his speeches and letters replying to these assaults, and says: "his hatred of abolitionists and free-soilers grew stronger and stronger. to him these men were a 'band of sectionalists, narrow of mind, wanting in patriotism, without a spark of national feeling, and quite ready to see the union go to pieces if their own selfish ends were gained.'" such, if this is a fair summing up of his views, was webster's final opinion of those who were carrying on the great anti-slavery crusade.[ ] [ ] mcmaster's "webster," p. . chapter vii efforts for peace the desire for peace in was wide-spread. union loving people, north and south, hoped that the compromise would result in a cessation of the strife that had so long divided the section; and the election of franklin pierce, in , as president, on a platform strongly approving that compromise, was promising. but anti-slavery leaders, instead of being convinced by such arguments as those of webster, were deeply offended by the contention that legislators, in passing personal liberty laws, had violated their oaths to support the constitution. they were angered also by the presumptuous attempt to "arrest the whole anti-slavery movement." the new fugitive slave law was stringent; it did not give jury trial; it required bystanders to assist the officers in "slave-catching," etc. for these and other reasons the law was assailed as unconstitutional. all these contentions were overruled by the supreme court when a case eventually came before it. the court decided that the act was, in all its provisions, fully authorized by the constitution.[ ] but in their present mood, no law that was efficient would have been satisfactory to the multitudes of people, by no means all "abolitionists," who had already made up their minds against the "wicked" provision of the constitution that required the delivery of fugitive slaves. this deep-seated feeling of opposition to the return to their masters of escaping slaves was soon to be wrought up to a high pitch by a novel that went into nearly every household throughout the north--"uncle tom's cabin." on its appearance the poet whittier, who had so ferociously attacked webster in the verses quoted in the last chapter, "offered up thanks for the fugitive slave law, for it gave us 'uncle tom's cabin.'" [ ] ableman _v._ boothe, how., . rufus choate, a celebrated lawyer and whig leader, is reported to have said of "uncle tom's cabin": "that book will make two millions of abolitionists." drawing, as it did, a very dark picture of slavery, it aroused sympathy for the escaping slave and pictured in glowing colors the dear, sweet men and women who dared, for his sake, the perils of the road in the darkness of night and all the dangers of the law. mrs. stowe was _making heroes of law-breakers, preaching the higher law_. mrs. stowe declared she had not written the book for political effect; she certainly did not anticipate the marvellous results that followed it. that book made vast multitudes of its readers ready for the new sectional and anti-slavery party that was to be organized two years after its appearance. it was the most famous and successful novel ever written. it was translated into every language that has a literature, and has been more read by american people than any other book except the bible. as a picture of what was conceivable under the laws relating to slavery there was a basis for it. though there were laws limiting the master's power, cruelty was nevertheless possible. here, then, mrs. stowe's imagination had full scope. her book, however, has in it none of the strident harshness, none of the purblind ferocity of garrison, in whose eyes every slave-holder was a fiend. "uncle tom's cabin" assailed a system; it did not assault personally, as the arch-agitator did, every man and woman to whom slaves had come, whether by choice or chance. light and shadow and the play of human nature made mrs. stowe's picture as attractive in many of its pages as it was repulsive and unfair in others. mrs. shelby was a type of many a noble mistress, a christian woman, and when financial misfortunes compelled the sale of the shelby slaves and the separation of families, we have not only what might have been, but what sometimes was, one of the evils of slavery, which, by reason of the prevailing agitation, the humanity of the age could not remedy. but mrs. stowe's slave-master, legree, was impossible. the theory was inconceivable that it was cheaper to work to death in seven years a slave costing a thousand dollars, than to work him for forty years. millions of our people, however, have accepted "uncle tom" as a fact, and have wept over him; they have accepted also as a fact the monster legree. "uncle tom's cabin" lives to-day as a classic on book shelves and as a popular play. the present generation get most of their opinions about slavery as it was in the south from its pages, and not one in ten thousand of those who read it ever thinks of the inconsistency between the picture of slavery drawn there and that other picture, which all the world now knows of--the confederate soldier away in the army, his wife and children at home faithfully protected by slaves--not a case of violence, not even a single established case, during four years, although there were four millions of negroes in the south, of that crime against white women that, after the reconstruction had demoralized the freedmen, became so common in that section. the unwavering fidelity during the four years of war of so many slaves to the families of their absent masters, and the fact that those who, during that war, left their homes to seek their freedom invariably went without doing any vengeful act, is a phenomenon that speaks for itself. it tells of kindly relations between master and slave. it is not to be denied that where the law gave so much power to the master there were individual instances of cruelty, nor is it supposable that there were not many slaves who were revengeful; but at the same time there was, quite naturally, among slaves who were all in like case, a more clannish and all-pervading public opinion than could have been found elsewhere. it was that all-pervading and rigid standard of kindly feeling among the slaves to their masters that made the rule universal--fidelity toward the master's family, at least to the extent of inflicting no injury. what a surprise to many this conduct of the slave was may be gathered from a telling republican speech made by carl schurz during the campaign of .[ ] a devotee of liberty, recently a revolutionist in his native land, and, like other foreigners, disregarding all constitutional obstacles, mr. schurz had naturally espoused the cause of anti-slavery in this country. he had absorbed the views of his political associates and now contended that secession was an empty threat and that secession was impossible. "the mere anticipation of a negro insurrection," he said, "will paralyze the whole south." and, after ridiculing the alarm created by the john brown invasion, the orator said that in case of a war between the south and the north, "they will not have men enough to quiet their friends at home; what will they have to oppose to the enemy? every township will want its home regiment; every plantation its garrison; and what will be left for its field army?" [ ] fite, "presidential campaign of ," p. . slavery in the south eventually proved to be, instead of a weakness, an element of strength to the confederates, and mr. lincoln finally felt himself compelled to issue his proclamation of emancipation as a military necessity--the avowed purpose being to deprive the confederates of the slaves who were by their labor supporting their armies in the field. the faithfulness during the war of the slave to his master has been a lesson to the northerner, and it has been a lesson, too, to the southerner. it argues that the danger of bloody insurrections was perhaps not as great as had been apprehended where incendiary publications were sent among them. that danger, however, did exist, and if the fear of it was exaggerated, it was nevertheless real, and was traceable to the abolitionists. the rights of the south in the territories had now been discussed for years and stephen a. douglas, a democratic senator from illinois, had reached the conclusion that under the constitution southerner and northerner had exactly the same right to carry their property, whatever it might be, into the territories, which had been purchased with the common blood and treasure of both sections, a view afterward sustained by the supreme court of the united states in the dred scott case. douglas, "entirely of his own motion,"[ ] introduced, and congress passed, such a bill--the kansas-nebraska act. the new act replaced the missouri compromise. this the southerners considered had been a dead letter for years. every "personal liberty" law passed by a northern state was a violation of it. [ ] "parties and slavery," theodore clarke smith, professor of history in williams college, p. . ambition was now playing its part in the sectional controversy. douglas was a democrat looking to the presidency and had here made a bid for southern support. on the other hand was seward, an "old line whig," aspiring to the same office. the south had been the dominant element in national politics and the north was getting tired of it. seward's idea was to organize all the anti-slavery voters and to appeal at the same time to the pride and jealousy of the north as a section. the immediate effect of the kansas-nebraska act was to aggravate sectionalism. it opened up the territory of kansas, allowing it to come into the union with or without slavery, as it might choose. slave state and free state adventurers rushed into the new territory and struggled, and even fought, for supremacy. the southerners lost. their resources could not match the means of organized anti-slavery societies, and the result was an increase, north and south, of sectional animosity. the overwhelming defeat of the old whig party in presaged its dissolution. until that election, both the whig and democratic parties had been national, each endeavoring to hold and acquire strength, north and south, and each combating, as best it could, the spirit of sectionalism that had been steadily growing in the north, and south as well, ever since the rise of abolitionism. both these old parties had watched with anxiety the increase of anti-slavery sentiment in the north. both parties feared it. alliance with the anti-slavery north would deprive a party of support south and denationalize it. for years prior to the drift of northern voters who were opposed to slavery had been as to the two national parties toward the whigs, and the tendency of conservative northerners had been toward the democratic party. thus the great body of the whig voters in the north had become imbued with anti-slavery sentiments, and now, with no hope of victory as a national party and left in a hopeless minority, the majority of that old party in that section were ready to join a sectional party when it should be formed two years later. william h. seward was still a whig when he made in the united states senate his anti-slavery "higher law" speech of . the kansas-nebraska act was a political blunder. the south, on any dispassionate consideration, could not have expected to make kansas a slave state. the act was a blunder, too, because it gave the opponents of the democratic party a plausible pretext for the contention, which they put forth then and which has been persisted in till this day, that the new republican party, immediately thereafter organized, was called into existence by, and only by, the kansas-nebraska act. as far back as it was clear that a new party, based on the anti-slavery sentiment that had been created by twenty years of agitation, was inevitable. mr. rhodes, speaking of conditions then, says: "it was, moreover, obvious to an astute politician like seward, and probably to others, that a dissolution of parties was imminent; that to oppose the extension of slavery, _the different anti-slavery elements must be organized as a whole_; it might be called whig or some other name, but it would be based on the principle of the wilmot proviso"[ ]--the meaning of which was, no more slave states. [ ] "rhodes," vol. i, p. . between and the passage of the kansas-nebraska act in , new impulse had been given anti-slavery sentiment by fierce assaults on the new fugitive slave law and, as has been seen, by "uncle tom's cabin." the kansas-nebraska act did serve as a cry for the rallying of all anti-slavery voters. that was all. it was a drum-call, in answer to which soldiers already enlisted fell into ranks, under a new banner. any other drum-call--the application of another slave state for admission into the union--would have served quite as well. thus the republican party came into existence in . mr. rhodes sums up the reason for the existence of the new party and what it subsequently accomplished in the following pregnant sentence, "the moral agitation had accomplished its work, the cause (of anti-slavery) ... was to be consigned to a political party that brought to a successful conclusion the movement begun by the moral sentiment of the community,"[ ]--which successful conclusion was, of course, _the freeing of the slaves by a successful war_. [ ] vol. i, p. . for a time the new republican party had a powerful competitor in another new organization. this was the american or know-nothing party. this other aspirant for power made an honest effort to revitalize the old whig party under a new name and, by gathering in all the conservatives north and south, to put an end to sectionalism. its signal failure conveys an instructive lesson. after many and wide-spread rumors of its coming, the birth of the american party was formally announced in . it had been organized in secret and was bound together with oaths and passwords; its members delighted to mystify inquirers by refusing to answer questions, and soon they got the name of "know-nothings." the party had grown out of the "order of the star spangled banner," organized in to oppose the spread of catholicism and indiscriminate immigration--the two dangers that were said to threaten american institutions. the american party made its appeal: for the union and against sectionalism; for protestantism, the faith of the fathers, against catholicism that was being imported by foreigners; its shibboleth was "america for the americans." the americans or know-nothings everywhere put out in full tickets and showed at once surprising strength. in the fall elections of that year they polled over one-fourth of all the votes in new york, two-fifths in pennsylvania, and over two-thirds in massachusetts, where they made a clean sweep of the state and federal offices.[ ] [ ] smith, "parties and slavery," pp. - . they struck directly at sectionalism by exacting of their adherents the following oath: "you do further swear that you will not vote for any one ... whom you know or believe to be in favor of a dissolution of the union ... or who is endeavoring to produce that result." the effect of this oath at the south was almost magical. the whig party there was speedily absorbed by the americans, and southern democrats by thousands joined the new party that promised to save the union.[ ] but the attitude of the northern and southern members of the american party soon became fundamentally different. southerners saw their northern allies in vermont, maine, and massachusetts passing "personal liberty" laws.[ ] [ ] the writer's father, who had been a nullifier and a lifelong follower of calhoun, joined the know-nothings in the hope of saving the union, but withdrew when he found that in the north the party was not true to its union pledges. here was a typical case of southern unwillingness to resort to secession. [ ] _ib._, pp. - . the know-nothings were strong enough in the elections of to directly check the progress of the new republican party; but the american party, though it succeeded in electing a speaker of the national house of representatives in february, , soon afterward went down to defeat. even though led by such patriots as john bell, of tennessee, and edward everett, of massachusetts, it could not stand against the storm of passion that had been aroused by the crusade against slavery. there was a fierce and protracted struggle between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery men in kansas for possession of the territorial government. rival constitutions were submitted to congress, and the debates over these were extremely bitter. in their excitement the democrats again delighted their adversaries by committing what now seems to have been another blunder. they advocated the admission of kansas under the "lecompton constitution." a review of the conflicting evidence appears to show that the southerners were fairly outnumbered in kansas and that the lecompton constitution did not express the will of the people.[ ] [ ] theodore clarke smith, "parties and slavery." while "the war in kansas" was going on, charles sumner, an abolitionist from massachusetts, delivered in the senate a speech of which he wrote his friends beforehand: "i shall pronounce the most thorough philippic ever delivered in a legislative body." he was a classical scholar. _his purpose was to stir up in the north a greater fury against the south than demosthenes had aroused in athens against its enemies, the macedonians._ his speech occupied two days, may and , . at its conclusion, senator cass, of michigan, arose at once and pronounced it "the most un-american and unpatriotic that ever grated on the ears of this high body." the speech attacked, without any sufficient excuse, the personal character of an absent senator, butler of south carolina, a gentleman of high character and older than sumner. among other unfounded charges, it accused him of falsehood. preston brooks, a representative from south carolina, attacked sumner in the senate chamber during a recess of that body and beat him unmercifully with a cane. the provocation was bitter, indeed, but brooks's assault was unjustifiable. nevertheless, the exasperated south applauded it, while the north glorified sumner as a martyr for free speech. * * * * * in less than two years the new republican party had absorbed all the abolition voters, and in the election of was in the field with its candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency--fremont and dayton--upon a platform declaring it the duty of congress to abolish in the territories "those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." excitement during that election was intense. rufus choate, the great massachusetts lawyer, theretofore a whig, voiced the sentiment of conservatives when he said it was the "duty of every one to prevent the madness of the times from working its maddest act--the permanent formation and the actual present triumph of a party which knows one-half of america only to hate it," etc. senator toombs, of georgia, said: "the object of fremont's friends is the conquest of the south. i am content that they shall own us when they conquer us." the democrats elected buchanan; democrats electoral votes; republicans , all northern; and the know-nothings, combined with a remnant of whigs, . the work of sectionalism was nearly completed. the extremes to which some of the southern people now resorted show the madness of the times. they encouraged filibustering expeditions to capture cuba and nicaragua. these wild ventures were absolutely indefensible. they had no official sanction and were only spontaneous movements, but they met with favor from the southern public, the outgrowth of a feeling that, if these countries should be captured and annexed as slave states, the south could the better, by their aid, defend its rights in the union. _the wanderer_ and one or two other vessels, contrary to the laws of the united states, imported slaves from africa, and when the participants were, some of them, indicted, southern juries absolutely refused to convict. "judgment had fled to brutish beasts, and men had lost their reason." when later the southern states had seceded and formed a government of their own their constitution absolutely prohibited the slave traffic. chapter viii incompatibility of slavery and freedom that it was possible for slave states and free states to coexist under our federal constitution was the belief of its framers and of most of our people down to . the first to announce the absolute impossibility of such coexistence seems to have been william lloyd garrison. in , at lynn, massachusetts, the essex county anti-slavery society adopted this resolution, offered by him: "that freedom and slavery are natural and irreconcilable enemies; that it is morally impossible for them to endure together in the same nation, and that the existence of the one can only be secured by the destruction of the other."[ ] [ ] garrison's "garrison." garrison's remedy was disunion. near that time his paper's motto was "no union with slave-holders." the next to announce the idea of the incompatibility of slave states and free states seems to have been one who did not dream of disunion. no such thought was in the mind of abraham lincoln when, in a speech at springfield, illinois, june , , he said: "_a house divided against itself cannot stand. i believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. i do not expect the union to be divided. it will become one thing or the other._ either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that _it is in the course of ultimate extinction_; or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the states--old as well as new--north as well as south." when the southerners read that statement they concluded that, as mr. lincoln knew very well that the south could not, if it would, force slavery on the north, he was announcing the intention of his party to place slavery "in course of ultimate extinction," constitution or no constitution. senator seward, at rochester, new york, some weeks later, reannounced the doctrine, declaring that the contest was "an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces; and it means that the united states _must and will_, sooner or later, become either an entirely slave-holding nation or entirely a free labor nation." the utterances of lincoln and seward were distinctly radical. the question was, would this radical idea ultimately dominate the republican party? less than eighteen months after the announcement in of the doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict," john brown raided virginia to incite insurrections. with a few followers and , stands of arms for the slaves who were to join him, he captured the united states arsenal at harper's ferry. only a few slaves came to him and, after a brief struggle, with some bloodshed, brown was captured, tried by a jury, and hanged. in the south the excitement was intense; the horror and indignation in that section it is impossible to describe. brown was already well known to the public. he was not a lunatic. not long before this, in kansas, "at the head of a small group of men, including two of his sons and a son-in-law, he went at night down pottowattamie creek, stopping at three houses. the men who lived in them were well known pro-slavery men; they seem to have been rough characters; their most specific offence (according to sanborn, brown's biographer and eulogist) was the driving from his home, by violent threats, of an inoffensive old man. john brown and his party went down the creek, called at one after the other of three houses, took five men away from their wives and children, and deliberately shot one and hacked the others to death with swords."[ ] [ ] "the negro and the nation," george spring merriam, p. . quite a number of people, some of them men of eminence in the north, aided brown in his enterprise. among the men of repute were gerrit smith, a former candidate for the presidency; and theodore parker, dr. howe, and thomas wentworth higginson, of boston, who were all members of a "secret committee to collect money and arms for the expedition." with them was f. s. sanborn, who has since the war vauntingly revealed the scheme in his "life of john brown."[ ] [ ] sanborn's "life of john brown," p. . sanborn intimates that henry wilson, subsequently vice-president, was more or less privy to the design.[ ] at various places in the north church bells were tolled on the day of john brown's execution; meetings were held and orators extolled him as a martyr. emerson, the greatest thinker in all that region, declared that if john brown was hanged he would glorify the gallows as jesus glorified the cross; and now many southern men who loved the union reluctantly concluded that separation was inevitable. john bell, of tennessee, union candidate for president in , is said to have cried like a child when he heard of brown's raid. [ ] _ib._, p. . the great body of the northern people condemned john brown's expedition without stint. edward everett, voicing the opinion of all who were really conservative, said of brown's raid, in a speech at faneuil hall, that its design was to "let loose the hell hounds of a servile insurrection, and to bring on a struggle which, for magnitude, atrocity, and horror, would have stood alone in the history of the world." but they who had been preaching the "irrepressible conflict," they whom public opinion might hold responsible, did not feel precisely as mr. everett did. they were concerned about political consequences, as appears from a letter written somewhat later during the state canvass in new york by horace greeley to schuyler colfax. horace greeley afterward proved himself in many ways a broad-minded, magnanimous man, but now he wrote: "do not be downhearted about the old john brown business. its present effect is bad and throws a heavy load on us in this state ... _but the ultimate effect is to be good.... it will drive the slave power to new outrages.... it presses on the irrepressible conflict_."[ ] [ ] "history of united states," rhodes, vol. i. the fact that such a man as horace greeley was taking comfort because that outrage would "drive the slave power to new outrages"[ ] throws a strong side-light on the tactics of the anti-slavery leaders. they were following garrison. garrison, the father of the abolitionists, had begun his campaign against slave-holders by "exhausting upon them the vocabulary of abuse," and he had shown "a genius for infuriating his antagonists."[ ] the new party--his successor and beneficiary, was now felicitating itself that ultimate good would come, even from the john brown raid. it would further their policy of "_driving the slave power to new outrages_." [ ] channing. [ ] hart. people at the north, conservatives and all, held their breath for a time after harper's ferry. then the crusade went on, in the press, on the rostrum, and from the pulpit, with as much virulence as ever. no assertion was too extravagant for belief, provided only its tendency was to disparage the southern white man or win sympathy for the negro. from the noted "brownlow and pryne's debate," philadelphia (_lippincott_), we take the following as a specimen of the abuse a portion of the northern press was then heaping on the southern people. brownlow quotes from the _new york independent_ of november, : "the mass of the population of the atlantic coast of the slave region of the south are descended from the transported convicts and outcasts of great britain.... oh, glorious chivalry and hereditary aristocracy of the south! peerless first families of virginia and carolina!... progeny of the highwaymen, and horse-thieves and sheep-stealers, and pick-pockets of old england!" the south was not to be outdone, and here was a retort from _de bow's review_, july, : "the basis, framework, and controlling influence of northern sentiment is puritanism--the old roundhead, rebel refuse of england, which ... has ever been an unruly sect of pharisees ... the worst bigots on earth and the meanest of tyrants when they have the power to exercise it."[ ] [ ] theodore clarke smith, "parties and slavery," p. . and the non-slave-holder of the south did not escape from the pitiless pelting of the storm. he was sustaining the slave-holder, and this was not only an offence but a puzzle. it became quite common in the north for anti-slavery writers to classify the non-slave-holding agricultural classes of the south as "poor whites," thus distinguishing them from the slave-holders; and the idea is current even now in that section that as a class the lordly slave-holder despised his poor white fellow-citizen. the average non-slave-holding southern agriculturist, whether farming for himself or for others, was a type of man that no one who knew him, least of all the southern slave-holder, his neighbor and political ally, could despise. educated and uneducated, these people were independent voters and honest jurors, the very backbone of southern state governments that always will be notable in history for efficiency, purity, and economy. this class of voters, however, came in for much abuse in the literature of the crusade. they were all lumped together as "poor whites," sometimes as "poor white trash," and the belief was inculcated that their imperious slave-holding neighbors applied that term to them. "poor white trash," on its face, is "nigger talk," caught up, doubtless, from southern negro barbers and bootblacks, and used by writers who, from information thus derived, pictured southern society. this is a sample of the numerous errors that crept into the literature of one section of our union about social conditions in the other during that memorable sectional controversy. it is on a par with the idea that prevailed, in some quarters in the south, that the yankee cared for nothing but money, and would not fight even for that. southerners were practically all of the old british stock. homogeneity, common memories of the wars of the revolution, of , and with mexico, and fourth of july celebrations, all tended to bind together strongly the southern slave-holder and non-slave-holder. there were, of course, many classes of non-slave-holders--the thrifty farmer, the unthrifty, and the laborer who worked for hire, but more frequently for "shares of the crop." then there were others--the inhabitants of the "sand-hills" and the mountain regions. these people were, as a rule, very shiftless; too lazy to work, they were still too proud to beg, as the very poor usually do in other countries. the mountaineers were hardier than the sand-hillers, and it was from the mountains of tennessee, alabama, etc., that the union armies gathered many recruits. this was not, as is often stated, because mountaineers love liberty better than others, but because these mountaineers never came into contact with either master or slave. the crusade against slavery, therefore, did not threaten to affect their personal status. there were very few public schools in the south, but in the cities and towns there were academies and high-schools, and the country was dotted with "old field schools," most of them not good, but sufficient to train those who became efficient leaders in social, religious, and political circles. the wonderful progress made by the southern white man during the last thirty-five years is by no means all due to the abolition of slavery. labor, it is true, is held in higher esteem. this is a great gain, but still more is due to improved transportation, to better prices for timber and cotton, to commercial fertilizers, and an awakening interest in education. the south is also developing its mineral resources and is now rapidly forging to the front. the white man is making more cotton than the negro. but the very strongest bond that bound together the southern slave-holder and non-slave-holder was the pride of caste. every white man was a freeman; he belonged to the superior, the dominant race. edmund burke, england's philosopher-statesman, in his speech on "conciliation with america" at the beginning of our revolution, complimented in high terms the spirit of liberty among the dissenting protestants of new england. then, alluding to the hopes indulged in by some gentlemen, that the southern colonies would be loyal to great britain because the church of england had there a large establishment, he said: "it is certainly true. there is, however, a circumstance attending these colonies which in my opinion fully counter-balances this difference, and makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the northward. it is, that in virginia and carolina they have a vast multitude of slaves. where this is the case, in any part of the world, _those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom_. freedom with them is not only an enjoyment, but a kind of _rank and privilege_." the privilege of belonging to the superior race and of being free was a bond that tied all southern whites together, and it was infinitely strengthened by a crusade that seemed, from a southern stand-point, to have for its purpose the levelling of all distinctions between the white man and the slave hard by. socially, there were classes in the south as there are everywhere. the controlling class consisted of professional men, lawyers, physicians, teachers, and high-class merchants (though the merchant prince was unknown), and slave-holders. slave-holders were, of course, divided into classes, chiefly two: those who had acquired culture and breeding from slave-holding ancestors, and those who had little culture or breeding, principally the newly rich. it was the former class that gave tone to southern society. the performance of duty always ennobles, and this is especially true of duty done by superiors to inferiors. the master and mistress of a slave establishment were responsible for the moral and material welfare of their dependents. when they appreciated and fulfilled their responsibilities, as the best families usually did, there was found what was called the southern aristocracy. the habit of command, assured position, and high ideals, coming down, as these often did, with family traditions, gave these favored people ease and grace, and they were social favorites, both in the north and europe. at home they dispensed a hospitality that made the south famous. they were exemplars, giving tone to society, and it was notable that breeding and culture, and not wealth, gave tone to southern society. there was perhaps in virginia and south carolina an aristocracy that was somewhat more exclusive than elsewhere. slavery was at its worst when masters were not equal to their responsibilities, for want of either culture or christian feeling, or both, as also when, as was now and then the case, a brutal overseer was in charge of a plantation far away from the eye of the owner. the influence of the slave-holder and his lavish hospitality did not make for thrift among his less fortunate brethren; it made perhaps for prodigality, but it also made for a high sense of honor among slave-holders and non-slave-holders as well. both slave-holders and non-slave-holders were extremely punctilious. money did not count where honor was concerned, and southerners do well to be proud of the record in this respect that has been made by their statesmen. among the more cultured classes in the period here treated of, the duel prevailed, a practice now very properly condemned. but it made for a high sense of honor. demagogues were not common when a false statement on "the stump" was apt to result in a mortal combat. among the less cultured classes insult was answered with a blow of the fist. fisticuffs, too, were quite common to ascertain who was the "best man" in a community or county. the rules were not according to the marquis of queensbury, but they always secured "fair play."[ ] [ ] for the humorous side of life in the south in the old day, see "simon suggs," j. j. hooper; "georgia scenes," judge longstreet; and "flush times of alabama and mississippi," by baldwin. this combative spirit of southerners was undoubtedly a result of the spirit of caste that came from slavery. sometimes it was unduly exhibited in congress during the controversy over slavery and state's rights, and excited southerners occasionally subjected themselves to the charge of arrogance. one of the great evils of slavery was that, as a rule, neither the slave-holder nor the non-slave-holder properly appreciated the dignity of labor. a witty student at a southern university said that his chief objection to college life was that he could not have a negro to learn his lessons for him. the slave-holder quite generally disdained manual labor, and the non-slave-holder was also inclined to deprecate the necessity that compelled him to work. the sudden abolition of slavery was the ruin of thousands of innocent families--a loss for which there was no recompense. but for the south at large, and especially to this generation, it is a blessing that all classes have come to see, that to labor and to be useful is not only a duty, but a privilege. political conditions, north and south, differed widely. the north was the majority section. its majority could protect its rights; recourse to the limitations of the federal constitution was seldom necessary. the south, a minority section, with a devotion that never failed, held high the "constitution of the fathers, the palladium" of its rights. to one section the constitution was the bond of a federal union that was the security for interstate commerce and national prosperity; to the other it was a guaranty of peace abroad and local self-government at home. in the one section the brightest minds were for the most part engaged in business or in literary pursuits; in the other, politics absorbed much of its talent. in the north the staple of political discussion was usually some business or moral question, while in the south the political arena was a great school in which the masses were not only educated in the history of the formation of the constitution, but taught an affectionate regard for that instrument as a revered "gift from the fathers" and the only safeguard of american liberty. joint political discussions, which were common between the ablest men of opposing parties, were always numerously attended, and the federal constitution was an unfailing topic. the result was, an amount of political information in the average confederate soldier that the average union soldier in his business training had never acquired, and a devotion of the southerner to the constitution of his country which even the ablest historians of to-day have failed to comprehend. it is often stated, as if it were an important fact in the consideration of the great anti-slavery crusade, that not many of the abolitionists were as radical as garrison, and that of the anti-slavery voters very few favored social equality between whites and blacks. southerners did not stop to make distinctions like these. they saw the abolitionists advocating mixed schools and favoring laws authorizing mixed marriages; saw them practising social equality; saw the general trend in that direction; and so from its very beginning the republican party, which had absorbed the abolitionists, was dubbed, north and south, the "black republican" party. the whites of the south believed that the triumph of the "black republican" party, as they called it, would be ultimately the triumph of its most radical elements. judge reagan, of texas, united states congressman in - , confederate postmaster-general, later united states senator, and always until an avowed friend of the union, in his farewell speech to the congress of the united states in january, , gave expression to this idea when he said: "and now you tender to us the inhuman alternative of unconditional submission to _republican rule on abolition principles, and ultimately to free negro equality, and a government of mongrels_, or a war of races on the one hand, and on the other, secession and a bloody and desolating civil war."[ ] [ ] "memoirs of john h. reagan," p. . judge reagan was expressing in congress the opinion that animated the confederate soldier in the war that was to follow secession, an opinion the ex-confederate did not see much reason to change when the era of reconstruction had been reached, and the ballot had been given to every negro, while the leading whites were disfranchised. in hinton rowan helper, of north carolina, wrote a notable book to show that slavery was a curse to the south, and especially to the non-slave-holders. it was an appeal to the latter to become abolitionists. his arguments availed nothing; back of his book was the republican party, now planting itself, as garrison had planted himself, on an extract from the first sentence of the declaration of independence, "all men are created equal." the republican contention was, in platforms and speeches, that the declaration of independence covered negroes as well as whites,[ ] and southern whites, nearly all of revolutionary stock, resented the idea. they rebelled at the suggestion that the signers, every one of whom, save possibly those from massachusetts, represented slave-holding constituents, intended to say that the negroes then in the colonies were the equals of the whites. if so, why were these negroes kept in slavery, and why were they not immediately given the right to vote, to sit on juries, to be educated, and to intermarry with the whites? [ ] mr. lincoln took that position in his great speech at chicago, in , when beginning his campaign for the senatorship. all this, the southerners said, as, indeed, did many northerners also, was to be the logical outcome of the republican doctrine, that negroes and whites were equals. it is passing strange that modern historians so often have failed to note that this thought was in the minds of all the opponents of the republican party from the day of its birth--north and south it was called the "black republican" party. douglas, in his debate with lincoln, gave it that name and stood by it. in his speech at jonesboro, illinois, september , , he charges the republicans with advocating "negro citizenship and negro equality, putting the white man and the negro on the same basis under the law."[ ] [ ] lincoln, "complete works," vol. iv, p. . john c. calhoun, in a memorial to the southern people in , signed by many other congressmen, had said that northern fanaticism would not stop at emancipation. "another step would be taken to raise them [the negroes] to a political and social equality with their former owners, by giving them the right of voting and holding public office under the federal government.... but when raised to an equality they would become the fast political associates of the north, acting and voting with them on all questions, and by this perfect union between them holding the south in complete subjection. _the blacks and the profligate whites that might unite with them_ would become the principal recipients of federal patronage, and would, in consequence, be raised above the whites of the south in the social and political scale. we would, in a word, change conditions with them, _a degradation greater than has as yet fallen to the lot of a free and enlightened people_."[ ] [ ] "calhoun's works," vol. vi, p. . in the light of reconstruction, this was prophecy. these words, once heard by a southern white man, of course sank into his heart. they could never have been forgotten. the argument of helper fell on deaf ears. if helper had come with the promise (and an assurance of its fulfilment) that the negroes, when emancipated, would be sent to liberia, or elsewhere _out of the country_, the south would have become republicanized at once. even if the slave-holder had been unwilling, the southern non-slave-holder, with his three, and often five, to one majority, would have seen to it. and it is not too much to say that if the negro had been, as the abolitionists and ultimately many republicans contended he was, the equal of the white man, liberia would have been a success. what a glorious consummation of the dreams of statesmen and philanthropists that would have been! abolitionists, unable to frustrate their scheme, and the american negro, profiting by the civilization here received from contact with the white man, building by his own energy happy homes for himself and his kinsmen, and enjoying the blessings of a great government of his own, in his own great continent! africa with its vast resources is a prize that all europe is now contending for. it is believed to be adapted even to white men. most assuredly, for the negro liberia offered far better opportunities than did the rocky coast of new england to the white men who settled it. liberia had been carefully selected as a desirable part of africa. it was an unequalled group of statesmen and philanthropists that had planted the colony; they provided for it and set it on its feet. but it failed; failed just for the same reason that prevented the aboriginal african from catching on to the civilization that began to develop thousands of years ago, close by his side on the borders of the mediterranean; failed for the same reason that hayti, now free for a century, has failed. the failure of the plan of the american colonization society to repatriate the american negro in africa was due _primarily to the incapacity of the negro_. a very complete and convincing story will be found in an article entitled "liberia, an example of negro self-government,"[ ] by miss agnes p. mahony, for five years a missionary in that country. the author of the article was a sympathizing friend. she says: "in the colony was considered healthy enough to stand alone.... so our flag was lowered on the african continent, and the protectors of the colony retired, leaving the people to govern the country in their own way." then she recites that in order to test their capacity for self-government their constitution ( ) provided that no white man should hold property in the country; and to this miss mahony traces the failure that followed. when she wrote, the liberian negroes, for fifty-nine years under the protectorship of the united states, had been troubled by no foreign enemy; yet their failure was complete--not a foot of railroad, no cable communication with foreign countries, no telegraphic communication with the interior, etc. still the devoted missionary thinks that liberia might prosper, if it could but have "_the encouraging example of and contact with the right kind of white men_." [ ] _independent_, . * * * * * the presidential campaign of was very exciting. there were four tickets in the field, douglas and johnson, democrats; breckenridge and lane, democrats; lincoln and hamlin, republicans, and bell and everett representing the "constitutional union" party. as the election approached it became apparent that the republicans were leading, and far-seeing men, like samuel j. tilden, of new york, became much alarmed for fear that the election of lincoln would bring about secession in the south. mr. tilden, in view of the danger that to him was apparent, wrote, shortly before the election, to william kent, of new york city, an open letter in which he earnestly urged a combination in new york state of the supporters of other candidates, in order to defeat abraham lincoln. the letter was so alarming that some of tilden's friends thought he had lost his balance; but now that letter is regarded as a remarkable proof of his sagacity. in the first volume of mr. tilden's "life and letters," by bigelow, appears an "appreciation" by james c. carter and an analysis of this letter. of this the following is a brief abstract: mr. tilden first argued that two strictly sectional parties, arrayed upon the question of destroying an institution which one of them, not unnaturally, regarded as essential to self-existence, would bring war. then mr. tilden further said that if the republican party should be successful in establishing its dominion over the south, the national government in the southern states would cease to be self-government and become a government of one people over a distinct people, a thing impossible with our race, except as a consequence of a successful war, and even then incompatible with our democratic institutions. he also said: "i assert that a controversy between powerful communities, organized into governments, of a nature like that which now divides the north and south, can be settled only by convention or by war." and again: "a condition of parties in which the federative government shall be carried on by a party, having no affiliations in the southern states, is impossible to continue. such a government would be out of all relations to those states. it would have neither the nerves of sensation, which convey intelligence to the intellect of the body politic, nor the ligaments and muscles, which hold its parts together and move them in harmony. it would be in substance the government of one people by another people. that system will not do for our race." mr. tilden, when he spoke of "two sectional parties arrayed upon the question of destroying an institution," _viz._, slavery, saw the situation exactly as the south did. to prove that the republican party was looking to the ultimate destruction of the institution, mr. tilden cited the leadership of chase and his speeches in which he was propounding the higher law theory; asserting that the conflict was "irrepressible"; suggesting the power of the north to amend the constitution, etc. the south noted this, and it regarded, not the platform, but the record of the republican party and of the statesmen the party was following. long before , that great american scholar, george ticknor, saw the dilemma in which the north was involving itself by its concern over slavery in the south, and he thus stated it, in a letter to his friend, william ellery channing, april , :[ ] [ ] life and letters and journals of george ticknor. "on the subject of our relations with the south and its slavery, we must--as i have always thought--do one of two things; either keep honestly the bargain of the constitution as it shall be interpreted by the authorities--of which the supreme court of the united states is the chief and safest--or declare honestly that we can no longer in our conscience consent to keep it, and break it." the north had failed to "keep honestly the bargain of the constitution" by faithfully delivering fugitive slaves and leaving the question of slavery to be dealt with by the states in which it existed, and was now, in , upon the other horn of the dilemma--repudiating and denouncing a decision of the supreme court, which, as mr. ticknor had said, was the "chief and safest authority." but during that campaign of very many, perhaps a majority of the republican voters, failed to realize what their party was standing for. indeed, down to this day the members of that organization, taught as they have been, indignantly deny that a vote for lincoln and hamlin in looked to an interference with slavery in the states. but now professor emerson david fite, of yale university, sees in what was the underlying hope, and consequently the ultimate aim, of the republican party in , exactly as the south saw it then. in a powerful summing up of more evidence than there is room to recite here, he says: "the testimony of the democracy and of the leaders of the republican party accords well with the evidence of daily events in _revealing republican aggression_. _the party hoped to destroy slavery, and this was something new in a large political organization._"[ ] [ ] "the presidential campaign of ," p. , fite, . that this party, when it should ultimately come into full power, would, to carry out the purpose which professor fite now sees, ignore the federal constitution was, in , evident to southerners from the following facts: in the governor of virginia demanded of the governor of new york the extradition of two men indicted in virginia for enticing away slaves from their masters. governor seward, of new york, refused the demand, on the ground that no such offence existed in new york. this case did not go to the courts, but in the governor of kentucky made a similar demand in a like case on the governor of ohio, who placed his refusal on the same grounds as had governor seward in the former case. the supreme court of the united states in this case decided that the governor of ohio, in refusing to deliver up the fugitive, was violating the constitution. the court further said: "if the governor of ohio refuses to _discharge this duty there is no power delegated to the general government_, either through the judicial department or any other department, to use any coercive means to compel him."[ ] [ ] "virginia's attitude on slavery and secession," mumford, pp. - . if these two governors had defied the federal constitution, so had eleven state legislatures. from to , inclusive, vermont, rhode island, connecticut, maine, massachusetts, michigan, wisconsin, kansas, ohio, and pennsylvania, had all passed new "personal liberty laws" to abrogate the new fugitive slave law of . of these laws professor alexander johnston said: "there is absolutely no excuse for the personal liberty laws. if the rendition of fugitive slaves was a federal obligation, the personal liberty laws were flat disobedience to the law; if the obligation was upon the states, they were a gross breach of good faith, for they were intended and operated to prevent rendition; and, in either case, they were in violation of the constitution."[ ] [ ] alexander johnston, "lalor's encyclopædia," vol. iii, p. . and now came the state of wisconsin. its supreme court intervened and took from the hands of the federal authorities an alleged fugitive slave. the supreme court of the united states reversed the case and ordered the slave back into the custody of the united states marshal;[ ] and thereupon the general assembly of wisconsin expressly repudiated the authority of the united states supreme court. the wisconsin assembly asserted its right to nullify the federal law, basing its action on the kentucky resolutions of --a recrudescence of a doctrine long since abandoned even in the south. [ ] ableman _v._ booth, how. in reality all this defiance of the constitution of the united states by state executives, state legislatures, and a state court, was on the ground that whatever was dictated by conscience to these officials was a "higher law than the constitution of the united states"; and modern historians recognize, as tilden did, the leadership of the statesman who in announced that startling doctrine. it is alexander johnston who says, "seward's speeches in the senate made him the leader of the republican party from its first organization."[ ] [ ] alexander johnston, "lalor's encyclopædia," vol. iii, p. . to the minds of southerners it seemed clear that _if the southern states desired to preserve for themselves the constitution of the fathers, they must secede and set it up over a government of their own_. this eleven of these states did. many of them were reluctant to take the step; all their people had loved the old union, but they passed their ordinances of secession, united as the confederate states of america, and their officials took an oath to maintain inviolate the old constitution, which, with unimportant changes in it, they had adopted. the new government sent delegates to ask that the separation should be peaceful. the application was denied and the war followed. attempts to secede were made in kentucky and missouri. in neither of these states did the seceders get full control. they were represented, however, in the confederate congress by senators and representatives elected by the troops from those states that were serving in the confederate army. chapter ix four years of war the bitter fruits of anti-slavery agitation were secession and four years of bloody war. the federal government waged war to coerce the seceding states to remain in the union. with the north it was a war for the union; the south was fighting for independence--denominated by northern writers as "the civil war." it was in reality a war between the eleven states which had seceded, as autonomous states, and were fighting for independence, as the confederate states of america, against the other twenty-two states, which, as the united states of america, fought against secession and for the union of all the states. it is true the states remaining in the union had with them the army and the navy and the old government, but that government could not, and did not, exercise its functions within the borders of the seceded states until by force of arms in the war that was now waged it had conquered a control. it was a war between the states for such control; for independence on the one hand, and for the union on the other. it was not, save in exceptional cases, a war between neighbor and neighbor; it was a war between states as entities, and therefore not properly a civil war. the result of the war did not change the principles upon which it was fought, though it did decide finally the issues that were involved, the right of secession primarily, and slavery incidentally. jefferson davis, afterward the much-loved president of the confederacy, in his farewell speech in the united states senate, march , , thus stated the case of the south: "then, senators, we recur to the compact which binds us together. we recur to the principles upon which this government was founded, and _when you deny them_, and when you deny to us the right to withdraw from a union which thus perverted _threatens to be destructive of our rights, we but tread in the path of our fathers when we proclaim our independence and take the hazard_. this is done not in hostility to others, not to injure any section of our country, _not even for our own pecuniary benefit, but from the high and solemn motive of defending and protecting the rights we inherited and which it is our duty to transmit unshorn to our children_." southerners were, as mr. davis understood it, treading in the path of their fathers when they proclaimed their independence and fought for the right of self-government. professor fite, of yale, justifies secession on the following ground: "in the last analysis the one complete justification of secession was the necessity of saving the vast property of slavery from destruction; secession was a commercial necessity designed to make those billions secure from outside interference. viewed in this light, secession was right, for any people, prompted by the commonest motives of self-defence and with no moral scruples against slavery, would have followed the same course. the present generation of northerners, born and reared after the war, must shake off their inherited political passions and prejudices and pronounce the verdict of justification for the south. believing slavery to be right, it was the duty of the south to defend it. it is time that the words 'traitors,' 'conspirators,' 'rebels,' and 'rebellion' be discarded."[ ] [ ] "the presidential campaign of ," emerson david fite, , introductory chapter. these words of professor fite will waken a responsive echo in the hearts of southerners, but southerners place, and their fathers planted, themselves on higher ground than commercial considerations. the confederates were defending their inherited right of local self-government and the federal constitution that secured it. it was for these rights that, as mr. davis had said, they were willing to _follow the path their fathers trod_. the preservation of the union the north was fighting for, was a noble motive; it looked to the future greatness and glory of the republic; but devotion to the union had been a growth, the product largely of a single generation; the devotion of the south to the right of local self-government was an older and deeper conviction; it had been bred in the bone for three generations; it dated from bunker hill and valley forge and yorktown. close as the non-slave-holders of the south were to the slave-holders, of the same british stock, and with the same traditions, blood kinsmen as they were, they might not have been willing to dare all and do all for the protection of property in which they were not interested; but they were ready to, and they did, wage a death struggle to maintain against a hostile sectional majority, their inherited right to govern themselves in their own way. added to this was the ever-present conviction of southerners all, that they were battling not only for the supremacy of their race but for the preservation of their homes. there was a little ditty quite prevalent in the army of northern virginia, of which nothing is now remembered except the refrain, but that of itself speaks volumes. it ran: "do you belong to the rebel band fighting for your home?" northerners had, most of them, convinced themselves that the south would never dare to secede. the danger of servile insurrections, if nothing else, would prevent it.[ ] many southerners, on the other hand, could not see how, under the constitution, the north could venture on coercion. [ ] see fite, "campaign of ," passim, and especially speech of schurz, p. _et seq._ but to the south the greatest surprise furnished by the events of that era has been abraham lincoln--as he appears now in the light of history. what, in the minds of southerners, fixed his status personally, during the canvass of , was the statement he had made in his speech at chicago, preliminary to his great debate with douglas in , that the union could not "continue to exist half slave and half free." and he was now the candidate of the "black republican" party, a party that was denouncing a decision of the supreme court; that, in nearly every state in the north, had nullified the fugitive slave law, and that stood for "negro equality," as the south termed it. there were other statements by mr. lincoln in that debate with douglas that the south has had especial reason to take note of since the period of reconstruction. at springfield, illinois, september , , he said: "there is a physical difference between the white and black races which, i believe, will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality, and, _inasmuch as they can not so live, while they do live together there must be the position of superior and inferior; and i, as much as any other man, am in favor of having that position assigned to the white man_." the new confederacy took the constitution of the united states, so modified as to make it read plainly as jefferson had expounded it in the kentucky resolutions of . other changes were slight. the presidential term was extended to six years and the president was not to be re-eligible. the slave trade was prohibited and congress was authorized to forbid the introduction of slaves from the old union. abraham lincoln became president, with a fixed resolve to preserve the union but with no intent to abolish slavery. had the war for the union been as successful as he hoped it would be, slavery would not have been abolished by any act of his. it is clear that, when inaugurated, he had not changed his opinions expressed at springfield, nor those others, which, at peoria, illinois, on october , , he had stated thus: "when our southern brethren tell us they are no more responsible for slavery than we are, i acknowledge the fact. when it is said the institution exists and it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, i can understand and appreciate the saying. i will surely not blame them for not doing what i should not know how to do myself. if all earthly power were given me, i should not know what to do as to the institution. my first impulse would be to free all the slaves and send them to liberia, their native land." this, he said, it was impracticable to do, at least suddenly, and then proceeded: "to free them all and keep them among us as underlings--is it quite certain that this would better their condition?... what next? free them and make them politically and socially our equals?" this question he answered in the negative, and continued: "it does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted, but for their tardiness i will not undertake to judge our brethren of the south." in these extracts from his speeches we find a central thread that runs through the history of his whole administration. we see it again when, pressed by extremists, mr. lincoln said in an open letter to horace greeley, august , : "my paramount object in this struggle is to save the union, and it is not either to save or to destroy slavery. if i could save the union without freeing any slave i would do it; and if i could save it by freeing all the slaves i would do it; and if i could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, i would also do that." indeed, congress had, in , by joint resolution declared that the sole purpose of the war was the preservation of the union. in no other way, and for no other purpose, could the north at that time have been induced to wage war against the south. abraham lincoln, the president of the united states, and jefferson davis, the president of the confederate states, were both kentuckians by birth, both americans. in the purity of their lives, public and private, in patriotic devotion to the preservation of american institutions as understood by each of them, they were alike; but they represented different phases of american thought, and each was the creature more or less of his environment. both were men of commanding ability, but the destiny of each was shaped by agencies that now seem to have been directed by the hand of fate. mr. lincoln, by nature a political genius, was carried to illinois when a child, reared in the north-west among those to whom, with the mississippi river as their only outlet to the markets of the world, disunion, with its loss of their highway to the sea, was unthinkable. lincoln became a whig, with the union of the states the passion of his life, and finally, by forces he had not himself put in motion, he was placed at the head of the federal government at a time when sectionalism had decided that the question of the permanence of the union was to be tried out, once and forever. mr. davis went from kentucky further south. he was a democrat, and environment also moulded his opinions. during the long sectional controversy between the north and the south, "state-rights" became the passion of his life, and when the clash between the sections came, he found himself, without his seeking, at the head of the confederacy. he had been prominent among the southerners at washington, who had hoped that the south, by threats of secession, might obtain its rights in the union, as had been done in jefferson's days by new england. in the movement ( - ) that resulted in secession, the people at home had been ahead of their congressmen. william l. yancey, then in alabama, not jefferson davis at washington, was the actual leader of the secessionists. mr. davis feared a long and bloody war and, unlike yancey, he had doubts as to its result.[ ] [ ] mrs. chestnut, wife of the confederate general, james chestnut, writes in her "diary from dixie," under date of , at montgomery, alabama, then the confederate capital: "in mrs. davis's drawing-room last night, the president took a seat by me on the sofa where i sat. he talked for nearly an hour. he laughed at our faith in our own powers. we are like the british. we think every southerner equal to three yankees at least. we will have to be equivalent to a dozen now. after his experience of the fighting qualities of southerners in mexico, he believes that we will do all that can be done by pluck and muscle, endurance and dogged courage, dash, and red-hot patriotism. and yet his tone was not sanguine. _there was a sad refrain running through it all._ for one thing, either way, he thinks it will be a long war. that floored me at once. it has been too long for me already. then he said, before the end came we would have many bitter experiences. he said only fools doubted the courage of the yankees, or their willingness to fight when they saw fit. and now that we have stung their pride, we have roused them till they will fight like devils." mr. lincoln, standing for the union, succeeded in the war, but just as he was on the threshold of his great work of reconstruction he fell, the victim of a crazy assassin. martyrdom to his cause has naturally added some cubits to the just measure of his wonderful reputation. jefferson davis and his cause failed; and the triumphant forces that swept the confederacy out of existence have long (and quite naturally) sought to bury the cause of the south and its chosen leader in ignominy. but the days of hate and passion are past; reason is reasserting her sway; and history will do justice to both the confederacy and its great leader, whose ability, patriotism, and courage were conspicuous to the end. mr. davis was also a martyr--his long imprisonment, the manacles he wore, the sentinel gazing on him in the bright light that day and night disturbed his rest; the heroism with which he endured all this, and the quiet dignity of his after life--these have doubly endeared his memory to those for whose cause he suffered. mr. lincoln had remarkable political tact--he seemed to know how long to wait and when to act, and, if we may credit mr. welles,[ ] his inflexibly honest secretary of the navy, he was, with the members of his cabinet, wonderfully patient and even long-suffering. and although he was the subject of much abuse, especially at the hands of southerners who then totally misunderstood him, he was animated always by the philosophy of his own famous words, "with malice towards none, with charity for all." never for one moment did he forget, amidst even the bitterest of his trials, that the confederates, then in arms against him, were, as he regarded them, his misguided fellow-citizens; and the supreme purpose of his life was to bring them back into the union, not as conquered foes, but as happy and contented citizens of the great republic. [ ] "diary of gideon welles," vols., passim. the resources of the confederacy and the united states were very unequal. the confederacy had no army, no navy, no factories, save here and there a flour mill or cotton factory, and practically no machine shops that could furnish engines for its railroads. it had one cannon foundry. the tredegar iron works, at richmond, virginia, was a fully equipped cannon foundry. the confederacy's arms and munitions of war were not sufficient to supply the troops that volunteered during the first six months of military operations. its further supplies, except such as the tredegar works furnished, depended on importations through the blockade soon to be established and such as might be captured. the north had the army and navy, factories of every description, food in abundance, and free access to the ports of the world. the population of the north was , , . the population of the south was , , , of which , , were colored. the total white male population of the confederacy, of all ages, was , , . the reports of the adjutant-general of the united states, november , , show , , men mustered into the service of the united states in - . general marcus j. wright, of the united states war records office, in his latest estimate of confederate enlistments, places the outside number at , . the estimate of colonel henderson, of the staff of the british army, in his "life of stonewall jackson," is , . colonel thomas j. livermore, of boston, estimates the number of confederates at about , , , and insists that in the adjutant-general's reports of the union enlistments there are errors that would bring down the number of union soldiers to about , , . colonel livermore's estimates are earnestly combated by confederate writers. general charles francis adams has, in a recently published volume,[ ] cited figures given mostly by different confederate authorities, which aggregate , , confederate enlistments. what authority these confederate writers have relied on is not clear. the enlistments were for the most part directly in the confederate army and not through state officials. the captured confederate records should furnish the highest evidence. but it is earnestly insisted that these records are incomplete, and there is no purpose here to discuss a disputed point. [ ] "studies, military and diplomatic," p. _et seq._ these studies make a volume of rare historic value. the call to arms was answered enthusiastically in both sections, but the south was more united in its convictions, and practically all her young manhood fell into line, the rich and the poor, the cultured and uncultured serving in the ranks side by side. the devotion of the noble women of the north, and of its humanitarian associations, to the welfare of the federal soldiers was remarkable, but there was nothing in the situation in that section that could evoke such a wonderful exhibition of heroism and self-sacrifice as was exhibited by the devoted women of the south, who made willingly every possible sacrifice to the cause of the confederacy. both sides fought bravely. excluding from the union armies negroes, foreigners, and the descendants of recent immigrants, the confederates and the union soldiers were mainly of british stock. the confederates had some notable advantages. excepting a few union regiments from the west, the southerners were better shots and better horsemen, especially in the beginning of the war, than the northerners; and the southerners were fighting not only for the constitution of their fathers and the defence of their homes, but for the supremacy of their race. they had also another military advantage, that would probably have been decisive but for the united states navy: they had interior lines of communication which would have enabled them to readily concentrate their forces. but the united states navy, hovering around their coast-line, not only neutralized but turned this advantage into a weakness, thus compelling the confederates to scatter their armies. every port had to be guarded. in the west the federals were almost uniformly successful in the greater battles, the confederates winning in these but two decisive victories, chickamauga and sabine cross roads, in louisiana. estimating, according to the method of military experts, the percentage of losses of the victor only, chickamauga was the bloodiest battle of the world, from and including waterloo down to the present time. gettysburg and sharpsburg also rank as high in losses as any battle fought elsewhere in this long period, which takes in the franco-german and the russo-japanese wars. at sharpsburg or antietam the losses exceeded those in any other one day's battle.[ ] [ ] according to that standard work, e. p. alexander's "memoirs," pp. , , and , the confederates, who stood their ground at sharpsburg on the day of battle and the day after, lost in killed and wounded thirty-two per cent. the french army at waterloo entirely dissolved, with a loss in killed and wounded of only thirty-one per cent. (see figures in henderson's "stonewall jackson.") the confederates were successful, excepting antietam or sharpsburg and gettysburg, and perhaps seven pines or fair oaks, in all the great battles in the east, down to the time when the shattered remnant of lee's army was overwhelmed at petersburg and surrendered at appomattox. the _élan_ the southerners acquired in the many victories they won fighting for their homes is not to be overlooked. but the failure of the north with its overwhelming numbers and resources, to overcome the resistance of the half-famished confederates until nearly four years had elapsed, can only be fully accounted for, in fairness to the undoubted courage of the union armies, by the fact, on which foreign military critics are agreed, that the north had no such generals as lee and stonewall jackson. only by the superior generalship of their leaders could the confederates have won as many battles as they did against vastly superior numbers. but against the united states navy the brilliant generalship of the confederates and their marvellous courage were powerless. accepted histories of the war have been written largely by the army and its friends, and, strangely enough, the general historians have been so attracted by the gallantry displayed in great land battles, and the immediate results, that they have utterly failed to appreciate the services of the united states navy. the southerners accomplished remarkable results with torpedoes with the _merrimac_ or _virginia_ and their little fleet of commerce destroyers; but the united states navy, by its effective blockade, starved the confederacy to death. the southern government could not market its cotton, nor could it import or manufacture enough military supplies. among its extremest needs were rails and rolling stock to refit its lines of communication. for want of transportation it was unable to concentrate its armies, and for the same reason its troops were not half fed. in addition to its services on the blockade, which, in lord wolseley's opinion, decided the war, the navy, with general grant's help, cut the confederacy in twain by way of the mississippi. it penetrated every southern river, severing confederate communications and destroying depots of supplies. it assisted in the capture, early in the war, of forts henry and donelson, and it conducted union troops along the tennessee river into east tennessee and north alabama. it furnished objective points and supplies at savannah, charleston, and wilmington, to sherman on his march from atlanta; and finally grant, the great union general, who had failed to reach richmond by way of the wilderness, spottsylvania, and cold harbor, achieved success only when the navy was at his back, holding his base, while he laid a nine months' siege to petersburg. that distinguished author, charles francis adams, himself a union general in the army of the potomac, says that the united states navy was the deciding factor in the civil war. he even says that every single successful operation of the union forces "hinged and depended on naval supremacy." the following is from the preface to "the crisis of the confederacy," in which, published in , a foreign expert, captain cecil battine, of the king's hussars, condenses all that needs further to be said here about the purely military side of the civil war: the history of the american civil war still remains the most important theme for the student and the statesman because it was waged between adversaries of the highest intelligence and courage, who fought by land and sea over an enormous area with every device within the reach of human ingenuity, and who had to create every organization needed for the purpose after the struggle had begun. the admiration which the valor of the confederate soldiers, fighting against superior numbers and resources, excited in europe; the dazzling genius of some of the confederate generals, and in some measure jealousy at the power of the united states, have ranged the sympathies of the world during the war and ever since to a large degree on the side of the vanquished. justice has hardly been done to the armies which arose time and again from sanguinary repulses, and from disasters more demoralizing than any repulse in the field, because they were caused by political and military incapacity in high places, to redeem which the soldiers freely shed their blood as it seemed in vain. if the heroic endurance of the southern people and the fiery valor of the southern armies thrill us to-day with wonder and admiration, the stubborn tenacity and courage which succeeded in preserving intact the heritage of the american nation, and which triumphed over foes so formidable, are not less worthy of praise and imitation. the americans still hold the world's record for hard fighting. the great majority of the union soldiers enlisted for the preservation of the union and not for the abolition of slavery. but among these soldiers there was an abolition element, and very soon the tramp of federal regiments was keeping time to "john brown's body lies a mouldering in the ground, as we go marching on." early in the war generals frémont and butler issued orders declaring free the slaves within the union lines; these orders president lincoln rescinded. but abolition sentiment was growing in the army and at the north, and the pressure upon the president to strike at slavery was increasing. the union forces were suffering repeated defeats; slaves at home were growing food crops and caring for the families of confederates who were fighting at the front, and in september, , president lincoln issued his preliminary proclamation of emancipation, basing it on the ground of military necessity. it was to become effective january , . and here was the same lincoln who had declared in his opinion that whites and blacks could not live together as equals, socially and politically; and it was the very same lincoln who had repeatedly said he cherished no ill-will against his southern brethren. if the slaves were to be freed, they and the whites should not be left together. he therefore _sought diligently to find some home for the freedmen in a foreign country_. but unfortunately, as already seen, the american negro, a bone of contention at home, was now a pariah to other peoples. most nations welcome immigrants, but no country was willing to shelter the american freedman, save only liberia, long before a proven failure, and hayti, where, under the blacks, anarchy had already been chronic for half a century. hume tells us, in "the abolitionists," that for a time mr. lincoln even considered setting texas apart as a home for the negro. later the surrender of the confederate armies, together with the adoption of the thirteenth amendment to the constitution, consummated emancipation, foreseeing which president lincoln formulated his plan of reconstruction. suffrage in the reconstructed states under his plan was to be limited to those who were qualified to vote at the date of secession, which meant the whites. the sole exception he ever made to this rule was a suggestion to governor hahn, of louisiana, that it might be well for the whites (of louisiana) to give the ballot to a few of the most intelligent of the negroes and to such as had served in the army. the part the soldiers played, federal and confederate, in restoring the union, is a short story. the clash between them settled without reserve the only question that was really in issue--secession; slavery, that had been the origin of sectional dissensions, was eliminated because it obstructed the success of the union armies. by their gallantry in battle and conduct toward each other the men in blue and the men in gray restored between the north and the south the mutual respect that had been lost in the bitterness of sectional strife, and without which there could be no fraternal union. mr. gladstone, when the war was on, said that the north was endeavoring to "propagate free institutions at the point of the sword." the north was not seeking to propagate in the south any new institution whatever. mr. gladstone's paradox loses its point because both sections were fighting for the preservation of the same system of government. the time has now happily come when, to use the language of senator hoar, as americans, we can, north and south, discuss the causes that brought about our terrible war "in a friendly and quiet spirit, without recrimination and without heat, each understanding the other, each striving to help the other, as men who are bearing a common burden and looking forward with a common hope." the country, it is believed, has already reached the conclusions that the south was absolutely honest in maintaining the right of secession and absolutely unswerving in its devotion to its ideas of the constitution, and that the north was equally honest and patriotic in its fidelity to the union. we need to advance one step further. somebody was to blame for starting a quarrel between brethren who were dwelling together in amity. if americans can agree in fixing that blame, the knowledge thus acquired should help them to avoid such troubles hereafter. it seems to be a fair conclusion that the _initial cause of all our troubles was the formation by garrison of those abolition societies_ which the boston people in their resolutions of august , , "disapproved of" and described as "associations instituted in the non-slave-holding states, with the intent to act, within the slave-holding states, on the subject of slavery in those states, without their consent." and further, that it was the creation of these societies, the methods they resorted to, and their explicit defiance of the constitution that roused the fears and passions of the south and caused that section to take up the quarrel that, afterward became sectional; and that, after much hot dispute and many regrettable incidents, north and south, resulted in secession and war. in every dispute about slavery prior to , the constitution was always regarded by every disputant as supreme. _the quarrel that was fatal to the peace of the union began when the new abolitionists put in the new claim, that slavery in the south was the concern of the north, as well as of the south, and that there was a higher law than the constitution. if the conscience of the individual, instead of human law, is to prescribe rules of conduct, society is at the mercy of anarchists. czolgosz was conscientious when he murdered mckinley._ had all americans continued to agree, after , as they did before that time, that the constitution of the united states was the supreme law of the land, there would have been no fatal sectional quarrel, no secession, and no war between the north and south. * * * * * the immediate surrender everywhere of the confederates in obedience to the orders of their generals was an imposing spectacle. there was no guerilla warfare. the confederates accepted their defeat in good faith and have ever since been absolutely loyal to the united states government, but they have never changed their minds as to the justice of the cause they fought for. they fought for liberty regulated by law, and against the idea that there can be, under our system, any higher law than the constitution of our country. that the constitution should always be the supreme law of the land, they still believe, and the philosophic student of past and current history should be gratified to see the tenacity with which southern people still cling to that idea. it suggests that not only will the southerners be always ready to stand for our country against a foreign foe, but that whenever our institutions shall be assailed, as they will often be hereafter by visionaries who are impatient of restraints, the cause of liberty, regulated by law, will find staunch defenders in the southern section of our country. chapter x reconstruction, lincoln-johnson plan and congressional. president lincoln's theory was that acts of secession were void, and that when the seceded states came back into the union those who were entitled to vote, by the laws existing at the date of the attempted secession, and had been pardoned, should have, and should control, the right of suffrage. mr. lincoln had acted on this theory in tennessee, louisiana, and texas, and he further advised congress, in his message of december, , that this was his plan. congress, after a long debate, responded in july, , by an act claiming for itself power over reconstruction. the president answered by a pocket veto, and after that veto mr. lincoln was, in november, , re-elected on a platform extolling his "practical wisdom," etc. congress, during the session that began in december, , did not attempt to reassert its authority but adjourned, march , , in sight of the collapse of the confederacy, leaving the president an open field for his declared policy. but unhappily, on the th of april, , mr. lincoln was assassinated, and his death just at this time was the most appalling calamity that ever befell the american people. the blow fell chiefly upon the south, and it was the south the assassin had thought to benefit. had the great statesman lived he might, and it is fully believed he would, like washington, have achieved a double success. washington, successful in war, was successful in guiding his country through the first eight stormy years of its existence under a new constitution. lincoln had guided the country through four years of war, and the union was now safe. with lee's surrender the war was practically at an end. gideon welles says that on the th of april, , mr. lincoln, "while i was with him at the white house, was informed that his fellow-citizens would call to congratulate him on the fall of richmond and surrender of lee; but he requested their visit should be delayed that he might have time to put his thoughts on paper, for he desired that his utterances on such an occasion should be deliberate and not liable to misapprehension, misinterpretation, or misconstruction. he therefore addressed the people on the following evening, tuesday the th, in a carefully prepared speech intended to promote harmony and union. "in this remarkable speech, delivered three days before his assassination, he stated he had prepared a plan for the reinauguration of the sectional authority and reconstruction in , which would be acceptable to the executive government, and that every member of the cabinet fully approved the plan," etc.[ ] [ ] gideon welles in an essay, "lincoln and johnson," _the galaxy_, april, . in view of his death three days later, this, his last and deliberate public utterance, may be regarded as abraham lincoln's will, devising as a legacy to his countrymen his plan of reconstruction. that plan in the hands of his successor was defeated by a partisan and radical congress. that it was a wise plan the world now knows. senator john sherman, of ohio, was one of the most influential of those who succeeded in defeating it, and yet he lived to say, in his book published in ,[ ] andrew johnson "adopted substantially the plan proposed and acted on by mr. lincoln. after this long lapse of time i am convinced that mr. johnson's scheme of reorganization was wise and judicious. it was unfortunate that it had not the sanction of congress and that events soon brought the president and congress into hostility." [ ] "john sherman's recollections," vol. i, p. . and the present senator, shelby cullom, of illinois, who as a member of the house of representatives voted to overthrow the lincoln-johnson plan of reconstruction, has furnished us further testimony. he says in his book, published in :[ ] [ ] "fifty years of public service," cullom, p. . "to express it in a word, the motive of the opposition to the johnson plan of reconstruction was a firm conviction that its success would wreck the republican party and, by restoring the democracy to power, bring back southern supremacy and northern vassalage." the republican party, then dominant in congress, felt when confronting reconstruction that it was facing a crisis in its existence. the democratic party, unitedly opposed to negro suffrage, was still in northern states a power to be reckoned with. allied with the southern whites, that old party might again control the government unless, by giving the negro the ballot, the republicans could gain, as senator sumner said, the "allies it needed." but the masses at the north were opposed to negro suffrage, and only two or three state constitutions sanctioned it. indeed, it may be safely said that when congress convened in december, , a majority of the people of the north were ready to follow johnson and approve the lincoln plan of reconstruction. but the extremists in both branches of the congress had already determined to defeat the plan and to give the ballot to the ex-slave. to prepare the mind of the northern people for their programme, they had resolved to rekindle the passions of the war, which were now smouldering, and utilize all the machinery, military and civilian, that congress could make effective. andrew johnson,[ ] who as vice-president now succeeded to the presidency, though a man of ability, had little personal influence and none of lincoln's tact. johnson retained lincoln's cabinet, and mccullough, who was secretary of the treasury under both presidents, says in his "men and measures of half a century," p. : [ ] the final estimate of gideon welles, secretary of the navy under both lincoln and johnson, is this: "he (johnson) has been faithful to the constitution, although his administrative capabilities and management may not equal some of his predecessors. of measures he was a good judge but not always of men."--"diary of gideon welles," vol. iii, p. . "the very same instrument for restoring the national authority over north carolina and placing her where she stood before her secession, which had been approved by mr. lincoln, was, by mr. stanton, presented at the first cabinet which was held at the executive mansion after mr. lincoln's death, and, having been carefully considered at two or three meetings, was adopted as the reconstruction policy of the administration." johnson carried out this plan. all the eleven seceding states repealed their ordinances of secession. their voters, from which class many leaders had been excluded by the presidential proclamation, all took the oath of allegiance, and reconstructed their state governments. from most of the reconstructed states, senators and representatives were in washington asking to be seated when congress convened, december , . the presidential plan of reconstruction had been promptly accepted by the people of the prostrate states. almost without exception they had, when permitted, taken the oath and returned to their allegiance. the wretchedness of these people in the spring of was indescribable. the labor system on which they depended for most of their money-producing crops was destroyed. including the disabled, twenty per cent of the whites, who would now have been bread-winners, were gone. the credit system had been universal, and credit was gone. banks were bankrupt. confederate currency and bonds were worthless. provisions were scarce and money even scarcer. many landholders had not even plough stock with which to make a crop. there was some cotton, however, that had escaped the ravages of war, and a large part of this also escaped the rapacious united states agents, who were seizing it as confederate property. this cotton was a godsend. there was another supply of money that came from an unexpected source. the old anti-slavery controversy had made it seem perfectly clear to many moneyed men, north, that free labor was always superior to slave labor; and now, when cotton was bringing a good price, enterprising men carried their money, altogether some hundreds of thousands of dollars, into the several cotton states, to buy plantations and make cotton with free negro labor. free negro labor was not a success. those who had reckoned on it lost their money; but this money went into circulation and was helpful. above all else loomed the negro problem. five millions of whites and three and a half millions of blacks were to live together. thomas jefferson had said, "nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people are to be free; _nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government_. _nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines between them._"[ ] and it may truly be said of jefferson that he was, as quite recently he was declared to be by dr. schurman, president of cornell university, the "apostle of reason, and reason alone." [ ] "jefferson's works," vol. i, p. . what system of laws could southern conventions and legislatures frame, that would enable them to accomplish what jefferson had declared was impossible? this was the question before these bodies when called together in - by johnson to rehabilitate their states. two dangers confronted them. one was, armed bands of negroes, headed by returning negro soldiers. mr. lincoln had feared this. early in april of that very year, , he said to general butler: "i can hardly believe that the south and north can live in peace unless we can get rid of the negroes, whom we have armed and disciplined, and who have fought with us, to the amount, i believe, of one hundred and fifty thousand." mississippi, and perhaps one other state, to guard against the danger from this source, enacted that negroes were only to bear arms when licensed. this law was to be fiercely attacked. the other chief danger was that idleness among the negroes would lead to crime. it soon became apparent that the negro idea was that freedom meant freedom from work. they would not work steadily, even for their northern friends, who were offering ready money for labor in their cotton fields, and multitudes were loitering in towns and around freedmen's bureau offices. nothing seemed better than the old-time remedies, apprenticeship and vagrancy laws, then found in every body of british or american statutes. these laws southern legislatures copied, with what appeared to be necessary modifications, and these laws were soon assailed as evidence of an intent to reduce the negro again to slavery. mr. james g. blaine, in his "twenty years," selected the alabama statutes for his attack. in the writer's book, "why the solid south," pp. - , the alabama statutes cited by mr. blaine are shown to be very similar to and largely copied from the statutes of vermont, massachusetts, and rhode island. had mr. lincoln been living he would have sympathized with these southern law-makers in their difficult task. but to the radicals in congress nothing could have been satisfactory that did not give mr. sumner's party the "allies it needed." the first important step of the congress that convened december , , was to refuse admission to the congressmen from the states reconstructed under the lincoln-johnson plan, and pass a joint resolution for the appointment of a committee of fifteen to inquire into conditions in those states. the temper of that congress may be gauged by the following extract from the speech of mr. shellabarger, of ohio, on the passage of the joint resolution: "they framed iniquity and universal murder into law.... their pirates burned your unarmed commerce on the sea. they carved the bones of your dead heroes into ornaments, and drank from goblets made out of their skulls. they poisoned your fountains; put mines under your soldiers' prisons; organized bands, whose leaders were concealed in your homes; and commissions ordered the torch and yellow fever to be carried to your cities and to your women and children. they planned one universal bonfire of the north from lake ontario to the missouri," etc. congress, while refusing admission to senators elected by the legislatures of the reconstructed states, was permitting these very bodies to pass on amendments to the federal constitution; and such votes were counted. congress now proposed the fourteenth amendment, section iii of which provided that no person should hold office under the united states who, having taken an oath, as a federal or state officer, to support the constitution, had subsequently engaged in the war against the union. the southerners would not vote for a provision that would disfranchise their leaders; they refused to ratify the fourteenth amendment, and this helped further to inflame the radicals of the north. after the committee of fifteen had been appointed, congress proceeded to put the reconstructed states under military control. in the debate on the measure, february , , james a. garfield, who was, at a later date, to become generous and conservative, said exultingly: "this bill sets out by laying its hands on the rebel governments and taking the very breath of life out of them; in the next place, it puts the bayonet at the breast of every rebel in the south; in the next place, it leaves in the hands of congress utterly and absolutely the work of reconstruction." and congress did its work. lincoln was in his grave, and johnson, even with his vetoes, was powerless. by the acts of march and march , , the reconstructed governments were swept away. universal suffrage was given to the negro and most of the prominent whites were disfranchised. the first suffrage bill was for the district of columbia, during the debate on which senator sumner said: "now, to my mind, nothing is clearer than the absolute necessity of suffrage for all colored persons in the disorganized states. it will not be enough, if you give it to those who can read and write; you will not in this way acquire the voting force you need there for the protection of unionists, whether white or black. you will not acquire the new allies who are essential to the national cause." in the forty-first congress, beginning march , , the twelve reconstructed states, including west virginia, were represented by twenty-two republicans and two democrats in the senate, and forty-eight republicans and twelve democrats in the house of representatives. mr. sumner's "new allies" were ready to answer to the roll-call. * * * * * when congress had convened in december, , its radical leaders were already bent on universal suffrage for the negro, but the northern mind was not yet prepared for so radical a measure. the "committee of fifteen" was the first step in the programme, which was to hold the southern states out of the union and make an appeal to the passions and prejudices of northern voters in the congressional elections of november, . valuable material for the coming campaign was already being furnished by the agents of the freedmen's bureau. these "adventurers, broken down preachers, and politicians," as senator fessenden, of maine, called them, were, and had been for some time, reporting "outrages," swearing negroes into midnight leagues, and selecting the offices they hoped to fill. but the chief source of the material relied upon in the congressional campaign of to exasperate the north, and prod voters to the point of sanctioning negro suffrage in the south, was the official information from the committee of fifteen. its subcommittee of three, to take testimony as to virginia, north and south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, and arkansas, were _all republicans_. the doings of this subcommittee in alabama illustrate their methods. only five persons, who claimed to be citizens, were examined. these were all republican politicians. the testimony of each was bitterly partisan. "under the government of the state as it then existed, no one of these witnesses could hope for official preferment. when this reconstruction plan had been completed the first of these five witnesses became governor of his state; the second became a senator in congress; the third secured a life position in one of the departments in washington; the fourth became a circuit judge in alabama, and the fifth a judge of the supreme court of the district of columbia--all as republicans. there was no democrat in the subcommittee which examined these gentlemen, to cross-examine them; and not a citizen of alabama was called before that subcommittee to confute or explain their evidence."[ ] [ ] "why the solid south," p. . with the material gathered by these means and from these sources, the honest voters of the north were deluded into the election of a congress that went to washington, in december, , armed with authority to pass the reconstruction laws of march, . southern counsels were now much divided. many good men, like governor brown, of georgia; general longstreet and ex-senator albert gallatin brown, of mississippi, advised acquiescence and assistance, "not because we approve the policy of reconstruction, but because it is the best we can do." these advisers hoped that good men, well known to the negroes, might control them for the country's good; and zealous efforts were made along this line in every state, but they were futile. the blacks had already, before they got the suffrage, accepted the leadership of those claiming to be the "men who had freed them." these leaders were not only bureau agents but army camp-followers; and there was still another brood, who espied from afar a political eden in the prostrate states and forthwith journeyed to it. all these northern adventurers were called "carpet-baggers"--they carried their worldly goods in their hand-bags. the southerners who entered into a joint-stock business with them became "scalawags." these people mustered the negroes into leagues, and everywhere whispered it into their ears that the aim of the southern whites was to reënslave them. politics in the south in the days before the war had always been more or less intense, partly because there were so many who had leisure, and partly because the general rule was joint political discussions. the seams that had divided whigs and democrats, secessionists and union men, had not been entirely closed up, even by the melting fires of the civil war. old feuds for a time played their part in southern politics, even after march, . these old feuds made it difficult for southern whites to get together as a race; and, in fact, conservative men dreaded the idea. it tended toward an actual race war which, for many years, had been a nightmare; but in every reconstructed state the negro and his allies finally forced the race issue. the new rulers not only increased taxes and misappropriated the revenues of counties, cities, and states; they bartered away the credit of state after state. some of the states, after they were redeemed, scaled their debts by compromising with creditors; others have struggled along with their increased burdens. there were hundreds of negro policemen, constables, justices of the peace, and legislators who could not write their names. justice was in many localities a farce. ex-slaves became judges, representatives in congress, and united states senators. the eleven confederate states had been divided into military districts. many of the officers and men who were scattered over the country to uphold negro rule sympathized with the whites and evidenced their sympathy in various ways. others, either because they were radicals at heart, or to commend themselves to their superiors, who were some of them aspiring to political places, were super-serviceable; and it was not uncommon for a military officer, in a case where a negro was a party, to order a judge to leave the bench and himself take the place. in communities where negro majorities were overwhelming there were usually two factions, and when political campaigns were on agents for these clans often scoured the fields clear of laborers to recruit their marching bands. in cities these bands made night hideous with shouts and the noise of fifes and drums. the negro would tolerate no defection from his ranks to the whites, and negro women were more intolerant than the men. it sometimes happened that a bloody clash between the races was imminent when white men sought to protect a negro who had dared to speak in favor of the democratic and conservative party. in truth, the civilization of the south was being changed from white to negroid. the final triumph of good government in all the states was at last accomplished by accepting the race issue, as in alabama in . the first resolution in the platform of the "democratic and conservative party" in that state then was, "the radical and dominant faction of the republican party in this state persistently, and by fraudulent representations, have inflamed the passions and prejudices of the negroes, as a race, against the white people, and have thereby made it necessary for the white people to unite and act together in self-defence and for the preservation of white civilization." the people of north carolina recovered the right of self-government in . other states followed from time to time, the last two being louisiana and south carolina in . edwin l. godkin, who was for long at the head of the _nation_ and the _evening post_, of new york, is thought by some competent judges to have been the ablest editor this country has ever had. after the last of the negro governments set up in the south had passed away, looking back over the whole bad business, mr. godkin, in a letter to his friend charles eliot norton, written from sweet springs, west virginia, september , , said: "i do not see in short how the negro is ever to be worked into a system of government for which you and i could have much respect."[ ] [ ] ogden's "life and letters of edwin lawrence godkin," vol. ii, p. . garrison is dead. at the centenary of his birth, december , , an effort was made to arouse enthusiasm. there was only a feeble response; but we still have extremists. professor josiah royce, of harvard, in "race questions" ( ), speaking of race antipathies as "trained hatred," says, pp. - : "we can remember that they are childish phenomena in our lives, phenomena on a level with the dread of snakes or of mice, phenomena that we share with the cats and with the dogs, not noble phenomena, but caprices of our complex nature." chapter xi the south under self-government for now more than thirty years, whites and blacks, both free, have lived together in the reconstructed states. in some of them there have been local clashes, but in none of them has there been race war, predicted by jefferson and feared by lincoln; and there probably never will be such a war, unless it shall come through the intervention of such an outside force as produced in the south the conflict between the races at the polls in - . every state government set up under the plan of congress had wrought ruin, and the ruin was always more complete where the negroes were most numerous, as in south carolina and louisiana. the rule of the carpet-bagger and the negro was now superseded by governments based on abraham lincoln's idea, the idea he expressed in the debate with douglas in , when he said: "while they [the two races] do remain together _there must be the position of inferior and superior_, and i, as much as any other man, _am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white man_." conducted on this basis, the present governments in the reconstructed states have endured now for periods varying from thirty-six to forty-two years, and in every state, without any exception, the prosperity of both whites and blacks has been wonderful, and this in spite of the still existent abnormal animosities engendered by congressional reconstruction. in the present state governments the race problem seems to have reached, in its larger lines, its only practicable solution. there is still, however, much friction between whites and blacks. higher culture among the masses, especially of the dominant race, and wise leadership in both races, will in time minimize this, but it is not to be expected, nor is it ever to be desired, that racial antipathies should entirely cease to exist. the result of such cessation would be amalgamation, a solution that american whites will never tolerate. deportation, as a solution of the negro problem, is impracticable. mr. lincoln, much as he desired the separation of the races, could not accomplish it, even when he had all the war power of the government in his hands. he was, as we have seen, unable to find a country that would take the , , of blacks then in the seceded states. now, there are in the south, including delaware, according to the census of , , , , and, quite naturally, the american negro is more unwilling than ever to leave america. another solution sometimes suggested in the south is the repeal of the fifteenth amendment, which declares that the negro shall not be deprived of the ballot because of his race, but agitation for this would appear to be worse than useless. the negro vote in the reconstructed states is, and has for years been, quite small, not large enough to be considered a factor in any of them. one cause of this is that the whites enforce against the blacks rigidly the tests required by law, but the chief reason is, that the negro, who is qualified, does not often apply for registration. he finds work now more profitable than voting. he can not, he knows, control, nor can he, if disposed to do so, sell his ballot as he once did. one of the most signal and durable evils of congressional reconstruction was the utter debasement of the suffrage in eleven states where the ballot had formerly been notably pure. gideon welles saw clearly when he said in his diary, june , (p. , vol. iii): "under the pretence of elevating the negro the radicals are degrading the whites and debasing the elective franchise, bringing elections into contempt." during the rule of the negro and the alien, in every black county, where the negro majority was as two to one, there were, as a rule, two republican candidates for every fat office, and an election meant, for the negro, a golden harvest. rival candidates were mercilessly fleeced by their black constituencies, and the belief south is that as a rule the carpet-baggers, in their hegira, returned north as poor as when they came. in the reconstruction era the whites fought fraud with fraud; and even after recovering control they, the whites, felt justified in continuing to defraud the negro of his vote. to restore the purity of the ballot-box was the chief reason for the amendments to state constitutions, by means of which amendments, having in view the limitations of the federal constitution, as many negroes and as few whites as was practicable were excluded. this accounts in part for the smallness of the negro vote south. a more potent reason is that the democratic party, dominated by whites, selects its candidates in primaries; and the negro, seeing no chance to win, does not care to pay a poll tax or otherwise qualify for registration. southern whites have now for more than three decades been governing the blacks in their midst. it is the most difficult task that has ever been undertaken in all the history of popular government, but sad experience has demonstrated that legal restriction of the negro vote in the south there must be. party spirit tends always to blind the vision, and, as we have seen in this review of the past, it often stifles conscience; and this even where the masses of the people are approximately homogeneous. southern statesmen are now dealing not only with party spirit, but with perpetual race friction manifesting itself in various forms. failure there must be in minor matters and in certain localities; the progress that has been made can only be fairly estimated by considering general results. those who sympathize with the south think they see there among the whites a growing spirit of altruism, begotten of responsibility, and this promises much for the amelioration of race friction. since obtaining control of their state governments the whites in the southern states have as a rule increased appropriations for common schools by at least four hundred per cent, and though paying themselves by far the greater proportion of these taxes, they have continued to divide revenues pro rata between the white and colored schools. industrial results have been amazing. the following figures, taken from the annual blue book, edition, of the _manufacturers' record_, baltimore, maryland, include west virginia among the reconstructed states. the population of these states was, in , , , ; in , , , . manufacturing capital, , $ , , . in --twenty years--it was $ , , , . cotton crop, whole south, , , , bales. in it was about , , . of this cotton crop southern mills took, in , , bales, and in , , , bales. in the twelve reconstructed states cut, of lumber, board measure, , , , feet; and in , , , feet. their output of pig-iron was, in , , long tons; in , , , tons. the assessed value of taxable property was, in , $ , , , ; in , $ , , , . the negro, though the white man, with his superior energy and capacity, far outstrips him, has shared in this material prosperity. his property in these states has been estimated as high as $ , , . during the last decade, - , the white population of the south increased by . per cent, while the negro population in the same states increased only . per cent. there has been a very considerable gain of whites over blacks since , the result largely of a greater natural increase of whites over blacks, immigrants not counted. all this indicates that the negro problem is gradually being minimized. taken in the aggregate, the shortcomings of the negro are numerous and regrettable, but not greater than was to be expected. the general advance of an inferior race will never equal that of one which is superior by nature and already centuries ahead. the laggard and thriftless among the inferior people will naturally be more, and it is from these classes that prison houses are filled. there is a very considerable class of negroes who are improving mentally and morally, but improvidence is a characteristic of the race, and very many of them, even though they labor more or less steadily, will never accumulate. the third class, much larger than among the whites, is composed of those who are idle, dissipated, and criminal. taken altogether, however, what booker washington says is true: "there cannot be found, in the civilized or uncivilized world, a like number of negroes whose economic, educational, and religious life is so far advanced as that of the ten millions within this country."[ ] this advancement is one of the results of slavery. when the negroes come to recognize this, as some of their leaders already do,[ ] and come to appreciate the advantages for further improvement they have had since their emancipation, they will cease to repine over the bondage of their ancestors. there were undoubtedly evils in slavery, but, after all, there was some reason in the advice given by the good spanish bishop las casas to the king of spain--that it would be rightful to enslave and thus christianize and civilize the african savage. herbert spencer, "illustrations of universal progress" (p. ), says: "hateful though it is to us, and injurious as it would be now, slavery was once beneficial, was one of the _necessary phases of human progress_." [ ] pickett, pp. - . [ ] "the negro problem," pickett, , pp. - . sir harry johnston, african explorer and student of the negro race, in both the old and the new world, and perhaps the most eminent authority on a question he has, in a fashion, made his own, says: "intellectually, and perhaps physically, he (the negro) has attained the highest degree of advancement as yet in the united states."[ ] [ ] "the negro in the new world," sir harry johnston, p. . "in alabama (most of all) the american negro is seen at his best, as peasant, peasant proprietor, artisan, professional man, and member of society."[ ] [ ] _ib._, p. . race animosities are now abnormal, both south and north. the prime reasons for this are two: . the bitter conflict during reconstruction for race supremacy and the false hopes once held out to the negro of ultimate social equality with the whites. among the early measures of congressional reconstruction was a "civil rights" enactment which the negroes regarded as giving to them all the rights of the white man. their supreme court in alabama decided, in "burns vs. the state," that the "civil rights" laws conferred the right to intermarriage. negroes, north, no doubt also believed in this construction. but the supreme court of the united states later held that the states, and not congress, had jurisdiction over the marriage relation within the states. all the southern and a number of the northern states have since forbidden the intermarriage of whites and blacks, and so the negro's hopes of equal rights in this regard have vanished. this disappointment and his utter failure to secure the social equality that once seemed his, have tended to embitter the negro against the white man. . whites have been embittered against blacks by the frequency in later years of the crime of the negro against white women. this horrible offence began to be common in the south some thirty-two or three years since, or perhaps a little earlier, and somewhat later it appeared in the north, where it seems to have been as common, negro population considered, as in the south. the crime was almost invariably followed by lynching, which, however, was not always for the same crime. the following is the list of lynchings in the sections, as kept by the _chicago tribune_ since it began to compile them: the general decrease, while population is increasing, is encouraging; but lynching itself is a horrible crime; and lynching for one crime begets lynching for another. of the total number lynched last year, nine were whites; sixty-five were negroes, among them three women; and only twenty-two were for crimes of negroes against white women. the other crimes were murder, attempts to murder, robbery, arson, etc. census returns indicate that in the country at large the criminality of the negro, as compared with that of the white man, is nearly three times greater, and that the ratio of negro criminality is much higher north than south. such returns also indicate that so far education has not lessened negro criminality,[ ] but it is not known that any well-educated negro has been guilty of the crime against white women. [ ] "the negro problem," william pickett, pp. - . rare traits, etc., of the negro, statistician, prudential ins. co. of america, p. _et seq._ in the south the negro is excluded from many occupations for which the best of them are fitted, but in the north his industrial conditions are worse. fewer occupations are open to him and the wisest members of his race are counselling him to remain in the more favorable industrial atmosphere of the south. the dislike of negroes for whites has been increased south by the laws which separate them from whites in schools, public conveyances, etc. but it is to be remembered that these laws were intended to prevent intermarriage; they are in part the result of race antipathies. but the sound reason for them is that they tend to prevent intimacies which, at the points where the races are in closest touch with each other, might result in intermarriage. professor e. d. cope, of the university of pennsylvania, one of the very highest of american authorities on the race question, in a powerful article published in ,[ ] advocated the deportation of the negroes from the south, no matter at what cost. otherwise he predicted eventual amalgamation, which would be the destruction of a large portion of the finest race in the world. [ ] "two perils of the indo-european," _the open court_, january , , p. . * * * * * this little study now comes to a close. an effort has been made to sketch briefly in this chapter the difficulties the south has encountered in dealing with the negro problem, and to outline the measure of success it has achieved. however imperfectly the author may have performed his task, it must be clear to the reader that no such problem as the present was ever before presented to a self-governing people. never was there so much need of that culture from which alone can come a high sense of duty to others. the negro must be encouraged to be self-helpful and useful to the community. if he is to do all this and remain a separate race, he must have leadership among his own people. in the mississippi black belt there is now a town of some , negroes, mound bayou, completely organized and prospering. it may be that in the future negroes seeking among themselves the amenities of life may congregate into communities of their own, cultivating adjacent lands, as the french do in their agricultural villages. wherever they may be, they must practise the civic virtues, honesty, and obedience to law. w. h. councill, a negro teacher, of huntsville, alabama, said some years since in a magazine article: "when the gray-haired veterans who followed lee and jackson pass away, the negro will have lost his best friends." this is true, but it is hoped that time and culture, while not producing social equality, will allay race animosities and bring the negro other friends to take the place of the departing veterans. the white man, with his pride of race, must more and more be made to feel that _noblesse oblige_. his sense of duty to others must measure up to his responsibilities and opportunities. he must accord to the negro all his rights under the laws as they exist. the south is exerting itself to better its common schools, but it cannot compete in this regard with the north. northern philanthropists are quite properly contributing to education in the south. they should consider well the needs of both races. any attempt to give to the negroes advantages superior to those of the whites, who are now treating the negro fairly in this respect, might look like another attempt to put, in negro language, "the bottom rail on top." looking over the whole field covered by this sketch, it is wonderful to note how the chain of causation stretches back into the past. reconstruction was a result of the war; secession and war resulted from a movement in the north, in , against conditions then existing in the south. the negro, the cause of the old quarrel between the sections, is located now much as he was then. how full of lessons, for both the south and the north, is the history of the last eighty years! there is even a chord that connects the burning of a negro at coatesville, pennsylvania, by an excited mob on the th of august, , with the burning of the federal constitution at framingham, massachusetts, by that other excited mob of madmen, under garrison, on the fourth day of july, . one body of outlaws was defying the laws of pennsylvania; the other was defying the fundamental laws of the nation. index abolitionists, mobbed, ; burn u. s. constitution, ; private lives of leaders irreproachable, ; become factor in national politics; boston captured by; "slave-catchers" now mobbed; national election turns on vote, - ; anti-slavery in faneuil hall, ; election again turns on vote of, ; impartial observer on influence of, ; professor smith on, abolition petitions in congress, influence of, abolition societies, in , adams, john quincy, becomes champion of abolitionists, ; defends right of petition, alien and sedition laws, , ; nature of, americans, world's record for hard fighting, andrews, prof. e. a., slavery conditions south, anti-slavery people and abolitionists grouped, ; douglas charged "black republican" party with favoring "negro citizenship and negro equality," aristocracy in south, , , articles of confederation, author, antecedents, explanation of, - author's conclusions, - - biglow papers, - birney, james g., mobbed, boston meeting, dr. hart overlooks, boston resolutions, burke, edmund, on conciliation, ; spirit of liberty in slave-holding communities, calhoun, john c., prophecy of, - cause of sectional conflict, abolition societies and their methods, channing, dr. wm. e., encomium on great britain, ; letter to webster, ; opinion of abolitionists, ; his change, characters and careers, of abraham lincoln and jefferson davis, - churches, north and south, opposition to slavery; a stupendous change, ; "whole cloth arrayed against" garrison, ; southern churches still defend slavery; northern changed; methodist church disrupted, coatesville lynching, colonies, juxtaposed, not united, colonization society, origin of and purposes, ; its supporters, ; making progress; abolitionists halted it, compromise of ; excitement in congress, ; great leaders in; webster on th of march, ; clay's speech, ; new fugitive slave law gave offence, confederate states with old constitution--changes slight, constitution, alien and sedition laws first palpable infringement, ; powers conferred by discussed, ; as supreme law southerners still cling to, cope, prof. e. d., advocated deportation to prevent amalgamation, cotton gin, accepted theory as to denied, courage of, and losses in, both armies, criminality, of negroes greater than of whites, cromwell and the great revolution, analogy to, curtis, george ticknor, quotation from "life of buchanan," davis, jefferson, farewell speech, ; doubts about success--sadness, democrats, north, opposed negro suffrage, deportation, no country ready to take negro, disunion, project among federalist leaders, - , ; sentiment in congress, , emancipation, easy north; difficult south, ; federal government, no power over, ; status north in , emancipations, south, what accomplished in , ; census tables, embargo of , why repealed, emerson, ralph waldo, eulogizes john brown, everett, edward, denunciation of john brown expedition, extradition, refused, of abductors of slaves, supreme court powerless, federalists, construed constitution liberally, fite, professor at yale, declares republicans in hoped to destroy slavery, ; justification of secession, freedman's bureau, its composition, free speech, channing defends abolitionists as champions of, ; john quincy adams becomes advocate, fugitive slave law, north not opposing in , ; missouri compromise provided for, garrison, william lloyd, began _liberator_; personality and characteristics, ; key-note, slavery the concern of all; slave-holders to be made odious, godkin, e. l., on negro as factor in politics, greeley, horace, draws comfort from john brown's raid, hartford convention, helper, hinton rowan, his book, higher law idea, prompted abolition crusade--and czolgosz to murder mckinley, immigration and union sentiment; number of immigrants, ; few south, incendiary literature, sent south, ; north aroused; andrew jackson's message, ; boston resolutions, ; indictment in alabama; requisition on governor of new york, incompatibility of slavery and freedom; lincoln's springfield speech, ; garrison first to announce doctrine; abraham lincoln next; then seward, - insurrections, denmark vesey plot at charleston, ; nat turner in virginia; walker's pamphlet, irish patriots, mitchel and meagher, divide on secession, john brown's raid, ; his secret committee, johnson, andrew, succeeding lincoln, carried out plan, johnston, sir harry, on negro in south, highest degree of advancement, kansas, fierce struggles in; sumner's bitter speech, - kansas-nebraska act, douglas originated, ; aggravated sectionalism, kentucky resolutions, , ; jefferson the author, ; copy of first of, kentucky and virginia resolutions of - ; secessionists relied on, ; jefferson and madison's reasons for, know-nothing party, its origin; purposes; appeal for the union, - - las casas, bishop, advice to king of spain, liberia, sending negroes to, called "expatriation"; enterprise a failure, ; lincoln's hopes of, ; why it failed--miss mahoney's account, - - lincoln, south no more responsible for slavery than north, ; speech at charleston, ill., ; finds no country ready to take american negro, ; south in thought him radical; had favored white supremacy in , ; speech at peoria, ; assassination of, lodge, henry cabot, declares popular verdict against webster, ; he had undertaken the impossible, ; his argument good, he not man to make it, lundy, benjamin, attempts to stir up north against slavery south, lynchings, tables, ; comments on, mcmaster, affirms webster behind the times (note), missouri, controversy over slavery, ; distinct from that begun later by "new abolitionists," mobs, garrison mobbed; many anti-slavery riots north, ; violence toward abolitionists in north reacted, ; opponents became defenders, mound bayou, a negro town, nationality, spirit of; causes of, development of, ; grows, north; south on old lines, navy, u. s., deciding factor in war, - negro, the, located now much as in , ; lincoln could find no home abroad for, ; reasons for smallness of vote south, ; improvement; booker washington's opinion, ; benefited by slavery; attained south highest degree of advancement, ; best opportunities south, ; confederate veterans best friends there, ohio, resolutions looking to co-operative emancipation; responses of other states to, ; southern reason for, ; northern, kindly temper of, otis, harrison gray, on boston resolutions, pamphlets, venomous one cited, personal liberty laws, eleven states passed; alexander johnston says absolutely without excuse, petition, right of, in congress, ; "gag resolution," political conditions, north and south compared, - - "poor whites," discussion of, and of social conditions south, - - presidential campaign , excitement, press, northern slandering south, ; southern slandering north, race animosities, negro's aspirations to social equality; legal enactments, ; whites embittered by crime against white women, reagan, "republican rule on abolition principles," reconstruction, lincoln's theory; veto of resolution asserting power of congress over, ; last speech, adhering to plan, reconstruction by johnson under lincoln plan; wisdom of lincoln-johnson plan, john sherman; opposition to it partisan, senator cullom, ; south accepts plan; senators and representatives, ; negro problem and jefferson's prediction, ; apprenticeship and vagrancy laws, blaine's attack on, reconstruction, congressional, extremists bent on negro suffrage when congress convened in , ; preparations for; committee of fifteen; shellabarger's appeal to war passions, ; south denied representation; southerners reject fourteenth amendment; garfield denounces rebel government, ; johnson's reconstructed state governments swept away; universal suffrage for negro; south sends republicans to congress, ; witnesses before "committee of fifteen" rewarded; southern counsels divided, ; carpet-baggers and scalawags, ; intolerable political conditions; race issue forced upon whites, ; whites recover self-government, republican party, the modern; its origin; mr. rhodes on, - ; nominates frémont and dayton; denounces slavery; excitement; defeated, resources, war, north and south compared, - - salem church monument, santo domingo, memory of massacre in, seceded states, wretched conditions in , seceding states, desire to preserve constitution, secession, early threats of not connected with slavery, ; josiah quincy threatens, ; massachusetts legislature endorses him, ; in early days belief in general, ; massachusetts legislature threatens, , ; eleven states seceded, ; prof. fite justifies, his ground, ; motives for in - , self-government restored; local clashes, no race war; based on lincoln's idea, superiority of white man, ; constitutional amendments to restore purity of ballot, ; industrial results amazing, - ; negro vote small--reasons, seward, leader of republican party, situation in alabama in --letter of john w. womack, slavery, great britain abolishes, compensates owners, ; south's "calamity not crime," ; debate in virginia assembly, slaves, protect masters' families during war, - ; a surprise to north, - slave-trade, new england's part in, ; south protests against; sentiment against arises in england, sweeps over america, social conditions south, - south unwilling to accept idea of incompatibility of slave and free states, - ; bitterness in, ; on defensive-aggressive, ; excited; filibustering; importation of slaves, spencer, herbert, slavery once a necessary phase of human progress, sprague, peleg, on boston resolutions, suffrage, lincoln thought southerners themselves should control, sumner, charles, philippic against south; brooks's attack on, - ; negro suffrage to give "unionists" new allies, texas, application for admission, ; channing threatens secession if admitted, tilden, samuel j., letter to kent, secession inevitable if lincoln elected, - - underground railroads, professor hart's picture of, union, the, webster's great speech for in , ; effect of, union sentiment south; whigs, "uncle tom's cabin," influence on northern sentiment, - war, the, nature of, washington, a federalist, ; his appeal for union, webster, on th of march, ; his sole concession, ; condemns personal liberty laws and abolitionists, ; congratulated and denounced, ; "ichabod," ; rhodes's estimate of, ; his speech for "the constitution and the union"; wilkinson's estimate of, ; e. p. wheeler's estimate of, ; webster's opinion of abolitionists and free-soilers, welles, gideon, opinion in as to debasing elective franchise, whites, south, fought fraud with fraud during reconstruction, till constitution amended continued it, ; difficulties of their task, ; growing spirit of altruism; school taxes divided pro rata, wilmot proviso, wisconsin nullifies fugitive slave law, women, devotion of during war, north and south, * * * * * transcriber's note: page : 'prior to the rise of the abolitionists in , emancipationists in the south had been free to grapple with conditions as they found them.' the words "in the" have been supplied by the transcriber. hyphenation is inconsistent. obvious printer's errors have been corrected. index reference to johnston, sir harry: the transcriber has changed page to read . proofreading team [illustration] frederick douglass charles chesnutt the beacon biographies of eminent americans. includes bibliographical references (p.). preface frederick douglass lived so long, and played so conspicuous a part on the world's stage, that it would be impossible, in a work of the size of this, to do more than touch upon the salient features of his career, to suggest the respects in which he influenced the course of events in his lifetime, and to epitomize for the readers of another generation the judgment of his contemporaries as to his genius and his character. douglass's fame as an orator has long been secure. his position as the champion of an oppressed race, and at the same time an example of its possibilities, was, in his own generation, as picturesque as it was unique; and his life may serve for all time as an incentive to aspiring souls who would fight the battles and win the love of mankind. the average american of to-day who sees, when his attention is called to it, and deplores, if he be a thoughtful and just man, the deep undertow of race prejudice that retards the progress of the colored people of our own generation, cannot, except by reading the painful records of the past, conceive of the mental and spiritual darkness to which slavery, as the inexorable condition of its existence, condemned its victims and, in a less measure, their oppressors, or of the blank wall of proscription and scorn by which free people of color were shut up in a moral and social ghetto, the gates of which have yet not been entirely torn down. from this night of slavery douglass emerged, passed through the limbo of prejudice which he encountered as a freeman, and took his place in history. "as few of the world's great men have ever had so checkered and diversified a career," says henry wilson, "so it may at least be plausibly claimed that no man represents in himself more conflicting ideas and interests. his life is, in itself, an epic which finds few to equal it in the realms of either romance or reality." it was, after all, no misfortune for humanity that frederick douglass felt the iron hand of slavery; for his genius changed the drawbacks of color and condition into levers by which he raised himself and his people. the materials for this work have been near at hand, though there is a vast amount of which lack of space must prevent the use. acknowledgment is here made to members of the douglass family for aid in securing the photograph from which the frontispiece is reproduced. the more the writer has studied the records of douglass's life, the more it has appealed to his imagination and his heart. he can claim no special qualification for this task, unless perhaps it be a profound and in some degree a personal sympathy with every step of douglass's upward career. belonging to a later generation, he was only privileged to see the man and hear the orator after his life-work was substantially completed, but often enough then to appreciate something of the strength and eloquence by which he impressed his contemporaries. if by this brief sketch the writer can revive among the readers of another generation a tithe of the interest that douglass created for himself when he led the forlorn hope of his race for freedom and opportunity, his labor will be amply repaid. charles w. chesnutt cleveland, october, chronology frederick douglass was born at tuckahoe, near easton, talbot county, maryland. was sent to baltimore to live with a relative of his master. _march._ was taken to st. michaels, maryland, to live again with his master. _january._ was sent to live with edward covey, slave-breaker, with whom he spent the year. - hired to william freeland. made an unsuccessful attempt to escape from slavery, was sent to baltimore to learn the ship-calkers trade. _may_. hired his own time and worked at his trade. _september _. escaped from slavery and went to new york city. married miss anna murray. went to new bedford, massachusetts. assumed the name of "douglass." attended anti-slavery convention at new bedford and addressed the meeting. was employed as agent of the massachusetts anti-slavery society. took part in rhode island campaign against the dorr constitution. lectured on slavery. moved to lynn, massachusetts. took part in the famous "one hundred conventions" of the new england anti-slavery society. lectured with pillsbury, foster, and others. published _frederick douglass's narrative_. - visited great britain and ireland. remained in europe two years, lecturing on slavery and other subjects. was presented by english friends with money to purchase his freedom and to establish a newspaper. returned to the united states. moved with his family to rochester, new york. established the _north star_, subsequently renamed _frederick douglass's paper_. visited john brown at springfield, massachusetts. lectured on slavery and woman suffrage. edited newspaper. lectured against slavery. assisted the escape of fugitive slaves. _may ._ attended meeting of anti-slavery society at new york city. running debate with captain rynders. supported the free soil party. elected delegate from rochester to free soil convention at pittsburg, pennsylvania. supported john p. hale for the presidency. visited harriet beecher stowe at andover, massachusetts, with reference to industrial school for colored youth. opposed repeal of missouri compromise. _june ._ delivered commencement address at western reserve college, hudson, ohio. published _my bondage and my freedom_. _march_. addressed the new york legislature. supported fremont, candidate of the republican party. established _douglass's monthly_. entertained john brown at rochester. _august _. visited john brown at chambersburg, pennsylvania. _may [october]._ went to canada to avoid arrest for alleged complicity in the john brown raid. _november ._ sailed from quebec for england. lectured and spoke in england and scotland for six months. returned to the united states. supported lincoln for the presidency. lectured and spoke in favor of the war and against slavery. assisted in recruiting fifty-fourth and fifty-fifth massachusetts colored regiments. invited to visit president lincoln. supported lincoln for re-election. was active in procuring the franchise for the freedmen. _september._ elected delegate from rochester to national loyalists' convention at philadelphia. [ ] moved to washington, district of columbia. established [edited and then bought] the _new national era_. appointed secretary of the santo domingo commission by president grant. appointed councillor of the district of columbia. [moved family there after a fire (probably arson) destroyed their rochester home and douglass's newspaper files.] elected presidential elector of the state of new york, and chosen by the electoral college to take the vote to washington. delivered address at unveiling of lincoln statue at washington. appointed marshal of the district of columbia by president hayes. visited his old home in maryland and met his old master. bust of douglass placed in sibley hall, of rochester university. spoke against the proposed negro exodus from the south. appointed recorder of deeds for the district of columbia. _january._ published _life and times of frederick douglass_, the third and last of his autobiographies. _august ._ mrs. frederick douglass died. _february ._ attended funeral of wendell phillips. _february ._ attended memorial meeting and delivered eulogy on phillips. married miss helen pitts. _may ._ lectured on john brown at music hall, boston. _september ._ attended a dinner given in his honor by the wendell phillips club, boston. _september._ sailed for europe. visited great britain, france, italy, greece, and egypt, - . made a tour of the southern states. appointed united states minister resident and consul-general to the republic of hayti and _chargé d'affaires_ to santo domingo. _september ._ addressed abolition reunion at boston. resigned the office of minister to hayti. acted as commissioner for hayti at world's columbian exposition. _february ._ frederick douglass died at his home on anacostia heights, near washington, district of columbia. in a few places in the text of _frederick douglass_, bracketed words have been inserted to indicate possible typographical errors, other unclear or misleading passages in the original edition, and identifications that were not needed in but may be needed in the twenty-first century. i. if it be no small task for a man of the most favored antecedents and the most fortunate surroundings to rise above mediocrity in a great nation, it is surely a more remarkable achievement for a man of the very humblest origin possible to humanity in any country in any age of the world, in the face of obstacles seemingly insurmountable, to win high honors and rewards, to retain for more than a generation the respect of good men in many lands, and to be deemed worthy of enrolment among his country's great men. such a man was frederick douglass, and the example of one who thus rose to eminence by sheer force of character and talents that neither slavery nor caste proscription could crush must ever remain as a shining illustration of the essential superiority of manhood to environment. circumstances made frederick douglass a slave, but they could not prevent him from becoming a freeman and a leader among mankind. the early life of douglass, as detailed by himself from the platform in vigorous and eloquent speech, and as recorded in the three volumes written by himself at different periods of his career, is perhaps the completest indictment of the slave system ever presented at the bar of public opinion. fanny kemble's _journal of a residence on a georgian plantation_, kept by her in the very year of douglass's escape from bondage, but not published until , too late to contribute anything to the downfall of slavery, is a singularly clear revelation of plantation life from the standpoint of an outsider entirely unbiased by american prejudice. _frederick douglass's narrative_ is the same story told from the inside. they coincide in the main facts; and in the matter of detail, like the two slightly differing views of a stereoscopic picture, they bring out into bold relief the real character of the peculiar institution. _uncle tom's cabin_ lent to the structure of fact the decorations of humor, a dramatic plot, and characters to whose fate the touch of creative genius gave a living interest. but, after all, it was not uncle tom, nor topsy, nor miss ophelia, nor eliza, nor little eva that made the book the power it proved to stir the hearts of men, but the great underlying tragedy then already rapidly approaching a bloody climax. frederick douglass was born in february, l l ,--as nearly as the date could be determined in after years, when it became a matter of public interest,--at tuckahoe, near easton, talbot county, on the eastern shore of maryland, a barren and poverty-stricken district, which possesses in the birth of douglass its sole title to distinction. his mother was a negro slave, tall, erect, and well-proportioned, of a deep black and glossy complexion, with regular features, and manners of a natural dignity and sedateness. though a field hand and compelled to toil many hours a day, she had in some mysterious way learned to read, being the only person of color in tuckahoe, slave or free, who possessed that accomplishment. his father was a white man. it was in the nature of things that in after years attempts should be made to analyze the sources of douglass's talent, and that the question should be raised whether he owed it to the black or the white half of his mixed ancestry. but douglass himself, who knew his own mother and grandmother, ascribed such powers as he possessed to the negro half of his blood; and, as to it certainly he owed the experience which gave his anti-slavery work its peculiar distinction and value, he doubtless believed it only fair that the credit for what he accomplished should go to those who needed it most and could justly be proud of it. he never knew with certainty who his white father was, for the exigencies of slavery separated the boy from his mother before the subject of his paternity became of interest to him; and in after years his white father never claimed the honor, which might have given him a place in history. douglass's earliest recollections centered around the cabin of his grandmother, betsey bailey, who seems to have been something of a privileged character on the plantation, being permitted to live with her husband, isaac, in a cabin of their own, charged with only the relatively light duty of looking after a number of young children, mostly the offspring of her own five daughters, and providing for her own support. it is impossible in a work of the scope of this to go into very elaborate detail with reference to this period of douglass's life, however interesting it might be. the real importance of his life to us of another generation lies in what he accomplished toward the world's progress, which he only began to influence several years after his escape from slavery. enough ought to be stated, however, to trace his development from slave to freeman, and his preparation for the platform where he secured his hearing and earned his fame. douglass was born the slave of one captain aaron anthony, a man of some consequence in eastern maryland, the manager or chief clerk of one colonel lloyd, the head for that generation of an old, exceedingly wealthy, and highly honored family in maryland, the possessor of a stately mansion and one of the largest and most fertile plantations in the state. captain anthony, though only the satellite of this great man, himself owned several farms and a number of slaves. at the age of seven douglass was taken from the cabin of his grandmother at tuckahoe to his masters residence on colonel lloyd's plantation. up to this time he had never, to his recollection, seen his mother. all his impressions of her were derived from a few brief visits made to him at colonel lloyd's plantation, most of them at night. these fleeting visits of the mother were important events in the life of the child, now no longer under the care of his grandmother, but turned over to the tender mercies of his master's cook, with whom he does not seem to have been a favorite. his mother died when he was eight or nine years old. her son did not see her during her illness, nor learn of it until after her death. it was always a matter of grief to him that he did not know her better, and that he could not was one of the sins of slavery that he never forgave. on colonel lloyd's plantation douglass spent four years of the slave life of which his graphic description on the platform stirred humane hearts to righteous judgment of an unrighteous institution. it is enough to say that this lad, with keen eyes and susceptible feelings, was an eye-witness of all the evils to which slavery gave birth. its extremes of luxury and misery could be found within the limits of one estate. he saw the field hand driven forth at dawn to labor until dark. he beheld every natural affection crushed when inconsistent with slavery, or warped and distorted to fit the necessities and promote the interests of the institution. he heard the unmerited strokes of the lash on the backs of others, and felt them on his own. in the wild songs of the slaves he read, beneath their senseless jargon or their fulsome praise of "old master," the often unconscious note of grief and despair. he perceived, too, the debasing effects of slavery upon master and slave alike, crushing all semblance of manhood in the one, and in the other substituting passion for judgment, caprice for justice, and indolence and effeminacy for the more virile virtues of freemen. doubtless the gentle hand of time will some time spread the veil of silence over this painful past; but, while we are still gathering its evil aftermath, it is well enough that we do not forget the origin of so many of our civic problems. when douglass was ten years old, he was sent from the lloyd plantation to baltimore, to live with one hugh auld, a relative of his master. here he enjoyed the high privilege, for a slave, of living in the house with his master's family. in the capacity of house boy it was his duty to run errands and take care of a little white boy, tommy auld, the son of his mistress for the time being, mrs. sophia auld. mrs. auld was of a religious turn of mind; and, from hearing her reading the bible aloud frequently, curiosity prompted the boy to ask her to teach him to read. she complied, and found him an apt pupil, until her husband learned of her unlawful and dangerous conduct, and put an end to the instruction. but the evil was already done, and the seed thus sown brought forth fruit in the after career of the orator and leader of men. the mere fact that his master wished to prevent his learning made him all the more eager to acquire knowledge. in after years, even when most bitter in his denunciation of the palpable evils of slavery, douglass always acknowledged the debt he owed to this good lady who innocently broke the laws and at the same time broke the chains that held a mind in bondage. douglass lived in the family of hugh auld at baltimore for seven years. during this time the achievement that had the greatest influence upon his future was his learning to read and write. his mistress had given him a start. his own efforts gained the rest. he carried in his pocket a blue-backed _webster's spelling book_, and, as occasion offered, induced his young white playmates, by the bribes of childhood, to give him lessons in spelling. when he was about thirteen, he began to feel deeply the moral yoke of slavery and to seek for knowledge of the means to escape it. one book seems to have had a marked influence upon his life at this epoch. he obtained, somehow, a copy of _the columbian orator_, containing some of the choicest masterpieces of english oratory, in which he saw liberty praised and oppression condemned; and the glowing periods of pitt and fox and sheridan and our own patrick henry stirred to life in the heart of this slave boy the genius for oratory which did not burst forth until years afterward. the worldly wisdom of denying to slaves the key to knowledge is apparent when it is said that douglass first learned from a newspaper that there were such people as abolitionists, who were opposed to human bondage and sought to make all men free. at about this same period douglass's mind fell under religious influences. he was converted, professed faith in jesus christ, and began to read the bible. he had dreamed of liberty before; he now prayed for it, and trusted in god. but, with the shrewd common sense which marked his whole life and saved it from shipwreck in more than one instance, he never forgot that god helps them that help themselves, and so never missed an opportunity to acquire the knowledge that would prepare him for freedom and give him the means of escape from slavery. douglass had learned to read, partly from childish curiosity and the desire to be able to do what others around him did; but it was with a definite end in view that he learned to write. by the slave code it was unlawful for a slave to go beyond the limits of his own neighborhood without the written permission of his master. douglass's desire to write grew mainly out of the fact that in order to escape from bondage, which he had early determined to do, he would probably need such a "pass," as this written permission was termed, and could write it himself if he but knew how. his master for the time being kept a ship-yard, and in this and neighboring establishments of the same kind the boy spent much of his time. he noticed that the carpenters, after dressing pieces of timber, marked them with certain letters to indicate their positions in the vessel. by asking questions of the workmen he learned the names of these letters and their significance. he got up writing matches with sticks upon the ground with the little white boys, copied the italics in his spelling-book, and in the secrecy of the attic filled up all the blank spaces of his young master's old copy-books. in time he learned to write, and thus again demonstrated the power of the mind to overleap the bounds that men set for it and work out the destiny to which god designs it. ii. it was the curious fate of douglass to pass through almost every phase of slavery, as though to prepare him the more thoroughly for his future career. shortly after he went to baltimore, his master, captain anthony, died intestate, and his property was divided between his two children. douglass, with the other slaves, was part of the personal estate, and was sent for to be appraised and disposed of in the division. he fell to the share of mrs. lucretia auld, his masters daughter, who sent him back to baltimore, where, after a month's absence, he resumed his life in the household of mrs. hugh auld, the sister-in-law of his legal mistress. owing to a family misunderstanding, he was taken, in march, , from baltimore back to st. michaels. his mistress, lucretia auld, had died in the mean time; and the new household in which he found himself, with thomas auld and his second wife, rowena, at its head, was distinctly less favorable to the slave boy's comfort than the home where he had lived in baltimore. here he saw hardships of the life in bondage that had been less apparent in a large city. it is to be feared that douglass was not the ideal slave, governed by the meek and lowly spirit of uncle tom. he seems, by his own showing, to have manifested but little appreciation of the wise oversight, the thoughtful care, and the freedom from responsibility with which slavery claimed to hedge round its victims, and he was inclined to spurn the rod rather than to kiss it. a tendency to insubordination, due partly to the freer life he had led in baltimore, got him into disfavor with a master easily displeased; and, not proving sufficiently amenable to the discipline of the home plantation, he was sent to a certain celebrated negro-breaker by the name of edward covey, one of the poorer whites who, as overseers and slave-catchers, and in similar unsavory capacities, earned a living as parasites on the system of slavery. douglass spent a year under coveys ministrations, and his life there may be summed up in his own words: "i had neither sufficient time in which to eat nor to sleep, except on sundays. the overwork and the brutal chastisements of which i was the victim, combined with that ever-gnawing and soul-destroying thought, 'i am a slave,--a slave for life,' rendered me a living embodiment of mental and physical wretchedness." but even all this did not entirely crush the indomitable spirit of a man destined to achieve his own freedom and thereafter to help win freedom for a race. in august, , after a particularly atrocious beating, which left him wounded and weak from loss of blood, douglass escaped the vigilance of the slave-breaker and made his way back to his own master to seek protection. the master, who would have lost his slave's wages for a year if he had broken the contract with covey before the year's end, sent douglass back to his taskmaster. anticipating the most direful consequences, douglass made the desperate resolution to resist any further punishment at covey's hands. after a fight of two hours covey gave up his attempt to whip frederick, and thenceforth laid hands on him no more. that covey did not invoke the law, which made death the punishment of the slave who resisted his master, was probably due to shame at having been worsted by a negro boy, or to the prudent consideration that there was no profit to be derived from a dead negro. strength of character, re-enforced by strength of muscle, thus won a victory over brute force that secured for douglass comparative immunity from abuse during the remaining months of his year's service with covey. the next year, , douglass was hired out to a mr. william freeland, who lived near st. michael's, a gentleman who did not forget justice or humanity, so far as they were consistent with slavery, even in dealing with bond-servants. here douglass led a comparatively comfortable life. he had enough to eat, was not overworked, and found the time to conduct a surreptitious sunday-school, where he tried to help others by teaching his fellow-slaves to read the bible. iii. the manner of douglass's escape from maryland was never publicly disclosed by him until the war had made slavery a memory and the slave-catcher a thing of the past. it was the theory of the anti-slavery workers of the time that the publication of the details of escapes or rescues from bondage seldom reached the ears of those who might have learned thereby to do likewise, but merely furnished the master class with information that would render other escapes more difficult and bring suspicion or punishment upon those who had assisted fugitives. that this was no idle fear there is abundant testimony in the annals of the period. but in later years, when there was no longer any danger of unpleasant consequences, and when it had become an honor rather than a disgrace to have assisted a distressed runaway, douglass published in detail the story of his flight. it would not compare in dramatic interest with many other celebrated escapes from slavery or imprisonment. he simply masqueraded as a sailor, borrowed a sailors "protection," or certificate that he belonged to the navy, took the train to baltimore in the evening, and rode in the negro car until he reached new york city. there were many anxious moments during this journey. the "protection" he carried described a man somewhat different from him, but the conductor did not examine it carefully. fear clutched at the fugitive's heart whenever he neared a state border line. he saw several persons whom he knew; but, if they recognized him or suspected his purpose, they made no sign. a little boldness, a little address, and a great deal of good luck carried him safely to his journey's end. douglass arrived in new york on september , , having attained only a few months before what would have been in a freeman his legal majority. but, though landed in a free state, he was by no means a free man. he was still a piece of property, and could be reclaimed by the law's aid if his whereabouts were discovered. while local sentiment at the north afforded a measure of protection to fugitives, and few were ever returned to bondage compared with the number that escaped, yet the fear of recapture was ever with them, darkening their lives and impeding their pursuit of happiness. but even the partial freedom douglass had achieved gave birth to a thousand delightful sensations. in his autobiography he describes this dawn of liberty thus: "a new world had opened up to me. i lived more in one day than in a year of my slave life. i felt as one might feel upon escape from a den of hungry lions. my chains were broken, and the victory brought me unspeakable joy." but one cannot live long on joy; and, while his chains were broken, he was not beyond the echo of their clanking. he met on the streets, within a few hours after his arrival in new york, a man of his own color, who informed him that new york was full of southerners at that season of the year, and that slave-hunters and spies were numerous, that old residents of the city were not safe, and that any recent fugitive was in imminent danger. after this cheerful communication douglass's informant left him, evidently fearing that douglass himself might be a slave-hunting spy. there were negroes base enough to play this role. in a sailor whom he encountered he found a friend. this good samaritan took him home for the night, and accompanied him next day to a mr. david ruggles, a colored man, the secretary of the new york vigilance committee and an active antislavery worker. mr. ruggles kept him concealed for several days, during which time the woman douglass loved, a free woman, came on from baltimore; and they were married. he had no money in his pocket, and nothing to depend upon but his hands, which doubtless seemed to him quite a valuable possession, as he knew they had brought in an income of several hundred dollars a year to their former owner. douglass's new friends advised him to go to new bedford, massachusetts, where whaling fleets were fitted out, and where he might hope to find work at his trade of ship-calker. it was believed, too, that he would be safer there, as the anti-slavery sentiment was considered too strong to permit a fugitive slave's being returned to the south. when douglass, accompanied by his wife, arrived in new bedford, a mr. nathan johnson, a colored man to whom he had been recommended, received him kindly, gave him shelter and sympathy, and lent him a small sum of money to redeem his meagre baggage, which had been held by the stage-driver as security for an unpaid balance of the fare to new bedford. in his autobiography douglass commends mr. johnson for his "noble-hearted hospitality and manly character." in new york douglass had changed his name in order the better to hide his identity from any possible pursuer. douglass's name was another tie that bound him to his race. he has been called "douglass" by the writer because that was the name he took for himself, as he did his education and his freedom; and as "douglass" he made himself famous. as a slave, he was legally entitled to but one name,--frederick. from his grandfather, isaac bailey, a freeman, he had derived the surname bailey. his mother, with unconscious sarcasm, had called the little slave boy frederick augustus washington bailey. the bearer of this imposing string of appellations had, with a finer sense of fitness, cut it down to frederick bailey. in new york he had called himself frederick johnson; but, finding when he reached new bedford that a considerable portion of the colored population of the city already rejoiced in this familiar designation, he fell in with the suggestion of his host, who had been reading scott's _lady of the lake_, and traced an analogy between the runaway slave and the fugitive chieftain, that the new freeman should call himself douglass, after the noble scot of that name [douglas]. the choice proved not inappropriate, for this modern douglass fought as valiantly in his own cause and with his own weapons as ever any douglass [douglas] fought with flashing steel in border foray. here, then, in a new england town, douglass began the life of a freeman, from which, relieved now of the incubus of slavery, he soon emerged into the career for which, in the providence of god, he seemed by his multiform experience to have been especially fitted. he did not find himself, even in massachusetts, quite beyond the influence of slavery. while before the law of the state he was the equal of any other man, caste prejudice prevented him from finding work at his trade of calker; and he therefore sought employment as a laborer. this he found easily, and for three years worked at whatever his hands found to do. the hardest toil was easy to him, the heaviest burdens were light; for the money that he earned went into his own pocket. if it did not remain there long, he at least had the satisfaction of spending it and of enjoying what it purchased. during these three years he was learning the lesson of liberty and unconsciously continuing his training for the work of an anti-slavery agitator. he became a subscriber to the _liberator_, each number of which he devoured with eagerness. he heard william lloyd garrison lecture, and became one of his most devoted disciples. he attended every anti-slavery meeting in new bedford, and now and then spoke on the subject of slavery in humble gatherings of his own people. iv in douglass entered upon that epoch of his life which brought the hitherto obscure refugee prominently before the public, and in which his services as anti-slavery orator and reformer constitute his chief claim to enduring recollection. millions of negroes whose lives had been far less bright than douglass's had lived and died in slavery. thousands of fugitives under assumed names were winning a precarious livelihood in the free states and trembling in constant fear of the slave-catcher. some of these were doing noble work in assisting others to escape from bondage. mr. siebert, in his _underground railroad_, mentions one fugitive slave, john mason by name, who assisted thirteen hundred others to escape from kentucky. another picturesque fugitive was harriet tubman, who devoted her life to this work with a courage, skill, and success that won her a wide reputation among the friends of freedom. a number of free colored men in the north, a few of them wealthy and cultivated, lent their time and their means to this cause. but it was reserved for douglass, by virtue of his marvellous gift of oratory, to become pre-eminently the personal representative of his people for a generation. in the massachusetts anti-slavery society, which had been for some little time weakened by faction, arranged its differences, and entered upon a campaign of unusual activity, which found expression in numerous meetings throughout the free states, mainly in new england. on august of that year a meeting was held at nantucket, massachusetts. the meeting was conducted by john a. collins, at that time general agent of the society, and was addressed by william lloyd garrison and other leading abolitionists. douglass had taken a holiday and come from new bedford to attend this convention, without the remotest thought of taking part except as a spectator. the proceedings were interesting, and aroused the audience to a high state of feeling. there was present in the meeting a certain abolitionist, by name william c. coffin, who had heard douglass speak in the little negro sunday-school at new bedford, and who knew of his recent escape from slavery. to him came the happy inspiration to ask douglass to speak a few words to the convention by way of personal testimony. collins introduced the speaker as "a graduate from slavery, with his diploma written upon his back." douglass himself speaks very modestly about this, his first public appearance. he seems, from his own account, to have suffered somewhat from stage fright, which was apparently his chief memory concerning it. the impressions of others, however, allowing a little for the enthusiasm of the moment, are a safer guide as to the effect of douglass's first speech. parker pillsbury reported that, "though it was late in the evening when the young man closed his remarks, none seemed to know or care for the hour.... the crowded congregation had been wrought up almost to enchantment during the whole long evening, particularly by some of the utterances of the last speaker [douglass], as he turned over the terrible apocalypse of his experience in slavery." mr. garrison bore testimony to "the extraordinary emotion it exerted on his own mind and to the powerful impression it exerted upon a crowded auditory." "patrick henry," he declared, "had never made a more eloquent speech than the one they had just listened to from the lips of the hunted fugitive." upon douglass and his speech as a text mr. garrison delivered one of the sublimest and most masterly efforts of his life; and then and there began the friendship between the fugitive slave and the great agitator which opened the door for douglass to a life of noble usefulness, and secured to the anti-slavery cause one of its most brilliant and effective orators. at garrison's instance collins offered douglass employment as lecturer for the anti-slavery society, though the idea of thus engaging him doubtless occurred to more than one of the abolition leaders who heard his nantucket speech. douglass was distrustful of his own powers. only three years out of slavery, with little learning and no experience as a public speaker, painfully aware of the prejudice which must be encountered by men of his color, fearful too of the publicity that might reveal his whereabouts to his legal owner, who might reclaim his property wherever found, he yielded only reluctantly to mr. collins's proposition, and agreed at first upon only a three months' term of service. most of the abolitionists were, or meant to be, consistent in their practice of what they preached; and so, when douglass was enrolled as one of the little band of apostles, they treated him literally as a man and a brother. their homes, their hearts, and their often none too well-filled purses were open to him. in this new atmosphere his mind expanded, his spirit took on high courage, and he read and studied diligently, that he might make himself worthy of his opportunity to do something for his people. during the remainder of douglass travelled and lectured in eastern massachusetts with george foster, in the interest of the two leading abolition journals, the _anti-slavery standard_ and the _liberator_, and also lectured in rhode island against the proposed dorr constitution, which sought to limit the right of suffrage to white male citizens only, thus disfranchising colored men who had theretofore voted. with foster and pillsbury and parker[ ] and monroe[ ] and abby kelly [kelley][ ] he labored to defeat the dorr constitution and at the same time promote the abolition gospel. the proposed constitution was defeated, and colored men who could meet the rhode island property qualification were left in possession of the right to vote. [footnote : editor's note to dover edition: reverend theodore parker ( - ) was a unitarian minister who graduated from the harvard divinity school and was active in the boston area.] [footnote : editor's note to dover edition: james monroe ( - ), a new englander with a quaker mother; in he became an abolitionist lecturer instead of enrolling in college.] [footnote : editor's note to dover edition: abigail kelley foster ( - ), who married another abolitionist, stephen foster, in , was a quaker orator and organizer on behalf of the abolition of slavery and for women's right to vote.] douglass had plunged into this new work, after the first embarrassment wore off, with all the enthusiasm of youth and hope. but, except among the little band of garrisonians and their sympathizers, his position did not relieve him from the disabilities attaching to his color. the feeling toward the negro in new england in was but little different from that in the state of georgia to-day. men of color were regarded and treated as belonging to a distinctly inferior order of creation. at hotels and places of public resort they were refused entertainment. on railroads and steamboats they were herded off by themselves in mean and uncomfortable cars. if welcomed in churches at all, they were carefully restricted to the negro pew. as in the southern states to-day, no distinction was made among them in these respects by virtue of dress or manners or culture or means; but all were alike discriminated against because of their dark skins. some of douglass's abolition friends, among whom he especially mentions wendell phillips and two others of lesser note, won their way to his heart by at all times refusing to accept privileges that were denied to their swarthy companion. douglass resented proscription wherever met with, and resisted it with force when the odds were not too overwhelming. more than once he was beaten and maltreated by railroad conductors and brakemen. for a time the eastern railroad ran its cars through lynn, massachusetts, without stopping, because douglass, who resided at that time in lynn, insisted on riding in the white people's car, and made trouble when interfered with. often it was impossible for the abolitionists to secure a meeting-place; and in several instances douglass paraded the streets with a bell, like a town crier, to announce that he would lecture in the open air. some of douglass's friends, it must be admitted, were at times rather extreme in their language, and perhaps stirred up feelings that a more temperate vocabulary would not have aroused. none of them ever hesitated to call a spade a spade, and some of them denounced slavery and all its sympathizers with the vigor and picturesqueness of a muggletonian or fifth monarchy man of cromwell's time execrating his religious adversaries. and, while it was true enough that the church and the state were, generally speaking, the obsequious tools of slavery, it was not easy for an abolitionist to say so in vehement language without incurring the charge of treason or blasphemy,--an old trick of bigotry and tyranny to curb freedom of thought and freedom of speech. the little personal idiosyncrasies which some of the reformers affected, such as long hair in the men and short hair in the women,--there is surely some psychological reason why reformers run to such things,--served as convenient excuses for gibes and unseemly interruptions at their public meetings. on one memorable occasion, at syracuse, new york, in november, , douglass and his fellows narrowly escaped tar and feathers. but, although douglass was vehemently denunciatory of slavery in all its aspects, his twenty years of training in that hard school had developed in him a vein of prudence that saved him from these verbal excesses,--perhaps there was also some element of taste involved,--and thus made his arguments more effective than if he had alienated his audiences by indiscriminate attacks on all the institutions of society. no one could justly accuse frederick douglass of cowardice or self-seeking; yet he was opportunist enough to sacrifice the immaterial for the essential, and to use the best means at hand to promote the ultimate object sought, although the means thus offered might not be the ideal instrument. it was doubtless this trait that led douglass, after he separated from his abolitionist friends, to modify his views upon the subject of disunion and the constitutionality of slavery, and to support political parties whose platforms by no means expressed the full measure of his convictions. in the new england anti-slavery society resolved, at its annual meeting in the spring, to stir the northern heart and rouse the national conscience by a series of one hundred conventions in new hampshire, vermont, new york, ohio, indiana, and pennsylvania. douglass was assigned as one of the agents for the conduct of this undertaking. among those associated in this work, which extended over five months, were john a. collins, the president of the society, who mapped out the campaign; james monroe; george bradburn; william a. white; charles l. remond, a colored orator, born in massachusetts, who rendered effective service in the abolition cause; and sidney howard gay, at that time managing editor of the _national anti-slavery standard_ and later of the new york _tribune_ and the new york _evening post._ the campaign upon which this little band of missionaries set out was no inconsiderable one. they were not going forth to face enthusiastic crowds of supporters, who would meet them with brass bands and shouts of welcome. they were more likely to be greeted with hisses and cat-calls, sticks and stones, stale eggs and decayed cabbages, hoots and yells of derision, and decorations of tar and feathers. in some towns of vermont slanderous reports were made in advance of their arrival, their characters were assailed, and their aims and objects misrepresented. in syracuse, afterward distinguished for its strong anti-slavery sentiment, the abolitionists were compelled to hold their meetings in the public park, from inability to procure a house in which to speak; and only after their convention was well under way were they offered the shelter of a dilapidated and abandoned church. in rochester they met with a more hospitable reception. the indifference of buffalo so disgusted douglass's companions that they shook the dust of the city from their feet, and left douglass, who was accustomed to coldness and therefore undaunted by it, to tread the wine-press alone. he spoke in an old post-office for nearly a week, to such good purpose that a church was thrown open to him; and on a certain sunday, in the public park, he held and thrilled by his eloquence an audience of five thousand people. on leaving buffalo, douglass joined the other speakers, and went with them to clinton county, ohio, where, under a large tent, a mass meeting was held of abolitionists who had come from widely scattered points. during an excursion made about this time to pennsylvania to attend a convention at norristown, an attempt was made to lynch him at manayunk; but his usual good fortune served him, and he lived to be threatened by higher powers than a pro-slavery mob. when the party of reformers reached indiana, where the pro-slavery spirit was always strong, the state having been settled largely by southerners, their campaign of education became a running fight, in which douglass, whose dark skin attracted most attention, often got more than his share. his strength and address brought him safely out of many an encounter; but in a struggle with a mob at richmond, indiana, he was badly beaten and left unconscious on the ground. a good quaker took him home in his wagon, his wife bound up douglass's wounds and nursed him tenderly,--the quakers were ever the consistent friends of freedom,--but for the lack of proper setting he carried to the grave a stiff hand as the result of this affray. he had often been introduced to audiences as "a graduate from slavery with his diploma written upon his back": from indiana he received the distinction of a post-graduate degree. v. it can easily be understood that such a man as douglass, thrown thus into stimulating daily intercourse with some of the brightest minds of his generation, all animated by a high and noble enthusiasm for liberty and humanity,--such men as garrison and phillips and gay and monroe and many others,--should have developed with remarkable rapidity those reserves of character and intellect which slavery had kept in repression. and yet, while aware of his wonderful talent for oratory, he never for a moment let this knowledge turn his head or obscure the consciousness that he had brought with him out of slavery of some of the disabilities of that status. naturally, his expanding intelligence sought a wider range of expression; and his simple narrative of the wrongs of slavery gave way sometimes to a discussion of its philosophy. his abolitionist friends would have preferred him to stick a little more closely to the old line,--to furnish the experience while they provided the argument. but the strong will that slavery had not been able to break was not always amenable to politic suggestion. douglass's style and vocabulary and logic improved so rapidly that people began to question his having been a slave. his appearance, speech, and manner differed so little in material particulars from those of his excellent exemplars that many people were sceptical of his antecedents. douglass had, since his escape from slavery, carefully kept silent about the place he came from and his master's name and the manner of his escape, for the very good reason that their revelation would have informed his master of his whereabouts and rendered his freedom precarious; for the fugitive slave law was in force, and only here and there could local public sentiment have prevented its operation. confronted with the probability of losing his usefulness, as the "awful example," douglass took the bold step of publishing in the spring of the narrative of his experience as a slave, giving names of people and places, and dates as nearly as he could recall them. his abolitionist friends doubted the expediency of this step; and wendell phillips advised him to throw the manuscript into the fire, declaring that the government of massachusetts had neither the power nor the will to protect him from the consequences of his daring. the pamphlet was widely read. it was written in a style of graphic simplicity, and was such an _exposé_ of slavery as exasperated its jealous supporters and beneficiaries. douglass soon had excellent reasons to fear that he would be recaptured by force or guile and returned to slavery or a worse fate. the prospect was not an alluring one; and hence, to avoid an involuntary visit to the scenes of his childhood, he sought liberty beyond the sea, where men of his color have always enjoyed a larger freedom than in their native land. in douglass set sail for england on board the _cambria_, of the cunard line, accompanied by james n. buffum, a prominent abolitionist of lynn, massachusetts. on the same steamer were the hutchinson family, who lent their sweet songs to the anti-slavery crusade. douglass's color rendered him ineligible for cabin passage, and he was relegated to the steerage. nevertheless, he became quite the lion of the vessel, made the steerage fashionable, was given the freedom of the ship, and invited to lecture on slavery. this he did to the satisfaction of all the passengers except a few young men from new orleans and georgia, who, true to the instincts of their caste, made his strictures on the south a personal matter, and threatened to throw him overboard. their zeal was diminished by an order of the captain to put them in irons. they sulked in their cabins, however, and rushed into print when they reached liverpool, thus giving douglass the very introduction he needed to the british public, which was promptly informed, by himself and others, of the true facts in regard to the steamer speech and the speaker. vi. the two years douglass spent in great britain upon this visit were active and fruitful ones, and did much to bring him to that full measure of development scarcely possible for him in slave-ridden america. for while the english government had fostered slavery prior to the revolution, and had only a few years before douglass's visit abolished it in its own colonies, this wretched system had never fastened its clutches upon the home islands. slaves had been brought to england, it is true, and carried away; but, when the right to remove them was questioned in court, lord chief justice mansfield, with an abundance of argument and precedent to support a position similar to that of justice taney in the dred scott case, had taken the contrary view, and declared that the air of england was free, and the slave who breathed it but once ceased thereby to be a slave. history and humanity have delivered their verdict on these two decisions, and time is not likely to disturb it. a few days after landing at liverpool, douglass went to ireland, where the agitation for the repeal of the union between great britain and ireland was in full swing, under the leadership of daniel o'connell, the great irish orator. o'connell had denounced slavery in words of burning eloquence. the garrisonian abolitionists advocated the separation of the free and slave states as the only means of securing some part of the united states to freedom. the american and irish disunionists were united by a strong bond of sympathy. douglass was soon referred to as "the black o'connell," and lectured on slavery and on temperance to large and enthusiastic audiences. he was introduced to o'connell, and exchanged compliments with him. a public breakfast was given him at cork, and a soiree by father matthew, the eminent leader of the great temperance crusade which at that time shared with the repeal agitation the public interest of ireland. a reception to douglass and his friend buffum was held in st. patricks temperance hall, where they were greeted with a special song of welcome, written for the occasion. on january , , a public breakfast was given douglass at belfast, at which the local branch of the british and foreign anti-slavery society presented him with a bible bound in gold. after four months in ireland, where he delivered more than fifty lectures, douglass and his friend buffum left ireland, on january , , for scotland, where another important reform was in progress. it was an epoch of rebellion against the established order of things. the spirit of revolt was in the air. the disruption movement in the established church of scotland, led by the famous dr. chalmers, had culminated in in the withdrawal of four hundred and seventy ministers, who gave up the shelter and security of the establishment for the principle that a congregation should choose its own pastor, and organized themselves into the free protesting church, commonly called the free kirk. an appeal had been issued to the presbyterian churches of the world for aid to establish a sustentation fund for the use of the new church. among the contributions from the united states was one from a presbyterian church in charleston, south carolina. just before this contribution arrived a south carolina judge had condemned a northern man to death for aiding the escape of a female slave. this incident had aroused horror and indignation throughout great britain. lord brougham had commented on it in the house of lords, and lord chief justice denham had characterized it "in the name of all the judges of england" as a "horrible iniquity." o'connell had rejected profferred contributions from the southern states, and an effort was made in scotland to have the south carolina money sent back. the attempt failed ultimately; but the agitation on the subject was for a time very fierce, and gave douglass and his friends the opportunity to strike many telling blows at slavery. he had never minced his words in the united states, and he now handled without gloves the government whose laws had driven him from its borders. from scotland douglass went to england, where he found still another great reform movement nearing a triumphant conclusion. the anti-corn law league, after many years of labor, under the leadership of richard cobden and john bright, for the abolition of the protective tariff on wheat and other kinds of grain for food, had brought its agitation to a successful issue; and on june , , the corn laws were repealed. the generous enthusiasm for reform of one kind or another that pervaded the british islands gave ready sympathy and support to the abolitionists in their mission. the abolition of slavery in the colonies had been decreed by parliament in , but the old leaders in that reform had not lost their zeal for liberty. george thompson, who with clarkson and wilberforce had led the british abolitionists, invited garrison over to help reorganize the anti-slavery sentiment of great britain against american slavery; and in august, , garrison went to england, in that year evidently a paradise of reformers. during the week beginning may , , douglass addressed respectively the annual meeting of the british and foreign anti-slavery society, a peace convention, a suffrage extension meeting, and a temperance convention, and spoke also at a reception where efforts were made to induce him to remain in england, and money subscribed to bring over his family. as will be seen hereafter, he chose the alternative of returning to the united states. on august , , douglass addressed the world's temperance convention, held at covent garden theatre, london. there were many speakers, and the time allotted to each was brief; but douglass never lost an opportunity to attack slavery, and he did so on this occasion over the shoulder of temperance. he stated that he was not a delegate to the convention, because those whom he might have represented were placed beyond the pale of american temperance societies either by slavery or by an inveterate prejudice against their color. he referred to the mobbing of a procession of colored temperance societies in philadelphia several years before, the burning of one of their churches, and the wrecking of their best temperance hall. these remarks brought out loud protests and calls for order from the american delegates present, who manifested the usual american sensitiveness to criticism, especially on the subject of slavery; but the house sustained douglass, and demanded that he go on. douglass was denounced for this in a letter to the new york papers by rev. dr. cox, one of the american delegates. douglass's reply to this letter gave him the better of the controversy. he sometimes expressed the belief, founded on long experience, that doctors of divinity were, as a rule, among the most ardent supporters of slavery. dr. cox, who seems at least to have met the description, was also a delegate to the evangelical alliance, which met in london, august , , with a membership of one thousand delegates from fifty different evangelical sects throughout the world. the question was raised in the convention whether or not fellowship should be held with slaveholders. dr. cox and the other americans held that it should, and their views ultimately prevailed. douglass made some telling speeches at anti-slavery league meetings, in denunciation of the cowardice of the alliance, and won a wide popularity. douglass remained in england two years. not only did this visit give him a great opportunity to influence british public opinion against slavery, but the material benefits to himself were inestimable. he had left the united states a slave before the law, denied every civil right and every social privilege, literally a man without a country, and forced to cross the atlantic among the cattle in the steerage of the steamboat. during his sojourn in great britain an english lady, mrs. ellen richardson, of newcastle, had raised seven hundred and fifty dollars, which was paid over to hugh auld, of maryland, to secure douglass's legal manumission; and, not content with this generous work, the same large-hearted lady had raised by subscription about two thousand five hundred dollars, which douglass carried back to the united states as a free gift, and used to start his newspaper. he had met in europe, as he said in a farewell speech, men quite as white as he had ever seen in the united states and of quite as noble exterior, and had seen in their faces no scorn of his complexion. he had travelled over the four kingdoms, and had encountered no sign of disrespect. he had been lionized in london, had spoken every night of his last month there, and had declined as many more invitations. he had shaken hands with the venerable clarkson, and had breakfasted with the philosopher combe, the author of _the constitution of man_. he had won the friendship of john bright, had broken bread with sir john bowring, had been introduced to lord brougham, the brilliant leader of the liberal party, and had listened to his wonderful eloquence. he had met douglas jerrold, the famous wit, and had been entertained by the poet william howitt, who made a farewell speech in his honor. everywhere he had denounced slavery, everywhere hospitable doors had opened wide to receive him, everywhere he had made friends for himself and his cause. a slave and an outcast at home, he had been made to feel himself a gentleman, had been the companion of great men and good women. urged to remain in this land of freedom, and offered aid to establish himself in life there, his heart bled for his less fortunate brethren in captivity; and, with the god-speed of his english friends ringing in his ears, he went back to america,--to scorn, to obloquy, to ostracism, but after all to the work to which he had been ordained, and which he was so well qualified to perform. vii. douglass landed april , . he returned to the united states with the intention of publishing the newspaper for which his english friends had so kindly furnished the means; but his plan meeting with opposition from his abolitionist friends, who thought the platform offered him a better field for usefulness, he deferred the enterprise until near the end of the year. in the mean time he plunged again into the thick of the anti-slavery agitation. we find him lecturing in may in the broadway tabernacle, new york, and writing letters to the anti-slavery papers. in june he was elected president of the new england anti-slavery convention. in august and september he went on a lecturing tour with garrison and others through pennsylvania and ohio. on this tour the party attended the commencement exercises of oberlin college, famous for its anti-slavery principles and practice, and spoke to immense meetings at various places in ohio and new york. their cause was growing in popular favor; and, in places where formerly they had spoken out of doors because of the difficulty of securing a place of meeting, they were now compelled to speak in the open air, because the churches and halls would not contain their audiences. on december , , the first number of the _north star_ appeared. douglass's abolitionist friends had not yet become reconciled to this project, and his persistence in it resulted in a temporary coldness between them. they very naturally expected him to be guided by their advice. they had found him on the wharf at new bedford, and given him his chance in life; and they may easily be pardoned for finding it presumptuous in him to disregard their advice and adopt a new line of conduct without consulting them. mr. garrison wrote in a letter to his wife from cleveland, "it will also greatly surprise our friends in boston to hear that in regard to his prospect of establishing a paper here, to be called the north star, he never opened his lips to me on the subject nor asked my advice in any particular whatever." but samuel may jr., in a letter written to one of douglass's english friends, in which he mentions this charge of garrison, adds, "it is only common justice to frederick douglass to inform you that this is a mistake; that, on the contrary, he did speak to mr. garrison about it, just before he was taken ill at cleveland." the probability is that douglass had his mind made up, and did not seek advice, and that mr. garrison did not attach much importance to any casual remark douglass may have made upon the subject. in a foot-note to the _life and times of garrison_ it is stated:-- "this enterprise was not regarded with favor by the leading abolitionists, who knew only too well the precarious support which a fifth anti-slavery paper, edited by a colored man, must have, and who appreciated to the full douglass's unrivalled powers as a lecturer in the field ... as anticipated, it nearly proved the ruin of its projector; but by extraordinary exertions it was kept alive, not, however, on the platform of garrisonian abolitionism. the necessary support could only be secured by a change of principles in accordance with mr. douglass's immediate (political abolition) environment." douglass's own statement does not differ very widely from this, except that he does not admit the mercenary motive for his change of principles. it was in deference, however, to the feelings of his former associates that the _north star_ was established at rochester instead of in the east, where the field for anti-slavery papers was already fully occupied. in rochester, then as now the centre of a thrifty, liberal, and progressive population, douglass gradually won the sympathy and support which such an enterprise demanded. the _north star_, in size, typography, and interest, compared favorably with the other weeklies of the day, and lived for seventeen years. it had, however, its "ups and downs." at one time the editor had mortgaged his house to pay the running expenses; but friends came to his aid, his debts were paid, and the circulation of the paper doubled. in _my bondage and my freedom_ douglass gives the names of numerous persons who helped him in these earlier years of editorial effort, among whom were a dozen of the most distinguished public men of his day. after the _north star_ had been in existence several years, its name was changed to _frederick douglass's paper_, to give it a more distinctive designation, the newspaper firmament already scintillating with many other "stars." in later years douglass speaks of this newspaper enterprise as one of the wisest things he ever undertook. to paraphrase lord bacon's famous maxim, much reading of life and of books had made him a full man, and much speaking had made him a ready man. the attempt to put facts and arguments into literary form tended to make him more logical in reasoning and more exact in statement. one of the effects of douglass's editorial responsibility and the influences brought to bear upon him by reason of it, was a change in his political views. until he began the publication of the _north star_ and for several years thereafter, he was, with the rest of the garrisonians, a pronounced disunionist. he held to the garrisonian doctrine that the pro-slavery constitution of the united states was a "league with death and a covenant with hell," maintained that anti-slavery men should not vote under it, and advocated the separation of the free states as the only means of preventing the utter extinction of freedom by the ever-advancing encroachments of the slave power. in rochester he found himself in the region where the liberty party, under the leadership of james g. birney, salmon p. chase, gerrit smith, and others, had its largest support. the liberty party maintained that slavery could be fought best with political weapons, that by the power of the ballot slavery could be confined strictly within its constitutional limits and prevented from invading new territory, and that it could be extinguished by the respective states whenever the growth of public opinion demanded it. one wing of the party took the more extreme ground that slavery was contrary to the true intent and meaning of the constitution, and demanded that the country should return to the principles of liberty upon which it was founded. though the more radical abolitionists were for a time bitterly opposed to these views, yet the liberty party was the natural outgrowth of the abolition agitation. garrison and phillips and douglass and the rest had planted, birney and gerrit smith and chase and the rest watered, and the union party, led by the great emancipator, garnered the grain after a bloody harvest. several influences must have co-operated to modify douglass's political views. the moral support and occasional financial aid given his paper by members of the liberty party undoubtedly predisposed him favorably to their opinions. his retirement as agent of the anti-slavery society and the coolness resulting therefrom had taken him out of the close personal contact with those fervent spirits who had led the van in the struggle for liberty. their zeal had been more disinterested, perhaps, than douglass's own; for, after all, they had no personal stake in the outcome, while to douglass and his people the abolition of slavery was a matter of life and death. serene in the high altitude of their convictions, the garrisonians would accept no halfway measures, would compromise no principles, and, if their right arm offended them, would cut it off with sublime fortitude and cast it into the fire. they wanted a free country, where the fleeing victim of slavery could find a refuge. douglass perceived the immense advantage these swarming millions would gain through being free in the states where they already were. he had always been minded to do the best thing possible. when a slave, he had postponed his escape until it seemed entirely feasible. when denied cabin passage on steamboats, he had gone in the steerage or on deck. when he had been refused accommodation in a hotel, he had sought it under any humble roof that offered. it would have been a fine thing in the abstract to refuse the half-loaf, but in that event we should have had no frederick douglass. it was this very vein of prudence, keeping always in view the object to be attained, and in a broad, non-jesuitical sense subordinating the means to the end, that enabled douglass to prolong his usefulness a generation after the abolition of slavery. douglass in his _life and times_ states his own case as follows: "after a time, a careful reconsideration of the subject convinced me that there was no necessity for dissolving the union between the northern and southern states; that to seek this dissolution was no part of my duty as an abolitionist; that to abstain from voting was to refuse to exercise a legitimate and powerful means for abolishing slavery; and that the constitution of the united states not only contained no guarantees in favor of slavery, but, on the contrary, was in its letter and spirit an anti-slavery instrument, demanding the abolition of slavery as a condition of its own existence, as the supreme law of the land." this opinion was not exactly the opinion of the majority of the liberty party, which did not question the constitutionality of slavery in the slave states. neither was it the opinion of the supreme court, which in the dred scott case held that the constitution guaranteed not only the right to hold slaves, but to hold them in free states. nevertheless, entertaining the views he did, douglass was able to support the measures which sought to oppose slavery through political action. in august, , while his garrisonian views were as yet unchanged, he had been present as a spectator at the free soil convention at buffalo. in his life and times he says of this gathering: "this buffalo convention of free soilers, however low their standard, did lay the foundation of a grand superstructure. it was a powerful link in the chain of events by which the slave system has been abolished, the slave emancipated, and the country saved from dismemberment." in douglass announced that his sympathies were with the voting abolitionists, and thenceforth he supported by voice and pen hale, fremont, and lincoln, the successive candidates of the new party. douglass's political defection very much intensified the feeling against him among his former coadjutors. the garrisonians, with their usual plain speaking, did not hesitate to say what they thought of douglass. their three papers, the _liberator_, the _standard_, and the _freeman_, assailed douglass fiercely, and charged him with treachery, inconsistency, ingratitude, and all the other crimes so easily imputed to one who changes his opinions. garrison and phillips and others of his former associates denounced him as a deserter, and attributed his change of heart to mercenary motives. douglass seems to have borne himself with rare dignity and moderation in this trying period. he realized perfectly well that he was on the defensive, and that the burden devolved upon him to justify his change of front. this he seems to have attempted vigorously, but by argument rather than invective. even during the height of the indignation against him douglass disclaimed any desire to antagonize his former associates. he simply realized that there was more than one way to fight slavery,--which knew a dozen ways to maintain itself,--and had concluded to select the one that seemed most practical. he was quite willing that his former friends should go their own way. "no personal assaults," he wrote to george thompson, the english abolitionist, who wrote to him for an explanation of the charges made against him, "shall ever lead me to forget that some, who in america have often made me the subject of personal abuse, are in their own way earnestly working for the abolition of slavery." in later years, when political action had resulted in abolition, some of these harsh judgments were modified, and douglass and his earlier friends met in peace and harmony. the debt he owed to william lloyd garrison he ever delighted to acknowledge. his speech on the death of garrison breathes in every word the love and honor in which he held him. in one of the last chapters of his _life and times_ he makes a sweeping acknowledgment of his obligations to the men and women who rendered his career possible. "it was my good fortune," he writes, "to get out of slavery at the right time, to be speedily brought in contact with that circle of highly cultivated men and women, banded together for the overthrow of slavery, of which william lloyd garrison was the acknowledged leader. to these friends, earnest, courageous, inflexible, ready to own me as a man and a brother, against all the scorn, contempt, and derision of a slavery-polluted atmosphere, i owe my success in life." viii. events moved rapidly in the decade preceding the war. in the new fugitive slave law brought discouragement to the hearts of the friends of liberty. douglass's utterances during this period breathed the fiery indignation which he felt when the slave-driver's whip was heard cracking over the free states, and all citizens were ordered to aid in the enforcement of this inhuman statute when called upon. this law really defeated its own purpose. there were thousands of conservative northern men, who, recognizing the constitutional guarantees of slavery and the difficulty of abolishing it unless the south should take the initiative, were content that it should be preserved intact so long as it remained a local institution. but when the attempt was made to make the north wash the south's dirty linen, and transform every man in the northern states into a slave-catcher, it wrought a revulsion of feeling that aroused widespread sympathy for the slave and strengthened the cause of freedom amazingly. thousands of escaped slaves were living in northern communities. some of them had acquired homes, had educated their children, and in some states had become citizens and voters. already social pariahs, restricted generally to menial labor, bearing the burdens of poverty and prejudice, they now had thrust before them the spectre of the kidnapper, the slave-catcher with his affidavit, and the united states [supreme] court, which was made by this law the subservient tool of tyranny. this law gave douglass and the other abolitionists a new text. it was a set-back to their cause; but they were not entirely disheartened, for they saw in it the desperate expedients by which it was sought to bolster up an institution already doomed by the advancing tide of civilization. the loss of slaves had become a serious drain upon the border states. the number of refugees settled in the north was, of course, largely a matter of estimate. runaway slaves were not apt to advertise their status, but rather to conceal it, so that most estimates were more likely to be under than over the truth. henry wilson places the number in the free states at twenty thousand. there were in boston in , according to a public statement of theodore parker, from four to six hundred; and in other new england towns, notably new bedford, the number was large. other estimates place the figures much higher. mr. siebert, in his _underground railroad_, after a careful calculation from the best obtainable data, puts the number of fugitives aided in ohio alone at forty thousand in the thirty years preceding , and in the same period nine thousand in the city of philadelphia alone, which was one of the principal stations of the underground railroad and the home of william still, whose elaborate work on the _underground railroad_ gives the details of many thrilling escapes. in the work of assisting runaway slaves douglass found congenial employment. it was exciting and dangerous, but inspiring and soul-satisfying. he kept a room in his house always ready for fugitives, having with him as many as eleven at a time. he would keep them over night, pay their fare on the train for canada, and give them half a dollar extra. and canada, to her eternal honor be it said, received these assisted emigrants, with their fifty cents apiece, of alien race, debauched by slavery, gave them welcome and protection, refused to enter into diplomatic relations for their rendition to bondage, and spoke well of them as men and citizens when henry clay and the other slave [pro-slavery] leaders denounced them as the most worthless of their class. the example of canada may be commended to those persons in the united states, of little faith, who, because in thirty years the emancipated race have not equalled the white man in achievement, are fearful lest nothing good can be expected of them. in the stirring years of the early fifties douglass led a busy life. he had each week to fill the columns of his paper and raise the money to pay its expenses. add to this his platform work and the underground railroad work, which consisted not only in personal aid to the fugitives, but in raising money to pay their expenses, and his time was very adequately employed. in every anti-slavery meeting his face was welcome, and his position as a representative of his own peculiar people was daily strengthened. when uncle tom's cabin, in , set the world on fire over the wrongs of the slave,--or rather the wrongs of slavery, for that wonderful book did not portray the negro as the only sufferer from this hoary iniquity,--mrs. stowe, in her new capacity as a champion of liberty, conceived the plan of raising a fund for the benefit of the colored race, and in invited douglass to visit her at andover, massachusetts, where she consulted with him in reference to the establishment of an industrial institute or trades school for colored youth, with a view to improving their condition in the free states. douglass approved heartily of this plan, and through his paper made himself its sponsor. when, later on, mrs. stowe abandoned the project, douglass was made the subject of some criticism, though he was not at all to blame for mrs. stowes altered plans. in our own time the value of such institutions has been widely recognized, and the success of those at hampton and tuskegee has stimulated anew the interest in industrial education as one important factor in the elevation of the colored race. in the years from to the slave power, inspired with divine madness, rushed headlong toward its doom. the arbitrary enforcement of the fugitive slave act; the struggle between freedom and slavery in kansas; the dred scott decision, by which a learned and subtle judge, who had it within his power to enlarge the boundaries of human liberty and cover his own name with glory, deliberately and laboriously summarized and dignified with the sanction of a court of last resort all the most odious prejudices that had restricted the opportunities of the colored people; the repeal of the missouri compromise; the john brown raid; the [ ] assault on [massachusetts antislavery u.s. senator] charles sumner,--each of these incidents has been, in itself, the subject of more than one volume. of these events the dred scott decision was the most disheartening. douglass was not proof against the universal gloom, and began to feel that there was little hope of the peaceful solution of the question of slavery. it was in one of his darker moments that old sojourner truth, whose face appeared in so many anti-slavery gatherings, put her famous question, which breathed a sublime and childlike faith in god, even when his hand seemed heaviest on her people: "frederick," she asked, "is god dead?" the orator paused impressively, and then thundered in a voice that thrilled his audience with prophetic intimations, "no, god is not dead; and therefore it is that slavery must end in blood!" during this period john brown stamped his name indelibly upon american history. it was almost inevitable that a man of the views, activities, and prominence of douglass should become acquainted with john brown. their first meeting, however, was in , more than ten years before the tragic episode at harpers ferry. at that time brown was a merchant at springfield, massachusetts, whither douglass was invited to visit him. in his _life and times_ he describes brown as a prosperous merchant, who in his home lived with the utmost abstemiousness, in order that he might save money for the great scheme he was already revolving. "his wife believed in him, and his children observed him with reverence. his arguments seemed to convince all, his appeals touched all, and his will impressed all. certainly, i never felt myself in the presence of stronger religious influence than while in this man's house." there in his own home, where douglass stayed as his guest, brown outlined a plan which in substantially the same form he held dear to his heart for a decade longer. this plan, briefly stated, was to establish camps at certain easily defended points in the allegheny mountains; to send emissaries down to the plantations in the lowlands, starting in virginia, and draw off the slaves to these mountain fastnesses; to maintain bands of them there, if possible, as a constant menace to slavery and an example of freedom; or, if that were impracticable, to lead them to canada from time to time by the most available routes. wild as this plan may seem in the light of the desperate game subsequently played by slavery, it did not at the time seem impracticable to such level-headed men as theodore parker and thomas wentworth higginson. douglass's views were very much colored by his association with brown; but, with his usual prudence and foresight, he pointed out the difficulties of this plan. from the time of their first meeting the relations of the two men were friendly and confidential. captain brown had his scheme ever in mind, and succeeded in convincing douglass and others that it would subserve a useful purpose,--that, even if it resulted in failure, it would stir the conscience of the nation to a juster appreciation of the iniquity of slavery. the kansas troubles, however, turned brown's energies for a time into a different channel. after kansas had been secured to freedom, he returned with renewed ardor to his old project. he stayed for three weeks at douglass's house at rochester, and while there carried on an extensive correspondence with sympathizers and supporters, and thoroughly demonstrated to all with whom he conversed that he was a man of one all-absorbing idea. in , very shortly before the raid at harpers ferry, douglass met brown by appointment, in an abandoned stone quarry near chambersburg, pennsylvania. john brown was already an outlaw, with a price upon his head; for a traitor had betrayed his plan the year before, and he had for this reason deferred its execution for a year. the meeting was surrounded by all the mystery and conducted with all the precautions befitting a meeting of conspirators. brown had changed the details of his former plan, and told douglass of his determination to take harpers ferry. douglass opposed the measure vehemently, pointing out its certain and disastrous failure. brown met each argument with another, and was not to be swayed from his purpose. they spent more than a day together discussing the details of the movement. when the more practical douglass declined to take part in brown's attempt, the old man threw his arms around his swarthy friend, in a manner typical of his friendship for the dark race, and said: "come with me, douglass, i will defend you with my life. i want you for a special purpose. when i strike, the bees will begin to swarm, and i shall want you to help hive them." but douglass would not be persuaded. his abandonment of his old friend on the eve of a desperate enterprise was criticised by some, who, as douglass says, "kept even farther from this brave and heroic man than i did." john brown went forth to meet a felon's fate and wear a martyr's crown: douglass lived to fight the battles of his race for years to come. there was room for both, and each played the part for which he was best adapted. it would have strengthened the cause of liberty very little for douglass to die with brown. it is quite likely, however, that he narrowly escaped brown's fate. when the raid at harpers ferry had roused the country, douglass, with other leading northern men, was indicted in virginia for complicity in the affair. brown's correspondence had fallen into the hands of the virginia authorities, and certain letters seemed to implicate douglass. a trial in virginia meant almost certain death. governor wise, of virginia, would have hung him with cheerful alacrity, and publicly expressed his desire to do so. douglass, with timely warning that extradition papers had been issued for his arrest, escaped to canada. he had previously planned a second visit to england, and the john brown affair had delayed his departure by some days. he sailed from quebec, november , . after a most uncomfortable winter voyage of fourteen days douglass found himself again in england, an object of marked interest and in very great demand as a speaker. six months he spent on the hospitable shores of great britain, lecturing on john brown, on slavery and other subjects, and renewing the friendships of former years. being informed of the death of his youngest daughter, he cut short his visit, which he had meant to extend to france, and returned to the united states. so rapid had been the course of events since his departure that the excitement over the john brown raid had subsided. the first lincoln campaign was in active progress; and the whole country quivered with vague anticipation of the impending crisis which was to end the conflict of irreconcilable principles, and sweep slavery out of the path of civilization and progress. douglass plunged into the campaign with his accustomed zeal, and did what he could to promote the triumph of the republican party. lincoln was elected, and in a few short months the country found itself in the midst of war. god was not dead, and slavery was to end in blood. ix. ever mindful of his people and seeking always to promote their welfare, douglass was one of those who urged, in all his addresses at this period, the abolition of slavery and the arming of the negroes as the most effective means of crushing the rebellion. in he delivered a series of lectures in new england under the auspices of the recently formed emancipation league, which contended for abolition as a military necessity. the first or conditional emancipation proclamation was issued in september, ; and shortly afterward douglass published a pamphlet for circulation in great britain, entitled _the slave's appeal to great britain_, in which he urged the english people to refuse recognition of the independence of the confederate states. he always endeavored in his public utterances to remove the doubts and fears of those who were tempted to leave the negroes in slavery because of the difficulty of disposing of them after they became free. douglass, with the simple, direct, primitive sense of justice that had always marked his mind, took the only true ground for the solution of the race problems of that or any other epoch,-that the situation should be met with equal and exact justice, and that his people should be allowed to do as they pleased with themselves, "subject only to the same great laws which apply to other men." he was a conspicuous figure at the meeting in tremont temple, boston, on january , , when the emancipation proclamation, hourly expected by an anxious gathering, finally flashed over the wires. douglass was among the first to suggest the employment of colored troops in the union army. in spite of all assertions to the contrary, he foresaw in the war the end of slavery. he perceived that by the enlistment of colored men not only would the northern arms be strengthened, but his people would win an opportunity to exercise one of the highest rights of freemen, and by valor on the field of battle to remove some of the stigma that slavery had placed upon them. he strove through every channel at his command to impress his views upon the country; and his efforts helped to swell the current of opinion which found expression, after several intermediate steps, in the enlistment of two colored regiments by governor andrew, the famous war governor of massachusetts, a state foremost in all good works. when mr. lincoln had granted permission for the recruiting of these regiments, douglass issued through his paper a stirring appeal, which was copied in the principal journals of the union states, exhorting his people to rally to this call, to seize this opportunity to strike a blow at slavery and win the gratitude of the country and the blessings of liberty for themselves and their posterity. douglass exerted himself personally in procuring enlistments, his two sons [his youngest and his oldest], charles and lewis, being [among] the first in new york to enlist; for the two massachusetts regiments were recruited all over the north. lewis h. douglass, sergeant-major in the fifty-fourth massachusetts, was among the foremost on the ramparts at fort wagner. both these sons of douglass survived the war, and are now well known and respected citizens of washington, d.c. the fifty-fourth massachusetts, under the gallant but ill-fated colonel shaw, won undying glory in the conflict; and the heroic deeds of the officers and men of this regiment are fittingly commemorated in the noble monument by st. gaudens, recently erected on boston common, to stand as an inspiration of freedom and patriotism for the future and as testimony that a race which for generations had been deprived of arms and liberty could worthily bear the one and defend the other. douglass was instrumental in persuading the government to put colored soldiers on an equal footing with white soldiers, both as to pay and protection. in the course of these efforts he was invited to visit president lincoln. he describes this memorable interview in detail in his _life and times_. the president welcomed him with outstretched hands, put him at once at his ease, and listened patiently and attentively to all that he had to say. douglass maintained that colored soldiers should receive the same pay as white soldiers, should be protected and exchanged as prisoners, and should be rewarded, by promotion, for deeds of valor. the president suggested some of the difficulties to be overcome; but both he and secretary of war stanton, whom douglass also visited, assured him that in the end his race should be justly treated. stanton, before the close of the interview with him, promised douglass a commission as assistant adjutant to general lorenzo thomas, then recruiting colored troops in the mississippi valley. but stanton evidently changed his mind, since the commission, somewhat to douglass's chagrin, never came to hand. when mcclellan had been relieved by grant, and the new leader of the union forces was fighting the stubbornly contested campaign of the wilderness, president lincoln again sent for douglass, to confer with him with reference to bringing slaves in the rebel states within the union lines, so that in the event of premature peace as many slaves as possible might be free. douglass undertook, at the president's suggestion, to organize a band of colored scouts to go among the negroes and induce them to enter the union lines. the plan was never carried out, owing to the rapid success of the union arms; but the interview greatly impressed douglass with the sincerity of the president's conviction against slavery and his desire to see the war result in its overthrow. what the colored race may have owed to the services, in such a quarter, of such an advocate as douglass, brave, eloquent, high-principled, and an example to lincoln of what the enslaved race was capable of, can only be imagined. that lincoln was deeply impressed by these interviews is a matter of history. douglass supported vigorously the nomination of lincoln for a second term, and was present at his [march ] inauguration. and a few days later, while the inspired words of the inaugural address, long bracketed with the noblest of human utterances, were still ringing in his ears, he spoke at the meeting held in rochester to mourn the death of the martyred president, and made one of his most eloquent and moving addresses. it was a time that wrung men's hearts, and none more than the strong-hearted man's whose race had found its liberty through him who lay dead at washington, slain by the hand of an assassin whom slavery had spawned. x. with the fall of slavery and the emancipation of the colored race the heroic epoch of douglass's career may be said to have closed. the text upon which he so long had preached had been expunged from the national bible; and he had been a one-text preacher, a one-theme orator. he felt the natural reaction which comes with relief from high mental or physical tension, and wondered, somewhat sadly, what he should do with himself, and how he should earn a living. the same considerations, in varying measure, applied to others of the anti-slavery reformers. some, unable to escape the reforming habit, turned their attention to different social evils, real or imaginary. others, sufficiently supplied with this worlds goods for their moderate wants, withdrew from public life. douglass was thinking of buying a farm and retiring to rural solitudes, when a new career opened up for him in the lyceum lecture field. the north was favorably disposed toward colored men. they had acquitted themselves well during the war, and had shown becoming gratitude to their deliverers. the once despised abolitionists were now popular heroes. douglass's checkered past seemed all the more romantic in the light of the brighter present, like a novel with a pleasant ending; and those who had hung thrillingly upon his words when he denounced slavery now listened with interest to what he had to say upon other topics. he spoke sometimes on woman suffrage, of which he was always a consistent advocate. his most popular lecture was one on "self-made men." another on "ethnology," in which he sought a scientific basis for his claim for the negro's equality with the white man, was not so popular--with white people. the wave of enthusiasm which had swept the enfranchised slaves into what seemed at that time the safe harbor of constitutional right was not, after all, based on abstract doctrines of equality of intellect, but on an inspiring sense of justice (long dormant under the influence of slavery, but thoroughly awakened under the moral stress of the war), which conceded to every man the right of a voice in his own government and the right to an equal opportunity in life to develop such powers as he possessed, however great or small these might be. but douglass's work in direct behalf of his race was not yet entirely done. in fact, he realized very distinctly the vast amount of work that would be necessary to lift his people up to the level of their enlarged opportunities; and, as may be gathered from some of his published utterances, he foresaw that the process would be a long one, and that their friends might weary sometimes of waiting, and that there would be reactions toward slavery which would rob emancipation of much of its value. it was the very imminence of such backward steps, in the shape of various restrictive and oppressive laws promptly enacted by the old slave states under president johnson's administration, that led douglass to urge the enfranchisement of the freedmen. he maintained that in a free country there could be no safe or logical middle ground between the status of freeman and that of serf. there has been much criticism because the negro, it is said, acquired the ballot prematurely. there seemed imperative reasons, besides that of political expediency, for putting the ballot in his hands. recent events have demonstrated that this necessity is as great now as then. the assumption that negroes--under which generalization are included all men of color, regardless of that sympathy to which kinship at least should entitle many of them--are unfit to have a voice in government is met by the words of lincoln, which have all the weight of a political axiom: "no man can be safely trusted to govern other men without their consent." the contention that a class who constitute half the population of a state shall be entirely unrepresented in its councils, because, forsooth, their will there expressed may affect the government of another class of the same general population, is as repugnant to justice and human rights as was the institution of slavery itself. such a condition of affairs has not the melodramatic and soul-stirring incidents of chattel slavery, but its effects can be as far-reaching and as debasing. there has been some manifestation of its possible consequences in the recent outbreaks of lynching and other race oppression in the south. the practical disfranchisement of the colored people in several states, and the apparent acquiescence by the supreme court in the attempted annulment, by restrictive and oppressive laws, of the war amendments to the constitution, have brought a foretaste of what might be expected should the spirit of the dred scott decision become again the paramount law of the land. on february , , douglass acted as chief spokesman of a committee of leading colored men of the country, who called upon president johnson to urge the importance of enfranchisement. mr. johnson, true to his southern instincts, was coldly hostile to the proposition, recounted all the arguments against it, and refused the committee an opportunity to reply. the matter was not left with mr. johnson, however; and the committee turned its attention to the leading republican statesmen, in whom they found more impressionable material. under the leadership of senators sumner, wilson, wade, and others, the matter was fully argued in congress, the democratic party being in opposition, as always in national politics, to any measure enlarging the rights or liberties of the colored race. in september, , douglass was elected a delegate from rochester to the national loyalists' convention at philadelphia, called to consider the momentous questions of government growing out of the war. while he had often attended anti-slavery conventions as the representative of a small class of abolitionists, his election to represent a large city in a national convention was so novel a departure from established usage as to provoke surprise and comment all over the country. on the way to philadelphia he was waited upon by a committee of other delegates, who came to his seat on the train and urged upon him the impropriety of his taking a seat as a delegate. douglass listened patiently, but declined to be moved by their arguments. he replied that he had been duly elected a delegate from rochester, and he would represent that city in the convention. a procession of the members and friends of the convention was to take place on its opening day. douglass was solemnly warned that, if he walked in the procession, he would probably be mobbed. but he had been mobbed before, more than once, and had lived through it; and he promptly presented himself at the place of assembly. his reception by his fellow-delegates was not cordial, and he seemed condemned to march alone in the procession, when theodore tilton, at that time editor of the _independent_, paired off with him, and marched by his side through the streets of the quaker city. the result was gratifying alike to douglass and the friends of liberty and progress. he was cheered enthusiastically all along the line of march, and became as popular in the convention as he had hitherto been neglected. a romantic incident of this march was a pleasant meeting, on the street, with a daughter of mrs. lucretia auld, the mistress who had treated him kindly during his childhood on the lloyd plantation. the aulds had always taken an interest in douglass's career,--he had, indeed, given the family a wide though not altogether enviable reputation in his books and lectures,--and this good lady had followed the procession for miles, that she might have the opportunity to speak to her grandfather's former slave and see him walk in the procession. in the convention "the ever-ready and imperial douglass," as colonel higginson describes him, spoke in behalf of his race. the convention, however, divided upon the question of negro suffrage, and adjourned without decisive action. but under president grant's administration the fourteenth amendment was passed, and by the solemn sanction of the constitution the ballot was conferred upon the black men upon the same terms as those upon which it was enjoyed by the whites. xi. it is perhaps fitting, before we take leave of douglass, to give some estimate of the remarkable oratory which gave him his hold upon the past generation. for, while his labors as editor and in other directions were of great value to the cause of freedom, it is upon his genius as an orator that his fame must ultimately rest. while douglass's color put him in a class by himself among great orators, and although his slave past threw around him an element of romance that added charm to his eloquence, these were mere incidental elements of distinction. the north was full of fugitive slaves, and more than one had passionately proclaimed his wrongs. there were several colored orators who stood high in the councils of the abolitionists and did good service for the cause of humanity. douglass possessed, in large measure, the physical equipment most impressive in an orator. he was a man of magnificent figure, tall, strong, his head crowned with a mass of hair which made a striking element of his appearance. he had deep-set and flashing eyes, a firm, well-moulded chin, a countenance somewhat severe in repose, but capable of a wide range of expression. his voice was rich and melodious, and of great carrying power. one writer, who knew him in the early days of his connection with the abolitionists, says of him, in johnson's _sketches of lynn_: "he was not then the polished orator he has since become, but even at that early date he gave promise of the grand part he was to play in the conflict which was to end in the destruction of the system that had so long cursed his race.... he was more than six feet in height; and his majestic form, as he rose to speak, straight as an arrow, muscular yet lithe and graceful, his flashing eye, and more than all his voice, that rivalled webster's in its richness and in the depth and sonorousness of its cadences, made up such an ideal of an orator as the listeners never forgot. and they never forgot his burning words, his pathos, nor the rich play of his humor." the poet william howitt said of him on his departure from england in , "he has appeared in this country before the most accomplished audiences, who were surprised, not only at his talent, but at his extraordinary information." in ireland he was introduced as "the black o'connell,"--a high compliment; for o'connell was at that time the idol of the irish people. in scotland they called him the "black douglass [douglas]," after his prototype in _the lady of the lake_, because of his fìre and vigor. in rochester he was called the "swarthy ajax," from his indignant denunciation and defiance of the fugitive slave law of , which came like a flash of lightning to blast the hopes of the anti-slavery people. douglass possessed in unusual degree the faculty of swaying his audience, sometimes against their maturer judgment. there is something in the argument from first principles which, if presented with force and eloquence, never fails to appeal to those who are not blinded by self-interest or deep-seated prejudice. douglass's argument was that of the declaration of independence,--"that _all_ men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the _consent of the governed_." the writer may be pardoned for this quotation; for there are times when we seem to forget that now and here, no less than in ancient rome, "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." douglass brushed aside all sophistries about constitutional guarantees, and vested rights, and inferior races, and, having postulated the right of men to be free, maintained that negroes were men, and offered himself as a proof of his assertion,--an argument that few had the temerity to deny. if it were answered that he was only half a negro, he would reply that slavery made no such distinction, and as a still more irrefutable argument would point to his friend, samuel r. ward, who often accompanied him on the platform,--an eloquent and effective orator, of whom wendell phillips said that "he was so black that, if he would shut his eyes, one could not see him." it was difficult for an auditor to avoid assent to such arguments, presented with all the force and fire of genius, relieved by a ready wit, a contagious humor, and a tear-compelling power rarely excelled. "as a speaker," says one of his contemporaries, "he has few equals. it is not declamation, but oratory, power of description. he watches the tide of discussion, and dashes into it at once with all the tact of the forum or the bar. he has art, argument, sarcasm, pathos,--all that first-rate men show in their master efforts." his readiness was admirably illustrated in the running debate with captain rynders, a ward politician and gambler of new york, who led a gang of roughs with the intention of breaking up the meeting of the american anti-slavery society in new york city, may , . the newspapers had announced the proposed meeting in language calculated to excite riot. rynders packed the meeting with rowdies, and himself occupied a seat on the platform. some remark by mr. garrison, the first speaker, provoked a demonstration of hostility. when this was finally quelled by a promise to permit one of the rynders party to reply, mr. garrison finished his speech. he was followed by a prosy individual, who branded the negro as brother to the monkey. douglass, perceiving that the speaker was wearying even his own friends, intervened at an opportune moment, captured the audience by a timely display of wit, and then improved the occasion by a long and effective speech. when douglass offered himself as a refutation of the last speaker's argument, rynders replied that douglass was half white. douglass thereupon greeted rynders as his half-brother, and made this expression the catchword of his speech. when rynders interrupted from time to time, he was silenced with a laugh. he appears to have been a somewhat philosophic scoundrel, with an appreciation of humor that permitted the meeting to proceed to an orderly close. douglass's speech was the feature of the evening. "that gifted man," said garrison, in whose _life and times_ a graphic description of this famous meeting is given, "effectually put to shame his assailants by his wit and eloquence." a speech delivered by douglass at concord, new hampshire, is thus described by another writer: "he gradually let out the outraged humanity that was laboring in him, in indignant and terrible speech.... there was great oratory in his speech, but more of dignity and earnestness than what we call eloquence. he was an insurgent slave, taking hold on the rights of speech, and charging on his tyrants the bondage of his race." in holland's biography of douglass extracts are given from letters of distinguished contemporaries who knew the orator. colonel t.w. higginson writes thus: "i have hardly heard his equal, in grasp upon an audience, in dramatic presentation, in striking at the pith of an ethical question, and in single [signal] illustrations and examples." another writes, in reference to the impromptu speech delivered at the meeting at rochester on the death of lincoln: "i have heard webster and clay in their best moments, channing and beecher in their highest inspirations. i never heard truer eloquence. i never saw profounder impression." the published speeches of douglass, of which examples may be found scattered throughout his various autobiographies, reveal something of the powers thus characterized, though, like other printed speeches, they lose by being put in type. but one can easily imagine their effect upon a sympathetic or receptive audience, when delivered with flashing eye and deep-toned resonant voice by a man whose complexion and past history gave him the highest right to describe and denounce the iniquities of slavery and contend for the rights of a race. in later years, when brighter days had dawned for his people, and age had dimmed the recollection of his sufferings and tempered his animosities, he became more charitable to his old enemies; but in the vigor of his manhood, with the memory of his wrongs and those of his race fresh upon him, he possessed that indispensable quality of the true reformer: he went straight to the root of the evil, and made no admissions and no compromises. slavery for him was conceived in greed, born in sin, cradled in shame, and worthy of utter and relentless condemnation. he had the quality of directness and simplicity. when collins would have turned the abolition influence to the support of a communistic scheme, douglass opposed it vehemently. slavery was the evil they were fighting, and their cause would be rendered still more unpopular if they ran after strange gods. when garrison pleaded for the rights of man, when phillips with golden eloquence preached the doctrine of humanity and progress, men approved and applauded. when parker painted the moral baseness of the times, men acquiesced shamefacedly. when channing preached the gospel of love, they wished the dream might become a reality. but, when douglass told the story of his wrongs and those of his brethren in bondage, they felt that here indeed was slavery embodied, here was an argument for freedom that could not be gainsaid, that the race that could produce in slavery such a man as frederick douglass must surely be worthy of freedom. what douglass's platform utterances in later years lacked of the vehemence and fire of his earlier speeches, they made up in wisdom and mature judgment. there is a note of exultation in his speeches just after the war. jehovah had triumphed, his people were free. he had seen the red sea of blood open and let them pass, and engulf the enemy who pursued them. among the most noteworthy of douglass's later addresses were the oration at the unveiling of the freedmen's monument to abraham lincoln in washington in , which may be found in his _life and times_; the address on decoration day, new york, ; his eulogy on wendell phillips, printed in austin's _life and times of wendell phillips_; and the speech on the death of garrison, june, . he lectured in the parker fraternity course in boston, delivered numerous addresses to gatherings of colored men, spoke at public dinners and woman suffrage meetings, and retained his hold upon the interest of the public down to the very day of his death. xii. with the full enfranchisement of his people, douglass entered upon what may be called the third epoch of his career, that of fruition. not every worthy life receives its reward in this world; but douglass, having fought the good fight, was now singled out, by virtue of his prominence, for various honors and emoluments at the hands of the public. he was urged by many friends to take up his residence in some southern district and run for congress; but from modesty or some doubt of his fitness--which one would think he need not have felt--and the consideration that his people needed an advocate at the north to keep alive there the friendship and zeal for liberty that had accomplished so much for his race, he did not adopt the suggestion. in [ ] douglass moved to washington, and began [took over] the publication of the _new national era_, a weekly paper devoted to the interests of the colored race. the venture did not receive the support hoped for; and the paper was turned over to douglass's two [oldest] sons, lewis and frederick, and was finally abandoned [in ], douglass having sunk about ten thousand dollars in the enterprise. later newspapers for circulation among the colored people have proved more successful; and it ought to be a matter of interest that the race which thirty years ago could not support one publication, edited by its most prominent man, now maintains several hundred newspapers which make their appearance regularly. in douglass was elected president of the freedmans bank. this ill-starred venture was then apparently in the full tide of prosperity, and promised to be a great lever in the uplifting of the submerged race. douglass, soon after his election as president, discovered the insolvency of the institution, and insisted that it be closed up. the negro was in the hands of his friends, and was destined to suffer for their mistakes as well as his own. other honors that fell to douglass were less empty than the presidency of a bankrupt bank. in he was appointed by president grant a member of the santo domingo commission, the object of which was to arrange terms for the annexation of the mulatto republic to the union. some of the best friends of the colored race, among them senator sumner, opposed this step; but douglass maintained that to receive santo domingo as a state would add to its strength and importance. the scheme ultimately fell through, whether for the good or ill of santo domingo can best be judged when the results of more recent annexation schemes [ : puerto rico, guam, the philippines, hawaii, and _de facto_ cuba] become apparent. douglass went to santo domingo on an american man-of-war, in the company of three other commissioners. in his _life and times_ he draws a pleasing contrast between some of his earlier experiences in travelling, and the terms of cordial intimacy upon which, as the representative of a nation which a few years before had denied him a passport, he was now received in the company of able and distinguished gentlemen. on his return to the united states douglass received from president grant an appointment as member of the legislative council, or upper house of the legislature, of the district of columbia, where he served for a short time, until other engagements demanded his resignation, [one of] his son[s] being appointed to fill out his term. to this appointment douglass owed the title of "honorable," subsequently applied to him. in douglass presided over and addressed a convention of colored men at new orleans, and urged them to support president grant for renomination. he was elected a presidential elector for new york, and on the meeting of the electoral college in albany, after grant's triumphant re-election, received a further mark of confidence and esteem in the appointment at the hands of his fellow-electors to carry the sealed vote to washington. douglass sought no personal reward for his services in this campaign, but to his influence was due the appointment of several of his friends to higher positions than had ever theretofore been held in this country by colored men. when r. b. hayes was nominated for president, douglass again took the stump, and received as a reward the honorable and lucrative office of marshal of the united states for the district of columbia. this appointment was not agreeable to the white people of the district, whose sympathies were largely pro-slavery; and an effort was made to have its confirmation defeated in the senate. the appointment was confirmed, however; and douglass served his term of four years, in spite of numerous efforts to bring about his removal. in the hard conditions under which the negroes in the south were compelled to live led to a movement to promote an exodus of the colored people to the north and west, in the search for better opportunities. the white people of the south, alarmed at the prospect of losing their labor, were glad to welcome douglass when he went among them to oppose this movement, which he at that time considered detrimental to the true interests of the colored population. under the garfield administration douglass was appointed in may, , recorder of deeds for the district of columbia. he held this very lucrative office through the terms of presidents garfìeld and arthur and until removed by president cleveland in , having served nearly a year after cleveland's inauguration. in he was appointed by president harrison as minister resident and consul-general to the republic of hayti, in which capacity he acted until , when he resigned and returned permanently to washington. the writer has heard him speak with enthusiasm of the substantial progress made by the haytians in the arts of government and civilization, and with indignation of what he considered slanders against the island, due to ignorance or prejudice. when it was suggested to douglass that the haytians were given to revolution as a mode of expressing disapproval of their rulers, he replied that a four years' rebellion had been fought and two presidents assassinated in the united states during a comparatively peaceful political period in hayti. his last official connection with the black republic was at the world's columbian exposition at chicago in , where he acted as agent in charge of the haytian building and the very creditable exhibit therein contained. his stately figure, which age had not bowed, his strong dark face, and his head of thick white hair made him one of the conspicuous features of the exposition; and many a visitor took advantage of the occasion to recall old acquaintance made in the stirring anti-slavery days. in he revisited the lloyd plantation in maryland, where he had spent part of his youth, and an affecting meeting took place between him and thomas auld, whom he had once called master. once in former years he had been sought out by the good lady who in his childhood had taught him to read. nowhere more than in his own accounts of these meetings does the essentially affectionate and forgiving character of douglass and his race become apparent, and one cannot refrain from thinking that a different state of affairs might prevail in the southern states if other methods than those at present in vogue were used to regulate the relations between the two races and their various admixtures that make up the southern population. in june, , a bronze bust of douglass was erected in sibley hall of rochester university as a tribute to one who had shed lustre on the city. in occurred the death of douglass's first wife, whom he had married in new york immediately after his escape from slavery, and who had been his faithful companion through so many years of stress and struggle. in the same year his _life and times_ was published. in he married miss helen pitts, a white woman of culture and refinement. there was some criticism of this step by white people who did not approve of the admixture of the races, and by colored persons who thought their leader had slighted his own people when he overlooked the many worthy and accomplished women among them. but douglass, to the extent that he noticed these strictures at all, declared that he had devoted his life to breaking down the color line, and that he did not know any more effectual way to accomplish it; that he was white by half his blood, and, as he had given most of his life to his mothers race, he claimed the right to dispose of the remnant as he saw fit. the latter years of his life were spent at his beautiful home known as cedar hill, on anacostia heights, near washington, amid all "that which should accompany old age, as honor, love, obedience, troops of friends." he possessed strong and attractive social qualities, and his home formed a mecca for the advanced and aspiring of his race. he was a skilful violinist, and derived great pleasure from the valuable instrument he possessed. a wholesome atmosphere always surrounded him. he had never used tobacco or strong liquors, and was clean of speech and pure in life. he died at his home in washington, february , . he had been perfectly well during the day, and was supposed to be in excellent health. he had attended both the forenoon and afternoon sessions of the women's national council, then in session at washington, and had been a conspicuous figure in the audience. on his return home, while speaking to his wife in the hallway of his house, he suddenly fell, and before assistance could be given he had passed away. his death brought forth many expressions from the press of the land, reflecting the high esteem in which he had been held by the public for a generation. in various cities meetings were held, at which resolutions of sorrow and appreciation were passed, and delegations appointed to attend his funeral. in the united states senate a resolution was offered reciting that in the person of the late frederick douglass death had borne away a most illustrious citizen, and permitting the body to lie in state in the rotunda of the capitol on sunday. the immediate consideration of the resolution was asked for. mr. gorman, of maryland, the state which douglass honored by his birth, objected; and the resolution went over. douglass's funeral took place on february , , at the metropolitan african methodist episcopal church in washington, and was the occasion of a greater outpouring of colored people than had taken place in washington since the unveiling of the lincoln emancipation statue in . the body was taken from cedar hill to the church at half-past nine in the morning; and from that hour until noon thousands of persons, including many white people, passed in double file through the building and viewed the body, which was in charge of a guard of honor composed of members of a colored camp of the sons of veterans. the church was crowded when the services began, and several thousands could not obtain admittance. delegations, one of them a hundred strong, were present from a dozen cities. among the numerous floral tributes was a magnificent shield of roses, orchids, and palms, sent by the haytian government through its minister. another tribute was from the son of his old master. among the friends of the deceased present were senators sherman and hoar, justice harlan of the supreme court, miss susan b. anthony, and miss may wright sewall, president of the women's national council. the temporary pall-bearers were ex-senator b. k. bruce and other prominent colored men of washington. the sermon was preached by rev. j. g. jenifer. john e. hutchinson, the last of the famous hutchinson family of abolition singers, who with his sister accompanied douglass on his first voyage to england, sang two requiem solos, and told some touching stories of their old-time friendship. the remains were removed to douglass's former home in rochester, where he was buried with unusual public honors. in november, , a movement was begun in rochester, under the leadership of j. w. thompson, with a view to erect a monument in memory of the colored soldiers and sailors who had fallen during the civil war. this project had the hearty support and assistance of douglass; and upon his death the plan was changed, and a monument to douglass himself decided upon. a contribution of one thousand dollars from the haytian government and an appropriation of three thousand dollars from the state of new york assured the success of the plan. september , , was the date set for the unveiling of the monument; but, owing to delay in the delivery of the statue, only a part of the contemplated exercises took place. the monument, complete with the exception of the statue which was to surmount it, was formally turned over to the city, the presentation speech being made by charles p. lee of rochester. a solo and chorus composed for the occasion were sung, an original poem read by t. thomas fortune, and addresses delivered by john c. dancy and john h. smyth. joseph h. douglass, a talented grandson of the orator, played a violin solo, and miss susan b. anthony recalled some reminiscences of douglass in the early anti-slavery days. in june, , the bronze statue of douglass, by sidney w. edwards, was installed with impressive ceremonies. the movement thus to perpetuate the memory of douglass had taken rise among a little band of men of his own race, but the whole people of rochester claimed the right to participate in doing honor to their distinguished fellow-citizen. the city assumed a holiday aspect. a parade of military and civic societies was held, and an appropriate programme rendered at the unveiling of the monument. governor roosevelt of new york delivered an address; and the occasion took a memorable place in the annals of rochester, of which city douglass had said, "i shall always feel more at home there than anywhere else in this country." in march, , a few weeks after the death of douglass, theodore tilton, his personal friend for many years, published in paris, of which city he was then a resident, a volume of _sonnets to the memory of frederick douglass_, from which the following lines are quoted as the estimate of a contemporary and a fitting epilogue to this brief sketch of so long and full a life: "i knew the noblest giants of my day, and _he_ was _of_ them--strong amid the strong: but gentle too: for though he suffered wrong, yet the wrong-doer never heard him say, 'thee also do i hate.' ... a lover's lay-- no dirge--no doleful requiem song-- is what i owe him; for i loved him long; as dearly as a younger brother may. proud is the happy grief with which i sing; for, o my country! in the paths of men there never walked a grander man than he! he was a peer of princes--yea, a king! crowned in the shambles and the prison-pen! the noblest slave that ever god set free!" bibliography the only original sources of information concerning the early life of frederick douglass are the three autobiographies published by him at various times; and the present writer, like all others who have written of mr. douglass, has had to depend upon this personal record for the incidents of mr. douglass's life in slavery. as to the second period of his life, his public career as anti-slavery orator and agitator, the sources of information are more numerous and varied. the biographies of noted abolitionists whose lives ran from time to time in parallel lines with his make very full reference to douglass's services in their common cause, the one giving the greatest detail being the very complete and admirable _life and times of william lloyd garrison_, by his sons, which is in effect an exhaustive history of the garrisonian movement for abolition. the files of the _liberator_, mr. garrison's paper, which can be found in a number of the principal public libraries of the country, constitute a vast storehouse of information concerning the labors of the american anti-slavery society, with which douglass was identified from to , the latter being the year in which he gave up his employment as agent of the society and established his paper at rochester. many letters from mr. douglass's pen appeared in the _liberator_ during this period. mr. douglass's own memories are embraced in three separate volumes, published at wide intervals, each succeeding volume being a revision of the preceding work, with various additions and omissions. i. _narrative of frederick douglass_. writen by himself. (boston, : the american anti-slavery society.) numerous editions of this book were printed, and translations published in germany and in france. ii. _my bondage and my freedom_. (new york and auburn, : miller, orton & mulligan.) this second of mr. douglass's autobiographies has a well-written and appreciative introduction by james m'cune smith and an appendix containing extracts from mr. douglass's speeches on slavery. iii. _recollections of the anti-slavery conflict_. by samuel j. may. (boston, : fields, osgood & co.) collected papers by a veteran abolitionist; contains an appreciative sketch of douglass. iv. _history of the rise and fall of the slave power in america_. by henry wilson. vols. (boston, : james r. osgood & co.) the author presents an admirable summary of the life and mission of mr. douglass. v. _william lloyd garrison and his times_. by oliver johnson. (boston, : houghton, mifflin & co.) one of the best works on the anti-slavery agitation, by one of its most able, active and courageous promoters. vi. _century magazine_, november, , "my escape from slavery." by frederick douglass. vii. _life and times of frederick douglass_. written by himself. (hartford, : park publishing company.) viii. _history of the negro race in america_. by george w. williams. vols. (new york, : g. p. putnam's sons.) this exhaustive and scholarly work contains an estimate of douglass's career by an afro-american author. ix. _the life and times of wendell phillips_. by george lowell austin. (boston, : lee & shepard.) contains a eulogy on wendell phillips by mr. douglass. x. _life and times of william lloyd garrison_. by his children. vols. (new york, : the century company. london: t. fisher unwin.) here are many details of the public services of mr. douglass,--his relations to the garrisonian abolitionists, his political views, his oratory, etc. xi. _the cosmopolitan_, august, . "reminiscences." by frederick douglass. in "the great agitation series." xii. _frederick douglass, the colored orator_. by frederick may holland. (new york, : funk & wagnalls.) this volume is one of the series of "american reformers," and with the exception of his own books is the only comprehensive life of douglass so far published. it contains selections from many of his best speeches and a full list of his numerous publications. xiii. _our day_, august, . "frederick douglass as orator and reformer." by w. l. garrison [( - ), the first son and namesake of the abolitionist leader ( - )]. xiv. _the underground railroad_. by william h. siebert. with an introduction by albert bushnell hart. (new york, : the macmillan company.) contains many references to mr. douglass's services in aiding the escape of fugitive slaves. the battle of principles works of newell dwight hillis the battle of principles a study of the heroism and eloquence of the anti-slavery conflict _ mo, cloth, gilt top, net, $ . ._ the contagion of character studies in culture and success _ mo, cloth, gilt top, net, $ . ._ the fortune of the republic studies, national and patriotic on america of to-day and to-morrow _ mo, cloth, gilt top, net, $ . ._ great books as life-teachers studies of character, real and ideal _ mo, cloth, gilt top, $ . ._ the investment of influence a study of social sympathy and service _ mo, cloth, gilt top, $ . ._ a man's value to society studies in self-culture and character _ mo, cloth, gilt top, $ . ._ faith and character _ mo, cloth, gilt top, net, cents_ foretokens of immortality studies for "the hour when the immortal hope burns low in the heart" _ mo, cloth, net, cents._ david the poet and king _ vo, two colors, deckle edges, net, cents._ how the inner light failed a study of the atrophy of the spiritual sense _ mo, cloth, net, cents._ right living as a fine art a study of channing's symphony _ mo, boards, net, cents._ the master of the science of right living _ mo, boards, net, cents._ across the continent of the years _ mo, old english boards, net, cents._ the school in the home _net, cents._ the battle of principles a study of the heroism and eloquence of the anti-slavery conflict by newell dwight hillis, d. d. new york chicago toronto fleming h. revell company london and edinburgh copyright, , by fleming h. revell company new york: fifth avenue chicago: north wabash ave. toronto: richmond street, w. london: paternoster square edinburgh: princes street foreword these are days of destiny for the people of the republic. democracy, like a beautiful civilization, is sweeping over all the earth. from portugal comes the news of a monarchy that is taking on democratic forms. turkey has announced the liberty of the printing press, russia is planning a new system of popular education, china is in process of adopting a constitutional government, with a cabinet responsible to the people. unless one reads the newspapers in many languages, the observer will miss daily some new victory for democracy. great changes are on also for the republic. now that the civil war is fifty years away, the new north and the new south represent a solid nation. indeed, if every northern soldier were to die to-day, not one interest or liberty of this republic would be permitted to suffer by the sons of the confederate soldiers, who would defend the nation unto blood as bravely as men born north of mason and dixon's line--indeed, who fought gallantly for it in the cuban war. the north has entered upon a new industrial epoch, but the south also is in the midst of its greatest industrial movement, and in sight of its enlargement, by reason of the panama canal. the western continent is not large, but it holds more than half the farm land of the planet, and it is already evident that the united states and canada, with their free institutions, will indirectly and directly control the thousand millions of people that will soon live between the aleutian islands of alaska, and cape horn. the one question of the hour is how to make all the coming millions patriots towards their country, scholars towards the intellect, obedient citizens towards the laws of nature and god. our national peril is mammonism, and the sordid pursuit of gold. our fathers came hither in pursuit of god and liberty,--not gold and territory. sixty of our present ninety millions of people have entered the earthly scene since the civil war. our young men and women, and the children of foreign born peoples need to open the pages of history, setting forth the great men and events of the anti-slavery epoch in this land. the time has come for the teachers in the schoolroom and the preachers in their pulpits to assemble the youth of the nation, and drill them in the history of industrial democracy, and of political liberty. if our youth are to make the twentieth century glorious, they must realize the continuity of our institutions, and often return to the nineteenth century and the anti-slavery epoch. the phrase, "for god, home and native land," is often on the lips of our teachers. love towards god gives religion; the love of home gives marriage; the love of country, patriotism. but patriotism is a fire that must be fed with the fuel of ideas. these chapters are written in the belief that the youth of to-day will find in the history of their fathers a storehouse filled with seed for a world sowing, an armoury filled with weapons for to-morrow's battle, a library rich with wisdom for the morrow's emergency, a cathedral, bright with memorials of yesterday's heroes, its soldiers and scholars, its statesmen, and above all, its martyred president. newell dwight hillis. _plymouth church, brooklyn, n. y._ contents i. rise of american slavery: growth of the traffic ii. webster and calhoun: the battle line in array iii. garrison and phillips: anti-slavery agitation iv. charles sumner: the appeal to educated men v. horace greeley: the appeal to the common people vi. harriet beecher stowe; john brown: the conflict precipitated vii. lincoln and douglas: influence of the great debate viii. reasons for secession: southern leaders ix. henry ward beecher: the appeal to england x. heroes of battle: american soldiers and sailors xi. the life of the people at home who supported the soldiers at the front xii. abraham lincoln: the martyred president index i rise of american slavery: growth of the traffic the history of the nineteenth century holds some ten wars that disturbed the nations of the earth, but perhaps our civil war alone can be fully justified at the bar of intellect and conscience. that war was fought, not in the interest of territory or of national honour,--it was fought by the white race for the enfranchisement of the black race, and to show that a democratic government, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal, could permanently endure. in retrospect, the great rebellion seems the mightiest battle and the most glorious victory in the annals of time. the battle-field was a thousand miles in length; the combatants numbered two million men; the struggle was protracted over four years; the hillsides of the whole south were made billowy with the country's dead; a million men were killed or wounded in the two thousand two hundred battles; thousands of gifted boys who might have permanently enriched the north and south alike, through literature, art or science, were cut off as unfulfilled prophecies in the beginning of their career, and what is more pathetic, another million women, desolate and widowed, remained to look with altered eyes upon an altered world, while alone they walked their via dolorosa. in the physical realm the black shadow of the sun's eclipse remains but for a few minutes, but through four awful years the nation dwelt in blackness and dreadful night, while fifty more years passed, and the shadow has not yet disappeared fully from the land. strictly speaking, the civil war began with the debate between daniel webster and calhoun in . these intellectual giants set the battle lines in array in the halls of the senate. the warfare that began with arguments in congress was soon transferred to the lyceum and lecture hall, then to the pulpit and press, then to the assembly rooms of state legislatures, until finally it was submitted to the soldiers. at last grant, sherman and thomas witnessed to the truth of webster's argument, that the union is one and inseparable, that it should endure now and forever, but the endorsement was written with the sword's point, and in letters of blood. the conflict raged, therefore, for thirty-five years, and some of the most desperate battles were fought not with guns and cannon, but with arguments, in the presence of assembled thousands, who listened to the intellectual attack and defense. in their famous debate, lincoln and douglas were over against one another like two fortresses, bristling with bayonets, and with cannon shotted to the muzzle. the many millions of people in the united states, born or immigrated here since the civil war, busied with many things during this rich, complex and prosperous era, have suffered a grievous loss, through the weakening of their patriotism. multitudes have forgotten that with great price their fathers bought our industrial liberty for white and black alike. the study of no era, perhaps, is so rewarding to the youth of the country as the study of the anti-slavery epoch. it was an era of intellectual giants and moral heroes. great men walked in regiments up and down the land. it was the age of our greatest statesmen of the north and south,--webster and calhoun; of our greatest soldiers,--grant, sherman, thomas and sheridan, and of lee and stonewall jackson. it was the era of our greatest orators, phillips and beecher; of our greatest editors, led by greeley and raymond; of our greatest poets and scholars, whittier and lowell and emerson; and of our greatest president, the martyr of emancipation. so wonderful are those scenes named gettysburg, appomattox, and the room where the emancipation act was signed, that even the most skeptical have felt that the issues of liberty and life for millions of slaves justified the entrance of a divine figure upon the human battle-field. this unseen leader and captain of the host had dipped his sword in heaven, and carried a blade that was red with insufferable wrath against oppression, cruelty and wrong. now that fifty years have passed since the civil war, the events of that conflict have taken on their true perspective, and movements once clouded have become clear. for great men and nations alike, the suggestive hours are the critical hours and epochs. that was a critical epoch for athens, when demosthenes plead the cause of the republic, and insisted that athens must defend her liberties, her art, her laws, her social institutions, and in the spirit of democracy resist the tyrant philip, who came with gifts in his hands. that was a critical hour for brave little holland, dreaming her dreams of liberty,--when the burghers resisted the regiments of bloody alva, and, clinging to the dykes with their finger-tips, fought their way back to the fields, expelled philip of spain, and, having no fortresses, lifted up their hands and exclaimed, "these are our bayonets and walls of defense!" big with destiny also for this republic was that critical hour when lincoln, in his first inaugural, pleaded with the south not to destroy the union, nor to turn their cannon against the free institutions that seemed "the last, best hope of men." but the eyes of the men of the south were holden, and they were drunk with passion. they lighted the torch that kindled a conflagration making the southern city a waste and the rich cotton-field a desolation. at the very beginning, the founders and fathers of the nation were under the delusion that it was possible to unite in one land two antagonistic principles,--liberty and slavery. it has been said that the republic, founded in new england, was nothing but an attempt to translate into terms of prose the dreams that haunted the soul of john milton his long life through. the founders believed that every man must give an account of himself to god, and because his responsibility was so great, they felt that he must be absolutely free. since no king, no priest, and no master could give an account for him, he must be self-governing in politics, self-controlling in industry, and free to go immediately into the presence of god with his penitence and his prayer. the fathers sought religious and political freedom,--not money or lands. but the new temple of liberty was to be for the white race alone, and these builders of the new commonwealth never thought of the black man, save as a servant in the house. for more than two centuries, therefore, the wheat and the tares grew together in the soil. when the tares began to choke out the wheat, the uprooting of the foul growth became inevitable. perhaps the civil war was a necessity,--for this reason, the disease of slavery had struck in upon the vitals of the nation and the only cure was the surgeon's knife. therefore god raised up soldiers, and anointed them as surgeons, with "the ointment of war, black and sulphurous." by a remarkable coincidence, the year that brought a slave ship to jamestown, virginia, brought the _mayflower_ and the pilgrim fathers to plymouth rock. it is a singular fact that the star of hope and the orb of night rose at one and the same hour upon the horizon. at first the rich men of london counted the virginia tobacco a luxury, but the weed soon became a necessity, and the captain of the african ship exchanged one slave for ten huge bales of tobacco. a second cargo of slaves brought even larger dividends to the owners of the slave ship. soon the story of the financial returns of the traffic began to inflame the avarice of england, spain and portugal. the slave trade was exalted to the dignity of commerce in wheat and flour, coal and iron. just as ships are now built to carry china's tea and silk, india's indigo and spices, so ships were built in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries for the kidnapping of african slaves, and the sale of these men to the sugar and cotton planters of the west indies and of america. even the stories of the gold and diamond fields of south africa and alaska have had less power to inflame men's minds than the stories of the black men in the forests of africa, every one of whom was good for twenty guineas. the london of experienced a boom in slave stocks as the london of in rubber stocks. merchants and captains, after a few years' absence, returned to london to buy houses, carriages and gold plate, and by their political largesses to win the title of baronet, and even seats in the house of lords. this illusion of gold finally fell upon the throne itself, and king william and queen mary lent the traffic royal patronage. at the very time when men in boston, exultant over the success of their experiment in democracy, were writing home to london about this ideal republic of god that had been set up at plymouth, and the orb of liberty began to flame with light and hope for new england, this other orb began to fling out its rays of sorrow, disease and death across africa and the southern sands. at length, in , queen anne, in the treaty of utrecht, after a long and arduous series of diplomatic negotiations, secured for the english throne a monopoly of the slave traffic, and the writers of the time spoke of this treaty as an event that would make the queen's name to be eulogized as long as time should last. but two hundred years have reversed the judgment of the civilized world. history now recalls queen anne's monopoly of the slave traffic as it recalls the black death in england, the era of smallpox in scotland,--for one such treaty is probably equal to two bubonic plagues, or three epidemics of cholera and yellow fever. finally, an informal agreement was entered upon between the english slave dealers, the spaniards and portuguese,--an agreement that was literally a "covenant with death and a compact with hell." the portuguese became the explorers of the interior, the advance agents of the traffic, who reported what tribes had the tallest, strongest men, and the most comely women. the spaniards maintained the slave stations on the coast, and took over from the portuguese the gangs of slaves who were chained together and driven down to the coast; the english slave dealers owned the ships, bought the slaves at wholesale, transported the wretches across the sea, and retailed the poor creatures to the planters of the various colonies. between and three million slaves were driven in gangs down to the african seacoast, and transported to the colonies. at this time some of the greatest houses in london, lisbon and madrid were founded, and some of the greatest family names were established during these one hundred and fifty years when the slave traffic was most prosperous. de bau thinks that another , slaves perished during the voyages across the sea. for the eighteenth century was a century of cruelty as well as gold,--of crime and art,--of murderous hate and increasing commerce. if the prophet daniel had been describing the spain, portugal and england of that time, he would have portrayed them as an image of mud and gold,--but chiefly mud. little wonder that thomas jefferson, in his "notes on virginia," treating of the influence and possible consequences of slavery, wrote, "indeed, i tremble for my country when i reflect that god is just." as england anchored war-ships in the harbour of shanghai, and forced the opium traffic upon china, so she forced the slave traffic upon the american colonies by gun and cannon. the story of the english kings who crowded slavery upon the south makes up one of the blackest pages in the history of a country that has been like unto a sower who went forth to sow with one hand the good seed of liberty and justice, while with the other she sowed the tares of slavery and oppression. from the very beginning, the climate and the general atmosphere of the north was unfriendly to slavery, just as the cotton, sugar and indigo, as well as the warm climate of the south encouraged slave labour. at first, neither boston nor new york associated wrong with the custom of buying and using slave labour. and when, after a short time, opposition began to develop, this antagonism to slavery was based upon economic, rather than upon moral considerations. jonathan edwards was our great theologian, but at the very time that jonathan edwards was writing his "freedom of the will" and preaching his revival sermons on "sinners in the hands of an angry god," he was the owner of slaves. when that philosopher, whose writings had sent his name into all europe, died, he bequeathed a favourite slave to his descendants. whitefield was the great evangelist of that era, but whitefield during his visit to the colonies purchased a southern plantation, stocked it with seventy-five slaves, and when he died bequeathed it to a relative, whom he characterizes as "an elect lady," who, notwithstanding she was "elect," was quite willing to derive her livelihood from the sweat of another's brow. and yet even in the providence plantations, where more slaves were bought and sold than in any other of the northern colonies, the traffic soon began to wane. the simple fact is that the rigour of the climate and the severity of the winters of new england made the life of the african brief. the slave was the child of a tropic clime, unaccustomed to clothing, and the january snows and the march winds soon developed consumption and chilled to death the child of the tropics. it was found impracticable to use the black man in either the forests or fields, and in a short time slaves were purchased only as domestic servants. but about the conscience of new england awakened. men in the pulpit took a strong position against the traffic. the congregational churches of vermont, massachusetts, and connecticut declared against slavery and asked the legislatures to adopt the jewish law, emancipating all slaves whatsoever at the end of the tenth year of servitude. a little later, slavery was made illegal in all the new england colonies, pennsylvania at length remembered william penn, who had freed all his slaves in his will, while the german churches of that state began to expel all members who were known to have bought or held a slave. when, therefore, the convention met in philadelphia, in , preparatory to the declaration of independence, the delegates were able to say that as a whole the northern colonies had cleansed their borders of the abuse, and had decided to build their institutions and civilization upon free labour, as the sure foundation of individual and social prosperity. but the antagonism to slavery in the southern colonies was only less pronounced, and this, not because of economic reasons, but because of moral considerations. the southern climate was friendly to cotton and tobacco, indigo and rice. these products made heavy demands upon labour, but white labour was unequal to the intense heat of the southern summer and workmen were scarce. during the revolutions under king charles i and charles ii and the wars at the beginning of the eighteenth century, england needed every man at home. virginia offered high wages and large land rewards, but it was well-nigh impossible for her to secure immigrants and the labour she needed. in that hour the captain of a slave ship appeared in the house of burgesses and offered to supply the need, but the people of virginia instructed the delegates to the assembly to protest against the traffic. finally, the colony imposed a duty upon each slave landing, and made the duty so high as to destroy the profits of the slave trade. king george was furious with anger, and sent out a royal proclamation forbidding all interference with the slave traffic under heavy penalty, and affirming that this trade was "highly beneficial to the colonies, as well as remunerative to the throne." growing more antagonistic to slavery, the planters of fairfax county called a convention at which washington presided. later, in philadelphia, benjamin franklin brought in the resolutions condemning slavery as "a wicked, cruel and unjustifiable trade." soon the leading men of the southern colonies sent a formal protest to england. lord mansfield supported them in a decision that in english countries, governed by english laws, freedom was the rule, and slavery illegal, unless the colony, through its assembly, expressly legalized the slave traffic. when the first convention met in philadelphia, jefferson included among the articles of indictment against george the third this paragraph: "he has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery or to incur a miserable death in the transportation thither." this passage, however, was struck out of the declaration in compliance with the wishes of the delegates from two colonies, who desired to continue slavery. but in jefferson reopened the question by reporting an ordinance prohibiting slavery after the year in the territory that afterwards became alabama, mississippi, tennessee and kentucky, as well as the territory north of the ohio river. this anti-slavery clause was lost in the convention by only a single vote. "the voice of a single individual," wrote jefferson, "would have prevented this abominable crime. but heaven will not always be silent. the friends to the rights of human nature will in the end prevail." indeed, in the southern states up to the very beginning of the civil war there was a strong anti-slavery sentiment. when the first meeting was held in baltimore to organize the abolition society, eighty-five abolition societies in various counties of southern states sent delegates to the convention. it is a striking fact that the south can claim as much credit for the organization of the abolition society as william lloyd garrison and his friends in the north. for the real responsibility for slavery does not rest upon virginia, the carolinas or georgia, but upon the mother-land, upon the avarice of the throne, the cupidity of english merchants and the power of english guns and cannon. by the year , therefore, slavery in the north had either died of inanition, or had been rendered illegal by the action of state legislatures, and the chapter was closed. there are the best of reasons also for believing that in the south slavery was waning, while the influence of planters who believed free labour more economical was waxing. suddenly an unexpected event changed the whole situation. the commerce of the world rests upon food and clothing. the food of the world is in wheat and corn, the clothing in cotton and wool. but wool was so expensive that for the millions in europe cotton garments were a necessity. england had the looms and the spindles, but she could not secure the cotton, and the southern planters could not grow it. the cotton pod, as large as a hen's egg, bursts when ripe and the cotton gushes out in a white mass. unfortunately, each pod holds eight or ten seeds, each as large as an orange seed. to clean a single pound of cotton required a long day's work by a slave. the production of cotton was slow and costly, the acreage therefore small, and the profits slender. the south was burdened with debt, the plantations were mortgaged, and in the outlook for the cotton planters was very dark, and all hearts were filled with foreboding and fear. one winter's night mrs. general greene, wife of the revolutionary soldier, was entertaining at dinner a company of planters. in those days the planters had but one thought--how to rid their plantations of their mortgages. it happened that the conversation turned upon some possible mechanism for cleaning the cotton. mrs. greene turned to her guests, and, reminding eli whitney, a young new englander who was in her home teaching her children, that he had invented two or three playthings for her children, suggested that he turn his attention to the problem. young whitney had no tools, but he soon made them; had no wire, but he drew his own wire, and within a few months he perfected the cotton gin. when the cat climbs upon the crate filled with chickens, it thrusts its paw between the laths and pulls off the feathers, leaving the chicken behind the laths. young whitney substituted wires for laths, and a toothed wheel for the cat's paw, and soon pulled all the cotton out at the top, leaving the seeds to drop through a hole in the bottom of the gin. within a year every great planter had a carpenter manufacturing gins for the fields. with whitney's machine one man in a single day could clean more cotton than ten negroes could clean in an entire winter. planters annexed wild land, a hundred acres at a time. for the first time the south was able to supply all the cotton that england's manufacturers desired. the cities in england awakened to redoubled industry. southern cotton lands jumped from $ to $ an acre. whitney found the south producing , bales in . sixty years later it produced , , bales. historians affirm that this single invention added $ , , , as a free gift to the planters of the south. although eli whitney took out patents, every planter infringed them. whole states organized movements to fight whitney before the courts. in , when his patent expired, he was poorer than when he began. feeling that the southern planters had robbed him of the legitimate reward of his invention, whitney came north and gave himself to the study of firearms. he invented what is now known as the colt's revolver, the remington rifle and the modern machine gun. beginning with the feeling that he had been robbed of his just rights by southern planters, whitney ended by inventing the very weapons that deprived the planters of their slaves and preserved the union. but the new prosperity and the increased acreage for cotton in the south created an enormous market for slaves, and soon the sea swarmed with slave ships. prices advanced five hundred per cent, until a slave that had brought $ brought $ , and some even $ , . what made slavery no scourge, but a great religious moral blessing? the answer is, the cotton gin and the cotton interest that gave a new desire to promote slavery, to spread it, and to use its labour. for eli whitney had made cotton to be king. cotton encouraged slavery; slavery at last threatened the union and so brought on the civil war. the value of the slave as an economic machine depended upon his physique, health and general endurance. the slave hunters were portuguese, spaniards and arabs, who drove the negroes in gangs down to the coast, where they were loaded upon the slave ships. when the trade was brisk and prices high, the hold of the ship was crowded to suffocation, and intense suffering was inevitable. landing at savannah or charleston, mobile or new orleans, the slaves were sold at wholesale, in the auction place. later, the slave dealer drove them in gangs through the villages, where they were sold at retail. the cost of a slave varied with the price of cotton. of the three million one hundred thousand slaves living in the south in , one million eight hundred thousand were raising cotton. that was the great export, the basis of prosperity. so great was the demand in england for southern cotton that profits were enormous. the secretary of the treasury in buchanan's time published a list of forty southern planters in louisiana and mississippi. one of them had five hundred negroes and sold the cotton from his plantation at a net profit of one hundred thousand dollars. each negro, therefore, netted his master that year five hundred dollars. the working life of a slave was short, scarcely more than seven years, and for that reason the ablest negro was never worth more than from a thousand to twelve hundred dollars. but if the cost of free labour was high, the cost of supporting the slave under the southern climate was very low. the climate of the gulf states is gentle, soft and propitious. of forty planters who published their statements, the average cost of clothing and feeding a slave for one year was thirty dollars. one louisiana planter, however, showed that one hundred slaves on his plantation had cost him in cash outlay seven hundred and fifty dollars for the entire year. this planter states that his slaves raised their own corn, converted it into meal and bread, raised their own sugar-cane, made their own molasses, built their own houses out of the forest hard by. the slaves also raised their own bacon, but unfortunately the price of meat was so high as to make its use only an occasional luxury. north carolina passed a law commanding the planters to give their slaves meat at certain intervals, but the law remained a dead letter. other states, by legal enactment, fixed the amount of meal that should be given to slaves. when fanny kemble, the english actress, retired from the stage, it was to marry a southern planter, and her autobiography and private letters throw a flood of light upon the life of the slaves upon a typical plantation in the cotton states. she says that the planter expected that about once in seven years he must buy a new set of hands; that the slaves did little in the winter, but they worked fifteen hours a day in the spring, and often eighteen hours a day in the summer until the cotton was picked. she adds that the negro children used to beg her for a taste of meat, just as english children plead for a little candy. she states that on her husband's estate slave breeding was most important and remunerative, and that the increase and the young slaves sold made it possible for the plantation to pay its interest. "every negro child born was worth two hundred dollars the moment it drew breath." it was this separation of families that touched the heart of fanny kemble butler, and stirred the indignation of harriet martineau, who at the end of her year at the south wrote that she would rather walk through a penitentiary or a lunatic asylum than through the slave quarters that stood in the rear of the great house where she was entertained. it is this element that explains the statement of john randolph of virginia. conversing one evening about the notable orations to which he had listened, the great lawyer said that the most eloquent words he had ever heard were "spoken on the auction block by a slave mother." it seemed that she pleaded with the auctioneer and the spectators not to separate her from her children and her husband, and she made these men, who were trafficking in human life, realize the meaning of christ's words, "woe unto him that doth offend one of my little ones; it were better for him that a millstone were placed about his neck and that he were cast into the depths of the sea." in this era of industrial education for the coloured race it is interesting to note that five of the slave states imposed heavy penalties upon any one who should teach the slaves to read or write. virginia, however, permitted the owner to teach his slave in the interest of better management of the plantation. north carolina finally consented to arithmetic. after and the nat turner negro insurrection more stringent laws were passed to prevent the slaves learning how to read, lest they chance upon abolition documents. a georgian planter said that "the very slightest amount of education impairs their value as slaves, for it instantly destroys their contentedness; and since you do not contemplate changing their condition, it is surely doing them an ill service to destroy their acquiescence in it." in spite of the law, however, domestic servants were frequently taught to read. frederick douglass found a teacher in his mistress, where he was held as a domestic slave, and douglass in turn taught his fellow slaves on the plantation by stealth. the advertisements of slaves that mention the slave's ability to read and cipher, as a reason for special value, prove that the more intelligent slaves had at least the rudiments of knowledge. olmstead, in his "cotton kingdom," says he visited a plantation in mississippi, where one of the negroes had, with the full permission of his master, taught all his fellows how to read. an examination of the influence of slavery upon the poorer whites shows that two-thirds of the white population suffered hardly less than did the coloured people. the slaveholding class formed an aristocracy, who dominated and ruled as lords. when the war broke out, there were about four hundred thousand slave-holders, and nine and a half million people. but of these four hundred thousand slave-holders, only about eight thousand owned more than fifty slaves each, and it was this mere handful who lived in splendid homes, surrounded with luxury, beauty, and refinement. travellers who have thrown the veil of romance and enchantment about the southern home, with a great house embowered in magnolia trees, its rooms stored with art treasures, its walls lined with marbles and bronzes, and its banqueting room at night crowded with beautiful women and handsome men--these travellers speak of what was as a matter of fact exceptional. we must remember that these men represented a small aristocracy; that their mode of life, so charmingly pictured by many accomplished writers, was the life of a select group, and that the great slave plantations numbered not more than eight thousand in that vast area. from the hour of the organization of the abolition society, these southern planters assumed an aggressive position. their editors, politicians and lawyers began to publish briefs, in support of the peculiar institution. the usual argument began with ridicule of thomas jefferson's famous statement that all men are born equal. the second argument was an economic one, based on the value of the slaves. three million slaves would average a value of five hundred dollars each, and this meant a billion five hundred millions of property, that had to be considered as so much property in ships, factories, engines, reapers, pastures, meadows, herds and flocks. all planters invoked the words of moses, permitting the hebrews to hold slaves, and therefore exhibiting slavery as a divine institution. statesmen justified the fugitive slave law by triumphantly quoting paul's letter, sending onesimus back to his rich master, philemon. jefferson davis rested his argument upon the curse that god pronounced upon canaan, and asserted that slavery was established by a decree of almighty god and that through the portal of slavery alone the descendant of the graceless son of noah entered the temple of civilization. once a year the southern minister preached from the text, "cursed be canaan, the son of ham. a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren." a few scholars grounded themselves on the scientific argument. these men held that the black man was separated from the saxon by a great chasm, that if freed he was not equal to self-government, that he was a mere child when placed in competition with the white man, and that the strong owed it to the weak, that it was the duty of every superior man to take charge of the inferior, and impose government from without. the politician had a stronger argument in defense of slavery. he held that the nation that was strong, educated, prosperous, with an army and navy, had not only the right but the duty of imposing government upon a colony that was ignorant, poor, and degraded, and that this example of the nation governing a colony by force of arms proved that the white man, as master, should impose government from without upon the slave. not until years after the war was over did men fully realize that slavery was weight and free labour wings to the people. the north believed that the working man should be free, that he should be educated in the public schools, and that the only way to increase his wage was to increase his intelligence. each new knowledge, therefore, brought a new economic hunger, and made the free labourer a good buyer in the market, thus supporting factories and shops. contrariwise the slave was a poor buyer. the negro picking cotton out of the pod had few wants,--one garment about his loins, a pone of corn bread, a husk mattress,--no more. for that reason the slave starved the factory and shop. invention in the south perished. every attempt to found a factory was attended with failure. of necessity, the north grew steadily richer straight through the war, while the south grew steadily poorer. the war closed with northern factories and shops and trade at the high tide of prosperity. the free working man asked many forms of clothing for the body, books and magazines for the mind, pictures for the walls, sewing-machine, the reed organ, every conceivable comfort and convenience for his family, and these many forms of hunger nourished invention, made the towns centres of manufacturing life, and built a rich nation. the northern working man put his head into his task, the slave, his heel. when the war was over, the south was like a crushed egg, impoverished by slavery. the peculiar institution had served well eight thousand slave planters, each of whom owned more than fifty slaves. but slavery had starved the remaining millions. now that the new era has come, no statesman, no scholar, no editor, has ever indicted slavery as the costliest possible form of production, with half the skill, eloquence and conviction of southern writers. what northern men believe, the southerner knows. unconsciously the southern youth was handicapped in the commercial race. his northern brother was an athlete, stripped to the skin, while he dragged a fetter, invisible. that he should have come so near to winning the race is a tribute to his courage, endurance, and a mental resource that can never be praised too highly. if the rest of the world could only fight for good causes, with half the ability, chivalry and bravery that the south fought for a bad economic system, the world would soon enter upon the millennium. ii webster and calhoun: the battle line in array the year was ; the scene, the senate chamber in washington; the combatants, daniel webster and john c. calhoun. two hundred and ten years had now passed since the ship of liberty had come to new england, and the ship of slavery had landed in virginia. these centuries had given ample time for the development of the real genius and influence of liberty and free labour in the civilization of the north, and of slave labour upon the institutions of the south. little by little the merchants, manufacturers and professional classes of the north had come to feel that a free and educated working class produces wealth more cheaply and rapidly than slave labour, and that the working people of america must be educated and free, if they were to compete with the free working people of great britain and europe. contrariwise, the south believed that manual labour was a task for slaves, that cotton, rice and sugar were produced more rapidly by slave labour than by free labour. the southern civilization was built on the plan of producing raw cotton, and exchanging it for manufactured goods. it did not escape the notice of southern leaders, however, that under free labour the north had nearly double the population and wealth of the south. but senator hayne explained this by saying that the biggest nations had never been the greatest, and that the renowned peoples had been like athens,--small states, elect and patrician. but darkness and light, summer and winter, liberty and slavery cannot exist side by side, in peace and tranquility. unite hydrogen and chlorine, and the chemist has an explosion that takes off the roof of the house. and because liberty and slavery were antagonistic, and mutually destructive, whenever the representatives of both came together there was inevitably an explosion either on the platform or through the press. it could not have been otherwise. in palestine two opposing civilizations came into collision,--one the hebrew and the other the philistine,--and the philistine went down. in holland the dutchmen, working towards democracy, collided with the spaniards, working towards autocracy, and the spaniard went down. in england, hampden and pym came into collision with charles the first and archbishop laud. the two leaders of democracy wished to increase the privileges of the common people by diffusing property, liberty, office and honours, while charles the first and laud wished to lessen the powers of the people, and to increase the privileges of the throne; democracy won, and autocracy lost. and now in this republic, a civilization based upon the freedom and education of the working classes came into collision with the southern civilization, based upon ignorant slave labour, and there were upheavals and political outbreaks everywhere. in vain abraham tried to house isaac, the son of the free woman, and ishmael, the son of the slave woman, under one and the same roof. slowly the men in the north and the manufacturers of england came to feel that slavery was interfering with the commerce and prosperity, not simply of the people of this republic, but of europe also. slavery was an economic obstruction, lying directly in the path of progress. the two men who marked out the lines of struggle and precipitated the conflict were daniel webster and john c. calhoun. daniel webster, the defender of the constitution, affirmed that the union was one and inseparable, now and forever. john c. calhoun said, "the state is sovereign and supreme, and the union secondary." in effect webster said, "the central government is the sun, and the states are planets, moving round about the central orb." calhoun answered, "there is no central sun in our political system, but only planets, each revolving in any orbit it elects for itself." webster said, "in the cosmic and political system alike, it is the central sun that causes the states like planets to move in order and harmony, without collision, and with rich harvests." calhoun answered that every planet should be its own sun, and, if it choose, be a runaway orb, and collide with whom it will. finally, the argument of webster and calhoun was submitted to armies. grant and sherman said, "webster is right; the union must be maintained." lee and jackson answered, "calhoun is right; the union must go, and the sovereign state remain." at bull run, calhoun's doctrine seemed to be in the ascendancy; at gettysburg, webster's argument seemed to have the more cogency; at appomattox lee withdrew his support from calhoun, and allowed daniel webster's plea that the union must abide and be now and forever, one and inseparable. the northern statesman, daniel webster, was probably the greatest political genius our country has produced. he was born in new hampshire, in , and was seven years old when his father gave him a copy of the newly-adopted constitution, which he soon committed to memory. his father belonged to the farmer class, who read by night and brooded upon his reading by day. in an era of privation for the colonists, by stern denial he put his son through phillips exeter academy and dartmouth college. while still a young man, daniel webster leaped into fame by a single argument before the supreme court of massachusetts, and became the competitor of jurists like rufus choate. his orations on "bunker hill monument," the "landing of the pilgrim fathers," the "death of adams and jefferson," are among the really sublime passages in the history of eloquence. in the girard college case webster established the point that christianity is a part of the common law of the land. criminal lawyers quote webster's argument in the great knapp murder trial, that the voice of conscience is the voice of god, as the world's best statement of the moral imperative, and the automatic judgment seat god has set up in the city of man's soul. even from the physical view-point he deserved his epithet, "the godlike daniel." not so tall as calhoun or clay, he was more solidly built than either of the southern orators. his head was so large and beautiful, that crawford, the sculptor, thought webster his ideal model for a statue of jupiter. his skin was a deep bronze and copper hue, but when excited his face became luminous, and translucent as a lamp of alabaster. his opponents say that webster had the finest vocal instrument of his generation, and that he was a master of all possible effects through speech. his voice was mellow and sweet, with an extraordinary range, extending from the ringing clarion tenor note, to the bass of a deep-toned organ. the historian tells us "webster had the faculty of magnifying a word into such prodigious volume that it was dropped from his lips as a great boulder might drop into the sea, and it jarred the senate chamber like a clap of thunder." the kentucky lawyer, thomas marshall, said when webster came to his peroration in his reply to hayne, that he "listened as to one inspired." he finally thought he saw a halo around the orator's head, like the one seen in the old masters' depictions of saints. webster's opponent was john c. calhoun, senator from south carolina. calhoun was the first southern statesman to mark out the lines of battle and indicate the methods of attack and defense for the supporters of slavery. graduating with high honours at yale, in the class of , calhoun studied law for three years at litchfield, connecticut, and then decided to enter politics. in the lecture halls and class rooms, he stood at the very forefront, as orator and logician. one day, in yale college, calhoun delivered a speech on an apparently absurd proposition, which he defended with great acuteness. when he had finished, president dwight said, "calhoun, that is a brilliant piece of logic, and if i ever want any one to prove that shad grow upon apple trees, i shall appoint you." upon the lines of broad patriotism, with reference to the interests of the country as a whole, calhoun supported the war with england in . from city to city the young lawyer journeyed, travelling all the way from charleston and savannah to boston and portland, urging the right and the duty of the republic to resist england's claim to the right of search of american vessels. calhoun was widely read in history, he was full of intense patriotism, his arguments were clear, he had unity, order and movement in his thinking, he had the art of putting things, and was a perfect master of his audience. at thirty years of age calhoun was as popular in boston as he was later in savannah and charleston. in , he was elected vice-president,--the only man on the ticket to be chosen by popular vote. from that hour until his death he remained a member of the triumvirate that controlled the destinies of the republic, sharing honours with henry clay and daniel webster. in the south calhoun was all but idolized. he was tall and slender of person, refined and elegant in manners, carrying with him great personal charm. he was a puritan in his morals, maintained a spotless reputation, and escaped all criticism with reference to private life that was visited upon his competitors. many a northern man who went to congress hating the very name of calhoun, the arch-secessionist, was compelled to confess that he had to steel his heart against the charm of calhoun's speech and personality. the simplicity of his character, the clearness of his thinking, the sincerity and moral earnestness of his nature, all united to lend him the influence that he exerted over men like oliver dyer, webster's friend, who said of calhoun, "he was by all odds the most fascinating man in private intercourse that i have ever met." when webster and clay came into collision, it was over a subject apparently far removed from the bondage of slaves. if slavery was the spark that fired the magazine for the great explosion in , the tariff furnished the powder. the south produced raw material, and imported all her tools, comforts and conveniences, while the north had free labour, and her educated working classes were good purchasers, and lent generous support to manufacturers. exporting its raw cotton to england, the south sent its leaders to congress to ask for free trade with foreign countries, or in any event, a lower tariff. the northern manufacturers sent their leaders to congress to ask for protection against foreign woollens, cottons, and all english tools and french silks, and luxuries. therefore the interests of the north antagonized the interests of the south. in the south the anti-slavery sentiment had disappeared because of whitney's cotton gin. as beecher wittily put it in his manchester speech: "slaves that before had been worth three to four hundred dollars began to be worth six hundred. that knocked away one-third of adherence to the moral law. then they became worth seven hundred dollars, and half the law went; then eight or nine hundred dollars, and there was no such thing as moral law; then one thousand or twelve hundred dollars, and slavery became one of the beatitudes." the southern leaders, therefore, wanted free trade with england; the north urged protection, in the interest of the whole country, rather than a group of states. the south believed that northern politics was selfish; the north believed that the southern leaders were building up english manufacturers, and weakening their own country! the people became one great debating club, and the dispute waxed more bitter day by day. every new event seemed to widen the breach. the war of the revolution made for unity between north and south, just as the hammer welds together two pieces of red hot iron. the soldiers of the revolution had marched under the same flag, supported the same declaration of independence, and fought for the same constitution. slavery in the north had died through inanition, and during the eighteenth century in the south also slavery seemed in process of extinction. but now, in , slavery had become a great source of immeasurable wealth to the south, just as manufacturing had built up the prosperity of the north. the tariff discussion came to a climax in , through the passing of a customs act, known as the tariff of abominations. sparks falling on ice carry no peril, but sparks falling on the dry prairie cause conflagrations. the news of the passing of the protective tariff created intense excitement in south carolina. public meetings were called in all the towns in the land, and protests were made against the execution of the new law. legislators in the state capital, orators on the platform, editors through their columns, urged nullification. there were two reasons for this growing hostility to protection on the part of the citizens of calhoun's state; first the belief that as england was the largest purchaser of cotton, it was to south carolina's best interest to have english goods brought in free; second the conviction that the tariff was a strictly sectional movement in the interest of the manufacturing north, as opposed to the south with her raw cotton and slave labour. as a candidate for the vice-presidency in on the same ticket as general jackson, calhoun took no definite step until after the election, when he published a paper showing the evil which the protective tariff was doing the southern states, and asserting the right to interpose a veto. in january, , having broken with jackson and abandoned all hope of later obtaining the presidency by his aid, calhoun decided to test the theory of nullification upon the national theatre. accordingly, under his direction, senator hayne inserted in his speech on the foote resolution on the public lands the defense of what was to be known later as the south carolina doctrine,--that, if a state considered a law of congress unconstitutional (as south carolina asserted the recent tariff act to be) the state had the right to nullify the law, and, if obedience was sought to be enforced, the right to secede from the union. his position has been stated by no one so clearly as by himself, for he spent the next three years perfecting and elaborating his argument. as the basis of his structure he employed a distinction between "a nation" and "a union." england was a nation--the united states was a union. russia, austria and turkey were nations--this republic a union of sovereign states. prussia was presided over by a king and was a nation--the united states was a republic and the citizens ruled themselves. calhoun distinguished also between sovereignty and government; sovereignty is a birthright, a natural and inalienable right vouchsafed by god; government is an artificial right established by law. sovereignty is an inexpungable and inherent privilege; government is a secondary and artificial privilege. when any sovereign state is injured, it has not only the right but the duty to withdraw from the compact that has been broken. the popular notion is that this idea of _secession_ was originated by calhoun and was a south carolina heresy; as a matter of fact, it was first presented in congress by josiah quincy, and should be called "a massachusetts heresy." in , as one of the results of the purchase of louisiana by jefferson, a bill had been offered providing for the reception of the state of orleans into the union. the people of new orleans spoke the french language, lived under the code of napoleon, were monarchial in their sympathy, and quincy opposed the bill, just as many men to-day would oppose the reception into the union of the philippines, the hawaiians or the porto ricans. mr. quincy declared that if orleans were admitted, the several states would be freed from the federal bonds and that "as it will be the right of all states, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must." when the speaker ruled out of order these remarks, quincy appealed, and the house of representatives sustained his appeal by a vote of fifty-six to fifty-three. congress, under the lead of massachusetts, went on record that "it was permissible to discuss a dissolution of the union, amicably if we can--forcibly if we must." two years later, henry clay taunted the massachusetts leaders with this threat to dismember the union. in , charles francis adams, in a speech opposing the annexation of texas, affirmed the right of the northern states to dissolve the union. even charles sumner and horace greeley held the same views in . the editor was anxious to "let the erring sisters go," believing that the withdrawal was parliamentary; while charles sumner said: "if they will only go, we will build a bridge of gold for them to go over on." but it was calhoun who carried the doctrine of _nullification_ to its full development, and who worked out the theory of sovereignty. in the debate with webster, on the force bill, he stated his argument as follows: "the people of carolina believe that the union is a union of states and not of individuals; that it was formed by the states, and that the citizens of the several states were bound to it through the acts of their several states; that each state ratified the constitution for itself, and that it was only by such ratification of the states that any obligation was imposed upon its citizens.... on this principle the people of the state [south carolina] have declared by the ordinance that the acts of congress which imposed duties under the authority to lay imposts, were acts not for revenue, as intended by the constitution, but for protection, and therefore null and void." "the terms union, federal, united, all imply a combination of sovereignties, a confederation of states. the sovereignty is in the several states, and our system is a union of twenty-four sovereign powers, under a constitutional compact, and not of a divided sovereignty between the states severally and the united states." his attitude towards slavery is illustrated by the remarks he delivered in the senate. "this agitation has produced one happy effect at least; it has compelled us of the south to look into the nature and character of this great institution of slavery, and correct many false impressions that even we had entertained in relation to it. many in the south once believed that it was a moral and political evil. that folly and delusion are gone. we see it now in its true light, and regard it as a most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world. it is impossible with us that the conflict can take place between labour and capital, which makes it so difficult to establish and maintain free institutions in all wealthy and highly civilized nations, where such institutions as ours do not exist." calhoun's attempt to have his doctrine set forth on the floor of the senate chamber met a crushing blow. when the hour came, he chose, to present his view, hayne of south carolina, who defended the doctrine of nullification with great brilliancy and energy. hayne took the ground that nullification was the old view always held by virginia, that it was the doctrine of thomas jefferson, and had been urged by josiah quincy of massachusetts itself. he was a most gifted orator. after a century of preparation, at length slavery had chosen its strategic position and drawn the battle line. from that moment it was certain that slavery must go, or that the union must go. a feeling of apprehension spread over the land. fear fell upon the hearts of the people. the one question of the hour was whether webster could answer the southern orator and sweep away the fog with which hayne had enveloped the discussion, and make the old constitution stand out as firm as a mountain, with principles as bright as the stars. by universal consent webster's reply is our finest example of forensic eloquence. the essence of the argument was the right of the majority to control the minority. that one state could nullify and secede whenever the majority outvoted it, practically destroyed the jury system which is embedded in saxon history, destroyed the right of the majority of the aldermen to control the great city, destroyed the right of the majority of the supreme justices to make their decision. webster's argument crushed the doctrine of secession, and made the republic a nation. thus calhoun and webster marked out the line of battle, for when the men in gray and the men in blue met at gettysburg and appomattox it was to determine whether calhoun or webster was right. grant's final victory simply stamped with a seal of blood the great charter that webster's genius had formulated. in retrospect the wonderful thing about webster's reply is that his notes were confined to a sheet of letter paper. afterwards webster said that it had been carefully prepared, for while there is such a thing as extemporaneous delivery, there is "no extemporaneous acquisition." not until he entered the senate chamber and saw the crowds did he feel the slightest trepidation. "a strange sensation came. my brain was free. all that i had ever read or thought or acted, in literature, in history, in law, in politics, seemed to unroll before me in glowing panorama, and then it was easy, if i wanted a thunderbolt, to reach out and take it, as it went smoking by." when lyman beecher had read webster's reply to hayne, he turned to a friend and exclaimed, "it makes me think of a red-hot cannon-ball going through a bucket of empty egg-shells." from that hour patriotism rose like a flood. for two generations the reply has been to americans what demosthenes on the crown was to the athenians. webster placed the nation above the union, made the nation, in its constitutionally specified sphere of action, sovereign and primary, the states secondary and subordinate. he thus made possible a world-wide victory for free institutions, by which, to-day, democracy and self-government are making thrones totter and tyrants tremble, and giving us the assurance that no government is so stable as a government conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are free and equal. webster made logical use of "government of the people, by the people, and for the people." the soldiers of gettysburg exhibited their willingness to defend such a government, to live for free institutions, and if necessary to die for them. now that long time has passed, southerners and northerners alike concede that calhoun made three mistakes. he fought against progress and civilization that has destroyed slavery on moral grounds. he also failed to see that slavery was the worst possible system of production, for if the south produced under slavery , , bales of cotton in , now that the coloured man is free she produces , , bales of cotton per year. his theory of the right of the minority as a sovereign right of secession has broken down at the bar of civilization. if south carolina or any state has the right to withdraw, whenever the majority of other states outvote it, it means that the minority always has a right to disobey the majority, which means not simply the withdrawal of the one state from the many states, but later, the withdrawal of a few counties from a majority of the counties in that state, giving an endless series of confusions. if any single doctrine is established among civilized nations to-day it is this one, under democratic institutions--the right of the majority to rule. three years later webster once more marked out the basis of the north's position for all time in a debate with calhoun himself. without the magnificent flights of eloquence which distinguished the reply to hayne, this speech of february , , was filled with close and powerful reasoning. once and for all he maintained: " . that the constitution of the united states is not a league, confederacy, or compact between the people of the several states, in their sovereign capacities, but a government proper, founded on the adoption of the people, and creating direct relations between itself and individuals. " . that no state authority has power to dissolve these relations; that nothing can dissolve them but revolution. and that consequently there can be no such thing as secession without revolution." the importance of that argument in the history of our country cannot be overestimated. as james ford rhodes has put it: "the justification alleged by the south for her secession in was based on the principles enunciated by calhoun; the cause was slavery. had there been no slavery, the calhoun theory of the constitution would never have been propounded, or had it been, it would have been crushed beyond resurrection by webster's speeches of and . the south could not in justify her right to revolution, for there was no oppression nor invalidation of rights. she could, however, proclaim to the civilized world what was true, that she went to war to extend slavery. her defense therefore is that she made the contest for her constitutional rights, and this attempted vindication is founded on the calhoun theory. on the other hand, the ideas of webster waxed strong with the years; and the northern people, thoroughly imbued with these sentiments, and holding them as sacred truths, could not do otherwise than resist the dismemberment of the union." the great crisis that broke mr. webster's health and perhaps his heart came through a misunderstanding. in the discussion over the wilmot proviso was stirring the senate; henry clay had brought in his series of compromise resolutions, based on the sober belief that the union was in imminent danger, and that once again the skillful hand that had penned the missouri compromise might turn the country back into the path of peace and prosperity. calhoun, the second of the great triumvirate, was already within a month of death. too weak to read his speech, he was wheeled into the senate chamber, to sit with closed eyes while his last haughty, arrogant defense of the south's rights was read by senator mason. but the greatest of them all was yet to speak. webster had the foresight of civil war, with rivers of blood, and a man on horseback. influenced by what we now see was the broadest patriotism, he delivered his "seventh of march speech,"--the opening words of which disclose a motive and a purpose too often overlooked by his critics. "i speak to-day for the preservation of the union. 'hear me for my cause.'" briefly, his position was this:--that the union was primary, dealing with the liberties of fifty and later one hundred millions of people,--white men as well as black,--and that the slavery question was secondary, involving an artificial, less important and less permanent institution. he discussed slavery from the view-point of history, with arguments of the philosopher rather than those of the orator. he defended the compromise measures, with their clause in favour of strict enforcement of the fugitive slave law, on the ground that the government was solemnly pledged by law and contract, and, indeed, "had been pledged to it again and again." he closed with that famous paragraph demonstrating the impossibility of peaceable secession. "sir, he who sees these states now revolving in harmony around a common centre, and expects them to quit their places, and fly off without convulsion, may look the next hour to see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle against each other in the realms of space, without causing the wreck of the universe." but he had defended the fugitive slave law!--therefore abolitionists burned webster in effigy. wendell phillips called him a second judas iscariot. whittier wrote "ichabod" across his forehead. horace mann described him as a "fallen star--lucifer descending from heaven!" every arrow was barbed and poisoned. webster suffered like a great eagle with a dart through its heart, beating its bloody wings upward through the pathless air. but now that long time has passed, thoughtful men realize that webster had studied the fundamental question more deeply, knew the facts better, and saw clearer than his detractors. it is true that he erred when he criticized the abolitionists on the ground that in the last twenty years they had "produced nothing good or valuable,"--that his words were chosen in a way that irritated the north unduly,--and, more important still, that in his remarks on the fugitive slave law he swerved from the broad statesmanship which distinguished the rest of the speech. but twelve years later abraham lincoln read daniel webster's seventh of march speech, and said webster was right and boston was wrong. lincoln put webster's position into his letter to greeley: "my paramount object in this struggle is to save the union, and not either to save or to destroy slavery. if i could save the union without freeing any slave, i would do it; if i could save the union by freeing all the slaves, i would do it, and if i could save the union by freeing some, and leaving others alone, i would also do that. what i do about slavery i do because i believe it helps to save the union; and what i forbear i forbear because i do not believe it would help to save the union." and to-day, after sixty years, our foremost writers are agreeing that "from the historical view-point webster's position was one of the highest statesmanship." but the recognition of webster unfortunately came too late. as time passed webster felt more and more keenly the injustice done him. bitterness poisoned his days, and sorrow shortened his life. when the autumn came, he made ready for the end, knowing he would not survive another winter. one october morning webster said to his physician, "i shall die to-night." the physician, an old friend, answered, "you are right, sir." when the twilight fell, and all had gathered about his bedside, mr. webster, in a tone that could be heard throughout the house, slowly uttered these words, "my general wish on earth has been to do my master's will. that there is a god, all must acknowledge. i see him in all these wondrous works, himself how wondrous! what would be the condition of any of us if we had not the hope of immortality? what ground is there to rest upon but the gospel? there were scattered hopes of the immortality of the soul, especially among the jews. the jews believed in a spiritual origin of creation; the romans never reached it; the greeks never reached it. it is a tradition that communication was made to the jews by god himself through moses. there were intimations crepuscular, but--but--but--thank god! the gospel of jesus christ brought immortality to light, rescued it, brought it to light." then, while all knelt in his death chamber and wept, webster, in a strong, firm voice, repeated the whole of the lord's prayer, closing with these words: "peace on earth and good will to men. that is the happiness, the essence--good will to men." and so the defender of the constitution, the greatest reasoner on political matters of the republic, fell upon death. * * * * * reflecting upon webster's unconscious influence as set forth in the words, "i still live," one of his eulogists says that when rufus choate took ship for that port where he died, a friend exclaimed: "you will be here a year hence." "sir," said the lawyer, "i shall be here a hundred years hence, and a thousand years hence." with his biographer let us also believe that daniel webster is still here; that he watches with intense interest the spread of democracy; that he now perceives our free institutions extending their influence around the globe, beneficently victorious in many a foreign state; that he rejoices as he beholds "the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honoured throughout the world, bearing that sentiment dear to every true american heart, liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable." iii garrison and phillips: anti-slavery agitation in retrospect, historians make a large place for the eloquence of the anti-slavery epoch, as a force explaining the abolition movement. every great movement must have its advocate and voice. garrison was the pen for abolition, emerson its philosopher, greeley its editor, and in wendell phillips abolition had its advocate. political kings are oftentimes artificial kings. the orator is god's natural king, divinely enthroned. back of all eloquence is a great soul, a great cause and a great peril. our history holds three supreme moments in the story of eloquence--the hour of patrick henry's speech at williamsburg, wendell phillips' at faneuil hall and lincoln's at gettysburg. the great hour and the great crisis, the great cause and the great man, all met and melted together at a psychologic moment. in retrospect phillips seems like a special gift of god to the anti-slavery period. webster had more weight and majesty, everett a higher polish, douglas more pathos, beecher was more of an embodied thunder-storm, but john bright was probably right when he pronounced wendell phillips one of the first orators of his century, or of any century. the man back of wendell phillips and the abolition movement was william lloyd garrison. this reformer began his career in , as a practical printer and occasional writer of articles for the daily press. among garrison's friends were two quakers, one a young farmer, john greenleaf whittier; the other was benjamin lundy, who for several years had spent his time and fortune protesting against the slave traffic. lundy had visited hayti, to examine the conditions of negro life there,--had returned to baltimore, where he had been brutally beaten by a slave dealer, and had finally come to boston to test out the anti-slavery sentiment in new england. he held a meeting in a baptist church, only to have it broken up by the pastor, who refused to allow lundy to continue his remarks, on the ground that his position could only be offensive to the south, and therefore dangerous. but lundy succeeded in having a committee appointed to consider the problem, and young garrison was one of its members. a few months later, garrison was made the editor of a journal in bedford, where he began to advance more and more radical theories, until a rival editor was irritated to the point of charging him with "the pert loquacity of a blue jay." but garrison's fidelity to his own convictions, and his courage in airing them in public, had won the respect of the quaker enthusiast, lundy, and the old man walked all the way from baltimore to bedford to ask garrison to join him in his work of agitation. a year later the two men, one old and discouraged, the other young and hopeful, both being practically penniless,--started work in baltimore. troubles came thick and fast. the slave dealer who had beaten lundy now attacked young garrison. carelessly worded criticisms of a northern slave dealer from garrison's own town of newburyport led to a suit for libel, and a fine of fifty dollars; neither man could raise the money to pay the fine, and garrison went to jail for forty-nine days. but the youth was full of courage and faith, and in we find him once more in boston, starting a new paper, that was, if possible, more radical than ever. in this second venture he was alone, his office was a garret, his only helper a negro boy whom he had freed. his paper was called the _liberator_, and the first edition appeared in january, . garrison registered his sublime vow in his opening editorial: "i will be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice.... i am in earnest,--i will not equivocate,--i will not excuse,--i will not retract a single inch,--and i will be heard." his battle cry was "immediate, unconditional emancipation on the soil." no movement that wrought so great a national convulsion ever had a more feeble origin. the revolutionary fathers had three million colonists as supporters. the leaders of the home rule movement had four millions of irishmen to back them. cobden and bright were supported and cheered on by the manufacturers of central england. but young garrison stood alone, with empty hands, a slave boy to support, a hand-press printing a sheet twelve inches square, never knowing where the money for the next edition was to come from. his motto was "our country is the world, and our countrymen all men, black or white." the genius of his message was unmistakable: "is slavery wrong anywhere? then it is wrong everywhere. was it wrong once in palestine? then it is wrong in all lands. is a wrongdoer bound to do right at any time? then he is bound to do right instantly." he distributed his sheets among the merchants of boston. beacon street shook with laughter, for a new don quixote had arisen. but from the first the south was alarmed, for that little sheet from the printing-press fell upon the south like the stroke and tread of armed men. the _liberator_ soon brought friends to this unknown youth. but in august of this same year, , an event occurred which lifted garrison,--almost without his being aware of it,--into truly national prominence. this was the nat turner rebellion in virginia,--a negro uprising under the leadership of a genuine african slave who knew the bible by heart, who claimed to have communication with the holy spirit, and who finally employed an eclipse of the sun as a sign to his followers that they were to arise and slay their masters. the massacre which resulted lasted forty-eight hours, and sixty-one white people on the neighbouring plantations lost their lives. retribution followed swiftly, and where the slightest suspicion of guilt was to be found, negroes were shot at sight or burned against the nearest tree. southampton county saw a veritable reign of terror. a storm of indignation swept over the south; thousands of slave owners living on their great estates, miles from the nearest military station, feared themselves victims of a servile insurrection. the cause of the uprising was at once sought for, and a hundred writers laid the blame at the door of the boston _liberator_. garrison was indicted for felony in north carolina. the legislature of georgia offered a reward for $ , to any one who would kidnap him and deliver his body within the limits of the state. with one voice the entire south cried out that the _liberator_ must be suppressed. later it became clear that garrison's part in the nat turner rebellion was nil. the _liberator_ had not a single subscriber in the south; nat turner had never seen a copy of the paper,--and garrison had been specific in his statements that he did not believe in active resistance to authority, or in the use of force of any kind. but the storm had broken, and garrison had to fight his way through it. even in boston garrison had to face the mob, and meet the scorn of the ruling classes of the city. his movement had no popular support, in the true sense of the word, as it had twenty years later, when wendell phillips led the forces of abolition. cotton was king, and the fear of losing the southern trade sent the mercantile classes into a panic of fear. garrison's enemies were by no means confined to the south. he was like david with his sling; and slavery, with all its vassals, north as well as south, was goliath armed with steel. but for garrison there were only two words, right and wrong, and he would not compromise concerning either. within two years he succeeded in organizing in philadelphia the american anti-slavery society; by he convinced william ellery channing that the time had fully come for an active crusade, and this old minister, with a literary reputation in europe almost as great as that of washington irving, published an abolition book called "slavery," which is said to have been read by every prominent man in public life. in the society numbered not less than , , and the hardest of garrison's work was done. but he was to have a potent ally in wendell phillips, the explanation of whose career is in his birth gifts. one of his ancestors was a cambridge graduate, who rebelled against the tyranny of charles, and exchanged wealth and position for a new england wilderness. it was one of his forefathers who was the first mayor of boston. another founded phillips exeter academy. wendell phillips himself began his career at the moment when madison's state papers had won him the presidency, when john adams was the glory of the city, when channing was the light of the pulpit, and lyman beecher was the idol of orthodox boston. he was in his early teens when he waited four hours on a boston wharf to see lafayette's boat come in. he was thirteen when he heard daniel webster's oration on adams and jefferson. he was sixteen when he entered harvard college, and formed his lifelong friendship with his roommate, john lothrop motley. he studied law with charles sumner, in the office of judge story, a legal star of the first magnitude. he was counted one of the handsomest youths in boston. there was nothing too bright or too hard for wendell phillips to aspire to, or hope for. at the critical moment, when he had to decide upon his future career, ambition sang to him, as to every noble youth. george william curtis represents phillips as sometimes forecasting the future, as he saw himself "succeeding ames, and otis and webster, rising from the bar to the legislature, from the legislature to the senate, from the senate--who knows whither? he was already the idol of society, the applauded orator, the brilliant champion of the eloquent refinement and the conservatism of massachusetts. the delight of social ease, the refined enjoyment of taste and letters and art, opulence, leisure, professional distinction, gratified ambition, all offered bribes to the young student." the measure of his manhood is in the way he thrust aside all honours and emoluments that stood in the path of duty. only he who knows what he renounces gains the true blessing of renunciation. the young orator's attitude towards slavery was determined by the mobbing of garrison. one october afternoon in wendell phillips sat reading by an open window in his office on court street. suddenly his attention was diverted from the page by voices, angry and profane, rising from the street without. looking down he saw a multitude moving up the street, and soon found that the multitude had become a mob. five thousand men were collected in front of the anti-slavery office, and were trying to crowd their way up the stairs in search of garrison. in another room thirty women were assembled to organize a woman's abolition society. when the women found that the mob wanted to put them out also, they sent a message to mayor lyman asking protection. when the mayor arrived with the police, instead of dispelling the mob and protecting liberty of speech, the mayor dispelled the women and protected the mob. discovering that they had the sympathy of the mayor and would be protected by the police, the lawless element rushed upon the office of the _liberator_, smashed in the doors and windows, and dragged garrison forth. bareheaded, with a rope about his waist, his coat torn off, but with erect head, set lips, flashing eyes, garrison was dragged down the street to the city hall. on every side rose the shout "kill him! lynch him! ---- the abolitionist!" asking who the man was, phillips was told that this was garrison, the editor of the _liberator_. meeting the commander of the boston regiment, of which he was a member, he exclaimed, "why does not the mayor call out the troops? this is outrageous!" "why," answered the officer, "don't you see that our militia are also the mob?" it was all too true. the mob was made up of men of property and standing. in that hour wendell phillips had his call. in the person of that man dragged down the street with a rope around his waist, the most gifted speaker in boston had found his client; in the crusade against slavery he found his cause, and soon his clarion voice was heard sounding the onset. to garrison's organized agitation, begun in , that soon spread all over the country, must be added a second cause for anti-slavery sentiment,--the murder of lovejoy. this was on the night of november , . the rev. elijah p. lovejoy was a young presbyterian minister, a graduate of princeton seminary. he began his career as pastor of a little church in st. louis and editor of the _presbyterian observer_. at that time he was not an abolitionist, and, perhaps because he had married the daughter of a slave owner, he had taken no strong position either for or against slavery. one day an officer arrested a black man in st. louis who resisted arrest, and in the mêlée the officer was killed. his friends claimed that the negro was a freeman, and that there was a plot to kidnap him and sell him into the southern cotton fields, and that he had a right to resist. the real facts will, doubtless, never be known. to slave owners, however, it was intolerable that a black man should resist an officer under any circumstances. a mob collected, the negro was bound to a stake, wood piled round about, and the prisoner was burned to death. efforts were made to punish the murderers. in the irony of events the name of the judge was lawless, and he charged the grand jury substantially as follows: "when men are hurried by some mysterious metaphysical electric frenzy to commit a deed of violence they are absolved from guilt. if you should find that such was the fact in this case, then act not at all. the case transcends your jurisdiction, and is beyond the reach of human law." of course all the murderers went free. when mr. lovejoy commented editorially upon this outrageous charge, encouraging lynch law, once again the "mysterious, metaphysical electric frenzy" broke forth, only this time it destroyed his printing office. the young minister decided to leave the slave state, and crossed to alton, illinois, where there was not only liberty of speech but liberty of the printing-press. but a mob crossed over from missouri and destroyed his press. determined to maintain his rights, lovejoy then brought another press down the ohio river from cincinnati. a group of his friends carried the type from the steamboat to the warehouse, but the next night a second mob collected, and when lovejoy stepped from the building he was riddled with bullets, the warehouse burned, and the press, for the third time, flung into the mississippi. the news of this murder aroused the continent, filling the south with exultation, and the north with alarm. slavery, a subject which had long been tabooed, suddenly became the one topic of conversation in the home, the store, the street-car. all editors wrote about it; all northern pulpits began to preach on the subject. more faggots had been flung upon the fire, and oil added to the fierce flames. every explosion asks for powder, but also a spark. falling on ice, a spark is impotent, falling on powder, an explosion is inevitable. wendell phillips had already been aroused to sympathy with garrison and hatred of slavery, and news of the murder of lovejoy fell upon his heart like a spark on a powder magazine. when boston heard that lovejoy had been shot by the mob in alton, illinois, while defending his printing-press, the leading men of boston came together in faneuil hall. william ellery channing made the opening address, and asked that the meeting go on record through an indignant protest against this assault upon the rights of free citizens. james t. austin, attorney-general of the commonwealth, replied in a bitter and insulting reference to channing, asserting that a clergyman with a gun in his hand, or mingling in the debate of a popular assembly in faneuil hall, was marvellously out of place. austin compared the slaves of the south to a menagerie of wild beasts, and asserted that lovejoy in defending them was presumptuous, and died as a fool dieth. he added that the rioters in alton killed lovejoy and flung his press into the river in the spirit of the boston mob that boarded the british ships in , and threw the tea overboard on the night of the "boston tea party." that was a great moment in the history not only of liberty, but also in that of eloquence. wendell phillips, then but six years out of harvard college, rose to reply. "a comparison has been drawn between the events of the revolution and the tragedy at alton. we have heard it asserted here in faneuil hall that great britain had a right to tax the colonies. and we have heard the mob at alton, drunken murderers of lovejoy, compared to those patriot fathers who threw the tea overboard! fellow citizens, is this faneuil hall doctrine? the mob at alton were met to wrest from a citizen his just rights,--met to resist the laws. lovejoy had stationed himself within constitutional bulwarks. he was not only defending the freedom of the press, but he was under his own roof, in arms with the sanction of the civil authority. the men who assailed him went against and over the laws. the mob, as the gentleman terms it (mob, forsooth!--certainly we sons of the tea-spillers are a marvellously patient generation!), the 'orderly mob' which assembled in the old south to destroy the tea were met to resist, not the laws, but illegal exactions. shame on the american who calls the tea tax and stamp act laws! our fathers resisted, not the king's prerogative, but the king's usurpation. to find any other account you must read our revolutionary history upside down. to draw the conduct of our ancestors into a precedent for mobs is an insult to their memory. they were the people rising to sustain the laws and constitution of the province. the rioters of our day go for their own wills, right or wrong. sir, when i heard the gentleman lay down principles which place the murderers of alton side by side with otis and hancock, with quincy and adams, i thought those pictured lips [pointing to the portraits in the hall] would have broken into voice to rebuke the recreant american,--the slanderer of the dead. sir, for the sentiments he has uttered, on soil consecrated by the prayers of puritans and the blood of patriots, the earth should have yawned and swallowed him up. imprudent to defend the liberty of the press! why? because the defense was unsuccessful? does success gild crime into patriotism, and the want of it change heroic self-devotion into imprudence? was hampden imprudent when he drew the sword and threw away the scabbard?" the next morning young phillips, like lord byron, awoke to find himself famous. merchants, politicians, who had long been staggering like drunken men, indifferent to their rights, and confused in their feelings, were stunned into sobriety, and began to discuss principles, and weigh characters, and analyze public leaders, and wakening, men found that they had been standing on the edge of a precipice. phillips, already devoted to the slave, became now his tireless champion through many years, till the emancipation of . one evening in may, , a negro was seen skulking in the shadows near a dock in boston. this coloured man, anthony burns by name, was a slave, who had escaped from his southern master, and after weeks had reached philadelphia, where a quaker had stowed him away in a ship bound for boston. a boston policeman who caught sight of the negro recalled the rewards offered for the capture of slaves, and soon ran the fugitive down, and had him before united states commissioner loring. the next morning theodore parker hastened to the court-room to say that he was the chaplain of the abolition society, and had come to offer counsel. but the fugitive was afraid to accept the overture, lest his master punish him the more severely. the news spread quickly throughout the city, and two nights later a meeting in faneuil hall was attended by an enormous gathering, aroused to the highest pitch of excitement. hand-bills had been put out, stating that kidnappers were in the city. the people were in a frenzy. theodore parker delivered one of his most impassioned addresses. "i am an old man; i have heard hurrahs and cheers for liberty many times; i have not seen a great many _deeds_ done for liberty. i ask you, are we to have deeds as well as words?" parker moved that, when the meeting adjourned, it should be to meet the following morning in the square before the court-house. but he had raised too great a storm to control; a rumour that a mob of negroes was at that very moment trying to rescue burns was all that was needed to empty the room; and the crowd rushed out to the court-house square. there they discovered a small party of men, led by thomas w. higginson, trying to batter down the court-house doors. the crowd lent them willing hands. but the marshall defended the building,--shots were fired,--higginson wounded, and several of his followers arrested. two companies of artillery were at once ordered out by the mayor, and the attempt to rescue the negro met with complete and disastrous failure. wendell phillips and parker were the leaders in the fight. when asked what he would regard as grounds for the return of burns to his master, phillips answered, "nothing short of a bill of sale from almighty god." the day of the transfer of the slave to the united states revenue cutter found boston in a state of siege. twenty-two companies of massachusetts soldiers patrolled the city; two rows of soldiers, armed with muskets, shotted to kill, stood on either side of the street through which burns was to be led to the vessel. the windows were filled with people, the houses hung in black, the united states flags were draped in mourning. from a window near the court-house hung a coffin, with the legend: "the funeral of liberty." the procession itself was composed of a battalion of united states artillery, one of united states marines, the marshall's posse of men guarding the fugitive, and a small cannon, with two more platoons of marines to guard it. to such a pass had come boston, with its respect for law, and its reputation for obedience to those clothed in authority. a charleston paper spoke of the return of burns as a southern victory, but added that two or three such victories would ruin the cause. for the movement against slavery was now rising, with all the advance of a tidal wave and a mighty storm. the public excitement was greatly increased by the fugitive slave legislation of and . many northern men who were opposed to slavery in the north condoned slavery in the south. just as demetrius urged that by the making of images of diana "we have our gain," so timid capital in the north bowed like a suitor at the feet of the imperial south, and advised silence, remembering that through the money of southern planters it had its livelihood. wendell phillips went up and down the land stirring up opinion against the law. he spoke three hundred times in one year and two hundred and seventy-five times in another year. phillips rose upon the opposition like a war eagle against an advancing storm. brave men defied the law, organized the underground railroad, and in every way possible defeated the purpose of the fugitive slave law. so in when senator douglas engineered through congress the famous kansas-nebraska bill, repealing the missouri compromise, the north refused to accept what was so palpably pro-slavery legislation. this was revolutionary. instantly the north divided into two camps. the one question of the hour was "shall a fugitive slave be furnished with weapons with which to defend his person, and has he the right of self-defense?" the whole land became a debating society, and heaved with excitement, like the heaving of an earthquake. the merchant pointed to his ledger, and urged caution. but liberty was stronger than the ledger, and the heaving emotion burst through the statutes and rent the laws asunder. soon the fugitive slave law, had become a dead letter. the south had gone one step too far. abolition stood suddenly in a new light; "more abolitionists had been made by this single piece of hostile legislation," said greeley, "than garrison and phillips could have made in half a century." for thirty years wendell phillips was the crowned king of the lecture platform. it was the golden age of the lyceum. men had more leisure than to-day. our era of the drama, music, and travel pictures had not yet come. the winter nights were long, books few, magazines had not yet developed, and the people were hungry for instruction and eloquence. wendell phillips achieved the astonishing feat of speaking three hundred times a year. eloquence is born of a great theme like the woes and wrongs of three million slaves. it is sometimes said that oratory is dying out in our congress. but congress is now a board of trade, discussing duties, protective tariffs on wool, cotton, and hides. beecher and phillips had a great theme--liberty, the emancipation of millions of slaves. the modern orator in the senate discusses the mathematics of woolen goods. it is hard to be eloquent over one salt barrel and two piles of cowhides. a sermon or a lecture on topics that fifty years ago would have crowded the greatest room and the street outside would not to-day draw a corporal's guard. but in those heroic days, there was a great opportunity, and the opportunity was matched by the man. phillips was handsome as an apollo. his voice was sweet as a harp. no man ever studied the art of public speech more scientifically. he played upon an audience as a skillful musician upon the banks of keys in an organ. a southern slaveholder heard him in the academy of music, hating him, but paying him this tribute, "that man is an infernal machine set to music." his method was practically the memoriter method. a gentleman, who heard him give his "daniel o'connell" four times in succession, found that the lecture was repeated without the slightest variation whatsoever, in ideas, sentences, inflection of the voice, or even gesture. phillips prepared his lectures with the greatest care, and then repeated them hundreds of times. from the moment when he came upon the platform his presence filled the eye and satisfied it. his very ease and poise begat confidence and delight. he carved each sentence out of solid sunshine. he stood quietly, made few gestures, adopted the conversational tone and took the audience into his confidence. some of his finest effects were produced by the injection of a parenthesis. once in an evening sermon in plymouth church, when beecher was urging the reëlection of lincoln and defending the republican party, a disputatious individual called out from the congregation, "what about wendell phillips?" to which mr. beecher made the instant answer, "wendell phillips is not a republican. wendell phillips is a radical and an independent. what this country needs is not a man of words but a man of deeds." a few nights later wendell phillips was lecturing in the brooklyn academy of music before the st. patrick's society, and made his reply in the form of a parenthesis, barbing his shaft with an exquisite inflection of his voice. "mr. beecher said last sunday night (_forgetting his own vocation_), 'wendell phillips is a man of words, instead of a man of deeds.'" not that the two men were ever unfriendly, for they were co-workers, standing side by side in the great movement. once when the trustees of yonder academy refused to allow mr. phillips to speak, mr. beecher made it a point of honour with his trustees to let wendell phillips speak in plymouth church, and ran the risk of the mob destroying the building. the tumultuous scenes of that night, when bricks came through the windows, and the police were stationed in cranberry and orange streets, were repeated all over the land. again and again wendell phillips was mobbed. once, at the very beginning of his career as an abolitionist, he spoke with an old quaker. people waited to greet the old quaker and asked him home for the night; but they pelted wendell phillips with rotten eggs as he went down the street in the dark. afterwards wendell phillips said to the old quaker, "i said just what you did, and yet you were invited home to fried chicken and a bed, while i received raw eggs and stone." "i will tell thee the difference, wendell. thou said, 'if thou art a holder of slaves, thou wilt go to hell.' i said, 'if thou dost not hold slaves, thou wilt not go to hell.'" but wendell phillips would not butter parsnips with fine words. once in boston four hundred men surrounded him, got possession of the hall, and jeered him for an hour and a half. finally he leaned over the desk and shouted down to a reporter, "thank god there is no manacle for the printing-press." armed friends rescued him, guarded him home, and for a week, night and day, the boston police guarded the house. those were tumultuous days. but this great man braved and outlived the storm. when the emancipation proclamation was declared, william lloyd garrison said nothing remained now but to die. but phillips opposed the dissolution of the anti-slavery society, because he saw that when the physical fetters were broken, there still remained the fetters of the mind and heart that must be destroyed. so far from ending his labours, phillips now redoubled his activities. he threw himself into the labour movement and helped organize the working classes into a solid force against capitalism. he took up the cause of suffrage and the higher education of woman, gave himself to the temperance problem and prohibition. he lectured oftentimes two hundred nights a year in the great cities of the land, seeking always to manufacture manhood of a good quality. he became himself our finest example of the power and influence of the scholar in the republic. and when the end came, he received from his fellow countrymen the admiration and the love that he had deserved. and the friends who knew him best were not surprised that the last words on his lips were the words of his friend james russell lowell, that summarized the ideal that wendell phillips had pursued for thirty years. "new occasions teach new duties; time makes ancient good uncouth; they must upward still, and onward, who would keep abreast of truth; lo, before us gleam her camp-fires! we ourselves must pilgrims be, launch our _mayflower_, and steer boldly through the desperate winter sea, nor attempt the future's portal with the past's blood-rusted key." iv charles sumner: the appeal to educated men in every country and time, the era of national peril has been the creative era for the intellect. the eloquence of greece was at its best when philip attacked athens and demosthenes defended its liberties. dante's poems were born of the collision between the despots who sought to enslave florence, and the patriots who dreamed of democracy. milton's songs were written during the english revolution, when the puritan, seeking to diffuse the good things of life, and the cavalier, who wished to monopolize the earth's treasure, came into a deadly collision. in accordance with that principle it seems natural to expect that the scholars of the republic should do their best work during the era of agitation, when the national intellect was white hot, and public excitement burned by day and night. the anti-slavery epoch, therefore, was the augustan era of american literature, when the historians, poets and philosophers lent distinction to american literature. at that time motley was writing his "history of the netherlands"; prescott, his "history of mexico and spain"; whittier, his songs of slavery and freedom; lowell was the satirist of the debate, and was writing his "biglow papers," and emerson, the philosopher, was undermining the foundations and shaking the principles of slavery, even as samson pulled down the temple of the olden time. emerson, the philosopher, did the thinking, and furnished the intellectual implements to the abolitionists. beginning his career as a preacher, he resigned his position, moved to concord, and dwelt apart from men, but "as he mused, the fire burned." easily our first man of american letters, he is among the first essayists of all ages and climes. essentially, however, he was a man of intellect, an american plato, "a greek head screwed upon yankee shoulders," to use holmes' expression. his essay upon "the american scholar," and his book on "nature," brought him fame in england, and invitations to lecture before their colleges. early in his career he won the friendship of arnold of rugby, of matthew arnold the son, of arthur hugh clough, and of thomas carlyle. he returned from his honours in england to find himself the centre of the intellectual movement of new england. a number of younger men gathered around him, until emerson's group at concord became like unto goethe's group at weimar, and coleridge's in london. during the late forties american educators, orators and statesmen began to quote the striking sentences from emerson. little by little it came about that the fighters went to emerson as to an arsenal for their intellectual weapons. his first notable contribution to abolitionism was his "story of the west india emancipation." then came his "essay on the fugitive slave law," his speech on the assault on mr. sumner, his writings on kansas, and on john brown. few men have had such power to condense a statement of philosophy into a single epigram. grant once said of his soldiers that while each man took aim for himself, winchester slew all the thousands. not otherwise, hundreds of orators and reformers went up and down the land attacking slavery, but while the voices were many, the argument was one, and emerson for a time did the speaking for the abolitionists. what emerson stated in pure white light, whittier made popular through his poems of slavery and freedom. by way of preëminence he was the poet of the abolition movement, and the sir galahad among our singers. reared among the friends, he had the simplicity of the quaker, but the solidity and massiveness of the fighting puritan. strange as it may seem, he was at once the poet of peace, insisting upon the crime of war, and the poet of freedom, insisting upon the destruction of slavery. the fire and glow, the moral earnestness, the spiritual passion of whittier, are best illustrated in his "lost occasion," and "ichabod." at length the newspapers of the north took up his work. for some years before the war broke out, scarcely a month passed by without a new poem of liberty by whittier. soon these poems that were published in the newspapers were recited in the schools by the children, quoted in the pulpits by the preachers, and used by the orators as feathers for their arrows. once wendell phillips concluded an impassioned oration by reciting one of whittier's stanzas, when a man in the audience shouted, "that arrow went home!" to which wendell phillips answered, "yes, and i have a quiver full of arrows, every one of which was made by a man of peace,--john greenleaf whittier." if emerson's philosophy was like the diffused white daylight that makes clear the landscape for an army, whittier's occasional poems like "ichabod" were thunderbolts that blasted forever all compromise and expediency. sometimes what the essayist fails to achieve ridicule easily accomplishes. james russell lowell was the satirist of the abolition movement. with biting scorn and irony he laughed men out of narrowness, ignorance, and selfishness. during the last epoch in his career lowell achieved world-wide fame as a diplomat, and was universally admired as the all round man of letters. but now that he has gone, in retrospect, the historian perceives that the first era of lowell's career was the influential era. he was the milton of the anti-slavery epoch, as lincoln was its cromwell. his influence in england, in developing an anti-slavery sentiment there, was, if possible, more influential than in the home country. the great english editor, william stead, tells us that he owes to lowell's message the influences that made him an editor and a reformer. in the critical moments of his life he found in lowell the inspiration and support that he found in no other books, save in carlyle's "cromwell" and the bible. "in russia, in ireland, in rome, and in prison, lowell's poems have been my constant companions." the poet used the story of moses emancipating the hebrew slaves as an illustration of the abolitionist as the unknown leader whom god would raise up to lead the three million black men out of southern slavery. "what god did for the egyptian bondsmen, he believed god would do; because what god was, god is. he goes on:-- "from what a bible can a man choose his text to-day! a bible which needs no translation; and which no priestcraft can close from the laity,--the open volume of the world, upon which, with a pen of sunshine and destroying fire, the inspired present is even now writing the annals of god. methinks the editor who should understand his calling, and be equal thereto, would truly deserve that title that homer bestows upon princes. he would be the moses of our nineteenth century; and whereas the old sinai, silent now, is but a common mountain, stared at by the elegant tourist, and crawled over by the hammer of the geologist, he must find his tables of the new law here among factories and cities in this wilderness of sin, called the progress of civilization, and be the captain of our exodus into the canaan of a truer social order." certain stanzas of lowell, also, were quoted even more widely, and were ever upon the lips of college students. many a soldier boy who went to battle from the forest and factory, the fields and the mines, scarcely knew that his inspiration--like phillip's oratory--was embodied in lowell's poem, "the present crisis":-- "once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide, in the strife of truth with falsehood, for the good or evil side; some great cause, god's new messiah, offering each the bloom or blight, parts the goats upon the left hand, and the sheep upon the right, and the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light. "careless seems the great avenger; history's pages but record one death-grapple in the darkness 'twixt old systems and the word; truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne,-- yet that scaffold sways the future, and, behind the dim unknown, standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own." then came charles sumner, the scholar in politics, to make practical the student's message. daniel webster's defense of massachusetts in his reply to hayne, and his wonderful eloquence in the years which followed that first great address, lifted the old bay state into unique preëminence in the senate: when, therefore, webster left the senate and entered the cabinet of millard fillmore, the north and the south alike asked, with intense interest, who should succeed the defender of the constitution. that no dramatic interest might be lacking when, in , charles sumner entered the senate chamber to take the oath of office, it came about that henry clay, the great compromiser, left the senate, going out at one door, on the very day that conscience, in the person of this puritan, entered it by the other door. john c. calhoun, inflexible, iron to the end, adhering tenaciously to his doctrine of secession, had just died, quite unconscious of the fact that his speeches held the explosives that were to shatter the south and destroy half a million of his beloved people. clay, too, was death-stricken, and with great pathos referred to himself as "a stag scarred by spears, worried by wounds, dragging his mutilated body to his lair to lie down and die." webster was now gray and broken, with the shadow of the eclipse already drawing near. in such a moment charles sumner began his career by an appeal to the "everlasting yea" and the "everlasting nay."--"i desire to speak to-day of some laws greater than any passed in this capital or this country; older than america, older than india--i mean the laws of god." hitherto slavery had been the aggressor, crowding into texas, edging into missouri, with bullets forcing its way into kansas. freedom had always been on the defensive. now all was changed, with the coming of a man whose watchword was "slavery must be destroyed; liberty must be preserved." that cold body called the senate became immediately conscious of the new influence that entered into the very being of the government, like iron into the rich blood of the physical system. charles sumner made it clear from the beginning that the movement against slavery was from the everlasting arm. with expediency he had nothing to do, but only with eternal right and eternal wrong. one day daniel webster reminded his young successor of the importance of looking on the other side, indicating that a shield that was gold on one side might at least be silver on the other, to which sumner replied, "there is no other side." this boston scholar became a voice for law, "whose seat is the bosom of god, and whose speech is the melody of the world." these eternal laws of god rose up to stay the progress of slavery like the beetling granite cliffs of maine, that send forth their voice to the onrushing tides, saying, "here stay your proud waves--thus far, and no farther." ancestry, opportunity and events all conspired to equip charles sumner with those implements that make man great. like phillips, he was a descendant of the early settlers of boston. his father led the men who delivered garrison out of the hands of the mob, and who told the excited populace that unless boston was careful "our children's heads will be broken by cannon-balls." the plastic, critical hours of his youth were spent in harvard college and in the law office of judge story. never interested in philosophy and metaphysics, he was surpassed by few as a master of the humanities, general literature, and the story of the rise and progress of democracy and free institutions. not a man of genius, charles sumner was gifted with talent of a very high order. he had, what is perhaps better than genius, a capacity for sustained labour and prodigious industry. he did nothing by halves. in his chosen realm he became a master of the details of every movement related to free institutions, since the days of the republics of greece and switzerland, holland and england. long after other students had blown out their lights, charles sumner's window was still flaming. at a very early epoch he exhibited his tenacity of will and his constitutional inability to change his mind. once he planned with a companion to walk to boston on saturday morning, starting at half-past seven. when the hour struck, a snow-storm was raging. but having decided to go to boston, to boston the student went alone, floundering through the blizzard. snow-drifts were little things, but changing his plan was an impossible thing. the centre of his character, about which all else revolved, was a certain axis of pride and self-esteem, which may be pardoned, perhaps, in view of the fact that the world takes a man largely upon his own estimate of personal worth. in those days the atmosphere of boston was charged with enthusiasm for education and the humanities. among young sumner's friends were prescott, who was writing the history of spain and mexico; bancroft, who was outlining his history of the united states; story, the jurist; horace mann, the educator; dr. howe, the father of the movement for the education of the deaf and dumb; emerson, longfellow, channing and whittier--all were not simply friends but correspondents of charles sumner. nor must we forget the boston of earlier days, the boston of adams, and otis, of warren and quincy. in such a city, surrounded by the noblest traditions of patriotism, stimulated by the greatest group of scholars that the republic has produced, charles sumner passed his early manhood. then, remembering that edward everett had fitted himself for his work in harvard university by four years abroad, sumner, in his twenty-seventh year, went to europe. he spent five months in germany, where the spirits of goethe, richter and luther lingered upon the scene. in paris he studied french, french art, french literature, french philosophy, and finally attended the debates in the french parliament, examining the problems with all the care of a member. he lingered long in england, where he was welcomed and lionized by the foremost men of letters, science, philosophy, as well as by the leading clergymen and statesmen of london. he was an honoured guest not at some, but "at most of the country seats of england and scotland." he travelled the circuits as the companion of the greatest english judges, vaughan, parke and alderson. he met on a familiar footing macaulay and grote, carlyle and jeffrey, sidney smith and wordsworth. but his great year was in italy, in the eternal city, the city of cæsar and cicero, the city of horace and virgil. in all, sumner spent thirty years in preparation for his labour. few men in american politics have had a wider horizon, a better equipment in history and literature, or have known so intimately all the great men in the world of his own generation who were worth knowing. he went away to europe an american; he returned a universal man, a citizen of the world. not until , when he was thirty-four years of age, did a really great opportunity come to sumner. boston at that far-off day made much of the fourth of july, and looked forward to the holiday as the great event of the year. during the previous autumn the mayor and aldermen of the city invited sumner to deliver the oration. webster made john adams say, "when we are in our graves, our children will celebrate the day with song and story, with oration and pageant, and the explosion of cannon, and greet it with tears of joy and exultation." but unfortunately the speeches of that time had degenerated into false rhetoric, full of insincerity. in his oration, sumner left the beaten track and plunged into an unknown way. his theme was the crime of war. he attacked his city and his country for spending millions upon fortifications in the harbour. he affirmed that the best protection of a nation was not dead stones but living patriots and heroes. he called the roll of the great wars of history, and found only one or two, like our revolution, that were really justifiable. he defined war as the temporary repeal of all the ten commandments, and an enthronement of all the crimes. in retrospect we know that sumner overstated his case. his argument against physical force would forbid the police in great cities, the militia on the frontier, and would leave communities exposed to the ravages of brigands on land and pirates by sea. but for the most part, sumner's argument in favour of peace was sound. to-day all civilized countries are coming to recognize war as a blunder, since questions of justice cannot be settled by brute force. when we consider that france is an armed camp, germany and austria countries of bristling bayonets, that three years at the most critical epoch of the boy's life are consumed in a camp exposed to all manner of temptations and dangers, at the very time when the youth should be mastering his trade or his profession, war seems the capitalization of all the possible follies and wastes. the peasants of europe plough, each carrying a soldier upon his back. the brick-mason builds, but staggers up the ladder with a heavier load than bricks,--the soldier upon his back. the symbols of nations are still the lion, the eagle and the wolf. some political leaders even yet talk about the necessity of an occasional war to put boys upon their mettle, as if invention, the building of railways, the founding of cities, the fighting of economic and social wrongs would not put a man upon his mettle! to put a german on one side of a fence and a frenchman on the other, and have one peasant empty his shotgun into the bowels of the other is about as noble as going out into a yard and shooting a jersey cow. the best way to protect a nation is to build boys into men, through the processes of productive industry. machine gun and dreadnought will soon be as obsolete in the presence of arbitration and the court at the hague as an ox-cart is obsolete in the presence of a pullman palace car. wendell phillips once said that lord bacon had a right to lay his hand on the steam engine and say to watt: "this engine is mine; i gave you the method." so charles sumner, after sixty-five years, has a right to stand yonder at the entrance of the parliament house of peace, now being completed in the capital of holland, and say: "i laid the foundation stones of this structure and started a war against war." this oration of sumner's on "the true grandeur of nations" made him a most unpopular figure at home, but europe soon called for his speech. it was translated into many languages, two hundred and fifty-thousand copies were published and sold, and for the time sumner was the most talked of man of the year. now the one man who was not on the defensive, who was not content to merely stay the forward progress of slavery, but insisted on driving it back into the gulf and ultimately into the sea, to be drowned forever, was charles sumner, with his "carthago est delenda." his favourite phrase was "freedom is national, slavery is sectional." burke himself, depicting the sufferings of india, scarcely surpassed sumner's speech on the devastation of kansas by outlaws and guerrillas. commenting upon the fact that a company of armed slave owners had crossed the borders at night, and destroyed the homes of a group of northern settlers, sumner said: "border incursions, which in barbarous lands fretted and harried an exposed people, are here renewed, with this peculiarity, that our border robbers do not simply levy blackmail and drive off a few cattle, they do not seize a few persons and sweep them away into captivity, like the african slave-traders whom we brand as tyrants, but they commit a succession of deeds in which border sorrows and african wrongs are revived together on american soil, while the whole territory is enslaved. i do not dwell on the anxieties of families exposed to sudden assault, and lying down to rest with the alarms of war ringing in the ears, not knowing that another day may be spared them. throughout this bitter winter, with the thermometer thirty degrees below zero, the citizens of lawrence have slept under arms, with sentinels pacing. in vain do we condemn the cruelties of another age--the refinement of torture, the rack and thumbscrew of the inquisition; for kindred outrages disgrace these borders. murder stalks, assassination skulks in the tall grass; where a candidate for the legislature was gashed with knives and hatchets, and after weltering in blood on the snow-clad earth, trundled along with gaping wounds to fall dead before the face of his wife." with speeches like these, sumner attacked slavery. the edge of his argument was keen, but his blows had also the power of sledgehammers. the southern leaders were in a frenzy of anger. harriet martineau said of the situation that from to , by general agreement, men in congress referred to slavery under their breath, believing that only by silence could the union be preserved. now came a man who believed that silence was criminal, who would not be bullied, and would be heard, who believed in the golden rule, insisted on the declaration of independence, and who, in the name of freedom that was national, wished to destroy the fugitive slave law and bring about the immediate and unconditional emancipation of all slaves on the ground. when two opposing gases come together, an explosion is inevitable. one day in , after the adjournment of the senate, a southern member of congress entered the chamber, and finding sumner seated, with his legs under an iron desk screwed to the floor, and, therefore, helpless for defense, with a heavy walking-stick the assailant beat the powerless man into insensibility, two of his friends protecting him from those who would interfere in his murderous assault. having lost enough blood to soak through the carpet and stain the very floor, unconscious, and hovering between life and death, sumner was carried to a sofa, thence to his hotel. from that time on the scholar endured a living death. he was carried to paris, where dr. brown-sequard tried "the fire cure" upon the spine. but for years his desk was vacant. massachusetts insisted that the empty seat should proclaim to the world her abhorrence of the barbarism that, unequal to intellectual debate, betakes itself to clubs and murder. later on sumner did return to his seat, but he was broken in health, and to the end was tortured with pain. nevertheless, despite all the physical distresses, he remained the puritan in politics, adhering inflexibly to his old ideals of liberty. the great lesson of sumner's life is the importance of fidelity to conviction and singleness of purpose. all sumner's speeches in congress, all his lectures on the platform, his appeals to the people of the north during the years when he travelled incessantly, addressing great crowds all over the land, had a single theme, "liberty is national, slavery is sectional; liberty must be established, slavery must be destroyed." he had his faults and limitations, but men without faults are generally men without force. limitations are like banks to a river; they increase the strength of the current for a mill wheel. sumner's concentration made his enemies call him a narrow man and a fanatic. but paul was narrow when he said, "this one thing i do." luther was narrow when he nailed his theses to the door of the church in wittenberg. garrison was narrow and a fanatic when he said, "i will not equivocate, i will not retreat a single inch, and i will be heard." rushing between the cliffs of its banks, the rhine has power through confinement; spreading out over the plains of north germany, the rhine becomes a mere marsh, laden with miasm, blown to and fro with the winds. the tallow candle is small, while the summer lightning flashes across the midnight sky. but for the purpose of studying a guide book in the dark, one lucifer match is worth a sky full of lightning. sumner had the courage of his convictions; he was brave as a lion. having no physical fear, he was devoid also of moral fear. he had the foresight of far-off things, and could look beyond to-day's defeat to the coming victory for his cause. he had many bitter enemies. his intolerance and intellectual arrogance offended men. when a friend said to president grant, "sumner is a skeptic; i fear he does not believe in the bible," grant's instant retort was, "certainly he does not; he did not write it." but we can forgive much to a man who sacrificed much, and endured the murderous cross of cruelty, obloquy and shame. a lonely and companionless man, at the end, he trod the wine-press of sorrow in solitude and isolation. he had no woman's love to heal his wounded spirit. his one support was the cause he loved. to this cause he clung with a tenacity that was as sublime as it was pathetic. the last time he opened his eyes it was to repeat unconsciously the dearest thoughts of his life, "all humanity is my country." "take care of my civil rights bill." when long time has passed, many other great names will pass out of view like tapers that have burned down to the socket. but the name and memory of this puritan will probably survive, as the highest type of the scholar toiling in the heroic age of the republic. v horace greeley: the appeal to the common people to the work of the statesmen and jurists, the agitators and orators, must now be added the contribution of the editors. a loaf of bread represents many elements united in a single body. the sun lends heat, the clouds lend rain, the soil its chemical elements, the air its rich dust, and the result is the wheaten loaf. not otherwise is it with the moral and political treasure named the union and the emancipation of slaves. the soldier boys at the front stayed the advancing tide of rebellion, and flung back from pennsylvania waves all tipped with fire. with not less heroism farmer boys at home toiled in the fields to feed and support the boys in blue. physicians in the hospitals, nurses at the front, lived also and died, caring for crippled heroes. mothers and daughters, sisters, sweethearts and wives wrought innumerable garments and hospital supplies, while from full hearts giving inspiration or courageously bearing the miseries of bereavement. orators went forth to incite, ministers brought divine sanctions to inspire men towards patriotism and self-sacrifice. statesmen supported the leaders by war measures, manufacturers and bankers stood behind the government. but to all these workers must be added the work of the correspondents at the front, with the editors who consecrated the press to liberty. the power and wealth of the newspaper of to-day is explained, in no small measure, by the battles of the civil war, that kindled the interest of millions who had never before read the daily newspaper, but who became after the first battle students of god's book of daily events. during those terrible days men slept in dread and wakened in fear as to what might have happened on the potomac or the mississippi. out of these tumultuous conditions the sunday newspaper was born. before the battle of bull run people of new york and chicago frowned upon the sunday newspaper, just as the people of london and edinburgh to-day will have none of it. but when there were a million men in arms and the whole land trembled with the thunder of cannon and the stroke of battle, anxious parents, fearful wives, knowing that the conflict was on, when saturday's sun set felt that they could not wait till monday morning for news from the front. but if the war did much for the press, newspaper men did much for liberty. to supply the people of the country with news from the field, a veritable army of war correspondents was organized, a telegraphic service was organized and built up, plans were laid that developed into the associated press. this telegraphic service became a vast and shining web lying all over this land, with wires that trembled by night and day, flashing out now despair, and now hope, to innumerable hearts. liberty owes a great debt to the press, for it assembled all the people in one vast speaking chamber, and told them how events were going with the slave and the union. if we are to appreciate fully the place of the press during the anti-slavery epoch, we must recall the conditions of american life in the olden time. when the colonies revolted and published their declaration there were in the united states only forty-three newspapers, most of them weeklies. there were fourteen papers in new england, four in new york state, two in virginia, two in carolina and nine in pennsylvania. the entire forty-three papers, however, held less printed matter than any ten pages of our morning journals. the papers of that time contained no editorials, and were strictly purveyors of the gossip and news of the week, with rude advertisements--now a cut of a horse that had strayed, an apprentice that had escaped, a slave that had run away, enlivened, indeed, by frantic and pathetic appeals for the subscribers to pay up their dues. there were no public libraries, no reading rooms, no inns where men could go on winter evenings and read the papers. that which starved the newspaper was the lack of facilities for distribution. it cost twenty-five cents to send a letter. most of the correspondents were widely separated lovers. romeo, knowing that juliet would not be able to pay twenty-five cents for his weekly effusion, learned the use of the cypher, and by means of a large circle on the outside of the letter and a pink spot within it succeeded in conveying certain mystic symbols of osculation, that told the story of undying fidelity without paying the postman for the letter that was left in his hands. the old postman who jogged along between philadelphia and new york spent three days on the trip, and put in his time knitting stockings. john adams tells us that it took him six days on the coach from boston to new york, and that he rose every morning long before day, took his seat in the cold, dark coach, and listened to the creaking of the wheels on the snow until two hours after dark until late saturday night, cold and exhausted, he entered the little inn near castle garden. for these reasons no newspaper had any circulation beyond its own county. the first railroads that helped distribute the newspapers began to be built about , and the first ship to carry our newspapers to england sailed in . the first telegraphic message was sent from washington to baltimore in . the first cablegram in the interest of the press was sent in . meanwhile the people were isolated, starved, being fully conscious that they were like peasants shut in between mountain walls, while they longed to be citizens of the universe. a single illustration from history will explain the isolation of communities at that time:--the news that jackson had been elected president in early november did not reach his own state of tennessee until after new year's day! horace greeley entered the scene at a great crisis for the people, and was raised up to fill a national need. god had prepared the soldiers to fight for the people, the orators to speak to the people, the physicians to heal the people, the educators to instruct the people. he had raised up the statesmen to make the laws, but the world waited for men to cause knowledge to run up and down the land. the common people found a friend in horace greeley. he was born in , in amherst, massachusetts, near the very cabin in which his forefathers had settled. god gave him a hungry mind, which literally consumed facts of nature and life. not john stuart mill himself was more precocious than horace greeley. he was reading without difficulty at three years of age, and read any ordinary book at five. there never was an hour when he was not the best scholar in the little log schoolhouse, where he suffered the long winter through, scorched if he was on the inside circle next to the fire, or freezing if he was on the outer rim. reading was the boy's master passion. like the locust, he consumed every dry twig and green branch of knowledge. before he was ten years of age he believed he had read every book that could be borrowed within a radius of six miles. he read the bible through, every word, when he was five years old; at eleven he had read shakespeare and byron. spelling was at once a taste and an acquisition. the people of his neighbourhood put the child up against other crack spellers in the school districts. it is said that in the old evening spelling-bees, his school-teacher, who had him in charge, had to wake the child up when his turn came around to spell. the trustees of bedford academy passed a resolution permitting horace greeley, although outside of the district, to enter their school, while a few teachers raised a purse, and made an offer to his father to send the boy to phillips exeter academy. but pride prevented. horace greeley's childhood fell on evil days. men were miserably poor. it was one long warfare with hunger and cold. the ravages of disease among children were really the result of insufficient food in those poverty-stricken times. although the mortgage on the farm was a mere bagatelle, the father lost the homestead, and became a hired man on fifty cents a day, on which amount he had to feed and clothe his family. this boy worked by day and studied by night. history and politics, poetry and science, formed the staples of his reading and reflection. for two years he pleaded with his father to apprentice him to a printer; the day that the printer refused the boy and showed the poor farmer and his son the door, brought black gloom to his heart, for when the door of the printing office closed before him, the gates of paradise seemed shut forever. trained in the school of experience, and a graduate of the university of hard-knocks, at twenty years of age the boy determined to seek his fortune in new york. there are few scenes more pathetic than the spectacle of this friendless boy starting to walk from erie, pa., to this metropolis, then a city of only two hundred thousand people. he had a tow head, a bent form, a singular dress, and carried his entire belongings in a little bundle, supported by a walking stick thrown over his shoulder. partly on foot, partly on the wagon of some farmer, who gave the traveller a lift, partly on the canal boats, horace greeley made his way until, after many days, in august, , he landed at the foot of wall street. not benjamin franklin, landing on the wharves of philadelphia, and buying a fresh roll on which he breakfasted while he went about looking for work, is so fascinating a figure as this simple-hearted, unworldly, artless, unsophisticated youth, with the step of a clodhopper and the face of an angel. counting his coin, the boy found he had ten dollars left, and straightway took lodgings on west street, for which he promised to pay two dollars and a half a week. he soon found a job and began to set type on an edition of the new testament, with marginal notes in greek and latin. in two years he had his own printing office, and in the youth found his place as the editor of the _new yorker_, a weekly that first of all took stories and the name of charles dickens to the people of new york. he soon carried the newspaper up to nine thousand subscribers, and a gross income of $ , . genius makes its own way. the world is always looking for unique ability. horace greeley had the art of putting things. he could make a statement that would go to the intellect like an arrow to the bull's-eye. there is always plenty of room for the man who has a gift and can do a thing better than any one else. but the panic of bankrupted greeley, who knew nothing about the business end of his enterprise. he had , subscribers, but none of them would pay their bills, and the more his paper grew the worse off he was. one day he struck from the roll the names of , subscribers. a little later he offered to give the entire establishment to a friend, and pay him $ , for taking it off his hands, agreeing to work out by typesetting the large debt. then came an overture from thurlow weed and benedict, and greeley founded the _log cabin_, a campaign paper advocating the election of general harrison as president, and sent out the slogan "tippecanoe and tyler, too." politics was his passion and delight. an ardent whig, he loved henry clay as an enthusiast, and worshipped him like a disciple. the death of harrison in , therefore, brought another crisis into greeley's life. then he founded the _new york tribune_. in later years horace greeley used to say that the first half of his life was preparatory to founding the _tribune_, and the other half to building up the newspaper that was his pride. on april , , the _log cabin_ contained an announcement of the appearance of "a morning journal of politics, literature and general intelligence." it was to be sold for one penny, was to be free from all immoral reports, to be accurate in its statements, impartial in its judgments, unbiassed and unfettered in its opinions. the _new yorker_ and the _log cabin_ were merged in the new journal. the expenses for the first week of the _tribune's_ existence were $ , and its income $ . greeley was thirty years old, full of health and vigour, pluck and determination. he never knew when he was defeated, and when events knocked him down, he quietly got up again. in seven weeks the _tribune_ had a circulation of , . fertile in resources, full of plans to advertise his journal, he gained , during a single political campaign. later he sent carrier pigeons to halifax to bring home special news. when daniel webster was to make an important speech in albany, he sent a case of type up by the night boat, and when the albany boat reached new york the report of the speech was all ready to be locked up for the press. when the heart sings, the hand works easily. work for the _tribune_ was literally food and medicine for greeley. his daily stint was three or four columns, besides his correspondence, lectures and addresses. for twenty years he had no vacation and no rest. his one ideal was to make the _tribune_ an accurate and trustworthy guide for the political thinking of the common people. what literature was to burke, what patriotism was to webster, what all mankind was to paul, that politics and political writing were to horace greeley. dr. bacon once said of a secretary of the state association of connecticut that he was "possessed of a statistical devil." and horace greeley's _tribune almanac_ became so great a power that an envious competitor once said that horace greeley was possessed of a political devil, who helped him in his statistics on protection. at last the _tribune_ became a national organ, an acknowledged power. horace greeley began to make history, and in prevented seward's nomination for the presidency. it was greeley's personal preference for governor bates of missouri that made possible the nomination of abraham lincoln. as a reformer, greeley was an extremist in politics. whatever he wanted, he wanted on the moment, and had no patience in waiting. he was as uncompromising as garrison, as insistent as wendell phillips, and as bitter in his criticism of lincoln for postponing emancipation as theodore parker himself could have been. when the south seceded greeley said that we must "let the erring sisters go." he thought that the north could do without the south quite as well as the south could do without the north; that is no true marriage that binds husband and wife together with chains when love has fled away. he urged that if any six states would send their representatives to washington and say: "we wish to withdraw from the union," the north had better let those states depart. it was not that greeley felt it was best to dissolve the union, but that he loathed the idea of compelling states by force to remain in it. for a long time he carried the head-lines "on to richmond" and roused the north into such a frenzy of feeling that he goaded the president, the cabinet and general winfield scott into action before they were ready. scott was at the head of the army. he was a virginian, and loved the old dominion state with every drop of blood in his veins. the great men of the south on their knees begged scott to join the south and lead the host of rebellion. scott answered that he had sworn a solemn oath to defend the constitution and the country, and made himself an outcast that he might be true to god and the union. but the cry "on to richmond" became the cry of an unreasoning multitude of editors and their readers. all unprepared, the advance was ordered and bull run was the result. greeley, being the leading editor of the land, was made the scapegoat--the target of universal criticism. the barbed arrows found his brain, and becoming excited, sleepless and overwrought, greeley went into an attack of brain fever, from which he recovered only after long time, to register a vow that he would never again discuss the management of the army. then came his editorials urging emancipation, illustrated by "the prayer of twenty millions," and lincoln's wonderful reply, written to greeley, "in deference to an old friend whose heart i have always found to be right." it is honour enough for any editor to have called out lincoln's letter (august , ), a letter that placed the president in the first rank as a master of epigrammatic speech, and put in a nutshell the whole position of the government in relation to the war. greeley was wrong again in , when he met certain representatives of the south at niagara falls and suggested a plan of adjustment for the ending of the war. these so-called peace commissioners, without doubt, used greeley as a convenient tool, and exhibited him as don quixote, riding forth upon a windmill enterprise. but greeley had the courage of his opinions; threats could not cow him nor blows terrify him, nor scorn and hate drive him from a position which he had taken upon grounds of conscience and sound reasoning. during the draft riots, in , the mob attacked the _tribune_, smashing the windows and doors, and it seemed a miracle that greeley was not killed. when his friends rescued him the great editor seemed quite unwilling to be forced into a place of safety. "well, it doesn't matter; i have done my work; i may as well be killed by the mob as die in my bed; between now and the next time is only a little while." in may, , greeley signed the bail bond for jefferson davis, ex-president of the confederacy. burning with anger his friends in the union league club of new york called a meeting to expel him. he returned a defiant answer: "gentlemen, i shall not attend your meeting; i have an engagement out of town and i shall keep it. i do not recognize you as capable of judging me. you evidently regard me as a weak sentimentalist, misled by a maudlin philosophy. i arraign you as narrow-minded blockheads, who would like to be useful to a great and good cause but don't know how. your attempt to base a great and enduring party on the hate and wrath engendered by a bloody civil war is as though you should plant a colony on an iceberg which had somehow drifted into a tropical ocean. i tell you here that out of a life earnestly devoted to the good of human kind, your children will select my going to richmond and signing that bail bond as the wisest act of my life, and will feel that it did more for freedom and humanity than all of you were competent to do though you lived to the age of methuselah. understand, once for all, that i dare you and defy you. so long as any man was seeking to overthrow our government he was my enemy; from the hour when he laid down his arms he was my formerly erring countryman." in , greeley became the republican who was a candidate of the democratic party for the presidency, and was defeated by grant. doubtless he was actuated by the highest sense of duty. he took the stump and spoke in every great city in the north and south, without swerving a hair's breadth in his pacific attitude towards the south, or in his championship of the coloured race. his great work, "the american conflict," on which he spent ten hours a day for many, many months, had made greeley a master of all the facts bearing upon the reconciliation of the north and south. he showed almost superhuman endurance during that intense campaign. but grant had captured the imagination of the people. the old soldiers voted as one solid band, the republican party was looked upon as the saviour of the nation, and the people doubted mr. greeley's fitness for the presidency in a national crisis. he was defeated in november, and went home to watch over his wife during her illness and death. just before she died, he wrote a friend saying: "i am a broken old man; i have not slept one hour in twenty-four; if she lasts, poor soul, another week, i shall go before her." sleeplessness brought on brain fever, his old enemy, and on november th, the worn-out editor fell on sleep. his fellow countrymen wakened to realize that the great tribune of the people had left the country poor. his own city rose as one man, in mood of profound grief and affectionate admiration and sympathy. his body lay in state in our city hall the long day through. the poor poured by in unending column, to pay their last tribute to a man who had never betrayed the people. the funeral services were attended by the president and vice-president of the united states, the president-elect, and numerous officials and citizens of distinction. mr. beecher made one address and then greeley's pastor, dr. chapin, spoke. men forgot the wreck of his political fortunes and the tragedy of his later career. he expressed the ambition of his life in the wish "that the stone which covers my ashes may bear to future eyes the still intelligible inscription: 'founder of the new york tribune.'" a universalist in his religious faith, horace greeley believed that right was stronger than wrong, good more powerful than evil, and that there will be in eternal ages no endless perdition for the evil ones of earth, but that god and all the resources of his power and love will here or there compel every knee to bow and every will surrender to the will divine. he earned the right to say at the end of his noble career, "i have been spared to see the end of giant wrongs that i once deemed invincible in this country, and to note the silent upspringing and growth of principles and influences which i hail as destined to root out some of the most flagrant and pervading influences that remain. so, looking calmly, yet humbly, for that close of my mortal career which cannot be far distant, i reverently thank god for the blessings vouchsafed me in the past; and with an awe that is not fear, and a consciousness of demerit which does not exclude hope, await the opening before my steps of the gates of the eternal world." vi harriet beecher stowe; john brown: the conflict precipitated about , as the result of the long agitation of the editors and orators, preachers and poets, the people of this country entered upon a heated mood, when excitement dwelt like fire in the intellect and conscience. for thinking men, it was becoming clear that civil war was inevitable, and that commercial relations between north and south would soon be broken off. but the north had goods to sell, and the south had money with which to buy; so the word was passed that every one must keep silence about slavery, lest discussion bring on a financial panic. it was the era of imprisoned moral sense. in the ocean, some waves are tidal waves, and on land sometimes the soil is heaved by an earthquake; at this time god began to heave the conscience of the people as the full moon heaves the sea. and although we now see that god was behind the movement, foolish men then tried to stay these moral forces. northern merchants and politicians cried, "peace!" and the southern successors of calhoun lifted the old club, the threat of secession; but the agitation went on all over the north. toombs, the southern senator, tried sheer bombast, and said he would call the roll of his slaves at the foot of bunker hill monument. timid men in the north began to cry: "conciliate, conciliate!" but there can be warfare, and only warfare between darkness and light, between sickness and health, between wrong and right. at length phillips and greeley took up the cry: "let the south go!" but the answer was: "shall a strong man who has hold of a mad dog let the beast go into a crowd of little children?" compromise did something for a time, as a safety valve, relieving men's pent-up feelings. but god had his own counsels. plainly, "every drop of blood shed by the lash was to be paid for by blood shed by the sword," for "the judgments of god are true and righteous altogether." during those heated days of , when the men of light and leading began to see their way clearly, the masses were still timid, hesitant and vacillating in their judgments on slavery. scholars and thinking men had already been reached by poets, authors and editors, while the preachers and lecturers had driven their message home to the conviction of the ruling classes. later on was to come the revival of that should stir the conscience, but preparatory to that movement it was necessary to inform the intellect and rouse the affections of the millions. then it was that god raised up an author to touch the heart of the people. wonderful the power of the novel in social reform! the novels of "oliver twist," and "dombey and son," were what roused the english people to a realization of the woes and wrongs of chimney sweeps, of children in the factories and mines of great britain. it was a novel, "all sorts and conditions of men," that later built people's palace in the whitechapel district of london. and it was a novel, named "uncle tom's cabin," that created the atmosphere of sympathy in which the flowers of self-sacrifice and heroism unfolded. the authoress was the daughter of lyman beecher, who had seven sons and four daughters, each one of whom was either a preacher or reformer in some field. his daughter, harriet, married prof. calvin e. stowe, of lane seminary in cincinnati, where, on the border between the free soil of ohio and the slave soil of kentucky, people were in a state of constant excitement and upheaval. the old blue grass state exhibited slavery in its very best condition and also in its worst form. the harrowing tales and incidents that were afterwards worked up into literary form by the gifted authoress were all matters of observation, conversation and experience. one of the earliest incidents of the stowes' life in cincinnati was an experience of professor stowe with one of the beecher boys. while travelling in kentucky, the two young men witnessed the flight of a negro woman, who was running away with her little child, whom they helped across the ohio river, to be sent on by the underground railway to oberlin, on the shore of lake erie. and the similar incident, eliza's flight across the ice, her son charles[ ] writes in his recent story of her life, "was an actual occurrence. she had known and had often talked with the very man who helped eliza up the bank of the river." later during their cincinnati residence, mrs. stowe conducted a small private school and made a practice of allowing a few coloured children to attend it. one evening the mother of one of these coloured children came to the stowes' house in a frenzy of terror, saying that her little girl had been seized and carried to the river, to be sold as a slave in kentucky. mrs. stowe raised the money to ransom the beautiful child. it was during this period that the kentucky editor, bailey, moved across the river and began to publish a paper in cincinnati. one night the editor knocked at the door of the stowe home, seeking refuge from a mob that had smashed in his doors and windows, looted his printing-office, and flung his type into the river. on another occasion a kentuckian named van zandt freed his slaves and carried them across the river into ohio. his old friends counted him a traitor, and charges were trumped up that he had used his new home in ohio as an underground station for the receiving of runaway slaves. professor stowe was asked to assist in van zandt's defense. when other lawyers were afraid of the mob spirit, a young attorney named salmon p. chase volunteered his services without pay. as the courts were then entirely under the influence of the fugitive slave law, young chase lost his case; but that no dramatic note might be wanting, this young attorney later became chief justice of the united states supreme court and wrote a decision that reversed the former action. all these and many other facts and events went into mrs. stowe's mind as raw silk, and came out tapestry and brocade. the fuel of events fed the flames of enthusiasm. it was a great age, when men had to speak. the time was ripe, the soil was ready, god gave the good seed of liberty, and the sower went forth to sow. mrs. stowe tells us how she came to write the last chapter of the book, the death of "uncle tom." she had a coloured woman in her family whose husband was a slave, living in kentucky. this black man had invented a simple tool, was a good salesman, and was permitted to travel from town to town, and even to cross the river into the ohio, under no bond save his solemn pledge to his master not to run away. mrs. stowe wrote the letters for her servant, to this black man in covington, ky. one day, while visiting his wife, in the stowe home, he said that he would rather cut off his right hand than break the word he had given to his master. what white man could boast a more delicate sense of truth? how keen and delicate the conscience! what weight of manhood in a slave! what reserves of morality! what latent heroism! the slave's story captured the imagination of the authoress, and kindled her mind into a creative mood. out of the incident mrs. stowe evolved the character of "uncle tom." one sunday morning, as she sat at the communion table, the picture of tom's death rose and passed before her mind. "at the same time," writes her son, "the words of jesus were sounding in her ears: 'inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.' it seemed as if the crucified but now risen and glorified christ were speaking to her through the poor black man, cut and bleeding under the blows of the slave whip." long afterwards some one asked mrs. stowe how she came to write the death of uncle tom, and she answered that she did not write it, that god gave it to her in a vision, that she saw the overseer flog him to death, and heard his dying words, and merely wrote down the vision as she saw it. at the time, she had no idea of writing more: it was a year later when she began the tale of which this incident became the crisis. for nearly two years the story ran in the _national era_, published in washington. the book was completed on march , , and in spite of mrs. stowe's despondency and apprehension of failure, it sold , copies the first day, , in a week, and , in a year. save "pilgrim's progress" alone, perhaps no book ever had a wider circulation, the bible, of course, and "the imitation of christ," by à kempis, always excepted. "uncle tom's cabin" was translated into german, french, italian and spanish, and later appeared in almost every known language. written for the people at large, the book struck a chord of universal human nature, and aroused the learned as well as the simple. soon letters began to pour in from the most distinguished men in foreign countries. charles dickens wrote that he had read "uncle tom's cabin" with the deepest interest and sympathy. lord carlisle sent a message of "deep and solemn thanks to almighty god, who has enabled you to write this book." charles kingsley expressed the judgment that the story would take away the reproach of slavery from the great and growing nation. men like shaftesbury, arthur helps, women like george sand and frederika bremer added their tribute of praise. eighteen different publishing houses in england were issuing the book at one time, and a million and a half copies were sold in great britain. even heinrich heine, the poet, the cynic, who carried more power of sarcasm and irony than any man of his generation, was so moved by the book that he seems to have returned to the reading of the bible, and to christ the consoler, in the hour when night and death were falling. "astonishing! that after i have whirled about all my life, over all the dance floors of philosophy, and yielded myself to all the orgies of the intellect, and paid my addresses to all possible systems, without satisfaction, like messalina after a licentious night, i now find myself on the same standpoint where poor uncle tom stands--on that of the bible. i kneel down by my black brother in the same prayer. what a humiliation! with all my sense i have come no farther than the poor ignorant negro who has just learned to spell. poor tom indeed seems to have seen deeper things in the holy book than i, but i, who used to make citations from homer, now begin to quote the bible as uncle tom does!" praise can go no farther than this, that "uncle tom's cabin" has shown how the love of god can support a slave, under the lash, in the hour when he is flogged to death, and fill his heart with pity while he cries, "father, forgive them, for they know not what they do!" it was this that conquered the intellect of the scholar, and broke his heart, and flooded his eyes with tears. perhaps the most striking testimony to the influence of "uncle tom's cabin" grew out of a suggestion of lord shaftesbury's that the women of england and europe send their signatures to a testimonial to be presented to mrs. stowe, for, when this testimonial came in, it filled twenty-six thick folio volumes, solidly bound in morocco, and it held the names of , women, representing every rank, from the throne of england to the wives of the humblest artisans in wales or the peasants in italy. the message of "uncle tom's cabin" is so simple that he who runs may read. it was not written for literary critics, for scholars or for college graduates. george eliot wrote her "romola" with the historian and the philosopher and the editor of reviews ever in mind. harriet beecher stowe wrote "uncle tom's cabin" for farmers, factory men, merchants and clerks, the miscellaneous mass that make up the millions, to rouse them to the wrongs of slavery. in it she tried to prove two things. first, that slavery, as a system, reacted upon the loftiest natures, distorting and injuring them. witness the kentucky gentleman, mr. shelby. his wife was a patrician, the very embodiment of courtesy and good-will, affection and sympathy. her husband was a man of honour, a representative of the bluest blood of the old lexington families, with a heart so gentle that the sight of a young bird that had fallen out of the nest in the tree moved him to tears; but, little by little, pressed by his necessities and hardened by the spectacle of slaves bought and slaves sold, he himself sells the woman who has been a nurse to his children, and uncle tom who has been like a saviour to his own boys in the hour of their peril in forest and river, sends both of the slaves into the cotton plantations of louisiana, breaking his solemn pledge to his wife and his family, in the hope that he could escape from debt, that like a millstone weighed him into the abyss. then, the book tries to show how slavery develops the worst men, of the stamp of simon legree, the brutal overseer. legree pours out the vials of his wrath upon the slaves about him, debauching a young octaroon to the level of his mistress, hunting his slaves with bloodhounds, killing them without trial before a jury. power is dangerous; there is the czar spirit in every man. slavery made a brute still more brutal--made the sensual man more sensual, and finally debased legree to the level of the demon. it is a book full of pathos and tears. remembering that the book was written for the miscellaneous millions, to rouse the nation at large to moral indignation, it is doubtful whether any book was ever more perfectly adapted to the end aimed at. literary artists have criticized "uncle tom's cabin," and contrasted it with "henry esmond," "vanity fair" and "adam bede." but if thackeray, dickens and george eliot achieved unique success in creating books that should reach their set, one thing is certain,--the boys, who afterwards became the soldiers of the civil war, read "uncle tom's cabin" with dim eyes and indignant hearts, because the book found their judgment and their conscience, and lifted them to the point where they were made ready in the day of god's power, to fight the battle for freedom. when all the school children had read the death of little eva and of uncle tom, and all the farmers and working men--the dwellers in city and country, from seaboard to mountains and prairie--had followed the career of these slaves to the end, and the people of the north were fully awake to the horror of the slave traffic, the multitudes began to look with questioning eyes into each other's faces, asking, "what can be done? what is the next step?" and then it was that a fanatic entered the scene. his name was john brown, descended from peter brown, a pilgrim of the _mayflower_. he had been cattle-drover, tanner and wool-merchant. when about forty years of age he was living in springfield, massachusetts. one night, in , a runaway slave knocked at his door and told brown the story of his flight, of the weeks he had spent hiding in the swamps, of his escape to the fastnesses of the mountains, of his life in the forest, and how he finally reached new york and springfield. it was a story of starvation, hunger, cold, blows and piercing anguish. long after the children had gone to bed at midnight, while the slave was sleeping in a blanket beside the fire, john brown sat musing over the national infamy. all the next day and night the conference continued with this runaway, who was also a negro preacher. the following night john brown assembled his sons. he closed the door and told his family his decision. he was a tall man, over six feet, straight and lithe, slightly gray, with thin lips and smooth face. the bible was almost the only book in the house, and no sound was so familiar as the voice of prayer. brown was lifted into the prophetic mood. he told his family that he had decided to give himself, and to consecrate them, to righting the wrongs of the slaves; that he had heard a voice calling him to the work of the deliverer; that he would be killed, and that they must expect also to die the martyr's death, and that henceforth they must expect only crusts, wounds, bitter enmity, and finally martyrdom. a little later and brown had moved the younger children of his family to north elba, in the adirondack woods, that the slaves on the underground route might be able to hide in the forest, in the event of the pursuers overtaking them. brown then began to travel along mason and dixon's line from the city of washington through to topeka, kan. from time to time he would cross the line, take charge of a little group of slaves, and hiding by day and travelling by night, carry them from one underground station to another. it was said that he had personally conducted runaway slaves along every route for a thousand miles from east to west, between the atlantic and the missouri river. one of the friends of brown's childhood was the hon. james b. grinnell, who founded the town and college in iowa. this congressman loved to tell the story of the night when john brown knocked at his door. outside was a wagon, packed with slaves, whom brown had carried across the line from missouri. he had driven four horses at their limit of speed for a hundred miles and had no defenders, save two or three men and as many guns. "i am a dealer in wool," said the stranger, "and my name is captain john brown of kansas." the first thing mr. grinnell did was to find a shelter for these slaves, with food and beds. the next thing was to hide the wagon and the horses in the thick grove near by. early the next morning the news spread like wild-fire, and the settlers began to pour in. john brown made a speech to the farmers and justified his act. the villagers were terrified lest the pursuers come any moment and burn their houses. the three congregational ministers offered prayers, asked for help, and started out to raise money. when the night fell the slaves were rushed to the terminus of the railway and carried through to chicago, being shipped in a freight car as sheep, to distinguish their woolly heads from the goats, named white men. in john brown led his five sons and their families into kansas, to help preëmpt the state for freedom. when at length the free state voters won an election and enthroned their governor, two thousand pro-slavery men from missouri crossed the state line, burned the little town of lawrence, and at the point of the pistol compelled the state officials to resign; issued writs for a new election, put in a slavery governor, captured the government, and started back into missouri. on their way they passed through pottawatamie. it was a guerrilla warfare. when john brown reached his son's cabin, he found the settlers preparing for flight. he denounced them as cowards, and when one urged caution, answered, "i am tired of that word caution. it is nothing but cowardice!" either the border ruffians had to go, or else the settlers must leave without striking a single blow in defense of their homes. a man's cabin was his castle. without waiting for the next attack to be made, john brown pointed the settlers to the smoking ashes of cabins already burned and to the bodies that the missouri guerrillas had left on the ground, and took the aggressive himself. he seized five of the outlaws and killed them for their crime. the deed fired kansas, some say freed kansas, while others think it opened the civil war. withdrawing to the forest, hiding in the cottonwood swamps, john brown organized his company. a reporter of the _new york tribune_ finally penetrated the thicket. "near the edge of the creek a dozen horses were tied, already saddled for a ride for life. a dozen rifles were stacked against the trees. in an open space was a blazing fire with a pot above it. three or four armed men were lying on red and blue blankets on the grass. john brown himself stood near the fire with his shirt sleeves rolled up and a piece of pork in his hand. he was poorly clad, and his toes protruded from his boots. the old man received me with great cordiality, and the little band gathered about me. he respectfully, but firmly, forbade conversation on the pottawatamie affair. after the meal, thanks were returned to the bountiful giver. often, i was told, the old man would retire to the densest solitudes to wrestle with his god in prayer. he said he was fighting god's battles for his children's sake: 'give me men of good principles, god-fearing men, men who respect themselves, and with a dozen of them i will oppose a hundred such men as these border ruffians.' i remained in the camp about an hour. never before had i met such a band of men. they were not earnest, but earnestness incarnate." after several years of bloody conflict and political struggles between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery parties, in the constitution prohibiting slavery was passed, and freedom had won in kansas. in january of that year john brown returned to the mountains of virginia, and "the great black way," and the dark shadows of the night following the north star to liberty. for many years he had been planning an uprising of the slaves, and an attack upon virginia. some biographers think he conceived the plan as early as . away back in brown wrote to his brother his determination to war on slavery; but at first only through educating the blacks. as time went on he came into sterner conflict with it. brown, in fact, became a fanatic who really believed that the millions of slaves would rise at his call, and that he could lead his host as a new moses, out of the land of bondage. he intended to operate in the blue ridge mountains, because the paths into the black belt of slavery were easily followed. men like douglas and other escaped slaves who were living in the north did not see their way clear to join the movement. on sunday, october , , john brown, with sixteen men, started out to capture harper's ferry and redeem three million slaves. brown rode in a one-horse wagon, that held provisions, pikes, one sledge-hammer and one crowbar; his sixteen men, with guns, followed on foot. without a single shot they captured the armoury and the rifle factory, and at daylight, without the snap of a gun or any violence whatsoever, they were in possession of harper's ferry. on monday morning the panic spread like wild-fire. the rumour went abroad of an uprising of all the slaves of the south. in a few hours the governor called out the militia, jefferson guards marched down the potomac, and two local companies took positions on the heights. the assault began in the afternoon. one by one brown's handful were killed, his two sons, oliver and watson, were shot down, and brown, badly wounded, was captured. the trial and examination of the old fanatic makes a fascinating story. at noon of tuesday, the governor of virginia bent over him as he lay wounded and blood-stained upon the floor. "who are you?" asked the governor. "my name is john brown; i have been well known as old john brown of kansas. two of my sons were killed here to-day, and i am dying too. i came here to liberate slaves, and was to receive no reward. i have acted from a sense of duty, and am content to await my fate. i am an old man. if i had succeeded in running off slaves this time, i could have raised twenty times as many men as i have now for a similar expedition; but i have failed." then governor wise said, "the silver of your hair is reddened by the blood of crime. you should think upon eternity." john brown replied, "governor, i have not more than fifteen or twenty years the start of you to that eternity, and i am prepared to go. there is an eternity behind and an eternity before, and this little speck in the centre is but a minute. the difference between your time and mine is trifling, and i therefore tell you--be prepared. i am prepared--you have a heavy responsibility. it behooves you to prepare, and more than it does me." friends in the north tried to secure brown's release, but he answered them: "i think i cannot now better serve the cause i love so much than to die for it, and in my death i may do more than in my life. i believe that for me, at this time, to seal my testimony for god and humanity through my blood will do vastly more towards advancing the cause i have earnestly endeavoured to promote than all i have done in my life before." when the court asked brown if he had any reason why he should not be hung, he answered: "this court acknowledges the validity of the law of god. i see a book kissed here which i suppose to be the bible. that book teaches me to remember them that are in bonds as bound with them. i endeavoured to act up to that instruction. i believe that to interfere as i have done, in behalf of god's poor, was not wrong, but right. i am quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. if it is deemed necessary that i should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children, and with the blood of millions in this slave country, whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel and unjust enactments, i submit. so let it be done." on the morning of his hanging he visited his doomed companions, and then kissed his wife good-bye. a thousand soldiers stood round about his scaffold. "this is a beautiful land," said brown, as he rode, looking across the landscape. as he climbed the steps of the scaffold a negro child stood between some black men, and some say he stooped and kissed the child. and this was his prayer: "my love to all who love their neighbours. i have asked to be spared from having any weak or hypocritical prayers said over me when i am publicly murdered, and that my only religious attendants be poor, little, dirty, ragged, bareheaded, and barefooted slave boys and girls, led by some gray-headed slave mother.... farewell, farewell." he died in the spirit of the letter written the day before, when he said, "i think i feel as happy as paul did when he lay in prison, for men cannot chain or hang the soul." his deed puzzled the world. for multitudes it is still an enigma. to many, john brown seems not only a fanatic but a lunatic. to others, now that long time has passed, this white-haired old man, weltering in his blood, which he had spilled for a broken and despised race, seems right, and he seems to have died, not as a fool dies, but as martyrs die. that his enterprise was doomed to failure in advance, all knew. that it was not the wisest plan, brown's best friends must grant. but that its fanaticism was overruled by god to release the great south from the incubus of slavery, brown's friends and brown's enemies alike must concede. what other men had been writing about, john brown did in action. the attack on harper's ferry was the first blow struck during the civil war. other men and women assembled the explosives, but john brown dropped the spark in the magazine, which finally blew up that hindrance to progress, slavery--the hell gate obstruction in the passageway of the south and of all civilization. vii lincoln and douglas: influence of the great debate strictly speaking, there were three stages in the development of the anti-slavery sentiment leading up to the civil war. there was the period of indifference, from to , when the north winked at slavery, ignored the traffic and avoided the whole subject. there was the epoch of agitation, from to , when garrison and his friends insisted upon "the immediate and unconditional emancipation of the slaves on the soil," and the agitation was kept up by men who "would not retreat, who would not equivocate, who would not be silent and who would be heard." then came the stage when men tried legislative palliatives; when all manner of political medicaments and poultices were tried as cures, which were about as effective in destroying the poison as a porous plaster would be to draw out the fire from a volcano. for more than sixty years a veil had hung before men's minds, and it was as if they saw slaves as trees walking, in an unreal world. the sea captain fears a fog more than an equinoctial storm. when the mist falls, and obscures the glass, and the ship is surrounded with white darkness, and the surf is thundering on some nantucket, as a graveyard of the sea, the captain longs for a cold, sharp wind out of the north, to cut the fog and bring out the stars and sun. and not otherwise was it with the great debate between lincoln and douglas--it lifted the veil from men's eyes, it swept the fog out of the air, it made the issue clear. then it was that for the first time the north saw that the conflict was inevitable, because the union could not endure permanently, half slave and half free; saw that liberty and slavery were as irreconcilable as day and night. before considering the influence of lincoln's clear thinking and speaking upon the eternal principles of right, we must note the general reawakening of the popular intelligence which preceded it, and which was due to two causes, the panic of and the religious revival which swept over the land during the same year. as the northern merchant began to see that the south had determined to secede and try her fate alone, he became afraid to sell his goods to southern customers. the northern manufacturer, in turn, was overstocked, and if the banker called his loans there was no response, for the chain was broken; the result was the panic of . hunger and want stalked through the land--winter and poverty became bosom friends. black despair fell upon the people and in the hour of need they cried unto god, and god heard them. when a nation prospers and grows rich, religion languishes. when nations enter upon disaster and peril, the people turn unto god. abundance enervates. morals always sink to a low level when men's eyes stand out with fatness. what agitation, what the liberator and the lecture platform, what statesmen and compromisers could not achieve, was accomplished by the spirit of god working upon the hearts of men, clarifying the intellect, deepening the sympathy and lending vigour to the will. the first thing the leader of an orchestra does is to see to it that the instruments are all unified and brought up to concert pitch, and the revival of religion made the people one in self-sacrifice and their willingness to live and die for their convictions. multitudes returned to the churches. thoughtless youth discovered that there are only two great things in the universe--god and the soul. personal religion became the supreme interest of the hour. men went into the crucible commonplace; they came out of it heroic stuff. all over the country the churches were open every night in the week. moving across the country the traveller saw the candles burning in the little schoolhouses, while the farmers assembled to pray and read god's word. the fulton street prayer-meeting in new york attracted the interest of the nation. the morning newspapers of carried columns concerning the business men's noon prayer-meeting, just as to-day they carry the column on the stock news and the stock market. in his "history of the united states" rhodes calls attention to the fact that persons joined plymouth church on profession of faith on a single sunday morning. that revival all over the land put its moral stamp upon boys and girls who afterwards became the leaders of the generation. now every reform and every great war for principle proceeds along intellectual lines clearly laid out. twenty-seven years before the lincoln-douglas debates, the "tariff of abominations" had brought up the question of the right of the southern states to secede. calhoun had set up his famous doctrine, and webster, in his "second reply to hayne," had knocked it down. the feeling had been intense, but webster's wonderful oration in defense of the constitution and the union had succeeded in meeting the crisis, and settling for a time the vexing problem. yet the evil of slavery continued its fatal gnawing at the heart of the nation. by - the old question was up again in much the same form. the atmosphere was clouded, the black shroud of the approaching storm already discernible on the horizon. a hundred minor problems united in complicating the discussion of the one all-important thing. another leader was wanted to set the battle in array, to mark out the lines of conflict. webster and calhoun were gone, but another was to come to preserve "liberty and union, one and inseparable." this man was abraham lincoln, and the opponent who was to call out his clearest expositions of the situation, and spur him on to his greatest arguments, was stephen a. douglas of illinois. douglas was born in , in brandon, vermont. his father was a physician of great promise, who fell with a stroke of apoplexy at a moment when he was carrying the child stephen in his arms. the ambitions of the father for intellectual leadership were fulfilled in the son, who at fifteen years of age had attracted the notice of the best minds in his region. strong men became interested in the boy, and advised his mother to take him to a relative in canandaigua, n. y., where there was an excellent academy. at seventeen he entered a lawyer's office, attended every trial before the justice of the peace or the county clerk, and made a local reputation as a student of politics and law. at twenty years of age, he started west, to make his fortune, but fell ill in cleveland, o., and all but lost his life. a few months later he entered the town of winchester, ill., a stranger, in a strange land. he carried his coat on one arm and a little bundle of clothes on the other. there was a crowd on the corner of the street, where an auctioneer was selling the personal effects and live stock of some settler, and within a few minutes douglas was engaged as clerk at the auction. at the end of three days he found himself the possessor of six dollars, which was the first money he had ever earned, and what was far more important, he had by his accuracy, good nature and kindliness won the hearts of the purchasers, and attracted the attention of the two or three leading men of the town. that winter he opened a private school, in which forty scholars were enrolled, while he continued his studies of law during the long evenings. ten crowded and successful years soon swept by, and those years held remarkable achievements. he was admitted to the bar, elected to the legislature, made secretary of state, judge of the supreme court, and at thirty was sent to congress. he spent three years in congress; at thirty-six was chosen to fill out an unexpired term in the senate, was reëlected to represent illinois, and a third time was chosen senator--a career of uniform and splendid success from the material view-point. but the career of douglas in washington was the career of an opportunist, at once full of good and full of evil, full of right and full of wrong. he was a born politician, an expert manager of men and a natural machine builder. many others outranked douglas in set speeches, but few equalled him in "catch as catch can" methods of the politician. what douglas prided himself upon was his skill in getting through the committee measures that were difficult to pass. when it became necessary to get a man's vote for his measure, douglas would put that man up as a leader, give him the glory, obliterate himself, and after the bill was passed, hop up like a jack in the pulpit, as the real manager who manoeuvred the bill through the senate. he spent two years on the legislation that brought about the illinois central railroad, and as long a time in founding the university of chicago. often douglas did things that he believed to be morally wrong because he discovered that they were politically necessary. for example, a reaction followed upon the election of the democrat, james k. polk, to the presidency. when his leadership was imperilled, polk cast about for some issue that would bring together the remnants of his party, and restore leadership, and he hit upon the device of the mexican war. no party was ever defeated that was fighting a war for the defense of the country. douglas criticized polk most sharply, charged the war upon polk as a crime against the people, and yet, under the whip of party policy, douglas supported polk. slowly he deteriorated in his moral fibre. one by one the moral lights seem to have gone out. he was intoxicated by his own success. ambition deluded him. he began to follow the will-o'-the-wisp, the light that rises from putrescence and decay in the swamp, and forgot the eternal stars in god's sky. in he entered the valley of decision, and like the rich young ruler made the great refusal, and chose compromise instead of principle. later douglas led his party along a false route, and became a mistaken leader. the circumstances were these; the compromise measures of had succeeded apparently in achieving the aim of their author, henry clay. the close of the year was marked by political repose and calm. the slavery question seemed practically settled. as president pierce expressed it in his message, "a sense of security" had been "restored to the public mind throughout the confederacy." prosperity was blessing the country, times were good, the future bright with the promise of immense industrial achievements. in congress, a bill for the organization of the territory of nebraska had passed the house at the previous session, and was being reported to the senate, but the bill was in the usual form and contained no reference to slavery. suddenly the press announced that senator douglas had read a report on this bill, purporting to show that the compromise measures of had established a great principle; that this principle stated the perpetual right of the residents of new states to decide all questions pertaining to slavery; and that therefore, contrary to the old missouri compromise, ruling slavery out of that northwest territory, it left the slavery question entirely in the hands of the residents of the new territory of nebraska. the announcement created a profound sensation. twelve days later a kentucky senator by the name of dixon introduced an amendment to the nebraska act, providing for the repeal of the missouri compromise. the daring of this move startled even douglas, but within a few days the illinois senator had decided to support the dixon amendment. with all the skill and political engineering at his command, he steered the bill through the tempest which immediately rose against it like a tidal wave; and on the third of march, in spite of protests which poured in from every state in the north, in spite of indignation meetings held in new york, boston and philadelphia, in spite of the opposition of the leaders like seward, chase and sumner, he actually succeeded in persuading the senate to pass the bill. that he was able to do this, is a great tribute to his powers as a politician and as an orator. he spoke from midnight until dawn, employing every possible trick of rhetoric and logic to carry his point, and showing a courtesy and restraint in his attack which won the sympathy even of his opponents. "never had a bad cause been more splendidly advocated." but the victory was a costly one; he had made the fugitive slave law a dead letter in the north; he had introduced a new term, "popular sovereignty," which was to rouse the nation as a red rag rouses a bull. he had started a storm, wrote seward, "such as this country has never yet seen." every great newspaper editor in the north,--greeley, dana, raymond, webb, bigelow, weed,--broke into violent protest against the bill. not since the fight at lexington had such a fierce and universal cry of reproach arisen in the land. and for what had he done all this? simply that he might increase his chances of obtaining the presidential nomination in . the "solid south" had just begun to be spoken of. douglas was an acute observer, and he saw that if he could secure the backing of the south, he would have an immense advantage over his rival cass. it is said that his objection to the dixon amendment was overborne solely by the fear that cass would be before him in supporting it, and thus win the favour of the south. it is the old story of the mess of pottage. douglas afterwards tried to defend himself on the ground that he was offering to the democratic party "fresh ammunition," but all knew, and none better than douglas, that the democratic party was in no need of a fresh issue. he had ruthlessly destroyed the peace of the whole nation, for the sake of promoting his own selfish interests,--and that, in vain; as in , douglas failed to secure the democratic nomination for the presidency in , which was won by buchanan. the bill cost douglas his prestige, and lost him the confidence of one half the people of chicago and illinois. his friends called him home in the hope that he might win back the popularity he had lost. but chicago would have none of him. he entered the city unwelcomed, had to hire a building in which to speak, advertised his own meeting, and on the day of the meeting found the flags at half-mast, while the church bells tolled the funeral of liberty, where hitherto the bells had pealed the notes of joy. it is impossible not to admire douglas's courage in that trying ordeal. he found the hall filled with his opponents, yet he began by saying, "my fellow citizens, i appear before you to vindicate the kansas-nebraska bill." the words evoked a perfect tumult, which continued for half an hour. he appealed to their sense of fair play and honour, but they asked him whether he had played fair with liberty in washington. growing angry, he tried to denounce them as cowards, afraid to listen to a discussion, and they answered that it was cowardly to desert a slave who needed a defender. at eleven o'clock he flung his arms in the air and dared them to shoot, because a man had waved a pistol. the crowd answered with a shower of eggs, while a man shouted that bullets were too valuable to be wasted on traitors. at twelve o'clock the bells rang out the midnight. douglas pulled out his watch and shouted, "it is midnight. i am going home and to church, and you may go to hades!" douglas met a mob in chicago, just as beecher met a mob in england. but beecher conquered his mob in manchester; the mob in chicago conquered douglas. beecher won, because he was right and the mob was wrong; douglas lost, because he was wrong and the mob was right. "you can fool all of the people some of the time, and you can fool some of the people all the time; you cannot fool all of the people all of the time" on the great principles of liberty. douglas's kansas-nebraska bill brought on an era of civil war in kansas, sent the guerrillas over the sunflower state, burned lawrence, destroyed the state government and filled the whole land with tumult and bitterness. and it cost douglas his fame and place among the great men of the republic. in that critical hour for liberty, abraham lincoln entered upon the scene, and challenged douglas to a debate. it was in the summer of . both men were candidates for the senate--lincoln, the leader of the new republican party state ticket; douglas, the best known figure in the land since the death of clay and webster. no contrast between two men could have been greater. lincoln was tall, angular, lanky, awkward, six feet four inches in height. douglas was short, thick-set, graceful, polished, a man of fine presence, with a great, beautiful head, a high forehead, square chin, perfectly at home on the platform, a master of all the tricks of debate, a born king of assemblies. lincoln was the stronger man, douglas the more polished. lincoln was the better thinker, douglas the better orator. lincoln relied upon fundamental principles, douglas wanted to win his case. lincoln's mind was analytical, and he loved to take a theme and unfold it, peeling it like an onion, layer by layer. for douglas, an oration was a pile of ideas, three hours high. lincoln's voice was a high dusty tenor, with small range, and monotonous; douglas's voice was a magnificent vocal instrument, extending from the flute-like tone to the deepest roar. lincoln lacked every grace of the great orator; douglas had every art that makes the speaker master of his audience. morally, lincoln's essential qualities were his honesty, fairness, and his spirit of good will. intellectually, he was a thinker, slow, intense, profound, always trying to find a mother principle that would explain a concrete fact. he was reared in childhood on three works--the bible, bunyan's "pilgrim's progress" and the constitution of the united states. the style of the parable of jesus and the simple words of the "pilgrim's progress" entered into his thinking like iron into the rich blood of the physical system. his thought was as clear as crystal, his language the simple home words, full of music and old associations. lincoln knew what he wanted to say, said it, and sat down. douglas stormed, threatened, cajoled, bribed, and could not stop until he had carried his audience. lincoln wanted to get the truth out; douglas wanted to win a crowd over. the one was a statesman, the other was an opportunist, struggling for place. principles are eternal, and because lincoln loved principles, lincoln belongs to the ages. douglas wanted office, and because the longest office is six years, when the six years were over, the people put another man in his niche; douglas practically disappeared. the interest of the people in the seven great joint debates arranged for this senatorial campaign was beyond all description. douglas travelled in a special train and car, with a flat car carrying a cannon that boomed the announcement of his arrival. he had the wealth and prestige of the illinois central railroad to support him. lincoln trusted to some friend to drive him across country, or had to be contented with a seat in a caboose of a freight train, waiting on a switch at a siding, while douglas's special went whizzing by. the people of each county made the day of the debate a great holiday. from daylight until noon all the converging roads were crowded with wagons, carts and buggies, loaded with people, while other thousands hurried on foot along the dusty road to the meeting place. from the first douglas knew his peril, in that the eyes of the nation were fixed upon his platform, and that if lincoln won the debate he won everything. he paid lincoln the compliment of saying, "he is the strong man of his party, full of wit, facts, dates, and the best stump-speaker, with his droll ways and his dry jokes, in the west. he is as honest as he is shrewd, and if i beat him my victory will be hardly won." very different was the praise that lincoln gave douglas, as he contrasted the dazzling fame of the great senator with his own unknown name. "with me," said lincoln, "the race of ambition has been a failure, a flat failure; with him it has been one of splendid success. i affect no contempt for the high eminence he has reached; ... i would rather stand on that eminence than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." douglas's speeches do not read well, and there are no nuggets, proverbs, bright sayings or brilliant epigrams which one can quote. the substance of his speeches was one and the same, for he traversed the same ground in each of the seven debates, urging ever that the new republican party was simply disguised abolitionism, that lincoln wanted to repeal the fugitive slave law, establish the equality of the blacks, that this was a threat of war against the south, and therefore revolutionary and sectional. over against this mark consider the clarity of lincoln's method of thinking and speaking. in his address to the convention, accepting the senatorial nomination, he had said: "if we could first know where we are and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do and how to do it. we are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. in my opinion it will not cease until a crisis has been reached and passed. a house divided against itself cannot stand. i believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. i do not expect the union to be dissolved; i do not expect the house to fall; but i do expect it will cease to be divided. it will become all one thing or all the other." when the campaign opened he challenged douglas to the debate, and the critical contest began. after several meetings, in which the senator proved himself a slippery wrestler, lincoln determined to force douglas into a corner. he wrote a question, and with such skill that douglas was compelled to answer one way or the other, either answer being fatal to his political ambition. when lincoln read this question to his advisers, medill, washburne and judd, all begged him not to ask it, saying that it would cost him the senatorship. "yes, but my loss of the senatorship is nothing. later on it will cost douglas the presidency. i am killing bigger game. the battle of is worth a hundred of ." the question with which douglas was confronted was this: "can the people of any united states territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the united states, exclude slavery from its limit prior to the formation of a state constitution?" what a path perilous was this for douglas's feet! the path up the edge of the matterhorn is a foot wide, yet it is granite, even if the climber does look down thousands of feet upon his right and thousands of feet upon his left. but lincoln made douglas walk not upon a narrow granite way, but on a sharp sword. he who tries to walk a tight rope across niagara has two alternatives--he either arrives, or he does not. yonder is stephen douglas, trying to walk a tight rope over the niagara. forced to an answer, douglas finally spoke: "it matters not what way the supreme court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into any territory under a constitution. the people have the lawful means to exclude it if they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police legislation. those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature; and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation effectually prevent its introduction into their midst; if, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favour its extension." douglas had decided. southern newspapers took up his statement and the tide of anger rose against the "little giant" that cost him the presidency. lincoln had digged a pitfall for unwary feet, and the great opportunist fell therein. after this, douglas became bitter, excited, and increasingly angry, for the tide was plainly beginning to run against him. lincoln's speeches fairly blazed with quotable sentences. "if you think you can slander a woman into loving you, or a man into voting for you, try it till you are satisfied." again: "has douglas the exclusive right in this country to be on all sides of all questions?" again: "the plainest print cannot be read through a gold eagle." again: "douglas shirks the responsibility of pulling the national house down, but he digs under it, that it may fall of its own weight." to the astonishment of the country, when the debate was over, lincoln carried illinois on the popular vote, although he lost the senatorship through the arrangement of legislative districts that gave the election to the democrats. disappointed, lincoln retained his good humour, and laughed over what he called the little episode. "i feel," said lincoln, "like the boy who stubbed his toe; it hurt too hard to laugh, and he was too big to cry. but i have been heard on the great subject of the age, and though i now sink out of view and shall be forgotten, i believe i have made some marks which will tell for the cause of civil liberty long after i am gone." lincoln had now become a national figure. in february, , mr. beecher and henry c. bowen invited him to speak in new york. the first plan was for him to speak in plymouth church, but later considerations led to a change to cooper institute. lincoln arrived in the city late in the week; on sunday morning he heard mr. beecher preach. he sat in the bowen pew, just back of the beecher pew, in the morning; in the evening he arrived very late, and sat in a front pew, in the gallery, with mr. bowen and a friend who had waited in the hall for mr. lincoln's arrival. lincoln spent the afternoon at the sunday-school mission, over in five points. as the superintendent of the mission was always casting about for somebody to talk to his ragamuffins, he asked the tall stranger if he would say a few words. when they reached the platform, the superintendent asked lincoln by what name he should introduce him, to which lincoln gave the answer, "tell them abraham lincoln of illinois," which was answer enough. the meeting the next day in cooper institute was perhaps the most memorable assembly ever held in new york. william cullen bryant presided, horace greeley sat on lincoln's right, peter cooper close by. "no man," said the _tribune_, "since the days of clay and webster, spoke to a larger assemblage of the intellect and mental culture of our city. the speech was packed with reason, facts, but stripped bare of rhetorical flourish. its keynote was, 'let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.'" four morning newspapers reported the speech in full, and greeley called him the great convincer, saying no man ever before made such an impression in his first appeal to a new york audience. that speech probably made lincoln president. by universal consent, lincoln's nomination in is one of the mysteries of politics. every man of light and leading conceded seward's nomination in advance, and two-thirds of the delegates went to the convention pledged, while eight of the illinois delegates were against lincoln in his own state. the east could not believe that the sceptre could pass from their hands. special trains from new york carried brilliant banners, and new york bands and drilled clubs marched and countermarched up and down the streets of chicago. a great wooden wigwam set up for the occasion held , spectators. the placing of seward in nomination was wildly applauded. but, to the surprise of everybody, the naming of lincoln was the signal of an outburst of such enthusiasm as had never been known. men held their breath as the votes were registered. seward had / against lincoln's . as noted in a former chapter, it has been thought that horace greeley's standing out for governor bates of missouri made possible the shifting of votes for another western man. at all events, on the third ballot lincoln was nominated. now hundreds of correspondents began to write stories of this great unknown. the next day wendell phillips demanded from boston: "who is this county court advocate?" but there was a man in washington who could speak intelligently concerning the great unknown--his name was stephen a. douglas. in that hour douglas knew the great mistake he had made. the democratic convention of that year at charleston split their party asunder; the southerners clamoring for secession should lincoln be elected, and nominating john c. breckinridge of kentucky; the northerners standing fast for the union and compromise, and nominating stephen a. douglas; while a "constitutional union" party of old-line whigs nominated john bell of tennessee. lincoln's election was the signal for secession. in all the subsequent turmoil, douglas vigorously sustained the union and the constitution, both in congress and before the people. when sumter was fired upon, he hastened to pledge his influence to lincoln as well as to the union. "there are no neutrals in this war--only patriots and traitors." douglas hurried back to illinois to unify the state for the union; he had borrowed $ , for his campaign, and he staggered under the burden of debt. also he had injured his constitution by excess, and burned the candle at both ends by overwork. but above all else was the thought that he had made the great mistake, and lost his place in history, in saying that he did not care whether a new state voted slavery up or voted slavery down. during his last sickness he murmured incessantly, "failure--i have failed." his last words were: "telegraph to the president and let the columns move on." douglas died on june , , at the age of forty-eight. the lesson of his life is the danger of compromise, the peril of refusing adherence to the highest ideals of principle, and the failure of expediency and opportunism. as douglas's star went down, lincoln's star began to climb the sky. it was douglas himself who held lincoln's hat while he made his first inaugural address. by the irony of fate it was chief justice taney of the dred scott decision who inaugurated lincoln into office, that lincoln might later make taney's decision forever null and void. and that no dramatic note might be wanted, both taney and douglas heard lincoln plead with indescribable pathos, majesty and beauty, for the very union whose existence their words had threatened. "physically speaking, we [the north and south] cannot separate. we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose you go to war? you cannot fight always, and after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. in your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. the government will not assail you. you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. you have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while i shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. i am loath to close. we are not enemies, but friends. we must not be enemies. though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. the mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriotic grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." but the great debate through arguments was ended. henceforth, the appeal was to arms. viii reasons for secession: southern leaders the seven debates between lincoln and douglas convinced both the north and the south: but, confirming the one for union and liberty, it confirmed the other for independence and slavery. lincoln convinced the north that the union could not endure permanently half slave and half free; on the other hand, the south saw just as clearly that the union, if it endured, must become all free or all slave. when the men of light and leading in the north fully understood lincoln's "house-divided-against-itself" speech, they went over to the republican party, and nominated and elected lincoln president, that he might put slavery in a position of gradual extinction, by forbidding its future growth. the south acted with even greater energy and decision, by making ready to secede, and arming her citizens for the defense of slavery. the great debate, through words, had lasted thirty years; now the south made its appeal to regiments of armed men. at that moment slavery controlled the president, the cabinet, the senate and the house. and yet immediately after the election, and before the inauguration of lincoln, the secretary of war, floyd, secretly began the transfer of munitions of war from the nation's arsenals to the southern states. late one december day in , a southern gentleman hastened to the white house. on the steps he met an old friend who had just left buchanan. waving his hat, he shouted, "this is a glorious day! south carolina has seceded!" that night an impromptu banquet was held in washington, at which the southern leaders drank to the success of the slave empire that was to be founded, and talked about a southern army, a southern navy, the annexation of mexico and the west india islands. then swiftly followed the secession of alabama, mississippi, louisiana, texas and florida. almost every week during the winter of witnessed the spectacle of southern senators and representatives saying good-bye to congress and announcing the withdrawal of their state from the union. those were days of thick darkness at washington. gloom fell upon the north. already the shadow of the great eclipse was stealing across the face of abraham lincoln. it seemed as if the government, "conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men were created equal," was about to "perish from the earth." hamilton had called the republic "the last, best hope of earth." burke had characterized the constitution "an event as wonderful as if a new star had arisen on the horizon to shine as bright as the planets." now the star was to fall out of the sky! up to the day of his inauguration lincoln could not believe the south would ever fire on the flag, or take up arms against the union. "we are friends, and not enemies--we must not be enemies." but it was not to be as lincoln wished. there are some diseases so terrible that they must be cured by the knife and the cautery. slavery had fastened on the very vitals of the south. therefore, god permitted the surgery of war. lincoln's inaugural address on march , , caused a certain solemn hush to fall upon the land. its logic, the facts it contained, the principles it presented, were so convincing for the intellect and yet so suffused with pathos and beauty and majesty, that the people, north and south alike, stood uncertain and expectant. but the silence was premonitory. in summer, after a hot, sultry day, when the great city has exhaled poisonous gases, the clouds are piled mountain high on the horizon. then a hush comes. not a leaf stirs. it is hard to breathe. suddenly one bolt leaps from the east to the west--the precursor of ten thousand fiery darts that are to burn the poison away, and of the heavy rains and winds that will wash the air and make it sweet and clean. on the th of april the silence for the nation was broken by the shot fired at fort sumter. the bomb that went shrieking through the air was the precursor of a million men in arms, the most frightful carnage, the most terrible war in history, when brother took up arms against brother, and the whole land became one vast cemetery. it is often said that south carolina fired on fort sumter and began an aggressive war to destroy the union, before the south was ready. probably the fact in the case is that south carolina was trying to "fire the southern heart," and force the state of virginia into the secession movement. the old dominion state was naturally a union state. it was a virginian who uttered the most impassioned words in the history of liberty--patrick henry at williamsburg. it was a virginian who led the colonial armies to victory--washington. it was a virginian who wrote the declaration of independence--thomas jefferson. he too, a virginian governor, made the great protest to king george against the further imposition of slavery by force of arms. he too, a virginian, the founder of washington and jefferson college, had called upon the men of the dominion state to rise up and destroy the curse of slavery. but from the moment when that shell rose through the pathless air, curved slightly and burst above sumter, the die was cast. five days later, virginia passed her ordinance of secession. oh, if the veil could have been lifted from beauregard's eyes when he began that bombardment! if he could but have seen the riches become poverty, cities become a waste, happy homes a desolation, the southern hillsides covered with graves, the southern plantations grown up with weeds, and the whole secession movement futile, what a vision would have fallen upon the soldier! on the th, president lincoln called for , troops. if he had asked for a million, the president would have had them. that shot had kindled a fire of patriotism that swept across the north like a prairie fire. in one day the college students deserted the lecture halls, the students of law and medicine and theology closed their books, the farmer left his plow in the furrow, the woodsman dropped his ax, the carpenter his hammer, and the young men of twenty-three states sprang to arms. what astonished the south most of all was the attitude of douglas, and the northern democrats, who had been confidently counted upon to stand by secession. one southern fire-eater had said that "douglas and the democrats will fight lincoln and the republicans, and it will be another case of the kilkenny cats, leaving the south in peace to build up a great empire." but the first thing that stephen a. douglas did was to go to the white house and pledge his support to lincoln, as did the leading democrats of the north. "the attack upon sumter," said douglas, "leaves us but two parties--patriots and traitors." and now the war was on,--the one side fighting for the federal union and liberty for all men, and the other side fighting for state sovereignty and slavery. these great events bring us front to front with the question as to how southern men justified their firing upon the old flag and attacking the union. let us confess that men do not make martyrs of themselves unless they have a cause that commands the intellect and conquers the will. skeptics used to say that the apostles invented the character of jesus. as if men first of all invent a lie and inflate a bubble myth, and then go out in support of it to get themselves mobbed, kicked through the streets, thrown from windows, tortured on the rack, crucified and burned alive after incredible heroism for thirty years! to say that the disciples invented the story of jesus and then martyred themselves for their falsehood is as intellectually stupid and silly as it is morally monstrous! not otherwise these leading men of the south were men of the loftiest character, of great personal worth, patriotic, high-minded, and they did not devastate their land and martyr themselves for idle abstractions. here is john c. calhoun, ranked by all as one of the triumvirate--webster, calhoun and clay. here is gen. robert e. lee, of whom lord wolsey said that for one state to have given birth to two such men as washington and lee was to have lent it immortal renown. lincoln and grant and our northern generals understood the southern men, sympathized with them, and therefore because the intellect grasped their position, grant's heart forgave lee, and made the two friends. to understand this, go to-day to a great battle-field of that conflict and hear the northern generals and the southern generals rehearse the story of the civil war, and you will understand the magnanimity of the northern leader and the argument of the southern soldier. history has destroyed the old delusion that secession was a conspiracy, organized by a few malignant leaders. all historians to-day, northern and southern alike, concede that it was a great popular uprising of the southern people. indeed, it was not altogether a contest between northern blood on the one side, and southern blood on the other. twenty-one of the southern generals who fought for the rebellion were born in new york and new england. eighty distinguished confederate officers were born north of mason and dixon's line, were graduates of west point, yet these northern soldiers rejected webster's argument for the union, and accepted calhoun's theory of state sovereignty. on the other hand, many of our greatest union leaders were southern men by birth and education, but as southerners they rejected calhoun's philosophy, and accepted webster's. virginia gave us the commander-in-chief of our army, gen. winfield scott; gave us george h. thomas, the rock of chickamauga. the south gave us farragut, our greatest admiral. twelve of the commanders of our battle-ships that captured the mississippi river and made it possible for lincoln to say, "once more the father of waters goes unvexed to the sea," were southern men. the south also, through kentucky, gave us the great president, abraham lincoln. it was, therefore, in large measure, a philosophic contest. the union forces were the disciples of daniel webster, whose spirit invisible rode upon the wings of the wind, and whose arm bore the gorgeous ensign, on which were written the words, "liberty _and_ union." on the other hand, the confederate forces were made up of the disciples of john c. calhoun, who followed a banner on which the great citizen of south carolina had inscribed these words, "sovereignty is natural and inalienable; government is secondary and artificial and can be changed at the will of the people." in terms of cannon and gun, grant and lee were the leaders of the two opposing armies, but fundamentally the two armies were led by daniel webster on the one side and john c. calhoun on the other. further, calhoun's influence explains the attitude of the non-slaveholding south towards secession. of the six million white people in the south, two millions of them did not own slaves, and most of these were opposed to the slave traffic. thousands of southerners freed their slaves before the war, and moved into ohio and pennsylvania. other thousands declined to participate in the traffic. a north carolinian named hinton rowan helper published in a very striking volume called "the impending crisis in the south, and how to meet it." dedicated to the non-slaveholding whites, and not on behalf of the blacks, its theme was slavery as a blight upon southern white people and their institutions, and a political peril. not garrison himself ever made so vigorous and powerful an arraignment of slavery as did this southerner. helper pronounced slavery the enemy of invention, the foe of manufacturing plants, an obstacle to the development of the land, a barrier to the progress of the sons of white men. he held that slavery starves to death masters in the long run, while for the moment it seemingly enriches them. slavery was like sin, it wore the garb of an angel of light; while secretly it sharpened a dagger, with which to stab to the heart the angel of civilization. within two years this book sold over , copies, and set the whole south in a fever of unrest. nevertheless, when the storm broke, the large non-slaveholding element in the south took up arms for the doctrine of state sovereignty. if they resented interference with slavery, it was because slavery was a southern domestic institution. but this was only an incident; the one thing they wished was the vindication of the sovereignty of each state of the union, and the right of its people to govern themselves without regard to other states who had the same right of self-government. the character of the southern leaders throws light upon calhoun's principle. than robert e. lee, what general has been more idolized by those who knew him best? his first ancestor in america was a cavalier who left england rather than endure the tyranny of charles ii. the son of "light horse harry" of revolutionary fame, he loved the union. educated at west point, he left the institution after four years without a demerit, and won distinction both in the army during the mexican war, and later as an engineer. he was a man of such probity, purity and lofty character that his followers loved him to the point of worship. he was deeply religious, and the best expression we can use is that lee, like enoch, walked with god. he was offered the position of commander-in-chief of the northern forces. but he could not bear to lead an invading army against his old college, his ancestral homestead, and against washington's house at mount vernon, or become the enemy of his own people in virginia. on april th, virginia passed her ordinance of secession, and on the th, lee resigned his commission in the united states army, because he could not take part against his native state,--"in whose behalf alone," he said, "will i ever again draw my sword." by the calhoun doctrine, virginia was his country, and no one has ever doubted his sincerity. lee is the sir philip sidney of the civil war. wellington, the iron duke, is reported to have said, "a man of fine christian sensibilities is totally unfit for the position of soldier." but robert e. lee and thomas j. jackson prayed as they fought; in victory and in defeat alike they turned towards god. jackson, who won the name of "stonewall," might have been the son of old ironsides himself. during his entire career he turned his camps into revival meetings when he was on the potomac and the rappahannock, and was a puritan of puritans. it is said that literally hundreds of men who entered his regiments, careless, profane, drinking boys, went home to join churches on profession of their faith in christ. after the battle of bull run, jackson sent a letter home to his presbyterian minister at lexington, va. the people assembled to hear the minister read the letter that would give an account of the conflict. it contained only one sentence: "i forgot to send you my contribution for the coloured sunday-school of which i am superintendent." when jackson lost his left arm, general lee wrote to him, "you have lost your left arm, but i have lost the right arm of my army." eight days after, jackson lay dying, having been accidentally shot by his own men at chancellorsville. suddenly he cried out, "let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees;" a companion had just read the great general that verse in the psalm, "there is a river whose streams make glad the city of god." these two men have been a fountain of inspiration to southern youth, and their story makes a bright chapter in the history of all heroism. southern leaders there were also who opposed secession as inexpedient and wrong. one of the finest exponents of this group was alexander h. stephens, a self-made man, inured in childhood to hardship, and made sympathetic through his own struggles. orphaned at fifteen, he worked his way through college; admitted to the bar at twenty-two, he achieved fame as a lawyer; elected to congress, he was one of the noted figures in the house of representatives for sixteen years. his slight physique and his frail health were sad handicaps. he was dyspeptic, sleepless, a nervous wreck. he ordinarily weighed seventy-two pounds, and during the best years of his life only ninety-two. when in february, , lincoln met stephens for a peace conference, he saw the commissioner take off a great outer coat, and unwrap layer after layer of tippet from his throat, peeling down and down, until finally there stood this tiny man. lincoln whispered to his friend, "did you ever see so small a nubbin that had so much husk on it?" within ten days after the election of lincoln, stephens began his campaign against secession. he urged that lincoln was friendly to the south; that he had neither the desire nor the power to destroy slavery; that john brown's attack represented the individual and not the millions of the north; that nothing could be gained by haste nor lost by delay, and that the southern people should heed lincoln's inaugural. finally, he despaired; he wrote toombs that "the south was wild with frenzy and passion--that whom the gods would destroy they first make mad." he afterwards explained his later acquiescence with secession by the statement that when two trains were running under full steam towards a head-on collision, he got off at the first station. as vice-president of the confederacy, stephens was not always in sympathy with jefferson davis; he was very frank in his criticism of the confederate leader. "while i never have regarded davis as a great man, or statesman on a large scale, or a man of any marked genius, yet i have regarded him as a man of good intentions; weak and vacillating, timid, petulant, peevish, obstinate, but not firm." to understand jefferson davis, however, we must take a broader outlook. rhodes ventures the judgment that if the pilgrim fathers had settled in south carolina they might have held slaves by , and might have fought to maintain slavery; while if the cavalier had settled in boston, where the snow and the winter are unfriendly to the coloured man, the cavalier would have founded abolition societies. if all scholars do not see their way clear to fully accept rhodes' statement, they must confess that the scotch-irish soldiers that followed cromwell, and after the restoration of charles ii moved to north carolina, at last became slave-holders; while many southerners, young men who were educated in northern colleges and married northern girls, finally freed their slaves and moved north, becoming abolitionists. circumstances, environment, and association, modify men so profoundly that buckle believed that climate and grains determine men's civilization. again, in , northern leaders became alarmed at the invasion by slavery of the northern and western territories, and northern representatives threatened to withdraw from the union if slavery was extended, just as in the southern leaders not only threatened but withdrew,--the only difference being this, that the north would rather withdraw from the union than have slavery, while the south preferred to secede rather than have free labour enforced. nor must we forget that calhoun's principle of the absolute independence of each state in political government is freely accepted by all congregationalists in church government. in , when a congregational association tried to interfere with mr. beecher and the government of plymouth church, plymouth told them plainly that every church is an independent and self-governing organization, that sovereignty is natural and government artificial, and that government by the association might be transferred but had not been so transferred. the congregational principle in church government is pure democracy. but the united states were a federal representative republic, under a constitution; and, to recur again to ecclesiastical illustration, the presbyterian form of government is representative and federal. the presbyterians base their government on our political institutions. for the political township, they have a presbyterian church; for the county, they set up the presbytery; for the state, they organized a synod; for congress, they organized the general assembly; for the president, they substituted a moderator. in politics we believe in representative government, but as to the church, congregationalists believe in pure democracy, and the independent principle. now john c. calhoun took this congregational principle and translated it into terms of politics, and called it the states' rights or state sovereignty theory. if john c. calhoun had been struggling, not for a political theory, but for an ecclesiastical one, henry ward beecher would have backed him to a finish. if there is any one group of people on earth, therefore, who ought not only to understand but to appreciate john c. calhoun's argument, they are the independents. now for twenty years john c. calhoun went up and down the south, analyzing his argument, explaining and enforcing it. at the very time northern boys were reading in their readers webster's speech for the union, southern boys were reciting calhoun's speech for the independence of the states. not in consequence of the calhoun doctrine but in harmony with it, having always held that the union was subordinate to the sovereignty of the states, jefferson davis, united states senator from mississippi, became the chief organizer of secession after lincoln's election. a west point graduate, a brilliant officer in indian fights and the mexican war, a governor of mississippi, united states senator, a singularly efficient secretary of war under president pierce, and again an influential senator, a man of charming personality with many friends, mr. davis was so prominent in the secession movement that he was the free choice of the southern people for president of their confederacy. and, despite mr. stephens' opinion, he probably did as well in that difficult place as another could have done. to the end of his life he held to the doctrine of state sovereignty. but one question persistently forces itself into the foreground. why was it that the people of the north did not "let the erring sisters go," to use horace greeley's expression? just across the northern line dwells another nation--canada. why should there not have been a second nation to the south of mason and dixon's line, with mobile or new orleans for a capital--a great slave empire, that would have included texas, mexico and central america? the answer is very simple. the constitution stood in the way. men saw clearly that if this republic, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men were created equal, could be destroyed by the minority, that would not respect the rights of the majority, there was no hope for civilization save in the revival of despotism, with a monarch ruling the people by military force. the north by a majority of states and votes had chosen lincoln, with his statement that the union could not permanently endure, half slave and half free. the minority then answered: "if we cannot have our way, we will destroy the government." analyzed, this is seen to be sheer anarchy. in that hour men remembered what their fathers had endured to found the republic and free institutions. when the news came of the attack upon fort sumter, the better angels of men's natures did touch "the mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land," and the tones swelled the chorus of the union. what other land offered poor men an opportunity for office, wealth and honours, with full liberty of thought and speech? had not the fathers lived and died to make education democratic through the public schools? had not the fathers given life itself to establish the freedom of the printing-press and freedom of discussion? had not the fathers bought at great price their political liberty, and the rights of the ballot? was not the land dedicated to toleration and charity in religion? was the work of washington and jefferson and hamilton to go down in ruin and nothingness? while the old world, with her tyrannies, scoffed at the failure of the republic, men thought of bunker hill and valley forge and yorktown. they thought of the declaration of independence and the constitution. they recalled the tribute of one of the greatest of english statesmen, who characterized the american constitution as "the greatest political instrument ever struck off by the unaided genius of man." and now the republic was to be destroyed, the constitution torn into shreds and stamped under foot, the declaration of independence made a thing of jibes and scorn in the palaces of madrid and constantinople, while slavery, with black fingers, was to knit its claws into the throat of the angel of liberty and choke the life out. suddenly men saw that the only way to insure liberty for the white race was to destroy slavery for the black races. men determined that the majority had their rights, and that these rights should not be wrested away by the minority, fighting in the interests of slavery. democracy, the "last, best hope of earth," should not fail! in that moment liberty stretched forth her sceptre of justice, "red with insufferable wrath," and her clarion voice rang to the outermost corners of the land. three millions of men assembled to swear fealty to god and country. then they marched away, through the towns and across the prairies, into thickets and swamps, to be pierced by bullets, torn by shells, to eat crusts, wear rags, shiver in the cold, burn in the heat, famish in the prison, welter in the bloody trench, above them a fiery hail, beside them their dying comrades falling into the arms of death. it is a strange, wild, chivalrous, divine story of the world's greatest enthusiasm, our fathers' enthusiasm for liberty and democracy! what god thinks of freedom, is written in the price that people paid for it! what god thinks of slavery is in the woe and sorrow and wreckage it has always brought upon those who have sought to live on the sweat of other men's faces! the russian would not fight against the japanese because the russian peasant owned no lands, had no schoolhouse, no ballot box, no free printing-press, no religious liberty. the russian stood sullenly in the trenches and had to be flogged into the battle. if the russian peasant lost, he lost nothing, because he had nothing to lose; if the peasant won, he gained nothing, because the russian aristocrat and the baron took all of the treasure; therefore he would not fight. but the northern soldier had everything to fight for. no such treasures were ever thrown on the earth to be struggled for. liberty and the union were worth a thousand lives and ten thousand deaths. it was an awful and a gallant fight, waged by the finest of the world's manhood on both sides. the southerner fought for local self-government and the right to enslave and govern other men; the northerner fought for universal self-government and the institutions which had made that possible without injustice to other men. there can be no choice as between the splendid qualities that entered into the contest--of sincerity, earnestness, devotion and fidelity on either side: but the south lost because slavery had eaten out the enduring vigour of its resources; the north won because free labour and the rights of man had given it the greater effective power. at last, the theory on which the south stood for self-justification crumbled under the supreme test. ix henry ward beecher: the appeal to england one november morning in the white house, abraham lincoln kept his cabinet waiting while he finished reading a newspaper, containing an account of beecher's speeches in england. at last he laid the paper on the table before them, and in substance said to stanton, "when this war is fought to a successful issue, this man, henry ward beecher, will have earned the right to lift the old flag back to its place on fort sumter, for without these speeches england might have recognized the confederacy, and then there might have been no flag to raise." long time has passed since that friday morning in the capital, and now all men recognize the justice of the words of the martyred president. history is a stern judge, and the centuries have given opportunity for contrast. when a great country, a great emergency, a critical hour, and a great man meet, a spark is struck out, called great eloquence. such a conjunction of city, peril and man once met in athens, and for twenty-four centuries boys have been translating demosthenes' oration against philip. demosthenes spoke, but philip marched on. greece bowed her neck to the yoke, and became subject to macedonia; demosthenes failed. another crisis came in westminster hall, in london, when edmund burke made his plea for the millions of outraged folk in india pillaged by warren hastings. but hastings became a lord; he died honoured in his palace; india was left to stagger onward; burke's splendid oratory failed. that was a great hour in the history of eloquence when patrick henry and fisher ames and josiah quincy became voices for liberty and the new republic. but these orators spoke to sympathetic hearers, and simply returned to the multitude in a flood what they had received from the people in dew and rain. henry ward beecher spoke to mobs, pleaded with unfriendly critics, and was asked to change hate to love, ice to fire, weapons for attack into weapons for defense. he went against the english mob as one goes up against a castle that is locked, barred and bristling with arms, and he gave sops to cerberus, charmed the keys out of him who kept the fortress gate, cast a spell upon those who guarded the walls, stole all the weapons, and, single handed, at last lifted the banner of victory above the ramparts of granite. the history of eloquence holds no other achievement of the same rank and class. what a volume, that contains the speech delivered within the limit of nine days, with the introduction at manchester, the three great arguments at glasgow, edinburgh and liverpool, and the peroration in exeter hall, london! what physical reserves as the basis of sustained public speech! what mastery of all the facts of liberty and democracy, not less than slavery! what familiarity with english law not less than american! the orator moves across the scene in history like some refulgent planet in the sky. the story of those nine wonderful days makes illustrious forever the history of eloquence and patriotism. the winter of and ' , with its high-wrought excitements, brought beecher the peril of a nervous breakdown. his exhaustion illustrates the fact that some men who stayed at home endured as much as others who went to the front. generals and their marching regiments often suffered much, but they were not alone in their fortitude and faith. women who toiled on farm or in hospital, working men who laboured to support the boys at the front, orators who went up and down the land inciting patriotism in the people, preachers who realized that the breakdown of conscience meant the breakdown of the cause--these all were citizen soldiers who defended the union and kept the faith. among them all no man poured out his life more generously than henry ward beecher. since , through the intensities of the fugitive slave law, the fremont campaign, the kansas troubles, the lincoln election, the era of secession and the first two years of the war, he had been preaching, writing, lecturing, making public addresses, attending to his great pastorate, and active in every civic and national interest. and during the war, back and forth, across the land, from city to city, in church, hall and armoury, he lifted up his voice in the presence of multitudes, telling the story of the founding of the republic, showing that the republic, with its self-government, was the last, best hope of man, reminding boys that they must fight and live for the union that their fathers had died to found. when at length antietam was won, and lincoln issued the emancipation proclamation, and the rebellion staggered like a giant stunned by a crushing blow, beecher was lifted into the seventh heaven of hope, and had the vision of coming victory. in that hour he told his people that he was ready to die, that god might peel him, and strip away all the leaves of life, and do with him as he pleased; that he had lived fifty years, that he had had a good time, that he had "hit the devil many blows and square in the face, that it was joy enough to have uttered some words because they were incorporated into the lives of men and could not die." but we all know that it is possible to stretch the strings of the mental harp too tightly. excitement burns the nerve as an electric current consumes a wire. during those days beecher wore a garment whose warp and woof was fiery enthusiasm, and fierce flaming patriotism. the human body is like a cask of precious liquor. one way to drain off the treasure is to knock out the bung-hole, and in a few minutes drain the rich fountain dry; another way is to bore innumerable apertures, that drop by drop the liquor may waste. and so it was with beecher, during those exciting days, with this difference, that sometimes it seemed as if one great event would drain out all his life in a tumultuous flood, while at the same time innumerable petitioners taxed his life, drawing away his strength, drop by drop. alarmed, the officers and friends in plymouth church insisted upon rest and vacation. they determined to put the sea between the preacher and his task, planning to lose him for a little time that they might have him for a long time. the popular opinion is that beecher went to england, not openly, but secretly as a messenger of the government. like other myths, the fable grew slowly, but is now well entrenched in the minds of multitudes. there is no foundation for the story. indeed, mr. beecher is on record plainly, stating that no request, no suggestion, no hint, even, came from washington. at the time, his relations with the cabinet were strained. seward was unfriendly. stanton was hurt by his insistence, through the _independent_, upon immediate emancipation. for a time even lincoln classed him with horace greeley, as extremist. his editorials during the spring of had one thought, "carthago delenda est." it was only after lincoln came around by a gunboat into new york harbour, and secretly met general winfield scott in a friend's house, and had another secret interview with henry ward beecher, and returned (letters exist from secretary hay, following an interview with him over the records in washington, which establish this trip to new york to see scott and beecher), that beecher changed the tone of his editorials, and went over to lincoln's position,--that the union was first, and the destruction of slavery the secondary thing. the great emancipator loved and trusted beecher, but the cabinet was critical, and lincoln, as he said, "did not have much influence with the administration." the only power and the whole power behind beecher was that of plymouth church, that gave him the money for all of his expenses, and took from him a pledge that if he spoke at all he was to speak at their expense, but under no circumstances to either preach or lecture until he had recovered his strength. he was ill during the entire voyage, and was not able to appear on deck until the vessel entered the mersey. the news of beecher's coming had preceded him, and on opening the papers he found even church leaders antagonistic. they deplored his coming, lest he increase the excitement. the nobility was in favour of the south, as were the ship-builders, the mill-owners, the bankers and all who had investments or loans in the cotton industry of england and of the south. one hundred and fifty congregational ministers greeted beecher with a breakfast in london. they asked him to preach and speak on religious topics, but to avoid all reference to slavery on account of the inflamed condition of the english mind. the man who introduced him deplored the war, and described the patience of god in permitting the north to go on. when beecher arose to speak he was in a towering rage. he told them that he would neither preach nor lecture nor speak in a mother land that was openly hostile to her own daughter, and unfriendly to every principle of liberty that was dear to england and embedded in english tradition and history. in substance, he said: "your conscience here in england is very sensitive on the subject of war, providing some one else is fighting the war, but england has no conscience at all as to war when she is prosecuting the campaign." at that very hour england was fighting a war in japan, and a war in china, and a war in new zealand for territory. three wars being quite proper, if england fought them, but oh, the patience of god in permitting the north to exist even for one moment, while fighting for liberty, the union and the emancipation of slaves! he told them that they thought it was a crime for the north to have a war for emancipation, but quite proper for england to threaten a war over two men named mason and slidell! beecher understood old england. no nation in history ever conducted so many wars. no other nation's statesmen ever had such skill to invent moral excuses for seizing territory, in africa, egypt, india, thibet, australia, new zealand and all the islands of the sea. he best described it in his final speech in london, when returned from the continent: "on what shore has not the prow of your ships dashed? what land is there with a name and a people where your banner has not led your soldiers? and when the great _reveillé_ shall sound, it will muster british soldiers from every clime and people under the whole heaven." what? "speak in england on religion and keep still on slavery, and the north and the south?" when an engine is full of steam, it is a bad thing to sit on its safety-valve. figuratively speaking, the chairman and the hundred and fifty ministers, who were trying to get beecher to speak on religion and keep still on slavery, sat passively and serenely on the safety-valve for about five minutes, but finally the engine blew up. mr. beecher was not the man to stifle his convictions in the name of peace, for he knew that in an evil world a good man has no right to dwell at peace with the devil and his minions. so he declared his hostility, turned his back on england, and went to the continent; and thus ended the first chapter in the european trip. looking backward, it is easy to discover the explanation of england's attitude towards slavery and the southern leaders. during the early forties england had herself passed through an industrial revolution. because she had little agricultural land, and thirty millions of people, the cost of living was high. when the cry of the people for bread became bitter, cobden, bright and their associates inaugurated and carried through the free corn movement. with the incoming of free raw materials england became the great manufacturing centre. what her farmers lost through free trade in selling grain they gained in the lowered price on which they bought. within ten years after the victory of free trade england became a hive of industry, filled with clustering cities, while the whole land resounded with the stroke of engines. abundance succeeded to poverty and work trod closely upon the heels of want. so prosperous had england become that by she was importing two million bales of cotton from southern states. the shipyards of glasgow built ships to carry cotton, the bankers in london made loans to southern planters, the mill-owners in manchester bought shares in the southern cotton fields. the rich men of the south were constant guests of the mill-owners in central england and of the bankers in london. little by little england was drawn in through financial channels, and cast her lot in with the production of cotton,--and slavery. then came the civil war. the planters went to the front with lee's army; the slaves freed from overseers would not work. the production of cotton was halved. the northern navy blockaded the exit of cotton ships from the southern ports. english ships hung around the southern shores trying in vain to find access, hoping to run the gauntlet and obtain a cargo of cotton. one by one the great english mills shut down for want of raw material, and when two winters had passed, and the autumn of had come, and the english working people fronted a third winter, the spectacle became pathetic and terrible. gaunt famine stalked the land. the skeleton want stood in the shadow of the poor man's house. but the courage and fidelity of the english cotton spinners held out for two years. the poor always love the poor. the classes have always been wrong, the masses have always been right. luxury puts wax into the ears of the aristocrats, but want makes the hearing of the poor very sensitive to a sob of pain. the sympathy of the cotton spinner was with the northern working man. an english working man did not want to be put in the same class with a southern slave. he saw that any law that riveted fetters on black slaves in the south helped forge a manacle for the cotton spinner's wrist in the mother land. these poor english folk believed in the dignity of labour, in the right to a good wage, and in the necessity for all working people standing together. but the mill-owner wanted raw cotton. the banker wanted the mill-owner to have his cotton that his loans might be paid. the ship-builders wanted southern cotton that their industry might thrive. investors who for two years had had no interest on their southern loans sympathized with the south; the politicians, controlled by their financial interests, wanted the south to succeed. in that hour of temptation avarice drew near and choked justice. greed offered bribes to conscience. old england's ruling classes, with the full sympathy of men like gladstone and hundreds of others, favoured the speedy recognition of the southern confederacy in the hope that that would end the war and restore england's prosperity. in a word, the situation was this: the north had to fight the south, and england with her influence as well. for here was the north, struggling for the principles of the pilgrim fathers, for liberty, for democracy and for the slaves, and just in the darkest hour of the struggle, when she was burying her dead and the whole north was hung with funeral crape, england, with ships on every sea, england, strong and powerful, taking advantage of the capture of two southern emissaries--mason and slidell--from the british ship _trent_ on the high seas, declared she would send an army to canada and ships to batter down our northern cities. even gladstone bought southern bonds, but later gladstone deeply lamented his sympathy with slavery and the south, and asked the world to forgive and forget it. yet if the north has long ago forgiven england, it must be a hard thing for england to forgive herself that she gave to slavery every ounce of influence she had, her threats, her frowns, her diplomacy and her ships. long afterwards a court of arbitration in geneva punished england with an enormous fine for the american shipping that she helped destroy in her effort to help break down the north and defeat liberty in a war that her own statesman, john bright, has characterized as one of the few wars not only justifiable but glorious in all history. now this was the attitude of england. her upper classes and financial interests were all on the side of slavery and the south. her great middle class were largely in favour of liberty. her working people were naturally on the side of free labour and the north, but they were weakened by starvation till their endurance and fortitude were almost gone. and then it was that beecher entered the scene, returning from the continent to england. recognition of the confederacy and other unfriendly official acts were trembling in the balance; yet there was hesitation, on account of the common people, who sympathized with the north. in telling of this afterwards, mr. beecher said: "to my amazement i found that the unvoting english possessed great power in england; a great deal more power, in fact, than if they had a vote. the aristocracy and the government felt, 'these men know they have no political privileges, and we must administer with the strictest regard to their feelings or there will be a revolution.'" there were many noble exceptions among the higher classes, and the queen, doubtless under the influence of the prince consort albert, who died in , and had been a firm friend of america, was also friendly to the north; but her government was not. the argument finally used to persuade beecher to speak was that the english anti-slavery society was already discredited, unpopular, and frowned upon by the nobility and the upper classes, and that if beecher would not recognize them by at least one speech their cause and ours would be still further weakened. he began his work with a speech at manchester, the very centre of the cotton spinning industry. for weeks the streets had been placarded against him. on his way to the free trade hall he found, not a multitude, but a mob, filling the streets. the meeting had been packed in advance. within five minutes after his introduction the storm let loose its fury. there were two or three centres of conflict that became veritable whirlpools of excitement. all the rest of the audience climbed on their chairs to see what was going on in the tumultuous centres. everybody seemed to be yelling, some for order, and others with the purpose of breaking up the meeting. mr. beecher saw that many were determined that he should not speak, and he realized that if they broke him down, other cities would withdraw their invitation, and it would appear that all england was unalterably opposed to the north, so that the recognition of the confederacy might follow. when his enemies began to wear themselves out and the tumult to subside, mr. beecher shot a few sentences into the noise. "i have registered a vow that i will not leave your country until i have spoken in your great cities. i am going to be heard, and my country shall be vindicated." the orator soon found that about one-quarter of the audience were bitterly hostile. another quarter applauded his sentiment. the great mass was hesitant, undecided, unconvinced, and he determined to conquer that undecided class, and add them to that portion that was friendly. he scornfully reminded them that he had before met men whose cause could not bear the light of free speech. he roused them by saying that american institutions were the fruit of english ideas, and that the fruit of american liberty was from seed corn that was english. when some one shouted that he was harsh and unfair, he answered, what if some exquisite dancing master should stand on the edge of a battle-field where a hero lifted his battle-axe, and criticize him by saying that "his gestures and postures violated the proprieties of polite life!" he added, "when dandies fight they think how they look; when men fight, they think only of deeds." he said that what the north desired was not material aid, but simply that england should keep hands off, and that france should keep hands off. he affirmed that even if they both interfered, the north would fight on, that slavery must be destroyed, and that liberty must be established on the american continent; that the victory of democracy and liberty in the north would mean their victory over the north and south american continent, and that if the day ever should come when the old flag should wave again over every state in the south, and the atrocious crime of slavery should be destroyed, there should be liberty for the press, and liberty for the poor in the schoolhouse; if plantations should be broken up and distributed among the poor farmers, and the privileges of civil liberty be won, that it would be worth all the blood and tears and woe. when he said that great britain had frowned upon the north, but hastened to fling her arms around the neck of the imperious south, one englishman waved his arms and shouted: "she doesn't!" and the six thousand people began to cheer the disclaimer of england's being romeo. to which beecher answered: "i have only to say that she has been caught in very suspicious circumstances." beecher's unshakable good humour, his witty, lightning-like answers to their questions and contradictions, his solid sense and--when he got the chance--his flaming eloquence, finally quelled and captured them. then he traversed the entire history of slavery in its relation to the colonies, the states, and the different forms of legislation up to the kansas and nebraska bill. when he concluded his speech, and the sentiment of the audience was called for, to the astonishment of his friends, men lifted up their voices with a sound like the sound of many waters, and lined up for the north and liberty. the enthusiasm was overwhelming. within three hours january's frost had turned to the bloom of june, and the moment was radiant with hope. the london _times_ contained four columns of this speech, and the address became the topic of the hour in every club in england. and either of these facts in those days meant that henry ward beecher was famous in england. his speeches in glasgow and edinburgh took up the second and third steps in the development of slavery and liberty on the american continent. he told these ship-builders in glasgow how the providence of god seemed to be exhibiting to all the peoples of the world the reflex influence of slavery upon the strongest people and the richest resources, and how slavery cursed whatever it touched. that the lesson might be the clearer he gave liberty an unfriendly clime, and gave slavery a rich arena. to the north he gave short summers, bleak skies, the rocks of new england hills, the thin soil of new york, the sand dunes of michigan. to the south he gave sunny virginia, the riches of the gulf states, the fruitful skies, the abundant rains, the treasures of the cotton, the sugar and the rice. above all, god sifted all the nations of the old world to find blood rich enough to people the southern states. the men who laid the foundations of the great south were people of a heroic type, giants and heroes of fortitude. god brought the huguenots, and the very flower of french chivalry into florida and georgia. he sifted all scotland and north ireland for outstanding men for south carolina. he took the best blood of england for virginia. these southern founders and fathers had fought in france, endured for their convictions in scotland, conquered their enemies in england and north ireland, and god rewarded them with the richest, choicest meadows and valleys of the sunny south. and yet slavery wrought weakness, while liberty made the bleak north to blossom like the rose. it is said that plants exude poison from the roots, and soon destroy the soil unless there is a rotation of crops. slavery was a noxious plant, deadlier than the nightshade, and it poisoned the south. the longer slavery existed, the weaker the southern giant became, until, toiling on, the south became bankrupt through slavery, and toiling on, every year of the war under free labour found the north growing ever richer and stronger. liberty is a giant that when it touches the soil renews its strength. oh, if the south had but had a better cause! history affords nothing finer than the bravery of southern soldiers and their leaders; had they been fighting for liberty, or some great cause that would have supported them during the struggle instead of bankrupting them as slavery did, it is doubtful whether any army could have defeated their soldiers. in liverpool beecher literally fought with the lions of ephesus. the bill-boards were posted with placards in red type. all men in england who had investments in the south and wanted to break beecher and his cause seemed to have assembled. from the moment he entered the room the great audience became a mob, and with groans, hisses, cat-calls, epithets, men interrupted the orator with cheers for the south. speaking was like lifting up one's voice in the midst of a hurricane, or trying to speak while a typhoon was raging on the sea. for one hour the tumult raged. from time to time the police would succeed in carrying out some obstreperous individual but there were enough men scattered through the hall, each bellowing like a bull of bashan, to make hearing impossible. to add to the tumult, from time to time, an englishman would climb on his chair and shout, "i am ashamed of liverpool and my country," and the confusion would break out afresh. it took one hour to wear the voices out. when beecher told the reporters that he would speak slowly so they could hear, and thus he could reach all england, the audience grew quieter. beecher urged three arguments,--first, that the national prosperity is dependent upon the production of wealth, and this meant independence for the producer; second, that prosperity depends upon manufacturing and that means a high quality of educated workman; third, that prosperity is dependent upon commerce and the exchange of commodities between nations, and that means brotherhood. he urged that the more intelligent and prosperous the workman, the higher his wage, and, therefore, the better he supports as a buyer. a slave uses his feet and hands, and produces a few cents a day. a poor white labourer uses his hands and his lower head, and earns fifty cents a day. an intelligent northern working man uses his hands and his creative intellect, and he produces a dollar a day. a highly educated worker becomes an inventor as well as a freeman, and earns five dollars a day. with this wage he buys comforts, tools, products of the loom, builds up manufactures, and promotes prosperity. for that reason a few patricians only in the south buy in the english market, while the millions of slaves demand from sheffield only whips and manacles. therefore slavery starves english trade.--and at last liverpool heard him. in exeter hall in london, beecher closed his argument: "shall we let the south go, and carry slavery with her? if a northern working man has a mad dog by the throat shall he let that animal go to spread death? letting the south go as a free nation is one thing, but letting her go to spread slavery over mexico and central america is another thing. when we kill the mad dog we will talk about letting the south go." beecher returned home to find himself the hero of the hour. in plymouth church, on sunday morning, the audience stood for five minutes, and with their tears and silence told him of their gratitude and love. from that hour stanton asked for his friendship, and was weekly and even daily in correspondence. he promised beecher that immediately upon the receipt of any news from the battle-field he would send him a telegram. indeed, the first news that the country had from stanton of one of the great victories came to beecher's pulpit and was read over his desk. other great men, the president, secretaries, the generals, the statesmen, editors, lecturers, preachers, did their part, but high among co-workers ranks henry ward beecher. god gave him a great task, and armed him for the battle. he loved the poor, he broke the shackles from the slave, he discovered to the world the love of god, and dying he flung his helmet into the thick of the enemy. it is for us and our children to fight our way forward to that helmet, and fling our own at last into some new fight for the emancipation of the mind and heart of earth's troubled millions. it must be confessed that the aristocracy of england and her upper middle class, in the main, still sympathized with the south, while the english cabinet tried to maintain neutrality. four-fifths of the house of lords were "no well-wishers of anything american, and most of the house of commons voted in sympathy with the south." but the attitude of the "classes" of england was only the reflection of her scholars. carlyle, whose early books had no sale in england, and who wrote emerson that he had received his first money to keep him from starvation from boston and new york, "when not a penny had been realized in england," had no sympathy with liberty and the north. as soon as his own physical wants were supplied by the american check which emerson sent him, carlyle began to call the war "a smoky chimney that had taken fire." "no war ever waged in my time was to me more profoundly foolish looking." (slovenly english, contradictory thinking, and poor morals!) "neutral i am to a degree." then carlyle tried to sum up his view of the situation: "now speaks the northern peter to the southern paul: 'paul, you unaccountable scoundrel! i find you hire your servants for life, not by the month or year as i do. you are going straight to hell.' paul: 'good words, peter; the risk is my own. hire you your servants by the month or day, and go straight to heaven. leave me to my own method.' peter: 'no, i won't. i will beat your brains out.' and he's trying dreadfully ever since, but cannot quite manage it." no one knew better than carlyle that there is a world diameter between the south hiring a man for life, and by force holding him in slavery. but carlyle for three years poured out such vapid humbug, cant and hypocrisy as this, and never once was sound in his thinking or fair in his view-point during the entire war. even charles dickens, who had written denouncing slavery in his "american notes," returned to england in the spring of to predict the overwhelming victory of the south, and to characterize the hopes of lincoln as "a harmless hallucination." but little by little, english sentiment began to change. goldwin smith, of oxford university, consented to speak at a meeting in manchester to protest against the building and sending out of piratical ships in support of the southern confederacy. he affirmed boldly that "no nation ever inflicted upon another more flagrant or more maddening wrong" [in permitting the _alabama_ to escape]. no nation with english blood in its veins had ever borne such a wrong without resentment. richard cobden wrote to mr. beecher as to the feeling in england: "in every other instance ... the popular sympathy of this country has always leaped to the side of the insurgents the moment a rebellion has broken out. in the present case, our masses have an instinctive feeling that their cause is bound up in the prosperity of the united states. it is true that they have not much power in the direct form of a vote; but when the millions of this country are led by the religious middle class they can together prevent the government from pursuing a policy hostile to their sympathies." when beecher appeared and spoke, he aroused, intensified, unified, and made effective this great underlying force of english popular feeling, and the unfriendly purposes of the governmental and "upper-class" element were paralyzed. beecher himself was very modest about his achievement. said he: "when in october you go to a tree and give it a jar, and the fruit rains down all about you, it is not you that ripened and sent down the fruit; the whole summer has been doing that. it was my good fortune to be there when it was needed that some one should jar the tree; the fruit was not of my ripening." beecher returned home in november of , conscious that he had risked everything in the service of his imperilled country. he found the entire north had constituted itself a committee of reception to welcome him home. a great public meeting was arranged in the academy of music in new york, and the music hall was crowded from pit to dome with the leaders of the city and of the north. mr. beecher entered the room at eight o'clock, and the whole audience rose to its feet to greet him, but not until many minutes had passed in tumultuous cheering did he have an opportunity to speak. from that hour his influence in the country was second only to that of the president, two or three members of his cabinet, and general grant. abraham lincoln wrote to mr. beecher words of warmest gratitude and invited him to the white house. "often and often," wrote secretary stanton, "in the dark hours you have come to me, and i have longed to hear your voice, feeling that above all other men you could cheer, strengthen, quiet and uplift me in this great battle, where by god's providence it has fallen upon me to hold a part, and perform a duty beyond my own strength." when therefore lee surrendered, and the war came to a close, president lincoln and the cabinet felt that beecher's service to the cause of liberty had earned for him the most unique distinction granted to any man during the war. and so it came about that four years after beauregard fired upon fort sumter, and the flag of the union was lowered to give place to the flag of secession, that not a general nor an admiral, but that a minister, henry ward beecher, was selected to lift into its place again the old flag, that proclaimed to all the nations of the earth that government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. x heroes of battle: american soldiers and sailors one of the wariest and most capable of the confederate commanders was general joseph e. johnston. in his report of the battle of kenesaw mountain in northwestern georgia, in june, , when sherman had at last driven him to bay, he thus describes the attack and the repulse: "the federal troops pressed forward with the resolution always displayed by the american soldier when properly led. after maintaining the contest for three-quarters of an hour, they retired unsuccessful, because they had encountered entrenched infantry, unsurpassed by that of napoleon's old guard, or that which followed wellington into france, out of spain." it would be difficult to find a more soldierly appreciation of both officers and men of those two american armies. and in a recent interesting book on grant and lee[ ] is cited a remark of charles francis adams when american minister to great britain in the early years of our civil war. some one sarcastically asked him his opinion of the confederate victories of that time. he quietly replied, "i think they have been won by my countrymen." in all those four strenuous years, heroic qualities--enterprise, resolution, valour, self-control, exercise of judgment amid dangers, endurance and fidelity in disaster--were plentifully developed throughout both parties of the then divided american people. the lonely picket-duty, the toilsome march, the endless duties of the soldier, were a constant drain upon enduring faithfulness, harder to bear, often, than the crashing excitement of the battle, while the deadly suffering of camp and hospital were at times easily worse than all. most fascinating the story of the leaders of the two armies. the career of two preëminent military leaders of the south, lee and jackson, has already been reviewed--cursorily, as must be the case in all the references to example--and we have noted them especially as to character. but it should be said further that in the opinion of military critics and soldiers, both american and foreign, robert e. lee was one of the most masterly strategists in warlike annals. in his defense of richmond as the vital point of the confederacy he did have the advantage of operating on interior lines; but when that is said all is said, for in numbers of men, equipment and military resources, he was always more meagrely supplied than his federal opponents. his available means were mostly in his fertile brain, his prompt judgment, and his dauntless heart, together with the spirited support of his officers and the indomitable marching and fighting energy of his soldiers. the intense and tireless jackson was indeed the chief's "right arm," and more than that, a keen intelligence, instant to see and seize the right way, and to follow it so swiftly that his rarely defeated infantry earned the proud nickname of "foot-cavalry." out of the many gallant officers of the southern armies were some others whose names became familiar throughout the north. among them were: generals pierre g. t. beauregard, prominent in service from bull run to the end; the brilliant albert sidney johnston, killed at pittsburg landing in ; j. e. b. stuart, renowned as a fearless cavalry officer; james longstreet, a leader of great distinction; the two hills--daniel h. and ambrose p., both renowned fighters, the latter immortalized by stonewall jackson's last words, "a. p. hill, prepare for action!" another was richard s. ewell--not, like all the foregoing, a west point graduate, with training and notable service in united states armies and wars, but, like many federal generals, a volunteer, who achieved high rank by efficient activity. in naval affairs, naturally, the south had little chance to show her mettle, having neither navy-yards nor navy, and all her ports being blockaded. the chief attempts on the water were the iron-plated ram _merrimac_, commanded by commodore franklin buchanan, which after sinking several wooden men-of-war in hampton roads was defeated by the new iron-turreted _monitor_ under lieutenant (later admiral) john l. worden; the iron-clad ram _albemarle_, which damaged northern shipping until blown up by lieutenant w. b. cushing, u. s. navy, in a daring personal adventure; and the british built, equipped and manned _alabama_, under commodore raphael semmes of the confederacy, which destroyed millions of dollars in northern ships on the high seas in - , until sunk by the war-steamer _kearsarge_ under captain (later admiral) john a. winslow, off cherbourg, in june, . the principal naval activities of the federals during the war were in the reduction of fortified places on land in cooperation with the armies, and in blockading ports of the south to keep in their cotton and to keep out foreign supplies. one of the earliest feats was the effective use by captain andrew h. foote in february, , of the gunboats built in by frémont for river warfare, when foote daringly shelled forts donelson and henry on the cumberland river, enabling grant to attack and summon them to "unconditional surrender." and on the long seaboard, the north soon had a line of battle-ships stretching from cape hatteras around to florida, new orleans and the further coast of texas. besides its few original war-ships, out of coasters, steamers and old junk the navy department constructed a fleet. but it was the man behind the gun who maintained the blockade, starved the confederacy, and cleared the mississippi river. the story of men like farragut and his boys is like a chapter out of a wonder book. in april, , with a fleet of wooden frigates, mortar-schooners, and half-protected boats he entered the mouth of the mississippi below new orleans. the bottom of the river bristled with torpedoes--kegs filled with powder, and surrounded with long prongs that rested upon percussion caps. when a ship struck a prong it exploded the cap and the powder, and again and again a boat went to the bottom. the forts that protected the mississippi thirty miles below the city were sheathed with sand bags, and mounted a hundred guns; while a boom of logs and chains crossed the river, and a fleet of fifteen vessels including an armed ram and a floating battery were there to dispute further progress. but farragut lashed himself into the rigging of his flag-ship, and his fleet stormed the passage, raked with chains and shell. from the th to the th of april, a battle royal was waged with splendid valour on both sides; but the forts were passed, the boom was broken, the defensive fleet defeated, and farragut had won new orleans. farragut, david d. porter and other heroes had their full share of war and of glory not only here but later in mobile bay, and in with grant and sherman at vicksburg, and at port hudson on the mississippi, and porter at fort fisher in december, -january, . of absolute maritime warfare there was none, except winslow's sinking of the _alabama_, but in all the river and harbour fighting, against both fleets and forts, there was endless demand for intrepidity, ingenuity, large intelligence, and heroism--demands never failing of response. the greatest soldiers of the north were mcclellan, sherman, thomas and sheridan, and, towering above all, grant. we may not linger in detail upon them all, and can but mention george h. thomas, the "rock of chickamauga," stern as war, firm as granite, the bravest of knights; william t. sherman, audacious, fertile, perhaps the most brilliant of them all; and philip h. sheridan, an organized thunder-storm, with the swiftness of the war eagle, impetuous, loving adventure, the idol of his men. if at last grant was the brain of the army, sherman was, like jackson to lee, its "right arm." from the beginning of his military career, sherman won the admiration and confidence of the government and the people of the north. he achieved honours at vicksburg, and from that hour on to his victory at atlanta and his march to the sea, his name and fame steadily increased. his victories were won, not only by enthusiasm and brilliancy, but by a mastery in advance of all the facts in the case. his knowledge was microscopic, to the last degree, as to the roads, bridges, and resources of the country through which he was marching. on approaching atlanta he came to a region through which he had ridden on horseback twenty years before. that night in his tent, his guides, spies and advance scouts spread out their maps before sherman, and to the astonishment of all, the soldier corrected and amplified them. it seemed that a score of years before he had formed the habit of making a detailed study of each region through which he travelled, and of working out campaigns of attack and defense. his old notes were so accurate as to prove the basis of an actual campaign for a great army. his contest with johnston represented what has been called an inch by inch struggle, and although sherman was victorious, when he passed away, the aged southern soldier, johnston, made the long journey to new york to act as pall-bearer and to testify to the splendid qualities of his great opponent. it was grant himself who called sheridan "the left arm of the union." by universal consent "little phil" was the most brilliant campaigner of the group of soldiers of the first class. the story of his victory at winchester captured the imagination of the north. the poem describing that achievement became the most popular poem of the year, and was recited by all the schoolboys on friday afternoons, and quoted by all the politicians on the platform. the north had suffered so many defeats in the shenandoah valley that sheridan's victory put new heart into the union forces, and helped unite the republican party, making certain the election of lincoln. indeed, a great german soldier once expressed the judgment that sheridan ranked not only with grant, but with the greatest soldiers of all time. the work of george h. mcclellan was the work of the pioneer and pathfinder. it is one thing to take a sword, a damascus blade, and use it in leadership, and quite another thing to take raw metal and on the anvil hammer out the blade for a hero's hand. mcclellan made the sword; grant used it. there is a pathetic passage in dante's "vita nuova": "it is easier to sing a song than to create a harp." dante meant that he had to create the italian language before he could write the "paradiso." now mcclellan's task was to create an army. he took a body of raw recruits and drilled them; he organized a system of supplies and built up a purchasing, transporting and storing department; he tested out all the guns, the cannons, powder and explosives; he compacted a body of engineers, weeding out poor ones and educating good ones; he took officers who at the beginning had their appointments through political influence and trained them until he had a body of men well knit together. but mcclellan had to contend with jealousy and insubordination. he was a commander early in the war, and he had competitors and detractors. it was charged against him that he was more anxious to make than to use a splendid army, and possibly his ideals of efficiency were too high for those early days. yet "little mac" was idolized by his soldiers, with whom he fought and won bloody battles, and even the indeterminate ones are held in doubt as to his responsibility. had hooker obeyed his command, and crossed the bridge at antietam and occupied the heights beyond, soldiers think to-day that lee would have been crushed. another fact was against him. the north was not ready to behold nor strong enough to endure the slaughter to which later on they became accustomed. after one of mcclellan's first campaigns, burnside wrote home that mcclellan could have fought his way to richmond, but it would have cost ten thousand men, and that would have been butchery. later on, grant, in a single brief campaign, lost twenty-five thousand men! but if grant had suffered such losses in or , he would have been dropped by washington as unfitted for a military campaign. history will rank grant as the foremost soldier of the republic. his story is full of romance. he was of scotch covenanter stock that settled in new england, and made its way to ohio and illinois. like all the most successful generals on both sides in our civil war, he was a graduate of west point, showed talent in mathematics and engineering, and made an honourable name in the mexican war. scott praised him for his work as quartermaster and officer. the two maps that grant made by questioning ranchmen and farmers as he went through texas, and the information he collected from men who had been in and knew the roads and resources of mexico, were later on invaluable. grant was in every mexican battle save one. fort sumter fell on april , . on the th lincoln called for , troops. on the th grant organized a little company in springfield, illinois. two days later governor yates made him colonel. on the st of july he was in command at mexico, missouri. on the th of august his victory at columbus won him the rank of brigadier-general. on the th of february, , he was made major-general; on the d of march, , he was made lieutenant-general of the armies of the united states. it was one long uninterrupted series of victories, for it has been said that it will never be known if grant could conduct a retreat, because he never was defeated. from the beginning his supreme qualities as a military commander were fully evidenced. columbus was called the gibraltar of the mississippi. halleck had ordered grant to feel the strength of the enemy. but grant was resourceful, fertile in expedients, a believer in offensive tactics. hurling his forces upon columbus, he won a signal victory. at fort donelson, grant showed his iron endurance and untiring patience. when it came to the critical hour of the assault, a cold sleet-storm fell upon his army; the ground was a sheet of glass, the trees encased in ice. grant himself spent half the night under a tree, standing upright, receiving reports and working out his plans. when a spy brought word that the confederates had packed their knapsacks with three days' rations, grant said: "they are preparing to retreat; we must assault the works," and, despite the storm, made an immediate attack. when halleck received the news of the fall of fort donelson, in announcing the victory to washington he did not even mention the name of grant, but asked lincoln to promote smith, a subordinate commander. later, in , after months of siege by river and by land, came the capture of vicksburg, coincident with the battle of gettysburg, that was the high-water mark of the war. the announcement of these two victories, on july , , intoxicated the north with joy. by this time grant's name was upon all lips, and he stood forth the one general fitted for command of all the armies--in the west, in the south, and on the potomac. just as some men have the gift of inventing, the gift of singing, the gift of carving, so grant had the gift of strategy. one glance, and grant had the whole situation in hand--the weak points to be attacked, the weak points of his own position to be safeguarded, the danger point for the enemy. obedient himself, he expected instant obedience from others. willing to risk his own life, he expected the same self-sacrifice on the part of his fellow officers. one biographer calls him "a master quartermaster," telling us that he knew how to feed and supply an army. another calls grant a great drillmaster, exhibiting him as the teacher of his own generals. another terms grant a natural engineer, with great gifts, but without detailed training. another speaks of him as the greatest soldier in history in the way of attack. but when all these statements are combined, they tell us that grant is the great, all-round soldier of the war, who by natural gifts and long experience could do many things, and all equally well. it is this that explains the tributes to his military genius by foreign soldiers, and the great masters of war in every land. grant's last campaign was against the capital of the southern confederacy, as the key to the atlantic coast, for until richmond should be taken and the confederate government put to flight, the war would not be broken. therefore grant concentrated all his forces upon that:--"i will fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." in those awful campaigns grant came to be called "the butcher," for he was as pitiless as fate, as unyielding as death. one outpost after another fell; one southern regiment after another surrendered. battles became mere slaughter-pits. men went down like forest leaves; the army surgeons, at the spectacle, grew sick; it seemed more like murder than war. the wilderness, spottsylvania, chickahominy, petersburg, were names to make one shudder. but lee would not yield, and grant had one watchword, "unconditional surrender." at last, without food, without equipment, without arms, southern soldiers began to desert by thousands. lee's army was reduced, his supplies were cut off, his retreat to the mountains and any chance of joining with johnston from the carolinas were blocked. grant demanded surrender to save further bloodshed. on the morning of april , , grant and lee met in peace conference. grant had on an old suit splashed with mud, and was without his sword; lee wore a splendid new uniform that had just been sent by admirers in baltimore. lee asked upon what terms grant would receive the surrender. grant answered that officers and men "shall not hereafter serve in the armies of the confederate states or in any military capacity against the united states of america, or render aid to the enemies of the latter, until properly exchanged,"--all being then freed on parole. the horses of the cavalry were the property of the men. and grant said: "i know that men--and indeed the whole south--are impoverished; i will instruct my officers to allow the men to retain their horses and take them home to work their little farms." lee's final request was for rations for his starving men. grant and lee shook hands, after which the virginian mounted his horse and rode off to his army. the confederates met their beloved general with tumultuous shouts. with eyes swimming in tears, lee said, in substance: "i have done what i thought to be best and what i thought was right; go back to your homes, conduct yourselves like good citizens and you will not be molested." when certain northern soldiers were preparing to fire salutes to celebrate the victory, grant stopped the demonstration. "the best sign of rejoicing after victory will be to abstain from all demonstrations in the field." all men in the north felt that the fall of lee's army meant the fall of the confederacy. indeed, it did practically end the war. the final sheaf of victory is reaped when the commander, at the head of his troops, marches into the enemy's capital and makes the palace of his foe to shelter his own horses. the whole south expected grant to lead his army of the potomac into richmond. but grant remembered lee's sorrow, and had no desire for a dramatic triumph. he sent a subordinate to occupy richmond, and quietly began the work of disbanding the army. sending his regiments back to the fields and factories, he said, "let us have peace." from that sentiment issued the new south and the new north. but the man who had fought the war through to a successful issue became the most beloved man in the north, and soon the people bore him to the white house. the task was one for a giant. four million slaves, newly emancipated, had to be cared for. their fidelity to the families of their absent masters during the war was beautiful; while, towards the end of the strife, the enrollment and gallant fighting of , coloured men (northern and southern) in the federal armies showed their manfulness. and now their southern millions were free. they had the suffrage, but could not read the names of the men for whom they were voting. they were free men, but they had no land, no plough, no cabin, no anything. pitiful their plight! in retrospect, no race has ever made such wonderful progress in fifty years. with president eliot we may say that "their industrial achievements are the wonder of the world." the second task that confronted president grant was the reconstruction of the south. it was the era of the carpet-bagger. northern regiments dwelt in southern cities. men were talking about hanging jefferson davis, and trying to decide whether or not the confederate soldiers and officers should receive again the suffrage. designing whites and ignorant coloured men gained control of legislatures. corruption was rife. the whole south was prostrated. ten thousand questions arose in congress, bewildering, intricate, and the whole land was divided in opinion as to the proper courses. finally, all the confederate officers, saving perhaps jefferson davis alone, and some who refused to accept, received again their political rights at the hands of the magnanimous north. slowly chaos became cosmos. scarcely less heavy were the financial troubles of grant's administration. an era of war is an era of extravagance. when hard times came, men were tempted by the dreams of cheap money, and the greenback craze was abroad. but grant stood for honest money, and attacked lying measures with the zeal of a hebrew prophet. after two presidential terms came two years of foreign travel ( - ), and wherever the great soldier went he exhibited his confidence in democracy, his interest in the working people and the poor. he returned home to receive such an ovation as no american citizen has ever had. six years of private life were followed by a financial disaster that threatened to destroy his good name itself. grant was one who made ill-advised haste to become rich. scandalized by the deceit and impoverished by the failure of men he had trusted as partners, the great soldier was now assaulted by worry and fear. our best physicians believe that fear, whether related to property or the loss of name, or grievous disappointment, is in some way related to cancer. and within a few months after that awful wreckage, grant knew that his life was coming to an end. the soldier became an author. stricken with death, in the hope of safeguarding his family against poverty grant decided to write his memoirs. it was an astonishing literary achievement. his style is simple as sunshine. grant knew what he wanted to say, said it, and had done. yet all the time a shadow was falling upon the page,--the shadow made by the messenger of death, who stood by grant's shoulder, ready to claim his own. slowly the soldier wrote the story of his youth, his campaigns in the west, his battles in the wilderness, while every day the hand grew feebler. reared in a religious atmosphere, grant's nature was essentially moral and religious. he possessed all the big essential virtues--honesty, justice, truth, honour, good will. he loved the truth. he felt that he had done what he could. southern soldiers and generals as well as northern comrades and friends brought to his bedside messages of affection and good cheer. at length he fell asleep. his tomb on the height above the hudson has become a mecca for innumerable multitudes. to the end of time, perhaps, lincoln will be remembered as the martyr president, the best loved of all our leaders, the great emancipator, the gentlest memory of our world; but side by side with lincoln will stand grant, the man of oak and rock, the man of iron will, who fought the war to a successful issue, and will be known in history as the greatest soldier of the republic. xi the life of the people at home who supported the soldiers at the front it is a proverb that nothing moves men like tales of eloquence and heroism. historians and poets alike believe that stories of bravery and anecdotes of heroes exert a profound influence upon young hearts. here is socrates. his judges condemn him to the jail and poison. socrates quails not, and says: "at what price would one not estimate one night of noble conference with homer and hesiod? you, my judges, go home to your banquets--i to hemlock and death; but whether it is better for you than for me, god knoweth." it is a moving story. here is the early missionary martyr, fettered and brought before a cruel tyrant, to be condemned to death. the missionary lifts his chains, calls the roll of the king's crimes, flashes the sword of justice, coerces the monarch from his throne, makes him crawl, beg, plead, and beseech the missionary's pity and prayers, for speech has made a prisoner king, and turned a monarch into a captive. it is a moving tale. and here are the stories of war: xenophon's ten thousand young greeks, lost in the heart of the great nation, a thousand miles from home, without maps, without food, outnumbered daily ten to one, living off the country, fighting all day, surrounded by a fresh army each night, steadily pursuing their famous retreat. see, too, the handful at thermopylæ, defending the pass, and every one of them giving his life. and here are the dutch, driven by the bloody alva into the north sea, clinging to the dykes by their finger-tips, and fighting their way back to their homes and altars. and here are the american boys confined to the prison ship, the _jersey_, starved victims of scurvy and fever, without food, without medicine, with the corpses of their brothers floating in the water just outside, boys whose monument stands yonder in fort greene. what a tale of martyrdom is theirs! yet the history of heroism holds no more thrilling story than that of the soldiers of our civil war. every other passage, every other incident, that we have passed in review can be more than duplicated by soldier boys who have lent new meaning to patriotism and martyrdom. as many men died in southern prisons as fell on both sides at the battle of gettysburg. this is their story--they counted life not dear unto themselves; they struggled unto blood, striving against oppression, and the world itself, with all its beauty, was not worthy of them. our prosperous generation, threatened with effeminacy and softness, needs to re-open the pages of history and to linger long upon the portraits of our heroic leaders. theirs was the greatest war that ever shook the earth. a million northern men, and over against them a million southern men, and a battle line a thousand miles in length! including the long-term men and the short-term service, , , men engaged in the conflict! two thousand two hundred and sixty-one battles fought--if we mention conflicts in which there were more than five hundred engaged on each side. when lee surrendered, his land was desolate. armies upon armies of cripples came home to suffer! there were a million widows and over three million orphan children! men who at lincoln's call for troops left the college and the university discovered, when it was all over, that it was too late to take up their studies, and lived on like unfulfilled prophecies. others, who during those four years poured out all the vital nerve forces, brought so little strength out of the long, bitter struggle that they might better have died, and for years have been in the invalid's chair, looking with wistful eyes on the great procession of society moving on to industrial victories! the war all over? the war has been continued in its influences throughout the entire generation! it never will be over until the last cripple has dropped his maimed body, until the last child, robbed of a dead father's care, has recovered his losses, and the last woman who has lived alone through the years has found her beloved! the courage and endurance of the southern women, who took full charge of the cotton plantations and helped support lee's army, stirs the sense of wonder. there were many northern women who had no relatives at the front, but there was scarcely a southern home where the father, husband or sons were not on the battle line. for that reason the southern women were always in a state of suspense. homes were entirely broken up during the four years. the men were at the front, and all the women were either at work at home or were in the hospitals as nurses. during and practically every church in richmond was a hospital, and there were twenty-five other buildings used by surgeons. physicians had no morphine and no quinine. for coffee they used parched corn. tea rose to $ a pound. for sugar they steeped watermelon rind. for soda these women burned corncobs and mixed the ashes with their corn-meal. they had neither ice nor salt. they tore up their ingrain carpets to make trousers for the soldiers. women wore coarse hemp and calico. having no leather, one little factory turned out five hundred pairs of wooden shoes a month in richmond. when lee needed bullets, a minister tore the lead pipe out of his house in richmond to send the lead to lee. flour rose to $ a barrel. in one little town iron became so scarce that tenpenny nails were used for money. no tale more pitiful than that of the women who took charge of the slaves on the plantation, comforted their little children, buried their dead, smiled, wept, prayed, worked, compelled their lips to silence, staggered on, groaned inly while they taught men peace, and died while others were smiling. whether or not men are made in the image of god, these women certainly were. and it was because they believed with all their mind and soul that independence for the state was the sovereign gift of god; and they died for independence, just as the boys in blue lived and died for the union. it was this moral earnestness and intensity of conviction that made the war so terrible. when england hired hessians to fight washington's troops, and they fought for so much a week, the hired soldiers were slow to begin attack and quick to retreat. mercenaries have to be scourged into battle. stonewall jackson's men believed in their cause and thirsted for the excitement of the attack and onslaught. and yet all the time the two opposing armies maintained mutual respect and even developed a new sense of brotherhood as the desperate struggle went on. never was there a war carried on with such intensity by day and such a sense of mutual respect at night. once when the rappahannock separated the two armies, and it was evident that there was no campaign beyond, a revival broke out in one of stonewall jackson's regiments and there were prayer-meetings in almost every tent every night. becoming acquainted, a number of boys in blue by previous arrangement crossed the river, and knelt in the prayer service. one night the sound of the regiments singing, "nearer my god to thee," rolled through the air across the river, and finally the boys in the northern army joined in, until at the last verse, the two regiments, opposed in arms, were one in voice and heart, as they poured out their souls to god in the old hymn they had learned at their mother's knee. for the soldier knew that any moment a shot might bring the end. the sufferings of men in prisons touch the note of horror. the national government is planning a monument for those who died in andersonville. gettysburg slew , , andersonville , . the stockade included twenty-six acres, but three acres were marsh. incredible as it may seem, there was no shelter, no beds, no cook-house, no hospital, no nothing. just the cold rain in winter chilling men to death, just the pitiless glare of the august sun scorching them to death. there was no sanitation, and when it rained the little stream backed up the sewage, and after each shower men died by scores. wirtz wrote jefferson davis that one-fifth of the meal was bran, and that he had no meat, no medicine, no clothing. men burrowed in the ground, dug caves like rats, and not infrequently fifty bodies were carried out in a single day. wirtz destroyed men faster than did general lee. the men imprisoned in andersonville urge that there were thousands of cords of wood just outside the stockade, miles upon miles of forests all about, that the prisoners could have built their own shanties and hospitals, and cookhouses. to which wirtz's friends answer that he did not have weapons or confederate soldiers enough to guard the prisoners on parole. while they also answer that the prisoners in andersonville had as much food and the same kind as lee's army was then enjoying. the plain fact is that the south was out of medicine, clothing and food, and was itself on the edge of starvation. the wonderful thing is that these union boys, , of them, who died at andersonville, could at any moment have obtained release by taking the oath not to renew arms against the south. some few did escape by digging under the stockade--but what perils they endured to escape from the enemy's country! they slept in leaves by day, and travelled by night. they were pursued by bloodhounds, lay in water and swamps, with only their lips above the filth until the peril had passed by. they wore rags, ate roots, shivered in the rains, sweltered in the heat, grew more emaciated, until more dead than alive they reached the northern lines. now that it is all over, confederate soldiers like general john b. gordon have said on a hundred lecture platforms in northern cities that, having done what he could for states' rights and to destroy the union, he thanked god above all things else that he was not successful. in the spirit of abraham lincoln, that great southern soldier wrote the last words of his life, in the hope that they would help cement the union between the north and the south:--"the issues that divided the sections were born when the republic was born, and were forever buried in an ocean of fraternal blood. we shall then see that, under god's providence, every sheet of flame from the blazing rifles of the contending armies, every whizzing shell that tore through the forests at shiloh and chancellorsville, every cannon shot that shook chickamauga's hills or thundered around the heights of gettysburg, and all the blood and the tears that were shed are yet to become contributions for the upbuilding of american manhood and for the future defense of american freedom. the christian church received its baptism of pentecostal power as it emerged from the shadows of calvary, and went forth to its world-wide work with greater unity and a diviner purpose. so the republic, rising from its baptism of blood with a national life more robust, a national union more complete, and a national influence ever widening, shall go forever forward in its benign mission to humanity." nor must we forget the work of nurses, the members of the sanitary commission, and the christian commission movement. the events of the russian-japanese war show what is a wonderful progress of science. japan sent along with her army experts on the water, the food, and the placing of tents, that made typhoid, cholera and the usual diseases impossible. her surgeons used antiseptic methods, and gangrene was practically unknown in the japanese hospitals. but the situation was different in . modern sanitation, surgery, antiseptic methods, chloroform and ether are comparatively recent discoveries. such anesthetics as the surgeons had were poor in quality and insufficient in quantity. in the camps fever was prevalent. smallpox, measles and lesser diseases became malignant and wrought terrible ravages. tents became more dangerous than battle-fields. what the bullet began, the hospitals completed. more men died through disease than through leaden hail. but the noble army of physicians and nurses wrought wonders. think of it! twenty-six thousand men dead or dying on the field of gettysburg! here is a page torn from the journal of one of the nurses there: "we begin the day with the wounded and sick by washing and freshening them. then the surgeons and dressers make their rounds, open the wounds, apply the remedies and replace the bandages. this is the awful hour. i put my fingers in my ears this morning. when it is over we go back to the men and put the ward in order once more, remaking the beds and giving clean handkerchiefs with a little cologne or bay water upon them, so prized in the sickening atmosphere of wounds. then we keep going round and round, wetting the bandages, going from cot to cot almost without stopping, giving medicine and brandy according to orders. i am astonished at the whole-souled and whole-bodied devotion of the surgeons. men in every condition of horror, shattered and shrieking, are brought in on stretchers and dumped down anywhere." men shattered in the thigh, and even cases of amputation were shovelled into berths without blanket, without thought or mercy. it could not have been otherwise. other hundreds and thousands were out on the field of gettysburg bleeding to death, and every minute was precious. no page can ever describe the service of nurses, sisters of mercy, chaplains, brave men and kind women, who took train and went to the front upon news of the battle and remained there for weeks. but while the soldier boys were striving unto blood for their convictions, what about the people at home who loved them? how did they carry their burdens and fulfill their task that was not less important? fortunately, during the war, the north was blessed with four bountiful harvests that were rich enough, not only to support the people at home, and the soldiers at the front, but also to furnish an excess of food that could be sold abroad to obtain money with which to help support the war. it seemed as if the sun, the rain, and the soil had entered into a conspiracy to support the north and liberty. the largest crop of wheat and corn ever garnered before the war was in . at that time, men thought the harvest would never be surpassed. but strangely enough, that bumper crop of was surpassed four times in succession during the civil war. meanwhile the herds of cattle and the flocks of sheep more than doubled during the conflict, and all of the land that was not yellow with grain became a rich pasture and meadow, covered with cattle, sheep and horses. even the losses of sugar and cotton usually purchased from the south were made up to the north. threatened with the loss of the southern sugar, sorghum cane was imported from china, and the people scarcely missed the southern sugar. when the cotton failed, the unwonted increase of the flocks furnished wool for raiment. it stirs wonder to reflect that one poor crop of wheat and corn might have changed the issue, and defeated the north. singularly enough also, the failure of crops in europe not only offered a market for the unexpected northern surplus, but yielded the highest price ever known, thus bringing in a golden river to enrich the northern people. jefferson davis had said at the beginning of the war that "grass would soon be growing not simply in the streets of the villages of the north, but in broadway and wall street." davis believed that the withdrawal of every fourth man would make our problem of food and clothing impossible of solution. but at that moment the invention of the reaper enabled one harvester to do the work of ten men, and the new tools actually more than took the place of the northern soldiers who were at the front. furthermore, the spirit of patriotism and self-sacrifice descended upon the northern women. on the little farms where the farmer's wife was too poor to buy a reaper, the mother and the daughters went into the field to plough the corn and thrash the wheat and milk the cows. in many counties in iowa and kansas one-half of the men were at the front, and in harvest time it is said that there were more women working in the wheat and corn fields than men. one other element fought for liberty and the north. a strange unrest fell upon europe. foreign peoples became discontented and began to migrate. in the summer of a vast multitude landed upon the shores in new york, at the very time when there was a scarcity of labour in the shops and factories. at the very hour when lincoln was afraid that it might become impossible to clothe the army and equip it, the providence of god raised up foreigners who stepped into the place made vacant by the newly enlisted soldier; thereafter the north throughout the war actually increased in population, in wealth, in manufacturing interests. the civil war ended with the north richer and more prosperous than when it began; while in slavery had impoverished the south, and war left the confederacy crushed to the very earth, peeled and stripped, famished and utterly broken. for the south never yielded until she had cast in the last earthly possession, and knew that only life and breath were left. despite the abundant harvests, during the early part of the war the northern people passed through gloom, anxiety and bitter disappointment. at first the colleges and universities were empty, because the students had all gone to the front, but the common schools were as full as usual. the churches were better attended than formerly, while the newspapers were more widely read than ever before. the crisis sobered the people. the serious note was manifest. one by one luxuries were given up, amusements seemed paltry, and people forgot their usual diversions. after bull run came a succession of calamities. longfellow writes: "sumner came to dine last night, but the evening was most gloomy, and all went away in tears." governor morton of indiana wrote lincoln, "another three months like the last six, and we are lost." robert winthrop of boston came down to new york, and spoke of three scenes that he had witnessed. the first was a group of soldiers on their way home, in charge of friends, some crippled, some emaciated, gaunt and broken, and the rest carried on stretchers. at another station he saw a group of young soldiers, intelligent, athletic and sturdy, climbing on the car to start to the front, but on the platform was a group of pale-cheeked and weeping women, wives, mothers and sweethearts. "oh, it was terrible! it is all black, black, black!" said winthrop. but after the battle of gettysburg, the high-water mark of the war, men's spirits began to rise. the north became inured to excitement. the emotion was converted into hard work and endurance, and that dogged determination to produce the raiment, the weapons and the food to support the army, or die in the attempt. depositors took risks and loaned their money to the banks. bankers took their courage in their hands and loaned the money to the manufacturers; manufacturers advertised for labour in europe and started up their factories by night as well as by day. wages rose, the balance of trade was largely in favour of the north, the oil regions began to prosper, and industry, commerce and finance all waxed mighty. in the whole land was in the full sweep of industrial prosperity. the debts incident to the panic of were fully liquidated. iron is the barometer, and the country doubled its consumption of iron. an editor writing of his city says, "old hartford seems fat and rich and cozy, and everything is as tranquil as if there were no war." but the industrial conditions of life in the south were very different. be it remembered that the north was a self-supporting region, both as to foods and manufactured articles, while the south, under slavery, produced raw material, and used that raw stuff to build up factories in england. when the war came the south found herself without the means of supplying her own wants. within six months the south discovered that every axe and saw and steam-engine and iron rail and bolt and nail had come from the north. davis sent out men to scurry the country for old stoves and every iron scrap was picked up to be melted into weapons. at the close of the war tenpenny nails were used as five-cent pieces and currency in north carolina. to crown all other disasters came the debasement of the currency. macaulay says that the world has suffered less from bad kings than from bad shillings and sixpences. the confederacy issued one billion dollars of paper money, states issued another flood of promises to pay, cities put out municipal currency, fire and life insurances their shin-plasters, and they kept pouring out paper money until finally all the printing presses broke down. a month before the collapse, a confederate soldier, returning to his little cabin, paid $ , for a fifteen-year-old mule, knee sprung in front and spavined behind, and $ , for the shoes for shoeing the mule. lee's army would have collapsed but for the marvellous heroism, resourcefulness and courage of the southern women. they took charge of the fields, planted the crops, gathered the harvests, and staggered on to the end. not one northern home in five was death-stricken through the war, but practically every southern home had lost one or two members of the family, through father, son or brother. nor must we forget what lee owed to the fidelity of the negroes. instead of insurrection, arson, pillage and murder in southern towns and old homesteads, the southern slave remained true to his mistress, and was the very soul of fidelity. yet when the war was over, the town had become a wilderness, the plantation a desolation, and where there had been prosperity and even luxury, famine and want and disease had set up their abiding places. verily secession sowed the wind and reaped the whirlwind of destruction. that the war influenced some people for good and influenced others for evil is beyond all doubt. during the first two years it was a distinct tonic to the intellect and conscience of the people. the sense of national peril quickened the dull and lethargic, steadied the weak drifters, furnished ballast to all the people, made the strong stronger, made the brave more heroic. the first sign of national decay is the note of frivolity. the sure sign of greatness in a generation is the note of seriousness. in the middle of james russell lowell wrote bancroft that the war had been a great, a divine and a wholly unmixed blessing, and that all of the people were exalted to new levels. had the war ceased with the battle of gettysburg, probably lowell's statement would have held true, but later came the reaction towards graft and corruption, intemperance, profligacy and gambling. within four years the representatives of the government expended from seven to eight billions of dollars. government contractors bought at a single time , suits of clothes, , rifles, , blankets. the temptation to graft was strong for all and irresistible to a few. the government records speak of one horse-trader in st. louis who bought his horses and mules at $ and sold them to the government for $ , and made enough to buy mississippi steamboats for $ , . he then rented these boats to the government for one year for $ , , and at the end of the year still owned the boats. to what extent charges of graft were made is indicated by the fact that one claim was reduced from fifty millions to thirty-three millions. a cartoon of that time with strange exaggeration represents one man saying to his friend, "so-and-so has obtained a third contract from the government." to which his friend answers, "well, well! a couple of more contracts and he will die worth a million." for any manufacturer to obtain a government contract was for that man to be on the highroad to wealth. yet the historians who analyze these reports find a large amount of exaggeration in the statements. some waste there was, but the authorities seem to think that it was the waste of inexperience for the most part. when the war opened the navy department was spending $ , , a year. by it was spending $ , , , and with no organization to handle such enormous interests. in general, in view of the sudden emergency thrust upon the people, the marvel is not that there was so much corruption among government contractors, but that there were so many honest contractors, and that there was so little waste through inexperience. in general it may be said that the moral and religious sentiment of both north and south alike steadily strengthened during the conflict. after gettysburg, the southern people and army, always deeply religious, in their distress turned to their fathers' god for support. jackson and lee's men fought by day, and held prayer-meetings by night. in the north, during and ' and ' , religious meetings were held all over the land. when the winter twilight fell, the candles began to burn in the little schoolhouses, where the farmers assembled and prayed to god. in the small towns and tiny villages the little churches were packed with worshippers, not simply on sundays but during the evenings of the week. during this interval the layman became as influential as the ordained preachers. at this time, the young men's christian association took its rise, all of the old men saw visions, and all of the young men dreamed dreams, and many a saul was found among the prophets. poets like lowell were moved by deeply religious inspirations. during the war whittier wrote his loftiest songs and his noblest and most exalted prayers. the influence of the great conflict upon philosophers like emerson is easily traced. american literature lost its note of unreality. preaching became practical. there was a revival of ethics in politics. the war cleared the atmosphere of the country by sweeping away slavery with all its foundation of lies. wendell phillips once said the french revolution was the greatest and most unmixed blessing of the last one thousand years. now that it is all over, and the slain soldiers and the brave women who went down in the conflict have had all their hard questions asked before the throne of god, perhaps these heroes and heroines who now live unto god look back upon this era as an era of sorrow overruled for justice and liberty. the conclusion of the whole matter is this: a good house must be founded upon a rock, and no government or civilization can be permanent that is not based on the freedom, property and intelligence of the working classes. to-day the leaders of thought in the south believe that lee and gordon were right in the statement that they "thanked god that they failed to establish states' rights, and that northern men had succeeded in maintaining the union." time has cleared the air of misunderstandings. at last the north and south understand lincoln's last words regarding the civil war: "both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. the prayers of both could not be answered--that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. 'woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.' if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drop of blood drawn by the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.' with malice towards none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as god gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphan; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." xii abraham lincoln: the martyred president among the heroes who helped save the republic, the last, best hope of earth, in that it gives liberty to the slaves, that it might assure freedom to the free, stands abraham lincoln, the emancipator and martyr. take him all in all, abraham lincoln is the greatest thing the republic has achieved. history tells of no child who passed from a cradle so humble to a grave so illustrious. the institutions of the republic were founded for the manufacture of a good quality of soul. in the presence of the greatest men of history we can point with pride to lincoln, saying, "this is the kind of man the institutions of the republic can produce." for lincoln's most striking characteristic was his americanism. at best, washington was a patrician, the fine product of aristocratic institutions, so that england claimed him. washington was the richest man of his era, his home an old manor house, his estate wide inherited acres, his relative an english baronet, his brother the child of oxford university. the books he read were english books, the teachers he had were english tutors. the root was planted in english soil, though it fruited under american skies. but americanism is the very essence of lincoln's thoughts, lincoln's enthusiasm, lincoln's utterances, and lincoln's character. one of the golden words of the republic is the word "opportunity." here, all the highways that lead to office, land and honour must be open unto all young feet. a banker's son may climb to the governor's mansion, or the white house, but so may the washerwoman's. the widow's son practices eloquence in the corn fields of virginia, but he has ability and patriotism, and we bring henry clay to the senate chamber. a child out in ohio goes barefooted over the october grass, driving an old red cow to the barn lot, but we bring mckinley to the white house. yonder stands the temple of fame. the door is open by day and by night, and a tall, thin, sallow boy turns his back upon a log cabin in illinois and seeks entrance. but the angel at the threshold asks hard questions: "can you eat crusts? can you wear rags? can you sleep in a garret? can you endure sleepless nights and days of toil? can you bear up against every wind that assails your bark? can you live for liberty and god's truth, and can you die for them?" and that boy bowed his assent. washington climbed hand over hand up the golden rounds of the ladder of success; lincoln built the ladder up which he climbed out of the fence rails which his own hands had split. like his divine master, he touched two or three crusts and turned them into bread for the hungry multitudes. his little log cabin shames our palaces. his three books, the bible, the "pilgrim's progress" and "Ã�sop's fables" eclipse our libraries. his six months in a log schoolhouse were more than equal to our eight years in lecture hall and university. his fidelity to the great convictions shames our shifting politicians. for fifty years he walked forward under clouded skies. like dante, he held heart-break at bay. during one brief epoch only did his sun clear itself of clouds. he died without full recognition or reward. in retrospect he stands forth the saddest and sweetest, the strongest and gentlest, the most picturesque and the most pathetic figure in our history. the saviour of the world was born in a stable and cradled in a manger, and went by the via dolorosa towards the world's throne. not otherwise abraham lincoln was born in a cabin, more suited for herds and flocks than for a young mother and a little child; and by the way of poverty and adversity the great emancipator travelled towards his throne of influence and world supremacy. history holds a few deeds so great that they can be done but once. there are some laws, some reforms and some liberties that once achieved are always achieved. thus, columbus discovered this new world, but his achievement reduced all the other explorers to the level of imitators. thus isaac newton discovered gravity, and in a moment every other astronomer became a pupil and a disciple. there never can be but one james watt, for, though a thousand inventors improve his engine, their names are little tapers, shining over against the sun. the last century offered men of genius two signal opportunities, and there were a thousand eager aspirants for the honour. charles darwin discovered the golden key that unlocked the kingdom of nature and life, and carried off the honours of science. abraham lincoln, in an hour when some would meanly lose it, planned to nobly save the union, emancipated three million slaves, and carried off the honours in the realm of reform and liberty. how great was the work done by this man and how supreme was the man himself, we can best understand by comparison and contrast. among small men it is easy to be great. in patagonia, where everybody eats blubber, a boy in the first reader is a prodigy of learning. anybody can be a giant in heroism and reform among hottentots and south sea savages. but the era of the civil war was an era of heroes. great men walked in regiments up and down the land. it was the age of daniel webster, whose genius is so wonderful that he achieved the four supreme things of four realms,--the greatest legal argument we have, the dartmouth college case; the greatest plea before a judge and jury, the knapp murder case; our finest outburst of inspirational eloquence, the oration at bunker hill; the greatest argument in defense of the constitution, his reply to hayne. it was the age of john c. calhoun, a statesman whose political theories led half a continent to deeds of daring war. it was the era of seward, the all-round scholar, of chase the greatest secretary of treasury since alexander hamilton, a man who struck the rock with the rod of his genius, and made the waters of finance flow forth from the desert. it was the age of our greatest orators, for then wendell phillips and beecher were at their best. it was the era of emerson, the philosopher; of theodore parker, the reformer; of garrison, the abolitionist; of lovejoy, the martyr; of lowell and whittier, the poets of freedom; of greeley, the editor; it was also the age of the greatest soldiers, grant and sherman, and sheridan and lee. the great man is a form of fruit ripened in an atmosphere made warm and genial, and the climate that nurtured lincoln unfolded the talents that represented also other forms of mental fruit. among these men lincoln lived and wrote and spoke, and suffered and died;--but he stands forth a master among men, an indisputable genius, one of the five supreme statesmen of all history. now if we are to understand the unique place of abraham lincoln in our history we must recall again for a moment the men who set the battle lines in array. unfortunately, most of our histories tell our children and youth that the civil war raged about the slave. as a matter of fact, slavery was the occasion of the war, but not the cause. slavery was the sulphur match that exploded the powder magazine, though the powder magazine could have been set off by a spark from the flint and steel, or a hundred other methods. the civil war was really fought over the question whether a constitutionally formed nation dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal could permanently endure. the whole period from to was a critical period, during which the constitution was being tested and tried out. during this testing many forms of secession were planned, and several actual rebellions took place. in there was a massachusetts rebellion under shays, over the question of taxation. in there was what was known as the whiskey rebellion in pennsylvania. in to there was a secession movement on in south carolina, and president jackson put down that rebellion over the tariff. then daniel webster marked out the final lines of battle, entrenching the constitution against rebellious attempts. webster fired the first shot of the war, whose last shot was fired at appomattox. webster carried the flag that grant followed at vicksburg, and shook out the folds of the banner that was crimsoned with blood at gettysburg. it was webster's banner that anderson pulled down at fort sumter, under the stress of fire, and it was webster's banner that, four years later to an hour, the same general anderson pulled up on the same flagstaff at the same fort sumter. during the period of the thirties and the forties, the conflict was a conflict of words and arguments between men like webster and calhoun and garrison and phillips. later, the strife took on the form of a guerrilla warfare, and here and there leaders like lovejoy were martyred. at last the strife entered into politics, when douglas and lincoln struggled for the supremacy of their principles,--but always it was a question of constitutional interpretation, against whatever interest attacked the "supreme law." soon the conflict entered the church, and the american tract society, to hold the gifts of slave owners, forbade the distributions of testaments to slaves, while the bishop of new jersey destroyed an edition of the prayer book because it contained a picture of ary scheffer's picture of "christ the emancipator," who was engaged in striking the shackles from slaves. the bishop was quite willing that christ should open the eyes of the blind, make the deaf to hear and the lame to walk, but as for jesus freeing the slaves--well, that was too much. over the question of the constitutional power of congress to resist the further extension of slavery in newly opened territories, the whole land rocked with excitement. liberty and slavery, like two giants, grappled for the death struggle. in such an era god raised up abraham lincoln, to lead the people out of the wilderness, and into the promised land of union, of liberty, and of peace. never was a candidate for universal fame born under so unfriendly a sky. his annals are "the short and simple annals of the poor." his home was a log cabin that had but three sides, the fourth one being a buffalo robe, swaying to and fro in the wind. when the biting wind of poverty became unbearable in kentucky, the scant possessions were loaded upon a horse, carried across the ohio, and the child walked barefooted through the forests of indiana, where a new shack was built in the wilderness. there lincoln's "angel mother" sickened and died--that mother to whom lincoln said he owed all that he was or hoped to be. then when the winter of poverty and discontent settled down blacker than ever, the father removed to another state, where the mud was deeper, and the winters colder, where nature was less propitious. lying on his face, before blazing logs, the boy committed to memory the four gospels, "Ã�sop's fables," and bunyan's "pilgrim's progress." at nineteen he went to new orleans, and standing in the slave market saw a young girl sold at public auction, and told his brother, dennis hanks, that if he ever had a chance he would hit slavery the hardest blow he could. at twenty he split , rails for a farmer, whose wife wove for him three yards of cloth, dyed in walnut juice, with which he had a new suit of clothes. he started a little store, failed in business, became a surveyor, bought a copy of the constitution of the united states and the declaration of independence; was made postmaster; several years later returned to the government agent the exact silver quarters and copper cents that he had kept tied up in a bag, because honesty meant that the identical coins must be returned to the government; entered upon the study and the practice of the law; was elected to the legislature, and reflected; was sent to congress, and on a second campaign for the united states senatorship from illinois met his competitor, stephen a. douglas, in the great debate. beginning this contest, he delivered the "house divided against itself cannot stand" speech; and in the course of his marvellous debate made the issue between liberty and slavery so clear that a wayfaring man, though a fool, could not misunderstand; declared that if slavery was not wrong, there was nothing that was wrong. soon he came to be looked upon as one who each year would coin the happy phrase and the rhythmical watchword that would be taken upon the lips of , , of people; was made the leader of the new "party of freedom," and president. now, with infinite skill and patience, he entered upon the task of proving that he was the strongest man in his cabinet, the strongest man in the north, the strongest man in the country, and the only man who had the last fact in the case, and therefore had the right to rule. seward, experienced politician and statesman that he was, began by delicately hinting to lincoln that if he felt himself unequal to emergencies, he could rely upon his secretary of state for guidance, and that he, seward, would not evade the responsibility. lincoln answered by reading seward's statement of a possible measure, and then placing beside it a statement of his own that reduced seward to the level of a schoolboy standing up beside a giant. then stanton entered the lists as competitor, and quietly lincoln asserted himself until stanton's attitude became one of almost reverent worship, as he said of lincoln, "henceforth he belongs with the immortals." then greeley put in his claim for supremacy, and after lincoln had published his answer to horace greeley, in lines as clear as crystal, and in words as gentle as sunbeams, not a man in the land but saw that lincoln was intellectually head and shoulders above horace greeley. one by one and step by step he ascended the hills of difficulty. round by round he climbed the ladder of fame. naturally, therefore, his centennial was observed by a week's celebration, when all the wheels were still, and all the stores and factories were silent, when ninety millions of people were gathered into one vast audience chamber, when one name was upon all lips--the name of abraham lincoln, the emancipator of the slaves, the acknowledged master of men, who gave liberty to the slaves that he might assure freedom to the free. thoughtless writers have talked lincoln's ancestry down, and careless biographers have defamed him. superficial students speak of him as a miracle, and say that his genius is surrounded with silence and mystery. but all that abraham lincoln was he had at the hands of his fathers and his mothers. although their greatness was latent, his parents had as much ability in their way as their distinguished son had in his way. how do we know? because when god wants to call a strong man he begins by calling his father and mother. there never was a great man who did not have a great ancestry, even though the greatness may have been latent and unconscious. every strong man stands upon the shoulders of his ancestors. when you start for the top of pike's peak you start at omaha. when you reach denver you are six thousand feet in the air, and pike's peak is shouldered up on the foot-hills. socrates is a great teacher, but look at sphroniscus, the sculptor, his father. paganini is a great musician, but paganini was born of musicians whose wrists had muscles that stood out like whip-cords. bach is a great musician, but there were forty people of the name of bach mentioned in musical dictionaries. charles darwin is the great scientist, but there were four generations of scientists who had made ready for darwin, just as there were seven generations of scholars that culminated in emerson. and standing in the shadow behind abraham lincoln are half a dozen generations of men and women who handed forward to him a perfect logic engine, a sound mind, in a sound body; a mental instrument that worked without fever and without friction and without flaw. at the hands of stradivarius one piece of apple wood is fashioned into a violin. if stradivarius passes by the other board because he has not time, let no man say the board that was undeveloped was not full of latent music. the divine artist and architect shaped abraham lincoln's nature into a world instrument, but the same quality and the stuff were in his father and mother, who lived and died a bundle of roots that were never planted, a handful of blossoms that never fruited. lincoln's father and mother were like the crystal caves in their own kentucky. there the traveller is led through a cave of crystals, newly discovered. one day a farmer ploughing thought the ground sounded hollow under his feet. going to the barn, he brought a spade and opened up an aperture. flinging down a rope, his friends let the explorer down, and when the torches were lighted, lo, a cave as of amethysts, sapphires and diamonds! for generations the cave had been undiscovered and the jewels unknown. wild beasts had wandered above these flashing gems, and still more savage men had lived and fought and died there. and yet just beneath was this cave of splendid beauty. oh, pathetic illustration of men who are big with talent, of women full of latent gifts, of fathers and mothers like thomas lincoln and his young wife, who struggle on without opportunity, who are denied their chance, who are imprisoned by poverty, and fettered by circumstance, who are like birds beating bloody wings against the bars of an iron cage, who die unfulfilled prophecies, and dying, transfer their ambitions to their gifted children, believing that their son shall behold what the father and mother must die without seeing. god worked no miracle in abraham lincoln. there is a photograph of the signature of the grandfather upon a title deed in culpeper county in virginia. now, place that signature side by side with the signature of abraham lincoln on the emancipation proclamation, and the strong, sinewy sweep in the signature of the grandfather comes down and repeats itself in the strong, steady clearness of the grandson. and perhaps the strong, sinewy sentence came down and repeated itself also, for all fine thinking stands with one foot on fine brain fibre. the time has come for men with a sharp knife and a hot iron to expunge from two or three of the otherwise best biographies of abraham lincoln these false, superficial and ignorant statements about his ancestry. science, observation, experience, history and sifted facts all unite to tell us that whatever was great in its unfolding in the talent of abraham lincoln was great in the seed form in his father and mother. where were the hidings of his power? why is lincoln revered above his fellows, the orators, the soldiers, and the statesmen and editors and secretaries of his time? a line of contrast with the other great men who were his competitors for fame will make lincoln's supremacy to stand forth as clear in outline as the mountains, and as bright as the stars. for example, wendell phillips was the agitator and orator of the abolitionists. phillips said, "emancipation is the essential thing. the union secondary. if the southern states will not emancipate the slaves, force them out of the union." horace greeley was the editor of the war epoch. greeley said, "emancipation is first, the union secondary. if they prefer slavery to liberty let the erring sisters go." beecher was the all-round man of genius. his great speech in england began with an exordium at manchester; he stated the arguments at edinburgh, glasgow and liverpool; he pronounced the peroration at exeter hall, in london, and no such peroration and eloquence has been heard since demosthenes' philippic against the tyrant of macedon. but beecher's criticisms of lincoln in the new york _independent_ during april and may of led lincoln to exclaim after reading one of them, "is thy servant a dog that he should do this thing?" if these great men did not appreciate the national crisis, lincoln understood it perfectly. now, over against the editorials of beecher and horace greeley and the lectures of phillips, stands lincoln, and to these three men he sent words addressed only to horace greeley, explaining to them why the time had not come for the emancipation proclamation. and although a part of this we have quoted in defense of webster's position in , that and yet more of the famous letter may well be repeated here:-- "i would save the union. "if there be those who would not save the union unless they could at the same time save slavery, i do not agree with them. "my paramount object in this struggle is to save the union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. "if i could save the union without freeing any slave, i would do it. "if i could save it by freeing all the slaves, i would do it. "and if i could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, i would also do that. "what i do about slavery and the coloured race i do because i believe it helps to save the union; and what i forbear, i forbear because i do not believe it would help to save the union. "i shall do less whenever i believe that what i am doing hurts the cause. "and i shall do more whenever i believe that doing more will help the union." how wonderfully does this publish the supremacy of abraham lincoln! lincoln saw clearly, where others had an indistinct vision. as to gravity, isaac newton's vote outweighs all the other millions of men, and from the hour that lincoln published this letter to horace greeley the people saw that abraham lincoln had the last fact in the case, saw the whole truth, saw it through and through. by sheer power, clarity of thought, strength of statement and fairness, abraham lincoln finally won over not only a lukewarm north, but a bitter south, until to-day he belongs to the ninety millions. if every northerner should die, the brave and patriotic men of the south living now would defend everything for which abraham lincoln lived and died. for at last it is true of both north and south, in lincoln's own pathetic words, that the mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. the most striking characteristic of lincoln's character was his honesty. some men are naturally secretive: lincoln was naturally open as sunshine. the exact fact, truth in the hidden parts, openness, these were the innermost fibre of his being. machiavelli laid out the diplomat's career on the line of deceit, and concealing the cards. lincoln would have made a poor diplomat,--he spread all his cards out on the table. he won from his opponent, stephen a. douglas, the tribute, "lincoln was the fairest and most honest man i ever knew." if there ever lived an absolutely honest lawyer, lincoln was the man. in his work before the jury lincoln never misrepresented his opponent's position, never twisted the testimony of the witness, never made biassed statements to win a verdict. once a young lawyer who was opposing lincoln made a poor plea for his client, and overlooked in his argument before the jury two most important considerations. lincoln was restless, and greatly disturbed. he seemed to think that the lawyer's client had been badly used, and that his attorney had not given him a fair chance, or guarded his rights. when lincoln arose, therefore, he began by saying that the opposing counsel had overlooked the most important point. he then stated his opponent's position far more strongly than his lawyer had, and made the best possible statement for his opponent, to the astonishment and indignation of his own client, whom he was defending. then lincoln turned to answer these arguments,--with the result that for the first time the two litigants understood the exact facts of both sides, and at lincoln's request settled the case, withdrawing it from the court. this love of the exact truth and of fair play and of essential justice shone from the man's face, dominated his arguments, explained his view-point, revealed his character. the nickname, "honest old abe," tells the whole story. lincoln's final judgment partook of the nature of a final decree and law. at length his pronouncements became like a divine fiat. take the truth out of lincoln's character, and it would be like taking the warmth out of a sunbeam. he _was_ truth, he thought truth, loved the truth, surrendered himself to the truth. under that influence he refused to play politics, or fence for position with douglas. once lincoln won a case so easily that he returned one-half of the retainer's fee, because he felt that he had not earned it. here, therefore, is found the secret of lincoln's unbounded popularity. the common people know their friends, and--what with lincoln's gentleness, his justice, his boundless kindness, his sympathy with the poor and the unfortunate, and his honesty--he became the most beloved man in the illinois circuit. wonderful, too, his literary achievements. his great passages read like the bible, and have almost the moral authority thereof. if preachers ever wear the old bible out, lincoln's second inaugural, and his speech at gettysburg, and certain other passages, will furnish texts for another hundred years. one thing is certain,--if chinese students in their universities two thousand years from now translate any oration out of the english language, as we now translate the speeches of demosthenes, these chinese students will translate lincoln's speech at gettysburg, and his second inaugural address. contrary to the usual idea, it may be confidently affirmed that lincoln was a well equipped man, and had the best possible training for literary style. during the plastic years of memory, lincoln had three books to study, and two of these are the finest models for style in all literature,--king james' version of the bible, and bunyan's "pilgrim's progress." these are the world's great literary masterpieces, these are the wells of english, pure and undefiled. upon these two books robert burns was reared. to the fact that his mother made him commit to memory forty chapters of the bible before he was seven years old, john ruskin attributed his mastery in english style. second rate men know something about everything. lincoln was a first rate man who knew everything about some one thing. if you want to make a versatile man, turn a boy loose in a library. if you want a boy to have the note of distinction upon his pages, lock him out of a library, and send him into solitude, with the english bible, with john bunyan, and with Ã�sop's fables, and let him take these three books into his intellect, as he takes meat and bread into the rich blood of the physical system. literary style is the shadow that the soul flings across the page. style is simply the intellect rushing into exhibition and verbal form. therefore style is the balance of faculty, symmetry of development. a man is healthy when he does not know that he has a single organ in his body, and a page has style when you do not know where to find the note of distinction. there is a world of difference between "style," and "a style." abraham lincoln's second inaugural has style. carlyle's french revolution has a style. a perfect kentucky horse has style. a knee-sprung horse has a style. down the track comes this perfect horse, eyes flashing, head up, neck arched, feet dancing, not a flaw, not a blemish, upon leg or body. looking at the glorious creature you exclaim, "that horse has style!" for a horse's style is born of perfect health, perfect lungs and perfect legs, one power balancing another, and all united to produce an absolutely perfect horse. now comes a horse that represents a collection of ringbones, and glanders, and poll-evil. the one horse limping in front has "a style." thomas carlyle's sentences are knee-sprung in front and his phrases are spavined behind, and, therefore, carlyle has "a style" but not "style." you would know one of his sentences if you saw its skeleton lying in the desert on the road to khartoum. but on the other hand, lincoln has "style,"--that indescribable bloom and beauty, born of balance, development and symmetrical growth. samuel johnson bulged on the side of latinity. daniel webster is an example of the magnificent, illustrating gorgeousness, opulence, and tropic splendour. lincoln's sentences are like the bible and bunyan,--they are plate-glass windows through which you look to see the jewelled thought beyond. lincoln tells us how he made his style. one day he heard a man use the word "demonstrate." for days he cudgelled his brains to find out just what it was to demonstrate a statement. he tells us that when he was about eight years old, he began to be irritated when men used long words that he could not understand. he began the habit of thinking over in the dark before he went to sleep any story he had heard, any statement that had been made, and he tried to substitute for the long hard words little short simple words, that a boy could understand. during those early years, he learned that the rich, racy, homey words are steeped and perfumed with beautiful associations. he knew that words are fossil poetry. what would one not give for the old cloak that paul had from troas, a piece of the marble by phidias, the old threshold worn by the feet of socrates, an old missal illuminated by bellini, an old note-book in which shakespeare wrote the first outline of hamlet! and the old, sweet, home words with which a mother soothes her babe, with which a lover woos his bride, the old words of god, and home and native land, are the words that are rich in association and in power to move the heart. a bird lines its nest with feathers plucked from its own breast, and the heart steeps the dear, simple speech of home life in sacred associations. so lincoln cut out all the long latin words, and substituted the short saxon ones. schooled in the two great master books that are the precious life spirit of earth's greatest souls treasured up, he developed his style. nor must we overlook the fact that the apparent narrowness of his culture represents a real concentration that made for richness and depth. if one must choose, take the upper rhine that is a river deep and pure and sweet, and strong for bearing the fleets of war and peace because it is confined between banks and narrowed. but when the rhine comes down to the flats and approaches the sea and casts off all restraints, and tries to include everything, it turns into a swamp, a morass, losing its power for commerce, and becoming a source of disease and death. lincoln's culture was limited to the english, and to a mastery of the constitution--the principles of fundamental justice, to one country--the republic, to one topic--the union, and to one reform--slavery. beyond all doubt, this concentration of study during the critical years of his career made up a much better preparation than if he had gone to a college, studied half a dozen languages, and fifty or sixty different subjects, and come out well smattered, but poorly educated. it may be doubted whether lincoln would have been much better off had he been able to read latin and greek, and speak french and german. many people can say "it is a little yellow dog" in greek, and german, and french, and italian, and english, but after all it is only a little yellow dog. what educates is the idea, and not the half dozen names of a thing without an idea. the important thing about a cistern is water, and not many mouths to the pump. having spent many years learning to express one idea in five ways, one might be glad to trade the five ways of expression for five ideas to be expressed in one way. edward everett, once president of harvard university, could talk in five languages, and at gettysburg spoke for two hours. lincoln could speak in one language, and did so for two minutes. but the next morning mr. everett wrote to the president: "i should be glad if i could flatter myself that i came as near to the central idea of the occasion in two hours as you did in two minutes." lincoln's one language shames our knowledge of four languages, his three books shame our libraries, and our four years of college culture. nor must we overlook the influence upon lincoln's style of the parables of jesus and the fables of Ã�sop. there are two invariable signs of genius in a boy,--one is the serious note, and the other is the picture-making note. all the great things represent serious thinking. the greatest artist of the last century was the most serious one,--watt, with his love and life, and love and death, and mammon, and hope. the great poems have been the serious poems, the in memoriam, and the intimations of immortality, the hamlet and the lear. the great orators have been the serious orators. the next sign of genius is the picture-making faculty. men of talent evolve arguments, men of genius create emblems, parables and pictures. minds oftentimes called profound use long abstractions, and are called deep thinkers, because nobody can understand them. but along comes a man of genius, and he squeezes the juice out of the abstract argument, and flings the rind away, and tells you what it is like. measured in terms of genius, the parables of jesus are the greatest literary achievements in history. Ã�sop's fables teach by pictures. "pilgrim's progress" is pictorial. lincoln was exceedingly fortunate in his generation in that the three great books of pictures were in his hands during the imaginative epoch. of course he was born with the talent for parable, because genius is one-half nature and the other half nurture. it was this natural gift and the training that taught him how when he had completed an argument and mastered the principle, to say, now what is this great principle like, and how can i condense it into a picture and put it in a happy phrase that will sing itself across the land? this picture-making gift inspired him to quote the keen wisdom of that expression of jesus, "the house divided against itself cannot stand." this skill in parables gave him the expression, "better not swap horses in the middle of the stream," that gave him his second election. this vision power gave him that sentence equal to anything in shakespeare, when vicksburg fell, "once more the father of waters goes unvexed to the sea." this faculty enabled him to sweep into one illustration a thousand arguments, so that the people could never forget the mother principle that explained the facts. nor may we forget what the great cause did for him. the era of the war was a great era, because god heaved society as the winds heave the waves, and men were swept forward with irresistible power upon the great movement of liberty. great movements make great epochs and great men. a great ideal of god and righteousness and liberty lifts savonarola and florence to new levels; a great cathedral inspires michael angelo's great dome; a divine saviour and his transfiguration exalt raphael; paradise explains dante; listening to the sevenfold hallelujah chorus of god arouses the sweep and majesty of milton's epic; the woes of three million slaves made eloquence possible for phillips and beecher. the saving of a union, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men were created equal, represented a cause into which lincoln could fling himself. the thought of meanly losing or nobly saving the last, best hope of earth, exalted, transformed, and armed the men, making feeblings strong, and strong men to be giants. eloquence and heroism wane during the commercial era. no man can be eloquent upon the duty on hides, or salt, or the digging of mud out of a river. but dumb lips will break into glorious speech at the thought of freeing millions of slaves, and saving free institutions, and handing liberty forward to other lands, and to generations yet unborn. the era of fort sumter and gettysburg, when liberty and slavery were in their death grapple, was an era so great that the ordinary issues of avarice, self-interest, fame, luxury, became contemptible, and men were exalted to the point where they spake, and suffered, and marched, and died, more like gods than men. the great battles to be fought, the great armies to be moved, the great navies to be directed, the great orators and editors with whom he counselled, the many slaves for whom he became a voice, the great days on which he felt that he was making history, the great future into which he hoped to send the great liberties unimpaired and purified, the great god over all,--lent greatness to abraham lincoln, clothed him with pathos, with sorrow, with dignity and majesty, as with garments. like every giant, he was gentle. the truly great are always sensitive and sympathetic. in proportion as the mountain goes upward in size does it gain in power to return the strong man's shout, or the sigh of the lost child, echoing and reëchoing the cry of need. sympathy is the soul journeying abroad, to bind up the wounds of him who has fallen among thieves. sympathy cannot feast in a palace while the poor famish. selfishness can stop its ears with wax lest it hear the groan of the poor, but sympathy is knitted in with its kind. lincoln worked as hard to help men as slave masters did to recover a fugitive to bondage. it has been beautifully said that he did kind deeds stealthily, as if he were afraid of being found out. he became a shield above the fallen; he stood between the soldier, condemned for the sleep of exhaustion, and the hangman's noose. he refused to attend a cabinet meeting because he was trying to find a reason for reprieving a soldier. "it is butchery day," he said one friday morning, and he denied himself to a committee because he did not think that hanging would help the boy who was condemned to die. "they said he was homely," said a poor woman, going away from the white house with a reprieve for her son; "he is the handsomest man i ever saw." it is this sympathy that runs through his letter to that mother, whose five sons had died gloriously on the field of battle. for he squeezed the purple clusters of the heart, and let the crimson tide flow down upon the page, as he prayed that the mother might carry through the years "only the cherished memory of the loved and the lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom." more striking still, lincoln's trust in god and his overruling providence. mr. herndon in his biography and dr. abbott in an editorial and an oration at cooper institute emphasize the agnosticism of lincoln. the one says that in his youth he wrote an article against christianity, and the other that he was not a technical christian. dr. abbott thinks all this so important that he places the agnosticism of lincoln at the forefront. but too much has been made of the schoolboy article of lincoln on doubt and infidelity. in his youth gladstone was a tory, but he outgrew it. in the outset paul was against christianity. tennyson and wordsworth in their teens wrote puerile verse, just as lincoln in his teens wrote a foolish paper. but it is cruelly unfair not to allow abraham lincoln the full benefit of what he came to be, and not to take the man at his best. it is unfair to say that a man is what he is at his worst and lowest point; a man is what he is at his best and highest point. stephen a. douglas said lincoln was the most honest man he ever knew. well, if lincoln was an honest man in his character, he must have been honest in talking about his religion and his faith in god. was abraham lincoln an agnostic in that hour when he spoke his farewell words to his neighbours in springfield, about starting on the memorable journey to his inauguration? he said: "i feel that i cannot succeed without the same divine aid that sustained washington, and on the same almighty being i place my reliance for support; and i hope you, my friends, will all pray that i may receive that divine assistance without which i cannot succeed, but with which success is certain." was abraham lincoln without faith, and did he play to the gallery, when he set apart a day of fasting and prayer after the defeat at bull run? having said that abraham lincoln was an honest man, why not remember it, when these critics read his first inaugural, in which he declares that "intelligence, patriotism, christianity, and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favoured land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty." when abraham lincoln wrote the mother, mrs. bixby, "i pray that the heavenly father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement," he meant that he believed in god, in a god who answered prayer, in a god who cared for the mother living, and the five brave boys dead. "the almighty has his own purposes," said lincoln, in the second inaugural, an address that is steeped in religion, that exhales trust in god. take god out of that second inaugural, and it would be like taking health out of the body, wisdom out of the book, sweetness out of the song, culture out of the intellect, life out of the body. you cannot in one breath say that lincoln was an agnostic, and then in the next one say that lincoln was an honest man. i care not one whit what mr. herndon says. i care everything about what abraham lincoln says about himself in his greatest speeches, in his noblest hours, when he gave his countrymen his latest, deepest, profoundest thoughts. in trying to explain the character of lincoln we therefore make our final appeal unto god, for god alone is equal to the making of this great man. when long time has passed, the name of lincoln will probably be mentioned with moses, julius cæsar, paul, shakespeare. men will read a few of his paragraphs as a kind of bible of patriotism. washington's name will not be less, but lincoln's will certainly be more and more, and then still more. god and sorrow made the man great. and this is his life story. in the darkest hour of the republic, when liberty and slavery were struggling to see which should rule the old homestead, it became evident that slavery would turn the garden into a desert, and the house into a ruin. and seeking a deliverer and a saviour, the great god, in his own purpose, passed by the palace with its silken delights. he took a little babe in his arms, and called to his side his favourite angel, the angel of sorrow. stooping, he whispered, "oh, sorrow, thou well-beloved teacher, take thou this little child of mine and make him great. take him to yonder cabin in the wilderness; make his home a poor man's house; plant his narrow path thick with thorns, cut his little feet with sharp and cruel rocks; as he climbs the hills of difficulty, make each footprint red with his own life-blood; load his little back with burdens; give to him days of toil and nights of study and sleeplessness; wrest from his arms whatever he loves; make his heart, through sorrow, as sensitive to the sigh of a slave as a thread of silk in a window is sensitive to the slightest wind that blows; and when you have digged lines of pain in his cheeks, and made his face more marred than the face of any man of his time, bring him back to me, and with him i will free three million slaves." that is how god made abraham lincoln great. and then,--we slew him. for that is the way our ignorant, sinful earth has always rewarded its greatest souls. ours is a world where we crucify the saviour in jerusalem, where we poison socrates in athens, where we exile dante in italy, and burn savonarola in florence, and starve cervantes in madrid, and jail bunyan in bedford,--for the greatest manhood is always rewarded with martyrdom. and what better thing for abraham lincoln than assassination, because he has emancipated three million slaves and saved the union, as the last, best hope of earth? but, lo, who are these in bright array, looking over the battlements of heaven, while the forces of liberty and slavery in other forms struggle together on these earthly plains beneath? these with radiant faces unstained by tears, that seem never to have known the mark of pain or sorrow? ah! these are they who have come out of great tribulation, anguish and martyrdom; paul from the stones; homer from his blindness; socrates from his cup of poison; milton from his heart-break; savonarola from his fagots, and lincoln from his long martyrdom--the least part of which was the shot that freed his spirit in the hour of triumph and joy. index abolition societies in the south, abominations, tariff of, , Ã�sop's fables, , , "adam bede," adams, charles f., , adams, john, , alabama, secession, _alabama_, the, , , _albemarle_, the, albert, prince consort, aldersen, judge, alva, duke of, , american tract society, ames, fisher, andersonville, , anne, queen, anti-slavery epoch, importance of, , , arab slave-hunters, athens, , , atlanta and sherman, austin, james t., bach, john s., bacon, lord, bailey, kentucky editor, bancroft, george, , bates, edward, beauregard, p. g. t., , beecher, henry ward, , , , , ; chapter ix, the appeal to england, - ; reasons for european trip of, - ; no official embassy, ; interview of, with lincoln, ; breakfast to, in london, ; speech at manchester, - ; at glasgow and edinburgh, , ; in liverpool, , ; in london, ; triumph at home, , ; raises sumter flag, ; and lincoln, , , - beecher, lyman, bell, john, bishop of new jersey, bowen, henry c., breckenridge, j. c., bremer, frederika, bright, john, , brown, john, chapter vi, - ; in springfield, ; north elba, ; iowa, ; kansas, - ; virginia, ; harper's ferry, ; trial and death, - ; his fanaticism overruled, brown-sequard, dr., bryant, wm. c., buchanan, com. franklin, buchanan, james, buckle, thomas, bunyan, john, burns, anthony, - burns, robert, burnside, gen. a. e., byron, lord, calhoun, john c., ; early career, , ; nullification, ; government and sovereignty, ; mistakes of, ; influence on non-slaveholding south, ; political doctrine of, in church affairs, - carlisle, lord, carlyle, thomas, , , - , - carpet-baggers, cervantes, channing, wm. e., , , , charles i, , charles ii, chase, salmon p., christian commission, clay, henry, , , cobden, richard, , columbus, christopher, columbus, ky., congregationalism and state sovereignty, - constitution, the, convention of , cooper, peter, cotton, - , , - cushing, lieut. w. b., dante, , , , , darwin, charles, , davis, jefferson, stephens' opinion of, ; early career, ; as confederate president, de bau on slave trade, declaration of independence, demetrius, democracy, advance of, demosthenes, , dickens, charles, novels of reform, ; praises "uncle tom's cabin," ; predicts confederate success, donelson, fort, douglass, frederick, douglas, stephen a., as orator, ; early career, - ; supports polk, ; proposes "squatter sovereignty," ; loses prestige, - ; challenged to debate by lincoln, ; compared with lincoln, - ; the great debate, - ; nominated for presidency, ; supports union, ; death, ; and northern democrats in , dutch revolt, dwight, president yale college, dyer, oliver, edwards, jonathan, eliot, george, , england, , ; source of american principles, ; as to wars, ; why favourable to south, - ; non-voters of, favoured north, ; beecher in, - , - , - english anti-slavery society, emerson, ralph w., , , , everett, edward, , , ewell, gen. richard s., faneuil hall, , farragut, admiral david, , - fillmore, millard, florida, secession, floyd, john b., foote, admiral andrew h., fort fisher, forts donelson and henry, fort sumter, , , franklin, benjamin, frémont, gen. j. c., , fugitive slave legislation, , , fulton street prayer-meeting, garrison, wm. lloyd and w. phillips, chapter iii, - ; the pen for abolition, ; early career, ; begins agitation with lundy, ; starts liberator, , ; accused of turner uprising, ; organized american anti-slavery society, ; mobbed in boston, ; satisfied with lincoln's emancipation, geneva arbitration, george iii, gladstone, w. e., gordon, gen. j. b., , - government contracts, - grant, gen. ulysses s., , ; early career, ; rapid promotion, ; columbus, donelson and vicksburg, ; military genius, ; final campaign, ; appomattox, - ; president, ; political and financial problems, - ; unwise speculation, ; authorship, ; character and death, - great men, era of, - great rebellion, the, - ; war of the, greeley, horace, , , ; chapter v, - ; early career, - ; founds n. y. tribune, ; extremist as reformer, ; "on to richmond," ; evokes lincoln letter, ; peace commissioner, ; draft riots, ; bails davis, ; democratic presidential candidate, ; dies, - ; and lincoln, , greenback craze, greene, mrs. nathanael, grinnell, james b., grote, george, halleck, gen. h. w., hampden, john, , hancock, john, hastings, warren, hay, john, hayne, robert y., , , , hayti, heine, heinrich, helper, hinton rowan, helps, arthur, henry, fort, henry, patrick, , , hessian troops, higginson, t. w., hill, frederic t., hill, gen. a. p., hill, gen. d. h., holland, , , homer, hooker, gen. joseph, howe, dr. samuel g., "imitation of christ, the," "impending crisis, the," irving, washington, jackson, andrew, jackson, thomas j. (stonewall), - , , , jamestown, va., japanese sanitation in war, jefferson, thomas, , , , , jeffrey, lord, jesus, parables of, ; martyrdom of, johnson, samuel, johnston, gen. a. s., johnston, gen. j. e., kansas-nebraska bill, , , _kearsarge_, the, kemble, fanny, kenesaw mountain, kentucky, kingsley, charles, laud, archbishop, lawless, judge, lee, robert e., honour to virginia, ; early career, ; as strategist, ; final campaign against grant, ; appomattox, - ; quoted, - _liberator_, the, - lincoln, abraham, new force, ; challenges douglas to debate, ; compared with douglas, - ; "divided-house speech," ; the great debate, - ; cooper institute speech, - ; presidential nomination, ; election and inauguration, - ; inaugural address, ; calls for , troops, ; applauds beecher, ; interview with beecher, ; quoted, - ; the martyred president, chapter xii, - ; americanism, - ; three books, ; career, in brief, - ; opposes seward, stanton and greeley, ; ancestry, - ; opposes phillips, greeley and beecher, - ; honesty, - ; literary style, - ; concentrated culture, - ; with everett at gettysburg, ; made great by great events, - ; characteristics, - ; religious faith, - ; death, lincoln and douglas, the great debate, chapter vii, - london, , , _log cabin_, the, longfellow, h. w., , longstreet, gen. james, loring, u. s. commissioner, louisiana, secession, lovejoy, rev. e. p., murder of, - lowell, james r., , - , , lundy, benjamin, - luther, martin, macaulay, t. b., , mcclellan, gen. g. b., - machiavelli, mckinley, william, mammonism, mann, horace, , mansfield, lord, marshall, thomas, martineau, harriet, mason, james m., medill, joseph, _merrimac_, the, mexican war, , michael angelo, milton, john, , , , mississippi, secession, missouri compromise, mobile bay, _monitor_, the, morton, governor of indiana, moses, motley, john l., , napoleon, _national era_, the, negro, as faithful servant, as soldier, - ; as voter, new orleans taken, newspapers, in - , , newton, isaac, _new yorker_, the, _new york tribune_, - northern officers of southern birth, northern resources, - nullification, , nurses, - otis, james, palestine, panic of , - parke, judge, parker, theodore, , parliament house of peace, paul, the apostle, penn, william, people at home during the war, chapter xi, - philip of macedon, , philip of spain, phillips, wendell, ; chapter iii, - ; early career, ; aroused by mobbing of garrison, ; lovejoy's murder, ; faneuil hall meeting, - ; burns' rescue party, , ; agitation against fugitive slave law, , ; phillips' lecturing, ; oratory, ; defiance of mobs, - ; influence, ; lowell's poem, ; quoted, "pilgrim's progress, the," plymouth church, , , , , , plymouth rock, popular sovereignty, porter, admiral d. d., port hudson, portuguese slave-traders, postal affairs, during revolution, ; in jackson's time, presbyterianism and federal government, prescott, wm. h., , prison-ship martyrs, prison sufferings, - pym, john, quincy, josiah, , , randolph, john, raphael, religious sentiment increased, revival of religion in , - rhodes, j. f., , , "romola," ruskin, john, russo-japanese war, sand, george, sanitary commission, christian commission, savonarola, - scheffer, ary, and christ the emancipator, scott, winfield, secession, first threatened by massachusetts, , ; reasons for, chapter viii, - ; of south carolina and other states, ; why not accepted by north, - ; early rebellions of, - semmes, com. raphael, seward, wm. h., , , , , shaftesbury, lord, , shays' rebellion, shenandoah valley, sheridan, gen. philip, , sherman, gen. w. t., , - slavery, american, chapter i, - ; calhoun's view of, ; controlled government in , ; attacked by north carolinian, ; destroyed vigour of south, ; to be paid for by war, slave-trade begins, slidell, john, smith, sidney, socrates, , south carolina, and the tariff, ; nullification doctrine of, ; attacked sumter, southern destitution, southern officers of northern birth, southern resources, , southern women, - , spanish slave-traders, "squatter sovereignty," stanton, edwin m., , , stead, william, stephens, alexander h., ; opposes secession, ; confederate vice-president, ; opinion of davis, story, joseph, , stowe, calvin e., stowe, charles e., stowe, harriet beecher, chapter vi, - ; daughter of lyman beecher, ; married, lived in cincinnati, ; wrote death of "uncle tom," ; "uncle tom's cabin," - stowe, lyman beecher, stradivarius, sumner, charles, , ; chapter iv, - ; succeeds webster in united states senate, ; early career, - ; oration on war, - ; boldly attacks slavery, - ; beaten by brooks, ; characterization, - surgeons, - taney, roger b., tariff, the, - texas, secession, thackeray, w. m., thomas, gen. g. h., , _times_, the london, tombs, robert, _trent_, the, _tribune almanac_, _tribune, the new york_, - _tribune_ reporter and john brown, turner, nat, "uncle tom," death of, "uncle tom's cabin," - "vanity fair," van zandt, frees slaves, vaughan, judge, vicksburg, victoria, queen, , war, good and evil influence of the, - washburne, e. b., washington, george, , ; contrast with lincoln, - watt, james, , webster and calhoun, chapter ii, - webster, daniel, ; early career, , ; answers hayne, - ; answers calhoun, , ; th of march speech, - ; lincoln approves, ; webster dies, ; as orator, , , ; banner of, wellington, whiskey rebellion, whitefield, george, whitney, eli, - , whittier, john g., , , , , winchester and sheridan, winslow, admiral john a., winthrop, robert, wirtz, henry, wise, governor of virginia, - worden, admiral john l., wordsworth, wm., xenophon, footnotes: [ ] "harriet beecher stowe: the story of her life." by charles e. stowe and lyman beecher stowe. boston: houghton mifflin co. [ ] "on the trail of grant and lee," by frederic trevor hill: new york and london, d. appleton & co. minutes of the proceedings of the second convention of delegates from the abolition societies established in different parts of the united states, assembled at _philadelphia_, on the seventh day of january, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, and continued, by adjournments, until the fourteenth day of the same month, inclusive. [illustration: (decoration)] _philadelphia:_ printed by zachariah poulson, junr. number eighty, chesnut-street, eight doors below third-street, mdccxcv. minutes of the proceedings of the second convention of delegates. _philadelphia, wednesday, january th. ._ agreeably to the recommendation of the convention, held in this city last year, a number of delegates, from the several abolition societies in the united states, assembled, this day, at the city hall, when, by the credentials produced, it appeared, that the following persons had been chosen to represent their respective societies in this convention: _connecticut society._ jonathan edwards, uriah tracy, zephaniah swift. _new-york society._ john murray, junior, william johnson, lawrence embree, william dunlap, william walton woolsey. _pennsylvania society._ william rawle, robert patterson, benjamin rush, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say. _delaware society._ richard bassett, john ralston, allen mclane, caleb boyer. _wilmington society_ (_state of delaware_.) cyrus newlin, james a. byard, joseph warner, william poole. _maryland society._ samuel sterett, adam fonerdon, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, george buchanan, john bankson, philip moore. _chester-town society_ (_state of maryland_.) edward scott, james houston. of whom the following appeared and took their seats, _viz._ jonathan edwards, uriah tracy, zephaniah swift, william johnson, lawrence embree, william dunlap, william walton woolsey, william rawle, robert patterson, benjamin rush, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say, richard bassett, caleb boyer, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, samuel sterett, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, john bankson, philip moore, edward scott, james houston. the convention proceeded to the election of a president, and, on counting the ballots, it appeared, that benjamin rush was duly elected. walter franklin, one of the secretaries of the pennsylvania abolition society, was appointed secretary, and joseph fry, doorkeeper. agreed, that all questions, which shall come before this convention, be decided by a majority of the votes of the members present, and that every motion, when seconded, shall, if required by the president, or any member, be reduced to writing. the address, from the last convention, to the different abolition societies in the united states, was then read; after which, several written and verbal communications were made. jonathan edwards, william dunlap, caspar wistar, cyrus newlin, caleb boyer, philip moore, and james houston, were appointed a committee to consider of, and report, the objects proper for the attention of this convention, and the most suitable means of attaining the same. ordered, that the several communications, made this evening, be referred to the above committee, and that the members of the convention be requested to impart to them such information as they may possess, relative to the object of their appointment. adjourned till to-morrow evening at five o'clock. _january th. ._ the convention met. present--jonathan edwards, uriah tracy, zephaniah swift, william johnson, lawrence embree, william dunlap, william walton woolsey, william rawle, robert patterson, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say, richard bassett, caleb boyer, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, john bankson, philip moore, edward scott, james houston. the president being absent, uriah tracy was appointed to preside for the evening. an extract, from the minutes of the proceedings of a general meeting of the new jersey abolition society, was read, by which it appeared, that joseph bloomfield, william coxe, junior, james sloan, john wistar, and franklin davenport, were elected to represent that society in this convention, of whom, william coxe, junior, james sloan, and franklin davenport, appeared and took their seats. the committee, appointed at the last meeting, not being prepared to make a final report, were continued. several communications, from the new jersey society, were presented by their delegates, and referred to the said committee. adjourned till to-morrow afternoon at five o'clock. _january th. ._ the convention met. present--jonathan edwards, uriah tracy, zephaniah swift, william johnson, lawrence embree, william dunlap, william walton woolsey, william coxe, junior, james sloan, franklin davenport, william rawle, robert patterson, benjamin rush, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say, richard bassett, caleb boyer, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, samuel sterett, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, john bankson, philip moore, edward scott, james houston. a letter, from the president of the providence abolition society, was read; by which it appeared, that theodore foster and george benson were appointed to represent that society in this convention. a letter, from the washington abolition society in pennsylvania, was, also, read, notifying the appointment of thomas scott, absalom baird, and samuel clark, as representatives of the said society, in this convention. the secretary was directed to inform such of those gentlemen as are now in this city, of the receipt and purport of the above letters. the convention being informed, that the absence of joseph bloomfield, of new jersey, was occasioned by sickness, mention thereof was ordered to be made on the minutes. the committee, appointed to consider of, and report, the objects proper for the consideration of the convention, and the most suitable means of attaining the same, made report, which, after amendment, was adopted as follows, _viz._ _first_, that an address be made, by this convention, to the several abolition societies in the united states, recommending to them, to send deputies to a convention, similar to the present, to be holden in philadelphia the first day of january, in the year ; also, that it be recommended to those societies, who have not sent, to this convention, complete copies of the laws of their several states, relative to slavery, to send, to the next convention, copies of all such laws, both those which are now in force, and those which have been repealed; and to send, to the next, and every succeeding, convention, an accurate list of their officers for the time being, together with an account of the place of their abode, and of the offices, civil, military, or ecclesiastic, which they may sustain, with the number of members of which they consist: that it be further recommended, to the several societies, to send, annually, to the convention, an accurate list of all those persons who have been relieved and liberated by their agency; and, also, an account of such trials and decisions of courts, the general knowledge of which they shall judge subservient to the cause of abolition: that it be recommended to the several societies, to institute public periodical discourses, or orations, on the subject of slavery, and the means of its abolition; also, to continue, without remission, and in such ways as they shall, respectively, judge most likely to be successful, their exertions to procure an amelioration of the laws of their respective states, relative to the blacks; and, at the same time, to give particular attention to the education of the black children: and, as an historical review of the legislative provisions, relative to slavery, in the several states of the union, from their respective settlements to the present time, would be conducive to the general benefit,--that it be further recommended, to the several abolition societies, to take measures for procuring the materials, and promoting the publication, of such a work; and that a communication of the steps taken, in pursuance of this recommendation, be made to the ensuing convention. _second_, that the convention take into consideration the case of those persons, who, having been made free by the republic of france, are still holden in slavery by those who have emigrated into the united states from the territories of the said republic; and that the convention devise some lawful measures for their relief:--we barely suggest, whether an application to the french ambassador be, or be not, proper in the case. _third_, that the convention take into consideration the means of improving the condition of the blacks, who are, or may be, made free in the different states, and of preventing the inconveniences that may arise from the degraded state of the negroes in the united states. _fourth_, that it be recommended, to the society of new jersey, to enter on proper measures to procure an amendment of the law of that state, prohibiting the manumission of slaves of a greater age than thirty-five years. william johnson, franklin davenport, and samuel coates, were appointed to prepare an address, as proposed in the first and fourth sections of the above report. the second section was referred to william walton woolsey, william rawle, james todd, and edward scott, to report thereon. the third section was referred to lawrence embree, caspar wistar, benjamin say, joseph warner, and samuel sterett, to report thereon. samuel coates, james sloan, and joseph townsend, were appointed a committee to enquire, and report, concerning the measures taken, in pursuance of the several resolutions of the former convention, for transmitting memorials and addresses to the congress of the united states, and the legislatures of individual states. adjourned till to-morrow evening at six o'clock. _january th. ._ the convention met. present--uriah tracy, zephaniah swift, william johnson, lawrence embree, william dunlap, william walton woolsey, james sloan, william rawle, robert patterson, benjamin rush, samuel coates, james todd, benjamin say, caleb boyer, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, john bankson, philip moore, james houston. theodore foster, delegated to represent the providence society, appeared and took his seat. the committee, to whom was referred the second section of the report of the committee of arrangement, reported, that they had taken the subject into consideration; that it appeared to them, to be within the province of the several societies to act therein; and that the convention should recommend, to the said societies, to exert themselves for the liberation of the persons described in the said report, so far as may be consistent with the laws of their respective states. ordered, that the said report be accepted. adjourned till monday evening next at six o'clock. _monday evening, january th. ._ the convention met. present--jonathan edwards, zephaniah swift, theodore foster, william dunlap, william johnson, lawrence embree, william walton woolsey, james sloan, william rawle, robert patterson, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say, caleb boyer, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, john bankson, philip moore, edward scott, james houston. the president being absent, zephaniah swift was appointed to preside for the evening. the committee, appointed to enquire concerning the measures taken, in pursuance of the resolutions of the former convention, for transmitting memorials and addresses to the congress of the united states, and the legislatures of individual states,--presented the following report, which was read and accepted, _viz._ the committee, appointed to enquire if the memorials to congress, and the different state legislatures, were presented agreeably to the order of the convention last year,--report, that the memorial was presented to the senate and house of representatives of the united states, in congress assembled, who took the same into consideration, and granted the prayer thereof by enacting a law, of which the following is a copy: _an act to prohibit the carrying on the slave-trade from the united states to any foreign place or country._ section i. be _it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america, in congress assembled_, that no citizen or citizens of the united states, or foreigner, or any other person coming into, or residing within the same, shall, for himself or any other person whatsoever, either as master, factor or owner, build, fit, equip, load or otherwise prepare any ship or vessel, within any port or place of the said united states, nor shall cause any ship or vessel to sail from any port or place within the same, for the purpose of carrying on any trade or traffic in slaves, to any foreign country; or for the purpose of procuring, from any foreign kingdom, place or country, the inhabitants of such kingdom, place or country, to be transported to any foreign country, port or place whatever, to be sold or disposed of, as slaves: and if any ship or vessel shall be so fitted out, as aforesaid, for the said purposes, or shall be caused to sail, so as aforesaid, every such ship or vessel, her tackle, furniture, apparel and other appurtenances, shall be forfeited to the united states; and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted and condemned, in any of the circuit courts or district court for the district, where the said ship or vessel may be found and seized. section ii. _and be it further enacted_, that all and every person, so building, fitting out, equipping, loading, or otherwise preparing, or sending away, any ship or vessel, knowing, or intending, that the same shall be employed in such trade or business, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or ways aiding or abetting therein, shall severally forfeit and pay the sum of two thousand dollars, one moiety thereof, to the use of the united states, and the other moiety thereof, to the use of him or her, who shall sue for and prosecute the same. section iii. _and be it further enacted_, that the owner, master or factor of each and every foreign ship or vessel, clearing out for any of the coasts or kingdoms of africa, or suspected to be intended for the slave-trade, and the suspicion being declared to the officer of the customs, by any citizen, on oath or affirmation, and such information being to the satisfaction of the said officer, shall first give bond with sufficient sureties, to the treasurer of the united states, that none of the natives of africa, or any other foreign country or place, shall be taken on board the said ship or vessel, to be transported, or sold as slaves, in any other foreign port or place whatever, within nine months thereafter. section iv. _and be it further enacted_, that if any citizen or citizens of the united states shall, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, take on board, receive or transport any such persons, as above described, in this act, for the purpose of selling them as slaves, as aforesaid, he or they shall forfeit and pay, for each and every person, so received on board, transported, or sold as aforesaid, the sum of two hundred dollars, to be recovered in any court of the united states proper to try the same; the one moiety thereof, to the use of the united states, and the other moiety to the use of such person or persons, who shall sue for and prosecute the same. frederick augustus muhlenberg. _speaker of the house of representatives._ john adams, _vice-president of the united states, and president of the senate_. approved--march the twenty-second, . g^o: washington, _president of the united states_. that the memorial, to the general assembly of connecticut, was presented, accompanied with a memorial from the abolition society of that state; whereupon, a bill was originated, and passed, in the house of representatives, to abolish slavery in connecticut; which bill was negatived by a small majority in the legislative council. that the memorials, to the assemblies of new jersey and pennsylvania, were presented, but not acted upon. that the memorial, to the delaware assembly, was presented late in the session, but no order taken thereon. that the memorials, to the legislatures of new york, maryland, and virginia, by reason of accidents, were not presented. that no certain information is yet obtained, that the memorials were presented to the legislatures of north carolina, south carolina, or georgia, although your committee have reason to believe they were presented, as they were forwarded by a careful person. the committee, appointed to prepare an address, as proposed in the first and fourth sections of the report of the committee of arrangement, presented one, which was read, and ordered to lie on the table. the committee, to whom was referred the third section of the report of the committee of arrangement, made report, which was read, and ordered to lie on the table. the following resolutions were then adopted, _viz._ resolved, that addresses be prepared and presented to the legislatures of those states, which have not passed laws for preventing the importation of slaves. samuel coates presented an essay of an address on this subject, to the state of georgia, which, with the above resolution, was referred to william dunlap, william rawle and joseph townsend. resolved, that a memorial be transmitted to the legislature of south carolina, requesting a continuance of the act for preventing the importation of slaves. jonathan edwards presented a draught of an address on this subject, which, with the resolution, was referred to the above committee, who were authorized to embrace such other objects, in the memorials, as they might judge proper. resolved, that theodore foster, william rawle, and william johnson, be a committee to consider, and report, whether any, and what, amendments, appear necessary in the act, passed by the congress of the united states, prohibiting the carrying on the slave-trade to any foreign place or country. resolved, that it be recommended to the several societies, to transmit, to the next convention, an account of the number of free negroes in their respective states, with a general statement of their property, employments, and moral conduct. the address, to the several abolition societies, was re-committed to william walton woolsey, william johnson, samuel coates, and robert patterson, for the purpose of incorporating therein such other matters as this convention have resolved to recommend to the said societies. adjourned till to-morrow evening at six o'clock. _january th. ._ the convention met. present--uriah tracy, zephaniah swift, theodore foster, william johnson, lawrence embree, william dunlap, william walton woolsey, james sloan, william rawle, robert patterson, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say, caleb boyer, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, joseph townsend, joseph thornburgh, john bankson, philip moore, edward scott, and james houston. the president being absent, theodore foster was appointed to preside for the evening. the committee, appointed to prepare memorials to the legislatures of the states of georgia and south carolina, presented two essays, which were read; the one to the legislature of georgia, was ordered to lie on the table; that to the legislature of south carolina, after amendment, was agreed to as follows, _viz._ _to the ---- of the state of south carolina._ the memorial and petition of the delegates from the several societies, formed in different parts of the united states, for promoting the abolition of slavery, in convention assembled, in philadelphia, on the seventh day of january, . _respectfully shew_, that, having been deputed, and having convened, for the purpose of considering, and carrying into effect, the most proper measures for the abolition of slavery; and being forcibly impressed with a sense of the dangers to which the citizens of the united states are exposed, while a numerous class of men exist among them, deprived of their natural rights, and forcibly held in bondage;--we think it our duty to address you, as men, fellow citizens, and brethren, and earnestly to request your attention to the means of avoiding the evils naturally resulting from the above mentioned unhappy circumstances. the first step which we take the liberty of suggesting to you, is an entire prohibition of all traffic in slaves, between your state and every other nation or state, either by importation or exportation: this is the first and principal object of our memorial--an object which we the more earnestly recommend to your attention, as we are informed that the law of your state, prohibiting the importation of slaves, will expire sometime in march next. in considering this subject, many methods of conciliating the affections of this unfortunate people, and preparing them for that state in society upon which depends our political happiness, suggest themselves:--such as, an amelioration of their condition and a diffusion of knowledge among them. but, as nothing can be effectual while the number of slaves may be daily increased by importation, and while the minds of our citizens are debased, and their hearts hardened, by contemplating these people only through the medium of avarice or prejudice (a necessary consequence of the traffic in man) we confine the prayer of this petition to the total prohibition of all traffic in slaves, between your state and every other nation or state, either by importation or exportation; which we respectfully solicit you to grant, having full confidence, that, independant of other considerations, you will see the evident policy of the measure. * * * * * the committee, appointed to consider whether any, and what, amendments appear necessary in the act, passed by congress, prohibiting the carrying on the slave-trade to any foreign place or country, made report as follows, _viz._ the committee, to whom was referred the consideration of the act of the congress of the united states, for prohibiting the traffic in slaves, report,-- that, in their opinion, no amendment is necessary to the law in question. it appears, to them, to prohibit the exportation of slaves from america, for the purposes of traffic, or from any part of any foreign country, whether a port, river, bay, or coast, to any other foreign country. the generical term "place" certainly includes as well the sea as the land; and it is, in substance, declared to be unlawful so to traffic in any place or manner, except only what the constitution, at present, denies the power of restraining, _viz._ the importation of slaves into the united states. whether further experience may point out defects at present not seen, the committee cannot predict. it may not, perhaps, be prudent to aid avarice and inhumanity by the attempt. ordered, that the said report be accepted. on motion, resolved, that this convention address the free black people, in the united states, exhorting them, by suitable arguments and motives, to such conduct and behaviour as may be judged most proper to promote their own happiness, and render them useful members of society. ordered, that samuel coates, robert patterson, and william dunlap, be a committee to prepare, and report, an address conformable to the said resolution. adjourned till to-morrow evening at six o'clock. _january th. ._ the convention met. present--uriah tracy, zephaniah swift, theodore foster, william johnson, lawrence embree, william walton woolsey, james sloan, robert patterson, benjamin rush, samuel coates, caspar wistar, james todd, benjamin say, cyrus newlin, joseph warner, joseph townsend, and james houston. the address, to the legislature of the state of georgia, was read a second time, and, being amended, was adopted as follows, _viz._ _to the ---- of the state of georgia._ the memorial and petition of the delegates from the several societies, formed in different parts of the united states, for promoting the abolition of slavery, in convention assembled, in philadelphia, on the seventh day of january, . _respectfully shew_, that the convention, assembled in the month of january, , addressed your body on the subject of the african slave-trade; and the present convention, not having been informed of the success of that memorial, have thought it a duty incumbent on them, to re-call your attention to some points nearly connected with the honor of humanity, and the interest of your state, and of the united states. we have learned, with the highest satisfaction, that you have prohibited the importation of slaves into your state, from all other parts of the world, except africa. we congratulate you, and the friends of humanity in general, on such a step; but the time, we hope, is not far distant, when every motive of wisdom and true policy will lead you to prohibit entirely this species of commerce. and we, at this time, request your serious attention to a consideration of the evil likely to ensue from the continuance of the traffic, and to the numerous advantages which must arise from its abolition. among the least of these, we would mention the consistency it would afford to the american character, now held up, as an example to the european world; and the good treatment which might hence be naturally expected, as likely to be afforded to those blacks who are already in your country. to these suggestions, permit us to add a wish, that you would consider of the propriety of passing a law, to empower the owners of slaves to grant their gradual emancipation, by will or otherwise, as we are well convinced, that the happiest effects are to be expected from a progressive abolition of slavery. * * * * * the committee, to whom was re-committed the address to the several abolition societies, for the purpose of incorporating therein such other matters as had received the approbation of the convention since the appointment of the first committee,--presented one with the additions, which, being read and amended, was adopted as follows, _viz._ _to the ---- society for promoting the abolition of slavery, &c._ the delegates, from the several abolition societies in the united states, convened in this city, express to you, with great satisfaction, the pleasure they have experienced from the punctual attendance of the persons delegated to this convention, and that harmony with which they have deliberated on the several matters that have been presented to them, at this time, for their consideration. the benefits which may flow from a continuance of this general meeting, by aiding the principal design of its institution--the universal emancipation of the wretched africans who are yet in bondage, appear to us so many and important, that we are induced to recommend to you, to send delegates to a similar convention, which we propose to be holden, in this city, on the first day of january, in the year one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-six. we have thought it proper to request your further attention to that part of the address, of the former convention, which relates to the procurement of certified copies of the laws of your state respecting slavery; and that you would send, to the next convention, exact copies of all such laws as are now in force; and of such as have been repealed. convinced that an historical review of the various acts and provisions of the legislatures of the several states, relating to slavery, from the periods of their respective settlements to the present time, by tracing the progress of the system of african slavery in this country, and its successive changes in the different governments of the union, would throw much light on the objects of our enquiry and attention, and enable us to determine, how far the cause of justice and humanity has advanced among us, and how soon we may reasonably expect to see it triumphant;--we recommend to you, to take such measures as you may think most conducive to that purpose, for procuring materials for the work now proposed, and assisting its publication; and to communicate, to the ensuing convention, what progress you shall have made toward perfecting the plan here offered for your consideration and care. believing that an acquaintance with the names of the officers of the several abolition societies, would facilitate that friendly correspondence which ought always to be preserved between our various associations, we request that you would send, to the next, and to every future, convention, an accurate list of all the officers of your society, for the time being, with the number of members of which it consists. and it would assist that convention in ascertaining the existing state of slavery in the united states, if you were to forward to them an exact account of the persons who have been liberated by the agency of your society, and of those who may be considered as signal instances of the relief that you have afforded; and, also, a statement of the number of free blacks in your state, their property, employments, and moral conduct. as a knowledge of what has been done, and of that success which has attended the efforts of humanity, will cherish the hope of benevolence, and stimulate to further exertion, we trust that you will be of opinion with us, that it would be highly useful to procure correct reports of all such trials, and decisions of courts of judicature, respecting slavery, a knowledge of which may be subservient to the cause of abolition, and to transmit them to the next, or to any future, convention. it cannot have escaped your observation, how many persons there are who continue the hateful practice of enslaving their fellow men, and who acquiesce in the sophistry of the advocates of that practice, merely from want of reflection, and from an habitual attention to their own immediate interest. if to such were often applied the force of reason, and the persuasion of eloquence, they might be awakened to a sense of their injustice, and be startled with horror at the enormity of their conduct. to produce so desirable a change in sentiment, as well as practice, we recommend to you the instituting of annual, or other periodical, discourses, or orations, to be delivered in public, on the subject of slavery, and the means of its abolition. we cannot forbear expressing to you our earnest desire, that you will continue, without ceasing, to endeavour, by every method in your power which can promise any success, to procure, either an absolute repeal of all the laws in your state, which countenance slavery, or such an amelioration of them as will gradually produce an entire abolition. yet, even should that great end be happily attained, it cannot put a period to the necessity of further labor. the education of the emancipated, the noblest and most arduous task which we have to perform, will require all our wisdom and virtue, and the constant exercise of the greatest skill and discretion. when we have broken his chains, and restored the african to the enjoyment of his rights, the great work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished--the new born citizen must receive that instruction, and those powerful impressions of moral and religious truth, which will render him capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to himself and to his country. by educating some in the higher branches of science, and all in the useful parts of learning, and in the precepts of religion and morality, we shall not only do away the reproach and calumny so unjustly lavished upon us, but confound the enemies of truth, by evincing that the unhappy sons of africa, in spite of the degrading influence of slavery, are in no wise inferior to the more fortunate inhabitants of europe and america. as a mean of effectuating, in some degree, a design so virtuous and laudable, we recommend to you to appoint a committee, annually, or for any other more convenient period, to execute such plans, for the improvement of the condition and moral character of the free blacks in your state, as you may think best adapted to your particular situation. by a decree of the national convention of france, all the blacks and people of color, within the territories of the french republic, are declared free, and entitled to an equal participation of the rights of citizens of france. we have been informed that many persons, of the above description, notwithstanding the decree in their favor, have been brought from the west-india islands, by emigrants, into the united states, and are now held as slaves.--we suggest to you the propriety, as well as the necessity, of making enquiry into the subject, and of effecting their liberation, so far as may be found consistent with the laws of your state. copies of our proceedings will be transmitted to you, and we hope, that you will receive such satisfaction as will induce your early attention to the objects we have here recommended. * * * * * the committee, appointed to prepare an address to the free black people, reported one, which was read, and ordered to be postponed for the consideration of the next convention. * * * * * resolved, that theodore foster, robert patterson, samuel coates, and benjamin say, be a committee to superintend the publication and distribution of the proceedings of this convention; and that so many copies thereof as may be thought proper by the pennsylvania abolition society, be printed, and distributed among the several abolition societies in the united states. that the address, to the several abolition societies, be signed by the president, attested by the secretary, and transmitted, by the above mentioned committee, to the said societies. that the memorials, to the legislatures of the states of south carolina and georgia, be signed and attested as above mentioned, and transmitted to the respective presidents or speakers of one branch of the legislature, or laid before the respective houses, in such manner as the president may think expedient. that a copy of the proceedings of this convention be transmitted to the president of the abolition society of london. resolved, that the abolition society of pennsylvania be requested to thank the mayor of the city of philadelphia for accommodating the convention with a room. the convention then adjourned _sine die_. _published by order of the convention_, walter franklin, _secretary_. _philadelphia, january th. ._ [illustration: (decoration)] * * * * * transcriber's notes changed long-s to regular s throughout text. pages , , : the long dash ---- represents the blank area in the "to the" address title. page : retained original spelling of independant. none (this file was produced from images produced by the wright american fiction project.) [transcriber's note: every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. text that has been changed to correct an obvious error by the publisher is noted at the end of this ebook.] autographs for freedom. edited by julia griffiths. "in the long vista of the years to roll, let me not see my country's honor fade; oh! let me see our land retain its soul! her pride in freedom, and not freedom's shade." auburn: alden, beardsley & co. rochester: wanzer, beardsley & co. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by alden, beardsley & co., in the clerk's office of the district court for the northern district of new york. stereotyped by thomas b. smith, william st. n. y. [illustration: j. b. giddings (engraved by j. c. buttre.)] preface. in commending this, the second volume of "_the autographs for freedom_," to the attention of the public, "the rochester ladies' anti-slavery society" would congratulate themselves and the friends of freedom generally on the progress made, during the past year, by the cause to which the book is devoted. we greet thankfully those who have contributed of the wealth of their genius; the strength of their convictions; the ripeness of their judgment; their earnestness of purpose; their generous sympathies; to the completeness and excellence of the work; and we shall hope to meet many of them, if not all, in other numbers of "_the autograph_," which may be called forth ere the chains of the slave shall be broken, and this country redeemed from the sin and the curse of slavery. on behalf of the rochester ladies' anti-slavery society. [illustration: (signature) julia griffiths] _sec'y._ rochester, n. y. contents. subject author page introduction (the colored people's "industrial college") _prof. c. l. reason_ massacre at blount's fort _hon. j. r. giddings_ the fugitive slave act _hon. wm. jay_ the size of souls _antoinette l. brown_ vincent ogé _george b. vashon_ the law of liberty _rev. dr. wm. marsh_ the swiftness of time in god _theodore parker_ visit of a fugitive slave to the grave of wilberforce _wm. wells brown_ narrative of albert and mary _dr. w. h. brisbane_ toil and trust _hon. chas. f. adams_ friendship for the slave is friendship for the master _jacob abbott_ christine _anne p. adams_ the intellectual, moral, and spiritual condition of the slave _j. m. langston_ the bible _versus_ slavery _rev. dr. willis_ the work goes bravely on _w. j. watkins_ slaveholding not a misfortune but a crime _rev win brock_ the illegality of slaveholding _rev. w. goodell_ "ore perennius" _david paul brown_ the mission of america _john s. c. abbott_ disfellowshipping the slaveholder _lewis tappan_ a leaf from my scrap book _wm. j. wilson_ who is my neighbor _rev. thos. starr king_ consolation for the slave _dr. s. willard_ the key _dr. s. willard_ the true mission of liberty _dr. w. elder_ the true spirit of reform _mary willard_ a welcome to mrs. h. b. stowe, on her return from europe _j. c. holly_ forward (from the german) _rev. t. w. higginson_ what has canada to do with slavery? _thos. henning_ a fragment _rev. rufus ellis_ the encroachment of the slave power _john jay, esq._ the dishonor of labor _horace greeley_ the evils of colonization _wm. watkins_ the basis of the american constitution _hon. wm. h. seward_ a wish _mrs. c. m. kirkland_ a dialogue _c. a. bloss_ a time of justice will come _hon. gerit smith_ hope and confidence _prof. g. l. reason_ a letter that speaks for itself _jane g. swisshelm_ on freedom _r. w. emerson_ mary smith. an anti-slavery reminiscence _hon s. e. sewell_ freedom--liberty _dr. j. mccune smith_ an aspiration _rev. e. h. chapin_ the dying soliloquy of the victim of the wilkesbarre tragedy _mrs. h. h. greenough_ let all be free _hon. c. m. clay_ extract from a speech _frederick douglass_ extract from an unpublished poem on freedom _william d. snow_ letter _rev. h. ward beecher_ a day spent at playford hall _mrs. harriet b. stowe_ teaching the slave to read _mary irving_ introduction. the colored people's "industrial college." what some of the builders have thought. a word oft-times is expressive of an entire policy. such is the term _abolition_. though formerly used as a synonym of _anti-slavery_, people now clearly understand that the designs of those who have ranged themselves under the first of these systems of reform are of deeper significance and wider scope than are the objects contemplated by the latter, and concern themselves not only with the great primary question of bodily freedom, but take in also the collateral issues connected with human enfranchisement, independent of race, complexion, or sex. the abolitionist of to-day is the iconoclast of the age, and his mission is to break the idolatrous images set up by a hypocritical church, a sham democracy, or a corrupt public sentiment, and to substitute in their stead the simple and beautiful doctrine of a common brotherhood. he would elevate every creature by abolishing the hinderances and checks imposed upon him, whether these be legal or social--and in proportion as such grievances are invidious and severe, in such measure does he place himself in the front rank of the battle, to wage his emancipating war. therefore it is that the abolitionist has come to be considered the especial friend of the negro, since _he_, of all others, has been made to drink deep from the cup of oppression. the free-colored man at the north, for his bond-brother as for himself, has trusted hopefully in the increasing public sentiment, which, in the multiplication of these friends, has made his future prospects brighter. and, to-day, while he is making a noble struggle to vindicate the claims of his entire class, depending mainly for the accomplishment of that end on his own exertions, he passes in review the devotion and sacrifices made in his behalf: gratitude is in his heart, and thanks fell from his lips. but, in one department of reformatory exertion he feels that he has been neglected. he has seen his pledged allies throw themselves into the hottest of the battle, to fight for the abolition of capital punishment--for the prohibition of the liquor traffic--for the rights of women, and similar reforms,--but he has failed to see a corresponding earnestness, according to the influence of abolitionists in the business world, in opening the avenues of industrial labor to the proscribed youth of the land. this work, therefore, is evidently left for himself to do. and he has laid his powers to the task. the record of his conclusions was given at rochester, in july, and has become already a part of history. though shut out from the workshops of the country, he is determined to make self-provision, so as to triumph over the spirit of caste that would keep him degraded. the utility of the industrial institution he would erect, must, he believes, commend itself to abolitionists. but not only to them. the verdict of less liberal minds has been given already in its favor. the usefulness, the self-respect and self-dependence,--the combination of intelligence and handicraft,--the accumulation of the materials of wealth, all referable to such an institution, present fair claims to the assistance of the entire american people. whenever emancipation shall take place, immediate though it be, the subjects of it, like many who now make up the so-called free population, will be in what geologists call, the "transition state." the prejudice now felt against them for bearing on their persons the brand of slaves, cannot die out immediately. severe trials will still be their portion--the curse of a "taunted race" must be expiated by almost miraculous proofs of advancement; and some of these miracles must be antecedent to the great day of jubilee. to fight the battle on the bare ground of abstract principles, will fail to give us complete victory. the subterfuges of pro-slavery selfishness must _now_ be dragged to light, and the last weak argument,--that the negro can never contribute anything to advance the national character, "nailed to the counter as base coin." to the conquering of the difficulties heaped up in the path of his industry, the free-colored man of the north has pledged himself. already he sees, springing into growth, from out his foster _work-school_, intelligent young laborers, competent to enrich the world with necessary products--industrious citizens, contributing their proportion to aid on the advancing civilization of the country;--self-providing artizans vindicating their people from the never-ceasing charge of a fitness for servile positions. abolitionists ought to consider it a legitimate part of their great work, to aid in such an enterprise--to abolish not only chattel servitude, but that other kind of slavery, which, for generation after generation, dooms an oppressed people to a condition of dependence and pauperism. such an institution would be a shining mark, in even this enlightened age; and every man and woman, equipped by its discipline to do good battle in the arena of active life, would be, next to the emancipated bondman, the most desirable "_autograph for freedom_." [illustration: (signature) chas. l. reason] massacre at blount's fort. on the west side of the appalachicola river, some forty miles below the line of georgia, are yet found the ruins of what was once called "blount's fort." its ramparts are now covered with a dense growth of underbrush and small trees. you may yet trace out its bastions, curtains, and magazine. at this time the country adjacent presents the appearance of an unbroken wilderness, and the whole scene is one of gloomy solitude, associated as it is with one of the most cruel massacres which ever disgraced the american arms. the fort had originally been erected by civilized troops, and, when abandoned by its occupants at the close of the war, in , it was taken possession of by the refugees from georgia. but little is yet known of that persecuted people; their history can only be found in the national archives at washington. they had been held as slaves in the state referred to; but during the revolution they caught the spirit of liberty, at that time so prevalent throughout our land, and fled from their oppressors and found an asylum among the aborigines living in florida. during forty years they had effectually eluded, or resisted, all attempts to re-enslave them. they were true to themselves, to the instinctive love of liberty, which is planted in every human heart. most of them had been born amidst perils, reared in the forest, and taught from their childhood to hate the oppressors of their race. most of those who had been personally held in degrading servitude, whose backs had been seared by the lash of the savage overseer, had passed to that spirit-land where the clanking of chains is not heard, where slavery is not known. some few of that class yet remained. their gray hairs and feeble limbs, however, indicated that they, too, must soon pass away. of the three hundred and eleven persons residing in "blount's fort" not more than twenty had been actually held in servitude. the others were descended from slave parents, who fled from georgia, and, according to the laws of slave states, were liable to suffer the same outrages to which their ancestors had been subjected. it is a most singular feature in slave-holding morals, that if the parents be robbed of their liberty, deprived of the rights with which their creator has endowed them, the perpetrator of these wrongs becomes entitled to repeat them upon the children of their former victims. there were also some few parents and grandchildren, as well as middle-aged persons, who sought protection within the walls of the fort against the vigilant slave-catchers who occasionally were seen prowling around the fortifications, but who dare not venture within the power of those whom they sought to enslave. these fugitives had planted their gardens, and some of them had flocks roaming in the wilderness; all were enjoying the fruits of their labor, and congratulating themselves upon being safe from the attacks of those who enslave mankind. but the spirit of oppression is inexorable. the slaveholders finding they could not themselves obtain possession of their intended victims, called on the president of the united states for assistance to perpetrate the crime of enslaving their fellow men. that functionary had been reared amid southern institutions. he entertained no doubt of the right of one man to enslave another. he did not doubt that if a man held in servitude should attempt to escape, he would be worthy of death. in short, he fully sympathised with those who sought his official aid. he immediately directed the secretary of war to issue orders to the commander of the "southern military district of the united states" to send a detachment of troops to destroy "blount's fort," and to "_seize those who occupied it and return them to their masters_."[ ] general jackson, at that time commander of the southern military district, directed lieut.-colonel clinch to perform the barbarous task. i was at one time personally acquainted with that officer, and know the impulses of his generous nature, and can readily account for the failure of his expedition. he marched to the vicinity of the fort, made the necessary recognisance, and returned, making report that "the fortification was not accessible by land."[ ] orders were then issued to commodore patterson, directing him to carry out the directions of the secretary of war. he at that time commanded the american flotilla lying in "mobile bay," and instantly issued an order to lieut. loomis to ascend the appalachicola river with two gun-boats, "to seize the people in blount's fort, deliver them to their owners, and destroy the fort." on the morning of the th sept., a. d. , a spectator might have seen several individuals standing upon the walls of that fortress watching with intense interest the approach of two small vessels that were slowly ascending the river, under full-spread canvas, by the aid of a light southern breeze. they were in sight at early dawn, but it was ten o'clock when they furled their sails and cast anchor opposite the fort, and some four or five hundred yards distant from it. a boat was lowered, and soon a midshipman and twelve men were observed making for the shore. they were met at the water's edge by some half dozen of the principal men in the fort, and their errand demanded. the young officer told them he was sent to make demand of the fort, and that its inmates were to be given up to the "slaveholders, then on board the gun-boat, who claimed them as fugitive slaves!" the demand was instantly rejected, and the midshipman and his men returned to the gun-boats and informed lieut. loomis of the answer he had received. as the colored men entered the fort they related to their companions the demand that had been made. great was the consternation manifested by the females, and even a portion of the sterner sex appeared to be distressed at their situation. this was observed by an old patriarch, who had drunk the bitter cup of servitude, one who bore on his person the visible marks of the thong, as well as the brand of his master, upon his shoulder. he saw his friends faultered, and he spoke cheerfully to them. he assured them that they were safe from the cannon shot of the enemy--that there were not men enough on board the vessels to storm their fort, and finally closed with the emphatic declaration: "_give me liberty or give me death!_" this saying was repeated by many agonized fathers and mothers on that bloody day. a cannonade was soon commenced upon the fort, but without much apparent effect. the shots were harmless; they penetrated the earth of which the walls were composed, and were there buried, without further injury. some two hours were thus spent without injuring any person in the fort. they then commenced throwing bombs. the bursting of these shells had more effect. there was no shelter from these fatal messages. mothers gathered their little ones around them and pressed their babes more closely to their bosoms, as one explosion after another warned them of their imminent danger. by these explosions some were occasionally wounded and a few killed, until, at length, the shrieks of the wounded and groans of the dying were heard in various parts of the fortress. do you ask why these mothers and children were thus butchered in cold blood? i answer, they were slain for adhering to the doctrine that "all men are endowed by their creator with the _inalienable right to enjoy life and liberty_." holding to this doctrine of hancock and of jefferson, the power of the nation was arrayed against them, and our army employed to deprive them of life. the bombardment was continued some hours with but little effect, so far as the assailants could discover. they manifested no disposition to surrender. the day was passing away. lieut. loomis called a council of officers and put to them the question, _what further shall be done_? an under officer suggested the propriety of firing "hot shot at the magazine." the proposition was agreed to. the furnaces were heated, balls were prepared, and the cannonade was resumed. the occupants of the fort felt relieved by the change. they could hear the deep humming sound of the cannon balls, to which they had become accustomed in the early part of the day, and some made themselves merry at the supposed folly of their assailants. they knew not that the shot was heated, and was therefore unconscious of the danger which threatened them. the sun was rapidly descending in the west. the tall pines and spruce threw their shadows over the fortification. the roar of the cannon, the sighing of the shot, the groans of the wounded, the dark shades of approaching evening, all conspired to render the scene one of intense gloom. they longed for the approaching night to close around them in order that they might bury the dead, and flee to the wilderness for safety. suddenly a startling phenomena presented itself to their astonished view. the heavy embankment and timbers protecting the magazine appeared to rise from the earth, and the next _instant_ the dreadful explosion overwhelmed them, and the next found _two hundred and seventy_ parents and children in the immediate presence of a holy god, making their appeal for retributive justice upon the government who had murdered them, and the freemen of the north who sustained such unutterable crimes.[ ] many were crushed by the falling earth and the timbers; many were entirely buried in the ruins. some were horribly mangled by the fragments of timber and the explosion of charged shells that were in the magazine. limbs were torn from the bodies to which they had been attached. mothers and babes lay beside each other, wrapped in that sleep which knows no waking. the sun had set, and the twilight of evening was closing around them, when some sixty sailors, under the officer second in command, landed, and, without opposition, entered the fort. the veteran sailors, accustomed to blood and carnage, were horror-stricken as they viewed the scene before them. they were accompanied, however, by some twenty slaveholders, all anxious for their prey. these paid little attention to the dead and dying, but anxiously seized upon the living, and, fastening the fetters upon their limbs, hurried them from the fort, and instantly commenced their return towards the frontier of georgia. some fifteen persons in the fort survived the terrible explosion, and they now sleep in servile graves, or moan and weep in bondage. the officer in command of the party, with his men, returned to the boats as soon as the slaveholders were fairly in possession of their victims. the sailors appeared gloomy and thoughtful as they returned to their vessels. the anchors were weighed, the sails unfurled, and both vessels hurried from the scene of butchery as rapidly as they were able. after the officers had retired to their cabins, the rough-featured sailors gathered before the mast, and loud and bitter were the curses they uttered against slavery and against those officers of government who had then constrained them to murder women and helpless children, merely for their love of liberty. but the dead remained unburied; and the next day the vultures were feeding upon the carcasses of young men and young women, whose hearts on the previous morning had beaten high with expectation. their bones have been bleaching in the sun for thirty-seven years, and may yet be seen scattered among the ruins of that ancient fortification. twenty-two years elapsed, and a representative in congress, from one of the free states, reported a bill giving to the perpetrators of these murders a gratuity of five thousand dollars from the public treasury, as a token of the gratitude which the people of this nation felt for the soldierly and gallant manner in which the crime was committed toward them. the bill passed both houses of congress, was approved by the president, and now stands upon our statute book among the laws enacted at the d session of the th congress. the facts are all found scattered among the various public documents which repose in the alcoves of our national library. but no historian has been willing to collect and publish them, in consequence of the deep disgrace which they reflect upon the american arms, and upon those who then controlled the government. [illustration: (signature) j. r. giddings] footnotes: [ ] vide executive documents of the d session th congress. [ ] it is believed that this report was suggested by the humanity of col. clinch. he was reputed one of the bravest and most energetic officers in the service. he possessed an indomitable perseverance, and could probably have captured the fort in one hour, had he desired to do so. [ ] that is the number officially reported by the officer in command, vide executive doc. of the th congress. the fugitive slave act. few laws have ever been passed better calculated than this to harden the heart and benumb the conscience of every man who assists in its execution. it pours contempt upon the dictates of justice and humanity. it levels in the dust the barriers erected by the common law for the protection of personal liberty. its victims are native born americans, uncharged with crime. these men are seized, without notice, and instantly carried before an officer, by whom they are generally hurried off into a cruel bondage, for the remainder of their days, and sometimes without time being allowed for a parting interview with their families. such treatment would be cruel toward criminals; but these men are adjudged to toil, to stripes, to ignorance, to poverty, to hopeless degradation, on the pretence that they "owe service." this allegation all know to be utterly false, they having never promised to serve, and being legally incapable of making any contract. every act of christian kindness to these unhappy people, tending to secure to them the rights which our declaration of independence asserts belong _to all_ men, is made by this accursed law a penal offence, to be punished with fine and imprisonment. mock judges, unknown to the constitution, and bribed by the promise of double fees to re-enslave the fugitive, are commanded to decide, _summarily_, the most momentous personal issue, with the single exception of life and death, that could possibly engage the attention of a legal tribunal of the most august character. yet this tremendous issue of liberty or bondage, is to be decided, not only in a hurry, but on such _prima facie_ evidence as may satisfy the judge, and this judge, too, _selected_ from a herd of similar creatures, by the claimant himself!! an _ex parte_ affidavit, made by an absent and interested party, with the certificate of an absent judge that he believes it to be true, is to be received as conclusive, in the face of any amount of oral and documentary testimony to the contrary. "can a man take fire into his bosom and not be burned?" can a man aid in executing such a law without defiling his own conscience? yet does this profligate statute, with impious arrogance, command "all good citizens" to assist in enforcing it, when required so to do by an official slave-catcher! it is a singular fact, in the history of this enactment, that mr. mason, who introduced the bill, and mr. webster, who, in advance, pledged to it his support "to the fullest extent," both confessed, on the floor of congress, that in their individual judgments, it was unconstitutional,--that is, that the constitution, as they expounded it, imposed upon the _states_ severally, the obligation to surrender fugitive slaves, and gave congress no power to legislate on the subject. the supreme court, however, having otherwise determined, these gentlemen acquiesced in its decision, without being convinced by it. it is well known how grossly mr. webster, in his subsequent canvass for the presidency, insulted all who, like himself, denied the constitutionality of the law. another significant fact in the same history is, that the law was passed by a _minority_ of the house of representatives. of members, only recorded their names in its favor. many, deterred either by scruples of conscience or doubts of the popularity of the measure, declined voting, while party discipline prevented them from offering to it an open and manly resistance. a third fact in this history, worthy to be remembered, is, that the advocates of the law are conscious that its revolting provisions would not bear discussion, forced its passage under the previous question, thus preventing any remarks on its enormities--any appeals to the consciences of the members--against the perpetration of such detestable wickedness. seldom has any public iniquity been committed to which the words of the psalmist have been so applicable: "surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; and the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain." it was happily so ordered, that several of the early seizures and surrenders under this law were conducted with such marked barbarity, such cruel indecent haste, such wanton disregard of justice and of humanity, as to shock the moral sense of the community, and to render the law intensely hateful. very soon after the law went into operation, one of the pseudo judges created by it, surrendered an alleged slave, on evidence which no jury would have deemed sufficient to establish a title to a dog. in vain the wretched man declared his freedom--in vain he named six witnesses whom he swore could prove his freedom--in vain he implored for a delay of one hour. he was sent off as a slave, guarded, at the expense of the united states treasury, to his pretended master in maryland, who honestly refused to receive him. the judge had made a mistake (!) and had sent a free man instead of a slave. this vile law, although of course receiving the sanction of the democrats, it being a bid for the presidency, was a device of the whig party, and could not have been carried but by the co-operation of webster, clay, and fillmore. as if to enhance the value of the bid, the administration affected a desire to baptise it in northern blood, by making resistance to the law, a crime to be punished with death. the hustling of an officer, and the consequent escape of an arrested fugitive, were declared, by the secretary of state, to be a _levying of war against the united states_--of course an act of high treason, to be expiated on the gallows; and the rioters at christiana were prosecuted for high treason, in pursuance of orders forwarded from washington. this wretched sycophancy won no favor from the slaveholders, and the result of the abominable and absurd prosecution only brought on the authors and advocates of the law fresh obloquy. when men obtain some rich and splendid prize, by their wrong-doing, many admire their boldness and dexterity, but foolish, profitless wickedness ensures only contempt. the northern whigs, in doing obeisance to the slave power, sinned against their oft-repeated and solemn professions and pledges. they sinned in the expectation of thereby electing a president, and enjoying the patronage he would dispense. most bitterly were these men disappointed, first in the candidate selected, and next in the result of the election. the party has been beaten to death, and it died unhonored and unwept. let the fugitive slave law be its epitaph. truly the whig politicians were "snared in the work of their own hands." certain fashionable divines deemed it expedient to second the efforts of the politicians in catching slaves, by talking from their pulpits about hebrew slavery, and the reverence due to the "powers that be ordained of god." yet the injunctions of the fugitive law were so obviously at variance with the "higher law" of justice and mercy which these gentlemen were required by their divine master to inculcate, that "cotton divinity" fell into disrepute, nor could the plaudits of politicians and union committees save its clerical professors from forfeiting the esteem and confidence of multitudes of christian people. but whig politicians and cotton divines are not the only friends of the fugitive law to whom it has made most ungrateful returns. the democratic leaders, bidding against the whigs for the presidency, were most vociferous in expressions of the delight they took in the human chase. democratic candidates for the presidency, to the goodly number of nine, gave public attestations under their _signs manual_, of their approbation of a law outraging the principles of democracy, as well as of common justice and humanity. each and all of these men were rejected, and the slaveholders selected an individual whom they were well assured would be their obsequious tool, but who had offered no bribe for their votes. but did the slaveholders themselves gain more by this law than their northern auxiliaries? they, indeed, hailed its passage as a mighty triumph. the nation had given them a law, drafted by themselves, laying down the rules of the hunt, as best suited their pleasure and interest. wealthy and influential gentlemen in our commercial cities, out of compliment to southern electors, became amateur huntsmen, and in new york and boston the chase was pursued with all the zeal and apparent delight that could have been expected in guinea or virginia. slave-catching was the test, at once, of patriotism and gentility, while sympathy for the wretched fugitive was the mark of vulgar fanaticism. the north was humbled in the dust, by the action of her own recreant sons. every "good citizen" found himself, for the first time in the history of mankind, a slave-catcher by law. every official, appointed by a slave-catching judge, was invested with the authority of a high sheriff, being empowered to call out the _posse comitatus_, and compel the neighbors to join in a slave chase. well, indeed, might the slaveholders rejoice and make merry;--well, indeed, in the insolence of triumph, might they command the people of the north to hold their tongues about "the peculiar institution," under pain of their sore displeasure. but amid this slavery jubilee, a woman's heart was swelling and heaving with indignant sorrow at the outrages offered to god and man by the fugitive law. her pent up emotions struggled for utterance, and at last, as if moved by some mighty inspiration, and in all the fervor of christian love, she put forth a book which arrested the attention of the world. a miracle of authorship, this book attained, within twelve months, a circulation without a parallel in the history of printing. in that brief space, about two millions of volumes proclaimed, in the languages of civilization, the wrongs of the slave and the atrocities of the american fugitive law. the gaze of mankind is now turned upon the slaveholders and their northern auxiliaries, both clerical and lay. the subjects of european despotisms console themselves with the grateful conviction, that however harsh may be their own governments, they make no approach to the baseness or to the cruelty and tyranny of the "peculiar institution" of the model republic.[ ] one slaveholder, together with the cotton men of the north, fretted and vexed by their sudden and unenviable notoriety, foolishly attempted to obviate the impressions made by the book, by denouncing it as a lying fiction. nay, one of the most affecting illustrations of pure and undefiled christianity that ever proceeded from an uninspired pen, was gravely declared, by an organ of cotton divinity, to be an anti-christian book.[ ] truly, indeed, the wisdom of man is foolishness with god. "he disappointeth the devices of the crafty." branded with falsehood and impiety, the author was happily put on her trial before the civilized world. she collected, arranged, and gave to the press, a mass of unimpeachable documents, consisting of laws, judicial decisions, trials, confessions of slaveholders, advertisements from southern papers, and testimonies of eye-witnesses. the proof was conclusive and overwhelming that the picture she had drawn of american slavery was unfaithful, only because the coloring was faint, and wanted the crimson dye of the original. a verdict of not guilty of exaggeration has been rendered by acclamation. it has long been the standing refuge of the slaveholders, that northern men and europeans, in condemning slavery, were passing judgment against an institution of which they were ignorant. the "peculiar institution" was represented as some great _mystery_ which could not be understood beyond the slave region. thanks to the fugitive law, it has led to the construction of a "_key_," which has unlocked our republican bastile, thrown open to the sunlight its hideous dungeons, and exposed the various instruments of torture for subjecting the soul, as well as the body, to hopeless and unresisting bondage. the iniquity of our cherished institution is no longer a mystery. all christendom is now made familiar with it, and is sending forth a cry of indignant remonstrance and of taunting scorn. such is the suppression of anti-slavery agitation given to the slaveholders by their northern friends--such the strength imparted by the fugitive slave law to the system of human bondage. how applicable to the inventors and supporters of that statute are the words of david, in regard to some politician of his own day: "behold he travaileth with iniquity, and hath conceived mischief, and brought forth falsehood. he made a pit, and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he made. his mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violent dealing shall come down upon his own pate;" and then he adds, "i will praise the lord." so also let the christian bless and magnify him, who by his infinite wisdom brings good out of evil, and in the case of the fugitive law, hath caused the wrath of man to praise him. but there is still a _remainder_ of wrath. the law is still on the statute book, and hungry politicians are promising that there it shall ever remain; and terrible threats come from the south, of the ruin that shall overwhelm the free states, should the law be repealed or rendered less abominable than at present. yet, in spite of northern promises, and professions of security, and in spite of the great swelling words of the dealers in human flesh, the _practical_, like the moral working of the law, has been very far from what its authors anticipated. the law was passed the th september, , and, in two years and nine months, not fifty slaves have been recovered under it--not an average of eighteen slaves a year! poor compensation this to the slaveholders for making themselves a bye-word, a proverb, and a reproach to christendom--for giving a new and mighty impulse to abolition, and for deepening the detestation felt by the true friends of liberty and humanity, for an institution asking and obtaining for its protection a law so repugnant to the moral sense of mankind. but while this artful and wicked law, with its army of ten-dollar judges, and marshals, and constables, and office-seekers, and politicians, with the president and his cabinet all striving to enforce it, "to the fullest extent," has restored to their masters not _eighteen slaves_ a year; the escapes from the prison house have probably never been more numerous, nor the aid and sympathy afforded by christians more abundant. thus has the remainder of wrath been restrained. in the marvellous conversion of this odious law into an anti-slavery agency, let us find a new motive for unceasing and unwearied agitation against slavery, and a new pledge of ultimate triumph. [illustration: (signature) william jay] bedford, june . footnotes: [ ] a late american traveller, in germany, invited to an evening party at the house of a professor, attempted to compliment the company by expressing his indignation at the oppression which "the dear old german fatherland" suffered at the hands of its rulers. the american's profferred sympathy was coldly received. "we admit," was the reply, "that there is much wrong here, but we do not admit the right of _your country_ to rebuke it. there is a system now with you, worse than any thing which we know of tyranny--your slavery. it is a disgrace and blot on your free government and on a christian state. we have nothing in russia or hungary which is so degrading, and we have nothing which so crushes the mind. and more than this, we hear you have now a law, just passed by your national assembly, which would disgrace the cruel code of the czar. we hear of free men and women, hunted like dogs on your mountains, and sent back, without trial, to bondage worse than our serfs have ever known. we have, in europe, many excuses in ancient evils and deep-laid prejudices, but you, the young and free people, in this age, to be passing again, afresh, such measures of unmitigated wrong!"--_home life in germany, by charles loving brace_. mr. brace honestly adds: "_i must say that the blood tingled to my cheek with shame, as he spoke_." [ ] "we have read the book, and regard it as anti-christian, on the same grounds that the chronicle regards it decidedly anti ministerial."--new york observer, september , .--_editorial_. the bishop of rome also regards the book as anti-christian, and has forbidden his subjects to read it. on the other hand, the clergy of great britain differ most widely from the reverend gentlemen of the "observer" and the vatican, in their estimate of the character of the book. said dr. wardlaw, who on this subject may be regarded as the representative of the protestant divines of europe: "he who can read it without the breathings of devotion, must, if he call himself a christian, have a christianity as _unique and questionable_ as his humanity." [illustration: antoinette l. brown (engraved by j. c. buttre)] the size of souls. a quaint old writer describes a class of persons who have souls so very small that " of them could dance at once upon the point of a cambric needle." these wee people are often wrapped up in a lump of the very coarsest of human clay, ponderous enough to give them the semblance of full-grown men and women. a grain of mustard seed, buried in the heart of a mammoth pumpkin, would be no comparison to the little soul, sheathed in its full grown body. the contrast in size would be insufficient to convey an adequate impression; and the tiny soul has little of the mustard seed spiciness. yet if this mass of flesh is only wrapped up in a _white skin_, even though it is not nearly thick enough to conceal the grossness and coarseness of the veiled material, the poor "feeble folk" within will fancy that he really belongs to the natural variety of aristocratic humanity. he has the good taste to refuse condescension sufficient to allow him to eat at table with a frederick douglass, a samuel r. ward, or a dr. pennington. poor light little soul! it can borrow a pair of flea's legs, and, hopping up to the magnificent lights of public opinion, sit looking down upon the whole colored race in sovereign contempt. take off the thin veneering of a white skin, substitute in its stead the real african ebony, and then place him side by side with one of the above-mentioned men. measure intellect with intellect--eloquence with eloquence! mental and moral infancy stand abashed in the presence of nature's noblemen! so, mere complexion is elevated above character. sensible men and women are not ashamed of the acknowledgment. the fact has a popular endorsement. people _sneer_ at _you_ if you are not ready to comprehend the fitness of the thing. if you cannot weigh mind in a balance with a moiety of coloring matter, and still let the mind be found wanting, expect, in america, to lose cast yourself for want of approved taste. if sin is capable of being made to look mean, narrow, contemptible--to exhibit itself in its character of thorough, unmitigated bitterness--it is when exhibited in the light of our "peculiar" prejudices. mind, godlike, immortal mind, with its burden of deathless thought, its comprehensive and discriminating reason, its brilliant wit, its genial humor, its store-house of thrilling memories--a voice of mingled power and pathos, words burning with the unconsuming fire of genius, virtues gathering in ripened beauty upon a brave heart, and moral integrity preeminent over all else--all this could not make a black man the social equal of a white coxcomb, even though his brain were as blank as white paper, and his heart as black as darkness concentrated. may heaven alleviate our undiluted stupidity! antoinette l. brown. vincent ogé [fragments of a poem hitherto unpublished, upon a revolt of the free persons of color, in the island of st. domingo (now hayti), in the years - .] there is, at times, an evening sky-- the twilight's gift--of sombre hue, all checkered wild and gorgeously with streaks of crimson, gold and blue;-- a sky that strikes the soul with awe, and, though not brilliant as the sheen, which in the east at morn we saw, is far more glorious, i ween;-- so glorious that, when night hath come and shrouded it in deepest gloom, we turn aside with inward pain and pray to see that sky again. such sight is like the struggle made when freedom bids unbare the blade, and calls from every mountain glen-- from every hill--from every plain, her chosen ones to stand like men, and cleanse their souls from every stain which wretches, steeped in crime and blood, have cast upon the form of god. though peace like morning's golden hue, with blooming groves and waving fields, is mildly pleasing to the view, and all the blessings that it yields are fondly welcomed by the breast which finds delight in passion's rest, that breast with joy foregoes them all, while listening to freedom's call. though red the carnage,--though the strife be filled with groans of parting life,-- though battle's dark, ensanguined skies give echo but to agonies-- to shrieks of wild despairing,-- we willingly repress a sigh-- nay, gaze with rapture in our eye, whilst "freedom!" is the rally-cry that calls to deeds of daring. * * * * * the waves dash brightly on thy shore, fair island of the southern seas! as bright in joy as when of yore they gladly hailed the genoese,-- that daring soul who gave to spain a world--last trophy of her reign! basking in beauty, thou dost seem a vision in a poet's dream! thou look'st as though thou claim'st not birth with sea and sky and other earth, that smile around thee but to show thy beauty in a brighter glow,-- that are unto thee as the foil artistic hands have featly set around golconda's radiant spoil, to grace some lofty coronet,-- a foil which serves to make the gem the glory of that diadem! * * * * * if eden claimed a favored haunt, most hallowed of that blessed ground, where tempting fiend with guileful taunt a resting-place would ne'er have found,-- as shadowing it well might seek the loveliest home in that fair isle, which in its radiance seemed to speak as to the charmed doth beauty's smile, that whispers of a thousand things for which words find no picturings. like to the gifted greek who strove to paint a crowning work of art, and form his ideal queen of love, by choosing from each grace a part, blending them in one beauteous whole, to charm the eye, transfix the soul, and hold it in enraptured fires, such as a dream of heaven inspires,-- so seem the glad waves to have sought from every place its richest treasure, and borne it to that lovely spot, to found thereon a home of pleasure;-- a home where balmy airs might float through spicy bower and orange grove; where bright-winged birds might turn the note which tells of pure and constant love; where earthquake stay its demon force, and hurricane its wrathful course; where nymph and fairy find a home, and foot of spoiler never come. * * * * * and ogé stands mid this array of matchless beauty, but his brow is brightened not by pleasure's play; he stands unmoved--nay, saddened now, as doth the lorn and mateless bird that constant mourns, whilst all unheard, the breezes freighted with the strains of other songsters sweep the plain,-- that ne'er breathes forth a joyous note, though odors on the zephyrs float-- the tribute of a thousand bowers, rich in their store of fragrant flowers. yet ogé's was a mind that joyed with nature in her every mood, whether in sunshine unalloyed with darkness, or in tempest rude and, by the dashing waterfall, or by the gently flowing river, or listening to the thunder's call, he'd joy away his life forever. but ah! life is a changeful thing, and pleasures swiftly pass away, and we may turn, with shuddering, from what we sighed for yesterday. the guest, at banquet-table spread with choicest viands, shakes with dread, nor heeds the goblet bright and fair, nor tastes the dainties rich and rare, nor bids his eye with pleasure trace the wreathed flowers that deck the place, if he but knows there is a draught among the cordials, that, if quaffed, will send swift poison through his veins. so ogé seems; nor does his eye with pleasure view the flowery plains, the bounding sea, the spangled sky, as, in the short and soft twilight, the stars peep brightly forth in heaven, and hasten to the realms of night, as handmaids of the even. * * * * * the loud shouts from the distant town, joined in with nature's gladsome lay; the lights went glancing up and down, riv'ling the stars--nay, seemed as they could stoop to claim, in their high home, a sympathy with things of earth, and had from their bright mansions come, to join them in their festal mirth. for the land of the gaul had arose in its might, and swept by as the wind of a wild, wintry night; and the dreamings of greatness--the phantoms of power, had passed in its breath like the things of an hour. like the violet vapors that brilliantly play round the glass of the chemist, then vanish away, the visions of grandeur which dazzlingly shone, had gleamed for a time, and all suddenly gone. and the fabric of ages--the glory of kings, accounted most sacred mid sanctified things, reared up by the hero, preserved by the sage, and drawn out in rich hues on the chronicler's page, had sunk in the blast, and in ruins lay spread, while the altar of freedom was reared in its stead. and a spark from that shrine in the free-roving breeze, had crossed from fair france to that isle of the seas; and a flame was there kindled which fitfully shone mid the shout of the free, and the dark captive's groan; as, mid contrary breezes, a torch-light will play, now streaming up brightly--now dying away. * * * * * the reptile slumbers in the stone, nor dream we of his pent abode; the heart conceals the anguished groan, with all the poignant griefs that goad the brain to madness; within the hushed volcano's breast, the molten fires of ruin lie;-- thus human passions seem at rest, and on the brow serene and high, appears no sadness. but still the fires are raging there, of vengeance, hatred, and despair; and when they burst, they wildly pour their lava flood of woe and fear, and in one short--one little hour, avenge the wrongs of many a year. * * * * * and ogé standeth in his hall; but now he standeth not alone;-- a brother's there, and friends; and all are kindred spirits with his own; for mind will join with kindred mind, as matter's with its like combined. they speak of wrongs they had received-- of freemen, of their rights bereaved; and as they pondered o'er the thought which in their minds so madly wrought, their eyes gleamed as the lightning's flash, their words seemed as the torrent's dash that falleth, with a low, deep sound, into some dark abyss profound,-- a sullen sound that threatens more than other torrents' louder roar. ah! they had borne well as they might, such wrongs as freemen ill can bear; and they had urged both day and night, in fitting words, a freeman's prayer; and when the heart is filled with grief, for wrongs of all true souls accurst, in action it must seek relief, or else, o'ercharged, it can but burst. why blame we them, if they oft spake words that were fitted to awake the soul's high hopes--its noblest parts-- the slumbering passions of brave hearts, and send them as the simoom's breath, upon a work of woe and death? and woman's voice is heard amid the accents of that warrior train; and when has woman's voice e'er bid, and man could from its hest refrain? hers is the power o'er his soul that's never wielded by another, and she doth claim this soft control as sister, mistress, wife, or mother. so sweetly doth her soft voice float o'er hearts by guilt or anguish riven, it seemeth as a magic note struck from earth's harps by hands of heaven. and there's the mother of ogé, who with firm voice, and steady heart, and look unaltered, well can play the spartan mother's hardy part; and send her sons to battle-fields, and bid them come in triumph home, or stretched upon their bloody shields, rather than bear the bondman's doom. "go forth," she said, "to victory; or else, go bravely forth to die! go forth to fields where glory floats in every trumpet's cheering notes! go forth, to where a freeman's death glares in each cannon's fiery breath! go forth and triumph o'er the foe; or failing that, with pleasure go to molder on the battle-plain, freed ever from the tyrant's chain! but if your hearts should craven prove, forgetful of your zeal--your love for rights and franchises of men, my heart will break; but even then, whilst bidding life and earth adieu, this be the prayer i'll breathe for you: 'passing from guilt to misery, may this for aye your portion be,-- a life, dragged out beneath the rod-- an end, abhorred of man and god-- as monument, the chains you nurse-- as epitaph, your mother's curse!'" * * * * * a thousand hearts are breathing high, and voices shouting "victory!" which soon will hush in death; the trumpet clang of joy that speaks, will soon be drowned in the shrieks of the wounded's stifling breath, the tyrant's plume in dust lies low-- th' oppressed has triumphed o'er his foe. but ah! the lull in the furious blast may whisper not of ruin past; it may tell of the tempest hurrying on, to complete the work the blast begun. with the voice of a syren, it may whisp'ringly tell of a moment of hope in the deluge of rain; and the shout of the free heart may rapt'rously swell, while the tyrant is gath'ring his power again. though the balm of the leech may soften the smart, it never can turn the swift barb from its aim; and thus the resolve of the true freeman's heart may not keep back his fall, though it free it from shame. though the hearts of those heroes all well could accord with freedom's most noble and loftiest word; their virtuous strength availeth them nought with the power and skill that the tyrant brought. gray veterans trained in many a field where the fate of nations with blood was sealed, in italia's vales--on the shores of the rhine-- where the plains of fair france give birth to the vine-- where the tagus, the ebro, go dancing along, made glad in their course by the muleteer's song-- all these were poured down in the pride of their might, on the land of ogé, in that terrible fight. ah! dire was the conflict, and many the slain, who slept the last sleep on that red battle-plain! the flash of the cannon o'er valley and height danced like the swift fires of a northern night, or the quivering glare which leaps forth as a token that the king of the storm from his cloud-throne has spoken. and oh! to those heroes how welcome the fate of sparta's brave sons in thermopylæ's strait; with what ardor of soul they then would have given their last look at earth for a long glance at heaven! their lives to their country--their backs to the sod-- their heart's blood to the sword, and their souls to their god! but alas! although many lie silent and slain, more blest are they far than those clanking the chain, in the hold of the tyrant, debarred from the day;-- and among these sad captives is vincent ogé! * * * * * another day's bright sun has risen, and shines upon the insurgent's prison; another night has slowly passed, and ogé smiles, for 'tis the last he'll droop beneath the tyrant's power-- the galling chains! another hour, and answering to the jailor's call, he stands within the judgment hall. they've gathered there;--they who have pressed their fangs into the soul distressed, to pain its passage to the tomb with mock'ry of a legal doom. they've gathered there;--they who have stood firmly and fast in hour of blood,-- who've seen the lights of hope all die, as stars fade from a morning sky,-- they've gathered there, in that dark hour-- the latest of the tyrant's power,-- an hour that speaketh of the day which never more shall pass away,-- the glorious day beyond the grave, which knows no master--owns no slave. and there, too, are the rack--the wheel-- the torturing screw--the piercing steel,-- grim powers of death all crusted o'er with other victims' clotted gore. frowning they stand, and in their cold, silent solemnity, unfold the strong one's triumph o'er the weak-- the awful groan--the anguished shriek-- the unconscious mutt'rings of despair-- the strained eyeball's idiot stare-- the hopeless clench--the quiv'ring frame-- the martyr's death--the despot's shame. the rack--the tyrant--victim,--all are gathered in that judgment hall. draw we the veil, for 'tis a sight but friends can gaze on with delight. the sunbeams on the rack that play, for sudden terror flit away from this dread work of war and death, as angels do with quickened breath, from some dark deed of deepest sin, ere they have drunk its spirit in. * * * * * no mighty host with banners flying, seems fiercer to a conquered foe, than did those gallant heroes dying, to those who gloated o'er their woe;-- grim tigers, who have seized their prey, then turn and shrink abashed away; and, coming back and crouching nigh, quail 'neath the flashing of the eye, which tells that though the life has started, the will to strike has not departed. * * * * * sad was your fate, heroic band! yet mourn we not, for yours' the stand which will secure to you a fame, that never dieth, and a name that will, in coming ages, be a signal word for liberty. upon the slave's o'erclouded sky, your gallant actions traced the bow, which whispered of deliv'rance nigh-- the meed of one decisive blow. thy coming fame, ogé! is sure; thy name with that of l'ouverture, and all the noble souls that stood with both of you, in times of blood, will live to be the tyrant's fear-- will live, the sinking soul to cheer! [illustration: (signature) george b. vashon.] syracuse, n. y., august st, . the law of liberty freedom, under the proper restraint of law and duty, is a _political_ good, for that which is morally wrong can never be politically right. fine moral sense will pour indignation on oppression, as well as applause on worth. it will give sympathy to the afflicted, and treasures to relieve the needy. such a spirit will exalt a nation, and command the respect of other nations. but general freedom can only flourish beneath the undisturbed dominion of equitable laws. governments should aim at the welfare of the people, and that government which secures the person, the property, the liberty, the lives of dutiful subjects, and thus makes the common good the rule and measure of its government, will receive a blessing from god. let america act on her own avowed principles, that every man is born free, and she will be exalted, when tyrannical, persecuting, slaveholding nations will come to nought. [illustration: (signature) wm. marsh, d. d.] h. canon of worcester. the swiftness of time in god. from the knaben wunderhorn. (b.i. p. , _et seq._) the general at grosswardein had once a little daughter fine:-- her name was called theresia,-- god-loving, modest, chaste and fair: and from her childhood up was she most deeply given to piety, with prayers and music's solemn tone she ever praised the three-in-one. whene'er she heard of jesus' name, her love and joy flamed brighter flame; jesus to serve she makes her cross, devotes herself to be his spouse. a noble lord came her to woo, her father gave consent thereto; the mother to her daughter said,-- "dear child, this man thou'lt surely wed." the daughter said, "mother of me that can and must not ever be. my heart is fixed on higher worth, a bridegroom he not of this earth." the mother then, "my daughter dear, ah, do not contradict us here, thy sire and i we both are old, and god has blessed our toil with gold." thereat the maid began to weep, "i have a lover beloved so deep, to him i've made my promise down; i'll wear for him a virgin crown." thereat the sire, "this must not be, my child away this phantasy, where wilt thou dwell when past thy prime? we both are old, far gone in time!" the noble lord again draws near, and even the bridal feast prepare, for all things soon were ready made,-- but sorrow veils the maiden's head. quick to the garden, goeth she, there falls she down upon her knee, out from her heart her prayer she poured to jesus her espoused lord. she lay before him on her face, and sighed with sighs to win his grace. the dearest christ the clouds unrolled, "look up," said he, "my maid behold! "thou yet shalt be, in briefest time, in heaven with me in joy's full prime, and mid the lovely angels there, in full delight and joy appear." he greets the maiden wondrous fair: she stands before him without fear, down cast her eyes with modest grace,-- she felt the beauty of his face. then speaks the youth, the heavenly king, and weds her with a golden ring;-- "look there, my bride! love's pledge for thee, oh, wear it on thy hand for me." the maiden then sweet vows took, "my bridegroom dear!" to christ she spoke, "herewith art thou firm wed to me, henceforth my heart loves none but thee." then walked abroad the married pair, and gathered many a blossom fair;-- jesus thus spake to her anew:-- "come, and my lovely garden view!" he took the maiden by the hand, and led her from her fatherland, unto his father's garden fair where many beauteous blossoms are. the maiden now with joy may win the precious fruits which grow therein; but mortal fancy cannot know the noble fruits therein which grow. she hears such music and such song, that length of time seems nothing long, and silver-white the brooklets there flow ever on so pure and fair. the youth again addressed the maid, "my garden here thou hast surveyed. i will again conduct thee home. to thine own land, the time is come." the maiden turns with grief away, comes to the town without delay, the watchman calls, "stand, who goes there?" she says, "i to my father must repair!" "who is your father, then," quoth he, "the general," she answers free. the watchman then replied and smiled, "the general;--he has no child." but by her garments all men see, the maiden is of high degree. the watchman then conducts her straight before the guardians of the state. the maid declares and stands thereto, the general is her father true. and but two hours have scarcely flown, since she went out to walk alone. the guardians saw a wonder great, and asked where she had been of late; her father's name, his power and race, that she must tell them face to face. they searched the ancient records through, and this they found was written true, that once was lost a bride so fine from this same city grosswardein. the length of time they came to try, and sixteen years they find passed by; and yet the maid was fresh and fair, as when first in her fifteenth year. thereby the guardians understand this is the work of god's own hand. they bring the maiden food to eat, she turns white as a winding-sheet. "of earthly things i wish for nought," cries she; "but let a priest be brought, that i may take ere death is sent, the body true in sacrament. as soon as this last act was done-- and many a christian looked thereon-- free from all pain and mortal smart, then ceased to beat that holy heart. [illustration: (signature) theo. parker] visit of a fugitive slave to the grave of wilberforce. on a beautiful morning in the month of june, while strolling about trafalgar square, i was attracted to the base of the nelson column, where a crowd was standing gazing at the bas-relief representations of some of the great naval exploits of the man whose statue stands on the top of the pillar. the death-wound which the hero received on board the victory, and his being carried from the ship's deck by his companions, is executed with great skill. being no admirer of warlike heroes, i was on the point of turning away, when i perceived among the figures (which were as large as life) a full-blooded african, with as white a set of teeth as ever i had seen, and all the other peculiarities of feature that distinguish that race from the rest of the human family, with musket in hand and a dejected countenance, which told that he had been in the heat of the battle, and shared with the other soldiers the pain in the loss of their commander. however, as soon as i saw my sable brother, i felt more at home, and remained longer than i had intended. here was the negro, as black a man as was ever imported from the coast of africa, represented in his proper place by the side of lord nelson, on one of england's proudest monuments. how different, thought i, was the position assigned to the colored man on similar monuments in the united states. some years since, while standing under the shade of the monument erected to the memory of the brave americans who fell at the storming of fort griswold, connecticut, i felt a degree of pride as i beheld the names of two africans who had fallen in the fight, yet i was grieved but not surprised to find their names colonized off, and a line drawn between them and the whites. this was in keeping with american historical injustice to its colored heroes. [illustration: wm. w. brown. (engraved by j. c. buttre)] the conspicuous place assigned to this representative of an injured race, by the side of one of england's greatest heroes, brought vividly before my eye the wrongs of africa and the philanthropic man of great britain, who had labored so long and so successfully for the abolition of the slave trade, and the emancipation of the slaves of the west indies; and i at once resolved to pay a visit to the grave of wilberforce. a half an hour after, i entered westminster abbey, at poets' corner, and proceeded in search of the patriot's tomb; i had, however, gone but a few steps, when i found myself in front of the tablet erected to the memory of granville sharpe, by the african institution of london, in ; upon the marble was a long inscription, recapitulating many of the deeds of this benevolent man, and from which i copied the following:--"he aimed to rescue his native country from the guilt and inconsistency of employing the arm of freedom to rivet the fetters of bondage, and establish for the negro race, in the person of somerset, the long-disputed rights of human nature. having in this glorious cause triumphed over the combined resistance of interest, prejudice, and pride, he took his post among the foremost of the honorable band associated to deliver africa from the rapacity of europe, by the abolition of the slave-trade; nor was death permitted to interrupt his career of usefulness, till he had witnessed that act of the british parliament by which the abolition was decreed." after viewing minutely the profile of this able defender of the negro's rights, which was finely chiselled on the tablet, i took a hasty glance at shakspeare, on the one side, and dryden on the other, and then passed on, and was soon in the north aisle, looking upon the mementoes placed in honor of genius. there stood a grand and expressive monument to sir isaac newton, which was in every way worthy of the great man to whose memory it was erected. a short distance from that was a statue to addison, representing the great writer clad in his morning gown, looking as if he had just left the study, after finishing some chosen article for the _spectator_. the stately monument to the earl of chatham is the most attractive in this part of the abbey. fox, pitt, grattan, and many others, are here represented by monuments. i had to stop at the splendid marble erected to the memory of sir fowell buxton, bart. a long inscription enumerates his many good qualities, and concludes by saying:--"this monument is erected by his friends and fellow-laborers, at home and abroad, assisted by the grateful contributions of many thousands of the african race." a few steps further and i was standing over the ashes of wilberforce. in no other place so small do so many great men lie together. the following is the inscription on the monument erected to the memory of this devoted friend of the oppressed and degraded negro race:-- "to the memory of william wilberforce, born in hull, august , , died in london, july , . for nearly half a century a member of the house of commons, and for six parliaments during that period, one of the two representatives for yorkshire. in an age and country fertile in great and good men, he was among the foremost of those who fixed the character of their times; because to high and various talents, to warm benevolence, and to universal candor, he added the abiding eloquence of a christian life. eminent as he was in every department of public labor, and a leader in every work of charity, whether to relieve the temporal or the spiritual wants of his fellow men, his name will ever be specially identified with those exertions which, by the blessings of god, removed from england the guilt of the african slave-trade, and prepared the way for the abolition of slavery in every colony of the empire. in the prosecution of these objects, he relied not in vain on god; but, in the progress, he was called to endure great obloquy and great opposition. he outlived, however, all enmity, and, in the evening of his days, withdrew from public life and public observation, to the bosom of his family. yet he died not unnoticed or forgotten by his country; the peers and commons of england, with the lord chancellor and the speaker at their head, in solemn procession from their respective houses, carried him to his fitting place among the mighty dead around, here to repose, till, through the merits of jesus christ his only redeemer and saviour, whom in his life and in his writings he had desired to glorify, he shall rise in the resurrection of the just." the monument is a fine one; his figure is seated on a pedestal, very ingeniously done, and truly expressive of his age, and the pleasure he seemed to derive from his own thoughts. either the orator or the poet have said or sung the praises of most of the great men who lie buried in westminster abbey, in enchanting strains. the statues of heroes, princes, and statesmen are there to proclaim their power, worth, or brilliant genius, to posterity. but as time shall step between them and the future, none will be sought after with more enthusiasm or greater pleasure than that of wilberforce. no man's philosophy was ever moulded in a nobler cast than his; it was founded in the school of christianity, which was, that all men are by nature equal; that they are wisely and justly endowed by their creator with certain rights which are irrefragable, and no matter how human pride and avarice may depress and debase, still god is the author of good to man; and of evil, man is the artificer to himself and to his species. unlike plato and socrates, his mind was free from the gloom that surrounded theirs. let the name, the worth, the zeal, and other excellent qualifications of this noble man, ever live in our hearts, let his deeds ever be the theme of our praise, and let us teach our children to honor and love the name of william wilberforce. [illustration: (signature) w. wells brown.] london. narrative of albert and mary. it was a beautiful morning as ever glittered over the broad atlantic. the sun had the brightness and the sky the soft cerulean with which the month of june adorns the latitude of carolina. the sea was not heavy nor rolling, but its motion was just enough to make its waves sparkle under the slanting rays of the morning sun. mary stood with her betrothed in the bow of the boat, as it gracefully ploughed its way towards new york. she was only eighteen, and albert was just twenty. mary was on her way to troy, to complete her studies in the excellent institution for young ladies, which has sent out some of the brightest ornaments of their sex, to refine and bless the world. she had been entrusted to albert's care, who was to spend his summer in new york, in the pursuit of the legal profession. they were both carolinians, and had no little of that ardent spirit which distinguishes the youth of the south; while their well-developed forms, their intellectual countenances, and their sensible speech, placed them in association beyond their years. as mary leaned upon the arm of her gallant protector, their conversation sparkled as the ocean spray that dashed against steamer's bow. but suddenly, as the jet black eye of albert gillon caught the soft blue of mary's, he started at the discovery of a tear trembling upon her eye-lash. "sweet mary, what saddens you?" "ah! albert, the greatest trial of my feelings is the thought that you have never yet consecrated yourself to christ." "i have," replied albert, "no natural repugnance to religion. on the contrary, i see and acknowledge god in all his works and in all his providence, as the author and supreme ruler of all things. but, mary, i do not understand the god of the bible. i do not understand how they who claim to be god's own people, and have the distinguishing title of christians, are, many of them, far worse in moral character, than those who make no such profession. i do not mean hypocrites; but those who are actually respected as orthodox christians. there is mr. verse, of philadelphia, for instance, who has a high place as a religious editor, and discusses the doctrines of christianity with a zeal which shows he takes deep interest in his work, and yet young as i am, and gay as i am, i can see that in his practical application of christianity, he teaches sentiments at variance with the plainest principles of moral truth; and he sets himself against those whose moral character is above reproach; and rebukes them as infidels in their very efforts to elevate the moral tone of society. how is it that mr. verse is recognized as a christian, and these excellent men are avoided as infidels? why is he fit for heaven, and they must be cast down to hell? i don't understand it." "i know," replied mary, "that wiser heads than mine find difficulty in answering your question; and it would be presumptuous in me to signify that i can solve it to your satisfaction. but still, albert, your observations only confirm, in my own mind, your total ignorance of what constitutes a christian. albert, it is not morality; it is not consistency of practice with profession; it is not the _doing_ right that makes a christian, for if man could have attained to entire correctness in morals, there would have been no such thing as christianity. but it is because of man's wickedness and his inconsistency, both in theory and in practice, that the christian religion is presented as the means of attaining to _salvation_. christ makes the christian--the christian in christ and christ in the christian--a loving, affectionate, endearing union--of ignorance with wisdom, of infirmity with strength, of immorality with virtue. christ throws his robe of righteousness over the follies and the wickedness of the converted soul, and by covering him with himself, gradually similates him to himself until what is carnal being cast off, the spiritual remains at death a pure child of god." "dear me, mary, you look lovely as you speak this mysterious theology. and i really pant after such feelings as i see beaming from your countenance; but you might just as well speak to me in arabic for any understanding i can have of this thing called christianity. it must be something good, or it could not thus fill your own soul, intelligent as you are, with a joy that makes you indifferent to those gaieties of life which give me pleasure." "you need," said mary, "the teachings of god's spirit. you know i took delight in those things a year ago, but god's spirit taught me that i was sinning in partaking of them. i was at fayolle's, dancing, and, in the midst of a figure in the cotillon, my head became giddy, and i had to be supported to a seat. i soon recovered, but the thought of a sudden death distressed me, for it came very forcibly to my mind--i am a wicked sinner." "o, mary, mary," interrupted albert, "you did not think yourself a sinner!" "yes, albert, i did. i had never thought so before, but had rather prided myself upon being called a good girl by all my acquaintances. but i now saw things in a different light; and when i went home and began self-examination, i soon found i had a very wicked heart. i tried to do better, but the more i tried to live unto god the more i discovered the proneness of my heart to sin. i tried to think good thoughts, and evil thoughts came directly in my way to mar my peace. day after day i made effort to purify my thoughts. it was all in vain. a pure thought immediately suggested its opposite, and i found myself more familiar with the evil than the good. it shocked me. but i penetrated deeper and deeper into my own heart--into the iniquity of my soul, until i despaired of ever sounding its depth. i then cried to god to have mercy on me. he heard my prayer, and jesus christ came to my help. i felt that he had suffered in my stead, and had poured out his blood as an atonement for my sins. i found peace to my soul as i cast myself, a poor, helpless sinner, upon his atoning altar, and bathed myself in his all-cleansing blood." mary could proceed no farther, for the tears began to flow too rapidly, and her emotion might have been noticed by others than albert. the wind, too, began to rise, and it blew so fresh that they retired to the cabin, where albert occupied himself with a game of chess, and mary read, with evident pleasure, such parts of her dearly-prized bible which suited the state of her mind, occasionally calling albert's attention to some passage particularly striking. in the afternoon, mary took her seat in a position to enjoy the best view of the western sky, in which floated, in all their gorgeousness, the variegated sun-lit clouds. albert soon joined her. "well, mary, you seem to be meditating; but allow me to participate in the luxury of your reflections upon that splendid horizon." "indeed, albert, i was thinking how much more impressive is such scenery than the traveller on land enjoys. in the rapid succession of scenery and variety of faces, as the coach or the steam car drives rapidly onward, everything one sees increases the mind's confusion. whatever he casts his eye upon, worthy of admiration, attracts his attention but a moment; and the sublimity of mountain heights, the gaudy decorations of fertile valleys, and the frowning grandeur of rocks, as they cast their dark shadow upon some foaming torrent, flit by him as a dream of twilight, and leave upon his memory only pencil outlines of the beautiful and the sublime. not so the voyager on the ocean. here the beautiful imprints itself ineffaceably in all its sparkling and its gorgeous variety upon the enchanted mind, and the grand and the sublime raise such a tempest of wonder in the soul that the ocean ever after rolls its foaming waves over the broad expanse of memory." "mary," said albert, "these clouds, floating so gracefully on the ocean, and this gorgeous horizon inspiring your poetic fancy, are something more than mere sky drapery, for you'll perceive that the wind is becoming boisterous, and i fear we are going to have a stormy night." "you do not feel alarmed, do you albert?" "i cannot say i feel alarmed; but i would be more comfortable at this time if i had not so precious a charge. there may be no real danger, but there can be no harm in preparing for what might happen. if we should have a storm i wish you would take your seat on that large box, so as to appropriate it and keep it. your father brought me two life-preservers and a good cord, when we came on board, and charged me to use them in case of accident. you smile, mary, at my earnestness, and perhaps my love for you induces anxiety which circumstances do not warrant. still you can keep in mind my directions." albert walked towards the bow of the steamer, while mary again fixed her attention upon the variegated clouds. she did not participate in albert's apprehensions, and thought his anxiety needless. yet his earnest request made that sort of impression upon her mind which rather conduced to religious contemplation. the broad disk of the sun could be seen through the floating cloud, and as albert returned, mary remarked:--"albert, an hour ago i tried to look at the sun, but his light dazzled my eyes to blindness. i could not mark its shape nor perceive its beauty. but now the cloud floats before it, and through its light vapor i see the sun's circular infinity, and admire its beauty and its glory undazzled by its effulgence. so it is i see god through christ, as he transmits the glory of his father. and it is by thus seeing god through christ, instead of by the eyes of intellect and mere mental observation, that i obtain hope in god and feel prepared to enter upon the realities of that world which is eternally lighted by the invisible presence of jehovah. seeing him in christ jesus, i feel an assurance of his mercy, and am freed from those apprehensions which your scepticism and distrust occasion yourself." "my dear mary," replied albert, "do not suppose my counsel to you originated in any fear for myself personally. it may be from want of reflection, but really i do not know what the fear of death is. your safety, mary, is the cause of my present anxiety. i do not doubt your preparation for eternity, but i am not willing to resign you yet to the companionship of angels. if you perish beneath these billows, and i survive, my hope for happiness in this life is blasted. what is to be beyond the grave i know not; and my religion concerns the life that now is. i must make the best of time, and leave eternity to be taken account of when i am fairly launched into it. perhaps enjoying this world with you, i might learn from you to prepare for eternity. at present my care must be to get my dear mary safely over this treacherous ocean." the sun now sank beneath the western horizon. the variegated colors of the sky were rapidly commingling into one dense canopy of gloom. the passengers earnestly inquired of the captain about the prospect. he hoped to run into the port of wilmington, but he exhorted them to have brave hearts for the danger was imminent. the storm was rapidly increasing. all urged that the pressure of steam be increased to the utmost capacity of the boat. o, what an anxious crowd were upon the deck of that steamer, as they strained their eyes towards the land, and anon lost their balance by the dashing of the billows! the lightning played with terrific splendor, alternating with the blackness of the heavens; and the roar of the waves was only hushed by the awful artillery of the skies. mary was sitting where albert had directed, awaiting with great calmness the result of the storm. albert carefully fastened her with a cord to the box, having first placed beneath her arms the life-preserver. placing another life-preserver around himself, he stood by mary's side with watchful anxiety. suddenly a heavy sea threw the boat forcibly to one side, and albert mechanically stretching forth his hand to save himself, accidentally got caught in the rope that he had entwined about the box, and with mary was tossed into the sea and overwhelmed with the waves. the steamer was several hundred yards ahead of them before albert succeeded in adjusting his position to maintain a good hold upon the box. his first thought was to examine how mary was situated. the lightning gave him sufficient assurance that she was alive and unhurt. at that moment a dreadful explosion directed their eyes towards the steamer, and the awful sight was exhibited of their late associates blown into the air and then sinking beneath the waves. the loss of the pulaski has made many a flowing tear. but few were left to tell the horrors of that night. the public are familiar with their description of the sad disaster. but they knew not the fate of albert and mary, and only added them to the catalogue of the lost. it was with the greatest difficulty that albert could afford his charge any aid, and they must both soon have perished if the storm had been long protracted. but fortunately, the wind shifting, the clouds were soon dispersed, and the stars shone out brightly. before morning they were rescued from their perilous situation, and found themselves, on recovering from their exhaustion, in the comfortable cabin of a fast-sailing brig. the storm, although exceedingly perilous to a steamboat, was not such as to damage a well-trimmed vessel; and the brig, soon after the explosion, bore down towards the wreck, and recovered from a watery grave the interesting subjects of our narrative. mary was taken on board in a state of entire unconsciousness, while albert was too much interested for her to make any special observation of the persons by whom they were rescued. after seeing her sufficiently restored to animation to be left to repose, he retired from her state-room and suffered himself to be assisted to a berth. the sun was high in the heavens when they were awaked from their slumber and invited to breakfast. every accommodation in the way of dry clothing was supplied them, and they met in the saloon of the brig to embrace, in the transport of grateful hearts. having recovered their self-possession, they looked around for their deliverers. none were in the saloon with them but a highly-accomplished looking lady and the steward and stewardess. the lady saluted them in the blandest and most refined manner, and expressed her sincere gratification that they had been so soon delivered from their perilous situation, and were already so well recovered from their exhaustion. "to whom, madam," said albert, "are we indebted for these expressions of kindness and tender solicitude?" "i am, sir, the wife of the captain and master of this brig. my husband will pay you his respects as soon as you have partaken of some of this warm java and these hot rolls." "i would not," said mary, "be doing justice to my own feelings were i to sit down to breakfast without first asking your liberty, madam, to read a beautiful psalm which occurs to my mind at this moment." "certainly," said the lady; "and, steward, invite the chaplain in to offer prayer. doubtless it will be perfectly agreeable to our young guests." a reverend and benevolent looking gentleman, in black, soon entered from the deck, and, in the kindest manner and address, saluted the young couple, expressing, with deep emotion, his sympathy with them and his anxiety in their behalf. mary pointed out to him the psalm she had selected. he read it; made a few highly-appropriate comments, and, while all knelt, such a strain of grateful praise and of fervent prayer flowed from the lips of the warm-hearted minister as seldom is surpassed. mr. gracelius, for this was the minister's name, was of the orthodox faith, and had long been engaged in preaching the doctrines of the calvinistic school. yet he was not bigoted or rigid. his heart was full of the milk of human kindness, and he carried conviction to his hearers, not more by the strength of his logic than the benignity of his address. he was just such a minister as the devout and accomplished mary st. clair would have full confidence in. she was delighted to think that she had been so fortunate as to meet such a friend and spiritual counsellor at such a time; and she at once gave utterance to the warm feelings of her heart, and begged that mr. gracelius would feel at perfect liberty to counsel and advise her. "my advice then is, my dear young sister, that first of all you sit down to your breakfast, and allow mrs. templeton to help you and the young gentleman to your coffee." albert and mary could not but feel that they had fallen among true friends. and, having eaten a cheerful breakfast, they both expressed their sincere gratitude to their kind hostess, which she received with equally deep emotion. captain templeton now entered, and with great courteousness, blended with warmth of address, gave his hand to albert, and, with a graceful bow to mary, expressed the pleasure he felt in having rescued them from a watery grave. "and now, my young friends," said the captain, "i wish you to make yourselves perfectly at home in my vessel; and as soon as i can with safety restore you to your friends, i shall do so." "permit me to inquire," said albert, "to what port you are destined?" "we do not go into any harbor in the united states," replied the captain; "but should we meet with a merchant vessel under favorable circumstances, you will be placed on board." "is not this a merchant vessel?" inquired albert. "no, sir. this is an armed brig." "of what nation?" asked albert. the captain smiled as, with a courteous bow, he replied, "we are pirates;" and immediately went on deck, leaving albert and mary in perfect amazement. recovering himself in a moment, albert said to mrs. templeton: "your husband is very jocose!" "no, sir; he was serious in what he said. we are pirates. but you need be under no apprehension of danger, nor feel the slightest alarm. i know that you have been trained to believe that pirates are necessarily devoid of humane feelings, and are ever thirsting for blood. but i trust we are as hospitable and kind a people to our guests, as are to be found on land." albert and mary were indeed the guests of a piratical crew; but they were soon relieved of all apprehension of personal danger; for there was that in the deportment of all on board which satisfied them of a sincere desire to serve and accommodate them in every way. a few days brought them into such intimacy with the crew that they spoke with freedom, even on the subject of piracy. they were indeed astonished to find that even mr. gracelius advocated the claims of pirates as a civilized and religious people. on board the brig they had morning and evening prayers, and a lecture one evening in the week, and two sermons on the sabbath. what seemed particularly remarkable was the sound evangelical faith of the captain and his family, and the unexceptionable doctrines that were preached by their minister. there was so much fervor, earnestness, and pathos in the sermons of mr. gracelius, that mary was constrained to admit to mrs. templeton that she had never heard better. they had been on the brig about three weeks, without any event calculated to disturb the sensibilities of our young friends, beyond the unaccountably strange sentiments of the piratical crew. everything was conducted with so much order and propriety, good taste and moral deportment, that they could scarcely believe at times otherwise than that a mere sportive hoax was being played upon them. but the tranquil, social pastimes were now interrupted by a new scene of action. it was a pleasant morning; a gentle breeze filled the sails. an unusual arrangement of the vessel attracted the attention of albert. soon he observed men at the guns, and captain templeton standing in a commanding position. the brig was bearing down upon a french merchantman. albert hastened to mary, and disclosed to her the state of things. mary at first trembled, but soon composed herself with trust in god. albert, taking her arm into his, led her to where captain templeton was standing: "captain," said albert, "i perceive you are bearing down upon that merchant vessel. is it your object to place us on board, or do you design to capture her?" "mr. gillon," replied the captain, "i shall see to it that you and your young charge are safely provided for; and that you may be perfectly easy on that score, i now inform you that when i take possession of that merchantman, i shall make arrangements for you to be taken in her to a suitable port, whence you can find your way to your friends. be composed now, and pay such attention to miss st. clair as the unusual occasion may seem in your judgment to require. in a few moments we shall have something to do, and perhaps a necessity to use our guns. but i hope not. if you will retire to the cabin, mrs. templeton will entertain you there better than you are likely to be on deck." there was so much politeness in the captain's manner, and yet evident fixedness of purpose, that albert attempted no answer. there was now no doubt that their hospitable entertainers were pirates. they retired to the cabin, and sat there in profound silence. soon mrs. templeton came in, and in her gentle winning manner began to prepare mary for the scenes that might transpire. "you must not be alarmed, my dear. you will be perfectly safe. i only regret we are so soon likely to lose your company." "o mrs. templeton!" said mary, "how can you prosecute such a life! it is so wicked! excuse me, ma'am, but i cannot suppress my feelings of horror." at this moment the conversation was interrupted by the entrance of captain templeton, who, with a calm countenance, said:-- "wife, i perceive that there are several guns on that vessel, and i judge that the crew and passengers are somewhat numerous. we shall have to proceed with caution, and as we are likely to have somewhat of a warm time, i think i should feel better satisfied to have a season of prayer." albert knit his brow in moody silence. mary heaved a deep sigh. mr. gracelius was called in, and having read the th psalm, he offered up the following prayer:-- "oh! thou mighty god of jacob, who didst accompany thine ancient israel through all their trials, and didst fight their battles for them, we thank thee that thou hast taught us to put our trust in thee. and we beseech thee, oh! blessed father, for the sake of thine own son jesus christ, to help us at this time in our endeavor to appropriate to the support of this branch of thy zion, the treasures which, for the mere purposes of an unhallowed commerce, are being transported to that people who have ever distinguished themselves by their infidelity, and by their scorn of all true religion; who have also by their mighty leaders devastated kingdoms and shed seas of blood to gratify a vain-glorious ambition. "oh! lord, we would not shed blood needlessly, and we therefore pray thee to enable us in the approaching conflict, to have a single eye to thy glory, and thus preserve a calm and kind temper, whatsoever may be the resistance offered on this occasion. and wilt thou, o lord, assist our beloved captain to do his duty, and to so command his men and order the battle, that when all shall be over, he may have a conscience void of offence towards god and towards man. and whatsoever treasures may come to us, may we gratefully employ in thy service and to thy glory, remembering that jesus christ, who died for us and rose again for our justification, first became poor, that we through his poverty might be made rich, and therefore that we ought to use our wealth to the advancement of christianity in our own souls and among our fellow-beings, as the best evidence of our gratitude for our earthly prosperity, and for those treasures which are laid up for us in heaven; and to thy gracious name, father, son, and holy spirit, be the praise forever. _amen_." the tone of the chaplain's voice, the fervid manner and the striking pathos of this short prayer, had a strong effect upon captain templeton and his wife. they both rose from their knees with tears in their eyes. the captain grasped the hand of mr. gracelius, and earnestly said: "i feel strengthened, my brother; and i can now say, if the lord be for us, who can be against us!" he then passed out and resumed his position on the deck. "miss st. clair," said mrs. templeton, "do you think that can be wickedness which the lord sanctifies with his communion?" before mary could reply, the loud report of a cannon gave notice that the action had commenced. the struggle was a short one, the french vessel was captured, with the loss of her commander, who fell at the first fire. it took but a short time to have all on the merchantman in fetters, and the vessel manned by the pirates. it was not until the morning after the capture that matters became composed on the pirates' vessel, and everything in usual order. at breakfast mary took the liberty to ask the captain what he designed to do with his prisoners. "i always endeavor," he replied, "to remember the obligations of humanity and christianity. sometimes, for our own safety, we are compelled to put our captives to death, but i do so always with great reluctance, and never without prayer to god that their souls might be saved. in this case i think we shall not be under this painful necessity." "captain," said albert, "it is perfectly unaccountable to me how a man of your naturally humane and benevolent disposition can engage in this business of robbery and murder." "well, mr. gillon," replied the captain, "i make every allowance for one who has been educated as you have been, and taught that pirates were only worthy of the gallows; although i cannot but feel that your language is not such as your refined and polished manners would warrant me to expect and require. our business is not robbery and murder. the laws under which we live, both social and political, are as decidedly opposed to such crimes as among any other people." "i did not," replied albert, "intend to be ungentlemanly in my language, and was not aware that these terms were offensive to you. but, sir, you only increase my amazement. i cannot comprehend how you can characterize your business by terms more appropriate. is it not so that piracy is but the practice of robbery and murder, when it takes away a man's possessions, and then destroys his life to make the booty secure?" "i perceive, mr. gillon, that you labor under the delusion that all pirates are bad and cruel men. i confess, sir, there are many of our people who treat their prisoners with unnecessary severity, and frequently inflict death when the occasion does not demand it. but, my dear sir, this is the abuse of piracy, not its legitimate use." "and do you really mean to say, captain templeton," said mary, "that piracy can be made an honorable business?" "of course i do, miss," replied the captain, "and i regret that miss st. clair can suppose i would engage in a business that i did not believe to be honorable." "but, captain, you profess to be a christian, and it is a great mystery to me how you can reconcile your profession with your practice. surely you do not believe that the scriptures justify such a life." "that is precisely my belief, miss," replied the captain. "piracy is a bible institution, and if it were not so, i would abandon it at once." "ah!" said albert, "that accounts for it. it is that belief in the bible that leads the mind and the heart astray from the clear principles of a sound moral philosophy. even my good mary, here, is so warped by her reverence for the bible, that she defends the institution of slavery, which i abhor with all my heart. but, captain, although i am not surprised at your belief that the bible sanctions piracy, since it is quoted by christians in support of all sorts of wickedness, i am surprised that a man of your good sense and keen moral perception in regard to other matters of life, should not perceive that slavery, and piracy, and war, and everything of the sort, are irreconcilable with sound morality." "i do not know," replied the captain, "what might be the conclusions of abstract reasoning upon the subject outside of the bible, for i have never thought very profoundly about it. but i feel satisfied so long as i have the assurance that the revealed word is on my side." "but, captain," said mary, "i am not willing to allow that the bible is on your side. it shocks me to hear you say so." "well, miss st. clair, i must turn you over to brother gracelius, who is well posted up in bible matters. he will be able to show you that piracy is a bible institution." "yes, my young sister," said mr. gracelius, who had not been inattentive to the conversation, while he was enjoying an excellent cup of coffee. "the scriptures do most certainly sanction the institution of piracy." here mr. gracelius took from his pocket a small bible, and proceeded to say: "on such a question, i am strongly disposed to pass by all ethical and metaphysical dissertation, and appeal at once to the only standard of right and wrong which can prove decisive. it is the responses of the sacred oracles to which we must after all appeal." "i could wish, mr. gracelius," said albert, "that you would discuss this question rather upon the foundation principles of morality, than by arguments from a volume which sanctions war, slavery, death penalties, and a host of other evils, by the very confessions of christians themselves." "i perceive," said mr. gracelius, "that you, sir, have never yet learned the true grace of god through regeneration, or you too would bow submissively to the teachings of the sacred scriptures, and acknowledge them as the highest standard of right and morality. i cannot, therefore, hope to seriously affect your mind by an appeal to the bible. but miss st. clair, being a christian, will feel the force of such high authority." "truly, mr. gracelius," said mary, "i do take the bible as my highest standard of truth; and it is from the principles taught by the bible that i have the assurance that piracy is awfully criminal. and i am utterly astonished that a man of your apparent piety, and who so well understands the doctrines of christianity, can for a moment think that the bible justifies such crimes." "my dear young sister," said the minister, "you are begging the question when you call piracy a crime, for that is the very thing you are to prove. but let us see what piracy is: "in order to clear away rubbish, and to arrive at once at the point, let me remind you that it is simply the _essential_ character of piracy which we are discussing. piracy itself is nothing more than the appropriating of the products of another's labor and skill, without his consent or contract. the absence of the contract, or the consent of the producer, does not alter the nature and extent of the pirates' right. the case is analogous to that of parents and children. a father has a right to the productions of his child's labor during his minority, without the contract or consent of the child, and he may even transfer that right. but i grant that this does not justify the father in doing anything to the detriment of the child, either morally, intellectually, or physically. and, beyond doubt, this is the true light in which christianity would have pirates regard their relations. the capture of a vessel, and the treatment of prisoners, involve a great responsibility. nothing more should be done than is absolutely essential to the maintenance of the peculiar institutions of piracy. it is not the relation of the pirate to the producer or prisoner which is sinful, but infidelity to the solemn trust which that relation creates. it does not follow, because he has a right to the produce of another's labor or skill, that he has also a right to inflict unnecessary violence on his person, or take from him all means of livelihood. whenever it can be done, without jeopardizing the well-being and interests of our society and institutions, we ought to spare the prisoner's life, make him comfortable while in our hands, place him as soon as possible where he can return to his home, and leave him means enough to keep him from starving or absolute destitution. "to include in the idea of piracy, that also of robbery and murder, is to confound two things entirely distinct, and which really have no sort of connection. if i take from another that which i have no right to by the laws of the society or government under which i live, then i am a robber; for that alone is property which the law makes property, as one of your own great statesmen has very properly said; and if i take life, when not essential to maintain my own rights under the laws of that government which i recognize in my social obligations, i am a murderer. i therefore insist upon it, that, in discussing this subject, we regard as appropriate to the question only the _essential_ elements of piracy, and not its abuses; for piracy may exist without inflicting these aggravated wrongs. "christian pirates have great regard for the welfare, temporal and spiritual, of their fellow-beings, and oftentimes exercise the spirit of the most self-denying missionaries. such men and women do honor to human nature. they are the true friends of their race. "now, here is piracy--a system of society and government which gives opportunity to inculcate among graceless men who fall into our hands the principles of the gospel of christ; and many an ungodly man has had the opportunity in our cabin of hearing the doctrines of the cross, who, whilst immersed in the business, and cares, and pleasures of life, never darkened the door of a meeting-house on land. and many of them have been converted to the christian faith, and have become excellent and worthy christian pirates. "those of our captains who have christian sailors under them have the best-managed vessels; and really their crews do more of effective work, both in battle and in ship duties, than any ungodly crew that can be found. "no, sister mary, depend upon it, you have imbibed a prejudice against piracy, and you suppose it to involve all sorts of crime. but the true question of issue between us is pruned to this:--is it necessarily a crime in the sight of god to control the property, or curtail the personal liberty, or take the life of a human being in any case? "every government has necessarily a right to pass laws indispensable to its existence; and it has a right, also, to establish those regulations which shall best promote the good of the whole population. now, what political organization is most desirable for a particular people, depends on circumstances; but, whatever be that adopted, whether democracy, or despotism, or piratical confederation, the rights of man, as a human being, are trenched upon; and visionary have proved and will prove all projects of constructing and fashioning society according to philosophical notions and theories of abstract unalienable rights. that piracy or any civil institution interferes with the property of a man, or a class of men (as, for instance, merchants), does not then make it necessarily, and, amid all circumstances, a crime." mr. gracelius here paused, and gave mary an opportunity to put in a word. "but," said she, "after taking off what you call the rubbish, mr. gracelius, and pruning the question down as much as you please, i cannot possibly admit that the bible anywhere justifies piracy under any circumstances whatsoever, either abstractly or practically. i call upon you for anything in all the bible that gives the slightest countenance to such a mode of life, or such a government, as you are pleased to term it." "i should rather require of you," replied the learned divine, "to make out from the bible your charge that piracy is a crime. i know not a word from the first of genesis to the end of revelation where piracy is once condemned. but i pass this, and, waiving my clear logical rights, undertake to prove the negative, and to show that the bible does, most explicitly, both by precept and example, bear me out in my assertion, that piracy is not necessarily, and always, and amidst all circumstances, a sin. what god sanctioned in the old testament, and permitted in the new, cannot be sin. "i begin with the patriarch jacob, whose name israel has been appropriated from his day to this time to the true church. how did jacob acquire his great riches? was it not by appropriating the property of laban to himself? and did not god bless him in thus doing? there is not a word of condemnation; but, on the contrary, jacob, in telling his brother that he had much property, remarked, that god had dealt graciously with him. here, you see, is a marked case of an appropriation of another's property by a very adroit stratagem, which is fully justified by the old testament, and uncondemned by the new. "had jacob not represented in his person a different community from laban's, of which he was to be the patriarch, his mode of acquiring wealth out of laban would have been censurable. but his conduct towards laban was consistent with what was subsequently allowed under the mosaic laws on the part of the jews towards other nations. they could, for instance, make slaves of the nations round about;--they could take usury of them;--they could despoil them by war, and they could do a variety of things in relation to the people of other nations which would have been robbery, fraud, murder, and so on, if done by jews to jews. thus the idea that that is property which the law makes property, is of divine origin. "take now the case of the israelites in their exodus from egypt; they were positively enjoined by the divine command to borrow of their egyptian neighbors their various costly jewelries, not with the idea of returning them, but of appropriating them permanently to their own benefit. "david, who was a man after god's own heart, did not regard it robbery to obtain from the priest the shew-bread itself, although to do so he deceived the priest by telling that which, under other circumstances, would be called a lie. it was essential to his life--to his support. it was not therefore criminal to tell the falsehood in order to obtain the bread. now, it is upon this very principle that your government and all civil governments employ diplomatic agents, in order to secure by adroitness and craftiness commercial and other advantages; and it is upon the same principle that we pirates justify our proceedings. it is essential to the support and maintenance of our people; and there is as much in the scriptures to warrant our stratagems to decoy vessels and get the benefit of their cargoes, as for your government to obtain advantages by diplomatic adroitness. we must have a living. "but you say we not only rob but murder. but as all appropriations of others' possessions are not essentially robbery, so all killing is not essentially murder. if you will look into the book of judges, xiv. , you will find that the taking of spoil even by violence and bloodshed, is not necessarily a crime--is not necessarily robbery and murder. it is the case of samson when he had to give thirty changes of raiment to those who had expounded his riddle. it is said: "and the spirit of the lord came upon him, and he went down to askelon and slew thirty men of them, and took their spoil, and gave change of garments unto them which expounded the riddle." now, notice this particularly, that samson did all this under the influence of god's spirit. and you will remember that paul in hebrews mentions samson with special commendation. "now, if samson, and david, and jacob did such things, we feel justified in proceeding accordingly. "but as i have not time to go into very minute detail, i pass at once to two very important points in the new testament. the first occurs in christ's parable of the unjust steward. there the steward is commended for making an arrangement by which he secured his permanent interest by adroitly subtracting from what was due his lord by his debtors. he had acted unjustly in the office of steward, being bound by honor to fulfil its duties and his obligations to his employer, but so soon as his obligations to his employer ceased on being ordered out of the stewardship, and his very living cut off, then it was no longer unjust, but commendable to do that which before would have been fraud or robbery. "the other case is that of our blessed lord himself. he sent his disciples to take away from the place where they were tied an ass and her colt; and he told them how to escape should they be caught at it, by saying: 'the lord hath need of them.' now, when we take away the property of others, we may reply to those who question us, 'the lord hath need of them,' for every good pirate will endeavor so to use what he obtains as to promote the best interests of religion, and to glorify our blessed redeemer. "and now, my dear young sister, what more need i say to establish the point that piracy is not essentially sinful--that it is not _malum in se_? indeed, it stands upon the same footing that slavery does, and is vindicated by the same process of reasoning. the argument for slavery is identically the same in principle as for piracy. and you know it is upon the ground that slavery is not under all circumstances a sin, that christians in the northern states hold communion with you of the south. and i admire that charitable spirit which induces them to believe that southern christians do not uphold the barbarous features which wicked and cruel masters impress upon the system of slavery. they give you, therefore, very properly, the right hand of christian fellowship, which they could not do if slaveholding were sin in itself. and i doubt not they would as readily commune with christian pirates, since it is evident that piracy is not, any more than slavery, _malum in se_." mary made no reply, but sat musing with a countenance overwhelmed with sadness. mr. gracelius looked as though he had accomplished a decided victory; and captain templeton smiled with approbation. albert after a short silence exclaimed with great emphasis: "i thank god _my_ bible is my _reason_, my _conscience_, and my _heart_. i this day glory in being an infidel." "oh! albert, albert!" cried mary, and burst into tears. albert seeing he had wounded the feelings of one he loved so dearly, tried to soothe her by remarking that he had met at the north with some persons who maintained that the bible was misunderstood and misinterpreted by the most of the commentators and theologians, and that when rightly explained and received, would be found to be perfectly in harmony with the sympathies and philanthropic emotions of the human heart, and with the principles of enlightened reason. but as these persons were generally called fanatical and visionary, he had not paid much attention to their strictures. "i intend, however," he added, "to take an early opportunity to investigate the bible for myself, and if it prove itself to be better than its commentators and expounders, perhaps i shall become a christian. but i cannot be a christian if christianity props up slaveholding and piracy." here the conversation was interrupted by the entrance of a messenger, who announced that every preparation had been made, and that mr. gillon and miss st. clair could now go on board the merchant vessel. on rising to depart, albert with much feeling addressed the captain: "captain templeton, we are much indebted to you for saving our lives, and for the hospitality and very kind attentions we have received. i would that i could repay you in some way. but you will pardon me, so young a man, for expressing the profound wish of my heart, that you would abandon this horrible life, and no longer delude yourself with the idea that the bible is the highest authority for the regulation of man's life. recognize every man, everywhere, as your brother, and treat all as you have treated mary and myself,--treat all as your own heart, left to its most benevolent promptings, would dictate, and (the bible to the contrary notwithstanding) you will please god better than you can do by any adherence to theological dogmas, that make the almighty the author of piracy, slavery, war, death-penalties, and such like institutions and practices." "and i, too, hope," replied captain templeton, "that you will look into this matter with care, and come to the conclusion to follow that good book rather than the _ignis fatuus_ of mere human reason and natural conscience. i admire your honesty and candor, mr. gillon, and, although i cannot but regard your views as fanatical, i trust that when the ardor of youth shall give place to the reflections of maturer years, you will be as firm a believer in the bible as i am." "ah!" said mr. gracelius, "that will depend upon the grace of god. farewell, young man, and may the lord convert your soul and give us a happy meeting again, where we shall sing the song of the lamb forever and ever." mary, still in tears, took mr. gracelius by the hand and said: "mr. gracelius, i am not at all convinced that the scriptures favor your views, although i am not prepared to meet your arguments. but i fear you have so confirmed albert in his infidelity, that it will be exceedingly hard to get him hereafter even to listen to christian instruction." "oh! my young sister," replied the minister, "the grace of god can conquer the worst of infidels, and i hope your friend will yet become an ambassador of christ." by this time the party were standing on deck, ready to bid the last adieu. our young friends were soon on board the merchant vessel and out of sight of their strange benefactors. they found that the pirates had liberated the crew and passengers, and returned them to their vessel, retaining only the rich cargo. having been well supplied with funds, in gold, when they left home, which albert had about his person when taken up by the pirates, they found no difficulty, on reaching france, in making their way to england, and thence to the united states. on the voyages albert perused the scriptures with great attention, not only because mary had urged him to do so, but because he felt that he needed to be informed of the true nature and character of what was claimed to be sacred writings. he was careful to avoid conversation on the subject during the progress of his investigations; and mary herself was not, after her last interview with mr. gracelius, sufficiently quieted in her own mind to give expression to her thoughts. it was in november, when an indian summer was augmenting the beauty of the scenery about the harbor of new york, that our young friends were sitting together in mary's spacious state-room on board the noble vessel which was just passing staten island. "albert," said mary, with deep emotion, and the tear in her eye, "i have become an abolitionist." "and i," said albert, with yet deeper emphasis, "have become a christian." "thank god--thank god!" exclaimed mary. "o, albert, i cannot tell you how happy i am to hear you say so. but i do not need any explanation, for i see through it all. the pirates have made me an abolitionist, and the bible has made you a christian. i have now learned how to understand its teachings, and you have learned that the precious volume has been grievously tortured to uphold the evil instead of the good." "it is even so, mary," replied albert. "i have been reading and studying with an earnest desire for truth. i find much, in the old testament, calculated to bewilder, and much that requires the new testament to explain. i find, scattered through the old testament, holy principles that are brought into full relief by jesus christ, who has, by his example, and in his instructions to his disciples, elucidated what was obscure and rejected from the claims of divine authority what was only jewish misconception. i am satisfied that it does not uphold violence, oppression, and wrong, and throw around these things the sanction of the divine mind. i find that everything taught by jesus christ is in full harmony with the most benevolent and honorable feelings of the human heart, and with the highest sense of justice and consciousness of right, and is diametrically opposed to all base carnal passions and affections, and to all that is violative of human equality and brotherhood. "i believe in jesus christ. and i had the ideal of such a saviour for man before i saw that the jesus of the new testament is the true captain of salvation. and now i find that such a saviour really exists, i am willing to follow his leadings, although i know it will require self-denials and sacrifices. i tell you, mary, i found out from reading the bible that i was an unregenerated man, and needed god's spirit to purify and sanctify my heart; and i have learned this from studying carefully the life and doctrines of christ, who, in the flesh, gave a full manifestation of the godhead, and by _his righteousness_ brought to my own view _my unrighteousness_. "i read of jesus dying on the cross rather than not carry out every jot and every tittle of the divine morality, and every principle of pure and undefiled religion. i stand in admiration of this divine heroism. i learn farther that his great mission was to induce sinful man to abandon his sins and become reconciled to god; and that it was in carrying out this mission that he subjected himself to the tortures of the cross. under the influence of god's spirit, this brings me to true repentance, and i determine to reform by taking jesus as my exemplar and the captain of my salvation. i am thus made reconciled to god's law, and feel pardoned for the past and hopeful for the future. my faith in christ gives me strength to live the life of a christian, and thus i am saved. jesus christ's death has in this way reconciled me to god, and being thereby brought into harmony with god, god is reconciled to me. jesus christ therefore making atonement or reconciliation for me, has truly suffered in my stead. that is to say, his suffering in order to impress me with my obligations to god and his law, has by reconciling me to god's law, kept me from suffering the penalty of law. and when i think that god made this provision for this fallen world--that he gave his only begotten son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish but have eternal life, and i realize it all with trust and confidence, i feel that the kingdom of heaven is within me. i am truly happy." "my dear albert," responded mary, "you make me to see all this in a new light. i confess i never before properly understood the doctrine of the atonement. i did not before understand that atonement for man, and reconciliation between god and man, were one and the same thing. but i now perceive that there is no atonement unless we become christ-like; and that just in proportion as we are christ-like, we are in harmony with god, and are thus far saved. god converts the soul from the love of sin to the love of christ, and that love of christ insures obedience to his commandments to the full measure of our knowledge. to be clothed upon then with the righteousness of christ, and to have christ's righteousness imputed to us, are not terms signifying a righteousness extraneous from ourselves, and only regarded in place of righteousness in us, but really and truly to manifest a righteousness which will be seen and recognized by our ownselves and others as a righteousness derived from christ, because we live as christ would have us to live. o how pleasant it is to see the matter in so clear a light!" "and now," said albert, "i wish to know how it is you a little while ago called yourself an abolitionist. did you really mean what you said in its full import?" "yes i did," replied mary. "that argument made by mr. gracelius was so exactly similar to the mode of interpreting the scriptures in behalf of slavery, that i at once saw if it were good for slavery, it was just as good in defence of piracy; and that i must give up the bible under such a mode of interpretation, or admit that piracy itself is sanctioned by the bible. i could not give up my precious bible, for i have felt so much of its hallowed influences upon my soul, that i could not think of parting from it. i have, like yourself, spent this voyage studying it with great care, and whatever may be the criticisms of the learned upon words, i am certain that the whole spirit of christianity, as developed before and since christ, utterly condemns any and every system, or practice, or principle which does not recognize all men as brethren. and i also perceive that many things have been wrested from their original meaning to subserve the purposes of oppression and tyranny. i now so read that good book, that i discriminate between the erroneous ideas and practices of the jews and the divine law--between historical facts and traditional inferences--between man's misconceptions and the true principles of religion. i now can and do see from the bible itself that slavery is all wrong; and being so, i am obliged to be an abolitionist; for i know that no christian ought to continue the practice of what is wrong in itself on any consideration. but, albert, how was it that you who did not believe in the bible, became an abolitionist?" "why, mary, the truth is, i did not believe in the bible, because, being an abolitionist, professed christians and ministers instructed me that the bible sanctioned slavery, and that it required obedience to earthly masters and rulers, even although their commands and laws be contrary to the divine law. this was so contrary to my sense of natural right, that i said to myself i cannot honor the true god by submitting to the authority of the bible; and therefore it was i took an utter aversion to the bible. my respect for my parents prevented me from telling them when they would urge me to read the bible, that their own views and practice had already convinced me that it was an unrighteous book; for i could not believe that my father would hold slaves under any conviction of its rightfulness drawn from nature, and that my mother would treat the blacks as she did, had she been governed by her natural sense of justice; but that by early education in the bible, they had been trained to regard slaveholding perfectly compatible with the divine law, and the black as some heathenish being, whom it was no oppression to enslave. but now having examined the bible with care, i see that they who take that book to justify the enslaving of men, have been most dreadfully deluded." "well, albert," said mary, "you know the obligations of christianity require action as well as sentiment. if we are christians truly, we have to serve christ fully. we dare not, therefore, withhold our testimony against slavery any more than against any other crime. how then can we return to carolina? we cannot be happy there amidst an institution which we abhor." "mary, like yourself, i now feel," said albert, "that a christian must not hide his light under a bushel. we must speak for the dumb and for the truth as it is in jesus. but with such views and intentions we would not be suffered in south carolina. what, then, are we to do?" mary, after a few moments' meditation, answered, "albert, our parents think we were lost with the pulaski. let it stand so. they will suffer more if we go back to them with such sentiments as we now entertain. and for your sake, and for our parents' sake, and for the sake of christ, i am willing to sacrifice all my worldly prospects and try to make a living by my own exertions in some place where my own feelings will not be shocked with the perpetual violation of christian law by my own slaveholding relatives, and where i shall not be myself an annoyance to them." here their dialogue was interrupted by the arrival of the ship at the wharf, and in a short time our young friends were safely landed in new york. suffice it to say, in conclusion, that they both agreed never more to be dependent on the wealth of their parents,--assured as they were that all they could bestow upon them would be the product of unrequited toil. they were soon united in holy wedlock, and, after engaging in teaching an academy a short time, albert became a faithful and zealous minister of the gospel; and he and his loving wife in process of time succeeded in revealing their situation to their parents, in such terms as to reconcile them to their anti-slavery views, and to induce them finally to emancipate their slaves. they are all living happily in moderate circumstances, in a little town in one of the free states,--in the direct line of the "under-ground railroad;" and many a poor fugitive finds a comfortable shelter in either of their humble cottages. a short time since, mary was reading the discussion between dr. wayland and dr. fuller, on the subject of slavery, and was startled to find the very words of mr. gracelius and his identical argument, used by the champion of american slavery. "albert," said she to her husband, "would you believe it, dr. fuller and mr. gracelius are one and the same person." "it surely cannot be!" said albert. but to this day the matter looks very mysterious to them. and it is hoped that dr. fuller or dr. wayland will explain the coincidence of the arguments in some satisfactory manner. [illustration: (signature) wm. henry brisbane] toil and trust. this is the motto of all persons sincerely disposed to embrace the cross of the anti-slavery enterprise. the duty it imposes is two-fold; . to _toil_ for the spread of the truth; and . to _trust_ to the dissipation of error. the most potent barrier set up against the opponents of slavery is made of the prejudices carefully instilled into the popular mind against them. i propose, in brief, to point out their origin. it is sedulously inculcated: . that anti-slavery is a pure sectional feeling, and springs from jealousy of the south. fifty years ago this idea might fairly have been entertained. many of the arguments then used have no better root than political jealousy. but it is not so now. the ruling objection at present is, that slavery is wrong, no matter where it may be found; that it is a moral evil, and an offence against religion, not less than a great political curse; that indifference to it among good men encourages its extension among bad men; and that nothing but resolute and universal condemnation of it in every form will stimulate to its abolition. how far these views are from jealousy of the south, must appear obvious enough to all who reflect that those who entertain them, consider the result to be arrived at as one which must spring from the voluntary convictions of those most affected by it, that they are getting rid of the only serious drawback to their own prosperity. of course, then, it is the best interests of the south,--their strength, moral, social, and political,--that anti-slavery men believe they are promoting, by their course. . that the enemies of slavery desire to subvert the constitution and to dissolve the union. possibly, a few impatient spirits may have got so far. they constitute, however, but a very small portion of the number included in the term. nine-tenths of these hold that neither the constitution nor the union should be brought into question at all. they consider that the resort to them as a protection and safeguard to slavery, by ill-judging and rash conservatives, has done more to put them into serious danger, than the acts of all others combined during the present century. any man who relies upon a good government to sustain acknowledged evil, does much to modify the notions of goodness which honest and conscientious men have entertained respecting that government. he furnishes an entering wedge for doubt and distrust, which, if not removed, will grow into aversion. anti-slavery men reason differently. they separate slavery from the constitution and the union, and, by seeking to destroy the former, desire to perpetuate the latter. they hold, that against the concentrated moral sentiment of the whole country, acting through its legitimate public channels, and aided by the prayers and the hopes of all the civilized world, it would be much more difficult to maintain slavery in the states, than if the dangers of general misgovernment and disunion were to come in to distract the public attention, and open up social disasters of a worse kind than those which they seek to remedy. . the spirit of this reform is denunciatory, violent, and proscriptive. it is inevitable that all movements directed against the established errors of communities originate with men more or less fanatical in spirit. none but they have the necessary elements of character to advance at all. but, as others become convinced of the fundamental truths which they utter, the tendency of their association is to modify and soften the tone, and make it more nearly approximate the correct sentiment. at this period, there is quite as much of liberality among anti-slavery men as is consistent with a determined maintenance of their general purpose. though disposed to be just to all who conscientiously differ with them in opinion, they cannot overlook the fact that many honest persons are too indifferent, and more are too compromising in their views of slavery. to rouse the one, and alarm the other class into a conviction of their responsibility for their apathy, is one of the most imperative duties. it may be that this is not always done in the most courtly or the choicest terms. some allowances must be made for the spirit of liberty. these cases form, however, the exception, and not the rule, among anti-slavery men. the great majority well comprehend that the greatest results will follow efforts made without bitterness of temper. they remember that whilst the saviour denounced without stint the formal scribe, the hollow pharisee, and the greedy money-changer, he chose for his sphere of exertion the society of publicans and sinners. . anti-slavery men seek to set slaves against their masters, at the risk of the lives and happiness of both. this impression, which is much the most common, is, at the same time, the least founded in truth of all. no evidence, worthy of a moment's credit, has ever been produced, implicating any class of them in a suspicion of the kind. nothing proves the absence of all malignity towards the slaveholders more clearly than this. if they sought really to injure them, what could be more easy than to stimulate disaffection along so extensive a line of boundary as that of the slave states? probably few of them entertain any doubt of the abstract _right_ of the slave to free himself from the condition in which he is kept against his own consent, in any manner practicable. how easy then the step from this opinion to an act of encouragement! that it has never been taken furnishes the most conclusive proof of the falsity of the popular impression, and of the moderations of the anti-slavery men, who seek only, in the moral convictions of the masters, for the source of freedom to the slaves. but though it be true that all these common impressions are delusions strewn in the way of anti-slavery men to impair the effect of their exertions, it by no means follows that they should be induced by them to assume a moderation which encourages sluggishness. no great movement in human affairs can be made without zeal, energy, and perseverance. it must be animated by a strong will, and tempered by a benevolent purpose. such is the shape which the anti-slavery reform is gradually assuming. its motto, then, should be, as was said in the beginning: "toil and trust." [illustration: (signature) charles francis adams.] quincy, july, . friendship for the slave is friendship for the master. it is a mistake on the part of the people of the south to suppose that those who desire the extinction of slavery, whether residing in america or england, are actuated by unfriendly feelings toward them personally, or by any hostility to the pecuniary or social interests of their section of country. the most important and influential classes of the population, both of england and of the northern states of this union, have a direct and strong pecuniary interest at stake, in the prosperity and welfare of the south. if the people of massachusetts or those of lancashire were employed in raising cotton and sugar, and if the prices which they obtained for their produce were kept down by southern competition, then there might perhaps be some ground for suspecting a covert hostility in any action or influence which they might attempt to exert on such a question. but the contrary is the fact. new england and old england manufacture and consume the cotton and sugar which the south produces. they are directly and deeply interested in having the production of these articles go on in the most advantageous manner possible. the southern planter is not their competitor and rival. he is their partner. his work is to them and to their pursuits one of co-operation and aid. consequently his prosperity is their prosperity, and his ruin would be an irretrievable disaster, not a benefit, to them. they are thus naturally his friends, and, consequently, when in desiring a change in the relation which subsists between him and his laborers, they declare that they are not actuated by any unfriendly feeling toward him, but honestly think that the change would be beneficial to all concerned, there is every reason why they should be believed. there was a time when the laboring population of england occupied a position in respect to the proprietors of the soil there, very analogous to that now held by african slaves in our country. but the system has been changed. from being serfs, compelled to toil for masters, under the influence of compulsion or fear, they have become a free peasantry, working in the employment of landlords, for wages. but this change has not depressed or degraded the landlords, or injured them in any way. on the contrary, it has probably elevated and improved the condition of the master quite as much as it has that of the man. imagine such a change as this on any southern plantation: the christian master desiring conscientiously to obey the divine command,--given expressly for his guidance, in his responsible relation of employer,--that he should "give unto his servants that which is just and equal,--forbearing threatening,"--resolves that he will henceforth induce industry on his estate by the payment of honest wages, instead of coercing his laborers by menaces and stripes; and after carefully considering the whole ground, he estimates, as fairly and faithfully as he can, what proportion of the whole avails of his culture properly belong to the labor performed by his men, and what to the capital, skill, and supervision, furnished and exercised by himself,--and then fixes upon a rate of wages, graduating the scale fairly and honestly according to the strength, the diligence, and the fidelity of the various laborers. suppose, also, that some suitable arrangement is made on the plantation or in the vicinity, by which the servants can expend what they earn, in such comforts, ornaments, or luxuries as are adapted to their condition and their ideas. suppose that, in consequence of the operation of this system, the laborers, instead of desiring, as now, to make their escape from the scene of labor, should each prize and value his place in it, and fear dismission from it as a punishment. suppose that through the change which this new state of things should produce, it should become an agreeable and honorable duty to superintend and manage the system, as it is now agreeable and honorable to superintend the operations of a manufactory, or the construction or working of a railway, or the building of a fortress, or any other organized system of industry where the workmen are paid, and that consequently, instead of rude and degraded overseers, intemperate and profane, extorting labor by threats and severity, there should be found a class of intelligent, humane, and honest men, to direct and superintend the industry of the estate,--men whom the proprietor would not be ashamed to associate with, or to admit to his parlor or table. in a word, suppose that the general contentment and happiness which the new system would induce in all concerned in it, were such that peace of mind should return to the master's breast, now,--especially in hours of sickness and suffering, and at the approach of death,--so often disturbed, and a sense of safety be restored to his family, so that it should no longer be necessary to keep the pistols or the rifle always at hand, and that the wife and children could lie down and sleep at night, without starting at unusual or sudden sounds, or apprehending insurrection when they hear the cry of fire. suppose that such a change as this were possible, is it the part of a friend or an enemy to desire to have it effected? but all such suppositions as these, the southern man will perhaps say, are visionary and utopian in the highest degree. no such state of things as is contemplated by them, can by any possibility be realized with such a population as the southern slaves. very well; say _this_, if you please, and prove it, if it can be proved. but do not charge those who desire that it might be realized, with being actuated, in advocating the change, by unfriendly feelings towards you,--for most assuredly they do not entertain any. [illustration: (signature) jacob abbott.] christine. "o, these childen, how they do lie round our hearts."--milly edmondson. the clock struck the appointed hour, and the sale commenced. articles of household furniture, horses, carts, and slaves, were waiting together to be sold to the highest bidder. for strange as it would seem in another land than this, beneath the ample folds of the "star-spangled banner," _human sinews_ were to be bought and sold. bodies, such as the apostle called the "temples of the holy ghost," in which dwelt souls for which christ died;--men, women and little children, made in the image of god, were classed with marketable commodities, to be sold by the pound, like dumb beasts in the shambles. husbands would be torn from their wives, mothers from their children, and _all_ from everything they loved most dearly. the group of _human chattels_ excited great interest among the lookers-on, for they were a choice lot of prime negroes, and rumor said that he would get a rare bargain who bought that day. it was a saddening sight, that dusky group, whose only crime was being "---- guilty of a skin not colored like our own," as they waited with anxious looks and quivering hearts to hear their doom, filling up the dreary moments with thoughts of the chances and changes which overhung their future. a bright-eyed boy, of twelve years old, "a brave, free-hearted, careless one," with a proud spirit playing in every line of his handsome face, and in every movement of his graceful form, was first called to the auction-block. his good qualities were rapidly enumerated, his limbs rudely examined, his soundness vouched for, and he became the chattel personal of a georgian, who boasted of his good bargain; and on being warned that he would have trouble with the boy, declared with an oath, that he would "soon take the devil out of him." matty, a sister of this lad, was next placed upon the stand. her beauty, which the excitement of that dreadful moment only served to heighten, hushed for awhile the coarse jests of the crowd. she was a splendid-looking creature, just entering upon womanhood. but her beauty proved, as beauty must ever prove to a slave woman, a deadly curse. it enhanced her market value, and sealed her deadly fate. it attracted the eye, and inflamed the passions of a wealthy louisianian, named st. laurent, who gave a thousand dollars in hard gold in exchange for her, that he might make her his petted favorite. wives, mothers, daughters of america, have _you_ nothing to do with slavery, when such is the fate of slave women? _can_ you sit silent, and at your ease, knowing that such things are? when matty was removed from the auction-block, she fell upon her brother's neck, and wept such tears as only they can weep whom slavery parts, never to meet again. "christine!" cried the loud voice of the auctioneer. matty checked her passionate grief, and turning saw her mother, with her baby in her arms, standing where she herself had stood but just before. quickly her keen eye sought the form of her new master. with a sudden impulse she threw herself at his feet, exclaiming, "o master, master, _do_ buy my mother too!" the man gazed for a moment on the beautiful face upturned to his, with a look which made the lashes droop over her pleading eyes, and tapping her cheek with his finger, he said, "what! coaxing so early, my pretty one? no, no; it will not do; i have no use for the old woman." "oh, master, she is not old. _do_ buy my mother, master!" "here is a prize for you, gentlemen," broke in the harsh tones of the auctioneer. "there is the best housekeeper and cook in all virginia. who bids for her? $ did you say, sir? $ --thanks, gentlemen, but i cannot sell this woman for a song. she is an excellent seamstress. $ --$ --$ --i am glad to see you are warming up a little, gentlemen,--but she is worth more money than that. look at her! what a form! what an eye! what arms!--there is muscle for you, gentlemen. upon my honor she is the flower of the lot,--a dark-colored rose,--black, but comely; and her baby goes with her. $ , did i hear you say, sir? will no one give more than $ for such a woman and baby?" "the baby is of no account," said mr. st. laurent; "she would sell better without it. if i buy her, i shall give away the little encumbrance." the poor slave-mother heard him, and strained her baby to her bosom, as if she would say, "you shall _never_ take him from me." the boy looked into her face, and smiled a sweet baby smile, and put his little arms about her neck, and laid his cheek on hers. one would have thought he understood what was passing in her heart, and strove to comfort her. "$ --$ --$ ,"--and christine and her baby boy became the property of mr. st. laurent. "i would not have bought the woman," said he, turning to an acquaintance, "but for the girl's importunity. i feared she would have the sulks if i didn't, and i want to keep her good-natured. i shall give the mother as a wedding-present to my daughter. but anybody may have the child, who will take him off my hands?" "i will take him, sir, and thank you too," said a little, sharp looking, bustling man, stepping briskly up, and bowing to mr. st. laurent. "will you, my friend? then he is yours, and you may take him away as soon as you please." "if i take him now, the woman will raise a storm," said the little man; "i know a better way than that," and drawing mr. st. laurent aside, he communicated his plan, and they parted mutually satisfied. meanwhile the sale went on, but we will not follow further its revolting details. christine, with her baby and matty, were put in safe quarters for the night. notwithstanding the intense anxiety that filled their minds, and a superstitious fear in christine's heart that the worst had not yet come, an unaccountable drowsiness oppressed them, and before long both fell into a deep death-like sleep. morning broke over the green earth. the sun gilded the mountain-tops, and bathing the trees in splendor, was greeted with ten thousand bird-songs. he kissed the dewy flowers, and their fragrance rose as incense on the morning air. he looked into the windows of happy homes, and wakened golden-haired children to renew their joyous sports, and mothers, whose "---- souls were hushed with their weight of bliss like flowers surcharged with dew," sent up their morning thanksgiving to "him who never slumbers," for his protection of their "laughing dimpled treasures." suddenly a warm ray fell upon the face of the sleeping slave-mother. she wakened with a start, and with one wild shriek of agony sprang from the bed. her babe was gone. why need we dwell upon what followed? what pen can describe the anguish of the heart-broken mother, when she knew that while under the influence of opiates which she had unwittingly taken, her boy had been taken from her, and that she should look upon her darling's face no more. mother! look at the darling nestler upon your own bosom, and ask yourself how you would have felt in christine's place. after the first burst of agony was over, she did not give way outwardly to grief. one might have thought she did not grieve. but she carried all her sorrows in her heart, till they had eaten out her life. on the morning of eleanore st. laurent's bridal day, christine was sent for to perform some service for her young mistress. but the spoil had been taken out of the hands of the spoiler--the bruised heart was at rest. the outraged soul had gone with its complaints to the bar of the eternal. [illustration: (signature) anne p. adams.] the intellectual, moral, and spiritual condition of the slave. the american slave is a human being. he possesses all the attributes of mind and heart that belong to the rest of mankind. he has intellect with which to think, sensibility with which to feel, and toil which prompts him to vigorous and manly action. nor is he destitute of the sublime faculty of reason, which is related to eternal and absolute truths. imagination and fancy, too, he possesses, in a very large degree. but all these faculties, which nature has bestowed upon the slave in common with other men, by a decree of slavery fixed and unalterable like the laws of the medes and persians, are undeveloped, and the results, therefore, of their activities are not to be found. how mean then it must be to reproach the unfortunate slave with a lack of intellectual qualities, such as characterize men generally. in proof of the statement, that slaves have these qualities, it is only necessary to refer to the many fugitives who, by their great thoughts, their masterly logic, and their captivating eloquence, are astonishing both the old and the new world. education is what the white man needs for the development of his intellectual energies. and it is what the black man needs for the development of his. educate him, and his mind proves itself at once as profound and masterly in its conceptions, and as brisk and irresistible in its decisions, as the mind of any other man. but, in addition to his intellectual, the slave possesses a moral nature, capable of the highest development and the most refined culture. a conscience tender and acute, the voice of god in his soul bidding him to choose the right and avoid the wrong, is his lawful inheritance bestowed upon him by his heavenly father. this no one can deny who knows aught of the love of moral truth manifested by the slaves of this country. god has not left the slaves without moral sense. nor has he denied him the spiritual faculty which, when cultivated, enables him to recognize god in his spiritual manifestations, to discern and appreciate spiritual truths, and to feel and relish the gentle distillations of the spirit of divine love as they fall upon his heart like dew upon the grateful earth. the moral and spiritual nature of the slave, however, like his intellectual, goes uneducated and untrained. deep, dark, and impenetrable is the gloom which enshrouds the mind and soul of the slave. no ray of light cheers him in his midnight darkness. no one is allowed to fetch him the blessings of education, and no preacher of righteousness is suffered to illumine his dark mind by the presentation of sacred truth. it is indeed true that slavery is a political, a civil, and a commercial evil. it is true that it is most excruciating and frightful in its effects upon the physical nature of its victim. but slavery is seen in its more awful wickedness and terrible heinousness, when we contemplate the vast waste of intellect, the vast waste of moral and spiritual energy, which has been caused by its poisonous touch. and yet the power of the state, and the influence of the church, are given to its support. many of our leading statesmen are engaged in devising and furthering plans for the extension of its territorial area, thereby hoping to perpetuate and eternize its bloody existence, while the majority of our most distinguished divines find employment in constructing discourses, founded upon perverse expositions of sacred writ, calculated to establish and fix in the minds of the people the impression that slavery is a divine institution. although this mighty power of the state, and influence of the church, be opposed to the slave, let him not despair, but be full of hope. for god is upon his side, truth is upon his side, and a multitude of good and able men and women are engaged in working out his redemption. [illustration: (signature) j. mercer langston] oberlin, august , . the bible vs. slavery. "nothing," says dr. spring, "is more plain to my mind than that the word of god recognizes the relation between master and slave as one of the established institutions of the age; and, that while it addresses slaves as christian men, and christian men as slaveholders, it so modifies the whole system of slavery as to give a death-blow to all its abuses, and breathes such a spirit, that in the same proportion in which its principles are imbibed, the yoke of bondage will melt away, all its abuses cease, and every form of human oppression will be unknown. the bible is no agitator. it changes human governments only as it changes the human character. it aims at transforming the dispositions and hearts of men, and diffusing through all human institutions the supreme love of god, and the impartial love of man." now, this either means that the bible requires that all institutions be adjusted and harmonized with the moral law--the law of love--or it means nothing. for, we maintain, that slavery is _per se_ wrong, where the enslaver has no direct warrant from heaven, or the enslaved has not forfeited liberty by crime on principles of recognized and universal equity; and the whole bible forbidding wrong must be held as forbidding slavery, or any arbitrary and inhuman tamperings with the inalienable rights of a fellow-creature. if slavery is not a wrong in itself, irrespective of what are called its abuses, then all that is essential in it may be retained from age to age; and all the amelioration which the christian law superinduces may be such as to consist with the violation of the natural prerogatives of humanity, and with the denial to man of the essential and dearest privileges of social and domestic life, with the denial of the rights of conscience too. for slavery, as distinguished from service by contract, is this thing and no other:--it is labor undefined, unrewarded, on the condition of being used as vendible property, and every independent right of the slave, as an intellectual and moral being, is ignored. by practical indulgence such rights may be sometimes conceded. but the slave-law ceases as such when these are recognized. now, we hold it a libel on the bible to affirm that it sanctions such slavery. we must warn you of the fallacy that lies in this distinction of the thing itself, and its abuse. what is called the abuse here is the essence and the characteristic of the subject. service as well as slavery may be abused. everything may be abused. but, the claim of the slaveholder is itself the abuse of the god-ordained relation of master and servant. can men be regarded as a chattel?--that is the question--and so regarded without his consent, and his family treated as such permanently, without his consent, or even with it? it comes of this bad interpretation of the christian law, that in the nineteenth century slavery still remains,--is cherished. it is not that the principles of christianity do not tend to extinguish it. but men, forcing their false interpretation on the scriptures, plead their authority for a system or institution, to which their whole spirit is opposed,--and which confesses its unscriptural character by keeping out christian light, and forbidding the scriptures with the slave. to talk of the spirit of christianity, in distinction from its express or implied law against slavery, is as if one would trust for the extinction of sin against the sixth or seventh commands of the decalogue, by general inculcation of meekness or purity, without denouncing murder and defining it, or defining between allowed and disallowed affinity in the marriage law. we may if we do not proscribe theft, and bring the positive law of god to bear against it, and bring a law into harmony with the divine, be understood, while we talk only of the abuses of property, as warning rather against spending stolen goods in a bad way, than against theft itself? but the design of the moral law is to define rights, as well as to govern the use of them; and it requires that not only the tempers of men, but the institutions of society, be adjusted by the law of equity and charity. it forbids not only the abuse of just power, but all false usurpations of power, and classes man-stealers and extortioners as murderers. who, if he but examines the laws of social and relative duty, as laid down in the new testament epistles, may not discern that the relation of master and servant is recognized side by side with the permanent relations of parent and child, husband and wife, which rest on the law of nature; just because it is not the temporary, unnatural, and violent relation of slaveholder and slave which is recognized, but that of master and servant by contract. the other, its very apologists allow, will pass away; but these duties are enhanced in a law of permanent application, and rest on natural principles, common to all times and all nations. [illustration: (signature) michael willis] "the work goes bravely on." like all reforms which have for their object the amelioration of man's condition; the advancement of the redeemer's kingdom; the cause of human freedom has encountered many oppositions calculated to impede its progress. it has temporarily suffered from cruel defection within, and the most virulent persecution without the camp. john, the forerunner of jesus, had for his portion "locusts and wild honey." but those who have stood forth in the sunlight, the advocates of the crushed and bleeding bondman; whose motto is, "our country is the world, and our countrymen all mankind," have had no _honey_ for _their_ portion. oh no! they have ever dwelt among the tempest and the storm, with thunder, lightning, and whirlwind, to feed upon. some have been called, for the advocacy of the truth, to wing their flight from the prison-house to heaven; and others, to bare their bosoms to the red-hot indignation of relentless mobs, arrayed in murderous panoply. they have gone; but, thank god, "the work goes bravely on!" the great men of the nation, the mighty men, the chief priests and rulers, have risen in their strength, and resolved to crush, as with an avalanche, the irrepressible aspirations of the bondman's heart for freedom; they have attempted to padlock the out-gushing sympathies of humanity; to trample in the dust the sacred guarantees of the palladium of their own liberties, but their "terribleness hath deceived them, and the pride of their heart," for the desolating angel hath sealed _their_ lips in the silence of the tomb, and we, the recipients of their crushing cruelties, thank god "the work goes bravely on." [illustration: (signature) wm. james watkins] slaveholding not a misfortune but a crime. london, september , . "for your movement on behalf of the slave, i have profound respect. i assure you of my unfeigned sympathies and of my earnest prayers. in my view, you deserve the high esteem of all who love and serve god. nothing would be deemed by me a greater honor than co-operation with you actively in your work of faith and your labor of love. with full consent of all that is within me, do i range myself among those who deem american slavery not a sad misfortune, but a heinous crime: a crime all the more heinous, because justified and even perpetrated by men who call themselves the servants of christ. "i am, madam, yours respectfully, [illustration: (signature) william brock] the frugality of slaveholding. there is nothing in the universe that can deserve the name or do the work of valid law but the commandment and the ordinance of the living god. all human enactments, adjudications and usages not founded on these, are of no legal force, and should be trampled under foot. the practice of slaveholding, for this reason, can never be legalized, and all legislative or judicial attempts to sustain it are rebellion against god, and treason against civil society. to teach otherwise, would be to set up other gods above jehovah, to promulgate the fundamental principle of atheism, and proclaim war against the liberties of mankind. [illustration: (signature) wm. goodell] "ore perennius." i ask no prouder inscription for my humble tomb, than "here lies the friend of the oppressed." [illustration: (signature) david paul brown sept. , ] the mission of america. brunswick, maine, september , . miss julia griffith, my dear madam, your letter of september d i have received. i regret exceedingly that it is not in my power to furnish the article you have done me the honor to solicit, for the "autographs for freedom." particularly do i regret this now, when the great conflict between aristocracy and democracy is about being renewed all over the continent of europe, and when despots are pointing with exultation to the unparalleled enormities of our "peculiar institutions," and the friends of republican equality, in all lands, are disheartened by our example. would the slaveholders of the south but consent to place those who till their lands, under the protection of wholesome and impartial law, and pay them honest wages, it would ere long cause human rights to be respected in every corner of the globe. it should be the mission of america, by the silent influence of a glorious example, to revolutionize all despotisms. we have a vast continent to subdue and to adorn, and we need the aid of millions more of willing hands to accomplish the magnificent enterprise. with much esteem i am truly yours, [illustration: (signature) john s. c. abbott.] [illustration: lewis tappan, esq. (engraved by j. c. buttre)] disfellowshipping slaveholders. the late dr. chalmers, not long before his death, spoke with disapprobation of abolitionists in the united states, "for undertaking," as he said, "to decide, without sufficient evidence, upon the irreligious character of ministers and church-members. _they_, forsooth, undertake to exclude men from the lord's table, who are in good and regular standing in the church of christ, because they happen to hold slaves! _they_ pretend to decide who, and who are not christians!" it is marvellous that so learned and so distinguished a man should have fallen into such a mistake; and, on hearsay, ventured to utter a most calumnious accusation against the friends of the slave. the abolitionists might, perhaps, make decisions in the case not wide of the mark, founded upon the rule given by jesus christ: "by their fruits ye shall know them." but, in declaring that slaveholders ought not to be fellowshipped as christians, they do not say whether a slaveholder is or is not a christian. on the contrary, they leave each one with his maker, the infallible judge. but this they do:--they hold that no slaveholder, professing to be a christian, is entitled to christian fellowship, _because_ slaveholding is a sin, and should subject the offender to discipline. neither dr. chalmers nor any other divine could deny the propriety of this, provided they believed that slaveholding is a sin, or an ecclesiastical offence. the apostle paul directed that christians should not _eat_ with an _extortioner_. a slaveholder is an extortioner. if, then, a christian may not eat a common meal with such an offender, may he sit at the lord's table with him? i trow not. lewis tappan. a leaf from my scrap book. may, . samuel r. ward and frederick douglass. perhaps a fitter occasion never presented itself, nor was more properly availed of, for the exhibition of talent, than when frederick douglass and samuel r. ward debated the "question" whether the constitution was or not a pro-slavery document. with the "question" at issue we have, at present, nothing to do; and with the arguments so far only as they exhibit the men. both eminent for talent of an order (though differing somewhat in cast) far above the common level of great men. if any inequalities existed, they served rather to heighten than diminish the interest of the occasion, giving rise to one of the severest contests of mind with mind that has yet come to my notice. douglass, sincere in the opinions he has espoused, defends them with a fervor and eloquence that finds scarcely a competitor. in his very look--his gesture--in his whole manner, there is so much of genuine, earnest eloquence, that they leave no time for reflection. now you are reminded of one rushing down some fearful steep, bidding you follow; now on some delightful stream, still beckoning you onward. in either case, no matter what your prepossessions or oppositions, you for the moment, at least, forget the justness or unjustness of his cause and obey the summons, and loath, if at all, you return to your former post. not always, however, is he successful in retaining you. giddy as you may be with the descent you have made, delighted as you are with the pleasure afforded, with the elysium to which he has wafted you, you return too often dissatisfied with his and your own impetuosity and want of firmness. you feel that you had had only a dream, a pastime, not a reality. this great power of momentary captivation consists in his eloquence of manner--his just appreciation of words. in listening to him, your whole soul is fired--every nerve strung--every passion inflated--every faculty you possess ready to perform at a moment's bidding. you stop not to ask why or wherefore. 'tis a unison of mighty yet harmonious sounds that play upon your imagination; and you give yourself up, for a time, to their irresistible charm. at last, the _cataract_ which roared around you is hushed, the _tornado_ is passed, and you find yourself sitting upon a bank (at whose base roll but tranquil waters), quietly meditating that why, amid such a display of power, no greater effect had really been produced. after all, it must be admitted, there is a power in mr. douglass rarely to be found in any other man. with copiousness of language, and finish of diction, when even ideas fail, words come to his aid--arranging themselves, as it were, so completely, that they not only captivate, but often deceive us for ideas; and hence the vacuum that would necessarily occur in the address of an ordinary _speaker_ is filled up, presenting the same beautiful harmony as do the lights and shades of a picture. from mr. douglass, in this, perhaps, as much as in any other respect, does mr. _ward_ differ. ideas form the basis of all mr. ward utters. words are only used to express those ideas. if words and ideas are not inseparable, then, as mortar is to the stones that compose the building, so are his words to his ideas. in this, i judge, lays mr. ward's greatest strength. concise without abruptness--without extraordinary stress, always clear and forcible; if sparing of ornament, never inelegant. in all, there appears a consciousness of strength, developed by close study and deep reflection, and only put forth because the occasion demanded,--a power not only to examine but to enable you to see the fairness of that examination and the justness of its conclusions. you feel douglass to be right, without always seeing it; perhaps it is not too much to say, when ward is right you see it. his appeals are directed rather to the understanding than the imagination; but so forcibly do they take possession of it, that the heart unhesitatingly yields. if, as we have said, mr. douglass seems as one whirling down some steep descent whose very impetuosity impels;--ere you are aware of it, it is the quiet serenity of mr. ward, as he points up the rugged ascent, and invites you to follow, that inspires your confidence and ensures your safety. step by step do you with him climb the rugged steep; and, as you gain each succeeding eminence, he points you to new scenes and new delights;--now grand--sublime; now picturesque and beautiful;--always real. most speakers fail to draw a perfect figure. this point i think mr. ward has gained. his figures, when done, stand out with prominence, possessing both strength and elegance. douglass' imagery is fine--vivid--often gaudily painted. ward's pictures--bold, strong, glowing. douglass speaks right on; you acknowledge him to have been on the ground--nay, to have gone over the field; _ward_ seeks for and finds the corners; sticks the stakes, and leaves them standing; we know where to find them. mr. douglass deals in generals; mr. ward reduces everything to a point. douglass is the _lecturer_; ward the _debater_. douglass powerful in invective; ward in argument. what advantage douglass gains in mimicry ward recovers in wit. douglass has sarcasm, ward point. here, again, an essential difference may be pointed out:-- douglass says much, at times, you regret he uttered. this, however, is the real man, and on reflection you like him the better for it. what ward says you feel to be but a necessity, growing out of the case,--that it ought to have been said--that you would have said precisely the same yourself, without adding or diminishing a single sentence. douglass, in manner, is at all times pleasing; ward seldom less so; often raises to the truly majestic, and never descends below propriety. if you regret when douglass ceases to speak, you are anxious ward should continue. dignity is an essential quality in an orator--i mean true dignity. douglass has this in an eminent degree; ward no less so, coupled with it great self-possession. he is never disconcerted--all he desires he says. in one of his replies to mr. douglass i was struck with admiration, and even delight, at the calm, dignified manner in which he expressed himself, and his ultimate triumph under what seemed to me very peculiar circumstances. douglass' was a splendid effort--a beautiful effusion. one of those outpourings from the deeps of his heart of which he can so admirably give existence to. he had brought down thunders of well-merited applause; and sure i am, that a whisper, a breath from almost any other opponent than mr. ward, would have produced a tumult of hisses. not so, however, now. the quiet, majestic air, the suppressed richness of a deep-toned, but well-cultivated voice, as the speaker paid a few well-timed compliments to his opponents, disturbed not, as it had produced, the dead stillness around. next followed some fine sallies of wit, which broke in on the calm. he then proceeded to make and accomplished one of the most finished speeches to which i have ever listened, and sat down amidst a perfect storm of cheers. it was a noble burst of eloquence,--the gatherings up of the choicest possible culled thoughts, and poured forth, mingling with a unison of brilliant flashes and masterly strokes, following each other in quick succession; and though felt--deeply felt, no more to be described than the vivid lightning's zig-zag, as produced from the deep-charged thunder-cloud. if douglass is not always successful in his attempts to heave up his ponderous missiles at his opponents, from the point of his descent, he always shows determination and spirit. he is often too far down the _pass_, however, (herculean though he be,) for his intent. ward, from the eminence he has gained, giant-like, hurls them back with the force and skill of a practised marksman, almost invariably to the detriment of his already fallen victim. in douglass you have a man, in whose soul the iron of oppression has far entered, and you feel it. he tells the story of his wrongs, so that they stand out in all their naked ugliness. in ward, you have one with strong native powers,--i know of none stronger; superadded a careful and extensive cultivation; an understanding so matured, that fully enables him to successfully grapple with men or errors, and portray truth in a manner equalled by few. after all, it must be admitted, both are men of extraordinary powers of mind. both well qualified for the task they have undertaken. i have, rather than anything else, drawn these outline portraits for our _young men_, who can fill them up at leisure. the subjects are both fine models, and may be studied with profit by all,--especially those who are destined to stand in the front rank. [illustration: (signature) william j. wilson] note.--it has been some years since the above sketch was drawn; and though my impressions, especially of mr. douglass, has undergone some slight change since,--seeing in him enlarged, strengthened, and more matured thought, still i think, on the whole, the careful observer will attest substantially to its correctness. "who is my neighbor?" it gives me great pleasure to express my interest in your objects, by the following sentiment: sympathy for the slave,--the clearest exhibition in modern times of the spirit which, in the parable of the samaritan, first illumined the wrong of oppression, and the divineness of brotherly love. [illustration: (signature) th. starr king] consolation for the slave. slave though thou art to unfeeling power, till wrong shall reach her final hour, mourn not as one on whom the day will never shed a healing ray. the star of hope, that leads the dawn, appears, and night will soon be gone. long has thy night of sorrow been, without a star to cheer the scene. nay; there was one that watched and wept, when thou didst think all mercy slept; that eye, which beams with love divine, where all celestial glories shine. justice will soon the sceptre take; the scourge shall fall, the tyrant quake. hark! 'tis the voice of one from heaven; the word, the high command is given, "break every yoke, loose every chain, to usher in the saviour's reign." [illustration: (signature) samuel willard] the key. the key to uncle tom's cabin: a key to unlock any mind that is not rendered inaccessible by the rust of conservatism or party-spirit, and to open the fountain of every generous affection, which is not closed with impenetrable ice. with this key may every one become familiar, who would know, and both in word and deed "bear witness to the truth!" [illustration: (signature) samuel willard] the true mission of liberty. if liberty were to go on a pilgrimage all over the earth, she would find a home in every house, and a welcome in every heart. none would reject the favors she offers if brought to their own doors. sure and prompt as the impulses of instinct, every bosom would open to admit her and her blessings, but--when her gospel is proclaimed as a common bounty to all the world,--when she is seen visiting and feasting with publicans and sinners, and sitting with her unwashed disciples in familiar and loving companionship, cæsar and the synagogue are alike alarmed and enraged. when she is found daily in the marketplace and on the mountain-top, in the hamlet and on the highway, ministering to the multitude, healing and feeding them,--showing the same love and reverence for humanity in every variety of conditions, and however disguised or degraded,--the cruelty of caste and the bitterness of bigotry straightway take counsel among themselves how they may destroy her. heaven help us! divided as we are, into the hating and the hated, the oppressors and the oppressed, we have settled it, somehow, that we are of necessity at war with each other--that the welfare of one in some way depends upon the wretchedness of another. how much madness and misery would be spared if we could in any way learn that we are brethren. [illustration: (signature) william elder] the true spirit of reform. the religion of jesus, acting as a vital principle in the individual heart, and thus leaving the entire mass of humanity, to this alone are we to look as of sufficient power to do away the evils that are now rife in the world. just so far as the true spirit of jesus is infused into the soul, and acts in the life of man, we know that sin, in its various forms of sensuality, oppression, and bloodshed, must disappear. all reforms, which are not based on this corner-stone, are superficial; and, however goodly their proportions may appear to the eye of man, they want that firm foundation which will secure them against being undermined or overthrown by the force of adverse circumstances. "other foundation can no man lay, than that is laid," for the building up of all that is really excellent and heavenly. but, while we acknowledge the omnipotence of true religion for the ratification of all social wrongs, we are not to rest in the inculcation of its abstract principles and outward forms alone. it is not enough that we ourselves become, or persuade our fellow-men to become professed disciples of jesus; not enough that, in a general way, we urge the precepts of the gospel. the obtuseness of the human heart, when hardened by habit and early education, requires that we make particular application of the precepts of christ, and address our efforts to the removal of specific sins: the sins of our own age and country. it may be that our brother, sincerely intending to act in the spirit of jesus, is yet blinded by the force of habit, and fails to see the sin in which he is living. if our position make us to see more clearly than he the course he should pursue, let us endeavor gently to remove the veil from his eyes, remembering how often our own vision is dimmed by prejudice and outward circumstances. in the moral, as well as in the natural world, we believe that god demands our active coöperation; and, as the farmer not only sows the seed, but roots out the weeds from among the grain, so are we to endeavor to eradicate from the broad field of the moral world those evil practices which obstruct the growth of the harvest of pure and undefiled religion. "the husbandman waiteth for the precious fruit of the earth, and hath long patience for it, until he receive the early and latter rain." so are we obliged often to have "long patience," until we see the manifest blessing of god on our labors. but patient waiting becomes a virtue, only when combined with the exercise of our best powers in promoting the object of our desire. we must adapt our efforts to the express object which we seek to attain. taking those spiritual weapons which are "mighty for the pulling down of the strongholds" of sin, let us assault the great evils of slavery and oppression of every name and kind, always marching under the banners of the prince of peace, whose conquests are achieved not by violence, but by the subduing power of godlike love. let us go forth, brethren, sisters, a feeble band though we may seem to the eye of man, yet strong in the assurance that the hosts of heaven are encamped round about us, and that "more are they that are with us, than they that are" on the side of the oppressor; and let us not falter until in god's own good time the word shall be spoken, not as, we would hope, in the whirlwind or the earthquake, but in the "still small voice" of the oppressor's own conviction, saying to the slaves, "go free!" [illustration: (signature) mary willard] a welcome to mrs. h. b. stowe, on her return from europe. she comes, she comes, o'er the bounding wave, borne swift as an eagle's flight; she comes, the tried friend of the slave,-- truth's champion for the right. not as the blood-stained warrior comes, with shrill-sounding fife and drums; but peaceful by our quiet homes, the conquering heroine comes. then welcome to our pilgrim shore, tho' sad affliction[ ] meet thee; three million welcomes from god's poor, the south winds bear, to greet thee. to thee, with chain-linked hearts we come, which naught but death can sever, to thank thee for thy "uncle tom," thy gentle-hearted "eva." when the crushed slave himself shall own, three million fetters broken, shall mount before thee, to the throne; of thy true life, the token. then welcome to our northern hills; thy own new england dwelling; the birds, the trees, the sparkling rills, all, are thy welcome swelling. [illustration: (signature) joseph c. holly.] rochester, n. y., october th, . footnotes: [ ] the sickness of her daughter. forward. from the german of hoffman, in follersleben. it is a time of swell and flood, we linger on the strand, and all that might to us bring good lies in the distant land. o forward! forward! why stand still? the flood will ne'er run dry; who through the wave not venture will, that land shall never spy. [illustration: (signature) t. w. higginson.] what has canada to do with slavery? the question is often asked, both in canada and in the united states: what have we in canada to do with the institution of slavery, as it exists in the neighboring republic? i do not think that a better answer is necessary, than that which is contained in the following extracts--the former of which is taken from a speech delivered by george thompson, esq., at the formation of the anti-slavery society of canada--the latter from the valuable work of the rev. albert barnes on slavery: "are we separated geographically and politically from the country where slavery reigns? we are, for that very reason, the persons best able to form an unbiassed and sound judgment on the question at issue. we have as much to do with this question as with any question that concerns the happiness of man, the glory of god, or the hopes and destinies of the human race. we have to do with this question, for it lies at the foundation of our own rights as a portion of the human family. the cause of liberty is one all over the world. what have you to do with this question? the slave is your brother, and you cannot dissolve that union. while he remains god's child he will remain your brother. he is helpless, and you are free and powerful; and if you neglect him, you are not doing as you would have others do to you, were you in bonds. know you not that it is god's method to save man by man, and that man is only great, and honorable, and blest himself, as he is the friend and defender of those who need his aid. you are dwellers on the same continent with three millions of slaves. their sighs come to you with every breeze from the south. oh, haste to help them, that this glorious continent may be freed from its pollution and its curse." extract from barnes on slavery: "slavery pertains to a great wrong done to our common nature, and affects great questions, relating to the final triumph of the principles of justice and humanity. the race is one great brotherhood, and every man is under obligation, as far as he has the ability, to defend those principles which will permanently promote the welfare of the human family. * * * * the questions of right and wrong know no geographical limits; are bounded by no conventional lines; are circumscribed by the windings of no river or stream, and are not designated by climate or by the course of the sun. there are no enclosures within which the question of right and wrong may not be carried with the utmost freedom." other answers might be given, but these are quite sufficient. [illustration: (signature) thomas henning] the fugitive slave bill: a fragment. but ours is the saddest part of this sad business. it would be hard enough to live surrounded by bondmen, even though we had never known any other way of life. still, for one who had grown up with young slaves for playmates and for nurses, there might be much in the relation to quiet the conscience and soothe the sensibilities. strong attachments, we all know, are often realized, even in a condition of things so anomalous. perhaps, too, a large number of those about us would be as feeble in capacity as humble in their circumstances. one so born might tolerate such a position. but how different,--how, in comparison, and in every way intolerable, to be set as watchmen and interceptors of these, the brighter and the better, who, beyond all controversy, have outgrown the estate of bondage, and who are so loudly called of god to be freemen, that they will brave any peril in obedience to the call! how can we do this and still be men and christians? would our brethren at the south do it for us? if we have, in our haste, so covenanted, must we not rather pay the penalty than fulfil the bond? i recognize obedience to civil government as the solemn duty of all save _those who without cause are made outlaws by the state_. government protects our hearths and shelters those who are dearest to us. but we can honor the law by submitting to its penalties as well as by complying with its demands, and the penalty would be my election when a man who had seized his manhood at the peril of his life should claim of me shelter and the means of escape. before i refuse that, "may my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth." [illustration: (signature) rufus ellis.] the encroachment of the slave-power. extract. such is the unholy and gigantic power that, leaving its territorial domain, has usurped the seat of freedom--that has established at our capitol a central despotism, and bends to its will with iron hand the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of our federal government. i have marvelled, sir, as you have, that the spirit of freedom in our fair land has so long slumbered beneath such an outrage. but i imagine her awakening. as she is about to awaken in her strength, and with the voice of the people, like the sound of many waters, rebuking this insolent slave-power, as milton tells us its father and inventor was of old rebuked, as he sought to pass the bounds of his prison-house, and to darken with his presence the realms of light-- "and reckon'st thou thyself with spirits of heaven, hell-doom'd! and breath'st defiance here and scorn, where i reign king, and to enrage thee more thy king and lord? back to thy punishment false fugitive, and to thy speed add wings, lest with a whip of scorpions i pursue thy lingering, or with one stroke of this dart, strange horrors seize thee and pangs unfelt before." faithfully yours, [illustration: (signature) john jay, esq.] the dishonor of labor. the fundamental, essential cause of slavery and its concomitants, ignorance, degradation and suffering on the one side, as of idleness, prodigality and luxury-born disease on the other, is a false idea of the nature and offices of labor. labor is not truly a curse, as has too long been asserted. it only becomes such through human perverseness, misconception and sin. it was no curse to the first pair in eden, and will not be to their descendants, whenever and wherever the spirit of eden shall pervade them. it is only a curse because too many seek to engross the product of others' work, yet do little or none themselves. if the secret were but out, _that no man can really enjoy more than his own moderate daily labor would produce_, and _none can truly enjoy this without doing the work_, the death-knell of slavery in general--in its subtler as well as its grosser forms--would be rung. until that truth shall be thoroughly diffused, the cunning and strong will be able to prey upon the simple and feeble, whether the latter be called slaves or something else. [illustration: horace greeley. (engraved by j. c. buttre.)] the great reform required is not a work of hours nor of days, but of many years. it must first pervade our literature, and thence our current ideas and conversation, before it can be infused into the common life. meanwhile, it would be well to remember that-- every man who exchanges business for idleness, not because he has become too old or infirm to work, but because he has become rich enough to live without work; every man who educates his son for a profession, rather than a mechanical or agricultural calling, not because of that son's supposed fitness for the former rather than the latter, but because he imagines law, physic or preaching, a more respectable, genteel vocation, than building houses or growing grain; every maiden who prefers in marriage a rich suitor of doubtful morals or scanty brains to a poor one, of sound principles, blameless life, good information and sound sense; every mother who is pleased when her daughter receives marked attention from a rich lawyer or merchant, but frowns on the addresses of a young farmer or artisan of slender property, but of well-stored mind, good character and industrious, provident habits; every young man who, in choosing the sharer of his fireside and the future mother of his children, is less solicitous as to what she is good for, than as to how much she is worth; every youth who is trained to regard little work and much recompense--short business-hours and long dinners--as the chief ends of exertion and as assurances of a happy life; every teacher who thinks more of the wages than of the opportunities for usefulness afforded by his or her vocation; every rich abolitionist, who is ashamed of being caught by distinguished visiters while digging in his garden or plowing in the field, and wishes them to understand that he so works, not for occupation, but for pastime; and every abolition lecturer who would send a hireling two miles after a horse, whereon to ride three miles to fulfil his next appointment respectably; though meaning no such thing, and perhaps shocked when it is suggested, is a practical and powerful upholder of the continued enslavement of our fellow-men. in the faith of the "good time coming," i remain yours, horace greeley. new york, nov. , . the evils of colonization i speak the words of soberness and truth when i say, that the most inveterate, the most formidable, the deadliest enemy of the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the colored population of the united states, is that system of african colonization which originated in and is perpetuated by a worldly, pharoah-like policy beneath the dignity of a magnanimous and christian people;--a system which receives much of its vitality from _ad captandum_ appeals to popular prejudices, and to the unholy, grovelling passions of the canaille;--a system that interposes every possible obstacle in the way of the improvement and elevation of the colored man in the land of his birth;--that instigates the enactment of laws whose design and tendency are obviously to annoy him, to make him feel, while at home, that he is a stranger and a pilgrim--nay more,--to make him "wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked;"--to make him "a hissing and a by-word," "a fugitive and a vagabond" throughout the american union;--a system that is so irreconcilably opposed to the purpose of god in making "of _one_ blood all nations for to dwell on _all_ the face of the earth," that when the dying slaveholder, under the lashes of a guilty conscience, would give to his slaves unqualified freedom, it wickedly interposes, and persuades him that "to do justly and love mercy" would be to inflict an irreparable injury upon the community, and that to do his duty to god and his fellow-creatures, under the circumstances, he should bequeath to his surviving slaves the cruel alternative of _either expatriation to a far-off, pestilential clime, with the prospect of a premature death, or perpetual slavery, with its untold horrors, in his native land_. against this most iniquitous system of persecution and proscription of an inoffensive people, for no other reason than that we wear the physical exterior given us in infinite wisdom and benevolence, i would record, nay _engrave_ with the pen of a diamond, my most emphatic and solemn protest; more especially would i do so, as the system, under animadversion, is most inconsistently fostered, and shamelessly lauded, by ministers of the gospel in the nineteenth century, as a scheme of christian philanthropy! "o my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united." [illustration: (signature) wm. watkins] toronto, c. w., oct. st. [illustration: william h. seward. (engraved by j. c. buttre)] the basis of the american constitution "happy," (said washington, when announcing the treaty of peace to the army,) "thrice happy shall they be pronounced hereafter, who shall have contributed anything, who shall have performed the meanest office in erecting this stupendous fabric of freedom and empire on the broad basis of independency, who shall have assisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and establishing an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions." you remember well that the revolutionary congress in the declaration of independence placed the momentous controversy between the colonies and great britain on the absolute and inherent equality of all men. it is not, however, so well understood that that body closed its existence on the adoption of the federal constitution with this solemn injunction, addressed to the people of the united states: "let it be remembered that it has ever been the pride and boast of america, that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature." no one will contend that our fathers, after effecting the revolution and the independence of their country, by proclaiming this system of beneficent political philosophy, established an entirely different one in the constitution assigned to its government. this philosophy, then, is the basis of the american constitution. it is, moreover, a true philosophy, deduced from the nature of man and the character of the creator. if there were no supreme law, then the world would be a scene of universal anarchy, resulting from the eternal conflict of peculiar institutions and antagonistic laws. there being such a universal law, if any human constitution and laws differing from it could have any authority, then that universal law could not be supreme. that supreme law is necessarily based on the equality of nations, of races, and of men. it is a simple, self-evident basis. one nation, race, or individual, may not oppress or injure another, because the safety and welfare of each is essential to the common safety and welfare of all. if all are not equal and free, then who is entitled to be free, and what evidence of his superiority can he bring from nature or revelation? all men necessarily have a common interest in the promulgation and maintenance of these principles, because it is equally in the nature of men to be content with the enjoyment of their just rights, and to be discontented under the privation of them. just so far as these principles practically prevail, the stringency of government is safely relaxed, and peace and harmony obtain. but men cannot maintain these principles, or even comprehend them, without a very considerable advance in knowledge and virtue. the law of nations, designed to preserve peace among mankind, was unknown to the ancients. it has been perfected in our own times, by means of the more general dissemination of knowledge and practice of the virtues inculcated by christianity. to disseminate knowledge, and to increase virtue therefore among men, is to establish and maintain the principles on which the recovery and preservation of their inherent natural rights depend; and the state that does this most faithfully, advances most effectually the common cause of human nature. for myself, i am sure that this cause is not a dream, but a reality. have not all men consciousness of a property in the memory of human transactions available for the same great purposes, the security of their individual rights, and the perfection of their individual happiness? have not all men a consciousness of the same equal interest in the achievements of invention, in the instructions of philosophy, and in the solaces of music and the arts? and do not these achievements, instructions, and solaces, exert everywhere the same influences, and produce the same emotions in the bosoms of all men? since all languages are convertible into each other, by correspondence with the same agents, objects, actions, and emotions, have not all men practically one common language? since the constitutions and laws of all societies are only so many various definitions of the rights and duties of men as those rights and duties are learned from nature and revelation, have not all men practically one code of moral duty? since the religions of men, in their various climes, are only so many different forms of their devotion towards a supreme and almighty power entitled to their reverence and receiving it under the various names of jehovah, jove, and lord, have not all men practically one religion? since all men are seeking liberty and happiness for a season here, and to deserve and so to secure more perfect liberty and happiness somewhere in a future world, and, since they all substantially agree that these temporal and spiritual objects are to be attained only through the knowledge of truth and the practice of virtue, have not mankind practically one common pursuit through one common way of one common and equal hope and destiny? if there had been no such common humanity as i have insisted upon, then the american people would not have enjoyed the sympathies of mankind when establishing institutions of civil and religious liberty here, nor would their establishment here have awakened in the nations of europe and of south america desires and hopes of similar institutions there. if there had been no such common humanity, then we should not ever, since the american revolution, have seen human society throughout the world divided into two parties, the high and the low--the one perpetually foreboding and earnestly hoping the downfall, and the other as confidently predicting and as sincerely desiring, the durability of republican institutions. if there had been no such common humanity, then we should not have seen this tide of emigration from insular and continental europe flowing into our country through the channels of the st. lawrence, the hudson, and the mississippi,--ebbing, however, always with the occasional rise of the hopes of freedom abroad, and always swelling again into greater volume when those premature hopes subside. if there were no such common humanity, then the poor of great britain would not be perpetually appealing to us against the oppression of landlords on their farms and work-masters in their manufactories and mines; and so, on the other hand, we should not be, as we are now, perpetually framing apologies to mankind for the continuance of african slavery among ourselves. if there were no such common humanity, then the fame of wallace would have long ago died away in his native mountains, and the name even of washington would at most have been only a household word in virginia, and not as it is now, a watchword of hope and progress throughout the world. if there had been no such common humanity, then when the civilization of greece and rome had been consumed by the fires of human passion, the nations of modern europe could never have gathered from among its ashes the philosophy, the arts, and the religion, which were imperishable, and have reconstructed with those materials that better civilization, which, amid the conflicts and fall of political and ecclesiastical systems, has been constantly advancing towards perfection in every succeeding age. if there had been no such common humanity, then the dark and massive egyptian obelisk would not have everywhere reappeared in the sepulchral architecture of our own times, and the light and graceful orders of greece and italy would not as now have been the models of our villas and our dwellings, nor would the simple and lofty arch and the delicate tracery of gothic design have been as it now is, everywhere consecrated to the service of religion. if there had been no such common humanity, then would the sense of the obligation of the decalogue have been confined to the despised nation who received it from mount sinai, and the prophecies of jewish seers and the songs of jewish bards would have perished forever with their temple, and never afterwards could they have become as they now are, the universal utterance of the spiritual emotions and hopes of mankind. if there had been no such common humanity, then certainly europe and africa, and even new america, would not, after the lapse of centuries, have recognized a common redeemer, from all the sufferings and perils of human life, in a culprit who had been ignominiously executed in the obscure roman province of judea; nor would europe have ever gone up in arms to palestine, to wrest from the unbelieving turk the tomb where that culprit had slept for only three days and nights after his descent from the cross,--much less would his traditionary instructions, preserved by fishermen and publicans, have become the chief agency in the renovation of human society, through after-coming ages. wm. h. seward. a wish. "could i embody and unbosom now, that which is most within me;--could i wreak my thoughts upon expression, and thus throw soul, heart, mind, passions, feelings strong or weak, all that i would have sought, and all i seek, bear, know, and feel, and breathe,--into _one_ word, and that one word were lightning"-- i would speak it, not to crush the oppressor, but to melt the chains of slave and master, so that _both_ should go free. [illustration: (signature) caroline m. kirkland.] new york, november th, . a dialogue. scene.--a breakfast table. mrs. goodman, _a widow_. frank goodman, _her son_. mr. freeman, _a southern gentleman, brother to mrs. goodman_. mr. dryman, _a boarder_. mr. freeman. (_sipping his coffee and looking over the morning paper_) reads-- "the performance of uncle tom's cabin attracts to the theatre very unusual audiences. in the "genteel row" last evening, we observed the strictest religionists of the day, not excepting puritanic presbyterians, and the sober disciples of wesley and fox. for ourselves, we must candidly confess we have never witnessed such a _play_ upon all the emotions of which humanity is susceptible. mrs. stowe, however unworthy the name of patriot, is at least entitled to the credit of seizing the great thought of the age, and embodying it in such a form as to make it presentable to every order of mind and every class of society. she says, in effect, to legislators, let me furnish your amusements, and i care not who makes your laws." * * * * * politicians would do well to look to this--(_laying down the paper and speaking in a tone of impatience_)--so, so, fanaticism is leading to its legitimate results. uncle tom in our parlors, uncle tom in our pulpits, and uncle tom in our plays. _mr. dryman._ truly "he eateth with publicans and sinners." _mr. f._ (_not noticing mr. d's remark._) one would think this last appropriation of the vaunted hero would be sufficient to convince the most radical of the demoralizing influence of these publications. _frank._ (_modestly._) how differently people judge. why, last evening, when i saw crowds of the hardened and dissipated shedding tears of honest sympathy, when uncle tom and eva sang, "i see a band of spirits bright, and conquering palms they bear"-- i felt that the moral sentiment was asserting its supremacy even in places of amusement. _mr. f._ worse and worse, my nephew and namesake a theatre-goer. _mr. d._ (_in an under tone._) namesake! "that's the unkindest cut of all." _frank._ not exactly a theatre-goer, uncle, though i confess i might be, were the performance always as excellent as last evening. _mrs. goodman._ frank, my son, i hope thee will not attempt to drink from a dirty pool because a pure stream flows into it. _frank._ but the rank and file of democracy drank deep libations to liberty there, mother. _mr. d._ (_passing his cup._) "drink deep or taste not of the pierian spring." _mr. f._ (_sarcastically._) take care, you'll be found using the products of slave labor! _frank._ (_jocosely._) "think how many backs have smarted, for the sweets," &c. take a bit of toast, mr. dryman, our northern products are perfectly innocent, you know? _mr. d._ (_helping himself bountifully._) "ask no questions for conscience's sake." _mr. f._ the practice of you northerners is consistent with your professions. _mr. d._ "consistency, thou art a jewel!" _frank._ it is very hard to be consistent in this world, uncle. my mother once made a resolution to use nothing polluted by intemperance or oppression, but finding that it required her to take constant thought "what we should eat and drink, and wherewithal we should be clothed," she was fain to relax her discipline. _mrs. g._ frank, thee must not transcend the truth in thy mirthfulness. _frank._ well, mother, did not some experiment of the kind lead to the conclusion, that i might exercise my freedom in worldly amusements? _mrs. g._ yes, my son, but thy enthusiasm about the theatre makes me fear i have gone beyond my light. _mr. f._ (_bitterly._) never fear, sister, the young man will soon prove that abolition societies and theatres are admirable schools of morals. _frank._ uncle tom at least has a good moral, and so has william tell and pizarro--indeed i do not remember of ever reading a play which had not. _mr. f._ (_in a tone of irony._) when i see a young man spending his time at the theatre, in search of good morals, i think he "pays too dear for his whistle." _mrs. g._ and yet brother frank speaks the truth. what success does thee think a play would meet, which should represent such a man as uncle tom yielding his principles and faith to the will of a legree? _mr. f._ (_with great asperity._) do you, too, rebecca, advocate theatres? _mrs. g._ it is not of theatres, but of books, that i am speaking. does thee recollect any work, the whole plot and design of which is made to turn upon the triumph of the wicked over the good? _mr. f._ (_musing._) why--i--don't remember now-- _frank._ (_in great surprise._) why, mother, are there no books written in favor of slavery? _mrs. g._ i cannot think of any book which can be said to be written for slavery, in the sense that uncle tom's cabin is written against it. such a work is, i think, impossible. no poet would attempt to portray its moral aspects, and delineate its beauties, with the idea of exciting our admiration and approval. _mr. f._ spoken just like a woman! your sex always seize upon some thought gained through the sensibilities, and then bring in a decision without farther investigation. _frank._ and is not the instinct of a woman a more perfect guide in morals, than the reason of man? _mr. f._ (_sarcastically._) certainly--if it direct her son to the theatre. _mr. d._ or teach him the supremacy of the "higher law." _frank._ (_with warmth_.) my mother did not direct me to the theatre, sir; she has taught me to love better things;--to her i owe all the lofty sentiments of virtue and truth. _mrs. g._ softly, softly frank, theatres and slavery will be quite sufficient for this discussion, without introducing woman's rights. (_to mr. freeman_.) would it not be more consistent, brother, for thee to disprove my argument, than to object to my method of obtaining it? _mr. f._ nothing can be easier--you have asserted in round terms that no work was ever written in favor of slavery. what an absurdity! if you have any information you must know that the southern press groans with publications upon this topic. _mrs. g._ still if thee examine the matter, thee will find that every one of these books treats slavery as a curse, and describes it not as a _good_ but an _evil_, of which each man loads the guilt upon his forefathers or his neighbors. _mr. f._ granted they call it a curse, but assuredly they bring forward a defence. _mrs. g._ yes, they defend the constitution; they defend the rights of the south; they advocate colonization, or point out the errors of abolitionists, but what one in word or in effect advocates the principles of human slavery? the truth is, brother, the system has the literature of the world against it; and the south ought to see in this reading age an infallible sign that the days of its cherished institutions are numbered. does thee not perceive that every novel and every poem carries to the parlor, or, if it please thee, to the theatre, an influence which will eventually re-act on the ballot-box. _frank._ do you mean, mother, to include in your remarks the discourses of reverend divines upon the patriarchal institution? _mrs. g._ i cannot except even these; for they acknowledge it an evil, though they contend it exists by divine ordination, just as they assert original sin to be the offspring of eternal decrees; but they no more convince the slaveholder, that he loves his bondman as himself, than they convict him of the guilt of adam's transgression. _mr. f._ what do you say to webster's great speech on the compromise measure? _mrs. g._ (_pleasantly._) is not the moral view of a question, about as far as a woman's instinct ought to go? _mr. f._ oh, no; go on, your strictures are quite amusing. _mrs. g._ well, then, since _we_ have taken the position of a reviewer, _we_ must confess that the last effort of the great daniel appears to us to be _on an act of congress_. _mr. d._ and _at_ the presidential chair. _mrs. g._ (_continuing._) it did not touch the merits of slavery at all. webster knew the feelings of the constituents too well to attempt such a task. he therefore skilfully diverted their attention from his real issue, to the glorious union, and its danger from agitators, and he thus carried with him the sympathies of many honest haters of oppression. _mr. f._ well, sister, i do not know but you will prove that there is not an advocate for slavery on the face of the earth. _mrs. g._ only such advocates as there is for robbery and war. those who find it for their interest to practice these crimes condemn them in the abstract, or at most only apologize for them, as necessary and expedient, under peculiar circumstances. _frank._ (_laughing._) why, mother, i shall certainly subscribe for your "north american review," particularly if you fill the literary department as ably as you have the moral and political, to test which, let me propound a question? if the reward of the good be the charm of fiction, how do you account for the pleasure derived from tragedy, where the good are overwhelmed with the evil? _mrs. g._ (_smiling._) with great diffidence we reply to the query of our learned friend. the force of tragedy consists in its depicting evil so ruinous as to involve even the innocent in the catastrophe; the pleasure is derived, we think, from the _failure_ of the mischievous design, and the merited retribution which falls upon the head of the plotters. in romeo, "a scourge is laid upon the hate of the montagues and capulets, by which all are punished;" hamlet's wicked uncle is justly served, drinking the poison tempered by himself; and iago pulls down ruin upon himself no less than upon cassio. _frank._ (_bowing playfully_.) your review meets my entire approbation, inasmuch as it confirms my doctrine, that theatres always give their verdict in favor of virtue. _mr. d._ "casting out devils through beelzebub." _mrs. g._ the artistic effect of every work of the imagination is wrought upon what critics call the "sympathetic emotion of virtue," and the decisions of this faculty, so far as we understand them, always correspond with what christians believe concerning the "final restitution of all things." _frank._ the theatre, then, ought to promote good morals--why does it not? _mr. d._ "and many worthy men maintained it might be turned to good account, and so perhaps it might, but never was." _mrs. g._ the "sympathetic emotion of virtue," not having an object, never rises to passion, and therefore never produces action. philosophers tell us that a thought of virtue passing often through the mind, without being wrought out into a fact, weakens the moral sense; thus people may read the best of books, and witness the finest exhibitions of moral beauty, and constantly retrograde in virtue. the dissolute characters of players, who continually utter the loftiest sentiments, and practice the lowest vices, are accounted for on this principle; and we ought to judge the theatre as we do slavery, by its demoralizing effect upon those engaged in it. _mr. f._ do you mean to say, rebecca, that slaveholding has the same effect upon me that stage-playing has upon the actor? _mrs. g._ well, brother, i put it to thy own conscience. does thee not, daily, in dealing with thy slaves, stifle thy emotions of piety, generosity, and love, and is it not easier to do this now than it was twenty years ago, when, with a heart full of tenderness and truth, thee left us for thy southern home? _mr. f._ (_rising and pacing the room with great agitation_.) now, sister, you are going to introduce another absurdity! do i practice the principles learned in the nursery? no, i do not! do i believe "honesty is the best policy" and its kindred humbugs? of course i don't! show me the man who does? do i follow the precepts of the sermon on the mount? not i! the man who should undertake to do so would make himself a perfect laughing-stock. i should like to see one of your northern hypocrites attempt it. ha! ha! ha! "lay not up treasure upon earth," and "take no thought for the morrow;" why, what else do people take thought for, either north or south? it is not what they shall eat, drink, or wear to-day, that worries them, but how they shall lay up something for themselves or their children hereafter. you silly women are always talking about righteousness, as if you really thought it could enter in human plans, but we men of the world, who have to wring the precious dollar from the hard hand of labor, know better! i tell you, rebecca, i don't believe there is a business-man in your pious quaker city even, who would dare acquaint his wife and daughters with all his little arrangements for amassing wealth. ha! ha! ha! how the pretty things would stare at the tricks of the trade, and simper: "is that right?" as though anybody thought business principles were gospel principles! as though they expected a man was going to love his neighbor as himself, when he was making a bargain with him! it provokes me to see you make yourself so ridiculous! you ought to know that every man _acts_ on the principle, that "wealth is the chief good;" and you ought to know, too, that there the slaveholders have the advantage of you entirely. they do right to work, and grind it out of the slaves on a large scale, and call abraham and moses to witness the patriarchal method, while your northern mercenaries scheme and speculate how they can turn a penny out of ignorance and poverty, and have not even the apology of a precedent for their meanness. why, one of our generous southern planters is as far above one of your stingy shave-three-cents-on-a-yard-tradesmen, as robin hood is above a miserable tea-spoon burglar. the south sails under false colors, does it? what flag do your platform men give to the wind, i should like to know? what do they care for the fugitive slave law? half of them would help a runaway to canada with as good a will as they'd eat their dinner. (_coming close and sitting down, so as to look fixedly in her face_.) i'll tell you what, sister, the chivalry of the south responds to you northern christians who prate so loud of brotherhood and charity, in the words of young cancer to his mother--"_libenter tuis præceptis obsequar, si te prius idem facientem videro_." _mrs. g._ (_very gently_.) these strictures, brother, are too keenly just. they remind me of kossuth's assertion, that there is not yet a christian nation on the earth, nor yet a christian church, that dare venture entirely upon the principles of the gospel. still, the aberration of reformers proves no more in favor of slavery, than the vices and miseries of civilized life prove that barbarism is the natural and happy state of the human race; nay, these very aberrations prove that a centripetal power counteracts the opposing force, and holds them within the genial influence of the sun of truth. the law of spiritual gravitation is little understood. but thousands of philosophers are closely observing the phenomena, and carefully comparing them with the data given in the sermon on the mount; and it is not too much to hope that this generation will give to the world a newton, whose moral mathematics shall demonstrate that the _law_ of _love_ is the true theory of individual and national prosperity. _mr. f._ well, sister, i wish you much joy of your millennial state; but before the sermon on the mount becomes the code of nations, i guess you will find-- _mr. d._ (_interrupting_.) "a little more grape, captain bragg!" _frank._ i tell you, uncle, "there's a good time coming." mother is a prophet. i have watched her words all my life, and i never knew them fall to the ground. _mrs. g._ observe, my friends, that the sermon on the mount puts blessing before requirement. if you accept these beatitudes as the gift of your divine master, you will find that obedience to the precepts which follow, is not the unwilling service of a bondsman, but the free and natural action of an unfranchised spirit. [illustration: (signature) c. a. bloss] clover street sem., november th, . [illustration: gerritt smith (engraved by j. c. buttre)] a time of justice will come we are conscious of the odium that rests upon us. we feel that we are wronged; but we are not impatient for the righting of our wrongs. we bide our time. the men that shall come after us, will do us justice. the present generation of america cannot "judge righteous judgment," in the case of the uncompromising friends of freedom, religion, and law. they are so debauched and blinded by slavery, and by the perverse and low ideas of freedom, religion, and law, which it engenders, that they "call evil good, and good evil; put darkness for light, and light for darkness; put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter." they have been living out the lie of slavery so long, and have been, thereby, deadening their consciences so long, as to be now well nigh incapable of perceiving the wide and everlasting distinctions between truth and falsehood. gerritt smith. hope and confidence. o! what a strange thing is the human heart! with its youth, and its joy and fear! it doats upon creatures that day-dreams impart,-- full sorely it grieves when their beauties depart, and weeps bitter tears over their bier. the veriest gleamings that dart into birth, reveal to its being of light: the dimliest shadows that flit upon earth, allure it, with promise of pleasure and mirth in a country, where never is night. it leaves the sure things of its own real home, to pursue the mere phantoms of thought! well knowing, that certain, there soon must come, an end to the visions, that so gladsome, it bewilder'd, has eagerly sought. [illustration: chas. l. reason (engraved by j. c. buttre)] it fleeth the wholesome prose of life, with its riches all sure and told: and scorning the beauties, that calmly in strife truth fashions, it longs for the things all rife with glitter, and color, and gold. it buildeth its home 'neath an ever calm sky, near streams wherein crown-jewels sleep,-- and there it reposeth: while soothingly nigh, some loved one, perchance, doth most wooingly sigh, as the zephyrs all full-laden creep. thus it musingly wasteth its strength, in dreams of bliss, that can never prove true: and ever it revels amid what seems, a paradise smiling with hope's warm beams, and flowers all spangled with dew. but, even as flowers are broken and fade, and yield up their perfumes--their souls,-- so vanish the colors of which dreams are made,-- so perish the structures on which hope is staid, and the treasures to which the heart holds. in vain does it follow the wandering forms that promise, yet always recede:-- too briefly the sunshine is darken'd by storms: hope minstrels it onward, yet never informs of the dangers unseen, that impede. the heart trusts the outward: "of man 'tis the whole." thus confidence clings to decay! it feels the sweet homage that riches control,-- and laughs in contempt at the wealth of the soul: and behold! now, friends wait for their prey. it trusteth in glory, and beauty, and youth,-- in love-vows that ne'er are to die: but soon the death-king, in whose heart is no ruth, enfolds it,--and mounting aloft, of truth thus sings, as turns glassy the eye. "there's nothing so lovely and bright below, as the shapes of the purified mind! nought surer to which the weak heart can grow, on which it can rest, as it onward doth go, than that truth which its own tendrils bind. "yes! truth opes within a pure sun-tide of bliss, and shows in its ever calm flood, a transcript of regions, where no darkness is, where hope its conceptions may realize, and confidence sleep in 'the good.'" [illustration: (signature) chas. l. reason.] a letter that speaks for itself. to t---- m----. disinterested benevolence, my dear sir, has nothing at all to do with abolitionism. nay, i doubt very much if there is such a thing as disinterested benevolence; but be this as it may, there is no occasion for it in the anti-slavery ranks. it is selfishness,--sheer selfishness, that has thus far carried on the war with slavery and wrong in all times; and selfishness must break the chains of the american slave. self-love has fixed the chain around the arm of every leader and every soldier in the american anti-slavery army. where would william lloyd garrison have been to-day, if any combination of circumstances could have shut in his soul's deep hatred of oppression, and prevented its finding utterance in burning words? he would have been dead and rotten. it is necessary to his own existence that he should work,--work for the slave; and in his work he gratifies all the strongest instincts of his nature, more completely than even the grossest sensualist can gratify _his_, by unlimited indulgence. gerritt smith, too. suppose he was compelled to hoard his princely fortune, or spend it as most others do! o dear! what a dyspeptic we should have in six months; and all the hydropathic institutes in the country could never keep him alive five years. john p. hale would soon be done with his rotund person and jovial face, if he could no longer send the sharp arrows of his wit and sarcasm into the consciences of his human-whipping neighbors. it is a necessity of all great nations to hate meanness, and nothing under god's heaven ever was so mean as american slavery. think of it. _men_ who swagger around with pistols and bowie-knifes to avenge their insulted honor, if any one should question it,--imagine one turning up his sleeves to horsewhip an old woman for burning his steak, or pocketing her wages, earned at the wash-tub! no one with a soul above that of a pig-louse, could help loathing the system, the instant he saw it in its native meanness. then, in order to keep his own self-respect,--to gratify the love of the good and true in his own soul, he _must_ express that loathing. no disinterestedness about doing right, for nobody can be so much interested in the act as the doer of it. wrong-doing is the only possible self-abnegation, of which the whole range of thought admits. all the humiliation and agony of the saviour himself, were necessary to himself. nothing less could have expressed the infinite love of the divine nature; and in working out a most perfect righteousness for those he loved, he also wrought out a most perfect happiness for himself. the eternal law of god links the happiness of all the creatures made in his image in an electric chain, united in the divine love; and he, who has "a fellow-feeling for our infirmities," has given us a fellow-feeling with the sufferings of each other. so that no soul in which the divine image is not totally obscured, can know of the misery of another, without a sympathetic throb of sorrow. the true heart in maine _cannot_ know that the slave-mother in georgia is weeping for her children, torn from her arms by avarice, without feeling her anguish palpitating in its inmost core. it is the pulsations of the sympathetic heart which stretches out the hand to interfere between her and her aggressor; and abolitionists are just seeking a soft pillow that they may "sleep o' nights." it is selfishness, i tell you, all selfishness! the great whale when she gives up her own large life to protect her young one, and the little wren when she carries all the nice tit bits to her babies, are as true to themselves as the old pig when she shoulders all her little family out of the trough. the whale enjoys death, and the wren her little fellows' supper, with a better zest than an old grunter does her corn, and wm. gildersten in spending money and laboring to prevent any more scenes of brutal violence in his state, by punishing the one past, gratifies his own loves and longings quite as much as judge grier in grunting out his wrath against all lovers of liberty. the one would enjoy being hanged for the cause of god and humanity, more than the other would the luxury of hanging him, even if he could have _all_ the pleasure to himself,--be not only judge and persecutor, as he prefers, but marshal, jailor, and hangman to boot. more than this, every creature, so far as other creatures are concerned, has a right to be happy in his own way. nero had as much right to wish for power to cut off all the heads in italy at one blow, as an innocent pig to wish for capacity to eat all the corn in the world. mankind has no right to punish either for the desire or its manifestation. they should only make fences to prevent the accomplishment of the wish. americans have no right to punish judge grier for wishing to persecute everybody who attempts to enforce state laws against murderous assaults by _his_ officers. they should content themselves with fencing his honor in, or, if necessary, putting a ring in his nose. he has as much right to be judge grier as george washington had to be george washington, and is no more selfish in following the instincts of his nature, than washington was in following his. without any great respect, i am your friend, [illustration: (signature) jane g. swisshelm] on freedom. once i wished i might rehearse freedom's pæan in my verse, that the slave who caught the strain should throb until he snapt his chain. but the spirit said, "not so; speak it not, or speak it low; name not lightly to be said, gift too precious to be prayed, passion not to be exprest but by heaving of the breast; yet,--would'st thou the mountain find where this deity is shrined, who gives the seas and sunset-skies their unspent beauty of surprise, and, when it lists him, waken can brute and savage into man; or, if in thy heart he shine, blends the starry fates with thine, draws angels nigh to dwell with thee, and makes thy thoughts archangels be; freedom's secret would'st thou know?-- right thou feelest rashly do. [illustration: (signature) r. w. emerson.] mary smith, an anti-slavery reminiscence. some years ago a free colored woman, who was born in new england, and had gone to the south to attend upon some family, was shipwrecked, as she was returning northwards, on the coast of north carolina. she, however, as well as some of the crew of the vessel, was saved. the half-civilized people of that region rendered some assistance to the shipwrecked party; but mary smith was detained by one of the natives as a slave. the poor woman succeeded in getting a letter written to some person in boston, in which the particulars of her story were narrated. either this letter, or one afterwards written, contained references to people in boston who were acquainted with her. it was not very easy, even with these references, to get sufficient evidence to prove the freedom and identity of an obscure person, who had been away from boston for some years. a strong interest, however, was felt in the case wherever it became known. and rev. samuel snowden, well-remembered by the name of father snowden, with his usual indomitable energy and perseverance in aiding persons of his own color in distress, succeeded in finding people in boston who were well acquainted with mary smith, and recollected her having left that place to go to the south. pursuing his inquiries with great diligence, he ascertained the place of her birth, which was somewhere in new hampshire. i forget the name of the town. affidavits were now procured, which established the place of mary smith's birth, her residence in boston, and the time of her departure for the south, and other circumstances to corroborate her story. edward everett, who was at this time governor of massachusetts, at the request of mary smith's friends, forwarded the documents they had obtained, accompanied with an urgent letter from himself, demanding her release from captivity, on the ground of her being a free citizen of massachusetts. the governor of north carolina replied very courteously to governor everett. he admitted the right of the woman to her freedom, and acknowledged that no person in north carolina could lawfully detain her as a slave. but, at the same time he said, that as governor, he had no power to interfere with the person who held her in custody. the decision on her right to freedom, depended on another department of the government. he promised, however, to write to the man who held her, and solicit her release. the remonstrances of the governor of north carolina proved successful. mary smith soon arrived in boston. and some of her old acquaintances who had given the evidence which led to her release, hastened to meet her and congratulate her on her escape from bondage. at the meeting they looked on her for some moments with astonishment, for they could trace in her features no resemblance to their former companion. a speedy explanation took place, from which it appeared that all the documents sent to north carolina related to one mary smith; but the woman whose liberty they procured, was another mary smith. governor everett had a hearty laugh when father snowden told him the happy result of his letter to the governor of north carolina. the moral of this story is, that a plain, common name, is sometimes more useful to its owner, than a more brilliant one. [illustration: (signature) s. e. sewall] note.--i have endeavored to give the facts of mary smith's story with exact accuracy, writing from memory only, without the aid of anything written. it is possible i may be mistaken in some immaterial circumstance. freedom--liberty. freedom and liberty are synonymes. freedom is an essence; liberty, an accident. freedom is born with a man; liberty may be conferred on him. freedom is progressive; liberty is circumscribed. freedom is the gift of god; liberty, the creature of society. liberty may be taken away from a man; but, on whatsoever soul freedom may alight, the course of that soul is thenceforth onward and upward; society, customs, laws, armies, are but as wythes in its giant grasp, if they oppose, instruments to work its will, if they assent. human kind welcome the birth of a free soul with reverence and shoutings, rejoicing in the advent of a fresh off-shoot of the divine whole, of which this is but a part. [illustration: (signature) james mccune smith] new-york, nov. d, . an aspiration. you want my autograph. permit me, then, to sign myself the friend of every effort for human emancipation in our own country, and throughout the world. god speed the day when all chains shall fall from the limbs and from the soul, and universal liberty co-exist with universal righteousness and universal peace. in this work i am yours truly, [illustration: (signature) e. h. chapin.] new york, nov. d. [illustration: e. h. chapin (engraved by j. c. buttre)] the dying soliloquy of the victim of the wilkesbarre tragedy. he was approached from behind by deputy marshal wyncoop and his assistants, knocked down with a mace and partially shackled. the fugitive, who had unsuspectingly waited upon them during their breakfast at the phenix hotel, was a tall, noble-looking, remarkably intelligent, and a nearly white mulatto; after a desperate effort and severe struggle, he shook off his _five_ assailants, and with the loss of everything but a remnant of his shirt, rushed from the house and plunged into the water, exclaiming: "i will drown rather than be taken alive." he was pursued and fired upon several times, the last ball taking effect in his head, his face being instantly covered with blood. he sprang up and shrieked in great agony, and no doubt would have sunk at once, but for the buoyancy of the water. seeing his condition, the slave-catchers retreated, coolly remarking that "dead niggers were not worth taking south." than be a slave, dread death i'll brave, and hail the moment near, when the soul mid pain, shall burst the chain that long has bound it here. earth's thrilling pulse, man's stern repulse, this weary heart no longer feels; its beating hushed its vain hopes crushed, it craves that life which death reveals. that moment great my soul would wait, in awe and peace sublime; nor bitter tears, nor slave-born fears, as i pass from earth to time. the angry past, like phantoms vast, glides by like the rushing wave; so soon shall i, forgotten lie, in the depths of my briny grave. the time shall be, "when no more sea" shall hide its treasures lone; then my soul shall rise, clothed for the skies, to find its blissful home. foul deeds laid wrong the whip and thong, have scored my manhood's heart, but ne'er again shall fiends constrain my body to the slave's vile mart. the 'whelming wave, this corpse shall lave; let the winds still pipe aloud, let the waters lash, the white foam dash, o'er mangled brow and bloody shroud. roll on, thou free, unfettered sea, thy restless moan, my dirge, my cradle deep in my last lone sleep, is the scoop of thy hollow surge. would i might live, _one_ glance to give, to those whose hearts would bless, each word of love, all price above, as mine to theirs i press. the wish is vain; my frenzied brain, is dark'ning even now; above, above, is heaven's love, and mercy's wide arched bow. glad free-born soul with grateful hold, now grasp the gift from heav'n-- thy freedom won, new life begun, forgive, thou'rt there forgiv'n. [illustration: (signature) h. h. greenough] let all be free. unbounded in thy expanse--far reaching from shore to shore--ever beautiful are thy crystal waters--o sea. beautiful--when thy waves, the white pebbles lave, when the weary sea-birds sleep, upon the bosom of the deep. but when thy storm-pressed billows burst, the grasp which man would "lay upon thy mane," then do i most love thee, sea, thou emblem of the _free_. when above me beam the stars, how beautiful in their infinitude of light, o'er the blue heavens spread, like gems upon the brow of youth! far, far away, beyond the paths of day, more glorious yet, as suns which never set, in darkness never! but shining forever! you are more loved by me-- ye emblems of the _free_. all earth of the beautiful is full. beautiful the streams which leave the rural vales, fringed with scarlet berries and leafy green! o world of colors infinite, and lines of ever-varying grace, how by sea and shore art thou ever beautiful! but the torrent rushing by, and the eagle in the sky, the alpine heights of snow where man does never go, more lovely are to me, for they are _free_. beautiful is man, and yet more beautiful woman: coupled by bare circumstance of place or gold, still beautiful. but this must fade! only the soul, grows never old: they most agree, who most are free: liberty is the food of love! the heavens, the earth, man's heart, and sea, forever cry, _let all be free_! [illustration: (signature) c. m. clay.] kentucky, . [illustration: frederick douglass (engraved by j. c. buttre)] _to the editor of the "autographs for freedom."_ dear madam,-- if the enclosed paragraph from a speech of mine delivered in may last, at the anniversary meeting of the american and foreign anti-slavery society, shall be deemed suited to the pages of the forthcoming annual, please accept it as my contribution. with great respect, [illustration: (signature) frederick douglass] rochester, november, . extract. no colored man, with any nervous sensibility, can stand before an american audience without an intense and painful sense of the disadvantages imposed by his color. he feels little borne up by that brotherly sympathy and generous enthusiasm, which give wings to the eloquence, and strength to the hearts of other men, who advocate other and more popular causes. the ground which a colored man occupies in this country is, every inch of it, sternly disputed. sir, were i a white man, speaking for the right of white men, i should in this country have a smooth sea and a fair wind. it is, perhaps, creditable to the american people (and i am not the man to detract from their credit) that they listen eagerly to the report of wrongs endured by distant nations. the hungarian, the italian, the irishman, the jew and the gentile, all find in this goodly land a home; and when any of them, or all of them, desire to speak, they find willing ears, warm hearts, and open hands. for these people, the americans have principles of justice, maxims of mercy, sentiments of religion, and feelings of brotherhood in abundance. but for _my_ poor people, (alas, how poor!)--enslaved, scourged, blasted, overwhelmed, and ruined, it would appear that america had neither justice, mercy, nor religion. she has no scales in which to weigh our wrongs, and no standard by which to measure our rights. just here lies the grand difficulty of the colored man's cause. it is found in the fact, that we may not avail ourselves of the just force of admitted american principles. if i do not misinterpret the feelings and philosophy of my white fellow-countrymen generally, they wish us to understand distinctly and fully that they have no other use for us whatever, than to coin dollars out of our blood. our position here is anomalous, unequal, and extraordinary. it is a position to which the most courageous of our race cannot look without deep concern. sir, we are a hopeful people, and in this we are fortunate; but for this trait of our character, we should have, long before this seemingly unpropitious hour, sunk down under a sense of utter despair. look at it, sir. here, upon the soil of our birth, in a country which has known us for two centuries, among a people who did not wait for us to seek them, but who sought us, found us, and brought us to their own chosen land,--a people for whom we have performed the humblest services, and whose greatest comforts and luxuries have been won from the soil by our sable and sinewy arms,--i say, sir, among such a people, and with such obvious recommendations to favor, we are far less esteemed than the veriest stranger and sojourner. aliens are we in our native land. the fundamental principles of the republic, to which the humblest white man, whether born here or elsewhere, may appeal with confidence in the hope of awakening a favorable response, are held to be inapplicable to us. the glorious doctrines of your revolutionary fathers, and the more glorious teachings of the son of god, are construed and applied against us. we are literally scourged beyond the beneficent range of both authorities,--human and divine. we plead for our rights, in the name of the immortal declaration of independence, and of the written constitution of government, and we are answered with imprecations and curses. in the sacred name of jesus we beg for mercy, and the slave-whip, red with blood, cracks over us in mockery. we invoke the aid of the ministers of him who came "to preach deliverance to the captive," and to set at liberty them that are bound, and from the loftiest summits of this ministry comes the inhuman and blasphemous response, saying: if one prayer would move the almighty arm in mercy to break your galling chains, that prayer would be withheld. we cry for help to humanity--a common humanity, and here too we are repulsed. american humanity hates us, scorns us, disowns and denies, in a thousand ways, our very personality. the outspread wing of american christianity, apparently broad enough to give shelter to a perishing world, refuses to cover us. to us, its bones are brass, and its feathers iron. in running thither for shelter and succor, we have only fled from the hungry bloodhound to the devouring wolf,--from a corrupt and selfish world to a hollow and hypocritical church. extract from an unpublished poem on freedom. oh, freedom! when thy morning march began, coëval with the birth and breath of man; who that could view thee in that asian clime, god-born, soul-nursed, the infant heir of time-- who that could see thee in that asian court, flit with the sparrow, with the lion sport, talk with the murmur of the babbling rill and sing thy summer song upon the hill-- who that could know thee as thou wast inwrought the all in all of nature's primal thought, and see thee given by omniscient mind, a native boon to lord, and brute, and wind, could e'er have dreamed with fate's prophetic sleep, the darker lines thy horoscope would keep, or trembling read, thro' tones with horror thrilled, the damned deeds thy future name would gild? lo! the swart chief of afric's vergeless plains, poor heaven-wept child of nature's joys and pains, mounts his fleet steed with wind-directed course, nor checks again his free unbridled horse, but lordless, wanders where his will inclines from tuats heats to zegzeg's stunted pines! view him, ye craven few, ye living-dead! wrecks of a being whence the soul has fled! ye goths and vandals of his plundered coast! ye _christian_ bondous, who of feeling boast,[ ] who quickly kindling to historic fire contemn a marius' or a scylla's ire,[ ] or kindly lulled to sympathetic glow, lament the martyrs of some far-off woe, and tender grown, with sorrow hugely great weep o'er an agis' or jugurtha's fate![ ] view him, ye hollow heartlings as he stalks the dauntless monarch of his native walks breathes the warm odor which the girgir bears,[ ] shouts the fierce music of his savage airs, or madly brave in hottest chase pursues the tawny monster of the desert dews; eager, erect, persistent as the storm, soul in his mien, god's image in his form! yes, view him thus, from kaffir to soudan, and tell me, worldlings, is the black a man? see, the full sun emerging from the deep, climbs with red eye, the light-illumined steep, and brightly beautiful continuous smiles a fecund blessing on those indian isles! like eastern woods which sweeten as they burn, so, the parched earths to odorous flowrets turn, and feathered fayes their murmurous wings expand, waked by the magic of his conjuror's wand, flash their red plumes, and vocalize each dell where browse the fecho and the dun-gazelle,[ ] while half forgetful of her changing sphere, the loathful summer lingers year by year. here, in the light of god's supernal eye-- his realms unbounded, and his woes a sigh-- the dusky son of evening placed whilcome found with the gnu an ever-vernal home, and wiser than athenas' wisest schools,[ ] nor led by zealots, nor scholastic rules, gazed at the stars that stud yon tender blue, and hoped, and deemed the cheat of death untrue; yet, supple sophist to a plastic mind,[ ] saw gods in woods, and spirits in the wind, heard in the tones that stirred the waves within, the mingled voice of hadna and odin, doomed the fleeced tenant of the wild to bleed a guileless votive to his harmless creed, then gladly grateful at each rite fulfilled, sought the cool shadow where the spring distilled, and lightly lab'rous thro' the torpid day, whiled in sweet peace the sultry eve away. or if perchance to nature darkly true, he strikes the war-path thro' the midnight dew, steals in the covert on the sleeping foe, and wreaks the horrors of a barbarous woe; yet, yet returning to the home-girt spot-- the vengeful causes and the deed forgot--[ ] where greenest boughs o'er sloping banks impend, and gurgling waves to bosky dells descend; intent the long expectant brood to sea, he halts beneath the broad acacia tree; and warmly pressed by wonder-gloating eyes, displays the vantage of each savage prize; stills with glad pride and plundered gems, uncouth, the ardent longings of his daughter's youth; bids the dark spouse the tropic meal prepare, mid laughing echoes from the bird-voiced air; passes before him in a fond review the merry numbers of his crisp-haired crew;[ ] recounts the dangers of the last night's strife, joys with their joy, and lives their inner life; and then when slow the lengthened day expires, mid twilight balms and star-enkindled fires, with _all_ the father sees each form retire, a ruthless heathen, but a loving sire.[ ] innocuously thus, thro' long, long years untaught by learning, yet unknown to fears, the swarthy afric whiled the jocund hours, a petted child of nature's rosiest bowers, till lured by wealth the hardy portuguese,[ ] seeks the green waters of his eastern seas, and venturous nations more excursive grown, scan his glad coast from radiant zone to zone, then fortune's minion in a foreign clime, cursed by his own and damned to later time, of incest born and by the chances thrown a tainted alien on a ravished throne, gapes the foul flatteries of a fawning train, and fatuous mock'ries, which themselves disdain, a fancied monarch, but the witless sport of adulation, and a practiced court, vaunts to his broad realms and timour-like proclaims illusive titles of barbaric names, cheats his own nature, and now generous grown,[ ] dispenses souls and empires not his own, draws the deep purple round his royal seat, lifts his low crest, affects the god complete, by giving with light breath, oh, shame to tell! these heirs of heav'n unto the fate of hell. sped by the mandate of his recreant train, lo! commerce, broad winged seraph of the main! shook her white plumage and coqueting, won propitious favors from the southern sun, till manly hearts and keel-impelling gales, furled on the coast her half-reluctant sails. abashed, amazed, with fear-dilated eye the marvelling tribes these new-born wonders spy; see from the shore, bright glittering in the sun, the moving freightage of each galleon; wait till the measured strokes of oars bring near these way-lost wanderers of another sphere, then timorously glad, yet awe-struck still, lead from the sunshine to the breezy hill; with courteous grace a resting place assign 'neath rustling leaves and grape-empurpled vine, and led by craft in artless pride make known the lustrous lurements of their gorgeous zone, as in the field some skilful ranger sets the fraudful cordage of his specious nets, places some fragrant viand in the snare, and captive takes the unsuspicious hare; so the bold strangers with superior will lay their base plans with disingenuous skill, ope their stored treasures and with art display their worthless figments to the air of day, roll their large lids, and with grave gestures laud each tinsel trinket and each painted gaud; with mystic signs of strange import apply some gew-gaw bauble to the gloating eye; touch with nice skill, yet craft-dissembled smile, gems from the mine and spices from the isle, affect no care, yet hope a thrifty sale-- the wealth of empires in th' opposing scale-- while he, the poor victim of their selfish creed, prescient of evil art foredoomed to bleed, pleased yet alarmed, desiring but deterred, flutters still nearer like a snake-charmed bird; alas, too often taken with a toy-- too soon to weep a kindred fate with troy! evils received, like twilight stars dilate, the less the light, the larger grows their state; thus the first error in that savage air, spreads as a flame, and leaves a ruin there. too dearly generous and too warmly true,[ ] the simple black wears out the fatal clew,-- from barter flies to trade; from trade to wants; from wants to interests and derided haunts; thence, rolls from off the once-sequestered shore, the turgid tide of havoc and of war; no warning ringing from the red adunes, no prophets rising, and no laocoons, remotest tribes the baleful influence own; feel to extremes, and at their centres groan. now laughs the stranger at their anguished throes,[ ] feeds on their ills, and battens on their woes; glads his freed conscience at each pillaged mine, and finds forgiveness at a christian shrine; by specious creeds and sophists darkly taught,[ ] to semble virtue and dissemble thought, with saviour-seeming smile, adds fuel to the flame,-- ulysses' craft, without ulysses' aim,-- and sadly faithful to his dark designs, fiction improves; heroic rage refines; for lo! achilles, victor of the train! draws hector lifeless, round the ilian plain; but ah! these later greeks more cruel strive, and bind their victim to the load alive! oh, beats there, heaven, beneath thy gorgeous blue, one heart so basely to itself untrue, so dead of pulse, and so insensate grown, it feels not such a cause dear as its own? dwells there a being 'neath thine eye, oh, god! a fellow-worm from out the self-same clod, whose fevered blood does not impatient boil, fierce as a tiger's in the hunter's toil, to see degenerate men and states prolong, so foul a deed--so thrice accursed a wrong? tell me, ye loud-voiced winds that ceaseless roll, eternal miracles from pole to pole, breathes there on earth so vile and mean a thing that crushed, it will not turn again and sting? and say! ye tyrants in your boasted halls, read ye no warnings on your darkened walls? hear ye no seeming mutterings of the cloud break from the millions which your steps have bowed? think ye, ye hold in your ignoble thrall, mind, soul, thought, taste, hope, feeling, valor, all? no; these unfettered scorn your nerveless hand, sport at their will, and scoff at your command, range through arcades of shadow-brooding palms, snuff their free airs and breathe their floating balms, or bolder still, on fancy's fiery wing--[ ] caught from their letters at the noon-day spring-- with star-eyed science, and her seraph train read the bright secrets of yon azure plain; hear loxian murmurs in rhodolphe's caves[ ] meet with sweet answers from the nymph-voiced waves; sit with the pilot at phoenicia's helm, and mark the boundries of the lybian realm; see swarthy memnon in the grave debate, dispute with gods, and rule a conqu'ring state, and warmly and kindling dare--yes, _dare_ to hope, a second empire on the future's scope! and thou, my country, latest born of time! dearest of all, of all the most sublime! how long shall patriots own, with blush of shame, so foul a blot upon so fair a name? how long thy sons with filial hearts deplore, a python evil on thy cyprean shore? what! and wilt thou, the moral hercules whose youth eclipsed the dream of pericles, whose trunceant bands heroically caught, the spartan phalanx with the attic thought, the wizard throne of age-nursed error hurled, defied a tyrant and transfixed a world! wilt _thou_ see afric like old priam sue, the bones of children as in nature due, and foully craven, ingrate-like forget, thy life, thy learning's her dishonored debt? say; wilt not _thou_, whose time-ennobling sons-- thy jay's, thy franklin's and thy washington's, caught the bright cestus from fair freedom's god, and bound it as a girdle to thy sod; ah! wilt not thou with generous mind confess the might of woe, the strength of helplessness? high-heaven's almoner to a world oppressed, who in the march of nations led the rest![ ] will there no gracchus in _thy_ senate stand and speak the words that millions should command? no clysthementhe 'neath thy broad arched dome, predict the fortunes with the crimes of rome? shall time yet partial in his cycling course, bring thee no fox, no pitt, no wilberforce? still must thou live and corybantic die, a traceless meteor in a clouding sky; thy name a cheat; thyself, a world-wide lie? no; there will come, prophetic hearts may trust, some embryo angel of superior dust, with brow of cloud and tongue of livid flame-- another moses, but in time and name-- whose heaven-appealing voice shall bid thee pass-- on either hand a wall of living glass;-- ope for the lybian with convulsive shock his more than horeb's adamantine rock, and gazing from some second pisgah, see thy idol broken and thy people free. [illustration: (signature) william d. snow] richmond, dec. st, . footnotes: [ ] "ye christian _bondous_ who of feeling boast!" unable in the whole range of my vernacular, to find an epithet sufficiently expressive to enunciate the aggravated contempt which all feel for that pseudonymous class of philanthropists, who flauntingly parade a pompous sympathy with popular and distant distresses, but studiously cultivate a coarse ignorance of, and hauteur to, the greeks, which "are at the door," i have had recource to the metonymy, _bondou_, as rendered mournfully significant through the melancholy fate of the illustrious houghton.--vide _report african discovery society_. [ ] "contemn a marius' or a scylla's ire." napoleon in his protest to lord bathurst, provoked by the petty tyranny of sir hudson lowe, said of the "proscriptions," and (by negative inference) in extenuation of them, that they "_were made with the blood yet fresh upon the sword_." a sentence, which, falling from the lips of one of the most imperturbably cool and calculating of mankind, under circumstances superinducing peculiar reflection on every word uttered, cannot but come with the force of a whole volume of excoriative evidence against the demoralization of war, even upon the most abstracted and elevated natures.--vide _letters of montholon and las cases_. [ ] "weep o'er an agis' or jugurtha's fate." agis, king of lacedemon and colleague of leonidas, was a youth of singular purity and promise. aiming to correct the abuses which had crept into the spartan polity, he introduced regenerative laws. among others, one for the equalization of property, and as an example of disinterested liberality, shared his estate with the community. unappreciated by the degenerated senate however, he was deposed, and, with his whole family, strangled by order of the ingrate state.--_edin. encyc._ it is said that when jugurtha was led before the ear of the conquerer, he lost his senses. after the triumph he was thrown into prison, where, whilst they were in haste to strip him, some tore his robes off his back, and others, catching eagerly at his pendants, pulled off the tips of his ears with them. when he was thrust down naked into the dungeon, all wild and confused, he said, with a frantic smile, "heavens! how cold is this bath of yours!" there struggling for six days with starvation, and to the last hour laboring for the preservation of his life, he came to his end.--_plut. cai. mar._ [ ] "breathes the warm odor which the _girgir_ bears," the girgir, or the _geshe el aube_, a species of flowering grass. piercing, fragrant, and grateful in its odor, it operates not unlike a mild stimulant, when respired for any length of time, and is found chiefly near the borders of small streams and in the vicinage of the tassada.--_lyn. gui. and soud._ [ ] "where browse the _fecho_ and the dun-gazelle." among the wild animals are prodigious numbers of the vari-colored species of the gazelle, the bohur sassa, fecho, and madoqua. they are extremely numerous in the provinces depopulated _by war and slavery_, enjoying the wild oats of the deserted hamlets without fear of molestation from a returning population.--_notes on central africa._ [ ] "and wiser than athenas' wisest schools, nor led by zealots, nor scholastic rules, gazed at the stars which stud yon tender blue, and hoped and deemed the cheat of death untrue." though socrates and plato, particularly the former, are generally admitted by writers of authority, among whom, indeed, are polycarpe, chrysotom, and eusebius, to have in a manner _suspected_ rather than believed, the immortality of the soul; yet we have no evidence of their ever having, by the finest process of ratiocination, so thoroughly convinced themselves as to introduce it generally as a tenable thesis on the portico. a beautiful thread of implicit belief and fervent hope, of after life, assimilating to the hunting-ground of our own american indians, and though sensuous still, a step far in advance of the black void of ancient philosophy, has always run through the higher mythologies of the negro. so notorious, indeed, was the fact among early christians, that that ubiquitous riddle, "prestor john," was, by believers, regarded as having a _locale_ in central africa; while henry of portugal actually despatched two ambassadors, corvilla and payvan, to a rumored christian court, south of the sahara.--_edin. encyc. early chris. his. port._ [ ] "yet supple sophist to a plastic mind, sees gods in woods, and spirits in the wind." the imagination of the african, like his musical genius, which extracts surprising harmony from the rudest of sources, the clapping of hands, the clanking of chains, the resonance of lasso wood, and perforated shells, seems to invest everything with a resident spirit of peculiar power. accordingly, his mythologies are most numerous and poetical--his entire catalogue of superior gods alone, embracing a more extended length than the assyro-babylon alphabet, with its three hundred letters. [ ] "the vengeful causes and the deed forgot." all travellers agree in the facile ductility and inertia-like amiability of the native african character.--brewster _on africa._ [ ] "the merry numbers of his crisp-haired crew." the negro race is, perhaps, the most prolific of all the human species. their infancy and youth are singularly happy. the parents are passionately fond of their children.--goldbury's _travels._ "strike me," said my attendant, "but do not curse my mother." the same sentiment i found universally to prevail. some of the first lessons in which the mandings women instruct their children is the _practice of truth_. it was the only consolation for a negro mother, whose son had been murdered by the moors, that "_the boy had never told a lie_."--park's _travels._ [ ] "with all the father sees each form retire, a ruthless heathen, but a loving sire." "or led the combat, bold without a plan, an artless savage, but a fearless man." campbell. [ ] "till lured by wealth the hardy portuguese, sought the green waters of his eastern seas, and venturous nations more excursive grown, pierced his glad coast from radiant zone to zone." vasquez de gama, a portuguese nobleman, was the first to discover a maritime passage to the indies; unless, perhaps, we credit the improbable achievement of the phoenicians, related by herodotus as occurring, b.c. de gama doubled the cape in , explored the eastern shores as far as melinda, in zanguebar, and sailing thence arrived at calcutta in may. this expedition, second to none in its results, save that of columbus six years before, drew the attention of all europe. whole nations became actuated by the same enthusiasm, and private companies of merchants sent out whole fleets on voyages of discovery, scouring the entire coast from cape verd to gaudfui, and discovering the mascharenhas and most of the islands of the ethiopean archipelago. [ ] "cheats his own nature and now generous grown, dispenses realms and empires not his own." charles v. granted a patent _to one of his flemish favorites_, containing an exclusive right to import four thousand negroes!--_hist. slavery_. the crime of having _first_ recommended the importation of african slaves into america, _is due to the flemish nobility_, who obtained a monopoly of four thousand negroes, which they sold to some genoese merchants for , ducats.--_life of cardinal ximenes_. they (the genoese) were the first to bring into a regular form, that commerce for slaves, between africa and america, which has since grown to such an amazing extent.--_robertson._ [ ] "too warmly generous and dearly true, the simple black," &c. it will remain an indelible reproach on the name of europeans, that for more than three centuries their intercourse with the africans has only tended to destroy their happiness and debase their character.--_edin. ency._ [ ] "now laughs the stranger at their anguished throes." the arts of the slave-merchant have inflamed the hostility of their various tribes, and heightened their ferocity by sedulously increasing their wars.--_ibid._ [ ] "by specious creeds and sophists darkly taught." hamlet's advice to his offending mother;-- "assume a virtue, tho' you have it not." adding hypocrisy to avowed unworthiness, was the acknowledged injunction of the church, wherever and whenever she participated in secular affairs, with a view of emolument. for a peculiar illustration of this favorite doctrine, see clement vi.'s edict, when, in virtue of the right arrogated by the holy see _to dispose of all countries belonging to the heathen_, he erected ( ) the canaries into a kingdom, and disposed of them to lewis de la corda, a prince of castile. [ ] "or bolder still on fancy's fiery wing." that i do not exaggerate the _belle lettres_ and classical accomplishments of at least two of the "chattels" of the "peculiar institution," in the lines following the above, see "poems written by rosa and maria," _property_ of south carolina, and published in . [ ] "hear _loxian_ murmurs in rhodolphe's caves." loxian is a name frequently given to apollo by greek writers and is met with, more than once, in the "choephoræ of eschylus."--_campbell._ euripides mentions it three times, and sophocles twice, its euphony recommends it more than any other name of the fair-haired god. [ ] "and in the march of nations led the _van_." _campbell_ [illustration: henry ward beecher. (engraved by j. c. buttre)] letter brooklyn, december th, . dear sir,-- your note of november th, requesting a line from me for the autographs for freedom, is received. i wish that i had something that would add to the literary value of your laudable enterprise. in so great a cause as that of human liberty, every great interest in society ought to have a voice and a decisive testimony. art should be in sympathy with freedom and literature, and all human learning should speak with _unmistakable_ accents for the elevation, evangelization, and liberation of the oppressed. in a future day, the historian cannot purge our political history from the shame of wanton and mercenary oppression. but there is not, i believe, a book in the literature of our country that will be alive and known a hundred years hence, in which can be found the taint of despotism. the literature of the world is on the side of liberty. i am very truly yours, [illustration: (signature) henry ward beecher] [illustration: h. b. stowe (engraved by j. c. buttre)] [illustration: playford hall, suffolk. the seat of thomas clarkson, esq.] a day spent at playford hall. it was a pleasant morning in may,--i believe that is the orthodox way of beginning a story,--when c. and i took the cars to go into the country to playford hall. "and what's playford hall?" you say. "and why did you go to see it?" as to what it is, here is a reasonably good picture before you. as to why, it was for many years the residence of thomas clarkson, and is now the residence of his venerable widow and her family. playford hall is considered, i think, the oldest of the fortified houses in england, and is, i am told, the only one that has water in the moat. the water which is seen girdling the wall in the picture, is the moat; it surrounds the place entirely, leaving no access except across the bridge, which is here represented. after crossing this bridge, you come into a green court-yard, filled with choice plants and flowering shrubs, and carpeted with that thick, soft, velvet-like grass, which is to be found nowhere else in so perfect a state as in england. the water is fed by a perpetual spring, whose current is so sluggish as scarcely to be perceptible, but which yet has the vitality of a running stream. it has a dark and glassy stillness of surface, only broken by the forms of the water plants, whose leaves float thickly over it. the walls of the moat are green with ancient moss, and from the crevices springs an abundant flowering vine, whose delicate leaves and bright yellow flowers in some places entirely mantled the stones with their graceful drapery. the picture i have given you represents only one side of the moat. the other side is grown up with dark and thick shrubbery and ancient trees, rising and embowering the whole place, adding to the retired and singular effect of the whole. the place is a specimen of a sort of thing which does not exist in america. it is one of those significant landmarks which unite the present with the past, for which we must return to the country of our origin. playford hall is a thing peculiarly english, and thomas clarkson, for whose sake i visited it, was as peculiarly an englishman,--a specimen of the very best kind of english mind and character, as this is of characteristic english architecture. we anglo-saxons have won a hard name in the world. there are undoubtedly bad things which are true about us. taking our developments as a race, both in england and america, we may be justly called the romans of the nineteenth century. we have been the race which has conquered, subdued, and broken in pieces, other weaker races, with little regard either to justice or mercy. with regard to benefits by us imparted to conquered nations, i think a better story, on the whole, can be made out for the romans than for us. witness the treatment of the chinese, of the tribes of india, and of our own american indians. but still there is an anglo-saxon blood, a vigorous sense of justice, as appears in our habeas corpus, our jury trials, and other features of state organization, and, when this is tempered in individuals, with the elements of gentleness and compassion, and enforced by that energy and indomitable perseverance which are characteristic of the anglo-saxon mind, they form a style of philanthropists peculiarly efficient. in short, the anglo-saxon is efficient, in whatever he sets himself about, whether in crushing the weak, or lifting them up. thomas clarkson was born in a day when good, pious people, imported cargoes of slaves from africa, as one of the regular christianized modes of gaining a subsistence, and providing for them and their households. it was a thing that everybody was doing, and everybody thought they had a right to do. it was supposed that all the coffee, tea, and sugar in the world were dependent on stealing men, women, and children, and could be got no other way; and as to consume coffee, sugar, rice, and rum, were evidently the chief ends of human existence, it followed that men, women, and children, must be stolen to the end of time. some good people, when they now and then heard an appalling story of the cruelties practiced in the slave ship, declared that it was really too bad, sympathetically remarked, "what a sorrowful world we live in," stirred their sugar into their tea, and went on as before, because, what was there to do--hadn't everybody always done it, and if they didn't do it, wouldn't somebody else? it is true that for many years individuals, at different times, remonstrated, had written treatises, poems, stories, and movements had been made by some religious ladies, particularly the quakers, but the opposition had amounted to nothing practically efficient. the attention of clarkson was first turned to the subject by having it given out as the theme for a prize composition in his college class, he being at that time a sprightly young man, about twenty-four years of age. he entered into the investigation with no other purpose than to see what he could make of it as a college theme. he says of himself: "i had expected pleasure from the invention of arguments, from the arrangement of them, from the putting of them together, and from the thought, in the interim, that i was engaged in an innocent contest for literary honor, but all my pleasures were damped by the facts, which were now continually before me. "it was but one gloomy subject from morning till night; in the day time i was uneasy, in the night i had little rest, i sometimes never closed my eyelids for grief." it became not now so much a trial for academical reputation as to write a work which should be useful to africa. it is not surprising that a work, written under the force of such feelings, should have gained the prize, as it did. clarkson was summoned from london to cambridge, to deliver his prize essay publicly. he says of himself, on returning back to london: "the subject of it almost wholly engrossed my thoughts. i became at times very seriously affected while on the road. i stopped my horse occasionally, dismounted, and walked. "i frequently tried to persuade myself that the contents of my essay could not be true, but the more i reflected on the authorities on which they were founded, the more i gave them credit. coming in sight of wade's mill, in hertfordshire, i sat down disconsolate on the turf by the roadside, and held my horse. here a thought came into my mind, that if the contents of the essay were true, it was time that somebody should see these calamities to an end." these reflections, as it appears, were put off for awhile, but returned again. this young and noble heart was of a kind that could not comfort itself so easily for a brother's sorrow as many do. he says of himself: "in the course of the autumn of the same year, i walked frequently into the woods that i might think of the subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind there; but there the question still recurred, 'are these things true?' still the answer followed as instantaneously, 'they are;' still the result accompanied it,--surely some person should interfere. i began to envy those who had seats in parliament, riches, and widely-extended connections, which would enable them to take up this cause. "finding scarcely any one, at the time, who thought of it, i was turned frequently to myself, but here many difficulties arose. it struck me, among others, that a young man only twenty-four years of age could not have that solid judgment, or that knowledge of men, manners, and things, which were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such magnitude and importance; and with whom was i to unite? i believed, also, that it looked so much like one of the feigned labors of hercules, that my understanding would be suspected, if i proposed it." he however resolved to do something for the cause by translating his essay from latin into english, enlarging and presenting it to the public. immediately on the publication of this essay, he discovered to his astonishment and delight, that he was not the only one who had been interested in this subject. being invited to the house of william dillwyn, one of these friends to the cause, he says: "how surprised was i to learn, in the course of our conversation, of the labors of granville sharp, of the writings of ramsey, and of the controversy in which the latter was engaged, of all which i had hitherto known nothing. how surprised was i to learn that william dillwyn had, himself, two years before, associated himself with five others for the purpose of enlightening the public mind on this great subject. "how astonished was i to find, that a society had been formed in america for the same object. these thoughts almost overpowered me. my mind was overwhelmed by the thought, that i had been providentially directed to this house; the finger of providence was beginning to be discernible, and that the day-star of african liberty was rising." after this he associated with many friends of the cause, and at last it became evident that in order to effect anything, he must sacrifice all other prospects in life, and devote himself exclusively to this work. he says, after mentioning reasons which prevented all his associates from doing this: "i could look, therefore, to no person but myself; and the question was, whether i was prepared to make the sacrifice. in favor of the undertaking, i urged to myself that never was any cause, which had been taken up by man, in any country or in any age, so great and important; that never was there one in which so much misery was heard to cry for redress; that never was there one in which so much good could be done; never one in which the duty of christian charity could be so extensively exercised; never one more worthy of the devotion of a whole life towards it; and that, if a man thought properly, he ought to rejoice to have been called into existence, if he were only permitted to become an instrument in forwarding it in any part of its progress. "against these sentiments, on the other hand, i had to urge that i had been designed for the church; that i had already advanced as far as deacon's orders in it; that my prospects there on account of my connections were then brilliant; that, by appearing to desert my profession, my family would be dissatisfied, if not unhappy. these thoughts pressed upon me, and rendered the conflict difficult. "but the sacrifice of my prospects staggered me, i own, the most. when the other objections which i have related, occurred to me, my enthusiasm instantly, like a flash of lightning, consumed them; but this stuck to me, and troubled me. i had ambition. i had a thirst after worldly interest and honors, and i could not extinguish it at once. i was more than two hours in solitude under this painful conflict. at length i yielded, not because i saw any reasonable prospect of success in my new undertaking, for all cool-headed and cool-hearted men would have pronounced against it; but in obedience, i believe, to a higher power. and i can say, that both on the moment of this resolution, and for some time afterwards, i had more sublime and happy feelings than at any former period of my life." in order to show how this enterprise was looked upon and talked of very commonly by the majority of men in these times, we will extract the following passage from boswell's life of johnson, in which bozzy thus enters his solemn protest: "the wild and dangerous attempt, which has for some time been persisted in, to obtain an act of our legislature, to abolish so very important and necessary a branch of commercial interest, must have been crushed at once, had not the insignificance of the zealots, who vainly took the lead in it, made the vast body of planters, merchants and others, whose immense properties are involved in that trade, reasonably enough suppose, that there could be no danger. the encouragement which the attempt has received, excites my wonder and indignation; and though some men of superior abilities have supported it, whether from a love of temporary popularity, when prosperous; or a love of general mischief, when desperate, my opinion is unshaken. "to abolish a statute which in all ages god has sanctioned, and man has continued, would not only be robbery to an innumerable class of our fellow-subjects, but it would be extreme cruelty to the african savages, a portion of whom it saves from massacre, or intolerable bondage in their own country, and introduces into a much happier state of life; especially now, when their passage to the west indies, and their treatment there, is humanely regulated. to abolish this trade, would be to '---- shut the gates of mercy on mankind.'" one of the first steps of clarkson and his associates, was the formation of a committee of twelve persons, for the collection and dissemination of evidence on the subject. * * * * * the contest now began in earnest, a contest as sublime as any the world ever saw. the abolition controversy more fully aroused the virtue, the talent, and the religion of the great english nation, than any other event or crisis which ever occurred. wilberforce was the leader of the question in parliament. the other members of the anti-slavery committee performed those labors which were necessary out of it. this labor consisted principally in the collection of evidence with regard to the traffic, and the presentation of it before the public mind. in this labor clarkson was particularly engaged. the subject was hemmed in with the same difficulties that now beset the anti-slavery cause in america. those who knew most about it, were precisely those whose interest it was to prevent inquiry. an immense moneyed interest was arrayed against investigation, and was determined to suppress the agitation of the subject. owing to this powerful pressure, many who were in possession of facts which would bear upon this subject, refused to communicate them; and often after a long and wearisome journey in search of an individual who could throw light upon the subject, clarkson had the mortification to find his lips sealed by interest or timidity. as usual, the cause of oppression was defended by the most impudent lying; the slave-trade was asserted to be the latest revised edition of philanthropy. it was said that the poor african, the slave of miserable oppression in his own country, was wafted by it to an asylum in a christian land; that the middle passage was to the poor negro a perfect elysium, infinitely happier than anything he had ever known in his own country. all this was said while manacles, and hand-cuffs, and thumb-screws, and instruments to force open the mouth, were a regular part of the stock for a slave ship, and were hanging in the shop windows of liverpool for sale. for clarkson's attention was first called to these things by observing them in the shop window, and on inquiring the use of one of them, the man informed him that many times negroes were sulky and tried to starve themselves to death, and this instrument was used to force open their jaws. of clarkson's labor in this investigation some idea may be gathered from his own words, when stating that for a season he was compelled to retire from the cause, he thus speaks. "as far as i myself was concerned, all exertion was then over. the nervous system was almost shattered to pieces. both my memory and my hearing failed me. sudden dizzinesses seized my head. a confused singing in the ear followed me wherever i went. on going to bed the very stairs seemed to dance up and down under me, so that, misplacing my foot, i sometimes fell. talking, too, if it continued but half an hour, exhausted me so that profuse perspirations followed, and the same effect was produced even by an active exertion of the mind for the like time. these disorders had been brought on by degrees, in consequence of the severe labors necessarily attached to the promotion of the cause. for seven years i had a correspondence to maintain with four hundred persons, with my own hand; i had some book or other annually to write in behalf of the cause. in this time i had traveled more than thirty-five thousand miles in search of evidence, and a great part of these journeys in the night. all this time my mind had been on the stretch. it had been bent too to this one subject, for i had not even leisure to attend to my own concerns. the various instances of barbarity which had come successively to my knowledge within this period, had vexed, harrassed, and afflicted it. the wound which these had produced was rendered still deeper by those cruel disappointments before related, which arose from the reiterated refusals of persons to give their testimony, after i had traveled hundreds of miles in quest of them. but the severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution, begun and pursued by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of such witnesses as had been examined against them; and whom, on account of their dependent situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. as i had been the means of bringing these forward on these occasions, they naturally came to me, when thus persecuted, as the author of their miseries and their ruin. from their supplications and wants it would have been ungenerous and ungrateful to have fled. these different circumstances, by acting together, had at length brought me into the situation just mentioned; and i was therefore obliged, though very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field, where i had placed the great honor and glory of my life." i may as well add here that a mr. whitbread, to whom clarkson mentioned this latter cause of distress, generously offered to repair the pecuniary losses of all who had suffered in this cause. one anecdote will be a specimen of the energy with which clarkson pursued evidence. it had been very strenuously asserted and maintained that the subjects of the slave trade were only such unfortunates as had become prisoners of war, and who, if not carried out of the country in this manner, would be exposed to death or some more dreadful doom in their own country. this was one of those stories which nobody believed, and yet was particularly useful in the hands of the opposition, because it was difficult legally to disprove it. it was perfectly well known that in very many cases slavetraders made direct incursions into the country, kidnapped, and carried off the inhabitants of whole villages, but the question was, how to establish it? a gentleman whom clarkson accidentally met on one of his journeys, informed him that he had been in company, about a year before, with a sailor, a very respectable looking young man, who had actually been engaged in one of these expeditions; he had spent half an hour with him at an inn; he described his person, but knew nothing of his name or the place of his abode, all he knew was that he belonged to a ship of war in ordinary, but knew nothing of the port. clarkson determined that this man should be produced as a witness, and knew no better way than to go personally to all the ships in ordinary, until the individual was found. he actually visited every sea-port town, and boarded every ship, till in the very _last_ port and on the very _last_ ship which remained, the individual was found, and found to be possessed of just the facts and information which were necessary. by the labors of clarkson and his contemporaries an incredible excitement was produced throughout all england. the pictures and models of slave ships, accounts of the cruelties practised in the trade, were circulated with an industry which left not a man, woman, or child in england uninstructed. in disseminating information, and in awakening feeling and conscience, the women of england were particularly earnest, and labored with that whole-hearted devotion which characterizes the sex. it seems that after the committee had published the facts, and sent them to every town in england, clarkson followed them up by journeying to all the places, to see that they were read and attended to. of the state of feeling at this time, clarkson gives the following account: "and first i may observe, that there was no town through which i passed, in which there was not some one individual who had left off the use of sugar. in the smaller towns there were from ten to fifty, by estimation, and in the larger, from two to five hundred, who made this sacrifice to virtue. these were of all ranks and parties. rich and poor, churchmen and dissenters had adopted the measure. even grocers had left off trading in the article in some places. in gentlemen's families, where the master had set the example, the servants had often voluntarily followed it; and even children, who were capable of understanding the history of the sufferings of the africans, excluded with the most virtuous resolution the sweets, to which they had been accustomed, from their lips. by the best computation i was able to make, from notes taken down in my journey, no fewer than three hundred thousand persons had abandoned the use of sugar." it was the reality, depth, and earnestness of the public feeling, thus aroused, which pressed with resistless force upon the government; for the government of england yields to popular demands, quite as readily as that of america. after years of protracted struggle, the victory was at last won. the slave-trade was finally abolished through all the british empire; and not only so, but the english nation committed, with the whole force of its national influence, to seek the abolition of the slave-trade in all the nations of the earth. but the wave of feeling did not rest there; the investigations had brought before the english conscience the horrors and abominations of slavery itself, and the agitation never ceased till slavery was finally abolished through all the british provinces. at this time the religious mind and conscience of england gained, through this very struggle, a power which it never has lost. the principle adopted by them was the same so sublimely adopted by the church in america, in reference to the foreign missionary cause: "the field is the world." they saw and felt that as the example and practice of england had been powerful in giving sanction to this evil, and particularly in introducing it into america, that there was the greatest reason why she should never intermit her efforts till the wrong was righted throughout the earth. clarkson to his last day never ceased to be interested in the subject, and took the warmest interest in all movements for the abolition of slavery in america. one of his friends, during my visit at this place, read me a manuscript letter from him, written at a very advanced age, in which he speaks with the utmost ardor and enthusiasm of the first anti-slavery movements of cassius clay in kentucky. the same friend described him to me as a cheerful, companionable being,--frank and simple-hearted, and with a good deal of quiet humor. it is remarkable of him that with such intense feeling for human suffering as he had, and worn down and exhausted as he was, by the dreadful miseries and sorrows with which he was constantly obliged to be familiar, he never yielded to a spirit of bitterness or denunciation. the narrative which he gives is as calm and unimpassioned, and as free from any trait of this kind, as the narrative of the evangelist. i have given this sketch of what clarkson did, that you may better appreciate the feelings with which i visited the place. the old stone house, the moat, the draw-bridge, all spoke of days of violence long gone by, when no man was safe except within fortified walls, and every man's house literally had to be his castle. to me it was interesting as the dwelling of a conqueror, as one who had not wrestled with flesh and blood merely, but with principalities and powers, and the rulers of the darkness of this world, and who had overcome, as his great master did before him, by faith, and prayer, and labor. we were received with much cordiality by the widow of clarkson, now in her eighty-fourth year. she has been a woman of great energy and vigor, and an efficient co-laborer in his plans of benevolence. she is now quite feeble. i was placed under the care of a respectable female servant, who forthwith installed me in a large chamber overlooking the court-yard, which had been clarkson's own room; the room where for years, many of his most important labors had been conducted, and from whence his soul had ascended to the reward of the just. the servant who attended me seemed to be quite a superior woman; like many of the servants in respectable english families. she had grown up in the family, and was identified with it; its ruling aims and purposes had become hers. she had been the personal attendant of clarkson, and his nurse during his last sickness; she had evidently understood, and been interested in his plans, and the veneration with which she therefore spoke of him, had the sanction of intelligent appreciation. a daughter of clarkson, who was married to a neighboring clergyman, with her husband, was also present on this day. after dinner we rode out to see the old church, in hose enclosure the remains of clarkson repose. it was just such a still, quiet, mossy old church, as you have read of in story-books, with the grave-yard spread all around it, like a thoughtful mother, who watches the resting of her children. the grass in the yard was long and green, and the daisy, which in other places lies like a little button on the ground, here had a richer fringe of crimson, and a stalk about six inches high. it is, i well know, the vital influence from the slumbering dust beneath, which gives the richness to this grass and these flowers; but let not that be a painful thought; let it rather cheer us, that beauty should spring from ashes, and life smile brighter from the near presence of death. the grave of clarkson was near the church, enclosed by a railing and marked by a simple white marble slab; it was carefully tended and planted with flowers. in the church was an old book of records, and among other curious inscriptions, was one recording how a pious committee of old noll's army had been there, knocking off saints' noses, and otherwise purging the church from the relics of idolatry. near by the church was the parsonage, the home of my friends, a neat, pleasant, sequestered dwelling, of about the style of a new england country parsonage. the effect of the whole together was inexpressibly beautiful to me. for a wonder, it was a pleasant day, and this is a thing always to be thankfully acknowledged in england. the calm stillness of the afternoon, the seclusion of the whole place, the silence only broken by the cawing of the rooks, the ancient church, the mossy graves with their flowers and green grass, the sunshine and the tree shadows, all seemed to mingle together in a kind of hazy dream of peacefulness and rest. how natural it is to say of some place sheltered, simple, cool, and retired, here one might find peace, as if peace came from without, and not from within. in the shadiest and stillest places may be the most turbulent hearts, and there are hearts which, through the busiest scenes, carry with them unchanging peace. as we were walking back, we passed many cottages of the poor. i noticed, with particular pleasure, the invariable flower garden attached to each. some pansies in one of them attracted my attention by their peculiar beauty, so very large and richly colored. on being introduced to the owner of them, she, with cheerful alacrity, offered me some of the finest. i do not doubt of there being suffering and misery in the agricultural population of england, but still there are multitudes of cottages, which are really very pleasant objects, as were all these. the cottagers had that bright, rosy look of health which we seldom see in america, and appeared to be both polite and self-respecting. in the evening we had quite a gathering of friends from the neighborhood--intelligent, sensible, earnest, people--who had grown up in the love of the anti-slavery cause as into religion. the subject of conversation was: "the duty of english people to free themselves from any participation in american slavery, by taking means to encourage the production of free cotton in the british provinces." it is no more impossible or improbable that something effective may be done in this way, than that the slave-trade should have been abolished. every great movement seems an impossibility at first. there is no end to the number of things declared and proved impossible, which have been done already, so that this may do something yet. mrs. clarkson had retired from the room early; after a while she sent for me to her sitting-room. the faithful attendant of whom i spoke was with her. she wished to show me some relics of her husband, his watch and seals, some of his papers and manuscripts; among these was the identical prize essay with which he began his career, and a commentary on the gospels, which he had written with great care, for the use of his grandson. his seal attracted my attention--it was that kneeling figure, of the negro, with clasped hands, which was at first adopted as the badge of the cause, when every means was being made use of to arouse the public mind and keep the subject before the attention. mr. wedgewood, the celebrated porcelain manufacturer, designed a cameo, with this representation, which was much worn as an ornament by ladies. it was engraved on the seal of the anti-slavery society, and was used by its members in sealing all their letters. this of clarkson's was handsomely engraved on a large, old-fashioned cornelian, and surely if we look with emotion on the sword of a departed hero, which, at best, we can consider only as a necessary evil, we may look with unmingled pleasure on this memorial of a bloodless victory. when i retired to my room for the night i could not but feel that the place was hallowed--unceasing prayer had there been offered for the enslaved and wronged race of africa by that noble and brotherly heart. i could not but feel that that those prayers had had a wider reach than the mere extinction of slavery in one land or country, and that their benign influence would not cease till not a slave was left upon the face of the earth. [illustration: (signature) h. b. stowe] teaching the slave to read. much has been discussed and written, both at the north and south, concerning the policy and propriety of permitting those in bondage to gain the rudiments of a common education. many who _conscientiously_ (for having lived among them, i do believe that there _are_ "conscientious" slave-owners) hold their laborers in servitude, believe that the experiment might be successfully tried. indeed, it is often tried on plantations, even in states where the law enforces strict penalties against it. they believe that the slaves, if permitted to learn to read, would be more moral, faithful and obedient; and they cannot reconcile it with their sense of duty to keep from them the perusal of the bible. the majority, however, think differently; and the majority will always make the laws. _they_ believe that there is a talismanic power in even the alphabet of knowledge, to arouse in the bondsman powers which they would crush for ever. they believe that one truth leads on to another, and that the mind, once aroused to inquiry, will never rest until it has found out its native independence of man's dominion. they point triumphantly, in proof of the policy of their system, to the "spoiled slave," as they term many of those in whose training the opposite course has been pursued. more trouble, vexation, and insubordination, they confidently allege, has been caused by permitting slaves to learn to read, than by any other indulgence. it may be so; it is certain that, in many instances, masters have failed to win the gratitude to which they thought themselves justly entitled, for their kindness and care. they have found their servants growing discontented and idle, where they hoped to make them docile and happy. searching for the cause of this, they perhaps turn upon the course of training they have followed, and accuse it of being opposed to the best interests of the slave. could such reasoners but look upon the matter in its true perspective, they would cease to wonder that "good" should, in their view, "work out evil." _learning_ and _slavery_ can never compromise; they are as the antagonistic poles of the magnet. in the first place, slavery blunts the mind, and renders it, in its early years, unsusceptible to those impressions which are generally so lasting, when made upon youthful minds. many who have tried to educate colored children, have been led to accuse _the race_ of natural inferiority in its capacity to gain knowledge. we have no right to draw _that_ inference from the few attempts which have been made on a part of the race whose mental faculties have, through many generations, been crippled by disuse. i had once under my charge, for a short time, a negro girl, born in africa--"margru" of the "armistad," with whose history most are familiar. on _her_ ancestory hung no clog of depression, except that of native wildness. there was no lack of aptitude to learn in her case. she astonished all by the ease with which she acquired knowledge, particularly in mathematical science. that a native heathen should be a better recipient of knowledge than one brought up in the midst of american civilization, speaks well for "the race," but ill for "the system," which has trained the latter. not only is this native dulness to be overcome, but _time_ for study is to be found--time enough for the faculties to unbend from the pressure of labor, and fix themselves upon the mental task. this is what few employers consider themselves able to afford. once a week, in their opinion, is quite often enough for the slave to repeat his lesson; and through the week he may forget it. no wonder that both the indulgent master and the teacher--yes, and the learner, too, often become discouraged, and give up the task before the word of god is unlocked to "the poor," for whom it was expressly written! i speak as one who has _felt_ these obstacles, having, with the approval of one of the class to whom i have alluded, taken charge of a sunday school among his servants. more attentive and grateful pupils i never had, but it has pained my heart to feel the difficulty of leading them even to the _threshold_ of knowledge; and there leaveing them! in an adjoining household, however, it was still worse. george, a light-colored "boy" of twenty-five, the "factotum" of his mistress, was the husband of our cook, letty. i had succeeded in taking letty through several chapters in the new testament, and this had aroused the ambition of george. "what do you think?" exclaimed one of the family to me, one morning; "mrs. ---- has been _whipping_ george!" "why! for what could that have been? i thought he was a favorite servant!" "for taking lessons of letty in the spelling-book!" it was even so. the poor fellow wanted to learn to stammer in his testament, and letty, like any true-hearted wife, had given him the little assistance she could render. the whipping failed of its intended effect, however. going one evening, at a late hour, into letty's cabin, i found george seated by her on the floor, in the corner of their mud fire-place, poring intently over the forbidden spelling-book! he started up confused, but seeing who it was, he was reassured, and went on with his lesson! whether george, letty, or any of those who have gained the rudiments of science, will be _more happy_ in their servitude, is to me exceedingly doubtful. thus far the severer classes of masters have the right; a slave, to be perfectly contented _as_ a slave, must be in total ignorance. but better, far better, greater suffering, if it bring enlargement of man's higher being, than that system that would _smother_ the soul in its bodily case. let the slave have the key to the gate of life eternal, even if his pathway through this life must be more thickly sown with thorns. let the opposing principles wage, until the right of _one_ is asserted. and, oh! above all pray for the day when these fetters shall be stricken from the souls god has created, wherewith to people, we firmly trust, no mean "tabernacle" of his new jerusalem! [illustration: (signature) mary irving] thibodaux, nov. , . fun-jottings; or, laughs i have taken a pen to! by n. p. willis the most popular author before the public! one volume mo. muslin--price $ . . * * * * * fourth thousand in sixty days! * * * * * alden, beardsley & co., auburn, n. y., } } publishers. wanzer, beardsley & co., rochester, n. y., } * * * * * extracts from notices of the press. "from the title of the volume one would suppose that it was made up exclusively of funny anecdotes and amusing stories. such, however, is not the fact. many incidents narrated in the book, will be read with other feelings than those inspired by the perusal of laughable anecdotes. but they, as well as the _real_ 'fun-jottings,' will be perused with interest. the work is written in willis' peculiar and happy style. it will unquestionably meet with a wide sale. it is printed in the best style of the art, and handsomely bound."--_auburn daily adv._ "some twenty choice love stories, all ending in fun, and redolent with mirth, are related with humor and sentiment, which are decidedly captivating."--_syracuse journal._ "these fun jottings' embrace the best of willis' livelier efforts. * * * the most clever, graphic, and entertaining sketches ever produced in this country."--_boston post._ "it is a good book, and will be read by thousands."--_chicago journal_. "some of mr. willis' happiest hits and most graceful specimens of compositions are here included."--_n. y. evangelist._ "fresh, lively, gay, and gossipping, these 'fun jottings' deservedly merit the enduring garb in which they appear."--_home gazette_. "one of willis' pleasant books, in which the reader is always sure to find entertainment."--_philadelphia mirror_. "the contents are better than the title."--_n. y. tribune_. "a volume of light sketches, written in mr. willis' most amusing style, and will be read by everybody."--_detroit advertiser_. "it contains the best specimen of the prose writings of mr. willis."--_montgomery gazette_. "the book is entertaining and spicy--just the kind of reading to keep one 'wide awake' during the long nights that are now approaching."--_phil. news_. "for laughter without folly, for a specific in innocent mirthfulness against _ennui_ and _hypo_--as a cordial to the animal spirits when drooping with care or flagging with excess of labor--this volume of 'fun-jottings' bears the palm."--_n. y. independent_. "it is funny and fascinating--a collection of willis' dashing sketches--half comic, half pathetic."--_cincinnati herald_. "mr. willis' reputation as a story writer, has long been well established, and lovers of this kind of reading will find a rich entertainment in this volume."--_hartford times_. the farm and the fireside; or, the romance of agriculture, being half hours of life in the country, for rainy days and winter evenings. by rev. john l. blake, d. d. author of farmer's every-day book; the farmer at home; and a general biographical dictionary. * * * * * commendations of the periodical press. from the ohio farmer. dr. blake is justly regarded as one of the best agricultural writers in the country, and the work before us is one of the most interesting productions of his pen. its peculiar merit, as a work for the fireside, consists in the variety of its topics, its plain and simple, yet attractive style, its fine engravings, and the interesting romance which the author has thrown around rural and agricultural life. in this respect, "the farm and the fireside" is a work well adapted to the youthful mind. we hope it may be extensively read, as it cannot fail to improve the taste and promote inquiry in the most useful and practical of all departments of science. * * * * * from the new-york evangelist. the aim of the author has been to throw over labor, home and agricultural life, their true dignity and charm; to introduce the farmer to the delights and privileges of his lot; to embellish the cares of toil with those kindly sentiments so naturally associated with the country and its employments. it is a pleasant book--one that will enliven the fireside, elevate and purify the thoughts, and, at the same time, impart a great deal of valuable agricultural knowledge. we know not how the natural trains of thought of the farmer could be more aptly met or more safely and agreeably led, than they are by these brief and varied discussions. the range is as wide as life itself--morals, religion, business, recreation, education, home, wife and daughters--every relation and duty is touched upon, genially and instinctively. * * * * * from the new-york tribune. we have here another highly instructive and entertaining volume from an author, who had laid the community under large obligations by the enterprise and tact with which he has so frequently catered to the popular taste for descriptions of rural life. its contents are of a very miscellaneous character, embracing sketches of natural history, accounts of successful farming operations, anecdotes of distinguished characters, singular personal reminiscences, pithy moral reflections, and numerous pictures of household life in the country. no family can add this volume to their collection of books without increasing their sources of pleasure and profit. * * * * * from the northern christian advocate. the venerable author of this work is entitled to the warmest thanks of the public for his numerous and valuable contributions to our literature. he is truly an american classic. we have been conversant with his writings for the last twenty years, and have always found them both useful and entertaining in a high degree. his writings on agriculture contain much real science, with numerous illustrative incidents, anecdotes, and aphorisms, all in the most lively and pleasing manner. by this means the dry details of farming business are made to possess all the interest of romance. the style is clear, easy, and dignified; the matter instructive, philosophical, and persuasive. this work is an eloquent plea for the noble and independent pursuit of agriculture. * * * * * from the national magazine. we return our thanks for the new volume of dr. blake, "the farm and the fireside, or the romance of agriculture, being half hours and sketches of life in the country," a charming title, certainly, and one that smacks of the man as well as of the country. eschewing the dryness of scientific forms and erudite details, the author presents detached, but most entertaining, and often very suggestive articles on a great variety of topics--from the "wild goose" to "conscience in the cow,"--from the "value of lawyers in a community" to the "objections to early marriages." the book is, in fine, quite unique, and just such a one as the farmer would like to pore over at his fireside on long winter evenings. * * * * * from the new-york recorder. "the farm and the fireside," is a most interesting and valuable work, being a series of sketches relating to agriculture and the numerous kindred arts and sciences, interspersed with miscellaneous moral instruction, adapted to the life of the farmer. * * * * * from the germantown telegraph. we have looked through this work and read some of the "sketches," and feel a degree of satisfaction in saying that it possesses decided merit, and will commend itself, wherever known, as a volume of much social interest and entertainment. the sketches comprise "country life" generally--some of them are just sufficiently touched with romance to give them additional zest; while others are purely practical, and relate to the farmer's pursuit. we regard it as a valuable book, and are sorry our limits will not admit of bestowing upon it such a notice as it really deserves. * * * * * from harper's new monthly magazine. this work is a collection of miscellaneous sketches on the romance of agriculture and rural life. matters of fact, however, are not excluded from the volume, which is well adapted for reading in the snatches of leisure enjoyed at the farmer's fireside. * * * * * from the true democrat. dr. blake's publications are all of a high order, and are doing a most important work towards refining the taste, improving the intellect, and rendering attractive the various branches of agricultural science. indeed we know no author who has so successfully blended the romantic, the rural and beautiful with the poetical, the useful, and true, as has dr. blake. this is a peculiar feature of all his works. his style is plain, simple, and perspicuous; and, with unusual tact and judgment, he so manages to insinuate himself upon you, that you are at once amused, delighted, and instructed with the subject he is discussing. in this respect he relieves the study of agricultural science from the abstruseness of technical science, and thus renders himself easily comprehended by all classes of readers. * * * * * from the new-york evening post. the author's object is to improve the soil through the mind--not so much to place in the hands of farmers the best methods of raising large crops--for these he refers them to leibig's agricultural chemistry, and to treatises of the like description--but to make them feel how useful, agreeable, and ennobling, is the profession of agriculture, and, above all, how profitable the business must become when skilfully and economically carried on. these money-making considerations are, we suspect, the best moral guano that can be applied to the farmer's spiritual soil. the author writes well of the countryman's independence, the good effect of fresh salubrious air upon his health, and the moral influence of his every-day intimacy with nature upon his mind. "the farm and the fireside" is a kind of bucolical annual--to be read in seasons of leisure--intended for the phyllises and chloes, as well as for the strephons and lindors. dr. blake has enriched it with curious anecdotes of domestic animals, and of the best way of raising and selling them. he describes model-farms, and the large incomes made from them. he expatiates on the advantages of matrimony in rural life, expounds the true theory of choosing a helpmate, discusses the advantages of sunday-schools, and recommends neatness of attire and punctuality in bathing. in short, this volume is as diversified in its aspect as the small garden of a judicious cultivator, where, in a limited space, useful cabbages, potatoes, and all the solid esculent greens, grow side by side with choice fruits and pleasant flowers. immense sale! * * * * * lewie; or, the bended twig! by cousin cicely author of "silver lake stories." * * * * * eighth thousand now printing! * * * * * no book sells like it--none so well supplies the demand! superbly printed and beautifully bound. price from $ . to $ . , according to style. alden, beardsley & co., auburn, n. y., } } publishers. wanzer, beardsley & co., rochester, n. y., } * * * * * what the press say: cousin cicely is very industrious--whether in penciling lights or shadows, in describing domestic scenery, or inculcating religious principles, the fair author possesses a happy facility, so as to render her productions alike agreeable and instructive.--_protestant churchman._ this book is written in a style well calculated to please, and contains an inestimable moral--plain, concise, and void of superfluities, that a child may understand it--characters life-like and well sustained, and the whole plan of the work is good.--_yates co. whig._ the contents of the work are of the first order and unexceptionable.--_rochester daily union._ the story is not only well written, but it has merits in the dramatic grouping of incidents, graphic delineation of character, and the affecting interest which attracts and supports the reader's attention through the whole work, from the opening scene to the finale.--_rochester daily democrat._ this is a new work from the pen of the gifted author of the "silver lake stories." it is got up in a style of mechanical elegance equal to the issues of putnam and appleton, and the quality of its contents will not be found behind that of three-fourths of the publications that emanate from the pens of more wide-known authors, and from publishing houses that employ none but the _best writers_.--_canandaigua messenger._ it is a story designed to illustrate the deplorable effects of a neglect of proper parental discipline in infancy; in a well-written preface, the authoress, "cousin cicely," assures us it is substantially a narrative of facts. it traces the career of a spoiled and petted boy, whose mother was too weak and indolent to restrain him as she ought, through the several stages of a perverse childhood, a reckless boyhood, and a passionate, ungovernable youth, till this victim of a parent's folly is found in a felon's cell, with the mark of cain on his brow.--_auburn daily advertiser._ the authoress, who, by the way, need not be afraid to sail under her own proper colors hereafter, claims that most of the incidents are taken from real life; a very creditable averment, as the work, with slight modifications in each individual case, would prove a faithful portraiture of the early training and subsequent career of nine-tenths of the victims of the gallows, and of the penitentiary.--_mirror, lyons, n. y._ the writer of this, and of many other pleasant volumes--"cousin cicely," as she chooses to be called--is gifted with rare talents, which she is wisely devoting to useful ends. her charming "silver lake stories," have effected much good, and this work is well calculated to do the same, both with children of the larger and of the smaller growth. * * * difficulties of various natures arise, on the last and most important of which hangs the catastrophe of the story. but what that is, and how the book ends, is for the reader to find out, not for us to tell.--_albany eve journal._ * * * one of the domestic sort--speaking of home, dwelling upon home affections and family character, and the incidents of common life, yet as deeply interesting as the most romantic narrative. it has not been paraded before the public with ostentatious praise; but it will be far more acceptable to the reader than many works that have thus attracted interest in advance, without being able to meet and repay it.--_albany atlas._ * * * * * [transcriber's notes: the transcriber made the following changes to the text: . p. , "two" changed to italic "two" . p. , cries she; "but let ... no closing quote . p. , "warant" changed to "warrant" . p. , "jeweleries" changed to "jewelries" . p. , "outage, but" changed to "outage. but" . p. , will of legree?" closing quote deleted . p. , "contend its exists" changed to "contend it exists" . p. , "manisfestation, they" changed to "manisfestation. they" . p. , but the spirit said, "not so; ... no closing quote . footnote # , "ye christian bondous" changed to "ye christian bondous" . p. , "cotemporaries" changed to "contemporaries" . p. , "procelain" changed to "porcelain" several page numbers in the contents are not correct. "massacre at blount's fort" is actually found on page , not . likwise, "a wish" is found on page , not . and "mary smith" will be found on page , not . the page numbers in the contents remains as published. end of transcriber's notes] file was produced from images generously made available by the internet archive and the library of congress) _price six cents._ abolition fanaticism in new york. [illustration] speech of a runaway slave from baltimore, at an abolition meeting in new york, held may , . . for sale at all the periodical agencies. flaming abolition speech delivered by the runaway slave, frederick douglass, at the anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, in the tabernacle, new york, may , . the following report will show to marylanders, how a runaway slave talks, when he reaches the abolition regions of the country. this presumptive negro was even present at the london world's temperance convention, last year; and in spite of all the efforts of the american delegates to prevent it, he palmed off his abolition bombast upon an audience of persons! of this high-handed measure he now makes his boast in new-york, one of the hot-beds of abolitionism. the report is given exactly as published in the new-york tribune. the reader will make his own comments. mr. douglass was introduced to the audience by wm. lloyd garrison, esq., president of the american anti-slavery society, and, upon taking the platform, was greeted with enthusiastic and long-continued applause by the vast concourse which filled the spacious tabernacle to overflowing. as soon as the audience became silent, mr. d. with, at first, a slight degree of embarrassment, addressed them as follows: "i am very glad to be here. i am very glad to be present at this anniversary--glad again to mingle my voice with those with whom i have stood identified, with those with whom i have labored, for the last seven years, for the purpose of undoing the burdens of my brethren, and hastening the day of their emancipation. i do not doubt but that a large portion of this audience will be disappointed, both by the _manner_ and the _matter_ of what i shall this day set forth. the extraordinary and unmerited eulogies which have been showered upon me, here and elsewhere, have done much to create expectations which, i am well aware, i can never hope to gratify. i am here, a simple man, knowing what i have experienced in slavery, knowing it to be a bad system, and desiring, by all christian means, to seek its overthrow. i am not here to please you with an eloquent speech, with a refined and logical address, but to speak to you the sober truths of a heart overborne with gratitude to god that we have in this land, cursed as it is with slavery, so noble a band to second my efforts and the efforts of others in the noble work of undoing the yoke of bondage, with which the majority of the states of this union are now unfortunately cursed. since the last time i had the pleasure of mingling my voice with the voices of my friends on this platform, many interesting and even trying events have occurred to me. i have experienced, within the last eighteen or twenty months, many incidents, all of which it would be interesting to communicate to you; but many of these i shall be compelled to pass over at this time, and confine my remarks to giving a general outline of the manner and spirit with which i have been hailed abroad, and welcomed at the different places which i have visited during my absence of twenty months. you are aware, doubtless, that my object in going from this country, was to get beyond the reach of the clutch of the man who claimed to own me as his property. i had written a book giving a history of that portion of my life spent in the gall and bitterness and degradation of slavery, and in which i also identified my oppressors as the perpetrators of some of the most atrocious crimes. this had deeply incensed them against me, and stirred up within them the purpose of revenge, and my whereabouts being known, i believed it necessary for me, if i would preserve my liberty, to leave the shores of america, and take up my abode in some other land, at least until the excitement occasioned by the publication of my narrative had subsided. i went to england, monarchical england, to get rid of democratic slavery, and i must confess that, at the very threshold, i was satisfied that i had gone to the right place. say what you will of england--of the degradation--of the poverty--and there is much of it there--say what you will of the oppression and suffering going on in england at this time, there is liberty there--there is freedom there, not only for the white man, but for the black man also. the instant i stepped upon the shore, and looked into the faces of the crowd around me, i saw in every man a recognition of my manhood, and an absence, a perfect absence, of everything like that disgusting hate with which we are pursued in this country. [cheers.] i looked around in vain to see in any man's face a token of the slightest aversion to me on account of my complexion. even the cabmen demeaned themselves to me as they did to other men, and the very dogs and pigs of old england treated me as a man! i cannot, however, my friends, dwell upon this anti-prejudice, or rather the many illustrations of the absence of prejudice against color in england--but will proceed, at once, to defend the right and duty of invoking english aid and english sympathy for the overthrow of american slavery, for the education of colored americans, and to forward in every way, the interests of humanity; inasmuch as the right of appealing to england for aid in overthrowing slavery in this country, has been called in question, in public meetings and by the press, in this city. i cannot agree with my friend mr. garrison in relation to my love and attachment to this land. i have no love for america, as such; i have no patriotism. i have no country. what country have i? the institutions of this country do not know me--do not recognize me as a man. i am not thought of, spoken of, in any direction, out of the anti-slavery ranks, as a man. i am not thought of or spoken of, except as a piece of property belonging to some _christian_ slaveholder, and all the religious and political institutions of this country alike pronounce me a slave and a chattel. now, in such a country as this i cannot have patriotism. the only thing that links me to this land is my family, and the painful consciousness that here there are , , of my fellow creatures groaning beneath the iron rod of the worst despotism that could be devised even in pandemonium,--that here are men and brethren who are identified with me by their complexion, identified with me by their hatred of slavery, identified with me by their love and aspirations for liberty, identified with me by the stripes upon their backs, their inhuman wrongs and cruel sufferings. this, and this only, attaches me to this land, and brings me here to plead with you, and with this country at large, for the disenthrallment of my oppressed countrymen, and to overthrow this system of slavery which is crushing them to the earth. how can i love a country that dooms , , of my brethren, some of them my own kindred, my own brothers, my own sisters, who are now clanking the chains of slavery upon the plains of the south, whose warm blood is now making fat the soil of maryland and of alabama, and over whose crushed spirits rolls the dark shadow of oppression, shutting out and extinguishing forever the cheering rays of that bright sun of liberty, lighted in the souls of all god's children by the omnipotent hand of deity itself? how can i, i say, love a country thus cursed, thus bedewed with the blood of my brethren? a country, the church of which, and the government of which, and the constitution of which are in favor of supporting and perpetuating this monstrous system of injustice and blood? i have not, i cannot have, any love for this country, as such, or for its constitution. i desire to see it overthrown as speedily as possible and its constitution shivered in a thousand fragments, rather than this foul curse should continue to remain as now. [hisses and cheers.] in all this, my friends, let me make myself understood. i do not hate america as against england, or against any other country or land. i love humanity all over the globe. i am anxious to see righteousness prevail in all directions. i am anxious to see slavery overthrown here; but, i never appealed to englishmen in a manner calculated to awaken feelings of hatred or disgust, or to inflame their prejudices toward america as a nation, or in a manner provocative of national jealousy or ill-will; but i always appealed to their conscience--to the higher and nobler feelings of the people of that country, to enlist them in this cause. i always appealed to their manhood, that which preceded their being englishmen, (to quote an expression of my friend phillips,) i appealed to them as men, and i had a right to do so. they are men, and the slave is a man, and we have a right to call upon all men to assist in breaking his bonds, let them be born when and live where they may. but it is asked, 'what good will this do?' or 'what good has it done?' 'have you not irritated, have you not annoyed your american friends and the american people rather than done them good?' i admit that we have irritated them. they deserve to be irritated. i am anxious to irritate the american people on this question. as it is in physics, so in morals, there are cases which demand irritation and counter-irritation. the conscience of the american public needs this irritation, and i would _blister it all over from centre to circumference_, until it gives signs of a purer and a better life than it is now manifesting to the world. but why expose the sins of one nation in the eyes of another? why attempt to bring one people under the odium of another people? there is much force in this question. i admit that there are sins in almost every country which can be best removed by means confined exclusively to their immediate locality. but such evils and such sins pre-suppose the existence of a moral power in their immediate locality sufficient to accomplish the work of renovation. but, where, pray, can we go to find moral power in this nation sufficient to overthrow slavery? to what institution, to what party shall we apply for aid? i say we admit that there are evils which can be best removed by influences confined to their immediate locality. but in regard to american slavery it is not so. it is such a giant crime, so darkening to the soul, so blinding in its moral influence, so well calculated to blast and corrupt all the humane principles of our nature, so well adapted to infuse its own accursed spirit into all around it, that the people among whom it exists have not the moral power to abolish it. shall we go to the church for this influence? we have heard its character described. shall we go to politicians or political parties? have they the moral power necessary to accomplish this mighty task? they have not. what are they doing at this moment? voting supplies for slavery--voting supplies for the extension, the stability, the perpetuation of slavery in this land. what is the press doing? the same. the pulpit? almost the same. i do not flatter myself that there is moral power in the land sufficient to overthrow slavery, and i welcome the aid of england. and that aid will come. the growing intercourse between england and this country, by means of steam navigation, the relaxation of the protective system in various countries in europe, gives us an opportunity to bring in the aid, the moral and christian aid of those living on the other side of the atlantic. we welcome it in the language of the resolution. we entreat our british friends to continue to send their remonstrances across the deep against slavery in this land. and these remonstrances will have a powerful effect here. sir, the americans may tell of their ability, and i have no doubt they have it, to keep back the invader's hosts, to repulse the strongest force that its enemies may send against this country. it may boast, and _rightly_ boast of its capacity to build its ramparts so high that no foe can hope to scale them--to render them so impregnable as to defy the assaults of the world. but, sir, there is one thing it cannot resist, come from what quarter it may. it cannot resist truth. you cannot build your forts so strong, nor your ramparts so high, nor arm yourselves so powerfully, as to be able to withstand the overwhelming moral sentiment against slavery now flowing into this land. for example: prejudice against color is continually becoming weaker in this land; and why? because the whole european continent denounces this sentiment as unworthy a lodgment in the breast of an enlightened community. and the american abroad dares not now, even in a public conveyance, to lift his voice in defence of this disgusting prejudice. i do not mean to say that there are no practices abroad which deserve to receive an influence, favorable to their extermination, from america. i am most glad to know that democratic freedom--not the bastard democracy which, while loud in its protestations of regard for liberty and equality, builds up slavery, and, in the name of freedom fights the battles of despotism--is making great strides in europe. we see, abroad, in england especially, happy indications of the progress of american principles. a little while ago england was cursed by a corn monopoly--by that giant monopoly which snatched from the mouths of the famishing poor the bread which you sent from this land. the community--the _people_ of england demanded its destruction, and they have triumphed! we have aided them, and they aid us, and the mission of the two nations, henceforth, is _to serve each other_. sir, it is said that, when abroad, i misrepresented my country on this question. i am not aware of any misrepresentation. i stated facts and facts only. a gentleman of your own city, rev. dr. cox, has taken particular pains to stigmatize me as having introduced the subject of slavery illegitimately into the world's temperance convention. but what was the fact? i went to that convention, not as a delegate--i went into it by the invitation of a committee of the convention. i suppose most of you know the circumstances, but i wish to say one word in relation to the spirit and the principle which animated me at that meeting. i went into it at the invitation of the committee, and spoke not only at their urgent request, but by public announcement. i stood on the platform on the evening referred to, and heard some eight or ten americans address the , people assembled in that vast hall. i heard them speak of the temperance movement in the land. i heard them eulogize the temperance societies in the highest terms, calling on england to follow their example (and england may follow them with advantage to herself;) but i heard no reference made to the , , of people in this country who are denied the privilege, not only of temperance, but of all other societies. i heard not a word of the american slaves, who, if seven of them were found together at a temperance meeting or any other place, would be scourged and beaten by their cruel tyrants. yes, nine-and-thirty lashes is the penalty required to be inflicted by the law if any of the slaves get together in a number exceeding seven, for any purpose, however peaceable or laudable. and while these american gentlemen were extending their hands to me, and saying, 'how do you do, mr. douglass? i am most happy to meet you here,' &c. &c. i knew that, in america, they would not have touched me with a pair of tongues. i felt, therefore, that that was the place and the time to call to remembrance the , , of slaves, whom i aspired to represent on that occasion. i did so, not maliciously, but with a desire, only, to subserve the best interests of my race. i besought the american delegates who had at first responded to my speech with shouts of applause, when they should arrive at home, to extend the borders of their temperance societies, so as to include the , colored people in the northern states of the union. i also called to mind the facts in relation to the mob that occurred in the city of philadelphia in the year . i stated these facts to show to the british public how difficult it is for a colored man in this country to do anything to elevate himself or his race from the state of degradation in which they are plunged; how difficult it is for him to be virtuous or temperate, or anything but a menial, an outcast. you all remember the circumstances of the mob to which i have alluded. a number of intelligent, philanthropic, manly colored men, desirous of snatching their colored brethren from the fangs of intemperance, formed themselves into a procession and walked through the streets of philadelphia with appropriate banners, and badges, and mottoes. i stated the fact that that procession was not allowed to proceed far, in the city of philadelphia--the american city of brotherly love, the city of all others loudest in its boasts of freedom and liberty--before these noble-minded men were assaulted by the citizens, their banners torn in shreds and themselves trampled in the dust, and inhumanly beaten, and all their bright and fond hopes and anticipations in behalf of their friends and their race blasted by the wanton cruelty of their white fellow citizens. and all this was done for no other reason than that they had presumed to walk through the streets with temperance banners and badges, like human beings. the statement of this fact caused the whole convention to break forth in one general expression of intense disgust at such atrocious and inhuman conduct. this disturbed the composure of some of our american representatives, who, in serious alarm, caught hold of the skirts of my coat, and attempted to make me desist from my exposition of the situation of the colored race in this country. there was one doctor of divinity there--the ugliest man that i ever saw in my life--who almost tore the skirts of my coat off, so vehement was he in his _friendly_ attempts to induce me to yield the floor. but fortunately the audience came to my rescue, and demanded that i should go on, and i did go on, and, i trust, discharged my duty to my brethren in bonds and the cause of human liberty, in a manner not altogether unworthy the occasion. i have been accused of _dragging_ the question of slavery into the convention. i had a right to do so. it was the _world's_ convention--not the convention of any sect or number of sects--not the convention of any particular nation--not a man's nor a woman's convention, not a black man's nor a white man's convention, but the _world's_ convention, the convention of all, _black_ as well as _white_, _bond_ as well as _free_. and i stood there, as i thought, a representative of , , of men whom i had left in rags and wretchedness to be devoured by the accursed institution which stands by them, as with a drawn sword, ever ready to fall upon their devoted and defenceless heads. i felt, as i said to dr. cox, that it was demanded of me by conscience, to speak out boldly in behalf of those whom i had left behind. [cheers.] and, sir, (i think i may say this, without subjecting myself to the charge of egotism) i deem it very fortunate for the friends of the slave, that mr. garrison and myself were there just at that time. sir, the churches in this country have long repined at the position of the churches in england on the subject of slavery. they have sought many opportunities to do away the prejudices of the english churches against american slavery. why, sir, at this time there were not far from seventy ministers of the gospel from christian america, in england, pouring their leprous pro-slavery distilment into the ears of the people of that country, and by their prayers, their conversation and their public speeches, seeking to darken the british mind on the subject of slavery, and to create in the english public the same cruel and heartless apathy that prevails in this country in relation to the slave, his wrongs and his rights. i knew them by their continuous slandering of my race, and at this time, and under these circumstances, i deemed it a happy interposition of god, in behalf of my oppressed, and misrepresented, and slandered people, that one of their number should be able to break his chains and burst up through the dark incrustations of malice and hate and degradation which had been thrown over them, and stand before the british public to open to them the secrets of the prison-house of bondage in america. [cheers.] sir, the slave sends no delegates to the evangelical alliance. [cheers.] the slave sends no delegates to the world's temperance convention. why? because chains are upon his arms, and fetters fast bind his limbs. he must be driven out to be sold at auction by some _christian_ slaveholder, and the money for which his soul is bartered must be appropriated to spread the gospel among the heathen. sir, i feel it is good to be here. there is always work to be done. slavery is everywhere. slavery goes out in the cambria and comes back in the cambria. slavery was in the evangelical alliance, looking saintly in the person of rev. doctor smythe; it was in the world's temperance convention, in the person of rev. mr. kirk. dr. marsh went about saying, in so many words, that the unfortunate slaveholders in america were so peculiarly situated, so environed by uncontrollable circumstances that they could not liberate their slaves; that if they were to emancipate them they would be, in many instances, cast into prison. sir, it did me good to go around on the heels of this gentleman. i was glad to follow him around for the sake of my country, for the country is not, after all, so bad as rev. dr. marsh represented it to be. my fellow countrymen, what think ye he said of you, on the other side of the atlantic? he said you were not only pro-slavery, but that you actually aided the slaveholder in holding his slaves securely in his grasp; that, in fact, you compelled him to be a slaveholder. this i deny. you are not so bad as that. you do not compel the slaveholder to be a slaveholder. and rev. doctor cox, too, talked a great deal over there, and among other things, he said that 'many slave-holders--dear christian men!--were sincerely anxious to get rid of their slaves;' and to show how difficult it is for them to get rid of their human chattels, he put the following case: a man living in a state, the laws of which compel all persons emancipating their slaves to remove them beyond its limits, wishes to liberate his slaves; but he is too poor to transport them beyond the confines of the state in which he resides; therefore he cannot emancipate them--he is necessarily a slaveholder. but, sir, there was one fact, which i happened, fortunately, to have on hand just at that time, which completely neutralized this very affecting statement of the doctor's. it so happens that messrs. gerrit smith and arthur tappan have advertised for the especial benefit of this afflicted class of slaveholders, that they have set apart the sum of $ , , to be appropriated in aiding them to remove their emancipated slaves beyond the jurisdiction of the state, and that the money would be forthcoming on application being made for it; but _no such application was ever made_. this shows that however truthful the statements of these gentlemen may be concerning the things of the world to come, they are lamentably reckless in their statements concerning things appertaining to this world. i do not mean to say that they would designedly tell that which is false; but they did make the statements which i have ascribed to them. and doct. cox and others charge me with having stirred up warlike feeling while abroad. this charge, also, i deny. the whole of my arguments and the whole of my appeals, while i was abroad, were in favor of any thing else than war. i embraced every opportunity to propagate the principles of peace while i was in great britain. i confess, honestly, that were i not a peace man, were i a believer in fighting at all, i should have gone through england, saying to englishmen, _as_ englishmen, 'there are , , of men across the atlantic who are whipped, scourged, robbed of themselves, denied every privilege, denied the right to read the word of the god who made them, trampled under foot, denied all the rights of human beings; go to their rescue; shoulder your muskets, buckle on your knapsacks, and in the invincible cause of human rights and universal liberty, go forth, and the laurels which you shall win will be as fadeless and as imperishable as the eternal aspirations of the human soul after that freedom which every being made after god's image instinctively feels is his birthright.' this would have been my course had i been a war man. that such was not my course, i appeal to my whole career while abroad to determine. weapons of war we have cast from the battle: truth is our armor--our watchword is love; hushed be the sword, and the musketry's rattle, all our equipments are drawn from above. praise then the god of truth, hoary age and ruddy youth. long may our rally be love, light and liberty; ever our banner the banner of peace." mr. douglass took his seat in the midst of the most enthusiastic and overwhelming applause in which the whole of the vast assembly appeared heartily to join. [transcriber's note: this text has been transcribed from library of congress scans of a pamphlet printed in baltimore md which has minor damage at the outer lower corners. because no other copies of this exact pamphlet are available, the obscured text has been supplied from the same edition of the new york (daily) tribune which is referred to as the source in the pamphlet's introductory paragraph: "country, conscience, and the anti-slavery cause: an address delivered in new york, new york, may , ." new york daily tribune, may .] proofreaders the anti-slavery examiner part of by the american anti-slavery society no. . american slavery as it is: testimony of a thousand witnesses. no. . speech of hon. thomas morris, of ohio, in reply to the speech of the hon. henry clay. no. . the constitution a pro-slavery compact or selections from the madison papers, &c. no. . the constitution a pro-slavery compact or selections from the madison papers, &c. second edition, enlarged. no. the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * american slavery as it is: testimony of a thousand witnesses. * * * * * "behold the wicked abominations that they do!"--ezekial, viii, . "the righteous considereth the cause of the poor; but the wicked regardeth not to know it."--prov. , . "true humanity consists not in a squeamish ear, but in listening to the story of human suffering and endeavoring to relieve it."--charles james fox. * * * * * new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, office, no. nassau street. . * * * * * this periodical contains sheets--postage, under miles, - / cts; over miles, - / cents. advertisement to the reader. a majority of the facts and testimony contained in this work rests upon the authority of slaveholders, whose names and residences are given to the public, as vouchers for the truth of their statements. that they should utter falsehoods, for the sake of proclaiming their own infamy, is not probable. their testimony is taken, mainly, from recent newspapers, published in the slave states. most of those papers will be deposited at the office of the american anti-slavery society, nassau street, new york city. those who think the atrocities, which they describe, incredible, are invited to call and read for themselves. we regret that _all_ of the original papers are not in our possession. the idea of preserving them on file for the inspection of the incredulous, and the curious, did not occur to us until after the preparation of the work was in a state of forwardness, in consequence of this, some of the papers cannot be recovered. _nearly all_ of them, however have been preserved. in all cases the _name_ of the paper is given, and, with very few exceptions, the place and time, (year, month, and day) of publication. some of the extracts, however not being made with reference to this work, and before its publication was contemplated, are without date; but this class of extracts is exceedingly small, probably not a thirtieth of the whole. the statements, not derived from the papers and other periodicals, letters, books, &c., published by slaveholders, have been furnished by individuals who have resided in slave states, many of whom are natives of those states, and have been slaveholders. the names, residences, &c. of the witnesses generally are given. a number of them, however, still reside in slave states;--to publish their names would be, in most cases, to make them the victims of popular fury. new york, may , . note. the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, while tendering their grateful acknowledgments, in the name of american abolitionists, and in behalf of the slave, to those who have furnished for this publication the result of their residence and travel in the slave states of this union, announce their determination to publish, from time to time, as they may have the materials and the funds, tracts, containing well authenticated facts, testimony, personal narratives, &c. fully setting forth the _condition_ of american slaves. in order that they may be furnished with the requisite materials, they invite all who have had personal knowledge of the condition of slaves in any of the states of this union, to forward their testimony with their names and residences. to prevent imposition, it is indispensable that persons forwarding testimony, who are not personally known to any of the executive committee, or to the secretaries or editors of the american anti-slavery society, should furnish references to some person or persons of respectability, with whom, if necessary, the committee may communicate respecting the writer. facts and testimony respecting the condition of slaves, in _all respects_, are desired; their food, (kinds, quality, and quantity,) clothing, lodging, dwellings, hours of labor and rest, kinds of labor, with the mode of exaction, supervision, &c.--the number and time of meals each day, treatment when sick, regulations inspecting their social intercourse, marriage and domestic ties, the system of torture to which they are subjected, with its various modes; and _in detail_, their _intellectual_ and _moral_ condition. great care should be observed in the statement of facts. well-weighed testimony and well-authenticated facts; with a responsible name, the committee earnestly desire and call for. thousands of persons in the free states have ample knowledge on this subject, derived from their own observation in the midst of slavery. will such hold their peace? that which maketh manifest is _light_; he who keepeth his candle under a bushel at such a time and in such a cause as this, _forges fetters for himself_, as well as for the slave. let no one withhold his testimony because others have already testified to similar facts. the value of testimony is by no means to be measured by the _novelty_ of the horrors which it describes. _corroborative_ testimony,--facts, similar to those established by the testimony of others,--is highly valuable. who that can give it and has a heart of flesh, will refuse to the slave so small a boon? communications may be addressed to theodore d. weld, nassau-street, new york. new york, may, . contents. introduction. twenty-seven hundred thousand free born citizens of the u.s. in slavery; tender mercies of slaveholders; abominations of slavery; character of the testimony. personal narratives--part i. narrative of nehemiah caulkins; north carolina slavery; methodist preaching slavedriver, galloway; women at child-birth; slaves at labor; clothing of slaves; allowance of provisions; slave-fetters; cruelties to slaves; burying a slave alive; licentiousness of slave-holders; rev. thomas p. hunt, with his "hands tied"; preachers cringe to slavery; nakedness of slaves; slave-huts; means of subsistence for slaves; slaves' prayer. narrative of rev. horace moulton; labor of the slaves; tasks; whipping posts; food; houses; clothing; punishments; scenes of horror; constables, savage and brutal; patrols; cruelties at night; _paddle-torturing_; _cat-hauling_; branding with hot iron; murder with impunity; iron collars, yokes, clogs, and bells. narrative of sarah m. grimkÉ; barbarous treatment of slaves; converted slave; professor of religion, near death, tortured his slave for visiting his companion; counterpart of james williams' description of larrimore's wife; head of runaway slave on a pole; governor of north carolina left his sick slave to perish; cruelty to women slaves; christian slave a martyr for jesus. testimony of rev. john graham; twenty-seven slaves whipped. testimony of william poe; harris whipped a girl to death; captain of the u.s. navy murdered his boy, was tried and acquitted; overseer burnt a slave; cruelties to slaves. privations of the slaves. food; suffering from hunger; rations in the u.s. army, &c; prison rations; testimony. labor; slaves are overworked; witnesses; henry clay; child-bearing prevented; dr. channing; sacrifice of a set of hands every seven years; testimony; laws of georgia, louisiana, maryland, south carolina, and virginia. clothing; witnesses; advertisements; testimony; field-hands; nudity of slaves; john randolph's legacy to essex and hetty. dwellings; witnesses; slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged. treatment of the sick. personal narratives, part ii. testimony of the rev. william t. allan; woman delivered of a dead child, being whipped; slaves shot by hilton; cruelties to slaves; whipping post; assaults, and maimings; murders; puryear, "the devil,"; overseers always armed; licentiousness of overseers; "bend your backs"; mrs. h., a presbyterian, desirous to cut arthur tappan's throat; clothing, huts, and herding of slaves; iron yokes with prongs; marriage unknown among slaves; presbyterian minister at huntsville; concubinage in preacher's house; slavery, the great wrong. narrative of william leftwich; slave's life. testimony of lemuel sapington; nakedness of slaves; traffic in slaves. testimony of mrs. lowry; long, a professor of religion killed three men; salt water applied to wounds to keep them from putrefaction. testimony of william c. gildersleeve; acts of cruelty. testimony of hiram white; woman with a child chained to her neck; amalgamation, and mulatto children. testimony of john m. nelson; rev. conrad speece influenced alexander nelson when dying not to emancipate his slaves; george bourne opposed slavery in . testimony of angelina grimkÉ weld; house-servants; slave-driving female professors of religion at charleston, s.c.; whipping women and prayer in the same room; tread-mills; _slaveholding religion_; slave-driving mistress prayed for the divine blessing upon her whipping of an aged woman; girl killed with impunity; jewish law; barbarities; medical attendance upon slaves; young man beaten to epilepsy and insanity; mistresses flog their slaves; blood-bought luxuries; borrowing of slaves; meals of slaves; all comfort of slaves disregarded; severance of companion lovers; separation of parents and children; slave espionage; sufferings of slaves; horrors of slavery indescribable. testimony of cruelty inflicted upon slaves; colonization society; emancipation society of north carolina; kentucky. punishments; floggings; witnesses and testimony. slave driving; droves of slaves. cruelty to slaves; slaves like stock without a shelter; "six pound paddle." tortures of slaves. iron collars, chains, fetters, and hand-cuffs; advertisements for fugitive slaves; testimony; iron head-frame; chain coffles; droves of 'human cattle'; washington, the national slave market; testimony of james k. paulding, secretary of the navy; _literary fraud and pretended prophecy_ by mr. paulding; brandings, maimings, and gun-shot wounds; witnesses and testimony; mr. sevier, senator of the u.s.; judge hitchcock, of mobile; commendable fidelity to truth in the advertisements of slaveholders; thomas aylethorpe cut off a slave's ear, and sent it to lewis tappan; advertisements for runaway slaves with their teeth mutilated; excessive cruelty to slaves; slaves burned alive; mr. turner, a slave-butcher; slaves roasted and flogged; cruelties common; fugitive slaves; slaves forced to eat tobacco worms; baptist christians escaping from slavery; christian whipped for praying; james k. paulding's testimony; slave driven to death; coroner's inquest on harney's murdered female slave; man-stealing encouraged by law; trial for a murdered slave; female slave whipped to death, and during the torture delivered of a dead infant; slaves murdered; slave driven to death; slaves killed with impunity; george, a slave, chopped piece-meal, and burnt by lilburn lewis; retributive justice in the awful death of lilburn lewis; trial of isham lewis, a slave murderer. personal narratives.--part iii. narrative of rev. francis hawley; plantations; overseers; no appeal from overseers to masters. clothing; nudity of slaves. work; cotton-picking; mothers of slaves; presbyterian minister killed his slave; methodist colored preacher hung; licentiousness; slave-traffic; night in a slaveholder's house; twelve slaves murdered; slave driving baptist preachers; hunting of runaways slaves; amalgamation. testimony of reuben c. macy, and richard macy. whipping of slaves. testimony of eleazer powel; overseer of hinds stuart, shot a slave for opposing the torture of his female companion. testimony of rev. william scales. three slaves murdered with impunity; separation of lovers, parents, and children. testimony of jos. ide. mrs. t. a presbyterian kind woman-killer; female slave whipped to death; food; nakedness of slaves; old man flogged after praying for his tyrant; slave-huts not as comfortable as pig-sties. testimony of rev. phineas smith. texas; suit for the value of slave 'property'; anson jones, ambassador from texas; no trial or punishment for the murder of slaves; slave-hunting in texas; suffering drives the slaves to despair and suicide. testimony of phil'n bliss. ignorance of northern citizens respecting slavery; betting upon crops; extent and cruelty of the punishment of slaves; slaveholders excuse their cruelties by the example of preachers, and professors of religion, and northern citizens; novel torture, eulogized by a professor of religion; whips as common as the plough; _ladies_ use cowhides, with shovel and tongs. testimony of rev. wm. a. chapin. slave-labor; starvation of slaves; slaves lacerated, without clothing, and without food. testimony of t.m. macy. cotton plantations on st. simon's island; cultivation of rice; no time for relaxation; sabbath a nominal rest; clothing; flogging. testimony of f.c. macy. slave cabins; food; whipping every day; treatment of slaves as brutes; slave-boys fight for slaveholder's amusement; amalgamation common. testimony of a clergyman. natchez; 'lie down,' for whipping; slave-hunting; 'ball and chain' men; whipping at the same time, on three plantations; hours of labor; _christians_ slave-hunting; many runaway slaves annually shot; slaves in the stocks; slave branding. condition of slaves. slavery is unmixed cruelty; fear the only motive of slaves; pain is the means, not the end of slave-driving; characters of slave drivers and overseers, brutal, sensual, and violent; ownership of human beings utterly destroys _their_ comfort. objections considered: i. such cruelties are incredible. slaves deemed to be working animals, or merchandize; and called 'stock,' 'increase,' 'breeders,' 'drivers,' 'property,' 'human cattle'; testimony of thomas jefferson; slaves worse treated than quadrupeds; contrast between the usage of slaves and animals; testimony; northern incredulity discreditable to consistency; religious persecutions; recent 'lynchings,' and riots, in the united states; many outrageous felonies perpetrated with impunity; large faith of the objectors who 'can't believe'; 'doe faces,' and 'dough faces'; slave-drivers acknowledge their own enormities; slave plantations in alabama, louisiana, and mississippi 'second only to hell'; legislature of north carolina; incredulity discreditable to intelligence; abuse of power in the state, and churches; legal restraints; american slaveholders possess absolute power; slaves deprived of the safe guards of law; mutual aversion between the oppressor and the slave; cruelty the product of arbitrary power; testimony of thomas jefferson; judge tucker; presbyterian synod of south carolina, and georgia; general william h. harrison; president edwards; montesquieu; wilberforce; whitbread; characters. objection ii.--"slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well." not testimony but opinion; 'good treatment' of slaves; novel form of cruelty. objection iii.--"slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, and generosity." hospitality and benevolence contrasted; slaveholders in congress, respecting texas and hayti; 'fictitious kindness and hospitality.' objection iv.--"northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves are not cruelly treated." testimony; 'gubner poisened'; field-hands; parlor slaves; chief justice durell. objection v.--"it is for the interest of the masters to treat their slaves well." testimony; rev. j.n. maffitt; masters interest to treat cruelly the great body of the slaves; various classes of slaves; hired slaves; advertisements. objection vi.--"slaves multiply; a proof that they are not inhumanly treated, and are in a comfortable condition." testimony; martin van buren; foreign slave trade; 'beware of kidnappers'; 'citizens sold as slaves'; kidnapping at new orleans; slave breeders. objection vii.--"public opinion is a protection to the slave." decision of the supreme court of north and south carolina; 'protection of slaves'; mischievous effects of 'public opinion' concerning slavery; laws of different states; heart of slaveholders; reasons for enacting the laws concerning cruelties to slaves; 'moderate correction'; hypocrisy and malignity of slave laws; testimony of slaves excluded; capital crimes for slaves; 'slaveholding brutality,' worse than that of caligula; public opinion destroys fundamental rights; character of slaveholders' advertisements; public opinion is diabolical; brutal indecency; murder of slaves by law; judge lawless; slave-hunting; health of slaves; acclimation of slaves; liberty of slaves; kidnapping of free citizens; law of louisiana; friends', memorial; domestic slavery; advertisements; childhood, old age; inhumanity; butchering dead slaves; south carolina medical college; charleston medical infirmary; advertisements; slave murders; john randolph; charleston slave auctions; 'never lose a day's work'; stocks; slave-breeding; lynch law; slaves murdered; slavery among christians; licentiousness encouraged by preachers; 'fine old preacher who dealt in slaves'; cruelty to slaves by professors of religion; slave-breeding; daniel o'connel, and andrew stevenson; virginia a negro raising menagerie; legislature of virginia; colonization society; inter-state slave traffic; battles in congress; duelling; cock-fighting; horse-racing; ignorance of slaveholders; 'slaveholding civilization, and morality'; arkansas; slave driving ruffians; missouri; alabama; butcheries in mississippi; louisiana; tennessee; fatal affray in columbia; presentment of the grand jury of shelby county; testimony of bishop smith of kentucky. atlantic slaveholding region. georgia; north carolina; trading with negroes; conclusion. introduction. reader, you are empannelled as a juror to try a plain case and bring in an honest verdict. the question at issue is not one of law, but of facts--"what is the actual condition of the slaves in the united states?" a plainer case never went to a jury. look at it. twenty-seven hundred thousand persons in this country, men, women, and children, are in slavery. is slavery, as a condition for human beings, good, bad, or indifferent? we submit the question without argument. you have common sense, and conscience, and a human heart;--pronounce upon it. you have a wife, or a husband, a child, a father, a mother, a brother or a sister--make the case your own, make it theirs, and bring in your verdict. the case of human rights against slavery has been adjudicated in the court of conscience times innumerable. the same verdict has always been rendered--"guilty;" the same sentence has always been pronounced, "let it be accursed;" and human nature, with her million echoes, has rung it round the world in every language under heaven, "let it be accursed. let it be accursed." his heart is false to human nature, who will not say "amen." there is not a man on earth who does not believe that slavery is a curse. human beings may be inconsistent, but human _nature_ is true to herself. she has uttered her testimony against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and dashing against it her condemning brand. we repeat it, every man knows that slavery is a curse. whoever denies this, his lips libel his heart. try him; clank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are for _him_; give him an hour to prepare his wife and children for a life of slavery; bid him make haste and get ready their necks for the yoke, and their wrists for the coffle chains, then look at his pale lips and trembling knees, and you have _nature's_ testimony against slavery. two millions seven hundred thousand persons in these states are in this condition. they were made slaves and are held each by force, and by being put in fear, and this for no crime! reader, what have you to say of such treatment? is it right, just, benevolent? suppose i should seize you, rob you of your liberty, drive you into the field, and make you work without pay as long as you live, would that be justice and kindness, or monstrous injustice and cruelty? now, every body knows that the slaveholders do these things to the slaves every day, and yet it is stoutly affirmed that they treat them well and kindly, and that their tender regard for their slaves restrains the masters from inflicting cruelties upon them. we shall go into no metaphysics to show the absurdity of this pretence. the man who _robs_ you every day, is, forsooth, quite too tender-hearted ever to cuff or kick you! true, he can snatch your money, but he does it gently lest he should hurt you. he can empty your pockets without qualms, but if your _stomach_ is empty, it cuts him to the quick. he can make you work a life time without pay, but loves you too well to let you go hungry. he fleeces you of your _rights_ with a relish, but is shocked if you work bareheaded in summer, or in winter without warm stockings. he can make you go without your _liberty_, but never without a shirt. he can crush, in you, all hope of bettering your condition, by vowing that you shall die his slave, but though he can coolly torture your feelings, he is too compassionate to lacerate your back--he can break your heart, but he is very tender of your skin. he can strip you of all protection and thus expose you to all outrages, but if you are exposed to the _weather_, half clad and half sheltered, how yearn his tender bowels! what! slaveholders talk of treating men well, and yet not only rob them of all they get, and as fast as they get it, but rob them of _themselves_, also; their very hands and feet, all their muscles, and limbs, and senses, their bodies and minds, their time and liberty and earnings, their free speech and rights of conscience, their right to acquire knowledge, and property, and reputation;--and yet they, who plunder them of all these, would fain make us believe that their soft hearts ooze out so lovingly toward their slaves that they always keep them well housed and well clad, never push them too hard in the field, never make their dear backs smart, nor let their dear stomachs get empty. but there is no end to these absurdities. are slaveholders dunces, or do they take all the rest of the world to be, that they think to bandage our eyes with such thin gauzes? protesting their kind regard for those whom they hourly plunder of all they have and all they get! what! when they have seized their victims, and annihilated all their _rights_, still claim to be the special guardians of their _happiness_! plunderers of their liberty, yet the careful suppliers of their wants? robbers of their earnings, yet watchful sentinels round their interests, and kind providers for their comfort? filching all their time, yet granting generous donations for rest and sleep? stealing the use of their muscles, yet thoughtful of their ease? putting them under _drivers_, yet careful that they are not hard-pushed? too humane forsooth to stint the stomachs of their slaves, yet force their _minds_ to starve, and brandish over them pains and penalties, if they dare to reach forth for the smallest crumb of knowledge, even a letter of the alphabet! it is no marvel that slaveholders are always talking of their _kind treatment_ of their slaves. the only marvel is, that men of sense can be gulled by such professions. despots always insist that they are merciful. the greatest tyrants that ever dripped with blood have assumed the titles of "most gracious," "most clement," "most merciful," &c., and have ordered their crouching vassals to accost them thus. when did not vice lay claim to those virtues which are the opposites of its habitual crimes? the guilty, according to their own showing, are always innocent, and cowards brave, and drunkards sober, and harlots chaste, and pickpockets honest to a fault. every body understands this. when a man's tongue grows thick, and he begins to hiccough and walk cross-legged, we expect him, as a matter of course, to protest that he is not drunk; so when a man is always singing the praises of his own honesty, we instinctively watch his movements and look out for our pocket-books. whoever is simple enough to be hoaxed by such professions, should never be trusted in the streets without somebody to take care of him. human nature works out in slaveholders just as it does to other men, and in american slaveholders just as in english, french, turkish, algerine, roman and grecian. the spartans boasted of their kindness to their slaves, while they whipped them to death by thousands at the altars of their gods. the romans lauded their own mild treatment of their bondmen, while they branded their names on their flesh with hot irons, and when old, threw them into their fish ponds, or like cato "the just," starved them to death. it is the boast of the turks that they treat their slaves as though they were their children, yet their common name for them is "dogs," and for the merest trifles, their feet are bastinadoed to a jelly, or their heads clipped off with the scimetar. the portuguese pride themselves on their gentle bearing toward their slaves, yet the streets of rio janeiro are filled with naked men and women yoked in pairs to carts and wagons, and whipped by drivers like beasts of burden. slaveholders, the world over, have sung the praises of their tender mercies towards their slaves. even the wretches that plied the african slave trade, tried to rebut clarkson's proofs of their cruelties, by speeches, affidavits, and published pamphlets, setting forth the accommodations of the "middle passage," and their kind attentions to the comfort of those whom they had stolen from their homes, and kept stowed away under hatches, during a voyage of four thousand miles. so, according to the testimony of the autocrat of the russias, he exercises great clemency towards the poles, though he exiles them by thousands to the snows of siberia, and tramples them down by millions, at home. who discredits the atrocities perpetrated by ovando in hispaniola, pizarro in peru, and cortez in mexico,--because they filled the ears of the spanish court with protestations of their benignant rule? while they were yoking the enslaved natives like beasts to the draught, working them to death by thousands in their mines, hunting them with bloodhounds, torturing them on racks, and broiling them on beds of coals, their representations to the mother country teemed with eulogies of their parental sway! the bloody atrocities of philip ii, in the expulsion of his moorish subjects, are matters of imperishable history. who disbelieves or doubts them? and yet his courtiers magnified his virtues and chanted his clemency and his mercy, while the wail of a million victims, smitten down by a tempest of fire and slaughter let loose at his bidding, rose above the _te deums_ that thundered from all spain's cathedrals. when louis xiv. revoked the edict of nantz, and proclaimed two millions of his subjects free plunder for persecution,--when from the english channel to the pyrennees the mangled bodies of the protestants were dragged on reeking hurdles by a shouting populace, he claimed to be "the father of his people," and wrote himself "his most _christian_ majesty." but we will not anticipate topics, the full discussion of which more naturally follows than precedes the inquiry into the actual condition and treatment of slaves in the united states. as slaveholders and their apologists are volunteer witnesses in their own cause, and are flooding the world with testimony that their slaves are kindly treated; that they are well fed, well clothed, well housed, well lodged, moderately worked, and bountifully provided with all things needful for their comfort, we propose--first, to disprove their assertions by the testimony of a multitude of impartial witnesses, and then to put slaveholders themselves through a course of cross-questioning which shall draw their condemnation out of their own mouths. we will prove that the slaves in the united states are treated with barbarous inhumanity; that they are overworked, underfed, wretchedly clad and lodged, and have insufficient sleep; that they are often made to wear round their necks iron collars armed with prongs, to drag heavy chains and weights at their feet while working in the field, and to wear yokes, and bells, and iron horns; that they are often kept confined in the stocks day and night for weeks together, made to wear gags in their mouths for hours or days, have some of their front teeth torn out or broken off, that they may be easily detected when they run away; that they are frequently flogged with terrible severity, have red pepper rubbed into their lacerated flesh, and hot brine, spirits of turpentine, &c., poured over the gashes to increase the torture; that they are often stripped naked, their backs and limbs cut with knives, bruised and mangled by scores and hundreds of blows with the paddle, and terribly torn by the claws of cats, drawn over them by their tormentors; that they are often hunted with bloodhounds and shot down like beasts, or torn in pieces by dogs; that they are often suspended by the arms and whipped and beaten till they faint, and when revived by restoratives, beaten again till they faint, and sometimes till they die; that their ears are often cut off, their eyes knocked out, their bones broken, their flesh branded with red hot irons; that they are maimed, mutilated and burned to death over slow fires. all these things, and more, and worse, we shall _prove_. reader, we know whereof we affirm, we have weighed it well; _more and worse_ we will prove. mark these words, and read on; we will establish all these facts by the testimony of scores and hundreds of eye witnesses, by the testimony of _slaveholders_ in all parts of the slave states, by slaveholding members of congress and of state legislatures, by ambassadors to foreign courts, by judges, by doctors of divinity, and clergymen of all denominations, by merchants, mechanics, lawyers and physicians, by presidents and professors in colleges and _professional_ seminaries, by planters, overseers and drivers. we shall show, not merely that such deeds are committed, but that they are frequent; not done in corners, but before the sun; not in one of the slave states, but in all of them; not perpetrated by brutal overseers and drivers merely, but by magistrates, by legislators, by professors of religion, by preachers of the gospel, by governors of states, by "gentlemen of property and standing," and by delicate females moving in the "highest circles of society." we know, full well, the outcry that will be made by multitudes, at these declarations; the multiform cavils, the flat denials, the charges of "exaggeration" and "falsehood" so often bandied, the sneers of affected contempt at the credulity that can believe such things, and the rage and imprecations against those who give them currency. we know, too, the threadbare sophistries by which slaveholders and their apologists seek to evade such testimony. if they admit that such deeds are committed, they tell us that they are exceedingly rare, and therefore furnish no grounds for judging of the general treatment of slaves; that occasionally a brutal wretch in the _free_ states barbarously butchers his wife, but that no one thinks of inferring from that, the general treatment of wives at the north and west. they tell us, also, that the slaveholders of the south are proverbially hospitable, kind, and generous, and it is incredible that they can perpetrate such enormities upon human beings; further, that it is absurd to suppose that they would thus injure their own property, that self-interest would prompt them to treat their slaves with kindness, as none but fools and madmen wantonly destroy their own property; further, that northern visitors at the south come back testifying to the kind treatment of the slaves, and that the slaves themselves corroborate such representations. all these pleas, and scores of others, are bruited in every corner of the free states; and who that hath eyes to see, has not sickened at the blindness that saw not, at the palsy of heart that felt not, or at the cowardice and sycophancy that dared not expose such shallow fallacies. we are not to be turned from our purpose by such vapid babblings. in their appropriate places, we propose to consider these objections and various others, and to show their emptiness and folly. the foregoing declarations touching the inflictions upon slaves, are not hap-hazard assertions, nor the exaggerations of fiction conjured up to carry a point; nor are they the rhapsodies of enthusiasm, nor crude conclusions, jumped at by hasty and imperfect investigation, nor the aimless outpourings either of sympathy or poetry; but they are proclamations of deliberate, well-weighed convictions, produced by accumulations of proof, by affirmations and affidavits, by written testimonies and statements of a cloud of witnesses who speak what they know and testify what they have seen, and all these impregnably fortified by proofs innumerable, in the relation of the slaveholder to his slave, the nature of arbitrary power, and the nature and history of man. of the witnesses whose testimony is embodied in the following pages, a majority are slaveholders, many of the remainder have been slaveholders, but now reside in free states. another class whose testimony will be given, consists of those who have furnished the results of their own observation during periods of residence and travel in the slave states. we will first present the reader with a few personal narratives furnished by individuals, natives of slave states and others, embodying, in the main, the results of their own observation in the midst of slavery--facts and scenes of which they were eye-witnesses. in the next place, to give the reader as clear and definite a view of the actual condition of slaves as possible, we propose to make specific points; to pass in review the various particulars in the slave's condition, simply presenting sufficient testimony under each head to settle the question in every candid mind. the examination will be conducted by stating distinct propositions, and in the following order of topics. . the food of the slaves, the kinds, quality and quantity, also, the number and time of meals each day, &c. . their hours of labor and rest. . their clothing. . their dwellings. . their privations and inflictions. . _in conclusion,_ a variety of objections and arguments will be considered which are used by the advocates of slavery to set aside the force of testimony, and to show that the slaves are kindly treated. between the larger divisions of the work, brief personal narratives will be inserted, containing a mass of facts and testimony, both general and specific. * * * * * personal narratives. mr. nehemiah caulkins, of waterford, new london co., connecticut, has furnished the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, with the following statements relative to the condition and treatment of slaves, in the south eastern part of north carolina. most of the facts related by mr. caulkins fell under his personal observation. the air of candor and honesty that pervades the narrative, the manner in which mr. c. has drawn it up, the good sense, just views, conscience and heart which it exhibits, are sufficient of themselves to commend it to all who have ears to hear. the committee have no personal acquaintance with mr. caulkins, but they have ample testimonials from the most respectable sources, all of which represent him to be a man whose long established character for sterling integrity, sound moral principle and piety, have secured for him the uniform respect and confidence of those who know him. without further preface the following testimonials are submitted to the reader. this may certify, that we the subscribers have lived for a number of years past in the neighborhood with mr. nehemiah caulkins, and have no hesitation in stating that we consider him a man of high respectability and that his character for truth and veracity is unimpeachable. peter comstock. a.f. perkins, m.d. isaac beebe. lodowick beebe. d. g. otis. philip morgan. james rogers, m.d. _waterford, ct., jan. th, ._ mr. comstock is a justice of the peace. mr. l. beebe is the town clerk of waterford. mr. j. beebe is a member of the baptist church. mr. otis is a member of the congregational church. mr. morgan is a justice of the peace, and messrs. perkins and rogers are designated by their titles. all those gentlemen are citizens of waterford, connecticut. to whom it may concern. this may certify that mr. nehemiah caulkins, of waterford, in new london county, is a near neighbor to the subscriber, and has been for many years. i do consider him a man of _unquestionable veracity_ and certify that he is so considered by people to whom he is personally known. edward r. warren. _jan. th, ._ mr. warren is a commissioner (associate judge) of the county court, for new london county. this may certify that mr. nehemiah caulkins, of the town of waterford, county of new london, and state of connecticut, is a member of the first baptist church in said waterford, is in good standing, and is esteemed by us a man of truth and veracity. francis darrow, pastor of said church. _waterford, jan. th, ._ this may certify that nehemiah caulkins, of waterford, lives near me, and i always esteemed him, and believe him to be a man of truth and veracity. elisha beckwith. _jan. th, ._ mr. beckwith is a justice of the peace, a post master, and a deacon of the baptist church. mr. dwight p. jones, a member of the second congregational church in the city of new london, in a recent letter, says; "mr. caulkins is a member of the baptist church in waterford, and in every respect a very worthy citizen. i have labored with him in the sabbath school, and know him to be a man of active piety. the most _entire confidence_ may be placed in the truth of his statements. where he is known, no one will call them in question." we close these testimonials with an extract, of a letter from william bolles, esq., a well known and respected citizen of new london, ct. "mr. nehemiah caulkins resides in the town of waterford, about six miles from this city. his opportunities to acquire exact knowledge in relation to slavery, in that section of our country, to which his narrative is confined, have been very great. he is a carpenter, and was employed principally on the plantations, working at his trade, being thus almost constantly in the company of the slaves as well as of their masters. his full heart readily responded to the call, [for information relative to slavery,] for, as he expressed it, he had long desired that others might know what he had seen, being confident that a general knowledge of facts as they exist, would greatly promote the overthrow of the system. he is a man of undoubted character; and where known, his statements need no corroboration. yours, &c. william bolles." narrative of mr. caulkins. i feel it my duty to tell some things that i know about slavery, in order, if possible, to awaken more feeling at the north in behalf of the slave. the treatment of the slaves on the plantations where i had the greatest opportunity of getting knowledge, _was not so bad_ as that on some neighboring estates, where the owners were noted for their cruelty. there were, however, other estates in the vicinity, where the treatment was better; the slaves were better clothed and fed, were not worked so hard, and more attention was paid to their quarters. the scenes that i have witnessed are enough to harrow up the soul; but could the slave be permitted to tell the story of his sufferings, which no white man, not linked with slavery, _is allowed to know,_ the land would vomit out the horrible system, slaveholders and all, if they would not unclinch their grasp upon their defenceless victims. i spent eleven winters, between the years and , in the state of north carolina, mostly in the vicinity of wilmington; and four out of the eleven on the estate of mr. john swan, five or six miles from that place. there were on his plantation about seventy slaves, male and female: some were married, and others lived together as man and wife, without even a mock ceremony. with their owners generally, it is a matter of indifference; the marriage of slaves not being recognized by the slave code. the slaves, however, think much of being married by a clergyman. the cabins or huts of the slaves were small, and were built principally by the slaves themselves, as they could find time on sundays and moonlight nights; they went into the swamps, cut the logs, backed or hauled them to the quarters, and put up their cabins. when i first knew mr. swan's plantation, his overseer was a man who had been a methodist minister. he treated the slaves with great cruelty. his reason for leaving the ministry and becoming an overseer, as i was informed, was this: his wife died, at which providence he was so enraged, that he swore he would not preach for the lord another day. this man continued on the plantation about three years; at the close of which, on settlement of accounts, mr. swan owed him about $ , for which he turned him out a negro woman, and about twenty acres of land. he built a log hut, and took the woman to live with him; since which, i have been at his hut, and seen four or five mulatto children. he has been appointed _justice of the peace_, and his place as overseer was afterwards occupied by a mr. galloway. it is customary in that part of the country, to let the hogs run in the woods. on one occasion a slave caught a pig about two months old, which he carried to his quarters. the overseer, getting information of the fact, went to the field where he was at work, and ordered him to come to him. the slave at once suspected it was something about the pig, and fearing punishment, dropped his hoe and ran for the woods. he had got but a few rods, when the overseer raised his gun, loaded with duck shot, and brought him down. it is a common practice for overseers to go into the field armed with a gun or pistols, and sometimes both. he was taken up by the slaves and carried to the plantation hospital, and the physician sent for. a physician was employed by the year to take care of the sick or wounded slaves. in about six weeks this slave got better, and was able to come out of the hospital. he came to the mill where i was at work, and asked me to examine his body, which i did, and counted twenty-six duck shot still remaining in his flesh, though the doctor had removed a number while he was laid up. there was a slave on mr. swan's plantation, by the name of harry, who, during the absence of his master, ran away and secreted himself is the woods. this the slaves sometimes do, when the master is absent for several weeks, to escape the cruel treatment of the overseer. it is common for them to make preparations, by secreting a mortar, a hatchet, some cooking utensils, and whatever things they can get that will enable them to live while they are in the woods or swamps. harry staid about three months, and lived by robbing the rice grounds, and by such other means as came in his way. the slaves generally know where the runaway is secreted, and visit him at night and on sundays. on the return of his master, some of the slaves were sent for harry. when he came home, he was seized and confined in the stocks. the stocks were built in the barn, and consisted of two heavy pieces of timber, ten or more feet in length, and about seven inches wide; the lower one, on the floor, has a number of holes or places cut in it, for the ancles; the upper piece, being of the same dimensions, is fastened at one end by a hinge, and is brought down after the ancles are placed in the holes, and secured by a clasp and padlock at the other end. in this manner the person is left to sit on the floor. barry was kept in the stocks _day and night for a week_, and flogged _every morning_. after this, he was taken out one morning, a log chain fastened around his neck, the two ends dragging on the ground, and he sent to the field, to do his task with the other slaves. at night he was again put in the stocks, in the morning he was sent to the field in the same manner, and thus dragged out another week. the overseer was a very miserly fellow, and restricted his wife in what are considered the comforts of life--such as tea, sugar, &c. to make up for this, she set her wits to work, and, by the help of a slave, named joe, used to take from the plantation whatever she could conveniently, and watch her opportunity during her husband's absence, and send joe to sell them and buy for her such things as she directed. once when her husband was away, she told joe to kill and dress one of the pigs, sell it, and get her some tea, sugar, &c. joe did as he was bid, and she gave him the offal for his services. when galloway returned, not suspecting his wife, he asked her if she knew what had become of his pig. she told him she suspected one of the slaves, naming him, had stolen it, for she had heard a pig squeal the evening before. the overseer called the slave up, and charged him with the theft. he denied it, and said he knew nothing about it. the overseer still charged him with it, and told him he would give him one week to think of it, and if he did not confess the theft, or find out who did steal the pig, he would flog every negro on the plantation; before the week was up it was ascertained that joe had killed the pig. he was called up and questioned, and admitted that he had done so, and told the overseer that he did it by the order of mrs. galloway, and that she directed him to buy some sugar, &c. with the money. mrs. galloway gave joe the lie; and he was terribly flogged. joe told me he had been several times to the smoke-house with mrs. g, and taken hams and sold them, which her husband told me he supposed were stolen by the negroes on a neighboring plantation. mr. swan, hearing of the circumstance, told me he believed joe's story, but that his statement would not be taken as proof; and if every slave on the plantation told the same story it could not be received as evidence against a white person. to show the manner in which old and worn-out slaves are sometimes treated, i will state a fact. galloway owned a man about seventy years of age. the old man was sick and went to his hut; laid himself down on some straw with his feet to the fire, covered by a piece of an old blanket, and there lay four or five days, groaning in great distress, without any attention being paid him by his master, until death ended his miseries; he was then taken out and buried with as little ceremony and respect as would be paid to a brute. there is a practice prevalent among the planters, of letting a negro off from severe and long-continued punishment on account of the intercession of some white person, who pleads in his behalf, that he believes the negro will behave better, that he promises well, and he believes he will keep his promise, &c. the planters sometimes get tired of punishing a negro, and, wanting his services in the field, they get some white person to come, and, in the presence of the slave, intercede for him. at one time a negro, named charles, was confined in the stocks in the building where i was at work, and had been severely whipped several times. he begged me to intercede for him and try to get him released. i told him i would; and when his master came in to whip him again, i went up to him and told him i had been talking with charles, and he had promised to behave better, &c., and requested him not to punish him any more, but to let him go. he then said to charles, "as mr. caulkins has been pleading for you, i will let you go on his account;" and accordingly released him. women are generally shown some little indulgence for three or four weeks previous to childbirth; they are at such times not often punished if they do not finish the task assigned them; it is, in some cases, passed over with a severe reprimand, and sometimes without any notice being taken of it. they ate generally allowed four weeks after the birth of a child, before they are compelled to go into the field, they then take the child with them, attended sometimes by a little girl or boy, from the age of four to six, to take care of it while the mother is at work. when there is no child that can be spared, or not young enough for this service, the mother, after nursing, lays it under a tree, or by the side of a fence, and goes to her task, returning at stated intervals to nurse it. while i was on this plantation, a little negro girl, six years of age, destroyed the life of a child about two months old, which was left in her care. it seems this little nurse, so called, got tired of her charge and the labor of carrying it to the quarters at night, the mother being obliged to work as long as she could see. one evening she nursed the infant at sunset as usual, and sent it to the quarters. the little girl, on her way home, had to cross a run or brook, which led down into the swamp; when she came to the brook she followed it into the swamp, then took the infant and plunged it head foremost into the water and mud, where it stuck fast; she there left it and went to the negro quarters. when the mother came in from the field, she asked the girl where the child was; she told her she had brought it home, but did not know where it was; the overseer was immediately informed, search was made, and it was found as above stated, and dead. the little girl was shut up in the barn, and confined there two or three weeks, when a speculator came along and bought her for two hundred dollars. the slaves are obliged to work from daylight till dark, as long as they can see. when they have tasks assigned, which is often the case, a few of the strongest and most expert, sometimes finish them before sunset; others will be obliged to work till eight or nine o'clock in the evening. all must finish their tasks or take a flogging. the whip and gun, or pistol, are companions of the overseer; the former he uses very frequently upon the negroes, during their hours of labor, without regard to age or sex. scarcely a day passed while i was on the plantation, in which some of the slaves were not whipped; i do not mean that they were _struck a few blows_ merely, but had a _set flogging_. the same labor is commonly assigned to men and women,--such as digging ditches in the rice marshes, clearing up land, chopping cord-wood, threshing, &c. i have known the women go into the barn as soon as they could see in the morning, and work as late as they could see at night, threshing rice with the flail, (they now have a threshing machine,) and when they could see to thresh no longer, they had to gather up the rice, carry it up stairs, and deposit it in the granary. the allowance of clothing on this plantation to each slave, was given out at christmas for the year, and consisted of one pair of coarse shoes, and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. if the man has a wife she makes it up; if not, it is made up in the house. the slaves on this plantation, being near wilmington, procured themselves extra clothing by working sundays and moonlight nights, cutting cordwood in the swamps, which they had to back about a quarter of a mile to the ricer; they would then get a permit from their master, and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to wilmington, and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best could, and with the money buy an old jacket of the sailors, some coarse cloth for a shirt, &c. they sometimes gather the moss from the trees, which they cleanse and take to market. the women receive their allowance of the same kind of cloth which the men have. this they make into a frock; if they have any under garments _they must procure them for themselves_. when the slaves get a permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes make all ring again by singing the following significant ditty, which shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the human breast which for a while, at least, enables them to forget their wretchedness.[ ] hurra, for good ole massa, he giv me de pass to go to de city hurra, for good ole missis, she bile de pot, and giv me de licker. hurra, i'm goin to de city. [footnote : slaves sometimes sing, and so do convicts in jails under sentence, and both for the same reason. their singing proves that they _want_ to be happy not that they _are_ so. it is the _means_ that they use to make themselves happy, not the evidence that they are so already. sometimes, doubtless, the excitement of song whelms their misery in momentary oblivion. he who argues from this that they have no conscious misery to forget, knows as little of human nature as of slavery.--editor.] every saturday night the slaves receive their allowance of provisions, which must last them till the next saturday night. "potatoe time," as it is called, begins about the middle of july. the slave may measure for himself, the overseer being present, half a bushel of sweet potatoes, and heap the measure as long as they will lie on; i have, however, seen the overseer, if he think the negro is getting too many, kick the measure; and if any fall off tell him he has got his measure. no salt is furnished them to eat with their potatoes. when rice or corn is given, they give them a little salt; sometimes half a pint of molasses is given, but not often. the quantity of rice, which is of the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one peck. when corn is given them, their allowance is the same, and if they get it ground, (mr. swan had a mill on his plantation,) they must give one quart for grinding, thus reducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. when fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, one fish. as to meat, they seldom had any. i do not think they had an allowance of meat oftener than once in two or three months, and then the quantity was very small. when they went into the field to work, they took some of the meal or rice and a pot with them; the pots were given to an old woman, who placed two poles parallel, set the pots on them, and kindled a fire underneath for cooking; she took salt with her and seasoned the messes as she thought proper. when their breakfast was ready, which was generally about ten or eleven o'clock, they were called from labor, ate, and returned to work; in the afternoon, dinner was prepared in the same way. they had but two meals a day while in the field; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves after they returned to their quarters at night. at the time of killing hogs on the plantation, the pluck, entrails, and blood were given to the slaves. when i first went upon mr. swan's plantation, i saw a slave in shackles or fetters, which were fastened around each ankle and firmly riveted, connected together by a chain. to the middle of this chain he had fastened a string, so as in a manner to suspend them and keep them from galling his ankles. this slave, whose name was frank, was an intelligent, good looking man, and a very good mechanic. there was nothing vicious in his character, but he was one of those high-spirited and daring men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the means of cruelty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. mr. s. had employed a mr. beckwith to repair a boat, and told him frank was a good mechanic, and he might have his services. frank was sent for, his _shackles still on_. mr. beckwith set him to work making _trundels_, &c. i was employed in putting up a building, and after mr. beckwith had done with frank, he was sent for to assist me. mr. swan sent him to a blacksmith's shop and had his shackles cut off with a cold chisel. frank was afterwards sold to a cotton planter. i will relate one circumstance, which shows the little regard that is paid to the feelings of the slave. during the time that mr. isaiah rogers was superintending the building of a rice machine, one of the slaves complained of a severe toothache. swan asked mr. rogers to take his hammer and _knock out the tooth_. there was a slave on the plantation named ben, a waiting man. i occupied a room in the same hut, and had frequent conversations with him. ben was a kind-hearted man, and, i believe, a christian; he would always ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and was in the constant practice of praying morning and night.--one day when i was at the hut, ben was sent for to go to the house. ben sighed deeply and went. he soon returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom one of mr. swan's daughters had ordered him to flog. he brought her into the room where i was, and told her to stand there while he went into the next room: i heard him groan again as he went. while there i heard his voice, and he was engaged in prayer. after a few minutes he returned with a large cowhide, and stood before the girl, without saying a word. i concluded he wished me to leave the hut, which i did; and immediately after i heard the girl scream. at every blow she would shriek, "do, ben! oh do, ben!" this is a common expression of the slaves to the person whipping them: "do, massa!" or, "do, missus!" after she had gone, i asked ben what she was whipped for: he told me she had done something to displease her young missus; and in boxing her ears, and otherwise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a pin in the girl's dress, for which she sent her to be flogged. i asked him if he stripped her before flogging; he said, yes; he did not like to do this, but was _obliged_ to: he said he was once ordered to whip a woman, which he did without stripping her: on her return to the house, her mistress examined her back; and not seeing any marks, he was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped her: he replied that he had; she said she saw no marks, and asked him if he had made her pull her clothes off; he said, no. she then told him, that when he whipped any more of the women, he must make them strip off their clothes, as well as the men, and flog them on their bare backs, or he should be flogged himself. ben often appeared very gloomy and sad: i have frequently heard him, when in his room, mourning over his condition, and exclaim, "poor african slave! poor african slave!" whipping was so common an occurrence on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition to state the _many_ and _severe_ floggings i have seen inflicted on the slaves. they were flogged for not performing their tasks, for being careless, slow, or not in time, for going to the fire to warm, &c. &c.; and it often seemed as if occasions were sought as an excuse for punishing them. on one occasion, i heard the overseer charge the hands to be at a certain place the next morning at sun-rise. i was present in the morning, in company with my brother, when the hands arrived. joe, the slave already spoken of, came running, all out of breath, about five minutes behind the time, when, without asking any questions, the overseer told him to take off his jacket. joe took off his jacket. he had on a piece of a shirt; he told him to take it off: joe took it off: he then whipped him with a heavy cowhide full six feet long. at every stroke joe would spring from the ground, and scream, "o my god! do, massa galloway!" my brother was so exasperated; that he turned to me and said, "if i were joe, i would kill the overseer if i knew i should be shot the next minute." in the winter the horn blew at about four in the morning, and all the threshers were required to be at the threshing floor in fifteen minutes after. they had to go about a quarter of a mile from their quarters. galloway would stand near the entrance, and all who did not come in time would get a blow over the back or head as heavy as he could strike. i have seen him, at such times, follow after them, striking furiously a number of blows, and every one followed by their screams. i have seen the women go to their work after such a flogging, crying and taking on most piteously. it is almost impossible to believe that human nature can endure such hardships and sufferings as the slaves have to go through: i have seen them driven into a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in order to put down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and there stand in the water among the ice until it was bailed out. i have _often_ known the hands to be taken from the field, sent down the river in flats or boats to wilmington, absent from twenty-four to thirty hours, _without any thing to eat,_ no provision being made for these occasions. galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of the slaves were sick, he could give it to them without sending for the physician; but he always kept a good look out that they did not sham sickness. when any of them excited his suspicions, he would make them take the medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap on the top of the head, to make them swallow it. a man once came to him, of whom he said he was suspicious: he gave him two potions of salts, and fastened him in the stocks for the night. his medicine soon began to operate; and _there he lay in all his filth till he was taken out the next day._ one day, mr. swan beat a slave severely, for alleged carelessness in letting a boat get adrift. the slave was told to secure the boat: whether he took sufficient means for this purpose i do not know; he was not allowed to make any defence. mr. swan called him up, and asked why he did not secure the boat: he pulled off his hat and began to tell his story. swan told him he was a damned liar, and commenced beating him over the head with a hickory cane, and the slave retreated backwards; swan followed him about two rods, threshing him over the head with the hickory as he went. as i was one day standing near some slaves who were threshing, the driver, thinking one of the women did not use her flail quick enough, struck her over the head: the end of the whip hit her in the eye. i thought at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and doctoring for some days, she recovered. speaking to him about it, he said that he once struck a slave so as to put one of her eyes entirely out. a patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave found off the plantation without a pass is whipped on the spot. i knew a slave who started without a pass, one night, for a neighboring plantation, to see his wife: he was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. he stated his business to the patrol, who was well acquainted with him but all to no purpose. i spoke to the patrol about it afterwards: he said he knew the negro, that he was a very clever fellow, but he had to whip him; for, if he let him pass, he must another, &c. he stated that he had sometimes caught and flogged four in a night. in conversation with mr. swan about runaway slaves, he stated to me the following fact:--a slave, by the name of luke, was owned in wilmington; he was sold to a speculator and carried to georgia. after an absence of about two months the slave returned; he watched an opportunity to enter his old master's house when the family were absent, no one being at home but a young waiting man. luke went to the room where his master kept his arms; took his gun, with some ammunition, and went into the woods. on the return of his master, the waiting man told him what had been done: this threw him into a violent passion; he swore he would kill luke, or lose his own life. he loaded another gun, took two men, and made search, but could not find him: he then advertised him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or lodged in jail. his neighbors, however, advised him to offer a reward of two hundred dollars for him _dead or alive_, which he did. nothing however was heard of him for some months. mr. swan said, one of his slaves ran away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return he said he had found luke, and that he had a rifle, two pistols, and a sword. i left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the north; when i went out again, the next fall, i asked mr. swan if any thing had been heard of luke; he said he was _shot_, and related to me the manner of his death, as follows:--luke went to one of the plantations, and entered a hut for something to eat. being fatigued, he sat down and fell asleep. there was only a woman in the hut at the time: as soon as she found he was asleep, she ran and told her master, who took his rifle, and called two white men on another plantation: the three, with their rifles, then went to the hut, and posted themselves in different positions, so that they could watch the door. when luke waked up he went to the door to look out, and saw them with their rifles, he stepped back and raised his gun to his face. they called to him to surrender; and stated that they had him in their power, and said he had better give up. he said he would not: and if they tried to take him, he would kill one of them; for, if he gave up, he knew they would kill him, and he was determined to sell his life as dear as he could. they told him, if he should shoot one of them, the other two would certainly kill him: he replied, he was determined not to give up, and kept his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle was turned toward one, another, standing in a different direction, shot him through the head, and he fell lifeless to the ground. there was another slave shot while i was there; this man had run away, and had been living in the woods a long time, and it was not known where he was, till one day he was discovered by two men, who went on the large island near belvidere to hunt turkeys; they shot him and carried his head home. it is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pursue and catch runaway slaves. i was once bitten by one of them. i went to the overseer's house, the dog lay in the piazza, as soon as i put my foot upon the floor, he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not severely; he tore my pantaloons badly. the overseer apologized for his dog, saying he never knew him to bite a _white_ man before. he said he once had a dog, when he lived on another plantation, that was very useful to him in hunting runaway negroes. he said that a slave on the plantation once ran away; as soon as he found the course he took, he put the dog on the track, and he soon came so close upon him that the man had to climb a tree, he followed with his gun, and brought the slave home. the slaves have a great dread of being sold and carried south. it is generally said, and i have no doubt of its truth, that they are much worse treated farther south. the following are a few among the many facts related to me while i lived among the slaveholder. the names of the planters and plantations, i shall not give, _as they did not come under my own observation_. i however place the fullest confidence in their truth. a planter not far from mr. swan's employed an overseer to whom he paid $ a year; he became dissatisfied with him, because he did not drive the slaves hard enough, and get more work out of them. he therefore sent to south carolina, or georgia, and got a man to whom he paid i believe $ a year. he proved to be a cruel fellow, and drove the slaves almost to death. there was a slave on this plantation, who had repeatedly run away, and had been severely flogged every time. the last time he was caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried up to the chin, his arms being secured down by his sides. he was kept in this situation four or five days. the following was told me by an intimate friend; it took place on a plantation containing about one hundred slaves. one day the owner ordered the women into the barn, he then went in among them, whip in hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they began immediately to cry out "what have i done massa? what have i done massa?" he replied; "d--n you, i will let you know what you have done, you don't breed, i haven't had a young one from one of you for several months." they told him they could not breed while they had to work in the rice ditches. (the rice grounds are low and marshy, and have to be drained, and while digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to work in mud and water from one to two feet in depth; they were obliged to draw up and secure their frocks about their waist, to keep them out of the water, in this manner they frequently had to work from daylight in the morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) after swearing and threatening for some time, he told them to tell the overseer's wife, when they got in that way, and he would put them upon the land to work. this same planter had a female slave who was a member of the methodist church; for a slave she was intelligent and conscientious. he proposed a criminal intercourse with her. she would not comply. he left her and sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flogged. it was done. not long after, he renewed his proposal. she again refused. she was again whipped. he then told her why she had been twice flogged, and told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. the girl, seeing that her case was hopeless, her back smarting with the scourging she had received, and dreading a repetition, gave herself up to be the victim of his brutal lusts. one of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to a child which lived but two or three weeks. after its death the planter called the woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die; said it was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for it. she told, him with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances of its death. but her story availed her nothing against the savage brutality of her master. she was severely whipped. a healthy child four months old was then considered worth $ in north carolina. the foregoing facts were related to me by white persons of character and respectability. the following fact was related to me on a plantation where i have spent considerable time and where the punishment was inflicted. i have no doubt of its truth. a slave ran away from his master, and got as far as newbern. he took provisions that lasted him a week; but having eaten all, he went to a house to get something to satisfy his hunger. a white man suspecting him to be a runaway, demanded his pass; as he had none he was seized and put in newbern jail. he was there advertised, his description given, &c. his master saw the advertisement and sent for him; when he was brought back, his wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. a stick was then passed over his arms and under his knees, and he secured in this manner, his trowsers were then stripped down, and he turned over on his side, and severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over and severely beaten on the other side, and then turned back again, and tortured by another bruising and beating. he was afterwards kept in the stocks a week, and whipped every morning. to show the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how it covers with moral filth every thing it touches, i will state two or three facts, which i have on such evidence i cannot doubt their truth. a planter offered a white man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of his female slaves, whom he would get in the family way. this offer was no doubt made for the purpose of improving the stock, on the same principle that farmers endeavour to improve their cattle by crossing the breed. slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city, often hire their own time, for which they pay various prices per week or month, according to the capacity of the slave. the females who thus hire their time, pursue various modes to procure the money; their masters making no inquiry how they get it, provided the money comes. if it is not regularly paid they are flogged. some take in washing, some cook on board vessels, pick oakum, sell peanuts, &c., while others, younger and more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. i knew a man from the north who, though married to a respectable southern woman, kept two of these mulatto girls in an upper room at his store; his wife told some of her friends that he had not lodged at home for two weeks together, i have seen these two _kept misses_, as they are there called, at his store; he was afterwards stabbed in an attempt to arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten days. the clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting influence of slavery, and their moral courage is borne down by it. not the hypocritical and unprincipled alone, but even such as can hardly be supposed to be destitute of sincerity. going one morning to the baptist sunday school, in wilmington, in which i was engaged, i fell in with the rev. thomas p. hunt, who was going to the presbyterian school. i asked him how he could bear to see the little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and running about the streets, as we then saw them, their moral condition entirely neglected, while the whites were so carefully gathered into the schools. his reply was substantially this:--"i can't bear it, mr. caulkins. i feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what can i do? my hands are tied." now, if mr. hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as a servant of him who never failed to rebuke sin in high places, what shall be said of those clergymen at the north, where the power that closed his mouth is comparatively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how god abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouth on this subject, but to denounce the friends of emancipation, thus giving the strongest support to the accursed system of slavery. i believe mr. hunt has since become an agent of the temperance society. in stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to show the practical workings of the system of slavery, and if possible to correct the misapprehension on this subject, so common at the north. in doing this i am not at war with slave-holders. no, my soul is moved for them as well as for the poor slaves. may god send them repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth! principle, on a subject of this nature, is dearer to me than the applause of men, and should not be sacrificed on any subject, even though the ties of friendship may be broken. we have too long been silent on this subject, the slave has been too much considered, by our northern states, as being kept by necessity in his present condition.--were we to ask, in the language of pilate, "what evil have they done"--we may search their history, we cannot find that they have taken up arms against our government, nor insulted us as a nation--that they are thus compelled to drag out a life in chains! subjected to the most terrible inflictions if in any way they manifest a wish to be released.--let us reverse the question. what evil has been done to them by those who call themselves masters? first let us look at their persons, "neither clothed nor naked"--i have seen instances where this phrase would not apply to boys and girls, and that too in winter. i knew one young man seventeen years of age, by the name of dave, on mr. j. swan's plantation, worked day after day in the rice machine as naked as when he was born. the reason of his being so, his master said in my hearing, was, that he could not keep clothes on him--he would get into the fire and burn them off. follow them next to their huts; some with and some without floors:--go at night, view their means of lodging, see them lying on benches, some on the floor or ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the night:--others, of younger age, with a bare blanket wrapped about them; and one or two lying in the ashes. these things _i have often seen with my own eyes._ examine their means of subsistence, which consists generally of seven quarts of meal or eight quarts of small rice for one week; then follow them to their work, with driver and overseer pushing them to the utmost of their strength, by threatening and whipping. if they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their huts, as i have often been, and see them groaning under a burning fever or pleurisy, lying on some straw, their feet to the fire with barely a blanket to cover them; or on some boards nailed together in form of a bedstead. and after seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their sufferings, need i ask, is there any evil connected with their condition? and if so; upon whom is it to be charged? i answer for myself, and the reader can do the same. our government stands first chargeable for allowing slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. second, the states for enacting laws to secure their victim. third, the slaveholder for carrying out such enactments, in horrid form enough to chill the blood. fourth, every person who knows what slavery is, and does not raise his voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives consent to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the sight of god. "the blood of zacharias who was slain between the temple and altar," says christ, "will i require of this generation." look at the slave, his condition but little, if at all, better than that of the brute; chained down by the law, and the will of his master; and every avenue closed against relief; and the names of those who plead for him, cast out as evil;--must not humanity let its voice be heard, and tell israel their transgressions and judah their sins? may god look upon their afflictions, and deliver them from their cruel task-masters! i verily believe he will, if there be any efficacy in prayer. i have been to their prayer meetings and with them offered prayer in their behalf. i have heard some of them in their huts before day-light praying in their simple broken language, telling their heavenly father of their trials in the following and similar language. "fader in heaven, look upon de poor slave, dat have to work all de day long, dat cant have de time to pray only in de night, and den massa mus not know it.[ ] fader, have mercy on massa and missus. fader, when shall poor slave get through de world! when will death come, and de poor slave go to heaven;" and in their meetings they frequently add, "fader, bless de white man dat come to hear de slave pray, bless his family," and so on. they uniformly begin their meetings by singing the following-- "and are we yet alive to see each other's face," &c. [footnote : at this time there was some fear of insurrection and the slaves were forbidden to hold meetings.] is the ear of the most high deaf to the prayer of the slave? i do firmly believe that their deliverance will come, and that the prayer of this poor afflicted people will be answered. emancipation would be safe. i have had eleven winters to learn the disposition of the slaves, and am satisfied that they would peaceably and cheerfully work for pay. give them education, equal and just laws, and they will become a most interesting people. oh, let a cry be raised which shall awaken the conscience of this guilty nation, to demand for the slaves immediate and unconditional emancipation. nehemiah caulkins. * * * * * narrative and testimony of rev. horace moulton. mr. moulton is an esteemed minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, mass. he spent five years in georgia, between and . the following communication has been recently received from him. marlborough, mass., feb. , . dear brother-- yours of feb. d, requesting me to write out a few facts on the subject of slavery, as it exists at the south, has come to hand. i hasten to comply with your request. were it not, however, for the claims of those "who are drawn unto death," and the responsibility resting upon me, in consequence of this request, i should forever hold my peace. for i well know that i shall bring upon myself a flood of persecution, for attempting to speak out for the dumb. but i am willing to be set at nought by men, if i can be the means of promoting the welfare of the oppressed of our land. i shall not relate many particular cases of cruelty, though i might a great number; but shall give some general information as to their mode of treatment, their food, clothing, dwellings, deprivations, &c. let me say, in the first place, that i spent nearly five years in savannah, georgia, and in its vicinity, between the years and . my object in going to the south, was to engage in making and burning brick; but not immediately succeeding, i engaged in no business of much profit until late in the winter, when i took charge of a set of hands and went to work. during my leisure, however, i was an observer, at the auctions, upon the plantations, and in almost every department of business. the next year, during the cold months, i had several two-horse teams under my care, with which we used to haul brick, boards, and other articles from the wharf into the city, and cotton, rice, corn, and wood from the country. this gave me an extensive acquaintance with merchants, mechanics and planters. i had slaves under my control some portions of every year when at the south. all the brick-yards, except one, on which i was engaged, were connected either with a corn field, potatoe patch, rice field, cotton field, tan-works, or with a wood lot. my business, usually, was to take charge of the brick-making department. at those jobs i have sometimes taken in charge both the field and brick-yard hands. i have been on the plantations in south carolina, but have never been an overseer of slaves in that state, as has been said in the public papers. i think the above facts and explanations are necessary to be connected with the account i may give of slavery, that the reader may have some knowledge of my acquaintance with _practical_ slavery: for many mechanics and merchants who go to the south, and stay there for years, know but little of the dark side of slavery. my account of slavery will apply to _field hands_, who compose much the largest portion of the black population, (probably nine-tenths,) and not to those who are kept for kitchen maids, nurses, waiters, &c., about the houses of the planters and public hotels, where persons from the north obtain most of their knowledge of the evils of slavery. i will now proceed to take up specific points. the labor of the slaves males and females work together promiscuously on all the plantations. on many plantations _tasks_ are given them. the best working hands can have some leisure time; but the feeble and unskilful ones, together with slender females, have indeed a hard time of it, and very often answer for non-performance of tasks at the _whipping-posts_. none who worked with me had tasks at any time. the rule was to work them from sun to sun. but when i was burning brick, they were obliged to take turns, and _sit up all night_ about every other night, and work all day. on one plantation, where i spent a few weeks, the slaves were called up to work long before daylight, when business pressed, and worked until late at night; and sometimes some of them _all night_. a large portion of the slaves are owned by masters who keep them on purpose to hire out--and they usually let them to those who will give the highest wages for them, irrespective of their mode of treatment; and those who hire them, will of course try to get the greatest possible amount of work performed, with the least possible expense. women are seen bringing their infants into the field to their work, and leading others who are not old enough to stay at the cabins with safety. when they get there, they must set them down in the dirt and go to work. sometimes they are left to cry until they fall asleep. others are left at home, shut up in their huts. now, is it not barbarous, that the mother, with her child of children around her, half starved, must be whipped at night if she does not perform her task? but so it is. some who have very young ones, fix a little sack, and place the infants on their backs, and work. one reason, i presume is, that they will not cry so much when they can hear their mother's voice. another is, the mothers fear that the poisonous vipers and snakes will bite them. truly, i never knew any place where the land is so infested with all kinds of the most venomous snakes, as in the low lands round about savannah. the moccasin snakes, so called, and water rattle-snakes--the bites of both of which are as poisonous as our upland rattlesnakes at the north,--are found in myriads about the stagnant waters and swamps of the south. the females, in order to secure their infants from these poisonous snakes, do, as i have said, often work with their infants on their backs. females are sometimes called to take the hardest part of the work. on some brick yards where i have been, the women have been selected as the _moulders_ of brick, instead of the men. ii. the food of the slaves. it was a general custom, wherever i have been, for the masters to give each of his slaves, male and female, _one peck of corn per week_ for their food. this at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that it was worth when i was there, would amount to twelve and a half cents per week for board per head. it cost me upon an average, when at the south, one dollar per day for board. the price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. this would make my board equal in amount to the board of _forty-six slaves!_ this is all that good or bad masters allow their slaves round about savannah on the plantations. one peck of gourd-seed corn is to be measured out to each slave once every week. one man with whom i labored, however, being desirous to get all the work out of his hands he could, before i left, (about fifty in number,) bought for them every week, or twice a week, a beef's head from market. with this, they made a soup in a large iron kettle, around which the hands came at meal-time, and dipping out the soup, would mix it with their hommony, and eat it as though it were a feast. this man permitted his slaves to eat twice a day while i was doing a job for him. he promised me a beaver hat and as good a suit of clothes as could be bought in the city, if i would accomplish so much for him before i returned to the north; giving me the entire control over his slaves. thus you may see the temptations overseers sometimes have, to get all the work they can out of the poor slaves. the above is an exception to the general rule of feeding. for in all other places where i worked and visited; the slaves had _nothing from their masters but the corn_, or its equivalent in potatoes or rice, and to this, they were not permitted to come but _once a day_. the custom was to blow the horn early in the morning, as a signal for the hands to rise and go to work, when commenced; they continued work until about eleven o'clock, a.m., when, at the signal, all hands left off and went into their huts, made their fires, made their corn-meal into hommony or cake, ate it, and went to work again at the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their tasks were done. some cooked their breakfast in the field while at work. each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has done his work at night. there is generally one hand-mill on every plantation for the use of the slaves. some of the planters have no corn, others often get out. the substitute for it is, the equivalent of one peek of corn either in rice or sweet potatoes; neither of which is as good for the slaves as corn. they complain more of being faint, when fed on rice or potatoes, than when fed on corn. i was with one man a few weeks who gave me his hands to do a job of work, and to save time one cooked for all the rest. the following course was taken,--two crotched sticks were driven down at one end of the yard, and a small pole being laid on the crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on the middle of the pole; then made up a fire under the kettle and boiled the hommony; when ready, the hands were called around this kettle with their wooden plates and spoons. they dipped out and ate standing around the kettle, or sitting upon the ground, as best suited their convenience. when they had potatoes they took them out with their hands, and ate them. as soon as it was thought they had had sufficient time to swallow their food they were called to their work again. _this was the only meal they ate through the day._ now think of the little, almost naked and half starved children, nibbling upon a piece of cold indian cake, or a potato! think of the poor female, just ready to be confined, without any thing that can be called convenient or comfortable! think of the old toil-worn father and mother, without anything to eat but the coarsest of food, and not half enough of that! then think of _home_. when sick, their physicians are their masters and overseers, in most cases, whose skill consists in bleeding and in administering large potions of epsom salts, when the whip and _cursing_ will not start them from their cabins. iii. houses. the huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. they are not as good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside railroads. they are erected with posts and crotches, with but little or no frame-work about them. they have no stoves or chimneys; some of them have something like a fireplace at one end, and a board or two off at that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke. others have nothing like a fireplace in them; in these the fire is sometimes made in the middle of the hut. these buildings have but one apartment in them; the places where they pass in and out, serve both for doors and windows; the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and in many instances with refuse boards. in warm weather, especially in the spring, the slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive away the gnats and musketoes, which are very troublesome in all the low country of the south; so much so that the whites sleep under frames with nets over them, knit so fine that the musketoes cannot fly through them. some of the slaves have rugs to cover them in the coldest weather, but i should think _more have not_. during driving storms they frequently have to run from one hut to another for shelter. in the coldest weather, where they can get wood or stumps, they keep up fires all night in their huts, and lay around them, with their feet towards the blaze. men, women and children all lie down together, in most instances. there may be exceptions to the above statements in regard to their houses, but so far as my observations have extended, i have given a fair description, and i have been on a large number of plantations in georgia and south carolina up and down the savannah river. their huts are generally built compactly on the plantations, forming villages of huts, their size proportioned to the number of slaves on them. in these miserable huts the poor blacks are herded at night like swine, _without any conveniences of beadsteads, tables or chairs._ o misery to the full! to see the aged sire beating off the swarms of gnats and musketoes in the warm weather, and shivering in the straw, or bending over a few coals in the winter, clothed in rags. i should think males and females, both lie down at night with their working clothes on them. god alone knows how much the poor slaves suffer for the want of convenient houses to secure them from the piercing winds and howling storms of winter, almost as much in georgia as i do in massachusetts. iv. clothing. the masters [in georgia] make a practice of getting two suits of clothes for each slave per year, a thick suit for winter, and a thin one for summer. they provide also one pair of northern made sale shoes for each slave in _winter_. these shoes usually begin to rip in a few weeks. the negroes' mode of mending them is, to _wire_ them together, in many instances. do our northern shoemakers know that they are augmenting the sufferings of the poor slaves with their almost good for nothing sale shoes? inasmuch as it is done unto one of those poor sufferers it is done unto our saviour. the above practice of clothing the slave is customary to some extent. how many, however, fail of this, god only knows. the children and old slaves are, i should think, _exceptions_ to the above rule. the males and females have their suits from the same cloth for their winter dresses. these winter garments appear to be made of a mixture of cotton and wool, very coarse and _sleazy_. the whole suit for the men consists of a pair of pantaloons and a short sailor-jacket, _without shirt, vest, hat, stockings, or any kind of loose garments!_ these, if worn steadily when at work, would not probably last more than one or two months; therefore, for the sake of saving them, many of them work, especially in the summer, with no clothing on them except a cloth tied round their waist, and _almost all_ with nothing more on them than pantaloons, and these frequently so torn that they do not serve the purposes of common decency. the women have for clothing a short petticoat, and a short loose gown, something like the male's sailor-jacket, _without any under garment, stockings, bonnets, hoods, caps, or any kind of over-clothes._ when at work in the warm weather, they usually strip off the loose gown, and have nothing on but a short petticoat with some kind of covering over their breasts. many children may be seen in the summer months _as naked as they came into the world_. i think, as a whole, they suffer more for the want of comfortable bed clothes, than they do for wearing apparel. it is true, that some by begging or buying have more clothes than above described, but the _masters provide them with no more_. they are miserable objects of pity. it may be said of many of them, "i was _naked_ and ye clothed me not." it is enough to melt the hardest heart to see the ragged mothers nursing their almost naked children, with but a morsel of the coarsest food to eat. the southern horses and dogs have enough to eat and good care taken of them, but southern negroes, who can describe their misery? v. punishments. the ordinary mode of punishing the slaves is both cruel and barbarous. the masters seldom, if ever, try to govern their slaves by moral influence, but by whipping, kicking, beating, starving, branding, _cat-hauling_, loading with irons, imprisoning, or by some other cruel mode of torturing. they often boast of having invented some new mode of torture, by which they have "tamed the rascals," what is called a moderate flogging at the south is horribly cruel. should we whip our horses for any offence as they whip their slaves for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law. the masters whip for the smallest offences, such as not performing their tasks, being caught by the guard or patrol by night, or for taking any thing from the master's yard without leave. for these, and the like crimes, the slaves are whipped thirty-nine lashes, and sometimes seventy or a hundred, on the bare back. one slave, who was under my care, was whipped, i think one hundred lashes, for getting a small handful of wood from his master's yard without leave. i heard an overseer boasting to this same master that he gave one of the boys seventy lashes, for not doing a job of work just as he thought it ought to be done. the owner of the slave appeared to be pleased that the overseer had been so faithful. the apology they make for whipping so cruelly is, that it is to frighten the rest of the gang. the masters say, that what we call an ordinary flogging will not subdue the slaves; hence the most cruel and barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by man are daily and _hourly_ inflicted upon the naked bodies of these miserable bondmen; not by masters and negro-drivers only, but by the constables in the common markets and jailors in their yards. when the slaves are whipped, either in public or private, they have their hands fastened by the wrists, with a rope or cord prepared for the purpose: this being thrown over a beam, a limb of a tree, or something else, the culprit is drawn up and stretched by the arms as high as possible, without raising his feet from the ground or floor: and sometimes they are made to stand on tip-toe; then the feet are made fast to something prepared for them. in this distorted posture the monster flies at them, sometimes in great rage, with his implements of torture, and cuts on with all his might, over the shoulders, under the arms, and sometimes over the head and ears, or on parts of the body where he can inflict the greatest torment. occasionally the whipper, especially if his victim does not beg enough to suit him, while under the lash, will fly into a passion, uttering the most horrid oaths; while the victim of his rage is crying, at every stroke, "lord have mercy! lord have mercy!" the scenes exhibited at the whipping post are awfully terrific and frightful to one whose heart has not turned to stone; i never could look on but a moment. while under the lash, the bleeding victim writhes in agony, convulsed with torture. thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, which tear the skin at almost every stroke, is what the south calls a very _moderate punishment!_ many masters whip until they are tired--until the back is a gore of blood--then rest upon it: after a short cessation, get up and go at it again; and after having satiated their revenge in the blood of their victims, they sometimes _leave them tied, for hours together, bleeding at every wound_.--sometimes, after being whipped, they are bathed with a brine of salt and water. now and then a master, but more frequently a mistress who has no husband, will send them to jail a few days, giving orders to have them whipped, so many lashes, once or twice a day. sometimes, after being whipped, some have been shut up in a dark place and deprived of food, in order to increase their torments: and i have heard of some who have, in such circumstances, died of their wounds and starvation. such scenes of horror as above described are so common in georgia that they attract no attention. to threaten them with death, with breaking in their teeth or jaws, or cracking their heads, is _common talk_, when scolding at the slaves.--those who run away from their masters and are caught again generally fare the worst. they are generally lodged in jail, with instructions from the owner to have them cruelly whipped. some order the constables to whip them publicly in the market. constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men. they have become so accustomed to catching and whipping negroes, that they are as fierce as tigers. slaves who are absent from their yards, or plantations, after eight o'clock p.m., and are taken by the guard in the cities, or by the patrols in the country, are, if not called for before nine o'clock a.m. the next day, secured in prisons; and hardly ever escape, until their backs are torn up by the cowhide. on plantations, the _evenings_ usually present scenes of horror. those slaves against whom charges are preferred for not having performed their tasks, and for various faults, must, after work-hours at night, undergo their torments. i have often heard the sound of the lash, the curses of the whipper, and the cries of the poor negro rending the air, late in the evening, and long before day-light in the morning. it is very common for masters to say to the overseers or drivers, "put it on to them," "don't spare that fellow," "give that scoundrel one hundred lashes," &c. whipping the women when in delicate circumstances, as they sometimes do, without any regard to their entreaties or the entreaties of their nearest friends, is truly barbarous. if negroes could testify, they would tell you of instances of women being whipped until they have miscarried at the whipping-post. i heard of such things at the south--they are undoubtedly facts. children are whipped unmercifully for the smallest offences, and that before their mothers. a large proportion of the blacks have their shoulders, backs, and arms all scarred up, and not a few of them have had their heads laid open with clubs, stones, and brick-bats, and with the butt-end of whips and canes--some have had their jaws broken, others their teeth knocked in or out; while others have had their ears cropped and the sides of their cheeks gashed out. some of the poor creatures have lost the sight of one of their eyes by the careless blows of the whipper, or by some other violence. but punishing of slaves as above described, is not the only mode of torture. some tie them up in a very uneasy posture, where they must stand _all night_, and they will then work them hard all day--that is, work them hard all day and torment them all night. others punish by fastening them down on a log, or something else, and strike them on the bare skin with a board paddle full of holes. this breaks the skin, i should presume, at every hole where it comes in contact with it. others, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, _cat-haul_ them--that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by the hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied. this kind of punishment poisons the flesh much worse than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave. some are branded by a hot iron, others have their flesh cut out in large gashes, to mark them. some who are prone to run away, have iron fetters riveted around their ancles, sometimes they are put only on one foot, and are dragged on the ground. others have on large iron collars or yokes upon their necks, or clogs riveted upon their wrists or ancles. some have bells put upon them, hung upon a sort of frame to an iron collar. some masters fly into a rage at trifles and knock down their negroes with their fists, or with the first thing that they can get hold of. the whiplash-knots, or rawhide, have sometimes by a reckless stroke reached round to the front of the body and cut through to the bowels. one slaveholder with whom i lived, whipped one of his slaves one day, as many, i should think, as one hundred lashes, and then turned the _butt-end_ and went to beating him over the head and ears, and truly i was amazed that the slave was not killed on the spot. not a few slaveholders whip their slaves to death, and then say that they died under a "moderate correction." i wonder that ten are not killed where one is! were they not much hardier than the whites many more of them must die than do. one young mulatto man, with whom i was well acquainted, was killed by his master in his yard with _impunity_. i boarded at the same time near the place where this glaring murder was committed, and knew the master well. he had a plantation, on which he enacted, almost daily, cruel barbarities, some of them, i was informed, more terrific, if possible, than death itself. little notice was taken of this murder, and it all passed off without any action being taken against the murderer. the masters used to try to make me whip their negroes. they said i could not get along with them without flogging them--but i found i could get along better with them by coaxing and encouraging them than by beating and flogging them. i had not a heart to beat and kick about those beings; although i had not grace in my heart the three first years i was there, yet i sympathised with the slaves. i never was guilty of having but one whipped, and he was whipped but eight or nine blows. the circumstances were as follows: several negroes were put under my care, one spring, _who were fresh from congo and guinea_. i could not understand them, neither could they me, in one word i spoke. i therefore pointed to them to go to work; all obeyed me willingly but one--he refused. i told the driver that he must tie him up and whip him. after he had tied him, by the help of some others, we struck him eight or nine blows, and he yielded. i told the driver not to strike him another blow. we untied him, and he went to work, and continued faithful all the time he was with me. this one was not a sample, however--many of them have such exalted views of freedom that it is hard work for the masters to whip them into brutes, that is to subdue their noble spirits. the negroes being put under my care, did not prevent the masters from whipping them when they pleased. but they never whipped much in my presence. this work was usually left until i had dismissed the hands. on the plantations, the masters chose to have the slaves whipped in the presence of all the hands, to strike them with terror. vi. runaways numbers of poor slaves run away from their masters; some of whom doubtless perish in the swamps and other secret places, rather than return back again to their masters; others stay away until they almost famish with hunger, and then return home rather than die, while others who abscond are caught by the negro-hunters, in various ways. sometimes the master will hire some of his most trusty negroes to secure any stray negroes, who come on to their plantations, for many come at night to beg food of their friends on the plantations. the slaves assist one another usually when they can, and not be found out in it. the master can now and then, however, get some of his hands to betray the runaways. some obtain their living in hunting after lost slaves. the most common way is to train up young dogs to follow them. this can easily be done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods, and climb a tree, and then put the young dog on his track, and with a little assistance he can be taught to follow him to the tree, and when found, of course the dog would bark at such game as a poor negro on a tree. there was a man living in savannah when i was there, who kept a large number of dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway negroes. and he always had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of runaways are never found, but could he get news soon after one had fled, he was almost sure to catch him. and this fear of the dogs restrains multitudes from running off. when he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone several days, he took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and followed by the dogs. the dogs were as true to the track of a negro, if one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when he has found it. when the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must turn and fight them or climb a tree. if the latter, the dogs will stay and bark until the pursuer come. the blacks frequently deceive the dogs by crossing and recrossing the creeks. should the hunters who have no dogs, start a slave from his hiding place, and the slave not stop at the hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would at a deer. some masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or alive. it undoubtedly gives such more satisfaction to know that their property is dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to get it. some slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. i will mention one. he run off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a weapon with him he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs; but was afterwards shot. he had declared, that he never would be taken alive. the people rejoiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the death of the dogs, they were such ravenous hunters. poor fellow, he fought for life and liberty like a hero; but the bullets brought him down. a negro can hardly walk unmolested at the south.--every colored stranger that walks the streets is suspected of being a runaway slave, hence he must be interrogated by every negro hater whom he meets, and should he not have a pass, he must be arrested and hurried off to jail. some masters boast that their slaves would not be free if they could. how little they know of their slaves! they are all sighing and groaning for freedom. may god hasten the time! vii. confinement at night. when the slaves have done their day's work, they must be herded together like sheep in their yards, or on their plantations. they have not as much liberty as northern men have, who are sent to jail for debt, for they have liberty to walk a larger yard than the slaves have. the slaves must all be at their homes precisely at eight o'clock, p.m. at this hour the drums beat in the cities, as a signal for every slave to be in his den. in the country, the signal is given by firing guns, or some other way by which they may know the hour when to be at home. after this hour, the guard in the cities, and patrols in the country, being well armed, are on duty until daylight in the morning. if they catch any negroes during the night without a pass, they are immediately seized and hurried away to the guard-house, or if in the country to some place of confinement, where they are kept until nine o'clock, a.m., the next day, if not called for by that time, they are hurried off to jail, and there remain until called for by their master and his jail and guard house fees paid. the guards and patrols receive one dollar extra for every one they can catch, who has not a pass from his master, or overseer, but few masters will give their slaves passes to be out at night unless on some special business: notwithstanding, many venture out, watching every step they take for the guard or patrol, the consequence is, some are caught almost every night, and some nights many are taken; some, fleeing after being hailed by the watch, are shot down in attempting their escape, others are crippled for life. i find i shall not be able to write out more at present. my ministerial duties are pressing, and if i delay this till the next mail, i fear it will not be in season. your brother for those who are in bonds, horace moulton * * * * * narrative and testimony of sarah m. grimkÉ. miss grimké is a daughter of the late judge grimké, of the supreme court of south carolina, and sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimké. as i left my native state on account of slavery, and deserted the home of my fathers to escape the sound of the lash and the shrieks of tortured victims, i would gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of those scenes with which i have been familiar; but this may not, cannot be; they come over my memory like gory spectres, and implore me with resistless power, in the name of a god of mercy, in the name of a crucified savior, in the name of humanity; for the sake of the slaveholder, as well as the slave, to bear witness to the horrors of the southern prison house. i feel impelled by a sacred sense of duty, by my obligations to my country, by sympathy for the bleeding victims of tyranny and lust, to give my testimony respecting the system of american slavery,--to detail a few facts, most of which came under my _personal observation_. and here i may premise, that the actors in these tragedies were all men and women of the highest respectability, and of the first families in south carolina, and, with one exception, citizens of charleston; and that their cruelties did not in the slightest degree affect their standing in society. a handsome mulatto woman, about or years of age, whose independent spirit could not brook the degradation of slavery, was in the habit of running away: for this offence she had been repeatedly sent by her master and mistress to be whipped by the keeper of the charleston work-house. this had been done with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate her back in a most shocking manner; a finger could not be laid between the cuts. but the love of liberty was too strong to be annihilated by torture; and, as a last resort, she was whipped at several different times, and kept a close prisoner. a heavy iron collar, with three long prongs projecting from it, was placed round her neck, and a strong and sound front tooth was extracted, to serve as a mark to describe her, in case of escape. her sufferings at this time were agonizing; she could lie in no position but on her back, which was sore from scourgings, as i can testify, from personal inspection, and her only place of rest was the floor, on a blanket. these outrages were committed in a family where the mistress daily read the scriptures, and assembled her children for family worship. she was accounted, and was really, so far as almsgiving was concerned, a charitable woman, and tender hearted to the poor; and yet this suffering slave, who was the seamstress of the family, was continually in her presence, sitting in her chamber to sew, or engaged in her other household work, with her lacerated and bleeding back, her mutilated mouth, and heavy iron collar, without, so far as appeared, exciting any feelings of compassion. a highly intelligent slave, who panted after freedom with ceaseless longings, made many attempts to get possession of himself. for every offence he was punished with extreme severity. at one time he was tied up by his hands to a tree, and whipped until his back was one gore of blood. to this terrible infliction he was subjected at intervals for several weeks, and kept heavily ironed while at his work. his master one day accused him of a fault, in the usual terms dictated by passion and arbitrary power; the man protested his innocence, but was not credited. he again repelled the charge with honest indignation. his master's temper rose almost to frenzy; and seizing a fork, he made a deadly plunge at the breast of the slave. the man being far his superior in strength, caught the arm, and dashed the weapon on the floor. his master grasped at his throat, but the slave disengaged himself, and rushed from the apartment, having made his escape, he fled to the woods; and after wandering about for many months, living on roots and berries, and enduring every hardship, he was arrested and committed to jail. here he lay for a considerable time, allowed scarcely food enough to sustain life, whipped in the most shocking manner, and confined in a cell so loathsome, that when his master visited him, he said the stench was enough to knock a man down. the filth had never been removed from the apartment since the poor creature had been immured in it. although a black man, such had been the effect of starvation and suffering, that his master declared he hardly recognized him--his complexion was so yellow, and his hair, naturally thick and black, had become red and scanty; an infallible sign of long continued living on bad and insufficient food. stripes, imprisonment, and the gnawings of hunger, had broken his lofty spirit for a season; and, to use his master's own exulting expression, he was "as humble as a dog." after a time he made another attempt to escape, and was absent so long, that a reward was offered for him, _dead or alive_. he eluded every attempt to take him, and his master, despairing of ever getting him again, offered to pardon him if he would return home. it is always understood that such intelligence will reach the runaway; and accordingly, at the entreaties of his wife and mother, the fugitive once more consented to return to his bitter bondage. i believe this was the last effort to obtain his liberty. his heart became touched with the power of the gospel; and the spirit which no inflictions could subdue, bowed at the cross of jesus, and with the language on his lips--"the cup that my father hath given me, shall i not drink it?" submitted to the yoke of the oppressor, and wore his chains in unmurmuring patience till death released him. the master who perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave, was one of the most influential and honored citizens of south carolina, and to his equals was bland, and courteous, and benevolent even to a proverb. a slave who had been separated from his wife, because it best suited the convenience of his owner, ran away. he was taken up on the plantation where his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, then lived. his only object in running away was to return to her--no other fault was attributed to him. for this offence he was confined in the stocks _six weeks_, in a miserable hovel, not weather-tight. he received fifty lashes weekly during that time, was allowed food barely sufficient to sustain him, and when released from confinement, was not permitted to return to his wife. his master, although himself a husband and a father, was unmoved by the touching appeals of the slave, who entreated that he might only remain with his wife, promising to discharge his duties faithfully; his master continued inexorable, and he was torn from his wife and family. the owner of this slave was a professing christian, in full membership with the church, and this circumstance occurred when he was confined to his chamber during his last illness. a punishment dreaded more by the slaves than whipping, unless it is unusually severe, is one which was invented by a female acquaintance of mine in charleston--i heard her say so with much satisfaction. it is standing on one foot and holding the other in the hand. afterwards it was improved upon, and a strap was contrived to fasten around the ankle and pass around the neck; so that the least weight of the foot resting on the strap would choke the person. the pain occasioned by this unnatural position was great; and when continued, as it sometimes was, for an hour or more, produced intense agony. i heard this same woman say, that she had the ears of her waiting maid _slit_ for some petty theft. this she told me in the presence of the girl, who was standing in the room. she often had the helpless victims of her cruelty severely whipped, not scrupling herself to wield the instrument of torture, and with her own hands inflict severe chastisement. her husband was less inhuman than his wife, but he was often goaded on by her to acts of great severity. in his last illness i was sent for, and watched beside his death couch. the girl on whom he had so often inflicted punishment, haunted his dying hours; and when at length the king of terrors approached, he shrieked in utter agony of spirit, "oh, the blackness of darkness, the black imps, i can see them all around me--take them away!" and amid such exclamations he expired. these persons were of one of the first families in charleston. a friend of mine, in whose veracity i have entire confidence, told me that about two years ago, a woman in charleston with whom i was well acquainted, had starved a female slave to death. she was confined in a solitary apartment, kept constantly tied, and condemned to the slow and horrible death of starvation. this woman was notoriously cruel. to those who have read the narrative of james williams i need only say, that the character of young larrimore's wife is an exact description of this female tyrant, whose countenance was ever dressed in smiles when in the presence of strangers, but whose heart was as the nether millstone toward her slaves. as i was traveling in the lower country in south carolina, a number of years since, my attention was suddenly arrested by an exclamation of horror from the coachman, who called out, "look there, miss sarah, don't you see?"--i looked in the direction he pointed, and saw a human head stuck up on a high pole. on inquiry, i found that a runaway slave, who was outlawed, had been shot there, his head severed from his body, and put upon the public highway, as a terror to deter slaves from running away. on a plantation in north carolina, where i was visiting, i happened one day, in my rambles, to step into a negro cabin; my compassion was instantly called forth by the object which presented itself. a slave, whose head was white with age, was lying in one corner of the hovel; he had under his head a few filthy rags but the boards were his only bed, it was the depth of winter, and the wind whistled through every part of the dilapidated building--he opened his languid eyes when i spoke, and in reply to my question, "what is the matter?" he said, "i am dying of a cancer in my side."--as he removed the rags which covered the sore, i found that it extended half round the body, and was shockingly neglected. i inquired if he had any nurse. "no, missey," was his answer, "but de people (the slaves) very kind to me, dey often steal time to run and see me and fetch me some ting to eat; if dey did not, i might starve." the master and mistress of this man, who had been worn out in their service, were remarkable for their intelligence, and their hospitality knew no bounds towards those who were of their own grade in society: the master had for some time held the highest military office in north carolina, and not long previous to the time of which i speak, was the governor of the state. on a plantation in south carolina, i witnessed a similar case of suffering--an aged woman suffering under an incurable disease in the same miserably neglected situation. the "owner" of this slave was proverbially kind to her negroes; so much so, that the planters in the neighborhood said she spoiled them, and set a bad example, which might produce discontent among the surrounding slaves; yet i have seen this woman tremble with rage, when her slaves displeased her, and heard her use language to them which could only be expected from an inmate of bridewell; and have known her in a gust of passion send a favorite slave to the workhouse to be severely whipped. another fact occurs to me. a young woman about eighteen, stated some circumstances relative to her young master, which were thought derogatory to his character; whether true or false, i am unable to say; she was threatened with punishment, but persisted in affirming that she had only spoken the truth. finding her incorrigible, it was concluded to send her to the charleston workhouse and have her whipt; she pleaded in vain for a commutation of her sentence, not so much because she dreaded the actual suffering, as because her delicate mind shrunk from the shocking exposure of her person to the eyes of brutal and licentious men; she declared to me that death would be preferable; but her entreaties were vain, and as there was no means of escaping but by running away, she resorted to it as a desperate remedy, for her timid nature never could have braved the perils necessarily encountered by fugitive slaves, had not her mind been thrown into a state of despair.--she was apprehended after a few weeks, by two slave-catchers, in a deserted house, and as it was late in the evening they concluded to spend the night there. what inhuman treatment she received from them has never been revealed. they tied her with cords to their bodies, and supposing they had secured their victim, soon fell into a deep sleep, probably rendered more profound by intoxication and fatigue; but the miserable captive slumbered not; by some means she disengaged herself from her bonds, and again fled through the lone wilderness. after a few days she was discovered in a wretched hut, which seemed to have been long uninhabited; she was speechless; a raging fever consumed her vitals, and when a physician saw her, he said she was dying of a disease brought on by over fatigue; her mother was permitted to visit her, but ere she reached her, the damps of death stood upon her brow, and she had only the sad consolation of looking on the death-struck form and convulsive agonies of her child. a beloved friend in south carolina, the wife of a slaveholder, with whom i often mingled my tears, when helpless and hopeless we deplored together the horrors of slavery, related to me some years since the following circumstance. on the plantation adjoining her husband's, there was a slave of pre-eminent piety. his master was not a professor of religion, but the superior excellence of this disciple of christ was not unmarked by him, and i believe he was so sensible of the good influence of his piety that he did not deprive him of the few religious privileges within his reach. a planter was one day dining with the owner of this slave, and in the course of conversation observed, that all profession of religion among slaves was mere hypocrisy. the other asserted a contrary opinion, adding, i have a slave who i believe would rather die than deny his saviour. this was ridiculed, and the master urged to prove the assertion. he accordingly sent for this man of god, and peremptorily ordered him to deny his belief in the lord jesus christ. the slave pleaded to be excused, constantly affirming that he would rather die than deny the redeemer, whose blood was shed for him. his master, after vainly trying to induce obedience by threats, had him terribly whipped. the fortitude of the sufferer was not to be shaken; he nobly rejected the offer of exemption from further chastisement at the expense of destroying his soul, and this blessed martyr _died in consequence of this severe infliction_. oh, how bright a gem will this victim of irresponsible power be, in that crown which sparkles on the redeemer's brow; and that many such will cluster there, i have not the shadow of a doubt. sarah m. grimkÉ. _fort lee, bergen county, new jersey, rd month, th_, . testimony of the late rev. john graham of townsend, mass., who resided in s. carolina, from , to the latter part of . mr. graham graduated at amherst college in , spent some time at the theological seminary, in new haven, ct., and went to south carolina, for his health in . he resided principally on the island of st. helena, s.c., and most of the time in the family of james tripp, esq., a wealthy slave holding planter. during his residence at st. helena, he was engaged as an instructer, and was most of the time the stated preacher on the island. mr. g. was extensively known in massachusetts; and his fellow students and instructers, at amherst college, and at yale theological seminary, can bear testimony to his integrity and moral worth. the following are extracts of letters, which he wrote while in south carolina, to an intimate friend in concord, massachusetts, who has kindly furnished them for publication. extracts. _springfield, st. helena isl., s.c., oct. , ._ "last night, about one o'clock, i was awakened by the report of a musket. i was out of bed almost instantly. on opening my window, i found the report proceeded from my host's chamber. he had let off his pistol, which he usually keeps by him night and day, at a slave, who had come into the yard, and as it appears, had been with one of his house servants. he did not hit him. the ball, taken from a pine tree the next morning, i will show you, should i be spared by providence ever to return to you. the house servant was called to the master's chamber, where he received lashes, very severe too; and i could not only hear every lash, but each groan which succeeded very distinctly as i lay in my bed. what was then done with the servant i know not. nothing was said of this to me in the morning and i presume it will ever be kept from me with care, if i may judge of kindred acts. i shall make no comment." in the same letter, mr. graham says:-- "you ask me of my hostess"--then after giving an idea of her character says: "to day, she has i verily believe laid, in a very severe manner too, more than _stripes_, upon the house servants," ( in number.) _darlington, court moons. s.c. march, th, ._ "i walked up to the court house to day, where i heard one of the most interesting cases i ever heard. i say interesting, on account of its novelty to me, though it had no novelty for the people, as such cases are of frequent occurrence. the case was this: to know whether two ladies, present in court, were _white_ or _black_. the ladies were dressed well, seemed modest, and were retiring and neat in their look, having blue eyes, black hair, and appeared to understand much of the etiquette of southern behaviour. "a man, more avaricious than humane, as is the case with most of the rich planters, laid a remote claim to those two modest, unassuming, innocent and free young ladies as his property, with the design of putting them into the field, and thus increasing his stock! as well as the people of concord are known to be of a peaceful disposition, and for their love of good order, i verily believe if a similar trial should be brought forward there and conducted as this was, the good people would drive the lawyers out of the house. such would be their indignation at their language, and at the mean under-handed manner of trying to ruin those young ladies, as to their standing in society in this district, if they could not succeed in dooming them for life to the degraded condition of slavery, and all its intolerable cruelties. oh slavery! if statues of marble could curse you, they would speak. if bricks could speak, they would all surely thunder out their anathemas against you, accursed thing! how many white sons and daughters have bled and groaned under the lash in this sultry climate," &c. under date of march, , mr. g. writes, "i have been doing what i hope never to be called to do again, and what i fear i have badly done, though performed to the best of my ability, namely, sewing up a very bad wound made by a wild hog. the slave was hunting wild hogs, when one, being closely pursued, turned upon his pursuer, who turning to run, was caught by the animal, thrown down, and badly wounded in the thigh. the wound is about five inches long and very deep. it was made by the tusk of the animal. the slaves brought him to one of the huts on mr. tripp's plantation and made every exertion to stop the blood by filling the wound with ashes, (their remedy for stopping blood) but finding this to fail they came to me (there being no other white person on the plantation, as it is now holidays) to know if i could stop the blood. i went and found that the poor creature must bleed to death unless it could be stopped soon. i called for a needle and succeeded in sewing it up as well as i could, and in stopping the blood. in a short time his master, who had been sent for came; and oh, you would have shuddered if you had heard the awful oaths that fell from his lips, threatening in the same breath "_to pay him for that_!" i left him as soon as decency would permit, with his hearty thanks that i had saved him $ ! oh, may heaven protect the poor, suffering, fainting slave, and show his master his wanton cruelty--oh slavery! slavery!" under date of july, , mr. g. writes, "i wish you could have been at the breakfast table with me this morning to have seen and heard what i saw and heard, not that i wish your ear and heart and soul pained as mine is, with every day's observation 'of wrong and outrage' with which this place is filled, but that you might have auricular and ocular evidence of the cruelty of slavery, of cruelties that mortal language can never describe--that you might see the tender mercies of a hardened slaveholder, one who bears the name of being _one of the mildest and most merciful masters of which this island can boast_. oh, my friend, another is screaming under the lash, in the shed-room, but for what i know not. the scene this morning was truly distressing to me. it was this:--_after the blessing was asked_ at the breakfast table, one of the servants, a woman grown, in giving one of the children some molasses, happened to pour out a little more than usual, though not more than the child usually eats. her master was angry at the petty and indifferent mistake, or slip of the hand. he rose from the table, took both of her hands in one of his, and with the other began to beat her, first on one side of her head and then on the other, and repeating this, till, as he said on sitting down at table, it hurt his hand too much to continue it longer. he then took off his _shoe_, and with the heel began in the same manner as with his hand, till the poor creature could no longer endure it without screeches and raising her elbow as it is natural to ward off the blows. he then called a great overgrown negro _to hold her hands behind her_ while he should wreak his vengeance upon the poor servant. in this position he began again to beat the poor suffering wretch. it now became intolerable to bear; she _fell, screaming to me for help_. after she fell, he beat her until i thought she would have died in his hands. she got up, however, went out and washed off the blood and came in before we rose from table, one of the most pitiable objects i ever saw till i came to the south. her ears were almost as thick as my hand, her eyes awfully blood-shotten, her lips, nose, cheeks, chin, and whole head swollen so that no one would have known it was etta--and for all this, she had to turn round as she was going out and _thank her master!_ now, all this was done while i was sitting at breakfast with the rest of the family. think you not i wished myself sitting with the peaceful and happy circle around your table? think of my feelings, but pity the poor negro slave, who not only fans his cruel master when he eats and sleeps, but bears the stripes his caprice may inflict. think of this, and let heaven hear your prayers." in a letter dated st. helena island, s.c., dec. , , mr. g. writes, "if a slave here complains to his master, that his task is too great, his master at once calls him a scoundrel and tells him it is only because he has not enough to do, and orders the driver to increase his task, however unable he may be for the performance of it. i saw twenty-seven _whipped at one time_ just because they did not do more, when the poor creatures were so tired that they could scarcely drag one foot after the other." testimony of mr. william poe mr. poe is a native of richmond, virginia, and was formerly a slaveholder. he was for several years a merchant in richmond, and subsequently in lynchburg, virginia. a few years since, he emancipated his slaves, and removed to hamilton county, ohio, near cincinnati; where he is a highly respected ruling elder in the presbyterian church. he says,-- "i am pained exceedingly, and nothing but my duty to god, to the oppressors, and to the poor down-trodden slaves, who go mourning all their days, could move me to say a word. i will state to you a _few_ cases of the abuse of the slaves, but time would fail, if i had language to tell how many and great are the inflictions of slavery, even in its mildest form. benjamin james harris, a wealthy tobacconist of richmond, virginia, whipped a slave girl fifteen years old to death. while he was whipping her, his wife heated a smoothing iron, put it on her body in various places, and burned her severely. the verdict of the coroner's inquest was, "died of excessive whipping." he was tried in richmond, and acquitted. i attended the trial. some years after, this same harris whipped another slave to death. the man had not done so much work as was required of him. after a number of protracted and violent scourgings, with short intervals between, the slave died under the lash. harris was tried, and again acquitted, because none but blacks saw it done. the same man afterwards whipped another slave severely, for not doing work to please him. after repeated and severe floggings in quick succession, for the same cause, the slave, in despair of pleasing him, cut off his own hand. harris soon after became a bankrupt, went to new orleans to recruit his finances, failed, removed to kentucky, became a maniac, and died. a captain in the united states' navy, who married a daughter of the collector of the port of richmond, and resided there, became offended with his negro boy, took him into the meat house, put him upon a stool, crossed his hands before him, tied a rope to them, threw it over a joist in the building, drew the boy up so that he could just stand on the stool with his toes, and kept him in that position, flogging him severely at intervals, until the boy became so exhausted that he reeled off the stool, and swung by his hands until he died. the master was tried and acquitted. in goochland county, virginia, an overseer tied a slave to a tree, flogged him again and again with great severity, then piled brush around him, set it on fire, and burned him to death. the overseer was tried and imprisoned. the whole transaction may be found on the records of the court. in traveling, one day, from petersburg to richmond, virginia, i heard cries of distress at a distance, on the road. i rode up, and found two white men, beating a slave. one of them had hold of a rope, which was passed under the bottom of a fence; the other end was fastened around the neck of the slave, who was thrown flat on the ground, on his face, with his back bared. the other was beating him furiously with a large hickory. a slaveholder in henrico county, virginia, had a slave who used frequently to work for my father. one morning he came into the field with his back completely _cut up_, and mangled from his head to his heels. the man was so stiff and sore he could scarcely walk. this same person got offended with another of his slaves, knocked him down, and struck out one of his eyes with a maul. the eyes of several of his slaves were injured by similar violence. in richmond, virginia, a company occupied as a dwelling a large warehouse. they got angry with a negro lad, one of their slaves, took him into the cellar, tied his hands with a rope, bored a hole though the floor, and passed the rope up through it. some of the family drew up the boy, while others whipped. this they continued until the boy died. the warehouse was owned by a mr. whitlock, on the scite of one formerly owned by a mr. philpot. joseph chilton, a resident of campbell county, virginia, purchased a quart of tanners' oil, for the purpose, as he said, of putting it on one of his negro's heads, that he had sometime previous pitched or tarred over, for running away. in the town of lynchburg, virginia, there was a negro man put in prison, charged with having pillaged some packages of goods, which he, as head man of a boat, received at richmond, to be delivered at lynchburg. the goods belonged to a.b. nichols, of liberty, bedford county, virginia. he came to lynchburg, and desired the jailor to permit him to whip the negro, to make him confess, as there was _no proof against him_. mr. williams, (i think that is his name,) a pious methodist man, a great stickler for law and good order, professedly a great friend to the black man, delivered the negro into the hands of nichols. nichols told me that he took the slave, tied his wrists together, then drew his arms down so far below his knees as to permit a staff to pass above the arms under the knees, thereby placing the slave in a situation that he could not move hand or foot. he then commenced his bloody work, and continued, at intervals, until blows were inflicted. i received this statement from nichols himself, who was, by the way, a _son of the land of "steady habits_," where there are many like him, if we may judge from their writings, sayings, and doings." privations of the slaves. i. food. we begin with the _food_ of the slaves, because if they are ill treated in this respect we may be sure that they will be ill treated in other respects, and generally in a greater degree. for a man habitually to stint his dependents in their food, is the extreme of meanness and cruelty, and the greatest evidence he can give of utter indifference to their comfort. the father who stints his children or domestics, or the master his apprentices, or the employer his laborers, or the officer his soldiers, or the captain his crew, when able to furnish them with sufficient food, is every where looked upon as unfeeling and cruel. all mankind agree to call such a character inhuman. if any thing can move a hard heart, it is the appeal of hunger. the arab robber whose whole life is a prowl for plunder, will freely divide his camel's milk with the hungry stranger who halts at his tent door, though he may have just waylaid him and stripped him of his money. even savages take pity on hunger. who ever went famishing from an indian's wigwam? as much as hunger craves, is the indian's free gift even to an enemy. the necessity for food is such a universal want, so constant, manifest and imperative, that the heart is more touched with pity by the plea of hunger, and more ready to supply that want than any other. he who can habitually inflict on others the pain of hunger by giving them insufficient food, can habitually inflict on them any other pain. he can kick and cuff and flog and brand them, put them in irons or the stocks, can overwork them, deprive them of sleep, lacerate their backs, make them work without clothing, and sleep without covering. other cruelties may be perpetrated in hot blood and the acts regretted as soon as done--the feeling that prompts them is not a permanent state of mind, but a violent impulse stung up by sudden provocation. but he who habitually withholds from his dependents sufficient sustenance, can plead no such palliation. the fact itself shows, that his permanent state of mind toward them is a brutal indifference to their wants and sufferings--a state of mind which will naturally, necessarily, show itself in innumerable privations and inflictions upon them, when it can be done with impunity. if, therefore, we find upon examination, that the slaveholders do not furnish their slaves with sufficient food, and do thus habitually inflict upon them the pain of hunger, we have a clue furnished to their treatment in other respects, and may fairly infer habitual and severe privations and inflictions; not merely from the fact that men are quick to feel for those who suffer from hunger, and perhaps more ready to relieve that want than any other; but also, because it is more for the interest of the slaveholder to supply that want than any other; consequently, if the slave suffer in this respect, he must as the general rule, suffer _more_ in other respects. we now proceed to show that the slaves have insufficient food. this will be shown first from the express declarations of slaveholders, and other competent witnesses who are, or have been residents of slave states, that the slaves generally are _under-fed._ and then, by the laws of slave states, and by the testimony of slaveholders and others, the _kind, quantity_, and _quality,_ of their allowance will be given, and the reader left to judge for himself whether the slave _must_ not be a sufferer. the slaves suffer from hunger--declarations of slave-holders and others hon. alexander smyth, a slave holder, and for ten years, member of congress from virginia, in his speech on the missouri question. jan th, . "by confining the slaves to the southern states, where crops are raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you _doom them to scarcity and hunger._ it is proposed to hem in the blacks where they are ill fed." rev. george whitefield, in his letter, to the slave holders of md. va. n.c. s.c. and ga. published in georgia, just one hundred years ago, . "my blood has frequently run cold within me, to think how many of your slaves _have not sufficient food to eat;_ they are scarcely permitted to _pick up the crumbs,_ that fall from their master's table." rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio, a native of tennessee, and for same years a preacher in slave states. "thousands of the slaves are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives." report of the gradual emancipation society, of north carolina, . signed moses swain, president, and william swain, secretary. speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern part of that state, the report says,--"the master puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a _great part_ of them go _half starved_ much of the time." mr. asa a. stone, a theological student, who resided near natchez, miss., in - . "on almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger at some seasons of almost every year. there is always a _good deal of suffering_ from hunger. on many plantations, and particularly in louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost utter famishment,_ during a great portion of the year." thomas clay, esq., of georgia, a slaveholder. "from various causes this [the slave's allowance of food] is _often_ not adequate to the support of a laboring man." mr. tobias boudinot, st albans, ohio, a member of the methodist church. mr. b. for some years navigated the mississippi. "the slaves down the mississippi, are _half-starved,_ the boats, when they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for something to eat." president edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the conn. abolition society, . "the slaves are supplied with barely enough to keep them from _starving._" rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman of marlboro' mass., who lived five years in georgia. "as a general thing on the plantations, the slaves suffer extremely for the want of food." rev. george bourne, late editor of the protestant vindicator, n.y., who was seven years pastor of a church in virginia. "the slaves are deprived of _needful_ sustenance." . kinds of food. hon. robert turnbull, a slaveholder of charleston, south carolina. "the subsistence of the slaves consists, from march until august, of corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called _hominy_, or baked into corn bread. the other six months, they are fed upon the sweet potatoe. meat, when given, is only by way of _indulgence or favor._" mr. eleazar powell, chippewa, beaver co., penn., who resided in mississippi, in - . "the food of the slaves was generally corn bread, and _sometimes_ meat or molasses." reuben g. macy, a member of the society of friends, hudson, n.y., who resided in south carolina. "the slaves had no food allowed them besides _corn,_ excepting at christmas, when they had beef." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia, and recently of madison co., alabama, now member, of the presbyterian church, delhi, ohio. "on my uncle's plantation, the food of the slaves, was corn-pone and a small allowance of meat." william ladd, esq., of minot, me., president of the american peace society, and formerly a slaveholder of florida, gives the following testimony as to the allowance of food to slaves. "the usual food of the slaves was _corn_, with a modicum of salt. in some cases the master allowed no salt, but the slaves boiled the sea water for salt in their little pots. for about eight days near christmas, i.e., from the saturday evening before, to the sunday evening after christmas day, they were allowed some _meat_. they always with one single exception ground their corn in a hand-mill, and cooked their food themselves." extract of a letter from rev. d.c. eastman, a preacher of the methodist episcopal church, in fayette county, ohio. "in march, , mr. thomas larrimer, a deacon of the presbyterian church in bloomingbury, fayette county, ohio, mr. g.s. fullerton, merchant, and member of the same church, and mr. william a. ustick, an elder of the same church, spent a night with a mr. shepherd, about miles north of charleston, s.c., on the monk's corner road. he owned five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same meal and meat tubs as himself, but that out of a of all the slaves in that county _saw meat but once a year_, which was on christmas holidays." as an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon slaves, in respect to the _kind_ as well as the quality and quantity of their food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony of the late general wade hampton, of south carolina. general hampton was for some time commander in chief of the army on the canada frontier during the last war, and at the time of his death, about three years since, was the largest slaveholder in the united states. the general's testimony is contained in the following extract of a letter, just received from a distinguished clergyman in the west, extensively known both as a preacher and a writer. his name is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "you refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this place, respecting the late general wade hampton, of south carolina, and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the case--considering them well calculated to illustrate two points in the history of slavery: st, that the habit of slaveholding dreadfully blunts the feelings toward the slave, producing such insensibility that his sufferings and death are regarded with indifference. d, that the slave often has insufficient food, both in quantity and quality. "i received my information from a lady in the west of high respectability and great moral worth,--but think it best to withhold her name, although the statement was not made in confidence. "my informant stated that she sat at dinner once in company with general wade hampton, and several others; that the conversation turned upon the treatment of their servants, &c.; when the general undertook to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment he had made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. he said that he first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which they seemed to thrive tolerably well; that he then had measured out to them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any important change; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed to three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared, with an oath, that 'they died like rotten sheep!!' it is but justice to the lady to state that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost indignation; and she mentioned also that he received no countenance from the company present, but that all seemed to look at each other with astonishment. i give it to you just as i received it from one who was present, and whose character for veracity is unquestionable. "it is proper to add that i had previously formed an acquaintance with dr. witherspoon, now of alabama, if alive; whose former residence was in south carolina; from whom i received a particular account of the manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of general wade hampton, and others in the same part of the state; and certainly no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such masters and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether millstone. the cotton seed experiment i had heard of before also, as having been made in other parts of the south; consequently, i was prepared to receive as true the above statement, even if i had not been so well acquainted with the high character of my informant." . quantity of food the legal allowance of food for slaves in north carolina, is in the words of the law, "a quart of corn per day." see haywood's manual, . the legal allowance in louisiana is more, a barrel [flour barrel] of corn, (in the ear,) or its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of salt a month. in the other slave states the amount of food for the slaves is left to the option of the master. thos. clay, esq., of georgia, a slave holder, in his address before the georgia presbytery, . "the quantity allowed by custom is _a peck of corn a week_!" the maryland journal, and baltimore advertiser, may , . "_a single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice_, is the _ordinary_ quantity of provision for a _hard-working_ slave; to which a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though _rarely_, added." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, and elder in the presbyterian church, wilksbarre, penn. "the weekly allowance to grown slaves on this plantation, where i was best acquainted, was _one peck of corn_." wm. ladd, of minot, maine, formerly a slaveholder in florida. "the usual allowance of food was _one quart of corn a day_, to a full task hand, with a modicum of salt; kind masters allowed _a peck of corn a week_; some masters allowed no salt." mr. jarvis brewster, in his "exposition of the treatment of slaves in the southern states," published in n. jersey, . "the allowance of provisions for the slaves, is _one peck of corn, in the grain, per week_." rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman of marlboro, mass., who lived five years in georgia. "in georgia the planters give each slave only _one peck of their gourd seed corn per week_, with a small quantity of salt." mr. f.c. macy, nantucket, mass., who resided in georgia in . "the food of the slaves was three pecks of potatos a week during the potato season, and _one peck of corn_, during the remainder of the year." mr. nehemiah caulkins, a member of the baptist church in waterford, conn., who resided in north carolina, eleven winters. "the subsistence of the slaves, consists of _seven quarts of meal_ or _eight quarts of small rice for one week!_" william savery, late of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the society of friends, who travelled extensively in the slave states, on a religious visitation, speaking of the subsistence of the slaves, says, in his published journal, "_a peck of corn_ is their (the slaves,) miserable subsistence _for a week_." the late john parrish, of philadelphia, another highly respected minister of the society of friends, who traversed the south, on a similar mission, in and , says in his "remarks on the slavery of blacks;" "they allow them but _one peck of meal_, for a whole week, in some of the southern states." richard macy, hudson, n.y. a member of the society of friends, who has resided in georgia. "their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the week. they had nothing allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at christmas." rev. c.s. renshaw, of quincy, ill., (the testimony of a virginian). "the slaves are generally allowanced: a pint of corn meal and a salt herring is the allowance, or in lieu of the herring a "dab" of fat meat of about the same value. i have known the sour milk, and clauber to be served out to the hands, when there was an abundance of milk on the plantation. this is a luxury not often afforded." testimony of mr. george w. westgate, member of the congregational church, of quincy, illinois. mr. w. has been engaged in the low country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year, principally on the mississippi, and its tributary streams in the south-western slave states. "_feeding is not sufficient_,--let facts speak. on the coast, i.e. natchez and the gulf of mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears of corn, and a pint of salt per month. they may cook this in what manner they please, but it must be done after dark; they have no day light to prepare it by. some few planters, but only a few, let them prepare their corn on saturday afternoon. planters, overseers, and negroes, have told me, that in _pinching times_, i.e. when corn is high, they did not get near that quantity. in miss., i know some planters who allowed their hands three and a half pounds of meat per week, when it was cheap. many prepare their corn on the sabbath, when they are not worked on that day, which however is frequently the case on sugar plantations. there are very many masters on "the coast" who will not suffer their slaves to come to the boats, because they steal molasses to barter for meat; indeed they generally trade more or less with stolen property. but it is impossible to find out what and when, as their articles of barter are of such trifling importance. they would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, and would tell how badly they were fed, that they were almost starved; many a time i have set up all night, to prevent them from stealing something to eat." . quality of food. having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the slaves, it is important to know something of its _quality_, that we may judge of the amount of sustenance which it contains. for, if their provisions are of an inferior quality, or in a damaged state, their power to sustain labor must be greatly diminished. thomas clay, esq. of georgia, from an address to the georgia presbytery, , speaking of the quality of the corn given to the slaves, says, "there is _often a defect here_." rev. horace moulton, a methodist clergyman at marlboro, mass. and five years a resident of georgia. "the food, or 'feed' of slaves is generally of the _poorest_ kind." the "western medical reformer," in an article on the diseases peculiar to negroes, by a kentucky physician, says of the diet of the slaves; "they live on a coarse, _crude, unwholesome diet_." professor a.g. smith, of the new york medical college; formerly a physician in louisville, kentucky. i have myself known numerous instances of large families of _badly fed_ negroes swept off by a prevailing epidemic; and it is well known to many intelligent planters in the south, that the best method of preventing that horrible malady, _chachexia africana_, is to feed the negroes with _nutritious_ food. . number and time of meals each day. in determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the number of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their meals, and the number of meals each day, should be taken into consideration. philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio, and member of the presbyterian church, who lived in florida, in , and . "the slaves go to the field in the morning; they carry with them corn meal wet with water, and at _noon_ build a fire on the ground and bake it in the ashes. after the labors of the day are over, they take their _second_ meal of ash-cake." president edwards, the younger. "the slaves eat _twice_ during the day." mr. eleazar powell, chippewa, beaver county, penn., who resided in mississippi in and . "the slaves received _two_ meals during the day. those who have their food cooked for them get their breakfast about eleven o'clock, and their other meal _after night_." mr. nehemiah caulkins, waterford, conn., who spent eleven winters in north carolina. "the _breakfast_ of the slaves was generally about _ten or eleven_ o'clock." rev. phineas smith, centreville, n.y., who has lived at the south some years. "the slaves have usually _two_ meals a day, viz: at eleven o'clock and at night." rev. c.s. renshaw, quincy, illinois--the testimony of a virginian. "the slaves have _two_ meals a day. they breakfast at from ten to eleven, a.m., and eat their supper at from six to nine or ten at night, as the season and crops may be." the preceding testimony establishes the following points. st. that the slaves are allowed, in general, _no meat_. this appears from the fact, that in the _only_ slave states which regulate the slaves' rations _by law_, (north carolina and louisiana,) the _legal ration_ contains _no meat_. besides, the late hon. r.j. turnbull, one of the largest planters in south carolina, says expressly, "meat, when given, is only by the way of indulgence or favor." it is shown also by the direct testimony recorded above, of slaveholders and others, in all parts of the slaveholding south and west, that the general allowance on plantations is corn or meal and salt merely. to this there are doubtless many exceptions, but they are _only_ exceptions; the number of slaveholders who furnish meat for their _field-hands_, is small, in comparison with the number of those who do not. the house slaves, that is, the cooks, chambermaids, waiters, &c., generally get some meat every day; the remainder bits and bones of their masters' tables. but that the great body of the slaves, those that compose the field gangs, whose labor and exposure, and consequent exhaustion, are vastly greater than those of house slaves, toiling as they do from day light till dark, in the fogs of the early morning, under the scorchings of mid-day, and amid the damps of evening, are _in general_ provided with _no meat_, is abundantly established by the preceding testimony. now we do not say that meat _is necessary_ to sustain men under hard and long continued labor, nor that it is _not_. this is not a treatise on dietetics; but it is a notorious fact, that the medical faculty in this country, with very few exceptions, do most strenuously insist that it is necessary; and that working men in all parts of the country do _believe_ that meat is indispensable to sustain them, even those who work within doors, and only ten hours a day, every one knows. further, it is notorious, that the slaveholders themselves _believe_ the daily use of meat to be absolutely necessary to the comfort, not merely of those who labor, but of those who are idle, as is proved by the fact of meat being a part of the daily ration of food provided for convicts in the prisons, in every one of the slave states, except in those rare cases where meat is expressly prohibited, and the convict is, by _way of extra punishment_ confined to bread and water; he is occasionally, and for a little time only, confined to bread and water; that is, to the _ordinary diet_ of slaves, with this difference in favor of the convict, his bread is made for him, whereas the slave is forced to pound or grind his own corn and make his own bread, when exhausted with toil. the preceding testimony shows also, that _vegetables_ form generally no part of the slaves' allowance. the _sole_ food of the majority is _corn_: at every meal--from day to day--from week to week--from month to month, _corn_. in south carolina, georgia, and florida, the sweet potato is, to a considerable extent, substituted for corn during a part of the year. d. the preceding testimony proves conclusively, that the _quantity of food_ generally allowed to a full-grown field-hand, is a peck of corn a week, or a fraction over a quart and a gill of corn a day. the legal ration of north carolina is _less_--in louisiana it is _more_. of the slaveholders and other witnesses, who give the fore-going testimony, the reader will perceive that no one testifies to a larger allowance of corn than a peck for a week; though a number testify, that within the circle of their knowledge, _seven_ quarts was the usual allowance. frequently a small quantity of meat is added; but this, as has already been shown, is not the general rule for _field-hands_. we may add, also, that in the season of "pumpkins," "cimblins," "cabbages," "greens," &c., the slaves on small plantations are, to some extent, furnished with those articles. now, without entering upon the vexed question of how much food is necessary to sustain the human system, under severe toil and exposure, and without giving the opinions of physiologists as to the insufficiency or sufficiency of the slaves' allowance, we affirm that all civilized nations have, in all ages, and in the most emphatic manner, declared, that _eight quarts of corn a week_, (the usual allowance of our slaves,) is utterly insufficient to sustain the human body, under such toil and exposure as that to which the slaves are subjected. to show this fully, it will be necessary to make some estimates, and present some statistics. and first, the northern reader must bear in mind, that the corn furnished to the slaves at the south, is almost invariably the _white gourd seed_ corn, and that a quart of this kind of corn weighs five or six ounces _less_ than a quart of "flint corn," the kind generally raised in the northern and eastern states; consequently a peck of the corn generally given to the slaves, would be only equivalent to a fraction more than six quarts and a pint of the corn commonly raised in the new england states, new york, new jersey, &c. now, what would be said of the northern capitalist, who should allow his laborers but _six quarts and five gills of corn for a week's provisions?_ further, it appears in evidence, that the corn given to the slaves is often _defective_. this, the reader will recollect, is the voluntary testimony of thomas clay, esq., the georgia planter, whose testimony is given above. when this is the case, the amount of actual nutriment contained in a peck of the "gourd seed," may not be more than in five, or four, or even three quarts of "flint corn." as a quart of southern corn weighs at least five ounces less than a quart of northern corn, it requires little arithmetic to perceive, that the daily allowance of the slave fed upon that kind of corn, would contain about one third of a pound less nutriment than though his daily ration were the same quantity of northern corn, which would amount, in a year, to more than a hundred and twenty pounds of human sustenance! which would furnish the slave with his full allowance of a peck of corn a week for two months! it is unnecessary to add, that this difference in the weight of the two kinds of corn, is an item too important to be overlooked. as one quart of the southern corn weighs one pound and eleven-sixteenths of a pound, it follows that it would be about one pound and six-eighths of a pound. we now solicit the attention of the reader to the following unanimous testimony, of the civilized world, to the utter insufficiency of this amount of food to sustain human beings under labor. this testimony is to be found in the laws of all civilized nations, which regulate the rations of soldiers and sailors, disbursements made by governments for the support of citizens in times of public calamity, the allowance to convicts in prisons, &c. we will begin with the united states. the daily ration for each united states soldier, established by act of congress, may , . was the following: one pound of beef, one pound of bread, half a gill of spirits; and at the rate of one quart of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, and one pound of candles to every hundred rations. to those soldiers "who were on the frontiers," (where the labor and exposure were greater,) the ration was one pound two ounces of beef and one pound two ounces of bread. laws u.s. vol. d, sec. , p. . after an experiment of two years, the preceding ration being found _insufficient_, it was increased, by act of congress, july , , and was as follows: beef one pound and a quarter, bread one pound two ounces; salt two quarts, vinegar four quarts, soap four pounds, and candles one and a half pounds to the hundred rations. the preceding allowance was afterwards still further increased. the _present daily ration_ for the united states' soldiers, is, as we learn from an advertisement of captain fulton, of the united states' army, in a late number of the richmond (va.) enquirer, as follows: one and a quarter pounds of beef, one and three-sixteenths pounds of bread; and at the rate of _eight quarts of beans, eight pounds of sugar_, four pounds of coffee, two quarts of salt, four pounds of candles, and four pounds of soap, to every hundred rations. we have before us the daily rations provided for the emigrating ottawa indians, two years since, and for the emigrating cherokees last fall. they were the same--one pound of fresh beef, one pound of flour, &c. the daily ration for the united states' navy, is fourteen ounces of bread, half a pound of beef, six ounces of pork, three ounces of rice, three ounces of peas, one ounce of cheese, one ounce of sugar, half an ounce of tea, one-third of a gill molasses. the daily ration in the british army is one and a quarter pounds of beef, one pound of bread, &c. the daily ration in the french army is one pound of beef, one and a half pounds of bread, one pint of wine, &c. the common daily ration for foot soldiers on the continent, is one pound of meat, and one and a half pounds of bread. the _sea ration_ among the portuguese, has become the usual ration in the navies of european powers generally. it is as follows: "one and a half pounds of biscuit, one pound of salt meat, one pint of wine, with some dried fish and onions." prison rations.--before giving the usual daily rations of food allowed to convicts, in the principal prisons in the united states, we will quote the testimony of the "american prison discipline society," which is as follows: "the common allowance of food in the penitentiaries, is equivalent to one pound of meat, one pound of bread, and one pound of vegetables per day. it varies a little from this in some of them, but it is generally equivalent to it." first report of american prison discipline society, page . the daily ration of food to each convict, in the principal prisons in this country, is as follows: in the new hampshire state prison, one and a quarter pounds of meal, and fourteen ounces of beef, for _breakfast and dinner;_ and for supper, a soup or porridge of potatos and beans, or peas, the _quantity not limited_. in the vermont prison, the convicts are allowed to eat _as much as they wish_. in the massachusetts' penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, fourteen ounces of meat, half a pint of potatos, and one gill of molasses, or one pint of milk. in the connecticut state prison, one pound of beef, one pound of bread, two and a half pounds of potatos, half a gill of molasses, with salt, pepper, and vinegar. in the new york state prison, at auburn, one pound of beef, twenty-two ounces of flour and meal, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of salt, two quarts of vinegar, one and a half ounces of pepper, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred rations. in the new york state prison at sing sing, one pound of beef, eighteen ounces of flour and meal, besides potatos, rye coffee, and molasses. in the new york city prison, one pound of beef, one pound of flour; and three pecks of potatos to every hundred rations, with other small articles. in the new jersey state prison, one pound of bread, half a pound of beef, with potatos and cabbage, (quantity not specified,) one gill of molasses, and a bowl of mush for supper. in the late walnut street prison, philadelphia, one and a half pounds of bread and meal, half a pound of beef, one pint of potatos, one gill of molasses, and half a gill of rye, for coffee. in the baltimore prison, we believe the ration is the same with the preceding. in the pennsylvania eastern penitentiary, one pound of bread and one pint of coffee for breakfast, one pint of meat soup, with potatos without limit, for dinner, and mush and molasses for supper. in the penitentiary for the district of columbia, washington city, one pound of beef, twelve ounces of indian meal, ten ounces of wheat flour, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred rations. rations in english prisons.--the daily ration of food in the bedfordshire penitentiary, is _two pounds of bread;_ and if at hard labor, _a quart of soup for dinner._ in the cambridge county house of correction, three pounds of bread, and one pint of beer. in the millbank general penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, one pound of potatos, six ounces of beef, with half a pint of broth therefrom. in the gloucestershire penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread, three-fourths of a pint of peas, made into soup, with beef, quantity not stated. also gruel, made of vegetables, quantity not stated, and one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed with it. in the leicestershire house of correction, two pounds of bread, and three pints of gruel; and when at hard labor, one pint of milk in addition, and twice a week a pint of meat soup at dinner, instead of gruel. in the buxton house of correction, one and a half pounds of bread, one and a half pints of gruel, one and a half pints of soup, four-fifths of a pound of potatos, and two-sevenths of an ounce of beef. notwithstanding the preceding daily ration in the buxton prison is about double the usual daily allowance of our slaves, yet the visiting physicians decided, that for those prisoners who were required to work the tread-mill, it was _entirely sufficient_. this question was considered at length, and publicly discussed at the sessions of the surry magistrates, with the benefit of medical advice; which resulted in "large additions" to the rations of those who worked on the tread-mill. see london morning chronicle, jan. , . to the preceding we add the _ration of the roman slaves_. the monthly allowance of food to slaves in rome was called "dimensum." the "dimensum" was an allowance of wheat or of other grain, which consisted of five _modii_ a month to each slave. ainsworth, in his latin dictionary estimates the _modius_, when used for the measurement of grain, at _a peck and a half_ our measure, which would make the roman slave's allowance _two quarts of grain a day_, just double the allowance provided for the slave by _law_ in north carolina, and _six_ quarts more per week than the ordinary allowance of slaves in the slave states generally, as already established by the testimony of slaveholders themselves. but it must by no means be overlooked that this "dimensum," or _monthly_ allowance, was far from being the sole allowance of food to roman slaves. in _addition_ to this, they had a stated _daily_ allowance (_diarium_) besides a monthly allowance of _money_, amounting to about a cent a day. now without further trenching on the reader's time, we add, compare the preceding daily allowances of food to soldiers and sailors in this and other countries; to convicts in this and other countries; to bodies of emigrants rationed at public expense; and finally, with the fixed allowance given to roman slaves, and we find the states of this union, the _slave_ states as well as the free, the united states' government, the different european governments, the old roman empire, in fine, we may add, the _world_, ancient and modern, uniting in the testimony that to furnish men at hard labor from daylight till dark with but - / lbs. of _corn_ per day, their sole sustenance, is to murder them by piece-meal. the reader will perceive by examining the preceding statistics that the _average daily_ ration throughout this country and europe exceeds the usual slave's allowance _at least a pound a day_; also that one-third of this ration for soldiers and convicts in the united states, and for solders and sailors in europe is _meat_, generally beef; whereas the allowance of the mass of our slaves is corn, only. further, the convicts in our prisons are sheltered from the heat of the sun, and from the damps of the early morning and evening, from cold, rain, &c.; whereas, the great body of the slaves are exposed to all of these, in their season, from daylight till dark; besides this, they labor more hours in the day than convicts, as will be shown under another head, and are obliged to prepare and cook their own food after they have finished the labor of the day, while the convicts have theirs prepared for them. these, with other circumstances, necessarily make larger and longer draughts upon the strength of the slave, produce consequently greater exhaustion, and demand a larger amount of food to restore and sustain the laborer than is required by the convict in his briefer, less exposed, and less exhausting toils. that the slaveholders themselves regard the usual allowance of food to slaves as insufficient, both in kind and quantity, for hard-working men, is shown by the fact, that in all the slave states, we believe without exception, _white_ convicts at hard labor, have a much _larger_ allowance of food than the usual one of slaves; and generally more than _one third_ of this daily allowance is meat. this conviction of slaveholders shows itself in various forms. when persons wish to hire slaves to labor on public works, in addition to the inducement of high wages held out to masters to hire out their slaves, the contractors pledge themselves that a certain amount of food shall be given the slaves, taking care to specify a _larger_ amount than the usual allowance, and a part of it _meat_. the following advertisement is an illustration. we copy it from the "daily georgian," savannah, dec. , . negroes wanted. the contractors upon the brunswick and alatamaha canal are desirous to hire a number of prime negro men, from the st october next, for fifteen months, until the st january, . they will pay at the rate of eighteen dollars per month for each prime hand. these negroes will be employed in the excavation of the canal. they will be provided with _three and a half pounds of pork or bacon, and ten quarts of gourd seed corn per week_, lodged in comfortable shantees and attended constantly a skilful physician. j.h. couper, p.m. nightingale. but we have direct testimony to this point. the late hon. john taylor, of caroline co. virginia, for a long time senator in congress, and for many years president of the agricultural society of the state, says in his "agricultural essays," no. , page , "bread alone ought never to be considered a sufficient diet for slaves except as a punishment." he urges upon the planters of virginia to give their slaves, in addition to bread, "salt meat and vegetables," and adds, "we shall be astonished to discover upon trial, that this great comfort to them is a profit to the master." the managers of the american prison discipline society, in their third report, page , say, "in the penitentiaries generally, in the united states, the animal food is equal to one pound of meat per day for each convict." most of the actual suffering from hunger on the part of the slaves, is in the sugar and cotton-growing region, where the crops are exported and the corn generally purchased from the upper country. where this is the case there cannot but be suffering. the contingencies of bad crops, difficult transportation, high prices, &c. &c., naturally occasion short and often precarious allowances. the following extract from a new orleans paper of april , , affords an illustration. the writer in describing the effects of the money pressure in mississippi, says: "they, (the planters,) are now left without provisions and the means of living and using their industry, for the present year. in this dilemma, planters whose crops have been from to bales, find themselves forced to sacrifice many of their slaves in order to get the common necessaries of life for the support of themselves and the rest of their negroes. in many places, heavy planters compel their slaves to fish for the means of subsistence, rather than sell them at such ruinous rates. there are at this moment thousands of slaves in mississippi, that know not where the next morsel is to come from. the master must be ruined to save the wretches from being starved." ii. labor the slaves are overworked. this is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are obliged to be in the field. but before furnishing testimony as to their hours of labor and rest, we will present the express declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are severely driven in the field. the senate and house of representatives of the state of south carolina. "many owners of slaves, and others who have the management of slaves, _do confine them so closely at hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest_.--see brevard's digest of the laws of south carolina, ." history of carolina.--vol. i, page . "so _laborious_ is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice, that had it been possible to obtain european servants in sufficient numbers, _thousands and tens of thousands_ must have perished." hon. alexander smyth, a slaveholder, and member of congress from virginia, in his speech on the "missouri question," jan. , . "is it not obvious that the way to render their situation _more comfortable_, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same motive to force the slave to incessant toil that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation. it is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ hard worked, that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. * * * the proposed measure would be extreme cruelty to the blacks. * * * you would * * * doom them to hard labor." "travels in louisiana," translated from the french by john davies, esq.--page . "at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, they _work both night and day_. abridged of their sleep, they _scarce retire to rest during the whole period_." the western review, no. ,--article "agriculture of louisiana." "the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves,) requiring when the process is commenced to be _pushed night and day_." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, elder of the presbyterian church, wilkesbarre, penn. "_overworked_ i know they (the slaves) are." mr. asa a. stone, a theological student, near natchez, miss., in and . "every body here knows _overdriving_ to be one of the most common occurrences, the planters do not deny it, except, perhaps, to northerners." philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer of elyria, ohio, who lived in florida in and . "during the cotton-picking season they usually labor in the field during the whole of the daylight, and then spend a good part of the night in ginning and baling. the labor required is very frequently excessive, and speedily impairs the constitution." hon. r.j. turnbull of south carolina, a slaveholder, speaking of the harvesting of cotton, says: "_all the pregnant women_ even, on the plantation, and weak and _sickly_ negroes incapable of other labour, are then _in requisition_." hours of labor and rest. asa a. stone, theological student, a classical teacher near natchez, miss., . "it is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves be in the field as _soon as it is light enough for them to see to work_, and remain there until it is _so dark that they cannot see_." mr. cornelius johnson, of farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi a part of and . "it is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at work _fifteen hours in the day_, and in the time of picking cotton a certain number of pounds is required of each. if this amount is not brought in at night, the slave is whipped, and the number of pounds lacking is added to the next day's job; this course is often repeated from day to day." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., wilkesbarre, penn, a native of georgia. "it was customary for the overseers to call out the gangs _long before day_, say three o'clock, in the winter, while dressing out the crops; such work as could be done by fire light (pitch pine was abundant,) was provided." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia and son of a slaveholder--he has recently removed to delhi, hamilton county, ohio. "_from dawn till dark_, the slaves are required to bend to their work." mr. nehemiah caulkins, waterford, conn., a resident in north carolina eleven winters. "the slaves are obliged to work _from daylight till dark_, as long as they can see." mr. eleazar powel, chippewa, beaver county, penn., who lived in mississippi in and . "the slaves had to cook and eat their breakfast and be in the field by _daylight, and continue there till dark_." philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio, who resided in florida in and . "the slaves commence labor _by daylight_ in the morning, and do not leave the field _till dark_ in the evening." "travels in louisiana," page . "both in summer and winter the slave must _be in the field by the first dawning of day_." mr. henry e. knapp, member of a christian church in farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi in and . "the slaves were made to work, from _as soon as they could see_ in the morning, till as late as they could see at night. sometimes they were made to work till nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could do, as burning cotton stalks, &c." a new orleans paper, dated march , , says: "to judge from the activity reigning in the cotton presses of the suburbs of st. mary, and the _late hours_ during which their slaves work, the cotton trade was never more brisk." mr. george w. westgate, a member of the congregational church at quincy, illinois, who lived in the south western slaves states a number of years says, "the slaves are driven to the field in the morning _about four o'clock_, the general calculation is to get them at work by daylight; the time for breakfast is between nine and ten o'clock, this meal is sometimes eaten '_bite and work_,' others allow fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the slave has while in the field. i have never known a case of stopping for an hour, in louisiana; in mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely subject to the will of the master. on cotton plantations, in cotton picking time, that is from october to christmas, each hand has a certain quantity to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished; their tasks are such as to keep them all the while busy." the preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the actual labor of the slaves _in the field_. in order to determine how many hours are left for sleep, we must take into the account, the time spent in going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of one, two and sometimes three miles; also the time necessary for pounding, or grinding their corn, and preparing, overnight, their food for the next day; also the preparation of tools, getting fuel and preparing it, making fires and cooking their suppers, if they have any, the occasional mending and washing of their clothes, &c. besides this, as everyone knows who has lived on a southern plantation, many little errands and _chores_ are to be done for their masters and mistresses, old and young, which have accumulated during the day and been kept in reserve till the slaves return from the field at night. to this we may add that the slaves are _social_ beings, and that during the day, silence is generally enforced by the whip of the overseer or driver.[ ] when they return at night, their pent up social feelings will seek vent, it is a law of nature, and though the body may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled. sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong affinities, and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows; even "_tired_ nature" will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to minister to a want of its being equally permanent and imperative as the want of sleep, and as much more profound, as the yearnings of the higher nature surpass the instincts of its animal appendage. [footnote : we do not mean that they are not suffered to _speak_, but, that, as conversation would be a hindrance to labour, they are generally permitted to indulge in it but little.] all these things make drafts upon _time_. to show how much of the slave's time, which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is necessarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at night, we subjoin a few testimonies. mr. cornelius johnson, farmington, ohio, who lived in mississippi in the years and , says: "on all the plantations where i was acquainted, the slaves were kept in the field till dark; after which, those who had to grind their own corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family affairs of their own and of their master, such as bringing water, washing, clothes, &c. &c., and be in the field as soon as it was sufficiently light to commence work in the morning." mr. george w. westgate, of quincy, illinois, who has spent several years in the south western slave states, says: "their time, after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is their own; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient rest, but there are other things to be considered; much of their making, mending and washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food, hauling and chopping wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety of little nameless jobs must be done between those hours." philemon bliss, esq. of elyria, ohio, who resided in florida in and , gives the following testimony: "after having finished their field labors, they are occupied till nine or ten o'clock in doing _chores_, such as grinding corn, (as all the corn in the vicinity is ground by hand,) chopping wood, taking care of horses, mules, &c., and a thousand things necessary to be done on a large plantation. if any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder the 'niggers' from their work, but must be done in the night." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, an elder of the presbyterian church at wilkes-barre, pa. says: "the corn is ground in a handmill by the slave _after his task is done_--generally there is but one mill on the plantation, and as but one can grind at a time, the mill is going sometimes _very late at night_." we now present another class of facts and testimony, showing that the slaves engaged in raising the large staples, are _overworked_. in september, , the writer of this had an interview with james g. birney, esq., who then resided in kentucky, having removed with his family from alabama the year before. a few hours before that interview, and on the morning of the same day, mr. b. had spent a couple of hours with hon. henry clay, at his residence, near lexington. mr. birney remarked, that mr. clay had just told him, he had lately been led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase of the slave population in the far south west--estimates which he had presented, i think, in a speech before the colonization society. he now believed, that the births among the slaves in that quarter were _not equal to the deaths_--and that, of course, the slave population, independent of immigration from the slave-selling states, was _not sustaining itself_. among other facts stated by mr. clay, was the following, which we copy _verbatim_ from the original memorandum, made at the time by mr. birney, with which he has kindly furnished us. "sept. , .--hon. h. clay, in a conversation at his own house, on the subject of slavery, informed me, that hon. outerbridge horsey, formerly a senator in congress from the state of delaware, and the owner of a sugar plantation in louisiana, declared to him, that his overseer worked his hands so closely, that one of the women brought forth a child whilst engaged in the labors of the field. "also, that a few years since, he was at a brick yard in the environs of new orleans, in which one hundred hands were employed; among them were from _twenty to thirty young women_, in the prime of life. he was told by the proprietor, that there had _not been a child born among them for the last two or three years, although they all had husbands_." the preceding testimony of mr. clay, is strongly corroborated by advertisements of slaves, by courts of probate, and by executors administering upon the estates of deceased persons. some of those advertisements for the sale of slaves, contain the names, ages, accustomed employment, &c., of all the slaves upon the plantation of the deceased. these catalogues show large numbers of young men and women, almost all of them between twenty and thirty-eight years old; and yet the number of young children is _astonishingly small_. we have laid aside many lists of this kind, in looking over the newspapers of the slaveholding states; but the two following are all we can lay our hands on at present. one is in the "planter's intelligencer," alexandria, la., march , , containing one hundred and thirty slaves; and the other in the new orleans bee, a few days later, april , , containing fifty-one slaves. the former is a "probate sale" of the slaves belonging to the estate of mr. charles s. lee, deceased, and is advertised by g.w. keeton, judge of the parish of concordia, la. the sex, name, and age of each slave are contained in the advertisement which fills two columns. the following are some of the particulars. the whole number of slaves is _one hundred and thirty_. of these, _only three are over forty years old_. there are _thirty-five females_ between the ages of _sixteen and thirty-three_, and yet there are only thirteen children under the age of _thirteen years!_ it is impossible satisfactorily to account for such a fact, on any other supposition, than that these thirty-five females were so overworked, or underfed, or both, as to prevent child-bearing. the other advertisement is that of a "probate sale," ordered by the court of the parish of jefferson--including the slaves of mr. william gormley. the whole number of slaves is fifty-one; the sex, age, and accustomed labors of each are given. the oldest of these slaves is but _thirty-nine years old_: of the females, _thirteen_ are between the ages of sixteen and thirty-two, and the oldest female is but _thirty-eight_--and yet there are but _two children under eight years old!_ another proof that the slaves in the south-western states are over-worked, is the fact, that so few of them live to old age. a large majority of them are _old_ at middle age, and few live beyond fifty-five. in one of the preceding advertisements, out of one hundred and thirty slaves, only _three_ are over forty years old! in the other, out of fifty-one slaves, only _two_ are over _thirty-five_; the oldest is but thirty-nine, and the way in which he is designated in the advertisement, is an additional proof, that what to others is "middle age," is to the slaves in the south-west "old age:" he is advertised as "_old_ jeffrey." but the proof that the slave population of the south-west is so over-worked that it cannot _supply its own waste_, does not rest upon mere inferential evidence. the agricultural society of baton rouge, la., in its report, published in , furnishes a labored estimate of the amount of expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting "a well-regulated sugar estate." in this estimate, the annual net loss of slaves, over and above the supply by propagation, is set down at two and a half per cent! the late hon. josiah s. johnson, a member of congress from louisiana, addressed a letter to the secretary of the united states' treasury, in , containing a similar estimate, apparently made with great care, and going into minute details. many items in this estimate differ from the preceding; but the estimate of the annual _decrease_ of the slaves on a plantation was the same--two and a half per cent! the following testimony of rev. dr. channing, of boston, who resided some time in virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to such an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of population, is not confined to the far south and south-west. "i heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without the use of the whip. i was anxious to see him, and trusted that some discovery had been made favorable to humanity. i asked him how he was able to dispense with corporal punishment. he replied to me, with a very determined look, 'the slaves know that the work _must_ be done, and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.' in other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed on them, that they never incurred it. "i then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate, _decreased_ in number. i asked the cause. he replied, with perfect frankness and ease, 'the gang is not large enough for the estate.' in other words, they were not equal to the work of the plantation, and, yet were _made to do it_, though with the certainty of abridging life. "on this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. there was an unusual air of neatness. a superficial observer would have called the slaves happy. yet they were living under a severe, subduing discipline, and were _over-worked_ to a degree that _shortened life_."--_channing on slavery_, page , first edition. philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer of elyria, ohio, who spent some time in florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the slaves: "it is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all day, to labor half the night. this is usually the case on sugar plantations, during the sugar-boiling season; and on cotton, during its gathering. beside the regular task of picking cotton, averaging of the short staple, when the crop is good, pounds a day to the hand, the ginning (extracting the seed,) and baling was done in the night. said mr. ---- to me, while conversing upon the customary labor of slaves, 'i work my niggers in a hurrying time till or o'clock at night, and have them up by four in the morning.' "beside the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling, so common at the south. it is very common to _bet_ on the issue of a crop. a. lays a wager that, from a given number of hands, he will make more cotton than b. the wager is accepted, and then begins the contest; and who bears the burden of it? how many tears, yea, how many broken constitutions, and premature deaths, have been the effect of this spirit? from the desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler pursues his object, from the passions which the practice calls into exercise, we might conjecture many. such is the fact. in middle florida, a _broken-winded_ negro is more common than a _broken-winded_ horse; though usually, when they are declared unsound, or when their constitution is so broken that their recovery is despaired of, they are exported to new orleans, to drag out the remainder of their days in the cane-field and sugar house. i would not insinuate that all planters gamble upon their crops; but i mention the practice as one of the common inducements to 'push niggers.' neither would i assert that all planters drive the hands to the injury of their health. i give it as a _general_ rule in the district of middle florida, and i have no reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in other fertile sections. people there told me that the situation of the slaves was far better than in mississippi and louisiana. and from comparing the crops with those made in the latter states, and for other reasons, i am convinced of the truth of their statements." dr. demming, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in ashland, richland county, ohio, stated to professor wright, of new york city, "that during a recent tour at the south, while ascending the ohio river, on the steamboat fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with a mr. dickinson, a resident of pittsburg, in company with a number of cotton-planters and slave-dealers, from louisiana, alabama, and mississippi, mr. dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar planters upon the sugar coast in louisiana had ascertained, that, as it was usually necessary to employ about _twice_ the amount of labor during the boiling season, that was required during the season of raising, they could, by excessive driving, day and night, during the boiling season, accomplish the whole labor _with one set of hands_. by pursuing this plan, they could afford _to sacrifice a set of hands once in seven years!_ he further stated that this horrible system was now practised to a considerable extent! the correctness of this statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders then on board." the late mr. samuel blackwell, a highly respected citizen of jersey city, opposite the city of new york, and a member of the presbyterian church, visited many of the sugar plantations in louisiana a few years since: and having for many years been the owner of an extensive sugar refinery in england, and subsequently in this country, he had not only every facility afforded him by the planters, for personal inspection of all parts of the process of sugar-making, but received from them the most unreserved communications, as to their management of their slaves. mr. b., after his return, frequently made the following statement to gentlemen of his acquaintance,--"that the planters generally declared to him, that they were _obliged_ so to over-work their slaves during the sugar-making season, (from eight to ten weeks,) as to use _them up_ in seven or eight years. for, said they, after the process is commenced, it must be pushed without cessation, night and day; and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of slaves to do the _extra_ work at the time of sugar-making, as we could not profitably employ them the rest of the year." it is not only true of the sugar planters, but of the slaveholders generally throughout the far south and south west, that they believe it for their interest to wear out the slaves by excessive toil in eight or ten years after they put them into the field.[ ] [footnote : alexander jones. esq., a large planter in west feliciana, louisiana, published a communication in the "north carolina true american," nov. , , in which, speaking of the horses employed in the mills on the plantations for ginning cotton, he says, they "are much whipped and jaded;" and adds, "in fact, this service is so severe on horses, as to shorten their lives in many instances, if not actually kill them in gear." those who work one kind of their "live stock" so as to "shorten their lives," or "kill them in gear" would not stick at doing the same thing to another kind.] rev. doctor reed, of london, who went through kentucky, virginia and maryland in the summer of , gives the following testimony: "i was told confidently and from _excellent authority_, that recently at a meeting of planters in south carolina, the question was seriously discussed whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well fed, well clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of _at once_, and exhausted in some eight years. the decision was in favor of the last alternative. that decision will perhaps make many shudder. but to my mind this is not the chief evil. the greater and original evil is considering the _slave as property_. if he is only property and my property, then i have some right to ask how i may make that property most available." "visit to the american churches," by rev. drs. reed and mattheson. vol. p. . rev. john o. choules, recently pastor of a baptist church at new bedford, massachusetts, now of buffalo, new york, made substantially the following statement in a speech in boston. "while attending the baptist triennial convention at richmond, virginia, in the spring of , as a delegate from massachusetts, i had a conversation on slavery, with an officer of the baptist church in that city, at whose house i was a guest. i asked my host if he did not apprehend that the slaves would eventually rise and exterminate their masters. "why," said the gentleman, "i used to apprehend such a catastrophe, but god has made a providential opening, a _merciful safety valve_, and now i do not feel alarmed in the _prospect_ of what is coming. 'what do you mean,' said mr. choules, 'by providence opening a merciful safety valve?' why, said the gentleman, i will tell you; the slave traders come from the cotton and sugar plantations of the south and are willing to buy up more slaves than we can part with. we must keep a stock for the purpose of _rearing_ slaves, but we part with the most valuable, and at the same time, the most _dangerous_, and the demand is very constant and likely to be so, for when they go to these southern states, the average existence is only five years!" monsieur c.c. robin, a highly intelligent french gentleman, who resided in louisiana from to , and published a volume of travels, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the slaves there: "i have been a witness, that after the fatigue of the day, their labors have been prolonged several hours by the light of the moon; and then, before they could think of rest, they must pound and cook their corn; and yet, long before day, an implacable scold, whip in hand, would arouse them from their slumbers. thus, of more than twenty negroes, who in twenty years should have doubled, the number _was reduced to four or five_." in conclusion we add, that slaveholders have in the most public and emphatic manner declared themselves guilty of barbarous inhumanity toward their slaves in exacting from them such _long continued daily labor_. the legislatures of maryland, virginia and georgia, have passed laws providing that convicts in their state prisons and penitentiaries, "shall be employed in work each day in the year except sundays, not exceeding _eight_ hours, in the months of november, december, and january; _nine_ hours, in the months of february and october, and _ten_ hours in the rest of the year." now contrast this _legal_ exaction of labor from convicts with the exaction from slaves as established by the preceding testimony. the reader perceives that the amount of time, in which by the preceding laws of maryland, virginia, and georgia, the _convicts_ in their prisons are required to labor, is on an average during the year but little more than nine hours daily. whereas, the laws of south carolina permit the master to _compel_ his slaves to work fifteen hours in the twenty-four, in summer, and fourteen in the winter--which would be in winter, from daybreak in the morning until _four hours_ after sunset!--see brevard's digest, . the other slave states, except louisiana, have _no laws_ respecting the labor of slaves, consequently if the master should work his slaves day and night without sleep till they drop dead, _he violates no law!_ the law of louisiana provides for the slaves but two and a half hours in the twenty-four for "rest!" see law of louisiana, act of july , martin's digest . -- . iii. clothing. we propose to show under this head, that the clothing of the slaves by day, and their covering by night, are inadequate, either for comfort or decency. hon. t.t. bouldin, a slave-holder, and member of congress from virginia in a speech in congress, feb. , . mr. bouldin said "_he knew_ that many negroes had _died_ from exposure to weather," and added, "they are clad in a _flimsy fabric, that will turn neither wind nor water_." george buchanan, m.d., of baltimore, member of the american philosophical society, in an oration at baltimore, july , . "the slaves, _naked_ and starved, _often_ fall victims to the inclemencies of the weather." wm. savery of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the society of friends, who went through the southern states in , on a religious visit; after leaving savannah, ga., we find the following entry in his journal, th, month, , . "we rode through many rice swamps, where the blacks were very numerous, great droves of these poor slaves, working up to the middle in water, men and women nearly _naked_." rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio, a native of tennessee. "in every slave-holding state, _many slaves suffer extremely_, both while they labor and while they sleep, _for want of clothing_ to keep them warm." john parrish, late of philadelphia, a highly esteemed minister in the society of friends, who travelled through the south in . "it is shocking to the feelings of humanity, in travelling through some of those states, to see those poor objects, [slaves,] especially in the inclement season, in _rags_, and _trembling with the cold_." "they suffer them, both male and female, _to go without clothing_ at the age of ten and twelve years" rev. phineas smith, centreville, allegany, co., n.y. mr. s. has just returned from a residence of several years at the south, chiefly in virginia, louisiana, and among the american settlers in texas. "the apparel of the slaves, is of the coarsest sort and _exceedingly deficient_ in quantity. i have been on many plantations where children of eight and ten yeas old, were in a state of _perfect nudity_. slaves are _in general wretchedly clad_." wm. ladd, esq., of minot, maine, recently a slaveholder in florida. "they were allowed two suits of clothes a year, viz. one pair of trowsers with a shirt or frock of osnaburgh for summer; and for winter, one pair of trowsers, and a jacket of negro cloth, with a baize shirt and a pair of shoes. some allowed hats, and some did not; and they were generally, i believe, allowed one blanket in two years. garments of similar materials were allowed the women." a kentucky physician, writing in the western medical reformer, in , on the diseases peculiar to slaves, says. "they are _imperfectly clothed_ both summer and winter." mr. stephen e. maltby, inspector of provisions, skeneateles, n.y., who resided sometime in alabama. "i was at huntsville, alabama, in - , i frequently saw slaves on and around the public square, _with hardly a rag of clothing on them_, and in a _great many_ instances with but a single garment both in summer and in winter; generally the only bedding of the slaves was a _blanket_." reuben g. macy, hudson, n.y. member of the society of friends, who resided in south carolina, in and . "their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of 'negro cloth.' the women a petticoat, a very short 'short-gown,' and _nothing else_, the same kind of cloth; some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but they _generally went barefoot_." mr. lemuel sapington, of lancaster, pa., a native of maryland, and formerly a slaveholder. "their clothing is often made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted by the old women, who are no longer able to do out-door work; consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. and i have very frequently seen those who had not attained the age of twelve years _go naked_." philemon bliss, esq., a lawyer in elyria, ohio, who lived in florida in and . "it is very common to see the younger class of slaves up to eight or ten _without any clothing_, and most generally the laboring men wear _no shirts_ in the warm season. the perfect nudity of the younger slaves is so familiar to the whites of both sexes, that they seem to witness it with perfect indifference. i may add that the aged and feeble often _suffer from cold_." richard macy, a member of the society of friends, hudson, n.y., who has lived in georgia. "for _bedding_ each slave was allowed _one blanket_, in which they rolled themselves up. i examined their houses, but could not find any thing like _a bed_." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., wilkesbarre, pa., a native of georgia. "it is an every day sight to see women as well as men, with no other covering than a _few filthy rags fastened above the hips_, reaching midway to the ankles. _i never knew any kind of covering for the head_ given. children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years are seen in companies on the plantations, _in a state of perfect nudity_. this was so common that the most refined and delicate beheld them unmoved." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia, now a member of the presbyterian church, in delhi, ohio. "the only bedding of the slaves generally consists of _two old blankets_." advertisements like the following from the "new orleans bee," may , , are common in the southern papers. " dollars reward.--ranaway, the slave solomon, about years of age; badly clothed. the above reward will be paid on application to fernandez & whiting, no. , st. louis st." ranaway from the subscriber the negress fanny, always badly dressed, she is about or years old. john macoin, s. ann st. the darien (ga.), telegraph, of jan. , , in an editorial article, hitting off the aristocracy of the planters, incidentally lets out some secrets, about the usual _clothing_ of the slaves. the editor says,--"the planter looks down, with the most sovereign contempt, on the merchant and the storekeeper. he deems himself a lord, because he gets his two or three ragged servants, to row him to his plantation every day, that he may inspect the labor of his hands." the following is an extract from a letter lately received from rev. c.s. renshaw, of quincy, illinois. "i am sorry to be obliged to give more testimony without the _name_. an individual in whom i have great confidence, gave me the following facts. that i am not alone in placing confidence in him, i subjoin a testimonial from dr. richard eells, deacon of the congregational church, of quincy, and rev. mr. fisher, baptist minister of quincy. "we have been acquainted with the brother who has communicated to you some facts that fell under his observation, whilst in his native state; he is a professed follower of our lord, and we have great confidence in him as a man of integrity, discretion, and strict christian principle. richard eells. ezra fisher." quincy, jan. th, . testimony.--"i lived for thirty years in virginia, and have travelled extensively through fauquier, culpepper, jefferson, stafford, albemarle and charlotte counties; my remarks apply to these counties. "the negro houses are miserably poor, generally they are a shelter from neither the wind, the rain, nor the snow, and the earth is the floor. there are exceptions to this rule, but they are only exceptions; you may sometimes see puncheon floor, but never, or almost never a plank floor. the slaves are generally without _beds or bedsteads_; some few have cribs that they fasten up for themselves in the corner of the hut. their bed-clothes are a nest of rags thrown upon a crib, or in the corner; sometimes there are three or four families in one small cabin. where the slaveholders have more than one family, they put them in the same quarter till it is filled, then build another. i have seen exceptions to this, when only one family would occupy a hut, and where were tolerably comfortable bed-clothes. "most of the slaves in these counties are _miserably clad_. i have known slaves who went without shoes all winter, perfectly barefoot. the feet of many of them are frozen. as a general fact the planters do not serve out to their slaves, drawers, or any under clothing, or vests, or overcoats. slaves sometimes, by working at night and on sundays, get better things than their masters serve to them. "whilst these things are true of _field-hands_, it is also true that many slaveholders clothe their _waiters_ and coachmen like gentlemen. i do not think there is any difference between the slaves of professing christians and others; at all events, it is so small as to be scarcely noticeable. "i have seen men and women at work in the field more than half naked: and more than once in passing, when the overseer was not near, they would stop and draw round them a tattered coat or some ribbons of a skirt to hide their nakedness and shame from the stranger's eye." mr. george w. westgate, a member of the congregational church in quincy, illinois, who has spent the larger part of twelve years navigating the rivers of the south-western slave states with keel boats, as a trader, gives the following testimony as to the clothing and lodging of the slaves. "in lower tennessee, mississippi and louisiana, the clothing of the slaves is wretchedly poor; and grows worse as you go south, in the order of the states i have named. the only material is cotton bagging, i.e. bagging in which cotton is _baled_, not bagging made of cotton. in louisiana, especially in the lower country, i have frequently seen them with nothing but a tattered coat, not sufficient to hide their nakedness. in winter their clothing seldom serves the purpose of comfort, and frequently not even of decent covering. in louisiana _the planters never think of serving out shoes to slaves_. in mississippi they give one pair a year generally. i never saw or heard of an instance of masters allowing them _stockings_. a _small poor blanket is generally the only bed-clothing_, and this they frequently wear in the field when they have not sufficient clothing to hide their nakedness or to keep them warm. their manner of sleeping varies with the season. in hot weather they stretch themselves anywhere and sleep. as it becomes cool they roll themselves in their blankets, and lay scattered about the cabin. in cold weather they nestle together with their feet towards the fire, promiscuously. as a general fact the earth is their only floor and bed--not one in ten have anything like a bedstead, and then it is a mere bunk put up by themselves." mr. george a. avery, an elder in the fourth congregational church, rochester, n.y., who spent four years in virginia, says, "the slave children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten years, and i think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of _disgusting_ nudity. i have often seen them with their tow shirt (their only article of summer clothing) which, to all human appearance, had not been taken off from the time it was first put on, worn off from the bottom upwards shred by shred, until nothing remained but the straps which passed over their shoulders, and the less exposed portions extending a very little way below the arms, leaving the principal part of the chest, as well as the limbs, entirely uncovered." samuel ellison, a member of the society of friends, formerly of southampton co., virginia, now of marlborough, stark co., ohio, says, "i knew a methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. the children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age, were _entirely_ destitute of clothing. i have seen an old man compelled to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his nakedness." rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church, in buffalo, n.y., in describing a tour down and up the mississippi river in the winter of - , says, "at the wood yards where the boats stop, it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying wood. their dress which was quite uniform was provided without any reference to comfort. they had no covering for their heads; the stuff which constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in which brown domestic goods are done up. it was then december, and i thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without _stockings_, they must suffer from the cold." mr. benjamin clendenon, colerain, lancaster co., pa., a member of the society of friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour through the northern part of maryland in the winter of , thus speaks of a place a few miles from chestertown. "about this place there were a number of slaves; very few, if any, had _either stockings or shoes_; the weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow." the late major stoddard of the united states' artillery, who took possession of louisiana for the u.s. government, under the cession of , published a book entitled "sketches of louisiana," in which, speaking of the planters of lower louisiana, he says, "_few of them allow any clothing to their slaves_." the following is an extract from the will of the late celebrated john randolph of virginia. "to my old and faithful servants, essex and his wife hetty, i give and bequeath a pair of strong shoes, a suit of clothes and a blanket each, to be paid them annually; also an annual hat to essex." no virginia slaveholder has ever had a better name as a "kind master," and "good provider" for his slaves, than john randolph. essex and hetty were _favorite_ servants, and the memory of the long uncompensated services of those "old and faithful servants," seems to have touched their master's heart. now as this master was _john randolph_, and as those servants were "faithful," and favorite servants, advanced in years, and worn out in his service, and as their allowance was, in their master's eyes, of sufficient moment to constitute a paragraph in his last _will and testament_, it is fair to infer that it would be _very liberal_, far better than the ordinary allowance for slaves. now we leave the reader to judge what must be the _usual_ allowance of clothing to common field slaves in the hands of common masters, when essex and hetty, the "old" and "faithful" slaves of john randolph, were provided, in his last will and testament, with but _one_ suit of clothes annually, with but _one blanket_ each for bedding, with no _stockings_, nor _socks_, nor _cloaks_, nor overcoats, nor _handkerchiefs_, nor _towels_, and with no _change_ either of under or outside garments! iv. dwellings. the slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged. mr. stephen e. maltby. inspector of provisions, skaneateles, n.y. who has lived in alabama. "the huts where the slaves slept, generally contained but _one_ apartment, and that _without floor_." mr. george a. avery, elder of the th presbyterian church, rochester, n.y. who lived four years in virginia. "amongst all the negro cabins which i saw in va., _i cannot call to mind one_ in which there was any other floor than the _earth_; any thing that a northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would call a _bed_, nor a solitary _partition_, to separate the sexes." william ladd, esq., minot, maine. president of the american peace society, formerly a slaveholder in florida. "the dwellings of the slaves were palmetto huts, built by themselves of stakes and poles, thatched with the palmetto leaf. the door, when they had any, was generally of the same materials, sometimes boards found on the beach. they had _no floors_, no separate apartments, except the guinea negroes had sometimes a small inclosure for their 'god house.' these huts the slaves built themselves after task and on sundays." rev. joseph m. sadd, pastor pres. church, castile, greene co., n.y., who lived in missouri five years previous to . "the slaves live _generally_ in _miserable huts_, which are _without floors_, and have a single apartment only, where both sexes are herded promiscuously together." mr. george w. westgate, member of the congregational church in quincy, illinois, who has spent a number of years in slave states. "on old plantations, the negro quarters are of frame and clapboards, seldom affording a comfortable shelter from wind or rain; their size varies from by , to by , feet, and six or eight feet high; sometimes there is a hole cut for a window, but i never saw a sash, or glass in any. in the new country, and in the woods, the quarters are generally built of logs, of similar dimensions." mr. cornelius johnson, a member of a christian church in farmington, ohio. mr. j. lived in mississippi in - . "their houses were commonly built of logs, sometimes they were framed, often they had no floor, some of them have two apartments, commonly but one; each of those apartments contained a family. sometimes these families consisted of a man and his wife and children, while in other instances persons of both sexes, were thrown together without any regard to family relationship." the western medical reformer, in an article on the cachexia africana by a kentucky physician, thus speaks of the huts of the slaves. "they are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, and sometimes having an imperfect, and sometimes no floor, and seldom raised from the ground, ill ventilated, and surrounded with filth." mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia, but has resided most of his life in madison, co. alabama. "the dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from to feet square, often without windows, doors, or floors, they have neither chairs, table, or bedstead." reuben l. macy of hudson, n.y. a member of the religious society of friends. he lived in south carolina in - . "the houses for the field slaves were about feet square, built in the coarsest manner, with one room, _without any chimney or flooring, with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out_." mr. lemuel sapington of lancaster, pa. a native of maryland, formerly a slaveholder. "the descriptions generally given of negro quarters, are correct; the quarters are _without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather_; they are uncomfortable both in summer and winter." rev. john rankin, a native of tennessee. "when they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not there the means of comfortable rest; _but on the cold ground they must lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber."_ philemon bliss, esq. elyria, ohio, who lived in florida, in . "the dwellings of the slaves are usually small _open_ log huts, with but one apartment, and very generally _without floors_." mr. w.c. gildersleeve, wilkesbarre, pa., a native of georgia. "their huts were generally put up without a nail, frequently without floors, and with a single apartment." hon. r.j. turnbull, of south carolina, a slaveholder. "the slaves live in _clay cabins_." v. treatment of the sick. the slaves suffer from human neglect when sick in proof of this we subjoin the following testimony: rev. dr. channing of boston, who once resided in virginia, relates the following fact in his work on slavery, page , st edition. "i cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed for his virtues_, and whose manners and conversation expressed much _benevolence and conscientiousness_. when i entered with him the hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman, very ill, probably approaching death. she was stretched on the floor. her head rested on something like a pillow; but _her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards._ the owner, i doubt not, had at least as much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not enter his mind." this _dying_ young woman "was _stretched on the floor_"--"her body and limbs extended upon the hard boards,"--and yet her master "was highly esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanor produced upon dr. channing the impression of "benevolence and conscientiousness" if the _sick and dying female_ slaves of _such_ a master, suffer such barbarous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of that inhumanity, exercised by the _majority_ of slaveholders, towards their aged, sick, and dying victims. the following testimony is furnished by sarah m. grimkÉ, a sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimké, of charleston, south carolina. "when the ladies' benevolent society in charleston, s.c., of which i was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were applied to for the relief of several sick and aged colored persons; one case i particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully burnt from having fallen into the fire; she was living with some free blacks who had taken her in out of compassion. on inquiry, we found that _nearly all_ the colored persons who had solicited aid, were _slaves_, who being no longer able to work for their "owners," were thus inhumanly cast out in their sickness and old age, and must have perished, but for the kindness of their friends. "i was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual welfare peculiar circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. i knew that she had been early seduced from the path of virtue, as nearly all the female slaves are. i knew also that her mistress, though a professor of religion, had never taught her a single precept of christianity, yet that she had had her severely punished for this departure from them, and that the poor girl was then ill of an incurable disease, occasioned partly by her own misconduct, and partly by the cruel treatment she had received, in a situation that called for tenderness and care. her heart seemed truly touched with repentance for her sins, and she was inquiring, "what shall i do to be saved?" i was sitting by her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, and was trying to establish her trembling spirit in the fullness of jesus, when i heard the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she approached the door. i read in the countenance of the prostrate sufferer, the terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. i knew my presence would be very unwelcome, but staid hoping that it might restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. in this, however, i was mistaken; she passed me without apparently observing that i was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick slave. she made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger commenced a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past misconduct, and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal destruction awaited her. no word of kindness escaped her. what had then roused her temper i do not know. she continued in this strain several minutes, when i attempted to soften her by remarking, that ------ was very ill, and she ought not thus to torment her, and that i believed jesus had granted her forgiveness. but i might as well have tried to stop the tempest in its career, as to calm the infuriated passions nurtured by the exercise of arbitrary power. she looked at me with ineffable scorn, and continued to pour forth a torrent of abuse and reproach. her helpless victim listened in terrified silence, until nature could endure no more, when she uttered a wild shriek, and casting on her tormentor a look of unutterable agony, exclaimed, "oh, mistress, i am dying." this appeal arrested her attention, and she soon left the room, but in the same spirit with which she entered it. the girl survived but a few days, and, i believe, saw her mistress _no more_" mr. george a. avery, an elder of a presbyterian church in rochester, n.y., who lived some years in virginia, gives the following: "the manner of treating the sick slaves, and especially in _chronic_ cases, was to my mind peculiarly revolting. my opportunities for observation in this department were better than in, perhaps, any other, as the friend under whose direction i commenced my medical studies, enjoyed a high reputation as a _surgeon_. i rode considerably with him in his practice, and assisted in the surgical operations and dressings from time to time. in confirmed cases of disease, it was common for the master to place the subject under the care of a physician or surgeon, at whose expense the patient should be kept, and if death ensued to the patient, or the disease was not cured, no compensation was to be made, but if cured a bonus of one, two, or three hundred dollars was to be given. no provision was made against the _barbarity_ or _neglect_ of the physician, &c. i have seen _fifteen or twenty of these helpless sufferers_ crowded together in the true spirit of slaveholding inhumanity, like the "brutes that perish," and driven from time to time _like_ brutes into a common yard, where they had to suffer any and every operation and experiment, which interest, caprice, or professional curiosity might prompt,--unrestrained by law, public sentiment, or the claims of common humanity." rev. william t. allan, son of rev. dr. allan, a slaveholder, of huntsville, alabama, says in a letter now before us: "colonel robert h. watkins, of laurence county, alabama, who owned about three hundred slaves, after employing a physician among them for some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. this colonel watkins was a presidential elector in ." a.a. guthrie, esq., elder in the presbyterian church at putnam, muskingum county, ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows. "a near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, in attempting to visit a sick woman on washington's bottom, wood county, virginia, missed the way, and stopping to ask directions of a group of colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of francis keen, sen., they were told to ask 'aunty, in the house.' on entering the hut, says my informant, i beheld such a sight as i hope never to see again; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said keen--her whole wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow cloth, and so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight around her person. in the hut there was neither table, chair, nor chest--a stool and a rude fixture in one corner, were all its furniture. on this last were a little straw and a few old remnants of what had been bedding--all exceedingly filthy. "the woman thus situated _had been for more than a day in travail_, without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper provision--during the night she said some fellow slave woman would stay with her, and the aforesaid children through the day. from a woman, who was a slave of keen's at the same time, my informant learned, that this poor woman suffered for three days, and then died--when too late to save her life her master sent assistance. it was understood to be a rule of his, to neglect his women entirely in such times of trial, unless they previously came and informed him, and asked for aid." rev. phineas smith, of centreville, n.y, who has resided four years at the south, says: "often when the slaves are sick, their accustomed toil is exacted from them. physicians are rarely called for their benefit." rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church in marlborough, mass., who resided a number of years in georgia, says: "another dark side of slavery is the neglect of the _aged_ and _sick_. many when sick, are suspected by their masters of _feigning_ sickness, and are therefore whipped out to work after disease has got fast hold of them; when the masters learn, that they are really sick, they are in many instances left alone in their cabins during work hours; not a few of the slaves are left to die without having one friend to wipe off the sweat of death. when the slaves are sick, the masters do not, as a general thing, employ physicians, but "doctor" them themselves, and their mode of practice in almost all cases is to bleed and give salts. when women are confined they have no physician, but are committed to the care of slave midwives. slaves complain very little when sick, when they die they are frequently buried at night without much ceremony, and in many instances without any; their coffins are made by nailing together rough boards, frequently with their feet sticking out at the end, and sometimes they are put into the ground without a coffin or box of any kind." personal narratives--part ii. testimony of the rev. william t. allan, late of alabama. mr. allan is a son of the rev. dr. allan, a slaveholder and pastor of the presbyterian church at huntsville, alabama. he has recently become the pastor of the presbyterian church in chatham, illinois. "i was born and have lived most of my life in the slave states, mainly in the village of huntsville, alabama, where my parents still reside. i seldom went to a _plantation_, and as my visits were confined almost exclusively to the families of professing christians, my _personal_ knowledge of slavery, was consequently a knowledge of its _fairest_ side, (if fairest may be predicated of foul.) "there was one plantation just opposite my father's house in the suburbs of huntsville, belonging to judge smith, formerly a senator in congress from south carolina, now of huntsville. the name of his overseer was tune. i have often seen him flogging the slaves in the field, and have often heard their cries. sometimes, too, i have met them with the tears streaming down their faces, and the marks of the whip, ('whelks,') on their bare necks and shoulders. tune was so severe in his treatment, that his employer dismissed him after two or three years, lest, it was said, he should kill off all the slaves. but he was immediately employed by another planter in the neighborhood. the following fact was stated to me by my brother, james m. allan, now residing at richmond, henry county, illinois, and clerk of the circuit and county courts. tune became displeased with one of the women who was pregnant, he made her lay down over a log, with her face towards the ground, and beat her so unmercifully, that she was soon after delivered of a _dead child_. "my brother also stated to me the following, which occurred near my father's house, and within sight and hearing of the academy and public garden. charles, a fine active negro, who belonged to a bricklayer in huntsville, exchanged the burning sun of the brickyard to enjoy for a season the pleasant shade of an adjacent mountain. when his master got him back, he tied him by his hands so that his feet could just touch the ground--stripped off his clothes, took a paddle, bored full of holes, and paddled him leisurely all day long. it was two weeks before they could tell whether he would live or die. neither of these cases attracted any particular notice in huntsville. "while i lived in huntsville a slave was killed in the mountain near by. the circumstances were these. a white man (james helton) hunting in the woods, suddenly came upon a black man, and commanded him to stop, the slave kept on running, helton fired his rifle and the negro was killed.[ ] [footnote : this murder was committed about twelve years since. at that time, james g. birney, esq., now corresponding secretary of the american anti-slavery society was the solicitor (prosecuting attorney) for that judicial district. his views and feelings upon the subject of slavery were, even at that period, in advance of the mass of slaveholders, and he determined if possible to bring the murderer to justice. he accordingly drew up an indictment and procured the finding of a true bill against helton. helton, meanwhile, moved over the line into the state of tennessee, and such was the apathy of the community, individual effort proved unavailing; and though the murderer had gone no further than to an adjoining county (where perhaps he still resides) he was never brought to trial.--ed.] "mrs. barr, wife of rev. h. barr of carrollton, illinois, formerly from courtland, alabama, told me last spring, that she has very often stopped her ears that she might not hear the screams of slaves who were under the lash, and that sometimes she has left her house, and retired to a place more distant, in order to get away from their agonizing cries. "i have often seen groups of slaves on the public squares in huntsville, who were to be sold at auction, and i have often seen their tears gush forth and their countenances distorted with anguish. a considerable number were generally sold publicly every month. "the following facts i have just taken down from the lips of mr. l. turner, a regular and respectable member of the second presbyterian church in springfield, our county town. he was born and brought up in caroline county, virginia. he says that the slaves are neither considered nor treated as human beings. one of his neighbors whose name was barr, he says, on one occasion stripped a slave and lacerated his back with a handcard (for cotton or wool) and then washed it with salt and water, with pepper in it. mr. turner _saw_ this. he further remarked that he believed there were _many_ slaves there in advanced life whose backs had never been well since they began to work. "he stated that one of his uncles had killed a woman--broke her skull with an ax helve: she had insulted her mistress! no notice was taken of the affair. mr. t. said, further, that slaves were _frequently murdered_. "he mentioned the case of one slaveholder, whom he had seen lay his slaves on a large log, which he kept for the purpose, strip them, tie them with the face downward, then have a kettle of hot water brought--take the paddle, made of hard wood, and perforated with holes, dip it into the hot water and strike--before every blow dipping it into the water--every hole at every blow would raise a 'whelk.' this was the usual punishment fur _running away_. "another slaveholder had a slave who had often run away, and often been severely whipped. after one of his floggings he burnt his master's barn: this so enraged the man, that when he caught him he took a pair of pincers and pulled his toe nails out. the negro then murdered two of his master's children. he was taken after a desperate pursuit, (having been shot through the shoulder) and hung. "one of mr. turner's cousins, was employed as overseer on a large plantation in mississippi. on a certain morning he called the slaves together, to give some orders. while doing it, a slave came running out of his cabin, having a knife in his hand and eating his breakfast. the overseer seeing him coming with the knife, was somewhat alarmed, and instantly raised his gun and shot him dead. he said afterwards, that he believed the slave was perfectly innocent of any evil intentions, he came out hastily to hear the orders whilst eating. _no_ notice was taken of the killing. "mr. t. related the whipping habits of one of his uncles in virginia. he was a wealthy man, had a splendid house and grounds. a tree in his _front yard_, was used as a _whipping post_. when a slave was to be punished, he would frequently invite some of his friends, have a table, cards and wine set out under the shade; he would then flog his slave a little while, and then play cards and drink with his friends, occasionally taunting the slave, giving him the privilege of confessing such and such things, at his leisure, after a while flog him again, thus keeping it up for hours or half the day, and sometimes all day. this was his _habit_. "_february th._--since writing the preceding, i have been to carrollton, on a visit to my uncle, rev. hugh barr, who was originally from tennessee, lived or years in courtland, lawrence county, alabama, and moved to illinois in . in conversation with the family, around the fireside, they stated a multitude of horrid facts, that were perfectly notorious in the neighborhood of courtland. "william p. barr, an intelligent young man, and member of his father's church in carrollton, stated the following. visiting at a mr. mosely's, near courtland, william mosely came in with a bloody knife in his hand, having just stabbed a negro man. the negro was sitting quietly in a house in the village, keeping a woman company who had been left in charge of the house,--when mosely, passing along, went in and demanded his business there. probably his answer was not as civil as slaveholding requires, mosely rushed upon him and stabbed him. the wound laid him up for a season. mosley was called to no account for it. when he came in with the bloody knife, he said he wished he had killed him. "john brown, a slaveholder, and a member of the presbyterian church in courtland, alabama, stated the following a few weeks since, in carrollton. a man near courtland, of the name of thompson, recently shot a negro _woman_ through the head; and put the pistol so close that her hair was singed. he did it in consequence of some difficulty in his dealings with her as a concubine. he buried her in a log heap; she was discovered by the buzzards gathering around it. "william p. barr stated the following, as facts well known in the neighborhood of courtland, but not witnessed by himself. two men, by the name of wilson, found a fine looking negro man at 'dandridge's quarter,' without a pass; and flogged him so that he died in a short time. they were not punished. "col. blocker's overseer attempted to flog a negro--he refused to be flogged; whereupon the overseer seized an axe, and cleft his skull. the colonel justified it. "one jones whipped a woman to death for 'grabbling' a potato hill. he owned or negroes. his own children could not live with him. "a man in the neighborhood of courtland, alabama, by the name of puryear, was so proverbially cruel that among the negroes he was usually called 'the devil.' mrs. barr, wife of rev. h. barr, was at puryear's house, and saw a negro girl about years old, waiting around the table, with a single garment--and that in cold weather; arms and feet bare--feet wretchedly swollen--arms burnt, and full of sores from exposure. all the negroes under his care made a wretched appearance. "col. robert h. watkins had a runaway slave, who was called jim dragon. before he was caught the last time, he had been out a year, within a few miles of his master's plantation. he never stole from any one but his master, except when necessity compelled him. he said he had a right to take from his master; and when taken, that he had, whilst out, seen his master a hundred times. having been whipped, clogged with irons, and yoked, he was set at work in the field. col. watkins worked about hands--generally had one negro out hunting runaways. after employing a physician for some time among his negroes, he ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. he was a presidential elector in . "col. ben sherrod, another large planter in that neighborhood, is remarkable for his kindness to his slaves. he said to rev. mr. barr, that he had no doubt he should be rewarded in heaven for his kindness to his slaves; and yet his overseer, walker, had to sleep with loaded pistols, for fear of assassination. three of the slaves attempted to kill him once, because of his _treatment of their wives_. "old major billy watkins was noted for his severity. i well remember, when he lived in madison county, to have often heard him yell at his negroes with the most savage fury. he would stand at his house, and watch the slaves picking cotton; and if any of them straitened their backs for a moment, his savage yell would ring, 'bend your backs.' "mrs. barr stated, that mrs. h----, of courtland, a member of the presbyterian church, sent a little negro girl to jail, suspecting that she had attempted to put poison in the water pail. the fact was, that the child had found a vial, and was playing in the water. this same woman (in high standing too,) told the rev. mr. mcmillan, that she could 'cut arthur tappan's throat from ear to ear.' "the clothing of slaves is in many cases comfortable, and in many it is far from being so. i have very often seen slaves, whose tattered rags were neither comfortable nor decent. "their _huts_ are sometimes comfortable, but generally they are miserable _hovels_, where male and female are herded promiscuously together. "as to the _usual_ allowance of food on the plantations in north alabama, i cannot speak confidently, from _personal_ knowledge. there was a slave named hadley, who was in the habit of visiting my father's slaves occasionally. he had run away several times. his reason was, as he stated, that they would not give him any meat--said he could not work without meat. the last time i saw him, he had quite a heavy iron yoke on his neck, the two prongs twelve or fifteen inches long, extending out over his shoulders and bending upwards. "_legal_ marriage is unknown among the slaves, they sometimes have a marriage form--generally, however, _none at all_. the pastor of the presbyterian church in huntsville, had two families of slaves when i left there. one couple were married by a negro preacher--the man was robbed of his wife a number of months afterwards, by her '_owner_.' the other couple just 'took up together,' without any form of marriage. they are both members of churches--the man a baptist deacon, sober and correct in his deportment. they have a large family of children--all children of concubinage--living in a minister's family. "if these statements are deemed of any value by you, in forwarding your glorious enterprize, you are at liberty to use them as you please. the great wrong is _enslaving a man_; all other wrongs are pigmies, compared with that. facts might be gathered abundantly, to show that it is _slavery itself_, and not cruelties merely, that make slaves unhappy. even those that are most kindly treated, are generally far from being happy. the slaves in my father's family are almost as kindly treated as _slaves_ can be, yet they pant for liberty. "may the lord guide you in this great movement. in behalf of the perishing, your friend and brother, william. t. allan" narrative of mr. william leftwich, a native of virginia. mr. leftwich is a grandson of gen. jabez leftwich, who was for some years a member of congress from virginia. though born in virginia, he has resided most of his life in alabama. he now lives in delhi, hamilton county, ohio, near cincinnati. as an introduction to his letter, the reader is furnished with the following testimonial to his character, from the rev. horace bushnell, pastor of the presbyterian church in delhi. mr. b. says: "mr. leftwich is a worthy member of this church, and is a young man of sterling integrity and veracity. h. bushnell." the following is the letter of mr. leftwich, dated dec. , . "dear brother--i am not ranked among the abolitionists, yet i cannot, as a friend of humanity, withhold from the public such facts in relation to the condition of the slaves, as have fallen under my own observation. that i am somewhat acquainted with slavery will be seen, as i narrate some incidents of my own life. my parents were slaveholders, and moved from virginia to madison county, alabama, during my infancy. my mother soon fell a victim to the climate. being the youngest of the children, i was left in the care of my aged grandfather, who never held a slave, though his sons owned from to during the time i resided with him. as soon as i could carry a hoe, my uncle, by the name of neely, persuaded my grandfather that i should be placed in his hands, and brought up in habits of industry. i was accordingly placed under his tuition. i left the domestic circle, little dreaming of the horrors that awaited me. my mother's own brother took me to the cotton field, there to learn habits of industry, and to be benefited by his counsels. but the sequel proved, that i was there to feel in my own person, and witness by experience many of the horrors of slavery. instead of kind admonition, i was to endure the frowns of one, whose sympathies could neither be reached by the prayers and cries of his slaves, nor by the entreaties and sufferings of a sister's son. let those who call slaveholders kind, hospitable and humane, mark the course the slaveholder pursues with one born free, whose ancestors fought and bled for liberty; and then say, if they can without a blush of shame, that he who robs the helpless of every _right_, can be truly kind and hospitable. "in a short time after i was put upon the plantation, there was but little difference between me and the slaves, except being _white_, i ate at the master's table. the slaves were my companions in misery, and i well learned their condition, both in the house and field. their dwellings are log huts, from ten to twelve feet square; often without windows, doors or floors. they have neither chairs, tables or bedsteads. these huts are occupied by eight, ten or twelve persons each. their bedding generally consists of two old blankets. many of them sleep night after night sitting upon their blocks or stools; others sleep in the open air. our task was appointed, and from dawn till dark all must bend to their work. their meals were taken without knife or plate, dish or spoon. their food was corn _pone_, prepared in the coarsest manner, with a small allowance of meat. their meals in the field were taken from the hands of the carrier, wherever he found them, with no more ceremony than in the feeding of swine. my uncle was his own overseer. for punishing in the field, he preferred a large hickory stick; and wo to him whose work was not done to please him, for the hickory was used upon our heads as remorselessly as if we had been mad dogs. i was often the object of his fury, and shall bear the marks of it on my body till i die. such was my suffering and degradation, that at the end of five years, i hardly dared to say i was _free_. when thinning cotton, we went mostly on our knees. one day, while thus engaged, my uncle found my row behind; and, by way of admonition, gave me a few blows with his hickory, the marks of which i carried for weeks. often i followed the example of the fugitive slaves, and betook myself to the mountains; but hunger and fear drove me back, to share with the wretched slave his toil and stripes. but i have talked enough about my own bondage; i will now relate a few facts, showing the condition of the slaves _generally_. "my uncle wishing to purchase what is called a good 'house wench,' a _trader_ in human flesh soon produced a woman, recommending her as highly as ever a jockey did a horse. she was purchased, but on trial was found wanting in the requisite qualifications. she then fell a victim to the disappointed rage of my uncle; innocent or guilty, she suffered greatly from his fury. he used to tie her to a peach tree in the yard, and whip her till there was no sound place to lay another stroke, and repeat it so often that her back was kept continually sore. whipping the females around the legs, was a favorite mode of punishment with him. they must stand and hold up their clothes, while he plied his hickory. he did not, like some of his neighbors, keep a pack of hounds for hunting runaway negroes, but be kept one dog for that purpose, and when he came up with a runaway, it would have been death to attempt to fly, and it was nearly so to stand. sometimes, when my uncle attempted to whip the slaves, the dog would rush upon them and relieve them of their rags, if not of their flesh. one object of my uncle's special hate was "jerry," a slave of a proud spirit. he defied all the curses, rage and stripes of his tyrant. though he was often overpowered--for my uncle would frequently wear out his stick upon his head--yet be would never submit. as he was not expert in picking cotton, he would sometimes run away in the fall, to escape abuse. at one time, after an absence of some months, he was arrested and brought back. as is customary, he was stripped, tied to a log, and the cow-skin applied to his naked body till his master was exhausted. then a large log chain was fastened around one ankle, passed up his back, over his shoulders, then across his breast, and fastened under his arm. in this condition he was forced to perform his daily task. add to this he was chained each night, and compelled to chop wood every sabbath, to make up lost time. after being thus manacled for some months, he was released--but his spirit was unsubdued. soon after, his master, in a paroxysm of rage, fell upon him, wore out his staff upon his head, loaded him again with chains, and after a month, sold him farther south. another slave, by the name of mince, who was a man of great strength, purloined some bacon on a christmas eve. it was missed in the morning, and he being absent, was of course suspected. on returning home, my uncle commanded him to come to him, but he refused. the master strove in vain to lay hands on him; in vain he ordered his slaves to seize him--they dared not. at length the master hurled a stone at his head sufficient to have felled a bullock--but he did not heed it. at that instant my aunt sprang forward, and presenting the gun to my uncle, exclaimed, 'shoot him! shoot him !' he made the attempt, but the gun missed fire, and mince fled. he was taken eight or ten months after while crossing the ohio. when brought back, the master, and an overseer on another plantation, took him to the mountain and punished him to their satisfaction in secret; after which he was loaded with chains and set to his task. "i here spent nearly all my life in the midst of slavery. from being the son of a slaveholder, i descended to the condition of a slave, and from that condition i rose (if you please to call it so,) to the station of a '_driver_.' i have lived in alabama, tennessee, and kentucky; and i _know_ the condition of the slaves to be that of unmixed wretchedness and degradation. and on the part of slaveholders, there is cruelty _untold_. the labor of the slave is constant toil, wrung out by fear. their food is scanty, and taken without comfort. their clothes answer the purposes neither of comfort nor decency. they are not allowed to read or write. whether they may worship god or not, depends on the will of the master. the young children, until they can work, often go naked during the warm weather. i could spend months in detailing the sufferings, degradation and cruelty inflicted upon slaves. but my soul sickens at the remembrance of these things." testimony of mr. lemuel sapington, a native of maryland. mr. sapington, is a repentant "soul driver" or slave trader, now a citizen of lancaster, pa. he gives the following testimony in a letter dated, jan. , . "i was born in maryland, afterwards moved to virginia, where i commenced the business of farming and trafficking in slaves. in my neighborhood the slaves were 'quartered.' the description generally given of negro quarters is correct. the quarters are without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather, they are uncomfortable both in summer and winter. the food there consists of potatoes, pork, and corn, which were given to them daily, by weight and measure. the sexes were huddled together promiscuously. their clothing is made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted by the old women who are no longer able to do out door work, consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. i have frequently seen those of both sexes who have not attained the age of twelve years go naked. their punishments are invariably cruel. for the slightest offence, such as taking a hen's egg, i have seen them stripped and suspended by their hands, their feet tied together, a fence rail of ordinary size placed between their ankles, and then most cruelly whipped, until, from head to foot, they were completely lacerated, a pickle made for the purpose of salt and water, would then be applied by a fellow-slave, for the purpose of healing the wounds as well as giving pain. then taken down and without the least respite sent to work with their hoe. "pursuing my assumed right of driving souls, i went to the southern part of virginia for the purpose of trafficking in slaves. in that part of the state, the cruelties practised upon the slaves, are far greater than where i lived. the punishments there often resulted in death to the slave. there was no law for the negro, but that of the overseer's whip. in that part of the country, the slaves receive nothing for food, but corn in the ear, which has to be prepared for baking after working hours, by grinding it with a hand-mill. this they take to the fields with them, and prepare it for eating, by holding it on their hoes, over a fire made by a stump. among the gangs, are often young women, who bring their children to the fields, and lay them in a fence corner, while they are at work, only being permitted to nurse them at the option of the overseer. when a child is three weeks old, a woman is considered in working order. i have seen a woman, with her young child strapped to her back, laboring the whole day, beside a man, perhaps the father of the child, and he not being permitted to give her any assistance, himself being under the whip. the uncommon humanity of the driver allowing her the comfort of doing so. i was then selling a drove of slaves, which i had brought by water from baltimore, my conscience not allowing me to drive, as was generally the case uniting the slaves by collars and chains, and thus driving them under the whip. about that time an unaccountable something, which i now know was an interposition of providence, prevented me from prosecuting any farther this unholy traffic; but though i had quitted it, i still continued to live in a slave state, witnessing every day its evil effects upon my fellow beings. among which was a heart-rending scene that took place in my father's house, which led me to lease a slave state, as well as all the imaginary comforts arising from slavery. on preparing for my removal to the state of pennsylvania, it became necessary for me to go to louisville, in kentucky, where, if possible, i became more horrified with the impositions practiced upon the negro than before. there a slave was sold to go farther south, and was hand-cuffed for the purpose of keeping him secure. but choosing death rather than slavery, he jumped overboard and was drowned. when i returned four weeks afterwards his body, that had floated three miles below, was yet unburied. one fact; it is impossible for a person to pass through a slave state, if he has eyes open, without beholding every day cruelties repugnant to humanity. respectfully yours, lemuel sapington. testimony of mrs. nancy lowry, a native of kentucky. mrs. lory, is a member of the non-conformist church in osnaburg, stark county, ohio, she is a native of kentucky. we have received from her the following testimony. "i resided in the family of reuben long, the principal part of the time, from seven to twenty-two years of age. mr. long had slaves, among whom were three who were treated with severity, although mr. long was thought to be a very human master. these three, namely john, ned, and james, had wives; john and ned had theirs at some distance, but james had his with him. all three died a premature death, and it was generally believed by his neighbors, that extreme whipping was the cause. i believe so too. ned died about the age of and john or . the cause of their flogging was commonly staying a little over the time, with their wives. mr. long would tie them up by the wrist, so high that their toes would just touch the ground, and then with a cow-hide lay the lash upon the naked back, until he was exhausted, when he would sit down and rest. as soon as he had rested sufficiently, he would ply the cow-hide again, thus he would continue until the whole back of the poor victim was lacerated into one uniform coat of blood. yet he was a strict professor of the christian religion, in the southern church. i frequently washed the wounds of john, with salt water, to prevent putrefaction. this was the usual course pursued after a severe flogging; their backs would be full of gashes, so deep the i could almost lay my finger in them. they were generally laid up after the flogging for several days. the last flogging ned got, he was confined to the bed, which he never left till he was carried to his grave. during john's confinement in his last sickness on one occasion while attending on him, he exclaimed, 'oh, nancy, miss nancy, i haven't much longer in this world, i feel as if my whole body inside and all my bones were beaten into a jelly.' soon after he died. john and ned were both professors of religion. "john ruffner, a slaveholder, had one slave named pincy, whom he as well as mrs. ruffner would often flog very severely. i frequently saw mrs. ruffner flog her with the broom, shovel, or any thing she could seize in her rage. she would knock her down and then kick and stamp her most unmercifully, until she would be apparently so lifeless, that i more than once thought she would never recover. often pincy would try to shelter herself from the blows of her mistress, by creeping under the bed, from which mrs. ruffner would draw her by the feet, and then stamp and leap on her body, till her breath would be gone. often pincy, would cry, 'oh missee, don't kill me!' 'oh lord, don't kill me!' 'for god's sake don't kill me!' but mrs. ruffner would beat and stamp away, with all the venom of a demon. the cause of pincy's flogging was, not working enough, or making some mistake in baking, &c. &c. many a night pincy had to lie on the bare floor, by the side of the cradle, rocking the baby of her mistress, and if she would fall asleep, and suffer the child to cry, so as to waken mrs. ruffner, she would be sure to receive a flogging." testimony of mr. wm. c. gildersleeve, a native of georgia mr. w.c. gildersleeve, a native of georgia, is an elder of the presbyterian church at wilkesbarre, pa. "_acts of cruelty, without number, fell under my observation_ while i lived in georgia. i will mention but one. a slave of a mr. pinkney, on his way with a wagon to savannah, 'camped' for the night by the road side. that night, the nearest hen-roost was robbed. on his return, the hen-roost was again visited, and the fowl counted one less in the morning. the oldest son, with some attendants made search, and came upon the poor fellow, in the act of dressing his spoil. he was too nimble for them, and made his retreat good into a dense swamp. when much effort to start him from his hiding place had proved unsuccessful, it was resolved to lay an ambush for him, some distance ahead. the wagon, meantime, was in charge of a lad, who accompanied the teamster as an assistant. the little boy lay still till nearly night, (in the hope probably that the teamster would return,) when he started with his wagon. after travelling some distance, the lost one made his appearance, when the ambush sprang upon him. the poor fellow was conducted back to the plantation. he expected little mercy. he begged for himself, in the most suplicating manner, 'pray massa give me lashes and let me go.' he was then tied by the hands, to a limb of a large mulberry tree, which grew in the yard, so that his feet were raised a few inches from the ground, while a _sharpened stick_ was driven underneath that he might rest his weight on it, or swing by his hands. in this condition lashes were laid on his bare body. i stood by and witnessed the whole, without as i recollect feeling the least compassion. so hardening is the influence of slavery, that it very much destroys feeling for the slave." testimony of mr. hiram white--a native of north carolina mr. white resided thirty-two years in chatham county, north carolina, and is now a member of the baptist church, at otter creek prairie, illinois. about the th december , a report was raised that the slaves in chatham county, north carolina, were going to rise on christmas day, in consequence of which a considerable commotion ensued among the inhabitants; orders were given by the governor to the militia captains, to appoint patrolling captains in each district, and orders were given for every man subject to military duty to patrol as their captains should direct. i went two nights in succession, and after that refused to patrol at all. the reason why i refused was this, orders were given to search every negro house for books or prints of any kind, and _bibles_ and _hymn books_ were particularly mentioned. and should we find any, our orders were to inflict punishment by whipping the slave until he _informed who_ gave them to him, or how they came by them. as regards the comforts of the slaves in the vicinity of my residence, i can say they had nothing that would bear that name. it is true, the slaves in general, of a good crop year, were tolerably well fed, but of a bad crop year, they were, as a general thing, cut short of their allowance. their houses were pole cabins, without loft or floor. their beds were made of what is there called "broom-straw." the men more commonly sleep on benches. their clothing would compare well with their lodging. whipping was common. it was hardly possible for a man with a common pair of ears, if he was out of his house but a short time on monday mornings, to miss of hearing the sound of the lash, and the cries of the sufferers pleading with their masters to desist. these scenes were more common throughout the time of my residence there, from to . mr. hedding of chatham county, held a slave woman. i traveled past heddings as often as once in two weeks during the winter of , and always saw her clad in a single cotton dress, sleeves came half way to the elbow, and in order to prevent her running away, a child, supposed to be about seven years of age, was connected with her by a long chain fastened round her neck, and in this situation she was compelled all the day to grub up the roots of shrubs and sapplings to prepare ground for the plough. it is not uncommon for slaves to make up on sundays what they are not able to perform through the week of their tasks. at the time of the rumored insurrection above named, chatham jail was filled with slaves who were said to have been concerned in the plot. without the least evidence of it, they were punished in divers ways; some were whipped, some had their _thumbs screwed in a vice_ to make them confess, but no proof satisfactory was ever obtained that the negroes had ever thought of an insurrection, nor did any so far as i could learn, acknowledge that an insurrection had ever been projected. from this time forth, the slaves were prohibited from assembling together for the worship of god, and many of those who had previously been authorized to preach the gospel were prohibited. amalgamation was common. there was scarce a family of slaves that had females of mature age where there were not some mulatto children. hiram white _otter creek prairie, jan. , _. testimony of mr. john m. nelson--a native of virginia. extract of a letter, dated january , , from john m. nelson, esq., of hillsborough. mr. nelson removed from virginia to highland county, ohio, many years since, where he is extensively known and respected. i was born and raised in augusta county, virginia; my father was an elder in the presbyterian church, and was "owner" of about twenty slaves; he was what was generally termed a "good master." his slaves were generally tolerably well fed and clothed, and not over worked, they were sometimes permitted to attend church, and called in to family worship; few of them, however, availed themselves of these privileges. on _some occasions_ i have seen him whip them severely, particularly for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for what was called, "running away." for _this_ they were scourged more severely than for any thing else. after they have been retaken, i have seen them stripped naked and suspended by the hands, sometimes to a tree, sometimes to a post, until their toes barely touched the ground, and whipped with a cowhide until the blood dripped from their backs. a boy named jack, particularly, i have seen served in this way more than once. when i was quite a child, i recollect it grieved me very much to see one _tied up_ to be whipped, and i used to intercede with tears in their behalf, and mingle my cries with theirs, and feel almost willing to take part of the punishment; i have been severely rebuked by my father for this kind of sympathy. yet, such is the hardening nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering slave, i became so blunted that i could not only witness their stripes with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse. one case i have often looked back to with sorrow and contrition, particularly since i have been convinced that "negroes are men." when i was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, i undertook to correct a young fellow named ned, for some supposed offence; i think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my striking him; this i considered the height of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. my father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. after i had whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and i kicked him in the face; my father said, "don't kick him, but whip him;" this i did until his back was literally covered with _welts_. i know i have repented, and trust i have obtained pardon for these things. my father owned a woman, (we used to call aunt grace,) she was purchased in old virginia. she has told me that her old master, in his _will_, gave her her freedom, but at his death, his sons had sold her to my father: when he bought her she manifested some unwillingness to go with him, when she was put in irons and taken by force. this was before i was born; but i remember to have seen the irons, and was told that was what they had been used for. aunt grace is still living, and must be between seventy and eighty years of age; she has, for the last forty years, been an exemplary christian. when i was a youth i took some pains to learn her to read; this is now a great consolation to her. since age and infirmity have rendered her of little value to her "owners," she is permitted to read as much as she pleases; this she can do, with the aid of glasses, in the old family bible, which is almost the only book she has ever looked into. this with some little mending for the black children, is all she does; she is still held as a slave. i well remember what a _heart-rending scene_ there was in the family when _my father sold her husband_; this was, i suppose, thirty-five years ago. and yet my father was considered one of the best of masters. i know of few who were better, but of _many_ who were worse. the last time i saw my father, which was in the fall of , he promised me that he would free all his slaves at his death. he died however without doing it; and i have understood since, that he omitted it, through the influence of rev. dr. speece, a presbyterian minister, who lived in the family, and was a _warm friend of the colonization society_. about the year or , i became a student of rev. george bourne; he was the first abolitionist i had ever seen, and the first i had ever heard pray or plead for the oppressed, which gave me the first misgivings about the _innocence_ of slaveholding. i received impressions from mr. bourne which i could not get rid of,[ ] and determined in my own mind that when i settled in life, it should be in a free state; this determination i carried into effect in , when i removed to this place, which i supposed at that time, to be all the opposition to slavery that was necessary, but the moment i became convinced that all slaveholding was in itself _sinful_, i became an abolitionist, which was about four years ago. [footnote : mr. bourne resided seven years in virginia, "in perils among false brethren; fiercely persecuted for his faithful testimony against slavery. more than twenty years since he published a work entitled 'the book and slavery irreconcileable.'"] testimony of angelina grimkÉ weld. mrs. weld is the youngest daughter of the late judge grimké, of the supreme court of south carolina, and a sister of the late hon. thomas s. grimké, of charleston. fort lee, bergen co., new jersey, fourth month th, . i sit down to comply with thy request, preferred in the name of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. the responsibility laid upon me by such a request, leaves me no option. while i live, and slavery lives, i _must_ testify against it. if i should hold my peace, "the stone would cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber would answer it." but though i feel a necessity upon me, and "a woe unto me," if i withhold my testimony, i give it with a heavy heart. my flesh crieth out, "if it be possible, let _this_ cup pass from me;" but, "father, _thy_ will be done," is, i trust, the breathing of my spirit. oh, the slain of the daughter of my people! they lie in all the ways; their tears fall as the rain, and are their meat day and night; their blood runneth down like water; their plundered hearths are desolate; they weep for their husbands and children, because they are not; and the proud waves do continually go over them, while no eye pitieth, and no man careth for their souls. but it is not alone for the sake of my poor brothers and sisters in bonds, or for the cause of truth, and righteousness, and humanity, that i testify; the deep yearnings of affection for the mother that bore me, who is still a slaveholder, both in fact and in heart; for my brothers and sisters, (a large family circle,) and for my numerous other slaveholding kindred in south carolina, constrain me to speak: for even were slavery no curse to its victims, the exercise of arbitrary power works such fearful ruin upon the hearts of _slaveholders_, that i should feel impelled to labor and pray for its overthrow with my last energies and latest breath. i think it important to premise, that i have seen almost nothing of slavery on _plantations_. my testimony will have respect exclusively to the treatment of "_house-servants_," and chiefly those belonging to the first families in the city of charleston, both in the religious and in the fashionable world. and here let me say, that the treatment of _plantation_ slaves cannot be fully known, except by the poor sufferers themselves, and their drivers and overseers. in a multitude of instances, even the master can know very little of the actual condition of his own field-slaves, and his wife and daughters far less. a few facts concerning my own family will show this. our permanent residence was in charleston; our country-seat (bellemont,) was miles distant, in the north-western part of the state; where, for some years, our family spent a few months annually. our _plantation_ was three miles from this family mansion. there, all the field-slaves lived and worked. occasionally, once a month, perhaps, some of the family would ride over to the plantation, but i never visited the _fields where the slaves were at work_, and knew almost nothing of their condition; but this i do know, that the overseers who had charge of them, were generally unprincipled and intemperate men. but i rejoice to know, that the general treatment of slaves in that region of country, was far milder than on the plantations in the lower country. throughout all the eastern and middle portions of the state, the planters very rarely reside permanently on their plantations. they have almost invariably _two residences_, and spend less than half the year on their estates. even while spending a few months on them, politics, field-sports, races, speculations, journeys, visits, company, literary pursuits, &c., absorb so much of their time, that they must, to a considerable extent, take the condition of their slaves _on trust_, from the reports of their overseers. i make this statement, because these slaveholders (the wealthier class,) are, i believe, almost the only ones who visit the north with their families;--and northern opinions of slavery are based chiefly on their testimony. but not to dwell on preliminaries, i wish to record my testimony to the faithfulness and accuracy with which my beloved sister, sarah m. grimké, has, in her 'narrative and testimony,' on a preceding page, described the condition of the slaves, and the effect upon the hearts of slaveholders, (even the best,) caused by the exercise of unlimited power over moral agents. of the _particular acts_ which she has stated, i have no personal knowledge, as they occurred before my remembrance; but of the spirit that prompted them, and that constantly displays itself in scenes of similar horror, the recollections of my childhood, and the effaceless imprint upon my riper years, with the breaking of my heart-strings, when, finding that i was powerless to shield the victims, i tore myself from my home and friends, and became an exile among strangers--all these throng around me as witnesses, and their testimony is graven on my memory with a pen of fire. why i did not become totally hardened, under the daily operation of this system, god only knows; in deep solemnity and gratitude, i say, it was the _lord's_ doing, and marvellous in mine eyes. even before my heart was touched with the love of christ, i used to say, "oh that i had the wings of a dove, that i might flee away and be at rest;" for i felt that there could be no rest for me in the midst of such outrages and pollutions. and yet i saw _nothing_ of slavery in its most vulgar and repulsive forms. i saw it in the city, among the fashionable and the honorable, where it was garnished by refinement, and decked out for show. a few _facts_ will unfold the state of society in the circle with which i was familiar far better than any general assertions i can make. i will first introduce the reader to a woman of the highest respectability--one who was foremost in every benevolent enterprise, and stood for many years, i may say, at the _head_ of the fashionable elite of the city of charleston, and afterwards at the head of the moral and religious female society there. it was after she had made a profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable world, that i knew her; therefore i will present her in her religious character. this lady used to keep cowhides, or small paddles, (called 'pancake sticks,') in four different apartments in her house; so that when she wished to punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, she might not have the trouble of sending for an instrument of torture. for many years, one or other, and _often_ more of her slaves, were flogged _every day_; particularly the young slaves about the house, whose faces were slapped, or their hands beat with the 'pancake stick; for every trifling offence--and often for no fault at all. but the floggings were not all; the scolding, and abuse daily heaped upon them all, were worse: 'fools' and 'liars,' 'sluts' and 'husseys,' 'hypocrites' and 'good-for-nothing creatures'; were the common epithets with which her mouth was filled, when addressing her slaves, adults as well as children. very often she would take a position at her window, in an upper story, and scold at her slaves while working in the garden, at some distance from the house, (a large yard intervening,) and occasionally order a flogging. i have known her thus on the watch, scolding for more than an hour at a time, in so loud a voice that the whole neighborhood could hear her; and this without the least apparent feeling of shame. indeed, it was no disgrace among slaveholders, and did not in the least injure her standing, either as a lady or a christian, in the aristocratic circle in which she moved. after the 'revival' in charleston, in , she opened her house to social prayer-meetings. the room in which they were held in the evening, and where the voice of prayer was heard around the family altar, and where she herself retired for private devotion thrice each day, was the very place in which, when her slaves were to be whipped with the cowhide, they were taken to receive the infliction; and the wail of the sufferer would be heard, where, perhaps only a few hours previous, rose the voices of prayer and praise. this mistress would occasionally send her slaves, male and female, to the charleston work-house to be punished. one poor girl, whom she sent there to be flogged, and who was accordingly stripped _naked_ and whipped, showed me the deep gashes on her back--i might have laid my whole finger in them--_large pieces of flesh had actually been cut out by the torturing lash_. she sent another female slave there, to be imprisoned and worked on the tread-mill. this girl was confined several days, and forced to work the mill while in a state of suffering from another cause. for ten days or two weeks after her return, she was lame, from the violent exertion necessary to enable her to keep the step on the machine. she spoke to me with intense feeling of this outrage upon her, as a _woman_. her men servants were sometimes flogged there; and so exceedingly offensive has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated backs, for days after the infliction, that they would be kept out of the house--the smell arising from their wounds being too horrible to be endured. they were always stiff and sore for some days, and not in a condition to be seen by visitors. this professedly christian woman was a most awful illustration of the ruinous influence of arbitrary power upon the temper--her bursts of passion upon the heads of her victims were dreaded even by her own children, and very often, all the pleasure of social intercourse around the domestic board, was destroyed by her ordering the cook into her presence, and storming at him, when the dinner or breakfast was not prepared to her taste, and in the presence of all her children, commanding the waiter to slap his face. _fault-finding_, was with her the constant accompaniment of every meal, and banished that peace which should hover around the social board, and smile on every face. it was common for her to order brothers to whip their own sisters, and sisters their own brothers, and yet no woman visited among the poor more than she did, or gave more liberally to relieve their wants. this may seem perfectly unaccountable to a northerner, but these seeming contradictions vanish when we consider that over _them_ she possessed no arbitrary power, they were always presented to her mind as unfortunate sufferers, towards whom her sympathies most freely flowed; she was ever ready to wipe the tears from _their_ eyes, and open wide her purse for _their_ relief, but the others were her _vassals_, thrust down by public opinion beneath her feet, to be at her beck and call, ever ready to serve in all humility, her, whom god in his providence had set over them--it was their _duty_ to abide in abject submission, and hers to _compel_ them to do so--_it was thus that she reasoned_. except at family prayers, none were permitted to _sit_ in her presence, but the seamstresses and waiting maids, and they, however delicate might be their circumstances, were forced to sit upon low stools, without backs, that they might be constantly reminded of their inferiority. a slave who waited in the house, was guilty on a particular occasion of going to visit his wife, and kept dinner waiting a little, (his wife was the slave of a lady who lived at a little distance.) when the family sat down to the table, the mistress began to scold the waiter for the offence--he attempted to excuse himself--she ordered him to hold his tongue--he ventured another apology; her son then rose from the table in a rage, and beat the face and ears of the waiter so dreadfully that the blood gushed from his mouth, and nose, and ears. this mistress was a _professor of religion_; her daughter who related the circumstance, was a _fellow member_ of the presbyterian church _with the poor outraged slave_--instead of feeling indignation at this outrageous abuse of her brother in the church, she justified the deed, and said "he got just what he deserved." i solemnly believe this to be a true picture of _slaveholding religion_. the following is another illustration of it: a mistress in charleston sent a grey headed female slave to the workhouse, and had her severely flogged. the poor old woman went to an acquaintance of mine and begged her to buy her, and told her how cruelly she had been whipped. my friend examined her _lacerated back_, and out of compassion did purchase her. the circumstance was mentioned to one of the former owner's relatives, who asked her if it were true. the mistress told her it was, and said that she had made the severe whipping of this aged woman a _subject of prayer_, and that she believed she had done right to have it inflicted upon her. the last 'owner' of the poor old slave, said she, had no fault to find with her as a servant. i remember very well that when i was a child, our next door neighbor whipped a young woman so brutally, that in order to escape his blows she rushed through the drawing-room window in the second story, and fell upon the street pavement below and broke her hip. this circumstance produced no excitement or inquiry. the following circumstance occurred in charleston, in : a slaveholder, after flogging a little girl about thirteen years old, set her on a table with her feet fastened in a pair of stocks. he then locked the door and took out the key. when the door was opened she was found dead, having fallen from the table. when i asked a prominent lawyer, who belonged to one of the first families in the state, whether the murderer of this helpless child could not be indicted, he coolly replied, that the slave was mr. ----'s property, and if he chose to suffer the _loss_, no one else had any thing to do with it. the loss of _human life_, the distress of the parents and other relatives of the little girl, seemed utterly out of his thoughts: it was the loss of _property_ only that presented itself to his mind. i knew a gentleman of great benevolence and generosity of character, so essentially to injure the eye of a little boy, about ten years old, as to destroy its sight, by the blow of a cowhide, inflicted whilst he was whipping him.[ ] i have heard the same individual speak of "breaking down the spirit of a slave under the lash" as perfectly right. [footnote : the jewish law would have set this servant free, for his eye's sake, but he was held in slavery and sold from hand to hand, although, besides this title to his liberty according to jewish law, he was a _mulatto_, and therefore free under the constitution of the united states, in whose preamble our fathers declare that they established it expressly to "secure the blessings of _liberty_ to themselves and _their posterity_."--ed.] i also know that an aged slave of his, (by marriage,) was allowed to get a scanty and precarious subsistence, by begging in the streets of charleston--he was too old to work, and therefore _his allowance was stopped_, and he was turned out to make his living by begging. when i was about thirteen years old, i attended a seminary, in charleston, which was superintended by a man and his wife of superior education. they had under their instruction the daughters of nearly all the aristocracy. their cruelty to their slaves, both male and female, i can never forget. i remember one day there was called into the school room to open a window, a boy whose head had been shaved in order to disgrace him, and he had been so dreadfully whipped that he could hardly walk. so horrible was the impression produced upon my mind by his heart-broken countenance and crippled person that i fainted away. the sad and ghastly countenance of one of their female mulatto slaves who used to sit on a low stool at her sewing in the piazza, is now fresh before me. she often told me, secretly, how cruelly she was whipped when they sent her to the work house. i had known so much of the terrible scourgings inflicted in that house of blood, that when i was once obliged to pass it, the very sight smote me with such horror that my limbs could hardly sustain me. i felt as if i was passing the precincts of hell. a friend of mine who lived in the neighborhood, told me she often heard the screams of the slaves under their torture. i once heard a physician of a high family, and of great respectability in his profession, say, that when he sent his slaves to the work-house to be flogged, he always went to see it done, that he might be sure they were properly, i.e. _severely_ whipped. he also related the following circumstance in my presence. he had sent a youth of about eighteen to this horrible place to be whipped and _afterwards_ to be worked upon the treadmill. from not keeping the step, which probably he could not do, in consequence of the lacerated state of his body; his arm got terribly torn, from the shoulder to the wrist. this physician said, he went every day to attend to it himself, in order that he might use those restoratives, which _would inflict the greatest possible pain_. this poor boy, after being imprisoned there for some weeks, was then brought home, and compelled to wear iron clogs on his ankles for one or two months. i saw him with those irons on one day when i was at the house. this man was, when young, remarkable in the fashionable world for his elegant and fascinating manners, but the exercise of the slaveholder's power has thrown the fierce air of tyranny even over these. i heard another man of equally high standing say, that he believed he suffered far more than his waiter did whenever he flogged him for he felt the _exertion_ for days afterward, but he could not let his servant go on in the neglect of his business, it was _his duty_ to chastise him. "his duty" to flog this boy of seventeen so severely that he felt _the exertion_ for days after! and yet he never felt it to be his duty to instruct him, or have him instructed, even in the common principles of morality. i heard the mother of this man say it would be no surprise to her, if he killed a slave some day, for, that, when transported with passion he did not seem to care what he did. he once broke a _large_ stick over the back of a slave and at another time the ivory butt-end of a long coach whip over the _head_ of another. this last was attacked with epileptic fits some months after, and has ever since been subject to them, and occasionally to violent fits of insanity. southern mistresses sometimes flog their slaves themselves though generally one slave is compelled to flog another. whilst staying at a friend's house some years ago, i one day saw the mistress with a cow-hide in her hand, and heard her scolding in an under tone, her waiting man, who was about twenty-five years old. whether she actually inflicted the blows i do not know, for i hastened out of sight and hearing. it was not the first time i had seen a mistress thus engaged. i knew she was a cruel mistress, and had heard her daughters disputing, whether their mother did right or wrong, to send the slave _children_, (whom she sent out to sweep chimneys) to the work house to be whipped if they did not bring in their wages regularly. this woman moved in the most fashionable circle in charleston. the income of this family was derived mostly from the hire of their slaves, about one hundred in number. their luxuries were blood-bought luxuries indeed. and yet what stranger would ever have inferred their cruelties from the courteous reception and bland manners of the parlor. every thing cruel and revolting is carefully concealed from strangers, especially those from the north. take an instance. i have known the master and mistress of a family send to their friends to _borrow_ servants to wait on company, because their own slaves had been so cruelly flogged in the work house, that they could not walk without limping at every step, and their putrified flesh emitted such an intolerable smell that they were not fit to be in the presence of company. how can northerners know these things when they are hospitably received at southern tables and firesides? i repeat it, no one who has not been an _integral part_ of a slaveholding community, can have any idea of its abominations. it is a whited sepulchre full of dead men's bones and all uncleanness. blessed be god, the angel of _truth_ has descended and rolled away the stone from the mouth of the sepulchre, and sits upon it. the abominations so long hidden are now brought forth before all israel and the sun. yes, the angel of truth _sits upon this stone_, and it can never be rolled back again. the utter disregard of the comfort of the slaves, in _little_ things, can scarcely be conceived by those who have not been a _component part_ of slaveholding communities. take a few particulars out of hundreds that might be named. in south carolina musketoes swarm in myriads, more than half the year--they are so excessively annoying at night, that no family thinks of sleeping without nets or "musketoe-bars" hung over their bedsteads, yet slaves are never provided with them, unless it be the favorite old domestics who get the cast-off pavilions; and yet these very masters and mistresses will be so kind to their _horses_ as to provide them with _fly nets_. bedsteads and bedding too, are rarely provided for any of the slaves--if the waiters and coachmen, waiting maids, cooks, washers, &c., have beds at all, they must generally get them for themselves. commonly they lie down at night on the bare floor, with a small blanket wrapped round them in winter, and in summer a coarse osnaburg sheet, or nothing. old slaves generally have beds, but it is because when younger _they have provided them for themselves._ only two meals a day are allowed the house slaves--the _first at twelve o'clock_. if they eat before this time, it is by stealth, and i am sure there must be a good deal of suffering among them from _hunger_, and particularly by children. besides this, they are often kept from their meals by way of punishment. no table is provided for them to eat from. they know nothing of the comfort and pleasure of gathering round the social board--each takes his plate or tin pan and iron spoon and holds it in the hand or on the lap. i _never_ saw slaves seated round a _table_ to partake of any meal. as the general rule, no lights of any kind, no firewood--no towels, basins, or soap, no tables, chairs, or other furniture, are provided. wood for cooking and washing _for the family_ is found, but when the master's work is done, the slave must find wood for himself if he has a fire. i have repeatedly known slave children kept the whole winter's evening, sitting on the stair-case in a cold entry, just to be at hand to snuff candles or hand a tumbler of water from the side-board, or go on errands from one room to another. it may be asked why they were not permitted to stay in the parlor, when they would be still more at hand. i answer, because waiters are not allowed to _sit_ in the presence of their owners, and as children who were kept running all day, would of course get very tired of standing for two or three hours, they were allowed to go into the entry and sit on the staircase until rung for. another reason is, that even slaveholders at times find the presence of slaves very annoying; they cannot exercise entire freedom of speech before them on all subjects. i have also known instances where seamstresses were kept in cold entries to work by the stair case lamps for one or two hours, every evening in winter--they could not see without standing up all the time, though the work was often too large and heavy for them to sew upon it in that position without great inconvenience, and yet they were expected to do their work as _well_ with their cold fingers, and standing up, as if they had been sitting by a comfortable fire and provided with the necessary light. house slaves suffer a great deal also from not being allowed to leave the house without permission. if they wish to go even for a draught of water, they must _ask leave_, and if they stay longer than the mistress thinks necessary, they are liable to be punished, and often are scolded or slapped, or kept from going down to the next meal. it frequently happens that relatives, among slaves, are separated for weeks or months, by the husband or brother being taken by the master on a journey, to attend on his horses and himself.--when they return, the white husband seeks the wife of his love; but the black husband must wait to see _his_ wife, until mistress pleases to let her chambermaid leave her room. yes, such is the despotism of slavery, that wives and sisters dare not run to meet their husbands and brothers after such separations, and hours sometimes elapse before they are allowed to meet; and, at times, a fiendish pleasure is taken in keeping them asunder--this furnishes an opportunity to vent feelings of spite for any little neglect of "duty." the sufferings to which slaves are subjected by separations of various kinds, cannot be imagined by those unacquainted with the working out of the system behind the curtain. take the following instances. chambermaids and seamstresses often sleep in their mistresses' apartments, but with no bedding at all. i know an instance of a woman who has been married eleven years, and yet has never been allowed to sleep out of her mistress's chamber.--this is a _great_ hardship to slaves. when we consider that house slaves are rarely allowed social intercourse during _the day_, as their work generally _separates_ them; the barbarity of such an arrangement is obvious. it is peculiarly a hardship in the above case, as the husband of the woman does not "belong" to her "owner;" and because he is subject to dreadful attacks of illness, and can have but little attention from his wife in the _day_. and yet her mistress, who is an old lady, gives her the highest character as a faithful servant, and told a friend of mine, that she was "entirely dependent upon her for _all_ her comforts; she dressed and undressed her, gave her all her food, and was so _necessary_ to her that she could not do without her." i may add, that this couple are tenderly attached to each other. i also know an instance in which the husband was a slave and the wife was free: during the illness of the former, the latter was _allowed_ to come and nurse him; she was obliged to leave the work by which she had made a living, and come to stay with her husband, and thus lost weeks of her time, or he would have suffered for want of proper attention; and yet his "owner" made her no compensation for her services. he had long been a faithful and a favorite slave, and his owner was a woman very benevolent to the poor whites.--she went a great deal among these, as a visiting commissioner of the ladies' benevolent society, and was in the constant habit of _paying the relatives of the poor whites_ for nursing _their_ husbands, fathers, and other relations; because she thought it very hard, when their time was taken up, so that they could not earn their daily bread, that they should be left to suffer. now, such is the stupifying influence of the "_chattel_ principle" on the minds of slaveholders, that i do not suppose it ever occurred to her that this poor _colored_ wife ought to be paid for her services, and particularly as she was spending her time and strength in taking care of her "_property_." she no doubt only thought how kind she was, to _allow_ her to come and stay so long in her yard; for, let it be kept in mind, that slaveholders have unlimited power to separate husbands and wives, parents and children, however and whenever they please; and if this mistress had chosen to do it, she could have debarred this woman from all intercourse with her husband, by forbidding her to enter her premises. persons who own plantations and yet live in cities, often take children from their parents as soon as they are weaned, and send them into the country; because they do not want the time of the mother taken up by attendance upon her own children, it being too valuable to the mistress. as a _favor_, she is, in some cases, permitted to go to see them once a year. so, on the other hand, if field slaves happen to have children of an age suitable to the convenience of the master, they are taken from their parents and brought to the city. parents are almost never consulted as to the disposition to be made of their children; they have as little control over them, as have domestic animals over the disposal of their young. every natural and social feeling and affection are violated with indifference; slaves are treated as though they did not possess them. another way in which the feelings of slaves are trifled with and often deeply wounded, is by changing their names; if, at the time they are brought into a family, there is another slave of the same name; or if the owner happens, for some other reason, not to like the name of the new comer. i have known slaves very much grieved at having the names of their children thus changed, when they had been called after a dear relation. indeed it would be utterly impossible to recount the multitude of ways in which the _heart_ of the slave is continually lacerated by the total disregard of his feelings as a social being and a human creature. the slave suffers also greatly from being continually watched. the system of espionage which is constantly kept up over slaves is the most worrying and intolerable that can be imagined. many mistresses are, in fact, during the absence of their husbands, really their drivers; and the pleasure of returning to their families often, on the part of the husband, is entirely destroyed by the complaints preferred against the slaves when he comes home to his meals. a mistress of my acquaintance asked her servant boy, one day, what was the reason she could not get him to do his work whilst his master was away, and said to him, "your master works a great deal harder than you do; he is at his office all day, and often has to study his law cases at night." "master," said the boy, "is working for himself, and for you, ma'am, but i am working for _him_". the mistress turned and remarked to a friend, that she was so struck with the truth of the remark, that she could not say a word to him. but i forbear--the sufferings of the slaves are not only innumerable, but they are _indescribable_. i may paint the agony of kindred torn from each other's arms, to meet no more in time; i may depict the inflictions of the blood-stained lash, but i cannot describe the daily, hourly, ceaseless torture, endured by the heart that is constantly trampled under the foot of despotic power. this is a part of the horrors of slavery which, i believe, no one has ever attempted to delineate; i wonder not at it, it mocks all power of language. who can describe the anguish of that mind which feels itself impaled upon the iron of arbitrary power--its living, writhing, helpless victim! every human susceptibility tortured, its sympathies torn, and stung, and bleeding--always feeling the death-weapon in its heart, and yet not so deep as to _kill_ that humanity which is made the curse of its existence. in the course of my testimony i have entered somewhat into the _minutiae_ of slavery, because this is a part of the subject often overlooked, and cannot be appreciated by any but those who have been witnesses, and entered into sympathy with the slaves as human beings. slaveholders think nothing of them, because they regard their slaves as _property_, the mere instruments of their convenience and pleasure. _one who is a slaveholder at heart never recognises a human being in a slave_. as thou hast asked me to testify respecting the _physical condition_ of the slaves merely, i say nothing of the awful neglect of their _minds and souls_ and the systematic effort to imbrute them. a wrong and an impiety, in comparison with which all the other unutterable wrongs of slavery are but as the dust of the balance. angelina g. weld. general testimony to the cruelties inflicted upon slaves. before presenting to the reader particular details of the cruelties inflicted upon american slaves, we will present in brief the well-weighed declarations of slaveholders and other residents of slave states, testifying that the slaves are treated with barbarous inhumanity. all _details_ and particulars will be drawn out under their appropriate heads. we propose in this place to present testimony of a _general character_--the solemn declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are treated with great cruelty. to discredit the testimony of witnesses who insist upon convicting themselves, would be an anomalous scepticism. to show that american slavery has _always_ had one uniform character of diabolical cruelty, we will go back one hundred years, and prove it by unimpeachable witnesses, who have given their deliberate testimony to its horrid barbarity, from to . testimony of rev. george whitefield. in a letter written by him in georgia, and addressed to the slaveholders of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina and georgia, in .--see benezet's "caution to great britain and her colonies." "as i lately passed through your provinces on my way hither, i was sensibly touched with a fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor negroes. "sure i am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as i would charitably hope there are _some_,) i fear the _generality_ of you that own negroes _are liable to such a charge_. not to mention what numbers have been given up to the inhuman usage of cruel _taskmasters_, who by their unrelenting scourges, have ploughed their backs and made long furrows, and at length brought them to the grave! "_the blood of them, spilt for these many years, in your respective provinces, will ascend up to heaven against you!_" the following is the testimony of the celebrated john woolman, an eminent minister of the society of friends, who traveled extensively in the slave state. we copy it from a "memoir of john woolman, chiefly extracted from a journal of his life and travels." it was published in philadelphia, by the "society of friends." "the following reflections, were written in , while he was traveling on a religious account among slaveholders." "many of the white people in these provinces, take little or no care of negro marriages; and when negroes marry, after their own way, some make so little account of those marriages, that, with views of outward interest, they often part men from their wives, by selling them far asunder; which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue. "many whose labor is heavy, being followed at their business in the field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose,--have, in common, little else allowed them but _one peck_ of indian corn and some salt for one week, with a few potatoes. (the potatoes they commonly raise by their labor on the first day of the week.) the correction ensuing on their disobedience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is often _very severe_, and sometimes _desperate_. men and women have many times _scarce clothes enough to hide their nakedness_--and boys and girls, ten and twelve years old, are often _quite naked_ among their masters' children. some use endeavors to instruct those (negro children) they have in reading; but in common, this is not only neglected, but disapproved."--p. . testimony of the 'maryland journal and baltimore advertiser,' of may , . "in the ordinary course of the business of the country, the punishment of relations frequently happens on the same farm, and in view of each other: the father often sees his beloved son--the son his venerable sire--the mother her much loved daughter--the daughter her affectionate parent--the husband sees the wife of his bosom, and she the husband of her affection, _cruelly bound up_ without delicacy or mercy, and without daring to interpose in each other's behalf, and punished with all the _extremity of incensed rage, and all the rigor of unrelenting severity_. let us reverse the case, and suppose it ours: all is silent horror!" testimony of the hon. william pinckney, of maryland. in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , mr. p. calls slavery in that state, "a speaking picture of _abominable oppression_;" and adds: "it will not do thus to ... act like _unrelenting tyrants_, perpetually sermonizing it with liberty as our text, and actual _oppression_ for our commentary. is she [maryland] not ... the foster mother of _petty despots_,--the patron of _wanton oppression?_" extract from a speech of mr. rice, in the convention for forming the constitution of kentucky, in : "the master may, and _often does, inflict upon him all the severity of punishment the human body is capable of bearing."_ president edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the connecticut abolition society, , says: "from these drivers, for every imagined, as well as real neglect or want of exertion, they receive the lash--the smack of which is all day long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only to lacerate the skin, but to tear out small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke. "this is the general treatment of the slaves. but many individuals suffer still more severely. _many, many are knocked down; some have their eyes beaten out: some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopped off_; and many, for a very small, or for no crime at all, have been beaten to death, merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or overseer." extract from an oration, delivered at baltimore, july , , by george buchanan, m.d., member of the american philosophical society. their situation (the slaves') is _insupportable_; misery inhabits their cabins, and pursues them in the field. inhumanly beaten, they _often_ fall sacrifices to the turbulent tempers of their masters! who is there, unless inured to savage cruelties, that can hear of the inhuman punishments _daily inflicted_ upon the unfortunate blacks, without feeling for them? can a man who calls himself a christian, coolly and deliberately tie up, _thumb-screw, torture with pincers_, and beat unmercifully a poor slave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of duty?--p. . testimony of hon. john randolph, of roanoke--a slaveholder. in one of his congressional speeches, mr. r. says: "avarice alone can drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post-horses _whipped to death_ in a mail coach. ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice? _the hand-cuff; the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide!_" major stoddard, of the united states' army, who took possession of louisiana in behalf of the united states, under the cession of , in his sketches of louisiana, page , says: "the feelings of humanity are outraged--the most odious tyranny exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and nakedness prevail amidst plenty. * * * cruel, and even unusual punishments are daily inflicted on these wretched creatures, enfeebled with hunger, labor and the lash. the scenes of misery and distress constantly witnessed along the coast of the delta, [of the mississippi,] the wounds and lacerations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers, torture the feelings of the passing stranger, and wring blood from the heart." though only the third of the following series of resolutions is directly relevant to the subject now under consideration, we insert the other resolutions, both because they are explanatory of the third, and also serve to reveal the public sentiment of indiana, at the date of the resolutions. as a large majority of the citizens of indiana at that time, were _natives of slave states_, they well knew the actual condition of the slaves. . "resolved unanimously, by the legislative council and house of representatives of indiana territory, that a suspension of the sixth article of compact between the united states and the territories and states north west of the river ohio, passed the th day of january, , for the term of ten years, would be highly advantageous to the territory, and meet the approbation of at least nine-tenths of the good citizens of the same." . "resolved unanimously, that the abstract question of liberty and slavery, is not considered as involved in a suspension of the said article, inasmuch as the number of slaves in the united states would not be augmented by the measure." . "resolved unanimously, that the suspension of the said article would be equally advantageous to the territory, to the states from whence the negroes would be brought, and _to the negroes themselves._ the states which are overburthened with negroes which they cannot comfortably support; * * and the negro himself would exchange a scanty pittance of the coarsest food, for a plentiful and nourishing diet; and a situation which admits not the most distant prospect of emancipation, for one which presents no considerable obstacle to his wishes." . "resolved unanimously, that a copy of these resolutions be delivered to the delegate to congress from this territory, and that he be, and he hereby is, instructed to use his best endeavors to obtain a suspension of the said article." j.b. thomas, _speaker of the house of representatives._ pierre minard, _president pro tem. of the legislative council. vincennes, dec._ , . "forwarded to the speaker the united states' senate, by william henry harrison, governor"--_american state papers_ vol . p. . monsieur c.c. robin, who resided in louisiana from to , and published a volume containing the results of his observations there, thus speaks of the condition of the slaves: "while they are at labor, the manager, the master, or the driver has commonly the whip in hand to strike the idle. but those of the negroes who are judged guilty of serious faults, are punished twenty, twenty-five, forty, fifty, or one hundred lashes. the manner of this cruel execution is as follows: four stakes are driven down, making a long square; the culprit is extended naked between these stakes, face downwards; his hands and his feet are bound separately, with strong cords, to each of the stakes, so far apart that his arms and legs, stretched in the form of st. andrew's cross, give the poor wretch no chance of stirring. then the executioner, who is ordinarily a negro, armed with the long whip of a coachman, strikes upon the reins and thighs. the crack of his whip resounds afar, like that of an angry cartman beating his horses. the blood flows, the long wounds cross each other, strips of skin are raised without softening either the hand of the executioner or the heart of the master, who cries 'sting him harder.' "the reader is moved; so am i: my agitated hand refuses to trace the bloody picture, to recount how many times the piercing cry of pain has interrupted my silent occupations; how many times i have shuddered at the faces of those barbarous masters, where i saw inscribed the number of victims sacrificed to their ferocity. "the women are subjected to these punishments as rigorously as the men--not even pregnancy exempts them; in that case, before binding them to the stakes, a hole is made in the ground to accommodate the enlarged form of the victim. "it is remarkable that the white creole women are ordinarily more inexorable than the men. their slow and languid gait, and the trifling services which they impose, betoken only apathetic indolence; but should the slave not promptly obey, should he even fail to divine the meaning of their gestures, or looks, in an instant they are armed with a formidable whip; it is no longer the arm which cannot sustain the weight of a shawl or a reticule--it is no longer the form which but feebly sustains itself. they themselves order the punishment of one of these poor creatures, and with a dry eye see their victim bound to four stakes; they count the blows, and raise a voice of menace, if the arm that strikes relaxes, or if the blood does not flow in sufficient abundance. their sensibility changed to fury must needs feed itself for a while on the hideous spectacle; they must, as if to revive themselves, hear the piercing shrieks, and see the flow of fresh blood; there are some of them who, in their frantic rage, pinch and bite their victims. "it is by no means wonderful that the laws designed to protect the slave, should be little respected by the generality of such masters. i have seen some masters pay those unfortunate people the miserable overcoat which is their due; but others give them nothing at all, and do not even leave them the hours and sundays granted to them by law. i have seen some of those barbarous masters leave them, during the winter, in a state of revolting nudity, even contrary to their own true interests, for they thus weaken and shorten the lives upon which repose the whole of their own fortunes. i have seen some of those negroes obliged to conceal their nakedness with the long moss of the country. the sad melancholy of these wretches, depicted upon their countenances, the flight of some, and the death of others, do not reclaim their masters; they wreak upon those who remain, the vengeance which they can no longer exercise upon the others." whitman mead, esq. of new york, in his journal, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, under date of "savannah, january , . "to one not accustomed to such scenes as slavery presents, the condition of the slaves is _impressively shocking._ in the course of my walks, i was every where witness to their wretchedness. like the brute creatures of the north, they are driven about at the pleasure of all who meet them: _half naked and half starved_, they drag out a pitiful existence, apparently almost unconscious of what they suffer. a threat accompanies every command, and a bastinado is the usual reward of disobedience." testimony of rev. john rankin, _a native of tennessee, educated there, and for a number of years a preacher in slave states--now pastor of a church in ripley, ohio._ "many poor slaves are stripped naked, stretched and tied across barrels, or large bags, _and tortured with the lash during hours, and even whole days, until their flesh is mangled to the very bones_. others are stripped and hung up by the arms, their feet are tied together, and the end of a heavy piece of timber is put between their legs in order to stretch their bodies, and so prepare them for the torturing lash--and in this situation they are often whipped until their bodies are covered _with blood and mangled flesh_--and in order to add the greatest keenness to their sufferings, their wounds are washed with _liquid salt_! and some of the miserable creatures are permitted to hang in that position until they actually _expire_; some die under the lash, others linger about for a time, and at length die of their wounds, and many survive, and endure again similar torture. these bloody scenes are _constantly exhibiting in every slave holding country--thousands of whips are every day stained in african blood_! even the poor _females_ are not permitted to escape these shocking cruelties."--_rankin's letters._ these letters were published fifteen years ago.--they were addressed to a brother in virginia, who was a slaveholder. testimony of the american colonization society. "we have heard of slavery as it exists in asia, and africa, and turkey--we have heard of the feudal slavery under which the peasantry of europe have groaned from the days of alaric until now, but excepting only the horrible system of the west india islands, we have never heard of slavery in any country, ancient or modern, pagan, mohammedan, or _christian! so terrible in its character_, as the slavery which exists in these united states."--_seventh report american colonization society,_ . testimony of the gradual emancipation society of north carolina. _signed by moses swain, president, and william swain, secretary._ "in the eastern part of the state, the slaves considerably outnumber the free population. their situation is there wretched beyond description. impoverished by the mismanagement which we have already attempted to describe, the master, unable to support his own grandeur and maintain his slaves, puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great part of them go half naked and half starved much of the time. generally, throughout the state, the african is an _abused, a monstrously outraged creature."--see minutes of the american convention, convened in baltimore, oct._ , . from niles' baltimore register for , vol , p. . "dealing in slaves has become a _large business_. establishments are made at several places in maryland and virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. these places of deposit are strongly built, and well supplied with _iron thumb-screws and gags_, and ornamented with _catskins and other whips--often times bloody_." judge ruffin, of the supreme court of north carolina, in one of his judicial decisions, says--"the slave, to remain a slave, must feel that there is no appeal from his master. no man can anticipate the provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of the master, prompting him to bloody vengeance on the turbulent traitor, a vengeance _generally_ practiced with impunity, by reason of its privacy."--see _wheeler's law of slavery_ p. . mr. moore, of virginia, in his speech before the legislature of that state, jan. , , says: "it must be confessed, that although the treatment of our slaves is in the general, as mild and humane as it can be, that it must always happen, that there will be found hundreds of individuals, who, owing either to the natural ferocity of their dispositions, or to the effects of intemperance, will be guilty of cruelty and barbarity towards their slaves, which is _almost intolerable_, and at which humanity revolts." testimony of b. swain, esq., of north carolina. "let any man of spirit and feeling, for a moment cast his thoughts over this land of slavery--think of the _nakedness_ of some, the _hungry yearnings_ of others, the _flowing tears and heaving sighs_ of parting relations, the _wailings and wo, the bloody cut of the keen lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies_--and all this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other depraved feelings of the human heart.... the worst is not generally known. were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once into view, a peal of seven-fold thunder could scarce strike greater alarm."--_see "swain's address,"_ . testimony of dr. james c. finley, _son of dr. finley, one of the founders of the colonization society, and brother of r.s. finley, agent of the american colonization society._ dr. j.c. finley was formerly one of the editors of the western medical journal, at cincinnati, and is well known in the west as utterly hostile to immediate abolition. "in almost the last conversation i had with you before i left cincinnati, i promised to give you some account of some scenes of atrocious cruelty towards slaves, which i witnessed while i lived at the south. i almost regret having made the promise, for not only are they _so atrocious_ that you will with difficulty believe them, but i also fear that they will have the effect of driving you into that _abolitionism_, upon the borders of which you have been so long hesitating. the people of the north _are ignorant of the horrors of slavery_--of the _atrocities_ which it commits upon the unprotected slave. * * * "i do not know that any thing could be gained by particularizing the scenes of _horrible barbarity_, which fell under my observation during my _short_ residence in one of the wealthiest, most intelligent, and most moral parts of georgia. their _number_ and _atrocity_ are such, that i am confident they would gain credit with none but _abolitionists_. every thing will be conveyed in the remark, that in a state of society calculated to foster the worst passions of our nature, the slave derives _no protection_ either from _law_ or _public opinion_, and that all the cruelties which the russians are reported to have acted towards the poles, after their late subjugation, are scenes of every-day occurrence in the southern states. this statement, incredible as it may seem, falls short, very far short of the truth." the foregoing is extracted from a letter written by dr. finley to rev. asa mahan, his former pastor, then of cincinnati, now president of oberlin seminary. testimony of rev. william t. allan, of illinois, _son of a slaveholder, rev. dr. allan of huntsville, ala._ "at our house it is so common to hear their (the slaves') screams, that we think nothing of it: and lest any one should think that in _general_ the slaves are well treated, let me be distinctly understood:--_cruelty_ is the _rule_, and _kindness_ the _exception_." extract of a letter dated july d, , from mr. nathan cole, of st. louis, missouri, to arthur tappan, esq. of this city: "i am not an advocate of the immediate and unconditional emancipation of the slaves of our country, yet _no man has ever yet depicted the wretchedness of the situation of the slaves in colors as dark for the truth_.... i know that many good people _are not aware of the treatment to which slaves are usually subjected_, nor have they any just idea of the extent of the evil." testimony of rev. james a. thome, _a native of kentucky--son of arthur thome esq., till recently a slaveholder._ "slavery is the parent of more suffering than has flowed from any one source since the date of its existence. such sufferings too! _sufferings inconceivable and innumerable--unmingled wretchedness_ from the ties of nature rudely broken and destroyed, the _acutest bodily tortures, groans, tears and blood_--lying forever in weariness and painfulness, in watchings, in hunger and in thirst, in cold and nakedness. "brethren of the north, be not deceived. _these sufferings still exist_, and despite the efforts of their cruel authors to hush them down, and confine them within the precincts of their own plantations, they will ever and anon, struggle up and reach the ear of humanity."--_mr. thome's speech at new york, may,_ . testimony of the maryville (tennessee) intelligencer, of oct. , . the editor, in speaking of the sufferings of the slaves which are taken by the internal trade to the south west, says: "place yourself in imagination, for a moment, in their condition. with _heavy galling chains_, riveted upon your person; _half-naked, half-starved_; your back _lacerated_ with the 'knotted whip;' traveling to a region where your _condition through time will be second only to the wretched creatures in hell_. "this depicting is not visionary. would to god that it was." testimony of the presbyterian synod of kentucky; _a large majority of whom are slaveholders._ "this system licenses and produces _great cruelty_. "mangling, imprisonment, starvation, every species of torture, may be inflicted upon him, (the slave,) and he has no redress. "there are now in our whole land two millions of human beings, exposed, defenceless, to every insult, and every injury short of maiming or death, which their fellow men may choose to inflict. _they suffer all_ that can be inflicted by wanton caprice, by grasping avarice, by brutal lust, by malignant spite, and by insane anger. their happiness is the sport of every whim, and the prey of every passion that may, occasionally, or habitually, infest the master's bosom. if we could calculate the amount of wo endured by ill-treated slaves, it would overwhelm every compassionate heart--it would move even the obdurate to sympathy. there is also a vast sum of suffering inflicted upon the slave by humane masters, as a punishment for that idleness and misconduct which slavery naturally produces. "_brutal stripes_ and all the varied kinds of personal indignities, are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses." testimony of the rev. n.h. harding, pastor of the presbyterian church, in oxford, north carolina, a slaveholder. "i am greatly surprised that you should in any form have been the apologist of a system so full of deadly poison to all holiness and benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness, and cold hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils, both to the oppressor and the oppressed, the one thousandth part of which has never been brought to light." mr. asa a. stone, a theological student, who lived near natchez, (mi.,) in and , sent the following with other testimony, to be published under his own name, in the n.y. evangelist, while he was still residing there. "floggings for all offences, including deficiencies in work, are _frightfully common_, and _most terribly severe._ "_rubbing with salt and red pepper is very common after a severe whipping._" testimony of rev. phineas smith, centreville, allegany co., n.y. who lived four years at the south. "they are badly clothed, badly fed, wretchedly lodged, unmercifully whipped, from month to month, from year to year, from childhood to old age." rev. joseph m. sadd, castile, genessee co. n.y. who was till recently a preacher in missouri, says, "it is true that barbarous cruelties are inflicted upon them, such as terrible lacerations with the whip, and excruciating tortures are sometimes experienced from the thumb screw." extract of a letter from sarah m. grimkÉ, dated th month, nd, "if the following extracts from letters which i have received from south carolina, will be of any use thou art at liberty to publish them. i need not say, that the names of the writers are withheld of necessity, because such sentiments if uttered at the south would peril their lives." extracts --south carolina, th month, th, . "with regard to slavery i must confess, though we had heard a great deal on the subject, we found on coming south the _half_, the _worst_ half too, had not been told us; not that we have ourselves seen much oppression, though truly we have felt its deadening influence, but the accounts we have received from every tongue that nobly dares to speak upon the subject, are indeed _deplorable_. to quote the language of a lady, who with true southern hospitality, received us at her mansion. "the _northern_ people don't know anything of slavery at all, they think it is _perpetual bondage merely_, but of the _depth of degradation_ that that word involves, they have no conception; if they had any just idea of it, they would i am sure use every effort until an end was put to such a shocking system.' "another friend writing from south carolina, and who sustains herself the legal relation of slaveholder, in a letter dated april th, , says--'i have some time since, given you my views on the subject of slavery, which so much engrosses your attention. i would most willingly forget what i have seen and heard in my own family, with regard to the slaves. _i shudder when i think of it_, and increasingly feel that slavery is a curse since it leads to such _cruelty_.'" punishments. i. floggings. the slaves are terribly lacerated with whips, paddles, &c.; red pepper and salt are rubbed into their mangled flesh; hot brine and turpentine are poured into their gashes; and innumerable other tortures inflicted upon them. we will in the first place, prove by a cloud of witnesses, that the slaves are whipped with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate and mangle their flesh in the most shocking manner, leaving permanent scars and ridges; after establishing this, we will present a mass of testimony, concerning a great variety of other tortures. the testimony, for the most part, will be that of the slaveholders themselves, and in their own chosen words. a large portion of it will be taken from the advertisements, which they have published in their own newspapers, describing by the scars on their bodies made by the whip, their own runaway slaves. to copy these advertisements _entire_ would require a great amount of space, and flood the reader with a vast mass of matter irrelevant to the _point_ before us; we shall therefore insert only so much of each, as will intelligibly set forth the precise point under consideration. in the column under the word "witnesses," will be found the name of the individual, who signs the advertisement, or for whom it is signed, with his or her place of residence, and the name and date of the paper, in which it appeared, and generally the name of the place where it is published. opposite the name of each witness, will be an extract, from the advertisement, containing his or her testimony. mr. d. judd, jailor, davidson co., tennessee, in the "nashville banner," dec. th, . "committed to jail as a runaway, a negro woman named martha, or years of age, has _numerous scars of the whip on her back_." mr. robert nicoll, dauphin st. between emmanuel and conception st's, mobile, alabama, in the "mobile commercial advertiser." "ten dollars reward for my woman siby, _very much scarred about the neck and ears by whipping_." mr. bryant johnson, fort valley houston co., georgia, in the "standard of union," milledgeville ga. oct. , . "ranaway, a negro woman, named maria, _some scars on her back occasioned by the whip_." mr. james t. de jarnett, vernon, autauga co., alabama, in the "pensacola gazette," july , . "stolen a negro woman, named celia. on examining her back you will find marks _caused by the whip_." maurice y. garcia, sheriff of the county of jefferson, la., in the "new orleans bee," august, , . "lodged in jail, a mulatto boy, _having large marks of the whip,_ on his shoulders and other parts of his body." r.j. bland, sheriff of claiborne co, miss., in the "charleston (s.c.) courier." august, , . "was committed a negro boy, named tom, is _much marked with the whip_." mr. james noe, red river landing, la., in the "sentinel," vicksburg, miss., august , . "ranaway, a negro fellow named dick--has _many scars on his back from being whipped."_ william craze, jailor, alexandria, la. in the "planter's intelligencer." sept. , . "committed to jail, a negro slave--his back is _very badly scarred."_ john a. rowland, jailor, lumberton, north carolina, in the "fayetteville (n.c.) observer," june , . "committed, a mulatto fellow--his back shows _lasting impressions of the whip,_ and leaves no doubt of his being a slave" j.k. roberts, sheriff, blount county, ala., in the "huntsville democrat," dec. , . "committed to jail, a negro man--his back _much marked_ by the whip." mr. h. varillat, no. girod street, new orleans--in the "commercial bulletin," august , . "ranaway, the negro slave named jupiter--has a _fresh mark_ of a cowskin on one of his cheeks." mr. cornelius d. tolin, augusta, ga., in the "chronicle and sentinel," oct. , . "ranaway, a negro man named johnson--he has a _great many marks of the whip_ on his back." w.h. brasseale, sheriff; blount county, ala., in the "huntsville democrat," june , . "committed to jail, a negro slave named james--_much scarred_ with a whip on his back." mr. robert beasley, macon, ga., in the "georgia messenger," july , . "ranaway, my man fountain--he is marked _on the back with the whip."_ mr. john wotton, rockville, montgomery county, maryland, in the "baltimore republican," jan. , . "ranaway, bill--has _several_ large scars on his back from a _severe_ whipping in _early life."_ d.s. bennett, sheriff, natchitoches, la., in the "herald," july , . "committed to jail, a negro boy who calls himself joe--said negro bears _marks of the whip."_ messrs. c.c. whitehead, and r.a. evans, marion, georgia, in the milledgeville (ga.) "standard of union," june , . "ranaway, negro fellow john--from being whipped, has _scars on his back, arms, and thighs."_ mr. samuel stewart, greensboro', ala., in the "southern advocate," huntsville, jan. , . "ranaway, a boy named jim--with the marks of the _whip_ on the small of the back, reaching round to the flank." mr. john walker, no. , banks' arcade new orleans, in the "bulletin," august , . "ranaway, the mulatto boy quash--_considerably marked_ on the back and other places with the lash." mr. jesse beene, cahawba, ala., in the "state intelligencer," tuskaloosa, dec. , . "ranaway, my negro man billy--he has the _marks of the_ whip." mr. john turner, thomaston, upson county, georgia--in the "standard of union," milledgeville, june , . "left, my negro man named george--has _marks of the whip very plain on his thighs."_ james derrah, deputy sheriff; claiborne county, mi., in the "port gibson correspondent," april , . "committed to jail, negro man toy--he has been _badly whipped."_ s.b. murphy, sheriff, wilkinson county, georgia--in the milledgeville "journal," may , . "brought to jail, a negro man named george--he has a _great many scars from the lash."_ mr. l.e. cooner, branchville orangeburgh district, south carolina--in the macon "messenger," may , . "one hundred dollars reward, for my negro glasgow, and kate, his wife. glasgow is years old--has _marks of the whip_ on his back. kate is --has a _scar_ on her cheek, _and several marks of a whip."_ john h. hand, jailor, parish of west feliciana, la., in the st. "francisville journal," july , "committed to jail, a negro boy named john, about years old--his back _badly marked_ with the _whip_, his upper lip and chin _severely bruised."_ the preceding are extracts from advertisements published in southern papers, mostly in the year . they are the mere _samples_ of hundreds of similar ones published during the same period, with which, as the preceding are quite sufficient to show the _commonness_ of inhuman floggings in the slave states, we need not burden the reader. the foregoing testimony is, as the reader perceives, that of the slaveholders themselves, voluntarily certifying to the outrages which their own hands have committed upon defenceless and innocent men and women, over whom they have assumed authority. we have given to _their_ testimony precedence over that of all other witnesses, for the reason that when men testify against _themselves_ they are under no temptation to exaggerate. we will now present the testimony of a large number of individuals, with their names and residences,--persons who witnessed the inflictions to which they testify. many of them have been slaveholders, and _all_ residents for longer or shorter periods in slave states. rev. john h. curtiss, a native of deep creek, norfolk county, virginia, now a local preacher of the methodist episcopal church in portage co., ohio, testifies as follows:-- "in or , one of my father's slaves was accused of taking the key to the office and stealing four or five dollars: he denied it. a constable by the name of hull was called; he took the negro, very deliberately tied his hands, and whipped him till the blood ran freely down his legs. by this time hull appeared tired, and stopped; he then took a rope, put a slip noose around his neck, and told the negro he was going to _kill_ him, at the same time drew the rope and began whipping: the negro fell; his cheeks looked as though they would burst with strangulation. hull whipped and kicked him, till i really thought he was going to kill him; when he ceased, the negro was in a complete gore of blood from head to foot." mr. david hawley, a class-leader in the methodist church, at st. alban's, licking county, ohio, who moved from kentucky to ohio in , testifies as follows:-- "in the year or , i saw a slave hung for killing his master. the master had whipped the slave's mother to death, and, locking him in a room, threatened him with the same fate; and, cowhide in hand, had begun the work, when the slave joined battle and slew the master." samuel ellison, a member of the society of friends, formerly of southampton county, virginia, now of marlborough, stark county, ohio, gives the following testimony:-- "while a resident of southampton county, virginia, i knew two men, after having been severely treated, endeavor to make their escape. in this they failed--were taken, tied to trees, and whipped to _death_ by their overseer. i lived a mile from the negro quarters, and, at that distance, could frequently hear the screams of the poor creatures when beaten, and could also hear the blows given by the overseer with some heavy instrument." major horace nye, of putnam, ohio, gives the following testimony of mr. wm. armstrong, of that place, a captain and supercargo of boats descending the mississippi river:-- "at bayou sarah, i saw a slave _staked out,_ with his face to the ground, and whipped with a large whip, which laid open the flesh for about two and a half inches _every stroke._ i stayed about five minutes, but could stand it no longer, and left them whipping." mr. stephen e. maltby, inspector of provisions, skeneateles, new york, who has resided in alabama, speaking of the condition of the slaves, says:-- "i have seen them cruelly whipped. i will relate one instance. one sabbath morning, before i got out of my bed, i heard an outcry, and got up and went to the window, when i saw some six or eight boys, from eight to twelve years of age, near a rack (made for tying horses) on the public square. a man on horseback rode up, got off his horse, took a cord from his pocket, _tied one of the boys_ by the _thumbs_ to the rack, and with his horsewhip lashed him most severely. he then untied him and rode off without saying a word. "it was a general practice, while i was at huntsville, alabama, to have a patrol every night; and, to my knowledge, this patrol was in the habit of traversing the streets with cow-skins, and, if they found any slaves out after eight o'clock without a pass, to whip them until they were out of reach, or to confine them until morning." mr. j.g. baldwin, of middletown, connecticut, a member of the methodist episcopal church, gives the following testimony:-- "i traveled at the south in : when near charlotte, n.c. a free colored man fell into the road just ahead of me, and went on peaceably.--when passing a public-house, the landlord ran out with a large cudgel, and applied it to the head and shoulders of the man with such force as to shatter it in pieces. when the reason of his conduct was asked, he replied, that he owned slaves, and he would not permit free blacks to come into his neighborhood. "not long after, i stopped at a public-house near halifax, n.c., between nine and ten o'clock p.m., to stay over night. a slave sat upon a bench in the bar-room asleep. the master came in, seized a large horsewhip, and, without any warning or apparent provocation, laid it over the face and eyes of the slave. the master cursed, swore, and swung his lash--the slave cowered and trembled, but said not a word. upon inquiry the next morning, i ascertained that the only offence was falling asleep, and this too in consequence of having been up nearly all the previous night, in attendance upon company." rev. joseph m. sadd, of castile, n.y., who has lately left missouri, where he was pastor of a church for some years, says:-- "in one case, near where we lived, a runaway slave, when brought back, was most cruelly beaten--bathed in the _usual_ liquid--laid in the sun, and a physician employed to heal his wounds:--then the same process of punishment and healing was _repeated_, _and repeated again_, and then the poor creature was sold for the new orleans market. this account we had from the _physician himself_." mr. abraham bell, of poughkeepsie, new york, a member of the scotch presbyterian church, was employed, in and , in levelling and grading for a rail-road in the state of georgia: he had under his direction, during the whole time, thirty slaves. mr. b. gives the following testimony:-- "_all_ the slaves had their backs scarred, from the oft-repeated whippings they had received." mr. alonzo barnard, of farmington, ohio, who was in mississippi in and , says:-- "the slaves were often severely whipped. i saw one _woman_ very severely whipped for accidentally cutting up a stalk of cotton.[ ] when they were whipped they were commonly _held down by four men_: if these could not confine them, they were fastened by stakes driven firmly into the ground, and then lashed often so as to draw blood at each blow. i saw one woman who had lately been delivered of a child in consequence of cruel treatment." [footnote : mr. cornelius johnson, of farmington, ohio, was also a witness to this inhuman outrage upon an unprotected woman, for the unintentional destruction of a stalk of cotton! in his testimony he is more particular, and says, that the number of lashes inflicted upon her by the overseer was "one hundred and fifty."] rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church at buffalo, n.y. says:-- "there was a steam cotton press, in the vicinity of my boarding-house at new orleans, which was driven night and day, without intermission. my curiosity led me to look at the interior of the establishment. there i saw several slaves engaged in rolling cotton bags, fastening ropes lading carts, &c. "the presiding genius of the place was a driver, who held a rope four feet long in his hand, which he wielded with cruel dexterity. he used it in single blows, just as the men were lifting to _tighten_ the bale cords. it seemed to me that he was desirous to edify me with a specimen of his authority; at any rate the cruelty was horrible." mr. john vance, a member of the baptist church, in st. albans, licking county, ohio, who moved from culpepper county, va., his native state in , testifies as follows:-- "in , i saw a woman by the name of mallix, flog her female slave with a horse-whip so horribly that she was washed in salt and water several days, to keep her bruises from mortifying. "in , i was returning from mill, in shenandoah county, when i heard the cry of murder, in the field of a man named painter. i rode to the place to see what was going on. two men, by the names of john morgan and michael siglar, had heard the cry and came running to the place. i saw painter beating a negro with a tremendous club, or small handspike, swearing he would kill him: but he was rescued by morgan and siglar. i learned that painter had commenced flogging the slave for not getting to work soon enough. he had escaped, and taken refuge under a pile of rails that were on some timbers up a little from the ground. the master had put fire to one end, and stood at the other with his club, to kill him as he came out. the pile was still burning. painter said he was a turbulent fellow and he _would_ kill him. the apprehension of p. was talked about, but, as a compromise, the negro was sold to another man." extract from the published journal of the late wm. saver, of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the religious society of friends:-- " th mo. d, . we passed on to augusta, georgia. they can scarcely tolerate us, on account of our abhorrence of slavery. on the th we got to savannah, and lodged at one blount's, a hard-hearted slaveholder. one of his lads, aged about fourteen, was ordered to go and milk the cow: and falling asleep, through weariness, the master called out and ordered him a flogging. i asked him what he meant by a flogging. he replied, the way we serve them here is, we cut their backs until they are raw all over, and then salt them. upon this my feelings were roused; i told him that was too bad, and queried *if it were possible; he replied it was, with many curses upon the blacks. at supper this unfeeling wretch _craved a blessing_! "next morning i heard some one begging for mercy, and also the lash as of a whip. not knowing whence the sound came, i rose, and presently found the poor boy tied up to a post, his toes scarcely touching the ground, and a negro whipper. he had already cut him in an unmerciful manner, and the blood ran to his heels. i stepped in between them, and ordered him untied immediately, which, with some reluctance and astonishment, was done. returning to the house i saw the landlord, who then showed himself in his true colors, the most abominably wicked man i ever met with, full of horrid execrations and threatenings upon all northern people; but i did not spare him; which occasioned a bystander to say, with an oath, that i should be "popped over." we left them, and were in full expectation of their way-laying or coming after us, but the lord restrained them. the next house we stopped at we found the same wicked spirit." col. elijah ellsworth, of richfield, ohio, gives the following testimony:-- "eight or ten years ago i was in putnam county, in the state of georgia, at a mr. slaughter's, the father of my brother's wife. a negro, that belonged to mr. walker, (i believe,) was accused of stealing a pedlar's trunk. the negro denied, but, without ceremony, was lashed to a tree--the whipping commenced--six or eight men took turns--the poor fellow begged for mercy, but without effect, until he was literally _cut to pieces, from his shoulders to his hips_, and covered with a gore of blood. when he said the trunk was in a stack of fodder, he was unlashed. they proceeded to the stack, but found no trunk. they asked the poor fellow, what he lied about it for; he said, "lord, massa, to keep from being whipped to death; i know nothing about the trunk." they commenced the whipping with redoubled vigor, until i really supposed he would be whipped to death on the spot; and such shrieks and crying for mercy! again he acknowledged, and again they were defeated in finding, and the same reason given as before. some were for whipping again, others thought he would not survive another, and they ceased. about two months after, the trunk was found, and it was then ascertained who the thief was: and the poor fellow, after being nearly beat to death, and twice made to lie about it, was as innocent as i was." the following statements are furnished by major horace nye, of putnam, muskingum county, ohio. "in the summer of , mr. john h. moorehead, a partner of mine, descended the mississippi with several boat loads of flour. he told me that floating in a place in the mississippi, where he could see for miles a head, he perceived a concourse of people on the bank, that for at least a mile and a half above he saw them, and heard the screams of some person, and from a great distance, the crack of a whip, he run near the shore, and saw them whipping a black man, who was on the ground, and at that time nearly unable to scream, but the whip continued to be applied without intermission, as long as he was in sight, say from one mile and a half, to two miles below--he probably saw and heard them for one hour in all. he expressed the opinion that the man could not survive. "about four weeks since i had a conversation with mr. porter, a respectable citizen of morgan county of this state, of about fifty years of age. he told me that he formerly traveled about five years in the southern states, and that on one occasion he stopped at a private house, to stay all night; (i think it was in virginia,) while he was conversing with the man, his wife came in, and complained that the wench had broken some article in the kitchen, and that she must be whipped. he took the _woman_ into the door yard, stripped her clothes down to her hips--tied her hands together, and drawing them up to a limb, so that she could just touch the ground, took a very large cowskin whip, and commenced flogging; he said that every stroke at first raised the skin, and immediately the blood came through; this he continued, until the blood stood in a puddle down at her feet. he then turned to my informant and said, 'well, yankee, what do you think of that?'" extract of a letter from mr. w. dustin, a member of the methodist episcopal church, and, when the letter was written, , a student of marietta college, ohio. "i find by looking over my journal that the murdering, which i spoke of yesterday, took place about the first of june, . "without commenting upon this act of cruelty, or giving vent to my own feelings, i will simply give you a statement of the fact, as known from _personal_ observation. "dr. k. a man of wealth, and a practising physician in the county of yazoo, state of mississippi, personally known to me, having lived in the same neighborhood more than twelve months, after having scourged one of his negroes for running away, declared with an oath, that if he ran away again, he would kill him. the negro, so soon as an opportunity offered, ran away again. he was caught and brought back. again he was scourged, until his flesh, mangled and torn, and thick mingled with the clotted blood, rolled from his back. he became apparently insensible, and beneath the heaviest stroke would scarcely utter a groan. the master got tired, laid down his whip and nailed the negro's ear to a tree; in this condition, nailed fast to the rugged wood, he remained all night! "suffice it to say, in the conclusion, that the next day he was found dead! "well, what did they do with the master? the sum total of it is this: he was taken before a magistrate and gave bonds, for his appearance at the next court. well, to be sure he had plenty of cash, so he paid up his bonds and moved away, and there the matter ended. "if the above fact will be of any service to you in exhibiting to the world the condition of the unfortunate negroes, you are at liberty to make use of it in any way you think best. yours, fraternally, m. dustin." mr. alfred wilkinson, a member of the baptist church in skeneateles, n.y. and the assessor of that town, has furnished the following: "i went down the mississippi in december, and saw twelve of fourteen negroes punished on one plantation, by stretching them on a ladder and tying them to it; then stripping off their clothes, and whipping them on the naked flesh with a heavy whip, the lash seven or eight feet long: most of the strokes cut the skin. i understood they were whipped for not doing the tasks allotted to them." from the philanthropist, cincinnati, ohio, feb. , . "a very intelligent lady the widow of a highly respectable preacher of the gospel of the presbyterian church, formerly a resident of a free state, and a colonizationist, and a strong antiabolitionist, who, although an enemy to slavery, was opposed to abolition on the ground that it was for carrying things too rapidly, and without regard to circumstances, and especially who believed that abolitionists exaggerated with regard to the evils of slavery, and used to say that such men ought to go to slave states and see for themselves, to be convinced that they did the slaveholders injustice, has gone and seen for herself. hear her testimony." _kentucky, dec._ , . "dear mrs. w.--i am still in the land of oppression and cruelty, but hope soon to breathe the air of a free state. my soul is sick of slavery, and i rejoice that my time is nearly expired: but the scenes that i have witnessed have made an impression that never can be effaced, and have inspired me with the determination to unite my feeble efforts with those who are laboring to suppress this horrid system. i am _now_ an _abolitionist_. you will cease to be surprised at this, when i inform you, that i have just seen a poor slave who was beaten by his inhuman master until he could neither walk nor stand. i saw him from my window carried from the barn where he had been whipped to the cabin, by two negro men; and he now lies there, and if he recovers, will be a sufferer for months, and probably for life. you will doubtless suppose that he committed some great crime; but it was not so. he was called upon by a young man (the son of his master,) to do something, and not moving as quickly as his young master wished him to do, he drove him to the barn, knocked him down, and jumped upon him, stamped, and then cowhided him until he was almost dead. this is not the first act of cruelty that i have seen, though it is the _worst_; and i am convinced that those who have described the cruelties of slaveholders, have not exaggerated." extract of a letter from gerrit smith, esq., of peterboro'. n.y. peterboro', december , . _to the editor of the union herald_: "my dear sir:--you will be happy to hear, that the two fugitive slaves, to whom in the brotherly love of your heart, you gave the use of your horse, are still making undisturbed progress towards the _monarchical_ land whither _republican_ slaves escape for the enjoyment of liberty. they had eaten their breakfast, and were seated in my wagon, before day-dawn, this morning. "fugitive slaves have before taken my house in their way, but never any, whose lips and persons made so forcible an appeal to my sensibilities, and kindled in me so much abhorrence of the hell-concocted system of american slavery. "the fugitives exhibited their bare backs to myself and a number of my neighbors. williams' back is comparatively scarred. but, i speak within bounds, when i say, that one-third to one-half of the whole surface of the back and shoulders of poor scott, _consists of scars and wales resulting from innumerable gashes._ his natural complexion being yellow and the callous places being nearly black, his back and shoulders remind you of a spotted animal." the louisville reporter (kentucky,) jan. , , contains the report of a trial for inhuman treatment of a female slave. the following is some of the testimony given in court. "dr. constant testified that he saw mrs. maxwell at the kitchen door, whipping the negro severely, without being particular whether she struck her in the face or not. the negro was lacerated by the whip, and the blood flowing. soon after, on going down the steps, he saw quantities of blood on them, and on returning, saw them again. she had been thinly clad--barefooted in very cold weather. sometimes she had shoes--sometimes not. in the beginning of the winter she had linsey dresses, since then, calico ones. during the last four months, had noticed many scars on her person. at one time had one of her eyes tied up for a week. during the last three months seemed declining, and had become stupified. mr. winters was passing along the street, heard cries, looked up through the window that was hoisted, saw the boy whipping her, as much as forty or fifty licks, while he staid. the girl was stripped down to the hips. the whip seemed to be a cow-hide. whenever she turned her face to him, he would hit her across the face either with the butt end or small end of the whip to make her turn her back round square to the lash, that he might get a fair blow at her. "mr. say had noticed several wounds on her person, chiefly bruises. "captain porter, keeper of the work-house, into which milly had been received, thought the injuries on her person very bad--some of them appeared to be burns--some bruises or stripes, as of a cow-hide." letter of rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio, to the editor of the philanthropist. ripley, feb. , . "some time since, a member of the presbyterian church of ebenezer, brown county, ohio, landed his boat at a point on the mississippi. he saw some disturbance among the colored people on the bank. he stepped up, to see what was the matter. a black man was stretched naked on the ground; his hands were tied to a stake, and one held each foot. he was doomed to receive fifty lashes; but by the time the overseer had given him twenty-five with his great whip, the blood was standing round the wretched victim in little puddles. it appeared just as if it had rained blood.--another observer stepped up, and advised to defer the other twenty-five to another time, lest the slave might die; and he was released, to receive the balance when he should have so recruited as to be able to bear it and live. the offence was, coming one hour too late to work." mr. rankin, who is a native of tennessee, in his letters on slavery, published fifteen years since, says: "a respectable gentleman, who is now a citizen of flemingsburg, fleming county, kentucky, when in the state of south carolina, was invited by a slaveholder, to walk with him and take a view of his farm. he complied with the invitation thus given, and in their walk they came to the place where the slaves were at work, and found the overseer whipping one of them very severely for not keeping pace with his fellows--in vain the poor fellow alleged that he was sick, and could not work. the master seemed to think all was well enough, hence he and the gentleman passed on. in the space of an hour they returned by the same way, and found that the poor slave, who had been whipped as they first passed by the field of labor, was actually dead! this i have from unquestionable authority." extract of a letter from a member of congress, to the editor of the new york american, dated washington, feb. , . the name of the writer is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "three days ago, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the new patent building were alarmed by an outcry in the street, which proved to be that of a slave who had just been knocked down with a brick-bat by his pursuing master. prostrate on the ground, with a large gash in his head, the poor slave was receiving the blows of his master on one side, and the kicks of his master's son on the other. his cries brought a few individuals to the spot; but no one dared to interfere, save to exclaim--you will kill him--which was met by the response, "he is mine, and i have a right to do what i please with him." the heart-rending scene was closed from _public_ view by dragging the poor bruised and wounded slave from the public street into his master's stable. what followed is not known. the outcries were heard by members of congress and others at the distance of near a quarter of a mile from the scene. "and now, perhaps, you will ask, is not the city aroused by this flagrant cruelty and breach of the peace? i answer--not at all. every thing is quiet. if the occurrence is mentioned at all, it is spoken of in whispers." _from the mobile examiner, august_ , . "police report--mayor's office. _saturday morning, august_ , . "his honor the mayor presiding. "mr. miller, of the foundry, brought to the office this morning a small negro girl aged about eight or ten years, whom he had taken into his house some time during the previous night. she had crawled under the window of his bed room to screen herself from the night air, and to find a warmer shelter than the open canopy of heaven afforded. of all objects of pity that have lately come to our view, this poor little girl most needs the protection of authority, and the sympathies of the charitable. from the cruelty of her master and mistress, she has been whipped, worked and starved, until she is now a breathing skeleton, hardly able to stand upon her feet. "the back of the poor little sufferer, (which we ourselves saw,) _was actually cut into strings, and so perfectly was the flesh worn from her limbs,_ by the wretched treatment she had received, that _every joint showed distinctly its crevices_ and protuberances through the skin. her little lips clung closely over her teeth--her cheeks were sunken and her head narrowed, and when her eyes were closed, the lids resembled film more than flesh or skin. "we would desire of our northern friends such as choose to publish to the world their own version of the case we have related, not to forget to add, in conclusion, that the owner of this little girl is a foreigner, speaks against slavery as an institution, and reads his bible to his wife, with the view of finding proofs for his opinions." rev. william scales, of lyndon, vermont, gives the following testimony in a recent letter: "i had a class-mate at the andover theological seminary, who spent a season at the south,--in georgia, i think--who related the following fact in an address before the seminary. it occasioned very deep sensation on the part of opponents. the gentleman was mr. julius c. anthony, of taunton, mass. he graduated at the seminary in . i do not know where he is now settled. i have no doubt of the fact, as be was an _eye-witness_ of it. the man with whom he resided had a very athletic slave--a valuable fellow--a blacksmith. on a certain day a small strap of leather was missing. the man's little son accused this slave of stealing it. he denied the charge, while the boy most confidently asserted it. the slave was brought out into the yard and bound--his hands below his knees, and a stick crossing his knees, so that he would lie upon either side in form of the letter s. one of the overseers laid on fifty lashes--he still denied the theft--was turned over and fifty more put on. sometimes the master and sometimes the overseers whipping--as they relieved each other to take breath. then he was for a time left to himself, and in the course of the day received four hundred lashes--still denying the charge, next morning mr. anthony walked out--the sun was just rising--he saw the man greatly enfeabled, leaning against a stump. it was time to go to work--he attempted to rise, but fell back--again attempted, and again fell back--still making the attempt, and still falling back, mr. anthony thought, nearly _twenty times_ before he succeeded in standing--he then staggered off to his shop. in course of the morning mr. a. went to the door and looked in. two overseers were standing by. the slave was feverish and sick--his skin and mouth dry and parched. he was very thirsty. one of the overseers, while mr. a, was looking at him, inquired of the other whether it were not best to give him a little water. 'no. damn him, he will do well enough,' was the reply from the other overseer. this was all the relief gained by the poor slave. a few days after, the slaveholder's _son confessed that he stole the strap himself._" rev. d.c. eastman, a minister of the methodist episcopal church at bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, has just forwarded a letter, from which the following is an extract: "george roebuck, an old and respectable farmer, near bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, a member of the methodist episcopal church, says, that almost forty-three years ago, he saw in bath county, virginia, a slave girl with a sore between the shoulders of the size and shape of a _smoothing iron._ the girl was 'owned' by one m'neil. a slaveholder who boarded at m'neil's stated that mrs. m'neil had placed the aforesaid iron when hot, between the girl's shoulders, and produced the sore. "roebuck was once at this m'neil's father's, and whilst the old man was at morning prayer, he heard the son plying the whip upon a slave out of doors. "eli west, of concord township, fayette county, ohio, formerly of north carolina, a farmer and an exhorter in the methodist protestant church, says, that many years since he went to live with an uncle who owned about fifty negroes. soon after his arrival, his uncle ordered his waiting boy, who was _naked_, to be tied--his hands to horse rack, and his feet together, with a rail passed between his legs, and held down by a person at each end. in this position he was whipped, from neck to feet, till covered with blood; after which he was _salted._ "his uncle's slaves received one quart of corn each day, and that only, and were allowed one hour each day to cook and eat it. they had no meat but once in the year. such was the general usage in that country. "west, after this, lived one year with esquire starky and mother. they had two hundred slaves, who received the usual treatment of starvation, nakedness, and the cowhide. they had one lively negro woman who bore no children. for this neglect, her mistress had her back made naked and a severe whipping inflicted. but as she continued barren, she was sold to the 'negro buyers.'" "thomas larrimer, a deacon in the presbyterian church at bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, and a respectable farmer, says, that in april, , as he was going down the mississippi river, about fifty miles below natchez, he saw ahead, on the left side of the river, a colored person tied to a post, and a man with a driver's whip, the lash about eight or ten feet long. with this the man commenced, with much deliberation, to whip, with much apparent force, and continued till he got out of sight. "when coming up the river forty or fifty miles below vicksburg, a judge owens came on board the steamboat. he was owner of a cotton plantation below there, and on being told of the above whipping, he said that slaves were often whipped to death for great offences, such as _stealing,_ &c.--but that when death followed, the overseers were generally severely _reproved!_ "about the same time, he spent a night at mr. casey's, three miles from columbia, south carolina. whilst there they heard him giving orders as to what was to be done, and amongst other things, "that nigger must be buried." on inquiry, he learnt that a gentleman traveling with a servant, had a short time previous called there, and said his servant had just been taken ill, and he should be under the necessity of leaving him. he did so. the slave became worst, and casey called in a physician, who pronounced it an old case, and said that he must shortly die. the slave said, if that was the case he would now tell the truth. he had been attacked, a long time since, with a difficulty in the side--his master swore he would 'have his own out of him' and started off to sell him, with a threat to kill him if he told he had been sick, more than a few days. they saw them making a rough plank box to bury him in. "in march, , twenty-five or thirty miles south of columbia, on the great road through sumpterville district, they saw a large company of female slaves carrying rails and building fence. three of them were far advanced in pregnancy. "in the month of january, , he put up with a drove of mules and horses, at one adams', on the drovers' road, near the south border of kentucky. his son-in-law, who had lived in the south, was there. in conversation about picking cotton, he said, 'some hands cannot get the sleight of it. i have a girl who to-day has done as good a day's work at grubbing as any _man_, but i could not make her a hand at cotton-picking. i whipped her, and if i did it once i did it five hundred times, but i found she _could_ not; so i put her to carrying rails with the men. after a few days i found her shoulders were so _raw_ that every rail was _bloody_ as she laid it down. i asked her if she would not rather pick cotton than carry rails. 'no,' said she, 'i don't get whipped now.'" william a. ustick, an elder of the presbyterian church at bloomingburg, and mr. g.s. fullerton, a merchant and member of the same church, were with deacon larrimer on this journey, and are witnesses to the preceding facts. mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio, and formerly secretary of the colonization society in that village, has recently communicated the facts that follow. we quote from his letter. "the following horrid flagellation was witnessed in part, till his soul was sick, by mr. glidden, an inhabitant of marietta, ohio, who went down the mississippi river, with a boat load of produce in the autumn of ; it took place at what is called 'matthews' or 'matheses bend' in december, . mr. g. is worthy of credit. "a negro was tied up, and flogged until the blood ran down and filled his shoes, so that when he raised either foot and set it down again, the blood would run over their tops. i could not look on any longer, but turned away in horror; the whipping was continued to the number of lashes, as i understood; a quart of spirits of turpentine was then applied to his lacerated body. the same negro came down to my boat, to get some apples, and was so weak from his wounds and loss of blood, that he could not get up the bank, but fell to the ground. the crime for which the negro was whipped, was that of telling the other negroes, that _the overseer had lain with his wife."_ mr. hall adds:-- "the following statement is made by a young man from western virginia. he is a member of the presbyterian church, and a student in marietta college. all that prevents the introduction of his _name,_ is the peril to his life, which would probably be the consequence, on his return to virginia. his character for integrity and veracity is above suspicion. "on the night of the great meteoric shower, in nov. . i was at remley's tavern, miles west of lewisburg, greenbrier co., virginia. a drove of or negroes stopped at the same place that night. they usually 'camp out,' but as it was excessively muddy, they were permitted to come into the house. so far as my knowledge extends, 'droves,' on their way to the south, eat but twice a day, early in the morning and at night. their supper was a compound of 'potatoes and meal,' and was, without exception, the _dirtiest, blackest looking mess i ever saw._ i remarked at the time that the food was not as clean, in appearance, as that which was given to a _drove of hogs_, at the same place the night previous. such as it was, however, a black woman brought it on her head, in a tray or trough two and a half feet long, where the men and women were promiscuously herded. the slaves rushed up and seized it from the trough in handfulls, before the woman could take it off her head. they jumped at it as if half-famished. "they slept on the floor of the room which they were permitted to occupy, lying in every form imaginable, males and females, promiscuously. they were so thick on the floor, that in passing through the room it was necessary to step over them. "there were three drivers, one of whom staid in the room to watch the drove, and the other two slept in an adjoining room. each of the latter took a female from the drove to lodge with him, as is the common practice of the drivers generally. there is no doubt about this particular instance, _for they were seen together_. the mud was so thick on the floor where this drove slept, that it was necessary to take a shovel, the next morning, and clear it out. six or eight in this drove were chained; all were for the south. in the autumn of the same year i saw a drove of upwards of a hundred, between and of them were fastened to one chain, the links being made of iron rods, as thick in diameter as a man's little finger. this drove was bound westward to the ohio river, to be shipped to the south. i have seen many droves, and more or less in each, almost without exception, were chained. i never saw but one drove, that went on their way making merry. in that one they were blowing horns, singing, &c., and appeared as if they had been drinking whisky. "they generally appear extremely dejected. i have seen in the course of five years, on the road near where i reside, or droves at least, passing to the south. they would average in each drove. near the first of january, , i started about sunrise to go to lewisburg. it was a bitter cold morning. i met a drove of negroes, or in number, remarkably ragged and destitute of clothing. one little boy particularly excited my sympathy. he was some distance behind the others, not being able to keep up with the rest. although he was shivering with cold and crying, the driver was pushing him up in a trot to overtake the main gang. all of them looked as if they were half-frozen. there was one remarkable instance of tyranny, exhibited by a boy, not more than eight years old, that came under my observation, in a family by the name of d----n, six miles from lewisburg. this youngster would swear at the slaves, and exert all the strength he possessed, to flog or beat them, with whatever instrument or weapon he could lay hands on, provided they did not obey him _instanter_. he was encouraged in this by his father, the master of the slaves. the slaves often fled from this young tyrant in terror." mr. hall adds:-- "the following extract is from a letter, to a student in marietta college, by his friend in alabama. with the writer, mr. isaac knapp, i am perfectly acquainted. he was a student in the above college, for the space of one year, before going to alabama, was formerly a resident of dummerston, vt. he is a professor of religion, and as worthy of belief as any member of the community. mr. k. has returned from the south, and is now a member of the same college. "in jan. ( ) a negro of a widow phillips, ranaway, was taken up, and confined in pulaski jail. one gibbs, overseer for mrs. p., mounted on horseback, took him from confinement, compelled him to run back to elkton, a distance of fifteen miles, whipping him all the way. when he reached home, the negro exhausted and worn out, exclaimed, 'you have broke my heart,' i.e. you have killed me. for this, gibbs flew into a violent passion, tied the negro to a stake, and, in the language of a witness, '_cut his back to mince-meat_.' but the fiend was not satisfied with this. he burnt his legs to a blister, with hot embers, and then chained him _naked_, in the open air, weary with running, weak from the loss of blood, and smarting from his burns. it was a cold night--and _in the morning the negro was dead_. yet this monster escaped without even _the shadow_ of a trial. 'the negro,' said the doctor, 'died, by--he knew not what; any how, gibbs did not kill him.'[ ] a short time since, (the letter is dated, april, .) 'gibbs whipped another negro unmercifully because the horse, with which he was ploughing, broke the reins and ran. he then raised his whip against mr. bowers, (son of mrs. p.) who shot him. since i came here,' (a period of about six months,) there have been eight white men and two negroes killed, within miles of me." [footnote : mr. knapp, gives me some further verbal particulars about this affair. he says that his informant saw the negro dead the next morning, that his legs were blistered, and that the negroes affirmed that gibbs compelled them to throw embers upon him. but gibbs denied it, and said the blistering was the effect of frost, as the negro was much exposed to before being taken up. mr. bowers, a son of mrs. phillips by a former husband, attempted to have gibbs brought to justice, but his mother justified gibbs, and nothing was therefore done about it. the affair took place in upper elkton, tennessee, near the alabama line.] the following is from mr. knapp's own lips, taken down a day or two since. "mr. buster, with whom i boarded, in limestone co., ala., related to me the following incident: 'george a slave belonging to one of the estates in my neighborhood, was lurking about my residence without a pass. we were making preparations to give him a flogging, but he escaped from us. not long afterwards, meeting a patrol which had just taken a negro in custody without a pass, i inquired, who have you there? on learning that it was _george_, well, i rejoined, there is a small matter between him and myself that needs adjustment, so give me the raw hide, which i accordingly took, and laid strokes on his back, to the utmost of my strength.' i was speaking of this barbarity, afterwards, to mr. bradley, an overseer of the rev. mr. donnell, who lives in the vicinity of moresville, ala., 'oh,' replied he, 'we consider _that_ a very light whipping here' mr. bradley is a professor of religion, and is esteemed in that vicinity a very pious, exemplary christian.'" extract of a letter from rev. c. stewart renshaw, of quincy, illinois, dated jan. , . "i do not feel at liberty to disclose the name of the brother who has furnished the following facts. he is highly esteemed as a man of scrupulous veracity. i will confirm my own testimony by the certificate of judge snow and mr. keyes, two of the oldest and most respectable settlers in quincy. quincy, dec. , " "dear sir,--we have been long acquainted with the christian brother who has named to you some facts that fell under his observation while a resident of slave states. he is a member of a christian church, in good standing; and is a man of strict integrity of character. henry h. snow, willard keyes. rev. c. stewart renshaw." "my informant spent thirty years of his life in kentucky and missouri. whilst in kentucky he resided in hardin co. i noted down his testimony very nearly in his own words, which will account for their _evidence-like_ form. on the general condition of the slaves in kentucky, through hardin co., he said, their houses were very uncomfortable, generally without floors, other than the earth: many had puncheon floors, but he never remembers to have seen a plank floor. in regard to clothing they were very badly off. in summer they cared little for clothing; but in winter they almost froze. their rags might hide their nakedness from the sun in summer, but would not protect them from the cold in winter. their bed-clothes were tattered rags, thrown into a corner by day, and drawn before the fire by night. 'the only thing,' said he, 'to which i can compare them, in winter, is _stock without a shelter.'_ "he made the following comparison between the condition of slaves in kentucky and missouri. so far as he was able to compare them, he said, that in missouri the slaves had better _quarters_-but are not so well clad, and are more severely punished than in kentucky. in both states, the slaves are huddled together, without distinction of sex, into the same quarter, till it is filled, then another is built; often two or three families in a log hovel, twelve feet square. "it is proper to state, that the sphere of my informant's observation was mainly in the region of hardin co., kentucky, and the eastern part of missouri, and not through those states generally. "whilst at st. louis, a number of years ago, as he was going to work with mr. henry males, and another carpenter, they heard groans from a barn by the road-side: they stopped, and looking through the cracks of the barn, saw a negro bound hand and foot to a post, so that his toes just touched the ground; and his master, captain thorpe, was inflicting punishment; he had whipped him till exhausted,--rested himself, and returned again to the punishment. the wretched sufferer was in a most pitiable condition, and the warm blood and dry dust of the barn had formed a mortar up to his instep. mr. males jumped the fence, and remonstrated so effectually with capt. thorpe, that he ceased the punishment. it was six weeks before that slave could put on his shirt! "john mackey, a rich slaveholder, lived near clarksville, pike co., missouri, some years since. he whipped his slave billy, a boy fourteen years old, till he was sick and stupid; he then sent him home. then, for his stupidity, whipped him again, and fractured his skull with an axe-helve. he buried him away in the woods; dark words were whispered, and the body was disinterred. a coroner's inquest was held, and mr. r. anderson, the coroner, brought in a verdict of death from fractured skull, occasioned by blows from an axe-handle, inflicted by john mackey. the case was brought into court, but mackey was rich, and his murdered victim was his slave; after expending about $ be walked free. "one mrs. mann, living near ----, in ---- co., missouri was known to be very cruel to her slaves. she had a bench made purposely to whip them upon; and what she called her "six pound paddle," an instrument of prodigious torture, bored through with holes; this she would wield with both hands as she stood over her prostrate victim. "she thus punished a hired slave woman named fanny, belonging to mr. charles trabue, who lives neat palmyra, marion co., missouri; on the morning after the punishment fanny was a corpse; she was silently and quickly buried, but rumor was not so easily stopped. mr. trabue heard of it, and commenced suit for his _property_. the murdered slave was disinterred, and an inquest held; her back was a mass of jellied muscle; and the coroner brought in a verdict of death by the 'six pound paddle.' mrs. mann fled for a few months, but returned again, and her friends found means to protract the suit. "this same mrs. mann had another hired slave woman living with her, called patterson's fanny, she belonged to a mr. patterson; she had a young babe with her, just beginning to creep. one day, after washing, whilst a tub of rinsing water yet stood in the kitchen, mrs. mann came out in haste, and sent fanny to do something out of doors. fanny tried to beg off--she was afraid to leave her babe, lest it should creep to the tub and get hurt--mrs. m. said she would watch the babe, and sent her off. she went with much reluctance, and heard the child struggle as she went out the door. fearing lest mrs. m. should leave the babe alone, she watched the room, and soon saw her pass out of the opposite door. immediately fanny hurried in, and looked around for her babe, she could not see it, she looked at the tub--there her babe was floating, a strangled corpse. the poor woman gave a dreadful scream; and mrs. m. rushed into the room, with her hands raised, and exclaimed, 'heavens, fanny! have you drowned your child?' it was vain for the poor bereaved one to attempt to vindicate herself: in vain she attempted to convince them that the babe had not been alone a moment, and could not have drowned itself; and that she had not been in the house a moment, before she screamed at discovering her drowned babe. all was false! mrs. mann declared it was all pretence--that fanny had drowned her own babe, and now wanted to lay the blame upon her! and mrs. mann was a white woman--of course her word was more valuable than the oaths of all the slaves of missouri. no evidence but that of slaves could be obtained, or mr. patterson would have prosecuted for his 'loss of property.' as it was, every one believed mrs. m. guilty, though the affair was soon hushed up." extract of a letter from col. thomas rogers, a native of kentucky, now an elder in the presbyterian church at new petersburg, highland co., ohio. "when a boy, in bourbon co., kentucky, my father lived near a slaveholder of the name of clay, who had a large number of slaves; i remember being often at their quarters; not one of their shanties, or hovels, had any floor but the earth. their clothing was truly neither fit for covering nor decency. we could distinctly, of a still morning, hear this man whipping his blacks, and hear their screams from my father's farm; this could be heard almost any still morning about the dawn of day. it was said to be his usual custom to repair, about the break of day, to their cabin doors, and, as the blacks passed out, to give them as many strokes of his cowskin as opportunity afforded; and he would proceed in this manner from cabin to cabin until they were all out. occasionally some of his slaves would abscond, and upon being retaken they were punished severely; and some of them, it is believed, died in consequence of the cruelty of their usage. i saw one of this man's slaves, about seventeen years old, wearing a collar, with long iron horns extending from his shoulders far above his head. "in the winter of - i traveled through part of the states of maryland and virginia to baltimore. at frost town, on the national road, i put up for the night. soon after, there came in a slaver with his drove of slaves; among them were two young men, chained together. the bar room was assigned to them for their place of lodging--those in chains were guarded when they had to go out. i asked the 'owner' why he kept these men chained; he replied, that they were stout young fellows, and should they rebel, he and his son would not be able to manage them. i then left the room, and shortly after heard a _scream_, and when the landlady inquired the cause, the slaver coolly told her not to trouble herself, he was only chastising one of his women. it appeared that three days previously her child had died on the road, and been thrown into a hole or crevice in the mountain, and a few stones thrown over it; and the mother weeping for her child was chastised by her master, and told by him, she 'should have something to cry for.' the name of this man i can give if called for. "when engaged in this journey i spent about one month with my relations in virginia. it being shortly after new year, _the time of hiring_ was over; but i saw the pounds, and the scaffolds which remained of the pounds, in which the slaves had been penned up" m. george w. westgate, of quincy, illinois, who lived in the southwestern slave states a number of years, has furnished the following statement. "the great mass of the slaves are under drivers and overseers. i never saw an overseer without a whip; the whip usually carried is a short loaded stock, with a heavy lash from five to six feet long. when they whip a slave they make him pull off his shirt, if he has one, then make him lie down on his face, and taking their stand at the length of the lash, they inflict the punishment. whippings are so _universal_ that a negro that has not been whipped is talked of in all the region as a wonder. by whipping i do not mean a few lashes across the shoulders, but a set flogging, and generally _lying down._ "on sugar plantations generally, and on some cotton plantations, they have negro drivers, who are in such a degree responsible for their gang, that if they are at fault, the driver is whipped. the result is, the gang are constantly driven by him to the extent of the influence of the lash; and it is uniformly the case that gangs dread a negro driver more than a white overseer. "i spent a winter on widow culvert's plantation, near rodney, mississippi, but was not in a situation to see extraordinary punishments. bellows, the overseer, for a trifling offence, took one of the slaves, stripped him, and with a piece of burning wood applied to his posteriors, burned him cruelly; while the poor wretch screamed in the greatest agony. the principal preparation for punishment that bellows had, was single handcuffs made of iron, with chains, by which the offender could be chained to four stakes on the ground. these are very common in all the lower country. i noticed one slave on widow calvert's plantation, who was whipped from twenty-five to fifty lashes every fortnight during the whole winter. the expression 'whipped to death,' as applied to slaves, is common at the south. "several years ago i was going below new orleans, in what is called the plaquemine country, and a planter sent down in my boat a runaway he had found in new orleans, to his plantation at orange points. as we came near the points he told me, with deep feeling, that he expected to be whipped almost to death: pointing to a graveyard, he said, 'there lie five who were whipped to death.' overseers generally keep some of the women on the plantation; i scarce know an exception to this. indeed, their intercourse with them is very much promiscuous,--they show them not much, if any favor. masters frequently follow the example of their overseers in this thing. "george w. westgate." ii. tortures, by iron collars, chains, fetters, handcuffs, &c. the slaves are often tortured by iron collars, with long prongs or "horns" and sometimes bells attached to them--they are made to wear chains, handcuffs, fetters, iron clogs, bars, rings, and bands of iron upon their limbs, iron masks upon their faces, iron gags in their mouths, &c. in proof of this, we give the testimony of slaveholders themselves, under their own names; it will be mostly in the form of extracts from their own advertisements, in southern newspapers, in which, describing their runaway slaves, they specify the iron collars, handcuffs, chains, fetters, &c., which they wore upon their necks, wrists, ankles, and other parts of their bodies. to publish the _whole_ of each advertisement, would needlessly occupy space and tax the reader; we shall consequently, as heretofore, give merely the name of the advertiser, the name and date of the newspaper containing the advertisement, with the place of publication, and only so much of the advertisement as will give the particular _fact_, proving the truth of the assertion contained in the _general head_. william toler, sheriff of simpson county, mississippi, in the "southern sun," jackson, mississippi, september , . "was committed to jail, a yellow boy named jim--had on a _large lock chain around his neck."_ mr. james r. green, in the "beacon," greensborough, alabama, august , . "ranaway, a negro man named squire--had on a _chain locked with a house-lock, around his neck."_ mr. hazlet loflano, in the "spectator," staunton, virginia, sept. , . "ranaway, a negro named david--with some _iron hobbles around each ankle."_ mr. t. enggy, new orleans, gallatin street, between hospital and barracks, n.o. "bee," oct. , . "ranaway, negress caroline--had on a _collar with one prong turned down."_ mr. john henderson, washington, county, mi., in the "grand gulf advertiser," august , . "ranaway, a black woman, betsey--had an _iron bar on her right leg."_ william dyer sheriff, claiborne, louisiana, in the "herald," natchitoches, (la.) july , . "was committed to jail, a negro named ambrose--has a _ring of iron around his neck."_ mr. owen cooke, "mary street, between common and jackson streets," new orleans, in the n.o. "bee," september , . "ranaway, my slave amos, had a _chain_ attached to one of his legs" h.w. rice, sheriff, colleton district, south carolina, in the "charleston mercury," september , . "committed to jail, a negro named patrick, about forty-five years old, and is _handcuffed._" w.p. reeves, jailor, shelby county, tennessee, in the "memphis enquirer, june , . "committed to jail, a negro--had on his right leg an _iron band_ with one link of a chain." mr. francis durett, lexington, lauderdale county, ala., in the "huntsville democrat," august , . "ranaway, a negro man named charles--had on a _drawing chain,_ fastened around his ankle with a house lock." mr. a. murat, baton rouge, in the new orleans "bee," june , . "ranaway, the negro manuel, _much marked with irons."_ mr. jordan abbott, in the "huntsville democrat," nov. , . "ranaway, a negro boy named daniel, about nineteen years old, and was _handcuffed."_ mr. j. macoin, no. ann street, new orleans, in the "bee," august ll, . "ranaway, the negress fanny--had on an _iron band about her neck."_ menard brothers, parish of bernard, louisiana, in the n.o. "bee," august , . "ranaway, a negro named john--having an _iron around his right foot."_ messrs. j.l. and w.h. bolton, shelby county, tennessee, in the "memphis enquirer," june , . "absconded, a colored boy named peter--had an _iron round his neck_ when he went away." h. gridly, sheriff of adams county, mi., in the "memphis (tenn.) times," september, . "was committed to jail, a negro boy--had on a _large neck iron_ with a _huge pair of horns and a large bar or band of iron_ on his left leg." mr. lambre, in the "natchitoches (la.) herald," march , . "ranaway, the negro boy teams--he had on his neck an _iron collar."_ mr. ferdinand lemos, new orleans, in the "bee," january , . "ranaway, the negro george--he had on _his neck an iron collar,_ the branches of which had been taken off" mr. t.j. de yampert, merchant, mobile, alabama, of the firm of de yampert, king & co., in the "mobile chronicle," june , . "ranaway, a negro boy about _twelve_ years old--had round his neck _a chain dog-collar_, with 'de yampert' engraved on it." j.h. hand, jailor, st. francisville, la., in the "louisiana chronicle," july , . "committed to jail, slave john--has several scars on his wrists, occasioned, as he says, by _handcuffs."_ mr. charles curener, new orleans, in the "bee," july , . "ranaway, the negro, hown--has a ring of iron on his left foot. also, grise, his _wife,_ having a _ring and chain on the left leg."_ mr. p.t. manning, huntsville, alabama, in the "huntsville advocate," oct. , . "ranaway, a negro boy named james--said boy was _ironed_ when he left me." mr. william l. lambeth, lynchburg, virginia, in the "moulton [ala.] whig," january , . "ranaway, jim--had on when he escaped a pair of _chain handcuffs."_ mr. d.f. guex, secretary of the steam cotton press company, new orleans, in the "commercial bulletin," may , . "ranaway, edmund coleman--it is supposed he must have _iron shackles on his ankles_." mr. francis durett, lexington, alabama, in the "huntsville democrat," march , . "ranaway ----, a mulatto--had on when he left, a _pair of handcuffs_ and a _pair of drawing chains_." b.w. hodges, jailor, pike county, alabama, in the "montgomery advertiser," sept. , . "committed to jail, a man who calls his name john--he has a _clog of iron on his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds_." p. bayhi captain of police, in the n.o. "bee," june , . "detained at the police jail, the negro wench myra--has several marks of _lashing_, and has _irons on her feet_." mr. charles kernin, parish of jefferson, louisiana, in the n.o. "bee," august , . "ranaway, betsey--when she left she had on her _neck an iron collar_." the foregoing advertisements are sufficient for our purpose, scores of similar ones may be gathered from the newspapers of the slave states every month. to the preceding testimony of slaveholders, published by themselves, and vouched for by their own signatures, we subjoin the following testimony of other witnesses to the same point. john m. nelson, esq., a native of virginia, now a highly respected citizen of highland county, ohio, and member of the presbyterian church in hillsborough, in a recent letter states the following:-- "in staunton, va., at the horse of mr. robert m'dowell, a merchant of that place, i once saw a colored woman, of intelligent and dignified appearance, who appeared to be attending to the business of the house, with an _iron collar_ around her neck, with horns or prongs extending out on either side, and up, until they met at something like a foot above her head, at which point there was a bell attached. this _yoke_, as they called it, i understood was to prevent her from running away, or to punish her for having done so. i had frequently seen _men_ with iron collars, but this was the first instance that i recollect to have seen a _female_ thus degraded." major horace nye, an elder in the presbyterian church at putnam, muskingum county, ohio, in a letter, dated dec. , , makes the following statement:-- "mr. wm. armstrong, of this place, who is frequently employed by our citizens as captain and supercargo of descending boats, whose word may be relied on, has just made to me the following statement:-- "while laying at alexandria, on red river, louisiana, he saw a slave brought to a blacksmith's shop and a collar of iron fastened round his neck, with two pieces rivetted to the sides, meeting some distance above his head. at the top of the arch, thus formed, was attached a large cow-bell, the motion of which, while walking the streets, made it necessary for the slave to hold his hand to one of its sides, to steady it. "in new orleans he saw several with iron collars, with horns attached to them. the first he saw had three prongs projecting from the collar ten or twelve inches, with the letter s on the end of each. he says iron collars are quite frequent there." to the preceding major nye adds:-- "when i was about twelve years of age i lived at marietta, in this state: i knew little of slaves, as there were few or none, at that time, in the part of virginia opposite that place. but i remember seeing a slave who had run away from some place beyond my knowledge at that time: he had an iron collar round his neck, to which was a strap of iron rivetted to the collar, on each side, passing over the top of the head; and another strap, from the back side to the top of the first--thus inclosing the head on three sides. i looked on while the blacksmith severed the collar with a file, which, i think, took him more than an hour." rev. john dudley, mount morris, michigan, resided as a teacher at the missionary station, among the choctaws, in mississippi, during the years and . in a letter just received mr. dudley says:-- "during the time i was on missionary ground, which was in and , i was frequently at the residence of the agent, who was a slaveholder.--i never knew of his treating his own slaves with cruelty; but the poor fellows who were escaping, and lodged with him when detected, found no clemency. i once saw there a fetter for '_the d----d runaways_,' the weight of which can be judged by its size. it was at least three inches wide, half an inch thick, and something over a foot long. at this time i saw a poor fellow compelled to work in the field, at 'logging,' with such a galling fetter on his ankles. to prevent it from wearing his ankles, a string was tied to the centre, by which the victim suspended it when he walked, with one hand, and with the other carried his burden. whenever he lifted, the fetter rested on his bare ankles. if he lost his balance and made a misstep, which must very often occur in lifting and rolling logs, the torture of his fetter was severe. thus he was doomed to work while wearing the torturing iron, day after day, and at night he was confined in the runaways' jail. some time after this, i saw the same dejected, heart-broken creature obliged to wait on the other hands, who were husking corn. the privilege of sitting with the others was too much for him to enjoy; he was made to hobble from house to barn and barn to house, to carry food and drink for the rest. he passed round the end of the house where i was sitting with the agent: he seemed to take no notice of me, but fixed his eyes on his tormentor till he passed quite by us." mr. alfred wilkinson, member of the baptist church in skeneateles, n.y. and an assessor of that town, testifies as follows :-- "i stayed in new orleans three weeks: during that time there used to pass by where i stayed a number of slaves, each with an iron band around his ankle, a chain attached to it, and an eighteen pound ball at the end. they were employed in wheeling dirt with a wheelbarrow; they would put the ball into the barrow when they moved.--i recollect one day, that i counted nineteen of them, sometimes there were not as many; they were driven by a slave, with a long lash, as if they were beasts. these, i learned, were runaway slaves from the plantations above new orleans. "there was also a negro woman, that used daily to come to the market with milk; she had an iron band around her neck, with three rods projecting from it, about sixteen inches long, crooked at the ends." for the fact which follows we are indebted to mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio. we quote his letter. "mr. curtis, a journeyman cabinet-maker, of marietta, relates the following, of which he was an eye witness. mr. curtis is every way worthy of credit. "in september, , at 'milligan's bend,' in the mississippi river, i saw a negro with an iron band around his head, locked behind with a padlock. in the front, where it passed the mouth, there was a projection inward of an inch and a half, which entered the mouth. "the overseer told me, he was so addicted to running away, it did not do any good to whip him for it. he said he kept this gag constantly on him, and intended to do so as long as he was on the plantation: so that, if he ran away, he could not eat, and would starve to death. the slave asked for drink in my presence; and the overseer made him lie down on his back, and turned water on his face two or three feet high, in order to torment him, as he could not swallow a drop.--the slave then asked permission to go to the river; which being granted, he thrust his face and head entirely under the water, that being the only way he could drink with his gag on. the gag was taken off when he took his food, and then replaced afterwards." extract of a letter from mrs. sophia little, of newport, rhode island, daughter of hon. asher robbins, senator in congress for that state. "there was lately found, in the hold of a vessel engaged in the southern trade, by a person who was clearing it out, an iron collar, with three horns projecting from it. it seems that a young female slave, on whose slender neck was riveted this fiendish instrument of torture, ran away from her tyrant, and begged the captain to bring her off with him. this the captain refused to do; but unriveted the collar from her neck, and threw it away in the hold of the vessel. the collar is now at the anti-slavery office, providence. to the truth of these facts mr. william h. reed, a gentleman of the highest moral character, is ready to vouch. "mr. reed is in possession of many facts of cruelty witnessed by persons of veracity; but these witnesses are not willing to give their names. one case in particular he mentioned. speaking with a certain captain, of the state of the slaves at the south, the captain contended that their punishments were often very _lenient_; and, as an instance of their excellent clemency, mentioned, that in one instance, not wishing to whip a slave, they sent him to a blacksmith, and had an iron band fastened around him, with three long projections reaching above his head; and this he wore some time." extract of a letter from mr. jonathon f. baldwin, of lorain county, ohio. mr. b. was formerly a merchant in massillon, ohio, and an elder in the presbyterian church there. "dear brother,--in conversation with judge lyman, of litchfield county, connecticut, last june, he stated to me, that several years since he was in columbia, south carolina, and observing a colored man lying on the floor of a blacksmith's shop, as he was passing it, his curiosity led him in. he learned the man was a slave and rather unmanageable. several men were attempting to detach from his ankle an iron which had been bent around it. "the iron was a piece of a flat bar of the ordinary size from the forge hammer, and bent around the ankle, the ends meeting, and forming a hoop of about the diameter of the leg. there was one or more strings attached to the iron and extending up around his neck, evidently so to suspend it as to prevent its galling by its weight when at work, yet it had galled or griped till the leg had swollen out beyond the iron and inflamed and suppurated, so that the leg for a considerable distance above and below the iron, was a mass of putrefaction, the most loathsome of any wound he had ever witnessed on any living creature. the slave lay on his back on the floor, with his leg on an anvil which sat also on the floor, one man had a chisel used for splitting iron, and another struck it with a sledge, to drive it between the ends of the hoop and separate it so that it might be taken off. mr. lyman said that the man swung the sledge over his shoulders as if splitting iron, and struck many blows before he succeeded in parting the ends of the iron at all, the bar was so large and stubborn--at length they spread it as far as they could without driving the chisel so low as to ruin the leg. the slave, a man of twenty-five years, perhaps, whose countenance was the index of a mind ill adapted to the degradations of slavery, never uttered a word or a groan in all the process, but the copious flow of sweat from every pore, the dreadful contractions and distortions of every muscle in his body, showed clearly the great amount of his sufferings; and all this while, such was the diseased state of the limb, that at every blow, the bloody, corrupted matter gushed out in all directions several feet, in such profusion as literally to cover a large area around the anvil. after various other fruitless attempts to spread the iron, they concluded it was necessary to weaken by filing before it could be got off which he left them attempting to do." mr. william drown, a well known citizen of rhode island, formerly of providence, who has traveled in nearly all the slave states, thus testifies in a recent letter: "i recollect seeing large gangs of slaves, generally a considerable number in each gang, being chained, passing westward over the mountains from maryland, virginia, &c. to the ohio. on that river i have frequently seen flat boats loaded with them, and their keepers armed with pistols and dirks to guard them. "at new orleans i recollect seeing gangs of slaves that were driven out every day, the sabbath not excepted, to work on the streets. these had heavy chains to connect two or more together, and some had iron collars and yokes, &c. the noise as they walked, or worked in their chains, was truly dreadful!" rev. thomas savage, pastor of the congregational church at bedford, new hampshire, who was for some years a resident of mississippi and louisiana, gives the following fact, in a letter dated january , . "in , while employed as an instructor at second creek, near natchez, mississippi, i resided on a plantation where i witnessed the following circumstance. one of the slaves was in the habit of running away. he had been repeatedly taken, and repeatedly whipped, with great severity, but to no purpose. he would still seize the first opportunity to escape from the plantation. at last his owner declared, i'll fix him, i'll put a stop to his running away. he accordingly took him to a blacksmith, and had an _iron head-frame_ made for him, which may be called lock-jaw, from the use that was made of it. it had a lock and key, and was so constructed, that when on the head and locked, the slave could not open his mouth to take food, and the design was to prevent his running away. but the device proved unavailing. he was soon missing, and whether by his own desperate effort, or the aid of others, contrived to sustain himself with food; but he was at last taken, and if my memory serves me, his life was soon terminated by the cruel treatment to which he was subjected." the western luminary, a religious paper published at lexington, kentucky, in an editorial article, in the summer of , says: "a few weeks since we gave an account of a company of men, women and children, part of whom were manacled, passing through our streets. last week, a number of slaves were driven through the main street of our city, among whom were a number manacled together, two abreast, all connected by, and supporting a _heavy iron chain_, which extended the whole length of the line." testimony of a virginian. the _name_ of this witness cannot be published, as it would put him in peril; but his _credibility_ is vouched for by the rev. ezra fisher, pastor of the baptist church, quincy, illinois, and dr. richard eels, of the same place. these gentlemen say of him, "we have great confidence in his integrity, discretion, and strict christian principle." he says-- "about five years ago, i remember to have passed, in _a single day_, four droves of slaves for the south west; the largest drove had slaves in it, and the smallest upwards of . i counted or in a single _coffle_. the '_coffle chain_' is a chain fastened at one end to the centre of the bar of a pair of hand cuffs, which are fastened to the right wrist of one, and the left wrist of another slave, they standing abreast, and the chain between them. these are the head of the coffle. the other end is passed through a ring in the bolt of the next handcuffs, and the slaves being manacled thus, two and two together, walk up, and the coffle chain is passed, and they go up towards the head of the coffle. of course they are closer or wider apart in the coffle, according to the number to be coffled, and to the length of the chain. _i have seen hundreds of droves and chain-coffles of this description_, and every coffle was a scene of misery and wo, of tears and brokenness of heart." mr. samuel hall a teacher in marietta college, ohio, gives, in a late letter, the following statement of a fellow student, from kentucky, of whom he says, "he is a professor of religion, and worthy of entire confidence." "i have seen at least _fifteen_ droves of 'human cattle,' passing by us on their way to the south; and i do not recollect an exception, where there were not more or less of them _chained_ together." mr. george p.c. hussey, of fayetteville, franklin county, pennsylvania, writes thus: "i was born and raised in hagerstown, washington county, maryland, where slavery is perhaps milder than in any other part of the slave states; and yet i have seen _hundreds_ of colored men and women chained together, two by two, and driven to the south. i have seen slaves tied up and lashed till the blood ran down to their heels." mr. giddings, member of congress from ohio, in his speech in the house of representatives, feb. , , made the following statement: "on the beautiful avenue in front of the capitol, members of congress, during this session, have been compelled to turn aside from their path, to permit a coffle of slaves, males and females, _chained to each other by their necks_, to pass on their way to this _national slave market_." testimony of james k. paulding, esq. the present secretary of the united states' navy. in , mr. paulding published a work, entitled 'letters from the south, written during an excursion in the summer of .' in the first volume of that work, page , mr. p. gives the following description: "the sun was shining out very hot--and in turning the angle of the road, we encountered the following group: first, a little cart drawn by one horse, in which five or six half naked black children were tumbled like pigs together. the cart had no covering, and they seemed to have been broiled to sleep. behind the cart marched three black women, with head, neck and breasts uncovered, and without shoes or stockings: next came three men, bare-headed, and _chained together with an ox-chain_. last of all, came a white man on horse back, carrying his pistols in his belt, and who, as we passed him, had the impudence to look us in the face without blushing. at a house where we stopped a little further on, we learned that he had bought these miserable beings in maryland, and was marching them in this manner to one of the more southern states. shame on the state of maryland! and i say, shame on the state of virginia! and every state through which this wretched cavalcade was permitted to pass! i do say, that when they (the slaveholders) permit such flagrant and indecent outrages upon humanity as that i have described; when they sanction a villain in thus marching half naked women and men, loaded with chains, without being charged with any crime but that of being _black_ from one section of the united states to another, hundreds of miles in the face of day, they disgrace themselves, and the country to which they belong."[ ] [footnote : the fact that mr. paulding, in the reprint of these "letters," in , struck out this passage with all others disparaging to slavery and its supporters, does not impair the force of his testimony, however much it may sink the man. nor will the next generation regard with any more reverence, his character as a prophet, because in the edition of , two years after the american antislavery society was formed, and when its auxiliaries were numbered by hundreds, he inserted a _prediction_ that such movements would be made at the north, with most disastrous results. "wot ye not that such a man as i can certainly divine!" mr. paulding has already been taught by judge jay, that he who aspires to the fame of an oracle, without its inspiration, must resort to other expedients to prevent detection, than the clumsy one of _antedating_ his responses.] iii. brandings, maimings, guy-shot wounds, &c. the slaves are often branded with hot irons, pursued with fire arms and _shot_, hunted with dogs and torn by them, shockingly maimed with knives, dirks, &c.; have their ears cut off, their eyes knocked out, their bones dislocated and broken with bludgeons, their fingers and toes cut off, their faces and other parts of their persons disfigured with scars and gashes, _besides_ those made with the lash. we shall adopt, under this head, the same course as that pursued under previous ones,--first give the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, to the mutilations, &c. by copying their own graphic descriptions of them, in advertisements published under their own names, and in newspapers published in the slave states, and, generally, in their own immediate vicinity. we shall, as heretofore, insert only so much of each advertisement as will be necessary to make the point intelligible. mr. micajah ricks, nash county, north carolina, in the raleigh "standard," july , . "ranaway, a negro woman and two children; a few days before she went off, _i burnt her with a hot iron_, on the left side of her face,_ i tried to make the letter m._" mr. asa b. metcalf, kingston, adams co. mi. in the "natchez courier;' june , . "ranaway mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball._" mr. william overstreet, benton, yazoo co. mi. in the "lexington (kentucky) observer," july , . "ranaway a negro man named henry, _his left eye out_, some scars from a _dirk_ on and under his left arm, and _much scarred_ with the whip." mr. r.p. carney, clark co. ala., in the mobile register, dec. , one hundred dollars reward for a negro fellow pompey, years old, he is _branded_ on the _left jaw_. mr. j. guyler, savannah georgia, in the "republican," april , . "ranaway laman, an old negro man, grey, has _only one eye._" j.a. brown, jailor, charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," jan. , . "committed to jail a negro man, has _no toes_ on his left foot." mr. j. scrivener, herring bay, anne arundel co. maryland, in the annapolis republican, april , . "ranaway negro man elijah, has a scar on his left cheek, apparently occasioned by _a shot_." madame burvant corner of chartres and toulouse streets, new orleans, in the "bee," dec. , . "ranaway a negro woman named rachel, has _lost all her toes_ except the large one." mr. o.w. lains, in the "helena, (ark.) journal," june , . "ranaway sam, he was _shot_ a short time since, through the hand, and has _several shots in his left arm and side_." mr. r.w. sizer, in the "grand gulf, [mi.] advertiser," july , . "ranaway my negro man dennis, said negro has been _shot_ in the left arm between the shoulders and elbow, which has paralyzed the left hand." mr. nicholas edmunds, in the "petersburgh [va.] intelligencer," may , . "ranaway my negro man named simon, _he has been shot badly_ in his back and right arm." mr. j. bishop, bishopville, sumpter district, south carolina, in the "camden [s.c.] journal," march , . "ranaway a negro named arthur, has a considerable _scar_ across his _breast and each arm_, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the goodness of god." mr. s. neyle, little ogeechee, georgia, in the "savannah republican," july , . "ranaway george, he has a _sword cut_ lately received on his left arm." mrs. sarah walsh, mobile, ala. in the "georgia journal," march , . "twenty five dollars reward for my man isaac, he has a scar on his forehead caused by a _blow_, and one on his back made by _a shot from a pistol_." mr. j.p. ashford, adams co. mi. in the "natchez courier," august , . "ranaway a negro girl called mary, has a small scar over her eye, a _good many teeth missing_, the letter a _is branded on her cheek and forehead_." mr. ely townsend, pike co. ala. in the "pensacola gazette," sep. , . "ranaway negro ben, has a scar on his right hand, his thumb and fore finger being injured by being _shot_ last fall, a part of _the bone came out_, he has also one or two _large scars_ on his back and hips." s.b. murphy, jailer, irvington, ga. in the "milledgeville journal," may , . "committed a negro man, is _very badly shot in the right side_ and right hand." mr. a. luminais, parish of st. john louisiana, in the new orleans "bee," march , . "detained at the jail, a mulatto named tom, has a _scar_ on the right cheek and appears to have been _burned with powder_ on the face." mr. isaac johnson, pulaski co. georgia, in the "milledgeville journal," june , . "ranaway a negro man named ned, _three of his fingers_ are drawn into the palm of his hand by a _cut_, has a _scar_ on the back of his neck nearly half round, done by a _knife_." mr. thomas hudnall, madison co. mi. in the "vicksburg register," september , . "ranaway a negro named hambleton, _limps_ on his left foot where he was _shot_ a few weeks ago, while runaway." mr. john mcmurrain, columbus, ga. in the "southern sun," august , . "ranaway a negro boy named mose, he has a _wound_ in the right shoulder near the back bone, which was occasioned by a _rifle shot_." mr. moses orme, annapolis, maryland, in the "annapolis republican," june , . "ranaway my negro man bill, he has a _fresh wound in his head_ above his ear." william strickland, jailor, kershaw district, s.c. in the "camden [s.c.] courier," july , . "committed to jail a negro, says his name is cuffee, he is lame in one knee, occasioned _by a shot_." the editor of the "grand gulf advertiser," dec. , . "ranaway joshua, his thumb is off of his left hand." mr. william bateman, in the "grand gulf advertiser," dec. , . "ranaway william, _scar_ over his left eye, one between his eye brows, one on his breast, and his right leg has been _broken_." mr. b.g. simmons, in the "southern argus," may , . "ranaway mark, his left arm has been _broken_." mr. james artop, in the "macon [ga.] messenger, may , . "ranaway, caleb, years old, has an awkward gait occasioned by his being _shot_ in the thigh." j.l. jolley, sheriff of clinton, co. mi. in the "clinton gazette," july , . "was committed to jail a negro man, says his name is josiah, his back very much scarred by the whip, and _branded on the thigh and hips, in three or four places_, thus (j.m.) the _rim of his right ear has been bit or cut off_." mr. thomas ledwith, jacksonville east florida, in the "charleston [s.c.] courier, sept. , . "fifty dollars reward, for my fellow edward, he has a _scar_ on the corner of his mouth, two _cuts_ on and under his arm, and the _letter e on his arm_." mr. joseph james, sen., pleasant ridge, paulding co. ga., in the "milledgeville union," nov. , . "ranaway, negro boy ellie, has a _scar_ on one of his arms _from the bite of a dog_." mr. w. riley, orangeburg district, south carolina, in the "columbia [s.c.] telescope," nov. , . "ranaway a negro man, has a _scar_ on the ankle produced by a _burn_, and a _mark on his arm_ resembling the letter s." mr. samuel mason, warren co, mi. in the "vicksburg register," july , ." "ranaway, a negro man named allen, he has a scar on his breast, also a scar under the left eye, and has _two buck shot in his right arm_." mr. f.l.c. edwards, in the "southern telegraph", sept. , "ranaway from the plantation of james surgette, the following negroes, randal, _has one ear cropped_; bob, _has lost one eye_, kentucky tom, _has one jaw broken_." mr. stephen m. jackson, in the "vicksburg register", march , . "ranaway, anthony, _one of his ears cut off_, and his left hand cut with an axe." philip honerton, deputy sheriff of halifax co. virginia, jan. . "was committed, a negro man, has a _scar_ on his right side by a burn, one on his knee, and one on the calf of his leg _by the bite of a dog_." stearns & co. no. , new levee, new orleans, in the "bee", march , . "absconded, the mulatto boy tom, his fingers _scarred_ on his right hand, and has a _scar_ on his right cheek" mr. john w. walton, greensboro, ala. in the "alabama beacon", dec. , . "ranaway my black boy frazier, with a _scar_ below and one above his right ear." mr. r. furman, charleston, s.c. in the "charleston mercury" jan. , . "ranaway, dick, about , has lost the small toe of one foot." mr. john tart, sen. in the "fayetteville [n.c.] observer", dec. , "stolen a mulatto boy, _ten_ years old, he has a _scar_ over his eye which was made by an axe." mr. richard overstreet, brook neal, campbell co. virginia, in the "danville [va.] reporter", dec. , . "absconded my negro man coleman, has a _very large scar_ on one of his legs, also one on _each_ arm, by a burn, and his heels have been frosted." the editor of the new orleans "bee" in that paper, august , . "fifty dollars reward, for the negro jim blake--has a _piece cut out of each ear_, and the middle finger of the left hand _cut off_ to the second joint." mr. bryant jonson, port valley, houston county, georgia, in the milledgeville "union", oct. , . "ranaway, a negro woman named maria--has a scar on one side of her cheek, by a _cut_--some scars on her back." mr. leonard miles, steen's creek, rankin county, mi. in the "southern sun", sept. , "ranaway, gabriel--has _two or three scars across his neck_ made with a knife." mr. bezou, new orleans, in the "bee" may , . "ranaway, the mulatto wench mary--has a _cut on the left arm, a scar on the shoulder, and two upper teeth missing_." mr. james kimborough, memphis, tenn. in the "memphis enquirer" july , . "ranaway, a negro boy, named jerry--has a _scar_ on his right check two inches long, from the cut of a knife." mr. robert beasley, macon, georgia, in the "georgia messenger", july , . "ranaway, my man fountain--has _holes in his ears, a scar_ on the right side of his forehead--has been _shot in the hind parts of his legs_--is marked on the back with the whip." mr. b.g. barrer, st. louis, missouri, in the "republican", sept. , . "ranaway, a negro man named jarret--_has a scar_ on the under part of one of his arms, occasioned by a wound from a knife." mr. john d. turner, near norfolk, virginia, in the "norfolk herald", june , . "ranaway, a negro by the name of joshua--he has a cut across one of his ears, which he will conceal as much as possible--one of his ankles is _enlarged by an ulcer_." mr. william stansell, picksville, ala. in the "huntsville democrat", august , . "ranaway, negro boy harper--has a scar on one of his hips in the form of a g." hon. ambrose h. sevier senator, in congress, from arkansas in the "vicksburg register", of oct. . "ranaway, bob, a slave--has a _scar across his breast_, another on the _right side of his head_--his back is _much scarred_ with the whip." mr. r.a. greene, milledgeville, georgia, in the "macon messenger" july , . "two hundred and fifty dollars reward, for my negro man jim--he is much marked with _shot_ in his right thigh,--the shot entered on the outside, half way between the hip and knee joints." benjamin russel, deputy sheriff, bibb county, ga. in the "macon telegraph", december , . "brought to jail, john--_left ear cropt_." hon. h hitchcock, mobile, judge of the supreme court, in the "commercial register", oct. , . "ranaway, the slave ellis--he has _lost one of his ears_." mrs. elizabeth l. carter, near groveton, prince william county, virginia, in the "national intelligencer", washington, d.c. june , . "ranaway, a negro man, moses--he has _lost a part_ of one of his ears." mr. william d. buckels, natchez, mi. in the "natchez courier," july , . "taken up, a negro man--is _very much scarred_ about the face and body, and has the left _ear bit off_." mr. walter r. english, monroe county, ala. in the "mobile chronicle," sept. , . "ranaway, my slave lewis--he has lost a _piece of one ear_, and a _part of one of his fingers_, a _part of one of his toes_ is also lost." mr. james saunders, grany spring, hawkins county, tenn. in the "knoxville register," june , . "ranaway, a black girl named mary--has a _scar_ on her cheek, and the end of one of her toes _cut off_." mr. john jenkins, st joseph's, florida, captain of the steamboat ellen, "apalachicola gazette," june , . "ranaway, the negro boy caesar--he has _but one eye_." mr. peter hanson, lafayette city, la., in the new orleans "bee," july , . "ranaway, the negress martha--she has _lost her right eye_." mr. orren ellis, georgeville, mi. in the "north alabamian," sept. , . "ranaway, george--has had the lower part of _one of his ears bit off_." mr. zadock sawyer, cuthbert, randolph county, georgia, in the "milledgeville union," oct. , . "ranaway, my negro tom--has a piece _bit off the top of his right ear_, and his little finger is _stiff_." mr. abraham gray, mount morino, pike county, ga. in the "milledgeville union," oct. , . "ranaway, my mulatto woman judy--she has had her _right arm broke_." s.b. tuston, jailer, adams county, mi. in the "natchez courier," june , . "was committed to jail, a negro man named bill--has had the _thumb of his left hand split_." mr. joshua antrim, nineveh, warren county, virginia, in the "winchester virginian," july , . "ranaway, a mulatto man named joe--his fingers on the left hand are _partly amputated_." j.b. randall, jailor, marietta, cobb county, ga., in the "southern recorder;" nov. , . "lodged in jail, a negro man named jupiter--is very _lame in his left hip_, so that he can hardly walk--has lost a joint of the middle finger of his left hand." mr. john n. dillahunty, woodville, mi., in the "n.o. commercial bulletin," july , . "ranaway, bill--has a scar over one eye, also one on his leg, from _the bite of a dog_--has a _burn on his buttock, from a piece of hot iron in shape of a t_." william k. ratcliffe, sheriff, franklin county, mi. in the "natchez free trader," august , . "committed to jail, a negro named mike--_his left ear off_" mr. preston halley, barnwell, south carolina, in the "augusta [ga.] chronicle," july , . "ranaway, my negro man levi--his left hand has been _burnt_, and i think the end of his fore finger _is off_." mr. welcome h. robbins, st. charles county, mo. in the "st. louis republican," june , . "ranaway, a negro named washington--has _lost a part of his middle finger and the end of his little finger_." g. gourdon & co. druggists, corner of rampart and hospital streets, new orleans, in the "commercial bulletin," sept. , . "ranaway, a negro named david drier--has _two toes cut_." mr. william brown, in the "grand gulf advertiser," august , . "ranaway, edmund--has a _scar_ on his right temple, and under his right eye, and _holes in both ears_." mr. james mcdonnell, talbot county, georgia, in the "columbus enquirer," jan. , . "runaway, a negro boy _twelve or thirteen_ years old--has a scar on his left cheek _from the bite of a dog_." mr. john w. cherry, marengo county, ala. in the "mobile register," june , . "fifty dollars reward, for my negro man john--he has a considerable scar on his _throat_, done with a _knife_." mr. thos. brown, roane co. tenn. in the "knoxville register," sept , . "twenty-five dollars reward, for my man john--the _tip_ of his nose is _bit off_." messrs. taylor, lawton & co., charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," nov. . "ranaway, a negro fellow called hover--has a _cut_ above the right eye." mr. louis schmidt, faubourg, sivaudais, la. in the new orleans "bee," sept. , . "ranaway, the negro man hardy--has a _scar_ on the upper lip, and another made with a _knife_ on his neck." w.m. whitehead, natchez, in the "new orleans bulletin," july , . "ranaway, henry--has half of one _ear bit off_." mr. conrad salvo, charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," august , . "ranaway, my negro man jacob--he has but _one eye_." william baker, jailer, shelby county, ala., in the "montgomery (ala.) advertiser," oct. , . "committed to jail, ben--his _left thumb off_ at the first joint." mr. s.n. hite, camp street, new orleans, in the "bee," feb. , . "twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave sally--walks as though _crippled_ in the back." mr. stephen m. richards, whitesburg, madison county, alabama, in the "huntsville democrat," sept , . "ranaway, a negro man named dick--has a _little finger off_ the right hand." mr. a. brose, parish of st. charles, la. in the "new orleans bee," feb. , . "ranaway, the negro patrick--has his little finger of the right hand _cut close to the hand_." mr. needham whitefield, aberdeen, mi. in the "memphis (tenn.) enquirer," june , . "ranaway, joe dennis--has a small _notch_ in one of his ears." col. m.j. keith, charleston, south carolina, in the "mercury," nov. , . "ranaway, dick--has _lost the little toe_ of one of his feet." mr. r. faucette, haywood, north carolina, in the "raleigh register," april , . "escaped, my negro man eaton--his _little finger_ of the right hand has been _broke_." mr. g.c. richardson, owen station, mo., in the st. louis "republican," may , . "ranaway, my negro man named top--has had one of his _legs broken_." mr. e. han, la grange, fayette county, tenn. in the gallatin "union," june , . "ranaway, negro boy jack--has a small _crop out of his left ear_." d. herring, warden of baltimore city jail, in the "marylander," oct , . "was committed to jail, a negro man--has _two scars_ on his forehead, and the _top of his left ear cut off_." mr. james marks, near natchitoches, la. in the "natchitoches herald," july , . "stolen, a negro man named winter--has a _notch_ cut out of the left ear, and the mark of _four or five buck shot_ on his legs." mr. james barr, amelia court house, virginia, in the "norfolk herald," sept. , . "ranaway, a negro man--_scar back of his left eye_, as if from the _cut_ of a knife." mr. isaac michell, wilkinson county, georgia, in the "augusta chronicle," sept , . "ranaway, negro man buck--has a very _plain mark_ under his ear on his jaw, about the size of a dollar, having been _inflicted by a knife._" mr. p. bayhi, captain of the police, suburb washington, third municipality, new orleans, in the "bee," oct. , . "detained at the jail, the negro boy hermon--has a scar below his left ear, from the _wound of a knife_." mr. willie paterson, clinton, jones county, ga. in the "darien telegraph," dec. , . "ranaway, a negro man by the name of john--he has a _scar_ across his cheek, and one on his right arm, apparently done with a _knife_." mr. samuel ragland, triana, madison county, alabama, in the "huntsville advocate," dec. , . "ranaway, isham--has a _scar_ upon the breast and upon the under lip, from the _bite of a dog_." mr. moses e. bush, near clayton, ala. in the "columbus (ga.) enquirer," july , . "ranaway, a negro man--has a _scar_ on his hip and on his breast, and _two front teeth out_." c.w. wilkins, sheriff baldwin co, ala, is the "mobile advertiser;" sept. , . "committed to jail, a negro man, he is _crippled_ in the right leg." mr. james h. taylor, charleston south carolina, in the "courier," august , . "absconded, a colored boy, named peter, _lame_ in the right leg." n.m.c. robinson, jailer, columbus, georgia, in the "columbus (ga.) enquirer," august , . "brought to jail, a negro man, his left ankle has been _broke_." mr. littlejohn rynes, hinds co. mi. in the "natchez courier," august, , . "ranaway, a negro man named jerry, has a small piece _cut out of the top of each ear_." the heirs of j.a. alston, near georgetown, south carolina, in the "georgetown [s.c.] union," june , . "absconded a negro named cuffee, has _lost one finger_; has an _enlarged leg_." a.s. ballinger, sheriff, johnston co, north carolina, in the "raleigh standard," oct. , . "committed to jail, a negro man; has a _very sore leg_." mr. thomas crutchfield, atkins, ten. in the "tennessee journal," oct. , . "ranaway, my mulatto boy cy, has but _one hand_, all the fingers of his right hand were _burnt off_ when young." j.a. brown, jailer, orangeburg, south carolina, in the "charleston mercury," july , . "was committed to jail, a negro named bob, appears to be _crippled_ in the right leg." s.b. turton, jailer, adams co. miss. in the "natchez courier," sept. , . "was committed to jail, a negro man, has his _left thigh broke_." mr. john h. king, high street, georgetown, in the "national intelligencer," august , . "ranaway, my negro man, he has the _end of one_ of his fingers _broken_." mr. john b. fox, vicksburg, miss. in the "register," march , . "ranaway, a yellowish negro boy named tom, has a _notch_ in the back of one of his ears." messrs. fernandez and whiting, auctioneers, new orleans, in the "bee," april , . "will be sold martha, aged nineteen, _has one eye out_." mr. marshall jett, farrowsville, fauquier co. virginia, in the "national intelligencer," may , . "ranaway, negro man ephraim, has a _mark_ over one of his eyes, occasioned by a _blow_." s.b. turton, jailer adams co. miss. in the "natches courier," oct. , . "was committed a negro, calls himself jacob, has been _crippled_ in his right leg." john ford, sheriff of mobile county, in the "mississippian," jackson mi. dec. , . "committed to jail, a negro man cary, a _large scar on his forehead_." e.w. morris, sheriff of warren county, in the "vicksburg [mi.] register," march , . "committed as a runaway, a negro man jack, he has _several scars_ on his face." mr. john p. holcombe, in the "charleston mercury," april , . "absented himself, his negro man ben, _has scars_ on his throat, occasioned by the _cut of a knife_." mr. geo. kinlock, in the "charleston, s.c. courier," may , . "ranaway, negro boy kitt, or years old, _has a piece taken out of one of his ears_." wm. magee, sheriff, mobile co. in the "mobile register," dec. , . "committed to jail, a runaway slave, alexander, a _scar_ on his left check." mr. henry m. mcgregor, prince george county, maryland, in the "alexandria [d.c.] gazette," feb. , . "ranaway, negro phil, _scar through the right eye brow_ part of the _middle toe_ right foot _cut off_." green b jourdan, baldwin county ga. in the "georgia journal," april , . "ranaway, john, has a _scar_ on one of his hands extending from the wrist joint to the little finger, also a _scar_ on one of his legs." messrs. daniel and goodman, new orleans, in the "n.o. bee," feb. , . "absconded, mulatto slave alick, has a _large scar over_ one of his cheeks." jeremiah woodward, gonchland, co. va. in the "richmond va. whig," jan. , . " dollars reward for nelson, has a _scar_ on his forehead occasioned by a _burn_, and one on his lower lip and one about the knee." samuel rawlins, gwinet co. ga. in the "columbus sentinel," nov. , . "ranaway, a negro man and his wife, named nat and priscilla, he has a small _scar_ on his left cheek, _two stiff fingers_ on his right hand with a _running sore_ on them; his wife has a _scar_ on her left arm, and one _upper tooth out_." the reader perceives that we have under this head, as under previous ones, given to the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, under their own names, a precedence over that of all other witnesses. we now ask the reader's attention to the testimonies which follow. they are endorsed by responsible names--men who 'speak what they know, and testify what they have seen'--testimonies which show, that the slaveholders who wrote the preceding advertisements, describing the work of their own hands, in branding with hot irons, maiming, mutilating, cropping, shooting, knocking out the teeth and eyes of their slaves, breaking their bones, &c., have manifested, _as far as they have gone_ in the description, a commendable fidelity to truth. it is probable that some of the scars and maimings in the preceding advertisements were the result of accidents; and some _may be_ the result of violence inflicted by the slaves upon each other. without arguing that point, we say, these are the _facts_; whoever reads and ponders them, will need no argument to convince him, that the proposition which they have been employed to sustain, _cannot be shaken_. that any considerable portion of them were _accidental_, is totally improbable, from the nature of the case; and is in most instances disproved by the advertisements themselves. that they have not been produced by assaults of the slaves upon each other, is manifest from the fact, that injuries of that character inflicted by the slaves upon each other, are, as all who are familiar with the habits and condition of slaves well know, exceedingly rare; and of necessity must be so, from the constant action upon them of the strongest dissuasives from such acts that can operate on human nature. advertisements similar to the preceding may at any time be gathered by scores from the daily and weekly newspapers of the slave states. before presenting the reader with further testimony in proof of the proposition at the head of this part of our subject, we remark, that some of the tortures enumerated under this and the preceding heads, are not in all cases inflicted by slaveholders as _punishments_, but sometimes merely as preventives of escape, for the greater security of their 'property'. iron collars, chains, &c. are put upon slaves when they are driven or transported from one part of the country to another, in order to keep them from running away. similar measures are often resorted to upon plantations. when the master or owner suspects a slave of plotting an escape, an iron collar with long 'horns,' or a bar of iron, or a ball and chain, are often fastened upon him, for the double purpose of retarding his flight, should he attempt it, and of serving as an easy means of detection. another inhuman method of _marking_ slaves, so that they may be easily described and detected when they escape, is called _cropping_. in the preceding advertisements, the reader will perceive a number of cases, in which the runaway is described as '_cropt_,' or a '_notch cut_ in the ear, or a part or the whole of the ear _cut off_,' &c. two years and a half since, the writer of this saw a letter, then just received by mr. lewis tappan, of new york, containing a negro's ear cut off close to the head. the writer of the letter, who signed himself thomas oglethorpe, montgomery, alabama, sent it to mr. tappan as 'a specimen of a negro's ears,' and desired him to add it to his 'collection.' another method of _marking_ slaves, is by drawing out or breaking off one or two _front teeth_--commonly the upper ones, as the mark would in that case be the more obvious. an instance of this kind the reader will recall in the testimony of sarah m. grimké, page , and of which she had _personal_ knowledge; being well acquainted both with the inhuman master, (a distinguished citizen of south carolina,) by whose order the brutal deed was done, and with the poor young girl whose mouth was thus barbarously mutilated, to furnish a convenient mark by which to describe her in case of her elopement, as she had frequently run away. the case stated by miss g. serves to unravel what, to one uninitiated, seems quite a mystery: i.e. the frequency with which, in the advertisements of runaway slaves published in southern papers, they are described as having _one or two front teeth out_. scores of such advertisements are in southern papers now on our table. we will furnish the reader with a dozen or two. jesse debruhl, sheriff, richland district, "columbia (s.c.) telescope," feb. , . "committed to jail, ned, about years of age, has lost his _two upper front teeth_." mr. john hunt, black water bay, "pensacola (ga.) gazette," october , . " dollars reward, for perry, _one under front tooth_ missing, aged years." mr. john frederick, branchville, orangeburgh district, s.c. "charleston (s.c.) courier," june , . " dollars reward, for mary, _one or two upper teeth_ out, about years old." mr. egbert a. raworth, eight miles west of nashville on the charlotte road "daily republican banner," nashville, tennessee, april , . "ranaway, myal, years old, one of his _fore teeth out_." benjamin russel, deputy sheriff bibb co. ga. "macon (ga.) telegraph," dec. , . "brought to jail john, years old, _one fore tooth out_." f. wisner, master of the work house, "charleston (s.c.) courier." oct. , . "committed to the charleston work house tom, _two of his upper front teeth out_, about years of age." mr. s. neyle, "savannah (ga.) republican," july , . "ranaway peter, has lost _two front teeth_ in the upper jaw." mr. john mcmurrain, near columbus, "georgia messenger," aug. , . "ranaway, a boy named moses, some of his _front teeth out_." mr. john kennedy, stewart co. la. "new orleans bee," april , . "ranaway, sally, her _fore teeth out_." mr. a.j. hutchings, near florence, ala. "north alabamian," august , "ranaway, george winston, two of his _upper fore teeth out_ immediately in front." mr. james purdon, commons street, n.o. "new orleans bee," feb. , . "ranaway, jackson, has lost _one of his front teeth_." mr. robert calvert, in the "arkansas state gazette," august , . "ranaway, jack, years old, has lost _one of his fore teeth_." mr. a.g.a. beazley, in the memphis gazette, march , . "ranaway, abraham, or years of age, _his front teeth out_." mr. samuel townsend, in the "huntsville [ala.] democrat," may , . "ranaway, dick, or years of age, _has one front tooth out_." mr. philip a. dew, in the "virginia herald," of may , . "ranaway, washington, about years of age, has _an upper front tooth out_." j.g. dunlap, "georgia constitutionalist," april , . "ranaway, negro woman abbe, _upper front teeth out_." john thomas, "southern argus," august , . "ranaway, lewis, or years old, _one or two of his front teeth out_." m.e.w. gilbert, in the "columbus [ga.] enquirer," oct. . . " dollars reward, for prince, or years old, _one or two teeth out_ in front on the upper jaw." publisher of the "charleston mercury," aug. , . "ranaway, seller saunders, _one fore tooth out_, about years of age." mr. byrd m. grace, in the "macon [ga.] telegraph," oct. , . "ranaway, warren, about or years old, has lost _some of his front teeth_." mr. george w. barnes, in the "milledgeville [ga.] journal," may , . "ranaway, henry, about years old, has one of his _upper front teeth out_." d. herring, warden of baltimore jail, in "baltimore chronicle," oct. , . "committed to jail elizabeth steward, or years old, has _one of her front teeth out_." mr. j.l. colborn, in the "huntsville [ala.] democrat," july , . "ranaway liley, years of age, _one fore tooth gone_." samuel harman jr. in the "new orleans bee," oct. , . " dollars reward, for adolphe, years old, _two of his front teeth_ are missing." were it necessary, we might easily add to the preceding list, _hundreds_. the reader will remark that all the slaves, whose ages are given, are _young_--not one has arrived at middle age; consequently it can hardly be supposed that they have lost their teeth either from age or decay. the probability that their teeth were taken out by force, is increased by the fact of their being _front teeth_ in almost every case, and from the fact that the loss of no _other_ is mentioned in the advertisements. it is well known that the front teeth are not generally the first to fail. further, it is notorious that the teeth of the slaves are remarkably sound and serviceable, that they decay far less, and at a much later period of life than the teeth of the whites: owing partly, no doubt, to original constitution; but more probably to their diet, habits, and mode of life. as an illustration of the horrible mutilations _sometimes_ suffered by them in the breaking and tearing out of their teeth, we insert the following, from the new orleans bee of may , . $ reward.--ranaway, friday, may , julia, a negress, eighteen or twenty years old. she has lost her upper teeth, and the under ones are all broken. said reward will be paid to whoever will bring her to her master, no. barracks-street, or lodge her in the jail. the following is contained in the same paper. ranaway, nelson, years old,--"all his teeth are missing." this advertisement is signed by "s. elfer," faubourg marigny. we now call the attention of the reader to a mass of testimony in support of our general proposition. george b. ripley, esq. of norwich, connecticut, has furnished the following statement, in a letter dated dec. , . "gurdon chapman, esq., a respectable merchant of our city, one of our county commissioners,--last spring a member of our state legislature,--and whose character for veracity is above suspicion, about a year since visited the county of nansemond, virginia, for the purpose of buying a cargo of corn. he purchased a large quantity of mr. ----, with whose family he spent a week or ten days; after he returned, he related to me and several other citizens the following facts. in order to prepare the corn for market by the time agreed upon, the slaves were worked as hard as they would bear, from daybreak until or o'clock at night. they were called directly from their bunks in the morning to their work, without a morsel of food until noon, when they took their breakfast and dinner, consisting of bacon and corn bread. the quantity of meat was not one tenth of what the same number of northern laborers usually have at a meal. they were allowed but fifteen minutes to take this meal, at the expiration of this time the horn was blown. the rigor with which they enforce punctuality to its call, may be imagined from the fact, that a little boy only nine years old was whipped so severely by the driver, that in many places the whip cut through his clothes (which were of cotton,) for tardiness of not over three minutes. they then worked without intermission until or at night; after which they prepared and ate their second meal, as scanty as the first. an aged slave, who was remarkable for his industry and fidelity, was working with all his might on the threshing floor; amidst the clatter of the shelling and winnowing machines the master spoke to him, but he did not hear; he presently gave him several severe cuts with the raw hide, saying, at the same time, 'damn you, if you cannot hear i'll see if you can feel.' one morning the master rose from breakfast and whipped most cruelly, with a raw hide, a nice girl who was waiting on the table, for not opening a _west_ window when he had told her to open an east one. the number of slaves was only forty, and yet the lash was in constant use. the bodies of all of them were literally covered with old scars. "not one of the slaves attended church on the sabbath. the social relations were scarcely recognised among them, and they lived in a state of promiscuous concubinage. the master said he took pains to breed from his best stock--the whiter the progeny the higher they would sell for house servants. when asked by mr. c. if he did not fear his slaves would run away if he whipped them so much, he replied, they know too well what they must suffer if they are taken--and then said, 'i'll tell you how i treat my runaway niggers. i had a big nigger that ran away the second time; as soon as i got track of him i took three good fellows and went in pursuit, and found him in the night, some miles distant, in a corn-house; we took him and ironed him hand and foot, and carted him home. the next morning we tied him to a tree, and whipped him until there was not a sound place on his back. i then tied his ankles and hoisted him up to a _limb_--feet up and head down--we then whipped him, until the damned nigger smoked so that i thought he would take fire and burn up. we then took him down; and to make sure that he should not run away the third time, i run my knife in back of the ankles, and _cut off the large cords_,--and then i ought to have put some lead into the wounds, but i forgot it' "the truth of the above is from unquestionable authority; and you may publish or suppress it, as shall best subserve the cause of god and humanity." extract of a letter from stephan sewall, esq., winthrop, maine, dated jan. th, . mr. s. is a member of the congregational church in winthrop, and late agent of the winthrop manufacturing company. "being somewhat acquainted with slavery, by a residence of about five years in alabama, and having witnessed many acts of slaveholding cruelty, i will mention one or two that came under my eye; and one of excessive cruelty mentioned to me at the time, by the gentleman (now dead,) that interfered in behalf of the slave. "i was witness to such cruelties by an overseer to a slave, that he twice attempted to drown himself, to get out of his power: this was on a raft of slaves, in the mobile river. i saw an owner take his runaway slave, tie a rope round him, then get on his horse, give the slave and horse a cut the whip, and run the poor creature barefooted, very fast, over rough ground, where small black jack oaks had been cut up, leaving the sharp stumps, on which the slave would frequently fall; then the master would drag him as long as he could himself hold out; then stop, and whip him up on his feet again--then proceed as before. this continued until he got out of my sight, which was about half a mile. but what further cruelties this wretched man, (whose passion was so excited that he could scarcely utter a word when he took the slave into his own power,) inflicted upon his poor victim, the day of judgment will unfold. "i have seen slaves severely whipped on plantations, but this _is an every day occurrence_, and comes under the head of general treatment. "i have known the case of a husband compelled to whip his wife. this i did not witness, though not two rods from the cabin at the time. "i will now mention the case of cruelty before referred to. in or , while the public works were going forward on dauphin island, mobile bay, a contractor, engaged on the works, beat one of his slaves so severely that the poor creature had no longer power to writhe under his suffering: he then took out his knife, and began to _cut his flesh in strips, from his hips down_. at this moment, the gentleman referred to, who was also a contractor, shocked at such inhumanity, stepped forward, between the wretch and his victim, and exclaimed, 'if you touch that slave again you do it at the peril of your life.' the slaveholder raved at him for interfering between him and his slave; but he was obliged to drop his victim, fearing the arm of my friend--whose stature and physical powers were extraordinary." extract of a letter from mrs. mary cowles, a member of the presbyterian church at geneva, ashtabula county, ohio, dated th, mo. th, . mrs. cowles is a daughter of mr. james colwell of brook county, virginia, near west liberty. "in the year , i think, when i was twenty-one years old, a man in the vicinity where i resided, in brooke co. va. near west liberty, by the name of morgan, had a little slave girl about six years old, who had a habit or rather a natural infirmity common to children of that age. on this account her master and mistress would pinch her ears with hot tongs, and throw hot embers on her legs. not being able to accomplish their object by these means, they at last resorted to a method too indelicate, and too horrible to describe in detail. suffice it to say, it soon put an end to her life in the most excruciating manner. if further testimony to authenticate what i have stated is necessary, i refer you to dr. robert mitchel who then resided in the vicinity, but now lives at indiana, pennsylvania, above pittsburgh." mary cowles. testimony of william ladd, esq., now of minot, maine, formerly a slaveholder in florida. mr. ladd is now the president of the american peace society. in a letter dated november , , mr. ladd says: "while i lived in florida i knew a slaveholder whose name was hutchinson, he had been a preacher and a member of the senate of georgia. he told me that he dared not keep a gun in his house, because he was so passionate; and that he had _been the death of three or four men_. i understood him to mean _slaves_. one of his slaves, a girl, once came to my house. she had run away from him at indian river. the cords of one of her hands were so much contracted that her hand was useless. it was said that he had thrust her hand into the fire while he was in a fit of passion, and held it there, and this was the effect. my wife had hid the girl, when hutchinson came for her. out of compassion for the poor slave, i offered him more than she was worth, which he refused. we afterward let the girl escape, and i do not know what became of her, but i believe he never got her again. it was currently reported of hutchinson, that he once knocked down a _new_ negro (one recently from africa) who was clearing up land, and who complained of the cold, as it was mid-winter. the slave was stunned with the blow. hutchinson, supposing he had the 'sulks,' applied fire to the side of the slave until it was so roasted that he said the slave was not worth curing, and ordered the other slaves to pile on brush, and he was consumed. "a murder occurred at the settlement, (musquito) while i lived there. an overseer from georgia, who was employed by a mr. cormick, in a fit of jealousy shot a slave of samuel williams, the owner of the next plantation. he was apprehended, but afterward suffered to escape. this man told me that he had rather whip a negro than sit down to the best dinner. this man had, near his house, a contrivance like that which is used in armies where soldiers are punished with the picket; by this the slave was drawn up from the earth, by a cord passing round his wrists, so that his feet could just touch the ground. it somewhat resembled a new england well sweep, and was used when the slaves were flogged. "the treatment of slaves at musquito i consider much milder than that which i have witnessed in the united states. florida was under the spanish government while i lived there. there were about fifteen or twenty plantations at musquito. i have an indistinct recollection of four or five slaves dying of the cold in amelia island. they belonged to mr. bunce of musquito. the compensation of the overseers was a certain portion of the crop." gerrit smith, esq. of peterboro, in a letter, dated dec. , , says: "i have just been conversing with an inhabitant of this town, on the subject of the cruelties of slavery. my neighbors inform me that he is a man of veracity. the candid manner of his communication utterly forbade the suspicion that he was attempting to deceive me. "my informant says that he resided in louisiana and alabama during a great part of the years and :--that he frequently saw slaves whipped, never saw any killed; but often heard of their being killed:--that in several instances he had seen a slave receive, in the space of two hours, five hundred lashes--each stroke drawing blood. he adds that this severe whipping was always followed by the application of strong brine to the lacerated parts. "my informant further says, that in the spring of , he steered a boat from louisville to new orleans. whilst stopping at a plantation on the east bank of the mississippi, between natchez and new orleans, for the purpose of making sale of some of the articles with which the boat was freighted, he and his fellow boatmen saw a shockingly cruel punishment inflicted on a couple of slaves for the repeated offence of running away. straw was spread over the whole of their backs, and, after being fastened by a band of the same material, was ignited, and left to burn, until entirely consumed. the agonies and screams of the sufferers he can never forget." dr. david nelson, late president of marion college, missouri, a native of tennessee, and till forty years old a slaveholder, said in an anti-slavery address at northampton, mass. jan. -- "i have not attempted to harrow your feelings with stories of cruelty. i will, however, mention one or two among the many incidents that came under my observation as family physician. i was one day dressing a blister, and the mistress of the house sent a little black girl into the kitchen to bring me some warm water. she probably mistook her message; for she returned with a bowl full of boiling water; which her mistress no sooner perceived, than she thrust her hand into it, and held it there till it was half cooked." mr. henry h. loomis, a member of the presbyterian theological seminary in the city of new york, says, in a recent letter-- "the rev. mr. hart, recently my pastor, in otsego county, new york, and who has spent some time at the south as a teacher, stated to me that in the neighborhood in which he resided a slave was set to watch a turnip patch near an academy, in order to keep off the boys who occasionally trespassed on it. attempting to repeat the trespass in presence of the slave, they were told that his 'master forbad it.' at this the boys were enraged, and hurled brickbats at the slave until his face and other parts were much injured and wounded--but nothing was said or done about it as an injury to the slave. "he also said, that a slave from the same neighborhood was found out in the woods, with his arms and legs burned almost to a cinder, up as far as the elbow and knee joints; and there appeared to be but little more said or thought about it than if he had been a brute. it was supposed that his master was the cause of it--making him an example of punishment to the rest of the gang!" the following is an extract of a letter dated march , , from mr. john clarke, a highly respected citizen of scriba, oswego county, new york, and a member of the presbyterian church. the 'mrs. turner' spoken of in mr. c.'s letter, is the wife of hon. fielding s. turner, who in resided at lexington, kentucky, and was the attorney for the commonwealth. soon after that, he removed to new orleans, and was for many years judge of the criminal court of that city. having amassed an immense fortune, he returned to lexington a few years since, and still resides there. mr. c. the writer, spent the winter of - in lexington. he says, "yours of the th ult. is received, and i hasten to state the facts which came to my knowledge while in lexington, respecting the occurrences about which you inquire. mrs. turner was originally a boston lady. she is from to years of age, and the wife of judge turner, formerly of new orleans, and worth a large fortune in slaves and plantations. i repeatedly heard, while in lexington, kentucky, during the winter of - , of the wanton cruelty practised by this woman upon her slaves, and that she had caused several to be _whipped to death_; but i never heard that she was suspected of being deranged, otherwise than by the indulgence of an ungoverned temper, until i heard that her husband was attempting to incarcerate her in the lunatic asylum. the citizens of lexington, believing the charge to be a false one, rose and prevented the accomplishment for a time, until, lulled by the fair promises of his friends, they left his domicil, and in the dead of night she was taken by force, and conveyed to the asylum. this proceeding being judged illegal by her friends, a suit was instituted to liberate her. i heard the testimony on the trial, which related only to proceedings had in order to getting her admitted into the asylum; and no facts came out relative to her treatment of her slaves, other than of a general character. "some days after the above trial, (which by the way did not come to an ultimate decision, as i believe) i was present in my brother's office, when judge turner, in a long conversation with my brother on the subject of his trials with his wife, said, '_that woman has been the immediate cause of the death of_ six _of my servants, by her severities_! "i was repeatedly told, while i was there, that she drove a colored boy from the second story window, a distance of to feet, on to the pavement, which made him a cripple for a time. "i heard the trial of a man for the murder of his slave, by whipping, where the evidence was to my mind perfectly conclusive of his guilt; but the jury were two of them for convicting him of manslaughter, and the rest for acquitting him; and as they could not agree were discharged--and on a subsequent trial, as i learned by the papers, the culprit was acquitted." rev. thomas savage, of bedford, new hampshire, in a recent letter, states the following fact: "the following circumstance was related to me last summer, by my brother, now residing as a physician, at rodney, mississippi; and who, though a pro-slavery man, spoke of it in terms of reprobation, as an act of capricious, wanton cruelty. the planter who was the actor in it i myself knew; and the whole transaction is so characteristic of the man, that, independent of the strong authority i have, i should entertain but little doubt of its authenticity. he is a wealthy planter, residing near natchez, eccentric, capricious and intemperate. on one occasion he invited a number of guests to an elegant entertainment, prepared in the true style of southern luxury. from some cause, none of the guests appeared. in a moody humor, and under the influence, probably, of mortified pride, he ordered the overseer to call the people (a term by which the field hands are generally designated,) on to the piazza. the order was obeyed, and the people came. 'now,' said he, 'have them seated at the table. accordingly they were seated at the well-furnished, glittering table, while he and his overseer waited on them, and helped them to the various dainties of the feast. 'now,' said he, after awhile, raising his voice, 'take these rascals, and give them twenty lashes a piece. i'll show them how to eat at my table.' the overseer, in relating it, said he had to comply, though reluctantly, with this brutal command." mr. henry p. thompson, a native and still a resident of nicholasville, kentucky, made the following statement at a public meeting in lane seminary, ohio, in . he was at that time a slaveholder. "_cruelties_, said he, _are so common_, i hardly know what to relate. but one fact occurs to me just at this time, that happened in the village where i live. the circumstances are these. a colored man, a slave, ran away. as he was crossing kentucky river, a white man, who suspected him, attempted to stop him. the negro resisted. the white man procured help, and finally succeeded in securing him. he then wreaked his vengeance on him for resisting--flogging him till he was not able to walk. they then put him on a horse, and came on with him ten miles to nicholasville. when they entered the village, it was noticed that he sat upon his horse like a drunken man. it was a very hot day; and whilst they were taking some refreshment, the negro sat down upon the ground, under the shade. when they ordered him to go, he made several efforts before he could get up; and when he attempted to mount the horse, his strength was entirely insufficient. one of the men struck him, and with an oath ordered him to get on the horse without any more fuss. the negro staggered back a few steps, fell down, and died. i do not know that any notice was ever taken of it." rev. coleman s. hodges, a native and still a resident of western virginia, gave the following testimony at the same meeting. "i have frequently seen the mistress of a family in virginia, with whom i was well acquainted, beat the woman who performed the kitchen work, with a stick two feet and a half long, and nearly as thick as my wrist; striking her over the head, and across the small of the back, as she was bent over at her work, with as much spite as you would a snake, and for what i should consider no offence at all. there lived in this same family a young man, a slave, who was in the habit of running away. he returned one time after a week's absence. the master took him into the barn, stripped him entirely naked, tied him up by his hands so high that he could not reach the floor, tied his feet together, and put a small rail between his legs, so that he could not avoid the blows, and commenced whipping him. he told me that he gave him five hundred lashes. at any rate, he was covered with wounds from head to foot. not a place as big as my hand but what was cut. such things as these are perfectly common all over virginia; at least so far as i am acquainted. generally, planters avoid punishing their slaves before strangers." mr. calvin h. tate, of missouri, whose father and brothers were slaveholders, related the following at the same meeting. the plantation on which it occurred, was in the immediate neighborhood of his father's. "a young woman, who was generally very badly treated, after receiving a more severe whipping than usual, ran away. in a few days she came back, and was sent into the field to work. at this time the garment next her skin was stiff like a scab, from the running of the sores made by the whipping. towards night, she told her master that she was sick, and wished to go to the house. she went, and as soon as she reached it, laid down on the floor exhausted. the mistress asked her what the matter was? she made no reply. she asked again; but received no answer. 'i'll see,' said she, 'if i can't make you speak.' so taking the tongs, she heated them red hot, and put them upon the bottoms of her feet; then upon her legs and body; and, finally, in a rage, took hold of her throat. this had the desired effect. the poor girl faintly whispered, 'oh, misse, don't--i am most gone;' and expired." extract of a letter from rev. c.s. renshaw, pastor of the congregational church, quincy, illinois. "judge menzies of boone county, kentucky, an elder in the presbyterian church, and a slaveholder, told me that _he knew_ some overseers in the tobacco growing region of virginia, who, to make their slaves careful in picking the tobacco, that is taking the worms off; (you know what a loathsome thing the tobacco worm is) would make them _eat_ some of the worms, and others who made them eat every worm they missed in picking." "mrs. nancy judd, a member of the non-conformist church in osnaburg, stark county, ohio, and formerly a resident of kentucky, testifies that she knew a slaveholder, "mr. brubecker, who had a number of slaves, among whom was one who would frequently avoid labor by hiding himself; for which he would get severe floggings without the desired effect, and that at last mr. b. would tie large cats on his naked body and whip them to make them tear his back, in order to break him of his habit of hiding." rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church in marlborough, massachusetts, says: "some, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, _cat-haul_ them; that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by its hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied; this kind of punishment, as i have understood, poisons the flesh much worse than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave." rev. abel brown, jr. late pastor of the first baptist church, beaver, pennsylvania, in a communication to rev. c.p. grosvenor, editor of the christian reflector, says: "i almost daily see the poor heart-broken slave making his way to a land of freedom. a short time since, i saw a noble, pious, distressed, spirit-crushed slave, a member of the baptist church, escaping from a (professed christian) bloodhound, to a land where he could enjoy that of which he had been robbed during forty years. his prayers would have made us all feel. i saw a baptist sister of about the same age, her children had been torn from her, her head was covered with fresh wounds, while her upper lip had scarcely ceased to bleed, in consequence of a blow with the poker, which knocked out her teeth; she too, was going to a land of freedom. only a very few days since, i saw a girl of about eighteen, with a child as white as myself, aged ten months; a christian master was raising her child (as well his own perhaps) to sell to a southern market. she had heard of the intention, and at midnight took her only treasure and traveled twenty miles on foot through a land of strangers--she found friends." rev. henry t. hopkins, pastor of the primitive methodist church in new york city, who resided in virginia from to , relates the following fact: "an old colored man, the slave of mr. emerson; of portsmouth, virginia, being under deep conviction for sin, went into the back part of his master's garden to pour out his soul in prayer to god. for this offence he was whipped thirty-nine lashes." extract of a letter from doctor f. julius lemoyne, of washington, pennsylvania, dated jan. , . "lest you should not have seen the statement to which i am going to allude, i subjoin a brief outline of the facts of a transaction which occurred in western virginia, adjacent to this county, a number of years ago--a full account of which was published in the "witness" about two years since by dr. mitchell, who now resides in indiana county, pennsylvania. a slave boy ran away in cold weather, and during his concealment had his legs frozen; he returned, or was retaken. after some time the flesh decayed and _sloughed_--of course was offensive--he was carried out to a field and left there without bed, or shelter, _deserted to die_. his only companions were the house dogs which he called to him. after several days and nights spent in suffering and exposure, he was visited by drs. mckitchen and mitchell in the field, of their own accord, having heard by report of his lamentable condition; they remonstrated with the master; brought the boy to the house, amputated both legs, and he finally recovered." hon. james k. paulding, the secretary of the navy of the u. states, in his "letters from the south" published in , relates the following: "at one of the taverns along the road we were set down in the same room with an elderly man and a youth who seemed to be well acquainted with him, for they conversed familiarly and with true republican independence--for they did not mind who heard them. from the tenor of his conversation i was induced to look particularly at the elder. he was telling the youth something like the following detested tale. he was going, it seems, to richmond, to inquire about a draft for seven thousand dollars, which he had sent by mail, but which, not having been acknowledged by his correspondent, he was afraid had been stolen, and the money received by the thief. 'i should not like to lose it,' said he, 'for i worked hard for it, and sold many a poor d----l of a black to carolina and georgia, to scrape it together.' he then went on to tell many a perfidious tale. all along the road it seems he made it his business to inquire where lived a man who might be tempted to become a party in this accursed traffic, and when he had got some half dozen of these poor creatures, _he tied their hands behind their backs_, and drove them three or four hundred miles or more, bare-headed and half naked through the burning southern sun. fearful that _even southern humanity_ would revolt at such an exhibition of human misery and human barbarity, he gave out that they were runaway slaves he was carrying home to their masters. on one occasion a poor black woman exposed this fallacy, and told the story of her being _kidnapped_, and when he got her into a wood out of hearing, he beat her, to use his own expression, 'till her back was white.' it seems he married all the men and women he bought, himself, because they would sell better for being man and wife! but, said the youth, were you not afraid, in traveling through the wild country and sleeping in lone houses, these slaves would rise and kill you? 'to be sure i was,' said the other, 'but i always fastened my door, put a chair on a table before it, so that it might wake me in falling, and slept with a loaded pistol in each hand. it was a bad life, and i left it off as soon as i could live without it; for many is the time i have separated wives from husbands, and husbands from wives, and parents from children, but then i made them amends by marrying them again as soon as i had a chance, that is to say, i made them call each other man and wife, and sleep together, which is quite enough for negroes. i made one bad purchase though,' continued he. 'i bought a young mulatto girl, a lively creature, a great bargain. she had been the favorite of her master, who had lately married. the difficulty was to get her to go, for the poor creature loved her master. however, i swore most bitterly i was only going to take to take her to her mother's at ---- and she went with me, though she seemed to doubt me very much. but when she discovered, at last, that we were out of the state, i thought she would go mad, and in fact, the next night she drowned herself in the river close by. i lost a good five hundred dollars by this foolish trick.'" vol. i. p. . mr. ---- spillman, a native, and till recently, a resident of virginia, now a member of the presbyterian church in delhi, hamilton co., ohio, has furnished the two following facts, of which he had personal knowledge. "david stallard, of shenandoah co., virginia, had a slave, who run away; he was taken up and lodged in woodstock jail. stallard went with another man and took him out of the jail--tied him to their horses--and started for home. the day was excessively hot, and they rode so fast, dragging the man by the rope behind them, that he became perfectly exhausted--fainted--dropped down, and died. "henry jones, of culpepper co., virginia, owned a slave, who ran away. jones caught him, tied him up, and for two days, at intervals, continued to flog him, and rub salt into his mangled flesh, until his back was literally cut up. the slave sunk under the torture; and for some days it was supposed he must die. he, however, slowly recovered; though it was some weeks before he could walk." mr. nathan cole, of st. louis, missouri, in a letter to mr. arthur tappan, of new-york, dated july , , says,-- "you will find inclosed an account of the proceedings of an inquest lately held in this city upon the body of a slave, the details of which, if published, not one in ten could be induced to believe true.[ ] it appears that the master or mistress, or both, suspected the unfortunate wretch of hiding a bunch of keys which were missing; and to extort some explanation, which, it is more than probable, the slave was as unable to do as her mistress, or any other person, her master, major harney, an officer of our army, had whipped her for three successive days, and it is supposed by some, that she was kept tied during the time, until her flesh was so lacerated and torn that it was impossible for the jury to say whether it had been done with a whip or hot iron; some think both--but she was tortured to death. it appears also that the husband of the said slave had become suspected of telling some neighbor of what was going on, for which major harney commenced torturing him, until the man broke from him, and ran into the mississippi and drowned himself. the man was a pious and very industrious slave, perhaps not surpassed by any in this place. the woman has been in the family of john shackford, esq., the present doorkeeper of the senate of the united states, for many years; was considered an excellent servant--was the mother of a number of children--and i believe was sold into the family where she met her fate, as matter of conscience, to keep her from being sent below." [footnote : the following is the newspaper notice referred to:-- an inquest was held at the dwelling house of major harney, in this city, on the th inst. by the coroner, on the body of hannah, a slave. the jury, on their oaths, and after hearing the testimony of physicians and several other witnesses, found, that said slave "came to her death by wounds inflicted by william s. harney."] mr. ezekiel birdseye, a highly respected citizen of cornwall, litchfield co., connecticut, who resided for many years at the south, furnished to the rev. e. r. tyler, editor of the connecticut observer, the following personal testimony. "while i lived in limestone co., alabama, in - , a tavern-keeper of the village of moresville discovered a negro carrying away a piece of old carpet. it was during the christmas holidays, when the slaves are allowed to visit their friends. the negro stated that one of the servants of the tavern owed him some twelve and a half or twenty-five cents, and that he had taken the carpet in payment. this the servant denied. the innkeeper took the negro to a field near by, and whipped him cruelly. he then struck him with a stake, and punched him in the face and mouth, knocking out some of his teeth. after this, he took him back to the house, and committed him to the care of his son, who had just then come home with another young man. this was at evening. they whipped him by turns, with heavy cowskins, and made the _dogs shake him_. a mr. phillips, who lodged at the house, heard the cruelty during the night. on getting up he found the negro in the bar-room, terribly mangled with the whip, and his flesh so torn by the dogs, that the cords were bare. he remarked to the landlord that he was dangerously hurt, and needed care. the landlord replied that he deserved none. mr. phillips went to a neighboring magistrate, who took the slave home with him, where he soon died. the father and son were both tried, and acquitted!! a suit was brought, however, for damages in behalf of the owner of the slave, a young lady by the name of agnes jones. _i was on the jury when these facts were stated on oath_. two men testified, one that he would have given $ for him, the other $ or $ . the jury found the latter sum. "at union court house, s.c., a tavern-keeper, by the name of samuel davis, procured the conviction and execution of his own slave, for stealing a cake of gingerbread from a grog shop. the slave raised the latch of the back door, and took the cake, doing no other injury. the shop keeper, whose name was charles gordon, was willing to forgive him, but his master procured his conviction and execution by hanging. the slave had but one arm; and an order on the state treasury by the court that tried him, which also assessed his value, brought him more money than he could have obtained for the slave in market." mr. ----, an elder of the presbyterian church in one of the slave states, lately wrote a letter to an agent of the anti-slavery society, in which he states the following fact. the name of the writer is with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society. "i was passing through a piece of timbered land, and on a sudden i heard a sound as of murder; i rode in that direction, and at some distance discovered a naked black man, hung to the limb of a tree by his hands, his feet chained together, and a pine rail laid with one end on the chain between his legs, and the other upon the ground, to steady him; and in this condition the overseer gave him _four hundred lashes_. the miserably lacerated slave was then taken down, and put to the care of a physician. and what do you suppose was the offence for which all this was done? simply this; his owner, observing that he laid off corn rows too crooked, he replied, 'massa, much corn grow on crooked row as on straight one!' this was it--this was enough. his overseer, boasting of his skill in managing a _nigger_, he was submitted to him, and treated as above." david l. child, esq., of northampton, massachusetts, secretary of the united states' minister at the court of lisbon during the administration of president monroe, stated the following fact in an oration delivered by him in boston, in . (see child's "despotism of freedom," p. . "an honorable friend, who stands high in the state and in the nation, [ ] was _present at the_ burial of a female slave in mississippi, who _had been whipped to death_ at the stake by her master, because she was gone longer of an errand to the neighboring town than her master thought necessary. under the lash she protested tlat she was ill, and was obliged to rest in the fields. to complete the climax of horror, she was delivered of a dead infant while undergoing the punishment." [footnote : "the narrator of this fact is now absent from the united states, and i do not feel at liberty to mention his name."] the same fact is stated by mrs. child in her "appeal." in answer to a recent letter, inquiring of mr. and mrs. child if they were now at liberty to disclose the name of their informant, mr. c. says,-- "the witness who stated to us the fact was john james appleton, esq., of cambridge, mass. he is now in europe, and it is not without some hesitation that i give his name. he, however, has openly embraced our cause, and taken a conspicuous part in some anti-slavery public meetings since the time that i felt a scruple at publishing his name. mr. appleton is a gentleman of high talents and accomplishments. he has been secretary of legation at rio janeiro, madrid, and the hague; commissioner at naples, and charge d'affaires at stockholm." the two following facts are stated upon the authority of the rev. joseph g. wilson, pastor of the presbyterian church in salem, washington co., indiana. "in bath co., kentucky, mr. l., in the year ' or ' , while intoxicated, in a fit of rage whipped a female slave until she fainted and fell on the floor. then he whipped her to get up; then with red hot tongs he burned off her ears, and whipped her again! but all in vain. he then ordered his negro men to carry her to the cabin. there she was found dead next morning. "one wall, in chester district, s.c., owned a slave, whom he hired to his brother-in-law, wm. beckman, for whom the slave worked eighteen months, and worked well. two weeks after returning to his master he ran away on account of bad treatment. to induce him to return, the master sold him _nominally_ to his neighbor, to whom the slave gave himself up, and by whom he was returned to his master:--punishment, _stripes_. to prevent escape a bar of iron was fastened with three bands, at the waist, knee, and ankle. that night he broke the bands and bar, and escaped. next day he was taken and whipped to death, by three men, the master, thorn, and the overseer. first, he was whipped and driven towards home; on the way he attempted to escape, and was shot at by the master,--caught, and knocked down with the butt of the gun by thorn. in attempting to cross a ditch he fell, with his feet down, and face on the bank; they whipped in vain to get him up--he died. his soul ascended to god, to be a swift witness against his oppressors. this took place at o'clock. next evening an inquest was held. of thirteen jurors, summoned by the coroner, nine said it was murder; two said it was manslaughter, and two said it was justifiable! he was bound over to court, tried, and acquitted--not even fined!" the following fact is stated on the authority of mr. wm. willis, of green plains, clark co. ohio; formerly of caroline co. on the eastern shore of maryland. "mr. w. knew a slave called peter white, who was sold to be taken to georgia; he escaped, and lived a long time in the woods--was finally taken. when he found himself surrounded, he surrendered himself quietly. when his pursuers had him in their possession, they shot him in the leg, and broke it, out of mere wantonness. the next day a methodist minister set his leg, and bound it up with splints. the man who took him, then went into his place of confinement, wantonly jumped upon his leg and crushed it. his name was william sparks." most of our readers are familiar with the horrible atrocities perpetrated in new orleans, in , by a certain madame la laurie, upon her slaves. they were published extensively in northern newspapers at the time. the following are extracts from the accounts as published in the new orleans papers immediately after the occurrence. the new orleans bee says:-- "upon entering one of the apartments, the most appalling spectacle met their eyes. seven slaves, more or less horribly mutilated, were seen suspended by the neck, with their limbs apparently stretched and torn, from one extremity to the other. they had been confined for several months in the situation from which they had thus providentially been rescued; and had been merely kept in existence to prolong their sufferings, and to make them taste all that a most refined cruelty could inflict." the new orleans mercantile advertiser says: "a negro woman was found chained, covered with bruises and wounds from severe flogging.--all the apartments were then forced open. in a room on the ground floor, two more were found chained, and in a deplorable condition. up stairs and in the garret, four more were found chained; some so weak as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds and sores. one mulatto boy declares himself to have been chained for five months, being fed daily with only a handful of meal, and receiving every morning the most cruel treatment." the new orleans courier says:-- "we saw one of these miserable beings.--he had a large hole in his head--his body, from head to foot, was covered with scars and filled with worms." the new orleans mercantile advertiser says: "seven poor unfortunate slaves were found--some chained to the floor, others with chains around their necks, fastened to the ceiling; and one poor old man, upwards of sixty years of age, chained hand and foot, and made fast to the floor, in a _kneeling position_. his head bore the appearance of having been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually to be seen making a feast of his brains!! a woman had her back literally cooked (if the expression may be used) with the lash; _the very bones might be seen projecting through the skin!_" the new york sun, of feb. , , contains the following:-- "two negroes, runaways from virginia, were overtaken a few days since near johnstown, cambria co. pa. when the persons in pursuit called out for them to stop or they would shoot them.--one of the negroes turned around and said, he would die before he would be taken, and at the moment received a rifle ball through his knee: the other started to run, but was brought to the ground by a ball being shot in his back. after receiving the above wounds they made battle with their pursuers, but were captured and brought into johnstown. it is said that the young men who shot them had orders to take them dead or alive." mr. m.m. shafter, of townsend, vermont, recently a graduate of the wesleyan university at middletown, connecticut, makes the following statement: "some of the events of the southampton, va. insurrection were narrated to me by mr. benjamin w. britt, from riddicksville, n.c. mr. britt claimed the honor of having shot a black on that occasion, for the crime of disobeying mr. britt's imperative 'stop.' and mr. ashurst, of edenton, georgia, told me that a neighbor of his 'fired at a likely negro boy of his mother,' because the said boy encroached upon his premises." mr. david hawley, a class leader in the methodist episcopal church at st. albans, licking county, ohio, who moved from kentucky to ohio in , certifies as follows:-- "about the year , a slave had escaped for canada, but was arrested in hardin county. on his return, i saw him in hart county--his wrists tied together before, his arms tied close to his body, the rope then passing behind his body, thence to the neck of a horse on which rode the master, with a club about three feet long, and of the size of a hoe handle; which, by the appearance of the slave, had been used on his head, so as to wear off the hair and skin in several places, and the blood was running freely from his mouth and nose; his heels very much bruised by the horse's feet, as his master had rode on him because he _would_ not go fast enough. such was the slave's appearance when passing through where i resided. such cases were not unfrequent." the following is furnished by mr. f.a. hart, of middletown, connecticut, a manufacturer, and an influential member of the methodist episcopal church. it occurred in , about twenty-five miles this side of baltimore, maryland.-- "i had spent the night with a methodist brother; and while at breakfast, a person came in and called for help. we went out and found a crowd collected around a carriage. upon approaching we discovered that a slave-trader was endeavoring to force a woman into his carriage. he had already put in three children, the youngest apparently about eight years of age. the woman was strong, and whenever he brought her to the side of the carriage, she resisted so effectually with her feet that he could not get her in. the woman becoming exhausted, at length, by her frantic efforts, he thrust her in with great violence, _stamped her down upon the bottom with his feet_! shouted to the driver to go on; and away they rolled, the miserable captives moaning and shrieking, until their voices were lost in the distance." mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio, writes as follows:-- "mr. isaac c. fuller is a member of the methodist episcopal church in marietta. he was a fellow student of mine while in college, and now resides in this place. he says:--in , as i was descending the ohio with a flat boat, near the 'french islands,' so called, below cincinnati, i saw two negroes on horseback. the horses apparently took fright at something and ran. both jumped over a rail fence; and one of the horses, in so doing, broke one of his fore-legs, falling at the same time and throwing the negro who was upon his back. a white man came out of a house not over two hundred yards distant, and came to the spot. seizing a stake from the fence, he knocked the negro down five or six times in succession. "in the same year i worked for a mr. nowland, eleven miles above baton rouge, la. at a place called 'thomas' bend.' he had an overseer who was accustomed to flog more or less of the slaves every morning. i heard the blows and screams as regularly as we used to hear the college bell that summoned us to any duty when we went to school. this overseer was a nephew of nowland, and there were about fifty slaves on his plantation. nowland himself related the following to me. one of his slaves ran away, and came to the homo chitto river, where he found no means of crossing. here he fell in with a white man who knew his master, being on a journey from that vicinity. he induced the slave to return to baton rouge, under the promise of giving him a pass, by which he might escape, but, in reality, to betray him to his master. this he did, instead of fulfilling his promise. nowland said that he took the slave and inflicted five hundred lashes upon him, cutting his back all to pieces, and then thew on hot embers. the slave was on the plantation at the time, and told me the same story. he also rolled up his sleeves, and showed me the scars on his arms, which, in consequence, appeared in places to be callous to the bone. i was with nowland between five and six months." rev. john rankin, formerly of tennessee, now pastor of the presbyterian church of ripley, ohio, has furnished the following statement:-- "the rev. ludwell g. gaines, now pastor of the presbyterian church of goshen, clermont county, ohio, stated to me, that while a resident of a slave state, he was summoned to assist in taking a man who had made his black woman work naked several days, and afterwards murdered her. the murderer armed himself, and threatened to shoot the officer who went to take him; and although there was ample assistance at hand, the officer declined further interference." mr. rankin adds the following:-- "a presbyterian preacher, now resident in a slave state, and therefore it is not expedient to give his name, stated, that he saw on board of a steamboat at louisville, kentucky, a woman who had been forced on board, to be carried off from all she counted dear on earth. she ran across the boat and threw herself into the river, in order to end a life of intolerable sorrows. she was drawn back to the boat and taken up. the brutal driver beat her severely, and she immediately threw herself again into the river. she was hooked up again, chained, and carried off." testimony of m. william hansborough, of culpepper county, virginia, the "owner" of sixty slaves. "i saw a slave taken out of prison by his master, on a hot summer's day, and driven, by said master, on the road before him, till he dropped down dead." the above statement was made by mr. hansborough to lindley coates, of lancaster county, pa. a distinguished member of the society of friends, and a member of the late convention in pa. for altering the state constitution. the letter from mr. c. containing this testimony of mr. h. is now before us. mr. tobias boudinot, a member of the methodist church in st. albans, licking county, ohio, says: "in nicholasville, ky. in the year , he saw a slave fleeing before the patrol, but he was overtaken near where he stood, and a man with a knotted cane, as large as his wrist, struck the slave a number of times on his head, until the club was broken and he made tame; the blood was thrown in every direction by the violence of the blows." the rev. william dickey, of bloomingburg, fayette county, ohio, wrote a letter to the rev. john rankin, of ripley, ohio thirteen years since, containing a description of the cutting up of a slave with a broad axe; beginning at the feet and gradually cutting the legs, arms, and body into pieces! this diabolical atrocity was committed in the state of kentucky, in the year . the perpetrators of the deed were two brothers, lilburn and isham lewis, nephews of president jefferson. the writer of this having been informed by mr. dickey, that some of the facts connected with this murder were not contained in his letter published by mr. rankin, requested him to write the account _anew_, and furnish the additional facts. this he did, and the letter containing it was published in the "human rights" for august, . we insert it here, slightly abridged, with the introductory remarks which appeared in that paper. "mr. dickey's first letter has been scattered all over the country, south and north; and though multitudes have affected to disbelieve its statements, _kentuckians_ know the truth of them quite too well to call them in question. the story is fiction or fact--if _fiction_, why has it not been nailed to the wall? hundreds of people around the mouth of cumberland river are personally knowing to these facts. _there_ are the records of the court that tried the wretches.--_there_ their acquaintances and kindred still live. all over that region of country, the brutal butchery of george is a matter of public notoriety. it is quite needless, perhaps, to add, that the rev. wm. dickey is a presbyterian clergyman, one of the oldest members of the chilicothe presbytery, and greatly respected and beloved by the churches in southern ohio. he was born in south carolina, and was for many years pastor of a church in kentucky." rev. wm. dickey's letter. "in the county of livingston, ky. near the mouth of cumberland river, lived lilburn lewis, a sister's son of the celebrated jefferson. he was the wealthy owner of a considerable gang of negroes, whom he drove constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. the consequence was, that they would run away. among the rest was an ill-thrived boy of about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was sent to the spring for water, and in returning let fall an elegant pitcher: it was dashed to shivers upon the rocks. this was made the occasion for reckoning with him. it was night, and the slaves were all at home. the master had them all collected in the most roomy negro house, and a rousing fire put on. when the door was secured, that none might escape, either through _fear of him_ or _sympathy with george_, he opened to them the design of the interview, namely, that they might be effectually advised to _stay at home and obey his orders_. all things now in train, he called up george, who approached his master with unreserved submission. he bound him with cords; and by the assistance of isham lewis, his youngest brother, laid him on a broad bench, the _meat-block_. he then proceeded to _hack off george at the ankles_! it was with the _broad axe_! in vain did the unhappy victim _scream and roar_! for he was completely in his master's power; not a hand among so many durst interfere; casting the feet into the fire, he lectured them at some length.--he next _chopped him off below the knees_! george _roaring out_ and praying his master to begin at the _other end_! he admonished them again, throwing the legs into the fire--then, above the knees, tossing the joints into the fire--the next stroke severed the thighs from the body; these were also committed to the flames--and so it may be said of the arms, head, and trunk, until all was in the fire! he threatened any of them with similar punishment who should in future disobey, run away, or disclose the proceedings of that evening. nothing now remained but to consume the flesh and bones; and for this purpose the fire was brightly stirred until two hours after midnight; when a coarse and heavy back-wall, composed of rock and clay, covered the fire and the remains of george. it was the sabbath--this put an end to the _amusements_ of the evening. the negroes were now permitted to disperse, with charges to keep this matter among themselves, and never to whisper it in the neighbourhood, under the penalty of a like punishment. "when he returned home and retired, his wife exclaimed, 'why, mr. lewis, where have you been, and what were you doing?' she had heard a strange _pounding_ and dreadful _screams_, and had smelled something like fresh meat _burning_. the answer he returned was, that he had never enjoyed himself at a ball so well as he had enjoyed himself that night. "next morning he ordered the hands to rebuild the back-wall, and he himself superintended the work, throwing the pieces of flesh that still remained, with the bones, behind, as it went up--thus hoping to conceal the matter. but it _could not be hid_--much as the negroes seemed to hazard, they did _whisper the horrid deed_. the neighbors came, and in his presence tore down the wall; and finding the _remains_ of the boy, they apprehended lewis and his brother, and testified against them. they were committed to jail, that they might answer at the coming court for this shocking outrage; but finding security for their appearance at court, they were admitted to bail! "in the interim, other articles of evidence leaked out. that of mrs. lewis hearing a pounding, and screaming and her smelling fresh meat burning, for not till now had this come out. he was offended with her for disclosing these things, alleging that they might have some weight against him at the pending trial. "in connection with this is another item, full of horror. mr.s. lewis, or her girl, in making her bed one morning after this, found, under her bolster, a keen butcher knife! the appalling discovery forced from her the confession that she considered her life in jeopardy. messrs. rice and philips, whose wives were her sisters, went to see her and to bring her away if she wished it. mr. lewis received them with all the expressions of _virginia hospitality_. as soon as they were seated they said, 'well, letitia, we supposed that you might be unhappy here, and afraid for your life; and we have come to-day to take you to your father's, if you desire it.' she said, 'thank you, kind brothers, i am indeed afraid for my life.'--we need not interrupt the story to tell how much surprised he affected to be with this strange procedure of his brothers-in-law, and with this declaration of his wife. but all his professions of fondness for her, to the contrary notwithstanding, they rode off with her before his eyes.--he followed and overtook, and went with them to her father's; but she was locked up from him, with her own consent, and he returned home. "now he saw that his character was gone, his respectable friends believed that he had massacred george; but, worst of all, he saw that they considered the life of the harmless letitia was in danger from his perfidious hands. it was too much for his chivalry to sustain. the proud virginian sunk under the accumulated load of public odium. he proposed to his brother isham, who had been his accomplice in the george affair, that they should finish the play of life with a still deeper tragedy. the plan was, that they should shoot one another. having made the hot-brained bargain, they repaired with their guns to the grave-yard, which was on an eminence in the midst of his plantation. it was inclosed with a railing, say thirty feet square. one was to stand at one railing, and the other over against him at the other. they were to make ready, take aim, and count deliberately , , , and then fire. lilburn's will was written, and thrown down open beside him. they cocked their guns and raised them to their faces; but the peradventure occurring that one of the guns might miss fire, isham was sent for a rod, and when it was brought, lilburn cut it off at about the length of two feet, and was showing his brother how the survivor might do, provided one of the guns should fail; (for they were determined upon going together;) but forgetting, perhaps, in the perturbation of the moment that the gun was cocked, when he touched trigger with the rod the gun fired, and he fell, and died in a few minutes--and was with george in the eternal world, where _the slave is free from his master_. but poor isham was so terrified with this unexpected occurrence and so confounded by the awful contortions of his brother's face, that he had not nerve enough to follow up the play, and finish the plan as was intended, but suffered lilburn to go alone. the negroes came running to see what it meant that a gun should be fired in the grave-yard. there lay their master, dead! they ran for the neighbors. isham still remained on the spot. the neighbors at the first charged him with the murder of his brother. but he, though as if he had lost more than half his mind, told the whole story; and the course of range of the ball in the dead man's body agreeing with his statement, isham was not farther charged with lilburn's death. "the court sat--isham was judged to be guilty of a capital crime in the affair of george. he was to be hanged at salem. the day was set. my good old father visited him in the prison--two or three times talked and prayed with him; i visited him once myself. we fondly hoped that he was a sincere penitent. before the day of execution came, by some means, i never knew what, isham was _missing_. about two years after, we learned that he had gone down to natchez, and had married a lady of some refinement and piety. i saw her letters to his sisters, who were worthy members of the church of which i was pastor. the last letter told of his death. he was in jackson's army, and fell in the famous battle of new orleans." "i am, sir, your friend, "wm. dickey." personal narratives-part iii. narrative and testimony of rev. francis hawley. mr. hawley is the pastor of the baptist church in colebrook, litchfield county, connecticut. he has resided fourteen years in the slave states, north and south carolina. his character and standing with his own denomination at the south, may be inferred from the fact, that the baptist state convention of north carolina appointed him, a few years since, their general agent to visit the baptist churches within their bounds, and to secure their co-operation in the objects of the convention. mr. h. accepted the appointment, and for some time traveled in that capacity. "i rejoice that the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society have resolved to publish a volume of facts and testimony relative to the character and workings of american slavery. having resided fourteen years at the south, i cheerfully comply with your request, to give the result of my observation and experience. "and i would here remark, that one may reside at the south for years, and not witness extreme cruelties; a northern man, and one who is not a slaveholder, would be the last to have an opportunity of witnessing the infliction of cruel punishments." plantations. "a majority of the large plantations are on the banks of rivers, far from the public eye. a great deal of low marshy ground lies in the vicinity of most of the rivers at the south; consequently the main roads are several miles from the rivers, and generally no _public_ road passes the plantations. a stranger traveling on the _ridge_, would think himself in a miserably poor country; but every two or three miles he will see a road turning off and leading into the swamp; taking one of those roads, and traveling from two to six miles, he will come to a large gate; passing which, he will find himself in a clearing of several hundred acres of the first quality of land; passing on, he will see , or , or more slaves--men, women, boys and girls, at their task, every one with a hoe; or, if in cotton picking season, with their baskets. the overseer, with his whip, either riding or standing about among them; or if the weather is hot, sitting under a shade. at a distance, on a little rising ground, if such there be, he will see a cluster of huts, with a tolerable house in the midst, for the overseer. those huts are from ten to fifteen feet square, built of logs, and covered, not with shingles, but with boards, about four feet long, split out of pine timber with a '_frow_'. the floors are very commonly made in this way. clay is first worked until it is soft; it is then spread upon the ground, about four or five inches thick; when it dries, it becomes nearly as hard as a brick. the crevices between the logs are sometimes filled with the same. these huts generally cost the master nothing--they are commonly built by the negroes at night, and on sundays. when a slave of a neighboring plantation takes a wife, or to use the phrase common at the south, 'takes up' with one of the women, he builds a hut, and it is called her house. upon entering these huts, (not as comfortable in many instances as the horse stable,) generally, you will find no chairs, but benches and stools; no table, no bedstead, and no bed, except a blanket or two, and a few rags or moss; in some instances a knife or two, but very rarely a fork. you may also find a pot or skillet, and generally a number of gourds, which serve them instead of bowls and plates. the cruelties practiced on those secluded plantations, the judgment day alone can reveal. oh, brother, could i summon ten slaves from ten plantations that i could name, and have them give but one year's history of their bondage, it would thrill the land with horror. those overseers who follow the business of overseeing for a livelihood, are generally the most unprincipled and abandoned of men. their wages are regulated according to their skill in extorting labor. the one who can make the most bags of cotton, with a given number of hands, is the one generally sought after; and there is a competition among them to see who shall make the largest crop, according to the hands he works. i ask, what must be the condition of the poor slaves, under the unlimited power of such men, in whom, by the long-continued practise of the most heart-rending cruelties, every feeling of humanity has been obliterated? but it may be asked, cannot the slaves have redress by appealing to their masters? in many instances it is impossible, as their masters live hundreds of miles off. there are perhaps thousands in the northern slave states, [and many in the free states,] who own plantations in the southern slave states, and many more spend their summers at the north, or at the various watering places. but what would the slaves gain, if they should appeal to the master? he has placed the overseer over them, with the understanding that he will make as large a crop as possible, and that he is to have entire control, and manage them according to his own judgment. now suppose that in the midst of the season, the slaves make complaint of cruel treatment. the master cannot get along without an overseer--it is perhaps very sickly on the plantation he dare not risk his own life there. overseers are all enraged at that season, and if he takes part with his slave against the overseer, he would destroy his authority, and very likely provoke him to leave his service--which would of course be a very great injury to him. thus, in nineteen cases out of twenty, self-interest would prevent the master from paying any attention to the complaints of his slaves. and, if any should complain, it would of course come to the ears of the overseer, and the complainant would be inhumanly punished for it." clothing. "the rule, where slaves are hired out, is two suits of clothes per year, one pair of shoes, and one blanket; but as it relates to the great body of the slaves, this cannot be called a general rule. on many plantations, the children under ten or twelve years old, go _entirely naked_--or, it clothed at all, they have nothing more than a shirt. the cloth is of the coarsest kind, far from being durable or warm; and their shoes frequently come to pieces in a few weeks. i have never known any provision made, or time allowed for the washing of clothes. if they wish to wash, as they have generally but one suit, they go after their day's toil to some stream, build a fire, pull off their clothes and wash them in the stream, and dry them by the fire; and in some instances they wear their clothes until they are worn off; without washing. i have never known an instance of a slaveholder putting himself to any expense, that his slaves might have decent clothes for the sabbath. if by making baskets, brooms, mats, &c. at night or on sundays, the slaves can get money enough to buy a sunday suit, very well. i have never known an instance of a slaveholder furnishing his slaves with stockings or mittens. i _know_ that the slaves suffer much, and no doubt many die in consequence of not being well clothed." food. "in the grain-growing part of the south, the slaves, as it relates to food, fare tolerably well; but in the cotton, and rice-growing, and sugar-making portion, some of them fare badly. i have been on plantations where, from the appearance of the slaves, i should judge they were half-starved. they receive their allowance very commonly on sunday morning. they are left to cook it as they please, and when they please. many slaveholders rarely give their slaves meat, and very few give them more food than will keep them in a working condition. they rarely ever have a _change_ of food. i have never known an instance of slaves on plantations being furnished either with sugar, butter, cheese, or milk." work. "if the slaves on plantations were well fed and clothed, and had the stimulus of wages, they could perhaps in general perform their tasks without injury. the horn is blown soon after the dawn of day, when all the hands destined for the field must be 'on the march!' if the field is far from their huts, they take their breakfast with them. they toil till about ten o'clock, when they eat it. they then continue their toil till the sun is set. "a neighbor of mine, who has been an overseer in alabama, informs me, that there they ascertain how much labor a slave can perform in a day, in the following manner. when they commence a new cotton field, the overseer takes his watch, and marks how long it takes them to hoe one row, and then lays out the task accordingly. my neighbor also informs me, that the slaves in alabama are worked very hard; that the lash is almost universally applied at the close of the day, if they fail to perform their task in the cotton-picking season. you will see them, with their baskets of cotton, slowly bending their way to the cotton house, where each one's basket is weighed. they have no means of knowing accurately, in the course of the day, how they make progress; so that they are in suspense, until their basket is weighed. here comes the mother, with her children; she does not know whether herself, or children, or all of them, must take the lash; they cannot weigh the cotton themselves--the whole must be trusted to the overseer. while the weighing goes on, all is still. so many pounds short, cries the overseer, and takes up his whip, exclaiming, 'step this way, you d--n lazy scoundrel, or bitch.' the poor slave begs, and promises, but to no purpose. the lash is applied until the overseer is satisfied. sometimes the whipping is deferred until the weighing is all over. i have said that all must be _trusted_ to the overseer. if he owes any one a grudge, or wishes to enjoy the fiendish pleasure of whipping a little, (for some overseers really delight in it,) they have only to tell a falsehood relative to the weight of their basket; they can then have a pretext to gratify their diabolical disposition; and from the character of overseers, i have no doubt that it is frequently done. on all plantations, the male and female slaves fare pretty much alike; those who are with child are driven to their task till within a few days of the time of their delivery; and when the child is a few weeks old, the mother must again go to the field. if it is far from her hut, she must take her babe with her, and leave it in the care of some of the children--perhaps of one not more than four or five years old. if the child cries, she cannot go to its relief; the eye of the overseer is upon her; and if, when she goes to nurse it, she stays a little longer than the overseer thinks necessary, he commands her back to her task, and perhaps a husband and father must hear and witness it all. brother, you cannot begin to know what the poor slave mothers suffer, on thousands of plantations at the south. "i will now give a few facts, showing the workings of the system. some years since, a presbyterian minister moved from north carolina to georgia. he had a negro man of an uncommon mind. for some cause, i know not what, this minister whipped him most unmercifully. he next nearly _drowned_ him; he then put him _in the fence_; this is done by lifting up the corner of a 'worm' fence, and then putting the feet through; the rails serve as _stocks_. he kept him there some time, how long i was not informed, but the poor slave _died_ in a few days; and, if i was rightly informed, nothing was done about it, either in church or state. after some tame, he moved back to north carolina, and is now a member of ---- presbytery. i have heard him preach, and have been in the pulpit with him. may god forgive me! "at laurel hill, richmond county, north carolina, it was reported that a runaway slave was in the neighborhood. a number of young men took their guns, and went in pursuit. some of them took their station near the stage road, and kept on the look-out. it was early in the evening--the poor slave came along, when the ambush rushed upon him, and ordered him to surrender. he refused, and kept them off with his club. they still pressed upon him with their guns presented to his breast. without seeming to be daunted, he caught hold of the muzzle of one of the guns, and came near getting possession of it. at length, retreating to a fence on one side of the road, he sprang over into a corn-field, and started to run in one of the rows. one of the young men stepped to the fence, fired, and lodged the whole charge between his shoulders; he fell, and died in a short time. he died without telling who his master was, or whether he had any, or what his own name was, or where he was from. a hole was dug by the side of the road his body tumbled into it, and thus ended the whole matter. "the rev, mr. c. a methodist minister, held as his slave a negro man, who was a member of his own church. the slave was considered a very pious man, had the confidence of his master, and all who knew him, and if i recollect right, he sometimes attempted to preach. just before the nat turner insurrection, in southampton county, virginia, by which the whole south was thrown into a panic, then worthy slave obtained permission to visit his relatives, who resided either in southampton, or the county adjoining. this was the only instance that ever came to my knowledge, of a slave being permitted to go so far to visit his relatives. he went and returned according to agreement. a few weeks after his return, the insurrection took place, and the whole country was deeply agitated. suspicion soon fixed on this slave. nat turner was a baptist minister, and the south became exceedingly jealous of all negro preachers. it seemed as if the whole community were impressed with the belief that he knew all about it; that he and nat turner had concocted an extensive insurrection; and so confident were they in this belief, that they took the poor slave, tried him, and hung him. it was all done in a few days. he protested his innocence to the last. after the excitement was over, many were ready to acknowledge that they believed him innocent. he was hung upon _suspicion_! "in r---- county, north carolina, lived a mr. b. who had the name of being a cruel master. three or four winters since, his slaves were engaged in clearing a piece of new land. he had a negro girl, about years old, whom he had severely whipped a few days before, for not performing her task. she again failed. the hands left the field for home; she went with them a part of the way, and fell behind; but the negroes thought she would soon be along; the evening passed away, and she did not come. they finally concluded that she had gone back to the new ground, to lie by the log heaps that were on fire. but they were mistaken: she had sat down by the foot of a large pine. she was thinly clad--the night was cold and rainy. in the morning the poor girl was found, but she was speechless and died in a short time. "one of my neighbors sold to a speculator a negro boy, about years old. it was more than his poor mother could bear. her reason fled, and she became a perfect _maniac_, and had to be kept in close confinement. she would occasionally get out and run off to the neighbors. on one of these occasions she came to my house. she was indeed a pitiable object. with tears rolling down her checks, and her frame shaking with agony, she would cry out, _'don't you hear him--they are whipping him now, and he is calling for me!'_ this neighbor of mine, who tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus broke her heart, was a _member of the presbyterian church._ "mr. s----, of marion district, south carolina, informed me that a boy was killed by the overseer on mr. p----'s plantation. the boy was engaged in driving the horses in a cotton gin. the driver generally sits on the end of the sweep. not driving to suit the overseer, he knocked him off with the butt of his whip. his skull was fractured. he died in a short time. "a man of my acquaintance in south carolina, and of considerable wealth, had an only son, whom he educated for the bar; but not succeeding in his profession, he soon returned home. his father having a small plantation three or four miles off; placed his son on it as an overseer. following the example of his father, as i have good reason to believe, he took the wife of one of the negro men. the poor slave felt himself greatly injured, and expostulated with him. the wretch took his gun, and deliberately shot him. providentially he only wounded him badly. when the father came, and undertook to remonstrate with his son about his conduct, he threatened to shoot him also! and finally, took the negro woman, and went to alabama, where he still resided when i left the south. "an elder in the presbyterian church related to me the following.--'a speculator with his drove of negroes was passing my house, and i bought a little girl, nine or ten years old. after a few months, i concluded that i would rather have a plough-boy. another speculator was passing, and i sold the girl. she was much distressed, and was very unwilling to leave.'--she had been with him long enough to become attached to his own and his negro children, and he concluded by saying, that in view of the little girl's tears and cries, he had determined never to do the like again. i would not trust him, for i know him to be a very avaricious man. "while traveling in anson county, north carolina, i put up for a night at a private house. the man of the house was not at home when i stopped, but came in the course of the evening, and was noisy and profane, and nearly drunk. i retired to rest, but not to sleep; his cursing and swearing were enough to keep a regiment awake. about midnight he went to his kitchen, and called out his two slaves, a man and woman. his object, he said, was to whip them. they both begged and promised, but to no purpose. the whipping began, and continued for some time. their cries might have been heard at a distance. "i was acquainted with a very wealthy planter, on the pedee river, in south carolina, who has since died in consequence of intemperance. it was said that he had occasioned the death of twelve of his slaves, by compelling them to work in water, opening a ditch in the midst of winter. the disease with which they died was a pleurisy. "in crossing pedee river, at cashway ferry, i observed that the ferryman had no hair on either side of his head, i asked him the cause. he informed me that it was caused by his master's cane. i said, you have a very bad master. 'yes, a very bad master.' i understood that he was once a number of congress from south carolina. "while traveling as agent for the north carolina baptist state convention, i attended a three days' meeting in gates county, friday, the first day, passed off. saturday morning came, and the pastor of the church, who lived a few miles off, did not make his appearance. the day passed off, and no news from the pastor. on sabbath morning, he came hobbling along, having but little use of one foot. he soon explained: said he had a hired negro man, who, on saturday morning, gave him a 'little _slack jaw.'_ not having a stick at hand, he fell upon him with his fist and foot, and in _kicking_ him, he injured his foot so seriously, that he could not attend meeting on saturday. "some of the slaveholding ministers at the south, put their slaves under overseers, or hire them out, and then take the pastoral care of churches. the rev. mr. b----, formerly of pennsylvania, had a plantation in marlborough district, south carolina, and was the pastor of a church in darlington district. the rev. mr. t----, of johnson county, north carolina, has a plantation in alabama. "i was present, and saw the rev. j---- w----, of mecklenburg county, north carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines is burke county. the rev. h---- m----, of orange county, sold for $ , a negro man to a speculator, on a monday of a camp meeting. "runaway slaves are frequently hunted with guns and dogs. _i was once out on such an excursion, with my rifle and two dogs._ i trust the lord has forgiven me this heinous wickedness! we did not take the runaways. "slaves are sometimes most unmercifully punished for trifling offences, or mere mistakes. "as it relates to amalgamation, i can say, that i have been in respectable families, (so called,) where i could distinguish the family resemblance in the slaves who waited upon the table. i once hired a slave who belonged to his own _uncle._ it is so common for the female slaves to have white children, that little or nothing is ever said about it. very few inquiries are made as to who the father is. "thus, brother ----, i have given you very briefly, the result, in part, of my observations and experience relative to slavery. you can make what disposition of it you please. i am willing that my name should go to the world with what i have now written. "yours affectionately, for the oppressed, "francis hawley." _colebrook, connecticut, march_ , . testimony of reuben g. macy and richard macy. the following is an extract of a letter recently received from charles marriott of hudson, new york. mr. marriott is an elder in the religious society of friends, and is extensively known and respected. "the two following brief statements, are furnished by richard macy and reuben g. macy, brothers, both of hudson, new york. they are head carpenters by trade, and have been well known to me for more than thirty years, as esteemed members of the religious society of friends. they inform me that during their stay in south carolina, a number more similar cases to those here related, came under their notice, which to avoid repetition they omit. c. marriott." testimony of reuben g. macy. "during the winter of and , i resided on an island near the mouth of the savanna river, on the south carolina side. most of the slaves that came under my particular notice, belonged to a widow and her daughter, in whose family i lived. no white man belonged to the plantation. her slaves were under the care of an overseer who came once a week to give orders, and settled the score laid up against such as their mistress thought deserved punishment, which was from twenty-five to thirty lashes on their naked backs, with a whip which the overseer generally brought with him. this whip had a stout handle about two feet long, and a lash about four and a half feet. from two to four received the above, i believe nearly every week during the winter, sometimes in my presence, and always in my hearing. i examined the backs and shoulders of a number of the men, which were mostly naked while they were about their labor, and found them covered with hard ridges in every direction. one day, while busy in the cotton house, hearing a noise, i ran to the door and saw a colored woman pleading with the overseer, who paid no attention to her cries, but tied her hands together, and passed the rope over a beam, over head, where was a platform for spreading cotton, he then drew the rope as tight as he could, so as to let her toes touch the ground; then stripped her body naked to the waist, and went deliberately to work with his whip, and put on twenty-five or thirty lashes, she pleading in vain all the time. i inquired, the cause of such treatment, and was informed it was for answering her mistress rather '_short_.'" "a woman from a neighboring plantation came where i was, on a visit; she came in a boat rowed by six slaves, who, according to the common practice, were left to take care of themselves, and having laid them down in the boat and fallen asleep, the tide fell, and the water filling the stern of the boat, wet their mistresses trunk of clothes. when she discovered it, she called them up near where i was, and compelled them to whip each other, till they all had received a severe flogging. she standing by with a whip in her hand to see that they did not spare each other. their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the week, and such as were not there to receive their portion at the appointed time, had to live as they could during the coming week. each one had the privilege of planting a small piece of ground, and raising poultry for their own use which they generally sold, that is, such as did improve the privilege which were but few. they had nothing allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at christmas which a slave brought three miles on his head. they were allowed three days rest at christmas. their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of whitish woollen cloth called negro cloth. the women had nothing but a petticoat, and a very short short-gown, made of the same king of cloth. some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but they generally went _barefoot_. the houses for the field slaves were about fourteen feet square, built in the coarsest manner, having but one room, without any chimney, or flooring, with a hole at the roof at one end to let the smoke out. "each one was allowed one blanket in which they rolled themselves up. i examined their houses but could not discover any thing like a bed. i was informed that when they had a sufficiency of potatoes the slaves were allowed some; but the season that i was there they did not raise more than were wanted for seed. all their corn was ground in one hand-mill, every night just as much as was necessary for the family, then each one his daily portion, which took considerable time in the night. i often awoke and heard the sound of the mill. grinding the corn in the night, and in the dark, after their day's labor, and the want of other food, were great hardships. "the traveling in those parts, among the islands, was altogether with boats, rowed by from four to ten slaves, which often stopped at our plantation, and staid through the night, when the slaves, after rowing through the day, were left to shift for themselves; and when they went to savannah with a load of cotton the were obliged to sleep in the open boats, as the law did not allow a colored person to be out after eight o'clock in the evening, without a pass from his master." testimony of richard macy. "the above account is from my brother, i was at work on hilton head about twenty miles north of my brother, during the same winter. the same allowance of one peck of corn for a week, the same kind of houses to live in, and the same method of grinding their corn, and always in the night, and in the dark, was practiced there. "a number of instances of severe whipping came under my notice. the first was this:--two men were sent out to saw some blocks out of large live oak timber on which to raise my building. their saw was in poor order, and they sawed them badly, for which their master stripped them naked and flogged them. "the next instance was a boy about sixteen years of age. he had crept into the coach to sleep; after two or three nights he was caught by the coach driver, a _northern man_, and stripped _entirely naked_, and whipped without mercy, his master looking on. "another instance. the overseer, a young white man, had ordered several negroes a boat's crew, to be on the spot at a given time. one man did not appear until the boat had gone. the overseer was very angry and told him to strip and be flogged; he being slow, was told if he did not instantly strip off his jacket, he, the overseer, would whip it off which he did in shreds, whipping him cruelly. "the man ran into the barrens and it was about a month before they caught him. he was newly starved, and at last stole a turkey; then another, and was caught. "having occasion to pass a plantation very early one foggy morning, in a boat we heard the sound of the whip, before we could see, but as we drew up in front of the plantation, we could see the negroes at work in the field. the overseer was going from one to the other causing them to lay down their hoe, strip off their garment, hold up their hands and receive their number of lashes. thus he went on from one to the other until we were out of sight. in the course of the winter a family came where i was, on a visit from a neighboring island; of course, in a boat with negroes to row them--one of these a barber, told me that he ran away about two years before, and joined a company of negroes who had fled to the swamps. he said they suffered a great deal--were at last discovered by a party of hunters, who fired among them, and caused them to scatter. himself and one more fled to the coast, took a boat and put off to sea, a storm came on and swamped or upset them, and his partner was drowned, he was taken up by a passing vessel and returned to his master. richard macy. _hudson, mo. th_, ." testimony of mr. eleazar powell extract of a letter from mr. william scott, a highly respectable citizen of beaver co. pennsylvania, dated jan , . _chippeca township, beaver co. pa. jan._ , . "i send you the statement of mr. eleazar powell, who was born, and has mostly resided in this township from his birth. his character for sobriety and truth stands above impeachment. "with sentiments of esteem, i am your friend, william scott. "in the month of december, , i went to the state of mississippi to work at my trade, (masonry and bricklaying,) and continued to work in the counties of adams and jefferson, between four and five months. in following my business i had an opportunity of seeing the treatment of slaves in several places. "in adams county i built a chimney for a man named joseph gwatney; he had forty-five field hands of both sexes. the field in which they worked at that time, lay about two miles from the house; the hands had to cook and eat their breakfast, prepare their dinner, and be in the field at daylight, and continue there till dark. in the evening the cotton they had picked was weighed, and if they fell short of their task they were whipped. one night i attended the weighing--two women fell short of their task, and the master ordered the black driver to take them to the quarters and flog them; one of them was to receive twenty-five lashes and pick a peck of cotton seed. i have been with the overseer several times through the negro quarters. the huts are generally built of split timber, some larger than rails, twelve and a half feet wide and fourteen feet long--some with and some without chimneys, and generally without floors; they were generally without daubing, and mostly had split clapboards nailed on the cracks on the outside, though some were without even that: in some there was a kind of rough bedstead, made from rails, polished with the axe, and put together in a very rough manner, the bottom covered with clapboards, and over that a bundle of worn out clothes. in some huts there was no bedstead at all. the above description applies to the places generally with which i was acquainted, and they were mostly _old settlements._ "in the east part of jefferson county i built a chimney for a man named ---- m'coy; he had forty-seven laboring hands. near where i was at work, m'coy had ordered one of his slaves to set a post for a gate. when he came to look at it, he said the slave had not set it in the right place; and ordered him to strip, and lie down on his face; telling him that if he struggled, or attempted to get up, two men, who had been called to the spot, should seize and hold him fast. the slave agreed to be quiet, and m'coy commenced flogging him on the bare back, with the wagon whip. after some time the sufferer attempted to get up; one of the slaves standing by, seized him by the feet and held him fast; upon which he yielded, and m'coy continued to flog him ten or fifteen minutes. when he was up, and had put on his trowsers, the blood came through them. "about half a mile from m'coy's was a plantation owned by his step-daughter. the overseer's name was james farr, of whom it appears mrs. m'coy's waiting woman was enamoured. one night, while i lived there, m'coy came from natchez, about o'clock at night. he said that dinah was gone, and wished his overseer to go with him to farr's lodgings. they went accordingly, one to each door, and caught dinah as she ran out, she was partly dressed in her mistress's clothes; m'coy whipped her unmercifully, and she afterwards made her escape. on the next day, (sabbath), m'coy came to the overseer's, where i lodged, and requested him and me to look for her, as he was afraid that she had hanged herself. he then gave me the particulars of the flogging. he stated that near farr's he had made her strip and lie down, and had flogged her until he was tired; that before he reached home he had a second time made her strip, and again flogged her until he was tired; that when he reached home he had tied her to a peach-tree, and after getting a drink had flogged her until he was thirsty again; and while he went to get a drink the woman made her escape. he stated that he knew, from the whipping he had given her, there must be in her back cuts an inch deep. he showed the place where she had been tied to the tree; there appeared to be as much blood as if a hog had been stuck there. the woman was found on sabbath evening, near the sprang, and had to be carried into the house. "while i lived there i heard m'coy say, if the slaves did not raise him three hundred bales of cotton the ensuing season, he would kill every negro he had. "another case of flogging came under my notice: philip o. hughes, sheriff of jefferson county, had hired a slave to a man, whose name i do not recollect. on a sabbath day the slave had drank somewhat freely; he was ordered by the tavern keeper, (where his present master had left his horse and the negro,) to stay in the kitchen; the negro wished to be out. in persisting to go out he was knocked down three times; and afterwards flogged until another young man and myself ran about half a mile, having been drawn by the cries of the negro and the sound of the whip. when we came up, a number of men that had been about the tavern, were whipping him, and at intervals would ask him if he would take off his clothes. at seeing them drive down the stakes for a regular flogging he yielded, and took them off. they then flogged him until satisfied. on the next morning i saw him, and his pantaloons were all in a gore of blood. "during my stay in jefferson county, philip o. hughes was out one day with his gun--he saw a negro at some distance, with a club in one hand and an ear of corn in the other--hughes stepped behind a tree, and waited his approach; he supposed the negro to be a runaway, who had escaped about nine months before from his master, living not very far distant. the negro discovered hughes before he came up, and started to run; he refusing to stop, hughes fired, and shot him through the arm. through loss of blood the negro was soon taken and put in jail. i saw his wound twice dressed, and heard hughes make the above statement. "when in jefferson county i boarded six weeks in fayette, the county town, with a tavern keeper named james truly. he had a slave named lucy, who occupied the station of chamber maid and table waiter. one day, just after dinner mrs. truly took lucy and bound her arms round a pine sapling behind the house, and commenced flogging her with a riding-whip; and when tired would take her chair and rest. she continued thus alternately flogging and resting, for at least an hour and a half. i afterwards learned from the bar-keeper, and others, that the woman's offence was that she had bought two candles to set on the table the evening before, not knowing there were yet some in the box. i did nor see the act of flogging above related; but it was commenced before i left the house after dinner, and my work not being more than twenty rods from the house, i distinctly heard the cries of the woman all the time, and the manner of tying i had from those who did see it. "while i boarded at truly's, an overseer shot a negro about two miles northwest of fayette, belonging to a man named hinds stuart. i heard stuart himself state the particulars. it appeared that the negro's wife fell under the overseer's displeasure, and he went to whip her. the negro said she should not be whipped. the overseer then let her go, and ordered him to be seized. the negro, having been a driver, rolled the lash of his whip round his hand, and said he would not be whipped at that time. the overseer repeated his orders. the negro took up a hoe, and none dared to take hold of him. the overseer then went to his coat, that he had laid off to whip the negro's wife, and took out his pistol and shot him dead. his master ordered him to be buried in a hole without a coffin. stuart stated that he would not have taken two thousand dollars for him. no punishment was inflicted on the overseer. eleazar powell, jr." testimony on the authority of rev. wm. scales, lyndon, vt the following is an extract of a letter from two professional gentlemen and their wives, who have lived for some years in a small village in one of the slave states. they are all persons of the highest respectability, and are well known in at least one of the new england states. their names are with the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society; but as the individuals would doubtless be murdered by the slaveholders, if they were published, the committee feel sacredly bound to withhold them. the letter was addressed to a respected clergyman in new england. the writers say: "a man near us owned a valuable slave--his best--most faithful servant. in a gust of passion, he struck him dead with a lever, or stick of wood. "during the years ' and ' , the following transpired. a slave in our neighborhood ran away and went to a place about thirty miles distant. there he was found by his pursuers on horseback, and compelled by the whip to run the distance of thirty miles. it was an exceedingly hot day--and within a few hours after he arrived at the end of his journey the slave was dead. "another slave ran away, but concluded to return. he had proceeded some distance on his return, when he was met by a company of two or three drivers who raced, whipped and abused him until he fell down and expired. this took place on the sabbath." the writer after speaking of another murder of a slave in the neighborhood, without giving the circumstances, say--"there is a powerful new england influence at ----" the village where they reside--"we may therefore suppose that there would he as little of barbarian cruelty practiced there as any where;--at least we might suppose that the average amount of cruelty in that vicinity would be sufficiently favorable to the side of slavery.--describe a circle, the centre of which shall be--, the residence of the writers, and the radius fifteen miles, and in about one year three, and i think four slaves have been _murdered_, within that circle, under circumstances of horrid cruelty.--what must have been the amount of murder in the whole slave territory? the whole south is rife with the crime of separating husbands and wives, parents and children." testimony of joseph ide, esq. mr. ide is a respected member of the baptist church in sheffield, caledonia county, vt.; and recently the postmaster in that town. he spent a few months at the south in the years and . in a letter to the rev. wm. scales of lyndon, vt. written a few weeks since, mr. ide writes as follows. "in answering the proposed inquiries, i will say first, that although there are various other modes resorted to, whipping with the cowskin is the usual mode of inflicting punishment on the poor slave. i have never actually witnessed a whipping scene, for they are usually taken into some back place for that purpose; but i have often heard their groans and screams while writhing under the lash; and have seen the blood flow from their torn and lacerated skins after the vengeance of the inhuman master or mistress had been glutted. you ask if the woman where i boarded whipped a slave to death. i can give you the particulars of the transaction as they were related to me. my informant was a gentleman--a member of the presbyterian church in massachusetts--who the winter before boarded where i did. he said that mrs. t---- had a female slave whom she used to whip unmercifully, and on one occasion, she whipped her as long as she had strength, and after the poor creature was suffered to go, she crawled off into a cellar. as she did not immediately return, search was made, and she was found dead in the cellar, and the horrid deed was kept a secret in the family, and it was reported that she died of sickness. this wretch at the same time was a member of a presbyterian church. towards her slaves she was certainly the most cruel wretch of any woman with whom i was ever acquainted--yet she was nothing more than a slaveholder. she would deplore slavery as much as i did, and often told me she was much of an abolitionist as i was. she was constant in the declaration that her kind treatment to her slaves was proverbial. thought i, then the lord have mercy on the rest. she has often told me of the cruel treatment of the slaves on a plantation adjoining her father's in the low country of south carolina. she says she has often seen them driven to the necessity of eating frogs and lizards to sustain life. as to the mode of living generally, my information is rather limited, being with few exceptions confined to the different families where i have boarded. my stopping places at the south have mostly been in cities. in them the slaves are better fed and clothed than on plantations. the house servants are fed on what the families leave. but they are kept short, and i think are oftener whipped for stealing something to eat than any other crime. on plantations their food is principally hommony, as the southerners call it. it is simply cracked corn boiled. this probably constitutes seven-eights of their living. the house-servants in cities are generally decently clothed, and some favorite ones are richly dressed, but those on the plantations, especially in their dress, if it can be called dress, exhibit the most haggard and squalid appearance. i have frequently seen those of both sexes more than two-thirds naked. i have seen from forty to sixty, male and female, at work in a field, many of both sexes with their bodies entirely naked--who did not exhibit signs of shame more than cattle. as i did not go among them much on the plantations, i have had but few opportunities for examining the backs of slaves--but have frequently passed where they were at work, and been occasionally present with them, and in almost every case there were marks of violence on some parts of them--every age, sex and condition being liable to the whip. a son of the gentleman with whom i boarded, a young man about twenty-one years of age, had a plantation and eight or ten slaves. he used to boast almost every night of whipping some of them. one day he related to me a case of whipping an old negro--i should judge sixty years of age. he said he called him up to flog him for some real or supposed offence, and the poor old man, being pious, asked the privilege of praying before he received his punishment. he said he granted him the favor, and to use his own expression, 'the old nigger knelt down and prayed for me, and then got up and took his whipping.' in relation to negro huts, i will say that planters usually own large tracts of land. they have extensive clearings and a beautiful mansion house--and generally some forty or fifty rods from the dwelling are situated the negro cabins, or huts, built of logs in the rudest manner. some consist of poles rolled up together and covered with mud or clay--many of them not as comfortable as northern pig-sties." testimony of rev. phineas smith mr. smith is now pastor of the presbyterian church in centreville, allegany county, n.y. he has recently returned from a residence in the slave states, and the american slave holding settlements in texas. the following is an extract of a letter lately received from him. "you inquire respecting instances of cruelty that have come within my knowledge. i reply. avarice and cruelty constitute the very gist of the whole slave system. many of the enormities committed upon the plantations will not be described till god brings to light the hidden things of darkness, then the tears and groans and blood of innocent men, women and children will be revealed, and the oppressor's spirit must confront that of his victim. "i will relate a case of _torture_ which occurred on the brassos while i resided a few miles distant upon the chocolate bayou. the case should be remembered as a true illustration of the nature of slavery, as it exists at the south. the facts are these. an overseer by the name of alexander, notorious for his cruelty, was found dead in the timbered lands of the brassos. it was supposed that he was murdered, but who perpetrated the act was unknown. two black men were however seized, taken into the prairie and put to the torture. a physician by the name of parrott from tennessee, and another from new england by the name of anson jones, were present on this occasion. the latter gentleman is now the texan minister plenipotentiary to the united states, and resides at washington. the unfortunate slaves being stripped, and all things arranged, the torture commenced by whipping upon their bare backs. six athletic men were employed in this scene of inhumanity, the names of some of whom i well remember. there was one of the name of brown, and one or two of the name of patton. those six executioners were successively employed in cutting up the bodies of these defenceless slaves, who persisted to the last in the avowal of their innocence. the bloody whip was however kept in motion till savage barbarity itself was glutted. when this was accomplished, the bleeding victims were re-conveyed to the inclosure of the mansion house where they were deposited for a few moments. '_the dying groans however incommoding the ladies, they were taken to a back shed where one of them soon expired_.'[ ] the life of the other slave was for a time despaired of, but after hanging over the grave for months, he at length so far recovered as to walk about and labor at light work. these facts _cannot be controverted_. they were disclosed under the solemnity of an oath, at columbia, in a court of justice. i was present, and shall never forget them. the testimony of drs. parrott and jones was most appalling. i seem to hear the death-groans of that murdered man. his cries for mercy and protestations of innocence fell upon adamantine hearts. the facts above stated, and others in relation to this scene of cruelty came to light in the following manner. the master of the murdered man commenced legal process against the actors in this tragedy for the _recovery of the value of the chattel_, as one would institute a suit for a horse or an ox that had been unlawfully killed. it was a suit for the recovery of _damages_ merely. no _indictment_ was even dreamed of. among the witnesses brought upon the stand in the progress of this cause were the physicians, parrott and jones above named. the part which they were called to act in this affair was, it is said, to examine the pulse of the victims during the process of _torture_. but they were mistaken as to the quantum of torture which a human being can undergo and not die under it. can it be believed that one of these physicians was born and educated in the land of the pilgrims? yes, in my own native new england. it is even so! the stone-like apathy manifested at the trial of the above cause, and the screams and the death-groans of an innocent man, as developed by the testimony of the witnesses, can never be obliterated from my memory. they form an era in my life, a point to which i look back with horror. [footnote : the words of dr. parrott, a witness on the trial hereafter referred to.] "another case of cruelty occurred on the san bernard near chance prairie, where i resided for some time. the facts were these. a slave man fled from his master, (mr. sweeny) and being closely _pursued_ by the overseer and a son of the owner, he stepped a few yards in the bernard and placed himself upon a root, from which there was no possibility of his escape, for he could not swim. in this situation he was fired upon with a blunderbuss loaded heavily with ball and grape shot. the overseer who shot the gun was at a distance of a few feet only. the charge entered the body of the negro near the groin. he was conveyed to the plantation, lingered in inexpressible agony a few days and expired. a physician was called, but medical and surgical skill was unavailing. no notice whatever was taken of this murder by the public authorities, and the murderer was not discharged from the service of his employer. "when slaves flee, as they not unfrequently do, to the timbered lands of texas, they are hunted with guns and dogs. "the sufferings of the slave not unfrequently drive him to despair and suicide. at a plantation on the san bernard, where there were but five slaves, two during the same year committed suicide by drowning." testimony of philemon bliss, esq. mr. bliss is a highly respectable member of the bar, in elyria, lorain co. ohio, and member of the presbyterian church, in that place. he resided in florida, during the years and . the following extracts are from letters, written by mr. b. in , while residing on a plantation near tallahassee, and published soon after in the ohio atlas; also from letters written in and published in the new york evangelist. "in speaking of slavery as it is, i hardly know where to begin. the physical condition of the slave is far from being accurately known at the north. gentlemen _traveling_ in the south can know nothing of it. they must make the south their residence; they must live on plantations, before they can have any opportunity of judging of the slave. i resided in augustine five months, and had i not made _particular_ inquiries, which most northern visitors very seldom or never do, i should have left there with the impression that the slaves were generally very _well_ treated, and were a happy people. such is the report of many northern travelers who have no more opportunity of knowing their real condition than if they had remained at home. what confidence could we place in the reports of the traveler, relative to the condition of the irish peasantry, who formed his opinion from the appearance of the waiters at a dublin hotel, or the household servants of a country gentleman? and it is not often on plantations even, that _strangers_ can witness the punishment of the slave. i was conversing the other day with a neighboring planter, upon the brutal treatment of the slaves which i had witnessed: he remarked, that had i been with him i should not have seen this. "when i whip niggers, i take them out of sight and hearing." such being the difficulties in the way of a stranger's ascertaining the treatment of the slaves, it is not to be wondered at that gentlemen, of undoubted veracity, should give directly false statements relative to it. but facts cannot lie, and in giving these i confine myself to what has come under my own personal observation. "the negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and, excepting the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the field till dark in the evening. there is a good deal of contention among planters, who shall make the most cotton to the hand, or, who shall drive their negroes the hardest; and i have heard bets made and staked upon the issue of the crops. col. w. was boasting of his large crops, and swore that 'he made for his force, the largest crops in the country.' he was disputed of course. on riding home in company with mr. c. the conversation turned upon col. w. my companion remarked, that though col. w. had the reputation of making a large crop, yet he could beat him himself, and did do it the last year. i remarked that i considered it no honor to _col. w_. to drive his slaves to death to make a large crop. i have heard no more about large crops from him since. drivers or overseers usually drive the slaves worse than masters.--their reputation for good overseers depends in a great measure upon the crops they make, and the death of a slave is no loss to them. "of the extent and cruelty of the punishment of the slave, the northern public know nothing. from the nature of the case they can know little, as i have before mentioned. "i _have seen_ a woman, a mother, compelled, in the presence of her master and mistress, _to hold up her clothes_, and endure the whip of the driver on the naked body for more than _twenty minutes_, and while her cries would have rent the heart of any one, who had not hardened himself to human suffering. her master and mistress were conversing with apparent indifference. what was her crime? she had a task given her of sewing which she _must finish_ that day. late at night she finished it; but _the stitches were too long_, and she must be whipped. the same was repeated three or four nights for the same offence. _i have seen_ a man tied to a tree, hands and feet, and receive blows with the paddle[ ] on the fleshy parts of the body. two others received the same kind of punishment at the time, though i did not count the blows. one received lashes. their crime was stealing mutton. i have _frequently_ heard the shrieks of the slaves, male and female, accompanied by the strokes of the paddle or whip, when i have not gone near the scene of horror. i knew not their crimes, excepting of one woman, which was stealing _four potatoes_ to eat with her bread! the more common number of lashes inflicted was fifty or eighty; and this i saw not once or twice, but so frequently that i can not tell the number of times i have seen it. so frequently, that my own heart was becoming so hardened that i could witness with comparative indifference, the female writhe under the lash, and her shrieks and cries for mercy ceased to pierce my heart with that keenness, or give me that anguish which they first caused. it was not always that i could learn their crimes; but of those i did learn, the most common was non-performance of tasks. i have seen men strip and receive from one to three hundred strokes of the whip and paddle. my studies and meditations were almost nightly interrupted by the cries of the victims of cruelty and avarice. tom, a slave of col. n. obtained permission of his overseer on sunday, to visit his son, on a neighboring plantation, belonging in part to his master, but neglected to take a "pass." upon its being demanded by the other overseer, he replied that he had permission to come, and that his having a mule was sufficient evidence of it, and if he did not consider it as such, he could take him up. the overseer replied he would take him up; giving him at the same time a blow on the arm with a stick he held in his hand, sufficient to lame it for some time. the negro collared him, and threw him; and on the overseer's commanding him to submit to be tied and whipped, he said he would not be whipped by _him_ but would leave it to massa j. they came to massa j.'s. i was there. after the overseer had related the case as above, he was blamed for not shooting or stabbing him at once.--after dinner the negro was tied, and the whip given to the overseer, and he used it with a severity that was shocking. i know not how many lashes were given, but from his shoulders to his heels there was not a spot unridged! and at almost every stroke the blood flowed. he could not have received less than , _well laid on_. but his offence was great, almost the greatest known, laying hands on a _white_ man! had he struck the overseer, under any provocation, he would have been in some way disfigured, perhaps by the loss of his ears, in addition to a whipping: or he might have been hung. the most common cause of punishments is, not finishing tasks. [footnote : a piece of oak timber two and a half feet long, flat and wide at one end.] "but it would be tedious mentioning further particulars. the negro has no other inducement to work but the _lash_; and as man never acts without motive, the lash must be used so long as all other motives are withheld. hence corporeal punishment is a necessary part of slavery. "punishments for runaways are usually severe. once whipping is not sufficient. i have known runaways to be whipped for six or seven nights in succession for one offence. i have known others who, with pinioned hands, and a chain extending from an iron collar on their neck, to the saddle of their master's horse, have been driven at a smart trot, one or two hundred miles, being compelled to ford water courses, their drivers, according to their own confession, not abating a whit in the rapidity of their journey for the case of the slave. one tied a kettle of sand to his slave to render his journey more arduous. "various are the instruments of torture devised to keep the slave in subjection. the stocks are sometimes used. sometimes blocks are filled with pegs and nails, and the slave compelled to stand upon them. "while stopping on the plantation of a mr. c. i saw a whip with a knotted lash lying on the table, and inquired of my companion, who was also an acquaintance of mr. c's, if he used that to whip his negroes? "oh," says he, "mr. c. is not severe with his hands. he never whips very hard. the _knots in the lash are so large_ that he does not usually draw blood in whipping them." "it was principally from hearing the conversation of southern men on the subject, that i judge of the cruelty that is generally practiced toward slaves. they will deny that slaves are generally ill treated; but ask them if they are not whipped for certain offences, which either a freeman would have no temptation to commit, or which would not be an offence in any but a slave, and for non-performance of tasks, they will answer promptly in the affirmative. and frequently have i heard them excuse their cruelty by citing mr. a. or mr. b. who is a christian, or mr. c. a preacher, or mr. d. from the _north_, who "drives his hands tighter, and whips them harder, than we ever do." driving negroes to the utmost extent of their ability, with occasionally a hundred lashes or more, and a few switchings in the field if they hang back in the driving seasons, viz: in the hoing and picking months, is perfectly consistent with good treatment! "while traveling across the peninsula in a stage, in company with a northern gentleman, and southern lady, of great worth and piety, a dispute arose respecting the general treatment of slaves, the gentleman contending that their treatment was generally good--'o, no!' interrupted the lady, 'you can know nothing of the treatment they receive on the plantations. people here do whip the poor negroes most cruelly, and many half starve them. you have neither of you had opportunity to know scarcely anything of the cruelties that are practiced in this country,' and more to the same effect. i met with several others, besides this lady, who appeared to feel for the sins of the land, but they are few and scattered, and not usually of sufficiently stern mould to withstand the popular wave. "masters are not forward to publish their "domestic regulations," and as neighbors are usually several miles apart, one's observation must be limited. hence the few instances of cruelty which break out can be but a fraction of what is practised. a planter, a professor of religion, in conversation upon the universality of whipping, remarked that a planter in g--, who had whipped a great deal, at length got tired of it, and invented the following _excellent_ method of punishment, which i saw practised while i was paying him a visit. the negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above his head, and feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part of the body. "the master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so doleful that we feared he was dying. we went to him, and found him covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. he could not have lived an hour longer. mr. ---- found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment, that it almost superseded the whip." "how much do you give your niggers for a task while hoeing cotton," inquired mr. c---- of his neighbor mr. h----." h. "i give my men an acre and a quarter, and my women an acre."[ ] [footnote : cotton is planted in drills about three feet apart, and is hilled like corn.] c. "well, that is a fair task. niggers do a heap better if they are drove pretty tight." h. "o yes, i have driven mine into complete subordination. when i first bought them they were discontented and wished me to sell them, but i soon whipped _that_ out of them; and they now work very contentedly!" c. "does mary keep up with the rest?" h. "no, she does'nt often finish the task alone, she has to get sam to help her out after he has done his, _to save her a whipping_. there's no other way but to be severe with them." c. "no other, sir, if you favor a nigger you spoil him." "the whip is considered as necessary on a plantation as the plough; and its use is almost as common. the negro whip is the common teamster's whip with a black leather stock, and a short, fine, knotted lash. the paddle is also frequently used, sometimes with holes bored in the flattened end. the ladies (!) in chastising their domestic servants, generally use the cowhide. i have known some use shovel and tongs. it is, however, more common to commit them to the driver to be whipped. the manner of whipping is as follows: the negro is tied by his hands, and sometimes feet, to a post or tree, and stripped to the skin. the female slave is not always tied. the number of lashes depends upon the character for severity of the master or overseer. "another instrument of torture is sometimes used, how extensively i know not. the negro, or, in the case which came to my knowledge, the negress was compelled to stand barefoot upon a block filled with sharp pegs and nails for two or three hours. in case of sickness, if the master or overseer thinks them seriously ill, they are taken care of, but their complaints are usually not much heeded. a physician told me that he was employed by a planter last winter to go to a plantation of his in the country, as many of the negroes were sick. says he--"i found them in a most miserable condition. the weather was cold, and the negroes were barefoot, with hardly enough of _cotton_ clothing to cover their nakedness. those who had huts to shelter them were obliged to build them nights and sundays. many were sick and some had died. i had the sick taken to an older plantation of their masters, where they could be made comfortable, and they recovered. i directed that they should not go to work till after sunrise, and should not work in the rain till their health became established. but the overseer refusing to permit it, i declined attending on them farther. i was called,' continued he, 'by the overseer of another plantation to see one of the men. i found him lying by the side of a log in great pain. i asked him how he did, 'o,' says he, 'i'm most dead, can live but little longer.' how long have you been sick? i've felt for more than six weeks as though i could hardly stir.' why didn't you tell your master, you was sick? 'i couldn't see my master, and the overseer always whips us when we complain, i could not stand a whipping.' i did all i could for the poor fellow, but his _lungs were rotten_. he died in three days from the time he left off work.' the cruelty of that overseer is such that the negroes almost tremble at his name. yet he gets a high salary, for he makes the largest crop of any other man in the neighborhood, though none but the hardiest negroes can stand it under him. "that man," says the doctor, "would be hung in my country." he was a german." testimony of rev. william a. chapin. rev. william scales, of lyndon, vermont, has furnished the following testimony, under date of dec. , . "i send you an extract from a letter that i have just received, which you may use _ad libitum_. the letter is from rev. wm. a. chapin, greensborough, vermont. to one who is acquainted with mr. c. his opinion and statements must carry conviction even to the most obstinate and incredulous. he observes, 'i resided, as a teacher, nearly two years in the family of carroll webb, esq., of hampstead, new kent co. about twenty miles from richmond, virginia. mr. webb had three or four plantations, and was considered one of the two wealthiest men in the county: it was supposed he owned about two hundred slaves. he was a member of the presbyterian church, and was elected an elder while i was with him. he was a native of virginia, but a graduate of a new-england college. "the slaves were called in the morning before daylight, i believe at all seasons of the year, that they might prepare their food, and be ready to go to work as soon as it was light enough to see. i know that at the season of husking corn, october and november, they were usually compelled to work late--till or o'clock at night. i know this fact because they accompanied their work with a loud singing of their own sort. i usually retired to rest between and o'clock, and generally heard them at their work as long as i was awake. the slaves lived in wretched log cabins, of one room each, without floors or windows. i believe the slaves sometimes suffer for want of food. one evening, as i was sitting in the parlor with mr. w. one of the most resolute of the slaves came to the door, and said, "master, i am willing to work for you, but i want something to eat." the only reply was, "clear yourself." i learned that the slaves had been without food all day, because the man who was sent to mill could not obtain his grinding. he went again the next day, and obtained his grist, and the slaves had no food till he returned. he had to go about five miles.[ ] [footnote : to this, rev. mr. scales adds, "in familiar language, and in more detail, as i have learned it in conversation with mr. chapin, the fact is as follows:-- "mr. w. kept, what he called a 'boy,' i.e. a _man_, to go to mill. it was his custom not to give his slaves anything to eat while he was gone to mill--let him have been gone longer or shorter--for this reason, if he was lazy, and delayed, the slaves would become hungry: hence indignant, and abuse him--this was his punishment. on that occasion he went to mill in the morning. the slaves came up at noon, and returned to work without food. at night, after having worked hard all day, without food, went to bed without supper. about o'clock the next day, they came up in a company, to their master's door, (that master an elder in the church), and deputed one more resolute than the rest to address him. this he did in the most respectful tones and terms. "we are willing to work for you, master, but we can't work without food; we want something to eat." "clear yourself," was the answer. the slaves retired; and in the morning were driven away to work without food. at noon, i think, or somewhat after, they were fed."] "i know the slaves were sometimes severely whipped. i saw the backs of several which had numerous scars, evidently caused by long and deep lacerations of the whip; and i have good reason to believe that the slaves were generally in that condition; for i never saw the back of one exposed that was not thus marked,--and from their tattered and scanty clothing their backs were often exposed." testimony of messrs. t.d.m. and f.c. macy. this testimony is communicated in a letter from mr. cyrus pierce, a respectable and well known citizen of nantucket, mass. of the witnesses, messrs. t.d.m. and f.c. macy, mr. pierce says, "they are both inhabitants of this island, and have resided at the south; they are both worthy men, for whose integrity and intelligence i can vouch unqualifiedly; the former has furnished me with the following statement. "during the winter of - , i resided on the island of st. simon, glynn county, georgia. there are several extensive cotton plantations on the island. the overseer of the plantation on that part of the island where i resided was a georgian--a man of stern character, and at times _cruelly abusive_ to his slaves. i have often been witness of the _abuse_ of his power. in south carolina and georgia, on the low lands, the cultivation is chiefly of rice. the land where it is raised is often inundated, and the labor of preparing it, and raising a crop, is very arduous. men and women are in the field from earliest dawn to dark--often _without hats_, and up to their arm-pits in mud and water. at st. simon's, cotton was the staple article. ocra, the driver, usually waited on the overseer to receive orders for the succeeding day. if any slave was insolent, or negligent, the driver was authorized to punish him with the whip, with as many blows as the magnitude of the crime justified. he was frequently cautioned, upon the peril of his skin, to see that all the negroes were off to the field in the morning. 'ocra,' said the overseer, one evening, to the driver, 'if any pretend to be sick, send me word--allow no lazy wench or fellow to skulk in the negro house.' next morning, a few minutes after the departure of the hands to the field, ocra was seen hastening to the house of the overseer. he was soon in his presence. 'well, ocra, what now?' 'nothing, sir, only rachel says she sick--can't go to de field to-day.' 'ah, sick, is she? i'll see to her; you may be off. she shall see if i am longer to be fooled with in this way. here, christmas, mix these salts--bring them to me at the negro house.' and seizing his whip, he made off to the negro settlement. having a strong desire to see what would be the result, i followed him. as i approached the negro house, i heard high words. rachel was stating her complaint--children were crying from fright--and the overseer threatening. rachel.--'i can't work to-day--i'm sick!' overseer.--'but you shall work, if you die for it. here, take these salts. now move off--quick--let me see your face again before night, and, by g--d, you shall smart for it. be off--no begging--not a word;'--and he dragged her from the house, and followed her or rods, threatening. the woman did not reach the field. overcome by the exertion of walking, and by agitation, she sunk down exhausted by the road side--was taken up, and carried back to the house, where an _abortion_ occurred, and her life was greatly jeoparded. "it was _no uncommon_ sight to see a whole family, father, mother, and from two to five children, collected together around their piggin of hommony, or pail of potatoes, watched by the overseer. one meal was always eaten in the field. no time was allowed for relaxation. "it was not unusual for a child of five or six years to perform the office of nurse--because the mother worked in a remote part of the field, and was not allowed to leave her employment to take care of her infant. want of proper nutriment induces sickness of the worst type. "no matter what the nature of the service, a peck of corn, dealt out on sunday, must supply the demands of nature for a week. "the sabbath, on a southern plantation, is a mere nominal holiday. the slaves are liable to be called upon at all times, by those who have authority over them. "when it rained, the slaves were allowed to collect under a tree until the shower had passed. seldom, on a week day, were they permitted to go to their huts during rain; and even had this privilege been granted, many of those miserable habitations were in so dilapidated a condition, that they would afford little or no protection. negro huts are built of logs, covered with boards or thatch, having _no flooring_, and but one apartment, serving all the purposes of sleeping, cooking, &c. some are furnished with a temporary loft. i have seen a whole family herded together in a loft ten feet by twelve. in cold weather, they gather around the fire, spread their blankets _on the ground_, and keep as comfortable as they can. their supply of clothing is scanty--each slave being allowed a holland coat and pantaloons, of the coarsest manufacture, and one pair of cowhide shoes. the women, enough of the same kind of cloth for one frock. they have also one pair of shoes. shoes are given to the slaves in the winter only. in summer, their clothing is composed of osnaburgs. slaves on different plantations are not allowed without a written permission, to visit their fellow bondsmen, under penalty of severe chastisement. i witnessed the chastisement of a young male slave, who was found lurking about the plantation, and could give no other account of himself, than that he wanted to visit some of his acquaintance. fifty lashes was the penalty for this offence. i could not endure the dreadful shrieks of the tortured slave, and rushed away front the scene." the remainder of this testimony is furnished by mr. f.c. macy. "i went to savannah in . sailing up the river, i had my first view of slavery. a large number of men and women, with _a piece of board on their heads, carrying mud_, for the purpose of dyking, near the river. after tarrying a while in savannah, i went down to the sea islands of de fuskee and hilton head, where i spent six months. negro houses are small, built of rough materials, _and no floor_. their clothing, (one suit,) coarse; which they received on christmas day. their food was three pecks of potatoes per week, in the potatoe season, and one peck of corn the remainder of the year. the slaves carried with them into the field their meal, and a gourd of water. they cooked their hommony in the field, and ate it with a wooden paddle. their treatment was little better than that of brutes. _whipping_ was nearly an every-day practice. on mr. m----'s plantation, at the island de fuskee, i saw an old man whipped; he was about . he had no clothing on, except a shirt. the man that inflicted the blows was flim, a tall and stout man. the whipping was _very severe_. i inquired into the cause. some vegetables had been stolen from his master's garden, of which he could give no account. i saw several women whipped, some of whom were in very _delicate_ circumstances. the case of one i will relate. she had been purchased in charleston, and separated from her husband. on her passage to savannah, or rather to the island, she was delivered of a child; and in about three weeks after this, she appeared to be deranged. she would leave her work, go into the woods, and sing. her master sent for her, and ordered the driver to whip her. i was near enough to hear the strokes. "i have known negro boys, partly by persuasion, and partly by force, made to strip off their clothing and fight for _the amusement of their masters_. they would fight until both got to crying. "one of the planters told me that his boat had been used without permission. a number of his negroes were called up, and put in a building that was lathed and shingled. the covering could be easily removed from the inside. he called one out for examination. while examining this one, he discovered another negro, coming out of the roof. he ordered him back: he obeyed. in a few moments he attempted it again. the master took deliberate aim at his head, but his gun missed fire. he told me he should probably have killed him, had his gun gone off. the negro jumped and run. the master took aim again, and fired; but he was so far distant, that he received only a few shots in the calf of his leg. after several days he returned, and received a severe whipping. "mr. b----, planter at hilton head, freely confessed, that he kept one of his slaves as a mistress. she slept in the same room with him. this, i think, is a very common practice." testimony of a clergyman. the following letter was written to mr. arthur tappan, of new york, in the summer of . as the name of the writer cannot be published with safety to himself, it is withheld. the following testimonials, from mr. tappan, professor wright, and thomas ritter, m.d. of new york, establish the trust-worthiness and high respectability of the writer. "i received the following letters from the south during the year . they were written by a gentleman who had then resided some years in the slave states. not being at liberty to give the writer's name, i cheerfully certify that he is a gentleman of established character, a graduate of yale college, and a respected minister of the gospel. "arthur tappan." "my acquaintance with the writer of the following letter commenced, i believe, in , from which time we were fellow students in yale college till . i have occasionally seen him since. his character, so far as it has come within my knowledge, has been that of an upright and remarkably _candid_ man. i place great confidence both in his habits of careful and unprejudiced observation and his veracity. "e. wright, jun. new york, april , ." "i have been acquainted with the writer of the following letter about twelve years, and know him to be a gentleman of high respectability, integrity, and piety. we were fellow students in yale college, and my opportunities for judging of his character, both at that time and since our graduation, have been such, that i feel myself fully warranted in making the above unequivocal declaration. "thomas ritter. , cherry-street, new york." "natchez, . "it has been almost four years since i came to the south-west; and although i have been told, from month to month, that i should soon wear off my northern prejudices, and probably have slaves of my own, yet my judgment in regard to oppression, or my prejudices, if they are pleased so to call them, remain with me still. i judge still from those principles which were fixed in my mind at the north; and a residence at the south has not enabled me so to pervert truth, as to make injustice appear justice. "i have studied the state of things here, now for years, coolly and deliberately, with the eye of an uninterested looker on; and hence i may not be altogether unprepared to state to you some facts, and to draw conclusions from them. "permit me then to relate what i have seen; and do not imagine that these are all exceptions to the general treatment, but rather believe that thousands of cruelties are practised in this christian land, every year, which no eye that ever shed a tear of pity could look upon. "soon after my arrival i made an excursion into the country, to the distance of some twenty miles. and as i was passing by a cotton field, where about fifty negroes were at work, i was inclined to stop by the road side to view a scene which was then new to me. while i was, in my mind, comparing this mode of labor with that of my own native place, i heard the driver, with a rough oath, order one that was near him, who seemed to be laboring to the extent of his power, to "lie down." in a moment he was obeyed; and he commenced whipping the offender upon his naked back, and continued, to the amount of about twenty lashes, with a heavy raw-hide whip, the crack of which might have been heard more than half a mile. nor did the females escape; for although i stopped scarcely fifteen minutes, no less than three were whipped in the same manner, and that so severely, i was strongly inclined to interfere. "you may be assured, sir, that i remained not unmoved: i could no longer look on such cruelty, but turned away and rode on, while the echoes of the lash were reverberating in the woods around me. such scenes have long since become familiar to me. but then the full effect was not lost; and i shall never forget, to my latest day, the mingled feelings of pity, horror, and indignation that took possession of my mind. i involuntarily exclaimed, o god of my fathers, how dost thou permit such things to defile our land! be merciful to us! and visit us not in justice, for all our iniquities and the iniquities of our fathers! "as i passed on i soon found that i had escaped from one horrible scene only to witness another. a planter with whom i was well acquainted, had caught a negro without a pass. and at the moment i was passing by, he was in the act of fastening his feet and hands to the trees, having previously made him take off all his clothing except his trowsers. when he had sufficiently secured this poor creature, he beat him for several minutes with a green switch more than six feet long; while he was writhing with anguish, endeavoring in vain to break the cords with which he was bound, and incessantly crying out, "lord, master! do pardon me this time! do, master, have mercy!" these expressions have recurred to me a thousand times since; and although they came from one that is not considered among the sons of men, yet i think they are well worthy of remembrance, as they might lead a wise man to consider whether such shall receive mercy from the righteous judge, as never showed mercy to their fellow men. "at length i arrived at the dwelling of a planter of my acquaintance, with whom i passed the night. at about eight o'clock in the evening i heard the barking of several dogs, mingled with the most agonizing cries that i ever heard from any human being. soon after the gentleman came in, and began to apologize, by saying that two of his runaway slaves had just been brought home; and as he had previously tried every species of punishment upon them without effect, he knew not what else to add, except to set his blood hounds upon them. 'and,' continued he, 'one of them has been so badly bitten that he has been trying to die. i am only sorry that he did not; for then i should not have been further troubled with him. if he lives i intend to send him to natchez or to new orleans, to work with the ball and chain.' "from this last remark i understood that private individuals have the right of thus subjecting their unmanageable slaves. i have since seen numbers of these 'ball and chain' men, both in natchez and new orleans, but i do not know whether there were any among them except the state convicts. "as the summer was drawing towards a close, and the yellow fever beginning to prevail in town, i went to reside some months in the country. this was the cotton picking season, during which, the planters say, there is a greater necessity for flogging than at any other time. and i can assure you, that as i have sat in my window night after night, while the cotton was being weighed, i have heard the crack of the whip, without much intermission, for a whole hour, from no less than three plantations, some of which were a full mile distant. "i found that the slaves were kept in the field from daylight until dark; and then, if they had not gathered what the master or overseer thought sufficient, they were subjected to the lash. "many by such treatment are induced to run away and take up their lodging in the woods. i do not say that all who run away are thus closely pressed, but i do know that many are; and i have known no less than a dozen desert at a time from the same plantation, in consequence of the overseer's forcing them to work to the extent of their power, and then whipping them for not having done more. "but suppose that they run away--what is to become of them in the forest? if they cannot steal they must perish of hunger--if the nights are cold, their feet will be frozen; for if they make a fire they may be discovered, and be shot at. if they attempt to leave the country, their chance of success is about nothing. they must return, be whipped--if old offenders, wear the collar, perhaps be branded, and fare worse than before. "do you believe it, sir, not six months since, i saw a number of my _christian_ neighbors packing up provisions, as i supposed for a deer hunt; but as i was about offering myself to the party, i learned that their powder and balls were destined to a very different purpose: it was, in short, the design of the party to bring home a number of runaway slaves, or to shoot them if they should not be able to get possession of them in any other way. "you will ask, is not this murder? call it, sir, by what name you please, such are the facts:--many are shot every year, and that too while the masters say they treat their slaves well. "but let me turn your attention to another species of cruelty. about a year since i knew a certain slave who had deserted his master, to be caught, and for the first time fastened to the stocks. in those same stocks, from which at midnight i have heard cries of distress, while the master slept, and was dreaming, perhaps, of drinking wine and of discussing the price of cotton. on the next morning he was chained in an immovable posture, and branded in both cheeks with red hot stamps of iron. such are the tender mercies of men who love wealth, and are determined to obtain it at any price. "suffer me to add another to the list of enormities, and i will not offend you with more. "there was, some time since, brought to trial in this town a planter residing about fifteen miles distant, for whipping his slave to death. you will suppose, of course, that he was punished. no, sir, he was acquitted, although there could be no doubt of the fact. i heard the tale of murder from a man who was acquainted with all the circumstances. 'i was,' said he, 'passing along the road near the burying-ground of the plantation, about nine o'clock at night, when i saw several lights gleaming through the woods; and as i approached, in order to see what was doing, i beheld the coroner of natchez, with a number of men, standing around the body of a young female, which by the torches seemed almost perfectly white. on inquiry i learned that the master had so unmercifully beaten this girl that she died under the operation: and that also he had so severely punished another of his slaves that he was but just alive.'" we here rest the case for the present, so far as respects the presentation of facts showing the condition of the slaves, and proceed to consider the main objections which are usually employed to weaken such testimony, or wholly to set it aside. but before we enter upon the examination of specific objections, and introductory to them, we remark,-- . that the system of slavery must be a system of horrible cruelty, follows of necessity, from the fact that two millions seven hundred thousand human beings _are held by force_, and used as articles of property. nothing but a heavy yoke, and an iron one, could possibly keep so many necks in the dust. that must be a constant and mighty pressure which holds so still such a vast army; nothing could do it but the daily experience of severities, and the ceaseless dread and certainty of the most terrible inflictions if they should dare to toss in their chains. . were there nothing else to prove it a system of monstrous cruelty, the fact that fear is the only motive with which the slave is plied during his whole existence, would be sufficient to brand it with execration as the grand tormentor of man. the slave's _susceptibility of pain_ is the sole fulcrum on which slavery works the lever that moves him. in this it plants all its stings; here it sinks its hot irons; cuts its deep gashes; flings its burning embers, and dashes its boiling brine and liquid fire: into this it strikes its cold flesh hooks, grappling irons, and instruments of nameless torture; and by it drags him shrieking to the end of his pilgrimage. the fact that the master inflicts pain upon the slave not merely as an _end_ to gratify passion, but constantly as a _means_ of extorting labor, is enough of itself to show that the system of slavery is unmixed cruelty. . that the slaves must suffer frequent and terrible inflictions, follows inevitably from the _character of those who direct their labor_. whatever may be the character of the slaveholders themselves, all agree that the overseers are, as a class, most abandoned, brutal, and desperate men. this is so well known and believed that any testimony to prove it seems needless. the testimony of mr. wirt, late attorney general of the united states, a virginian and a slaveholder, is as follows. in his life of patrick henry, p. , speaking of the different classes of society in virginia, he says,--"last and lowest a feculum, of beings called 'overseers'--_the most abject, degraded, unprincipled race_, always cap in hand to the dons who employ them, and furnishing materials for the exercise of their _pride, insolence, and spirit of domination_." rev. phineas smith, of centreville, new-york, who has resided some years at the south, says of overseers-- "it need hardly be added that overseers are in general ignorant, _unprincipled and cruel_, and in such low repute that they are not permitted to come to the tables of their employers; yet they have the constant control of all the human cattle that belong to the master. "these men are continually advancing from their low station to the higher one of masters. these changes bring into the possession of power a class of men of whose mental and moral qualities i have already spoken." rev. horace moulton, marlboro', massachusetts, who lived in georgia several years, says of them,-- "the overseers are _generally loose in their morals_; it is the object of masters to employ those whom they think will get the most work out of their hands,--hence those who _whip and torment the slaves the most_ are in many instances called the best overseers. the masters think those whom the slaves fear the most are the best. quite a portion of the masters employ their own slaves as overseers, or rather they are called drivers; these are more subject to the will of the masters than the white overseers are; some of them are as lordly as an austrian prince, and sometimes more cruel even than the whites." that the overseers are, as a body, sensual, brutal, and violent men is _proverbial_. the tender mercies of such men _must be cruel_. . the _ownership_ of human beings necessarily presupposes an utter disregard of their happiness. he who assumes it monopolizes their _whole capital_, leaves them no stock on which to trade, and out of which to _make_ happiness. whatever is the master's gain is the slave's loss, a loss wrested from him by the master, for the express purpose of making it _his own gain_; this is the master's constant employment--forcing the slave to toil--violently wringing from him all he has and all he gets, and using it as his own;--like the vile bird that never builds its nest from materials of its own gathering, but either drives other birds from theirs and takes possession of them, or tears them in pieces to get the means of constructing their own. this daily practice of forcibly robbing others, and habitually living on the plunder, cannot but beget in the mind the _habit_ of regarding the interests and happiness of those whom it robs, as of no sort of consequence in comparison with its own; consequently whenever those interests and this happiness are in the way of its own gratification, they will be sacrificed without scruple. he who cannot see this would be unable to _feel_ it, if it were seen. objections considered. objection i--"such cruelties are incredible." the enormities inflicted by slaveholders upon their slaves will never be discredited except by those who overlook the simple fact, that he who holds human beings as his bona fide property, _regards_ them as property, and not as _persons;_ this is his permanent state of mind toward them. he does not contemplate slaves as human beings, consequently does not _treat_ them as such; and with entire indifference sees them suffer privations and writhe under blows, which, if inflicted upon whites, would fill him with horror and indignation. he regards that as good treatment of slaves, which would seem to him insufferable abuse if practiced upon others; and would denounce that as a monstrous outrage and horrible cruelty, if perpretated upon white men and women, which he sees every day meted out to black slaves, without perhaps ever thinking it cruel. accustomed all his life to regard them rather as domestic animals, to hear them stormed at, and to see them cuffed and caned; and being himself in the constant habit of treating them thus, such practices have become to him a mere matter of course, and make no impression on his mind. true, it is incredible that men should treat as _chattels_ those whom they truly regard as _human beings;_ but that they should treat as chattels and working animals those whom they _regard_ as such, is no marvel. the common treatment of dogs, when they are in the way, is to kick them out of it; we see them every day kicked off the sidewalks, and out of shops, and on sabbaths out of churches,--yet, as they are but _dogs_, these do not strike us as outrages; yet, if we were to see men, women, and children--our neighbors and friends, kicked out of stores by merchants, or out of churches by the deacons and sexton, we should call the perpetrators inhuman wretches. we have said that slaveholders regard their slaves not as human beings, but as mere working animals, or merchandise. the whole vocabulary of slaveholders, their laws, their usages, and their entire treatment of their slaves fully establish this. the same terms are applied to slaves that are given to cattle. they are called "stock." so when the children of slaves are spoken of prospectively, they are called their "increase;" the same term that is applied to flocks and herds. so the female slaves that are mothers, are called "breeders" till past child bearing; and often the same terms are applied to the different sexes that are applied to the males and females among cattle. those who compel the labor of slaves and cattle have the same appellation, "drivers:" the names which they call them are the same and similar to those given to their horses and oxen. the laws of slave states make them property, equally with goats and swine; they are levied upon for debt in the same way; they are included in the same advertisements of public sales with cattle, swine, and asses; when moved from one part of the country to another, they are herded in droves like cattle, and like them urged on by drivers; their labor is compelled in the same way. they are bought and sold, and separated like cattle: when exposed for sale, their good qualities are described as jockies show off the good points of their horses; their strength, activity, skill, power of endurance, &c. are lauded,--and those who bid upon them examine their persons, just as purchasers inspect horses and oxen; they open their mouths to see if their teeth are sound; strip their backs to see if they are badly scarred, and handle their limbs and muscles to see if they are firmly knit. like horses, they are warranted to be "sound," or to be returned to the owner if "unsound." a father gives his son a horse and a _slave_; by his will he distributes among them his race-horses, hounds, game-cocks, and _slaves_. we leave the reader to carry out the parallel which we have only begun. its details would cover many pages. that slaveholders do not practically regard slaves as _human beings_ is abundantly shown by their own voluntary testimony. in a recent work entitled, "the south vindicated from the treason and fanaticism of northern abolitionists," which was written, we are informed, by colonel dayton, late member of congress from south carolina; the writer, speaking of the awe with which the slaves regard the whites, says,-- "the northerner looks upon a band of negroes as upon so many _men_, but the planter or southerner _views them in a very different light._" extract from the speech of mr. summers, of virginia, in the legislature of that state, jan. , . see the richmond whig. "when, in the sublime lessons of christianity, he (the slaveholder) is taught to 'do unto others as he would have others do unto him,' he never dreams that the degraded negro is within the pale of that holy canon." president jefferson, in his letter to governor coles, of illinois, dated aug. , , asserts, that slaveholders regard their slaves as brutes, in the following remarkable language. "nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing the degraded condition, both bodily and mental, of these unfortunate beings [the slaves], few minds have yet doubted but that they were as legitimate subjects of property as their horses or cattle." having shown that slaveholders regard their slaves as mere working animals and cattle, we now proceed to show that their actual treatment of them, is _worse_ than it would be if they were brutes. we repeat it, slaveholders treat their slaves worse than they do their brutes. whoever heard of cows or sheep being deliberately tied up and beaten and lacerated till they died? or horses coolly tortured by the hour, till covered with mangled flesh, or of swine having their legs tied and being suspended from a tree and lacerated with thongs for hours, or of hounds stretched and made fast at full length, flayed with whips, red pepper rubbed into their bleeding gashes, and hot brine dashed on to aggravate the torture? yet just such forms and degrees of torture are _daily_ perpetrated upon the slaves. now no man that knows human nature will marvel at this. though great cruelties have always been inflicted by men upon brutes, yet incomparably the most horrid ever perpetrated, have been those of men upon _their own species_. any leaf of history turned over at random has proof enough of this. every reflecting mind perceives that when men hold _human beings_ as _property_, they must, from the nature of the case, treat them worse than they treat their horses and oxen. it is impossible for _cattle_ to excite in men such tempests of fury as men excite in each other. men are often provoked if their horses or hounds refuse to do, or their pigs refuse to go where they wish to drive them, but the feeling is rarely intense and never permanent. it is vexation and impatience, rather than settled rage, malignity, or revenge. if horses and dogs were intelligent beings, and still held as property, their opposition to the wishes of their owners, would exasperate them immeasurably more than it would be possible for them to do, with the minds of brutes. none but little children and idiots get angry at sticks and stones that lie in their way or hurt them; but put into sticks and stones intelligence, and will, and power of feeling and motion, while they remain as now, articles of property, and what a towering rage would men be in, if bushes whipped them in the face when they walked among them, or stones rolled over their toes when they climbed hills! and what exemplary vengeance would be inflicted upon door-steps and hearth-stones, if they were to move out of their places, instead of lying still where they were put for their owners to tread upon. the greatest provocation to human nature is _opposition to its will_. if a man's will be resisted by one far _below_ him, the provocation is vastly greater, than when it is resisted by an acknowledged superior. in the former case, it inflames strong passions, which in the latter lie dormant. the rage of proud haman knew no bounds against the poor jew who would not do as he wished, and so he built a gallows for him. if the person opposing the will of another, be so far below him as to be on a level with chattels, and be actually held and used as an article of property; pride, scorn, lust of power, rage and revenge explode together upon the hapless victim. the idea of _property_ having a will, and that too in opposition to the will of its _owner_, and counteracting it, is a stimulant of terrible power to the most relentless human passions and from the nature of slavery, and the constitution of the human mind, this fierce stimulant must, with various degrees of strength, act upon slaveholders almost without ceasing. the slave, however abject and crushed, is an intelligent being: he has a _will_, and that will cannot be annihilated, _it will show itself_; if for a moment it is smothered, like pent up fires when vent is found, it flames the fiercer. make intelligence _property_, and its manager will have his match; he is met at every turn by an _opposing will_, not in the form of down-right rebellion and defiance, but yet, visibly, an _ever-opposing will_. he sees it in the dissatisfied look, and reluctant air and unwilling movement; the constrained strokes of labor, the drawling tones, the slow hearing, the feigned stupidity, the sham pains and sickness, the short memory; and he _feels_ it every hour, in innumerable forms, frustrating his designs by a ceaseless though perhaps invisible countermining. this unceasing opposition to the will of its 'owner,' on the part of his rational 'property,' is to the slaveholder as the hot iron to the nerve. he raves under it, and storms, and gnashes, and smites; but the more he smites, the hotter it gets, and the more it burns him. further, this opposition of the slave's will to his owner's, not only excites him to severity, that he may gratify his rage, but makes it necessary for him to use violence in breaking down this resistance--thus subjecting the slave to additional tortures. there is another inducement to cruel inflictions upon the slave, and a necessity for it, which does not exist in the case of brutes. offenders must be made an example to others, to strike them with terror. if a slave runs away and is caught, his master flogs him with terrible severity, not merely to gratify his resentment, and to keep him from running away again, but as a warning to others. so in every case of disobedience, neglect, stubbornness, unfaithfulness, indolence, insolence, theft, feigned sickness, when his directions are forgotten, or slighted, or supposed to be, or his wishes crossed, or his property injured, or left exposed, or his work ill-executed, the master is tempted to inflict cruelties, not merely to wreak his own vengeance upon him, and to make the slave more circumspect in future, but to sustain his authority over the other slaves, to restrain them from like practices, and to preserve his own property. a multitude of facts, illustrating the position that slaveholders treat their slaves _worse_ than they do their cattle, will occur to all who are familiar with slavery. when cattle break through their owners' inclosures and escape, if found, they are driven back and fastened in again; and even slaveholders would execrate as a wretch, the man who should tie them up, and bruise and lacerate them for straying away; but when _slaves_ that have escaped are caught, they are flogged with the most terrible severity. when herds of cattle are driven to market, they are suffered to go in the easiest way, each by himself; but when slaves are driven to market, they are fastened together with handcuffs, galled by iron collars and chains, and thus forced to travel on foot hundreds of miles, sleeping at night in their chains. sheep, and sometimes horned cattle are marked with their owners' initials--but this is generally done with paint, and of course produces no pain. slaves, too, are often marked with their owners' initials, but the letters are stamped into their flesh with a hot iron. cattle are suffered to graze their pastures without stint; but the slaves are restrained in their food to a fixed allowance. the slaveholders' horses are notoriously far better fed, more moderately worked, have fewer hours of labor, and longer intervals of rest than their slaves; and their valuable horses are far more comfortably housed and lodged, and their stables more effectually defended from the weather, than the slaves' huts. we have here merely _begun_ a comparison, which the reader can easily carry out at length, from the materials furnished in this work. we will, however, subjoin a few testimonies of slaveholders, and others who have resided in slave states, expressly asserting that slaves are treated _worse than brutes_. the late dr. george buchanan, of baltimore, maryland, a member of the american philosophical society, in an oration delivered in baltimore, july , , page , says: "the africans whom you despise, whom you _more inhumanly treat than brutes_, are equally capable of improvement with yourselves." the rev. george whitefield, in his celebrated letter to the slaveholders of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, written one hundred years ago, (see benezet's caution to great britain and her colonies, page ), says: "sure i am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as i would charitably hope there are _some_) i fear the _generality_ of you that own negroes, _are liable to such a charge_." mr. rice, of kentucky in his speech in the convention that formed the constitution of that state, in , says: "he [the slave] is a rational creature, reduced by the power of legislation to the _state of a brute_, and thereby deprived of every privilege of humanity.... the brute may steal or rob, to supply his hunger; but the slave, though in the most starving condition, _dare not do either, on penalty of death, or some severe punishment_." rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, mass. who lived some years in georgia, says: "the southern horses and dogs have enough to eat, and good care is taken of them; but southern negroes--who can describe their misery and their wretchedness, their nakedness and their cruel scourgings! none but god. should we _whip our horses_ as they whip their slaves, even for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law." rev. phineas smith, centerville, allegany county, new york, who has resided four years in the midst of southern slavery-- "avarice and cruelty are twin sisters; and i do not hesitate to declare before the world, as my deliberate opinion, that there is _less compassion_ for working slaves at the south, than for working oxen at the north." steven sewall, esq. winthrop, maine, a member of the congregational church, and late agent of the winthrop manufacturing company, who resided five years in alabama, says-- "i do not think that brutes, not even horses, are treated with _so much cruelty_ as american slaves." if the preceding considerations are insufficient to remove incredulity respecting the cruelties suffered by slaves, and if northern objectors still say, 'we might believe such things of savages, but that civilized men, and republicans, in this christian country, can openly and by system perpetrate such enormities, is impossible';--to such we reply, that this incredulity of the people of the free states, is not only discreditable to their intelligence, but to their consistency. who is so ignorant as not to know, or so incredulous as to disbelieve, that the early baptists of new england were fined, imprisoned, scourged, and finally banished by our puritan forefathers?--and that the quakers were confined in dungeons, publicly whipped at the cart-tail, had their ears cut off, cleft sticks put upon their tongues, and that five of them, four men and one woman, were hung on boston common, for propagating the sentiments of the society of friends? who discredits the fact, that the civil authorities in massachusetts, less than a hundred and fifty years ago, confined in the public jail a little girl of four years old, and publicly hung the rev. mr. burroughs, and eighteen other persons, mostly women, and killed another, (giles corey,) by extending him upon his back, and piling weights upon his breast till he was crushed to death [ ]--and this for no other reason than that these men and women, and this little child, were accused by others of _bewitching_ them. [footnote : judge sewall, of mass. in his diary, describing this horrible scene, says that when the tongue of the poor sufferer had, in the extremity of his dying agony, protruded from his mouth, a person in attendance took his cane and thrust it back into his mouth.] even the children in connecticut, know that the following was once a law of that state: "no food or lodging shall be allowed to a quaker. if any person turns quaker, he shall be banished, and not be suffered to return on pain of death." these objectors can readily believe the fact, that in the city of new york, less than a hundred years since, thirteen persons were publicly burned to death, over a slow fire: and that the legislature of the same state took under its paternal care the african slave-trade, and declared that "all encouragement should be given to the _direct_ importation of slaves; that all _smuggling_ of slaves should be condemned, as _an eminent discouragement to the fair trader_." they do not call in question the fact that the african slave-trade was carried on from the ports of the free states till within thirty years; that even members of the society of friends were actively engaged in it, shortly before the revolutionary war; [ ] that as late as , no less than fifty-nine of the vessels engaged in that trade, were sent out from the little state of rhode island, which had then only about seventy thousand inhabitants; that among those most largely engaged in these foul crimes, are the men whom the people of rhode island delight to honor: that the man who dipped most deeply in that trade of blood (james de wolf,) and amassed a most princely fortune by it, was not long since their senator in congress; and another, who was captain of one of his vessels, was recently lieutenant governor of the state. [footnote : see life and travels of john woolman, page .] they can believe, too, all the horrors of the middle passage, the chains, suffocation, maimings, stranglings, starvation, drownings, and cold blooded murders, atrocities perpetrated on board these slave-ships by their own citizens, perhaps by their own townsmen and neighbors--possibly by their own _fathers_: but oh! they 'can't believe that the slaveholders can be so hard-hearted towards their slaves as to treat them with great cruelty.' they can believe that his holiness the pope, with his cardinals, bishops and priests, have tortured, broken on the wheel, and burned to death thousands of protestants--that eighty thousand of the anabaptists were slaughtered in germany--that hundreds of thousands of the blameless waldenses, huguenots and lollards, were torn in pieces by the most titled dignitaries of church and state, and that _almost every professedly christian sect, has, at some period of its history, persecuted unto blood_ those who dissented from their creed. they can believe, also, that in boston, new york, utica, philadelphia, cincinnati, alton, and in scores of other cities and villages of the free states, 'gentlemen of property and standing,' led on by civil officers, by members of state legislatures, and of congress, by judges and attorneys-general, by editors of newspapers, and by professed ministers of the gospel, have organized mobs, broken up lawful meetings of peaceable citizens, committed assault and battery upon their persons, knocked them down with stones, led them about with ropes, dragged them from their beds at midnight, gagged and forced them into vehicles, and driven them into unfrequented places, and there tormented and disfigured them--that they have rifled their houses, made bonfires of their furniture in the streets, burned to the ground, or torn in pieces the halls or churches in which they were assembled--attacked them with deadly weapons, stabbed some, shot others, and killed one. they can believe all this--and further, that a majority of the citizens in the places where these outrages have been committed, connived at them; and by refusing to indict the perpetrators, or, if they were indicted, by combining to secure their acquittal, and rejoicing in it, have publicly adopted these felonies as their own. all these things they can believe without hesitation, and that they have even been done by their own acquaintances, neighbors, relatives; perhaps those with whom they interchange courtesies, those for whom they _vote_, or to whose _salaries they contribute_--but yet, oh! they can never believe that slaveholders inflict cruelties upon their slaves! they can give full credence to the kidnapping, imprisonment, and deliberate murder of william morgan, and that by men of high standing in society; they can believe that this deed was aided and abetted, and the murderers screened from justice, by a large number of influential persons, who were virtually accomplices, either before or after the fact; and that this combination was so effectual, as successfully to defy and triumph over the combined powers of the government;--yet that those who constantly rob men of their time, liberty, and wages, and all their _rights_, should rob them of bits of flesh, and occasionally of a tooth, make their backs bleed, and put fetters on their legs, is too monstrous to be credited! further these same persons, who 'can't believe' that slaveholders are so iron-hearted as to ill-treat their slaves, believe that the very _elite_ of these slaveholders, those most highly esteemed and honored among them, are continually daring each other to mortal conflict, and in the presence of mutual friends, taking deadly aim at each other's hearts, with settled purpose to _kill_, if possible. that among the most distinguished governors of slave states, among their most celebrated judges, senators, and representatives in congress, there is hardly _one_, who has not either killed, or tried to kill, or aided and abetted his friends in trying to kill, one or more individuals. that pistols, dirks, bowie knives, or other instruments of death are generally carried throughout the slave states--and that deadly affrays with them, in the streets of their cities and villages, are matters of daily occurrence; that the sons of slaveholders in southern colleges, bully, threaten, and fire upon their teachers, and their teachers upon them; that during the last summer, in the most celebrated seat of science and literature in the south, the university of virginia, the professors were attacked by more than seventy armed students, and, in the words of a virginia paper, were obliged 'to conceal themselves from their fury;' also that almost all the riots and violence that occur in northern colleges, are produced by the turbulence and lawless passions of southern students. that such are the furious passions of slaveholders, no considerations of personal respect, none for the proprieties of life, none for the honor of our national legislature, none for the character of our country abroad, can restrain the slaveholding members of congress from the most disgraceful personal encounters on the floor of our nation's legislature--smiting their fists in each other's faces, throttling and even _kicking_ and trying to _gouge_ each other--that during the session of the congress just closed, no less than six slaveholders, taking fire at words spoken in debate, have either rushed at each other's throats, or kicked, or struck, or attempted to knock each other down; and that in all these instances, they would doubtless have killed each other, if their friends had not separated them. further, they know full well, these were not insignificant, vulgar blackguards, elected because they were the head bullies and bottle-holders in a boxing ring, or because their constituents went drunk to the ballot box; but they were some of the most conspicuous members of the house--one of them a former speaker. our newspapers are full of these and similar daily occurrences among slaveholders, copied verbatim from their own accounts of them in their own papers and all this we fully credit; no man is simpleton enough to cry out 'oh, i can't believe that slaveholders do such things;'--and yet when we turn to the treatment which these men mete out to their _slaves_, and show that they are in the habitual practice of striking, kicking, knocking down and shooting _them_ as well as each other--the look of blank incredulity that comes over northern dough-faces, is a study for a painter: and then the sentimental outcry, with eyes and hands uplifted, 'oh, indeed, i can't believe the slaveholders are so cruel to their slaves.' most amiable and touching charity! truly, of all yankee notions and free state products, there is nothing like a '_dough face_'--the great northern staple for the southern market--'made to order,' in any quantity, and _always on hand_. 'dough faces!' thanks to a slaveholder's contempt for the name, with its immortality of truth, infamy and scorn.[ ] [footnote : "_doe_ face," which owes its paternity to john randolph, age has mellowed into "_dough_ face"--a cognomen quite as expressive and appropriate, if not as classical.] though the people of the free states affect to disbelieve the cruelties perpetrated upon the slaves, yet slaveholders believe _each other_ guilty of them, and speak of them with the utmost freedom. if slaveholders disbelieve any statement of cruelty inflicted upon a slave, it is not on account of its _enormity_. the traveler at the south will hear in delaware, and in all parts of maryland and virginia, from the lips of slaveholders, statements of the most horrible cruelties suffered by the slaves _farther_ south, in the carolinas and georgia; when he finds himself in those states he will hear similar accounts about the treatment of the slaves in _florida_ and _louisiana_; and in missouri, kentucky, and tennessee he will hear of the tragedies enacted on the plantations in arkansas, alabama and mississippi. since anti-slavery societies have been in operation, and slaveholders have found themselves on trial before the world, and put upon their good behavior, northern slaveholders have grown cautious, and now often substitute denials and set defences, for the voluntary testimony about cruelty in the far south, which, before that period, was given with entire freedom. still, however, occasionally the 'truth will out,' as the reader will see by the following testimony of an east tennessee newspaper, in which, speaking of the droves of slaves taken from the upper country to alabama, mississippi, louisiana, etc., the editor says, they are 'traveling to a region where their condition through time will be second only to that of the wretched creatures in hell.' see "maryville intelligencer," of oct, , . distant cruelties and cruelties _long past_, have been till recently, favorite topics with slaveholders. they have not only been ready to acknowledge that their _fathers_ have exercised great cruelty toward their slaves, but have voluntarily, in their official acts, made proclamation of it and entered it on their public records. the legislature of north carolina, in , branded the successive legislatures of that state for more than thirty years previous, with the infamy of treatment towards their slaves, which they pronounce to be 'disgraceful to humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and principles of a free, christian, and enlightened country.' this treatment was the enactment and perpetuation of a most barbarous and cruel law. but enough. as the objector can and does believe all the preceeding facts, if he still '_can't_ believe' as to the cruelties of slaveholders, it would be barbarous to tantalize his incapacity either with evidence or argument. let him have the benefit of the act in such case made and provided. having shown that the incredulity of the objector respecting the cruelty inflicted upon the slaves, is discreditable to his consistency, we now proceed to show that it is equally so to his _intelligence_. whoever disbelieves the foregoing statements of cruelties, on the ground of their enormity, proclaims his own ignorance of the nature and history of man. what! incredulous about the atrocities perpetrated by those who hold human beings as property, to be used for their pleasure, when history herself has done little else in recording human deeds, than to dip her blank chart in the blood shed by arbitrary power, and unfold to human gaze the great red scroll? that cruelty is the natural effect of arbitrary power, has been the result of all experience, and the voice of universal testimony since the world began. shall human nature's axioms, six thousand years old, go for nothing? are the combined product of human experience, and the concurrent records of human character, to be set down as 'old wives' fables?' to disbelieve that arbitrary power naturally and habitually perpetrates cruelties, where it can do it with impunity, is not only ignorance of man, but of _things_. it is to be blind to innumerable proofs which are before every man's eyes; proofs that are stereotyped in the very words and phrases that are on every one's lips. take for example the words _despot_ and _despotic_. despot, signifies etymologically, merely one who _possesses_ arbitrary power, and at first, it was used to designate those alone who _possessed_ unlimited power over human beings, entirely irrespective of the way in which they exercised it, whether mercifully or cruelly. but the fact, that those who possessed such power, made their subjects their _victims_, has wrought a total change in the popular meaning of the word. it now signifies, in common parlance, not one who _possesses_ unlimited power over others, but one who exercises the power that he has, whether little or much, _cruelly_. so _despotic_, instead of meaning what it once did, something pertaining to the _possession_ of unlimited power, signifies something pertaining to the _capricious, unmerciful and relentless exercise_ of such power. the word tyrant, is another example--formerly it implied merely a _possession_ of arbitrary power, but from the invariable abuse of such power by its possessors, the proper and entire meaning of the word is lost, and it now signifies merely one who _exercises power to the injury of others_. the words tyrannical and tyranny follow the same analogy. so the word arbitrary; which formerly implied that which pertains to the will of one, independently of others; but from the fact that those who had no restraint upon their wills, were invariably capricious, unreasonable and oppressive, these words convey accurately the present sense of _arbitrary_, when applied to a person. how can the objector persist in disbelieving that cruelty is the natural effect of arbitrary power, when the very words of every day, rise up on his lips in testimony against him--words which once signified the _mere possession_ of arbitrary power, but have lost their meaning, and now signify merely its cruel _exercise_; because such a use of it has been proved by the experience of the world, to be inseparable from its _possession_--words now frigid with horror, and never used even by the objector without feeling a cold chill run over him. arbitrary power is to the mind what alcohol is to the body; it intoxicates. man loves power. it is perhaps the strongest human passion; and the more absolute the power, the stronger the desire for it; and the more it is desired, the more its exercise is enjoyed: this enjoyment is to human nature a fearful temptation,--generally an overmatch for it. hence it is true, with hardly an exception, that arbitrary power is abused in proportion as it is _desired_. the fact that a person intensely desires power over others, _without restraint_, shows the absolute necessity of restraint. what woman would marry a man who made it a condition that he should have the power to divorce her whenever he pleased? oh! he might never wish to exercise it, but the _power_ he would have! no woman, not stark mad, would trust her happiness in such hands. would a father apprentice his son to a master, who insisted that his power over the lad should be _absolute_? the master might perhaps, never wish to commit a battery upon the boy, but if he should, he insists upon having full swing! he who would leave his son in the, clutches of such a wretch, would be bled and blistered for a lunatic as soon as his friends could get their hands upon him. the possession of power, even when greatly restrained, is such a fiery stimulant, that its lodgement in human hands is always perilous. give men the handling of immense sums of money, and all the eyes of argus and the hands of briarcus can hardly prevent embezzlement. the mutual and ceaseless accusations of the two great political parties in this country, show the universal belief that this tendency of human nature to abuse power, is so strong, that even the most powerful legal restraints are insufficient for its safe custody. from congress and state legislatures down to grog-shop caucuses and street wranglings, each party keeps up an incessant din about _abuses of power_. hardly an officer, either of the general or state governments, from the president down to the ten thousand postmasters, and from governors to the fifty thousand constables, escapes the charge of '_abuse of power_.' 'oppression,' 'extortion,' 'venality,' 'bribery,' 'corruption,' 'perjury,' 'misrule,' 'spoils,' 'defalcation,' stand on every newspaper. now without any estimate of the lies told in these mutual charges, there is truth enough to make each party ready to believe of the other, and _of their best men too,_ any abuse of power, however monstrous. as is the state, so is the church. from general conferences to circuit preachers; and from general assemblies to church sessions, abuses of power spring up as weeds from the dunghill. all legal restraints are framed upon the presumption, that men will abuse their power if not hemmed in by them. this lies at the bottom of all those checks and balances contrived for keeping governments upon their centres. if there is among human convictions one that is invariable and universal, it is, that when men possess unrestrained power over others, over their time, choice, conscience, persons, votes, or means of subsistence, they are under great temptations to abuse it; and that the intensity with which such power is desired, generally measures the certainty and the degree of its abuse. that american slaveholders possess a power over their slaves which is virtually absolute, none will deny.[ ] that they _desire_ this absolute power, is shown from the fact of their holding and exercising it, and making laws to confirm and enlarge it. that the desire to possess this power, every tittle of it, is _intense_, is proved by the fact, that slaveholders cling to it with such obstinate tenacity, as well as by all their doings and sayings, their threats, cursings and gnashings against all who denounce the exercise of such power as usurpation and outrage, and counsel its immediate abrogation. [footnote : the following extracts from the laws of slave-states are proofs sufficient. "the slave is entirely subject to the will of his master."--louisiana civil code, art. . "slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal,_ in the hands of their owner and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes, whatsoever."--laws of south carolina, brev. dig. ; prince's digest, , &c.] from the nature of the case--from the laws of mind, such power, so intensely desired, griped with such a death-clutch, and with such fierce spurnings of all curtailment or restraint, _cannot but be abused._ privations and inflictions must be its natural, habitual products, with ever and anon, terror, torture, and despair let loose to do their worst upon the helpless victims. though power over others is in every case liable to be used to their injury, yet, in almost all cases, the subject individual is shielded from great outrages by strong safeguards. if he have talents, or learning, or wealth, or office, or personal respectability, or influential friends, these, with the protection of law and the rights of citizenship, stand round him as a body guard: and even if he lacked all these, yet, had he the same color, features, form, dialect, habits, and associations with the privileged caste of society, he would find in _them_ a shield from many injuries, which would be _invited,_ if in these respects he differed widely from the rest of the community, and was on that account regarded with disgust and aversion. this is the condition of the slave; not only is he deprived of the artificial safeguards of the law, but has none of those _natural_ safeguards enumerated above, which are a protection to others. but not only is the slave destitute of those peculiarities, habits, tastes, and acquisitions, which by assimilating the possessor to the rest of the community, excite their interest in him, and thus, in a measure, secure for him their protection; but he possesses those peculiarities of bodily organization which are looked upon with deep disgust, contempt, prejudice, and aversion. besides this, constant contact with the ignorance and stupidity of the slaves, their filth, rags, and nakedness; their cowering air, servile employments, repulsive food, and squalid hovels, their purchase and sale, and use as brutes--all these associations, constantly mingling and circulating in the minds of slaveholders, and inveterated by the hourly irritations which must assail all who use human beings as things, produce in them a permanent state of feeling toward the slave, made up of repulsion and settled ill-will. when we add to this the corrosions produced by the petty thefts of slaves, the necessity of constant watching, their reluctant service, and indifference to their master's interests, their ill concealed aversion to him, and spurning of his authority; and finally, that fact, as old as human nature, that men always hate those whom they oppress, and oppress those whom they hate, thus oppression and hatred mutually begetting and perpetuating each other--and we have a raging compound of fiery elements and disturbing forces, so stimulating and inflaming the mind of the slaveholder against the slave, that _it cannot but break forth upon him with desolating fury._ to deny that cruelty is the spontaneous and uniform product of arbitrary power, and that the natural and controlling tendency of such power is to make its possessor cruel, oppressive, and revengeful towards those who are subjected to his control, is, we repeat, to set at nought the combined experience of the human race, to invalidate its testimony, and to reverse its decisions from time immemorial. a volume might be filled with the testimony of american slaveholders alone, to the truth of the preceding position. we subjoin a few illustrations, and first, the memorable declaration of president jefferson, who lived and died a slaveholder. it has been published a thousand times, and will live forever. in his "notes on virginia," sixth philadelphia edition, p. , he says,-- "the whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetual exercise of the most _boisterous passions_, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other..... the parent _storms_, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of _wrath_, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus _nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny,_ cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities." hon. lewis summers, judge of the general court of virginia, and a slaveholder, said in a speech before the virginia legislature in ; (see richmond whig of jan. , ,) "a slave population exercises _the most pernicious influence_ upon the manners, habits and character, of those among whom it exists. lisping infancy learns the vocabulary of abusive epithets, and struts the _embryo tyrant_ of its little domain. the consciousness of superior destiny takes possession of his mind at its earliest dawning, and love of power and rule, 'grows with his growth, and strengthens with his strength.' unless enabled to rise above the operation of those powerful causes, he enters the world with miserable notions of self-importance, and under the government of an unbridled temper." the late judge tucker of virginia, a slaveholder, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, in his "letter to a member of the virginia legislature," , says,-- "i say nothing of the baneful effects of slavery on our _moral character_, because i know you have been long sensible of this point." the presbyterian synod of south carolina and georgia, consisting of all the clergy of that denomination in those states, with a lay representation from the churches, most, if not all of whom are slaveholders, published a report on slavery in , from which the following is an extract. "those only who have the management of servants, know what the _hardening effect_ of it is upon _their own feelings towards them._ there is no necessity to dwell on this point, as all _owners_ and _managers_ fully understand it. he who commences to manage them with tenderness and with a willingness to favor them in every way, must be watchful, otherwise he will settle down in _indifference, if not severity."_ general william h. harrison, now of ohio, son of the late governor harrison of virginia, a slaveholder, while minister from the united states to the republic of colombia, wrote a letter to general simon bolivar, then president of that republic, just as he was about assuming despotic power. the letter is dated bogota, sept. , . the following is an extract. "from a knowledge of your own disposition and present feelings, your excellency will not be willing to believe that you could ever be brought to an act of tyranny, or even to execute justice with unnecessary rigor. but trust me, sir, there is nothing more corrupting, nothing more _destructive of the noblest and finest feelings of our nature than the exercise of unlimited power_. the man, who in the beginning of such a career, might shudder at the idea of taking away the life of a fellow-being, might soon have his conscience so seared by the repetition of crime, that the agonies of his murdered victims might become music to his soul, and the drippings of the scaffold afford blood to swim in. history is full of such excesses." william h. fitzhugh, esq. of virginia, a slaveholder, says,--"slavery, in its mildest form, is cruel and unnatural; _its injurious effects on our morals and habits are mutually felt."_ hon. samuel s. nicholas, late judge of the court of appeals of kentucky, and a slaveholder, in a speech before the legislature of that state, jan. , says,-- "the deliberate convictions of the most matured consideration i can give the subject, are, that the institution of slavery is a _most serious injury to the habits, manners and morals_ of our white population--that it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipation, and vice." dr. thomas cooper, late president of the college of south carolina, in a note to his edition of the "institutes of justinian" page , says,-- "all absolute power has a direct tendency, not only to detract from the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to deprave the good qualities of those who possess it..... the whole history of human nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in saying that _such is the tendency of power_ on the one hand and slavery on the other." a south carolina slaveholder, whose name is with the executive committee of the am. a.s. society, says, in a letter, dated april , :-- "i think it (slavery) _ruinous to the temper_ and to our spiritual life; it is a thorn in the flesh, for ever and for ever goading us on to say and to do what the eternal god cannot but be displeased with. i speak from experience, and oh! my desire is to be delivered from it." monsieur c.c. robin, who was a resident of louisiana from to , published a work on that country; in which, speaking of the effect of slaveholding on masters and their children, he says:-- "the young creoles make the negroes who surround them the play-things of their whims: they flog, for pastime, those of their own age, just as their fathers flog others at their will. these young creoles, arrived at the age in which the passions are impetuous, do not _know how to bear contradiction_; they will have every thing done which they command, _possible or not_; and in default of this, they avenge their offended pride by multiplied punishments." dr. george buchanan, of baltimore, maryland, member of the american philosophical society, in an oration at baltimore, july , , said:-- "for such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it _destroys every humane principle_, vitiates the mind, instills ideas of unlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of government."--_buchanan's oration_, p. . president edwards the younger, in a sermon before the connecticut abolition society, in , page , says:-- "slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness, and a _domineering spirit_ and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, and in all who have the control of them. a man who has been bred up in domineering over negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting such a habit of haughtiness and domination as will express itself in his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or in any office, civil or military, with which he may be invested." the celebrated montesquieu, in his "spirit of the laws," thus describes the effect of slaveholding upon the master:-- "the master contracts all sorts of bad habits; and becomes _haughty, passionate, obdurate, vindictive, voluptuous, and cruel_." wilberforce, in his speech at the anniversary of the london anti-slavery society, in march, , said:-- "it is _utterly impossible_ that they who live in the administration of the petty despotism of a slave community, whose minds have been _warped_ and _polluted_ by that contamination, should not _lose that respect_ for their fellow creatures over whom they tyrannize, which is essential in the nature and moral being of man, to rescue them from the abuse of power over their prostrate fellow creatures." in the great debate, in the british parliament, on the african slave-trade, mr. whitbread said: "arbitrary power would spoil the hearts of the best." but we need not multiply proofs to establish our position: it is sustained by the concurrent testimony of sages, philosophers, poets, statesmen, and moralists, in every period of the world; and who can marvel that those in all ages who have wisely pondered men and things, should be unanimous in such testimony, when the history of arbitrary power has come down to us from the beginning of time, struggling through heaps of slain, and trailing her parchments in blood. time would fail to begin with the first despot and track down the carnage step by step. all nations, all ages, all climes crowd forward as witnesses, with their scars, and wounds, and dying agonies. but to survey a multitude bewilders; let us look at a single nation. we instance rome; both because its history is more generally known, and because it furnishes a larger proportion of instances, in which arbitrary power was exercised with comparative mildness, than any other nation ancient or modern. and yet, her whole existence was a tragedy, every actor was an executioner, the curtain rose amidst shrieks and fell upon corpses, and the only shifting of the scenes was from blood to blood. the whole world stood aghast, as under sentence of death, awaiting execution, and all nations and tongues were driven, with her own citizens, as sheep to the slaughter. of her seven kings, her hundreds of consuls, tribunes, decemvirs, and dictators, and her fifty emperors, there is hardly one whose name has come down to us unstained by horrible abuses of power; and that too, notwithstanding we have mere shreds of the history of many of them, owing to their antiquity, or to the perturbed times in which they lived; and these shreds gathered from the records of their own partial countrymen, who wrote and sung their praises. what does this prove? not that the romans were worse than other men, nor that their rulers were worse than other romans, for history does not furnish nobler models of natural character than many of those same rulers, when first invested with arbitrary power. neither was it mainly because the martial enterprise of the earlier romans and the gross sensuality of the later, hardened their hearts to human suffering. in both periods of roman history, and in both these classes, we find men, the keen sympathies, generosity, and benevolence of whose general character embalmed their names in the grateful memories of multitudes. _they were human beings, and possessed power without restraint_--this unravels the mystery. who has not heard of the emperor trajan, of his moderation, his clemency, his gashing sympathies, his forgiveness of injuries and forgetfulness of self, his tearing in pieces his own robe, to furnish bandages for the wounded--called by the whole world in his day, "the best emperor of rome;" and so affectionately regarded by his subjects, that, ever afterwards, in blessing his successors upon their accession to power, they always said, "may you have the virtue and goodness of trajan!" yet the deadly conflicts of gladiators who were trained to kill each other, to make sport for the spectators, furnished his chief pastime. at one time he kept up those spectacles for days in succession. in the tortures which he inflicted on christians, fire and poison, daggers and dungeons, wild beasts and serpents, and the rack, did their worst. he threw into the sea, clemens, the venerable bishop of rome, with an anchor about his neck; and tossed to the famished lions in the amphitheatre the aged ignatius. pliny the younger, who was proconsul under trajan, may well be mentioned in connection with the emperor, as a striking illustration of the truth, that goodness and amiableness towards one class of men is often turned into cruelty towards another. history can hardly show a more gentle and lovely character than pliny. while pleading at the bar, he always sought out the grievances of the poorest and most despised persons, entered into their wrongs with his whole soul, and never took a fee. who can read his admirable letters without being touched by their tenderness and warmed by their benignity and philanthropy: and yet, this tender-hearted pliny coolly plied with excruciating torture two spotless females, who had served as deaconesses in the christian church, hoping to extort from them matter of accusation against the christians. he commanded christians to abjure their faith, invoke the gods, pour out libations to the statues of the emperor, burn incense to idols, and curse christ. if they refused, he ordered them to execution. who has not heard of the emperor titus--so beloved for his mild virtues and compassionate regard for the suffering, that he was named "the delight of mankind;" so tender of the lives of his subjects that he took the office of high priest, that his hands might never be defiled with blood; and was heard to declare, with tears, that he had rather die than put another to death. so intent upon making others happy, that when once about to retire to sleep, and not being able to recall any particular act of beneficence performed during the day, he cried out in anguish, "alas! i have lost a day!" and, finally, whom the learned kennet, in his roman antiquities, characterizes as "the only prince in the world that has the character of _never doing an ill action_." yet, witnessing the mortal combats of the captives taken to war, killing each other in the amphitheatre, amidst the acclamations of the populace, was a favorite amusement with titus. at one time he exhibited shows of gladiators, which lasted one hundred days, during which the amphitheatre was flooded with human blood. at another of his public exhibitions he caused five thousand wild beasts to be baited in the amphitheatre. during the siege of jerusalem, he set ambushes to seize the famishing jews, who stole out of the city by night to glean food in the valleys: these he would first dreadfully scourge, then torment them with all conceivable tortures, and, at last, crucify them before the wall of the city. according to josephus, not less than five hundred a day were thus tormented. and when many of the jews, frantic with famine, deserted to the romans, titus cut off their hands and drove them back. after the destruction of jerusalem, he dragged to rome one hundred thousand captives, sold them as slaves, and scattered them through every province of the empire. the kindness, condescension, and forbearance of adrian were proverbial; he was one of the most eloquent orators of his age; and when pleading the cause of injured innocence, would melt and overwhelm the auditors by the pathos of his appeals. it was his constant maxim, that he was an emperor, not for his own good, but for the benefit of his fellow creatures. he stooped to relieve the wants of the meanest of his subjects, and would peril his life by visiting them when sick of infectious diseases; he prohibited, by law, masters from killing their slaves, gave to slaves legal trial, and exempted them from torture; yet towards certain individuals and classes, he showed himself a monster of cruelty. he prided himself on his knowledge of architecture, and ordered to execution the most celebrated architect of rome, because he had criticised one of the emperor's designs. he banished all the jews from their native land, and drove them to the ends of the earth; and unloosed the bloodhounds of persecution to rend in pieces his christian subjects. the gentleness and benignity of the emperor aurelius, have been celebrated in story and song. history says of him, 'nothing could quench his desire of being a blessing to mankind;' and pope's eulogy of him is in the mouth of every schoolboy--'like good aurelius, let him reign;' and yet, '_good_ aurelius,' lifted the flood gates of the fourth, and one of the most terrible persecutions against christians that ever raged. he sent orders into different parts of his empire, to have the christians murdered who would not deny christ. the blameless polycarp, trembling under the weight of a hundred years, was dragged to the stake and burned to ashes. pothinus, bishop of lyons, at the age of ninety, was dragged through the streets, beaten, stoned, trampled upon by the soldiers, and left to perish. tender virgins were put into nets, and thrown to infuriated wild bulls; others were fastened in red hot iron chairs; and venerable matrons were thrown to be devoured by dogs. constantine the great has been the admiration of christendom for his virtues. the early christian writers adorn his justice, benevolence and piety with the most exalted eulogy. he was baptized, and admitted to the christian church. he abrogated paganism, and made christianity the religion of his empire; he attended the councils of the early fathers of the church, consulted with the bishops, and devoted himself with the most untiring zeal to the propagation of christianity, and to the promotion of peace and love among its professors; he convened the council of nice, to settle disputes which had long distracted the church, appeared in the assembly with admirable modesty and temper, moderated the heats of the contending parties, implored them to exercise mutual forbearance, and exhorted them to love unfeigned, to forgive one another, as they hoped to be forgiven by christ. who would not think it uncharitable to accuse such a man of barbarity in the exercise of power?--and yet he drove arius and his associates into banishment, for opinion's sake, denounced death against all with whom his books should afterwards be found, and prohibited, on pain of death, the exercise, however peaceably, of the functions of any other religion than christianity. in a fit of jealousy and rage, he ordered his innocent son, crispus, to execution, without granting him a hearing; and upon finding him innocent, killed his own wife, who had falsely accused him. to the preceding maybe added theodosius the great, the last roman emperor before the division of the empire. he was a member of the christian church, and in his zeal against paganism, and what he deemed heresy, surpassed all who were before him. the christian writers of his time speak of him as a most illustrious model of justice, generosity, magnanimity, benevolence, and every virtue. and yet theodosius denounced capital punishments against those who held 'heretical' opinions, and commanded inter-marriage between cousins to be punished by burning the parties alive. on hearing that the people of antioch had demolished the statues set up in that city, in honor of himself, and had threatened the governor, he flew into a transport of fury, ordered the city to be laid in ashes, and all the inhabitants to be slaughtered; and upon hearing of a resistance to his authority in thessalonica, in which one of his lieutenants was killed, he instantly ordered a _general massacre_ of the inhabitants; and in obedience to his command, seven thousand men, women and children were butchered in the space of three hours. the foregoing are a few of many instances in the history of rome, and of a countless multitude in the history of the world, illustrating the truth, that the lodgement of arbitrary power, in the best human hands, is always a fearfully perilous experiment; that the mildest tempers, the most humane and benevolent dispositions, the most blameless and conscientious previous life, with the most rigorous habits of justice, are no security, that, in a moment of temptation, the possessors of such power will not make their subjects their victims; illustrating also the truth, that, while men may exhibit nothing but honor, honesty, mildness, justice, and generosity, in their intercourse with those of their own grade, or language, or nation, or hue, they may practice towards others, for whom they have contempt and aversion, the most revolting meanness, perpetrate robbery unceasingly, and inflict the severest privations, and the most barbarous cruelties. but this is not all: history is full of examples, showing not only the effects of arbitrary power on its victims, but its terrible reaction on those who exercise it; blunting their sympathies, and hardening to adamant their hearts toward _them_, at least, if not toward the human race generally. this is shown in the fact, that almost every tyrant in the history of the world, has entered upon the exercise of absolute power with comparative moderation; multitudes of them with marked forbearance and mildness, and not a few with the most signal condescension, magnanimity, gentleness and compassion. among these last are included those who afterwards became the bloodiest monsters that ever cursed the earth. of the roman emperors, almost every one of whom perpetrated the most barbarous atrocities, vitellius seems to have been the only one who cruelly exercised his power from the _outset_. most of the other emperors, sprung up into fiends in the hot-bed of arbitrary power. if they had not been plied with its fiery stimulants, but had lived under the legal restraints of other men, instead of going to the grave under the curses of their generation, multitudes might have called them blessed. the moderation which has generally distinguished absolute monarchs at the commencement of their reigns, was doubtless in some cases assumed from policy; in the greater number, however, as is manifest from their history, it has been the natural workings of minds held in check by previous associations, and not yet hardened into habits of cruelty, by being accustomed to the exercise of power without restraint. but as those associations have weakened, and the wielding of uncontrolled sway has become a habit, like other evil doers, they have, in the expressive language of scripture, 'waxed worse and worse.' for eighteen hundred years an involuntary shudder has run over the human race, at the mention of the name of nero; yet, at the commencement of his reign, he burst into tears when called upon to sign the death-warrant of a criminal, and exclaimed, 'oh, that i had never learned to write!' his mildness and magnanimity won the affections of his subjects; and it was not till the poison of absolute power had worked within his nature for years, that it swelled him into a monster. tiberius, claudius, and caligula, began the exercise of their power with singular forbearance, and each grew into a prodigy of cruelty. so averse was caligula to bloodshed, that he refused to look at a list of conspirators against his own life, which was handed to him; yet afterwards, a more cruel wretch never wielded a sceptre. in his thirst for slaughter, he wished all the necks in rome _one_, that he might cut them off at a blow. domitian, at the commencement of his reign, carried his abhorrence of cruelty to such lengths, that he forbad the sacrificing of oxen, and would sit whole days on the judgment-seat, reversing the unjust decisions of corrupt judges; yet afterwards, he surpassed even nero in cruelty. the latter was content to torture and kill by proxy, and without being a spectator; but domitian could not be denied the luxury of seeing his victims writhe, and hearing them shriek; and often with his own hand directed the instrument of torture, especially when some illustrious senator or patrician was to be killed by piece-meal. commodus began with gentleness and condescension, but soon became a terror and a scourge, outstripping in his atrocities most of his predecessors. maximin too, was just and generous when first invested with power, but afterwards rioted in slaughter with the relish of a fiend. history has well said of this monarch, 'the change in his disposition may readily serve to show how dangerous a thing is power, that could transform a person of such rigid virtues into such a monster.' instances almost innumerable might be furnished in the history of every age, illustrating the blunting of sympathies, and the total transformation of character wrought in individuals by the exercise of arbitrary power. not to detain the reader with long details, let a single instance suffice. perhaps no man has lived in modern times, whose name excites such horror as that of robespierre. yet it is notorious that he was naturally of a benevolent disposition, and tender sympathies. "before the revolution, when as a judge in his native city of arras he had to pronounce judgment on an assassin, he took no food for two days afterwards, but was heard frequently exclaiming, 'i am sure he was guilty; he is a villain; but yet, to put a human being to death!!' he could not support the idea; and that the same necessity might not recur, he relinquished his judicial office.--(see laponneray's life of robespierre, p. .) afterwards, in the convention of , he urged strongly the abolition of the punishment of death; and yet, for sixteen months, in and , till he perished himself by the same guillotine which he had so mercilessly used on others, no one at paris consigned and caused so many fellow-creatures to be put to death by it, with more ruthless insensibility."--_turner's sacred history of the world_, vol. p. . but it is time we had done with the objection, "such cruelties are incredible." if the objector still reiterates it, he shall have the last word without farther molestation. an objection kindred to the preceding now claims notice. it is the profound induction that slaves _must_ be well treated because _slaveholders say they are!_ objection. ii.--'slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well.' self-justification is human nature; self-condemnation is a sublime triumph over it, and as rare as sublime. what culprits would be convicted, if their own testimony were taken by juries as good evidence? slaveholders are on trial, charged with cruel treatment to their slaves, and though in their own courts they can clear themselves _by their own oaths_,[ ] they need not think to do it at the bar of the world. the denial of crimes, by men accused of them, goes for nothing as evidence in all _civilized_ courts; while the voluntary confession of them, is the best evidence possible, as it is testimony _against themselves_, and in the face of the strongest motives to conceal the truth. on the preceding pages, are hundreds of just such testimonies; the voluntary and explicit testimony of slaveholders against themselves, their families and ancestors, their constituents and their rulers; against their characters and their memories; against their justice, their honesty, their honor and their benevolence. now let candor decide between those two classes of slaveholders, which is most entitled to credit; that which testifies in its own favor, just as self-love would dictate, or that which testifies against all selfish motives and in spite of them; and though it has nothing to gain, but every thing to lose by such testimony, still utters it. but if there were no counter testimony, if all slaveholders were unanimous in the declaration that the treatment of the slaves is _good_, such a declaration would not be entitled to a feather's weight as testimony; it is not _testimony_ but _opinion_. testimony respects matters of _fact_, not matters of opinion: it is the declaration of a witness as to _facts_, not the giving of an opinion as to the nature or qualities of actions, or the _character_ of a course of conduct. slaveholders organize themselves into a tribunal to adjudicate upon their own conduct, and give us in their decisions, their estimate of their own character; informing us with characteristic modesty, that they have a high opinion of themselves; that in their own judgment they are very mild, kind, and merciful gentlemen! in these conceptions of their own merits, and of the eminent propriety of their bearing towards their slaves, slaveholders remind us of the spaniard, who always took off his hat whenever he spoke of himself, and of the governor of schiraz, who, from a sense of justice to his own character added to his other titles, those of, 'flower of courtesy,' 'nutmeg of consolation,' and 'rose of delight.' [footnote : the law of which the following is an extract, exists in south carolina. "if any slave shall suffer in life, limb or member, when no white person shall be present, or being present, shall refuse to give evidence, the owner or other person, who shall have the care of such slave, and in whose power such slave shall be, shall be deemed guilty of such offence, _unless_ such owner or other person shall make the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall by his own oath clear and exculpate himself. which oath every court where such offence shall be tried, is hereby compared to administer, and to _acquit the offender_, if clear proof of the offence be not made by _two_ witnesses at least."-- brevard's digest, . the state of louisiana has a similar law.] the _sincerity_ of those worthies, no one calls in question; their real notions of their own merits doubtless ascended into the sublime: but for aught that appears, they had not the arrogance to demand that their own notions of their personal excellence, should be taken as the _proof_ of it. not so with our slaveholders. not content with offering incense at the shrine of their own virtues, they have the effrontery to demand, that the rest of the world shall offer it, because _they_ do; and shall implicitly believe the presiding divinity to be a good spirit rather than a devil, because _they_ call him so! in other words, since slaveholders profoundly appreciate their own gentle dispositions toward their slaves, and their kind treatment of them, and everywhere protest that they do truly show forth these rare excellencies, they demand that the rest of the world shall not only believe that they _think_ so, but that they think _rightly_; that these notions of themselves are _true_, that their taking off their hats to themselves proves them worthy of homage, and that their assumption of the titles of, 'flower of kindness,' and 'nutmeg of consolation,' is conclusive evidence that they deserve such appellations! was there ever a more ridiculous doctrine, than that a man's opinion of his own actions is the true standard for measuring them, and the certificate of their real qualities!--that his own estimate of his treatment of others; is to be taken as the true one, and such treatment be set down as _good_ treatment upon the strength of his judgment. he who argues the good treatment of the slave, from the slaveholder's _good opinion_ of such treatment, not only argues against human nature and all history, his own common sense, and even the testimony of his senses, but refutes his own arguments by his daily practice. every body acts on the presumption that men's feelings will vary with their _practices_; that the light in which they view individuals and classes, and their feelings towards them, will modify their opinions of the treatment which they receive. in any case of treatment that affects himself, his church, or his political party, no man so stultifies himself as to argue that such treatment must be good, because the _author_ of it thinks so. who would argue that the american colonies were well treated by the mother country, because parliament thought so? or that poland was well treated by russia, because nicholas thought so? or that the treatment of the cherokees by georgia is proved good by georgia notions of it? or that of the greeks by the turks, by turkish opinions of it? or that of the jews by almost all nations, by the judgment of their persecutors? or that of the victims of the inquisition, by the opinions of the inquisitor general, or of the pope and his cardinals? or that of the quakers and baptists, at the hands of the puritans,--to be judged of by the opinions of the legislatures that authorized, and the courts that carried it into effect. all those classes of persons did not, in their own opinion, abuse their victims. if charged with perpetrating outrageous cruelty upon them, all those oppressors would have repelled the charge with indignation. our slaveholders chime lustily the same song, and no man with human nature within him, and human history before him, and with sense enough to keep him out of the fire, will be gulled by such professions, unless his itch to be humbugged has put on the type of a downright chronic incurable. we repeat it--when men speak of the treatment of others as being either good or bad, their declarations are not generally to be taken as testimony to matters of _fact_, so much as expressions of _their own feelings_ towards those persons or classes who are the subjects of such treatment. if those persons are their fellow citizens; if they are in the same class of society with themselves; of the same language, creed, and color; similar in their habits, pursuits, and sympathies; they will keenly feel any wrong done to them, and denounce it as base, outrageous treatment; but let the same wrongs be done to persons of a condition in all respects the reverse, persons whom they habitually despise, and regard only in the light of mere conveniences, to be used for their pleasure, and the idea that such treatment is barbarous will be laughed at as ridiculous. when we hear slaveholders say that their slaves are _well treated_, we have only to remember that they are not speaking of _persons_, but of _property_; not of men and women, but of _chattels_ and _things_; not of friends but of _vassals_ and _victims_; not of those whom they respect and honor, but of those whom they _scorn_ and trample on; not of those with whom they sympathize, and co-operate, and interchange courtesies, but of those whom they regard with contempt and aversion and disdainfully set with the dogs of their flock. reader, keep this fact in your mind, and you will have a clue to the slaveholder's definition of "_good treatment_." remember also, that a part of this "good treatment" of which the slaveholders boast, is plundering the slaves of all their inalienable rights, of the ownership of their own bodies, of the use of their own limbs and muscles, of all their time, liberty, and earnings, of the free exercise of choice, of the rights of marriage and parental authority, of legal protection, of the right to be, to do, to go, to stay, to think, to feel, to work, to rest, to eat, to sleep, to learn, to teach, to earn money, and to expend it, to visit, and to be visited, to speak, to be silent, to worship according to conscience, in fine, their right to be protected by just and equal laws, and to be _amenable to such only_. of _all these rights the slaves are plundered_; and this is a _part_ of that "good treatment" of which their plunderers boast! what then is the _rest_ of it? the above is enough for a sample, at least a specimen-brick from the kiln. reader, we ask you no questions, but merely tell you what _you know_, when we say that men and women who can habitually do such things to human beings, _can do_ any thing _to them_. the declarations of slaveholders, that they treat their slaves well, will put no man in a quandary, who keeps in mind this simple principle, that the state of mind towards others, which leads one to inflict cruelties on them _blinds the inflicter to the real nature of his own acts_. to him, they do not _seem_ to be cruelties; consequently, when speaking of such treatment toward such persons, he will protest that it is not cruelty; though if inflicted upon himself or his friends, he would indignantly stigmatize it as atrocious barbarity. the objector equally overlooks another every-day fact of human nature, which is this, that cruelties invariably cease to _seem_ cruelties when the _habit_ is formed though previously the mind regarded them as such, and shrunk from them with horror. the following fact, related by the late lamented thomas pringle, whose life and poems have published in england, is an appropriate illustration. mr. pringle states it on the authority of captain w. f. owen, of the royal navy. "when his majesty's ships, the leven and the barracouta, employed in surveying the coast of africa, were at mozambique, in , the officers were introduced to the family of senor manuel pedro d'almeydra, a native of portugal, who was a considerable merchant settled on that coast; and it was an opinion agreed in by all, that donna sophia d'almeydra was the most superior woman they had seen since they left england, captain owen, the leader of the expedition, expressing to senor d'almeydra his detestation of slavery, the senor replied, 'you will not be long here before you change your sentiments. look at my sophia there. before she would marry me, she made me promise that i should give up the slave trade. when we first settled at mozambique, she was continually interceding for the slaves, and she _constantly wept when i punished them_; and now she is among the slaves front morning to night; she regulates the whole of my slave establishment; she inquires into every offence committed by them, pronounces sentence upon the offender, and _stands by and sees them punished_.' "to this, mr. pringle, who was himself for six years a resident of the english settlement at the cape of good hope, adds, 'the writer of this article has seen, in the course of five or six years, as great a change upon english ladies and gentleman of respectability, as that described to have taken place in donna sophia d'almeydra; and one of the individuals whom he has in his eye, while he writes this passage, lately confessed to him this melancholy change, remarking at the same time, 'how altered i am in my feelings with regard to slavery. i do not appear to myself the same person i was on my arrival in this colony, and if i would give the world for the feelings i then had, i could not recall them.'" slaveholders know full well that familiarity with slavery produces indifference to its cruelties and reconciles the mind to them. the late judge tucker, a virginia slaveholder and professor of law in the university of william and mary, in the appendix to his edition of blackstone's commentaries, part , pp. , , commenting on the law of virginia previous to , which outlawed fugitive slaves, says: "such are the cruelties to which slavery gives rise, such the horrors to which the mind becomes _reconciled_ by its adoption." the following facts from the pen of charles stuart, happily illustrate the same principle: "a young lady, the daughter of a jamaica planter, was sent at an early age to school to england, and after completing her education, returned to her native country. "she is now settled with her husband and family in england. i visited her near bath, early last spring, ( .) conversing on the above subject, the paralyzing effects of slaveholding on the heart, she said: "'while at school in england, i often thought with peculiar tenderness of the kindness of a slave who had nursed and carried me about. upon returning to my father's, one of my first inquiries was about him. i was deeply afflicted to find that he was on the point of undergoing a "law flogging for having run away." i threw myself at my father's feet and implored with tears, his pardon; but my father steadily replied, that it would ruin the discipline of the plantation, and that the punishment must take place. i wept in vain, and retired so grieved and disgusted, that for some days after, i could scarcely bear with patience, the sight of my own father. but many months had not elapsed ere _i was as ready as any body_ to seize the domestic whip, _and flog my slaves without hesitation_.' "this lady is one of the most christian and noble minds of my acquaintance. she and her husband distinguished themselves several years ago, in jamaica, by immediately emancipating their slaves." "a lady, now in the west indies, was sent in her infancy, to her friends, near belfast, in ireland, for education. she remained under their charge from five to fifteen years of age, and grew up every thing which her friends could wish. at fifteen, she returned to the west indies--was married--and after some years paid her friends near belfast, a second visit. towards white people, she was the same elegant, and interesting woman as before; apparently full of every virtuous and tender feeling; but towards the colored people she was like a tigress. if wilberforce's name was mentioned, she would say, 'oh, i wish we had the wretch in the west indies, i would be one of the first to help to tear his heart out!'--and then she would tell of the manner in which the west indian ladies used to treat their slaves. 'i have often,' she said, 'when my women have displeased me, snatched their baby from their bosom, and running with it to a well, have tied my shawl round its shoulders and pretended to be drowning it: oh, it was so funny to hear the mother's screams!'--and then she laughed almost convulsively at the recollection." mr. john m. nelson, a native of virginia, whose testimony is on a preceding page, furnishes a striking illustration of the principle in his own case. he says: "when i was quite a child, i recollect it grieved me very much to see one tied up to be whipped, and i used to intercede _with tears in their behalf_, and _mingle my cries with theirs_, and feel almost willing to take part of the punishment. yet such is the hardening nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering slave, i became so blunted that i could not only witness their stripes with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse. when i was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, i undertook to correct a young fellow named ned, for some supposed offence, i think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my striking him; this i considered the height of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. my father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. after i had whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and i kicked him in the face; my father said, 'don't kick him but whip him,' this i did until his back was literally covered with _welts_." w.c. gildersleeve, esq., a native of georgia, now elder of the presbyterian church, wilkes-barre, penn. after describing the flogging of a slave, in which his hands were tied together, and the slave hoisted by a rope, so that his feet could not touch the ground; in which condition one hundred lashes were inflicted, says: "i stood by and witnessed the whole without feeling the least compassion; so _hardening_ is the influence of slavery that it _very much destroys feeling for the slave_." mrs. child, in her admirable "appeal," has the following remarks: "the ladies who remove from the free states into the slaveholding ones almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first exceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and after a while, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive servants. this reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance, who is considered an unusually fervent christian. yet christianity expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. this shows how dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become _accustomed_ to what is wrong. "a judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of her relatives, who married a slave owner, and removed to his plantation. the lady in question was considered very amiable, and had a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. after several years residence among her slaves, she visited new england. 'her history was written in her face,' said my friend; 'its expression had changed into that of a fiend. she brought but few slaves with her; and those few were of course compelled to perform additional labor. one faithful negro woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing, ironing, and scouring. if, after a sleepless night with the restless babes, (driven from the bosom of their mother,) she performed her toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood resounded with the cries of her victim. the instrument of punishment was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her new england visitors. 'for my part,' continued my friend, 'i did not try to be polite to her; for i was not hypocrite enough to conceal my indignation.'" the fact that the greatest cruelties may be exercised quite unconsciously when cruelty has become a habit, and that at the same time, the mind may feel great sympathy and commiseration towards other persons and even towards irrational animals, is illustrated in the case of tameriane the great. in his life, written by himself, he speaks with the greatest sincerity and tenderness of his grief at having accidentally crushed an ant; and yet he ordered melted lead to be poured down the throats of certain persons who drank wine contrary to his commands. he was manifestly sincere in thinking himself humane, and when speaking of the most atrocious cruelties perpetrated by himself, it does not seem to ruffle in the least the self-complacency with which he regards his own humanity and piety. in one place he says, "i never undertook anything but i commenced it placing my faith on god"--and he adds soon after, "the people of shiraz took part with shah mansur, and put my governor to death; i therefore ordered _a general massacre of all the inhabitants_." it is one of the most common caprices of human nature, for the heart to become by habit, not only totally insensible to certain forms of cruelty, which at first gave it inexpressible pain, but even to find its chief amusement in such cruelties, till utterly intoxicated by their stimulation; while at the same time the mind seems to be pained as keenly as ever, at forms of cruelty to which it has not become accustomed, thus retaining _apparently_ the same general susceptibilities. illustrations of this are to be found every where; one happens to lie before us. bourgoing, in his history of modern spain, speaking of the bull fights, the barbarous national amusement of the spaniards, says: "young ladies, old men, people of all ages and of all characters are present, and yet the habit of attending these bloody festivals does not correct their weakness or their timidity, nor injure the sweetness of their manners. i have moreover known foreigners, distinguished by the gentleness of their manners, who experienced at first seeing a bull-fight such very violent emotions as made them turn pale, and they became ill; but, notwithstanding, this entertainment became afterwards an irresistible attraction, without operating any revolution in their characters." modern state of spain, by j. f. bourgoing, minister plenipotentiary from france to the court of madrid, vol ii., page . it is the _novelty_ of cruelty, rather than the _degree_, which repels most minds. cruelty in a _new_ form, however slight, will often pain a mind that is totally unmoved by the most horrible cruelties in a form to which it is _accustomed_. when pompey was at the zenith of his popularity in rome, he ordered some elephants to be tortured in the amphitheatre for the amusement of the populace; this was the first time they had witnessed the torture of those animals, and though for years accustomed to witness in the same place, the torture of lions, tigers, leopards, and almost all sorts of wild beasts, as well as that of men of all nations, and to shout acclamations over their agonies, yet, this _novel form_ of cruelty so shocked the beholders, that the most popular man in rome was execrated as a cruel monster, and came near falling a victim to the fury of those who just before were ready to adore him. we will now briefly notice another objection, somewhat akin to the preceding, and based mainly upon the same and similar fallacies. objection iii.--'slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, hospitality, benevolence, and generosity.' multitudes scout as fictions the cruelties inflicted upon slaves, because slaveholders are famed for their courtesy and hospitality. they tell us that their generous and kind attentions to their guests, and their well-known sympathy for the suffering, sufficiently prove the charges of cruelty brought against them to be calumnies, of which their uniform character is a triumphant refutation. now that slaveholders are proverbially hospitable to their guests, and spare neither pains nor expense in ministering to their accommodation and pleasure, is freely admitted and easily accounted for. that those who make their inferiors work for them, without pay, should be courteous and hospitable to those of their equals and superiors whose good opinions they desire, is human nature in its every-day dress. the objection consists of a fact and an inference: the fact, that slaveholders have a special care to the accommodation of their _guests;_ the inference, that therefore they must seek the comfort of their _slaves_--that as they are bland and obliging to their equals, they must be mild and condescending to their inferiors--that as the wrongs of their own grade excite their indignation, and their woes move their sympathies, they must be touched by those of their chattels--that as they are full of pains-taking toward those whose good opinions and good offices they seek, they will, of course, show special attention to those to whose good opinions they are indifferent, and whose good offices they can _compel_--that as they honor the literary and scientific, they must treat with high consideration those to whom they deny the alphabet--that as they are courteous to certain _persons_, they must be so to "property"--eager to anticipate the wishes of visitors, they cannot but gratify those of their vassals--jealous for the rights of the texans, quick to feel at the disfranchisement of canadians and of irishmen, alive to the oppressions of the greeks and the poles, they must feel keenly for their _negroes!_ such conclusions from such premises do not call for serious refutation. even a half-grown boy, who should argue, that because men have certain feelings toward certain persons in certain circumstances, they must have the same feelings toward all persons in all circumstances, or toward persons in opposite circumstances, of totally different grades, habits, and personal peculiarities, might fairly be set down as a hopeless simpleton: and yet, men of sense and reflection on other subjects, seem bent upon stultifying themselves by just such shallow inferences from the fact, that slaveholders are hospitable and generous to certain persons in certain grades of society belonging to their own caste. on the ground of this reasoning, all the crimes ever committed may be disproved, by showing, that their perpetrators were hospitable and generous to those who sympathized and co-operated with them. to prove that a man does not hate one of his neighbors, it is only necessary to show that he loves another; to make it appear that he does not treat contemptuously the ignorant, he has only to show that he bows respectfully to the learned; to demonstrate that he does not disdain his inferiors, lord it over his dependents, and grind the faces of the poor, he need only show that he is polite to the rich, pays deference to titles and office, and fawns for favor upon those above him! the fact that a man always smiles on his customers, proves that he never scowls at those who dun him! and since he has always a melodious "good morning!" for "gentlemen of property and standing," it is certain that he never snarls at beggars. he who is quick to make room for a doctor of divinity, will, of course, see to it that he never runs against a porter; and he who clears the way for a lady, will be sure never to rub against a market woman, or jostle an apple-seller's board. if accused of beating down his laundress to the lowest fraction, of making his boot-black call a dozen times for his pay, of higgling and screwing a fish boy till he takes off two cents, or of threatening to discharge his seamstress unless she will work for a shilling a day, how easy to brand it all as slander, by showing that he pays his minister in advance, is generous in christmas presents, gives a splendid new-year's party, expends hundreds on elections, and puts his name with a round sum on the subscription paper of the missionary society. who can forget the hospitality of king herod, that model of generosity "beyond all ancient fame," who offered half his kingdom to a guest, as a compensation for an hour's amusement.--could such a noble spirit have murdered john the baptist? incredible! joab too! how his soft heart was pierced at the exile of absalom! and how his bowels yearned to restore him to his home! of course, it is all fiction about his assassinating his nephew, amasa, and abner the captain of the host! since david twice spared the life of saul when he came to murder him, wept on the neck of jonathan, threw himself upon the ground in anguish when his child sickened, and bewailed, with a broken heart, the loss of absalom--it proves that he did not coolly plot and deliberately consummate the murder of uriah! as the government of the united states generously gave a township of land to general la fayette, it proves that they have never defrauded the indians of theirs! so the fact, that the slaveholders of the present congress are, to a man, favorable to recognizing the independence of texas, with her fifty or sixty thousand inhabitants, _before she has achieved it_, and before it is recognized by any other government, proves that these same slaveholders do _not oppose_ the recognition of hayti, with her million of inhabitants, whose independence was achieved nearly half a century ago, and which is recognized by the most powerful governments on earth! but, seriously, no man is so slightly versed in human nature as not to know that men habitually exercise the most opposite feelings, and indulge in the most opposite practices toward different persons or different classes of persons around them. no man has ever lived who was more celebrated for his scrupulous observance of the most exact justice, and for the illustration furnished in his life of the noblest natural virtues, than the roman cato. his strict adherence to the nicest rules of equity--his integrity, honor, and incorruptible faith--his jealous watchfulness over the rights of his fellow citizens, and his generous devotion to their interest, procured for him the sublime appellation of "the just." towards _freemen_ his life was a model of every thing just and noble: but to his slaves he was a monster. at his meals, when the dishes were not done to his liking, or when his slaves were careless or inattentive in serving, he would seize a thong and violently beat them, in presence of his guests.--when they grew old or diseased, and were no longer serviceable, however long and faithfully they might have served him, he either turned them adrift and left them to perish, or starved them to death in his own family. no facts in his history are better authenticated than these. no people were ever more hospitable and munificent than the romans, and none more touched with the sufferings of others. their public theatres often rung with loud weeping, thousands sobbing convulsively at once over fictitious woes and imaginary sufferers: and yet these same multitudes would shout amidst the groans of a thousand dying gladiators, forced by their conquerors to kill each other in the amphitheatre for the _amusement_ of the public.[ ] [footnote : dr. leland, in his "necessity of a divine revelation," thus describes the prevalence of these shows among the romans:--"they were exhibited at the funerals of great and rich men, and on many other occasions, by the roman consuls, praetors, aediles, senators, knights, priests, and almost all that bore great offices in the state, as well as by the emperors; and in general, by all that had a mind to make an interest with the people, who were extravagantly fond of those kinds of shows. not only the men, but the women, ran eagerly after them; who were, by the prevalence of custom, so far divested of that compassion and softness which is natural to the sex, that they took a pleasure in seeing them kill one another, and only desired that they should fall genteelly, and in an agreeable attitude. such was the frequency of those shows, and so great the number of men that were killed on those occasions, that lipsius says, no war caused such slaughter of mankind, as did these sports of pleasure, throughout the several provinces of the vast roman empire."--_leland's neces. of div. rev._ vol. ii. p. .] alexander, the tyrant of phaeres, sobbed like a child over the misfortunes of the trojan queens, when the tragedy of andromache and hecuba was played before him; yet he used to murder his subjects every day for no crime, and without even setting up the pretence of any, but merely _to make himself sport_. the fact that slaveholders may be full of benevolence and kindness toward their equals and toward whites generally, even so much so as to attract the esteem and admiration of all, while they treat with the most inhuman neglect their own slaves, is well illustrated by a circumstance mentioned by the rev. dr. channing, of boston, (who once lived in virginia,) is his work on slavery, p. , st edition:-- "i cannot," says the doctor, "forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed for his virtues_, and whose manners and conversation expressed much _benevolence_ and _conscientiousness_. when i entered with him the hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman very ill, probably approaching death. she was stretched on the floor. her head rested on something like a pillow, but her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards. the owner, i doubt not, had, at least, as much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not enter his mind." mr. george a. avery, an elder of a presbyterian church in rochester, n.y. who resided some years in virginia, says:-- "on one occasion i was crossing the plantation and approaching the house of a friend, when i met him, _rifle in hand_, in pursuit of one of his negroes, declaring he would shoot him in a moment if he got his eye upon him. it appeared that the slave had refused to be flogged, and ran off to avoid the consequences; _and yet the generous hospitality of this man to myself, and white friends generally, scarcely knew any bounds._ "there were amongst my slaveholding friends and acquaintances, persons who were as _humane_ and _conscientious_ as men can be, and persist in the impious claim of _property_ in a fellow being. still i can recollect but _one instance_ of corporal punishment, whether the subject were male or female, in which the infliction was not on the _bare back_ with the _raw hide_, or a similar instrument, the subject being _tied_ during the operation to a post or tree. the _exception_ was under the following circumstances. i had taken a walk with a friend on his plantation, and approaching his gang of slaves, i sat down whilst he proceeded to the spot where they were at work; and addressing himself somewhat earnestly to a female who was wielding the hoe, in a moment caught up what i supposed a _tobacco stick_, (a stick some three feet in length on which the tobacco, when out, is suspended to dry.) about the size of a _man's wrist_, and laid on a number of blows furiously over her head. the woman crouched, and seemed stunned with the blows, but presently recommenced the motion of her hoe." dr. david nelson, a native of tennessee, and late president of marion college, missouri, in a lecture at northampton, mass. in january, , made the following statement:-- "i remember a young lady who played well on the piano, and was very ready to weep over any fictitious tale of suffering. i was present when one of her slaves lay on the floor in a high fever, and we feared she might not recover. i saw that young lady _stamp upon her with her feet;_ and the only remark her mother made was, 'i am afraid evelina is too _much_ prejudiced against poor mary.'" general william eaton, for some years u.s. consul at tunis, and commander of the expedition against tripoli, in , thus gives vent to his feelings at the sight of many hundreds of sardinians who had been enslaved by the tunisians: "many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less tolerable than death. alas! remorse seizes my whole soul when i reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which _my eyes have seen_ in my own native country. _how frequently_, in the southern states of my own country, have i seen _weeping mothers_ leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as _deep anguish_ as if they led them to the slaughter; and _yet felt my bosom tranquil_ in the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. but when i see the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood claim kindred with my own, _i curse the perpetrators, and weep over the wretched victims of their rapacity._ indeed, truth and justice demand from me the confession, that the christian slaves among the barbarians of africa are treated with more humanity than the african slaves among professing christians of civilized america; and yet _here_ [in tunis] sensibility _bleeds at every pore_ for the wretches whom fate has doomed to slavery." rev. h. lyman, late pastor of the free presbyterian church, buffalo, n.y. who spent the winter of - at the south, says:-- "in the interior of mississippi i was invited to the house of a planter, where i was received with great cordiality, and entertained with marked hospitality. "there i saw a master in the midst of his household slaves. the evening passed most pleasantly, as indeed it must, where assiduous hospitalities are exercised towards the guest. "late in the morning, when i had gained the tardy consent of my host to go on my way, as a final act of kindness, he called a slave to show me across the fields by a nearer route to the main road. 'david,' said he, 'go and show this gentleman as far as the post-office. do you know the big bay tree?' 'yes, sir.' 'do you know where the cotton mill is?' 'yes, sir.' 'where squire malcolm's old field is?' 'y--e--s, sir,' said david, (beginning to be bewildered). 'do you know where squire malcolm's cotton field is?' 'no, sir.' 'no, sir,' said the enraged master, _levelling his gun at him_. 'what do you stand here, saying, yes, yes, yes, for, when you don't know?' all this was accompanied with _threats_ and _imprecations_, and a manner that contrasted strangely with the _religious conversation and gentle manners_ of the previous evening." the rev. james h. dickey, formerly a slaveholder in south carolina, now pastor of the presbyterian church in hennepin, ill. in his "review of nevins' biblical antiquities," after asserting that slaveholding tends to beget "a spirit of cruelty and tyranny, and to destroy every generous and noble feeling," (page ,) he adds the following as a note:-- "it may be that this will be considered censorious, and the proverbial generosity and hospitality of the south will be appealed to as a full confutation of it. the writer thinks he can appreciate southern kindness and hospitality. having been born in virginia, raised and educated in south carolina and kentucky, he is altogether southern in his feelings, and habits, and modes of familiar conversation. he can say of the south as cowper said of england, 'with all thy faults i love thee still, my country.' and nothing but the abominations of slavery could have induced him willingly to forsake a land endeared to him by all the associations of childhood and youth. "yet it is candid to admit that it is not all gold that glitters. there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. the famous robin hood was kind and generous--no man more hospitable--he robbed the rich to supply the necessities of the poor. others rob the poor to bestow gifts and lavish kindness and hospitality on their rich friends and neighbors. it is an easy matter for a man to appear kind and generous, when he bestows that which others have earned. "i said, there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. i once knew a man who left his wife and children three days, without fire-wood, without bread-stuff and without shoes, while the ground was covered with snow--that he might indulge in his cups. and when i attempted to expostulate with him, he took the subject out of my hands, and expatiating on the evils of intemperance more eloquently than i could, concluded by warning me, _with tears_, to avoid the snares of the latter. he had tender feelings, yet a hard heart. i once knew a young lady of polished manners and accomplished education, who would weep with sympathy over the fictitious woes exhibited in a novel. and waking from her reverie of grief, while her eye was yet wet with tears, would call her little waiter, and if she did not appear at the first call, would rap her head with her thimble till my head ached. "i knew a man who was famed for kindly sympathies. he once took off his shirt and gave it to a poor white man. the same man hired a black man, and gave him for his _daily task_, through the winter, to feed the beasts, keep fires, and make one hundred rails: and in case of failure the lash was applied so freely, that, in the spring, his back was _one continued sore, from his shoulders to his waist_. yet this man was a professor of religion, and famous for his tender sympathies to white men!" objection iv.--'northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves are not cruelly treated.' answer:--their knowledge on this point must have been derived, either from the slaveholders and overseers themselves, or from the slaves, or from their own observation. if from the slaveholders, _their_ testimony has already been weighed and found wanting; if they derived it from the slaves, they can hardly be so simple as to suppose that the _guest, associate and friend of the master_, would be likely to draw from his _slaves_ any other testimony respecting his treatment of them, than such as would please _him_. the great shrewdness and tact exhibited by slaves in _keeping themselves out of difficulty_, when close questioned by strangers as to their treatment, cannot fail to strike every accurate observer. the following remarks of chief justice henderson, a north carolina slaveholder, in his decision (in ,) in the case of the state _versus_ charity, devereaux's north carolina reports, , illustrate the folly of arguing the good treatment of slaves from their own declarations, _while in the power of their masters_. in the case above cited, the chief justice, in refusing to permit a master to give in evidence, declarations made to him by his slave, says of masters and slaves generally-- "the master has an almost _absolute control_ over the body and _mind_ of his slave. the master's _will_ is the slave's _will_. all his acts, _all his sayings_, are made with a view to propitiate his master. his confessions are made, not from a love of truth, not from a sense of duty, not to speak a falsehood, but to _please his master_--and it is in vain that his master tells him to speak the truth and conceals from him how he wishes the question answered. the slave _will_ ascertain, or, which is the same thing, think that he has ascertained _the wishes of his master,_ and mould his answer accordingly. we therefore more often get the wishes of the master, or the slave's belief of his wishes, than the truth." the following extract of a letter from the hon. seth m. gates, member elect of the next congress, furnishes a clue by which to interpret the looks, actions, and protestations of slaves, when in the presence of their masters' guests, and the pains sometimes taken by slaveholders, in teaching their slaves the art of _pretending_ that they are treated well, love their masters, are happy, &c. the letter is dated leroy, jan. , . "i have sent your letter to rev. joseph m. sadd, castile, genesee county, who resided five years in a slave state, and left, disgusted with slavery. i trust he will give you some facts. i remember one fact, which his wife witnessed. a relative, where she boarded, returning to his plantation after a temporary absence, was not met by his servants with such demonstrations of joy as was their wont. he ordered his horse put out, took down his whip, ordered his servants to the barn, and gave them a most cruel beating, because they did not run out to meet him, and pretend great attachment to him. mrs. sadd had overheard the servants agreeing not to go out, before his return, as they said _they did not love him_--and this led her to watch his conduct to them. this man was a professor of religion!" if these northern visitors derived their information that the slaves are _not_ cruelly treated from _their own observation_, it amounts to this, _they did not see_ cruelties inflicted on the slaves. to which we reply, that the preceding pages contain testimony from hundreds of witnesses, who testify that they _did see_ the cruelties whereof they affirm. besides this, they contain the solemn declarations of scores of slaveholders themselves, in all parts of the slave states, that the slaves are cruelly treated. these declarations are moreover fully corroborated, by the laws of slave states, by a multitude of advertisements in their newspapers, describing runaway slaves, by their scars, brands, gashes, maimings, cropped ears, iron collars, chains, &c. &c. truly, after the foregoing array of facts and testimony, and after the objectors' forces have one after another filed off before them, now to march up a phalanx of northern _visitors_, is to beat a retreat. 'visitors!' what insight do casual visitors get into the tempers and daily practices of those whom they visit, or of the treatment that their slaves receive at their hands, especially if these visitors are strangers, and from a region where there are no slaves, and which claims to be opposed to slavery? what opportunity has a stranger, and a temporary guest, to learn the every-day habits and caprices of his host? oh, these northern visitors tell us they have visited scores of families at the south and never saw a master or mistress whip their slaves. indeed! they have, doubtless, visited hundreds of families at the north--did they ever see, on such occasions, the father or mother whip their children? if so, they must associate with very ill-bred persons. because well-bred parents do not whip their children in the presence, or within the hearing of their guests are we to infer that they never do it _out_ of their sight and hearing? but perhaps the fact that these visitors do not _remember_ seeing slaveholders strike their slaves, merely proves, that they had so little feeling for them, that though they might be struck every day in their presence, yet as they were only slaves and 'niggers,' it produced no effect upon them; consequently they have no impressions to recall. these visitors have also doubtless _rode_ with scores of slaveholders. are they quite certain they ever saw them whip their _horses_? and can they recall the persons, times, places, and circumstances? but even if these visitors regarded the slaves with some kind feelings, when they first went to the south, yet being constantly with their oppressors, seeing them used as articles of property, accustomed to hear them charged with all kinds of misdemeanors, their ears filled with complaints of their laziness, carelessness, insolence, obstinacy, stupidity, thefts, elopements, &c. and at the same time, receiving themselves the most gratifying attentions and caresses from the same persons, who, while they make to them these representations of their slaves, are giving them airings in their coaches, making parties for them, taking them on excursions of pleasure, lavishing upon them their choicest hospitalities, and urging them to protract indefinitely their stay--what more natural than for the flattered guest to admire such hospitable people, catch their spirit, and fully sympathize with their feelings toward their slaves, regarding with increased disgust and aversion those who can habitually tease and worry such loveliness and generosity[ ]. after the visitor had been in contact with the slave-holding spirit long enough to have imbibed it, (no very tedious process,) a cuff, or even a kick administered to a slave, would not be likely to give him such a shock that his memory would long retain the traces of it. but lest we do these visitors injustice, we will suppose that they carried with them to the south humane feelings for the slave, and that those feelings remained unblunted; still, what opportunity could they have to witness the actual condition of the slaves? they come in contact with the house-servants only, and as a general thing, with none but the select ones of these, the _parlor_-servants; who generally differ as widely in their appearance and treatment from the cooks and scullions in the kitchen, as parlor furniture does from the kitchen utensils. certain servants are assigned to the parlor, just as certain articles of furniture are selected for it, _to be seen_--and it is no less ridiculous to infer that the kitchen scullions are clothed and treated like those servants who wait at the table, and are in the presence of guests, than to infer that the kitchen is set out with sofas, ottomans, piano-fortes, and full-length mirrors, because the parlor is. but the house-slaves are only a fraction of the whole number. the _field-hands_ constitute the great mass of the slaves, and these the visitors rarely get a glimpse at. they are away at their work by day-break, and do not return to their huts till dark. their huts are commonly at some distance from the master's mansion, and the fields in which they labor, generally much farther, and out of sight. if the visitor traverses the plantation, care is taken that he does not go alone; if he expresses a wish to see it, the horses are saddled, and the master or his son gallops the rounds with him; if he expresses a desire to see the slaves at work, his conductor will know _where_ to take him, and _when_, and _which_ of them to show; the overseer, too, knows quite too well the part he has to act on such occasions, to shock the uninitiated ears of the visitors with the shrieks of his victims. it is manifest that visitors can see only the least repulsive parts of slavery, inasmuch as it is wholly at the option of the master, what parts to show them; as a matter of necessity, he can see only the _outside_--and that, like the outside of doorknobs and andirons is furbished up to be _looked at_. so long as it is human nature to wear _the best side out_, so long the northern guests of southern slaveholders will see next to nothing of the reality of slavery. those visitors may still keep up their autumnal migrations to the slave states, and, after a hasty survey of the tinsel hung before the curtain of slavery, without a single glance behind it, and at the paint and varnish that _cover up_ dead men's bones, and while those who have hoaxed them with their smooth stories and white-washed specimens of slavery, are tittering at their gullibility, they return in the spring on the same fool's-errand with their predecessors, retailing their lesson, and mouthing the praises of the masters, and the comforts of the slaves. they now become village umpires in all disputes about the condition of the slaves, and each thence forward ends all controversies with his oracular, "i've _seen_, and sure i ought to know." [footnote : well saith the scripture, "a gift blindeth the eyes." the slaves understand this, though the guest may not; they know very well that they have no sympathy to expect from their master's guests; that the good cheer of the "big house," and the attentions shown them, will generally commit them in their master's favor, and against themselves. messrs. thome and kimball, in their late work, state the following fact, in illustration of this feeling among the negro apprentices in jamaica. "the governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined with one of the wealthiest proprietors. the next day one of the negroes of the estate said to another, "de new gubner been _poison'd_." "what dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment, "de gubner been _poison'd_! dah, now!--how him poisoned?" "_him eat massa's turtle soup last night_," said the shrewd negro. the other took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the poison was one from which he was likely to suffer more than his excellency."--_emancipation in the west indies_, p. .] but all northern visitors at the south are not thus easily gulled. many of them, as the preceding pages show, have too much sense to be caught with chaff. we may add here, that those classes of visitors whose representations of the treatment of slaves are most influential in moulding the opinions of the free states, are ministers of the gospel, agents of benevolent societies, and teachers who have traveled and temporarily resided in the slave states--classes of persons less likely than any others to witness cruelties, because slaveholders generally take more pains to keep such visitors in ignorance than others, because their vocations would furnish them fewer opportunities for witnessing them, and because they come in contact with a class of society in which fewer atrocities are committed than in any other, and that too, under circumstances which make it almost impossible for them to witness those which are actually committed. of the numerous classes of persons from the north who temporarily reside in the slave states, the mechanics who find employment on the _plantations_, are the only persons who are in circumstances to look "behind the scenes." merchants, pedlars, venders of patents, drovers, speculators, and almost all descriptions of persons who go from the free states to the south to make money see little of slavery, except _upon the road_, at public inns, and in villages and cities. let not the reader infer from what has been said, that the _parlor_-slaves, chamber-maids, &c. in the slave states are not treated with cruelty--far from it. they often experience terrible inflictions; not generally so terrible or so frequent as the field-hands, and very rarely in the presence of guests[ ] house-slaves are for the most part treated far better than plantation-slaves, and those under the immediate direction of the master and mistress, than those under overseers and drivers. it is quite worthy of remark, that of the thousands of northern men who have visited the south, and are always lauding the kindness of slaveholders and the comfort of the slaves, protesting that they have never seen cruelties inflicted on them, &c. each perhaps, without exception, has some story to tell which reveals, better perhaps than the most barbarous butchery could do, a public sentiment toward slaves, showing that the most cruel inflictions must of necessity be the constant portion of the slaves. [footnote : rev. joseph m. sadd, a presbyterian clergyman, in castile, genesee county, n.y. recently from missouri, where he has preached five years, in the midst of slaveholders, says, in a letter just received, speaking of the pains taken by slaveholders to conceal from the eyes of strangers and visitors, the cruelties which they inflict upon their slaves-- "it is difficult to be an eye-witness of these things; the master and mistress, almost invariably punish their slaves only in the presence of themselves and other slaves."] though facts of this kind lie thick in every corner, the reader will, we are sure, tolerate even a needless illustration, if told that it is from the pen of n.p. rogers, esq. of concord, n.h. who, whatever he writes, though it be, as in this case, a mere hasty letter, always finds readers to the end. "at a court session at guilford, stafford county, n.h. in august, , the hon. daniel m. durell, of dover, formerly chief justice of the common pleas for that state, and a member of congress, was charging the abolitionists, in presence of several gentlemen of the bar, at their boarding house, with exaggerations and misrepresentations of slave treatment at the south. 'one instance in particular,' he witnessed, he said, where he 'knew they misrepresented. it was in the congregational meeting house at dover. he was passing by, and saw a crowd entering and about the door; and on inquiry, found that _abolition was going on in there_. he stood in the entry for a moment, and found the englishman, thompson, was holding forth. the fellow was speaking of the treatment of slaves; and he said it was no uncommon thing for masters, when exasperated with the slave, to hang him up by the two thumbs, and flog him. i knew the fellow lied there,' said the judge, 'for i had traveled through the south, from georgia north, and i never saw a single instance of the kind. the fellow said it was a common thing.' 'did you see any _exasperated masters_, judge,' said i, 'in your journey?' 'no sir,' said he, 'not an individual instance.' 'you hardly are able to convict mr. thompson of falsehood, then, judge,' said i, 'if i understood you right. he spoke, as i understood you, of _exasperated masters_--and you say you did not see any. mr. thompson did not say it was common for masters in good humor to hang up their slaves.' the judge did not perceive the materiality of the distinction. 'oh, they misrepresent and lie about this treatment of the niggers,' he continued. 'in going through all the states i visited, i do not now remember a single instance of cruel treatment. indeed, i remember of seeing but one nigger struck, during my whole journey. there was one instance. we were riding in the stage, pretty early one morning, and we met a black fellow, driving a span of horses, and a load (i think he said) of hay. the fellow turned out before we got to him, clean down into the ditch, as far as he could get. he knew, you see, what to depend on, if he did not give the road. our driver, as we passed the fellow, fetched him a smart crack with his whip across the chops. he did not make any noise, though i guess it hurt him some--he grinned.--oh, no! these fellows exaggerate. the niggers, as a general thing, are kindly treated. there may be exceptions, but i saw nothing of it.' (by the way, the judge did not know there were any abolitionists present.) 'what did you _do_ to the driver, judge,' said i, 'for striking that man?' 'do,' said he, 'i did nothing to him, to be sure.' 'what did you _say_ to him, sir?' said i. 'nothing,' he replied: 'i said nothing to him.' 'what did the other passengers do?' said i. 'nothing, sir,' said the judge. 'the fellow turned out the white of his eye, but he did not make any noise.' 'did the driver say any thing, judge, when he struck the man?' 'nothing,' said the judge, 'only he _damned him_, and told him he'd learn him to keep out of the reach of his whip.' 'sir,' said i, 'if george thompson had told this story, in the warmth of an anti-slavery speech, i should scarcely have credited it. i have attended many anti-slavery meetings, and i never heard an instance of such _cold-blooded, wanton, insolent_, diabolical cruelty as this; and, sir, if i live to attend another meeting, i shall relate this, and give judge durell's name as the witness of it.' an infliction of the most insolent character, entirely unprovoked, on a perfect stranger, who had showed the utmost civility, in giving all the road, and only could not get beyond the long reach of the driver's whip--and he a stage driver, a class _generous_ next to the sailor, in the sober hour of morning--and _borne in silence_--and _told to show that the colored man of the south was kindly treated_--all evincing, to an unutterable extent, that the temper of the south toward the slave is merciless, even to _diabolism_--and that the north regards him with, if possible, a more fiendish indifference still!" it seems but an act of simple justice to say, in conclusion, that many of the slaveholders from whom our northern visitors derive their information of the "good treatment" of the slave, may not design to deceive them. such visitors are often, perhaps generally brought in contact with the better class of slaveholders, whose slaves are really better fed, clothed, lodged, and housed; more moderately worked; more seldom whipped, and with less severity, than the slaves generally. those masters in speaking of the good condition of their slaves, and asserting that they are treated _well_, use terms that are not _absolute_ but _comparative_: and it may be, and doubtless often is true that their stares are treated well _as slaves_, in comparison with the treatment received by slaves generally. so the overseers of such slaves, and the slaves themselves, may, without lying or designing to mislead, honestly give the same testimony. as the great body of slaves within their knowledge _fare worse_, it is not strange that, when speaking of the treatment on their own plantation, they should call it _good_. objection v.--'it is for the interest of the masters to treat their slaves well.' so it is for the interest of the drunkard to quit his cups; for the glutton to curb his appetite; for the debauchee to bridle his lust; for the sluggard to be up betimes; for the spendthrift to be economical, and for all sinners to stop sinning. even if it were for the interest of masters to treat their slaves well, he must be a novice who thinks _that_ a proof that the slaves _are_ well treated. the whole history of man is a record of real interests sacrificed to present gratification. if all men's actions were consistent with their best interests, folly and sin would be words without meaning. if the objector means that it is for the pecuniary interests of masters to treat their slaves well, and thence infers their good treatment, we reply, that though the love of money is strong, yet appetite and lust, pride, anger and revenge, the love of power and honor, are each an overmatch for it; and when either of them is roused by a sudden stimulant, the love of money worsted in the grapple with it. look at the hourly lavish outlays of money to procure a momentary gratification for those passions and appetites. as the desire for money is, in the main, merely a desire for the means of gratifying _other_ desires, or rather for one of the means, it must be the _servant_ not the sovereign of those desires, to whose gratification its only use is to minister. but even if the love of money were the strongest human passion, who is simple enough to believe that it is all the time so powerfully excited, that no other passion or appetite can get the mastery over it? who does not know that gusts of rage, revenge, jealousy and lust drive it before them as a tempest tosses a feather? the objector has forgotten his first lessons; they taught him that it is human nature to gratify the _uppermost_ passion: and is _prudence_ the uppermost passion with slaveholders, and self-restraint their great characteristic? the strongest feeling of any moment is the sovereign of that moment, and rules. is a propensity to practice _economy_ the predominant feeling with slaveholders? ridiculous! every northerner knows that slaveholders are proverbial for lavish expenditures, never higgling about the _price_ of a gratification. human passions have not, like the tides, regular ebbs and flows, with their stationary, high and low water marks. they are a dominion convulsed with revolutions; coronations and dethronements in ceasless succession--each ruler a usurper and a despot. love of money gets a snatch at the sceptre as well as the rest, not by hereditary right, but because, in the fluctuations of human feelings, a chance wave washes him up to the throne, and the next perhaps washes him off without time to nominate his successor. since, then, as a matter of fact, a host of appetites and passions do hourly get the better of love of money, what protection does the slave find in his master's _interest_, against the sweep of his passions and appetites? besides, a master can inflict upon his slave horrible cruelties without perceptibly injuring his health, or taking time from his labor, or lessening his value as property. blows with a small stick give more acute pain, than with a large one. a club bruises, and benumbs the nerves, while a switch, neither breaking nor bruising the flesh, instead of blunting the sense of feeling, wakes up and stings to torture all the susceptibilities of pain. by this kind of infliction, more actual cruelty can be perpetrated in the giving of pain at the instant, than by the most horrible bruisings and lacerations; and that, too, with little comparative hazard to the slave's health, or to his value as property, and without loss of time from labor. even giving to the objection all the force claimed for it, what protection is it to the slave? it _professes_ to shield the slave from such treatment alone, as would either lay him aside from labor, or injure his health, and thus lessen his value as a working animal, making him a _damaged article_ in the market. now, is nothing _bad treatment_ of a human being except that which produces these effects? does the fact that a man's constitution is not actually shattered, and his life shortened by his treatment, prove that he is treated well? is no treatment cruel except what sprains muscles, or cuts sinews, or bursts blood vessels, or breaks bones, and thus lessens a man's value as a working animal? a slave may get blows and kicks every hour in the day, without having his constitution broken, or without suffering sensibly in his health, or flesh, or appetite, or power to labor. therefore, beaten and kicked as he is, he must be treated _well_, according to the objector, since the master's _interest_ does not suffer thereby. finally, the objector virtually maintains that all possible privations and inflictions suffered by slaves, that do not actually cripple their power to labor, and make them 'damaged merchandize,' are to be set down as 'good treatment,' and that nothing is _bad_ treatment except what produces these effects. thus we see that even if the slave were effectually shielded from all those inflictions, which, by lessening his value as property, would injure the interests of his master, he would still nave no protection against numberless and terrible cruelties. but we go further, and maintain that in respect to large classes of slaves, it is for the _interest_ of their masters to treat them with barbarous inhumanity. . _old slaves._ it would be for the interest of the masters to shorten their days. . _worn out slaves._ multitudes of slaves by being overworked, have their constitutions broken in middle life. it would be _economical_ for masters to starve or flog such to death. . _the incurably diseased and maimed._ in all such cases it would be _cheaper_ for masters to buy poison than medicine. . _the blind, lunatics, and idiots_. as all such would be a tax on him, it would be for his interest to shorten their days. . _the deaf and dumb, and persons greatly deformed._ such might or might not be serviceable to him; many of them at least would be a burden, and few men carry burdens when they can throw them off. . _feeble infants._ as such would require much nursing, the time, trouble and expense necessary to raise them, would generally be more than they would be worth as _working animals_. how many such infants would be likely to be 'raised,' from _disinterested_ benevolence? to this it may be added that in the far south and south west, it is notoriously for the interest of the master not to 'raise' slaves at all. to buy slaves when nearly grown, from the northern slave states, would be _cheaper_ than to raise them. this is shown in the fact, that mothers with infants sell for less in those states than those without them. and when slave-traders purchase such in the upper country, it is notorious that they not unfrequently either sell their infants, or give them away. therefore it would be for the _interest_ of the masters, throughout that region, to have all the new-born children left to perish. it would also be for their interest to make such arrangements as effectually to separate the sexes, or if that were not done, so to overwork the females as to prevent childbearing. . _incorrigible slaves_. on most of the large plantations, there are, more or less, incorrigible slaves,--that is, slaves who _will not_ be profitable to their masters--and from whom torture can extort little but defiance.[ ] these are frequently slaves of uncommon minds, who feel so keenly the wrongs of slavery that their proud spirits spurn their chains and defy their tormentors. [footnote : advertisements like the following are not unfrequent in the southern papers. _from the elizabeth (n.c.) phenix, jan. , ._ "the subscriber offers for sale his blacksmith nat, years of age, and _remarkably large and likely_. the only cause of my selling him is i cannot control him. _hertford, dec. , ._ j. gordon."] they have commonly great sway over the other slaves, their example is contagious, and their influence subversive of 'plantation discipline.' consequently they must be made a warning to others. it is for the _interest_ of the masters (at least they believe it to be) to put upon such slaves iron collars and chains, to brand and crop them; to disfigure, lacerate, starve and torture them--in a word, to inflict upon them such vengeance as shall strike terror into the other slaves. to this class may be added the incorrigibly thievish and indolent; it would be for the interest of the masters to treat them with such severity as would deter others from following their example. . _runaways._ when a slave has once runaway from his master and is caught, he is thenceforward treated with severity. it is for the interest of the master to make an example of him, by the greatest privations and inflictions. . _hired slaves._ it is for the interest of those who hire slaves to get as much out of them as they can; the temptation to overwork them is powerful. if it be said that the master could, in that case, recover damages, the answer is, that damages would not be recoverable in law unless actual injury--enough to impair the power of the slave to labor, be _proved._ and this ordinarily would be impossible, unless the slave has been worked so greatly beyond his strength as to produce some fatal derangement of the vital functions. indeed, as all who are familiar with such cases in southern courts well know, the proof of actual injury to the slave, so as to lessen his value, is exceedingly difficult to make out, and every hirer of slaves can overwork them, give them insufficient food, clothing, and shelter, and inflict upon them nameless cruelties with entire impunity. we repeat then that it is for the _interest_ of the hirer to push his slaves to their utmost strength, provided he does not drive them to such an extreme, that their constitutions actually give way under it, while in his hands. the supreme court of maryland has decided that, 'there must be _at least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor_ to warrant an action by the master.'--_ harris and johnson's reports, ._ . _slaves under overseers whose wages are proportioned to the crop which they raise._ this is an arrangement common in the slave states, and in its practical operation is equivalent to a bounty on _hard driving_--a virtual premium offered to overseers to keep the slaves whipped up to the top of their strength. even where the overseer has a fixed salary, irrespective of the value of the crop which he takes off, he is strongly tempted to overwork the slaves, as those overseers get the highest wages who can draw the largest income from a plantation with a given number of slaves; so that we may include in this last class of slaves, the majority of all those who are under overseers, whatever the terms on which those overseers are employed. another class of slaves may be mentioned; we refer to the slaves of masters who _bet_ upon their crops. in the cotton and sugar region there is a fearful amount of this desperate gambling, in which, though money is the ostensible stake and forfeit, human life is the real one. the length to which this rivalry is carried at the south and south west, the multitude of planters who engage in it, and the recklessness of human life exhibited in driving the murderous game to its issue, cannot well be imagined by one who has not lived in the midst of it. desire of gain is only one of the motives that stimulates them;--the _eclat_ of having made the largest crop with a given number of hands, is also a powerful stimulant; the southern newspapers, at the crop season, chronicle carefully the "cotton brag," and the "crack cotton picking," and "unparalleled driving," &c. even the editors of professedly religious papers, cheer on the méleé and sing the triumphs of the victor. among these we recollect the celebrated rev. j.n. maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at natchez, miss. in which he took care to assign a prominent place, and capitals to "the cotton brag." the testimony of mr. bliss, page , details some of the particulars of this _betting_ upon crops. all the preceding classes of slaves are in circumstances which make it "for the _interest_ of their masters," or those who have the management of them, to treat them cruelly. besides the operation of the causes already specified, which make it for the interest of masters and overseers to treat cruelly _certain classes_ of their slaves, a variety of others exist, which make it for their interest to treat cruelly _the great body_ of their slaves. these causes are, the nature of certain kinds of products, the kind of labor required in cultivating and preparing them for market, the best times for such labor, the state of the market, fluctuations in prices, facilities for transportation, the weather, seasons, &c. &c. some of the causes which operate to produce this are-- . _the early market_. if the planter can get his crop into market early, he may save thousands which might be lost if it arrived later. . _changes in the market_. a sudden rise in the market with the probability that it will be short, or a gradual fall with a probability that it will be long, is a strong temptation to the master to push his slaves to the utmost, that he may in the one case make all he can, by taking the tide at the flood, and in the other lose as little as may be, by taking it as early as possible in the ebb. . _high prices_. whenever the slave-grown staples bring a high price, as is now the case with cotton, every slaveholder is tempted to overwork his slaves. by forcing them to do double work for a few weeks or months, while the price is up, he can _afford_ to lose a number of them and to lessen the value of all by over-driving. a cotton planter with a hundred vigorous slaves, would have made a profitable speculation, if, during the years ' , , and , when the average price of cotton was cents a pound, he had so overworked his slaves that half of them died upon his hands in ' , when cotton had fallen to six and eight cents. no wonder that the poor slaves pray that cotton and sugar may be cheap. the writer has frequently heard it declared by planters in the lower country, that, it is more profitable to drive the slaves to such over exertion as to _use them up_, in seven or eight years, than to give them only ordinary tasks and protract their lives to the ordinary period.[ ] [footnote : the reader is referred to a variety of facts and testimony on this point on the th page of this work.] . _untimely seasons_. when the winter encroaches on the spring, and makes late seed time, the first favorable weather is a temptation to overwork the slaves, too strong to be resisted by those who hold men as mere working animals. so when frosts set in early, and a great amount of work is to be done in a little time, or great loss suffered. so also after a long storm either in seed or crop time, when the weather becomes favorable, the same temptation presses, and in all these cases the master would _save money_ by overdriving his slaves. . _periodical pressure of certain kinds of labor._ the manufacture of sugar is an illustration. in a work entitled "travels in louisiana in ," translated from the french, by john davis, is the following testimony under this head:-- "at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, they (the slaves in louisiana,) work _both night and day_. abridged of their sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole period" see page . in an article on the agriculture of louisiana, published in the second number of the "western review," is the following:--"the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the process of making sugar is commenced, to be pressed night and day." it would be for the interest of the sugar planter greatly to overwork his slaves, during the annual process of sugar-making. the severity of this periodical pressure, in preparing for market other staples of the slave states besides sugar, may be inferred from the following. mr. hammond, of south carolina, in his speech in congress, feb. . , (see national intelligencer) said, "in the heat of the crop, the loss of one or two days, would inevitably ruin it." . _times of scarcity_. drought, long rain, frost, &c. are liable to cut off the corn crop, upon which the slaves are fed. if this happens when the staple which they raise is at a low price, it is for the interest of the master to put the slave on short rations, thus forcing him to suffer from hunger. . _the raising of crops for exportation_. in all those states where cotton and sugar are raised for exportation, it is, for the most part, more profitable to buy provisions for the slaves than to raise them. where this is the case the slaveholders believe it to be for their interest to give their slaves less food, than their hunger craves, and they do generally give them insufficient sustenance.[ ] [footnote : hear the testimony of a slaveholder, on this subject, a member of congress from virginia, from to , hon. alexander smyth. in the debate on the missouri question in the u.s. congress, - , the admission of missouri to the union, as a slave state, was urged, among other grounds, as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the south. mr. smyth, of virginia said, "the plan of our opponents seems to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the countries where _sugar, cotton, and tobacco_ are cultivated. but, sir, by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are _purchased, you doom them to scarcity and hunger_. is it not obvious that the way to render their situation more comfortable, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same motive to force the slave to incessant toil, that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco, are raised for exportation. it is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ hard worked and ill fed, that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. . . . the proposed measure would be extreme cruelty to the blacks. . . . you would . . . doom them to scarcity and hard labor."--[speech of mr. smyth, jan. , ]--see national intelligencer. those states where the crops are raised for exportation, and a large part of the provisions purchased, are, louisiana, mississippi, alabama, arkansas, western tennessee, georgia, florida, and, to a considerable extent, south carolina. that this is the case in louisiana, is shown by the following. "corn, flour, and bread stuffs, generally are obtained from kentucky, ohio;" &c. see "emigrants guide through the valley of the mississippi," page . that it is the case with alabama, appears from the testimony of w. jefferson jones, esq. a lawyer of high standing in mobile. in a series of articles published by him in the mobile morning chronicle, he says; (see that paper for aug. , .) "the people of alabama _export_ what they raise, and _import_ nearly all they consume." but it seems quite unnecessary to prove, what all persons of much intelligence well know, that the states mentioned export the larger part of what they raise, and import the larger part of what they consume. now more than _one million of slaves_ are held in those states, and parts of states, where provisions are mainly imported, and consequently they are "_doomed to scarcity and hunger_."] now let us make some estimate of the proportion which the slaves, included in the foregoing _nine classes_, sustain to the whole number, and then of the proportion affected by the operation of the _seven_ causes just enumerated. it would be nearly impossible to form an estimate of the proportion of the slaves included in a number of these classes, such as the old, the worn out, the incurably diseased, maimed and deformed, idiots, feeble infants, incorrigible slaves, &c. more or less of this description are to be found on all the considerable plantations, and often, many on the same plantation; though we have no accurate data for an estimate, the proportion cannot be less than one in twenty-five of the whole number of slaves, which would give a total of more than _one hundred thousand_. of some of the remaining classes we have data for a pretty accurate estimate. st. _lunatics_.--various estimates have been made, founded upon the data procured by actual investigation, prosecuted under the direction of the legislatures of different states; but the returns have been so imperfect and erroneous, that little reliance can be placed upon them. the legislature of new hampshire recently ordered investigations to be made in every town in the state, and the number of insane persons to be reported. a committee of the legislature, who had the subject in charge say, in their report--"from many towns no returns have been received, from others the accounts are erroneous, there being cases _known to the committee_ which escaped the notice of the 'selectmen.' the actual number of insane persons is therefore much larger than appears by the documents submitted to the committee." the medical society of connecticut appointed a committee of their number, composed of some of the most eminent physicians in the state, to ascertain and report the whole number of insane persons in that state. the committee say, in their report, "the number of towns from which returns have been received is seventy, and the cases of insanity which have been noticed in them are five hundred and ten." the committee add, "fifty more towns remain to be heard from, and if insanity should be found equally prevalent in them, the entire number will scarcely fall short of _one thousand_ in the state." this investigation was made in , when the population of the state was less than two hundred and eighty thousand. if the estimate of the medical society be correct, the proportion of the insane to the whole population would be about one in two hundred and eighty. this strikes us as a large estimate, and yet a committee of the legislature of that state in , reported seven hundred and seven insane persons in the state, who were either wholly or in part supported as _town paupers, or by charity_. it can hardly be supposed that more than _two-thirds_ of the insane in connecticut belong to families _unable to support them_. on this supposition, the whole number would be greater than the estimate of the medical society sixteen years previous, when the population was perhaps thirty thousand less. but to avoid the possibility of an over estimate, let us suppose the present number of insane persons in connecticut to be only seven hundred. the population of the state is now probably about three hundred and twenty thousand; according to this estimate, the proportion of the insane to the whole population, would be one to about four hundred and sixty. making this the basis of our calculation, and estimating the slaves in the united states at two millions, seven hundred thousand, their present probable number, and we come to this result, that there are about six thousand insane persons among the slaves of the united states. we have no adequate data by which to judge whether the proportion of lunatics among slaves is greater or less than among the whites; some considerations favor the supposition that it is less. but the dreadful physical violence to which the slaves are subjected, and the constant sunderings of their tenderest ties, might lead us to suppose that it would be more. the only data in our possession is the official census of chatham county, georgia, for , containing the number of lunatics among the whites and the slaves.--(see the savannah georgian, july , .) according to this census, the number of lunatics among eight thousand three hundred and seventy three whites in the country, is only _two,_ whereas, the number among ten thousand eight hundred and ninety-one slaves, is _fourteen_. d. _the deaf and dumb._--the proportion of deaf and dumb persons to the other classes of the community, is about one in two thousand. this is the testimony of the directors of the 'american asylum for the deaf and dumb,' located at hartford, connecticut. making this the basis of our estimate, there would be one thousand six hundred deaf and dumb persons among the slaves of the united states. d. _the blind._--we have before us the last united states census, from which it appears, that in , the number of blind persons in new hampshire was one hundred and seventeen, out of a population of two hundred and sixty-nine thousand five hundred and thirty-three. adopting this as our basis, the number of blind slaves in the united states would be nearly one thousand three hundred. th. _runaways._--of the proportion of the slaves that run away, to those that do not, and of the proportion of the runaways that are _taken_ to those that escape entirely, it would be difficult to make a probable estimate. something, however, can be done towards such an estimate. we have before us, in the grand gulf (miss.) advertiser, for august , , a list of runaways that were then in the jails of the two counties of adams and warren, in that state; the names, ages, &c. of each one given; and their owners are called upon to take them away. the number of runaways thus taken up and committed in these _two_ counties is forty-six. the whole number of _counties_ in mississippi is _fifty-six._ many of them, however, are thinly populated. now, without making this the basis of our estimate for the whole slave population in all the state--which would doubtless make the number much too large--we are sure no one who has any knowledge of facts as they are in the south, will charge upon us an over-statement when we say, that of the present generation of slaves, probably _one in thirty_ is of that class--i.e., has at some time, perhaps often, runaway and been retaken; on that supposition the whole number would be not far from ninety thousand. th. _hired slaves._--it is impossible to estimate with accuracy the proportion which the hired slaves bear to the whole number. that it is very large all who have resided at the south, or traveled there, with their eyes open, well know. some of the largest slaveholders in the country, instead of purchasing plantations and working their slaves themselves, hire them out to others. this practice is very common. rev. horace moulton, a minister of the methodist episcopal church in marlborough, mass., who lived some years in georgia, says: "a _large proportion_ of the slave are owned by masters who keep them on purpose to hire out." large numbers of slaves, especially in mississippi, louisiana, arkansas, alabama, and florida, are owned by _non-residents_; thousands of them by northern capitalists, who _hire them out_. these capitalists in many cases own large plantations, which are often leased for a term of years with a 'stock' of slaves sufficient to work them. multitudes of slaves 'belonging' to _heirs_, are hired out by their guardians till such heirs become of age, or by the executors or trustees of persons deceased. that the reader may form some idea of the large number of slaves that are hired out, we insert below a few advertisements, as a specimen of hundreds in the newspapers of the slave states. from the "pensacola gazette," may . "notice to slaveholders. wanted upon my contract, on the alabama, florida, and georgia rail road, four hundred black laborers, _for which_ a liberal price will be paid. r. loring, _contractor_." the same paper has the following, signed by an officer of the united states. "wanted at the navy yard, pensacola, sixty laborers. the owners to subsist and quarter them beyond the limits of the yard. persons having laborers to hire, will apply to the commanding officer. w.k. latimer." from the "richmond (va.) enquirer," april , . "laborers wanted.--the james river, and kenawha company, are in immediate want of several hundred good laborers. gentlemen wishing to send negroes from the country, are assured that the very best care shall be taken of them. richard reins, _agent of the james river, and kenawha co_." from the "vicksburg (mis.) register," dec. , . " negroes, males and females, _for hire for the year_ . apply to h. hendren." from the "georgia messenger," dec. , . "negroes to hire. on the first tuesday next, including carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, seamstresses, cooks, &c. &c. for information; apply to ossian gregory." from the "alexandria (d.c.) gazette," dec. , . "the subscriber wishes to _employ_ by the month or year, one hundred able bodied men, and thirty boys. persons having servants, will do well to give him a call. philip roach, near alexandria." from the "columbia (s.c.) telescope," may , . "wanted to hire, twelve or fifteen negro girls, from ten to fourteen years of age. they are wanted for the term of two or three years. e.h. & j. fisher." "negroes wanted. the subscriber is desirous of hiring of _first rate negro men_. wilson nesbitt." from the "norfolk (va.) beacon," march , . "laborers wanted. one hundred able bodied men are wanted. the hands will be required to be delivered in halifax by the _owners_. apply to shield & walke." from the "lynchburg virginian," dec. , . " negro men. the subscribers wish to hire for the next year negro men. langhorne, scruggs & cook." "hiring of negroes. on saturday, the th day of december, , at mrs. tayloe's tavern, in amherst county, there will be _hired_ thirty or forty valuable negroes. in addition to the above, i have for _hire_, men, women, boys, and girls--several of them excellent house servants. maurice h. garland." from the "savannah georgian," feb. , . "wanted to hire, one hundred prime negroes, by the year. j.v. redden." from the "north carolina standard," feb. , . "negroes wanted.--w. & a. stith, will give twelve dollars per month for fifty strong negro fellows, to commence work immediately; and for fifty more on the first day of february, and for fifty on the first day of march." from the "lexington (ky.) reporter," dec. , . "will be hired, for one year; on the first day of january, , on the farm of the late mrs. meredith, a number of valuable negroes. r.s. todd, sheriff of fayette co. and curator for james and elizabeth breckenridge." "negroes to hire. on wednesday, the th inst. i will hire to the highest bidder, the negroes belonging to charles and robert innes. geo. w. williams. _guardian_." the following _nine_ advertisements were published in one column of the "winchester virginian," dec. , . "negro hirings. "will be offered for hire, at captain long's hotel, a number of slaves--men, women, boys and girls--belonging to the orphans of george ash, deceased. richard w. barton." _guardian_. "will be offered for hire, at my hotel, a number of slaves, consisting of men, women, boys and girls. joseph long. _exr. of edmund shackleford, dec'd_." "will be offered for hire, for the ensuing year, at capt. long's hotel, a number of slaves. moses r. richards." "will be offered for hire, the slaves belonging to the estate of james bowen, deceased, consisting of men, and women, boys and girls. giles cook. _one of the exrs. of james bowen dec'd_." "the _hiring_ at millwood will take place on friday, the th day of december, . burwell." "n.b. we are desired to say that other valuable negroes will also be _hired_ at millwood on the same day, besides those offered by mr. b." "the slaves of the late john jolliffe, about twenty in number, and of all ages and both sexes, will be offered for hire at cain's depot. david w. barton. _administrator_." "i will hire at public hiring before the tavern door of dr. lacy, about negroes, consisting of men, and women. james r. richards." "will be hired, at carter's tavern, on st of december, a number of negroes. john j.h. gunnell." "negroes for hire, (privately.) about twelve servants, consisting of men, women, boys, and girls, for hire privately. apply to the subscriber at col. smith's in battletown. john w. owen." a volume might easily be filled with advertisements like the preceding, showing conclusively that _hired_ slaves must be a large proportion of the whole number. the actual proportion has been variously estimated, at / , / , / , / , &c. if we adopt the last as our basis, it will make the number of hired slaves, in the united states, five hundred and forty thousand! th. _slaves under overseers whose wages are a part of the crop_.--that this is a common usage; appears from the following testimony. the late hon. john taylor, of caroline co. virginia, one of the largest slaveholders in the state, president of the state agricultural society, and three times elected to the senate of the united states, says, in his "agricultural essays," no. . p. , "this necessary class of men, (overseers,) are bribed by agriculturalists, not to improve, but to impoverish their land, _by a share of the crop for one year_.... the _greatest_ annual crop, and not the most judicious culture, advances his interest, and establishes his character; and the fees of these land-doctors, are much higher for killing than for curing.... the most which the land can yield, and seldom or never improvement with a view to future profit, is a point of common consent, and mutual need between the agriculturist and his overseer.... must the practice of hiring a man for one year, by a share of the crop, to lay out all his skill and industry in killing land, and as little as possible in improving it, be kept up to commemorate the pious leaning of man to his primitive state of ignorance and barbarity? _unless this is abolished_, the attempt to fertilize our lands is needless." philemon bliss, esq, of elyria, ohio, who lived in florida, in - , says, "it is common for owners of plantations and slaves, to hire overseers to take charge of them, while they themselves reside at a distance. _their wages depend principally upon the amount of labor which they can exact from the slave_. the term "good overseer," signifies one who can make the greatest amount of the staple, cotton for instance, from a given number of hands, besides raising sufficient provisions for their consumption. he has no interest in the life of the slave. hence the fact, so notorious at the south, that negroes are driven harder and fare worse under overseers than under their owners." william ladd, esq. of minot, maine, formerly a slaveholder in florida, speaking, in a recent letter of the system of labor adopted there, says; "the compensation of the overseers _was a certain portion of the crop_." rev. phineas smith, of centreville, allegany co. n.y. who has recently returned from a four years' residence, in the southern slave states and texas, says, "the mode in which _many_ plantations are managed, is calculated and _designed_, as an inducement to the slave driver, to lay upon the slave the _greatest possible burden, the overseer being entitled by contract, to a certain share of the crop_." we leave the reader to form his own opinion, as to the proportion of slaves under overseers, whose wages are in proportion to the crop, raised by them. we have little doubt that we shall escape the charge of wishing to make out a "strong case" when we put the proportion at _one-eighth_ of the whole number of slaves, which would be _three hundred and fifty thousand_. without drawing out upon the page a sum in addition for the reader to "run up," it is easily seen that the slaves in the preceding classes amount to more than eleven hundred thousand, exclusive of the deaf and dumb, and the blind, some of whom, especially the former, might be profitable to their "owners"; now it is plainly for the interest of the "owners" of these slaves, or of those who have the charge of them, to _treat than cruelly_, to overwork, under-feed, half-clothe, half-shelter, poison, or kill outright, the aged, the broken down, the incurably diseased, idiots, feeble infants, most of the blind, some deaf and dumb, &c. it is besides a part of the slave-holder's creed, that it is _for his interest_ to treat with terrible severity, all runaways and the incorrigibly stubborn, thievish, lazy, &c.; also for those who hire slaves, to overwork them; also for overseers to overwork the slaves under them, when their own wages are increased by it. we have thus shown that it would be "_for the interest_," of masters and overseers to treat with _habitual_ cruelty _more than one million_ of the slaves in the united states. but this is not all; as we have said already, it is for the interest of overseers generally, whether their wages are proportioned to the crop or not, to overwork the slaves; we need not repeat the reasons. neither is it necessary to re-state the arguments, going to show that it is for the interest of slaveholders, who cultivate the great southern staples, especially cotton, and the sugarcane, to overwork periodically _all_ their slaves, and _habitually_ the majority of them, when the demand for those staples creates high prices, as has been the case with cotton for many years, with little exception. instead of entering into a labored estimate to get at the proportion of the slaves, affected by the operation of these and the other causes enumerated, we may say, that they operate _directly_ on the "field hands," employed in raising the southern staples, and indirectly upon all classes of the slaves. finally, the conclude this head by turning the objector's negative proposition into an affirmative one, and state formally what has been already proved. _it is for the interest of shareholders, upon their own principles, and by their own showing, to treat cruelly the great body of their slaves._ objection vi.--the fact that the slaves multiply so rapidly proves that they are not inhumanely treated, but are in a comfortable condition to this we reply in brief, st. it has been already shown under a previous head, that, in considerable sections of the slave states, especially in the south west, the births among slaves are fewer than the deaths, which would exhibit a fearful decrease of the slave population in those sections, if the deficiency were not made up by the slave trade from the upper country. d. the fact that all children born of slave _mothers_, whether their fathers are whites or free colored persons, are included in the census with the slaves, and further that all children born of white mothers, whose fathers are mulattos or blacks, are also included in the census with colored persons and almost invariably with _slaves_, shows that it is impossible to ascertain with any accuracy, _what is the actual increase of the slaves alone._ d. the fact that thousands of slaves, generally in the prime of life, are annually smuggled into the united states from africa, cuba, and elsewhere, makes it manifest that all inferences drawn from the increase of the slave population, which do not make large deductions, for constant importations, must be fallacious. mr. middleton of south carolina, in a speech in congress in , declared that "thirteen thousand africans are annually smuggled into the southern states." mr. mercer of virginia, in a speech in congress about the same time declared that "_cargoes_," of african slaves were smuggled into the south to a deplorable extent. mr. wright, of maryland, in a speech in congress, estimated the number annually at fifteen thousand. miss martineau, in her recent work, (society in america,) informs us that a large slaveholder in louisiana, assured her in , that the annual importation of native africans was from thirteen to fifteen thousand. the president of the united states, in his message to congress, december, , says, "the large force under commodore dallas, (on the west india station,) has been most actively and efficiently employed in protecting our commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves," &c. &c. the new orleans courier of th february, , has these remarks: "it is believed that african negroes have been _repeatedly_ introduced into the united states. the number and the proximity of the florida ports to the island of cuba, make it no difficult matter; nor is our extended frontier on the sabine and red rivers, at all unfavorable to the smuggler. human laws have, in all countries and ages, been violated whenever the inducements to do so afforded hopes of great profit. "the united states' law against the importation of africans, _could it be strictly enforced_, might in a few years give the sugar and cotton planters of texas advantage over those of this state; as it would, we apprehend, enable the former, under a stable government, to furnish cotton and sugar at a lower price than we can do. when giving publicity to such reflections as the subject seems to suggest, we protest against being considered advocates for any violation of the laws of our country. every good citizen must respect those laws, notwithstanding we may deem them likely to be evaded by men less scrupulous." that both the south and north swarm with men 'less scrupulous,' every one knows. the norfolk (va.) beacon, of june , , has the following: "_slave trade.--eight african negroes_ have been taken into custody, at apalachicola, by the u.s. deputy marshal, alleged to have been imported from cuba, on board the schooner emperor, captain cox. indictments for piracy, under the acts for the suppression of the slave trade, have been found against captain cox, and other parties implicated. the negroes were bought in cuba by a frenchman named malherbe, formerly a resident of tallahassee, who was drowned soon after the arrival of the schooner." the following testimony of rev. horace moulton, now a minister of the methodist episcopal church, in marlborough, mass., who resided some years in georgia, reveals some of the secrets of the slave-smugglers, and the connivance of the georgia authorities at their doings. it is contained in a letter dated february , . "the foreign slave-trade was carried on to some considerable extent when i was at the south, notwithstanding a law had been made some ten years previous to this, making this traffic piracy on the high seas. i was somewhat acquainted with the secrets of this traffic, and, i suppose, i might have engaged in it, had i so desired. were you to visit all the plantations in south carolina, georgia, alabama, and mississippi, i think you would be convinced that the horrors of the traffic in human flesh have not yet ceased. i was _surprised to find so many that could not speak english among the slaves,_ until the mystery was explained. this was done, when i learned that slave-cargoes were landed on the coast of florida, not a thousand miles from st. augustine. they could, and can still, in my opinion, be landed as safely on this coast as in any port of this continent. you can imagine for yourself how easy it was to carry on the traffic between this place and the west indies. when landed on the coast of florida, it is an easy matter to distribute them throughout the more southern states. the law which makes it piracy to traffic in the foreign slave trade is a dead letter; and i doubt not it has been so in the more southern states ever since it was enacted. for you can perceive at once, that interested men, who believe the colored man is so much better off here than he possibly can be in africa, will not hesitate to kidnap the blacks whenever an opportunity presents itself. i will notice one fact that came under my own observation, which will convince you that the horrors of the foreign slave-trade have not yet ceased among our southern gentry. it is as follows. a slave ship, which i have reason to believe was employed by southern men, came near the port of savannah with about five hundred slaves, from guinea and congo. it was said that the ship was driven there by contrary winds; and the crew, pretending to be short of provisions, run the ship into a by place, near the shore, between tybee light and darien, to recruit their stores. well, as providence would have it, the revenue cutter, at that time taking a trip along the coast, fell in with this slave ship, took her as a prize, and brought her up into the port of savannah. the cargo of human chattels was unloaded, and the captives were placed in an old barracks, in the fort of savannah, under the protection of the city authorities, they pretending that they should return them all to their native country again, as soon as a convenient opportunity presented itself. the ship's crew of course were arrested, and confined in jail. now for the sequel of this history. about one third part of the negroes died in a few weeks after they were landed, in seasoning, so called, or in becoming acclimated--or, as i should think, a distemper broke out among them, and they died like the israelites when smitten with the plague. those who did not die in seasoning, must be hired out a little while, to be sure, as the city authorities could not afford to keep them on expense doing nothing. as it happened, the man in whose employ i was when the cargo of human beings arrived, hired some twenty or thirty of them, and put them under my care. they continued with me until the sickly season drove me off to the north. i soon returned, but could not hear a word about the crew of pirates. they had something like a mock trial, as i should think, for no one, as i ever learned, was condemned, fined, or censured. but where were the poor captives, who were going to be returned to africa by the city authorities, as soon as they could make it convenient? oh, forsooth, those of whom i spoke, being under my care, were tugging away for the same man; the remainder were scattered about among different planters. when i returned to the north again, the next year, the city authorities had not, down to that time; made it convenient to return these poor victims. the fact is, they belonged there; and, in my opinion, they were designed to be landed near by the place where the revenue cutter seized them. probably those very planters for whom they were originally designed received them; and still there was a pretence kept up that they would be returned to africa. this must have been done, that the consciences of those might be quieted, who were looking for justice to be administered to these poor captives. it is easy for a company of slaveholders, who desire to traffic in human flesh, to fit out a vessel, under spanish colors, and then go prowling about the african coast for the victims of their lusts. if all the facts with relation to the african slave-trade, now secretly carried on at the south, could be disclosed, the people of the free states would be filled with amazement." it is plain, from the nature of this trade, and the circumstances under which it is carried on, that the number of slaves imported would be likely to be estimated far _below_ the truth. there can be little doubt that the estimate of mr. wright, of maryland, (fifteen thousand annually,) is some thousands too small. but even according to his estimate, the african slave-trade adds one hundred and fifty thousand slaves to each united states' census. these are in the prime of life, and their children would swell the slave population many thousands annually--thus making a great addition to each census. . it is a notorious fact, that large numbers of free colored persons are kidnapped every year in the free states, taken to the south, and sold as slaves. hon. george m. stroud, judge of the criminal court of philadelphia, in his sketch of the slave laws, speaking of the kidnapping of free colored persons in the northern states, says-- "remote as is the city of philadelphia from those slaveholding states in which the introduction of slaves from places within the territory of the united states is freely permitted, and where also the market is tempting, _it has been ascertained,_ that more than thirty free colored persons, mostly children, have been kidnapped here, and carried away, within the last two years. five of these, through the kind interposition of several humane gentlemen, have been restored to their friends, though not without _great expense and difficulty_; the others _are still retained in bondage_, and if rescued at all, it must be by sending white witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles. the costs attendant upon lawsuits, under such circumstances, will probably fall but little short of the estimated value, as slaves, of the individuals kidnapped." the following is an extract from mrs. child's appeal, pp. - . "i know the names of four colored citizens of massachusetts, who went to georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that state, and sold as slaves. they have sent the most earnest exhortations to their families and friends, to do something for their relief; but the attendant expenses require more money than the friends of negroes are apt to have, and the poor fellows, as yet, remain unassisted. "a new york paper, of november, , contains the following caution. _"beware of kidnappers!_--it is well understood, that there is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation, of stealing colored children for the southern market. it is believed that three or four have been stolen within as many days. there are suspicions of a foul nature connected with some who serve the police in subordinate capacities. it is hinted that there may be those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical practices. let the public be on their guard! it is still fresh in the memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove of negroes, was made up from this city and philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation of all the negroes in this state took place, under our present constitution, and were taken through virginia, the carolinas, and tennessee, and disposed of in the state of mississippi. some of those who were taken from philadelphia were persons of intelligence; and after they had been driven through the country in chains, and disposed of by sale on the mississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were rescued from bondage. the persons who were guilty of this abominable transaction are known, and now reside in north carolina. they may very probably be engaged in similar enterprizes at the present time--at least there is reason to believe, that the system of kidnapping free persons of color from the northern cities, has been carried on more extensively than the public arc generally aware of." george bradburn, esq. of nantucket, mass. a member of the legislature of that state, at its last session, made a report to that body, march , , 'on the deliverance of citizens liable to be sold as slaves.' that report contains the following facts and testimony. "the following facts are a few out of a vast multitude, to which the attention of the undersigned has been directed. "on the th of february last, the undersigned had an interview with the rev. samuel snowden, a respectable and intelligent clergyman of the city of boston. this gentleman stated, and he is now ready to make oath, that during the last six years, he has himself, by the aid of various benevolent individuals, procured the deliverance from jail of six citizens of massachusetts, who had been, arrested and imprisoned as runaway slaves, and who, but for his timely interposition, would have been sold into perpetual bondage. the names and the places of imprisonment of those persons, as stated by mr. s. were as follows: "james hight, imprisoned at mobile; william adams, at norfolk; william holmes, also at norfolk; james oxford, at wilmington; james smith, at baton rouge; john tidd, at new orleans. "in , mary smith, a native of this state, returning from new orleans, whither she had been in the capacity of a servant, was cast upon the shores of north carolina. she was there seized and sold as a slave. information of the fact reached her friends at boston. those friends made an effort to obtain her liberation. they invoked the assistance of the governor of this commonwealth. a correspondence ensued between his excellency and the governor of north carolina: copies of which were offered for the inspection of your committee. soon afterwards, by permission of the authorities of north carolina, 'mary smith' returned to boston. but it turned out, that this was not _the_ mary smith, whom our worthy governor, and other excellent individuals of boston, had taken so unwearied pains to redeem from slavery. it was another woman, of the same name, who was also a native of massachusetts, and had been seized in north carolina as a runaway slave. the mary smith has not yet been heard of. if alive, she is now, in all probability, wearing the chains of slavery. "about a year and a half since, several citizens of different free states were rescued from slavery, at new orleans, by the direct personal efforts of an acquaintance of the undersigned. the benevolent individual alluded to is jacob barker, esq. a name not unknown to the commercial world. mr. barker is a resident of new orleans. a statement of the cases in reference is contained in a letter addressed by him to the hon. samuel h. jenks, of nantucket." the letter of mr. barker, referred to in this report to the legislature of massachusetts, bears date august , . the following are extracts from it. "a free man, belonging to baltimore, by the name of ephraim larkin, who came here cook of the william tell, was arrested and thrown into prison a few weeks since, and sent in chains to work on the road. i heard of it, and with difficulty found him; and after the most diligent and active exertions, got him released--in effecting which, i traveled in the heat of the day, thermometer ranging in the shade from to , more than twenty times to and from prison, the place of his labor, and the different courts, a distance of near three miles from my residence; and after i had established his freedom, had to pay for his arrest, maintenance, and the advertising him as a runaway slave, $ . , as per copy of bill herewith--the allowance for work not equalling the expenses, the amount augments with every day of confinement. "in pursuing the cook of the william tell, i found three other free men, confined in the same prison; one belonged also to baltimore, by the name of leaven dogerty: he was also released, on my paying $ expenses; one was a descendant of the indians who once inhabited nantucket--his name is eral lonnon. lonnon had been six weeks in prison; he was released without difficulty, on my paying $ . expenses--and no one seemed to know why he had been confined or arrested, as the law does not presume persons of mixed blood to be slaves. but for the others, i had great difficulty in procuring what was considered competent witnesses to prove them free. no complaint of improper conduct had been made against either of them. at one time, the recorder said the witness must be white; at another, that one respectable witness was insufficient; at another, that a person who had been (improperly) confined and released, was not a competent witness, &c. &c. lonnon has been employed in the south sea fishery from nantucket and new bedford, nearly all his life; has sailed on those voyages in the ships eagle, maryland, gideon, triton, and samuel. he was born at marshpee, plymouth (barnstable) county, mass. and prefers to encounter the leviathan of the deep, rather than the turnkeys of new orleans. "the other was born in st. johns, nova scotia, and bears the name of william smith, a seaman by profession. "immediately after these men were released, two others were arrested. they attempted to escape, and being pursued, ran for the river, in the vain hope of being able to swim across the mississippi, a distance of a mile, with a current of four knots. one soon gave out, and made for a boat which had been despatched for their recovery, and was saved; the other being a better swimmer, continued on until much exhausted, then also made for the boat--it was too late; he sank before the boat could reach him, and was drowned. they claimed to be freemen. "on sunday last i was called to the prison of the municipality in which i reside, to serve on an inquest on the body of a drowned man. there i saw one other free man confined, by the name of henry tier, a yellow man, born in new york, and formerly in my employ. he had been confined as a supposed runaway, near six months, without a particle of testimony; although from his color, the laws of louisiana presume him to be free. i applied immediately for his release, which was promptly granted. at first, expenses similar to those exacted in the third municipality were required; but on my demonstrating to the recorder that the law imposed no such burden on free men, he was released without any charge whatever. how free men can obtain satisfaction for having been thus wrongfully imprisoned, and made to work in chains on the highway, is not for me to decide. i apprehend no satisfaction can be had without more active friends, willing to espouse their cause, than can be found in this quarter. therefore i repeat, that no person of color should come here without a certificate of freedom from the governor of the state to which he belongs. "very respectfully, your assured friend, jacob barker." "n.b.--since writing the preceding, i have procured the release of another free man from the prison of the third municipality, on the payment of $ . , as per bill, copy herewith. his name is william lockman--he was born in new jersey, of free parents, and resides at philadelphia. a greater sum was required which was reduced by the allowance of his maintenance (written _labor_,) while at work on the road, which the law requires the municipality to pay; but it had not before been so expounded in the third municipality. i hope to get it back in the case of the other three. the allowance for labor, in addition to their maintenance, is twenty-five cents per day; but they require those illiterate men to advance the whole before they can leave the prison, and then to take a certificate for their labor, and go for it to another department--to collect which, is ten times more trouble than the money when received is worth. while these free men, without having committed any fault, were compelled to work in chains, on the roads, in the burning sun, for cents per day, and pay in advance - cents per day for maintenance, doctor's, and other bills, and not able to work half their time, i paid others, working on ship-board, in sight, two dollars per day. j.b." the preceding letter of mr. barker, furnishes grounds for the belief, that _hundreds_, if not _thousands_ of free colored persons, from the different states of this union, both slave and free from the west indies, south america, mexico, and the british possessions in north america, and from other parts of the world, are reduced to slavery _every year_ in our slave states. if a single individual, in the course of a few days, _accidentally_ discovered _six_ colored free men, working in irons, and soon to be sold as slaves, in a _single_ southern city, is it not fair to infer, that in all the slave states, there must be _multitudes_ of such persons, now in slavery, and that this number is rapidly increasing, by ceaseless accessions? the letter of mr. barker is valuable, also, as a graphic delineation of the 'public opinion' of the south. the great difficulty with which the release of these free men was procured, notwithstanding the personal efforts of mr. jacob barker, who is a gentleman of influence, and has, we believe, been an alderman of new orleans, reveals a 'public opinion,' insensible as adamant to the liberty of colored men. it would be easy to fill scores of pages with details similar to the preceding. we have furnished enough, however, to show, that, in all probability, _each_ united states' census of the _slave_ population, is increased by the addition to it of _thousands_ of free colored persons, kidnapped and sold as slaves. th. to argue that the rapid multiplication of any class in the community, is proof that such a class is well-clothed, well-housed, abundantly fed, and very _comfortable_, is as absurd as to argue that those who have _few children_, must of course, be ill-clothed, ill-housed, badly lodged, overworked, ill-fed, &c. &c. true, privations and inflictions may be carried to such an extent as to occasion a fearful diminishment of population. that was the case generally with the slave population in the west indies, and, as has been shown, is true of certain portions of the southern states. but the fact that such an effect is _not_ produced, does not prove that the slaves do not experience great privations and severe inflictions. they may suffer much hardship, and great cruelties, without experiencing so great a derangement of the vital functions as to prevent child-bearing. the israelites multiplied with astonishing rapidity, under the task-masters and burdens of egypt. does this falsify the declarations of scripture, that 'they sighed by reason of their bondage,' and that the egyptians 'made them serve _with rigor_,' and made 'their lives bitter with _hard bondage_.' 'i have seen,' said god, 'their _afflictions_. i have beard their _groanings_,' &c. the history of the human race shows, that great _privations and much suffering_ may be experienced, without materially checking the rapid increase of population. besides, if we should give to the objection all it claims, it would merely prove, that the female slaves, or rather a portion of them, are in a comfortable condition; and that, so far as the absolute necessities of life are concerned, the females of _child-bearing_ age, in delaware, maryland, northern, western, and middle virginia, the upper parts of kentucky and missouri, and among the mountains of east tennessee and western north carolina, are in general tolerably well supplied. the same remark, with some qualifications, may be made of the slaves generally, in those parts of the country where the people are slaveholders, mainly, that they may enjoy the privilege and profit of being _slave-breeders_. objection viii.--'public opinion is a protection to the slave.' answer. it was public opinion that _made him a slave_. in a republican government the people make the laws, and those laws are merely public opinion _in legal forms_. we repeat it,--public opinion made them slaves, and keeps them slaves; in other words, it sunk them from men to chattels, and now, forsooth, this same public opinion will see to it, that these _chattels_ are treated like _men!_ by looking a little into this matter, and finding out how this 'public opinion' (law) protects the slaves in some particulars, we can judge of the amount of its protection in others. . it protects the slaves from _robbery_, by declaring that those who robbed their mothers may rob them and their children. "all negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who now are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their offspring, are hereby declared to be, and shall remain, forever, hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother."--law of south carolina, brevard's digest, . others of the slave states have similar laws. . it protects their _persons_, by giving their master a right to flog, wound, and beat them when he pleases. see devereaux's north carolina reports, .--case of the state vs. mann, ; in which the supreme court decided, that a master who _shot_ at a female slave and wounded her, because she got loose from him when he was flogging her, and started to run from him, had violated _no law_, and could not be indicted. it has been decided by the highest courts of the slave states generally, that assault and battery upon a slave is not indictable as a criminal offence. the following decision on this point was made by the supreme court of south carolina in the case of the state vs. cheetwood, hill's reports, . _protection of slaves_.--"the criminal offence of assault and battery _cannot, at common law, be committed on the person of a slave_. for, notwithstanding for some purposes a slave is regarded in law as a person, yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of personal protection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action of trespass for the battery of his slave. "there can be therefore no offence against the state for a mere beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or an attempt to kill and murder. the peace of the state is not thereby broken; for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of being within the peace of the state. he is not a citizen, and _is not in that character entitled to her protection_." this 'public opinion' protects the _persons_ of the slaves by depriving them of jury trial;[ ] their _consciences_, by forbidding them to assemble for worship, unless their oppressors are present;[ ] their _characters_, by branding them as liars, in denying them their oath in law;[ ] their _modesty_, by leaving their master to clothe, or let them go naked, as he pleases;[ ] and their _health_, by leaving him to feed or starve them, to work them, wet or dry, with or without sleep, to lodge them, with or without covering, as the whim takes him;[ ] and their _liberty_, marriage relations, parental authority, and filial obligations, by _annihilating_ the whole.[ ] this is the protection which 'public opinion,' in the form of _law_, affords to the slaves; this is the chivalrous knight, always in stirrups, with lance in rest, to champion the cause of the slaves. [footnote : law of south carolina. james' digest, - . law of louisiana. martin's digest, . law of virginia. rev. code, .] [footnote : miss. rev. code, . similar laws exist in the slave states generally.] [footnote : "a slave cannot be a witness against a white person, either in a civil or criminal cause." stroud's sketch of the laws of slavery, .] [footnote : stroud's sketch of the slave laws, .] [footnote : stroud's sketch, - .] [footnote : stroud's sketch, - .] public opinion, protection to the slave! brazen effrontery, hypocrisy, and falsehood! we have, in the laws cited and referred to above, the formal testimony of the legislatures of the slave states, that, 'public opinion' does pertinaciously _refuse_ to protect the slaves; not only so, but that it does itself persecute and plunder them all: that it originally planned, and now presides over, sanctions, executes and perpetuates the whole system of robbery, torture, and outrage under which they groan. in all the slave states, this 'public opinion' has taken away from the slave his _liberty_; it has robbed him of his right to his own body, of his right to improve his mind, of his right to read the bible, of his right to worship god according to his conscience, of his right to receive and enjoy what he earns, of his right to live with his wife and children, of his right to better his condition, of his right to eat when he is hungry, to rest when he is tired, to sleep when be needs it, and to cover his nakedness with clothing: this 'public opinion' makes the slave a prisoner for life on the plantation, except when his jailor pleases to let him out with a 'pass,' or sells him, and transfers him in irons to another jail-yard: this 'public opinion' traverses the country, buying up men, women, children--chaining them in coffles, and driving them forever from their nearest friends; it sets them on the auction table, to be handled, scrutinized, knocked off to the highest bidder; it proclaims that they shall not have their liberty; and, if their masters give it them, 'public opinion' seizes and throws them back into slavery. this same 'public opinion' has formally attached the following legal penalties to the following acts of slaves. if more than seven slaves are found together in any road, without a white person, _twenty lashes a piece_; for visiting a plantation without a written pass, ten lashes; for letting loose a boat from where it is made fast, _thirty-nine lashes for the first offence_; and for the second, '_shall have cut off from his head one ear_;' for keeping or carrying a _club, thirty-nine lashes_; for having any article for sale, without a ticket from his master, _ten lashes_; for traveling in any other than 'the most usual and accustomed road,' when going alone to any place, _forty lashes_; for traveling in the night, without a pass, _forty lashes_; for being found in another person's negro-quarters, _forty lashes_; for hunting with dogs in the woods, _thirty lashes_; for being on _horseback_ without the written permission of his master, _twenty-five lashes_; for riding or going abroad in the night, or riding horses in the day time, without leave, a slave may be whipped, _cropped_, or _branded in the cheek_ with the letter r, or otherwise punished, _not extending to life_, or so as to render him _unfit for labor_. the laws referred to may be found by consulting brevard's digest, , , ; haywood's manual, , chap. , pp. , ; virginia revised code, - ; prince's digest, ; missouri laws, ; mississippi revised code, . laws similar to these exist throughout the southern slave code. extracts enough to fill a volume might be made from these laws, showing that the protection which 'public opinion' grants to the slaves, is hunger, nakedness, terror, bereavements, robbery, imprisonment, the stocks, iron collars, hunting and worrying them with dogs and guns, mutilating their bodies, and murdering them. a few specimens of the laws and the judicial decisions on them, will show what is the state of 'public opinion' among slaveholders towards their slaves. let the following suffice.--'any person may lawfully kill a slave, who has been outlawed for running away and lurking in swamps, &c.'--law of north carolina; judge stroud's sketch of the slave laws, ; haywood's manual, . 'a slave _endeavoring_ to entice another slave to runaway, if provisions, &c. be prepared for the purpose of aiding in such running away, shall be punished with death. and a slave who shall aid the slave so endeavoring to entice another slave to run away, shall also suffer death.'--law of south carolina; stroud's sketch of slave laws, - ; brevard's digest, , . another law of south carolina provides that if a slave shall, when absent from the plantation, refuse to be examined by '_any white_ person,' (no matter how crazy or drunk,) 'such white person may seize and chastise him; and if the slave shall _strike_ such white person, such slave may be lawfully killed.'-- brevard's digest, . the following is a law of georgia.--'if any slave shall presume to strike any white person, such slave shall, upon trial and conviction before the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for the first offence as they shall think fit, not extending to life or limb; and for the second offence, death.'--prince's digest, . the same law exists in south carolina, with this difference, that death is made the punishment for the _third_ offence. in both states, the law contains this remarkable proviso: 'provided always, that such striking be not done by the command and in the defence of the person or property of the owner, or other person having the government of such slave, in which case the slave shall be wholly excused!' according to this law, if a slave, by the direction of his overseer, strike a white man who is beating said overseer's _dog_, 'the slave shall be wholly excused;' but if the white man has rushed upon the slave himself, instead of the _dog_, and is furiously beating him, if the slave strike back but a single blow, the legal penalty is 'any _punishment_ not extending to life or limb;' and if the tortured slave has a second onset made upon him, and, after suffering all but death, again strike back in self-defence, the law kills him for it. so, if a female slave, in obedience to her mistress, and in defence of 'her property,' strike a white man who is kicking her mistress' pet kitten, she 'shall be wholly excused,' saith the considerate law: but if the unprotected girl, when beaten and kicked _herself_, raise her hand against her brutal assailant, the law condemns her to 'any punishment, not extending to life or limb; and if a wretch assail her again, and attempt to violate her chastity, and the trembling girl, in her anguish and terror, instinctively raise her hand against him in self-defence, she shall, saith the law, 'suffer death.' reader, this diabolical law is the 'public opinion' of georgia and south carolina toward the slaves. this is the vaunted 'protection' afforded them by their 'high-souled chivalry.' to show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states far more effectually protects the _property_ of the master than the _person_ of the slave, the reader is referred to two laws of louisiana, passed in . the one attaches a penalty 'not exceeding one thousand dollars,' and 'imprisonment not exceeding two years,' to the crime of 'cutting or breaking any iron chain or collar,' which any master of slaves has used to prevent their running away; the other, a penalty 'not exceeding five hundred dollars,' to 'wilfully cutting out the tongue, putting out the eye, _cruelly_ burning, or depriving any slave of _any limb_.' look at it--the most horrible dismemberment conceivable cannot be punished by a fine of _more_ than five hundred dollars. the law expressly fixes that, as the utmost limit, and it _may_ not be half that sum; not a single moment's imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, and the next hour he may cut out another slave's tongue, or burn his hand off. but let the same man break a chain put upon a slave, to keep him from running away, and, besides paying double the penalty that could be exacted from him for cutting off a slave's leg, the law imprisons him not exceeding two years! this law reveals the _heart_ of slaveholders towards their slaves, their diabolical indifference to the most excruciating and protracted torments inflicted on them by '_any_ person;' it reveals, too, the _relative_ protection afforded by 'public opinion' to the _person_ of the slave, in appalling contrast with the vastly surer protection which it affords to the master's _property_ in the slave. the wretch who cuts out the tongue, tears out the eyes, shoots off the arms, or burns off the feet of a slave, over a slow fire, _cannot_ legally be fined more than five hundred dollars; but if he should in pity loose a chain from his galled neck, placed there by the master to keep him from escaping, and thus put his property in some jeopardy, he may be fined _one thousand dollars_, and thrust into a dungeon for two years! and this, be it remembered, not for _stealing_ the slave from the master, nor for _enticing_, or even advising him to run away, or giving him any information how he can effect his escape; but merely, because, touched with sympathy for the bleeding victim, as he sees the rough iron chafe the torn flesh at every turn, he removes it;--and, as escape without this incumbrance would be easier than with it, the master's property in the slave is put at some risk. for having caused this slight risk, the law provides a punishment--fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding _two years_. we say 'slight risk,' because the slave may not be disposed to encounter the dangers, and hunger, and other sufferings of the woods, and the certainty of terrible inflictions if caught; and if he should attempt it, the risk of losing him is small. an advertisement of five lines will set the whole community howling on his track; and the trembling and famished fugitive is soon scented out in his retreat, and dragged back and delivered over to his tormentors. the preceding law is another illustration of the 'protection' afforded to the limbs and members of slaves, by 'public opinion' among slaveholders. here follow two other illustrations of the brutal indifference of 'public opinion' to the _torments_ of the slave, while it is full of zeal to compensate the master, if any one disables his slave so as to lessen his market value. the first is a law of south carolina. it provides, that if a slave, engaged in his owner's service, be attacked by a person 'not having sufficient cause for so doing,' and if the slave shall be '_maimed or disabled_' by him, so that the owner suffers a loss from his inability to labor, the person maiming him shall pay for his 'lost time,' and 'also the charges for the cure of the slave!' this vandal law does not deign to take the least notice of the anguish of the '_maimed' slave_, made, perhaps, a groaning cripple for life; the horrible wrong and injury done to _him_, is passed over in utter silence. it is thus declared to be _not a criminal act_. but the pecuniary interests of the master are not to be thus neglected by 'public opinion'. oh no! its tender bowels run over with sympathy at the master's injury in the 'lost _time_' of his slave, and it carefully provides that he shall have pay for the whole of it.--see _brevard's digest_, , . a law similar to the above has been passed in louisiana, which contains an additional provision for the benefit of the _master_--ordaining, that 'if the slave' (thus _maimed and disabled_,) 'be forever rendered unable to work,' the person maiming, shall pay the master the appraised value of the slave before the injury, and shall, in addition, _take_ the slave, and maintain him during life.' thus 'public opinion' transfers the helpless cripple from the hand of his master, who, as he has always had the benefit of his services, might possibly feel some tenderness for him, and puts him in the sole power of the wretch who has disabled him for life--protecting the victim from the fury of his tormentor, by putting him into his hands! what but butchery by piecemeal can, under such circumstances, be expected from a man brutal enough at first to 'maim' and 'disable' him, and now exasperated by being obliged to pay his full value to the master, and to have, in addition, the daily care and expense of his maintenance. since writing the above, we have seen the following judicial decision, in the case of jourdan, vs. patton-- martin's louisiana reports, . a slave of the plaintiff had been deprived of his _only eye_, and thus rendered _useless_, on which account the court adjudged that the defendant should pay the plaintiff his full value. the case went up, by appeal, to the supreme court. judge mathews, in his decision said, that 'when the defendant had paid the sum decreed, the slave ought to be placed in his possession,'--adding, that 'the judgment making full compensation to the owner _operates a change of property_. he adds, 'the principle of humanity which would lead us to suppose, that the mistress whom he had long served, would treat her miserable blind slave with more kindness than the defendant to whom the judgment ought to transfer him, cannot be taken into consideration!' the full compensation of the mistress for the loss of the services of the slave, is worthy of all 'consideration,' even to the uttermost farthing; 'public opinion' is omnipotent for _her_ protection; but when the food, clothing, shelter, fire and lodging, medicine and nursing, comfort and entire condition and treatment of her poor blind slave throughout his dreary pilgrimage, is the question--ah! that, says the mouthpiece of the law, and the representative of 'public opinion,' 'cannot be taken into consideration.' protection of slaves by 'public opinion' among slaveholders!! the foregoing illustrations of southern 'public opinion,' from the laws made by it and embodying it, are sufficient to show, that, so far from being an efficient protection to the slaves, it is their deadliest foe, persecutor and tormentor. but here we shall probably be met by the legal lore of some 'justice shallow,' instructing us that the life of the slave is fully protected by law, however unprotected he may be in other respects. this assertion we meet with a point blank denial. the law does not, in reality, protect the life of the slave. but even if the letter of the law would fully protect the life of the slave, 'public opinion' in the slave states would make it a dead letter. the letter of the law would have been all-sufficient for the protection of the lives of the miserable gamblers in vicksburg, and other places in mississippi, from the rage of those whose money they had won; but 'gentlemen of property and standing 'laughed the law to scorn, rushed to the gamblers' house, put ropes round their necks, dragged them through the streets, hanged them in the public square, and thus saved the sum they had not yet paid. thousands witnessed this wholesale murder, yet of the scores of legal officers present, not a soul raised a finger to prevent it, the whole city consented to it, and thus aided and abetted it. how many hundreds of them helped to commit the murders, _with their own hands_, does not appear, but not one of them has been indicted for it, and no one made the least effort to bring them to trial. thus, up to the present hour, the blood of those murdered men rests on that whole city, and it will continue to be a city of murderers, so long as its citizens, agree together to shield those felons from punishment; and they do thus agree together so long as they encourage each other in refusing to bring them to justice. now, the _laws_ of mississippi were not in fault that those men were murdered; nor are they now in fault, that their murderers are not punished; the laws demand it, but the people of mississippi, the legal officers, the grand juries and legislature of the state, with one consent agree, that the law _shall be a dead letter_, and thus the whole state assumes the guilt of those murders, and in bravado, flourishes her reeking hands in the face of the world.[ ] [footnote : we have just learned from mississippi papers, that the citizens of vicksburg are erecting a public monument in honor of dr. h.s. bodley, who was the ring-leader of the lynchers in their attack upon the miserable victims. to give the crime the cold encouragement of impunity alone, or such slight tokens of favor as a home and a sanctuary, is beneath the chivalry and hospitality of mississippians; so they tender it incense, an altar, and a crown of glory. let the marble rise till it be seen from afar, a beacon marking the spot where law lies lifeless by the hand of felons; and murderers, with chaplets on their heads, dance and shout upon its grave, while 'all the people say, amen.'] the letter of the law on the statute book is one thing, the practice of the community under that law often a totally different thing. each of the slave states has laws providing that the life of no _white_ man shall be taken without his having first been indicted by a grand jury, allowed an impartial trial by a petit jury, with the right of counsel, cross-examination of witnesses, &c.; but who does not know that if arthur tappan were pointed out in the streets of new orleans, mobile, savannah, charleston, natchez, or st. louis, he would be torn in pieces by the citizens with one accord, and that if any one should attempt to bring his murderers to punishment, he would be torn in pieces also. the editors of southern newspapers openly vaunt, that every abolitionist who sets foot in their soil, shall, if he be discovered, be hung at once, without judge or jury. what mockery to quote the _letter of the law_ in those states, to show that abolitionists would have secured to them the legal protection of an impartial trial! before the objector can make out his case, that the life of the slave is protected by the law, he must not only show that the _words of the law_ grant him such protection, but that such a state of public sentiment exists as will carry out the provisions of the law in their true spirit. any thing short of this will be set down as mere prating by every man of common sense. it has been already abundantly shown in the preceding pages, that the public sentiment of the slaveholding states toward the slaves is diabolical. now, if there were laws in those states, the _words_ of which granted to the life of the slave the same protection granted to that of the master, what would they avail? acts constitute protection; and is that public sentiment which makes the slave 'property,' and perpetrates hourly robbery and batteries upon him, so penetrated with a sense of the sacredness of his right to life, that it will protect it at all hazards, and drag to the gallows his owner, if he take the life of his own _property_? if it be asked, why the penalty for killing a slave is not a mere _fine_ then, if his life is not really regarded as sacred by public sentiment--we answer, that formerly in most, if not in all the slave states, the murder of a slave _was_ punished by a mere fine. this was the case in south carolina till a few years since. yes, as late as , in the state of south carolina, which boasts of its chivalry and honor, at least as loudly as any state in the union, a slaveholder might butcher his slave in the most deliberate manner--with the most barbarous and protracted torments, and yet not be subjected to a single hour's imprisonment--pay his fine, stride out of the court and kill another--pay his fine again and butcher another, and so long as he paid to the state, cash down, its own assessment of damages, without putting it to the trouble of prosecuting for it, he might strut 'a gentleman.'--see _brevard's digest_, . the reason assigned by the legislature for enacting a law which punished the wilful murder of a human being by a _fine_, was that 'cruelty _is_ highly unbecoming,' and 'odious.' it was doubtless the same reason that induced the legislature in , to make a show of giving _more_ protection to the life of the slave. their fathers, when they gave _some_ protection, did it because the time had come when, not to do it would make them 'odious,' so the legislature of made a show of giving still greater protection, because, not to do it would make them '_odious_.' fitly did they wear the mantles of their ascending fathers! in giving to the life of a slave the miserable protection of a fine, their fathers did not even pretend to do it out of any regard to the sacredness of his life as a human being, but merely because cruelty is 'unbecoming' and 'odious.' the legislature of _nominally_ increased this protection; not that they cared more for the slave's rights, or for the inviolabity of his life as a human being, but the civilized world had advanced since the date of the first law. the slave-trade which was then honorable merchandise, and plied by lords, governors, judges, and doctors of divinity, raising them to immense wealth, had grown 'unbecoming,' and only raised its votaries by a rope to the yard arm; besides this, the barbarity of the slave codes throughout the world was fast becoming 'odious' to civilized nations, and slaveholders found that the only conditions on which they could prevent themselves from being thrust out of the pale of civilization, was to meliorate the iron rigor of their slave code, and thus _seem_ to secure to their slaves some protection. further, the northern states had passed laws for the abolition of slavery--all the south american states were acting in the matter; and colombia and chili passed acts of abolition that very year. in addition to all this the missouri question had been for two years previous under discussion in congress, in state legislatures, and in every village and stage coach; and this law of south carolina had been held up to execration by northern members of congress, and in newspapers throughout the free states--in a word, the legislature of south carolina found that they were becoming 'odious;' and while in their sense of justice and humanity they did not surpass their fathers, they winced with equal sensitiveness under the sting of the world's scorn, and with equal promptitude sued for a truce by modifying the law. the legislature of south carolina modified another law at the same session. previously, the killing of a slave 'on a sudden heat or passion, or by undue correction,' was punished by a fine of three hundred and fifty pounds. in an act was passed diminishing the fine to five hundred dollars, but authorizing an imprisonment 'not exceeding six months.' just before the american revolution, the legislature of north carolina passed a law making _imprisonment_ the penalty for the wilful and malicious murder of a slave. about twenty years after the revolution, the state found itself becoming 'odious,' as the spirit of abolition was pervading the nations. the legislature, perceiving that christendom would before long rank them with barbarians if they so cheapened human life, repealed the law, candidly assigning in the preamble of the new one the reason for repealing the old--that it was 'disgraceful' and 'degrading! as this preamble expressly recognizes the slave as 'a human creature,' and as it is couched in a phraseology which indicates some sense of justice, we would gladly give the legislature credit for sincerity, and believe them really touched with humane movings towards the slave, were it not for a proviso in the law clearly revealing that the show of humanity and regard for their rights, indicated by the words, is nothing more than a hollow pretence--hypocritical flourish to produce an impression favorable to their justice and magnanimity. after declaring that he who is 'guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, shall suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a freeman;' the act concludes thus: 'provided, always, this act shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of assembly of this state; or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful overseer, or master, or to any slave dying under _moderate correction_.' reader, look at this proviso. . it gives free license to all persons to kill _outlawed slaves_. well, what is an outlawed slave? a slave who runs away, lurks in swamps, &c., and kills a _hog_ or any other domestic animal to keep himself from starving, is subject to a proclamation of _outlawry_; (haywood's manual, ,) and then whoever finds him may shoot him, tear him in pieces with dogs, burn him to death over a slow fire, or kill him by any other tortures. . the proviso grants full license to a master to kill his slave, if the slave _resist_ him. the north carolina bench has decided that this law contemplates not only actual resistance to punishment, &c., but also _offering_ to resist. (stroud's sketch, .) if, for example, a slave undergoing the process of branding should resist by pushing aside the burning stamp; or if wrought up to frenzy by the torture of the lash, he should catch and hold it fast; or if he break loose from his master and run, refusing to stop at his command; or if he _refuse_ to be flogged; or struggle to keep his clothes on while his master is trying to strip him; if, in these, or any one of a hundred other ways he _resist_, or offer, or _threaten_ to resist the infliction; or, if the master attempt the violation of the slave's wife, and the husband resist his attempts without the least effort to injure him, but merely to shield his wife from his assaults, this law does not merely permit, but it _authorizes_ the master to murder the slave on the spot. the brutality of these two provisos brands its authors as barbarians. but the third cause of exemption could not be outdone by the legislation of fiends. 'dying under moderate _correction_!' moderate _correction_ and death--cause and effect! 'provided always,' says the law, 'this act shall not extend to any slave dying under _moderate correction_!' here is a formal proclamation of impunity to murder--an express pledge of _acquittal_ to all slaveholders who wish to murder their slaves, a legal absolution--an indulgence granted before the commission of the crime! look at the phraseology. nothing is said of maimings, dismemberments, skull fractures, of severe bruisings, or lacerations, or even of floggings; but a word is used the common-parlance import of which is, _slight chastisement_; it is not even _whipping_, but '_correction_' and as if hypocrisy and malignity were on the rack to outwit each other, even that weak word must be still farther diluted; so '_moderate_' is added: and, to crown the climax, compounded of absurdity, hypocrisy, and cold-blooded murder, the _legal definition_ of 'moderate correction' is covertly given; which is, _any punishment_ that kills the victim. all inflictions are either _moderate_ or _immoderate_; and the design of this law was manifestly to shield the murderer from conviction, _by carrying on its face the rule for its own interpretation_; thus advertising, beforehand, courts and juries, that the fact of any infliction _producing death_, was no evidence that it was _immoderate_, and that beating a man to death came within the legal meaning of 'moderate correction!' the _design_ of the legislature of north carolina in framing this law is manifest; it was to produce the impression upon the world, that they had so high a sense of justice as voluntarily to grant adequate protection to the lives of their slaves. this is ostentatiously set forth in the preamble, and in the body of the law. that this was the most despicable hypocrisy, and that they had predetermined to grant no such protection, notwithstanding the pains taken to get the _credit_ of it, is fully revealed by the _proviso_, which was framed in such a way as to nullify the law, for the express accommodation of slaveholding gentlemen murdering their slaves. all such find in this proviso a convenient accomplice before the fact, and a packed jury, with a ready-made verdict of 'not guilty,' both gratuitously furnished by the government! the preceding law and proviso are to be found in haywood's manual, ; also in laws of tennessee, act of october , ; and in stroud's sketch, . enough has been said already to show, that though the laws of the slave states profess to grant adequate protection to the life of the slave, such professions are mere empty pretence, no such protection being in reality afforded by them. but there is still another fact, showing that all laws which profess to protect the slaves from injury by the whites are a mockery. it is this--that the testimony, neither of a slave nor of a free colored person, is _legal_ testimony against a white. to this rule there is _no exception_ in any of the slave states: and this, were there no other evidence, would be sufficient to stamp, as hypocritical, all the provisions of the codes which _profess_ to protect the slaves. professing to grant _protection_, while, at the same time, it strips them of the only _means_ by which they can make that protection available! injuries must be legally _proved_ before they can be legally _redressed_: to deprive men of the power of _proving_ their injuries, is itself the greatest of all injuries; for it not only exposes to all, but invites them, by a virtual guarantee of impunity, and is thus the _author_ of all injuries. it matters not what other laws exist, professing to throw safeguards round the slave--_this_ makes them blank paper. how can a slave prove outrages perpetrated upon him by his master or overseer, when his own testimony and that of all his fellow-slaves, his kindred, associates, and acquaintances, is ruled out of court? and when he is entirely in the _power_ of those who injure him, and when the only care necessary, on their part, is, to see that no _white_ witness is looking on. ordinarily, but _one_ white man, the overseer, is with the slaves while they are at labor; indeed, on most plantations, to commit an outrage in the _presence_ of a white witness would be more difficult than in their absence. he who wished to commit an illegal act upon a slave, instead of being obliged to _take pains_ and watch for an opportunity to do it unobserved by a white, would find it difficult to do it in the presence of a white if he wished to do so. the supreme court of louisiana, in their decision, in the case of crawford vs. cherry,( , _martin's la. rep._ ; also "_law of slavery,_" ,) where the defendant was sued for the value of a slave whom he had shot and killed, say, "the act charged here, is one _rarely_ committed in the presence of _witnesses_," (whites). so in the case of the state vs. mann, (_devereux, n.c. rep._ ; and _"law of slavery," _ ;) in which the defendant was charged with shooting a slave girl 'belonging' to the plaintiff; the supreme court of north carolina, in their decision, speaking of the provocations of the master by the slave, and 'the consequent wrath of the master' prompting him to _bloody vengeance_, add, _'a vengeance generally practised with impunity, by reason of its privacy.'_ laws excluding the testimony of slaves and free colored persons, where a white is concerned, do not exist in all the slave states. one or two of them have no legal enactment on the subject; but, in those, _'public opinion'_ acts with the force of law, and the courts _invariably reject it_. this brings us back to the potency of that oft-quoted 'public opinion,' so ready, according to our objector, to do battle for the _protection_ of the slave! another proof that 'public opinion,' in the slave states, plunders, tortures, and murders the slaves, instead of _protecting_ them, is found in the fact, that the laws of slave states inflict _capital_ punishment on slaves for a variety of crimes, for which, if their masters commit them, the legal penalty is merely _imprisonment_. judge stroud in his sketch of the laws of slavery, says, that by the laws of virginia, there are 'seventy-one crimes for which slaves are capitally punished though in none of these are whites punished in manner more severe than by imprisonment in the penitentiary.' (p. , where the reader will find all the crimes enumerated.) it should be added, however, that though the penalty for each of these seventy-one crimes is 'death,' yet a majority of them are, in the words of the law, 'death within clergy;' and in virginia, _clergyable_ offences, though _technically_ capital, are not so in fact. in mississippi, slaves are punished capitally for more than _thirty_ crimes, for which whites are punished only by fine or imprisonment, or both. eight of these are not _recognized as crimes_, either by common law or by statute, when committed by whites. in south carolina slaves are punished capitally for _nine_ more crimes than the whites--in georgia, for _six_--and in kentucky, for _seven_ more than whites, &c. we surely need not detain the reader by comments on this monstrous inequality with which the penal codes of slave states treat slaves and their masters. when we consider that guilt is in proportion to intelligence, and that these masters have by law doomed their slaves to ignorance, and then, as they darkle and grope along their blind way, inflict penalties upon them for a variety of acts regarded as praise worthy in whites; killing them for crimes, when whites are only fined or imprisoned--to call such a 'public opinion' inhuman, savage, murderous, diabolical, would be to use tame words, if the english vocabulary could supply others of more horrible import. but slaveholding brutality does not stop here. while punishing the slaves for crimes with vastly greater severity than it does their masters for the same crimes, and making a variety of acts _crimes_ in law, which are right, and often _duties_, it persists in refusing to make known to the slaves that complicated and barbarous penal code which loads them with such fearful liabilities. the slave is left to get a knowledge of these laws as he can, and cases must be of constant occurrence at the south, in which slaves get their first knowledge of the existence of a law by suffering its penalty. indeed, this is probably the way in which they commonly learn what the laws are; for how else can the slave get a knowledge of the laws? he cannot _read_--he cannot _learn_ to read; if he try to master the alphabet, so that he may spell out the words of the law, and thus avoid its penalties, the law shakes its terrors at him; while, at the same time, those who made the laws refuse to make them known to those for whom they are designed. the memory of caligula will blacken with execration while time lasts, because be hung up his laws so high that people could not read them, and then punished them because they did not keep them. our slaveholders aspire to blacker infamy. caligula was content with hanging up his laws where his subjects could _see_ them; and if they could not read them, they knew where they were, and might get at them, if, in their zeal to learn his will, they had used the same means to get up to them that those did who hung them there. even caligula, wretch as he was, would have shuddered at cutting their legs off, to prevent their climbing to them; or, if they had got there, at boring their eyes out, to prevent their reading them. our slaveholders virtually do both; for they prohibit their slaves acquiring that knowledge of letters which would enable them to read the laws; and if, by stealth, they get it in spite of them, they prohibit them books and papers, and flog them if they are caught at them. further--caligula merely hung his laws so high that they could not be _read_--our slaveholders have hung theirs so high above the slave that they cannot be _seen_--they are utterly out of sight, and he finds out that they are there only by the falling of the penalties on his head.[ ] thus the "public opinion" of slave states protects the defenceless slave by arming a host of legal penalties and setting them in ambush at every thicket along his path, to spring upon him unawares. [footnote : the following extract from the alexandria (d.c.) gazette is all illustration. "criminals condemned.--on monday last the court of the borough of norfolk, va. sat on the trial of four negro boys arraigned for burglary. the first indictment charged them with breaking into the hardware store of mr. e.p. tabb, upon which two of them were found guilty by the court, and condemned to suffer the penalty of the law, which, in the case of a slave, is death. the second friday in april is appointed for the execution of their awful sentence. _their ages do not exceed sixteen_. the first, a fine active boy, belongs to a widow lady in alexandria; the latter, a house servant, is owned by a gentleman in the borough. the value of one was fixed at $ , and the other at $ ; which sums are to be re-imbursed to their respective owners out of the state treasury." in all probability these poor boys, who are to be hung for stealing, never dreamed that death was the legal penalty of the crime. here is another, from the "new orleans bee" of ---- , --"the slave who struck some citizens in canal street, some weeks since, has been tried and found guilty, and is sentenced to be hung on the th."] stroud, in his sketch of the laws of slavery, page , thus comments on this monstrous barbarity. "the hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is to be taught the laws before he is expected to obey them;[ ] yet the guiltless slave is subjected to an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of which, probably, has he ever heard." [footnote : "it shall be the duty of the keeper [of the penitentiary] on the receipt of each prisoner, to _read_ to him or her such parts of the penal laws of this state as impose penalties for escape, and to make all the prisoners in the penitentiary acquainted with the same. it shall also be his duty, on the discharge of such prisoner, to read to him or her such parts of the laws as impose additional punishments for the repetition of offences."--_rule th_, for the internal government of the penitentiary of georgia. sec. of the penitentiary act of .--prince's digest, .] having already drawn so largely on the reader's patience, in illustrating southern 'public opinion' by the slave laws, instead of additional illustrations of the same point from another class of those laws, as was our design, we will group together a few particulars, which the reader can take in at a glance, showing that the "public opinion" of slaveholders towards their slaves, which exists at the south, in the form of law, tramples on all those fundamental principles of right, justice, and equity, which are recognized as sacred by all civilized nations, and receive the homage even of barbarians. . one of these principles is, that the _benefits_ of law to the subject should overbalance its burdens--its protection more than compensate for its restraints and exactions--and its blessings altogether outweigh its inconveniences and evils--the former being numerous, positive, and permanent, the latter few, negative, and incidental. totally the reverse of all this is true in the case of the slave. law is to him all exaction and no protection: instead of lightening his _natural_ burdens, it crushes him under a multitude of artificial ones; instead of a friend to succor him, it is his deadliest foe, transfixing him at every step from the cradle to the grave. law has been beautifully defined to be "benevolence acting by rule;" to the american slave it is malevolence torturing by system. it is an old truth, that _responsibility_ increases with _capacity_; but those same laws which make the slave a "_chattel_," require of him _more_ than of _men_. the same law which makes him a _thing_ incapable of obligation, loads him with obligations superhuman--while sinking him below the level of a brute in dispensing its _benefits_, he lays upon him burdens which would break down an angel. . _innocence is entitled to the protection of law._ slaveholders make innocence free plunder; this is their daily employment; their laws assail it, make it their victim, inflict upon it all, and, in some respects, more than all the penalties of the greatest guilt. to other innocent persons, law is a blessing, to the slave it is a curse, only a curse and that continually. . _deprivation of liberty is one of the highest punishments of crime_; and in proportion to its justice when inflicted on the guilty, is its injustice when inflicted on the innocent; this terrible penalty is inflicted on two million seven hundred thousand, innocent persons in the southern states. . _self-preservation and self-defence_, are universally regarded as the most sacred of human rights, yet the laws of slave states punish the slave with _death_ for exercising these rights in that way, which in others is pronounced worthy of the highest praise. . _the safeguards of law are most needed where natural safe-guards are weakest._ every principle of justice and equity requires, that, those who are totally unprotected by birth, station, wealth, friends, influence, and popular favor, and especially those who are the innocent objects of public contempt and prejudice, should be more vigilantly protected by law, than those who are so fortified by defence, that they have far less need of _legal_ protection; yet the poor slave who is fortified by _none_ of these _personal_ bulwarks, is denied the protection of law, while the master, surrounded by them all, is panoplied in the mail of legal protection, even to the hair of his head; yea, his very shoe-tie and coat-button are legal protegees. . the grand object of law is to _protect men's natural rights_, but instead of protecting the natural rights of the slaves, it gives slaveholders license to wrest them from the weak by violence, protects them in holding their plunder, and _kills_ the rightful owner if he attempt to recover it. this is the _protection_ thrown around the rights of american slaves by the 'public opinion,' of slaveholders; these the restraints that hold back their masters, overseers, and drivers, from inflicting injuries upon them! in a republican government, _law_ is the pulse of its _heart_--as the heart beats the pulse beats, except that it often beats _weaker_ than the heart, never stronger--or to drop the figure, laws are never _worse_ than those who make them, very often better. if human history proves anything, cruelty of practice will always go beyond cruelty of law. law-making is a formal, deliberate act, performed by persons of mature age, embodying the intelligence, wisdom, justice and humanity, of the community; performed, too, at leisure, after full opportunity had for a comprehensive survey of all the relations to be affected, after careful investigation and protracted discussion. consequently laws must, in the main, be a true index of the permanent feelings, the settled _frame of mind_, cherished by the community upon those subjects, and towards those persons and classes whose condition the laws are designed to establish. if the laws are in a high degree cruel and inhuman, towards any class of persons, it proves that the feelings habitually exercised towards that class of persons, by those who make and perpetuate those laws, are at least _equally_ cruel and inhuman. we say _at least equally_ so; for if the _habitual_ state of feeling towards that class be unmerciful, it must be unspeakably cruel, relentless and malignant when _provoked_; if its _ordinary_ action is inhuman, its contortions and spasms must be tragedies; if the waves run high when there has been no wind, where will they not break when the tempest heaves them! further, when cruelty is the _spirit_ of the law towards a proscribed class, when it _legalizes great outrages_ upon them, it connives at, and abets _greater_ outrages, and is virtually an accomplice of all who perpetrate them. hence, in such cases, though the _degree_ of the outrage is illegal, the perpetrator will rarely be convicted, and, even if convicted, will be almost sure to escape punishment. this is not _theory_ but _history_. every judge and lawyer in the slave states _knows_, that the legal conviction and _punishment_ of masters and mistresses, for illegal outrages upon their slaves, is an event which has rarely, if ever, occurred in the slave states; they know, also, that although _hundreds_ of slaves have been _murdered_ by their masters and mistresses in the slave states, within the last twenty-five years, and though the fact of their having committed those murders has been established beyond a _doubt_ in the minds of the surrounding community, yet that the murderers have not, in a single instance, suffered the penalty of the law. finally, since slaveholders have deliberately legalized the perpetration of the most cold-blooded atrocities upon their slaves, and do pertinaciously refuse to make these atrocities _illegal_, and to punish those who perpetrate them, they stand convicted before the world, upon their own testimony, of the most barbarous, brutal, and habitual inhumanity. if this be slander and falsehood, their own lips have uttered it, their own fingers have written it, their own acts have proclaimed it; and however it may be with their _morality_, they have too much human nature to perjure themselves for the sake of publishing their own infamy. having dwelt at such length on the legal code of the slave states, that unerring index of the public opinion of slaveholders towards their slaves; and having shown that it does not protect the slaves from cruelty, and that even in the few instances in which the letter of the law, if _executed_, would afford some protection, it is virtually nullified by the connivance of courts and juries, or by popular clamor; we might safely rest the case here, assured that every honest reader would spurn the absurd falsehood, that the 'public opinion' of the slave states protects the slaves and restrains the master. but, as the assertion is made so often by slaveholders, and with so much confidence, notwithstanding its absurdity is fully revealed by their own legal code, we propose to show its falsehood by applying other tests. we lay it down as a truth that can be made no plainer by reasoning, that the same 'public opinion,' which restrains men from _committing_ outrages, will restrain them from _publishing_ such outrages, if they do commit them;--in other words, if a man is restrained from certain acts through fear of losing his character, should they become known, he will not voluntarily destroy his character by _making them known_, should he be guilty of them. let us look at this. it is assumed by slaveholders, that 'public opinion' at the south so frowns on cruelty to the slaves, that _fear of disgrace_ would restrain from the infliction of it, were there no other consideration. now, that this is sheer fiction is shown by the fact, that the newspapers in the slaveholding states, teem with advertisements for runaway slaves, in which the masters and _mistresses_ describe their men and women, as having been 'branded with a hot iron,' on their 'cheeks,' 'jaws,' 'breasts,' 'arms,' 'legs,' and 'thighs;' also as 'scarred,' 'very much scarred,' 'cut up,' 'marked,' &c. 'with the whip,' also with 'iron collars on,' 'chains,' 'bars of iron,' 'fetters,' 'bells,' 'horns,' 'shackles,' &c. they, also, describe them as having been wounded by 'buck-shot,' 'rifle-balls,' &c. fired at them by their 'owners,' and others when in pursuit; also, as having 'notches,' cut in their ears, the tops or bottoms of their ears 'cut off,' or 'slit,' or 'one ear cut off' or 'both ears cut off' &c. &c. the masters and mistresses who thus advertise their runaway slaves, coolly sign their names to their advertisements, giving the street and number of their residences, if in cities, their post office address, &c. if in the country; thus making public proclamation as widely as possible that _they_ 'brand,' 'scar,' 'gash,' 'cut up,' &c. the flesh of their slaves; load them with irons, cut off their ears, &c.; they speak of these things with the utmost _sang froid_, not seeming to think it possible, that any one will esteem them at all the less because of these outrages upon their slaves; further, these advertisements swarm in many of the largest and most widely circulated political and commercial papers that are published in the slave states. the editors of those papers constitute the main body of the literati of the slave states; they move in the highest circle of society, are among the 'popular' men in the community, and _as a class_, are more influential than any other; yet these editors publish these advertisements with iron indifference. so far from proclaiming to such felons, homicides, and murderers, that they will not be their blood-hounds, to hunt down the innocent and mutilated victims who have escaped from their torture, they freely furnish them with every facility, become their accomplices and share their spoils; and instead of outraging 'public opinion,' by doing it, they are the men after its own heart, its organs, its representatives, its _self_. to show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states, towards the slaves, is absolutely _diabolical_, we will insert a few, out of a multitude, of similar advertisements from a variety of southern papers now before us. the north carolina standard, of july , , contains the following:-- "twenty dollars reward. ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman and two children; the woman is tall and black, and _a few days before she went off_, i burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face; i tried to make the letter m, _and she kept a cloth over her head and face, and a fly bonnet on her head so as to cover the burn;_ her children are both boys, the oldest is in his seventh year; he is a _mulatto_ and has blue eyes; the youngest is black and is in his fifth year. the woman's name is betty, commonly called bet." micajah ricks. _nash county, july _, . hear the wretch tell his story, with as much indifference as if he were describing the cutting of his initials in the bark of a tree. _"i burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face,"--"i tried to make the letter m_," and this he says in a newspaper, and puts his name to it, and the editor of the paper who is, also, its proprietor, publishes it for him and pockets his fee. perhaps the reader will say, 'oh, it must have been published in an insignificant sheet printed in some obscure corner of the state; perhaps by a gang of 'squatters,' in the dismal swamp, universally regarded as a pest, and edited by some scape-gallows, who is detested by the whole community.' to this i reply that the "north carolina standard," the paper which contains it, is a large six columned weekly paper, handsomely printed and ably edited; it is the leading democratic paper in that state, and is published at raleigh, the capital of the state, thomas loring, esq. editor and proprietor. the motto in capitals under the head of the paper is, "the constitution and the union of the states--they must be preserved." the same editor and proprietor, who exhibits such brutality of feeling towards the slaves, by giving the preceding advertisement a conspicuous place in his columns, and taking his pay for it, has apparently a keen sense of the proprieties of life, where _whites_ are concerned, and a high regard for the rights, character and feelings of those whose skin is colored like his own. as proof of this, we copy from the number of the paper containing the foregoing advertisement, the following _editorial_ on the pending political canvass. "we cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the gubernatorial canvass will be conducted with a _due regard to the character_, and _feelings_ of the distinguished individuals who are candidates for that office; and that the press of north carolina will _set an example_ in this respect, worthy of _imitation and of praise_." what is this but chivalrous and honorable feeling? the good name of north carolina is dear to him--on the comfort, 'character and feelings,' of her _white_ citizens he sets a high value; he feels too, most deeply for the _character of the press_ of north carolina, sees that it is a city set on a hill, and implores his brethren of the editorial corps to 'set an example' of courtesy and magnanimity worthy of imitation and praise. now, reader, put all these things together and con them over, and then read again the preceding advertisement contained in the same number of the paper, and you have the true "north carolina standard," by which to measure the protection extended to slaves by the 'public opinion' of that state. j.p. ashford advertises as follows in the "natchez courier," august , . "ranaway, a negro girl called mary, has a small scar over her eye, a _good many teeth missing_, the letter a. _is branded on her cheek and forehead_." a.b. metcalf thus advertises a woman in the same paper, june , . "ranaway, mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball_." john henderson, in the "grand gulf advertiser," august , , advertises betsey. "ranaway, a black woman betsey, has an _iron bar on her right leg_." robert nicoll, whose residence is in mobile, in dauphin street, between emmanuel and conception streets, thus advertises a woman in the "mobile commercial advertiser." "ten dollars reward will be given for my negro woman liby. the said liby is about years old and very much scarred about the neck and ears, occasioned by whipping, had on a handkerchief tied round her ears, as she commonly wears it to hide the scars." to show that slaveholding brutality now is the same that it was the eighth of a century ago, we publish the following advertisement from the "charleston (s.c.) courier," of . "twenty dollars reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, on the th instant, a negro girl named molly. "the said girl was sold by messrs. wm. payne & sons, as the property of an estate of a mr. gearrall, and purchased by a mr. moses, and sold by him to a thomas prisley, of edgefield district, of whom i bought her on the th of april, . she is or years of age, slim made, lately branded on the left cheek, thus, r, and a piece taken off of her ear on the same side; the same letter on the inside of both her legs. "abner ross, fairfield district." but instead of filling pages with similar advertisements, illustrating the horrible brutality of slaveholders towards their slaves, the reader is referred to the preceding pages of this work, to the scores of advertisements written by slaveholders, printed by slaveholders, published by slaveholders, in newspapers edited by slaveholders and patronized by slaveholders; advertisement describing not only men and boys, but women aged and middle-aged, matrons and girls of tender years, their necks chafed with iron collars with prongs, their limbs galled with iron rings and chains, and bars of iron, iron hobbles and shackles, all parts of their persons scarred with the lash, and branded with hot irons, and torn with rifle bullets, pistol balls and buck shot, and gashed with knives, their eyes out, their ears cut off, their teeth drawn out, and their bones broken. he is referred also to the cool and shocking indifference with which these slaveholders, 'gentlemen' and 'ladies,' reverends, and honorables, and excellencies, write and print, and publish and pay, and take money for, and read and circulate, and sanction, such infernal barbarity. let the reader ponder all this, and then lay it to heart, that this is that 'public opinion' of the slaveholders which protects their slaves from all injury, and is an effectual guarantee of personal security. however far gone a community may be in brutality, something of protection may yet be hoped for from its 'public opinion,' if _respect for woman_ survive the general wreck; that gone, protection perishes; public opinion becomes universal rapine; outrages, once occasional, become habitual; the torture, which was before inflicted only by passion, becomes the constant product of a _system_, and, instead of being the index of sudden and fierce impulses, is coolly plied as the permanent means to an end. when _women_ are branded with hot irons on their faces; when iron collars, with prongs, are riveted about their necks; when iron rings are fastened upon their limbs, and they are forced to drag after them chains and fetters; when their flesh is torn with whips, and mangled with bullets and shot, and lacerated with knives; and when those who do such things, are regarded in the community, and associated with as 'gentlemen' and 'ladies;' to say that the 'public opinion' of _such_ a community is a protection to its victims, is to blaspheme god, whose creatures they are, cast in his own sacred image, and dear to him as the apple of his eye. but we are not yet quite ready to dismiss this protector, 'public opinion.' to illustrate the hardened brutality with which slaveholders regard their slaves, the shameless and apparently unconscious indecency with which they speak of their female slaves, examine their persons, and describe them, under their own signatures, in newspapers, hand-bills, &c. just as they would describe the marks of cattle and swine, on all parts of their bodies; we will make a few extracts from southern papers. reader, as we proceed to these extracts, remember our motto--'true humanity consists _not_ in a squeamish ear.' mr. p. abdie, of new orleans, advertises in the new orleans bee, of january , , for one of his female slaves, as follows; "ranaway, the negro wench named betsey, aged about years, handsome-faced, and good countenance; having the marks of the whip behind her neck, and several others on her rump. the above reward, ($ ,) will be given to whoever will bring that wench to p. abdie." the new orleans bee, in which the advertisement of this vandal appears, is the 'official gazette of the state--of the general council--and of the first and third municipalities of new orleans.' it is the largest, and the most influential paper in the south-western states, and perhaps the most ably edited--and has undoubtedly a larger circulation than any other. it is a daily paper, of $ a year, and its circulation being mainly among the larger merchants, planters, and professional men, it is a fair index of the 'public opinion' of louisiana, so far as represented by those classes of persons. advertisements equally gross, indecent, and abominable, or nearly so, can be found in almost every number of that paper. mr. william robinson, georgetown, district of columbia, advertised for his slave in the national intelligencer, of washington city, oct. , , as follows: "eloped from my residence a young negress, years old, of a chestnut, or brown color. she has a very singular mark--this mark, to the best of my recollection, covers a part of her _breasts_, _body_, and _limbs_; and when her neck and arms are uncovered, is very perceptible; she has been frequently seen east and south of the capitol square, and is harbored by ill-disposed persons, of every complexion, for her services." mr. john c. beasley, near huntsville, alabama, thus advertises a young girl of eighteen, in the huntsville democrat, of august st, . "ranaway maria, about years old, _very far advanced with child._" he then offers a reward to any one who will commit this young girl, in this condition, _to jail_. mr. james t. de jarnett, vernon, autauga co. alabama, thus advertises a woman in the pensacola gazette, july , . "celia is a _bright_ copper-colored negress, _fine figure_ and _very smart_. on examining her back, you will find marks caused by the whip." he closes the advertisement, by offering a reward of _five hundred dollars_ to any person who will lodge her in _jail_, so that he can get her. a person who lives at chartres street, new orleans, advertises in the 'bee,' of may , for "the negress patience, about years old, has _large hips_, and is _bow-legged_." a mr. t. cuggy, in the same paper, thus describes "the negress caroline." "_she has awkward feet, clumsy ankles, turns out her toes greatly in walking, and has a sore on her left shin_." in another, of june , mr. p. bahi advertises "maria, with a clear white complexion, and _double nipple on her right breast_." mr. charles craige, of federal point, new hanover co. north carolina, in the wilmington advertiser, august , , offers a reward for his slave jane, and says "_she is far advanced in pregnancy_." the new orleans bulletin, august , , advertises "the negress mary, aged nineteen, has a scar on her face, walks parrot-toed, and is _pregnant_." mr. j.g. muir, of grand gulf, mississippi, thus advertises a woman in the vicksburg register, december , . "ranaway a negro girl--has a number of _black lumps on her breasts, and is in a state of pregnancy_." mr. jacob besson, donaldsonville, louisiana, advertises in the new orleans bee, august , , "the negro woman victorine--she is _advanced in pregnancy_." mr. j.h. leverich & co. no. , old levee, new orleans, advertises in the 'bulletin,' january , , as follows. "$ reward.--ranaway a negro girl named caroline about years of age, is _far advanced in child-bearing_. the above reward will be paid for her delivery at either of the _jails_ of the city." mr. john duggan, thus advertises a woman in the new orleans bee, of sept. . "ranaway from the subscriber a mulatto woman, named esther, about thirty years of age, _large stomach_, wants her upper front teeth, and walks pigeon-toed--supposed to be about the lower fauxbourg." mr. francis foster, of troop co. georgia, advertises in the columbus (ga.) enquirer of june , --"my negro woman patsey, has a stoop in her walking, occasioned by a _severe burn on her abdomen_." the above are a few specimens of the gross details, in describing the persons of females, of all ages, and the marks upon all parts of their bodies; proving incontestably, that slaveholders are in the habit not only of stripping their female slaves of their clothing, and inflicting punishment upon their 'shrinking flesh,' but of subjecting their naked persons to the most minute and revolting inspection, and then of publishing to the world the results of their examination, as well as the scars left by their own inflictions upon them, their length, size, and exact position on the body; and all this without impairing in the least, the standing in the community of the shameless wretches who thus proclaim their own abominations. that such things should not at all affect the standing of such persons in society, is certainly no marvel: how could they affect it, when the same communities enact laws _requiring_ their own legal officers to inspect minutely the persons and bodily marks of all slaves taken up as runaways, and to publish in the newspapers a particular description of all such marks and peculiarities of their persons, their size, appearance position on the body, &c. yea, verily, when the 'public opinion' of the community, in the solemn form of law, commands jailors, sheriffs, captains of police, &c. to divest of their clothing aged matrons and young girls, minutely examine their naked persons, and publish the results of their examination--who can marvel, that the same 'public opinion' should tolerate the slaveholders themselves, in doing the same things to their own property, which they have appointed legal officers to do as their proxies.[ ] [footnote : 'as a sample of these laws, we give the following extract from one of the laws of maryland, where slaveholding 'public opinion' exists in its mildest form.' "it shall be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties of this state, upon any runaway servant or slave being committed to his custody, to cause the same to be advertised, &c. and to make particular and minute descriptions of _the person and bodily marks_, of such runaway."--_laws of maryland of _, chap. , sec. and . that the sheriffs, jailors, &c. do not neglect this part of their official 'duty,' is plain from the minute description which they give in the advertisements of marks upon all parts of the persons of females, as well as males; and also from the occasional declaration, 'no scars discoverable on any part,' or 'no marks discoverable _about_ her;' which last is taken from an advertisement in the milledgeville (geo.) journal, june , , signed 't.s. denster, jailor.'] the zeal with which slaveholding '_public opinion_' protects the lives of the slaves, may be illustrated by the following advertisements, taken from a multitude of similar ones in southern papers. to show that slaveholding 'public opinion' is the same _now_, that it was half a century ago, we will insert, in the first place, an advertisement published in a north carolina newspaper, oct. , , by w. skinner, the clerk of the county of perquimons, north carolina. "ten silver dollars reward will be paid for apprehending and delivering to me my man moses, who ran away this morning; or i will give five times the sum to any person who will make due proof of his _being killed_, and never ask a question to know by whom it was done." w. skinner. _perquimons county, n.c. oct. , ._ the late john parrish, of philadelphia, an eminent minister of the religious society of friends, who traveled through the slave states about _thirty-five years_ since, on a religious mission, published on his return a pamphlet of forty pages, entitled 'remarks on the slavery of the black people.' from this work we extract the following illustrations of 'public opinion' in north and south carolina and virginia at that period. "when i was traveling through north carolina, a black man, who was outlawed, being shot by one of his pursuers, and left wounded in the woods, they came to an ordinary where i had stopped to feed my horse, in order to procure a cart to bring the poor wretched object in. another, i was credibly informed, was shot, his head cut off, and carried in a bag by the perpetrators of the murder, who received the reward, which was said to be $ , continental currency, and that his head was stuck on a coal house at an iron works in virginia--and this for going to visit his wife at a distance. crawford gives an account of a man being gibbetted alive in south carolina, and the buzzards came and picked out his eyes. another was burnt to death at a stake in charleston, surrounded by a multitude of spectators, some of whom were people of the _first rank_; ... the poor object was heard to cry, as long as he could breathe, 'not guilty--not guilty.'" the following is an illustration of the 'public opinion' of south carolina about fifty years ago. it is taken from judge stroud's sketch of the slave laws, page . "i find in the case of 'the state vs. m'gee,' i bay's reports, , it is said incidentally by messrs. pinckney and ford, counsel for the state (of s.c.), 'that the _frequency_ of the offence (_wilful_ murder of a slave) was owing to the _nature of the punishment_', &c.... this remark was made in , when the above trial took place. it was made in a public place--a courthouse--and by men of great personal respectability. there can be, therefore, no question as to its _truth_, and as little of its _notoriety_." in the grand jury for the district of cheraw, s.c. made a _presentment_, from which the following is an extract. "we, the grand jurors of and for the district of cheraw, do present the inefficacy of the present punishment for killing negroes, as a great defect in the legal system of this state: and we do earnestly recommend to the attention of the legislature, that clause of the negro act, which confines the penalty for killing slaves to fine and imprisonment only: in full confidence, that they will provide some other _more effectual_ measures to prevent the frequency of crimes of this nature."--_matthew carey's american museum, for feb. _.--appendix, p. . the following is a specimen of the 'public opinion' of georgia twelve years since. we give it in the strong words of colonel stone, editor of the new york commercial advertiser. we take it from that paper of june , . "hunting men with dogs.-a negro who had absconded from his master, and for whom a reward of $ was offered, has been apprehended and committed to prison in savannah. the editor, who states the fact, adds, with as much coolness as though there were no barbarity in the matter, that he did not surrender till _he was considerably_ maimed by the dogs that had been set on him--desperately fighting them--one of which he badly cut with a sword." twelve days after the publication of the preceding fact, the following horrible transaction took place in perry county, alabama. we extract it from the african observer, a monthly periodical, published in philadelphia, by the society of friends. see no. for august, . "tuscaloosa, ala. june , . "some time during the last week a mr. m'neilly having lost some clothing, or other property of no great value, the slave of a neighboring planter was charged with the theft. m'neilly, in company with his brother, found the negro driving his master's wagon; they seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the negro stabbed m'neilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. the negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who _waved his authority_, perhaps through fear, as a crowd of persons had collected to the number of seventy or eighty, near mr. people's (the justice) house. _he acted as president of the mob,_ and put the vote, when it was decided he should be immediately executed by _being burnt to death_. the sable culprit was led to a tree, and tied to it, and a large quantity of pine knots collected and placed around him, and the fatal torch applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of several gentlemen who were present; and the miserable being was in a short time burned to ashes. "this is the second negro who has been thus put to death, without judge or jury, in this county." the following advertisements, testimony, &c. will show that the slaveholders of _to-day_ are the _children_ of those who shot, and hunted with bloodhounds, and burned over slow fires, the slaves of half a century ago; the worthy inheritors of their civilization, chivalry, and tender mercies. the "wilmington (north carolina) advertiser" of july , , contains the following advertisement. "$ will be paid to any person who may apprehend and safely confine in any jail in this state, a certain negro man, named alfred. and the same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence is given of _having been_ killed. he has one or more scars on one of his hands, caused by his having been shot. "the citizens of onslow. "richlands, onslow co. may th, ." in the same column with the above and directly under it is the following:-- "ranaway my negro man richard. a reward of $ will be paid for his apprehension dead or alive. satisfactory proof will only be required of his being killed. he has with him, in all probability, his wife eliza, who ran away from col. thompson, now a resident of alabama, about the time he commenced his journey to that state. durant h. rhodes." in the "mason (georgia) telegraph," may , is the following: "about the st of march last the negro man ransom left me without the least provocation whatever; i will give a reward of twenty dollars for said negro, if taken dead or alive,--and if killed in any attempt, an advance of five dollars will be paid. bryant johnson. "_crawford co. georgia_" see the "newbern (n.c.) spectator," jan. , , for the following:-- "ranaway, from the subscriber, a negro man named sampson. fifty dollars reward will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his confinement in any jail so that i get him, and should he resist in being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, i will not hold any person liable for damages should the slave be killed. enoch foy. "jones county, n.c." from the "macon (ga.) messenger," june , . "to the owners of runaway negroes. a large mulatto negro man, between thirty-five and forty years old, about six feet in height, having a high forehead, and hair slightly grey, was killed, near my plantation, on the th inst. _he would not surrender_ but assaulted mr. bowen, who killed him in self-defence. if the owner desires further information relative to the death of his negro, he can obtain it by letter, or by calling on the subscriber ten miles south of perry, houston county. edm'd. jas. mcgehee." from the 'charleston (s.c.) courier,' feb. , . "$ reward. ranaway from the subscriber, in november last, his two negro men, named billy and pompey. "billy is years old, and is known as the patroon of my boat for many years; in all probability he may resist; in that event dollars will be paid for his head." from the 'newbern (n.c.) spectator,' dec . . "$ reward. ranaway from the subscriber, about three years ago, a certain negro man named ben, commonly known by the name of ben fox. he had but one eye. also, one other negro, by the name of rigdon, who ranaway on the th of this month. "i will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of lenoir or jones county, or for the killing of them, so that i can see them. w.d. cobb." in the same number of the spectator two justices of the peace advertise the same runaways, and give notice that if they do not immediately return to w.d. cobb, their master, they will be considered as outlaws, and any body may kill them. the following is an extract from the proclamation of the justices. "and we do hereby, by virtue of an act of the assembly of this state, concerning servants and slaves, intimate and declare, if the said slaves do not surrender themselves and return home to their master immediately after the publication of these presents, _that any person may kill and destroy said slaves by such means as he or they think fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence for so doing, or without incurring any penalty or forfeiture thereby._ "given under our hands and seals, this th november, . "b. coleman, j.p. [seal.] "jas. jones, j.p. [seal.]" on the th, of april , in the city of st louis, missouri, a black man, named mcintosh who had stabbed an officer, that had arrested him, was seized by the multitude, fastened to a tree _in the midst of the city_, wood piled around him, and in open day and in the presence of an immense throng of citizens, he was burned to death. the alton (ill.) telegraph, in its account of the scene says; "all was silent as death while the executioners were piling wood around their victim. he said not a word, until feeling that the flames had seized upon him. he then uttered an awful howl, attempting to sing and pray, then hung his head, and suffered in silence, except in the following instance:--after the flames had surrounded their prey, his eyes burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a cinder, some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest, proposed to put an end to his misery by shooting him, when it was replied, 'that would be of no use, since he was already out of pain.' 'no, no,' said the wretch, 'i am not, i am suffering as much as ever; shoot me, shoot me.' 'no, no,' said one of the fiends who was standing about the sacrifice they were roasting, 'he shall not be shot. _i would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery_;' and the man who said this was, as we understand, an officer of justice!" the st. louis correspondent of a new york paper adds, "the shrieks and groans of the victim were loud and piercing, and to observe one limb after another drop into the fire was awful indeed. he was about fifteen minutes in dying. i visited the place this morning, and saw his body, or the remains of it, at the place of execution. he was burnt to a crump. his legs and arms were gone, and only a part of his head and body were left." lest this demonstration of 'public opinion' should be regarded as a sudden impulse merely, not an index of the settled tone of feeling in that community, it is important to add, that the hon. luke e. lawless, judge of the circuit court of missouri, at a session of that court in the city of st. louis, some months after the burning of this man, decided officially that since the burning of mcintosh was the act, either directly or by countenance of a _majority_ of the citizens, it is 'a case which transcends the jurisdiction,' of the grand jury! thus the state of missouri has proclaimed to the world, that the wretches who perpetrated that unspeakably diabolical murder, and the thousands that stood by consenting to it, were _her representatives_, and the bench sanctifies it with the solemnity of a judicial decision. the 'new orleans post,' of june , , publishes the following; "we understand, that a negro man was lately condemned, by the mob, to be burned over a slow fire, which was put into execution at grand gulf, mississippi, for murdering a black woman, and her master." mr. henry bradley, of pennyan, n.y., has furnished us with an extract of a letter written by a gentleman in mississippi to his brother in that village, detailing the particulars of the preceding transaction. the letter is dated grand gulf, miss. august , . the extract is as follows: "i left vicksburg and came to grand gulf. this is a fine place immediately on the banks of the mississippi, of something like fifteen hundred inhabitants in the winter, and at this time, i suppose, there are not over two hundred white inhabitants, but in the town and its vicinity there are negroes by thousands. the day i arrived at this place there was a man by the name of g---- murdered by a negro man that belonged to him. g---- was born and brought up in a----, state of new york. his father and mother now live south of a----. he has left a property here, it is supposed, of forty thousand dollars, and no family. "they took the negro, mounted him on a horse, led the horse under a tree, put a rope around his neck, raised him up by throwing the rope over a limb; they then got into a quarrel among themselves; some swore that he should be burnt alive; the rope was cut and the negro dropped to the ground. he immediately jumped to his feet; they then made him walk a short distance to a tree; he was then tied fast and a fire kindled, when another quarrel took place; the fire was pulled away from him when about half dead, and a committee of twelve appointed to say in what manner he should be disposed of. they brought in that he should then be cut down, his head cut off, his body burned, and his head stuck on a pole at the corner of the road in the edge of the town. that was done and all parties satisfied! "g---- _owned the negro's wife, and was in the habit of sleeping with her!_ the negro said he had killed him, and he believed he should be rewarded in heaven for it. "this is but one instance among many of a similar nature. s.s." we have received a more detailed account of this transaction from mr. william armstrong, of putnam, ohio, through maj. horace nye, of that place. mr. a. who has been for some years employed as captain and supercargo of boats descending the river, was at grand gulf at the time of the tragedy, and _witnessed_ it. it was on the sabbath. from mr. armstrong's statement, it appears that the slave was a man of uncommon intelligence; had the over-sight of a large business--superintended the purchase of supplies for his master, &c.--that exasperated by the intercourse of his master with his wife, he was upbraiding her one evening, when his master overhearing him, went out to quell him, was attacked by the infuriated man and killed on the spot. the name of the master was green; he was a native of auburn, new york, and had been at the south but a few years. mr. ezekiel birdseye, of cornwall, conn., a gentleman well known and highly respected in litchfield county, who resided a number of years in south carolina, gives the following testimony:-- "a man by the name of waters was killed by his slaves, in newberry district. three of them were tried before the court, and ordered to be burnt. i was but a few miles distant at the time, and conversed with those who saw the execution. the slaves were tied to a stake, and pitch pine wood piled around them, to which the fire was communicated. thousands were collected to witness this barbarous transaction. _other executions of this kind took place in various parts of the state, during my residence in it, from to _. about three or four years ago, a young negro was burnt in abbeville district, for an attempt at rape." in the fall of , there was a rumor of a projected insurrection on the red river, in louisiana. the citizens forthwith seized and hanged nine slaves, and three free colored men, without trial. a few months previous to that transaction, a slave was seized in a similar manner and publicly burned to death, in arkansas. in july, , the citizens of madison county, mississippi, were alarmed by rumors of an insurrection arrested five slaves and publicly executed them without trial. the missouri republican, april , , gives the particulars of the deliberate murder of a negro man named tom, a cook on board the steamboat pawnee, on her passage up from new orleans to st. louis. some of the facts stated by the republican are the following: "on friday night, about o'clock, a deaf and dumb german girl was found in the storeroom with tom. the door was locked, and at first tom denied she was there. the girl's father came. tom unlocked the door, and the girl was found secreted in the room behind a barrel. the next morning some four or five of the deck passengers spoke to the captain about it. this was about breakfast time. immediately after he left the deck, a number of the deck passengers rushed upon the negro, bound his arms behind his back and carried him forward to the bow of the boat. a voice cried out 'throw him overboard,' and was responded to from every quarter of the deck--and in an instant he was plunged into the river. the whole scene of tying him and throwing him overboard scarcely occupied _ten minutes_, and was so precipitate that the officers were unable to interfere in time to save him. "there were between two hundred and fifty and three hundred passengers on board." the whole process of seizing tom, dragging him upon deck, binding his arms behind his back, forcing him to the bow of the boat, and throwing him overboard, occupied, the editor informs us, about ten minutes, and of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred deck passengers, with perhaps as many cabin passengers, it does not appear that _a single individual raised a finger to prevent this deliberate murder_; and the cry "throw him overboard," was it seems, "responded to from every quarter of the deck!" rev. james a. thome, of augusta, ky., son of arthur thome, esq., till recently a slaveholder, published five years since the following description of a scene witnessed by him in new orleans: "in december of , i landed at new orleans, in the steamer w----. it was after night, dark and rainy. the passengers were called out of the cabin, from the enjoyment of a fire, which the cold, damp atmosphere rendered very comfortable, by a sudden shout of, 'catch him--catch him--catch the negro.' the cry was answered by a hundred voices--'catch him--_kill_ him,' and a rush from every direction toward our boat, indicated that the object of pursuit was near. the next moment we heard a man plunge into the river, a few paces above us. a crowd gathered upon the shore, with lamps and stones, and clubs, still crying, 'catch him--kill him--catch him--shoot him.' "i soon discovered the poor man. he had taken refuge under the prow of another boat, and was standing in the water up to his waist. the angry vociferation of his pursuers, did not intimidate him. he defied them all. 'don't you _dare_ to come near me, or i will sink you in the river.' he was armed with despair. for a moment the mob was palsied by the energy of his threatenings. they were afraid to go to him with a skiff, but a number of them went on to the boat and tried to seize him. they threw a noose rope down repeatedly, _that they might pull him up by the neck_! but he planted his hand firmly against the boat and dashed the rope away with his arms. one of them took a long bar of wood, and leaning over the prow, endeavored to strike him on the head, the blow must have shattered the skull, but it did not reach low enough. the monster raised up the heavy club again and said, 'come out now, you old rascal, or die.' 'strike,' said the negro; 'strike--shiver my brains _now_; i want to die;' and down went the club again, without striking. this was repeated several times. the mob, seeing their efforts fruitless, became more enraged and threatened to stone him, if he did not surrender himself into their hands. he again defied them, and declared that he would drown himself in the river, before they should have him. they then resorted to persuasion, and promised they would not hurt him. 'i'll die first;' was his only reply. even the furious mob was awed, and for a while stood dumb. "after standing in the cold water for an hour, the miserable being began to fail. we observed him gradually sinking--his voice grew weak and tremulous--yet he continued to _curse_! in the midst of his oaths he uttered broken sentences--'i did'nt steal the meat--i did'nt steal--my master lives--master--master lives up the river--(his voice began to gurgle in his throat, and he was so chilled that his teeth chattered audibly)--i did'nt--steal--i did'nt steal--my--my master--my--i want to see my master--i didn't--no--my mas--you want--you want to kill me--i didn't steal the'--his last words could just be heard as be sunk under the water. "during this indescribable scene, _not one of the hundred that stood around made any effort to save the man until he was apparently drowned_. he was then dragged out and stretched on the bow of the boat, and soon sufficient means were used for his recovery. the brutal captain ordered him to be taken off his boat--declaring, with an oath, that he would throw him into the river again, if he was not immediately removed. i withdrew, sick and horrified with this appalling exhibition of wickedness. "upon inquiry, i learned that the colored man lived some fifty miles up the mississippi; that he had been charged with stealing some article from the wharf; was fired upon with a pistol, and pursued by the mob. "in reflecting upon this unmingled cruelty--this insensibility to suffering and disregard of life--i exclaimed, 'is there no flesh in man's obdurate heart?' "one poor man, chased like a wolf by a hundred blood hounds, yelling, howling, and gnashing their teeth upon him--plunges into the cold river to seek protection! a crowd of spectators witness the scene, with all the composure with which a roman populace would look upon a gladiatorial show. not a voice heard in the sufferer's behalf. at length the powers of nature give way; the blood flows back to the heart--the teeth chatter--the voice trembles and dies, while the victim drops down into his grave. "what an atrocious system is that which leaves two millions of souls, friendless and powerless--hunted and chased--afflicted and tortured and driven to death, without the means of redress.--yet such is the system of slavery." the 'public opinion' of slaveholders is illustrated by scores of announcements in southern papers, like the following, from the raleigh, (n.c.) register, august , . joseph gale and son, editors and proprietors--the father and brother of the editor of the national intelligence, washington city, d.c. "on saturday night, mr. george holmes, of this county, and some of his friends, were in pursuit of a runaway slave (the property of mr. holmes) and fell in with him in attempting to make his escape. mr. h. discharged a gun at his legs, for the purpose of disabling him; but unfortunately, the slave stumbled, and the shot struck him near the small of the back, of which wound he died in a short time. the slave continued to run some distance after he was shot, until overtaken by one of the party. we are satisfied, from all that we can learn, that mr. h. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." oh! the _gentleman_, it seems, only shot at his legs, merely to 'disable'--and it must be expected that every _gentleman_ will amuse himself in shooting at his own property whenever the notion takes him, and if he should happen to hit a little higher and go through the small of the back instead of the legs, why every body says it is 'unfortunate,' and the whole of the editorial corps, instead of branding him as a barbarous wretch for shooting at his slave, whatever part be aimed at, join with the oldest editor in north carolina, in complacently exonerating mr. holmes by saying, "we are satisfied that mr. h. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." and so 'public opinion' wraps it up! the franklin (la.) republican, august , , has the following: "negroes taken.--four gentlemen of this vicinity, went out yesterday for the purpose of finding the camp of some noted runaways, supposed to be near this place; the camp was discovered about o'clock, the negroes four in number, three men and one woman, finding they were discovered, tried to make their escape through the cane; two of them were fired on, one of which made his escape; the other one fell after running a short distance, his wounds are not supposed to be dangerous; the other man was taken without any hurt; the woman also made her escape." thus terminated the mornings amusement of the '_four gentlemen_,' whose exploits are so complacently chronicled by the editor of the franklin republican. the three men and one woman were all fired upon, it seems, though only one of them was shot down. the half famished runaways made not the least resistance, they merely rushed in panic among the canes, at the sight of their pursuers, and the bullets whistled after them and brought to the ground one poor fellow, who was carried back by his captors as a trophy of the 'public opinion' among slaveholders. in the macon (ga.) telegraph, nov. , , we find the following account of a runaway's den, and of the good luck of a 'mr. adams,' in running down one of them 'with his excellent dogs:' "a runaway's den was discovered on sunday near the washington spring, in a little patch of woods, where it had been for several months, so artfully concealed under ground, that it was detected only by accident, though in sight of two or three houses, and near the road and fields where there has been constant daily passing. the entrance was concealed by a pile of pine straw, representing a hog bed--which being removed, discovered a trap door and steps that led to a room about six feet square, comfortably ceiled with plank, containing a small fire-place the flue of which was ingeniously conducted above ground and concealed by the straw. the inmates took the alarm and made their escape; but mr. adams and his excellent dogs being put upon the trail, soon run down and secured one of them, which proved to be a negro fellow who had been out about a year. he stated that the other occupant was a woman, who had been a runaway a still longer time. in the den was found a quantity of meal, bacon, corn, potatoes, &c., and various cooking utensils and wearing apparel." yes, mr. adams' 'excellent dogs' did the work! they were well trained, swift, fresh, keen-scented, 'excellent' men-hunters, and though the poor fugitive in his frenzied rush for liberty, strained every muscle, yet they gained upon him, and after dashing through fens, brier-beds, and the tangled undergrowth till faint and torn, he sinks, and the blood-hounds are upon him. what blood-vessels the poor struggler burst in his desperate push for life--how much he was bruised and lacerated in his plunge through the forest, or how much the dogs tore him, the macon editor has not chronicled--they are matters of no moment--but his heart is touched with the merits of mr. adams' 'excellent dogs,' that 'soon _run down_ and _secured_' a guiltless and trembling human creature! the georgia constitutionalist, of jan. , contains the following letter from the coroner of barnwell district, south carolina, dated aiken, s.c. dec. , . "_to the editor of the constitutionalist:_ "i have just returned from an inquest i held over the body of a negro man, a runaway, that was shot near the south edisto, in this district, (barnwell,) on saturday last. he came to his death by his own recklessness. he refused to be taken alive--and said that other attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he would not be taken. he was at first, (when those in pursuit of him found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the intention of merely crippling him. he was shot at several times, and at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. he kept in the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the neighbors were in pursuit of him. as soon as the negro was taken, the best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. one of the witnesses at the inquisition, stated that the negro boy said he was from mississippi, and belonged to so many persons, that he did not know who his master was, but again he said his master's name was brown. he said his name was sam, and when asked by another witness, who his master was, he muttered something like augusta or augustine. the boy was apparently above thirty-five or forty years of age, about six feet high, slightly yellow in the face, very long beard or whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared to have been a runaway for a long time. william h. pritchard, _coroner (ex-officio,) barnwell dist. s.c._" the norfolk (va.) herald, of feb. , has the following: "three negroes in a ship's yawl, came on shore yesterday evening, near new point comfort, and were soon after apprehended and lodged in jail. their story is, that they belonged to a brig from new york bound to havana, which was cast away to the southward of cape henry, some day last week; that the brig was called the maria, captain whittemore. i have no doubt they are deserters from some vessel in the bay, as their statements are very confused and inconsistent. one of these fellows is a mulatto, and calls himself isaac turner; the other two are quite black, the one passing by the name of james jones and the other john murray. they have all their clothing with them, and are dressed in sea-faring apparel. they attempted to make their escape, and _it was not till a musket was fired at them, and one of them slightly wounded_, that they surrendered. they will be kept in jail till something further is discovered respecting them." the 'st. francisville (la.) chronicle,' of feb. , . gives the following account of a 'negro hunt,' in that parish. "two or three days since a gentleman of this parish, in _hunting runaway negroes_, came upon a camp of them in the swamp on cat island. he succeeded in arresting two of them, but the third made fight; and upon _being shot in the shoulder_, fled to a sluice, where the _dogs succeeded_ in drowning him before assistance could arrive." "'the dogs _succeeded_ in drowning him'! poor fellow! he tried hard for his life, plunged into the sluice, and, with a bullet in his shoulder, and the blood hounds unfleshing his bones, he bore up for a moment with feeble stroke as best he might, but 'public opinion,' '_succeeded_ in drowning him,' and the same 'public opinion,' calls the man who fired and crippled him, and cheered on the dogs, 'a gentleman,' and the editor who celebrates the exploit is a 'gentleman' also!" a large number of extracts similar to the above, might here be inserted from southern newspapers in our possession, but the foregoing are more than sufficient for our purpose, and we bring to a close the testimony on this point, with the following. extract of a letter, from the rev. samuel j. may, of south scituate, mass. dated dec. , . "you doubtless recollect the narrative given in the oasis, of a slave in georgia, who having ranaway from his master, (accounted a very hospitable and even humane gentleman,) was hunted by his master and his retainers with horses, dogs, and rifles, and having been driven into a tree by the hounds, was shot down by his more cruel pursuers. all the facts there given, and some others equally shocking, connected with the same case, were first communicated to me in , by mr. w. russell, a highly respectable teacher of youth in boston. he is doubtless ready to vouch for them. the same gentleman informed me that he was keeping school on or near the plantation of the monster who perpetrated the above outrage upon humanity, that he was even invited by him to join in the hunt, and when he expressed abhorrence at the thought, the planter holding up the rifle which he had in his hand said with an oath, 'damn that rascal, this is the third time he has runaway, and he shall never run again. i'd rather put a ball into his side, than into the best buck in the land.'" mr. russell, in the account given by him of this tragedy in the 'oasis,' page , thus describes the slaveholder who made the above expression, and was the leader of the 'hunt,' and in whose family he resided at the time as an instructor he says of him--he was "an opulent planter, in whose family the evils of slaveholding were palliated by every expedient that a humane and generous disposition could suggest. he was a man of noble and elevated character, and distinguished for his generosity, and kindness of heart." in a letter to mr. may, dated feb. , , mr. russell, speaking of the hunting of runaways with dogs and guns, says: "occurrences of a nature similar to the one related in the 'oasis,' were not unfrequent in the interior of georgia and south carolina twenty years ago. _several_ such fell under my notice within the space of fifteen months. in two such 'hunts,' i was solicited to join." the following was written by a sister-in-law of gerrit smith, esq., peterboro. she is married to the son of a north carolinian. "in north carolina, some years ago, several slaves were arrested for committing serious crimes and depredations, in the neighborhood of wilmington, among other things, burning houses, and, in one or more instances, murder. "it happened that the wife of one of these slaves resided in one of the most respectable families in w. in the capacity of nurse. mr. j. _the first lawyer in the place_, came into the room, where the lady of the house, was sitting, with the nurse, who held a child in her arms, and, addressing the nurse, said, hannah! would you know your husband if you should see him?--oh, yes, sir, she replied--when he drew from beneath his cloak the head of the slave, at the sight of which the poor woman immediately fainted. the heads of the others were placed upon poles, in some part of the town, afterwards known as 'negro head point.'" we have just received the above testimony, enclosed in a letter from mr. smith, in which he says, "that the fact stated by my sister-in-law, actually occurred, there can be no doubt." the following extract from the diary of the rev. elias cornelius, we insert here, having neglected to do it under a preceding head, to which it more appropriately belongs. "new orleans, sabbath, february , . early this morning accompanied a.h. esq. to the _hospital_, with the view of making arrangements to preach to such of the sick as could understand english. the first room we entered presented a scene of human misery, such as i had never before witnessed. a poor negro man was lying upon a couch, apparently in great distress; a more miserable object can hardly be conceived. his face was much _disfigured_, an iron collar, two inches wide and half an inch thick, was clasped about his neck, while one of his feet and part of the leg were in a state of putrefaction. we inquired the cause of his being in this distressing condition, and he answered us in a faltering voice, that he was willing to tell us all the truth. "he belonged to mr. ---- a frenchman, ran-away, was caught, and punished with one hundred lashes! this happened about christmas; and during the cold weather at that time, he was confined in the _cane-house, with a scanty portion of clothing, and without fire_. in this situation his foot had frozen, and mortified, and having been removed from place to place, he was yesterday brought here by order of his new master, who was an american. i had no time to protract my conversation with him then, but resolved to return in a few hours and pray with him. "having returned home, i again visited the hospital at half past eleven o'clock, and concluded first of all [he was to preach at ,] to pray with the poor lacerated negro. i entered the apartment in which he lay, and observed an old man sitting upon a couch; but, without saying anything went up to the bed-side of the negro, who appeared to be asleep. i spoke to him, but he gave no answer. i spoke again, and moved his head, still he said nothing. my apprehensions were immediately excited, and i felt for his pulse, but it was gone. said i to the old man, 'surely this negro is dead.' 'no,' he answered, 'he has fallen asleep, for he had a very restless season last night.' i again examined and called the old gentleman to the bed, and alas, it was found true, that he was dead. not an eye had witnessed his last struggle, and i was the first, as it should happen, to discover the fact. i called several men into the room, and without ceremony they wrapped him in a sheet, and carried him to the _dead-house_ as it is called."--edwards' life of rev. elias cornelius, pp. , , . the protection extended by 'public opinion,' to the health[ ] of the slaves. this may be judged of from the fact that it is perfectly notorious among slaveholders, both north and south, that of the tens of thousands of slaves sold annually in the northern slave states to be transported to the south, large numbers of them die under the severe, process of acclimation, _all_ suffer more or less, and multitudes _much_, in their health and strength, during their first years in the far south and south west. that such is the case is sufficiently proved by the care taken by all who advertise for sale or hire in louisiana, mississippi, alabama, arkansas, &c. to inform the reader, that their slaves are 'creoles,' 'southern born,' 'country born,' &c. or if they are from the north, that they are 'acclimated,' and the importance attached to their _acclimation_, is shown in the fact, that it is generally distinguished from the rest of the advertisements either by _italics_ or capitals. almost every newspaper published in the states far south contains advertisements like the following. [footnote : see pp. - .] from the "vicksburg (mi.) register," dec. , . "i offer my plantation for sale. also seventy-five _acclimated negroes_. o.b. cobb." from the "southerner," june , . "i will sell my old-river plantation near columbia in arkansas;--also one hundred and thirty acclimated slaves. benj. hughes." _port gibson, jan. , ._ from the "planters' (la.) intelligencer," march . "probate sale--will be offered for sale at public auction, to the highest bidder, one hundred and thirty _acclimated_ slaves." g.w. keeton. judge of the parish of concordia" from the "arkansas advocate," may , . "by virtue of a deed of trust, executed to me, i will sell at public auction at fisher's prairie, arkansas, sixty likely negroes, consisting of men, women, boys and girls, the most of whom are well acclimated. grandison d. royston, _trustee_." from the "new orleans bee," feb. , . "valuable acclimated negroes" "will be sold on saturday, th inst. at o'clock, at the city exchange, st. louis street." then follows a description of the slaves, closing with the same assertion, which forms the caption of the advertisement "all acclimated." general felix houston, of natchez, advertises in the "natchez courier," april , , "thirty five very fine _acclimated_ negroes." without inserting more advertisements, suffice it to say, that when slaves are advertised for sale or hire, in the lower southern country, if they are _natives_, or have lived in that region long enough to become acclimated, it is _invariably_ stated. but we are not left to _conjecture_ the amount of suffering experienced by slaves from the north in undergoing the severe process of 'seasoning' to the climate, or '_acclimation_' a writer in the new orleans argus, september, , in an article on the culture of the sugar cane, says; 'the loss by _death_ in bringing slaves from a northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing, is not less than twenty-five per cent.' nothwithstanding the immense amount of suffering endured in the process of acclimation, and the fearful waste of life, and the _notoriety_ of this fact, still the 'public opinion' of virginia, maryland, delaware, kentucky, missouri, &c. annually drives to the far south, thousands of their slaves to undergo these sufferings, and the 'public opinion,' of the far south buys them, and forces the helpless victims to endure them. the 'protection' vouchsafed by 'public opinion,' to liberty. this is shown by hundreds of advertisements in southern papers, like the following: from the "mobile register," july . . "will be sold cheap for cash, in front of the court house of mobile county, on the d day of july next, one mulatto man named henry hall, who says he is free; his owner or owners, _if any_, having failed to demand him, he is to be sold according to the statute in such cases made and provided, _to pay jail fees._ wm. magee, sh'ff m.c." from the "grand gulf (miss.) advertiser," dec. , . "committed to the jail of chickasaw co. edmund, martha, john and louisa; the man , the woman , john years old, and louisa months. they say they are free and were decoyed to this state." the "southern argus," of july , , contains the following. "ranaway from my plantation, a negro boy named william. said boy was taken up by thomas walton, and says _he was free_, and that his parents live near shawneetown, illinois, and that he was _taken_ from that place in july ; says his father's name is william, and his mother's sally brown, and that they moved from fredericksburg, virginia. i will give twenty dollars to any person who will deliver said boy to me or col. byrn, columbus. samuel h. byrn" the first of the following advertisements was a standing one, in the "vicksburg register," from dec. till aug. . the second advertises the same free man for sale. "sheriff's sale" "committed, to the jail of warren county, as a runaway, on the d inst. a negro man, who calls himself john j. robinson; _says that he is free_, says that he kept a baker's shop in columbus, miss. and that he peddled through the chickasaw nation to pontotoc, and came to memphis, where he sold his horse, took water, and came to this place. the owner of said boy is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be dealt with as the law directs. wm. everett, jailer. dec. , " "notice is hereby given, that the above described boy, who calls himself john j. robinson, having been confined in the jail of warren county as a runaway, for six months--and having been regularly advertised during this period, i shall proceed to sell said negro boy at public auction, to the highest bidder for cash, at the door of the court house in vicksburg, on monday, st day of august, , in pursuance of the statute in such cases made and provided. e. w. morris, sheriff. _vicksburg, july , ._" see "newborn (n.c.) spectator," of jan. , , for the following advertisement. "ranaway, from the subscriber a negro man known as frank pilot. he is five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, and about years old, _has been free since_ --is now my property, as heir at law of his last owner, _samuel ralston_, dec. i will give the above reward if he is taken and confined in any jail so that i can get him. samuel ralston. pactolus, pitt county." from the tuscaloosa (ala.) "flag of the union," june . "committed to the jail of tuscaloosa county, a negro man, who says his name is robert winfield, and _says he is free_. r.w. barber, _jailer_." that "public opinion," in the slave states affords no protection to the liberty of colored persons, even after those persons become legally free, by the operation of their own laws, is declared by governor comegys, of delaware, in his recent address to the legislature of that state, jan. . the governor, commenting upon the law of the state which provides that persons convicted of certain crimes shall be sold as servants for a limited time, says, "_the case is widely different with the negro(!)_ although ordered to be disposed of as a servant for a term of years, _perpetual slavery in the south is his inevitable doom_; unless, peradventure, age or disease may have rendered him worthless, or some resident of the state, from motives of _benevolence_, will pay for him three or four times his intrinsic _value_. it matters not for how short a time he is ordered to be sold, so that he can be carried from the state. once beyond its limits, _all chance of restored freedom is gone_--for he is removed far from the reach of any testimony to aid him in an effort to be released from bondage, when his _legal_ term of servitude has expired. _of the many colored convicts sold out of the state, it is believed none ever return_. of course they are purchased _with the express view to their transportation for life_, and bring such enormous prices as to prevent all _competition_ on the part of those of our citizens who _require_ their services, and _would keep them in the state_." from the "memphis (ten.) enquirer," dec. , . "$ reward. ranaway, from the subscriber, on thursday last, a negro man named isaac, years old, about feet or inches high, dark complexion, well made, full face, speaks quick, and very correctly for a negro. _he was originally from new-york_, and no doubt will attempt to pass himself as free. i will give the above reward for his apprehension and delivery, or confinement, so that i obtain him, if taken out of the state, or $ if taken within the state. jno. simpson. _memphis, dec. ._" mark, with what shameless hardihood this jno. simpson, tells the public that _he knew_ isaac wright was a free man! 'he was originally from new york,' he tells us. and yet he adds with brazen effrontery, '_he will attempt to pass himself as free._' this isaac wright, was shipped by a man named lewis, of new bedford, massachusetts, and sold as a slave in new orleans. after passing through several hands, and being flogged nearly to death, he made his escape, and five days ago, (march ,) returned to his friends in philadelphia. from the "baltimore sun," dec. , . "free negroes--merry ewall, a free negro, from virginia, was committed to jail, at snow hill, md. last week, for remaining in the state longer than is allowed by the law of . the fine in his case amounts to $ . capril purnell, a negro from delaware, is now in jail in the same place, for a violation of the same act. his fine amounts to four thousand dollars, and he will be sold in a short time." the following is the decision of the supreme court, of louisiana, in the case of gomez _vs_. bonneval, martin's la. reports, , and wheeler's "law of slavery," p. - . _marginal remark of the compiler.--"a slave does not become free on his being illegally imported into the state."_ "_per cur. derbigny_, j. the petitioner is a negro in actual state of slavery; he claims his freedom, and is bound to prove it. in his attempt, however, to show that he was free before he was introduced into this country, he has failed, so that his claim rests entirely on the laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves in the united states. that the plaintiff was imported since that prohibition does exist is a fact sufficiently established by the evidence. what right he has acquired under the laws forbidding such importation is the only question which we have to examine. formerly, while the act dividing louisiana into two territories was in force in this country, slaves introduced here in contravention to it, were freed by operation of law; but that act was merged in the legislative provisions which were subsequently enacted on the subject of importation of slaves into the united states generally. under the now existing laws, the individuals thus imported acquire _no personal right_, they are mere passive beings, who are disposed of _according to the will_ of the different state legislatures. in this country they are to _remain slaves_, and to be sold for the benefit of the state. the plaintiff, therefore, has nothing to claim as a freeman; and as to a mere change of master, should such be his wish, _he cannot be listened to in a court of justice_." extract from a speech of mr. thomson of penn. in congress, march , , on the prisons in the district of columbia. "i visited the prisons twice that i might myself ascertain the truth. * * in one of these cells (but eight feet square,) were confined at that time, seven persons, three women and four children. the children were confined under a strange system of law in this district, by which a colored person who _alleges_ he is free, and appeals to the tribunals of the country, to have the matter tried, is committed to prison, till the decision takes place. they were almost naked--one of them was sick, lying on the damp brick floor, _without bed, pillow, or covering_. in this abominable cell, seven human beings were confined day by day, and night after night, without a bed, chair, or stool, or any other of the most common necessaries of life."--_gales' congressional debates_, v. , p. . the following facts serve to show, that the present generation of slaveholders do but follow in the footsteps of their fathers, in their zeal for liberty. extract from a document submitted by the committee of the yearly meeting of friends in philadelphia, to the committee of congress, to whom was referred the memorial of the people called quakers, in . "in the latter part of the year , several of the people called quakers, residing in the counties of perquimans and pasquotank, in the state of north carolina, liberated their negroes, as it was then clear there was no existing law to prevent their so doing; for the law of could not at that time be carried into effect; and they were suffered to remain free, until a law passed, in the spring of , under which they were taken up and sold, contrary to the bill of rights, recognized in the constitution of that state, as a part thereof, and to which it was annexed. "in the spring of , when the general assembly met for the first time, a law was enacted to prevent slaves from being emancipated, except for meritorious services, &c. to be judged of by the county courts or the general assembly; and ordering, that if any should be manumitted in any other way, they be taken up, and the county courts within whose jurisdictions they are apprehended should order them to be sold. under this law the county courts of perquimans and pasquotank, in the year , ordered a large number of persons to be sold, who were free at the time the law was made. in the year several of those cases were, by certiorari, brought before the superior court for the district of edentorn, where the decisions of the county courts were reversed, the superior court declaring, that said county courts, in such their proceedings, have exceeded their jurisdiction, violated the rights of the subject, and acted in direct opposition to the bill of rights of this state, considered justly as part of the constitution thereof; by giving to a law, not intended to affect this case, a retrospective operation, thereby to deprive free men of this state of their liberty, contrary to the laws of the land. in consequence of this decree several of the negroes were again set at liberty; but the next general assembly, early in , passed a law, wherein they mention, that doubts have arisen, whether the purchasers of such slaves have a good and legal title thereto, and confirm the same; under which they were again taken up by the purchasers and reduced to slavery." [the number of persons thus re-enslaved was .] the following are the decrees of the courts, ordering the sale of those freemen:-- "perquimans county, july term, at hartford, a.d. . "these may certify, that it was then and there ordered, that the sheriff of the county, to-morrow morning, at ten o'clock, expose to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the court-house door, the several negroes taken up as free, and in his custody, agreeable to law. "test. wm. skinner, clerk. "a true copy, th august, . "test. j. harvey, clerk." "pasquotank county, september court, &c. &c. . "present, the worshipful thomas boyd, timothy hickson, john paelin, edmund clancey, joseph reading, and thomas rees, esqrs. justices. "it was then and there ordered, that thomas reading, esq. take the free negroes taken up under an act to prevent domestic insurrections and other purposes, and expose the same to _the best bidder_, at public vendue, for ready money, and be accountable for the same, agreeable to the aforesaid act; and make return to this or the next succeeding court of his proceedings. "a copy. enoch reese, c.c." the protection of "public opinion" to domestics ties. the barbarous indifference with which slaveholders regard the forcible sundering of husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, and the unfeeling brutality indicated by the language in which they describe the efforts made by the slaves, in their yearnings after those from whom they have been torn away, reveals a 'public opinion' towards them as dead to their agony as if they were cattle. it is well nigh impossible to open a southern paper without finding evidence of this. though the truth of this assertion can hardly be called in question, we subjoin a few illustrations, and could easily give hundreds. from the "savannah georgian," jan. , . "$ reward will be given for my two fellows, abram and frank. abram has a _wife_ at colonel stewart's, in liberty county, and a _sister_ in savannah, at capt. grovenstine's. frank has a _wife_ at mr. le cont's, liberty county; a _mother_ at thunderbolt, and a _sister_ in savannah. wm. robarts. wallhourville, th jan. " from the "lexington (ky.) intelligencer." july , . "$ reward.--ranaway from the subscribers living in this city, on saturday th inst. a negro man, named dick, about years of age. it is highly probable said boy will make for new orleans as _he has a wife_ living in that city, and he has been heard to say frequently that _he was determined to go to new orleans_. "drake c. thompson. "lexington, june , " from the "southern argus," oct. , . "runaway--my negro man, frederick, about years of age. he is no doubt near the plantation of g.w. corprew, esq of noxubbee county, mississippi, as _his wife belongs to that gentleman, and he followed her from my residence_. the above reward will be paid to any one who will confine him in jail and inform me of it at athens, ala. "athens, alabama. kerkman lewis." from the "savannah georgian," july , . "ran away from the subscriber, his man joe. he visits the city occasionally, where he has been harbored by his _mother_ and _sister_. i will give one hundred dollars for proof sufficient to _convict his harborers_. r.p.t. mongin." the "macon (georgia) messenger," nov. , , has the following:-- "$ reward.--ran away, a negro man, named cain. he was brought from florida, and _has a wife near mariana_, and probably will attempt to make his way there. h.l. cook." from the "richmond (va.) whig," july , . "absconded from the subscriber, a negro man, by the name of wilson. he was born in the county of new kent, and raised by a gentleman named ratliffe, and by him sold to a gentleman named taylor, on whose farm he had a _wife_ and _several children_. mr. taylor sold him to a mr. slater, who, in consequence of removing to alabama, wilson left; and when retaken was sold, and afterwards purchased, by his present owner, from t. mccargo and co. of richmond." from the "savannah (ga. ) republican," sept. , . "$ reward for my negro man jim.--jim is about or years of age. it is probable he will aim for savannah, as he said _he had children_ in that vicinity. j.g. owens. barnwell district, s.c." from the "staunton (va.) spectator," jan. , . "runaway, jesse.--he has a _wife_, who belongs to mr. john ruff, of lexington, rockbridge county, and he may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. moses mccue." from the "augusta (georgia) chronicle," july , . "$ reward for my negro charlotte. she is about years old. she was purchased some months past from mr. thomas. j. walton, of augusta, by thomas w. oliver; and, as her _mother_ and acquaintances live in that city, it is very likely she is _harbored_ by some of them. martha oliver." from the "raleigh (n.c.) register," july , . ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named jim, the property of mrs. elizabeth whitfield. he _has a wife_ at the late hardy jones', and may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. john o'rorke." from the "richmond (va.) compiler," sept. , . "ranaway from the subscriber, ben. he ran off without any known cause, and _i suppose he is aiming to go to his wife, who was carried from the neighborhood last winter_. john hunt." from the "charleston (s.c.) mercury," aug. , . "absconded from mr. e.d. bailey, on wadmalaw, his negro man, named saby. said fellow was purchased in january, from francis dickinson, of st. paul's parish, and is probably now in that neighborhood, _where he has a wife_. thomas n. gadsden." from the "portsmouth (va.) times," august , . "$ dollars reward will be given for the apprehension of my negro man isaac. he _has a wife_ at james m. riddick's, of gates county, n.c. where he may probably be lurking. c. miller." from the "savannah (georgia) republican." may , . "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber in savannah, his negro girl patsey. she was purchased among the gang of negroes, known as the hargreave's estate. she is no doubt lurking about liberty county, at which place _she has relatives_. edward houstoun, of florida" from the "charleston (s.c.) courier," june , . "$ reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery, at the workhouse in charleston, of a mulatto woman, named ida. it is probable she may have made her way into georgia, where she has _connections_. matthew muggridge." from the "norfolk (va.) beacon," march , . "the subscriber will give $ for the apprehension of his negro woman, maria, who ran away about twelve months since. she is known to be lurking in or about chuckatuch, in the county of nansemond, where _she has a husband_, and _formerly belonged_. peter oneill." from the "macon (georgia) messenger," jan. , . "ranaway from the subscriber, two negroes, davis, a man about years old; also peggy, his wife, near the same age. said negroes will probably make their way to columbia county, as _they have children_ living in that county. i will liberally reward any person who may deliver them to me. nehemiah king." from the "petersburg (va.) constellation," june , . "ranaway, a negro man, named peter. _he has a wife_ at the plantation of mr. c. haws, near suffolk, where it is supposed he is still lurking. john l. dunn." from the "richmond (va.) whig," dec. , . "ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man, named john lewis. it is supposed that he is lurking about in new kent county, where he professes to have a _wife_. hill jones, agent for r.f. & p. railroad co." from the "red river (la.) whig," june d, . "ran away from the subscriber, a mulatto woman, named maria. it is probable she may be found in the neighborhood of mr. jesse bynum's plantation, where _she has relations_, &c. thomas j. wells." from the "lexington (ky.) observer and reporter," sept. , . "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, a negro girl, named maria. she is of a copper color, between and years of age--_bare headed_ and _bare footed_. she is small of her age--very sprightly and very likely. she stated she was _going to see her mother_ at maysville. sanford thomson." from the "jackson (tenn.) telegraph," sept. , . "committed to the jail of madison county, a negro woman, who calls her name fanny, and says she belongs to william miller, of mobile. she formerly belonged to john givins, of this county, who now owns _several of her children_. david shropshire, jailor." from the "norfolk (va.) beacon," july d, . "runaway from my plantation below edenton, my negro man, nelson. _he has a mother living_ at mr. james goodwin's, in ballahack, perquimans county; and _two brothers_, one belonging to job parker, and the other to josiah coffield. wm. d. rascoe." from the "charleston (s.c.) courier," jan. , . "$ reward.--run away from the subscriber, his negro fellow, john. he is well known about the city as one of my bread carriers: _has a wife_ living at mrs. weston's, on hempstead. john formerly belonged to mrs. moor, near st. paul's church, where his _mother_ still lives, and _has been harbored by her_ before. john t. marshall. , tradd street." from the "newbern (n.c.) sentinel," march , . "ranaway, moses, a black fellow, about years of age--has a _wife_ in washington. thomas bragg, sen. warrenton, n.c." from the "richmond (va.) whig," june , . "ranaway, my man peter.--he has a _sister_ and _mother_ in new kent, and a _wife_ about fifteen or eighteen miles above richmond, at or about taylorsville. theo. a. lacy." from the "new orleans bulletin," feb. , . "ranaway, my negro philip, aged about years.--he may have gone to st. louis, as _he has a wife there_. w.g. clark, new levee." from the "georgian," jan. , . "a reward of $ will be paid for the apprehension of his negro woman, diana. diana is from to age. she formerly belonged to mr. nath. law, of liberty county, _where her husband still lives_. she will endeavor to go there perhaps. d. o'byrne." from the "richmond (va.) enquirer," feb. , . "$ reward for a negro woman, named sally, years old. we have just reason to believe the said negro to be now lurking on the james river canal, or in the green spring neighborhood, where, we are informed, _her husband resides_. the above reward will be given to any person _securing_ her. polly c. shields. mount elba, feb. , ." "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, his negro man pauladore, commonly called paul. i understand gen. r.y. hayne _has purchased his wife and children_ from h.l. pinckney, esq. and has them now on his plantation at goosecreek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently _lurking_. t. davis." "$ reward.--ran away from the subscriber, a negro woman, named matilda. it is thought she may be somewhere up james river, as she was claimed as _a wife_ by some boatman in goochland. j. alvis." "stop the runaway!!!--$ reward. ranaway from the eagle tavern, a negro fellow, named nat. he is no doubt attempting to _follow his wife, who was lately sold to a speculator_ named redmond. the above reward will be paid by mrs. lucy m. downman, of sussex county, va." multitudes of advertisements like the above appear annually in the southern papers. reader, look at the preceding list--mark the unfeeling barbarity with which their masters and _mistresses_ describe the struggles and perils of sundered husbands and wives, parents and children, in their weary midnight travels through forests and rivers, with torn limbs and breaking hearts, seeking the embraces of each other's love. in one instance, a mother torn from all her children and taken to a remote part of another state, presses her way back through the wilderness, hundreds of miles, to clasp once more her children to her heart: but, when she has arrived within a few miles of them, in the same county, is discovered, seized, dragged to jail, and her purchaser told, through an advertisement, that she awaits his order. but we need not trace out the harrowing details already before the reader. rev. c.s. renshaw, of quincy, illinois, who resided some time in kentucky, says;-- "i was told the following fact by a young lady, daughter of a slaveholder in boone county, kentucky, who lived within half a mile of mr. hughes' farm. hughes and neil traded in slaves down the river: they had bought up a part of their stock in the upper counties of kentucky, and brought them down to louisville, where the remainder of their drove was in jail, waiting their arrival. just before the steamboat put off for the lower country, two negro women were offered for sale, each of them having a young child at the breast. the traders bought them, took their babes from their arms, and offered them to the highest bidder; and they were sold for one dollar apiece, whilst the stricken parents were driven on board the boat; and in an hour were on their way to the new orleans market. you are aware that a young babe _decreases_ the value of a field hand in the lower country, whilst it increases her value in the 'breeding states.'" the following is an extract from an address, published by the presbyterian synod of kentucky, to the churches under their care, in :-- "brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are _torn asunder_, and permitted to see each other no more. these acts are daily occurring in the midst of us. the _shrieks_ and the _agony, often_ witnessed on such occasions, proclaim, with a trumpet tongue, the iniquity of our system. _there is not a neighborhood_ where these heart-rending scenes are not displayed. _there is not a village or road_ that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by _force_ from all that their hearts hold dear."--_address_, p. . professor andrews, late of the university of north carolina, in his recent work on slavery and the slave trade, page , in relating a conversation with a slave-trader, whom he met near washington city, says, he inquired, "'do you _often_ buy the wife without the husband?' 'yes, very often; and frequently, too, they _sell me the mother while they keep her children. i have often known them take away the infant from its mother's breast, and keep it, while they sold her_.'" the following sale is advertised in the "georgia journal," jan, , . "will be sold, the following property, to wit: one ---- child, by the name of james, _about eight months old_, levied on as the property of gabriel gunn." the following is a standing advertisement in the charleston (s.c.) papers:-- " negroes for sale--the subscriber has _just arrived from petersburg, virginia_, with one hundred and twenty _likely young_ negroes of both sexes and every description, which he offers for sale on the most reasonable terms. "the lot now on hand consists of plough boys several likely and well-qualified house servants of both sexes, several _women with children, small girls_ suitable for nurses, and several small boys without their mothers. planters and traders are earnestly requested to give the subscriber a call previously to making purchases elsewhere, as he is enabled and will sell as cheap, or cheaper, than can be sold by any other person in the trade. benjamin davis. hamburg, s.c. sept. , ." extract of a letter to a member of congress from a friend in mississippi, published in the "washington globe," june, . "the times are truly alarming here. many plantations _are entirely stripped of negroes_ (protection!) and horses, by the marshal or sheriff.--suits are multiplying--two thousand five hundred in the united states circuit court, and three thousand in hinds county court." testimony of mr. silas stone, of hudson, new york. mr. stone is a member of the episcopal church, has several times been elected an assessor of the city of hudson, and for three years has filled the office of treasurer of the county. in the fall of , mr. stone witnessed a sale of slaves, in charleston, south carolina, which he thus describes in a communication recently received from him. "i saw droves of the poor fellows driven to the slave markets kept in different parts of the city, one of which i visited. the arrangements of this place appeared something like our northern horse-markets, having sheds, or barns, in the rear of a public house, where alcohol was a handy ingredient to stimulate the spirit of jockeying. as the traders appeared, lots of negroes were brought from the stables into the bar room, and by a flourish of the whip were made to assume an active appearance. 'what will you give for these fellows?' 'how old are they? 'are they healthy?' 'are they quick?' &c. at the same time the owner would give them a cut with a cowhide, and tell them to dance and jump, cursing and swearing at them if they did not move quick. in fact all the transactions in buying and selling slaves, partakes of jockey-ship, as much as buying and selling horses. there was as little regard paid to the feelings of the former as we witness in the latter. "from these scenes i turn to another, which took place in front of the noble 'exchange buildings,' in the heart of the city. on the left side of the steps, as you leave the main hall, immediately under the windows of that proud building, was a stage built, on which a mother with eight children were placed, and sold at auction. i watched their emotions closely, and saw their feelings were in accordance to human nature. the sale began with the eldest child, who, being struck off to the highest bidder, was taken from the stage or platform by the purchaser, and led to his wagon and stowed away, to be carried into the country; the second, and third were also sold, and so until seven of the children were torn from their mother, while her discernment told her they were to be separated probably forever, causing in that mother the most agonizing sobs and cries, in which the children seemed to share. the scene beggars description; suffice it to say, it was sufficient to cause tears from one at least 'whose skin was not colored like their own,' and i was not ashamed to give vent to them." the "protection" afforded by "public opinion" to childhood and old age. in the "new orleans bee," may , , mr. p. bahi, gives notice that he has _committed to_ jail as a runaway 'a _little_ negro aged about seven years.' in the "mobile advertiser," sept. , , william magee, sheriff, gives notice that george walton, esq. mayor of the city has _committed_ to jail as a runaway slave, jordan, about twelve years old, and the sheriff proceeds to give notice that if no one claims him the boy will be _sold as a slave_ to pay jail fees. in the "memphis (tenn.) gazette," may , , w.h. montgomery advertises that he will sell at auction a boy aged , another aged , and a girl , to pay the debts of their deceased master. b.f. chapman, sheriff, natchitoches (la.) advertises in the 'herald,' of may , , that he has "_committed to_ jail, as a runaway a negro boy between and years of age." in the "augusta (ga.) chronicle," feb. , . r.h. jones, jailor, says, "brought to _jail_ a negro _woman_ sarah, she is about or _years old_." in the "winchester virginian," august , , mr. r.h. menifee, offers ten dollars reward to any one who will catch and lodge in jail, abram and nelly, _about_ _years old_, so that he can get them again. j. snowden, jailor, columbia, s.c. gives notice in the "telescope," nov, , , that he has committed to jail as a runaway slave, "_caroline fifty years of age_." y.s. pickard, jailor, savannah, georgia, gives notice in the "georgian," june , , that he has taken up for a runaway and lodged in jail charles, _years of age_. in the savannah "georgian," april , , mr. j. cuyler, says he will give five dollars, to anyone who will catch and bring back to him "saman, _an old negro man, and grey, and has only one eye_." in the "macon (ga.) telegraph," jan. , , messrs. t. and l. napier, advertise for sale nancy, a woman _years of age_, and peggy, a woman _years of age_. the following is from the "columbian (ga.) enquirer," march , . "$ reward.--ranaway, a negro woman named matilda, aged about or years. also, on the same night, a negro fellow of small size, very aged, _stoop-shouldered_, who walks very decrepidly, is supposed to have gone off. his name is dave, and he has claimed matilda for wife. it may be they have gone off together. "i will give twenty-five dollars for the woman, delivered to me in muscogee county, or confined in any jail so that i can get her. moses butt." j.b. randall, jailor, cobb (co.) georgia, advertises an old negro man, in the "milledgeville recorder," nov. , . "a negro man, has been lodged in the common jail of this county, who says his name is jupiter. he _has lost all his front teeth above and below--speaks very indistinctly, is very lame, so that he can hardly walk_." rev. charles stewart renshaw, of quincy, illinois, who spent some time in slave states, speaking of his residence in kentucky, says:-- "one sabbath morning, whilst riding to meeting near burlington, boone co. kentucky, in company with mr. willis, a teacher of sacred music and a member of the presbyterian church, i was startled at mingled shouts and screams, proceeding from an old log house, some distance from the road side. as we passed it, some five or six boys from to years of age, came out, some of them cracking whips, followed by two colored boys crying. i asked mr. w. what the scene meant. 'oh,' he replied, 'those boys have been whipping the niggers; that is the way we bring slaves into subjection in kentucky--we let the children beat them.' the boys returned again into the house, and again their shouting and stamping was heard, but ever and anon a scream of agony that would not be drowned, rose above the uproar; thus they continued till the sounds were lost in the distance." well did jefferson say, that the children of slaveholders are 'nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny.' the 'protection' thrown around a mother's yearnings, and the helplessness of childhood by the 'public opinion' of slaveholders, is shown by _thousands_ of advertisements of which the following are samples. from the "new orleans bulletin," june . "negroes for sale.--a negro woman years of age, and has two children, one eight and the other three years. said negroes will be sold separately or together _as desired_. the woman is a good seamstress. she will be sold low for cash, or _exchanged_ for groceries. for terms apply to mayhew bliss, & co. front levee." from the "georgia journal," nov. . "to be sold--one negro girl about _months old_, belonging to the estate of william chambers, dec'd. sold for the purpose of _distribution!!_ jethro dean, samuel beall, ex'ors." from the "natchez courier," april , . "notice--is hereby given that the undersigned pursuant to a certain deed of trust will on thursday the th day of april next, expose to sale at the court house, to the highest bidder for cash, the following negro slaves, to wit; fanny, aged about years; mary, aged about years; amanda, aged about months; wilson, aged about months. said slaves, to be sold for the satisfaction of the debt secured in said deed of trust. w.j. minor." from the "milledgeville journal," dec. , . "executor's sale. "agreeable to an order of the court of wilkinson county, will be sold on the first tuesday in april next, before the court-house door in the town of irwington, one negro girl _about two years old_, named rachel, belonging to the estate of william chambers dec'd. sold _for the benefit_ of the heirs and creditors of said estate. samuel bell, jesse peacock, ex'ors." from the "alexandria (d.c.) gazette" dec. . "i will give the highest cash price for likely negroes, _from to years of age_. geo. kephart." from the "southern whig," march , .-- "will be sold in la grange, troup county, one negro girl, by the name of charity, aged about or years; as the property of littleton l. burk, to satisfy a mortgage fi. fa. from troup inferior court, in favor of daniel s. robertson vs. said burk." from the "petersburgh (va.) constellation," march , . " _negroes wanted immediately_.--the subscriber will give a good market price for fifty likely negroes, _from to years of age_. henry davis." the following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman, a native and still a resident of one of the slave states, and _still a slaveholder_. he is an elder in the presbyterian church, his letter is now before us, and his name is with the executive committee of the am. anti-slavery society. "permit me to say, that around this very place where i reside, slaves are brought almost constantly, and sold to miss. and orleans; that _it is usual_ to part families forever by such sales--the parents from the children and the children from the parents, of every size and age. a mother was taken not long since, in this town, from a _sucking child_, and sold to the lower country. three young men i saw some time ago taken from this place in chains--while the mother of one of them, old and decrepid, _followed with tears and prayers her son, or miles, and bid him a final farewell_! o, thou great eternal, is this justice! is this equity!!--equal rights!!" we subjoin a few miscellaneous facts illustrating the inhumanity of slaveholding 'public opinion.' the shocking indifference manifested at the death of slaves as _human beings_, contrasted with the grief at their loss _as property_, is a true index to the public opinion of slaveholders. colonel oliver of louisville, lost a valuable race-horse by the explosion of the steamer oronoko, a few months since on the mississippi river. eight human beings whom he held as slaves were also killed by the explosion. they were the riders and grooms of his race-horses. a louisville paper thus speaks of the occurrence: "colonel oliver suffered severely by the explosion of the oronoko. he lost _eight_ of his rubbers and riders, and his horse, joe kearney, which he had sold the night before for $ , ." mr. king, of the new york american, makes the following just comment on the barbarity of the above paragraph: "would any one, in reading this paragraph from an evening paper, conjecture that these '_eight_ rubbers and riders,' that together with a horse, are merely mentioned as a 'loss' to their owner, were human beings--immortal as the writer who thus brutalizes them, and perhaps cherishing life as much? in this view, perhaps, the 'eight' lost as much as colonel oliver." the following is from the "charleston (s.c.) patriot," oct. . "_loss of property_!--since i have been here, (rice hope, n. santee,) i have seen much misery, and much of human suffering. the loss of property has been immense, not only on south santee, but also on this river. mr. shoolbred has lost, (according to the statement of the physician,) forty-six negroes--the majority lost being the _primest hands_ he had--bricklayers, carpenters, blacksmiths and coopers. mr. wm. mazyck has lost negroes. col. thomas pinkney, in the neighborhood of , and many other planters, to on each plantation. mrs. elias harry, adjoining the plantation of mr. lucas, has lost up to date, negroes--the _best part of her primest_ negroes on her plantation." from the "natchez (miss.) daily free trader," feb. , . "_found_.--a negro's head was picked up on the rail-road yesterday, which the owner can have by calling at this office and paying for the advertisement." the way in which slaveholding 'public opinion' protects a poor female lunatic is illustrated in the following advertisement in the "fayetteville (n.c.) observer," june , : "taken and committed to jail, a negro girl named nancy, who is supposed to belong to spencer p. wright, of the state of georgia. she is about years of age, and is a lunatic. the owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, or she will be sold to pay her jail fees. fred'k home, jailor." a late prospectus of the south carolina medical college, located in charleston, contains the following passage:-- "some advantages of a _peculiar_ character are connected with this institution, which it may be proper to point out. no place in the united states offers as great opportunities for the acquisition of anatomical knowledge, subjects being obtained from among the colored population in sufficient number for every purpose, and proper dissections carried on without offending any individuals in the community!!" _without offending any individuals in the community_! more than half the population of charleston, we believe, is 'colored;' _their_ graves may be ravaged, their dead may be dug up, dragged into the dissecting room, exposed to the gaze, heartless gibes, and experimenting knives, of a crowd of inexperienced operators, who are given to understand in the prospectus, that, if they do not acquire manual dexterity in dissection, it will be wholly their own fault, in neglecting to improve the unrivalled advantages afforded by the institution--since each can have as many human bodies as he pleases to experiment upon--and as to the fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, brothers, and sisters, of those whom they cut to pieces from day to day, why, they are not 'individuals in the community,' but 'property,' and however _their_ feelings may be tortured, the 'public opinion' of slaveholders is entirely too 'chivalrous' to degrade itself by caring for them! the following which has been for some time a standing advertisement of the south carolina medical college, in the charleston papers, is another index of the same 'public opinion' toward slaves. we give an extract:-- "_surgery of the medical college of south carolina, queen st_.--the faculty inform their professional brethren, and the public that they have established a _surgery_, at the old college, queen street, for the treatment of negroes, which will continue in operation, during the session of the college, say from first november, to the fifteenth of march ensuing. "the _object_ of the faculty, in opening this surgery, is to collect as _many interesting cases_, as possible, for the _benefit_ and _instruction_ of their pupils--at the same time, they indulge the hope, that it may not only prove an _accommodation_, but also a matter of economy to the public. they would respectfully call the attention of planters, living in the vicinity of the city, to this subject; particularly such as may have servants laboring under surgical diseases. such _persons of color_ as may not be able to pay for medical advice, will be attended to gratis, at stated hours, as often as may be necessary. "the faculty take this opportunity of soliciting the co-operation of such of their professional brethren, as are favorable to their objects." "the first thing that strikes the reader of the advertisement is, that this _surgery_ is established exclusively 'for the treatment of _negroes_; and, if he knows little of the hearts of slaveholders towards their slaves, he charitably supposes, that they 'feel the dint of pity,' for the poor sufferers and have founded this institution as a special charity for their relief. but the delusion vanishes as he reads on; the professors take special care that no such derogatory inference shall be drawn from their advertisement. they give us the three reasons which have induced them to open this 'surgery for the treatment of negroes.' the first and main one is, 'to collect as many _interesting cases_ as possible for the benefit and instruction of their _pupils_--another is, 'the hope that it may prove an _accommodation_,'--and the third, that it may be 'a matter of economy to the _public_' another reason, doubtless, and controlling one, though the professors are silent about it, is that a large collection of 'interesting surgical cases,' always on hand, would prove a powerful attraction to students, and greatly increase the popularity of the institution. in brief, then, the motives of its founders, the professors, were these, the accommodation of their _students_--the accommodation of the _public_ (which means, _the whites_)--and the accommodation of slaveholders who have on their hands disabled slaves, that would make 'interesting cases,' for surgical operation in the presence of the pupils--to these reasons we may add the accommodation of the medical institution and the accommodation of _themselves_! not a syllable about the _accommodation_ of the hopeless sufferers, writhing with the agony of those gun shot wounds, fractured sculls, broken limbs and ulcerated backs which constitute the 'interesting cases' for the professors to 'show off' before their pupils, and, as practice makes perfect, for the students themselves to try their hands at by way of experiment. why, we ask, was this surgery established 'for the treatment of _negroes'_ alone? why were these 'interesting cases' selected from that class exclusively? no man who knows the feeling of slave holders towards slaves will be at a loss for the reason. 'public opinion' would tolerate surgical experiments, operations, processes, performed upon them, which it would execrate if performed upon their master or other whites. as the great object in collecting the disabled negroes is to have 'interesting cases' for the students, the professors who perform the operations will of course endeavor to make them as 'interesting' as possible. the _instruction of the student_ is the immediate object, and if the professors can accomplish it best by _protracting_ the operation, pausing to explain the different processes, &c. the subject is only a negro, and what is his protracted agony, that it should restrain the professor from making the case as 'interesting' as possible to the students by so using his knife as will give them the best knowledge of the parts, and the process, however it may protract or augment the pain of the subject. the _end_ to be accomplished is the _instruction_ of the student, operations upon the negroes are the _means_ to the end; _that_ tells the whole story--and he who knows the hearts of slaveholders and has common sense, however short the allowance, can find the way to his conclusions without a lantern. by an advertisement of the same medical institution, dated november , , and published in the charleston papers, it appears that an 'infirmary has been opened in connection with the college.' the professors manifest a great desire that the masters of servants should send in their disabled slaves, and as an inducement to the furnishing of such _interesting cases_ say, all medical and surgical aid will be offered _without making them liable to any professional charges_. disinterested bounty, pity, sympathy, philanthropy. however difficult or numerous the surgical cases of slaves thus put into their hands by the masters, they charge not a cent for their _professional services_. their yearnings over human distress are so intense, that they beg the privilege of performing all operations, and furnishing all the medical attention needed, _gratis_, feeling that the relief of misery is its own reward!!! but we have put down our exclamation points too soon--upon reading the whole of the advertisement we find the professors conclude it with the following paragraph:-- "the sole object of the faculty in the establishment of such an institution being to promote the interest of medical education within their native state and city." in the "charleston (south carolina) mercury" of october , , we find an advertisement of half a column, by a dr. t. stillman, setting forth the merits of another 'medical infirmary,' under his own special supervision, at no. church street, charleston. the doctor, after inveighing loudly against 'men totally ignorant of medical science,' who flood the country with quack nostrums backed up by 'fabricated proofs of miraculous cures,' proceeds to enumerate the diseases to which his 'infirmary' is open, and to which his practice will be mainly confined. appreciating the importance of 'interesting cases,' as a stock in trade, on which to commence his experiments, he copies the example of the medical professors, and advertises for them. but, either from a keener sense of justice, or more generosity, or greater confidence in his skill, or for some other reason, he proposes to _buy up_ an assortment of _damaged_ negroes, given over, as incurable, by others, and to make such his 'interesting cases,' instead of experimenting on those who are the 'property' of others. dr. stillman closes his advertisement with the following notice:-- "to planters and others.--wanted _fifty negroes_. any person having sick negroes, considered incurable by their respective physicians, and wishing to dispose of them, dr. s. will pay cash for negroes affected with scrofula or king's evil, confirmed hypocondriasm, apoplexy, diseases of the liver, kidneys, spleen, stomach and intestines, bladder and its appendages, diarrhea, dysentery, &c. the highest cash price will be paid on application as above." the absolute barbarism of a 'public opinion' which not only tolerates, but _produces_ such advertisements as this, was outdone by nothing in the dark ages. if the reader has a heart of flesh, he can feel it without help, and if he has not, comment will not create it. the total indifference of slaveholders to such a cold blooded proposition, their utter unconsciousness of the paralysis of heart, and death of sympathy, and every feeling of common humanity for the slave, which it reveals, is enough, of itself to show that the tendency of the spirit of slaveholding is, to kill in the soul whatever it touches. it has no eyes to see, nor ears to hear, nor mind to understand, nor heart to feel for its victims as _human beings_. to show that the above indication of the savage state is not an index of individual feeling, but of 'public opinion,' it is sufficient to say, that it appears to be a standing advertisement in the charleston mercury, the leading political paper of south carolina, the organ of the honorables john c. calhoun, robert barnwell rhett, hugh s. legare, and others regarded as the elite of her statesmen and literati. besides, candidates for popular favor, like the doctor who advertises for the fifty 'incurables,' take special care to conciliate, rather than outrage, 'public opinion.' is the doctor so ignorant of 'public opinion' in his own city, that he has unwittingly committed violence upon it in his advertisement? we trow not. the same 'public opinion' which gave birth to the advertisement of doctor stillman, and to those of the professors in both the medical institutions, founded the charleston 'work house'--a soft name for a moloch temple dedicated to torture, and reeking with blood, in the midst of the city; to which masters and mistresses send their slaves of both sexes to be stripped, tied up, and cut with the lash till the blood and mangled flesh flow to their feet, or to be beaten and bruised with the terrible paddle, or forced to climb the tread-mill till nature sinks, or to experience other nameless torments. the "vicksburg (miss.) register," dec. , , contains the following item of information: "ardor in betting.--two gentlemen, at a tavern, having summoned the waiter, the poor fellow had scarcely entered, when he fell down in a fit of apoplexy. 'he's dead!' exclaimed one. 'he'll come to!' replied the other. 'dead, for five hundred!' 'done!' retorted the second. the noise of the fall, and the confusion which followed, brought up the landlord, who called out to fetch a doctor. 'no! no! we must have no interference--there's a bet depending!' 'but, sir, i shall lose a valuable servant!' 'never mind! you can put him down in the bill!'" about the time the vicksburg paper containing the above came to hand, we received a letter from n.p. rogers, esq. of concord, n.h. the editor of the 'herald of freedom,' from which the following is an extract: "some thirty years ago, i think it was, col. thatcher, of maine, a lawyer, was in virginia, on business, and was there invited to dine at a public house, with a company of the gentry of the south. _the place_ i forget--the fact was told me by george kimball, esq. now of alton, illinois who had the story from col. thatcher himself. among the servants waiting was a young negro man, whose beautiful person, obliging and assiduous temper, and his activity and grace in serving, made him a favorite with the company. the dinner lasted into the evening, and the wine passed freely about the table. at length, one of the gentlemen, who was pretty highly excited with wine, became unfortunately incensed, either at some trip of the young slave, in waiting, or at some other cause happening when the slave was within his reach. he seized the long-necked wine bottle, and struck the young man suddenly in the temple, and felled him dead upon the floor. the fall arrested, for a moment, the festivities of the table. 'devilish unlucky,' exclaimed one. 'the gentleman is very unfortunate,' cried another. 'really a loss,' said a third, &c, &c. the body was dragged from the dining hall, and the feast went on; and at the close, one of the gentlemen, and the very one, i believe, whose hand had done the homicide, shouted, in bacchanalian bravery, and _southern generosity_, amid the broken glasses and fragments of chairs, 'landlord! put the nigger into the bill!' this was that murdered young man's _requiem and funeral service_." mr. george a. avery, a merchant in rochester, new york, and an elder in the fourth presbyterian church in that city, who resided four years in virginia, gives the following testimony: "i knew a young man who had been out hunting, and returning with some of his friends, seeing a negro man in the road, at a little distance, deliberately drew up his rifle, and shot him dead. this was done without the slightest provocation, or a word passing. this young man passed through the _form_ of a trial, and, although it was not even _pretended_ by his counsel that he was not guilty of the act, deliberately and wantonly perpetrated, _he was acquitted_. it was urged by his counsel, that he was a _young_ man, (about years of age,) had no _malicious_ intention, his mother was a widow, &c, &c" mr. benjamin clendenon, of colerain, lancaster county, pennsylvania, a member of the society of friends, gives the following testimony: "three years ago the coming month, i took a journey of about seventy-five miles from home, through the eastern shore of maryland, and a small part of delaware. calling one day, near noon, at georgetown cross-roads, i found myself surrounded in the tavern by slaveholders. among other subjects of conversation, their human cattle came in for a share. one of the company, a middle-aged man, then living with a second wife, acknowledged, that after the death of his first wife, he lived in a state of concubinage with a female slave; but when the time drew near for the taking of a second wife, he found it expedient to remove the slave from the premises. the same person gave an account of a female slave he formerly held, who had a propensity for some one pursuit, i think the attendance of religious meetings. on a certain occasion, she presented her petition to him, asking for this indulgence; he refused--she importuned--and he, with sovereign indignation, seized a chair, and with a blow upon the head, knocked her senseless upon the floor. the same person, for some act of disobedience, on the part, i think, of the same slave, when employed in stacking straw, felled her to the earth with the handle of a pitch fork. all these transactions were related with the _utmost composure_, in a bar-room within thirty miles of the pennsylvania line." the two following advertisements are illustrations of the regard paid to the marriage relations by slaveholding judges, governors, senators in congress, and mayors of cities. from the "montgomery, (ala.) advertiser," sept. , . "$ reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named moses. he is of common size, about years old. he formerly belonged to judge benson, of montgomery, and it is said, has a wife in that county. john gayle" the john gayle who signs this advertisement, is an ex-governor of alabama. from the "charleston courier," nov. . "ranaway from the subscriber, about twelve months since, his negro man paulladore. his complexion is dark--about years old. i understand gen. r.y. hayne has purchased his wife and children from h.l. pinckney, esq. and has them now on his plantation, at goose creek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently lurking. thomas davis." it is hardly necessary to say, that the general r.y. hayne, and h.l. pinckney, esq. named in the advertisement, are ex-governor hayne, formerly u.s. senator from south carolina, and hon. henry l. pinckney, late member of congress from charleston district, and now intendant (mayor) of that city. it is no difficult matter to get at the 'public opinion' of a community, when _ladies_ 'of property and standing' publish, under their own names, such advertisements as the following. mrs. elizabeth l. carter, of groveton, prince william county, virginia, thus advertises her negro man moses: "ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named moses, aged about years, about six feet high, well made, and possessing a good address, and has lost a part on one of his ears." mrs. b. newman, of the same place, and in the same paper, advertises-- "penny, the wife of moses, aged about years, brown complexion, tall and likely, _no particular marks of person recollected._" both of the above advertisements appear in the national intelligencer, (washington city,) june , . in the mobile mercantile advertiser, of feb. , , is an advertisement signed sarah walsh, of which the following is an extract: "twenty-five dollars reward will be paid to any one who may apprehend and deliver to me, or confine in any jail, so that, i can get him, my man isaac, who ranaway sometime in september last. he is years of age, feet inches high, has a _scar on his forehead, caused by a blow_, and one on his back, made by a shot from a pistol." in the "new orleans bee," dec. , , mrs. burvant, whose residence is at the corner of chartres and toulouse streets, advertises a woman as follows: "ranaway, a negro woman named rachel--_has lost all her toes except the large one_." from the "huntsville (ala.) democrat," june , : "ten dollars reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman named sally, about years of age, taking along her two children--one three years, and the other seven months old. these negroes were purchased by me at the sale of george mason's negroes, on the first monday in may, and left _a few days_ thereafter. any person delivering them to the jailor in huntsville, or to me, at my plantation, five miles above triana, on the tennessee river, shall receive the above reward. charity cooper" from the "mississippian," may , : "ten dollars reward.--ranaway from the subscriber, a man named aaron, yellow complexion, blue eyes, &c. i have no doubt he is lurking about jackson and its vicinity, probably harbored by some of the negroes sold as the property of _my late husband_, harry long, deceased. some of them are about richland, in madison co. i will give the above reward when brought to me, about six miles north-west of jackson, or put in jail, _so that i can get him_. lucy long." if the reader, after perusing the preceding facts, testimony, and arguments, still insists that the 'public opinion' of the slave states protects the slave from outrages, and alleges, as proof of it, that _cruel_ masters are frowned upon and shunned by the community generally, and regarded as monsters, we reply by presenting the following facts and testimony. "col. means, of manchester, ohio, says, that when he resided in south carolina, _his neighbor_, a physician, became enraged with his slave, and sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes. after having received one hundred and forty, he fainted. after inflicting the full number of lashes, the cords with which he was bound were loosed. when he revived, he staggered to the house, and sat down in the sun. being faint and thirsty, he _begged_ for some water to drink. the master went to the well, and procured some water but instead of giving him to drink, he threw the whole bucket-full in his face. nature could not stand the shock--he sunk to rise no more. for this crime, the physician was bound over to court, and tried, and _acquitted_--and the next year he was elected to the legislature!" testimony of hon. john randolph, of virginia "in one of his congressional speeches, mr. r. says: avarice alone can drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post horses, _whipped to death_ in a mail coach. ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice? the hand cuff, the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide! what man is worse received in society for being a hard master? who denies the hand of a sister or daughter to such monsters?" mr. george a. avery, of rochester, new york, who resided four years in virginia, testifies as follows: "i know a local methodist minister, a man of talents, and popular as a preacher, who took his negro girl into his barn, in order to whip her--and _she was brought out a corpse_! his friends seemed to think this of _so little importance to his ministerial standing_, that although i lived near him about three years, i do not recollect to have heard them apologize for the deed, though i recollect having heard one of his neighbors allege this fact as a reason why he did not wish to hear him preach." notwithstanding the mass of testimony which has been presented establishing the fact that in the 'public opinion' of the south the slaves find no protection, some may still claim that the 'public opinion' exhibited by the preceding facts is not that of the _highest class of society at the south_, and in proof of this assertion, refer to the fact, that 'negro brokers,' negro speculators, negro auctioneers, and negro breeders, &c., are by that class universally despised and avoided, as are all who treat their slaves with cruelty. to this we reply, that, if all claimed by the objector were true, it could avail him nothing for 'public opinion' is neither made nor unmade by 'the first class of society.' that class produces in it, at most, but slight modifications; those who belong to it have generally a 'public opinion,' within their own circle which has rarely more, either of morality or mercy than the public opinion of the mass, and is, at least, equally heartless and more intolerant. as to the estimation in which 'speculators,' 'soul drivers,' &c. are held, we remark, that, they are not despised because they _trade in slaves_ but because they are _working_ men, all such are despised by slaveholders. white drovers who go with droves of swine and cattle from the free states to the slave states, and yankee pedlars, who traverse the south, and white day-laborers are, in the main, equally despised, or, if negro-traders excite more contempt than drovers, pedlars, and day-laborers, it is because, they are, as a class more ignorant and vulgar, men from low families and boors in their manners. ridiculous to suppose, that a people, who have, _by law_, made men articles of trade equally with swine, should despise men-drovers and traders, more than hog-drovers and traders. that they are not despised because it is their business to trade in _human beings_ and bring them to market, is plain from the fact that when some 'gentleman of property and standing' and of a 'good family' embarks in a negro speculation, and employs a dozen 'soul drivers' to traverse the upper country, and drive to the south coffles of slaves, expending hundreds of thousands in his wholesale purchases, he does not lose caste. it is known in alabama, that mr. erwin, son-in-law of the hon. henry clay, and brother of j.p. erwin, formerly postmaster, and late mayor of the city of nashville, laid the foundation of a princely fortune in the slave-trade, carried on from the northern slave states to the planting south; that the hon. h. hitchcock, brother-in-law of mr. e., and since one of the judges of the supreme court of alabama, was interested with him in the traffic; and that a late member of the kentucky senate (col. wall) not only carried on the same business, a few years ago, but accompanied his droves in person down the mississippi. not as the _driver_, for that would be vulgar drudgery, beneath a gentleman, but as a nabob in state, ordering his understrappers. it is also well known that president jackson was a 'soul driver,' and that even so late as the year before the commencement of the last war, he bought up a coffle of slaves and drove them down to louisiana for sale. thomas n. gadsden, esq. the principal slave auctioneer in charleston, s.c. is of one of the first families in the state, and moves in the very highest class of society there. he is a descendant of the distinguished general gadsden of revolutionary memory, the most prominent southern member in the continental congress of , and afterwards elected lieutenant governor and then governor of the state. the rev. dr. gadsden, rector of st. phillip's church, charleston, and the rev. phillip gadsden, both prominent episcopal clergymen in south carolina, and colonel james gadsden of the united states army, after whom a county in florida was recently named, are all brothers of this thomas n. gadsden, esq. the largest slave auctioneer in the state, under whose hammer, men, women and children go off by thousands; its stroke probably sunders _daily_, husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, perhaps to see each other's faces no more. now who supply the auction table of this thomas n. gadsden, esq. with its loads of human merchandize? these same detested 'soul drivers' forsooth! they prowl through the country, buy, catch, and fetter them, and drive their chained coffles up to his stand, where thomas n. gadsden, esq. knocks them off to the highest bidder, to ex-governor butler perhaps, or to ex-governor hayne, or to hon. robert barnwell rhett, or to his own reverend brother, dr. gadsden. now this high born, wholesale _soul-seller_ doubtless despises the retail 'soul-drivers' who give him their custom, and so does the wholesale grocer, the drizzling tapster who sneaks up to his counter for a keg of whiskey to dole out under a shanty in two cent glasses; and both for the same reason. the plea that the 'public opinion' among the highest classes of society at the south is mild and considerate towards the slaves, that _they_ do not overwork, underfeed, neglect when old and sick, scantily clothe, badly lodge, and half shelter their slaves; that _they_ do not barbarously flog, load with irons, imprison in the stocks, brand and maim them; hunt them when runaway with dogs and guns, and sunder by force and forever the nearest kindred--is shown, by almost every page of this work, to be an assumption, not only utterly groundless, but directly opposed to masses of irrefragable evidence. if the reader will be at the pains to review the testimony recorded on the foregoing pages he will find that a very large proportion of the atrocities detailed were committed, not by the most ignorant and lowest classes of society, but by persons 'of property and standing,' by masters and mistresses belonging to the 'upper classes,' by persons in the learned professions, by civil, judicial, and military officers, by the _literati_, by the fashionable elite and persons of more than ordinary 'respectability' and external morality--large numbers of whom are professors of religion. it will be recollected that the testimony of sarah m. grimké, and angelina g. weld, was confined exclusively to the details of slavery as exhibited in the _highest classes of society_, mainly in charleston, s.c. see their testimony pp. - and - . the former has furnished us with the following testimony in addition to that already given. "nathaniel heyward of combahee, s.c., one of the wealthiest planters in the state, stated, in conversation with some other planters who were complaining of the idle and lazy habits of their slaves, and the difficulty of ascertaining whether their sickness was real or pretended, and the loss they suffered from their frequent absence on this account from their work, said, 'i never lose a day's work: it is an _established_ rule on my plantations that the tasks of all the sick negroes _shall be done by those who are well in addition to their own_. by this means a vigilant supervision is kept up by the slaves over each other, and they take care that nothing but real sickness keeps any one out of the field.' i spent several winters in the neighborhood of nathaniel heyward's plantations, and well remember his character as a severe task master. _i was present when the above statement was made_." the cool barbarity of such a regulation is hardly surpassed by the worst edicts of the roman caligula--especially when we consider that the plantations of this man were in the neighborhood of the combahee river, one of the most unhealthy districts in the low country of south carolina; further, that large numbers of his slaves worked in the _rice marshes_, or 'swamps' as they are called in that state--and that during six months of the year, so fatal to health is the malaria of the swamps in that region that the planters and their families invariably abandon their plantations, regarding it as downright presumption to spend a single day upon them 'between the frosts' of the early spring and the last of november. the reader may infer the high standing of mr. heyward in south carolina, from the fact that he was selected with four other freeholders to constitute a court for the trial of the conspirators in the insurrection plot at charleston, in . another of the individuals chosen to constitute that court was colonel henry deas, now president of the board of trustees of charleston college, and a few years since a member of the senate of south carolina. from a late correspondence in the "greenvile (s.c.) mountaineer," between rev. william m. wightman, a professor in randolph, macon, college, and a number of the citizens of lodi, south carolina, it appears that the cruelty of this colonel deas to his slaves, is proverbial in south carolina, so much that professor wightman, in the sermon which occasioned the correspondence, spoke of the colonel's inhumanity to his slaves as a matter of perfect notoriety. another south carolina slaveholder, hon. whitmarsh b. seabrook, recently, we believe, lieut. governor of the state, gives the following testimony to his own inhumanity, and his certificate of the 'public opinion' among south carolina slaveholders 'of high degree.' in an essay on the management of slaves, read before the agricultural society of st. johns, s.c. and published by the society, charleston, , mr. s. remarks: "i consider _imprisonment in the stocks at night_, with or without hard labor in the day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of _good_ government. to the correctness of this opinion _many_ can bear testimony. experience has convinced me that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more _horror_." the advertisements of the professors in the medical colleges of south carolina, published with comments--on pp. , , are additional illustrations of the 'public opinion' of the _literati_. that the 'public opinion' of _the highest class of society_ in south carolina, regards slaves a mere _cattle_, is shown by the following advertisement, which we copy from the "charleston (s.c.) mercury" of may : "negroes for sale.--a girl about twenty years of age, (raised in virginia,) and her two female children, one four and the other two year old--is remarkably strong and healthy--never having had a day's sickness, with the exception of the small pox, in her life. the children are fine and healthy. she is very prolific in her generating qualities, _and affords a rare opportunity to any person who wishes to raise a family of strong and healthy servants for their own use._ "any person wishing to purchase will please leave their address at the mercury office." the charleston mercury, in which this advertisement appears, _is the leading political paper in south carolina_, and is well known to be the political organ of messrs. calhoun, rhett, pickens, and others of the most prominent politicians in the state. its editor, john stewart, esq., is a lawyer of charleston, and of a highly respectable family. he is a brother-in-law of hon. robert barnwell rhett, the late attorney-general, now a member of congress, and hon. james rhett, a leading member of the senate of south carolina; his wife is a niece of the late governor smith, of north carolina, and of the late hon. peter smith, intendant (mayor) of the city of charleston; and a cousin of the late hon. thomas s. grimké. the circulation of the 'mercury' among the wealthy, the literary, and the fashionable, is probably much larger than that of any other paper in the state. these facts in connection with the preceding advertisement, are a sufficient exposition of the 'public opinion' towards slaves, prevalent in these classes of society. the following scrap of 'public opinion' in florida, is instructive. we take it from the florida herald, june , : ranaway from my plantation, on monday night, the th instant, a negro fellow named ben; eighteen years of age, polite when spoken to, and speaks very good english for a negro. as i have traced him out in several places in town, i am certain he is harbored. this notice is given that i am determined, that whenever he is taken, _to punish him till he informs me_ who has given him food and protection, and _i shall apply the law of judge lynch to my own satisfaction_, on those concerned in his concealment. a. watson. june , ." now, who is this a. watson, who proclaims through a newspaper, his determination to _put to the torture_ this youth of eighteen, and to lynch to his 'satisfaction' whoever has given a cup of cold water to the panting fugitive. is he some low miscreant beneath public contempt? nay, verily, he is a 'gentleman of property and standing,' one of the wealthiest planters and largest slaveholders in florida. he resides in the vicinity of st. augustine, and married the daughter of the late thomas c. morton, esq. one of the first merchants in new york. we may mention in this connection the well known fact, that many wealthy planters make it a _rule never to employ a physician among their slaves_. hon. william smith, senator in congress, from south carolina, from to , and afterwards from to , is one of this number. he owns a number of large plantations in the south western states. one of these, borders upon the village of huntsville, alabama. the people of that village can testify that it is a part of judge smith's _system_ never to employ a physician _even in the most extreme cases_. if the medical skill of the overseer, or of the slaves themselves, can contend successfully with the disease, they live, if not, _they die_. at all events, a physician is _not to be called_. judge smith was appointed a judge of the supreme court of the united states three years since. the reader will recall a similar fact in the testimony of rev. w.t. allan, son of rev. dr. allan, of huntsville, (see p. ,) who says that colonel robert h. watkins, a wealthy planter, in alabama, and a presidential elector in , who works on his plantations three hundred slaves, 'after employing a physician for some time among his negroes, he ceased to do so, alledging as the reason, that it was _cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician_.' it is a fact perfectly notorious, that the late general wade hampton, of south carolina, who was the largest slaveholder in the united states, and probably the wealthiest man south of the potomac, was _excessively cruel_ in the treatment of his slaves. the anecdote of him related by a clergyman, on page , is perfectly characteristic. for instances of barbarous inhumanity of various kinds, and manifested by persons belonging to the most respectable circles of society, the reader can consult the following references:--testimony of rev. john graham, p. , near the bottom; of mr. poe, p. , middle; of rev. j. o. choules, p. , middle; of rev. dr. channing, p. , top; of mr. george a. avery, p. , bottom; of rev. w.t. allan, p. ; of mr. john m. nelson, p. , bottom; of dr. j.c. finley, p. , top; of mr. dustin, p. , bottom; of mr. john clarke, p. ; of mr. nathan cole, p. , middle; rev. william dickey, p. ; rev. francis hawley, p. ; of mr. powell, p. , middle; of rev. p. smith p. . the preceding are but a few of a large number of similar cases contained in the foregoing testimonies. the slaveholder mentioned by mr. ladd, p. , who knocked down a slave and afterwards piled brush upon his body, and consumed it, held the hand of a female slave in the fire till it was burned so as to be useless for life, and confessed to mr. ladd, that he had killed _four_ slaves, had been a _member of the senate of georgia_ and a _clergyman_. the slaveholder who whipped a female slave to death in st. louis, in , as stated by mr. cole, p. , was a _major in the united states army_. one of the physicians who was an abettor of the tragedy on the brassos, in which a slave was tortured to death, and another so that he barely lived, (see rev. mr. smith's testimony, p. .) was dr. anson jones, a native of connecticut, who was soon after appointed minister plenipotentiary from texas to this government, and now resides at washington city. the slave mistress at lexington, ky., who, as her husband testifies, has killed six of his slaves, (see testimony of mr. clarke, p. ,) is the wife of hon. fielding s. turner, late judge of the criminal court of new orleans, and one of the wealthiest slaveholders in kentucky. lilburn lewis, who deliberately chopped in pieces his slave george, with a broad-axe, (see testimony of rev. mr. dickey, p. ) was a wealthy slaveholder, and a nephew of president jefferson. rev. francis hawley, who was a general agent of the baptist state convention of north carolina, confesses (see p. ,) that while residing in that state he once went out with his hounds and rifle, to hunt fugitive slaves. but instead of making further reference to testimony already before the reader, we will furnish additional instances of the barbarous cruelty which is tolerated and sanctioned by the 'upper classes' of society at the south; we begin with clergymen, and other officers and members of churches. that the reader may judge of the degree of 'protection' which slaves receive from 'public opinion,' and among the members and ministers of professed christian churches, we insert the following illustrations. extract from an editorial article in the "lowell (mass.) observer" a religious paper edited at the time ( ) by the rev. daniel s. southmayd, who recently died in texas. "we have been among the slaves at the south. we took pains to make discoveries in respect to the evils of slavery. we formed our sentiments on the subject of the cruelties exercised towards the slaves from having witnessed them. we now affirm that we never saw a man, who had never been at the south, who thought as much of the cruelties practiced on the slaves, as we _know_ to be a fact. "a slave whom i loved for his kindness and the amiableness of his disposition, and who belonged to the family where i resided, happened to stay out _fifteen minutes longer_ than he had permission to stay. it was a mistake--it was _unintentional_. but what was the penalty? he was sent to the house of correction with the order that he should have _thirty lashes upon his naked body with a knotted rope!!!_ he was brought home and laid down in the stoop, in the back of the house, in _the sun, upon the floor_. and there he lay, with more the appearance of a rotten carcass than a living man, for four days before he could do more than move. and who was this inhuman being calling god's property his own, and ruing it as he would not have dared to use a beast? you may say he was a tiger--one of the more wicked sort, and that we must not judge others by him. _he was a professor of that religion which will pour upon the willing slaveholder the retribution due to his sin_. "we wish to mention another fact, which our own eyes saw and our own ears heard. we were called to evening prayers. the family assembled around the altar of their accustomed devotions. there was one female _slave_ present, who belonged to another master, but who had been hired for the day and tarried to attend family worship. the precious bible was opened, and nearly half a chapter had been read, when the eye of the master, who was reading, observed that the new female servant, instead of being seated like his own slaves, _flat upon the floor_, was standing in a stooping posture upon her feet. he told her to sit down on the floor. she said it was not her custom at home. he ordered her again to do it. she replied that her master did not require it. irritated by this answer, he repeatedly _struck her upon the head with the very bible he held in his hand_. and not content with this, he seized his cane and _caned her down stairs most unmercifully_. he then returned to resume his profane work, but we need not say that _all_ the family were not there. do you ask again, who was this wicked man? _he was a professor of religion!!_" rev. huntington lyman, late pastor of the free church in buffalo, new york, says:-- "walking one day in new orleans with a professional gentleman, who was educated in connecticut, we were met by a black man; the gentleman was greatly incensed with the black man for passing so _near_ him, and turning upon him _he pushed him with violence off walk into the street_. this man was a professor of religion." (and _we_ add, a member, and if we mistake not an officer of the presbyterian church which was established there by rev. joel parker, and which was then under his teachings-ed.) mr. ezekiel birdseye, a gentleman of known probity, in cornwall, litchfield county, conn. gives the testimony which follows:-- "a baptist clergyman in laurens district, s.c. whipped his slave to death, whom he _suspected_ of having stolen about sixty dollars. the slave was in the prime of life and was purchased a few weeks before for $ of a slave trader from virginia or maryland. the coroner, wm. irby, at whose house i was then boarding, _told me_, that on reviewing the dead body, he found it _beat to a jelly from head to foot_. the master's wife discovered the money a day or two after the death of the slave. she had herself removed it from where it was placed, not knowing what it was, as it was tied up in a thick envelope. i happened to be present when the trial of this man took place, at laurens court house. his daughter testified that her father untied the slave, when he appeared to be failing, and gave him cold water to drink, of which he took freely. his counsel pleaded that his death _might_ have been caused by drinking cold water in a state of excitement. the judge charged the jury, that it would be their duty to find the defendant guilty, if they believed the death was caused by the whipping; but if they were of opinion that drinking cold water caused the death, they would find him not guilty! the jury found him--not guilty!" dr. jeremiah s. waugh, a physician in somerville, butler county, ohio, testifies as follows:-- "in the year , i boarded with the rev. john mushat, a seceder minister, and principal of an academy in iredel county, n.c. he had slaves, and was in the habit of restricting them on the sabbath. one of his slaves, however, ventured to disobey his injunctions. the offence was he went away on sabbath evening, and did not return till monday morning. about the time we were called to breakfast, the rev. gentleman was engaged in chastising him for _breaking the sabbath_. he determined not to submit--attempted to escape by flight. the master immediately took down his gun and pursued him--levelled his instrument of death, and told him, if he did not stop instantly _he would blow him through_. the poor slave returned to the house and submitted himself to the lash; and the good master, while yet pale with rage, _sat down to the table, and with a trembling voice_ asked god's blessing!" the following letter was sent by capt. jacob dunham, of new york city, to a slaveholder in georgetown, d.c. more than twenty years since: "georgetown, june , . "dear sir--passing your house yesterday, i beheld a scene of cruelty seldom witnessed--that was the brutal chastisement of your negro girl, _lashed to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman manner, too bad to describe_. my blood chills while i contemplate the subject. this has led me to investigate your character from your neighbors; who inform me that you have _caused the death_ of one negro man, whom you struck with a sledge for some trivial fault--that you have beaten another black girl with such severity that the _splinters_ remained in her back for some weeks after you sold her--and many other acts of barbarity, too lengthy to enumerate. and to my great surprise, i find you are a _professor of the christian religion!_ "you will naturally inquire, why i meddle with your family affairs. my answer is, the cause of humanity and a sense of my duty requires it.--these hasty remarks i leave you to reflect on the subject; but wish you to remember, that there is an all-seeing eye who knows all our faults and will reward us according to our deeds. i remain, sir, yours, &c jacob dunham. master of the brig cyrus, of n.y." rev. sylvester cowles, pastor of the presbyterian church in fredonia, n.y. says:-- "a young man, a member of the church in conewango, went to alabama last year, to reside as a clerk in an uncle's store. when he had been there about nine months, he wrote his father that he must return home. to see members of the same church sit at the communion table of our lord one day, and the next to see one seize any weapon and knock the other down, _as he had seen_, he _could not_ live there. his good father forthwith gave him permission to return home." the following is a specimen of the shameless hardihood with which a professed minister of the gospel, and editor of a religious paper, assumes the right to hold god's image as a chattel. it is from the southern christian herald:-- "it is stated in the georgetown union, that a negro, supposed to have died of cholera, when that disease prevailed in charleston, was carried to the public burying ground to be interred; but before interment signs of life appeared, and, by the use of proper means, he was restored to health. and now the man who first perceived the signs of life in the slave, and that led to his preservation, claims the property as his own, and is about bringing suit for its recovery. as well might a man who rescued his neighbor's slave, or his _horse_, from drowning, or who extinguished the flames that would otherwise soon have burnt down his neighbor's house, claim the _property_ as his own." rev. george bourne, of new york city, late editor of the "protestant vindicator," who was a preacher seven years in virginia, gives the following testimony.[ ] "benjamin lewis, who was an elder in the presbyterian church, engaged a carpenter to repair and enlarge his house. after some time had elapsed, kyle, the builder, was awakened very early in the morning by a most piteous moaning and shrieking. he arose, and following the sound, discovered a colored woman nearly naked, tied to a fence, while lewis was lacerating her. kyle instantly commanded the slave driver to desist. lewis maintained his jurisdiction over his slaves, and threatened kyle that he would punish him for his interference. finally kyle obtained the release of the victim. "a second and a third scene of the same kind occurred, and on the third occasion the altercation almost produced a battle between the elder and the carpenter. "kyle immediately arranged his affairs, packed up his tools and prepared to depart. 'where are you going?' demanded lewis. 'i am going home;' said kyle. 'then i will pay you nothing for what you have done,' retorted the slave driver, 'unless you complete your contract.' the carpenter went away with this edifying declaration, 'i will not stay here a day longer; for i expect the fire of god will come down and burn you up altogether, and i do not choose to go to hell with you.' through hush-money and promises not to whip the women any more, i believe kyle returned and completed his engagement. "james kyle of harrisonburg, virginia, frequently narrated that circumstance, and his son, the carpenter, confirmed it with all the minute particulars combined with his temporary residence on the shenandoah river. "john m'cue of augusta county, virginia, a _presbyterian preacher_, frequently on the lord's day morning, tied up his slaves and whipped them; and left them bound, while he went to the meeting house and preached--and after his return home repeated his scourging. that fact, with others more heinous, was known to all persons in his congregation and around the vicinity; and so far from being censured for it, he and his brethren justified it as essential to preserve their 'domestic institutions.' "mrs. pence, of rockingham county, virginia, used to boast,--'i am the best hand to whip a _wench_ in the whole county.' she used to pinion the girls to a post in the yard on the lord's day morning, scourge them, put on the '_negro plaster_,' salt, pepper, and vinegar, leave them tied, and walk away to church as demure as a nun, and after service repeat her flaying, if she felt the whim. i once expostulated with her upon her cruelly. 'mrs. pence, how can you whip your girls so publicly and disturb your neighbors so on the lord's day morning.' her answer was memorable. 'if i were to whip them on any other day i should lose a day's work; but by whipping them on sunday, their backs get well enough by monday morning.' that woman, if alive, is doubtless a member of the church now, as then. "rev. dr. staughton, formerly of philadelphia, often stated, that when he lived at georgetown, s.c. he could tell the doings of one of the slaveholders of the baptist church there by his prayers at the prayer meeting. 'if,' said he, 'that man was upon good terms with his slaves, his words were cold and heartless as frost; if he had been whipping a man, he would pray with life; but if he had left a woman whom he had been flogging, tied to a post in his cellar, with a determination to go back and torture her again, o! how he would pray!' the rev. cyrus p. grosvenor of massachusetts can confirm the above statement by dr. staughton. "william wilson, a presbyterian preacher of augusta county, virginia, had a young colored girl who was constitutionally unhealthy. as no means to amend her were availing, he sold her to a member of his congregation, and in the usual style of human flesh dealers, warranted her 'sound,' &c. the fraud was instantly discovered; but he would not refund the amount. a suit was commenced, and was long continued, and finally the plaintiff recovered the money out of which he had been swindled by slave-trading with his own preacher. no presbytery censured him, although judge brown, the chancellor, severely condemned the imposition. "in the year , johab graham, a preacher, lived with alexander nelson a presbyterian elder, near stanton, virginia, and he informed me that a man had appeared before nelson, who was a magistrate, and swore falsely against his slave,--that the elder ordered him thirty-nine lashes. all that wickedness was done as an excuse for his dissipated owner to obtain money. a negro trader had offered him a considerable sum for the 'boy,' and under the pretence of saving him from the punishment of the law, he was trafficked away from his woman and children to another state. the magistrate was aware of the perjury, and the whole abomination, but all the truth uttered by every colored person in the southern states would not be of any avail against the notorious false swearing of the greatest white villain who ever cursed the world. 'how,' said johab graham, can i preach to-morrow?' i replied, 'very well; go and thunder the doctrine of retribution in their ears, obadiah , till by the divine blessing you kill or cure them. my friends, john m. nelson of hillsborough, ohio, samuel linn, and robert herron, and others of the same vicinity, could 'make both the ears of every one who heareth them tingle' with the accounts which they can give of slave-driving by professors of religion in the shenandoah valley, virginia. "in , near frederick, in maryland, a most barbarous planter was killed in a fit of desperation, by four of his slaves _in self-defence_. it was declared by those slaves while in prison that, besides his atrocities among their female associates, he had deliberately butchered a number of his slaves. the four men were murdered by law, to appease the popular clamor. i saw them executed on the twenty-eighth day of jan'y, . the facts i received from the rev. patrick davidson of frederick, who constantly visited them during their imprisonment--and who became an abolitionist in consequence of the disclosures which he heard from those men in the jail. the name of the planter is not distinctly recollected, but it can be known by a inspection of the record of the trial in the clerk's office, frederick. "a minister of virginia, still living, and whose name must not be mentioned for fear of nero preston and his confederate-hanging myrmidons, informed me of this fact in , in his own house. 'a member of my church, said he, lately whipped a colored youth to death. what shall i do?' i answered, 'i hope you do not mean to continue him in your church.' that minister replied, 'how can we help it' we dare not call him to an account. we have no legal testimony.' their communion season was then approaching. i addressed his wife,--'mrs. ---- do you mean to sit at the lord's table with that murderer?'--,'not i,' she answered: 'i would as soon commune with the devil himself.' the slave killer was equally unnoticed by the civil and ecclesiastical authority. "john baxter, a presbyterian elder, the brother of that slaveholding doctor in divinity, george a. baxter, held as a slave the wife of a baptist colored preacher, familiarly called 'uncle jack.' in a late period of pregnancy he scourged her so that the lives of herself and her unborn child were considered in jeopardy. uncle jack was advised to obtain the liberation of his wife. baxter finally agreed, i think, to sell the woman and her children, three of them, i believe for six hundred dollars, and an additional hundred if the unborn child survived a certain period after its birth. uncle jack was to pay one hundred dollars per annum for his wife and children for seven years, and baxter held a sort of mortgage upon them for the payment. uncle jack showed me his back in furrows like a ploughed field. his master used to whip up the flesh, then beat it downwards, and then apply the 'negro plaster,' salt, pepper, mustard, and vinegar, until all jack's back was almost as hard and unimpressible as the bones. there is slaveholding religion! a presbyterian elder receiving from a baptist preacher seven hundred dollars for his wife and children. james kyle and uncle jack used to tell that story with great christian sensibility; and uncle jack would weep tears of anguish over his wife's piteous tale, and tears of ecstasy at the same moment that he was free, and that soon, by the grace of god, his wife and children, as he said, 'would be all free together.'" rev. james nourse, a presbyterian clergyman of mifflia co. penn., whose father is, we believe, a slaveholder in washington city, says,-- "the rev. mr. m----, now of the huntingdon presbytery, after an absence of many months, was about visiting his old friends on what is commonly called the 'eastern shore.' late in the afternoon, on his journey, he called at the house of rev. a.c. of p----town, md. with this brother he had been long acquainted. just at that juncture mr. c. was about proceeding to whip a colored female, who was his slave. she was firmly tied to a post in front of his dwelling-house. the arrival of a clerical visitor at such a time, occasioned a temporary delay in the execution of mr. c's purpose. but the delay was only temporary; for not even the presence of such a guest could destroy the bloody design. the guest interceded with all the mildness yet earnestness of a brother and new visitor. but all in vain, 'the woman had been saucy and must be punished.' the cowhide was accordingly produced, and the _rev. mr. c_., a large and very stout man, applied it 'manfully' on 'woman's' bare and 'shrinking flesh.' i say bare, because you know that the slave women generally have but three or four inches of the arm near the shoulder covered, and the neck is left entirely exposed. as the cowhide moved back and forward, striking right and left, on the head, neck and arms, at every few strokes the sympathizing guest would exclaim, 'o, brother c. desist' but brother c. pursued his brutal work, till, after inflicting about sixty lashes, the woman was found to be suffused with blood on the hinder part of her neck, and under her frock between the shoulders. yet this rev. gentleman is well esteemed in the church--was, three or four years since, moderator of the synod of philadelphia, and yet walks abroad, feeling himself unrebuked by law or gospel. ah, sir does not this narration give fearful force to the query--_what has the church to do with slavery_?' comment on the facts is unnecessary, yet allow me to conclude by saying, that it is my opinion such occurrences _are not rare in the south_. j.n." rev. charles stewart renshaw, of quincy, illinois, in a recent letter, speaking of his residence, for a period, in kentucky, says-- "in a conversation with mr. robert willis, he told me that his negro girl had run away from him some time previous. he was convinced that she was lurking round, and he watched for her. he soon found the place of her concealment, drew her from it, got a rope, and tied her hands across each other, then threw the rope over a beam in the kitchen, and hoisted her up by the wrists; 'and,' said he, 'i whipped her there till i made the lint fly, i tell you.' i asked him the meaning of making 'the lint fly,' and he replied, '_till the blood flew_.' i spoke of the iniquity and cruelty of slavery, and of its immediate abandonment. he confessed it an evil, but said, 'i am a _colonizationist_--i believe in that scheme.' mr. willis is a teacher of sacred music, and a member of the presbyterian church in lexington, kentucky." mr. r. speaking of the presbyterian minister and church where he resided, says: "the minister and all the church members held slaves. some were treated kindly, others harshly. _there was not a shade of difference_ between their slaves and those of their _infidel_ neighbors, either in their physical, intellectual, or moral state: in some cases they would _suffer_ in the comparison. "in the kitchen of the minister of the church, a slave man was living in open adultery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church, with an 'assured hope' of heaven--whilst the man's wife was on the minister's farm in fayette county. the minister had to bring a cook down from his farm to the place in which he was preaching. the choice was between the wife of the man and this church member. he _left the wife_, and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed. "a methodist preacher last fall took a load of produce down the river. amongst other _things_ he took down five slaves. he sold them at new orleans--he came up to natchez--bought seven there--and took them down and sold them also. last march he came up to preach the gospel again. a number of persons on board the steamboat (the tuscarora.) who had seen him in the slave-shambles in natchez and new orleans, and now, for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had much sport at the expense of 'the fine old preacher who dealt in slaves.' a non-professor of religion, in campbell county, ky. sold a female and two children to a methodist professor, with the proviso that they should not leave that region of country. the slave-driver came, and offered $ more for the woman than he had given, and he sold her. she is now in the lower country, and _her orphan babes are in kentucky_. "i was much shocked once, to see a presbyterian elder's wife call a little slave to her to kiss her feet. at first the boy hesitated--but the command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, be approached timidly, knelt, and kissed her foot." rev. w.t. allan, of chatham, illinois, gives the following in a letter dated feb. , : "mr. peter vanarsdale, an elder of the presbyterian church in carrollton, formerly from kentucky, told me, the other day, that a mrs. burford, in the neighborhood of harrodsburg, kentucky, had _separated a woman and her children_ from their husband and father, taking them into another state. mrs. b. was a member of the _presbyterian church_. the bereaved husband and father was also a professor of religion. "mr. v. told me of a slave woman who had lost her son, separated from her by public sale. in the anguish of her soul, she gave vent to her indignation freely, and perhaps harshly. sometime after, she wished to become a member of the church. before they received her, she had to make humble confession for speaking as she had done. _some of the elders that received her, and required the confession, were engaged is selling the son from his mother_." the following communication from the rev. william bardwell, of sandwich, massachusetts, has just been published in zion's watchman, new york city: _mr. editor_:--the following fact was given me last evening, from the pen of a shipmaster, who has traded in several of the principal ports in the south. he is a man of unblemished character, a member of the m.e. church in this place, and familiarly known in this town. the facts were communicated to me last fall in a letter to his wife, with a request that she would cause them to be published. i give verbatim, as they were written from the letter by brother perry's own hand while i was in his house. "a methodist preacher, wm. whitby by name, who married in bucksville, s.c., and by marriage came into possession of some slaves, in july, , was about moving to another station to preach, and wished, also, to move his family and slaves to tennessee, much against the will of the slaves, one of which, to get clear from him, ran into the woods after swimming a brook. the parson took after him with his gun, which, however, got wet and missed fire, when he ran to a neighbor for another gun, with the intention, as he said, of killing him: he did not, however, catch or kill him; he chained another for fear of his running away also. the above particulars were related to me by william whitby himself. thomas c. perry. march , ." "i find by examining the minutes of the s.c. conference, that there is such a preacher in the conference, and brother perry further stated to me that he was well acquainted with him, and if this statement was published, and if it could be known where he was since the last conference, he wished a paper to be sent him containing the whole affair. he also stated to me, verbally, that the young man he attempted to shoot was about nineteen years of age, and had been shut up in a corn-house, and in the attempt of mr. whitby to chain him, he broke down the door and made his escape as above mentioned, and that mr. w. was under the necessity of hiring him out for one year, with the risk of his employer's getting him. brother perry conversed with one of the slaves, who was so old that he thought it not profitable to remove so far, and had been sold; _he_ informed him of all the above circumstances, and said, with tears, that he thought he had been so faithful as to be entitled to liberty, but instead of making him free, he had sold him to another master, besides parting one husband and wife from those ties rendered a thousand times dearer by an infant child which was torn for ever from the husband. william bardwell. _sandwich, mass._, march , ." mr. william poe, till recently a slaveholder in virginia, now an elder in the presbyterian church at delhi, ohio, gives the following testimony:-- "an elder in the presbyterian church in lynchburg had a most faithful servant, whom he flogged severely and sent him to prison, and had him confined as a felon a number of days, for being _saucy_. another elder of the same church, an auctioneer, habitually sold slaves at his stand--very frequently _parted families_--would often go into the country to sell slaves on execution and otherwise; when remonstrated with, he justified himself, saying, 'it was his business;' the church also justified him on the same ground. "a doctor duval, of lynchburg, va. got offended with a very faithful, worthy servant, and immediately sold him to a negro trader, to be taken to new orleans; duval still keeping the wife of the man as his slave. this duval was a professor of religion." mr. samuel hall, a teacher in marietta college, ohio, says, in a recent letter:-- "a student in marietta college, from mississippi, a professor of religion, and in every way worthy of entire confidence, made to me the following statement. [if his name were published it would probably cost him his life.] "when i was in the family of the rev. james martin, of louisville, winston county, mississippi, in the spring of , mrs. martin became offended at a female slave, because she did not move faster. she commanded her to do so; the girl quickened her pace; again she was ordered to move faster, or, mrs. m. declared, she would break the broomstick over her head. again the slave quickened her pace; but not coming up to the _maximum_ desired by mrs. m. the latter declared she would _see_ whether she (the slave) could move or not: and, going into another apartment, she brought in a raw hide, awaiting the return of her husband for its application. in this instance i know not what was the final result, but i have heard the sound of the raw-hide in at least _two_ other instances, applied by this same reverend gentleman to the back of his _female_ servant." mr. hall adds--"the name of my informant must be suppressed, as" he says, "there are those who would cut my throat in a moment, if the information i give were to be coupled with my name." suffice it to say that he is a professor of religion, a native of virginia, and a student of marietta college, whose character will bear the strictest scrutiny. he says:-- "in , at charlestown, va. i conversed with several members of the church under the care of the rev. mr. brown, of the same place. taking occasion to speak of slavery, and of the sin of slaveholding, to one of them who was a lady, she replied, "i am a slaveholder, and i _glory_ in it." i had a conversation, a few days after, with the pastor himself, concerning the state of religion in his church, and who were the most exemplary members in it. the pastor mentioned several of those who were of that description; the _first_ of whom, however, was the identical lady who _gloried_ in being a slaveholder! that church numbers nearly two hundred members. "another lady, who was considered as devoted a christian as any in the same church, but who was in poor health, was accustomed to flog some of her female domestics with a raw-hide till she was exhausted, and then go and lie down till her strength was recruited, rising again and resuming the flagellation. this she considered as not at all derogatory to her christian character." mr. joel s. bingham, of cornwall, vermont, lately a student in middlebury college, and a member of the congregational church, spent a few weeks in kentucky, in the summer of . he relates the following occurrence which took place in the neighborhood where he resided, and was a matter of perfect notoriety in the vicinity. "rev. mr. lewis, a baptist minister in the vicinity of frankfort, ky. had a slave that ran away, but was retaken and brought back to his master, who threatened him with punishment for making an attempt to escape. though terrified the slave immediately attempted to run away again. mr. l. commanded him to stop, but he did not obey. _mr. l. then took a gun, loaded with small shot and fired at the slave, who fell_; but was not killed, and afterward recovered. mr. l. did not probably intend to kill the slave, as it was his legs which were aimed at and received the contents of the gun. the master asserted that he was driven to this necessity to maintain his authority. this took place about the first of july, ." the following is given upon the authority of rev. orange scott, of lowell, mass. for many years a presiding elder in the methodist episcopal church. "rev. joseph hough, a baptist minister, formerly of springfield, mass. now of plainfield, n.h. while traveling in the south, a few years ago, put up one night with a methodist family, and spent the sabbath with them. while there, one of the female slaves did something which displeased her mistress. she took a chisel and mallet, and very deliberately cut off one of her toes!" slave breeding an index of public 'opinion' among the 'highest class of society' in virginia and other northern slave states. but we shall be told, that 'slave-breeders' are regarded with contempt, and the business of slave breeding is looked upon as despicable; and the hot disclaimer of mr. stevenson, our minister plenipotentiary at the court of st. james, in reply to mr. o'connell, who had intimated that he might be a 'slave breeder,' will doubtless be quoted.[ ] in reply, we need not say what every body knows, that if mr. stevenson is not a 'slave breeder,' he is a solitary exception among the large slaveholders of virginia. what! virginia slaveholders not 'slave-breeders?' the pretence is ridiculous and contemptible; it is meanness, hypocrisy, and falsehood, as is abundantly proved by the testimony which follows:-- mr. gholson, of virginia, in his speech in the legislature of that state, jan. , , (see richmond whig,) says:-- "it has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered by steady and old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to its annual profits; the owner of orchards, to their annual fruits; the owner of _brood mares_, to their product; and the owner of _female slaves, to their increase_. we have not the fine-spun intelligence, nor legal acumen, to discover the technical distinctions drawn by gentlemen. the legal maxim of '_partus sequitur ventrem_' is coeval with the existence of the rights of property itself, and is founded in wisdom and justice. it is on the justice and inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female slave; has her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises the helpless and infant offspring. the value of the property justifies the expense; and i do not hesitate to say, that in its _increase consists much of our wealth_." hon. thomas mann randolph, of virginia. formerly governor of that state, in his speech before the legislature in , while speaking of the number of slaves annually sold from virginia to the more southern slave states, said:-- "the exportation has _averaged_ eight thousand five hundred for the last twenty years. forty years ago, the whites exceeded the colored , , the colored now exceed the whites , ; and these results too during an exportation of near , slaves since the year , now perhaps the fruitful progenitors of half a million in other states. it is a practice and an increasing practice, in parts of virginia, to rear slaves for market. how can an honorable mind, a patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for market, like oxen for the shambles." professor dew, now president of the university of william and mary, virginia, in his review of the debate in the virginia legislature, - , says, p . "from all the information we can obtain, we have no hesitation in saying that upwards of six thousand [slaves] are yearly exported [from virginia] to other states.' again, p. : 'the slaves which virginia annually sends off to the south, are a source of wealth to virginia'--again, p. : 'a full equivalent being thus left in the place of the slave, this emigration becomes an advantage to the state, and does not check the black population as much as, at first view, we might imagine--because it furnishes every inducement to the master to attend to the negroes, to encourage breeding, and to cause the _greatest number possible to be raised._ &c." _"virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state for other states."_ extract from the speech of mr. faulkner, in the va. house of delegates, . [see richmond whig.] "but he [mr. gholson,] has labored to show that the abolition of slavery, were it practicable, would be _impolitic_, because as the drift of this portion of his argument runs, your slaves constitute the entire wealth of the state, all the _productive capacity_ virginia possesses. and, sir, as things are, _i believe he is correct_. he says, and in this he is sustained by the gentleman from halifax, mr. bruce, that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth at present, of eastern virginia. is it true that for years the only increase in the wealth and resources of virginia, has been a remnant of the natural _increase_ of this miserable race?--can it be, that on this _increase_, she places her solo dependence? i had always understood that indolence and extravagance were the necessary concomitants of slavery; but, until i heard these declarations, i had not fully conceived the horrible extent of this evil. these gentlemen state the fact, which the history and _present aspect of the commowealth but too well sustain_. the gentlemen's facts and argument in support of his plea of impolicy, to me, seem rather unhappy. to me, such a state of things would itself be conclusive at least, that something, even as a measure of policy, should be done. what, sir, have you lived for two hundred years, without personal effort or productive industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone _by the return from sales of the increase of slaves_, and retaining merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can sustain, as stock, _depending, too, upon a most uncertain market_? when that market is closed, as in the nature of things it must be, what then will become of this gentleman's hundred millions worth of slaves, and the annual product?" in the debates in the virginia convention, in , judge upsher said--"the value of slaves as an article of property [and it is in that view only that they are legitimate subjects of taxation] _depends much on the state of the market abroad_. in this view, it is the value of land _abroad_, and not of land here, which furnishes the ratio. it is well known to us all, that nothing is more fluctuating than the value of slaves. a late law of louisiana reduced their value per cent, in two hours after its passage was known. if it should be our lot, as i trust it will be, to acquire the country of texas, their price will rise again."--p. . mr. goode, of virginia, in his speech before the virginia legislature, in jan. , [see richmond whig, of that date,] said:-- "the superior usefulness of the slaves in the south, will constitute an _effectual demand_, which will remove them from our limits. we shall send them from our state, because _it will be our interest to do so_. our planters are already becoming farmers. many who grew tobacco as their only staple, have already introduced, and commingled the wheat crop. they are already semi-farmers; and in the natural course of events, they must become more and more so.--as the greater quantity of rich western lands are appropriated to the production of the staple of our planters, that staple will become less profitable.--we shall gradually divert our lands from its production, until we shall become actual farmers.--then will the necessity for slave labor diminish; then will the effectual demand diminish, and then will the quantity of slaves diminish, until they shall be adapted to the effectual demand. "but gentlemen are alarmed _lest the markets of other states be closed against the introduction of our slaves_. sir, the demand for slave labor must increase through the south and west. it has been heretofore limited by the want of capital; but when emigrants shall be relieved from their embarrassments, contracted by the purchase of their lands, the annual profits of their estates, will constitute an accumulating capital, which they will _seek to invest in labor_. that the demand for labor must increase in proportion to the increase of capital, is one of the demonstrations of political economists; and i confess, that for the removal of slavery from virginia, i look to the efficacy of that principle; together with the circumstance that our southern brethren are constrained to continue planters, by their position, soil and climate." the following is from niles' weekly register, published at baltimore, md. vol. , p. . _"dealing in slaves has become a large business_; establishments are made in several places in maryland and virginia, at which they are sold like cattle; these places of deposit are strongly built, and well supplied with thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with cow-skins and other whips oftentimes bloody." r.s. finley, esq., late general agent of the american colonization society, at a meeting in new york, th feb. , said: "in virginia and other grain-growing slave states, the blacks do not support themselves, and the only profit their masters derive from them is, repulsive as the idea may justly seem, in breeding them, like other live stock for the more southern states." rev. dr. graham, of fayetteville, n.c. at a colonization meeting, held in that place in the fall of said: "he had resided for years in one of the largest slaveholding counties in the state, had long and anxiously considered the subject, and still it was dark. there were nearly slaves offered in new orleans market last winter. from virginia alone were annually sent to the south; and from virginia and n.c. there had gone, in the same direction, in the last twenty years, , slaves. while not had gone to africa. what it portended, he could not predict, but he felt deeply, that _we must awake in these states and consider the subject_." hon. philip doddridge, of virginia, in his speech in the virginia convention, in , [debates p. .] said:-- "the acquisition of texas will greatly _enhance the value of the property_, in question, [virginia slaves.]" hon c.f. mercer, in a speech before the same convention, in , says: "the tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate, when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth for twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of this population." (debates, p. .) hon. henry clay, of ky., in his speech before the colonization society, in , says: "it is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the united states, would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the southern market which keeps it up in his own." the new orleans courier, feb. , , speaking of the prohibition of the african slave-trade, while the internal slave-trade is plied, says: "the united states law may, and probably does, put millions _into the pockets of the people living between the roanoke, and mason and dixon's line_; still we think it would require some casuistry to show that _the present slave-trade from that quarter_ is a whit better than the one from africa. one thing is certain--that its results are more menacing to the tranquillity of the people in this quarter, as there can be no comparison between the ability and inclination to do mischief, possessed by the virginia negro, and that of the rude and ignorant african." that the new orleans editor does not exaggerate in saying that the internal slave-trade puts 'millions' into the pockets of the slaveholders in maryland and virginia, is very clear from the following statement, made by the editor of the virginia times, an influential political paper, published at wheeling, virginia. of the exact date of the paper we are not quite certain, it was, however, sometime in , probably near the middle of the year--the file will show. the editor says:-- "we have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported from virginia within the last twelve months, at , --each slave averaging at least $ , making an aggregate at $ , , . of the number of slaves exported, not more than _one-third_ have been sold, (the others having been carried by their owners, who have removed,) _which would leave in the state the_ sum of $ , , arising from the sale of slaves." according to this estimate about forty thousand slaves were sold out of the state of virginia in a single year, and the 'slave-breeders' who hold them, put into their pockets twenty-four million of dollars, the price of the 'souls of men.' the new york journal of commerce of oct. , , contained a letter from a virginian, whom the editor calls 'a very good and sensible man,' asserting that twenty thousand slaves had been driven to the south from virginia _during that year_, nearly one-fourth of which was then remaining. the maryville (tenn.) intelligencer, some time in the early part of , (we have not the date,) says, in an article reviewing a communication of rev. j.w. douglass, of fayetteville, north carolina: "sixty thousand slaves passed through a little western town for the southern market, during the year ." the natchez (miss.) courier, says "that the states of louisiana, mississippi, alabama, and arkansas, imported two hundred and fifty thousand slaves from the more northern slave states in the year ." the baltimore american gives the following from a mississippi paper, of : "the report made by the committee of the citizens of mobile, appointed at their meeting held on the st instant, on the subject of the existing pecuniary pressure, states, among other things: that so large has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by alabama of that species of property from other states since , have amounted to about ten million dollars annually." further the _inhumanity_ of a slaveholding 'public opinion' toward slaves, follows legitimately from the downright ruffianism of the slaveholding _spirit_ in the 'highest class of society,' when roused, it tramples upon all the proprieties and courtesies, and even common decencies of life, and is held in check by none of those considerations of time, and place, and relations of station, character, law, and national honor, which are usually sufficient, even in the absence of conscientious principles, to restrain other men from outrages. our national legislature is a fit illustration of this. slaveholders have converted the congress of the united states into a very bear garden. within the last three years some of the most prominent slaveholding members of the house, and among them the late speaker, have struck and kicked, and throttled, and seized each other by the hair, and with their fists pummelled each other's faces, on the floor of congress. we need not publish an account of what every body knows, that during the session of the last congress, mr. wise of virginia and mr. bynum of north carolina, after having called each other "liars, villains" and "damned rascals" sprung from their seats "both sufficiently armed for any desperate purpose," cursing each other as they rushed together, and would doubtless have butchered each other on the floor of congress, if both had not been seized and held by their friends. the new york gazette relates the following which occurred at the close of the session of . "the house could not adjourn without another brutal and bloody row. it occurred on sunday morning immediately at the moment of adjournment, between messrs. campbell and maury, both of tennessee. he took offence at some remarks made to him by his colleague, mr. campbell, and the fight followed." the huntsville (ala.) democrat of june , , gives the particulars which follow: "mr. maury is said to be badly hurt. he was near losing his life by being knocked through the window; but his adversary, it is said, saved him by clutching the hair of his head with his left hand, while he struck him with his right." the same number of the huntsville democrat, contains the particulars of a fist-fight on the floor of the house of representatives, between mr. bell, the late speaker, and his colleague mr. turney of tennessee. the following is an extract: "mr. turney concluded his remarks in reply to mr. bell, in the course of which he commented upon that gentleman's course at different periods of his political career with great severity. "he did not think his colleague [mr. turney,] was actuated by private malice, but was the willing voluntary instrument of others, the tool of tools. mr. turney. it is false! it is false! mr. stanley called mr. turney to order. at the same moment both gentlemen were perceived in personal conflict, and blows with the fist were aimed by each at the other. several members interfered, and suppressed the personal violence; others called order, order, and some called for the interference of the speaker. the speaker hastily took the chair, and insisted upon order; but both gentlemen continued struggling, and endeavoring, notwithstanding the constraint of their friends, to strike each other." the correspondent of the new york gazette gives the following, which took place about the time of the preceding affrays: "the house was much agitated last night, by the passage between mr. biddle, of pittsburgh, and mr. downing, of florida. mr. d. exclaimed "do you impute falsehood to me!" at the same time catching up some missile and making a demonstration to advance upon mr. biddle. mr. biddle repeated his accusation, and meanwhile, mr. downing was arrested by many members." the last three fights all occurred, if we mistake not, in the short space of one month. the fisticuffs between messrs. bynum and wise occurred at the previous session of congress. at the same session messrs. peyton of tenn. and wise of virginia, went armed with pistols and dirks to the meeting of a committee of congress, and threatened to shoot a witness while giving his testimony. we begin with the first on the list. who are messrs. wise and bynum? both slaveholders. who are messrs. campbell and maury? both slaveholders. who are messrs. bell and turney? both slaveholders. who is mr. downing, who seized a weapon and rushed upon mr. biddle? a slaveholder. who is mr. peyton who drew his pistol on a witness before a committee of congress? a slaveholder of course. all these bullies were slaveholders, and they magnified their office, and slaveholding was justified of her children. we might fill a volume with similar chronicles of slaveholding brutality. but time would fail us. suffice it to say, that since the organization of the government, a majority of the most distinguished men in the slaveholding states have gloried in strutting over the stage in the character of murderers. look at the men whom the people delight to honor. president jackson, senator benton, the late gen. coffee,--it is but a few years since these slaveholders shot at, and stabbed, and stamped upon each other in a tavern broil. general jackson had previously killed mr. dickenson. senator clay of kentucky has immortalized himself by shooting at a near relative of chief justice marshall, and being wounded by him; and not long after by shooting at john randolph of virginia. governor m'duffie of south carolina has signalized himself also, both by shooting and being shot,--so has governor poindexter, and governor rowan, and judge m'kinley of the u.s. supreme court, late senator in congress from alabama,--but we desist; a full catalogue would fill pages. we will only add, that a few months since, in the city of london, governor hamilton, of south carolina, went armed with pistols, to the lodgings of daniel o'connell, 'to stop his wind' in the bullying slang of his own published boast. during the last session of congress messrs. dromgoole and wise[ ] of virginia, w. cost johnson and jenifer of maryland, pickens and campbell of south carolina, and we know not how many more slaveholding members of congress have been engaged, either as principals or seconds, in that species of murder dignified with the name of duelling. but enough; we are heart-sick. what meaneth all this? are slaveholders worse than other men? no! but arbitrary power has wrought in them its mystery of iniquity, and poisoned their better nature with its infuriating sorcery. their savage ferocity toward each other when their passions are up, is the natural result of their habit of daily plundering and oppressing the slave. the north carolina standard of august , , contains the following illustration of this ferocity exhibited by two southern lawyers in settling the preliminaries of a duel. "the following conditions were proposed by alexander k. mcclung, of raymond, in the state of mississippi, to h.c. stewart, as the laws to govern a duel they were to fight near vicksburg: "article st. the parties shall meet opposite vicksburg, in the state of louisiana, on thursday the th inst. precisely at o'clock, p.m. agreed to. " d. the weapons to be used by each shall weigh one pound two and a half ounces, measuring sixteen inches and a half in length, including the handle, and one inch and three-eighths in breadth. agreed to. " d. both knives shall be sharp on one edge, and on the back shall be sharp only one inch at the point. agreed to. " th. each party shall stand at the distance of eight feet from the other, until the word is given. agreed to. " th. the second of each party shall throw up, with a silver dollar, on the ground, for the word, and two best out of three shall win the word. agreed to. " th. after the word is given, either party may take what advantage he can with his knife, but on throwing his knife at the other, shall be shot down by the second of his opponent. agreed to. " th. each party shall be stripped entirely naked, except one pair of linen pantaloons; one pair of socks, and boots or pumps as the party please. acceded to. " th. the wrist of the left arm of each party shall be tied tight to his left thigh, and a strong cord shall be fastened around his left arm at the elbow, and then around his body. rejected. " th. after the word is given, each party shall be allowed to advance or recede as he pleases, over the space of twenty acres of ground, until death ensues to one of the parties. agreed to--the parties to be placed in the centre of the space. " th. the word shall be given by the winner of the same, in the following manner, viz: "gentlemen are you ready?" each party shall then answer, "i am!" the second giving the word shall then distinctly command--_strike_. agreed to. "if either party shall violate these rules, upon being notified by the second of either party, he may be liable to be shot down instantly. as established usage points out the duty of both parties, therefore notification is considered unnecessary." the favorite amusements of slaveholders, like the gladiatorial shows of rome and the bull fights of spain, reveal a public feeling insensible to suffering, and a depth of brutality in the highest degree revolting to every truly noble mind. one of their most common amusements is cock fighting. mains of cocks, with twenty, thirty, and fifty cocks on each side, are fought for hundreds of dollars aside. the fowls are armed with steel spurs or '_gafts_,' about two inches long. these 'gafts' are fastened upon the legs by sawing off the _natural_ 'spur,' leaving only enough of it to answer the purpose of a _stock_ for the tube of the "gafts," which are so sharp that at a stroke the fowls thrust them through each other's necks and heads, and tear each other's bodies till one or both dies, then two others are brought forward for the amusement of the multitude assembled, and this barbarous pastime is often kept up for days in succession, hundreds and thousands gathering from a distance to witness it. the following advertisements from the raleigh register, june , , edited by messrs. gales and son, the father and brother of mr. gales, editor of the national intelligencer, and late mayor of washington city, reveal the public sentiment of north carolina. "chatham against nash, or any other county in the state. i am authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties--to be fought the ensuing spring. gideon alston. chatham county, june , ." two weeks after, this challenge was answered as follows: "to mr. gideon alston, of chatham county, n.c. "sir: in looking over the north carolina standard of the th inst. i discover a challenge over your signature, headed 'chatham against nash,' in which you state: that you are 'authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties, to be fought the ensuing spring' which challenge i accept: and do propose to meet you at rolesville, in wake county, n.c. on the last wednesday in may next, the parties to show thirty-one cocks each--fight four days, and be governed by the rules as laid down in turner's cock laws--which, if you think proper to accede to, you will signify through this or any other medium you may select, and then i will name the sum for which we shall fight, as that privilege was surrendered by you in your challenge. "i am, sir, very respectfully, &c. nicholas w. arrington, near hilliardston, nash co. north carolina june nd, " the following advertisement in the richmond whig, of july , , exhibits the public sentiment of virginia. "main of cocks.--a large 'main of cocks,' a side, for $ 'the fight', and $ 'the odd,' will be fought between the county of dinwiddie on one part, and the counties of hanover and henrico on the other. "the 'regular' fighting will be continued _three days_, and from the large number of 'game uns' on both sides and in the adjacent country, will be prolonged no doubt a _fourth_. to prevent confusion and promote 'sport,' the pit will be enclosed and furnished with _seats_; so that those having a curiosity to witness a species of diversion originating in a better day (for they had no rag money then,) can have _that_ very _natural_ feeling gratified. "the petersburg constellation is requested to copy." _horse-racing_ too, as every body knows, is a favorite amusement of slaveholders. every slave state has its race course, and in the older states almost every county has one on a small scale. there is hardly a day in the year, the weather permitting, in which crowds do not assemble at the south to witness this barbarous sport. horrible cruelty is absolutely inseparable from it. hardly a race occurs of any celebrity in which some one of the coursers is not lamed, 'broken down,' or in some way seriously injured, often for life, and not unfrequently they are killed by the rupture of some vital part in the struggle. when the heats are closely contested, the blood of the tortured animal drips from the lash and flies at every leap from the stroke of the rowel. from the breaking of girths and other accidents, their riders (mostly slaves) are often thrown and maimed or killed. yet these amusements are attended by thousands in every part of the slave states. the wealth and fashion, the gentlemen and _ladies_ of the 'highest circles' at the south, throng the race course. that those who can fasten steel spurs upon the legs of dunghill fowls, and goad the poor birds to worry and tear each other to death--and those who can crowd by thousands to _witness_ such barbarity--that those who can throng the race-course and with keen relish witness the hot pantings of the life-struggle, the lacerations and fitful spasms of the muscles, swelling through the crimsoned foam, as the tortured steeds rush in blood-welterings to the goal--that such, should look upon the sufferings of their slaves with, indifference is certainly small wonder. perhaps we shall be told that there are thronged race-courses at the north. true, there are a few, and they are thronged chiefly by _southerners_, and 'northern men with _southern_ principles,' and supported mainly by the patronage of slaveholders who summer at the north. cock-fighting and horse-racing are "_southern_ institutions." the idleness, contempt of labor, dissipation, sensuality, brutality, cruelty, and meanness, engendered by the habit of making men and women work without pay, and flogging them if they demur at it, constitutes a congenial soil out of which cock-fighting and horse-racing are the spontaneous growth. again,--the kind treatment of the slaves is often argued from the liberal education and enlarged views of slaveholders. the facts and reasonings of the preceding pages have shown, that 'liberal education,' despotic habits and ungoverned passions work together with slight friction. and every day's observation shows that the former is often a stimulant to the latter. but the notion so common at the north that the majority of the slaveholders are persons of education, is entirely erroneous. a _very few_ slaveholders in each of the slave states have been men of _ripe_ education, to whom our national literature is much indebted. a larger number may be called _well_ educated--these reside mostly in the cities and large villages, but a majority of the slaveholders are ignorant men, thousands of them notoriously so, _mere boors_ unable to write their names or to read the alphabet. no one of the slave states has probably so much general education as virginia. it is the oldest of them--has furnished one half of the presidents of the united states--has expended more upon her university than any state in the union has done during the same time upon its colleges--sent to europe nearly twenty years since for her most learned professors, and in fine, has far surpassed every other slave state in her efforts to disseminate education among her citizens, and yet, the governor of virginia in his message to the legislature (jan. , ) says, that of four thousand six hundred and fourteen adult males in that state, who applied to the county clerks for marriage licenses in the year , 'one thousand and forty seven _were unable to write their names_.' the governor adds, 'these statements, it will be remembered, are confined to one sex: the education of females it is to be feared, is in a condition of _much greater neglect_.' the editor of the virginia times, published at wheeling, in his paper of jan. , , says,-- "we have every reason to suppose that one-fourth of the people of the state cannot write their names, and they have not, of course, any other species of education." kentucky is the child of virginia; her first settlers were some of the most distinguished citizens of the mother state; in the general diffusion of intelligence amongst her citizens kentucky is probably in advance of all the slave states except virginia and south carolina; and yet governor clark, in his last message to the kentucky legislature, (dec , ) makes the following declaration: "from the computation of those most familiar with the subject, it appears that at least one third of the adult population of the state are unable to write their names." the following advertisement in the "milledgeville (geo.) journal," dec. , , is another specimen from one of the 'old thirteen.' "notice.--i, pleasant webb, of the state of georgia, oglethorpe county, being an _illiterate man, and not able to write my own name_, and whereas it hath been represented to me that there is a certain promissory note or notes out against me that i know nothing of, and further that some man in this state holds a bill of sale for _a certain negro woman named ailsey and her increase, a part of which is now in my possession_, which i also know nothing of. now do hereby certify and declare, that i have no knowledge whatsoever of any such papers existing in my name as above stated and i hereby require all or any person or persons whatsoever holding or pretending to hold any such papers, to produce them to me within thirty days from the date hereof, shewing their authority for holding the same, or they will be considered fictitious and fraudulently obtained or raised, by some person or persons for base purposes after my death. "given under my hand this nd day of december, . pleasant webb. his mark x." finally, that slaves must habitually suffer great cruelties, follows inevitably from the brutal outrages which their masters inflict on each other. slaveholders, exercising from childhood irresponsible power over human beings, and in the language of president jefferson, "giving loose to the worst of passions" in the treatment of their slaves, become in a great measure unfitted for self control in their intercourse with each other. tempers accustomed to riot with loose reins, spurn restraints, and passions inflamed by indulgence, take fire on the least friction. we repeat it, the state of society in the slave states, the duels, and daily deadly affrays of slaveholders with each other--the fact that the most deliberate and cold-blooded murders are committed at noon day, in the presence of thousands, and the perpetrators eulogized by the community as "honorable men," reveals such a prostration of law, as gives impunity to crime--a state of society, an omnipresent public sentiment reckless of human life, taking bloody vengeance on the spot for every imaginary affront, glorying in such assassinations as the only true honor and chivalry, successfully defying the civil arm, and laughing its impotency to scorn. when such things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the dry? when slaveholders are in the habit of caning, stabbing, and shooting _each other_ at every supposed insult, the unspeakable enormities perpetrated by such men, with such passions, upon their defenceless slaves, _must_ be beyond computation. to furnish the reader with an illustration of slaveholding civilization and morality, as exhibited in the unbridled fury, rage, malignant hate, jealousy, diabolical revenge, and all those infernal passions that shoot up rank in the hot-bed of arbitrary power, we will insert here a mass of testimony, detailing a large number of affrays, lynchings, assassinations, &c., &c., which have taken place in various parts of the slave states within a brief period--and to leave no room for cavil on the subject, these extracts will be made exclusively from newspapers published in the slave states, and generally in the immediate vicinity of the tragedies described. they will not be made second hand from _northern_ papers, but from the original _southern_ papers, which now lie on our table. before proceeding to furnish details of certain classes of crimes in the slave states, we advertise the reader-- st. that _we shall not_ include in the list those crimes which are ordinarily committed in the free, as well as in the slave states. d. we shall not include any of the crimes perpetrated by whites upon slaves and free colored persons, who constitute a majority of the population in mississippi and louisiana, a large majority in south carolina, and, on an average, two-fifths in the other slave states. d. fist fights, canings, beatings, biting off noses and ears, gougings, knockings down, &c., unless they result in _death_, will not be included in the list, nor will _ordinary_ murders, unless connected with circumstances that serve as a special index of public sentiment. th. neither will _ordinary, formal duels_ be included, except in such cases as just specified. th. the only crimes which, as the general rule, will be specified, will be deadly affrays with bowie knives, dirks, pistols. rifles, guns, or other death weapons, and _lynchings_. th. the crimes enumerated will, for the most part, be only those perpetrated _openly_, without _attempt at concealment_. th. we shall not attempt to give a full list of the affrays, &c., that took place in the respective states during the period selected, as the only files of southern papers to which we have access are very imperfect. the reader will perceive, from these preliminaries, that only a _small_ proportion of the crimes actually perpetrated in the respective slave states during the period selected, will be entered upon this list. he will also perceive, that the crimes which will be presented are of a class rarely perpetrated in the free states; and if perpetrated there at all, they are, with scarcely an exception, committed either by slaveholders, temporarily resident in them, or by persons whose passions have been inflamed by the poison of a southern contact--whose habits and characters have become perverted by living among slaveholders, and adopting the code of slaveholding morality. we now proceed to the details, commencing with the new state of arkansas. arkansas. at the last session of the legislature of that state, col. john wilson, president of the bank at little rock, the capital of the state, was elected speaker of the house of representatives. he had been elected to that office for a number of years successively, and was one of the most influential citizens of the state. while presiding over the deliberations of the house, he took umbrage at words spoken in debate by major anthony, a conspicuous member, came down from the speaker's chair, drew a large bowie knife from his bosom, and attacked major a., who defended himself for some time, but was at last stabbed through the heart, and fell dead on the floor. wilson deliberately wiped the blood from his knife, and returned to his seat. the following statement of the circumstances of the murder, and the trial of the murderer, is abridged from the account published in the arkansas gazette, a few months since--it is here taken from the knoxville (tennessee) register, july , . "on the th of december last, maj. joseph j. anthony, a member of the legislature of arkansas, was murdered, while performing his duty as a member of the house of representatives, by john wilson, speaker of that house. "the facts were these: a bill came from the senate, commonly called the _wolf bill_. among the amendments proposed, was one by maj. anthony, that the signature of the president of the real estate bank should be attached to the certificate of the wolf scalp. col. wilson, the speaker, asked maj. anthony whether he intended the remark as personal. maj. anthony promptly said, "_no, i do not_." and at that instant of time, a message was delivered from the senate, which suspended the proceedings of the house for a few minutes. immediately after the messenger from the senate had retired, maj. anthony rose from his seat, and said he wished to explain, that he did not intend to insult the speaker or the house; when wilson, interrupting, peremptorily ordered him to take his seat. maj. anthony said, as a member, he had a right to the floor, to explain himself. wilson said, in an angry tone, 'sit down, or you had better;' and thrust his hand into his bosom, and drew out a large bowie knife, or inches in length, and descended from the speaker's chair to the floor, with the knife drawn in a menacing manner. maj. anthony, seeing the danger he was placed in, by wilson's advance on him with a drawn knife, rose from his chair, set it out of his way, stepped back a pace or two, and drew his knife. wilson caught up a chair, and struck anthony with it. anthony, recovering from the blow, caught the chair in his left hand, and a fight ensued over the chair. wilson received two wounds, one on each arm, and anthony lost his knife, either by throwing it at wilson, or it escaped by accident. after anthony had lost his knife, wilson advanced on anthony, who was then retreating, looking over his shoulder. seeing wilson pursuing him, he threw a chair. wilson still pursued, and anthony raised another chair as high as his breast, with a view, it is supposed, of keeping wilson off. wilson then caught hold of the chair with his left hand, raised it up, and with his right hand deliberately thrust the knife, up to the hilt, into anthony's heart, and as deliberately drew it out, and wiping off the blood with his thumb and finger, retired near to the speaker's chair. "as the knife was withdrawn from anthony's heart, he fell a lifeless corpse on the floor, without uttering a word, or scarcely making a struggle; so true did the knife, as deliberately directed, pierce his heart. "three days elapsed before the constituted authorities took any notice of this horrible deed; and not then, until a relation of the murdered anthony had demanded a warrant for the apprehension of wilson. several days then elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. he then, in a carriage and four, came to the place appointed for his trial. four or five days were employed in the examination of witnesses, and never was a clearer case of murder proved than on that occasion. notwithstanding, the court (justice brown dissenting) admitted wilson to bail, and positively refused that the prosecuting attorney for the state should introduce the law, to show that it was not a bailable case, or even to hear an argument from him. "at the time appointed for the session of the circuit court, wilson appeared agreeably to his recognizance. a motion was made by wilson's counsel for _change of venue_, founded on the affidavits of wilson, and two other men. the court thereupon removed the case to saline county, and ordered the sheriff to take wilson into custody, and deliver him over to the sheriff of saline county. "the sheriff of pulaski never confined wilson one minute, but permitted him to go where he pleased, without a guard, or any restraint imposed on him whatever. on his way to saline, he entertained him freely at his own house, and the next day delivered him over to the sheriff of that county, who conducted the prisoner to the debtor's room in the jail, and gave him the key, so that he and every body else had free egress and ingress at all times. wilson invited every body to call on him, as he wished to see his friends, and his room was crowded with visitors, who called to drink grog, and laugh and talk with him. but this theatre was not sufficiently large for his purpose. he afterwards visited the dram-shops, where he freely treated all that would partake with him, and went fishing and hunting with others at pleasure, and entirely with out restraint. he also ate at the same table with the judge, while on trial. "when the court met at saline, wilson was put on his trial. several days were occupied in examining the witnesses in the case. after the examination was closed, while col. taylor was engaged in a very able, lucid, and argumentative speech, on the part of the prosecution, some man collected a parcel of the rabble, and came within a few yards of the court-house door, and bawled in a loud voice, 'part them--part them!' every body supposed there was an affray, and ran to the doors and windows to see; behold, there was nothing more than the man, and the rabble he had collected around him, for the purpose of annoying col. taylor while speaking. a few minutes afterwards, this same person brought a horse near the court-house door, and commenced crying the horse, as though he was for sale, and continued for ten or fifteen minutes to ride before the court-house door, crying the horse, in a loud and boisterous tone of voice. the judge sat as a silent listener to the indignity thus offered the court and counsel by this man, without interposing his authority. "to show the depravity of the times, and the people, after the verdict had been delivered by the jury, and the court informed wilson that he was discharged, there was a rush toward him: some seized him by the hand, some by the arm, and there was great and loud rejoicing and exultation, directly in the presence of the court: and wilson told the sheriff to take the jury to a grocery, that he might treat them, and invited every body that chose to go. the house was soon filled to overflowing. the rejoicing was kept up till near supper time: but to cap the climax, soon after supper was over, a majority of the jury, together with many others, went to the rooms that had been occupied several days by the friend and relation of the murdered anthony, and commenced a scene of the most ridiculous dancing, (as it is believed,) in triumph for wilson, and as a triumph over the feelings of the relations of the departed anthony. the scene did not close here. the party retired to a dram-shop, and continued their rejoicing until about half after o'clock. they then collected a parcel of horns, trumpets, &c., and marched through the streets, blowing them, till near day, when one of the company rode his horse in the porch adjoining the room which was occupied by the relations of the deceased." this case is given to the reader at length, in order fully to show, that in a community where the law sanctions the commission of every species of outrage upon one class of citizens, it fosters passions which will paralyze its power to protect the other classes. look at the facts developed in this case, as exhibiting the state of society among slaveholders. st. that the members of the legislature are _in the habit_ of wearing bowie knives. wilson's knife was or inches long.[ ] d. the murderer, wilson, was a man of wealth, president of the bank at the capital of the state, a high military officer, and had, for many years, been speaker of the house of representatives, as appears from a previous statement in the arkansas gazette. d. the murder was committed in open day, before all the members of the house, and many spectators, not one of whom seems to have made the least attempt to intercept wilson, as he advanced upon anthony with his knife drawn, but "made way for him," as is stated in another account. th. though the murder was committed in the state-house, at the capital of the state, days passed before the civil authorities moved in the matter; and they did not finally do it, until the relations of the murdered man demanded a warrant for the apprehension of the murderer. even then, several days elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. when his trial came on, he drove to it in state, drew up before the door with "his coach and four," alighted, and strided into court like a lord among his vassals; and there, though a clearer case of deliberate murder never reeked in the face of the sun, yet he was admitted to bail, the court absolutely refusing to hear an argument from the prosecuting attorney, showing that it was not a bailable case. th. the sheriff of pulaski county, who had wilson in custody, "never confined him a moment, but permitted him to go at large wholly unrestrained." when transferred to saline co. for trial, the sheriff of that county gave wilson the same liberty, and he spent his time in parties of pleasure, fishing, hunting, and at houses of entertainment. th. finally, to demonstrate to the world, that justice among slaveholders is consistent with itself; that authorizing man-stealing and patronising robbery, it will, of course, be the patron and associate of murder also, the judge who sat upon the case, and the murderer who was on trial for his life before him, were boon-companions together, eating and drinking at the same table throughout the trial. then came the conclusion of the farce--the uproar round the court-house during the trial, drowning the voice of the prosecutor while pleading, without the least attempt by the court to put it down--then the charge of the judge to the jury, and their unanimous verdict of acquittal--then the rush from all quarters around the murderer with congratulations--the whole crowd in the court room shouting and cheering--then wilson leading the way to a tavern, inviting the sheriff, and jury, and all present to "a treat"--then the bacchanalian revelry kept up all night, a majority of the jurors participating--the dancing, the triumphal procession through the streets with the blowing of horns and trumpets, and the prancing of horses through the porch of the house occupied by the relations of the murdered anthony, adding insult and mockery to their agony. a few months before this murder on the floor of the legislature, george scott, esq., formerly marshall of the state was shot in an affray at van buren, crawford co., arkansas, by a man named walker; and robert carothers, in an affray in st. francis co., shot william rachel, just as rachel was shooting at carothers' father. (_national intelligencer, may , , and little rock gazette, august , ._) while wilson's trial was in progress, mr. gabriel sibley was stabbed to the heart at a public dinner, in st. francis co., arkansas, by james w. grant. (_arkansas gazette, may , ._) hardly a week before this, the following occurred: "on the th ult., an encounter took place at little rock, ark., between david f. douglass, a young man of or , and dr. wm. c. howell. a shot was exchanged between them at the distance of or feet with double-barrelled guns. the load of douglass entered the left hip of dr. howell, and a buckshot from the gun of the latter struck a negro girl, or years of age, just below the pit of the stomach. douglass then fired a second time and hit howell in the left groin, penetrating the abdomen and bladder, and causing his death in four hours. the negro girl, at the last dates, was not dead, but no hopes were entertained of her recovery. douglass was committed to await his trial at the april term of the circuit court."--_louisville journal_. the little rock gazette of oct. , says, "we are again called upon to record the cold blooded murder of a valuable citizen. on the th instant, col. john lasater, of franklin co., was murdered by john w. whitson, who deliberately shot him with a shot gun, loaded with a handful of rifle balls, six of which entered his body. he lived twelve hours after he was shot. "whitson is the son of william whitson, who was unfortunately killed, about a year since, in a rencontre with col. lasater, (who was fully exonerated from all blame by a jury,) and, in revenge of his father's death, committed this bloody deed." these atrocities were all perpetrated within a few months of the time of the deliberate assassination, on the floor of the legislature by the speaker, already described, and are probably but a small portion of the outrages committed in that state during the same period. the state of arkansas contains about forty-five thousand white inhabitants, which is, if we mistake not, the present population of litchfield county, connecticut. and we venture the assertion, that a public affray, with deadly weapons, has not taken place in that county for fifty years, if indeed ever since its settlement a century and a half ago. missouri. missouri became one of the united states in . its present white population is about two hundred and fifty thousand. the following are a few of the affrays that have occurred there during the years and ' . the "salt river journal" march , , has the following. "_fatal affray_.--an affray took place during last week, in the town of new london, between dr. peake and dr. bosley, both of that village, growing out of some trivial matter at a card party. after some words, bosley threw a glass at peake, which was followed up by other acts of violence, and in the quarrel peake stabbed bosley, several times with a dirk, in consequence of which, bosley died the following morning. the court of inquiry considered peake justifiable, and discharged him from arrest." from the "st. louis republican," of september , . "we learn that a fight occurred at bowling-green, in this state, a few days since, between dr. michael reynolds and henry lalor. lalor procured a gun, and mr. dickerson wrested the gun from him; this produced a fight between lalor and dickerson, in which the former stabbed the latter in the abdomen. mr. dickerson died of the wound." the following was in the same paper about a month previous, august , . "_a horse thief shot_.--a thief was caught in the act of stealing a horse on friday last, on the opposite side of the river, by a company of persons out sporting. mr. kremer, who was in the company, levelled his rifle and ordered him to stop; which he refused; he then fired and lodged the contents in the thief's body, of which he died soon afterwards. mr. k. went before a magistrate, who after hearing the case, refused to hold him for further trial!" on the th of july, , alpha p. buckley murdered william yaochum in an affray in jackson county, missouri. (missouri republican, july , .) general atkinson of the united states army was waylaid on the th of september, , by a number of persons, and attacked in his carriage near st. louis, on the road to jefferson barracks, but escaped after shooting one of the assailants. the new orleans true american of october , ' , speaking of this says: "it will be recollected that a few weeks ago, judge dougherty, one of the most respectable citizens of st. louis, was murdered upon the same road." the same paper contains the following letter from the murderer of judge dougherty. "_murder of judge dougherty_.--the st. louis republican received the following mysterious letter, unsealed, regarding this brutal murder:"-- "natchez, miss., sept. . "messrs. editors:--revenge is sweet. on the night of the th, th, and th, i made preparations, and did, on the th july kill a rascal, and only regret that i have not the privilege of telling the circumstance. i have so placed it that i can never be identified; and further, i have no compunctions of conscience for the death of thomas m. dougherty." but instead of presenting individual affrays and single atrocities, however numerous, (and the missouri papers abound with them,) in order to exhibit the true state of society there, we refer to the fact now universally notorious, that for months during the last fall and winter, some hundreds of inoffensive mormons, occupying a considerable tract of land; and a flourishing village in the interior of the state, have suffered every species of inhuman outrage from the inhabitants of the surrounding counties--that for weeks together, mobs consisting of hundreds and thousands, kept them in a state of constant siege, laying waste their lands, destroying their cattle and provisions, tearing down their houses, ravishing the females, seizing and dragging off and killing the men. not one of the thousands engaged in these horrible outrages and butcheries has, so far as we can learn, been indicted. the following extract of a letter from a military officer of one of the brigades ordered out by the governor of missouri, to terminate the matter, is taken from the north alabamian of december , . correspondence of the nashville whig. the mormon war. "millersburg, mo. november . "dear sir--a lawless mob had organized themselves for the express purpose of driving the mormons from the country, or exterminating them, for no other reason, that i can perceive, than that these poor deluded creatures owned a large and fertile body of land in their neighborhood, and would not let them (the mobocrats) have it for their own price. i have just returned from the seat of difficulty, and am perfectly conversant with all the facts in relation to it. the mob meeting with resistance altogether unanticipated, called loudly upon the kindred spirits of adjacent counties for help. the mormons determined to die in defence of their rights, set about fortifying their town "far west," with a resolution and energy that kept the mob (who all the time were extending their cries of help to all parts of missouri) at bay. the governor, from exaggerated accounts of the mormon depredations, issued orders for the raising of several thousand mounted riflemen, of which this division raised five hundred, and the writer of this was _honored_ with the appointment of ---- to the brigade. "on the first day of this month, we marched for the "seat of war," but general clark, commander-in-chief, having reached far west on the day previous with a large force, the difficulty was settled when we arrived, so we escaped the infamy and disgrace of a bloody victory. before general clark's arrival, the mob had increased to about four thousand, and determined to attack the town. the mormons upon the approach of the mob, sent out a white flag, which being fired on by the mob, jo smith and rigdon, and a few other mormons of less influence, gave themselves up to the mob, with a view of so far appeasing their wrath as to save their women and children from violence. vain hope! the prisoners being secured, the mob entered the town and perpetrated every conceivable act of brutality and outrage--forcing fifteen or twenty mormon girls to yield to their brutal passions!!! of these things i was assured by many persons while i was at far west, in whose veracity i have the utmost confidence. i conversed with many of the prisoners, who numbered about eight hundred, among whom there were many young and interesting girls, and i assure you, a more distracted set of creatures i never saw. i assure you, my dear sir, it was peculiarly heart-rending to see old gray headed fathers and mothers, young ladies and innocent babes, forced at this inclement season, with the thermometer at degrees below zero, to abandon their warm houses, and many of them the luxuries and elegances of a high degree of civilization and intelligence and take up their march for the uncultivated wilds of the missouri frontier. "the better informed here have but one opinion of the result of this mormon persecution, and that is, it is a most fearful extension of judge lynch's jurisdiction." the present white population of missouri is but thirty thousand less than that of new hampshire, and yet the insecurity of human life in the former state to that in the latter, is probably at least twenty to one. alabama. this state was admitted to the union in . its present white population is not far from three hundred thousand. the security of human life to alabama, may be inferred from the facts and testimony which follow: the mobile register of nov. , , contains the annual message of mr. mcvay, the acting governor of the state, at the opening of the legislature. the message has the following on the frequency of homicides: "we hear of homicides in different parts of the state _continually_, and yet how few convictions for murder, and still fewer executions? how is this to be accounted for? in regard to 'assault and battery with intent to commit murder,' why is it that this offence continues so common--why do we hear of stabbings and shootings _almost daily_ in some part or other of our state?" the "montgomery (alabama) advertiser" of april , , has the following from the mobile register: "within a few days a man was shot in an affray in the upper part of the town, and has since died. the perpetrator of the violence is at large. we need hardly speak of another scene which occurred in royal street, when a fray occurred between two individuals, a third standing by with a cocked pistol to prevent interference. on saturday night a still more exciting scene of outrage took place in the theatre. "an altercation commenced at the porquett entrance between the check-taker and a young man, which ended in the first being desperately wounded by a stab with a knife. the other also drew a pistol. if some strange manifestations of public opinion, do not coerce a spirit of deference to law, and the abandonment of the habit of carrying secret arms, we shall deserve every reproach we may receive, and have our punishment in the unchecked growth of a spirit of lawlessness, reckless deeds, and exasperated feeling, which will destroy our social comfort at home, and respectability abroad." from the "huntsville democrat," of nov. , . "a trifling dispute arose between silas randal and pharaoh massingale, both of marshall county. they exchanged but a few words, when the former drew a bowie knife and stabbed the latter in the abdomen fronting the left hip to the depth of several inches; also inflicted several other dangerous wounds, of which massengale died immediately.--randal is yet at large, not having been apprehended." from the "free press" of august , . "the streets of gainesville, alabama, have recently been the scene of a most tragic affair. some five weeks since, at a meeting of the citizens, col. christopher scott, a lawyer of good standing, and one of the most influential citizens of the place, made a violent attack on the tombeckbee rail road company. a mr. smith, agent for the t.r.r. company, took col. c's remarks as a personal insult, and demanded an explanation. a day or two after, as mr. smith was passing colonel scott's door, he was shot down by him, and after lingering a few hours expired. "it appears also from an alabama paper, that col. scott's brother, l.s. scott esq., and l.j. smith esq., were accomplices of the colonel in the murder." the following is from the "natchez free trader," june , . "an affray, attended with fatal consequences, occurred in the town of moulton, alabama, on the th may. it appears that three young men from the country, of the name of j. walton, geo. bowling, and alexander bowling, rode into moulton on that day for the purpose of chastising the bar-keeper at mccord's tavern, whose name is cowan, for an alleged insult offered by him to the father of young walton. they made a furious attack on cowan, and drove him into the bar room of the tavern. some time after, a second attack was made upon cowan in the street by one of the bowlings and walton, when pistols were resorted to by both parties. three rounds were fired, and the third shot, which was said to have been discharged by walton, struck a young man by the name of neil, who happened to be passing in the street at the time, and killed him instantly. the combatants were taken into custody, and after an examination before two magistrates, were bailed." the following exploits of the "alabama volunteers," are recorded in the florida herald, jan. , . "save us from our friends.--on monday last, a large body of men, calling themselves alabama volunteers, arrived in the vicinity of this city. it is reported that their conduct during their march from tallahassee to this city has been a series of excesses of every description. they have committed almost every crime except murder, and have even threatened life. "large numbers of them paraded our streets, grossly insulted our females, and were otherwise extremely riotous in their conduct. one of the squads, forty or fifty in number, on reaching the bridge, where there was a small guard of three or four men stationed, assaulted the guard, overturned the sentry-box into the river, and bodily seized two of the guard, and threw them into the river, where the water was deep, and they were forced to swim for their lives. at one of the men while in the water, they pointed a musket, threatening to kill him; and pelted with every missile which came to hand." the following alabama tragedy is published by the "columbia (s.c.) telescope," sept. **, , from the wetumpka sentinel. "our highly respectable townsman, mr. hugh ware, a merchant of wetumpka, was standing in the door of his counting room, between the hours of and o'clock at night, in company with a friend, when an assassin lurked within a few paces of his position, and discharged his musket, loaded with ten or fifteen buckshot. mr. ware instantly fell, and expired without a struggle or a groan. a coroner's inquest decided that the deceased came to his death by violence, and that abner j. cody, and his servant john, were the perpetrators. john frankly confessed, that his master, cody, compelled him to assist, threatening his life if he dared to disobey; that he carried the musket to the place at which it was discharged; that his master then received it from him, rested it on the fence, fired and killed mr. ware." from the "southern (miss.) mechanic," april , . "horrid butchery.--a desperate fight occurred in montgomery, alabama, on the th ult. we learn from the advocate of that city, that the persons engaged were wm. s. mooney and kenyon mooney, his son, edward bell, and bushrod bell, jr. the first received a wound in the abdomen, made by that fatal instrument, the bowie knife, which caused his death in about fifteen hours. the second was shot in the side, and would doubtless have been killed, had not the ball partly lost its force by first striking his arm. the third received a shot in the neck, and now lies without hope of recovery. the fourth escaped unhurt, and, we understand has fled. this is a brief statement of one of the bloodiest fights that we ever heard of." from the "virginia statesman," may , . "several affrays, wherein pistols, dirks and knives were used, lately occurred at mobile. one took place on the th inst., at the theatre, in which a mr. bellum was so badly stabbed that his life is despaired of. on the wednesday preceding, a man named johnson shot another named snow dead. no notice was taken of the affair." from the "huntsville advocate," june , . "desperate affray.--on sunday the th inst., an affray of desparate and fatal character occurred near jeater's landing, marshall county, alabama. the dispute which led to it arose out of a contested right to _possession_ of a piece of land. a mr. steele was the occupant, and mr. james mcfarlane and some others, claimants. mr. f. and his friends went to mr. steele's house with a view to take possession, whether peaceably or by violence, we do not certainly know. as they entered the house a quarrel ensued between the opposite parties, and some blows perhaps followed; in a short time, several guns were discharged from the house at mr. mcfarlane and friends. mr. m. was killed, a mr. freamster dangerously wounded, and it is thought will not recover; two others were also wounded, though not so as to endanger life. mr. steele's brother was wounded by the discharge of a pistol from one of mr. m's friends. we have heard some other particulars about the affray, but we abstain from giving them, as incidental versions are often erroneous, and as the whole matter will be submitted to legal investigation. four of steele's party, his brother, and three whose names are lenten, collins and wills, have been arrested, and are now confined in the gaol in this place." from the "norfolk beacon," july , . "a few days since at claysville, marshal co., alabama, messrs. nathaniel and graves w. steele, while riding in a carriage, were shot dead, and alex. steele and wm. collins, also in the carriage, were severely wounded, (the former supposed mortally,) by messrs. jesse allen, alexander and arthur mcfarlane, and daniel dickerson. the steeles, it appears, last year killed james mcfarlane and another person in a similar manner, which led to this dreadful retaliation." from the montgomery (ala.) advocate--washington, autauga co., dec. , . "fatal rencontre.--on friday last, the th ult., a fatal rencontre took place in the town of washington, autauga county, between john tittle and thomas j. tarleton, which resulted in the death of the former. after a patient investigation of the matter, mr. tarleton was released by the investigating tribunal, on the ground that the homicide was clearly justifiable." the "columbus (ga.) sentinel" july , , quotes the following from the mobile (ala.) examiner. "a man by the name of peter church was killed on one of the wharves night before last. the person by whom it was done delivered himself to the proper authorities yesterday morning. the deceased and destroyer were friends and the act occurred in consequence of an immaterial quarrel." the "milledgeville federal union" of july , , has the following "in selma, alabama resided lately messrs. philips and dickerson, physicians. mr. p. is brother to the wife of v. bleevin esq., a rich cotton planter in that neighborhood; the latter has a very lovely daughter, to whom dr. d. paid his addresses. a short time since a gentleman from mobile married her. soon after this, a schoolmaster in selma set a cry afloat to the effect, that he had heard dr. d. say things about the lady's conduct before marriage which ought not to be said about any lady. dr. d. denied having said such things, and the other denied having spread the story; but neither denials sufficed to pacify the enraged parent. he met dr. d. fired at him two pistols, and wounded him. dr. d. was unarmed, and advanced to mr. bleevin, holding up his hands imploringly, when mr. b. drew a bowie knife, and stabbed him to the heart. the doctor dropped dead on the spot: and mr. bleevin has been held to bail." the following is taken from the "alabama, intelligencer," sept. , . "on the th instant, a deadly rencounter took place in the streets of russelville, (our county town,) between john a. chambers, esq., of the city of mobile, and thomas l. jones, of this county. in the rencounter, jones was wounded by several balls which took effect in his chin, mouth, neck, arm, and shoulder, believed to be mortal; he did not fire his gun. "mr. chambers forthwith surrendered himself to the sheriff of the county, and was on the th, tried and fully acquitted, by a court of inquiry." the "maysville (ky.) advocate" of august , , gives the following affray, which took place in girard, alabama, july th. "two brothers named thomas and hal lucas, who had been much in the habit of quarrelling, came together under strong excitement, and tom, as was his frequent custom, being about to flog hal with a stick of some sort, the latter drew a pistol and shot the former, his own brother, through the heart, who almost instantly expired!" the "new orleans bee" of oct. , , relates an affray in mobile, alabama, between benjamin alexander, an aged man of ninety, with thomas hamilton, his grandson, on the th of september, in which the former killed the latter with a dirk. the "red river whig" of july , , gives the particulars of a tragedy in western alabama, in which a planter near lakeville, left home for some days, but suspecting his wife's fidelity, returned home late at night, and finding his suspicions verified, set fire to his house and waited with his rifle before the door, till his wife and her paramour attempted to rush out, when he shot them both dead. from the "morgan (ala.) observer," dec. . "we are informed from private sources, that on last saturday, a poor man who was moving westward with his wife and three little children and driving a small drove of sheep, and perhaps a cow or two, which was driven by his family, on arriving in florence, and while passing through, met with a citizen of that place, who rode into his flock and caused him some trouble to keep it together, when the mover informed the individual that he must not do so again or he would throw a rock at him, upon which some words ensued, and the individual again disturbed the flock, when the mover, as near as we can learn, threw at him upon this the troublesome man got off his horse, went into a grocery, got a gun, and came out and deliberately shot the poor stranger in the presence of his wife and little children. the wounded man then made an effort to get into some house, when his murderous assailant overtook and stabbed him to the heart with a _bowie knife_. this revolting scene, we are informed, occurred in the presence of many citizens, who, report says, never even lifted their voices in defence of the murdered man." a late number of the "flag of the union," published at tuscalosa, the seat of the government of alabama, states that "since the commencement of the late session of the legislature of that state, no less than thirteen fights had been had within sight of the capitol." _pistols and bowie knives were used in every case_. the present white population of alabama is about the same with that of new jersey, yet for the last twenty years there has not been so many public deadly affrays, and of such a horrible character, in new jersey, as have taken place in alabama within the last eight months. mississippi. mississippi became one of the united states in . its present white population is about one hundred and sixty thousand. the following extracts will serve to show that those who combine together to beat, rob, and manacle innocent men, women and children, will stick at nothing when their passions are up. the following murderous affray at canton, mississippi, is from the "alabama beacon," sept, , . "a terrible tragedy recently occurred at canton, miss., growing out of the late duel between messrs. dickins and drane of that place. a kentuckian happening to be in canton, spoke of the duel, and charged mr. mitchell calhoun, the second of drane, with cowardice and unfairness. mr. calhoun called on the kentuckian for an explanation, and the offensive charge was repeated. _a challenge and fight with bowie knives, toe to toe_, were the consequences. both parties were dreadfully and dangerously wounded, though neither was dead at the last advices. mr. calhoun is a brother to the hon. john calhoun, member of congress." here follows the account of the duel referred to above, between messrs. dickins and drane. "intelligence has been received in this town of a fatal duel that took place in canton, miss., on the th ult., between rufus k. dickins, and a mr. westley drane. they fought with double barrelled guns, loaded with buckshot--both were mortally wounded." the "louisville journal" publishes the following, nov. . "on the th instant, a fatal affray took place at gallatin, mississippi. the principal parties concerned were, messrs. john w. scott, james g. scott, and edmund b. hatch. the latter was shot down and then stabbed twice through the body, by j.g. scott." the "alabama beacon" of sept. , , says: "an attempt was made in vicksburg lately, by a gang of lynchers, to inflict summary punishment on three men of the name of fleckenstein. the assault was made upon the house, about o'clock at night. meeting with some resistance from the three fleckensteins, a leader of the gang, by the name of helt, discharged his pistol, and wounded one of the brothers severely in the neck and jaws. a volley of four or five shots was almost instantly returned, when helt fell dead, a piece of the top of the skull being torn off, and almost the whole of his brains dashed out. his comrades seeing him fall, suddenly took to their heels. there were, it is supposed, some _ten or fifteen_ concerned in the transaction." the "manchester (miss.) gazette," august , , says: "it appears that mr. asa hazeltine, who kept a public or boarding house in jackson, during the past winter, and mr. benjamin tanner, came here about five or six weeks since, with the intention of opening a public house. foiled in the design, in the settlement of their affairs some difficulty arose as to a question of veracity between the parties. mr. tanner, deeply excited, procured a pistol and loaded it with the charge of death, sought and found the object of his hatred in the afternoon, in the yard of messrs. kezer & maynard, and in the presence of several persons, after repeated and ineffectual attempts on the part of capt. jackson to baffle his fell spirit, shot the unfortunate victim, of which wound mr. hazeltine died in a short time. "we understand that mr. hazeltine was a native of boston." the "columbia (s.c.) telescope," sept. , , gives the details below: "by a letter from mississippi, we have an account of a rencontre which took place in rodney, on the th july, between messrs. thos. j. johnston and g.h. wilcox, both formerly of this city. in consequence of certain publications made by these gentlemen against each other, johnston challenged wilcox. the latter declining to accept the challenge, johnston informed his friends at rodney, that he would be there at the term of the court then not distant, when he would make an attack upon him. he repaired thither on the th, and on the next morning the following communication was read aloud in the presence of wilcox and a large crowd: "rodney, july , . "mr. johnston informs mr. wilcox, that at or about o'clock of this day, he will be on the common, opposite the presbyterian church of this town, waiting and expecting mr. wilcox to meet him there. "i pledge my honor that mr. johnston will not fire at mr. wilcox, until he arrives at a distance of one hundred yards from him, and i desire mr. wilcox or any of his friends, to see that distance accurately measured. "mr. johnston will wait there thirty minutes. "j. m. duffield. "mr. wilcox declined being a party to any such arrangement, and mr. d. told him to be prepared for an attack. accordingly, about an hour after this, johnston proceeded towards wilcox's office, armed with a double-barrelled gun, (one of the barrels rifled,) and three pistols in his belt. he halted about fifty yards from w's door and leveled his gun. w. withdrew before johnston could fire, and seized a musket, returned to the door and flashed. johnston fired both barrels without effect. wilcox then seized a double barrel gun, and johnston a musket, and both again fired. wilcox sent twenty-three buck shot over johnston's head, one of them passing through his hat, and wilcox was slightly wounded on both hands, his thigh and leg." from the "alabama beacon," may , . "an affray of the most barbarous nature was expected to take place in arkansas opposite princeton, on thursday last. the two original parties have been endeavoring for several weeks, to settle their differences at natchez. one of the individuals concerned stood pledged, our informant states, to fight three different antagonists in one day. the fights, we understand, were to be with pistols; but a variety of other weapons were taken along--among others, the deadly bowie knife. these latter instruments, we are told, were whetted and dressed up at grand gulf, as the parties passed up, avowedly with the intention of being used in the field." from the "southern (miss) argus," nov. , . "we learn that, at a wood yard above natchez, on sunday evening last, a difficulty arose between captain crosly, of the steamboat galenian, and one of his deck passengers. capt. c. drew a bowie knife, and made a pass at the throat of the passenger, which failed to do any harm, and the captain then ordered him to leave his boat. the man went on board to get his baggage, and the captain immediately sought the cabin for a pistol. as the passenger was about leaving the boat, the captain presented a pistol to his breast, which snapped. instantly the enraged and wronged individual seized capt. crosly by the throat, and brought him to the ground, when he drew a dirk and stabbed him eight or nine times in the breast, each blow driving the weapon into his body up to the hilt. the passenger was arrested, carried to natchez, tried and acquitted." the "planter's intelligencer" publishes the following from the vicksburg sentinel of june , . "about o'clock, we observed two men 'pummeling' one another in the street, to the infinite amusement of a crowd. presently a third hero made his appearance in the arena, with bowie knife in hand, and he cried out, "let me come at him!" upon hearing this threat, one of the pugilists 'took himself off,' our hero following at full speed. finding his pursuit was vain, our hero returned, when an attack was commenced upon another individual. he was most cruelly beat, and cut through the skull with a knife; it is feared the wounds will prove mortal. the sufferer, we learn, is an inoffensive german." from the "mississippian," nov. , . "on tuesday evening last, d, an affray occurred at the town of tallahasse, in this county, between hugh roark and captain flack, which resulted in the death of roark. roark went to bed, and flack, who was in the barroom below, observed to some persons there, that he believed they had set up roark to whip him; roark, upon hearing his name mentioned, got out of bed and came downstairs. flack met and stabbed him in the lower part of his abdomen with a knife, letting out his bowels. roark ran to the door, and received another stab in the back. he lived until thursday night, when he expired in great agony. flack was tried before a justice of the peace, and we understand was only held to bail to appear at court in the event roark should die." from the "grand gulf advertiser" nov. , . "_attempt at riot at natchez_.--the _courier_ says, that in consequence of the discharge of certain individuals who had been arraigned for the murder of a man named _medill_, a mob of about persons assembled on the night of the st instant, with the avowed purpose of _lynching_ them. but fortunately, the objects of their vengeance had escaped from town. foiled in their purpose, the rioters repaired to the shantee where the murder was committed, and precipitated it over the bluff. the military of the city were ordered out to keep order." from the "natchez free trader." "a violent attack was lately made on captain barrett, of the steamboat southerner, by three persons from wilkinson co., miss., whose names are carey, and one of the name of j.s. towles. the only reason for the outrage was, that captain b. had the assurance to require of the gentlemen, who were quarreling on board his boat, to keep order for the peace and comfort of the other passengers. _towles_ drew a bowie knife upon the captain; which the latter wrested from him. a pistol, drawn by one of the careys was also taken, and the assailant was knocked overboard. fortunately for him he was rescued from drowning. the brave band then landed. on her return up the river, the southerner stopped at fort adams, and on her leaving that place, an armed party, among whom were the careys and towles, fired into the boat, but happily the shot missed a crowd of passengers on the hurricane deck." from the "mississippian," dec. , . "greet spikes, a citizen of this county, was killed a few days ago, between this place and raymond, by a man named pegram. it seems that pegram and spikes had been carrying weapons for each other for some time past. pegram had threatened to take spikes' life on first sight, for the base treatment he had received at his hands. "we have heard something of the particulars, but not enough to give them at this time. pegram had not been seen since." the "lynchburg virginian," july , , says: "a fatal affray occurred a few days ago in clinton, mississippi. the actors in it were a mr. parham, mr. shackleford, and a mr. henry. shackleford was killed on the spot, and henry was slightly wounded by a shot gun with which parham was armed." from the "columbus (ga.) sentinel," nov. , . "_butchery_.--a bowie knife slaughter took place a few days since in honesville, miss. a mr. hobbs was the victim; strother the butcher." the "vicksburg sentinel," sept. , , says: "it is only a few weeks since humanity was shocked by a most atrocious outrage, inflicted by the lynchers, on the person of a mr. saunderson of madison, co. in this state. they dragged this respectable planter from the bosom of his family, and mutilated him in the most brutal manner--maiming him most inhumanly, besides cutting off his nose and ears and scarifying his body to the very ribs! we believe the subject of this foul outrage still drags out a miserable existence--an object of horror and of pity. last week a club of lynchers, amounting to four or five individuals, as we have been credibly informed, broke into the house of mr. scott of wilkinson co., a respectable member of the bar, forced him out, and hung him dead on the next tree. we have heard of numerous minor outrages committed against the peace of society, and the welfare and happiness of the country; but we mention these as the most enormous that we have heard for some months. "it now becomes our painful duty, to notice a most disgraceful outrage committed by the lynchers of vicksburg, on last sunday. the victim was a mr. grace, formerly of the neighborhood of warrenton, va., but for two years a resident of this city. he was detected in giving free passes to slaves and brought to trial before squire maxey. unfortunately for the wretch, either through the want of law or evidence, he could not be punished, and he was set at liberty by the magistrate. the city marshal seeing that a few in the crowd were disposed to lay violent hands on the prisoner in the event of his escaping punishment by law, resolved to accompany him to his house. the lynch mob still followed, and the marshal finding the prisoner could only be protected by hurrying him to jail, endeavored to effect that object. the lynchers, however, pursued the officer of the law, dragged him from his horse, bruised him, and conveyed the prisoner to the most convenient point of the city for carrying their blood-thirsty designs into execution. we blush while we record the atrocious deed; in this city, containing nearly , souls, in the broad light of day, this aged wretch was stripped and flogged, we believe within hearing of the lamentations and the shrieks of his afflicted wife and children." in an affray at montgomery, mississippi, july , , mr. a.l. herbert was killed by dr. j.b. harrington. see grand gulf advertiser, august , . the "maryland republican" of january , , has the following: "a street rencounter lately took place in jackson, miss., between mr. robert mcdonald and mr. w.h. lockhart, in which mcdonald was shot with a pistol and immediately expired. lockhart was committed to prison." the "nashville banner," june , , has the following: "on the th inst. col. james m. hulet was shot with a rifle without any apparent provocation in gallatin, miss., by one richard m. jones." from the "huntsville democrat," dec. , . "the aberdeen (miss.) advocate, of saturday last, states that on the morning of the day previous, (the th) a dispute arose between mr. robert smith and mr. alexander eanes, both of aberdeen, which resulted in the death of mr. smith, who kept a boarding house, and was an amiable man and a good citizen. in the course of the contradictory words of the disputants, the lie was given by eanes, upon which smith gathered up a piece of iron and threw it at eanes, but which missed him and lodged in the walls of the house. at this eanes drew a large dirk knife, and stabbed smith in the abdomen, the knife penetrating the vitals, and thus causing immediate death. smith breathed only a few seconds after the fatal thrust. "eanes immediately mounted his horse and rode off, but was pursued by mr. hanes, who arrested and took him back, when he was put under guard to await a trial before the proper authorities." from the "vicksburg register," nov. , . "on the d inst. an affray occurred between one stephen scarbrough and a.w. higbee of grand gulf, in which scarbrough was stabbed with a knife, which occasioned his death in a few hours. higbee has been arrested and committed for trial." from the "huntsville (ala.) democrat" nov. , . "_life in the southwest_.--a friend in louisiana writes, under date of the st ult., that a fight took place a few days ago in madison parish, miles below lake providence, between a mr. nevils and a mr. harper, which terminated fatally. the police jury had ordered a road on the right bank of the mississippi, and the neighboring planters were out with their forces to open it. for some offence, nevils, the superintendent of the operations, flogged two of harper's negroes. the next day the parties met on horseback, when harper dismounted, and proceeded to cowskin nevils for the chastisement inflicted on the negroes. nevils immediately drew a pistol and shot his assailant dead on the spot. both were gentlemen of the highest respectability. "an affray also came off recently, as the same correspondent writes us, in raymond, hinds co., miss., which for a serious one, was rather amusing. the sheriff had a process to serve on a man of the name of bright, and, in consequence of some difficulty and intemperate language, thought proper to commence the service by the application of his cowskin to the defendant. bright thereupon floored his adversary, and, wresting his cowhide from him, applied it to its owner to the extent of at least five hundred lashes, meanwhile threatening to shoot the first bystander who attempted to interfere. the sheriff was carried home in a state of insensibility, and his life has been despaired of. the mayor of the place, however, issued his warrant, and started three of the sheriff's deputies in pursuit of the delinquent, but the latter, after keeping them at bay till they found it impossible to arrest him, surrendered himself to the magistrate, by whom he was bound over to the next circuit court. from the mayor's office, his honor and the parties litigant proceeded to the tavern to take a drink by way of ending hostilities. but the civil functionary refused to sign articles of peace by touching glasses with bright, whereupon the latter made a furious assault upon him, and then turned and flogged 'mine host' within an inch of his life because he interfered. satisfied with his day's work, bright retired. can we show any such specimens of chivalry and refinement in kentucky!" from the "grand gulf (miss.) advertiser," june , . "death by violence.--the moral atmosphere in our state appears to be in a deleterious and sanguinary condition. _almost every exchange paper which reaches us contains some inhuman and revolting case of murder or death by violence. not less than fifteen deaths by violence have occurred, to our certain knowledge, within the past three months._ such a state of things, in a country professing to be moral and christian, is a disgrace to human nature and is well calculated, to induce those abroad unacquainted with our general habits and feelings, to regard the morals of our people in no very enviable light; and does more to injure and weaken our political institutions than years of pecuniary distress. the frequency of such events is a burning disgrace to the morality, civilization, and refinement of feeling to which we lay claim and so often boast in comparison with the older states. and unless we set about and put an immediate and effectual termination to such revolting scenes, we shall be compelled to part with what all genuine southerners have ever regarded as their richest inheritance, the proud appellation of the '_brave, high-minded and chivalrous sons of the south_.' "this done, we should soon discover a change for the better--peace and good order would prevail, and the ends of justice be effectually and speedily attained, and then the people of this wealthy state would be in a condition to bid defiance to the disgraceful reproaches which are now daily heaped upon them by the religious and moral of other states." "the present white population of mississippi is but little more than half as great as that of vermont, and yet more horrible crimes are perpetrated by them every month, than have ever been perpetrated in vermont since it has been a state, now about half a century. whoever doubts it, let him get data and make his estimate, and he will find that this is no random guess." louisiana. louisiana became one of the united states in . its present white population is about one hundred and fifteen thousand. the extracts which follow furnish another illustration of the horrors produced by passions blown up to fury in the furnace of arbitrary power. we have just been looking over a broken file of louisiana papers, including the last six months of , and the whole of , and find ourselves obliged to abandon our design of publishing even an abstract of the scores and _hundreds_ of affrays, murders, assassinations, duels, lynchings, assaults, &c. which took place in that state during that period. those which have taken place in new orleans alone, during the last eighteen months, would, in detail, fill a volume. instead of inserting the details of the principal atrocities in louisiana, as in the states already noticed, we will furnish the reader with the testimony of various editors of newspapers, and others, residents of the state, which will perhaps as truly set forth the actual state of society there, as could be done by a publication of the outrages themselves. from the "new orleans bee," of may , . "_contempt of human life._--in view of the crimes which are _daily_ committed, we are led to inquire whether it is owing to the inefficiency of our laws, or to the manner in which those laws are administered, that this _frightful deluge of human blood fowl through our streets and our places of public resort_. "whither will such contempt for the life of man lead us? the unhealthiness of the climate mows down annually a part of our population; the murderous steel despatches its proportion; and if crime increases as it has, the latter will soon become _the most powerful agent in destroying life_. "we cannot but doubt the perfection of our criminal code, when we see that _almost every criminal eludes the law_, either by boldly avowing the crime, or by the tardiness with which legal prosecutions are carried on, or, lastly, by the convenient application of _bail_ in criminal cases." the "new orleans picayune" of july , , says: "it is with the most painful feelings that we _daily_ hear of some _fatal_ duel. yesterday we were told of the unhappy end of one of our most influential and highly respectable merchants, who fell yesterday morning at sunrise in a duel. as usual, the circumstances which led to the meeting were trivial." the new orleans correspondent of the new york express, in his letter dated new orleans, july , , says: "thirteen duels have been fought in and near the city during the week; _five more were to take place this morning_." the "new orleans merchant" of march , , says: "murder has been rife within the two or three weeks last past; and what is worse, the authorities of those places where they occur are _perfectly regardless of the fact_." the "new orleans bee" of september , , says: "not two months since, the miserable barba became a victim to one of the most cold-blooded schemes of assassination that ever disgraced a civilized community. last sunday evening an individual, gonzales by name, was seen in perfect health, in conversation with his friends. on monday morning his dead body was withdrawn from the mississippi, near the ferry of the first municipality, in a state of terrible mutilation. to cap the climax of horror, on friday morning, about half past six o'clock, the coroner was called to hold an inquest over the body of an individual, between magazine and tchoupitoulas streets. the head was entirely severed from the body; the lower extremities had likewise suffered amputation; the right foot was completely dismembered from the leg, and the left knee nearly severed from the thigh. several stabs, wounds and bruises, were discovered on various parts of the body, which of themselves were sufficient to produce death." the "georgetown (south carolina) union" of may , , has the following extract from a new orleans paper. "a short time since, two men shot one another down in one of our bar rooms, one of whom died instantly. a day or two after, one or two infants were found murdered, there was every reason to believe, by their own mothers. last week we had to chronicle a brutal and bloody murder, committed in the heart of our city: the very next day a murder-trial was commenced in our criminal court: the day ensuing this, we published the particulars of hart's murder. the day after that, tibbetts was hung for attempting to commit a murder; the next day again we had to publish a murder committed by two spaniards at the lake--this was on friday last. on sunday we published the account of another murder committed by the italian, gregorio. on monday, another murder was committed, and the murderer lodged in jail. on tuesday morning another man was stabbed and robbed, and is not likely to recover, but the assassin escaped. the same day reynolds, who killed barre, shot himself in prison. on wednesday, another person, mr. nicolet, blew out his brains. yesterday, the unfortunate george clement destroyed himself in his cell; and in addition to this dreadful catalogue we have to add that of the death of two, brothers, who destroyed themselves through grief at the death of their mother; and truly may we say that 'we know not what to-morrow will bring forth.'" the "louisiana advertiser," as quoted by the salt river (mo.) journal of may , , says: "within the last ten or twelve days, three suicides, four murders, and two executions, have occurred in the city!" the "new orleans bee" of october , , says: "we remark with regret the frightful list of homicides that are _daily_ committed in new orleans." the "planter's banner" of september . , published at franklin, louisiana, after giving an account of an affray between a number of planters, in which three were killed and a fourth mortally wounded, says that "davis (one of the murderers) was arrested by the by-standers, but a _justice of the peace_ came up and told them, he did not think it right to keep a man 'tied in that manner,' and 'thought it best to turn him loose.' _it was accordingly so done_." this occurred in the parish of harrisonburg. the banner closes the account by saying: "our informant states that _five white men_ and _one_ negro have been murdered in the parish of madison, during the months of july and august." this _justice of the peace_, who bade the by-standers unloose the murderer, mentioned above, has plenty of birds of his own feather among the law officers of louisiana. two of the leading officers in the new orleans police took two witnesses, while undergoing legal examination at covington, near new orleans, "carried them to a bye-place, and _lynched_ them, during which inquisitorial operation, they divulged every thing to the officers, messrs. foyle and crossman." the preceding fact is published in the maryland republican of august , . judge canonge of new orleans, in his address at the opening of the criminal court, nov. , , published in the "bee" of nov. , in remarking upon the prevalence of out-breaking crimes, says: "is it possible in a civilized country such crying abuses are _constantly_ encountered? how many individuals have given themselves up to such culpable habits! yet we find magistrates and juries hesitating to expose crimes of the blackest dye to eternal contempt and infamy, to the vengeance of the law. "as a louisianian parent, _i reflect with terror_ that our beloved children, reared to become one day honorable and useful citizens, may be the victims of these votaries of vice and licentiousness. without some powerful and certain remedy, _our streets will become butcheries overflowing with the blood of our citizens_." the editor of the "new orleans bee," in his paper of oct. , , has a long editorial article, in which he argues for the virtual legalizing of lynch law, as follows: "we think then that in the circumstances in which we are placed, the legislature ought to sanction such measures as the situation of the country render necessary, by giving to justice a _convenient latitude_. there are occasions when the delays inseparable from the administration of justice would be inimical to the public safety, and when the most fatal consequences would be the result. "it appears to us, that there is an urgent necessity to provide against the inconveniences which result from popular judgment, and to check the disposition for the speedy execution of justice resulting from the unconstitutional principle of a pretended lynch law, by authorizing the parish court to take cognizance without delay, against every free man who shall be convicted of a crime; from the accusations arising from the mere provocations to the insurrection of the working classes. "all judicial sentences ought to be based upon law, and the terrible privilege which the populace now have of punishing with death certain crimes, _ought to be consecrated by law_, powerful interests would not suffice in our view to excuse the interruption of social order, if the public safety was not with us the supreme law. "this is the reason that whilst we deplore the imperious necessity which exists, we entreat the legislative power to give the sanction of principle to what already exists in fact." the editor of the "new orleans bee," in his paper, oct , , says: "we remark with regret the frightful list of homicides, whether justifiable or not, that are daily committed in new orleans. it is not through any inherent vice of legal provision that such outrages are perpetrated with impunity: it is rather in the neglect of the _application of the law_ which exists on this subject. "we will confine our observation to the dangerous facilities afforded by this code for the escape of the homicide. we are well aware that the laws in question are intended for the distribution of equal justice, yet we have too often witnessed the acquittal of delinquents whom we can denominate by no other title than that of homicides, while the simple affirmation of others has been admitted (in default of testimony) who are themselves the authors of the deed, for which they stand in judgment. the _indiscriminate system of accepting bail_ is a blot on our criminal legislation, and is one great reason why so many violators of the law avoid its penalties. to this doubtless must be ascribed the non-interference of the attorney general. the law of _habeas corpus_ being subjected to the interpretation of every magistrate, whether versed or not in criminal cases, a degree of arbitrary and incorrect explanation necessarily results. how frequently does it happen that the mayor or recorder decides upon the gravest case without putting himself to the smallest trouble to inform the attorney general, who sometimes only hears of the affair when investigation is no longer possible, or when the criminal has wisely commuted his punishment into temporary or perpetual exile." that morality suffers by such practices, is beyond a doubt; yet moderation and mercy are so beautiful in themselves, that we would scarcely protest against indulgence, were it not well known that the acceptance of bail is the safeguard of every delinquent who, through wealth or connections, possesses influence enough to obtain it. here arbitrary construction glides amidst the confusion of testimony; there it presumes upon the want of evidence, and from one cause or another it is extremely rare, that a refusal to bail has delivered the accused into the hands of justice. in criminal cases, the court and jury are the proper tribunals to decide upon the reality of the crime, and the palliating circumstances; _yet it is not unfrequent_ for the public voice to condemn as an odious assassin, the very individual who by the acquittal of the judge, walks at large and scoffs at justice. "it is time to restrict within its proper limits this pretended right of personal protection; it is time to teach our population to abstain from mutual murder upon slight provocation.--duelling, heaven knows, is dreadful enough, and quite a sufficient means of gratifying private aversion, and avenging insult. frequent and serious brawls in our cafes, streets and houses, every where attest the insufficiency or misapplication of our legal code, or the want of energy in its organs. to say that unbounded license is the insult of liberty is folly. liberty is the consequence of well regulated laws--without these, freedom can exist only in name, and the law which favors the escape of the opulent and aristocratic from the penalties of retribution, but consigns the poor and friendless to the chain-gang or the gallows, is in fact the very essence of slavery!!" the editor of the same paper says (nov. , .) "perhaps by an equitable, but strict application of that law, (the law which forbids the wearing of deadly weapons concealed,) the effusion of human blood might be stopt _which now defiles our streets and our coffee-houses as if they were shambles_! reckless disregard of the life of man is rapidly gaining ground among us, and the habit of seeing a man whom it is taken for granted was armed, murdered merely for a _gesture_, may influence the opinion of a jury composed of citizens, whom, long impunity to homicides of every kind has persuaded, that the right of self-defence extends even to the taking of life for _gestures_, more or less threatening. so many daily instances of outbreaking passion which have thrown whole families into the deepest affliction, teach us a terrible lesson." from the "columbus (ga.) sentinel," july , . "_wholesale murders_.--no less than three murders were committed in new orleans on monday evening last. the first was that of a man in poydras, near the corner of tehapitoulas. the murdered individual had been suspected of a _liason_ with another man's wife in the neighbourhood, was caught in the act, followed to the above corner and shot. "the second was that of a man in perdido street. circumstances not known. "the third was that of a watchman, on the corner of custom house and burgundy street, who was found dead yesterday morning, shot through the heart. the deed was evidently committed on the opposite side from where he was found, as the unfortunate man was tracked by his blood across the street. in addition to being shot through the heart, two wounds in his breast, supposed to have been done with a bowie knife, were discovered. no arrests have been made to our knowledge." the editor of the "charleston, (s.c.) mercury" of april, , snakes the following remarks. "the energy of a tacon is much needed to vivify the police of new orleans. in a single paper we find an account of the execution of one man for robbery and intent to kill, of the arrest of another for stabbing a man to death with a carving knife; and of a third found murdered on the levee on the previous sunday morning. in the last case, although the murderer was known, _no steps had been taken for his arrest_; and to crown the whole, it is actually stated in so many words, that the city guards are not permitted, according to their instructions, to patrol the levee after night, for fear of attacks from persons employed in steamboats!" the present white population of louisiana is but little more than that of rhode island, yet more appalling crime is committed in louisiana _every day_, than in rhode island during a year, notwithstanding the tone of public morals is probably lower in the latter than in any other new england state. tennessee. tennessee became one of the united states in . its present white population is about seven hundred thousand. the details which follow, go to confirm the old truth, that the exercise of arbitrary power tends to make men monsters. the following, from the "memphis (tennessee) enquirer," was published in the virginia advocate, jan. , . "below will be found a detailed account of one of the most unnatural and aggravated murders ever recorded. col. ward, the deceased, was a man of high standing in the state, and very much esteemed by his neighbors, and by all who knew him. the brothers concerned in this 'murder, most foul and unnatural,' were lafayette, chamberlayne, caesar, and achilles jones, (the nephews of col. ward.) "the four brothers, all armed, went to the residence of mr. a.g. ward, in shelby co., on the evening of d instant. they were conducted into the room in which col. ward was sitting, together with some two or three ladies, his intended wife amongst the number. upon their entering the room, col. ward rose, and extended his hand to lafayette. he refused, saying he would shake hands with no such d----d rascal. the rest answered in the same tone. col. ward remarked that they were not in a proper place for a difficulty, if they sought one. col. ward went from the room to the passage, and was followed by the brothers. he said he was unarmed, but if they would lay down their arms, he could whip the whole of them; or if they would place him on an equal footing, he could whip the whole of them one by one. caesar told chamberlayne to give the col. one of his pistols, which he did, and both went out into the yard, the other brothers following. while standing a few paces from each other, lafayette came up, and remarked to the col., 'if you spill my brother's blood, i will spill yours,' about which time chamberlayne's pistol fired, and immediately lafayette bursted a cap at him. the colonel turned to lafayette, and said, 'lafayette, you intend to kill,' and discharged his pistol at him. the ball struck the pistol of lafayette, and glanced into his arm. by this time albert ward, being close by, and hearing the fuss, came up to the assistance of the colonel, when a scuffle amongst all hands ensued. the colonel stumbled and fell down--he received several wounds from a large bowie knife; and, after being stabbed, chamberlayne jumped upon him, and stamped him several times. after the scuffle, caesar jones was seen to put up a large bowie knife. colonel ward said he was a dead man. by the assistance of albert ward, he reached the house, distance about or yards, and in a few minutes expired. on examination by the coroner, it appeared that he had received several wounds from pistols and knives. albert ward was also badly bruised, not dangerously." the "new orleans bee," sept. , , published the following from the "nashville (tennessee) whig." "the nashville whig, of the th ult., says: pleasant watson, of de kalb county, and a mr. carmichael, of alabama, were the principals in an affray at livingston, overton county, last week, which terminated in the death of the former. watson made the assault with a dirk, and carmichael defended himself with a pistol, shooting his antagonist through the body, a few inches below the heart. watson was living at the last account. the dispute grew out of a horse race." the new orleans courier, april , , has the following extract from the "mcminersville (tennessee) gazette." "on saturday, the th instant, colonel david l. mitchell, the worthy sheriff of white county, was most barbarously murdered by a man named joseph little. colonel mitchell had a civil process against little. he went to little's house for the purpose of arresting him. he found little armed with a rifle, pistols, &c. he commenced a conversation with little upon the impropriety of his resisting, and stated his determination to take him, at the same time slowly advancing upon little, who discharged his rifle at him without effect. mitchell then attempted to jump in, to take hold of him when little struck him over the head with the barrel of his rifle, and literally mashed his skull to pieces; and, as he lay prostrate on the earth, little deliberately pulled a large pistol from his belt, and placing the muzzle close to mitchell's head, he shot the ball through it. little has made his escape. _there were three men near by when the murder was committed, who made no attempt to arrest the murderer_." the following affray at athens, tennessee, from the mississippian, august , . "an unpleasant occurrence transpired at athens on monday. captain james byrnes was stabbed four times, twice in the arm, and twice in the side by a.r. livingston. the wounds are said to be very severe, and fears are entertained of their proving mortal. the affair underwent an examination before sylvester nichols, esq., by whom livingston was let to bail." the "west tennessean," aug. , , says-- "a duel was fought at calhoun, tenn., between g.w. carter and j.c. sherley. they used yaugers at the distance of yards. the former was slightly wounded, and the latter quite dangerously." june d, , benjamin shipley, of hamilton co., tennessee, shot archibald mccallie. (_nashville banner_, july , .) june d, , levi stunston, of weakly co., tennessee, killed william price, of said county, in an affray. (_nashville banner, july , _.) october , , in an affray at wolf's ferry, tennessee, martin farley, senior, was killed by john and solomon step. (_georgia telegraph, nov , ._.) feb. , , john manie was killed by william doss at decatur, tennessee. (_memphis gazette, may , _.) "from the nashville whig." "_fatal affray in columbia, tenn_.--a fatal street encounter occurred at that place, on the d inst., between richard h. hays, attorney at law, and wm. polk, brother to the hon. jas. k. polk. the parties met, armed with pistols, and exchanged shots simultaneously. a buck-shot pierced the brain of hays, and he died early the next morning. the quarrel grew out of a sportive remark of hays', at dinner, at the columbia inn, for which he offered an apology, not accepted, it seems, as polk went to hays' office, the same evening, and chastised him with a whip. this occurred on friday, the fatal result took place on monday." in a fight near memphis, tennessee, may , , mr. jackson, of that place, shot through the heart mr. w.f. gholson, son of the late mr. gholson, of virginia. (_raleigh register, june , _.) the following horrible outrage, committed in west tennessee, not far from randolph, was published by the georgetown (s.c.) union, may , , from the louisville journal. "a feeble bodied man settled a few years ago on the mississippi, a short distance below randolph, on the tennessee side. he succeeded in amassing property to the value of about $ , , and, like most of the settlers, made a business of selling wood to the boats. this he sold at $ . a cord, while his neighbors asked $ . one of them came to remonstrate against his underselling, and had a fight with his brother-in-law clark, in which he was beaten. he then went and obtained legal process against clark, and returned with a deputy sheriff, attended by a posse of desperate villains. when they arrived at clark's house, he was seated among his children--they put two or three balls through his body. clark ran, was overtaken and knocked down; in the midst of his cries for mercy, one of the villains fired a pistol in his mouth, killing him instantly. they then required the settler to sell his property to them, and leave the country. he, fearing that they would otherwise take his life, sold them his valuable property for $ , and departed with his family. _the sheriff was one of the purchasers._" the baltimore american, feb. , , publishes the following from the nashville (tennessee) banner: "a most atrocious murder was committed a few days ago at lagrange, in this state, on the body of mr. john t. foster, a respectable merchant of that town. the perpetrators of this bloody act are e. moody, thomas moody, j.e. douglass, w.r. harris, and w.c. harris. the circumstances attending this horrible affair, are the following:--on the night previous to the murder, a gang of villains, under pretence of wishing to purchase goods, entered mr. foster's store, took him by force, and rode him through the streets _on a rail_. the next morning, mr. f. met one of the party, and gave him a caning. for this just retaliation for the outrage which had been committed on his person, he was pursued by the persons alone named, while taking a walk with a friend, and murdered in the open face of day." the following presentment of a tennessee grand jury, sufficiently explains and comments on itself: the grand jurors empanelled to inquire for the county of shelby, would separate without having discharged their duties, if they were to omit to notice public evils which they have found their powers inadequate to put in train for punishment. the evils referred to exist more particularly in the town of memphis. the audacity and frequency with which outrages are committed, forbid us, in justice to our consciences, to omit to use the powers we possess, to bring them to the severe action of the law; and when we find our powers inadequate, to draw upon them public attention, and the rebuke of the good. an infamous female publicly and grossly assaults a lady; therefore a public meeting is called, the mayor of the town is placed in the chair, resolutions are adopted, providing for the summary and lawless punishment of the wretched woman. in the progress of the affair, _hundreds of citizens_ assemble at her house, and raze it to the ground. the unfortunate creature, together with two or three men of like character, are committed, in an open canoe or boat, without oar or paddle, to the middle of the mississippi river. such is a concise outline of the leading incidents of a recent transaction in memphis. it might be filled up by the detail of individual exploits, which would give vivacity to the description; but we forbear to mention them. we leave it to others to admire the manliness of the transaction, and the courage displayed by a mob of hundreds, in the various outrages upon the persons and property of three or four individuals who fell under its vengeance. the present white population of tennessee is about the same with that of massachusetts, and yet more outbreaking crimes are committed in tennessee in a _single month_, than in massachusetts during a whole year; and this, too, notwithstanding the largest town in tennessee has but six thousand inhabitants; whereas, in massachusetts, besides one of eighty thousand, and two others of nearly twenty thousand each, there are at least a dozen larger than the chief town in tennessee, which gives to the latter state an important advantage on the score of morality, the country being so much more favorable to it than large towns. kentucky. kentucky has been one of the united states since . its present white population is about six hundred thousand. the details which follow show still further that those who unite to plunder of their rights one class of human beings, regard as _sacred_ the rights of no class. the following affair at maysville, kentucky, is extracted from the maryland republican, january , . "a fight came on at maysville, ky. on the th ultimo, in which a mr. coulster was stabbed in the side and is dead; a mr. gibson was well hacked with a knife; a mr. ferris was dangerously wounded in the head, and another of the same name in the hip; a mr. shoemaker was severely beaten, and several others seriously hurt in various ways." the following is extracted from the n.c. standard. "a most bloody and shocking transaction took place in the little town of clinton, hickman co. ken. the circumstances are briefly as follows: a special canvass for a representative from the county of hickman, had for some time been in progress. a gentleman by the name of binford was a candidate. the state senator from the district, judge james, took some exceptions to the reputation of binford, and intimated that if b. should be elected, he (james) would resign rather than serve with such a colleague. hearing this, binford went to the house of james to demand an explanation. mrs. james remarked, in a jest as binford thought, that if she was in the place of her husband she would resign her seat in the senate, and not serve with such a character. b. told her that she was a woman, and could say what she pleased. she replied that she was not in earnest. james then looked b. in the face and said that, if his wife said so, it was the fact--'he was an infamous scoundrel and d----d rascal.' he asked b. if he was armed, and on being answered in the affirmative, he stepped into an adjoining room to arm himself; he was prevented by the family from returning, and binford walked out. j. then told him from his piazza, that he would meet him next day in clinton. "true to their appointment, the enraged parties met on the streets the following day. james shot first, his ball passing through his antagonist's liver, whose pistol fired immediately afterwards, and missing j., the ball pierced the head of a stranger by the name of collins, who instantly fell and expired. after being shot, binford sprang upon j. with the fury of a wounded tiger, and would have taken his life but for a second shot received through the back from bartin james, the brother of thomas. even after he received the last fatal wound he struggled with his antagonist until death relaxed his grasp, and he fell with the horrid exclamation, _'i am a dead man!'_ "judge james gave himself up to the authorities; and when the informant of the editor left clinton, binford, and the unfortunate stranger lay shrouded corpses together." the "n.o. bee" thus gives the conclusion of the matter: "judge james was tried and acquitted, the death of binford being regarded as an act of justifiable homicide." from the "flemingsburg kentuckian," june ,' . affray.--thomas binford, of hickman county, kentucky, recently attacked a mr. gardner of dresden, with a drawn knife, and cut his face pretty badly. gardner picked up a piece of iron and gave him a side-wipe above the ear that brought him to terms. the skull was fractured about two inches. binford's brother was killed at clinton, kentucky, last fall by judge james. the "red river whig" of september , , says:--"a ruffian of the name of charles gibson, attempted to murder a girl named mary green, of louisville, ky. on the d ult. he cut her in six different places with a bowie knife. his object, as stated in a subsequent investigation before the police court, was to cut her throat, which she prevented by throwing up her arms." from the "louisville advertiser," dec. th, :--"a startling tragedy occurred in this city on saturday evening last, in which a.h. meeks was instantly killed, john rothwell mortally wounded, william holmes severely wounded, and henry oldham slightly, by the use of bowie knives, by judge e.c. wilkinson, and his brother, b.r. wilkinson, of natchez, and j. murdough, of holly springs, mississippi. it seems that judge wilkinson had ordered a coat at the shop of messrs. varnum & redding. the coat was made; the judge, accompanied by his brother and mr. murdough, went to the shop of varnum & redding, tried on the coat, and was irritated because, as he believed, it did not fit him. mr. redding undertook to convince him that he was in error, and ventured to assure the judge that the coat was well made. the judge instantly seized an iron poker, and commenced an attack on redding. the blow with the poker was partially warded off--redding grappled his assailant, when a companion of the judge drew a bowie knife, and, but for the interposition and interference of the unfortunate meeks, a journeyman tailor, and a gentleman passing by at the moment, redding might have been assassinated in his own shop. shortly afterwards, redding, meeks, rothwell, and holmes went to the galt house. they sent up stairs for judge wilkinson, and he came down into the bar room, when angry words were passed. the judge went up stairs again, and in a short time returned with his companions, all armed with knives. harsh language was again used. meeks, felt called on to state what he had seen of the conflict, and did so, and murdough gave him the d--d lie, for which meeks struck him. on receiving the blow with the whip, murdough instantly plunged his bowie knife into the abdomen of meeks, and killed him on the spot. "at the same instant b.r. wilkinson attempted to get at redding, and holmes and rothwell interfered, or joined in the affray. holmes was wounded, probably by b.r. wilkinson; and the judge, having left the room for an instant, returned, and finding rothwell contending with his brother, or bending over him, he (the judge) stabbed rothwell in the back, and inflicted a mortal wound. "judge wilkinson, his brother, and j. murdough, have been recently tried and acquitted." from the "new orleans bee," sept. , . "it appears from the statement of the lexington intelligencer, that there has been for some time past, an enmity between the drivers of the old and opposition lines of stages running from that city. on the evening of the th an encounter took place at the circus between two of them, powell and cameron, and the latter was so much injured that his life was in imminent danger. about o'clock the same night, several drivers of the old line rushed into keizer's hotel, where powell and other drivers of the opposition-line boarded, and a general melee took place, in the course of which several pistols were discharged, the ball of one of them passing through the head of crabster, an old line driver, and killing him on the spot. crabster, before he was shot, had discharged his own pistol which had burst into fragments. two or three drivers of the opposition were wounded with buck shot, but not dangerously." the "mobile advertiser" of september , , copies the following from the louisville (ky.) journal. "a mr. campbell was killed in henderson county on the st ult. by a mr. harrison. it appears, that there was an affray between the parties some months ago, and that harrison subsequently left home and returned on the st in a trading boat. campbell met him at the boat with a loaded rifle and declared his determination to kill him, at the same time asking him whether he had a rifle and expressing a desire to give him a fair chance. harrison affected to laugh at the whole matter and invited campbell into his boat to take a drink with him. campbell accepted the invitation, but, while he was in the act of drinking, harrison seized his rifle, fired it off, and laid campbell dead by striking him with the barrel of it." the "missouri republican" of july , published the details which follow from the louisville journal. mount sterling, ky. july , . "gentlemen:--a most unfortunate and fatal occurrence transpired in our town last evening, about o'clock. some of the most prominent friends of judge french had a meeting yesterday at col. young's, near this place, and warm words ensued between mr. albert thomas and belvard peters, esq., and a few blows were exchanged, and several of the friends of each collected at the spot. whilst the parties were thus engaged. mr. wm. white, who was a friend of mr. peters, struck mr. thomas, whereupon b.f. thomas esq. engaged in the combat on the side of his brother and mr. w. roberts on the part of peters--mr. g.w. thomas taking part with his brothers. albert thomas had peters down and was taken off by a gentleman present, and whilst held by that gentleman, he was struck by white; and b.f. thomas having made some remark white struck him. b.f. thomas returned the blow, and having a large knife, stabbed white, who nevertheless continued the contest, and, it is said, broke thomas's arm with a rock of a chair. thomas then inflicted some other stabs, of which white died in a few minutes. roberts was knocked down twice by albert thomas, and, i believe, is much hurt. g.w. thomas was somewhat hurt also. white and b.f. thomas had always been on friendly terms. you are acquainted with the messrs. thomas. mr. white was a much larger man than either of them, weighing nearly pounds, and in the prime of life. as you may very naturally suppose, great excitement prevails here, and mr. b.f. thomas regrets the fatal catastrophe as much as any one else, but believes from all the circumstances that he was justifiable in what he did, although he would be as far from doing such an act when cool and deliberate as any man whatever." the "new orleans bulletin" of aug. , , extracts the following from the louisville journal. "news has just reached us, that thomas p. moore, attacked the senior editor of this paper in the yard of the harrodsburg springs. mr. moore advanced upon mr. prentice with a drawn pistol and fired at him; mr. prentice then fired, neither shot taking effect. mr. prentice drew a second pistol, when mr. moore quailed and said he had no other arms; whereupon mr. prentice from superabundant magnanimity spared the miscreant's life." from "the floridian" of june , . murder. mr. gillespie, a respectable citizen aged , was murdered a few days since by a mr. arnett, near mumfordsville, ky., which latter shot his victim twice with a rifle. the "augusta (ga.) sentinel," may , , has the following account of murders in kentucky: "at mill's point, kentucky, dr. thomas rivers was shot one day last week, from out of a window, by lawyer ferguson, both citizens of that place, and both parties are represented to have stood high in the estimation of the community in which they lived. the difficulty we understand to have grown out of a law suit at issue between them." just as our paper was going to press, we learn that the brother of dr. rivers, who had been sent for, had arrived, and immediately shot lawyer ferguson. he at first shot him with a shot gun, upon his retreat, which did not prove fatal; he then approached him immediately with a pistol, and killed him on the spot." the right rev. b.b. smith, bishop of the episcopal diocese of kentucky, published about two years since an article in the lexington (ky.) intelligencer, entitled "thoughts on the frequency of homicides in the state of kentucky." we conclude this head with a brief extract from the testimony of the bishop, contained in that article. "the writer has never conversed with a traveled and enlightened european or eastern man, who has not expressed the most undisguised horror at the frequency of homicide and murder within our bounds, and at the _ease with which the homicide escapes from punishment_. "as to the frequency of these shocking occurrences, the writer has some opportunity of being correctly impressed, by means of a yearly tour through many counties of the state. he has also been particular in making inquiries of our most distinguished legal and political characters, and from some has derived conjectural estimates which were truly alarming. a few have been of the opinion, that on an average one murder a year may be charged to the account of every county in the state, making the frightful aggregate of human lives sacrificed to revenge, or the victims of momentary passion, in the course of every ten years. "others have placed the estimate much lower, and have thought that thirty for the whole state, every year, would be found much nearer the truth. an attempt has been made lately to obtain data more satisfactory than conjecture, and circulars have been addressed to the clerks of most of the counties, in order to arrive at as correct an estimate as possible of the actual number of homicides during the three years last past. it will be seen, however, that statistics thus obtained, even from every county in the state, would necessarily be imperfect, inasmuch as the records of the courts _by no means show all the cases_, which occur, some escaping without _any_ of the forms of a legal examination, and there being _many affrays_ which end only in wounds, or where the parties are separated. "from these returns, it appears that in counties there have been, within the last three years, of homicides of every grade, , but only convictions in the same period, leaving cases which have passed wholly unpunished. during the same period there have been from eighty-five counties, only eleven commitments to the state prison, nine for manslaughter, and two for shooting with intent to kill, _and not an instance of capital punishment in the person of any white offender_. thus an approximation is made to a general average, which probably would not vary much from one in each county every three years, or about in ten years. "it is believed that such a register of crime amongst a people professing the protestant religion and speaking the english language, is not to be found, with regard to any three-quarters of a million of people, since the downfall of the feudal system. compared with the records of crime in scotland, or the eastern states, the results are absolutely shocking! _it is believed there are more homicides, on an average of two years, in any of our more populous counties, than in the whole of several of our states, of equal or nearly equal white population with kentucky._ "the victims of these affrays are not always, by any means, the most worthless of our population. "it too often happens that the enlightened citizen, the devoted lawyer, the affectionate husband, and precious father, are thus instantaneously taken from their useful stations on earth, and hurried, all unprepared, to their final account! "the question, is again asked, what could have brought about, and can perpetuate, this shocking state of things?" as an illustration of the recklessness of life in kentucky, and the terrible paralysis of public sentiment, the bishop states the following fact. "a case of shocking homicide is remembered, where the guilty person was acquitted by a sort of acclamation, and the next day was seen in public, with two ladies hanging on his arm!" notwithstanding the frightful frequency of deadly affrays in kentucky, as is certified by the above testimony of bishop smith, there are fewer, in proportion to the white population, than in any of the states which have passed under review, unless tennessee may be an exception. the present white population of kentucky is perhaps seventy thousand more than that of maine, and yet more public fatal affrays have taken place in the former, within the last six months, than in the latter during its entire existence as a state. the seven slave states which we have already passed under review, are just one half of the slave states and territories, included in the american union. before proceeding to consider the condition of society in the other slave states, we pause a moment to review the ground already traversed. the present entire white population of the states already considered, is about two and a quarter millions; just about equal to the present white population of the state of new york. if the amount of crime resulting in loss of life, which is perpetrated by the white population of those states upon the _whites alone_, be contrasted with the amount perpetrated in the state of new york, by _all_ classes, upon _all_, we believe it will be found, that more of such crimes have been committed in these states within the last months, than have occurred in the state of new york for half a century. but perhaps we shall be told that in these seven states, there are scores of cities and large towns, and that a majority of all these deadly affrays, &c., take place in _them_; to this we reply, that there are _three times as many_ cities and large towns in the state of new york, as in all those states together, and that nearly all the capital crimes perpetrated in the state take place in these cities and large villages. in the state of new york, there are more than _half a million_ of persons who live in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, whereas in kentucky, tennessee, alabama, mississippi, louisiana, arkansas and missouri, there are on the largest computation not more than _one hundred thousand_ persons, residing in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, and the white population of these places (which alone is included in the estimate of crime, and that too _inflicted upon whites only_,) is probably not more than _sixty-five thousand_. but it will doubtless be pleaded in mitigation, that the cities and large villages in those states are _new_; that they have not had sufficient time thoroughly to organize their police, so as to make it an effectual terror to evil doers; and further, that the rapid growth of those places has so overloaded the authorities with all sorts of responsibilities, that due attention to the preservation of the public peace has been nearly impossible; and besides, they have had no official experience to draw upon, as in the older cities, the offices being generally filled by young men, as a necessary consequence of the newness of the country, &c. to this we reply, that new orleans is more than a century old, and for half that period has been the centre of a great trade; that st. louis, natchez, mobile, nashville, louisville and lexington, are all half a century old, and each had arrived at years of discretion, while yet the sites of buffalo, rochester, lockport, canandaigua, geneva, auburn, ithaca, oswego, syracuse, and other large towns in western new-york, _were a wilderness_. further, as _a number_ of these places are larger than _either_ of the former, their growth must have been more _rapid_, and, consequently, they must have encountered still greater obstacles in the organization of an efficient police than those south western cities, with this exception, they were not settled by slaveholders. the absurdity of assigning the _newness_ of the country, the unrestrained habits of pioneer settlers, the recklessness of life engendered by wars with the indians, &c., as reasons sufficient to account for the frightful amount of crime in the states under review, is manifest from the fact, that vermont is of the same age with kentucky; ohio, ten years younger than kentucky, and six years younger than tennessee; indiana, five years younger than louisiana; illinois, one year younger than mississippi; maine, of the same age with missouri, and two years younger than alabama; and michigan of the same age with arkansas. now, let any one contrast the state of society in maine, vermont, ohio, indiana, illinois, and michigan with that of kentucky, tennessee, alabama, missouri, louisiana, arkansas, and mississippi, and candidly ponder the result. it is impossible satisfactorily to account for the immense disparity in crime, on any other supposition than that the latter states were settled and are inhabited almost exclusively by those who carried with them the violence, impatience of legal restraint, love of domination, fiery passions, idleness, and contempt of laborious industry, which are engendered by habits of despotic sway, acquired by residence in communities where such manners, habits and passions, mould society into their own image.[ ] the practical workings of this cause are powerfully illustrated in those parts of the slave states where slaves abound, when contrasted with those where very few are held. who does not know that there are fewer deadly affrays in proportion to the white population--that law has more sway and that human life is less insecure in east tennessee, where there are very few slaves, than in west tennessee, where there are large numbers. this is true also of northern and western virginia, where few slaves are held, when contrasted with eastern virginia; where they abound; the same remark applies to those parts of kentucky and missouri, where large numbers of slaves are held, when contrasted with others where there are comparatively few. we see the same cause operating to a considerable extent in those parts of ohio, indiana and illinois, settled mainly by slaveholders and others, who were natives of slave states, in contrast with other parts of these states settled almost exclusively by persons from free states; that affrays and breaches of the peace are far more frequent in the former than in the latter, is well known to all. we now proceed to the remaining slave states. those that have not yet been considered, are delaware, maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, georgia, and the territory of florida. as delaware has hardly two thousand five hundred slaves, arbitrary power over human beings is exercised by so few persons, that the turbulence infused thereby into the public mind is but an inconsiderable element, quite insufficient to inflame the passions, much less to cast the character of the mass of the people; consequently, the state of society there, and the general security of life is but little less than in new jersey and pennsylvania, upon which states it borders on the north and east. the same causes operate in a considerable measure, though to a much less extent to maryland and in northern and western virginia. but in lower virginia, north and south carolina, georgia and florida, the general state of society as it respects the successful triumph of passion over law, and the consequent and universal insecurity of life is, in the main, very similar to that of the states already considered. in some portions of each of these states, human life has probably as little real protection as in arkansas, mississippi and louisiana; but generally throughout the former states and sections, the laws are not so absolutely powerless as in the latter three. deadly affrays, duels, murders, lynchings, &c., are, in proportion to the white population, as frequent and as rarely punished in lower virginia as in kentucky and missouri; in north carolina and south carolina as in tennessee; and in georgia and florida as in alabama. to insert the criminal statistics of the remaining slave states in detail, as those of the states already considered have been presented, would, we find, fill more space than can well be spared. instead of this, we propose to exhibit the state of society in all the slaveholding region bordering on the atlantic, by the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, corroborated by a few plain facts. leaving out of view florida, where law is the _most_ powerless, and maryland where probably it is the _least_ so, we propose to select as a fair illustration of the actual state of society in the atlantic slaveholding regions, north carolina whose border is but miles from the free states of pennsylvania and new jersey, and georgia which constitutes its south western boundary. we will begin with georgia. this state was settled more than a century ago by a colony under general oglethorpe. the colony was memorable for its high toned morality. one of its first regulations was an absolute prohibition of slavery in every form: but another generation arose, the prohibition was abolished, a multitude of slaves were imported, the exercise of unlimited power over them lashed up passion to the spurning of all control, and now the dreadful state of society that exists in georgia, is revealed by the following testimony out of her own mouth. the editor of the darien (georgia) telegraph, in his paper of november , , published the following. "_murderous attack_.--between the hours of three and four o'clock, on saturday last, the editor of this paper was attacked by fourteen armed ruffians, and knocked down by repeated blows of bludgeons. all his assailants were armed with pistols, dirks, and large clubs. many of them are known to us; but _there is neither law nor justice to be had in darien! we are doomed to death_ by the employers of the assassins who attacked us on saturday, and no less than our blood will satisfy them. the cause alleged for this unmanly, base, cowardly outrage, is some expressions which occurred in an election squib, printed at this office, and extensively circulated through the county, _before the election_. the names of those who surrounded us, when the attack was made, are, a. lefils, jr. (son to the representative), madison thomas, francis harrison, thomas hopkins, alexander blue, george wing, james eilands, w.i. perkins, a.j. raymur: the others we cannot at present recollect. the two first, lefils and thomas struck us at the same time. pistols were levelled at us in all directions. we can produce the most respectable testimony of the truth of this statement." the same number of the "darien telegraph," from which the preceding is taken, contains a correspondence between six individuals, settling the preliminaries of duels. the correspondence fills, with the exception of a dozen lines, _five columns_ of the paper. the parties were col. w. whig hazzard, commander of one of the georgia regiments in the recent seminole campaign, dr. t.f. hazzard, a physician of st. simons, and thomas hazzard, esq. a county magistrate, on the one side, and messrs. j.a. willey, a.w. willey, and h.b. gould, esqs. of darien, on the other. in their published correspondence the parties call each other "liar," "mean rascal," "puppy," "villain," &c. the magistrate, thomas hazzard, who accepts the challenge of j.a. willey, says, in one of his letters, "being a magistrate, under a solemn oath to do all in my power to keep the peace," &c., and yet this personification of georgia justice superscribes his letter as follows: "to the liar, puppy, fool, and poltroon, mr. john a. willey" the magistrate closes his letter thus: "here i am; call upon me for personal satisfaction (in _propria forma_); and in the farm field, on st. simon's island, (_deo juvante_,) i will give you a full front of my body, and do all in my power to satisfy your thirst for blood! and more, i will wager you $ , to be planked on the scratch! that j.a. willey will neither kill or defeat t.f. hazzard." the following extract from the correspondence is a sufficient index of slaveholding civilization. "articles of battle between john a. willey and w. whig hazzard. "condition . the parties to fight on the same day, and at the same place, (st. simon's beach, near the lighthouse,) where the meeting between t.f. hazzard and j.a. willey will take place. "condition . the parties to fight with broad-swords in the right hand, and a dirk in the left. "condition . on the word "charge," the parties to advance, and attack with the broadsword, or close with the dirk. "condition . the head of the vanquished to be cut off by the victor, and stuck upon a pole on the farm field dam, the original cause of dispute. "condition . neither party to object to each other's weapons; and if a sword breaks, the contest to continue with the dirk. "this col. w. whig hazzard is one of the most prominent citizens in the southern part of georgia, and previously signalized himself, as we learn from one of the letters in the correspondence, by "three deliberate rounds in a duel." the macon (georgia) telegraph of october , , contains the following notice of two affrays in that place, in each of which an individual was killed, one on tuesday and the other on saturday of the same week. in publishing the case, the macon editor remarks: "we are compelled to remark on the inefficiency of our laws in bringing to the bar of public justice, persons committing capital offences. under the present mode, a man has nothing more to do than to leave the state, or step over to texas, or some other place not farther off, and he need entertain no fear of being apprehended. so long as such a state of things is permitted to exist, just so long will every man who has an enemy (and there are but few who have not) _be in constant danger of being shot down in the streets_." to these remarks of the macon editor, who is in the centre of the state, near the capital, the editor of the darien telegraph, two hundred miles distant, responds as follows, in his paper of october . . "the remarks of our contemporary are not without cause. they apply, with peculiar force, to this community. _murderers and rioters will never stand in need of a sanctuary as long as darien is what it is_." it is a coincidence which carries a comment with it, that in less than a week after this darien editor made these remarks, he was attacked in the street by "_fourteen_ gentlemen" armed with bludgeons, knives, dirks, pistols, &c., and would doubtless have been butchered on the spot if he had not been rescued. we give the following statement at length as the chief perpetrator of the outrages, col. w.n. bishop, was at the time a high functionary of the state of georgia, and, as we learn from the macon messenger, still holds two public offices in the state, one of them from the direct appointment of the governor. from the "georgia messenger" of august , . "during the administration of wilson lumpkin, william n. bishop received from his excellency the appointment of indian agent, in the place of william springer. during that year ( ,) the said governor gave the command of a company of men, in number, to the said w.n. bishop, to be selected by him, and armed with the muskets of the state. this band was organized for the special purpose of keeping the cherokees in subjection, and although it is a notorious fact that the cherokees in the neighborhood of spring place were peaceable and by no means refractory, the said band were kept there, and seldom made any excursion whatever out of the county of murray. it is also _a notorious fact_, that the said band, from the day of their organization, never permitted a citizen of murray county opposed to the dominant party of georgia, to exercise the right of suffrage at any election whatever. from that period to the last of january election, the said band appeared at the polls with the arms of the state, rejecting every vote that "was not of the true stripe," as they called it. that they frequently seized and dragged to the polls honest citizens, and compelled them to vote contrary to their will. "such acts of arbitrary despotism were tolerated by the administration. appeals from the citizens of murray county brought them no relief--and incensed at such outrages, they determined on the first monday in january last, to turn out and elect such judges of the inferior court and county officers, as would be above the control of bishop, that he might thereby be prevented from packing such a jury as he chose to try him for his brutal and unconstitutional outrages on their rights. accordingly on sunday evening previous to the election, about twenty citizens who lived a distance from the county site, came in unarmed and unprepared for battle, intending to remain in town, vote in the morning and return home. they were met by bishop and his state band, and asked by the former 'whether they were for peace or war.' they unanimously responded, "we are for peace:' at that moment bishop ordered a fire, and instantly _every musket of his band was discharged on those citizens_, of whom were wounded, and others escaped with bullet holes in their clothes. not satisfied with the outrage, _they dragged an aged man from his wagon and beat him nearly to death_. "in this way the voters were driven from spring place, and before day light the next morning, the polls were opened by order of bishop, and soon after sun rise they were closed; bishop having ascertained that the band and schley men had all voted. a runner was then dispatched to milledgeville, and received from governor schley commissions for those self-made officers of bishop's, two of whom have since runaway, and the rest have been called on by the citizens of the county to resign, being each members of bishop's band, and doubtless runaways from other states. "after these outrages, bishop apprehending an appeal to the judiciary on the part of the injured citizens of murray county, had a jury drawn to suit him and appointed one of his band clerk of the superior court. for these acts, the governor and officers of the central bank rewarded him with an office in the bank of the state, since which his own jury found _eleven true bills_ against him." in the milledgeville federal union of may , , we find the following presentment of the grand jury of union county, georgia, which as it shows some relics of a moral sense, still lingering in the state we insert. presentment of the grand jury of union co., march term, . "we would notice, as a subject of painful interest, the appointment of wm. n. bishop to the high and responsible office of teller, of the central bank of the state of georgia--an institution of such magnitude as to merit and demand the most unslumbering vigilance of the freemen of this state; as a portion of whom, we feel bound to express our _indignant reprehension_ of the promotion of such a character to one of its most responsible posts--and do exceedingly regret the blindness or _depravity_ of those who can sanction such a measure. "we request that our presentment be published in the miners' recorder and federal union. john martin, foreman" on motion of henry l. sims, solicitor general, "ordered by the court, that the presentments of the grand jury, be published according to their request." thomas henry, clerk. the same paper, four weeks after publishing the preceding facts, contained the following: we give it in detail as the wretch who enacted the tragedy was another public functionary of the state of georgia and acting in an official capacity. "murder.--one of the most brutal and inhuman murders it has ever fallen to our lot to notice, was lately committed in cherokee county, by julius bates, the son of the principal keeper of the penitentiary, upon an indian. "the circumstances as detailed to us by the most respectable men of both parties, are these. at the last superior court of cass county, the unfortunate indian was sentenced to the penitentiary. bates, as _one of the penitentiary guard_, was sent with another to carry him and others, from other counties to milledgeville. he started from cassville with the indian ironed and bare footed; and walked him within a quarter of a mile of canton, the c.h. in cherokee, a distance of twenty-eight to thirty miles, over a very rough road in little more than half the day. on arriving at a small creek near town, the indian [who had walked until the _soles of his feet were off and those of his heel turned back_,] made signs to get water, bates refused to let him, and ordered him to go on: the indian stopped and finally set down, whereupon bates dismounted and gathering a pine knot, commenced and continued beating him and jirking him by a chain around his neck, until the citizens of the village were drawn there by the severity of the blows. the unfortunate creature was taken up to town and died in a few hours. "an inquest was held, and the jury found a verdict of murder by bates. a warrant was issued, but bates had departed that morning in charge of other prisoners taken from canton, and the worthy officers of the county desisted from his pursuit, 'because they apprehended he had passed the limits of the county.' we understand that the warrant was immediately sent to the governor to have him arrested. will it be done? we shall see." having devoted so much space to a revelation of the state of society among the slaveholders of georgia, we will tax the reader's patience with only a single illustration of the public sentiment--the degree of actual legal protection enjoyed in the state of north carolina. north carolina was settled about two centuries ago; its present white population is about five hundred thousand. passing by the murders, affrays, &c. with which the north carolina papers abound, we insert the following as an illustration of the public sentiment of north carolina among 'gentlemen of property and standing.' the 'north carolina literary and commercial journal,' of january , , published at elizabeth city, devotes a column and a half to a description of the lynching, tarring, feathering, ducking, riding on a rail, pumping, &c., of a mr. charles fife, a merchant of that city, for the crime of 'trading with negroes.' the editor informs us that this exploit of vandalism was performed very deliberately, at mid-day, and _by a number of the citizens_, 'the most respectable in the city,' &c. we proceed to give the reader an abridgement of the editor's statement in his own words.-- "such being the case, a number of the citizens, the most respectable in this city, collected, about ten days since, and after putting the fellow on a rail, carried him through town with a duck and chicken tied to him. he was taken down to the water and his head tarred and feathered; and when they returned he was put under a pump, where for a few minutes he underwent a little cooling. he was then told that he must leave town by the next saturday--if he did not he would be visited again, and treated more in accordance with the principles of the laws of judge lynch. "on saturday last, he was again visited, and as fife had several of his friends to assist him, some little scuffle ensued, when several were knocked down, but nothing serious occurred. fife was again mounted on a rail and brought into town, but as he promised if they would not trouble him he would leave town in a few days, he was set at liberty. several of our magistrates _took no notice of the affair_, and rather seemed to tacitly acquiesce in the proceedings. the whole subject every one supposed was ended, as fife was to leave in a few days, when what was our astonishment to hear that mr. charles r. kinney had visited fife, advised him not to leave, and actually took upon himself to examine witnesses, and came before the public as the defender of fife. the consequence was, that all the rioters were summoned by the sheriff to appear in the court house and give bail for their appearance at our next court. on monday last the court opened at o'clock, judge bailey presiding. such an excitement we never witnessed before in our town. a great many witnesses were examined, which proved the character of fife beyond a doubt. at one time rather serious consequences were apprehended--high words were spoken, and luckily a blow which was aimed at mr. kinney, was parried off, and we are happy to say the court adjourned after ample securities being given. the next day fife was taken to jail for trading with negroes, but has since been released on paying $ . the interference of mr. kinney was wholly unnecessary; it was an assumption on his part which properly belonged to our magistrates. fife had agreed to go away, and the matter would have been amicably settled but for him. we have no unfriendly feelings towards mr. kinney: no personal animosities to gratify: we have always considered him as one of our best lawyers. but when he comes forth as the supporter of such a fellow as fife, under the plea that the laws have been violated--when he arraigns the acts of thirty of the inhabitants of this place, it is high time for him to reflect seriously on the consequences. the penitentiary system is the result of the refinement of the eighteenth century. as man advances in the sciences, in the arts, in the intercourse of social and civilized life, in the same proportion does crime and vice keep an equal pace, and always makes demands on the wisdom of legislators. now, what is the lynch law but the penitentiary system carried out to its full extent, with a little more steam power? or more properly, it is simply thus: _there are some scoundrels in society on whom the laws take no effect; the most expeditious and short way is to let a majority decide and give them_ justice." let the reader notice, st, that this outrage was perpetrated with great deliberation, and after it was over, the victim was commanded to leave town by the next week: when that cooling interval had passed, the outrage was again deliberately repeated. d. it was perpetrated by "thirty persons,' "_the most respectable in the city_." d. that at the second lynching of fife, several of his neighbors who had gathered to defend him, (seeing that all the legal officers in the city had refused to do it, thus violating their oaths of office,) _were knocked down_, to which the editor adds, with the business air of a professional butcher, "nothing _serious_ occurred!" th. that not a single magistrate in the city took the least notice either of the barbarities inflicted upon fife, or of the assaults upon his friends, knocking them down, &c., but, as the editor informs us, all "seemed to acquiesce in the proceedings." th. that this conduct of the magistrates was well pleasing to the great mass of the citizens, is plain, from the remark of the editor that "every one supposed that the whole subject was ended," and from his wondering exclamation, "what was our astonishment to hear that mr. c.r. kinney had actually took upon him to examine witnesses," &c., and also from the editor's declaration, "such an excitement we never before witnessed in our town." excitement at what? not because the laws had been most impiously trampled down at noon-day by a conspiracy of thirty persons, "the most respectable in the city;" not because a citizen had been twice seized and publicly tortured for hours, without trial, and in utter defiance of all authority; nay, verily! this was all complacently acquiesced in; but because in this slaveholding sodom there was found a solitary lot who dared to uplift his voice for _law_ and the _right of trial by jury_; this crime stirred up such an uproar in that city of "most respectable" lynchers as was "_never witnessed before_," and the noble lawyer who thus put every thing at stake in invoking the majesty of law, would, it seems, have been knocked down, even in the presence of the court, if the blow had not been "parried." th. mark the murderous threat of the editor--when he arraigns the _acts_," (no matter how murderous) "of thirty citizens of this place, it is high time for him to reflect seriously _on the consequences_." th. the open advocacy of "lynch law" by a set argument, boldly setting it above all codes, with which the editor closes his article, reveals a public sentiment in the community which shows, that in north carolina, though society may still rally under the flag of civilization, and insist on wrapping itself in its folds, barbarism is none the less so in a stolen livery, and savages are savages still, though tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of the stars and stripes. it may be stated, in conclusion, that the north carolina "literary and commercial journal," from which the article is taken, is a large six-columned paper, edited by f.s. proctor, esq., a graduate of a university, and of considerable literary note in the south. having drawn out this topic to so great a length, we waive all comments, and only say to the reader, in conclusion, _ponder these things_, and lay it to heart, that slaveholding "is justified _of her children_." verily, they have their reward! "with what measure ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again." those who combine to trample on others, will trample on _each other_. the habit of trampling upon _one_, begets a state of mind that will trample upon _all_. accustomed to wreak their vengeance on their slaves, indulgence of passion becomes with slaveholders a second law of nature, and, when excited even by their equals, their hot blood brooks neither restraint nor delay; _gratification_ is the _first_ thought--prudence generally comes too late, and the slaves see their masters fall a prey to each other, the victims of those very passions which have been engendered and infuriated by the practice of arbitrary rule over _them_. surely it need not be added, that those who thus tread down their equals, must trample as in a wine-press their defenceless vassals. if, when in passion, they seize those who are _on their own level_, and dash them under their feet, with what a crushing vengeance will they leap upon those who are _always_ under their feet? * * * * * footnotes. footnote : a few years since mr. bourne published a work entitled, "picture of slavery in the united states." in which he describes a variety of horrid atrocities perpetrated upon slaves; such as brutal scourging and lacerations with the application of pepper, mustard, salt, vinegar, &c., to the bleeding gashes; also maimings, cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds described on the preceeding pages. these descriptions of mr. bourne were, at that time, thought by multitudes _incredible_, and probably, even by some abolitionists, who had never given much reflection to the subject. we are happy to furnish the reader with the following testimony of a virginia slaveholder to the _accuracy_ of mr. bourne's delineations. especially as this slaveholder is a native of one of the counties (culpepper) near to which the atrocities described by mr. b. were committed. testimony of mr. william hansborough, of culpepper, county, virginia, the "owner" of sixty slaves, to mr. bourne's "picture or slavery" as a _true_ delineation. lindley coates, of lancaster co., pa., a well known member of the society of friends, and a member of the late pennsylvania convention for revising, the constitution of the state, in a letter now before us, describing a recent interview between him and mr. hansborough, of several days continuance, says,--"i handed him bourne's picture of slavery to read: _after reading it_, he said, that all of the sufferings of slaves therein related, were _true delineations, and that he had seen all those modes of torture himself_." footnote : the following is mr. stevenson's disclaimer: it was published in the 'london mail,' oct , . _to the editor of the evening mail:_ sir--i did not see until my return from scotland the note addressed by mr. o'connell, to the editor of the chronicle, purporting to give an explanation of the correspondence which has passed between us, and which i deemed it proper to make public. i do not intend to be drawn into any discussion of the subject of domestic slavery as it exists in the united states, nor to give any explanation of the motives or circumstances under which i have acted. disposed to regard mr. o'connell as a man of honor. i was induced to take the course i did; whether justifiable or not, the world will now decide. the tone and report of his last note (in which he disavows responsibility for any thing he may say) precludes any further notice from me, than to say that the charge which he has thought proper again to repeat, of my being a breeder of slaves for sale and traffick, is wholly destitute of truth; and that i am warranted in believing it has been made by him without the slightest authority. such, too, i venture to say, is the case in relation to his charge of slave-breeding in virginia. i make this declaration, not because i admit mr. o'connell's right to call for it, but to prevent my silence from being misinterpreted. a. stevenson _ portland place, oct. _ footnote : mr. wise said in one of his speeches during the last session of congress, that he was obliged to go armed for the protection of his life in washington. it could not have been for fear of _northern_ men. footnote : a correspondent of the "frederick herald," writing from little rock, says, "anthony's knife was about _twenty-eight inches_ in length. they _all_ carry knives here, or pistols. there are several kinds of knives in use--a narrow blade, and about twelve inches long, is called an 'arkansas tooth-pick.'" footnote : bishop smith of kentucky, in his testimony respecting homicides, which is quoted on a preceding pages, thus speaks of the influence of slave-holding, as an exciting cause. "are not some of the indirect influences of a system, the existence of which amongst us can never be sufficiently deplored, discoverable in these affrays? are not our young men more heady, violent and imperious in consequence of their early habits of command? and are not our taverns and other public places of resort, much more crowded with an inflammable material, than if young men were brought up in the staid and frugal habits of those who are constrained to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow? * * * is not intemperance more social, more inflammatory, more pugnacious where a fancied superiority of gentlemanly character is felt in consequence of exemption from severe manual labor? is there ever stabbing where there is not idleness and strong drink?" the bishop also gives the following as another exciting cause; it is however only the product of the preceding. "has not a public sentiment which we hear characterized as singularly high-minded and honorable, and sensitively alive to every affront, whether real or imaginary, but which strangers denominate rough and ferocious, much to do in provoking these assaults, and then in applauding instead of punishing the offender." the bishop says of the young men of kentucky, that they "grow up proud, impetuous, and reckless of all responsibility;" and adds, that the practice of carrying deadly weapons is with them "nearly universal." * * * * * index. * * * * * to facilitate the use of the index, some of the more common topics are arranged under one general title. thus all the volumes which are cited are classed under the word, books; and to that head reference must be made. the same plan has been adopted concerning _female slave-drivers, laws, narratives, overseers, runaways, slaveholders, slave-murderers, slave-plantations, slaves, female_ and _male, testimony_ and _witnesses_. therefore, with a few _emphatical_ exceptions only, the facts will be found, by recurring to the prominent person or subject which any circumstance includes. all other miscellaneous articles will be discovered in alphabetical order. * * * * * a. absolute power of slaveholders absurdity of slaveholding pretexts abuse of power acclimated slaves adrian adultery in a preacher's house advertisement for slaves advertisement for slaves to hire advertisements affray african slave-trade aged slaves uncommon alabama alexander the tyrant allowance of provisions amalgamation american colonization society "amiable and touching charity!" amusements of slave-drivers animals and slaves, usage of, contrasted antioch, massacre at "arbitrary," arbitrary power, cruelty of " " pernicious ardor in betting arius arkansas atlantic slaveholding region auctioneers of slaves auctions for slaves augustine aurelius aversion between the oppressor and the slave b. babbling of slaveholders backs of slaves carded " " putrid "ball and chain" men baptist preachers battles in congress beating a woman's face with shoes bedaubing of slaves with oil and tar begetting slaves for pay "bend your backs" benevolence of slaveholders betting on crops " slaves beware of kidnappers bibles searched for blind slaves blocks with sharp pegs and nails blood-bought luxuries bodley, h.s. bones dislocated books. african observer american convention, minutes of " museum " state papers andrews' slavery and the slave trade bay's reports benezet's caution to britain and her colonies blackstone's commentaries, by tucker book and slavery irreconcilable bourgoing's spain bourne's picture of slavery brevard's digest of the laws of south carolina brewster's exposition of slave treatment buchanan's oration carey's american museum carolina, history of channing on slavery charity, "amiable and touching!" childs' appeal civil code of louisiana clay's address to georgia presbytery colonization society's reports cornelius elias, life of davis's travels in louisiana debates in virginia convention devereux's north carolina reports dew's review of debates in the virginia legislature edwards' sermon emancipation in the west indies emigrant's guide through the valley of mississippi gales' congressional debates harris and johnson's reports haywood's manual hill's reports human rights james' digest jefferson's notes josephus' history justinian, institutes of kennet's roman antiquities laponneray's life of robespierre law of slavery laws of united states leland's necessity of divine revelation letters from the south, by j.k. paulding life of elias cornelius louisiana, civil code of " , sketches of martineau's harriet, society in america martin's digest of the laws of louisiana maryland laws of mead's journal mississippi revised code missouri laws modern state of spain by j.f. bourgoing montesquieu's spirit of laws necessity of divine revelation niles' baltimore register north carolina reports by devereaux oasis parrish's remarks on slavery paulding's letters from the south paxton's letters on slavery presbyterian synod, report of picture of slavery prince's digest prison discipline society, reports of rankin's letters reed and matheson's visit to am. churches review of nevins' biblical antiquities rice, speech of in kentucky convention robespierre, life of robin's travels roman antiquities slavery's journal slavery and the slave trade society in america sewall's diary south carolina, laws of south vindicated by drayton spirit of laws swain's address stroud's sketch of the slave laws taylor's agricultural essays travels in louisiana tucker's blackstone tucker's judge, letter turner's sacred history of the world virginia legislature, review of debates in " , revised code " , negro-raising state visit to american churches western medical journal western medical reformer western review wheeler's law of slavery wirt's life of patrick henry woolman john, life of books of slaves stolen borrowing of slaves bourne, george, anecdote of boy killed boys' fight to amuse their drivers bowie knives boys' retort brandings branding with hot iron brasses "breeders" breeding of slaves prevented "breeding wenches" " " comparative value of bribes for begetting slaves brick-yards "broken-winded" slaves brutality to slaves brutes and slaves treated alike burial of slaves burning of mcintosh burning slaves burning with hot iron burning with smoothing irons butchery c. cabins of slaves cachexia africana caligula can't believe capital crimes captain in the u.s. navy, tried for murder carding of slaves cat-hauling cato the just causes of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves chained slave chains changes in the market character of overseers " romans " slave-drivers charleston " infirmary at " jail " slave auctions " surgery at " work-house chastity punished child-bearing prevented childbirth of slaves childhood unprotected children flogged " naked choking of slaves chopping of slaves piecemeal christian females tortured " martyr " slave-hunting " slave-murderer christian, slave whipped to death christians, persecutions of " slavery among " treat their slaves like others christian woman kidnapped chronic diseases churches, abuse of power in church members "citizens sold as slaves" civilization and morality clarkson, thomas claudius clemens clothing for slaves cock-fighting code of louisiana collars of iron columbia, district of " fatal affray at comfort of slaves disregarded commodus concubinage condemned criminals condition of slaves confinement at night congress of the united states " a bear garden connecticut, law of, against quakers constables, character of constantine the great contempt of human life contrasts of benevolence conversation between c. and h converted slave cooking for slaves correction moderate corrupting influence of slavery cotton-picking cotton-plantations cotton seed mixed with corn for food council of nice courts, decrees of cowhides, with shovel and tongs crack of the whip heard afar off crimes of slaves, capital criminals condemned cringing of northern preachers cropping of ears crops for exportation cruelties, common " inflicted upon slaves " of cortez in mexico " ovando in hispaniola " pizarro in peru " of slave-drivers incredible cruel treatment of slaves the masters' interest cultivation of rice cutting of a.t. s throat by a presbyterian woman d. d'almeydra, donna sophia damaged negroes bought darlington c.h., south carolina dauphin island, mobile bay "dead or alive" dead slave claimed deaf slaves death at child birth death-bed, horrors of a slave driver death by violence, death of a slave murderer decrees of courts decisions, judicial declarations of slaveholders deformed slaves delivery of a dead child from whipping description of slave drivers, by john randolph despair of slaves desperate affray "despot" "dimensum" of roman slaves diseased slaves dislocation of bones district of columbia " " prisons in ditty of slaves "doe-faces"--"dough-faces" dogs provided for dogs to hunt slaves domestic slavery domitian donnell, rev. mr. "dough-faces" "drivers" driving of slaves droves of "human cattle" " " slaves duelling dumb slaves dwellings of slaves dying slave dying young women e. ear-cropping early market ear-notching ear-slitting eating tobacco worms effects of public opinion concerning slavery emancipation society of north carolina english ladies and gentlemen enormities of slave drivers evenings in the "negro quarter" evidence of slaves vs. white persons null ewall, merry examples pleaded in justification of cruelty to slaves exchange of slaves exportation of slave from virginia eyes struck out f. faith objectors who "_can't believe_" fatal rencontre "fault-finding" favorite amusements of slaveholders fear, the only motive of slaves feast for slaves feeding insufficient feeble infants _felonies_ on account of slavery " perpetrated with impunity female hypocrite female slave deranged female slave drivers burford, mrs. carter, mrs. elizabeth l. charleston charlestown, va galway, mrs. harris, mrs. h., mrs. throat cutter laurie, madame la mallix, mrs. mann, mrs. mabtin, mrs. maxwell, mrs. mcneil, mrs. morgan, mrs. newman, mrs. b. pence, mrs. phinps, mrs. professor of religion ruffner, mrs. south carolina starky, mrs. swan, mrs. teacher at charleston t., mrs. trip, mrs. truby, mrs turner, mrs. walsh, sarah female slave starved to death " " whipped to death by a methodist preacher female stripped by order of her mistress fetters field-hands lighting of boys to amuse their drivers fine old preacher who dealt in slaves fingers cut off flogging for unfinished tasks " of children " pregnant women until they miscarry " slaves " young man floggings florida food, kinds of " of slaves " quality of " quantity of free citizens stolen free woman " " kidnapped frequent murders friends, memorial of front-teeth knocked out fundamental rights destroyed g. gadsden thomas n. slave auctioneer gagging of slaves galloway flogging jo. gambling on crops gambling slaveholder gang of slaves generosity of slaveholders georgia girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons girls' toe cut off good treatment of slaves governor of north carolina " " shiraz grand jury presentment of, guiltiness of slavery gun shot wounds h. habits of slave-drivers hampton wade, murderer of slaves handcuffs "hands tied" hanging of nine slaves harris benjamin, slave murderer head found head of a runaway slave on a pole health of slaves heart of slaveholders herding of slaves hilton james, slave murderer hired slaves hiring of slaves "horrible malady" "horrid butchery" horrors of a slave-driver at death " " the "middle passage" horse-racing horses more cared for than slaves hospitality of slaveholders hours of rest " " work hospital at new orleans house-slaves houses of slaves "house-wench" hovels of slaves huguenots, persecution of "human cattle" human rights against slavery hunger of slaves hunter of slaves hunting men with dogs hunting of slaves hunt, rev. thomas p. husband whipping his wife huts of slaves hymn-books searched for hypocrisy of vice i. idiot slaves ignatius ignorance of northern citizens of slavery " " slaveholders impunity of killing slaves inadequate clothing income from hiring slaves incorrigible slaves incredibility of evidence against slavery incredulity discreditable to consistency " " " intelligence indecency of slave-drivers indiana legislature, resolutions of infant drowned infant slaves infirmary at charleston infliction of pain inspection of naked slaves intercession for slaves interest of slaveholders introduction iron collars iron fetters iron head-front israelites in egypt j. jewish law joe flogged jones, anson, minister from texas judicial decisions k. kentucky " sunday morning kicking of slaves kidnappers kidnapping kindness of slaveholders kinds of food kind treatment of slaves. knives, bowie knocking out of teeth l. labor, hours of labor of slaves ladies benevolent society ladies flog with cowhides ladies, public opinion known by ladies use shovel and tongs law concerning slavery law-making laws, georgia " louisiana " maryland " mississippi " north carolina " south carolina " spirit of " tennessee " united states " virginia law, safeguards of taken from slaves law suit for a murdered slave, legal restraints licentiousness " encouraged by preachers licentiousness of slavedrivers "lie down" for whipping, life in the south-west, lives of slaves unprotected lodging of slaves long, his cruelty 'loss of property' louisiana " law of " sketches of, louis xiv. of france lovers severed, lunatic slaves "lynchings" in the united states lynch law, m. maimed slaves maimings malady of slaves manacling of slaves maniac woman man sold by a presbyterian elder man-stealing paid for marriage unknown among slaves martyr for christ maryland journal maryville intelligencer massacre at antioch " " thessalonica " " vicksburg masters grant no redress to slaves mcintosh, burning of maximin meals number of " of slaves "meat once a year" mediation for slaves medical attendance " college of south carolina " infirmary at charleston medicine administered to slaves members of churches memorial of friends menagerie of slaves men and women whipped methodist colored preacher hung, methodist girl whipped for her chastity methodist preacher, a slave dealer " " " driver " woman cut off a girl's toe method of taking meals "middle passage" miscarriage of women at the whipping post mississippi missouri mistresses flog slaves mobile "moderate correction" moors, repulsion of morgan, william mormons mothers and babes separated mothers of slaves mulatto children in all families multiplying of slaves murderers of slaves tried and acquitted murder of slaves by law " " " bad feeling " " " piece-meal " " every seven years " " frequent " " with impunity murders in alabama " " arkansas n. naked children " "dave" " females whipped " " inspected " men and women at work in a field nakedness of slaves nantz, edict of 'national slave-market' natchez nat turner 'negro head point 'negroes for sale 'negroes taken nero 'never lose a day's work' new england, witches of new orleans " " hospital new york, thirteen persons burnt at nice, council of 'nigger put in the bill' night-confinement night at a slaveholder's house night in slave huts nine slaves hanged no marriage among slaves north carolina " " governor of " " legislature of " " kidnappers northern visitors to the slave states nothing can disgrace slave-drivers novel torture nudity of slaves nursing of slave-children o. objections considered ocra, a slave-driver oiling of a slave old age uncommon among slaves " " unprotected old dying slaves "old settlement" " slaves oppressor aversion of to his slave outlawry of slaves outrageous felonies on account of slavery " " perpetrated with impunity overseers, character of " generally armed " no appeal from overseers of slaves-- alabama alexander killed bellemont bellows blocken's bradley cormick's cruel to a proverb farr, james galloway gibbs goochland methodist preacher milligan's bend nowland's tune turner's cousin walker overworking of slaves ownership of human beings destroys their comfort. p. "paddle" torture paddle whipping pain, the means of slave drivers "pancake sticks" parents and children separated parlor-slaves parricide threatened patrol pay for begetting mulatto slaves periodical pressure persecution of huguenots persecution for religion personal narratives philanthropist philip ii. and the moors physicians not employed for slaves physicians of slaves physician's statement pig-sties more comfortable than slave-huts plantations pleas for cruelty to slaves ploughs and whips equally common pliny poles, russian clemency to polycarp "poor african slave" portuguese slaves pothinus prayer of slaves praying and slave-whipping in the same room praying slaves whipped preacher claims a dead slave preacher hung preachers, cringing of preacher's "hands tied" preachers silenced pregnant slaves " " whipped presbyterian elders at lynchburg presbyterian minister killed his slave presbyterian slave-trader presbyterian woman desirious to cut a.t.'s throat presentment of the grand jury at cheraw pretexts for slavery absurd prisons in the district of columbia prison slave privations of the slaves-- clothing dwellings food kinds of food labor number of meals quality of food quantity of food time of meals. promiscuous concubinage "property" " 'loss of' protection of slaves protestants in france provisions, allowance of public opinion destroys fundamental rights, " " diabolical " " protects the slave punishment of slaves punishments purchasing a wife puryer "the devil" putrid backs of slaves q. quality of food quantity of food r. race of slaves murdered every seven years randolph john will of " " description of slavedrivers " " "doe faces" rations rearing of slaves relaxation, no time for religious persecutions respect for woman lost rest, hours of restraints, legal retort of a boy rhode island, kidnappers and pirates of rice plantations richmond whig rio janeiro slavery at riot at natchez riots in the united states robespierre romans roman slavery runaways runaway slaves-- advertisements for baptist man and woman buried alive chilton's converted "dead or alive" head on a pole hung hunting of intelligent man jim dragon luke man buried " dragged by a horse " maimed " murdered " severe punishments of " shot " " by baptist preacher " taken from jail " tied and driven " to his wife " whipped to death many, annually shot i stallard's man white peter young woman s. sabbath, a nominal holiday safeguards of the law taken from slaves sale of a man by a presbyterian elder sale of slaves savannah, ga. savannah slave-hunter save us from our friends scarcity, times of scenes of horror search for bibles and hymn books secretary of the navy separation of slaves shame unknown among naked slaves shoes for slaves sick, treatment of "six pound paddle," "slack-jaw," slave-breeders " breeding slave-drivers acknowledge their enormities " " character of slaveholders-- adams baptist preachers barr baxter, george a baxter, john blocker, colonel blount britt, benjamin w. burbecker burvant, mrs. c.a., rev. casey chilton, joseph clay c., mr. cooper, charity curtis, davis, samuel dras, henry delaware female hypocrite gautney, joseph gayle, governor governor of north carolina green hampton, wade harney, william s. harris, benjamin james hayne, governor hedding henrico county, va. heyward, nathaniel hughes, philip o. hutchinson hypocrite woman indecency of jones jones, henry lewis, benjamin lewis, isham lewis, lilburn lewis, rev. mr. long, lucy long, reuben l., of bath, ky. maclay, john martin, rev. james matthews' bend m'coy m'cue, john methodist methodist preachers m'neilly moresville morgan mosely, william murderer mushat, rev. john nansemond, va. natchez planter nelson, alexander nichols, of connecticut north carolina owens, judge painter physician pinckney, h.l. presbyterian presbyterian minister, huntsville " " north carolina " preacher professing christian puryar, "the devil" randolph, john reiks, micajah rodney ruffner shepherd, s.c. sherrod, ben slaughter, smith, judge sophistry of south carolina sparks, william stallard, david starky, swan, john teacher at charleston thompson thorpe tripp, james truly, james turner, fielding s. turner, uncle of virginian, wall watkins, billy watkins, robert h. watson, a. w., colonel webb, carroll " pleasant west's uncle widow and daughter, savannah river willis, robert wilson, william woman woman, professor of religion, slaveholders justify their cruelties by example " possess absolute power " sophistry of slaveholding amusements " brutality " indecency " murderers " religion slave-mothers, " plantations second only to hell slavery among christians slavery illustrated-- slave-auctions " blocks with nails " boys fight to amuse their drivers, " branding " breeding " burner " burning slave-cabins " " at night slave-children nursed " choking " clothing " collars " cookery slave-ditty " dogs " driver's death " " licentiousness of " driving " fetters " food " gagging " gangs " handcuffs " herding slaveholders, civilization and morality of " declarations of " habits of " heart of " hospitality of " interest of " sophistry of " "treat their slaves well" slaveholding professor "slaveholding religion" slave-hovels " hunting " " by christians slave imprisoned " in chains " in the stocks " kicking " killed, and put in the bill " killing with impunity " labor " manacles " martyr " meals " mothers " murderers, tried and acquitted " patrol " physicians " punishments of slave quarters, slavery, code of law respecting " among christians " domestic " guilt of " of whites " public opinion and effects of " unmixed cruelty slave selling slaves aversion of to their oppressors " backs of, putrid " blind " books of searched for " branded " brutality to " burial of " carded " cat-hauling of " comfort of disregarded " deaf " dead or alive " deformed " deprived of every safeguard of the law " described " diseased " dread to be sold for the south " dumb " dying " evidence of against white persons null " exchanged " reported from virginia " fear their only motive " feasted and flogged " hired " idiots " incorrigible " infant " in the stocks " " u.s. treatment of " lunatics " maimed " merchandise " multiply " murdered by cottonseed " " overwork " " piece-meal " " starvation " " every seven years " " frequently " " with impunity " naked " not treated as human beings " outlawed " overworked " prayers of " privations of " protection of " sale of " stock " surgeons of " taking medicine " tantalized " starvation of " teeth of knocked out " tied up all night " toe cut off " torments of " travelling in droves " treated worse as they are farther south " treatment of by christians " under overseers " watching of " without redress " " shelter " working animals " worn out " worse treated than brutes " wounded by gun-shot slave testimony excluded " torturing hypocrite " trade with africa " trading " " honorable " traffic slave murderers slave plantation slave usage contrasted with that of animals slave whipping slave yokes whipped whipped and burnt whipped to death slaves treatment of slave trade sleeping in clothes slitting of ears smoothing iron on girl's backs sophistry of slaveholders south carolina laws of " " medical college southern dogs and horses spartan slavery speece, rev. conrad opposed to emancipation spirit of laws springfield, s.c. starvation of a female slave " " slaves statement of a physician state, abuse of power in stealing of freemen stevenson, andrew, letter by st. helena, s.c. stillman's, dr. medical infirmary at charleston stocks for slaves "stock without shelter: "subject of prayer" suffering of slaves " " " drives to despair and suicide sugar-planters suicide of slaves suit for a dead slave " " " murdered slave sunday morning in kentucky surgeon of slaves surgery at charleston "susceptibility of pain" t. tanner's oil poured on a slave tantalising of slaves tappan, arthur tarring of slaves taskwork of slaves teeth knocked out tender regard of slaveholders for slave tennessee testimony.-- allen, rev. william t. avery, george a. caulkins, nehemiah channing, dr. chapin, rev. william a. chapman, gordon clergyman cruelty to slaves dickey, rev. william drayton, colonel gildersleeve, william c. graham, rev. john grimké, sarah m. hawley, rev. francis ide, joseph jefferson, thomas macy, f.c. " reuben g. " richard " t.d.m. moulton, rev. horace nelson, john m. new orleans of slaves excluded paulding, james k. poe, william powel, eleazar sapington, lemuel scales, rev. william secretary of the navy smith, rev. phineas summers, mr. virginian westgate, george w. weld, angelina grimké white, hiram wist, william texas theodosius the great thessalonica, massacre at thumb-screws tiberius time for relaxation, not allowed times of scarcity titus tobacco worms eaten tooth knocked out tortures " eulogized by a professor of religion trading with negroes traffic in slaves trajan treatment of sick slaves treatment of slaves in the united states by professing christians, " little better than that of brutes trial of women,--"_white and black_," trials for murdering slaves turkish slavery turner, nat twelve slaves killed by overwork twenty-seven hundred thousands of free-born citizens in the united states tying up of slaves at night "tyrant" "uncle jack," baptist preacher under garments not allowed to slaves united states, laws of university of virginia untimely seasons usage of slaves and brutes contrasted vapid babblings of slaveholders vice, hypocrisy of vicksburg, massacre of virginia, a slave menagerie " exportation of slaves from " university of visitors to slave states vitellius washing for slaves washington slavery " the national slave market west indian slaves whip, cracking of heard at a distance "whipped to death" whipping-- children every day females on three plantations heard at one time pregnant women slaves slaves after a feast " for praying with paddle women with prayer whipping-posts whips equally common on plantations as ploughs "white or black;" trial of whites in slavery white slave wholesale murders wife, purchase of a will of john randolph wilmington, n.c. witches of new-england witnesses. abbot, jordan abdie, p. adams, mr. african observer alexandria gazette allan, rev. william t. alston, j.a., heirs of alton telegraph alvis, j. anderson, benjamin andrews, professor anthony, julius c. antram, joshua appleton, john james arkansas advocate armstrong, william artop, james ashford, j.p. augusta chronicle avery, george a. aylethorpe, thomas bahi, p. baker, william baldwin, j.g. baldwin, jonathan f. ballinger, a.s. baltimore sun baptist deacon bardwell, rev. william barker, jacob barnard, alonzo barnes, george w. barr, james " mrs. " rev. hugh barrer, b.g. barton, david w. " richard w. bateman, william baton rouge, agricultural society of bayli, p. beall, samuel beasley, a.g.a. " john c. " robert beene, jesse bell, abraham " samuel bennett, d.b. besson, jacob bezon, mr. bingham, joel s. birdseye, ezekiel birney, james g. bishop, j. blackwell, samuel bland, r.j. bliss mayhew and co " philemon, bolton, j.l. and w.h. boudinot, tobias bouldin, t.t. bourgoing, j.f. bourne, george bradley, henry bragg, thomas brasseale, w.h. brewster, jarvis brothers, menard brove, a. brown, j.a. " john " rev. abel " william bruce mr. buchanan, dr. buckels, william d. burvant, madame burwell bush, moses e. buster, mr. butt, moses byrn, samuel h. calvert, robert carney, r.p. carolina, history of carter, mrs. elizabeth caulkins, nehemiah channing, dr. chapin, rev. william a. chapman, b.f. " gardon charleston courier " mercury " patriot cherry, john w. child, david l. " mrs. choules, rev. john o. citizens of onslow clark, w.g. clarke john clay, henry, " thomas clenderson, benjamin clergyman coates lindley cobb, w.d. colborn, j.l. cole, nathan coleman, h. colonization society columbian inquirer comegys, governor congress, member of connecticut, medical society of constant, dr. cooke, owen cook, giles " h.l. cooper, thomas cornelius, rev. elias corner, charles " l.e. cotton plantere cowles, mrs. mary " rev. sylvester craige, charles crane, william crutchfield, thomas cuggy, t. curtis, mr. " rev. john h. cuyler, j. daniel and goodman darien telegraph davidson, rev. patrick davis, john davis, benjamin dean, jethro " thomas demming, dr. denser, t.s. derbigny, judge dew, philip a. " president dickey, rev. james h. " william dickinson, mr. dillahunty, john h. doddridge, philip dorrah, james downman, mrs. lucy m. douglas, rev. j.w. drake and thomson drayton, colonel drown, william dudley, rev. john duggan, john dunn, john l. dunham, jacob durell, judge durett, francis dustin, w. dyer, william eastman, rev. d.b. eaton, general william edmunds, nicholas edwards, f.l.c. " president " junior " ellison, samuel ellis, orren ellsworth, elijah emancipation society of n.c. english, walter r. evans, r.a. everett, william faulkner, mr. fayetteville observer fernandez and whiting finley, james c. " r.s. fishers, e.h. and i. fitzhugh, william h. ford, john foster, francis fox, john b. foy, enoch francisville chronicle franklin republican frederick, john friends, yearly meeting of fuller, isaac c. fullerton, g.s. furman, b. gadsden, thomas n. gaines, rev. ludwell, g. gales, joseph garcia, henrico y. garland, maurice h. gates, seth m. gayle, john georgetown union georgia constitutionalist " journal georgian gholson, mr. giddings, mr. gilbert, e.w. gildersterre, william c. glidden, mr. goode, mr. gourden and co. grace, byrd m. graham, rev. john " rev. dr. grand gulf advertiser graham, jehab gray, abraham greene, r.a. green, james r. gregory, ossian gridley, h. grimké, sarah m. grosvenor. rev. cyrus p. guex, d.f. gunnell, john j.h. guthrie, a.a. guyler, j. halley, preston hall, samuel han, e. hand, john h. hansborough, william hanson, peter harding, n.h. harman, samuel harrison, general w.h. hart, f.a. " rev. mr. harvey, j. hawley, david " rev. francis hayne, general r.y. henderson, john " judge hendren, h. herring, d. " dr. hitchcock, judge hite, s.n. hodges, b.w. " rev. coleman s. holcombe, john p. holmes, george home, frederick honerton, philip hopkins, rev. henry t. horsey, outerbridge hough, rev. joseph houstoun, edward hudnall, thomas hughes, benjamin hunt, john " rev. thomas p. hussey, george p.c. huston, felix hutchings, a.j. ide, joseph indiana, legislature of jackson, stephen m. " telegraph james, joseph jarnett, james t. de jarvett, james t. jefferson, thomas jenkins, john jett, marshall johnson, bryant " cornelius " isaac " josiah s. jolley, j.l. jones, alexander " anson " hill " james " r.h. " w. jefferson jourdan, green b. judd, d. " mrs. nancy keeton, g.w. kennedy, john kentucky, synod of kephart, george kernin, charles keyes, willard kimball and thome " george kimborough, james king, charles " john h. " nehemiah knapp, henry e. " isaac kyle, frederick " james lacy, theodore a. ladd, william lains, o.w. lambeth, william l. lambre, mr. lancette, r. langhorne, scruggs and cook larrimer, thomas latimer, w.k. lawless, judge lawyer, zadok ledwith, thomas leftwich, william lemes, ferdinand leverich and co. lewis, kirkman lexington intelligencer " observer little, mrs. sophia loflano, hazlet long, joseph loomis, henry h. loring, r. " thomas louisville reporter lowry, mrs. nancy luminais, a. lyman, judge " rev. h. macoin, j. macon messenger " telegraph macy, f.c. " reuben g. " richard " t.d.m. magee, william males, henry maltby, stephen e. manning, p.t. marietta college, student of marks, james marriott, charles marshall, john t. martineau, harriet maryland journal maryville intelligencer mason, samuel mathieson, rev. james may, rev. samuel j. mccue, moses mcdonnell, james mcgehee, edward j. mcgregor, henry m. mcmurrain, john mead whitman medical college of south carolina memphis gazette " inquirer menefee, r.h. menzies, judge mercer, mr. metcalf, asa b. middleton, mr. miles, lemuel milledgeville journal " recorder miller, c. minister from texas, a. jones minor, w.i. missouri republican mitchell, dr. robert mitchell, isaac m'neilly mobile advertiser " examiner " register mongin, r.p.t. montesquieu montgomery, w.h. moore, mr. va. moorhead, john h. morris, e.w. moulton, rev. horace moyne dr. f. julius le muggridge, matthew muir j.g. murat a. murphy s.b. napier t. and l. natchez courier " daily free trade national intelligencer nelson dr. david " john m. nesbitt wilson newbern sentinel " spectator new hampshire, legislature of newman mrs. b. new orleans argus " bee " bulletin " courier " kidnapping at " mercantile advertiser " post new york american " sun neyle s. nicholas judge nicoll robert niles hezekiah noe james norfolk beacon " herald n.c. literary and commercial-standard n.c. journal nourse rev. james nye horace o'byrne o'connell daniel oliver colonel o'neill peter onslow, citizens of orme moses o'rorke john overstreet, richard overstreet, william owen, captain n.f. owen, john w. owens, j.g. parrish, john parrott, dr. patterson, willie paulding, james k. peacock, jesse perry, thomas c. petersburg constellation philanthropist pickard, j.s. pinckney, h.l. pinkney, william planter's intelligencer planters of south carolina poe, william porter, mr. portsmouth times powell, eleazar presbyterian elder president of the united states pringle, thomas pritchard, william h. probate sale purdon, james ragland, samuel raleigh register ralston, samuel randall, j.b. randolph, john riadolph, thomas mann rankin, rev. john rascoe, william d. rawlins, samuel raworth, egbert a. redden j.v. red river whig reed, rev. andrew reed, william h. reese, enoch reins, richard reeves, w.p. renshaw rev. c.s. rhodes, durant h. rice, h.w. rice, rev. david richardson, g.c. richards, james k. richards, moses r. richards, stephen m. richmond compiler richmond inquirer richmond whig ricks, micajah riley, w. ripley, george b. roach, philip robbins, welcome h. robarts, william roberts, j.h. robin, c.c. robinson, n.m.c. robinson, william roebuck, george rogers, n.p. rogers, thomas ross, abner rowland, john a. ruffin, judge russel, benjamin russel, w. rymes, littlejohn sadd, rev. joseph m. salvo, conrad sapington, lemuel saunders, james savage, rev. thomas savannah georgian savannah republican savory, william scales, rev. william schmidt, louis scott, rev. orange scott, william scrivener, j. seabrook, whitmarsh b. secretary of the navy selfer senator of the united states sevier, ambrose h. sewall, stephen shafter, m.m. sheith, m.j. shield and walker shields, polly c. shropshire, david simmons, b.c. simpson, john sizer, r.w. skinner, w. slaveholders smith, bishop of kentucky smith, gerrit smith, professor smith, rev. phineas smyth, alexander snow, henry h. snowden, j. snowden, rev. samuel south carolina, legislature of south carolina, medical college of south carolina, slaveholder of southern argus southern christian herald southerner southmayd, rev. daniel s. spillman, mr. stansell, william staughton, rev. dr. staunton spectator steams and co. stevenson, andrew stewart, samuel stillmam, dr. stith, w. and a. stone, asa a. stone, silas stone, william l. strickland, william stroud, george m. stuart, charles summers, mr. swain, b. synod of south carolina and georgia tart, john tate, calvin h. taylor, james h. " john " lawton, and co. texan minister, anson jones thatcher, colonel thome and kimball thome, james a. thompson, henry p. thomson, mr. " , sandford todd, r.s. toler, william tolin, cornelius d. townsend, ely " , samuel tucker, judge turnbull, robert turner, john " , john d. " , l. tarton, s.b. tuscaloosa flag of the union upsher, judge ustick, william a. vance, john van buren, martin varillat, h. vicksburg register virginia minister virginian walker, john walton, george " , john w. walsh, sarah washington globe waugh, dr. jeremiah s. weld, angelina grimké wells, thomas j. west eli western luminary " medical journal " " reformer " review westgate, george w. whitbread, samuel whitefield, george " , needham whitehead, c.c. " , w.w. white, hiram wightman, rev. william m. wilberforce, w. wilkins, c.w. wilkinson, alfred williams, george w. willis, robert willis, william wilmington advertiser wilson, rev. joseph g. winchester virginian wirt, william wisner, f. witherspoon, dr. woodward, jeremiah woolman, john wotton, john wright, mr. yampert, t.j. de yearly meeting of friends woman dying " flogged because her child died " maniac " no respect for women at childbirth " " the same labor with men " " work " miscarry under the whip " not breeding " pregnant whipped " severe whippers of slaves " slaves workhouse at charleston working hours " of slaves worn-out slaves "worse and worse" worship of god prohibited wounds by gunshot wright isaac yokes for slaves the anti-slavery examiner. no. . * * * * * speech of hon. thomas morris, of ohio, in reply to the speech of the hon. henry clay. in senate, february , . new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street: . * * * * * this no. contains - / sheets.--postage, under miles, cts. over , cts. _please read and circulate._ speech * * * * * mr. president--i rise to present for the consideration of the senate, numerous petitions signed by, not only citizens of my own state, but citizens of several other states, new york, pennsylvania, michigan, illinois, and indiana. these petitioners, amounting in number to several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in communicating to congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which, to them, appear of the highest importance. these petitions, sir, are on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and from this district, the slave trade between the different states of this confederacy, between this country and texas, and against the admission of that country into the union, and also against that of any other state, whose constitution and laws recognise or permit slavery. i take this opportunity to present all these petitions together, having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in order that as small a portion of the attention of the senate might be taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard to the rights of the petitioners. and i now present them under the most peculiar circumstances that have ever probably transpired in this or any other country. i present them on the heel of the petitions which have been presented by the senator from kentucky [mr. clay] signed by the inhabitants of this district, praying that congress would not receive petitions on the subject of slavery in the district, from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. this is something new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most extraordinary in itself. these petitions i am bound in duty to present--a duty which i cheerfully perform, for i consider it not only a duty but an honor. the respectable names which these petitions bear, and being against a practice which i as deeply deprecate and deplore as they can possibly do, yet i well know the fate of these petitions; and i also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which i present them. in availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the character and proceedings of these petitioners, it must be obvious to all that i am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. the strong prejudice which is evinced by the petitioners of the district, the unwillingness of the senate to hear, the power which is arrayed against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose rights i am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more able and eloquent than the _lone_ and humble individual who now addresses you. what, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena, opposed by such powerful odds? nothing, sir, nothing but a strong sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause i advocate is just; that the petitioners whom i represent are honest, upright, intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and benevolence. in representing such men, and in such a cause, though by the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the senate of the united states, order, and a decent respect to the opinions of others, would prevail. from the causes which i have mentioned, i can hardly hope for this. i expect to proceed through scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion. permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that i have been now six years a member of this body. i have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion of many of my constituents, pressed myself upon the notice of the senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. i question very much if i have occupied the time of the senate during the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six days. i hope, therefore, that i shall not be thought obtrusive, or charged with taking up time with abolition petitions. i hope, mr. president, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here. who has began the agitation now? the senator from kentucky [mr. clay.] who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the senate and the country on its results? the senator from south carolina, mr. [calhoun.] and pray, sir, under what circumstances is this agitation begun? let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records on your table, that when i, as a member of this body, but a few days since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these petitions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung from their seats and objected to its introduction. and when you, sir, decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his constituents and this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that the senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution printed, by order of the senate, was denied. let the senator from south carolina before me remember that, at the last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery, they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on, and decided; and let the senator from kentucky reflect, that the petition which he offered against our right, was also received and ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and i call on the senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which i have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or referred. posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time, may well wonder what power could induce the senate of the united states to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. permit me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself, is. it is the power of slavery. it is a power, according to the calculation of the senator from kentucky, which owns twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a power which claims human property more than double the amount which the whole money of the world could purchase. what can stand before this power? truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. this power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions and laws; but it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or other aid. let it be borne in mind that the bank power, some years since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception of petitions against the action of the senate on their resolutions of censure against the president. the country took instant alarm, and the political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. the same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the same thing. this is the array of power that even now is attempting such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the bank power. it, too, begins to tremble for its safety. what is to be done? why, petitions are received and ordered to be printed, against the right of petitions which are not received, and the whole power of debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. but all will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of the black power of the south with the white power of the north must take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of petition. let me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as i said on a former day, god forbid that they should ever rule this country! i have seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for some time past; i informed my private friends of the political party with which i have heretofore acted, during the first week of this session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the present administration; and i warned them of the folly and mischief they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery. all doubts are now terminated. the display made by the senator from kentucky, [mr. clay,] and his denunciations of these petitioners as abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his efforts met from the senator from south carolina, [mr. calhoun,] clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the advantage of political aspirants. the gentleman from south carolina [mr. calhoun] seemed, at the conclusion of the argument made by the senator from kentucky, to be filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. he told us, that about twelve months since he had offered a resolution which turned the tide in favor of the great principle of state rights, and says he is highly pleased with the course taken by the kentucky senator. all is now safe by the acts of that senator. the south is now consolidated as one man; it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now passed it; it is the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by it; and that abolition is now dead, and will soon be forgotten. so far the senator from south carolina, as i understand him. but, sir, is this really the case? is the south united as one man, and is the senator from kentucky the great centre of attraction? what a lesson to the friends of the present administration, who have been throwing themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! the black enchantment i hope is now at an end--the dream dissolved, and we awake into open day. no longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt on this subject. but is the great epoch passed? is it not rather just beginning? is abolitionism dead--or is it just awaking into life? is the right of petition strangled and forgotten--or is it increasing in strength and force? these are serious questions for the gentleman's consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. sir, when these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like the enemies of the strong man in days of old. but let me bring back the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to sober realities and solemn facts. i have now lying before me the names of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these petitioners called) are not _all dead_. these are my first proofs to show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. i have also, sir, since the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by providence to suit the occasion, and by whom i know not. it is the cincinnati republican of the d instant, which contains an extract from the louisville advertiser, a paper printed in kentucky, in louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. that paper is the leading administration journal, too, as i am informed, in kentucky. hear what it says on the death of abolition:-- "abolition--cincinnati--the louisville advertiser. "we copy the following notice of an article which we lately published, upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the louisville advertiser:-- "'abolition.--the reader is referred to an interesting article which we have copied from the cincinnati republican--a paper which lately supported the principles of democracy; a paper which has _turned_, but not quite far enough to act with the adamses and slades in congress, or the whig abolitionists of ohio. it does not, however, give a correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in cincinnati. there they are in the ascendant. they control the city elections, regulate what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and intelligence. the republican tells us, that they are not laboring loco focos--but "drones" and "consumers"--the "rich and well-born," of course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding states. even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in cincinnati. we doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway in that place in the last four years. when negroes reach "the queen city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its wealth. they receive the aid of the _elite_ of the buckeyes; and we have a strong faction in kentucky, struggling zealously to make her one of the dependencies of cincinnati! let our mutual sons go on. the day of mutual retribution is at hand--much nearer than is now imagined. the republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the slaveholding states, warns us of the danger which exists, although its new-born zeal for whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the right of petitioning congress to abolish slavery. there are about two hundred and fifty abolition societies in ohio at the present time, and, from the circular issued at head quarters, cincinnati, it appears that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize additional societies--or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war which has been commenced on the slaveholding states.'" i do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire whole; much of it i repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding state--from the state of the senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds--and as the south carolina senator pronounces them dead, i produce this from a slaveholding state, for the special benefit and consolation of the two senators. it comes from a source to which, i am sure, both gentlemen ought to give credit. but suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is liberty dead also and slavery triumphant? is liberty of speech, of the press, and the right of petition also dead? true, it has been strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if they suppose it also strangled in the country; and the very attempt, in legislative bodies, to sustain a local and individual interest, to the destruction of our rights, proves that those rights are not dead, but a living principle, which slavery cannot extinguish; and be my lot what it may, i shall, to the utmost of my abilities, under all circumstances, and at all times, contend for that freedom which is the common gift of the creator to all men, and against the power of these two great interests--the slave power of the south, and banking power of the north--which are now uniting to rule this country. the cotton bale and the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit system with slave labor. these two congenial spirits have at last met and embraced each other, both looking to the same object--to live upon the unrequited labor of others--and have now erected for themselves a common platform, as was intimated during the last session, on which they can meet, and bid defiance, as they hope, to free principles and free labor. with these introductory remarks, permit me, sir, to say here, and let no one pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent me, that i charge gentlemen, when they use the word abolitionists, they mean petitioners here such as i now present--men who love liberty, and are opposed to slavery--that in behalf of these citizens i speak; and, by whatever name they may be called, it is those who are opposed to slavery whose cause i advocate. i make no war upon the rights of others. i do no act but what is moral, constitutional, and legal, against the peculiar institutions of any state; but acts only in defence of my own rights, of my fellow citizens, and, above all, of my state, i shall not cease while the current of life shall continue to flow. i shall, mr. president, in the further consideration of this subject, endeavor to prove, first, the right of the people to petition; second, why slavery is wrong, and why i am opposed to it; third, the power of slavery in this country, and its dangers; next, answer the question, so often asked, what have the free states to do with slavery? then make some remarks by way of answer to the arguments of the senator from kentucky, [mr. clay.] mr. president, the duty i am requested to perform is one of the highest which a representative can be called on to discharge. it is to make known to the legislative body the will and the wishes of his constituents and fellow-citizens; and, in the present case, i feel honored by the confidence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the duty. the petitioners have not trusted to my fallible judgment alone, but have declared, in written documents, the most solemn expression of their will. it is true these petitions have not been sent here by the whole people of the united states, but from a portion of them only; yet such is the justice of their claim, and the sure foundation upon which it rests, that no portion of the american people, until a day or two past, have thought it either safe or expedient to present counter petitions; and even now, when counter petitions have been presented, they dare not justify slavery, and the selling of men and women in this district, but content themselves with objecting to others enjoying the rights they practise, and praying congress not to receive or hear petitions from the people of the states--a new device of slave power this, never before thought of or practiced in any country. i would have been gratified if the inventors of this system, which denies to others what they practise themselves, had, in their petition, attempted to justify slavery and the slave trade in the district, if they believe the practice just, that their names might have gone down to posterity. no, sir; very few yet have the moral courage to record their names to such an avowal; and even some of these petitioners are so squeamish on this subject, as to say that they might, from conscientious principles, be prevented from holding slaves. not so, sir, with the petitioners which i have the honor to represent; they are anxious that their sentiments and their names should be made matter of record; they have no qualms of conscience on this subject; they have deep convictions and a firm belief that slavery is an existing evil, incompatible with the principles of political liberty, at war with our system of government, and extending a baleful and blasting influence over our country, withering and blighting its fairest prospects and brightest hopes. who has said that these petitions are unjust in principle, and on that ground ought not to be granted? who has said that slavery is not an evil? who has said it does not tarnish the fair fame of our country? who has said it does not bring dissipation and feebleness to one race, and poverty and wretchedness to another, in its train? who has said, it is not unjust to the slave, and injurious to the happiness and best interest of the master? who has said it does not break the bonds of human affection, by separating the wife from the husband, and children from their parents? in fine, who has said it is not a blot upon our country's honor, and a deep and foul stain upon her institutions? few, very few, perhaps none but him who lives upon its labor, regardless of its misery; and even many whose local situations are within its jurisdiction, acknowledge its injustice, and deprecate its continuance; while millions of freemen deplore its existence, and look forward with strong hope to its final termination. slavery! a word, like a secret idol, thought too obnoxious or sacred to be pronounced here but by those who worship at its shrine--and should one who is not such worshipper happen to pronounce the word, the most disastrous consequences are immediately predicted, the union is to be dissolved, and the south to take care of itself. do not suppose, mr. president, that i feel as if engaged in a forbidden or improvident act. no such thing. i am contending with a local and "_peculiar_" interest, an interest which has already banded together with a force sufficient to seize upon every avenue by which a petition can enter this chamber, and exclude all without its haven. i am not now contending for the rights of the negro, rights which his creator gave him and which his fellow-man has usurped or taken away. no, sir! i am contending for the rights of the white person in the free states, and am endeavoring to prevent them from being trodden down and destroyed by that power which claims the black person as _property_. i am endeavoring to sound the alarm to my fellow-citizens that this power, tremendous as it is, is endeavoring to unite itself with the monied power of the country, in order to extend its dominion and perpetuate its existence. i am endeavoring to drive from the back of the _negro slave_ the politician who has seated himself there to ride into office for the purpose of carrying out the object of this unholy combination. the chains of slavery are sufficiently strong, without being riveted anew by tinkering politicians of the free states. i feel myself compelled into this contest, in defence of the institutions of my own state, the persons and firesides of her citizens, from the insatiable grasp of the slaveholding power as being used and felt in the free states. to say that i am opposed to slavery in the abstract, are but cold and unmeaning words, if, however capable of any meaning whatever, they may fairly be construed into a love for its existence; and such i sincerely believe to be the feeling of many in the free states who use the phrase. i, sir, am not only opposed to slavery in the abstract, but also in its whole volume, in its theory as well as practice. this principle is deeply implanted within me; it has "grown with my growth and strengthened with my strength." in my infant years i learned to hate slavery. your fathers taught me it was wrong in their declaration of independence: the doctrines which they promulgated to the world, and upon the truth of which they staked the issue of the contest that made us a nation. they proclaimed "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." these truths are solemnly declared by them. i believed then, and believe now, they are self-evident. who can acknowledge this, and not be opposed to slavery? it is, then, because i love the principles which brought your government into existence, and which have become the corner stone of the building supporting you, sir, in that chair, and giving to myself and other senators seats in this body--it is because i love all this, that i hate slavery. is it because i contend for the right of petition, and am opposed to slavery, that i have been denounced by many as an abolitionist? yes; virginia newspapers have so denounced me, and called upon the legislature of my state to dismiss me from public confidence. who taught me to hate slavery, and every other oppression? _jefferson_, the great and the good jefferson! yes, _virginia senators_, it was your own jefferson, virginia's favorite son, a man who did more for the natural liberty of man, and the civil liberty of his country, than any man that ever lived in our country; it was him who taught me to hate slavery; it was in his school i was brought up. that mr. jefferson was as much opposed to slavery as any man that ever lived in our country, there can be no doubt; his life and his writings abundantly prove the fact. i hold in my hand a copy, as he penned it, of the original draft of the declaration of independence, a part of which was stricken out, as he says, in compliance with the wishes of south carolina and georgia. i will read it. speaking of the wrongs done us by the british government, in introducing slaves among us, he says: "he (the british king) has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred right of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the christian king of great britain. determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his prerogative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain execrable commerce, and that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms against us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has also obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." thus far this great statesman and philanthropist. had his contemporaries been ruled by his opinions, the country had now been at rest on this exciting topic. what abolitionist, sir, has used stronger language against slavery than mr. jefferson has done? "cruel war against human nature," "violating its most sacred rights," "piratical warfare," "opprobrium of infidel powers," "a market where men should be bought and sold," "execrable commerce," "assemblage of horrors," "crimes committed against the liberty of the people," are the brands which mr. jefferson has burned into the forehead of slavery and the slave trade. when, sir, have i, or any other person opposed to slavery, spoken in stronger and more opprobrious terms of slavery, than this? you have caused the bust of this great man to be placed in the centre of your capitol; in that conspicuous part where every visitor must see it, with its hand resting on the declaration of independence, engraved upon marble. why have you done this? is it not mockery? or is it to remind us continually of the wickedness and danger of slavery? i never pass that statue without new and increased veneration for the man it represents, and increased repugnance and sorrow that he did not succeed in driving slavery entirely from the country. sir, if i am an abolitionist, jefferson made me so; and i only regret that the disciple should be so far behind the master, both in doctrine and practice. but, sir, other reasons and other causes have combined to fix and establish my principles in this matter, never, i trust, to be shaken. a free state was the place of my birth; a free territory the theatre of my juvenile actions. ohio is my country, endeared to me by every fond recollection. she gave me political existence, and taught me in her political school; and i should be worse than an unnatural son did i forget or disobey her precepts. in her constitution it is declared, "that all men are born equally free and independent," and "that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the state, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes." shall i stand up for slavery in any case, condemned as it is by such high authority as this? no, never! but this is not all, indiana, our younger western sister, endeared to us by every social and political tie, a state formed in the same country as ohio, from whose territory slavery was forever excluded by the ordinance of july, --she too, has declared her abhorrence of slavery in more strong and empathic terms than we have done. in her constitution, after prohibiting slavery, or involuntary servitude, being introduced into the state, she declares, "but as to the holding any part of the human creation in slavery, or involuntary servitude, can originate only in _tyranny_ and _usurpation_, no alteration of her constitution should ever take place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the state, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes whereof the party had been duly convicted." illinois and michigan also formed their constitutions on the same principles. after such a cloud of witnesses against slavery, and whose testimony is so clear and explicit, as a citizen of ohio, i should be recreant to every principle of honor and of justice, to be found the apologist or advocate of slavery in any state, or in any country whatever. no, i cannot be so inconsistent as to say i am opposed to slavery in the _abstract_, in its separation from a human being, and still lend my aid to build it up, and make it perpetual in its operation and effects upon _man_ in this or any other country. i also, in early life, saw a slave kneel before his master, and hold up his hands with as much apparent submission, humility, and adoration, as a man would have done before his maker, while his master with out-stretched rod stood over him. this, i thought, is slavery; one man subjected to the will and power of another, and the laws affording him no protection, and he has to beg pardon of man, because he has offended man, (not the laws,) as if his master were a superior and all powerful being. yes, this is slavery, boasted american slavery, without which, it is contended even here, that the union of these states would be dissolved in a day, yes, even in an hour! humiliating thought, that we are bound together as states by the chains of slavery! it cannot be--the blood and the tears of slavery form no part of the cement of our union--and it is hoped that by falling on its bands they may never corrode and eat them asunder. we who are opposed to and deplore the existence of slavery in our country, are frequently asked, both in public and private, what have you to do with slavery? it does not exist in your state; it does not disturb you! ah, sir, would to god it were so--that we had nothing to do with slavery, nothing to fear from its power, or its action within our own borders, that its name and its miseries were unknown to us. but this is not our lot; we live upon its borders, and in hearing of its cries; yet we are unwilling to acknowledge, that if we enter its territories and violate its laws, that we should be punished at its pleasure. we do not complain of this, though it might well be considered just ground of complaint. it is our firesides, our rights, our privileges, the safety of our friends, as well as the sovereignty and independence of our state, that we are now called upon to protect and defend. the slave interest has at this moment the whole power of the country in its hands. it claims the president as a northern man with southern feelings, thus making the chief magistrate the head of an interest, or a party, and not of the country and the people at large. it has the cabinet of the president, three members of which are from the slave states, and one who wrote a book in favor of southern slavery, but which fell dead from the press, a book which i have seen, in my own family, thrown musty upon the shelf. here then is a decided majority in favor of the slave interest. it has five out of nine judges of the supreme court; here, also, is a majority from the slave states. it has, with the president of the senate, and the speaker of the house of representatives, and the clerks of both houses, the army and the navy; and the bureaus, have, i am told, about the same proportion. one would suppose that, with all this power operating in this government, it would be content to _permit_--yes i will use the word _permit_--it would be content to permit us, who live in the free states, to enjoy our firesides and our homes in quietness; but this is not the case. the slaveholders and slave laws claim that as property, which the free states know only as persons, a reasoning property, which, of its own will and mere motion, is frequently found in our states; and upon which thing we sometimes bestow food and raiment, if it appear hungry and perishing, believing it to be a human being; this perhaps is owing to our want of vision to discover the process by which a man is converted into a thing. for this act of ours, which is not prohibited by our laws, but prompted by every feeling, christian and humane, the slaveholding power enters our territory, tramples under foot the sovereignty of our state, violates the sanctity of private residence, seizes our citizens, and disregarding the authority of our laws, transports them into its own jurisdiction, casts them into prison, confines them in fetters, and loads them with chains, for pretended offences against their own laws, found by willing grand juries upon the oath (to use the language of the late governor of ohio) of a perjured villain. is this fancy, or is it fact, sober reality, solemn fact? need i say all this, and much more, as now matter of history in the case of the rev. john b. mahan, of brown county, ohio? yes, it is so; but this is but the beginning--a case of equal outrage has lately occurred, if newspapers are to be relied on, in the seizure of a citizen of ohio, without even the forms of law, and who was carried into virginia and shamefully punished by tar and feathers, and other disgraceful means, and rode upon a rail, according to the order of judge lynch, and this, only because in ohio he was an abolitionist. would i could stop here--but i cannot. this slave interest or power seizes upon persons of color in our states, carries them into states where men are property, and makes merchandize of them, sometimes under sanction of law, but more properly by its abuse, and sometimes by mere personal force, thus disturbing our quiet and harassing our citizens. a case of this kind has lately occurred, where a colored boy was seduced from ohio into indiana, taken from thence into alabama and sold as a slave; and to the honor of the slave states, and gentlemen who administer the laws there, be it said, that many who have thus been taken and sold by the connivance, if not downright corruption, of citizens in the free states, have been liberated and adjudged free in the states where they have been sold, as was the case of the boy mentioned, who was sold in alabama. slave power is seeking to establish itself in every state, in defiance of the constitution and laws of the states within which it is prohibited. in order to secure its power beyond the reach of the states, it claims its parentage from the constitution of the united states. it demands of us total silence as to its proceedings, denies to our citizens the liberty of speech and the press, and punishes them by mobs and violence for the exercise of these rights. it has sent its agents into the free states for the purpose of influencing their legislatures to pass laws for the security of its power within such state, and for the enacting new offences and new punishments for their own citizens, so as to give additional security to its interest. it demands to be heard in its own person in the hall of our legislature, and mingle in debate there. sir, in every stage of these oppressions and abuses, permit me to say, in the language of the declaration of independence--and no language could be more appropriate--we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms, and our repeated petitions have been answered by repeated injury. a power, whose character is marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to rule over a free people. in our sufferings and our wrongs we have besought our fellow-citizens to aid us in the preservation of our constitutional rights, but, influenced by the love of gain or arbitrary power, they have sometimes disregarded all the sacred rights of man, and answered in violence, burnings, and murder. after all these transactions, which are now of public notoriety and matter of record, shall we of the free states tauntingly be asked what we have to do with slavery? we should rejoice, indeed, if the evils of slavery were removed far from us, that it could be said with truth, that we have nothing to do with slavery. our citizens have not entered its territories for the purpose of obstructing its laws, nor do we wish to do so, nor would we justify any individual in such act; yet we have been branded and stigmatized by its friends and advocates, both in the free and slave states, as incendiaries, fanatics, disorganizers, enemies to our country, and as wishing to dissolve the union. we have borne all this without complaint or resistance, and only ask to be secure in our persons, by our own firesides, and in the free exercise of our thoughts and opinions in speaking, writing, printing and publishing on the subject of slavery, that which appears to us to be just and right; because we all know the power of truth, and that it will ultimately prevail, in despite of all opposition. but in the exercise of all these rights, we acknowledge subjection to the laws of the state in which we are, and our liability for their abuse. we wish peace with all men; and that the most amicable relations and free intercourse may exist between the citizens of our state and our neighboring slaveholding states; we will not enter their states, either in our proper persons, or by commissioners, legislative resolutions, or otherwise, to interfere with their slave policy or slave laws; and we shall expect from them and their citizens a like return, that they do not enter our territories for the purpose of violating our laws in the punishment of our people for the exercise of their undoubted rights--the liberty of speech and of the press on the subject of slavery. we ask that no man shall be seized and transported beyond our state, in violation of our own laws, and that we shall not be carried into and imprisoned in another state for acts done in our own. we contend that the slaveholding power is properly chargeable with all the riots and disorders which take place on account of slavery. we can live in peace with all our sister states; if that power will be controlled by law, each can exercise and enjoy the full benefits secured by their own laws; and this is all we ask. if we hold up slavery to the view of an impartial public as it is, and if such view creates astonishment and indignation, surely we are not to be charged as libellers. a state institution ought to be considered the pride, not the shame of the state; and if we falsify such institutions, the disgrace is ours, not theirs. if slavery, however, is a blemish, a blot, an eating cancer in the body politic, it is not our fault if, by holding it up, others should see in the mirror of truth its deformity, and shrink back from the view. we have not, and we intend not, to use any weapons against slavery, but the moral power of truth and the force of public opinion. if we enter the slave states, and tamper with the slave contrary to law, punish us, we deserve it; and if a slaveholder is found in a free state, and is guilty of a breach of the law there, he also ought to be punished. these petitioners, as far as i understand them, disclaim all right to enter a slave state for the purpose of intercourse with the slave. it is the master whom they wish to address; and they ask and ought to receive protection from the laws, as they are willing to be judged by the laws. we invite into the arena of public discussion in our state the slaveholder; we are willing to hear his reasons and facts in favor of slavery, or against abolitionists: we do not fear his errors while we are ourselves free to combat them. the angry feelings which in some degree exist between the citizens of the free and slaveholding states, on account of slavery, are, in many cases, properly chargeable to those who defend and support slavery. attempts are almost daily making to force the execution of slave laws in the free states; at least, their power and principles: and no term is too reproachful to be applied to those who resist such acts, and contend for the rights secured to every man under their own laws. we are often reminded that we ought to take color as evidence of property in a human being. we do not believe in such evidence, nor do we believe that a man can justly be made property by human laws. we acknowledge, however, that a _man_, not a _thing_ may be held to service or labor under the laws of a state, and, if he escape into another state, he ought to be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due; that this delivery ought to be in pursuance of the laws of the state where such person is found, and not by virtue of any act of congress. this brings me, mr. president, to the consideration of the petition presented by the senator from kentucky, and to an examination of the views he has presented to the senate on this highly important subject. sir, i feel, i sensibly feel my inadequacy in entering into a controversy with that old and veteran senator; but nothing high or low shall prevent me from an honest discharge of my duty here. if imperfectly done, it may be ascribed to the want of ability, not intention. if the power of my mind, and the strength of my body, were equal to the task, i would arouse every man, yes, every woman and child in the country, to the danger which besets them, if such doctrines and views as are presented by the senator should ever be carried into effect. his denunciations are against abolitionists, and under that term are classed all those who petition congress on the subject of slavery. such i understand to be his argument, and as such i shall treat it. i, in the first place, put in a broad denial to all his general facts, charging this portion of my fellow citizens with improper motives or dangerous designs. that their acts are lawful he does not pretend to deny. i called for proof to sustain his charges. none such has been offered, and none such exists, or can be found. i repel them as calumnies double-distilled in the alembic of slavery. i deny them, also, in the particulars and inferences; and let us see upon what ground they rest, or by what process of reasoning they are sustained. the very first view of these petitioners against our right of petition strikes the mind that more is intended than at first meets the eye. why was the committee on the district overlooked in this case, and the senator from kentucky made the organ of communication? is it understood that anti-abolitionism is a passport to popular favor, and that the action of this district shall present for that favor to the public a gentleman upon this hobby? is this petition presented as a subject of fair legislation? was it solicited by members of congress, from citizens here, for political effect? let the country judge. the petitioners state that no persons but themselves are authorized to interfere with slavery in the district; that congress are their own legislature; and the question of slavery in the district is only between them and their constituted legislators; and they protest against all interference of others. but, sir, as if ashamed of this open position in favor of slavery, they, in a very coy manner, say that some of them are not slaveholders, and might be forbidden by conscience to hold slaves. there is more dictation, more political heresy, more dangerous doctrine contained in this petition, than i have ever before seen couched together in so many words. we! congress their own legislature in all that concerns this district! let those who may put on the city livery, and legislate for them and not for his constituents, do so; for myself, i came here with a different view, and for different purposes. i came a free man, to represent the people of ohio; and i intend to leave this as such representative, without wearing any other livery. why talk about executive usurpation and influence over the members of congress? i have always viewed this district influence as far more dangerous than that of any other power. it has been able to extort, yes, extort from congress, millions to pay district debts, make district improvements, and in support of the civil and criminal jurisprudence of the district. pray, sir, what right has congress to pay the corporate debts of the cities in the district more than the debts of the corporate cities in your state and mine? none, sir. yet this has been done to a vast amount; and the next step is, that we, who pay all this, shall not be permitted to petition congress on the subject of their institutions, for, if we can be prevented in one case, we can in all possible cases. mark, sir, how plain a tale will silence these petitioners. if slavery in the district concerns only the inhabitants and congress, so does all municipal regulations. should they extend to granting lottery, gaming-houses, tippling-houses, and other places calculated to promote and encourage vice--should a representative in congress be instructed by his constituents to use his influence, and vote against such establishments, and the people of the district should instruct him to vote for them, which should he obey? to state the question is to answer it; otherwise the boasted right of instruction by the constituent body is "mere sound," signifying nothing. sir, the inhabitants of this district are subject to state legislation and state policy; they cannot complain of this, for their condition is voluntary; and as this city is the focus of power, of influence, and considered also as that of fashion, if not of folly, and as the streams which flow from here irradiate the whole country, it is right, it is proper, that it should be subject to state policy and state power, and not used as a leaven to ferment and corrupt the whole body politic. the honorable senator has said the petition, though from a city, is the fair expression of the opinion of the district. as such i treated it, am willing to acknowledge the respectability of the petitioners and their rights, and i claim for the people of my own state equal respectability and equal rights that the people of the district are entitled to: any peculiar rights and advantages i cannot admit. i agree with the senator, that the proceedings on abolition petitions, heretofore, have not been the most wise and prudent course. they ought to have been referred and acted on. such was my object, a day or two since, when i laid on your table a resolution to refer them to a committee for inquiry. you did not suffer it, sir, to be printed. the country and posterity will judge between the people whom i represent and those who caused to be printed the petition from the city. it cannot be possible that justice can have been done in both cases. the exclusive legislation of congress over the district is as much the act of the constituent body, as the general legislation of congress over the states, and to the operation of this act have the people within the district submitted themselves. i cannot, however, join the senator that the majority, in refusing to receive and refer petitions, did not intend to destroy or impair the right in this particular. they certainly have done so. the senator admits the abolitionists are now formidable; that something must be done to produce harmony. yes, sir, do justice, and harmony will be restored. act impartially, that justice may be done: hear petitions on both sides, if they are offered, and give righteous judgments, and your people will be satisfied. you cannot compromise them out of their rights, nor lull them to sleep with fallacies in the shape of reports. you cannot conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them by sophistry. remember you cannot now turn public opinion, nor can you overthrow it. you must, and you will, abandon the high ground you have taken, and receive petitions. the reason of the case, the argument and the judgment of the people, are all against you. one in this cause can "chase a thousand," and the voice of justice will be heard whenever you agitate the subject. in indiana, the right to petition has been most nobly advocated in a protest, by a member, against some puny resolutions of the legislature of that state to whitewash slavery. permit me to read a paragraph, worthy an american freeman: "but who would have thought until lately, that any would have doubted the right to petition in a respectful manner to congress? who would have believed, that congress had any authority to refuse to consider the petitions of the people? such a step would overthrow the autocrat of russia, or cost the grand seignior of constantinople his head. can it be possible, therefore, that it has been reserved for a republican government, in a land boasting of its free institutions, to set the first precedent of this kind? our city councils, our courts of justice, every department of government are approached by petition, however unanswerable, or absurd, so that its terms are respectful. none go away unread, or unheard. the life of every individual is a perfect illustration of the subject of petitioning. petition is the language of want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad variety of woes, imploring relief, at the hand of some power superior to himself. petitioning is the foundation of all government, and of all administrations of law. yet it has been reserved for our congress, seconded indirectly by the vote of this legislature, to question this right, hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven-deeded, so undoubted, that our fathers did not think it necessary to place a guaranty of it in the first draft of the federal constitution. yet this sacred right has been, at one blow, driven, destroyed, and trodden under the feet of slavery. the old bulwarks of our federal and state constitutions seem utterly to have been forgotten, which declare, 'that the freedom of speech and the press shall not be abridged, nor the right of the people peaceably to assemble and _petition_ for the redress of their grievances.'" these, sir, are the sentiments which make abolitionists formidable, and set at nought all your councils for their overthrow. the honorable senator not only admits that abolitionists are formidable, but that they consist of three classes. the friends of humanity and justice, or those actuated by those principles, compose one class. these form a very numerous class, and the acknowledgment of the senator proves the immutable principles upon which opposition to slavery rests. men are opposed to it from principles of humanity and justice--men are abolitionists, he admits, on that account. we thank the senator for teaching us that word, we intend to improve it. the next class of abolitionists, the senator says, are so, apparently, for the purpose of advocating the right of petition. what are we to understand from this? that the right of petition needs advocacy. who has denied this right, or who has attempted to abridge it? the slaveholding power, that power which avoids open discussion, and the free exercise of opinion; it is that power alone which renders the advocacy of the right of petition necessary, having seized upon all the powers of the government. it is fast uniting together those opposed to its iron rule, no matter to what political party they have heretofore belonged; they are uniting with the first class, and act from principles of humanity and justice; and if the mists and shades of slavery were not the atmosphere in which gentlemen were enveloped, they would see constant and increasing numbers of our most worthy and intelligent citizens attaching themselves to the two classes mentioned, and rallying under the banners of abolitionism. they are compelled to go there, if the gentleman will have it so, in order to defend and perpetuate the liberties of the country. the hopes of the oppressed spring up afresh from this discussion of the gentleman. the third class, the senator says, are those who, to accomplish their ends, act without regard to consequences. to them, all the rights of property, of the states, of the union, the senator says, are nothing. he says they aim at other objects than those they profess--emancipation in the district of columbia. no, says the senator, their object is _universal emancipation_, not only in the district, but in the territories and in the states. their object is to set free three millions of negro slaves. who made the senator, in his place here, the censor of his fellow citizens? who authorized him to charge them with other objects than those they profess? how long is it since the senator himself, on this floor, denounced slavery as an evil? what other inducements or object had he then in view? suppose universal emancipation to be the object of these petitioners; is it not a noble and praiseworthy object; worthy of the christian, the philanthropist, the statesman, and the citizen? but the senator says, they (the petitioners) aim to excite one portion of the country against another. i deny, sir, this charge, and call for the proof; it is gratuitous, uncalled for, and unjust towards my fellow citizens. this is the language of a stricken conscience, seeking for the palliation of its own acts by charging guilt upon others. it is the language of those who, failing in argument, endeavor to cast suspicion upon the character of their opponents, in order to draw public attention from themselves. it is the language of disguise and concealment, and not that of fair and honorable investigation, the object of which is truth. i again put in a broad denial to this charge, that any portion of these petitioners, whom i represent, seek to excite one portion of the country against another; and without proof i cannot admit that the assertion of the honorable senator establishes the fact. it is but opinion, and naked assertion only. the senator complains that the means and views of the abolitionists are not confined to securing the right of petition only; no, they resort to other means, he affirms, to the ballot box; and if that fail, says the senator, their next appeal will be to the bayonet. sir, no man, who is an american in feeling and in heart, but ought to repel this charge instantly, and without any reservation whatever, that if they fail at the ballot box they will resort to the bayonet. if such a fratricidal course should ever be thought of in our country, it will not be by those who seek redress of wrongs, by exercising the right of petition, but by those only who deny that right to others, and seek to usurp the whole power of the government. if the ballot box fail them, the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs and violence now are. does the senator believe that any portion of the honest yeomanry of the country entertain such thoughts? i hope he does not. if thoughts of this kind exist, they are to be found in the hearts of aspirants to office, and their adherents, and none others. who, sir, is making this question a political affair? not the petitioners. it was the slaveholding power which first made this move. i have noticed for some time past that many of the public prints in this city, as well as elsewhere, have been filled with essays against abolitionists for exercising the rights of freemen. both political parties, however, have courted them in private and denounced them in public, and both have equally deceived them. and who shall dare say that an abolitionist has no right to carry his principles to the _ballot box? who fears the ballot box?_ the honest in heart, the lover of our country and its institutions? no, sir! it is feared by the tyrant; he who usurps power, and seizes upon the liberty of others; he, for one, fears the ballot box. where is the slave to party in this country who is so lost to his own dignity, or so corrupted by interest or power, that he does not, or will not, carry his principles and his judgment into the ballot box? such an one ought to have the mark of cain in his forehead, and sent to labor among the negro slaves of the south. the honorable senator seems anxious to take under his care the ballot box, as he has the slave system of the country, and direct who shall or who shall not use it for the redress of what they deem a political grievance. suppose the power of the executive chair should take under its care the right of voting, and who should proscribe any portion of our citizens who should carry with them to the polls of election their own opinions, creeds, and doctrines. this would at once be a deathblow to our liberties, and the remedy could only be found in revolution. there can be no excuse or pretext for revolution while the ballot box is free. our government is not one of force, but of principle; its foundation rests on public opinion, and its hope is in the morality of the nation. the moral power of that of the ballot box is sufficient to correct all abuses. let me, then, proclaim here, from this high arena, to the citizens not only of my own state, but to the country, to all sects and parties who are entitled to the right of suffrage, to the ballot box! carry with you honestly your own sentiments respecting the welfare of your country, and make them operate as effectually as you can, through that medium, upon its policy and for its prosperity. fear not the frowns of power. it trembles while it denounces you. the senator complains that the abolitionists have associated with the politics of the country. so far as i am capable of judging, this charge is not well founded; many politicians of the country have used abolitionists as stepping stones to mount into power; and, when there, have turned about and traduced them. he admits that political parties are willing to unite with them any class of men, in order to carry their purposes. are abolitionists, then, to blame if they pursue the same course? it seems the senator is willing that his party should make use of even abolitionists; but he is not willing that abolitionists should use the same party for their purpose. this seems not to be in accordance with that equality of rights about which we heard so much at the last session. abolitionists have nothing to fear. if public opinion should be for them, politicians will be around and amongst them as the locusts of egypt. the senator seems to admit that, if the abolitionists are joined to either party, there is danger--danger of what? that humanity and justice will prevail? that the right of petition will be secured to all equally? and that the long lost and trodden african race will be restored to their natural rights? would the senator regret to see this accomplished by argument, persuasion, and the force of an enlightened public opinion? i hope not; and these petitioners ask the use of no other weapons in this warfare. these ultra-abolitionists, says the senator, invoke the power of this government to their aid. and pray, sir, what power should they invoke? have they not the same right to approach this government as other men? is the senator or this body authorized to deny them any privileges secured to other citizens? if so, let him show me the charter of his power and i will be silent. until he can do this, i shall uphold, justify, and sustain them, as i do other citizens. the exercise of power by congress in behalf of the slaves within this district, the senator seems to think, no one without the district has the least claim to ask for. it is because i reside without the district, and am called within it by the constitution, that i object to the existence of slavery here. i deny the gentleman's position, then, on this point. on this then, we are equal. the senator, however, is at war with himself. he contends the object of the cession by the states of virginia and maryland, was to establish a seat of government _only_, and to give congress whatever power was necessary to render the district a valuable and comfortable situation for that purpose, and that congress have full power to do whatever is necessary for this district; and if to abolish slavery be necessary, to attain the object, congress have power to abolish slavery in the district. i am sure i quote the gentleman substantially; and i thank him for this precious confession in his argument; it is what i believe, and i know it is all i feel disposed to ask. if we can, then, prove that this district is not as comfortable and convenient a place for the deliberations of congress, and the comfort of our citizens who may visit it, while slavery exists here, as it would be without slavery, then slavery ought to be abolished; and i trust we shall have the distinguished senator from kentucky to aid us in this great national reformation. i take the senator at his word. i agree with him that this ought to be such a place as he has described; but i deny that it is so. and upon what facts do i rest my denial? we are a christian nation, a moral and religious people. i speak for the free states, at least for my own state; and what a contrast do the very streets of your capital daily present to the christianity and morality of the nation? a race of slaves, or at least colored persons, of every hue from the jet black african, in regular gradation, up to the almost pure anglo-saxon color. during the short time official duty has called me here, i have seen the really red haired, the freckled, and the almost white negro; and i have been astonished at the numbers of the mixed race, when compared with those of full color, and i have deeply deplored this stain upon our national morals; and the words of dr. channing have, thousands of times, been impressed on my mind, that "a slave country reeks with licentiousness." how comes this amalgamation of the races? it comes from slavery. it is a disagreeable annoyance to persons who come from the free states, especially to their christian and moral feelings. it is a great hindrance to the proper discharge of their duties while here. remove slavery from this district, and this evil will disappear. we argue this circumstance alone as sufficient cause to produce that effect. but slavery presents within the district other and still more appalling scenes--scenes well calculated to awaken the deepest emotions of the human heart. the slave-trade exists here in all its horrors, and unwhipt of all its crimes. in view of the very chair which you now occupy, mr. president, if the massy walls of this building, did not prevent it, you could see the prison, the _pen_, the hell, where human beings, when purchased for sale, are kept until a cargo can be procured for transportation to a southern or foreign market, for i have little doubt slaves are carried to texas for sale, though i do not know the fact. sir, since congress have been in session, a mournful group of these unhappy beings, some thirty or forty, were marched, as if in derision of members of congress, in view of your capitol, chained and manacled together, in open day-light, yes, in the very face of heaven itself, to be shipped at baltimore for a foreign market. i did not witness this cruel transaction, but speak from what i have heard and believe. is this district, then, a fit place for our deliberations, whose feelings are outraged with impunity with transactions like this? suppose, sir, that mournful and degrading spectacle was at this moment exhibited under the windows of our chamber, do you think the senate could deliberate, could continue with that composure and attention which i see around me? no, sir; all your powers could not preserve order for a moment. the feelings of humanity would overcome those of regard for the peculiar institutions of the states; and though we would be politically and legally bound not to interfere, we are not morally bound to withhold our sympathy and our execration in witnessing such inhuman traffic. this traffic alone, in this district, renders it an uncomfortable and unfit place for your seat of government. sir, it is but one or two years since i saw standing at the railroad depot, as i passed from my boarding house to this chamber, some large wagons and teams, as if waiting for freight; the cars had not then arrived. i was inquired of, when i returned to my lodgings, by my landlady, if i knew the object of those wagons which i saw in the morning. i replied, i did not; i suppose they came and were waiting for loading. "yes, for slaves," said she; "and one of those wagons was filled with little boys and little girls, who had been bought up through the country, and were to be taken to a southern market. ah, sir!" continued she, "it made my very heart ache to see them." the very recital unnerved and unfitted me for thought or reflection on any other subject for some time. it is scenes like this, of which ladies of my country and my state complained in their petitions, some time since, as rendering this district unpleasant, should they visit the capital of the nation as wives, sisters, daughters, or friends of members of congress. yet, sir, these respectable females were treated here with contemptuous sneers; they were compared, on this floor, to the fish-women of paris, who dipped their fingers in the blood of revolutionary france. sir, if the transaction in slaves here, which i have mentioned, could make such an impression on the heart of a lady, a resident of the district, one who had been used to slaves, and was probably an owner, what would be the feelings of ladies from free states on beholding a like transaction? i will leave every gentleman and every lady to answer for themselves. i am unable to describe it. shall the capital of your country longer exhibit scenes so revolting to humanity, that the ladies of your country cannot visit it without disgust? no; wipe off the foul stain, and let it become a suitable and comfortable place for the seat of government. the senator, as if conscious that his argument on this point had proved too much, and of course had proven the converse of what he wished to establish, concluded this part by saying, that if slavery is abolished, the act ought to be confined to the city alone. we thank him for this small sprinkling of correct opinion upon this arid waste of public feeling. liberty may yet vegetate and grow even here. the senator insists that the states of virginia and maryland would never have ceded this district if they had have thought slavery would ever have been abolished in it. this is an old story twice told. it was never, however, thought of, until the slave power imagined it, for its own security. let the states ask a retrocession of the district, and i am sure the free states will rejoice to make the grant. the senator condemns the abolitionists for desiring that slavery should not exist in the territories, even in florida. he insists that, by the treaty, the inhabitants of that country have the right to remove their effects when they please; and that, by this condition, they have the right to retain their slaves as effects, independently of the power of congress. i am no diplomatist, sir, but i venture to deny the conclusion of the senator's argument. in all our intercourse with foreign nations, in all our treaties in which the words "goods, effects," &c. are used, slaves have never been considered as included. in all cases in which slaves are the subject matter of controversy, they are specially named by the word "slaves; and, if i remember rightly, it has been decided in congress, that slaves are not property for which a compensation shall be made when taken for public use, (or rather, slaves cannot be considered as taken for public use,) or as property by the enemy, when they are in the service of the united states. if i am correct, as i believe i am, in the positions i have assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by this part of his argument, against abolitionists, for asking that slavery shall not exist in florida." the gentleman contends that the power to remove slaves from one state to another, for sale, is found in that part of the constitution which gives congress the power to regulate commerce within the states, &c. this argument is _non sequiter_, unless the honorable senator can first prove that slaves are proper articles for commerce. we say that congress have power over slaves only as persons. the united states can protect persons, _but cannot make them property_, and they have full power in regulating commerce, and can, in such regulations, prohibit from its operations every thing but property; property made so by the laws of nature, and not by any municipal regulations. the dominion of man over things, as property, was settled by his creator when man was first placed upon the earth. he was to subdue the earth, and have dominion over the fish of the sea, the fowls of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth; every herb bearing seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding seed, was given for his use. this is the foundation of all right in property of every description. it is for the use of man the grant is made, and of course man cannot be included in the grant. every municipal regulation, then, of any state, or any of its peculiar institutions, which makes man property, is a violation of this great law of nature, and is founded in usurpation and tyranny, and is accomplished by force, fraud, or an abuse of power. it is a violation of the principles of truth and justice, in subjecting the weaker to the stronger man. in a christian nation such property can form no just ground for commercial regulations, but ought to be strictly prohibited. i therefore believe it is the duty of congress, by virtue of this power, to regulate commerce, to prohibit, at once, slaves being used as articles of trade. the gentleman says, the constitution left the subject of slavery entirely to the states. to this position i assent; and, as the states cannot regulate their own commerce, but the same being the right of congress, that body cannot make slaves an article of commerce, because slavery is left entirely to the states in which it exists; and slaves within those states, according to the gentleman, are excluded from the power of congress. can congress, in regulating commerce among the several states, authorize the transportation of articles from one state, and their sale in another, which they have not power so to authorize in any state? i cannot believe in such doctrine; and i now solemnly protest against the power of congress to authorize the transportation to, and the sale in, ohio, of any negro slave whatever, or for any possible purpose under the sun. who is there in ohio, or elsewhere, that will dare deny this position? if ohio contains such a recreant to her constitution and policy, i hope he may have the boldness to stand forth and avow it. if the states in which slavery exists love it as a household god, let them keep it there, and not call upon us in the free states to offer incense to their idol. we do not seek to touch it with unhallowed hands, but with pure hands, upraised in the cause of truth and suffering humanity. the gentleman admits that, at the formation of our government, it was feared that slavery might eventually divide or distract our country; and, as the ballot box seems continually to haunt his imagination, he says there is real danger of dissolution of the union if abolitionists, as is evident they do, will carry their principles into the ballot box. if not disunion in fact, at least in feeling, in the country, which is always the precursor to the clash of arms. and the gentleman further says we are taught by holy writ, "that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." the moral of the gentleman's argument is, that truth and righteousness will prevail, though opposed by power and influence; that abolitionists, though few in number, are greatly to be feared; one, as i have said, may chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; and, as their weapons of warfare are not "carnal, but mighty to the pulling down of strong holds," even slavery itself; and as the ballot box is the great moral lever in political action, the gentleman would exclude abolitionists entirely from its use, and for opinion's sake, deny them this high privilege of every american citizen. permit me, sir, to remind the gentleman of another text of holy writ. "the wicked flee when no man pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a lion." the senator says that those who have slaves, are sometimes supposed to be under too much alarm. does this prove the application of the text i have just quoted: "conscience sometimes makes cowards of us all." the senator appeals to abolitionists, and beseeches them to cease their efforts on the subject of slavery, if they wish, says he, "to exercise their benevolence." what! abolitionists benevolent! he hopes they will select some object not so terrible. oh, sir, he is willing they should pay tithes of "mint and rue," but the weighter matters of the law, judgment and mercy, he would have them entirely overlook. i ought to thank the senator for introducing holy writ into this debate, and inform him his arguments are not the sentiments of him, who, when on earth, went about doing good. the senator further entreats the clergy to desist from their efforts in behalf of abolitionism. who authorized the senator, as a politician, to use his influence to point out to the clergy what they should preach, or for what they should pray? would the senator dare exert his power here to bind the consciences of men? by what rule of ethics, then, does he undertake to use his influence, from this high place of power, in order to gain the same object, i am at a loss to determine. sir, this movement of the senator is far more censurable and dangerous, as an attempt to unite church and state, than were the petitions against sunday mails, the report in opposition to which gained for you, mr. president, so much applause in the country. i, sir, also appeal to the clergy to maintain their rights of conscience; and if they believe slavery to be a sin, we ought to honor and respect them for their open denunciation of it, rather than call on them to desist, for between their conscience and their god, we have no power to interfere; we do not wish to make them political agents for any purpose. but the senator is not content to entreat the clergy alone to desist; he calls on his countrywomen to warn them, also, to cease their efforts, and reminds them that the ink shed from the pen held in their fair fingers when writing their names to abolition petitions, may be the cause of shedding much human blood! sir, the language towards this class of petitioners is very much changed of late; they formerly were pronounced idlers, fanatics, old women and school misses, unworthy of respect from intelligent and respectable men. i warned gentlemen then that they would change their language; the blows they aimed fell harmless at the feet of those against whom they were intended to injure. in this movement of my countrywomen i thought was plainly to be discovered the operations of providence, and a sure sign of the final triumph of _universal emancipation_. all history, both sacred and profane, both ancient and modern, bears testimony to the efficacy of female influence and power in the cause of human liberty. from the time of the preservation, by the hands of women, of the great jewish law-giver, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved for the purpose of freeing his countrymen from egyptian bondage, has woman been made a powerful agent in breaking to pieces the rod of the oppressor. with a pure and uncontaminated mind, her actions spring from the deepest recesses of the human heart. denounce her as you will, you cannot deter her from her duty. pain, sickness, want, poverty and even death itself form no obstacles in her onward march. even the tender virgin would dress, as a martyr for the stake, as for her bridal hour, rather than make sacrifice of her purity and duty. the eloquence of the senate, and clash of arms, are alike powerful when brought in opposition to the influence of pure and virtuous woman. the liberty of the slave seems now to be committed to her charge, and who can doubt her final triumph? i do not.--you cannot fight against her and hope for success; and well does the senator know this; hence this appeal to her feelings to terrify her from that which she believes to be her duty. it is a vain attempt. the senator says that it was the principles of the constitution which carried us through the revolution. surely it was; and to use the language of another senator from a slave state, on a former occasion, these are the very principles on which the abolitionists plant themselves. it was the principle that all men are born free and equal, that nerved the arm of our fathers in their contest for independence. it was for the natural and inherent rights of _man_ they contended. it is a libel upon the constitution to say that its object was not liberty, but slavery, for millions of the human race. the senator, well fearing that all his eloquence and his arguments thus far are but chaff, when weighed in the balance against truth and justice, seems to find consolation in the idea, and says that which opposes the ulterior object of abolitionists, is that the general government has no power to act on the subject of slavery, and that the constitution or the union would not last an hour if the power claimed was exercised by congress. it is slavery, then, and not liberty, that makes us one people. to dissolve slavery, is to dissolve the union. why require of us to support the constitution by oath, if the constitution itself is subject to the power of slavery, and not the moral power of the country? change the form of the oath which you administer to senators on taking seats here, swear them to support slavery, and according to the logic of the gentleman, the constitution and the union will both be safe. we hear almost daily threats of dissolving the union, and from whence do they come? from citizens of the free states? no! from the slave states only. why wish to dissolve it? the reason is plain, that a new government may be formed, by which we, as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people. no impartial observer of passing events, can, in my humble judgment, doubt the truth of this. the senator thinks the abolitionists in error, if they wish the slaveholder to free his slave. he asks, why denounce him? i cannot admit the truth of the question; but i might well ask the gentleman, and the slaveholders generally, "why are you angry at me, because i tell you the truth?" it is the light of truth which the slaveholder cannot endure; a plain unvarnished tale of what slavery is, he considers a libel upon himself. the fact is, the slaveholder feels the leprosy of slavery upon him. he is anxious to hide the odious disease from the public eye, and the ballot box and the right of petition, when used against him, he feels as sharp reproof; and being unwilling to renounce his errors, he tries to escape from their consequences, by making the world believe that he is the persecuted, and not the persecutor. slaveholders have said here, during this very session, "the fact is, slavery will not bear examination." it is the senator who denounces abolitionists for the exercise of their most unquestionable rights, while abolitionists condemn that only which the senator himself will acknowledge to be wrong at all times and under all circumstances. because he admits that if it was an original question whether slaves should be introduced among us, but few citizens would be found to agree to it, and none more opposed to it than himself. the argument is, that the evil of slavery is incurable; that the attempt to eradicate it would commence a struggle which would exterminate one race or the other. what a lamentable picture of our government, so often pronounced the best upon earth! the seeds of disease, which were interwoven into its first existence, have now become so incorporated into its frame, that they cannot be extracted without dissolving the whole fabric; that we must endure the evil without hope and without complaint. our very natures must be changed before we can be brought tamely to submit to this doctrine. the evil will be remedied: and to use the language of jefferson again, "this people will yet be free." the senator finds consolation, however in the midst of this existing evil, in color and caste. the black race (says he) is the strong ground of slavery in our country. yes, it is _color_, not right and justice, that is to continue forever slavery in our country. it is prejudice against color, which is the strong ground of the slaveholder's hope. is that prejudice founded in nature, or is it the effect of base and sordid interest? let the mixed race which we see here, from black to almost perfect white, springing from white fathers, answer the question. slavery has no just foundation in color: it rests exclusively upon usurpation, tyranny, oppressive fraud, and force. these were its parents in every age and country of the world. the senator says, the next or greatest difficulty to emancipation is, the amount of property it would take from the owners. all ideas of right and wrong are confounded in these words: emancipate property, emancipate a horse, or an ox, would not only be unmeaning, but a ludicrous expression. to emancipate is to set free from slavery. to emancipate, is to set free a man, not property. the senator estimates the number of slaves--_men_ now held in bondage--at three millions in the united states. is this statement made here by the same voice which was heard in this capitol in favor of the liberties of greece, and for the emancipation of our south american brethren from political thralldom? it is; and has all its fervor in favor of liberty been exhausted upon foreign countries, so as not to leave a single whisper in favor of three millions of men in our own country, now groaning under the most galling oppression the world ever saw? no, sir. sordid interest rules the hour. men are made property, and paper is made money, and the senator, no doubt, sees in these two peculiar institutions a power which, if united, will be able to accomplish all his wishes. he informs us that some have computed the slaves to be worth the average amount of five hundred dollars each. he will estimate within bounds at four hundred dollars each. making the amount twelve hundred millions of dollars' worth of slave property. i heard this statement, mr. president, with emotions of the deepest feeling. by what rule of political or commercial arithmetic does the senator calculate the amount of property in human beings? can it be fancy or fact, that i hear such calculation, that the people of the united states own twelve hundred millions' (double the amount of all the specie in the world) worth of property in human flesh! and this property is owned, the gentleman informs us, by all classes of society, forming part of all our contracts within our own country and in europe. i should have been glad, sir, to have been spared the hearing of a declaration of this kind, especially from the high source and the place from which it emanated. but the assertion has gone forth that we have twelve hundred millions of slave property at the south; and can any man so close his understanding here as not plainly to perceive that the power of this vast amount of property at the south is now uniting itself to the banking power of the north, in order to govern the destinies of this country. six hundred millions of banking capital is to be brought into this coalition, and the slave power and the bank power are thus to unite in order to break down the present administration. there can be no mistake, as i believe, in this matter. the aristocracy of the north, who, by the power of a corrupt banking system, and the aristocracy of the south, by the power of the slave system, both fattening upon the labor of others, are now about to unite in order to make the reign of each perpetual. is there an independent american to be found, who will become the recreant slave to such an unholy combination? is this another compromise to barter the liberties of the country for personal aggrandisement? "resistance to tyrants is obedience to god." the senator further insists, "that what the law makes property is property." this is the predicate of the gentleman; he has neither facts nor reason to prove it; yet upon this alone does he rest the whole case that negroes are property. i deny the predicate and the argument. suppose the legislature of the senator's own state should pass a law declaring his wife, his children, his friends, indeed, any white citizen of kentucky, _property_, and should they be sold and transferred as such, would the gentleman fold his arms and say, "yes, they are property, for the law has made them such?" no, sir; he would denounce such law with more vehemence than he now denounces abolitionists, and would deny the authority of human legislation to accomplish an object so clearly beyond its power. human laws, i contend, cannot make human beings property, if human force can do it. if it is competent for our legislatures to make a black man _property_, it is competent for them to make a white man the same; and the same objection exists to the power of the people in an organic law for their own government; they cannot make property of each other; and, in the language of the constitution of indiana, such an act "can only originate in usurpation and tyranny." dreadful, indeed, would be the condition of this country, if these principles should not only be carried into the ballot box, but into the presidential chair. the idea that abolitionists ought to pay for the slaves if they are set free, and that they ought to think of this, is addressed to their fears, and not to their judgment. there is no principle of morality or justice that should require them or our citizens generally to do so. to free a slave is to take from usurpation that which it has made property and given to another, and bestow it upon the rightful owner. it is not taking property from its true owner for public use. men can do with their own as they please, to vary their peace if they wish, but cannot be compelled to do so. the gentleman repeats the assertion that has been repeated a thousand and one times: that abolitionists are retarding the emancipation of the slave, and have thrown it back fifty or a hundred years; that they have increased the rigors of slavery, and caused the master to treat his slave with more severity. slavery, then, is to cease at some period; and because the abolitionists have said to the slaveholder, "now is the accepted time," and because he thinks this an improper interference, and not having the abolitionists in his power, he inflicts his vengeance on his unoffending slave! the moral of this story is, the slaveholder will exercise more cruelty because he is desired to show mercy. i do not envy the senator the full benefit of his argument. it is no doubt a true picture of the feelings and principles which slavery engenders in the breast of the master. it is in perfect keeping with the threat we almost daily hear; that if petitioners do not cease their efforts in the exercise of their constitutional rights, others will dissolve the union. these, however, ought to be esteemed idle assertions and idle threats. the senator tells us that the consequences arising from the freedom of slaves, would be to reduce the wages of the white laborer. he has furnished us with neither data nor fact upon which this opinion can rest. he, however, would draw a line, on one side of which he would place the slave labor, and on the other side free white labor; and looking over the whole, as a general system, both would appear on a perfect equality. i have observed, for some years past, that the southern slaveholder has insisted that his laborers are, in point of integrity, morality, usefulness, and comfort, equal to the laboring population of the north. thus endeavoring to raise the slave in public estimation, to an equality with the free white laborer of the north; while, on the other hand, the northern aristocrat has, in the same manner, viz.: by comparison, endeavored to reduce his laborers to the moral and political condition of the slaves of the south. it is for the free white american citizens to determine whether they will permit such degrading comparisons longer to exist. already has this spirit broken forth in denunciation of the right of universal suffrage. will free white laboring citizens take warning before it is too late? the last, the great, the crying sin of abolitionists, in the eyes of the senator, is that they are opposed to colonization, and in favor of amalgamation. it is not necessary now to enter into any of the benefits and advantages of colonization; the senator has pronounced it the noblest scheme ever devised by man; he says it is powerful but harmless. i have no knowledge of any resulting benefits from the scheme to either race. i have not a doubt as to the real object intended by its founders; it did not arise from principles of humanity and benevolence towards the colored race, but a desire to remove the free of that race beyond the united states, in order to perpetuate and make slavery more secure. the senator further makes the broad charge, that abolitionists wish to _enforce_ the unnatural system of amalgamation. we deny the fact, and call on the senator for proof. the citizens of the free states, the petitioners against slavery, the abolitionists of the free states in favor of amalgamation! no, sir! if you want evidence of the fact, and reasoning in support of amalgamation, you must look into the slave states; it is there it spreads and flourishes from slave mothers, and presents all possible colors and complexions, from the jet black african to the scarcely to be distinguished white person. does any one need proof of this fact? let him take but a few turns through the streets of your capital, and observe those whom he shall meet, and he will be perfectly satisfied. amalgamation, indeed! the charge is made with a very bad grace on the present occasion. no, sir; it is not the negro _woman_, it is the _slave_ and the contaminating influence of slavery that is the mother of amalgamation. does the gentleman want facts on this subject? let him look at the colored race in the free states; it is a rare occurrence there. a colony of blacks, some three or four hundred, were settled, some fifteen or twenty years since, in the county of brown, a few miles distant from my former residence in ohio, and i was told by a person living near them, a country merchant with whom they dealt, when conversing with him on this very subject, he informed me he knew of but one instance of a mulatto child being born amongst them for the last fifteen years; and i venture the assertion, had this same colony been settled in a slave state, the cases of a like kind would have been far more numerous. i repeat again, in the words of dr. channing, it is a slave country that reeks with licentiousness of this kind, and for proof i refer to the opinions of judge harper, of north carolina, in his defence of southern slavery. the senator, as if fearing that he had made his charge too broad, and might fail in proof to sustain it, seems to stop short, and make the inquiry, where is the process of amalgamation to begin? he had heard of no instance of the kind against abolitionists; they (the abolitionists) would begin it with the laboring class; and if i understand the senator correctly, that abolitionism, by throwing together the white and the black laborers, would naturally produce this result. sir, i regret, i deplore, that such a charge should be made against the laboring class--that class which tills the ground; and, in obedience to the decree of their maker, eat their bread in the sweat of their face--that class, as mr. jefferson says, if god has a chosen people on earth, they are those who thus labor. this charge is calculated for effect, to induce the laboring class to believe, that if emancipation takes place, they will be, in the free states, reduced to the same condition as the colored laborer. the reverse of that is the truth of the case. it is the slaveholder now, he who looks upon labor as only fit for a servile race, it is him and his kindred spirits who live upon the labor of others, endeavoring to reduce the white laborer to the condition of the slave. they do not yet claim him as property, but they would exclude him from all participation in the public affairs of the country. it is further said, that if the negroes were free, the black would rival the white laborer in the free states. i cannot believe it, while so many facts exist to prove the contrary. negroes, like the white race, but with stronger feelings, are attached to the place of their birth, and the home of their youth; and the climate of the south is congenial to their natures, more than that of the north. if emancipation should take place at the south--and the negro be freed from the fear of being made merchandize, they would remove from the free states of the north and west, immediately return to that country, because it is the home of their friends and fathers. already in ohio, as far as my knowledge extends, has free white labor, (emigrants,) from foreign countries, engrossed almost entirely all situations in which male or female labor is found. but, sir, this plea of necessity and convenience is the plea of tyrants. has not the free black person the same right to the use of his hands as the white person: the same right to contract and labor for what price he pleases? would the gentleman extend the power of the government to the regulation of the productive industry of the country? this was his former theory, but put down effectually by the public voice. taking advantage of the prejudice against labor, the attempt is now being made to begin this same system, by first operating on the poor black laborer. for shame! let us cease from attempts of this kind. the senator informs us that the question was asked fifty years ago that is now asked, can the negro be continued forever in bondage? yes; and it will continue to be asked, in still louder and louder tones. but, says the senator, we are yet a prosperous and happy nation. pray, sir, in what part of your country do you find this prosperity and happiness? in the slave states? no! no! there all is weakness gloom, and despair; while, in the free states, all is light, business, and activity. what has created the astonishing difference between the gentleman's state and mine--between kentucky and ohio? slavery, the withering curse of slavery, is upon kentucky, while ohio is free. kentucky, the garden of the west, almost the land of promise, possessing all the natural advantages, and more than is possessed by ohio, is vastly behind in population and wealth. sir, i can see from the windows of my upper chamber, in the city of cincinnati, lands in kentucky, which, i am told, can be purchased from ten to fifty dollars per acre; while lands of the same quality, under the same improvements, and the same distance from me in ohio, would probably sell from one to five hundred dollars per acre. i was told by a friend, a few days before i left home, who had formerly resided in the county of bourbon, kentucky--a most excellent county of lands adjoining, i believe, the county in which the senator resides--that the white population of that county was more than four hundred less than it was five years since. will the senator contend, after a knowledge of these facts, that slavery in this country has been the cause of our prosperity and happiness? no, he cannot. it is because slavery has been excluded and driven from a large proportion of our country, that we are a prosperous and happy people. but its late attempts to force its influence and power into the free states, and deprive our citizens of their unquestionable rights, has been the moving cause of all the riots, burnings, and murders that have taken place on account of abolitionism; and it has, in some degree, even in the free states, caused mourning, lamentation, and woe. remove slavery, and the country, the whole country, will recover its natural vigor, and our peace and future prosperity will be placed on a more extensive, safe, and sure foundation. it is a waste of time to answer the allegations that the emancipation of the negro race would induce them to make war on the white race. every fact in the history of emancipation proves the reverse; and he that will not believe those facts, has darkened his own understanding, that the light of reason can make no impression: he appeals to interest, not to truth, for information on this subject. we do not fear his errors, while we are left free to combat them. the senator implores us to cease all commotion on this subject. are we to surrender all our rights and privileges, all the official stations of the country, into the hands of the slaveholding power, without a single struggle? are we to cease all exertions for our own safety, and submit in quiet to the rule of this power? is the calm of despotism to reign over this land, and the voice of freemen to be no more heard! this sacrifice is required of us, in order to sustain slavery. _freemen_, will you make it? will you shut your ears and your sympathies, and withhold from the poor, famished slave, a morsel of bread? can you thus act, and expect the blessings of heaven upon your country? i beseech you to consider for yourselves. mr. president, i have been compelled to enter into this discussion from the course pursued by the senate on the resolutions i submitted a few days since. the cry of abolitionist has been raised against me. if those resolutions are abolitionism, then i am an abolitionist from the sole of my feet to the crown of my head. if to maintain the rights of the states, the security of the citizen from violence and outrage; if to preserve the supremacy of the laws; if insisting on the right of petition, a medium through which _every person_ subject to the laws has an undoubted right to approach the constitutional authorities of the country, be the doctrines of abolitionists, it finds a response in every beating pulse in my veins. neither power, nor favor, nor want, nor misery, shall deter me from its support while the vital current continues to flow. condemned at home for my opposition to slavery, alone and singlehanded here, well may i feel tremor and emotion in bearding this lion of slavery in his very _den_ and upon his own ground. i should shrink, sir, at once, from this fearful and unequal contest, was i not thoroughly convinced that i am sustained by the power of truth and the best interests of the country. i listened to the senator of kentucky with undivided attention. i was disappointed, sadly disappointed. i had heard of the senator's tact in making compromises and agreements on this floor, and though opposed in principle to all such proceedings, yet i hoped to hear something upon which we could hang a hope that peace would be restored to the borders of our own states, and all future aggression upon our citizens from the free states be prevented. now, sir, he offers us nothing but unconditional submission to political death; and not political alone, but absolute _death_. we have counted the cost in this matter, and are determined to live or die free. let the slaveholder hug his system to his bosom in his own state, we will not go there to disturb him; but, sir, within our own borders we claim to enjoy the same privileges. even, sir, here in this district, this ten miles square of common property and common right, the slave power has the assurance to come into this very hall, and request that we--yes, mr. president, that my constituents--be denied the right of petition on the subject of slavery in this district. this most extraordinary petition against the right of others to petition on the same subject of theirs, is graciously received and ordered to be printed; paeans sung to it by the slave power, while the petitions i offer, from as honorable, free, high-minded and patriotic american citizens as any in this district, are spit upon, and turned out of doors as an _unclean thing_! genius of liberty! how long will you sleep under this iron power of oppression? not content with ruling over their own slaves, they claim the power to instruct congress on the question of receiving petitions; and yet we are tauntingly and sneeringly told that we have nothing to do with the existence of slavery in the country, a suggestion as absurd as it is ridiculous. we are called upon to make laws in favor of slavery in the district, but it is denied that we can make laws against it; and at last the right of petition on the subject, by the people of the free states, is complained of as an improper interference. i leave it to the senator to reconcile all these difficulties, absurdities, claims and requests of the people of this district, to the country at large; and i venture the opinion that he will find as much difficulty in producing the belief that he is correct now, that he has found in obtaining the same belief that he was before correct in his views and political course on the subject of banks, internal improvements, protective tariffs, &c., and the regulation, by acts of congress, of the productive industry of the country, together with all the compromises and coalitions he has entered into for the attainment of those objects. i rejoice, however, that the senator has made the display he has on this occasion. it is a powerful shake to awaken the sleeping energies of liberty, and his voice, like a trumpet, will call from their slumbers millions of freemen to defend their rights; and the overthrow of his theory now, is as sure and certain, by the force of public opinion, as was the overthrow of all his former schemes, by the same mighty power. i feel, mr. president, as if i had wearied your patience, while i am sure my own bodily powers admonish me to close; but i cannot do so without again reminding my constituents of the greetings that have taken place on the consummation and ratification of the treaty, offensive and defensive, between the slaveholding and bank powers, in order to carry on a war against the liberties of our country, and to put down the present administration. yes, there is no voice heard from new england now. boston and faneuil hall are silent as death. the free day-laborer is, in prospect, reduced to the political, if not moral condition of the slave; an ideal line is to divide them in their labor; yes, the same principle is to govern on both sides. even the farmer, too, will soon be brought into the same fold. it will be again said, with regard to the government of the country, "the farmer with his huge paws upon the statute book, what can he do?" i have endeavored to warn my fellow-citizens of the present and approaching danger, but the dark cloud of slavery is before their eyes, and prevents many of them from seeing the condition of things as they are. that cloud, like the cloud of summer, will soon pass away, and its thunders cease to be heard. slavery will come to an end, and the sunshine of prosperity warm, invigorate and bless our whole country. i do not know, mr. president, that my voice will ever again be heard on this floor. i now willingly, yes, gladly, return to my constituents, to the people of my own state. i have spent my life amongst them, and the greater portion of it in their service, and they have bestowed upon me their confidence in numerous instances. i feel perfectly conscious that, in the discharge of every trust which they have committed to me, i have, to the best of my abilities, acted solely with a view to the general good, not suffering myself to be influenced by any particular or private interest whatever; and i now challenge those who think i have done otherwise, to lay their finger upon any public act of mine, and prove to the country its injustice or anti-republican tendency. that i have often erred in the selection of means to accomplish important ends i have no doubt, but my belief in the truth of the doctrines of the declaration of independence, the political creed of president jefferson, remains unshaken and unsubdued. my greatest regret is that i have not been more zealous, and done more for the cause of individual and political liberty than i have done. i hope, on returning to my home and my friends, to join them again in rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty upon every hill in our state, until their broad glare shall enlighten every valley, and the song of triumph will soon be heard, for the hearts of our people are in the hands of a just and holy being, (who can not look upon oppression but with abhorrence.) and he can turn them whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water are turned. though our national sins are many and grievous, yet repentance, like that of ancient nineveh, may divert from us that impending danger which seems to hang over our heads as by a single hair. that all may be safe, i conclude that the negro will yet be set free. the anti-slavery examiner. no. . * * * * * the constitution a pro-slavery compact. or selections from the madison papers, &c. * * * * * new york: american anti-slavery society. nassau street. . contents. introduction. debates in the congress of the confederation debates in the federal convention list of members of the federal convention speech of luther martin debates in state conventions massachusetts new york pennsylvania virginia north carolina south carolina extracts from the federalist debates in first congress address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society letter from francis jackson to gov. briggs extract from mr. webster's speech extracts from j.q. adams's address, november, introduction. every one knows that the "madison papers" contain a report, from the pen of james madison, of the debates in the old congress of the confederation and in the convention which formed the constitution of the united states. we have extracted from them, in these pages, all the debates on those clauses of the constitution which relate to slavery. to these we have added all that is found, on the same topic, in the debates of the several state conventions which ratified the constitution: together with so much of the speech of luther martin before the legislature of maryland, and of the federalist, as relate to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the debates of the first federal congress on slavery. these are all printed without alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the state from which he came. the notes and italics are those of the original, but the editor has added one note on page th, which is marked as his, and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of rufus king's, and two of james madison's--a distinction which the importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have reprinted exactly from the originals. these extracts develope most clearly all the details of that "compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in ; granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his part toward the north. they prove also that the nation at large were fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly and with open eyes. we have added the late "address of the american anti-slavery society," and the letter of francis jackson to governor briggs, resigning his commission of justice of the peace--as bold and honorable protests against the guilt and infamy of this national bargain, and as proving most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet. the clauses of the constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery character are the following:-- art. , sect. . representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three fifths of all other persons_. art. , sect. . congress shall have power . . . to suppress insurrections. art. , sect. . the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. art. . sec. . no person, held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping, into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. art. , sect. . the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against domestic violence_. the first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence, perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave trade, disgraces the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty years, _without obliging congress to do so even then_, and thus the slave trade may be legalized to-morrow if congress choose: the fourth is a promise on the part of the whole nation to return fugitive slaves to their masters, a deed which god's law expressly condemns and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt. these are the articles of the "compromise," so much talked of, between the north and south. we do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what is the meaning of the clauses above cited. for no man or party, of any authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject they all relate. if indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest for ever. a few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the constitution makes no compromise with slavery. notwithstanding the clear light of history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both state and federal;--the action of congress and the state legislature;--the constant practice of the executive in all its branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for half a century, still they contend that the nation does not know its own meaning, and that the constitution does not tolerate slavery! every candid mind however must acknowledge that the language of the constitution is clear and explicit. its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot include the slaves themselves! many persons beside slaves in this country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the states," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the national government is not bound to put them down by force. such a thing has been heard of before as one description including a great variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance. but granting that the terms of the constitution are ambiguous--that they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent, unbroken practice of every department of the government, judicial, legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how and where can such a question ever be settled? if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has authority to settle their meaning for them? if then the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and for the last half century, the constitution of the united states, has been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his duty both as a man and an abolitionist. what the constitution may become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and repudiate it _as it is_. but the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the community, is this. some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding that the constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this false construction, as they think it, has been foisted in upon the instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all it touches. they assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a bargain as the constitution is represented to be, and has in its present hands become. now these pages prove the melancholy fact that willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for gain and became partners with tyrants that they might share in the profits of their tyranny. and in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers tell us they meant to incorporate into the constitution, and which the sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist there after all? forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions at least of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who, after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all? besides, the advocates of this new theory of the anti-slavery character of the constitution, quote some portions of the madison papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the community should hear all that these debates have to say on the subject. the further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact that the constitution was meant to be, what it has always been esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom. if then the constitution be, what these debates show that our fathers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a "covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be immediately annulled. but if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, union itself is impossible, without guilt. for it is undeniable that the fifty years passed under this (anti-slavery) constitution, shew us the slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the government;--prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free states and making the courts of the country their tools. to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. the trial of fifty years with the best of men and the best of constitutions, on this supposition, only proves that it is impossible for free and slave states to unite on any terms, without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery. we dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the american anti-slavery society, no union with slaveholders. the constitution a pro-slavery compact. * * * * * _extracts from debates in the congress of confederation, preserved by thomas jefferson, _. on friday, the twelfth of july, , the committee appointed to draw the articles of confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second, the house resolved themselves into a committee to take them into consideration. on the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined the proportion or quota of money which each state should furnish to the common treasury, and the manner of voting in congress. the first of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these words:-- "article . all charges of war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by the united states assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality, except indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and transmitted to the assembly of the united states." mr. chase (of maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white inhabitants." he admitted that taxation should be always in proportion to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in practice. the value of the property in every state could never be estimated justly and equally. some other measure for the wealth of the state must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would be more simple. he considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. he therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception only. he observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those states where there are few slaves. that the surplus of profit which a northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.; whereas, a southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. there is no more reason therefore for taxing the southern states on the farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the northern ones on their farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle. that the method proposed would therefore tax the southern states according to their numbers and their wealth conjunctly, while the northern would be taxed on numbers only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the state, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it. mr. john adams (of massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the state, and not as subjects of taxation. that as to this matter, it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of slaves. that in some countries the laboring poor were called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the difference as to the state was imaginary only. what matters it whether a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand? the ten laborers add as much wealth, annually to the state, increase its exports as much, in the one case as the other. certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits, no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. therefore the state in which are the laborers called freemen, should be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. suppose, by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the laborers of a state could in the course of one night be transformed into slaves,--would the state be made the poorer, or the less able to pay taxes? that the condition of the laboring poor in most countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the northern states,--is as abject as that of slaves. it is the number of laborers which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. that it is the use of the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of the state, which produces the fallacy. how does the southern farmer procure slaves? either by importation or by purchase from his neighbor. if he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a laborer from one firm to another, which does not change the annual produce of the state, and therefore should not change its tax; that if a northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true, invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the southern farmer working ten slaves. that a state of one hundred thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property. that a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called the wealth of his employer: but as to the state, both were equally its wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax. mr. harrison (of virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves should be counted as one freeman. he affirmed that slaves did not do as much work as freemen, and doubted if two affected more than one. that this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in the southern colonies being from £ to £ , while in the northern it was generally £ . mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take place, the southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the northern ones would bear the burthen. that slaves increase the profits of a state, which the southern states mean to take to themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which would of course fall so much the heavier on the northern; that slaves occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their places. it is our duty to lay every discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would give thee _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. that other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the north as the south, and south as the north; but not so as to slaves: that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or white; and the practice of the southern colonies has always been to make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they be black or white. he acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the most; but they consume the most also. they do not produce a greater surplus for taxation. the slave is neither fed nor clothed so expensively as a freeman. again, white women are exempted from labor generally, which negro women are not. in this then the southern states have an advantage as the article now stands. it has sometimes been said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is said that the labor of the slave is the dearest. mr. payne (of massachusetts) urged the original resolution of congress, to proportion the quotas of the states to the number of souls. mr. witherspoon (of new-jersey) was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. this is the true barometer of wealth. the one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal between the states. it has been objected that negroes eat the food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed. horses also eat the food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. it has been said too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the state is to pay, we do no more than those states themselves do, who always take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. but the cases are not parallel. in the southern colonies, slaves pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent. that as to the original resolution of congress, it was temporary only, and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground. august st. the question being put, the amendment proposed was rejected by the votes of new-hampshire, massachusetts, rhode-island, connecticut, new-york, new-jersey and pennsylvania, against those of delaware, maryland, virginia, north, and south carolina. georgia was divided. _vol. i. pp_. - - , - - . _extracts from madison's report of debates in the congress of the confederation._ tuesday, feb. , . mr. wolcott declares his opinion that the confederation ought to be amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen and sixty years of age. _p_. . tuesday, march , . the eleventh and twelfth paragraphs: mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was in congress when the articles of confederation directing a valuation of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of compromising the different ideas of the eastern and southern states, as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in question. mr. clark (of new jersey) was in favor of them. he said that he was also in congress when this article was decided; that the southern states would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land, if half their slaves only should be included; but that the eastern states would not concur in that proposition. it was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by ages, as the, report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion in absolute numbers. with this view, and that the blank might be filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p._ - . friday, march , . the committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one freeman. mr. wolcott (of connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. mr. carroll as four to one. mr. williamson (of north carolina) said he was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. mr. higginson (of massachusetts) as four to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would he a juster proportion. mr. holton as four to three.--mr. osgood said he did not go beyond four to three. on a question for rating them as three to two, the votes were. new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, divided; connecticut, aye; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, aye; maryland, no; virginia, no; north carolina, no; south carolina, no. the paragraph was then proposed, by general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it; but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be agreed to. after some further discussions on the report, in which the necessity of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into view, mr. madison (of virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that slaves should be rated as five to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) seconded the motion. mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said he would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise. mr. lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that two slaves were not equal to one freeman. on the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, divided; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye: south carolina, aye. a motion was then made by mr. bland, seconded by mr. lee, to strike out the clause so amended, and, on the question "shall it stand," it passed in the negative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no; so the clause was struck out. the arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the states having slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility of the others, ought to have greater weight in the case; and that the exports of the former states were greater than of the latter. on the other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their labor, they did as little as possible and omitted every exertion of thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it: that if the exports of the states having slaves exceeded those of the others, their imports were in proportion, slaves being employed wholly in agriculture, not in manufacturers; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was much more against the southern states than the others. on the main question, new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new york (mr. lloyd, aye); new jersey, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no. _pp._ - - . tuesday, april , . congress resumed the report on revenue, &c. mr. hamilton, who had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. he was seconded by mr. osgood. those who voted differently from their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the slaves. the rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition. _p_. . monday, may . the resolutions on the journal, instructing the ministers in europe to remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously_. _p_. . * * * * * _extract from "debates in the federal convention" of , for the formation of the constitution of the united states_. monday, june , . it was then moved by mr. rutledge, seconded by mr. butler, to add to the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the motion just agreed to, the words, "according to the quotas of contribution." on motion of mr. wilson, seconded by mr. pinckney, this was postponed, in order to add, after the words, "equitable rates of representation," the words following: "in proportion to the whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and three fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, except indians not paying taxes, in each state"--this being the rule in the act of congress, agreed to by eleven states, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the states, and requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years. mr. gerry (of massachusetts) thought property not the rule of representation. why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the south, be in the rule of representation more than, the cattle and horses of the north? on the question,--massachusetts, connecticut, new york, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, delaware, no-- . _vol. ii. pp._ - . saturday, june , . he (mr. madison) admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured as far as possible. wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defence. but he contended that the states were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. these two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the united states. it did not lie between the large and small states. it lay between the northern and southern; and if any defensive power were necessary, it ought to be mutually given to these two interests. he was so strongly impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. the one which had occurred was, that instead of proportioning the votes of the states in both branches to their respective numbers of inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should he represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants only; and in the other, according to the whole number, counting the slaves us free. by this arrangement the southern scale would have the advantage in one house, and the northern in the other. he had been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was, the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and which would destroy the equilibrium of interests. _pp._ - . monday, july , . mr. patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague. for this reason new jersey was against it. he could regard negro slaves in no light but as property. they are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the contrary are themselves property, and like other property, entirely at the will of the master. has a man in virginia a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves? and if negroes are not represented in the states to which they belong, why should they be represented in the general government. what is the true principle of representation? it is an experiment by which an assembly of certain individuals, chosen, by the people, is substituted in place of the inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. if such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? they would not. why then should they be represented? he was also against such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of confederation, had been assigned to use the term "slaves," and had substituted a description. mr. madison reminded mr. patterson that his doctrine of representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for ever silence the pretensions of the small states to an equality of votes with the large ones. they ought to vote in the same proportion in which their citizens would do if the people of all the states were collectively met. he suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that in the first branch the states should be represented according to their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which has for one of its primary objects, the guardianship of property, according to the whole number, including slaves. mr. butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth in the apportionment of representation. mr. king had always expected, that, as the southern states are the richest, they would not league themselves with the northern, unless some respect was paid to their superior wealth. if the latter expect those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to receive them without allowing some advantages in return. eleven out of thirteen of the states had agreed to consider slaves in the apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go together. _pp_. - - . tuesday, july ; . mr. king remarked that the four eastern states, having , souls, have one-third fewer representatives than the four southern states, having not more than , souls, rating the blacks as five for three. the eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be dissatisfied. he believed them to be very desirous of uniting with their southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. he was fully convinced that the question concerning a difference of interests did not lie where it had hitherto been discussed, between the great and small states: but between the southern and eastern. _p_. . wednesday, july , . mr. butler and general pinckney insisted that blacks be included in rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out. mr. gerry thought that three fifths of them was, to say the least, the full proportion that could be admitted. mr. gorham. this ratio was fixed by congress as a rule of taxation. then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the states having slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. at present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are assured that they are equal to freemen. the arguments on the former occasion had convinced them that three fifths was pretty near the just proportion, he should vote according to the same opinion now. mr. butler insisted that the labor of a slave in south carolina was as productive and valuable as that of a freeman in massachusetts; that as wealth was the greatest means of defence and utility to the nation, they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and was itself to be supported by property. mr. mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to virginia, because he thought it unjust. it was certain that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land, increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases of emergency become themselves soldiers. as in these important respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to be excluded from the estimate of representation. he could not, however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them as such. he added, as worthy of remark, that the southern states have this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of property common to all the states. mr. williamson reminded mr. gorham, that if the southern states contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites, when taxation was in view, the eastern states, on the same occasion, contended for their equality. he did not, however, either then or now, concur in either extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths. on mr. butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in the apportionment of representation,--delaware, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- . new york not on the floor. mr. gouverneur morris said he had several objections to the proposition of mr. williamson. in the first place it fettered the legislature too much. in the second place, it would exclude some states altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle them to a single representation. in the third place, it will not consist with the resolution passed on saturday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust the representation, from time to time on the principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of equity. if slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth, then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why is no other wealth but slaves included? these objections may perhaps be removed by amendments.... another objection with him, against admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. they would reject any plan that was to have such an effect. pp. - - & . wednesday, july , . the next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered: mr. king, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. he thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite great discontents among the states having no slaves. he had never said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this. he remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by the committee, the southern states had received more than the number of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled them to. mr. sherman. south carolina had not more beyond her proportion than new york and new hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion. georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that state seemed to justify it. in general the allotment might not be just, but considering all circumstances he was satisfied with it. mr. gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by the people of the eastern states. but he recollected that when the proposition of congress for changing the eighth article of the confederation was before the legislature of massachusetts, the only difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in the ratio of three-fifths only.[ ] [footnote : they were then to have been a rule of taxation only.] mr. wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks in the proportion of three fifths could be explained. are they admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality with white citizens? are they admitted as property--then why is not other property admitted into the computation? these were difficulties, however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of compromise. he had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people of pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (mr. gouverneur morris.) mr. gouvemeur morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the dilemma of doing injustice to the southern states, or to human nature; and he must therefore do it to the former. for he could never agree to give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not believe those states would ever confederate on terms that would deprive them of that trade. on the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the blacks,--connecticut, virginia, north carolina. georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland,[ ] south carolina, no-- . pp. - - . [footnote : mr. carroll said, in explanation of the vote of maryland, that he wished the _phraseology_ to be altered as to obviate, if possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the eastern and middle states.] thursday, july , . mr. butler contended that representation should be according to the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks. general pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by gouverneur morris,] concerning the negroes. he was now again alarmed at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. south carolina has in one year exported to the amount of , £. sterling, all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. will she be represented in proportion to this amount? she will not. neither ought she then be subject to a tax on it. he hoped a clause would be inserted in the system, restraining the legislature from taxing exports. mr. gouverneur morris having so varied his motion by inserting the word "direct," it passed, _nem. con._, as follows: "provided always that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation." mr. davie said it was high time now to speak out. he saw that it was meant by some gentlemen to deprive the southern states of any share of representation for their blacks. he was sure that north carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as three-fifths. if the eastern states meant, therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end. dr. johnson thought that wealth and population were the true, equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best measure of wealth. he concluded, therefore, that the number of people ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions, including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the computation. as various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into consideration, and report them. mr. gouverneur morris. it had been said that it is high time to speak out. as one member, he would candidly do so. he came here to form a compact for the good of america. he was ready to do so with all the states. he hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such compact. if they would not, he was ready to join with any states that would. but as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the eastern states to insist on what the southern states will never agree to. it is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other states can never admit; and he verily believed the people of pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. what can be desired by these states more then has been already proposed--that the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation according to population and wealth? general pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature; and that property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government instituted for the protection of property. the first clause in the report of the first grand committee was postponed. mr. ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house, the words following, "and that the rule of contribution for direct taxation, for the support of the government of the united states, shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every other description in the several states, until some other use rule that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several states, can be devised and adopted by the legislature." mr. butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed. mr. randolph was not satisfied with the motion. the danger will be revived, that the ingenuity of the legislature may evade or pervert the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in the first instance. he proposed, in lieu of mr. ellsworth's motion, "that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that may be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative circumstances of the states, a census shall be taken within two years from the first meeting of the general legislature of the united states, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio recommended by congress in their resolution of the eighteenth day of april, , (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number;) and that the legislature of the united states shall arrange the representation accordingly." he urged strenuously that express security ought to be provided for including slaves in the ratio of representation. he lamented that such a species of property existed. but as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. it was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding slaves altogether; the legislature therefore ought not to be left at liberty. mr. ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of mr. randolph. mr. wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the end would be equally attained. mr. pinckney moved to amend mr. randolph's motion, so as to make "blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." this, he urged, was nothing more than justice. the blacks are the laborers, the peasants, of the southern states. they are as productive of pecuniary resources as those of the northern states. they add equally to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength, of the nation. it will also be politic with regard to the northern states, as taxation is to keep pace with representation. on mr. pinckney's (of s. carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--south carolina, georgia, aye -- ; massachusetts, connecticut (doctor johnson, aye), new jersey, pennsylvania (three against two), delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- . mr. randolph's (of virginia) proposition, as varied by mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,-- mr. gerry (of massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not be carried into execution, as the states were not to be taxed as states. with regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be more productive when there were no slaves, than where there were; the consumption being greater. mr. ellsworth (of connecticut.) in the case of a poll-tax there would be no difficulty. but there would probably be none. the sum allotted to a state may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan used by the state in raising its own supplies. on the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--connecticut, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new-jersey, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts, south carolina, divided. _pp._ to . friday, july , . on the motion of mr. randolph (of virginia), the vote of monday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust, from time to time, the representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the blacks. mr. gouverneur morris (of pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as leaving still an incoherence. if negroes were to be viewed as inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number, and not in the proportion of three-fifths. if as property, the word wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. the train of business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. a distinction has been set up, and urged, between the northern and southern states. he had hitherto considered this doctrine as heretical. he still thought the distinction groundless. he sees, however, that it is persisted in; and the southern gentlemen will not be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority in the public councils. the consequence of such a transfer of power from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in order to provide some defence for the northern states against it. but to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due confidence. if it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. there can be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to be entitled to it. the eastern states may claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the southern states claim it for their peculiar objects. in this struggle between the two ends of the union, what part ought the middle states, in point of policy, to take? to join their eastern brethren, according to his ideas. if the southern states get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with spain for the mississippi. this language is already held. the interior country, leaving no property nor interest exposed to the sea, will be little affected by such a war. he wished to know what security the northern and middle states will have against this danger. it has been said that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia only, will in a little time have a majority of the people of america. they must in that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands. mr. butler (of south carolina). the security the southern states want is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. it was not supposed that north carolina, south carolina and georgia, would have more people than all the other states, but many more relatively to the other states, than they now have. the people and strength of america are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly. on the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change as moved by mr. randoph (of virginia), it passed in the affirmative,-- massachusetts, connecticut, new-jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; delaware, divided. _pp_. - - - - . saturday, july , . mr. madison (of virginia). it seemed now pretty well understood, that the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but between the northern and southern states. the institution of slavery, and its consequences, formed the line of discrimination. _p_. . monday, july , . general pinckney reminded the convention, that if the committee should fail to insert some security to the southern states against an emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by duty to his state to vote against their report. _p_. . tuesday, july , . mr. gouverneur morris hoped the committee would strike out the whole of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. he had only meant it as a bridge[ ] to assist us over a certain gulf; having passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. he thought the principle laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections. _p_. . [footnote : the object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for, and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation claimed by the southern states on account of the negroes.] wednesday, august , . mr. king wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning the admission of slaves into the rule of representation. he could not reconcile his mind to the article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter part. the admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of america. he had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore, because he had hope that this concession would have produced a readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the general government, and to mark a full confidence in it. the report under consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes. in two great points the hands of the legislature were absolutely tied. the importation of slaves could not be prohibited. exports could not be taxed. is this reasonable? what are the great objects of the general system? first, defence against foreign invasion; secondly, against internal sedition. shall all the states, then, be bound to defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which will render defence more difficult? shall one part of the united states be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the compensation for the burden? if slaves are to be imported, shall not the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to enable the general government to defend their masters? there was so much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of the northern states could never be reconciled to it. no candid man could undertake to justify it to them. he had hoped that some accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. he never could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be represented in the national legislature. indeed, he could so little persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not sure he could assent to it under any circumstances. at all events, either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable. mr. sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of representation having been settled after much difficulty and deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition; especially as the present article, as amended, did not preclude any arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report. mr. gouverneur morris moved to insert "free" before the word "inhabitants." much, he said, would depend on this point. he never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. it was a nefarious institution. it was the curse of heaven on the states where it prevailed. compare the free regions of the middle states, where a rich and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes of virginia, maryland, and the other states having slaves. travel through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. the moment you leave the eastern states, and enter new-york, the effects of the institution become visible. passing through the jerseys and entering pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the change. proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the increasing proportion of these wretched beings. upon what principle is it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? are they men? then make them citizens, and let them vote. are they property? why, then is no other property included? the houses in this city (philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover the rice swamps of south carolina. the admission of slaves into the representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the inhabitant of georgia and south carolina, who goes to the coast of africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears away his fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, and damns them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen of pennsylvania or new-jersey, who views with a laudable horror so nefarious a practice. he would add, that domestic slavery is the most prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed constitution. the vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite offspring of aristocracy. and what is the proposed compensation to the northern states, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every impulse of humanity? they are to bind themselves to march their militia for the defence of the southern states, for their defence against those very slaves of whom they complain. they must supply vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. the legislature will have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports; both of which will fall heavier on them than on the southern inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a northern freeman will pay more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag that covers his nakedness. on the other side, the southern states are not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of having their votes in the national government increased in proportion; and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves exempt from all contributions for the public service. let it not be said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. it is idle to suppose that the general government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a country. they can only do it through the medium of exports, imports and excises. for what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? he would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in the united states, than saddle posterity with such a constitution. mr. dayton seconded the motion. he did it, he said, that his sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of the amendment. mr. sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. it was the freemen of the southern states who were, in fact, to be represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are only included in the estimate of the taxes. this was his idea of the matter. mr. pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as more burthensome to the united states than the slaves. he thought this could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one. mr. wilson thought the motion premature. an agreement to the clause would be no bar to the object of it. on the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants," new-jersey, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- . pp. - - - - - . tuesday, august , . mr. l. martin proposed to vary article , section , so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. in the first place, as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the apportionment of representatives, such a clause would leave an encouragement to this traffic. in the second place, slaves weakened one part of the union, which the other parts were bound to protect; the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. and in the third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the revolution, and dishonorable to the american character, to have such a feature in the constitution. mr. rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be encouraged by this section. he was not apprehensive of insurrections, and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to protect the southern against them. religion and humanity had nothing to do with this question. interest alone is the governing principle with nations. the true question at present is, whether the southern states shall or shall not be parties to the union. if the northern states consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers. mr. ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. let every state import what it pleases. the morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the states themselves. what enriches a part enriches the whole, and the states are the best judges of their particular interest. the old confederation had not meddled with this point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one. mr. pinckney. south carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade. in every proposed extension of the powers of congress, that state has expressly and watchfully excepted that of meddling with the importation of negroes. if the states be all left at liberty on this subject, south carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is wished, as virginia and maryland already have done. adjourned. _pp_. - . wednesday, august , . article , section , was resumed. mr. sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. he disapproved of the slave trade; yet as the states were now possessed of the right to import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the matter as we find it. he observed that the abolition of slavery seemed to be going on in the united states, and that the good sense of the several states would probably by degrees complete it. he urged on the convention the necessity of despatching its business. col. mason. this infernal traffic originated in the avarice of british merchants. the british government constantly checked the attempts of virginia to put a stop to it. the present question concerns not the importing states alone, but the whole union. the evil of having slaves was experienced during the late war. had slaves been treated as they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous instruments in their hands. but their folly dealt by the slaves as it did by the tories. he mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the slaves in greece and sicily; and the instructions given by cromwell to the commissioners sent to virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. maryland and virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves expressly. north carolina had done the same in substance. all this would be in vain, if south carolina and georgia be at liberty to import. the western people are already calling out for slaves for their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can be got through south carolina and georgia. slavery discourages arts and manufactures. the poor despise labor when performed by slaves. they prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country. they produce the most pernicious effect on manners. every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. they bring the judgment of heaven on a country. as nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. by an inevitable chain of causes and effects, providence punishes national sins by national calamities. he lamented that some of our eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in the nefarious traffic. as to the states being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. he held it essential in every point of view, that the general government should have power to prevent the increase of slavery. mr. ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character. he said, however, that if it was to be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those already in the country. as slaves also multiply so fast in virginia and maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards south carolina and georgia. let us not intermeddle. as population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. slavery, in time, will not be a speck in our country. provision is already made in connecticut for abolishing it. and the abolition has already taken place in massachusetts. as to the danger of insurrections from foreign influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves. mr. pinckney. if slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world. he cited the case of greece, rome and other ancient states; the sanction given by france, england, holland and other modern states. in all ages, one half of mankind have been slaves. if the southern states were let alone, they will probably of themselves stop importations. he would himself, as a citizen of south carolina, vote for it. an attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will produce serious objections to the constitution, which he wished to see adopted. gen. pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign the constitution and use their personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the assent of their constituents. south carolina and georgia cannot do without slaves. as to virginia, she will gain by stopping the importations. her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she wants. it would be unequal, to require south carolina and georgia, to confederate on such unequal terms. he said the royal assent, before the revolution, had never been refused to south carolina, as to virginia. he contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole union. the more slaves, the more produce to employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of this, the more revenue for the common treasury. he admitted it to be reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of south carolina from the union. mr. baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature. georgia was decided on this point. that state has always hitherto supposed a general government to be the pursuit of the central states, who wished to have a vortex for every thing; that her distance would preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently purchase it by yielding national powers. from this it might be understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of her favorite prerogatives. if left to herself, she may probably put a stop to the evil. as one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people, who carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation. mr. wilson observed that if south carolina and georgia were themselves disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the importation might be prohibited. as the section now stands, all articles imported are to be taxed. slaves alone are exempt. this is in fact a bounty on that article. mr. gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the states as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. mr. dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized to the states by the constitution. the true question was, whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation; and this question ought to be left to the national government, not to the states particularly interested. if england and france permit slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those kingdoms. greece and rome were made unhappy by their slaves. he could not believe that the southern states would refuse to confederate on the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be immediately exercised by the general government. mr. williamson stated the law of north carolina on the subject, to wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. it imposed a duty of £ on each slave imported from africa; £ on each from elsewhere; and £ on each from a state licensing manumission. he thought the southern states could not be members of the union, if the clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing down not absolutely necessary, and which any state must disagree to. mr. king thought the subject should be considered in a political light only. if two states will not agree to the constitution, as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from the other states. he remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to strike the commercial sagacity of the northern and middle states. mr. langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the general government. he could not, with a good conscience, have it with the states, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import slaves. gen. pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think south carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. he moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one difficulty that had been started. mr. rutledge. if the convention thinks that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. the people of those states will never be such fools, as to give up so important an interest. he was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of gen. pinckney for a commitment. mr. gouverneur morris wished the whole subject to be committed including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation act. these things may form a bargain among the northern and southern states. mr. butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing exports. mr. sherman said it was better to let the southern states import slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. he was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, because it implied they were _property_. he acknowledged that if the power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the general government, that it would be exercised. he thought it would be its duty to exercise the power. mr. read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes on experts should also be committed. mr. sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and therefore could not be committed. mr. randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground might, if possible, be found. he could never agree to the clause as it stands. he would sooner risk the constitution. he dwelt on the dilemma to which the convention was exposed. by agreeing to the clause, it would revolt the quakers, the methodists, and many others in the states having no slaves. on the other hand, two states might be lost to the union. let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment. on the question for committing the remaining part of sections and , of article ,--connecticut, new jersey, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, pennsylvania, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts absent. p. - . friday, august , . _in convention_,--governor livingston, from the committee of eleven, to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section, and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh article, delivered in the following report: "strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the committee, and insert, 'the migration or importation of such persons as the several states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.' "the fifth section to remain as in the report. "the sixth section[ ] to be stricken out." p. . [footnote : this sixth section was, "no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house."--editor.] saturday, august , . the report of the committee of eleven (see friday, the twenty-fourth) being taken up,-- gen. pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight." mr. gorham seconded the motion. mr. madison. twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. so long a term will be more dishonorable to the american character, than to say nothing about it in the constitution. on the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. gouverneur morris was for making the clause read at once, "the importation of slaves in north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, shall not be prohibited, &c." this he said, would be most fair, and would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to naturalization, the liberty reserved to the states might be defeated. he wished it to be known, also, that this part of the constitution was a compliance with those states. if the change of language, however, should be objected to, by the members from those states, he should not urge it. col. mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, lest it should give offence to the people of those states. mr. sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which had been declined by the old congress, and were not pleasing to some people. m. clymer concurred with mr. sherman. mr. williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all circumstances, to let in south carolina and georgia on those terms, than to exclude them from the union. mr. gouverneur morris withdrew his motion. mr. dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the states which had not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "the importation of slaves into such of the states as shall permit the same, shall not be prohibited by the legislature of the united states, until the year ;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con._[ ] [footnote : in the printed journals, connecticut, virginia, and georgia, voted in the affirmative.] the first part of the report was then agreed to, amended as follows: "the migration or importation of such persons as the several states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ,"-- new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words, "average of the duties and on imports," and insert "common impost on articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con._ mr. sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves. mr. king and mr. langdon considered this as the price of the first part. gen. pinckney admitted that it was so. col. mason. not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves. mr. gorham thought that mr. sherman should consider the duty, not as implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the importation of them. mr. gouverneur morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it implies that the legislature may tax freemen imported. mr. sherman, in answer to mr. gorham, observed, that the smallness of the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of the importation. mr. madison thought it wrong to admit in the constitution the idea that there could be property in men. the reason of duties did not hold, as slaves are not, like merchandise, consumed, &c. col. mason, in answer to mr. gouverneur morris. the provision as it stands, was necessary for the case of convicts; in order to prevent the introduction of them. it was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was agreed to. _pp_. to . tuesday, august , . article , was then taken up. general pinckney was not satisfied with it. he seemed to wish some provision should be included in favor of property in slaves. on the question on article ,-- new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, aye-- ; south carolina, no-- ; georgia, divided. article , being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited. mr. butler and mr. pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." mr. wilson. this would oblige the executive of the state to do it, at the public expense. mr. sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. mr. butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular provision might be made, apart from this article. article , as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_. _pp_. - . wednesday, august , . general pinckney said it was the true interest of the southern states to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on the commerce of the eastern states by the revolution, their liberal conduct towards the views[ ] of south carolina, and the interest the weak southern states had in being united with the strong eastern states, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents, though prejudiced against the eastern states, would be reconciled to this liberality. he had, himself, he said, prejudices against the eastern states before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever. _p_. . [footnote : he meant the permission to import slaves. an understanding on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place between those parts of the union, which explains the vote on the motion depending, as well as the language of general pinckney and others.] mr. butler moved to insert after article , "if any person bound to service or labor in any of the united states, shall escape into another state, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the state to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con_. _p_. . monday, september , . mr. rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the articles relating to slaves might be altered by the states not interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. in order to obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition: "provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the seventh article." _p_. . thursday, september , . article , section . on motion of mr. randolph, the word "servitude" was struck out, and "service" unanimously[ ] inserted, the former being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the obligations of free persons. [footnote : see page of the printed journal.] mr. dickinson and mr. wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes," from article , section , as improperly placed in a clause relating merely to the constitution of the house of representatives. mr. gouverneur morris. the insertion here was in consequence of what had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of counting the negroes in the _representation_. the including of them may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally only to that representation. on the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,--new jersey, delaware, maryland, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- . _pp_. - . saturday, september , . article , section , (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal in a moral view. _p_. . mr. gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his name from the constitution: -- -- -- -- -- , that three fifths of the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen. _p_. . * * * * * list of members of the federal convention who formed the constitution of the united states. from attended. new hampshire, john langdon, july , . _john pickering,_ nicholas gilman, " . _benjamin west_. massachusetts, _francis dana_, elbridge gerry, may . nath'l gorham, " . rufus king, " . caleb strong, " . rhode island, (no appointment.) connecticut, w.s. johnson, june . roger sherman, may . oliver ellsworth, " . new york, robert yates, " . alex'r hamilton, " . john lansing, june . new jersey, wm. livingston, " . david brearly, may . wm. c. houston, do. wm. patterson, do. _john nielson_, _abraham clark_. jonathan dayton, june . pennsylvania, benj. franklin, may . thos. miffin, do. pennsylvania. robert morris, may . gen. clymer, " . thos. fitzsimmons, " . jared ingersoll, " . james wilson, " . gouv'r morris, " . delaware, geo. reed, " . g. bedford, jr. " . john dickinson, " . richard bassett, " . jacob broom, " . maryland, james m'henry, " . daniel of st. tho. jenifer, june . daniel carroll, july . john f. mercer, aug. . luther martin, june . virginia, g. washington, may . _patrick henry_, (declined.) edmund randolph, " . john blair, " . jas. madison, jr. " . george mason, " . george wythe, " . james mcclurg, (in room p. henry) " . north carolina, _rich'd caswell_ (resigned). alex'r martin, may . wm. r. davie, " . wm. blount (in room of r. caswell), june . _willie jones_ (declined). r. d. spaight, may . hugh williamson, (in room of w. jones,) may . south carolina, john rutledge, " . chas. c. pinckney, " . chas. pinckney, " . peirce butler, " . georgia, william few, " . abr'm baldwin, june . william pierce, may . _george walton_. wm. houston, june . _nath'l pendleton_. those with numbers before their names signed the constitution. those in italics never attended. members who attended, but did not sign the constitution, -- extract from a speech of luther martin, (delivered before the legislature of maryland,) one of the delegates from maryland to the convention that formed the constitution of the united states. with respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_ article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it, besides the great objection of inequality--it was urged, that no principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in apportioning the number of _representatives_ a state should have in the government--that it involved the absurdity of increasing the power of a state in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that state violated the rights of freedom--that it might be proper to take slaves into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned, because it had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them into account in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave trade_, and to make it the _interest_ of the states to _continue_ that _infamous traffic_--that slaves could not be taken into account as _men_, or _citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of citizens_, in the states which adopted or continued slavery--if they were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors, rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _southern states_, as it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _eastern_. by the ninth section of this article, the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited prior to the year , but a duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. the design of this clause is to prevent the general government from prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word "stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_." they anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which might be odious in the ears of americans, although they were willing to admit into their system those _things_ which the expression signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on every foreigner who comes into a state to become a citizen, whether he comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant to extend to the importation of slaves. this clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the convention. as the system was reported by the committee of detail, the provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited, without confining it to any particular period. this was rejected by eight states--georgia, south carolina, and, i think, north carolina, voting for it. we were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states, that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves, and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their assent from such a system. a committee of one member from each state was chosen by ballot, to take this part of the system under their consideration, and to endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those states. to this committee also was referred the following proposition, which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and commercial states were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the eastern states; but which these last states were as anxious to reject. this committee, of which also i had the honor to be a member, met and took under their consideration the subjects committed to them. i found the _eastern_ states, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing to indulge the southern states, at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the southern states would in their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted. this report was adopted by a majority of the convention, but not without considerable opposition. it was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those, rights to which god and nature had entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the _rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that god whose protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said, it ought to be considered that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor african slave and his american master! it was urged that by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged, that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the number of slaves are increased in any state, in the same proportion the state is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore will by so the much want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. it was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the general government a power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor and interest. these reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system. you will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is prohibited from interfering in the slave-trade before the year eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security that such prohibition will ever take place; and i think there is great reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited afterwards. at this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so great abhorrence as we have done. when our liberties were at stake, we warmly felt for the common rights of men. the danger being thought to be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more insensible to those rights. in those states which have restrained or prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative acts, which may be repealed. when those states find that they must, in their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by the sanction which is given to it in the general government. by the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or _invasion_. as the state governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving such a power to the general government; since, whenever the state which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its safety requires it, it will make use of that power. and it was urged, that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a state should oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them during its pleasure in the remotest part of the union; so that a citizen of georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of new hampshire; or a citizen of new hampshire in the furthest extreme of the south, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every connexion. these considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative also to this clause. * * * * * extracts from debates in the several state conventions on the adoption of the united states' constitution. * * * * * massachusetts convention. the third paragraph of the d section being read, mr. king rose to explain it. there has, says he, been much misconception of this section. it is a principle of this constitution, that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. this paragraph states, that the numbers of free persons shall be determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. these persons are the slaves. by this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. and it was adopted, because it was the language of all america. mr. widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered as a free person? mr. king in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more intelligible, said that five negro children of south carolina, are to pay as much tax as the three governors of new hampshire, massachusetts, and connecticut. mr. gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of massachusetts; and if it operated against any state, it was pennsylvania, because they have more white persons _bound_ than any other. judge dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the southern states were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern states work no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. can, asked he, that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of freemen? are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real advantage to a state, than _five_ of those poor slaves? mr. nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable mr. king, by saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and shown us the other side of the question. it is a good rule that works both ways--and the gentlemen should also have told us, that three of our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the working negroes of virginia. mr. n. adverted to a statement of mr. king, who had said, that five negro children of south carolina were equally rateable as three governors of new england, and wished, he said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the other side--as it would then appear that this state will pay as great a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern states will for five hearty working negro men. he hoped, he said, while we were making a new government, we should make it better than the old one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it was a reason why we should make a better one now. mr. dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against the paragraph under consideration. he thought them wholly unfounded; that the black inhabitants of the southern states must be considered either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly represented? our _own_ state laws and constitution would lead us to consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an equal basis for representation as though they were all white inhabitants. in either view, therefore, he could not see that the northern states would suffer, but directly to the contrary. he thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage in dispute with another article in the constitution, that permits congress, in the year , wholly to prohibit the importation of slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on such blacks as should be imported before that period. besides, by the new constitution, every particular state is left to its own option totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own territories. what could the convention do more? the members of the southern states, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. it would not do to abolish slavery, by an act of congress, in a moment, and so destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. but we may say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption. mr. neal (from kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued for years. his profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the constitution. other gentlemen said, in addition to this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever shall be free, and gen. thompson exclaimed: mr. president, shall it be said, that after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? oh! washington, what a name has he had! how he has immortalized himself! but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk per cent. on the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article, towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the constitution. they observed, that in the confederation there was no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this constitution provides, that congress may, after years, totally annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the states, except two, have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be done. in the interim, all the states were at liberty to prohibit it. saturday, january .--[the debate on the th section still continued desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto, as had before been used. both sides deprecated the slave trade in the most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by mr. nason, major lusk, mr. neal, and others, that this constitution provided for the continuation of the slave trade for years. on the other, the honorable judge dana, mr. adams and others, rejoiced that a door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious, abhorrent practice, in a certain time.] gen. heath. mr. president,--by my indisposition and absence, i have lost several important opportunities: i have lost the opportunity of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. i have lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the paragraphs. i have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious, enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during the investigation of the system. this is my misfortune, and i must bear it. the paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, &c., is one of those considered during my absence, and i have heard nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but i think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather too far on both sides. i apprehend that it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern states. no gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than i do: it is generally detested by the people of this commonwealth; and i ardently hope that the time will soon come, when our brethren in the southern states will view it as we do, and put a stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. two questions naturally arise: if we ratify the constitution, shall we do any thing by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the partakers of other men's sins? i think neither of them. each state is sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right, and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. we are not in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is laid on the federal government, which could not be avoided, and a union take place. the federal convention went as far as they could; the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the states, now _existing only_, new states cannot claim it. congress, by their ordinance for erecting new states, some time since, declared that the new states shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in them. but whether those in slavery in the southern states will be emancipated after the year , i do not pretend to determine: i rather doubt it. mr. neal rose and said, that as the constitution at large, was now under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which respected the africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and, unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever he liked the other parts of the constitution, be a sufficient reason for him to give his negative to it. major lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate, that although the insertion of the amendments in the constitution was devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever would be adopted. turning from the subject of amendments, the major entered largely into the consideration of the th section, and in the most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor natives of africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. with the brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy condition, in a state of slavery. rev. mr. buckus. much, sir, has been said about the importation of slaves into this country. i believe that, according to my capacity, no man abhors that wicked practice more than i do, and would gladly make use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts of the land. but let us consider where we are, and what we are doing. in the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the importation of slaves into any of these states: but a door is now opened hereafter to do it; and each state is at liberty now to abolish slavery as soon as they please. and let us remember our former connexion with great britain, from whom many in our land think we ought not to have revolted. how did they carry on the slave trade! i know that the bishop of gloucester, in an annual sermon in london, in february, , endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the americans. but at the close of the war, the bishop of chester, in an annual sermon, in february, , ingenuously owned, that their nation is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the west indies worse than the french or spaniards have done theirs. thus slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an honorable gentleman said some days ago, "though we cannot say that slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a consumption." and a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of abraham to destroy the inhabitants of canaan, and to take their houses, vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and hold others as servants. and as christian privileges are greater than those of the hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as far as they could extend their power. and from thence the mystery of iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of slaves and souls of men. but all ought to remember, that when god promised the land of canaan to abraham and his seed, he let him know that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity of the amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate direction of heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment of god upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a criminal justly condemned. and in doing it they were not allowed to invade the lands of the edomites, who sprang from esau, who was not only of the seed of abraham, but was born at the same birth with israel; and yet they were not of that church. neither were israel allowed to invade the lands of the moabites, or of the children of ammon, who were of the seed of lot. and no officer in israel had any legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. even david, the man after god's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in the new testament. and we are to remember that abraham and his seed, for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. and it was a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family for seven years, and then to have their freedom. and that covenant was expressly repealed in various parts of the new testament; and particularly in the first epistle to the corinthians, wherein it is said--ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify god in your body, and in your spirit, which are god's. and again--circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the commandments of god. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men. thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house, "that the bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order of men." * * * * * new york convention. mr. smith. he would now proceed to state his objections to the clause just read, (section , of article , clause .) his objections were comprised under three heads: st, the rule of apportionment is unjust; d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall not be reduced; d, it is inadequate. in the first place, the rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that is, in plain english, each state is to send representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it contains. he could not see any rule by which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;--the principle of a representation being that every free agent should be concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people, who were so wicked as to keep slaves. he knew it would be admitted, that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern states, though utterly repugnant to his feelings. mr. hamilton. in order that the committee may understand clearly the principles on which the general convention acted, i think it necessary to explain some preliminary circumstances. sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its interests into different classes. there are navigating and non-navigating states--the northern are properly the navigating states: the southern appear to possess neither the means; nor the spirit of navigation. this difference of situation naturally produces a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. it was the interest of the northern states that there should be no restraints on their navigation, and that they should leave full power, by a majority in congress, to make commercial regulations in favor of their own, and in restraint of the navigation of foreigners. the southern states wished to impose a restraint on the northern, by requiring that two-thirds in congress should be requisite to pass an act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to employ the shipping of the northern states would probably enhance their freight. this being the case, they insisted strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution; and the northern states were as anxious in opposing it. on the other hand, the small states seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed: the large states, on the contrary, thought it improper that rhode island and delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. it became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the convention must have dissolved without effecting any thing. would it have been wise and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted their country? no. every man who hears me--every wise man in the united states, would have condemned them. the convention were obliged to appoint a committee for accommodation. in this committee the arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was accepted. it was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all parties should be indulged. gentlemen will see, that if there had not been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the convention had no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. any other system would have been impracticable. let a convention be called to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times; they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing interests to reconcile. but dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. we will examine it upon its own merits. the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own. whether this be reasoning or declamation, i will not presume to say. it is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. the regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is entirely just that they should be gratified. the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the states. but the justice of this plan will appear in another view. the best writers on government have held that representation should be compounded of persons and property. this rule has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the constitution of new-york. it will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are considered altogether as property. they are men, though degraded to the condition of slavery. they are persons known to the municipal laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. but representation and taxation go together--and one uniform rule ought to apply to both. would it be just to compute these slaves in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the apportionment of representatives? would it be just to impose a singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage? another circumstance ought to be considered. the rule we have been speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. now, you have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented at all; and have no voice in your government; these will be included in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole. this proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the southern states, but extend to other parts of the union. mr. m. smith. i shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the hon. gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this clause: for though i am confident they might be easily refuted, yet i am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the southern states. the amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the clause in this respect. mr. harrison. among the objections, that, which has been made to the mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. i think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the objection. he has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been formed. * * * * * pennsylvania convention. mr. wilson. much fault has been found with the mode of expression, used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. i believe i can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used, and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution--and as to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the subject has come into the view of the united states, and of the legislatures of the several states. the gentleman, (mr. findley) will recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of land, and other enumerated property, within the states. after trying this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode that could not be carried into execution. congress were satisfied of this, and in the year recommended, in conformity with the powers they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota should be according to the number of free people, including those bound to servitude, and excluding indians not taxed. these were the expressions used in , and the fate of this recommendation was similar to all their other resolutions. it was not carried into effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen, who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward and state it as an objection on the present occasion. it was natural, sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they found had been received as unexceptional before. with respect to the clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year . the honorable gentleman says, that this cause is not only dark, but intended to grant to congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves. no such thing was intended; but i will tell you what was done, and it gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. under the present confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long as they please; but by this article, after the year the congress will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the disposition of any state to the contrary. i consider this as laying the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though the period is more distant than i could wish, yet it will produce the same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in pennsylvania. it is with much satisfaction i view this power in the general government, whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be obtained, i am sorry it was no more; but from this i think there is reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and slaves will never be introduced amongst them. the gentleman says, that it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the introduction of white people from europe, as this tax may deter them from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will discover the care that the convention took in selecting their language. the words are the _migration_ or importation of such persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only on those imported. i recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentleman from westmoreland (mr. findley) and the honorable gentleman from cumberland (mr. whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the th section, art. , arguing very unfairly, that because congress might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves, within any of the united states, congress might therefore permit slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. i confess i little thought that this part of the system would be excepted to. i am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union. if there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one, it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. yet the lapse of a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from within our borders. how would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent and philanthropic european? would he cavil at an expression? catch at a phrase? no, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the other side of your chair to do. mr. mckean. the arguments against the constitution are, i think, chiefly these: ... that migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to , nor a tax or duty imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person. provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the importation of slaves after the year , but the gentlemen in opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not prohibited them at once. i suspect those gentlemen are not well acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord with the will and pleasure of any one person. instead of finding fault with what has been gained, i am happy to see a disposition in the united states to do so much. * * * * * virginia convention. gov randolph said, we are told in strong language, of dangers to which we will be exposed unless we adopt this constitution. among the rest, domestic safety is said to be in danger. this government does not attend to our domestic safety. it authorizes the importation of slaves for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade. instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. though this evil is increasing, there is no clause in the constitution that will prevent the northern and eastern states from meddling with our whole property of that kind. there is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the southern states those they now possess. it is far from being a desirable property. but it will involve us in great difficulties and infelicity to be now deprived of them. there ought to be a clause in the constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a great many people. mr. lee. the honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the continuance of the existing slavery! is it not obviously inconsistent to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? i submit it to the consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the one case, it can be censurable in the other? mr. lee then concluded by earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly. mr. henry. it says, that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually invaded." if you give this clause a fair construction, what is the true meaning of it? what does this relate to? not domestic insurrections, but war. if the country be invaded, a state may go to war; but cannot suppress insurrections. if there should happen an insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be invaded.--they cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition of congress. mr. george nicholas said, another worthy member says, there is no power in the states to quell an insurrection of slaves. have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first clause gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no. but it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the state governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the general government to aid them with the strength of the union when called for. no part of the constitution can show that this power is taken away. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, this is a fatal section, which has created more dangers than any other. the first clause allows the importation of slaves for twenty years. under the royal government, this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts were made to prevent it; but the interest of the african merchants prevented its prohibition. no sooner did the revolution take place, than it was thought of. it was one of the great causes of our separation from great britain. its exclusion has been a principal object of this state, and most of the states in the union. the augmentation of slaves weakens the states; and such a trade is diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. yet, by this constitution, it is continued for twenty years. as much as i value an union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states into the union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to the union. and though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no security for the property of that kind which we have already. there is no clause in this constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax as will amount to manumission. and should the government be amended, still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till after the expiration of twenty years. for the fifth article, which provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. i have ever looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to america. i cannot express my detestation of it. yet they have not secured us the property of the slaves we have already. so that, "they have done what they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to have done." mr. madison. mr. chairman, i should conceive this clause to be impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded without encountering greater evils. the southern states would not have entered into the union of america, without the temporary permission of that trade. and if they were excluded from the union, the consequences might be dreadful to them and to us. we are not in a worse situation than before. that traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may continue the prohibition. the union in general is not in a worse situation. under the articles of confederation, it might be continued forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty years. there is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. a tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. from the mode of representation and taxation, congress cannot lay such a tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. another clause secures us that property which we now possess. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. for the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect. but in this constitution, "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. this is a better security than any that now exists. no power is given to the general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states. the taxation of this state being equal only to its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. they cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years; but after that period, they can. the gentlemen from south carolina and georgia argued in this manner: "we have now liberty to import this species of property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased, or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the assistance of imported slaves. what would be the consequence of hindering us from it? the slaves of virginia would rise in value, and we would be obliged to go to your markets." i need not expatiate on this subject. great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would be worse. if those states should disunite from the other states, for not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers. mr. tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. he thought the reasons urged by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. it was one cause of the complaints against british tyranny, that this trade was permitted. the revolution had put a period to it; but now it was to be revived. he thought nothing could justify it. this temporary restriction on congress militated, in his opinion, against the arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up, was retained by the states; for that if this restriction had not been inserted, congress could have prohibited the african trade. the power of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided. this seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable rights. it was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or included in the constitution. but he contended for it one way or the other. it would be justified by our own example, and that of england. his earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity, that he had opposed this wicked clause. mr. madison. as to the restriction in the clause under consideration, it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations. mr. henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on congress, was a plain demonstration that congress could exercise powers by implication. the gentleman had admitted that congress could have interdicted the african trade, were it not for this restriction. if so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained by implication. he demanded where, then, was their doctrine of reserved rights? he wished for negative clauses to prevent them from assuming any powers but those expressly given. he asked why it was moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? he feared its omission was done with design. they might lay such heavy taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the southern states would be the only sufferers. his opinion was confirmed by the mode of levying money. congress, he observed, had power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. imposts (or duties) and excises, were to be uniform. but this uniformity did not extend to taxes. this might compel the southern states to liberate their negroes. he wished this property therefore to be guarded. he considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a security for this property, as no security at all. it was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in maryland or new-york. this could not prevent congress from interfering with that property by laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. he apprehended it would be productive of much stock-jobbing, and that they would play into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would be lost to the country. mr. george nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery, would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade would be done away. he asked, if gentlemen did not see the inconsistency of their arguments? they object, says he, to the constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the slaves who are so now, will be manumitted. at the same moment, it is opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. he contended that it was advantageous to virginia, that it should be in the power of congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years, as it would then put a period to the evil complained of. as the southern states would not confederate without this clause, he asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting it to be such? virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a share. he endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the restriction on congress was a proof that they would have power not given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted. but the southern states insisted on this exception to that general superintendency for twenty years. it could not therefore have been a power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a delegated power. the taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and representation were fixed according to the census established in the constitution. the exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the census. had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving great inconveniences and oppressions. but, says mr. nicholas, is it from the general government we are to fear emancipation? gentlemen will recollect what i said in another house, and what other gentlemen have said that advocated emancipation. give me leave to say, that that clause is a great security for our slave tax. i can tell the committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by the taxes on negroes. had this constitution been adopted, it would not have been the case. the taxes were laid on all our negroes. by this system two-fifths are exempted. he then added, that he imagined gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another place. mr. henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in the enumeration, yet the proportion of virginia being once fixed, might be laid on blacks and blacks only. for the mode of raising the proportion of each state being to be directed by congress, they might make slaves the sole object to raise it. personalities he wished to take leave of: they had nothing to do with the question, which was solely whether that paper was wrong or not. mr. nicholas replied, that negroes must he considered as persons, or property. if as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them was fixed in the constitution. if he apprehended a poll tax on negroes, the constitution had prevented it. for, by the census, where a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. for the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion. the second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows: the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. no capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. mr. george mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured by the restriction in the fourth clause, capitation or other direct tax should he laid but in proportion to the census before directed to be taken. but that when maturely considered it would be found to be no security whatsoever. it was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and representation. it only meant that the quantum to be raised of each state should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein directed. but the general government was not precluded from laying the proportion of any particular state on any one species of property they might think proper. for instance, if five hundred thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of southern states on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate that kind of property. no real security could arise from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one state, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. this only meant, that runaway slaves should not be protected in other states. as to the exclusion of _ex post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any security in this case. for laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex post facto_. mr. madison replied, that even the southern states, who were most affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no danger to the property they now hold. it appeared to him, that the general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might prohibit the traffic altogether. the census in the constitution was intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the community. no gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and excises, uniformly. but uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any article which would be easy for one state, but what would be heavy for another. that the proportion of each state being ascertained, it would be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object. that there must be some decree of confidence put in agents, or else we must reject a state of civil society altogether. another great security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five states were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were other states which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken any step to take them from the people. there were a few slaves in new york, new jersey and connecticut: these states could, probably, oppose any attempts to annihilate this species of property. he concluded, by observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the committee. the second section was then read as follows: * * * * * no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. mr. george mason.--mr. chairman, on some former part of the investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some observations on the security of property coming within this section. it was then said, and i now say, that there is no security, nor have gentlemen convinced me of this. mr. henry. among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please. and this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common interest with you. they will, therefore, have no feeling for your interests. it has been repeatedly said here, that the great object of a national government, was national defence. that power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be rendered detestable and oppressive. if you give power to the general government to provide for the general defence, the means must be commensurate to the end. all the means in the possession of the people must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public defence. in this state there are , blacks, and there are many in several other states. but there are few or none in the northern states, and yet if the northern states shall be of opinion, that our numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource. may congress not say, that every black man must fight? did we not see a little of this last war? we were not so hard pushed, as to make emancipation general. but acts of assembly passed, that every slave who would go to the army should be free. another thing will contribute to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. let all these considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the minds of congress. let that urbanity, which i trust will distinguish america, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they have power of manumission. and have they not, sir? have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare? may they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery? may not they pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? there is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. the paper speaks to the point. they have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will clearly and certainly exercise it. as much as i deplore slavery, i see that prudence forbids its abolition. i deny that the general government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the states have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. the majority of congress is to the north, and the slaves are to the south. in this situation, i see a great deal of the property of the people of virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. i repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings was emancipated. as we ought with gratitude to admire that decree of heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. but is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? we ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of the country. but we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of their unhappy fate. i know that in a variety of particular instances, the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their emancipation. let me not dwell on this subject. i will only add, that this, as well as every other property of the people of virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of situation with us. this is a local matter, and i can see no propriety in subjecting it to congress. have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? why, sir, your slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--those who are in the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain. gov. randolph said, that honorable gentleman, and some others, have insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. the inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments. but if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no danger of enfranchisement taking place, i beg leave to refer them to the paper itself. i hope that there is none here, who, considering the subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection dishonorable to virginia; that at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by the operation of the general government, be made _free_. but if any gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system. i ask, and i will ask again and again, till i be answered (not by declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of slavery? is it the clause which says, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year ?" this is an exception from the power of regulating commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till . then congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? were it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, i might tell you that the southern states, even south carolina herself, conceived this property to be secure by these words. i believe, whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of slavery. go to their meaning. point out the clause where this formidable power of emancipation is inserted. but another clause of the constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. the words of the clause are, "no person held to service or labor in our state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor. and when authority is given to owners of slaves to vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought, that after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free? i observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable for another consideration; that although we went article by article through the constitution, and although we did not expect a general review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. pardon me if i remind you of the true state of that business. i appeal to the candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper appeal, i ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? the power is, "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." so that they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the general welfare. no man who reads it can say it is general as the honorable gentleman represents it. you must violate every rule of construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that formidable power which it is represented to be. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, with respect to commerce and navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the union, and that without it, the states in convention would never concur. i differ from him. it never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the union. i will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of that affair. this business was discussed at philadelphia for four months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was often under consideration; and i assert, that eight states out of twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation laws. true it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it stands. if i am right, there was a great majority for requiring two-thirds of the states in this business, till a compromise took place between the northern and southern states; the northern states agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the southern states conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws should be on the footing on which they now stand. if i am mistaken, let me be put right. these are my reasons for saying that this was not a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. the newfoundland fisheries will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. the eastern states therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate. mr. madison said-- i was struck with surprise when i heard him express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. let me ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? there is no power to warrant it, in that paper. if there be, i know it not. but why should it be done? says the honorable gentleman, for the general welfare--it will infuse strength into our system. can any member of this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? can any one believe, that the american councils will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the union? why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? i believe such an idea never entered into an american breast, nor do i believe it ever will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported suspicious for reasons. mr. henry. he asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? i say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. he admits that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can show me nothing like such a power granted in that constitution. notwithstanding he admits their right to this power by implication, he says that i am unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our slaves, though the word emancipation is not mentioned in it. they can exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another. thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power though it not be delegated. mr. z. johnson. they tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation. the principle has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round. slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. if it were totally abolished, it would do much good. * * * * * north carolina convention. the first three clauses of the second section read. mr. goudy. mr. chairman, this clause of taxation will give an advantage to some states over others. it will be oppressive to the southern states. taxes are equal to our representation. to augment our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be represented. if a state has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one representative for them. i wish not to be represented with negroes, especially if it increases my burthens. mr. davie. mr. chairman, i will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman last up has said. i wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty on the subject of such awful importance. it ought to be considered, that _some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may be possessed. the gentleman "does not wish to be represented with negroes." this, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but we cannot at present alter their situation. the eastern states had great jealousies on this subject. they insisted that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as well as the other. it became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the legislation of the union; and as the northern states were more populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed population. it was attempted to form a rule of representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable rule or criterion of representation. it was urged by the deputies of the eastern states, that a representation of two-fifths would be of little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal and burthensome. that in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_ inhabitants. on the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the community. that as rational beings they had a right of representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war. on these principles, the eastern states gave the matter up, and consented to the regulation as it has been read. i hope these reasons will appear satisfactory. it is the same rule or principle which was proposed some years ago by congress, and assented to by twelve of the states. it may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from guilford, [mr. goudy,] but i hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and circumstances of his country. mr. james galloway said, that he did not object to the representation of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of representatives. he was surprised how we came to have but five, including those intended to represent negroes. that in his humble opinion north carolina was entitled to that number independent of the negroes. first clause of the th section read. mr. j. m'dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction. mr. spaight answered that there was a contest between the northern and southern states--that the southern states, whose principal support depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of the northern states to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely. that south carolina and georgia insisted on this clause, as they were now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: that in the course of twenty years they would be fully supplied: that the trade would be abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be laid on. mr. m'dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he expected, and by no means satisfactory to him and that he looked upon it as a very objectionable part of the system. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, i rise to express sentiments similar to those of the gentleman from craven. for my part, were it practicable to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great cruelties have been exercised. when the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for things which are not attainable. it was the wish of a great majority of the convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the states of south carolina and georgia would not agree to it. consider then what would be the difference between our present situation in this respect, if we do not agree to the constitution, and what it will be if we do agree to it. if we do not agree to it, do we remedy the evil? no, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it will be in the power of every state to continue it forever. they may or may not abolish it at their discretion. but if we adopt the constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress declare so, whether particular states please so or not: surely, then, we gain by it. this was the utmost that could be obtained. i heartily wish more could have been done. but as it is, this government is nobly distinguished above others by that very provision. where is there another country in which such a restriction prevails? we, therefore, sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. i hope, therefore, that this part of the constitution will not be condemned because it has not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain. mr. spaight further explained the clause. that the limitation of this trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the eastern states and the southern states. south carolina and georgia wished to extend the term. the eastern states insisted on the entire abolition of the trade. that the state of north carolina had not thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves, and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it. mr. iredell added to what he had said before, that the states of georgia and south carolina had lost a great many slaves during the war, and that they wished to supply the loss. mr. galloway. mr. chairman, the explanation given to this clause does not satisfy my mind. i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. but in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic for twenty years, yet i do not wish to see the tax on the importation extended to all persons whatsoever. our situation is different from the people to the north. we want citizens; they do not. instead of laying a tax, we ought to give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to come among us. with respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires the utmost consideration. the property of the southern states consists principally of slaves. if they mean to do away slavery altogether, this property will be destroyed. i apprehend it means to bring forward manumission. if we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send them to? it is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission, they are to stay among us. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, the worthy gentleman, i believe, has misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on _such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." now, sir, observe that the eastern states, who long ago have abolished slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore used another that answered the same purpose. the committee will observe the distinction between the two words migration and importation. the first part of the clause will extend to persons who come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but the last part extends to slaves only. the word _migration_ refers to free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because free people cannot be said to be imported. the tax, therefore, is only to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who migrate. i further beg leave to say, that this gentleman is mistaken in another thing. he seems to say that this extends to the abolition of slavery. is there anything in this constitution which says that congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those slaves who are now in the country? is it not the plain meaning of it, that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of slaves? it does not extend to those now in the country. there is another circumstance to be observed. there is no authority vested in congress to restrain the states in the interval of twenty years, from doing what they please. if they wish to inhibit such importation, they may do so. our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation of slaves. article fourth. the first section and two first clauses of the second section read without observation. the last clause read-- mr. iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. in some of the northern states, they have emancipated all their slaves. if any of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they could, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again. this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the southern states, and to prevent it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. though the word slave be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. the northern delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned. the rest of the fourth article read without any observation. * * * * * it is however to be observed, (said mr. iredell,) that the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from any alteration till the year ; and in order that no consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no state shall, by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the senate without its own consent. the two first prohibitions are with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. as to the first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference between the northern and southern states. the northern states have been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. the subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a good many years. in twenty years there will probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be considered with less difficulty and greater coolness. in the mean time, the compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. a compromise likewise took place with regard to the importation of slaves. it is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of south carolina and georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. in the mean time, it is left to the states to admit or prohibit the importation, and congress may impose a limited duty upon it. * * * * * south carolina convention. hon. rawlins lowndes. in the first place, what cause was there for jealousy of our importing negroes? why confine us to twenty years, or rather why limit us at all? for his part he thought this trade could be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. but they don't like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the southern states allow of this, without the consent of nine states? judge pendleton observed, that only three states, georgia, south carolina, and north carolina, allowed the importation of negroes. virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them. mr. lowndes continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there was no reason offered, why the southern states might not find it necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. without negroes this state would degenerate into one of the most contemptible in the union: and cited an expression that fell from gen. pinckney on a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in south carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the importation of negroes. even in granting the importation for twenty years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten dollars, and, in addition this, were liable to a capitation tax. negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our kind friends in the north were determined soon to tie up our hands, and drain us of what we had. the eastern states drew their means of subsistence, in a great treasure, from their shipping; and on that head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens: they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! why, then, call this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it on the other? major butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost. this, mr. lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. they are to be the carriers: and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses would fall upon us. hon. e. rutledge. the gentleman had complained of the inequality of the taxes between the northern and southern states--that ten dollars a head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes were afterwards taxed. to this it was answered, that the ten dollars per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles; and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side; or, at least, not against us. in the northern state, the labor is performed by white people; in the southern by black. all the free people (and there are few others) in the northern states, are to be taxed by the new constitution whereas, only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the southern states are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. but the principal objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping--that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the americans; that the ship-building business was principally carried on in the northern states. when this subject is duly considered, the southern states, should be the last to object to it. mr. rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned. gen. charles cotesworth pinckney. we were at a loss for some time for a rule to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the states, at last we thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be apportioned among the several states, by adding to the whole number of free persons three-fifths of the slaves. we thus obtained a representation for our property, and i confess i did not expect that we had conceded too much to the eastern states, when they allowed us a representation for a species of property which they have not among them. the honorable gentleman alleges, that the southern states are weak, i sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually protecting each other. without union with the other states, south carolina must soon fall. is there any one among us so much a quixotte as to suppose that this state could long maintain her independence if she stood alone, or was only connected with the southern states? i scarcely believe there is. let an invading power send a naval force into the chesapeake to keep virginia in alarm, and attack south carolina with such a naval and military force as sir henry clinton brought here in , and though they might not soon conquer us, they would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. as, from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union with the eastern states, who are strong? for who have been the greatest sufferers in the union, by our obtaining, our independence? i answer, the eastern states; they have lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. it is notorious that some ports to the eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated; that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendships, and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them, in some measure, partake of our prosperity. the general then said he would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the african trade after the year . on this point your delegates had to contend with the religious and political prejudices of the eastern and middle states, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of virginia, who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. i am of the same opinion now as i was two years ago, when i used the expressions that the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp land uncleared of south carolina, i would raise my voice against restricting the importation of negroes. i am as thoroughly convinced as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with negroes, and that without them south carolina would soon be a desert waste. you have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that i need not now repeat them. it was alleged, by some of the members who opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness of any state who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves and the neighboring states, and that as we were allowed a representation for them in the house of representatives, our influence in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to defend ourselves. "show some period," said the members from the eastern states, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices of our people on this subject." the middle states and virginia made us no such proposition; they were for an immediate and total prohibition. we endeavored to obviate the objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the house: a committee of the states was appointed in order to accommodate this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on the footing recited in the constitution. by this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several states. we have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of america they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. in short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make. we would have made better if we could, but on the whole i do not think them bad. hon. robert barnwell. mr. barnwell continued to say, i now come to the last point for consideration, i mean the clause relative to the negroes; and here i am particularly pleased with the constitution; it has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate investigation; no, it has declared that the united states shall not, at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet gentlemen are displeased with it. congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its expiration may continue it as long as they please. this question then arises, what will their interest lead them to do? the eastern states, as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of america, it will, therefore certainly be their interest to encourage exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, i appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit is derived? to think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of mankind, that i am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever. * * * * * federalist, no. . by james madison it were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year , or rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. but it is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed. it ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within these states, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a considerable discouragement from the federal government, and may be totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few states which continue the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the union. happy would it be for the unfortunate africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being redeemed from the oppressions of their european brethern! attempts have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent voluntary and beneficial emigrations from europe to america. i mention these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed government. * * * * * federalist, no. . by james madison. all this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? slaves are considered as property, not as persons. they ought therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is regulated by a census of persons. this is the objection as i understand it, stated in its full force. i shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. we subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our southern brethern observe, that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. but we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. the true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as property. in being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty: and chastised in his body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. in being protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. the federal constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property. this is in fact their true character. it is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. this question may be placed in another light. it is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. would the convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? could it be reasonably expected, that the southern states would concur in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light, when advantages were to be conferred? might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the southern states with the, barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethern, should themselves contend, that the government to which all the states are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain? it may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the states possessing them. they neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? in rejecting them altogether, the constitution would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been appealed to as the proper guide. this objection is repelled by a single observation. it is a fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several states is to be determined by a federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each state, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the state itself may designate. the qualifications of which the right of suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two states. in some of the states the difference is very material. in every state, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the state, who will be included in the census by which the federal constitution apportions the representatives. in this point of view, the southern states might retort the complaint, by insisting, that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular states towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other states, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. a rigorous adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be gainers by it. all that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on the other side. let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in truth, a peculiar one. let the compromising expedient of the constitution be annually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_. debates in first congress, may , . mr. parker (of va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. he was sorry that the constitution prevented congress from prohibiting the importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. he hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the success of his motion. mr. smith (of south carolina,) hoped that such an important and serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. he expected the committee had got through the business, and would rise without discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. it was certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the state he represented; he did not think any one thing that had been discussed was so important to them, and the welfare of the union, as the question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn or laid on the table. mr. sherman (of ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. he could not reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. he hoped it would be withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent subject. mr. jackson, (of geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect on others. he recollected that virginia was an old settled state, and had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burthen upon the importation. he knew this business was viewed in an odious light to the eastward, because the people were capable of doing their own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to break us down at once. he was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were imported from all the goals of europe; wretches, convicted of the most flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever. he thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the africans, and had no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was equally apparent as the one proposed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important subject at the time when debate was almost precluded. the committee had gone through the impost bill, and the whole union were impatiently expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo that full discussion which it deserves. we have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of slaves is proper or not; the constitution gives us no power on that point, it is left to the states to judge of that matter as they see fit. but if it was a business the gentleman was determined to discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and even then not have introduced it without previous notice. he hoped the committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not speaking so much for the state he represented, as for georgia, because the state of south carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be renewed when its limitation expired. mr. parker (of va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. although the gentleman from connecticut (mr. sherman) had said, that they ought not to be enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were looked upon by the african traders in this light, he knew it was degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves a moment longer. he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if possible wipe off the stigma which america laboured under. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged, should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our declaration of independence. mr. sherman (of ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral evil. now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust, because two or three states would bear the whole burthen, while he believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. he was against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn. mr. ames (of mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. no one could suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn. mr. livermore. was not against the principle of the motion, but in the present case he conceived it improper. if negroes were goods, wares, or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were not, the bill would be inconsistent: but if they are goods, wares or merchandise, the per cent ad valorum, will embrace the importation; and the duty of per cent is nearly equal to dollars per head, so there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue. mr. jackson (of ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject, but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better off in their present situation, than they would be if they were manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? work for a living? experience has shewn us they will not. examine what is become of those in maryland, many of them have been set free in that state; did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? no, they turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. what is to be done for compensation? will virginia set all her negroes free? will they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? when this practice comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear. but our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the coast of africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made slaves together. in these cases it is only a change of one slavery for another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance. he would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted by the avowed friends of the measure; georgia in particular would be oppressed. on this account it would be the most odious tax congress could impose. mr. schureman (of n.j.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the house, as a distinct proposition. if the gentleman persisted in having the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was supported. mr. madison, (of va.) i cannot concur with gentlemen who think the present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the same thing at a greater expense of time. but the gentlemen say that it is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come within the title of the bill. but this objection may be obviated by accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed, that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from the importation to which it relates. our object in enumerating persons on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the united states. the motion is calculated to avoid the very evil intimated by the gentleman. it has been said that this tax will be partial and oppressive; but suppose a fair view is taken of this subject, i think we may form a different conclusion. but if it be partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have laid taxes of this nature? yet are they not thought to be justified by national policy? if any article is warranted on this account, how much more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last i should be willing to make a concession upon so far as i was at liberty to go, according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--i would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey the inviolable commands of either. i understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent or unconstitutional. i believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be rectified; i believe the intention is well understood, but i am far from supposing the diction improper. if the description of the persons does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from georgia, (mr. jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, i see no difficulty in changing the phraseology. i conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of america, with respect to the african trade. we have liberty to impose a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was granted, i presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves, they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value and ought to be paid for. if gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per cent, ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the constitution. it is to be hoped that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. i do not wish to say any thing harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from those i represent; but if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, to vary the practice obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this; but it is certain a majority of the states are opposed to this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance it as far as is in our power. if i was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the several states, are the best able to judge of what is proper and conducive to their particular prosperity, i should venture to say that it is as much the interest of georgia and south carolina, as of any in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves, tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government. i hope, in making these observations, i shall not be understood to mean that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and circumstances of any part of the united states, or that the particular representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their immediate constituents. if we examine the proposal measure by the agreement there is between it, and the existing state laws, it will show us that it is patronized by a very respectable part of the union. i am informed that south carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. this is not the case with one state. i am sorry that her situation is such as to seem to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we do not wish to do, to some particular part. perhaps gentlemen contend against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. if it does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it. but if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the best reason for making it the object of a separate one. if this is the sense of the committee i shall submit. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as possible. he had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they ought to support it generally. mr. burke (of s.c.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that the value of a slave averaged about £ , and the duty on that sum at five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther than that sum, he conceived it made not difference whether they were enumerated or left in the common mass. mr. madison, (of va.) if we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is, whether the five percent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and merchandise to any person whatsoever. but if that general definition of goods, wares, and merchandise are supposed to include african slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty pointed out by the constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense, expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity. mr. bland (of va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of this measure. he had made up his mind upon it, he wished slaves had never been introduced into america; but if it was impossible at this time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would prevent its extending farther. he had some doubts whether the prohibitory laws of the states were not in part repealed. those who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the importation, were prevented by the constitution from continuing such regulation, which declares, that no state shall lay any impost or duties on imports. if this was the case, and he suspected pretty strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his colleague was not apparent. mr. sherman (of ct.) said, the constitution does not consider these persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them into any state which shall permit the same, but they have no power to prohibit such importation for twenty years. but congress have power to declare upon what terms persons coming into the united states shall be entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be uniform. he was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he meant convicts particularly. he thought that some regulation respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it ought to be taken up in a different manner. mr. madison (of va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a bill on the same principles. mr. parker (of va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. he knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but they were treated as articles of merchandise. although he wished to get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their consent. the committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned. february th, . mr. lawrance (of new york,) presented an address from the society of friends, in the city of new york; in which they set forth their desire of co-operating with their southern brethren. mr. hartley (of penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual assembly of friends, held at philadelphia, to a committee; he thought it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the community. mr. white (of va.) seconded the motion. mr. smith, (of s.c.) however respectable the petitioners may be, i hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. i flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure. mr. fitzsimons, (of penn.) if we were now about to determine the final question, the observation of the gentleman from south carolina would apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house. mr. jackson (of geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the members from the great object that was before the committee of the whole? is it because the feelings of the friends will be hurt, to have their affair conducted in the usual course of business? gentlemen who advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the members who represent that part of the union which is principally to be affected by the measure. i believe, sir, that the latter class consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. why then should such particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business of questionable policy? if congress are disposed to interfere in the importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers, because the constitution expressly mentions all the power they can exercise on the subject. mr. sherman (of conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a committee, to consist of a member from each state, because several states had already made some regulations on this subject. the sooner the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better. mr. parker, (of va.) i hope, mr. speaker, the petition of these respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the importance of its object demands: and i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding so considerable a part of the community attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future prosperity and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. the constitution has authorized as to levy a tax upon the importation of such persons as the states shall authorize to be admitted. i would willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the constitution, i shall cheerfully give it my assent and support. mr. madison, (of va.) the gentleman from pennsylvania, (mr. fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. if gentlemen do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well acquiesce in it to-day; and i apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed at any measure it is likely congress should take; because they will recollect, that the constitution secures to the individual states the right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject, however, to a tax, if congress are disposed to impose it, of not more than ten dollars on each person. the petition, if i mistake not, speaks of artifices used by self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from new york states a case, that may require the consideration of congress. if anything is within the federal authority to restrain such violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be practised in some parts of the united states it will certainly tend to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is a proper subject for our discussion. it may be, that foreigners take the advantage of the liberty afforded them by the american trade, to employ our shipping in the slave trade between africa and the west indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by restrictive laws of their nation. if this is the case, is there any person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? another consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to take measures that were unconstitutional. mr. stone (of md.) feared that if congress took any measures, indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the southern states. he thought the subject was of general concern, and that the petitioners had no more right to interfere with it than any other members of the community. it was an unfortunate circumstance, that it was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of human nature letter than all the world beside; and that they would, in consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to do. as the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. suppose there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a petition of this kind? certainly it would remain on your table. he would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit. unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment. mr. burke (of s.c.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what did not deserve it. the men in the gallery had come here to meddle in a business with which they have nothing to do; they were volunteering it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. he had a respect for the body of quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding their outward pretences. if their petition is to be noticed, congress ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might have the subject more fairly before them. the rights of the southern states ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences. mr. hartley (of penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity, they solicited the legislature of the union to repel, as far as in their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. nor do they merit censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality than other people's. but it is not for congress to refuse to hear the applications of their fellow-citizens, while those applications contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. what is the object of the address before us? it is intended to bring before this house a subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to their conveniency. mr. lawrance, (of n.y.) the gentleman from south carolina says, the petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or constitution. sir, in all our acts, as well as in the constitution, we have noticed this society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases where others are called upon to swear? if we pay this attention to them, in one instance, what good reason is there for condemning them in another? i think the gentleman from maryland (mr. stone,) carries his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade: not that i suppose it immediately in the power of congress to abolish a traffic which is a disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support its object. mr. jackson, (of ga.) i differ much in opinion with the gentleman last up. i apprehend if, through the interference of the general government, the slave-trade was abolished, it would evince to the people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold their property in jeopardy. any extraordinary attention of congress to this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. i would beg to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if they have funds sufficient to pay for them? if they have, they may come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a business in which they are not interested. they may as well come forward, and solicit congress to interdict the west-india trade, because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. but, sir, is the whole morality of the united states confined to the quakers? are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted on this occasion? is it to them we owe our present happiness? was it they who formed the constitution? did they, by their arms, or contributions, establish our independence? i believe they were generally opposed to that measure. why, then, on their application, shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, secured to the community their liberty and property? if congress pay any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish just ground of alarm to the southern states. but, why do these men set themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? do they understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of providence better than others? if they were to consult that book which claims our regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but commended. their saviour, who possessed more benevolence and commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. and if they fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no novel doctrine since the days of cain. but be these things as they may, i hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in order to prevent alarming our southern brethren. mr. sedgwick, (of mass.) if it was a serious question, whether the memorial should be committed or not, i would not urge it at this time; but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our relative situation with the people. a number of men,--who are certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a practice productive of great evil. now, setting aside the religious motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? for my part i do not apprehend that any state, or any considerable number of individuals in any state, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment of the petition, from a fear that congress intend to exercise an unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; i believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of this body. how can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of procedure in business? why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow, which we can do to-day? for the result, i apprehend, will be the same in either case. mr. smith, (of s.c.) the question, i apprehend, is, whether we will take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be committed? now, i oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper; perhaps the prayer of it is improper. if i understood it right, on its first reading, though, to be sure, i did not comprehend perfectly all that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional act, because the constitution secures that trade to the states, independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one years. if, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and patriotism of the house. mr. boudinot, (of n.j.) it has been said that the quakers have no right to interfere in this business; i am surprised to hear this doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled, that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of quakers that i am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes from citizens of the united states, who are as equally concerned in the welfare and happiness of their country as others. there certainly is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in gentlemen's minds. if the petitioners were so uninformed as to suppose that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet, i trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. i do not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have reported. if it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way, to put a stop to the slave-trade in america, i do not doubt of its policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration. mr. sherman (of conn.) observed, that the petitioners from new york, stated that they had applied to the legislature of that state, to prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy, because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general government, under the constitution of the united states; it would, therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by the legislature of new york. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should, therefore, now follow them further in that track than barely to observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress, in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the duty of congress to afford redress as far as in their power. that their southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave-trade by the first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave-trade had brought upon all who were concerned in it. mr. madison (of va.) thought the question before the committee was no otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious opposition. did they permit the commitment of the memorial, as a matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the discouragement of the african slave-trade, nor alarm the owners with an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish slavery in all the states; such things are not contemplated by any gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it. mr. white (of va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. he conceived that a business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose there was any reason for a deviation. mr. page (of va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they would be satisfied. mr. stone (of md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared, that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house, should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read. mr. baldwin (of ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house; he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. to be sure it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. he was afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business, as it had been termed by the gentleman from georgia. mr. huntington (of conn.) considered the petitioners as much disinterested as any person in the united states; he was persuaded they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this, others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject, they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of. but he thought that would better be done by considering it in the light of revenue. when the committee of the whole, on the finance business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into consideration, without giving any ground for alarm. mr. tucker, (of s.c.) i have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we ought to dismiss it without further notice. what is the purport of the memorial? it is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of congress to effect its abrogation. but congress have no authority, under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle upon which we can proceed to take it up. but what effect do these men suppose will arise from their exertions? will a duty of ten dollars diminish the importation? will the treatment be better than usual? i apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. because an interference with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. but if they will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave-trade, let them prefer their petitions to the state legislatures, who alone have the power of forbidding the importation; i believe their applications there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is there. i look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the intention of the framers. mr. smith (of s.c.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should lay over till to-morrow. mr. boudinor (of n.j.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read, "unless where the house shall direct otherwise." mr. smith (of s.c.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question. mr. clymer (of penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because, though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the situation of the members. mr. fitzsimons (of penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays. mr. baldwin (of ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject over a day at least. mr. smith (of s.c.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any gentleman. if the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that call. mr. white (of va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. and the address was ordered to lie on the table. february th, . the following memorial was presented and read: "to the senate and house of representatives of the united states: the memorial of the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the african race, respectfully showeth: that from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed several years since in this state, by a number of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. a just and acute conception of the true principles of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation with their views, which, by the blessing of divine providence, have been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their fellow creatures of the african race. they have also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and abroad. that mankind are all formed by the same almighty being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happiness, the christian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed of americans fully coincides with the position. your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. they have observed with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the united states;' and as they conceive, that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered, without distinction of color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or delayed. from a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution, your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the american people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. "benjamin franklin, _president_. "philadelphia, _february_ , ." mr. hartley (of penn.) then called up the memorial presented yesterday, from the annual meeting of friends at philadelphia, for a second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved to be committed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) was sorry the petition had a second reading as he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that consideration he wished it thrown aside. he feared the commitment of it would be a very alarming circumstance to the southern states; for if the object was to engage congress in an unconstitutional measure, it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that they ever put additional powers into their hands. he was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject and that signed by a man who ought to have known the constitution better. he thought it a mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. it would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. do these men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? this would never be submitted to by the southern states without a civil war. do they mean to purchase their freedom? he believed their money would fall short of the price. but how is it they are more concerned in this business than others? are they the only persons who possess religion and morality? if the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body, praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety, or any moral object? they know it would be an improper interference; and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence, which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house. mr. seney (of md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention, and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. its only object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could: indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined yesterday that it should be committed. mr. burke (of s.c.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it would be refered to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. did it not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave-trade, while the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no such power? he was certain the commitment would sound in alarm, and blow the trumpet of sedition in the southern states. he was sorry to see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution; however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of a member from each state, and he was appointed, he would decline serving. mr. scott, (of penn.) i can't entertain a doubt but the memorial duty particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and i hope we may be inclined to take it into consideration. we can, at present, lay our hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. i would take this, and if it is all we can do, we must be content. but i am sorry that the framers of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it for good and all; for i look upon the slave-trade to be one of the most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither god nor devil, i should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law of nature. i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? what are the rights of conquest? some have dared to advance this monstrous principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or patrimony of another man. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a religious light, but i do not stand in need of religious motives to induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring about its total abolition. perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation; but i am sure i would go as far as i could. mr. jackson (of ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal service. the gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence, which the christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion is not against it; he will see, from genesis to revelation, the current setting strong that way. there never was a government on the face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. the purest sons of freedom in the grecian republics, the citizens of athens and lacedaemon all held slaves. on this principle the nations of europe are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. but suppose all this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of civil discord, for the people of the southern states will resist one tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to be divested of their property without a struggle. the gentleman says, if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go in emancipating these people; but, i believe his judgment would be of short duration in georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge might be in danger. mr. sherman (of conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the house. mr. baldwin (of ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought before congress, because it was a delicate nature, as it respected some of the states. gentlemen who had been present at the formation of this constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the southern states were so tender upon this point, that they had well nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the extreme desire of preserving the union, and obtaining an efficient government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. if gentlemen look over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, i fear we shall feel it tremble under our feet. congress have no power to interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the th section of the first article of the constitution; every thing else is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. if we examine the constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject, cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other part. "the migration or importation of such persons, shall not be prohibited by congress." but lest this should not have secured the object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "that no capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census;" this was intended to prevent congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. if we go on to the th article, we shall find the st and th clauses of the th section of the st article restrained from being altered before the year . gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition of the slave-trade; i think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to establish an order of nobility, or a national religion. mr. sylvester of (n.y.) said that he had always been in the habit of respecting the society called quakers; he respected them for their exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he conceived it to be a business in the province of the state legislature. mr. lawrance of (of n.y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it had been properly examined, they could see how far congress may constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. mr. smith (of s.c.) insisted that it was not in the power of the house to grant the prayer of the petition, which went to the total abolishment of the slave trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. he observed, that in the southern states, difficulties had arisen on adopting the constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade. perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that it is, they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. if their object had been for congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition, on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? the petition speaks of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? if gentlemen can assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the southern states; for i can assure them, that there is no point on which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with which they think the government has nothing to do. when we entered into this confederacy, we did it from political, not from moral motives, and i do not think my constituents want to learn morals from the petitioners; i do not believe they want improvement in their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home. the gentleman from georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the southern states. on entering into this government, they apprehended that the other states, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the southern states were under to hold this species of property, would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation; and had they not seen that the constitution provided against the effect of such a disposition, i may be bold to say, they never would have adopted it. and notwithstanding all the calmness with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the discussion alone will create great alarm. we have been told, that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent here, we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by every means in our power. gentlemen should consider that when we entered into a political connexion with the other states, that this property was there; it was acquired under a former government, conformably to the laws and constitution; therefore anything that will tend to deprive them of that property, must be an _ex post facto_ law, and as such is forbid by our political compact. i said the states would never have entered into the confederation, unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be depopulated. why will these people then make use of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? we labor under difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. a gentleman can hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this place or philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this seduction, are accessaries to the robbery. the reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is charging them with the want of humanity; i believe the proprietors are persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. it was said yesterday, that the quakers were a society known to the laws, and the constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies; they stand exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore, relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that sufficient to induce us to commit it? what may appear a moral virtue in their eyes, may not be so in reality. i have heard of a sect of shaking quakers, who, i presume, suppose their tenets of a moral tendency; i am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a numerous offspring about them. now, if these people were to petition congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, i ask, would gentlemen agree to refer such a petition? i think if they would reject one of that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this. mr. page (of va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. he observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared to be the total abolition of the slave trade: but that congress would consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must produce the abolition of the slave trade. if then the prayer contained nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not be frustrated. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was not taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that, on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government (from which was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. he presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to commit the petition. he lived in a state which had the misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as any gentleman in south carolina or georgia, yet, if he was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the virtue of congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional authority. mr. madison (of va.) the debate has taken a serious turn, and it will be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have given general satisfaction. if there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what ground such an event was to be apprehended. the petition prayed, in general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on mr. churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for an unconstitutional interference by the general government. he admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from taking measures to abolish the slave-trade; yet there were a variety of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new states, to be formed out of the western territory, different from what they could in the old settled states. he thought the object well worthy of consideration. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought the interference of congress fully compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the miseries to which the tribes of africa were exposed by this inhuman commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable circumstances. he then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? he then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves. it was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has spoken on the occasion. congress can, agreeable to the constitution, lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this immediately. he made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the southern states, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal to the southern states to purchase the whole of them, and their resources in the western territory may furnish them with means. he did not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to intermeddle in the business. he thought that no objection had been offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial. mr. boudinot (of n.j.) had carefully examined the petition, and found nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he, therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it to be committed. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power, and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of consequence, no occasion for committing it. mr. stone (of md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment. the question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and nays were called for, and are as follows:-- yeas.--messrs. ames, benson, boudinot, brown, cadwallader, clymer, fitzsimons, floyd, foster, gale, gerry, gilman, goodhue, griffin, grout, hartley, hathorne, heister, huntington, lawrence, lee, leonard, livermore, madison, moore, muhlenberg, pale, parker, partridge, renssellaer, schureman, scott, sedgwick, seney, sherman, sinnickson, smith of maryland, sturges, thatcher, trumbull, wadsworth, white, and wynkoop-- . noes--messrs. baldwin, bland, bourke, coles, huger, jackson, mathews, sylvester, smith of s.c., stone, and tucker-- . whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the petition of the society of friends, at new york, and the memorial from the pennsylvania society, for the abolition of slavery, were also referred to a committee.--lloyd's debates. _debate on committee's report, march_, . eliot's debates. mr. tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even its deliberations highly injurious to some of the states in the union. mr. jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided on their true grounds. he was against the propositions generally, and would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their present sentiments. with respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves here, their situation in their native states, and the disposal of them in case of emancipation, should be considered. that slavery was an evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which rendered that habit necessary. such situations the states of south carolina and georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. it was frequently advanced on the floor of congress, how unhealthy those climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to exist there. what, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated territory? is it to remain a waste? is the rice trade to be banished from our coasts? are congress willing to deprive themselves of the revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries? let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in the report. i call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in which they can be of service. they are of no use to congress. the powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. a multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. how strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to confirm the constitution under which they sit! this is the case with others of the resolutions. a gentleman from maryland (mr. stone) very properly observed, that the union had received the different states with all their ill habits about them. this was one of these habits established long before the constitution, and could not now be remedied. he begged congress to reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the southern states. the violation of this compact they would seize on with avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal, and it had always been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. he begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them to attend to the interest of two whole states, as well as to the memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to establish. he seconded mr. tucker's motion. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, the gentleman from massachusetts, (mr. gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee, of which he was a member, that the memorial of the pennsylvania society, required congress to violate the constitution. it was not less astonishing to see dr. franklin taking the lead in a business which looks so much like a persecution of the southern inhabitants, when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a view of showing the immorality of one set of men persecuting others for a difference of opinion. the parable was to this effect: an old traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch abraham for a night's lodging. in conversation, abraham discovered that the stranger differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. in the night god appeared unto abraham, and said, where is the stranger? abraham answered, i found that he did not worship the true god, and so i turned him out of doors. the almighty thus rebuked the patriarch: have i borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not bear with him one night? has the almighty, said mr. smith, borne with us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who differ from us on this point? mr. boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of mr. s., but could not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any of the states, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year , and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves. candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them, prior to that period. mr. boudinot observed, that he was well informed that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five per cent. ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the states, or equalizing the duties throughout the union. if this was not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. mr. boudinot observed, that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of st. peter, where he foretells that among other damnable heresies, "through covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you." [note.--this petition, with others of a similar object, was committed to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four successive days; it was then reported to the house with amendments, and by the house ordered to be inscribed in its journals, and then laid on the table. that report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: the committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people called quakers, and also a memorial from the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as amended in committee of the whole.) "first: that the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited by congress prior to the year ." "secondly: that congress have no power to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the states; it remaining with the several states alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." "thirdly: that congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the united states from carrying on the african slave trade, for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such importations." "fourthly: that congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in any part of the united states for transporting persons from africa to any foreign port."] address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society to the friends of freedom and emancipation in the united states. at the tenth anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, held in the city of new york, may th, ,--after grave deliberation, and a long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to god, require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that the motto inscribed on the banner of freedom should be, no union with slaveholders; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights, or the promotion of the interests of liberty; and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to compromise the principles of justice and humanity. a decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the american society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. this is due not only to the society, but also to the country and the world. it is declared by the american people to be a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life,_ liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." it is further maintained by them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." these doctrines the patriots of sealed with their blood. they would not brook even the menace of oppression. they held that there should be no delay in resisting at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments of power on their liberties. appealing to the great ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free. for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their deeds, and glory in their triumphs. it is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind. we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound heart. a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation. to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists. but, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it. we charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human blood. we charge upon the american constitution, that it contains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, and consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey to another. we charge upon the existing national government, that it is an insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of american slavery. these charges we proceed briefly to establish: i. it is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt,--that the american union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding states; in other words, by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by depriving the north of equal rights and privileges, and by incorporating the slave system into the government. in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"--null and void before god, from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and the supporters of which are equally guilty. it was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that, without such a compromise there could have been no union; that, without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic. to this see reply: the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical. it is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. it is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration. it is at war with the government of god, and subversive of the foundations of morality. it is to make lies our refuge, and under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the overflowing scourge. "therefore, thus saith the lord god, judgment will i lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place." moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not spare." this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since god said, "let there be light." it assumes that to be practicable, which is impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. a partnership between right and wrong, is wholly wrong. a compromise of the principles of justice, is the deification of crime. better that the american union had never been formed, than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! if they were guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! if it was sinful at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its corruption? the fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union, rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country, to the prostration of northern rights. in the just use of words, the american union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world. how then can it be innocently sustained? it is not certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother country would have reconquered the colonies. the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of england. ii. the american constitution is the exponent of the national compact. we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that, in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. it is not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. it is not a form of words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may determine. _it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant_--nothing more, nothing less, _as a matter of bargain and compromise_. even if it can be construed to mean something else, without violence to its language, such construction is not to be tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. no just or honest use of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to serve under it_. to the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be found in the constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of slavery; and that these were adopted _in good faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected_. on this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. if it be objected, that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties, _whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_; and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because they are immoral_, and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one can innocently swear to support the constitution. again, if it be objected, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is _not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of the country_. moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the united states. the words, "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the white population. "to promote the general welfare," referred to their own welfare exclusively. "to establish justice," was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of slavery. this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument, and by their own practice under it. we would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. it is absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. as truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from the american soil! the truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty _to themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose. they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in _words_ they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they continually denied it. they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. why, then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses? _why cling to the falsehood, that they were no respecters of person in the formation of the government_? alas! that they had no more fear of god, no more regard for man, in their hearts! "the iniquity of the house of israel and judah [the north and south] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the lord hath forsaken the earth, and the lord seeth not." we proceed to a critical examination of the american constitution, in its relations to slavery. in article i, section , it is declared--"the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." in this section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to mean that there should be no interference with the african slave trade, on the part of the general government, until the year . for twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, the citizens of the united states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships, populating the atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its termination, congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy, yet all christendom knows that the american flag, instead of being the terror of the african slavers, has given them the most ample protection. the manner in which the th section was agreed to, by the national convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the hon. luther martin,[ ] who was a prominent member of that body: [footnote : speech before the legislature of maryland in .] "the eastern states, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!) were _very willing to indulge the southern states_ at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the southern states would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted." behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity, on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth! it is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not adopted "without considerable opposition." alluding to it, mr. martin observes-- "it was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature has entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only of putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that god whose protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally the lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor _african slave_ and his _american master!_ [ ] [footnote : how terribly and justly as the guilty nation been scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the slave trade!] "it was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in any state, in the same proportion is the state weakened and exposed to foreign invasion and domestic insurrection; and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much, want aid and be a burden to, the union. "it was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the general government power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest. "these reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system." [ ] [footnote : secret proceedings, p. .] happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the constitution! but for the sake of securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may come, and to make the end sanctify the means. they were willing to enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. they did this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of god. "the eastern states were very willing to _indulge_ the southern states" in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_ by no restriction on being laid on navigation acts!!--had there been no other provision of the constitution justly liable to objection, this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their creator, and to each other. it was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one who partook of it. if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be _constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the constitution, at the pleasure of congress, whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of southern opposition to emancipation. it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was, that the traffic _should cease_ in ; but the only thing secured by it was, the _right_ of congress (not any obligation) to prohibit it at that period. if, therefore, congress had not chosen to exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely, under the constitution_. the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it. true, there is no probability that the african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due the framers of the constitution on this ground; for, while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition_. again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"--namely, that the parties to the constitution regarded only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an express alteration in the instrument, in the manner therein set forth_. while, therefore, the constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. for it avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law of god and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory. whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_, obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. the object of the constitution is not to define _what is the law of god_, but what is the will of the people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them. article , sect. , provides--"representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_." here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the african slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at the present time, enables the south to have twenty-five additional representatives in congress on the score of _property_, while the north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding states. referring to this atrocious bargain, alexander hamilton remarked in the new york convention-- "the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own: whether this is _reasoning_, or _declamation_, (!!) i will not presume to say. it is the _unfortunate_ situation of the southern states to have a great part of their population, as well as _property_, in blacks. the regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of accommodation_ which governed the convention: and without this _indulgence_, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it is entirely just that they should be _gratified_.--the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be _capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout the united states." if such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of alexander hamilton, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing american independence, and in framing the american constitution? listen, now, to the questions of john quincy adams, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:-- "'in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.'--'is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes.'--'it was _one_ of the curses from that pandora's box, adjusted at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the south, and to aggravate the burdens of the north.'--'if there be a parallel to it in human history, it can only be that of the roman emperors, who, from the days when julius caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic, among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was that of tribune of the people. a roman emperor tribune of the people, is an exact parallel to that feature in the constitution of the united states which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'the constitution of the united states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states. the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of privileged orders of men. but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves, in the hall of this house, in the chair of the senate, and in the presidential mansion?'--'this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six states of the union, constitutes a privileged order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility ever known. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. to call it an aristocracy, is to do injustice to that form of government. aristocracy is the government of _the best_. its standard qualification for accession to power _is merit_, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals of time. if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny, what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves? it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. it was introduced into the constitution of the united states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons. little did the members of the convention from the free states foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession.'--'the house of representatives of the united states consists of members--all, by _the letter_ of the constitution, representatives only of _persons_, as of them really are; but the other , equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the _property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. each of these members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw.'--'here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. by the influence of slavery, in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the members of the federal senate, are owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest as the members elected by them to the house.'--'by this process it is that all political power in the states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of _wrong._'--'its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.'--'the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states.--the biennial register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the union. if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders.'" it is confessed by mr. adams, alluding to the national convention that framed the constitution, that "the delegation from the free states, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the southern slaveholder, did listen to _a compromise between right and wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign, and indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the north american union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence." hence to swear to support the constitution of the united states, _as it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage war against human liberty. it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators, _incorrigible men-stealers_, merciless tyrants, blood thirsty assassins, who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they threaten to murder any northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their _rights_! they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance. to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation, is nothing short of insanity. article iv., section , declares,--"no person held to service or labor on one state, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves. it alone makes slavery a national institution, a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. this agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the north. under the mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." the warning which the prophet isaiah gave to oppressing moab was of a similar kind: "take counsel, execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. let mine outcasts dwell with thee, moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." the prophet obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation:--"for thy violence against thy brother jacob, shame shall come over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that did remain_, in the day of distress." how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of edom by the same prophet! "the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee, thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, who shall bring me down to the ground? though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will i bring thee down, saith the lord." the emblem of american pride and power is the _eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_. her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and her defiance of the almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness of edom. what shall be her punishment? truly, it may be affirmed of the american people, (who live not under the levitical but christian code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"they all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"this is a people robbed and spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, restore." by this stipulation, the northern states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with bloodhounds, and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them. at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find, throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in safety, in _consequence of this provision of the constitution_? how is it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population? it is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. this indicates either ignorance, or folly or something worse. james madison, as one of the framers of the constitution, is of some authority on this point. alluding to that instrument, in the virginia convention, he said:-- "another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. at present, if any slave elopes to those states where slaves are free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the states are _uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in this constitution, 'no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' this clause was expressly inserted to enable the owners of slaves to reclaim them. _this is a better security than any that now exists_. no power is given to the general government to interfere with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states." in the same convention, alluding to the same clause, gov. randolph said:-- "every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. and, when authority is given to owners of slaves _to vindicate their property_, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?" it is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. but this is criticism against fact. slaves are recognized not merely as property, but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal. this is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a paradox--the american constitution is a paradox--the american union is a paradox--the american government is a paradox; and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. after the independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of god exhorted the people, saying, "execute true judgment, and show mercy and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. but they refused to hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone." "shall i not visit for these things? saith the lord. shall not my soul be avenged on such a notion as this?" whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor, must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the supreme court of the united states, in the case of prigg versus the state of pennsylvania. by that decision, any southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the south, without hindrance or molestation on the part of the state, and without any legal process duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if, when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival south, they cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is sealed! hence the free colored population of the north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on southern plantations, and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey. as soon as that appalling decision of the supreme court was enunciated, in the name of the constitution, the people of the north should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty. in the th sect. of art. iv., the united states guarantee to protect every state in the union "against _domestic violence_." by the th section of article i., congress is empowered "to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, _suppress insurrections_, and repel invasions." these provisions, however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population, were adopted with special reference to the slave population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and the south left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would unquestionably be successful. says mr. madison, respecting these clauses:-- "on application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be, the militia of the other states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections. does this bar the states from calling forth their own militia? no; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence." the answer to patrick henry's objection, as urged against the constitution in the virginia convention, that there was no power left to the _states_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly vested in congress, george nicholas asked:-- "have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first part gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no! but _it gives an additional security;_ for, beside the power in the state government to use their own militia, it will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them with the strength of the union, when called for." this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all the people. in consequence of it, that system has multiplied its victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave states have been admitted into the union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of american commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved, lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or, whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government; as, for example, in the case of nat turner's insurrection in virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service. cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of florida. a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the florida indians, because they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars. but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address. we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the north and the south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with god and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be immediately annulled. in behalf of the society which we represent, we call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey god rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to unite with us under the stainless banner of liberty, having for its motto--"equal rights for all--no union with slaveholders!" it is pleaded that the constitution provides for its own amendment; and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object. true, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that instrument is binding as it stands. is it not to violate every moral instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be amended in these particulars? let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to promote a good object, as to interpret the constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation, acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. if, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still asserted, that the constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted liberty replies:--"what though the assertion be true? of what avail is a mere piece of parchment? in itself, though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of heaven--it is powerless; it has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though beautiful in death. i am famishing for lack of bread! how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? i am manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! what consolation is it to know, that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my friends?" if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgement is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightened despotism, which scoffs at all constitutional restrains, and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us! "would such tameness and submission have freighted the may-flower for plymouth rock? would it have resisted the stamp act, the tea tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the british government sought to rive the liberties of america? the wheel of the revolution would have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed--"_why, what is done cannot be undone_. that is the first thought." no it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather it never entered their minds at all. they sprang to the conclusion at once--"_what is done_ shall _be undone_. that is our first and only thought." "is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and famous bunker hill? the debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn? gray plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb; and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!" it is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne. it matters not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical. we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our own sacred rights are trampled in the dust. as citizens of the state, we appeal to the state in vain for protection and redress. as citizen of the united states, we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national government consents to our destruction. we are denied the right of locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen states of the union. if we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to travel south of mason and dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. if we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave states, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, hear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an antislavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! these are appalling and undeniable facts. three millions of the american people are crushed under the american union! they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened to our limbs, their cause is ours! the union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it! the constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! our motto is, "no union with slaveholders," either religious or political. they are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of god! we separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--o no! but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey god and vindicate the gospel of his son--to hasten the downfall of slavery in america, and throughout the world! we are not acting under a blind impulse. we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. it will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives. we shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished as traitors. but we shall bide our time. whether safety or peril, whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position is sublime and glorious, that our faith in god is rational and steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely, that we are in the right, we shall not falter nor be dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to the number of "three hundred men." freemen! are you ready for the conflict? come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government, and declare your independence? up, then, with the banner of revolution! not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons! no--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_ blood be shed--for we aim, as did christ our leader, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth! secede, then, from the government. submit to its exactions, but pay it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. fill no offices under it. send no senators or representatives to the national or state legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you cannot ask another to perform as your agent. circulate a declaration of disunion from slaveholders, throughout the country. hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast! do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? what did the crucified nazarene do without the elective franchise? what did the apostles do? what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do? what did luther and his intrepid associates do? what can women and children do? what has father mathew done for teetotalism? what has daniel o'connell done for irish repeal? "stand, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of god! the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the united states, let time determine. it would be a waste of time to argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. in ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. what is now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--first, to create discussion and agitation throughout the north; and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance. secondly, to convulse the slumbering south like an earthquake, and convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety. thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and to carry the battle to the gate. fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it. we reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the american union, we have the god of justice with us. we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us. we are confident that all free hearts will be with us. we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us. in behalf of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, wm. lloyd garrison, _president_. wendell phillips, maria weston chapman } _secretaries_. _boston, may , _. letter from francis jackson. boston, th july, . _to his excellency george n. briggs_: sir--many years since, i received from the executive of the commonwealth a commission as justice of the peace. i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found it a convenience to myself, and others. it might continue to be so, could i consent longer to hold it. but paramount considerations forbid, and i herewith transmit to you my commission respectfully asking you to accept my resignation. while i deem it a duty to myself to take this step, i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me. in entering upon the duties of the office in question, i complied with the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the constitution of the united states_." i regret that i ever took that oath. had i then as maturely considered its full import, and the obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who take it, as i have done since, i certainly never would have taken it, seeing, as i now do, that the constitution of the united states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold and perpetuate _slavery_. it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding states choose to retain it. it regards the slave code as lawful in the states which enact it. still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never before done for african slavery. it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution, spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and thus gave to slavery a national existence." consequently, the oath to support the constitution of the united states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of god. i am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. i only say, that _i_ would not now deliberately take it; and that, having inconsiderately taken it, i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul. i take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the commission, which was the occasion of my taking it. i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular, if not censurable; and i must, therefore, be allowed to make a more specific statement of those _provisions of the constitution_ which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery. the very first article of the constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the national legislature. it regards slaves under the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen. but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that by the laws of all the states where they live, they are regarded not as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of this provision of the constitution is, to take legislative power out of the hands of _men_ as such, and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels. fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the smallest number that shall send one member into the house of representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave state thus: to a congressional district in south carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred apiece, it gives one representative in congress; to a district in massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred, one representative is assigned. but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in the five hundred free persons. five hundred freemen of carolina could send one representative to congress, while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of massachusetts, to do the same thing; that is, one slaveholder in carolina is clothed by the constitution with the same political power and influence in the representatives hall at washington, as sixty massachusetts men like you and me, who "eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows." according to the census of , and the _ratio_ of representation based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the house of representatives. and as it has been estimated, (as an approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the united states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those twenty-five representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of _property_ which, five years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. all this vast amount of property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. in congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. and this it has ever done. in all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a bank or sub-treasury, free trade or a tariff, this immense power has moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection. while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the house of representatives, "in the senate of the union," says john quincy adams, "the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. by the influence of slavery in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the fifty-two members of the federal senate, twenty-six are owners of slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the house." the dominant power which the constitution gives to the slave interest, as thus seen and exercised in the _legislative halls_ of our nation, is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the national government. in the _electoral college_, the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the halls of congress. even the preliminary nominating conventions, before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, must ask of the genius of slavery, to what votary she will show herself propitious. this very year, we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of state. the candidate of one party declares, "i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and adds, "it is not true, and i rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition. i should deeply lament it, if it were true."[ ] [footnote : henry clay's speech in the united states senate in , and confirmed at raleigh, n.c. .] the other party nominates a man who says, "i have no hesitation in declaring that i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of texas to the territory and government of the united states." thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder. the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of justice. of the nine justices of the supreme court of the united states, five are slaveholders and of course, must be faithless to their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of john quincy adams, when he says--"the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong." thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the constitution, that i have sworn to support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it may be regarded by the constitution as "persons," is in fact and practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger; counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole power, and controlling the destiny of the nation. if we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both. slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the presidential chair. the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues from the lips of slavery. the army is in the hands of slavery, and at her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of florida, or march from the missouri to the borders of mexico, to look after her interests in texas. the navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of africa, to suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery. freemen of the north, who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery, cannot travel through the slave states, but at the peril of their lives. the representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor on congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to pray that she would let her poor victims go. i renounce my allegiance to a constitution that enthrones such a power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own protection, support and perpetuation. passing by that clause of the constitution, which restricted congress for twenty years, from passing any law against the african slave trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of africa, i come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees protection against "_domestic violence_," and which pledges to the south the military force of the country, to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_ and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the constitution, i say distinctly, i never will support. that part of the constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves, i never have supported and never will. i will join in no slave-hunt. my door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. when i shut it against him, may god shut the door of her mercy against me! under this clause of the constitution, and designed to carry it into effect, slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a character, as have left the free citizen of the north without protection for his own liberty. the question, whether a man seized in a free state as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of congress does not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a judge of a united state' court, or even of the humblest state magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim. by virtue of this law, freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where i am not personally known, neither the constitution nor laws of the united states would shield me from the same destiny. these, sir, are the specific parts of the constitution of the united states, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it. i cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of god, or solemnly call him to witness my promise that i will break it. it is true that the constitution provides for its own amendment, and that by this process, all the guarantees of slavery may be expunged. but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done. it cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made. it is also true that the framers of the constitution did studiously keep the words "slave" and "slavery" from its face. but to do our constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word "slavery" a place in the constitution, they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the _thing_. they were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they sacrificed justice in doing so. there is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it was _intended_ so to operate by the framers of the constitution. the highest judicial authorities--chief justice shaw, of the supreme court of massachusetts, in the latimer case, and mr. justice story, in the supreme court of the united states, in the case of _prigg vs. the state of pennsylvania_,--tell us, i know not on what evidence, that without this "compromise," this security for southern slaveholders, "the union could not have been formed." and there is still higher evidence, not only that the framers of the constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that slavery was wrong. mr. madison[ ] informs us that the clause in question, as it came out of the hands of dr. johnson, the chairman of the "committee on style," read thus: "no person legally held to service, or labor, in one state, escaping into another, shall," &c., and the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws thereof" inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." a conclusive proof that, although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of "service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in "equivocal" words: and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgement of coming generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was not "legal in a moral view," that it was a violation of the moral law of god; and yet knowing and confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence. [footnote : madison papers, p. .] this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_ all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims. with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. they made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political expediency." i am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they were doing. in the strong language of john quincy adams,[ ] in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "little did the members of the convention, from the free states, imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession." [footnote : see his report on the massachusetts resolutions.] i verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the constitution, its national unity, its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions; yet the _moral_ injury that has been done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of god; by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all. a melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all time-serving and temporising statesmen! a striking illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency! yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the authors of the constitution have reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? was it reasonable in them to expect that after they had introduced a vicious element into the very constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a state to license immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that is not "legal in a moral view." bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl. let slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the state, and you will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control. to me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our national government, that literally there is no health in it. the only remedy that i can see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the patient_. the constitution of the united states, both in theory and practice, is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil, that i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer. henceforth it is dead to me, and i to it. i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. the burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, i shall endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law, and distinctly declaring, that while i retain my own liberty, i will be a part to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his. very respectfully, your friend, francis jackson. * * * * * from mr. webster's speech at niblo's gardens. "we have slavery, already, amongst us. the constitution found it among us; it recognized it and gave it solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the constitution. all the stipulations, contained in the constitution, _in favor of the slaveholding states_ which are already in the union, ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter."!!! * * * * * extracts from john q. adams's address at north bridgewater, nov. , . the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_.--protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harrassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. the reluctance with which the freemen of the north submitted to the dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed. the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. a stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the constitution of the united states, would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country. there is not word in the constitution _apparently_ bearing up on the condition of slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution if there were not a slave in the land. the delegates from south carolina and georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the constitution; and the freemen of the north, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the south were saturated with the blood of african bondage, and from midnight of the st december, , not a slave from africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil. but the internal traffic was still lawful, and the _breeding_ states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the slave-trader from africa, while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the american slave-trade exclusively to themselves. perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the north; but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole union, and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with africa had been allowed. but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been, never--no, never would they have consented to it. the representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons, was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of all the rest of the community. this species of property was odious in its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man, and of the vital principles of christianity; it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the states in which it was concentrated. in some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community, required of the favored class. the roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings gathered by hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants. but in the constitution of the united states, the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous. no extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of the slave. the property in horses was the gift of god to man, at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. you are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate states. but if it be so, as to the mere question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people. this is now your condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle, which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of their representative; but their elective franchise shall he transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed. the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of president and vice president of the united states, and every department of the government of the union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two.--but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government at home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. from the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world. but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves. the cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the union at the establishment of the constitution, has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave. and the suppression of the african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of george washington, patrick henry, richard henry lee, and thomas jefferson, into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of immortal man. of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the constitution of the united states was formed, what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued, the congress of the confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or a murmur. but in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the chief-magistracy of the union held, during forty-four of them, by the owners of slaves. the executive departments, the army and navy, the supreme judicial court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands. * * * * * from that day ( ,) slavery, slaveholding, slave-breeding and slave-trading, have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government, and of the slaveholding states, at home and abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free states, it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slaveholding power. of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery, by the first article amendatory of the constitution. * * * * * the anti-slavery examiner.--no. xi the constitution a pro-slavery compact or selections from the madison papers, &c. second edition, enlarged. * * * * * new york: american anti-slavery society, nassau street. . contents. introduction. debates in the congress of the confederation. debates in the federal convention. list of members of the federal convention. speech of luther martin. debates in state conventions. massachusetts, new york, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, extracts from the federalist, debates in first congress, address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, letter from francis jackson to gov. briggs, extract from mr. webster's speech, extracts from j.q. adams's address, november, . introduction. * * * * * every one knows that the "madison papers" contain a report, from the pen of james madison, of the debates in the old congress of the confederation and in the convention which formed the constitution of the united states. we have extracted from them, in these pages, all the debates on those clauses of the constitution which relate to slavery. to these we have added all that is found, on the same topic, in the debates of the several state conventions which ratified the constitution: together with so much of the speech of luther martin before the legislature of maryland, and of the federalist, as relate to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the debates of the first federal congress on slavery. these are all printed without alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the state from which he came. the notes and italics are those of the original, but the editor has added two notes on page , which are marked as his, and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of rufus king's, and two of james madison's--a distinction which the importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have reprinted exactly from the originals. these extracts develop most clearly all the details of that "compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in ; granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his part toward the north. they prove also that the nation at large were fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly and with open eyes. we have added the late "address of the american anti-slavery society," and the letter of francis jackson to governor briggs, resigning his commission of justice of the peace--as bold and honorable protests against the guilt and infamy of this national bargain, and as proving most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet. the clauses of the constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery character are the following :-- art. , sect. .--representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_. art. , sect. .--congress shall have power . . . to suppress insurrections. art. , sect. .--the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. art. , sect. .--no person, held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. art. , sect. .--the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against domestic violence_. the first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence, perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave-trade, disgraces the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty years, _without obliging congress to do so even then_, and thus the slave-trade may be legalized to-morrow if congress choose: the fourth is a promise on the part of the whole nation to return fugitive slaves to their masters, a deed which god's law expressly condemns and which every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and contempt. these are the articles of the "compromise," so much talked of, between the north and south. we do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what is the meaning of the clauses above cited. for no man or party, of any authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject they all relate. if indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest forever. a few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the constitution makes no compromise with slavery. notwithstanding the clear light of history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both state and federal;--the action of congress and the state legislature;--the constant practice of the executive in all its branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for half a century, still they contend that the nation does not know its own meaning, and that the constitution does not tolerate slavery! every candid mind, however, must acknowledge that the language of the constitution is clear and explicit. its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot include the slaves themselves! many persons besides slaves in this country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the states," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the national government is not bound to put them down by force. such a thing has been heard of before as one description including a great variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance. but granting that the terms of the constitution are ambiguous--that they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent, unbroken practice of every department of the government, judicial, legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how and where can such a question ever be settled? if the people and the courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has authority to settle their meaning for them? if then the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and for the last half century, the constitution of the united states has been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his duty both as a man and an abolitionist. what the constitution may become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and repudiate it _as it is_. but the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the community, is this. some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding that the constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this false construction, as they think it, has been foisted into the instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all it touches. they assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a bargain as the constitution is represented to be, and has in its present hands become. now these pages prove the melancholy fact, that willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for gain, and became partners with tyrants, that they might share in the profits of their tyranny. and in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers tell us they meant to incorporate into the constitution, and which the sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist there, after all? forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions, at least, of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who, after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all? besides, the advocates of this new theory of the anti-slavery character of the constitution, quote some portions of the madison papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the community should hear _all_ that these debates have to say on the subject. the further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact, that the constitution was meant to be, what it has always been esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom. if then the constitution be, what these debates show that our fathers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a "covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be immediately annulled. no abolitionist can consistently take office under it, or swear to support it. but if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, union itself is impossible, without guilt. for it is undeniable that the fifty years passed under this (anti-slavery) constitution, show us the slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and dictating the policy of the government;--prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free states, and making the courts of the country their tools. to continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. the trial of fifty years with the best of men and the best of constitutions, on this supposition, only proves that it is impossible for free and slave states to unite on any terms, without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of slavery. we dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the american anti-slavery society,-- no union with slaveholders! the constitution a pro-slavery compact. * * * * * _extracts from debates in the congress of confederation, preserved by thomas jefferson, ._ congress proceeded the same day to consider the declaration of independence, * * * the clause too reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of africa was struck out, in compliance to south carolina and georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who on the contrary still wished to continue it. our northern brethren also, i believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for though their people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others.--p. . on friday, the twelfth of july, , the committee appointed to draw the articles of confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second, the house resolved themselves into a committee to take them into consideration. on the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined the proportion or quota of money which each state should furnish to the common treasury, and the manner of voting in congress. the first of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these words:-- "article . all charges of war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by the united states assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and duality, except indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and transmitted to the assembly of the united states." mr. chase (of maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white inhabitants." he admitted that taxation should be always in proportion to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in practice. the value of the property in every state could never be estimated justly and equally. some other measure for the wealth of the state must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would be more simple. he considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. he therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception only. he observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those states where there are few slaves. that the surplus of profit which a northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.; whereas, a southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. there is no more reason therefore for taxing the southern states on the farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the northern ones on their farmers' heads and the heads of their cattle. that the method proposed would therefore tax the southern states according to their numbers and their wealth conjunctly, while the northern would be taxed on numbers only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the state, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it. mr. john adams (of massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the state and not as subjects of taxation. that as to this matter it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of slaves. that in some countries the laboring poor were called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the difference as to the state was imaginary only. what matters it whether a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand? the ten laborers add as much wealth annually to the state, increase its exports as much, in the one case as the other. certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits, no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. therefore the state in which are the laborers called freemen, should be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. suppose, by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the laborers of a state could in the course of one night be transformed into slaves,--would the state be made the poorer, or the less able to pay taxes? that the condition of the laboring poor in most countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the northern states,--is as abject as that of slaves. it is the number of laborers which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. that it is the use of the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of the state, which produces the fallacy. how does the southern farmer procure slaves? either by importation or by purchase from his neighbor. if he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a laborer from one farm to another, which does not change the annual produce of the state, and therefore should not change its tax; that if a northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true, invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the southern farmer working ten slaves. that a state of one hundred thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property. that a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called the wealth of his employer: but as to the state, both were equally its wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax. mr. harrison (of virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves should be counted as one freeman. he affirmed that slaves did not do as much work as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one. that this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in the southern colonies being from £ to £ , while in the northern it was generally £ . mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take place, the southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the northern ones would bear the burthen. that slaves increase the profits of a state, which the southern states mean to take to themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which would of course fall so much the heavier on the northern; that slaves occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their places. it is our duty to lay every discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would give the _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. that other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the north as the south, and south as the north; but not so as to slaves: that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or white; and the practice of the southern colonies has always been to make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they be black or white. he acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the most; but they consume the most also. they do not produce a greater surplus for taxation. the slave is neither fed nor clothed so expensively as a freeman. again, white women are exempted from labor generally, which negro women are not. in this then the southern states have an advantage as the article now stands. it has sometimes been said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is said that the labor of the slave is the dearest. mr. payne (of massachusetts) urged the original resolution of congress, to proportion the quotas of the states to the number of souls. dr. witherspoon (of new-jersey) was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. this is the true barometer of wealth. the one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal between the states. it has been objected that negroes eat the food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed: horses also eat the food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. it has been said too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the state is to pay, we do no more than those states themselves do, who always take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. but the cases are not parallel. in the southern colonies, slaves pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent. that as to the original resolution of congress, it was temporary only, and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground. august st. the question being put, the amendment proposed was rejected by the votes of new-hampshire, massachusetts, rhode-island, connecticut, new-york, new-jersey and pennsylvania, against those of delaware, maryland, virginia, north; and south carolina. georgia was divided.--_pp_. - - , - - . * * * * * _extracts from madison's report of debates in the congress of the confederation._ tuesday, january , . if the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the federal articles, the committee would certainly have preferred some other rule of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain qualifications as to slaves.--_p_. tuesday, feb. , . mr. wolcott declares his opinion that the confederation ought to be amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen and sixty years of age.--_p_. thursday, march , . (the eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:) mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was in congress when the articles of confederation directing a valuation of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of compromising the different ideas of the eastern and southern states, as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in question. mr. clark (of new-jersey) was in favor of them. he said that he was also in congress when this article was decided; that the southern states would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land if half their slaves only should be included; but that the eastern states would not concur in that proposition. it was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by ages, as the report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion in absolute numbers. with this view, and that the blank might be filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p_. - . friday, march , . the committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one freeman. mr. wolcott (of connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. mr. carroll as four to one. mr. williamson (of north carolina) said he was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. mr. higginson (of massachusetts) as four to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would be a juster proportion. mr. holton as four to three.--mr. osgood said he did not go beyond four to three. on a question for rating them as three to two, the votes were, new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island; divided; connecticut, aye; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, aye; maryland, no; virginia, no; north carolina, no; south carolina, no. the paragraph was then postponed, by general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it; but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be agreed to. after some further discussions on the report, in which the necessity of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into view, mr. madison (of virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that slaves should be rated as five to three. mr. rutledge (of south carolina) seconded the motion. mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) said he would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise. mr. lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that two slaves were not equal to one freeman. on the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, divided; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, aye. a motion was then made by mr. bland, seconded by mr. lee, to strike out the clause so amended, and, on the question "shall it stand," it passed in the negative; new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new jersey, aye; pennsylvania, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no; so the clause was struck out. the arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the states having slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility of the others, ought to have great weight in the case; and that the exports of the former states were greater than of the latter. on the other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their labor, they did as little as possible, and omitted every exertion of thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it; that if the exports of the states having slaves exceeded those of the others, their imports were in proportion, slaves employed wholly in agriculture, not in manufactures; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was much more against the southern states than the others. on the main question, new hampshire, aye; massachusetts, no; rhode island, no; connecticut, no; new york (mr. floyd, aye;) new jersey, aye; delaware, no; maryland, aye; virginia, aye; north carolina, aye; south carolina, no.--_pp. - - _. tuesday, april l, . congress resumed the report on revenue, &c. mr. hamilton, who had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. he was seconded by mr. osgood. those who voted differently from their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the slaves. the rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition.--_p. _. monday, may , . the resolutions on the journal instructing the ministers in europe to remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously.--p. ._ * * * * * _letter from mr. madison to edmund randolph_. philadelphia, april , . a change of the valuation of lands for the number of inhabitants, deducting two-fifths of the slaves, has received a tacit sanction, and, unless hereafter expunged, will go forth in the general recommendation, as material to future harmony and justice among the members of the confederacy. the deduction of two-fifths was a compromise between the wide opinions and demands of the southern and other states.--_p. _. * * * * * _extract from "debates in the federal convention" of , for the formation of the constitution of the united states_. tuesday, may , . mr. charles pinckney laid before the house the draft of a federal government. * * * "the proportion of direct taxation shall be regulated by the whole number of inhabitants of every description"--_pp_. , . wednesday, may , . the following resolution, being the second of those proposed by mr. randolph, was taken up, viz. "_that the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different cases_." colonel hamilton moved to alter the resolution so as to read, "that the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the number of free inhabitants." mr. spaight seconded the motion.--_p_. . wednesday, june , . mr. madison. we have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive dominion ever exercised by man over man.--_p_. . monday, june , . mr. sherman proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first branch should be according to the respective numbers of free inhabitants; mr. rutledge proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first branch should be according to the quotas of contribution. mr. king and mr. wilson, in order to bring the question to a point, moved, "that the right of suffrage in the first branch of the national legislature ought not to be according to the rule established in the articles of confederation, but according to some equitable ratio of representation."--_p_. . it was then moved by mr. rutledge, seconded by mr. butler, to add to the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the motion just agreed to, the words "according to the quotas of contribution." on motion of mr. wilson, seconded by mr. pinckney, this was postponed; in order to add, after the words, "equitable ratio of representation," the words following: "in proportion to the whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, except indians not paying taxes, in each state"--this being the rule in the act of congress, agreed to by eleven states, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the states, and requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years. mr. gerry (of massachusetts) thought property not the rule of representation. why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the south, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and horses of the north? on the question,--massachusetts, connecticut, new york, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, delaware, no-- .--_pp_. - . tuesday, june , . mr. madison. where slavery exists, the republican theory becomes still more fallacious.--_p_. . saturday, june , . mr. madison,--admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured as far as possible. wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defence. but he contended that the states were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. these two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the united states. it did not lie between the large and small states. it lay between the northern and southern; and if any defensive power were necessary, it ought to be mutually given to these two interests. he was so strongly impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. the one which had occurred was, that, instead of proportioning the votes of the states in both branches, to the irrespective numbers of inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should be represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants only; and in the other according to the whole number, counting slaves as free. by this arrangement the southern scale would have the advantage in one house, and the northern in the other. he had been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and which would destroy the equilibrium of interests.--_pp_. - monday, july , . mr. pinckney. there is a real distinction between the northern and southern interests. north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, in their rice and indigo, had a peculiar interest which might be sacrificed.--_p_. . friday, july , . mr. pinckney--thought the blacks ought to stand on an equality with the whites; but would agree to the ratio settled by congress.--_p._ . monday, july , . mr. patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague. for this reason new jersey was against it. he could regard negro slaves in no light but as property. they are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the contrary are themselves property, and like other property entirely at the will of the master. has a man in virginia a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves? and if negroes are not represented in the states to which they belong, why should they be represented in the general government. what is the true principle of representation? it is an expedient by which an assembly of certain individuals, chosen by the people, is substituted in place of the inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. if such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? they would not. why then should they be represented? he was also against such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of confederation, had been ashamed to use the term "slaves," and had substituted a description. mr. madison reminded mr. patterson that his doctrine of representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for ever silence the pretensions of the small states to an equality of votes with the large ones. they ought to vote in the same proportion in which their citizens would do, if the people of all the states were collectively met. he suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that in the first branch the states should be represented according to their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which had for one of its primary objects the guardianship of property, according to the whole number, including slaves. mr. butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth in the apportionment of representation. mr. king had always expected, that, as the southern states are the richest, they would not league themselves with the northern, unless some respect were paid to their superior wealth. if the latter expect those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to receive them without allowing some advantages in return. eleven out of thirteen of the states had agreed to consider slaves in the apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go together.--_pp_. - - . tuesday, july , . _in convention_,--mr. king reported, from the committee yesterday appointed, "that the states at the first meeting of the general legislature, should be represented by sixty-five members, in the following proportions, to wit:--new hampshire, by ; massachusetts, ; rhode island, ; connecticut, ; new york, ; new jersey, ; pennsylvania, ; delaware, ; maryland, ; virginia, ; north carolina, ; south carolina, ; georgia, ." mr. king remarked that the four eastern states, having , souls, have one-third fewer representatives than the four southern states, having not more than , souls, rating the blacks as five for three. the eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be dissatisfied. he believed them to be very desirous of uniting with their southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. he was fully convinced that the question concerning a difference of interests did not lie where it had hitherto been discussed, between the great and small states; but between the southern and eastern. for this reason be had been ready to yield something, in the proportion of representatives, for the security of the southern. no principle would justify the giving them a majority. they were brought as near an equality as was possible. he was not averse to giving them a still greater security, but did not see how it could be done. general pinckney. the report before it was committed was more favorable to the southern states than as it now stands. if they are to form so considerable a minority, and the regulation of trade is to be given to the general government, they will be nothing more than overseers for the northern states. he did not expect the southern states to be raised to a majority of representatives; but wished them to have something like an equality. mr. williamson. the southern interest must be extremely endangered by the present arrangement. the northern states are to have a majority in the first instance, and the means of perpetuating it. general pinckney urged the reduction; dwelt on the superior wealth of the southern states, and insisted on its having its due weight in the government. mr. gouverneur morris regretted the turn of the debate. the states, he found, had many representatives on the floor. few, he feared, were to be deemed the representatives of america. he thought the southern states have, by the report, more than their share of representation. property ought to have its weight, but not all the weight. if the southern states are to supply money, the northern states are to spill their blood. besides, the probable revenue to be expected from the southern states has been greatly overrated.--_pp_. - - - . wednesday, july , . mr. williamson moved that mr. randolph's propositions be postponed, in order to consider the following, "that in order to ascertain the alterations that may happen in the population and wealth of the several states, a census shall be taken of the free white inhabitants, and three-fifths of those of other descriptions on the first year after this government shall have been adopted, and every ---- year thereafter; and that the representation be regulated accordingly." mr. butler and general pinckney insisted that blacks be included in the rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out. mr. gerry thought that three-fifths of them was, to say the least, the full proportion that could be admitted. mr. gorham. this ratio was fixed by congress as a rule of taxation. then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the states having slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. at present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are assured that they are equal to freemen. the arguments on the former occasion had convinced him, that three-fifths was pretty near the just proportion, and he should vote according to the same opinion now. mr. butler insisted that the labor of a slave in south carolina was as productive and valuable, as that of a freeman in massachusetts; that as wealth was the great means of defence and utility to the nation, they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and was itself to be supported by property. mr. mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to virginia, because he thought it unjust. it was certain that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land, increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases of emergency become themselves soldiers. as in these important respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to be excluded from the estimate of representation. he could not, however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them as such. he added, as worthy of remark, that the southern states have this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of property common to all the states. mr. williamson reminded mr. gorham that if the southern states contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites when taxation was in view, the eastern states, on the same occasion, contended for their equality. he did not, however, either then or now, concur in either extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths. on mr. butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in the apportionment of representation,--delaware, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- ; new york, not on the floor. mr. gouverneur morris said he had several objections to the proposition of mr. williamson. in the first place, it fettered the legislature too much. in the second place, it would exclude some states altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle them to a single representation. in the third place, it will not consist with the resolution passed on saturday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust the representation from time to time on the principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of equity. if slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth, then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why is no other wealth but slaves included? these objections may perhaps be removed by amendments. mr. king thought there was great force in the objections of mr. gouverneur morris. he would, however, accede to the proposition for the sake of doing something. mr. gouverneur morris. another objection with him, against admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. they would reject any plan that was to have such an effect. mr. madison. future contributions, it seemed to be understood on all hands, would be principally levied on imports and exports.--pp. - - - ; - - . on the question on the first clause of mr. williamson's motion, as to taking a census of the _free_ inhabitants, it passed in the affirmative,--massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, aye-- ; delaware, maryland, south carolina, georgia, no-- . the next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered, mr. king, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. he thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite great discontents among the states having no slaves. he had never said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this. he remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by the committee, the southern states had received more than the number of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled them to. mr. sherman. south carolina had not more beyond her proportion than new york and new hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion. georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that state seemed to justify it. in general the allotment might not be just, but considering all circumstances he was satisfied with it. mr. gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by the people of the eastern states. but he recollected that when the proposition of congress for changing the eighth article of the confederation was before the legislature of massachusetts, the only difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in the ratio of three-fifths only.[ ] [footnote : they were then to have been a rule of taxation only.] mr. wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks in the proportion of three-fifths could be explained. are they admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality with white citizens? are they admitted as property--then why is not other property admitted into the computation? these were difficulties, however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of compromise. he had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people of pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (mr. gouverneur morris.) mr. gouverneur morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the dilemma of doing injustice to the southern states, or to human nature; and he must therefore do it to the former. for he could never agree to give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not believe those states would ever confederate on terms that would deprive them of that trade. on the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the blacks,--connecticut, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland,[ ] south carolina, no-- .--_pp_. - - . [footnote : mr. carroll said, in explanation of the vote of maryland, that he wished the _phraseology_ to be so altered as to obviate, if possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the eastern and middle states.] thursday, july , . _in convention_,--mr. gouverneur morris moved a proviso, "that taxation shall be in proportion to representation." mr. butler contended again, that representation should be according to the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks; admitting the justice of mr. gouverneur morris's motion. general pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by gouverneur morris] concerning the negroes. he was now again alarmed at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. south carolina has in one year exported to the amount of , £. sterling, all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. will she be represented in proportion to this amount? she will not. neither ought she then to be subject to a tax on it. he hoped a clause would be inserted in the system, restraining the legislature from taxing exports. mr. wilson approved the principle, but could not see how it could be carried into execution; unless restrained to direct taxation. mr. gouverneur morris having so varied his motion by inserting the word "direct," it passed, _nem. con_., as follows: "provided always that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation" mr. davie said it was high time now to speak out. he saw that it was meant by some gentlemen to deprive the southern states of any share of representation for their blacks. he was sure that north carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as three-fifths. if the eastern states meant, therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end. dr. johnson thought that wealth and population were the true, equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best measure of wealth. he concluded, therefore, that the number of people ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions, including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the computation. as various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into consideration, and report them. mr. gouveneur morris. it had been said that it is high time to speak out. as one member, he would candidly do so. he came here to form a compact for the good of america. he was ready to do so with all the states. he hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such compact. if they would not, he was ready to join with any states that would. but as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the eastern states to insist on what the southern states will never agree to. it is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other states can never admit; and he verily believed the people of pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. what can be desired by these states more than has been already proposed--that the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation according to population and wealth? general pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature, and that property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government instituted for the protection of property. the first clause in the report of the first grand committee was postponed. mr. ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house the words following, "and that the rule of contribution by direct taxation, for the support of the government of the united states, shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every other description in the several states, until some other rule that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several states, can be devised and adopted by the legislature." mr. butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed. mr. randolph was not satisfied with the motion. the danger will be revived, that the ingenuity of the legislature may evade or pervert the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in the first instance. he proposed, in lieu of mr. ellsworth's motion "that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that stay be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative circumstances of the states, a census shall be taken within two years from the first meeting of the general legislature of the united states, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio recommended by congress in their resolution of the eighteenth day of april, , (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number); and that the legislature of the united states shall arrange the representation accordingly." he urged strenuously that express security ought to be presided for including slaves in the ratio of representation. he lamented that such a species of property existed. but as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. it was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding slaves altogether; the legislature therefore ought not to be left at liberty. mr. ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of mr. randolph. mr. wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the end would be equally attained. mr. pinckney moved to amend mr. randolph's motion, so as to make "blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." this, he urged was nothing more than justice. the blacks are the laborers, the peasants, of the southern states. they are as productive of pecuniary resources as those of the northern states. they add equally to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength, of the nation. it will also be politic with regard to the northern states, as taxation is to keep pace with representation. on mr. pinckney's (of s. carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; massachusetts, connecticut (doctor johnson, aye), new jersey, pennsylvania (three against two), delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, no-- . mr. randolph's (of virginia) proposition, as varied by mr. wilson (of pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,-- mr. gerry (of massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not be carried into execution, as the states were not to be taxed as states. with regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be more productive where there were no slaves, than where there were; the consumption being greater. mr. ellsworth (of connecticut). in the case of a poll-tax there would be no difficulty. but there would probably be none. the sum allotted to a state may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan used by the state in raising its own supplies. on the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--connecticut, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts, south carolina, divided.--pp. to . friday, july , . mr. madison said, that having always conceived that the difference of interest in the united states lay not between the large and small, but the northern and southern states.-p. . on the motion of mr. randolph (of virginia) the vote of monday last, authorizing the legislature to adjust, from time to time, the representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the blacks. mr. gouverneur morris (of pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as leaving still an incoherence. if negroes were to be viewed as inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number, and not in the proportion of three-fifths. if as property, the word wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. the train of business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. a distinction had been set up, and urged, between the northern and southern states. he had hitherto considered this doctrine as heretical. he still thought the distinction groundless. he sees, however, that it is persisted in; and the southern gentlemen will not be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority in the public councils. the consequence of such a transfer of power from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in order to provide some defence for the northern states against it. but to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due confidence. if it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. there can be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to be entitled to it. the eastern states may claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the southern states claim it for their peculiar objects. in this struggle between the two ends of the union, what part ought the middle states, in point of policy, to take? to join their eastern brethren, according to his ideas. if the southern states get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with spain for the mississippi. this language is already held. the interior country, having no property nor interest exposed on the sea, will be little affected by such a war. he wished to know what security the northern and middle states will have against this danger. it has been said that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia only, will in a little time have a majority of the people of america. they must in that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands. mr. butler (of south carolina). the security the southern states want is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. it was not supposed that north carolina, south carolina and georgia, would have more people than all the other states, but many more relatively to the other states, than they now have. the people and strength of america are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly. on the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change as moved by mr. randolph (of virginia) it passed in the affirmative,--massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; delaware, divided.--_pp_. - - - - . saturday, july , . mr. madison. it seemed now to be pretty well understood, that the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but between the northern and southern, states. the institution of slavery, and it's consequences, formed the line of discrimination.--_p_. . tuesday, july , . mr. williamson. the largest state will be sure to succeed. this will not be virginia, however. her slaves will have no suffrage.--_p_. . thursday, july , . mr. madison. the right of suffrage was much more diffusive in the northern than the southern states; and the latter could have no influence in the election, on the score of the negroes.--p. . monday, july , . general pinckney reminded the convention, that if the committee should fail to insert some security to the southern states against an emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by duty to his state to vote against their report.--_p_. . tuesday, july , . mr. williamson. as the executive is to have a kind of veto on the laws, and there is an essential difference of interests between the northern and southern states, particularly in the carrying trade, the power will be dangerous, if the executive is to be taken from part of the union, to the part from which he is not taken.--_p_. . mr. gouverneur morris hoped the committee would strike out the whole of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. he had only meant it as a bridge[ ] to assist us over a certain gulf; having passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. he thought the principle laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections.--_p_. . [footnote : the object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for, and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation claimed by the southern states on account of the negroes.] wednesday, july , . mr. madison. refer the appointment of the national executive to the state legislatures, and * * * the remaining mode was an election by the people, or rather by the qualified part of them at large. * * * the second difficulty arose from the disproportion of qualified voters in the northern and southern states, and the disadvantages which this mode would throw on the latter. the answer to this objection was--in the first place, that this disproportion would be continually decreasing under the influence of the republican laws introduced in the southern states, and the more rapid increase of their population; in the second place, that local considerations must give way to the general interest. as an individual from the southern states, he was willing to make the sacrifice.--pp. - . thursday, july , . mr. gouverneur morris. revenue will be drawn, it is foreseen, as much as possible from trade.--p. . monday, august , . mr. rutledge delivered in the report of the committee of detail. article vii. sect. . the proportions of direct taxation shall be regulated by the whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the foregoing description, (except indians not paying taxes); which number shall, within six years after the first meeting of the legislature, and within the term of every ten years afterwards, be taken in such a manner as the said legislature shall direct. sect. . no tax or duty shall be laid by the legislature on articles exported from any state; nor on the migration or importation of such persons as the several states shall think proper to admit; nor shall such migration or importation be prohibited. sect. . no capitation tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census herein before directed to be taken. sect. . no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house.--pp. - - . wednesday, august , . mr. king wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning the admission of slaves into the rule of representation. he could not reconcile his mind to the article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter part. the admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of america. he had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore, because he had hoped that this concession would have produced a readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the general government, and to mark a full confidence in it. the report under consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes. in two great points the hands of the legislature were absolutely tied. the importation of slaves could not be prohibited. exports could not be taxed. is this reasonable? what are the great objects of the general system? first, defence against foreign invasion; secondly, against internal sedition. shall all the states, then, be bound to defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which will render defence more difficult? shall one part of the united states be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the compensation for the burden? if slaves are to be imported, shall not the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to enable the general government to defend their masters? there was so much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of the northern states could never be reconciled to it. no candid man could undertake to justify it to them. he had hoped that some accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. he never could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be represented in the national legislature. indeed, he could so little persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not sure be could assent to it under any circumstances. at all events, either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable. mr. sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of representation having been settled after much difficulty and deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition; especially as the present article, as amended, did not preclude any arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report. mr. gouverneur morris moved to insert "free" before the word "inhabitants." much, he said, would depend on this point. he never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. it was a nefarious institution. it was the curse of heaven on the states where it prevailed. compare the free regions of the middle states, where a rich and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes of virginia, maryland, and the other states having slaves. travel through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. the moment you leave the eastern states, and enter new york, the effects of the institution become visible. passing through the jerseys and entering pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the change. proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the increasing proportion of these wretched beings. upon what principle is it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? are they men? then make them citizens, and let them vote. are they property? why, then, is no other property included? the houses in this city (philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover the rice swamps of south carolina. the admission of slaves into the representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the inhabitant of georgia and south carolina who goes to the coast of africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears away his fellow creatures from their dearest connections, and damns them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen of pennsylvania or new jersey, who views with a laudable horror so nefarious a practice. he would add, that domestic slavery is the most prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed constitution. the vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite offspring of aristocracy. and what is the proposed compensation to the northern states, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every impulse of humanity? they are to bind themselves to march their militia for the defence of the southern states, for their defence against those very slaves of whom they complain. they must supply vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. the legislature will have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports; both of which will fall heavier on them than on the southern inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a northern freeman will pay more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag that covers his nakedness. on the other side, the southern states are not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of having their votes in the national government increased in proportion; and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves exempt from all contributions for the public service. let it not be said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. it is idle to suppose that the general government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a country. they can only do it through the medium of exports, imports and excises. for what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? he would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in the united states, than saddle posterity with such a constitution. mr. dayton seconded the motion. he did it, he said, that his sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of the amendment. mr. sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. it was the freemen of the southern states who were, in fact, to be represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are only included in the estimate of the taxes. this was his idea of the matter. mr. pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as more burdensome to the united states than the slaves. he thought this could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one. mr. wilson thought the motion premature. an agreement to the clause would be no bar to the object of it. on the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants," new-jersey, aye-- ; new-hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- .--pp. - - - - - . thursday, august , . mr. mason urged the necessity of connecting with the powers of levying taxes, duties, &c., the prohibition in article , sect. , "that no tax should be laid on exports." he hoped the northern states did not mean to deny the southern this security. mr. gouverneur morris considered such a proviso as inadmissible anywhere. mr. madison. fourthly, the southern states, being most in danger and most needing naval protection, could the less complain, if the burthen should be somewhat heaviest on them. and finally, we are not providing for the present moment only; and time will equalize the situation of the states in this matter. he was, for these reasons, against the motion. mr. mercer. it had been said the southern states had most need of naval protection. the reverse was the case. were it not for promoting the carrying trade of the northern states, the southern states could let the trade go into foreign bottoms, where it would not need our protection.--pp. - - - . tuesday, august , . articles , section , was then resumed. mr. dickinson moved to postpone this, in order to reconsider article , section , and to _limit_ the number of representatives to be allowed to the large states. unless this were done, the small states would be reduced to entire insignificance, and encouragement given to the importation of slaves. mr. sherman would agree to such a reconsideration; but did not see the necessity of postponing the section before the house. mr. dickinson withdrew his motion. article , section , was then agreed to,--ten ayes; delaware alone, no.--p. . article , section , was then taken up. mr. langdon. by this section the states are left at liberty to tax exports. this could not be admitted. it seems to be feared that the northern states will oppress the trade of the southern. this may be guarded against, by requiring the concurrence of two-thirds, or three-fourths of the legislature, in such cases.--p. - . mr. madison. as to the fear of disproportionate burthens on the more exporting states, it might be remarked that it was agreed, on all hands, that the revenue would principally be drawn from trade.--p. . col. mason--a majority, when interested, will oppress the minority. if we compare the states in this point of view, the eight northern states have an interest different from the five southern states; and have, in one branch of the legislature, thirty-six votes, against twenty-nine, and in the other in the proportion of eight against five. the southern states had therefore ground for their suspicions. the case of exports was not the same with that of imports.--pp. - . mr. l. martin proposed to vary article , section , so as to allow a prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. in the first place, as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the apportionment of representatives, such a clause would leave an encouragement to this traffic. in the second place, slaves weakened one part of the union, which the other parts were bound to protect; the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. and in the third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the revolution, and dishonorable to the american character, to have such a feature in the constitution. mr. rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be encouraged by this section. he was not apprehensive of insurrections, and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to protect the southern against them. religion and humanity had nothing to do with this question. interest alone is the governing principle with nations. the true question at present is, whether the southern states shall or shall not be parties to the union. if the northern states consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers. mr. ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. let every state import what it pleases. the morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the states themselves. what enriches a part enriches the whole, and the states are the best judges of their particular interest. the old confederation had not meddled with this point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one. mr. pinckney. south carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade. in every proposed extension of the powers of congress, that state has expressly and watchfully excepted that of meddling with the importation of negroes. if the states be all left at liberty on this subject, south carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of herself what is wished, as virginia and maryland already have done. adjourned.--_pp_. - . wednesday, august , . _in convention_,--article , section , was resumed. mr. sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. he disapproved of the slave trade; yet as the states were now possessed of the right to import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the matter as we find it. he observed that the abolition of slavery seemed to be going on in the united states, and that the good sense of the several states would probably by degrees complete it. he urged on the convention the necessity of despatching its business. col. mason. this infernal traffic originated in the avarice of british merchants. the british government constantly checked the attempts of virginia to put a stop to it. the present question concerns not the importing states alone, but the whole union. the evil of having slaves was experienced during the late war. had slaves been treated as they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous instruments in their hands. but their folly dealt by the slaves as it did by the tories. he mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the slaves in greece and sicily; and the instructions given by cromwell to the commissioners sent to virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. maryland and virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves expressly. north carolina had done the same in substance. all this would be in vain, if south carolina and georgia be at liberty to import. the western people are already calling out for slaves for their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can be got through south carolina and georgia. slavery discourages arts and manufactures. the poor despise labor when performed by slaves. they prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and strengthen a country. they produce the most pernicious effect on manners. every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. they bring the judgment of heaven on a country. as nations cannot be rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. by an inevitable chain of causes and effects, providence punishes national sins by national calamities. he lamented that some of our eastern brethren had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. as to the states being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. he held it essential in every point of view, that the general government should have power to prevent the increase of slavery. mr. ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the effects of slavery on character. he said, however, that if it was to be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those already in the country. as slaves also multiply so fast in virginia and maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards south carolina and georgia. let us not intermeddle. as population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. slavery, in time, will not be a speck in our country. provision is already made in connecticut for abolishing it. and the abolition has already taken place in massachusetts. as to the danger of insurrections from foreign influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves. mr. pinckney. if slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world. he cited the case of greece, rome and other ancient states; the sanction given by france, england, holland and other modern states. in all ages one half of mankind have been slaves. if the southern states were let alone, they will probably of themselves stop importations. he would himself, as a citizen of south carolina, vote for it. an attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will produce serious objections to the constitution, which he wished to see adopted. gen. pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign the constitution and use their personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the assent of their constituents. south carolina and georgia cannot do without slaves. as to virginia, she will gain by stopping the importations. her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she wants. it would be unequal, to require south carolina and georgia, to confederate on such unequal terms. he said the royal assent, before the revolution, had never been refused to south carolina, as to virginia. he contended that the importation of slaves would be for the interest of the whole union. the more slaves, the more produce to employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of this, the more revenue for the common treasury. he admitted it to be reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of south carolina from the union. mr. baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature. georgia was decided on this point. that state has always hitherto supposed a general government to be the pursuit of the central states, who wished to have a vortex for everything; that her distance would preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently purchase it by yielding national powers. from this it might be understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of her favorite prerogatives. if left to herself, she may probably put a stop to the evil. as one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people, who carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation. mr. wilson observed that if south carolina and georgia were themselves disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the importation might be prohibited. as the section now stands, all articles imported are to be taxed. slaves alone are exempt. this is in fact a bounty on that article. mr. gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the states as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. mr. dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized to the states by the constitution. the true question was, whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation; and this question ought to be left to the national government, not to the states particularly interested. if england and france permit slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those kingdoms. greece and rome were made unhappy by their slaves. he could not believe that the southern states would refuse to confederate on the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be immediately exercised by the general government. mr. williamson stated the law of north carolina on the subject, to wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. it imposed a duty of £ on each slave imported from africa; £ on each from elsewhere; and £ on each from a state licensing manumission. he thought the southern states could not be members of the union, if the clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing down not absolutely necessary, and which any state must disagree to. mr. king thought the subject should be considered in a political light only. if two states will not agree to the constitution, as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from the other states. he remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to strike the commercial sagacity of the northern and middle states. mr. langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the general government. he could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the states, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import slaves. gen. pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think south carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. he moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one difficulty that had been started. mr. rutledge. if the convention thinks that north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. the people of those states will never be such fools, as to give up so important an interest. he was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of gen. pinckney for a commitment. mr. gouverneur morris wished the whole subject to be committed, including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation act. these things may form a bargain among the northern and southern states. mr. butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing exports. mr. sherman said it was better to let the southern states import slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. he was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, because it implied they were _property_. he acknowledged that if the power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the general government, that it would be exercised. he thought it would be its duty to exercise the power. mr. read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes on exports should also be committed. mr. sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and therefore could not be committed. mr. randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground might, if possible, be found. he could never agree to the clause as it stands. he would sooner risk the constitution. he dwelt on the dilemma to which the convention was exposed. by agreeing to the clause, it would revolt the quakers, the methodists, and many others in the states having no slaves. on the other hand, two states might be lost to the union. let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment. on the question for committing the remaining part of sections and , of article ,--connecticut, new jersey, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, pennsylvania, delaware, no-- ; massachusetts absent. mr. pinckney and mr. langdon moved to commit section , as to a navigation act by two-thirds of each house. mr. gorham did not see the propriety of it. is it meant to require a greater proportion of votes? he desired it to be remembered, that the eastern states had no motive to union but a commercial one. they were able to protect themselves. they were not afraid of external danger, and did not need the aid of the southern states. mr. wilson wished for a commitment, in order to reduce the proportion of votes required. mr. ellsworth was for taking the plan as it is. this widening of opinions had a threatening aspect. if we do not agree on this middle and moderate ground, he was afraid we should lose two states, with such others as may be disposed to stand aloof; should fly into a variety of shapes and directions, and most probably into several confederations,--and not without bloodshed. on the question for committing section , as to a navigation act, to a member from each state,--new hampshire, massachusetts, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; connecticut, new jersey, no-- . the committee appointed were messrs. langdon, king, johnson, livingston, clymer, dickinson, l. martin, madison, williamson, c.c. pinckney, and baldwin. to this committee were referred also the two clauses above mentioned of the fourth and fifth sections of article .--pp. to . friday, august , _in convention_,--governor livingston, from the committee of eleven, to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section, and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh article, delivered in the following report: "strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the committee, and insert, 'the migration or importation of such persons as the several states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports. "the fifth section to remain as in the report. the sixth section to be stricken out."--p. . saturday, august , . the report of the committee of eleven (see friday, the twenty-fourth), being taken up,-- gen. pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight." mr. gorham seconded the motion. mr. madison. twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. so long a term will be more dishonorable to the american character, than to say nothing about it in the constitution. on the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--new-hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. gouverneur morris was for making the clause read at once, "the importation of slaves in north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, shall not be prohibited, &c." this he said, would be most fair, and would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to naturalization, the liberty reserved to the states might be defeated. he wished it to be known, also, that this part of the constitution was a compliance with those states. if the change of language, however, should be objected to, by the members from those states, he should not urge it. col. mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, lest it should give offence to the people of those states. mr. sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which had been declined by the old congress, and were not pleasing to some people. mr. clymer concurred with mr. sherman. mr. williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all circumstances, to let in south carolina and georgia on those terms, than to exclude them from the union. mr. gouverneur morris withdrew his motion. mr. dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the states which had not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "the importation of slaves into such of the states as shall permit the same, shall not be prohibited by the legislature of the united states, until the year ;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con_.[ ] [footnote : in the printed journals, connecticut, virginia, and georgia, voted in the affirmative.] the first part of the report was then agreed to, amended as follows: "the migration or importation of such persons as the several states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the legislature prior to the year ,"-- new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, maryland, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, no-- . mr. baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words, "average of the duties laid on imports," and insert "common impost on articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con_. mr. sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves. mr. king and mr. langdon considered this as the price of the first part. gen. pinckney admitted that it was so. col. mason. not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves. mr. gorham thought that mr. sherman should consider the duty, not as implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the importation of them. mr. gouverneur morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it implies that the legislature may tax freemen imported. mr. sherman, in answer to mr. gorham, observed, that the smallness of the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of the importation. mr. madison thought it wrong to admit in the constitution the idea that there could be property in men. the reason of duties did not hold, as slaves are not, like merchandize consumed, &c. col. mason, in answer to mr. gouverneur morris. the provision, as it stands, was necessary for the case of convicts, in order to prevent the introduction of them. it was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was agreed to.--_pp_. to . tuesday, august , . article , was then taken up.[ ] [footnote : article was,--the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.--editor.] general pinckney was not satisfied with it. he seemed to wish some provision should be included in favor of property in slaves. on the question on article ,--new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, aye-- ; south carolina, no-- ; georgia, divided. article ,[ ] being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited. [footnote : article was,--any person charged with treason, felony or high misdemeanor in any state, who shall flee from justice, and shall be found in any other state, shall, on demand of the executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of the offence.--editor.] mr. butler and mr. pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." mr. wilson. this would oblige the executive of the state to do it, at the public expense. mr. sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse. mr. butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular provision might be made, apart from this article. article , as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_.--_pp_. - . wednesday, august , . article , section , by the committee of eleven reported to be struck out (see the twenty-fourth inst.) being now taken up,-- mr. pinckney moved to postpone the report, in favor of the following proposition: "that no act of the legislature for the purpose of regulating the commerce of the united states with foreign powers, among the several states, shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members of each house." he remarked that there were five distinct commercial interests. the power of regulating commerce was a pure concession on the part of the southern states. they did not need the protection of the northern states at present.--_p_. . general pinckney said it was the true interest of the southern states to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on the commerce of the eastern states by the revolution, their liberal conduct towards the views[ ] of south carolina, and the interest the weak southern states had in being united with the strong eastern states, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents, though prejudiced against the eastern states, would be reconciled to this liberality. he had, himself, he said, prejudices against the eastern states before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever.--_p_. . [footnote : he meant the permission to import slaves. an understanding on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place between those parts of the union, which explains the vote of the motion depending, as well as the language of general pinckney and others.] mr. pinckney replied, that his enumeration meant the five minute interests. it still left the two great divisions of northern and southern interests. mr. gouverneur morris opposed the object of the motion as highly injurious.--a navy was essential to security, particularly of the southern states;-- mr. williamson. as to the weakness of the southern states, he was not alarmed on that account. the sickliness of their climate for invaders would prevent their being made an object. he acknowledged that he did not think the motion requiring two-thirds necessary in itself; because if a majority of the northern states should push their regulations too far, the southern states would build ships for themselves; but he knew the southern people were apprehensive on this subject, and would be pleased with the precaution. mr. spaight was against the motion. the southern states could at any time save themselves from oppression, by building ships for their own use.--_p_. . mr. butler differed from those who considered the rejection of the motion as no concession on the part of the southern states. he considered the interests of these and of the eastern states to be as different as the interests of russia and turkey. being, notwithstanding, desirous of conciliating the affections of the eastern states, he should vote against requiring two-thirds instead of a majority.--_p_. . mr. madison. he added, that the southern states would derive an essential advantage, in the general security afforded by the increase of our maritime strength. he stated the vulnerable situation of them all, and of virginia in particular. mr. rutledge was against the motion of his colleague. at the worst, a navigation act could bear hard a little while only on the southern states. as we are laying the foundation for a great empire, we ought to take a permanent view of the subject, and not look at the present moment only. mr. gorman. the eastern states were not led to strengthen the union by fear for their own safety. he deprecated the consequences of disunion; but if it should take place, it was the southern part of the continent that had most reason to dread them. on the question to postpone, in order to take up mr. pinckney's motion,-- maryland, virginia, north carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, south carolina, no-- . the report of the committee for striking out section , requiring two-thirds of each house to pass a navigation act, was then agreed to, _nem. con_. mr. butler moved to insert after article , "if any person bound to service or labor in any of the united states, shall escape into another state, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the state to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con_.--_p_. - - . thursday, august , . article , being taken up, on a question for striking out "domestic violence," and inserting "insurrections," it passed in the negative,--new jersey, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, no-- .--_pp_. - . monday, september , . mr. rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the articles relating to slaves might be altered by the states not interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. in order to obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition: "provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the seventh article:"--_p_. . tuesday, september , . article , section . on motion of mr. randolph, the word "servitude" was struck out, and "service" unanimously[ ] inserted, the former being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the obligations of free persons. [footnote : see page of the printed journal.] mr. dickenson and mr. wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes," from article , section , as improperly placed in a clause relating merely to the constitution of the house of representatives. mr. gouverneur morris. the insertion here was in consequence of what had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of counting the negroes in the _representation_. the including of them may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally only to that of representation. on the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,-- new jersey, delaware, maryland, aye-- ; new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, pennsylvania, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, no-- .--_pp_. - . saturday, september , . article , section , (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal in a moral view.--p. . mr. gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his name from the constitution: - - - - - , that three-fifths of the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen.--p. . list of members of the federal convention who formed the constitution of the united states. _from_ _attended._ new hampshire, john langdon, july , . _john pickering_, nicholas gilman, " . _benjamin west_, massachusetts, _francis dana_, elbridge gerry, may . nath'l gorham, " . rufus king, " . caleb strong, may . rhode island, (no appointment.) connecticut, w.s. johnson, june . roger sherman, may . oliver ellsworth, " . new york, robert yates, " . alex'r hamilton, " . john lansing, june . new jersey, wm. livingston, " . david brearly, may . wm. c. houston, may . wm. patterson, do. _john nielson_, _abraham clark_. jonathan dayton, june . pennsylvania, benj. franklin, may . thos. mifflin, do. robert morris, may . geo. clymer, " . thos. fitzsimons, " . jared ingersoll, " . james wilson, " . gouv'r morris, " . delaware, geo. reed, " . g. bedford, jr. " . john dickenson, " . richard bassett, " . jacob broom, " . maryland, james m'henry, " . daniel of st. tho. jenifer, june . daniel carroll, july . john f. mercer, aug. . luther martin, june . virginia, g. washington, may . _patrick henry_, (declined.) edmund randolph, " . john blair, " . jas. madison, jr. " . george mason, " . george wythe, " . james mcclurg, (in room of p. henry) " . wm. blount (in room of r. caswell), june . _willie jones_, (declined.) r.d. spaight, may . hugh williamson, (in room of w. jones,) may . south carolina, john rutledge, " . chas. c. pinckney, " . chas. pinckney, " . peirce butler, " . georgia, william few, may . abr'm baldwin, june . william pierce, may . _george walton._ wm. houston, june . _nath'l pendleton._ those with numbers before their names signed the constitution. those in italics never attended. members who attended, but did not sign the constitution, -- extracts from a speech of luther martin, (delivered before the legislature of maryland,) one of the delegates from maryland to the convention that formed the constitution of the united states. with respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_ article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it, besides the great objection of inequality--it was urged, that no principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in apportioning the number of _representatives_ a state should have in the government--that it involved the absurdity of increasing the power of a state in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that state violated the rights of freedom--that it might be proper to take slaves into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned, because it had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them into account in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave trade_, and to make it the interest of the states to continue that _infamous traffic_--that slaves could not be taken into account as _men_, or _citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of citizens_, in the states which adopted or continued slavery--if they were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors, rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _southern states_, as it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _eastern_. by the ninth section of this article, the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited prior to the year , but a duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. the design of this clause is to prevent the general government from prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word "stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_." they anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which might be odious in the ears of americans, although they were willing to admit into their system those _things_ which the expressions signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on every foreigner who comes into a state to become a citizen, whether he comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant to extend to the importation of slaves. this clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the convention. as the system was reported by the committee of detail, the provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited, without confining it to any particular period. this was rejected by eight states--georgia, south carolina, and, i think, north carolina, voting for it. we were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states, that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves, and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their assent from such a system. a committee of one member from each state was chosen by ballot, to take this part of the system under their consideration, and to endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those states. to this committee also was referred the following proposition, which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "no navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and commercial states were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the eastern states; but which these last states were as anxious to reject. this committee, of which also i had the honor to be a member, met and took under their consideration the subjects committed to them. i found the _eastern_ states, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing to indulge the southern states, at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the southern states would in their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted. this report was adopted by a majority of the convention, but not without considerable opposition. it was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature had entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the _rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states the power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that god whose protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said, it ought be considered that national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor african slave and his american master! it was urged that by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged, that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the number of slaves are increased in any state, in the same proportion the state is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore will by so much the more want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. it was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the general government a power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we should prohibit the government from interfering with both slave trade, than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor and interest. these reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes part of the system. you will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is prohibited from interfering in the slave trade before the year eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security that such prohibition will ever take place; and i think there is great reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited afterwards. at this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so great abhorrence as we have done. when our liberties were at stake, we warmly felt for the common rights of men. the danger being thought to be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more insensible to those rights. in those states which have restrained or prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative acts, which may be repealed. when those states find that they must, in their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by the sanction which is given to it in the general government. by the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or _invasion_. as the state governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving such a power to the general government; since, whenever the state which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its safety requires it, it will make use of that power. and it was urged, that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a state should oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them during its pleasure in the remotest part of the union; so that a citizen of georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of new hampshire; or a citizen of new hampshire in the furthest extreme of the south, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every connexion. these considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative also to this clause. extracts from debates in the several state conventions on the adoption of the united states' constitution. * * * * * massachusetts convention. the third paragraph of the d section being read, mr. king rose to explain it. there has, says he, been much misconception of this section. it is a principle of this constitution, that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. this paragraph states, that the number of free persons shall be determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. these persons are the slaves. by this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. and it was adopted, because it was the language of all america. mr. widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered as a free person? mr. king in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more intelligible, said that five negro children of south carolina, are to pay as much tax as the three governors of new hampshire, massachusetts, and connecticut. mr. gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of massachusetts; and if it operated against any state, it was pennsylvania, because they have more white persons _bound_ than any other. judge dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the southern states were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern states work no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. can, asked he, that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of freemen? are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real advantage to a state, than _five_ of those poor slaves? mr. nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable mr. king, by saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and shown us the other side of the question. it is a good rule that works both ways--and the gentleman should also have told us, that three of our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the working negroes of virginia. mr. n. adverted to a statement of mr. king, who had said, that five negro children of south carolina were equally rateable as three governors of new england, and wished, he said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the other side--as it would then appear that this state will pay as great a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern states will for five hearty working negro men. he hoped, he said, while we were making a new government, we should make it better than the old one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it was a reason why we should make a better one now. mr. dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against the paragraph under consideration. he though them wholly unfounded; that the black inhabitants of the southern states must be considered either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly represented? our _own_ state laws and constitution would lead us to consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an equal basis for representation as though they were all white inhabitants. in either view, therefore, he could not see that the northern states would suffer, but directly to the contrary. he thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage in dispute with another article in the constitution, that permits congress, in the year , wholly to prohibit the importation of slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on such blacks as should be imported before that period. besides, by the new constitution, every particular state is left to its own option totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own territories. what could the convention do more? the members of the southern states, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. it would not do to abolish slavery, by an act of congress, in a moment, and so destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. but we may say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption. mr. neal (from kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued for years. his profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the constitution. other gentlemen said, in addition to this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever shall be free, and gen. thompson exclaimed: mr. president, shall it be said, that after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? oh! washington, what a name has he had! how he has immortalized himself! but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk per cent. on the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the constitution. they observed, that in the confederation there was no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this constitution provides, that congress may, after years, totally annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the states, except two, have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be done. in the interim, all the states were at liberty to prohibit it. saturday, january .--[the debate on the th section still continued desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto, as had before been used. both sides deprecated the slave trade in the most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by mr. nason, major lusk, mr. neal, and others, that this constitution provided for the continuation of the slave trade for years. on the other, the honorable judge dana, mr. adams and others, rejoiced that a door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious, abhorrent practice, in a certain time.] gen. heath. mr. president,--by my indisposition and absence, i have lost several important opportunities: i have lost the opportunity of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. i have lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the paragraphs. i have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious, enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during the investigation of the system. this is my misfortune, and i must bear it. the paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, &c., is one of those considered during my absence, and i have heard nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but i think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather too far on both sides. i apprehend that it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern states. no gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than i do: it is generally detested by the people of this commonwealth; and i ardently hope that the time will soon come, when our brethren in the southern states will view it as we do, and put a stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. two questions naturally arise: if we ratify the constitution, shall we do any thing by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the partakers of other men's sins? i think neither of them. each state is sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right, and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. we are not in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is laid on the federal government, which could not be avoided, and a union take place. the federal convention went as far as they could; the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the states, now _existing only_, new states cannot claim it. congress, by their ordinance for erecting new states, some time since, declared that the new states shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in them. but whether those in slavery in the southern states will be emancipated after the year , i do not pretend to determine: i rather doubt it. mr. neal rose and said, that as the constitution at large, was now under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which respected the africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and, unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever he liked the other parts of the constitution, be a sufficient reason for him to give his negative to it. major lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate, that although the insertion of the amendments in the constitution was devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever would be adopted. turning from the subject of amendments, the major entered largely into the consideration of the th section, and in the most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor natives of africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. with the brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy condition, in a state of slavery. rev. mr. backus. much, sir, hath been said about the importation of slaves into this country. i believe that, according to my capacity, no man abhors that wicked practice more than i do, and would gladly make use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts of the land. but let us consider where we are, and what we are doing. in the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the importation of slaves into any of these states: but a door is now opened hereafter to do it; and each state is at liberty now to abolish slavery as soon as they please. and let us remember our former connexion with great britain, from whom many in our land think we ought not to have revolted. how did they carry on the slave trade! i know that the bishop of gloucester, in an annual sermon in london, in february, , endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the americans. but at the close of the war, the bishop of chester, in an annual sermon, in february, , ingenuously owned, that their nation is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the west indies worse than the french or spaniards have done theirs. thus slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an honorable gentleman said some days ago, "though we cannot say that slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a consumption." and a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of abraham to destroy the inhabitants of canaan, and to take their houses, vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and hold others as servants. and as christian privileges are greater than those of the hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as far as they could extend their power. and from thence the mystery of iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of slaves and souls of men. but all ought to remember, that when god promised the land of canaan to abraham and his seed, he let him know that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity of the amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate direction of heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment of god upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a criminal justly condemned. and in doing it they were not allowed to invade the lands of the edomites, who sprang from esau, who was not only of the seed of abraham, but was born at the same birth with israel; and yet they were not of that church. neither were israel allowed to invade the lands of the moabites, or of the children of ammon, who were of the seed of lot. and no officer in israel had any legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. even david, the man after god's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in the new testament and we are to remember that abraham and his seed, for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. and it was a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family for seven years, and then to have their freedom. and that covenant was expressly repealed in various parts of the new testament; and particularly in the first epistle to the corinthians, wherein it is said--ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify god in your body, and in your spirit, which are god's. and again--circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the commandments of god. ye are bought with a price; be not ye the servants of men. thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house, "that the bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order of men." new york convention. mr. m. smith. he would now proceed to state his objections to the clause just read, (section , of article , clause ). his objections were comprised under three heads: st, the rule of apportionment is unjust; d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall not be reduced; d, it is inadequate. in the first place, the rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that is, in plain english, each state is to send representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it contains. he could not see any rule by which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;--the principle of a representation being that every free agent should be concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people who were so wicked as to keep slaves. he knew it would be admitted, that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern states, though utterly repugnant to his feelings. mr. hamilton. in order that the committee may understand clearly the principles on which the general convention acted, i think it necessary to explain some preliminary circumstances. sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its interests into different classes. there are navigating and non-navigating states--the northern are properly the navigating states: the southern appear to possess neither the means nor the spirit of navigation. this difference of situation naturally produces a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. it was the interest of the northern states that there should be no restraints on the navigation, and that they should have full power, by a majority on congress, to make commercial regulations. the southern states wished to impose a restraint on the northern, by requiring that two-thirds in congress should be requisite to pass an act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to employ the shipping of the northern states would probably enhance their freight. this being the case, they insisted strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution; and the northern states were as anxious in opposing it. on the other hand, the small states seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed: the large states, on the contrary, thought it improper that rhode island and delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. it became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the convention must have dissolved without effecting any thing. would it have been wise and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted their country? no. every man who hears me--every wise man in the united states, would have condemned them. the convention were obliged to appoint a committee for accommodation. in this committee the arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was accepted. it was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all parties should be indulged. gentlemen will see, that if there had not been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the convention had no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. any other system would have been impracticable. let a convention be called to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times; they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing interests to reconcile. but dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. we will examine it upon its own merits. the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own. whether this be reasoning or declamation, i will not presume to say. it is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. the regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is entirely just that they should be gratified. the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the states. but the justice of this plan will appear in another view. the best writers on government have held that representation should be compounded of persons and property. this rule has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the constitution of new york. it will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are considered altogether as property. they are men, though degraded to the condition of slavery. they are persons known to the municipal laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. but representation and taxation go together--and one uniform rule ought to apply to both. would it be just to compute these slaves in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the apportionment of representatives? would it be just to impose a singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage? another circumstance ought to be considered. the rule we have been speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. now, you have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented at all; and have no voice in your government: these will be included in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole. this proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the southern states, but extend to other parts of the union. mr. m. smith. i shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the honorable gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this clause: for though i am confident they might be easily refuted, yet i am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the southern states. the amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the clause in this respect. mr. harrison. among the objections, that, which has been made to the mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. i think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the objection. he has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been formed. * * * * * pennsylvania convention. mr. wilson. much fault has been found with the mode of expression, used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. i believe i can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used, and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution--and as to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the subject has come into the view of the united states, and of the legislatures of the several states. the gentleman, (mr. findley) will recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of land, and other enumerated property, within the states. after trying this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode that could not be carried into execution. congress were satisfied of this, and in the year recommended, in conformity with the powers they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota should be according to the number of free people, including those bound to servitude, and excluding indians not taxed. these were the expressions used in , and the fate of this recommendation was similar to all their other resolutions. it was not carried into effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen, who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward and state it as an objection on the present occasion. it was natural, sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they found had been received as unexceptionable before. with respect to the clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year . the honorable gentleman says, that this clause is not only dark, but intended to grant to congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves. no such thing was intended; but i will tell you what was done, and it gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. under the present confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long as they please; but by this article, after the year the congress will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the disposition of any state to the contrary. i consider this as laying the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though the period is more distant than i could wish, yet it will produce the same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in pennsylvania. it is with much satisfaction i view this power in the general government, whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be obtained, i am sorry it was no more; but from this i think there is reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and slaves will never be introduced amongst them. the gentleman says, that it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the introduction of white people from europe, as this tax may deter them from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will discover the care that the convention took in selecting their language. the words are the _migration_ or importation of such persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only on those imported. i recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentlemen from westmoreland (mr. findley,) and the honorable gentleman from cumberland (mr. whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the th section, art. , arguing very unfairly, that because congress might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves, within any of the united states, congress might therefore permit slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. i confess i little thought that this part of the system would be excepted to. i am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union. if there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one, it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. yet the lapse of a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from within our borders. how would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent and philanthropic european? would he cavil at an expression? catch at a phrase? no, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the other side of your chair to do. mr. mckean. the arguments against the constitution are, i think, chiefly these:.... that migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to , nor a tax or duty imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person. provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the importation of slaves after the year , but the gentlemen in opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not prohibited them at once. i suspect those gentlemen are not well acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord with the will and pleasure of any one person. instead of finding fault with what has been gained, i am happy to see a disposition in the united states to do so much. virginia convention. gov. randolph. this is one point of weakness i wish for the honor of my countrymen that it was the only one. there is another circumstance which renders us more vulnerable. are we not weakened by the population of those whom we hold in slavery? the day may come when they may make impression upon us. gentlemen who have been long accustomed to the contemplation of the subject, think there is a cause of alarm in this case: the number of those people, compared to that of the whites, is in an immense proportion: their number amounts to , --that of the whites, only to , . * * * * i beseech them to consider, whether virginia and north carolina, both oppressed with debts and slaves, can defend themselves externally, or make their people happy internally. george mason. we are told in strong language, of dangers to which we will be exposed unless we adopt this constitution. among the rest, domestic safety is said to be in danger. this government does not attend to our domestic safety. it authorizes the importation of slaves for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade. instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. though this evil is increasing, there is no clause in the constitution that will prevent the northern and eastern states from meddling with our whole property of that kind. there is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the southern states those they now possess. it is far from being a desirable property. but it will involve us in great difficulties and infelicity to be now deprived of them. there ought to be a clause in the constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a great many people. mr. lee. the honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the continuance of the existing slavery! is it not obviously inconsistent to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? i submit it to the consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the one case, it can be censurable in the other? mr. lee then concluded by earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly. mr. henry. it says that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually invaded." if you give this clause a fair construction, what is the true meaning of it? what does this relate to? not domestic insurrections, but war. if the country be invaded, a state may go to war; but cannot suppress insurrections. if there should happen an insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be invaded.--they cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition of congress. mr. george nicholas. another worthy member says, there is no power in the states to quell an insurrection of slaves. have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first clause gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no. but it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the state governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the general government to aid them with the strength of the union when called for. no part of this constitution can show that this power is taken away. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, this is a fatal section, which has created more dangers than any other. the first clause allows the importation of slaves for twenty years. under the royal government, this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts were made to prevent it; but the interest of the african merchants prevented its prohibition. no sooner did the revolution take place, than it was thought of. it was one of the great causes of our separation from great britain. its exclusion has been a principal object of this state, and most of the states in the union. the augmentation of slaves weakens the states; and such a trade is diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. yet, by this constitution, it is continued for twenty years. as much as i value an union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states into the union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to the union. and though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no security for the property of that kind which we have already. there is no clause in this constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax as will amount to manumission. and should the government be amended, still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till after the expiration of twenty years. for the fifth article, which provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. i have ever looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to america. i cannot express my detestation of it. yet they have not secured us the property of the slaves we have already. so that, "they have done what they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to have done" mr. madison. mr. chairman, i should conceive this clause to be impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded without encountering greater evils. the southern states would not have entered into the union of america, without the temporary permission of that trade. and if they were excluded from the union, the consequences might be dreadful to them and to us. we are not in a worse situation than before. that traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may continue the prohibition. the union in general is not in a worse situation. under the articles of confederation, it might be continued forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty years. there is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. a tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. from the mode of representation and taxation, congress cannot lay such a tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. another clause secures us that property which we now possess. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by their laws. for the laws of the states are uncharitable to one another in this respect. but in this constitution, "no person held to service, or labor, in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. this is a better security than any that now exist. no power is given to the general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states. the taxation of this state being equal only to its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. they cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years: but after that period, they can. the gentlemen from south carolina and georgia argued in this manner: "we have now liberty to import this species of property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased, or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the assistance of imported slaves. what would be the consequence of hindering us from it? the slaves of virginia would rise in value, and we would be obliged to go to your markets." i need not expatiate on this subject. great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would be worse. if those states should disunite from the other states, for not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers. mr. tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. he thought the reasons urged by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. it was one cause of the complaints against british tyranny, that this trade was permitted. the revolution had put a period to it; but now it was to be revived. he thought nothing could justify it. this temporary restriction on congress militated, in his opinion, against the arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up, was retained by the states; for that if this restriction had not been inserted, congress could have prohibited the african trade. the power of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided. this seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable rights. it was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or included in the constitution. but he contended for it one way or the other. it would be justified by our own example, and that of england. his earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity, that he had opposed this wicked clause. mr. madison. as to the restriction in the clause under consideration, it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations. mr. henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on congress, was a plain demonstration that congress could exercise powers by implication. the gentleman had admitted that congress could have interdicted the african trade, were it not for this restriction. if so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained by implication. he demanded where, then, was their doctrine of reserved rights? he wished for negative clauses to prevent them from assuming any powers but those expressly given. he asked why it was moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? he feared its omission was done with design. they might lay such heavy taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the southern states would be the only sufferers. his opinion was confirmed by the mode of levying money. congress, he observed, had power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. imposts (or duties) and excises, were to be uniform. but this uniformity did not extend to taxes. this might compel the southern states to liberate their negroes. he wished this property therefore to be guarded. he considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a security for this property, as no security at all. it was no more than this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in maryland or new york. this could not prevent congress from interfering with that property by laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. he apprehended it would be productive of much stockjobbing, and that they would play into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would be lost to the country. mr. george nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade would be done away. he asked if gentlemen did not see the inconsistency of their arguments? they object, says he, to the constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the slaves who are now, will be manumitted. at that same moment, it is opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. he contended that it was advantageous to virginia, that it should be in the power of congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years, as it would then put a period to the evil complained of. as the southern states would not confederate without this clause, he asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting to it to be such? virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a share. he endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the restriction on congress was a proof that they would have power not given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted. but the southern states insisted on this exception to that general superintendency for twenty years. it could not therefore have been a power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a delegated power. the taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and representation were fixed according to the census established in the constitution. the exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the census. had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving great inconveniences and oppressions. but, says mr. nicholas, is it from the general government we are to fear emancipation? gentlemen will recollect what i said in another house, and what other gentlemen have said that advocated emancipation. give me leave to say, that that clause is a great security for our slave tax. i can tell the committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by the taxes on negroes. had this constitution been adopted, it would not have been the case. the taxes were laid on all our negroes. by this system two-fifths are exempted. he then added, that he had imagined gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another place. mr. henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in the enumeration, yet the proportion of virginia being once fixed, might be laid on blacks and blacks only. for the mode of raising the proportion of each state being to be directed by congress, they might make slaves the sole object to raise it. personalities he wished to take leave of; they had nothing to do with the question, which was solely whether that paper was wrong or not. mr. nicholas replied, that negroes must be considered as persons, or property. if as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them was fixed in the constitution. if he apprehended a poll tax on negroes, the constitution had prevented it. for, by the census, where a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. for the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion. the second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows: the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. no capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. mr. george mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured by the restriction in the fourth clause, that no capitation or other direct tax should be laid but in proportion to the census before directed to be taken. but that when maturely considered it would be found to be no security whatsoever. it was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and representation. it only meant that the quantum to be raised of each state should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein directed. but the general government was not precluded from laying the proportion of any particular state on any one species of property they might think proper. for instance, if five hundred thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of the southern states on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate that kind of property. no real security could arise from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one state, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. this only meant, that runaway slaves should not be protected in other states. as to the exclusion of _ex post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any security in this case. for laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex post facto_. mr. madison replied, that even the southern states, who were most affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no danger to the property they now hold. it appeared to him, that the general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might prohibit the traffic altogether. the census in the constitution was intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the community. no gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and excises, uniformly. but uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any article which would be easy for one state, but what would be heavy for another. that the proportion of each state being ascertained, it would be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object. that there must be some degree of confidence put in agents, or else we must reject a state of civil society altogether. another great security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five states were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were other states which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken any step to take them from the people. there were a few slaves in new york, new jersey and connecticut: these states would, probably, oppose any attempts to annihilate this species of property. he concluded, by observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the committee. the second section was then read as follows: * * * no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service. mr. george mason.--mr. chairman, on some former part of the investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some observations on the security of property coming within this section. it was then said, and i now say, that there is no security, nor have gentlemen convinced me of this. mr. henry. among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please. and this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common interest with you. they will, therefore, have no feeling for your interests. it has been repeatedly said here, that the great object of a national government, was national defence. that power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be rendered detestable and oppressive. if you give power to the general government to provide for the general defence, the means must be commensurate to the end. all the means in the possession of the people must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public defence. in this state there are , blacks, and there are many in several other states. but there are few or none in the northern states, and yet if the northern states shall be of opinion, that our numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource. may congress not say, that every black man must fight? did we not see a little of this last war? we were not so hard pushed, as to make emancipation general. but acts of assembly passed, that every slave who would go to the army should be free. another thing will contribute to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. let all these considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the minds of congress. let that urbanity, which i trust will distinguish america, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they have power of manumission. and have they not, sir? have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare? may they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery? may not they pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? there is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. the paper speaks to the point. they have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will clearly and certainly exercise it. as much as i deplore slavery, i see that prudence forbids its abolition. i deny that the general government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the states have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. the majority of congress is to the north, and the slaves are to the south. in this situation, i see a great deal of the property of the people of virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. i repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings was emancipated. as we ought with gratitude to admire to admire that decree of heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. but is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? we ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of the country. but we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of their unhappy fate. i know that in a variety of particular instances, the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their emancipation. let me not dwell on this subject. i will only add, that this, as well as every other property of the people of virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of situation with us. this is a local matter, and i can see no propriety in subjecting it to congress. have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? why, sir, your slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--those who are in the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain. gov. randolph. that honorable gentleman, and some others, have insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. the inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments. but if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no danger of enfranchisement taking place, i beg leave to refer them to the paper itself. i hope that there is none here, who, considering the subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection dishonorable to virginia; that at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by the operation of the general government be made _free_. but if any gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system. i ask, and i will ask again and again, till i be answered (not by declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of slavery? is it the clause which says, that "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year ?" this is an exception from the power of regulating commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till . then congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? were it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, i might tell you that the southern states, even south carolina herself; conceived this property to be secure by these words. i believe, whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of slavery. go to their meaning. point out the clause where this formidable power of emancipation is inserted. but another clause of the constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. the words of the clause are, "no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." every one knows that slaves are held to service and labor. and when authority is given to owners of slaves to vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought, that after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free? i observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable for another consideration; that although we went article by article through the constitution, and although we did not expect a general review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. pardon me if i remind you of the true state of that business. i appeal to the candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper appeal, i ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? the power is, "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." so that they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the general welfare. no man who reads it can say it is general as the honorable gentleman represents it. you must violate every rule of construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that formidable power which it is represented to be. mr. george mason. mr. chairman, with respect to commerce and navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the union, and that without it, the states in convention would never concur. i differ from him. it never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the union. i will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of that affair. this business was discussed at philadelphia for four months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was often under consideration; and i assert, that eight states out of twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation laws. true it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it stands. if i am right, there was a great majority for requiring two-thirds of the states in this business, till a compromise took place between the northern and southern states; the northern states agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the southern states conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws should be on the footing on which they now stand. if i am mistaken, let me be put right. these are my reasons for saying that this was not a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. the newfoundland fisheries will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. the eastern states therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate. mr. madison. i was struck with surprise when i heard him express himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. let me ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? there is no power to warrant it, in that paper. if there be, i know it not. but why should it be done? says the honorable gentleman, for the general welfare--it will infuse strength into our system. can any member of this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? can any one believe, that the american councils will come into a measure which will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the union? why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? i believe such an idea never entered into an american breast, nor do i believe it ever will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons. mr. henry. he asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? i say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. he admits that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can shew me nothing like such a power granted in that constitution. notwithstanding he admits their right to this power by implication, he says that i am unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our slaves, though the word emancipation be not mentioned in it. they can exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another. thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power though it be not delegated. mr. z. johnson. they tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation. the principle has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round. slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. if it were totally abolished, it would do much good. north carolina convention. the first three clauses of the second section read. mr. goudy. mr. chairman, this clause of taxation will give an advantage to some states, over the others. it will be oppressive to the southern states. taxes are equal to our representation. to augment our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be represented. if a state has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one representative for them. i wish not to be represented with negroes, especially if it increases my burthens. mr. davie. mr. chairman, i will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman last up has said. i wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty on a subject of such awful importance. it ought to be considered, that _some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may be possessed. the gentleman "does not wish to be represented with negroes." this, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but cannot at present alter their situation. the eastern states had great jealousies on this subject. they insisted that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as well as the other. it became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the legislation of the union; and as the northern states were more populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed population. it was attempted to form a rule of representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable rule or criterion of representation. it was urged by the deputies of the eastern states, that a representation of two-fifths would of little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal and burthensome. that in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_ inhabitants. on the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the community. that as rational beings they had a right of representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war. on these principles, the eastern states gave the matter up, and consented to the regulation as it has been read. i hope these reasons will appear satisfactory. it is the same rule or principle which was proposed some years ago by congress, and assented to by twelve of the states. it may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from guilford, (mr. goudy,) but i hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and circumstances of his country. mr. james galloway said, that he did not object to the representation of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of representatives. he was surprised how we came to have but five, including those intended to represent negroes. that in his humble opinion north carolina was entitled to that number independent of the negroes. first clause of the th section read. mr. j. m'dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction. mr. spaight answered that there was a contest between the northern and southern states--that the southern states, whose principal support depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of the northern states to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely. that south carolina and georgia insisted on this clause, as they were now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: that in the course of twenty years they would be fully supplied: that the trade would be abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be laid on. mr. m'dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he expected, and by no means satisfactory to him, and that he looked upon it as a very objectionable part of the system. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, i rise to express sentiments similar to those of the gentleman from craven. for my part, were it practicable to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great cruelties have been exercised. when the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for things which are not attainable. it was the wish of a great majority of the convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the states of south carolina and georgia would not agree to it. consider then what would be the difference between our present situation in this respect, if we do not agree to the constitution, and what it will be if we do agree to it. if we do not agree to it, do we remedy the evil? no, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it will be in the power of every state to continue it forever. they may or may not abolish it at their discretion. but if we adopt the constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress declare so, whether particular states please so or not: surely, then, we gain by it. this was the utmost that could be obtained. i heartily wish more could have been done. but as it is, this government is nobly distinguished above others by that very provision. where is there another country in which such a restriction prevails? we, therefore, sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. i hope, therefore, that this part of the constitution will not be condemned, because it has not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain. mr. spaight further explained the clause. that the limitation of this trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the eastern states and the southern states. south carolina and georgia wished to extend the term. the eastern states insisted on the entire abolition of the trade. that the state of north carolina had not thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves, and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it. mr. iredell added to what he had said before, that the states of georgia and south carolina had lost a great many slaves during the war, and that they wished to supply the loss. mr. galloway. mr. chairman, the explanation given to this clause does not satisfy my mind. i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. but in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic for twenty years, yet i do not wish to see the tax on the importation extended to all persons whatsoever. our situation is different from the people to the north. we want citizens; they do not. instead of laying a tax, we ought to a give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to come among us. with respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires the utmost consideration. the property of the southern states consists principally of slaves. if they mean to do away slavery altogether, this property will be destroyed. i apprehend it means to bring forward manumission. if we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send them to? it is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission, they are to stay among us. mr. iredell. mr. chairman, the worthy gentleman, i believe, has misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on _such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." now, sir, observe that the eastern states, who long ago have abolished slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore used another that answered the same purpose. the committee will observe the distinction between the two words migration and importation. the first part of the clause will extend to persons who come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but the last part extends to slaves only. the word _migration_ refers to free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because free people cannot be said to be imported. the tax, therefore, is only to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who migrate. i further beg leave to say, that the gentleman is mistaken in another thing. he seems to say that this extends to the abolition of slavery. is there anything in this constitution which says that congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those slaves who are now in the country? is it not the plain meaning of it, that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of slaves? it does not extend to those now in the country. there is another circumstance to be observed. there is no authority vested in congress to restrain the states in the interval of twenty years, from doing what they please. if they wish to inhibit such importation, they may do so. our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation of slaves. article fourth. the first section and two first clauses of the second section read without observation. the last clause read-- mr. iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. in some of the northern states, they have emancipated all their slaves. if any of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that their masters could not get them again. this would be extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants of the southern states, and to prevent it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. though the word _slave_ be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. the northern delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned. the rest of the forth article read without observation. * * * * * mr. iredell. it is however to be observed, that the first and forth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from any alteration until the year ; and in order that no consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no state shall, by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the senate without its own consent. the two first prohibitions are with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. as to the first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference between the northern and southern states. the northern states have been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. the subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a good many years. in twenty years there will probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be re-considered with less difficulty and greater coolness. in the mean time, the compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. a compromise likewise took place in regard to the importation of slaves. it is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of south carolina and georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. in the mean time, it is left to the states to admit or prohibit the importation, and congress may impose a limited duty upon it. south carolina convention. hon. rawlins lowndes. in the first place, what cause was there for jealously of our importing negroes? why confine us to twenty years, or rather why limit us at all? for his part he thought this trade could be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. but they don't like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the southern states allow of this, without the consent of nine states? judge pendleton observed, that only three states, georgia, south carolina, and north carolina, allowed the importation of negroes. virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them. mr. lowndes continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there was no reason offered, why the southern states might not find it necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. without negroes this state would degenerate into one of the most contemptible in the union; and cited an expression that fell from gen. pinckney on a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in south carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the importation of negroes. even in granting the importation for twenty years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten dollars, and, in addition to this, were liable to a capitation tax. negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our kind friends in the north were determined soon to tie up our hands, and drain us of what we had. the eastern states drew their means of subsistence, in a great measure, from their shipping; and on that head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens; they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! why, then, call this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it on the other? major butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost. this, mr. lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. they are to be the carriers; and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses would fall upon us. hon. e. rutledge. the gentleman had complained of the inequality of the taxes between the northern and southern states--that ten dollars a head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes were afterwards taxed. to this it was answered, that the ten dollars per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles; and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side; or, at least, not against us. in the northern states, the labor is performed by white people; in the southern by black. all the free people (and there are few others) in the northern states, are to be taxed by the new constitution, whereas, only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the southern states are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. but the principle objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping--that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the americans; that the shipbuilding business was principally carried on in the northern states. when this subject is duly considered, the southern states, should be the last to object to it. mr. rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned. gen. charles cotesworth pinckney. we were at a loss for some time for a role to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the states, at last we thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be apportioned among the several states, by adding to the whole number of free persons three-fifths of the slaves. we thus obtained a representation for our property, and i confess i did not expect that we had conceded too much to the eastern states, when they allowed us a representation for a species of property which they have not among them. the honorable gentleman alleges, that the southern states are weak, i sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually protecting each other. without union with the other states, south carolina must soon fall. is there any one among us so much a quixotte as to suppose that this state could long maintain her independence if she stood alone, or was only connected with the southern states? i scarcely believe there is. let an invading power send a naval force into the chesapeake to keep virginia in alarm, and attack south carolina with such a naval and military force as sir henry clinton brought here in , and though they might not soon conquer us, they would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. as, from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union with the eastern states, who are strong? for who have been the greatest sufferers in the union, by our obtaining our independence? i answer, the eastern states; they have lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. it is notorious that some ports to the eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated; that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendship, and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them, in some measure, partake of our prosperity. the general then said he would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the african trade after the year . on this point your delegates had to contend with the religious and political prejudices of the eastern and middle states, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of virginia, who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. i am of the same opinion now as i was two years ago, when i used the expressions that the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp land uncleared of south carolina, i would raise my voice against restricting the importation of negroes. i am as thoroughly convinced as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat, swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with negroes, and that without them south carolina would soon be a desert waste. you have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that i need not now repeat them. it was alleged, by some of the members who opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness of any state who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves and the neighboring states, and that as we were allowed a representation for them in the house of representatives, our influence in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to defend ourselves. "show some period," said the members from the eastern states, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices of our people on this subject." the middle states and virginia made us no such proposition; they were for an immediate and total prohibition. we endeavored to obviate the objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the house: a committee of the states was appointed in order to accommodate this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on the footing recited in the constitution. by this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several states. we have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of america they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. in short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make. we would have made better if we could, but on the whole i do not think them bad. hon. robert barnwell. mr. barnwell continued to say, i now come to the last point for consideration, i mean the clause relative to the negroes; and here i am particularly pleased with the constitution; it has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate investigation; no, it has declared that the united states shall not, at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet gentlemen are displeased with it. congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its expiration may continue it as long as they please. this question then arises, what will their interest lead them to do? the eastern states, as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of america, it will, therefore, certainly be their interest to encourage exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, i appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit is derived? to think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of mankind, that i am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever. federalist, no. by james madison. it were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year , or rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. but it is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed. it ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within these states, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a considerable discouragement from the federal government, and may be totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few states which continue the unnatural traffic in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the union. happy would it be for the unfortunate africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being redeemed from the oppressions of their european brethren! attempts have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent voluntary and beneficial emigrations from europe to america. i mention these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed government. federalist, no. . by james madison. all this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? slaves are considered as property, not as persons. they ought therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is regulated by a census of persons. this is the objection as i understand it; stated in its full force. i shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. we subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our southern brethren observe, that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. but we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. the true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as property. in being compelled to labor, not for himself; but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. in being protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. the federal constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property. this is in fact their true character. it is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. this question may be placed in another light. it is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. would the convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? could it be reasonably expected, that the southern states would concur in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light, when advantages were to be conferred? might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the southern states with the barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the government to which all the states are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain? it may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the states possessing them. they neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? in rejecting them altogether, the constitution would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been appealed to the proper guide. this objection is repelled by a single observation. it is a fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several states is to be determined by a federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each state, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the state itself may designate. the qualifications on which the right of suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two states. in some of the states the difference is very material. in every state, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the state, who will be included in the census by which the federal constitution apportions the representatives. in this point of view, the southern states might retort the complaint, by insisting, that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular states towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other states, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. a rigorous adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be gainers by it. all that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on the other side. let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in truth, a peculiar one. let the compromising expedient of the constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_. debates in first congress. lloyd's debates. may , . mr. parker (of va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. he was sorry that the constitution prevented congress from prohibiting the importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. he hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the success of his motion. mr. smith (of south carolina,) hoped that such an important and serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. he expected the committee had got through the business, and would rise without discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. it was certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the state he represented; be did not think any one thing that had been discussed was so important to them, and the welfare of the union, as the question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn or laid on the table. mr. sherman (of ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. he could not reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. he hoped it would be withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent subject. mr. jackson, (of geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect on others. he recollected that virginia was an old settled state, and had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burden upon the importation. he knew this business was viewed in an odious light to the eastward, because the people were capable of doing their own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to break us down at once. he was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were imported from all the goals of europe; wretches, convicted of the most flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever. he thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the africans, and had no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was equally apparent as the one proposed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important subject at a time when debate was almost precluded. the committee had gone through the impost bill, and the whole union were impatiently expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo that full discussion which it deserves. we have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of slaves is proper or not; the constitution gives us no power on that point, it is left to the states to judge of that matter as they see fit. but if it was a business the gentleman was determined to discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and even then not have introduced it without previous notice. he hoped the committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not speaking so much for the state he represented, as for georgia, because the state of south carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be renewed when its limitation expired. mr. parker (of va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. although the gentleman from connecticut (mr. sherman) had said, that they ought not to be enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were looked upon by the african traders in this light; he knew it was degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves a moment longer. he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if possible wipe off the stigma which america labored under. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged, should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our declaration of independence. mr. sherman (of ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral evil. now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust, because two or three states would bear the whole burden, while he believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. he was against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn. mr. ames (of mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. no one could suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn. mr. livermore. was not against the principle of the motion, but in the present case he conceived it improper. if negroes were goods, wares, or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were not, the bill would be inconsistent; but if they are goods, wares or merchandise, the per cent ad valorem, will embrace the importation; and the duty of per cent is nearly equal to dollars per head, so there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue. mr. jackson (of ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject, but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better off in their present situation, than they would be if they were manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? work for a living? experience has shewn us they will not. examine what is become of those in maryland, many of them have been set free in that state; did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? no, they turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. what is to be done for compensation? will virginia set all her negroes free? will they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? when this practice comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear. but our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the coast of africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made slaves together. in these cases it is only a change of one slavery for another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance. he would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted by the avowed friends of the measure; georgia in particular would be oppressed. on this account it would be the most odious tax congress could impose. mr. schureman (of n.j.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the house, as a distinct proposition. if the gentleman persisted in having the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was supported. mr. madison, (of va.) i cannot concur with gentlemen who think the present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the same thing at a greater expense of time. but the gentlemen say that it is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come within the title of the bill. but this objection may be obviated by accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed, that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from the importation to which it relates. our object in enumerating persons on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the united states. the motion is calculated to avoid the very evil intimated by the gentleman. it has been said that this tax will be partial and oppressive: but suppose a fair view is taken of this subject, i think we may form a different conclusion. but if it be partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have laid taxes of this nature? yet are they not thought to be justified by national policy? if any article is warranted on this account, how much more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last i should be willing to make a concession upon so far as i was at liberty to go, according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--i would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey the inviolable commands of either. i understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent or unconstitutional. i believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be rectified; i believe the intention is well understood, but i am far from supposing the diction improper. if the description of the persons does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from georgia, (mr. jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, i see no difficulty in changing the phraseology. i conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of america, with respect to the african trade. we have liberty to impose a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was granted, i presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves, they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value and ought to be paid for. if gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per cent ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the constitution. it is to be hoped that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. i do not wish to say anything harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from those i represent; but if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, to vary the practice of obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this; but it is certain a majority of the states are opposed to this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance it as far as is in our power. if i was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the several states, are the best able to judge of what is proper and conducive to their particular prosperity, i should venture to say that it is as much the interest of georgia and south carolina, as of any in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves, tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government. i hope, in making these observations, i shall not be understood to mean that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and circumstances of any part of the united states, or that the particular representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their immediate constituents. if we examine the proposed measure by the agreement there is between it, and the existing state laws, it will show us that it is patronized by a very respectable part of the union. i am informed that south carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. this is not the case with one state. i am sorry that her situation is such as to seem to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we do not wish to do, to some particular part. perhaps gentlemen contend against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. if it does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it. but if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the best reason for making it the object of a separate one. if this is the sense of the committee i shall submit. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as possible. he had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they ought to support it generally. mr. burke (of s.c.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that the value of a slave, averaged about £ , and the duty on that sum at five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther than that sum, he conceived it made no difference whether they were enumerated or left in the common mass. mr. madison, (of va.) if we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is, whether the five per cent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and merchandise to any person whatsoever. but if that general definition of goods, wares and merchandise are supposed to include african slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty pointed out by the constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense, expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity. mr. bland (of va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of this measure. he had made up his mind upon it, he wished had never been introduced into america; but if it was impossible at this time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would prevent its extending farther. he had some doubts whether the prohibitory laws of the states were not in part repealed. those who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the importation, were prevented by the constitution from continuing such regulation, which declares, that no state shall lay any impost or duties on imports. if this was the case, and he suspected pretty strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his colleague was now apparent. mr. sherman (of ct.) said, the constitution does not consider these persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them into any state which shall permit the same, but they have no power to prohibit such importation for twenty years. but congress have power to declare upon what terms persons coming into the united states shall be entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be uniform. he was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he meant convicts particularly. he thought that some regulation respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it ought to be taken up in a different manner. mr. madison (of va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a bill on the same principles. mr. parker (of va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. he knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but they were treated as articles of merchandise. although he wished to get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their consent. the committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned. february th, . mr. lawrance (of new york,) presented an address from the society of friends, in the city of new york; in which they set forth their desire of co-operating with their southern brethren. mr. hartley (of penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual assembly of friends, held at philadelphia, to a committee; he thought it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the community. mr. white (of va.) seconded the motion. mr. smith, (of s.c.) however respectable the petitioners may be, i hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. i flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure. mr. fitzsimons (of penn.) if we were now about to determine the final question, the observation of the gentleman from south carolina would apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house. mr. jackson (of geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the members from the great object that was before the committee of the whole? is it because the feelings of the friends will be hurt, to have their affair conducted in the usual course of business? gentlemen who advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the members who represent that part of the union which is principally to be affected by the measure. i believe, sir, that the latter class consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. why then should such particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business of questionable policy? if congress are disposed to interfere in the importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers, because the constitution expressly mentions all the power they can exercise on the subject. mr. sherman (of conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a committee, to consist of a member from each state, because several states had already made some regulations on this subject. the sooner the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better. mr. parker, (of va.) i hope, mr. speaker, the petition of these respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the importance of its object demands; and i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding so considerable a part of the community attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future prosperity and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. the constitution has authorized us to levy a tax upon the importation of such persons as the states shall authorize to be admitted. i would willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the constitution, i shall cheerfully give it my assent and support. mr. madison, (of va.) the gentleman from pennsylvania, (mr. fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. if gentlemen do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well acquiesce in it to-day; and i apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed at any measure it is likely congress should take; because they will recollect, that the constitution secures to the individual states the right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject, however, to a tax, if congress are disposed to impose it, of not more than ten dollars on each person. the petition, if i mistake not, speaks of artifices used by self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from new york states a case that may require the consideration of congress. if anything is within the federal authority to restrain such violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be practised in some parts of the united states, it will certainly tend to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is a proper subject for our discussion. it may be, that foreigners take advantage of the liberty afforded them by the american trade, to employ our slipping in the slave trade between africa and the west indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by restrictive laws of their nation. if this is the case, is there any person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? another consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to take measures that were unconstitutional. mr. stone (of md.) feared that if congress took any measures, indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the southern states. he thought the subject was of general concern, and that the petitioners had no more right to interfere will it than any other members of the community. it was an unfortunate circumstance, that it was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of human nature better than all the world beside; and that they would, in consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to do. as the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. suppose there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a petition of this kind? certainly it would remain on your table. he would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit. unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment. mr. burke (of s.c.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what did not deserve it. the men in the gallery had come here to meddle in a business with which they had nothing to do; they were volunteering it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. he had a respect for the body of quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding their outward pretences. if their petition is to be noticed, congress ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might have the subject more fairly before them. the rights of the southern states ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences. mr. hartley (of penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity, they solicited the legislature of the union to repel, as far as in their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. nor do they merit censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality than other people's. but it is not for congress to refuse to hear the applications of their fellow citizens, while those applications contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. what is the object of the address before us? it is intended to bring before this house a subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to their conveniency. mr. lawrance (of n.y.) the gentleman from south carolina says, the petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or constitution. sir, in all our acts, as well as in the constitution, we have noticed this society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases where others are called upon to swear? if we pay this attention to them, in one instance, what good reason is there for contemning them in another? i think the gentleman from maryland (mr. stone,) carries his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade; not that i suppose it immediately in the power of congress to abolish a traffic which is a disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support its object. mr. jackson, (of ga.) i differ much in opinion with the gentleman last up. i apprehend if, through the interference of the general government, the slave trade was abolished, it would evince to the people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold their property in jeopardy. any extraordinary attention of congress to this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. i would beg to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if they have funds sufficient to pay for them? if they have, they may come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a business in which they are not interested. they may as well come forward, and solicit congress to interdict the west india trade, because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. but, sir, is the whole morality of the united states confined to the quakers? are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted on this occasion? is it to them we owe our present happiness? was it they who formed the constitution? did they, by their arms, or contributions, establish our independence? i believe they were generally opposed to that measure. why, then, on their application, shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, secured to the community their liberty and property? if congress pay any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish just ground of alarm to the southern states. but, why do these men set themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? do they understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of providence better than others? if they were to consult that book which claims our regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but commended. their saviour, who possessed more benevolence and commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. and if they fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no novel doctrine since the days of cain. but be these things as they may, i hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in order to prevent alarming our southern brethren. mr. sedgwick, (of mass.) if it was a serious question, whether the memorial should be committed or not, i would not urge it at this time; but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our relative situation with the people. a number of men,--who are certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a practice productive of great evil. now, setting aside the religious motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? for my part i do not apprehend that any state, or any considerable number of individuals in any state, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment of the petition, from a fear that congress intend to exercise an unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; i believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of this body. how can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of procedure in business? why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow, which we can do to-day? for the result, i apprehend, will be the same in either case. mr. smith, (of s.c.) the question, i apprehend, is, whether we will take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be committed? now, i oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper; perhaps the prayer of it is improper. if i understood it right, on its first reading, though, to be sure, i did not comprehend perfectly all that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional act, because the constitution secures that trade to the states, independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one years. if, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and patriotism of the house. mr. boudinot, (of n.j.) it has been said that the quakers have no right to interfere in this business; i am surprised to hear this doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled, that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of quakers that i am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes from citizens of the united states, who are as equally concerned in the welfare and happiness of their country as others. there certainly is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in gentlemen's minds. if the petitioners were so uninformed: as to suppose that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet, i trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. i do not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have reported. if it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way, to put a stop to the slave trade in america, i do not doubt of its policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration. mr. sherman (of conn.) observed, that the petitioners from new york, stated that they had applied to the legislature of that state, to prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy, because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general government, under the constitution of the united states; it would, therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by the legislature of new york. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should, therefore, not follow them further in that track than barely to observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress, in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the duty of congress to afford redress as far as is in their power. that their southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave trade by the first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave trade had brought upon all who were concerned in it. mr. madison (of va.) thought the question before the committee was no otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious opposition. did they permit the commitment of the memorial, as a matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the discouragement of the african slave trade, nor alarm the owners with an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish slavery in all the states; such things are not contemplated by any gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it. mr. white (of va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. he conceived that a business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose there was any reason for a deviation. mr. page (of va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they would be satisfied. mr. stone (of md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared, that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house, should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read. mr. baldwin (of ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house; he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. to be sure it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. he was afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business, as it had been termed by the gentleman from georgia. mr. huntington (of conn.) considered the petitioners as much disinterested as any person in the united states; he was persuaded they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this, others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject, they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of. but he thought that would better be done by considering it in the light of revenue. when the committee of the whole, on the finance business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into consideration, without giving any ground for alarm. mr. tucker, (of s.c.) i have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we ought to dismiss it without further notice. what is the purport of the memorial? it is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of congress to effect its abrogation. but congress have no authority, under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle upon which we can proceed to take it up. but what effect do these men suppose will arise from their exertions? will a duty of ten dollars diminish the importation? will the treatment be better than usual? i apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. because an interference with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. but if they will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave trade, let them prefer their petitions to the state legislatures, who alone have the power of forbidding the importation; i believe their applications there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is there. i look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the intention of the framers. mr. smith (of s.c.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should lay over till to-morrow. mr. boudinot (of n.j.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read, "unless where the house shall direct otherwise." mr. smith (of s.c.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question. mr. clymer (of penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because, though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the situation of the members. mr. fitzsimons (of penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays. mr. baldwin (of ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject over for a day at least. mr. smith (of s.c.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any gentleman. if the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that call. mr. white (of va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. and the address was ordered to lie on the table. february th, . the following memorial was presented and read: "to the senate and house of representatives of the united states: the memorial of the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the condition of the african race, respectfully showeth: that from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed several years since in this state, by a number of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. a just and acute conception of the true principles of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative cooperation with their views, which, by the blessing of divine providence, have been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their fellow creatures of the african race. they have also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and abroad. that mankind are all formed by the same almighty being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happiness, the christian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed of americans fully coincides with the position. your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. they have observed with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the united states;' and as they conceive, that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or delayed. from a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution, your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the american people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. "benjamin franklin, _president._ "philadelphia, _february , ."_ mr. hartley (of penn.) then called up the memorial presented yesterday, from the annual meeting of friends at philadelphia, for a second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved to be committed. mr. tucker (of s.c.) was sorry the petition had a second reading, as he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that consideration he wished it thrown aside. he feared the commitment of it would be a very alarming circumstance to the southern states; for if the object was to engage congress in an unconstitutional measure, it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that they ever put additional powers into their hands. he was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject, and that signed by a man who ought to have known the constitution better. he thought it a mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. it would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. do these men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? this would never be submitted to by the southern states without a civil war. do they mean to purchase their freedom? he believed their money would fall short of the price. but how is it they are more concerned in this business than others? are they the only persons who possess religion and morality? if the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body, praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety, or any moral object? they know it would be an improper interference; and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence, which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house. mr. seney (of md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention, and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. its only object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could: indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined yesterday that it should be committed. mr. burke (of s.c.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. did it not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave trade, while the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no such power? he was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, and blow the trumpet of sedition in the southern states. he was sorry to see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution; however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of a member from each state, and he was appointed, he would decline serving. mr. scott, (of penn.) i can't entertain a doubt but the memorial is strictly agreeable to the constitution: it respects a part of the duty particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and i hope we may, be inclined to take it into consideration. we can, at present, lay our hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. i would take this, and if it is all we can do, we must be content. but i am sorry that the framers of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it for good and all; for i look upon the slave-trade to be one of the most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither god nor devil, i should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law of nature. i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? what are the rights of conquest? some have dared to advance this monstrous principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or patrimony of another man. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a religious light, but i do not stand in need of religious motives to induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring about its total abolition. perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation; but i am sure i would go as far as i could. mr. jackson (of ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal service. the gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence, which the christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion is not against it; he will see, from genesis to revelation, the current setting strong that way. there never was a government on the face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. the purest sons of freedom in the grecian republics, the citizens of athens and lacedaemon all held slaves. on this principle the nations of europe are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. but suppose all this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of civil discord, for the people of the southern states will resist one tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to be divested of their property without a struggle. the gentleman says, if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go in emancipating these people; but, i believe his judgment would be of short duration in georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge might be in danger. mr. sherman (of conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the house. mr. baldwin (of ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought before congress, because it was of a delicate nature, as it respected some of the states. gentlemen who had been present at the formation of this constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the southern states were so tender upon this point, that they had well nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the extreme desire of preserving the union, and obtaining an efficient government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. if gentlemen look over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, i fear we shall feel it tremble under our feet. congress have no power to interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the th section of the first article of the constitution; every thing else is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. if we examine the constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject, cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other part. "the migration or importation of such persons, shall not be prohibited by congress." but lest this should not have secured the object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "that no capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census;" this was intended to prevent congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. if we go on to the th article, we shall find the st and th clauses of the th section of the st article restrained from being altered before the year . gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition of the slave-trade; i think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to establish an order of nobility, or a national religion. mr. sylvester (of n.y.) said that he had always been in the habit of respecting the society called quakers; he respected them for their exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he conceived it to be a business in the province of the state legislatures. mr. lawrance (of n.y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it had been properly examined, they could see how far congress may constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. mr. smith (of s.c.) insisted that it was not in the power of the house to brunt the prayer of the petition, which event to the total abolishment of the slave-trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. he observed, that in the southern states, difficulties had arisen on adopting the constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade. perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that if is, they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. if their object had been for congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition, on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? the petition speaks of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? if gentlemen can assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the southern states; for i can assure them, that there is no point on which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with which they think the government has nothing to do. when we entered into this confederacy, we did it from political, not from moral motives, and i do not think my constituents want to learn morals from the petitioners; i do not believe they want improvement in their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home. the gentleman from georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the southern states. on entering into this government, they apprehended that the other states, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the southern states were under to hold this species of property, would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation; and had they not seen that the constitution provided against the effect of such a disposition, i may be bold to say, they never would have adopted it. and notwithstanding all the calumny's with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the discussion alone will create great alarm. we have been told, that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent here; we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by every means in our power. gentlemen should consider that when we entered into a political connexion with the other states, that this property was there; it was acquired under a former government, conformably to the laws and constitution; therefore anything that will tend to deprive them of that property, must be an ex post facto law, and as such is forbid by our political compact. i said the states would never have entered into the confederation, unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the state of agriculture in that county, that without slaves it must be depopulated. why will these people then make use of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? we labor under difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. a gentleman can hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this place or philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this seduction, are accessaries to the robbery. the reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is charging them with the want of humanity; i believe the proprietors are persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. it was said yesterday, that the quakers were a society known to the laws, and the constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies; they stood exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore, relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that sufficient to induce us to commit it? what may appear a moral virtue in their eyes, may not be so in reality. i have heard of a sect of shaking quakers, who, i presume, suppose their tenets of a moral tendency; i am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a numerous offspring about them. now, if these people were to petition congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, i ask, would gentlemen agree to refer such a petition? i think if they would reject one of that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this. mr. page (of va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. he observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared to be the total abolition, of the slave trade; but that congress would consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must produce the abolition of the slave trade. if then the prayer contained nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not be frustrated. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was not taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government (from which was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if anything could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. he presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to commit the petition. he lived in a state which had the misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as any gentleman in south carolina or georgia, yet, if he was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the virtue of congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional authority. mr. madison (of va.) the debate has taken a serious turn, and it will be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have given general satisfaction. if there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what ground such an event was to be apprehended. the petition prayed, in general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on mr. churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for an unconstitutional interference by the general government. he admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from taking measures to abolish the slave trade; yet there were a variety of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new states, to be formed out of the western territory, different from what they could in the old settled states. he thought the object well worthy of consideration. mr. gerry (of mass.) thought the interference of congress fully compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the miseries to which the natives of africa were exposed by this inhuman commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable circumstances. he then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? he then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves. it was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has spoken on the occasion. congress can, agreeable to the constitution, lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this immediately. he made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the southern states, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal to the southern states to purchase the whole of them, and their resources in the western territory may furnish them with means. he did not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to intermeddle in the business. he thought that no objection had been offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial. mr. boudinot (of n.j.) had carefully examined the petition, and found nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he, therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it to be committed. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power, and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of consequence, no occasion for committing it. mr. stone (of md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment. the question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and nays were called for, and are as follows:-- yeas.--messrs. ames, benson, boudinot, brown, cadwallader, clymer, fitzsimons, floyd, foster, gale, gerry, gilman, goodhue, griffin, grout, hartley, hathorne, heister, huntington, lawrance, lee, leonard, livermore, madison, moore, muhlenberg, page, parker, partridge, renssellaer, schureman, scott, sedgwick, seney, sherman, sinnickson, smith of maryland, sturges, thatcher, trumbull, wadsworth, white, and wynkoop-- . noes.--messrs. baldwin, bland, bourke, coles, huger, jackson, mathews, sylvester, smith of s.c., stone, and tucker-- . whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the petition of the society of friends, at new york, and the memorial from the pennsylvania society, for the abolition of slavery, were also referred to a committee. _debate on committee's report, march ._ eliot's debates. mr. tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even its deliberations highly injurious to some of the states in the union. mr. jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided on their true grounds. he was against the propositions generally, and would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their present sentiments. with respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves here, their situation in their native states, and the disposal of them in case of emancipation, should be considered. that slavery was an evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which rendered that habit necessary. such situations the states of south carolina and georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. it was frequently advanced on the floor of congress, how unhealthy those climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to exist there. what, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated territory? is it to remain a waste? is the rice trade to be banished from our coasts? are congress willing to deprive themselves of the revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries? let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in the report. i call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in which they can be of service. they are of no use to congress. the powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. is not the first proposition of the report fully contained in the constitution? is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. a multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. how strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to confirm the constitution under which they sit! this is the case with others of the resolutions. a gentleman from maryland (mr. stone,) very properly observed, that the union had received the different states with all their ill habits about them. this was one of these habits established long before the constitution, and could not now be remedied. he begged congress to reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the southern states. the violation of this compact they would seize on with avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal, and it always had been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. he begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them to attend to the interests of two whole states, as well as to the memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to establish. he seconded mr. tucker's motion. mr. smith (of s.c.) said, the gentlemen from massachusetts, (mr. gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee, of which he was a member, that the memorial of the pennsylvania society, required congress to violate the constitution. it was not less astonishing to see dr. franklin taking the lead in a business which looks so much like a persecution of the southern inhabitants, when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a view of showing the impropriety of one set of men persecuting others for a difference of opinion. the parable was to this effect: an old traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch abraham for a night's lodging. in conversation, abraham discovered that the stranger differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. in the night god appeared unto abraham, and said, where is the stranger? abraham answered, i found that he did not worship the true god, and so i turned him out of doors. the almighty thus rebuked the patriarch: have i borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not bear with him one night? has the almighty, said mr. smith, borne with us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who differ from us on this point? mr. boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of mr. s., but could not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any of the states, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year , and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves. candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them, prior to that period. mr. boudinot observed, that he was well informed that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five per cent ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the states, or equalizing the duties throughout the union. if this was not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. mr. boudinot observed, that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of st. peter, where he foretells that among other damnable heresies, "through covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you." [note.--this petition, with others of a similar object, was committed to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four successive days; it was then reported to the house with amendments, and by the house ordered to be inscribed in its journals, and then laid on the table. that report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: the committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people called quakers, and also a memorial from the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as amended in committee of the whole.) "first: that the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited by congress prior to the year ." "secondly: that congress have no power to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the states; it remaining with the several states alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." "thirdly: that congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the united states from carrying on the african slave trade, for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such importations." "fourthly: that congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in any part of the united states for transporting persons from africa to any foreign port."] address of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society to the friends of freedom and emancipation in the u. states. at the tenth anniversary of the american anti-slavery society, held in the city of new-york, may th, ,--after grave deliberation, and a long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to god, require that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that the motto inscribed on the banner of freedom should be, no union with slaveholders; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of human rights, or the promotion of the interests of liberty; and that revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to compromise the principles of justice and humanity. a decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the american society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. this is due not only to the society, but also to the country and the world. it is declared by the american people to be a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life_, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." it is further maintained by them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." these doctrines the patriots of sealed with their blood. they would not brook even the menace of oppression. they held that there should be no delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments of power on their liberties. appealing to the great ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or perish in their struggle to be free. for the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their deeds, and glory in their triumphs. it is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred rights of mankind. we regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound heart. a revolutionary step is one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imitation. to know what spirit they are of--whether they have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty of revolutionists. but, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it. we charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human blood. we charge upon the american constitution, that it contains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey to another. we charge upon the existing national government, that it is an insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard of american slavery. these charges we proceed briefly to establish: . it is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question beyond doubt,--that the american union was effected by a guilty compromise between the free and slaveholding states; in other words, by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by depriving the north of equal rights and privileges, and by incorporating the slave system into the government. in the expressive and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"--null and void before god, from the first hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and the supporters of which are equally guilty. it was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that, without such a compromise there could have been no union; that, without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of the republic. to this we reply: the plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical. it is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. it is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its perpetration. it is at war with the government of god, and subversive of the foundations of morality. it is to make lies our refuge, and under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the overflowing scourge. "therefore, thus saith the lord god, judgment will i lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place." moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. and he shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not spare." this plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and villainy that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since god said, "let there be light." it assumes that to be practicable, which is impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. a union of virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. a partnership between right and wrong, is wholly wrong. a compromise of the principles of justice, is the deification of crime. better that the american union had never been formed, than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! if they were guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! if it was sinful at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its corruption? the fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union, rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country, to the prostration of northern rights. in the just use of words, the american union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. it is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the world. how then can it be innocently sustained? it is not certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother country would have reconquered the colonies. the spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. surely it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of england. ii. the american constitution is the exponent of the national compact. we affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that, in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. it is not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. it is not a form of words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may determine. _it means precisely what those who framed and adopted it meant_--nothing more, nothing less, _as a matter of bargain and compromise_. even if it can be construed to mean something else, without violence to its language, such construction is not to be tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. no just or honest use of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to serve under it_. to the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be found in the constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that instrument, other words were used intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of slavery; and that these were adopted _in good faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be effected_. on this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. if it be objected, that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties, _whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_; and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because they are immoral_, and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one can innocently swear to support the constitution. again, if it be objected, that the constitution was formed by the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is _not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of the country_. moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed throughout the united states. the words, "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the white population. "to promote the general welfare," referred to their own welfare exclusively. "to establish justice," was understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of slavery. this is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument, and by their own practice under it. we would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. it is absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. as truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the declaration of independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from the american soil! the truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty to _themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means they used to accomplish their purpose. they were not actuated by the spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in words they recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they continually denied it. they did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. why, then, concede to them virtues which they did not possess? _why cling to the falsehood, that they were no respecters of persons in the formation of the government_? alas! that they had no more fear of god, no more regard for man, in their hearts! "the iniquity of the house of israel and judah [the north and south] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the lord hath forsaken the earth, and the lord seeth not." we proceed to a critical examination of the american constitution, in its relations to slavery. in article , section , it is declared--"the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." in this section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to mean that there should be no interference with the african slave trade, on the part of the general government, until the year . for twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, the citizens of the united states were to be encouraged and protected in the prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the hamlets of africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave ships, populating the atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! this awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its termination, congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be piracy, yet all christendom knows that the american flag, instead of being the terror of the african slavers, has given them the most ample protection. the manner in which the th section was agreed to, by the national convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the hon. luther martin[ ] who was a prominent member of that body: [footnote : speech before the legislature of maryland in .] "the eastern states, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery, (!) were _very willing to indulge the southern states_ at least with a temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the southern states would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted." behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity, on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth! it is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not adopted "without considerable opposition." alluding to it, mr. martin observes-- "it was said that we had just assumed a place among independent nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of great britain to _enslave us_: that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation of those rights to which god and nature has entitled us, not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we had appealed to the supreme being for his assistance, as the god of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we scarcely had risen from our knees, from supplicating his aid and protection in forming our government over a free people, a government formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the states power and influence in the union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly sport with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that god whose protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of liberty in the world. it was said it ought to be considered that national crimes can only be and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement, ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of him who is equally lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor _african slave_ and his _american master_![ ] [footnote : how terribly and justly has this guilty nation been scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the slave trade!] "it was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit, the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. that, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly, in our constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the states. that slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to tyranny and oppression. it was further urged that, by this system of government, every state is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; that, from this consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves were increased in any state, in the same proportion the state is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection; and by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore will by so much the more, want aid from, and be a burden to, the union. "it was further said, that, as in this system, we were giving the general government a power, under the idea of national character, or national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade, than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor and interest. "these reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes a part of the system."[ ] [footnote : secret proceedings, p. .] happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations been heeded by the framers of the constitution! but for the sake of securing some local advantages, they chose to do evil that good might come, and to make the end sanctify the means. they were willing to enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. they did this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the overruling power of god. "the eastern states were very willing to _indulge_ the southern states" in the unrestricted prosecution of their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_ by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!--had there been no other provision of the constitution justly liable to objection, this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with the duties which men owe to their creator, and to each other. it was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one who partook of it. if it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be _constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the constitution, at the pleasure of congress, whose prohibitory statute is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of southern opposition to emancipation. it is ignorantly supposed that the bargain was, that the traffic _should cease_ in ; but the only thing secured by it was, the _right_ of congress (not any obligation) to prohibit it at that period. if, therefore, congress had not chosen to exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged indefinitely under the constitution._ the right to destroy any particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it. true, there is no probability that the african slave trade will ever again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due the framers of the constitution on this ground; for, while they threw around it all the sanction and protection of the national character and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by any positive constitutional prohibition._ again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"--namely, that the parties to the constitution regarded only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set forth._ while, therefore, the constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. for it avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law of god and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory. whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_ obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. the object of the constitution is not to define _what is the law of god_, but what is the will of the people--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them. article , sect. , provides--"representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_." here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the african slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave states choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at the present time, enables the south to have twenty-five additional representatives in congress on the score of property, while the north is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding states. referring to this atrocious bargain, alexander hamilton remarked in the new york convention-- "the first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes. much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own: whether this be _reasoning_ or _declamation_, (!!) i will not presume to say. it is the _unfortunate_ situation of the southern states to have a great part of their population as well as _property_, in blacks. the regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of accommodation_ which governed the convention; and without this _indulgence_, no union could possibly have been formed. but, sir, considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it is entirely just that they should be _gratified_.--the southern states possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be _capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the states." if such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of alexander hamilton, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing american independence, and in framing the american constitution? listen, now, to the opinions of john quincy adams, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:-- "'in outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor representing the oppressed.'--'is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'the representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his foes.'--'it was _one_ of the curses from that pandora's box, adjusted at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which inured to the benefit of the south, and to aggravate the burthens of the north.'--'if there be a parallel to it in human history, it can only be that of the roman emperors, who, from the days when julius caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic, among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was that of tribune of the people. a roman emperor tribune of the people, is an exact parallel to that feature in the constitution of the united states which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'the constitution of the united states expressly prescribes that no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states. the spirit of this interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of privileged orders of men. but what order of men under the most absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million owners of slaves, in the hall of this house, in the chair of the senate, and in the presidential mansion?'--'this investment of power in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the twenty-six states of the union, constitutes a privileged order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility ever known. to call government thus constituted a democracy, is to insult the understanding of mankind. to call it an aristocracy, is to do injustice to that form of government. aristocracy is the government of the _best_. its standard qualification for accession to power is _merit_, ascertained by popular election, recurring at short intervals of time. if even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny, what must be the character of that form of polity in which the standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession of slaves? it is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of slavery. _there is no name in the language of national jurisprudence that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in the political theories of aristotle, with which it can be likened. it was introduced into the constitution of the united states by an equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons. little did the members of the convention from the free states imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession.'--'the house of representatives of the u. states consists of members--all, by the _letter_ of the constitution, representatives only of _persons_, as of them really are; but the other , equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the _property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. each of these members represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever saw.'--'here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the house. in the senate of the union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is yet greater. by the influence of slavery, in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the members of the federal senate, are owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest as the member elected by them to the house.'--'by this process it is that all political power in the states is absorbed and engrossed by the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the states is shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of _wrong_.'--'its reciprocal operation upon the government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in the slave representation over that of the free people, in the american congress, and thereby to make the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery the vital and animating spirit of the national government.'--'the result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the president of the united states, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, and five out of nine of the judges of the supreme judicial courts of the united states, are not only citizens of slaveholding states, but individual slaveholders themselves. so are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an exception, all the members of both houses of congress from the slaveholding states; and so are, in immensely disproportionate numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the post-masters throughout the slaveholding states.--the biennial register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the government of the union. if it were required to designate the owners of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a catalogue of slaveholders.'" it is confessed by mr. adams, alluding to the national convention that framed the constitution, that "the delegation from the free states, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendancy of the southern slaveholder, did listen to a _compromise between right and wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the union to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign and indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the north american union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence." hence, to swear to support the constitution of the united states, _as it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage war against human liberty. it is to recognize and honor as republican legislators _incorrigible men-stealers_, merciless tyrants, blood thirsty assassins, who legislate with deadly weapons about their persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they threaten to murder any northern senator or representative who shall dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their rights! they constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities are recorded on the pages of history or romance. to mix with them on terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their co-operation, is nothing short of insanity. article , section , declares,--"no person held to service or labor in one state, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to restore runaway slaves. it alone makes slavery a national institution, a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. this agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the north. under the mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." the warning which the prophet isaiah gave to oppressing moab was of a similar kind: "take counsel, execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. let mine outcasts dwell with thee, moab; be thou a covert to them from the face of the spoiler." the prophet obadiah brings the following charge against treacherous edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty nation:--"for thy violence against thy brother jacob, shame shall come over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodst on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. but thou shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the children of judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that did remain_, in the day of distress." how exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of edom by the same prophet! "the pride of thy heart hath deceived thee, thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, who shall bring me down to the ground? though thou exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will i bring thee down, saith the lord." the emblem of american pride and power is the _eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_. her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and her defiance of the almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness of edom. what shall be her punishment? truly, it may be affirmed of the american people, (who live not under the levitical but christian code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"they all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net. that they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." likewise of the colored inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"this is a people robbed and spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, restore." by this stipulation, the northern states are made the hunting ground of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands upon them. at least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now in canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find, throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in safety, _in consequence of this provision of the constitution_? how is it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole population? it is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. this indicates, either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. james madison, as one of the framers of the constitution, is of some authority on this point. alluding to that instrument, in the virginia convention, he said:-- "another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. at present, if any slave elopes to any of those states where slaves are free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the states are _uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in this constitution, 'no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' this clause was expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. _this is a better security than any that now exists_. no power is given to the general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the states." in the same convention, alluding to the same clause, gov. randolph said:-- "every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. and, when authority is given to owners of slaves to _vindicate their property_, can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? if a citizen of this state, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?" it is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. but this is criticism against fact. slaves are recognized not merely as property, but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the human with the brutal. this is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a paradox--the american constitution is a paradox--the american union is a paradox--the american government is a paradox; and if any one of these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. that it is the duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. after the independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of god exhorted the people, saying, "execute true judgment, and show mercy and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. but they refused to hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone." "shall i not visit for these things? saith the lord. shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?" whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor, must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the supreme court of the united states, in the case of prigg versus the state of pennsylvania. by that decision, any southern slave-catcher is empowered to seize and convey to the south, without hindrance or molestation on the part of the state, and without any legal process duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if, when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival south, they cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is sealed! hence the free colored population of the north are specially liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are multitudes of white as well as black slaves on southern plantations, and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its prey. as soon as that appalling decision of the supreme court was enunciated, in the name of the constitution, the people of the north should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty. in the th sect. of art. iv., the united states guarantee to protect every state in the union "against _domestic violence_." by the th section of article i., congress is empowered "to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, _suppress insurrections_, and repel invasions." these provisions, however strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white population, were adopted with special reference to the slave population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and the south left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would unquestionably be successful. says mr. madison, respecting these clauses:-- "on application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be, the militia of the other states are to be called to suppress domestic insurrections. does this bar the states from calling forth their own militia? no; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress insurrections and domestic violence." the answer to patrick henry's objection, as urged against the constitution in the virginia convention, that there was no power left to the _states_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly vested in congress, george nicholas asked:-- "have they it now? if they have, does the constitution take it away? if it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy member. the first clause gives the general government power to call them out when necessary. does this take it away from the states? no! but it _gives an additional security_; for, beside the power in the state governments to use their own militia, it will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them with the strength of the union, when called for." this solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all the people. in consequence of it, that system has multiplied its victims from seven hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension and perpetuity--several new slave states have been admitted into the union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of american commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved, lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or, whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national government; as, for example, in the case of nat turner's insurrection in virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were called into active service. cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives among the everglades of florida. a merciless warfare has been waged for the extermination or expulsion of the florida indians, because they gave succor to these poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars. but the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the present address. we have thus demonstrated that the compact between the north and the south embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with god and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be immediately annulled. in behalf of the society which we represent, we call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey god rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to unite with us under the stainless banner of liberty, having for its motto--"equal rights for all--no union with slaveholders!" it is pleaded that the constitution provides for its own amendment; and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object. true, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that instrument is binding as it stands. is it not to violate every moral instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be amended in these particulars? let us not palter with our consciences in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to promote a good object, as to interpret the constitution in a manner utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation, acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. if, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still asserted, that the constitution needs no amendment to make it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted liberty replies;--"what though the assertion be true? of what avail is a mere piece of parchment? in itself, though it be written all over with words of truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of heaven--it is powerless; it has no executive vitality: it is a lifeless corpse, even though beautiful in death. i am famishing for lack of bread! how is my appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? i am manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! what consolation is it to know, that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my friends?" if the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter--if the princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms of freedom are still left to us! "would such tameness and submission have freighted the may-flower for plymouth rock? would it have resisted the stamp act, the tea tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny with which the british government sought to rive the liberties of america? the wheel of the revolution would have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed--"_why, what is done cannot be undone_. that is the first thought." no, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it never entered their minds at all. they sprang to the conclusion at once--"_what is done_ shall _be undone_. that is our first and only thought." "is water running in our veins? do we remember still old plymouth rock, and lexington, and famous bunker hill? the debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn? gray plymouth rock hath yet a tongue, and concord is not dumb; and voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: they call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!" it is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind it a power mightier than the throne. it matters not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and tyrannical. we rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the dust. as citizens of the state, we appeal to the state in vain for protection and redress. as citizens of the united states, we are treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national government consents to our destruction. we are denied the right of locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen states of the union. if we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to travel south of mason and dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. if we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave states, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! these are appalling and undeniable facts. three millions of the american people are crushed under the american union! they are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! the government gives them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! there they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on our limbs, their cause is ours! the union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it! the constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! our motto is, "no union with slaveholders," either religious or political. they are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of god! we separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--o no! but to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey god and vindicate the gospel of his son--to hasten the downfall of slavery in america, and throughout the world! we are not acting under a blind impulse. we have carefully counted the cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. it will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our lives. we shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished as traitors. but we shall bide our time. whether safety or peril, whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position is sublime and glorious, that our faith in god is rational and steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which to rely, that we are in the right, we shall not falter nor be dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to the number of "three hundred men." freemen! are you ready for the conflict? come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a slaveholding government, and declare your independence? up, then, with the banner of revolution! not to shed blood--not to injure the person or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any carnal weapons! no--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_ blood be shed--for we aim, as did christ our leader, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by the potency of truth! secede, then, from the government. submit to its exactions, but pay it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. fill no offices under it. send no senators or representatives to the national or state legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you cannot ask another to perform as your agent. circulate a declaration of disunion from slaveholders, throughout the country. hold mass meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast! do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot box? what did the crucified nazarene do without the elective franchise? what did the apostles do? what did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do? what did luther and his intrepid associates do? what can women and children do? what has father matthew done for teetotalism? what has daniel o'connell done for irish repeal? "stand, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of god! the form of government that shall succeed the present government of the united states, let time determine. it would he a waste of time to argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. in ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. what is now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--first, to create discussion and agitation throughout the north; and these will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance. secondly, to convulse the slumbering south like an earthquake, and convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety. thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and to carry the battle to the gate. fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it. we reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the american union, we have the god of justice with us. we know that we have our enslaved countrymen with us. we are confident that all free hearts will be with us. we are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us. in behalf of the executive committee of the american anti-slavery society, wm. lloyd garrison, _president_. wendell phillips, }_secretaries_. maria weston chapman, } boston, may , . letter from francis jackson. boston, th july, . _to his excellency george n. briggs:_ sir--many years since, i received from the executive of the commonwealth a commission as justice of the peace. i have held the office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found it a convenience to myself, and others. it might continue to be so, could i consent longer to hold it. but paramount considerations forbid, and i herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully asking you to accept my resignation. while i deem it a duty to myself to take this step, i feel called on to state the reasons that influence me. in entering upon the duties of the office in question, i complied with the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the constitution of the united states_." i regret that i ever took that oath. had i then as maturely considered its full import, and the obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who take it, as i have done since, i certainly never would have taken it, seeing, as i now do, that the constitution of the united states contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold and perpetuate _slavery_. it pledges the country to guard and protect the slave system so long as the slaveholding states choose to retain it. it regards the slave code as lawful in the states which enact it. still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never before done for african slavery. it took it out of its former category of municipal law and local life; adopted it as a national institution, spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and thus gave to slavery a national existence." consequently, the oath to support the constitution of the united states is a solemn promise to do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of god. i am not in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. i do not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. i only say, that _i_ would not now deliberately take it; and that, having inconsiderately taken it; i can no longer suffer it to lie upon my soul. i take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to receive back the commission, which was the occasion of my taking it. i am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as singular, if not censurable; and i must, therefore, be allowed to make a more specific statement of those _provisions of the constitution_ which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery. the very first article of the constitution takes slavery at once under its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the popular branch of the national legislature. it regards slaves under the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in comparison with freemen. but its dark and involved phraseology seems intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that by the laws of all the states where they live, they are regarded not as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of this provision of the constitution is, to take legislative power out of the hands of _men_, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of goods and chattels. fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the smallest number that shall send one member into the house of representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power in a free and in a slave state thus: to a congressional district in south carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred apiece, it gives one representative in congress; to a district in massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred, one representative is assigned. but inasmuch as a slave is never permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in the five hundred free persons. five hundred freemen of carolina could send one representative to congress, while it would take thirty thousand five hundred freemen of massachusetts, to do the same thing: that is, one slaveholder in carolina is clothed by the constitution with the same political power and influence in the representatives hall at washington, as sixty massachusetts men like you and me, who "eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows." according to the census of , and the _ratio_ of representation based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the house of representatives. and as it has been estimated, (as an approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the united states are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those twenty-five representatives, each chosen, at most by only ten thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that number, were the representatives not only of the two hundred and fifty thousand persons who chose them, but of property which, five years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. all this vast amount of property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. in congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. and this it has ever done. in all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a bank or sub-treasury, free trade or a tariff, this immense power has moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection. while the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the house of representatives, "in the senate of the union," says john quincy adams, "the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. by the influence of slavery in the states where the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the senate; and thus, of the fifty-two members of the federal senate, twenty-six are owners of slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as the eighty-eight members elected by them to the house" the dominant power which the constitution gives to the slave interest, as thus seen and exercised in the _legislative halls_ of our nation, is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the national government. in the _electoral colleges_, the same cause produces the same effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the halls of congress. even the preliminary nominating conventions, before they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people, must ask of the genius of slavery, to what votary she will show herself propitious. this very year, we see both the great political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each a slaveholder for the chair of state. the candidate of one party declares, "i should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and adds, "it is not true, and i rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at abolition. i should deeply lament it, if it were true."[ ] [footnote : henry clay's speech in the united states senate in , and confirmed at raleigh, n.c. .] the other party nominates a man who says, "i have no hesitation in declaring that i am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of texas to the territory and government of the united states." thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder. the same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of _justice_. of the nine justices of the supreme court of the united states, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of john quincy adams, when he says--"the legislative, executive, and judicial authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. every law of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong." thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical effect of this clause of the constitution, that i have sworn to support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it may be regarded by the constitution as "persons," is in fact and practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger; counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole power, and controlling the destiny of the nation. if we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of the presiding officer of each; and controlling the action of both. slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the presidential chair. the paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues from the lips of slavery. the army is in the hands of slavery, and at her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of florida, or march from the missouri to the borders of mexico, to look after her interests in texas. the navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of africa, to suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery. freemen of the north, who have even dared to lift up their voice against slavery, cannot travel through the slave states, but at the peril of their lives. the representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to pray that she would let her poor victims go. i renounce my allegiance to a constitution that enthrones such a power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own protection, support and perpetuation. passing by that clause of the constitution, which restricted congress for twenty years, from passing any law against the african slave trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons of africa, i come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees protection against "_domestic violence_," which pledges to the south the military force of the country, to protect the masters against their insurgent slaves, and binds us, and our children, to shoot down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_, and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the constitution, i say distinctly, i never will support. that part of the constitution which provides for the surrender of fugitive slaves, i never have supported and never will. i will join in no slave-hunt. my door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. when i shut it against him, may god shut the door of his mercy against me! under this clause of the constitution, and designed to carry it into effect, slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a character, as have left the free citizen of the north without protection for his own liberty. the question, whether a man seized in a free state as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of congress does not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a judge of a united states' court, or even of the humblest state magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party most deeply interested to support the claim. by virtue of this law, freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and should i be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where i am not personally known, neither the constitution nor laws of the united states would shield me from the same destiny. these, sir, are the specific parts of the constitution of the united states, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. and these are the principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support it. i cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of god, or solemnly call him to witness my promise that i will break it. it is true that the constitution provides for its own amendment, and that by this process, all the guarantees of slavery may be expunged. but it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done. it cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made. it is also true that the framers of the constitution did studiously keep the words "slave" and "slavery" from its face. but to do our constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very shame--to give the word "slavery" a place in the constitution, they did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the _thing_. they were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they sacrificed justice in doing so. there is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it was _intended_ so to operate by the farmers of the constitution. the highest judicial authorities--chief justice shaw, of the supreme court of massachusetts, in the latimer case, and mr. justice story, in the supreme court of the united states, in the case of _prigg_ vs. _the state of pennsylvania_,--tell us, i know not on what evidence, that without this "compromise," this security for southern slaveholders, "the union could not have been formed." and there is still higher evidence, not only that the framers of the constitution meant by this clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that slavery was wrong. mr. madison[ ] informs us that the clause in question, as it came of the hands of dr. johnson, the chairman of the "committee on style," read thus: "no person legally held to service, or labor, in one state, escaping into another, shall," &c. and that the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws thereof" inserted after the word "state," in compliance with the wish of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." a conclusive proof that, although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of "service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in "equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the constitution were more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive proof that they knew that slavery was _not_ "legal in a moral view," that it was a violation of the moral law of god; and yet knowing and confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its support and defence. [footnote : madison papers, p. .] this language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_ all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. but the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims. with all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. they made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political expediency." i am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they were doing. in the strong language of john quincy adams,[ ] in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "little did the members of the convention, from the free states, imagine or foresee what a sacrifice to moloch was hidden under the mask of this concession." [footnote : see his report on the massachusetts resolutions.] i verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits conferred upon this nation by the constitution, its national unity, its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity of its multiplying millions; yet the moral injury that has been done, by the countenance shown to slavery; by holding over that tremendous sin the shield of the constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of a man, to multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by enacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of god; by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the almighty in the hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more than outweighs it all. a melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all time-serving and temporizing statesmen! a striking illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency! yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the authors of the constitution have reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after they had introduced a vicious element into the very constitution of the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? was it reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? it is dangerous for the sovereign power of a state to license immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over anything that is not "legal in a moral view." bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may crawl. let slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the state, and you will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims multiply apace, till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control. to me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our national government, that literally there is no health in it. the only remedy that i can see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the patient_. the constitution of the united states, both in theory and practice, is so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil, that i can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer. henceforth it is dead to me, and i to it. i withdraw all profession of allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. the burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, i shall endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law, and distinctly declaring, that while i retain my own liberty, i will be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his. very respectfully, your friend, francis jackson from mr. webster's speech at niblo's gardens. "we have slavery, already, amongst us. the constitution found it among us; it recognized it and gave it solemn guaranties. to the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the constitution. all the stipulations, contained in the constitution, _in favor of the slaveholding states_ which are already in the union, ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter." !!! * * * * * extracts from john q. adams's address at north bridgewater, november , . the benefits of the constitution of the united states, were the restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means of discharging the debts of the revolution, and the protection and encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country. all this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to propitiate the rulers of the southern states to the adoption of the constitution. what they specially wanted was _protection_.--protection from the powerful and savage tribes of indians within their borders, and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall i not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were held. yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the south prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the constitution, three special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over their slaves. the first was the immunity for twenty years of preserving the african slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the laws of god, delivered from sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to the principles of popular representation, of a representation for slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons. the reluctance with which the freemen of the north submitted to the dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and ambiguous language in which they are expressed. the word slave is most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. a stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the constitution of the united states, would not believe that slavery or a slave existed within the borders of our country. there is not a word in the constitution _apparently_ bearing upon the condition of slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land. the delegates from south carolina and georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the constitution; and the freemen of the north, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the south were saturated with the blood of african bondage, and from midnight of the st of december, , not a slave from africa was suffered ever more to be introduced upon our soil. but the internal traffic was still lawful, and the _breeding_ states soon reconciled themselves to a prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the slave-trader from africa, while they cherished and shielded and enjoyed the precious profits of the american slave-trade exclusively to themselves. perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether escaped the foresight of the freemen of the north; but their intense anxiety for the preservation of the whole union, and the habit already formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal slave-trade having scarcely existed, while that with africa had been allowed. but of one consequence which has followed from the slave representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been, never--no, never would they have consented to it. the representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons, was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of all the rest of the community. this species of property was odious in its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable rights of man, and of the vital principles of christianity; it was all accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to a tenth part of the free white population of the states in which it was concentrated. in some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of horses but then these privileges and these powers have been granted for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the community, required of the favored class. the roman knights constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings gathered by hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were no gratuitous grants. but in the constitution of the united states, the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely gratuitous. no extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of the slave. the property in horses was the gift of god to man, at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. you are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the consideration of the separate states. but if it be so, as to the mere question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole number of the representatives of the people. this is now your condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle, which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the oppressed. the same perversion of the representative principle pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of president and vice president of the united states, and every department of the government of the union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene of slavery. fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your legislation? the numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much greater than those of the slaveholding states, bond and free. you have at least three-fifths of the whole population of the union. your influence on the legislation and the administration of the government ought to be in the proportion of three to two--but how stands the fact? besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the slaveholding states by the measure of their numbers, here is an intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths fairly secured to them by the compact, controlling and overruling the whole action of your government at home and abroad, and warping it to the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of , owners of slaves. from the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and more the abhorrence of the civilized world. but in proportion as it has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves themselves. the cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the union at the establishment of the constitution, has added largely to the pecuniary value of the slave. aud the suppression of the african slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of george washington, patrick henry, richard henry lee, and thomas jefferson, into a great barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of immortal man. of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men at the time when the constitution of the united states was formed, what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in which that charter of the land was issued, the congress of the confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to the congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever throughout the whole northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or a murmur. but in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him in the federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the recovery of fugitive slaves. but when the powers of _government_ came to be delegated to the union, the south--that is, south carolina and georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quarantine could extinguish. the freemen of the north gave way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the constitution of freedom. its first consequence has been to invert the first principle of democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall rule the land. by means of the double representation, the minority command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country. to acquire this superiority of a large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the chief-magistracy of the union held, during forty-four of them, by the owners of slaves. the executive department, the army and navy, the supreme judicial court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few thousands. * * * * * from that day ( ,) slavery, slaveholding, slave-breeding and slave-trading, have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the federal government, and of the slaveholding states, at home and abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large increase upon the superior numbers of the free states, it has presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and ascendancy of the slave-holding power. of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery, by the first article amendatory of the constitution. the anti-slavery examiner part of by the american anti-slavery society no. . to the people of the united states; or, to such americans as value their rights, and dare to maintain them. no. . appeal to the christian women of the south. no. . appeal to the christian women of the south. revised and corrected. no. . letter of gerrit smith to rev. james smylie, of the state of mississippi. no. . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. no. . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. third edition--revised. no. . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. fourth edition--enlarged. no. . power of congress over the district of columbia. no. . power of congress over the district of columbia. with additions by the author. the anti-slavery examiner vol. i. august, . no. . to the people of the united states; or, to such americans as value their rights, and dare to maintain them. fellow countrymen! a crisis has arrived, in which rights the most important which civil society can acknowledge, and which have been acknowledged by our constitution and laws, in terms the most explicit which language can afford, are set at nought by men, whom your favor has invested with a brief authority. by what standard is your liberty of conscience, of speech, and of the press, now measured? is it by those glorious charters you have inherited from your fathers, and which your present rulers have called heaven to witness, they would preserve inviolate? alas! another standard has been devised, and if we would know what rights are conceded to us by our own servants, we must consult the compact by which the south engages on certain conditions to give its trade and votes to northern men. all rights not allowed by this compact, we now hold by sufferance, and our governors and legislatures avow their readiness to deprive us of them, whenever in their opinion, legislation on the subject shall be "necessary[a]." this compact is not indeed published to the world, under the hands and seals of the contracting parties, but it is set forth in official messages,--in resolutions of the state and national legislatures--in the proceedings of popular meetings, and in acts of lawless violence. the temples of the almighty have been sacked, because the worshipers did not conform their consciences to the compact[b]. ministers of the gospel have been dragged as criminals from the altar to the bar, because they taught the people from the bible, doctrines proscribed by the compact[c]. hundreds of free citizens, peaceably assembled to express their sentiments, have, because such an expression was forbidden by the compact, been forcibly dispersed, and the chief actor in this invasion on the freedom of speech, instead of being punished for a breach of the peace, was rewarded for his fidelity to the compact with an office of high trust and honor[d]. [footnote a: see the messages of the governors of new-york and connecticut, the resolutions of the new-york legislature, and the bill introduced into the legislature of rhode island.] [footnote b: churches in new-york attacked by the mob in .] [footnote c: see two cases within the last twelve months in new hampshire.] [footnote d: samuel beardsley, esq. the leader of the utica riot, was shortly afterwards appointed attorney general of the state of new-york.] * * * * * postage--this periodical contains one sheet, postage under miles, is - cents over miles, - cents. "the freedom of the press--the palladium of liberty," was once a household proverb. now, a printing office[a] is entered by ruffians, and its types scattered in the highway, because disobedient to the compact. a grand jury, sworn to "present all things truly as they come to their knowledge," refuse to indict the offenders; and a senator in congress rises in his place, and appeals to the outrage in the printing office, and the conduct of the grand jury as evidence of the good faith with which the people of the state of new york were resolved to observe the compact[b]. [footnote a: office of the utica standard and democrat newspaper.] [footnote b: see speech of the hon. silas wright in the u.s. senate of feb. .] the executive magistrate of the american union, unmindful of his obligation to execute the laws for the equal benefit of his fellow citizens, has sanctioned a censorship of the press, by which papers incompatible with the compact are excluded from the southern mails, and he has officially advised congress to do by law, although in violation of the constitution, what he had himself virtually done already in despite of both. the invitation has indeed been rejected, but by the senate of the united states only, after a portentous struggle--a struggle which distinctly exhibited the _political_ conditions of the compact, as well as the fidelity with which those conditions are observed by a northern candidate for the presidency. while in compliance with these conditions, a powerful minority in the senate were forging fetters for the press, the house of representatives were employed in breaking down the right of petition. on the th may last, the following resolution, reported by a committee was adopted by the house, viz. "resolved, that all petitions, memorials, resolutions and propositions relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery, shall without being either printed or referred, be laid on the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." yeas, . nays, . bear with us, fellow countrymen, while we call your attention to the outrage on your rights, the contempt of personal obligations and the hardened cruelty involved in this detestable resolution. condemn us not for the harshness of our language, before you hear our justification. we shall speak only the truth, but we shall speak it as freemen. the right of petition is founded in the very institution of civil government, and has from time immemorial been acknowledged as among the unquestionable privileges of our english ancestors. this right springs from the great truth that government is established for the benefit of the governed; and it forms the medium by which the people acquaint their rulers with their wants and their grievances. so accustomed were the americans to the exercise of this right, even during their subjection to the british crown, that, on the formation of the federal constitution, the convention not conceiving that it could be endangered, made no provision for its security. but in the very first congress that assembled under the new government, the omission was repaired. it was thought some case might possibly occur, in which this right might prove troublesome to a dominant faction, who would endeavor to stifle it. an amendment was therefore proposed and adopted, by which congress is restrained from making any law abridging "the right of the people, peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances." had it not been for this prudent jealousy of our fathers, instead of the resolution i have transcribed, we should have had a law, visiting with pains and penalties, all who dared to petition the federal government, in behalf of the victims of oppression, held in bondage by its authority. the present resolution cannot indeed consign such petitioners to the prison or the scaffold, but it makes the right to petition a congressional boon, to be granted or withheld at pleasure, and in the present case effectually withholds it, by tendering it nugatory. petitions are to inform the government of the wishes of the people, and by calling forth the action of the legislature, to inform the constituents how far their wishes are respected by their representatives. the information thus mutually given and received is essential to a faithful and enlightened exercise of the right of legislation on the one hand, and of suffrage on the other. but the resolution we are considering, provides that no petition in relation to slavery, shall be printed for the information of the members, nor referred to a committee to ascertain the truth of its statements; nor shall any vote be taken, in regard to it, by which the people may learn the sentiments of their representatives. if congress may thus dispose of petitions on one subject, they may make the same disposition of petitions on any and every other subject. our representatives are bound by oath, not to pass any law abridging the right of petition, but if this resolution is constitutional, they may order every petition to be delivered to their door-keeper, and by him to be committed to the flames; for why preserve petitions on which _no action can be had_? had the resolution been directed to petitions for an object palpably unconstitutional, it would still have been without excuse. the construction of the constitution is a matter of opinion, and every citizen has a right to express that opinion in a petition, or otherwise. but this usurpation is aggravated by the almost universal admission that congress does possess the constitutional power to legislate on the subject of slavery in the district of columbia and the territories. no wonder that a distinguished statesman refused to sanction the right of the house to pass such a resolution by even voting against it[a]. the men who perpetrated this outrage had sworn to support the constitution, and will they hereafter plead at the bar of their maker, that they had kept their oath, because they had abridged the right of petition _by a resolution_, and not by law! [footnote a: mr. j.q. adams, on his name being called, refused to vote, saying, "the resolution is in direct violation of the constitution of the united states, and the privileges of the members of this house."] this resolution not only violates the rights of the people, but it nullifies the privileges and obligations of their representatives. it is an undoubted right and duty of every member of congress to propose any measure within the limits of the constitution, which he believes is required by the interests of his constituents and the welfare of his country. now mark the base surrender of this right--the wicked dereliction of this duty. all "resolutions and propositions" relating "in _any way_ or to _any extent_ whatever to the subject of slavery," shall be laid on the table, and "no further action _whatever_ shall be had thereon." what a spectacle has been presented to the american people!--one hundred and seventeen members of congress relinquishing their own rights, cancelling their own solemn obligations, forcibly depriving the other members of their legislative privileges, abolishing the freedom of debate, condemning the right of petition, and prohibiting present and future legislation on a most important and constitutional subject, by a rule of order! in , the new-york legislature instructed the representatives from that state in congress, to insist on making "the prohibition of slavery an indispensable condition of admission" of certain territories into the union. in , the legislature of pennsylvania instructed the pennsylvania members of congress, to vote for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia. in vain hereafter shall a representative present the instructions of his constituents, or the injunctions of a sovereign state. no question shall be taken, or any motion he may offer, in _any way_, or to _any extent_, relating to slavery! search the annals of legislation, and you will find no precedent for such a profligate act of tyranny, exercised by a majority over their fellow legislators, nor for such an impudent contempt of the rights of the people. but this resolution is no less barbarous than it is profligate and impudent. remember, fellow countrymen! that the decree has gone forth, that there shall be no legislation by congress, _in any way_, or to _any extent whatever_, on the subject of slavery. now call to mind, that congress is the local and only legislature of the district of columbia, which is placed by the constitution under its "exclusive jurisdiction _in all cases whatsoever_." in this district, there are thousands of human beings divested of the rights of humanity, and subjected to a negotiable despotism; and congress is the only power that can extend the shield of law to protect them from cruelty and abuse; and that shield, it is now resolved, shall not be extended in any way, or to any extent! but this is not all. the district has become the great slave-market of north america, and the port of alexandria is the guinea of our proud republic, whence "cargoes of despair" are continually departing[a]. [footnote a: one dealer, john armfield, advertises in the national intelligencer of the th of february last, that he has three vessels in the trade, and they will leave the port of alexandria on the first and fifteenth of each month.] in the city which bears the name of the father of his country, dealers in human flesh receive licenses for the vile traffic, at four hundred dollars each per annum; and the gazettes of the capital have their columns polluted with the advertisements of these men, offering cash for children and youth, who, torn from their parents and families, are to wear out their existence on the plantations of the south.[a] for the safe keeping of these children and youth, till they are shipped for the mississippi, private pens and prisons are provided, and the united states' jail used when required. the laws of the district in relation to slaves and free negroes are of the most abominable and iniquitous character. any free citizen with a dark skin, may be arrested on pretence of being a fugitive slave, and committed to the united states' prison, and unless within a certain number of days he proves his freedom, while immured within its walls, he is, under authority of congress, sold as a slave for life. do you ask why? let the blood mantle in your cheeks, while we give you the answer of the law--"to pay his jail fees!!" [footnote a: twelve hundred negroes are thus advertised for in the national intelligencer of the th of march last. the negroes wanted are generally from the age of ten or twelve years to twenty-five, and of both sexes.] on the th of january, , the committee for the district of columbia, (themselves slaveholders) introduced a bill providing that the jail fees should hereafter be a county charge. the bill did not pass; and by the late resolution, a statute unparalleled for injustice and atrocity by any mandate of european despotism, is to be like the law of the medes and persians, that altereth not, since no proposition for its repeal or modification can be entertained. the grand jury of alexandria presented the slave trade of that place, as "disgraceful to our character as citizens of a free government," and as "a grievance demanding legislative redress;" that is, the interposition of congress--but one hundred and seventeen men have decided that there shall be "no action whatever" by congress in relation to slavery. in march, , john randolph submitted the following resolution to the house of representatives: "_resolved_, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an _inhuman_ and illegal traffic of slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any, and what measures are necessary for putting a stop to the same." the compact had not then been formed and the resolution _was adopted_. such a resolution would _now_ "be laid on the table," and treated with silent contempt. in , eleven hundred inhabitants of the district presented a petition to congress, complaining of the "domestic slave-trade" as a grievance disgraceful in its character, and "even more demoralizing its influence" than the foreign traffic. the petition concluded as follows: "the people of this district have within themselves no means of legislative redress, and we therefore appeal to your honorable body as the _only one_ vested by the american constitution with power to relieve us." no more shall such appeals be made to the national council. what matters it, that the people of the district are annoyed by the human shambles opened among them? what matters it, that congress is "the only body vested by the american constitution with power to relieve" them? the compact requires that no action shall be had on _any_ petition relating to slavery. the horse or the ox may be protected in the district, by act of congress, from the cruelty of its owner; but man, created in the image of god, shall, if his complexion be dark, be abandoned to every outrage. the negro may be bound alive to the stake in front of the capitol, as well as in the streets of st. louis--his shrieks may resound through the representative hall--and the stench of his burning body may enter the nostrils of the law-givers--but no vote may rebuke the abomination--no law forbid its repetition. the representatives of the nation may regulate the traffic in sheep and swine, within the ten miles square; but the slavers of the district may be laden to suffocation with human cattle--the horrors of the middle passage may be transcended at the wharves of alexandria; but congress may not limit the size of the cargoes, or provide for the due feeding and watering the animals composing them!--the district of columbia is henceforth to be the only spot on the face of the globe, subjected to a civilized and christian police, in which avarice and malice may with legal impunity inflict on humanity whatever sufferings ingenuity can devise, or depravity desire. and this accumulation of wickedness, cruelty and baseness, is to render the seat of the federal government the scoff of tyrants and the reproach of freemen forever! on the th of january , the house of representatives passed the following vote. "_resolved_, that the committee of the district of columbia be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law, for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, in such manner that no individual shall be injured thereby." never again while the present rule of order is in force, can similar instructions be given to a committee--never again shall even an inquiry be made into the expediency of abolishing slavery and the slave-trade in the district. what stronger evidence can we have, of the growing and spreading corruption caused by slavery, than that one hundred and seventeen republican legislators professed believers in christianity--many of them from the north, aye even from the land of the pilgrims, should strive to render such curses perpetual! the flagitiousness of this resolution is aggravated if possible by the arbitrary means by which its adoption was secured. no representative of the people was permitted to lift up his voice against it--to plead the commands of the constitution which is violated--his own privileges and duties which it contemned--the rights of his constituents on which it trampled--the chains of justice and humanity which it impiously outraged. its advocates were afraid and ashamed to discuss it, and forbidding debate, they perpetrated in silence the most atrocious act that has ever disgraced an american legislature[a]. and was no reason whatever, it may be asked, assigned for this bold invasion of our rights, this insult to the sympathies of our common nature? yes--connected with the resolution was a preamble explaining its object. read it, fellow countrymen, and be equally astonished at the impudence of your rulers in avowing such an object, and at their folly in adopting such an expedient to effect it. the lips of a free people are to be sealed by insult and injury! [footnote a: a debate was allowed on a motion to re-commit the report, for the purpose of preparing a resolution that congress has no constitutional power to interfere with slavery in the district of columbia; but when the sense of the house was to be taken on the resolution reported by the committees, all debate was prevented by the previous question.] "whereas, it is extremely important and desirable that the agitation on this subject should be finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring _tranquillity_ to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend the following resolution." order reigns in warsaw, were the terms in which the triumph of russia over the liberties of poland was announced to the world. when the right of petition shall be broken down--when no whisper shalt be heard in congress in behalf of human rights--when the press shall be muzzled, and the freedom of speech destroyed by gag-laws, then will the slaveholders announce, that tranquillity is restored to the public mind! fellow countrymen! is such the tranquillity you desire--is such the heritage you would leave to your children? suffer not the present outrage, by effecting its avowed object, to invite farther aggressions on your rights. the chairman of the committee boasted that the number of petitioners the present session, for the abolition of slavery in the district, was _only_ thirty-four thousand! let us resolve, we beseech you, that at the next session the number shall be a million. perhaps our one hundred and seventeen representatives will then abandon in despair their present dangerous and unconstitutional expedient for tranquilizing the public mind. the purpose of this address, is not to urge upon you our own views of the sinfulness of slavery, and the safety of its immediate abolition; but to call your attention to the conduct of your rulers. let no one think for a moment, that because he is not an abolitionist, his liberties are not and will not be invaded. _we_ have no rights, distinct from the rights of the whole people. calumny, falsehood, and popular violence, have been employed in vain, to tranquilize abolitionists. it is now proposed to soothe them, by despoiling them of their constitutional rights; but they cannot be despoiled _alone_. the right of petition and the freedom of debate are as sacred and valuable to those who dissent from our opinions, as they are to ourselves. can the constitution at the same time secure liberty to you, and expose us to oppression--give you freedom of speech, and lock our lips--respect your right of petition, and treat ours with contempt? no, fellow countrymen!--we must be all free, or all slaves together. we implore you, then, by all the obligations of interest, of patriotism, and of religion--by the remembrance of your fathers--by your love for your children, to unite with us in maintaining our common, and till lately, our unquestioned political rights. we ask you as men to insist that your servants acting as the local legislators of the district of columbia, shall respect the common rights and decencies of humanity.--we ask you as freemen, not to permit your constitutional privileges to be trifled with, by those who have sworn to maintain them.--we ask you as christian men, to remember that by sanctioning the sinful acts of your agents, you yourselves assume their guilt. we have no candidates to recommend to your favor--we ask not your support for any political party; but we do ask you to give your suffrages hereafter only to such men as you have reason to believe will not sacrifice your rights, and their own obligations, and the claims of mercy and the commands of god, to an iniquitous and mercenary compact. if we cannot have northern presidents and other officers of the general government except in exchange for freedom of conscience, of speech, of the press and of legislation, then let all the appointments at washington be given to the south. if slaveholders will not trade with us, unless we consent to be slaves ourselves, then let us leave their money, and their sugar, and their cotton, to perish with them. fellow countrymen! we wish, we recommend no action whatever, inconsistent with the laws and constitutions of our country, or the precepts of our common religion, but we beseech you to join with us in resolving, that while we will respect the rights of others, we will at every hazard maintain our own. _in behalf of the american anti-slavery society._ arthur tappan, \ wm. jay, \ jno. rankin, \ lewis tappan, \ s.s. jocelyn, \ s.e. cornish, | _executive committee_. joshua leavitt, / abraham l. cox, / amos a. phelps, / la roy sunderland, / theo. s. wright, / elizur wright, jr. / * * * * * published by the american anti-slavery society, corner of spruce and nassau streets. the anti-slavery examiner. vol. i. september . no. . appeal to the christian women of the south, by a.e. grimkÃ�. "then mordecai commanded to answer esther, think not within thyself that thou shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews. for if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed: and who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdom for such a time as this. and esther bade them return mordecai this answer:--and so will i go in unto the king, which is not according to law, and _if i perish, i perish._" esther iv. - . respected friends, it is because i feel a deep and tender interest in your present and eternal welfare that i am willing thus publicly to address you. some of you have loved me as a relative, and some have felt bound to me in christian sympathy, and gospel fellowship; and even when compelled by a strong sense of duty, to break those outward bonds of union which bound us together as members of the same community, and members of the same religious denomination, you were generous enough to give me credit, for sincerity as a christian, though you believed i had been most strangely deceived. i thanked you then for your kindness, and i ask you _now_, for the sake of former confidence, and former friendship, to read the following pages in the spirit of calm investigation and fervent prayer. it is because you have known me, that i write thus unto you. but there are other christian women scattered over the southern states, and of these, a very large number have never seen me, and never heard my name, and feel _no_ personal interest whatever in _me_. but i feel an interest in _you_, as branches of the same vine from whose root i daily draw the principle of spiritual vitality--yes! sisters in christ i feel an interest in _you_, and often has the secret prayer arisen on your behalf, lord "open thou their eyes that they may see wondrous things out of thy law"--it is then, because i _do feel_ and _do pray_ for you, that i thus address you upon a subject about which of all others, perhaps you would rather not hear any thing; but, "would to god ye could bear with me a little in my folly, and indeed bear with me, for i am jealous over you with godly jealousy." be not afraid then to read my appeal; it is _not_ written in the heat of passion or prejudice, but in that solemn calmness which is the result of conviction and duty. it is true, i am going to tell you unwelcome truths, but i mean to speak those _truths in love_, and remember solomon says, "faithful are the _wounds_ of a friend." i do not believe the time has yet come when _christian women_ "will not endure sound doctrine," even on the subject of slavery, if it is spoken to them in tenderness and love, therefore i now address _you_. * * * * * postage.--this periodical contains four and a half sheets. postage under miles, - cents; over miles, - cents. please read and circulate. to all of you then, known or unknown, relatives or strangers, (for you are all _one_ to christ,) i would speak. i have felt for you at this time, when unwelcome light is pouring in upon the world on the subject of slavery; light which even christians would exclude, if they could, from our country, or at any rate from the southern portion of it, saying, as its rays strike the rock bound coasts of new england and scatter their warmth and radiance over her hills and valleys, and from thence travel onward over the palisades of the hudson, and down the soft flowing waters of the delaware and gild the waves of the potomac, "hitherto shalt thou come and no further;" i know that even professors of his name who has been emphatically called the "light of the world" would, if they could, build a wall of adamant around the southern states whose top might reach unto heaven, in order to shut out the light which is bounding from mountain to mountain and from the hills to the plains and valleys beneath, through the vast extent of our northern states. but believe me, when i tell you, their attempts will be as utterly fruitless as were the efforts of the builders of babel; and why? because moral, like natural light, is so extremely subtle in its nature as to overleap all human barriers, and laugh at the puny efforts of man to control it. all the excuses and palliations of this system must inevitably be swept away, just as other "refuges of lies" have been, by the irresistible torrent of a rectified public opinion. "the _supporters_ of the slave system," says jonathan dymond in his admirable work on the principles of morality, "will _hereafter_ be regarded with the _same_ public feeling, as he who was an advocate for the slave trade _now is_." it will be, and that very soon, clearly perceived and fully acknowledged by all the virtuous and the candid, that in _principle_ it is as sinful to hold a human being in bondage who has been born in carolina, as one who has been born in africa. all that sophistry of argument which has been employed to prove, that although it is sinful to send to africa to procure men and women as slaves, who have never been in slavery, that still, it is not sinful to keep those in bondage who have come down by inheritance, will be utterly overthrown. we must come back to the good old doctrine of our forefathers who declared to the world, "this self evident truth that _all_ men are created equal, and that they have certain _inalienable_ rights among which are life, _liberty_, and the pursuit of happiness." it is even a greater absurdity to suppose a man can be legally born a slave under _our free republican_ government, than under the petty despotisms of barbarian africa. if then, we have no right to enslave an african, surely we can have none to enslave an american; if it is a self evident truth that _all_ men, every where and of every color are born equal, and have an _inalienable right to liberty_, then it is equally true that _no_ man can be born a slave, and no man can ever _rightfully_ be reduced to _involuntary_ bondage and held as a slave, however fair may be the claim of his master or mistress through wills and title-deeds. but after all, it may be said, our fathers were certainly mistaken, for the bible sanctions slavery, and that is the highest authority. now the bible is my ultimate appeal in all matters of faith and practice, and it is to _this test_ i am anxious to bring the subject at issue between us. let us then begin with adam and examine the charter of privileges which was given to him. "have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." in the eighth psalm we have a still fuller description of this charter which through adam was given to all mankind. "thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. all sheep and oxen, yea, and the beasts of the field, the fowl of the air, the fish of the sea, and whatsoever passeth through the paths of the seas." and after the flood when this charter of human rights was renewed, we find _no additional_ power vested in man. "and the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and every fowl of the air, and upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea, into your hand are they delivered." in this charter, although the different kinds of _irrational_ beings are so particularly enumerated, and supreme dominion over _all of them_ is granted, yet _man_ is _never_ vested with this dominion _over his fellow man;_ he was never told that any of the human species were put _under his feet;_ it was only _all things_, and man, who was created in the image of his maker, _never_ can properly be termed a _thing_, though the laws of slave states do call him "a chattel personal;" _man_ then, i assert _never_ was put _under the feet of man_, by that first charter of human rights which was given by god, to the fathers of the antediluvian and postdiluvian worlds, therefore this doctrine of equality is based on the bible. but it may be argued, that in the very chapter of genesis from which i have last quoted, will be found the curse pronounced upon canaan, by which his posterity was consigned to servitude under his brothers shem and japheth. i know this prophecy was uttered, and was most fearfully and wonderfully fulfilled, through the immediate descendants of canaan, _i.e._ the canaanites, and i do not know but it has been through all the children of ham, but i do know that prophecy does _not_ tell us what _ought to be_, but what actually does take place, ages after it has been delivered, and that if we justify america for enslaving the children of africa, we must also justify egypt for reducing the children of israel to bondage, for the latter was foretold as explicitly as the former. i am well aware that prophecy has often been urged as an excuse for slavery, but be not deceived, the fulfillment of prophecy will _not cover one sin_ in the awful day of account. hear what our saviour says on this subject; "it must needs be that offences come, but _woe unto that man through whom they come_"--witness some fulfillment of this declaration in the tremendous destruction of jerusalem, occasioned by that most nefarious of all crimes the crucifixion of the son of god. did the fact of that event having been foretold, exculpate the jews from sin in perpetrating it; no--for hear what the apostle peter says to them on this subject, "him being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of god, _ye_ have taken, and by _wicked_ hands have crucified and slain." other striking instances might be adduced, but these will suffice. but it has been urged that the patriarchs held slaves, and therefore, slavery is right. do you really believe that patriarchal servitude was like american slavery? can you believe it? if so, read the history of these primitive fathers of the church and be undeceived. look at abraham, though so great a man, going to the herd himself and fetching a calf from thence and serving it up with his own hands, for the entertainment of his guests. look at sarah, that princess as her name signifies, baking cakes upon the hearth. if the servants they had were like southern slaves, would they have performed such comparatively menial offices for themselves? hear too the plaintive lamentation of abraham when he feared he should have no son to bear his name down to posterity. "behold thou hast given me no seed, &c., one born in my house _is mine_ heir." from this it appears that one of his _servants_ was to inherit his immense estate. is this like southern slavery? i leave it to your own good sense and candor to decide. besides, such was the footing upon which abraham was with _his_ servants, that he trusted them with arms. are slaveholders willing to put swords and pistols into the hands of their slaves? he was as a father among his servants; what are planters and masters generally among theirs? when the institution of circumcision was established, abraham was commanded thus; "he that is eight days old shall be circumcised among you, _every_ man-child in your generations; he that is born in the house, or bought with money of any stranger which is not of thy seed." and to render this command with regard to his _servants_ still more impressive it is repeated in the very next verse; and herein we may perceive the great care which was taken by god to guard the _rights of servants_ even under this "dark dispensation." what too was the testimony given to the faithfulness of this eminent patriarch. "for i know him that he will command his children and his _household_ after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." now my dear friends many of you believe that circumcision has been superseded by baptism in the church; _are you_ careful to have _all_ that are born in your house or bought with money of any stranger, baptized? are _you_ as faithful as abraham to command _your household to keep the way of the lord?_ i leave it to your own consciences to decide. was patriarchal servitude then like american slavery? but i shall be told, god sanctioned slavery, yea commanded slavery under the jewish dispensation. let us examine this subject calmly and prayerfully. i admit that a species of _servitude_ was permitted to the jews, but in studying the subject i have been struck with wonder and admiration at perceiving how carefully the servant was guarded from violence, injustice and wrong. i will first inform you how these servants became servants, for i think this a very important part of our subject. from consulting horne, calmet and the bible, i find there were six different ways by which the hebrews became servants legally. . if reduced to extreme poverty, a hebrew might sell himself, i.e. his services, for six years, in which case _he_ received the purchase money _himself_. lev. xxv, . . a father might sell his children as servants, i.e. his _daughters_, in which circumstance it was understood the daughter was to be the wife or daughter-in-law of the man who bought her, and the _father_ received the price. in other words, jewish women were sold as _white women_ were in the first settlement of virginia--as _wives_, _not_ as slaves. ex. xxi, . . insolvent debtors might be delivered to their creditors as servants. kings iv, . . thieves not able to make restitution for their thefts, were sold for the benefit of the injured person. ex. xxii, . . they might be born in servitude. ex. xxi, . . if a hebrew had sold himself to a rich gentile, he might be redeemed by one of his brethren at any time the money was offered; and he who redeemed him, was _not_ to take advantage of the favor thus conferred, and rule over him with rigor. lev. xxv, - . before going into an examination of the laws by which these servants were protected, i would just ask whether american slaves have become slaves in any of the ways in which the hebrews became servants. did they sell themselves into slavery and receive the purchase money into their own hands? no! did they become insolvent, and by their own imprudence subject themselves to be sold as slaves? no! did they steal the property of another, and were they sold to make restitution for their crimes? no! did their present masters, as an act of kindness, redeem them from some heathen tyrant to whom _they had sold themselves_ in the dark hour of adversity? no! were they born in slavery? no! no! not according to _jewish law_, for the servants who were born in servitude among them, were born of parents who had _sold themselves_ for six years: ex. xxi, . were the female slaves of the south sold by their fathers? how shall i answer this question? thousands and tens of thousands never were, _their_ fathers _never_ have received the poor compensation of silver or gold for the tears and toils, the suffering, and anguish, and hopeless bondage of _their_ daughters. they labor day by day, and year by year, side by side, in the same field, if haply their daughters are permitted to remain on the same plantation with them, instead of being as they often are, separated from their parents and sold into distant states, never again to meet on earth. but do the _fathers of the south ever sell their daughters?_ my heart beats, and my hand trembles, as i write the awful affirmative, yes! the fathers of this christian land often sell their daughters, _not_ as jewish parents did, to be the wives and daughters-in-law of the man who buys them, but to be the abject slaves of petty tyrants and irresponsible masters. is it not so, my friends? i leave it to your own candor to corroborate my assertion. southern slaves then have _not_ become slaves in any of the six different ways in which hebrews became servants, and i hesitate not to say that american masters _cannot_ according to _jewish law_ substantiate their claim to the men, women, or children they now hold in bondage. but there was one way in which a jew might illegally be reduced to servitude; it was this, he might he _stolen_ and afterwards sold as a slave, as was joseph. to guard most effectually against this dreadful crime of manstealing, god enacted this severe law. "he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death[a]." as i have tried american slavery by _legal_ hebrew servitude, and found, (to your surprise, perhaps,) that jewish law cannot justify the slaveholder's claim, let us now try it by _illegal_ hebrew bondage. have the southern slaves then been stolen? if they did not sell themselves into bondage; if they were not sold as insolvent debtors or as thieves; if they were not redeemed from a heathen master to whom they had sold themselves; if they were not born in servitude according to hebrew law; and if the females were not sold by their fathers as wives and daughters-in-law to those who purchased them; then what shall we say of them? what can we say of them? but that according _to hebrew law they have been stolen_. [footnote a: and again, "if a man be found stealing any of his brethren of the children of israel, and maketh merchandise of him, or selleth him; then _that thief shall die_, and thou shalt put away evil from among you." deut. xxiv, .] but i shall be told that the jews had other servants who were absolute slaves. let us look a little into this also. they had other servants who were procured in two different ways. . captives taken in war were reduced to bondage instead of being killed; but we are not told that their children were enslaved. deut. xx, . . bondmen and bondmaids might be bought from the heathen round about them; these were left by fathers to their children after them, but it does not appear that the _children_ of these servants ever were reduced to servitude. lev. xxv, . i will now try the right of the southern planter by the claims of hebrew masters over their _heathen_ slaves. were the southern slaves taken captive in war? no! were they bought from the heathen? no! for surely, no one will _now_ vindicate the slave-trade so far as to assert that slaves were bought from the heathen who were obtained by that system of piracy. the only excuse for holding southern slaves is that they were born in slavery, but we have seen that they were _not_ born in servitude as jewish servants were, and that the children of heathen slaves were not legally subjected to bondage even under the mosaic law. how then have the slaves of the south been obtained? i will next proceed to an examination of those laws which were enacted in order to protect the hebrew and the heathen servant; for i wish you to understand that _both_ are protected by him, of whom it is said "his mercies are over all his works." i will first speak of those which secured the rights of hebrew servants. this code was headed thus: . thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god. . if thou buy a hebrew servant, six years shall he serve, and in the seventh year he shall go out free for nothing. ex. xx, [a]. [footnote a: and when thou sendest him out free from thee, thou shalt not let him go away empty: thou shalt furnish him _liberally_ out of thy flock and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, shalt thou give unto him. deut. xv, , .] . if he come in by himself, he shall go out by himself; if he were married, then his wife shall go out with him. . if his master have given him a wife and she have borne him sons and daughters, the wife and her children shall be his master's, and he shall go out by himself. . if the servant shall plainly say, i love my master, my wife, and my children; i will not go out free; then his master shall bring him unto the judges, and he shall bring him to the door, or unto the door-post, and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl, and he shall serve him _forever_. ex. xxi, - . . if a man smite the eye of his servant, or the eye of his maid, that it perish, he shall let him go _free_ for his eye's sake. and if he smite out his man servant's tooth or his maid servant's tooth, he shall let him go _free_ for his tooth's sake. ex. xxi, , . . on the sabbath rest was secured to servants by the fourth commandment. ex. xx, . . servants were permitted to unite with their masters three times in every year in celebrating the passover, the feast of pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles; every male throughout the land was to appear before the lord at jerusalem with a gift; here the bond and the free stood on common ground. deut. xvi. . if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money. ex. xxi, , . from these laws we learn that hebrew men servants were bound to serve their masters _only six_ years, unless their attachment to their employers, their wives and children, should induce them to wish to remain in servitude, in which case, in order to prevent the possibility of deception on the part of the master, the servant was first taken before the magistrate, where he openly declared his intention of continuing in his master's service, (probably a public register was kept of such) he was then conducted to the door of the house, (in warm climates doors are thrown open,) and _there_ his ear was _publicly_ bored, and by submitting to this operation he testified his willingness to serve him _forever_, i.e. during his life, for jewish rabbins who must have understood jewish _slavery_, (as it is called,) "affirm that servants were set free at the death of their masters and did _not_ descend to their heirs:" or that he was to serve him until the year of jubilee, when _all_ servants were set at liberty. to protect servants from violence, it was ordained that if a master struck out the tooth or destroyed the eye of a servant, that servant immediately became _free_, for such an act of violence evidently showed he was unfit to possess the power of a master, and therefore that power was taken from him. all servants enjoyed the rest of the sabbath and partook of the privileges and festivities of the three great jewish feasts; and if a servant died under the infliction of chastisement, his master was surely to be punished. as a tooth for a tooth and life for life was the jewish law, of course he was punished with death. i know that great stress has been laid upon the following verse: "notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." slaveholders, and the apologists of slavery, have eagerly seized upon this little passage of scripture, and held it up as the masters' magna charta, by which they were licensed by god himself to commit the greatest outrages upon the defenceless victims of their oppression. but, my friends, was it designed to be so? if our heavenly father would protect by law the eye and the tooth of a hebrew servant, can we for a moment believe that he would abandon that same servant to the brutal rape of a master who would destroy even life itself. do we not rather see in this, the _only_ law which protected masters, and was it not right that in case of the death of a servant, one or two days after chastisement was inflicted, to which other circumstances might have contributed, that the master should be protected when, in all probability, he never intended to produce so fatal a result? but the phrase "he is his money" has been adduced to show that hebrew servants were regarded as mere _things_, "chattels personal;" if so, why were so many laws made to _secure their rights as men_, and to ensure their rising into equality and freedom? if they were mere _things_, why were they regarded as responsible beings, and one law made for them as well as for their masters? but i pass on now to the consideration of how the _female_ jewish servants were protected by _law_. . if she please not her master, who hath betrothed her to himself, then shall he let her be redeemed: to sell her unto another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her. . if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters. . if he take him another wife, her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage, shall he not diminish. . if he do not these three unto her, then shall she go out _free_ without money. on these laws i will give you calmet's remarks; "a father could not sell his daughter as a slave, according to the rabbins, until she was at the age of puberty, and unless he were reduced to the utmost indigence. besides, when a master bought an israelitish girl, it was _always_ with the presumption that he would take her to wife." hence moses adds, "if she please not her master, and he does not think fit to marry her, he shall set her at liberty," or according to the hebrew, "he shall let her be redeemed." "to sell her to another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her;" as to the engagement implied, at least of taking her to wife. "if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters, i.e. he shall take care that his son uses her as his wife, that he does not despise or maltreat her. if he make his son marry another wife, he shall give her her dowry, her clothes and compensation for her virginity; if he does none of these three, she shall _go out free_ without money." thus were the _rights of female servants carefully secured by law_ under the jewish dispensation; and now i would ask, are the rights of female slaves at the south thus secured? are _they_ sold only as wives and daughters-in-law, and when not treated as such, are they allowed to _go out free_? no! they have _all_ not only been illegally obtained as servants according to hebrew law, but they are also illegally _held_ in bondage. masters at the south and west have all forfeited their claims, (_if they ever had any_,) to their female slaves. we come now to examine the case of those servants who were "of the heathen round about;" were _they_ left entirely unprotected by law? horne in speaking of the law, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god," remarks, "this law lev. xxv, ; it is true speaks expressly of slaves who were of hebrew descent; but as _alien born_ slaves were ingrafted into the hebrew church by circumcision, _there is no doubt_ but that it applied to _all_ slaves;" if so, then we may reasonably suppose that the other protective laws extended to them also; and that the only difference between hebrew and heathen servants lay in this, that the former served but six years unless they chose to remain longer; and were always freed at the death of their masters; whereas the latter served until the year of jubilee, though that might include a period of forty-nine years,--and were left from father to son. there are however two other laws which i have not yet noticed. the one effectually prevented _all involuntary_ servitude, and the other completely abolished jewish servitude every fifty years. they were equally operative upon the heathen and the hebrew. . "thou shall _not_ deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best: thou shall _not_ oppress him." deut. xxxiii; , . . "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim _liberty_ throughout _all_ the land, unto _all_ the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubilee unto you." deut. xxv, . here, then, we see that by this first law, the _door of freedom was opened wide to every servant who_ had any cause whatever for complaint; if he was unhappy with his master, all he had to do was to leave him, and _no man_ had a right to deliver him back to him again, and not only so, but the absconded servant was to _choose_ where he should live, and no jew was permitted to oppress him. he left his master just as our northern servants leave us; we have no power to compel them to remain with us, and no man has any right to oppress them; they go and dwell in that place where it chooseth them, and live just where they like. is it so at the south? is the poor runaway slave protected _by law_ from the violence of that master whose oppression and cruelty has driven him from his plantation or his house? no! no! even the free states of the north are compelled to deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master into them. by _human_ law, under the _christian dispensation_, in the _nineteenth century_ we are commanded to do, what _god_ more than _three thousand_ years ago, under the _mosaic dispensation_, _positively commanded_ the jews _not_ to do. in the wide domain even of our free states, there is not _one_ city of refuge for the poor runaway fugitive; not one spot upon which he can stand and say, i am a free man--i am protected in my rights as a _man_, by the strong arm of the law; no! _not one_. how long the north will thus shake hands with the south in sin, i know not. how long she will stand by like the persecutor saul, _consenting_ unto the death of stephen, and keeping the raiment of them that slew him, i know not; but one thing i do know, the _guilt of the north_ is increasing in a tremendous ratio as light is pouring in upon her on the subject and the sin of slavery. as the sun of righteousness climbs higher and higher in the moral heavens, she will stand still more and more abashed as the query is thundered down into her ear, "_who_ hath required _this_ at thy hand?" it will be found _no_ excuse then that the constitution of our country required that _persons bound to service_ escaping from their masters should be delivered up; no more excuse than was the reason which adam assigned for eating the forbidden fruit. _he was condemned and punished because_ he hearkened to the voice of _his wife_, rather than to the command of his maker; and _we_ will assuredly be condemned and punished for obeying _man_ rather than _god_, if we do not speedily repent and bring forth fruits meet for repentance. yea, are we not receiving chastisement even _now_? but by the second of these laws a still more astonishing fact is disclosed. if the first effectually prevented _all involuntary servitude_, the last absolutely forbade even _voluntary servitude being perpetual_. on the great day of atonement every fiftieth year the jubilee trumpet was sounded throughout the land of judea, and _liberty_ was proclaimed to _all_ the inhabitants thereof. i will not say that the servants' _chains_ fell off and their _manacles_ were burst, for there is no evidence that jewish servants _ever_ felt the weight of iron chains, and collars, and handcuffs; but i do say that even the man who had voluntarily sold himself and the _heathen_ who had been sold to a hebrew master, were set free, the one as well as the other. this law was evidently designed to prevent the oppression of the poor, and the possibility of such a thing as _perpetual servitude_ existing among them. where, then, i would ask, is the warrant, the justification, or the palliation of american slavery from hebrew servitude? how many of the southern slaves would now be in bondage according to the laws of moses; not one. you may observe that i have carefully avoided using the term _slavery_ when speaking of jewish servitude; and simply for this reason, that _no such thing_ existed among that people; the word translated servant does _not_ mean _slave_, it is the same that is applied to abraham, to moses, to elisha and the prophets generally. _slavery_ then _never_ existed under the jewish dispensation at all, and i cannot but regard it as an aspersion on the character of him who is "glorious in holiness" for any one to assert that "_god sanctioned, yea commanded slavery_ under the old dispensation." i would fain lift my feeble voice to vindicate jehovah's character from so foul a slander. if slaveholders are determined to hold slaves as long as they can, let them not dare to say that the god of mercy and of truth _ever_ sanctioned such a system of cruelty and wrong. it is blasphemy against him. we have seen that the code of laws framed by moses with regard to servants was designed to _protect them_ as _men and women_, to secure to them their _rights_ as _human beings_, to guard them from oppression and defend them from violence of every kind. let us now turn to the slave laws of the south and west and examine them too. i will give you the substance only, because i fear i shall trespass too much on your time, were i to quote them at length. . _slavery_ is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants to the latest posterity. . the labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensated; while the kind of labor, the amount of toil, the time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. no bargain is made, no wages given. a pure despotism governs the human brute; and even his covering and provender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on the master's discretion[a]. [footnote a: there are laws in some of the slave states, limiting the labor which the master may require of the slave to fourteen hours daily. in some of the states there are laws requiring the masters to furnish a certain amount of food and clothing, as for instance, _one quart_ of corn per day, or _one peck_ per week, or _one bushel_ per month, and "one linen shirt and pantaloons for the summer, and a linen shirt and woolen great coat and pantaloons for the winter," &c. but "still," to use the language of judge stroud "the slave is entirely under the control of his master,--is unprovided with a protector,--and, especially as he cannot be a witness or make complaint in any known mode against his master, the apparent object of these laws may _always_ be defeated." ed.] . the slave being considered a personal chattel may be sold or pledged, or leased at the will of his master. he may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts or taxes either of a living or dead master. sold at auction, either individually, or in lots to suit the purchaser, he may remain with his family, or be separated from them for ever. . slaves can make no contracts and have no _legal_ right to any property, real or personal. their own honest earnings and the legacies of friends belong in point of law to their masters. . neither a slave nor a free colored person can be a witness against any _white_, or free person, in a court of justice, however atrocious may have been the crimes they have seen him commit, if such testimony would be for the benefit of a _slave_; but they may give testimony _against a fellow slave_, or free colored man, even in cases affecting life, if the _master_ is to reap the advantage of it. . the slave may be punished at his master's discretion--without trial--without any means of legal redress; whether his offence be real or imaginary; and the master can transfer the same despotic power to any person or persons, he may choose to appoint. . the slave is not allowed to resist any free man under _any_ circumstances, _his_ only safety consists in the fact that his _owner_ may bring suit and recover the price of his body, in case his life is taken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. . slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary for their personal safety. . the slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic relations. . the laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where the master is willing to enfranchise them. . the operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation. . the whole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance. . there is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. what is a trifling fault in the _white_ man, is considered highly criminal in the _slave_; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollars only, are punished in the negro with death. . the laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color[a]. [footnote a: see mrs. child's appeal, chap. ii.] shall i ask you now my friends, to draw the _parallel_ between jewish _servitude_ and american _slavery_? no! for there is _no likeness_ in the two systems; i ask you rather to mark the contrast. the laws of moses _protected servants_ in their _rights as men and women_, guarded them from oppression and defended them from wrong. the code noir of the south _robs the slave of all his rights_ as a _man_, reduces him to a chattel personal, and defends the _master_ in the exercise of the most unnatural and unwarrantable power over his slave. they each bear the impress of the hand which formed them. the attributes of justice and mercy are shadowed out in the hebrew code; those of injustice and cruelty, in the code noir of america. truly it was wise in the slaveholders of the south to declare their slaves to be "chattels personal;" for before they could be robbed of wages, wives, children, and friends, it was absolutely necessary to deny they were human beings. it is wise in them, to keep them in abject ignorance, for the strong man armed must be bound before we can spoil his house--the powerful intellect of man must be bound down with the iron chains of nescience before we can rob him of his rights as a man; we must reduce him to a _thing_; before we can claim the right to set our feet upon his neck, because it was only _all things_ which were originally _put under the feet of man_ by the almighty and beneficent father of all, who has declared himself to be _no respecter_ of persons, whether red, white, or black. but some have even said that jesus christ did not condemn slavery. to this i reply, that our holy redeemer lived and preached among the jews only. the laws which moses had enacted fifteen hundred years previous to his appearance among them, had never been annulled, and these laws _protected_ every servant in palestine. that he saw nothing of _perpetual_ servitude is certain from the simple declaration made by himself in john, viii, . "the servant abideth _not_ in the house for ever, the son abideth ever." if then he did not condemn jewish _temporary_ servitude, this does not prove that he would not have condemned such a monstrous system as that of american _slavery_, if that had existed among them. but did not jesus condemn slavery? let us examine some of his precepts. "_whatsoever_ ye would that men should do to you, do _ye even so to them_." let every slaveholder apply these queries to his own heart; am _i_ willing to be a slave--am _i_ willing to see _my_ husband the slave of another--am _i_ willing to see my mother a slave, or my father, my _white_ sister, or my _white_ brother? if _not_, then in holding others as slaves, i am doing what i would _not_ wish to be done to me or any relative i have; and thus have i broken this golden rule which was given _me_ to walk by. but some slaveholders have said, "we were never in bondage to any man," and therefore the yoke of bondage would be insufferable to us, but slaves are accustomed to it, their backs are fitted to the burden. well, i am willing to admit that you who have lived in freedom would find slavery even more oppressive than the poor slave does, but then you may try this question in another form--am i willing to reduce _my little child_ to slavery? you know that _if it is brought up a slave_, it will never know any contrast between freedom and bondage; its back will become fitted to the burden just as the negro child's does--_not by nature_--but by daily, violent pressure, in the same way that the head of the indian child becomes flattened by the boards in which it is bound. it has been justly remarked that "_god never made a slave_," he made man upright; his back was _not_ made to carry burdens as the slave of another, nor his neck to wear a yoke, and the _man_ must be crushed within him, before _his_ back can be _fitted_ to the burden of perpetual slavery; and that his back is _not_ fitted to it, is manifest by the insurrections that so often disturb the peace and security of slave-holding countries. who ever heard of a rebellion of the beasts of the field; and why not? simply because _they_ were all placed _under the feet of man_, into whose hand they were delivered; it was originally designed that they should serve him, therefore their necks have been formed for the yoke, and their backs for the burden; but _not so with man_, intellectual, immortal man! i appeal to you, my friends, as mothers; are you willing to enslave _your_ children? you start back with horror and indignation at such a question. but why, if slavery is _no wrong_ to those upon whom it is imposed? why, if, as has often been said, slaves are happier than their masters, freer from the cares and perplexities of providing for themselves and their families? why not place _your children_ in the way of being supported without your having the trouble to provide for them, or they for themselves? do you not perceive that as soon as this golden rule of action is applied to _yourselves_, that you involuntarily shrink from the test; as soon as _your_ actions are weighed in _this_ balance of the sanctuary, that _you are found wanting?_ try yourselves by another of the divine precepts, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." can we love a man _as_ we love _ourselves_ if we do, and continue to do unto him, what we would not wish any one to do to us? look too, at christ's example, what does he say of himself, "i came _not_ to be ministered unto, but to minister." can you for a moment imagine the meek, and lowly, and compassionate saviour, a _slaveholder_? do you not shudder at this thought as much as at that of his being a _warrior_? but why, if slavery is not sinful? again, it has been said, the apostle paul did not condemn slavery, for he sent onesimus back to philemon. i do not think it can be said he sent him back, for no coercion was made use of. onesimus was not thrown into prison and then sent back in chains to his master, as your runaway slaves often are--this could not possibly have been the case, because you know paul as a jew, was _bound to protect_ the runaway, _he had no right_ to send any fugitive back to his master. the state of the case then seems to have been this. onesimus had been an unprofitable servant to philemon and left him--he afterwards became converted under the apostle's preaching, and seeing that he had been to blame in his conduct, and desiring by future fidelity to atone for past error, he wished to return, and the apostle gave him the letter we now have as a recommendation to philemon, informing him of the conversion of onesimus, and entreating him as "paul the aged to receive him, _not_ now as a _servant_, but _above_ a servant, a brother beloved, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord. if thou count _me_ therefore as a partner, _receive him as myself._" this then surely cannot be forced into a justification of the practice of returning runaway slaves back to their masters, to be punished with cruel beatings and scourgings as they often are. besides the word [greek: doulos] here translated servant, is the same that is made use of in matt. xviii, . now it appears that this servant owed his lord ten thousand talents; he possessed property to a vast amount. onesimus could not then have been a _slave_, for slaves do not own their wives, or children; no, not even their own bodies, much less property. but again, the servitude which the apostle was accustomed to, must have been very different from american slavery, for he says, "the heir (or son), as long as he is a child, differeth _nothing from a servant_, though he be lord of all. but is under _tutors_ and governors until the time appointed of the father." from this it appears, that the means of _instruction_ were provided for _servants_ as well as children; and indeed we know it must have been so among the jews, because their servants were not permitted to remain in perpetual bondage, and therefore it was absolutely necessary they should be prepared to occupy higher stations in society than those of servants. is it so at the south, my friends? is the daily bread of instruction provided for _your slaves_? are their minds enlightened, and they gradually prepared to rise from the grade of menials into that of _free_, independent members of the state? let your own statute book, and your own daily experience, answer these questions. if this apostle sanctioned _slavery_, why did he exhort masters thus in his epistle to the ephesians, "and ye, masters, do the same things unto them (i.e. perform your duties to your servants as unto christ, not unto me) _forbearing threatening_; knowing that your master also is in heaven, neither is _there respect of persons with him_." and in colossians, "masters give unto your servants that which is _just and equal_, knowing that ye also have a master in heaven." let slaveholders only _obey_ these injunctions of paul, and i am satisfied slavery would soon be abolished. if he thought it sinful even to _threaten_ servants, surely he must have thought it sinful to flog and to beat them with sticks and paddles; indeed, when delineating the character of a bishop, he expressly names this as one feature of it, "_no striker_." let masters give unto their servants that which is _just_ and _equal_, and all that vast system of unrequited labor would crumble into ruin. yes, and if they once felt they had no right to the _labor_ of their servants without pay, surely they could not think they had a right to their wives, their children, and their own bodies. again, how can it be said paul sanctioned slavery, when, as though to put this matter beyond all doubt, in that black catalogue of sins enumerated in his first epistle to timothy, he mentions "_menstealers_," which word may be translated "_slavedealers_." but you may say, we all despise slavedealers as much as any one can; they are never admitted into genteel or respectable society. and why not? is it not because even you shrink back from the idea of associating with those who make their fortunes by trading in the bodies and souls of men, women, and children? whose daily work it is to break human hearts, by tearing wives from their husbands, and children from their parents? but why hold slavedealers as despicable, if their trade is lawful and virtuous? and why despise them more than the _gentlemen of fortune and standing_ who employ them as _their_ agents? why more than the _professors of religion_ who barter their fellow-professors to them for gold and silver? we do not despise the land agent, or the physician, or the merchant, and why? simply because their professions are virtuous and honorable; and if the trade of men-jobbers was honorable, you would not despise them either. there is no difference in _principle_, in _christian ethics_, between the despised slavedealer and the _christian_ who buys slaves from, or sells slaves to him; indeed, if slaves were not wanted by the respectable, the wealthy, and the religious in a community, there would be no slaves in that community, and of course no _slavedealers_. it is then the _christians_ and the _honorable men_ and _women_ of the south, who are the _main pillars_ of this grand temple built to mammon and to moloch. it is the _most enlightened_ in every country who are _most_ to blame when any public sin is supported by public opinion, hence isaiah says, "_when_ the lord hath performed his whole work upon mount _zion_ and on _jerusalem_, (then) i will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of assyria, and the glory of his high looks." and was it not so? open the historical records of that age, was not israel carried into captivity b.c. , judah b.c. , and the stout heart of the heathen monarchy not punished until b.c. , fifty-two years _after_ judah's, and seventy years _after_ israel's captivity, when it was overthrown by cyrus, king of persia? hence, too, the apostle peter says, "judgment must _begin at the house of god_." surely this would not be the case, if the _professors of religion_ were not _most worthy_ of blame. but it may be asked, why are _they_ most culpable? i will tell you, my friends. it is because sin is imputed to us just in proportion to the spiritual light we receive. thus the prophet amos says, in the name of jehovah, "_you only_ have i known of all the families of the earth: _therefore_ i will punish you for all your iniquities." hear too the doctrine of our lord on this important subject; "the servant who _knew_ his lord's will and _prepared not_ himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with _many_ stripes": and why? "for unto whomsoever _much_ is given, _of him_ shall _much_ be required; and to whom men have committed _much_, of _him_ they will ask the _more_." oh! then that the _christians_ of the south would ponder these things in their hearts, and awake to the vast responsibilities which rest _upon them_ at this important crisis. i have thus, i think, clearly proved to you seven propositions, viz.: first, that slavery is contrary to the declaration of our independence. second, that it is contrary to the first charter of human rights given to adam, and renewed to noah. third, that the fact of slavery having been the subject of prophecy, furnishes _no_ excuse whatever to slavedealers. fourth, that no such system existed under the patriarchal dispensation. fifth, that _slavery never_ existed under the jewish dispensation; but so far otherwise, that every servant was placed under the _protection of law_, and care taken not only to prevent all _involuntary_ servitude, but all _voluntary perpetual_ bondage. sixth, that slavery in america reduces a _man_ to a _thing_, a "chattel personal," _robs him_ of _all_ his rights as a _human being_, fetters both his mind and body, and protects the _master_ in the most unnatural and unreasonable power, whilst it _throws him out_ of the protection of law. seventh, that slavery is contrary to the example and precepts of our holy and merciful redeemer, and of his apostles. but perhaps you will be ready to query, why appeal to _women_ on this subject? _we_ do not make the laws which perpetuate slavery. _no_ legislative power is vested in _us_; _we_ can do nothing to overthrow the system, even if we wished to do so. to this i reply, i know you do not make the laws, but i also know that _you are the wives and mothers, the sisters and daughters of those who do_; and if you really suppose _you_ can do nothing to overthrow slavery, you are greatly mistaken. you can do much in every way: four things i will name. st. you can read on this subject. d. you can pray over this subject. d. you can speak on this subject. th. you can _act_ on this subject. i have not placed reading before praying because i regard it more important, but because, in order to pray aright, we must understand what we are praying for; it is only then we can "pray with the understanding and the spirit also." . read then on the subject of slavery. search the scriptures daily, whether the things i have told you are true. other books and papers might be a great help to you to this investigation, but they are not necessary, and it is hardly probable that your committees of vigilance will allow you to have any other. the _bible_ then is the book i want you to read in the spirit of inquiry, and the spirit of prayer. even the enemies of abolitionists, acknowledge that their doctrines are drawn from it. in the great mob in boston, last autumn, when the books and papers of the anti-slavery society, were thrown out of the windows of their office, one individual laid hold of the bible and was about tossing it out to the ground, when another reminded him that it was the bible he had in his hand. "o! _'tis all one_," he replied, and out went the sacred volume, along with the rest. we thank him for the acknowledgment. yes, "_it is all one_," for our books and papers are mostly commentaries on the bible, and the declaration. read the _bible _then, it contains the words of jesus, and they are spirit and life. judge for yourselves whether _he sanctioned_ such a system of oppression and crime. . pray over this subject. when you have entered into your closets, and shut to the doors, then pray to your father, who seeth in secret, that he would open your eyes to see whether slavery is _sinful_, and if it is, that he would enable you to bear a faithful, open and un-shrinking testimony against it, and to do whatsoever your hands find to do, leaving the consequences entirely to him, who still says to us whenever we try to reason away duty from the fear of consequences, "_what is that to thee, follow thou me_." pray also for that poor slave, that he may be kept patient and submissive under his hard lot, until god is pleased to open the door of freedom to him without violence or bloodshed. pray too for the master that his heart may be softened, and he made willing to acknowledge, as joseph's brethren did, "verily we are guilty concerning our brother," before he will be compelled to add in consequence of divine judgment, "therefore is all this evil come upon us." pray also for all your brethren and sisters who are laboring in the righteous cause of emancipation in the northern states, england and the world. there is great encouragement for prayer in these words of our lord. "whatsoever ye shall ask the father in my name, he will give it to you"--pray then without ceasing, in the closet and the social circle. . speak on this subject. it is through the tongue, the pen, and the press, that truth is principally propagated. speak then to your relatives, your friends, your acquaintances on the subject of slavery; be not afraid if you are conscientiously convinced it is _sinful_, to say so openly, but calmly, and to let your sentiments be known. if you are served by the slaves of others, try to ameliorate their condition as much as possible; never aggravate their faults, and thus add fuel to the fire of anger already kindled, in a master and mistress's bosom; remember their extreme ignorance, and consider them as your heavenly father does the _less_ culpable on this account, even when they do wrong things. discountenance _all_ cruelty to them, all starvation, all corporal chastisement; these may brutalize and _break_ their spirits, but will never bend them to willing, cheerful obedience. if possible, see that they are comfortably and _seasonably_ fed, whether in the house or the field; it is unreasonable and cruel to expect slaves to wait for their breakfast until eleven o'clock, when they rise at five or six. do all you can, to induce their owners to clothe them well, and to allow them many little indulgences which would contribute to their comfort. above all, try to persuade your husband, father, brothers and sons, that _slavery is a crime against god and man_, and that it is a great sin to keep _human beings_ in such abject ignorance; to deny them the privilege of learning to read and write. the catholics are universally condemned, for denying the bible to the common people, but, _slaveholders must not_ blame them, for _they_ are doing the _very same thing_, and for the very same reason, neither of these systems can bear the light which bursts from the pages of that holy book. and lastly, endeavour to inculcate submission on the part of the slaves, but whilst doing this be faithful in pleading the cause of the oppressed. "will _you_ behold unheeding, life's holiest feelings crushed, where _woman's_ heart is bleeding, shall _woman's_ voice be hushed?" . act on this subject. some of you _own_ slaves yourselves. if you believe slavery is _sinful_, set them at liberty, "undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free." if they wish to remain with you, pay them wages, if not let them leave you. should they remain teach them, and have them taught the common branches of an english education; they have minds and those minds, _ought to be improved_. so precious a talent as intellect, never was given to be wrapt in a napkin and buried in the earth. it is the _duty_ of all, as far as they can, to improve their own mental faculties, because we are commanded to love god with _all our minds_, as well as with all our hearts, and we commit a great sin, if we _forbid or prevent_ that cultivation of the mind in others, which would enable them to perform this duty. teach your servants then to read &c., and encourage them to believe it is their _duty_ to learn, if it were only that they might read the bible. but some of you will say, we can neither free our slaves nor teach them to read, for the laws of our state forbid it. be not surprised when i say such wicked laws _ought to be no barrier_ in the way of your duty, and i appeal to the bible to prove this position. what was the conduct of shiphrah and puah, when the king of egypt issued his cruel mandate, with regard to the hebrew children? "_they_ feared _god_, and did _not_ as the king of egypt commanded them, but saved the men children alive." did these _women_ do right in disobeying that monarch? "_therefore_ (says the sacred text,) _god dealt well_ with them, and made them houses" ex. i. what was the conduct of shadrach, meshach, and abednego, when nebuchadnezzar set up a golden image in the plain of dura, and commanded all people, nations, and languages, to fall down and worship it? "be it known, unto thee, (said these faithful _jews_) o king, that _we will not_ serve thy gods, nor worship the image which thou hast set up." did these men _do right in disobeying the law_ of their sovereign? let their miraculous deliverance from the burning fiery furnace, answer; dan. iii. what was the conduct of daniel, when darius made a firm decree that no one should ask a petition of any man or god for thirty days? did the prophet cease to pray? no! "when daniel _knew that the writing was signed_, he went into his house, and his windows being _open_ towards jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his god, as he did aforetime." did daniel do right thus to _break_ the law of his king? let his wonderful deliverance out of the mouths of the lions answer; dan. vii. look, too, at the apostles peter and john. when the rulers of the jews, "_commanded them not_ to speak at all, nor teach in the name of jesus," what did they say? "whether it be right in the sight of god, to hearken unto you more than unto god, judge ye." and what did they do? "they spake the word of god with boldness, and with great power gave the apostles witness of the _resurrection_ of the lord jesus;" although _this_ was the very doctrine, for the preaching of which, they had just been cast into prison, and further threatened. did these men do right? i leave _you_ to answer, who now enjoy the benefits of their labors and sufferings, in that gospel they dared to preach when positively commanded _not to teach any more_ in the name of jesus; acts iv. but some of you may say, if we do free our slaves, they will be taken up and sold, therefore there will be no use in doing it. peter and john might just as well have said, we will not preach the gospel, for if we do, we shall be taken up and put in prison, therefore there will be no use in our preaching. _consequences_, my friends, belong no more to _you_, than they did to these apostles. duty is ours and events are god's. if you think slavery is sinful, all _you_ have to do is to set your slaves at liberty, do all you can to protect them, and in humble faith and fervent prayer, commend them to your common father. he can take care of them; but if for wise purposes he sees fit to allow them to be sold, this will afford you an opportunity of testifying openly, wherever you go, against the crime of _manstealing_. such an act will be _clear robbery_, and if exposed, might, under the divine direction, do the cause of emancipation more good, than any thing that could happen, for, "he makes even the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder of wrath he will restrain." i know that this doctrine of obeying _god_, rather than man, will be considered as dangerous, and heretical by many, but i am not afraid openly to avow it, because it is the doctrine of the bible; but i would not be understood to advocate resistance to any law however oppressive, if, in obeying it, i was not obliged to commit _sin_. if for instance, there was a law, which imposed imprisonment or a fine upon me if i manumitted a slave, i would on no account resist that law, i would set the slave free, and then go to prison or pay the fine. if a law commands me to _sin i will break it_; if it calls me to _suffer_, i will let it take its course _unresistingly_. the doctrine of blind obedience and unqualified submission to _any human_ power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, is the doctrine of despotism, and ought to have no place among republicans and christians. but you will perhaps say, such a course of conduct would inevitably expose us to great suffering. yes! my christian friends, i believe it would, but this will _not_ excuse you or any one else for the neglect of _duty_. if prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers had not been willing to suffer for the truth's sake, where would the world have been now? if they had said, we cannot speak the truth, we cannot do what we believe is right, because the _laws of our country or public opinion are against us_, where would our holy religion have been now? the prophets were stoned, imprisoned, and killed by the jews. and why? because they exposed and openly rebuked public sins; they opposed public opinion; had they held their peace, they all might have lived in ease and died in favor with a wicked generation. why were the apostles persecuted from city to city, stoned, incarcerated, beaten, and crucified? because they dared to _speak the truth_; to tell the jews, boldly and fearlessly, that _they_ were the _murderers_ of the lord of glory, and that, however great a stumbling-block the cross might be to them, there was no other name given under heaven by which men could be saved, but the name of jesus. because they declared, even at athens, the seat of learning and refinement, the self-evident truth, that "they be no gods that are made with men's hands," and exposed to the grecians the foolishness of worldly wisdom, and the impossibility of salvation but through christ, whom they despised on account of the ignominious death he died. because at rome, the proud mistress of the world, they thundered out the terrors of the law upon that idolatrous, war-making, and slave-holding community. why were the martyrs stretched upon the rack, gibbetted and burnt, the scorn and diversion of a nero, whilst their tarred and burning bodies sent up a light which illuminated the roman capital? why were the waldenses hunted like wild beasts upon the mountains of piedmont, and slain with the sword of the duke of savoy and the proud monarch of france? why were the presbyterians chased like the partridge over the highlands of scotland--the methodists pumped, and stoned, and pelted with rotten eggs--the quakers incarcerated in filthy prisons, beaten, whipped at the cart's tail, banished and hung? because they dared to _speak_ the _truth_, to _break_ the unrighteous _laws_ of their country, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of god, "not accepting deliverance," even under the gallows. why were luther and calvin persecuted and excommunicated, cranmer, ridley, and latimer burnt? because they fearlessly proclaimed the truth, though that truth was contrary to public opinion, and the authority of ecclesiastical councils and conventions. now all this vast amount of human suffering might have been saved. all these prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers, might have lived and died in peace with all men, but following the example of their great pattern, "they despised the shame, endured the cross, and are now set down on the right hand of the throne of god," having received the glorious welcome of "well _done_ good and faithful servants, enter ye into the joy of your lord." but you may say we are _women_, how can _our_ hearts endure persecution? and why not? have not _women_ stood up in all the dignity and strength of moral courage to be the leaders of the people, and to bear a faithful testimony for the truth whenever the providence of god has called them to do so? are there no _women_ in that noble army of martyrs who are now singing the song of moses and the lamb? who led out the women of israel from the house of bondage, striking the timbrel, and singing the song of deliverance on the banks of that sea whose waters stood up like walls of crystal to open a passage for their escape? it was a _woman_; miriam, the prophetess, the sister of moses and aaron. who went up with barak to kadesh to fight against jabin, king of canaan, into whose hand israel had been sold because of their iniquities? it was a _woman!_ deborah the wife of lapidoth, the judge, as well as the prophetess of that backsliding people; judges iv, . into whose hands was sisera, the captain of jabin's host delivered? into the hand of a _woman_. jael the wife of heber! judges vi, . who dared to _speak the truth_ concerning those judgments which were coming upon judea, when josiah, alarmed at finding that his people "had not kept the word of the lord to do after all that was written in the book of the law," sent to enquire of the lord concerning these things? it was a _woman_. huldah the prophetess, the wife of shallum; , chron. xxxiv, . who was chosen to deliver the whole jewish nation from that murderous decree of persia's king, which wicked haman had obtained by calumny and fraud? it was a _woman_; esther the queen; yes, weak and trembling _woman_ was the instrument appointed by god, to reverse the bloody mandate of the eastern monarch, and save the _whole visible church_ from destruction. what human voice first proclaimed to mary that she should be the mother of our lord? it was a _woman!_ elizabeth, the wife of zacharias; luke i, , . who united with the good old simeon in giving thanks publicly in the temple, when the child, jesus, was presented there by his parents, "and spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in jerusalem?" it was a _woman!_ anna the prophetess. who first proclaimed christ as the true messiah in the streets of samaria, once the capital of the ten tribes? it was a _woman!_ who ministered to the son of god whilst on earth, a despised and persecuted reformer, in the humble garb of a carpenter? they were _women!_ who followed the rejected king of israel, as his fainting footsteps trod the road to calvary? "a great company of people and of _women_;" and it is remarkable that to _them alone_, he turned and addressed the pathetic language, "daughters of jerusalem, weep not for me, but weep for yourselves and your children." ah! who sent unto the roman governor when he was set down on the judgment seat, saying unto him, "have thou nothing to do with that just man, for i have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him?" it was a _woman_! the wife of pilate. although "_he knew_ that for envy the jews had delivered christ," yet _he_ consented to surrender the son of god into the hands of a brutal soldiery, after having himself scourged his naked body. had the _wife_ of pilate sat upon that judgment seat, what would have been the result of the trial of this "just person?" and who last hung round the cross of jesus on the mountain of golgotha? who first visited the sepulchre early in the morning on the first day of the week, carrying sweet spices to embalm his precious body, not knowing that it was incorruptible and could not be holden by the bands of death? these were _women_! to whom did he _first_ appear after his resurrection? it was to a _woman_! mary magdalene; mark xvi, . who gathered with the apostles to wait at jerusalem, in prayer and supplication, for "the promise of the father;" the spiritual blessing of the great high priest of his church, who had entered, _not_ into the splendid temple of solomon, there to offer the blood of bulls, and of goats, and the smoking censer upon the golden altar, but into heaven itself, there to present his intercessions, after having "given himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to god for a sweet smelling savor?" _women_ were among that holy company; acts i, . and did _women_ wait in vain? did those who had ministered to his necessities, followed in his train, and wept at his crucifixion, wait in vain? no! no! did the cloven tongues of fire descend upon the heads of _women_ as well as men? yes, my friends, "it sat upon _each one of them_;" acts ii, . _women_ as well as men were to be living stones in the temple of grace, and therefore _their_ heads were consecrated by the descent of the holy ghost as well as those of men. were _women_ recognized as fellow laborers in the gospel field? they were! paul says in his epistle to the philippians, "help those _women_ who labored with me, in the gospel;" phil. iv, . but this is not all. roman _women_ were burnt at the stake, _their_ delicate limbs were torn joint from joint by the ferocious beasts of the amphitheatre, and tossed by the wild bull in his fury, for the diversion of that idolatrous, warlike, and slaveholding people. yes, _women_ suffered under the ten persecutions of heathen rome, with the most unshrinking constancy and fortitude; not all the entreaties of friends, nor the claims of new born infancy, nor the cruel threats of enemies could make _them_ sprinkle one grain of incense upon the altars of roman idols. come now with me to the beautiful valleys of piedmont. whose blood stains the green sward, and decks the wild flowers with colors not their own, and smokes on the sword of persecuting france? it is _woman's_, as well as man's? yes, _women_ were accounted as sheep for the slaughter, and were cut down as the tender saplings of the wood. but time would fail me, to tell of all those hundreds and thousands of _women_, who perished in the low countries of holland, when alva's sword of vengeance was unsheathed against the protestants, when the catholic inquisitions of europe became the merciless executioners of vindictive wrath, upon those who dared to worship god, instead of bowing down in unholy adoration before "my lord god the _pope_," and when england, too, burnt her ann ascoes at the stake of martyrdom. suffice it to say, that the church, after having been driven from judea to rome, and from rome to piedmont, and from piedmont to england, and from england to holland, at last stretched her fainting wings over the dark bosom of the atlantic, and found on the shores of a great wilderness, a refuge from tyranny and oppression--as she thought, but _even here_, (the warm blush of shame mantles my cheek as i write it,) _even here, woman_ was beaten and banished, imprisoned, and hung upon the gallows, a trophy to the cross. and what, i would ask in conclusion, have _women_ done for the great and glorious cause of emancipation? who wrote that pamphlet which moved the heart of wilberforce to pray over the wrongs, and his tongue to plead the cause of the oppressed african? it was a _woman_, elizabeth heyrick. who labored assiduously to keep the sufferings of the slave continually before the british public? they were _women_. and how did they do it? by their needles, paint brushes and pens, by speaking the truth, and petitioning parliament for the abolition of slavery. and what was the effect of their labors? read it in the emancipation bill of great britain. read it, in the present state of her west india colonies. read it, in the impulse which has been given to the cause of freedom, in the united states of america. have english women then done so much for the negro, and shall american women do nothing? oh no! already are there sixty female anti-slavery societies in operation. these are doing just what the english women did, telling the story of the colored man's wrongs, praying for his deliverance, and presenting his kneeling image constantly before the public eye on bags and needle-books, card-racks, pen-wipers, pin-cushions, &c. even the children of the north are inscribing on their handy work, "may the points of our needles prick the slaveholder's conscience." some of the reports of these societies exhibit not only considerable talent, but a deep sense of religious duty, and a determination to persevere through evil as well as good report, until every scourge, and every shackle, is buried under the feet of the manumitted slave. the ladies' anti-slavery society of boston was called last fall, to a severe trial of their faith and constancy. they were mobbed by "the gentlemen of property and standing," in that city at their anniversary meeting, and their lives were jeoparded by an infuriated crowd; but their conduct on that occasion did credit to our sex, and affords a full assurance that they will _never_ abandon the cause of the slave. the pamphlet, right and wrong in boston, issued by them in which a particular account is given of that "mob of broad cloth in broad day," does equal credit to the head and the heart of her who wrote it. i wish my southern sisters could read it; they would then understand that the women of the north have engaged in this work from a sense of _religious duty_, and that nothing will ever induce them to take their hands from it until it is fully accomplished. they feel no hostility to you, no bitterness or wrath; they rather sympathize in your trials and difficulties; but they well know that the first thing to be done to help you, is to pour in the light of truth on your minds, to urge you to reflect on, and pray over the subject. this is all _they_ can do for you, _you_ must work out your own deliverance with fear and trembling, and with the direction and blessing of god, _you can do it_. northern women may labor to produce a correct public opinion at the north, but if southern women sit down in listless indifference and criminal idleness, public opinion cannot be rectified and purified at the south. it is manifest to every reflecting mind, that slavery must be abolished; the era in which we live, and the light which is overspreading the whole world on this subject, clearly show that the time cannot be distant when it will be done. now there are only two ways in which it can be effected, by moral power or physical force, and it is for _you_ to choose which of these you prefer. slavery always has, and always will produce insurrections wherever it exists, because it is a violation of the natural order of things, and no human power can much longer perpetuate it. the opposers of abolitionists fully believe this; one of them remarked to me not long since, there is no doubt there will be a most terrible overturning at the south in a few years, such cruelty and wrong, must be visited with divine vengeance soon. abolitionists believe, too, that this must inevitably be the case, if you do not repent, and they are not willing to leave you to perish without entreating you, to save yourselves from destruction; well may they say with the apostle, "am i then your enemy because i tell you the truth," and warn you to flee from impending judgments. but why, my dear friends, have i thus been endeavoring to lead you through the history of more than three thousand years, and to point you to that great cloud of witnesses who have gone before, "from works to rewards?" have i been seeking to magnify the sufferings, and exalt the character of woman, that she "might have praise of men?" no! no! my object has been to arouse _you_, as the wives and mothers, the daughters and sisters, of the south, to a sense of your duty as _women_, and as christian women, on that great subject, which has already shaken our country, from the st. lawrence and the lakes, to the gulf of mexico, and from the mississippi to the shores of the atlantic; _and will continue mightily to shake it_, until the polluted temple of slavery fall and crumble into ruin. i would say unto each one of you, "what meanest thou, o sleeper! arise and call upon thy god, if so be that god will think upon us that we perish not." perceive you not that dark cloud of vengeance which hangs over our boasting republic? saw you not the lightnings of heaven's wrath, in the flame which leaped from the indian's torch to the roof of yonder dwelling, and lighted with its horrid glare the darkness of midnight? heard you not the thunders of divine anger, as the distant roar of the cannon came rolling onward, from the texian country, where protestant american rebels are fighting with mexican republicans--for what? for the re-establishment of _slavery_; yes! of american slavery in the bosom of a catholic republic, where that system of robbery, violence, and wrong, had been legally abolished for twelve years. yes! citizens of the united states, after plundering mexico of her land, are now engaged in deadly conflict, for the privilege of fastening chains, and collars, and manacles--upon whom? upon the subjects of some foreign prince? no! upon native born american republican citizens, although the fathers of these very men declared to the whole world, while struggling to free themselves from the three penny taxes of an english king, that they believed it to be a _self-evident_ truth that _all men_ were created equal, and had an _unalienable right to liberty_. well may the poet exclaim in bitter sarcasm, "the fustian flag that proudly waves in solemn mockery _o'er a land of slaves_." can you not, my friends, understand the signs of the times; do you not see the sword of retributive justice hanging over the south, or are you still slumbering at your posts?--are there no shiphrahs, no puahs among you, who will dare in christian firmness and christian meekness, to refuse to obey the _wicked laws_ which require _woman to enslave, to degrade and to brutalize woman?_ are there no miriams, who would rejoice to lead out the captive daughters of the southern states to liberty and light? are there no huldahs there who will dare to _speak the truth_ concerning the sins of the people and those judgments, which it requires no prophet's eye to see, must follow if repentance is not speedily sought? is there no esther among you who will plead for the poor devoted slave? read the history of this persian queen, it is full of instruction; she at first refused to plead for the jews; but, hear the words of mordecai, "think not within thyself, that _thou_ shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews, for _if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time_, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but _thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed._" listen, too, to her magnanimous reply to this powerful appeal; "_i will go_ in unto the king, which is not according to law, and if i perish. i perish." yes! if there were but _one_ esther at the south, she _might_ save her country from ruin; but let the christian women there arise, as the christian women of great britain did, in the majesty of moral power, and that salvation is certain. let them embody themselves in societies, and send petitions up to their different legislatures, entreating their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons, to abolish the institution of slavery; no longer to subject _woman_ to the scourge and the chain, to mental darkness and moral degradation; no longer to tear husbands from their wives, and children from their parents; no longer to make men, women, and children, work _without wages;_ no longer to make their lives bitter in hard bondage; no longer to reduce _american citizens_ to the abject condition of _slaves_, of "chattels personal;" no longer to barter the _image of god_ in human shambles for corruptible things such as silver and gold. the _women of the south can overthrow_ this horrible system of oppression and cruelty, licentiousness and wrong. such appeals to your legislatures would be irresistible, for there is something in the heart of man which _will bend under moral suasion_. there is a swift witness for truth in his bosom, which _will respond to truth_ when it is uttered with calmness and dignity. if you could obtain but six signatures to such a petition in only one state, i would say, send up that petition, and be not in the least discouraged by the scoffs and jeers of the heartless, or the resolution of the house to lay it on the table. it will be a great thing if the subject can be introduced into your legislatures in any way, even by _women_, and _they_ will be the most likely to introduce it there in the best possible manner, as a matter of _morals_ and _religion_, not of expediency or politics. you may petition, too, the different, ecclesiastical bodies of the slave states. slavery must be attacked with the whole power of truth and the sword of the spirit. you must take it up on _christian_ ground, and fight against it with christian weapons, whilst your feet are shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace. and _you are now_ loudly called upon by the cries of the widow and the orphan, to arise and gird yourselves for this great moral conflict, with the whole armour of righteousness upon the right hand and on the left. there is every encouragement for you to labor and pray, my friends, because the abolition of slavery as well as its existence, has been the theme of prophecy. "ethiopia (says the psalmist) shall stretch forth her hands unto god." and is she not now doing so? are not the christian negroes of the south lifting their hands in prayer for deliverance, just as the israelites did when their redemption was drawing nigh? are they not sighing and crying by reason of the hard bondage? and think you, that he, of whom it was said, "and god heard their groaning, and their cry came up unto him by reason of the hard bondage," think you that his ear is heavy that he cannot _now_ hear the cries of his suffering children? or that he who raised up a moses, an aaron, and a miriam, to bring them up out of the land of egypt from the house of bondage, cannot now, with a high hand and a stretched out arm, rid the poor negroes out of the hands of their masters? surely you believe that his arm is _not_ shortened that he cannot save. and would not such a work of mercy redound to his glory? but another string of the harp of prophecy vibrates to the song of deliverance: "but they shall sit every man under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and _none shall make them afraid_; for the mouth of the lord of hosts hath spoken it." the _slave_ never can do this as long as he is a _slave_; whilst he is a "chattel personal" he can own _no_ property; but the time _is to come_ when _every_ man is to sit under _his own_ vine and _his own_ fig-tree, and no domineering driver, or irresponsible master, or irascible mistress, shall make him afraid of the chain or the whip. hear, too, the sweet tones of another string: "many shall run to and fro, and _knowledge_ shall be increased." slavery is an insurmountable barrier to the increase of knowledge in every community where it exists; _slavery, then, must be abolished before_ this prediction can be fulfiled. the last chord i shall touch, will be this, "they shall _not_ hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain." _slavery, then, must be overthrown before_ the prophecies can be accomplished, but how are they to be fulfiled? will the wheels of the millennial car be rolled onward by miraculous power? no! god designs to confer this holy privilege upon _man_; it is through _his_ instrumentality that the great and glorious work of reforming the world is to be done. and see you not how the mighty engine of _moral power_ is dragging in its rear the bible and peace societies, anti-slavery and temperance, sabbath schools, moral reform, and missions? or to adopt another figure, do not these seven philanthropic associations compose the beautiful tints in that bow of promise which spans the arch of our moral heaven? who does not believe, that if these societies were broken up, their constitutions burnt, and the vast machinery with which they are laboring to regenerate mankind was stopped, that the black clouds of vengeance would soon burst over our world, and every city would witness the fate of the devoted cities of the plain? each one of these societies is walking abroad through the earth scattering the seeds of truth over the wide field of our world, not with the hundred hands of a briareus, but with a hundred thousand. another encouragement for you to labor, my friends, is, that you will have the prayers and co-operation of english and northern philanthropists. you will never bend your knees in supplication at the throne of grace for the overthrow of slavery, without meeting there the spirits of other christians, who will mingle their voices with yours, as the morning or evening sacrifice ascends to god. yes, the spirit of prayer and of supplication has been poured out upon many, many hearts; there are wrestling jacobs who will not let go of the prophetic promises of deliverance for the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that are bound. there are pauls who are saying, in reference to this subject, "lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" there are marys sitting in the house now, who are ready to arise and go forth is this work as soon as the message is brought, "the master is come and calleth for thee." and there are marthas, too, who have already gone out to meet jesus, as he bends his footsteps to their brother's grave, and weeps, _not_ over the lifeless body of lazarus bound hand and foot in grave-clothes, but over the politically and intellectually lifeless slave, bound hand and foot in the iron chains of oppression and ignorance. some may be ready to say, as martha did, who seemed to expect nothing but sympathy from jesus, "lord, by this time he stinketh, for he hath been dead four days." she thought it useless to remove the stone and expose the loathsome body of her brother; she could not believe that so great a miracle could be wrought, as to raise _that putrefied body_ into life; but "jesus said, take _ye_ away the stone;" and when _they_ had taken away the stone where the dead was laid, and uncovered the body of lazarus, then it was that "jesus lifted up his eyes and said, father, i thank thee that thou hast heard me," &c. "and when he had thus spoken, he cried with a loud voice, lazarus, come forth." yes, some may be ready to say of the colored race, how can _they_ ever be raised politically and intellectually, they have been dead four hundred years? but _we_ have _nothing_ to do with _how_ this is to be done; _our business_ is to take away the stone which has covered up the dead body of our brother, to expose the putrid carcass, to show _how_ that body has been bound with the grave-clothes of heathen ignorance, and his face with the napkin of prejudice, and having done all it was our duty to do, to stand by the negro's grave, in humble faith and holy hope, waiting to hear the life-giving command of "lazarus, come forth." this is just what anti-slavery societies are doing; they are taking away the stone from the mouth of the tomb of slavery, where lies the putrid carcass of our brother. they want the pure light of heaven to shine into that dark and gloomy cave; they want all men to see _how_ that dead body has been bound, _how_ that face has been wrapped in the _napkin of prejudice_; and shall they wait beside that grave in vain? is not jesus still the resurrection and the life? did he come to proclaim liberty to the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that are bound, in vain? did he promise to give beauty for ashes, the oil of joy for mourning, and the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness unto them that mourn in zion, and will he refuse to beautify the mind, anoint the head, and throw around the captive negro the mantle of praise for that spirit of heaviness which has so long bound him down to the ground? or shall we not rather say with the prophet, "the zeal of the lord of hosts _will_ perform this?" yes, his promises are sure, and amen in christ jesus, that he will assemble her that halteth, and gather her that is driven out, and her that is afflicted. but i will now say a few words on the subject of abolitionism. doubtless you have all heard anti-slavery societies denounced as insurrectionary and mischievous, fanatical and dangerous. it has been said they publish the most abominable untruths, and that they are endeavoring to excite rebellions at the south. have you believed these reports, my friends? have _you_ also been deceived by these false assertions? listen to me, then, whilst i endeavor to wipe from the fair character of abolitionism such unfounded accusations. you know that _i_ am a southerner; you know that my dearest relatives are now in a slave state. can you for a moment believe i would prove so recreant to the feelings of a daughter and a sister, as to join a society which was seeking to overthrow slavery by falsehood, bloodshed, and murder? i appeal to you who have known and loved me in days that are passed, can _you_ believe it? no! my friends. as a carolinian, i was peculiarly jealous of any movements on this subject; and before i would join an anti-slavery society, i took the precaution of becoming acquainted with some of the leading abolitionists, of reading their publications and attending their meetings, at which i heard addresses both from colored and white men; and it was not until i was fully convinced that their principles were _entirely pacific_, and their efforts _only moral_, that i gave my name as a member to the female anti-slavery society of philadelphia. since that time, i have regularly taken the liberator, and read many anti-slavery pamphlets and papers and books, and can assure you i _never_ have seen a single insurrectionary paragraph, and never read any account of cruelty which i could not believe. southerners may deny the truth of these accounts, but why do they not _prove_ them to be false. their violent expressions of horror at such accounts being believed, _may_ deceive some, but they cannot deceive _me_, for i lived too long in the midst of slavery, not to know what slavery is. when _i_ speak of this system, "i speak that i do know," and i am not at all afraid to assert, that anti-slavery publications have _not_ overdrawn the monstrous features of slavery at all. and many a southerner _knows_ this as well as i do. a lady in north carolina remarked to a friend of mine, about eighteen months since, "northerners know nothing at all about slavery; they think it is perpetual bondage only; but of the _depth of degradation_ that word involves, they have no conception; if they had, _they would never cease_ their efforts until so _horrible_ a system was overthrown." she did not know how faithfully some northern men and northern women had studied this subject; how diligently they had searched out the cause of "him who had none to help him," and how fearlessly they had told the story of the negro's wrongs. yes, northerners know _every_ thing about slavery now. this monster of iniquity has been unveiled to the world, her frightful features unmasked, and soon, very soon will she be regarded with no more complacency by the american republic than is the idol of juggernaut, rolling its bloody wheels over the crushed bodies of its prostrate victims. but you will probably ask, if anti-slavery societies are not insurrectionary, why do northerners tell us they are? why, i would ask you in return, did northern senators and northern representatives give their votes, at the last sitting of congress, to the admission of arkansas territory as a state? take those men, one by one, and ask them in their parlours, do you _approve of slavery?_ ask them on _northern_ ground, where they will speak the truth, and i doubt not _every man_ of them will tell you, _no!_ why then, i ask, did _they_ give their votes to enlarge the mouth of that grave which has already destroyed its tens of thousands? all our enemies tell _us_ they are as much anti-slavery as we are. yes, my friends, thousands who are helping you to bind the fetters of slavery on the negro, despise you in their hearts for doing it; they rejoice that such an institution has not been entailed upon them. why then, i would ask, do _they_ lend you their help? i will tell you, "they love _the praise of men more_ than the praise of god." the abolition cause has not yet become so popular as to induce them to believe, that by advocating it in congress, they shall sit still more securely in their seats there, and like the _chief rulers_ in the days of our saviour, though many believed on him, yet they did _not_ confess him, lest they should _be put out of the synagogue_; john xii, , . or perhaps like pilate, thinking they could prevail nothing, and fearing a tumult, they determined to release barabbas and surrender the just man, the poor innocent slave to be stripped of his rights and scourged. in vain will such men try to wash their hands, and say, with the roman governor, "i am innocent of the blood of this just person." northern american statesmen are no more innocent of the crime of slavery, than pilate was of the murder of jesus, or saul of that of stephen. these are high charges, but i appeal to _their hearts_; i appeal to public opinion ten years from now. slavery then is a national sin. but you will say, a great many other northerners tell us so, who can have no political motives. the interests of the north, you must know, my friends, are very closely combined with those of the south. the northern merchants and manufacturers are making _their_ fortunes out of the _produce of slave labor_; the grocer is selling your rice and sugar; how then can these men bear a testimony against slavery without condemning themselves? but there is another reason, the north is most dreadfully afraid of amalgamation. she is alarmed at the very idea of a thing so monstrous, as she thinks. and lest this consequence _might_ flow from emancipation, she is determined to resist all efforts at emancipation without expatriation. it is not because _she approves of slavery_, or believes it to be "the corner stone of our republic," for she is as much _anti-slavery_ as we are; but amalgamation is too horrible to think of. now i would ask _you_, is it right, is it generous, to refuse the colored people in this country the advantages of education and the privilege, or rather the _right_, to follow honest trades and callings merely because they are colored? the same prejudice exists here against our colored brethren that existed against the gentiles in judea. great numbers cannot bear the idea of equality, and fearing lest, if they had the same advantages we enjoy, they would become as intelligent, as moral, as religious, and as respectable and wealthy, they are determined to keep them as low as they possibly can. is this doing as they would be done by? is this loving their neighbor _as themselves_? oh! that _such_ opposers of abolitionism would put their souls in the stead of the free colored man's and obey the apostolic injunction, to "remember them that are in bonds _as bound with them_." i will leave you to judge whether the fear of amalgamation ought to induce men to oppose anti-slavery efforts, when _they_ believe _slavery_ to be _sinful_. prejudice against color, is the most powerful enemy we have to fight with at the north. you need not be surprised, then, at all, at what is said _against_ abolitionists by the north, for they are wielding a two-edged sword, which even here, cuts through the _cords of caste_, on the one side, and the _bonds of interest_ on the other. they are only sharing the fate of other reformers, abused and reviled whilst they are in the minority; but they are neither angry nor discouraged by the invective which has been heaped upon them by slaveholders at the south and their apologists at the north. they know that when george fox and william edmundson were laboring in behalf of the negroes in the west indies in that the very _same_ slanders were propogated against them, which are _now_ circulated against abolitionists. although it was well known that fox was the founder of a religious sect which repudiated _all_ war, and _all_ violence, yet _even he_ was accused of "endeavoring to excite the slaves to insurrection and of teaching the negroes to cut their master's throats." and these two men who had their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, were actually compelled to draw up a formal declaration that _they were not_ trying to raise a rebellion in barbadoes. it is also worthy of remark that these reformers did not at this time see the necessity of emancipation under seven years, and their principal efforts were exerted to persuade the planters of the necessity of instructing their slaves; but the slaveholder saw then, just what the slaveholder sees now, that an _enlightened_ population _never_ can be a _slave_ population, and therefore they passed a law, that negroes should not even attend the meetings of friends. abolitionists know that the life of clarkson was sought by slavetraders; and that even wilberforce was denounced on the floor of parliament as a fanatic and a hypocrite by the present king of england, the very man who, in , set his seal to that instrument which burst the fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves in his west india colonies. they know that the first quaker who bore a _faithful_ testimony against the sin of slavery was cut off from religious fellowship with that society. that quaker was a _woman_. on her deathbed she sent for the committee who dealt with her--she told them, the near approach of death had not altered her sentiments on the subject of slavery and waving her hand towards a very fertile and beautiful portion of country which lay stretched before her window, she said with great solemnity, "friends, the time will come when there will not be friends enough in all this district to hold one meeting for worship, and this garden will be turned into a wilderness." the aged friend, who with tears in his eyes, related this interesting circumstance to me, remarked, that at that time there were seven meetings of friends in that part of virginia, but that when he was there ten years ago, not a single meeting was held, and the country was literally a desolation. soon after her decease, john woolman began his labors in our society, and instead of disowning a member for testifying _against_ slavery, they have for fifty-two years positively forbidden their members to hold slaves. abolitionists understand the slaveholding spirit too well to be surprised at any thing that has yet happened at the south or the north; they know that the greater the sin is, which is exposed, the more violent will be the efforts to blacken the character and impugn the motives of those who are engaged in bringing to light the hidden things of darkness. they understand the work of reform too well to be driven back by the furious waves of opposition, which are only foaming out their own shame. they have stood "the world's dread laugh," when only twelve men formed the first anti-slavery society in boston in . they have faced and refuted the calumnies of their enemies, and proved themselves to be emphatically _peace men_ by _never resisting_ the violence of mobs, even when driven by them from the temple of god, and dragged by an infuriated crowd through the streets of the emporium of new-england, or subjected by _slaveholders_ to the pain of corporal punishment. "none of these things move them;" and, by the grace of god, they are determined to persevere in this work of faith and labor of love: they mean to pray, and preach, and write, and print, until slavery is completely overthrown, until babylon is taken up and cast into the sea, to "be found no more at all." they mean to petition congress year after year, until the seat of our government is cleansed from the sinful traffic of "slaves and the souls of men." although that august assembly may be like the unjust judge who "feared not god neither regarded man," yet it must yield just as he did, from the power of importunity. like the unjust judge, congress _must_ redress the wrongs of the widow, lest by the continual coming up of petitions, it be wearied. this will be striking the dagger into the very heart of the monster, and once 'tis done, he must soon expire. abolitionists have been accused of abusing their southern brethren. did the prophet isaiah _abuse_ the jews when he addressed to them the cutting reproofs contained in the first chapter of his prophecies, and ended by telling them, they would be _ashamed_ of the oaks they had desired, and _confounded_ for the garden they had chosen? did john the baptist _abuse_ the jews when he called them "_a generation of vipers_," and warned them "to bring forth fruits meet for repentance?" did peter abuse the jews when he told them they were the _murderers_ of the lord of glory? did paul abuse the roman governor when he reasoned before him of righteousness, temperance, and judgment, so as to send conviction home to his guilty heart, and cause him to tremble in view of the crimes he was living in? surely not. no man will now accuse the prophets and apostles of _abuse_, but what have abolitionists done more than they? no doubt the jews thought the prophets and apostles in their day, just as harsh and uncharitable as slaveholders now, think abolitionists; if they did not, why did they beat, and stone, and kill them? great fault has been found with the prints which have been employed to expose slavery at the north, but my friends, how could this be done so effectually in any other way? until the pictures of the slave's sufferings were drawn and held up to public gaze, no northerner had any idea of the cruelty of the system, it never entered their minds that such abominations could exist in christian, republican america; they never suspected that many of the _gentlemen_ and _ladies_ who came from the south to spend the summer months in travelling among them, were petty tyrants at home. and those who had lived at the south, and came to reside at the north, were too _ashamed of slavery_ even to speak of it; the language of their hearts was, "tell it _not_ in gath, publish it _not_ in the streets of askelon;" they saw no use in uncovering the loathsome body to popular sight, and in hopeless despair, wept in secret places over the sins of oppression. to such hidden mourners the formation of anti-slavery societies was as life from the dead, the first beams of hope which gleamed through the dark clouds of despondency and grief. prints were made use of to effect the abolition of the inquisition in spain, and clarkson employed them when he was laboring to break up the slave trade, and english abolitionists used them just as we are now doing. they are powerful appeals and have invariably done the work they were designed to do, and we cannot consent to abandon the use of these until the _realities_ no longer exist. with regard to those white men, who, it was said, did try to raise an insurrection in mississippi a year ago, and who were stated to be abolitionists, none of them were proved to be members of anti-slavery societies, and it must remain a matter of great doubt whether, even they were guilty of the crimes alledged against them, because when any community is thrown into such a panic as to inflict lynch law upon accused persons, they cannot be supposed to be capable of judging with calmness and impartiality. _we know_ that the papers of which the charleston mail was robbed, were _not_ insurrectionary, and that they were _not_ sent to the colored people as was reported. _we know_ that amos dresser was _no insurrectionist_ though he was accused of being so, and on this false accusation was publicly whipped in nashville in the midst of a crowd of infuriated _slaveholders_. was that young man disgraced by this infliction of corporal punishment? no more than was the great apostle of the gentiles who five times received forty stripes, save one. like him, he might have said, "henceforth i bear in my body the marks of the lord jesus," for it was for the _truth's sake, he suffered_, as much as did the apostle paul. are nelson, and garrett, and williams, and other abolitionists who have recently been banished from missouri, insurrectionists? _we know_ they are _not_, whatever slaveholders may choose to call them. the spirit which now asperses the character of the abolitionists, is the _very same_ which dressed up the christians of spain in the skins of wild beasts and pictures of devils when they were led to execution as heretics. before we condemn individuals, it is necessary, even in a wicked community, to accuse them of some crime; hence, when jezebel wished to compass the death of naboth, men of belial were suborned to bear _false_ witness against him, and so it was with stephen, and so it ever has been, and ever will be, as long as there is any virtue to suffer on the rack, or the gallows. _false_ witnesses must appear against abolitionists before they can be condemned. i will now say a few words on george thompson's mission to this country. this philanthropist was accused of being a foreign emissary. were la fayette, and steuben, and de kalb, foreign emissaries when they came over to america to fight against the tories, who preferred submitting to what was termed, "the yoke of servitude," rather than bursting the fetters which bound them to the mother country? _they_ came with _carnal weapons_ to engage in _bloody_ conflict against american citizens, and yet, where do their names stand on the page of history. among the honorable, or the low? thompson came here to war against the giant sin of slavery, _not_ with the sword and the pistol, but with the smooth stones of oratory taken from the pure waters of the river of truth. his splendid talents and commanding eloquence rendered him a powerful coadjutor in the anti-slavery cause, and in order to neutralize the effects of these upon his auditors, and rob the poor slave of the benefits of his labors, his character was defamed, his life was sought, and he at last driven from our republic, as a fugitive. but was _thompson_ disgraced by all this mean and contemptible and wicked chicanery and malice? no more than was paul, when in consequence of a vision he had seen at troas, he went over to macedonia to help the christians there, and was beaten and imprisoned, because he cast out a spirit of divination from a young damsel which had brought much gain to her masters. paul was as much a _foreign emissary_ in the roman colony of philippi, as george thompson was in america, and it was because he was a _jew_, and taught customs it was not lawful for them to receive or observe, being romans, that the apostle was thus treated. it was said, thompson was a felon, who had fled to this country to escape transportation to new holland. look at him now pouring the thundering strains of his eloquence, upon crowded audiences in great britain, and see in this a triumphant vindication of his character. and have the slaveholder, and his obsequious apologist, gained any thing by all their violence and falsehood? no! for the stone which struck goliath of gath, had already been thrown from the sling. the giant of slavery who had so proudly defied the armies of the living god, had received his death-blow before he left our shores. but what is george thompson doing there? is he not now laboring there, as effectually to abolish american slavery as though he trod our own soil, and lectured to new york or boston assemblies? what is he doing there, but constructing a stupendous dam, which will turn the overwhelming tide of public opinion over the wheels of that machinery which abolitionists are working here. he is now lecturing to _britons_ on _american slavery_, to the _subjects_ of a _king_, on the abject condition of the _slaves of a republic_. he is telling them of that mighty confederacy of petty tyrants which extends ever thirteen states of our union. he is telling them of the munificent rewards offered by slaveholders, for the heads of the most distinguished advocates for freedom in this country. he is moving the british churches to send out to the churches of america the most solemn appeals, reproving, rebuking, and exhorting them with all long suffering and patience to abandon the sin of slavery immediately. where then i ask, will the name of george thompson stand on the page of history? among the honorable, or the base? what can i say more, my friends, to induce _you_ to set your hands, and heads, and hearts, to this great work of justice and mercy. perhaps you have feared the consequences of immediate emancipation, and been frightened by all those dreadful prophecies of rebellion, bloodshed and murder, which have been uttered. "let no man deceive you;" they are the predictions of that same "lying spirit" which spoke through the four thousand prophets of old, to ahab king of israel, urging him on to destruction. _slavery_ may produce these horrible scenes if it is continued five years longer, but emancipation _never will_. i can prove the _safety_ of immediate emancipation by history. in st. domingo in six hundred thousand slaves were set free in a white population of forty-two thousand. that island "marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor", cultivation prospered, every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress, and the negroes all continued quietly to work on the different plantations, until in , france determined to reduce these liberated slaves again to bondage. it was at _this time_ that all those dreadful scenes of cruelty occurred, which we so often _unjustly_ hear spoken of, as the effects of abolition. they were occasioned _not_ by emancipation, but by the base attempt to fasten the chains of slavery on the limbs of liberated slaves. in guadaloupe eighty-five thousand slaves were freed in a white population of thirteen thousand. the same prosperous effects followed manumission here, that had attended it in hayti, every thing was quiet until buonaparte sent out a fleet to reduce these negroes again to slavery, and in this institution was re-established in that island. in , when great britain determined to liberate the slaves in her west india colonies, and proposed the apprenticeship system; the planters of bermuda and antigua, after having joined the other planters in their representations of the bloody consequences of emancipation, in order if possible to hold back the hand which was offering the boon of freedom to the poor negro; as soon as they found such falsehoods were utterly disregarded, and abolition must take place, came forward voluntarily, and asked for the compensation which was due to them, saying, _they preferred immediate emancipation_, and were not afraid of any insurrection. and how is it with these islands now? they are decidedly more prosperous than any of those in which the apprenticeship system was adopted, and england is now trying to abolish that system, so fully convinced is she that immediate emancipation is the _safest_ and the best plan. and why not try it in the southern states, if it _never_ has occasioned rebellion; if _not a drop of blood_ has ever been shed in consequence of it, though it has been so often tried, why should we suppose it would produce such disastrous consequences now? "be not deceived then, god is not mocked," by such false excuses for not doing justly and loving mercy. there is nothing to fear from immediate emancipation, but _every thing_ from the continuance of slavery. sisters in christ, i have done. as a southerner, i have felt it was my duty to address you. i have endeavoured to set before you the exceeding sinfulness of slavery, and to point you to the example of those noble women who have been raised up in the church to effect great revolutions, and to suffer for the truth's sake. i have appealed to your sympathies as women, to your sense of duty as _christian women_>. i have attempted to vindicate the abolitionists, to prove the entire safety of immediate emancipation, and to plead the cause of the poor and oppressed. i have done--i have sowed the seeds of truth, but i well know, that even if an apollos were to follow in my steps to water them, "_god only_ can give the increase." to him then who is able to prosper the work of his servant's hand, i commend this appeal in fervent prayer, that as he "hath _chosen the weak things of the world_, to confound the things which are mighty," so he may cause his blessing, to descend and carry conviction to the hearts of many lydias through these speaking pages. farewell.--count me not your "enemy because i have told you the truth," but believe me in unfeigned affection, your sympathizing friend, angelina e. grimkÃ�. published by the american anti-slavery society, corner of spruce and nassau streets. the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * vol. i. september, . no. . * * * * * appeal to the christian women of the south, by a.e. grimkÃ� revised and corrected. "then mordecai commanded to answer esther, think not within thyself that thou shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews. for if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shalt there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed: and who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdom for such a time as this. and esther bade them return mordecai this answer:--and so will i go in unto the king, which is not according to law, and _if i perish, i perish_." esther iv. - . respected friends, it is because i feel a deep and tender interest in your present and eternal welfare that i am willing thus publicly to address you. some of you have loved me as a relative, and some have felt bound to me in christian sympathy, and gospel fellowship; and even when compelled by a strong sense of duty, to break those outward bonds of union which bound us together as members of the same community, and members of the same religious denomination, you were generous enough to give me credit, for sincerity as a christian, though you believed i had been most strangely deceived. i thanked you then for your kindness, and i ask you _now_, for the sake of former confidence, and former friendship, to read the following pages in the spirit of calm investigation and fervent prayer. it is because you have known me, that i write thus unto you. but there are other christian women scattered over the southern states, of whom a very large number have never seen me, and never heard my name, and feel _no_ personal interest whatever in _me_. but i feel an interest in _you_, as branches of the same vine from whose root i daily draw the principle of spiritual vitality--yes! sisters in christ i feel an interest in _you_, and often has the secret prayer arisen on your behalf, lord "open thou their eyes that they may see wondrous things out of thy law"--it is then, because i _do feel_ and _do pray_ for you, that i thus address you upon a subject about which of all others, perhaps you would rather not hear any thing; but, "would to god ye could bear with me a little in my folly, and indeed bear with me, for i am jealous over you with godly jealousy." be not afraid then to read my appeal; it is _not_ written in the heat of passion or prejudice, but in that solemn calmness which is the result of conviction and duty. it is true, i am going to tell you unwelcome truths, but i mean to speak these _truths in love_, and remember solomon says, "faithful are the _wounds_ of a friend." i do not believe the time has yet come when _christian women_ "will not endure sound doctrine," even on the subject of slavery, if it is spoken to them in tenderness and love, therefore i now address _you_. * * * * * postage.--this periodical contains four and a half sheets. postage under miles, - cents; over miles, - cents. _please read and circulate._ * * * * * to all of you then, known or unknown, relatives or strangers, (for you are all _one_ in christ,) i would speak. i have felt for you at this time, when unwelcome light is pouring in upon the world on the subject of slavery; light which even christians would exclude, if they could, from our country, or at any rate from the southern portion of it, saying, as its rays strike the rock bound coasts of new england and scatter their warmth and radiance over her hills and valleys, and from thence travel onward over the palisades of the hudson, and down the soft flowing waters of the delaware and gild the waves of the potomac, "hitherto shalt thou come and no further;" i know that even professors of his name who has been emphatically called the "light of the world" would, if they could, build a wall of adamant around the southern states whose top might reach unto heaven, in order to shut out the light which is bounding from mountain to mountain and from the hills to the plains and valleys beneath, through the vast extent of our northern states. but believe me, when i tell you, their attempts will be as utterly fruitless as were the efforts of the builders of babel; and why? because moral, like natural light, is so extremely subtle in its nature as to overleap all human barriers, and laugh at the puny efforts of man to control it. all the excuses and palliations of this system must inevitably be swept away, just as other "refuges of lies" have been, by the irresistible torrent of a rectified public opinion. "the _supporters_ of the slave system," says jonathan dymond in his admirable work on the principles of morality, "will _hereafter_ be regarded with the _same_ public feeling, as he who was an advocate for the slave trade _now_ is." it will be, and that very soon, clearly perceived and fully acknowledged by all the virtuous and the candid, that in _principle_ it is as sinful to hold a human being in bondage who has been born in carolina, as one who has been born in africa. all that sophistry of argument which has been employed to prove, that although it is sinful to send to africa to procure men and women as slaves, who have never been in slavery, that still, it is not sinful to keep those in bondage who have come down by inheritance, will be utterly overthrown. we must come back to the good old doctrine of our forefathers who declared to the world, "this self evident truth that _all_ men are created equal, and that they have certain _inalienable_ rights among which are life, _liberty_, and the pursuit of happiness." it is even a greater absurdity to suppose a man can be legally born a slave under _our free republican_ government, than under the petty despotisms of barbarian africa. if then, we have no right to enslave an african, surely we can have none to enslave an american; if it is a self evident truth that _all_ men, every where and of every color are born equal, and have an _inalienable right to liberty_, then it is equally true that _no_ man can be born a slave, and no man can ever _rightfully_ be reduced to _involuntary_ bondage and held as a slave, however fair may be the claim of his master or mistress through wills and title-deeds. but after all, it may be said, our fathers were certainly mistaken, for the bible sanctions slavery, and that is the highest authority. now the bible is my ultimate appeal in all matters of faith and practice, and it is to _this test_ i am anxious to bring the subject at issue between us. let us then begin with adam and examine the charter of privileges which was given to him. "have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." in the eighth psalm we have a still fuller description of this charter which through adam was given to all mankind. "thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. all sheep and oxen, yea, and the beasts of the field, the fowl of the air, the fish of the sea, and whatsoever passeth through the paths of the seas." and after the flood when this charter of human rights was renewed, we find _no additional_ power vested in man. "and the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and every fowl of the air, and upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea, into your hand are they delivered." in this charter, although the different kinds of _irrational_ beings are so particularly enumerated, and supreme dominion over _all of them_ is granted, yet _man_ is _never_ vested with this dominion _over his fellow man_; he was never told that any of the human species were put _under his feet_; it was only _all things_, and man, who was created in the image of his maker, _never_ can properly be termed a _thing_, though the laws of slave states do call him "a chattel personal;" _man_ then, i assert _never_ was put _under the feet of man_, by that first charter of human right, which was given by god, to the fathers of the antediluvian and postdiluvian worlds, therefore this doctrine of equality is based on the bible. but it may be argued, that in the very chapter of genesis from which i have last quoted, will be found the curse pronounced upon canaan, by which his posterity was consigned to servitude under his brothers shem and japheth. i know this prophecy was uttered, and was most fearfully and wonderfully fulfilled, through the immediate descendants of canaan, i.e. the canaanites, and i do not know but it has been through all the children of ham, but i do know that prophecy does _not_ tell us what _ought to be_, but what actually does take place, ages after it has been delivered, and that if we justify america for enslaving the children of africa, we must also justify egypt for reducing the children of israel to bondage, for the latter was foretold as explicitly as the former. i am well aware that prophecy has often been urged as an excuse for slavery, but be not deceived, the fulfilment of prophecy will _not cover one sin_ in the awful day of account. hear what our saviour says on this subject; "it must needs be that offences come, but _woe unto that man through whom they come_"--witness some fulfilment of this declaration in the tremendous destruction of jerusalem, occasioned by that most nefarious of all crimes the crucifixion of the son of god. did the fact of that event having been foretold, exculpate the jews from sin in perpetrating it; no--for hear what the apostle peter says to them on this subject, "him being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of god, _ye_ have taken, and by _wicked_ hands have crucified and slain." other striking instances might be adduced, but these will suffice. but it has been urged that the patriarchs held slaves, and therefore, slavery is right. do you really believe that patriarchal servitude was like american slavery? can you believe it? if so, read the history of these primitive fathers of the church and be undeceived. look at abraham, though so great a man, going to the herd himself and fetching a calf from thence and serving it up with his own hands, for the entertainment of his guests. look at sarah, that princess as her name signifies, baking cakes upon the hearth. if the servants they had were like southern slaves, would they have performed such comparatively menial offices for themselves? hear too the plaintive lamentation of abraham when he feared he should have no son to bear his name down to posterity. "behold thou hast given me no seed, &c., one born in my house is _mine_ heir." from this it appears that one of his _servants_ was to inherit his immense estate. is this like southern slavery? i leave it to your own good sense and candor to decide. besides, such was the footing upon which abraham was with _his_ servants, that he trusted them with arms. are slaveholders willing to put swords and pistols into the hands of their slaves? he was as a father among his servants; what are planters and masters generally among theirs? when the institution of circumcision was established, abraham was commanded thus; "he that is eight days old shall be circumcised among you, _every_ man-child in your generations; he that is born in the house, or bought with money of any stranger which is not of thy seed." and to render this command with regard to his _servants_ still more impressive it is repeated in the very next verse; and herein we may perceive the great care which was taken by god to guard the _rights of servants_ even under this "dark dispensation." what too was the testimony given to the faithfulness of this eminent patriarch. "for i know him that he will command his children and his _household_ after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." now my dear friends many of you believe that circumcision has been superseded by baptism in the church; _are you_ careful to have _all_ that are born in your house or bought with money of any stranger, baptized? are _you_ as faithful as abraham to command _your household_ to _keep the way of the lord?_ i leave it to your own consciences to decide. was patriarchal servitude then like american slavery? but i shall be told, god sanctioned slavery, yea commanded slavery under the jewish dispensation. let us examine this subject calmly and prayerfully. i admit that a species of _servitude_ was permitted to the jews, but in studying the subject i have been struck with wonder and admiration at perceiving how carefully the servant was guarded from violence, injustice, and wrong. i will first inform you how these servants became servants, for i think this a very important part of our subject. from consulting horne, calmet, and the bible, i find there were six different ways by which the hebrews became servants legally. . a hebrew, whose father was still alive, and who on that account had not inherited his patrimonial estate, might sell himself, i.e., his services, for six years, in which case _he_ received the purchase money _himself_. ex. xxi, . . a father might sell his children as servants, i.e., his _daughters_, in which circumstance it was understood the daughter was to be the wife or daughter-in-law of the man who bought her, and the _father_ received the price. in other words, jewish women were sold as _white women_ were in the first settlement of virginia--as _wives, not_ as slaves. ex. xxi, - . . thieves not able to make restitution for their thefts, were sold for the benefit of the injured person. ex. xxii, . . they might be born in servitude. ex. xxi, . . if reduced to extreme poverty, a hebrew might sell himself; but in such a case he was to serve, not as a bondsman, whose term of service was only six years, nor was he to serve as a hired servant, who received his wages every evening, nor yet as a sojourner or temporary resident in the family, but he was to serve his master until the year of jubilee[a]. lev. xxv, , . [footnote a: if the reader will leave out the italicised words--but and and, in the th verse--he will find that i am fully authorized in the meaning i have attached to it. but and and are _not_ in the original hebrew; have been introduced by the translators, and entirely destroy the true sense of the passage.] . if a hebrew had sold himself to a rich gentile, he might be redeemed by one of his brethren at any time the money was offered; and he who redeemed him, was _not_ to take advantage of the favor thus conferred, and rule over him with rigor. lev. xxv, - . before going into an examination of the laws by which these servants were protected, i would just ask whether american slaves have become slaves in any of the ways in which the hebrews became servants. did they sell themselves into slavery and receive the purchase money into their own hands? no! no! did they steal the property of another, and were they sold to make restitution for their crimes? no! did their present masters, as an act of kindness, redeem them from some heathen tyrant to whom _they had sold themselves_ in the dark hour of adversity? no! were they born in slavery? no! no! not according to _jewish law_, for the servants who were born in servitude among them, were born of parents who had _sold themselves_: ex. xxi, ; lev. xxv, , . were the female slaves of the south sold by their fathers? how shall i answer this question? thousands and tens of thousands never were, _their_ fathers _never_ have received the poor compensation of silver or gold for the tears and toils, the suffering, and anguish, and hopeless bondage of _their_ daughters. they labor day by day, and year by year, side by side, in the same field, if haply their daughters are permitted to remain on the same plantation with them, instead of being, as they often are, separated from their parents and sold into distant states, never again to meet on earth. but do the _fathers of the south ever sell their daughters?_ my heart beats, and my hand trembles, as i write the awful affirmative, yes! the fathers of this christian land often sell their daughters, _not_ as jewish parents did, to be the wives and daughters-in-law of the men who buy them, but to be the abject slaves of petty tyrants and irresponsible masters. is it not so, my friends? i leave it to your own candor to corroborate my assertion. southern slaves then have _not_ become slaves in any of the six different ways in which hebrews became servants, and i hesitate not to say that american masters _cannot_ according to _jewish law_ substantiate their claim to the men, women, or children they now hold in bondage. but there was one way in which a jew might illegally be reduced to servitude; it was this, he might be _stolen_ and afterwards sold as a slave, as was joseph. to guard most effectually against this dreadful crime of manstealing, god enacted this severe law. "he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." and again, "if a man be found stealing any of his brethren of the children of israel, and maketh merchandise of him, or selleth him; then _that thief shall die_; and thou shalt put away evil from among you." deut. xxiv, . as i have tried american slavery by _legal_ hebrew servitude, and found, (to your surprise, perhaps,) that jewish law cannot justify the slaveholder's claim, let us now try it by _illegal_ hebrew bondage. have the southern slaves then been stolen? if they did not sell themselves into bondage; if they were not sold as thieves; if they were not redeemed from a heathen master to whom _they had sold themselves;_ if they were not born in servitude according to hebrew law; and if the females were not sold by their fathers as wives and daughters-in-law to those who purchased them; then what shall we say of them? what can we say of them? but that according _to hebrew law they have been stolen._ but i shall be told that the jews had other servants who were absolute slaves. let us look a little into this also. they had other servants who were procured from the heathen. bondmen and bondmaids might be bought of the heathen round about them. lev. xxv, . i will now try the right of the southern planter by the claims of hebrew masters to their _heathen_ servants. were the southern slaves bought from the heathen? no! for surely, no one will _now_ vindicate the slave-trade so far as to assert that slaves were bought from the heathen who were obtained by that system of piracy. the only excuse for holding southern slaves is that they were born in slavery, but we have seen that they were _not_ born in servitude as jewish servants were, and that the children of heathen servants were not legally subjected to bondage, even under the mosaic law. how then have the slaves of the south been obtained? i will next proceed to an examination of those laws which were enacted in order to protect the hebrew and the heathen servant; for i wish you to understand that _both_ were protected by him, of whom it is said "his mercies are over _all_ his works." i will first speak of those which secured the rights of hebrew servants. this code was headed thus: . thou shalt _not_ rule over him with _rigor_, but shalt fear thy god. . if thou buy a hebrew servant, six years shall he serve, and in the seventh year he shall go out free for nothing. ex. xxi, . and when thou sendest him out free from thee, thou shalt not let him go away empty: thou shalt furnish him _liberally_ out of thy flock and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, shalt thou give unto him. deut. xv, , . . if he come in by himself, he shall go out by himself; if he were married, then his wife shall go out with him. ex. xxi, . . if his master have given him a wife, and she have borne him sons and daughters, the wife and her children shall be his master's, and he shall go out by himself. ex. xxi, . . if the servant shall plainly say, i love my master, my wife, and my children; i will not go out free; then his master shall bring him unto the judges, and he shall bring him to the door, or unto the door-post, and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl, and he shall serve him _for ever_. ex. xxi, , . . if a man smite the eye of his servant, or the eye of his maid, that it perish, he shall let him go _free_ for his eye's sake. and if he smite out his man servant's tooth or his maid servant's tooth, he shall let him go _free_ for his tooth's sake. ex. xxi, , . . on the sabbath, rest was secured to servants by the fourth commandment. ex. xx, . . servants were permitted to unite with their masters three times in every year in celebrating the passover, the feast of weeks, and the feast of tabernacles; every male throughout the land was to appear before the lord at jerusalem with a gift; here the bond and the free stood on common ground. deut. xvi. . if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money. ex. xxi, , . from these laws we learn, that one class of hebrew men servants were bound to serve their masters _only six_ years, unless their attachment to their employers, their wives and children, should induce them to wish to remain in servitude, in which case, in order to prevent the possibility of deception on the part of the master, the servant was first taken before the magistrate, where he openly declared his intention of continuing in his master's service, (probably a public register was kept of such,) he was then conducted to the door of the house, (in warm climates doors are thrown open.) and _there_ his ear was _publicly_ bored, and by submitting to this operation, he testified his willingness to serve him in subserviency to the law of god; for let it be remembered, that the door-post was covered with the precepts of that law. deut. vi, . xi, : _for ever_, i.e., during his life, for jewish rabbins, who must have understood jewish _slavery_ (as it is called), "affirm that servants were set free at the death of their masters, and did _not_ descend to their heirs;" or that he was to serve him until the year of jubilee, when _all_ servants were set at liberty. the other class, when they first sold themselves, agreed to remain until the year of jubilee. to protect servants from violence, it was ordained, that if a master struck out the tooth or destroyed the eye of a servant, that servant immediately became _free_, for such an act of violence evidently showed he was unfit to possess the power of a master, and therefore that power was taken from him. all servants enjoyed the rest of the sabbath, and partook of the privileges and festivities of the three great jewish feasts; and if a servant died under the infliction of chastisement, his master was surely to be punished. as a tooth for a tooth and life for life was the jewish law, of course he was punished with death. i know that great stress has been laid upon the following verse: "notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." slaveholders, and the apologists of slavery, have eagerly seized upon this little passage of scripture, and held it up as the masters' magna charta, by which they were licensed by god himself to commit the greatest outrages upon the defenceless victims of their oppression. but, my friends, was it designed to be so? if our heavenly father would protect by law the _eye_ and the _tooth_ of a hebrew servant, can we for a moment believe that he would abandon that same servant to the brutal rage of a master who would destroy even life itself? let us then examine this passage with the help of the context. in the th and th verses we have a law which was made for _freemen_ who strove together. here we find, that if one man smote another, so that he died not, but only kept his bed from being disabled, and he rose again and walked abroad upon his staff, then _he_ was to be paid for the loss of his time, and all the expenses of his sickness were to be borne by the man who smote him. the freeman's time was _his own_, and therefore he was to be remunerated for the loss of it. but _not_ so with the _servant_, whose time was, as it were, _the money of his master_, because he had already paid for it: if he continued a day or two after being struck, to keep his bed in consequence of any wound received, then his lost time was _not_ to be paid for, because it was _not his own_, but his master's, who had already paid him for it. the loss of his time was the _master's loss_, and _not_ the servant's. this explanation is confirmed by the fact, that the hebrew word translated continue, means "to stand still;" _i.e._, to be unable to go out about his master's work. here then we find this stronghold of slavery completely demolished. instead of its being a license to inflict such chastisement upon a servant as to cause even death itself, it is in fact a law merely to provide that a man should not be required to pay his servant twice over for his time. it is altogether an unfounded assumption on the part of the slaveholder, that this servant _died_ after a day or two; the text does not say so, and i contend that he _got well_ after a day or two, just as the man mentioned in the th verse recovered from the effects of the blows he received. the cases are completely parallel, and the first law throws great light on the second. this explanation is far more consonant with the character of god, and were it not that our vision has been so completely darkened by the existence of slavery in our country, we never could so far have dishonored him as to have supposed that he sanctioned the murder of a servant; although slaveholding legislators might legalize the killing of a slave in _four_ different ways.--(_stroud's sketch of slave laws_.) but i pass on now to the consideration of how the _female_ jewish servants were protected by _law_. . if she please not her master, who hath betrothed her to himself, then shall he let her be redeemed: to sell her unto another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her. . if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters. . if he take him another wife, her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage, shall he not diminish. . if he do not these three unto her, then shall she go out _free_ without money. on these laws i will give you calmet's remarks; "a father could not sell his daughter as a slave, according to the rabbins, until she was at the age of puberty, and unless he were reduced to the utmost indigence. besides, when a master bought an israelitish girl, it was _always_ with the presumption that he would take her to wife. hence moses adds, 'if she please not her master, and he does not think fit to marry her, he shall set her at liberty,' or according to the hebrew, 'he shall let her be redeemed.' 'to sell her to another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her;' as to the engagement implied, at least of taking her to wife. 'if he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters;' i.e., he shall take care that his son uses her as his wife, that he does not despise or maltreat her. if he make his son marry another wife, he shall give her her dowry, her clothes, and compensation for her virginity; if he does none of these three, she shall _go out free_ without money." thus were the _rights of female servants carefully secured by law_ under the jewish dispensation; and now i would ask, are the rights of female slaves at the south thus secured? are _they_ sold only as wives and daughters-in-law, and when not treated as such, are they allowed to _go out free?_ no! they have _all_ not only been illegally obtained as servants according to hebrew law, but they are also illegally _held_ in bondage. masters at the south and west have all forfeited their claims, (_if they ever had any,_) to their female slaves. we come now to examine the case of those servants who were "of the heathen round about;" were _they_ left entirely unprotected by law? horne, in speaking of the law, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god," remarks, "this law, lev. xxv, , it is true, speaks expressly of slaves who were of hebrew descent; but as _alien born_ slaves were ingrafted into the hebrew church by circumcision, _there is no doubt_ but that it applied to _all_ slaves:" if so, then we may reasonably suppose that the other protective laws extended to them also; and that the only difference between hebrew and heathen servants lay in this, that the former served but six years, unless they chose to remain longer, and were always freed at the death of their masters; whereas, the latter served until the year of jubilee, though that might include a period of forty-nine years,--and were left from father to son. there are, however, two other laws which i have not yet noticed. the one effectually prevented _all involuntary_ servitude, and the other completely abolished jewish servitude every fifty years. they were equally operative upon the heathen and the hebrew. . "thou shalt _not_ deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best: thou shalt _not_ oppress him." deut. xxiii, , . . "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim _liberty_ throughout _all_ the land, unto _all_ the inhabitants thereof; it shall be a jubilee unto you." lev. xxv, . here, then, we see that by this first law, the _door of freedom was opened wide to every servant who_ had any cause whatever for complaint; if he was unhappy with his master, all he had to do was to leave him, and _no man_ had a right to deliver him back to him again, and not only so, but the absconded servant was to _choose_ where he should live, and no jew was permitted to oppress him. he left his master just as our northern servants leave us; we have no power to compel them to remain with us, and no man has any right to oppress them; they go and dwell in that place where it chooseth them, and live just where they like. is it so at the south? is the poor runaway slave protected _by law_ from the violence of that master whose oppression and cruelty has driven him from his plantation or his house? no! no! even the free states of the north are compelled to deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master into them. by _human_ law, under the _christian dispensation_, in the _nineteenth century we_ are commanded to do, what _god_ more than _three thousand_ years ago, under the _mosaic dispensation_, _positively commanded_ the jews _not_ to do. in the wide domain even of our free states, there is not _one_ city of refuge for the poor runaway fugitive; not one spot upon which he can stand and say, i am a free man--i am protected in my rights as a _man_, by the strong arm of the law; no! _not one_. how long the north will thus shake hands with the south in sin, i know not. how long she will stand by like the persecutor saul, _consenting_ unto the death of stephen, and keeping the raiment of them that slew him. i know not; but one thing i do know, the _guilt of the north_ is increasing in a tremendous ratio as light is pouring in upon her on the subject and the sin of slavery. as the sun of righteousness climbs higher and higher in the moral heavens, she will stand still more and more abashed as the query is thundered down into her ear, "_who_ hath required _this_ at thy hand?" it will be found _no_ excuse then that the constitution of our country required that _persons bound to service_ escaping from their masters should be delivered up; no more excuse than was the reason which adam assigned for eating the forbidden fruit. _he was condemned and punished because_ he hearkened to the voice of _his wife_, rather than to the command of his maker; and _we_ shall assuredly be condemned and punished for obeying _man_ rather than _god_, if we do not speedily repent and bring forth fruits meet for repentance. yea, are we not receiving chastisement even _now_? but by the second of these laws a still more astonishing fact is disclosed. if the first effectually prevented _all involuntary servitude_, the last absolutely forbade even _voluntary servitude being perpetual_. on the great day of atonement every fiftieth year the jubilee trumpet was sounded throughout the land of judea, and _liberty_ was proclaimed to _all_ the inhabitants thereof. i will not say that the servants' _chains_ fell off and their _manacles_ were burst, for there is no evidence that jewish servants _ever_ felt the weight of iron chains, and collars, and handcuffs; but i do say that even the man who had voluntarily sold himself and the _heathen_ who had been sold to a hebrew master, were set free, the one as well as the other. this law was evidently designed to prevent the oppression of the poor, and the possibility of such a thing as _perpetual servitude_ existing among them. where, then, i would ask, is the warrant, the justification, or the palliation of american slavery from hebrew servitude? how many of the southern slaves would now be in bondage according to the laws of moses; not one. you may observe that i have carefully avoided using the term _slavery_ when speaking of jewish servitude; and simply for this reason, that _no such thing_ existed among that people; the word translated servant does _not_ mean _slave_, it is the same that is applied to abraham, to moses, to elisha and the prophets generally. _slavery_ then _never_ existed under the jewish dispensation at all, and i cannot but regard it as an aspersion on the character of him who is "glorious in holiness" for any one to assert that "_god sanctioned, yea commanded slavery_ under the old dispensation." i would fain lift my feeble voice to vindicate jehovah's character from so foul a slander. if slaveholders are determined to hold slaves as long as they can, let them not dare to say that the god of mercy and of truth _ever_ sanctioned such a system of cruelty and wrong. it is blasphemy against him. we have seen that the code of laws framed by moses with regard to servants was designed to _protect them_ as _men and women_, to secure to them their _rights_ as _human beings_, to guard them from oppression and defend them from violence of every kind. let us now turn to the slave laws of the south and west and examine them too. i will give you the substance only, because i fear i shall trespass too much on your time, were i to quote them at length. . _slavery_ is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants to the latest posterity. . the labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensated; while the kind of labor, the amount of toil, the time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. no bargain is made, no wages given. a pure despotism governs the human brute; and even his covering and provender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on the master's discretion[a]. [footnote a: there are laws in some of the slave states, limiting the labor which the master may require of the slave to fourteen hours daily. in some of the states there are laws requiring the masters to furnish a certain amount of food and clothing, as for instance, _one quart_ of corn per day, or _one peck_ per week, or _one bushel_ per month, and "_one_ linen shirt and pantaloons for the summer, and a linen shirt and woolen great coat and pantaloons for the winter," &c. but "still," to use the language of judge stroud "the slave is entirely under the control of his master.--is unprovided with a protector,--and, especially as he cannot be a witness or make complaint in any known mode against his master, the _apparent_ object of these laws may _always_ be defeated." ed.] . the slave being considered a personal chattel may be sold or pledged, or leased at the will of his master. he may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts or taxes either of a living or dead master. sold at auction, either individually, or in lots to suit the purchaser, he may remain with his family, or be separated from them for ever. . slaves can make no contracts and have no _legal_ right to any property, real or personal. their own honest earnings and the legacies of friends belong in point of law to their masters. . neither a slave nor a free colored person can be a witness against any _white_, or free person, in a court of justice, however atrocious may have been the crimes they have seen him commit, if such testimony would be for the benefit of a _slave_; but they may give testimony _against a fellow slave_, or free colored man, even in cases affecting life, if the _master_ is to reap the advantage of it. . the slave may be punished at his master's discretion--without trial--without any means of legal redress; whether his offence be real or imaginary; and the master can transfer the same despotic power to any person or persons, he may choose to appoint. . the slave is not allowed to resist any free man under _any_ circumstances, _his_ only safety consists in the fact that his _owner_ may bring suit and recover the price of his body, in case his life is taken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. . slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary for their personal safety. . the slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic relations. . the laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where the master is willing to enfranchise them. . the operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation. . the whole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance. . there is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. what is a trifling fault in the _white_ man, is considered highly criminal in the _slave_; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollars only, are punished in the negro with death. . the laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color[a]. [footnote a: see mrs. child's appeal, chap. ii.] shall i ask you now my friends, to draw the _parallel_ between jewish _servitude_ and american _slavery_? no! for there is _no likeness_ in the two systems; i ask you rather to mark the contrast. the laws of moses _protected servants_ in their _rights_ as _men and women_, guarded them from oppression and defended them from wrong. the code noir of the south _robs the slave of all his rights_ as a _man_, reduces him to a chattel personal, and defends the _master_ in the exercise of the most unnatural and unwarrantable power over his slave. they each bear the impress of the hand which formed them. the attributes of justice and mercy are shadowed out in the hebrew code; those of injustice and cruelty, in the code noir of america. truly it was wise in the slaveholders of the south to declare their slaves to be "chattels personal;" for before they could be robbed of wages, wives, children, and friends, it was absolutely necessary to deny they were human beings. it is wise in them, to keep them in abject ignorance, for the strong man armed must be bound before we can spoil his house--the powerful intellect of man must be bound down with the iron chains of nescience before we can rob him of his rights as a man; we must reduce him to a _thing_ before we can claim the right to set our feet upon his neck, because it was only _all things_ which were originally _put under the feet of man_ by the almighty and beneficent father of all, who has declared himself to be _no respecter_ of persons, whether red, white or black. but some have even said that jesus christ did not condemn slavery. to this i reply that our holy redeemer lived and preached among the jews only. the laws which moses had enacted fifteen hundred years previous to his appearance among them, had never been annulled, and these laws protected every servant in palestine. if then he did not condemn jewish servitude this does not prove that he would not have condemned such a monstrous system as that of american _slavery_, if that had existed among them. but did not jesus condemn slavery? let us examine some of his precepts. "_whatsoever_ ye would that men should do to you, do _ye even so to them_." let every slaveholder apply these queries to his own heart; am _i_ willing to be a slave--am _i_ willing to see my wife the slave of another--am _i_ willing to see my mother a slave, or my father, my sister or my brother? if not, then in holding others as slaves, i am doing what i would _not_ wish to be done to me or any relative i have; and thus have i broken this golden rule which was given _me_ to walk by. but some slaveholders have said, "we were never in bondage to any man," and therefore the yoke of bondage would be insufferable to us, but slaves are accustomed to it, their backs are fitted to the burden. well, i am willing to admit that you who have lived in freedom would find slavery even more oppressive than the poor slave does, but then you may try this question in another form--am i willing to reduce _my little child_ to slavery? you know that _if it is brought up a slave_ it will never know any contrast, between freedom and bondage, its back will become fitted to the burden just as the negro child's does--_not by nature_--but by daily, violent pressure, in the same way that the head of the indian child becomes flattened by the boards in which it is bound. it has been justly remarked that "_god never made a slave_," he made man upright; his back was _not_ made to carry burdens, nor his neck to wear a yoke, and the _man_ must be crushed within him, before _his_ back can be _fitted_ to the burden of perpetual slavery; and that his back is _not_ fitted to it, is manifest by the insurrections that so often disturb the peace and security of slaveholding countries. who ever heard of a rebellion of the beasts of the field; and why not? simply because _they_ were all placed _under the feet of man_, into whose hand they were delivered; it was originally designed that they should serve him, therefore their necks have been formed for the yoke, and their backs for the burden; but _not so with man_, intellectual, immortal man! i appeal to you, my friends, as mothers; are you willing to enslave _your_ children? you start back with horror and indignation at such a question. but why, if slavery is _no wrong_ to those upon whom it is imposed? why, if as has often been said, slaves are happier than their masters, free from the cares and perplexities of providing for themselves and their _wanting_? try yourselves by another of the divine precepts, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." can we love a man _as_ we love _ourselves if we do, and continue to do_ unto him, what we would not wish any one to do to us? look, too, at christ's example, what does he say of himself, "i came _not_ to be ministered unto, but to minister." can you for a moment imagine the meek and lowly, and compassionate saviour, _a slaveholder_? do you not shudder at this thought as much as at that of his being _a warrior_? but why, if slavery is not sinful? again, it has been said, the apostle paul did not condemn slavery, for he sent onesimus back to philemon. i do not think it can be said he sent him back, for no coercion was made use of. onesimus was not thrown into prison and then sent back in chains to his master, as your runaway slaves often are--this could not possibly have been the case, because you know paul as a jew, was _bound to protect_ the runaway; _he had no right_ to send _any_ fugitive back to his master. the state of the case then seems to have been this. onesimus had been an unprofitable servant to philemon and left him--he afterwards became converted under the apostle's preaching, and seeing that he had been to blame in his conduct, and desiring by future fidelity to atone for past error, he wished to return, and the apostle gave him the letter we now have as a recommendation to philemon, informing him of the conversion of onesimus, and entreating him as "paul the aged" "to receive him, _not_ now as a _servant_, but _above_ a servant, a _brother beloved_, especially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh and in the lord. if thou count _me_ therefore as a partner, _receive him as myself_." this, then, surely cannot be forced into a justification of the practice of returning runaway slaves back to their masters, to be punished with cruel beatings and scourgings as they often are. besides the word _doulos_ here translated servant, is the same that is made use of in matt. xviii, . now it appears that this servant _owed_ his lord ten thousand talents; he possessed property to a vast amount. and what is still more surprising, if he was a _slave_, is, that "forasmuch as he had not to pay, his lord commanded _him_ to be sold, and his wife and children, and all that he had, and payment to be made." whoever heard of a slaveholder selling a _slave_ and his family to pay himself a debt due to him from a _slave_? what would he gain by it when the slave is himself his _property_, and his wife and children also? onesimus could not, then, have been a _slave_, for slaves do not own their wives or children; no, not even their own bodies, much less property. but again, the servitude which the apostle was accustomed to, must have been very different from american slavery, for he says, "the heir (or son), as long as he is a child, differeth _nothing from a servant_, though he be lord of all. but is under _tutors_ and governors until the time appointed of the father." from this it appears, that the means of _instruction_ were provided for _servants_ as well as children; and indeed we know it must have been so among the jews, because their servants were not permitted to remain in perpetual bondage, and therefore it was absolutely necessary they should be prepared to occupy higher stations in society than those of servants. is it so at the south, my friends? is the daily bread of instruction provided for _your slaves_? are their minds enlightened, and they gradually prepared to rise from the grade of menials into that of _free_, independent members of the state? let your own statute book, and your own daily experience, answer these questions. if this apostle sanctioned _slavery_, why did he exhort masters thus in his epistle to the ephesians, "and ye, masters, do the same things unto them (i.e. perform your duties to your servants as unto christ, not unto men) _forbearing threatening_; knowing that your master also is in heaven, neither is _there respect of persons with him_." and in colossians, "masters give unto your servants that which is _just and equal_, knowing that ye also have a master in heaven." let slaveholders only _obey_ these injunctions of paul, and i am satisfied slavery would soon be abolished. if he thought it sinful even to _threaten_ servants, surely he must have thought it sinful to flog and to beat them with sticks and paddles; indeed, when delineating the character of a bishop, he expressly names this as one feature of it, "_no striker_." let masters give unto their servants that which is _just_ and _equal_, and all that vast system of unrequited labor would crumble into ruin. yes, and if they once felt they had no right to the _labor_ of their servants without pay, surely they could not think they had a right to their wives, their children, and their own bodies. again, how can it be said paul sanctioned slavery, when, as though to put this matter beyond all doubt, in that black catalogue of sins enumerated in his first epistle to timothy, he mentions "_menstealers_," which word may be translated "_slavedealers_." but you may say, we all despise slavedealers as much as any one can; they are never admitted into genteel or respectable society. and why not? is it not because even you shrink back from the idea of associating with those who make their fortunes by trading in the bodies and souls of men, women, and children? whose daily work it is to break human hearts, by tearing wives from their husbands, and children from their parents? but why hold slavedealers as despicable, if their trade is lawful and virtuous? and why despise them more than the _gentlemen of fortune and standing_ who employ them as _their_ agents? why more than the _professors of religion_ who barter their fellow-professors to them for gold and silver? we do not despise the land agent, or the physician, or the merchant, and why? simply because their processions are virtuous and honorable; and if the trade of men-jobbers was honorable, you would not despise them either. there is no difference in _principle_, in _christian ethics_, between the despised slavedealer and the _christian_ who buys slaves from, or sells slaves to him; indeed, if slaves were not wanted by the respectable, the wealthy, and the religious in a community, there would be no slaves in that community, and of course no _slavedealers_. it is then the _christians_ and the _honorable men_ and _women_ of the south, who are the _main pillars_ of this grand temple built to mammon and to moloch. it is the _most enlightened_, in every country who are _most_ to blame when any public sin is supported by public opinion, hence isaiah says, "_when_ the lord hath performed his whole work upon mount _zion_ and on _jerusalem_, (then) i will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of assyria, and the glory of his high looks." and was it not so? open the historical records of that age, was not israel carried into captivity b.c. , judah b.c. , and the stout heart of the heathen monarchy not punished until b.c. , fifty-two years _after_ judah's, and years, _after_ israel's captivity, when it was overthrown by cyrus, king of persia? hence, too, the apostle peter says, "judgment must _begin at the house of god_." surely this would not be the case, if the _professors of religion_ were not _most worthy_ of blame. but it may be asked, why are _they_ most culpable? i will tell you, my friends. it is because sin is imputed to us just in proportion to the spiritual light we receive. thus the prophet amos says, in the name of jehovah, "_you only_ have i known of all the families of the earth: _therefore_ i will punish _you_ for all your iniquities." hear too the doctrine of our lord on this important subject: "the servant who _knew_ his lord's will and _prepared not_ himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with _many stripes_:" and why? "for unto whomsoever _much_ is given, _of him_ shall _much_ be required; and to whom men have committed _much_, of _him_ they will ask the _more_." oh! then that the _christians_ of the south would ponder these things in their hearts, and awake to the vast responsibilities which rest _upon them_ at this important crisis. i have thus, i think, clearly proved to you seven propositions, viz.: first, that slavery is contrary to the declaration of our independence. second, that it is contrary to the first charter of human rights given to adam, and renewed to noah. third, that the fact of slavery having been the subject of prophecy, furnishes _no_ excuse whatever to slaveholders. fourth, that no such system existed under the patriarchal dispensation. fifth, that _slavery never_ existed under the jewish dispensation; but so far otherwise, that every servant was placed under the _protection of law_, and care taken not only to prevent all _involuntary_ servitude, but all _voluntary perpetual_ bondage. sixth, that slavery in america reduces a _man_ to a _thing_, a "chattel personal," _robs him_ of _all_ his rights as a _human being_, fetters both his mind and body, and protects the _master_ in the most unnatural and unreasonable power, whilst it _throws him out_ of the protection of law. seventh, that slavery is contrary to the example and precepts of our holy and merciful redeemer, and of his apostles. but perhaps you will be ready to query, why appeal to _women_ on this subject? _we_ do not make the laws which perpetuate slavery. _no_ legislative power is vested in _us; we_ can do nothing to overthrow the system, even if we wished to do so. to this i reply, i know you do not make the laws, but i also know that _you are the wives and mothers, the sisters and daughters of those who do_; and if you really suppose _you_ can do nothing to overthrow slavery, you are greatly mistaken. you can do much in every way: four things i will name. st. you can read on this subject. d. you can pray over this subject. d. you can speak on this subject. th. you can act on this subject. i have not placed reading before praying because i regard it more important, but because, in order to pray right, we must understand what we are praying for; it is only then we can "pray with the understanding and the spirit also." . read then on the subject of slavery. search the scriptures daily, whether the things i have told you are true. other books and papers might be a great help to you in this investigation, but they are not necessary, and it is hardly probable that your committees of vigilance will allow you to have any other. the _bible_ then is the book i want you to read in the spirit of inquiry, and the spirit of prayer. even the enemies of abolitionists, acknowledge that their doctrines are drawn from it. in the great mob in boston, last autumn, when the books and papers of the anti-slavery society, were thrown out of the windows of their office, one individual laid hold of the bible and was about tossing it out to the crowd, when another reminded him that it was the bible he had in his hand. _"oh! 'tis all one,"_ he replied, and out went the sacred volume, along with the rest. we thank him for the acknowledgment. _yes, "it is all one,"_ for our books and papers are mostly commentaries on the bible, and the declaration. read the _bible_ then; it contains the words of jesus, and they are spirit and life. judge for yourselves whether _he sanctioned_ such a system of oppression and crime. . pray over this subject. when you have entered into your closets, and shut to the doors, then pray to your father, who seeth in secret, that he would open your eyes to see whether slavery is _sinful_, and if it is, that he would enable you to bear a faithful, open and unshrinking testimony against it, and to do whatsoever your hands find to do, leaving the consequences entirely to him, who still says to us whenever we try to reason away duty from the fear of consequences, _"what is that to thee, follow thou me."_ pray also for the poor slave, that he may be kept patient and submissive under his hard lot, until god is pleased to open the door of freedom to him without violence or bloodshed. pray too for the master that his heart may be softened, and he made willing to acknowledge, as joseph's brethren did, "verily we are guilty concerning our brother," before he will be compelled to add in consequence of divine judgment, "therefore is all this evil come upon us." pray also for all your brethren and sisters who are laboring in the righteous cause of emancipation in the northern states, england and the world. there is great encouragement for prayer in these words of our lord. "whatsoever ye shall ask the father in any name, he will give it to you"--pray then without ceasing, in the closet and the social circle. . speak on this subject. it is through the tongue, the pen, and the press, that truth is principally propagated. speak then to your relatives, your friends, your acquaintances on the subject of slavery; be not afraid if you are conscientiously convinced it is _sinful_, to say so openly, but calmly, and to let your sentiments be known. if you are served by the slaves of others, try to ameliorate their condition as much as possible; never aggravate their faults, and thus add fuel to the fire of anger already kindled, in a master and mistress's bosom; remember their extreme ignorance, and consider them as your heavenly father does the _less_ culpable on this account, even when they do wrong things. discountenance _all_ cruelty to them, all starvation, all corporal chastisement; these may brutalize and _break_ their spirits, but will never bend them to willing, cheerful obedience. if possible, see that they are comfortably and _seasonably_ fed, whether in the house or the field; it is unreasonable and cruel to expect slaves to wait for their breakfast until eleven o'clock, when they rise at five or six. do all you can, to induce their owners to clothe them well, and to allow them many little indulgences which would contribute to their comfort. above all, try to persuade your husband, father, brothers and sons, that _slavery is a crime against god and man_, and that it is a great sin to keep _human beings_ in such abject ignorance; to deny them the privilege of learning to read and write. the catholics are universally condemned, for denying the bible to the common people, but, _slaveholders must not_ blame them, for _they_ are doing the _very same thing_, and for the very same reason, neither of these systems can bear the light which bursts from the pages of that holy book. and lastly, endeavour to inculcate submission on the part of the slaves, but whilst doing this be faithful in pleading the cause of the oppressed. "will _you_ behold unheeding, life's holiest feelings crushed, where _woman's_ heart is bleeding, shall _woman's_ voice be hushed?" . act on this subject. some of you _own_ slaves yourselves. if you believe slavery is _sinful_, set them at liberty, "undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free." if they wish to remain with you, pay them wages, if not, let them leave you. should they remain, teach them, and have them taught the common branches of an english education; they have minds, and those minds _ought to be improved_. so precious a talent as intellect, never was given to be wrapt in a napkin and buried in the earth. it is the _duty_ of all, as far as they can, to improve their own mental faculties, because we are commanded to love god with _all our minds_, as well as with all our hearts, and we commit a great sin, if we _forbid or prevent_ that cultivation of the mind in others, which would enable them to perform this duty. teach your servants, then, to read, &c., and encourage them to believe it is their _duty_ to learn, if it were only that they might read the bible. but some of you will say, we can neither free our slaves nor teach them to read, for the laws of our state forbid it. be not surprised when i say such wicked laws _ought to be no barrier_ in the way of your duty, and i appeal to the bible to prove this position. what was the conduct of shiprah and puah, when the king of egypt issued his cruel mandate, with regard to the hebrew children? "_they_ feared _god_, and did _not_ as the king of egypt commanded them, but saved the men children alive." and be it remembered, that it was through _their_ faithfulness that moses was preserved. this great and immediate emancipator was indebted to a _woman_ for his spared life, and he became a blessing to the whole jewish nation. did these _women_ do right in disobeying that monarch? "_therefore_ (says the sacred text,) _god dealt well_ with them, and made them houses" ex. i. what was the conduct of shadrach, meshach, and abednego, when nebuchadnezzar set up a golden image in the plain of dura, and commanded all people, nations, and languages, to fall down and worship it? "be it known, unto thee, (said these faithful _jews_) o king, that _we will not_ serve thy gods, nor worship the image which thou hast set up." did these men _do right in disobeying the law_ of their sovereign? let their miraculous deliverance from the burning fiery furnace, answer; dan. iii. what was the conduct of daniel, when darius made a firm decree that no one should ask a petition of any man or god for thirty days? did the prophet cease to pray? no! "when daniel _knew that the writing was signed_, he went into his house, and his windows being _open_ towards jerusalem, he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks before his god, as he did aforetime." did daniel do right thus to _break_ the law of his king? let his wonderful deliverance out of the mouths of the lions answer; dan. vii. look, too, at the apostles peter and john. when the rulers of the jews, "_commanded them not_ to speak at all, nor teach in the name of jesus," what did they say? "whether it be right in the sight of god, to hearken unto you more than unto god, judge ye." and what did they do? "they spake the word of god with boldness, and with great power gave the apostles witness of the _resurrection_ of the lord jesus;" although _this_ was the very doctrine, for the preaching of which, they had just been cast into prison, and further threatened. did these men do right? i leave _you_ to answer, who now enjoy the benefits of their labors and sufferings, in that gospel they dared to preach when positively commanded _not to teach any more_ in the name of jesus; acts iv. but some of you may say, if we do free our slaves, they will be taken up and sold, therefore there will be no use in doing it. peter and john might just as well have said, we will not preach the gospel, for if we do, we shall be taken up and put in prison, therefore there will be no use in our preaching. _consequences_, my friends, belong no more to _you_, than they did to these apostles. duty is ours and events are god's. if you think slavery is sinful, all _you_ have to do is to set your slaves at liberty, do all you can to protect them, and in humble faith and fervent prayer, commend them to your common father. he can take care of them; but if for wise purposes he sees fit to allow them to be sold, this will afford you an opportunity of testifying openly, wherever you go, against the crime of _manstealing_. such an act will be _clear robbery_, and if exposed, might, under the divine direction, do the cause of emancipation more good, than any thing that could happen, for, "he makes even the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder of wrath he will restrain." i know that this doctrine of obeying _god_, rather than man, will be considered as dangerous, and heretical by many, but i am not afraid openly to avow it, because it is the doctrine of the bible; but i would not be understood to advocate resistance to any law however oppressive, if, in obeying it, i was not obliged to commit _sin_. if for instance, there was a law, which imposed imprisonment or a fine upon me if i manumitted a slave, i would on no account resist that law, i would set the slave free, and then go to prison or suffer the penalty. if a law commands me to _sin i will break it_; if it calls me to _suffer_, i will let it take its course _unresistingly_. the doctrine of blind obedience and unqualified submission to _any human_ power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, is the doctrine of despotism, and ought to have no place among republicans and christians. but you will perhaps say, such a course of conduct would inevitably expose us to great suffering. yes! my christian friends, i believe it would, but this will _not_ excuse you or any one else for the neglect of _duty_. if prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers had not been willing to suffer for the truth's sake, where would the world have been now? if they had said, we cannot speak the truth, we cannot do what we believe is right, because the _laws of our country or public opinion are against us_, where would our holy religion have been now? the prophets were stoned, imprisoned, and killed by the jews. and why? because they exposed and openly rebuked public sins; they opposed public opinion; had they held their peace, they all might have lived in ease and died in favor with a wicked generation. why were the apostles persecuted from city to city, stoned, incarcerated, beaten, and crucified? because they dared to _speak the truth_; to tell the jews, boldly and fearlessly, that _they_ were the _murderers_ of the lord of glory, and that, however great a stumbling-block the cross might be to them, there was no other name given under heaven by which men could be saved, but the name of jesus. because they declared, even at athens, the seat of learning and refinement, the self-evident truth, that "they be no gods that are made with men's hands", and exposed to the grecians the foolishness of worldly wisdom, and the impossibility of salvation but through christ, whom they despised on account of the ignominious death he died. because at rome, the proud mistress of the world, they thundered out the terrors of the law upon that idolatrous, war-making, and slave-holding community. why were the martyrs stretched upon the rack, gibbetted and burnt, the scorn and diversion of a nero, whilst their tarred and burning bodies sent up a light which illuminated the roman capital? why were the waldenses hunted like wild beasts upon the mountains of piedmont, and slain with the sword of the duke of savoy and the proud monarch of france? why were the presbyterians chased like the partridge over the highlands of scotland--the methodists pumped, and stoned, and pelted with rotten eggs--the quakers incarcerated in filthy prisons, beaten, whipped at the cart's tail, banished and hung? because they dared to _speak_ the _truth_, to _break_ the unrighteous _laws_ of their country, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of god, "not accepting deliverance," even under the gallows. why were luther and calvin persecuted and excommunicated, cranmer, ridley, and latimer burnt? because they fearlessly proclaimed the truth, though that truth was contrary to public opinion, and the authority of ecclesiastical councils and conventions. now all this vast amount of human suffering might have been saved. all these prophets and apostles, martyrs, and reformers, might have lived and died in peace with all men, but following the example of their great pattern, "they despised the shame, endured the cross, and are now set down on the right hand of the throne of god," having received the glorious welcome of "well _done_ good and faithful servants, enter ye into the joy of your lord." but you may say we are _women_, how can _our_ hearts endure persecution? and why not? have not _women_ arisen in all the dignity and strength of moral courage to be the leaders of the people, and to bear a faithful testimony for the truth whenever the providence of god has called them to do so? are there no _women_ in that noble army of martyrs who are now singing the song of moses and the lamb? who led out the women of israel from the house of bondage, striking the timbrel, and singing the song of deliverance on the banks of that sea whose waters stood up like walls of crystal to open a passage for their escape? it was a _woman_; miriam, the prophetess, the sister of moses and aaron. who went up with barak to kadesh to fight against jabin, king of canaan, into whose hand israel had been sold because of their iniquities? it was a _woman_! deborah the wife of lapidoth, the judge, as well as the prophetess of that backsliding people; judges iv, . into whose hands was sisera, the captain of jabin's host delivered? into the hand of a _woman_. jael the wife of heber! judges vi, . who dared to _speak the truth_ concerning those judgments which were coming upon judea, when josiah, alarmed at finding that his people "had not kept the word of the lord to do after all that was written in the book of the law," sent to enquire of the lord concerning these things? it was a _woman_. huldah the prophetess, the wife of shallum; , chron. xxxiv, . who was chosen to deliver the whole jewish nation from that murderous decree of persia's king, which wicked haman had obtained by calumny and fraud? it was a _woman_; esther the queen; yes, weak and trembling _woman_ was the instrument appointed by god, to reverse the bloody mandate of the eastern monarch, and save the _whole visible church_ from destruction. what human voice first proclaimed to mary that she should be the mother of our lord? it was a _woman_! elizabeth, the wife of zacharias; luke i, , . who united with the good old simeon in giving thanks publicly in the temple, when the child, jesus, was presented there by his parents, "and spake of him to all them that looked for redemption in jerusalem?" it was a _woman_! anna the prophetess. who first proclaimed christ as the true messiah in the streets of samaria, once the capital of the ten tribes? it was a _woman_! who ministered to the son of god whilst on earth, a despised and persecuted reformer, in the humble garb of a carpenter? they were _women_! who followed the rejected king of israel, as his fainting footsteps trod the road to calvary? "a great company of people and of _women_;" and it is remarkable that to _them alone_, he turned and addressed the pathetic language, "daughters of jerusalem weep not for me, but weep for yourselves and your children." ah! who sent unto the roman governor when he was set down on the judgment seat, saying unto him, "have thou nothing to do with that just man, for i have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him?" it was a _woman_! the wife of pilate. although "_he knew_ that for envy the jews had delivered christ," yet _he_ consented to surrender the son of god into the hands of a brutal soldiery, after having himself scourged his naked body. had the _wife_ of pilate sat upon that judgment seat, what would have been the result of the trial of this "just person?" and who last hung round the cross of jesus on the mountain of golgotha? who first visited the sepulchre early in the morning on the first day of the week, carrying sweet spices to embalm his precious body, not knowing that it was incorruptible and could not be holden by the bands of death? these were _women_! to whom did he _first_ appear after his resurrection? it was to a _woman_! mary magdalene; mark xvi, . who gathered with the apostles to wait at jerusalem, in prayer and supplication, for "the promise of the father;" the spiritual blessing of the great high priest of his church, who had entered, _not_ into the splendid temple of solomon, there to offer the blood of bulls, and of goats, and the smoking censer upon the golden altar, but into heaven itself, there to present his intercessions, after having "given himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to god for a sweet smelling savor?" _women_ were among that holy company; acts i, . and did _women_ wait in vain? did those who had ministered to his necessities, followed in his train, and wept at his crucifixion, wait in vain? no! no! did the cloven tongues of fire descend upon the heads of _women_ as well as men? yes, my friends, "it sat upon _each one of them_;" acts ii, . _women_ as well as men were to be living stones in the temple of grace, and therefore _their_ heads were consecrated by the descent of the holy ghost as well as those of men. were _women_ recognized as fellow laborers in the gospel field? they were! paul says in his epistle to the philippians, "help those _women_ who labored with me, in the gospel;" phil. iv, . but this is not all. roman _women_ were burnt at the stake, _their_ delicate limbs were torn joint from joint by the ferocious beasts of the ampitheatre, and tossed by the wild bull in his fury, for the diversion of that idolatrous, warlike, and slaveholding people. yes, _women_ suffered under the ten persecutions of heathen rome, with the most unshrinking constancy and fortitude; not all the entreaties of friends, nor the claims of new born infancy, nor the cruel threats of enemies could make _them_ sprinkle one grain of incense upon the altars of roman idols. come now with me to the beautiful valleys of piedmont. whose blood stains the green sward, and decks the wild flowers with colors not their own, and smokes on the sword of persecuting france? it is _woman's_, as well as man's? yes, _women_ were accounted as sheep for the slaughter, and were cut down as the tender saplings of the wood. but time would fail me, to tell of all those hundreds and thousands of _women_, who perished in the low countries of holland, when alva's sword of vengeance was unsheathed against the protestants, when the catholic inquisitions of europe became the merciless executioners of vindictive wrath, upon those who dared to worship god, instead of bowing down in unholy adoration before "my lord god the _pope_," and when england, too, burnt her ann ascoes at the stake of martyrdom. suffice it to say, that the church, after having been driven from judea to rome, and from rome to piedmont, and from piedmont to england, and from england to holland, at last stretched her fainting wings over the dark bosom of the atlantic, and found on the shores of a great wilderness, a refuge from tyranny and oppression--as she thought, but _even here_, (the warm blush of shame mantles my cheek as i write it,) _even here, woman_ was beaten and banished, imprisoned, and hung upon the gallows, a trophy to the cross. and what, i would ask in conclusion, have _women_ done for the great and glorious cause of emancipation? who wrote that pamphlet which moved the heart of wilberforce to pray over the wrongs, and his tongue to plead the cause of the oppressed african? it was a _woman_, elizabeth heyrick. who labored assiduously to keep the sufferings of the slave continually before the british public? they were _women_. and how did they do it? by their needles, paint brushes and pens, by speaking the truth, and petitioning parliament for the abolition of slavery. and what was the effect of their labors? read it in the emancipation bill of great britain. read it, in the present state of her west india colonies. read it, in the impulse which has been given to the cause of freedom, in the united states of america. have english women then done so much for the negro, and shall american women do nothing? oh no! already are there sixty female anti-slavery societies in operation. these are doing just what the english women did, telling the story of the colored man's wrongs, praying for his deliverance, and presenting his kneeling image constantly before the public eye on bags and needle-books, card-racks, pen-wipers, pin-cushions, &c. even the children of the north are inscribing on their handy work, "may the points of our needles prick the slaveholder's conscience." some of the reports of these societies exhibit not only considerable talent, but a deep sense of religious duty, and a determination to persevere through evil as well as good report, until every scourge, and every shackle, is buried under the feet of the manumitted slave. the ladies' anti-slavery society of boston was called last fall, to a severe trial of their faith and constancy. they were mobbed by "the gentlemen of property and standing," in that city at their anniversary meeting, and their lives were jeoparded by an infuriated crowd; but their conduct on that occasion did credit to our sex, and affords a full assurance that they will _never_ abandon the cause of the slave. the pamphlet, right and wrong in boston, issued by them in which a particular account is given of that "mob of broad cloth in broad day," does equal credit to the head and the heart of her who wrote it. i wish my southern sisters could read it; they would then understand that the women of the north have engaged in this work from a sense of _religious duty_, and that nothing will ever induce them to take their hands from it until it is fully accomplished. they feel no hostility to you, no bitterness or wrath; they rather sympathize in your trials and difficulties; but they well know that the first thing to be done to help you, is to pour in the light of truth on your minds, to urge you to reflect on, and pray over the subject. this is all _they_ can do for you, _you_ must work out your own deliverance with fear and trembling, and with the direction and blessing of god, _you can do it_. northern women may labor to produce a correct public opinion at the north, but if southern women sit down in listless indifference and criminal idleness, public opinion cannot be rectified and purified at the south. it is manifest to every reflecting mind, that slavery must be abolished; the era in which we live, and the light which is overspreading the whole world on this subject, clearly show that the time cannot be distant when it will be done. now there are only two ways in which it can be effected, by moral power or physical force, and it is for _you_ to choose which of these you prefer. slavery always has, and always will produce insurrections wherever it exists, because it is a violation of the natural order of things, and no human power can much longer perpetuate it. the opposers of abolitionists fully believe this; one of them remarked to me not long since, there is no doubt there will be a most terrible overturning at the south in a few years, such cruelty and wrong, must be visited with divine vengeance soon. abolitionists believe, too, that this must inevitably be the case if you do not repent, and they are not willing to leave you to perish without entreating you, to save yourselves from destruction; well may they say with the apostle, "am i then your enemy because i tell you the truth," and warn you to flee from impending judgments. but why, my dear friends, have i thus been endeavoring to lead you through the history of more than three thousand years, and to point you to that great cloud of witnesses who have gone before, "from works to rewards?" have i been seeking to magnify the sufferings, and exalt the character of woman, that she "might have praise of men?" no! no! my object has been to arouse _you_, as the wives and mothers, the daughters and sisters, of the south, to a sense of your duty as _women_, and as christian women, on that great subject, which has already shaken our country, from the st. lawrence and the lakes, to the gulf of mexico, and from the mississippi to the shores of the atlantic; _and will continue mightily to shake it_, until the polluted temple of slavery fall and crumble into ruin. i would say unto each one of you, "what meanest thou, o sleeper! arise and call upon thy god, if so be that god will think upon us that we perish not." perceive you not that dark cloud of vengeance which hangs over our boasting republic? saw you not the lightnings of heaven's wrath, in the flame which leaped from the indian's torch to the roof of yonder dwelling, and lighted with its horrid glare the darkness of midnight? heard you not the thunders of divine anger, as the distant roar of the cannon came rolling onward, from the texian country, where protestant american rebels are fighting with mexican republicans--for what? for the re-establishment of _slavery_; yes! of american slavery in the bosom of a catholic republic, where that system of robbery, violence, and wrong, had been legally abolished for twelve years. yes! citizens of the united states, after plundering mexico of her land, are now engaged in deadly conflict, for the privilege of fastening chains, and collars, and manacles--upon whom? upon the subjects of some foreign prince? no! upon native born american republican citizens, although the fathers of these very men declared to the whole world, while struggling to free themselves from the three penny taxes of an english king, that they believed it to be a _self-evident_ truth that _all men_ were created equal, and had an _unalienable right to liberty_. well may the poet exclaim in bitter sarcasm, "the fustian flag that proudly waves in solemn mockery o'er _a land of slaves_." can you not, my friends, understand the signs of the times; do you not see the sword of retributive justice hanging over the south, or are you still slumbering at your posts?--are there no shiphrahs, no puahs among you, who will dare in christian firmness and christian meekness, to refuse to obey the _wicked laws_ which require _woman to enslave, to degrade and to brutalize woman_? are there no miriams, who would rejoice to lead out the captive daughters of the southern states to liberty and light? are there no huldahs there who will dare to _speak the truth_ concerning the sins of the people and those judgments, which it requires no prophet's eye to see, must follow if repentance is not speedily sought? is there no esther among you who will plead for the poor devoted slave? read the history of this persian queen, it is full of instruction; she at first refused to plead for the jews; but, hear the words of mordecai, "think not within thyself, that _thou_ shalt escape in the king's house more than all the jews, for _if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time_, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the jews from another place: but _thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed_." listen, too, to her magnanimous reply to this powerful appeal; "_i will_ go in unto the king, which is _not_ according to law, and if i perish, i perish." yes! if there were but _one_ esther at the south, she _might_ save her country from ruin; but let the christian women there arise, as the christian women of great britain did, in the majesty of moral power, and that salvation is certain. let them embody themselves in societies, and send petitions up to their different legislatures, entreating their husbands, fathers, brothers and sons, to abolish the institution of slavery; no longer to subject _woman_ to the scourge and the chain, to mental darkness and moral degradation; no longer to tear husbands from their wives, and children from their parents; no longer to make men, women, and children, work _without wages_; no longer to make their lives bitter in hard bondage; no longer to reduce _american citizens_ to the abject condition of _slaves_, of "chattels personal;" no longer to barter the _image of god_ in human shambles for corruptible things such as silver and gold. the _women of the south can overthrow_ this horrible system of oppression and cruelty, licentiousness and wrong. such appeals to your legislatures would be irresistible, for there is something in the heart of man which _will bend under moral suasion_. there is a swift witness for truth in his bosom, which _will respond to truth_ when it is uttered with calmness and dignity. if you could obtain but six signatures to such a petition in only one state, i would say, send up that petition, and be not in the least discouraged by the scoffs and jeers of the heartless, or the resolution of the house to lay it on the table. it will be a great thing if the subject can be introduced into your legislatures in any way, even by _women_, and _they_ will be the most likely to introduce it there in the best possible manner, as a matter of _morals_ and _religion_, not of expediency or politics. you may petition, too, the different ecclesiastical bodies of the slave states. slavery must be attacked with the whole power of truth and the sword of the spirit. you must take it up on _christian_ ground, and fight against it with christian weapons, whilst your feet are shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace. and _you are now_ loudly called upon by the cries of the widow and the orphan, to arise and gird yourselves for this great moral conflict "with the whole armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the left." there is every encouragement for you to labor and pray, my friends, because the abolition of slavery as well as its existence, has been the theme of prophecy. "ethiopia (says the psalmist) shall stretch forth her hands unto god." and is she not now doing so? are not the christian negroes of the south lifting their hands in prayer for deliverance, just as the israelites did when their redemption was drawing nigh? are they not sighing and crying by reason of the hard bondage? and think you, that he, of whom it was said, "and god heard their groaning, and their cry came up unto him by reason of the hard bondage," think you that his ear is heavy that he cannot _now_ hear the cries of his suffering children? or that he who raised up a moses, an aaron, and a miriam, to bring them up out of the land of egypt from the house of bondage, cannot now, with a high hand and a stretched out arm, rid the poor negroes out of the hands of their masters? surely you believe that his arm is _not_ shortened that he cannot save. and would not such a work of mercy redound to his glory? but another string of the harp of prophecy vibrates to the song of deliverance: "but they shall sit every man under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and _none shall make them afraid_; for the mouth of the lord of hosts hath spoken it." the _slave_ never can do this as long as he is a _slave_; whilst he is a "chattel personal" he can own _no_ property; but the time _is to come_ when _every_ man is to sit under _his own_ vine and _his own_ fig-tree, and no domineering driver, or irresponsible master, or irascible mistress, shall make him afraid of the chain or the whip. hear, too, the sweet tones of another string: "many shall run to and fro, and _knowledge_ shall be increased." slavery is an insurmountable barrier to the increase of knowledge in every community where it exists; _slavery, then, must be abolished before_ this prediction can be fulfilled. the last chord i shall touch, will be this, "they shall _not_ hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain." _slavery, then, must be overthrown before_ the prophecies can be accomplished, but how are they to be fulfilled? will the wheels of the millennial car be rolled onward by miraculous power? no! god designs to confer this holy privilege upon _woman_; it is through _their_ instrumentality that the great and glorious work of reforming the world is to be done. and see you not how the mighty engine of _moral power_ is dragging in its rear the bible and peace societies, anti-slavery and temperance, sabbath schools, moral reform, and missions? or to adopt another figure, do not these seven philanthropic associations compose the beautiful tints in that bow of promise which spans the arch of our moral heaven? who does not believe, that if these societies were broken up, their constitutions burnt, and the vast machinery with which they are laboring to regenerate mankind was stopped, that the black clouds of vengeance would soon, burst over our world, and every city would witness the fate of the devoted cities of the plain? each one of these societies is walking abroad through the earth scattering the seeds of truth over the wide field of our world, not with the hundred hands of a briareus, but with a hundred thousand. another encouragement for you to labor, my friends, is, that you will have the prayers and co-operation of english and northern philanthropists. you will never bend your knees in supplication at the throne of grace for the overthrow of slavery, without meeting there the spirits of other christians, who will mingle their voices with yours, as the morning or evening sacrifice ascends to god. yes, the spirit of prayer and of supplication has been poured out upon many, many hearts; there are wrestling jacobs who will not let go of the prophetic promises of deliverance for the captive, and the opening, of prison doors to them that are bound. there are pauls who are saying, in reference to this subject, "lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" there are marys sitting in the house now, who are ready to arise and go forth in this work as soon as the message is brought, "the master is come and calleth for thee." and there are marthas, too, who have already gone out to meet jesus, as he bends his footsteps to their brother's grave, and weeps, _not_ over the lifeless body of lazarus bound hand and foot in grave-clothes, but over the politically and intellectually lifeless slave, bound hand and foot in the iron chains of oppression and ignorance. some may be ready to say, as martha did, who seemed to expect nothing but sympathy from jesus, "lord, by this time he stinketh, for he hath been dead four days." she thought it useless to remove the stone and expose the loathsome body of her brother; she could not believe that so great a miracle could be wrought, as to raise _that putrified body_ into life; but "jesus said, take _ye_ away the stone;" and when _they_ had taken away the stone where the dead was laid, and uncovered the body of lazarus, then it was that "jesus lifted up his eyes and said, father, i thank thee that thou hast heard me," &c. "and when he had thus spoken, he cried with a loud voice, lazarus, come forth." yes, some may be ready to say of the colored race, how can _they_ ever be raised politically and intellectually, they have been dead four hundred years? but _we_ have _nothing_ to do with _how_ this is to be done; _our business_ is to take away the stone which has covered up the dead body of our brother, to expose the putrid carcass, to show _how_ that body has been bound with the grave-clothes of heathen ignorance, and his face with the napkin of prejudice, and having done all it was our duty to do, to stand by the negro's grave, in humble faith and holy hope, waiting to hear the life-giving command of "lazarus, come forth." this is just what anti-slavery societies are doing; they are taking away the stone from the mouth of the tomb of slavery, where lies the putrid carcass of our brother. they want the pure light of heaven to shine into that dark and gloomy cave; they want all men to see _how_ that dead body has been bound, _how_ that face has been wrapped in the _napkin of prejudice_; and shall they wait beside that grave in vain? is not jesus still the resurrection and the life? did he come to proclaim liberty to the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them that are bound, in vain? did he promise to give beauty for ashes, the oil of joy for mourning, and the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness unto them that mourn in zion, and will he refuse to beautify the mind, anoint the head, and throw around the captive negro the mantle of praise for that spirit of heaviness which has so long bowed him down to the ground? or shall we not rather say with the prophet, "the zeal of the lord of hosts _will_ perform this?" yes, his promises are sure, and amen in christ jesus, that he will assemble her that halteth, and gather her that is driven out, and her that is afflicted. but i will now say a few words on the subject of abolitionism. doubtless you have all heard anti-slavery societies denounced as insurrectionary and mischievous, fanatical and dangerous. it has been said they publish the most abominable untruths, and that they are endeavoring to excite rebellions at the south. have you believed these reports, my friends? have _you_ also been deceived by these false assertions? listen to me, then, whilst i endeavor to wipe from the fair character of abolitionism such unfounded accusations. you know that _i_ am a southerner: your know that my dearest relatives are now in a slave state. can you for a moment believe i would prove so recreant to the feelings of a daughter and a sister, as to join a society which seeking to overthrow slavery by falsehood, bloodshed and murder? i appeal to you who have known and loved me in days that are passed, can _you_ believe it? no! my friends. as a carolinian, i was peculiarly jealous of any movements on this subject; and before i would join an anti-slavery society, i took the precaution of becoming acquainted with some of the leading abolitionists, of reading their publications and attending their meetings, at which i heard addresses both from colored and white men; and it was not until i was fully convinced that their principles were _entirely pacific,_ and their efforts _only moral,_ that i gave my name as a member to the female anti-slavery society of philadelphia. since that time, i have regularly taken the liberator, and read many anti-slavery pamphlets and papers and books, and can assure you i _never_ have seen a single insurrectionary paragraph, and never read any account of cruelty which i could not believe. southerners may deny the truth of these accounts, but why do they not _prove_ them to be false. their violent expressions of horror at such accounts being believed, _may_ deceive some, but they cannot deceive _me,_ for i lived too long in the midst of slavery, not to know what slavery is. such declarations remind me of an assertion made by a catholic priest, who said that his church had never persecuted protestants for their religion, when it is well known that the pages of history are black with the crimes of the inquisition. oh! if the slaves of the south could only write a book, it would vie, i have no doubt, with the horrible details of catholic cruelty. when _i_ speak of this system, "i speak that i do know," and i am not afraid to assert, that anti-slavery publications have _not_ overdrawn the monstrous features of slavery at all. and many a southerner _knows_ this as well as i do. a lady in north carolina remarked to a friend of mine, about eighteen months since, "northerners know nothing at all about slavery; they think it is perpetual bondage only; but of the _depth of degradation_ that word involves, they have no conception; if they had, _they would never cease_ their efforts until so _horrible_ a system was overthrown." she did not, know how faithfully some northern men and northern women had studied this subject; how diligently they had searched out the cause of "him who had none to help him," and how fearlessly they had told the story of the negro's wrongs. yes, northerners know _every_ thing about slavery now. this monster of iniquity has been unveiled to the world, his frightful features unmasked, and soon, very soon, will he be regarded with no more complacency by the american republic than is the idol of juggernaut, rolling its bloody wheels over the crushed bodies of its prostrate victims. but you will probably ask, if anti-slavery societies are not insurrectionary, why do northerners tell us they are! why, i would ask you in return, did northern senators and northern representatives give their votes, at the last sitting of congress, to the admission of arkansas territory as a slave state? take those men, one by one, and ask them in their parlours, do you _approve of slavery?_ ask them on _northern_ ground, where they will speak the truth, and i doubt not _every man_ of them will tell you, _no_! why then, i ask, did _they_ give their votes to enlarge the mouth of that grave which has already destroyed its tens of thousands! all our enemies tell _us_ they are as much anti slavery as we are. yes, my friends, thousands who are helping you to bind the fetters of slavery on the negro, despise you in their hearts for doing it; they rejoice that such an institution has not been entailed upon them. why then, i would ask, do _they_ lend you their help? i will tell you, "they love _the praise of men more_ than the praise of god." the abolition cause has not yet become so popular as to induce them to believe, that by advocating it in congress, they shall sit still more securely in their seats there, and like the _chief rulers_ in the days of our saviour, though _many_ believed on him, yet they did _not_ confess him, lest they should _be put out of the synagogue_; john xii, , . or perhaps like pilate, thinking they could prevail nothing, and fearing a tumult, they determined to release barabbas and surrender the just man, the poor innocent slave to be stripped of his rights and scourged. in vain will such men try to wash their hands, and say, with the roman governor, "i am innocent of the blood of this just person." northern american statesmen are no more innocent of the crime of slavery, than pilate was of the murder of jesus, or saul of that of stephen. these are high charges, but i appeal to _their hearts_; i appeal to public opinion ten years from now. slavery then is a national sin. but you will say, a great many other northerners tell us so, who can have no political motives. the interests of the north, you must know, my friends, are very closely combined with those of the south. the northern merchants and manufacturers are making _their_ fortunes out of the _produce of slave labor_; the grocer is selling your rice and sugar; how then can these men bear a testimony against slavery without condemning themselves? but there is another reason, the north is most dreadfully afraid of amalgamation. she is alarmed at the very idea of a thing so monstrous, as she thinks. and lest this consequence _might_ flow from emancipation, she is determined to resist all efforts at emancipation without expatriation. it is not because she _approves of slavery_, or believes it to be "the corner stone of our republic," for she is as much _anti-slavery_ as we are; but amalgamation is too horrible to think of. now i would ask _you_, is it right, is it generous, to refuse the colored people in this country the advantages of education and the privilege, or rather the _right_, to follow honest trades and callings merely because they are colored? the same prejudice exists here against our colored brethren that existed against the gentiles in judea. great numbers cannot bear the idea of equality, and fearing lest, if they had the same advantages we enjoy, they would become as intelligent, as moral, as religious, and as respectable and wealthy, they are determined to keep them as low as they possibly can. is this doing as they would be done by? is this loving their neighbor as _themselves_? oh! that _such_ opposers of abolitionism would put their souls in the stead of the free colored man's and obey the apostolic injunction, to "remember them that are in bonds _as bound with them_." i will leave you to judge whether the fear of amalgamation ought to induce men to oppose anti-slavery efforts, when _they_ believe _slavery_ to be _sinful_. prejudice against color, is the most powerful enemy we have to fight with at the north. you need not be surprised, then, at all, at what is said _against_ abolitionists by the north, for they are wielding a two-edged sword, which even here, cuts through the _cords of caste_, on the one side, and the _bonds of interest_ on the other. they are only sharing the fate of other reformers, abused and reviled whilst they are in the minority; but they are neither angry nor discouraged by the invective which has been heaped upon them by slaveholders at the south and their apologists at the north. they know that when george fox and william edmundson were laboring in behalf of the negroes in the west indies in that the very _same_ slanders were propogated against them, which are _now_ circulated against abolitionists. although it was well known that fox was the founder of a religious sect which repudiated _all_ war, and _all_ violence, yet _even he_ was accused of "endeavoring to excite the slaves to insurrection and of teaching the negroes to cut their master's throats." and these two men who had their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, were actually compelled to draw up a formal declaration that _they were not_ trying to raise a rebellion in barbadoes. it is also worthy of remark that these reformers did not at this time see the necessity of emancipation under seven years, and their principal efforts were exerted to persuade the planters of the necessity of instructing their slaves; but the slaveholder saw then, just what the slaveholder sees now, that an _enlightened_ population _never_ can be a _slave_ population, and therefore they passed a law that negroes should not even attend the meetings of friends. abolitionists know that the life of clarkson was sought by slavetraders, and that even wilberforce was denounced on the floor of parliament as a fanatic and a hypocrite by the present king of england, the very man who, in set his seal to that instrument which burst the fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves in his west india colonies. they know that the first quaker who bore a _faithful_ testimony against the sin of slavery was cut off from religious fellowship with that society. that quaker was a _woman_. on her deathbed she sent for the committee who dealt with her--she told them, the near approach of death had not altered her sentiments on the subject of slavery and waving her hand towards a very fertile and beautiful portion of country which lay stretched before her window, she said with great solemnity, "friends, the time will come when there will not be friends enough in all this district to hold one meeting for worship, and this garden will be turned into a wilderness." the aged friend, who with tears in his eyes, related this interesting circumstance to me, remarked, that at that time there were seven meetings of friends in that part of virginia, but that when he was there ten years ago, not a single meeting was held, and the country was literally a desolation. soon after her decease, john woolman began his labors in our society, and instead of disowning a member for testifying _against_ slavery, they have for sixty-two years positively forbidden their members to hold slaves. abolitionists understand the slaveholding spirit too well to be surprised at any thing that has yet happened at the south or the north; they know that the greater the sin is, which is exposed, the more violent will be the efforts to blacken the character and impugn the motives of those who are engaged in bringing to light the hidden things of darkness. they understand the work of reform too well to be driven back by the furious waves of opposition, which are only foaming out their own shame. they have stood "the world's dread laugh," when only twelve men formed the first anti-slavery society in boston in . they have faced and refuted the calumnies of their enemies, and proved themselves to be emphatically _peace men_ by _never resisting_ the violence of mobs, even when driven by them from the temple of god, and dragged by an infuriated crowd through the streets of the emporium of new-england, or subjected by _slaveholders_ to the pain of corporal punishment. "none of these things move them;" and, by the grace of god, they are determined to persevere in this work of faith and labor of love: they mean to pray, and preach, and write, and print, until slavery is completely overthrown, until babylon is taken up and cast into the sea, to "be found no more at all." they mean to petition congress year after year, until the seat of our government is cleansed from the sinful traffic of "slaves and the souls of men." although that august assembly may be like the unjust judge who "feared not god neither regarded man," yet it _must_ yield just as he did, from the power of importunity. like the unjust judge, congress _must_ redress the wrongs of the widow, lest by the continual coming up of petitions, it be wearied. this will be striking the dagger into the very heart of the monster, and once this done, he must soon expire. abolitionists have been accused of abusing their southern brethren. did the prophet isaiah _abuse_ the jews when he addressed to them the cutting reproof contained in the first chapter of his prophecies, and ended by telling them, they would be _ashamed_ of the oaks they had desired, and _confounded_ for the garden they had chosen? did john the baptist _abuse_ the jews when he called them "_a generation of vipers_," and warned them "to bring forth fruits meet for repentance!" did peter abuse the jews when he told them they were the murderers of the lord of glory? did paul abuse the roman governor when he reasoned before him of righteousness, temperance, and judgment, so as to send conviction home to his guilty heart, and cause him to tremble in view of the crimes he was living in? surely not. no man will _now_ accuse the prophets and apostles of _abuse_, but what have abolitionists done more than they? no doubt the jews thought the prophets and apostles in their day, just as harsh and uncharitable as slaveholders now, think abolitionists; if they did not, why did they beat, and stone, and kill them? great fault has been found with the prints which have been employed to expose slavery at the north, but my friends, how could this be done so effectively in any other way? until the pictures of the slave's sufferings were drawn and held up to public gaze, no northerner had any idea of the cruelty of the system, it never entered their minds that such abominations could exist in christian, republican america; they never suspected that many of the _gentlemen_ and _ladies_ who came from the south to spend the summer months in traveling among them, were petty tyrants at home. and those who had lived at the south, and came to reside at the north, were too _ashamed of slavery_ even to speak of it; the language of their hearts was, "tell it _not_ in gath, publish it _not_ in the streets of askelon;" they saw no use in uncovering the loathsome body to popular sight, and in hopeless despair, wept in secret places over the sins of oppression. to such hidden mourners the formation of anti-slavery societies was as life from the dead, the first beams of hope which gleamed through the dark clouds of despondency and grief. prints were made use of to effect the abolition of the inquisition in spain, and clarkson employed them when he was laboring to break up the slave trade, and english abolitionists used them just as we are now doing. they are powerful appeals and have invariably done the work they were designed to do, and we cannot consent to abandon the use of these until the _realities_ no longer exist. with regard to those white men, who, it was said, did try to raise an insurrection in mississippi a year ago, and who were stated to be abolitionists, none of them were proved to be members of anti-slavery societies, and it must remain a matter of great doubt whether, even they were guilty of the crimes alledged against them, because when any community is thrown into such a panic as to inflict lynch law upon accused persons, they cannot be supposed to be capable of judging with calmness and impartiality. _we know_ that the papers of which the charleston mail was robbed, were _not_ insurrectionary, and that they were _not_ sent to the colored people as was reported. _we know_ that amos dresser was _no insurrectionist_ though he was accused of being so, and on this false accusation was publicly whipped in nashville in the midst of a crowd of infuriated _slaveholders_. was that young man disgraced by this infliction of corporal punishment? no more than was the great apostle of the gentile; who five times received forty stripes, save one. like him, he might have said, "henceforth i bear in my body the marks of the lord jesus," for it was for the _truth's sake, he suffered_, as much as did the apostle paul. are nelson, and garrett, and williams, and other abolitionists who have recently been banished from missouri, insurrectionists? _we know_ they are _not_, whatever slaveholders may choose to call them. the spirit which now asperses the character of the abolitionists, is the _very same_ which dressed up the christians of spain in the skins of wild beasts and pictures of devils when they were led to execution as heretics. before we condemn individuals, it is necessary, even in a wicked community, to accuse them of some crime; hence, when jezebel wished to compass the death of naboth, men of belial were suborned to bear false witness against him, and so it was with stephen, and so it ever has been, and ever will be, as long as there is any virtue to suffer on the rack, or the gallows. _false_ witnesses must appear against abolitionists before they can be condemned. i will now say a few words on george thompson's mission to this country. this philanthropist was accused of being a foreign emissary. were lafayette, and steuben, and de kalb, and pulawski, foreign emissaries when they came over to america to fight against the tories, who preferred submitting to what was termed, "the yoke of servitude," rather than bursting the fetters which bound them to the mother country? _they_ came with _carnal weapons_ to engage in _bloody_ conflict against american citizens, and yet, where do their names stand on the page of history. among the honorable, or the base? thompson came here to war against the giant sin of slavery, _not_ with the sword and the pistol, but with the smooth stones of oratory taken from the pure waters of the river of truth. his splendid talents and commanding eloquence rendered him a powerful coadjutor in the anti-slavery cause, and in order to neutralize the effects of these upon his auditors, and rob the poor slave of the benefits of his labors, his character was defamed, his life was sought, and he at last driven from our republic, as a fugitive. but was _thompson_ disgraced by all this mean and contemptible and wicked chicanery and malice? no more than was paul, when in consequence of a vision he had seen at treas, he went over the macedonia to help the christians there, and was beaten and imprisoned, because he cast out a spirit of divination from a young damsel which had brought much gain to her masters. paul was as much a _foreign emissary_ in the roman colony of philippi, as george thompson was in america, and it was because he was a _jew_, and taught customs it was not lawful for them to receive or observe being romans, that the apostle was thus treated. it was said, thompson was a felon, who had fled to this country to escape transportation to new holland. look at him now pouring the thundering strains of his eloquence, upon crowded audiences in great britain, and see in this a triumphant vindication of his character. and have the slaveholder, and his obsequious apologist, gained anything by all their violence and falsehood? no! for the stone which struck goliath of gath, had already been thrown from the sling. the giant of slavery who had so proudly defied the armies of the living god, had received his death-blow before he left our shores. but what is george thompson doing there? is he not now laboring there, as effectually to abolish american slavery as though he trod our own soil, and lectured to new york or boston assemblies? what is he doing there, but constructing a stupendous dam, which will turn the overwhelming tide of public opinion over the wheels of that machinery which abolitionists are working here. he is now lecturing to _britons_ on _american slavery_, to the _subjects_ of a _king_, on the abject condition of the _slaves of a republic_. he is telling them of that mighty confederacy of petty tyrants which extends over thirteen states of our union. he is telling them of the munificent rewards offered by slaveholders, for the heads of the most distinguished advocates for freedom in this country. he is moving the british churches to send out to the churches of america the most solemn appeals, reproving, rebuking, and exhorting, them with all long suffering and patience to abandon the sin of slavery immediately. where then i ask, will the name of george thompson stand on the page of history? among the honorable, or the base? what can i say more, my friends, to induce you to set your hands, and heads, and hearts, to the great work of justice and mercy. perhaps you have feared the consequences of immediate emancipation, and been frightened by all those dreadful prophecies of rebellion, bloodshed and murder, which have been uttered. "let no man deceive you;" they are the predictions of that same "lying spirit" which spoke through the four hundred prophets of old, to ahab king of israel, urging him on to destruction. _slavery_ may produce these horrible scenes if it is continued five years longer, but emancipation _never will_. i can prove the _safety_ of immediate emancipation by history. in st. domingo in six hundred thousand slaves were set free in a white population of forty-two thousand. that island "marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor", cultivation prospered, every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress, and the negroes all continued quietly to work on the different plantations, until in , france determined to reduce these liberated slaves again to bondage. it was at _this time_ that all those dreadful scenes of cruelty occurred, which we so often _unjustly_ hear spoken of, as the effects of abolition. they were occasioned _not_ by emancipation, but by the base attempt to fasten the chains of slavery on the limbs of liberated slaves. in guadaloupe eighty-five thousand slaves were freed in a white population of thirteen thousand. the same prosperous effects followed manumission here, that had attended it in hayti, every thing was quiet until buonaparte sent out a fleet to reduce these negroes again to slavery, and in this institution was re-established in that island. in , when great britain determined to liberate the slaves in her west india colonies, and proposed the apprenticeship system; the planters of bermuda and antigua, after having joined the other planters in their representations of the bloody consequences of emancipation, in order if possible to hold back the hand which was offering the boon of freedom to the poor negro; as soon as they found such falsehoods were utterly disregarded, and abolition must take place, came forward voluntarily, and asked for the compensation which was due to them, saying, _they preferred immediate emancipation_, and were not afraid of any insurrection. and how is it with these islands now? they are decidedly more prosperous than any of those on which the apprenticeship system was adopted, and england is now trying to abolish that system, so fully convinced is she that immediate emancipation is the _safest_ and the best plan. and why not try it in the southern states, if it _never_ has occasioned rebellion; if _not a drop of blood_ has ever been shed in consequence of it, though it has been so often tried, why should we suppose it would produce such disastrous consequences now? "be not deceived then, god is not mocked," by such false excuses for not doing justly and loving mercy. there is nothing to fear from immediate emancipation, but _every thing_ from the continuance of slavery. sisters in christ, i have done. as a southerner, i have felt it was my duty to address you. i have endeavoured to set before you the exceeding sinfulness of slavery, and to point you to the example of those noble women who have been raised up in the church to effect great revolutions, and to suffer for the truth's sake. i have appealed to your sympathies as women, to your sense of duty as _christian women_. i have attempted to vindicate the abolitionists, to prove the entire safety of immediate emancipation, and to plead the cause of the poor and oppressed. i have done--i have sowed the seeds of truth, but i well know, that even if an apollos were to follow in my steps to water them, "_god only_ can give the increase." to him then who is able to prosper the work of his servant's hand, i commend this appeal in fervent prayer, that as he "hath _chosen the weak things of the world_, to confound the things which are mighty," so he may guise his blessing, to descend and carry conviction to the hearts of many lydias through these speaking pages. farewell--count me not your "enemy because i have told you the truth," but believe me in unfeigned affection, your sympathizing friend, angelina e. grimkÃ�. shrewsbury, n.j., . * * * * * third edition. price - cents single, - cents per dozen, $ per hundred. no. . the anti-slavery examiner. * * * * * letter of gerrit smith to rev. james smylie, of the state of mississippi. . letter, etc. peterboro', october , . rev. james smylie, _late stated clerk of the presbytery of mississippi:_ sir,--accept my thanks for your politeness in sending me a copy of your book on slavery. this book proves, that the often repeated assertion, that the whole south is opposed to the discussion of the question of slavery, is not true:--and so far, i rejoice in its appearance. i presume--i know, indeed, that you are not the only man in the south, who is in favor of this discussion. there are, doubtless, many persons in the south, who believe, that all attempts to suppress it, are vain, as well as wicked. besides, you virtually admit, that the south is compelled to discuss the question of slavery; or, at least, to give her own views of it, in order to prevent the conscience of southern christians--that conscience, "which does make cowards of us all"--from turning traitor to the cause of slavery. i rejoice, too, that you accompanied the copy sent to me, with the request, that i should review it, and make "candid remarks" upon it; and, that you have thus put it in my power to send to the south some of my views on slavery, without laying myself open to the charge of being discourteous and obtrusive. you undertake to show that slavery existed, and, with the divine approbation, amongst the old testament jews; and that it also existed, whilst our saviour and his apostles were on the earth, and was approved by them. you thence argue, that it is not only an innocent institution, but one which it is a religious duty to maintain. i admit, for the sake of argument, that there was a servitude in the patriarchal families which was approved by god. but what does this avail in your defence of slavery, unless you show, that that servitude and slavery are essentially alike? the literal terms of the relation of master and servant, under that servitude, are not made known to us; but we can, nevertheless, confidently infer their spirit from facts, which illustrate their practical character; and, if this character be found to be opposite to that of slavery, then it is manifest, that what you say of patriarchal servitude is impertinent, and tends to mislead, rather than enlighten your readers. to a few of these facts and a few of the considerations arising from them, i now call your attention. st. read the first eight verses of the eighteenth chapter of genesis, and tell me, if you ever saw gov. mcduffie or any other southern patriarch (for the governor desires to have all slaveholders looked upon in the character of patriarchs) putting himself on a level with his servants, and "working with his hands," after the manner of abraham and sarah? d. there was such a community of interest--so much of mutual confidence--between abraham and his servants, that they fought his battles. indeed, the terms of this patriarchal servitude were such, that in the event of the master's dying without issue, one of his servants inherited his property (gen. : ). but, according to the code of southern slavery, the slave can no more own property, than he can own himself. "all that a slave possesses belongs to his master"--"slaves are incapable of inheriting or transmitting property." these, and many similar phrases, are found in that code. severe as was the system of roman slavery, yet in this respect, it was far milder than yours; for its subjects could acquire property (their peculium); and frequently did they purchase their liberty with it. so far from southern slaves being, as abraham's servants were, a dependence in war, it is historically true, that they are accustomed to improve this occasion to effect their escape, and strengthen the hands of the enemy. as a further proof that southern slavery begets none of that confidence between master and slave, which characterized the mutual intercourse of abraham and his servants--the slave is prohibited, under severe penalties, from having any weapons in his possession, even in time of peace; and the nightly patrol, which the terror-stricken whites of southern towns keep up, in peace, as well as in war, argues any thing, rather than the existence of such confidence. "for keeping or carrying a gun, or powder or shot, or a club, or other weapon whatsoever, offensive or defensive, a slave incurs, says southern statute book, for each offence, thirty-nine lashes." d. when i read your quotation from the twenty-fourth chapter of genesis, made for the purpose of showing that god allowed abraham to have slaves, i could not but wonder at your imprudence, in meddling with this chapter, which is of itself, enough to convince any unbiased mind, that abraham's servants held a relation to their master and to society, totally different from that held by southern slaves. have you ever known a great man in your state send his slave into another to choose a wife for his son?--and if so, did the lily white damsel he selected call the sable servant "my lord?"--and did her family spare no pains to manifest respect for their distinguished guest, and promote his comfort? but this chapter, which you call to your aid, informs us, that abraham's servant was honored with such tokens of confidence and esteem. if a southern slave shall ever be employed in such a mission, he may count himself highly favored, if he be not taken up by the way, imprisoned, and "sold for his jail fees." th. did you ever know southern slaves contend for their rights with their masters? when a southern master reads the thirteenth verse of the thirty-first chapter of job, he must think that job was in the habit of letting down his dignity very low. th. do southern masters accord religious privileges and impart religious instruction equally to their slaves and their children? your laws, which visit with stripes, imprisonment, and death, the attempt to teach slaves to read the bible, show but too certainly, that the southern master, who should undertake to place "his children and his household" on the same level, in respect to their religious advantages, as it is probable that abraham did (gen. : ), would soon find himself in the midst of enemies, not to his reputation only, but to his life also. and now, sir, admitting that the phrase, on which you lay so much stress--"bought with his money"--was used in connexion with a form of servitude which god approved--i put it to your candor, whether this phrase should be allowed to weigh at all against the facts i have adduced and the reasonings i have employed to show the true nature of that servitude, and how totally unlike it is to slavery? are you not bound by the principles of sound reasoning, to attach to it a meaning far short of what, i grant, is its natural import in this age, and, especially, amongst a people who, like ourselves, are accustomed to associate such an expression with slavery? can you deny, that you are bound to adopt such a meaning of it, as shall harmonize with the facts, which illustrate the nature of the servitude in question, and with the laws and character of him, whose sanction you claim for that servitude? an opposite course would give a preference to words over things, which common sense could not tolerate. many instances might be cited to show the absurdity of the assumption that whatever is spoken of in the scriptures as being "bought," is property. boaz "purchased" his wife. hosea "bought her (his wife) for fifteen pieces of silver." jacob, to use a common expression, "took his wages" in wives. joseph "bought" the egyptians, after they had said to him "buy us." but, so far from their having become the property of joseph or of his king, it was a part of the bargain, that they were to have as much land as they wanted--seed to sow it--and four-fifths of the crops. the possessors of such independence and such means of wealth are not the property of their fellow-men. i need say no more, to prove that slavery is entirely unlike the servitude in the patriarchal families. i pass on, now, to the period between the promulgation of the divine law by moses, and the birth of christ. you argue from the fifth and sixth verses of the twenty-first chapter of exodus, that god authorized the enslavement of the jews: but, on the same page, on which you do so, you also show the contrary. it may, nevertheless, be well for me to request you to read and read again leviticus : - , until your remaining doubts, on this point, shall all be put to flight. i am free to admit the probability, that under some of the forms of servitude, in which jews were held, the servant was subjected to a control so extensive as to expose him to suffer great cruelties. these forms corresponded with the spirit and usages of the age, in which they existed; entirely unsuited, as they are, to a period and portion of the world, blessed with the refining and softening influences of civilization and the gospel. numerous as were the statutory regulations for the treatment of the servant, they could not preclude the large discretion of the master. the apprentice, in our country, is subjected to an authority, equaling a parent's authority, but not always tempered in its exercise, with a parent's love. his condition is, therefore, not unfrequently marked with severity and suffering. now, imagine what this condition would be, under the harsh features of a more barbarous age, and you will have in it, as i conjecture, no distant resemblance to that of some of the jewish servants. but how different is this condition from that of the slave! i am reminded in this connexion, of the polished, but pernicious, article on slavery in a late number of the biblical repertory. in that article professor hodge says, that the claim of the slaveholder "is found to be nothing more than a transferable claim of service either for life, or for a term of years." will he allow me to ask him, where he discovered that the pretensions of the slaveholder are all resolvable into this modest claim? he certainly did not discover it in any slave code; nor in any practical slavery. where then? no where, but in that undisclosed system of servitude, which is the creation of his own fancy. to this system i raise no objection whatever. on the contrary, i am willing to admit its beauty and its worthiness of the mint in which it was coined. but i protest against his right to bestow upon it the name of another and totally different thing. he must not call it slavery. suppose a poor german to be so desirous of emigrating with his family to america, as to agree to give his services for ten years, as a compensation for the passage. suppose further, that the services are to be rendered to the captain of the ship in which they sail, or to any other person, to whom he may assign his claim. such a bargain is not uncommon. now, according to professor hodge, this german may as rightly as any of your southern servants, be called a slave. he may as rightly be called _property_, as they may be, who, in the language of the south carolina laws, "shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law, to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, _to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever_." we will glance at a few points of difference in their condition. st. the german is capable of making a contract, and in the case supposed, does make a contract; but your slave is incapable of making any contract. d. the german receives wages; the price of carrying himself and family being the stipulated price for his services, during the ten years; but your slave receives no wages. d. the german, like any other hireling, and, like any apprentice in our country, is under the protection of law. but, there is no law to shield the slave from wrongs. being a mere chattel or thing, he has no rights; and, therefore, he can have no wrongs to be redressed. does professor hodge say, that there are statutes limiting and regulating the power of the slaveholder? i grant there are; though it must be remembered, that there is one way of even murdering a slave, which some of the slave states do not only not forbid, but impliedly and practically admit[a]. the professor should know, however, that all these statutes are, practically, a mere nullity. nevertheless, they show the absoluteness of the power which they nominally qualify. this absoluteness is as distinctly implied by them, as the like was by the law of the emperor claudius, which imposed limitations upon the "jus vitae et necis" (the right of life and death) which roman slavery put into the hand of the master. but if the professor should be so imprudent as to cite us to the slave code for evidence of its merciful provisions, he will, in so doing, authorize us to cite him to that code for evidence of the _nature_ of slavery. this authority, however, he would not like to give us; for he is unwilling to have slavery judged of by its own code. he insists, that it shall be judged of by that ideal system of slavery, which is lodged in his own brain, and which he can bring forth by parcels, to suit present occasions, as mahomet produced the leaves of the koran. [footnote a: the licensed murder referred to, is that where the slave dies under "moderate correction." but is not the murder of a slave by a white man, _in any way_, practically licensed in all the slave states? who ever heard of a white man's being put to death, under southern laws, for the murder of a slave? american slavery provides impunity for the white murderer of the slave, by its allowing none but whites--none but those who construct and uphold the system of abominations--to testify against the murderer. but why particularize causes of this impunity? the whole policy of the southern slave system goes to provide it. how unreasonable is it to suppose, that they, who have conspired against a portion of their fellow-beings, and mutually pledged themselves to treat them as _mere things_--how unreasonable, i say, is it to suppose, that they would consent to put a _man_ to death, on account of his treatment, in whatever way, of a _mere thing_? not long ago, i was informed by a highly respectable lawyer of the state of georgia, that he had known a number of attempts (attempts most probably but in form and name) to effect the conviction of whites for their undoubted murder of slaves. but in every instance, the jurors perjured themselves, rather than consent that a _man_ should be put to death, for the liberty he had taken in disposing of a _thing_. they had rather perjure themselves, than by avenging the blood of a _slave_ with that of a _man_, make a breach upon the policy of keeping the slave ignorant, that he has the _nature_, and consequently the _rights_, of a man.] professor hodge tells his readers, in substance, that the selling of men, as they are sold under the system of slavery, is to be classed with the cessions of territory, occasionally made by one sovereign to another; and he would have the slave, who is sold from hand to hand, and from state to state, at the expense to his bleeding heart, of the disruption of its dearest ties, think his lot no harder than that of the inhabitant of louisiana, who was passed without his will, from the jurisdiction of the french government to that of the united states. when a good man lends himself to the advocacy of slavery, he must, at least for a time, feel himself to be anywhere but at home, amongst his new thoughts, doctrines, and modes of reasoning. this is very evident in the case before us--especially, when now and then, old habits of thought and feeling break out, in spite of every effort to repress them, and the professor is himself again, and discourses as manfully, as fearlessly, and as eloquently, as he ever had done before the slaveholders got their hands upon him. it is not a little amusing to notice, that, although the burden of his article is to show that slavery is one of god's institutions, (what an undertaking for a professor of theology in the year !) he so far forgets the interests of his new friends and their expectations from him, as to admit on one page, that "the general principles of the gospel have destroyed domestic slavery throughout the greater part of christendom;" and on another, that "the south has to choose between emancipation, by the silent and holy influence of the gospel, or to abide the issue of a long continued conflict against the laws of god." whoever heard, until these strange times on which we have fallen, of any thing, which, to use the professor's language about slavery, "it is in vain, to contend is sin, and yet profess reverence for the scriptures," being at war with and destroyed by the principles of the gospel. what sad confusion of thought the pro-slavery influences, to which some great divines have yielded, have wrought in them! i will proceed to argue, that the institution in the southern states called "slavery," is radically unlike any form of servitude under which jews were held, agreeably to the divine will; and also radically unlike any form of servitude approved of god in the patriarchal families. st. god does not contradict himself. he is "without variableness or shadow of turning." he loves his word and has "magnified it above all his name." he commands his rational creatures to "search the scriptures." he cannot, therefore, approve of a system which forbids the searching of them, and shuts out their light from the soul; and which, by the confession of your own selves, turns men in this gospel land into heathen. he has written his commandment against adultery, and he cannot, therefore, approve of a system, which induces this crime, by forbidding marriage. the following extract from an opinion of the attorney general of maryland, shows some of the consequences of this "forbidding to marry." "a slave has never maintained an action against the violator of his bed. a slave is not admonished for incontinence, or punished for fornication or adultery; never prosecuted for bigamy." again, god has written his commandment, that children should honor their parents. how, then, can he approve of a system, which pours contempt on the relation of parent and child? which subjects them to be forcibly separated from each other, and that too, beyond the hope of reunion?--under which parents are exposed and sold in the market-place along with horses and cattle?--under which they are stripped and lashed, and made to suffer those innumerable, and some of them, nameless indignities, that tend to generate in their children, who witness them, any feelings, rather than those of respect and honor, for parents thus degraded? some of these nameless indignities are alluded to in a letter written to me from a slave state, in march, . "in this place," says the writer, "i find a regular and a much frequented slave market, where thousands are yearly sold like cattle to the highest bidder. it is the opinion of gentlemen here, that not far from five hundred thousand dollars are yearly paid in this place for negroes; and at this moment, i can look from the window of my room and count six droves of from twenty to forty each, sitting in the market place for sale. this morning i witnessed the sale of twelve slaves, and i could but shudder at the language used and the liberties taken with the females!" d. as a proof, that in the kinds of servitude referred to, god did not invest abraham, or any other person with that absolute ownership of his fellow-men, which is claimed by southern slaveholders--i would remark, that he has made man accountable to himself; but slavery makes him accountable to, and a mere appendage to his fellow-man. slavery substitutes the will of a fallible fellow-man for that infallible rule of action--the will of god. the slave, instead of being allowed to make it the great end of his existence to glorify god and enjoy him for ever, is degraded from his exalted nature, which borders upon angelic dignity, to be, to do, and to suffer what a mere man bids him be, do, and suffer. the southern slave would obey god in respect to marriage, and also to the reading and studying of his word. but this, as we have seen, is forbidden him. he may not marry; nor may he read the bible. again, he would obey god in the duties of secret and social prayer. but he may not attend the prayer-meeting--certainly not that of his choice; and instances are known, where the master has intruded upon the slave's secret audience with heaven, to teach him by the lash, or some other instrument of torture, that he would allow "no other god before" himself. said joseph mason, an intelligent colored man, who was born and bred near richmond, in virginia, in reply to my question whether he and his fellow-slaves cared about their souls--"we did not trouble ourselves about our souls; we were our masters' property and not our own; under their and not our own control; and we believed that our masters were responsible for our souls." this unconcern for their spiritual interests grew very naturally out of their relation to their masters; and were the relation ordained of god, the unconcern would, surely, be both philosophical and sinless. god cannot approve of a system of servitude, in which the master is guilty of assuming absolute power--of assuming god's place and relation towards his fellow-men. were the master, in every case, a wise and good man--as wise and good as is consistent with this wicked and heaven-daring assumption on his part--the condition of the slave would it is true, be far more tolerable, than it now is. but even then, we should protest as strongly as ever against slavery; for it would still be guilty of its essential wickedness of robbing a man of his right to himself, and of robbing god of his right to him, and of putting these stolen rights into the hand of an erring mortal. nay, if angels were constituted slaveholders, our objection to the relation would remain undiminished; since there would still be the same robbery of which we now complain. but you will say, that i have overlooked the servitude in which the jews held strangers and foreigners; and that it is on this, more than any other, that you rely for your justification of slavery. i will say nothing now of this servitude; but before i close this communication, i will give my reasons for believing, that whatever was its nature, even if it were compulsory, it cannot be fairly pleaded in justification of slavery. after you shall have allowed, as you will allow, that slavery, as it exists, is at war with god, you will be likely to say, that the fault is not in the theory of it; but in the practical departure from that theory; that it is not the system, but the practice under it, which is at war with god. our concern, however, is with slavery as it is, and not with any theory of it. but to indulge you, we will look at the system of slavery, as it is presented to us, in the laws of the slave states; and what do we find here? why, that the system is as bad as the practice under it. here we find the most diabolical devices to keep millions of human beings in a state of heathenism--in the deepest ignorance and most loathsome pollution. but you will tell me, that i do not look far enough to find the true theory of slavery; and that the cruelties and abominations, which the laws of the slave states have ingrafted on this theory, are not acknowledged by the good men in those states to be a part of the theory. well, you shall have the benefit of this plea; and i admit, for the sake of argument, that this theory of slavery, which lies far back, and out of sight of every thing visible and known about slavery, is right. and what does this admission avail you? it is slavery as it is--as it is seen and known, that the abolitionists are contending against. but, say you, to induce our forbearance, "we good men at the south are restoring slavery, as fast as we can, to what it should be; and we will soon make its erring practice quadrate with its perfect and sinless theory." success to your endeavors! but let me ask these good men, whether similar representations would avail to make them forbearing towards any other class of offenders; and whether they would allow these offenders to justify the wickedness of their hands, by pleading the purity of their hearts. suppose that i stand in court confessedly guilty of the crime of passing counterfeit money; and that i ask for my acquittal on the ground, that, notwithstanding i am practically wrong, i am, nevertheless, theoretically right. "believe me," i say, in tones of deep and unfeigned pathos, and with a corresponding pressure of my hand upon my heart, "that the principles within are those of the purest morality; and that it is my faithful endeavor to bring my deportment, which, as you this day witness, is occasionally devious, into perfect conformity with my inward rectitude. my theory of honest and holy living is all that you could wish it to be. be but patient, and you shall witness its beautiful exhibitions in my whole conduct." now, you certainly would not have this plea turn to my advantage;--why then expect that your similar plea should be allowed? we must continue to judge of slavery by what it is, and not by what you tell us it will, or may be. until its character be righteous, we shall continue to condemn it; but when you shall have brought it back to your sinless and beautiful theory of it, it will have nothing to fear from the abolitionists. there are two prominent reasons, however, for believing that you will never present southern slavery to us in this lovely character, the mere imagination of which is so dear to you. the first is, that you are doing nothing to this end. it is an indisputable fact that southern slavery is continually getting wider and wider from god, and from an innocent theory of servitude; and the "good men at the south," of whom we have spoken, are not only doing nothing to arrest this increasing divergency, but they are actually favoring it. the writings of your dews, and baxters, and plummers, and postells, and andersons, and the proceedings of your ecclesiastical bodies, abundantly show this. never, and the assertion is borne out by your statute books, as well as other evidences, has southern slavery multiplied its abominations so rapidly, as within the last ten years; and never before had the southern church been so much engaged to defend and perpetuate these abominations. the other of these reasons for believing that southern slavery will never be conformed to your _beau ideal_ of slavery, in which it is presupposed there are none but principles of righteousness, is, that on its first contact with these principles, it would "vanish into thin air," leaving "not a wreck behind." in proof of this, and i need not cite any other case, it would be immediate death to southern slavery to concede to its subjects, god's institution of marriage; and hence it is, that its code forbids marriage. the rights of the husband in the wife, and of the wife in the husband, and of parents in their children, would stand directly in the way of that traffic in human flesh, which is the very life-blood of slavery; and the assumptions of the master would, at every turn and corner, be met and nullified by these rights; since all his commands to the children of those servants (for now they should no longer be called slaves) would be in submission to the paramount authority of the parents[a]. and here, sir, you and i might bring our discussion to a close, by my putting the following questions to you, both of which your conscience would compel you to answer in the affirmative. [footnote a: i am aware that professor hodge asserts, that "slavery may exist without those laws which interfere with their (the slaves) marital or parental right" now, this is a point of immense importance in the discussion of the question, whether slavery is sinful; and i, therefore, respectfully ask him either to retract the assertion, or to prove its correctness. ten thousands of his fellow-citizens, to whom the assertion is utterly incredible, unite with me in this request. if he can show, that slavery does not "interfere with marital or parental rights," they will cease to oppose it. their confident belief is, that slavery and marriage, whether considered in the light of a civil contract, or a scriptural institution, are entirely incompatible with each other.] st. is not southern slavery guilty of a most heaven-daring crime, in substituting concubinage for god's institution of marriage? d. would not that slavery, and also every theory and modification of slavery, for which you may contend, come speedily to nought, if their subjects were allowed to marry? slavery, being an abuse, is incapable of reformation. it dies, not only when you aim a fatal blow at its life principle--its foundation doctrine of man's right to property in man[b]--but it dies as surely, when you prune it of its manifold incidents of pollution and irreligion. [footnote b: i mean by this phrase, "right to property in man," a right to hold man as property; and i do not see with what propriety certain writers construe it to mean, a property in the mere services of a man.] but it would be treating you indecorously to stop you at this stage of the discussion, before we are a third of the way through your book, and thus deny a hearing to the remainder of it. we will proceed to what you say of the slavery which existed in the time of the new testament writers. before we do so, however, let me call your attention to a few of the specimens of very careless reasoning in that part of your book, which we have now gone over. they may serve to inspire you with a modest distrust of the soundness of other parts of your argument. after concluding that abraham was a slaveholder, you quote the following language from the bible; "abraham obeyed my voice and kept my charge, my commandments, my statutes, and my laws." you then inquire, "how could this be true of abraham, holding as he did, until he was an old man, more slaves than any man in mississippi or louisiana?" to be consistent with your design in quoting this passage, you must argue from it, that abraham was perfect. but this he was not; and, therefore, your quotation is vain. again, if the slaveholder would quiet his conscience with the supposition, that "abraham held more slaves than any man in mississippi or louisiana," let him remember, that he had also more concubines (gen. : ), "than any man in mississippi or louisiana;" and, if abraham's authority be in the one case conclusive for slaveholding, equally so must it be in the other, for concubinage. perhaps, in saying that "abraham had more concubines than any man in mississippi or louisiana," i have done injustice to the spirit of propagation prevailing amongst the gentlemen of those states. it may be, that some of your planters quite distance the old patriarch in obedience to the command to "multiply and replenish the earth." i am correctly informed, that a planter in virginia, who counted, i know not how many slaves upon his plantation, confessed on his death-bed, that his licentiousness had extended to every adult female amongst them. this planter was a near relative of the celebrated patrick henry. it may be, that you have planters in mississippi and louisiana, who avail themselves to the extent that he did, of the power which slaveholding gives to pollute and destroy. the hundreds of thousands of mulattoes, who constitute the southern commentary on the charge, that the abolitionists design amalgamation, bear witness that this planter was not singular in his propensities. i do not know what you can do with this species of your population. besides, that it is a standing and deep reproach on southern chastity, it is not a little embarrassing and puzzling to those who have received the doctrine, that the descendants of africa amongst us must be returned to the land of their ancestors. how the poor mulatto shall be disposed of, under this doctrine, between the call which africa makes for him, on the one hand, and that which some state of europe sends out for him on the other, is a problem more difficult of solution than that which the contending mothers brought before the matchless wisdom of solomon. in the paragraph, which relates to the fourth and tenth commandments, there is another specimen of your loose reasoning. you say, that the language, "in it (the sabbath) thou shalt do no work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy man servant, nor thy maid servant," "recognises the authority of the master over the servant." i grant, that it does: but does it at all show, that these servants were slaves? does it recognise any more authority than the master should exercise over his voluntary servants? should not the head of a family restrain all his servants, as well the voluntary as the involuntary, from unnecessary labor on the sabbath? you also say, that the tenth commandment "recognizes servants as the _property_ of their masters." but how does it appear from the language of this commandment, that the man servant and maid servant are property any more than the wife is? we will proceed, however, to the third section of your book. your acquaintance with history has enabled you to show some of the characteristics and fruits of greek and roman slavery. you state the facts, that the subjects of this slavery were "absolutely the property of their masters"--that they "were used like dogs"--that "they were forbidden to learn any liberal art or perform any act worthy of their masters"--that "once a day they received a certain number of stripes for fear they should forget they were slaves"--that, at one time, "sixty thousand of them in sicily and italy were chained and confined to work in dungeons"--that "in rome there was a continual market for slaves," and that "the slaves were commonly exposed for sale naked"--that, when old, they were turned away," and that too by a master, highly esteemed for his superior virtues, to starve to death"--that they were thrown into ponds to be food for fish--that they were in the city of athens near twenty times as numerous as free persons--that there were in the roman empire sixty millions of slaves to twenty millions of freemen mind that many of the romans had five thousand, some ten thousand, and others twenty thousand. and now, for what purpose is your recital of these facts?--not, for its natural effect of awakening, in your readers, the utmost abhorrence of slavery:--no--but for the strange purpose (the more strange for being in the breast of a minister of the gospel) of showing your readers, that even greek and roman slavery was innocent, and agreeable to god's will; and that, horrid as are the fruits you describe, the tree, which bore them, needed but to be dug about and pruned--not to be cut down. this slavery is innocent, you insist, because the new testament does not show, that it was specifically condemned by the apostles. by the same logic, the races, the games, the dramatic entertainments, and the shows of gladiators, which abounded in greece and rome, were, likewise, innocent, because the new testament does not show a specific condemnation of them by the apostles[a]. but, although the new testament does not show such condemnation, does it necessarily follow, that they were silent, in relation to these sins? or, because the new testament does not specifically condemn greek and roman slavery, may we, therefore, infer, that the apostles did not specifically condemn it? look through the published writings of many of the eminent divines, who have lived in modern times, and have written and published much for the instruction of the churches, and you will not find a line in them against gambling or theatres or the slave-trade;--in some of them, not a line against the very common sin of drunkenness. think you, therefore, that they never spoke or wrote against these things? it would be unreasonable to expect to find, in print, their sentiments against all, even of the crying sins of their times. but how much more unreasonable is it to expect to find in the few pages of the apostles' published letters, the whole of which can be read in a few hours, their sentiments in relation to all the prominent sins of the age in which they lived! and far greater still is the unreasonableness of setting them down, as favorable to all practices which these letters do not specifically condemn. [footnote a: prof. hodge says, if the apostles did abstain from declaring slavery to be sinful, "it must have been, because they did not consider it as, in itself, a crime. no other solution of their conduct is consistent with their truth or fidelity." but he believes that they did abstain from so doing; and he believes this, on the same evidence, on which he believes, that they abstained from declaring the races, games, &c., above enumerated, to be sinful. his own mode of reasoning, therefore, brings him unavoidably to the conclusion, that these races, games, &c., were not sinful.] it may be, that the saviour and the apostles, in the course of their teachings, both oral and written, did specify sins to a far greater extent, than they are supposed to have done. it may be, that their followers had much instruction, in respect to the great sin of slavery. we must bear in mind, that but a very small part of that divine instruction, which, on the testimony of an apostle, "the world itself could not contain if written," has come down to us. of the writings of our saviour we have nothing. of those of his apostles a very small part. it is probable, that, during his protracted ministry, the learned apostle to the gentiles wrote many letters on religious subjects to individuals and to churches. so also of the immense amount of instruction, which fell from the lips of the apostles, but very little is preserved. it was infinite wisdom, however, which determined the size of the new, as well as of the old testament, and of what kinds and portions of the saviour's and the apostles' instructions it should consist. for obvious considerations, it is made up, in a great measure, of general truths and propositions. its limited size, if no other reason, accounts for this. but, these general truths and propositions are as comprehensive as the necessity of the case requires; and, carried out into all their suitable applications they leave no sin unforbidden. small as is the new testament, it is as large as we need. it instructs us in relation to all our duties. it is as full on the subject of slavery, as is necessary; and, if we will but obey its directions, that bear on this subject, and "love one another," and love our neighbors as ourselves, and, as we would that men should do to us, do "also to them likewise," and "remember them, that are in bonds as bound with them," and "give unto servants, that which is just and equal"--not a vestige of this abomination will remain. for the sake of the argument, i will admit, that the apostles made no specific attack on slavery[a]; and that they left it to be reached and overthrown, provided it be sinful, by the general principles and instructions which they had inculcated. but you will say, that it was their practice, in addition to inculcating such principles and instructions, to point out sins and reprove them:--and you will ask, with great pertinence and force, why they did not also point out and reprove slavery, which, in the judgment of abolitionists, is to be classed with the most heinous sins. i admit, that there is no question addressed to abolitionists, which, after the admission i have made for them, it is less easy to answer; and i admit further, that they are bound to answer it. i will proceed to assign what to me appear to be some of the probable reasons, why the apostles specified the sins of lying, covetousness, stealing, &c., and, agreeably to the admission, which lays me under great disadvantage, did not specify slavery. [footnote a: this is no small admission in the face of the passage, in the first chapter of timothy, which particularizes manstealing, as a violation of the law of god. i believe all scholars will admit, that one of the crimes referred to by the apostle, is kidnapping. but is not kidnapping an integral and most vital part of the system of slavery? and is not the slaveholder guilty of this crime? does he not, indeed, belong to a class of kidnappers stamped with peculiar meanness? the pirate, on the coast of africa, has to cope with the strength and adroitness of mature years. to get his victim into his clutches is a deed of daring and of peril demanding no little praise, upon the principles of the world's "code of honor." but the proud chivalry of the south is securely employed in kidnapping newborn infants. the pirate, in the one case, soothes his conscience with the thought, that the bloody savages merit no better treatment, than they are receiving at his hands:--but the pirate, in the other, can have no such plea--for they, whom he kidnaps, are untainted with crime. and what better does it make the case for you, if we adopt the translation of "men stealers?" far better, you will say, for, on the authority of othello himself, "he that is robb'd------ let him not know it, and he's not robbed at all." but, your authority is not conclusive. the crime of the depredation is none the less, because the subject is ignorant or unconscious of it. it is true, the slave, who never possessed liberty--who was kidnapped at his birth--may not grieve, under the absence of it, as he does, from whose actual and conscious possession it had been violently taken: but the robbery is alike plain, and is coupled with a meanness, in the one case, which does not disgrace it in the other. ] st. the book of acts sets forth the fundamental doctrines and requirements of christianity. it is to the letters of the apostles we are to look for extended specifications of right and wrong affections, and right and wrong practices. why do these letters omit to specify the sin of slaveholding? because they were addressed to professing christians exclusively; who, far more emphatically then than now, were "the base things of the world," and were in circumstances to be slaves, rather than slaveholders. doubtless, there were many slaves amongst them--but i cannot admit, that there were slaveholders. there is not the least probability, that slaveholding was a prevalent sin amongst primitive christians[b]. instructions to them on that sin might have been almost as superfluous, as would be lectures on the sin of luxury, addressed to the poor greenland disciples, whose poverty compels them to subsist on filthy oil. no one, acquainted with the history of their lives, believes that the apostles were slave-holders. they labored, "working with (their) own hands." the supposition, that they were slaveholders, is inconsistent with their practice, and with the tenor of their instructions to others on the duty of manual labor. but if the apostles were not slaveholders, why may we suppose, that their disciples were? at the south, it is, "like people, like priest," in this matter. there, the minister of the gospel thinks, that he has as good right to hold slaves, as has his parishioner: and your methodists go so far, as to say, that even a bishop has as good right, as any other person, to have slaves [footnote b: how strongly does the following extract from the writings of the great and good augustine, who lived in the fourth century, argue, that slaveholding was not a prevalent sin amongst primitive christians! "non opurtet christianum possidere servum quomodo equum aut argentum. quis dicere audeat ut vestimentum cum debere contemni? hominem namque homo tamquam seipsum diligere debet cui ab omnium domino, ut inimicos diligat, imperatur." _a christian ought not to hold his servant as he does his horse or his money. who dares say that he should be thought as lightly of as a garment? for man, whom the lord of all has commanded to love his enemies, should love his fellow-man as himself._] "------to fan him while he sleeps, and tremble when he wakes." indeed, they already threaten to separate from their northern brethren, unless this right be conceded. but have we not other and conclusive evidence, that primitive christians were not slaveholders? we will cite a few passages from the bible to show, that it was not the will of the apostles to have their disciples hold manual labor in disrepute, as it is held, in all slaveholding communities. "do your own business, and work with your own hands, as we commanded you." "for this we commanded you, that, if any would not work, neither should he eat." "let him that stole, steal no more; but rather let him labor, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth." in bringing the whole verse into this last quotation, i may have displeased you. i am aware, that you slaveholders proudly and indignantly reject the applicableness to yourselves of the first phrase in this verse, and also of the maxim, that "the partaker of stolen goods is as bad as the thief." i am aware, that you insist, that the kidnapping of a man, or getting possession of him, after he has been kidnapped, is not to be compared, if indeed it can be properly called theft at all, with the crime of stealing a _thing_. it occurs to me, that if a shrewd lawyer had you on trial for theft, he would say, that you were _estopped_ from going into this distinction between a _man_ and a _thing_, inasmuch as, by your own laws, the slave is expressly declared to be a _chattel_--is expressly _elevated_ into a _thing_. he would say, however competent it may be for others to justify themselves on the ground, that it was but a _man_, and not a _thing_, they had stolen; your own statutes, which, with magic celerity, convert stolen men into things, make such a plea, on your part, utterly inadmissible. he would have you as fast, as though the stolen goods, in your hands, were a bushel of wheat, or some other important _thing_, instead of _a mere man_. but, if you are not yet convinced that primitive christians were not slaveholders, let me cite another passage to show you, how very improbable it is, that they stood in this capacity:--"all, that believed, had all things common, and sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need." now i do not say, that all the primitive believers did so. but if a portion of them did, and met with the apostles' approbation in it, is it at all probable, that a course, so diverse from it, as that of slaveholding in the church, met likewise with their approbation? d. i go on to account for the apostles' omission to specify slavery. criminality is not always obvious, in proportion to its extent. the sin of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, was, until the last few years, almost universally unfelt and unperceived. but now, we meet with men, who, though it was "in all good conscience," that they were once engaged in it, would not resume it for worlds; and who see more criminality, in taking money from a fellow man, in exchange for the liquor which intoxicates him, than in simple theft. however it may be with others, in this employment, they now see, that, for them to traffic in intoxicating liquors, would be to stain themselves with the twofold crime of robbery and murder. how is it, that good men ever get into this employment?--and, under what influences and by what process of thought, do they come to the determination to abandon it? the former is accounted for, by the fact, that they grow up--have their education--their moral and intellectual training--in the midst of a public opinion, and even of laws also, which favor and sanction the employment. the latter is accounted for, by the fact, that they are brought, in the merciful providence of god, to observe and study and understand the consequences of their employment--especially on those who drink their liquor--the liquor which they sell or make, or, with no less criminality, furnish the materials for making. these consequences they find to be "evil, only evil, and that continually." they find, that this liquor imparts no benefit to them who drink it, but tends to destroy, and, oftentimes, does destroy, their healths and lives. to continue, therefore, in an employment in which they receive their neighbor's money, without returning him an equivalent, or any portion of an equivalent, and, in which they expose both his body and soul to destruction, is to make themselves, in their own judgments, virtually guilty of theft and murder. thus it is in the case of a national war, waged for conquest. christians have taken part in it; and, because they were blinded by a wrong education, and were acting in the name of their country and under the impulses of patriotism, they never suspected that they were doing the devil, instead of "god, service." but when, in the kind providence of god, one of these butchers of their fellow beings is brought to pause and consider his ways, and to resolve his enormous and compound sin into its elements of wickedness,--into the lies, theft, covetousness, adultery, murder, and what not of crime, which enter into it,--he is amazed that he has been so "slow of heart to believe," and abandon the iniquity of his deeds. what i have said to show that christians, even in enlightened and gospelized lands, may be blind to the great wickedness of certain customs and institutions, serves to introduce the remark; that there were probably some customs and institutions, in the time of the apostles, on which it would have been even worse than lost labor for them to make direct attacks. take, for example, the kind of war of which we have been speaking. if there are reasons why the modern christian can be insensible to the sin of it, there are far stronger reasons why the primitive christian could be. if the light and instruction which have been accumulating for eighteen centuries, are scarcely sufficient to convince christians of its wickedness, is it reasonable to suppose that, at the commencement of this long period, they could have been successfully taught it? consider, that at that time the literature and sentiment of the world were wholly on the side of war; and especially, consider how emphatically the authority of civil government and of human law was in favor of its rightfulness. now, to how great an extent such authority covers over and sanctifies sin, may be inferred from the fact, that there are many, who, notwithstanding they believe slavery to be a most heaven-daring sin, yet, because it is legalized and under the wing of civil government, would not have it spoken against. even rev. dr. miller, in certain resolutions which he submitted to the last general assembly, indicated his similar reverence for human laws; and the lamented dr. rice distinctly recognises, in his letter to mr. maxwell, the doctrine that the church is bound to be quiet about every sin which the civil government adopts and whitewashes. that the christian spectator should indorse the doctor's sentiments on this point is still more worthy of remark than that he should utter them. indeed, i judge from what you say on the th and th pages of your book, that you are yourself opposed to calling in question the morality of that which civil government approves. but, to doubt the infallibility of civil government,--to speak against caesar,--was manifestly held to be quite as presumptuous in the time of the apostles as it is now. another reason why an apostle would probably have deemed it hopeless to attempt to persuade his disciples, immediately and directly, of the sin of war, is to be found in the fact of their feeble and distorted perception of truth and duty. we, whose advantage it is to have lived all our days in the light of the gospel, and whose ancestors, from time immemorial, had the like precious advantage, can hardly conceive how very feeble and distorted was that perception. but, consider for a moment who those disciples were. they had, most of them, but just been taken out of the gross darkness and filth of heathenism. in reading accounts which missionaries give of converted heathen--of such, even, as have for ten, fifteen, or twenty years, been reputed to be pious--you are, doubtless, often surprised to find how grossly erroneous are their moral perceptions. their false education still cleaves to them. they are yet, to a great extent, in the mould of a corrupted public opinion; and, as far from having a clear discernment of moral truth, as were the partially unsealed eyes which saw "men, as trees, walking." the first letter to the church at corinth, proves that the new principles implanted in its members had not yet purged out the leaven of their old wickedness; and that their conceptions of christian purity and conduct were sadly defective. as it was with the corinthian christians, so was it to a great extent with the other christians of that age. now, if the apostles did not directly teach the primitive believers that wars, and theatres, and games, and slavery, are sinful, it is because they thought it more fit to exercise their ignorant pupils chiefly in the mere alphabet and syllables of christianity. (acts xv, , .) the construction of words and sentences would naturally follow. the rudiments of the gospel, if once possessed by them, would be apt to lead them on to greater attainments. indeed, the love, peace, truth, and other elements of holy living inculcated by the apostles, would, if turned to all proper account, be fatal to every, even the most gigantic, system of wickedness. having these elements in their minds and hearts, they would not fail of condemning the great and compound sin of war whenever they should be led to take it up, examine it, resolve it into its constituent parts, and lay these parts for comparison, by the side of those elements. but, such an advance was hardly to be expected from many of these heathen converts during the brief period in which they enjoyed apostolic instruction; and it is but too probable, that most of them died in great ignorance of the sin of national wars. converts from the heathen, in the present age, when conviction of the sinfulness of war is spreading in different parts of christendom, would be more likely to imbibe correct views of it. the apostles "fed with milk" before they fed with meat, as did our saviour, who declared, "i have yet many things to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now." in every community, the foundation principles of righteousness must be laid, before there can be fulcrums for the levers to be employed in overthrowing the sins which prevail in it. you will doubtless, then, agree with me, that it is not probable that the apostles taught their heathen converts, directly and specifically, the sinfulness of war. but slaves, in that age, with the exception of the comparative few who were reduced to slavery on account of the crimes of which they had been judicially convicted, were the spoils of war. how often in that age, as was most awfully the fact, on the final destruction of jerusalem, were the slave-markets of the world glutted by the captives of war! until, therefore, they should be brought to see the sinfulness of war, how could they see the sinfulness of so direct and legitimate a fruit of it as slavery?--and, if the apostles thought their heathen converts too weak to be instructed in the sinfulness of war, how much more would they abstain from instructing them, directly and specifically, in the sin of slavery! d. in proceeding with my reasons why the apostles did not extend their specification of sins to slavery, i remark, that it is apparent from the views we have taken, and from others which might have been taken, that nothing would have been gained by their making direct and specific attacks on the institutions of the civil governments under which they lived. indeed, much might have been lost by their doing so. weak converts, with still many remains of heathenism about them, might in this wise have been incurably prejudiced against truths, which, by other modes of teaching,--by general and indirect instructions,--would probably have been lodged in their minds. and there is another point of view in which vastly more, even their lives, might have been lost, by the apostles making the direct and specific attacks referred to. i know that you ridicule the idea of their consulting their personal safety. but what right have you to do so? they did, on many occasions, consult the security of their lives. they never perilled them needlessly, and through a presumptuous reliance on god. it is the devil, who, in a garbled quotation from the scriptures, lays down, in unlimited terms, the proposition, that god will keep his children. but, god promises them protection only when they are in their own proper ways. the saviour himself consulted the safety of his life, until his "time" had "full come;" and his command to his apostles was, "when they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another." if you suppose me to admit for a moment, that regard for the safety of their lives ever kept them from the way of their duty, you are entirely mistaken; and, if you continue to assert, in the face of my reasoning to the contrary, that on the supposition of the sinfulness of slavery, their omission to make direct and specific attacks on it would have been a failure of their duty, then i can only regret that this reasoning has had no more influence upon you. i observe that professor hodge agrees with you, that if slavery is sin, it would have been specifically attacked by the apostles at any hazard to their lives. this is his conclusion, because they did not hesitate to specify and rebuke idolatry. here is another of the professor's sophisms. the fact, that the apostles preached against idolatry, is no reason at all why, if slavery is sin, they would have preached against that also. on the one hand, it is not conceivable that the gospel can be preached where there is idolatry, without attacking it: for, in setting forth the true god to idolaters, the preacher must denounce their false gods. on the other hand, gospel sermons can be preached without number, and the true god presented, not only in a nation of idolaters, but elsewhere, without one allusion being made to such crying sins as slavery, lewdness, and intemperance. in the same connexion, professor hodge makes the remark "we do not expect them (our missionaries) to refrain from denouncing the institutions of the heathen as sinful, because they are popular, or intimately interwoven with society." if he means by this language, that it is the duty of missionaries on going into a heathen nation, to array themselves against the civil government, and to make direct and specific attacks on its wicked nature and wicked administration, then is he at issue, on this point, with the whole christian public; and, if he does not mean this, or what amounts to this, i do not see how his remark will avail any thing, in his attempt to show that the apostles made such attacks on whatever sinful institutions came under their observation. what i have said on a former page shows sufficiently how fit it is for missionaries to the heathen, more especially in the first years of their efforts among them, to labor to instruct their ignorant pupils in the elementary principles of christianity, rather than to call their attention to the institutions of civil government, the sinfulness of which they would not be able to perceive until they had been grounded in those elementary principles; and the sinfulness of which, more than of any thing else, their prejudices would forbid them to suspect. another reason why the missionary to the heathen should not directly, and certainly not immediately, assail their civil governments, is that he would thereby arouse their jealousies to a pitch fatal to his influence, his usefulness, and most probably his life; and another reason is, that this imprudence would effectually close the door, for a long time, against all efforts, even the most judicious, to spread the gospel amongst a people so needlessly and greatly prejudiced against it by an unwise and abrupt application of its principles. for instance, what folly and madness it would be for our missionaries to burmah, to make a direct assault on the political institutions of that country! how fatal would it be to their lives, and how incalculably injurious to the cause entrusted to their hands! and, if this can be said of them, after they have spent ten, fifteen, and twenty years, in efforts to bring that portion of the heathen world to a knowledge and love of the truth, how much more emphatically could it be said if they had been in the field of their labors but three or four years! and yet, even this short space of time exceeds the average period of the apostles' labor among those different portions of the heathen world which they visited;--labor, too, it must be remembered, not of the whole, nor even of half of "the twelve." that the apostles could not have made direct attacks on the institutions of the roman government, but at the expense of their lives, is not to be doubted. our saviour well knew how fatal was the jealousy of that government to the man who was so unhappy as to have excited it; and he accordingly avoided the excitement of it, as far as practicable and consistent. his ingenious and beautiful disposition of the question, "is it lawful to give tribute to caesar or not," is among the instances, in which he studied to shun the displeasure of the civil government. pilate gave striking evidence of his unwillingness to excite the jealousy of his government, when, every other expedient to induce him to consent to the saviour's death having failed, the bare charge, utterly unproven and groundless, that, the divine prisoner had put forth pretensions, interfering with caesar's rights, availed to procure his death-warrant from the hands of that truth-convicted, but man-fearing governor. had it not availed, pilate would have been exposed to the suspicion of disloyalty to his government; and so perilous was this suspicion, that he was ready, at any expense to his conscience and sense of justice, to avoid incurring it. a direct attack on roman slavery, as it would have called in question the rightfulness of war--the leading policy of the roman government--would, of course, have been peculiarly perilous to its presumptuous author. no person could have made this attack, and lived; or, if possibly he might have escaped the vengeance of the government, do we not know too much of the deadly wrath of slaveholders, to believe that he could have also escaped the summary process of lynch law? if it be at the peril of his life that a northern man travels in the southern states,--and that, too, whether he do or do not say a word about slavery, or even whether he be or be not an abolitionist;--if your leading men publicly declare, that it is your religious duty to put to an immediate death, whenever they come within your power, those who presume to say that slavery is sin (and such a declaration did a south carolina gentleman make on the floor of congress, respecting the inconsiderable person who is addressing you);--and, if your professing christians, not excepting ministers of the gospel, thirst for the blood of abolitionists[a], as i will abundantly show, if you require proof;--if, in a gospel land, all this be so, then i put it to your candor, whether it can reasonably be supposed that the apostles would have been allowed to attack slavery in the midst of heathen slaveholders. why it is that slaveholders will not allow a word to be breathed against slavery, i cannot, perhaps, correctly judge. abolitionists think that this unwillingness denotes that man is unfit for absolute power over his fellow men. they think as unfavorably of the influence of this power on the slaveholder, as your own jefferson did. they think that it tends to make him impatient of contradiction, self-willed, supercilious, cruel, murderous, devilish; and they think that they can establish this opinion, not by the soundest philosophy only, but by the pages of many of your own writers, and by those daily scenes of horrid brutality which make the southern states, in the sight both of god and man, one of the most frightful and loathsome portions of the world--of the whole world--barbarous as well as civilized. [footnote a: i will relate an incident, to show what a fiend even woman, gentle, lovely woman, may become, after she has fallen under the sway of the demon of slavery. said a lady of savannah, on a visit in the city of new york, "i wish he (rev. dr. samuel h. cox) would come to savannah. i should love to see him tarred and feathered, and his head cut off and carried on a pole around savannah." this lady is a professing christian. her language stirs me up to retaliate upon her, and to express the wish that she would come to the town, and even to the dwelling, in which dr. cox resides. she would find that man of god--that man of sanctified genius--as glad to get his enemies into his hands, as she would be to get him into the hands of his enemies:--not, however, for the purpose of disgracing and decapitating them, but, that he might pour out upon them the forgiveness and love of his generous and _abolitionized_ heart. in the city of new york there are thousands of whole-souled abolitionists. what a striking testimony is it, in behalf of their meekness and forbearance, when a southern fury is perfectly secure, in belching out such words of wrath in the midst of them! we abolitionists never love our principles better, than when we see the slaveholder feeling safe amongst us. no man has been more abusive of us than governor mcduffie; and yet, were he to travel in the northern states, he would meet with no unkindness at the hands of any abolitionist. on the other hand, let it be known to the governor, that he has within his jurisdiction a prominent abolitionist--one, whose heart of burning love has made him specially anxious to persuade the unfortunate slaveholder to be just to himself, to his fellow men, and to his god,--and the governor, true to the horrid sentiments of his famous message, would advise that he be "put to death without benefit of clergy." let slaveholders say what they will about our blood-thirstiness, there is not one of them who fears to put himself in our power. the many of them, who have been beneath my roof, and the roofs of other abolitionists, have manifested their confidence in our kindness. were a stranger to the institution of slavery to learn, in answer to his inquiries, that "an abolitionist" is "an outlaw amongst slaveholders," and that "a slaveholder" is "the kindly entertained guest of abolitionists,"--here would be a puzzle indeed. but the solution of it would not fail to be as honorable to the persecuted man of peace, as it would be disgraceful to the bloody advocate and executioner of lynch law.] i need not render any more reasons why the apostles did not specifically attack slavery; but i will reply to a question, which i am sure will be upon your lips all the time you are reading those i have rendered. this question is, "if the apostles did not make such an attack on slavery, why may the american abolitionists?" i answer, that the difference between the course of the abolitionists and of the apostles, in this matter, is justified by the difference in their circumstances. professor hodge properly says, that our course should be like theirs, "unless it can be shown that their circumstances were so different from ours, as to make the rule of duty different in the two cases." and he as properly adds, "the obligation to point out and establish this difference rests upon the abolitionists." the reasons i have given, why the apostles did not directly attack slavery, do not apply to the abolitionists. the arm of civil power does not restrain us from attacking it. to open our lips against the policy and institutions of civil government is not certain death. a despotic government restricted the efforts of the apostles to do good. but we live under governments which afford the widest scope for exertions to bless our fellow men and honor god. now, if we may not avail ourselves of this advantage, simply because the apostles did not have it to avail themselves of, then whatever other interests may prosper under a republican government, certain it is, that the cause of truth and righteousness is not to be benefited by it. far better never to have had our boasted form of government, if, whilst it extends the freedom and multiplies the facilities of the wicked, it relieves the righteous of none of the restrictions of a despotic government. again, there is a religious conscience all over this land, and an enlightened and gospel sense of right and wrong; on which we can and do (as in your introduction you concede is the fact) bring our arguments against slavery to bear with mighty power. but, on the other hand, the creating of such a conscience and such a sense, in the heathen and semi-heathen amongst whom they lived and labored, was the first, and appropriate, and principal work of the apostles. to employ, therefore, no other methods for the moral and religious improvement of the people of the united states, than were employed by the apostles for that of the people of the roman empire, is as absurd as it would be to put the highest and lowest classes in a school to the same lessons; or a raw apprentice to those higher branches of his trade which demand the skill of an experienced workman. i am here reminded of what professor hodge says were the means relied on by the saviour and apostles for abolishing slavery. "it was," says he, "by teaching the true nature, dignity, equality, and destiny of men; by inculcating the principles of justice and love; and by leaving these principles to produce their legitimate effects in ameliorating the condition of all classes of society." i would not speak disparagingly of such a course of instruction; so far from it, i am ready to admit that it is indispensable for the removal of evils, in every age and among every people. when general instructions of this character shall have ceased to be given, then will all wholesome reforms have ceased also. but, i cannot approve of the professor's object in this remark. this object is to induce his readers to believe, that these abstract and general instructions are all that is needed to effect the termination of slavery. now, i maintain that one thing more is wanting; and that is, the application of these instructions--of the principles contained in them--to the evil in hand. as well may it be supposed, that the mechanic can accomplish his work without the application, and by the mere possession, of his tools, as that a given reformation can be effected by unapplied general principles. of these principles, american philanthropists have been possessed from time immemorial; and yet all the while american slavery has been flourishing and growing strong. of late, however, these principles have been brought to bear upon the system, and it manifestly is already giving way. the groans of the monster prove that those rays of truth, which did not disturb him whilst they continued to move in the parallel lines of abstractions and generalities, make it quite too hot for him since they are converged to a burning focus upon his devoted head. why is it, for example, that the influence of the boston recorder and new-york observer--why is it, that the influence of most of our titled divines--is decidedly hostile to the abolition of slavery? it is not because they are deficient in just general sentiments and principles respecting man's duties to god and his fellow man. it is simply because they stand opposed to the application of these sentiments and principles to the evil in question; or, in other words, stand opposed to the anti-slavery society, which is the chosen lens of divine providence for turning these sentiments and principles, with all the burning, irresistible power of their concentration, against a giant wickedness. what is the work of the temperance societies, but to make a specific application of general truths and principles to the vice of intemperance? and the fact, that from the time of noah's intoxication, until the organization of the american temperance society, the desolating tide of intemperance had been continually swelling, proves that this reliance on unapplied principles, however sound--this "faith without works"--is utterly vain. nathan found that nothing, short of a specific application of the principles of righteousness, would answer in the case of the sin of adultery. he had to abandon all generalities and circuitousness, and come plump upon the royal sinner with his "thou art the man." those divines, whose policy it is to handle slaveholders "with gloves," if they must handle them at all, doubtless regard nathan as an exceedingly impolite preacher. but, not only is it far less difficult to instruct the people of the united states than it was the people of the roman empire, in the sin of slavery; it is also--for the reason that the sin is ours, to a far greater extent, than it was theirs--much more important for us than for them to be instructed in it. they had no share in the government which upheld it. they could not abolish it by law. but, on the other hand, the people of the united states are themselves the government of their country. they are the co-sovereigns of their nation. they uphold slavery by law, and they can put it down by law. in this point of view, therefore, slavery is an incomparably greater sin in us, than it was in them. only one other reason will be given why it is more needful to overthrow american, than it was to overthrow roman slavery. the church was then but a handful of "strangers scattered throughout" the heathen world. it was made up of those who had little influence, and who were esteemed "the filth of the world, and the offscouring of all things." it had, probably, little, if any thing, to do with slavery, except to suffer its rigors in the persons of many of its members. but here, the church, comprising no very small proportion of the whole population, and exerting a mighty influence for good or ill on the residue, is tainted, yes, rotten with slavery. in this contrast, we not only see another reason why the destruction of american slavery is more important than was that of roman slavery; but we also see, that the apostles could have been little, if at all, actuated by that motive, which is more urgent than any other in the breasts of the american abolitionists--the motive of purging the church of slavery. to return to what you say of the abominations and horrors of greek and roman slavery:--i should be doing you great injustice, were i to convey the idea that you approve of them. it is admitted that you disapprove of them; and, it is also admitted, that no responsibility for them rests on the relation of slaveholder and slave, if that relation have, as you labor to show, the stamp of divine approbation. you say, that slavery, like marriage, is an institution sanctioned by the new testament; and that, therefore, neither for the evils which attend it, nor for any other cause, is it to be argued against. this is sound reasoning, on your part; and, if your premises are correct, there is no resisting your deduction. we are, in that case, not only not to complain of the institution of slavery, but we are to be thankful for it. considering, however, that the whole fabric of your argument, in the principal or new testament division of your book, is based on the alleged fact that the new testament approves of slavery, it seems to me that you have contented yourself, and sought to make your readers contented, with very slender evidences of the truth of this proposition. these evidences are, mainly--that the new testament does not declare slavery to be a sin: and, that the apostles enjoin upon masters and servants their respective duties; and this, too, in the same connexion in which they make similar injunctions upon those who stand in the confessedly proper relations of life--the husband and wife, the parent and child. your other evidences, that the new testament approves of slavery, unimportant as they are, will not be left unnoticed. i have attempted to show, that the omission of the new testament to declare slavery to be a sin, is not proof that it is not a sin. i pass on to show, that the apostolic injunction of duties upon masters and servants does not prove that slavery is sinless. i have now reached another grand fallacy in your book. it is also found in professor hodge's article. you, gentlemen, take the liberty to depart from our standard english translation of the bible, and to substitute "slaveholder" for "master"--"slave" for "servant"--and, in substance, "emperor" for "ruler"--and "subject of an imperial government" for "subject of civil government generally." i know that this substitution well suits your purposes: but, i know not by what right you make it. professor hodge tells the abolitionists, certainly without much respect for either their intelligence or piety, that "it will do no good (for them) to attempt to tear the bible to pieces." there is but too much evidence, that he himself has not entirely refrained from the folly and crime, which he is so ready to impute to others. i will proceed to offer some reasons for the belief, that when the apostles enjoined on masters and servants their respective duties, they had reference to servitude in general, and not to any modification of it. st. you find passages in the new testament, where you think _despotes_ refers to a person who is a slaveholder, and _doulos_ to a person who is a slave. admit that you are right: but this (which seems to be your only ground for it) does not justify you in translating these words "slaveholder" and "slave," whenever it may be advantageous to your side of the question to have them thus translated. these words, have a great variety of meanings. for instance, there are passages in the new testament where _despotes_ means "god"--jesus christ"--head of a family:" and where _doulos_ means "a minister or agent"--a subject of a king"--a disciple or follower of christ." _despotes_ and _doulos_ are the words used in the original of the expression: "lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace:" _doulos_ in that of the expressions, "servant of christ," and "let him be servant of all." profane writers also use these words in various senses. my full belief is, that these words were used in both a generic and special sense, as is the word corn, which denotes bread-stuffs in general, and also a particular kind of them; as is the word meat, the meaning of which is, sometimes, confined to flesh that is eaten, and, at other times, as is frequently the case in the scriptures, extends to food in general; and, as is the word servant, which is suitable, either in reference to a particular form of servitude, or to servitude in general. there is a passage in the second chapter of acts, which is, of itself, perhaps, sufficient to convince an unbiased mind, that the apostles used the word _doulos_ in a, generic, as well as in a special sense. _doulos_ and _doule_ are the words in the phrase: "and on my servants and on my handmaidens." a reference to the prophecy as it stands; in joel : , , makes it more obvious, that persons in servitude are referred to under the words _doulos_ and _doule_; and, that the predicted blessing was to be shed upon persons of all ages, classes, and conditions--upon old men and young men--upon sons and daughters--and upon man-servants and maid-servants. but, under the interpretation of those, who, like professor hodge and yourself, confine the meaning of _doulos_ and _doule_ to a species of servants, the prophecy would have reference to persons of all ages, classes, and conditions--_excepting certain descriptions of servants_. under this interpretation, we are brought to the absurd conclusion, that the spirit is to be poured out upon the master and his slaves--_but not upon his hired servants_. i trust that enough has been said, under this my first head, to show that the various senses in which the words _despotes_ and _doulos_ are employed, justify me in taking the position, that whenever we meet with them, we are to determine, from the nature of the case, and from the connexion in which they are used, whether they refer to servitude in general, or to a species of it. d. the confinement of the meaning of the words in question supposes, what neither religion nor common sense allows us to suppose, that slaveholders and slaves, despots and those in subjection to them, were such especial favorites of the apostles, as to obtain from them specific instructions in respect to their relative duties, whilst all other masters and servants, and all other rulers and subjects, throughout all future time, were left unprovided with such instructions. according to this supposition, when slavery and despotism shall, agreeably to professor hodge's expectations, have entirely ceased, there will be not one master nor servant, not one ruler nor subject in the whole earth, to fall, as such, under the apostolic injunctions. d. you admit that there were hirelings, in a community of primitive believers; and i admit, for the moment, that there were slaves in it. now, under my interpretation of the apostolic injunction, all husbands, all wives, all parents, all children, and all servants, in this community, are told their respective duties: but, under yours, these duties are enjoined on all husbands, all wives, all parents, all children, and a _part of the servants_. may we not reasonably complain of your interpretation, that it violates analogy? imagine the scene, in which a father, in the apostolic age, assembles his family to listen to a letter from the glowing peter, or "such an one as paul the aged." the letter contains instructions respecting the relative duties of life. the venerable pair, who stand in the conjugal and parental relations, receive, with calm thankfulness, what is addressed to themselves;--the bright-eyed little ones are eager to know what the apostle says to children--a poor slave blesses god for his portion of the apostolic counsel;--and the scene would be one of unmingled joy, if the writer had but addressed hired servants, as well as slaves. one of the group goes away to weep, because the apostle had remembered the necessities of all other classes of men, and forgotten those of the hireling. sir, do you believe that the apostle was guilty of such an omission? i rejoice that my side of the question between us, does not call for the belief of what is so improbable and unnatural--and, withal, so dishonoring to the memory of the apostle. th. another reason for believing, that the apostles intended no such limitation as that which you impose upon their words, is, that their injunctions are as applicable to the other classes of persons occupying these relations, as they are to the particular class to which you confine them. the hired servant, as well as the slave, needs to be admonished of the sins of "eye service" and "purloining;" and the master of voluntary, as well as involuntary servants, needs to be admonished to "give that which is just and equal." the ruler in a republic, or, in a limited monarchy, as well as the despot, requires to be reminded, that he is to be "a minister of god for good." so the subject of one kind of civil government, as well as that of another, needs to be told to be "subject unto the higher powers." i need not extend my remarks to prove, that _despotes_ and _doulos_ are, in the case before us, to be taken in their comprehensive sense of master and servant: and, clearly, therefore, the abolitionist is not guilty of violating your rule, "not to interfere with a civil relation (in another place, you say, 'any of the existing relations of life') for which, and to regulate which, either christ or his apostles have prescribed regulations." he believes, as fully as yourself, that the relation of master and servant is approved of god. it is the slavery modification of it--the slaveholder's abuse and perversion of the relation, in reducing the servant to a chattel--which, he believes, is not approved of god. for the sake of the argument, i will admit, that the slave alone, of all classes of servants, was favored with specific instructions from the apostles: and then, how should we account for the selection? in no other way, can i conceive, than, on the ground, that his lot is so peculiarly hard--so much harder than that of persons under other forms of servitude--that he needs, whilst they do not, apostolic counsel and advice to keep him just, and patient, and submissive. let me be spared from the sin of reducing a brother man to such a lot. your doctrine, therefore, that the apostles addressed slaves only, and not servants in general, would not, were its correctness admitted, lift you out of all the difficulties in your argument. again, does it necessarily follow from this admission, that the relation of slaveholder and slave is sinless? was the despotism of the roman government sinless? i do not ask whether the _abuses_ of civil government, in that instance, were sinless. but, i ask, was a government, despotic in its constitution, depriving all its subjects of political power, and extending absolute control over their property and persons--was such a government, independently of the consideration of its _abuses_, (if indeed we may speak of the abuses of what is in itself an _abuse_,) sinless? i am aware, that prof. hodge says, that it was so: and, when he classes despotism and slavery with _adiaphora_, "things indifferent;" and allows no more moral character to them than to a table or a broomstick, i trust no good man envies his optics. may i not hope that you, mr. smylie, perceive a difference between despotism and an "indifferent thing." may i not hope, that you will, both as a republican and a christian, take the ground, that despotism has a moral character, and a bad one? when our fathers prayed, and toiled, and bled, to obtain for themselves and their children the right of self-government, and to effect their liberation from a power, which, in the extent and rigor of its despotism, is no more to be compared to the roman government, than the "little finger" to the "loins," i doubt not, that they felt that despotism had a moral, and a very bad moral character. and so would prof. hodge have felt, had he stood by their side, instead of being one of their ungrateful sons. i say ungrateful--for, who more so, than he who publishes doctrines that disparage the holy cause in which they were embarked, and exhibits them, as contending for straws, rather than for principles? tell me, how long will this republic endure after our people shall have imbibed the doctrine, that the _nature_ of civil government is an indifferent thing: and that the poet was right when he said, "for forms of government let _fools_ contest?" this, however, is but one of many doctrines of ruinous tendency to the cause of civil liberty, advanced by pro-slavery writers to sustain their system of oppression. it would surely be superfluous to go into proofs, that the roman government was vicious and wicked in its constitution and nature. nevertheless, the apostle enjoined submission to it, and taught its subjects how to demean themselves under it. here, then, we have an instance, in which we cannot argue the sinlessness of a relation, from the fact of apostolic injunctions on those standing in it. take another instance. the chaldeans went to a foreign land, and enslaved its people--as members of your guilty partnership have done for some of the slaves you now own, and for the ancestors of others. and god destroyed the chaldeans expressly "for all their evil that they had done in zion." but, wicked as they were, for having instituted this relation between themselves and the jews, god, nevertheless, tells the jews to submit to it. he tells them, "serve the king of babylon." he even says, "seek the peace of the city, whither i have caused you to be carried away captives, and pray unto the lord for it; for, in the peace thereof, shall ye have peace." here then, we have another instance, in addition to that of the roman despot and his subjects, in which the holy spirit prescribed regulations for wicked relations. you will, at least, allow, that the relation established by the chaldeans between themselves and the captive jews, was wicked. but, you will perhaps say, that this is not a relation coming within the contemplation of your rule. your rule speaks of a civil relation, and also of the existing relations of life. but, the relation in question, being substantially that of slaveholder and slave, is, according to your own showing, a civil relation. perhaps you will say, it is not an "existing relation of life." but what do you mean by "an existing relation of life?" do you mean, that it is a relation approved of god? if you do, and insist that the relation of slaveholder and slave is "an existing relation of life," then you are guilty of begging the great question between us. your rule, therefore, can mean nothing more than this--that any relation is rightful, for which the bible prescribes regulations. but the relation referred to between the chaldeans and jews, proves the falsity of the rule. again, when a man compels me to go with him, is not the compelled relation between him and me a sinful one? and the relation of robber and robbed, which a man institutes between himself and me, is not this also sinful? but, the bible has prescribed regulations for the relations in both these cases. in the one, it requires me to "go with him twain;" and, in the other, to endure patiently even farther spoliation and, "let him have (my) cloak also." in these cases, also, do we see the falsity of your rule--and none the less clearly, because the relations in question are of brief duration. before concluding my remarks on this topic, let me say, that your doctrine, that god has prescribed no rules for the behaviour of persons in any other than the just relations of life, reflects no honor on his compassion. why, even we "cut-throat" abolitionists are not so hard-hearted as to overlook the subjects of a relation, because it is wicked. pitying, as we do, our poor colored brethren, who are forced into a wicked relation, which, by its very nature and terms, and not by its _abuses_, as you would say, has robbed them of their all--even we would, nevertheless, tell them to "resist not evil"--to be obedient unto their own masters"--not purloining, but showing all good fidelity." we would tell them, as god told the captive jews, to "seek the peace of those, whither they are carried away captives, and to pray unto the lord" for them: and our hope of their emancipation is not, as it is most slanderously and wickedly reported to be, in their deluging the south with blood: but, it is, to use again those sweet words of inspiration, that "in the peace thereof they shall have peace." we do not communicate with the slave; but, if we did, we would teach him, that our hope of his liberation is grounded largely in his patience, and that, if he would have us drop his cause from our hands, he has but to take it into his own, and attempt to accomplish by violence, that which we seek to effect through the power of truth and love on the understanding and heart of his master. having disposed of your reasons in favor of the rightfulness of the relation of slaveholder and slave, i will offer a few reasons for believing that it is not rightful. st. my strongest reason is, that the great and comprehensive principles, and the whole genius and spirit of christianity, are opposed to slavery. d. in the case of pharoah and his jewish slaves, god manifested his abhorrence of the relation of slavery. the fact that the slavery in this case was political, instead of domestic, and, therefore, of a milder type than that of southern slavery, does not forbid my reasoning from the one form to the other. indeed, if i may receive your declaration on this point, for the truth, i need not admit that the type of the slavery in question is milder than that of southern slavery;--for you say, that "their (the jews) condition was that of the most abject bondage or slavery." but the supposition that it is milder, being allowed to be correct, would only prove, that god's abhorrence of southern bondage as much exceeds that which he expressed of egyptian bondage, as the one system is more full than the other of oppression and cruelty. we learn from the bible, that it was not because of the _abuses_ of the egyptian system of bondage, but, because of its sinful nature, that god required its abolition. he did not command pharaoh to cease from the _abuses_ of the system, and to correct his administration of it, but to cease from the system itself. "i have heard," says god, "the groaning of the children of israel, whom the egyptians keep in bondage;"--not whom the egyptians, availing themselves of their absolute power, compel to make brick without straw, and seek to waste and exterminate by the murder of their infant children;--but simply "whom the egyptians keep in bondage." these hardships and outrages were but the leaves and branches. the root of the abomination was the bondage itself, the assertion of absolute and slaveholding power by "a new king over egypt, which knew not joseph." in the next verse god says: "i will rid you"--not only from the burdens and abuses, as you would say, of bondage,--but "out of their (the egyptians) bondage" itself--out of the relation in which the egyptians oppressively and wickedly hold you. god sends many messages to pharaoh. in no one of them does he reprove him for the abuses of the relation into which he had forced the jews. in no one of them is he called on to correct the evils which had grown out of that relation. but, in every one, does god go to the root of the evil, and command pharaoh, "let my people go"--"let my people go, that they may serve me." the abolitionist is reproachfully called an "ultraist" and "an immediatist." it seems that god was both, when dealing with this royal slaveholder:--for he commanded pharaoh, not to mitigate the bondage of the israelites, but to deliver them from it--and that, too, immediately. the system of slavery is wicked in god's sight, and, therefore, did he require of pharaoh its immediate abandonment. the phrase, "let my people go, that they may serve me," shows most strikingly one feature of resemblance between egyptian and american slavery. egyptian slavery did not allow its subjects to serve god, neither does american. the egyptian master stood between his slave and their god: and how strikingly and awfully true is it, that the american master occupies the like position! not only is the theory of slavery, the world over, in the face of god's declaration; "all souls are mine:" but american slaveholders have brought its practical character to respond so fully to its theory--they have succeeded, so well, in excluding the light and knowledge of god from the minds of their slaves--that they laugh at his claim to "all souls." d. paul, in one of his letters to the corinthian church, tells servants--say slaves, to suit your views--if they may be free, to prefer freedom to bondage. but if it be the duty of slaves to prefer freedom to bondage, how clearly is it the correlative duty of the master to grant it to him! you interpret the apostle's language, in this case, as i do; and it is not a little surprising, that, with your interpretation of it, you can still advocate slavery. you admit, that paul says--i use your own words--"a state of freedom, on the whole, is the best." now, it seems to me, that this admission leaves you without excuse, for defending slavery. you have virtually yielded the ground. and this admission is especially fatal to your strenuous endeavors to class the relation of master and slave with the confessedly proper relations of life, and to show that, like these, it is approved of god. would paul say to the child, "a state of freedom" from parental government "on the whole is the best?" would he say to the wife, "a state of freedom from your conjugal bonds" on the whole is the best? would he say to the child and wife, in respect to this freedom, "use it rather?" would he be thus guilty of attempting to annihilate the family relation? does any one wonder, that the apostle did not use stronger language, in advising to a choice and enjoyment of freedom? it is similar to that which a pious, intelligent, and prudent abolitionist would now use under the like circumstances. paul was endeavoring to make the slave contented with his hard lot, and to show him how unimportant is personal liberty, compared with liberation from spiritual bondage: and this explains why it is, that he spoke so briefly and moderately of the advantages of liberty. his advice to the slave to accept the boon of freedom, was a purely incidental remark: and we cannot infer from it, how great stress he would have laid on the evils of slavery, and on the blessings of liberty, in a discourse treating directly and mainly of those subjects. what i have previously said, however, shows that it would, probably, have been in vain, and worse than in vain, for him to have come out, on any occasion whatever, with an exposition of the evils of slavery. on the thirty-second page of your book, you say, "masters cannot, according to the command of christ, render to their slaves that which is just and equal, if you abolish the relation; for, then they will cease to be masters." abolish any of the relations for which regulations are provided "in the new testament, and, in effect, you abolish some of the laws of christ." but, we have just seen that paul was in favor of abolishing the relation of master and slave; which, as you insist, is a relation for which regulations are provided in the new testament. it is, therefore, irresistibly deduced from your own premises, that he was in favor of abolishing "the laws of christ." it would require but little, if any, extension of your doctrine, to make it wrong to remove all the graven images out of a nation. for, in that event, the law of god against bowing down to them would have nothing left to act upon. it would thenceforth be inoperative. th. another reason for believing, that the apostles did not approve of the slavery modification of servitude, is found in paul's injunction; "remember them that are in bonds as bound with them." i admit, that it is probable that others as well as slaves, are referred to in this injunction: but it certainly is not probable, that others, to the exclusion of slaves, are referred to. but, even on the supposition that slaves are not referred to, but those only who are tenants of prisons, let me ask you which you would rather be--a slave or a prisoner, as paul probably was when he wrote this injunction?--and whether your own description of the wretched condition of the roman slave, does not prepare you to agree with me, that if the apostle could ask sympathy for the prisoner, who, with all his deprivations, has still the protection of law, it is not much more due to the poor slave, who has no protection whatever against lawless tyranny and caprice! but to proceed, if slaves are the only, or even a part of the persons referred to in the injunction, then you will observe, that the apostle does not call for the exercise of sympathy towards those who are said to be suffering what you call the _abuses_ of slavery; but towards those who are so unhappy as to be but the subjects of it--towards those who are "in bonds." the bare relation of a slave is itself so grievous, as to call for compassion towards those who bear it. now, if this relation were to be classed with the approved relations of life, why should the apostle have undertaken to awaken compassion for persons, simply because they were the subject, of it? he never asked for sympathy for persons, simply because they were parties to the relations of husband and wife, parent and child. it may be worthy of notice, that the injunction under consideration is found in paul's letter to the jewish christians. this attempt to awaken pity in behalf of the slave, and to produce abhorrence of slavery, was made upon these, and not upon the gentile christians; because, perhaps, that they, who had always possessed the oracles of god, could bear it; and they who had just come up out of the mire of heathenism, could not. if this explanation be just, it enforces my argument for ascribing to causes, other than the alleged sinfulness of the institution, the apostle's omission to utter specific rebukes of slavery. th. another reason for believing that the slavery modification of servitude should not be classed with the confessedly proper relations with which you class it, is the conclusive one, that it interferes with, and tends to subvert, and does actually subvert, these relations. the apostles prescribe duties, which are necessary to sustain these relations, and make them fruitful sources of happiness to the parties to them. among these duties are the following: "wives, submit yourselves to your own husbands, as it is fit in the lord"--"children, obey your parents"--"husbands, dwell with them" (your wives). but slavery, where it does not make obedience to these commands utterly impossible, conditions it on the permission of usurpers, who have presumed to step between the laws of god and those on whom they are intended to bear. slavery, not the law of god, practically determines whether husbands shall dwell with their wives: and an amount of anguish, which god alone can compute, testifies that slavery has thus determined, times without number, that husbands shall not dwell with their wives. a distinguished gentleman, who has been much at the south, is spending a little time in my family. he told me but this day, that he had frequently known the air filled with shrieks of anguish for a whole mile around the spot, where, under the hammer of the auctioneer, the members of a family were undergoing an endless separation from each other. it was but last week, that a poor fugitive reached a family, in which god's commands, "hide the outcasts, betray not him that wandereth"--"hide not thyself from thy own flesh"--are not a dead letter. the heaviest burden of his heart is, that he has not seen his wife for five years, and does not expect to see her again: his master, in virginia, having sold him to a georgian, and his wife to an inhabitant of the district of columbia. whilst the law of god requires wives to "submit themselves to their husbands, as it is fit in the lord;" the law of slavery commands them, under the most terrific penalties, to submit to every conceivable form of violence, and the most loathsome pollution, "as it is fit" in the eyes of slaveholders--no small proportion of whom are, as a most natural fruit of slavery, abandoned to brutality and lust. the laws of south carolina and georgia make it an offence punishable with death, "if any slave shall presume to strike a white person." by the laws of maryland and kentucky, it is enacted "if any negro, mulatto, or indian, bond or free, shall, at any time, lift his or her hand in opposition to any person, not being a negro or indian, he or she shall, in the first-mentioned state, suffer the penalty of cropped ears; and, in the other, thirty-nine lashes on his or her bare back, well laid on, by order of the justice." in louisiana there is a law--for the enactment of which, slavery is, of course, responsible--in these words: "free people of color ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites: but, on the contrary, they ought _to yield to them on every occasion_, and never speak or answer them but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature of the offence." the following extract of a letter, written to me from the south, by a gentleman who still resides there, serves to show how true it is, that "on every occasion," the colored person must yield to the white, and, especially, if the white be clothed with the authority of an ambassador of christ. "a negro was executed in autauga co., not long since, for the murder of his master. the latter, it seems, attempted to violate the wife of his slave in his presence, when the negro enraged, smote the wretch to the ground. and this master--this brute--this fiend--was a preacher of the gospel, in regular standing!" in a former part of this communication, i said enough to show, that slavery prevents children from complying with the command to obey their parents. but, in reply to what i have said of these outrages on the rights of husbands and wives, parents and children, you maintain, that they are no part of the system of slavery. slaveholders, however, being themselves judges, they are a part of it, or, at least, are necessary to uphold it; else they would not by deliberate, solemn legislation, authorize them. but, be this as it may, it is abundantly proven, that slavery is, essentially and inevitably, at war with the sacred rights of the family state. let me say, then, in conclusion under this head, that in whatever other company you put slavery, place it not in that of the just relations of husband and wife, parent and child. they can no more company with each other, than can fire with water. their natures are not only totally opposite to, but destructive of, each other. th. the laws, to which you refer on the sixty-eighth page of your book, tend to prove, and, so far as your admission of the necessity of them goes, do prove, that the relation of slaveholder and slave does not deserve a place, in the class of innocent and proper relations. you there say, that the writings of "such great and good men as wesley, edwards, porteus, paley, horsley, scott, clark, wilberforce, sharp, clarkson, fox, johnson, and a host of as good if not equally great, men of later date," have made it necessary for the safety of the institution of slavery, to pass laws, forbidding millions of our countrymen to read. you should have, also, mentioned the horrid sanctions of these laws--stripes, imprisonment, and death. now, these laws disable the persons on whom they bear, from fulfilling god's commandments, and, especially, his commandment to "search the scriptures." they are, therefore, wicked. what then, in its moral character, must be a relation, which, to sustain it, requires the aid of wicked laws?--and, how entirely out of place must it be, when you class it with those just relations of life, that, certainly, require none of the support, which, you admit, is indispensable to the preservation of the relation of slaveholder and slave! it is true, that you attempt to justify the enactment of the laws in question, by the occasions which you say led to it. but, every law forbidding what god requires, is a wicked law--under whatever pretexts, or for whatever purposes, it may have been enacted. let the occasions which lead to a wicked measure be what they may, the wickedness of the measure is still sufficient to condemn it. in the case before us, we see how differently different persons are affected by the same fact. whilst the stand taken against slavery by wesley, edwards, and the other choice spirits you enumerate, serves but to inspire you with concern for its safety, it would, of itself, and without knowing their reasons for it, be well nigh enough to destroy my confidence in the institution. let me ask you, sir, whether it would not be more reasonable for those, who are so industriously engaged in insulating the system of american slavery, and shrouding it with darkness, to find less fault with the bright and burning light which the writings of the wisest and best men pour upon it, and more with the system which "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light." you would have your readers believe, that the blessings of education are to be withheld from your slaves--only "until the storm shall be overblown," and that you hope that "satan's being let loose will be but for a little season." i say nothing more about the last expression, than that i most sincerely desire you may penitently regret having attributed the present holy excitement against slavery to the influences of satan. by "the storm" you, doubtless, mean the excitement produced by the publications and efforts of the american anti-slavery society. now, i will not suppose that you meant to deceive your readers on this point. you are, nevertheless, inexcusable for using language so strikingly calculated to lead them into error. it is not yet three years since that society was organized: but the statute books of some of the slave states contain laws, forbidding the instruction of slaves in reading, which were enacted long before you and i were born. as long ago as the year , south carolina passed a law, forbidding to teach slaves to write. georgia did so in . in the year , thirty-three years before "the storm" of the anti-slavery society began to blow, south carolina passed a law, forbidding "assemblies of slaves, free negroes, &c., for the purpose of mental instruction." in the revised code of virginia of , is a law similar to that last mentioned. in the year , the city of savannah forbade by an ordinance, the instruction of all persons of color, either free or bond, in reading and writing. i need not specify any more of these man-crushing, soul-killing, god-defying laws;--nor need i refer again to the shocking penalties annexed to the violation of most of them. i conclude my remarks under this head, with the advice, that, in the next edition of your book, you do not assign the anti-slavery excitement, which is now spreading over our land, as the occasion of the passage of the laws in question. th. the only other reason i will mention for believing, that the slavery modification of servitude is not approved of god, is, that it has never been known _to work well_--never been known to promote man's happiness or god's glory. wickedness and wretchedness are, so uniformly, the product of slavery, that they must be looked upon, not as its abuses, but as its legitimate fruits. whilst all admit, that the relations of the family state are, notwithstanding their frequent perversions, full of blessings to the world; and that, but for them, the world would be nothing better than one scene of pollution and wo;--to what history of slavery will you refer me, for proof of its beneficent operation? will it be to the bible history of egyptian slavery? no--for that informs us of the exceeding wickedness and wretchedness of egyptian slavery. will it be to the history of greek and roman slavery? no--for your own book acknowledges its unutterable horrors and abominations. will you refer me to the history of the west indies for proofs of the happy fruits of slavery? not until the earth is no more, will its polluted and bloody pages cease to testify against slavery. and, when we have come down to american slavery, you will not even open the book which records such facts, as that its subjects are forbidden to be joined in wedlock, and to read the bible. no--you will not presume to look for a single evidence of the benign influences of a system, where, by the admission of your own ecclesiastical bodies, it has turned millions of men into heathen. i say nothing now of your beautiful and harmless theories of slavery:--but this i say, that when you look upon slavery as it has existed, or now exists, either amidst the darkness of mahommedanism or the light of christianity, you dare not, as you hope for the divine favor, say that it is a heaven-descended institution; and that, notwithstanding it is like ezekiel's roll, "written within and without with lamentations and mourning and wo," it, nevertheless, bears the mark of being a boon from god to man. having disposed of your "strong reasons" for the position, that the new testament authorizes slavery, i proceed to consider your remaining reasons for it. because it does not appear, that our saviour and the apostle peter told certain centurions, who, for the sake of the argument, i will admit were slaveholders, that slaveholding is sinful, you argue, and most confidently too, that it is not sinful. but, it does not appear, that the saviour and the apostle charged _any_ sinful practices upon them. then, by your logic, all their other practices, as well as their slaveholding, were innocent, and these roman soldiers were literally perfect.--again; how do you know that the saviour and the apostle did not tell them, on the occasion you refer to, that they were sinners for being slaveholders? the fact, that the bible does not inform us that they told them so, does not prove that they did not; much less does it prove, that they did not tell them so subsequently to their first interview with them. and again, the admission that they did not specifically attack slavery, at any of their interviews with the centurions, or on any other occasions whatever, would not justify the inference, that it is sinless. i need not repeat the reasoning which makes the truth of this remark apparent. you refer to the saviour's declaration of the unequaled faith of one of these centurions, with the view of making it appear that a person of so great faith could not be a great sinner. but, how long had he exercised this, or, indeed, any christian faith? that he was on good terms with the jews, and had built them a synagogue, is quite as strong evidence, that he had not, as that he had, previously to that time, believed in jesus:--and, if he had not, then his faith, however strong, and his conversion, however decided, are nothing towards proving that slavery is sinless. it is evident, that the apostle was sent to cornelius for the single purpose of inculcating the doctrine of the remission of sin, through faith in christ. i proceed to examine another of your arguments. from paul's declaration to the elders at miletus, "i have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of god," taken in connexion with the fact, that the bible does not inform us that he spoke to them of slaveholding, you confidently and exultingly infer that it is innocent. here, again, you prove too much, and therefore, prove nothing. it does not appear that he specified a hundredth part of their duties. if he did not tell them to abstain from slaveholding, neither did he tell them to abstain from games and theatres. but, his silence about slaveholding proves to your mind its sinlessness: equally then should his silence about games and theatres satisfy you of their innocence. two radical errors run through a great part of your book. they are, that the apostle gave specific instructions concerning all duties, and that the bible contains these instructions. but, for these errors, your book would be far less objectionable than it is. i might, perhaps, rather say, that but for these, you could not have made up your book. and now, since paul's address to the elders has been employed by you in behalf of slavery, allow me to try its virtue against slavery: and, if it should turn out that you are slain with your own weapon, it will not be the first time that temerity has met with such a fate. i admit, that the apostle does not tell the elders of any wrong thing which they had done; but there are some wrong things from which he had himself abstained, and some right things which he had himself done, of which he does tell them. he tells them, for instance, that he had not been guilty of coveting what was another's, and also, that with his own hands he had ministered to his own necessities and those of others: and he further tells them, that they ought to copy his example, and labor, as he had done, "to support the weak." think you, sir, from this language that paul was a slaveholder--and, that his example was such, as to keep lazy, luxurious slaveholders in countenance? the slaveholder is guilty of coveting, not only all a man has, but even the man himself. the slaveholder will not only not labor with his hands to supply the wants of others, and "to support the weak;" but he makes others labor to supply his wants:--yes, makes them labor unpaid--night and day--in storm, as well as in sunshine--under the lash--bleeding--groaning--dying--and all this, not to minister to his actual needs, but to his luxuriousness and sensuality. you ridicule the idea of the abolition of slavery, because it would make the slaveholder "so poor, as to oblige him to take hold of the maul and wedge himself--he must catch, curry, and saddle his own horse--he must black his own brogans (for he will not be able to buy boots)--his wife must go herself to the wash-tub--take hold of the scrubbing broom, wash the pots, and cook all that she and her rail-mauler will eat." if paul were, as you judge he was, opposed to the abolition of slavery, it is at least certain, from what he says of the character of his life in his address to the elders, that his opposition did not spring from such considerations as array you against it. in his estimation, manual labor was honorable. in a slaveholding community, it is degrading. it is so in your own judgment, or you would not hold up to ridicule those humble employments, which reflect disgrace, only where the moral atmosphere is tainted by slavery. that the pernicious influences of slavery in this respect are felt more or less, in every part of this guilty nation, is but too true. i put it to your candor, sir, whether the obvious fact, that slavery makes the honest labor of the hands disreputable, is not a weighty argument against the supposition that god approves it? i put it to your candor, sir, whether the fact, which you, at least, cannot gain-say, that slavery makes even ministers of the gospel despise the employments of seven-eighths of the human family, and, consequently, the humble classes, who labor in them--i put it to your candor, whether the institution, which breeds such contempt of your fellow-men and fellow christians, must not be offensive to him, who commands us to "honor all men, and love the brotherhood?" in another argument, you attempt to show, that paul's letter to philemon justifies slaveholding, and also the apprehension and return of fugitive slaves. after having recited the resolution of the chilicothe presbytery--"that to apprehend a slave who is endeavoring to escape from slavery, with a view to restore him to his master, is a direct violation of the divine law, and, when committed by a member of the church, ought to subject him to censure"--you undertake to make your readers believe, that paul's sending onesimus to philemon, is a case coming fairly within the purview of the resolution. let us see if it does. a man by the name of onesimus was converted to christianity, under paul's ministry at rome. paul learnt that he had formerly been a servant--say a slave--of philemon, who was a "dearly beloved" christian: and believing that his return to his old master would promote the cause of christ, and beautifully exemplify its power, he advised him to return to him. he followed the apostle's advice and returned. now, from this example, you attempt to derive a justification for "a member of a church" to be engaged in forcibly apprehending and restoring fugitive slaves. i say forcibly--as the apprehension and return, referred to in the resolution, are clearly forcible. i cannot refrain, sir, from saying, that you greatly wrong the memory of that blessed apostle of the lord jesus, in construing his writings to authorize such violence upon the persons and rights of men. and greatly, also, do you wrong the resolution in question, by your endeavor to array the bible against it. the resolution is right; it is noble--it denotes in the source whence it emanated, a proper sense of the rights and dignity of man. it is all the better for being marked with an honorable contempt of wicked and heaven-daring laws. may i, having the suspicion, or even the certain knowledge, that my fellow man was once held in slavery, and is still _legally_ a slave, seize upon him and reduce him again to slavery? may i thus deal with a guiltless and unaccused brother? human laws may, it is true, bear me out in this man-stealing, which is not less flagrant than that committed on the coast of africa:--but, says the great law-giver, "the word that i have spoken, the same shall judge him in the last day:"--and, it is a part of this "word," that "he that stealeth a man shall surely be put to death." in that last day, the mayors, recorders, sheriffs, and others, who have been engaged, whether in their official or individual capacity, in slave-catching and man-stealing, will find human laws but a flimsy protection against the wrath of him, who judges his creatures by his own and not by human laws. in that "last day," all who have had a part, and have not repented of it, in the sin of treating man as property; all, i say, whether slaveholders or their official or unofficial assistants, the drivers upon their plantations, or their drivers in the free states--all, who have been guilty of throwing god's "image" into the same class with the brutes of the field--will find, that he is the avenger of his poorest, meanest ones--and that the crime of transmuting his image into property, is but aggravated by the fact and the plea that it was committed under the sanction of human laws. but, to return--wherein does the letter of paul to philemon justify slaveholding? what evidence does it contain, that philemon was a slaveholder at the time it was written? he, who had been his slave "in time past," had, very probably, escaped before philemon's conversion to christ. this "time past," may have been a _long_ "time past." the word in the original, which is translated "in time past," does not forbid the supposition. indeed, it is the same word, which the apostle uses in the thirteenth verse of the first chapter of galatians; and there it denotes a _long_ "time past"--as much as from fifteen to eighteen years. besides, onesimus' escape and return both favor the supposition, that it was between the two events that philemon's conversion took place. on the one hand, he fled to escape from the cruelties of an unconverted master; on the other, he was encouraged to follow the apostle's advice, by the consideration, that on his return to philemon he should not have to encounter again the unreasonableness and rage of a heathen, but that he should meet with the justice and tenderness of a christian--qualities, with the existence and value of which, he had now come to an experimental acquaintance. again, to show that the letter in question does not justify slaveholding--in what character was it, that paul sent onesimus to philemon? was it in that of a slave? far from it. it was, in that of "a brother beloved," as is evident from his injunction to philemon to "receive him forever--not now as a _slave_, but above a _slave_--a brother beloved." it is worthy of remark, that paul's message to philemon, shows, not only that he himself was not in favor of slaveholding, but, that he believed the gospel had wrought such an entire change on this subject, in the heart of philemon, that onesimus would find on his return to him, the tyrant and the slaveholder sunk in the brother and the christian. paul's course in relation to onesimus was such, as an abolitionist would deem it proper to adopt, under the like circumstances. if a fugitive slave, who had become a dear child of god, were near me, and, if i knew that his once cruel master had also become a "dearly beloved" christian; and if, therefore, i had reason to believe, as paul had, in the case of philemon, that he would "receive him forever--not now as a _slave_, but above a _slave_, a brother beloved," i would advise him to revisit his old master, provided he could do so, without interference and violence from others. such interference and violence did not threaten onesimus in his return to philemon. he was not in danger of being taken up, imprisoned, and sold for his jail fees, as a returning onesimus would be in parts of this nation. on the d page of your book, you utter sentiments, which, i trust, all your readers will agree, are unworthy of a man, a republican, and a christian. you there endeavor again to make it appear, that it is not the _relation_ of master and slave, but only the abuse of it, which is to be objected to.--you say: "independence is a charming idea, especially to americans: but what gives it the charm? is it the thing in itself? or is it because it is a release from the control of a bad master? had great britain been a kind master, our ancestors were willing to remain her slaves." in reply to this i would say, that it must be a base spirit which does not prize "independence" for its own sake, whatever privation and suffering may attend it; and much more base must be that spirit, which can exchange that "independence" for a state of slavish subjection--even though that state abound in all sensual gratifications. to talk of "a kind master" is to talk of a blessing for a dog, but not for a man, who is made to "call no man master." were the people of this nation like yourself, they would soon exchange their blood-bought liberties for subjection to any despot who would promise them enough to eat, drink, and wear. but, i trust, that we at the north are "made of sterner stuff." they, who make slaves of others, can more easily become slaves themselves: for, in their aggressions upon others, they have despised and trampled under foot those great, eternal principles of right, which _not only_ constitute the bulwark of the general freedom; but his respect for which is indispensable to every man's valuation and protection of his individual liberties. this train of thought associates with itself in my mind, the following passage in an admirable speech delivered by the celebrated william pinckney, in the maryland house of delegates in . such a speech, made at the present time in a slave state, would probably cost the life of him who should make it; nor could it be delivered in a free states at any less sacrifice, certainly, than that of the reputation of the orator. what a retrograde movement has liberty made in this country in the last fifty years! "whilst a majority of your citizens are accustomed to rule with the authority of despots, within particular limits--while your youths are reared in the habit of thinking that the great rights of human nature are not so sacred, but they may with innocence be trampled on, can it be expected, that the public mind should glow with that generous ardor in the cause of freedom, which can alone save a government, like ours, from the lurking demon of usurpation? do you not dread the contamination of principle? have you no alarms for the continuance of that spirit, which once conducted us to victory and independence, when the talons of power were unclasped for our destruction? have you no apprehension left, that when the votaries of freedom sacrifice also at the gloomy altars of slavery, they will, at length, become apostates from them for ever? for my own part, i have no hope, that the stream of general liberty will flow for ever, unpolluted, through the foul mire of partial bondage, or that they, who have been habituated to lord it over others, will not be base enough, in time, to let others lord it over them. if they resist, it will be the struggle of _pride_ and _selfishness_, not of _principle_." had edmund burke known slaveholders as well as mr. pinckney knew them, he would not have pronounced his celebrated eulogium on their love of liberty;--he would not have ascribed to them any love of liberty, but the spurious kind which the other orator, impliedly, ascribes to them--that which "pride and selfishness" beget and foster. genuine love of liberty, as mr. pinckney clearly saw, springs from "principle," and is found no where but in the hearts of those who respect the liberties and the rights of others. i had reason, in a former part of this communication, to charge some of the sentiments of professor hodge with being alike reproachful to the memory of our fathers, and pernicious to the cause of civil liberty. there are sentiments on the d page of your book, obnoxious to the like charge. if political "independence"--if a free government--be the poor thing--the illusive image of an american brain--which you sneeringly represent it, we owe little thanks to those who purchased it for us, even though they purchased it with their blood; and little pains need we take in that case to preserve it. when will the people of the northern states see, that the doctrines now put forth so industriously to maintain slavery, are rapidly undermining liberty? on the d page of your book you also evince your low estimate of man's rights and dues. you there say, "the fact that the planters of mississippi and louisiana, even while they have to pay from twenty to twenty-five dollars per barrel for pork the present season, afford to their slaves from three to four and a half pounds per week, does not show, that they are neglectful in rendering to their slaves that which is just and equal." if men had only an animal, and not a spiritual and immortal nature also, it might do for you to represent them as well provided for, if but pork enough were flung to them. how preposterous to tell us, that god approves a system which brings a man, as slavery seems to have brought you, to regard his fellow man as a mere animal! i am happy to find that you are not all wrong. you are no "gradualist." you are not inconsistent, like those who admit that slavery is sinful, and yet refuse to treat it as sinful. i hope our northern "gradualists" will profit by the following passage in your book: "if i were convinced by that word (the bible) that slavery is itself a sin, i trust that, let it cost what it would, i should be an abolitionist, because there is no truth, more clear to my mind, than that the gospel requires an _immediate_ abandonment of sin." you have no doubt of your right to hold your fellow men, as slaves. i wish you had given your readers more fully your views of the origin of this right. i judge from what you say, that you trace it back to the curse pronounced by noah upon canaan. but was that curse to know no end? were canaan's posterity to endure the entailment of its disabilities and woes, until the end of time? was divine mercy never to stay the desolating waves of this curse? was their harsh and angry roar to reach, even into the gospel dispensation, and to mingle discordantly with the songs of "peace on earth and good will to men?" was the captivity of canaan's race to be even stronger than he, who came "to bind up the broken-hearted, and proclaim liberty to the captives?" but who were canaan and his descendants? you speak of them, and with singular unfairness, i think, as "_the_ posterity of ham, from whom, it is supposed, sprang the africans." they were, it is true, a part of ham's posterity; but to call them "_the_ posterity of ham," is to speak as though he had no other child than canaan. the fifteenth to nineteenth verses of the tenth chapter of genesis teach us, beyond all question, that canaan's descendants inhabited the land of canaan and adjacent territory, and that this land is identical with the country afterwards occupied by the jews, and known, in modern times, by the name of palestine, or the holy land. therefore, however true it may be, that a portion of ham's posterity settled in africa, we not only have no evidence that it was the portion cursed, but we have conclusive evidence that it was not. but, was it a state of slavery to which canaanites were doomed? i will suppose, for a moment, that it was: and, then, how does it appear right to enslave them? the curse in question is prophecy. now prophecy does not say what ought to come to pass: nor does it say, that they who have an agency in the production of the foretold event, will be innocent in that agency. if the prediction of an event justifies those who are instrumental in producing it, then was judas innocent in betraying our saviour. "it must needs be that offences come, but wo to that man by whom the offence cometh." prophecy simply tells what will come to pass. the question, whether it was proper to enslave canaanites, depends for its solution not on the curse or prophecy in question. if the measure were in conformity with the general morality of the bible, then it was proper. was it in conformity with it? it was not. the justice, equity and mercy which were, agreeable to the divine command, to characterize the dealings of the jews with each other, are in such conformity, and these are all violated by slavery. if those dealings were all based on the general morality of the bible, as they certainly were, then slavery, which, in its moral character, is completely opposite to them, cannot rest on that morality. if that morality did not permit the jews to enslave canaanites, how came they to enslave them? you will say, that they had special authority from god to do so, in the words, "both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are around about you; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids." well, i will admit that god did in one instance, and that he may have done so in others, give special authority to the jews to do that, which, without such authority, would have been palpably and grossly immoral. he required them to exterminate some of the tribes of the canaanites. he may have required them to bring other heathens under a form of servitude violative of the general morality of his word.--of course, no blame attaches to the execution of such commands. when he specially deputes us to kill for him, we are as innocent in the agency, notwithstanding the general law, "thou shalt not kill," as is the earthquake or thunderbolt, when commissioned to destroy. samuel was as innocent in hewing "agag in pieces," as is the tree that falls upon the traveler. it may be remarked, in this connexion, that the fact that god gave a special statute to destroy some of the tribes of the canaanites, argues the contrariety of the thing required to the morality of the bible. it argues, that this morality would not have secured the accomplishment of what was required by the statute. indeed, it is probable that it was, sometimes, under the influence of the tenderness and mercy inculcated by this morality, that the jews were guilty of going counter to the special statute in question, and sparing the devoted canaanites, as in the instance when they "spared agag." we might reason, similarly to show that a special statute, if indeed there were such a one, authorizing the jews to compel the heathen to serve them, argues that compulsory service is contrary to fundamental morality. we will suppose that god did; in the special statute referred to, clothe the jews with power to enslave heathens, and now let me ask you, whether it is by this same statute to enslave, that you justify your neighbors and yourself for enslaving your fellow men? but this is a special statute, conferring a power on the jews only--a power too, not to enslave whomsoever they could; but only a specified portion of the human family, and this portion, as we have seen, of a stock, other than that from which you have obtained your slaves. if the special statutes, by which god clothed the jews with peculiar powers, may be construed to clothe you with similar powers, then, inasmuch as they were authorized and required to kill canaanites, you may hunt up for destruction the straggling descendants of such of the devoted ones, as escaped the sword of the jews. or, to make a different interpretation of your rights, under this supposition; since the statute in question authorized and required the jews to kill the heathen, within the borders of what was properly the jews' country, then you are also authorized and required to kill the heathens within the limits of your country:--and these are not wanting, if the testimony of your ecclesiastical bodies, before referred to, can be relied on; and, if it be as they say, that the millions of the poor colored brethren in the midst of you are made heathens by the operation of the system, to which, with unparalleled wickedness, they are subjected. if then, neither noah's curse, nor the special statute in question, authorize you to enslave your fellow men, there is, probably, but one ground on which you will contend for authority to do so--and this is the ground of the general morality of the christian religion--of the general principles of right and duty, in the word of god. do you find your authority on this ground? if you do, then, manifestly, you have a right to enslave me, and i a right to enslave you, and every man has a right to enslave whomsoever he can;--a right as perfect, as is the right to do good to one another. indeed, the enslavement of each other would, under this construction of duty, _be_ the doing of good to one another. think you, sir, that the universal exercise of this right would promote the fulfilment of the "new commandment that ye love one another?" think you, it would be the harbinger of millenial peace and blessedness? or, think you not, rather, that it would fully and frightfully realize the prophet's declaration: "they all lie in wait for blood: they hunt every man his neighbor with a net." if any people have a right to enslave their fellow men, it must be the jews, if they once had it. but if they ever had it, it ceased, when all their peculiar rights ceased. in respect to rights from the most high, they are now on the same footing with other races of men. when "the vail of the temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottom," then that distinction from the gentile, in which the jew had gloried, ceased, and the partition wall between them was prostrate for ever. the jew, as well as the gentile, was never more to depart from the general morality of the bible. he was never again to be under any special statutes, whose requirements should bring him into collision with that morality: he was no more to confine his sympathies and friendships within the narrow range of the twelve tribes: but every son and daughter of adam were thenceforth entitled to claim from him the heart and hand of a brother. "under the glorious dispensation of the gospel," says the immortal granville sharp, "we are absolutely bound to consider ourselves as citizens of the world; every man whatever, without any partial distinction of nation, distance, or complexion, must necessarily be esteemed our neighbor and our brother; and we are absolutely bound, in christian duty, to entertain a disposition towards all mankind, as charitable and benevolent, at least, as that which was required of the jews under the law towards their brethren; and, consequently, it is absolutely unlawful for those who call themselves christians, to exact of their brethren (i mean their brethren of the universe) a more burthensome service, than that to which the jews were limited with respect to their brethren of the house of israel; and the slavery or involuntary bondage of a brother israelite was absolutely forbid." it occurs to me, that after all which has been said to satisfy you, that compulsory servitude, if such there were among the jews, cannot properly be pleaded in justification of yours; a question may still be floating in your mind whether, if god directed his chosen people to enslave the heathen, slavery should not be regarded as a good system of servitude? just as pertinently may you ask, whether that is not a good system of servitude, which is found in some of our state prisons. punishment probably--certainly not labor--is the leading object in the one case as well as the other: and the labor of the bondman in the one, as well as of the convict in the other, constitutes but a subordinate consideration. to suppose that god would, with every consideration out of view, but that of having the best relation of employer and laborer, make choice of slavery--to suppose that he believes that this state of servitude operates most beneficially, both for the master and the servant--is a high impeachment of the divine wisdom and goodness. but thus guilty are you, if you are unwilling to believe, that, if he chose the severe servitude in question, he chose it for the punishment of his enemies, or from some consideration, other than its suitableness for the ordinary purposes of the relation of master and servant. but it has been for the sake of argument only, that i have admitted that god authorized the jews to enslave the heathen. i now totally deny that he did so. you will, of course, consent that if he did so, it was in a special statute, as was the case when he authorized them to exterminate other heathen: and you will as readily consent that he enacted the statutes, in both instances, with the view of punishing his enemies. now, in killing the canaanites, the jew was constituted, not the owner of his devoted fellow man, but simply the executioner of god's vengeance: and evidently, such and no other was his character when he was reducing the canaanite to involuntary servitude--that he did so reduce him, and was commissioned by god to do so, is the supposition we make for the sake of argument. had the jews been authorized by god to shut up in dungeons for life those of the heathen, whom they were directed to have for bondmen and bondmaids, you would not claim, that they, any more than sheriffs and jailers in our day, are to be considered in the light of owners of the persons in their charge. much less then, can the jews be considered as the owners of any person whom they held in servitude: for, however severe the type of that servitude, the liberty of its subject was not restricted, as was that of the prisoners in question:--most certainly, the power asserted over him is not to be compared in extent with that asserted by the jew over the canaanite, whom he slew;--a case in which he was, indisputably, but the executioner of the divine wrath. the canaanite, whether devoted to a violent death or to an involuntary servitude, still remained the property of god: and god no more gave him up to be the property of the executioner of his wrath, than the people of the state of new york give up the offender against public justice to be the property of the ministers of that justice. god never suspends the accountability of his rational creatures to himself: and his rights to them, he never transfers to others. he could not do so consistently with his attributes, and his indissoluble relations to man. but slavery claims, that its subjects are the property of man. it claims to turn them into mere chattels, and to make them as void of responsibility to god, as other chattels. slavery, in a word, claims to push from his throne the supreme being, who declares, "all souls are mine." that it does not succeed in getting its victim out of god's hand, and in unmanning and _chattelizing_ him--that god's hold upon him remains unbroken, and that those upward tendencies of the soul, which distinguish man from the brute, are not yet entirely crushed in him--is no evidence in favor of its nature:--it simply proves, that its power is not equal to its purposes. we see, then, that the jews--if it be true that they reduced their fellow men to involuntary servitude, and did so as the heaven-appointed ministers of god's justice,--are not to be charged with slaveholding for it. there may be involuntary servitude where there is no slavery. the essential and distinguishing feature of slavery is its reduction of man to property--to a thing. a tenant of one of our state prisons is under a sentence of "hard labor for life." but he is not a slave. that is, he is not the _thing_ which slavery would mark its subject. he is still a man. offended justice has placed him in his present circumstances, because he is a man: and, it is because he is a _man_ and not a _thing_--a responsible, and not an irresponsible being, that he must continue in his present trials and sufferings. god's commandments to the jews, respecting servants and strangers, show that he not only did not authorize them to set up the claim of property in their fellow men, but that he most carefully guarded against such exercises of power, as might lead to the assumption of a claim so wrongful to himself. some of these commandments i will bring to your notice. they show that whatever was the form of servitude under which god allowed the jews to hold the heathen, it was not slavery. indeed, if all of the word of god which bears on this point were cited and duly explained, it would, perhaps, appear that he allowed no involuntary servitude whatever amongst the jews. i give no opinion whether he allowed it or not. there are strong arguments which go to show, that he did not allow it; and with these arguments the public will soon be made more extensively acquainted. it is understood, that the next number of the anti-slavery examiner will be filled with them. st. so galling are the bonds of southern slavery, that it could not live a year under the operation of a law forbidding the restoration of fugitive servants to their masters. how few of the discontented subjects of this oppressive servitude would agree with hamlet, that it is better to --"bear those ills we have, than fly to others that we know not of." what a running there would be from the slave states to the free!--from one slave state to another!--from one plantation to another! now, such a law--a solemn commandment of god--many writers on slavery are of the opinion, perhaps too confident opinion, was in force in the jewish nation (deut. xxiii, ); and yet the system of servitude on which it bore, and which you cite as the pattern and authority for your own, lived in spite of it. how could it? manifestly, because its genius was wholly unlike that of southern slavery; and because its rigors and wrongs, if rigors and wrongs there were in it, bear no comparison to those which characterize southern slavery; and which would impel nine-tenths of its adult subjects to fly from their homes, did they but know that they would not be obliged to return to them. when southern slaveholders shall cease to scour the land for fugitive servants, and to hunt them with guns and dogs, and to imprison, and scourge, and kill them;--when, in a word, they shall subject to the bearing of such a law as that referred to their system of servitude, then we shall begin to think that they are sincere in likening it to the systems which existed among the jews. the law, enacted in virginia in , authorizing any two justices of the peace "by proclamation to _outlaw_ runaways, who might thereafter be killed and destroyed by any person whatsoever, by such ways and means as he might think fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime for so doing," besides that it justifies what i have just said about hunting fugitive servants, shows, st. that the american anti-slavery society is of too recent an origin to be the occasion, as slaveholders and their apologists would have us believe, of all the cruel laws enacted at the south. d. that southern slaveholders would be very unwilling to have their system come under the operation of such a law as that which allowed the jewish servant to change his master. d. that they are monsters, indeed, into which men may be turned by their possession of absolute power. you, perhaps, suppose, (and i frankly admit to you, that there is some room for the supposition,) that the servants referred to in the th and th verses of the d chapter of deuteronomy, were such as had escaped from foreign countries to the country of the jews. but, would this view of the matter help you? by taking it, would you not expose yourself to be most pertinently and embarrassingly asked, for what purpose these servants fled to a strange and most odious people?--and would not your candid reply necessarily be, that it was to escape from the galling chains of slavery, to a far-famed milder type of servitude?--from gentile oppression, to a land in which human rights were protected by divine laws? but, as i have previously intimated, i have not the strongest confidence in the anti-slavery argument, so frequently drawn from this passage of the bible. i am not sure that a jewish servant is referred to: nor that on the supposition of his being a foreigner, the servant came under any form of servitude when entering the land of the jews. before leaving the topic, however, let me remark, that the passage, under any construction of it, makes against southern slavery. admit that the fugitive servant was a foreigner, and that he was not reduced to servitude on coming among the jews, let me ask you whether the law in question, under this view of it, would be tolerated by the spirit of southern slavery?--and whether, before obedience would be rendered to it, you would not need to have a different type of servitude, in the place of slavery? you would--i know you would--for you have been put to the trial. when, by a happy providence, a vessel was driven, the last year, to a west india island, and the chains of the poor slaves with which it was filled fell from around them, under freedom's magic power, the exasperated south was ready to go to war with great britain. _then_, the law against delivering up foreign servants to their masters was not relished by you. the given case comes most strikingly within the supposed policy of this law. the gentile was to be permitted to remain in the land to which he had fled, and where he would have advantages for becoming acquainted with the god of the bible. such advantages are they enjoying who escaped from the confessed heathenism of southern slavery to the island in question. they are now taught to read that "book of life," which before, they were forbidden to read. but again, suppose a slave were to escape from a west india island into the southern states--would you, with your "domestic institutions," of which you are so jealous, render obedience to this divine law? no; you would subject him _for ever_ to a servitude more severe than that, from which he had escaped. indeed, if a _freeman_ come within a certain portion of our southern country, and be so unhappy as to bear a physical resemblance to the slave, he will be punished for that resemblance, by imprisonment, and even by a reduction to slavery. d. southern slaveholders, who, by their laws, own men as absolutely as they own cattle, would have it believed, that jewish masters thus owned their fellow-men. if they did, why was there so wide a difference between the commandment respecting the stray man, and that respecting the stray ox or ass? the man was not, but the beasts were, to be returned; and that too, even though their owner was the enemy of him who met them. (ex. . .) i repeat the question;--why this difference? the only answer is, because god made the brute to be the _property_ of man; but he never gave us our noble nature for such degradation. man's title deed, in the eighth psalm, extends his right of property to the inanimate and brute creation only--not to the flesh and bones and spirit of his fellow-man. d. the very different penalties annexed to the crime of stealing a man, and to that of stealing a thing, shows the eternal and infinite difference which god has established between a man and property. the stealing of a man was _surely_ to be punished with death; whilst mere property was allowed to atone for the offence of stealing property. th. who, if not the slave, can be said to be vexed and oppressed! but god's command to his people was, that they should neither "vex a stranger, nor oppress him." th. such is the nature of american slavery, that not even its warmest friends would claim that it could recover itself after such a "year of jubilee" as god appointed. one such general delivery of its victims would be for ever fatal to it. i am aware that you deny that all the servants of the jews shared in the blessings of the "year of jubilee." but let me ask you, whether if one third or one half of your servants were discharged from servitude every fiftieth year--and still more, whether if a considerable proportion of them were thus discharged every sixth year--the remainder would not be fearfully discontented? southern masters believe, that their only safety consists in keeping down the discontent of their servants. hence their anxious care to withhold from them the knowledge of human rights. hence the abolitionist who is caught in a slave state, must be whipped or put to death. if there were a class of servants amongst the jews, who could bear to see all their fellow servants go free, whilst they themselves were retained in bondage, then that bondage was of a kind very different from what you suppose it to have been. had its subjects worn the galling chains of american slavery, they would have struggled with bloody desperation for the deliverance which they saw accorded to others. i scarcely need say, that the hebrew words rendered "bondmen" and "bondmaids," do not, in themselves considered, and independently of the connexion in which they are used, any more than the greek words _doulos_ and _doule_, denote a particular kind of servant. if the servant was a slave, because he was called by the hebrew word rendered "bondman," then was jacob a slave also:--and even still greater absurdities could be deduced from the position. i promised, in a former part of this communication, to give you my reasons for denying that you are at liberty to plead in behalf of slavery, the example of any compulsory servitude in which jews may have held foreigners. my promise is now fulfilled, and i trust that the reasons are such as not to admit of an answer. driven, as you now are, from every other conceivable defence of slaveholding it may be (though i must hope better things of you), that you will fly to the ground taken by the wicked multitude--that there is authority in the laws of man for being a slaveholder. but, not only is the sin of your holding slaves undiminished by the consideration, that they are held under human laws; but, your claiming to hold them under such laws, makes you guilty of an additional sin, which, if measured by its pernicious consequences to others, is by no means inconsiderable. the truth of these two positions is apparent from the following considerations. st. there is no valid excuse to be found, either in man's laws or any where else, for transgressing god's laws. whatever may be thought, or said to the contrary, it still remains, and for ever will remain true, that under all circumstances, "sin is the transgression of the (divine) law." d. in every instance in which a commandment of god is transgressed, under the cover and plea of a human law, purporting to permit what that commandment forbids, there is, in proportion to the authority and influence of the transgressor, a fresh sanction imparted to that law; and consequently, in the same proportion the public habit of setting up a false standard of right and wrong is promoted. it is this habit--this habit of graduating our morality by the laws of the land in which we live--that makes the "mischief framed by a law" so much more pernicious than that which has no law to countenance it, and to commend it to the conscience. who is unaware, that nothing tends so powerfully to keep the traffic in strong drink from becoming universally odious, as the fact, that this body and soul destroying business finds a sanction in human laws? who has not seen the man, authorized by these laws to distribute the poison amongst his tippling neighbors, proof against all the shafts of truth, under the self-pleasing and self-satisfying consideration, that his is a lawful business. this habit of setting up man's law, instead of god's law, as the standard of conduct, is strikingly manifested in the fact, that on the ground, that the federal constitution binds the citizens of the united states to perpetuate slavery, or at least, not to meddle with it, we are, both at the north and the south, called on to forbear from all efforts to abolish it. the exertions made to discover in that instrument, authority for slavery, and authority against endeavors to abolish it, are as great, anxious, and unwearied, as if they who made them, thought that the fortunate discovery would settle for ever the great question which agitates our country--would nullify all the laws of god against slavery--and make the oppression of our colored brethren, as long as time shall last, justifiable and praiseworthy. but this discovery will never be made; for the constitution is not on the side of the slaveholder. if it were, however, it would clothe him with no moral right to act in opposition to the paramount law of god. it is not at all necessary to the support of my views, in this communication, to show that the constitution was not designed to favor slavery; and yet, a few words to this end may not be out of place. a treaty between great britain and turkey, by the terms of which the latter should be prohibited from allowing slaves to be brought within her dominions, after twenty years from its date, would, all will admit, redound greatly to the credit of great britain. to be sure, she would not have done as much for the cause of humanity, as if she had succeeded in bringing the further indulgence of the sin within the limits of a briefer period, and incomparably less than if she had succeeded in reconciling the sublime porte to her glorious and emphatically english doctrines of immediate emancipation. but still she would deserve some praise--much more than if she had done nothing in this respect. now, for my present purpose, and many of our statesmen say, for nearly all purposes, the federal constitution is to be regarded as a treaty between sovereign states. but how much more does this treaty do for the abolition of slavery, than that on which we were, a moment since, bestowing our praise! it imposes a prohibition similar to that in the supposed treaty between great britain and turkey, so that no slaves have been allowed to be introduced into the united states since the year . it goes further, and makes ample provision for the abolition and prevention of slavery in every part of the nation, save these states; so that the district of columbia and the national territories can be cleared forever of slavery, whenever a majority of the parties, bound by the treaty, shall desire it. and it goes still farther, and clothes this majority with the power of regulating commerce between the states, and consequently, of prohibiting their mutual traffic in "the bodies and souls of men." had this treaty gone but one step farther, and made an exception, as it should have done, in behalf of slaves, in the clause making necessary provision for the return of fugitives held to service in the states from which they flee, none but those who think it is fairly held responsible for the twenty years indulgence of the unholy traffic, would have claimed any thing more from it in relation to slavery. now, this instrument, which contains nothing more, bearing on the subject of slavery, than what i have referred to, and whose pages are not once polluted with the words "slave" and "slavery," is abundantly and triumphantly cited, as conclusive authority in favor of slavery, and against endeavors to abolish it. whilst we regret, that the true-hearted sons of freedom in the convention which formed it, could obtain no more concessions from the advocates of slavery, let us honor their sacred memory, and thank god for those they did obtain. i have supposed it possible, that you might number yourself with those, who defend slavery on the ground of its alleged conformity with human laws. it occurs to me, that you may, also, take hope, that slavery is defensible in the supposed fact, that a considerable share of the professing christians, in the free states, are in favor of it. "let god be true, but every man a liar." if all professing christians were for slavery, yet, if god is against it, that is reason enough why you also should be against it. it is not true, however, that a considerable share of our professing christians are on the side of slavery. indeed, until i read professor hodge's article, i had not supposed that any of them denied its sinfulness. it is true, that a large proportion of them refuse to take a stand against it. let them justify to their consciences, and to their god, as they can, the equivocal silence and still more equivocal action on this subject, by which they have left their southern brethren to infer, that northern piety sanctions slavery. it is the doctrine of expediency, so prevalent and corrupting in the american church, which has deceived you into the belief, that a large share of the professing christians in the free states, think slavery to be sinless. this share, which you have in your eye, is, as well as the remainder, convinced that slavery is sinful--_only they think it inexpedient to say so_. in relation to other sins, they are satisfied with god's way of immediate abandonment. but, in relation to slavery, they flatter themselves that they have discovered "a more excellent way"--that of leaving the sin untouched, and simply hoping for its cessation, at some indefinite period in the distant future. i say hoping, instead of praying, as prayer for an object is found to be accompanied by corresponding efforts. but for this vile doctrine of expediency, which gives to our ecclesiastical bodies, whenever the subject of such a giant and popular sin as slavery is broached in them, the complexion of a political caucus steeped in unprincipled policy, rather than that of a company of the saviour's disciples, inquiring "in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom," the way of the lord;--but for this doctrine, i say, you would, long ago, have heard the testimony of northern christians against southern slavery;--and not only so, but you would long ago have seen this dagon fall before the power of that testimony. i trust, however, that this testimony will not long be withheld; and that northern christians will soon perceive, that, in relation to slavery, as well as every other sin, it is the safest and wisest, as well as the holiest course, to drop all carnal policy--to "trust in the lord with all thine heart, and lean not unto thine own understanding." not only are northern christians, with very rare exceptions, convinced of the sin of slavery; but even your slaveholders were formerly accustomed, with nearly as great unanimity, to admit, that they themselves thought it to be sinful. it is only recently, and since they have found that their system must be tested by the bible, thoroughly and in earnest--not merely for the purpose, as formerly, of determining without any practical consequences of the determination, what is the moral character of slavery--but, for the purpose of settling the point, whether the institution shall stand or fall,--it is only, i say, since the civilized world has been fast coming to claim that it shall be decided by the bible, and by no lower standard, whether slavery shall or shall not exist--that your slaveholders have found it expedient to take the ground, that slavery is not sin. it probably has not occurred to you, how fairly and fully you might have been stopped, upon the very threshold of your defence of slavery. the only witness you have called to the stand to sustain your sinking cause, is the bible. but this is a witness, which slavery has itself impeached, and of which, therefore, it is not entitled to avail itself. it is a good rule in our civil courts, that a party is not permitted to impeach his own witness; and it is but an inconsiderable variation of the letter of this rule, and obviously no violation of its spirit and policy to say, that no party is permitted to attempt to benefit his cause by a witness whom he has himself impeached. now, the slaveholder palpably violates this rule, when he presumes to offer the bible as a witness for his cause:--for he has previously impeached it, by declaring, in his slave system, that it is not to be believed--that its requirements are not to be obeyed--that they are not even to be read (though the bible expressly directs that they shall be)--that concubinage shall be substituted for the marriage it enjoins--and that its other provisions for the happiness, and even the existence, of the social relations, shall be trampled under foot. the scene, in which a lawyer should ask the jury to believe what his witness is saying at one moment, and to reject what he is saying at another, would be ludicrous enough. but what more absurdity is there in it than that which the pro-slavery party are guilty of, when they would have us deaf, whilst their witness is testifying in favor of marriage and searching the scriptures; and, all ears, whilst that same witness is testifying, as they construe it, in favor of slavery! no--before it will be competent for the american slaveholder to appeal to the bible for justification of his system, that system must be so modified, as no longer to make open, shameless war upon the bible. i would recommend to slaveholders, that, rather than make so unhallowed a use of the bible as to attempt to bolster up their hard beset cause with it, they should take the ground, which a very distinguished slaveholding gentleman of the city of washington took, in a conversation with myself on the subject of slavery. feeling himself uncomfortably plied by quotations from the word of god, he said with much emphasis, "stop, sir, with that, if you please--slavery is a subject, which has nothing to do with the bible." this practice of attempting to put the boldest and most flagrant sins under the wing and sanction of the bible, is chargeable on others as well as on the advocates of slavery. not to speak of other instances of it--it is sought to justify by this blessed book the most despotic forms of civil government, and the drinking of intoxicating liquors. there are two evils so great, which arise from this perversion of the word of god, that i cannot forbear to notice them. one is, that the consciences of men are quieted, when they imagine that they have found a justification in the bible for the sins of which they are guilty. the other is, that infidels are multiplied by this perversion. a respectable gentleman, who edits a newspaper in this neighborhood, and who, unhappily, is not established in the christian faith, was asked, a few months since, to attend a meeting of a bible society. "i am not willing," said he, in reply, "to favor the circulation of a volume, which many of its friends claim to be on the side of slavery." rely on it, sir, that wherever your book produces the conviction that the bible justifies slavery, it there weakens whatever of respect for that blessed volume previously existed. whoever is brought to associate slavery with the bible, may, it is true, think better of slavery; but he will surely think worse of the bible. i hope, therefore, in mercy to yourself and the world, that the success of your undertaking will be small. but oftentimes the same providence has a bright, as well as a gloomy, aspect. it is so in the case before us. the common attempt, in our day, to intrench great sins in the authority of the bible, is a consoling and cheering evidence, that this volume is recognised as the public standard of right and wrong; and that, whatever may be their private opinions of it who are guilty of these sins, they cannot hope to justify themselves before the world, unless their lives are, apparently, at least, conformed, in some good degree, to this standard. we may add, too, that, as surely as the bible is against slavery, every pro-slavery writer, who like yourself appeals to it as the infallible and only admissible standard of right and wrong, will contribute to the overthrow of the iniquitous system. his writings may not, uniformly, tend to this happy result. in some instances, he may strengthen confidence in the system of slavery by producing conviction, that the bible sanctions it;--and then his success will be, as before remarked, at the expense of the claims and authority of the bible:--but these instances of the pernicious effects of his writings will be very rare, quite too rare we may hope, to counterbalance the more generally useful tendency of writings on the subject of slavery, which recognise the paramount authority of god's law. having completed the examination of your book, i wish to hold up to you, in a single view, the substance of what you have done. you have come forth, the unblushing advocate of american slavery;--a system which, whether we study its nature in the deliberate and horrid enactments of its code, or in the heathenism and pollution and sweat and tears and blood, which prove, but too well, the agreement of its practical character with its theory--is, beyond all doubt, more oppressive and wicked than any other, which the avaricious, sensual, cruel heart of man ever devised. you have come forth, the unblushing advocate of a system under which parents are daily selling their children; brothers and sisters, their brothers and sisters; members of the church of christ, their fellow-members--under which, in a word, immortal man, made "in the image of god," is more unfeelingly and cruelly dealt with, than the brute. i know that you intimate that this system would work well, were it in the hands of none but good men. but with equal propriety might you say, that the gaming-house or the brothel would work well in such hands. you have attempted to sustain this system by the testimony of the bible. the system, a part only of the crimes of which, most of the nations of christendom have declared to be piracy;--against which, the common sense, the philosophy, the humanity, the conscience of the world, are arrayed;--this system, so execrable and infamous, you have had the presumption to attempt to vindicate by that blessed book, whose author "is of purer eyes than to behold evil, and (who) cannot look upon iniquity"--and who "has magnified his word above all his name." and now, sir, let me solemnly inquire of you, whether it is right to do what you have done?--whether it is befitting a man, a christian, and a minister of the gospel?--and let me, further, ask you, whether you have any cheering testimony in your heart that it is god's work you have been doing? that you and i may, in every future work of our hands, have the happiness to know, that the approbation of our employer comes from the upper, and not from the under world, is the sincere desire of your friend, gerrit smith. no. the anti-slavery examiner. the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . postage--this periodical contains five and a half sheets. postage under miles, - / cts over miles, cents. _please read and circulate._ piercy & reed. printers, theatre alley. contents. definition of slavery man-stealing--examination of ex. xxi. import of "bought with money," etc. rights and privileges of servants no involuntary servitude under the mosaic system servants were paid wages masters, not owners servants distinguished from property social equality of servants with their masters condition of the gibeonites, as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth egyptian bondage analyzed objections considered. "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be," etc. gen. ix. "for he is his money," examination of, ex. xxi. , "bondmen and bondmaids" bought of the heathen. lev. xxv. - "they shall be your bondmen forever." lev. xxv. "ye shall take them as an inheritance," etc. lev. xxv. the israelite to serve as a hired servant. lev. xxv. , difference between bought and hired servants bought servants the most privileged class summary of the different classes of servants disabilities of the servants from the heathen examination of exodus xxi. - the canaanites not sentenced to unconditional extermination inquiry, &c. * * * * * the spirit of slavery never takes refuge in the bible _of its own accord._ the horns of the altar are its last resort. it seizes them, if at all, only in desperation--rushing from the terror of the avenger's arm. like other unclean spirits, it "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, lest its deeds should be reproved." goaded to phrenzy in its conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it breaks at last into the sacred enclosure, and courses up and down the bible, "seeking rest, and finding none." the law of love, streaming from every page, flashes around it an omnipresent anguish and despair. it shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons recoiled from the son of god, and shrieked, "torment us not." at last, it slinks away among the shadows of the mosaic system, and thinks to burrow out of sight among its types and shadows. vain hope! its asylum is its sepulchre; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. it rushes from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire; and from the voice of god into the thickest of his thunders. definition of slavery. if we would know whether the bible is the charter of slavery, we must first determine _just what slavery is_. the thing itself must be separated from its appendages. a constituent element is one thing; a relation another; an appendage another. relations and appendages presuppose _other_ things, of which there are relations and appendages. to regard them as _the things_ to which they pertain, or as constituent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. a great variety of conditions, relations, and tenures, indispensable to the social state, are confounded with slavery; and thus slaveholding is deemed quite harmless, if not virtuous. we will specify some of the things which are often confounded with slavery. . _privation of the right of suffrage_. then _minors_ are slaves. . _ineligibility to office_. then _females_ are slaves. . _taxation without representation_. then three-fourths of the people of rhode island are slaves, and _all_ in the district of columbia. . _privation of one's oath in law_. then the _free_ colored people of ohio are slaves. so are disbelievers in a future retribution, generally. . _privation of trial by jury_. then all in france and germany are slaves. . _being required to support a particular religion_. then the people of england are slaves. [to the preceding may be added all other disabilities, merely political.] . _cruelty and oppression_. wives are often cruelly treated; hired domestics are often oppressed; but these forms of oppression are not slavery. . _apprenticeship_. the rights and duties of master and apprentice are correlative and reciprocal. the _claim_ of each upon the other results from the _obligation_ of each to the other. apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. the rights of the apprentice are secured, and his interests are promoted equally with those of the master. indeed, while the law of apprenticeship is _just_ to the master, it is _benevolent_ to the apprentice. its main design is rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. it _promotes_ the interests of the former, while it guards from injury those of the latter in doing it. it secures to the master a mere legal compensation, while it secures to the apprentice both a legal compensation, and a virtual gratuity in addition, the apprentice being of the two decidedly the greatest gainer. the law not only recognizes the _right_ of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. the master's claim covers only the _services_ of the apprentice. the apprentice's claim covers _equally_ the services of the master. the master cannot hold the apprentice as property, nor the apprentice the master; but each holds property in the services of the other, and both equally. is this slavery? . _filial subordination and parental claims_. both are nature's dictates, and indispensable to the existence of the social state; their _design_ the promotion of mutual welfare; and the _means_, those natural affections created by the relation of parent and child, and blending them in one by irrepressible affinities; and thus, while exciting each to discharge those offices incidental to the relation, they constitute a shield for mutual protection. the parent's legal claim to the services of his children, while minors, is a slight boon for the care and toil of their rearing, to say nothing of outlays for support and education. this provision for the good of the _whole_, is, with the greater part of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. the child, in helping his parents, helps himself--increases a common stock, in which he has a share; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. . _bondage for crime, or governmental claims on criminals._ must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties? true, the criminal works for the government without pay; and well he may. he owes the government. a century's work would not pay its drafts on him. he is a public defaulter, and will die so. because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who _owe nothing?_ besides, the law makes no criminal, property. it restrains his liberty; it makes him pay something, a mere penny in the pound, of his debt to the government; but it does not make him a _chattel_. test it. to own property is to own its product. are children born of convicts government property? besides, can _property_ be _guilty_? are _chattels_ punished? . _restrictions upon freedom._ children are restrained by parents, wards by guardians, pupils by teachers, patients by physicians and nurses, corporations by charters, and legislators by constitutions. embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. restraints are the web of civilized society, warp and woof. are they slavery? then civilized society is a mammoth slave--a government of law, _the climax of slavery_, and its executive a king among slaveholders. . _involuntary or compulsory service_. a juryman is empannelled _against his will_, and sit he _must_. a sheriff orders his posse; bystanders _must_ turn in. men are _compelled_ to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and "turn to the right as the law directs," however much _against their wills_. are they therefore slaves? to confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. slavery is a _condition_. the slave's _feelings_ toward it, are one thing; the condition itself, the object of these feelings, is _another_ thing; his feelings cannot alter the nature of that condition. whether he _desire_ or _detest_ it, the _condition_ remains the same. the slave's _willingness_ to be a slave is no palliation of his master's guilt in holding him. suppose the slave verily thinks himself a chattel, and consents that others may so regard him, does that _make_ him a chattel, or make those guiltless who _hold_ him as such? i may be sick of life, and i tell the assassin so that stabs me; is he any the less a murderer because i _consent_ to be made a corpse? does my partnership in his guilt blot out his part of it? if the slave were willing to be a slave, his _voluntariness_, so far from _lessening_ the guilt of the "owner," _aggravates_ it. if slavery has so palsied his mind and he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually _to hold him as such_, falls in with his delusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. _these very feelings and convictions of the slave_, (if such were possible) increase a hundred fold the guilt of the master in holding him as property, and call upon him in thunder, immediately to recognize him as a man, and thus break the sorcery that binds his soul, cheating it of its birth-right, and the consciousness of its worth and destiny. many of the foregoing conditions and relations are _appendages_ of slavery, and some of them inseparable from it. but no one, nor all of them together, constitute its _intrinsic unchanging element_. we proceed to state affirmatively that, enslaving men is reducing them to articles of property, making free agents chattels, converting _persons_ into _things_, sinking intelligence, accountability, immortality, into _merchandise_. a _slave_ is one held in this condition. he is a mere tool for another's use and benefit. in law "he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." _his right to himself is abrogated._ he is another's property. if he say _my_ hands, _my_ feet, _my_ body, _my_ mind, my_self_; they are figures of speech. to _use himself_ for his own good is a crime. to keep what he _earns_ is stealing. to take his body into his own keeping is _insurrection_. in a word, the> _profit_ of his master is the end of his being, and he, a _mere means_ to that end, a _mere means_ to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion[a]. man sunk to a _thing_! the intrinsic element, the _principle_ of slavery; men sold, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at public outcry! their _rights_ another's conveniences, their interests, wares on sale, their happiness, a household utensil; their personal inalienable ownership, a serviceable article, or plaything, as best suits the humor of the hour; their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes, marketable commodities! we repeat it, _the reduction of persons to things_; not robbing a man of privileges, but of _himself_; not loading with burdens, but making him a _beast of burden_; not _restraining_ liberty, but subverting it; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them; not inflicting personal cruelty, but annihilating _personality_; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking him into an _implement_ of labor; not abridging his human comforts, but abrogating his _human nature_; not depriving an animal of immunities, but _despoiling a rational being of attributes_, uncreating a man to make room for a _thing_! [footnote a: whatever system sinks man from an end to a _means_, or in other words, whatever transforms him from an object of instrumentality into a mere instrumentality _to_ an object, just so far makes him a _slave_. hence west india apprenticeship retains in _one_ particular the cardinal principle of slavery. the apprentice, during three-fourths of his time, is still forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings; just so far forth he is a _mere means_, a _slave_. true, in all other respects slavery is abolished in the british west indies. its bloodiest features are blotted out--but the meanest and most despicable of all--forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three-fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demur at the outrage, is one of the provisions of the "emancipation act!" for the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thank god, while they mourn that it rose behind clouds, and shines through an eclipse.] that this is american slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. judge stroud, in his "sketch of the laws relating to slavery," says, "the cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among _things_--is an article of property, a chattel personal, obtains as undoubted law in all of these states," (the slave states.) the law of south carolina thus lays down the principle, "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_ in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever." brevard's digest, . in louisiana, "a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he _belongs_; the master may sell him, dispose of his _person, his industry, and his labor_; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master." civil code of louisiana, art. . this is american slavery. the eternal distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under foot--the crowning distinction of all others--their centre and circumference--the source, the test, and the measure of their value--the rational, immortal principle, embalmed by god in everlasting remembrance, consecrated to universal homage in a baptism of glory and honor, by the gift of his son, his spirit, his word, his presence, providence, and power; his protecting shield, upholding staff, and sheltering wing; his opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven, proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. having stated the _principle_ of american slavery, we ask, does the bible sanction such a principle?[a][a]? to the _law_ and the _testimony_. first, the moral law, or the ten commandments. just after the israelites were emancipated from their bondage in egypt, while they stood before sinai to receive the law, as the trumpet waxed louder, and the mount quaked and blazed, god spake the ten commandments from the midst of clouds and thunderings. _two_ of those commandments deal death to slavery. look at the eighth, "_thou shall not steal_," or, thou shalt not take from another what belongs to him. all man's powers of body and mind are god's gift to _him_. that they are _his own_, and that he has a right to them, is proved from the fact that god has given them to _him alone_, that each of them is a part of _himself_, and all of them together _constitute_ himself. all _else_ that belongs to man is acquired by the _use_ of these powers. the _interest_ belongs to him, because the _principal_ does--the product is his, because he is the _producer_. ownership of any thing is ownership of its _use_. the right to use according to will, is _itself_ ownership. the eighth commandment _presupposes and assumes the right of every man to his powers, and their product._ slavery robs of both. a man's right to himself is the only right absolutely original and intrinsic--his right to whatever else that belongs to him is merely _relative_ to his right to himself--is derived from it, and held only by virtue of it. self-right is the _foundation right_--the _post in the middle_, to which all other rights are fastened. slaveholders, the world over, when talking about their right to their slaves, always assume _their own right to themselves_. what slaveholder ever undertook to prove his own right to himself? he knows it to be a self-evident proposition, that _a man belongs to himself_--that the right is intrinsic and absolute. the slaveholder, in making out his own title to himself, makes out the title of every human being to _himself_. as the fact of being _a man_ is itself the title, the whole human family have one common title deed. if _one_ man's title is valid, _all_ are valid. if one is worthless, all are. to deny the validity of the _slave's_ title is to deny the validity of _his own_; and yet in the act of making him a slave, the slaveholder _asserts_ the validity of his own title, while he seizes _him_ as his property who has the _same_ title. further, in making him a slave, he does not merely unhumanize _one_ individual, but universal man. he destroys the foundations. he annihilates _all rights_. he attacks not only the human race, but _universal being_, and rushes upon jehovah.--for rights are _rights_; god's are no more--man's are no less. [footnote a: the bible record of actions is no comment on their moral character. it vouches for them as _facts_, not as _virtues_. it records without rebuke, noah's drunkenness, lot's incest, and the lies of jacob and his mother--not only single acts, but _usages_, such as polygamy and concubinage, are entered on the record without censure. is that _silent entry_ god's _endorsement_? because the bible, in its catalogue of human actions, does not stamp on every crime its name and number, and write against it, _this is a crime_--does that wash out its guilt, and bleach it into a virtue?] the eighth commandment forbids the taking of _any_ part of that which belongs to another. slavery takes the _whole_. does the same bible which forbids the taking of _any_ thing belonging to him, sanction the taking of _every_ thing? is it such a medley of absurdities as to thunder wrath against him who robs his neighbor of a _cent_, while it bids god speed to him who robs his neighbor of _himself_? slavery is the highest possible violation of the eighth commandment. to take from a man his earnings, is theft. but to take the _earner_, is compound, superlative, perpetual theft. it is to be a thief by profession. it is a trade, a life of robbery, that vaults through all the gradations of the climax at a leap--the dread, terrific, giant robbery, that towers among other robberies, a solitary horror, monarch of the realm. the eighth commandment forbids the taking away, and the _tenth_ adds, "_thou shalt not covet any thing that is thy neighbor's_;" thus guarding every man's right to himself and his property, by making not only the actual taking away a sin, but even that state of mind which would _tempt_ to it. who ever made human beings slaves, or held them as slaves without _coveting_ them? why do they take from them their time, their labor, their liberty, their right of self-preservation and improvement, their right to acquire property, to worship according to conscience, to search the scriptures, to live with their families, and their right to their own bodies? why do they _take_ them, if they do not _desire_ them? they covet them for purposes of gain, convenience, lust of dominion, of sensual gratification, of pride and ostentation. _they break the tenth commandment_, and pluck down upon their heads the plagues that are written in the book. _ten_ commandments constitute the brief compend of human duty. _two_ of these brand slavery as sin. the giving of the law at sinai, immediately preceded the promulgation of that body of laws and institutions, called the "mosaic system." over the gateway of that system, fearful words were written by the finger of god--"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." see exodus, xxi. . the oppression of the israelites in egypt, and the wonders wrought for their deliverance, proclaim the reason for _such_ a law at _such_ a time--when the body politic became a theocracy, and reverently waited for the will of god. they had just been emancipated. the tragedies of their house of bondage were the realities of yesterday, and peopled their memories with thronging horrors. they had just witnessed god's testimony against oppression in the plagues of egypt--the burning blains on man and beast--the dust quickened into loathsome life, and cleaving in swarms to every living thing--the streets, the palaces, the temples, and every house heaped up with the carcasses of things abhorred--even the kneading troughs and ovens, the secret chambers and the couches, reeking and dissolving with the putrid death--the pestilence walking in darkness at noonday, the devouring locusts and hail mingled with fire, the first-born death-struck, and the waters blood, and, last of all, that dread high hand and stretched out arm, that whelmed the monarch and his hosts, and strewed their corpses in the sea. all this their eyes had looked upon,--earth's proudest city, wasted and thunder-scarred, lying in desolation, and the doom of oppressors traced on her ruins in the hand writing of god, glaring in letters of fire mingled with blood--a blackened monument of wrath to the uttermost against the stealers of men. no wonder that god, in a code of laws prepared for such a people at such a time, should light up on its threshold a blazing beacon to flash terror on slaveholders. "_he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall be surely put to death_." ex. xxii. . god's cherubim and flaming sword guarding the entrance to the mosaic system! see also deut. xxiv. [a]. [footnote a: jarchi, the most eminent of the jewish writers, (if we except perhaps the egyptian maimonides,) who wrote seven hundred years ago, in his comment on this stealing and making merchandize of men, gives the meaning thus:--"using a man against his will, as a servant lawfully purchased; yea though he should use his services ever so little, only to the value of a farthing, or use but his arm to lean on to support him, _if he be forced so to act as a servant_, the person compelling him but once to do so shall die as a thief, whether he has sold him or not."] the hebrew word, _gaunab_, here rendered _stealeth_, means the taking from another what _belongs_ to him, whether it be by violence or fraud; the same word is used in the eighth commandment, and prohibits both _robbery_ and theft. the crime specified is that of _depriving_ somebody _of the ownership of a man_. is this somebody a master? and is the crime that of depriving a _master_ of his _servant_? then it would have been "he that stealeth" a _servant, not_ "he that stealeth a _man_." if the crime had been the taking of an individual from _another_, then the _term_ used would have been _expressive of that relation_, and _most especially_ if it was the relation of property and _proprietor_! the crime, as stated in the passage, is three-fold--man _stealing_, _selling_ and _holding_. all are put on a level, and whelmed under one penalty--death. this _somebody_ deprived of the ownership of man, is the _man himself_, robbed of personal ownership. joseph said to the servants of pharoah, "indeed i was _stolen_ away out of the land of the hebrews." gen. xl. . how _stolen_? his brethren took him and sold him as an _article of merchandize_. contrast this penalty for _man_-stealing with that for _property_-stealing. exod. xxii. if a man stole an _ox_ and killed or sold it, he was to restore five oxen; if he had neither sold nor killed it, the penalty was two oxen. the selling or the killing being virtually a deliberate repetition of the crime, the penalty was more than doubled. but in the case of stealing a _man_, the first act drew down the utmost power of punishment; however often repeated, or however aggravated the crime, human penalty could do no more. the fact that the penalty for _man_-stealing was death, and the penalty for _property_-stealing, the mere _restoration of double_, shows that the two cases were adjudicated on totally different principles. the man stolen might be past labor, and his support a _burden_, yet death was the penalty, though not a cent's worth of _property value_ was taken. the penalty for stealing _property_ was a mere _property penalty_. however large the amount stolen, the payment of _double_ wiped out the score. it might have a greater _money_ value than a _thousand_ men, yet _death_ was never the penalty, nor maiming, nor branding, nor even _stripes_. whatever the kind, or the amount stolen, the unvarying penalty was double of _the same kind_. why was not the rule uniform? when a _man_ was stolen why not require the thief to restore _double of the same kind--two men_, or if he had sold him, _five_ men? do you say that the man-thief might not _have_ them? so the _ox_-thief might not have two _oxen_, or if he had killed it, _five_. but if god permitted men to hold _men_ as property, equally with _oxen_, the _man_-thief could get _men_ with whom to pay the penalty, as well as the _ox_-thief, _oxen_. further, when _property_ was stolen, the whole of the legal penalty was a compensation to the person injured. but when a _man_ was stolen, no property compensation was offered. to tender _money_ as an equivalent, would have been to repeat the outrage with the intolerable aggravations of supreme insult and impiety. compute the value of a man in _money!_ throw dust into the scale against immortality! the law recoiled from such outrage and blasphemy. to have permitted the man-thief to expiate his crime by restoring double, would have been making the repetition of crime its atonement. but the infliction of death for _man-stealing_ exacted from the guilty wretch the utmost possibility of reparation. it wrung from him, as he gave up the ghost, a testimony in blood, and death groans, to the infinite dignity and worth of man,--a proclamation to the universe, voiced in mortal agony, that man is inviolable,--a confession shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's mouth--"i die accursed, and god is just." if god permitted man to hold _man_ as property, why did he punish for stealing _that_ kind of property infinitely more than for stealing any _other_ kind of property? why did he punish with _death_ for stealing a very little, perhaps not a sixpence worth, of _that_ sort of property, and make a mere _fine_, the penalty for stealing a thousand times as much, of any other sort of property--especially if god did by his own act annihilate the difference between man and _property_, by putting him _on a level with it_? the atrociousness of a crime, depends greatly upon the nature, character, and condition of the victim. to steal is a crime, whoever the thief, or whatever the plunder. to steal bread from a _full_ man, is theft; to steal it from a _starving_ man, is both theft and murder. if i steal my neighbor's _property_, the crime consists not in the _nature_ of the article, but in _shifting its external relation_ from _him to me_. but when i take my neighbor _himself_, and first make him _property_, and then _my_ property, the latter act, which was the sole crime in the former case, dwindles to a mere appendage. the sin in stealing a man does not consist in transferring, from its owner to another, that which is _already property_, but in turning _personality_ into _property_. true, the _attributes_ of man still remain, but the rights and immunities which grow out of them are _annihilated_. it is the first law of reason and revelation to regard things and beings as they are; and the sum of religion, to feel and act toward them according to their nature and value. knowingly to treat them otherwise, is _sin_; and the degree of violence done to their nature, relations, and value, measures its guilt. when things are sundered which god has indissolubly joined, or confounded in one, which he has separated by infinite extremes; when sacred and eternal distinctions, which he has garnished with glory, are derided and set at nought, then, if ever, _sin_ reddens in its "scarlet dye." the sin specified in the passage, is that of doing violence to the _nature_ of a _man_--his _intrinsic value_ and relations as a rational being, and blotting out the exalted distinction stamped upon him by his maker. in the verse preceding, and in that which follows, the same principle is laid down. verse , "_he then smiteth his father or his mother shall surely be put to death._" verse , "_he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death._" if a jew smote his neighbor, the law merely smote him in return. but if that same blow were given to a _parent_, the law struck the smiter _dead_. why this difference in the punishment of the same act, inflicted on different persons? answer--god guards the parental relation with peculiar care. it is the _centre_ of human relations. to violate that, is to violate _all_. whoever trampled on _that_, showed that no relation had any sacredness in his eyes--that he was unfit to move among human relations who had violated one so sacred and tender.--therefore, the mosaic law uplifted his bleeding corpse, and brandished the ghastly terror around the parental relation to guard it from impious inroads. but why the difference in the penalty since the _act_ was the same? the sin had divers aggravations. . the relation violated was obvious--the distinction between parents and others, manifest, dictated by natural affection--a law of the constitution. . the act was violence to nature--a suicide on constitutional susceptibilities. . the parental relation then, as now, was the centre of the social system, and required powerful safe-guards. "_honor thy father and thy mother_," stands at the head of those commands which prescribe the duties of man to man; and, throughout the bible, the parental relation is god's favorite illustration, of his own relations to the whole family of man. in this case, death is inflicted not at all for the act of _smiting_, nor for smiting a _man_, but a _parent_--for violating a vital and sacred relation--a _distinction_ cherished by god, and around which, both in the moral and ceremonial law, he threw up a bulwark of defence. in the next verse, "he that stealeth a man," &c., the same principle is wrought out in still stronger relief. the crime here punished with death, is not the mere act of taking property from its owner, but the disregarding of _fundamental relations_, doing violence to an _immortal nature_, making war on a _sacred distinction_ of priceless worth. that distinction which is cast headlong by the principle of american slavery; which makes men "_chattels_." the incessant pains-taking throughout the old testament, in the separation of human beings from brutes and things, shows god's regard for the sacredness of his own distinction. "in the beginning" the lord uttered it in heaven, and proclaimed it to the universe as it rose into being. he arrayed creation at the instant of its birth, to do it reverent homage. it paused in adoration while he ushered forth its crowning work. why that dread pause, and that creating arm held back in mid career, and that high conference in the godhead? "_let us make man in_ our image, _after_ our likeness, and let him have dominion _over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth_." _then_ while every living thing, with land, and sea, and firmament, and marshalled worlds, waited to catch and swell the shout of morning stars--then "god created man in his own image. in the image of god created he him." this solves the problem, in the image of god created he him. well might the sons of god cry all together, "amen, alleluia"--"_thou art worthy, o lord, to receive blessing and honor"--"for thou hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honor. thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. o lord, our lord, how excellent is thy name in all the earth_." psalms viii. , , . the frequent and solemn repetition of this distinction by god proclaims his infinite regard. the th, th, and th verses of the st chapter of genesis are little else than the repetition of it in various forms. in the th chapter, st verse, we find it again--"in the day that god created man, in the likeness of god made he man." in the th chapter, th verse, we find it again. after giving license to shed the blood of "every moving thing that liveth," it is added, "_whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for_ in the image of god made he man." as though he had said, "all these other creatures are your property, designed for your use--they have the likeness of earth, they perish with the using, and their spirits go downward; but this other being, man, has my own _likeness_; in the image of god made i man; an intelligent, moral, immortal agent, invited to all that i can give and he can be." so in levit. xxiv. , , "_he that killeth any_ man _shall surely be put to death; and he, that killeth a beast shall make it good, beast for beast; and he that killeth a_ man _shall be put to death_." so in the passage quoted above, ps. viii. , . what an enumeration of particulars, each separating infinitely, men from brutes and things! . "_thou hast made him a little lower than the angels_." slavery drags him down among _brutes_. . "_and hast crowned him with glory and honor_." slavery tears off his crown, and puts on a _yoke_. . "_thou madest him to have dominion_ over _the works of thy hands_." slavery breaks his sceptre, and casts him down _among_ those works--yea, _beneath them_. . "_thou hast put all things under his feet_." slavery puts him _under the feet of an owner_, with beasts and creeping things. who, but an impious scorner, dare thus strive with his maker, and mutilate his image, and blaspheme the holy one, who saith to those that grind his poor, "_inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did it unto me_." but time would fail us to detail the instances in which this distinction is most impressively marked in the bible. in further prosecuting this inquiry, the patriarchal and mosaic systems will be considered together, as each reflects light upon the other, and as many regulations of the latter are mere _legal_ forms of divine institutions previously existing. as a _system_, however, the latter alone is of divine authority. whatever were the usages of the _patriarchs_, god has not made them our examplars[a]. [footnote a: those who insist that the patriarchs held slaves, and sit with such delight under their shadow, hymning the praises of "those good old patriarchs and slaveholders," might at small cost greatly augment their numbers. a single stanza celebrating patriarchal _concubinage_, winding off with a chorus in honor of patriarchal _drunkenness_, would be a trumpet call, summoning from bush and brake, highway and hedge, and sheltering fence, a brotherhood of kindred affinities, each claiming abraham or noah as his patron saint, and shouting, "my name is legion." what a myriad choir, and thunderous song!] before entering upon an analysis of the condition of servants under these two states of society, let us settle the import of certain terms which describe the mode of procuring them. import of the word "buy," and the phrase "bought with money." from the direction to the israelites to "buy" their servants, and from the phrase "bought with money," applied to abraham's servants, it is argued that they were articles of _property_. the sole ground for this belief is the _terms_ "buy" and "bought with money," and such an import to these terms when applied to servants is assumed, not only in the absence of all proof, but in the face of evidence to the contrary. how much might be saved, if in discussion, the thing to be proved was always _assumed_. to _beg_ the question in debate, what economy of midnight oil! what a forestaller of premature wrinkles, and grey hairs! instead of protracted investigation into scripture usage, and painful collating of passages, and cautiously tracing minute relations, to find the meaning of scripture terms, let every man boldly resolve to interpret the language of the oldest book in the world, by the usages of his own time and place, and the work is done. and then what a march of mind! instead of _one_ revelation, they might be multiplied as the drops of the morning! every man might take orders as an inspired interpreter, with an infallible clue to the mind of the spirit, if he only understood the dialect of his own neighborhood! we repeat it, the only ground of proof that these terms are to be interpreted to mean, when applied to servants in the bible, the same that they mean when applied to our _slaves, is the terms themselves._ what a babel-jargon it would make of the bible to take it for granted that the sense in which words are _now_ used is the _inspired_ sense. david says, "i prevented the dawning of the morning, and cried." what a miracle-worker, to stop the earth in its revolution! rather too fast. two hundred years ago, _prevent_ was used in the strict latin sense to _come before_, or _anticipate_. it is always used in this sense in the old and new testaments. david's expression, in the english of the nineteenth century, is, "before the dawning of the morning i cried," or, i began to cry before day-break. "so my prayer shall _prevent_ thee." "let us _prevent_ his face with thanksgiving." "mine eyes _prevent_ the night watches." "we shall not _prevent_ them that are asleep," &c. in almost every chapter of the bible, words are used in a sense now nearly or quite obsolete, and sometimes in a sense totally _opposite_ to their present meaning. a few examples follow: "oftentimes i purposed to come to you, but was _let_ (hindered) hitherto." "and the four _beasts_ (living ones) fell down and worshipped god,"--whosoever shall _offend_ (cause to sin) one of these little ones,"--go out into the high ways and _compel_ (urge) them to come in,"--only let your _conversation_ (habitual conduct or course of life) be as becometh the gospel,"--they that seek me _early_ (earnestly) shall find me,--give me _by and by_ (now) in a charger, the head of john the baptist,"--so when tribulation or persecution ariseth _by-and-by_ (immediately) they are offended. nothing is more mutable than language. words, like bodies, are continually throwing off particles and absorbing others. so long as they are mere _representatives,_ elected by the whims of universal suffrage, their meaning will be a perfect volatile, and to cork it up for the next century is an employment sufficiently silly, (to speak within bounds,) for a modern bible dictionary maker. there never was a shallower conceit than that of establishing the sense attached to a word centuries ago, by showing what it means _now_. pity that hyper-fashionable mantuamakers and milliners were not a little quicker at taking hints from some of our doctors of divinity. how easily they could save their pious customers all qualms of conscience about the weekly shiftings of fashion, by demonstrating that the last importation of parisian indecency, just now flaunting here on promenade, was the identical style of dress in which the pious sarah kneaded cakes for the angels, the modest rebecca drew water for the camels of abraham's servants. since such fashions are rife in chestnut-street and broadway _now_, they _must_ have been in canaan and pandanaram four thousand years ago! ii. . the inference that the word buy, used to describe the procuring of servants, means procuring them as _chattels_, seems based upon the fallacy--that whatever _costs_ money _is_ money; that whatever or whoever you pay money _for_, is an article of property, and the fact of your paying for it _proves_ that it is property. the children of israel were required to _purchase_ their first-born out from under the obligations of the priesthood, numb. xviii. , ; exod. xxxiv. . this custom is kept up to this day among the jews, and the word _buy_ is still used to describe the transaction. does this prove that their first-born were, or are, held as property? they were _bought_ as really as were _servants_. so the israelites were required to _pay money_ for their own souls. this is called sometimes a ransom, sometimes an atonement. were their _souls_ therefore marketable commodities? . bible saints _bought_ their wives. boaz _bought_ ruth. "so ruth the moabitess, the wife of mahlon, have i _purchased_ to be my wife." ruth iv. . hosea bought his wife. "so i _bought_ her to me for fifteen pieces of silver, and for an homer of barley, and an half homer of barley." hosea iii. . jacob _bought_ his wives rachel and leah, and not having money, paid for them in labor--seven years a piece. gen. xxix. - . moses probably bought his wife in the same way, and paid for her by his labor, as the servant of her father. exod. ii. . shechem, when negotiating with jacob and his sons for dinah, says, "what ye shall say unto me, i will _give_. ask me never so much dowry and gift, and i will give according as ye shall say unto me." gen. xxxiv. , . david purchased michal, saul's daughter, and othniel, achsab, the daughter of caleb, by performing perilous services for the benefit of their fathers-in-law. sam. xviii. - ; judges i. , . that the purchase of wives, either with money or by service was the general practice, is plain from such passages as exod. xxii. , and sam. xviii. . among the jews of the present day this usage exists, though it is now a mere form, there being no _real_ purchase. yet among their marriage ceremonies, is one called "marrying by the penny." the coincidences, not only in the methods of procuring wives and servants, and in the terms employed in describing the transactions, but in the prices paid for each, are worthy of notice. the highest price of wives (virgins) and servants was the same. compare deut. xxii. , , and exod. xxii. , with lev. xxvii. - . the _medium_ price of wives and servants was the same. compare hosea iii. , with exod. xxi. . hosea appears to have paid one half in money and the other in grain. further, the israelitish female bought-servants were _wives_, their husbands and their masters being the same persons. exod. xxi. , and judges xix. , . if _buying_ servants among the jews shows that they were property, then buying _wives_ shows that _they_ were property. the words in the original used to describe the one, describe the other. why not contend that the wives of the ancient fathers of the faithful were their chattels, and used as ready change at a pinch? and thence deduce the rights of modern husbands. how far gone is the church from primitive purity! how slow to emulate illustrious examples! alas! patriarchs and prophets are followed afar off! when will pious husbands live up to their bible privileges, and become partakers with old testament worthies in the blessedness of a husband's rightful immunities! surely professors of religion now, are _bound_ to buy and hold their wives as property! refusing so to do, is to question the morality of those "good old" wife-trading "patriarchs, abraham, isaac, and jacob," with the prophets, and a host of whom the world was not worthy. the use of the word buy, to describe the procuring of wives, is not peculiar to the hebrew. in the syriac language, the common expression for "the married," or "the espoused," is "the bought." even so late as the th century, the common record of _marriages_ in the old german chronicles was "a. bought b." the hebrew word translated _buy_, is, like other words, modified by the nature of the subject to which it is applied. eve says, "i have _gotten_ (bought) a man of the lord." she named him cain, that is, _bought_. "he that heareth reproof, getteth (buyeth) understanding", prov. xv. . so in isa. xi. . "the lord shall set his hand again to recover (to _buy_) the remnant of his people." so ps. lxxviii. . he brought them to this mountain which his right hand had _purchased_, i.e. gotten. jer. xiii. . "take the girdle that thou hast got" (bought.) neh. v. . "we of our ability have _redeemed_ (bought) our brethren that were sold to the heathen." here "_bought_" is not applied to persons who were made slaves, but to those taken _out_ of slavery. prov. . . "the lord possessed (bought) me in the beginning of his way before his works of old." prov. xix. . "he that _getteth_ (buyeth) wisdom loveth his own soul." prov. xvi. . "how much better is it to _get_ (buy) wisdom than gold?" finally, to _buy_ is a _secondary_ meaning of the hebrew word _kana_. . even at this day the word _buy_ is used to describe the procuring of servants, where slavery is abolished. in the british west indies, where slaves became apprentices in , they are still "bought." this is now the current word in west india newspapers. so a few years since in new-york, connecticut, pennsylvania, and even now in new-jersey servants are "_bought_" as really as in virginia. and the different senses in which the same word is used in the two states, puts no man in a quandary, whose common sense amounts to a modicum. so under the system of legal _indenture_ in illinois, servants now are "_bought_."[a] a short time since, hundreds of foreigners who came to this country were "bought" annually. by voluntary contract they engaged to work for their purchasers a given time to pay for their passage. this class of persons called "redemptioners," consisted at one time of thousands. multitudes are _bought out_ of slavery by themselves or others, and remove into free states. under the same roof with the writer is a "servant bought with money." a few weeks since, she was a slave. as soon as "bought," she was a slave no longer. alas! for our leading politicians if "buying" men makes them "chattels." the whigs say that benton and rives were "bought" by the administration with the surplus revenue; and the other party, that clay and webster were "bought" by the bank. the histories of the revolution tell us that benedict arnold was "bought" by british gold. did that make him an article of property? when a northern clergyman marries a rich southern widow, country gossip hits off the indecency with this current phrase, "the cotton bags _bought_ him." when robert walpole said, "every man has his price, and whoever will pay it can _buy_ him," and when john randolph said, while the missouri question was pending, "the northern delegation is in the market; give me money enough, and i can _buy_ them," they both meant _just what they said_. when the temperance publications tell us that candidates for office _buy_ men with whiskey; and the oracles of street tattle, that the court, district attorney, and jury, in the late trial of robinson were _bought_, we have no floating visions of "chattels personal," man auctions, or coffles. [footnote a: the following statute is now in force in the state of illinois--"no negro, mulatto, or indian, shall at any time _purchase_ any servant other than of their own complexion: and if any of the persons aforesaid shall presume to _purchase_ a white servant, such servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed, and taken."] the transaction between joseph and the egyptians gives a clue to the meaning attached to "buy" and "bought with money." see gen. xlvii. - . the egyptians proposed to joseph to become servants, and that he should _buy_ them. when the bargain was closed, joseph said, "behold i have _bought you_ this day," and yet it is plain that neither of the parties dreamed that the persons _bought_ were in any sense articles of property, but merely that they became thereby obligated to labor for the government on certain conditions, as a _compensation_ for the entire support of themselves and families during the famine. and that the idea attached to "buy us," and "behold i have bought you," was merely the procuring of services voluntarily offered, and secured by contract, as a return for _value received_, and not at all that the egyptians were bereft of their personal ownership, and made articles of property. and this buying of _services_ (they were to give one-fifth part of their crops to pharaoh) is called in scripture usage, _buying the persons_. this case deserves special notice, as it is the only one where the whole transaction of buying servants is detailed--the preliminaries, the process, the mutual acquiescence, and the permanent relation resulting therefrom. in all other instances, the _mere fact_ is stated without entering into particulars. in this case, the whole process is laid open. . the persons "bought," _sold themselves_, and of their own accord. . obtaining permanently the _services_ of persons, or even a portion of them, is called "buying" those persons. the objector, at the outset, assumes that servants were bought of _third_ persons; and thence infers that they were articles of property. this is sheer _assumption_. not a single instance is recorded, of a servant being sold by any one but himself; not a case, either under the patriarchal, or the mosaic systems, in which a _master sold his servant_. that the servants who were "bought" _sold themselves_, is a fair inference from various passages of scripture. in leviticus xxv. , the case of the israelite, who became the servant of the stranger, the words are, "if he sell himself unto the stranger." the _same word_, and the same _form_ of the word, which, in the th verse, is rendered _sell himself_, is in the th verse of the same chapter, rendered _be sold_; in deut. xxviii. , the same word is rendered "_be sold_." here it is the hithpael conjugation, which is reflexive in its force, and, like the middle voice in greek, represents what an individual does for himself; or in his own concerns; and should manifestly have been rendered, ye shall _offer yourselves_ for sale. for a clue to scripture usage on this point, see kings xxi. , --"thou hast _sold thyself_ to work evil." "there was none like to ahab that _sold himself_ to work wickedness."-- kings xvii. . "they used divination and enchantments, and _sold themselves_ to do evil."--isa. l. . "for your iniquities have ye _sold yourselves_." isa. lii. , "ye have _sold yourselves_ for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money." see also, jeremiah xxxiv. --romans vii. , and vi. --john viii. , and the case of joseph and the egyptians, already quoted. again, if servants were _bought of third persons_, where are the instances? in the purchase of wives, though spoken of rarely, it is generally stated that they were bought of _third_ persons. is it not a fair inference, if servants were bought of third persons, that there would _sometimes_ have been such an intimation? ii.-the leading design of the mosaic laws relating to masters and servants, with an enumeration of the rights and privileges secured to servants. the general object of those statutes, which prescribed the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties--but more especially the good of the _servants_. while the interests of the master were specially guarded from injury, those of the servants were _promoted_. these laws were a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the israelites and strangers. not laying on burdens, but lightening them--they were a grant of _privileges_--a bestowment of _favors_. . _no servant from the strangers, could remain a servant in the family of an israelite, without becoming a proselyte_. compliance with this condition was the _price of the privilege_.--genesis xvii. - , , . . _excommunication from the family was a_ punishment.--genesis xxi. -luke xvi. - . . _the fact that every hebrew servant could_ compel _his master to keep him after the six years contract had, expired_, shows that the system was framed to advance the interests and gratify the wishes of the servant _quite as much_ as those of the master. if the servant _demanded_ it, the law _obliged_ the master to retain him in his household, however little he might need his services, or great his dislike to the individual. deut. xv. - , and exodus xxi. - . . _the rights and privileges guaranteed by law to all servants._ ( .) _they were admitted into covenant with god._ deut. xxix. - . ( .) _they were invited guests at all the national and family festivals of the household in which they resided._ exodus xii. - ; deut. xii. , , and xvi. - . ( .) _they were statedly instructed in morality and religion._ deut. xxxi. - ; joshua viii. - ; chronicles xvii. - . ( .) _they were released from their regular labor nearly_ one half of the whole time. during which, the law secured to them their entire support; and the same public and family instruction that was provided for the other members of the hebrew community. (a.) the law secured to them the _whole of every seventh year_; lev. xxv. - ; thus giving to those servants that remained such during the entire period between the jubilees, _eight whole years_ (including the jubilee year) of unbroken rest. (b.) _every seventh day_. this in forty-two years, (the eight being subtracted from the fifty) would amount to just _six years_. (c.) _the three great annual festivals_. the _passover_, which commenced on the th of the st month, and lasted seven days, deut. xvi. , . the pentecost, or feast of weeks, which began on the sixth day of the third month, and lasted seven days. lev. xxiii. - . and the feast of tabernacles, which commenced on the th of the seventh month, and lasted eight days. deut. xvi. , ; lev. xxiii. - . as all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. their cumbered caravans moved slowly. after their arrival at the place of sacrifice, a day or two at least, would be requisite for divers preparations, before entering upon the celebration of the festival, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for their return. if we assign three weeks to each festival--including the time spent on the journey going and returning, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the _festival week_; it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labor. as there were three festivals in the year, the main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least _nine weeks annually_, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eighty-four days. (e.) _the new moons_. the jewish year had twelve; josephus tells us that the jews always kept _two_ days for the new moon. see calmet on the jewish calender, and horne's introduction; also sam. xx, , , . this would amount in forty-two years, to two years, two hundred and eighty days, after the necessary subtractions. (f.) _the feast of trumpets_. on the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. lev. xxiii. , . (g.) _the day of atonement_. on the tenth of the seventh month. lev. xxiii. - . these two last feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days of time not otherwise reckoned. thus it appears that those persons who continued servants during the whole period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labor, twenty-three years and sixty-four days, out of fifty years, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. in the foregoing calculation, besides making a generous donation of all the _fractions_ to the objector, we have left out of the account, those numerous _local_ festivals to which frequent allusion is made, as in judges xxi. ; sam. th chapter. and the various _family_ festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in st sam. xx. , . neither have we included those memorable festivals instituted at a later period of the jewish history. the feast of purim, esther, ix. , ; and the feast of the dedication, which lasted eight days. john x. ; mac. iv. . finally, the mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time, which, if distributed, would on an average be almost one half of the days in each year. meanwhile, they and their families were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. if this amount of time were distributed over _every day_, the servants would have _to themselves_, all but a _fraction of_ one half of each day, and would labor for their masters the remaining fraction and the other half of the day. this regulation is a part of that mosaic system which is claimed by slaveholders as the great prototype of american slavery. . _the servant was protected by law equally with the other members of the community_. proof--"_hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righteously between every man and his neighbor, and_ the stranger that is with him." "_ye shall not_ respect persons _in judgment, but ye shall hear the_ small _as well as the great_." deut. i. , . also in lev. xxiv. . "_ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country, for i am the lord your god_." so numbers xv. . "_ye shall have_ one law _for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of israel, and for the_ stranger _that sojourneth among them_." deut. xxvii. . "_cursed be he that_ perverteth the judgment of the stranger, _the fatherless and the widow_." . _the mosaic system enjoined upon the israelites the greatest affection and kindness toward their servants, foreign as well as jewish_. lev. xix. . "_the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself_." also deut. x. , . "_for the lord your god is god of gods, and lord of lords, a great god, a mighty and a terrible, which_ regardeth not persons, _nor taketh reward. he doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and_ loveth the stranger, _in giving him food and raiment_, love ye therefore the stranger." so exodus xxii. . "_thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him_." exodus xxiii. . "_thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a stranger_." lev. xxv. , . "_if thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a_ stranger _or a sojourner, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy god_." [what an absurdity to suppose that _this same stranger_ could be taken by one that _feared his god_, held as a _slave_, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights!] . _servants were placed upon a level with their masters in all civil and religious rights_. see numbers xv. , , . numb. ix. . deut, i. , . lev. xxiv. . iii.--did persons become servants voluntarily, or were they made servants against their wills? we argue that they became servants _of their own accord_, . because to become a servant in the family of an israelite, was to abjure idolatry, to enter into covenant with god[a], to be circumcised in token of it, to be bound to the observance of the sabbath, of the passover, the pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles, and to receive instruction in all the particulars of the moral and ceremonial law. [footnote a: maimonides, who wrote in egypt about seven hundred years ago, a contemporary with jarchi, and who stands with him at the head of jewish writers, gives the following testimony on this point: "whether a servant be born in the power of an israelite, or whether he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both into the covenant." "but he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day, and he that is bought with money, on the day on which the master receives him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. for if the master receive a grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for one year. after which, should he _refuse_ so long, it is forbidden to keep him, longer than a year. and the master must send him back to the strangers from whence he came. for the god of jacob will not accept any other than the worship of a _willing_ heart."--maimon, hilcoth, miloth, chap. st, sec. th. the ancient jewish doctors agree in the testimony, that the servant from the strangers who at the close of his probationary year still refused to adopt the religion of the mosaic system, and was on that account cut off from the family, and sent back to his own people, received a _full compensation_ for his services, besides the payment of his expenses. but that _postponement_ of the circumcision of the foreign servant for a year (_or even at all_ after he had entered the family of an israelite) of which the mishnic doctors speak, seems to have been _a mere usage_. we find nothing of it in the regulations of the mosaic system. circumcision was manifestly a rite strictly _initiatory_. whether it was a rite merely _national_ or _spiritual_, or _both_, comes not within the scope of this inquiry. nor does it at all affect the argument. ] were the servants _forced_ through all these processes? was the renunciation of idolatry _compulsory_? were they _dragged_ into covenant with god? were they seized and circumcised by _main strength_? were they _compelled_ mechanically to chew, and swallow, the flesh of the paschal lamb, while they abhorred the institution, despised its ceremonies, spurned the law which enjoined it, detested its author and executors, and instead of rejoicing in the deliverance which it commemmorated, bewailed it as a calamity, and cursed the day of its consummation? were they _driven_ from all parts of the land three times in the year up to the annual festivals? were they drugged with instruction which they nauseated? were they goaded through a round of ceremonies, to them senseless and disgusting mummeries; and drilled into the tactics of a creed rank with loathed abominations? we repeat it, to become a _servant_, was to become a _proselyte_. and how did god authorize his people to make proselytes? at the point of the sword? by the terror of pains and penalties? by converting men into _merchandise_? were _proselyte_ and _chattel_ synonymes, in the divine vocabulary? must a man be sunk to a _thing_ before taken into covenant with god? was this the stipulated condition of adoption, and the sole passport to the communion of the saints? . we argue the voluntariness of servants from deut. xxiii. , , "_thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him_." as though god had said, "to deliver him up would be to recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him. his _fleeing_ "shows his _choice_--proclaims his wrongs, his master's oppressive acts, and his own claim to legal protection." you shall not force him back, and thus recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him in such a condition as induces him to flee to others for protection." it may be objected, that this command had no reference to servants among the _israelites_, but only to those of _heathen_ masters in the surrounding nations. we answer, the regulation has no restriction. its terms are unlimited. but the objection, even if valid, merely shifts the pressure of the difficulty to another point. does god array his infinite authority to protect the _free choice_ of a _single_ servant from the heathen, and yet _authorize_ the same persons, to crush the free choice of _thousands_ of servants from the heathen! suppose a case. a _foreign_ servant flees from his master to the israelites; god speaks, "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it _liketh_ him best." they were strictly charged not to put him in a condition which he did not _choose_. now, suppose this same servant, instead of coming into israel of his own accord, had been _dragged_ in by some kidnapper who _bought_ him of his master, and _forced_ him into a condition against his will. would he who forbade such treatment of the stranger, who _voluntarily_ came into the land, sanction the _same_ treatment of the _same person_, provided in _addition_ to this last outrage, the _previous_ one had been committed of _forcing him into the nation against his will_? to commit violence on the free choice of a _foreign_ servant is a horrible enormity, forsooth, provided you _begin_ the violence _after_ he has come among you. but if you commit the _first act_, on the _other side of the line_; if you _begin_ the outrage by buying him from a third person _against his will_, and then tear him from home, and drag him across the line into the land of israel, and hold him as a slave--ah! that alters the case, and you may perpetrate the violence now with impunity! would _greater_ favor have been shown to this new comer from the heathen than to the old residents--those who had been servants in jewish families perhaps for a generation? were the israelites commanded to exercise toward _him_, uncircumcised and _out_ of the covenant, a justice and kindness denied to the multitude, who _were_ circumcised, and _within_ the covenant? again: the objector finds small gain to his argument on the supposition that the covenant respected merely the fugitives from the surrounding nations, while it left the servants of the israelites in a condition against their wills--the objector finds small gain to his argument. in that case, the surrounding nations would of course adopt retaliatory measures, and resolve themselves into so many asylums for fugitive israelitish servants. as these nations were on every side of them such a proclamation would have been an effectual lure to men held in a condition which was a constant _counteraction of will_. further, the objector's assumption destroys itself; for the same command which protected the foreign servant from the power of his _master_, protected him equally from the power of an _israelite_. it was not merely, "thou shalt not deliver him to his _master_," but "he (the servant) shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best." every israelite was commanded to respect his free choice, and to put him in no condition _against his will_. what was this but a proclamation, that all who _chose_ to live in the land and obey the laws, were left to their own free will, to dispose of their services at such a rate, to such persons, and in such places as they pleased? besides, grant that this command prohibited the sending back of _foreign_ servants merely, was the any law requiring the return of servants who had escaped from the _israelites_? there was a statute requiring the return of _property_ lost, and _cattle_ escaped, but none requiring the return of escaped _servants_. finally, these verses contain, _first_, a command, "thou shalt not deliver," &c. _secondly_, a declaration of the fugitive's right of _free choice_, and of god's will that he should exercise it at his own discretion; and _thirdly_, a command guarding this right, namely, "thou shalt not oppress him," as though god had said, if you forbid him to exercise his _own choice_, as to the place and condition of his residence, it is _oppression_, and i will not tolerate it. . _we argue the voluntariness of servants from their peculiar opportunities and facilities for escape_. three times every year, all the males over twelve years of age, were required to attend the public festivals. the main body were thus absent from their homes not less than three weeks each time, making nine weeks annually. as these caravans moved over the country, were there military scouts lining the way, to intercept deserters?--a corporal's guard stationed at each pass of the mountains, sentinels pacing the hill-tops, and light horse scouring the defiles? what safe contrivance had the israelites for taking their _"slaves"_ three times in a year to jerusalem and back? when a body of slaves is moved any distance in our free and equal _republic_, they are handcuffed to keep them from running away, or beating their drivers' brains out. was this the _mosaic_ plan, or an improvement left for the wisdom of solomon? the usage, doubtless, claims a paternity not less venerable and biblical! perhaps they were lashed upon camels, and transported in bundles, or caged up, and trundled on wheels to and fro, and while at the holy city, "lodged in jail for safe keeping," religions services _extra_ being appointed, and special "oral instruction" for their benefit. but meanwhile, what became of the sturdy _handmaids_ left at home? what hindered them from marching off in a body? perhaps the israelitish matrons stood sentry in rotation round the kitchens, while the young ladies scoured the country, as mounted rangers, to pick up stragglers by day, and patrolled the streets as city guards, keeping a sharp look-out at night. . _their continuance in jewish families depended upon the performance of various rites and ceremonies necessarily_ voluntary. suppose a servant from the heathen should, upon entering a jewish family, refuse circumcision; the question whether he shall remain a servant, is in his own hands. if a _slave_, how simple the process of emancipation! his _refusal_ did the job. or, suppose that, at any time, he should refuse to attend the tri-yearly feasts, or should eat leavened bread during the passover, or compound the ingredients of the anointing oil, he is "cut off from the people;" _excommunicated_. . _we infer the voluntariness of the servants of the patriarchs from the impossibility of their being held against their wills._ the servants of abraham are an illustration. at one time he had three hundred and eighteen _young men_ "born in his house," and probably many more _not_ born in his house. the whole number of his servants of all ages, was probably many thousands. doubtless, abraham was a man of a million, and sarah too, a right notable housekeeper; still, it is not easy to conceive how they contrived to hold so many thousand servants against their wills, unless the patriarch and his wife _took turns_ in performing the hibernian exploit of surrounding them! the neighboring tribes, instead of constituting a picket guard to hem in his servants, would have been far more likely to sweep them and him into captivity, as they did lot and his household. besides, abraham had neither "constitution," nor "compact," nor statutes, nor judicial officers to send back his fugitives, nor a truckling police to pounce upon panic-stricken women, nor gentleman-kidnappers, suing for patronage, volunteering to howl on the track, boasting their blood-hound scent, and pledging their "honor" to hunt down and "deliver up," _provided_ they had a description of the "flesh marks," and were stimulated in their chivalry by _pieces of silver_. abraham seems also to have been sadly deficient in all the auxiliaries of family government, such as stocks, hand cuffs, foot-chains, yokes, gags, and thumb-screws. his destitution of these patriarchal indispensables is the more afflicting, when we consider his faithful discharge of responsibilities to his household, though so deplorably destitute of the needful aids. . _we infer that servants were voluntary, from the fact that there is no instance of an israelitish master ever_ selling _a servant_. abraham had thousands of servants, but appears never to have sold one. isaac "grew until he became very great," and had "great store of servants." jacob's youth was spent in the family of laban, where he lived a servant twenty-one years. afterward he had a large number of servants. when joseph sent for jacob to come into egypt, the words are, "thou and thy children, and thy children's children, and thy flocks and thy herds, and all that thou hast." jacob took his flocks and herds but _no servants_. gen xlv. ; xlvii. ; xlvii. . his servants doubtless, served under their _own contracts_, and when jacob went into egypt, they _chose_ to stay in their own country. the government might sell _thieves_, if they had no property, until their services had made good the injury, and paid the legal fine. ex. xxii. . but _masters_ seem to have had no power to sell their _servants_--the reason is obvious. to give the master a _right_ to sell his servant, would annihilate the servant's right of choice in his own disposal; but says the objector, to give the master a right to _buy_ a servant, equally annihilates the servant's _right of choice_. answer. it is one thing to have a right to buy a man, and a very different thing to have a right to buy him of _another_ man. though there is no instance of a servant being bought of his, or her master, yet there are instances of young females being bought of their _fathers_. but their purchase as _servants_ was their betrothal as wives. exodus xxi. , . "_if a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she shall not go out as the men-servants do. if she please not her master_ who hath betrothed her to himself, _he shall let her be redeemed_[a]." [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows: "a hebrew handmaid might not be sold but to one who laid himself under obligations, to espouse her to himself or to his son, when she was fit to be betrothed."--_maimonides--hilcoth--obedim_, ch. iv. sec. xi. jarchi, on the same passage, says, "he is bound to espouse her and take her to be his wife for the _money of her purchase_ is the money of her _espousals_." ] . _we infer that the hebrew servant was voluntary in_ commencing _his service, because he was pre-eminently so_ in continuing _it_. if, at the year of release, it was the servant's _choice_ to remain with his master, so did the law guard his free will, that it required his ear to be bored by the judges of the land, thus making it impossible for the servant to be held in an involuntary condition. yea, so far was his _free choice_ protected, that his master was compelled to keep him, however much he might wish to get rid of him. . _the method prescribed for procuring servants, recognized their choice, and was an appeal to it_. the israelites were commanded to offer them a suitable _inducement_, and then leave them to decide. they might neither seize by _force_, nor frighten them by _threats_, nor wheedle them by false pretenses, nor _borrow_ them, nor _beg_ them; but they were commanded to buy them[a]; that is, they were to recognize the _right_ of the individuals to their own services--their right to _dispose_ of them, and their right to _refuse all offers_. they might, if they pleased, refuse all applications, and thus oblige those who made them, _to do their own work_. suppose all, with one accord, _refused_ to become servants, what provision did the mosaic law make for such an emergency? none. [footnote a: the case of thieves, whose services were sold until they had earned enough to make restitution to the person wronged, and to pay the legal penalty, _stands by itself_, and has no relation to the condition of servants.] . _various incidental expressions throughout the bible, corroborate the idea that servants became such by virtue of their own contract_. job xli. . is an illustration, "_will he_ (leviathan) _make a_ covenant _with thee? wilt thou take him for a_ servant _forever?_" . _the transaction which made the egyptians the_ servants of pharoah, _shows entire voluntariness throughout_. it is detailed in gen. xlvii. - . of their own accord, they came to joseph and said, "we have not aught left but our _bodies_ and our lands; _buy_ us;" then in the th verse, _"thou hast saved our lives: let us find grace in the sight of my lord, and we will be servants to pharaoh._" . _we argue that the condition of servants was an_ optional _one from the fact that_ rich _strangers did not become servants._ indeed, so far were they from becoming servants themselves, that _they bought and held jewish servants._ lev. xxv. . . _the sacrifices and offerings which_ all _were required to present, were to be made_ voluntarily. lev. i. , . . _mention is often made of persons becoming servants where they were manifestly and pre-eminently_ voluntary. the case of the prophet elisha is one. kings xix. ; kings iii. . elijah was his _master_. the original word, translated master, is the same that is so rendered in almost every instance where masters are spoken of throughout the mosaic and patriarchal systems. it is translated _master_ eighty-five times in our english version. moses was the servant of jethro. exodus iii. . joshua was the servant of moses. numbers xi. . jacob was the servant of laban. genesis xxix, - . iv. were the servants forced to work without pay? having already shown that the servants became and continued such _of their own accord_, it would be no small marvel if they _chose_ to work without pay. their becoming servants, pre-supposes _compensation_ as a motive. that they _were paid_ for their labor, we argue, . _because, while israel was under the mosaic system, god rebuked in thunder, the sin of using the labor of others without wages. "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work._" jer. xxii. . here god testifies that to use the service of others without wages is "unrighteousness," and he commissions his "wo" to burn upon the doer of the "wrong." this "wo" was a permanent safeguard of the _mosaic system_. the hebrew word _rea_, here translated _neighbor_, does not mean one man, or class of men, in distinction from others, but _any one with whom we have to do_--all descriptions of persons, not merely servants and heathen, but even those who prosecute us in lawsuits, and enemies while in the act of fighting us--"_as when a man riseth against his_ neighbor _and slayeth him._" deut. xxii. . "_go not forth hastily to strive, lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof, when thy_ neighbor _hath put thee to shame._" prov. xxv. . "_thou shalt not bear false witness against thy_ neighbor." exod. xx. . "_if any man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile_." exod. xxi. . in these, and in scores of similar cases, _rea_ is the original word. . _we have the testimony of god, that in our duty to our fellow men,_ all the law and the prophets _hang upon this command, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself._" our saviour, in giving this command, quoted _verbatim_ one of the laws of the mosaic system. lev. xix. . in the th verse of the same chapter, moses commands obedience to this law in all the treatment of strangers, "_the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and_ thou shalt love him as thyself." if it be loving others _as_ ourselves, to make them work for us without pay; to rob them of food and clothing, as well as wages, would be a stranger illustration still of the law of love! super-disinterested benevolence! and if it be doing to others as we would have them do to us, to make them work for _our own_ good alone, paul should be called to order for his hard sayings against human nature, especially for that libellous matter in ephes. v. , "_no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it_." . _as persons became servants_ from poverty, _we argue that they were compensated, since they frequently owned property, and sometimes a large amount_. ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, gave david a princely present, "an hundred loaves of bread, and an hundred bunches of raisins, and an hundred of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine." sam. xvi. . the extent of his possessions can be inferred from the fact, that though the father of fifteen sons, he still employed twenty servants, of whom he was the master. a case is stated in leviticus xxv. - , where a servant, reduced to poverty, sells himself; and it is declared that afterward he may be _redeemed_, either by his kindred, or by himself. as he was forced to sell himself from sheer poverty he must not only have acquired property _after_ he became a servant, but a considerable sum. if it had not been common for servants to possess, and acquire property, over which they had the exclusive control, gehazi, the servant of elisha, would hardly have ventured to take a large sum of money, (nearly $ [a]) from naaman, ( kings v. , .) as it was procured by deceit, he was anxious to conceal the means used in getting it; but if the israelitish servants, like our slaves, could "own nothing, nor acquire any thing," to embark in such an enterprise would have been consummate stupidity. the fact of having in his possession two talents of silver, would of itself convict him of theft[b]. but since the possession and use of property by servants, was common under the mosaic system, he might have it, and invest or use it, without attracting special attention. and that consideration alone would have been a strong motive to the act. his master, while he rebukes him for using such means to get the money, not only does not take it from him, but seems to expect that he would invest it in real estate, and cattle, and would procure servants with it. kings v. . in sam. ix. , we find the servant of saul having money, and relieving his master in an emergency. arza, the servant of elah, was the _owner of a house_. that it was spacious and somewhat magnificent, would be a natural inference from the fact that it was a resort of the king. kings xvi. . the case of the gibeonites, who, after they became servants, still occupied their cities, and remained, in many respects, a distinct people for centuries; and that of the , canaanites, the _servants_ of solomon, who worked out their tribute of bond-service in levies, periodically relieving each other, while preparing the materials for the temple, are additional illustrations of independence in the acquisition and ownership of property. [footnote a: though we have not sufficient data to decide with accuracy upon the _relative_ value of that sum, _then_ and _now_, yet we have enough to warrant us in saying that two talents of silver had far more value _then_ than three thousand dollars have _now_.] [footnote b: whoever heard of the slaves in our southern states stealing a large amount of money? they "_know how to take care of themselves_" quite too well for that. when they steal, they are careful to do it on such a _small_ scale, or in the taking of _such things_ as will make detection difficult. no doubt they steal now and then a little, and a gaping marvel would it be if they did not. why should they not follow in the footsteps of their masters and mistresses? dull scholars indeed! if, after so many lessons from _proficients_ in the art, who drive the business by _wholesale_, they should not occasionally copy their betters, fall into the _fashion_, and try their hand in a small way, at a practice which is the _only permanent and universal_ business carried on around them! ignoble truly! never to feel the stirrings of high impulse, prompting them to imitate the eminent pattern set before them in the daily vocation of "honorables" and "excellencies," and to emulate the illustrious examples of doctor of divinity and _right_ and _very reverends_! hear president jefferson's testimony. in his notes of virginia, speaking of slaves, he says, "that disposition to theft with which they (the slaves) have been branded, must be ascribed to their _situation_, and not to any special depravity of the moral sense. it is a problem which i give the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as for his slave--and whether the slave may not as justifiably take a little from one who has taken all from him, as he may _slay_ one who would slay him" see jefferson's notes on virginia, pp. - ] . _heirship_--servants frequently inherited their master's property; especially if he had no sons, or if they had dishonored the family. this seems to have been a general usage. the cases of eliezer, the servant of abraham; ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, jarha an egyptian, the servant of sheshan, and the husband of his daughter; chron. ii. , , and of the _husbandmen_ who said of their master's son, "_this is the_ heir, let us kill him, _and_ the inheritance will be ours." mark xii. , are illustrations. also the declaration in prov. xvii. --"_a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and_ shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." this passage seems to give _servants_ precedence as heirs, even over the _wives_ and _daughters_ of their masters. did masters hold by force, and _plunder of earnings_, a class of persons, from which, in frequent contingencies, they selected both heirs for their property, and husbands for their daughters? . all _were required to present offerings and sacrifices_. deut. xvi. , . chron. xv. - . numb. ix. . servants must have had permanently, the means of _acquiring_ property to meet these expenditures. . _those hebrew servants who went out at the seventh year, were provided by law with a large stock of provisions and cattle_. deut. xv. - . "_thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine press, of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, thou shalt give him_[a]." if it be objected, that no mention is made of the servants from the strangers, receiving a like bountiful supply, we answer, neither did the most honorable class of the _israelitish_ servants, the free-holders; and for the same reason, _they did not go out in the seventh year_, but continued until the jubilee. if the fact that no mention is made of the gentile servants receiving such a _gratuity_ proves that they were robbed of their _earnings_; it proves that the most valued class of _hebrew_ servants were robbed of theirs also, a conclusion too stubborn for even pro-slavery masticators, however unscrupulous. [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows--"'thou shalt furnish him liberally,' &c. that is to say, '_loading ye shall load him._' likewise every one of his family, with as much as he can take with him in abundant benefits. and if it be avariciously asked, how much must i give him? i say unto _you, not less than thirty shekels_, which is the valuation of a servant, as declared in exodus xxi. "--maimonides, hilcoth, obedim, chapter ii. section .] . _the servants were_ bought. _in other words, they received compensation for their services in advance_. having shown, under a previous head, that servants _sold themselves_, and of course received the compensation for themselves, (except in cases where parents hired out the time of their children until they became of age[b],) a mere reference to the fact in this place is all that is required for the purposes of this argument. [footnote b: among the israelites, girls became of age at twelve, and boys at thirteen years.] . _we infer that servants were paid, because we find masters at one time having a large number of servants, and afterwards none, without any intimation that they were sold._ the wages of servants would enable them to set up in business for themselves. jacob, after being the servant of laban for twenty-one years, became thus an independent herdsman, and was the master of many servants. gen. xxx. , and xxxii. . but all these servants had left him before he went down into egypt, having doubtless acquired enough to commence business for themselves. gen. xlv. , , and xlvi. - , . . _god's testimony to the character of abraham._ genesis xviii. . _"for i know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep_ the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." we have here god's testimony, that abraham taught his servants "the way of the lord." what was the "way of the lord" respecting the payment of wages where service was rendered? "_wo unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wages_!" jer. xxii. . "_masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal_." col. iv. . _"render unto all their_ dues." rom. xiii. . _"the laborer is worthy of his hire."_ luke x. . how did abraham teach his servants to _"do justice"_ to others? by doing _injustice to them?_ did he exhort them to "render to all their dues" by keeping back _their own_? did he teach them that "the laborer was worthy of his hire" by robbing them of _theirs_? did he beget in them a reverence for the eighth commandment by pilfering all their time and labor? did he teach them "not to defraud" others "in any matter" by denying _them_ "what was just and equal?" if each of abraham's pupils under such a catechism did not become a very _aristides_ in justice, then an illustrious example, patriarchal dignity, and _practical_ lessons, can make but slow headway against human perverseness! . _specific precepts of the mosaic law enforcing general principles._ out of many, we select the following: ( .) _"thou shall not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,"_ or literally, _while he thresheth._ deut. xxv. . here is a general principle applied to a familiar case. the ox representing all domestic animals. isaiah xxx. . a _particular_ kind of service--_all_ kinds; and a law requiring an abundant provision for the wants of an animal ministering to man in a _certain_ way,--_a general principle of treatment covering all times, modes, and instrumentalities of service._ the object of the law was, not merely to enjoin tenderness towards brutes, but to inculcate the duty of _rewarding those who serve us_, showing that they who labor for others, are entitled to what is just and equal in return; and if such care is enjoined, by god, not merely for the ample sustenance, but for the _present enjoyment of a brute_, what would be a meet return for the services of _man_? man, with his varied wants, exalted nature and immortal destiny! paul tells us expressly, that the principle which we have named, lies at the bottom of the statute. see corinthians ix. , --_"for it is written in the law of moses, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn. doth god take care for oxen? or saith he it altogether for our sakes? that he that ploweth should plow in_ hope, _and that he that thresheth in hope should be_ partaker of his hope." ( .) "_if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him._ yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner, _that he may live with thee. take thou no usury of him, or increase, but fear thy god. thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase._" lev. xxv. - . or, in other words, "relief at your hands is his right, and your duty--you shall not take advantage of his necessities, but cheerfully supply them." now, we ask, by what process of pro-slavery legerdemain, this benevolent regulation can be made to be in _keeping_ with the doctrine of work without pay? did god declare the poor stranger entitled to relief, and in the same breath, _authorize_ them to _"use his services without wages_;" force him to work, and rob him of all his earnings? judge ye. v.--were masters the proprietors of servants as their legal property? the discussion of this topic has been already somewhat anticipated under the preceding heads; but a variety of considerations, not within the range of our previous inquiries, remain to be noticed. . _servants were not subjected to the uses, nor liable to the contingencies of property._ ( .) _they were never taken in payment for their masters' debts_, though children were sometimes taken (without legal authority) for the debts of a father. kings iv. ; job xxiv. ; isaiah l. ; matt. xviii. . cases are recorded to which creditors took from debtors property of all kinds, to satisfy their demands. in job xxiv. , cattle are taken; in prov. xxii , household furniture; in lev. xxv. - , the productions of the soil; in lev. xxv. - , houses; in exodus xxii. - , and deut. xxiv. - , and matt. v. , clothing; but _servants_ were taken in _no instance_. ( .) _servants were never given as pledges_. _property_ of all sorts was given and held in pledge. we find in the bible, household furniture, clothing, cattle, money, signets, and personal ornaments, with divers other articles of property, used as pledges for value received. but no _servants_. ( .) _all lost_ property _was to be restored._ "oxen, asses, sheep, raiment, and whatsoever lost things," are specified--servant _not_. deut. xxii. . besides, the israelites were expressly forbidden to take back the runaway servant to his master. deut. xxiii. . ( .) _the israelites never gave away their servants as presents_. they made princely presents of great variety. lands, houses, all kinds of animals, merchandize, family utensils, precious metals, and grain, armor, &c. are among their recorded _gifts_. giving presents to superiors and persons of rank when visiting them, and at other times, was a standing usage. sam. x. ; sam. xvi. ; chron. xvii. . abraham to abimelech, gen. xxi. ; jacob to the viceroy of egypt. gen. xliii. ; joseph to his brethren and father, gen. xlv. , ; benhadad to elisha, kings viii. , ; ahaz to tiglath pileser, kings xvi. ; solomon to the queen of sheba, kings, x. ; jeroboam to ahijah, kings xiv. ; asa to benhadad, kings xv. , . but no servants were given as presents--though that was a prevailing fashion in the surrounding nations. gen. xii. ; gen. xx. . objection . _laban_ gave _handmaids to his daughters, jacob's wives_. without enlarging on the nature of the polygamy then prevalent, it is enough to say that the handmaids of wives, at that time, were themselves regarded as wives, though of inferior dignity and authority. that jacob so regarded his handmaids, is proved by his curse upon reuben, (gen. xlix. , and chron. v. ) also by the equality of their children with those of rachel and leah. but had it been otherwise--had laban given them _as articles of property_, then, indeed, the example of this "good old patriarch and slaveholder," saint laban, would have been a fore-closer to all argument. ah! we remember his jealousy for _religion_--his holy indignation when he found that his "gods" were stolen! how he mustered his clan, and plunged over the desert in hot pursuit, seven days, by forced marches; how he ransacked a whole caravan, sifting the contents of every tent, little heeding such small matters as domestic privacy, or female seclusion, for lo! the zeal of his "images" had eaten him up! no wonder that slavery, in its bible-navigation, drifting dismantled before the free gusts, should scud under the lee of such a pious worthy to haul up and refit; invoking his protection, and the benediction of his "gods!" objection . _servants were enumerated in inventories of property_. if that proves _servants_ property, it proves _wives_ property. "_thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's_ wife, _nor his man servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's_" exodus xx. . an examination of all the places in which servants are included among beasts, chattels, &c., will show, that in inventories of _mere property_, servants are not included, or if included, it is in such a way, as to show that they are not regarded as _property_. eccl. ii. , . but when the design is to show, not merely the wealth but the _greatness_ of any personage, that he is a man of distinction, a ruler, a prince, servants are spoken of, as well as property. in a word, if _riches_ alone are spoken of, no mention is made of servants; if _greatness_, servants and property. gen. xiii. . _"and abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver and in gold."_ no mention of _servants_. so in the fifth verse; lot's riches are enumerated, "_and lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents_." in the seventh verse servants are mentioned, "_and there was a strife between the_ herdmen _of abraham's cattle and the_ herdmen _of lot's cattle_". see also josh. xxii. ; gen. xxxiv. ; job. xlii. ; chron. xxi. ; xxxii. - ; job . - ; deut. viii. - ; gen. xxiv. , and xxvi. , and xxx. . divers facts dropped incidentally, show that when servants are mentioned in connection with property, it is in such a way as to _distinguish_ them from it. when jacob was about to leave laban, his wives say, "all the _riches_ which thou hast taken from our father, that is ours and our children's." then follows an inventory of property. "all his cattle," "all his goods," "the cattle of his getting," &c. he had a large number of servants at the time, _but they are not included with his property_. compare gen. xxx. , with gen. xxxi. - . when he sent messengers to esau, in order to secure his respect, and impress him with an idea of his state and sway, he bade them tell him not only of _his_ riches, but of his greatness; that jacob had "_oxen, and asses, and flocks, and men servants, and maid servants_." gen. xxxii. , . yet in the present which he sent, there were no servants; though he seems to have aimed to give it as much variety as possible. gen. xxxii. , ; see also gen. xxxvi. , ; gen. xxxiv. . as flocks and herds were the _staples_ of wealth, a large number of servants _presupposed_ large possessions of cattle, which would require many herdsmen. further. when servants are spoken of in connection with _mere property_, the terms used to express the latter do not include the former. the hebrew word _mickna_ is an illustration. it is a derivative of _kana_, to procure, to buy, and its meaning is, a _possession, wealth, riches_. it occurs more than forty times in the old testament--and is applied always to _mere property_--generally to domestic animals, but _never_ to servants. in some instances, servants are mentioned in _distinction_ from the _mickna._ see gen. xii. . _"and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son. and all their_ substance _that they had gathered, and the souls that they had gotten in haran, and they went forth to go into the land of canaan_." _substance gathered_ and _souls gotten_! many will have it, that these _souls_ were a part of abraham's _substance_ (notwithstanding the pains here taken to separate them from it)--that they were _slaves_--probably captives in war, and now, by right of conquest, taken with him in his migration as part of his family effects. who but slaveholders, either actually, or in heart, would torture into the principle and practice of slavery, such a harmless phrase as "_the souls that they had gotten_?" until the slave trade breathed its haze upon the vision of the church, and smote her with palsy and decay, commentators saw no slavery in, "the souls that they had gotten." in the targum of onkelos[a] it is thus rendered, "the souls whom they had brought to obey the law in haran." in the targum of jonathan, thus: "the souls whom they had made proselytes in haran." in the targum of jerusalem, "the souls proselyted in haran." jarchi, placed by jewish rabbis at the head of their commentators, thus renders it: "the souls whom they had brought under the divine wings." jerome, one of the most learned of the christian fathers: "the persons whom they had proselyted." the persian version thus gives the whole verse, "and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son, and all their wealth which they had accumulated, and the souls which they had _made_." the vulgate version thus translates it, "universam substantiam quam possederant et animas quas fecerant in haran." "the entire wealth which they possessed, and the souls which they had made." the syriac thus, "all their possessions which they possessed, and the souls which they had made in haran." the arabic, "all their property which they had acquired, and the souls whom they had made in haran." the samarian, "all the wealth which they had gathered, and the souls which they had made in haran." menochius, a commentator who wrote before our present translation of the english bible, renders it as follows:--"quas de idolotraria converterunt[b]." "those whom they have converted from idolatry."--paulus fagius[c]. "quas instituerant in religione."--"those whom they had instructed in religion."--luke franke, a german commentator who lived two centuries ago. "quas legi subjicerant."--"those whom they had brought to obey the law." [footnote a: the targums are chaldee paraphrases of parts of the old testament. the targum of onkelos is for the most part, a very accurate and faithful translation of the original, and was probably made at about the commencement of the christian era. the targum of jonathan ben uzziel bears about the same date. the targum of jerusalem was probably about five hundred years later. the israelites, during their long captivity in babylon, lost as a body, their knowledge of their own language. these translations of the hebrew scriptures into the chaldee, the language which they acquired in babylon, were thus called for by the necessity of the case. ] [footnote b: see his "brevis explicatio sensus literalis totius scripture."] [footnote c: this eminent hebrew scholar was invited to england by cranmer, then archbishop of canterbury, to superintend the translation of the bible into english, under the patronage of henry the eighth. he had hardly commenced the work when he died. this was nearly a century before the date of our present translation.] . _the condition of servants in their masters' families, the privileges which they shared in common with the children, and their recognition as equals by the highest officers of the government--make the doctrine that they were mere_ commodities, _an absurdity._ the testimony of paul, in gal. iv. , gives an insight into the condition of servants. _"now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child,_ differeth nothing from a servant, _though he be lord of all."_ that abraham's servants were voluntary,--that their interests were identified with those of their master's family--that they were regarded with great affection by the household, and that the utmost confidence was reposed in them, is shown in the arming of of them for the recovery of lot and his family from captivity. see gen. xiv. , . when abraham's servant went to padanaram, the young princess rebekah did not disdain to say to him, "drink, my lord," as "she hasted and let down her pitcher upon her hand, and gave him drink," and "she hasted and emptied her pitcher, and ran again unto the well, and drew for all his camels." laban, the brother of rebekah, prepared the house for his reception, "_ungirded his camels, and brought him water to wash his feet, and the men's feet that were with him!"_ in the th chapter of samuel, we have an account of a high festival in the city of zuph, at which samuel, the chief judge and ruler in israel, presided. none sat down at the feast but those that were bidden. and only "about _thirty_ persons" were invited. quite a select party!--the elite of the city of zuph! saul and his servant arrived at zuph just as the party was assembling; and _both_ of them, at samuel's solicitation, accompany him as invited guests. _"and samuel took saul and his_ servant, _and brought_ them _into the_ parlor(!) _and made_ them _sit in the_ chiefest seats _among those that were bidden."_ a _servant_ invited by the chief judge, ruler, and prophet in israel, to dine publicly with a select party, in company with his master, who was _at the same time anointed king of israel_; and this servant introduced by samuel into the parlor, and assigned, with his master, to the _chiefest seat_ at the table! this was "_one_ of the servants" of _kish_, saul's father; not the _steward_ or the _chief_ of them--not at all a _picked_ man, but "_one_ of the servants;" _any_ one that could be most easily spared, as no endowments specially rare would be likely to find scope in looking after asses. again: we learn from kings xvi. , , that elah, the king of israel, was slain by zimri, one of his chief officers, at a festive entertainment, in the house of arza, his steward, or head servant, with whom he seems to have been on terms of familiarity. without detailing other cases, we refer the reader to the intercourse between gideon and his servant.--judges vii. , .--jonathan and his servant.-- samuel xiv. - .--elisha and his servant. . _the condition of the gibeonites, as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth, shows that they were neither articles of property, nor even_ involuntary _servants_. the condition of the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim, under the israelites, is quoted in triumph by the advocates of slavery; and truly they are right welcome to all the crumbs that can be gleaned from it. milton's devils made desperate snatches at fruit that turned to ashes on their lips. the spirit of slavery raves under tormenting gnawings, and casts about in blind phrenzy for something to ease, or even to _mock_ them. but for this, it would never have clutched at the gibeonites, for even the incantations of the demon cauldron, could not extract from their case enough to tantalize starvation's self. but to the question. what was the condition of the gibeonites under the israelites? ( .) _it was voluntary_. it was their own proposition to joshua to become servants. joshua ix. , . their proposition was accepted, but the kind of service which they should perform, was not specified until their gross imposition came to light; they were then assigned to menial offices in the tabernacle. ( .) _they were not domestic servants in the families of the israelites_. they still continued to reside in their own cities, cultivating their own fields, tending their flocks and herds, and exercising the functions of a _distinct_, though not independent community. they were _subject_ to the jewish nation as _tributaries_. so far from being distributed among the israelites, their family relations broken up, and their internal organization as a distinct people abolished, they seem to have remained a separate, and, in some respects, an independent community for many centuries. when they were attacked by the amorites, they applied to the israelites as confederates for aid--it was promptly rendered, their enemies routed, and themselves left unmolested in the occupation of their cities, while all israel returned to gilgal. joshua x. - . long afterwards, saul slew some of them, and god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. david said to the gibeonites, "what shall i do for you, and wherewith shall i make the atonement, that ye may bless the inheritance of the lord?" at their demand, he delivered up to them, seven of the royal family, five of them the sons of michal, his own former wife. samuel xxi. - . the whole transaction was a formal recognition of the gibeonites as a separate people. there is no intimation that they served families, or individuals of the israelites, but only the "house of god," or the tabernacle. this was established first at gilgal, a day's journey from the cities of the gibeonites; and then at shiloh, nearly two days' journey from them; where it continued about years. during all this period, the gibeonites inhabited their ancient cities and territory. only a few, comparatively, could have been absent from their cities at any one time in attendance on the tabernacle. ( .) whenever allusion is made to them in the history, the main body are spoken of as _at home_. ( .) it is preposterous to suppose that their tabernacle services could have furnished employment for all the inhabitants of these four cities. one of them "was a great city, as one of the royal cities;" so large, that a confederacy of five kings, apparently the most powerful in the land, was deemed necessary for its destruction. it is probable that the men were divided into classes, and thus ministered at the tabernacle in rotation--each class a few days or weeks at a time. this service was their _national tribute_ to the israelites, rendered for the privilege of residence and protection under their government. no service seems to have been required of the _females_. as these gibeonites were canaanites, and as they had greatly exasperated the israelites by impudent imposition, hypocrisy, and lying, we might assuredly expect that they would reduce _them_ to the condition of chattels and property, if there was _any_ case in which god permitted them to do so. . _because, throughout the mosaic system, god warns them against holding their servants in such a condition as they were held in by the egyptians_. how often are the israelites pointed back to the grindings of their prison-house! what motives to the exercise of justice and kindness towards their servants, are held out to their fears in threatened judgements; to their hopes in promised good; and to all within them that could feel, by those oft repeated words of tenderness and terror! "for ye were bondmen in the land of egypt"--waking anew the memory of tears and anguish, and of the wrath that avenged them. that the argument derived from the condition of the israelites in egypt, and god's condemnation of it, may be appreciated, it is important that the egyptian bondage should be analyzed. we shall then be able to ascertain, of what rights the israelites were plundered, and what they retained. egyptian bondage analyzed. ( .) _the israelites were not dispersed among the families of egypt, the property of individual owners_[a]. they formed a _separate_ community. see gen. xlvi. . ex. viii. , , and ix. , and x. , and xi. , and ii. , and xvi. , and xvii. . [footnote a: the egyptians evidently had _domestic_ servants living in their families; these may have been slaves; allusion is made to them in exodus ix. , , . but none of the israelites were included in this class.] ( .) _they had the exclusive possession of the land of goshen_[b], _one of the richest and most productive parts of egypt_. gen. xlv. , and xlvii. , , . ex. xii. , , , , . [footnote b: the land of goshen was a large tract of country, east of the pelusian arm of the nile, and between it and the head of the red sea, and the lower border of palestine. the probable centre of that portion, occupied by the israelites, could hardly, have been less than miles from the city. from the best authorities it would seem that the extreme western boundary of goshen must have been many miles distant from egypt. see "exodus of the israelites out of egypt," an able article by professor robinson, in the biblical repository for october, .] ( .) _they lived in permanent dwellings_. these were _houses_, not _tents_. in ex. xii. , the two side _posts_, and the upper door _posts_ of the houses are mentioned, and in the d, the two side posts and the lintel. each family seems to have occupied a house _by itself_--acts vii. , ex. xii. --and from the regulation about the eating of the passover, they could hardly have been small ones--ex. xii. --and probably contained separate apartments, and places for seclusion. ex. ii. , ; acts vii. . they appear to have been well apparelled. ex. xii. . to have had their own burial grounds. ex. xiii. , and xiv. . ( .) _they owned "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds_," and "_very much cattle_." ex. xii. , , . ( .) they had their own form of government, and preserved their tribe and family divisions, and their internal organization throughout, though still a province of egypt, and _tributary_ to it. ex. ii. , and xii. , , and vi. , , and v. , and iii. , . ( .) _they seem to have had in a considerable measure, the disposal of their own time_,--ex. xxiii. , and iii. , , and xii. , and ii. , and iv. , - . also to have practised the fine arts. ex. xxxii. , and xxxv. - . ( .) _they were all armed_. ex. xxxii. . ( .) _all the females seem to have known something of domestic refinements; they were familiar with instruments of music, and skilled in the working of fine fabrics_. ex. xv. , and , . ( .) _they held their possessions independently, and the egyptians seem to have regarded them as inviolable_. this we infer from the fact that there is no intimation that the egyptians dispossessed them of their habitations, or took away their flocks, or herds, or crops, or implements of agriculture, or any article of property. ( .) _service seems to have been exacted from none but adult males_. nothing is said from which the bond service of females could be inferred; the hiding of moses three months by his mother, and the payment of wages to her by pharaoh's daughter, go against such a supposition. ex. ii. . ( .) so far from being fed upon a given allowance, their food was abundant, and had great variety. "they sat by the flesh-pots," and "did eat bread to the full." ex. xvi. , and xxiv. , and xvii. , and iv. , and vi. . also, "they did eat fish freely, and cucumbers, and melons, and leeks, and onions, and garlic." num. xi. , , and x. , and xx. . ( .) _that the great body of the people were not in the service of the egyptians, we infer_ ( ) from the fact, that the extent and variety of their own possessions, together with such a cultivation of their crops as would provide them with bread, and such care of their immense flocks and herds, as would secure their profitable increase, must have furnished constant employment for the main body of the nation. ( .) during the plague of darkness, god informs us that "all the children of israel had light in their dwellings." we infer that they were _there_ to enjoy it. ( .) it seems improbable that the making of brick, the only service named during the latter part of their sojourn in egypt, could have furnished permanent employment for the bulk of the nation. see also ex. iv. - . besides, when eastern nations employed tributaries, it was, as now, in the use of the levy, requiring them to furnish a given quota, drafted off periodically, so that comparatively but a small portion of the nation would be absent _at any one time_. probably there was the same requisition upon the israelites for one-fifth part of the proceeds of their labor, that was laid upon the egyptians. see gen. xlvii. , . instead of taking it out of their _crops_, (goshen being better for _pasturage_ than crops) they exacted it of them in brick making; and it is quite probable that only the _poorer_ israelites were required to work for the egyptians at all, the wealthier being able to pay their tribute, in money. see exod. iv. - . this was the bondage in egypt. contrast it with american slavery. have our slaves "very much cattle," and "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds?" do they live in commodious houses of their own? do they "_sit by the flesh-pots_," "_eat fish freely_," and "_eat bread to the full_?" do they live in a separate community, at a distance from their masters, in their distinct tribes, under their own rulers and officers? have they the exclusive occupation of an extensive and fertile tract of country for the culture of their own crops, and for rearing immense herds of _their own_ cattle--and all these held independently of their masters, and regarded by them as inviolable? are our female slaves free from all exactions of labor and liabilities of outrage?--and whenever employed, are they paid wages, as was the israelitish woman, when employed by the king's daughter? exod. ii. . have the females entirely, and the males to a considerable extent, the disposal of their own time? have they the means for cultivating social refinements, for practising the fine arts, and for intellectual and moral improvement? the israelites, under the bondage of egypt, enjoyed all these rights and privileges. true, "_their lives were made bitter, and all the service wherein they made them serve was with rigor_." but what was that, when compared with the incessant toil of american slaves, the robbery of all their time and earnings, and even the "power to own any thing, or acquire any thing"--the "quart of corn a day," the legal allowance of food[a]!--their _only_ clothing for one half the year, "_one_ shirt and _one_ pair of pantaloons[b]!"--the _two hours and a half_ only for rest and refreshment in the twenty-four[c]!--their dwellings, _hovels_, unfit for human residence, commonly with but one apartment, where both sexes and all ages herd promiscuously at night, like the beasts of the field. add to this, the mental ignorance, and moral degradation; the daily separations of kindred, the revelries of lust, the lacerations and baptisms of blood, sanctioned by the laws of the south, and patronized by its pubic sentiment. what, we ask, was the bondage of egypt when compared with this? and yet for _her_ oppression of the poor, god smote her with plagues, and trampled her as the mire, till she passed away in his wrath, and the place that knew her in her pride, knew her no more. ah! "_i have seen the afflictions of my people, and i have heard their groanings, and am come down to deliver them_." he did come, and egypt sank, a ruinous heap, and her blood closed over her. [footnote a: the law of north carolina. see haywood's manual, - ] [footnote b: the law of louisiana. see martin's digest, .] [footnote c: the whole amount of time secured by the law of louisiana. see act of july , . martin's digest, - ] if such was god's retribution for the oppression of heathen egypt, of how much sorer punishment shall a christian people be thought worthy, who cloak with religion, a system, in comparison with which the bondage of egypt dwindles to nothing? let those believe who can, that god gave his people permission to hold human beings, robbed of _all_ their rights, while he threatened them with wrath to the uttermost, if they practised the _far lighter_ oppression of egypt--which robbed its victims of only the _least_ and _cheapest_ of their rights, and left the _females_ unplundered even of these. what! _is god divided against himself_? when he had just turned egypt into a funeral pile; while his curse yet blazed upon her unburied dead, and his bolts still hissed amidst her slaughter, and the smoke of her torment went upwards because she had "robbed the poor," did he license the victims of robbery to rob the poor of all? as _lawgiver_, did he _create_ a system tenfold more grinding than that, for which he had just hurled pharaoh headlong, and cloven down his princes, and overwhelmed his hosts, and blasted them with his thunder, till "hell was moved to meet them at their coming?" having touched upon the general topics which we design to include in this inquiry, we proceed to examine various scripture facts and passages, which will doubtless be set in array against the foregoing conclusions. objections considered. the advocates of slavery are always at their wits end when they try to press the bible into their service. every movement shows that they are hard-pushed. their odd conceits and ever varying shifts, their forced constructions, lacking even plausibility, their bold assumptions, and blind guesswork, not only proclaim their _cause_ desperate, but themselves. some of the bible defences thrown around slavery by ministers of the gospel, do so torture common sense, scripture, and historical fact, that it were hard to tell whether absurdity, fatuity, ignorance, or blasphemy, predominates, in compound. each strives so lustily for the mastery, it may be set down a drawn battle. how often has it been set up in type, that the color of the negro is the _cain-mark_, propagated downward. doubtless cain's posterity started an opposition to the ark, and rode out the flood with flying streamers! why should not a miracle be wrought to point such an argument, and fill out for slaveholders a divine title-deed, vindicating the ways of god to men? objection . "_cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren_." gen. i. . this prophecy of noah is the _vade mecum_ of slaveholders, and they never venture abroad without it. it is a pocket-piece for sudden occasion--a keepsake to dote over--a charm to spell-bind opposition, and a magnet to attract "whatsoever worketh abomination, or maketh a lie." but closely as they cling to it, "cursed be canaan" is a poor drug to stupify a throbbing conscience--a mocking lullaby, vainly wooing slumber to unquiet tossings, and crying "peace, be still," where god wakes war, and breaks his thunders. those who plead the curse on canaan to justify negro slavery, _assume_ all the points in debate. . that the condition prophesied was _slavery_, rather than the mere _rendering of service_ to others, and that it was the bondage of _individuals_ rather than the condition of a _nation tributary_ to another, and in _that_ sense its _servant_. . that the _prediction_ of crime _justifies_ it; that it grants absolution to those whose crimes fulfil it, if it does not transform the crimes into _virtues_. how piously the pharaohs might have quoted god's prophecy to abraham, "_thy seed shall be in bondage, and they shall afflict them for four hundred years_." and then, what _saints_ were those that crucified the lord of glory! . that the africans are descended from canaan. whereas africa was peopled from egypt and ethiopia, and mizraim settled egypt, and cush, ethiopia. see gen. x. - , for the location and boundaries of canaan's posterity. so on the assumption that african slavery fulfils the prophecy, a curse pronounced upon one people, is quoted to justify its infliction upon another. perhaps it may be argued that canaan includes all ham's posterity. if so, the prophecy has not been fulfilled. the other sons of ham settled the egyptian and assyrian empires, and conjointly with shem the persian, and afterward, to some extent, the grecian and roman. the history of these nations gives no verification of the prophecy. whereas the history of canaan's descendants, for more than three thousand years, is a record of its fulfilment. first, they were made tributaries by the israelites. then canaan was the servant of shem. afterward, by the medes and persians. then canaan was the servant of shem, and in part of the other sons of ham. afterward, by the macedonians, grecians, and romans, successively. then canaan was the servant of japhet, mainly, and secondarily of the other sons of ham. finally, they were subjected by the ottoman dynasty, where they yet remain. thus canaan is _now_ the servant of shem and japhet and the other sons of ham. but it may still be objected, that though canaan is the only one _named_ in the curse, yet the d and d verses show that it was pronounced upon the posterity of ham in general. "_and ham, the father of canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without_."--verse . in verse , shem and japhet cover their father with a garment. verse , "_and noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him, and said_," &c. it is argued that this younger son cannot be _canaan_, as he was not the _son_, but the _grandson_ of noah, and therefore it must be _ham_. we answer, whoever that "_younger son_" was, or whatever he did, _canaan_ alone was named in the curse. besides, the hebrew word _ben_, signifies son, grandson, great-grandson, or _any one_ of the posterity of an individual. gen. xxix. , "_and he said unto them, know ye laban, the_ son _of nahor_?" yet laban was the _grandson_ of nahor. gen. xxiv. , . in sam. xix. , it is said, "_mephibosheth, the_ son _of saul, came down to meet the king_." but mephibosheth was the son of jonathan, and the _grandson_ of saul. sam. ix. . so ruth iv. . "_there is a_ son _born to naomi_." this was the son of ruth, the daughter-in-law of naomi. ruth iv. , . so sam. xxi. . "_let seven men of his (saul's)_ sons _be delivered unto us_," &c. seven of saul's _grandsons_ were delivered up. sam. xxi. , . so gen. xxi. , "_and hast not suffered me to kiss my_ sons _and my daughters_;" and in the th verse, "_and early in the morning laban rose up and kissed his_ sons," &c. these were his _grandsons_. so kings ix. , "_the driving of jehu, the_ son _of nimshi_." so kings xix. . but jehu was the _grandson_ of nimshi. kings ix. , . who will forbid the inspired writer to use the _same_ word when speaking of _noah's_ grandson? further, if ham were meant what propriety in calling him the _younger_ son? the order in which noah's sons are always mentioned, makes ham the _second_, and not the _younger_ son. if it be said that bible usage is variable, and that the order of birth is not always preserved in enumerations; the reply is, that, enumeration in the order of birth, is the _rule_, in any other order the _exception_. besides, if the younger member of a family, takes precedence of older ones in the family record, it is a mark of pre-eminence, either in original endowments, or providential instrumentality. abraham, though sixty years younger than his eldest brother, and probably the youngest of terah's sons, stands first in the family genealogy. nothing in ham's history warrants the idea of his pre-eminence; besides, the hebrew word _hakkaton_, rendered _younger_, means the _little, small_. the same word is used in isaiah xl. . "a little one _shall become a thousand_." also in isaiah xxii. . "_all vessels of_ small _quantity_." so psalms cxv. . "_he will bless them that fear the lord, both_ small _and great_." also exodus xviii. . "_but every_ small _matter they shall judge_." it would be a perfectly literal rendering of gen. ix. , if it were translated thus, "when noah knew what his little son[a], or grandson (_beno hakkaton_) had done unto him, he said, cursed be canaan," &c. [footnote a: the french language in this respect follows the same analogy. our word _grandson_ being in french, _petit fils_, (little son.)] even if the africans were the descendants of canaan, the assumption that their enslavement is a fulfilment of this prophecy, lacks even plausibility, for, only a mere _fraction_ of the inhabitants of africa have at any one time been the slaves of other nations. if the objector say in reply, that a large majority of the africans have always been slaves at _home_, we answer, st. _it is false in point of fact_, though zealously bruited often to serve a turn. d. _if it were true_, how does it help the argument? the prophecy was, "cursed be canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren" not unto _himself_! objection ii.--"_if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money_." exodus xxi. , . arguments drawn from the mosaic system in support of slavery, originate in a misconception both of its genius, _as a whole_, and of the design and scope of its most simple provisions. the verses quoted above, afford an illustration in point. what was the design of this regulation? was it to grant masters an indulgence to beat servants with impunity? and an assurance, that if they beat them to death, the offence would not be _capital_? this is substantially what some modern doctors tell us. what deity do such men worship? some blood-gorged moloch, enthroned on human hecatombs, and snuffing carnage for incense? did he who thundered out from sinai's flames, "thou shalt not kill," offer a bounty on _murder_? whoever analyzes the mosaic system--the condition of the people for whom it was made--their inexperience in government--ignorance of judicial proceedings--laws of evidence, &c., will find a moot court in session, trying law points--setting definitions, or laying down rules of evidence, in almost every chapter. numbers xxxv. - ; deuteronomy xi. , and xix. - ; leviticus xxiv. - ; exodus, xxi. , , are a few, out of many cases stated, with tests furnished by which to detect _the intent_, in actions brought before them. the detail gone into, in the verses quoted, is manifestly to enable the judges to get at the _motive_ of the action, and find out whether the master _designed_ to kill. . "if a man smite his servant with a _rod_."--the instrument used, gives a clue to the _intent_. see numbers xxxv. , . it was a _rod_, not an axe, nor a sword, nor a bludgeon, nor any other death-weapon--hence, from the _kind_ of instrument, no design to _kill_ would be inferred; for _intent_ to kill would hardly have taken a _rod_ for its weapon. but if the servant dies _under his hand_, then the unfitness of the instrument, instead of being evidence in his favor, is point blank against him; for, to strike him with a _rod_ until he _dies_, argues a _great many_ blows laid on with _great_ violence, and this kept up to the death-gasp, establishes the point of _intent to kill_. hence the sentence, "he shall _surely_ be punished." the case is plain and strong. but if he continued _a day or two_, the _length of time that he lived_, together with the _kind_ of instrument used, and the fact that the master had a pecuniary interest in his _life_, ("he is his _money_,") all, made out a strong case of circumstantial evidence, showing that the master did not _design_ to kill; and required a corresponding decision and sentence. a single remark on the word "punished:" in exodus xxi. , , the hebrew word here rendered _punished_, (_nakum_,) is _not so rendered in another instance_. yet it occurs thirty-five times in the old testament--in almost every instance, it is translated _avenge_--in a few, "_to take vengeance_," or "_to revenge_," and in this instance alone, "_punish_." as it stands in our translation, the pronoun preceding it, refers to the _master_--the _master_ in the st verse, is to be _punished_, and in the d _not_ to be punished; whereas the preceding pronoun refers neither to the _master_ nor to the _servant_, but to the _crime_, and the word rendered _punished_, should have been rendered _avenged_. the meaning is this: if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, it (the death) shall surely be avenged, or literally, _by avenging it shall be avenged_; that is, the _death_ of the servant shall be _avenged_ by the _death_ of the master. so in the next verse--"if he continues a day or two," his death shall not be avenged by the _death_ of the _master_, for in that case the crime was to be adjudged _manslaughter_, and not _murder_, as in the first instance. in the following verse, another case of personal injury is stated, not intentional, nor extending to life or limb, a mere accidental hurt, for which the injurer is to pay _a sum of money_; and yet our translators employ the same phraseology in both places. one, an instance of deliberate, wanton, _killing by piecemeal_. the other and _accidental_, and comparatively slight injury--of the inflicter, in both cases, they say the same thing! "_he shall surely be punished_." now, just the difference which common sense would expect to find in such cases, where god legislates, is strongly marked in the original. in the case of the servant wilfully murdered, god says, "it (the death) shall surely be _avenged_," (_nakum_,) that is, _the life of the wrong doer shall expiate the crime_. the same word is used in the old testament, when the greatest wrongs are redressed, by devoting the perpetrators, whether individuals or communities, to _destruction_. in the case of the _unintentional_ injury, in the following verse, god says, "he shall surely be" _fined_, (_aunash_.) "he shall _pay_ as the judges determine." the simple meaning of the word _aunash_, is to lay a fine. it is used in deut. xxii. . they shall _amerce_ him in one hundred shekels," and in chron. xxxvi. --"he condemned (_mulcted_) the land in a hundred talents of gold.--this is the general use of the word, and its primary signification. that _avenging_ the death of the servant, was neither imprisonment, nor stripes, nor amercing the master in damages, but that it was _taking the master's life_ we infer. . from the _bible usage_ of the word nakam. see genesis iv. ; joshua x. ; judges xv. -xvi. ; samuel xiv. -xviii. -xxv. ; samuel iv. ; judges v. ; samuel xxv. - , &c. &c. . from the express statute in such case provided. leviticus xxiv. . "_he that killeth_ any _man_ shall surely be put to death." also numbers xxxv. , . "_whoso killeth_ any _person_, the murderer shall be put to death. _moreover ye shall take_ no satisfaction _for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death_." . the targum of jonathan gives the verse thus, "death by the sword shall assuredly be adjudged." the targum of jerusalem thus, "vengeance shall be taken for him to the _uttermost_." jarchi gives the same rendering. the samaritan version thus, "he shall die the death." again, the last clause in the st verse ("for he is his money") is often quoted to prove that the servant is his master's _property_, and _therefore_, if he died, the master was not _to be punished_. _because_, st. a man may dispose of his _property_ as he pleases. d. if the servant died of the injury, the master's _loss_ was a sufficient punishment. a word about the premises, before we notice the inferences. the assumption is, that the phrase, "he is his money," proves not only that the servant is _worth money_ to the master, but that he is an _article of property_. if the advocates of slavery will take this principle of interpretation into the bible, and turn it loose, let them either give bonds for its behavior, or else stand and draw in self-defence, "lest it turn again and rend" them. if they endorse for it at one point, they must stand sponsors all around the circle. it will be too late to cry for quarter when they find its stroke clearing the whole table, and tilting them among the sweepings beneath. the bible abounds with such expressions as the following: "this (bread) _is_ my body;" "this (wine) _is_ my blood;" "all they (the israelites) _are_ brass, and tin, and iron, and lead;" "this _is_ life eternal, that they might know thee;" "this (the water of the well of bethlehem) _is_ the blood of the men who went in jeopardy of their lives;" "i _am_ the lily of the valleys;" "a garden enclosed _is_ my sister;" "my tears _have been_ my meat;" "the lord god _is_ a sun and a shield;" "god _is_ love;" "the lord _is_ my rock;" "the seven good ears _are_ seven years, and the seven good kine _are_ seven years;" "the seven thin and ill-favored kine _are_ seven years, and the seven empty ears blasted by the east wind _shall be_ seven years of famine;" "he _shall be_ head, and thou _shall_ be tail;" "the lord _will_ be a wall of fire;" "they _shall_ be one flesh;" "the tree of the field _is_ man's life;" "god _is_ a consuming fire;" "he _is_ his money," &c. a passion for the exact _literalities_ of bible language is so amiable, it were hard not to gratify it in this case. the words in the original are (_kaspo-hu_,) "his _silver_ is he." the objector's principle of interpretation is, a philosopher's stone! its miracle touch transmutes five feet eight inches of flesh and bones into _solid silver_! quite a _permanent_ servant, if not so nimble with all--reasoning against "_forever_," is forestalled henceforth, and, deut. xxiii. , utterly outwitted. who in his senses believes that in the expression, "_he is his money_," the object was to inculcate the doctrine that the servant was a _chattel_? the obvious meaning is, he is _worth money_ to his master, and since, if the master killed him, it would take money out of his pocket, the _pecuniary loss_, the _kind of instrument used_, and _the fact of his living some time after the injury_, (as, if the master _meant_ to kill, he would be likely to _do_ it while about it,) all together make out a strong case of presumptive evidence clearing the master of _intent to kill_. but let us look at the objector's inferences. one is, that as the master might dispose of his _property_ as he pleased, he was not to be punished, if he destroyed it. answer. whether the servant died under the master's hand, or continued a day or two, he was _equally_ his master's property, and the objector admits that in the _first_ case the master is to be "surely punished" for destroying _his own property_! the other inference is, that since the continuance of a day or two, cleared the master of _intent to kill_, the loss of the slave would be a sufficient punishment for inflicting the injury which caused his death. this inference makes the mosaic law false to its own principles. a _pecuniary loss_, constituted no part of the claims of the law, where a person took the _life_ of another. in such case, the law utterly spurned money, however large the sum. god would not so cheapen human life, as to balance it with such a weight. "_ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall surely be put to death_." see numb. xxxv. . even in excusable homicide, a case of death purely accidental, as where an axe slipped from the helve and killed a man, no sum of money availed to release from confinement in the city of refuge, until the death of the high priest. numbers xxxv. . the doctrine that the loss of the servant would be a penalty _adequate_ to the desert of the master, admits the master's _guilt_--his desert of _some_ punishment, and it prescribes a _kind_ of punishment, rejected by the law, in all cases where man took the life of man, whether with or without _intent_ to kill. in short, the objector annuls an integral part of the system--resolves himself into a legislature, with power in the premises, makes a _new_ law, and coolly metes out such penalty as he thinks fit, both in kind and quantity. mosaic statutes amended, and divine legislation revised and improved! the master who struck out the tooth of a servant, whether intentionally or not, was required to set him free for his tooth's sake. the _pecuniary loss_ to the master was the same as though the servant had _died_. look at the two cases. a master beats his servant so severely, that after a day or two he dies of his wounds; another master accidentally strikes out his servant's tooth, and his servant is free--_the pecuniary loss of both masters is the same._ the objector contends that the loss of the slave's services in the first case is punishment sufficient for the crime of killing him; yet god commands the _same_ punishment for even the _accidental_ knocking out of a _tooth_! indeed, unless the injury was done _inadvertently_, the loss of the servant's services is only a _part_ of the punishment--mere reparation to the _individual_ for injury done; the _main_ punishment, that strictly _judicial_, was, reparation to the _community_ for injury to one of its members. to set the servant _free_, and thus proclaim his injury, his right to redress, and the measure of it--answered not the ends of public justice. the law made an example of the offender, "those that remain might hear and fear." _"if a man cause a blemish in his neighbour, as he hath done, so shall it be done unto him. breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth; as he hath caused a blemish in a man, so shall it be done to him again. you have one manner of law as well for the_ stranger _as for one of your own country_." lev. xxiv. , , . finally, if a master smote out the tooth of a servant, the law smote out _his_ tooth--thus redressing the _public_ wrong; and it cancelled the servant's obligation to the master, thus giving some compensation for the injury done, and exempting him from perilous liabilities in future. objection iii. _both the bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you, of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and they shall be your possession. and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen forever_. lev. xxv. - . the _points_ in these verses, urged as proof, that the mosaic system sanctioned slavery, are . the word "bondmen." . "buy." . "inheritance and possession." . "forever." the _second_ point, the _buying_ of servants, has been already discussed, see page . and a part of the _third_ (holding servants as a "possession." see p. .) we will now ascertain what sanction to slavery is derivable from the terms "bondmen," "inheritance," and "forever." i. bondmen. the fact that servants, from the heathen are called "_bondmen_," while others are called "servants," is quoted as proof that the former were slaves. as the _caprices_ of king james' translators were not divinely inspired, we need stand in no special awe of them. the word rendered _bondmen_, in this passage, is the same word uniformly rendered _servants_ elsewhere. to infer from this that the gentile servants were slaves, is absurd. look at the use of the hebrew word "_ebed_," the plural of which is here translated "_bondmen_." in isaiah xlii. , the _same word_ is applied to christ. "behold my _servant_ (bondman, slave?) whom i have chosen, mine elect in whom my soul delighteth." so isaiah lii. . "behold my _servant_ (christ) shall deal prudently." in kings xii. , , it is applied to _king rehoboam_. "and they (the old men) spake unto him, saying if thou wilt be a _servant_ (_ebed_) unto this people this day, and will serve them and answer them, and wilt speak good words to them, then they will be thy _servants_ forever." in chron. xii. , , , , it is applied to the king and all the nation. in fine, the word is applied to _all_ persons doing service to others--to magistrates, to all governmental officers, to tributaries, to all the subjects of governments, to younger sons--defining their relation to the first born, who is called _lord_ and _ruler_--to prophets, to kings, to the messiah, and in respectful addresses not less than _fifty_ times in the old testament. if the israelites not only held slaves, but multitudes of them, why had their language _no word_ that _meant slave_? if abraham had thousands, and if they _abounded_ under the mosaic system, why had they no such _word_ as slave or slavery? that language must be wofully poverty stricken, which has _no signs_ to represent the most _common_ and _familiar_ objects and conditions. to represent by the same word, and without figure, _property_, and the _owner_ of that property, is a solecism. ziba was an "_ebed_," yet he _"owned_" (!) twenty _ebeds_. in _english_, we have both the words _servant_ and _slave_. why? because we have both the _things_, and need _signs_ for them. if the tongue had a sheath, as swords have scabbards, we should have some _name_ for it: but our dictionaries give us none. why? because there is no such _thing_. but the objector asks, "would not the israelites use their word _ebed_ if they spoke of the slave of a heathen?" answer. the servants of individuals among the heathen are scarcely ever alluded to. _national_ servants or _tributaries_, are spoken of frequently, but so rarely are their _domestic_ servants alluded to, no necessity existed, even if they were slaves, for coining a new word. besides, the fact of their being domestics, under _heathen laws and usages_, proclaimed their _liabilities_; their locality told their condition; so that in applying to them the word _ebed_, there would be no danger of being misunderstood. but if the israelites had not only _servants_, but besides these, a multitude of _slaves_, a _word meaning slave_, would have been indispensable for purposes of every day convenience. further, the laws of the mosaic system were so many sentinels on every side, to warn off foreign practices. the border ground of canaan, was quarantine ground, enforcing the strictest non-intercourse between the _without_ and the _within_, not of _persons_, but of _usages_. the fact that the hebrew language had no words corresponding to _slave_ and _slavery_, though not a conclusive argument, is no slight corroborative. ii. "forever."--"they shall be your bondmen _forever_." this is quoted to prove that servants were to serve during their life time, and their posterity, from generation to generation. no such idea is contained in the passage. the word _forever_, instead of defining the length of _individual_ service, proclaims the _permanence_ of the regulation laid down in the two verses preceding, namely, that their _permanent domestics_ should be of the _strangers_, and not of the israelites; and it declares the duration of that general provision. as if god had said, "you shall _always_ get your _permanent_ laborers from the nations round about you--your _servants_ shall always be of _that_ class of persons." as it stands in the original, it is plain--"_forever of them shall ye serve yourselves_." this is the literal rendering of the hebrew words, which, in our version, are translated, "_they shall be your bondmen forever_." this construction is in keeping with the whole of the passage. "both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the _heathen_ (the nations) that are round about you. of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy," &c. the design of this passage is manifest from its structure. it was to point out the _class_ of persons from which they were to get their supply of servants, and the _way_ in which they were to get them. that "_forever_" refers to the permanent relations of a _community_, rather than to the services of _individuals_, is a fair inference from the form of the expression, "they shall be your possession. ye shall take _them_ as an inheritance for your children to inherit them for a possession." to say nothing of the uncertainty of _these individuals_ surviving those _after_ whom they are to live, the language used, applies more naturally to a _body_ of people, than to _individual_ servants. but suppose it otherwise; still _perpetual_ service could not be argued from the term _forever_. the ninth and tenth verses of the same chapter, limit it absolutely by the jubilee. "_then shall thou cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound on the tenth day of the seventh month: in the day of atonement shall ye make the trumpet sound throughout_ all _your land." "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto_ all _the inhabitants thereof_." it may be objected that "inhabitants" here means _israelitish_ inhabitants alone. the command is, "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all _the inhabitants thereof_." besides, in the sixth verse, there is an enumeration of the different classes of the inhabitants, in which servants and strangers are included. "_and the sabbath of the land shall be meet for_ you--[for whom? for you _israelites_ only?]--_for thee, and for thy_ servant, _and for thy maid, and for thy hired servant, and for thy_ stranger _that sojourneth with thee_." further, in all the regulations of the jubilee, and the sabbatical year, the strangers are included in the precepts, prohibitions, and promised blessings. again: the year of jubilee was ushered in, by the day of atonement. what was the design of these institutions? the day of atonement prefigured the atonement of christ, and the year of jubilee, the gospel jubilee. and did they prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to _jews_ only? were they the types of sins remitted, and of salvation, proclaimed to the nation of _israel_ alone? is there no redemption for us gentiles in these ends of the earth, and is our hope presumption and impiety? did that old partition wall survive the shock, that made earth quake, and hid the sun, burst graves and rocks, and rent the temple vail? and did the gospel only rear it higher to thunder direr perdition from its frowning battlements on all without? no! the god of our salvation lives. "good tidings of great joy shall be to all people." _one_ shout shall swell from _all_ the ransomed, "thou hast redeemed us unto god by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation." to deny that the blessings of the jubilee extended to the servants from the _gentiles_, makes christianity _judaism_. it not only eclipses the glory of the gospel, but strikes out the sun. the refusal to release servants at the sound of the jubilee trumpet, falsified and disannulled a grand leading type of the atonement, and thus libelled the doctrine of christ's redemption. finally, even if _forever_ did refer to the length of _individual_ service, we have ample precedents for limiting the term by the jubilee. the same word is used to define the length of time for which those _jewish_ servants were held, who refused to go out in the _seventh_ year. and all admit that their term of service did not go beyond the jubilee. ex. xxi. - ; deut. xv. - . the d verse of the same chapter is quoted to prove that "_forever_" in the th verse, extends beyond the jubilee. "_the land shall not be sold_ forever, _for the land is mine_"--as it would hardly be used in different senses in the same general connection. in reply, we repeat that _forever_ respects the duration of the _general arrangement_, and not that of _individual service_. consequently, it is not affected by the jubilee; so the objection does not touch the argument. but it may not be amiss to show that it is equally harmless against any other argument drawn from the use of forever in the th verse,--for the word there used, is _olam_, meaning _throughout the period_, whatever that may be. whereas in the d verse, it is _tsemithuth_, meaning _cutting off_, or _to be cut off_. iii. "inheritance and possession."--"_ye shall take them as an_ inheritance _for your children after you to inherit them for a possession_." this refers to the _nations_, and not to the _individual_ servants, procured from these nations. we have already shown, that servants could not be held as a _property_-possession, and inheritance; that they became servants of their _own accord_, and were paid wages; that they were released by law from their regular labor nearly _half the days in each year_, and thoroughly _instructed_; that the servants were _protected_ in all their personal, social, and religious rights, equally with their masters, &c. now, truly, all remaining, after these ample reservations, would be small temptation, either to the lust of power or of lucre. what a profitable "possession" and "inheritance!" what if our american slaves were all placed in _just such a condition_! alas, for that soft, melodious circumlocution, "our peculiar species of property!" truly, emphasis is cadence, and euphony and irony have met together! what eager snatches at mere words, and bald technics, irrespective of connection, principles of construction, bible usages, or limitations of meaning by other passages--and all to eke out such a sense as accords with existing usages and sanctifies them, thus making god pander for their lusts. little matter whether the meaning of the word be primary or secondary, literal or figurative, _provided_ it sustains their practices. but let us inquire whether the words rendered "inherit" and "inheritance," when used in the old testament, necessarily point out the things inherited and possessed as _articles of property_. _nahal_ and _nahala_--_inherit_ and _inheritance_. see chronicles x. . "the people answered the king and said, what portion have we in david, and we have none _inheritance_ in the son of jesse." did they mean gravely to disclaim the holding of their king as an article of _property?_ psalms cxxvii. --"lo, children are an _heritage_ (inheritance) of the lord." exodus xxxiv. --"pardon our iniquity and our sin, and take us for thine _inheritance_." when god pardons his enemies, and adopts them as his children, does he make them _articles of property?_ are forgiveness, and chattel-making, synonymes? psalms cxix. --"thy testimonies have i taken as a _heritage_ (inheritance) forever." ezekiel xliv. , --"and in the day that he goeth into the sanctuary, unto the inner court to minister in the sanctuary, he shall offer his sin-offering, saith the lord god. and it shall be unto them for an _inheritance_; _i_ am their _inheritance_." psalms ii. --"ask of me, and i will give thee the heathen for thine _inheritance_." psalms xciv. --"for the lord will not cast off his people, neither will he forsake his _inheritance_." see also deuteronomy iv. ; joshua xiii. ; chronicles x. ; psalms lxxxii. , and lxxviii. , ; proverbs xiv. . the question whether the servants were a property--"_possession_," has been already discussed--(see p. )--we need add in this place but a word. _ahusa_ rendered "_possession_." genesis xlii. --"and joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a _possession_ in the land of egypt, in the best of the land, in the land of rameses, as pharaoh had commanded." in what sense was the land of goshen the _possession_ of the israelites? answer, in the sense of, _having it to live in_. in what sense were the israelites to _possess_ these nations, and _take them_ as an _inheritance for their children?_ we answer, they possessed them as _a permanent source of supply for domestic or household servants. and this relation to these nations was to go down to posterity as a standing regulation--a national usage respecting them, having the certainty and regularity of a descent by inheritance_. the sense of the whole regulation may be given thus: "thy permanent domestics, both male and female, which thou shalt have, shall be of the nations that are round about you, of _them_ shall ye get male and female domestics." "moreover of the children of the foreigners that do sojourn among you, of _them_ shall ye get, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and _they_ shall be your permanent resource," (for household servants.) "and ye shall take them as a _perpetual_ provision for your children after you, to hold as a _constant source of supply_. always _of them_ shall ye serve yourselves." objection iv. "_if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a_ bond-servant, _but as an_ hired-servant, _and as a sojourner shall he be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee_." lev. xxv. , . from the fact that only _one_ class of the servants is called _hired_, it is sagely inferred that servants of the _other_ class were _not paid_ for their labor. that is, that while god thundered anathemas against those who "used their neighbor's service _without wages_," he granted a special indulgence to his chosen people to seize persons, force them to work, and rob them of earnings, provided always, in selecting their victims, they spared "the gentlemen of property and standing," and pounced only upon the _strangers_ and the _common_ people. the inference that "_hired_" is synonimous with _paid_, and that those servants not _called_ "hired" were _not paid_ for their labor, is a _mere assumption_. the meaning of the english verb _to hire_, is, as every one knows, to procure for a temporary use at a curtain price--to engage a person to _temporary_ service for wages. that is also the meaning of the hebrew word "_saukar_." _temporary_ service, and generally for a _specific_ object, is inseparable from its meaning. it is never used when the procurement of _permanent_ service, for a long period, is spoken of. now, we ask, would _permanent_ servants, those who constituted an integral and stationary part of the family, have been designated by the same term that marks _temporary_ servants? the every-day distinctions made on this subject, are as familiar as table-talk. in many families, the domestics perform only such labor, as every day brings along with it--the _regular_ work. whatever is _occasional_ merely, as the washing of a family, is done by persons _hired expressly for the purpose_. in such families, the familiar distinction between the two classes, is "servants," or "domestics," and "hired help," (not _paid_ help.) _both_ classes are _paid_. one is permanent, the other occasional and temporary, and therefore in this case called "_hired_." to suppose a servant robbed of his earnings, because when spoken of, he is not called a _hired_ servant, is profound induction! if i employ a man at twelve dollars a month to work my farm, he is my _"hired"_ man, but if, instead of giving him so much a month, i _give him such a portion of the crop_, or in other words, if he works my farm _"on shares,"_ he is no longer my _hired_ man. every farmer knows that _that_ designation is not applied to him. yet he works the same farm, in the same way, at the same times, and with the same teams and tools; and does the same amount of work in the year, and perhaps clears twenty dollars a month, instead of the twelve, paid him while he was my _hired_ laborer. now, as the technic _"hired"_ is no longer used to designate him, and as he still labors on my farm, suppose my neighbors gather in conclave, and from such ample premises sagely infer, that since he is no longer my _"hired"_ laborer, i _rob_ him of his earnings, and with all the gravity of owls, they record their decision, and adjourn to hoot it abroad. my neighbors are deep divers!--like some theological professors, they not only go to the bottom, but come up covered with the tokens. a variety of particulars are recorded in the bible, distinguishing _hired_ from _bought_ servants. ( .) hired servants were paid daily at the close of their work. lev. xix ; deut. xxiv. , ; job. vii. ; matt. xx. . _"bought"_ servants were paid in advance, (a reason for their being called, _bought_,) and those that went out at the seventh year received a _gratuity_ at the close of their period of service. deut. xv. - . ( .) the hired servant was paid _in money_, the bought servant received his _gratuity_, at least, in grain, cattle, and the product of the vintage. deut. xiv. . ( .) the _hired_ servant _lived by himself_, in his own family. the _bought_ servant was a part of his master's family. ( .) the _hired_ servant supported his family out of his wages; the _bought_ servant and his family, were supported by the master _besides_ his wages. a careful investigation of the condition of "_hired_" and of "_bought_" servants, shows that the latter were, _as a class, superior to the former_--were more trust-worthy, had greater privileges, and occupied in every respect (_other_ things being equal) a higher station in society. ( .) _they were intimately incorporated with the family of the master_. they were guests at family festivals, and social solemnities, from which hired servants were excluded. lev. xxii. ; exod. xii. , . ( ) _their interests were far more identified with the general interests of their masters' family._ bought servants were often actually, or prospectively, heirs of their master's estate. witness the case of eliezer, of ziba, of the sons of bilhah, and zilpah, and others. when there were no sons to inherit the estate, or when, by unworthiness, they had forfeited their title, bought servants were made heirs. proverbs xvii. . we find traces of this usage in the new testament. "but when the husbandmen saw him, they reasoned among themselves, saying, this is the _heir_, come let us kill him, _that the inheritance may be ours_." luke xx. ; also mark xii. . in no instance on bible record, does a _hired_ servant inherit his master's estate. ( .) _marriages took place between servants and their master's daughters_. "now sheshan had no sons, but daughters: and sheshan had a _servant_, an egyptian, whose name was jarha. and sheshan gave his daughter to jarha his servant to wife." chron. ii. , . there is no instance of a _hired_ servant forming such an alliance. ( .) _bought servants and their descendants seem to have been regarded with the same affection and respect as the other members of the family[a]._ the treatment of eliezer, and the other servants in the family of abraham, gen. chap. --the intercourse between gideon and his servant phurah, judges vii. , . and saul and his servant, in their interview with samuel, sam. ix. , ; and jonathan and his servant, sam. xiv. - , and elisha and his servant gehazi, are illustrations. no such tie seems to have existed between _hired_ servants and their masters. their untrustworthiness seems to have been proverbial. see john ix. , . none but the _lowest class_ seem to have engaged as hired servants. no instance occurs in which they are assigned to business demanding much knowledge or skill. various passages show the low repute and trifling character of the class from which they were hired. judges ix. ; sam. ii. . the superior condition and privileges of bought servants, are manifested in the high trusts confided to them, and in the dignity and authority with which they were clothed in their master's household. but in no instance is a _hired_ servant thus distinguished. in some cases, the _bought_ servant is manifestly the master's representative in the family--with plenipotentiary powers over adult children, even negotiating marriage for them. abraham besought eliezer his servant, to take a solemn oath, that he would not take a wife for isaac of the daughters of the canaanites, but from abraham's kindred. the servant went accordingly, and _himself_ selected the individual. servants also exercised discretionary power in the management of their master's estate, "and the servant took ten camels, of the camels of his master, _for all the goods of his master were under his hand_." gen. xxiv. . the reason assigned for taking them, is not that such was abraham's direction, but that the servant had discretionary control. servants had also discretionary power in the _disposal of property_. see gen. xxiv. , , . the condition of ziba in the house of mephiboseth, is a case in point. so is prov. xvii. . distinct traces of this estimation are to be found in the new testament, math. xxiv. ; luke xii. , . so in the parable of the talents; the master seems to have set up each of his servants in trade with considerable capital. one of them could not have had less than eight thousand dollars. the parable of the unjust steward is another illustration. luke xvi. , . he evidently was entrusted with large _discretionary_ power, was "accused of wasting his master's goods." and manifestly regulated with his master's debtors, the _terms_ of settlement. such trusts were never reposed in _hired_ servants. the inferior condition of _hired_ servants, is illustrated in the parable of the prodigal son. when the prodigal, perishing with hunger among the swine and husks, came to himself, his proud heart broke; "i will arise," he cried, "and go to my father." and then to assure his father of the depth of his humility, resolved to add imploringly, "make me as one of thy _hired_ servants." it need not be remarked, that if _hired_ servants were the _superior_ class; to apply for the situation, and press the suit, savored little of that sense of unworthiness that seeks the dust with hidden face, and cries "unclean." unhumbled nature _climbs_; or if it falls, clings fast, where first it may. humility sinks of its own weight, and in the lowest deep, digs lower. the design of the parable was to illustrate on the one hand, the joy of god, as he beholds afar off, the returning sinner "seeking an injured father's face" who runs to clasp and bless him with an unchiding welcome; and on the other, the contrition of the penitent, turning homeward with tears, from his wanderings, his stricken spirit breaking with its ill-desert, he sobs aloud, "the lowest place, _the lowest place_, i can abide no other." or in those inimitable words, "_father, i have sinned against heaven, and in thy sight, and no more worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy_ hired _servants_." the supposition that _hired_ servants were the _highest_ class, takes from the parable an element of winning beauty and pathos. it is manifest to every careful student of the bible, that _one_ class of servants, was on terms of equality with the children and other members of the family. (hence the force of paul's declaration, gal. iv. , _"now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child,_ differeth nothing from a servant, _though he be lord of all."_) if this were the _hired_ class, the prodigal was a sorry specimen of humility. would our lord have put such language, into the lips of one held up by himself, as a model of gospel humility, to illustrate its lowliness, its conscious destitution of all merit, and deep sense of all ill desert? if this is _humility_, put it on stilts, and set it a strutting, while pride takes lessons, and blunders in apeing it. here let it be observed, that both israelites and strangers, belonged indiscriminately to _each_ class of the servants, the _bought_ and the _hired_. that those in the former class, whether jews or strangers, were in higher estimation, and rose to honors and authority in the family circle, which were not conferred on _hired_ servants, has been already shown. it should be added, however, that in the enjoyment of privileges, merely _political_ and _national_, the hired servants from the _israelites_, were more favored than either the hired, or the bought servants from the _strangers_. no one from the strangers, however wealthy or highly endowed, was eligible to the highest office, nor could he own the soil. this last disability seems to have been one reason for the different periods of service required of the two classes of bought servants--the israelites and the strangers. the israelite was to serve six years--the stranger until the jubilee[a]. [footnote a: both classes may with propriety be called _permanent_ servants; even the bought israelite, when his six-years' service is contrasted with the brief term of the hired servant.] as the strangers could not own the soil, nor even houses, except within walled towns, most of them would choose to attach themselves permanently to israelitish families. those strangers who were wealthy, or skilled in manufactures, instead of becoming servants themselves, would need servants for their own use, and as inducements for the strangers to become servants to the israelites, were greater than persons of their own nation could hold out to them, these wealthy strangers would naturally procure the poorer israelites for servants. see levit. xxv. . in a word, such was the political condition of the strangers, the jewish polity furnished a strong motive to them, to become servants, thus incorporating themselves with the nation, and procuring those social and religious privileges already enumerated, and for their children in the second generation, a permanent inheritance. (this last was a regulation of later date. ezekiel xlvii. - .) indeed, the structure of the whole mosaic polity, was a virtual bounty offered to those who would become permanent servants, and merge in the jewish system their distinct nationality. none but the monied aristocracy among them, would be likely to decline such offers. for various reasons, this class, (the servants bought from the strangers,) would prefer a _long_ service. they would thus more effectually become absorbed into the national circulation, and identify their interests with those in whose gift were all things desirable for themselves, and brighter prospects for their children. on the other hand, the israelites, owning all the soil, and an inheritance of land being a sort of sacred possession, to hold it free of incumbrance, was, with every israelite, a delicate point, both of family honor and personal character. kings xxi. . hence, to forego the _possession_ of one's inheritance, _after_ the division of the paternal domain, or to be restrained from its _control_, after having acceded to it, was a burden grievous to be borne. to mitigate, as much as possible, such a calamity, the law, instead of requiring the israelite to continue a servant until the jubilee, released him at the end six years[a], as, during that time--if, of the first class--the partition of the patrimonial land might have taken place; or, if of the second, enough money might have been earned to disencumber his estate, and thus he might assume his station as a lord of the soil. if these contingencies had not occurred, then, at the end of another six years, the opportunity was again offered, and in the same manner until the jubilee. so while strong motives urged the israelite, to discontinue his service as soon as the exigency had passed, which induced him to become a servant, every consideration impelled the _stranger_ to _prolong_ his term of service; and the same kindness which dictated the law of six years' service for the israelite, assigned as the general rule, a much longer period to the gentile servant, who, instead of being tempted to a brief service, had every inducement to protract the term. [footnote a: another reason for protracting the service until the seventh year, seems to have been, its coincidence with other arrangements, and provisions, inseparable from the jewish economy. that period was a favorite one in the mosaic system. its pecuniary responsibilities, social relations and general internal structure, if not _graduated_ upon a septennial scale, were variously modified by the lapse of the period. another reason doubtless was, that as those israelites who became servants through poverty, would not sell themselves, except as a last resort when other expedients to recruit their finances had failed--(see lev. xxv. )--their _becoming servants_ proclaimed such a state of their affairs, as demanded the labor of _a course of years_ fully to reinstate them.] it is important to a clear understanding of the whole subject, to keep in mind that adult jews ordinarily became servants, only as a temporary expedient to relieve themselves from embarrassment, and ceased to be such when that object was effected. the poverty that forced them to it was a calamity, and their service was either a means of relief, or a measure of prevention. it was not pursued as a _permanent business_, but resorted to on emergencies--a sort of episode in the main scope of their lives. whereas with the strangers, it was a _permanent employment_, pursued not merely as a _means_ of bettering their own condition, and prospectively that of their posterity, but also, as an _end_ for its own sake, conferring on them privileges, and a social estimation not otherwise attainable. we see from the foregoing, why servants purchased from the heathen, are called by way of distinction, _the_ servants, (not _bondmen_, as our translators have it.) ( .) they followed it as a _permanent business_. ( .) their term of service was _much longer_ than that of the other class. ( .) as a class, they doubtless greatly outnumbered the israelitish servants. ( .) all the strangers that dwelt in the land, were _tributaries_ to the israelites--required to pay an annual tribute to the government, either in money, or in public service, which was called a "_tribute of bond-service_;" in other words, all the strangers were _national servants_, to the israelites, and the same hebrew word which is used to designate _individual_ servants, equally designates _national_ servants or tributaries. sam. viii. , , . chron. viii. - . deut. xx. . sam. x. . kings ix. , . kings iv. . gen. xxvii. . the same word is applied to the israelites, when they paid tribute to other nations. see kings xvii. . judges iii. , . gen. xlix. . another distinction between the jewish and gentile bought servants, claims notice. it was in the _kinds_ of service assigned to each class. the servants from the strangers, were properly the _domestics_, or household servants, employed in all family work, in offices of personal attendance, and in such mechanical labor, as was constantly required in every family, by increasing wants, and needed repairs. on the other hand, the jewish bought servants seem to have been almost exclusively _agricultural_. besides being better fitted for this by previous habits--agriculture, and the tending of cattle, were regarded by the israelites as the most honorable of all occupations; kings engaged in them. after saul was elected king, and escorted to gibeah, the next report of him is, "_and behold saul came after the herd out of the field_."-- sam. xi. . elisha "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen" when elijah threw his mantle upon him. kings xix. . king uzziah "loved husbandry." chron. xxvi. . gideon, the deliverer of israel, _was "threshing wheat_ by the wine press" when called to lead the host against the midianites. judges vi. . the superior honorableness of agriculture, is shown by the fact, that it was _protected and supported by the fundamental law_ of the theocracy--god thus indicating it as the chief prop of the government, and putting upon it peculiar honor. an inheritance of land seems to have filled out an israelite's idea of worldly furnishment. they were like permanent fixtures on their soil, so did they cling to it. to be agriculturalists on their own inheritances, was, in their notions, the basis of family consequence, and the grand claim to honorable estimation. agriculture being pre-eminently a _jewish_ employment, to assign a native israelite to _other_ employments as a _business_, was to break up his habits, do violence to cherished predilections, and put him to a kind of labor in which he had no skill, and which he deemed degrading. in short, it was, in the earlier ages of the mosaic system, practically to _unjew_ him, a hardship and rigor grievous to be borne, as it annihilated a visible distinction between the descendants of abraham and the strangers--a distinction vital to the system, and gloried in by every jew. _to guard this and another fundamental distinction_, god instituted the regulation contained in leviticus xxv. , which stands at the head of this branch of our inquiry, "_if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant._" in other words, thou shalt not put him to _servants' work_--to the _business_, and into the _condition_ of _domestics_. in the persian version it is translated thus, "thou shalt not assign to him the work of _servitude_," (or _menial_ labor.) in the septuagint thus, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a _domestic or household servant_." in the syriac thus, "thou shalt not employ him after the manner of servants." in the samaritan thus, "thou shalt not require him to serve in the service of a servant." in the targum of onkelos thus, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a household servant." in the targum of jonathan thus, "thou shalt not cause him to serve according to the usages of the servitude of servants[a]." in fine, "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," means, _thou shalt not assign him to the same grade, nor put him to the same services, with permanent domestics._ [footnote a: jarchi's comment on "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant" is, "the hebrew servant is not to be required to do any thing which is accounted degrading--such as all offices of personal attendance, as loosing his master's shoe latchet, bringing him water to wash his feet and hands, waiting on him at table, dressing him, carrying things to and from the bath. the hebrew servant is to work with his master as a son or brother, in the business of his farm, or other labor, until his legal release."] we pass to the remainder of the regulation in the th verse:-- "_but as an hired servant and as a sojourner shall he be with thee_." hired servants were not incorporated into the families of their masters; they still retained their own family organization, without the surrender of any domestic privilege, honor, or authority; and this, even though they resided under the same roof with their master. while bought-servants were associated with their master's families at meals, at the passover, and at other family festivals, hired servants and sojourners were not. exodus xii. , ; lev. xxii. , . not being merged in the family of his master, the hired servant was not subject to his authority, (except in directions about his labor) in any such sense as the master's wife, children, and bought servants. hence the only form of oppressing hired servants spoken of in the scriptures as practicable to masters, is that of _keeping back their wages_. to have taken away these privileges in the case stated in the passage under consideration, would have been preeminent _rigor_; for the case described, is not that of a servant born in the house of a master, nor that of a minor, whose unexpired minority had been sold by the father, neither was it the case of an israelite, who though of age, had not yet acceded to his inheritance; nor, finally, was it that of one who had received the _assignment_ of his inheritance, but was, as a servant, working off from it an incumbrance, before entering upon its possession and control[a]. but it was that of _the head of a family_, who had lived independently on his own inheritance, and long known better days, now reduced to poverty, forced to relinquish the loved inheritance of his fathers, with the competence and respectful consideration its possession secured to him, and to be indebted to a neighbor for shelter, sustenance, and employment, both for himself and his family. surely so sad a reverse, might well claim sympathy; but there remaineth to him one consolation, and it cheers him in the house of his pilgrimage. he is an _israelite--abraham is his father_, and now in his calamity he clings closer than ever, to the distinction conferred by the immunities of his birthright. to rob him of this, were "the unkindest cut of all." to have assigned him to a _grade_ of service filled only by those whose permanent business was _serving_, would have been to _rule over him with peculiar rigor_. [footnote a: these two latter classes are evidently referred to in exod. xxi. - , and deut. xv. ] finally, the former part of the regulation, "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," or more literally, _thou shall not serve thyself with him, with the service of a servant_, guaranties his political privileges, and secures to him a kind and grade of service, comporting with his character and relations as a son of israel. and the remainder of the verse, "but as a _hired_ servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee," continues and secures to him his separate family organization, the respect and authority due to his head, and the general consideration in society resulting from such a station. though this individual was a jewish _bought_ servant, the case is peculiar, and forms an exception to the general class of jewish bought servants. being already in possession of his inheritance, and the head of a household, the law so arranged his relations, as a servant, as to _alleviate_ as much as possible the calamity which had reduced him from independence and authority, to penury and subjection. having gone so much into detail on this point, comment on the command which concludes this topic in the forty-third verse, would be superfluous. "_thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy god_." as if it had been said, "in your administration you shall not disregard those differences in previous habits, station, authority, and national and political privileges, upon which this regulation is based; for to exercise authority over this class of servants, _irrespective_ of these distinctions, and annihilating them, is _to__rule with rigor_." the same command is repeated in the forty-sixth verse, and applied to the distinction between the servants of jewish, and those of gentile extraction, and forbids the overlooking of distinctive jewish peculiarities, so vital to an israelite as to make the violation of them, _rigorous_ in the extreme; while to the servants from the strangers, whose previous habits and associations differed so widely from those of the israelite, these same things would be deemed slight disabilities. it may be remarked here, that the political and other disabilities of the strangers, which were the distinctions growing out of a different national descent, and important to the preservation of national characteristics, and to the purity of national worship, do not seem to have effected at all the _social_ estimation, in which this class of servants was held. they were regarded according to their character and worth as _persons_, irrespective of their foreign origin, employments, and political condition. the common construction put upon the expression, "_rule with rigor_," and an inference drawn from it, have an air so oracular, as quite to overcharge risibles of ordinary calibre, if such an effect were not forestalled by its impiety. it is interpreted to mean, "you shall not make him an article of property, you shall not force him to work, and rob him of his earnings, you shall not make him a chattel, and strip him of legal protection." so much for the interpretation. the inference is like unto it, viz. since the command forbade such outrages upon the _israelites, it permitted and commissioned_ the infliction of them upon the _strangers_. such impious and shallow smattering, captivates two classes of minds, the one by its flippancy, the other by its blasphemy, and both, by the strong scent of its unbridled license. what boots it to reason against such rampant affinities! in exodus, chap. i. , , it is said that the egyptians "made the children of israel to _serve_ with rigor," "and all their _service_ wherein they made them _serve_, was with rigor." the rigor here spoken of, is affirmed of the _amount of labor_ extorted from them, and the _mode_ of the exaction. this form of expression, "_serve with rigor_," is never applied to the service of servants either under the patriarchal, or the mosaic systems. nor is any other form of expression ever used, either equivalent to it, or at all similar. the phrase, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor," used in leviticus xxv. , , does not prohibit unreasonable exactions of labor, nor inflictions of personal cruelty. _such were provided against otherwise_. but it forbids, confounding the distinctions between a jew and a stranger, by assigning the former to the same grade of service, for the same term of time, and under the same national and political disabilities as the latter. we are now prepared to survey at a glance, the general condition of the different classes of servants, with the modifications peculiar to each class. i. in the possession of _all fundamental rights, all classes of servants were on an absolute equality_, all were _equally protected_ by law in their persons, character, property and social relations. all were _voluntary_, all were _compensated_ for their labor. all were released from their regular labor nearly _one half of the days in each year_, all were furnished with stated _instruction_; none in either class were in any sense articles of _property_, all were regarded as _men_, with the rights, interests, hopes, and destinies of _men_. in these respects the circumstances of _all_ classes of servants among the israelites, were not only similar but _identical_, and so far forth, they formed but one class. ii. different classes of servants. . _hired servants_.--this class consisted both of israelites and strangers. their employments were different. the _israelite_, was an agricultural servant. the stranger was a _domestic_ and _personal_ servant, and in some instances _mechanical_; both were _occasional_, procured _temporally_ to serve an emergency. both lived in their own families, their wages were _money_, and they were paid when their work was done. as a _class of servants_, the hired were less loved, trusted, honored and promoted than any other. . _bought servants, (including those "born in the house.")_--this class also, was composed both of israelites and strangers, the same general difference obtaining in their kinds of employment as was noticed before. both were paid in advance[a], and neither was temporary. [footnote a: the payment _in advance_, doubtless lessened considerably the price of the purchase; the servant thus having the use of the money from the beginning, and the master assuming all the risks of life, and health for labor; at the expiration of the six years' contract, the master having experienced no loss from the risk incurred at the making of it, was obliged by law to release the servant with a liberal gratuity. the reason assigned for this is, "he hath been worth a double hired servant unto thee in serving thee six years," as if it had been said, he has now served out his time, and as you have experienced no loss from the risks of life, and ability to labor which you incurred in the purchase, and which lessened the price, and as, by being your permanent servant for six years, he has saved you all the time and trouble of looking up and hiring laborers on emergencies, therefore, "thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c.] the israelitish servant, in most instances, was released after six years. (the _freeholder_ continued until the jubilee.) the stranger, was a _permanent_ servant, continuing until the jubilee. besides these distinctions between jewish and gentile bought servants, a marked distinction obtained between different classes of jewish bought servants. ordinarily, during their term of service, they were merged in their master's family, and, like the wife and children of the master, subject to his authority; (and of course, like them, protected by law from its abuse.) but _one_ class of the jewish bought servants was a marked exception. the _freeholder_, obliged by poverty to leave his possession, and sell himself as a servant, did not thereby affect his family relations, or authority, nor subject himself as an inferior to the control of his master, though dependent upon him for employment. in this respect, his condition differed from that of the main body of jewish bought servants, which seems to have consisted of those, who had not yet come into possession of their inheritance, or of those who were dislodging from it an incumbrance. having dwelt so much at length on this part of the subject, the reader's patience may well be spared further details. we close it with a suggestion or two, which may serve as a solvent of some minor difficulties, if such remain. i. it should be kept in mind, that _both_ classes of servants, the israelite and the stranger, not only enjoyed _equal natural and religious rights_, but _all the civil and political privileges_ enjoyed by those of their own people, who were _not_ servants. if israelites, all rights belonging to israelites were theirs. if from the strangers, the same political privileges enjoyed by those wealthy strangers, who bought and held _israelitish_ servants, _were theirs_. they also shared _in common with them_, the political disabilities which appertained to _all_ strangers, whether the servants of jewish masters, or the masters of jewish servants. ii. the disabilities of the servants from the strangers, were exclusively _political_ and _national_. . they, in common with all strangers, _could not own the soil_. . they were _ineligible to civil offices_. . they were assigned to _employments_ less honorable than those in which israelitish servants engaged; agriculture being regarded as fundamental to the prosperity and even to the existence of the state, other employments were in far less repute, and deemed _unjewish_. finally, the condition of the strangers, whether servants or masters, was, as it respected political privileges, much like that of unnaturalized foreigners in the united states; no matter how great their wealth or intelligence, or moral principle, or love for our institutions, they can neither go to the ballot-box, nor own the soil, nor be eligible to office. let a native american, who has always enjoyed these privileges, be suddenly bereft of them, and loaded with the disabilities of an alien, and what to the foreigner would be a light matter, to _him_, would be the severity of _rigor_. the recent condition of the jews and catholics in england, is a still better illustration of the political condition of the strangers in israel. rothschild, the late english banker, though the richest private citizen in the world, and perhaps master of scores of english servants, who sued for the smallest crumbs of his favor, was, as a subject of the government, inferior to the veriest scavenger among them. suppose an englishman, of the established church, were by law deprived of power to own the soil, made ineligible to office, and deprived unconditionally of the electoral franchise, would englishmen think it a misapplication of language, if it were said, "the government rules over that man with rigor?" and yet his life, limbs, property, reputation, conscience, all his social relations, the disposal of his time, the right of locomotion at pleasure, and of natural liberty in all respects, are just as much protected by law as the lord chancellor's. the same was true of all "the strangers within the gates" among the israelites: whether these strangers were the servants of israelitish masters, or the masters of israelitish servants, whether sojourners, or bought servants, or born in the house, or hired, or neither--_all were protected equally with the descendants of abraham._ finally--as the mosaic system was a great compound type, made up of innumerable fractional ones, each rife with meaning in doctrine and duty; the practical power of the whole, depended upon the exact observance of those distinctions and relations which constituted its significancy. hence, the care everywhere shown to preserve inviolate the distinction between a _descendant of abraham_ and a _stranger_, even when the stranger was a proselyte, had gone through the initiatory ordinances, entered the congregation, and become incorporated with the israelites by family alliance. the regulation laid down in exodus xxi. - , is an illustration, _"if thou buy an hebrew servant, six years shall he serve: and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing. if he came in by himself, he shall go out by himself: if he were married, then, his wife shall go out with him. if his master have given him a wife, and she have borne him sons or daughters; the wife and her children shall be her master's, and he shall go out by himself. and if the servant should plainly say, i love my master, my wife, and my children, i will not go out free: then his master shall bring him unto the judges; he shall also bring him to the door, or unto the door-post; and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl, and he shall serve him forever."_ in this case, the israelitish servant, whose term expired in six years, married one of his master's _permanent female domestics_; but the fact of her marriage, did not release her master from _his_ part of the contract for her whole term of service, nor absolve him from his legal obligation to support and educate her children. nor could it do away that distinction, which marked her national descent by a specific _grade_ and _term_ of service. her marriage did not impair her obligation to fulfil _her_ part of the contract. her relations as a permanent domestic grew out of a distinction guarded with great care throughout the mosaic system. to permit this to be rendered void, would have been to divide the system against itself. this god would not tolerate. nor, on the other hand, would he permit the master, to throw off the responsibility of instructing her children, nor the care and expense of their helpless infancy and rearing. he was bound to support and educate them, and all her children born afterwards during her term of service. the whole arrangement beautifully illustrates that wise and tender regard for the interests of all the parties concerned, which arrays the mosaic system in robes of glory, and causes it to shine as the sun in the kingdom of our father. by this law, the children had secured to them a mother's tender care. if the husband loved his wife and children, he could compel his master to keep him, whether he had any occasion for his services or not, and with such remuneration as was provided by the statute. if he did not love them, to be rid of him was a blessing; and in that case, the regulation would prove an act for the relief of an afflicted family. it is not by any means to be inferred, that the release of the servant from his service in the seventh year, either absolved him from the obligations of marriage, or shut him out from the society of his family. he could doubtless procure a service at no great distance from them, and might often do it, to get higher wages, or a kind of employment better suited to his taste and skill, or because his master might not have sufficient work to occupy him. whether he lived near his family, or at a considerable distance, the great number of days on which the law released servants from regular labor, would enable him to spend much more time with them than can be spent by most of the agents of our benevolent societies with _their_ families, or by many merchants, editors, artists, &c., whose daily business is in new york, while their families reside from ten to one hundred miles in the country. we conclude this inquiry by touching briefly upon an objection, which, though not formally stated, has been already set aside by the whole tenor of the foregoing argument. it is this,-- _"the slavery of the canaanites by the israelites, was appointed by god as a commutation of the punishment of death denounced against them for their sins."_--if the absurdity of a sentence consigning persons to _death_, and at the same time to perpetual _slavery_, did not sufficiently laugh in its own face, it would be small self-denial, in a case so tempting, to make up the deficiency by a general contribution. for, _be it remembered_, the mosaic law was given, while israel was _in the wilderness_, and only _one_ statute was ever given respecting _the disposition to be made of the inhabitants of the land._ if the sentence of death was first pronounced against them, and afterwards _commuted_, when? where? by whom? and in what terms was the commutation? and where is it recorded? grant, for argument's sake, that all the canaanites were sentenced to unconditional extermination; as there was no reversal of the sentence, how can a right to _enslave_ them, be drawn from such premises? the punishment of death is one of the highest recognitions of man's moral nature possible. it proclaims him _man_--intelligent accountable, guilty _man,_ deserving death for having done his utmost to cheapen human life, and make it worthless, when the proof of its priceless value, lives in his own nature. but to make him a _slave,_ cheapens to nothing _universal human nature,_ and instead of healing a wound, gives a death stab. what! repair an injury done to rational being in the robbery of _one_ of its rights, not merely by robbing it of _all,_ but by annihilating the very _foundation_ of them--that everlasting distinction between men and things? to make a man a chattel, is not the _punishment,_ but the _annihilation_ of a _human_ being, and, so far as it goes, of _all_ human beings. this commutation of the punishment of death, into perpetual slavery, what a fortunate discovery! alas! for the honor of deity, if commentators had not manned the forlorn hope, and rushed to the rescue of the divine character at the very crisis of its fate, and, by a timely movement, covered its retreat from the perilous position in which inspiration had carelessly left it! here a question arises of sufficient importance for a separate dissertation; but must for the present be disposed of in a few paragraphs. were the canaanites sentenced by god to individual and unconditional extermination? that the views generally prevalent on this subject, are wrong, we have no doubt; but as the limits of this inquiry forbid our going into the merits of the question, so as to give all the grounds of dissent from the commonly received opinions, the suggestions made, will be thrown out merely as queries, and not as a formal laying down of _doctrines_. the leading directions as to the disposal of the canaanites, are mainly in the following passages, exod. xxiii. - , and - , and , --deut. vii. - , and ix. , and xxxi. , , . in these verses, the israelites are commanded to "destroy the canaanites"--to "drive out,"--"consume,"--"utterly overthrow,"--"put out,"--"dispossess them," &c. quest. did these commands enjoin the unconditional and universal destruction of the _individuals,_ or merely of the _body politic?_ ans. the hebrew word _haram,_ to destroy, signifies _national,_ as well as individual destruction; _political_ existence, equally with _personal;_ the destruction of governmental organization, equally with the lives of the subjects. besides, if we interpret the words destroy, consume, overthrow, &c., to mean _personal_ destruction, what meaning shall we give to the expressions, "drive out before thee;" "cast out before thee;" "expel," "put out," "dispossess," &c., which are used in the same passages? for a clue to the sense in which the word _"destroy"_ is used, see exodus xxiii. . "i will destroy all the people to whom thou shalt come, and i will make all thine enemies _turn their backs unto thee_." here "_all their enemies_" were to _turn their backs_, and "_all the people_" to be "_destroyed_". does this mean that god would let all their _enemies_ escape, but kill all their _friends_, or that he would _first_ kill "all the people" and then make them turn their backs in flight, an army of runaway corpses? the word rendered _backs_, is in the original, _necks_, and the passage _may_ mean, i will make all your enemies turn their necks unto you; that is, be _subject to you as tributaries_, become _denationalized_, their civil polity, state organization, political existence, _destroyed_--their idolatrous temples, altars, images, groves, and all heathen rites _destroyed_; in a word, their whole system, national, political, civil, and religious, subverted, and the whole people _put under tribute_. again; if these commands required the unconditional destruction of all the _individuals_ of the canaanites, the mosaic law was at war with itself, for the directions relative to the treatment of native residents and sojourners, form a large part of it. "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." "if thy brother be waxen poor, thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a _stranger or a sojourner_, that he may live with thee." "thou shalt not oppress a _stranger_." "thou shalt not vex a _stranger_." "judge righteously between every, man and his brother, and the _stranger_ that is with him." "ye shall not respect persons in judgement." "ye shall have one manner of law as well for the _stranger_, as for him of your own country." we find, also, that provision was made for them in the cities of refuge. num. xxxv. --the gleanings of the harvest and vintage were assigned to them, lev. xix. , , and xxiii. , and , ;--the blessings of the sabbath, theirs, ex. xx. ;--the privilege of offering sacrifices secured, lev. . ; and stated religious instruction provided for them. deut. xxxi. , . now, does this _same law_ authorize and appoint the _individual extermination_ of those very persons, whose lives and general interests it so solicitously protects? these laws were given to the israelites, long _before_ they entered canaan; and they must of necessity have inferred from them, that a multitude of the inhabitants of the land would _continue in it_, under their government. . _we argue that these commands did not require the_ individual _destruction of the canaanites unconditionally, from the fact that the most pious israelites never seem to have so regarded them._ joshua was selected as the leader of israel to execute god's threatenings upon canaan. he had no _discretionary_ power. god's commands were his _official instructions._ going _beyond_ them would have been usurpation; refusing _to carry them out,_ rebellion and treason. for not obeying, in _every particular,_ and in a _single_ instance, god's command respecting the amalekites, saul was rejected from being king. now, if god commanded the individual destruction of all the canaanitish nations, joshua _disobeyed him in every instance._ for at his death, the israelites still _"dwelt among them,"_ and each nation is mentioned by name. see judges i. , and yet we are told that "joshua was full of the spirit of the lord and of wisdom," deut. xxxiv. . (of course, he could not have been ignorant of the meaning of those commands,)--that "the lord was with him," josh. vi. ; and that he "left nothing undone of all that the lord commanded moses;" and further, that he "took all that land." joshua xi, - . also, that "the lord gave unto israel all the land which he swore to give unto their fathers, and they possessed it and dwelt therein, and there _stood not a man_ of _all_ their enemies before them." "the lord delivered _all their_ enemies into their hand," &c. how can this testimony be reconciled with itself, if we suppose that the command to _destroy_ enjoined _individual_ extermination, and the command to _drive out_, enjoined the unconditional expulsion of individuals from the country, rather than their expulsion from the _possession_ or _ownership_ of it, as the lords of the soil? it is true, multitudes of the canaanites were slain, but in every case it was in consequence of their refusing to surrender their land to the possession of the israelites. not a solitary case can be found in which a canaanite was either killed or driven out of the country, who acquiesced in the transfer of the territory of canaan, and its sovereignty, from the inhabitants of the land to the israelites. witness the case of rahab and all her kindred, and the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim[a]. the canaanites knew of the miracles in egypt, at the red sea, in the wilderness, and at the passage of jordan. they knew that their land had been transferred to the israelites, as a judgment upon them for their sins.--see joshua ii. - , and ix. , , . many of them were awed by these wonders, and made no resistance to the confiscation of their territory. others fiercely resisted, defied the god of the armies of israel, and came out to battle. these occupied the _fortified cities_, were the most _inveterate_ heathen--the _aristocracy_ of idolatry, the _kings_, the _nobility_ and _gentry_, the _priests_, with their crowds of satellites, and retainers that aided in the performance of idolatrous rites, the _military forces_, with the chief profligates and lust-panders of both sexes. every bible student will recall many facts corroborating this supposition. such as the multitudes of _tributaries_ in the midst of israel, and that too, when the israelites had "waxed strong," and the uttermost nations quaked at the terror of their name. the large numbers of the canaanites, as well as the philistines and others, who became proselytes, and joined themselves to the hebrews--as the nethenims, uriah the hittite, one of david's memorable "thirty seven"--rahab, who married one of the princes of judah--ittai--the six hundred gitites--david's bodyguard, "faithful among the faithless."-- sam. xv. , . obededom the gittite, who was adopted into the tribe of levi.--compare sam. vi. , , with chron. xv. , and chron xxvi. . the cases of jaziz, and obil,-- chron. xxvi. , , . jephunneh, the father of caleb--the kenite, registered in the genealogies of the tribe of judah, and the one hundred and fifty thousand canaanites, employed by solomon in the building of the temple[b]. add to these, the fact that the most memorable miracle on record, was wrought for the salvation of a portion of those very canaanites, and for the destruction of those who would exterminate them.--joshua x. - . further--the terms used in the directions of god to the israelites, regulating their disposal of the canaanites, such as, "drive out," "put out," "cast out," "expel," "dispossess," &c. seem used interchangeably with "consume," "destroy," "overthrow," &c., and thus indicate the sense in which the latter words are used. as an illustration of the meaning generally attached to these and similar terms, when applied to the canaanites in scripture, we refer the reader to the history of the amalekites. in ex. xxvii. , god says, "i will utterly put out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven,"--in deut. xxv. , "thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget it."--in sam. xv. , . "smite amalek and _utterly destroy_ all that they have, and spare them not, but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep." in the seventh and eighth verses of the same chapter, we are told, "saul smote the amalekites, and took agag the king of the amalekites, alive, and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." in verse , saul says, "i have obeyed the voice of the lord, and have brought agag, the king of amalek, and have _utterly destroyed_ the amalekites." [footnote a: perhaps it will be objected, that the preservation of the gibeonites, and of rahab and her kindred, was a violation of the command of god. we answer, if it had been, we might expect some such intimation. if god had straitly commanded them to _exterminate all the canaanites,_ their pledge to save them alive, was neither a repeal of the statute, nor absolution for the breach of it. if _unconditional destruction_ was the import of the command, would god have permitted such an act to pass without severe rebuke? would he have established such a precedent when israel had hardly passed the threshhold of canaan, and was then striking the first blow of a half century war? what if they _had_ passed their word to rahab and the gibeonites? was that more binding upon them than god's command? so saul seems to have passed _his_ word to agag; yet samuel hewed him in pieces, because in saving his life, saul had violated god's command. this same saul appears to have put the same construction on the command to destroy the inhabitants of canaan, that is generally put upon it now. we are told that he sought to slay the gibeonites "in his zeal for the children of israel and judah." god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. in assigning the reason, he says, "it is for saul and his bloody house, because he slew the gibeonites." when david inquired of them what atonement he should make, they say, "the man that consumed us, and that devised against us, that we should the destroyed from _remaining in any of the coasts of israel_ let seven of his sons be delivered," &c. samuel xxii. - .] [footnote b: if the canaanites were devoted by god to individual and unconditional extermination, to have employed them in the erection of the temple,--what was it but the climax of impiety? as well might they pollute its altars with swine's flesh, or make their sons pass through the fire to moloch.] in sam. th chapter, we find the amalekites at war again, marching an army into israel, and sweeping every thing before them--and all this in hardly more than twenty years after they had _all been_ utterly destroyed! deut. xx. , , will probably be quoted against the preceding view. "_but of the cities of these people which the lord thy god doth give thee for an inheritance, thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth: but thou shalt utterly destroy them; namely, the hittites, and the amorites, the canaanites, and the perrizites, the hivites, and the jebusites, as the lord thy god hath commanded thee_." we argue that this command to exterminate, did not include all the individuals of the canaanitish nations, but only the inhabitants of the _cities_, (and even those conditionally,) for the following reasons. i. only the inhabitants of _cities_ are specified,--"of the _cities_ of these people thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth." the reasons for this wise discrimination were, no doubt, ( .) cities then, as now, were pest-houses of vice--they reeked with abominations little practiced in the country. on this account, their influence would be far more perilous to the israelites than that of the country. ( .) these cities were the centres of idolatry--the residences of the priests, with their retinues of the baser sort. there were their temples and altars, and idols, without number. even their buildings, streets, and public walks were so many visibilities of idolatry. the reason assigned in the th verse for exterminating them, strengthens the idea,--"_that they teach you not to do after all the abominations which they have done unto their gods_." this would be a reason for exterminating _all_ the nations and individuals _around_ them, as all were idolaters; but god permitted, and even commanded them, in certain cases, to spare the inhabitants. contact with _any_ of them would be perilous--with the inhabitants of the _cities_ peculiarly, and of the _canaanitish_ cities preeminently so. it will be seen from the th and th verses, that those cities which accepted the offer of peace were to be spared. "_when thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it, then proclaim peace unto it. and it shall be, if it make thee answer of peace and open unto thee, then it shall be, that all the people that is found therein shall be_ tributaries _unto thee, and they shall_ serve thee."--deuteronomy xx. , . these verses contain the general rule prescribing the method in which cities were to be summoned to surrender. . the offer of peace--if it was accepted, the inhabitants became _tributaries_--if it was rejected, and they came out against israel in battle, the _men_ were to be killed, and the women and little ones saved alive. see deuteronomy xx. , , . the th verse restricts their lenient treatment in saving the wives and little ones of those who fought them, to the inhabitants of the cities _afar off_. the th verse gives directions for the disposal of the inhabitants of canaanitish cities, after they had taken them. instead of sparing the women and children, they were to save alive nothing that breathed. the common mistake has been, in taking it for granted, that the command in the th verse, "thus shalt thou do unto all the cities," &c. refers to the _whole system of directions preceding_, commencing with the th verse, whereas it manifestly refers only to the _inflictions_ specified in the verses immediately preceding, viz. the th, th, and th, and thus make a distinction between those _canaanitish_ cities that _fought_, and the cities _afar off_ that fought--in one case destroying the males and females, and in the other, the _males_ only. the offer of peace, and the _conditional preservation_, were as really guarantied to _canaanitish_ cities as to others. their inhabitants were not to be exterminated _unless they came out against israel in battle_. but let us settle this question by the "_law and the testimony_." joshua xix. , .--"_there was not a city that made peace with the children of israel save, the hivites, the inhabitants of gibeon; all others they took in battle. for it was of the lord to harden their hearts, that they should_ come out against israel in battle, _that he might destroy them utterly, and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, as the lord commanded moses_." that is, if they had _not_ come out against israel in battle, they would have had "favor" shown them, and would not have been "_destroyed utterly_" the great design of god seems to have been to _transfer the territory_ of the canaanites to the israelites, and along with it, _absolute sovereignty in every respect_; to annihilate their political organizations, civil polity, jurisprudence, and their system of religion, with all its rights and appendages; and to substitute therefor, a pure theocracy, administered by jehovah, with the israelites as his representatives and agents. those who resisted the execution of jehovah's purpose were to be killed, while those who quietly submitted to it were to be spared. all had the choice of these alternatives, either free egress out of the land[a]; or acquiescence in the decree, with life and residence as tributaries, under the protection of the government; or resistance to the execution of the decree, with death. "_and it shall come to pass, if they will diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name, the lord liveth, as they taught my people to swear by baal;_ then shall they be built in the midst of my people." [footnote a: suppose all the canaanitish nations had abandoned their territory at the tidings of israel's approach, did god's command require the israelites to chase them to the ends of the earth, and hunt them down, until every canaanite was destroyed? it is too preposterous for belief, and yet it follows legitimately from that construction, which interprets the terms "consume," "destroy," "destroy utterly," &c. to mean unconditional individual extermination.] * * * * * [the preceding inquiry is merely an _outline_. whoever _reads_ it, needs no such information. its original design embraced a much wider range of general topics, and subordinate heads, besides an inquiry into the teachings of the new testament on the same subject. to have filled up the outline, in conformity with the plan upon which it was sketched, would have swelled it to a volume. much of the foregoing has therefore been thrown into the form of a mere skeleton of heads, or rather a series of _indices_, to trains of thought and classes of proof, which, however limited or imperfect, may perhaps, afford some facilities to those who have little leisure for minute and protracted investigation.] no. . the anti-slavery examiner. the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. third edition--revised. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . this periodical contains sheets.--postage under miles, - cts; over miles, - cts. _please read and circulate._ contents definition of slavery, negative, affirmative, legal, the moral law against slavery "thou shalt not steal," "thou shalt not covet," man-stealing--examination of ex. xxi. , separation of man from brutes and things, import of "buy" and "bought with money," servants sold themselves, rights and privileges secured by law to servants, servants were voluntary, runaway servants not to be delivered to their masters, servants were paid wages, masters not "owners," servants not subjected to the uses of property, servants expressly distinguished from property, examination of gen. xii. .--"the souls that they had gotten," &c. social equality of servants and masters, condition of the gibeonites as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth, egyptian bondage analyzed, objections considered. "cursed be canaan," &c.--examination of gen. ix. , "for he is his money," &c.--examination of ex. xxi. , , examination of lev. xxv. - , "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the heathen," "they shall be your bondmen forever," "ye shall take them as an inheritance," &c. examination of lev. xxv. , .--the freeholder not to "serve as a bond servant," difference between hired and bought servants, bought servants the most favored and honored class, israelites and strangers belonged to both classes, israelites servants to the strangers, reasons for the release of the israelitish servants in the seventh year, reasons for assigning the strangers to a longer service, reasons for calling them _the_ servants, different kinds of service assigned to the israelites and strangers, review of all the classes of servants with the modifications of each, political disabilities of the strangers, examination of ex. xxi. - .--"if thou buy an hebrew servant," the canaanites not sentenced to unconditional extermination, the bible against slavery. the spirit of slavery never seeks shelter in the bible, of its own accord. it grasps the horns of the altar only in desperation--rushing from the terror of the avenger's arm. like other unclean spirits, it "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, lest its deeds should be reproved." goaded to phrenzy in its conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it vaults over the sacred inclosure and courses up and down the bible, "seeking rest, and finding none." the law of love, glowing on every page, flashes around it an omnipresent anguish and despair. it shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons quailed before the son of god, and shrieked, "torment us not." at last, it slinks away under the types of the mosaic system, and seeks to burrow out of sight among their shadows. vain hope! its asylum is its sepulchre; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. it flies from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire; and from the voice of god into the thickest of his thunders. definition of slavery. if we would know whether the bible sanctions slavery, we must determine _what slavery is_. a constituent element, is one thing; a relation, another; an appendage, another. relations and appendages presuppose _other_ things to which they belong. to regard them as _the things themselves_, or as constituent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. a great variety of conditions, relations, and tenures, indispensable to the social state, are confounded with slavery; and thus slaveholding becomes quite harmless, if not virtuous. we will specify some of these. . _privation of suffrage._ then minors are slaves. . _ineligibility to office._ then females are slaves. . _taxation without representation._ then slaveholders in the district of columbia are slaves. . _privation of one's oath in law._ then disbelievers in a future retribution are slaves. . _privation of trial by jury._ then all in france and germany are slaves. . _being required to support a particular religion._ then the people of england are slaves. [to the preceding may be added all other disabilities, merely _political_.] . _cruelty and oppression._ wives, children, and hired domestics are often oppressed; but these forms of cruelty are not slavery. . _apprenticeship._ the rights and duties of master and apprentice are correlative and reciprocal. the claim of each upon the other results from his _obligation_ to the other. apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. the rights of the apprentice are secured, equally with those of the master. indeed, while the law is _just_ to the master, it is _benevolent_ to the apprentice. its main design is rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. it promotes the interests of the former, while in doing it, it guards from injury those of the latter. to the master it secures a mere legal compensation--to the apprentice, both a legal compensation and a virtual gratuity in addition, he being of the two the greatest gainer. the law not only recognizes the _right_ of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. the master's claim covers only the services of the apprentice. the apprentice's claim covers _equally_ the services of the master. neither can hold the other as property; but each holds property in the services of the other, and both equally. is this slavery? . _filial subordination and parental claims._ both are nature's dictates and intrinsic elements of the social state; the natural affections which blend parent and child in one, excite each to discharge those offices incidental to the relation, and constitute a shield for mutual protection. the parent's legal claim to the child's services, while a minor, is a slight return for the care and toil of his rearing, to say nothing of outlays for support and education. this provision is, with the mass of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. the child, in helping his parents, helps himself--increases a common stock, in which he has a share; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. . _bondage for crime._ must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties? true, the criminal works for the government without pay; and well he may. he owes the government. a century's work would not pay its drafts on him. he is a public defaulter, and will die so. because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who owe nothing? the law makes no criminal, property. it restrains his liberty, and makes him pay something, a mere penny in the pound, of his debt to the government; but it does not make him a chattel. test it. to own property, is to own its product. are children born of convicts, government property? besides, can _property_ be guilty? are chattels punished? . _restraints upon freedom._ children are restrained by parents--pupils, by teachers--patients, by physicians--corporations, by charters--and legislatures, by constitutions. embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. restraints are the web of society, warp and woof. are they slavery? then civilized society is a giant slave--a government of law, _the climax of slavery,_ and its executive, a king among slaveholders. . _compulsory service._ a juryman is empannelled against his will, and sit he must. a sheriff orders his posse; bystanders _must_ turn in. men are _compelled_ to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and "turn to the right as the law directs," however much against their wills. are they therefore slaves? to confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. slavery is a _condition_. the slave's _feelings_ toward it, are one thing; the condition itself, is another thing; his feelings cannot alter the nature of that condition. whether he desires or detests it, the condition remains the same. the slave's willingness to be a slave is no palliation of the slaveholder's guilt. suppose the slave should think himself a chattel, and consent to be so regarded by others, does that _make_ him a chattel, or make those guiltless who _hold_ him as such? i may be sick of life, and i tell the assassin so that stabs me; is he any the less a murderer? does my _consent_ to his crime, atone for it? my partnership in his guilt, blot out his part of it? the slave's willingness to be a slave, so far from lessening the guilt of the "owner," aggravates it. if slavery has so palsied his mind that he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually to hold him as such, falls in with his delusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. these very feelings and convictions of the slave, (if such were possible) increase a hundred fold the guilt of the master, and call upon him in thunder, immediately to recognize him as a man and thus break the sorcery that cheats him out of his birthright--the consciousness of his worth and destiny. many of the foregoing conditions are _appendages_ of slavery. but no one, nor all of them together, constitute its intrinsic unchanging element. we proceed to state affirmatively that, enslaving men is reducing them to articles of property--making free agents, chattels--converting _persons_ into _things_--sinking immortality, into _merchandize_. a _slave_ is one held in this condition. in law, "he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." his right to himself is abrogated. if he say _my_ hands, _my_ feet, _my_ body, _my_ mind, my _self_, they are figures of speech. to use _himself_ for his own good, is a crime. to keep what he _earns_, is stealing. to take his body into his own keeping, is _insurrection_. in a word, the _profit_ of his master is made the end of his being, and he, a _mere means_ to that end--a _mere means_ to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion[a]. man, sunk to a _thing!_ the intrinsic element, the _principle_ of slavery; men, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at public outcry! their _rights_, another's conveniences; their interests, wares on sale; their happiness, a household utensil; their personal inalienable ownership, a serviceable article, or a plaything, as best suits the humor of the hour; their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes--marketable commodities! we repeat it, _the reduction of persons to things;_ not robbing a man of privileges, but of _himself_; not loading with burdens, but making him a _beast of burden_; not _restraining_ liberty, but subverting it; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them; not inflicting personal cruelty, but annihilating _personality_; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking him into an _implement_ of labor; not abridging human comforts, but abrogating human nature; not depriving an animal of immunities, but despoiling a rational being of attributes--uncreating a man, to make room for a _thing_! [footnote a: whatever system sinks men from an end to a mere _means_, just so far makes him a _slave_. hence west india apprenticeship retains the cardinal principle of slavery. the apprentice, during three fourths of his time, is still forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings; just so far forth he is a _mere means_, a _slave_. true, in other respects slavery is abolished in the british west indies. its bloodiest features are blotted out--but the meanest and most despicable of all--forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demur at the outrage, is one of the provisions of the "emancipation act!" for the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thank god, while they mourn that it rose behind clouds, and shines through an eclipse.] that this is american slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. judge stroud, in his "sketch of the laws relating to slavery," says, "the cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among _things_--obtains as undoubted law in all of these [the slave] states." the law of south carolina thus lays down the principle, "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever."--brevard's digest, . in louisiana, "a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs; the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master."--civ. code of louisiana, art. . this is american slavery. the eternal distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under foot--the crowning distinction of all others--alike the source, the test, and the measure of their value--the rational, immortal principle, consecrated by god to universal homage, in a baptism of glory and honor by the gift of his son, his spirit, his word, his presence, providence, and power; his shield, and staff, and sheltering wing; his opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven, proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. having stated the _principle_ of american slavery, we ask, does the bible sanction such a principle?[a] "to the _law_ and the _testimony_?" first, the moral law. just after the israelites were emancipated from their bondage in egypt, while they stood before sinai to receive the law, as the trumpet waxed louder, and the mount quaked and blazed, god spake the ten commandments from the midst of clouds and thunderings. _two_ of those commandments deal death to slavery. "thou shalt not steal," or, "thou shalt not take from another what belongs to him." all man's powers are god's gift to _him_. that they are _his own_, is proved from the fact that god has given them to _him alone_,--that each of them is a part of himself, and all of them together constitute himself. all else that belongs to man, is acquired by the _use_ of these powers. the interest belongs to him, because the principal does; the product is his, because he is the producer. ownership of any thing, is ownership of its _use_. the right to use according to will, is _itself_ ownership. the eighth commandment presupposes and assumes the right of every man to his powers, and their product. slavery robs of both. a man's right to himself, is the only right absolutely original and intrinsic--his right to whatever else that belongs to him is merely _relative_ to this, is derived from it, and held only by virtue of it. self-right is the _foundation right_--the _post is the middle_, to which all other rights are fastened. slaveholders, when talking about their right to their slaves, always assume their own right to themselves. what slaveholder ever undertook to prove his right to himself? he knows it to be a self-evident proposition, that _a man belongs to himself_--that the right is intrinsic and absolute. in making out his own title, he makes out the title of every human being. as the fact of being a _man_ is itself the title, the whole human family have one common title deed. if one man's title is valid, all are valid. if one is worthless, all are. to deny the validity of the _slave's_ title is to deny the validity of _his own_; and yet in the act of making a man a slave, the slaveholder _asserts_ the validity of his own title, while he seizes him as his property who has the _same_ title. further, in making him a slave, he does not merely disfranchise the humanity of _one_ individual, but of universal man. he destroys the foundations. he annihilates _all rights_. he attacks not only the human race, but _universal being_, and rushes upon jehovah. for rights are _rights_; god's are no more--man's are no less. [footnote a: the bible record of actions is no comment on their moral character. it vouches for them as _facts_, not as _virtues_. it records without rebuke, noah's drunkenness, lot's incest, and the lies of jacob and his mother--not only single acts, but _usages_, such as polygamy and concubinage, are entered on the record without censure. is that _silent entry_ god's _endorsement_? because the bible in its catalogue of human actions, does not stamp on every crime its name and number, and write against it, _this is a crime_--does that wash out its guilt, and bleach into a virtue?] the eighth commandment forbids the taking of _any part_ of that which belongs to another. slavery takes the _whole_. does the same bible which prohibits the taking of _any_ thing from him, sanction the taking of _every_ thing? does it thunder wrath against him who robs his neighbor of a _cent_, yet bid god speed to him who robs his neighbor of _himself_? slaveholding is the highest possible violation of the eighth commandment. to take from a man his earnings, is theft. but to take the _earner_, is a compound, life-long theft--supreme robbery, that vaults up the climax at a leap--the dread, terrific, giant robbery, that towers among other robberies a solitary horror, monarch of the realm. the eighth commandment forbids the taking away, and the _tenth_ adds, "thou shalt not covet any thing that is thy neighbor's;" thus guarding every man's right to himself and his property, by making not only the actual taking away a sin, but even that state of mind which would _tempt_ to it. who ever made human beings slaves, without _coveting_ them? why take from them their time, labor, liberty, right of self-preservation and improvement, their right to acquire property, to worship according to conscience; to search the scriptures, to live with their families, and their right to their own bodies, if they do not _desire_ them? they covet them for purposes of gain, convenience, lust of dominion, of sensual gratification of pride and ostentation. they break the tenth commandment, and pluck down upon their heads the plagues that are written in the book.--_ten_ commandments constitute the brief compend of human duty.--_two_ of these brand slavery as sin. the giving of the law at sinai, immediately preceded the promulgation of that body of laws called the "mosaic system." over the gateway of that system, fearful words were written by the finger of god--"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." ex. xxi. . the oppression of the israelites in egypt, and the wonders wrought for their deliverance, proclaim the reason for _such_ a law at _such_ a time--when the body politic became a theocracy, and reverently waited for the will of god. they had just been emancipated. the tragedies of their house of bondage were the realities of yesterday, and peopled their memories with thronging horrors. they had just witnessed god's testimony against oppression in the plagues of egypt--the burning blains on man and beast--the dust quickened into loathsome life, and swarming upon every living thing--the streets, the palaces, the temples, and every house heaped up with the carcases of things abhorred--the kneading troughs and ovens, the secret chambers and the couches; reeking and dissolving with the putrid death--the pestilence walking in darkness at noonday, the devouring locusts, and hail mingled with fire, the first-born death-struck, and the waters blood, and last of all, that dread high hand and stretched-out arm, that whelmed the monarch and his hosts, and strewed their corpses on the sea. all this their eyes had looked upon,--earth's proudest city, wasted and thunder-scarred, lying in desolation, and the doom of oppressors traced on her ruins in the hand writing of god, glaring in letters of fire mingled with blood--a blackened monument of wrath to the uttermost against the stealers of men. no wonder that god, in a code of laws prepared for such a people at such a time, should light up on its threshold a blazing beacon to flash terror on slaveholders. _"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."_ ex. xxi. . deut. xxiv. [a]. god's cherubim and flaming sword guarding the entrance to the mosaic system! [footnote a: jarchi, the most eminent of the jewish commentators, who wrote seven hundred years ago, in his commentary on this stealing and making merchandize of men, gives the meaning thus:--"using a man against his will, as a servant lawfully purchased; yea, though he should use his services ever so little, only to the value of a farthing, or use but his arm to lean on to support him, _if he be forced so to act as a servant_, the person compelling him but once to do so shall die as a thief, whether he has sold him or not."] the word _ganabh_ here rendered _stealeth_, means the taking what _belongs_ to another, whether by violence or fraud; the same word is used in the eighth commandment, and prohibits both _robbery_ and theft. the crime specified is that of depriving somebody of the ownership of a man. is this somebody a master? and is the crime that of depriving a master of his servant? then it would have been "he that stealeth" a _servant, not_ "he that stealeth a _man_." if the crime had been the taking an individual from _another_, then the _term_ used would have been expressive of that relation, and most especially if it was the relation of property and _proprietor_! the crime is stated in a three-fold form--man _stealing_, _selling_, and _holding_. all are put on a level, and whelmed under one penalty--death. this _somebody_ deprived of the ownership of a man, is the _man himself_, robbed of personal ownership. joseph said, "indeed i was _stolen_ away out of the land of the hebrews." gen. xl. . how _stolen?_ his brethren sold him as an article of merchandize. contrast this penalty for _man_-stealing with that for _property_-stealing, ex. xxii. if a man had stolen an _ox_ and killed or sold it, he was to restore five oxen; if he had neither sold nor killed it, two oxen. but in the case of stealing a _man_, the _first_ act drew down the utmost power of punishment; however often repeated, or aggravated the crime, human penalty could do no more. the fact that the penalty for _man_-stealing was death, and the penalty for _property_-stealing, the mere restoration of double, shows that the two cases were adjudicated on totally different principles. the man stolen might be past labor, and his support a burden, yet death was the penalty, though not a cent's worth of _property value_ was taken. the penalty for stealing property was a mere property penalty. however large the theft, the payment of double wiped out the score. it might have a greater _money_ value than a thousand men, yet death was not the penalty, nor maiming, nor branding, nor even _stripes_, but double of _the same kind._ why was not the rule uniform? when a _man_ was stolen why was not the thief required to restore double of the same kind--two men, or if he had sold him, five men? do you say that the man-thief might not _have_ them? so the ox-thief might not have two oxen, or if he had killed it, five. but if god permitted men to hold _men_ as property, equally with _oxen_, the man-thief could get men with whom to pay the penalty, as well as the ox-thief, oxen. further, when _property_ was stolen, the legal penalty was a compensation to the person injured. but when a _man_ was stolen, no property compensation was offered. to tender money as an equivalent, would have been to repeat the outrage with intolerable aggravations. compute the value of a man in _money!_ throw dust into the scale against immortality! the law recoiled from such supreme insult and impiety. to have permitted the man-thief to expiate his crime by restoring double, would have been making the repetition of crime its atonement. but the infliction of death for _man-stealing_ exacted the utmost possibility of reparation. it wrung from the guilty wretch as he gave up the ghost, a testimony in blood, and death-groans, to the infinite dignity and worth of man,--a proclamation to the universe, voiced in mortal agony, "man is inviolable"--a confession shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's mouth--"i die accursed, and god is just." if god permitted man to hold man as property, why did he punish for stealing that kind of property infinitely more than for stealing any other kind of property? why did he punish with death for stealing a very little of _that_ sort of property, and make a mere fine, the penalty for stealing a thousand times as much, of any other sort of property--especially if god did by his own act annihilate the difference between man and _property,_ by putting him on a level with it? the atrociousness of a crime, depends much upon the nature, character, and condition of the victim. to steal is a crime, whoever the thief, or whatever the plunder. to steal bread from a full man, is theft; to steal from a starving man, is both theft and murder. if i steal my neighbor's property, the crime consists not in altering the _nature_ of the article but in shifting its relation from him to me. but when i take my neighbor himself, and first make him _property_, and then _my_ property, the latter act, which was the sole crime in the former case, dwindles to nothing. the sin in stealing a man, is not the transfer from its owner to another of that which is _already property,_ but the turning of _personality_ into _property_. true, the attributes of man remain, but the rights and immunities which grow out of them are attributed. it is the first law both of reason and revelation to regard things and beings as they are; and the sum of religion, to feel and act towards them according to their value. knowingly to treat them otherwise is sin; and the degree of violence done to their nature, religions, and value, measures its guilt. when things are sundered which god has indissolubly joined, or confounded in one, which he has separated by infinite extremes; when sacred and eternal distinctions, which he has garnished with glory, are derided and set at nought, then, if ever, sin reddens to its "scarlet dye." the sin specified in the passage, is that of doing violence to the _nature_ of a man--to his intrinsic value as a rational being, and blotting out the exalted distinction stamped upon him by his maker. in the verse preceding, and in that which follows, the same principle is laid down. verse , "he that smiteth his father or his mother shall surely be put to death." v. , "he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death." if a jew smote his neighbor, the law merely smote him in return; but if the blow was given to a _parent,_ it struck the smiter dead. the parental relation is the _centre_ of human society. god guards it with peculiar care. to violate that, is to violate all. whoever trampled on that, showed that _no_ relation had any sacredness in his eyes--that he was unfit to move among human relations who had violated one so sacred and tender. therefore, the mosaic law uplifted his bleeding corpse, and brandished the ghastly terror around the parental relation to guard it from impious inroads. why such a difference in penalties, for the same act? answer. ( .) the relation violated was obvious--the distinction between parents and others manifest, dictated by natural affection--a law of the constitution. ( .) the act was violence to nature--a suicide on constitutional susceptibilities. ( .) the parental relation then, as now, was the focal point of the social system, and required powerful safeguards. "_honor thy father and thy mother_," stands at the head of those commands which prescribe the duties of man to man; and, throughout the bible, the parental state is god's favorite illustration of his own relations to the whole human family. in this case death was to be inflicted not for smiting a _man_, but a _parent_--a _distinction_ cherished by god, and around which, he threw up a bulwark of defence. in the next verse, "he that stealeth a man," &c., the same principle is wrought out in still stronger relief. the crime to be punished with death was not the taking of property from its owner, but the doing violence to an _immortal nature,_ blotting out a sacred _distinction_, making men "chattels." the incessant pains taken in the old testament to separate human beings from brutes and things, shows god's regard for his own distinction. "in the beginning" it was uttered in heaven, and proclaimed to the universe as it rose into being. creation was arrayed at the instant of its birth, to do it homage. it paused in adoration while god ushered forth its crowning work. why that dread pause and that creating arm held back in mid career and that high conference in the godhead? "let us make man in our image after our likeness, and let him have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth." then while every living thing, with land, and sea, and firmament, and marshalled worlds, waited to swell the shout of morning stars--then "god created man in his own image; in the image of god created he him." this solves the problem, in the image of god, created he him. well might the sons of god shout, "amen, alleluia"--for thou hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honor. thou madest him to have dominion over the works of thy hands; thou hast put all things under his feet." ps. viii. , . the repetition of this distinction is frequent and solemn. in gen. i. - , it is repeated in various forms. in gen. v. , we find it again, "in the likeness of god made he man." in gen. ix. , again. after giving license to shed the blood of "every moving thing that liveth," it is added, "_whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for_ in the image of god made he man." as though it had been said, "all these creatures are your property, designed for your use--they have the likeness of earth, they perish with the using, and their spirits go downward; but this other being, man, has my own likeness: "in the image of god made i man;" "an intelligent, moral, immortal agent, invited to all that i can give and he can be." so in lev. xxiv. , , , "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death; and he that killeth a beast shall make it good, beast for beast; and he that killeth a man shall be put to death." so in ps. viii. , , what an enumeration of particulars, each separating infinitely men from brutes and things! ( .) "_thou hast made him a little lower than the angels._" slavery drags him down among _brutes_. ( .) "_and hast crowned him with glory and honor._" slavery tears off his crown, and puts on a _yoke_. ( .) "_thou madest him to have dominion_ over _the works of thy hands._" slavery breaks the sceptre, and casts him down _among_ those works--yea _beneath them_. ( .) "_thou hast put all things under his feet._" slavery puts him under the feet of an "owner." who, but an impious scorner, dares thus strive with his maker, and mutilate his image, and blaspheme the holy one, who saith, "_inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did it unto_ me." in further presenting this inquiry, the patriarchal and mosaic systems will be considered together, as each reflects light upon the other, and as many regulations of the latter are mere _legal_ forms of divine institutions previously existing. as a _system_, the latter alone is of divine authority. whatever were the usages of the patriarchs, god has not made them our exemplars[a]. [footnote a: those who insist that the patriarchs held slaves, and sit with such delight under their shadow, hymning the praises of "those good old patriarchs and slaveholders," might at small cost greatly augment their numbers. a single stanza celebrating patriarchal _concubinage_, winding off with a chorus in honor of patriarchal _drunkenness_, would be a trumpet call, summoning from bush and brake, highway and hedge, and sheltering fence, a brotherhood of kindred affinities, each claiming abraham or noah as his patron saint, and shouting, "my name is legion." what a myriad choir and thunderous song.] before entering upon an analysis of the condition of servants under these two states of society, we will consider the import of certain terms which describe the mode of procuring them. import of "buy," and "bought with money." as the israelites were commanded to "buy" their servants, and as abraham had servants "bought with money," it is argued that servants were articles of _property_. the sole ground for this belief is the terms themselves. how much might be saved, if in discussion, the thing to be proved were always _assumed_. to beg the question in debate, would be vast economy of midnight oil! and a great forestaller of wrinkles and grey hairs! instead of protracted investigation into scripture usage, with painful collating of passages, to find the meaning of terms, let every man interpret the oldest book in the world by the usages of his own time and place, and the work is done. and then instead of one revelation, they might be multiplied as the drops of the morning, and every man have an infallible clue to the mind of the spirit, if he only understood the dialect of his own neighborhood! what a babel-jargon it would make of the bible to take it for granted that the sense in which words are _now_ used is the _inspired_ sense, david says, "i prevented the dawning of the morning, and cried." what, stop the earth in its revolution! two hundred years ago, _prevent_ was used in its strict latin sense to _come before_, or _anticipate_. it is always used in this sense in the old and new testaments. david's expression, in the english of the nineteenth century, would be "before the dawning of the morning i cried." in almost every chapter of the bible, words are used in a sense now nearly or quite obsolete, and sometimes in a sense totally _opposite_ to their present meaning. a few examples follow: "i purposed to come to you, but was _let_ (hindered) hitherto." "and the four _beasts_ (living ones) fell down and worshipped god,"--"whosoever shall _offend_ (cause to sin) one of these little ones,"--"go out into the highways and _compel_ (urge) them to come in,"--"only let your _conversation_ (habitual conduct) be as becometh the gospel,"--"they that seek me _early_ (earnestly) shall find me,"--"so when tribulation or persecution ariseth _by-and-by_ (immediately) they are offended." nothing is more mutable than language. words, like bodies, are always throwing off some particles and absorbing others. so long as they are mere _representatives_, elected by the whims of universal suffrage, their meaning will be a perfect volatile, and to cork it up for the next century is an employment sufficiently silly (to speak within bounds) for a modern bible dictionary maker. there never was a shallower conceit than that of establishing the sense attached to a word centuries ago, by showing what it means _now_. pity that fashionable mantuamakers were not a little quicker at taking hints from some doctors of divinity. how easily they might save their pious customers all qualms of conscience about the weekly shiftings of fashion, by proving that the last importation of parisian indecency now flaunting on promenade, was the very style of dress in which the pious sarah kneaded cakes for the angels, and the modest rebecca drew water for the camels of abraham's servants. since such fashions are rife in broadway _now_, they _must_ have been in canaan and padanaram four thousand years ago! the inference that the word buy, used to describe the procuring of servants, means procuring them as _chattels_, seems based upon the fallacy, that whatever _costs_ money _is_ money; that whatever or whoever you pay money _for_, is an article of property, and the fact of your paying for it _proves_ it property. the children of israel were required to purchase their first-born from under the obligations of the priesthood, num. xviii. , ; ex. xiii. ; xxxiv. . this custom still exists among the jews, and the word _buy_ is still used to describe the transaction. does this prove that their first-born were, or are, held as property? they were _bought_ as really as were _servants_. ( .) the israelites were required to pay money for their own souls. this is called sometimes a ransom, sometimes an atonement. were their souls therefore marketable commodities? ( .) bible saints _bought_ their wives. boaz bought ruth. "so ruth the moabitess, the wife of mahlon, have i _purchased_ to be my wife." ruth iv. . hosea bought his wife. "so i _bought_ her to me for fifteen pieces of silver, and for an homer of barley, and an half homer of barley." hosea iii. . jacob bought his wives rachael and leah, and not having money, paid for them in labor--seven years a piece. gen. xxix. - . moses probably bought his wife in the same way, and paid for her by his labor, as the servant of her father. exod. ii. . shechem, when negotiating with jacob and his sons for dinah, says, "ask me never so much dowry and gift, and i will give according as ye shall say unto me." gen. xxxiv. , . david purchased michal, and othniel, achsah, by performing perilous services for their fathers. sam. xviii. - ; judg. i. , . that the purchase of wives, either with money or by service, was the general practice, is plain from such passages as ex. xxii. , and sam. xviii. . among the modern jews this usage exists, though now a mere form, there being no _real_ purchase. yet among their marriage ceremonies, is one called "marrying by the penny." the coincidences in the methods of procuring wives and servants, in the terms employed in describing the transactions, and in the prices paid for each, are worthy of notice. the highest price of wives (virgins) and servants was the same. comp. deut. xxii. , , and ex. xxii. , with lev. xxvii. - . the _medium_ price of wives and servants was the same. comp. hos. iii. , with ex. xxi. . hosea seems to have paid one half in money and the other half in grain. further, the israelitish female bought servants were _wives_, their husbands and masters being the same persons. ex. xxi. , judg. xix. , . if _buying_ servants proves them property, buying wives proves them property. why not contend that the _wives_ of the ancient fathers of the faithful were their "chattels," and used as ready change at a pinch; and thence deduce the rights of modern husbands? alas! patriarchs and prophets are followed afar off! when will pious husbands live up to their bible privileges, and become partakers with old testament worthies in the blessedness of a husband's rightful immunities! refusing so to do, is questioning the morality of those "good old patriarchs and slaveholders, abraham, isaac, and jacob." this use of the word buy, is not peculiar to the hebrew. in the syriac, the common expression for "the espoused," is "the bought." even so late as the th century, the common record of _marriages_ in the old german chronicles was, "a bought b." the word translated _buy_, is, like other words, modified by the nature of the subject to which it is applied. eve said, "i have _gotten_ (bought) a man of the lord." she named him cain, that is _bought_. "he that heareth reproof, getteth (buyeth) understanding," prov. xv. . so in isa. xi. . "the lord shall set his hand again to recover (to _buy_) the remnant of his people." so ps. lxxviii. . "he brought them to this mountain which his right hand had _purchased_," (gotten.) jer. xiii. . "take the girdle that thou hast got" (bought.) neh. v. . "we of our ability have _redeemed_ (bought) our brethren that were sold to the heathen." here "_bought_" is not applied to persons reduced to servitude, but to those taken _out_ of it. prov. . . "the lord possessed (bought) me in the beginning of his way." prov. xix. . "he that _getteth_ (buyeth) wisdom loveth his own soul." finally, to _buy_ is a _secondary_ meaning of the hebrew word _kana_. even at this day the word _buy_ is used to describe the procuring of servants, where slavery is abolished. in the british west indies, where slaves became apprentices in , they are still "bought." this is the current word in west india newspapers. ten years since servants were "_bought_" in new-york, as really as in virginia, yet the different senses in which the word was used in the two states, put no man in a quandary. under the system of legal _indenture_ in illinois, servants now are "_bought._"[a] until recently immigrants to this country were "bought" in great numbers. by voluntary contract they engaged to work a given time to pay for their passage. this class of persons called "redemptioners," consisted at one time of thousands. multitudes are "bought" _out_ of slavery by themselves or others. under the same roof with the writer is a "servant bought with money." a few weeks since, she was a slave; when "bought" she was a slave no longer. alas! for our leading politicians if "buying" men makes them "chattels." the whigs say that benton and rives are "bought" by the administration; and the other party, that clay and webster are "bought" by the bank. the histories of the revolution tell us that benedict arnold was "bought" by british gold. when a northern clergyman marries a rich southern widow, country gossip thus hits off the indecency, "the cotton bags _bought_ him." sir robert walpole said, "every man has his price, and whoever will pay it, can _buy_ him," and john randolph said, "the northern delegation is in the market, give me money enough, and i can _buy_ them;" both meant just what they said. the temperance publications tell us that candidates for office _buy_ men with whiskey; and the oracles of street tattle that the court, district attorney, and jury, in the late trial of robinson were _bought_, yet we have no floating visions of "chattels personal," man auctions, or coffles. [footnote a: the following statute is now in force in the free state of illinois--no negro, mulatto, or indian shall at any time _purchase_ any servant other than of their own complexion: and if any of the persons aforesaid shall presume to _purchase_ a white servant, such servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed and taken.] the transaction between joseph and the egyptians gives a clue to the use of "buy" and "bought with money." gen, xlvii. - . the egyptians proposed to joseph to become servants. when the bargain was closed, joseph said, "behold i have _bought you_ this day," and yet it is plain that neither party regarded the persons _bought_ as articles of property, but merely as bound to labor on certain conditions, to pay for their support during the famine. the idea attached by both parties to "buy us," and "behold i have bought you," was merely that of service voluntarily offered, and secured by contract, in return for _value received_, and not at all that the egyptians were bereft of their personal ownership, and made articles of property. and this buying of _services_ (in this case it was but one-fifth part) is called in scripture usage, _buying the persons_. this case claims special notice, as it is the only one where the whole transaction of buying servants is detailed--the preliminaries, the process, the mutual acquiescence, and the permanent relation resulting therefrom. in all other instances, the _mere fact_ is stated without particulars. in this case, the whole process is laid open. ( .) the persons "bought," _sold themselves_, and of their own accord. ( .) obtaining permanently the _services_ of persons, or even a portion of them, is called "buying" those persons. the objector, at the outset, takes it for granted, that servants were bought of _third_ persons; and thence infers that they were articles of property. both the alleged fact and the inference are sheer _assumptions_. no instance is recorded, under the mosaic system, in which a _master sold his servant_. that servants who were "bought" _sold themselves_ is a fair inference from various passages of scripture. in leviticus xxv. , the case of the israelite, who became the servant of the stranger, the words are, "if he sell himself unto the stranger." the _same word_, and the same _form_ of the word, which, in verse , is rendered _sell himself_, is in verse of the same chapter, rendered _be sold_; in deut. xxviii. , the same word is rendered "be sold." "and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bond-men and bond-women and no man shall buy you." how could they "_be sold_" without _being bought_? our translation makes it nonsense. the word _makar_ rendered "be sold" is used here in the hithpael conjugation, which is generally reflexive in its force, and, like the middle voice in greek, represents what an individual does for himself, and should manifestly have been rendered, "ye shall _offer yourselves_ for sale, and there shall be no purchaser." for a clue to scripture usage on this point, see kings xxi. , --"thou hast _sold thyself_ to work evil." "there was none like to ahab that _sold himself_ to work wickedness."-- kings xvii. . "they used divination and enchantments, and _sold themselves_ to do evil."--isa. l. . "for your iniquities have ye _sold yourselves_." isa. lii. , "ye have _sold yourselves_ for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money." see also, jer. xxxiv. --romans vii. , vi. --john viii. , and the case of joseph and the egyptians, already quoted. in the purchase of wives, though spoken of rarely, it is generally stated that they were bought of _third_ persons. if _servants_ were bought of third persons, it is strange that no _instance_ of it is on record. ii.--the leading design of the laws relating to servants, with the rights and privileges secured to them. the general object of the laws defining the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties--more especially the good of the _servants_. while the master's interests were guarded from injury, those of the servants were _promoted_. these laws made a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the israelites and strangers, not laying on burdens, but lightening them--they were a grant of _privileges_ and _favors_. i. no servant from the strangers, could remain in the family of an israelite without becoming a proselyte. compliance with this condition was the _price of the privilege_.--gen. xvii. - , , . ii. excommunication from the family was a punishment.--gen. xxi. . luke xvi. - . iii. every hebrew servant could compel his master to keep him after the six years contract had expired. this shows that the system was framed to advance the interests and gratify the wishes of the servant quite as much as those of the master. if the servant _demanded_ it, the law _obliged_ the master to retain him, however little he might need his services. deut. xv. - . ex. xxi. - . iv. the rights and privileges guarantied by law to all servants. . _they were admitted into covenant with god._ deut. xxix. - . . _they were invited guests at all the national and family festivals._ ex. xii. - ; deut. xii. , , xvi. - . . _they were statedly instructed in morality and religion._ deut. xxxi. - ; josh. viii. - ; chron. xvii. - . . _they were released from their regular labor nearly_ one half of the whole time. during which they had their entire support, and the same instruction that was provided for the other members of the hebrew community. (a.) the law secured to them the _whole of every seventh year;_ lev. xxv. - ; thus giving to those who were servants during the entire period between the jubilees, _eight whole years,_ including the jubilee year, of unbroken rest. (b.) _every seventh day._ this in forty-two years, the eight being subtracted from the fifty, would amount to just _six years._ (c.) _the three annual festivals._ the _passover_, which commenced on the th of the st month, and lasted seven days, deut. xvi. , . the pentecost, or feast of weeks, which began on the th day of the d month, and lasted seven days. lev. xvi. , . the feast of tabernacles, which commenced on the th of the th month, and lasted eight days. deut. xvi. , ; lev. xxiii. - . as all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. cumbered caravans move slowly. after their arrival, a day or two would be requisite for divers preparations before the celebration, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for return. if we assign three weeks to each festival--including the time spent on the journeys, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the _festival week_, it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labor. as there were three festivals in the year, the main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least _nine weeks annually_, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eighty-four days. (d.) _the new moons._ the jewish year had twelve; josephus says that the jews always kept _two_ days for the new moon. see calmet on the jewish calendar, and horne's introduction; also sam. xx. , , . this in forty-two years, would be two years days. (e.) _the feast of trumpets_. on the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. lev. xxiii. , . (f.) _the atonement day_. on the tenth of the seventh month. lev. xxiii. . these two feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days not reckoned above. thus it appears that those who continued servants during the period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labor, twenty-three years and sixty-four days, out of fifty years, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. in this calculation, besides making a donation of all the _fractions_ to the objector, we have left out those numerous _local_ festivals to which frequent allusion is made, judg. xxi. ; i sam. ix. etc., and the various _family_ festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at circumcisions; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in sam. xx. , . neither have we included the festivals instituted at a later period of the jewish history. the feast of purim, esth. ix. , ; and of the dedication, which lasted eight days. john x. ; mac. iv. . finally, the mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time which, if distributed, would be almost one half of the days in each year. meanwhile, they were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. if this time were distributed over _every day_, the servants would have to themselves nearly _one half of each day_. this is a regulation of that mosaic system which is claimed by slaveholders as the prototype of american slavery. v. the servant was protected by law equally with the other members of the community. proof.--"judge righteously between every man and his neighbor, and the stranger that is with him." "ye shall not respect persons in judgement, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great." deut. i. , . also lev. xxiv. . "ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country." so numb. xv. . "ye shall have one law for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of israel and for the stranger that sojourneth among them." deut. xxvii. . "cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the stranger." vi. the mosaic system enjoined the greatest affection and kindness toward servants, foreign as well as jewish. lev. xix. . "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shall love him as thyself." also deut. x. , . "for the lord your god * * regardeth not persons. he doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and loveth the stranger, in giving him food and raiment, love ye therefore the stranger." so ex. xxii. . "thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." ex. xxiii. . "thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a stranger." lev. xxv. , . "if thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy god." could this same stranger be taken by one that feared his god, and held as a slave, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights? vii. servants were placed upon a level with their masters in all civil and religious rights. num. xv. , , ; ix. . deut. i. , . lev. xxiv. . iii.--did persons become servants voluntarily, or were they made servants against their wills? we argue that they became servants _of their own accord_. i. because to become a servant in the family of an israelite, was to abjure idolatry, to enter into covenant with god[a], be circumcised in token of it, bound to keep the sabbath, the passover, the pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles, and to receive instruction in the moral and ceremonial law. were the servants _forced_ through all these processes? was the renunciation of idolatry _compulsory_? were they _dragged_ into covenant with god? were they seized and circumcised by _main strength_? were they _compelled_ mechanically to chew, and swallow the flesh of the paschal lamb, while they abhorred the institution, spurned the laws that enjoined it, detested its author and its executors, and instead of rejoicing in the deliverance which it commemorated, bewailed it as a calamity, and cursed the day of its consummation? were they _driven_ from all parts of the land three times in the year to the annual festivals? were they drugged with instruction which they nauseated? goaded through a round of ceremonies, to them senseless and disgusting mummeries; and drilled into the tactics of a creed rank with loathed abominations? we repeat it, to became a _servant_, was to become a _proselyte_. and did god authorize his people to make proselytes, at the point of the sword? by the terror of pains and penalties? by converting men into _merchandise_? were _proselyte and chattel_ synonymes, in the divine vocabulary? must a man be sunk to a _thing_ before taken into covenant with god? was this the stipulated condition of adoption, and the sole passport to the communion of the saints? [footnote a: maimonides, who wrote in egypt about seven hundred years ago, a contemporary with jarchi, and who stands with him at the head of jewish writers, gives the following testimony on this point: "whether a servant be born in the power of an israelite, or whether he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both into the covenant." "but he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day, and he that is bought with money, on the day on which his master receives him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. for if the master receive a grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for one year. after which, should he _refuse_ so long, it is forbidden to keep him longer than a year. and the master must send him back to the strangers from whence he came. for the god of jacob will not accept any other than the worship of a willing heart"--mamon, hilcoth mileth, chap. st, sec. th. the ancient jewish doctors assert that the servant from the strangers who at the close of his probationary year, refused to adopt the jewish religion and was on that account sent back to his own people, received a _full compensation_ for his services, besides the payment of his expenses. but that _postponement_ of the circumcision of the foreign servant for a year (_or even at all_ after he had entered the family of an israelite), of which the mishnic doctors speak, seems to have been _a mere usage_. we find nothing of it in the regulations of the mosaic system. circumcision was manifestly a rite strictly _initiatory_. whether it was a rite merely _national_ or _spiritual_, or _both_, comes not within the scope of this inquiry. ] ii. we argue the voluntariness of servants from deut. xxiii. , , "thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him." as though god had said, "to deliver him up would be to recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him; his _fleeing_ shows his _choice_--proclaims his wrongs and his title to protection; you shall not force him back and thus recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him in such a condition as induces him to flee to others for protection." it may be said that this command referred only to the servants of _heathen_ masters in the surrounding nations. we answer, the terms of the command are unlimited. but the objection, if valid, would merely shift the pressure of the difficulty to another point. did god require them to protect the _free choice_ of a _single_ servant from the heathen, and yet _authorize_ the same persons, to crush the free choice of _thousands_ of servants from the heathen? suppose a case. a _foreign_ servant flees to the israelites; god says, "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it _liketh him_ best." now, suppose this same servant, instead of coming into israel of his own accord, had been _dragged_ in by some kidnapper who _bought_ him of his master, and _forced_ him into a condition against his will; would he who forbade such treatment of the stranger, who _voluntarily_ came into the land, sanction the _same_ treatment of the _same person_, provided in _addition_ to this last outrage, the _previous_ one had been committed of forcing him into the nation against his will? to commit violence on the free choice of a _foreign_ servant is forsooth a horrible enormity, provided you _begin_ the violence _after_ he has come among you. but if you commit the _first act_ on the _other side of the line_; if you begin the outrage by buying him from a third person against his will, and then tear him from home, drag him across the line into the land of israel, and hold him as a slave--ah! that alters the case, and you may perpetrate the violence now with impunity! would _greater_ favor have been shown to this new comer than to the old residents--those who had been servants in jewish families perhaps for a generation? were the israelites commanded to exercise toward _him_, uncircumcised and out of the covenant, a justice and kindness denied to the multitudes who _were_ circumcised, and _within_ the covenant? but, the objector finds small gain to his argument on the supposition that the covenant respected merely the fugitives from the surrounding nations, while it left the servants of the israelites in a condition against their wills. in that case, the surrounding nations would adopt retaliatory measures, and become so many asylums for jewish fugitives. as these nations were not only on every side of them, but in their midst, such a proclamation would have been an effectual lure to men whose condition was a constant counteraction of will. besides the same command which protected the servant from the power of his foreign _master_, protected him equally from the power of an _israelite_. it was not, "thou shalt not deliver him unto his _master_," but "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_ in one of thy gates where it liketh _him_ best." every israelite was forbidden to put him in any condition _against his will_. what was this but a proclamation, that all who _chose_ to live in the land and obey the laws, were left to their own free will, to dispose of their services at such a rate, to such persons and in such places as they pleased? besides, grant that this command prohibited the sending back of _foreign_ servants merely, there was no law requiring the return of servants who had escaped from the _israelites_. _property_ lost, and _cattle_ escaped, they were required to return, but not escaped servants. these verses contain st, a command, "thou shall not deliver," &c., d, a declaration of the fugitive's right of _free choice_, and of god's will that he should exercise it at his own discretion; and d, a command guarding this right, namely, "thou shalt not oppress him," as though god had said, "if you restrain him from exercising his _own choice_, as to the place and condition of his residence, it is _oppression_." iii. we argue the voluntariness of servants from their peculiar opportunities and facilities for escape. three times every year, all the males over twelve years, were required to attend the national feasts. they were thus absent from their homes not less than three weeks at each time, making nine weeks annually. as these caravans moved over the country, were there military scouts lining the way, to intercept deserters?--a corporal's guard at each pass of the mountains, sentinels pacing the hill-tops, and light horse scouring the defiles? the israelites must have had some safe contrivance for taking their "_slaves_" three times in a year to jerusalem and back. when a body of slaves is moved any distance in our _republic_, they are hand-cuffed and chained together, to keep them from running away, or beating their drivers' brains out. was this the _mosaic_ plan, or an improvement introduced by samuel, or was it left for the wisdom of solomon? the usage, doubtless, claims a paternity not less venerable and biblical! perhaps they were lashed upon camels, and transported in bundles, or caged up, and trundled on wheels to and fro, and while at the holy city, "lodged in jail for safe keeping," the sanhedrim appointing special religious services for their benefit, and their "drivers" officiating at "oral instruction." mean while, what became of the sturdy _handmaids_ left at home? what hindered them from marching off in a body? perhaps the israelitish matrons stood sentry in rotation round the kitchens, while the young ladies scoured the country, as mounted rangers, picking up stragglers by day, and patrolled the streets, keeping a sharp look-out at night. iv. their continuance in jewish families depended upon the performance of various rites necessarily voluntary. suppose the servants from the heathen had upon entering jewish families, refused circumcision; if _slaves_, how simple the process of emancipation! their _refusal_ did the job. or, suppose they had refused to attend the annual feasts, or had eaten unleavened bread during the passover, or compounded the ingredients of the anointing oil, they would have been "cut off from the people;" _excommunicated_. v. we infer the voluntariness of the servants of the patriarchs from the impossibility of their having been held against their wills. abraham's servants are an illustration. at one time he had three hundred and eighteen _young men_ "born in his house," and many more _not_ born in his house. his servants of all ages, were probably many thousands. how abraham and sarah contrived to hold fast so many thousand servants against their wills, we are left quite in the dark. the most natural supposition is that the patriarch and his wife _took turns_ in surrounding them! the neighboring tribes, instead of constituting a picket guard to hem in his servants, would have been far more likely to sweep them and him into captivity, as they did lot and his household. besides, there was neither "constitution" nor "compact," to send back abraham's fugitives, nor a truckling police to pounce upon them, nor gentleman-kidnappers, suing for his patronage, volunteering to howl on their track, boasting their blood-hound scent, and pledging their "honor" to hunt down and "deliver up," _provided_ they had a description of the "flesh-marks," and were suitably stimulated by _pieces of silver_. abraham seems also to have been sadly deficient in all the auxiliaries of family government, such as stocks, hand-cuffs, foot-chains, yokes, gags, and thumb-screws. his destitution of these patriarchal indispensables is the more afflicting, since he faithfully trained "his household to do justice and judgment," though so deplorably destitute of the needful aids. vi. we infer that servants were voluntary, as there is no instance of an israelitish master selling a servant. abraham had thousands of servants, but seems never to have sold one. isaac "grew until he became very great," and had "great store of servants." jacob's youth was spent in the family of laban, where he lived a servant twenty-one years. afterward he had a large number of servants. joseph sent for jacob to come into egypt, "thou and thy children, and thy children's children, and thy flocks and thy herds, and all that thou hast." jacob took his flocks and herds but _no servants_. gen xlv. ; xlvii. . they doubtless, served under their _own contracts_, and when jacob went into egypt, they _chose_ to stay in their own country. the government might sell _thieves_, if they had no property, until their services had made good the injury, and paid the legal fine. ex. xxii. . but _masters_ seem to have had no power to sell their _servants_. to give the master a _right_ to sell his servant, would annihilate the servant's right of choice in his own disposal; but says the objector, "to give the master a right to _buy_ a servant, equally annihilates the servant's _right of choice_." answer. it is one thing to have a right to buy a man, and a different thing to have a right to buy him of _another_ man[a]. [footnote a: there is no evidence that masters had the power to dispose even the _services_ of their servants, as men hire out their laborers whom they employ by the year; but whether they had or not, affects not the argument.] though servants were not bought of their masters, yet young females were bought of their _fathers_. but their purchase as _servants_ was their betrothal as wives. ex. xxi. , . "if a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she shall not go out as the men-servants do. if she please not her master who hath betrothed her to himself, he shall let her be redeemed."[b] [footnote b: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows: "a hebrew handmaid might not be sold but to one who laid himself under obligations, to espouse her to himself or to his son, when she was fit to be betrothed."--_maimonides--hilcoth--obedim_, ch. iv. sec. xi. jarchi, on the same passage, says, "he is bound to espouse her and take her to be his wife, for the _money of her purchase_ is the money of her espousal."] vii. we infer that the hebrew servant was voluntary in commencing his service, because he was pre-eminently so in continuing it. if, at the year of release, it was the servant's _choice_ to remain with his master, law required his ear to be bored by the judges of the land, thus making it impossible for him to be held against his will. yea more, his master was _compelled_ to keep him, however much he might wish to get rid of him. viii. the method prescribed for procuring servants, was an appeal to their choice. the israelites were commanded to offer them a suitable inducement, and then leave them to decide. they might neither seize them by _force_, nor frighten them by _threats_, nor wheedle them by false pretences, nor _borrow_ them, nor _beg_ them; but they were commanded to buy them[a]; that is, they were to recognize the _right_ of the individuals to _dispose_ of their own services, and their right to _refuse all offers_, and thus oblige those who made them, _to do their own work_. suppose all, with one accord, had _refused_ to become servants, what provision did the mosaic law make for such an emergency? none. [footnote a: the case of thieves, whose services were sold until they had earned enough to make restitution to the person wronged, and to pay the legal penalty, _stands by itself,_ and has nothing to do with the condition of servants.] ix. various incidental expressions corroborate the idea that servants became such by their own contract. job xli. , is an illustration, "will he (leviathan) make a covenant with thee? wilt thou take him for a servant forever?" x. the transaction which made the egyptians the servants of pharaoh was voluntary throughout. see gen. xlvii. - . of their own accord they came to joseph and said, "we have not aught left but our _bodies_ and our lands; _buy us_;" then in the th verse, "we will be servants to pharaoh." xi. we infer the voluntariness of servants, from the fact that rich strangers did not become servants. indeed, so far were they from becoming servants themselves, that they bought and held jewish servants. lev. xxv. . xii. the sacrifices and offerings which all were required to present, were to be made voluntarily. lev. i. , . xiii. mention is often made of persons becoming servants where they were manifestly and pre-eminently voluntary. as the prophet elisha. kings xix. ; kings iii. . elijah was his _master_. the word, translated master, is the same that is so rendered in almost every instance where masters are spoken of under the mosaic and patriarchal systems. moses was the servant of jethro. ex. iii. . joshua was the servant of moses. num. xi. . jacob was the servant of laban. gen. xxix. - . iv.--were the servants forced to work without pay? as the servants became and continued such of _their own accord_, it would be no small marvel if they _chose_ to work without pay. their becoming servants, pre-supposes _compensation_ as a motive. that they _were paid_ for their labor, we argue, i. because god rebuked in thunder, the sin of using the labor of others without wages. "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." jer. xxii. . god here testifies that to use the service of others without wages is "unrighteousness" and pronounces his "wo" against the doer of the "wrong." the hebrew word _rea_, translated _neighbor_, does not mean one man, or class of men, in distinction from others, but any one with whom we have to do--all descriptions of persons, even those who prosecute us in lawsuits and enemies while in the act of fighting us--"as when a man riseth against his neighbor and slayeth him." deut. xxii. . "go not forth hastily to strive, lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof, when thy neighbor hath put thee to shame." prov. xxv. . "thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor." ex. xx. . "if any man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile." ex. xxi. , &c. ii. god testifies that in our duty to our fellow men, all the law and the prophets hang upon this command, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." our savior, in giving this command, quoted _verbatim_ one of the laws of the mosaic system. lev. xix. . in the th verse of the same chapter, moses applies this law to the treatment of strangers, "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." if it be loving others _as_ ourselves, to make them work for us without pay; to rob them of food and clothing also, would be a stronger illustration still of the law of love! _super_-disinterested benevolence! and if it be doing unto others as we would have them do to us, to make them work for _our own_ good alone, paul should be called to order for his hard saying against human nature, especially for that libellous matter in eph. v. , "no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth it and cherisheth it." iii. as persons became servants from poverty, we argue that they were compensated, since they frequently owned property, and sometimes a large amount. ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, gave david a princely present, "an hundred loaves of bread, and an hundred bunches of raisins, and an hundred of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine." sam. xvi. . the extent of his possessions can be inferred from the fact, that though the father of fifteen sons, he had twenty servants. in lev. xxv. - , where a servant, reduced to poverty, sold himself, it is declared that he may be _redeemed_, either by his kindred, or by himself. having been forced to sell himself from poverty, he must have acquired considerable property _after_ he became a servant. if it had not been common for servants to acquire property over which they had the control, the servant of elisha would hardly have ventured to take a large sum of money, (nearly $ [a]) from naaman, kings v. , . as it was procured by deceit, he wished to conceal the means used in getting it; but if servants, could "own nothing, nor acquire any thing," to embark in such an enterprise would have been consummate stupidity. the fact of having in his possession two talents of silver, would of itself convict him of theft[b]. but since it was common for servants to own property he might have it, and invest or use it, without attracting special attention, and that consideration alone would have been a strong motive to the act. his master, while rebuking him for using such means to get the money, not only does not take it from him; but seems to expect that he would invest it in real estate, and cattle, and would procure servants with it. kings v. . we find the servant of saul having money, and relieving his master in an emergency. sam. ix. . arza, the servant of elah, was the _owner of a house_. that it was somewhat magnificent, would be a natural inference from it's being a resort of the king. kings xvi. . the case of the gibeonites, who after becoming servants, still occupied their cities, and remained in many respects, a distinct people for centuries; and that of the , canaanites, the _servants_ of solomon, who worked out their "tribute of bond-service" in levies, periodically relieving each other, are additional illustrations of independence in the acquisition and ownership of property. [footnote a: though we have not sufficient data to decide upon the _relative_ value of that sum, _then_ and _now_, yet we have enough to warrant us in saying that two talents of silver, had far more value _then_ than three thousand dollars have _now_.] [footnote b: whoever heard of the slaves in our southern states stealing a large amount of money? they "_know how to take care of themselves_" quite too well for that. when they steal, they are careful to do it on such a _small_ scale, or in the taking of _such things_ as will make detection difficult. no doubt they steal now and then a little, and a gaping marvel would it be if they did not. why should they not follow in the footsteps of their masters and mistresses? dull scholars indeed! if, after so many lessons from _proficients_ in the art, who drive the business by _wholesale_, they should not occasionally copy their betters, fall into the _fashion_, and try their hand in a small way, at a practice which is the _only permanent and universal_ business carried on around them! ignoble truly! never to feel the stirrings of high impulse, prompting to imitate the eminent pattern set before them in the daily vocation of "honorables" and "excellences," and to emulate the illustrious examples of doctors of divinity, and _right_ and _very reverends_! hear president jefferson's testimony. in his notes on virginia, pp. - , speaking of slaves, he says, "that disposition to theft with which they have been branded, must be ascribed to their _situation_, and not to any special depravity of the moral sense. it is a problem which i give the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as for his slave--and whether the slave may not as justifiably take a _little_ from one who has taken all from him, as he may _slay_ one who would slay him?"] iv. heirship.--servants frequently inherited their master's property; especially if he had no sons, or if they had dishonored the family. eliezer, the servant of abraham; ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, jarha the servant of sheshan, and the _husbandmen_ who said of their master's son, "this is the heir, let us kill him, and the inheritance will be ours," are illustrations; also prov. xvii. --"a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." this passage gives servants precedence as heirs, even over the wives and daughters of their masters. did masters hold by force, and plunder of earnings, a class of persons, from which, in frequent contingencies, they selected both heirs for their property, and husbands for their daughters? v. all were required to present offerings and sacrifices. deut. xvi. , , chron. xv. - . numb. ix. . servants must have had permanently, the means of _acquiring_ property to meet these expenditures. vi. those hebrew servants who went out at the seventh year, were provided by law with a large stock of provisions and cattle. deut. xv. - . "thou shall furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy flour, and out of thy wine press, of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, thou shall give him[a]." if it be said that the servants from the strangers did not receive a like bountiful supply, we answer, neither did the most honorable class of _israelitish_ servants, the free-holders; and for the same reason, _they did not go out in the seventh year_, but continued until the jubilee. if the fact that the gentile servants did not receive such a _gratuity_ proves that they were robbed of their _earnings_, it proves that the most valued class of _hebrew_ servants were robbed of theirs also; a conclusion too stubborn for even pro-slavery masticators, however unscrupulous. [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows--"thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c. "that is to say, '_loading, ye shall load him_,' likewise every one of his family, with as much as he can take with him--abundant benefits. and if it be avariciously asked, "how much must i give him?" i say unto _you, not less than thirty shekels_, which is the valuation of a servant, as declared in ex. xxi. ."--maimonides, hilcoth obedim, chap. ii. sec. ] vii. the servants were bought. in other words, they received compensation in advance. having shown, under a previous head, that servants _sold themselves_, and of course received the compensation for themselves, except in cases where parents hired out the time of their children till they became of age[b], a mere reference to the fact is all that is required for the purposes of this argument. [footnote b: among the israelites, girls became of age at twelve, and boys at thirteen years.] viii. we find masters at one time having a large number of servants, and afterwards none, without any intimation that they were sold. the wages of servants would enable them to set up in business for themselves. jacob, after being laban's servant for twenty-one years, became thus an independent herdsman, and was the master of many servants. gen. xxx. , xxxii. . but all these servants had left him before he went down into egypt, having doubtless acquired enough to commence business for themselves. gen. xlv. , ; xlvi. - , . ix. god's testimony to the character of abraham. gen. xviii. . "for i know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep, the way of the lord to do justice and judgement." god here testifies that abraham taught his servants "the way of the lord." what was the "way of the lord" respecting the payment of wages where service was rendered? "wo unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wages!" jer. xxii. . "masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal." col. iv. . "render unto all their dues." rom. xiii. . "the laborer is worthy of his hire." luke x. . how did abraham teach his servants to "_do justice_" to others? by doing injustice to them? did he exhort them to "render to all their dues" by keeping back _their own_? did he teach them that "the laborer was worthy of his hire" by robbing them of _theirs_? did he beget in them a reverence for honesty by pilfering all their time and labor? did he teach them "not to defraud" others "in any matter" by denying them "what was just and equal?" if each of abraham's pupils under such a catechism did not become a very _aristides_ in justice, then illustrious examples, patriarchal dignity, and _practical_ lessons, can make but slow headway against human perverseness! x. _specific precepts of the mosaic law enforcing general principles_. out of many, we select the following: ( .) "thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn," or literally, while he thresheth. deut. xxv. . here is a general principle applied to a familiar case. the ox representing all domestic animals. isa. xxx. . a _particular_ kind of service, _all_ kinds; and a law requiring an abundant provision for the wants of an animal ministering to man in a _certain_ way,--a general principle of treatment covering all times, modes, and instrumentalities of service. the object of the law was; not merely to enjoin tenderness towards brutes, but to inculcate the duty of rewarding those who serve us; and if such care be enjoined, by god, both for the ample sustenance and present enjoyment _of a brute_, what would be a meet return for the services of _man_?--man with his varied wants, exalted nature and immortal destiny! paul says expressly, that this principle lies at the bottom of the statute. cor. ix. , , "for it is written in the law of moses, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn. doth god take care for oxen? or saith he it altogether for our sakes? that he that ploweth should plow in hope, and that he that thresheth in hope should be partaker of his hope," ( .) "if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner that he may live with thee. take thou no usury of him, or increase, but fear thy god. thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase." lev. xxv. - . now, we ask, by what process of pro-slavery legerdemain, this regulation can be made to harmonize with the doctrine of work without pay? did god declare the poor stranger entitled to relief, and in the same breath, authorize them to "use his services without wages;" force him to work and rob him of his earnings? v.--were masters the proprietors of servants as legal property? the discussion of this topic has already been somewhat anticipated, but a variety of additional considerations remain to be noticed. . servants were not subjected to the uses nor liable to the contingencies of property. ( .) they were never taken in payment for their masters' debts, though children were sometimes taken (without legal authority) for the debts of a father. kings iv. ; job xxiv. ; isa. l., ; matt. xviii. . creditors took from debtors property of all kinds, to satisfy their demands. job xxiv. , cattle are taken; prov. xxii. , household furniture; lev. xxv. - , the productions of the soil; lev. xxv. - , houses; ex. xxii. - , deut. xxiv. - , matt, v. , clothing; but _servants_ were taken in _no instance_. ( .) servants were never given as pledges. property of all sorts was given in pledge. we find household furniture, clothing, cattle, money, signets, and personal ornaments, with divers other articles of property, used as pledges for value received; but no servants. ( .) all lost property was to be restored. oxen, asses, sheep, raiment, and "whatsoever lost things," are specified--servants _not_. deut. xxii. . besides, the israelites were forbidden to return the runaway servant. deut. xxiii. . ( .) the israelites never gave away their servants as presents. they made costly presents, of great variety. lands, houses, all kinds of animals, merchandise, family utensils, precious metals, grain, armor, &c. are among their recorded _gifts_. giving presents to superiors and persons of rank, was a standing usage. sam. x. ; sam. xvi. ; chron. xvii. . abraham to abimelech, gen. xxi. ; jacob to the viceroy of egypt, gen. xliii. ; joseph to his brethren and father, gen. xlv. , ; benhadad to elisha, kings viii. , ; ahaz to tiglath pilezer, kings vi. ; solomon to the queen of sheba, kings x. ; jeroboam to ahijah, kings xiv. ; asa to benhadad, kings xv. , . but no servants were given as presents--though it was a prevailing fashion in the surrounding nations. gen. xii. ; gen. xx. . it may be objected that laban gave handmaids to his daughters, jacob's wives. without enlarging on the nature of the polygamy then prevalent suffice it to say that the handmaids of wives were regarded as wives, though of inferior dignity and authority. that jacob so regarded his handmaids, is proved by his curse upon reuben, gen. xlix. , and chron. v. ; also by the equality of their children with those of rachel and leah. but had it been otherwise--had laban given them as _articles of property_, then, indeed, the example of this "good old patriarch and slaveholder," saint laban, would have been a forecloser to all argument. ah! we remember his jealousy for _religion_--his holy indignation when he found that his "gods" were stolen! how he mustered his clan, and plunged over the desert in hot pursuit, seven days, by forced marches; how he ransacked a whole caravan, sifting the contents of every tent, little heeding such small matters as domestic privacy, or female seclusion, for lo! the zeal of his "images" had eaten him up! no wonder that slavery, in its bible-navigation, drifting dismantled before the free gusts, should scud under the lee of such a pious worthy to haul up and refit: invoking his protection, and the benediction of his "gods!" "again, it may be objected that, servants were enumerated in inventories of property. if that proves _servants_ property, it proves _wives_ property. "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's." ex. xx. . in inventories of _mere property_ if servants are included, it is in such a way, as to show that they are not regarded as _property_. see eccl. ii. , . but when the design is to show not merely the wealth, but the _greatness_ of any personage, servants are spoken of, as well as property. in a word, if _riches_ alone are spoken of, no mention is made of servants; if _greatness_, servants and property. gen. xiii. . "and abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver and in gold." so in the fifth verse, "and lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents." in the seventh verse servants are mentioned, "and there was a strife between the herdmen of abraham's cattle and the herdmen of lot's cattle." see also josh. xxii. ; gen. xxxiv. ; job xlii. ; chron. xxi. ; xxxii. - ; job i. - ; deut. viii. - ; gen. xxiv. , xxvi. , xxx. . jacobs's wives say to him, "all the _riches_ which thou hast taken from our father that is ours and our children's." then follows an inventory of property. "all his cattle," "all his goods," "the cattle of his getting." he had a large number of servants at the time but they are not included with his property. comp. gen. xxx. , with gen. xxxi. - . when he sent messengers to esau, wishing to impress him with an idea of his state and sway, he bade them tell him not only of his riches, but of his greatness; that jacob had "oxen, and asses, and flocks, and men-servants, and maid-servants." gen. xxxii. , . yet in the present which he sent, there were no servants; though he seems to have sought as much variety as possible. gen. xxxii. , ; see also gen. xxxvi. , ; gen. xxxiv. . as flocks and herds were the staples of wealth, a large number of servants presupposed large possessions of cattle, which would require many herdsmen. when servants are spoken of in connection with _mere property_, the terms used to express the latter do not include the former. the hebrew word _mikne_, is an illustration. it is derived from _kana_, to procure, to buy, and its meaning is, _a possession, wealth, riches_. it occurs more than forty times in the old testament, and is applied always to _mere property_, generally to domestic animals, but never to servants. in some instances, servants are mentioned in distinction from the _mikne_. and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son, and all their substance that they had gathered; and the souls that they had gotten in haran, and they went forth to go into the land of canaan."--gen. xii. . many will have it, that these _souls_ were a part of abraham's _substance_ (notwithstanding the pains here taken to separate them from it)--that they were slaves taken with him in his migration as a part of his family effects. who but slaveholders, either actually or in heart, would torture into the principle and practice of slavery, such a harmless phrase as "_the souls that they had gotten_?" until the slave trade breathed its haze upon the vision of the church, and smote her with palsy and decay, commentators saw no slavery in, "the souls that they had gotten." in the targum of onkelos[a] it is rendered, "the souls whom they had brought to obey the law in haran." in the targum of jonathan, "the souls whom they had made proselytes in haran." in the targum of jerusalem, "the souls proselyted in haran." jarchi, the prince of jewish commentators, "the souls whom they had brought under the divine wings." jerome, one of the most learned of the christian fathers, "the persons whom they had proselyted." the persian version, the vulgate, the syriac, the arabic, and the samaritan all render it, "all the wealth which they had gathered, and the souls which they had made in haran." menochius, a commentator who wrote before our present translation of the bible, renders it, "quas de idolatraria converterant." "those whom they had converted from idolatry."--paulus fagius[b]. "quas instituerant in religione." "those whom they had established in religion." luke francke, a german commentator who lived two centuries ago. "quas legi subjicerant"--"those whom they had brought to obey the law." [footnote a: the targums are chaldee paraphrases of parts of the old testament. the targum of onkelas is, for the most part, a very accurate and faithful translation of the original, and was probably made at about the commencement of the christian era. the targum of jonathan ben uzziel, bears about the same date. the targum of jerusalem was probably about five hundred years later. the israelites, during their captivity in babylon, lost, as a body, their own language. these translations into the chaldee, the language which they acquired in babylon, were thus called for by the necessity of the case.] [footnote b: this eminent hebrew scholar was invited to england to superintend the translation of the bible into english, under the patronage of henry the eighth. he had hardly commenced the work when he died. this was nearly a century before the date of our present translation.] ii. the condition and treatment of servants make the doctrine that they were mere commodities, an absurdity. st. paul's testimony in gal. iv. , shows the condition of servants: "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all." that abraham's servants were voluntary, that their interests were identified with those of their master's family, and that the utmost confidence was reposed in them, is shown in their being armed.--gen. xiv. , . when abraham's servant went to padanaram, the young princess rebecca did not disdain to say to him, "drink, my lord," as "she hasted and let down her pitcher upon her hand, and gave him drink." laban, the brother of rebecca, "ungirded his camels, and brought him water to wash his feet and the men's feet that were with him!" in sam. ix. is an account of a festival in the city of zuph, at which samuel presided. none but those bidden, sat down at the feast, and only "about thirty persons" were invited. quite a select party!--the elite of the city. saul and his servant had just arrived at zuph, and _both_ of them, at samuel's solicitation, accompany him as invited guests. "and samuel took saul and his servant, and brought them into the parlor(!) and made them sit in the chiefest seats among those that were bidden." a _servant_ invited by the chief judge, ruler, and prophet in israel, to dine publicly with a select party, in company with his master, who was at the same time anointed king of israel! and this servant introduced by samuel into the parlor, and assigned, with his master, to the _chiefest seat_ at the table! this was "_one_ of the servants" of kish, saul's father; not the steward or the chief of them--not at all a _picked_ man, but "_one_ of the servants;" _any_ one that could be most easily spared, as no endowments specially rare would be likely to find scope in looking after asses. again: we find elah, the king of israel, at a festive entertainment, in the house of arza, his steward, or head servant, with whom he seems to have been on terms of familiarity.-- kings xvi. , . see also the intercourse between gideon and his servant.--judg. vii. , . jonathan and his servant.-- sam. xiv. - . elisha and his servant.-- kings iv. v. vi. iii. the case of the gibeonites. the condition of the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim, under the hebrew commonwealth, is quoted in triumph by the advocates of slavery; and truly they are right welcome to all the crumbs that can be gleaned from it. milton's devils made desperate snatches at fruit that turned to ashes on their lips. the spirit of slavery raves under tormenting gnawings, and casts about in blind phrenzy for something to ease, or even to _mock_ them. but for this, it would never have clutched at the gibeonites, for even the incantations of the demon cauldron, could not extract from their case enough to tantalize starvation's self. but to the question. what was the condition of the gibeonites under the israelites? ( .) _it was voluntary_. their own proposition to joshua was to become servants. josh. ix. , . it was accepted, but the kind of service which they should perform, was not specified until their gross imposition came to light; they were then assigned to menial offices in the tabernacle. ( .) _they were not domestic servants in the families of the israelites_. they still resided in their own cities, cultivated their own fields, tended their flocks and herds, and exercised the functions of a _distinct_, though not independent community. they were subject to the jewish nation as _tributaries_. so far from being distributed among the israelites, and their internal organization as a distinct people abolished, they remained a separate, and, in some respects, an independent community for many centuries. when attacked by the amorites, they applied to the israelites as confederates for aid--it was rendered, their enemies routed, and themselves left unmolested in their cities. josh. x. - . long afterwards, saul slew some of them, and god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. david inquired of the gibeonites, "what shall i do for you, and wherewith shall i make the atonement?" at their demand, he delivered up to them, seven of saul's descendants. sam. xxi. - . the whole transaction was a formal recognition of the gibeonites as a distinct people. there is no intimation that they served families, or individuals of the israelites, but only the "house of god," or the tabernacle. this was established first at gilgal, a day's journey from their cities; and then at shiloh, nearly two day's journey from them; where it continued about years. during this period, the gibeonites inhabited their ancient cities and territory. only a few, comparatively, could have been absent at any one time in attendance on the tabernacle. wherever allusion is made to them in the history, the main body are spoken of as _at home_. it is preposterous to suppose that all the inhabitants of these four cities could find employment at the tabernacle. one of them "was a great city, as one of the royal cities;" so large, that a confederacy of five kings, apparently the most powerful in the land, was deemed necessary for its destruction. it is probable that the men were divided into classes, ministering in rotation--each class a few days or weeks at a time. this service was their _national tribute_ to the israelites, for the privilege of residence and protection under their government. no service seems to have been required of the _females_. as these gibeonites were canaanites, and as they had greatly exasperated the israelites by impudent imposition, and lying, we might assuredly expect that they would reduce _them_ to the condition of chattels if there was _any_ case in which god permitted them to do so. iv. throughout the mosaic system, god warns the israelites against holding their servants in such a condition as they were held in by the egyptians. how often are they pointed back to the grindings of their prison-house! what motives to the exercise of justice and kindness towards their servants, are held out to their fears in threatened judgments; to their hopes in promised good; and to all within them that could feel; by those oft repeated words of tenderness and terror! "for ye were bondmen in the land of egypt"--waking anew the memory of tears and anguish, and of the wrath that avenged them. god's denunciations against the bondage of egypt make it incumbent on us to ascertain, of what rights the israelites were plundered, and what they retained. egyptian bondage analyzed. ( .) the israelites were not dispersed among the families of egypt[a], but formed a separate community. gen. xlvi. . ex. viii. , ; ix. ; x. ; xi. ; ii. ; xvi. ; xvii. . ( .) they had the exclusive possession of the land of goshen[b]. gen. xlv. ; xlvii. , , . ex. xii. , , , , . ( .) they lived in permanent dwellings. these were _houses_, not _tents_. in ex. xii. , , the two side _posts_, and the upper door _posts_, and the lintel of the houses are mentioned. each family seems to have occupied a house _by itself_,--acts vii. . ex. xii. --and judging from the regulation about the eating of the passover, they could hardly have been small ones, ex. xii. , probably contained separate apartments, and places for concealment. ex. ii. , ; acts vii. . they appear to have been well apparelled. ex. xii. . to have their own burial grounds. ex. xiii. , and xiv. . ( .) they owned "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds," and "very much cattle." ex. xii. , , . ( .) they had their own form of government, and preserved their tribe and family divisions, and their internal organization throughout, though still a province of egypt, and _tributary_ to it. ex. ii. ; xii. , ; vi. , ; v. ; iii. , . ( .) they seem to have had in a considerable measure, the disposal of their own time,--ex. xxiii. ; iii. , , xii. ; ii. ; and iv. , - . and to have practiced the fine arts. ex. xxxii. ; xxxv. - . ( .) they were all armed. ex. xxxii. . ( .) they held their possessions independently, and the egyptians seem to have regarded them as inviolable. no intimation is given that the egyptians dispossessed them of their habitations, or took away their flocks, or herds, or crops, or implements of agriculture, or any article of property. ( .) all the females seem to have known something of domestic refinements; they were familiar with instruments of music, and skilled in the working of fine fabrics. ex. xv. ; xxxv. , . ( .) service seems to have been exacted from none but adult males. nothing is said from which the bond service of females could he inferred; the hiding of moses three months by his mother, and the payment of wages to her by pharaoh's daughter, go against such a supposition. ex. ii. . ( .) so far from being fed upon a given allowance, their food was abundant, and of great variety. "they sat by the flesh-pots," and "did eat bread to the full." ex. xvi. ; xxiv. ; xvii. ; iv. ; vi. ; "they did eat fish freely, and cucumbers, and melons, and leeks, and onions, and garlic." num. xi. , ; x. ; xx. . ( .) the great body of the people were not in the service of the egyptians. (a.) the extent and variety of their own possessions, together with such a cultivation of their crops as would provide them with bread, and such care of their immense flocks and herds, as would secure their profitable increase, must have furnished constant employment for the main body of the nation. (b.) during the plague of darkness, god informs us that "all the children of israel had light in their dwellings." we infer that they were _there_ to enjoy it. (c.) it seems improbable that the making of brick, the only service named during the latter part of their sojourn in egypt, could have furnished permanent employment for the bulk of the nation. see also ex. iv. - . besides, when eastern nations employed tributaries, it was as now, in the use of the levy, requiring them to furnish a given quota, drafted off periodically, so that comparatively but a small portion of the nation would be absent _at any one time_. probably one-fifth part of the proceeds of their labor was required of the israelites in common with the egyptians. gen. xlvii. , . instead of taking it from their _crops_, (goshen being better for _pasturage_) they exacted it of them in brick making; and it is quite probable that labor was exacted only from the _poorer_ israelites, the wealthy being able to pay their tribute in money. ex. iv. - . contrast this bondage of egypt with american slavery. have our slaves "very much cattle," and "a mixed multitude of flocks and herds?" do they live in commodious houses of their own, "sit by the flesh-pots," "eat fish freely," and "eat bread to the full?" do they live in a separate community, in their distinct tribes, under their own rulers, in the exclusive occupation of an extensive tract of country for the culture of their crops, and for rearing immense herds of their own cattle--and all these held inviolable by their masters? are our female slaves free from exactions of labor and liabilities of outrage? or when employed, are they paid wages, as was the israelitish woman by the king's daughter? have they the disposal of their own time and the means for cultivating social refinements, for practising the fine arts, and for personal improvement? the israelites under the bondage of egypt, enjoyed all these rights and privileges. true, "all the service wherein they made them serve was with rigor." but what was this when compared with the incessant toil of american slaves, the robbery of all their time and earnings, and even the power to "own any thing, or acquire any thing?" a "quart of corn a-day," the legal allowance of food[c]! their _only_ clothing for one half the year, "_one_ shirt and _one_ pair of pantaloons[d]!" _two hours and a half only_, for rest and refreshment in the twenty-four[e]!--their dwellings, _hovels_, unfit for human residence, with but one apartment, where both sexes and all ages herd promiscuously at night, like the beasts of the field. add to this, the ignorance, and degradation; the daily sundering of kindred, the revelries of lust, the lacerations and baptisms of blood, sanctioned by law, and patronized by public sentiment. what was the bondage of egypt when compared with this? and yet for her oppression of the poor, god smote her with plagues, and trampled her as the mire, till she passed away in his wrath, and the place that knew her in her pride, knew her no more. ah! "i have seen the afflictions of my people, and i have heard their groanings, and am come down to deliver them." he did come, and egypt sank a ruinous heap, and her blood closed over her. if such was god's retribution for the oppression of heathen egypt, of how much sorer punishment shall a christian people be thought worthy, who cloak with religion a system, in comparison with which the bondage of egypt dwindles to nothing? let those believe who can that god commissioned his people to rob others of _all_ their rights, while he denounced against them wrath to the uttermost, if they practised the _far lighter_ oppression of egypt--which robbed it's victims of only the least and cheapest of their rights, and left the females unplundered even of these. what! is god divided against himself? when he had just turned egypt into a funeral pile; while his curse yet blazed upon her unburied dead, and his bolts still hissed amidst her slaughter, and the smoke of her torment went upwards because she had "robbed the poor," did he license the victims of robbery to rob the poor of all? as _lawgiver_ did he _create_ a system tenfold more grinding than that for which he had just hurled pharaoh headlong, and overwhelmed his princes, and his hosts, till "hell was moved to meet them at their coming?" [footnote a: the egyptians evidently had _domestic_ servants living in their families; these may have been slaves; allusion is made to them in ex. ix. , , .] [footnote b: the land of goshen was a large tract of country, east of the pelusian arm of the nile, and between it and the head of the red sea, and the lower border of palestine. the probable centre of that portion, occupied by the israelites, could hardly have been less than sixty miles from the city. the border of goshen nearest to egypt must have been many miles distant. see "exodus of the israelites out of egypt," an able article by professor robinson, in the biblical repository for october, .] [footnote c: law of n.c. haywood's manual - .] [footnote d: law of la. martin's digest, .] [footnote e: law of la. act of july , . martin's digest, - .] we now proceed to examine various objections which will doubtless be set in array against all the foregoing conclusions. objections considered. the advocates of slavery find themselves at their wits end in pressing the bible into their service. every movement shows them hard-pushed. their ever-varying shifts, their forced constructions, and blind guesswork, proclaim both their _cause_ desperate, and themselves. the bible defences thrown around slavery by professed ministers of the gospel, do so torture common sense, scripture, and historical facts it were hard to tell whether absurdity, fatuity, ignorance, or blasphemy, predominates in the compound; each strives so lustily for the mastery it may be set down a drawn battle. how often has it been bruited that the color of the negro is the _cain-mark_, propagated downward. cain's posterity started an opposition to the ark, forsooth, and rode out the flood with flying streamers! why should not a miracle be wrought to point such an argument, and fill out for slaveholders a divine title-deed, vindicating the ways of god to man? objection . "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren." gen. ix. . this prophecy of noah is the _vade mecum_ of slaveholders, and they never venture abroad without it; it is a pocket-piece for sudden occasion, a keepsake to dote over, a charm to spell-bind opposition, and a magnet to draw around their standard "whatsoever worketh abomination or maketh a lie." but "cursed be canaan" is a poor drug to ease a throbbing conscience--a mocking lullaby, to unquiet tossings, and vainly crying "peace be still," where god wakes war, and breaks his thunders. those who justify negro slavery by the curse of canaan, _assume_ all the points in debate. ( .) that _slavery_ was prophesied rather than mere _service_ to others, and _individual_ bondage rather than _national_ subjection and tribute. ( .) that the _prediction_ of crime _justifies_ it; at least absolving those whose crimes fulfill it, if not transforming the crimes into _virtues_. how piously the pharoahs might have quoted the prophecy _"thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and they shall afflict there four hundred years."_ and then, what _saints_ were those that crucified the lord of glory! ( .) that the africans are descended from canaan. whereas africa was peopled from egypt and ethiopia, and they were settled by mizraim and cush. for the location and boundaries of canaan's posterity, see gen. x. - . so a prophecy of evil to one people, is quoted to justify its infliction upon another. perhaps it may be argued that canaan includes all ham's posterity. if so, the prophecy is yet unfulfilled. the other sons of ham settled egypt and assyria, and, conjointly with shem, persia, and afterward, to some extent, the grecian and roman empires. the history of these nations gives no verification of the prophecy. whereas, the history of canaan's descendants for more than three thousand years, records its fulfilment. first, they were put to tribute by the israelites; then by the medes and persians; then by the macedonians, grecians and romans, successively; and finally, were subjected by the ottoman dynasty, where they yet remain. thus canaan has been for ages the servant mainly of shem and japhet, and secondarily of the other sons of ham. it may still be objected, that though canaan alone is _named_ in the curse, yet the d and th verses show the posterity of ham in general to be meant. "and ham, the father of canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without." "and noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him, and said," &c. it is argued that this "_younger_ son" can not be _canaan_, as he was the _grandson_ of noah, and therefore it must be _ham._ we answer, whoever that "_younger son_" was, _canaan_ alone was named in the curse. besides, the hebrew word _ben_, signifies son, grandson, or _any_ of _one_ the posterity of an individual. "_know ye laban the son of nahor?_" laban was the _grandson_ of nahor. gen. xxix. . "_mephibosheth the son of saul_." sam. xix. . mephibosheth was the _grandson_ of saul. sam. ix. . "_there is a son born to naomi._" ruth iv. . this was the son of ruth, the daughter-in-law of naomi. "_let seven men of his (saul's) sons be delivered unto us._" sam. xxi. . seven of saul's _grandsons_ were delivered up. "_laban rose up and kissed his sons._" gen. xxi. . these were his _grandsons_. "_the driving of jehu the son of nimshi._" kings ix. . jehu was the _grandson_ of nimshi. shall we forbid the inspired writer to use the _same_ word when speaking of _noah's_ grandson? further; ham was not the "_younger_" son. the order of enumeration makes him the _second_ son. if it be said that bible usage varies, the order of birth not always being observed in enumerations, the reply is, that, enumeration in that order is the _rule_, in any other order the _exception_. besides, if a younger member of a family, takes precedence of older ones in the family record, it is a mark of pre-eminence, either in endowments, or providential instrumentality. abraham, though sixty years younger than his eldest brother, stands first in the family genealogy. nothing in ham's history shows him pre-eminent; besides, the hebrew word _hakkatan_ rendered "the _younger_," means the _little, small_. the same word is used in isa. xl. . "_a little one shall become a thousand_." isa. xxii. . "_all vessels of small quantity_." ps. cxv. . "_he will bless them that fear the lord both small and great_." ex. xviii. . "_but every small matter they shall judge_." it would be a literal rendering of gen. ix. , if it were translated thus. "when noah knew what his little son[a], or grandson (_beno hakkatan_) had done unto him, he said cursed be canaan," &c. further, even if the africans were the descendants of canaan, the assumption that their enslavement fulfils this prophecy, lacks even plausibility, for, only a _fraction_ of the africans have at any time been the slaves of other nations. if the objector say in reply, that a large majority of the africans have always been slaves _at home_, we answer: _it is false in point of fact_, though zealously bruited often to serve a turn; and _if it were true_, how does it help the argument? the prophecy was, "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be _unto his_ brethren," not unto _himself_! [footnote a: the french follows the same analogy; _grandson_ being _petit fils_ (little son.)] objection ii.--"if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." ex. xxi. , . what was the design of this regulation? was it to grant masters an indulgence to beat servants with impunity, and an assurance, that if they beat them to death, the offense shall not be _capital_? this is substantially what commentators tell us. what deity do such men worship? some blood-gorged moloch, enthroned on human hecatombs, and snuffing carnage for incense? did he who thundered from sinai's flames, "thou shalt not kill," offer a bounty on _murder_? whoever analyzes the mosaic system, will find a moot court in session, trying law points--settling definitions, or laying down rules of evidence, in almost every chapter. num. xxxv. - ; deut. xi. , and xix. - ; lev. xxiv. - ; ex. xxi. , , are a few, out of many cases stated, with tests furnished the judges by which to detect _the intent_, in actions brought before them. their ignorance of judicial proceedings, laws of evidence, &c., made such instructions necessary. the detail gone into, in the verses quoted, is manifestly to enable them to get at the _motive_ and find out whether the master _designed_ to kill. ( .) "if a man smite his servant with a _rod_."--the instrument used, gives a clue to the _intent_. see num. xxxv. , . a _rod_, not an axe, nor a sword, nor a bludgeon, nor any other death-weapon--hence, from the _kind_ of instrument, no design to _kill_ would be inferred; for _intent_ to kill would hardly have taken a _rod_ for its weapon. but if the servant die _under his hand_, then the unfitness of the instrument, is point blank against him; for, to strike him with a _rod_ until he _dies_, argues a great many blows and great violence, and this kept up to the death-gasp, showed an _intent to kill_. hence "he shall _surely_ be punished." but if he continued _a day or two_, the _length of time that he lived_, together with the _kind_ of instrument used, and the master's pecuniary interest in his _life_, ("he is his _money_,") all made a strong case of circumstantial evidence, showing that the master did not design to kill. further, the word _nakam_, here rendered _punished_, is _not so rendered in another instance_. yet it occurs thirty-five times in the old testament, and in almost every place is translated "_avenge_," in a few, "_to take vengeance_," or "_to revenge_," and in this instance alone, "_punish_." as it stands in our translation, the pronoun preceding it, refers to the _master_, whereas it should refer to the _crime_, and the word rendered _punished_, should have been rendered _avenged_. the meaning is this: if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, it (the death) shall surely be avenged, or literally, _by avenging it shall be avenged_; that is, the _death_ of the servant shall be _avenged_ by the _death_ of the master. so in the next verse, "if he continue a day or two," his death is not to be avenged by the _death_ of the _master_, as in that case the crime was to be adjudged _manslaughter_, and not _murder_. in the following verse, another case of personal injury is stated, for which the injurer is to pay a _sum of money_; and yet our translators employ the same phraseology in both places. one, an instance of deliberate, wanton, killing by piecemeal. the other, an accidental, and comparatively slight injury--of the inflicter, in both cases, they say the same thing! "he shall surely be punished." now, just the discrimination to be looked for where god legislates, is marked in the original. in the case of the servant wilfully murdered, he says, "it (the death) shall surely be _avenged_," that is, the life of the wrong doer shall expiate the crime. the same word is used in the old testament, when the greatest wrongs are redressed, by devoting the perpetrators to _destruction_. in the case of the unintentional injury, in the following verse, god says, "he shall surely be _fined_," (_aunash_.) "he shall _pay_ as the judges determine." the simple meaning of the word _anash_, is to lay a fine. it is used in deut. xxii. : "they shall amerce him in one hundred shekels," and in chron. xxxvi. : "he condemned (_mulcted_) the land in a hundred talents of gold." that _avenging_ the death of the servant, was neither imprisonment, nor stripes, nor a fine, but that it was _taking the master's life_ we infer, ( .) from the _use_ of the word _nakam_. see gen. iv. ; josh. x. ; judg. xiv. ; xvi. ; i sam. xiv. ; xviii. ; xxv. ; sam. iv. ; judg. v. : i sam. xxv. - . ( .) from the express statute, lev. xxiv. ; "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death." also num. xxxv. , : "whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death. moreover, ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death." ( .) the targum of jonathan gives the verse thus, "death by the sword shall surely be adjudged." the targum of jerusalem. "vengeance shall be taken for him to the _uttermost_." jarchi, the same. the samaritan version: "he shall die the death," again the clause "for he is his money," is quoted to prove that the servant is his master's property, and therefore, if he died, the master was not to be punished. the assumption is, that the phrase, "he is his money." proves not only that the servant is _worth money_ to the master, but that he is an _article of property_. if the advocates of slavery insist upon taking the principle of interpretation into the bible, and turning it loose, let them stand and draw in self-defence. if they endorse for it at one point, they must stand sponsors all around the circle. it will be too late to cry for quarter when its stroke clears the table, and tilts them among the sweepings beneath. the bible abounds with such expressions as the following: "this (bread) is my body;" "this (wine) _is_ my blood;" "all they (the israelites) _are_ brass and tin;" "this (water) _is_ the blood of the men who went in jeopardy of their lives;" "the lord god _is_ a sun and a shield;" "god _is_ love;" "the seven good ears _are_ seven years, and the seven good kine _are_ seven years;" "the tree of the field _is_ man's life;" "god _is_ a consuming fire;" "he _is_ his money," &c. a passion for the exact _literalities_ of the bible is so amiable, it were hard not to gratify it in this case. the words in the original are (_kaspo-hu_,) "his _silver_ is he." the objector's principle of interpretation is a philosopher's stone! its miracle touch transmutes five feet eight inches of flesh and bones into _solid silver!_ quite a _permanent_ servant, if not so nimble with all--reasoning against "_forever_," is forestalled henceforth, and, deut. xxiii. , utterly outwitted. the obvious meaning of the phrase, "_he is his money_," is, he is _worth money_ to his master, and since, if the master had killed him, it would have taken money out of his pocket, the _pecuniary loss_, the _kind of instrument used_, and _the fact of his living some time after the injury_, (if the master _meant_ to kill, he would be likely to _do_ it while about it,) all together make a strong case of presumptive evidence clearing the master of _intent to kill_. but let us look at the objector's _inferences_. one is, that as the master might dispose of his _property_ as he pleased, he was not to be punished, if he destroyed it. whether the servant died under the master's hand, or after a day or two, he was _equally_ his property, and the objector admits that in the _first_ case the master is to be "surely punished" for destroying _his own property!_ the other inference is, that since the continuance of a day or two, cleared the master of _intent to kill_, the loss of the slave would be a sufficient punishment for inflicting the injury which caused his death. this inference makes the mosaic law false to its own principles. a _pecuniary loss_ was no part of the legal claim, where a person took the _life_ of another. in such case, the law spurned money, whatever the sum. god would not cheapen human life, by balancing it with such a weight. "ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall surely be put to death." num. xxxv. . even in excusable homicide, where an axe slipped from the helve and killed a man, no sum of money availed to release from confinement in the city of refuge, until the death of the high priest. numb. xxxv. . the doctrine that the loss of the servant would be a penalty _adequate_ to the desert of the master, admits his _guilt_ and his desert of _some_ punishment, and it prescribes a kind of punishment, rejected by the law in all cases where man took the life of man, whether with or without the intent to kill. in short, the objector annuls an integral part of the system--makes a _new_ law, and coolly metes out such penalty as he thinks fit. divine legislation revised and improved! the master who struck out his servant's tooth, whether intentionally or not, was required to set him free. the _pecuniary loss_ to the master was the same as though he had killed him. look at the two cases. a master beats his servant so that he dies of his wounds; another accidentally strikes out his servant's tooth,--_the pecuniary loss of both cases is the same_. if the loss of the slave's services is punishment sufficient for the crime of killing him, would _god_ command the _same_ punishment for the _accidental_ knocking out of a _tooth?_ indeed, unless the injury was done _inadvertantly_, the loss of the servant's services was only a _part_ of the punishment--mere reparation to the _individual_ for injury done; the _main_ punishment, that strictly _judicial_, was reparation to the _community_. to set the servant free, and thus proclaim his injury, his right to redress, and the measure of it--answered not the ends of _public_ justice. the law made an example of the offender. that "those that remain might hear and fear." "if a man cause a blemish in his neighbor, as he hath done, so shall it be done unto him. breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth. ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger as for one of your own country." lev xxiv. , , . finally, if a master smote out his servant's tooth the law smote out _his_ tooth--thus redressing the _public_ wrong; and it cancelled the servant's obligation to the master, thus giving some compensation for the injury done, and exempting him form perilous liabilities in future. objection iii. "both thy bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have shall be of the heathen that are round about you, of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the stranger that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and they shall be your possessions. and ye shall take them as an inheritance of your children from you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen forever." lev, xxv. - . the _points_ in these verses urged as proof, that the mosaic system sanctioned slavery, are . the word "bondmen." . "buy." . "inheritance and possession." and . "forever." the _buying_ of servants was discussed, pp. - , and holding them as a "possession." pp. - . we will now ascertain what sanction to slavery is derivable from the terms "bondmen," "inheritance," and "forever." . "bondmen." the fact that servants from the heathen are called "_bondmen_," while others are called "_servants_," is quoted as proof that the former were slaves. as the caprices of king james' translators were not inspired, we need stand in no special awe of them. the word here rendered bondmen is uniformly rendered servants elsewhere. the hebrew word "_ebedh_," the plural of which is here translated "bondmen," is in isa. xlii. , applied to christ. "behold my _servant_ (bondman, slave?) whom i have chosen." so isa. lii. . "behold my _servant_ (christ) shall deal prudently." in kings xii. , , to _king rehoboam_. "and they spake unto him, saying if thou wilt be a _servant_ unto this people, then they will be thy _servants_ forever." in chron. xii. , , , , to the king and all the nation. in fine, the word is applied to _all_ persons doing service for others--to magistrates, to all governmental officers, to tributaries, to all the subjects of governments, to younger sons--defining their relation to the first born, who is called _lord_ and _ruler_--to prophets, to kings, to the messiah, and in respectful addresses not less than _fifty_ times in the old testament. if the israelites not only held slaves, but multitudes of them, if abraham had thousands and if they _abounded_ under the mosaic system, why had their language _no word_ that _meant slave_? that language must be wofully poverty-stricken, which has no signs to represent the most common and familiar objects and conditions. to represent by the same word, and without figure, property, and the owner of that property, is a solecism. ziba was an "_ebedh_," yet he "_owned_" (!) twenty _ebedhs_! in our language, we have both _servant_ and _slave_. why? because we have both the _things_ and need _signs_ for them. if the tongue had a sheath, as swords have scabbards, we should have some _name_ for it: but our dictionaries give us none. why? because there is no such _thing_. but the objector asks, "would not the israelites use their word _ebedh_ if they spoke of the slave of a heathen?" answer. their _national_ servants or tributaries, are spoken of frequently, but domestic servants so rarely that no necessity existed, even if they were slaves, for coining a new word. besides, the fact of their being domestics, under _heathen laws and usages_ proclaimed their _liabilities_, their _locality_ made a _specific_ term unnecessary. but if the israelites had not only _servants_, but a multitude of _slaves_, a _word meaning slave_, would have been indispensable for every day convenience. further, the laws of the mosaic system were so many sentinels on the outposts to warn off foreign practices. the border ground of canaan, was quarantine ground, enforcing the strictest non-intercourse in usages between the without and the within. . "forever." this is quoted to prove that servants were to serve during their life time, and their posterity from generation to generation. no such idea is contained in the passage. the word "forever," instead of defining the length of _individual_ service, proclaims the permanence of the regulation laid down in the two verses preceding, namely, that their _permanent domestics_ should be of the strangers, and not of the israelites: it declares the duration of that general provision. as if god had said, "you shall _always_ get your _permanent_ laborers from the nations round about you--your servants shall always be of that class of persons." as it stands in the original it is plain--"forever of them shall ye serve yourselves." this is the literal rendering. that "_forever_" refers to the permanent relations of a _community_, rather than to the services of _individuals_, is a fair inference from the form of the expression, "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the _heathen_. of them shall ye buy," &c. "they shall be your possession." to say nothing of the uncertainty of _those individuals_ surviving those _after_ whom they are to live, the language used, applies more naturally to a _body_ of people, than to _individual_ servants. besides _perpetual_ service cannot be argued from the term _forever_. the ninth and tenth verses of the same chapter, limit it absolutely by the jubilee. "then thou shalt cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound * * throughout all your land." "and ye shall proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof." it may be objected that "inhabitants" here means _israelitish_ inhabitants alone. the command is, "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all _the inhabitants thereof_." besides, in the sixth verse, there is an enumeration of the different classes of the inhabitants, in which servants and strangers are included; and in all the regulations of the jubilee, and the sabbatical year, the strangers are included in the precepts, prohibitions, and promises. again: the year of jubilee was ushered in, by the day of atonement. what did these institutions show forth? the day of atonement prefigured the atonement of christ, and the year of jubilee, the gospel jubilee. and did they prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to jews only? were they types of sins remitted, and of salvation proclaimed to the nation of israel alone? is there no redemption for us gentiles in these ends of the earth, and is our hope presumption and impiety? did that old partition wall survive the shock, that made earth quake, and hid the sun, burst graves and rocks, and rent the temple veil? and did the gospel only rear it higher to thunder direr perdition from its frowning battlements on all without? no! the god of our salvation lives "good tidings of great joy shall be to all people." one shout shall swell from all the ransomed, "thou hast redeemed us unto god by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation." to deny that the blessings of the jubilee extended to the servants from the _gentiles_, makes christianity _judaism_. it not only eclipses the glory of the gospel, but strikes out the sun. the refusal to release servants at the jubilee falsified and disannulled a grand leading type of the atonement, and was a libel on the doctrine of christ's redemption. finally, even if _forever_ did refer to _individual_ service, we have ample precedents for limiting the term by the jubilee. the same word defines the length of time which _jewish_ servants served who did not go out in the _seventh_ year. and all admit that they went out at the jubilee. ex. xxi. - ; deut. xv. - . the d verse of the same chapter is quoted to prove that "_forever_" in the th verse, extends beyond the jubilee. "the land shall not be sold forever, for the land is mine"--since it would hardly be used in different senses in the same general connection. as _forever_, in the th verse, respects the _general arrangement_, and not _individual service_ the objection does not touch the argument. besides in the th verse, the word used, is _olam_, meaning _throughout the period_, whatever that may be. whereas in the d verse, it is _tsemithuth_, meaning, a _cutting off_. . "inheritance and possession," "ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you to inherit them for a possession." this refers to the _nations_, and not to the _individual_ servants, procured from these nations. we have already shown, that servants could not be held as a _property_-possession, and inheritance; that they became servants of their _own accord_, and were paid wages; that they were released by law from their regular labor nearly _half the days in each year_, and thoroughly _instructed_; that the servants were _protected_ in all their personal, social and religious rights, equally with their masters &c. all remaining, after these ample reservations, would be small temptation, either to the lust of power or of lucre; a profitable "possession" and "inheritance," truly! what if our american slaves were all placed in _just such a condition_ alas, for that soft, melodious circumlocution, "our peculiar species of property!" verily, emphasis would be cadence, and euphony and irony meet together! what eager snatches at mere words, and bald technics, irrespective of connection, principles of construction, bible usages, or limitations of meaning by other passages--and all to eke out such a sense as sanctifies existing usages, thus making god pander for lust. the words _nahal_ and _nahala_, inherit and inheritance by no means necessarily signify _articles of property_. "the people answered the king and said, we have none _inheritance_ in the son of jesse." chron. x. . did they moan gravely to disclaim the holding of their kin; as an article of _property_? "children are an _heritage_ (inheritance) of the lord." ps. cxxvii. . "pardon our iniquity, and take us for thine _inheritance_." ex. xxxiv. . when god pardons his enemies, and adopts them as children, does he make them _articles of property_? are forgiveness, and chattel-making, synonymes? "thy testimonies have i taken as a _heritage_" (inheritance.) ps. cxix. . "_i_ am their _inheritance_." ezek. xliv. . "i will give thee the heathen for thine _inheritance_." ps. ii. . "for the lord will not cast off his people, neither will he forsake his _inheritance_." ps. xciv . see also deut. iv. ; josh. xiii. ; ps. lxxxii. ; lxxviii. , ; prov. xiv. . the question whether the servants were a property-"_possession_," has been already discussed--pp. - --we need add in this place but a word, _ahuzza_ rendered "_possession_." "and joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a _possession_ in the land of egypt." gen. xlii. . in what sense was goshen the _possession_ of the israelites? answer, in the sense of _having it to live in_. in what sense were the israelites to _possess_ these nations, and _take them_ as an _inheritance for their children_? answer, they possessed them as a permanent source of supply for domestic or household servants. and this relation to these nations was to go down to posterity as a standing regulation, having the certainty and regularity of a descent by inheritance. the sense of the whole regulation may be given thus: "thy permanent domestics, which thou shalt have, shall be of the nations that are round about you, of _them_ shall ye get male and female domestics." "moreover of the children of the foreigners that do sojourn among you, of _them_ shall ye get, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and _they_ shall be your permanent resource." "and ye shall take them as a _perpetual_ provision for your children after you, to hold as a _constant source of supply_. always _of them_ shall ye serve yourselves." the design of the passage is manifest from its structure. it was to point out the _class_ of persons from which they were to get their supply of servants, and the _way_ in which they were to get them. objection iv. "if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant, but as an hired-servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee." lev. xxv. , . as only _one_ class is called "_hired_," it is inferred that servants of the _other_ class were _not paid_ for their labor. that god, with thundering anathemas against those who "used their neighbor's service without wages," granted a special indulgence to his chosen people to force others to work, and rob them of earnings, provided always, in selecting their victims, they spared "the gentlemen of property and standing," and pounced only upon the strangers and the common people. the inference that "_hired_" is synonymous with _paid_, and that those servants not _called_ "hired" were not _paid_ for their labor, is a mere assumption. the meaning of the english verb _to hire_, is to procure for a _temporary_ use at a certain price--to engage a person to temporary service for wages. that is also the meaning of the hebrew word "_saukar_." it is not used when the procurement of _permanent_ service is spoken of. now, we ask, would _permanent_ servants, those who constituted a stationary part of the family, have been designated by the same term that marks _temporary_ servants? the every-day distinction on this subject, are familiar as table-talk. in many families the domestics perform only the _regular_ work. whatever is occasional merely, as the washing of a family, is done by persons hired expressly for the purpose. the familiar distinction between the two classes, is "servants," and "hired help," (not _paid_ help.) _both classes are paid_. one is permanent, the other occasional and temporary, and therefore in this case called "_hired_[a]." [footnote a: to suppose a servant robbed of his earnings because he is not called a _hired_ servant is profound induction! if i employ a man at twelve dollars a month to work my farm, he is my "_hired_" man, but if _i give him such a portion of the crop_, or in other words, if he works my farm "_on shares_," every farmer knows that he is no longer called my "_hired_" man. yet he works the same farm, in the same way, at the same time, and with the same teams and tools; and does the same amount of work in the year, and perhaps earns twenty dollars a month, instead of twelve. now as he is no longer called "_hired_," and as he still works my farm, suppose my neighbours sagely infer, that since he is not my "_hired_" laborer, i _rob_ him of his earnings and with all the gravity of owls, pronounce the oracular decision, and hoot it abroad. my neighbors are deep divers!--like some theological professors, they not only go to the bottom but come up covered with the tokens.] a variety of particulars are recorded distinguishing _hired_ from _bought_ servants. ( .) hired servants were paid daily at the close of their work. lev. xix ; deut. xxiv. , ; job. vii. ; matt. xx. . "_bought_" servants were paid in advance, (a reason for their being called _bought_,) and those that went out at the seventh year received a _gratuity_. deut. xv. , . ( .) the "hired" were paid _in money_, the "bought" received their _gratuity_, at least, in grain, cattle, and the product of the vintage. deut. xiv. . ( .) the "hired" _lived_ in their own families, the "bought" were part of their masters' families. ( .) the "hired" supported their families out of their wages: the "bought" and their families were supported by the master _besides_ their wages. the "bought" servants were, _as a class, superior to the hired_--were more trust-worthy, had greater privileges, and occupied a higher station in society. ( .) they were intimately incorporated with the family of the masters, were guests at family festivals, and social solemnities, from which hired servants were excluded. lev. xxii. ; ex. xii, , . ( .) their interests were far more identified with those of their masters' family. they were often, actually or prospectively, heirs of their masters' estates, as in the case of eliezer, of ziba, and the sons of bilhah and zilpah. when there were no sons, or when they were unworthy, bought servants were made heirs. prov. xvii. . we find traces of this usage in the new testament. "but when the husbandmen saw him, they reasoned among themselves, saying, this is the _heir_, come let us kill him, _that the inheritance may be ours._" luke xx. . in no instance does a _hired_ servant inherit his master's estate. ( .) marriages took place between servants and their master's daughters. sheshan had a _servant_, an egyptian, whose name was jarha. and sheshan gave his daughter to jarha his servant to wife. chron. ii. , . there is no instance of a _hired_ servant forming such an alliance. ( .) bought servants and their descendants were treated with the same affection and respect as the other members of the family.[a]. the treatment of abraham's servants, gen. xxv.--the intercourse between gideon and his servant, judg. vii. , ; saul and his servant, sam. iv. , ; jonathan and his servant, sam. xiv. - , and elisha and his servant, are illustrations. no such tie seems to have existed between _hired_ servants and their masters. their untrustworthiness was proverbial. john ix. , . none but the _lowest class_ engaged as hired servants, and the kinds of labor assigned to them required little knowledge and skill. various passages show the low repute and trifling character of the class from which they were hired. judg. ix. ; sam. ii. . the superior condition of bought servants is manifest in the high trusts confided to them, and in their dignity and authority in the household. in no instance is a _hired_ servant thus distinguished. the _bought_ servant is manifestly the master's representative in the family--with plenipotentiary powers over adult children, even negotiating marriage for them. abraham adjured his servant not to take a wife for isaac of the daughters of the canaanites. the servant himself selected the individual. servants also exercised discretionary power in the management of their masters' estates, "and the servant took ten camels of the camels of his master, _for all the goods of his master were under his hand_." gen. xxiv. . the reason assigned for taking them, is not that such was abraham's direction, but that the servant had discretionary control. servants had also discretionary power in the _disposal of property_. see gen. xxiv. , , . the condition of ziba in the house of mephibosheth, is a case in point. so in prov. xvii. . distinct traces of this estimation are to be found in the new testament, matt. xxiv. ; luke xii, , . so in the parable of the talents; the master seems to have set up each of his servants in trade with a large capital. the unjust steward had large _discretionary_ power, was "accused of wasting his master's goods," and manifestly regulated with his debtors, the _terms_ of settlement. luke xvi. - . such trusts were never reposed in _hired_ servants. [footnote a: "for the _purchased servant_ who is an israelite, or proselyte, shall fare as his master. the master shall not eat fine bread, and his servant bread of bran. nor yet drink old wine, and give his servant new; nor sleep on soft pillows, and bedding, and his servant on straw. i say unto you, that he that gets a _purchased_ servant does well to make him as his friend, or he will prove to his employer as if he got himself a master."--maimonides, in mishna kiddushim. chap. , sec. .] the inferior condition of _hired_ servants, is illustrated in the parable of the prodigal son. when the prodigal, perishing with hunger among the swine and husks, came to himself, his proud heart broke; "i will arise," he cried, "and go to my father." and then to assure his father of the depth of his humility, resolved to add, "make me as one of thy _hired_ servants." if _hired_ servants were the _superior_ class--to apply for the situation, savored little of that sense of unworthiness that seeks the dust with hidden face, and cries "unclean." unhumbled nature _climbs_; or if it falls, clings fast, where first it may. humility sinks of its own weight, and in the lowest deep, digs lower. the design of the parable was to illustrate on the one hand, the joy of god, as he beholds afar off, the returning sinner "seeking an injured father's face" who runs to clasp and bless him with unchiding welcome; and on the other, the contrition of the penitent, turning homeward with tears from his wanderings, his stricken spirit breaking with its ill-desert he sobs aloud. "the lowest place, _the lowest place_, i can abide no other." or in those inimitable words, "father i have sinned against heaven, and in thy sight, and am no more worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy hired servants." the supposition that _hired_ servants were the _highest_ class, takes from the parable an element of winning beauty and pathos. it is manifest to every careful student of the bible, that _one_ class of servants, was on terms of equality with the children and other members of the family. (hence the force of paul's declaration, gal. iv. , "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all.") if this were the _hired_ class, the prodigal was a sorry specimen of humility. would our lord have put such language upon the lips of one held up by himself, as a model of gospel humility, to illustrate its deep sense of an ill-desert? if this is _humility_, put it on stilts, and set it a strutting, while pride takes lessons, and blunders in apeing it. israelites and strangers, belonged indiscriminately to _each_ class of the servants, the _bought_ and the _hired_. that those in the former class, whether jews or strangers, rose to honors and authority in the family circle, which were not conferred on _hired_ servants, has been shown. it should be added, however, that in the enjoyment of privileges, merely _political_, the hired servants from the _israelites_, were more favored than even the bought servants from the _strangers_. no one from the strangers, however wealthy or highly endowed, was eligible to the highest office, nor could he own the soil. this last disability seems to have been one reason for the different periods of service required of the two classes of bought servants--the israelites and the strangers. the israelite was to serve six years--the stranger until the jubilee. as the strangers could not own the soil, nor even houses, except within walled towns, most would attach themselves to israelitish families. those who were wealthy, or skilled in manufactures, instead of becoming servants would need servants for their own use, and as inducements for the stranger's to become servants to the israelites, were greater than persons of their own nation could hold out to them, these wealthy strangers would naturally procure the poorer israelites for servants. lev. xxv. . in a word, such was the political condition of the strangers, that the jewish polity offered a virtual bounty, to such as would become permanent servants, and thus secure those privileges already enumerated, and for their children in the second generation a permanent inheritance. ezek. xlvii. - . none but the monied aristocracy would be likely to decline such offers. on the other hand, the israelites, owning all the soil, and an inheritance of land being a sacred possession, to hold it free of incumbrance was with every israelite, a delicate point, both of family honor and personal character. kings xxi. . hence, to forego the control of one's inheritance, after the division of the paternal domain, or to be kept out of it after having acceded to it, was a burden grievous to be borne. to mitigate as much as possible such a calamity, the law released the israelitish servant at the end of six years[a]; as, during that time--if of the first class--the partition of the patrimonial land might have taken place; or, if of the second, enough money might have been earned to disencumber his estate, and thus he might assume his station as a lord of the soil. if neither contingency had occurred, then after another six years the opportunity was again offered, and so on, until the jubilee. so while strong motives urged the israelite to discontinue his service as soon as the exigency had passed which made him a servant, every consideration impelled the _stranger_ to _prolong_ his term of service; and the same kindness which dictated the law of six years' service for the israelite, assigned as a general rule, a much longer period to the gentile servant, who had every inducement to protract the term. it should be borne in mind, that adult jews ordinarily became servants, only as a temporary expedient to relieve themselves from embarrassment, and ceased to be such when that object was effected. the poverty that forced them to it was a calamity, and their service was either a means of relief, or a measure of prevention; not pursued as a permanent business, but resorted to on emergencies--a sort of episode in the main scope of their lives. whereas with the strangers, it was a _permanent employment_, pursued both as a _means_ of bettering their own condition, and that of their posterity, and as an _end_ for its own sake, conferring on them privileges, and a social estimation not otherwise attainable. [footnote a: another reason for protracting the service until the seventh year, seems to have been the coincidence of that period with other arrangements, in the jewish economy. its pecuniary responsibilities, social relations, and general internal structure, were _graduated_ upon a septennial scale. besides as those israelites who became servants through poverty, would not sell themselves, till other expedients to recruit their finances had failed--(lev. xxv. )--their _becoming servants_ proclaimed such a state of their affairs, as demanded the labor of a _course of years_ fully to reinstate them.] we see from the foregoing, why servants purchased from the heathen, are called by way of distinction, _the_ servants, (not _bondmen_,) ( .) they followed it as a _permanent business_. ( .) their term of service was _much longer_ than that of the other class. ( .) as a class they doubtless greatly outnumbered the israelitish servants. ( .) all the strangers that dwelt in the land were _tributaries_, required to pay an annual tax to the government, either in money, or in public service, (called a "_tribute of land-service_;") in other words, all the strangers were _national servants_ to the israelites, and the same hebrew word used to designate _individual_ servants, equally designates _national_ servants or tributaries. sam. viii. , , . chron. viii. - . deut xx. . sam. x. . kings ix. , . kings iv. . gen. xxvii. . the same word is applied to the israelites, when they paid tribute to other nations. kings xvii. . judg. iii. , . gen. xlix. . another distinction between the jewish and gentile bought servants, was in their _kinds_ of service. the servants from the strangers were properly the _domestics_, or household servants, employed in all family work, in offices of personal attendance, and in such mechanical labor, as was required by increasing wants, and needed repairs. the jewish bought servants seem almost exclusively _agricultural_. besides being better fitted for it by previous habits--agriculture, and the tending of cattle, were regarded by the israelites as the most honorable of all occupations. after saul was elected king, and escorted to gibeah, the next report of him is, "_and behold saul came after the herd out of the field_." sam. xi. . elisha "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen." kings xix. . king uzziah "loved husbandry." chron. xxvi. . gideon _was "threshing wheat_" when called to lead the host against the midianites. judg. vi. . the superior honorableness of agriculture, is shown, in that it was protected and supported by the fundamental law of the theocracy--god indicating it as the chief prop of the government. the israelites were like permanent fixtures on their soil, so did they cling to it. to be agriculturalists on their own inheritances, was with them the grand claim to honorable estimation. agriculture being pre-eminently a _jewish_ employment, to assign a native israelite to other employments as a business, was to break up his habits, do violence to cherished predilections, and put him to a kind of labor in which he had no skill, and which he deemed degrading. in short, it was in the earlier ages of the mosaic system, practically to _unjew_ him, a hardship and rigor grievous to be borne, as it annihilated a visible distinction between the descendants of abraham and the strangers.--_to guard this and another fundamental distinction_, god instituted the regulation which stands at the head of this branch of our inquiry, "if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant." in other words, thou shalt not put him to servant's work--to the business, and into the condition of domestics. in the persian version it is translated thus, "thou shalt not assign to him the work of _servitude_." in the septuagint, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a _domestic_." in the syriac, "thou shalt not employ him after the manner of servants." in the samaritan, "thou shalt not require him to serve in the service of a servant." in the targum of onkelos, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a household servant." in the targum of jonathan, "thou shalt not cause him to serve according to the usages of the servitude of servants."[a] the meaning of the passage is, _thou shalt not assign him to the same grade, nor put him to the same service, with permanent domestics._ the remainder of the regulation is,--"_but as an hired servant and as a sojourner shall he be with thee._" hired servants were not incorporated into the families of their masters: they still retained their own family organization, without the surrender of any domestic privilege, honor, or authority; and this even though they resided under the same roof with their master. while bought servants were associated with their master's families at meals, at the passover, and at other family festivals, hired servants and sojourners were not. ex. xii. , ; lev. xxii. , . hired servants were not subject to the authority of their masters in any such sense as the master's wife, children, and bought servants. hence the only form of oppressing hired servants spoken of in the scriptures as practicable to masters, is that _of keeping back their wages_. to have taken away such privileges in the case under consideration, would have been pre-eminent "_rigor_," for it was not a servant born in the house of a master, not a minor, whose minority had been sold by the father, neither was it one who had not yet acceded to his inheritance: nor finally, one who had received the _assignment_ of his inheritance, but was working off from it an incumbrance, before entering upon its possession and control. but it was that of _the head of a family_, who had known better days, now reduced to poverty, forced to relinquish the loved inheritance of his fathers, with the competence and respectful consideration its possession secured to him, and to be indebted to a neighbor for shelter, sustenance, and employment. so sad a reverse, might well claim sympathy; but one consolation cheers him in the house of his pilgrimage; he is an _israelite--abraham is his father_, and now in his calamity he clings closer than ever, to the distinction conferred by his birth-right. to rob him of this, were "the unkindest cut of all." to have assigned him to a grade of service filled only by those whose permanent business was serving, would have been to "rule over him with" peculiar "rigor." "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," or literally, _thou shalt not serve thyself with him, with the service of a servant_, guaranties his political privileges, and a kind and grade of service, comporting with his character and relations as an israelite. and "as a _hired_ servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee," secures to him his family organization, the respect and authority due to its head, and the general consideration resulting from such a station. being already in possession of his inheritance, and the head of a household, the law so arranged the conditions of his service as to _alleviate_ as much as possible the calamity, which had reduced him from independence and authority, to penury and subjection. the import of the command which concludes this topic in the forty-third verse, ("thou shalt not rule over him with rigor,") is manifestly this, you shall not disregard those differences in previous associations, station, authority, and political privileges, upon which this regulation is based; for to hold this class of servants _irrespective_ of these distinctions, and annihilating them, is to "rule with rigor." the same command is repeated in the forty-sixth verse, and applied to the distinction between servants of jewish, and those of gentile extraction, and forbids the overlooking of distinctive jewish peculiarities, the disregard of which would be _rigorous_ in the extreme[b]. the construction commonly put upon the phrase "rule with rigor," and the inference drawn from it, have an air vastly oracular. it is interpreted to mean, "you shall not make him a chattel, and strip him of legal protection, nor force him to work without pay." the inference is like unto it, viz., since the command forbade such outrages upon the israelites, it permitted and commissioned their infliction upon the strangers. such impious and shallow smattering captivates scoffers and libertines; its flippancy and blasphemy, and the strong scent of its loose-reined license works like a charm upon them. what boots it to reason against such rampant affinities! in ex. i. , it is said that the egyptians "made the children of israel to _serve_ with rigor." this rigor is affirmed of the _amount of labor_ extorted and the _mode_ of the exaction. the expression, "serve with rigor," is never applied to the service of servants under the mosaic system. the phrase, "thou shalt not rule over him with rigor," does not prohibit unreasonable exactions of labor, nor inflictions of cruelty. such were provided against otherwise. but it forbids confounding the distinctions between a jew and a stranger, by assigning the former to the same grade of service, for the same term of time, and under the same political disabilities as the latter. [footnote a: jarchi's comment on "thou shall not compel him to serve as a bond-servant" is, "the hebrew servant is not to be required to do any thing which is accounted degrading--such as all offices of personal attendance, as loosing his master's shoe-latchet, bringing him water to wash his feet and hands, waiting on him at table, dressing him, carrying things to and from the bath. the hebrew servant is to work with his master as a son or brother, in the business of his farm, or other labor, until his legal release."] [footnote b: the disabilities of the strangers, which were distinctions, based on a different national descent, and important to the preservation of national characteristics, and a national worship, did not at all affect their _social_ estimation. they were regarded according to their character, and worth as _persons_, irrespective of their foreign origin, employments, and political condition.] we are now prepared to review at a glance, the condition of the different classes of servants, with the modifications peculiar to each class. in the possession of all fundamental rights, all classes of servants were on an absolute equality, all were equally protected by law in their persons, character, property and social relations; all were voluntary, all were compensated for their labor, and released from it nearly half of the days in each year; all were furnished with stated instruction: none in either class were in any sense articles of property, all were regarded as _men_, with the rights, interests, hopes and destinies of _men_. in all these respects, _all_ classes of servants among the israelites, formed but one class. the _different_ classes and the differences in _each_ class, were, ( .) _hired servants._ this class consisted both of israelites and strangers. their employments were different. the _israelite_ was an agricultural servant. the stranger was a _domestic_ and _personal_ servant, and in some instances _mechanical_; both were occasional and temporary. both lived in their own families, their wages were _money_, and they were paid when their work was done. ( .) _bought servants_, (including those "born in the house.") this class also, consisted of israelites and strangers, the same difference in their kinds of employments noticed before. both were paid in advance[a], and neither was temporary. the israelitish servant, with the exception of the _freeholders_ was released after six years. the stranger was a permanent servant, continuing until the jubilee. a marked distinction obtained also between different classes of _jewish_ bought servants. ordinarily, they were merged in their master's family, and, like his wife and children, subject to his authority; (and, like them, protected by law from its abuse.) but the _freeholder_ was a marked exception: his family relations, and authority remained unaffected, nor was he subjected as an inferior to the control of his master, though dependent upon him for employment. [footnote a: the payment _in advance_, doubtless lessened the price of the purchase; the servant thus having the use of the money, and the master assuming all the risks of life and health for labor: at the expiration of the six year's contract, the master having suffered no loss from the risk incurred at the making of it, was obliged by law to release the servant with a liberal gratuity. the reason assigned for this is, "he hath been worth a double hired servant unto thee in serving thee six years," as if it had been said, as you have experienced no loss from the risks of life, and ability to labor, incurred in the purchase, and which lessened the price, and as, by being your servant for six years, he has saved you the time and trouble of looking up and hiring laborers on emergencies, therefore, "thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c.] it should be kept in mind, that _both_ classes of servants, the israelite and the stranger, not only enjoyed _equal natural and religious rights_, but _all the civil and political privileges_ enjoyed by those of their own people who were _not_ servants. they also shared in common with them the political disabilities which appertained to all strangers, whether the servants of jewish masters, or the masters of jewish servants. further, the disabilities of the servants from the strangers were exclusively _political_ and _national._ ( .) they, in common with all strangers, could not own the soil. ( .) they were ineligible to civil offices. ( .) they were assigned to employments less honorable than those in which israelitish servants engaged; agriculture being regarded as fundamental to the existence of the state, other employments were in less repute, and deemed _unjewish._ finally, the strangers, whether servants or masters, were all protected equally with the descendants of abraham. in respect to political privileges, their condition was much like that of naturalized foreigners in the united states; whatever their wealth or intelligence, or moral principle, or love for our institutions, they can neither go to the ballot-box, nor own the soil, nor be eligible to office. let a native american, be suddenly bereft of these privilege, and loaded with the disabilities of an alien, and what to the foreigner would be a light matter, to _him_, would be the severity of _rigor_. the recent condition of the jews and catholics in england, is another illustration. rothschild, the late banker, though the richest private citizen in the world, and perhaps master of scores of english servants, who sued for the smallest crumbs of his favor, was, as a subject of the government, inferior to the lowest among them. suppose an englishman of the established church, were by law deprived of power to own the soil, of eligibility to office and of the electoral franchise, would englishmen think it a misapplication of language, if it were said, the government "rules over him with rigor?" and yet his person, property, reputation, conscience, all his social relations, the disposal of his time, the right of locomotion at pleasure, and of natural liberty in all respects, are just as much protected by law as the lord chancellor's. finally,--as the mosaic system was a great compound type, rife with meaning in doctrine and duty; the practical power of the whole, depended upon the exact observance of those distinctions and relations which constituted its significancy. hence, the care to preserve serve inviolate the distinction between a _descendant of abraham_ and a _stranger_, even when the stranger was a proselyte, had gone through the initiatory ordinances, entered the congregation, and become incorporated with the israelites by family alliance. the regulation laid down in ex. xxi. - , is an illustration. in this case, the israelitish servant, whose term expired in six years, married one of his master's _permanent female domestics_; but her marriage, did not release her master from _his_ part of the contract for her whole term of service, nor from his legal obligation to support and educate her children. neither did it do away that distinction, which marked her national descent by a specific _grade_ and _term_ of service, nor impair her obligation to fulfill _her_ part of the contract. her relations as a permanent domestic grew out of a distinction guarded with great care throughout the mosaic system. to render it void, would have been to divide the system against itself. this god would not tolerate. nor, on the other hand, would he permit the master, to throw off the responsibility of instructing her children, nor the care and expense of their helpless infancy and rearing. he was bound to support and educate them, and all her children born afterwards during her term of service. the whole arrangement beautifully illustrates that wise and tender regard for the interests of all the parties concerned, which arrays the mosaic system in robes of glory, and causes it to shine as the sun in the kingdom of our father. by this law, the children had secured to them a mother's tender care. if the husband loved his wife and children, he could compel his master to keep him, whether he had any occasion for his services or not. if he did not love them, to be rid of him was a blessing; and in that case, the regulation would prove an act for the relief of an afflicted family. it is not by any means to be inferred, that the release of the servant in the seventh year, either absolved him from the obligations of marriage, or shut him out from the society of his family. he could doubtless procure a service at no great distance from them, and might often do it, to get higher wages, or a kind of employment better suited to his taste and skill. the great number of days on which the law released servants from regular labor, would enable him to spend much more time with his family, than can be spent by most of the agents of our benevolent societies with _their_ families, or by many merchants, editors, artists &c., whose daily business is in new york, while their families reside from ten to one hundred miles in the country. we conclude this inquiry by touching briefly upon an objection, which, though not formally stated, has been already set aside by the whole tenor of the foregoing argument. it is this,--"the slavery of the canaanites by the israelites, was appointed by god as a commutation of the punishment of death denounced against them for their sins." if the absurdity of a sentence consigning persons to _death_, and at the same time to perpetual _slavery_, did not sufficiently laugh at itself, it would be small self-denial, in a case so tempting, to make up the deficiency by a general contribution. for, _be it remembered_, only _one_ statute was ever given respecting the disposition to be made of the inhabitants of canaan. if the sentence of death was pronounced against them, and afterwards _commuted_, when? where? by whom? and in what terms was the commutation, and where is it recorded? grant, for argument's sake, that all the canaanites were sentenced to unconditional extermination; as there was no reversal of the sentence, how can a right to _enslave_ them, be drawn from such premises? the punishment of death is one of the highest recognitions of man's moral nature possible. it proclaims him _man_--rational, accountable, guilty, deserving death for having done his utmost to cheapen human life, when the proof of its priceless worth lived in his own nature. but to make him a _slave_, cheapens to nothing _universal human nature_, and instead of healing a wound, gives a death-stab. what! repair an injury to rational being in the robbery of _one_ of its rights, by robbing it of _all_, and annihilating their _foundation_--the everlasting distinction between persons and things? to make a man a chattel, is not the _punishment_, but the _annihilation_ of a _human_ being, and, so far as it goes, of _all_ human beings. this commutation of the punishment of death, into perpetual slavery, what a fortunate discovery! alas! for the honor of deity, if commentators had not manned the forlorn hope, and by a timely movement rescued the divine character, at the very crisis of its fate, from the perilous position in which inspiration had carelessly left it! here a question arises of sufficient importance for a separate dissertation; but must for the present be disposed of in a few paragraphs. were the canaanites sentenced by god to individual and unconditional extermination? as the limits of this inquiry forbid our giving all the grounds of dissent from commonly received opinions, the suggestions made, will be thrown out merely as queries, rather than laid down as _doctrines_. the directions as to the disposal of the canaanites, are mainly in the following passages: ex. xxiii. - ; xxxiv. ; deut. vii. - ; ix. ; xxxi. - . in these verses, the israelites are commanded to "destroy the canaanites," "drive out," "consume," "utterly overthrow," "put out," "dispossess them," &c. did these commands enjoin the unconditional and universal destruction of the _inhabitants_ or merely of the _body politic?_ the word _haram_, to destroy, signifies _national_, as well as individual destruction, the destruction of _political_ existence, equally with _personal_; of governmental organization, equally with the lives of the subjects. besides, if we interpret the words destroy, consume, overthrow, &c., to mean _personal_ destruction, what meaning shall we give to the expressions, "throw out before thee;" "cast out before thee;" "expel," "put out," "dispossess," &c., which are used in the same passages? "i will destroy all the people to whom thou shalt come, and i will make all thine enemies _turn their backs unto thee_" ex. xxiii. . here "_all thine enemies_" were to _turn their backs_ and "_all the people_" to be "_destroyed_." does this mean that god would let all their _enemies_ escape, but kill all their _friends_, or that he would _first_ kill "all the people" and then make them "turn their backs," an army of runaway corpses? if these commands required the destruction of all the inhabitants, the mosaic law was at war with itself, for directions as to the treatment of native residents form a large part of it. see lev. xix. ; xxv. , ; xx. . ex. xxiii. ; xxii. ; deut. i. , ; x. , , xxvii. . we find, also that provision was made for them in the cities of refuge. num. xxxv. ;--the gleanings of the harvest and vintage were theirs, lev. xix. , ; xxiii. ;--the blessings of the sabbath, ex. xx. ;--the privilege of offering sacrifices secured, lev. xxii. ; and stated religious instruction provided for them, deut. xxxi. , . now does this same law require the _individual extermination_ of those whose lives and interests it thus protects? these laws were given to the israelites, long _before_ they entered canaan; and they must have inferred from them that a multitude of the inhabitants of the land were to _continue_ in it, under their government. again joshua was selected as the leader of israel to execute god's threatenings upon canaan. he had no _discretionary_ power. god's commands were his _official instructions_. going beyond them would have been usurpation; refusing to carry them out rebellion and treason. saul was rejected from being king for disobeying god's commands in a _single_ instance. now, if god commanded the individual destruction of all the canaanites. joshua _disobeyed him in every instance_. for at his death, the israelites still "_dwelt among them_," and each nation is mentioned by name. judg. i. , and yet we are told that joshua "left nothing undone of all that the lord commanded moses;" and that he "took all that land." josh. xi. - . also, that "there _stood not a man_ of _all_ their enemies before them." how can this be, if the command to _destroy_ enjoined _individual_ extermination, and the command to _drive out_, unconditional expulsion from the country, rather than their expulsion from the _possession_ or _ownership_ of it, as the lords of the soil? true, multitudes of the canaanites were slain, but not a case can be found in which one was either killed or expelled who _acquiesced_ in the transfer of the territory, and its sovereignty, from the inhabitants of the land to the israelites. witness the case of rahab and her kindred, and the gibeonites[a]. the canaanites knew of the miracles wrought for the israelites; and that their land had been transferred to them as a judgment for their sins. josh. ii. - ; ix. , , . many of them were awed by these wonders, and made no resistance. others defied god and came out to battle. these occupied the fortified cities, were the most inveterate heathen--the aristocracy of idolatry, the kings, the nobility and gentry, the priests, with their crowds of satellite, and retainers that aided in idolatrous rites, and the military forces, with the chief profligates of both sexes. many facts corroborate the general position. such as the multitude of _tributaries_ in the midst of israel, and that too, after they had "waxed strong," and the uttermost nations quaked at the terror of their name--the canaanites, philistines, and others, who became proselytes--as the nethenims, uriah the hittite--rahab, who married one of the princes of judah--ittai--the six hundred gitites--david's body guard. sam. xv. , . obededom the gittite, adopted into the tribe of levi. comp. sam. vi. , , with chron. xv. , and chron. xxvi. --jaziz, and obil. chron. xxvi. , , . jephunneh the father of caleb, the kenite, registered in the genealogies of the tribe of judah, and the one hundred and fifty thousand canaanites, employed by solomon in the building of the temple[b]. besides, the greatest miracle on record, was wrought to save a portion of those very canaanites, and for the destruction of those who would exterminate them. josh. x. - . further--the terms employed in the directions regulating the disposal of the canaanites, such as "drive out," "put out," "cast out," "expel," "dispossess," &c. seem used interchangeably with "consume," "destroy," "overthrow," &c., and thus indicate the sense in which the latter words are used. as an illustration of the meaning generally attached to these and similar terms, we refer to the history of the amelekites. "i will utterly put out the remembrance of amelek from under heaven." ex. xxvii. . "thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amelek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget it." deut. xxv. . "smite amelek and _utterly destroy_ all that they have, and spare them not, but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep." sam. xv. , . "saul smote the amelekites, and took agag the king of the amelekites, alive and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." verses , . in verse , saul says, "i have brought agag, the king of amelek, and have _utterly destroyed_ the amelekites." in sam. xxx. we find the amelekites marching an army into israel, and sweeping everything before them--and this in about eighteen years after they had _all been_ "utterly destroyed!" deut. xx. , , will probably be quoted against the preceding view. we argue that the command in these verses, did not include all the individuals of the canaanitish nations, but only the inhabitants of the _cities_, (and even those conditionally,) because, only the inhabitants of the _cities_ are specified,--"of the _cities_ of these people thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth." cities then, as now, were pest-houses of vice--they reeked with abominations little practiced in the country. on this account their influence would be far more perilous to the israelites than that of the country. besides, they were the centres of idolatry--there were the temples and altars, and idols, and priests, without number. even their buildings, streets, and public walks were so many visibilities of idolatry. the reason assigned in the th verse for exterminating them, strengthens the idea,--"that they teach you not to do after all the abominations which they have done unto their gods." this would be a reason for exterminating _all_ the nations and individuals _around_ them, as all were idolaters; but god commanded them, in certain cases, to spare the inhabitants. contact with _any_ of them would be perilous--with the inhabitants of the _cities_ peculiarly, and of the _canaanitish_ cities pre-eminently so. the th and th verses contain the general rule prescribing the method in which cities were to be summoned to surrender. they were first to receive the offer of peace--if it was accepted, the inhabitants became _tributaries_--but if they came out against israel in battle, the _men_ were to be killed, and the women and little ones saved alive. the th verse restricts this lenient treatment to the inhabitants of the cities _afar off_. the th directs as to the disposal of the inhabitants of canaanitish cities. they were to save alive "nothing that breathed." the common mistake has been, in supposing that the command in the th verse refers to the _whole system of directions preceding_, commencing with the th, whereas it manifestly refers only to the _inflictions_ specified in the th, th, and th, making a distinction between those _canaanitish_ cities that _fought_, and the cities _afar off_ that fought--in one case destroying the males and females, and in the other, the _males_ only. the offer of peace, and the _conditional preservation_, were as really guarantied to _canaanitish_ cities as to others. their inhabitants were not to be exterminated unless they came out against israel in battle. but let us settle this question by the "law and the testimony." "there was not a city that made peace with the children of israel save the hivites, the inhabitants of gibeon; all others they took in battle. for it was of the lord to harden their hearts, that they should come out against israel in battle, that he might destroy them utterly, and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, as the lord commanded moses." josh. xix. , . that is, if they had _not_ come out against israel in battle, they would have had "favor" shown them, and would not have been "_destroyed utterly._" the great design was to _transfer the territory_ of the canaanites to the israelites, and along with it, _absolute sovereignty in every respect_; to annihilate their political organizations, civil polity, and jurisprudence and their system of religion, with all its rights and appendages; and to substitute therefor, a pure theocracy, administered by jehovah, with the israelites as his representatives and agents. in a word the people were to be _denationalized_, their political existence annihilated, their idol temples, altars, images groves and heathen rites destroyed, and themselves put under tribute. those who resisted the execution of jehovah's purpose were to be killed, while those who quietly submitted to it were to be spared. all had the choice of these alternatives, either free egress out of the land[c]; or acquiescence in the decree, with life and residence as tributaries, under the protection of the government; or resistance to the execution of the decree, with death. "_and it shall come to pass, if they will diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name, the lord liveth as they taught my people to swear by baal_; then shall they be built in the midst of my people." [footnote a: perhaps it will be objected, that the preservation of the gibeonites, and of rahab and her kindred, was a violation of the command of god. we answer, if it had been, we might expect some such intimation. if god had strictly commanded them to _exterminate all the canaanites_, their pledge to save themselves was neither a repeal of the statute, nor absolution for the breach of it. if _unconditional destruction_ was the import of the command, would god have permitted such an act to pass without rebuke? would he have established such a precedent when israel had hardly passed the threshold of canaan, and was then striking the first blow of a half century war? what if they _had_ passed their word to rahab and the gibeonites? was that more binding than god's command? so saul seems to have passed _his_ word to agag; yet samuel hewed him in pieces, because in saving his life, saul had violated god's command. when saul sought to slay the gibeonites in "his zeal for the children of israel and judah," god sent upon israel three years famine for it. when david inquired of them what atonement he should make, they say, "the man that devised against us, that we should be destroyed from _remaining in any of the coasts of israel_, let seven of his sons be delivered," &c. sam. xxii. - .] [footnote b: if the canaanites were devoted by god to unconditional extermination, to have employed them in the erection of the temple,--what was it but the climax of impiety? as well might they pollute its altars with swine's flesh, or make their sons pass through the fire to moloch.] [footnote c: suppose all the canaanitish nations had abandoned their territory at the tidings of israel's approach, did god's command require the israelites to chase them to the ends of the earth and hunt them out, until every canaanite was destroyed? it is too preposterous for belief and yet it follows legitimately from that construction, which interprets the terms "consume," "destroy," "destroy utterly," &c. to mean unconditional, individual extermination.] [the original design of the preceding inquiry embraced a much wider range of topics. it was soon found, however, that to fill up the outline would be to make a volume. much of the foregoing has therefore been thrown into a mere series of _indices_, to trains of thought and classes of proof which, however limited or imperfect, may perhaps, afford some facilities to those who have little leisure for protracted investigation.] the anti-slavery examiner no . the bible against slavery. an inquiry into the patriarchal and mosaic systems on the subject of human rights. fourth edition--enlarged. new york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau street. . this no. contains sheets:--postage, under miles, / cents; over miles, cents. please read and circulate. contents. definition of slavery, negative, affirmative, legal, the moral law against slavery "thou shalt not steal," "thou shalt not covet," man-stealing--examination of ex. xxi. , separation of man from brutes and things, import of "buy" and "bought with money," servants sold themselves, rights and privileges secured by law to servants, servants were voluntary, runaway servants not to be delivered to their masters, servants were paid wages, masters not "owners," servants not subjected to the uses of property, servants expressly distinguished from property, examination of gen. xii. .--"the souls that they had gotten," &c. social equality of servants and masters, condition of the gibeonites as subjects of the hebrew commonwealth, egyptian bondage contrasted with american slavery, condition of american slaves, ill fed, ill clothed, over-worked, their dwelling unfit for human beings, moral condition--"heathens," objections considered. "cursed be canaan," &c.--examination of gen. ix. , "for he is his money," &c.--examination of ex. xxi. , , examination of lev. xxv. - , "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the heathen," "of them shall ye buy," "they shall be your bondmen forever," "ye shall take them as an inheritance," &c. examination of lev. xxv. , .--the freeholder not to "serve as a bond servant," difference between hired and bought servants, bought servants the most favored and honored class, israelites and strangers belonged to both classes, israelites servants to the strangers, reasons for the release of the israelitish servants in the seventh year, reasons for assigning the strangers to a longer service, reasons for calling them the servants, different kinds of service assigned to the israelites and strangers, review of all the classes of servants with the modifications of each, political disabilities of the strangers, examination of ex. xxi. - .--"if thou buy an hebrew servant," the canaanites not sentenced to unconditional extermination, the bible against slavery. the spirit of slavery never seeks refuge in the bible of its own accord. the horns of the altar are its last resort--seized only in desperation, as it rushes from the terror of the avenger's arm. like other unclean spirits, it "hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, lest its deeds should be reproved." goaded to phrenzy in its conflicts with conscience and common sense, denied all quarter, and hunted from every covert, it vaults over the sacred inclosure and courses up and down the bible, "seeking rest, and finding none." the law of love, glowing on every page, flashes around it an omnipresent anguish and despair. it shrinks from the hated light, and howls under the consuming touch, as demons quailed before the son of god, and shrieked, "torment us not." at last, it slinks away under the types of the mosaic system, and seeks to burrow out of sight among their shadows. vain hope! its asylum is its sepulchre; its city of refuge, the city of destruction. it flies from light into the sun; from heat, into devouring fire; and from the voice of god into the thickest of his thunders. definition of slavery. if we would know whether the bible sanctions slavery, we must determine _what slavery is_. an element, is one thing; a relation, another; an appendage, another. relations and appendages presuppose other things to which they belong. to regard them as the things themselves, or as constituent parts of them, leads to endless fallacies. mere political disabilities are often confounded with slavery; so are many relations, and tenures, indispensible to the social state. we will specify some of these. . privation of suffrage. then minors are slaves. . ineligibility to office. then females are slaves. . taxation without representation. then slaveholders in the district of columbia are slaves. . privation of one's oath in law. then atheists are slaves. . privation of trial by jury. then all in france are slaves. . being required to support a particular religion. then the people of england are slaves. . apprenticeship. the rights and duties of master and apprentice are correlative. the _claim_ of each upon the other results from his _obligation_ to the other. apprenticeship is based on the principle of equivalent for value received. the rights of the apprentice are secured, equally with those of the master. indeed while the law is _just_ to the former it is _benevolent_ to the latter; its main design being rather to benefit the apprentice than the master. to the master it secures a mere compensation--to the apprentice, both a compensation and a virtual gratuity in addition, he being of the two the greatest gainer. the law not only recognizes the _right_ of the apprentice to a reward for his labor, but appoints the wages, and enforces the payment. the master's claim covers only the _services_ of the apprentice. the apprentice's claim covers _equally_ the services of the master. neither can hold the other as property; but each holds property in the services of the other, and both equally. is this slavery? . filial subordination and parental claims. both are nature's dictates, and intrinsic elements of the social state; the natural affections which blend parent and child in one, excite each to discharge those offices incidental to the relation, and are a shield for mutual protection. the parent's legal claim to the child's services, is a slight return for the care and toil of his rearing, exclusively of outlays for support and education. this provision is, with the mass of mankind, indispensable to the preservation of the family state. the child, in helping his parents, helps himself--increases a common stock, in which he has a share; while his most faithful services do but acknowledge a debt that money cannot cancel. . claims of government on subjects. governments owe their subjects protection; subjects owe just governments allegiance and support. the obligations of both are reciprocal, and the benefits received by both are mutual, equal, and voluntarily rendered. . bondage for crime. must innocence be punished because guilt suffers penalties? true, the criminal works for the government without pay; and well he may. he owes the government. a century's work would not pay its drafts on him. he will die a public defaulter. because laws make men pay their debts, shall those be forced to pay who owe nothing? the law makes no criminal, property. it restrains his liberty, and makes him pay something, a mere penny in the pound, of his debt to the government; but it does not make him a chattel. test it. to own property, is to own its product. are children born of convicts, government property? besides, can _property_ be guilty? can _chattels_ deserve punishment? . restraints upon freedom. children are restrained by parents, pupils, by teachers, patients, by physicians, corporations, by charters, and legislatures, by constitutions. embargoes, tariffs, quarantine, and all other laws, keep men from doing as they please. restraints are the web of civilized society, warp and woof. are they slavery? then a government of law, is the climax of slavery! . involuntary or compulsory service. a juryman is empannelled against his will, and sit he _must_. a sheriff orders his posse; bystanders _must_ turn in. men are _compelled_ to remove nuisances, pay fines and taxes, support their families, and "turn to the right as the law directs," however much against their wills. are they therefore slaves? to confound slavery with involuntary service is absurd. slavery is a _condition_. the slave's _feelings_ toward it cannot alter its nature. whether he desires or detests it, the condition remains the same. the slave's willingness to be a slave is no palliation of the slaveholder's guilt. suppose he should really believe himself a chattel, and consent to be so regarded by others, would that _make_ him a chattel, or make those guiltless who _hold_ him as such? i may be sick of life, and i tell the assassin so that stabs me; is he any the less a murderer? does my _consent_ to his crime, atone for it? my partnership in his guilt, blot out his part of it? the slave's willingness to be a slave, so far from lessening the guilt of his "owner," aggravates it. if slavery has so palsied his mind that he looks upon himself as a chattel, and consents to be one, actually to hold him as such, falls in with his delusion, and confirms the impious falsehood. these very feelings and convictions of the slave, (if such were possible) increase a hundred fold the guilt of the master, and call upon him in thunder, immediately to recognize him as a man, and thus break the sorcery that cheats him out of his birthright--the consciousness of his worth and destiny. many of the foregoing conditions are _appendages_ of slavery, but no one, nor all of them together, constitute its intrinsic unchanging element. enslaving men is reducing them to articles of property--making free agents, chattels--converting _persons_ into _things_--sinking immortality into _merchandize_. a _slave_ is one held in this condition. in law, "he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing." his right to himself is abrogated. if he say _my_ hands, _my_ body, _my_ mind, my_self_, they are figures of speech. to _use himself_ for his own good, is a _crime_. to keep what he earns, is _stealing_. to take his body into his own keeping, is _insurrection_. in a word, the profit of his master is made the end of his being, and he, a _mere means_ to that end--a mere means to an end into which his interests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion[a]. man, sunk to a _thing!_ the intrinsic element, the _principle_ of slavery; men, bartered, leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on executions, and knocked off at a public outcry! their _rights_, another's conveniences; their interests, wares on sale; their happiness, a household utensil; their personal inalienable ownership, a serviceable article or a plaything, as best suits the humour of the hour; their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes--marketable commodities! we repeat it, the reduction of persons to things! not robbing a man of privileges, but of _himself_; not loading him with burdens, but making him a _beast of burden_; not restraining liberty, but subverting it; not curtailing rights, but abolishing them; not inflicting personal cruelty, but annihilating _personality_; not exacting involuntary labor, but sinking man into an _implement_ of labor; not abridging human comforts, but abrogating human _nature_; not depriving an animal of immunities, but despoiling a rational being of attributes--uncreating a man, to make room for a _thing_! [footnote a: to deprive human nature of _any_ of its rights is _oppression_; to take away the _foundation_ of its rights is slavery. in other words, whatever sinks man from an end to a mere _means_, just so far makes him a slave. hence west-india apprenticeship retained the cardinal principle of slavery. the apprentice, during three-fourths of his time, was forced to labor, and robbed of his earnings; just so far forth he was a _mere means_, a slave. true in other respects slavery was abolished in the british west indies august, . its bloodiest features were blotted _out_--but the meanest and most despicable of all--forcing the poor to work for the rich without pay three fourths of their time, with a legal officer to flog them if they demurred at the outrage, was one of the provisions of the "emancipation act!" for the glories of that luminary, abolitionists thanked god, while they mourned that it rose behind clouds and shone through an eclipse. [west india apprenticeship is now (august ) abolished. on the first of the present month, every slave in every british island and colony stood up a freeman!--note to fourth edition.] ] that this is american slavery, is shown by the laws of slave states. judge stroud, in his "sketch of the laws relating to slavery," says, "the cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be ranked among sentient beings, but among _things_--obtains as undoubted law in all of these [the slave] states." the law of south carolina says, "slaves shall be deemed, held, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever." _brev. dig._, . in louisiana, "a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs; the master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to his master."--_civ. code_, art. . this is american slavery. the eternal distinction between a person and a thing, trampled under foot--the crowning distinction of all others--alike the source, the test, and the measure of their value--the rational, immortal principle, consecrated by god to universal homage in a baptism of glory and honor, by the gift of his son, his spirit, his word, his presence, providence, and power; his shield, and staff, and sheltering wing; his opening heavens, and angels ministering, and chariots of fire, and songs of morning stars, and a great voice in heaven proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirming the word with signs following. having stated the _principle_ of american slavery, we ask, does the bible sanction such a principle?[a] "to the _law_ and the testimony?" [footnote a: the bible record of actions is no comment on their moral character. it vouches for them as _facts_, not as _virtues_. it records without rebuke, noah's drunkenness, lot's incest, and the lies of jacob and his mother--not only single acts, but _usages_, such as polygamy and concubinage, are entered on the record without censure. is that _silent entry_ god's _endorsement?_ because the bible in its catalogue of human actions, does not stamp on every crime its name and number, and write against it, _this is a crime_--does that wash out its guilt, and bleach it into a virtue?] the moral law against slavery. just after the israelites were emancipated from their bondage in egypt, while they stood before sinai to receive the law, as the trumpet waxed louder, and the mount quaked and blazed, god spake the ten commandments from the midst of clouds and thunderings. two of those commandments deal death to slavery. "thou shalt not steal," or, "thou shalt not take from another what _belongs_ to him." all man's powers are god's gift to him. each of them is a part of himself, and all of them together constitute himself. all else that belongs to man, is acquired by the _use_ of these powers. the interest belongs to him, because the principal does; the product is his, because he is the producer. ownership of any thing, is ownership of its _use_. the right to use according to will, is _itself_ ownership. the eighth commandment presupposes and assumes the right of every man to his powers, and their product. slavery robs of both. a man's right to himself, is the only right absolutely original and intrinsic--his right to anything else is merely _relative_ to this, is derived from it, and held only by virtue of it. self-right is the _foundation right_--the _post in the middle_, to which all other rights are fastened. slaveholders, when talking about their right to their slaves, always assume their own right to themselves. what slave-holder ever undertook to prove his right to himself? he knows it to be a self-evident proposition, that _a man belongs to himself_--that the right is intrinsic and absolute. in making out his own title, he makes out the title of every human being. as the fact of being _a man_ is itself the title, the whole human family have one common title deed. if one man's title is valid, all are valid. if one is worthless, all are. to deny the validity of the _slave's_ title is to deny the validity of _his own_; and yet in the act of making a man a slave, the slaveholder _asserts_ the validity of his own title, while he seizes him as his property who has the _same_ title. further, in making him a slave, he does not merely disfranchise of humanity _one_ individual, but universal man. he destroys the foundations. he annihilates _all rights_. he attacks not only the human race, but _universal being_, and rushes upon jehovah. for rights are _rights_; god's are no more--man's are no less. the eighth commandment forbids the taking of _any part_ of that which belongs to another. slavery takes the _whole_. does the same bible which prohibits the taking of _any_ thing from him, sanction the taking of _every_ thing! does it thunder wrath against the man who robs his neighbor of a _cent_, yet commission him to rob his neighbour of _himself?_ slaveholding is the highest possible violation of the eight commandment. to take from a man his earnings, is theft. but to take the _earner_, is a compound, life-long theft--supreme robbery that vaults up the climax at a leap--the dread, terrific, giant robbery, that towers among other robberies a solitary horror. the eight commandment forbids the taking away, and the tenth adds, "thou shalt not _covet_ any thing that is thy neighbor's;" thus guarding every man's right to himself and property, by making not only the actual taking away a sin, but even that state of mind which would _tempt_ to it. who ever made human beings slaves, without _coveting_ them? why take from them their time, labor, liberty, right of self-preservation and improvement, their right to acquire property, to worship according to conscience, to search the scriptures, to live with their families, and their right to their own bodies, if they do not _desire_ them? they covet them for purposes of gain, convenience, lust of dominion, of sensual gratification, of pride and ostentation. they break the tenth commandment, and pluck down upon their heads the plagues that are written in the book. _ten_ commandments constitute the brief compend of human duty. _two_ of these brand slavery as sin. manstealing--examination of ex. xxi. . the giving of the law at sinai, immediately preceded the promulgation of that body of laws called the "mosaic system." over the gateway of that system, fearful words were written by the finger of god--"he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death[a]." ex. xxi. . [footnote a: a writer in the american quarterly review, commenting on this passage, thus blasphemes. "on this passage an impression has gone abroad that slave-owners are necessarily menstealers; how hastily, any one will perceive who consults the passage in its connection. being found in the chapter which authorizes this species of property among the hebrews, it must of course relate to _its full protection from the danger of being enticed away from its rightful owner."_--am. quart. review for june, . article "negro slavery."] the oppression of the israelites in egypt, and the wonders wrought for their deliverance, proclaim the reason for such a law at such a time. they had just been emancipated. the tragedies of their house of bondage were the realities of yesterday, and peopled their memories with thronging horrors. they had just witnessed god's testimony against oppression in the plagues of egypt--the burning blains on man and beast; the dust quickened into loathsome life, and swarming upon every living thing; the streets, the palaces, the temples, and every house heaped up with the carcases of things abhorred; the kneading troughs and ovens, the secret chambers and the couches, reeking and dissolving with the putrid death; the pestilence walking in darkness at noonday, the devouring locusts, and hail mingled with fire, the first-born death-struck, and the waters blood; and last of all, that dread high hand and stretched-out arm, that whelmed the monarch and his hosts, and strewed their corpses on the sea. all this their eyes had looked upon; earth's proudest city, wasted and thunder-scarred, lying in desolation, and the doom of oppressors traced on her ruins in the hand-writing of god, glaring in letters of fire mingled with blood--a blackened monument of wrath to the uttermost against the stealers of men. no wonder that god, in a code of laws prepared for such a people at such a time, should uprear on its foreground a blazing beacon to flash terror on slaveholders. "_he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."_ ex. xxi. . deut. xxiv, [a]. god's cherubim and flaming sword guarding the entrance to the mosaic system! [footnote a: jarchi, the most eminent of the jewish commentators, who wrote seven hundred years ago, in his comment on this stealing and making merchandize of men, gives the meaning thus:--"using a man against his will, as a servant lawfully purchased; yea, though he should use his services ever so little, only to the value of a farthing, or use but his arm to lean on to support him, _if he be forced so to act as a servant_, the person compelling him but once to do so, shall die as a thief, whether he has sold him or not."] the word _ganabh_ here rendered _stealeth,_ means, the taking of what belongs to another, whether by violence or fraud; the same word is used in the eight commandment, and prohibits both robbery and theft. the crime specified, is that of depriving somebody of the ownership of a man. is this somebody a master? and is the crime that of depriving a master of his servant? then it would have been "he that stealeth" a _servant_, not "he that stealeth a _man_." if the crime had been the taking of an individual from _another_, then the _term_ used would have been expressive of that relation, and most especially if it was the relation of property and _proprietor!_ the crime is stated in a three-fold form--man _stealing_, _selling_, and _holding_. all are put on a level, and whelmed under one penalty--death[a]. this _somebody_ deprived of the ownership of a man, is the _man himself_, robbed of personal ownership. joseph said, "indeed i was _stolen_ away out of the land of the hebrews." gen. xl. . how _stolen?_ his brethren sold him as an article of merchandize. contrast this penalty for _man_-stealing with that for _property_-stealing, ex. xxii. . if a man had stolen an _ox_ and killed or sold it, he was to restore five oxen; if he had neither sold nor killed it, two oxen. but in the case of stealing a _man_, the _first_ act drew down the utmost power of punishment; however often repeated or aggravated the crime, human penalty could do no more. the fact that the penalty for _man_-stealing was death, and the penalty for _property_-stealing, the mere restoration of double, shows that the two cases were adjudicated on totally different principles. the man stolen might be diseased or totally past labor, consequently instead of being profitable to the thief, he would be a tax upon him, yet death was still the penalty, though not a cent's worth of _property-value_ was taken. the penalty for stealing property was a mere property-penalty. however large the theft, the payment of double wiped out the score. it might have a greater money value than a thousand men, yet death was not the penalty, nor maiming, nor braiding, nor even stripes, but double _of the same kind_. why was not the rule uniform? when a _man_ was stolen why was not the thief required to restore double of the same kind--two men, or if he had sold him, five men? do you say that the man-thief might not _have_ them? so the ox-thief might not have two oxen, or if he had killed it, five. but if god permitted men to hold _men_ as property, equally with oxen, the man-thief, could get men with whom to pay the penalty, as well as the ox-thief, oxen. further, when property was stolen, the legal penalty was a compensation to the person injured. but when a _man_ was stolen, no property compensation was offered. to tender money as an equivalent, would have been to repeat the outrage with intolerable aggravations. compute the value of a man in _money!_ throw dust into the scale against immortality! the law recoiled from such supreme insult and impiety. to have permitted the man-thief to expiate his crime by restoring double, would have been making the repetition of crime its atonement. but the infliction of death for man-stealing exacted the utmost possibility of reparation. it wrung from the guilty wretch as he gave up the ghost, the testimony of blood, and death-groans, to the infinite dignity and worth of man,--a proclamation to the universe, voiced in mortal agony, "man is inviolable."--a confession shrieked in phrenzy at the grave's mouth--"i die accursed, and god is just." [footnote a: "those are _men-stealers_ who abduct, _keep_, sell, or buy slaves or freemen." grotius.] if god permitted man to hold man as property, why did he punish for stealing that kind of property infinitely more than for stealing any other kind of property? why punish with death for stealing a very little of _that_ sort of property, and make a mere fine the penalty for stealing a thousand times as much, of any other sort of property--especially if by his own act, god had annihilated the difference between man and _property_, by putting him on a level with it? the guilt of a crime, depends much upon the nature, character, and condition of the victim. to steal is a crime, whoever the thief, or whatever the plunder. to steal bread from a full man, is theft; to steal it from a starving man, is both theft and murder. if i steal my neighbor's property, the crime consists not in altering the _nature_ of the article, but in taking as _mine_ what is _his_. but when i take my neighbor himself, and first make him _property_, and then _my_ property, the latter act, which was the sole crime in the former case, dwindles to nothing. the sin in stealing a man, is not the transfer from its owner to another of that which is already property, but the turning of _personality_ into _property_. true, the attributes of man remain, but the rights and immunities which grow out of them are annihilated. it is the first law both of reason and revelation, to regard things and beings as they are; and the sum of religion, to feel and act toward them according to their value. knowingly to treat them otherwise is sin; and the degree of violence done to their nature, relations, and value, measures its guilt. when things are sundered which god has indissolubly joined, or confounded in one, which he has separated by infinite extremes; when sacred and eternal distinctions, which he has garnished with glory, are derided and set at nought, then, if ever, sin reddens to its "scarlet dye." the sin specified in the passage, is that of doing violence to the _nature_ of a _man_--to his intrinsic value as a rational being. in the verse preceding the one under consideration, and in that which follows, the same principle is laid down. verse , "he that smiteth his father or his mother shall surely be put to death." verse. , "he that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death." if a jew smote his neighbor, the law merely smote him in return; but if the blow was given to a _parent_, it struck the smiter dead. the parental relation is the _centre_ of human society. god guards it with peculiar care. to violate that, is to violate all. whoever tramples on that, shows that _no_ relation has any sacredness in his eyes--that he is unfit to move among human relations who violates one so sacred and tender. therefore, the mosaic law uplifted his bleeding corpse, and brandished the ghastly terror around the parental relation to guard it from impious inroads. why such a difference in penalties, for the same act? answer. . the relation violated was obvious--the distinction between parents and others self-evident, dictated by a law of nature. . the act was violence to nature--a suicide on constitutional susceptibilities. . the parental relation then, as now, was the focal point of the social system, and required powerful safe-guards. "_honor thy father and thy mother_," stands at the head of those commands which prescribe the duties of man to man; and throughout the bible, the parental state is god's favorite illustration of his own relations to the human family. in this case, death was to be inflicted not for smiting a _man,_ but a _parent_--_a distinction_ made sacred by god, and fortified by a bulwark of defence. in the next verse, "he that stealeth a man," &c., the same principle is wrought out in still stronger relief. the crime to be punished with death was not the taking of property from its owner, but violence to an _immortal nature_, the blotting out of a sacred _distinction_--making men "chattels." the incessant pains taken in the old testament to separate human beings from brutes and things, shows god's regard for this, his own distinction. "in the beginning" he proclaimed it to the universe as it rose into being. creation stood up at the instant of its birth, to do it homage. it paused in adoration while god ushered forth its crowning work. why that dread pause and that creating arm held back in mid career and that high conference in the godhead? "let us make man in our image after our likeness, and let him have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle and over all the earth." then while every living thing, with land, and sea, and firmament, and marshalled worlds, waited to swell the shout of morning stars--then god created man in his own image; in the image of god created he him." this solves the problem, in the image of god, created he him. this distinction is often repeated and always with great solemnity. in gen. i. - , it is expressed in various forms. in gen. v. , we find it again, "in the likeness of god made he him." in gen. ix. , again. after giving license to shed the blood of "every moving thing that liveth," it is added, "_whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for_ in the image of god made he man." as though it had been said, "all these creatures are your property, designed for your use--they have the likeness of earth, and their spirits go downward; but this other being, man, has my own likeness: in the image of god made i man; an intelligent, moral, immortal agent, invited to all that i can give and he can be. so in lev. xxiv. , , , "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death; and he that killeth a beast shall make it good, beast for beast; and he that killeth a man he shall be put to death." so in ps. viii. , , we have an enumeration of particulars, each separating infinitely men from brutes and things! . "_thou hast made him a little lower than the angels."_ slavery drags him down among _brutes._ . _"and hast crowned him with glory and honor."_ slavery tears off his crown, and puts on a _yoke_. . _"thou madest him to have dominion_[a] over _the works of thy hands."_ slavery breaks his sceptre, and cast him down _among_ those works--yea, _beneath them_. . _"thou hast put all things under his feet_." slavery puts him under the feet of an "owner." who, but an impious scorner, dare thus strive with his maker, and mutilate his image, and blaspheme the holy one, who saith, _"inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did it unto me._" [footnote a: "thou madest him to have dominion." in gen. i. , god says to man, _"have dominion_ over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth," thus vesting in _every_ human being the right of ownership over the earth, its products and animal life, and in _each_ human being the _same_ right. by so doing god prohibited the exercise of ownership by man over _man_; for the grant to _all_ men of _equal_ ownership, for ever _shut_ out the possibility of their exercising ownership over _each other_, as whoever is the owner of a _man_, is the owner of his _right of property_--in other words, when one man becomes the property of another his rights become such too, his _right of property_ is transferred to his "owner," and thus as far as _himself_ is concerned, is annihilated. finally, by originally vesting _all_ men with dominion or ownership over property, god proclaimed the _right of all_ to exercise it, and pronounced every man who takes it away a robber of the highest grade. such is every slaveholder.] in further prosecuting this inquiry, the patriarchal and mosaic systems will be considered together, as each reflects light upon the other, and as many regulations of the latter are mere _legal_ forms of divine institutions previously existing. as a _system_, the latter alone is of divine authority. whatever were the usages of the patriarchs god has not made them our exemplars.[b] the question to be settled by us, is not what were jewish _customs_, but what were the rules that god gave for the regulation of those customs. [footnote b: those who insist that the patriarchs held slaves, and sit with such delight under their shadow, hymning the praises of "those good old slaveholders and patriarchs," might at small cost greatly augment their numbers. a single stanza celebrating patriarchal _concubinage_, winding off with a chorus in honor of patriarchal _drunkenness_, would be a trumpet-call, summoning from brothels, bush and brake, highway and hedge, and sheltering fence, a brotherhood of kindred affinities, each claiming abraham or noah as his patron saint, and shouting, "my name is legion." a myriad choir and thunderous song!] before entering upon an analysis of the condition of servants under these two states of society, we will consider the import of certain terms which describe the mode of procuring them. import of "buy," and "bought with money." as the israelites were commanded to "buy" their servants, and as abraham had servants "bought with money," it is argued that servants were articles of property! the sole ground for this belief is _the terms themselves!_ how much might be saved, if in discussion, the thing to be proved were always _assumed_! to beg the question in debate, is vast economy of midnight oil, and a wholesale forestaller of wrinkles and gray hairs. instead of protracted investigation into scripture usage, painfully collating passages, to settle the meaning of terms, let every man interpret the oldest book in the world by the usages of his own time and place, and the work is done. and then instead of one revelation, they might be multiplied as the drops of the morning, and every man have an infallible clue to the mind of the spirit, in the dialect of his own neighborhood! what a babel-jargon, to take it for granted that the sense in which words are _now_ used, is the _inspired_ sense. david says, "i prevented the dawning of the morning, and cried." what, stop the earth in its revolution! two hundred years ago, _prevent_ was used in its strict latin sense, to _come before_, or _anticipate_. it is always used in this sense in the old and new testaments. david's expression, in the english of the nineteenth century, would be "before the dawning of the morning i cried." in almost every chapter of the bible, words are used in a sense now nearly, or quite obsolete, and sometimes in a sense totally _opposite_ to their present meaning. a few examples follow: "i purposed to come to you, but was _let_ (hindered) hitherto." "and the four _beasts_ (living ones) fell down and worshiped god,"--"whosoever shall _offend_ (cause to sin) one of these little ones,"--go out into the highways and _compel_ (urge) them to come in,"--only let your _conversation_ (habitual conduct) be as becometh the gospel,"--"the lord jesus christ who shall judge the _quick_ (living) and the dead,"--they that seek me _early_ (earnestly) shall find me," so when tribulation or persecution ariseth _by-and-by_ (immediately) they are offended." nothing is more mutable than language. words, like bodies, are always throwing off some particles and absorbing others. so long as they are mere representatives, elected by the whims of universal suffrage, their meaning will be a perfect volatile, and to cork it up for the next century is an employment sufficiently silly (to speak within bounds) for a modern bible-dictionary maker. there never was a shallower conceit than that of establishing the sense attached to a word centuries ago, by showing what it means _now_. pity that fashionable mantuamakers were not a little quicker at taking hints from some doctors of divinity. how easily they might save their pious customers all qualms of conscience about the weekly shiftings of fashion, by proving that the last importation of parisian indecency now "showing off" on promenade, was the very style of dress in which the modest and pious sarah kneaded cakes for the angels. since such a fashion flaunts along broadway _now_, it _must_ have trailed over canaan four thousand years ago! the inference that the word buy, used to describe the procuring of servants, means procuring them as _chattels_, seems based upon the fallacy, that whatever _costs_ money _is_ money; that whatever or whoever you pay money _for_, is an article of property, and the fact of your paying for it, _proves_ it property. . the children of israel were required to purchase their firstborn from under the obligations of the priesthood, num. xviii. , ; iii. - ; ex. xiii. ; xxxiv. . this custom still exists among the jews, and the word _buy_ is still used to describe the transaction. does this prove that their firstborn were or are, held as property? they were _bought_ as really as were _servants_. . the israelites were required to pay money for their own souls. this is called sometimes a ransom, sometimes an atonement. were their souls therefore marketable commodities? . when the israelites set apart themselves or their children to the lord by vow, for the performance of some service, an express statute provided that a _price_ should be set upon the "_persons_," and it prescribed the manner and _terms_ of the "estimation" or valuation, by the payment of which, the persons might be _bought off_ from the service vowed. the _price_ for males from one month old to five years, was five shekels, for females, three; from five years old to twenty, for males, twenty shekels, for females, ten; from twenty years old to sixty, for males, fifty shekels, for females, thirty; above sixty years old, for males, fifteen shekels, for females, ten, lev. xxvii. - . what egregious folly to contend that all these descriptions of persons were goods and chattels because they were _bought_ and their _prices_ regulated by law! . bible saints _bought_ their wives. boaz bought ruth. "moreover ruth the moabitess, the wife of mahlon, have i _purchased_ (bought) to be my wife." ruth iv. .[a] hosea bought his wife. "so i _bought_ her to me for fifteen pieces of silver, and for an homer of barley, and an half homer of barley." hosea iii. . jacob bought his wives rachael and leah, and not having money, paid for them in labor--seven years a piece. gen. xxix. - . moses probably bought his wife in the same way, and paid for her by his labor, as the servant of her father.[b] exod. ii. . shechem, when negotiating with jacob and his sons for dinah, says, "ask me never so much dowry and gift, and i will give according as ye shall say unto me." gen. xxxiv. , . david purchased michael, and othniel, achsah, by performing perilous services for the fathers of the damsels. sam. xviii. - ; judg. i. , . that the purchase of wives, either with money or by service, was the general practice, is plain from such passages as ex. xxii. , and sam. xviii. . among the modern jews this usage exists, though now a mere form, there being no _real_ purchase. yet among their marriage ceremonies, is one called "marrying by the penny." the similarity in the methods of procuring wives and servants, in the terms employed in describing the transactions, and in the prices paid for each, are worthy of notice. the highest price of wives (virgins) and servants was the same. comp. deut, xxii. , , and ex. xxii. , with lev. xxvii. - . the _medium_ price of wives and servants was the same. comp. hos. iii. , with ex. xxi. . hosea seems to have paid one half in money and the other half in grain. further, the israelitish female bought-servants were _wives_, their husbands and masters being the same persons. ex. xxi. , judg. xix. , . if _buying_ servants proves them property, buying wives proves _them_ property. why not contend that the _wives_ of the ancient fathers of the faithful were their "chattels," and used as ready change at a pinch; and thence deduce the rights of modern husbands? alas! patriarchs and prophets are followed afar off! when will pious husbands live up to their bible privileges, and become partakers with old testament worthies in the blessedness of a husband's rightful immunities! refusing so to do, is questioning the morality of those "good old slaveholders and patriarchs, abraham, isaac, and jacob." [footnote a: in the verse preceding, boaz says, "i have _bought_ all that was elimelech's * * * of the hand of naomi." in the original, the same word (_kana_) is used in both verses. in the th, "a parcel of land" is "bought," in the th a "wife" is "bought." if the israelites had been as profound at inferences as our modern commentators, they would have put such a fact as this to the rack till they had tortured out of it a divine warrant for holding their wives as property and speculating in the article whenever it happened to be scarce.] [footnote b: this custom still prevails in some eastern countries. the crim tartars, who are poor, serve an apprenticeship for their wives, during which they live under the same roof with them and at the close of it are adopted into the family.] this use of the word buy, is not peculiar to the hebrew. in the syriac, the common expression for "the espoused," is "the bought." even so late as the th century, the common record of _marriages_ in the old german chronicles was, "a bought b." the word translated _buy_, is, like other words, modified by the nature of the subject to which it is applied. eve said, "i have _gotten_ (bought) a man from the lord." she named him cain, that is _bought_. "he that heareth reproof, getteth (buyeth) understanding," prov. xv. . so in isa. xi. . "the lord shall set his hand again to recover (to _buy_) the remnant of his people." so ps. lxxviii. . "he brought them to his mountain which his right hand had _purchased_," (gotten.) neh. v. . "we of our ability have _redeemed_ (bought) our brethren the jews, that were sold unto the heathen." here "_bought_" is not applied to persons reduced to servitude, but to those taken _out_ of it. prov. viii. . "the lord possessed (bought) me in the beginning of his way." prov. xix. . "he that _getteth_ (buyeth) wisdom loveth his own soul." finally, to _buy_ is a _secondary_ meaning of the hebrew word _kana_. even at this day the word _buy_ is used to describe the procuring of servants, where slavery is abolished. in the british west indies, where slaves became apprentices in , they are still, ( ,) "bought." this is the current word in west india newspapers. ten years since servants were "_bought_" in new york, and still are in new jersey, as really as in virginia, yet the different senses in which the word is used in those states, puts no man in a quandary. under the system of legal _indenture_ in illinois, servants now are "_bought_."[a] until recently immigrants to this country were "bought" in great numbers. by voluntary contract they engaged to work a given time to pay for their passage. this class of persons, called "redemptioners," consisted at one time of thousands. multitudes are "bought" _out_ of slavery by themselves or others. under the same roof with the writer is a "servant bought with money." a few weeks since, she was a slave; when "bought," she was a slave no longer. alas! for our leading politicians if "buying" men makes them "chattels." the whigs say, that calhoun has been "bought" by the administration; and the other party, that clay and webster have been "bought" by the bank. the histories of the revolution tell us that benedict arnold was "bought" by british gold, and that williams, paulding, and van wert, could not be "bought" by major andre. when a northern clergyman marries a rich southern widow, country gossip thus hits off the indecency, "the cotton bags _bought_ him." sir robert walpole said, "every man has his price, and whoever will pay it, can _buy_ him," and john randolph said, "the northern delegation is in the market; give me money enough, and i can _buy_ them." the temperance publications tell us that candidates for office _buy_ men with whiskey; and the oracles of street tattle, that the court, district attorney, and jury, in the late trial of robinson were _bought_, yet we have no floating visions of "chattels personal," man-auctions, or coffles. [footnote a: the following statute is now in force in the free state of illinois--"no negro, mulatto, or indian, shall at any time _purchase_ any servant other than of their own complexion: and if any of the persons aforesaid shall presume to _purchase_ a white servant, such servant shall immediately become free, and shall be so held, deemed and taken."] in connecticut, town paupers are "bought" by individuals, who, for a stipulated sum become responsible to the town for their comfortable support for one year. if these "bought" persons perform any labor for those who "buy" them, it is wholly _voluntary_. it is hardly necessary to add that they are in no sense the "property" of their purchasers.[a] [footnote a: "the select-men" of each town annually give notice, that at such a time and place, they will proceed to _sell_ the poor of said town. the persons thus "sold" are "bought" by such persons, approved by the "select-men," as engage to furnish them with sufficient wholesome food, adequate clothing, shelter, medicine, &c., for such a sum as the parties may agree upon. the connecticut papers frequently contain advertisements like the following: "notice--the poor of the town of chatham will be sold on the first monday in april, , at the house of f. penfield, esq., at o'clock in the forenoon,"--[middletown sentinel, feb. , .] ] the transaction between joseph and the egyptians gives a clue to the use of "buy" and "bought with money." gen. xlvii. - . the egyptians proposed to joseph to become servants. when the bargain was closed, joseph said, "behold i have _bought you_ this day," and yet it is plain that neither party regarded the persons _bought_ as articles of property, but merely as bound to labor on certain conditions, to pay for their support during the famine. the idea attached by both parties to "buy us," and "behold i have bought you," was merely that of service voluntarily offered, and secured by contract, in return, for _value received_, and not at all that the egyptians were bereft of their personal ownership, and made articles of property. and this buying of _services_ (in this case it was but one-fifth part) is called in scripture usage, _buying the persons_. this case claims special notice, as it is the only one where the whole transaction of buying servants is detailed--the preliminaries, the process, the mutual acquiescence, and the permanent relation resulting therefrom. in all other instances, the mere fact is stated without particulars. in this case, the whole process is laid open. . the persons "bought," _sold themselves_, and of their own accord. . paying for the permanent _service_ of persons, or even a portion of it, is called "buying" those persons; just as paying for the _use_ of land or houses for a number of years in succession is called in scripture usage _buying_ them. see lev. xxv. , , and xxvii. . the objector, at the outset, takes it for granted, that servants were bought of _third_ persons; and thence infers that they were articles of property. both the alleged fact and the inference are _sheer assumptions_. no instance is recorded, under the mosaic system, in which a _master sold his servant_. that servants who were "bought," _sold themselves_, is a fair inference from various passages of scripture.[a] in leviticus xxv. , the case of the israelite, who became the servant of the stranger, the words are, "if he sell himself unto the stranger." yet the st verse informs us that this servant was "bought" and that the price of his purchase was paid to _himself_. the _same word_, and the same _form_ of the word, which, in verse , is rendered _sell himself_, is in verse of the same chapter, rendered _be sold_; in deut. xxviii. , the same word is rendered "be sold." "and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bond-men and bond-women and no man shall buy you." how could they "_be sold_" without _being bought_? our translation makes it nonsense. the word _makar_ rendered "_be sold_" is used here in hithpael conjugation, which is generally reflexive in its force, and like the middle voice in greek, represents what an individual does for himself, and should manifestly have been rendered "ye shall _offer yourselves_ for sale, and there shall be no purchaser." for a clue to scripture usage on this point, see kings xxi. . .--"thou hast _sold thyself_ to work evil." "there was none like unto ahab which did sell _himself_ to work wickedness."-- kings xvii. . "they used divination and enchantments, and _sold themselves_ to do evil."--isa. l. . "for your iniquities have ye _sold yourselves."_ isa. lii. , "ye have _sold yourselves_ for nought, and ye shall be redeemed without money." see also, jer. xxxiv. ; rom. vii. , vi. ; john, viii. , and the case of joseph and the egyptians, already quoted. in the purchase of wives, though spoken of rarely, it is generally stated that they were bought of _third_ persons. if _servants_ were bought of third persons, it is strange that no _instance_ of it is on record. [footnote a: those who insist that the servants which the israelites were commanded to buy of "the heathen which were round about" them, were to be bought of _third persons_, virtually charge god with the inconsistency of recognizing and affirming the right of those very persons to freedom, upon whom, say they, he pronounced the doom of slavery. for they tell us, that the sentence of death uttered against those heathen was commuted into slavery, which punishment god denounced against them. now if "the heathen round about" were doomed to slavery, the _sellers_ were doomed as well as the _sold_. where, we ask, did the sellers get their right to sell? god by commanding the israelites to buy, affirmed the right of _somebody_ to _sell_, and that the _ownership_ of what was sold existed _somewhere_; which _right_ and ownership he commanded them to _recognize_ and _respect_. we repeat the question, where did the heathen _sellers_ get their right to sell, since _they_ were dispossessed of their right to _themselves_ and doomed to slavery equally with those whom they sold. did god's decree vest in them a right to _others_ while it annulled their right to _themselves_? if, as the objector's argument assumes, one part of "the heathen round about" were _already_ held as slaves by the other part, _such_ of course were not _doomed_ to slavery, for they were already slaves. so also, if those heathen who held them as slaves had a _right_ to hold them, which right god commanded the israelites to _buy out_, thus requiring them to recognize _it_ as a _right_, and on no account to procure its transfer to themselves without paying to the holders an equivalent, surely, these _slaveholders_ were not doomed by god to be slaves, for according to the objector, god had himself affirmed their right _to hold others as slaves_, and commanded his people to respect it.] we now proceed to inquire into the _condition_ of servants under the patriarchal and mosaic systems. i. the rights and privileges of servants. the leading design of the laws defining the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties--more especially the good of the _servants_. while the master's interests were guarded from injury, those of the servants were _promoted_. these laws made a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the israelites and strangers, not laying on burdens, but lightening them--they were a grant of _privileges_ and _favors_. i. buying servants was regarded as a kindness to the persons bought, and as establishing between them and their purchasers a bond of affection and confidence. this is plain from the frequent use of it to illustrate the love and care of god for his chosen people. deut. xxxii. ; ex. xv. ; ps. lxxiv. ; prov. viii. . ii. no stranger could join the family of an israelite without becoming a proselyte. compliance with this condition was the _price of the privilege_. gen. xvii. - , , . in other words, to become a servant was virtually to become an israelite.[a] in the light of this fact, look at the relation sustained by a proselyted servant to his master. was it a sentence consigning to _punishment_, or a ticket of admission to _privileges_? [footnote a: the rites by which a stranger became a proselyte transformed him into a jew. compare chron. ii. , with sam. xvii. . in esther viii. , it is said "many of the people of the land _became jews_." in the septuagint, the passage is thus rendered, "many of the heathen were circumcised and became jews." the intimate union and incorporation of the proselytes with the hebrews is shown by such passages as isa. lvi. , , ; eph. ii. , ; num. x. - . calmet, art. proselyte, says "they were admitted to all the prerogatives of the people of the lord." mahommed doubtless borrowed from the laws and usages of the jews, his well known regulation for admitting to all civil and religious privileges, all proselytes of whatever nation or religion.] iii. expulsion from the family was the deprivation of a privilege if not a punishment. when sarah took umbrage at the conduct of hagar and ishmael, her servants, "she said unto abraham _cast out_ this bond-woman and her son." * * and abraham rose up early in the morning and took bread and a bottle of water and gave it unto hagar and the child, and _sent her away_. gen. xxi. , ; in luke xvi. - , our lord tells us of the steward or head-servant of a rich man who defrauded his master, and was, in consequence, excluded from his household. the servant anticipating such a punishment, says, "i am resolved what to do, that when i am _put out_ of the stewardship, they may receive me into their houses." the case of gehazi, the servant of elisha, appears to be a similar one. he was guilty of fraud in procuring a large sum of money from naaman, and of deliberate lying to his master, on account of which elisha seems to have discarded him. kings v. - . in this connection we may add that if a servant neglected the observance of any ceremonial rite, and was on that account excommunicated from the congregation of israel, such excommunication excluded him also from the _family_ of an israelite. in other words he could be a _servant_ no longer than he was an _israelite_. to forfeit the latter _distinction_ involved the forfeiture of the former _privilege_--which proves that it _was_ a privilege. iv. the hebrew servant could compel his master to keep him. when the six years' contract had expired, if the servant _demanded_ it, the law _obliged_ the master to retain him permanently, however little he might need his services. deut. xv. - ; ex. xxi. - . this shows that the system was framed to advance the interest and gratify the wishes of the servant quite as much as those of the master. v. servants were admitted into covenant with god. deut. xxix. - . vi. they were guests at all national and family festivals ex. xii. - ; deut xii. , , xvi. - . vii. they were statedly instructed in morality and religion. deut. xxxi. - ; josh. viii. - ; chron. xvii. - , xxxv. , and xxxiv. . neh. viii. , . viii. they were released from their regular labor nearly one half of the whole time. during which they had their entire support, and the same instruction that was provided for the other members of the hebrew community. the law secured to them, . _every seventh year;_ lev. xxv. - ; thus giving to those who were servants during the entire period between the jubilees, _eight whole years_, (including the jubilee year,) of unbroken rest. . _every seventh day._ this in forty-two years, the eight being subtracted from the fifty, would amount to just _six years_. . _the three annual festivals._ ex. xxiii. , xxxiv. . the _passover_, which commenced on the th of the st month, and lasted seven days, deut. xvi. , . the pentecost, or feast of weeks, which began on the th day of the d month, and lasted seven days. deut. xvi. , . the feast of tabernacles, which commenced on the th of the th month, and lasted eight days. deut. xvi. , ; lev. xxiii. - . as all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. cumbered caravans move slowly. after their arrival, a day or two would be requisite for divers preparations before the celebration, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for return. if we assign three weeks to each festival--including the time spent on the journeys, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the _festival week_, it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labor. as there were three festivals in the year, the main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least _nine weeks annually_, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eighty-four days. . _the new moons_. the jewish year had twelve; josephus says that the jews always kept _two_ days for the new moon. see calmet on the jewish calendar, and horne's introduction; also sam. xx, , , . this, in forty-two years, would be two years days. . _the feast of trumpets_. on the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. lev. xxiii. , . . _the atonement day_. on the tenth of the seventh month lev. xxiii. . these two feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days not reckoned above. thus it appears that those who continued servants during the period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labor, twenty-three years and sixty-four days, out of fifty years, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. in this calculation, besides making a donation of all the _fractions_ to the objector, we have left out those numerous _local_ festivals to which frequent allusion is made, judg. xxi. ; sam. ix. . . etc., and the various _family_ festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at circumcisions; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in sam, xx. . , . neither have we included the festivals instituted at a later period of the jewish history--the feast of purim, esth. ix. , ; and of the dedication, which lasted eight days. john x. ; mac. iv. . finally, the mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time which, if distributed, would be almost one half of the days in each year. meanwhile, they were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. if this time were distributed over _every day_, the servants would have to themselves nearly _one half of each day_. the service of those strangers who were _national_ servants or tributaries, was regulated upon the same benevolent principle, and secured to them two-thirds of the whole year. "a month they were in lebanon, and two months they were at home." kings, v. - . compared with chron. . - , viii. - ; kings, ix . . the regulations under which the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth and kirjath-jearim, (afterwards called _nethinims_) performed service for the israelites, must have secured to them nearly the whole of their time. if, as is probable, they served in courses corresponding to those of their priests whom they assisted, they were in actual service less than one month annually. ix. the servant was protected by law equally with the other members of the community proof.--"judge righteously between every man and his brother and the stranger that is with him." "ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great." deut. i. , . also lev. xix. . xxiv. . "ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country." so num. xv. . "ye shall have one law for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of israel and for the stranger that sojourneth among them." deut. xxvii. . "cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the stranger."[a] deut. xxvii. . [footnote a: in a work entitled, "instruction in the mosaic religion" by professor jholson, of the jewish seminary at frankfort-on-the-main, translated into english by rabbi leeser, we find the following.--sec. . "question. does holy writ any where make a difference between the israelite and the other who is no israelite, in those laws and prohibitions which forbid us the _committal of any thing against our fellow men?_" "answer. no where we do find a trace of such a difference. see lev. xix. - ." "god says thou shalt not murder, _steal_, cheat, &c. in every place the action _itself_ is prohibited as being an abomination to god _without respect to the persons against whom it is committed_." ] x. the mosaic system enjoined the greatest affection and kindness towards servants, foreign as well as jewish. "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." lev. xix. . "for the lord your god * * regardeth not persons. he doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and loveth the stranger, in giving him food and raiment, love ye therefore the stranger." deut. x. , . "thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him." ex. xxii. . "thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a stranger." ex. xxiii. . "if thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy god." lev. xxv. , . could this same stranger be taken by one that feared his god, and held as a slave, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights? xi. servants were placed upon a level with their masters in all civil and religious rights. num. xv. , , ; ix. ; deut. i. , ; lev. xxiv. . to these may be added that numerous class of passages which represents god as regarding _alike_ the natural rights of _all_ men, and making for all an _equal_ provision. such as, chron. xix. ; prov. xxiv. , xxviii. ; job. xxxiv. , sam. xiv. ; acts x. ; eph. vi. . finally--with such watchful jealousy did the mosaic institutes guard the _rights_ of servants, as to make the mere fact of a servant's escape from his master presumptive evidence that his master had _oppressed_ him; and on that presumption, annulled his master's authority over him, gave him license to go wherever he pleased, and commanded all to protect him. deut. xxiii. , . as this regulation will be examined under a subsequent head, where its full discussion more appropriately belongs, we notice it here merely to point out its bearings on the topic under consideration. these are regulations of that mosaic system which is claimed by slaveholders as the prototype of american slavery. ii. were persons made servants against their wills? we argue that they became servants of _their own accord,_ because, i. to become a servant was to become a proselyte. whoever of the strangers became a servant, he was required to abjure idolatry, to enter into covenant with god[a], be circumcised in token of it, be bound to keep the sabbath, the passover, the pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles, and to receive instruction in the moral and ceremonial law. were the servants _forced_ through all these processes? was the renunciation of idolatry _compulsory_? were they _dragged_ into covenant with god? were they seized and circumcised by _main strength_? were they _compelled_ mechanically to chew and swallow the flesh of the paschal lamb, while they abhorred the institution, spurned the laws that enjoined it, detested its author and its executors, and instead of rejoicing in the deliverance which it commemorated, bewailed it as a calamity, and cursed the day of its consummation? were they _driven_ from all parts of the land three times in the year to the annual festivals? were they drugged with instruction which they nauseated? were they goaded through a round of ceremonies, to them senseless and disgusting mummeries; and drilled into the tactics of a creed rank with loathed abominations? we repeat it, to become a _servant_, was to become a _proselyte_. did god authorize his people to make proselytes at the point of the bayonet? by the terror of pains and penalties? by converting men into _merchandise?_ were _proselyte and chattel_ synonymes in the divine vocabulary? must a man be sunk to a _thing_ before taken into covenant with god? was this the stipulated condition of adoption? the sure and sacred passport to the communion of the saints? [footnote a: maimonides, a contemporary with jarchi, and who stands with him at the head of jewish writers, gives the following testimony on this point: "whether a servant be born in the power of an israelite, or whether he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both into the covenant. "but he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day, and he that is bought with money, on the day on which his master receives him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. for if the master receive a grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, for one year. after which, should he _refuse_ so long, it is forbidden to keep him longer than a year. and the master must send him back to the strangers from whence he came. for the god of jacob will not accept any other than the worship of a _willing_ heart."--maimon, hilcoth miloth, chap. , sec. . the ancient jewish doctors assert that the servant from the strangers who at the close of his probationary year, refused to adopt the jewish religion and was on that account sent back to his own people, received a _full compensation_ for his services, besides the payment of his expenses. but that _postponement_ of the circumcision of the foreign servant for a year (_or even at all_ after he had entered the family of an israelite) of which the mishnic doctors speak, seems to have been _a mere usage_. we find nothing of it in the regulations of the mosaic system. circumcision was manifestly a rite strictly _initiatory_. whether it was a rite merely _national_ or _spiritual_, or _both_, comes not within the scope of this inquiry. ] ii. the surrender of fugitive servants to their masters was prohibited. "thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee. he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best; thou shalt not oppress him." deut. xxiii. , . as though god had said, "to deliver him up would be to recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him; his _fleeing_ shows his _choice_, proclaims his wrongs and his title to protection; you shall not force him back and thus recognize the _right_ of the master to hold him in such a condition as induces him to flee to others for protection." it may be said that this command referred only to the servants of _heathen_ masters in the surrounding nations. we answer: the terms of the command are unlimited. but the objection, if valid, would merely shift the pressure of the difficulty to another point. did god require them to protect the _free choice_ of a _single_ servant from the heathen, and yet _authorize_ the same persons, to crush the free choice of _thousands_ of servants from the heathen? suppose a case. a _foreign_ servant escapes to the israelites; god says, "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_, in one of thy gates where it _liketh him_ best." now, suppose this same servant, instead of coming into israel of his own accord, had been _dragged_ in by some kidnapper, who bought him of his master, and forced him into a condition against his will; would he who forbade such treatment of the stranger, who _voluntarily_ came into the land, sanction the same treatment of the _same person_, provided in addition to this last outrage, the previous one had been committed of forcing him into the nation against his will? to commit violence on the free choice of a foreign servant is forsooth a horrible enormity, provided you _begin_ the violence _after_ he has come among you. but if you commit the first act on the _other side of the line_; if you begin the outrage by buying him from a third person against his will, and then tear him from home, drag him across the line into the land of israel, and hold him as a slave--ah! that alters the case, and you may perpetrate the violence now with impunity! would _greater_ favor have been shown to this new comer than to the old residents--those who had been servants in jewish families perhaps for a generation? were the israelites commanded to exercise towards _him_, uncircumcised and out of the covenant, a justice and kindness denied to the multitudes who _were_ circumcised, and _within_ the covenant? but, the objector finds small gain to his argument on the supposition that the covenant respected merely the fugitives from the surrounding nations, while it left the servants of the israelites in a condition against their wills. in that case, the surrounding nations would adopt retaliatory measures, and become so many asylums for jewish fugitives. as these nations were not only on every side of them, but in their midst, such a proclamation would have been an effectual lure to men whose condition was a constant counteraction of will. besides the same command which protected the servant from the power of his foreign _master_, protected him equally from the power of an _israelite_. it was not, merely "thou shalt not deliver him unto his _master_," but "he shall dwell with thee, in that place which _he shall choose_ in one of thy gates where it liketh _him_ best." every israelite was forbidden to put him in any condition _against his will_. what was this but a proclamation, that all who _chose_ to live in the land and obey the laws, were left to their own free will, to dispose of their services at such a rate, to such persons, and in such places as they pleased? besides, grant that this command prohibited the sending back of _foreign_ servants only, there was no law requiring the return of servants who had escaped from the _israelites_. _property_ lost, and _cattle_ escaped, they were required to return, but not escaped _servants_. these verses contain, st, a command, "thou shalt not deliver," &c., d. a declaration of the fugitive's right of _free choice_, and of god's will that he should exercise it at his own discretion; and d, a command guarding this right, namely, "thou shalt not oppress him," as though god had said, "if you restrain him from exercising his _own choice_, as to the place and condition of his residence, it is _oppression_, and shall not be tolerated."[a] [footnote a: perhaps it may be objected that this view of deut. xxiii. , , makes nonsense of ex. xxi. , which provides that if a man strikes out his servant's tooth he shall let him go free. small favor indeed if the servant might set himself free whenever he pleased! answer--the former passage might remove the servant from the master's _authority_, without annulling the master's legal claims upon the servant, if he had paid him in advance and had not received from him an equivalent, and this equally, whether his master were a jew or a gentile. the latter passage, "he shall let him go free _for his tooth's sake,"_ not only freed the servant from the master's authority, but also from any pecuniary claim which the master might have on account of having paid his wages in advance; and this _as a compensation_, for the loss of a tooth.] iii. the servants had peculiar opportunities and facilities for escape. three times every year, all the males over twelve years, were required to attend the national feasts. they were thus absent from their homes not less than three weeks at each time, making nine weeks annually. as these caravans moved over the country, were there military scouts lining the way, to intercept deserters?--a corporal's guard at each pass of the mountains, sentinels pacing the hilltops, and light-horse scouring the defiles? the israelites must have had some safe contrivance for taking their "_slaves_" three times in a year to jerusalem and back. when a body of slaves is moved any distance in our _republic_, they are handcuffed and chained together, to keep them from running away, or beating their drivers' brains out. was this the _mosaic_ plan, or an improvement introduced by samuel, or was it left for the wisdom of solomon? the usage, doubtless, claims a paternity not less venerable and biblical! perhaps they were lashed upon camels, and transported in bundles, or caged up and trundled on wheels to and fro, and while at the holy city, "lodged in jail for safe keeping," the sanhedrim appointing special religious services for their benefit, and their "drivers" officiating at "oral instruction." meanwhile, what became of the sturdy _handmaids_ left at home? what hindered them from stalking off in a body? perhaps the israelitish matrons stood sentry in rotation round the kitchens, while the young ladies scoured the country, as mounted rangers, picking up stragglers by day, and patrolled the streets, keeping a sharp look-out at night! iv. wilful neglect of ceremonial rites dissolved the relation. suppose the servants from the heathen had, upon entering jewish families, refused circumcision; if _slaves_, how simple the process of emancipation! their _refusal_ did the job. or, suppose they had refused to attend the annual feasts, or had eaten leavened bread during the passover, or compounded the ingredients of the anointing oil, or had touched a dead body, a bone, or a grave, or in any way had contracted ceremonial uncleanness, and refused to be cleansed with the "water of separation," they would have been "cut off from the people;" _excommunicated_. ex. xii. ; xxx. ; num. xix. . v. servants of the patriarchs necessarily voluntary. abraham's servants are an illustration. at one time he had three hundred and eighteen _young men_ "born in his house," and many more _not_ born in his house. his servants of all ages were probably many thousands. how did abraham and sarah contrive to hold fast so many thousand servants against their wills? the most natural supposition is that the patriarch and his wife "took turns" in surrounding them! the neighboring tribes, instead of constituting a picket guard to hem in his servants, would have been far more likely to sweep them and him into captivity, as they did lot and his household. besides, there was neither "constitution" nor "compact," to send back abraham's fugitives, nor a truckling police to pounce upon them, nor gentlemen-kidnappers, suing for his patronage, volunteering to howl on their track, boasting their blood-hound scent, and pledging their honour to hunt down and deliver up, provided they had a description of the "flesh-marks," and were suitably stimulated by pieces of silver.[a] abraham seems also to have been sadly deficient in all the auxiliaries of family government, such as stocks, hand-cuffs, foot-chains, yokes, gags, and thumb-screws. his destitution of these patriarchal indispensables is the more afflicting, since he faithfully trained "his household to do justice and judgment," though so deplorably destitute of the needful aids. [footnote a: the following is a standing newspaper advertisement of one of these professional man-catchers, a member of the new york bar, who coolly plies his trade in the commercial emporium, sustained by the complacent greetings and courtesies of "honorable men!" "important to the south.--f.h. pettis, native of orange county, va., being located in the city of new york, in the practice of law, announces to his friends and the public in general, that he has been engaged as counsel and adviser in general for a party whose business it is in the northern cities to arrest and secure runaway slaves. he has been thus engaged for several years, and as the act of congress alone governs now in this city, in business of this sort, which renders it easy for the recovery of such property, he invites post paid communications to him, inclosing a fee of $ in each case, and a power of attorney minutely descriptive of the party absconded, and if in the northern region, he, or she will soon be had. "mr. pettis will attend promptly to all law business confided to him. "n.b. new york city is estimated to contain , runaway slaves. "pettis." ] probably job had even more servants than abraham. see job. i. , - , and xlii. . that his thousands of servants staid with him entirely of their own accord, is proved by the _fact_ of their staying with him. suppose they had wished to quit his service, and so the whole army had filed off before him in full retreat, how could the patriarch have brought them to halt? doubtless with his wife, seven sons, and three daughters for allies, he would have soon out-flanked the fugitive host and dragged each of them back to his wonted chain and staple. but the impossibility of job's servants being held against their wills, is not the only proof of their voluntary condition. we have his own explicit testimony that he had not "withheld from the poor their _desire_." job. xxxi. . of course he could hardly have made them live with him, and forced them to work for him against _their desire_. when isaac sojourned in the country of the philistines he "had _great store_ of servants." and we have his testimony that the philistines hated him, added to that of inspiration that they "envied" him. of course they would hardly volunteer to organize patroles and committees of vigilance to keep his servants from running away, and to drive back all who were found beyond the limits of his plantation without a "pass!" if the thousands of isaac's servants were held against their wills, who held them? the servants of the jews, during the building of the wall of jerusalem, under nehemiah, may be included under this head. that they remained with their masters of their own accord, we argue from the fact, that the circumstances of the jews made it impossible for them to _compel_ their residence and service. they were few in number, without resources, defensive fortifications, or munitions of war, and surrounded withal by a host of foes, scoffing at their feebleness and inviting desertion from their ranks. yet so far from the jews attempting in any way to restrain their servants, or resorting to precautions to prevent escape, they put arms into their hands, and enrolled them as a night-guard, for the defence of the city. by cheerfully engaging in this service and in labor by day, when with entire ease they might all have left their masters, marched over to the enemy, and been received with shoutings, the servants testified that their condition was one of _their own choice_, and that they regarded their own interests as inseparably identified with those of their masters. neh. iv. . vi. no instances of israelitish masters selling servants. neither abraham nor isaac seem ever to have sold one, though they had "great store of servants." jacob was himself a servant in the family of laban twenty-one years. he had afterward a large number of servants. joseph invited him to come into egypt, and to bring all that he had with him--"thou and thy children, and thy children's children, and thy flocks and thy herds, and all that thou hast." gen. xlv. . jacob took his flocks and herds but _no servants_. yet we are told that jacob "took his journey with _all that he had_." gen. xlvi. . and after his arrival in egypt, joseph said to pharaoh "my father, and my brethren, and their flocks, and their herds and _all that they have_, are come." gen. xlvii. . the servants doubtless, served under their _own contracts_, and when jacob went into egypt, they _chose_ to stay in their own country. the government might sell _thieves_, if they had no property, until their services had made good the injury, and paid the legal fine. ex. xxii. . but _masters_ seem to have had no power to sell their _servants_. to give the master a _right_ to sell his servant, would annihilate the servant's right of choice in his own disposal; but says the objector, "to give the master a right to _buy_ a servant, equally annihilates the servant's _right of choice_." answer. it is one thing to have a right to buy a man, and a quite another thing to have a right to buy him of _another_ man.[a] [footnote a: there is no evidence that masters had the power to dispose of even the _services_ of their servants, as men hire out their laborers whom they employ by the year; but whether they had or not, affects not the argument.] though servants were not bought of their masters, yet young females were bought of their _fathers_. but their purchase as _servants_ was their betrothal as wives. ex. xxi. , . "if a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she shall not go out as the men-servants do. if she please not her master who hath betrothed her to himself, he shall let her be redeemed."[b] [footnote b: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows:--"a hebrew handmaid might not be sold but to one who laid himself under obligations, to espouse her to himself or to his son, when she was fit to be betrothed."--_maimonides--hilcoth--obedim_, ch. iv. sec. xi. jarchi, on the same passage, says, "he is bound to espouse her to be his wife, for the _money of her purchase_ is the money of her _espousal_."] vii. voluntary servants from the strangers. we infer that _all_ the servants from the strangers were voluntary in becoming such, since we have direct testimony that some of them were so. "thou shalt not oppress an hired servant that is poor and needy, whether he be of thy brethren, or of thy strangers that are in thy land within thy gates." deut. xxiv. . we learn from this that some of the servants, which the israelites obtained from the strangers were procured by presenting the inducement of _wages_ to their _free choice_, thus recognizing their right to sell their services to others, or not, at their own pleasure. did the israelites, when they went among the heathen to procure servants, take money in one hand and ropes in the other? did they _ask_ one man to engage in their service, and _drag_ along with them the next that they met, in spite of his struggles. did they knock for admission at one door and break down the next? did they go through one village with friendly salutations and respectful demeanor, and with the air of those soliciting favors, offer wages to the inhabitants as an inducement to engage in their service--while they sent on their agents to prowl through the next, with a kidnapping posse at their heels, to tear from their homes as many as they could get within their clutches? viii. hebrew servants voluntary. we infer that the hebrew servant was voluntary in commencing his service, because he was preeminently so in continuing it. if, at the year of release, it was the servant's _choice_ to remain with his master, the law required his ear to be bored by the judges of the land, thus making it impossible for him to be held against his will. yea more, his master was _compelled_ to keep him, however much he might wish to get rid of him. ix. the manner of procuring servants, an appeal to choice. the israelites were commanded to offer them a suitable inducement, and then leave them to decide. they might neither seize them by _force_, nor frighten them by _threats_, nor wheedle them by false pretences, nor _borrow_ them, nor _beg_ them; but they were commanded to buy them[a]--that is, they were to recognize the _right_ of the individuals to _dispose_ of their own services, and their right to _refuse all offers_, and thus oblige those who made them, _to do their own work_. suppose all, with one accord, had _refused_ to become servants, what provision did the mosaic law make for such an emergency? none. [footnote a: the case of thieves, whose services were sold until they had earned enough to make restitution to the person wronged, and to pay the legal penalty, _stands by itself_, and has nothing to do with the condition of servants.] x. incidental corroboratives. various incidental expressions corroborate the idea that servants became such by their own contract. job. xli. , is an illustration, "will he (leviathan) make a covenant with thee? wilt thou take him for a servant forever?" isa. xiv. , is also an illustration. "the strangers shall be joined with them (the israelites) and _they shall_ cleave to the house of jacob, and the house of israel shall possess them in the land of the lord, for servants and handmaids." the transaction which made the egyptians the servants of pharaoh was voluntary throughout. see gen. xlvii. - . of their own accord they came to joseph and said, "there is not aught left but our _bodies_ and our lands; _buy_ us;" then in the th verse, "we will be pharaoh's servants." to these it may be added, that the sacrifices and offerings which all were required to present, were to be made voluntarily. lev. i. . . the pertinence and point of our lord's declaration in luke xvi. , is destroyed on the supposition that servants did not become such by _their own choice_. "no servant can serve two masters: for either he will hate the one and love the other, or else he will hold to the one and despise the other." let it be kept in mind, that our lord was a _jew_. the lost sheep of the house of israel were his flock. wherever he went, they were around him: whenever he spake, they were his auditors. his public preaching and his private teaching and conversation, were full of references to their own institutions, laws and usages, and of illustrations drawn from them. in the verse quoted, he illustrates the impossibility of their making choice of god as their portion, and becoming his servants, while they chose the world, and were _its_ servants. to make this clear, he refers to one of their own institutions, that of _domestic service_, with which, in all its relations, incidents and usages, they were perfectly familiar. he reminds them of the well-known impossibility of any person being the servant of two masters, and declares the sole ground of that impossibility to be, the fact that the servant _chooses_ the service of the one, and _spurns_ that of the other. "he shall _hold to_ the one and _despise_ (reject) the other." as though our lord had said, "no one can become the servant of another, when his will revolts from his service, and when the conditions of it tend to make him hate the man." since the fact that the servant _spurns_ one of two masters, makes it impossible for him to serve _that one_, if he spurned _both_ it would make it impossible for him to serve _either_. so, also, if the fact that an individual did not "hold to" or choose the service of another, proves that he could not become his servant, then the question, whether or not he should become the servant of another was suspended on _his own will_. further, the phraseology of the passage shows that the _choice_ of the servant decided the question. "he will hold to the one,"--hence there is no difficulty in the way of his serving _him_; but "no servant can serve" a master whom he does not "_hold to_," or _cleave_ to, whose service he does not _choose_. this is the sole ground of the impossibility asserted by our lord. the last clause of the verse furnishes an application of the principle asserted in the former part, "ye cannot serve god and mammon." now in what does the impossibility of serving both god and the world consist? solely in the fact that the will which chooses the one refuses the other, and the affections which "hold to" the one, reject the other. thus the question, which of the two is to be served, is suspended alone upon the _choice_ of the individual. xi. rich strangers did not become servants. indeed, so far were they from becoming servants themselves, that they bought and held jewish servants. lev. xxv. . since _rich_ strangers did not become servants to the israelites, we infer that those who _did_, became such not because they were _strangers_, but because they were _poor_,--not because, on account of their being heathen, they were _compelled by force_ to become servants, but because, on account of their _poverty_, they _chose_ to become servants to better their condition. xii. instances of voluntary servants. mention is often made of persons becoming servants who were manifestly voluntary. as the prophet elisha. kings xix. ; kings iii. . elijah was his _master_. kings ii. . the word translated master, is the same that is so rendered in almost every instance where masters are spoken of under the mosaic and patriarchal systems. moses was the servant of jethro. ex. iii. ; iv. . joshua was the servant of moses. ex. xxxiii. . num. xi. . jacob was the servant of laban. gen. xxix. - . see also the case of the gibeonites who _voluntarily_ became servants to the israelites and afterwards performed service for the "house of god" throughout the subsequent jewish history, were incorporate with the israelites, registered in the genealogies, and manifestly of their own accord remained with them, and "_clave_" to them. neh. x. , ; xi. ; ez. vii. . finally, in all the regulations respecting servants and their service, no form of expression is employed from which it could be inferred, that servants were made such, and held in that condition by force. add to this the entire absence of all the machinery, appurtenances and incidents of _compulsion_. voluntary service on the part of servants would have been in keeping with regulations which abounded in the mosaic system and sustained by a multitude of analogies. compulsory service on the other hand, could have harmonized with nothing, and would have been the solitary disturbing force, marring its design, counteracting its tendencies, and confusing and falsifying its types. the directions given to regulate the performance of service for the _public_, lay great stress on the _willingness_ of those employed to perform it. for the spirit and usages that obtained under the mosaic system in this respect, see chron. xxviii. ; ex. xxxv. , , , ; chron. xxix. , , , , ; ex. xxv. ; judges v. ; lev. xxii. ; chron. xxxv. ; ezra i. ; ex. xxxv; neh. xi. .[a] [footnote a: we should naturally infer that the directions which regulated the rendering of service to individuals, would proceed upon the same principle in this respect with those which regulated the rendering of service to the _public_. otherwise the mosaic system, instead of constituting in its different parts a harmonious _whole_, would be divided against itself; its principles counteracting and nullifying each other.] again, the voluntariness of servants is a natural inference from the fact that the hebrew word _ebedh,_ uniformly rendered _servant_, is applied to a great variety of classes and descriptions of persons under the patriarchal and jewish dispensations, _all of whom_ were voluntary and most of them eminently so. for instance, it is applied to persons rendering acts of _worship_ about seventy times, whereas it is applied to _servants_ not more than half that number of times. to this we may add, that the illustrations drawn from the condition and service of _servants_ and the ideas which the term servant is employed to convey when applied figuratively to moral subjects would, in most instances, lose all their force, and often become absurdities if the will of the servant _resisted_ his service, and he performed it only by _compulsion_. many passages will at once occur to those who are familiar with the bible. we give a single example. "_to whom ye yield yourselves servants to obey, his servants ye are to whom ye obey._" rom. vi. . it would hardly be possible to assert the voluntariness of servants more strongly in a direct proposition than it is here asserted by implication. iii. were servants forced to work without pay as the servants became and continued such of _their own accord_, it would be no small marvel if they _chose_ to work without pay. their becoming servants, pre-supposes _compensation_ as a motive. that they _were paid_ for their labor, we argue. . because god rebuked the using of service without wages. "wo unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." jer. xxii. . the hebrew word _rea_, translated _neighbor_, means any one with whom we have to do--all descriptions of persons, even those who prosecute us in lawsuits, and enemies while in the act of fighting us--"as when a man riseth against his neighbor and slayeth him." deut. xxii. . "go not forth hastily to strive, lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof, when thy neighbor hath put thee to shame." prov. xxv. . "thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor." ex. xx. . "if a man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with guile." ex. xxi. , &c. the doctrine plainly inculcated in this passage is, that every man's labor, or "service," being his own property, he is entitled to the profit of it, and that for another to "use" it without paying him the value of it, is "unrighteousness." the last clause of the verse "and giveth him not for his work," reaffirms the same principle, that every man is to be _paid_ for "his work." in the context, the prophet contrasts the unrighteousness of those who used the labor of others without pay, with the justice and equity practiced by their patriarchal ancestor toward the poor. "did not thy father eat and drink and _do judgment and justice_, and then it was well with him. he _judged the cause of the poor and needy_; then it was well with him. but thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy _covetousness_, and for to shed innocent blood, and for _oppression_, and for violence to do it." jer. xxii. , . .[a] [footnote a: paul lays down the same principle in the form of a precept "masters give unto your servants that which is just and equal." col. iv. . thus not only asserting the _right_ of the servant to an equivalent for his labor, and the duty of the master to render it, but condemning all those relations between master and servant which were not founded upon justice and equality of rights. the apostle james enforces the same principle. "behold, the hire of the laborers, who have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back _by fraud_, crieth." james v. . as though he had said, "wages are the _right_ of laborers; those who work for you have a just claim on you for _pay_; this you refuse to render, and thus _defraud_ them by keeping from them what _belongs_ to them." see also mal. iii .] ii. god testifies that in our duty to our fellow men, all the law and the prophets hang upon this command, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." our savior, in giving this command, quoted _verbatim_ one of the laws of the mosaic system. lev. xix. . in the th verse of the same chapter, moses applies this law to the treatment of strangers, "the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." if it be loving others as ourselves, to make them work for us without pay; to rob them of food and clothing also, would be a stronger illustration still of the law of love! _super_-disinterested benevolence! and if it be doing unto others as we would have them do to us, to make them work for _our own_ good alone, paul should be called to order for his hard sayings against human nature, especially for that libellous matter in eph. v. , "no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth it and cherisheth it." iii. servants were often wealthy. as persons became servants from poverty, we argue that they were compensated, since they frequently owned property, and sometimes a large amount. ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, gave david "two hundred loaves of bread, and a hundred bunches of raisins, and a hundred of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine." sam. xvi. . the extent of his possessions can be inferred from the fact, that though the father of fifteen sons, he had twenty servants. in lev. xxv. - , where a servant, reduced to poverty, sold himself, it is declared that he may be _redeemed,_ either by his kindred, or by himself. having been forced to sell himself from poverty, he must have acquired considerable property _after_ he became a servant. if it had not been common for servants to acquire property over which they had the control, the servant of elisha would hardly have ventured to take a large sum of money, (nearly $ [a]) from naaman, kings v. , . as it was procured by deceit, he wished to conceal the means used in getting it; but if servants could "own nothing, nor acquire anything," to embark in such an enterprise would have been consummate stupidity. the fact of having in his possession two talents of silver, would of itself convict him of theft.[b] but since it was common for servants to own property, he might have it, and invest or use it, without attracting special attention, and that consideration alone would have been a strong motive to the act. his master, though he rebuked him for using such means to get the money, not only does not take it from him, but seems to expect that he would invest it in real estate, and cattle, and would procure servants with it. kings v. . we find the servant of saul having money, and relieving his master in an emergency. sam. ix. . arza, the servant of elah, was the _owner of a house_. that it was somewhat magnificent, would be a natural inference from its being a resort of the king. kings xvi. . when jacob became the servant of laban, it was evidently from poverty, yet laban said to him, tell me "what shall thy _wages_ be?" after jacob had been his servant for ten years, he proposed to set up for himself, but laban said "appoint me thy wages and i will give it," and he paid him his price. during the twenty years that jacob was a servant, he always worked for wages and at his own price. gen. xxix. , ; xxx. - . the case of the gibeonites, who, after becoming servants, still occupied their cities, and remained in many respects, a distinct people for centuries;[c] and that of the , canaanites, the _servants_ of solomon, who worked out their "tribute of bond-service" in levies, periodically relieving each other, are additional illustrations of independence in the acquisition and ownership of property. [footnote a: though we have not sufficient data to decide upon the _relative_ value of that sum, _then_ and now, yet we have enough to warrant us in saying that two talents of silver, had far more value _then_ than three thousand dollars have _now_.] [footnote b: whoever heard of the slaves in our southern states stealing a large amount of money? they _"know how to take care of themselves"_ quite too well for that. when they steal, they are careful to do it on such a small scale, or in the taking of _such things_ as will make detection difficult. no doubt they steal now and then, and a gaping marvel would it be if they did not. why should they not follow in the footsteps of their masters and mistresses? dull scholars indeed! if, after so many lessons from _proficients_ in the art, who drive the business by _wholesale_, they should not occasionally copy their betters, fall into the _fashion_, and try their hand in a small way, at a practice which is the _only permanent and universal_ business carried on around them! ignoble truly! never to feel the stirrings of high impulse, prompting to imitate the eminent pattern set before them in the daily vocation of "honorables" and "excellencies," and to emulate the illustrious examples of doctors of divinity, and _right_ and _very reverends!_ hear president jefferson's testimony. in his notes on virginia, pp. - , speaking of slaves, he says, "that disposition to theft with which they have been branded, must be ascribed to their _situation_, and not to any special depravity of the moral sense. it is a problem which i give the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as for his slave--and whether the slave may not as justifiably take a _little_ from one who has taken all from him, as he may _slay_ one who would slay him?"] [footnote c: the nethinims, which name was afterwards given to the gibeonites on account of their being _set apart_ for the service of the tabernacle, had their own houses and cities and "dwelt every one in his own possession." neh. xi. . ; ezra ii. ; chron. ix. .] again. the israelites often _hired_ servants from the strangers. deut. xxiv. . since then it is certain that they gave wages to a part of their canaanitish servants, thus recognizing their _right_ to a reward for their labor, we infer that they did not rob the rest of their earnings. if god gave them a license to make the strangers work for them without pay--if this was good and acceptable in his sight, and _right and just in itself_, they must have been great fools to have wasted their money by paying wages when they could have saved it, by making the strangers do all their work for nothing! besides, by refusing to avail themselves of this "divine license," they despised the blessing and cast contempt on the giver! but far be it from us to do the israelites injustice; perhaps they seized all the canaanites they could lay their hands on, and forced them to work without pay, but not being able to catch enough to do their work, were obliged to offer wages in order to eke out the supply! the parable of our lord, contained in mat. xviii. - , not only derives its significance from the fact, that servants can both _own_ and _owe_ and _earn_ property, over which they had the control, but would be made a medley of contradictions on any other supposition.-- . their lord at a set time proceeded to "take account" and "reckon" with his servants; the phraseology itself showing that the relations between the parties, were those of debt and credit. . as the reckoning went on, one of his servants was found to _owe_ him ten thousand talents. from the fact that the servant _owed_ this to his master, we naturally infer, that he must have been at some time, and in some way, the responsible _owner_ of that amount, or of its substantial equivalent. not that he had had that amount put into his hands to invest, or disburse, in his master's name, merely as his _agent_, for in that case no claim of _debt_ for value received would lie, but, that having sustained the responsibilities of legal _proprietorship_, he was under the liabilities resulting therefrom. . not having on hand wherewith to pay, he says to his master "have patience with me _and i will pay thee all_." if the servant had been his master's _property_, his time and earnings belonged to the master as a matter of course, hence the promise to earn and pay over that amount, was virtually saying to his master, "i will take money out of your pocket with which to pay my debt to you," thus adding insult to injury. the promise of the servant to pay the debt on condition that the time for payment should be postponed, not only proceeds upon the fact that his time was his own, that he was constantly earning property or in circumstances that enabled him to earn it, and that he was the _proprietor_ of his earnings, but that his master had _full knowledge_ of that fact.--in a word, the supposition that the master was the _owner_ of the servant, would annihilate all legal claim upon him for value received, and that the servant was the _property_ of the master, would absolve him from all obligations of debt, or rather would always _forestall_ such obligations--for the relations of owner and creditor in such case, would annihilate each other, as would those of _property_ and _debtor_. the fact that the same servant was the creditor of one of his fellow servants, who owed him a considerable sum, and that at last he was imprisoned until he should pay all that was due to his master, are additional corroborations of the same point. iv. heirship.--servants frequently inherited their master's property; especially if he had no sons, or if they had dishonored the family. eliezer, the servant of abraham, gen. xv. ; ziba, the servant of mephibosheth; jarha, the servant of sheshan, who married his daughter, and thus became his heir, he having no sons, and the _husbandmen_ who said of their master's son, "this is the heir, let us kill him, and the inheritance will be ours," are illustrations; also prov. xxx. , an _handmaid_ (or _maid-servant_,) that is _heir_ to her mistress; also prov. xvii. --"a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame, and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren." this passage gives servants precedence as heirs, even over the wives and daughters of their masters. did masters hold by force, and plunder of earnings, a class of persons, from which, in frequent contingencies, they selected both heirs for their property, and husbands for their daughters? v. all were required to present offerings and sacrifices. deut. xvi. , ; chron. xv. - ; numb. ix. , . beside this, "every man" from twenty years old and above, was required to pay a tax of half a shekel at the taking of the census; this is called "an offering unto the lord to make an atonement for their souls." ex. xxx. - . see also ex. xxxiv. . servants must have had permanently the means of _acquiring_ property to meet these expenditures. vi. servants who went out at the seventh year, were "furnished liberally." deut. xv. - . "thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine press, of that wherewith the lord thy god hath blessed thee, thou shalt give him."[a] if it be said that the servants from the strangers did not receive a like bountiful supply, we answer, neither did the most honorable class of _israelitish_ servants, the free-holders; and for the same reason, _they did not go out in the seventh year,_ but continued until the jubilee. if the fact that the gentile servants did not receive such a _gratuity_ proves that they were robbed of their _earnings_, it proves that the most valued class of _hebrew_ servants were robbed of theirs also; a conclusion too stubborn for even pro-slavery masticators, however unscrupulous. [footnote a: the comment of maimonides on this passage is as follows--"'thou shalt furnish him liberally,' &c. that is to say, _'loading, ye shall load him,'_ likewise every one of his family with as much as he can take with him--abundant benefits. and if it be avariciously asked, 'how much must i give him?' i say unto _you, not less than thirty shekels,_ which is the valuation of a servant, as declared in ex. xxi. ."--maimonides, hilcoth obedim, chap. ii. sec. .] vii. servants were bought. in other words, they received compensation in advance.[a] having shown, under a previous head, that servants _sold themselves_, and of course received the compensation for themselves, except in cases where parents hired out the time of their children till they became of age,[b] a mere reference to the fact is all that is required for the purposes of this argument. as all the strangers in the land were required to pay an annual tribute to the government, the israelites might often "buy" them as family servants, by stipulating with them to pay their annual tribute. this assumption of their obligations to the government might cover the whole of the servant's time of service, or a part of it, at the pleasure of the parties. [footnote a: but, says the objector, if servants received their pay in advance, and if the israelites were forbidden to surrender the fugitive to his master, it would operate practically as a bounty offered to all servants who would leave their master's service encouraging them to make contracts, get their pay in advance and then run away, thus cheating their masters out of their money as well as their own services.--we answer, the prohibition, deut xxiii. . , "thou shalt not deliver unto his master," &c., sets the servant free from his _authority_ and of course, from all those liabilities of injury, to which _as his servant_, he was subjected, but not from the obligation of legal contracts. if the servant had received pay in advance, and had not rendered an equivalent for this "value received," he was not absolved from his obligation to do so, but he was absolved from all obligations to pay his master in _that particular way_, that is, _by working for him as his servant_.] [footnote b: among the israelites, girls became of age at twelve, and boys at thirteen years.] viii. the right of servants to compensation is recognised in ex. xxi. . "and if he smite out his man-servant's, or his maid-servant's tooth, he shall let him go free for his tooth's sake." this regulation is manifestly based upon the _right_ of the servant to the _use_ of himself and all this powers, faculties and personal conveniences, and consequently his just claim for remuneration, upon him, who should however _unintentionally_, deprive him of the use even of the least of them. if the servant had a right to his _tooth_ and the use _of_ it, upon the same principle, he had a right to the rest of his body and the use of it. if he had a right to the _fraction_, and if it was his to hold, to use, and to have pay for; he had a right to the _sum total_, and it was his to hold, to use, and to have pay for. ix. we find masters at one time having a large number of servants, and afterwards none, with no intimation in any case that they were sold. the wages of servants would enable them to set up in business for themselves. jacob, after being laban's servant for twenty-one years, became thus an independent herdsman, and had many servants. gen. xxx. ; xxxii. . but all these servants had left him before he went down into egypt, having doubtless acquired enough to commence business for themselves. gen. xlv. , ; xlvi. - , . the case of ziba, the servant of mephibosheth, who had twenty servants, has been already mentioned. x. god's testimony to the character of abraham. gen. xviii. . "for i know him that he will command his children and his household after him, and they shall keep the way of the lord to do justice and judgment." god here testifies that abraham taught his servants "the way of the lord." what was the "way of the lord" respecting the payment of wages where service was rendered? "wo unto him that useth this neighbor's service without wages!" jer. xxii. . "masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal." col. iv. . "render unto all their dues." rom. xiii. . "the laborer is worthy of his hire." luke x. . how did abraham teach his servants to "_do justice_" to others? by doing injustice to _them_? did he exhort them to "render to all their dues" by keeping back _their own_? did he teach them that "the laborer was worthy of his hire" by robbing them of _theirs_? did he beget in them a reverence for honesty by pilfering all their time and labor? did he teach them "not to defraud" others "in any matter" by denying _them_ "what was just and equal?" if each of abraham's pupils under such a catechism did not become a very _aristides_ in justice, then illustrious examples, patriarchal dignity, and _practical_ lessons, can make but slow headway against human perverseness! xi. specific precepts of the mosaic law enforcing general principles. out of many, we select the following: ( .) "thou shalt not muzzle the ox when he treadeth out the corn." deut. xxv. . here is a general principle applied to a familiar case. the ox representing all domestic animals. isa. xxx. . a _particular_ kind of service, _all_ kinds; and a law requiring an abundant provision for the wants of an animal ministering to man in a _certain_ way,--a general principle of treatment covering all times, modes, and instrumentalities of service. the object of the law was; not merely to enjoin tenderness towards brutes, but to inculcate the duty of rewarding those who serve us; and if such care be enjoined, by god, both for the ample sustenance and present enjoyment of _a brute_, what would be a meet return for the services of _man?_--man with his varied wants, exalted nature and immortal destiny! paul says expressly, that this principle lies at the bottom of the statute. cor. ix. , , "for it is written in the law of moses, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn. doth god take care for oxen? or saith he it altogether for our sakes? that he that ploweth should plow in hope, and that he that thresheth in hope should be partaker of his hope." in the context, paul innumerates the four grand divisions of labor among the jews in illustration of the principle that the laborer, whatever may be the service he performs, is entitled to a _reward_. the priests, levites and all engaged in sacred things--the military, those who tended flocks and herds, and those who cultivated the soil. as the latter employment engaged the great body of the israelites, the apostle amplifies his illustration under that head by much detail--and enumerates the five great departments of agricultural labor among the jews--vine-dressing, plowing, sowing, reaping and threshing, as the representatives of universal labor. in his epistle to timothy. tim. v. . paul quotes again this precept of the mosaic law, and connects with it the declaration of our lord. luke x. . "the laborer is worthy of his hire,"--as both inculcating the _same_ doctrine, that he who labors, whatever the employment, or whoever the laborer, is entitled to a reward. the apostle thus declares the principle of right respecting the performance of service for others, and the rule of duty towards those who perform it, to be the same under both dispensations. ( .) "if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him, yea though he be a stranger or a sojourner that he may live with thee. take thou no usury of him, or increase, but fear thy god. thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase." lev. xxv. - . now, we ask, by what process of pro-slavery legerdemain, this regulation can be made to harmonize with the doctrine of work without pay? did god declare the poor stranger entitled to relief, and in the same breath, authorize them to "use his service without wages;" force him to work and rob him of his earnings? iv.--were masters the proprietors of servants as legal property? this topic has been unavoidably somewhat anticipated, in the foregoing discussion, but a variety of additional considerations remain to be noticed. i. servants were not subjected to the uses nor liable to the contingencies of property. _they were never taken in payment for their masters' debts_. children were sometimes taken (without legal authority) for the debts of a father. kings iv. ; job xxiv. ; isa. l. ; matt. xviii. . creditors took from debtors property of all kinds, to satisfy their demands. job xxiv. , cattle are taken; prov. xxii. , household furniture; lev. xxv. - , the productions of the soil; lev. xxv. - , houses; ex. xxii. , ; deut. xxiv. - ; matt. v. , clothing; but _servants_ were taken in _no instance_. . _servants were never given as pledges_. _property_ of all sorts was pledged for value received; household furniture, clothing, cattle, money, signets, personal ornaments, &c., but no servants. . _servants were not put into the hands of others, or consigned to their keeping_. the precept giving directions how to proceed in a case where property that has life is delivered to another "to keep," and "it die or be hurt or driven away," enumerates oxen, asses, sheep or "any _beast_," but not "_servants_." ex. xxii. . . _all lost property was to be restored_. oxen, asses, sheep, raiment, and "all lost things," are specified--servants _not_. deut. xxii - . besides, the israelites were forbidden to return the runaway servant. deut. xxiii, . . _servants were not sold_. when by flagrant misconduct, unfaithfulness or from whatever cause, they had justly forfeited their privilege of membership in an israelitish family, they were not sold, but _expelled_ from the household. luke xvi. - ; kings v. , ; gen. xxi. . _the israelites never received servants as tribute_. at different times all the nations round about them were their tributaries and paid them annually large amounts. they received property of all kinds in payment of tribute. gold, silver, brass, iron, precious stone, and vessels, armor, spices, raiment, harness, horses, mules, sheep, goats, &c., are in various places enumerated, but _servants_, never. . _the israelites never gave away their servants as presents_. they made costly presents, of great variety. lands, houses, all kinds of domestic animals, beds, merchandize, family utensils, precious metals, grain, honey, butter, cheese, fruits, oil, wine, raiment, armor, &c., are among their recorded _gifts_. giving presents to superiors and persons of rank, was a standing usage. sam. x. ; xvi. ; chron. xvii. . abraham to abimelech, gen. xxi. ; jacob to the viceroy of egypt, gen. xliii. ; joseph to his brethren and father, gen. xlv. , ; benhadad to elisha, kings viii. , ; ahaz to tiglath pilezer, kings vi. ; solomon to the queen of sheba, kings x. ; jeroboam to ahijah, kings xiv. ; asa to benhadad, kings xv. , . abigail the wife of nabal to david, sam. xxv. . david to the elders of judah, sam. xxx. . jehoshaphat to his sons, . chron. xxi. . the israelites to david, . chron. xii. , . shobi machir and barzillai to david, sam. xvii. , . but no servants were given as presents, though it was a prevailing fashion in the surrounding nations. gen. xii. , xx. . in the last passage we are told that abimelech king of the philistines "took sheep and oxen and men servants and women servants and gave them unto abraham." not long after this abraham made abimelech a present, the same kind with that which he had received from him except that he gave him _no servants_. "and abraham took sheep and oxen and gave them unto abimelech." gen. xxi. . it may be objected that laban "gave" handmaids to his daughters, jacob's wives. without enlarging on the nature of the polygamy then prevalent, suffice it to say that the handmaids of wives were regarded as wives, though of inferior dignity and authority. that jacob so regarded his handmaids, is proved by his curse upon reuben, gen. xlix. , and chron. v. ; also by the equality of their children with those of rachel and leah. but had it been otherwise--had laban given them as _articles of property_, then, indeed, the example of this "good old slaveholder and patriarch," saint laban, would have been a forecloser to all argument. ah! we remember his jealousy for _religion_--his holy indignation when he found that his "gods" were stolen! how he mustered his clan, and plunged over the desert in hot pursuit seven days by forced marches; how he ransacked a whole caravan, sifting the contents of every tent, little heeding such small matters as domestic privacy, or female seclusion, for lo! the zeal of his "images" had eaten him up! no wonder that slavery, in its bible-navigation, drifting dismantled before the free gusts, should scud under the lee of such a pious worthy to haul up and refit; invoking his protection, and the benediction, of his "gods!" again, it may be objected that, servants were enumerated in inventories of property. if that proves _servants_ property, it proves _wives_ property. "thou shall not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shall not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's." ex. xx. . in inventories of mere property, if servants are included, it is in such a way as to show that they are not regarded as property. eccl. ii. , . but when the design is to show, not merely the wealth, but the _greatness_ and _power_ of any one, servants are spoken of, as well as property. in a word, if _riches_ alone are spoken of, no mention is made of servants; if _greatness_, servants and property. gen. xiii. , . "and abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold." yet we are told, in the verse preceding, that he came up out of egypt "with _all_ that he had." "and lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents." in the seventh verse servants are mentioned, "and there was a strife between the herdmen of abraham's cattle and the herdmen of lot's cattle." it is said of isaac. "and the man waxed _great_, and went forward, and grew until he became _very great_. for he had possession of flocks, and possession of herds, and _great store of servants_." in immediate connection with this we find abimelech the king of the philistines saying to him. "thou art much _mightier_ than we." shortly after this avowal, isaac is waited upon by a deputation consisting of abimelech, phicol the chief captain of his army, and ahuzzath, who says to him "let there be now an oath betwixt us and thee, and let us make a covenant with thee, that thou wilt _do us no hurt_." gen. xxvi. , , , , , .--a plain concession of the _power_ which isaac had both for aggression and defence in his "great store of _servants_;" that is, of willing and affectionate adherents to him as a just and benevolent prince. when hamor and shechem speak to the hivites of the _riches_ of abraham and his sons, they say, "shall not their _cattle_ and their _substance_ and _every beast of theirs_ be ours?" gen. xxxiv. . see also josh. xxii. ; gen. xxxiv. ; job. xlii. ; chron. xxi. ; xxxii. - ; job. i. - ; deut. viii. - ; gen. xxiv. ; xxvi. ; xxx. . jacob's wives say to him, "all the _riches_ which god has taken from our father that is ours and our children's." then follows an inventory of property--"all his cattle," "all his goods," "the cattle of his getting." his numerous servants are not included with his property. comp. gen. xxx. , with gen. xxxi. - . when jacob sent messengers to esau, wishing to impress him with an idea of his state and sway, he bade them tell him not only of his riches, but of his greatness; that he had "oxen, and asses, and flocks, and men-servants, and maid-servants." gen. xxxii. , . yet in the present which he sent, there were no servants; though he manifestly selected the _most valuable_ kinds of property. gen. xxxii. , ; see also gen. xxxvi. , ; xxxiv. . as flocks and herds were the staples of wealth, a large number of servants presupposed large possessions of cattle, which would require many herdsmen. when jacob and his sons went down into egypt it is repeatedly asserted that they took _all that they had_. "their cattle and their goods which they had gotten in the land of canaan," "their flocks and their herds" are mentioned, but no _servants_. and as we have besides a full catalogue of the _household_, we know that he took with him no servants. that jacob _had_ many servants before his migration into egypt, we learn from gen, xxx. ; xxxii. , , . that he was not the _proprietor_ of these servants as his property is a probable inference from the fact that he did not take them with him, since we are expressly told that he did take all his _property_. gen. xlv. ; xlvi. , ; xlvii. . when servants are spoken of in connection with _mere property_, the terms used to express the latter do not include the former. the hebrew word _mikne_, is an illustration. it is derived from _kana_, to procure, to buy, and its meaning is, a _possession, wealth, riches_. it occurs more than forty times in the old testament, and is applied always to _mere property_, generally to domestic animals, but never to servants. in some instances, servants are mentioned in distinction from the _mikne_. "and abraham took sarah his wife, and lot his brother's son, and all their substance that they had gathered; and the souls that they had gotten in haran, and they went forth to go into the land of canaan." gen. xii. . many will have it, that these _souls_ were a part of abraham's _substance_ (notwithstanding the pains here taken to separate them from it)--that they were slaves taken with him in his migration as a part of his family effects. who but slaveholders, either actually or in heart, would torture into the principle and practice of slavery, such a harmless phrase as "_the souls that they had gotten?_" until the african slave trade breathed its haze into the eyes of the church and smote her with palsy and decay, commentators saw no slavery in, "the souls that they had gotten." in the targum of onkelos[a] it is rendered, "the souls whom they had brought to obey the law in haran." in the targum of jonathan, "the souls whom they had made proselytes in haran." in the targum of jerusalem, "the souls proselyted in haran." jarchi, the prince of jewish commentators, "the souls whom they had brought under the divine wings." jerome, one of the most learned of the christian fathers, "the persons whom they had proselyted." the persian version, the vulgate, the syriac, the arabic, and the samaritan all render it, "all the wealth which they had gathered, and the souls which they had made in haran." menochius, a commentator who wrote before our present translation of the bible, renders it, "quas de idolatraria converterant." "those whom they had converted from idolatry." paulus fagius,[b] "quas instituerant in religione." "those whom they had established in religion." luke francke, a german commentator who lived two centuries ago, "quas legi subjicerant."--"those whom they had brought to obey the law." the same distinction is made between _persons_ and property, in the enumeration of esau's household and the inventory of his effects. "and esau took his wives and his sons and his daughters, and all the _persons_ of his house, and his cattle, and all his beasts, and all his _substance_ which he had got in the land of canaan, and went into the country from the face of his brother jacob. for their _riches_ were more than that they might dwell together; and the land could not bear them because of their _cattle_." gen. xxxvi. , . [footnote a: the targums are chaldee paraphrases of parts of the old testament. the targum of onkelos is, for the most part, a very accurate and faithful translation of the original, and was probably made at about the commencement of the christian era. the targum of jonathan ben uzziel, bears about the same date. the targum of jerusalem was probably about five hundred years later. the israelites, during their captivity in babylon, lost, as a body, their own language. these translations into the chaldee, the language which they acquired in babylon, were thus called for by the necessity of the case.] [footnote b: this eminent hebrew scholar was invited to england to superintend the translation of the bible into english, under the patronage of henry the eighth. he had hardly commenced the work when he died. this was nearly a century before the date of our present translation.] ii. the condition and social estimation of servants make the doctrine that they were commodities, an absurdity. as the head of a jewish family possessed the same power over his wife, children, and grandchildren (if they were in his family) as over his servants, if the latter were articles of property, the former were equally such. if there were nothing else in the mosaic institutes or history establishing the social equality of the servants with their masters and their master's wives and children, those precepts which required that they should be guests at all the public feasts, and equal participants in the family and social rejoicings, would be quite sufficient to settle the question. deut. xii. , ; xvi. , , , . ex. xii. , . st. paul's testimony in gal. iv. , shows the condition of servants: "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all." that the interests of abraham's servants were identified with those of their master's family, and that the utmost confidence was reposed in them, is shown in their being armed. gen. xiv. , . when abraham's servant went to padanaram, the young princess rebecca did not disdain to say to him. "drink, my lord," as "she hasted and let down her pitcher upon her hand, and gave him drink." laban, the brother of rebecca, "ungirded his camels, and brought him water to wash his feet, and the men's feet that were with him!" in the arrangements of jacob's household on his journey from padanaram to canaan, we find his two maid servants treated in the same manner and provided with the same accommodations as rachel and leah. each of them had a separate tent appropriated to her use. gen. xxxi. . the social equality of servants with their masters and other members of their master's families, is an obvious deduction from ex. xxi. , , from which we learn that the sale of a young jewish female as a servant, was also _betrothed as a wife_, either to her master, or to one of his sons. in sam. ix. is an account of a festival in the city of zuph, at which samuel presided. none but those bidden, sat down at the feast, and only "about thirty persons" were invited. quite a select party!--the elite of the city. saul and his servant had just arrived at zuph, and _both_ of them, at samuel's solicitation, accompany him as invited guests. "and samuel took saul and his servant, and brought them into the parlor (!) and made them sit in the chiefest seats among those that were bidden." a _servant_ invited by the chief judge, ruler, and prophet in israel, to dine publicly with a select party, in company with his master, who was at the same time anointed king of israel! and this servant introduced by samuel into the parlor, and assigned, with his master, to the _chiefest seat_ at the table! this was "_one_ of the servants" of kish, saul's father; not the steward or the chief of them--not at all a _picked_ man, but "_one_ of the servants;" _any_ one that could be most easily spared, as no endowments specially rare would be likely to find scope in looking after asses. david seems to have been for a time in all respects a servant in saul's family. he "_stood before him_." "and saul sent to jesse, saying, let david, i pray thee, _stand before me_." he was saul's personal servant, went on his errands, played on the harp for his amusement, bore his armor for him, and when he wished to visit his parents, asked permission of jonathan, saul's son. saul also calls him "my servant." sam. xvi. - ; xviii. ; xx. , ; xxii. . yet david sat with the king at meat, married his daughter, and lived on terms of the closest intimacy with the heir apparent of the throne. abimelech, who was first elected king of shechem, and afterwards reigned over all israel, _was the son of a_ maid-servant. his mother's family seems to have been of much note in the city of shechem, where her brothers manifestly held great sway. judg. ix. - , . jarha, an egyptian, the servant of sheshan, married his daughter. tobiah, "the servant" and an ammonite married the daughter of shecaniah one of the chief men among the jews in jerusalem and was the intimate associate of sanballat the governor of the samaritans. we find elah, the king of israel, at a festive entertainment, in the house of arza, his steward, or head servant, with whom he seems to have been on terms of familiarity. kings xvi. , . see also the intercourse between gideon and his servants. judg. vi. , and vii. , . the levite of mount ephraim and his servant. judg. xx. , , , , , , . king saul and his servant doeg, one of his herdmen. sam. xx. , ; xxii. , , . king david and ziba, the servant of mephibosheth. sam. xvi. - . jonathan and his servant. sam. xiv. - . elisha and his servant, gehazi. kings iv. v. vi. also between joram king of israel and the servant of elisha. kings viii. , , and between naaman "the captain of the host of the king of syria" and the same person. kings v. - . the fact stated under a previous head that servants were always invited guests at public and social festivals, is in perfect keeping with the foregoing exemplifications of the prevalent estimation in which servants were held by the israelites. probably no one of the old testament patriarchs had more servants than job; "this man was the greatest man of all the men of the east." job, i. . we are not left in the dark as to the condition of his servants. after asserting his integrity, his strict justice, honesty, and equity, in his dealings with his fellow men, and declaring "i delivered the poor," "i was eyes to the blind and feet was i to the lame," "i was a father to the poor, and the cause which i knew not i searched out," * * * he says "if i did despise the cause of my man-servant or my maid-servant when they contended with me * * * then let mine arm fall from the shoulder blade, and mine arm be broken from the bone." job. xxix. , , ; xxxi. , . the language employed in this passage is the phraseology applied in judicial proceedings to those who implead one another, and whether it be understood literally or figuratively, shows that whatever difference existed between job and his servants in other respects, so far as _rights_ are concerned, they were on equal ground with him, and that in the matter of daily intercourse, there was not the least restraint on their _free speech_ in calling in question all his transactions with them, and that the relations and claims of both parties were adjudicated on the principles of equity and reciprocal right. "if i _despised_ the cause of my man-servant," &c. in other words, if i treated it lightly, as though servants were not men, had not rights, and had not a claim for just dues and just estimation as human beings. "when they _contended_ with me," that is, when they plead their rights, claimed what was due to them, or questioned the justice of any of my dealings with them. in the context job virtually affirms as the ground of his just and equitable treatment of his servants, that they had the same rights as he had, and were, as human beings, entitled to equal consideration with himself. by what language could he more forcibly utter his conviction of the oneness of their common origin and of the identity of their common nature, necessities, attribute and rights? as soon as he has said, "if i did despise the cause of my man-servant," &c., he follows it up with "what then shall i do when god raiseth up? and when he visiteth, what shall i answer him? did not he that made me in the womb, make _him_? and did not one fashion us in the womb." in the next verse job glories in the fact that he has not "_withheld from the poor their desire_." is it the "desire" of the poor to be _compelled_ by the rich to work for them, and without _pay_? iii. the case of the gibeonites. the condition of the inhabitants of gibeon, chephirah, beeroth, and kirjathjearim, under the hebrew commonwealth, is quoted in triumph by the advocates of slavery; and truly they are right welcome to all the crumbs that can be gleaned from it. milton's devils made desperate snatches at fruit that turned to ashes on their lips. the spirit of slavery raves under tormenting gnawings, and casts about in blind phrenzy for something to ease, or even to mock them. but for this, it would never have clutched at the gibeonites, for even the incantations of the demon cauldron could not extract from their case enough to tantalize starvation's self. but to the question. what was the condition of the gibeonites under the israelites? . _it was voluntary_. their own proposition to joshua was to become servants. josh. ix. , . it was accepted, but the kind of service which they should perform, was not specified until their gross imposition came to light; they were then assigned to menial offices in the tabernacle. . _they were not domestic servants in the families of the israelites_. they still resided in their own cities, cultivated their own fields, tended their flocks and herds, and exercised the functions of a _distinct_, though not independent community. they were subject to the jewish nation as _tributaries_. so far from being distributed among the israelites and their internal organization as a distinct people abolished, they remained a separate, and, in some respects, an independent community for many centuries. when attacked by the amorites, they applied to the israelites as confederates for aid--it was rendered, their enemies routed, and themselves left unmolested in their cities. josh. x. - . long afterwards, saul slew some of them, and god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. david inquired of the gibeonites, "what shall i do for you, and wherewith shall i make the atonement?" at their demand, he delivered up to them seven of saul's descendants. sam. xxi. - . the whole transaction was a formal recognition of the gibeonites as a distinct people. there is no intimation that they served either families or individuals of the israelites, but only the "house of god," or the tabernacle. this was established first at gilgal, a days' journey from their cities; and then at shiloh, nearly two days' journey from them; where it continued about years. during this period the gibeonites inhabited their ancient cities and territory. only a few, comparatively, could have been absent at any one time in attendance on the tabernacle. wherever allusion is made to them in the history, the main body are spoken of as _at home_. it is preposterous to suppose that all the inhabitants of these four cities could find employment at the tabernacle. one of them "was a great city, as one of the royal cities;" so large, that a confederacy of five kings, apparently the most powerful in the land, was deemed necessary for its destruction. it is probable that the men were divided into classes, ministering in rotation--each class a few days or weeks at a time. as the priests whose assistants they were, served by courses in rotation a week at a time; it is not improbable that their periods of service were so arranged as to correspond. this service was their _national tribute_ to the israelites, for the privilege of residence and protection under their government. no service seems to have been required of the _females_. as these gibeonites were canaanites, and as they had greatly exasperated the israelites by impudent imposition and lying, we might assuredly expect that they would reduce _them_ to the condition of chattels, if there was _any_ case in which god permitted them to do so. iv. egyptian bondage analyzed. throughout the mosaic system, god warns the israelites against holding their servants in such a condition as they were held in by the egyptians. how often are they pointed back to the grindings of their prison-house! what motives to the exercise of justice and kindness towards their servants, are held out to their fears in threatened judgments; to their hopes in promised good; and to all within them that could feel, by those oft repeated words of tenderness and terror! "for ye were bondmen in the land of egypt"--waking anew the memory of tears and anguish, and of the wrath that avenged them. but what was the bondage of the israelites in egypt? of what rights were they plundered and what did they retain? . _they were not dispersed among the families of egypt,[a] but formed a separate community_. gen. xlvi. . ex. viii. , ; ix. ; x. ; xi. ; iv. ; ii. ; xvi. ; xvii. ; vi. . . _they had the exclusive possession of the land of goshen,[b] "the best part of the land" of egypt_. gen. xlv. ; xlvii. , , ; ex. viii. ; ix. ; xii. . goshen must have been at a considerable distance from those parts of egypt inhabited by the egyptians; so far at least as to prevent their contact with the israelites, since the reason assigned for locating them in goshen was, that shepherds were "an abomination to the egyptians;" besides, their employments would naturally lead them out of the settled parts of egypt to find a free range of pasturage for their immense flocks and herds. . _they lived in permanent dwellings_. these were _houses_, not _tents_. in ex. xii. , , the two side _posts_, and the upper door _posts_, and the lintel of the houses are mentioned. each family seems to have occupied a house _by itself_. acts vii. . ex. xii. --and judging from the regulation about the eating of the passover, they could hardly have been small ones, ex. xii. ; probably contained separate apartments, as the entertainment of sojourners seems to have been a common usage. ex. iii. ; and also places for concealment. ex. ii. , ; acts vii. . they appear to have been well apparelled. ex. xii. . . _they owned "flocks and herds," and "very much cattle_." ex. xii. , , , , . from the fact that "_every man_" was commanded to kill either a lamb or a kid, one year old, for the passover, before the people left egypt, we infer that even the poorest of the israelites owned a flock either of sheep or goats. further, the immense multitude of their flocks and herds may be judged of from the expostulation of moses with jehovah. num. xii. , . "the people among whom i am are six hundred thousand footmen, and thou hast said i will give them flesh that they may eat a whole month; shall the flocks and the herds be slain for them to _suffice_ them." as these six hundred thousand were only the _men_ "from twenty years old and upward, that were able to go forth to war," ex. i. , ; the whole number of the israelites could not have been less than three millions and a half. flocks and herds to "suffice" all these for food, might surely be called "very much cattle." . _they had their own form of government_, and preserved their tribe and family divisions, and their internal organization throughout, though still a province of egypt, and _tributary_ to it. ex. ii. ; xii. , ; vi. , ; v. ; iii. , . . _they had in a considerable measure, the disposal of their own time._ ex. iii. , ; xii. ; ii. ; and iv. , - . _they seem to have practised the fine arts_. ex. xxxii. ; xxxv. , . . _they were all armed_. ex. xxxii. . . _they held their possessions independently, and the egyptians seem to have regarded them as inviolable_. no intimation is given that the egyptians dispossessed them of their habitations, or took away their flocks, or herds, or crops, or implements of agriculture, or any article of property. . _all the females seem to have known something of domestic refinements_. they were familiar with instruments of music, and skilled in the working of fine fabrics. ex. xv. ; xxxv. , ; and both males and females were able to read and write. deut. xi. - ; xvii. ; xxvii. . . _service seems to have been exacted from none but adult males_. nothing is said from which the bond service of females could be inferred; the hiding of moses three months by his mother, and the payment of wages to her by pharaoh's daughter, go against such a supposition. ex. ii. . . _their food was abundant and of great variety_. so far from being fed upon a fixed allowance of a single article, and hastily prepared, "they sat by the flesh-pots," and "did eat bread to the full." ex. xvi. ; and their bread was prepared with leaven. ex. xii. , . they ate "the fish freely, the cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlic." num. xi. , ; xx. . probably but a small portion of the people were in the service of the egyptians at any one time. the extent and variety of their own possessions, together with such a cultivation of their crops as would provide them with bread, and such care of their immense flocks and herds, as would secure their profitable increase, must have kept at home the main body of the nation. during the plague of darkness, god informs us that "all the children of israel had light in their dwellings." we infer that they were _there_ to enjoy it. see also ex. ix. . it seems improbable that the making of brick, the only service named during the latter part of their sojourn in egypt, could have furnished permanent employment for the bulk of the nation. see also ex. iv. - . besides, when eastern nations employed tributaries, it was as now, in the use of the levy, requiring them to furnish a given quota, drafted off periodically, so that comparatively but a small portion of the nation would be absent _at any one time_. the adult males of the israelites were probably divided into companies, which relieved each other at stated intervals of weeks or months. it might have been during one of these periodical furloughs from service that aaron performed the journey to horeb. ex. iv. . at the least calculation this journey must have consumed _eight weeks_. probably one-fifth part of the proceeds of their labor was required of the israelites in common with the egyptians. gen. xlvii. , . instead of taking it from their _crops_, (goshen being better for _pasturage_) they exacted it of them in brick making; and labor might have been exacted only from the _poorer_ israelites, the wealthy being able to pay their tribute in money. the fact that all the elders of israel seem to have controlled their own time, (see ex. iv. ; iii. ; v. ,) favors the supposition. ex. iv. , . contrast this bondage of egypt with american slavery. have our slaves "flocks and herds even very much cattle?" do they live in commodious houses of their own, "sit by the flesh-pots," "eat fish freely," and "eat bread to the full"? do they live in a separate community, in their distinct tribes, under their own rulers, in the exclusive occupation of an extensive tract of country for the culture of their crops, and for rearing immense herds of their own cattle--and all these held inviolable by their masters? are our female slaves free from exactions of labor and liabilities of outrage? or when employed, are they paid wages, as was the israelitish woman by the king's daughter? have they the disposal of their own time, and the means for cultivating social refinements, for practising the fine arts, and for personal improvement? the israelites under the bondage of egypt, enjoyed all these rights and privileges. true, "all the service wherein they made them serve was with rigor." but what was this when compared with the incessant toil of american slaves; the robbery of all their time and earnings, and even the "power to own any thing, or acquire any thing?" a "quart of corn a-day," the legal allowance of food![c] their _only_ clothing for one half the year, "_one_ shirt and _one_ pair of pantaloons!"[d]_two hours and a half_ only, for rest and refreshment in the twenty-four![e]--their dwellings, _hovels_, unfit for human residence, with but one apartment, where both sexes and all ages herd promiscuously at night, like the beasts of the field.[f] add to this, the ignorance, and degradation;[g] the daily sunderings of kindred, the revelries of lust, the lacerations and baptisms of blood, sanctioned by law, and patronized by public sentiment. what was the bondage of egypt when compared with this? and yet for her oppression of the poor, god smote her with plagues, and trampled her as the mire, till she passed away in his wrath, and the place that knew her in her pride, knew her no more. ah! "i have seen the afflictions of my people, and i have heard their groanings, and am come down to deliver them." he did come, and egypt sank a ruinous heap, and her blood closed over her. if such was god's retribution for the oppression of heathen egypt, of how much sorer punishment shall a christian people be thought worthy, who cloak with religion a system, in comparison with which the bondage of egypt dwindles to nothing? let those believe who can, that god commissioned his people to rob others of _all_ their rights, while he denounced against them wrath to the uttermost, if they practised the _far lighter_ oppression of egypt--which robbed its victims of only the least and cheapest of their rights, and left the females unplundered even of these. what! is god divided against himself? when he had just turned egypt into a funeral pile; while his curse yet blazed upon her unburied dead, and his bolts still hissed amidst her slaughter, and the smoke of her torment went upwards because she had "robbed the poor," did he license the victims of robbery to rob the poor of all? as _lawgiver_, did he _create_ a system tenfold more grinding than that for which he had just hurled pharaoh headlong, and overwhelmed his princes and his hosts, till "hell was moved to meet them at their coming?" [footnote c: see law of north carolina, haywood's manual - . to show that slaveholders are not better than their laws. we give a few testimonies. rev. thomas clay, of georgia, (a slaveholder,) in an address before the georgia presbytery, in , speaking of the slave's allowance of food, says:--"the quantity allowed by custom is a _peck of corn a week._" the maryland journal and baltimore advertiser of may , , says, "a _single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice_, is the ordinary quantity of provision for a _hard-working_ slave; to which a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though _rarely_, added." the gradual emancipation society of north carolina, in their report for , signed moses swaim, president, and william swaim, secretary, says, in describing the condition of slaves in the eastern part of that state, "the master puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a _great part_ of them go _half naked_ and _half starved_ much of the time." see minutes of the american convention, convened in baltimore, oct. , . rev. john rankin, a native of tennessee, and for many years a preacher in slave states, says of the food of slaves, "it _often_ happens that what will _barely keep them alive_, is all that a cruel avarice will allow them. hence, in some instances, their allowance has been reduced to a _single pint of corn each_, during the day and night. and some have no better allowance than a small portion of cotton seed; while perhaps they are not permitted to taste meat so much as once in the course of seven years. _thousands of them are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives._" rankin's letters on slavery, pp. , . hon. robert j. turnbull, of charleston, s.c., a slaveholder, says, "the subsistence of the slaves consists, from march until august, of corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called _hominy_, or baked into corn bread. the other six months, they are fed upon the sweet potatoe. meat, when given, is only by way of _indulgence or favor_." _see "refutation of the calumnies circulated against the southern and western states," by a south carolinian. charleston_, . asa a. stone, a theological student, residing at natchez, mississippi, wrote a letter to the editor of the new york evangelist in , in which he says, "on almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger at some seasons of almost every year. there is always a _good deal of suffering_ from hunger. on many plantations, and particularly in louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost utter famishment_ during a great portion of the year." at the commencement of his letter, mr. s. says, "intending, as i do, that my statements shall be relied on, and knowing that, should you think fit to publish this communication, they will come to this country, where their correctness may be tested by comparison with real life, i make them with the utmost care and precaution." president edwards, the younger, in a sermon preached half a century ago, at new haven, conn., says, speaking of the allowance of food given to slaves--"they are supplied with barely enough to keep them from starving." in the debate on the missouri question in the u.s. congress, - , the admission of missouri to the union, as a slave state, was urged, among other grounds as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the south. mr. smyth, a member of congress, from virginia, and a large slaveholder, said, "the plan of our opponents seems to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the countries where sugar, cotton, and tobacco are cultivated. but, sir, by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are purchased, _you doom them to scarcity and hunger_. is it not obvious that the way to render their situation more comfortable is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same motive to force the slave to incessant toil that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation. it is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ hard worked and ill fed, that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. * * * the proposed measure would be extreme cruelty to the blacks. * * * you would * * * doom them to scarcity and hard labor."--[speech of mr. smyth, of va., jan. , .]--see national intelligencer. ] [footnote d: see law of louisiana, martin's digest, , . mr. bouldin, a virginia slaveholder, in a speech in congress, feb. , , (see national intelligencer of that date,) said "_he knew_ that many negroes had died from exposure to weather." mr. b. adds, "they are clad in a flimsy fabric that will turn neither wind nor water." rev. john rankin says, in his letters on slavery, page , "in every slaveholding state, _many slaves suffer extremely_, both while they labor and while they sleep, _for want of clothing_ to keep them warm. often they are driven through frost and snow without either stocking or shoe, until the path they tread is died with their blood. and when they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not there the means of comfortable rest; but _on the cold ground they must lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber_." ] [footnote e: see law of louisiana, act of july , , martin's digest, , - . the law of south carolina permits the master to _compel_ his slaves to work fifteen hours in the twenty-four, in summer, and fourteen in the winter--which would be in winter, from daybreak in the morning until _four hours_ after sunset!--see brevard's digest, . the preamble of this law commences thus: "whereas, _many_ owners of slaves _do confine them so closely to hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest:_ be it therefore enacted," &c. in a work entitled "travels in louisiana in ," translated from the french, by john davis, is the following testimony under this head:-- "the labor of slaves in louisiana is _not_ severe, unless it be at the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, then they work _both night and day_. abridged of their sleep, they scarce retire to rest during the whole period." see page . on the th page of the same work, the writer says, _"both in summer and winter_ the slaves must be _in the field_ by the _first dawn of day."_ and yet he says, "the labor of the slave is _not severe_, except at the rolling of sugars!" the work abounds in eulogies of slavery. in the "history of south carolina and georgia," vol. , p. , is the following: "_so laborious_ is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice, that had it been possible to obtain european servants in sufficient numbers, _thousands and tens of thousands_ must have perished." in an article on the agriculture of louisiana, published in the second number of the "western review" is the following:--"the work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the process of making sugar is commenced, to be pressed night and day." mr. philemon bliss, of ohio, in his letters from florida, in , says, "the negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and excepting the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the field till dark in the evening." mr. stone, in his letter from natchez, an extract of which was given above, says, "it is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves rise in season in the morning, to _be in the field as soon as it is light enough for them to see to work_, and remain there until it is _so dark that they cannot see_. this is the case at all seasons of the year." president edwards, in the sermon already extracted from, says, "the slaves are kept at hard labor from _five o'clock in the morning till nine at night_, excepting time to eat twice during the day." hon. r.j. turnbull, a south carolina slaveholder, already quoted, speaking of the harvesting of cotton, says: _"all the pregnant women_ even, on the plantation, and weak and _sickly_ negroes incapable of other labor, are then _in requisition_." * * * see "refutation of the calumnies circulated against the southern and western states," by a south carolinian. ] [footnote f: a late number of the "western medical reformer" contains a dissertation by a kentucky physician, on _cachexia africana_, or african consumption, in which the writer says-- "this form of disease deserves more attention from the medical profession than it has heretofore elicited. among the causes may be named the mode and manner in which the negroes live. they are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, sometimes having an imperfect, and sometimes no floor--and seldom raised from the ground, illy ventilated, and surrounded with filth. their diet and clothing, are also causes which might be enumerated as exciting agents. they live on a coarse, crude and unwholesome diet, and are imperfectly clothed, both summer and winter; sleeping upon filthy and frequently damp beds." hon. r.j. turnbull, of south carolina, whose testimony on another point has been given above, says of the slaves, that they live in "_clay cabins_, with clay chimneys," &c. mr. clay, a georgia slaveholder, from whom an extract has been given already, says, speaking of the dwellings of the slaves, "too many individuals of both sexes are crowded into one house, and the proper separation of apartments _cannot_ be observed. that the slaves are insensible to the evils arising from it, does not in the least lessen the unhappy consequences." clay's address before the presbytery of georgia.--p. . ] [footnote g: rev. c.c. jones, late of georgia, now professor in the theological seminary at columbia, south carolina, made a report before the presbytery of georgia, in , on the moral condition of the slave population, which report was published under the direction of the presbytery. in that report mr. jones says, "they, the slaves, are shut out from our sympathies and efforts as immortal beings, and are educated and disciplined as creatures of profit, and of profit only, for this world." in a sermon preached by mr. jones, before two associations of planters, in georgia, in , speaking of the slaves he says, "they are a nation of heathen in our very midst." "what have we done for our poor negroes? with shame we must confess that we have done nothing!" "how can you pray for christ's kingdom to come while you are neglecting a people perishing for lack of vision around your very doors." "we withhold the bible from our servants and keep them in ignorance of it, while we _will_ not use the means to have it read and explained to them." jones' sermon, pp. , . an official report of the presbyterian synod of south carolina and georgia, adopted at its session in columbia, s.c., and published in the charleston observer of march , , speaking of the slaves, says, "there are over _two millions_ of _human beings_, in the condition of heathen, and, in some respects, _in a worse condition_!" * * * "from long continued and close observation, we believe that their moral and religious condition is such, as that they may justly be considered the _heathen_ of this christian country, and will _bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world_." * * * "the negroes are destitute of the privileges of the gospel, and _ever will be under the present state of things."_ report, &c., p. . a writer in the church advocate, published in lexington, ky., says, "the poor negroes are left in the ways of spiritual darkness, no efforts are being made for their enlightenment, no seed is being sown, nothing but a moral wilderness is seen, over which the soul sickens--the heart of christian sympathy bleeds. here nothing is presented but a moral waste, as _extensive as our influence_, as appalling as the valley of death." the following is an extract of a letter from bishop andrew of the methodist episcopal church, to messrs. garrit and maffit, editors of the "western methodist," then published at nashville, tennessee. "_augusta, jan. , ._ "the christians of the south owe a heavy debt to slaves on their plantations, and the ministers of christ especially are debtors to the whole slave population. i fear a cry goes up to heaven on this subject against us; and how, i ask, shall the scores who have left the ministry of the word, that they may make corn and cotton, and buy and sell, and get gain, meet this cry at the bar of god? and what shall the hundreds of money-making and money-loving masters, who have grown rich by the toil and sweat of their slaves, and _left their souls to perish_, say when they go with them to the judgment of the great day?" "the kentucky union for the moral and religious improvement of the colored race,"--an association composed of some of the most influential ministers and laymen of kentucky, says in a general circular to the religious public, "to the female character among the black population, we cannot allude but with feelings of the bitterest shame. a similar condition of moral pollution, and utter disregard of a pure and virtuous reputation, is to be found only _without the pale of christendom_. that such a state of society should exist in a christian nation, without calling forth any particular attention to its existence, though ever before our eyes and in our families, is a moral phenomenon at once unaccountable and disgraceful." rev. james a. thome, a native of kentucky, and still residing there, said in a speech in new york, may , speaking of licentiousness among the slaves, "i would not have you fail to understand that this is a _general_ evil. sir, what i now say, i say from deliberate conviction of its truth; that the slave states are sodoms, and almost every village family is a brothel. (in this, i refer to the inmates of the kitchen, and not to the whites.)" a writer in the "western luminary," published in lexington, ky., made the following declaration to the same point in the number of that paper for may , : "there is one topic to which i will allude, which will serve to establish the heathenism of this population. i allude to the universal licentiousness which prevails. _chastity is no virtue among them_--its violation neither injures female character in their own estimation, or that of their master or mistress--no instruction is ever given, _no censure pronounced_. i speak not of the world. i speak of christian families generally." rev. mr. converse, long a resident of virginia, and agent of the colonization society, said, in a sermon before the vt. c.s.--"almost nothing is done to instruct the slaves in the principles and duties of the christian religion. * * * the majority are emphatically _heathens_. * * pious masters (with some honorable exceptions) are criminally negligent of giving religious instruction to their slaves. * * * they can and do instruct their own children, and _perhaps_ their house servants; while those called "field hands" live, and labor, and die, without being told by their _pious_ masters (?) that jesus christ died to save sinners." the page is already so loaded with references that we forbear. for testimony from the mouths of slaveholders to the terrible lacerations and other nameless outrages inflicted on the slaves, the reader is referred to the number of the anti-slavery record for jan. . ] we now proceed to examine the various objections which will doubtless be set in array against all the foregoing conclusions. objections considered. the advocates of slavery find themselves at their wit's end in pressing the bible into their service. every movement shows them hard pushed. their ever-varying shifts, their forced constructions and blind guesswork, proclaim both their _cause_ desperate, and themselves. meanwhile their invocations for help to "those good old slaveholders and patriarchs, abraham, isaac, and jacob,"[a] sent up without ceasing from the midst of their convulsions, avail as little as did the screams and lacerations of the prophets of baal to bring an answer of fire. the bible defences thrown around slavery by the professed ministers of the gospel, do so torture common sense, scripture, and historical facts it were hard to tell whether absurdity, fatuity, ignorance, or blasphemy, predominates, in the compound; each strives so lustily for the mastery, it may be set down a drawn battle. how often has it been bruited that the color of the negro is the _cain-mark_, propagated downward. cain's posterity started an opposition to the ark, forsooth, and rode out the flood with flying streamers! how could miracle be more worthily employed, or better vindicate the ways of god to man than by pointing such an argument, and filling out for slaveholders a divine title-deed! [footnote a: the presbytery of harmony, south carolina, at their meeting in wainsborough, s.c., oct. , , appointed a special committee to report on slavery. the following resolution is a part of the report adopted by the presbytery. "resolved, that slavery has existed from the days of those good old slaveholders and patriarchs, abraham, isaac and jacob, who are now in the kingdom of heaven." abraham receives abundant honor at the hands of slave-holding divines. not because he was the "father of the faithful," forsook home and country for the truth's sake, was the most eminent preacher and practiser of righteousness in his day; nay, verily, for all this he gets faint praise; but then he had "servants bought with money!!!" this is the finishing touch of his character, and its effect on slaveholders is electrical. prose fledges into poetry, cold compliments warm into praise, eulogy rarifies into panegyric and goes off in rhapsody. in their ecstasies over abraham, isaac's paramount claims to their homage are lamentably lost sight of. it is quite unaccountable, that in their manifold oglings over abraham's "servants bought with money," no slaveholder is ever caught casting loving side-glances at gen. xxvii. , , where isaac, addressing jacob, says, "be _lord_ over thy brethren and let thy mother's sons _bow down_ to thee." and afterwards, addressing esau, he says, speaking of the birth-right immunities confirmed to jacob, "behold i have made him thy _lord_ and all his brethren have i given to him for servants!" here is a charter for slaveholding, under the sign manual of that "good old slaveholder and patriarch, isaac." yea, more--a "divine warrant" for a father holding his _children_ as slaves and bequeathing them as property to his heirs! better still, it proves that the favorite practice amongst our slaveholders of bequeathing their _colored_ children to those of a different hue, was a "divine institution," for isaac "_gave_" esau, who was "_red_ all over," to jacob, "_as a servant_." now gentlemen, "honor to whom honor." let isaac no longer be stinted of the glory that is his due as the great prototype of that "peculiar domestic institution," of which you are eminent patrons, that nice discrimination, by which a father, in his will, makes part of his children _property_, and the rest, their _proprietors_, whenever the propriety of such a disposition is indicated, as in the case of jacob and esau, by the decisive tokens of color and hair, (for, to show that esau was jacob's _rightful_ property after he was "given to him" by isaac "for a servant," the difference in _hair_ as well as color, is expressly stated by inspiration!) one prominent feature of patriarchal example has been quite overlooked by slaveholders. we mean the special care of isaac to inform jacob that those "given to him as servants" were "his brethren," (twice repeated.) the deep veneration of slaveholders for every thing patriarchal, clears them from all suspicion of _designedly_ neglecting this authoritative precedent, and their admirable zeal to perpetuate patriarchal fashions, proves this seeming neglect, a mere _oversight_: and is an all-sufficient guarantee that henceforward they will religiously illustrate in their own practice, the beauty of this hitherto neglected patriarchal usage. true, it would be an odd codicil to a will, for a slaveholder, after bequeathing to _some_ of his children, all his slaves, to add a supplement, informing them that such and such and such of them were their _brothers and sisters_. doubtless it would be at first a sore trial also, but what _pious_ slaveholder would not be sustained under it by the reflection that he was humbly following in the footsteps of his illustrious patriarchal predecessors! great reformers must make great sacrifices, and if the world is to be brought back to the purity of patriarchal times, upon whom will the ends of the earth come, to whom will all trembling hearts and failing eyes spontaneously turn as leaders to conduct the forlorn hope through the wilderness to that promised land, if not to slaveholders, those disinterested pioneers whose self-denying labors have founded far and wide the "patriarchal institution" of _concubinage_, and through evil report and good report, have faithfully stamped their own image and superscription, in variegated hues, upon the faces of a swarming progeny from generation to generation. ] objection i. "_cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren._" gen. ix. . this prophecy of noah is the _vade mecum_ of slaveholders, and they never venture abroad without it; it is a pocket-piece for sudden occasion, a keepsake to dote over, a charm to spell-bind opposition, and a magnet to draw to their standard "whatsoever worketh abomination or maketh a lie." but "cursed be canaan" is a poor drug to ease a throbbing conscience--a mocking lullaby to unquiet tossings. those who justify negro slavery by the curse on canaan, _assume_ as usual all the points in debate. . that _slavery_ was prophesied, rather than mere _service_ to others, and _individual_ bondage rather than _national_ subjection and tribute. . that the _prediction_ of crime justifies it; or at least absolves those whose crimes fulfil it. how piously the pharaohs might have quoted the prophecy, "_thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and they shall afflict them four hundred years._" and then, what saints were those that crucified the lord of glory! . that the africans are descended from canaan. africa was peopled from egypt and ethiopia, which countries were settled by mizraim and cush. for the location and boundaries of canaan's posterity, see gen. x. - . so a prophecy of evil to one people, is quoted to justify its infliction upon another. perhaps it may be argued that canaan includes all ham's posterity. if so, the prophecy is yet unfulfilled. the other sons of ham settled egypt and assyria, and, conjointly with shem, persia, and afterward, to some extent, the grecian and roman empires. the history of these nations gives no verification of the prophecy. whereas, the history of canaan's descendants for more than three thousand years, is a record of its fulfillment. first, they were put to tribute by the israelites; then by the medes and persians; then by the macedonians, grecians and romans, successively; and finally, were subjected by the ottoman dynasty, where they yet remain. thus canaan has been for ages the servant mainly of shem and japhet, and secondarily of the other sons of ham. it may still be objected, that though canaan alone is _named_, yet the d and th verses show the posterity of ham in general to be meant. "and ham, the father of canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without." "and noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him, and said," &c. it is argued that this "_younger_ son" cannot be canaan, as he was the _grandson_ of noah, and therefore it must be ham. we answer, whoever that "_younger son_" was, canaan alone was named in the curse. besides, the hebrew word _ben_, signifies son, grandson, or _any one_ of the posterity of an individual.[a] "_know ye laban, the_ son (grandson) _of nahor_?" gen. xxix. . "_mephibosheth the_ son (grandson) _of saul_." sam. xix. ; sam. ix. . "_the driving of jehu the_ son (grandson) _of nimshi_." kings ix. . see also ruth iv. ; sam. xxi. ; gen. xxxi. . shall we forbid the inspired writer to use the same word when speaking of noah's grandson? further, ham was not the "_younger_ son." the order of enumeration makes him the _second_ son. if it be said that bible usage varies, the order of birth not always being observed in enumerations; the reply is, that, enumeration in that order, is the _rule_, in any other order the _exception_. besides, if a younger member of a family takes precedence of older ones in the family record, it is a mark of pre-eminence, either in endowments, or providential instrumentality. abraham, though sixty years younger than his eldest brother, stands first in the family genealogy. nothing in ham's history shows him pre-eminent; besides, the hebrew word _hakkatan_ rendered "the _younger_," means the _little, small_. the same word is used in isa. lx. . "a little one _shall become a thousand_." isa. xxii. . "_all vessels of_ small _quantity_." ps. cxv. . "_he will bless them that fear the lord both_ small _and great_." ex. xviii, . "_but every_ small _matter they shall judge_." it would be a literal rendering of gen. ix. , if it were translated thus, "when noah knew what his little son,"[b] or grandson (_beno hakkatan_) "had done unto him, he said cursed be canaan," &c. further, even if the africans were the descendants of canaan, the assumption that their enslavement fulfils this prophecy, lacks even plausibility, for, only a _fraction_ of the inhabitants of africa have at any time been the slaves of other nations. if the objector say in reply, that a large majority of the africans have always been slaves _at home_, we answer: _it is false in point of fact_, though zealously bruited often to serve a turn; and _if it were true_, how does it help the argument? the prophecy was, "cursed be canaan, a servant of servants shall he be _unto his_ brethren.," not unto _himself!_ [footnote a: so _av_, the hebrew word for father, signifies any ancestor, however remote. chron. xvii. ; xxviii. ; xxxiv. ; dan. v. .] [footnote b: the french follows the same analogy; _grandson_ being _petit fils_ (little son.)] objection ii.--"_if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished. notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money._" ex. xxi. , . what was the design of this regulation? was it to grant masters an indulgence to beat servants with impunity, and an assurance, that if they beat them to death, the offence should not be _capital_? this is substantially what commentators tell us. what deity do such men worship? some blood-gorged moloch, enthroned on human hecatombs, and snuffing carnage for incense? did he who thundered from sinai's flames, "thou shalt not kill," offer a bounty on _murder_? whoever analyzes the mosaic system, will often find a moot court in session, trying law points, settling definitions, or laying down rules of evidence. num. xxxv. - ; deut. xix. - ; lev. xxiv. - ; ex. xxi. , , are some of the cases stated, with tests furnished the judges by which to detect _the intent_, in actions brought before them. their ignorance of judicial proceedings, laws of evidence, &c., made such instructions necessary. the detail gone into, in the verses quoted, is manifestly to enable them to get at the _motive_ and find out whether the master _designed_ to kill. . "if a man smite his servant with a _rod_."--the instrument used, gives a clue to the _intent_. see num. xxxv. - . a _rod_, not an axe, nor a sword, nor a bludgeon, nor any other death-weapon--hence, from the _kind_ of instrument, no design to _kill_ would be inferred; for _intent_ to kill would hardly have taken a _rod_ for its weapon. but if the servant "_die under his hand_," then the unfitness of the instrument, is point blank against him; for, striking with a _rod_ so as to cause death, presupposed very many blows and great violence, and this kept up till the death-gasp, showed an _intent to kill_. hence "he shall _surely_ be punished." but if he continued a day or two, the _length of time that he lived_, the _kind_ of instrument used, and the master's pecuniary interest in his _life_, ("he is his _money_,") all made a strong case of presumptive evidence, showing that the master did not _design_ to kill. further, the word _nakam_, here rendered _punished_, occurs thirty-five times in the old testament, and in almost every place is translated "_avenge_," in a few, "_to take vengeance_," or "_to revenge_," and in this instance alone, "_punish_." as it stands in our translation, the pronoun preceding it, refers to the _master_, whereas it should refer to the _crime_, and the word rendered _punished_, should have been rendered _avenged_. the meaning is this: if a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, it (the death) shall surely be avenged, or literally, _by avenging it shall be avenged_; that is, the _death_ of the servant shall be _avenged_ by the _death_ of the master. so in the next verse, "if he continue a day or two," his death is not to be avenged by the _death_ of the _master_, as in that case the crime was to be adjudged _manslaughter_, and not _murder_. in the following verse, another case of personal injury is stated, for which the injurer is to pay _a sum of money_; and yet our translators employ the same phraseology in both places! one, an instance of deliberate, wanton, killing by piecemeal; the other, an accidental, and comparatively slight injury--of the inflicter, in both cases, they say the same thing! now, just the discrimination to be looked for where god legislates, is marked in the original. in the case of the servant wilfully murdered, he says, "it (the death) shall surely be _avenged_," that is, the life of the wrong doer shall expiate the crime. the same word is used in the old testament, when the greatest wrongs are redressed, by devoting the perpetrators to _destruction_. in the case of the unintentional injury, in the following verse, god says, "he shall surely be _fined_, (_anash_.) "he shall _pay_ as the judges determine." the simple meaning of the word _anash_, is to lay a fine. it is used in deut. xxii. : "they shall _amerce_ him in one hundred shekels," and in chron. xxxvi. : "he condemned (_mulcted_) the land in a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold." that _avenging_ the death of the servant, was neither imprisonment, nor stripes, nor a fine but that it was _taking the master's life_ we infer, . from the _use_ of the word _nakam_. see gen. iv. ; josh. x. ; judg. xv. ; xvi. ; sam. xiv. ; xviii. ; xxv. ; sam. iv. ; judg. v. ; sam. xxv. - . . from the express statute, lev. xxiv. : "he that killeth any man shall surely be put to death." also, num. xxxv. , : "whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death. moreover, ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death." . the targum of jonathan gives the verse thus, "death by the sword shall surely be adjudged." the targum of jerusalem, "vengeance shall be taken for him to the _uttermost_." jarchi, the same. the samaritan version: "he shall die the death." again, the clause "for he is his money," is quoted to prove that the servant is his master's property, and therefore, if he died, the master was not to be punished. the assumption is, that the phrase, "he is his money," proves not only that the servant is _worth money_ to the master, but that he is an _article of property_. if the advocates of slavery insist upon taking this principle of interpretation into the bible, and turning it loose, let them stand and draw in self-defence. if they endorse for it at one point, they must stand sponsors all around the circle. it will be too late to cry for quarter when its stroke clears the table, and tilts them among the sweepings beneath. the bible abounds with such expressions as the following: "this (bread) _is_ my body;" "all they (the israelites) _are_ brass and tin;" this (water) _is_ the blood of the men who went in jeopardy of their lives;" "the lord god _is_ a sun;" "the seven good ears _are_ seven years;" "the tree of the field _is_ man's life;" "god _is_ a consuming fire;" "he _is_ his money," &c. a passion for the exact _literalities_ of the bible is too amiable, not to be gratified in this case. the words in the original are (_káspo-hu_,) "his _silver_ is he." the objector's principle of interpretation is a philosopher's stone! its miracle touch transmutes five feet eight inches of flesh and bones into _solid silver_! quite a _permanent_ servant, if not so nimble withal--reasoning against _"forever_," is forestalled henceforth, and, deut. xxiii. , quite outwitted. the obvious meaning of the phrase, "_he is his money_," is, he is _worth money_ to his master, and since, if the master had killed him, it would have taken money out of his pocket, the _pecuniary loss_, the _kind of instrument used_, and _the fact of his living sometime after the injury_, (if the master _meant_ to kill, he would be likely to _do_ it while about it.) all together make a strong case of presumptive evidence clearing the master from _intent to kill_. but let us look at the objector's _inferences_. one is, that as the master might dispose of his _property_ as he pleased, he was not to be punished, if he destroyed it. whether the servant died under the master's hand, or after a day or two, he was _equally_ his property, and the objector admits that in the _first_ case the master is to be "surely punished" for destroying _his own property_! the other inference is, that since the continuance of a day or two, cleared the master of _intent to kill_, the loss of the servant would be a sufficient punishment for inflicting the injury which caused his death. this inference makes the mosaic law false to its own principles. a _pecuniary loss_ was no part of the legal claim, where a person took the _life_ of another. in such case, the law spurned money, whatever the sum. god would not cheapen human life, by balancing it with such a weight. "ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, but he shall surely be put to death." num. xxxv. . even in excusable homicide, where an axe slipped from the helve and killed a man, no sum of money availed to release from confinement in the city of refuge, until the death of the high priest. num. xxxv. . the doctrine that the loss of the servant would be a penalty _adequate_ to the desert of the master, admits his _guilt_ and his desert of _some_ punishment, and it prescribes a kind of punishment, rejected by the law, in all cases where man took the life of man, whether with or without intent to kill. in short, the objector annuls an integral part of the system--makes a _new_ law, and coolly metes out such penalty as he thinks fit. divine legislation revised and improved! the master who struck out his servant's tooth, whether intentionally or not, was required to set him free. the _pecuniary loss_ to the master was the same as though he had killed him. look at the two cases. a master beats his servant so that he dies of his wounds; another accidentally strikes out his servant's tooth,--_the pecuniary loss of both masters is the same_. if the loss of the servant's services is punishment sufficient for the crime of killing him, would god command the same punishment for the accidental knocking out of a _tooth_? indeed, unless the injury was done _inadvertently_, the loss of the servant's services was only a part of the punishment--mere reparation to the _individual_ for injury done; the main punishment, that strictly _judicial_, was reparation to the _community_. to set the servant _free_, and thus proclaim his injury, his right to redress, and the measure of it--answered not the ends of _public_ justice. the law made an example of the offender, that "those that remain might hear and fear." "if a man cause a blemish in his neighbor, as he hath done, so shall it be done unto him. breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth. ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger as for one of your own country." lev. xxiv. , , . finally, if a master smote out _his_ servant's tooth, the law smote out his tooth--thus redressing the _public_ wrong; and it cancelled the servant's obligation to the master, thus giving some compensation for the injury done, and exempting him from perilous liabilities in future. objection iii. "_both thy bondmen and bondmaids which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you, of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. moreover of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and they shall be your possession. and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen forever._" lev. xxv. - . the _points_ in these verses, urged as proof, that the mosaic system sanctioned slavery, are . the word "bondmen." . "buy." . "inheritance and possession." . "forever." we will now ascertain what sanction to slavery is derivable from these terms. . "bondmen." the fact that servants from the heathen are called "_bondmen_," while others are called "_servants_," is quoted as proof that the former were slaves. as the caprices of king james' translators were not inspired, we need stand in no special awe of them. the word here rendered bondmen is uniformly rendered servants elsewhere. the hebrew word "_ebedh_," the plural of which is here translated "_bondmen_," is often applied to christ. "behold my _servant_ (bondman, slave?) whom i uphold." isa. xlii. . "behold my _servant_ (christ) shall deal prudently." isa. lii. . "and he said it is a light thing that thou (christ) shouldst be my _servant_." isa. xlix. . "to a _servant_ of rulers." isa. xlix. . "by his knowledge shall my righteous _servant_ (christ) justify many." is. liii. . "behold i will bring forth my _servant_ the branch." zech. iii. . in kings xii. , , it is applied to king rehoboam. "and they spake unto him, saying if thou wilt be a _servant_ unto this people, then they will be thy _servants_ forever." in chron. xii. , , , , to the king and all the nation. the word is used to designate those who perform service for _individuals or families_, about thirty-five times in the old testament. to designate _tributaries_ about twenty-five times. to designate the _subjects of government_, about thirty-three times. to designate the worshippers both of the true god, and of false gods, about seventy times. it is also used in salutations and courteous addresses nearly one hundred times. in fine, the word is applied to all persons doing service for others, and that _merely to designate them as the performers of such service_, whatever it might be, or whatever the ground on which it might be rendered. to argue from the fact, of this word being used to designate domestic servants, that they were made servants by _force_, worked without pay, and held as articles of property, is such a gross assumption and absurdity as to make formal refutation ridiculous. we repeat what has been shown above, that the word rendered bondmen in lev. xxv. , is used to point out persons rendering service for others, totally irrespective of the principle on which that service was rendered; as is manifest from the fact that it is applied indiscriminately to tributaries, to domestics, to all the subjects of governments, to magistrates, to all governmental officers, to younger sons--defining their relation to the first born, who is called _lord_ and _ruler_--to prophets, to kings, and to the messiah. to argue from the meaning of the word _ebedh_ as used in the old testament, that those to whom it was applied rendered service against their will, and without pay, does violence to the scripture use of the term, sets at nought all rules of interpretation, and outrages common sense. if _any_ inference as to the meaning of the term is to be drawn from the condition and relations of the various classes of persons, to whom it is applied, the only legitimate one would seem to be, that the term designates a person who renders service to another in return for something of value received from him. the same remark applies to the hebrew verb _abadh_, to serve, answering to the noun _ebedh_ (servant). it is used in the old testament to describe the _serving_ of tributaries, of worshippers, of domestics, of levites, of sons to a father, of younger brothers to the elder, of subjects to a ruler, of hirelings, of soldiers, of public officers to the government, of a host to his guests, &c. of these it is used to describe the serving of _worshippers_ more than forty times, of _tributaries_, about thirty five, and of servants or domestics, about _ten_. if the israelites not only held slaves, but multitudes of them, if abraham had thousands, and if they abounded under the mosaic system, why had their language no word that _meant slave_? that language must be wofully poverty-stricken, which has no signs to represent the most common and familiar objects and conditions. to represent by the same word, and without figure, property, and the owner of that property, is a solecism. ziba was an "_ebedh_," yet he "_owned_" (!) twenty _ebedhs_! in our language, we have both _servant_ and _slave_. why? because we have both the _things_, and need _signs_ for them. if the tongue had a sheath, as swords have scabbards, we should have some _name_ for it: but our dictionaries give us none. why? because there is no such _thing_. but the objector asks, "would not the israelites use their word _ebedh_ if they spoke of the slave of a heathen?" answer. their _national_ servants or tributaries, are spoken of frequently, but domestics servants so rarely, that no necessity existed, even if they were slaves, for coining a new word. besides, the fact of their being domestics, under _heathen laws and usages_, proclaimed their liabilities; their _locality_ made a _specific_ term unnecessary. but if the israelites had not only _servants_, but a multitude of _slaves_, a _word meaning slave_, would have been indispensible for every day convenience. further, the laws of the mosaic system were so many sentinels on the outposts to warn off foreign practices. the border ground of canaan, was quarantine ground, enforcing the strictest non-intercourse in usages between the without and the within. . "buy." the _buying_ of servants, is discussed at length. pp. - . to that discussion the reader is referred. we will add in this place but a single consideration. this regulation requiring the israelites to _"buy"_ servants of the heathen, prohibited their taking them without buying. _buying_ supposes two parties: a _price_ demanded by one and paid by the other, and consequently, the _consent_ of both buyer and seller, to the transaction. of course the command to the israelites to _buy_ servants of the heathen, prohibited their getting them unless they first got _somebody's_ consent to the transaction, and paid to _somebody_ a fair equivalent. now, who were these _somebodies_? this at least is plain, they were not _israelites_, but heathen. "of _them_ shall ye buy." who then were these _somebodies_, whose right was so paramount, that _their_ consent must be got and the price paid must go into _their_ pockets? were they the persons themselves who became servants, or some _other_ persons. "some _other_ persons to be sure," says the objector, "the countrymen or the neighbors of those who become servants." ah! this then is the import of the divine command to the israelites. "when you go among the heathen round about to get a man to work for you, i straightly charge you to go first to his _neighbors_, get _their_ consent that you may have him, settle the terms with _them_, and pay to them a fair equivalent. if it is not _their_ choice to let him go, i charge you not to take him on your peril. if _they_ consent, and you pay _them_ the full value of his labor, then you may go and catch the man and drag him home with you, and make him work for you, and i will bless you in the work of your hands and you shall eat of the fat of the land. as to the man himself, his choice is nothing, and you need give him nothing for his work: but take care and pay his _neighbors_ well for him, and respect _their_ free choice in taking him, for to deprive a heathen man by force and without pay of the _use of himself_ is well pleasing in my sight, but to deprive his heathen neighbors of the use of him is that abominable thing which my soul hateth." . "forever." this is quoted to prove that servants were to serve during their life time, and their posterity from generation to generation.[a] no such idea is contained in the passage. the word "forever," instead of defining the length of _individual_ service, proclaims the permanence of the regulation laid down in the two verses preceding, namely, that their _permanent domestics_ should be of the _strangers_, and not of the israelites; it declares the duration of that general provision. as if god had said, "you shall _always_ get your _permanent_ laborers from the nations round about you; your servants shall _always_ be of that class of persons." as it stands in the original, it is plain--"_forever of them shall ye serve yourselves_." this is the literal rendering. [footnote a: one would think that the explicit testimony of our lord should for ever forestall all cavil on this point. "_the servant abideth not in the house_ for ever, but the son, abideth ever." john viii. .] that "_forever_" refers to the permanent relations of a _community_, rather than to the services of _individuals_, is a fair inference from the form of the expression, "both thy bondmen, &c., shall be of the _heathen_. of them shall ye buy." "they shall be your possession." "they shall be your bondmen forever." "but over your brethren the children of israel," &c. to say nothing of the uncertainty of _these individuals_ surviving those _after_ whom they are to live, the language used applies more naturally to a _body_ of people, than to _individual_ servants. besides _perpetual_ service cannot be argued from the term _forever_. the ninth and tenth verses of the same chapter limit it absolutely by the jubilee. "then thou shalt cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound * * throughout all your land." "and ye shall proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof." it may be objected that "inhabitants" here means _israelitish_ inhabitants alone. the command is, "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all _the inhabitants thereof_." besides, in the sixth verse, there is an enumeration of the different classes of the inhabitants, in which servants and strangers are included; and in all the regulations of the jubilee, and the sabbatical year, the strangers are included in the precepts, prohibitions, and promises. again: the year of jubilee was ushered in by the day of atonement. what did these institutions show forth? the day of atonement prefigured the atonement of christ, and the year of jubilee, the gospel jubilee. and did they prefigure an atonement and a jubilee to _jews_ only? were they types of sins remitted, and of salvation proclaimed to the nation of israel alone? is there no redemption for us gentiles in these ends of the earth, and is our hope presumption and impiety? did that old partition wall survive the shock that made earth quake, and hid the sun, burst graves and rocks, and rent the temple veil? and did the gospel only rear it higher to thunder direr perdition from its frowning battlements on all without? no! the god of our salvation lives. "good tidings of great joy shall be to all people." one shout shall swell from all the ransomed, "thou hast redeemed us unto god by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation." to deny that the blessings of the jubilee extended to the servants from the _gentiles_, makes christianity _judaism_.[a] it not only eclipses the glory of the gospel, but strikes out its sun. the refusal to release servants at the jubilee falsified and disannulled a grand leading type of the atonement, and was a libel on the doctrine of christ's redemption. but even if _forever_ did refer to _individual_ service, we have ample precedents for limiting the term by the jubilee. the same word defines the length of time which _jewish_ servants served who did not go out at the end of their six years' term. and all admit that they went out at the jubilee. ex. xxi. - ; deut. xv. - . the d verse of the same chapter is quoted to prove that "_forever_" in the th verse extends beyond the jubilee. "the land shall not be sold forever, for the land is mine"--since it would hardly be used in different senses in the same general connection. as _forever_, in the th verse, respects the _general arrangement_, and not _individual service_ the objection does not touch the argument. besides, in the th verse, the word used is _olam_, meaning _throughout the period_, whatever that may be. whereas in the d verse, it is _tsemithuth_, meaning, a _cutting off_, or _to be cut off_; and the import of it is, that the owner of an inheritance shall not forfeit his _proprietorship_ of it; though it may for a time pass from his control into the hands of his creditors or others, yet the owner shall be permitted to _redeem_ it, and even if that be not done, it shall not be "_cut off_," but shall revert to him at the jubilee. [footnote a: so far from the strangers not being released by the proclamation of liberty on the morning of the jubilee, they were the only persons who were, as a body, released by it. the rule regulating the service of hebrew servants was, "six years shall he serve, and in the seventh year he shall go out free." the _free holders_ who had "fallen into decay," and had in consequence mortgaged their inheritances to their more prosperous neighbors, and become in some sort their servants, were released by the jubilee, and again resumed their inheritances. this was the only class of jewish servants (and it could not have been numerous,) which was released by the jubilee; all others went out at the close of their six years' term.] . "inheritance and possession." "ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you to inherit them for a possession. this, as has been already remarked refers to the _nations_, and not to the _individual_ servants procured from the senations. the holding of servants as a _possession_ is discussed at large pp. - . to what is there advanced we here subjoin a few brief considerations. we have already shown, that servants could not he held as a _property_ possession, and inheritance; that they became such of their _own accord_, were paid wages, released from their regular labor nearly _half the days in each year_, thoroughly _instructed_ and _protected_ in all their personal, social, and religious rights, equally with their masters. all remaining, after these ample reservations, would be small temptation, either to the lust of power or of lucre; a profitable "possession" and "inheritance," truly! what if our american slaves were all placed in _just such a condition_! alas, for that soft, melodious circumlocution, "our peculiar species of property!" verily, emphasis would be cadence, and euphony and irony meet together! what eager snatches at mere words, and bald technics, irrespective of connection, principles of construction, bible usages, or limitations of meaning by other passages--and all to eke out such a sense as sanctifies existing usages, thus making god pander for lust. the words _nahal_ and _nahala_, inherit and inheritance, by no means necessarily signify _articles of property_. "the people answered the king and said, "we have none _inheritance_ in the son of jesse." chron. x. . did they mean gravely to disclaim the holding of their king as an article of _property_? "children are an _heritage_ (inheritance) of the lord." ps. cxxvii. . "pardon our iniquity, and take us for thine _inheritance_." ex. xxxiv. . when god pardons his enemies, and adopts them as children, does he make them _articles of property_? are forgiveness, and chattel-making, synonymes? "_i_ am their _inheritance_." ezek. xliv. . "i shall give thee the heathen for thine _inheritance_." ps. ii. . see also deut. iv. ; josh. xiii. ; ps. lxxxii. ; lxxviii. , ; prov. xiv. . the question whether the servants were a property-"_possession_," has been already discussed, pp. - , we need add in this place but a word. as an illustration of the condition of servants from the heathen that were the "possession" of israelitish families, and of the way in which they became servants, the reader is referred to isa. xiv. , . "for the lord will have mercy on jacob, and will yet choose israel, and set them in their own land; and the strangers will be _joined_ with them, and _they shall cleave to the house of jacob_. and the people shall take them and bring them to their place, and the house of israel shall _possess_ them in the land of the lord for servants and handmaids; and they shall take them captives, whose captives they were; and they shall rule over the oppressors." we learn from these verses, st. that these servants which were to be "_possessed_" by the israelites, were to be "joined with them," i.e., become proselytes to their religion. d. that they should "cleave to the house of jacob," i.e., that they would forsake their own people voluntarily, attach themselves to the israelites as servants, and of their own free choice leave home and friends, to accompany them on their return, and to take up their permanent abode with them, in the same manner that ruth accompanied naomi from moab to the land of israel, and that the "souls gotten" by abraham in padanaram, accompanied him when he left it and went to canaan. "and the house of israel shall _possess_ them for servants," i.e. shall _have_ them for servants. in the passage under consideration, "they shall be your _possession_," the original word translated "possession" is _ahuzza_. the same word is used in gen. xlvii. . "and joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a _possession_ in the land of egypt." gen. xlvii. . in what sense was goshen the _possession_ of the israelites? answer, in the sense of _having it to live in_, not in the sense of having it as _owners_. in what sense were the israelites to _possess_ these nations, and _take them_ as an _inheritance for their children_? answer, they possessed them as a permanent source of supply for domestic or household servants. and this relation to these nations was to go down to posterity as a standing regulation, having the certainty and regularity of a descent by inheritance. the sense of the whole regulation may be given thus: "thy permanent domestics, which thou shalt have, shall be of the nations that are round about you, of _them_ shall ye buy male and female domestics." "moreover of the children of the foreigners that do sojourn among you, of _them_ shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land, and _they_ shall be your permanent resource." "and ye shall take them as a _perpetual_ source of supply to whom your children after you shall resort for servants. always, _of them_ shall ye serve yourselves." the design of the passage is manifest from its structure. so far from being a permission to purchase slaves, it was a prohibition to employ israelites for a certain term and in a certain grade of service, and to point out the _class_ of persons from which they were to get their supply of servants, and the _way_ in which they were to get them.[a] [footnote a: rabbi leeser, who translated from the german the work entitled "instruction in the mosaic religion" by professor jholson of the jewish seminary at frankfort-on-the-main, in his comment on these verses, says, "it must be observed that it was prohibited to subject _a stranger to slavery_. the _buying_ of slaves _alone_ is permitted, but not stealing them." now whatever we call that condition in which servants were, whether servitude or slavery, and whatever we call the persons in that condition, whether servants or _slaves_, we have at all events, the testimony that the israelites were prohibited to _subject_ a stranger to that condition, or in other words, the free choice of the servant was not to be compelled. ] objection iv. "_if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant but as an hired-servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee_." lev. xxv. , . as only _one_ class is called "_hired_," it is inferred that servants of the other class were _not paid_ for their labor. that god, while thundering anathemas against those who "used their neighbor's service without wages," granted a special indulgence to his chosen people to force others to work, and rob them of earnings, provided always, in selecting their victims, they spared "the gentlemen of property and standing," and pounced only upon the strangers and the common people. the inference that "_hired_" is synonymous with _paid_, and that those servants not _called_ "hired," were _not paid_ for their labor, is a mere assumption. the meaning of the english verb to _hire_, is to procure for a _temporary_ use at a certain price--to engage a person to temporary service for wages. that is also the meaning of the hebrew word "_saukar_." it is not used when the procurement of _permanent_ service is spoken of. now, we ask, would _permanent_ servants, those who constituted a stationary part of the family, have been designated by the same term that marks _temporary_ servants? the every-day distinctions in this matter, are familiar as table-talk. in many families the domestics perform only the _regular_ work. whatever is occasional merely, as the washing of a family, is done by persons hired expressly for the purpose. the familiar distinction between the two classes, is "servants," and "hired help," (not _paid_ help.) _both_ classes are _paid_. one is permanent, and the other occasional and temporary, and _therefore_ in this case called "hired."[a] a variety of particulars are recorded distinguishing, _hired_ from _bought_ servants. . hired servants were paid daily at the close of their work. lev. xix. ; deut. xxiv. , ; job. vii. ; matt. xx. . "_bought_" servants were paid in advance, (a reason for their being called _bought_,) and those that went out at the seventh year received a _gratuity_. deut. xv. , . . the "hired" were paid _in money_, the "bought" received their _gratuity_, at least, in grain, cattle, and the product of the vintage. deut. xv. . . the "hired" _lived_ in their own families, the "bought" were a part of their masters' families. . the "hired" supported their families out of their wages; the "bought" and their families were supported by the master _beside_ their wages. . hired servants were expected to work more _constantly_, and to have more _working hours_ in the day than the bought servants. this we infer from the fact, that "a hireling's day," was a sort of proverbial phrase, meaning a _full_ day. no subtraction of time being made from it. so _a hireling's year_ signifies an entire year without abatement. job. vii. ; xiv. ; isa. xvi. ; xxi. . [footnote a: to suppose a servant robbed of his earnings because he is not called a _hired_ servant, is profound induction! if i employ a man at twelve dollars a month to work my farm, he is my "_hired_" man, but if _i give him such a portion of the crop_, or in other words, if he works my farm "_on shares_," every farmer knows that he is no longer called a "_hired_" man. yet he works the same farm, in the same way, at the same times, and with the same teams and tools; and does the same amount of work in the year, and perhaps clears twenty dollars a month, instead of twelve. now as he is no longer called "hired," and as he still works my farm, suppose my neighbors sagely infer, that since he is not my "_hired_" laborer, i _rob_ him of his earnings, and with all the gravity of owls, pronounce their oracular decision, and hoot it abroad. my neighbors are deep divers! like some theological professors, they go not only to the bottom but come up covered with the tokens.] the "bought" servants, were, _as a class, superior to the hired_--were more trust-worthy, were held in higher estimation, had greater privileges, and occupied a more elevated station in society. . they were intimately incorporated with the family of the master, were guests at family festivals, and social solemnities, from which hired servants were excluded. lev. xxii. , ; ex. xii. , . . their interests were far more identified with those of their masters' family. they were often, actually or prospectively, heirs of their masters' estates, as in the case of eliezer, of ziba, and the sons of bilhah, and zilpah. when there were no sons, or when they were unworthy, bought servants were made heirs. prov. xvii. . we find traces of this usage in the new testament. "but when the husbandmen saw him, they reasoned among themselves saying, this is the _heir_, come let us kill him, _that the inheritance may be ours_." luke xx. . in no instance does a _hired_ servant inherit his master's estate. . marriages took place between servants and their master's daughters. "sheshan had a _servant_, an egyptian, whose name was jarha. and sheshan gave his daughter to jarha his servant to wife." chron. ii. , . there is no instance of a _hired_ servant forming such an alliance. . bought servants and their descendants were treated with the same affection and respect as the other members of the family.[a] the treatment of abraham's servants. gen. xxiv. and xviii. - ; the intercourse between gideon and phurah judg. vii. , ; saul and his servant, sam. ix. , ; jonathan and his servant, sam. xiv. - , and elisha and gehazi are illustrations. the tenderness exercised towards home-born servants or the children of _handmaids_, and the strength of the tie that bound them to the family, are employed by the psalmist to illustrate the regard of god for him, his care over him, and his own endearing relation to him, when in the last extremity he prays, "save the son of thy _handmaid_." ps. lxxxvi. . so also in ps. cxvi. . oh lord, truly i am thy servant; i am thy servant, and the son of thy _handmaid_. also, jer. ii. . is israel a servant? is he a _home-born_?[b] why is he spoiled? no such tie seems to have existed between _hired_ servants and their masters. their untrustworthiness was proverbial. john x. , . they were reckoned at but half the value of bought servants. deut. xv. . none but the _lowest class_ of the people engaged as hired servants, and the kinds of labor assigned to them required little knowledge and skill. no persons seem to have become hired servants except such as were forced to it from extreme poverty. the hired servant is called "poor and needy," and the reason assigned by god why he should be paid as soon as he had finished his work is, "for _he is poor_, and setteth his heart upon it." deut. xxiv. , . see also, sam. ii. . various passages show the low repute and trifling character of the class from which they were hired. judg. ix. ; sam. ii. . the superior condition of bought servants is manifest in the high trust confided to them, and in their dignity and authority in the household. in no instance is a _hired_ servant thus distinguished. the _bought_ servant is manifestly the master's representative in the family, sometimes with plenipotentiary powers over adult children, even negotiating marriage for them. abraham adjured his servant, not to take a wife for isaac of the daughters of the canaanites. the servant himself selected the individual. servants exercised discretionary power in the management of their masters' estates, "and the servant took ten camels of the camels of his master, _for all the goods of his master were in his hand_." gen. xxiv. . the reason assigned is not that such was abraham's direction, but that the servant had discretionary control. servants had also discretionary power in the _disposal of property_. gen. xxiv. , , . the condition of ziba in the house of mephibosheth, is a case in point. so is prov. xvii. . distinct traces of this estimation are to be found in the new testament, matt. xxiv. ; luke xii. , . so in the parable of the talents, the master seems to have set up each of his servants in trade with a large capital. the unjust steward had large _discretionary_ power, was "accused of wasting his master's goods," and manifestly regulated with his debtors the _terms_ of settlement. luke xvi. - . such trusts were never reposed in _hired_ servants. [footnote a: "for the _purchased servant_ who is an israelite, or proselyte, shall fare as his master. the master shall not eat fine bread, and his servant bread of bran. nor yet drink old wine, and give his servant new: nor sleep on soft pillows, and bedding, and his servant on straw. i say unto you, that he that gets a _purchased_ servant does well to make him as his friend, or he will prove to his employer as if he got himself a master."--maimonides, in mishna kiddushim. chap. , sec. .] [footnote b: our translators in rendering it "is he a home-born slave," were wise beyond what is written.] the inferior condition of _hired_ servants, is illustrated in the parable of the prodigal son. when he came to himself, the memory of his home, and of the abundance enjoyed by even the _lowest_ class of servants in his father's household, while he was perishing with hunger among the swine and husks, so filled him with anguish at the contrast, that he exclaimed, "how many _hired_ servants of my father, have bread enough and to spare, and i perish with hunger." his proud heart broke. "i will arise," he cried, "and go to my father;" and then to assure his father of the depth of his humility, resolved to add; "make me as one of thy _hired_ servants." if _hired_ servants were the _superior_ class--to bespeak the situation, savored little of that sense of unworthiness that seeks the dust with hidden face, and cries "unclean." unhumbled nature _climbs_; or if it falls, clings fast, where first it may. humility sinks of its own weight, and in the lowest deep, digs lower. the design of the parable was to illustrate on the one hand, the joy of god, as he beholds afar off, the returning sinner "seeking an injured father's face," who runs to clasp and bless him with an unchiding welcome; and on the other, the contrition of the penitent, turning homeward with tears from his wanderings, his stricken spirit breaking with its ill-desert he sobs aloud, "the lowest place, _the lowest place_, i can abide no other." or in those inimitable words, "father i have sinned against heaven, and in thy sight, and am no more worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy hired servants." the supposition that _hired_ servants were the _highest_ class, takes from the parable an element of winning beauty and pathos. it is manifest to every careful student of the bible, that _one_ class of servants, was on terms of equality with the children and other members of the family. hence the force of paul's declaration, gal. iv. , "now i say unto you, that the heir, so long as he is a child, differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all." if this were the _hired_ class, the prodigal was a sorry specimen of humility. would our lord have put such language upon the lips of one held up by himself, as a model of gospel humility, to illustrate its deep sense of all ill-desert? if this is _humility_, put it on stilts, and set it a strutting, while pride takes lessons, and blunders in aping it. israelites and strangers belonged indiscriminately to _each_ class of the servants, the _bought_ and the _hired_. that those in the former class, whether jews or strangers, rose to honors and authority in the family circle, which were not conferred on _hired_ servants, has been shown. it should be added, however, that in the enjoyment of privileges, merely _political_, the hired servants from the _israelites_, were more favored than even the bought servants from the _strangers_. no one from the strangers, however wealthy or highly endowed, was eligible to the highest office, nor could he own the soil. this last disability seems to have been one reason for the different periods of service required of the two classes of bought servants. the israelite was to serve six years--the stranger until the jubilee. as the strangers could not own the soil, nor houses, except within walled towns, they would naturally attach themselves to israelitish families. those who were wealthy, or skilled in manufactures, instead of becoming servants would need servants for their own use, and as inducements for the strangers to become servants to the israelites, were greater than persons of their own nation could hold out to them, these wealthy strangers would naturally procure the poorer israelites for servants. lev. xxv. . in a word, such was the political condition of the strangers, that the jewish polity offered a virtual bounty, to such as would become permanent servants, and thus secure those privileges already enumerated, and for their children in the second generation a permanent inheritance. ezek. xlvii. - . none but the monied aristocracy would be likely to decline such offers. on the other hand, the israelites, owning all the soil, and an inheritance of land being a sacred possession, to hold it free of incumbrance was with every israelite, a delicate point, both of family honor and personal character. kings xxi. . hence, to forego the control of one's inheritance, after the division of the paternal domain, or to be kept out of it after having acceded to it, was a burden grievous to be borne. to mitigate as much as possible such a calamity, the law released the israelitish servant at the end of six[a] years; as, during that time--if of the first class--the partition of the patrimonial land might have taken place or, if of the second, enough money might have been earned to disencumber his estate, and thus he might assume his station as a lord of the soil. if neither contingency had occurred, then after another six years the opportunity was again offered, and so on, until the jubilee. so while strong motives urged the israelite to discontinue his service as soon as the exigency had passed which made him a servant, every consideration impelled the _stranger_ to _prolong_ his term of service;[b] and the same kindness which dictated the law of six years' service for the israelite, assigned as the general rule, a much longer period to the gentile servant, who had every inducement to protract the term. it should be borne in mind, that adult jews ordinarily became servants, only as a temporary expedient to relieve themselves from embarrassment, and ceased to be such when that object was effected. the poverty that forced them to it was a calamity, and their service was either a means of relief, or a measure of prevention; not pursued as a permanent business, but resorted to on emergencies--a sort of episode in the main scope of their lives. whereas with the stranger, it was a _permanent employment_, pursued both as a _means_ of bettering their own condition, and that of their posterity, and as an _end_ for its own sake, conferring on them privileges, and a social estimation not otherwise attainable. [footnote a: another reason for protracting the service until the seventh year, seems to have been the coincidence of that period with other arrangements, in the jewish economy. its pecuniary responsibilities, social relations, and general internal structure, were _graduated_ upon a septennial scale. besides, as those israelites who had become servants through poverty, would not sell themselves, till other expedients to recruit their finances had failed--(lev. xxv. )--their _becoming servants_ proclaimed such a state of their affairs, as demanded the labor of a _course of years_ fully to reinstate them.] [footnote b: the stranger had the same inducements to prefer a long term of service that those have who cannot own land, to prefer a long _lease_.] we see from the foregoing, why servants purchased from the heathen, are called by way of distinction, _the_ servants, (not _bondmen_,) . they followed it as a _permanent business_. . their term of service was _much longer_ than that of the other class. . as a class, they doubtless greatly outnumbered the israelitish servants. . all the strangers that dwelt in the land were _tributaries_, required to pay an annual tax to the government, either in money, or in public service, (called a _"tribute of bond-service;"_) in other words, all the strangers were _national servants_, to the israelites, and the same hebrew word used to designate _individual_ servants, equally designates _national_ servants or tributaries. sam. viii. , , ; chron. viii. - ; deut, xx. ; sam. x. ; kings ix. , ; kings iv. ; gen. xxvii. . the same word is applied to the israelites, when they paid tribute to other nations. kings xvii. .; judg. iii. , ; gen. xlix. . another distinction between the jewish and gentile bought servants, was in their _kinds_ of service. the servants from the strangers were properly the _domestics_, or household servants, employed in all family work, in offices of personal attendance, and in such mechanical labor, as was required by increasing wants and needed repairs. the jewish bought servants seem almost exclusively _agricultural_. besides being better fitted for it by previous habits, agriculture, and the tending of cattle, were regarded by the israelites as the most honorable of all occupations. after saul was elected king, and escorted to gibeah, the next report of him is, "_and behold saul came after the herd out of the field_." sam. xi. . elisha "was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen." kings xix. . king uzziah "loved husbandry." chron. xxvi. . gideon _was "threshing wheat"_ when called to lead the host against the midianites. judg. vi. . the superior honorableness of agriculture is shown, in that it was protected and supported by the fundamental law of the theocracy--god indicating it as the chief prop of the government. the israelites were like permanent fixtures on their soil, so did they cling to it. to be agriculturists on their own patrimonial inheritances, was with them the grand claim to honorable estimation. when ahab proposed to naboth that he should sell him his vineyard, king though he was, he might well have anticipated from an israelitish freeholder, just such an indignant burst as that which his proposal drew forth, "and naboth said to ahab, the lord forbid it me that i should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee." kings xxi. , . agriculture being pre-eminently a _jewish_ employment, to assign a native israelite to other employments as a business, was to break up his habits, do violence to cherished predilections, and put him to a kind of labor in which he had no skill, and which he deemed degrading.[c] in short, it was in the earlier ages of the mosaic system, practically to _unjew_ him, a hardship and a rigor grievous to be borne, as it annihilated a visible distinction between the descendants of abraham and the strangers. _to guard this and another fundamental distinction_, god instituted the regulation, "if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant." in other words, thou shalt not put him to servant's work--to the business, and into the condition of domestics. in the persian version it is translated, "thou shalt not assign to him the work of _servitude_." in the septuagint, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a _domestic_." in the syriac, "thou shalt not employ him after the manner of servants." in the samaritan, "thou shalt not require him to serve in the service of a servant." in the targum of onkelos, "he shall not serve thee with the service of a household servant." in the targum of jonathan, "thou shalt not cause him to serve according to the usages of the servitude of servants."[d] the meaning of the passage is, _thou shalt not assign him to the same grade, nor put him to the same service, with permanent domestics._ the remainder of the regulation is--_"but as an hired servant and as a sojourner shall he be with thee."_ hired servants were not incorporated into the families of their masters; they still retained their own family organization, without the surrender of any domestic privilege, honor, or authority; and this, even though they resided under the same roof with their master. the same substantially may be said of the sojourner though he was not the owner of the land which he cultivated, and of course had not the control of an inheritance, yet he was not in a condition that implied subjection to him whose land he tilled, or that demanded the surrender of any _right_, or exacted from him any homage, or stamped him with any inferiority; unless, it be supposed that a degree of inferiority would naturally attach to a state of _dependence_ however qualified. while bought servants were associated with their master's families at meals, at the passover, and at other family festivals, hired servants and sojourners were not. ex. xii. , ; lev. xxii. , . hired servants were not subject to the authority of their masters in any such sense as the master's wife, children, and bought servants. hence the only form of oppressing hired servants spoken of in the scriptures as practicable to masters, is that of _keeping back their wages._ to have taken away such privileges in the case under consideration, would have been pre-eminent "_rigor_;" for it was not a servant born in the house of a master, nor a minor, whose minority had been sold by the father, neither was it one who had not yet acceded to his inheritance, nor finally, one who had received the _assignment_ of his inheritance, but was working off from it an incumbrance, before entering upon its possession and control. but it was that of _the head of a family_, who had known better days, now reduced to poverty, forced to relinquish the loved inheritance of his fathers, with the competence and respectful consideration its possession secured to him, and to be indebted to a neighbor for shelter, sustenance, and employment. so sad a reverse, might well claim sympathy; but one consolation cheers him in the house of his pilgrimage; he is an _israelite--abraham is his father_ and now in his calamity he clings closer than ever, to the distinction conferred by his birth-right. to rob him of this, were "the unkindest cut of all." to have assigned him to a grade of service filled only by those whose permanent business was serving, would have been to "rule over him with" peculiar "rigor." "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant," or literally, _thou shalt not serve thyself with him, with the service of a servant_, guaranties his political privileges, and a kind and grade of service comporting with his character and relations as an israelite. and "as a _hired_ servant, and as a sojourner shall he be with thee," secures to him his family organization, the respect and authority due to its head, and the general consideration resulting from such a station. being already in possession of his inheritance, and the head of a household, the law so arranged the conditions of his service as to _alleviate_ as much as possible the calamity which had reduced him from independence and authority, to penury and subjection. the import of the command which concludes this topic in the forty-third verse, ("thou shalt not rule over him with rigor,") is manifestly this, you shall not disregard those differences in previous associations, station, authority, and political privileges, upon which this regulation is based; for to hold this class of servants _irrespective_ of these distinctions, and annihilating them, is to "rule with rigor." the same command is repeated in the forty-sixth verse, and applied to the distinction between servants of jewish, and those of gentile extraction, and forbids the overlooking of distinctive jewish peculiarities, the disregard of which would be _rigorous_ in the extreme.[e] the construction commonly put upon the phrase "rule with rigor," and the inference drawn from it, have an air vastly oracular. it is interpreted to mean, "you shall not make him a chattel, and strip him of legal protection, nor force him to work without pay." the inference is like unto it, viz., since the command forbade such outrages upon the israelites, it permitted and commissioned their infliction upon the strangers. such impious and shallow smattering captivates scoffers and libertines; its flippancy and blasphemy, and the strong scent of its loose-reined license works like a charm upon them. what boots it to reason against such rampant affinities! in ex. i. , it is said that the egyptians, "made the children of israel to _serve_ with rigor." this rigor is affirmed of the _amount of labor_ extorted and the _mode_ of the exaction. the expression "serve with rigor," is never applied to the service of servants under the mosaic system. the phrase, "thou shall not rule over him with rigor," does not prohibit unreasonable exactions of labor, nor inflictions of cruelty. such were provided against otherwise. but it forbids confounding the distinctions between a jew and a stranger, by assigning the former to the same grade of service, for the same term of time and under the same political disabilities as the latter. [footnote c: the babylonish captivity seems to have greatly modified jewish usage in this respect. before that event, their cities were comparatively small, and few were engaged in mechanical or mercantile employments. afterward their cities enlarged apace and trades multiplied.] [footnote d: jarchi's comment on "thou shalt not compel him to serve as a bond-servant" is, "the hebrew servant is not to be required to do any thing which is accounted degrading--such as all offices of personal attendance, as loosing his master's shoe-latchet, bringing him water to wash his hands and feet, waiting on him at table, dressing him, carrying things to and from the bath. the hebrew servant is to work with his master as a son or brother, in the business of his farm, or other labor, until his legal release."] [footnote e: the disabilities of the strangers, which were distinctions, based on a different national descent, and important to the preservation of nation characteristics, and a national worship, did not at all affect their _social_ estimation. they were regarded according to their character and worth as _persons_, irrespective of their foreign origin, employments and political condition.] we are now prepared to review at a glance, the condition of the different classes of servants, with the modifications peculiar to each. in the possession of all fundamental rights, all classes of servants were on an absolute equality, all were equally protected by law in their persons, character, property and social relations; all were voluntary, all were compensated for their labor, and released from it nearly one half of the days in each year; all were furnished with stated instruction; none in either class were in any sense articles of property, all were regarded as _men_, with the rights, interests, hopes and destinies of _men_. in all these respects, _all_ classes of servants among the israelites, formed but one class. the _different_ classes, and the differences in _each_ class, were, . _hired servants_. this class consisted both of israelites and strangers. their employments were different. the _israelite_ was an agricultural servant. the stranger was a _domestic_ and _personal_ servant, and in some instances _mechanical_; both were occasional and temporary. both lived in their own families, their wages were _money_, and they were paid when their work was done. . _bought servants_, (including those "born in the house.") this class also, consisted of israelites and strangers, the same difference in their kinds of employment as noticed before. both were paid in advance,[a] and neither was temporary. the israelitish servant, with the exception of the _freeholder_, completed his term in six years. the stranger was a permanent servant, continuing until the jubilee. a marked distinction obtained also between different classes of _jewish_ bought servants. ordinarily, they were merged in their master's family, and, like his wife and children, subject to his authority; (and, like them, protected by law from its abuse.) but the _freeholder_ was an exception; his family relations and authority remained unaffected, nor was he subjected as an inferior to the control of his master, though dependent on him for employment. [footnote a: the payment _in advance_, doubtless lessened the price of the purchase; the servant thus having the use of the money, and the master assuming all the risks of life, and health for labor; at the expiration of the six years' contract, the master having suffered no loss from the risk incurred at the making of it, was obliged by law to release the servant with a liberal gratuity. the reason assigned for this is, "he hath been worth a double hired servant unto thee in serving thee six years," as if it had been said, as you have experienced no loss from the risks of life, and ability to labor, incurred in the purchase, and which lessened the price, and as, by being your servant for six years, he has saved you the time and trouble of looking up and hiring laborers on emergencies, therefore, "thou shalt furnish him liberally," &c. this gratuity at the close of the service shews the _principle_ of the relation; _equivalent_ for value received. ] it should be kept in mind, that _both_ classes of servants, the israelite and the stranger, not only enjoyed _equal, natural and religious rights_, but _all the civil and political privileges_ enjoyed by those of their own people who were _not_ servants. they also shared in common with them the political disabilities which appertained to all strangers, whether servants of jewish masters, or masters of jewish servants. further, the disabilities of the servants from the strangers were exclusively _political_ and _national_. . they, in common with all strangers, could not own the soil. . they were ineligible to civil offices. . they were assigned to employments less honorable than those in which israelitish servants engaged; agriculture being regarded as fundamental to the existence of the state, other employments were in less repute, and deemed _unjewish_. finally, the strangers, whether servants or masters, were all protected equally with the descendants of abraham. in respect to political privileges, their condition was much like that of unnaturalized foreigners in the united states; whatever their wealth or intelligence, or moral principle, or love for our institutions, they can neither go to the ballot-box, nor own the soil, nor be eligible to office. let a native american, be suddenly bereft of these privileges, and loaded with the disabilities of an alien, and what to the foreigner would be a light matter, to _him_, would be the severity of _rigor_. the recent condition of the jews and catholics in england, is another illustration. rothschild, the late banker, though the richest private citizen in the world, and perhaps master of scores of english servants, who sued for the smallest crumbs of his favor, was, as a subject of the government, inferior to the lowest among them. suppose an englishman of the established church, were by law deprived of power to own the soil, of eligibility to office and of the electoral franchise, would englishmen think it a misapplication of language, if it were said, the government "rules over him with rigor?" and yet his person, property, reputation, conscience, all his social relations, the disposal of his time, the right of locomotion at pleasure, and of natural liberty in all respects, are just as much protected by law as the lord chancellor's. finally.--as the mosaic system was a great compound type, rife with meaning in doctrine and duty; the practical power of the whole, depended upon the exact observance of those distinctions and relations which constituted its significancy. hence, the care to preserve inviolate the distinction between a _descendant of abraham_ and a _stranger_, even when the stranger was a proselyte, had gone through the initiatory ordinances, entered the congregation, and become incorporated with the israelites by family alliance. the regulation laid down in ex. xxi. - , is an illustration. in this case, the israelitish servant, whose term expired in six years, married one of his master's _permanent female domestics_; but her marriage did not release her master from _his_ part of the contract for her whole term of service, nor from his legal obligation to support and educate her children. neither did it do away that distinction, which marked her national descent by a specific _grade_ and _term_ of service, nor impair her obligation to fulfil _her_ part of the contract. her relations as a permanent domestic grew out of a distinction guarded with great care throughout the mosaic system. to render it void, would have been to divide the system against itself. this god would not tolerate. nor, on the other hand, would he permit the master to throw off the responsibility of instructing her children, nor the care and expense of their helpless infancy and rearing. he was bound to support and educate them, and all her children born afterwards during her term of service. the whole arrangement beautifully illustrates that wise and tender regard for the interests of all the parties concerned, which arrays the mosaic system in robes of glory, and causes it to shine as the sun in the kingdom of our father.[b] by this law, the children had secured to them a mother's tender care. if the husband loved his wife and children, he could compel his master to keep him, whether he had any occasion for his services or not. if he did not love them, to be rid of him was a blessing; and in that case, the regulation would prove an act for the relief of an afflicted family. it is not by any means to be inferred, that the release of the servant in the seventh year, either absolved him from the obligations of marriage, or shut him out from the society of his family. he could doubtless procure a service at no great distance from them, and might often do it, to get higher wages, or a kind of employment better suited to his taste and skill. the great number of days on which the law released servants from regular labor, would enable him to spend much more time with his family, than can be spent by most of the agents of our benevolent societies with _their_ families, or by many merchants, editors, artists, &c., whose daily business is in new york, while their families reside from ten to one hundred miles in the country. [footnote b: whoever profoundly studies the mosaic institutes with a teachable and reverential spirit, will feel the truth and power of that solemn appeal and interrogatory of god to his people israel, when he had made an end of setting before them all his statutes and ordinances. "what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and judgments so righteous, as _all_ this law which i set before you this day." deut. iv. .] we conclude this inquiry by touching upon an objection, which, though not formally stated, has been already set aside by the tenor of the foregoing argument. it is this,--"the slavery of the canaanites by the israelites, was appointed by god as a commutation of the punishment of death denounced against them for their sins."[a] if the absurdity of a sentence consigning persons to death, and at the same time to perpetual slavery, did not sufficiently laugh at itself; it would be small self-denial, in a case so tempting, to make up the deficiency by a general contribution. only _one_ statute was ever given respecting the disposition to be made of the inhabitants of canaan. if the sentence of death was pronounced against them, and afterwards _commuted_, when? where? by whom? and in what terms was the commutation, and where is it recorded? grant, for argument's sake, that all the canaanites were sentenced to unconditional extermination; how can a right to _enslave_ them, be drawn from such premises? the punishment of death is one of the highest recognitions of man's moral nature possible. it proclaims him rational, accountable, guilty, deserving death for having done his utmost to cheapen human life, when the proof of its priceless worth lived in his own nature. but to make him a _slave_, cheapens to nothing _universal human nature_, and instead of healing a wound, gives a death-stab. what! repair an injury to rational being in the robbery of one of its rights, not only by robbing it of all, but by annihilating their _foundation_, the everlasting distinction between persons and things? to make a man a chattel, is not the _punishment_, but the _annihilation_ of a _human_ being, and, so far as it goes, of _all_ human beings. this commutation of the punishment of death, into perpetual slavery, what a fortunate discovery! alas! for the honor of deity, if commentators had not manned the forlorn hope, and by a timely movement rescued the divine character, at the very crisis of its fate, from the perilous position in which inspiration had carelessly left it! here a question arises of sufficient importance for a separate dissertation; but must for the present be disposed of in a few paragraphs. were the canaanites sentenced by god to individual and unconditional extermination? as the limits of this inquiry forbid our giving all the grounds of dissent from commonly received opinions, the suggestions made, will be thrown out merely as queries, rather than laid down as _doctrines_. the directions as to the disposal of the canaanites, are mainly in the following passages, ex. xxiii. - ; xxxiv. ; deut. vii. - ; ix. ; xxxi. - . in these verses, the israelites are commanded to "destroy the canaanites," to "drive out," "consume," "utterly overthrow," "put out," "dispossess them," &c. did these commands enjoin the unconditional and universal destruction of the _individuals_, or merely of the _body politic_? the word _haram_, to destroy, signifies _national_, as well as individual destruction; the destruction of _political_ existence, equally with _personal_; of governmental organization, equally with the lives of the subjects. besides, if we interpret the words destroy, consume, overthrow, &c., to mean _personal_ destruction, what meaning shall we give to the expressions, "drive out before thee," "cast out before thee," "expel," "put out," "dispossess," &c., which are used in the same and in parallel passages? in addition to those quoted above, see josh. iii. ; xvii. ; xxiii. ; xxiv. ; judg. i. , - ; vi. . "i will _destroy_ all the people to whom thou shalt come, and i will make all thine enemies _turn their backs unto thee_." ex. xxiii. . here "_all their enemies_" were to _turn their backs_, and "_all the people_" to be "_destroyed_." does this mean that god would let all their _enemies_ escape, but kill their _friends_, or that he would _first_ kill "all the people" and then make them "turn their backs," an army of runaway corpses? in josh. xxiv. , god says, speaking of the amorites, "i _destroyed_ them from before you." in the th verse of the same chapter, it is said, "the lord _drave out_ from before us all the people, even the amorites which dwelt in the land." in num. xxxii. , we are told that "the children of machir the son of manasseh, went to gilead, and took it, and _dispossessed_ the amorite which was in it." if these commands required the destruction of all the _individuals,_ the mosaic law was at war with itself, for directions as to the treatment of native residents form a large part of it. see lev. xix. ; xxv. , ; xxiv. .; ex. xxiii. ; xxii. ; deut. i. , ; x. , ; xxvii. . we find, also, that provision was made for them in the cities of refuge, num. xxxv. ,--the gleanings of the harvest and vintage were theirs, lev. xix. , ; xxiii. ;--the blessings of the sabbath, ex. xx. ;--the privilege of offering sacrifices secured, lev. xxii. ; and stated religious instruction provided for them. deut. xxxi. , . now does this same law require the _individual extermination_ of those whose lives and interests it thus protects? these laws were given to the israelites, long _before_ they entered canaan; and they must have inferred from them, that a multitude of the inhabitants of the land were to _continue in it_, under their government. again joshua was selected as the leader of israel to execute god's threatenings upon canaan. he had no discretionary power. god's commands were his official instructions. going beyond them would have been usurpation; refusing to carry them out, rebellion and treason. saul was rejected from being king for disobeying god's commands in a single instance. now if god commanded the individual destruction of all the canaanites joshua disobeyed him in every instance. for at his death, the israelites still "_dwelt among them_," and each nation is mentioned by name. judg. i. - , and yet we are told that joshua "left nothing undone of all that the lord commanded moses;" and that he "took all that land." josh. xi. - . also, that "there _stood not a man_ of _all_ their enemies before them." josh. xxi. . how can this be if the command to destroy, destroy utterly, &c., enjoined _individual_ extermination, and the command to drive out, unconditional expulsion from the country, rather than their expulsion from the _possession_ or _ownership_ of it, as the lords of the soil? that the latter is the true sense to be attached to those terms, we argue, further from the fact that the same terms are employed by god to describe the punishment which he would inflict upon the israelites if they served other gods. "ye shall utterly perish," "be utterly destroyed," "consumed," &c., are some of them.--see deut. iv. ; viii. , .[b] josh. xxiii. , - ; . sam. xii. . the israelites _did_ serve other gods, and jehovah _did_ execute upon them his threatenings--and thus himself _interpreted_ these threatenings. he subverted their _government_, dispossessed them of their land, divested them of national power, and made them _tributaries_, but did not _exterminate_ them. he "destroyed them utterly" as an independent body politic, but not as individuals. multitudes of the canaanites were slain, but not a case can be found in which one was either killed or expelled who _acquiesced_ in the transfer of the territory, and its sovereignty, from the inhabitants of the land to the israelites. witness the case of rahab and her kindred, and that of the gibeonites.[c] the canaanites knew of the miracles wrought for the israelites; and that their land had been transferred to them as a judgment for their sins. josh. ii. - ; ix. , , . many of them were awed by these wonders, and made no resistance. others defied god and came out to battle. these last occupied the fortified cities, were the most inveterate heathen--the aristocracy of idolatry, the kings, the nobility and gentry, the priests, with their crowds of satellites, and retainers that aided in idolatrous rites, and the military forces, with the chief profligates of both sexes. many facts corroborate the general position. witness that command (deut. xxiii. , ,) which, not only prohibited the surrender of the fugitive servant to his master, but required the israelites to receive him with kindness, permit him to dwell where he pleased, and to protect and cherish him. whenever any servant, even a canaanite, fled from his master to the israelites, jehovah, so far from commanding them to _kill_ him, straitly charged them, "he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which _he_ shall choose--in one of thy gates where it liketh _him_ best--thou shalt not oppress him." deut. xxiii. . the canaanitish servant by thus fleeing to the israelites, submitted himself as a dutiful subject to their national government, and pledged his allegiance. suppose _all_ the canaanites had thus submitted themselves to the jewish theocracy, and conformed to the requirements of the mosaic institutes, would not _all_ have been spared upon the same principle that _one_ was? again, look at the multitude of _tributaries_ in the midst of israel, and that too, after they had "waxed strong," and the uttermost nations quaked at the terror of their name--the canaanites, philistines and others, who became proselytes--as the nethenims, uriah the hittite--rahab, who married one of the princes of judah--jether, an ishmaelite, who married abigail the sister of david and was the father of amasa, the captain of the host of israel. comp. chron. ii. , with sam. xvii. .--ittai--the six hundred gittites, david's body guard. . sam xv. , . obededom the gittite, adopted into the tribe of levi. comp. sam. vi. , , with chron. xv. , and xxvi. , --jaziz, and obil. chron, xxvii. , . jephunneh the kenezite, josh. xiv. , and father of caleb a ruler of the tribe of judah. numb. xiii. , --the kenites registered in the genealogies of the tribe of judah, judg. i. ; chron. ii. , and the one hundred and fifty thousand canaanites, employed by solomon in the building of the temple.[d] besides, the greatest miracle on record, was wrought to save a portion of those very canaanites, and for the destruction of those who would exterminate them. josh. x. - . further--the terms employed in the directions regulating the disposal of the canaanites, such as "drive out," "put out," "cast out," "expel," "dispossess," &c., seem used interchangeably with "consume," "destroy," "overthrow," &c., and thus indicate the sense in which the latter words are used. as an illustration of the meaning generally attached to these and similar terms, we refer to the history of the amalekites. "i will utterly put out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven." ex. xvii. . "thou shalt blot out the remembrance of amalek from under heaven; thou shalt not forget it." deut. xxv. . "smite amalek and _utterly destroy_ all that they have, and spare them not, but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep." sam. xv. , . "saul smote the amalekites, and he took agag the king of the amalekites, alive and utterly destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword." verses , . in verse , saul says, "i have brought agag, the king of amalek, and have _utterly destroyed_ the amalekites." in sam. xxx. , , we find the amalekites marching an army into israel, and sweeping everything before them--and this in about eighteen years after they had all been "utterly destroyed!" in kings ii. - , is another illustration. we are informed that joab remained in edom six months with all israel, "until he had _cut off every male_" in edom. in the next verse we learn that hadad and "certain edomites" were not slain. deut. xx. , , will probably be quoted against the preceding view. we argue that the command in these verses, did not include all the individuals of the canaanitish nations, but only the inhabitants of the _cities_, (and even those conditionally,) because, only the inhabitants of _cities_ are specified--"of the _cities_ of these people thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth." cities then, as now, were pest-houses of vice, they reeked with abominations little practised in the country. on this account, their influence would be far more perilous to the israelites than that of the country. besides, they were the centres of idolatry--there were the temples and altars, and idols, and priests, without number. even their buildings, streets, and public walks were so many visibilities of idolatry. the reason assigned in the th verse for exterminating them, strengthens the idea--"that they teach you not to do after all the abominations which they have done unto their gods." this would be a reason for exterminating all the nations and individuals _around_ them, as all were idolaters; but god commanded them, in certain cases, to spare the inhabitants. contact with _any_ of them would be perilous--with the inhabitants of the _cities_ peculiarly, and of the _canaanitish_ cities pre-eminently so. the th and th verses contain the general rule prescribing the method in which cities were to be summoned to surrender. they were first to receive the offer of peace--if it was accepted, the inhabitants became _tributaries_--but if they came out against israel in battle, the _men_ were to be killed, and the woman and little ones saved alive. the th verse restricts this lenient treatment to the inhabitants of the cities _afar off_. the th directs as to the disposal of the inhabitants of the canaanitish cities. they were to save alive "nothing that breathed." the common mistake has been, in supposing that the command in the th verse refers to the _whole system of directions preceding,_ commencing with the th, whereas it manifestly refers only to the _inflictions_ specified in the th, th, and, th, making a distinction between those _canaanitish_ cities that _fought_, and the cities _afar off_ that fought--in one case destroying the males and females, and in the other, the _males_ only. the offer of peace, and the _conditional preservation_, were as really guarantied to _canaanitish_ cities as to others. their inhabitants were not to be exterminated unless they came out against israel in battle. whatever be the import of the commands respecting the disposition to be made of the canaanites, all admit the fact that the israelites did _not_ utterly exterminate them. now, if entire and unconditional extermination was the command of god, it was _never_ obeyed by the israelites, consequently the truth of god stood pledged to consign _them_ to the same doom which he had pronounced upon the canaanites, but which they had refused to visit upon them. "if ye will not drive out all the inhabitants of the land from before you, then it shall come to pass that * * _i shall do unto you as i thought to do unto them_." num. xxxiii. , . as the israelites were not exterminated, we infer that god did not pronounce _that_ doom upon them; and as he _did_ pronounce upon them the _same_ doom, whatever it was, which they should _refuse_ to visit upon the canaanites, it follows that the doom of unconditional _extermination_ was _not_ pronounced against the canaanites. but let us settle this question by the "law and the testimony." "there was not a city that made peace with the children of israel save the hivites, the inhabitants of gibeon; all others they took in battle. for it was of the lord to harden their hearts, that they should come out against israel in battle, that he might destroy them utterly, and that they might have no favor, but that he might destroy them, as the lord commanded moses." josh. xi. . . that is, if they had _not_ come out against israel in battle, they would have had "favor" shown them, and would not have been "_destroyed utterly_." the great design was to _transfer the territory_ of the canaanites to the israelites, and along with it, _absolute sovereignty in every respect_; to annihilate their political organizations, civil polity, and jurisprudence, and their system of religion, with all its rights and appendages; and to substitute therefor, a pure theocracy, administered by jehovah, with the israelites as his representatives and agents. in a word the people were to be _denationalized,_ their political existence annihilated, their idol temples, altars, groves, images, pictures, and heathen rites destroyed, and themselves put under tribute. those who resisted the execution of jehovah's purpose were to be killed, while those who quietly submitted to it were to be spared. all had the choice of these alternatives, either free egress out of the land;[e] or acquiescence in the decree, with life and residence as tributaries, under the protection of the government; or resistance to the execution of the decree, with death. "_and it shall come to pass, if they will diligently learn the ways of my people, to swear by my name, the lord liveth, as they taught my people to swear by baal;_ then shall they be built in the midst of my people." [footnote a: in the prophecy, gen. ix. , the subjection of the canaanites as a conquered people rendering tribute to other nations, is foretold by inspiration. the fulfilment of this prediction, seems to have commenced in the subjection of the canaanites to the israelites as tributaries. if the israelites had exterminated them, as the objector asserts they were commanded to do; the prediction would have been _falsified_.] [footnote b: these two verses are so explicit we quote them entire--"and it shall be if thou do at all forget the lord they god and walk after other gods and serve them, and worship them, i testify against you this day that ye shall surely _perish_, as the nations which the lord destroyed before your face, _so_ shall ye perish." the following passages are, if possible still more explicit--"the lord shall send upon thee cursing, vexation and rebuke in all that thou settest thine hand unto for to do, until thou be _destroyed_, and until thou perish quickly." "the lord shall make the pestilence cleave unto thee until he have _consumed_ thee." "they (the 'sword,' 'blasting,' &c.) shall pursue thee until thou _perish_." "from heaven shall it come down upon thee until thou be _destroyed_." "all these curses shall come upon thee till thou be _destroyed_." "he shall put a yoke of iron upon thy neck until he have _destroyed_ thee." "the lord shall bring a nation against thee, a nation of fierce countenance, which shall not regard the person of the old, nor show favor to the young, * * until he have _destroyed_ thee." all these, with other similar threatenings of _destruction_, are contained in the twenty-eighth chapter of deut. see verses - , , , . in the _same_ chapter god declares that as a punishment for the same transgressions, the israelites shall "be _removed_ into all the kingdoms of the earth," thus showing that the terms employed in the other verses, "destroy," "perish," "perish quickly," "consume," &c., instead of signifying utter, personal destruction doubtless meant their destruction as an independent nation. in josh. xxiv. , , "destroyed" and "drave out," are used synonymously.] [footnote c: perhaps it will be objected, that the preservation of the gibeonites, and of rahab and her kindred, was a violation of the command of god. we answer, if it had been, we might expect some such intimation. if god had straitly commanded them to _exterminate all the canaanites_, their pledge to save them alive, was neither a repeal of the statute, nor absolution for the breach of it. if _unconditional destruction_ was the import of the command, would god have permitted such an act to pass without rebuke? would he have established such a precedent when israel had hardly passed the threshold of canaan, and was then striking the first blow of a half century war? what if they _had_ passed their word to rahab and the gibeonites? was that more binding than god's command? so saul seems to have passed _his_ word to agag; yet samuel hewed him in pieces, because in saving his life, saul had violated god's command. when saul sought to slay the gibeonites in "his zeal for the children of israel and judah," god sent upon israel a three years' famine for it. when david inquired of them what atonement he should make, they say, "the man that devised against us, that we should be destroyed from _remaining in any of the coast of israel_, let seven of his sons be delivered," &c. sam. xxi. - .] [footnote d: if the canaanites were devoted by god to unconditional extermination, to have employed them in the erection of the temple,--what was it but the climax of impiety? as well might they pollute its altars with swine's flesh or make their sons pass through the fire to moloch.] [footnote e: suppose all the canaanitish nations had abandoned their territory at the tidings of israel's approach, did god's command require the israelites to chase them to ends of the earth, and hunt them out, until every canaanite was destroyed? it is too preposterous for belief, and yet it follows legitimately from that construction, which interprets the terms "consume," "destroy," "destroy utterly," &c. to mean unconditional, individual extermination.] [the original design of the preceding inquiry embraced a much wider range of topics. it was soon found, however, that to fill up the outline would be to make a volume. much of the foregoing has therefore been thrown into a mere series of _indices_, to trains of thought and classes of proof, which, however limited or imperfect, may perhaps, afford some facilities to those who have little leisure for protracted investigation.] no. . the anti-slavery examiner. the power of congress over the district of columbia. * * * * * reprinted from the new-york evening post, with additions by the author. * * * * * new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society, no. nassau-street. . * * * * * this periodical contains / sheets.--postage under miles, cts.; over , cts. power of congress over the district of columbia. a civilized community presupposes a government of law. if that government be a republic, its citizens are the sole _sources_, as well as the _subjects_ of its power. its constitution is their bill of directions to their own agents--a grant authorizing the exercise of certain powers, and prohibiting that of others. in the constitution of the united states, whatever else may be obscure, the clause granting power to congress over the federal district may well defy misconstruction. art. , sec. , clause : "the congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, _in all cases whatsoever_, over such district." congress may make laws for the district "in all _cases_," not of all _kinds_; not all _laws_ whatsoever, but laws "in all _cases_ whatsoever." the grant respects the _subjects_ of legislation, _not_ the moral nature of the laws. the law-making power every where is subject to _moral_ restrictions, whether limited by constitutions or not. no legislature can authorize murder, nor make honesty penal, nor virtue a crime, nor exact impossibilities. in these and similar respects, the power of congress is held in check by principles, existing in the nature of things, not imposed by the constitution, but presupposed and assumed by it. the power of congress over the district is restricted only by those principles that limit ordinary legislation, and, in some respects, it has even wider scope. in common with the legislatures of the states, congress cannot constitutionally pass ex post facto laws in criminal cases, nor suspend the writ of habeas corpus, nor pass a bill of attainder, nor abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, nor invade the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, nor enact laws respecting an establishment of religion. these are general limitations. congress cannot do these things _any where_. the exact import, therefore, of the clause "in all cases whatsoever," is, _on all subjects within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. some legislatures are restrained by constitutions, from the exercise of powers strictly within the proper sphere of legislation. congressional power over the district has no such restraint. it traverses the whole field of legitimate legislation. all the power which any legislature has within its own jurisdiction, congress holds over the district of columbia. it has been objected that the clause in question respects merely police regulations, and that its sole design was to enable congress to protect itself against popular tumults. but if the convention that framed the constitution aimed to provide for a _single_ case only, why did they provide for "_all_ cases whatsoever?" besides, this clause was opposed in many of the state conventions, because the grant of power was extended to "_all_ cases whatsoever," instead of being restricted to police regulations _alone_. in the virginia convention, george mason, the father of the virginia constitution, patrick henry, mr. grayson, and others, assailed it on that ground. mr. mason said, "this clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the district. he would willingly give them exclusive power as far as respected the police and good government of the place, but he would give them no more." mr. grayson exclaimed against so large a grant of power--said that control over the _police_ was all-sufficient, and "that the continental congress never had an idea of exclusive legislation in all cases." patrick henry said: "shall we be told, when about to grant such illimitable authority, that it will never be exercised? is it consistent with any principle of prudence or good policy, to grant _unlimited, unbounded authority_?" mr. madison said in reply: "i did conceive that the clause under consideration was one of those parts which would speak its own praise. i cannot comprehend that the power of legislation over a small district, will involve the dangers which he apprehends. when any power is given, it's delegation necessarily involves authority to make laws to execute it. * * * * the powers which are found necessary to be given, are therefore delegated _generally_, and particular and minute specification is left to the legislature. * * * it is not within the limits of human capacity to delineate on paper all those particular cases and circumstances, in which legislation by the general legislature, would be necessary." governor randolph said: "holland has no ten miles square, but she has the hague where the deputies of the states assemble. but the influence which it has given the province of holland, to have the seat of government within its territory, subject in some respects to its control, has been injurious to the other provinces. the wisdom of the convention is therefore manifest in granting to congress exclusive jurisdiction over the place of their session." (_see debates in the virginia convention_, p. .) in the forty-third number of the "federalist," mr. madison says: "the indispensable necessity of _complete_ authority at the seat of government, carries its own evidence with it." finally, that the grant in question is to be interpreted according to the obvious import of its _terms_, and not in such a way as to restrict it to _police_ regulations, is proved by the fact, that the state of virginia proposed an amendment to the united states constitution at the time of its adoption, providing that this clause "should be so construed as to give power only over the _police and good government_ of said district," _which amendment was rejected_. fourteen other amendments, proposed at the same time by virginia, were _adopted_. the former part, of the clause under consideration, "congress shall have power to exercise _exclusive_ legislation," gives sole jurisdiction, and the latter part, "in all cases whatsoever," defines the _extent_ of it. since, then, congress is the _sole_ legislature within the district, and since its power is limited only by the checks common to all legislatures, it follows that what the law-making power is intrinsically competent to do _any_ where, congress is competent to do in the district of columbia. statement of the question at issue. having disposed of preliminaries, we proceed to argue the _real question_ at issue. is the law-making power competent to abolish slavery when not restricted in that particular by constitutional provisions--or, _is the abolition of slavery within the appropriate sphere of legislation?_ in every government, absolute sovereignty exists _somewhere_. in the united states it exists primarily with the _people_, and _ultimate_ sovereignty _always_ exists with them. in each of the states, the legislature possesses a _representative_ sovereignty, delegated by the people through the constitution--the people thus committing to the legislature a portion of their sovereignty, and specifying in their constitutions the amount and the conditions of the grant. that the _people_ in any state where slavery exists, have the power to abolish it, none will deny. if the legislature have not the power, it is because _the people_ have reserved it to themselves. had they lodged with the legislature "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," they would have parted with their sovereignty over the legislation of the state, and so far forth the legislature would have become _the people_, clothed with all their functions, and as such competent, _during the continuance of the grant_, to do whatever the people might have done before the surrender of their power: consequently, they would have the power to abolish slavery. the sovereignty of the district of columbia exists _somewhere_--where is it lodged? the citizens of the district have no legislature of their own, no representation in congress, and no political power whatever. maryland and virginia have surrendered to the united states their "full and absolute right and entire sovereignty," and the people of the united states have committed to congress by the constitution, the power to "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." thus, the sovereignty of the district of columbia, is shown to reside solely in the congress of the united states; and since the power of the people of a state to abolish slavery within their own limits, results from their entire sovereignty within the state, so the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, results from its entire _sovereignty_ within the district. if it be objected that congress can have no more power over the district, than was held by the legislatures of maryland and virginia, we ask what clause in the constitution graduates the power of congress by the standard of a state legislature? was the united states constitution worked into its present shape under the measuring line and square of virginia and maryland? and is its power to be bevelled down till it can run in the grooves of state legislation? there is a deal of prating about constitutional power over the district, as though congress were indebted for it to maryland and virginia. the powers of those states, whether few or many, prodigies or nullities, have nothing to do with the question. as well thrust in the powers of the grand lama to join issue upon, or twist papal bulls into constitutional tether, with which to curb congressional action. the constitution of the united states gives power to congress, and takes it away, and _it alone_. maryland and virginia adopted the constitution _before_ they ceded to the united states the territory of the district. by their acts of cession, they abdicated their own sovereignty over the district, and thus made room for that provided by the united states constitution, which sovereignty was to commence as soon as a cession of territory by states, and its acceptance by congress furnished a sphere for its exercise. that the abolition of slavery is within the sphere of legislation, i argue, _secondly_, from the fact, that _slavery as a legal system, is the creature of legislation_. the law by _creating_ slavery, not only affirmed its _existence_ to be within the sphere and under the control of legislation, but equally, the _conditions_ and _terms_ of its existence, and the _question_ whether or not it _should_ exist. of course legislation would not travel _out_ of its sphere, in abolishing what is _within_ it, and what was recognised to be within it, by its own act. cannot legislatures repeal their own laws? if law can take from a man his rights, it can give them back again. if it can say, "your body belongs to your neighbor," it can say, "it belongs to _yourself_, and i will sustain your right." if it can annul a man's right to himself, held by express grant from his maker, and can create for another an artificial title to him, can it not annul the artificial title, and leave the original owner to hold himself by his original title? . _the abolition of slavery has always been considered within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. almost every civilized nation has abolished slavery by law. the history of legislation since the revival of letters, is a record crowded with testimony to the universally admitted competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery. it is so manifestly an attribute not merely of absolute sovereignty, but even of ordinary legislation, that the competency of a legislature to exercise it, may well nigh be reckoned among the legal axioms of the civilized world. even the night of the dark ages was not dark enough to make this invisible. the abolition decree of the great council of england was passed in . the memorable irish decree, "that all the english slaves in the whole of ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty," was issued in . slavery in england was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in . passing over many instances of the abolition of slavery by law, both during the middle ages and since the reformation, we find them multiplying as we approach our own times. in slavery was abolished in prussia by special edict. in st. domingo, cayenne, guadaloupe and martinique, in , where more than , slaves were emancipated by the french government. in java, ; in ceylon, ; in buenos ayres, ; in st. helena, ; in colombia, ; by the congress of chili in ; in cape colony, ; in malacca, ; in the southern provinces of birmah, in ; in bolivia, ; in peru, guatemala, and monte video, , in jamaica, barbadoes, bermudas, bahamas, the mauritius, st. christopher's, nevis, the virgin islands, antigua, montserrat, dominica, st. vincents, grenada, berbice, tobago, st. lucia, trinidad, honduras, demarara, and the cape of good hope, on the st of august, . but waving details, suffice it to say, that england, france, spain, portugal, sweden, denmark, austria, prussia, and germany, have all and often given their testimony to the competency of the law to abolish slavery. in our own country, the legislature of pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in , connecticut, in ; rhode island, ; new-york, ; new-jersey, in ; vermont, by constitution, in ; massachusetts, in ; and new hampshire, in . when the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has thus been recognised every where and for ages, when it has been embodied in the highest precedents, and celebrated in the thousand jubilees of regenerated liberty, is it forsooth an achievement of modern discovery, that such a power is a nullity?--that all these acts of abolition are void, and that the millions disenthralled by them, are, either themselves or their posterity, still legally in bondage? . _legislative power has abolished slavery in its parts_. the law of south carolina prohibits the working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four. [_see__brevard's digest_, .] in other words, it takes from the slaveholder his power over nine hours of the slave's time daily; and if it can take nine hours it may take twenty-four--if two-fifths, then five-fifths. the laws of georgia prohibit the working of slaves on the first day of the week; and if they can do it for the first, they can for the six following. laws embodying the same principle have existed for ages in nearly all governments that have tolerated slavery. the law of north carolina prohibits the "immoderate" correction of slaves. if it has power to prohibit _immoderate_ correction, it can prohibit _moderate_ correction--_all_ correction, which would be virtual emancipation; for, take from the master the power to inflict pain, and he is master no longer. cease to ply the slave with the stimulus of fear, and he is free. laws similar to this exist in slaveholding governments generally. the constitution of mississippi gives the general assembly power to make laws "to oblige the owners of slaves to _treat them with humanity_." the constitution of missouri has the same clause, and an additional one making it the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to secure the _humane_ treatment of the slaves. this grant of power to those legislatures empowers them to decide what _is_ and what is _not_ "humane treatment." otherwise it gives no "power"--the clause is mere waste paper, and flouts in the face of a mocked and befooled legislature. a clause giving power to require "humane treatment" covers all the _particulars_ of such treatment--gives power to exact it in all _respects--requiring_ certain acts, and _prohibiting_ others--maiming, branding, chaining together, allowing each but a quart of corn a day,[a] and but "one shirt and one pair of pantaloons" in six months[b]--separating families, destroying marriages, floggings for learning the alphabet and reading the bible--robbing them of their oath, of jury trial, and of the right to worship god according to conscience--the legislature has power to specify each of these acts--declare that it is not "_humane_ treatment," and prohibit it.--the legislature may also believe that driving men and women into the field, and forcing them to work without pay as long as they live, is not "humane treatment," and being constitutionally bound "to _oblige_" masters to practise "humane treatment"--they have the _power_ to _prohibit such_ treatment, and are bound to do it. [footnote a: law of north carolina, haywood's manual, - .] [footnote b: law of louisiana, martin's digest, .] the law of louisiana makes slaves real estate, prohibiting the holder, if he be also a _land_ holder, to separate them from the soil.[c] if it has power to prohibit the sale _without_ the soil, it can prohibit the sale _with_ it; and if it can prohibit the _sale_ as property, it can prohibit the _holding_ as property. similar laws exist in the french, spanish, and portuguese colonies. [footnote c: virginia made slaves real estate by a law passed in . (_beverly's hist. of va._, p. .) i do not find the precise time when this law was repealed, probably when virginia became the chief slave breeder for the cotton-growing and sugar-planting country, and made young men and women "from fifteen to twenty-five" the main staple production of the state.] the law of louisiana requires the master to give his slaves a certain amount of food and clothing, (_martin's digest_, .) if it can oblige the master to give the slave _one_ thing, it can oblige him to give him another: if food and clothing, then wages, liberty, his own body. such laws exist in most slaveholding governments. by the slave laws of connecticut, under which slaves are now held, (for even connecticut is still a slave state,) slaves might receive and hold property, and prosecute suits in their own name as plaintiffs: [this last was also the law of virginia in . see tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] there were also laws making marriage contracts legal, in certain contingencies, and punishing infringements of them, ["_reeve's law of baron and femme_," p. - .] each of the laws enumerated above, does, _in principle_, abolish slavery; and all of them together abolish it _in fact_. true, not as a _whole_, and at a _stroke_, nor all in one place; but in its _parts_, by piecemeal, at divers times and places; thus showing that the abolition of slavery is within the boundary of _legislation_. ._the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery has been recognized by all the slaveholding states, either directly or by implication_. some states recognize it in their _constitutions_, by giving the legislature power to emancipate such slaves as may "have rendered the state some distinguished service," and others by express prohibitory restrictions. the constitutions of mississippi, arkansas, and other states, restrict the power of the legislature in this respect. why this express prohibition, if the law-making power cannot abolish slavery? a stately farce, indeed, formally to construct a special clause, and with appropriate rites induct it into the constitution, for the express purpose of restricting a nonentity!--to take from the lawmaking power what it _never had_, and what _cannot_ pertain to it! the legislatures of those states have no power to abolish slavery, simply because their constitutions have expressly _taken away_ that power. the people of arkansas, mississippi, &c., well knew the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, and hence their zeal to _restrict_ it. the fact that these and other states have inhibited their legislatures from the exercise of this power, shows that the abolition of slavery is acknowledged to be a proper subject of legislation, when constitutions impose no restrictions. the slaveholding states have recognised this power in their _laws_. the virginia legislature passed a law in to prevent the further importation of slaves, of which the following is an extract: "and be it further enacted that every slave imported into this commonwealth contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall upon such importation become _free_." by a law of virginia, passed dec. , , a slave brought into the state and kept _there a year_, was _free_. the maryland court of appeals at the december term (see case of stewart _vs._ oakes,) decided that a slave owned in maryland, and sent by his master into virginia to work at different periods, making one year in the whole, became _free_, being _emancipated_ by the law of virginia quoted above. north carolina and georgia in their acts of cession, transferring to the united states the territory now constituting the states of tennessee, alabama and mississippi, made it a condition of the grant, that the provisions of the ordinance of ' , should be secured to the inhabitants _with the exception of the sixth article which prohibits slavery_; thus conceding, both the competency of law to abolish slavery, and the power of congress to do it, within its jurisdiction. besides, these acts show the prevalent belief at that time, in the slaveholding states, that the general government had adopted a line of policy aiming at the exclusion of slavery from the entire territory of the united states, not included within the original states, and that this policy would be pursued unless prevented by specific and formal stipulation. slaveholding states have asserted this power _in their judicial decisions._ in numerous cases their highest courts have decided that if the legal owner of slaves takes them into those states where slavery has been abolished either by law or by the constitution, such removal emancipates them, such law or constitution abolishing their slavery. this principle is asserted in the decision of the supreme court of louisiana, in the case of lunsford _vs._ coquillon, martin's la. reps. . also by the supreme court of virginia, in the case of hunter _vs._ fulcher, leigh's reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge washington, of the united states supreme court, in the case of butler _vs._ hopper, washington's circuit court reps. . this principle was also decided by the court of appeals in kentucky; case of rankin _vs._ lydia, marshall's reps. ; see also, wilson _vs._ isbell, call's reps. , spotts _vs._ gillespie, randolph's reps. . the state _vs._ lasselle, blackford's reps. , marie louise _vs._ mariot, la. reps. . in this case, which was tried in , the slave had been taken by her master to france and brought back; judge mathews, of the supreme court of louisiana, decided that "residence for one moment" under the laws of france emancipated her. . _eminent statesmen, themselves slaveholders, have conceded this power_. washington, in a letter to robert morris, dated april , , says: "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to lafayette, dated may , , he says: "it (the abolition of slavery) certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected, and that too by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to john fenton mercer, dated sept. , , he says: "it is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by _law_." in a letter to sir john sinclair, he says: "there are in pennsylvania, _laws_ for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which nothing is more certain that that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." speaking of movements in the virginia legislature in , for the passage of a law emancipating the slaves, mr. jefferson says: "the principles of the amendment were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day; but it was found that the public mind would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant, when _it must bear and adopt it_."--jefferson's memoirs, v. , p. . it is well known that jefferson, pendleton, mason, wythe and lee, while acting as a committee of the virginia house of delegates to revise the state laws, prepared a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves by law. these men were the great lights of virginia. mason, the author of the virginia constitution; pendleton, the president of the memorable virginia convention in , and president of the virginia court of appeals; wythe was the blackstone of the virginia bench, for a quarter of a century chancellor of the state, the professor of law in the university of william and mary, and the preceptor of jefferson, madison, and chief justice marshall. he was author of the celebrated remonstrance to the english house of commons on the subject of the stamp act. as to jefferson, his _name_ is his biography. every slaveholding member of congress from the states of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, voted for the celebrated ordinance of , which _abolished_ the slavery then existing in the northwest territory. patrick henry, in his well known letter to robert pleasants, of virginia, january , , says: "i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to _abolish_ this lamentable evil." william pinkney, of maryland, advocated the abolition of slavery by law, in the legislature of that state, in . luther martin urged the same measure both in the federal convention, and in his report to the legislature of maryland. in , st. george tucker, professor of law in the university of william and mary, and judge of the general court, published an elaborate dissertation on slavery, addressed to the general assembly of the state, and urging upon them the abolition of slavery by _law_. john jay, while new-york was yet a slave state, and himself in law a slaveholder, said in a letter from spain, in , "an excellent law might be made out of the pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. were i in your legislature, i would present a bill for the purpose, drawn up with great care, and i would never cease moving it till it became a law, or i ceased to be a member." daniel d. tompkins, in a message to the legislature of new-york, january , , said: "to devise the means for the gradual and ultimate _extermination_ from amongst us of slavery, is work worthy the representatives of a polished and enlightened nation." the virginia legislature asserted this power in . at the close of a month's debate, the following proceedings were had. i extract from an editorial article of the richmond whig, of january , . "the report of the select committee, adverse to legislation on the subject of abolition, was in these words: _resolved_, as the opinion of this committee, that it is inexpedient for the present, to make any legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery." this report mr. preston moved to reverse, and thus to declare that it _was_ expedient, _now_ to make legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. this was meeting the question in its strongest form. it demanded action, and immediate action. on this proposition the vote was to . many of the most decided friends of abolition voted against the amendment; because they thought public opinion not sufficiently prepared for it, and that it might prejudice the cause to move too rapidly. the vote on mr. witcher's motion to postpone the whole subject indefinitely, indicates the true state of opinion in the house.--that was the test question, and was so intended and proclaimed by its mover. that motion was _negatived_, to ; showing a majority of , who by that vote, declared their belief that "at the proper time, and in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a system of gradual abolition." . _the congress of the united states have asserted this power_. the ordinance of ' , declaring that there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude," in the north western territory, abolished the slavery then existing there. the supreme court of mississippi, in its decision in the case of harvey _vs._ decker, walker's mi. reps. , declared that the ordinance emancipated the slaves then held there. in this decision the question is argued ably and at great length. the supreme court of louisiana made the same decision in the case of forsyth _vs._ nash, martin's la. reps . the same doctrine was laid down by judge porter, (late united states senator from louisiana,) in his decision at the march term of the la. supreme court, , in the case of merry _vs._ chexnaider, martin's reps. . that the ordinance abolished the slavery then existing, is also shown by the fact, that persons holding slaves in the territory petitioned for the repeal of the article abolishing slavery, assigning that as a reason. "the petition of the citizens of randolph and st. clair counties in the illinois country, stating that they were in possession of slaves, and praying the repeal of that act (the th article of the ordinance of ' ) and the passage of a law legalizing slavery there." [am. state papers, public lands, v. . p. ,] congress passed this ordinance before the united states constitution was adopted, when it derived all its authority from the articles of confederation, which conferred powers of legislation far more restricted than those conferred on congress over the district and territories by the united states constitution. now, we ask, how does the constitution _abridge_ the powers which congress possessed under the articles of confederation? the abolition of the slave trade by congress, in , is another illustration of the competency of legislative power to abolish slavery. the african slave trade has become such a mere _technic_, in common parlance, that the fact of its being _proper slavery_ is overlooked. the buying and selling, the transportation, and the horrors of the middle passage, were mere _incidents_ of the slavery in which the victims were held. let things be called by their own names. when congress abolished the african slave trade, it abolished slavery--supreme slavery--power frantic with license, trampling a whole hemisphere scathed with its fires, and running down with blood. true, congress did not, in the abolition of the slave trade, abolish _all_ the slavery within its jurisdiction, but it did abolish all the slavery in _one part_ of its jurisdiction. what has rifled it of power to abolish slavery in _another_ part of its jurisdiction, especially in that part where it has "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever?" . _the constitution of the united states recognizes this power by the most conclusive implication_. in art. , sec. , clause , it prohibits the abolition of the slave trade previous to : thus implying the power of congress to do it at once, but for the restriction; and its power to do it _unconditionally_, when that restriction ceased. again: in art. , sec. , "no person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from said service or labor." this clause was inserted, as all admit, to prevent the runaway slave from being emancipated by the _laws_ of the free states. if these laws had _no power_ to emancipate, why this constitutional guard to prevent it? the insertion of the clause, was the testimony of the eminent jurists that framed the constitution, to the existence of the _power_, and their public proclamation, that the abolition of slavery was within the appropriate sphere of legislation. the right of the owner to that which is rightfully property, is founded on a principle of _universal law_, and is recognised and protected by all civilized nations; property in slaves is, by general consent, an _exception_; hence slaveholders insisted upon the insertion of this clause in the united states constitution that they might secure by an _express provision_, that from which protection is withheld, by the acknowledged principles of universal law.[a] by demanding this provision, slaveholders consented that their slaves should not be recognised as property by the united states constitution, and hence they found their claim, on the fact of their being "_persons_, and _held_ to service." [footnote a: the fact, that under the articles of confederation, slaveholders, whose slaves had escaped into free states, had no legal power to force them back,--that _now_ they have no power to recover, by process of law, their slaves who escape to canada, the south american states, or to europe--the case already cited in which the supreme court of louisiana decided, that residence "_for one moment_," under the laws of france emancipated an american slave--the case of fulton, _vs._ lewis, har. and john's reps., , where the slave of a st. domingo slaveholder, who brought him to maryland in ' , was pronounced free by the maryland court of appeals--these, with other facts and cases "too numerous to mention," are illustrations of the acknowledged truth here asserted, that by the consent of the civilized world, and on the principles of universal law, slaves are not "_property_," but _self-proprietors_, and that whenever held as property under _law_, it is only by _positive legislative acts_, forcibly setting aside the law of nature, the common law, and the principles of universal justice and right between man and man,--principles paramount to all law, and from which alone law derives its intrinsic authoritative sanction.] but waiving all concessions, whether of constitutions, laws, judicial decisions, or common consent, i take the position that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, follows from the fact, that as the sole legislature there, it has unquestionable power _to adopt the common law, as the legal system within its exclusive jurisdiction_. this has been done, with certain restrictions, in most of the states, either by legislative acts or by constitutional implication. the common law knows no slaves. its principles annihilate slavery wherever they touch it. it is a universal, unconditional, abolition act. wherever slavery is a legal system, it is so only by _statute_ law, and in violation of common law. the declaration of lord chief justice holt, that "by the common law, no man can have property in another," is an acknowledged axiom, and based upon the well known common law definition of property. "the subjects of dominion or property are _things_, as contra-distinguished from _persons_." let congress adopt the common law in the district of columbia, and slavery there is at once abolished. congress may well be at home in common law legislation, for the common law is the grand element of the united states constitution. all its _fundamental_ provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole. the preamble of the constitution plants the standard of the common law immovably in its foreground. "we, the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution;" thus proclaiming _devotion to justice_, as the controlling motive in the organization of the government, and its secure establishment the chief object of its aims. by this most solemn recognition, the common law, that grand legal embodiment of "_justice_" and fundamental right was made the groundwork of the constitution, and intrenched behind its strongest munitions. the second clause of sec. , art. ; sec. , art. , and the last clause of sec. , art. , with articles , , , and of the amendments, are also express recognitions of the common law as the presiding genius of the constitution. by adopting the common law within its exclusive jurisdiction congress would carry out the principles of our glorious declaration, and follow the highest precedents in our national history and jurisprudence. it is a political maxim as old as civil legislation, that laws should be strictly homogeneous with the principles of the government whose will they express, embodying and carrying them out--being indeed the _principles themselves_, in preceptive form--representatives alike of the nature and the power of the government--standing illustrations of its genius and spirit, while they proclaim and enforce its authority. who needs be told that slavery is in antagonism to the principles of the declaration, and the spirit of the constitution, and that these and the principles of the common law gravitate toward each other with irrepressible affinities, and mingle into one? the common law came hither with our pilgrim fathers; it was their birthright, their panoply, their glory, and their song of rejoicing in the house of their pilgrimage. it covered them in the day of their calamity, and their trust was under the shadow of its wings. from the first settlement of the country, the genius of our institutions and our national spirit have claimed it as a common possession, and exulted in it with a common pride. a century ago, governor pownall, one of the most eminent constitutional jurists of colonial times, said of the common law, "in all the colonies the common law is received as the foundation and main body of their law." in the declaration of rights, made by the continental congress at its first session in ' , there was the following resolution: "resolved, that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law." soon after the organization of the general government, chief justice ellsworth, in one of his decisions on the bench of the united states supreme court, said: "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution." chief justice marshall, in his decision in the case of livingston _vs._ jefferson, said: "when our ancestors migrated to america, they brought with them the common law of their native country, so far as it was applicable to their new situation and i do not conceive that the revolution in any degree changed the relations of man to man, or the law which regulates them. in breaking our political connection with the parent state, we did not break our connection with each other." [_see__hall's law journal, new series._] mr. duponceau, in his "dissertation on the jurisdiction of courts in the united states," says, "i consider the common law of england the _jus commune_ of the united states. i think i can lay it down as a correct principle, that the common law of england, as it was at the time of the declaration of independence, still continues to be the national law of this country, so far as it is applicable to our present state, and subject to the modifications it has received here in the course of nearly half a century." chief justice taylor of north carolina, in his decision in the case of the state _vs._ reed, in , hawkes' n.c. reps. , says, "a law of _paramount obligation to the statute_ was violated by the offence--common law, founded upon the law of nature, and confirmed by revelation." the legislation of the united states abounds in recognitions of the principles of the common law, asserting their paramount binding power. sparing details, of which our national state papers are full, we illustrate by a single instance. it was made a condition of the admission of louisiana into the union, that the right of trial by jury should be secured to all her citizens,--the united states government thus employing its power to enlarge the jurisdiction of the common law in this its great representative. having shown that the abolition of slavery is within the competency of the law-making power, when unrestricted by constitutional provisions, and that the legislation of congress over the district _is_ thus unrestricted, its power to abolish slavery there is established. besides this general ground, the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district may be based upon another equally tenable. we argue it from the fact, that slavery exists there _now_ by an act of congress. in the act of th july, , congress accepted portions of territory offered by the states of maryland and virginia, and enacted that the laws, as they then were, should continue in force, "until congress shall otherwise by law provide;" thus making the slave codes of maryland and virginia its own. under these laws, adopted by congress, and in effect re-enacted and made laws of the district, the slaves there are now held. is congress so impotent in its own "exclusive jurisdiction" that it _cannot_ "otherwise by law provide?" if it can say, what _shall_ be considered property, it can say what shall _not_ be considered property. suppose a legislature enacts, that marriage contracts shall be mere bills of sale, making a husband the proprietor of his wife, as his _bona fide_ property; and suppose husbands should herd their wives in droves for the market as beasts of burden, or for the brothel as victims of lust, and then prate about their inviolable legal property, and deny the power of the legislature, which stamped them property, to undo its own wrong, and secure to wives by law the rights of human beings. would such cant about "legal rights" be heeded where reason and justice held sway, and where law, based upon fundamental morality, received homage? if a frantic legislature pronounces woman a chattel, has it no power, with returning reason, to take back the blasphemy? is the impious edict irrepealable? be it, that with legal forms it has stamped wives "wares." can no legislation blot out the brand? must the handwriting of deity on human nature be expunged for ever? has law no power to stay the erasing pen, and tear off the scrawled label that covers up the image of god? we now proceed to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district has been, till recently, universally conceded. . it has been assumed by congress itself. the following record stands on the journals of the house of representatives for , p. : "on motion made and seconded that the house do come to the following resolution: 'resolved, that from and after the th day of july, , all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the district of columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within said district, shall be free, the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of ----. the main question being taken that the house do agree to said motion as originally proposed, it was negatived by a majority of .'" though the motion was lost, it was on the ground of its alleged _inexpediency_ alone, and not because congress lacked the constitutional power. in the debate which preceded the vote, the _power_ of congress was conceded. in march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution:--"resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any and what measures are necessary for _putting a stop to the same_." on the th of january, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution by a vote of to : "resolved, that the committee on the district of columbia be instructed to inquire into the _expediency_ of providing by _law_ for the gradual abolition of slavery within the district, in such manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby." among those who voted in the affirmative were messrs. barney of md., armstrong of va., a.h. shepperd of n.c., blair of tenn., chilton and lyon of ky., johns of delaware, and others from slave states. . it has been conceded directly, or impliedly, by all the committees on the district of columbia that have reported on the subject. in a report of the committee on the district, jan. , , by their chairman, mr. powell of virginia, there is the following declaration "the congress of the united states, has by the constitution exclusive jurisdiction over the district, and has power upon this subject, (_slavery_) as upon all other subjects of legislation, to exercise _unlimited discretion_." reps. of comms. d session, th cong. v. i. no. . in february, , the committee on the district, mr. alexander of virginia, chairman, in their report pursuant to mr. miner's resolutions, recognize a contingent abolition proceeding upon the consent of the people. in december, , the committee on the district, mr. doddridge of virginia, chairman, reported, "that until the adjoining states act on the subject (slavery) it would be (not _unconstitutional_ but) unwise and impolitic, if not unjust, for congress to interfere." in april, , a special committee on abolition memorials reported the following resolutions by their chairman, mr. pinckney of south carolina: "resolved, that congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy." "resolved, that congress _ought not to interfere_ in any way with slavery in the district of columbia." "ought not to interfere," carefully avoiding the phraseology of the first resolution, and thus in effect conceding the constitutional power. in a widely circulated "address to the electors of the charleston district," mr. pinckney is thus denounced by his own constituents: "he has proposed a resolution which is received by the plain common sense of the whole country as a concession that congress has authority to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." . it has been conceded by the _citizens of the district_. a petition for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, signed by nearly eleven hundred of its citizens, was presented to congress, march , . among the signers to this petition, were chief justice cranch, judge van ness, judge morsel, prof. j.m. staughton, rev. dr. balch, rev. dr. keith, john m. munroe, and a large number of the most influential inhabitants of the district. mr. dickson, of new york, asserted on the floor of congress in , that the signers of this petition owned more than half of the property in the district. the accuracy of this statement has never been questioned. this power has been conceded by _grand juries of the district_. the grand jury of the county of alexandria, at the march term , presented the domestic slave trade as a grievance, and said, "we consider these grievances demanding _legislative_ redress." jan. , , mr. alexander, of virginia, presented a representation of the grand jury in the city of washington, remonstrating against "any measure for the abolition of slavery within said district, unless accompanied by measures for the removal of the emancipated from the same;" thus, not only conceding the power to emancipate slaves, but affirming an additional power, that of _excluding them when free_. see journal h.r. - , p. . . this power has been conceded _by state legislatures_. in the legislature of pennsylvania instructed their senators in congress "to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." jan. , , the house of assembly of new york passed a resolution, that their "senators in congress be instructed to make every possible exertion to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." in february, , the senate of massachusetts "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery and the slave trade therein, and that the early exercise of such right is demanded by the enlightened sentiment of the civilized world, by the principles of the revolution, and by humanity." the house of representatives passed the following resolution at the same session: "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district, and that its exercise should only be restrained by a regard to the public good." november , , the legislature of vermont, "resolved, that congress have the full power by the constitution to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia, and in the territories." the legislature of vermont passed in substance the same resolution, at its session in . may , , a committee of the pennsylvania legislature reported the following resolution: "resolved, that congress does possess the constitutional power, and it is expedient to abolish slavery and the slave trade within the district of columbia." in january, , the legislature of south carolina "resolved, that we should consider the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia as a violation of the rights of the citizens of that district derived from the _implied_ conditions on which that territory was ceded to the general government." instead of denying the constitutional power, they virtually admit its existence, by striving to smother it under an _implication_. in february, , the legislature of north carolina "resolved, that, although by the constitution all legislative power over the district of columbia is vested in the congress of the united states, yet we would deprecate any legislative action on the part of that body towards liberating the slaves of that district, as a breach of faith towards those states by whom the territory was originally ceded, and will regard such interference as the first step towards a general emancipation of the slaves of the south." here is a full concession of the _power_, february , , the virginia legislature passed unanimously the following resolution: "resolved, by the general assembly of virginia, that the following article be proposed to the several states of this union, and to congress, as an amendment of the constitution of the united states: 'the powers of congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage of any law for the emancipation of slaves in the district of columbia, without the consent of the individual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legislatures of virginia and maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe.'" fifty years after the formation of the united states constitution the states are solemnly called upon by the virginia legislature, to amend that instrument by a clause asserting that, in the grant to congress of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the district, the "case" of slavery is not included!! what could have dictated such a resolution but the conviction that the power to abolish slavery is an irresistible interference from the constitution _as it is_. the fact that the same legislature passed afterward a resolution, though by no means unanimously, that congress does not possess the power, abates not a tittle of the testimony in the first resolution. march d, , "mr. brown presented the resolutions of the general assembly of ohio, recommending to congress the consideration of a system for the gradual emancipation of persons of color held in servitude in the united states." on the same day, "mr. noble, of indiana, communicated a resolution from the legislature of that state, respecting the gradual emancipation of slaves within the united states." journal of the united states senate, for - , p. . the ohio and indiana resolutions, by taking for granted the _general_ power of congress over the subject of slavery, do virtually assert its _special_ power within its _exclusive_ jurisdiction. . the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has been conceded by bodies of citizens in the slave states. the petition of eleven hundred citizens of the district of columbia, in , has been already mentioned. "march , , mr. washington presented a memorial of inhabitants of the county of frederick, in the state of maryland, praying that provision may be made for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . march , . mr. a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, "praying congress to take measures fur the entire abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . january , . mr. rhea, of tennessee, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that provision may be made, whereby all slaves which may hereafter be born in the district of columbia, shall be free at a certain period of their lives." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . mr. saunders of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that measures may be taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the united states." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . "mr. barnard presented the memorial of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, held in baltimore, praying that slavery may be abolished in the district of columbia." journal u.s. senate, - , p. . . distinguished statesmen and jurists in the slaveholding states, have conceded the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. the testimony of messrs. doddridge, powell, and alexander, of virginia, chief justice cranch, and judges morsell and van ness, of the district, has already been given. in the debate in congress on the memorial of the society of friends, in , mr. madison, in speaking of the territories of the united states, explicitly declared, from his own knowledge of the views of the members of the convention that framed the constitution, as well as from the obvious import of its terms, that in the territories "congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery." congress can have no more power over the territories than that of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," consequently, according to mr. madison, "it has certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery in the" _district_. in march, , john randolph introduced a resolution for putting a stop to the domestic slave trade within the district. december , , mr. barney, of maryland, presented a memorial for abolition in the district, and moved that it be printed. mr. mcduffie, of south carolina, objected to the printing, but "expressly admitted the right of congress to grant to the people of the district any measures which they might deem necessary to free themselves from the deplorable evil."--(see letter of mr. claiborne, of mississippi, to his constituents, published in the washington globe, may , .) the sentiments of henry clay on the subject are well known. in a speech before the u.s. senate, in , he declared the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district "unquestionable." messrs. blair, of tennessee, chilton, lyon, and richard m. johnson, of kentucky, a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, messrs. armstrong and smyth, of virginia, messrs. dorsey, archer, and barney, of maryland, and johns, of delaware, with numerous others from slave states, have asserted the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. in the speech of mr. smyth, of virginia, on the missouri question, january , , he says on this point: "if the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, why do you not begin _here_? within the ten miles square, you have _undoubted power_ to exercise exclusive legislation. _produce a bill to emancipate the slaves in the district of columbia_, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." to this may be added the testimony of the present vice president of the united states, hon. richard m. johnson, of kentucky. in a speech before the united states' senate, february , , (national intelligencer, april , ,) he says: "congress has the express power stipulated by the constitution, to exercise exclusive legislation over this district of ten miles square. here slavery is sanctioned by law. in the district of columbia, containing a population of , souls, and probably as many slaves as the whole territory of missouri, the power of providing for their emancipation rests with congress alone. why, then, let me ask, mr. president, why all this sensibility--this commiseration--this heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of missouri, and this cold insensibility, this eternal apathy, towards the slaves in the district of columbia?" it is quite unnecessary to add, that the most distinguished northern statesmen of both political parties, have always affirmed the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. president van buren in his letter of march , , to a committee of gentlemen in north carolina, says, "i would not, from the light now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia." this declaration of the president is consistent with his avowed sentiments touching the missouri question, on which he coincided with such men as daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, and others, whose names are a host.[a] it is consistent also, with his recommendation in his late message on the th of last month, in which, speaking of the district, he strongly urges upon congress "a thorough and careful revision of its local government," speaks of the "entire dependence" of the people of the district "upon congress," recommends that a "uniform system of local government" be adopted, and adds, that "although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residence of officers intrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it never has been subjected to, or received, that _special_ and _comprehensive_ legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demanded." [footnote a: mr. van buren, when a member of the senate of new-york, voted for the following preamble and resolutions, which passed unanimously:--jan. th, . "whereas, the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the united states, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state: and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that _every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension_: and that the constitution of the united states _clearly gives congress the right_ to require new states, not comprised within the original boundary of the united states, to _make the prohibition of slavery_ a condition of their admission into the union: therefore, "resolved, that our senators be instructed, and our members of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the union, of any territory not comprised as aforesaid, without making _the prohibition of slavery_ therein an indispensable condition of admission." ] the tenor of senator tallmadge's speech on the right of petition, in the last congress, and of mr. webster's on the reception of abolition memorials, may be taken as universal exponents of the sentiments of northern statesmen as to the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. after presenting this array of evidence, _direct testimony_ to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has always till recently been _universally conceded_, is perhaps quite superfluous. we subjoin; however, the following: the vice-president of the united states in his speech on the missouri question, quoted above, after contending that the restriction of slavery in missouri would be unconstitutional, adds, "but i am at a loss to conceive why gentlemen should arouse all their sympathies upon this occasion, when they permit them to lie dormant upon the same subject, in relation to other sections of country, in which their power could not be questioned." then follows immediately the assertion of congressional power to abolish slavery in the district, as already quoted. in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., also quoted above, he declares the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district to be "undoubted." mr. sutherland, of pennsylvania, in a speech in the house of representatives, on the motion to print mr. pinckney's report, is thus reported in the washington globe, of may th, ' . "he replied to the remark that the report conceded that congress had a right to legislate upon the subject in the district of columbia, and said that such a right had never been, till recently, denied." the american quarterly review, published at philadelphia, with a large circulation and list of contributors in the slave states, holds the following language in the september no. , p. : "under this 'exclusive jurisdiction,' granted by the constitution, congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia. it would hardly be necessary to state this as a distinct proposition, had it not been occasionally questioned. the truth of the assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of argument--and we believe has never been disputed by persons who are familiar with the constitution." finally--an explicit, and unexpected admission, that an "_over-whelming majority_" of the _present_ congress concede the power to abolish slavery in the district, has just been made by a member of congress from south carolina, in a letter published in the charleston mercury of dec. , well known as the mouth-piece of mr. calhoun. the following is an extract: "the time has arrived when we must have new guarantees under the constitution, or the union must be dissolved. _our views of the constitution are not those of the majority. an overwhelming majority think that by the constitution, congress may abolish slavery in the district of columbia--may abolish the slave trade between the states; that is, it may prohibit their being carried out of the state in which they are--and prohibit it in all the territories, florida among them. they think_, not without strong reasons, _that the power of congress extends to all of these subjects_." in another letter, the same correspondent says: "_the fact is, it is vain to attempt_, as the constitution is now, _to keep the question of slavery out of the halls of congress_,--until, by some decisive action, we compel silence, or _alter the constitution_, agitation and insult is our eternal fate in the confederacy." objections to the foregoing conclusions considered. we now proceed to notice briefly the main arguments that have been employed in congress and elsewhere against the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. one of the most plausible, is that "the conditions on which maryland and virginia ceded the district to the united states, would be violated, if congress should abolish slavery there." the reply to this is, that congress had no power to _accept_ a cession coupled with conditions restricting the power given it by the constitution. nothing short of a convention of the states, and an alteration of the constitution, abridging its grant of power, could have empowered congress to accept a territory on any other conditions than that of exercising "exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever," over it. to show the futility of the objection, here follow the acts of cession. the cession of maryland was made in november, , and is as follows: "an act to cede to congress a district of ten miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states." "be it enacted, by the general assembly of maryland, that the representatives of this state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new-york, on the first wednesday of march next, be, and they are hereby authorized and required on the behalf of this state, to cede to the congress of the united states, any district in this state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the congress may fix upon, and accept for the seat of government of the united states." laws of maryland, vol. , chap. . the cession from virginia was made by act of the legislature of that state on the d of december, , in the following words: "be it enacted by the general assembly, that a tract of country, not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the state, and in any part thereof, as congress may, by law, direct, shall be, and the same is hereby for ever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil, as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the government of the constitution of the united states." but were there no provisos to these acts? the maryland act had _none_. that part of the district therefore, which includes the cities of washington and georgetown, can lay claim to nothing with which to ward off the power of congress. the virginia act had this proviso: "sect. . provided, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to vest in the united states any right of property in the _soil_, or to affect the rights of individuals _therein_, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the united states." this specification touching the soil was merely definitive and explanatory of that clause in the act of cession, "_full and absolute right._" instead of restraining the power of congress on _slavery_ and other subjects, it even gives it wider scope; for exceptions to _parts_ of a rule, give double confirmation to those parts not embraced in the exceptions. if it was the _design_ of the proviso to restrict congressional action on the subject of _slavery_, why is the _soil alone_ specified? as legal instruments are not paragons of economy in words, might not "john doe," out of his abundance, and without spoiling his style, have afforded an additional word--at least a hint--that slavery was _meant_, though nothing was _said_ about it? the subject must have been too "delicate," even for the most distant allusion! the mystery of silence is solved!! but again, maryland and virginia, in their acts of cession, declare them to be "in pursuance of" that clause of the constitution which gives to congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over" the ten miles square--thus, instead of _restricting_ that clause, both states gave an express and decided confirmation of it. now, their acts of cession either accorded with that clause of the constitution, or they conflicted with it. if they conflicted with it, _accepting_ the cessions was a violation of the constitution. if they accorded, the objector has already had his answer. the fact that congress accepted the cessions, proves that in its view their _terms_ did not conflict with the constitutional grant of "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." the inquiry whether these acts of cession were consistent or inconsistent with the united states constitution, is totally irrelevant to the question at issue. what saith the constitution? that is the question. not, what saith virginia, or maryland, or--equally to the point--john bull! if maryland and virginia had been the authorized interpreters of the constitution for the union, these acts of cession could hardly have been magnified more than they were by messrs. garland and wise in the last congress. a true understanding of the constitution can be had, forsooth, only by holding it up in the light of maryland and virginia legislation! we are told, again, that those states would not have ceded the district if they had supposed the constitution gave congress power to abolish slavery in it. this comes with an ill grace from maryland and virginia. they _knew_ the constitution. they were parties to it. they had sifted it, clause by clause, in their state conventions. they had weighed its words in the balance--they had tested them as by fire; and finally, after long pondering, they _adopted_ the constitution. and _afterward_, self-moved, they ceded the ten miles square, and declared the cession made "in pursuance of" that oft-cited clause, "congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legalisation in all cases whatsoever over such district," &c. and now verily "they would not have ceded if they had _supposed_!" &c. cede it they _did_, and "in full and absolute right both of soil and persons." congress accepted the cession--state power over the district ceased, and congressional power over it commenced--and now, the sole question to be settled is, _the amount of power over the district, lodged in congress by the constitution_. the constitution--the constitution--that is the point. maryland and virginia "suppositions" must be potent suppositions, to abrogate a clause in the united states constitution! that clause either gives congress power to abolish slavery in the district, or it does _not_--and that point is to be settled, not by state "suppositions," nor state usages, nor state legislation, but _by the terms of the clause themselves_. southern members of congress, in the recent discussions, have conceded the power of a contingent abolition in the district, by suspending it upon the consent of the people. such a doctrine from _declaimers_ like messrs. alford, of georgia, and walker, of mississippi, would excite no surprise; but that it should be honored with the endorsement of such men as mr. rives and mr. calhoun, is quite unaccountable. are attributes of _sovereignty_ mere creatures of _contingency_? is delegated _authority_ mere conditional _permission_? is a _constitutional power_ to be exercised by those who hold it, only by popular _sufferance_? must it lie helpless at the pool of public sentiment, waiting the gracious troubling of its waters? is it a lifeless corpse, save only when popular "consent" deigns to put breath into its nostrils? besides, if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of the _whole_ people must be had--not that of a majority, however large. majorities, to be authoritative, must be _legal_--and a legal majority without legislative power, right of representation, or even the electoral franchise, would be an anomaly. in the district of columbia, such a thing as a majority in a legal sense is unknown to law. to talk of the power of a majority, or the will of a majority there, is mere mouthing. a majority? then it has an authoritative will--and an organ to make it known--and an executive to carry it into effect--where are they? we repeat it--if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of _every one_ is necessary--and _universal_ consent will come only with the greek kalends and a "perpetual motion." a single individual might thus perpetuate slavery in defiance of the expressed will of a whole people. the most common form of this fallacy is given by mr. wise, of virginia, in his speech, february , , in which he denied the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, unless the inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for it!! southern members of congress at the present session ring changes almost daily upon the same fallacy. what! pray congress _to use_ a power which it _has not_? "it is required of a man according to what he _hath_," saith the scripture. i commend mr. wise to paul for his ethics. would that he had got his _logic_ of him! if congress does not possess the power, why taunt it with its weakness, by asking its exercise? why mock it by demanding impossibilities? petitioning, according to mr. wise, is, in matters of legislation, omnipotence itself; the very source of all constitutional power; for, _asking_ congress to do what it _cannot_ do, gives it the power--to pray the exercise of a power that is _not, creates_ it. a beautiful theory! let us work it both ways. if to petition for the exercise of a power that is _not_, creates it--to petition against the exercise of a power that _is_, annihilates it. as southern gentlemen are partial to summary processes, pray, sirs, try the virtue of your own recipe on "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" a better subject for experiment and test of the prescription could not be had. but if the petitions of the citizens of the district give congress the _right_ to abolish slavery, they impose the _duty_; if they confer constitutional authority, they create constitutional obligation. if congress _may_ abolish because of an expression of their will, it _must_ abolish at the bidding of that will. if the people of the district are a _source of power_ to congress, their _expressed will_ has the force of a constitutional provision, and has the same binding power upon the national legislature. to make congress dependent on the district for authority, is to make it a _subject_ of its authority, restraining the exercise of its own discretion, and sinking it into a mere organ of the district's will. we proceed to another objection. "the southern states would not have ratified the constitution, if they had supposed that it gave this power." it is a sufficient answer to this objection, that the northern states would not have ratified it, if they had supposed that it _withheld_ the power. if "suppositions" are to take the place of the constitution--coming from both sides, they neutralize each other. to argue a constitutional question by _guessing_ at the "suppositions" that might have been made by the parties to it, would find small favor in a court of law. but even a desperate shift is some easement when sorely pushed. if this question is to be settled by "suppositions," suppositions shall be forth coming, and that without stint. first, then, i affirm that the north ratified the constitution, "supposing" that slavery had begun to wax old, and would speedily vanish away, and especially that the abolition of the slave trade, which by the constitution was to be surrendered to congress after twenty years, would cast it headlong. would the north have adopted the constitution, giving three-fifths of the "slave property" a representation, if it has "supposed" that the slaves would have increased from half a million to two millions and a half by --and that the census of would give to the slave states, representatives of "slave property?" if they had "supposed" that this representation would have controlled the legislation of the government, and carried against the north every question vital to its interests, would alexander hamilton, benjamin franklin, roger sherman, elbridge gerry, william livingston, john langdon, and rufus king have been such madmen, as to sign the constitution, and the northern states such suicides as to ratify it? every self-preserving instinct would have shrieked at such an infatuate immolation. at the adoption of the united states constitution, slavery was regarded as a fast waning system. this conviction was universal. washington, jefferson, patrick henry, grayson, st. george tucker, madison, wythe, pendleton, lee, blair, mason, page, parker, edmund randolph, iredell, spaight, ramsey, william pinckney, luther martin, james mchenry, samuel chase, and nearly all the illustrious names south of the potomac, proclaimed it before the sun, that the days of slavery were beginning to be numbered. a reason urged in the convention that formed the united states constitution, why the word slave should not be used in it, was, that _when slavery should cease_ there might remain upon the national charter no record that it had even been. (see speech of mr. burrill, of r.i., on the missouri question.) i now proceed to show by testimony, that at the date of the united states constitution, and for several years before and after that period, slavery was rapidly on the wane; that the american revolution with the great events preceding accompanying, and following it, had wrought an immense and almost universal change in the public sentiment of the nation of the subject, powerfully impelling it toward the entire abolition of the system--and that it was the _general belief_ that measures for its abolition throughout the union, would be commenced by the individual states generally before the lapse of many years. a great mass of testimony establishing this position is at hand and might be presented, but narrow space, little time, the patience of readers, and the importance of speedy publication, counsel brevity. let the following proofs suffice. first, a few dates as points of observation. the first _general_ congress met in . the revolutionary war commenced in ' . independence was declared in ' . the articles of confederacy were adopted by the thirteen states in ' . independence acknowledged in ' . the convention for forming the u.s. constitution was held in ' , the state conventions for considering it in ' , and ' . the first congress under the constitution in ' . dr. rush, of pennsylvania, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, in a letter to the celebrated granville sharpe, may , , says: "a spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken in several of the colonies in favor of the poor negroes. the clergy begin to bear a public testimony against this violation of the laws of nature and christianity. great events have been brought about by small beginnings. _anthony benezet stood alone a few years ago in opposing negro slavery in philadelphia_, and now three-fourths of the province as well as of the city cry out against it."--(stuart's life of sharpe, p. .) in the preamble to the act prohibiting the importation of slaves into rhode island, june , is the following: "whereas, the inhabitants of america are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which that of personal freedom must be considered the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, _should be willing to extend personal liberty to others_, therefore," &c. october , , the continental congress passed the following: "we, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, _firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country_, as follows: " d article. _we will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported_ after the first day of december next, after which time we will _wholly discontinue_ the slave trade, and we will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it." the continental congress, in , setting forth the causes and the necessity for taking up arms, say: "_if it were possible_ for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race _to hold an absolute property in_, and _unbounded power over others_, marked out by infinite goodness and wisdom as objects of a legal domination, never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of great britain some evidence that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that body." in , the celebrated dr. hopkins, then at the head of new england divines, published a pamphlet entitled, "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the american colonies," from which the following is an extract: "the conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice (slavery) has been _increasing_, and _greatly spreading of late_, and _many_ who have had slaves, have found themselves so unable to justify their own conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induced to _set them at liberty_. may this conviction soon reach every owner of slaves in _north america!_ slavery is, _in every instance_, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive--a very great and crying sin--_there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth._" the same year the american congress issued a solemn manifesto to the world. these were its first words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that _all_ men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." _once_, these were words of power; _now_, "a rhetorical flourish." the celebrated patrick henry of virginia, in a letter, of jan. , , to robert pleasants, afterwards president of the virginia abolition society, says: "believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. it is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. i exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." in , the continental congress ordered a pamphlet to be published, entitled, "observations on the american revolution," from which the following is an extract: "the great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, _that men are by nature free_; as accountable to him that made them, they must be so; and so long as we have any idea of divine _justice_, we must associate that of _human freedom_. whether men can part with their liberty, is among the questions which have exercised the ablest writers; but it is _conceded on all hands, that the right to be free_ can never be alienated--still less is it practicable for one generation to mortgage the privileges of another." extract from the pennsylvania act for the abolition of slavery, passed march , : * * * "we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others which has been extended to us. weaned by a long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partialities we have imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations: * * * therefore be it enacted, that no child born hereafter be a slave," &c. jefferson, in his notes on virginia, written just before the close of the revolutionary war, says: "i think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present revolution. the spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, _the way i hope preparing under the auspices of heaven_, for a total emancipation, and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather than by their extirpation." in a letter to dr. price, of london, who had just published a pamphlet in favor of the abolition of slavery, mr. jefferson, then minister at paris, (august , ,) says: "from the mouth to the head of the chesapeake, _the bulk of the people will approve of your pamphlet in theory_, and it will find a respectable minority ready to _adopt it in practice_--a minority which, for weight and worth of character, _preponderates against the greater number_." speaking of virginia, he says: "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression,--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits. be not, therefore discouraged--what you have written will do a _great deal of good_; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the laboring side. the college of william and mary, in williamsburg, since the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together all the young men of virginia, under preparation for public life. they are there under the direction (most of them) of a mr. wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and _whose sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal_. i am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an exhortation to those young men with all the eloquence of which you are master that _its influence on the future decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive_. thus, you see, that so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you have done, _i wish you to do more, and wish it on an assurance of its effect_."--jefferson's posthumous works, vol. , p. . in , john jay, afterward chief justice of the united states, drafted and signed a petition to the legislature of new york, on the subject of slavery, beginning with these words: "your memorialists being deeply affected by the situation of those, who, although free by the laws of god, are held in slavery by the laws of the state," &c. this memorial bore also the signature of the celebrated alexander hamilton; robert r. livingston, afterward secretary of foreign affairs of the united states, and chancellor of the state of new york; james duane, mayor of the city of new york, and many others of the most eminent individuals in the state. in the preamble of an instrument, by which mr. jay emancipated a slave in , is the following passage: "whereas, the children of men are by nature equally free, and cannot, without injustice, be either reduced to or held in slavery." in his letter while minister at spain, in , he says, speaking of the abolition of slavery: "till america comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. this is a strong expression, but it is just. i believe god governs the world; and i believe it to be a maxim in his, as in our court, that those who ask for equity _ought to do it_." in , the new york manumission society was formed. john jay was chosen its first president, and held the office five years. alexander hamilton was its second president, and after holding the office one year, resigned upon his removal to philadelphia as secretary of the united states' treasury. in , the pennsylvania abolition society was formed. benjamin franklin, warm from the discussions of the convention that formed the united states constitution, was chosen president, and benjamin rush, secretary--both signers of the declaration of independence. in , the maryland abolition society was formed. among its officers were samuel chace, judge of the united states supreme court, and luther martin, a member of the convention that formed the united states constitution. in , the connecticut abolition society was formed. the first president was rev. dr. stiles, president of yale college, and the secretary, simeon baldwin, (the late judge baldwin of new haven.) in , this society sent a memorial to congress, from which the following is an extract: "from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom. your petitioners are fully of opinion, that calm reflection will at last convince the world, that the whole system of african slavery is unjust in its nature--impolitic in its principles--and, in its consequences, ruinous to the industry and enterprise of the citizens of these states. from a conviction of these truths, your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men; and, though this society has been _lately_ established, it has now become _generally extensive_ through this state, and, we fully believe, _embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens_." the same year the virginia abolition society was formed. this society, and the maryland society, had auxiliaries in different parts of those states. both societies sent up memorials to congress. the memorial of the virginia society is headed--"the memorial of the _virginia society_, for promoting the abolition of slavery, &c." the following is an extract: "your memorialists, fully believing that 'righteousness exalteth a nation,' and that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an _outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel_, which breathes 'peace on earth, good will to men;' lament that a practice, so inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and among a people professing, that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom." about the same time a society was formed in new-jersey. it had an acting committee of five members in each county in the state. the following is an extract from the preamble to its constitution: "it is our boast, that we live under a government founded on principles of justice and reason, wherein _life, liberty_, and the _pursuit of happiness_, are recognised as the universal rights of men; and whilst we are anxious to preserve these rights to ourselves, and transmit them inviolate, to our posterity, we _abhor that inconsistent, illiberal, and interested policy, which withholds those rights, from an unfortunate and degraded class of our fellow creatures_." among other distinguished individuals who were efficient officers of these abolition societies, and delegates from their respective state societies, at the annual meetings of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, were hon. uriah tracy, united states' senator, from connecticut; hon. zephaniah swift, chief justice of the same state; hon. cesar a. rodney, attorney general of the united states; hon. james a. bayard, united states senator, from delaware; governor bloomfield, of new jersey; hon. wm. rawle, the late venerable head of the philadelphia bar; dr. casper wistar, of philadelphia; messrs. foster and tillinghast, of rhode island; messrs. ridgeley, buchanan, and wilkinson, of maryland; and messrs. pleasants, mclean, and anthony, of virginia. in july, , the old congress passed the celebrated ordinance, abolishing slavery in the northwestern territory, and declaring that it should never thereafter exist there. this ordinance was passed while the convention that formed the united states constitution was in session. at the first session of congress under the constitution, this ordinance was ratified by a special act. washington, fresh from the discussions of the convention, in which _more than forty days had been spent in adjusting the question of slavery, gave it his approval._ the act passed with only one dissenting voice, (that of mr. yates, of new-york,) _the south equally with the north avowing the fitness and expediency of the measure of general considerations, and indicating thus early the line of national policy, to be pursued by the united states government on the subject of slavery_. in the debates in the north carolina convention, mr. iredell, afterward a judge of the united states' supreme court, said, "_when the entire abolition of slavery takes place_, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." mr. galloway said, "i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. i apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means to _bring forward manumission."_ luther martin, of md., a member of the convention that formed the united states constitution, said, "we ought to authorize the general government to make such regulations as shall be thought most advantageous for _the gradual abolition of slavery,_ and the _emancipation of the slaves_ which are already in the states." judge wilson, of pennsylvania, one of the framers of the constitution, said, in the pennsylvania convention of ' , deb. pa. con. p. , : "i consider this (the clause relative to the slave trade) as laying the foundation for _banishing slavery out of this country_. it will produce the same kind of gradual change which was produced in pennsylvania; the new states which are to be formed will be under the control of congress in this particular, and _slaves will never be introduced_ among them. it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established _throughout the union_. yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to _exterminate slavery_ within our borders." in the virginia convention of ' , mr. mason, author of the virginia constitution, said, "the augmentation of slaves weakens the states, and such a trade is _diabolical_ in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. as much as i value a union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states, (i.e., south carolina and georgia,) into the union, _unless they agree to a discontinuance of this disgraceful trade._" mr. tyler opposed with great power the clause prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade till , and said, "my earnest desire is, that it shall he handed down to posterity that i oppose this wicked clause." mr. johnson said, "the principle of emancipation _has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round._"--[_deb. va. con._ p. .] patrick henry, arguing the power of congress under the united states constitution to abolish slavery in the states, said, in the same convention, "another thing will contribute to bring this event (the abolition of slavery) about. slavery is _detested._ we feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all the pity of humanity."--[_deb. va. con._ p. .] in the mass. con. of ' , judge dawes said, "although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet _it has received a mortal wound_, and will die of consumption."--[_deb. mass. con._ p. .] general heath said that, "slavery was confined to the states _now existing, it could not be extended_. by their ordinance, congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, and _have no slavery._"--p. . in the debate in the first congress, february th and th, , on the petitions of the society of friends, and the pennsylvania abolition society, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "i hope, mr. speaker, the petition of these respectable people will be attended to _with all the readiness the importance of its object demands_; and i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding _so considerable a part_ of the community attending to matters of such a momentous concern to the _future prosperity_ and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, _to espouse their cause_." mr. page, of virginia, (afterward governor)--"was _in favor_ of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was _not_ taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, _from which was expected great good would result to_ every class _of citizens_, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and _wait the decision patiently_." mr. scott, of pennsylvania: "i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person _can be said to acquire a property in another_; but enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or use them like beasts of burden, who deliver them up as the property or patrimony of another man. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason, and becoming humanity. _i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation, but i am sure i would go as far as i could_." mr. burke, of south carolina, said, "he _saw the disposition of the house_, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." mr. smith, of south carolina, said, "that on entering into this government, they (south carolina and georgia) apprehended that the other states, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the southern states were under to hold this species of property, _would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation_; and had they not seen, that the constitution provided against the effect of such a disposition, i may be bold to say, they never would have adopted it." in the debate, at the same session, may th, , on the petition of the society of friends respecting the slave trade, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power to _restore to human nature its inherent privileges_, and if possible, wipe off the stigma, which america labored under. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged _should be done away_, that we may show by our actions the pure beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our declaration of independence." mr. jackson of georgia, said, "it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves. * * * * * what is to be done for compensation? will virginia set all her negroes free? will they give up the money they have cost them; and to whom? _when this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear_." mr. madison of virginia,--"the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of us. the constitution has particularly called our attention to it. * * * * * i conceive the constitution in this particular was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from having a total prohibition, might be able to _give some testimony of the sense of america_, with respect to the african trade. * * * * * it is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. i do not wish to say any thing harsh to the hearing of gentlemen who entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from those i represent. but if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, _to vary the practice_ obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this. but it is _certain_ a majority of the states are _opposed to this practice_."--[cong. reg. v. , p. - .] a writer in the "gazette of the united states," feb. th, , (then the government paper,) who opposes the abolition of slavery, and avows himself a _slaveholder_, says, "i have seen in the papers accounts of _large associations_, and applications to government for _the abolition of slavery_. religion, humanity, and the generosity natural to a free people, are the _noble principles which dictate those measures_. such motives command respect, and are above any eulogium words can bestow." it is well known, that in the convention that formed the constitution of kentucky in , the effort to prohibit slavery was nearly successful. the writer has frequently heard it asserted in kentucky, and has had it from some who were members of that convention, that a decided majority of that body would have voted for its exclusion but for the great efforts and influence of two large slaveholders--men of commanding talents and sway--messrs. breckenridge and nicholas. the following extract from a speech made in that convention by a member of it, mr. rice, a native virginian, is a specimen of the _free discussion_ that prevailed on that "delicate subject." said mr. rice: "i do a man greater injury, when i deprive him of his liberty, than when i deprive him of his property. it is vain for me to plead that i have the sanction of law; for this makes the injury the greater--it arms the community against him, and makes his case desperate. the owners of such slaves then are _licensed robbers_, and not the just proprietors of what they claim. freeing them is not depriving them of property, but _restoring it to the right owner_. in america, a slave is a standing monument of the tyranny and inconsistency of human governments. the master is the enemy of the slave; he _has made open war upon him_, and is daily carrying it on in unremitted efforts. can any one imagine, then, that the slave is indebted to his master, and _bound to serve him_? whence can the obligation arise? what is it founded upon? what is my duty to an enemy that is carrying on war against me? i do not deny, but in some circumstances, it is the duty of the slave to serve; but it is a duty he owes himself, and not his master." president edwards, the younger, said, in a sermon preached before the connecticut abolition society, sept. , : "thirty years ago, scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in congress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? and if we judge of the future by the past, _within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft_." in , the general assembly of the presbyterian church adopted its "scripture proofs," notes, comments, &c. among these was the following: " tim. i. . the law is made for manstealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment. exodus xxi. . and the apostle here classes them with _sinners of the first rank_. the word he uses, in its original import comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in _retaining_ them in it. _stealers of men_ are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and _keep_, sell, or buy them." in , dr. rush declared: "domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of christianity. it prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. it is rebellion against the authority of a common father. it is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common savior. it is an usurpation of the prerogative of the great sovereign of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men." in , mr. fiske, then an officer of dartmouth college, afterward a judge in tennessee, said, in an oration published that year, speaking of slaves: "i steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to _an equal standing, in point of privileges, with the whites_! they must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature." when the petition on the abolition of the slave trade was under discussion in the congress of ' , mr. brown. of north carolina, said, "the emancipation of the slaves _will be effected_ in time; it ought to be a gradual business, but he hoped that congress would not _precipitate_ it to the great injury of the southern states." mr. hartley, of pennsylvania said, in the sane debate, "_he was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that house._" washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, says, "there are, in pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which _nothing is more certain_ than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." in , virginia passed her celebrated manumission act. within nine years from that time nearly eleven thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated by their masters. judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. . in , maryland passed an act legalizing manumission. mr. dorsey, of maryland, in a speech in congress, december th, , speaking of manumissions under that act, said, that "_the progress of emancipation was astonishing_, the state became crowded with a free black population." the celebrated william pinkney, in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , on the emancipation of slaves, said, "sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, _no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bondage for a single hour_. i would as soon believe the incoherent tale of a schoolboy, who should tell me he had been frightened by a ghost, as that the grant of this permission (to emancipate) ought in any degree to alarm us. are we apprehensive that these men will become more dangerous by becoming freemen? are we alarmed, lest by being admitted into the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? strange, unaccountable paradox! how much more rational would it be, to argue that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself! dishonorable to the species is the idea that they would ever prove injurious to our interests--released from the shackles of slavery, by the justice of government and the bounty of individuals--the want of fidelity and attachment would be next to impossible." hon. james campbell, in an address before the pennsylvania society of the cincinnati, july , , said, "our separation from great britain has extended the empire of _humanity_. the time _is not far distant_ when our sister states, in imitation of our example, _shall turn their vassals into freemen._" the convention that formed the united states' constitution being then in session, attended at the delivery of this oration with general washington at their head. a baltimore paper of september th, , contains the following notice of major general gates: "a few days ago passed through this town the hon. general gates and lady. the general, previous to leaving virginia, summoned his numerous family of slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom." in the university of william and mary, in virginia, conferred upon granville sharpe the degree of doctor of laws. sharpe was at that time the acknowledged head of british abolitionists. his indefatigable exertions, prosecuted for years in the case of somerset, procured that memorable decision in the court of king's bench, which settled the principle that no slave could be held in england. he was most uncompromising in his opposition to slavery, and for twenty years previous he had spoken, written, and accomplished more against it than any man living. in the "memoirs of the revolutionary war in the southern department," by gen. lee, of va., commandant of the partizan legion, is the following: "the constitution of the united states, adopted lately with so much difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil, (by importation) after a few years. it is much to be lamented that having done so much in this way, _a provision had not been made for the gradual abolition of slavery_."--p. , . mr. tucker, of virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, addressed a letter to the general assembly of that state, in , urging the abolition of slavery; from which the following is an extract. speaking of the slaves in virginia, he says: "should we not, at the time of the revolution, have loosed their chains and broken their fetters; or if the difficulties and dangers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt, during the convulsions of a revolution, is it not our duty, _to embrace the first moment_ of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor consciences to reproach us?" mr. faulkner, in a speech before the virginia legislature, jan. , , said:--"the idea of a gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves from this commonwealth, is coeval with the declaration of our independence from the british yoke. it sprung into existence during the first session of the general assembly, subsequent to the formation of your republican government. when virginia stood sustained in her legislation by the pure and philosophic intellect of pendleton--by the patriotism of mason and lee--by the searching vigor and sagacity of wythe, and by the all-embracing, all-comprehensive genius of thomas jefferson! sir, it was a committee composed of those five illustrious men, who, in , submitted to the general assembly of this state, then in session, _a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of this commonwealth_." hon. benjamin watkins leigh, late united states' senator from virginia, in his letters to the people of virginia, in , signed appomattox, p. , says: "i thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body that during the revolution, _and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen_, who entertained, with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the object. mr. wythe, to the day of his death, _was for a simple abolition, considering the objection to color as founded in prejudice_. by degrees, all projects of the kind were abandoned. mr. jefferson _retained_ his opinion, and now we have these projects revived." governor barbour, of virginia, in his speech in the u.s. senate, on the missouri question, jan. , said:--"we are asked why has virginia _changed her policy_ in reference to slavery? that the sentiments _of our most distinguished men_, for thirty years _entirely corresponded_ with the course which the friends of the restriction (of slavery in missouri) now advocated; and that the virginia delegation, one of which was the late president of the united stance, voted for the restriction, (of slavery) in the northwestern territory, and that mr. jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery. when it is recollected that the notes of mr. jefferson were written during the progress of the revolution, it is no matter of surprise that the writer should have imbibed a large portion of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. as to the consent of the virginia delegation to the restriction in question, whether the result of a disposition to restrain the slave trade indirectly, or the influence of that _enthusiasm_ to which i have just alluded, * * * * it is not now important to decide. we have witnessed its effects. the liberality of virginia, or, as the result may prove, her folly, which submitted to, or, if you will, proposed _this measure_, (abolition of slavery in the n.w. territory) has eventuated in effects which speak a monitory lesson. _how is the representation from this quarter on the present question?_" mr. imlay, in his early history of kentucky, p. , says: "we have disgraced the fair face of humanity, and trampled upon the sacred privileges of man, at the very moment that we were exclaiming against the tyranny of your (the english) ministry. but in contending for the birthright of freedom, we have learned to feel _for the bondage of others_, and in the libations we offer to the goddess of liberty, we _contemplate an emancipation of the slaves of this country_, as honorable to themselves as it will be glorious to us." in the debate in congress, jan. , , on mr. sloan's motion to lay a tax on the importation of slaves, mr. clark of va. said: "he was no advocate for a system of slavery." mr. marion, of s. carolina, said: "he never had purchased, nor should he ever purchase a slave." mr. southard said: "not revenue, but an expression of the _national sentiment_ is the principal object." mr. smilie--"i rejoice that the word (slave) is not in the constitution; its not being there does honor to the worthies who would not suffer it to become a _part_ of it." mr. alston, of n. carolina--"in two years we shall have the power to prohibit the trade altogether. then this house will be unanimous. no one will object to our exercising our full constitutional powers." national intelligencer, jany. , . these witnesses need no vouchers to entitle them to credit--nor their testimony comments to make it intelligible--their _names_ are their _endorsers_ and their strong words their own interpreters. we wave all comments. our readers are of age. whosoever hath ears to _hear_, let him hear. and whosoever will not hear the fathers of the revolution, the founders of the government, its chief magistrates, judges, legislators and sages, who dared and periled all under the burdens, and in the heat of the day that tried men's souls--then "neither will he be persuaded though they rose from the dead." some of the points established by the testimony are--the universal expectation that the _moral_ influence of congress, of state legislatures, of seminaries of learning, of churches, of the ministers of religion, and of public sentiment widely embodied in abolition societies, would be exerted against slavery, calling forth by argument and appeal the moral sense of the nation, and creating a power of opinion that would abolish the system throughout the union. in a word, that free speech and a free press would be wielded against slavery without ceasing and without restriction. full well did the south know, not only that the national government would probably legislate against slavery wherever the constitution placed it within its reach, but she knew also that congress had already marked out the line of national policy to be pursued on the subject--had committed itself before the world to a course of action against slavery, wherever she could move upon it without encountering a conflicting jurisdiction--that the nation had established by solemn ordinance memorable precedent for subsequent action, by abolishing slavery in the northwest territory, and by declaring that it should never thenceforward exist there; and this too, as soon as by cession of virginia and other states, the territory came under congressional control. the south knew also that the sixth article in the ordinance prohibiting slavery was first proposed by the largest slaveholding state in the confederacy--that the chairman of the committee that reported the ordinance was a slaveholder--that the ordinance was enacted by congress during the session of the convention that formed the united states constitution--that the provisions of the ordinance were, both while in prospect, and when under discussion, matters of universal notoriety and _approval_ with all parties, and when finally passed, received the vote _of every member of congress from each of the slaveholding states_. the south also had every reason for believing that the first congress under the constitution would _ratify_ that ordinance--as it _did_ unanimously. a crowd of reflections, suggest by the preceding testimony, press for utterance. the right of petition ravished and trampled by its constitutional guardians, and insult and defiance hurled in the faces of the sovereign people while calmly remonstrating _with their_ servants for violence committed on the nation's charter and their own dearest rights! add to this "the right of peaceably assembling" violently wrested--the rights of minorities, _rights_ no longer--free speech struck dumb--free _men_ outlawed and murdered--free presses cast into the streets and their fragments strewed with shoutings, or flourished in triumph before the gaze of approving crowds as proud members of prostrate law! the spirit and power of our fathers, where are they? their deep homage always and every where rendered to free thought, with its _inseparable signs--free speech and a free press_--their reverence for justice, liberty, _rights_ and all-pervading law, where are they? but we turn from these considerations--though the times on which we have fallen, and those towards which we are borne with headlong haste, call for their discussion as with the voices of departing life--and proceed to topics relevant to the argument before us. the seventh article of the amendments to the constitution is alleged to withhold from congress the power to abolish slavery in the district. "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." all the slaves in the district have been "deprived of liberty" by legislative acts. now, these legislative acts "depriving" them "of liberty," were either "due process of law," or they were _not_. if they _were_, then a legislative act, taking from the master that "property" which is the identical "liberty" previously taken from the slave, would be "due process of law" _also_, and of course a _constitutional_ act; but if the legislative acts "depriving" them of "liberty" were _not_ "due process of law," then the slaves were deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and these acts are _void_. in that case the _constitution emancipates them_. if the objector reply, by saying that the import of the phrase "due process of law," is _judicial_ process solely, it is granted, and that fact is our rejoinder; for no slave in the district _has_ been deprived of his liberty by "a judicial process," or, in other words, by "due process of law;" consequently, upon the objector's own admission, every slave in the district has been deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and is therefore _free by the constitution_. this is asserted only of the slaves under the "exclusive legislation" of congress. the last clause of the article under consideration is quoted for the same purpose: "nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." each of the state constitutions has a clause of similar purport. the abolition of slavery in the district by congress, would not, as we shall presently show, violate this clause either directly or by implication. granting for argument's sake, that slaves are "private property," and that to emancipate them, would be to "take private property" for "public use," the objector admits the power of congress to do _this_, provided it will do something _else_, that is, _pay_ for them. thus, instead of denying _the power_, the objector not only admits, but _affirms_ it, as the ground of the inference that compensation must accompany it. so far from disproving the existence of _one_ power, the objector asserts the existence of _two_--one, the power to take the slaves from their masters, the other, the power to take the property of the united states to pay for them. if congress cannot constitutionally impair the right of private property, or take it without compensation, it cannot constitutionally, _legalize_ the perpetration of such acts, by _others_, nor _protect_ those who commit them. does the power to rob a man of his earnings, rob the earner of his _right_ to them? who has a better right to the _product_ than the producer?--to the _interest_, than the owner of the _principal_?--to the hands and arms, than he from whose shoulders they swing?--to the body and soul, than he whose they _are_? congress not only impairs but annihilates the right of private property, while it withholds from the slaves of the district their title to _themselves_. what! congress powerless to protect a man's right to _himself_, when it can make inviolable the right to a _dog_? but, waving this, i deny that the abolition of slavery in the district would violate this clause. what does the clause prohibit? the "taking" of "private property" for "public use." suppose congress should emancipate the slaves in the district, what would it "_take_?" nothing. what would it _hold_? nothing. what would it put to "public use?" nothing. instead of _taking_ "private property," congress, by abolishing slavery, would say "private property shall not _be_ taken; and those who have been robbed of it already, shall be kept out of it no longer; and since every man's right to his own body is _paramount_, he shall be protected in it." true, congress may not arbitrarily take property, _as_ property, from one man and give it to another--and in the abolition of slavery no such thing is done. a legislative act changes the _condition_ of the slave--makes him his own _proprietor_ instead of the property of another. it determines a question of _original right_ between two classes of persons--doing an act of justice to one, and restraining the other from acts of injustice; or, in other words, preventing one from robbing the other, by granting to the injured party the protection of just and equitable laws. congress, by an act of abolition, would change the condition of seven thousand "persons" in the district, but would "take" nothing. to construe this provision so as to enable the citizens of the district to hold as property, and in perpetuity, whatever they please, or to hold it as property in all circumstances--all necessity, public welfare, and the will and power of the government to the contrary notwithstanding--is a total perversion of its whole _intent_. the _design_ of the provision, was to throw up a barrier against governmental aggrandizement. the right to "take property" for _state uses_ is one thing;--the right so to adjust the _tenures_ by which property is held, that _each may have his own secured to him_, is another thing, and clearly within the scope of legislation. besides, if congress were to "take" the slaves in the district, it would be _adopting_, not abolishing slavery--becoming a slaveholder itself, instead of requiring others to be such no longer. the clause in question, prohibits the "taking" of individual property for public uses, to be employed or disposed of _as_ property for governmental purposes. congress, by abolishing slavery in the district, would do no such thing. it would merely change the _condition_ of that which has been recognised as a qualified property by congressional acts, though previously declared "persons" by the constitution. more than this is done continually by congress and every other legislature. property the most absolute and unqualified, is annihilated by legislative acts. the embargo and non-intercourse act, prostrated at a stroke, a forest of shipping, and sank millions of capital. to say nothing of the power of congress to take hundreds of millions from the people by direct taxation, who doubts its power to abolish at once the whole tariff system, change the seat of government, arrest the progress of national works, prohibit any branch of commerce with the indian tribes or with foreign nations, change the locality of forts, arsenals, magazines, dock yards, &c., to abolish the post office system, the privilege of patents and copyrights, &c. by such acts congress might, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, annihilate property to an incalculable amount, and that without becoming liable to claims for compensation. finally, this clause prohibits the taking for public use of "_property_." the constitution of the united states does not recognise slaves as "property" any where, and it does not recognise them in _any sense_ in the district of columbia. all allusions to them in the constitution recognise them as "persons." every reference to them points _solely_ to the element of _personality_; and thus, by the strongest implication, declares that the constitution _knows_ them only as "persons," and _will_ not recognise them in any other light. if they escape into free states, the constitution authorizes their being taken back. but how? not as the property of an "owner," but as "persons;" and the peculiarity of the expression is a marked recognition of their _personality_--a refusal to recognise them as chattels--"persons _held_ to service." are _oxen "held_ to service?" that can be affirmed only of _persons_. again, slaves give political power as "persons." the constitution, in settling the principle of representation, requires their enumeration in the census. how? as property? then why not include race horses and game cocks? slaves, like other inhabitants, are enumerated as "persons." so by the constitution, the government was pledged to non-interference with "the migration or importation of such _persons_" as the states might think proper to admit until , and authorized the laying of a tax on each "person" so admitted. further, slaves are recognized as "persons" by the exaction of their _allegiance_ to the government. for offences against the government slaves are tried as _persons_; as persons they are entitled to counsel for their defence, to the rules of evidence, and to "due process of the law," and as _persons_ they are punished. true, they are loaded with cruel disabilities in courts of law, such as greatly obstruct and often inevitably defeat the ends of justice, yet they are still recognised as _persons_. even in the legislation of congress, and in the diplomacy of the general government, notwithstanding the frequent and wide departures from the integrity of the constitution on this subject, slaves are not recognised as _property_ without qualification. congress has always refused to grant compensation for slaves killed or taken by the enemy, even when these slaves had been impressed into the united states' service. in half a score of cases since the last war, congress has rejected such applications for compensation. besides, both in congressional acts, and in our national diplomacy, slaves and property are not used as convertible terms. when mentioned in treaties and state papers it is in such a way as to distinguish them from mere property, and generally by a recognition of their _personality_. in the invariable recognition of slaves as _persons_, the united states' constitution caught the mantle of the glorious declaration, and most worthily wears it.--it recognizes all human beings as "men," "persons," and thus as "equals." in the original draft of the declaration, as it came from the head of jefferson, it is alleged that great britain had "waged a cruel war against _human_ nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, carrying them into slavery, * * determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold,"--thus disdaining to make the charter of freedom a warrant for the arrest of _men_, that they might be shorn both of liberty and humanity. the celebrated roger sherman, one of the committee of five appointed to draft the declaration of independence, and also a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, in the first congress after its adoption: "the constitution _does not consider these persons_, (slaves,) _as a species of property_."--[lloyd's cong. reg. v. , p. .] that the united states' constitution does not make slaves "property," is shown in the fact, that no person, either as a citizen of the united states, or by having his domicile within the united states' government, can hold slaves. he can hold them only by deriving his power from _state_ laws, or from the law of congress, if he hold slaves within the district. but no person resident within the united states' jurisdiction, and _not_ within the district, nor within a state whose laws support slavery, nor "held to service" under the laws of such state or district, having escaped therefrom, _can be held as a slave_. men can hold _property_ under the united states' government though residing beyond the bounds of any state, district, or territory. an inhabitant of the wisconsin territory can hold property there under the laws of the united states, but he cannot hold _slaves_ there under the united states' laws, nor by virtue of the united states' constitution, nor upon the ground of his united states citizenship, nor by having his domicile within the united states jurisdiction. the constitution no where recognizes the right to "slave property," _but merely the fact that the states have jurisdiction each in its own limits, and that there are certain "persons" within their jurisdictions "held to service" by their own laws_. finally, in the clause under consideration, "private property" is not to be taken "without _just_ compensation." "just!" if justice is to be appealed to in determining the amount of compensation, let her determine the _grounds_ also. if it be her province to say _how much_ compensation is "just," it is hers to say whether _any_ is "just,"--whether the slave is "just" property _at all_, rather than a "_person_." then, if justice adjudges the slave to be "private property," it adjudges him to be _his own_ property, since the right to one's _self_ is the first right--the source of all others--the original stock by which they are accumulated--the principal, of which they are the interest. and since the slave's "private property" has been "taken," and since "compensation" is impossible--there being no _equivalent_ for one's self--the least that can be done is to restore to him his original private property. having shown that in abolishing slavery, "property" would not be "taken for public use," it may be added that, in those states where slavery has been abolished by law, no claim for compensation has been allowed. indeed the manifest absurdity of demanding it, seems to have quite forestalled the _setting up_ of such a claim. the abolition of slavery in the district, instead of being a legislative anomaly, would proceed upon the principles of every day legislation. it has been shown already, that the united states' constitution does not recognize slaves as "property." yet ordinary legislation is full of precedents, showing that even _absolute_ property is in many respects wholly subject to legislation. the repeal of the law of entailments--all those acts that control the alienation of property, its disposal by will, its passing to heirs by descent, with the question, who shall be heirs, and what shall be the rule of distribution among them, or whether property shall be transmitted at all by descent, rather than escheat to the state--these, with statutes of limitation, and various other classes of legislative acts, serve to illustrate the acknowledged scope of the law-making power, even where property _is in every sense absolute_. persons whose property is thus affected by public laws, receive from the government no compensation for their losses, unless the state has been put into possession of the property taken from them. the preamble of the united states' constitution declares it to be a fundamental object of the organization of the government "to establish justice." has congress _no power_ to do that for which it was made the _depository of power_? cannot the united states government fulfil the purpose _for which it was brought into being_? to abolish slavery, is to take from no rightful owner his property; but to "_establish justice_" between two parties. to emancipate the slave, is to "_establish justice_" between him and his master--to throw around the person, character, conscience, liberty, and domestic relations of the one, _the same law_ that secures and blesses the other. in other words, to prevent by _legal restraints_ one class of men from seizing upon another class, and robbing them at pleasure of their earnings, their time, their liberty, their kindred, and the very use and ownership of their own persons. finally, to abolish slavery is to proclaim and _enact_ that innocence and helplessness--now _free plunder_--are entitled to _legal protection_; and that power, avarice, and lust, shall no longer gorge upon their spoils under the license, and by the ministrations of _law_! congress, by possessing "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," has a _general protective power_ for all the inhabitants of the district. if it has no power to protect _one_ man, it has none to protect another--none to protect _any_--and if it _can_ protect _one_ man and is _bound_ to protect him, it _can_ protect _every_ man--all men--and is _bound_ to do it. all admit the power of congress to protect the masters in the district against their slaves. what part of the constitution gives the power? the clause so often quoted,--"power of legislation in all cases whatsoever," equally in the "_case_" of defending the blacks against the whites, as in that of defending the whites against the blacks. the power is given also by art. , sec. , clause --"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections"--a power to protect, as well blacks against whites, as whites against blacks. if the constitution gives power to protect _one_ class against the other, it gives power to protect _either_ against the other. suppose the blacks in the district should seize the whites, drive them into the fields and kitchens, force them to work without pay, flog them, imprison them, and sell them at their pleasure, where would congress find power to restrain such acts? answer; a _general_ power in the clause so often cited, and an _express_ one in that cited above--"congress shall have power, to suppress insurrections." so much for a _supposed_ case. here follows a _real_ one. the whites in the district are _perpetrating these identical acts_ upon seven thousand blacks daily. that congress has power to restrain these acts in one case, all assert, and in so doing they assert the power "in _all_ cases whatsoever." for the grant of power to suppress insurrections, is an _unconditional_ grant, not hampered by provisos as to the color, shape, size, sex, language, creed, or condition of the insurgents. congress derives its power to suppress this _actual_ insurrection, from the same source whence it derived its power to suppress the _same_ acts in the case _supposed_. if one case is an insurrection, the other is. the _acts_ in both are the same; the _actors_ only are different. in the one case, ignorant and degraded--goaded by the memory of the past, stung by the present, and driven to desperation by the fearful looking for of wrongs for ever to come. in the other, enlightened into the nature of _rights_, the principles of justice, and the dictates of the law of love, unprovoked by wrongs, with cool deliberation, and by system, they perpetrate these acts upon those to whom they owe unnumbered obligations for _whole lives_ of unrequited service. on which side may palliation be pleaded, and which party may most reasonably claim an abatement of the rigors of law? if congress has power to suppress such acts _at all_, it has power to suppress them _in_ all. it has been shown already that _allegiance_ is exacted of the slave. is the government of the united states unable to grant _protection_ where it exacts _allegiance_? it is an axiom of the civilized world, and a maxim even with savages, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal and correlative. are principles powerless with us which exact homage of barbarians? _protection is the_ constitutional right _of every human being under the exclusive legislation of congress who has not forfeited it by crime_. in conclusion, i argue the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, froth art. , sec. , clause , of the constitution: "congress shall have power to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the united states." has the government of the united states no power under this grant, to legislate within its own exclusive jurisdiction on subjects that vitally affect its interests? suppose the slaves in the district should rise upon their masters, and the united states' government, in quelling the insurrection, should kill any number of them. could their masters claim compensation of the government? manifestly not; even though no proof existed that the particular slaves killed were insurgents. this was precisely the point at issue between those masters, whose slaves were killed by the state troops at the time of the southampton insurrection, and the virginia legislature; no evidence was brought to show that the slaves killed by the troops were insurgents; yet the virginia legislature decided that their masters were _not entitled to compensation_. they proceeded on the sound principle, that a government may in self protection destroy the claim of its subjects even to that which has been recognised as property by its own acts. if in providing for the common defence the united states government, in the case supposed, would have power to destroy slaves both as _property and persons_, it surely might stop half-way, destroy them as _property_ while it legalized their existence as _persons_, and thus provided for the common defence by giving them a personal and powerful interest in the government, and securing their strength for its defence. like other legislatures, congress has power to abate nuisances--to remove or tear down unsafe buildings--to destroy infected cargoes--to lay injunctions upon manufactories injurious to the public health--and thus to "provide for the common defence and general welfare" by destroying individual property, when it puts in jeopardy the public weal. granting, for argument's sake, that slaves are "property" in the district of columbia--if congress has a right to annihilate property in the district when the public safety requires it, it may surely annihilate its existence _as_ property when public safety requires it, especially if it transform into a _protection_ and _defence_ that which as _property_ periled the public interests. in the district of columbia there are, besides the united states' capitol, the president's house, the national offices, &c. of the departments of state, treasury, war, and navy, the general post-office, and patent office. it is also the residence of the president, all the highest officers of the government, both houses of congress, and all the foreign ambassadors. in this same district there are also _seven thousand slaves_. jefferson, in his notes on va. p. , says of slavery, that "the state permitting one half of its citizens to trample on the rights of the other, _transforms them into enemies_;" and richard henry lee, in the va. house of burgesses in , declared that to those who held them, "_slaves must be natural enemies._" is congress so _impotent_ that it _cannot_ exercise that right pronounced both by municipal and national law, the most sacred and universal--the right of self-preservation and defence? is it shut up to the _necessity_ of keeping seven thousand "enemies" in the heart of the nation's citadel? does the iron fiat of the constitution doom it to such imbecility that it _cannot_ arrest the process that _made_ them "enemies," and still goads to deadlier hate by fiery trials, and day by day adds others to their number? is _this_ providing for the common defence and general welfare? if to rob men of rights excites their hate, freely to restore them and make amends, will win their love. by emancipating the slaves in the district, the government of the united states would disband an army of "enemies," and enlist "for the common defence and general welfare," a body guard of _friends_ seven thousand strong. in the last war, a handful of british soldiers sacked washington city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and the national offices and archives; and no marvel, for thousands of the inhabitants of the district had been "transformed into enemies." would _they_ beat back invasion? if the national government had exercised its constitutional "power to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," by turning those "enemies" into friends, then, instead of a hostile ambush lurking in every thicket inviting assault, and secret foes in every house paralyzing defence, an army of allies would have rallied in the hour of her calamity, and shouted defiance from their munitions of rocks; whilst the banner of the republic, then trampled in dust, would have floated securely over freemen exulting amidst bulwarks of strength. to show that congress can abolish slavery in the district, under the grant of power "to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," i quote an extract from a speech of mr. madison, of va., in the first congress under the constitution, may , . speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, mr. madison says: "i should venture to say it is as much for the interests of georgia and south carolina, as of any state in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves tends to _weaken_ them, and renders them less capable of self-defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of _inviting_ attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well _internal_ as external. _every thing, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government._" see cong. reg. vol. , p. - . wythe. postscript my apology for adding a _postscript_, to a discussion already perhaps too protracted, is the fact that the preceding sheets were in the hands of the printer, and all but the concluding pages had gone through the press, before the passage of mr. calhoun's late resolutions in the senate of the united states. a proceeding so extraordinary,--if indeed the time has not passed when _any_ acts of congress in derogation of freedom and in deference to slavery, can be deemed extraordinary,--should not be suffered to pass in silence at such a crisis as the present; especially as the passage of one of the resolutions by a vote of to , exhibits a shift of position on the part of the south, as sudden as it is unaccountable, being nothing less than the surrender of a fortress which until then they had defended with the pertinacity of a blind and almost infuriated fatuity. upon the discussions during the pendency of the resolutions, and upon the vote, by which they were carried, i make no comment, save only to record my exultation in the fact there exhibited, that great emergencies are _true touchstones_, and that henceforward, until this question is settled, whoever holds a seat in congress will find upon, and all around him, a pressure strong enough to test him--a focal blaze that will find its way through the carefully adjusted cloak of fair pretension, and the sevenfold brass of two-faced political intrigue, and _no_-faced _non-committalism_, piercing to the dividing asunder of joints and marrow. be it known to every northern man who aspires to a seat in congress, that hereafter it is the destiny of congressional action on this subject, to be a mighty revelator--making secret thoughts public property, and proclaiming on the house-tops what is whispered in the ear--smiting off masks, and bursting open sepulchres beautiful outwardly, and heaving up to the sun their dead men's bones. to such we say,--_remember the missouri question, and the fate of those who then sold the north, and their own birthright!_ passing by the resolutions generally without remark--the attention of the reader is specially solicited to mr. clay's substitute for mr. calhoun's fifth resolution. "resolved, that when the district of columbia was ceded by the states of virginia and maryland to the united states, domestic slavery existed in both of these states, including the ceded territory, and that, as it still continues in both of them, it could not be abolished within the district without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory; nor, unless compensation were made to the proprietors of slaves, without a manifest infringement of an amendment to the constitution of the united states; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the states recognising slavery, far transcending in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit which could be accomplished by the abolition." by voting for this resolution, the south by a simultaneous movement, shifted its mode of defence, not so much by taking a position entirely new, as by attempting to refortify an old one--never much trusted in, and abandoned mainly long ago, as being unable to hold out against assault however unskilfully directed. in the debate on this resolution, though the southern members of congress did not _professedly_ retreat from the ground hitherto maintained by them--that congress has no power by the constitution to abolish slavery in the district--yet in the main they silently drew off from it. the passage of this resolution--with the vote of every southern senator, forms a new era in the discussion of this question. we cannot join in the lamentations of those who bewail it. we hail it, and rejoice in it. it was as we would have had it--offered by a southern senator, advocated by southern senators, and on the ground that it "was no compromise"--that it embodied the true southern principle--that "this resolution stood on as high ground as mr. calhoun's."--(mr. preston)--"that mr. clay's resolution was as strong as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. rives)--that "the resolution he (mr. calhoun) now refused to support, was as strong as his own, and that in supporting it, there was no abandonment of principle by the south."--(mr. walker, of mi.)--further, that it was advocated by the southern senators generally as an expression of their views, and as setting the question of slavery in the district on its _true_ ground--that finally when the question was taken, every slaveholding senator, including mr. calhoun himself, voted for the resolution. by passing this resolution, and with such avowals, the south has surrendered irrevocably the whole question at issue between them and the petitioners for abolition in the district. it has, unwittingly but explicitly, conceded the main question argued in the preceding pages. the _only_ ground taken against the right of congress to abolish slavery in the district is, that slavery existed in maryland and virginia when the cession was made, and "_as it still continues in both of them_, it could not be abolished without a violation of that good faith which was implied in the cession," &c. the _sole argument_ is _not_ that exclusive _sovereignty_ has no power to abolish slavery within its jurisdiction, _nor_ that the powers of even _ordinary legislation_ cannot do it,--nor that the clause granting congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district," gives no power to do it; but that the _unexpressed expectation_ of one of the parties that the other would not "in _all_ cases" use the power which said party had consented _might be used "in all cases," prohibits_ the use of it. the only cardinal point in the discussion, is here not only _yielded_, but formally laid down by the south as the leading article in their creed on the question of congressional jurisdiction over slavery in the district. the _sole reason_ given why congress should not abolish, and the sole evidence that if it did, such abolition would be a violation of "good faith," is that "_slavery still continues in those states_,"--thus explicitly admitting, that if slavery did _not_ "still continue" in those states, congress _could_ abolish it in the district. the same admission is made also in the _premises_, which state that slavery existed in those states _at the time of the cession_, &c. admitting that if it had _not_ existed there then, but had grown up in the district under _united states' laws_, congress might constitutionally abolish it. or that if the ceded parts of those states had been the _only_ parts in which slaves were held under their laws, congress might have abolished in such a contingency also. the cession in that case leaving no slaves in those states,--no "good faith," would be "implied" in it, nor any "violated," by an act of abolition. the principle of the resolution makes this further admission, that if maryland and virginia should at once abolish their slavery, congress might at once abolish it in the district. the principle goes even further than this, and _requires_ congress in such case to abolish slavery in the district "by the _good faith implied_ in the cession and acceptance of the territory." since according to the spirit and scope of the resolution, this "implied good faith" of maryland and virginia in making the cession, was that congress would do nothing within the district which should go to counteract the policy, or bring into disrepute the "institutions," or call in question the usages, or even in any way ruffle the prejudices of those states, or do what _they_ might think would unfavorably bear upon their interests; _themselves_ of course being the judges. but let us dissect another limb of the resolution. what is to be understood by "that good faith which was implied?" it is of course an admission that such a condition was not _expressed_ in the acts of cession--that in their _terms_ there is nothing restricting the power of congress on the subject of slavery in the district--not a _word_ alluding to it, nor one inserted with such an _intent_. this "implied faith," then, rests on no clause or word in the united states' constitution, or in the acts of cession, or in the acts of congress accepting the cession, nor does it rest on any declarations of the legislatures of maryland and virginia made at the time, or in that generation, nor on any _act_ of theirs, nor on any declaration of the _people_ of those states, nor on the testimony of the washingtons, jeffersons, madisons, chaces, martins, and jennifers, of those states and times. the assertion rests _on itself alone!_ mr. clay and the other senators who voted for the resolution, _guess_ that maryland and virginia _supposed_ that congress would by no means _use_ the power given them by the constitution, except in such ways as would be well pleasing in the eyes of those states; especially as one of them was the "ancient dominion!" and now after the lapse of half a century, this _assumed expectation_ of maryland and virginia, the existence of which is mere matter of conjecture with the senators, is conjured up and duly installed upon the judgment-seat of final appeal, before whose nod constitutions are to flee away, and with whom, solemn grants of power and explicit guaranties are when weighed in the balance, altogether lighter than vanity! but let us survey it in another light. why did maryland and virginia leave so much to be "_implied_?" why did they not in some way _express_ what lay so near their hearts? had their vocabulary run so low that a single word could not be eked out for the occasion? or were those states so bashful of a sudden that they dare not speak out and tell what they wanted? or did they take it for granted that congress would always act in the premises according to their wishes, and that too, without their _making known_ their wishes? if, as honorable senators tell us, maryland and virginia did verily travail with such abounding _faith_, why brought they forth no _works_? it is as true in _legislation_ as in religion, that the only _evidence_ of "faith" is _works_, and that "faith" _without_ works is _dead_, i.e. has no power. but here, forsooth, a blind implication with nothing _expressed_, an "implied" _faith_ without works, is _omnipotent_. mr. clay is lawyer enough to know that even a _senatorial hypothesis_ as to _what must have been the understanding_ of maryland and virginia about congressional exercise of constitutional power, _abrogates no grant_, and that to plead it in a court of law, would be of small service except to jostle "their honors'" gravity! he need not be told that the constitution gives congress "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." nor that the legislatures of maryland and virginia constructed their acts of cession with this clause _before their eyes_, and that both of them declared those acts made "in _pursuance_" of said clause. those states were aware that the united states in their constitution had left nothing to be "_implied_" as to the power of congress over the district;--an admonition quite sufficient one would think to put them on their guard, and induce them to eschew vague implications and resort to _stipulations_. full well did they know also that these were times when, in matters of high import, _nothing_ was left to be "implied." the colonies were then panting from a twenty years' conflict with the mother country, about bills of rights, charters, treaties, constitutions, grants, limitations, and _acts of cession_. the severities of a long and terrible discipline had taught them to guard at all points _legislative grants_, that their exact import and limit might be self-evident--leaving no scope for a blind "faith," that _somehow_ in the lottery of chances there would be no blanks, but making all sure by the use of explicit terms, and wisely chosen words, and _just enough_ of them. the constitution of the united states with its amendments, those of the individual states, the national treaties, the public documents of the general and state governments at that period, show the universal conviction of legislative bodies, that when great public interests were at stake, nothing should be left to be "implied." further: suppose maryland and virginia had expressed their "implied faith" in _words_, and embodied it in their acts of cession as a proviso, declaring that congress should not "exercise exclusive legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever over the district," but that the "case" of _slavery_ should be an exception: who does not know that congress, if it had accepted the cession on those terms, would have violated the constitution; and who that has ever studied the free mood of those times in its bearings on slavery--proofs of which are given in scores on the preceding pages--can for an instant believe that the people of the united states would have altered their constitution for the purpose of providing for slavery an inviolable sanctuary; that when driven in from its outposts, and everywhere retreating discomfited before the march of freedom, it might be received into everlasting habitations on the common homestead and hearth-stone of this free republic? besides, who can believe that virginia made such a condition, or cherished such a purpose, when at that very moment, washington, jefferson, wythe, patrick henry st. george tucker, and almost all her illustrious men, were advocating the abolition of slavery by law. when washington had said, two years before, maryland and virginia "must have laws for the gradual abolition of slavery and at a period _not remote_;" and when jefferson in his letter to price, three years before the cession, had said, speaking of virginia, "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits;" when voluntary emancipations on the soil were then progressing at the rate of between one and two thousand annually, (see judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. ;) when the public sentiment of virginia had undergone, and was undergoing so mighty a revolution that the idea of the continuance of slavery as a permanent system could not be _tolerated_, though she then contained about half the slaves in the union. was this the time to stipulate for the _perpetuity_ of slavery under the exclusive legislation of congress? and that too at the _same_ session of congress when _every one_ of her delegation voted for the abolition of slavery in the north west territory; a territory which she had herself ceded to congress, and along with it had surrendered her jurisdiction over many of her citizens, inhabitants of that territory, who held slaves there--and whose slaves were emancipated by that act of congress, in which all her delegation with one accord participated? now in view of the universal belief then prevalent, that slavery in this country was doomed to short life, and especially that in maryland and virginia it would be _speedily_ abolished--are we to be told that these states _designed_ to bind congress _never_ to terminate it? are we to adopt the monstrous conclusion that this was the _intent_ of the ancient dominion--thus to _bind_ the united states by an "implied faith," and that when the united states _accepted_ the cession, she did solemnly thus plight her troth, and that virginia did then so _understand_ it? verily one would think that honorable senators supposed themselves deputed to do our _thinking_ as well as our legislation, or rather, that they themselves were absolved from such drudgery by virtue of their office! another absurdity of this dogma about "implied faith" is, that where there was no power to exact an _express_ pledge, there was none to demand an _implied_ one, and where there was no power to _give_ the one, there was none to give the _other_. we have shown already that congress could not have accepted the cession with such a condition. to have signed away a part of its constitutional grant of power would have been a _breach_ of the constitution. further, the congress which accepted the cession was competent to pass a resolution pledging itself not to _use all_ the power over the district committed to it by the constitution. but here its power ended. its resolution would only bind _itself_. could it bind the _next_ congress by its authority? could the members of one congress say to the members of another, because we do not choose to exercise all the authority vested in us by the constitution, therefore you _shall_ not? this would have been a prohibition to do what the constitution gives power to do. each successive congress would still have gone to the constitution for its power, brushing away in its course the cobwebs stretched across its path by the officiousness of an impertinent predecessor. again, the legislatures of virginia and maryland, had no power to bind congress, either by an express or an implied pledge, never to abolish slavery in the district. those legislatures had no power to bind _themselves_ never to abolish slavery within their own territories--the ceded parts included. where then would they get power to bind _another_ not to do what they had no power to bind themselves not to do? if a legislature could not in this respect control the successive legislatures of its own state, could it control the successive congresses of the united states? but perhaps we shall be told, that the "implied faith" in the acts of cession of maryland and virginia was _not_ that congress should _never_ abolish slavery in the district, but that it should not do it until _they_ had done it within their bounds! verily this "faith" comes little short of the faith of miracles! "a good rule that works both ways." first, maryland and virginia have "good faith" that congress will _not_ abolish until _they_ do; and then just as "good faith" that congress _will_ abolish _when_ they do! excellently accommodated! did those states suppose that congress would legislate over the national domain, the common jurisdiction of _all_, for maryland and virginia alone? and who, did they suppose, would be judges in the matter?--themselves merely? or the whole union? this "good faith implied in the cession" is no longer of doubtful interpretation. the principle at the bottom of it, when fairly stated, is this:--that the government of the united states are bound in "good faith" to do in the district of columbia, without demurring, just what and when, maryland and virginia do in their own states. in short, that the general government is eased of all the burdens of legislation within its exclusive jurisdiction, save that of hiring a scrivener to copy off the acts of the maryland and virginia legislatures as fast as they are passed, and engross them, under the title of "laws of the united states, for the district of columbia!" a slight additional expense would also be incurred in keeping up an express between the capitols of those states and washington city, bringing congress from time to time its "_instructions_" from head quarters--instructions not to be disregarded without a violation of that, "good faith implied in the cession," &c. this sets in strong light the advantages of "our glorious union," if the doctrine of mr. clay and the thirty-six senators be orthodox. the people of the united states have been permitted to set up at their own expense, and on their own territory, two great _sounding boards_ called "senate chamber" and "representatives' hall," for the purpose of sending abroad "by authority" _national echoes_ of _state_ legislation!--permitted also to keep in their pay a corps of pliant _national_ musicians, with peremptory instructions to sound on any line of the staff according as virginia and maryland may give the _sovereign_ key note! though this may have the seeming of mere raillery, yet an analysis of the resolution and of the discussions upon it, will convince every fair mind that it is but the legitimate carrying out of the _principle_ pervading both. they proceed virtually upon the hypothesis that the will and pleasure of virginia and maryland are _paramount_ to those of the _union_. if the main design of setting apart a federal district had been originally the accommodation of maryland, virginia, and the south, with the united states as an _agent_ to consummate the object, there could hardly have been higher assumption or louder vaunting. the sole object of _having_ such a district was in effect totally perverted in the resolution of mr. clay, and in the discussions of the entire southern delegation, upon its passage. instead of taking the ground, that the benefit of the whole union was the sole _object_ of a federal district, that it was designed to guard and promote the interests of _all_ the states, and that it was to be legislated over _for this end_--the resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis _totally the reverse_. it takes a single point of _state_ policy, and exalts it above national interests, utterly overshadowing them; abrogating national _rights_; making void a clause of the constitution; humbling the general government into a subject--crouching for favors to a superior, and that too _on its own exclusive jurisdiction_. all the attributes of sovereignty vested in congress by the constitution it impales upon the point of an alleged _implication_. and this is mr. clay's peace-offering, to appease the lust of power and the ravenings of state encroachment! a "_compromise_," forsooth! that sinks the general government on _its own territory_ into a mere colony, with virginia and maryland for its "mother country!" it is refreshing to turn from these shallow, distorted constructions and servile cringings, to the high bearing of other southern men in other times; men, who in their character of legislators and lawyers, disdained to accommodate their interpretations of constitutions and charters to geographical lines, or to bend them to the purposes of a political canvass. in the celebrated case of cohens vs. the state of virginia, hon. william pinkney, late of baltimore, and hon. walter jones, of washington city, with other eminent constitutional lawyers, prepared an elaborate written opinion, from which the following is an extract: "nor is there any danger to be apprehended from allowing to congressional legislation with regard to the district of columbia, its fullest effect. congress is responsible to the states, and to the people for that legislation. it is in truth the legislation of the states over a district placed under their control for _their own benefit_, not for that of the district, except as the prosperity of the district is involved, and necessary to the _general advantage_."--[life of pinkney, p. .] the profound legal opinion, from which this is an extract, was elaborated at great length many years since, by a number of the most distinguished lawyers in the united states, whose signatures are appended to it. it is specific and to the point. it asserts, st, that congressional legislation over the district, is "the legislation of the _states_ and the _people_," (not of _two_ states, and a mere _fraction_ of the people.) d, "over a district placed under _their_ control," i.e. under the control of the _whole_ of the states, not under the control of _two twenty-sixths_ of them. d, that it was thus put under their control "_for_ their own _benefit_," the benefit of _all_ the states _equally_; not to secure special benefits to maryland and virginia, (or what it might be _conjectured_ they would regard as benefits.) th, it concludes by asserting that the design of this exclusive control of congress over the district was "not for the benefit of the _district_," except as that is _connected_ with, and _a means of promoting_ the _general_ advantage. if this is the case with the _district_, which is _directly_ concerned, it is pre-eminently so with maryland and virginia, who are but _indirectly_ interested, and would be but remotely affected by it. the argument of mr. madison in the congress of ' , an extract from which has been given on a preceding page, lays down the same principle; that though any matter "_may be a local affair, yet if it involves national_ expense or safety, _it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government_." cong. reg. vol. . p. , . but these are only the initiatory absurdities of this "good faith _implied_." the thirty-six senators aptly illustrate the principle, that error not only conflicts with truth, but is generally at issue with itself. for if it would be a violation of "good faith" to maryland and virginia, for congress to abolish slavery in the district, it would be _equally_ a violation for congress to do it _with the consent_, or even at the earnest and unanimous petition of the people of the district: yet for years it has been the southern doctrine, that if the people of the district demand of congress relief in this respect, it has power, as their local legislature, to grant it, and by abolishing slavery there, carry out the will of the citizens. but now new light has broken in! the optics of the thirty-six have pierced the millstone with a deeper insight, and discoveries thicken faster than they can be telegraphed! congress has no power, o no, not a modicum, to help the slaveholders of the district, however loudly they may clamor for it. the southern doctrine, that congress is to the district a mere local legislature to do its pleasure, is tumbled from the genitive into the vocative! hard fate--and that too at the hands of those who begat it! the reasonings of messrs. pinckney, wise, and leigh, are now found to be wholly at fault, and the chanticleer rhetoric of messrs. glascock and garland stalks featherless and crest-fallen. for, mr. clay's resolution sweeps by the board all those stereotyped common-places, as "congress a local legislature," "consent of the district," "bound to consult the wishes of the district," &c. &c., which for the last two sessions of congress have served to eke out scanty supplies. it declares, that _as slavery existed in maryland and virginia at the time of the cession, and as it still continues in both those states, it could not be abolished in the district without a violation of 'that good faith'_, &c. but let us see where this principle of the _thirty-six_ will lead us. if "implied faith" to maryland and virginia _restrains_ congress from the abolition of slavery in the district, it _requires_ congress to do in the district what those states have done within their bounds, i.e., restrain _others_ from abolishing it. upon the same principle congress is _bound_, by the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution, to _prohibit emancipation_ within the district. there is no _stopping place_ for this plighted "faith." congress must not only refrain from laying violent hands on slavery, _itself_, and see to it that the slaveholders themselves do not, but it is bound to keep the system up to the maryland and virginia standard of vigor! again, if the good faith of congress to virginia and maryland requires that slavery should exist in the district, while it exists in those states, it requires that it should exist there _as_ it exists in those states. if to abolish _every_ form of slavery in the district would violate good faith, to abolish _the_ form existing in those states, and to substitute a totally different one, would also violate it. the congressional "good faith" is to be kept not only with _slavery_, but with the _maryland and virginia systems_ of slavery. the faith of those states not being in the preservation of _a_ system, but of _their_ system; otherwise congress, instead of _sustaining_, would counteract their policy--principles would be brought into action there conflicting with their system, and thus the true spirit of the "implied" pledge would be violated. on this principle, so long as slaves are "chattels personal" in virginia and maryland, congress could not make them _real estate_, inseparable from the soil, as in louisiana; nor could it permit slaves to read, nor to worship god according to conscience; nor could it grant them trial by jury, nor legalize marriage; nor require the master to give sufficient food and clothing; nor prohibit the violent sundering of families--because such provisions would conflict with the existing slave laws of virginia and maryland, and thus violate the "good faith implied," &c. so the principle of the resolution binds congress in all these particulars: st. not to abolish slavery in the district _until_ virginia and maryland abolish. d. not to abolish any _part_ of it that exists in those states. d. not to abolish any _form_ or _appendage_ of it still existing in those states. th. _to abolish_ when they do. th. to increase or abate its rigor _when, how_, and _as_ the same are modified by those states. in a word, congressional action in the district is to float passively in the wake of legislative action on the subject in those states. but here comes a dilemma. suppose the legislation of those states should steer different courses--then there would be _two_ wakes! can congress float in both? yea, verily! nothing is too hard for it! its obsequiousness equals its "power of legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever." it can float _up_ on the virginia tide, and ebb down on the maryland at the same time. what maryland does, congress will do in the maryland part. what virginia does, congress will do in the virginia part. though congress might not always be able to run at the bidding of both _at once_, especially in different directions, yet if it obeyed orders cheerfully, and "kept in its place," according to its "good faith implied," impossibilities might not be rigidly exacted. true, we have the highest sanction for the maxim that no _man_ can serve two masters--but if "corporations have _no_ souls," analogy would absolve congress on that score, or at most give it only _a very small soul_--not large enough to be at all in the way, as an _exception_ to the universal rule laid down to the maxim! in following out the absurdities of this "_implied_ good faith," it will be seen at once that the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution extends to _all the subjects_ of _legislation_ existing in maryland and virginia, which exist also within the district. every system, "institution," law, and established usage there, is placed beyond congressional control equally with slavery, and by the same "implied faith." the abolition of the lottery system in the district as an _immorality_, was a flagrant breach of this "good faith" to maryland and virginia, as the system "still continued in those states." so to abolish imprisonment for debt, and capital punishment, to remodel the bank system, the power of corporations, the militia law, laws of limitation, &c., in the district, _unless virginia and maryland took the lead_, would violate the "good faith implied in the cession," &c. that in the acts of cession no such "good faith" was "implied by virginia and maryland" as is claimed in the resolution, we argue from the fact, that in virginia ceded to the united states all her northwest territory, with the special proviso that her citizens inhabiting that territory should "have their _possessions_ and _titles_ confirmed to them, and be _protected_ in the enjoyment of their _rights_ and liberties." (see journals of congress vol. , p. .) the cession was made in the form of a deed, and signed by thomas jefferson, samuel hardy, arthur lee, and james monroe. many of these inhabitants _held slaves_. three years after the cession, the virginia delegation in congress _proposed_ the passage of an ordinance which should abolish slavery, in that territory, and declare that it should never thereafter exist there. all the members of congress from virginia and maryland voted for this ordinance. suppose some member of congress had during the passage of the ordinance introduced the following resolution: "resolved, that when the northwest territory was ceded by virginia to the united states, domestic slavery existed in that state, including the ceded territory, and as it still continues in that state, it could not be abolished within the territory without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory." what would have been the indignant response of grayson, griffin, madison, and the lees, in the congress of ' , to such a resolution, and of carrington, chairman of the committee, who reported the ratification of the ordinance in the congress of ' , and of page and parker, who with every other member of the virginia delegation supported it? but to enumerate all the absurdities into which the thirty-six senators have plunged themselves, would be to make a quarto inventory. we decline the task; and in conclusion, merely add that mr. clay in presenting this resolution, and each of the thirty-six senators who voted for it, entered on the records of the senate, and proclaimed to the world, a most unworthy accusation against the millions of american citizens who have during nearly half a century petitioned the national legislature to abolish slavery in the district of colombia,--charging them either with the ignorance or the impiety of praying the nation to violate its "plighted faith." the resolution virtually indicts at the bar of public opinion, and brands with odium, all the manumission societies, the _first_ petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district, and for a long time the only ones, petitioning from year to year through evil report and good report, still petitioning, by individual societies and in their national conventions. but as if it were not enough to table the charge against such men as benjamin rush, william rawle, john sergeant, robert vaux, cadwallader colden, and peter a. jay,--to whom we may add rufus king, james hillhouse, william pinkney, thomas addis emmett, daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, james kent, and daniel webster, besides eleven hundred citizens of the district itself; headed by their chief justice and judges--even the sovereign states of pennsylvania, new-york, massachusetts, and vermont, whose legislatures have either memorialized congress to abolish slavery in the district, or instructed their senators to move such a measure, must be gravely informed by messrs. clay, norvell, niles, smith, pierce, benton, black, tipton, and other honorable senators, either that their perception is so dull, they know not whereof they affirm, or that their moral sense is so blunted they can demand without compunction a violation of the nation's faith! we have spoken already of the concessions unwittingly made in this resolution to the true doctrine of congressional power over the district. for that concession, important as it is, we have small thanks to render. that such a resolution, passed with such an _intent_, and pressing at a thousand points on relations and interests vital to the free states, should be hailed, as it has been, by a portion of the northern press as a "compromise" originating in deference to northern interests, and to be received by us as a free-will offering of disinterested benevolence, demanding our gratitude to the mover,--may well cover us with shame. we deserve the humiliation and have well earned the mockery. let it come! if, after having been set up at auction in the public sales-room of the nation, and for thirty years, and by each of a score of "compromises," treacherously knocked off to the lowest bidder, and that without money and without price, the north, plundered and betrayed, _will not_, in this her accepted time, consider the things that belong to her peace before they are hidden from her eyes, then let her eat of the fruit of her own way, and be filled with her own devices! let the shorn and blinded giant grind in the prison-house of the philistines, till taught the folly of intrusting to delilahs the secret and the custody of his strength. have the free states bound themselves by an oath never to profit by the lessons of experience? if lost to _reason_, are they dead to _instinct_ also? can nothing rouse them to cast about for self preservation? and shall a life of tame surrenders be terminated by suicidal sacrifice? a "compromise!" bitter irony! is the plucked and hood-winked north to be wheedled by the sorcery of another missouri compromise? a compromise in which the south gained all, and the north lost all, and lost it for ever. a compromise which embargoed the free laborer of the north and west, and clutched at the staff he leaned upon, to turn it into a bludgeon and fell him with its stroke. a compromise which wrested from liberty her boundless birthright domain, stretching westward to the sunset, while it gave to slavery loose reins and a free course, from the mississippi to the pacific. the resolution, as it finally passed, is here inserted. the original resolution, as moved by mr. clay, was inserted at the head of this postscript with the impression that it was the _amended_ form. it will be seen however, that it underwent no material modification. "resolved, that the interference by the citizens of any of the states, with the view to the abolition of slavery in the district, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the district; and that any act or measure of congress designed to abolish slavery in the district, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the states of virginia and maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding states, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the union." the vote upon the resolution stood as follows: _yeas_.--messrs. allen, bayard, benton, black, buchanan, brown, calhoun, clay, of alabama, clay, of kentucky, clayton, crittenden, cuthbert, fulton, grundy, hubbard, king, lumpkin, lyon, nicholas, niles, norvell, pierce, preston, rives, roane, robinson, sevier, smith, of connecticut, strange, tallmadge, tipton, walker, white, williams, wright, young. _nays_.--messrs. davis, knight, mckean, morris, prentiss, ruggles, smith, of indiana, swift, webster. the anti-slavery examiner no. * * * * * the power of congress over the district of columbia. * * * * * originally published in the new-york evening post, under the signature of "wythe." * * * * * with additions by the author. * * * * * new-york: published by the american anti-slavery society no. nassau-street. . * * * * * this periodical contains - / sheets--postage under miles, cts., over , cts. power of congress over the district of columbia. a civilized community presupposes a government of law. if that government be a republic, its citizens are the sole _sources_, as well as the _subjects_ of its power. its constitution is their bill of directions to their own agents--a grant authorizing the exercise of certain powers, and prohibiting that of others. in the constitution of the united states, whatever else may be obscure, the clause granting power to congress over the federal district may well defy misconstruction. art. , sec. , clause : "the congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation, _in all cases whatsoever_, over such district." congress may make laws for the district "in all _cases_," not of all _kinds_; not all _laws_ whatsoever, but laws "in all _cases_ whatsoever." the grant respects the _subjects_ of legislation, _not_ the moral nature of the laws. the law-making power every where is subject to _moral_ restrictions, whether limited by constitutions or not. no legislature can authorize murder, nor make honesty penal, nor virtue a crime, nor exact impossibilities. in these and similar respects, the power of congress is held in check by principles, existing in the nature of things, not imposed by the constitution, but presupposed and assumed by it. the power of congress over the district is restricted only by those principles that limit ordinary legislation, and, in some respects, it has even wider scope. in common with the legislatures of the states, congress cannot constitutionally pass ex post facto laws in criminal cases, nor suspend the writ of habeas corpus, nor pass a bill of attainder, nor abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, nor invade the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, nor enact laws respecting an establishment of religion. these are general limitations. congress cannot do these things _any where_. the exact import, therefore, of the clause "in all cases whatsoever," is, _on all subjects within the appropriate sphere of legislation_. some legislatures are restrained by constitutions, from the exercise of powers strictly within the proper sphere of legislation. congressional power over the district has no such restraint. it traverses the whole field of legitimate legislation. all the power which any legislature has within its own jurisdiction, congress holds over the district of columbia. it has been objected that the clause in question respects merely police regulations, and that its sole design was to enable congress to protect itself against popular tumults. but if the convention that framed the constitution aimed to provide for a _single_ case only, why did they provide for "_all_ cases whatsoever?" besides, this clause was opposed in many of the state conventions, because the grant of power was not restricted to police regulations _alone_. in the virginia convention, george mason, the father of the virginia constitution, patrick henry, mr. grayson, and others, assailed it on that ground. mr. mason said, "this clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the district. he would willingly give them exclusive power as far as respected the police and good government of the place, but he would give them no more." mr. grayson said, that control over the _police_ was all-sufficient, and "that the continental congress never had an idea of exclusive legislation in all cases." patrick henry said, "is it consistent with any principle of prudence or good policy, to grant _unlimited, unbounded authority?_" mr. madison said in reply: "i did conceive that the clause under consideration was one of those parts which would speak its own praise. when any power is given, its delegation necessarily involves authority to make laws to execute it.... the powers which are found necessary to be given, are therefore delegated _generally_, and particular and minute specification is left to the legislature.... it is not within the limits of human capacity to delineate on paper all those particular cases and circumstances, in which legislation by the general legislature, would be necessary." governor randolph said: "holland has no ten miles square, but she has the hague where the deputies of the states assemble. but the influence which it has given the province of holland, to have the seat of government within its territory, subject in some respects to its control, has been injurious to the other provinces." the wisdom of the convention is therefore manifest in granting to congress exclusive jurisdiction over the place of their session. [_deb. va. con._, p. .] in the forty-third number of the "federalist," mr. madison says: "the indispensable necessity of _complete_ authority at the seat of government, carries its own evidence with it." finally, that the grant in question is to be interpreted according to the obvious import of its _terms_, is proved by the fact, that virginia proposed an amendment to the united states' constitution at the time of its adoption, providing that this clause "should be so construed as to give power only over the _police and good government_ of said district," _which amendment was rejected._ the former part of the clause under consideration, "congress shall have power to exercise _exclusive_ legislation," gives _sole_ jurisdiction, and the latter part, "in all cases whatsoever," defines the _extent_ of it. since, then, congress is the _sole_ legislature within the district, and since its power is limited only by the checks common to all legislatures, it follows that what the law-making power is intrinsically competent to do _any_ where, congress is competent to do in the district of columbia. having disposed of preliminaries, we proceed to state and argue the _real question_ at issue. is the law-making power competent to abolish slavery when not restricted in that particular by constitutional provisions--or, is the abolition of slavery within the appropriate sphere of legislation? in every government, absolute sovereignty exists _somewhere_. in the united states it exists primarily with the _people_, and _ultimate_ sovereignty _always_ exists with them. in each of the states, the legislature possesses a _representative_ sovereignty, delegated by the people through the constitution--the people thus committing to the legislature a portion of their sovereignty, and specifying in their constitutions the amount and the conditions of the grant. that the _people_ in any state where slavery exists, have the power to abolish it, none will deny. if the legislature have not the power, it is because _the people_ have reserved it to themselves. had they lodged with the legislature "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," they would have parted with their sovereignty over the legislation of the state, and so far forth the legislature would have become _the people_, clothed with all their functions, and as such competent, _during the continuance of the grant_, to do whatever the people might have done before the surrender of their power: consequently, they would have the power to abolish slavery. the sovereignty of the district of columbia exists _somewhere_--where is it lodged? the citizens of the district have no legislature of their own, no representation in congress, and no political power whatever. maryland and virginia have surrendered to the united states their "full and absolute right and entire sovereignty," and the people of the united states have committed to congress by the constitution, the power to "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." thus, the sovereignty of the district of columbia, is shown to reside solely in the congress of the united states; and since the power of the people of a state to abolish slavery within their own limits, results from their entire sovereignty within that state, so the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, results from its entire _sovereignty_ within the district. if it be objected that congress can have no more power over the district, than was held by the legislatures of maryland and virginia, we ask what clause in the constitution graduates the power of congress by the standard of a state legislature? was the united states' constitution worked into its present shape under the measuring line and square of virginia and maryland? and is its power to be bevelled down till it can run in the grooves of state legislation? there is a deal of prating about constitutional power over the district, as though congress were indebted for it to maryland and virginia. the powers of those states, whether few or many, prodigies or nullities, have nothing to do with the question. as well thrust in the powers of the grand lama to join issue upon, or twist papal bulls into constitutional tether, with which to curb congressional action. the constitution of the united states gives power to congress, and takes it away, and _it alone_. maryland and virginia adopted the constitution _before_ they ceded to the united states the territory of the district. by their acts of cession, they abdicated their own sovereignty over the district, and thus made room for that provided by the united states' constitution, which sovereignty was to commence as soon as a cession of territory by states, and its acceptance by congress, furnished a sphere for its exercise. that the abolition of slavery is within the sphere of legislation, i argue, . from the fact, that slavery, as a legal system, is the creature of legislation. the law, by _creating_ slavery, not only affirmed its _existence_ to be within the sphere and under the control of legislation, but equally, the _conditions_ and _terms_ of its existence, and the _question_ whether or not it _should_ exist. of course legislation would not travel _out_ of its sphere, in abolishing what is _within_ it, and what was recognised to be within it, by its own act. cannot legislatures repeal their own laws? if law can take from a man his rights, it can give them back again. if it can say, "your body belongs to your neighbor," it can say, "it belongs to _yourself_." if it can annul a man's right to himself, held by express grant from his maker, and can create for another an _artificial_ title to him, can it not annul the artificial title, and leave the original owner to hold himself by his original title? . the abolition of slavery has always been considered within the appropriate sphere of legislation. almost every civilized nation has abolished slavery by law. the history of legislation since the revival of letters, is a record crowded with testimony to the universally admitted competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery. it is so manifestly an attribute not merely of absolute sovereignty, but even of ordinary legislation, that the competency of a legislature to exercise it, may well nigh be reckoned among the legal axioms of the civilized world. even the night of the dark ages was not dark enough to make this invisible. the abolition decree of the great council of england was passed in . the memorable irish decree, "that all the english slaves in the whole of ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty," was issued in . slavery in england was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in . passing over many instances of the abolition of slavery by law, both during the middle ages and since the reformation, we find them multiplying as we approach our own times. in slavery was abolished in prussia by special edict. in st. domingo, cayenne, guadeloupe, and martinique, in , where more than , slaves were emancipated by the french government. in java, ; in ceylon, ; in buenos ayres, ; in st. helena, ; in colombia, ; by the congress of chili in ; in cape colony, ; in malacca, ; in the southern provinces of birmah, ; in bolivia, ; in peru, guatemala, and monte video, , in jamaica, barbadoes, bermudas, bahamas, the mauritius, st. christophers, nevis, the virgin islands, antigua, montserrat, dominica, st. vincents, grenada, berbice, tobago, st. lucia, trinidad, honduras, demarara, and the cape of good hope, on the st of august, . but waving details, suffice it to say, that england, france, spain, portugal, sweden, denmark, austria, prussia, and germany, have all and often given their testimony to the competency of the legislative power to abolish slavery. in our own country, the legislature of pennsylvania passed an act of abolition in , connecticut, in ; rhode island, ; new-york, ; new-jersey, in ; vermont, by constitution, in ; massachusetts, in ; and new hampshire, in . when the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has thus been recognised every where and for ages, when it has been embodied in the highest precedents, and celebrated in the thousand jubilees of regenerated liberty, is it an achievement of modern discovery, that such a power is a nullity?--that all these acts of abolition are void, and that the millions disenthralled by them, are, either themselves or their posterity, still legally in bondage? . legislative power has abolished slavery in its parts. the law of south carolina prohibits the working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four. in other words, it takes from the slaveholder his power over nine hours of the slave's time daily; and if it can take nine hours it may take twenty-four. the laws of georgia prohibit the working of slaves on the first day of the week; and if they can do it for the first, they can for the six following. the law of north carolina prohibits the "immoderate" correction of slaves. if it has power to prohibit immoderate correction, it can prohibit _moderate_ correction--_all_ correction, which would be virtual emancipation; for, take from the master the power to inflict pain, and he is master no longer. cease to ply the slave with the stimulus of fear; and he is free. the constitution of mississippi gives the general assembly power to make laws "to oblige the owners of slaves to _treat them with humanity_." the constitution of missouri has the same clause, and an additional one making it the duty of the legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to secure the _humane_ treatment of the slaves. this grant to those legislatures, empowers them to decide what _is_ and what is _not_ "humane treatment." otherwise it gives no "power"--the clause is mere waste paper, and flouts in the face of a befooled legislature. a clause giving power to require "humane treatment" covers all the _particulars_ of such treatment--gives power to exact it in _all respects--requiring_ certain acts, and _prohibiting_ others--maiming, branding, chaining together, separating families, floggings for learning the alphabet, for reading the bible, for worshiping god according to conscience--the legislature has power to specify each of these acts--declare that it is not "_humane_ treatment," and prohibit it.--the legislature may also believe that driving men and women into the field, and forcing them to work without pay, is not "humane treatment," and being constitutionally bound "to _oblige_" masters to practise "humane treatment"--they have the power to _prohibit such_ treatment, and are bound to do it. the law of louisiana makes slaves real estate, prohibiting the holder, if he be also a _land_ holder, to separate them from the soil.[a] if it has power to prohibit the sale _without_ the soil, it can prohibit the sale _with_ it; and if it can prohibit the _sale_ as property, it can prohibit the _holding_ as property. similar laws exist in the french, spanish, and portuguese colonies. [footnote a: virginia made slaves real estate by a law passed in . (_beverly's hist. of va_., p. .) i do not find the precise time when this law was repealed, probably when virginia became the chief slave breeder for the cotton-growing and sugar-planting country, and made young men and women "from fifteen to twenty-five" the main staple production of the state.] the law of louisiana requires the master to give his slaves a certain amount of food and clothing. if it can oblige the master to give the slave _one_ thing, it can oblige him to give him another: if food and clothing, then wages, liberty, his own body. by the laws of connecticut, slaves may receive and hold property, and prosecute suits in their own name as plaintiffs: [this last was also the law of virginia in . see tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. .] there were also laws making marriage contracts legal, in certain contingencies, and punishing infringements of them, ["_reeve's law of baron and femme_," p. - .] each of the laws enumerated above, does, _in principle_, abolish slavery; and all of them together abolish it in fact. true, not as a _whole_, and at a _stroke_, nor all in one place; but in its _parts_, by piecemeal, at divers times and places; thus showing that the abolition of slavery is within the boundary of legislation. . the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, has been recognized by all the slaveholding states, either directly or by implication. some states recognize it in their _constitutions_, by giving the legislature power to emancipate such slaves as may "have rendered the state some distinguished service, "and others by express prohibitory restrictions. the constitution of mississippi, arkansas, and other states, restrict the power of the legislature in this respect. why this express prohibition, if the law-making power _cannot_ abolish slavery? a stately farce, indeed, to construct a special clause, and with appropriate rites induct it into the constitution, for the express purpose of restricting a nonentity!--to take from the law-making power what it _never had_, and what _cannot_ pertain to it! the legislatures of those states have no power to abolish slavery, simply because their constitutions have expressly _taken away_ that power. the people of arkansas, mississippi, &c., well knew the competency of the law-making power to abolish slavery, and hence their zeal to _restrict_ it. the slaveholding states have recognised this power in their _laws_. the virginia legislature passed a law in to prevent the further importation of slaves, of which the following is an extract: "and be it further enacted that every slave imported into this commonwealth contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shall upon such importation become _free_." by a law of virginia, passed dec. , , a slave brought into the state and kept _there a year_, was _free_. the maryland court of appeals at the december term [case of stewart _vs._ oakes,] decided that a slave owned in maryland, and sent by his master into virginia to work at different periods, making one year in the whole, became _free_, being _emancipated_ by the law of virginia quoted above. north carolina and georgia in their acts of cession, transferring to the united states the territory now constituting the states of tennessee, alabama and mississippi, made it a condition of the grant, that the provisions of the ordinance of ' , should be secured to the inhabitants _with the exception of the sixth article which prohibits slavery_; thus conceding, both the competency of law to abolish slavery, and the power of congress to do it, within its jurisdiction. (these acts show the prevalent belief at that time, in the slaveholding states, that the general government had adopted a line of policy aiming at the exclusion of slavery from the entire territory of the united states, not included within the original states, and that this policy would be pursued unless prevented by specific and formal stipulation.) slaveholding states have asserted this power _in their judicial decisions_. in numerous cases their highest courts have decided that if the legal owner of slaves takes them into those states where slavery has been abolished either by law or by the constitution, such removal emancipates them, such law or constitution abolishing their slavery. this principle is asserted in the decision of the supreme court of louisiana, in the case of lunsford _vs._ coquillon, martin's la. reps. . also by the supreme court of virginia, in the case of hunter _vs._ fulcher, leigh's reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge washington, of the united states supreme court, in the case of butler _vs._ hopper, washington's circuit court reps. . this principle was also decided by the court of appeals in kentucky; case of rankin _vs._ lydia, marshall's reps. ; see also, wilson _vs._ isbell, call's reps. , spotts _vs._ gillespie, randolph's reps. . the state _vs._ lasselle, blackford's reps. , marie louise _vs._ mariot, la. reps. . in this case, which was tried in , the slave had been taken by her master to france and brought back; judge mathews, of the supreme court of louisiana, decided that "residence for one moment" under the laws of france emancipated her. . eminent statesmen, themselves slaveholders, have conceded this power. washington, in a letter to robert morris, dated april , , says: "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to lafayette, dated may , , he says: "it (the abolition of slavery) certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected, and that too by _legislative_ authority." in a letter to john fenton mercer, dated sept. , , he says: "it is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by _law_." in a letter to sir john sinclair, he says: "there are in pennsylvania, _laws_ for the gradual abolition of slavery, which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which nothing is more certain than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." speaking of movements in the virginia legislature in , for the passage of a law emancipating the slaves, mr. jefferson says: "the principles of the amendment were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day; but it was found that the public mind would not bear the proposition, yet the day is not far distant, when _it must bear and adopt it_."--jefferson's memoirs, v. , p. . it is well known that jefferson, pendleton, mason, wythe and lee, while acting as a committee of the virginia house of delegates to revise the state laws, prepared a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves by law. these men were the great lights of virginia. mason, the author of the virginia constitution; pendleton, the president of the memorable virginia convention in , and president of the virginia court of appeals; wythe was the blackstone of the virginia bench, for a quarter of a century chancellor of the state, the professor of law in the university of william and mary, and the preceptor of jefferson, madison, and chief justice marshall. he was author of the celebrated remonstrance to the english house of commons on the subject of the stamp act. as to jefferson, his _name_ is his biography. every slaveholding member of congress from the states of maryland, virginia, north and south carolina, and georgia, voted for the celebrated ordinance of , which _abolished_ the slavery then existing in the northwest territory. patrick henry, in his well known letter to robert pleasants, of virginia, january , , says: "i believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to _abolish_ this lamentable evil." william pinkney, of maryland, advocated the abolition of slavery by law, in the legislature of that state, in . luther martin urged the same measure both in the federal convention, and in his report to the legislature of maryland. in , st. george tucker, of virginia, professor of law in the university of william and mary, and judge of the general court, published an elaborate dissertation on slavery, addressed to the general assembly of the state, and urging upon them the abolition of slavery by _law_. john jay, while new york was yet a slave state, and himself in law a slaveholder, said in a letter from spain, in , "an excellent law might be made out of the pennsylvania one, for the gradual abolition of slavery. were i in your legislature, i would present a bill for the purpose, drawn up with great care, and i would never cease moving it till it became a law, or i ceased to be a member." daniel d. tompkins, in a message to the legislature of new-york january , , said: "to devise the means for the gradual and ultimate _extermination_ from amongst us of slavery, is a work worthy the representatives of a polished and enlightened nation." the virginia legislature asserted this power in . at the close of a month's debate, the following proceedings were had. i extract from an editorial article of the richmond whig, of january , . "the report of the select committee, adverse to legislation on the subject of abolition, was in these words: _resolved_, as the opinion of this committee, that it is inexpedient for the present, to make any _legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery_." this report mr. preston moved to reverse, and thus to declare that it _was_ expedient, _now_ to make legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. this was meeting the question in its strongest form. it demanded action, and immediate action. on this proposition the vote was to . many of the most decided friends of abolition voted against the amendment; because they thought public opinion not sufficiently prepared for it, and that it might prejudice the cause to move too rapidly. the vote on mr. witcher's motion to postpone the whole subject indefinitely, indicates the true state of opinion in the house.--that was the test question, and was so intended and proclaimed by its mover. that motion was _negatived_, to ; showing a majority of , who by that vote, declared their belief that "at the proper time, and in the proper mode, virginia ought to commence a system of gradual abolition." . the congress of the united states have asserted this power. the ordinance of ' , declaring that there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude," in the north western territory, abolished the slavery then existing there. the supreme court of mississippi, in its decision in the case of harvey vs. decker, walker's mi. reps. , declared that the ordinance emancipated the slaves then held there. in this decision the question is argued ably and at great length. the supreme court of la. made the same decision in the case of forsyth vs. nash, martin's la. reps. . the same doctrine was laid down by judge porter, (late united states senator from la.,) in his decision at the march term of the la. supreme court, , in the case of merry vs. chexnaider, martin's reps. . that the ordinance abolished the slavery then existing there is also shown by the fact, that persons holding slaves in the territory petitioned for the repeal of the article abolishing slavery, assigning _that_ as a reason. "the petition of the citizens of randolph and st. clair counties in the illinois country, stating that they were in possession of slaves, and praying the repeal of that act (the th article of the ordinance of ' ) and the passage of a law legalizing slavery there." [am. state papers, public lands, v. . p. .] congress passed this ordinance before the united states constitution was adopted, when it derived all its authority from the articles of confederation, which conferred powers of legislation far more restricted than those conferred on congress over the district and territories by the united states constitution. now, we ask, how does the constitution _abridge_ the powers which congress possessed under the articles of confederation? the abolition of the slave trade by congress, in , is another illustration of the competency of legislative power to abolish slavery. the african slave trade has become such a mere _technic_, in common parlance, that the fact of its being _proper slavery_ is overlooked. the buying and selling, the transportation, and the horrors of the middle passage, were mere _incidents_ of the slavery in which the victims were held. let things be called by their own names. when congress abolished the african slave trade, it abolished slavery--supreme slavery--power frantic with license, trampling a whole hemisphere scathed with its fires, and running down with blood. true, congress did not, in the abolition of the slave trade, abolish _all_ the slavery within its jurisdiction, but it did abolish all the slavery in _one_ part of its jurisdiction. what has rifled it of power to abolish slavery in _another_ part of its jurisdiction, especially in that part where it has "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever?" . the constitution of the united states recognises this power by the most conclusive implication. in art. , sec. , clause , it prohibits the abolition of the slave trade previous to : thus implying the power of congress to do it at once, but for the restriction; and its power to do it _unconditionally_, when that restriction ceased. again; in art. , sec. , "no person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from said service or labor." this clause was inserted, as all admit, to prevent the runaway slave from being emancipated by the _laws_ of the free states. if these laws had _no power_ to emancipate, why this constitutional guard to prevent it? the insertion of the clause, was the testimony of the eminent jurists that framed the constitution, to the existence of the _power_, and their public proclamation, that the abolition of slavery was within the appropriate sphere of legislation. the right of the owner to that which is rightfully property, is founded on a principle of _universal law_, and is recognised and protected by all civilized nations; property in slaves is, by general consent, an _exception_; hence slaveholders insisted upon the insertion of this clause in the united states constitution, that they might secure by an _express provision_, that from which protection is withheld, by the acknowledged principles of universal law.[a] by demanding this provision, slaveholders consented that their slaves should not be recognised as property by the united states constitution, and hence they found their claim, on the fact of their being "_persons_, and _held_ to service." [footnote a: the fact, that under the articles of confederation, slaveholders, whose slaves had escaped into free states, had no legal power to force them back,--that _now_ they have no power to recover, by process of law, their slaves who escape to canada, the south american states, or to europe--the case already cited, in which the supreme court of louisiana decided, that residence "_for one moment_," under the laws of france emancipated an american slave--the case of fulton _vs._. lewis, har. and john's reps., , where the slave of a st. domingo slaveholder, who brought him to maryland in ' , was pronounced free by the maryland court of appeals--are illustrations of the acknowledged truth here asserted, that by the consent of the civilized world, and on the principles of universal law, slaves are not "_property_," and that whenever held as property under _law_, it is only by _positive legislative acts_, forcibly setting aside the law of nature, the common law, and the principles of universal justice and right between man and man,--principles paramount to all law, and from which alone law, derives its intrinsic authoritative sanction.] . congress has unquestionable power to adopt the common law, as the legal system, within its exclusive jurisdiction.--this has been done, with certain restrictions, in most of the states, either by legislative acts or by constitutional implication. the common law knows no slaves. its principles annihilate slavery wherever they touch it. it is a universal, unconditional, abolition act. wherever slavery is a legal system, it is so only by _statute_ law, and in violation of the common law. the declaration of lord chief justice holt, that, "by the common law, no man can have property in another," is an acknowledged axiom, and based upon the well known common law definition of property. "the subjects of dominion or property are _things_, as contra-distinguished from _persons_." let congress adopt the common law in the district of columbia, and slavery there is at once abolished. congress may well be at home in common law legislation, for the common law is the grand element of the united states constitution. all its _fundamental_ provisions are instinct with its spirit; and its existence, principles, and paramount authority, are presupposed and assumed throughout the whole. the preamble of the constitution plants the standard of the common law immovably in its foreground. "we, the people of the united states, in order to establish justice, &c., do ordain and establish this constitution;" thus proclaiming _devotion to_ justice, as the controlling motive in the organization of the government, and its secure establishment the chief object of its aims. by this most solemn recognition, the common law, that grand legal embodyment of "_justice_" and fundamental right--was made the groundwork of the constitution, and intrenched behind its strongest munitions. the second clause of sec. , art. ; sec. , art. , and the last clause of sec. , art. , with articles , , , and of the amendments, are also express recognitions of the common law as the presiding genius of the constitution. by adopting the common law within its exclusive jurisdiction congress would carry out the principles of our glorious declaration, and follow the highest precedents in our national history and jurisprudence. it is a political maxim as old as civil legislation, that laws should be strictly homogeneous with the principles of the government whose will they express, embodying and carrying them out--being indeed the _principles themselves_, in preceptive form--representatives alike of the nature and the power of the government--standing illustrations of its genius and spirit, while they proclaim and enforce its authority. who needs be told that slavery makes war upon the principles of the declaration, and the spirit of the constitution, and that these and the principles of the common law gravitate toward each other with irrepressible affinities, and mingle into one? the common law came hither with our pilgrim fathers; it was their birthright, their panoply, their glory, and their song of rejoicing in the house of their pilgrimage. it covered them in the day of their calamity, and their trust was under the shadow of its wings. from the first settlement of the country, the genius of our institutions and our national spirit have claimed it as a common possession, and exulted in it with a common pride. a century ago, governor pownall, one of the most eminent constitutional jurists of colonial times, said of the common law, "in all the colonies the common law is received as the foundation and main body of their law." in the declaration of rights, made by the continental congress at its first session in ' , there was the following resolution: "resolved, that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law." soon after the organization of the general government, chief justice ellsworth, in one of his decisions on the bench of the united states supreme court, said: "the common law of this country remains the same as it was before the revolution." chief justice marshall, in his decision in the case of livingston _vs._ jefferson, said: "when our ancestors migrated to america, they brought with them the common law of their native country, so far as it was applicable to their new situation, and i do not conceive that the revolution in any degree changed the relations of man to man, or the law which regulates them. in breaking our political connection with the parent state, we did not break our connection with each other." [_hall's law journal, new series._] mr. duponceau, in his "dissertation on the jurisdiction of courts in the united states," says, "i consider the common law of england the _jus commune_ of the united states. i think i can lay it down as a correct principle, that the common law of england, as it was at the time of the declaration of independence, still continues to be the national law of this country, so far as it is applicable to our present state, and subject to the modifications it has received here in the course of nearly half a century." chief justice taylor of north carolina, in his decision in the case of the state _vs._ reed, in , hawkes' n.c. reps. , says, "a law of _paramount obligation to the statute_, was violated by the offence--common law founded upon the law of nature, and confirmed by revelation." the legislation of the united states abounds in recognitions of the principles of the common law, asserting their paramount binding power. sparing details, of which our national state papers are full, we illustrate by a single instance. it was made a condition of the admission of louisiana into the union, that the right of trial by jury should be secured to all her citizens,--the united states government thus employing its power to enlarge the jurisdiction of the common law in this its great representative. having shown that the abolition of slavery is within the competency of the law-making power, when unrestricted by constitutional provisions, and that the legislation of congress over the district is thus unrestricted, its power to abolish slavery there is established. we argue it further, from the fact, that slavery exists there _now_ by an act of congress. in the act of th july, , congress accepted portions of territory offered by the states of maryland and virginia, and enacted that the laws, as they then were, should continue in force, "until congress shall otherwise by law provide." under these laws, adopted by congress, and in effect re-enacted and made laws of the district, the slaves there are now held. is congress so impotent in its own "exclusive jurisdiction" that it _cannot_ "otherwise by law provide?" if it can say, what _shall_ be considered property, it can say what shall _not_ be considered property. suppose a legislature should enact that marriage contracts shall be mere bills of sale, making a husband the proprietor of his wife, as his _bona fide_ property; and suppose husbands should herd their wives in droves for the market as beasts of burden, or for the brothel as victims of lust, and then prate about their inviolable legal property, and deny the power of the legislature, which stamped them "property," to undo its own wrong, and secure to wives by law the rights of human beings. would such cant about "legal rights" be heeded where reason and justice held sway, and where law, based upon fundamental morality, received homage? if a frantic legislature pronounces woman a chattel, has it no power, with returning reason, to take back the blasphemy? is the impious edict irrepealable? be it, that with legal forms it has stamped wives "wares." can no legislation blot out the brand? must the handwriting of deity on human nature be expunged for ever? has law no power to stay the erasing pen, and tear off the scrawled label that covers up the image of god? ii. the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district has been, till recently, universally conceded. . it has been assumed by congress itself. the following record stands on the journals of the house of representatives for , p. : "on motion made and seconded that the house do come to the following resolution: 'resolved, that from and after the th day of july, , all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the district of columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within said district, shall be free, the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of ----. the main question being taken that the house do agree to said motion as originally proposed, it was negatived by a majority of .'" though the motion was lost, it was on the ground of its alleged _inexpediency_ alone. in the debate which preceded the vote, the _power_ of congress was conceded. in march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution:--"resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the district of columbia, and to report whether any and what measures are necessary for _putting a stop to the same_." on the th of january, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution by a vote of to : "resolved, that the committee on the district of columbia, be instructed to inquire into the _expediency_ of providing by _law_ for the gradual abolition of slavery within the district, in such manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby." among those who voted in the affirmative were messrs. barney of md., armstrong of va., a.h. shepperd of n.c., blair of tenn., chilton and lyon of ky., johns of del., and others from slave states. . it has bees conceded by committees of congress, of the district of columbia.--in a report of the committee on the district, jan. , , by their chairman, mr. powell of va., there is the following declaration:--"the congress of the united states, has by the constitution exclusive jurisdiction over the district, and has power upon this subject, (_slavery_,) as upon all other subjects of legislation, to exercise _unlimited discretion_." reps. of comms. d sess. th cong. v. iv. no. . in december, , the committee on the district, dr. doddridge of va., chairman, reported, "that until the adjoining states act on the subject, (slavery) it would be (not _unconstitutional_ but) unwise and impolitic, if not unjust, for congress to interfere." in april, , a special committee on abolition memorials reported the following resolutions by their chairman, mr. pinckney of south carolina: "resolved, that congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the states of this confederacy." "resolved, that congress _ought not to interfere_ in any way with slavery in the district of columbia." "ought not to interfere," carefully avoiding the phraseology of the first resolution, and thus in effect conceding the constitutional power. in a widely circulated "address to the electors of the charleston district," mr. pinkney is thus denounced by his own constituents: "he has proposed a resolution which is received by the plain common sense of the whole country as a concession that congress has authority to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." . it has been conceded by the citizens of the district. a petition for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district, signed by nearly eleven hundred of its citizens, was presented to congress, march , . among the signers to this petition, were chief justice cranch, judge van ness, judge morsel, prof. j.m. staughton, and a large number of the most influential inhabitants of the district. mr. dickson, of new york, asserted on the floor of congress in , that the signers of this petition owned more than half of the property in the district. the accuracy of this statement has never been questioned. this power has been conceded by grand juries of the district. the grand jury of the county of alexandria, at the march term, , presented the domestic slave trade as a grievance, and said, "we consider these grievances demanding _legislative_ redress." jan. , , mr. alexander, of virginia, presented a representation of the grand jury in the city of washington, remonstrating against "any measure for the abolition of slavery within said district, unless accompanied by measures for the removal of the emancipated from the same;" thus, not only conceding the power to emancipate slaves, but affirming an additional power, that of _excluding them when free_. journal h.r. - , p. . . this power has been conceded by state legislatures. in the legislature of pennsylvania instructed their senators in congress "to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the district of columbia." jan. , , the house of assembly of new-york passed a resolution, that their "senators in congress be instructed to make every possible exertion to effect the passage of a law for the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." in february, , the senate of massachusetts "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery and the slave trade therein." the house of representatives passed the following resolution at the same session: "resolved, that congress having exclusive legislation in the district of columbia, possess the right to abolish slavery in said district." november , , the legislature of vermont, "resolved, that congress have the full power by the constitution to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia, and in the territories." may , , a committee of the pennsylvania legislature reported the following resolution: "resolved, that congress does possess the constitutional power, and it is expedient to abolish slavery and the slave trade within the district of columbia." in january, , the legislature of south carolina "resolved, that we should consider the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia as a violation of the rights of the citizens of that district derived from the _implied_ conditions on which that territory was ceded to the general government." instead of denying the constitutional power, they virtually admit its existence, by striving to smother it under an _implication_. in february, , the legislature of north carolina "resolved, that, although by the constitution _all legislative power_ over the district of columbia is vested in the congress of the united states, yet we would deprecate any legislative action on the part of that body towards liberating the slaves of that district, as a breach of faith towards those states by whom the territory was originally ceded. here is a full concession of the _power_. february , , the virginia legislature passed unanimously the following resolution: "resolved, by the general assembly of virginia, that the following article be proposed to the several states of this union, and to congress, as an amendment of the constitution of the united states: "the powers of congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage of any law for the emancipation of slaves in the district of columbia, without the consent of the individual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legislatures of virginia and maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe." fifty years after the formation of the united states' constitution the states are solemnly called upon by the virginia legislature, to amend that instrument by a clause asserting that, in the grant to congress of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever" over the district, the "case" of slavery is not included!! what could have dictated such a resolution but the conviction that the power to abolish slavery is an irresistible inference from the constitution _as it is_. the fact that the same legislature passed afterward a resolution, though by no means unanimously, that congress does not possess the power, abates not a tittle of the testimony in the first resolution. march d, , "mr. brown presented the resolutions of the general assembly of ohio, recommending to congress the consideration of a system for the gradual emancipation of persons of color held in servitude in the united states." on the same day, "mr. noble, of indiana, communicated a resolution from the legislature of that state, respecting the gradual emancipation of slaves within the united states." journal of the united states senate, for - , p. . the ohio and indiana resolutions, by taking for granted the _general_ power of congress over the subject of slavery, do virtually assert its _special_ power within its _exclusive_ jurisdiction. . this power has been conceded by bodies of citizens in the slave states. the petition of eleven hundred citizens of the district, has been already mentioned. "march , , mr. washington presented a memorial of inhabitants of the county of frederick, in the state of maryland, praying that provision be made for the gradual abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . march , . mr. a.h. shepperd, of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, "praying congress to take measures for the entire abolition of slavery in the district of columbia." journal h.r. - , p. . january , . mr. rhea, of tennessee, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that provision may be made, whereby all slaves which may hereafter be born in the district of columbia, shall be free at a certain period of their lives." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . mr. saunders of north carolina, presented a memorial of citizens of that state, praying "that measures may be taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the united states." journal h.r. - , p. . december , . "mr. barnard presented the memorial of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, held in baltimore, praying that slavery may be abolished in the district of columbia." journal u.s. senate, - , p. . . distinguished statesmen and jurists in the slaveholding states, have conceded this power. the testimony of messrs. doddridge, and powell, of virginia, chief justice cranch, and judges morsel and van ness, of the district, has already been given. in the debate in congress on the memorial of the society of friends, in , mr. madison, in speaking of the territories of the united states, explicitly declared, from his own knowledge of the views of the members of the convention that framed the constitution, as well as from the obvious import of its terms, that in the territories, "congress have certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery." congress can have no more power over the territories than that of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," consequently, according to mr. madison, "it has certainly the power to regulate the subject of slavery in the" _district_. in march, , mr. randolph of va. introduced a resolution for putting a stop to the domestic slave trade within the district. december , , mr. barney, of md. presented a memorial for abolition in the district, and moved that it be printed. mr. mcduffie, of s.c., objected to the printing, but "expressly admitted the right of congress to grant to the people of the district any measures which they might deem necessary to free themselves from the deplorable evil."--[see letter of mr. claiborne of miss. to his constituents, published in the washington globe, may , .] the sentiments of mr. clay, of kentucky, on the subject are well known. in a speech before the u.s. senate, in , he declared the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district "unquestionable." messrs. blair, of tenn., and chilton, lyon, and r.m. johnson, of ky., a.h. shepperd, of n.c., messrs. armstrong and smyth, of va., messrs. dorsey, archer, and barney, of md., and johns, of del., with numerous others from slave states, have asserted the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., on the missouri question, january , , he says on this point: "if the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, why do you not begin _here_? within the ten miles square, you have _undoubted power_ to exercise exclusive legislation. _produce a bill to emancipate the slaves in the district of columbia_, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." to this may be added the testimony of the present vice president of the united states, hon. richard m. johnson, of kentucky. in a speech before the u.s. senate, feb. , , (national intelligencer, april , ) he says: "in the district of columbia, containing a population of , souls, and probably as many slaves as the whole territory of missouri, the power of providing for their emancipation rests with congress alone. why, then, this heart-rending sympathy for the slaves of missouri, and this cold insensibility, this eternal apathy, towards the slaves in the district of columbia?" it is quite unnecessary to add, that the most distinguished northern statesmen of both political parties, have always affirmed the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district: president van buren in his letter of march , , to a committee of gentlemen in north carolina, says, "i would not, from the light now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of abolishing slavery in the district of columbia." this declaration of the president is consistent with his avowed sentiments touching the missouri question, on which he coincided with such men as daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, and others, whose names are a host.[a] it is consistent, also, with his recommendation in his late message, in which, speaking of the district, he strongly urges upon congress "a thorough and careful revision of its local government," speaks of the "entire dependence" of the people of the district "upon congress," recommends that a "uniform system of local government" be adopted, and adds, that "although it was selected as the seat of the general government, the site of its public edifices, the depository of its archives, and the residence of officers entrusted with large amounts of public property, and the management of public business, yet it never has been subjected to, or received, that _special_ and _comprehensive_ legislation which these circumstances peculiarly demanded." [footnote a: mr. van buren, when a member of the senate of new-york, voted for the following preamble and resolutions, which passed unanimously:--jan th, . "whereas the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in the united states, is a subject of deep concern to the people of this state: and whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that _every constitutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension_: and that the constitution of the united states _clearly gives congress the right_ to require new states, not comprised within the original boundary of the united states, to _make the prohibition of slavery_ a condition of their admission into the union: therefore, "resolved, that our senators be instructed, and our members of congress be requested, to oppose the admission as a state into the union, of an territory not comprised as aforesaid, without making _the prohibition of slavery_ therein an indispensable condition of admission." ] the tenor of mr. tallmadge's speech on the right of petition, and of mr. webster's on the reception of abolition memorials, may be taken as universal exponents of the sentiments of northern statesmen as to the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district of columbia. an explicit declaration, that an "_overwhelming majority_" of the _present_ congress concede the power to abolish slavery in the district, has just been made by hon. robert barnwell rhett, a member of congress from south carolina, in a letter published in the charleston mercury of dec. , . the following is an extract: "the time has arrived when we must have new guaranties under the constitution, or the union must be dissolved. _our views of the constitution are not those of the majority_. an overwhelming majority _think that by the constitution, congress may abolish slavery in the district of columbia--may abolish the slave trade between the states; that is, it may prohibit their being carried out of the state in which they are--and prohibit it in all the territories, florida among them. they think_, not without strong reasons, _that the power of congress extends to all of these subjects_." _direct testimony_ to show that the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, has always till recently been _universally conceded_, is perhaps quite superfluous. we subjoin, however, the following: the vice-president of the united states in his speech on the missouri question, quoted above, after contending that the restriction of slavery in missouri would be unconstitutional, declares, that the power of congress over slavery in the district "could not be questioned." in the speech of mr. smyth, of va., also quoted above, he declares the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district to be "undoubted." mr. sutherland, of penn., in a speech in the house of representatives, on the motion to print mr. pinckney's report, is thus reported in the washington globe, of may th, ' . "he replied to the remark that the report conceded that congress had a right to legislate upon the subject in the district of columbia, and said that such a right had never been, till recently, denied." the american quarterly review, published at philadelphia, with a large circulation and list of contributors in the slave states, holds the following language in the september no. , p. : "under this 'exclusive jurisdiction,' granted by the constitution, congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of columbia. it would hardly be necessary to state this as a distinct proposition, had it not been occasionally questioned. the truth of the assertion, however, is too obvious to admit of argument--and we believe has never been disputed by persons who are familiar with the constitution." objections to the foregoing conclusions considered. we now proceed to notice briefly the main arguments that have been employed in congress, and elsewhere against the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district. one of the most plausible is; that "the conditions on which maryland and virginia ceded the district to the united states, would be violated, if congress should abolish slavery there." the reply to this is, that congress had no power to _accept_ a cession coupled with conditions restricting that "power of exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district," which was given it by the constitution. to show the futility of the objection, we insert here the acts of cession. the cession of maryland was made in november, , and is as follows: "an act to cede to congress a district of ten miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states." "be it enacted, by the general assembly of maryland, that the representatives of this state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new-york, on the first wednesday of march next, be, and they are hereby authorized and required on the behalf of this state, to cede to the congress of the united states, any district in this state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the congress may fix upon, and accept for the seat of government of the united states." laws of md., v. ., c. . the cession of virginia was made on the d of december, , in the following words: "be it enacted by the general assembly, that a tract of country, not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the state, and in any part thereof, as congress may, by law, direct, shall be, and the same is hereby forever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil, as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the government of the constitution of the united states." but were there no provisos to these acts? the maryland act had _none_. the virginia act had this proviso: "sect. . provided, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed to vest in the united states any right of property in the soil, or to affect the rights of individuals _therein_, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the united states." this specification touching the soil was merely definitive and explanatory of that clause in the act of cession, "_full and absolute right_." instead of restraining the power of congress on _slavery_ and other subjects, it even gives it freer course; for exceptions to _parts_ of a rule, give double confirmation to those parts not embraced in the exceptions. if it was the _design_ of the proviso to restrict congressional action on the subject of _slavery_, why is the _soil alone_ specified? as legal instruments are not paragons of economy in words, might not "john doe," out of his abundance, and without spoiling his style, have afforded an additional word--at least a hint--that slavery was _meant_, though nothing was _said_ about it? but again, maryland and virginia, in their acts of cession, declare them to be "in pursuance of" that clause of the constitution which gives to congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over" the ten miles square--thus, instead of _restricting_ that clause, both states _confirm_ it. now, their acts of cession either accorded with that clause of the constitution, or they conflicted with it. if they conflicted with it, _accepting_ the cessions was a violation of the constitution. the fact that congress accepted the cessions, proves that in its view their _terms_ did not conflict with its constitutional grant of power. the inquiry whether these acts of cession were consistent or inconsistent with the united states' constitution, is totally irrelevant to the question at issue. what saith the constitution? that is the question. not, what saith virginia, or maryland, or--equally to the point--john bull! if maryland and virginia had been the authorized interpreters of the constitution for the union, these acts of cession could hardly have been magnified more than they have been recently by the southern delegation in congress. a true understanding of the constitution can be had, forsooth, only by holding it up in the light of maryland and virginia legislation! we are told, again, that those states would not have ceded the district if they had supposed the constitution gave congress power to abolish slavery in it. this comes with an ill grace from maryland and virginia. they _knew_ the constitution. they were parties to it. they had sifted it clause by clause, in their state conventions. they had weighed its words in the balance--they had tested them as by fire; and finally, after long pondering, they _adopted_ the constitution. and _afterward_, self-moved, they ceded the ten miles square, and declared the cession made "in pursuance of" that oft-cited clause, "congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." and now verily "they would not have ceded if they had _supposed_!" &c. cede it they _did_, and in "full and absolute right both of soil and persons." congress accepted the cession--state power over the district ceased, and congressional power over it commenced--and now, the sole question to be settled is, _the amount of power over the district, lodged in congress by the constitution_. the constitution--the constitution--that is the point. maryland and virginia "suppositions" must be potent suppositions to abrogate a clause of the united states' constitution! that clause either gives congress power to abolish slavery in the district, or it does _not_--and that point is to be settled, not by state "suppositions," nor state usages, nor state legislation, but _by the terms of the clause themselves_. southern members of congress, in the recent discussions, have conceded the power of a contingent abolition in the district, by suspending it upon the _consent_ of the people. such a doctrine from _declaimers_ like messrs. alford, of georgia, and walker, of mississippi, would excite no surprise; but that it should be honored with the endorsement of such men as mr. rives and mr. calhoun, is quite unaccountable. are attributes of _sovereignty_ mere creatures of _contingency_? is delegated _authority_ mere conditional _permission_? is a _constitutional power_ to be exercised by those who hold it, only by popular _sufferance?_ must it lie helpless at the pool of public sentiment, waiting the gracious troubling of its waters? is it a lifeless corpse, save only when popular "consent" deigns to puff breath into its nostrils? besides, if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of the _whole_ people must be had--not that of a majority, however large. majorities, to be authoritative, must be _legal_--and a legal majority without legislative power, or right of representation, or even the electoral franchise, would be truly an anomaly! in the district of columbia, such a thing as a majority in a legal sense is unknown to law. to talk of the power of a majority, or the will of a majority there, is mere mouthing. a majority? then it has an authoritative will--and an organ to make it known--and an executive to carry it into effect--where are they? we repeat it--if the consent of the people of the district be necessary, the consent of _every one_ is necessary--and _universal_ consent will come only with the greek kalends and a "perpetual motion." a single individual might thus _perpetuate_ slavery in defiance of the expressed will of a whole people. the most common form of this fallacy is given by mr. wise, of virginia, in his speech, february , , in which he denied the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, unless the inhabitants owning slaves petitioned for it!! southern members of congress at the present session ring changes almost daily upon the same fallacy. what! pray congress _to use_ a power which it _has not_? "it is required of a man according to what he _hath_," saith the scripture. i commend mr. wise to paul for his ethics. would that he had got his _logic_ of him! if congress does not possess the power, why taunt it with its weakness, by asking its exercise? why mock it by demanding impossibilities? petitioning, according to mr. wise, is, in matters of legislation, omnipotence itself; the very _source_ of all constitutional power; for, _asking_ congress to do what it _cannot_ do, gives it the power--to pray the exercise of a power that is _not, creates_ it. a beautiful theory! let us work it both ways. if to petition for the exercise of a power that is _not_, creates it--to petition against the exercise of a power that _is_, annihilates it. as southern gentlemen are partial to summary processes, pray, sirs, try the virtue of your own recipe on "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" a better subject for experiment and test of the prescription could not be had. but if the petitions of the citizens of the district give congress the _right_ to abolish slavery, they impose the _duty_; if they confer constitutional _authority_, they create constitutional _obligation_. if congress _may_ abolish because of an expression of their will, it _must_ abolish at the bidding of that will. if the people of the district are a _source of power_ to congress, their _expressed_ will has the force of a constitutional provision, and has the same binding power upon the national legislature. to make congress dependent on the district for authority, is to make it a _subject_ of its authority, restraining the exercise of its own discretion, and sinking it into a mere organ of the district's will. we proceed to another objection. "_the southern states would not have ratified the constitution, if they had supposed that it gave this power._" it is a sufficient answer to this objection, that the northern states would not have ratified it, if they had supposed that it _withheld_ the power. if "suppositions" are to take the place of the constitution--coming from both sides, they neutralize each other. to argue a constitutional question by _guessing_ at the "suppositions" that might have been made by the parties to it, would find small favor in a court of law. but even a desperate shift is some easement when sorely pushed. if this question is to be settled by "suppositions" suppositions shall be forthcoming, and that without stint. first, then, i affirm that the north ratified the constitution, "supposing" that slavery had begun to wax old, and would speedily vanish away, and especially that the abolition of the slave trade, which by the constitution was to be surrendered to congress after twenty years, would cast it headlong. would the north have adopted the constitution, giving three-fifths of the "slave property" a representation, if it had "supposed" that the slaves would have increased from half a million to two millions and a half by --and that the census of would give to the slave states thirty representatives of "slave property?" if they had "supposed" that this representation would have controlled the legislation of the government, and carried against the north every question vital to its interests, would hamilton, franklin, sherman, gerry, livingston, langdon, and rufus king have been such madmen, as to sign the constitution, and the northern states such suicides as to ratify it? every self-preserving instinct would have shrieked at such an infatuate immolation. at the adoption of the united states constitution, slavery was regarded as a fast waning system. this conviction was universal. washington, jefferson, henry, grayson, tucker, madison, wythe, pendleton, lee, blair, mason, page, parker, randolph, iredell, spaight, ramsey, pinkney, martin, mchenry, chase, and nearly all the illustrious names south of the potomac, proclaimed it before the sun. a reason urged in the convention that formed the united states constitution, why the word slave should not be used in it, was, that _when slavery should cease_, there might remain upon the national charter no record that it had ever been. (see speech of mr. burrill, of r.i., on the missouri question.) i now proceed to show by testimony, that at the date of the united states constitution, and for several years before and after that period, slavery was rapidly on the wane; that the american revolution with the great events preceding, accompanying, and following it, had wrought an immense and almost universal change in the public sentiment of the nation on the subject, powerfully impelling it toward the entire abolition of the system--and that it was the _general belief_ that measures for its abolition throughout the union, would be commenced by the individual states generally before the lapse of many years. a great mass of testimony establishing this position might be presented, but narrow space, and the importance of speedy publication, counsel brevity. let the following proofs suffice. first, a few dates as points of observation. the first _general_ congress met in . the revolutionary war commenced in ' . independence was declared in ' . the articles of confederation were adopted by the thirteen states in ' . independence acknowledged in ' . the convention for forming the u.s. constitution was held in ' , the state conventions for considering it in ' , and ' . the first congress under the constitution in ' . dr. rush, of pennsylvania, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, in a letter to granville sharpe, may , , says "a spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken in several of the colonies in favor of the poor negroes. great events have been brought about by small beginnings. _anthony benezet stood alone a few years ago in opposing negro slavery in philadelphia_, and now three-fourths of the province as well as of the city cry out against it."--[stuart's life of sharpe, p. .] in the preamble to the act prohibiting the importation of slaves into rhode island, june, , is the following: "whereas the inhabitants of america are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which that of personal freedom must be considered the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, _should be willing to extend personal liberty to others_, therefore," &c. october , , the continental congress passed the following: "we, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, _firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of our country_, as follows: " d article. we _will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported_ after the first day of december next, after which time we will _wholly discontinue_ the slave trade, and we will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it." the continental congress, in , setting forth the causes and the necessity for taking up arms, say: "_if it were possible_ for men who exercise their reason to believe that the divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race to _hold an absolute property in, and unbounded power over others_," &c. in , dr. hopkins, then at the head of new england divines, in "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the american colonies," says: "the conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice (slavery) has been _increasing_, and _greatly spreading of late_, and _many_ who have had slaves, have found themselves so unable to justify their own conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induced to _set them at liberty_. * * * * slavery is, _in every instance_, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive--a very great and crying sin--_there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth._" the same year the american congress issued a solemn manifesto to the world. these were its first words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." _once_, these were words of power; _now_, "a rhetorical flourish." the celebrated patrick henry of virginia, in a letter, of jan. , , to robert pleasants, afterwards president of the virginia abolition society, says: "believe me, i shall honor the quakers for their noble efforts to abolish slavery. it is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion to show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. i exhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution." in , the continental congress ordered a pamphlet to be published, entitled, "observations on the american revolution," from which the following is an extract: "the great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, _that men are by nature free_; and so long as we have any idea of divine _justice_, we must associate that of _human freedom_. it is _conceded on all hands, that the right to be free_ can never be alienated." extract from the pennsylvania act for the abolition of slavery, passed march , : * * "we conceive that it is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to others which has been extended to us. weaned by a long course of experience from those narrow prejudices and partialities we had imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all conditions and nations: * * * therefore be it enacted, that no child born hereafter be a slave," &c. jefferson, in his notes on virginia, written just before the close of the revolutionary war, says: "i think a change already perceptible since the origin of the present revolution. the spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, _the way i hope preparing under the auspices of heaven_, for a total emancipation." in a letter to dr. price, of london, who had just published a pamphlet in favor of the abolition of slavery, mr. jefferson, then minister at paris, (august , ,) says: "from the mouth to the head of the chesapeake, _the bulk of the people will approve of your pamphlet in theory_, and it will find a respectable minority ready to _adopt it in practice_--a minority which, for weight and worth of character, _preponderates against the greater number_." speaking of virginia, he says: "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression,--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits. be not, therefore, discouraged--what you have written will do a _great deal of good_; and could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the laboring side. the college of william and mary, since the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together all the young men of virginia, under preparation for public life. they are there under the direction (most of them) of a mr. wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and _whose sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal._ i am satisfied, if you could resolve to address an exhortation to those young men with all that eloquence of which you are master, that _its influence on the future decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive._ thus, you see, that so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you have done, _i wish you to do more, and wish it on an assurance of its effect._"--jefferson's posthumous works, vol. , p. . in , john jay drafted and signed a petition to the legislature of new york, on the subject of slavery, beginning with these words: "your memorialists being deeply affected by the situation of those, who, although free by the law of god, are held in slavery by the laws of the state," &c. this memorial bore also the signatures of the celebrated alexander hamilton; robert r. livingston, afterward secretary of foreign affairs of the united states, and chancellor of the state of new-york; james duane, major of the city of new-york, and many others of the most eminent individuals in the state. in the preamble of an instrument, by which mr. jay emancipated a slave in , is the following passage: "whereas, the children of men are by nature equally free, and cannot, without injustice, be either reduced to or held in slavery." in his letter while minister at spain, in , he says, speaking of the abolition of slavery: "till america comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. i believe god governs the world; and i believe it to be a maxim in his, as in our court, that those who ask for equity _ought to do it._" in , the new-york manumission society was formed. john jay was chosen its first president, and held the office for five years. alexander hamilton was its second president, and after holding the office one year, resigned upon his removal to philadelphia as secretary of the united states' treasury. in , the pennsylvania abolition society was formed. benjamin franklin, warm from the discussions of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution, was chosen president, and benjamin rush, secretary--both signers of the declaration of independence. in , the maryland abolition society was formed. among its officers were samuel chace, judge of the u.s. supreme court, and luther martin, a member of the convention that formed the u.s. constitution. in , the connecticut abolition society was formed. the first president was rev. dr. stiles, president of yale college, and the secretary, simeon baldwin, (the late judge baldwin of new haven.) in , this society sent a memorial to congress, from which the following is an extract: "from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom. your petitioners are fully of opinion; that calm reflection will at last convince the world, that the whole system of african slavery is unjust in its nature--impolitic in its principles--and, in its consequences, ruinous to the industry and enterprise of the citizens of these states. from a conviction of those truths, your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men; and, though this society has been _lately_ established, it has now become _generally extensive_ through this state, and, we fully believe, _embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens._" the same year the virginia abolition society was formed. this society, and the maryland society, had auxiliaries in different parts of those states. both societies sent up memorials to congress. the memorial of the virginia society is headed--"the memorial of the _virginia society_, for promoting the abolition of slavery, &c." the following is an extract: "your memorialists, fully believing that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an _outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel_, lament that a practice so inconsistent with true policy and the inalienable rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and among a people professing, that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom." about the same time a society was formed in new jersey. it had an acting committee of five members in each county in the state. the following is an extract from the preamble to its constitution: "it is our boast, that we live under a government wherein _life_, _liberty_, and the _pursuit of happiness_, are recognized as the universal rights of men; and whilst we are anxious to preserve these rights to ourselves, and transmit them inviolate, to our posterity, we _abhor that inconsistent, illiberal, and interested policy, which withholds those rights from an unfortunate and degraded class of our fellow creatures._" among other distinguished individuals who were efficient officers of these abolition societies, and delegates from their respective state societies, at the annual meetings of the american convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, were hon. uriah tracy, united states' senator, from connecticut; hon. zephaniah swift, chief justice of the same state; hon. cesar a. rodney, attorney general of the united states; hon. james a. bayard, united states' senator, from delaware; governor bloomfield, of new-jersey; hon. wm. rawle, the late venerable head of the philadelphia bar; dr. caspar wistar, of philadelphia; messrs. foster and tillinghast, of rhode island; messrs. ridgely, buchanan, and wilkinson, of maryland; and messrs. pleasants, mclean, and anthony, of virginia. in july, , the old congress passed the celebrated ordinance abolishing slavery in the northwestern territory, and declaring that it should never thereafter exist there. this ordinance was passed while the convention that formed the united states' constitution was in session. at the first session of congress under the constitution, this ordinance was ratified by a special act. washington, fresh from the discussions of the convention, in which _more than forty days had been spent in adjusting the question of slavery, gave it his approval._ the act passed with only one dissenting voice, (that of mr. yates, of new york,) _the south equally with the north avowing the fitness and expediency of the measure on general considerations, and indicating thus early the line of national policy, to be pursued by the united states' government on the subject of slavery_. in the debates in the north carolina convention, mr. iredell, afterward a judge of the united states' supreme court, said, "_when the entire abolition of slavery takes place_, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." mr. galloway said, "i wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. i apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means _to bring forward manumission_." luther martin, of maryland, a member of the convention that formed the united states constitution, said, "we ought to authorize the general government to make such regulations as shall be thought most advantageous for _the gradual abolition of slavery_, and the _emancipation of the slaves_ which are already in the states." judge wilson, of pennsylvania, one of the framers of the constitution, said, in the pennsylvania convention of ' , [deb. pa. con. p. , :] "i consider this (the clause relative to the slave trade) as laying the foundation for _banishing slavery out of this country_. it will produce the same kind of gradual change which was produced in pennsylvania; the new states which are to be formed will be under the control of congress in this particular, and _slaves will never be introduced_ among them. it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established _throughout the union_. yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to _exterminate slavery_ within our borders." in the virginia convention of ' , mr. mason, author of the virginia constitution, said, "the augmentation of slaves weakens the states, and such a trade is _diabolical_ in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. as much as i value a union of all the states, i would not admit the southern states, (i.e., south carolina and georgia,) into the union, _unless they agree to a discontinuance of this disgraceful trade_." mr. tyler opposed with great power the clause prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade till , and said, "my earnest desire is, that it shall be handed down to posterity that i oppose this wicked clause." mr. johnson said, "the principle of emancipation _has begun since the revolution. let us do what we will, it will come round_."--[deb. va. con. p. .] patrick henry, arguing the power of congress under the united states' constitution to abolish slavery in the states, said, in the same convention, "another thing will contribute to bring this event (the abolition of slavery) about. slavery is _detested_. we feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with all the pity of humanity."--[deb. va. con. p. .] in the mass. con. of ' , judge dawes said, "although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet _it has received a mortal wound_, and will die of consumption."--[deb. mass. con. p. .] general heath said that, "slavery was confined to the states _now existing_, it _could not be extended_. by their ordinance, congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, _and have no slavery_."--p. . in the debate, in the first congress, february th and th, , on the petitions of the society of friends, and the pennsylvania abolition society, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "i cannot help expressing the pleasure i feel in finding _so considerable a part_ of the community attending to matters of such a momentous concern to the _future prosperity_ and happiness of the people of america. i think it my duty, as a citizen of the union, _to espouse their cause_." mr. page, of virginia, (afterward governor)--"was _in favor_ of the commitment; he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. with respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the memorial was _not_ taken into consideration. he placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, _from which was expected great good would result to_ every class _of citizens_, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. but if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and _wait the decision patiently_." mr. scott of pennsylvania: "i cannot, for my part, conceive how any person _can be said to acquire a property in another_. let us argue on principles countenanced by reason, and becoming humanity. _i do not know how far i might go, if i was one of the judges of the united states, and those people were to came before me and claim their emancipation, but i am sure i would go as far as i could_." mr. burke, of south carolina, said, "he _saw the disposition of the house_, and he feared it would he referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." mr. smith of south carolina, said, "that on entering into this government, they (south carolina and georgia) apprehended that the other states, * * _would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation_." in the debate, at the same session, may th, , on the petition of the society of friends respecting the slave trade, mr. parker, of virginia, said, "he hoped congress would do all that lay in their power _to restore to human nature its inherent privileges_. the inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged _should be done away_." mr. jackson, of georgia, said, "it was the fashion of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves. * * * * will virginia set her negroes free? _when this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear_." mr. madison, of virginia,--"the dictates of humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and happiness, and prudent policy, require it of us. * * * * i conceive the constitution in this particular was formed in order that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be able to _give some testimony of the sense of america_, with respect to the african trade. * * * * it is to be hoped, that by expressing a national disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. if there is any one point in which it is clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, _to vary the practice_ obtaining under some of the state governments, it is this. but it is _certain_ a majority of the states are _opposed to this practice_."--cong. reg. v. , p. - . a writer in the "gazette of the united states," feb. th, , (then the government paper,) who opposes the abolition of slavery, and avows himself a _slaveholder_, says, "i have seen in the papers accounts of _large associations_, and applications to government for _the abolition of slavery_. religion, humanity, and the generosity natural to a free people, are the _noble principles which dictate those measures_. such motives command respect, and are above any eulogium words can bestow." in the convention that formed the constitution of kentucky in , the effort to prohibit slavery was nearly successful. a decided majority of that body would undoubtedly have voted for its exclusion, but for the great efforts and influence of two large slaveholders--men of commanding talents and sway--messrs. breckenridge and nicholas. the following extract from a speech made in that convention by a member of it, mr. rice a native virginian, is a specimen of the _free discussion_ that prevailed on that "delicate subject." said mr. rice: "i do a man greater injury, when i deprive him of his liberty, than when i deprive him of his property. it is vain for me to plead that i have the sanction of law; for this makes the injury the greater--it arms the community against him, and makes his case desperate. the owners of such slaves then are _licensed robbers_, and not the just proprietors of what they claim. freeing them is not depriving them of property, but _restoring it to the right owner_. in america, a slave is a standing monument of the tyranny and inconsistency of human governments. the master is the enemy of the slave; he _has made open war upon him_, and is daily carrying it on in unremitted efforts. can any one imagine, then, that the slave is indebted to his master, and _bound to serve him_? whence can the obligation arise? what is it founded upon? what is my duty to an enemy that is carrying on war against me? i do not deny, but in some circumstances, it is the duty of the slave to serve; but it is a duty he owes himself, and not his master." president edwards, the younger, said, in a sermon preached before the connecticut abolition society, sept. , : "thirty years ago, scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in congress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? and if we judge of the future by the past, _within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft_." in , the general assembly of the presbyterian church adopted its "scripture proofs," notes, comments, &c. among these was the following: " tim. i. . the law is made for manstealers. this crime among the jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment. exodus xxi. . and the apostle here classes them with _sinners of the first rank_. the word he uses, in its original import comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in _retaining_ them in it. _stealers of men_ are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and _keep_, sell, or buy them." in , dr. rush declared: "domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles of christianity. it prostrates every benevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. it is rebellion against the authority of a common father. it is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common savior. it is an usurpation of the prerogative of the great sovereign of the universe, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the souls of men." in , mr. fiske, then an officer of dartmouth college, afterward a judge in tennessee, said, in an oration published that year, speaking of slaves: "i steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to _an equal standing, in point of privileges, with the whites_! they must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature." when the petition on the abolition of the slave trade was under discussion in the congress of ' , mr. brown, of north carolina, said, "the emancipation of the slaves _will be effected_ in time; it ought to be a gradual business, but he hoped that congress would not _precipitate_ it to the great injury of the southern states." mr. hartley, of pennsylvania, said, in the same debate, "_he was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that house._" washington, in a letter to sir john sinclair, says, "there are, in pennsylvania, laws for the gradual abolition of slavery which neither maryland nor virginia have at present, but which _nothing is more certain_ than that they _must have_, and at a period not remote." in , virginia passed her celebrated manumission act. within nine years from that time nearly eleven thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated by their masters. judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. . in , maryland passed an act legalizing manumission. mr. dorsey, of maryland, in a speech in congress, december th, , speaking of manumissions under that act, said, that "_the progress of emancipation was astonishing_, the state became crowded with a free black population." the celebrated william pinkney, in a speech before the maryland house of delegates, in , on the emancipation of slaves, said, "sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, _no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bondage for a single hour_.... i would as soon believe the incoherent tale of a schoolboy, who should tell me he had been frightened by a ghost, as that the grant of this permission (to emancipate) ought in any degree to alarm us. are we apprehensive that these men will become more dangerous by becoming freemen? are we alarmed, lest by being admitted into the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? strange, unaccountable paradox! how much more rational would it be, to argue that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself! dishonorable to the species is the idea that they would ever prove injurious to our interests--released from the shackles of slavery, by the justice of government and the bounty of individuals--the want of fidelity and attachment would be next to impossible." hon. james campbell, in an address before the pennsylvania society of the cincinnati, july , , said, "our separation from great britain has extended the empire of humanity. the time _is not far distant_ when our sister states, in imitation of our example, _shall turn their vassals into freemen_." the convention that formed the united states' constitution being then in session, attended at the delivery of this oration with general washington at their head. a baltimore paper of september th, , contains the following notice of major general gates: "a few days ago passed through this town the hon. general gates and lady. the general, previous to leaving virginia, summoned his numerous family of slaves about him, and amidst their tears of affection and gratitude, gave them their freedom." in the university of william and mary, in virginia, conferred upon granville sharpe the degree of doctor of laws. sharpe was at that time the acknowledged head of british abolitionists. his indefatigable exertions, prosecuted for years in the case of somerset, procured that memorable decision in the court of king's bench, which settled the principle that no slave could be held in england. he was most uncompromising in his opposition to slavery, and for twenty years previous he had spoken, written, and accomplished more against it than any man living. in the "memoirs of the revolutionary war in the southern department," by gen. lee, of va., commandant of the partizan legion, is the following: "the constitution of the united states, adopted lately with so much difficulty, has effectually provided against this evil, (by importation) after a few years. it is much to be lamented that having done so much in this way, _a provision had not been made for the gradual abolition of slavery_."--p. , . mr. tucker, of virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the university of william and mary, addressed a letter to the general assembly of that state, in , urging the abolition of slavery; from which the following is an extract. speaking of the slaves in virginia, he says: "should we not, at the time of the revolution, have loosed their chains and broken their fetters; or if the difficulties and dangers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt, during the convulsions of a revolution, is it not our duty, _to embrace the first moment_ of constitutional health and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor our consciences to reproach us?" mr. faulkner, in a speech before the virginia legislature, jan. , , said--"the idea of a gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves from this commonwealth, is coeval with the declaration of our independence from the british yoke. it sprung into existence during the first session of the general assembly, subsequent to the formation of your republican government. when virginia stood sustained in her legislation by the pure and philosophic intellect of pendleton--by the patriotism of mason and lee--by the searching vigor and sagacity of wythe, and by the all-embracing, all-comprehensive genius of thomas jefferson! sir, it was a committee composed of those five illustrious men, who, in , submitted to the general assembly of this state, then in session, _a plan for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of this commonwealth_." hon. benjamin watkins leigh, late united states' senator from virginia, in his letters to the people of virginia, in , signed appomattox, p. , says: "i thought, till very lately, that it was known to every body that during the revolution, _and for many years after, the abolition of slavery was a favorite topic with many of our ablest statesmen_, who entertained, with respect, all the schemes which wisdom or ingenuity could suggest for accomplishing the object. mr. wythe, to the day of his death, _was for a simple abolition, considering the objection to color as founded in prejudice_. by degrees, all projects of the kind were abandoned. mr. jefferson _retained_ his opinion, and now we have these projects revived." governor barbour, of virginia, in his speech in the u.s. senate, on the missouri question, jan. , said:--"we are asked why has virginia _changed her policy_ in reference to slavery? that the sentiments of _our most distinguished men_, for thirty years _entirely corresponded_ with the course which the friends of the restriction (of slavery in missouri) now advocated; and that the virginia delegation, one of whom was the late president of the united states, voted for the restriction, (of slavery) in the northwestern territory, and that mr. jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery. when it is recollected that the notes of mr. jefferson were written during the progress of the revolution, it is no matter of surprise that the writer should have imbibed a large portion of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. as to the consent of the virginia delegation to the restriction in question, whether the result of a disposition to restrain the slave trade indirectly, or the influence of that enthusiasm to which i have just alluded, * * * * it is not now important to decide. we have witnessed its effects. the liberality of virginia, or, as the result may prove, her folly, which submitted to, or, if you will, proposed _this measure_, (abolition of slavery in the n.w. territory) has eventuated in effects which speak a monitory lesson. _how is the representation from this quarter on the present question?_" mr. imlay, in his early history of kentucky, p. , says: "we have disgraced the fair face of humanity, and trampled upon the sacred privileges of man, at the very moment that we were exclaiming against the tyranny of your (the english) ministry. but in contending for the birthright of freedom, we have learned to feel _for the bondage of others_, and in the libations we offer to the goddess of liberty, we _contemplate an emancipation of the slaves of this country_, as honorable to themselves as it will be glorious to us." in the debate in congress, jan, , , on mr. sloan's motion to lay a tax on the importation of slaves, mr. clark of va. said: "he was no advocate for a system of slavery." mr. marion, of s. carolina, said: "he never had purchased, nor should he ever purchase a slave." mr. southard said: "not revenue, but an expression of the _national sentiment_ is the principal object." mr. smilie--"i rejoice that the word (slave) is not in the constitution; its not being there does honor to the worthies who would not suffer it to become a _part_ of it." mr. alston, of n. carolina--"in two years we shall have the power to prohibit the trade altogether. then this house will be unanimous. no one will object to our exercising our full constitutional powers." national intelligencer, jan. , . these witnesses need no vouchers to entitle them to credit; nor their testimony comments to make it intelligible--their _names_ are their _endorsers_ and their strong words their own interpreters. we wave all comments. our readers are of age. whosoever hath ears to _hear_, let him hear. and whosoever will not hear the fathers of the revolution, the founders of the government, its chief magistrates, judges, legislators and sages, who dared and periled all under the burdens, and in the heat of the day that tried men's souls--then "neither will he be persuaded though they rose from the dead." some of the points established by the testimony are--the universal expectation that the _moral_ influence of congress, of state legislatures, of seminaries of learning, of churches, of the ministers of religion, and of public sentiment widely embodied in abolition societies, would be exerted against slavery, calling forth by argument and appeal the moral sense of the nation, and creating a power of opinion that would abolish the system throughout the union. in a word, that free speech and a free press would be wielded against slavery without ceasing and without restriction. full well did the south know, not only that the national government would probably legislate against slavery wherever the constitution placed it within its reach, but she knew also that congress had already marked out the line of national policy to be pursued on the subject--had committed itself before the world to a course of action against slavery, wherever she could move upon it without encountering a conflicting jurisdiction--that the nation had established by solemn ordinance memorable precedent for subsequent action, by abolishing slavery in the northwest territory, and by declaring that it should never thenceforward exist there; and this too, as soon as by cession of virginia and other states, the territory came under congressional control. the south knew also that the sixth article in the ordinance prohibiting slavery was first proposed by the largest slaveholding state in the confederacy--that the chairman of the committee that reported the ordinance was a slaveholder--that the ordinance was enacted by congress during the session of the convention that formed the united states constitution--that the provisions of the ordinance were, both while in prospect, and when under discussion, matters of universal notoriety and _approval_ with all parties, and when finally passed, received the vote _of every member of congress from each of the slaveholding states_. the south also had every reason for believing that the first congress under the constitution would _ratify_ that ordinance--as it _did_ unanimously. a crowd of reflections, suggested by the preceding testimony, press for utterance. the right of petition ravished and trampled by its constitutional guardians, and insult and defiance hurled in the faces of the sovereign people while calmly remonstrating _with their_ servants for violence committed on the nation's charter and their own dearest rights! add to this "the right of peaceably assembling" violently wrested--the rights of minorities, _rights_ no longer--free speech struck dumb--free _men_ outlawed and murdered--free presses cast into the streets and their fragments strewed with shoutings, or flourished in triumph before the gaze of approving crowds as proud members of prostrate law! the spirit and power of our fathers, where are they? their deep homage always and every where rendered to free thought, with its _inseparable signs--free speech and a free press_--their reverence for justice, liberty, _rights_ and all-pervading law, where are they? but we turn from these considerations--though the times on which we have fallen, and those towards which we are borne with headlong haste, call for their discussion as with the voices of departing life--and proceed to topics relevant to the argument before us. the seventh article of the amendments to the constitution is alleged to withhold from congress the power to abolish slavery in the district. "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." all the slaves in the district have been "deprived of liberty" by legislative acts. now, these legislative acts "depriving" them "of liberty," were either "due process of law," or they were _not_. if they _were_, then a legislative act, taking from the master that "property" which is the identical "liberty" previously taken from the slave, would be "due process of law" _also_, and of course a _constitutional_ act; but if the legislative acts "depriving" them of "liberty" were _not_ "due process of law," then the slaves were deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and these acts are _void_. in that case the _constitution emancipates them_. if the objector reply, by saying that the import of the phrase "due process of law," is _judicial_ process solely, it is granted, and that fact is our rejoinder; for no slave in the district _has_ been deprived of his liberty by "a judicial process," or, in other words, by "due process of law;" consequently, upon the objector's own admission, every slave in the district has been deprived of liberty _unconstitutionally_, and is therefore _free by the constitution_. this is asserted only of the slaves under the "exclusive legislation" of congress. the last clause of the article under consideration is quoted for the same purpose: "nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." each of the state constitutions has a clause of similar purport. the abolition of slavery in the district by congress, would not, as we shall presently show, violate this clause either directly or by implication. granting for argument's sake, that slaves are "private property," and that to emancipate them, would be to "take private property" for "public use," the objector admits the power of congress to do _this_, provided it will do something _else_, that is, _pay_ for them. thus, instead of denying the _power_, the objector not only admits, but _affirms_ it, as the ground of the inference that compensation must accompany it. so far from disproving the existence of _one_ power, the objector asserts the existence of _two_--one, the power to take the slaves from their masters, the other, the power to take the property of the united states to pay for them. if congress cannot constitutionally impair the right of private property, or take it without compensation, it cannot constitutionally, _legalise_ the perpetration of such acts, by _others_, nor _protect_ those who commit them. does the power to rob a man of his earnings, rob the earner of his right to them? who has a better right to the _product_ than the producer?--to the _interest_, than the owner of the _principal_?--to the hands and arms, than he from whose shoulders they swing?--to the body and soul, than he whose they _are_? congress not only impairs but annihilates the right of private property, while it withholds from the slaves of the district their title to _themselves_. what! congress powerless to protect a man's right to _himself_, when it can make inviolable the right to a _dog_! but, waving this, i deny that the abolition of slavery in the district would violate this clause. what does the clause prohibit? the "taking" of "private property" for "public use." suppose congress should emancipate the slaves in the district, what would it "_take_?" nothing. what would it _hold_? nothing. what would it put to "public use?" nothing. instead of _taking_ "private property," congress, by abolishing slavery, would say "_private property_ shall not _be_ taken; and those who have been robbed of it already, shall be kept out of it no longer; and since every man's right to his own body is _paramount_, he shall be protected in it." true, congress may not arbitrarily take property, _as_ property, from one man and give it to another--and in the abolition of slavery no such thing is done. a legislative act changes the _condition_ of the slave--makes him his own _proprietor_ instead of the property of another. it determines a question of _original right_ between two classes of persons--doing an act of justice to one, and restraining the other from acts of injustice; or, in other words, preventing one from robbing the other, by granting to the injured party the protection of just and equitable laws. congress, by an act of abolition, would change the condition of seven thousand "persons" in the district, but would "take" nothing. to construe this provision so as to enable the citizens of the district to hold as property, and in perpetuity, whatever they please, or to hold it as property in all circumstances--all necessity, public welfare, and the will and power of the government to the contrary notwithstanding--is a total perversion of its whole _intent_. the _design_ of the provision, was to throw up a barrier against governmental aggrandizement. the right to "take property" for _state uses_ is one thing;--the right so to adjust the _tenures_ by which property is held, that _each may have his own secured to him_, is another thing, and clearly within the scope of legislation. besides, if congress were to "take" the slaves in the district, it would be _adopting_, not abolishing slavery--becoming a slaveholder itself, instead of requiring others to be such no longer. the clause in question, prohibits the "taking" of individual property for public uses, to be employed or disposed of as property for governmental purposes. congress, by abolishing slavery in the district, would do no such thing. it would merely change the _condition_ of that which has been recognised as a qualified property by congressional acts, though previously declared "persons" by the constitution. more than this is done continually by congress and every other legislature. property the most absolute and unqualified, is annihilated by legislative acts. the embargo and non-intercourse act, prostrated at a stroke, a forest of shipping, and sunk millions of capital. to say nothing of the power of congress to take hundreds of millions from the people by direct taxation, who doubts its power to abolish at once the whole tariff system, change the seat of government, arrest the progress of national works, prohibit any branch of commerce with the indian tribes or with foreign nations, change the locality of forts, arsenals, magazines, dock yards, &c., to abolish the post office system, the privilege of patents and copyrights, &c. by such acts congress might, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, annihilate property to an incalculable amount, and that without becoming liable to claims for compensation. finally, this clause prohibits the taking for public use of "_property_." the constitution of the united states does not recognise slaves as "property" any where, and it does not recognise them in _any sense_ in the district of columbia. all allusions to them in the constitution recognise them as "persons." every reference to them points _solely_ to the element of _personality_; and thus, by the strongest implication, declares that the constitution _knows_ them only as "persons," and _will_ not recognise them in any other light. if they escape into free states, the constitution authorizes their being taken back. but how? not as the property of an "owner," but as "persons;" and the peculiarity of the expression is a marked recognition of their _personality_--a refusal to recognise them as chattels--"persons _held_ to service." are _oxen_ "_held_ to service?" that can be affirmed only of _persons_. again, slaves give political power as "persons." the constitution, in settling the principle of representation, requires their enumeration in the census. how? as property? then why not include race horses and game cocks? slaves, like other inhabitants, are enumerated as "persons." so by the constitution, the government was pledged to non-interference with "the migration or importation of such persons" as the states might think proper to admit until , and authorized the laying of a tax on each "person" so admitted. further, slaves are recognised as _persons_ by the exaction of their _allegiance_ to the government. for offences against the government slaves are tried as _persons_; as persons they are entitled to counsel for their defence, to the rules of evidence, and to "due process of law," and as _persons_ they are punished. true, they are loaded with cruel disabilities in courts of law, such as greatly obstruct and often inevitably defeat the ends of justice, yet they are still recognised as _persons_. even in the legislation of congress, and in the diplomacy of the general government, notwithstanding the frequent and wide departures from the integrity of the constitution on this subject, slaves are not recognised as _property_ without qualification. congress has always refused to grant compensation for slaves killed or taken by the enemy, even when these slaves had been impressed into the united states' service. in half a score of cases since the last war, congress has rejected such applications for compensation. besides, both in congressional acts, and in our national diplomacy, slaves and property are not used as convertible terms. when mentioned in treaties and state papers it is in such a way as to distinguish them from mere property, and generally by a recognition of their _personality_. in the invariable recognition of slaves as _persons_, the united states' constitution caught the mantle of the glorious declaration, and most worthily wears it.--it recognizes all human beings as "men," "persons," and thus as "equals." in the original draft of the declaration, as it came from the hand of jefferson, it is alleged that great britain had "waged a cruel war against _human_ nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, carrying them into slavery, * * determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold,"--thus disdaining to make the charter of freedom a warrant for the arrest of _men_, that they might be shorn both of liberty and humanity. the celebrated roger sherman, one of the committee of five appointed to draft the declaration of independence, and also a member of the convention that formed the united states' constitution, said, in the first congress after its adoption: "the constitution _does not consider these persons,_ (slaves,) _as a species of property._"--[lloyd's cong. reg. v. , p. .] that the united states' constitution does not make slaves "property," is shown in the fact that no person, either as a citizen of the united states, or by having his domicile within the united states' government, can hold slaves. he can hold them only by deriving his power from _state_ laws, or from the laws of congress, if he hold slaves within the district. but no person resident within the united states' jurisdiction, and not within the district, nor within a state whose laws support slavery, nor "held to service" under the laws of such state or district, having escaped therefrom, _can be held as a slave_. men can hold _property_ under the united states' government though residing beyond the bounds of any state, district, or territory. an inhabitant of the wisconsin territory can hold property there under the laws of the united states, but he cannot hold _slaves_ there under the united states' laws, nor by virtue of the united states' constitution, nor upon the ground of his united states citizenship, nor by having his domicile within the united states' jurisdiction. the constitution no where recognizes the right to "slave property," _but merely the fact that the states have jurisdiction each in its own limits, and that there are certain "persons" within their jurisdictions "held to service" by their own laws._ finally, in the clause under consideration, "private property" is not to be taken "without _just_ compensation." "just!" if justice is to be appealed to in determining the amount of compensation, let her determine the _grounds_ also. if it be her province to say _how much_ compensation is "just," it is hers to say whether _any_ is "just,"--whether the slave is "just" property _at all_, rather than a "_person_." then, if justice adjudges the slave to be "private property," it adjudges him to be _his own_ property, since the right to one's _self_ is the first right--the source of all others--the original stock by which they are accumulated--the principal, of which they are the interest. and since the slave's "private property" has been "taken," and since "compensation" is impossible--there being no _equivalent_ for one's self--the least that can be done is to restore to him his original private property. having shown that in abolishing slavery, "property" would not be "taken for public use," it may be added that, in those states where slavery has been abolished by law, no claim for compensation has been allowed. indeed the manifest absurdity of demanding it, seems to have quite forstalled the _setting up_ of such a claim. the abolition of slavery in the district, instead of being a legislative anomaly, would proceed upon the principles of every day legislation. it has been shown already, that the united states' constitution does not recognize slaves as "property." yet ordinary legislation is full of precedents, showing that even _absolute_ property is in many respects wholly subject to legislation. the repeal of the law of entailments--all those acts that control the alienation of property, its disposal by will, its passing to heirs by descent, with the question, who shall be heirs, and what shall be the rule of distribution among them, or whether property shall be transmitted at all by descent, rather than escheat to the state--these, with statutes of limitation, and various other classes of legislative acts, serve to illustrate the acknowledged scope of the law-making power, even where property _is in every sense absolute_. persons whose property is thus affected by public laws, receive from the government no compensation for their losses, unless the state has been put in possession of the property taken from them. the preamble of the united states' constitution declares it to be a fundamental object of the organization of the government "to establish justice." has congress _no power_ to do that for which it was made the _depository of power_? cannot the united states' government fulfil the purpose _for which it was brought into being_? to abolish slavery, is to take from no rightful owner his property; but to "_establish justice_" between two parties. to emancipate the slave, is to "_establish justice_" between him and his master--to throw around the person, character, conscience, liberty, and domestic relations of the one, _the same law_ that secures and blesses the other. in other words, to prevent by _legal restraints_ one class of men from seizing upon another class, and robbing them at pleasure of their earnings, their time, their liberty, their kindred, and the very use and ownership of their own persons. finally, to abolish slavery is to proclaim and _enact_ that innocence and helplessness--now _free plunder_--are entitled to _legal protection_; and that power, avarice, and lust, shall no longer gorge upon their spoils under the license, and by the ministrations of _law_! congress, by possessing "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever," has a _general protective power_ for all the inhabitants of the district. if it has no power to protect _one_ man, it has none to protect another--none to protect _any_--and if it _can_ protect _one_ man and is _bound_ to protect him, it _can_ protect _every_ man--all men--and is _bound_ to do it. all admit the power of congress to protect the masters in the district against their slaves. what part of the constitution gives the power? the clause so often quoted,--"power of legislation in all cases whatsoever," equally in the "_case_" of defending the blacks against the whites, as in that of defending the whites against the blacks. the power is given also by art. , sec. , clause --"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections"--a power to protect, as well blacks against whites, as whites against blacks. if the constitution gives power to protect _one_ class against the other, it gives power to protect _either_ against the other. suppose the blacks in the district should seize the whites, drive them into the fields and kitchens, force them to work without pay, flog them, imprison them, and sell them at their pleasure, where would congress find power to restrain such acts? answer; a _general_ power in the clause so often cited, and an _express_ one in that cited above--"congress shall have power to suppress insurrections." so much for a _supposed_ case. here follows a _real_ one. the whites in the district _are perpetrating these identical acts_ upon seven thousand blacks daily. that congress has power to restrain these acts in _one_ case, all assert, and in so doing they assert the power "in _all_ cases whatsoever." for the grant of power to suppress insurrections, is an _unconditional_ grant, not hampered by provisos as to the color, shape, size, sex, language, creed, or condition of the insurgents. congress derives its power to suppress this _actual_ insurrection, from the same source whence it derived its power to suppress the _same_ acts in the case _supposed_. if one case is an insurrection, the other is. the _acts_ in both are the same; the _actors_ only are different. in the one case, ignorant and degraded--goaded by the memory of the past, stung by the present, and driven to desperation by the fearful looking for of wrongs for ever to come. in the other, enlightened into the nature of _rights_, the principles of justice, and the dictates of the law of love, unprovoked by wrongs, with cool deliberation, and by system, they perpetrate these acts upon those to whom they owe unnumbered obligations for _whole lives_ of unrequited service. on which side may palliation be pleaded, and which party may most reasonably claim an abatement of the rigors of law? if congress has power to suppress such acts _at all_, it has power to suppress them _in_ all. it has been shown already that _allegiance_ is exacted of the slave. is the government of the united states unable to grant _protection_ where it exacts _allegiance_? it is an axiom of the civilized world, and a maxim even with savages, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal and correlative. are principles powerless with us which exact homage of barbarians? _protection is the_ constitutional right _of every human being under the exclusive legislation of congress who has not forfeited it by crime._ in conclusion, i argue the power of congress to abolish slavery in the district, from art. , sec, , clause , of the constitution; "congress shall have power to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the united states." has the government of the united states no power under this grant, to legislate within its own exclusive jurisdiction on subjects that vitally affect its interests? suppose the slaves in the district should rise upon their masters, and the united states' government, in quelling the insurrection, should kill any number of them. could their masters claim compensation of the government? manifestly not; even though no proof existed that the particular slaves killed were insurgents. this was precisely the point at issue between those masters, whose slaves were killed by the state troops at the time of the southampton insurrection, and the virginia legislature: no evidence was brought to show that the slaves killed by the troops were insurgents; yet the virginia legislature decided that their masters were _not entitled to compensation_. they proceeded on the sound principle, that a government may in self-protection destroy the claim of its subjects even to that which has been recognized as property by its own acts. if in providing for the common defence, the united states' government, in the case supposed, would have power to destroy slaves both as _property_ and _persons_, it surely might stop _half-way_, destroy them _as property_ while it legalized their existence as _persons_, and thus provided for the common defence by giving them a personal and powerful interest in the government, and securing their strength for its defence. like other legislatures, congress has power to abate nuisances--to remove or tear down unsafe buildings--to destroy infected cargoes--to lay injunctions upon manufactories injurious to the public health--and thus to "provide for the common defence and general welfare" by destroying individual property, when such property puts in jeopardy the public weal. granting, for argument's sake, that slaves are "property" in the district of columbia--if congress has a right to annihilate property in the district when the public safety requires it, it may surely annihilate its existence _as_ property when the public safety requires it, especially if it transform into a _protection_ and _defence_ that which as _property_ perilled the public interests. in the district of columbia there are, besides the united states' capitol, the president's house, the national offices, &c. of the departments of state, treasury, war, and navy, the general post-office, and patent office. it is also the residence of the president, all the highest officers of the government, both houses of congress, and all the foreign ambassadors. in this same district there are also _seven thousand slaves_. jefferson, in his notes on va. p. , says of slavery, that "the state permitting one half of its citizens to trample on the rights of the other, _transforms them into enemies_;" and richard henry lee, in the va. house of burgesses in , declared that to those who held them, "_slaves must be natural enemies_." is congress so _impotent_ that it _cannot_ exercise that right pronounced both by municipal and national law, the most sacred and universal--the right of self-preservation and defence? is it shut up to the _necessity_ of keeping seven thousand "enemies" in the heart of the nation's citadel? does the iron fiat of the constitution doom it to such imbecility that it _cannot_ arrest the process that _made_ them "enemies," and still goads to deadlier hate by fiery trials, and day by day adds others to their number? is _this_ providing for the common defence and general welfare? if to rob men of rights excites their hate, freely to restore them and make amends, will win their love. by emancipating the slaves in the district, the government of the united states would disband an army of "enemies," and enlist "for the common defence and general welfare," a body guard of _friends_ seven thousand strong. in the last year, a handful of british soldiers sacked washington city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and the national offices and archives; and no marvel, for thousands of the inhabitants of the district had been "transformed into enemies." would _they_ beat back invasion? if the national government had exercised its constitutional "power to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," by turning those "enemies" into friends, then, instead of a hostile ambush lurking in every thicket inviting assault, and secret foes in every house paralyzing defence, an army of allies would have rallied in the hour of her calamity, and shouted defiance from their munitions of rocks; whilst the banner of the republic, then trampled in dust, would have floated securely over freemen exulting amidst bulwarks of strength. to show that congress can abolish slavery in the district, under the grant of power "to provide for the common defence and to promote the general welfare," i quote an extract from a speech of mr. madison, of va., in the first congress under the constitution, may , . speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, mr. madison says: "i should venture to say it is as much for the interests of georgia and south carolina, as of any state in the union. every addition they receive to their number of slaves tends to _weaken_ them, and renders them less capable of self-defence. in case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of _inviting_ attack instead of repelling invasion. it is a necessary duty of the general government to protect every part of the empire against danger, as well _internal_ as external. _every thing, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government._" see cong. reg. vol. , p. , . postscript my apology for adding a _postscript_, to a discussion already perhaps too protracted, is the fact that the preceding sheets were in the hands of the printer, and all but the concluding pages had gone through the press, before the passage of mr. calhoun's late resolutions in the senate of the united states. a proceeding so extraordinary,--if indeed the time has not passed when _any_ acts of congress in derogation of freedom and in deference to slavery, can be deemed extraordinary,--should not be suffered to pass in silence at such a crisis as the present; especially as the passage of one of the resolutions by a vote of to , exhibits a shift of position on the part of the south, as sudden as it is unaccountable, being nothing less than the surrender of a fortress which until then they had defended with the pertinacity of a blind and almost infuriated fatuity. upon the discussions during the pendency of the resolutions, and upon the vote, by which they were carried, i make no comment, save only to record my exultation in the fact there exhibited, that great emergencies are _true touchstones_, and that henceforward, until this question is settled, whoever holds a seat in congress will find upon, and all around him, a pressure strong enough to test him--a focal blaze that will find its way through the carefully adjusted cloak of fair pretension, and the sevenfold brass of two-faced political intrigue, and _no_-faced _non-committalism_, piercing to the dividing asunder of joints and marrow. be it known to every northern man who aspires to a seat in congress, that hereafter it is the destiny of congressional action on this subject, to be a mighty revelator--making secret thoughts public property, and proclaiming on the house-tops what is whispered in the ear--smiting off masks, and bursting open sepulchres beautiful outwardly, and heaving up to the sun their dead men's bones. to such we say,--_remember the missouri question, and the fate of those who then sold the north, and their own birthright_! passing by the resolutions generally without remark--the attention of the reader is specially solicited to mr. clay's substitute for mr. calhoun's fifth resolution. "resolved, that when the district of columbia was ceded by the states of virginia and maryland to the united states, domestic slavery existed in both of these states, including the ceded territory, and that, as it still continues in both of them, it could not be abolished within the district without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory; nor, unless compensation were made to the proprietors of slaves, without a manifest infringement of an amendment to the constitution of the united states; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the states recognizing slavery, far transcending in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit which could be accomplished by the abolition." by voting for this resolution, the south, by a simultaneous movement, shifted its mode of defense, not so much by taking a position entirely new, as by attempting to refortify an old one--never much trusted in, and abandoned mainly long ago, as being unable to hold out against assault however unskilfully directed. in the debate on this resolution, though the southern members of congress did not _professedly_ retreat from the ground hitherto maintained by them--that congress has no power by the constitution to abolish slavery in the district--yet in the main they silently drew off from it. the passage of this resolution--with the vote of every southern senator, forms a new era in the discussion of this question. we cannot join in the lamentations of those who bewail it. we hail it, and rejoice in it. it was as we would have had it--offered by a southern senator, advocated by southern senators, and on the ground that it "was no compromise"--that it embodied the true southern principle--that "this resolution stood on as high ground as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. preston)--"that mr. clay's resolution was as strong as mr. calhoun's"--(mr. rives)--that "the resolution he (mr. calhoun) now refused to support, was as strong as his own, and that in supporting it, there was no abandonment of principle by the south."--(mr. walker, of mi.)--further, that it was advocated by the southern senators generally as an expression of their views, and as setting the question of slavery in the district on its _true_ ground--that finally when the question was taken, every slaveholding senator, including mr. calhoun himself, voted for the resolution. by passing this resolution, and with such avowals, the south has surrendered irrevocably the whole question at issue between them and the petitioners for abolition in the district. it has, unwittingly but explicitly, conceded the main question argued in the preceding pages. the _only_ ground taken against the right of congress to abolish slavery in the district is, that it existed in maryland and virginia when the cession was made, and "_as it still continues in both of them_, it could not be abolished without a violation of that good faith which was implied in the cession." &c. the _sole argument_ is _not_ that exclusive _sovereignty_ has no power to abolish slavery within its jurisdiction, _nor_ that the powers of even _ordinary legislation_ cannot do it,--_nor_ that the clause granting congress "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district," gives no power to do it; but that the _unexpressed expectation_ of one of the parties that the other would not "in _all_ cases" _use_ the power which said party had consented _might be used_ "_in all cases_," _prohibits_ the use of it. the only cardinal point in the discussion, is here not only _yielded_, but formally laid down by the south as the leading article in their creed on the question of congressional jurisdiction over slavery in the district. the _sole reason_ given why congress should not abolish, and the sole evidence that if it did, such abolition would be a violation of "good faith," is that "_slavery still continues in those states_,"--thus explicitly admitting, that if slavery did _not_ "still continue" in those states, congress _could_ abolish it in the district. the same admission is made also in the _premises_, which state that slavery existed in those states _at the time of the cession_, &c. admitting that if it had _not_ existed there then, but had grown up in the district under _united states' laws_, congress might constitutionally abolish it. or that if the ceded parts of those states had been the _only_ parts in which slaves were held under their laws, congress might have abolished in such a contingency also. the cession in that case leaving no slaves in those states,--no "good faith," would be "implied" in it, nor any "violated," by an act of abolition. the principle of the resolution makes this further admission, that if maryland and virginia should at once abolish their slavery, congress might at once abolish it in the district. the principle goes even further than this, and _requires_ congress in such case to abolish slavery in the district "by the _good faith implied_ in the cession and acceptance of the territory." since, according to the spirit and scope of the resolution, this "implied good faith" of maryland and virginia in making the cession, was that congress would do nothing within the district which should go to counteract the policy, or bring into disrepute the "institutions," or call in question the usages, or even in any way ruffle the prejudices of those states, or do what _they_ might think would unfavorably bear upon their interests; _themselves_ of course being the judges. but let us dissect another limb of the resolution. what is to be understood by "that good faith which was implied?" it is of course an admission that such a condition was not _expressed_ in the acts of cession--that in their _terms_ there is nothing restricting the power of congress on the subject of slavery in the district--not a word alluding to it, nor one inserted with such an _intent_. this "implied faith," then, rests on no clause or word in the united states' constitution, or in the acts of cession, or in the acts of congress accepting the cession, nor does it rest on any declarations of the legislatures of maryland and virginia made at the time, or in that generation, nor on any _act_ of theirs, nor on any declaration of the people of those states, nor on the testimony of the washingtons, jeffersons, madisons, chaces, martins, and jennifers, of those states and times. the assertion rests _on itself alone_! mr. clay and the other senators who voted for the resolution, _guess_ that maryland and virginia supposed that congress would by no means _use_ the power given them by the constitution, except in such ways as would be well pleasing in the eyes of those states; especially as one of them was the "ancient dominion!" and now after the lapse of half a century, this _assumed expectation_ of maryland and virginia, the existence of which is mere matter of conjecture with the senators, is conjured up and duly installed upon the judgment-seat of final appeal, before whose nod constitutions are to flee away, and with whom, solemn grants of power and explicit guaranties are, when weighed in the balance, altogether lighter than vanity! but let us survey it in another light. why did maryland and virginia leave so much to be "_implied_?" why did they not in some way express what lay so near their hearts? had their vocabulary run so low that a single word could not be eked out for the occasion? or were those states so bashful of a sudden that they dare not speak out and tell what they wanted? or did they take it for granted that congress would always act in the premises according to their wishes, and that too, without their _making known_ their wishes? if, as honorable senators tell us, maryland and virginia did verily travail with such abounding _faith_, why brought they forth no _works_? it is as true in _legislation_ as in religion, that the only _evidence_ of "faith" is _works_, and that "faith" _without_ works is _dead_, i.e. has no _power_. but here, forsooth, a blind implication with nothing _expressed_, an "implied" _faith_ without works, is _omnipotent_. mr. clay is lawyer enough to know that even a _senatorial hypothesis_ as to what must have been the _understanding_ of maryland and virginia about congressional exercise of constitutional power, _abrogates no grant_, and that to plead it in a court of law, would be of small service except to jostle "their honors'" gravity! he need not be told that the constitution gives congress "power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district." nor that the legislatures of maryland and virginia constructed their acts of cession with this clause _before their eyes_, and that both of them declared those acts made "in _pursuance_" of said clause. those states were aware that the united states in their constitution had left nothing to be "_implied_" as to the power of congress over the district;--an admonition quite sufficient one would think to put them on their guard, and induce them to eschew vague implications and resort to _stipulations_. full well did they know also that those were times when, in matters of high import, _nothing_ was left to be "implied." the colonies were then panting from a twenty years' conflict with the mother country, about bills of rights, charters, treaties, constitutions, grants, limitations, and _acts of cession_. the severities of a long and terrible discipline had taught them to guard at all points _legislative grants_, that their exact import and limit might be self-evident--leaving no scope for a blind "faith," that _somehow_ in the lottery of chances there would be no blanks, but making all sure by the use of explicit terms, and wisely chosen words, and _just enough_ of them. the constitution of the united states with its amendments, those of the individual states, the national treaties, the public documents of the general and state governments at that period, show the universal conviction of legislative bodies, that when great public interest were at stake, nothing should be left to be "implied." further: suppose maryland and virginia had expressed their "implied faith" in _words_, and embodied it in their acts of cession as a proviso, declaring that congress should not "exercise exclusive legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever over the district," but that the "case" of _slavery_ should be an exception: who does not know that congress, if it had accepted the cession on those terms, would have violated the constitution; and who that has ever studied the free mood of those times in its bearings on slavery--proofs of which are given in scores on the preceding pages--can for an instant believe that the people of the united states would have altered their constitution for the purpose of providing for slavery an inviolable sanctuary; that when driven in from its outposts, and everywhere retreating discomfited before the march of freedom, it might be received into everlasting habitations on the common homestead and hearth-stone of this free republic? besides, who can believe that virginia made such a condition, or cherished such a purpose, when at that very moment, washington, jefferson, wythe, patrick henry, st. george tucker, and almost all her illustrious men, were advocating the abolition of slavery by law. when washington had said, two years before, maryland and virginia "must have laws for the gradual abolition of slavery and at a period _not remote_;" and when jefferson in his letter to price, three years before the cession, had said, speaking of virginia, "this is the next state to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression--a conflict in which the sacred side is gaining daily recruits;" when voluntary emancipations on the soil were then progressing at the rate of between one and two thousand annually, (see judge tucker's "dissertation on slavery," p. ;) when the public sentiment of virginia had undergone, and was undergoing so mighty a revolution that the idea of the continuance of slavery as a permanent system could not be _tolerated_, though she then contained about half the slaves in the union. was this the time to stipulated for the _perpetuity_ of slavery under the exclusive legislation of congress? and that too at the _same_ session of congress when _every one_ of her delegation voted for the abolition of slavery in the north west territory; a territory which she had herself ceded to congress, and along with it had surrendered her jurisdiction over many of her citizens, inhabitants of that territory, who held slaves there--and whose slaves were emancipated by that act of congress, in which all her delegation with one accord participated? now in view of the universal belief then prevalent, that slavery in this country was doomed to short life, and especially that in maryland and virginia it would be _speedily_ abolished--are we to be told that those states _designed_ to bind congress _never_ to terminate it? are we to adopt the monstrous conclusion that this was the intent of the ancient dominion--thus to _bind_ the united states by an "implied faith," and that when the united states _accepted_ the cession, she did solemnly thus plight her troth, and that virginia did then so _understand_ it? verily one would think that honorable senators supposed themselves deputed to do our _thinking_ as well as our legislation, or rather, that they themselves were absolved from such drudgery by virtue of their office! another absurdity of this dogma about "implied faith" is, that where there was no power to exact an _express_ pledge, there was none to demand an _implied_ one, and where there was no power to _give_ the one, there was none to give the _other_. we have shown already that congress could not have accepted the cession with such a condition. to have signed away a part of its constitutional grant of power would have been a _breach_ of the constitution. further, the congress which accepted the cession was competent to pass a resolution pledging itself not to _use all_ the power over the district committed to it by the constitution. but here its power ended. its resolution would only bind _itself_. could it bind the _next_ congress by its authority? could the members of one congress say to the members of another, because we do not choose to exercise all the authority vested in us by the constitution, therefore you _shall_ not? this would have been a prohibition to do what the constitution gives power to do. each successive congress would still have gone to the constitution for its power, brushing away in its course the cobwebs stretched across its path by the officiousness of an impertinent predecessor. again, the legislatures of virginia and maryland, had no power to bind congress, either by an express or an implied pledge, never to abolish slavery in the district. those legislatures had no power to bind _themselves_ never to abolish slavery within their own territories--the ceded parts included. where then would they get power to bind _another_ not to do what they had no power to bind themselves not to do? if a legislature could not in this respect control the successive legislatures of its own state, could it control the successive congresses of the united states? but perhaps we shall be told, that the "implied faith" in the acts of cession of maryland and virginia was _not_ that congress should _never_ abolish slavery in the district, but that it should not do it until _they_ had done it within their bounds! verily this "faith" comes little short of the faith of miracles! "a good rule that works both ways." first, maryland and virginia have "good faith" that congress will _not_ abolish until _they_ do; and then just as "good faith" that congress _will_ abolish _when_ they do! excellently accommodated! did those states suppose that congress would legislate over the national domain, the common jurisdiction of _all_, for maryland and virginia alone? and who, did they suppose, would be judges in the matter?--themselves merely? or the whole union? this "good faith implied in the cession" is no longer of doubtful interpretation. the principle at the bottom of it, when fairly stated, is this:--that the government of the united states are bound in "good faith" to do in the district of columbia, without demurring, just what and when, maryland and virginia do in their own states. in short, that the general government is eased of all the burdens of legislation within its exclusive jurisdiction, save that of hiring a scrivener to copy off the acts of the maryland and virginia legislatures as fast as they are passed, and engross them, under the title of "laws of the united states, for the district of columbia!" a slight additional expense would also be incurred in keeping up an express between the capitols of those states and washington city, bringing congress from time to time its "_instructions_" from head quarters--instructions not to be disregarded without a violation of that "good faith implied in the cession," &c. this sets in strong light the advantages of "our glorious union," if the doctrine of mr. clay and the thirty-six senators be orthodox. the people of the united states have been permitted to set up at their own expense, and on their own territory, two great _sounding boards_ called "senate chamber" and "representatives' hall," for the purpose of sending abroad "by authority" _national_ echoes of _state_ legislation!--permitted also to keep in their pay a corps of pliant _national_ musicians, with peremptory instructions to sound on any line of the staff according as virginia and maryland may give the _sovereign_ key note! though this may have the seeming of mere raillery, yet an analysis of the resolution and of the discussions upon it, will convince every fair mind that it is but the legitimate carrying out of the _principle_ pervading both. they proceed virtually upon the hypothesis that the will and pleasure of virginia and maryland are _paramount_ to those of the _union_. if the main design of setting apart a federal district had been originally the accommodation of maryland, virginia, and the south, with the united states as an _agent_ to consummate the object, there could hardly have been higher assumption or louder vaunting. the sole object of _having_ such a district was in effect totally perverted in the resolution of mr. clay, and in the discussions of the entire southern delegation, upon its passage. instead of taking the ground, that the benefit of the whole union was the sole _object_ of a federal district, that it was designed to guard and promote the interests of _all_ the states, and that it was to be legislated over _for this end_--the resolution proceeds upon an hypothesis _totally the reverse_. it takes a single point of _state_ policy, and exalts it above national interests, utterly overshadowing them; abrogating national _rights_; making void a clause of the constitution; humbling the general government into a subject--crouching for favors to a superior, and that too _on its own exclusive jurisdiction_. all the attributes of sovereignty vested in congress by the constitution it impales upon the point of an alleged _implication_. and this is mr. clay's peace-offering, to appease the lust of power and the ravenings of state encroachment! a "compromise," forsooth! that sinks the general government on _its own territory_ into a mere colony, with virginia and maryland for its "mother country!" it is refreshing to turn from these shallow, distorted constructions and servile cringings, to the high bearing of other southern men in other times; men, who in their character of legislators and lawyers, disdained to accommodate their interpretations of constitutions and charters to geographical lines, or to bend them to the purposes of a political canvass. in the celebrated case of cohens vs. the state of virginia, hon. william pinkney, late of baltimore, and hon. walter jones, of washington city, with other eminent constitutional lawyers, prepared an elaborate written opinion, from which the following is an extract: "nor is there any danger to be apprehended from allowing to congressional legislation with regard to the district of columbia, its fullest effect. congress is responsible to the states, and to the people for that legislation. it is in truth the legislation of the states over a district placed under their control for _their own benefit_, not for that of the district, except as the prosperity of the district is involved, and necessary to the _general advantage_."--[life of pinkney, p. .] the profound legal opinion, from which this is an extract, was elaborated at great length many years since, by a number of the most distinguished lawyers in the united states, whose signatures are appended to it. it is specific and to the point. it asserts, st, that congressional legislation over the district, is "the legislation of the _states_ and the _people_," (not of _two_ states, and a mere _fraction_ of the people;) d. "over a district placed under _their_ control," i.e. under the control of the _whole_ of the states, not under the control of _two twenty-sixths_ of them. d. that it was thus put under their control "_for their own benefit_," the benefit of all the states _equally_; not to secure special benefits to maryland and virginia, (or what it might be _conjectured_ they would regard as benefits.) th. it concludes by asserting that the design of this exclusive control of congress over the district was "not for the benefit of the _district_," except as that is _connected_ with, and _a means of promoting_ the _general_ advantage. if this is the case with the _district_, which is _directly_ concerned, it is pre-eminently so with maryland and virginia, who are but _indirectly_ interested, and would be but remotely affected by it. the argument of mr. madison in the congress of ' , an extract from which has been given on a preceding page, lays down the same principle; that though any matter "_may be a local affair, yet if it involves national expense or safety, it becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government_." cong. reg. vol. . p. , . but these are only the initiatory absurdities of this "good faith _implied_." the thirty-six senators aptly illustrate the principle, that error not only conflicts with truth, but is generally at issue with itself. for if it would be a violation of "good faith" to maryland and virginia, for congress to abolish slavery in the district, it would be _equally_ a violation for congress to do it _with the consent_, or even at the earnest and unanimous petition of the people of the district: yet for years it has been the southern doctrine, that if the people of the district demand of congress relief in this respect, it has power, as their local legislature, to grant it, and by abolishing slavery there, carry out the will of the citizens. but now new light has broken in! the optics of the thirty-six have pierced the millstone with a deeper insight, and discoveries thicken faster than they can be telegraphed! congress has no power, o no, not a modicum, to help the slaveholders of the district, however loudly they may clamor for it. the southern doctrine, that congress is to the district a mere local legislature to do its pleasure, is tumbled from the genitive into the vocative! hard fate--and that too at the hands of those who begat it! the reasonings of messrs. pinckney, wise, and leigh, are now found to be wholly at fault, and the chanticleer rhetoric of messrs. glascock and garland stalks featherless and crest-fallen. for, mr. clay's resolution sweeps by the board all those stereotyped common-places, as "congress a local legislature," "consent of the district," "bound to consult the wishes of the district," &c. &c., which for the last two sessions of congress have served to eke out scanty supplies. it declares, that _as slavery existed in maryland and virginia at the time of the cession, and as it still continues in both those states, it could not be abolished in the district without a violation of 'that good faith_,' &c. but let us see where this principle of the _thirty-six_ will lead us. if "implied faith" to maryland and virginia _restrains_ congress from the abolition of slavery in the district, it _requires_ congress to do in the district what those states have done within their bounds, i.e., restrain _others_ from abolishing it. upon the same principle congress is _bound_, by the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution, to _prohibit emancipation_ within the district. there is no _stopping place_ for this plighted "faith." congress must not only refrain from laying violent hands on slavery, _itself_, and see to it that the slaveholders themselves do not, but it is bound to keep the system up to the maryland and virginia standard of vigor! again, if the good faith of congress to virginia and maryland requires that slavery should exist in the district, while it exists in those states, it requires that it should exist there _as_ it exists in those states. if to abolish _every_ form of slavery in the district would violate good faith, to abolish _the_ form existing in those states, and to substitute a totally different one, would also violate it. the congressional "good faith" is to be kept not only with _slavery_, but with the _maryland and virginia systems_ of slavery. the faith of those states not being in the preservation of _a_ system, but of _their_ system; otherwise congress, instead of _sustaining_, would counteract their policy--principles would be brought into action there conflicting with their system, and thus the true spirit of the "implied" pledge would be violated. on this principle, so long as slaves are "chattels personal" in virginia and maryland, congress could not make them _real estate_, inseparable from the soil, as in louisiana; nor could it permit slaves to read, nor to worship god according to conscience; nor could it grant them trial by jury, nor legalize marriage; nor require the master to give sufficient food and clothing; nor prohibit the violent sundering of families--because such provisions would conflict with the existing slave laws of virginia and maryland, and thus violate the "good faith implied," &c. so the principle of the resolution binds congress in all these particulars: st. not to abolish slavery in the district _until_ virginia and maryland abolish. d. not to abolish any _part_ of it that exists in those states. d. not to abolish any _form_ or _appendage_ of it still existing in those states. th. _to abolish_ when they do. th. to increase or abate its rigors _when, how_, and _as_ the same are modified by those states. in a word, congressional action in the district is to float passively in the wake of legislative action on the subject in those states. but here comes a dilemma. suppose the legislation of those states should steer different courses--then there would be _two_ wakes! can congress float in both? yea, verily! nothing is too hard for it! its obsequiousness equals its "power of legislation in _all_ cases whatsoever." it can float _up_ on the virginia tide, and ebb down on the maryland at the same time. what maryland does, congress will do in the maryland part. what virginia does, congress will do in the virginia part. though congress might not always be able to run at the bidding of both _at once_, especially in different directions, yet if it obeyed orders cheerfully, and "kept in its place," according to its "good faith implied," impossibilities might not be rigidly exacted. true, we have the highest sanction for the maxim that no _man_ can serve two masters--but if "corporations have _no_ souls," analogy would absolve congress on that score, or at most give it only _a very small soul_--not large enough to be at all in the way, as an _exception_ to the universal rule laid down in the maxim! in following out the absurdities of this "_implied_ good faith," it will be seen at once that the doctrine of mr. clay's resolution extends to _all the subjects_ of _legislation_ existing in maryland and virginia, which exist also within the district. every system, "institution," law, and established usage there, is placed beyond congressional control equally with slavery, and by the same "implied faith." the abolition of the lottery system in the district as an _immorality_, was a flagrant breach of this "good faith" to maryland and virginia, as the system "still continued in those states." so to abolish imprisonment for debt, and capital punishment, to remodel the bank system, the power of corporations, the militia law, laws of limitation, &c., in the district, _unless virginia and maryland took the lead_, would violate the "good faith implied in the cession," &c. that in the acts of cession no such "good faith" was "implied by virginia and maryland" as is claimed in the resolution, we argue from the fact, that in virginia ceded to the united states all her northwest territory, with the special proviso that her citizens inhabiting that territory should "have their _possessions_ and _titles_ confirmed to them, and be _protected_ in the enjoyment of their _rights_ and liberties." (see journals of congress, vol. , p. .) the cession was made in the form of a deed, and signed by thomas jefferson, samuel hardy, arthur lee, and james monroe. many of these inhabitants _held slaves_. three years after the cession, the virginia delegation in congress _proposed_ the passage of an ordinance which should abolish slavery, in that territory, and declare that it should never thereafter exist there. all the members of congress from virginia and maryland voted for this ordinance. suppose some member of congress had during the passage of the ordinance introduced the following resolution: "resolved, that when the northwest territory was ceded by virginia to the united states, domestic slavery existed in that state, including the ceded territory, and as it still continues in that state, it could not be abolished within the territory without a violation of that good faith, which was implied in the cession and in the acceptance of the territory." what would have been the indignant response of grayson, griffin, madison, and the lees, in the congress of ' , to such a resolution, and of carrington, chairman of the committee, who reported the ratification of the ordinance in the congress of ' , and of page and parker, who with every other member of the virginia delegation supported it! but to enumerate all the absurdities into which the thirty-six senators have plunged themselves, would be to make a quarto inventory. we decline the task; and in conclusion, merely add that mr. clay, in presenting this resolution, and each of the thirty-six senators who voted for it, entered on the records of the senate, and proclaimed to the world, a most unworthy accusation against the millions of american citizens who have during nearly half a century petitioned the national legislature to abolish slavery in the district of columbia,--charging them either with the ignorance or the impiety of praying the nation to violate its "plighted faith." the resolution virtually indicts at the bar of public opinion, and brands with odium, all the manumission societies, the _first_ petitioners for the abolition of slavery in the district, and for a long time the only ones, petitioning from year to year through evil report and good report, still petitioning, by individual societies and in their national conventions. but as if it were not enough to table the charge against such men as benjamin rush, william rawle, john sergeant, robert vaux, cadwallader colden, and peter a. jay,--to whom we may add rufus king, james hillhouse, william pinkney, thomas addis emmett, daniel d. tompkins, de witt clinton, james kent, and daniel webster, besides eleven hundred citizens of the district itself, headed by their chief justice and judges--even the sovereign states of pennsylvania, new-york, massachusetts, and vermont, whose legislatures have either memorialized congress to abolish slavery in the district, or instructed their senators to move such a measure, must be gravely informed by messrs. clay, norvell, niles, smith, pierce, benton, black, tipton, and other honorable senators, either that their perception is so dull, they know not what of they affirm, or that their moral sense is so blunted they can demand without compunction a violation of the nation's faith! we have spoken already of the concessions unwittingly made in this resolution to the true doctrine of congressional power over the district. for that concession, important as it is, we have small thanks to render. that such a resolution, passed with such an _intent_, and pressing at a thousand points on relations and interests vital to the free states, should be hailed, as it has been, by a portion of the northern press as a "compromise" originating in deference to northern interests, and to be received by us as a free-will offering of disinterested benevolence, demanding our gratitude to the mover,--may well cover us with shame. we deserve the humiliation and have well earned the mockery. let it come! if, after having been set up at auction in the public sales-room of the nation, and for thirty years, and by each of a score of "compromises," treacherously knocked off to the lowest bidder, and that without money and without price, the north, plundered and betrayed, _will not_, in this her accepted time, consider the things that belong to her peace before they are hidden from her eyes, then let her eat of the fruit of her own way, and be filled with her own devices! let the shorn and blinded giant grind in the prison-house of the philistines, till taught the folly of intrusting to delilahs the secret and the custody of his strength. have the free states bound themselves by an oath never to profit by the lessons of experience? if lost to _reason_, are they dead to _instinct_ also? can nothing rouse them to cast about for self preservation? and shall a life of tame surrenders be terminated by suicidal sacrifice? a "compromise!" bitter irony! is the plucked and hood-winked north to be wheedled by the sorcery of another missouri compromise? a compromise in which the south gained all, and the north lost all, and lost it for ever. a compromise which embargoed the free laborer of the north and west, and clutched at the staff he leaned upon, to turn it into a bludgeon and fell him with its stroke. a compromise which wrested from liberty her boundless birthright domain, stretching westward to the sunset, while it gave to slavery loose reins and a free course, from the mississippi to the pacific. the resolution, as it finally passed, is here inserted. the original resolution, as moved by mr. clay, was inserted at the head of this postscript with the impression that it was the _amended_ form. it will be seen however, that it underwent no material modification. "resolved, that the interference by the citizens of any of the states, with the view to the abolition of slavery in the district, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the district; and that any act or measure of congress designed to abolish slavery in the district, would be a violation of the faith implied in the cessions by the states of virginia and maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding states, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and endanger the union." the vote upon the resolution stood as follows: _yeas_.--messrs. allen, bayard, benton, black, buchanan, brown, calhoun, clay, of alabama, clay, of kentucky, clayton, crittenden, cuthbert, fulton, grundy, hubbard, king, lumpkin, lyon, nicholas, niles, norvell, pierce, preston, rives, roane, robinson, sevier, smith, of connecticut, strange, tallmadge, tipton, walker, white, williams, wright, young. _nays_.--messrs. davis, knight, mckean, morris, prentiss, ruggles, smith, of indiana, swift, webster.